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English Pages 169 [183] Year 2014
ADVERTISING: MEDIA, MARKETING AND CONSUMER DEMANDS
ADVERTISING TYPES OF METHODS, PERCEPTIONS AND IMPACT ON CONSUMER BEHAVIOR
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ADVERTISING: MEDIA, MARKETING AND CONSUMER DEMANDS
ADVERTISING TYPES OF METHODS, PERCEPTIONS AND IMPACT ON CONSUMER BEHAVIOR
LUCAS BARREAU EDITOR
New York
Copyright © 2014 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means: electronic, electrostatic, magnetic, tape, mechanical photocopying, recording or otherwise without the written permission of the Publisher. For permission to use material from this book please contact us: Telephone 631-231-7269; Fax 631-231-8175 Web Site: http://www.novapublishers.com
NOTICE TO THE READER The Publisher has taken reasonable care in the preparation of this book, but makes no expressed or implied warranty of any kind and assumes no responsibility for any errors or omissions. No liability is assumed for incidental or consequential damages in connection with or arising out of information contained in this book. The Publisher shall not be liable for any special, consequential, or exemplary damages resulting, in whole or in part, from the readers‘ use of, or reliance upon, this material. Any parts of this book based on government reports are so indicated and copyright is claimed for those parts to the extent applicable to compilations of such works. Independent verification should be sought for any data, advice or recommendations contained in this book. In addition, no responsibility is assumed by the publisher for any injury and/or damage to persons or property arising from any methods, products, instructions, ideas or otherwise contained in this publication. This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information with regard to the subject matter covered herein. It is sold with the clear understanding that the Publisher is not engaged in rendering legal or any other professional services. If legal or any other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent person should be sought. FROM A DECLARATION OF PARTICIPANTS JOINTLY ADOPTED BY A COMMITTEE OF THE AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION AND A COMMITTEE OF PUBLISHERS. Additional color graphics may be available in the e-book version of this book. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Advertising : types of methods, perceptions and impact on consumer behavior / editors, Lucas Barreau. pages cm Includes index.
ISBN: (eBook)
1. Advertising. 2. Consumer behavior. I. Barreau, Lucas. HF5823.A452 2014 659.1--dc23 2013043488
Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. † New York
CONTENTS Preface Chapter 1
Chapter 2
Chapter 3
Chapter 4
Chapter 5
vii The Use of Tourism Distribution Channels for Advertising a Religious ‗Imagined Community‘: The Case of Branding a Prefecture at a Regional Level, Arcadia, Greece Androniki Kavoura and Vicky Katsoni Investing in Culture and Intercultural Relations for Advertising and Sustainable Development of the Contemporary European City within the Framework of International City Branding and Marketing: The Case Study of the Intercultural Festival of Trieste, Italy Androniki Kavoura and Evgenia Bitsani
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Explaining the Effectiveness of Appeals to Uniqueness: A Social Psychological Perspective Vincenzo Iacoviello and Fabio Lorenzi-Cioldi
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Discursive Analytical Methods for Examining Customers‘ Online Talk Matthew Hall and John Neugebauer
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How Cultural Characteristics Moderate Consumer Responses to Positive and Negative Feeling Advertisements Sarah De Meulenaer, Nathalie Dens and Patrick De Pelsmacker
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vi Chapter 6
Index
Contents My Dear Brands, When You Transgress, Should I Forgive You? Relationship Types between Consumers and Brands Fang Wan, Amitava Chattopadhyay and Peyman Assadi
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PREFACE In this book, the authors present current research in the study of advertising methods and perceptions and their impact on consumer behavior. Topics discussed include the use of tourism distribution channels for advertising a religious "imagined community" in Arcadia, Greece; investing in culture and intercultural relations for advertising and sustainable development of the contemporary European city with the framework of international city branding; a social psychological perspective of marketing strategies appealing to the consumers' uniqueness; social media advertising and its important role in representing and influencing consumer choices; cultural characteristics and how they moderate consumer response to positive and negative feeling advertisements; and consumers and brand loyalty. Chapter 1 – Place marketing is associated with tangible and intangible characteristics; religious buildings are part of the tangible elements of a place, while religion can be part of its intangible elements. Advertising those elements as part of the destination branding of a region, may be used either for national reasons in order to connect and bring people who share similar ideas together, but also for socio-economic reasons, as part of the promotion of the distinctive and unique elements of the tourism destination through the use of tourism distribution channels. The question raised is how the element of religion may be a driving force in order to attract potential tourists and also how a detailed analysis of the tourist information search behavior has as a result an efficient communication and advertising of these messages. Drawing from Anderson‘s imagined community theory, who asserts that even if people have never met, they feel they belong to the same community, sharing similar traditions and customs, we argue for the significance of a ‗religious imagined community‘ for a religious related heritage tourism promotion of a region by
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the public authorities. This is a theoretical contribution on how advertising the distinctive elements of a destination associated with the cultural and national identity of the place, such as religion, is treated from the state regional authorities. Taking the prefecture of Arcadia, Greece as a case study, the research employed both qualitative and quantitative research methodology for the triangulation of the results. We analyze the advertising religious tourism materials from the official state at the state regional level in charge of marketing the region, employing interpretative phenomenological methodological approach for the printed and electronic advertising material for Greek and English speaking visitors, for a well-defined period of 6 years. Results are then associated with the way tourists perceive such promotion with the use of a field survey research based on 775 valid questionnaires. Projected identity from the prefecture at a state regional level incorporates religion as a typical part of Greek culture, validating results of previous studies that have taken place at a national level in Greece and illustrating the dependence of the regional state in symbolism. The researchers conclude that these distinctive elements employed for branding of the region are treated as if state regional authorities are part of the imagined community, irrespective of the fact that they need to implement advertising campaigns in a more neutral way; in addition, the way the tourists in the region perceive such communication is presented, following a consumer-behavior approach. The ‗religious imagined community‘, as conceived from the tourist consumer perspective, may well attract tourists who are bonded with Orthodoxy and they have cultural familiarity with the destination. This latter will also elevate the brand identity of Greece as a point of reference of Orthodox Christianity. Tourism advertising campaigns may incorporate in their target group, people who can be associated with such religious imagined community from other countries by advertising an imagined community. This imagined community should encompass an interdependent world via the advertising of the region and the use of information and communication technologies. For the successful implementation of the advertising program of the region, there is necessity for a more holistic approach towards advertising which will take into consideration, tourist information search behavior and tourists‘ active role in getting it. Chapter 2 – Place branding, the promotion and advertising of cities is rapidly developing nowadays. Economic globalization has brought significant changes in the city of the 21st century, arguing for a different model of development and sustainability which is based on the city‘s cultural development via the promotion of its brand. This latter, takes place with the
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emphasis put on those elements considered to be significant from the point of view of those agents involved -private and public- in order to satisfy their intended aims via the city‘s advertising and promotion. Cities are firstly defined as alternative position settings of global capital which results in a competition of one with the other. City branding is associated with the city‘s unique identity by differentiating it from its competitors -cities all over the world that compete to attract tourists. Their sustainability mainly depends on their economic activity on the tertiary or service sector -within this horizon, contemporary cities aim to raise their attractiveness; such attractiveness, is mainly based on economic factors but also territorial ones and is associated with the capital market, for example, the tourist capital market -with the influx of tourists and the increase of visitors‘ numbers- or the economic one -with the location of enterprises and multinational branches. The social structure of cities incorporates contemporary citizens as potential consumers who move between urban centers which strive to attract them with the form of new cultural industries, consumer goods, services and entertainment. At the same time, there is a continuous big immigration flow in Europe, contributing to the expansion of cultural and national host countries. Special attention is given to the preservation of cultural heritage while retaining the city‘s intercultural contemporary identity via processes of social cohesion. Residents come from different countries and cultures due to globalization in the work market but also tourists should intermingle in the social life of the city. The success of the city is to effectively manage its brand identity and its image in the interdependent world we live. The role of residents in the formation and communication of place brands and their involvement in the place branding process needs to be taken into consideration. The city is no longer managed in the traditional way oriented in local problem solving issues for the improvement of the quality of residents‘ life. Local and regional authorities function under entrepreneural standards where the ‗product‘ city, should sell in order to be sustainable; at the same time, it should preserve its internal social cohesion and its identity bringing visitors, residents, stakeholders together (in other words, all its people) via collective memory and social intercultural dialogue. Then, the brand of the city, gets a tremendous meaning and power, playing the role of the active advertiser at the national and international level. Therefore, the aim of city marketing is the city's image, which in turn is the starting point for developing the city's brand. This latter, nowadays, consists of two basic constituent elements: the reinforcement of its identity incorporating the multinational community and its infrastructure with new and contemporary quality spatial forms and activities. Culture is the common denominator for
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these two elements and that is why we speak for cultural identity. Culture has been associated with urban tourism, specialized event management, spectacular works of art and tourism marketing experiences, having a role to play in city branding but also to the social cohesion and change of behavior that globalization has brought forth. The present chapter deals with issues related with the components of city branding and intercultural identity of the city and its intercultural image in the framework of culture as a tool of urban revitalization, advertising and development but also as a mechanism of social cohesion of societies in contemporary postmodern European cities. To the reinforcement of our theoretical arguments, we present the intercultural annual Festival of Trieste, Italy as a dynamic element of the city‘s identity, brand image and its advertising, contributing in that way, to one of the best practices at the European level. Chapter 3 – Marketing strategies frequently appeal to the individuals‘ tendencies to search for uniqueness, which is most often considered to derive from a universal human motive. However, socio-structural factors moderate this tendency. The present chapter discusses two such moderators: culture and social status. First, we provide evidence that in western societies, values and norms typically emphasize individualism and personal distinctiveness, whereas in non-western societies, values and norms encourage collectivism and solidarity. We further show that advertising campaigns in different societies match the appropriate societies‘ values. Second, a group‘s social status also shapes the uniqueness motive. Drawing on research on social class and gender, we contend that membership in a high-status group fosters independent self-construals, whereas membership in a low-status group fosters interdependent self-construals. Hence, marketing strategies appealing to the consumers‘ uniqueness motive are more effective for members of high-status groups than for their lower-status counterparts. In the last section of this chapter, we report evidence from an ongoing research programme showing that the social status moderation of the uniqueness motive is not only observed in naturalistic settings, but also in experimental settings. Our findings provide important insights into the underlying mechanism of the social status moderation. Overall, the evidence presented in this chapter suggests that advertising practices that appeal to the consumers‘ uniqueness motive should mainly be targeted to people living in western societies, and to members of high-status groups. Chapter 4 – The growth and popularity of the numerous Internet computer-mediated communication channels has opened up new and exciting avenues for advertising. Social media advertising on social networks, product
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and service review pages, YouTube videos and Internet forums are some of the most effective forms of marketing. However, although comments and posts on social media sites can promote a company and direct traffic to its website, impacting on revenues and its customer base, an additional benefit is that these electronic texts provide an opportunity to examine social norms and their effects on consumer choice. Since online testimonials and reviews are a relatively new form of wordof-mouth (or word-of-mouse) advertising, this chapter specifically focuses on men‘s ‗electronic talk‘ on self-presentation products. We advertise the benefits of examining the texts with discursive psychology and membership categorization analysis. In doing so, the identification of consumers‘ discursive methods provide marketers and advertisers with new opportunities to re-examine traditional concerns: advertising and gender, social interaction and social discourse (Johnson, 2008). Chapter 5 – We investigate the influence of individual differences in cultural background on consumer responses (ad-evoked empathy) to positive and negative feeling advertisements. In the present chapter, culture is identified through four dimensions from the Hofstede (2001) framework: power distance, uncertainty avoidance, individualism and masculinity. A 2 (type of feeling advertisement: positive vs. negative feeling) x 2 (cultural dimension: low vs. high) experimental study was carried out in Belgium (n = 209) and Australia (n = 71). The countries were chosen to represent a variation in cultural characteristics. Cultural dimensions were measured at the individual level and then median split for use in the analyses. The results show that individual cultural characteristics moderate the effect of positive and negative feelings on ad-evoked empathy. Both high and low uncertainty avoidant, highly collectivistic, high and low power distant and feminine individuals feel more empathy for a negative feeling ad than for a positive feeling ad. Masculine people and individualists respond similarly to both ads. These results can be used to better adapt feeling advertisement strategy to cultural characteristics of target groups. Negative emotional appeal will appeal more to collectivist and feminine market segments, while the emotional appeal does not matter for individualist and masculine market segments. Implications, limitations and suggestions for further research are discussed. Chapter 6 – The book chapter reviews the stages that branding research has gone through—transaction exchange model, relationship partner model and marriage model—and discusses the implication of the nature of the
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relationship model a consumer has with the brand on how brand transgressions may affect the consumer. The transaction exchange model views that brand/products are the means of transaction between consumers and sellers (company) and brands/products fulfill the expected utility of consumers. Departing from the transaction exchange model, the relationship partner model takes a long-term focus between brands and consumers and emphasizes how consumer‘s needs are fulfilled by brands, which partly explains consumer loyalty toward brands in terms of emotions and repeated purchases. In the marriage model, brands are conceptualized as intimate relationship partners like spouses. We argue the latter is a particularly useful perspective as it helps us to understand the contingencies under which a consumer-brand relationship can break down as well as how to recover from a transgression on the part of the brand.
In: Advertising Editor: Lucas Barreau
ISBN: 978-1-62948-612-3 © 2014 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 1
THE USE OF TOURISM DISTRIBUTION CHANNELS FOR ADVERTISING A RELIGIOUS ‘IMAGINED COMMUNITY’: THE CASE OF BRANDING A PREFECTURE AT A REGIONAL LEVEL, ARCADIA, GREECE Androniki Kavoura1 and Vicky Katsoni2 1
Department of Marketing, Technological Educational Institute of Athens, Greece 2 Department of Tourism Enterprises, Technological Educational Institute of Athens, Greece
ABSTRACT Place marketing is associated with tangible and intangible characteristics; religious buildings are part of the tangible elements of a place, while religion can be part of its intangible elements. Advertising those elements as part of the destination branding of a region, may be used either for national reasons in order to connect and bring people who share similar ideas together, but also for socio-economic reasons, as part of the promotion of the distinctive and unique elements of the tourism destination through the use of tourism distribution channels. The question raised is how the element of religion may be a driving force in order to attract potential tourists and also how a detailed analysis of the tourist information search behavior has as a result an efficient communication
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Androniki Kavoura and Vicky Katsoni and advertising of these messages. Drawing from Anderson‘s imagined community theory, who asserts that even if people have never met, they feel they belong to the same community, sharing similar traditions and customs, we argue for the significance of a ‗religious imagined community‘ for a religious related heritage tourism promotion of a region by the public authorities. This is a theoretical contribution on how advertising the distinctive elements of a destination associated with the cultural and national identity of the place, such as religion, is treated from the state regional authorities. Taking the prefecture of Arcadia, Greece as a case study, the research employed both qualitative and quantitative research methodology for the triangulation of the results. We analyze the advertising religious tourism materials from the official state at the state regional level in charge of marketing the region, employing interpretative phenomenological methodological approach for the printed and electronic advertising material for Greek and English speaking visitors, for a welldefined period of 6 years. Results are then associated with the way tourists perceive such promotion with the use of a field survey research based on 775 valid questionnaires. Projected identity from the prefecture at a state regional level incorporates religion as a typical part of Greek culture, validating results of previous studies that have taken place at a national level in Greece and illustrating the dependence of the regional state in symbolism. The researchers conclude that these distinctive elements employed for branding of the region are treated as if state regional authorities are part of the imagined community, irrespective of the fact that they need to implement advertising campaigns in a more neutral way; in addition, the way the tourists in the region perceive such communication is presented, following a consumer-behavior approach. The ‗religious imagined community‘, as conceived from the tourist consumer perspective, may well attract tourists who are bonded with Orthodoxy and they have cultural familiarity with the destination. This latter will also elevate the brand identity of Greece as a point of reference of Orthodox Christianity. Tourism advertising campaigns may incorporate in their target group, people who can be associated with such religious imagined community from other countries by advertising an imagined community. This imagined community should encompass an interdependent world via the advertising of the region and the use of information and communication technologies. For the successful implementation of the advertising program of the region, there is necessity for a more holistic approach towards advertising which will take into consideration, tourist information search behavior and tourists‘ active role in getting it.
Keywords: Religious imagined community, advertising, tourist consumer behavior, tourism distribution channels, destination branding
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1. INTRODUCTION Place marketing is associated with tangible and intangible characteristics; religious buildings are part of the tangible elements of a place, while religion can be part of its intangible elements. Advertising those elements as part of the destination branding of a region, may be used either for national reasons in order to connect and bring people who share similar ideas together, but also for socio-economic reasons as part of the promotion of the distinctive and unique elements of the tourism destination (Kavoura, 2013; Kavaratzis & Ashworth, 2008). Rainisto (2003) argued for the critical success factors in place marketing utilized for place development and a clustering of like industries, a geopolitical physical space or a nation-state is incorporated among the definitions of the place (Kotler et al. in Rainisto, 2003: 11). ―The physical and material aspects of a destination, called tangibles, include …religious buildings, churches and especially monasteries…the intangible qualities of a destination include such things as …tradition, religion…‖ (Mitsche et al., 2013: 69). These religious sites and intangible qualities may be connected with the identity of a population and create a sense of place (Mitsche et al., 2013: 68-69). This sense of place is enhanced if the tourists have cultural familiarity with the destination while state regional communities can identify and relate to it (Mitsche et al., 2013: 69). Place attachment incorporates place identity dimensions of the self that define the individual‘s personal identity in relation to the physical environment- and place dependence -the provision of amenities which are essential for the desired actions (Kyle et al., 2004: 124) while centrality -how central is an activity, a setting in the individual‘s life; centrality refers to friends, or others and social interactions centred on the activity, a place or region with which a person may emotionally attach (Kyle et al., 2004: 125, 136). Therefore, the more familiarity, sense of closenessness or experiences the consumer has for a destination, the more attached he/she may be with it. Personal knowledge and experience as mentioned by Mitsche et al. (2013: 68-69) via cultural heritage -such as religious sites- may create images and imaginations in people‘s minds; these sites may then create a sense of place; this sense of place is enhanced if the tourists have cultural familiarity with the destination (Mitsche et al., 2013: 69). Countries, cities, regions promote their distinct characteristics in an attempt to define and differentiate themselves in the competition for attracting tourists and brand themselves; a nation's brand is what a nation's people want the world to understand about their nation and seeks to incorporate its most
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central, enduring and distinctive features (Scott et al., 2011). These promoted distinct features may be part of the national identity of a population. A historic territory, common myths and historical memories, a common, mass public culture, a common economy and common legal rights and duties are acknowledged as being parts of the national identity of a population (Smith, 1991: 8-15, Smith, 1996: 447; Gellner, 1983: 49, 125). Identity is defined in a distinct way for each population. Kirby (1993) referred to New Zealand where bio-system is presented as part of a unique national heritage and a strong indicator of the country‘s identity (Morgan et al., 2002). Heritage, related to natural or cultural aspects may be used to differentiate one country from another; it is the significance of this heritage that is acknowledged by New Zealanders themselves and other countries as the destination brand (Morgan et al., 2002) in the above mentioned example and brand represents the core values of a destination (Gilmore, 2002: 285). Branding aims to explore ways to add value to the basic product or service and thus, create brand preference and loyalty (Kavaratzis and Ashworth, 2008). ―Natonal identity can be related with branding if the perceived distinctive elements of a nation are promoted and embedded with special emphasis and symbolism‖ (Kavoura, 2013: 72). Based on Anderson‘s imagined community theory, who argued for the sense of belonging that may exist among people who have never met, though, they share common elements and feelings (Anderson, 1991), we aim to relate this distinct theoretical approach with the marketing and tourism consumer behavior discipline, as expressed by religious tourists information search behavior use of tourism distribution channels. Therefore, the researchers aim to examine the type and extent of the use of tourism distribution channels, provided by the regional state authorities in order to promote an imagined community associated with religion. Advertising via these channels can be a shaper of identities and mediator of meanings, particularly those related to nationality and cultural knowledge (O‘ Donohoe, 2011). Representations of Ireland for example from advertising practitioners continue to operate in the global context with a presentation of a specific identity and notions of nationality for it (O‘ Boyle, 2011). In such an effort, we make a theoretical contribution on how branding the distinctive elements of a destination associated with the cultural and national identity of the place, such as religion, is treated from the state regional authorities, the advertising channels employed to promote such distinct elements and the visitors‘ perception of such promotion.
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2. LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1. Imagined Community and Religion Anderson‘s theory of the imagined community (1991) is based on the distinct elements of a population which bring them together. Anderson‘s imagined community is the ―politically bounded community where a sense of coherence exists between its members who feel a sense of belonging to the same group even if they have never met‖ (Anderson, 1991: 6-7). Anderson has discussed the belief of a people in their distinctiveness with the terminology of the imagined community where a sense of coherence exists between its members who feel a sense of belonging to the same group (Anderson, 1991). It may create a sense of place which may reinforce an emotional link with a specific destination and its unique attributes which incorporate both tangible and intangible elements. Anderson (1991) refers to the role of the belief of people belonging to a community, a belief that reinforces a sense of security to them, brings the ‗transition from culture-religion to a culture-state‘ (Gellner, 1983: 72) and substitutes for the role of the ‗religious community and the dynastic realm‘ (Anderson, 1991: 12). Anderson‘s cultural point of departure (1991: 36) comes from the notion that the nation provides faith for the people, the faith that has been removed from the religious institutions. Traditionally, religiously motivated travel has coincided with pilgrimages undertaken for a number of religious orientated motives (Timothy & Boyd, 2006). Recently though, religion is being increasingly seen as a privatized and pluralized experience where participation in sacredness is the focus and the spiritual and the religious are separate (Lyon, 2000; Olsen & Timothy, 2006). Religious tourism has expanded into an integral part of regular tourism and includes a range of factors -political, geographical, economic, and social -that can impact the individual‘s location of the journey in the social space (Olsen & Timothy, 2006), as any aspect of social life can take on religious dimensions and people seek to enjoy their travel even if their main travel intention is spirituality (Kasim, 2011). Religious participation and the contents of individual belief have become a matter of personal choice (Lyon, 2000: 75-76) and participation in sacredness has become the focus to a new consumer identity. As Kamil (2000) argues, people who make their way to a religious tourism destination want not to view but to share a religious experience as ―what makes it come alive is participation; to mingle amidst those engaged in worship…..To be a witness to
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the faith, simplicity and unity of religion; this is what religious tourism should be about (Kamil, 2000: 4) Pilgrimage and tourism phenomena thus include intrapersonal, interpersonal, cultural and historical contingencies (CollinsKreiner, 2010: 451) and pilgrims and tourists are not easily separable. Keeping in mind that Anderson‘s point of view of the ‗imagined community‘ is distinct from tourism associations, nevertheless, we argue that this is an attempt to make such relation. Religions which are fortified by a strong tradition and script may lead to sentiments that provide the sense of community (Gellner, 1983: 72-73; Smith, 1999: 341) forming a basis for the national sentiments that inspired national and political activism. The role of faith, either in the form of religion or belief in the state, seems to be considered part of the sense of identity of a people. While Anderson (1991: 36) claimed that the uncertainties, that were created through the implementation of communications in print capitalism, caused a decline in the role of religion which gave place to the nation as an imagined community, (Balakrishnan in Kavoura, 2001: 70), Anderson manages to relate the national and the religious: ―society is by necessity both a social structure and an artefact of the imagination‖. If tourists want to share such religious experience because they feel part of it, attached to it, familiar to it, then, a ‗religious imagined community‘ may incorporate people as tourists and not necessarily only people who share nationalist ideas associated with religion. Nevertheless, the existence of myths related to religion is not without problems for nations. Myths of ethnic descent may have different points of departure, an issue that may create tensions between the groups who espouse one myth over another. Taking Greece as a typical example, it has been related to Christianity and religion and is considered to be part of its national identity. Byzantium and the Eastern Church is part of an existing ‗navel‘ for Greece as Gellner argues (Gellner, 1996: 369). The fall of Constantinople in 1453, signalled the demise of the Byzantine Empire. Under the Ottoman Empire, people were differentiated on the basis of religious faith rather than ethnic origin. On the one hand, the Church reinforced the Christian people‘s difference from their Muslim counterparts under the Church‘s ecumenical claims of communion and collectivity. On the other hand, debates were not lacking between the Church and the intellectuals, Greek people who lived and studied abroad and were adherents to the idea of the Enlightenment, basing the idea of the War of Independence on the ancient Hellas with a glorious past, ideas which were western oriented (Kokosalakis, 1987; Kitromilides, 1989; Georgiadou, 1995; Prodromou, 1996). The relation of Orthodoxy to nationality can be understood
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as a problem according to Kitromilides (1989: 178) despite the attempts which were made to present it as a signifier of Greek national identity. The Orthodox Church has been under state control since its declaration as a national Church which united the nation and the Church as ―integral parts of the same symbolic universe‖ (Kitromilides, 1989: 166). The emergence of Greek nationalism has embodied religion in the nationalist ideology combining the tradition of Hellenism and Byzantium and leading to a perceived unbroken continuity for the identity of Greece (Kavoura, 2001: 19). In that way, there was politicization of the Orthodox faith by the state (Georgiadou, 1995: 302). The Church gained a secular role which promoted the nationalist ideology and stressed the Byzantine tradition (Kitromilides, 1989). Thus, what initially was an obstacle for the creation of the Greek state, became a motive for forging national identity within the modern Greek state which incorporated different social and even different ethnic groups. The religion of the Eastern Orthodox Church is recognized as the official religion of the Greek state. People belong to the Greek Orthodox Church (97% to 98% of the population are Greek Orthodox) (Kokosalakis, 1987; Kitromilides, 1989; Kavoura, 2013: 71) and there are adherents of other faiths which are recognized by the current Constitution (Kourvetaris & Dobratz, 1987: 3; Georgiadou, 1995: 302) although the Orthodox Church is given preferential treatment which is reinforced by the special and administrative provisions of the Constitution (Georgiadou, 1995: 302, 312). All five postindependence Constitutions of Greece refer to the ‗established religion‘, the Greek Orthodox Church faith (Georgiadou, 1995; Kitromilides, 1989; Kokosalakis, 1987; Pollis, 1992; Xydis, 1969) which provides the Greek Orthodox Church with a role in religious issues and an advantageous role in relation to other faiths. Religion is a very delicate issue for one to raise or change in Greece and data regarding religious groups remains the same for the last 25 years and 97% of the citizens are considered to be Greek Orthodox since there is not data for religious groups (Kavoura, 2013: 71; Kokosalakis, 1987). The relationship of Greece and Byzantium up to the present day has not been denied. Religious symbolism influences secular aspects of Greek life, and, although national and religious identity have been separated in Greece, national identity may be defined by religious elements (Herzfeld, 1992; Pollis, 1992: 179; Georgiadou, 1995: 299) indicating the interdependence of the state and Church and still today the assumption that a Greek citizen has Orthodox faith which is reinforced at times of political instability at national or international level. National identity is defined by religious elements even in
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the 21st century (unwillingness of the Greek population to erase the religion status from their identity cards, unwillingness of the Greek state to build religious temples of other religions in the capital of Athens, which in 2013 still does not have an Islamic mosque to cater for the needs of other populations‘ faith (Kavoura, 2001; 2007; 2013). Thus, the issue that then is raised for Anderson‘s imagined community is related to the ways in which there is preservation of the imagining in a population (Schlesinger, 1991: 163; McCrone, 1998: 6) an issue that needs to be taken into consideration. Ideas of the imagining of belonging to a community are being worked and fed back to people, following Kavoura‘s research on the role of the state -key officials and people who decide the planning and implementation of strategic policies- in promoting the official narrative at the national level for Greece‘s World Heritage listed sites (Kavoura, 2001; 2007; 2013).
2.2. The Use of Tourism Distribution Channels in a Consumer Behavior Approach Framework Studies have recognized that travel decision making is complex, involving multiple decisions (Katsoni et al., 2013; Moutinho, 1987). Consumer behavior has attempted to explain the decision-making processes of consumers facing several alternatives or choices. VanRaaij (1986) posited that consumer research on tourism should be a cornerstone of marketing advertising strategy. In studying travel behavior, researchers should consider interactions or intersections of multiple goals and decisions, information search as an ongoing process, and differences in planned and actual behaviors. The process approach focuses on the process of information search rather than on the action itself. The researchers examined the type and extent of the use of tourism distribution channels which are in fact the communication and advertising means of the tourism destination. The information search behavior of the tourists is expressed through the use of tourism distribution channels. Buhalis (2000: 113) saw the functions of distribution in these terms: ―The primary distribution functions for tourism are information, combination and travel arrangement services. Most distribution channels therefore provide information for prospective tourists; bundle tourism products together; and also establish mechanisms that enable consumers to make, confirm and pay for reservations‖. Furthermore, information seeking is
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often coupled with a cultural (and therefore regionally different) background resulting in different patterns of behavior (Dawar, 1993; Frías, et al., 2012). A few researchers have suggested that travel-planning theories are more suitable to explain or predict complex travel behaviors compared to the single goal-oriented decision-making theories, because a planning process includes multiple decisions and interactions among decisions; a plan is a traveller‘s reasoned attempt to recognize and define goals, consider alternative actions that might achieve the goals, judge which actions are most likely to succeed, and act on the basis of those decisions (Katsoni et al., 2013; Pan & Fesenmaier, 2003). This definition of planning includes all information search behaviors, information uses or applications, purchase behaviors, actual trip behaviors and the learning from all these experiences. There is no clear answer to the question which type of channel should best be used, and it is important for tourism suppliers and destination marketing organizations to understand the product preferences, the prior experiences, perceived risks, travel package price thresholds, use of unique or novel destinations and market support needs of channel partners and their customers prior to forming their marketing strategy (Katsoni et al., 2013; Hsieh & O‘Leary, 1993; Haukeland, 1995). In tourism, the ability of destination organizations and businesses to select, to aggregate and to distribute information to the right consumer at the right time and in the right place is critical (Katsoni, 2011a). Destination marketing may gather information from word of mouth, mass media, travel agents, tour operators and personal experiences (Balakrishnan et al., 2011: 5). Tourists acquire knowledge from their own experiences, those of others and visual and sensory stimuli, all of which educate them about destination image; destination image is formed from communication inputs throughout one‘s lifetime and tourists retain messages that are relevant to them (Molina & Esteban, 2006: 1039). Generally, the closer the destination is to the consumer in physical, product awareness and experiential terms, the more direct the channel of distribution becomes. Frequently, however, strategic information concerning the product preferences of potential channel partners and their customers is not available (Murray, 1991). Understanding how customers acquire information is important for marketing management decisions. This is especially true for travel and tourism products, which are delivered away from home, often in unknown places, inducing functional, financial, physical, psychological and social risks (Lovelock & Wright, 1999; Teare, 1992; Srinivasan, 1990). Increased knowledge of the place associations and its meanings would be
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useful for marketers and people in charge of planning communication campaigns and tourism policies because they may know how to attract tourists (Yuksel et al., 2010: 274; Prayag & Ryan, 2012: 342) which can be attained through an effective communication advertising campaign and the use of ICTS. According to Warschauser (2004), ―what is most important about ICTs is not so much the availability of a computing device or the Internet line, but rather people‘s ability to make use of that device and line to engage in meaningful social practices‖. Awareness of the functionality of the Internet, as well as resources and expertise necessary to take advantage of this functionality may be lacking. The present Chapter provides a comprehensive overview of the behavior patterns of religious travellers in Arcadia, Greece as a case study and contributes to the study of information sourcing behavior in their travel decision process, through religious tourists‘ use of distribution channels; these channels provide the communication tools including the use of Internet (Minghetti & Buhalis, 2010) by the state regional authorities. It also provides a basis for channel members, in this case, the public sector, to assess their distribution strategies for an effective advertising campaign.
2.3. Application of the Imagined Community Theory in Religious Tourism from State Stakeholders The role of key people in charge may mobilize the presentation of specific brand elements and specific characteristics (Kuscer, 2013; Kavoura, 2001) as is the case for Greece (Kavoura, 2001: 132; Kavoura, 2013: 76); the promotion of Denmark (Ooi, 2004) or India (Kerrigan et al., 2012) to name but a few. Positive aspects of the place or destination are institutionalized, asserting the place‘s uniqueness which may put emphasis on the historical, cultural and social values of society (Kavoura, 2001; Ooi, 2004: 112). Destination stakeholders include public sector and governments, residents, tourism industry sector, destination management organization and other groups-such as the most important categories which may influence and determine the management and marketing (Goeldner & Ritchie in Konečnik, 2004). Applying the theory of the imagined community, although different to tourism, we may argue for the development of an emotional link with tourists which is important. Such studies regarding image formation process are rare in the literature (Saraniemi, 2011; Frías et al., 2012: 437). Which is then the role
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of the state at the regional level in regard to the advertising of the official promotional narrative? How does it present the distinct elements of the region as a constituent element of religious identity? How is the promotion of the distinctive elements of a destination, such as religion, is treated from the state regional authorities of the public sector and their role in promoting national identity taking Greece as a case study for the printed and electronic advertising material aimed at Greek and English speaking visitors? The degree of state involvement from country to country may differ in relation to heritage promotion and management; the Eastern countries follow a more centralized approach towards the implementation of decisions made for heritage management while the Western countries follow a dispersed approach where the state regional authorities make decisions (Hall, 1994). If one considers the rigidity that exists in bureaucratic systems where the power comes from the centre and there is adherence to formal procedures, it will be easier to understand the inefficiencies such a system risks (Wilson & Rosenfeld, 2002). A struggle for power over decisions made between different groups at government level may exist because economic or political values exist and according to the realization of the aims or goals each organizational structure has from a school organization to a multi-ethnic company (Hall, 1994; Psycharis & Garezou, 2000). Bureaucratic state governments -which should function under rationality and law and equality for all members of the community (Weber in Fopp, 1997)- has been found that they may depend on symbolism although the state should not depend on symbolism and elements such as religion and religious sites as has been examined in previous research for the role of the central state in such issues (Kavoura, 2007; Kavoura, 2013). Even when the public sector is in charge of the decisions made for the presentation of heritage, the power of the central government may differ and the provinces may have a more significant role; this was the case in studies that illustrated that the role of the central government is not so powerful in the decisions made especially when communication activities for the heritage sites are involved where either the provinces or the private sector undertakes the advertising of heritage in the form of advertising messages in media channels (Hamel et al., 1996; Charlton & Essex, 1996). In relation to Greece, the Greek National Tourism Organization (GNTO) organises, forms and carries out advertising programmes for the promotion of Greece. The Directorate of Presentation and Advertising of GNTO is in charge of the implementation of communication activities for the presentation of Greece at national and international level (Greek Law 2160/1993, 1993). It is
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in charge of the construction and organization of detailed advertising programmes, the gathering and evaluation of information with regard to the efficiency of advertising programmes and the co-ordination of the advertising activities and advertising in conjunction with other sectors (Presidential Decree No 884/76). A Committee of Tourism Promotion is created, in each region, the aim of which is the organization of programmes of tourist presentation of the area for the domestic and international market and their realization with GNTO‘s approval. The above mentioned programmes of tourist promotion are subsidized up to 50% by GNTO (Greek Law 2160/1993, 1993). Greek Law 2160/1993 (1993) reinforced the power of responsibilities of the regions of Greece to present their regional area. This measure allows each region to promote those elements that it considers important, independent of the fact that they are natural or cultural. Nonetheless, the financial contribution of GNTO is important for the realization of the programmes. The regions in Greece may produce the promotional material on their own. They have the power to decide how to present the area and the cultural resources. Nevertheless, the officials of GNTO may exert influence on the way Greece is promoted even if Greek Law 2160/1993 (1993) provided responsibilities for the implementation of advertising campaigns at regional level (Kavoura, 2001; Kavoura, 2013). Thus, the authors examine which is the approach that takes place regarding the dependence or not of the regional state in symbolism and the advertising of religious heritage, taking Greece as a case study. It would be misunderstanding, though, that there is absolute power of the state and that the public being passive recipients of such policies; the revelation of meanings behind the advertising of heritage, values and the distinct characteristics is usually ―presented to the people in the name of authority‖ while alternative ways need to be provided where the same object will be presented in different ways regardless if people as consumers or tourists respond and express their point of view about how advertising messages are created and promoted to them (Hems, 2006 in Mitsche et al., 2013: 70; Kavoura, 2012). Herzfeld argues that the images promoted by the official point of view can be redirected and reformed by the people who receive them, ―influencing their public evolution in turn‖ (Herzfeld, 1992: 49). Following a consumer-behavior approach, we aim to associate results on the role of the regional state towards advertising religious sites and how do tourists as consumers perceive such promotion. Which is the way the tourists in the region are informed about the communication material and perceive such communication that is presented from the state regional authorities? In
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that way, a two way approach is followed since on the one hand, the role of public authorities is examined on the way religious promotional material is advertised for Arcadia, Greece and at the same time, it is examined how tourists perceive such communication. Market studies are necessary in order to define psycho-demographic groups so that targeted strategies can be aimed at potential populations with common characteristics; in regard to place identity and tourist consumer behavior, the will to visit a place is associated with different socio-economic factors, amenities and services for which research has taken place (Kyle et al., 2004: 124; Kavaratzis & Ashworth, 2008; Bitsani & Kavoura, 2011; Kavoura & Bitsani, 2013), while the association with emotional and social bonds, relations and social interactions with a setting is argued by the researchers further study is needed (Mlozi et al., 2013; Kyle et al., 2004: 124; Iglesias et al., 2011: 571, 574) illustrating that the social context is of significance. Emotions contribute to the selection of service providers, determination of purchase behaviors, development of brand loyalty for a product or service (Westbrook & Oliver in Lee et al., 2009; Kavoura, 2013: 72) although there is limited research which needs further analysis (Brakus et al., 2009: 57). In regard to Greece, the first market study with regard to the attitudes of people towards Greek tourism and the tendency of their tourist interests was carried out by GNTO in 1998 at national level. There was specific reference to cultural heritage as a tourist resource of Greece and the way its promotion is perceived by people (European Committee, Ministry of Development, GNTO, 1998: 2). Part of the results of the abovementioned study illustrated the way Greek tourists perceive the presentation of Greece. Nonetheless, not many market studies have taken place, especially among the Greek population so that evaluation programmes can occur on the presentation of Greece. This has the result that tourists‘ points of view are not usually identified for the communication and advertising activities that take place (Kavoura, 2001; Kavoura, 2007). In order to successfully brand a destination, there is need to identify the attributes that are considered to be important by the target market, a process which will be in a continuous process with the way the destinations aim to be promoted (Mitsche et al., 2013: 69). Greek market studies implemented from the state at national not to mention the very limited research at regional level, are still at an initial phase (Ministry of Culture and Tourism, 2012).
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3. METHODOLOGY 3.1. The Case Study of the Prefecture of Arcadia, Greece Taking the promotion of Greek sites associated with religion as a case study for the prefecture of Acadia, Greece, the research cross examines the way distinctive elements employed for branding of the region from state regional authorities and how they are treated from them in the implementation of the advertising campaigns; in addition, the way the tourists in the region are informed about the region and how they perceive such communication is presented, following a consumer-behavior approach. The research questions raised from the previous literature review refer to: 1. the type of tourism distribution channels used in Arcadia, Greece 2. the appeal of the communication tools (tourism distribution channels) to religious tourists as this is influenced by their cultural (and therefore regionally different) background 3. the examination of the effort from the state regional authorities to promote an imagined community associated with religion through the advertising messages Arcadia was chosen for field research as the monasteries and the prefecture is less than two hours drive from Athens, the capital of Greece, within a distance of 120 kilometers. The proximity of the region to a big urban centre such as Athens, is of significance for those that would like to have a one day trip to Arcadia. The annual overnight stays for tourists in Arcadia, Greece in 2009 were 16,013,569 nights, from which 8,886,342 were international tourists who stayed mainly in three and four stars hotels while 7,7127,227 were native (Katsoni 2011c), while the prefecture of Arcadia has 482 beds, first in the percentage of beds in the total of the prefecture of Peloponnese (55.54%), followed by the prefecture of Messinia with 380 beds. Arcadia is in the 11th position regarding the ratio of number of beds per 100.000 residents (314.5 beds) when the total ratio for the whole country is 485.8 (Strategic Draft Plan for the Prefecture of Peloponnesse, 2012). The issue raised is how the state regional authorities which are in charge of advertising the region, promote those distinct elements which are associated with religious sites; in addition, we analyze the advertising religious tourism materials from the official state at the state regional level in charge of
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marketing the region, for Greek and English speaking visitors and we examine how tourists are informed about the region and their information search behavior.
Map 1. Map of the Region of Arcadia, Greece.
3.2. Employing Quantitative and Qualitative Research Methodology The research employed both qualitative and quantitative research methodology for the triangulation of the results. ‗Triangulation‘ enabled the researchers to have a mixture of sources for gathering data and thus ―gain a better assessment of the validity of the explanations‖ (Maxwell, 1996: 75-76). Since most instruments are not as accurately desired, the use of multiple measures of the same construct pointing information in the same direction, allows for a better interpretation since different sources of evidence are used for the presentation of findings (Yin, 1993: 69). The multiple sources of evidence provided multiple ways of measuring the same phenomenon. One source may provide the cross reference for the other sources and supplements
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information from different angles about the general question of inquiry that was related to the way religious Greek heritage sites are treated by the Greek state. We analyze the advertising religious tourism materials employing interpretative phenomenological methodological approach for the printed and electronic advertising material for Greek and English speaking visitors, for a well defined period of 6 years. Results are then associated with the way tourists perceive such promotion with the use of a field survey research based on 775 valid questionnaires. The promotional material that was searched for the region, incorporated brochures, publications, leaflets of historical content that are offered free of charge in the entrances of the religious sites, the building of the prefecture where the mayor is located and a part of it operates as a tourist kiosk. The promotional material were created by the prefecture which is in charge of advertising the area and the region based on Greek Law 2160/1993 (1993) as already has been mentioned. This promotional material was analyzed for a representative period of 6 years since the first publication took place in 2006 according to the 11.8.2006 decision of the Committee of the Prefecture of Arcadia (Katsoni, 2011c). This is a representative period to explore occurrences or changes in the presentation of the heritage sites and the values associated with religious heritage properties. Quantitative methodology was employed with the gathering of questionnaires, in order to further understand the tourism market in the province of Arcadia, Greece, over a period of 12 months, to eliminate seasonality in 2010-2011. The survey, included Greek and foreign tourists in the region. Hotel owners or managers had agreed to collect the data for the study and the survey questionnaires were distributed to the survey sites. Respondents freely participated in answering the survey questionnaire after they had stayed in the hotel for at least one night and finally, researchers visited and collected the survey questionnaires from each hotel accommodation. Data were collected by using a four-page self-administered questionnaire, in Greek and English, primarily designed to gather information on the subjects‘ general motivations for travel. Their participation in religious attractions was identified through the question: ―As part of your vacation how likely are you to be interested in visiting religious sites in Arcadia‖ (Katsoni, 2011c). The survey data were coded and analyzed using R, an open-source statistical package. Descriptive statistical analysis was applied to the collected data to explore the overall sample profile. In order to identify special
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characteristics of the sub-population of tourists that have replied positively to the question on how likely they are to be interested in visiting religious sites in their vacation, we have separated this group from the rest of respondents and have constructed the following sub-groups for subsequent analysis:
Group A (N = 321): ‗Very likely‘ or ‗Likely‘ to be interested in visiting religious sites Group B (N = 454): ‗Very unlikely‘ or ‗Unlikely‘ or ‗Neither likely nor unlikely‘ to be interested in visiting religious sites
4. RESULTS 4.1. Quantitative Results We conduct Chi-square tests to verify whether differences between the two sub-groups, as regards particular characteristics of the population of tourists, are due to chance variation or reveal some statistically significant trend. Chi-square tests were chosen for use in this exploratory investigation to aid in making inference about the uniform distribution (or not) of the two subgroups in relation to demographic, trip and booking characteristics. The initial chi-square analyses were conducted to determine differences among the Group A and Group B tourists‘ nationality. Table 1 presents such information. It is typical to note, that in regard to nationality, Greek visitors are more in relation to non-native visitors. There were only 41 foreign visitors out of whom 3 Denmark, 15 came from Germany, 12 from England, 7 from France, and 4 from Sweden. Comparisons between the two sub-groups (Group A and Group B) have been conducted using the chi-squared test (Table 2) and a significant chi2 square has been derived for Internet only ( 1df 6.4, p 0.02 ). Figures in Table 2 reveal that it is less likely for tourists in Group A to use the Internet to book their vacation. Information sources are displayed in Table 2 in descending order of preference for tourists in Group A. Thus, tourists in their vacation seek information on the interested in visiting religious sites place that they visit from recommendations from friends and family and secondly from the Internet.
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Table 1. Chi-Square Analysis of Demographic Characteristics of Tourists who find interest in visiting religious sites in their vacation Very likely/likely to be interested (Group A) n
%
321 Nationality /origin Foreign tourists Native (Greek) tourists
Unlikely/very unlikely or neither likely nor unlikely to be interested opinion (Group B) n % 454
41
12.8
77
17
280
87.2
377
83
X-squared = 2.2408, df = 1, p-value = 0.1344
Note 1: 45 respondents have not replied this question.
Third in their preference come Travel guidebooks and travel magazines, while personal experience/knowledge, radio and TV broadcasts, and Information brochures are also high in their choices. Oral information provided by tourist information at destination or from regional tourist offices is the least significant information search characteristic of tourists who find interest in visiting religious sites in their vacation. The results of the information search behavior of tourists who find interest in visiting religious sites in their vacation is that religious tourists depend firstly in the traditional channel of word of mouth, as recommendations from friends and relatives is their first choice, followed by the internet and thirdly, by travel guidebooks and travel magazines. It is also important to note, that although the Internet is considered to be a significant source of information for tourists who find interest in visiting religious sites in their vacation as research has shown, nonetheless, the Internet information comes only from private hotels and tour organizers since the official website of the prefecture of Arcadia is out of service -it is further mentioned in the qualitative research analysis section; also radio and TV broadcasts (documentary and news) were only in Greek language, thus, enabling only natives to receive the advertising message. Information and communication technologies should be the first priority of state regional authorities regarding promoting the region in order to target potential visitors.
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Table 2. Chi-Square Analysis of Information Search Characteristics of Tourists who find interest in visiting religious sites in their vacation Very likely/likely to be interested (Group A)
Total Recommendations from friends and relatives Internet Travel guidebooks and travel magazines Personal experience / knowledge Radio and TV broadcasts (documentary and news) Information brochures Advertisements and articles in newspapers/ magazines VIDEO/CDROM/DVD/VIDE OTEXT Oral information provided by tourist information at the Prefecture of Arcadia‘s main offices
Unlikely/very unlikely or neither likely nor unlikely to be interested opinion (Group B) n % 454
n 321
%
166
51.7
256
56.4
X-squared = 1.4734, df = 1, p-value = 0.2248
152
47.4
258
56.8
X-squared = 6.4022, df = 1, p-value = 0.01140
104
32.4
163
35.9
X-squared = 0.8733, df = 1, p-value = 0.3500
72
22.4
102
22.5
X-squared = 0.0057, df = 1, p-value = 0.94
61
19
105
23.1
X-squared = 1.6635, df = 1, p-value = 0.1971
49
15.3
76
16.7
X-squared = 0.2033, df = 1, p-value = 0.652
48
15
76
16.7
X-squared = 0.3236, df = 1, p-value = 0.5694
21
6.5
22
4.8
X-squared = 0.7341, df = 1, p-value = 0.3916
6
1.9
8
1.8
X-squared = 0.0268, df = 1, p-value = 0.87
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Androniki Kavoura and Vicky Katsoni
4.2. Qualitative Results Interpretive phenomenology is a method which permits the identification of themes -a statement of meaning that runs through all or most of the pertinent data or one in the minority that carries heavy emotional or factual impact (Holstein & Gubrium, 1998: 150; Myrray & Chamberlain, 1999: 220). Issues that repeatedly emerge in the data create patterns for the research. Then, themes are headed under the umbrella of a superordinate theme, a theme that incorporates many sub-themes (Kavoura, 2007). Themes that emerged from the analysis of the promotional material are associated with the way religious sites and religion is addressed in the official promotional material of the state regional authorities; in other words, the role of the regional authorities in regard to advertising symbolic elements such as religion is examined and the sense of the imagined community which is reinforced with the advertising of religion. We also sought to examine which are the advertising messages related to religious sites and monasteries aimed at a truly international population -English speaking visitors-; Themes are in line with previous research on the role of the imagined community as is presented in educational programs from the Greek Ministry of Culture (Kavoura, 2013) and from the GNTO in relation to the promotion of the World Heritage Sites that Greece has nominated to the World Heritage List (Kavoura, 2007; Kavoura, 2001). In regard to the theme of the way advertising messages related to religious sites and monasteries to a truly international population, it is typical to note that the booklet‘s title which describes all the monasteries of the prefecture Arcadia, Religious Destination (Prefectural Administration of Arcadia, 2006) is written in Greek. It is only after one opens to read the booklet that realizes that the description of the region and its Orthodox monasteries is in English. Nonetheless, the tourist may be discouraged from choosing to open such a booklet since the title on the cover is in Greek, thus, in the end, the use of this promotional is not fully implemented. The communication tools used from state regional authorities are not fully implemented although cost and effort to create the promotional material has been made, yet, not being able to target those group of people who are able to read this material and be informed about the religious sites of the region, even if the quantitative results illustrated the significance of travel guidebooks for tourists in the area. There seems to be a mismatch in regard to people‘s preferences and the way state regional authorities implement communication activities.
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Adding to this finding, the official website of the prefecture of Arcadia which is http://www.arcadia.gr, is out of service. Information now is only provided by http://www.discover-peloponnisos.gr/, the official website of the region of Peloponnese, with limited information about the prefecture of Arcadia. The promotional material aimed at Greek and English speaking visitors portrays a distinct identity as if aimed only at one population, the Greek religion is at the forefront of the perceived imagined community and then, such promotion of cultural values, such as religion and religious sites, is not neutral. What is of interest, is that such promotion takes place from the officials of the public sector, at the regional level who are presented to be part of this community with the use of the possessive and personal pronoun ‗our‘, ‗we‘. It was mentioned in the promotional material: ―Our Arcadia does not need ‗matchmakers‘ and ‗formal introductions‘ in order to advance towards its future‖ (Prefectural Administration of Arcadia, 2005: 7). ―We invite all these people to our Arcadia, to an exploration of our monasteries, and we can guarantee that they will be more than repaid for their efforts, their expenses and their time‖ (Prefectural Administration of Arcadia, 2005: 48). ―The tens of thousands of visitors that come to the mountainous bulk of Arcadia are left speechless because of our monasteries‖ (Prefectural Administration of Arcadia, undated: 8). ―In difficult times the fighters of our freedom sought refuge here, our tradition has been saved here, priceless treasures are kept here‖ (Prefectural Administration of Arcadia, 2006: 5).
There is reference made to the possessive pronoun ―our‖ on all the documents reinforcing the imagined community which includes the people of Arcadia, Greece These distinctive elements employed for branding of the region are treated as if state regional authorities are part of the imagined community, irrespective of the fact that they need to implement advertising campaigns in a more neutral way. The state regional authorities depend on the symbolism associated with religion and monasteries although it should be neutral and should follow the rules of equality for all members as would a state do to incorporate all its members (Herzfeld, 1992: 57; Kavoura, 2001: 42; Kavoura, 2013: 73), without excluding anyone from such participation. Nonetheless, the regional public
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sector in Greece, depends on symbolic forms for the decisions made where nationalist ideologies draw upon symbols that are familiar and understandable to the people as researchers have found to be the case at the national level in Greece (Kavoura, 2007; 2013). Greek identity is conterminous with Greek Orthodox religion, elements that we would expect that the state would abolish in order to bring equality for all citizens, together with a sense of solidarity and would base their decisions on rationality (Smith, 1986: 147; Herzfeld, 1992: 57, 177). What if, then, the state adopts such a sense of destiny through religion? One way of seeing such activity by the state is to argue for a ‗predetermination‘ as Herzfeld would argue (1992) that does not consider differences within the society, treats society as homogeneous and allows little space for the presence of multiple levels of interpretation in relation to the definition of identity. In fact, in the case of Greece, Greek national identity is equated with religious identity (Herzfeld, 1992; Pollis, 1992; Georgiadou, 1995). Another way of seeing the adoption of religious symbolism by the rational state is to refer to the interrelationship which exists between the rational and the symbolic (Herzfeld, 1992: 148; Kavoura, 2001; Kavoura, 2013). Religious symbolism influences secular aspects of Greek life, and, although national and religious identity have been separated in Greece, national identity may be defined by religious elements (Herzfeld, 1992: 43, 93; Pollis, 1992: 179; Georgiadou, 1995: 299) indicating the interdependence of the state and Church and the assumption that a Greek citizen has Orthodox faith differentiated from the Muslim faith or other faiths. Some examples of this attitude are: It was mentioned for the Monastery of the Dormition of the Virgin Mary of Boura, in the booklet entitled Arcadia, Religious Destination ―1770. The Orlov period! The Morea was burned together with its castles and together with hope. Turkish and Albanian murderers invaded the main church of the holy monastery and throw themselves in frenzy at the icon of Virgin Mary‖ (Prefectural Administration of Arcadia, 2006: 49).
Similar reference is made for the monastery of the Dormition of the Virgin Mary of Valtesiniko, ―It is a long-suffering monastery that has repeatedly undergone destruction at the human hands of enemies, mainly of the Turks, but more so by Albanians‖ (Prefectural Administration of Arcadia, 2006: 39).
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The abovementioned examples, are typical of the way other religions and populations are presented as being excluded, as being the ‗enemies‘, the ‗murderers‘. We should though, take into consideration that, migrations have taken place in Southern Europe and Greece is a multicultural country with the immigrations that have taken place over the last 20 years (Kavoura, 2013: 70) where Turks and Albanians are among the people who have immigrated in Greece. Furthermore, an effective tourist marketing policy calls for an objective, discreet and neutral perspective in treating sensitive matters such as religion, giving space to any tourist to enjoy spiritual participation. Following research and extending the results of previous studies on the role of the central state towards symbolism (Kavoura, 2001; 2007; Kavoura, 2013), analysing the official narrative of the advertising material created from the state regional authorities of the prefecture, this research sheds light on the dependence of the regional state in symbolism. Bureaucratic state governments -which should function under rationality and law and equality for all members of the community may in fact depend on symbolism excluding people from such community, even under the perspective of being a visitor. The regional state has a role to play in promoting Orthodox religion, what initially was an obstacle for the creation of the Greek state and in the passage of time became a motive for forging national identity within the modern Greek state which incorporated different social and even different ethnic groups (Kavoura, 2001: 18). Examples are used in the prefecture‘s promotional material where the presentation of such continuity is illustrated: ―In the modern years, Greece‘s freedom started from Arcadia, Tripolitsa and Falando, Karitena and Dimitsana. Names such as Kolokotronis, are those that became the source of the Struggle of 1821‖ (Prefectural Administration of Arcadia, undated: 6). ―The Arcadians played a primary role in the struggle against the Turks‖ (Prefectural Administration of Arcadia, 2005: 36). ―Historically, the monastery (monastery of the Virgin Mary of Elona) contributed to the Struggle both with money and by gathering war supplies, as well as hiding the Greek independence fighters‖ (Prefectural Administration of Arcadia, 2006: 11). ―In this Monastery (Monastery of Epano Chrepa), on the eve of the Day of the Cross of the year 1821, a liturgy took place and the weapons of Greeks were blessed shortly before liberation (September 23, 1821)‖ (Prefectural Administration of Arcadia, 2006: 13).
24
Androniki Kavoura and Vicky Katsoni ―The Monastery (Monastery of Saint Nicholas of Karya) was also active in the Struggle of 1821‖ (Prefectural Administration of Arcadia, 2006: 19). ―When in the year 1822, the Peloponnesian Senate asked almost all monasteries of the Peloponnese for financial support in the form of a loan, they received 750 groschen from the monastery‖ (Prefectural Administration of Arcadia, 2006: 33). ―Because of its inaccessible position (Holy Monastery of Prodromos Kastriou), it was used during the Greek struggle for liberation of the year 1821 as a base against Ibrahim Pasha and as a shelter during his incursions‖ (Vachaviolos, 2006: 37).
As has been mentioned in the beginning of the Chapter -section the imagined community and the Greek Orthodoxy, the relation of Orthodoxy to nationality can be understood as a problem according to Kitromilides (1989: 178) despite the attempts which were made to present it as a signifier of Greek national identity.
CONCLUSION The researchers assert that for the successful implementation of the advertising program of the region, there is necessity for a more holistic approach towards advertising which will take into consideration, tourist information search behavior and visitors‘ active role. This paper sheds light on the dependence of the regional state in symbolism and adds to the theoretical perspective on the role of public regional authorities in the promotion of a perceived ‗religious imagined community‘. We conclude that the sense of the imagined community is reinforced with the advertising of religion, the selective inclusion of specific populations -those attached to Orthodox religion- while it is made clear that there are boundaries and people outside of these boundaries ―are invited to join‖, they are not part of this community. Tourism advertising campaigns may incorporate in their target group, people who can be associated with such religious imagined community from other countries by advertising a related imagined community to them. Religion can be part of the story narration of a region, a place, a city, a country so that groups emotionally attached to this intangible element (religion) would allow for an increase to the inflow of tourists. The involvement and incorporation of visitors‘ experiences in the destination marketing process may lead to the
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enhancement of the branding of the region; people may develop feelings for a region based on place attachment which illustrates the bond between a person and a specific place. Thus, advertising campaigns associated with the promotion of heritage and sites of religious significance may narrate a story where a society with specific characteristics, of religious significance is imagined. The association of emotional and social bonds, relations and social interactions with a setting, a place, a region is argued by researchers that needs further study (Mlozi et al., 2013; Kyle et al., 2004: 124; Iglesias et al., 2011: 571, 574). The share of elements, traditions, culture among people who live in a place, bring people together and culture can be a moderating variable in pre-visit tourist destination image formation which may be further analyzed and examined (Bitsani & Kavoura, 2011; Frías et al., 2012). A more critical approach, though, is necessary towards the implementation of communication activities for the projection of the perceived distinct characteristics of the region. Information and communication technologies are not fully implemented in the case of the promotion of Arcadia, Greece since the official website of the prefecture of Arcadia is out of service. Communication and advertising campaigns may take into consideration that visitors are positive to find out information about places employing new technologies (Yuksel et al., 2010: 274; Prayag & Ryan, 2012: 342; Katsoni, 2011b). On the contrary, tourist information at the destination via state regional tourist offices in the prefecture of Arcadia, Greece is scarcely provided. The adoption of communication and information technologies could positively contribute to the local development (BorgesTiago et al., 2007). Oral information provided by tourist information at the Prefecture of Arcadia‘s main offices is the least significant information search characteristic of tourists who find interest in visiting religious sites in their vacation in regard to the study of Arcadia, Greece; this is true since only one tourist regional office exists for the whole prefecture and thus, the provision of information is limited, due to inadequate resources. Internet check points at the prefecture and information presented from the state regional tourist office is limited. It is typical to note that many tourist destinations are usually based on information kiosks. Based on the findings of the research, we may critically approach the leaflets and promotional material as these are created from the state regional authorities which have not been updated since their first edition, not to mention the lack of properly addressed advertising and communication
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messages that would reinforce the creation of a religious imagined community from a global touristic perspective. This imagined community should encompass an interdependent world via the advertising of the region and the use of information and communication technologies. The creation of networks could raise tourism inflows with the incorporation of other places in Greece associated with religious tourism under the concept of the imagined community and create a religious associated network for Greece as a tourist religious destination. This latter will also elevate the brand identity of Greece as a point of reference of Orthodox Christianity. Unfortunately, Greek market studies implemented from the state at national, not to mention the very limited research at regional level, are still at an initial phase, although the GNTO‘s strategy for the promotion of Greece by the GNTO for the years 2012-2014 has recognized market studies‘ significance in order to target specific markets and match Greece‘s axes of branding -one of which is religious tourism- with those groups (Ministry of Culture and Tourism, 2012). Future research could seek the role of the private sector and the existence or not of entrepreneurial networks in the region where they could advertise the region and its distinct characteristics accordingly. Greek Law 4070/2012 (2012) refers to the creation of an organization which will promote Greece, entitled ―Marketing Greece Organization‖. It is the first time that public and private organizations initiate such a a cooperation together in Greece in order to promote the Greek tourist product, allowing for us to argue for the synergies which may be created among the private and public sector, while at the same time, the common interest will be safeguarded. The long term examination of the activities of this Organization about how Greece will be branded in the future remains to be seen. Results in this Chapter have shown that the concept of the imagined community is present. It is thus, worthwhile to employ contemporary marketing constructs in order to be able to operationalize and measure the concept of the imagined community in relation to them.
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In: Advertising Editor: Lucas Barreau
ISBN: 978-1-62948-612-3 © 2014 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 2
INVESTING IN CULTURE AND INTERCULTURAL RELATIONS FOR ADVERTISING AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CONTEMPORARY EUROPEAN CITY WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF INTERNATIONAL CITY BRANDING AND MARKETING: THE CASE STUDY OF THE INTERCULTURAL FESTIVAL OF TRIESTE, ITALY Androniki Kavoura1, and Evgenia Bitsani2 1
Department of Marketing, Technological Educational Institute of Athens, Greece 2 Department of Health and Welfare Unit Administration, Technological Educational Institute of Kalamata, Greece
E-mail: [email protected].
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ABSTRACT Place branding, the promotion and advertising of cities is rapidly developing nowadays. Economic globalization has brought significant changes in the city of the 21st century, arguing for a different model of development and sustainability which is based on the city‘s cultural development via the promotion of its brand. This latter, takes place with the emphasis put on those elements considered to be significant from the point of view of those agents involved -private and public- in order to satisfy their intended aims via the city‘s advertising and promotion. Cities are firstly defined as alternative position settings of global capital which results in a competition of one with the other. City branding is associated with the city‘s unique identity by differentiating it from its competitors cities all over the world that compete to attract tourists. Their sustainability mainly depends on their economic activity on the tertiary or service sector -within this horizon, contemporary cities aim to raise their attractiveness; such attractiveness, is mainly based on economic factors but also territorial ones and is associated with the capital market, for example, the tourist capital market -with the influx of tourists and the increase of visitors‘ numbers- or the economic one -with the location of enterprises and multinational branches. The social structure of cities incorporates contemporary citizens as potential consumers who move between urban centers which strive to attract them with the form of new cultural industries, consumer goods, services and entertainment. At the same time, there is a continuous big immigration flow in Europe, contributing to the expansion of cultural and national host countries. Special attention is given to the preservation of cultural heritage while retaining the city‘s intercultural contemporary identity via processes of social cohesion. Residents come from different countries and cultures due to globalization in the work market but also tourists should intermingle in the social life of the city. The success of the city is to effectively manage its brand identity and its image in the interdependent world we live. The role of residents in the formation and communication of place brands and their involvement in the place branding process needs to be taken into consideration. The city is no longer managed in the traditional way oriented in local problem solving issues for the improvement of the quality of residents‘ life. Local and regional authorities function under entrepreneural standards where the ‗product‘ city, should sell in order to be sustainable; at the same time, it should preserve its internal social cohesion and its identity bringing visitors, residents, stakeholders together (in other words, all its people) via collective memory and social intercultural dialogue. Then, the brand of the city, gets a tremendous meaning and power, playing the role of the active advertiser at the national and international level. Therefore, the aim of city marketing is
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the city's image, which in turn is the starting point for developing the city's brand. This latter, nowadays, consists of two basic constituent elements: the reinforcement of its identity incorporating the multinational community and its infrastructure with new and contemporary quality spatial forms and activities. Culture is the common denominator for these two elements and that is why we speak for cultural identity. Culture has been associated with urban tourism, specialized event management, spectacular works of art and tourism marketing experiences, having a role to play in city branding but also to the social cohesion and change of behavior that globalization has brought forth. The present chapter deals with issues related with the components of city branding and intercultural identity of the city and its intercultural image in the framework of culture as a tool of urban revitalization, advertising and development but also as a mechanism of social cohesion of societies in contemporary postmodern European cities. To the reinforcement of our theoretical arguments, we present the intercultural annual Festival of Trieste, Italy as a dynamic element of the city‘s identity, brand image and its advertising, contributing in that way, to one of the best practices at the European level.
Keywords: City marketing, city branding, city identity, intercultural identity, city image, intercultural dialogue, intercultural relations, Intercultural Festival of Trieste
1. THE SYNTHESIS OF THE CONTEMPORARY CITIES THE IDENTITY OF THE CONTEMPORARY CITY The city is associated with the old and new. It has its own space and its population. It has its people, its places and its characters. It may be ancient and contemporary. People at times love their city and at times, hate it. The city is busy, it may be full of life and at times, it is lonely. There are city images which are real. The abovementioned aspects consist of an example of the multiplicity of marketing of a city. In other words, the city is a place with streets and people, factories and employees, historic and/or modern buildings and offices, traffic, speedy pace, culture and residencies (Bitsani, 2004: 220; Kavoura et al., 2010: 1). Economic globalization has brought significant changes in the city of the 21st century, arguing for a different model of development and sustainability which is based on the city‘s cultural development and cultural promotion via the advertising of its ‗icon‘ like a brand. This latter, takes place with the
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emphasis put on those elements considered to be significant from the point of view of those agents involved -private and public- in order to satisfy their intended aims via the city‘s promotion. Cities are firstly defined as alternative position settings of global capital which results in a competition of one with the other-cities all over the world that compete to attract tourists. Their sustainability mainly depends on their economic activity on the tertiary/service sector -within this horizon, contemporary cities aim to raise their attractiveness; such attractiveness, is mainly based on economic factors but also territorial ones and is associated with the capital market -with the influx of tourists and the increase of visitors‘ numbers- or the economic/investing one -with the location of enterprises and multinational branches, thus, the influx of the new residents -employees of these businesses (Gospodini & Beriatos, 2006). The social structure of cities incorporates contemporary citizens as potential consumers who move between urban centers which strive to attract them with the form of new cultural industries, consumer goods, services and entertainment. On the other hand, there is big migration flow in Europe since the 1990s and still continues almost 30 years later all over the world (Triandafyllidou, 2000; Kavoura, 2013a), contributing to the expansion of cultural and national host countries and creating homophobic feelings. Migration which leads to the inclusion of a cultural minority is defined as one of the main factors which increase the social exclusion at the personal and group level. At a social level, national and cultural difference, multiplied via international migration, is recognized as one of the main structural changes to the societies of the European Union. These, in the area of the European city are expressed with the special attention provided nowadays to the maintenance and elevation of cultural heritage and at the same time, to the creation through the procedures of social inclusion of its intercultural contemporary identity (Bitsani & D‘ Arcangeli, 2009). To this new reality where the capitalist logic of the offer and demand prevails, the city is no longer managed in the traditional way oriented in local problem solving issues for the improvement of the quality of residents‘ life. Local and regional authorities function under entrepreneural standards where the ‗product‘ city, should sell in order to be sustainable; at the same time, it should preserve its internal social cohesion and its identity bringing visitors, residents, stakeholders together (in other words, all its people) via collective memory and social intercultural dialogue. Under these conditions, the brand of the city, gets a tremendous meaning and power, playing the role of the active advertiser at the national and
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international level. This image nowadays, incorporates two basic constituent elements: a) the reinforcement of its identity adding to its multiculturalism and b) its infrastructure with new and contemporary quality spatial forms and activities. Within the framework of the changes which are associated with the function of the international economy and the pressure from the increased territorial competition, for many cities and peripheries, the design and implementation of a strategy which is associated with the management of the image and reputation consists of an integral part of the territorial management (Ashworth & Voogd, 1990; Karachalis, 2010; Kotler et al., 2001). The high position of the city or the periphery to the world‘s sectoral hierarchies -from the quality of life and the number of businesses, to the number and the quality of the cultural infrastructure- consists of an element of economic success and pride. In this effort, cities employ branding tools, aiming to create a recognizable corporate identity to attract visitors, residents and investors (Florida, 2004; Anholt, 2010). Cultural economy and the economy of free space play the most important role, where the tendency of cities to use the activities of museums, events and the contemporary cultural production as a main element and a tool of promotion is associated with the need of living original experiences (Karachalis, 2010: 142; Kavoura, 2001; Evans, 2003; Gospodini & Beriatos, 2006). A contemporary tendency that prevails internationally is that cities become products for consumption; this offers the sense of the trade for the individual; the consumer spends time and money in the city and in return, he/she gains an experience (Kolb, 2006). The city which aims to be sustainable, should have the means which will make it attractive to economic agents. In addition, its social composition is enriched with a new type of contemporary resident for the city; he/she is an agent of businesses of high technology, of services‘ provision and thus, with a high level of education and increased income easily moves between competitive urban centres aiming to the increased quality of life that these promise him/her. The urban economy is constantly evolving especially in the form of new cultural and leisure industries. New types of urban renewal and regeneration appear based on the development of new cultural, entertainment and consumer spaces. Under these conditions, the image of the city acquires tremendous power and significance. It is the one that will play the role of advertising. Thus, the image of the urban area, ‗the appearance‘, becomes an end in itself
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against the very concept of the city as a social space, what the city actually is (Ioannou, 2013). This image is customary today to analyze to two constituent elements 1. the reinforcement of the identity strengthening its identity and 2. with new contemporary quality territorial functions and activities equipment with new modern qualitative spatial structures and actions. A common ground and the basis for these two elements is the culture and therefore, we talk about cultural identity (Bitsani, 2004: 245-246). Culture and cultural activities are those directly associated with urban tourism, not only but also to all forms of alternative tourism and by now has passed the specialized event management, entertainment art and experiences in tourism marketing, in city branding and the elevation of cultural investment and entrepreneurship. Nonetheless, equally accepted and indisputable is that cultural expression and cultural production can play an important role in changing behavior towards minorities and immigrants, but also to overthrow the one-sided relationship of the city's image and its reality. In addition, the strengthening of the identity emerges as a need in the modern climate of ‗uncertainty‘. Migratory waves that expand cultural and ethnic host countries may consist of a threat to the local community along with any xenophobic sentiment (Leontidou, 2006). Speaking for the European area, the intended European political integration that seeks to mitigate conflicts between members-states creates corresponding reactions and tendencies of introversion and particular attention is now given to conservation and enhancement of cultural and architectural heritage (Bitsani & D‘Arcangeli, 2009). A distinct element in the city, which consists of a point of reference in regard to the point of view of the observer-with many questions on the way of its demarcation- that triggers the collective memory, becomes indispensable in the globalized era (Kavoura, 2001). These benchmarks are usually visible and identical either with monuments or with specific areas that refer to significant events in history, or in recent architectural interventions, which in total operate in a semiotic way to the conscious or unconscious of each observer (Gospodini, 2006). This observer may be a resident or visitor, for example, an internal or external consumer. The innovative design takes place in the form of urban regeneration interventions and enriching the city with new building/ landmarks, able to attract the interest of the modern world tourism (Bitsani, 2004: 237; Ιoannou, 2013; Benevolo, 1997).
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It is typical that even in cities that do not have ‗natural outbreaks‘, architectural structure and design is implemented following an international tender procedure concerned to benchmark results; this contributes to fiction creations as brand items. This may take place because a city needs a distinctive form of branding based on design, architecture and social innovation, for example, political governance (Swyngedouw, 2005: 1991), as cases of cities have shown (see for example, Australia, Muratovski, 2012). The city should have imageable and photogenic features in order to communicate to the world (Hospers, 2009; Foley et al., 2009: 55). This communication should aim at the internal and external stakeholders of the city presented in the next section.
1.1. Residents and Visitors as Internal and External Consumers and Their Perceptions About the City’s Image The image of a place is a group of mental correlations that people have for this place. They incorporate all the details that come automatically to mind when someone hears the name of the place. It is a set of images referred to external elements such as buildings, properties, city, colors, food or practices (Bitsani & Kavoura, 2012) but also reflects the inner world, feelings, desires born when thinking of this place and the conscious and the unconscious feelings we have for this place. For example, when someone thinks or hears the name ‗Paris‘ he/ she automatically has on his/her mind of images and elements such as the Eiffel Tower, the Seine, but also a kind of ‗personal mythology‘ of novels or movies waiting to live there (Hackworth, 2007; Kavaratzis & Ashworth, 2005). The images of the places almost always project certain elements which may be natural, cultural, social, economic, political or any combination thereof, while excluding other elements. The fact that the actual conditions in the city may have changed considerably since the formation of the specific image of the city is not important. In the world of perception, the picture is more important than reality, which may prove to be either advantage or disadvantage to the cities. The city‘s image and identity are elements that contribute to form the city‘s brand. Then, the desired identity forms image elements (Hallier, 2011: 14). On the one hand, an urban image can be directed to mutate in a smart way by specialists of urban marketing without having to bother to cause similar changes in place. On the other hand, negative or misleading images may persist despite the significant changes that may have occurred. The role of
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place leaders is significant in order to overcome the negatives images ―either by ignoring them, reversing them into positives or even by overwhelming them with other positives‖ (Gertner & Kotler, 2004: 50). It is expected the inhabitants of a place to have a more detailed and differentiated picture of this place, compared to those who are far away; they definitely see this place with a more streamlined look and are influenced by implicit knowledge as propagated by media. Residents and visitors as consumers -in the sense that they are the users of the city- may use convergent thinking to analyze different messages about a destination or use divergent thinking about potential experiences they may have in a destination sometimes stimulated by slogans, web sites and other media communications (Brakus et al., 2009). The differentiation of this perception has to do with the different approach of this place each time. The feeling that someone has is different when he/ she lives in a place and different when he/ she visits it more than once. Regarding Kemp‘s et al. (2012) proposition that residents can be internal stakeholders and their participation is of significance to the promotion of a place, a region or a city and that residents need to realize that they are part of the branding of the place they belong and the positioning procedure, our argument becomes clear for the importance of the residents in the identity creation and co-creation as well. Residents may become committed to the region‘s branding and advertising efforts and actively participate to the region‘s promotion, including themselves to such a branding procedure and presenting themselves as being part of the identity of the region (Kemp et al., 2012; Kerrigan et al., 2012; Kuscer, 2013; Sartori et al., 2012); they feel a strong connection for the promotion of the destination since they actually promote themselves, their businesses, their values, their traditions, their home (Kavoura, 2013b). Destination stakeholders include the public sector and governments, residents, tourism industry sector, destination management organization and other groups-such as the most important categories which may influence and determine the management and marketing (Goeldner & Ritchie in Konečnik, 2004). The effort needs to be made not only to outsiders such as tourists, but rather to residents themselves, the inhabitants of the place, who need to see the attractiveness of the region in order to be able to market it in a sustainable way (Cassel, 2008; Braun et al., 2010; Kavoura, 2013b). At the level of the external visibility of a place, the visitor requires mechanisms to host the visitors before, during and after the journey, support at the level of permanent and ongoing information characterized by the direct, accurate, consistent, truthful and detailed information (Bitsani et al., 2009).
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This information almost always creates the conditions for tourist consumption; nevertheless, the information provided from branding should be memorable because otherwise its purpose will not have been fulfilled (Kolb, 2006). Bitsani et al. (2009) argue that the success of tourism does not only depend on specific tourist services (hospitality, transport, dining, etc) but also on general factors which influence the experience tourists gain such as: advertising of the promotional material before visiting the area, reservations, the trip to the area, the first welcome, information about the area, accommodation and dining infrastructure, the sights to be visited, hospitality, issues of hygiene and safety, the natural environment, the farewell, the return journey but also the possibility of getting in touch and communicating with the community keeping the memories alive (European Commission, 1999; Bitsani, 2004; Bitsani & Kavoura, 2010). The city exists for the residents and it is on the residents that the city‘s sustainability depends; sustainability is the city‘s profit. In this sense, residents are the ‗consumers‘ of the city, a term that we have borrowed from the administration and business economics and refers to products.
1.2. The Role of Culture in Socio-Economic Development of the Modern City Undoubtedly, culture is treated as the most important competitive advantage in the modern city becoming a political priority and a main urban revitalization tool. Despite partial diversification and specialization, the reconstruction of the image of cities was based on the emergence of the special role of culture and the development of cultural tourism (Kavaratzis & Ashworth, 2005). Nevertheless, the development of cultural tourism requires the holistic and planned utilization of the cultural resources and the cultural capital of each region; generally, it requires authenticity and on-site production of cultural activities. Such development requires that local communities advertise and promote their own cultural identity composed of their cultural heritage and tradition but also the social value system, which helps maintain memory preservation and social cohesion. In addition, such development creates the conditions for improving knowledge of local cultures, tradition and lifestyle between different cultures. The modern competitive environment, thus, creates increased demands of strategic planning. The built environment and its living surroundings are
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associated with the competitiveness of cities (Harmaakorpi et al., 2008). Reformations and urban development have surpassed the logic of physical design and have been incorporated into more comprehensive programs of development (Bitsani, 2004: 233-234). The core for cultural policy and development is the cultural activity. Given that cultural activity is a structured interaction of consumers/users with cultural products/resources, their use and therefore, their development. This communication takes the form of a social event, in other words, it is part of the social phenomena, which it is necessary and beneficial for both the cultural breeder and for society (Bitsani, 2004: 32-33); the social role of culture as well as its importance for social cohesion becomes immediately evident and undeniable. The holistic approach involves the combined application of measures: urban character (design-operational); organizational (new services, cooperation between the public and private sector (Kavoura, 2013b); financial data (subsidies, incentives to individuals), projection (image, advertising media) with axis and always with public interest as this is specified in each case spatially and temporarily (Bitsani, 2004: 168). Central to the construction of the new approach is to identify the city‘s image (Bitsani, 2004: 222). The image of the city is built on the basis of tangible/ visible features, functions and historical events and enhanced with support actions (Bitsani, 2004: 222).
2. INTERCULTURAL RELATIONS: AN INTERCULTURAL APPROACH OF THE MODERN CITY. THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Nowadays, there are important economic and social developments and the most central one is that of trade liberalization and internationalization of markets which implies an increasing competition in a context of absolute freedom in the movement of capital, goods and services (Kavoura & Bitsani, 2011). However, this process does not only cause economic phenomena but also causes phenomena at all levels of social, political and cultural life so that ability for social integration is currently in crisis because of these great transformations of society, because of an uncontrolled development of liberal economy, which moves toward its equally rampant globalizing version,
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because of an uncontrolled unemployment whose rates are very difficult to calculate. Therefore, there are contradictory and equivocal trends and biases in such an extent that exacerbate the problems of social and geographical inequalities. These inherent weaknesses of the system are further increased by the parallel crisis of the welfare state. Already since the end of the 20th century, the process of restructuring the nation-state has been formulated with emphasis on the concept of locality and the local community in a global society (glocalization) (Swyngedouw, 2005) and in particular its emphasis on local development dynamics. Globalized economy as seen in its economic territory not only within the limiting borders of the nation-state, sees the regional cultures in the same way as parts and differentiations of a hegemonic culture. The other, the local, participates in this global consuming culture although it may seem strange, suspicious and dangerous to the faithful of Western rationalism and Western aesthetics. The rise and spread of ideological tendencies that put emphasis on the local cultural identity and a new militant consciousness of regional cultures do not mitigate against this development, quite the contrary, help develop multicultural image (Bitsani, 2002: 37). The importance of local community reflects a number of cultural values, which differ greatly from the values of the globalized community in economic, political and ideological field (Swyngedouw, 2005). Cultures and identities are sets that dynamically change over time and adapt to circumstances. They are also complex, encompassing heterogeneous components. It is thus, not possible to summarize them in one level. The individual and collective identity, more secret and sensitive, refers to the origins of each one of us. However, both identities are molded in contact with others and these contacts today, because of globalization, have multiplied. This explains the emphasis on specifics and the multiplicity of identities, which all claim their place in society. Today, the quality of life and the development of indicators relating to the dimensions of health, educationtraining, quality of environment, economy, social welfare and social security, social participation and personal satisfaction, public safety and order, depend on the harmonious co-existence of groups living in the same place, but they have separate identities (Leontidou, 2006; Bitsani & Kavoura, 2011). To allow a multicultural society become intercultural, two conditions must be satisfied: the first is not to engage in the hierarchy of cultures, giving them an equal legitimacy. The second considers that it is not sufficient that all values co-exist since the acting persons need to learn to negotiate in a
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democratic way to accept each other‘s representations and values, which will allow the emergence of a group (Brown & Hewstone, 2005). Interpersonal contact and collaboration among those coming from different cultural social groups, is creating in daily life the conditions for continuous interaction leading to create interpersonal relationships; because of personal contact they produce positive results for the coexistence and social cohesion. In this way, ingroup or intra-group is created and tolerance for multicultural diversity is promoted (Berry, 2005, Crisp et al., 2008); this in turn, leads to social inclusion, thus, to the peaceful coexistence and finally, social cohesion may be achieved. This state of continuous intercultural interpersonal communication allows members of different groups to build stable relationships, create -through intercultural communication that grows-, intercultural relations between different cultural groups that are now leading to the transformation of society in an intercultural one. There are currently two models of management of cultural diversity: the Anglo Saxon multicultural model that empowers every individual to belong to a community different from that of the nation-state and inter-cultural orientation, which is mainly a Francophone inspiration. The Anglo Saxon dimension of multiculturalism entered in a historical, political and educational tradition different from the French tradition; it prioritizes the reference group believing that the person‘s behavior is determined from this. It recognizes national, religious, immigrant differences contributing to the conformation of these differences (Abdallah-Pretceille, 2012; Sammut, 2011). The term ‗intercultural‘ appeared in France in 1975 in the school setting. The intercultural dimension in France, explained through a philosophical and historical tradition, is completely different from multiculturalism. Francophone researchers rely on ‗intercultural‘, aimed at social action, especially in building an intercultural society. They argue that this ‗multicultural‘ pops up when appointments, contacts between operators of different systems spontaneously produce results which do not interfere. The ‗intercultural‘ still pops up when the need arises to regulate the relationships between these entities to a minimum in order to reduce the undesirable effects of the meeting, and at best to benefit from their advantages (AbdallahPretceille, 2012). ‗Intercultural‘, in this sense, refers to an intervention, to an intention of management of society, especially in regard to the ‗adverse effects‘ resulting from the encounter between operators of different cultures. People are not only influenced by their culture but they construct it, build it, elaborate it with different strategies according to their needs and circumstances (Kiriakidis, 2008: 2013). Intercultural orientation consists of
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another way to analyze the cultural variety, not through cultural characteristics which are considered to be independent situations and homogeneous entities but through interactions based on the logic of variety and complexity and not on differences (Balandier, 1985). Intercultural approach does not have as an objective aim to determine the ‗other‘ confining him/her within a network of meanings, neither to create a series of comparisons based on an enthnocentric scale. Through such perspective, cultural differences and similarities are determined, not as objective standards with statistical character, but as powerful relations between two entities where one attributes meaning to the other (Abdallah-Pretceille, 1986). We argue for the significance of building common elements mutually agreed by the parts involved in a community -place, region, city- in order to bring people together, strengthen multiculturalism while at the same time, retaining the distinct elements of each group that is part of this community. A city‘s residents have a significant role to play in the branding and positioning of the city where residents need to be based on strong connections with the city which becomes reflective of their self-concept (Kemp et al., 2012). Festivities and cultural events may connect people from different groups, yet, first and for all, different communities that live in a city, a region, a place, a state, need to associate themselves with such festivities and traditions.
3. CURRENT TRENDS OF CITY BRANDING - CITY MARKETING AND THE ROLE OF CULTURAL FESTIVALS AS TOOLS FOR THE CITY’S DEVELOPMENT A specific definition for place marketing among academics and practitioners does not exist and yet this concept does not have universal acceptance; nevertheless, there are common concepts (Kavaratzis & Ashworth, 2008; Skinner & Kubacki, 2007) and these are associated with attractiveness, competition and development (Kavaratzis, 2004; Kavoura, 2013b). Nonetheless, although modern and postmodern cities include marketing techniques in order to promote themselves, this causes difficulties to market them and advertise cities as marketable assets (Kavaratzis, 2004). Branding of places and cities as tourism destinations may influence visitors‘ choices in selecting which cities they will visit (Hankinson, 2010); this illustrates the power that branding has when the distinct characteristics places, regions or cities have, are advertised and promoted. Branding of places is a relatively
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recent practice and brands can be relationship builders bringing participants together since people -as those who ‗consume‘ the product, the service, the city on offer, may contribute to its development and its promotion as well. Citizens and residents of a place, a city, are active partners and co-producers of public goods and services (Braun et al., 2010). Hankinson (2010: 308) argues that ―place brands are not owned or controlled by a single organization but are jointly developed and delivered by a network of public and private sector organizations‖ building, in that way, relationships. The branding of places by local authorities and nonprofitmaking public/private partnerships, however, is a relatively recent practice (Hankinson, 2010). Places can borrow marketing strategies from corporations in order to create a network that may implement a brand strategy (Kavaratzis & Ashworth, 2008). Cities use strategies of branding in order to create a recognizable corporate identity and the main objective is to attract the financial capital from the international markets without taking into consideration the local demand and identity and place marketing can be a tool for promoting interpersonal and social relations (Ashworth & Kavaratzis, 2010; Karachalis, 2010: 143). A city with all its distinctive characteristics does not allow a comparison with a consuming product and a branding strategy of a city or a place should not only have as an aim the attainment of economic aims but also the co-existence of groups and the quality of living in a city or place, which is of equal significance (Ashworth & Kavaratzis, 2010; Karachalis, 2010: 144). We should not though, identify the brand and the marketing of a place that are associated with a multiplicity of relations in places- with the techniques of marketing that are adopted in the business sector and that is why the term advertising has not been used for places, cities, countries; Anholt (2010) specifies that the techniques of competitive identification and marketing may be useful when a product or a service is sold, that is why, advertising campaigns in tourism are effective; countries and places are ‗not for sale‘, that is why, in the branding strategy of a place, city planners should keep in mind that we talk about a transfer of successful corporate procedures of the private sector, to the public sector of the city or the place (Kavoura, 2013b). Therefore, a key element and a basis of place marketing and a necessary condition for this, is a creative brand based on the identity of the place and the method of networking of all stakeholders in a holistic approach towards sustainable development; ―sites should be involved with outside world in a clear, coordinated and communicative way‖ (Anholt, 2010: 12).
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An effective place branding strategy can be constructed and employed in city branding and city administrators have a role to play to adopt it since city branding may contribute to urban planning and management (Kavaratzis & Ashworth, 2006). It becomes clear that a city, a region or a wider geographical area is characterized by complexity and distinct characteristics that do not allow their comparison with a consumer product. It is also wrong to identify a strategy of place branding only with the achievement of economic objectives, since the development of the symbolic economy, social responsibility, local pride, harmony between social groups, etc. are equally important objectives. The presentation of the case study of Trieste Italy, confirms the abovementioned arguments and, in addition, raises the issue of the desired identity of a place and the equilibrating role that strategic branding may play. Residents‘ participation in the city branding, as internal stakeholders, is of significance to collaborate and cooperate in order to create strong connections with the city (Kemp et al., 2012; Ooi & Pedersen, 2010). There is thus, a core dynamic between the host city, the media and the event owner/organizer in order to successfully produce and implement the event, creating in that way, a network among them (Rennen, 2009: 35). In peripheries with heterogeneous features, one of the most challenging issues in the process of the place branding is to insert a ‗multicultural‘ dimension in such a way so that specific segments of the population are not excluded (Kavaratzis & Ashworth, 2005). Then, resilience in regional communities may be created with the attendance of events that all people may participate (Derrett, 2009). In this context, the European Commission calls on Member States to support the cultural development as a job creation potential. Indeed, culture enables a region not only to confirm its identity but also to develop its tourism potential. Furthermore, the creation of jobs in the tourism sector are not negligible and helps develop certain activities such as online services and the media (Bitsani & Kavoura, 2010). Cities are called to survive and prosper in an inter-urban competition in today‘s world since there is increased mobility of capital and increased global connectivity (Kavaratzis & Ashworth, 2008). Cities try to use mega-events to enhance their image and be recognized internationally as poles of attraction. One of the most important instruments that cities use to increase the prestige and visibility, as places for hosting economic and cultural activities, is the organization of large-scale events of high quality, such as celebrations, international sports competitions,
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exhibitions, festivals, etc. (Hall, 1992; Roche, 2000; Rennen, 2007). Major cultural events are included in the international cultural map as key elements of expanded local, regional and national development strategies. The visual representation of cities is used in the place marketing competition; festivals and events provide city marketers with many multicultural images which are easily packaged for global circulation; in addition, circulating capital that governments seek to gain, may be the reason behind many city event-led strategies (Foley et al., 2009: 55). This is a very easy way of promoting and advertising with a minimum cost. The use of marketing and branding by cities contributes to the ―competition among cities for tourists, businesses, residents and other target groups‖ (Braun, 2012: 258). The organization of festival and cultural institutions are factors of modernization and revitalization, combining social and economic objectives. At the same time, they form an innovative and creative environment, give greater fame, accumulate increased prestige aiming to be included in the strategy for the reconstruction of the new image and their differentiation from other cities in an environment characterized by increasing competition (Szondi, 2010; Foley et al., 2009). The experience of the industrial cities of Great Britain, that in the 70s lost much of their industrial base, is revealing. The largely common response to the crisis, was based on the reconstruction of the image with the emergence of cultural elements and traditions aimed at diversification through tourism development (Garcia, 2004; Bianchini & Parkinson, 1994; Tallon, 2010). Similar examples exist for other countries such as Sweden and the industrial municipalities in the Swedish Bergslagen region with experiences of negative economic development and unfavorable images that employ place marketing strategies for image building (Cassel, 2008: 102). International festivals may increase the vibrancy of the city and stakeholders may cooperate in order to unite the community and ―bring about the common good‖ (Ooi & Pedersen, 2010; Bitsani, 2004: 220). In the era of globalization and the liberalization of markets, contemporary culture goes back to one of the most dynamic segments of the business activities and therefore, shows strong growth demanded by the global economy. Festivals use the historical and cultural themes associated with a city and an area and they have an impact on the development of cultural tourism to the host communities and they do not often cater for the needs of a particular group, yet, they are supported by states and governments because of the economic development through tourism. To this cycle, the role of local authorities is significant since they have the power to influence and be
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associated with the host community; they can also be supported by the stakeholders who will contribute to the organization of the event in order to be successful (Raj, 2006; Ooi & Pedersen, 2010). Festivals can in fact be a ‗celebration‘ of local place identity. The development of locations as brands, takes into consideration the creation and management of partnerships (Hankinson, 2001) and directors of festivals such as the Edinburgh International Festival ―aspire to have the name of their host locality closely associated with their festival‖ (Finkel, 2006: 30). This is not always the case though, and tension may exist since relations with stakeholders but also with the provincial state may be loose and one party may have different priorities from the other (see for example, the Copenhagen International Film Festival for branding Copenhagen, Ooi & Pedersen, 2010 or the Lichfield Festival in the Midlands, UK, Finkel, 2006).
4. THE ROLE OF ART FESTIVAL IN ESTABLISHING INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE AMONG PARTICIPANTS AND SOCIAL COHESION Nowadays, towns, villages and cities are increasingly promoting regional cultural activities with the known form of the festival. A typology festival has largely determined three types of festival called ‗home-grown‘-a small scale, bottom-up and run by one or more volunteers for the benefits of the place-, ‗tourist-tempter‘- a festival that aims to attract visitors to stimulate local economic development- and ‗big-bang‘- a festival which includes many activities over a defined geographic area (O‘Sullivan & Jackson, 2002). These three types of festivals are directly making the location match with sustainable regional and local development. Festivals are often associated with the preservation and the celebration of communal traditions and in the end, to their survival. Local festivals are considered to be effective in order to be used as a public illustration of the local identity and the celebration of the community and the promotion of its positive image. Cultural and sporting events have been employed as a means to illustrate the presence of multiculturalism expressed in the promotion of local ethnic uniqueness or cultural diversity permitting the creation of collective identity forms (Hall, 1989; Foley et al., 2009: 56). Singapore for example, has invested heavily in creating a sense of national identity, often using the vehicle of cultural events as a means of integrating the diverse multi-
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ethnic population along the lines of shared Singaporean values (Foley et al., 2009: 57). Evans (2003) argues that since the 1990s and till the beginning of the 21st century, the city has been transformed from an industrial Event City, into the City as Event and then to the Cities of Culture where the art and culture that a city has to offer, are part of its branding process and cities aim to associate themselves with themed experiences. According to Evans (2003), this mirrors the product branding and turns the city away from its public good/realm, leaving aside the city‘s real distinct and unique characteristics and its cultural diversity. In the years of economic recession and crisis after the crisis in the United States of America in 2008, which expanded in Europe rapidly, cities must find solutions, not only those that are most attractive but also economical ones and to combine policies and strategies that will attain the social peace and social cohesion. In this context, the institution of the festival which is based on the local resources and content and involves permanent and periodic residents seems an ideal choice because it combines big productions as mega events but also social participation and hence, the social cohesion. Festivals can use -according to their thematic- these ‗resources‘ to promote and advertise the cities and the emergence of such areas. Thailand promoted the cultural heritage of the country through official bodies-the Tourism Organization- by organizing Festivals (Florida 2004) while mining countries can promote industrial heritage through tourism (Edwards & Llurdés i Coit, 1996) highlighting the specific sites in comparison to other countries (Chang et al., 1996) usually with a specific topic. In an increasingly globalized and multicultural society, addressing cultural diversity is one of the biggest challenges nowadays. Immigration and successive enlargements have created in European countries a new continuous exchange between populations and cultures; in this context, living in a multicultural society is a reality for millions of people. There is indeed a strong relationship between socio-economic exclusion and cultural oppression. The marginalization of immigrants and cultural minorities is usually reflected on their reduced representation in cultural production. Moreover, some aspects of the cultural profile of immigrants or minorities may cause the value system of the majority (for example, different religious beliefs, nomadic life). This is often a factor of social marginalization and exclusion of groups claiming this different identity (Bagnasco et al., 2001). The access of minority groups to resources that will enable them to cultivate the arts and broaden their cultural heritage can be seen as a luxury,
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when considered in the light of the overall needs, and can thus be omitted as unnecessary. The argument however, is just the opposite: namely, that cultural expression and cultural production can play an important role in changing behavior towards minorities and immigrants. More specifically: 1. The active participation of immigrants and minorities in the production of culture and initiatives that cultivate the arts, projects a positive image for them, thus, contributing to the fight against the general trend that attributes to immigrants and minorities social problems (for example, high unemployment, aggressive behavior, Kiriakidis, 2011) which in turn reinforces negative stereotypes and social isolation and exclusion. 2. Cultural exchanges with majority societies or receiving countries contribute to the fruitful cultural exchange which helps in eradicating ignorance and mutual distrust, that is the basis of xenophobia. 3. The involvement of immigrants and other minority groups in cultural production fosters self-expression and positive sense of identity in group and individual levels, thus facilitating their integration. The importance and role of culture in the process of building social solidarity and social co-existence in the modern and postmodern cities of Europe and the global world is a factor that can no longer be ignored. In this new social context, different cultural dimensions of identity of individuals and local communities are subject to a process of renewal and change. Festivals have always played an important role in this field because they have designed as places where, in an atmosphere of celebration, the various artistic movements and cultural phenomena closely linked to immigration and creating a multicultural society, they enjoy an ideal place to express themselves freely and peacefully. In addition, festivals are a shield against exclusion for young immigrants who are more vulnerable to delinquency (Kiriakidis, 2007) because of the social marginalization, they and their families have experienced. Particularly in the current economic crisis, festivals can use social media as their marketing tools since social media and information and communication technologies are widely recognized as a two-way communication channels with relatively low cost and with great penetration to the public (Lee & Goldblatt, 2012: 142-146; Yaşa, & Mucan, 2013; Katsoni,
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2011). The tools of e-marketing are a significant factor for the best possible participation of the public to the events and festivals.
5. THE MUNICIPALITY OF TRIESTE, ITALY: SPAESATI INTERCULTURAL FESTIVAL The city is not defined by specific material/tangible elements/ assets, but is also based on the symbolic dimensions expressing a particular system of meanings and values that occur within the joint space, such as linguistic expressions, religious symbols, social institutions, cultural particularities, economic activities and relations. Thus, the city is a tangible three-dimensional reality, a general framework of life to the history and different perspectives according to age, socio-economic conditions and the cultural system (Bitsani, 2004). One such example of an intercultural city comes from the past is the example of Italian Trieste, especially the central role of the Greek community in shaping its intercultural identity and the activation of the Greek community in maintaining the intercultural character of the city and the intercultural dialogue in the harmonious co-existence of all communities (e.g., Serbs, Istrians, Hebrews, etc.) in this city. The port of Trieste, after 1815 becomes a great merchant centre, since it consists of the ‗connecting bond‘ between East and West, due to its strategic position between East and Central Europe (Bitsani & Kavoura, 2011). Trieste was a city that was not passive in the face of cultural values. Through the dissemination of language, education and culture, the Italians, Slovenians, Greeks, Hebrews and Germans preserve and stabilize their presence in Trieste, Italy. Besides, it is centainly undeniable that the world of shops, economy, business and trade marked the strongest character of the city (Bitsani & D‘Arcangeli, 2009). It is the city that multilingualism and multi-ethnicity is the norm, a mixed marriage is the usual solution for young couples and tolerance is often apparent (with some exceptions of course in the Slovenian issue) towards the different culture (Bitsani & Kavoura, 2011). In this particular identity, the triestinità, we owe the rich Triestian literary production, mentioning the Italian Svevo or Umberto Saba. In this horizon, Trieste continues its tradition as a multicultural city and supports the existence of cultural diversity. In this direction, two important
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institutions-structures have been founded, the Intercultural Center and the Festival of immigrants; every November the Festival of immigrants covers all forms of art but focuses on the 7th art, in which the primary role played by the same immigrant communities and organizations. The Intercultural Center has been designed as an open space and location addressed not only to immigrants, but also to all those interested in intercultural dialogue and came as a result of over many years of the successful organization of the artistic festivals for immigrants. This initiative was launched with the support of the region and is part of the national network of Italy for Intercultural Centers; it is run by delegates of the institutional project contractors, the representatives of all the diverse immigrant and ethnic groups in the region. It is called Coordinamento delle associazioni e delle comunità degli immigrati della provincia di Trieste (CACIT) (http://www.csv-fvg.it/index.php?option=com_content&task=view& id=1371&Itemid=184). This new structure co-operates with various organizations, local and regional authorities, particularly with the voluntary sector, the University, the United World College of Duino. ―The idea, as its president Nader Akkad mentions, is to gather information, books, experiences and skills for a proper analysis of the different cultural realities found in our multi-ethnic city, focusing on innovative projects and networking with other related with the world of immigration‖ (personal interview with the president of the Intercultural Centre, Nader Akkad, 23/12/2009). The Center provides space and intercultural cooperation for those who want to study and discuss issues related to the promotion of cultures. It is already full of initiatives, such as building of an intercultural forum specifically dedicated to new immigrants, the activation of a permanent observatory and roundtable associated with the exclusion and discrimination, especially against women, the organization of conferences, seminars and cultural events, such as Cineforum for young people forming part of the annual festival of immigrants (http://www.spaesati.org/; http://www.spaesati. org/category/archivio/edizione-2009/). The annual Festival of immigration and local cultures with the name ‗SPAESATI‘ consists mostly of a film festival and videos related to stories, encounters, experiences, migration and cultures belonging to the Mediterranean basin. Its name, S / PAESATI is not accidental, on the contrary, it is very symbolic, giving an immediate overview of festivals and simultaneously the necessity of interculturalism and finding of a intercultural common identity. S / PAESATI, written in this way -the privative S-, declares those who are stateless (PAESATI) from the word PAESE that means
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homeland, but also the entire word spaesati means disoriented, for example, those who do not have a country and orientation, target, destination, thus, identity. In this highly intense and symbolic way, the necessity of people to connect and identify with a place is suggested. Therefore, intercultural relationships that thrive in Trieste with a long history in interculturalism, contribute to the identification of these new ‗foreigners‘ and the maintenance of its intercultural cosmopolitan identity. The abovementioned Festival also includes a film competition (http://www.spaesati.org/category/archivio/edizione-2009/). 2009 was the year with a record of participations and film makers participated with 200 projects from all over Italy, France, Spain, Switzerland, Poland, Lebanon and Argentina; it also contained a national seminar on the prospects for decentralized admissions‘ policy for asylum seekers and refugees, two meetings with the author Sonia Cincinelli, who presented the book, ―Immigrants in the Italian Cinema‖, theatrical performances and animation and a concert of traditional music, each time from a different country of origin. In recent years, a number of initiatives focus on multiculturalism, respect for the environment and the preservation of their traditions. In 2011, an important national seminar entitled ‗The right to the protection‘ about the prospects of decentralized reception of asylum seekers and refugees, mainly addressed to specific and relevant to the subject scientists, professionals and open to anyone interested in those issues (http://www.fvg24.it/2011/10/05/trieste-da-oggi-ripartono-gli-eventidispaesatiil-festival-delle-migrazioni/https://www.facebook.com/Spaesati?hc_location= timeline). The seminar was organized in cooperation with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the Italian Consortium Solidarity (ICS)-, Office for Refugees and sponsored by ANCI, the Immigration Department SPRAR -Central Service protection system for asylum seekers and refugees-. There were also fun moments and organizing fun workshops for street children. The International Festival S / PAESATI since its inception, worked on reinforcing the positive image of Trieste as an intercultural city and launches a new cycle, which largely determine the need for intercultural dialogue against the increasing racist attitudes and economic recession. In 2012, the Festival innovated in order to align and contribute to networking efforts and solidarity with other European cities but mainly, the Festival opened a large window of solidarity and cross-border dialogue between the Italian identity of Trieste and the Slavic one. This was achieved by incorporating a lot of actions and artistic events to the Festival from Bosnia, Croatia, Slovenia that are in the borders of Trieste. Specifically, it dedicated a
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week into a photo gallery or visual arts, cinema and other cultural activities of artists from Bosnia, while two days were dedicated to cross-border dialogue and the historical evolution of the city, the region and the whole cross-border relations. In addition, of particular importance, was the fact that the scientific part of the Festival had the identity of the modern cities as its main theme. Another important part of it was dedicated to a similar historical Treaty between France and Algeria wars, while the axis of African emigrants remained (http://www.spaesati.org/category/calendario/). The contribution of the Festival to the development of the city and the establishment of social cohesion is seen by the fact that each year the Festival grows because its public grows and extends in time but also thematically including more and larger population groups that are culturally diverse. This environment dictates the adjustment strategy to remain a vibrant cultural institution with a special place in the hearts of the public of the city, the region and the world and is particularly important in Trieste, a city that historically marks the definition and essence of multiculturalism, has a peaceful and creative coexistence of different ethnic, social and other population groups.
CONCLUSION Festivals play an important role in the transformation process of an intercultural society to multicultural societies, a strategic step for a wider European cohesion process. The festival reaches a very large scale. The number of people participating in the festival grows, a key sign is the renewed interest in the activities and the mushrooming of proposals in the programs of the festivals. Festivals offer artists around the world the possibility to enhance and enrich the artistic experience, giving a boost to the mutual exchange among high-profile artists from different countries. Specifically, festivals provide an opportunity for artists to live and work in new contexts and combine their expertise with that of the place that hosts them. Unlike other media, the public, the people who participate in festival events are actively involved. The festivals, conceived as moments usable by as many people as possible, promote the development of the concept of participation and promotion, of a sense of ‗belonging‘ since according to Kavaratzis (in Braun, 2012: 258) there is a change of focus from ‗the rational character of marketing to creating emotional and psychological associations with a city‘. They pose new
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challenges for local traditions, for the recognition of cultural diversity as a value; they stimulate innovation and respect for cultural heritage. Festivals play an irreplaceable role in training and education, as supporters of culture and peace and the sense of respect and understanding between different ethnic groups. The various activities, the extensive use of new technologies, programs and activities for young people are tools useful for achieving communication with youth, disseminating values such as respect for different cultures and the development of educational processes in the field of multicultural exchange. Festivals can thus, represent places and cities and they can be an effective communication tool. The representation of places emphasizes their distinctiveness transcending mere advertising and incorporating hallmark events into the tool box of the planners (Kavaratzis & Ashworth, 2008). If on the one hand, festivals respect and promote at the local and national level the specificity of local communities, local cultures, traditions and customs, values, on the other, they always emphasize the common European cultural heritage, through the comparison and exchange of different cultures with respect to the existence of cultural diversity. In conclusion, the recognition of the correlation between socio-economic exclusion and cultural oppression, is the basis for the emergence of civilization, especially the festivals as ‗tools‘ for the social inclusion of groups at risk of exclusion. In the present economic crisis, festivals are not only the cultural profile of a city, but included in its arsenal for establishing its new image and differentiation in an increasingly competitive world (Kolb, 2006). A festival is a catalyst of urban renewal and are able to attract tourists and investment funds to enrich the city‘ s image and create new jobs. For these reasons, the festival is utilized within the city branding (Ooi & Pedersen, 2010), which can achieve strategic benefits resulting from increased investment and tourism, as well as social development, strengthening local identity, connecting people to the city and activation of all social forces in order to avoid social exclusion and social conflict (Kavaratzis, 2004: 70). Given that the intense competition in both local, national or global level requires cities to seek comparative advantages over others, place marketing and city branding have become established political practices for many cities. In this context, the identity of a city gives it the advantage of awareness and identity, continuity and collective representation. The identification of the city with a specific cultural icon is in principle an effective way of promoting it as a tourist destination but as demonstrated above as a display element of
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peaceful coexistence and intercultural dialogue, while it is a reason for pride and recognition for its inhabitants. The city is a reality, but also participates in social fantasies, while each resident or visitor perceives places where they live or move in a different way. The images of places almost always highlight specific elements, which may be natural, cultural, social, economic, political or any combination thereof, while excluding other elements. The fact that the actual conditions in the city may have considerably changed since the specific image of the city was formed is not important; the image, ‗the icon‘ of the city is the most important issue. In the world of perception, the picture is more important than reality, which may prove to be either an advantage or a disadvantage to the cities. On the one hand, it means that an urban image / brand can be directed to mutate in a smart way by specialists of urban marketing without having to bother to cause similar changes in the place. On the other hand, it means that negative or misleading images may persist, despite the significant changes that may have occurred. The viability of the city will not matter when it works correctly in all levels and not when creating regions of different speeds; when the resident is not treated like a customer who requires a good and attractive storefront but when regain his/her position as the main regulator of the place. A socially-oriented policy, which does not operate like a business organization-which would mean a blind pursuit of profit-, but as a regulator of conflicting interests with the common goal of living in the same place seems more human and undated beneficial effects. In this horizon, the present chapter through a theoretical and empirical negotiation suggests the balance between the social and business profile of the modern city reconstructing its profile and focusing on the most contemporary intercultural identity on the basis of which intercultural city branding is created.
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In: Advertising Editor: Lucas Barreau
ISBN: 978-1-62948-612-3 © 2014 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 3
EXPLAINING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF APPEALS TO UNIQUENESS: A SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE Vincenzo Iacoviello and Fabio Lorenzi-Cioldi Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences University of Geneva, Switzerland
ABSTRACT Marketing strategies frequently appeal to the individuals‘ tendencies to search for uniqueness, which is most often considered to derive from a universal human motive. However, socio-structural factors moderate this tendency. The present chapter discusses two such moderators: culture and social status. First, we provide evidence that in western societies, values and norms typically emphasize individualism and personal distinctiveness, whereas in non-western societies, values and norms encourage collectivism and solidarity. We further show that advertising campaigns in different societies match the appropriate societies‘ values. Second, a group‘s social status also shapes the uniqueness motive. Drawing on research on social class and gender, we contend that membership in a high-status group fosters independent self-construals, whereas membership in a low-status group fosters interdependent selfconstruals. Hence, marketing strategies appealing to the consumers‘
Corresponding author: Fabio Lorenzi-Cioldi, Uni Mail – 6134. 40, Boulevard du Pont d'Arve, CH-1205 Genève. E-mail: [email protected].
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Vincenzo Iacoviello and Fabio Lorenzi-Cioldi uniqueness motive are more effective for members of high-status groups than for their lower-status counterparts. In the last section of this chapter, we report evidence from an ongoing research programme showing that the social status moderation of the uniqueness motive is not only observed in naturalistic settings, but also in experimental settings. Our findings provide important insights into the underlying mechanism of the social status moderation. Overall, the evidence presented in this chapter suggests that advertising practices that appeal to the consumers‘ uniqueness motive should mainly be targeted to people living in western societies, and to members of high-status groups.
INTRODUCTION In everyday life, expressions of uniqueness and distinctiveness are considered valued features of an individual‘s personality. For many scholars, the quest for uniqueness is a powerful and universal psychological motive (Brewer, 1991; Codol, 1984; Snyder and Fromkin, 1980; Vignoles, Chryssochoou, and Breakwell, 2000; Vignoles, 2011a). Based on this premise, marketers set up different strategies that make use of the consumers' motive for uniqueness in order to promote a product. In this way, advertising campaigns dwell at length on slogans that stress the pleasure of becoming different from other people (Mindy and Mcneal, 2001; Pollay, 1984). For instance, Apple encourages people to ―Think different‖, Carlsberg calls to ―Be proud to be different‖ and Doneski states: ―Don’t follow, be creative‖. Marketers' strategies concur to convince potential consumers that they will procure some specialness if they acquire certain products, or if "the purchased possession will render some aspects of their personal qualities more visible, thereby contributing to 'making themselves' " (Daloz, 2010, p. 42). One such strategy consists in presenting a product in a way to make it appear different from the competing products. Insofar as our possessions are an extension of who we are (Belk, 1988; James, 1890), people are attracted by original and uncommon products (Kim and Markus, 1999; Stephens, Markus and Townsend, 2007). For example, fashion trends break with traditional codes by proposing unconventional styles such as pinked-colored t-shirts or Hawaiian swimsuits that confer the feeling of being special or different from other people. As such products move from being original to being commonplace, they tend to lose their uniqueness connotation (Jackson, 2007). Another strategy is based on the availability of a product. Similar to original products, the purchase of rare or scarce products provides the
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consumer with a sense of distinctiveness. The more the availability of a product is restrained, the more it becomes attractive to the consumer (Brock, 1968; Lynn and Harris, 1997; Mazis, Settle, and Leslie, 1973; Snyder, 1992). Availability due to market circumstances can be twofold. First, a product can be scarce due to a high demand. In this case, people are appealed by the product because they think that it is popular and thus good quality is assumed (Verhallen and Robben, 1994). However, popularity has deleterious effects with regard to the consumers‘ quest for uniqueness (Worchel, Lee, and Adewole, 1975). Second, a product can be scarce because its availability is deliberately constrained in time or in quantity. This strategy can be referred to as the ―limited edition‖ principle since only a few individuals can obtain the product which conveys a sense of uniqueness (Cialdini, 2001; Inman, Peter, and Raghubir, 1997; Lee, Gregg, and Park, 2013). A final major strategy provides the individual with various possibilities to freely customize a product. This strategy has experienced a considerable growth over the past decades (Fogliatto, da Silveira, and Borenstein, 2012; Kotler, 1989; Wind and Rangaswamy, 2001). Accordingly, the product becomes, in a way, part of the customer, that is, an extension of his/her own personality. Because of its propensity to convey a sense of uniqueness, it becomes appealing for the consumer (Franke and Schreier, 2008; Merle, Chandon, Roux, and Alizon, 2010). This accumulated evidence suggests that the quest for uniqueness is a universal drive and that advertising campaigns draw abundantly on appeals to the consumers' uniqueness. Notwithstanding, there are various social and societal factors that moderate the very emergence of an individual's motive toward uniqueness. In the following section, we focus on two main moderators of this motive: culture and social status.
DISTINCTIVENESS: A CULTURALLY VARIABLE MOTIVE Among the many definitions of culture proposed by anthropologists and social psychologists, one well-known, shorthand definition states that culture is ―the collective programming of the mind that distinguishes the members of one group or category of people from another‖ (Hofstede, 2001, p. 9). This definition implies that people from different societies possess different shared values (Hofstede, 2001; Smith and Schwartz, 1997). Such values differ mainly in terms of their individualistic versus collectivistic flavor (Shavitt, Lee, and Torelli, 2009). Western societies,
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namely North-America, Europe and Australia, represent individualistic values, while non-western societies, mainly located in East Asia, Latin America and Africa, represent collectivistic values (Hofstede, 1983, 2001; Markus and Kitayama, 1991; Triandis, 1989). The individualism-collectivism dimension refers to various features of the self in relation with others. In individualistic societies, people learn values that promote independence and autonomy of the self, while in collectivistic societies people stick to values that emphasize connection with other people, as well as loyalty and solidarity with ingroups. Individualistic values also prescribe personal achievements, while collectivistic values prescribe to act in favor of the ingroup (Hofstede, 1980, 2001; Triandis, 1995). As an extension of this dimension, Markus and Kitayama (1991) distinguish between independent self-construals, which convey feelings of uniqueness and separateness, and interdependent selfconstruals, which convey feelings of membership to various ingroups. Based on these cultural distinctions, it is reasonable to argue that the uniqueness motive prevails in individualistic societies as compared to collectivistic societies. Some research supports this statement. Two studies compared cross-culturally participants' need for uniqueness (NFU scale). The NFU scale is a commonly used measure of the uniqueness motive (Snyder and Fromkin, 1977, 1980), and has been adapted to several contexts (for a consumer context, see Tian, Bearden, and Hunter, 2001). Burns and Brady (1992) showed that people from the United States obtain higher NFU scores than people from Malaysia. In the same vein, Yamaguchi, Kuhlman, and Sugimori, (1995) reported higher NFU scores in the United States than in Japan and Korea. Moreover, some studies have demonstrated a significant impact of culture on various attitudinal and behavioral outcomes related to feelings of uniqueness. For example, Masuda and Nisbett (2001) showed that Japanese participants are more context sensitive than American participants. To illustrate this, after viewing a picture containing a focal object (e.g., a fish) surrounded by other objects, Japanese were more likely than Americans to base their recognition judgments of the focal object on contextual information, such as the picture‘s background and the relations between the focal object and the other objects in the picture (e.g., a seashell). In line with these findings, Kim and Markus (1999) found that the preference for unique figures (e.g., a single triangle surrounded by multiple circles) was more pronounced among American students than among Chinese and Korean students. In another study, the authors show more suggestive, behavioral evidence. American participants chose a unique pen (e.g., a single orange pen surrounded by four green pens) to a greater extent than East-Asian participants did.
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Another behavioral evidence of the cultural moderation comes from studies examining consumers' variety seeking. Kim and Drolet (2003) found that participants born in the United States are more likely to seek for variety in their choice than participants born in Korea, and that they make use of a greater variety of decision rules to achieve their choices (see also Drolet, 2002; Ratner, Kahn, and Kahneman, 1999). These tendencies have been accounted for by the consumers‘ motivation to seek uniqueness (Ariely and Levav, 2000; Drolet, 2002). Altogether, research documents that the relation between self and other people is largely contingent on culture. In western societies, people typically value independence, while in non-western societies, people typically value duties towards ingroups. Such tendencies have distinct affective, cognitive, and behavioral implications (see Markus and Kitayama, 1991). Because persuasion is more likely to occur when the content of an argument matches the audience‘s values (Fabrigar and Petty, 1999; Perelman, 1980), marketers are urged to adapt their strategies to the cultural context (Pollay, 1987). In particular, advertising campaigns should stress individual uniqueness in individualistic cultures, and interpersonal relationships in collectivistic cultures. The next section examines this proposition.
Cross-Cultural Analysis of Advertising Content Several studies have analyzed the content of advertisings in different societies, in order to examine if the society's values are reflected in local advertising practices. Specifically, the individualistic vs. collectivistic cultural norm should affect the content of advertising appeals. Han and Shavitt (1994) conducted a seminal study comparing the advertisement content of an individualistic (United States) and a collectivistic (Korea) society. The findings demonstrate that the advertisements‘ content match the cultural values. American advertisements appeal almost exclusively to individualistic values, such as individual benefits and independence. By contrast, Korean advertisements appeal to collectivistic values, such as group benefits and relations with ingroup. These findings have received substantial support in cross-cultural research. For instance, Lin (2001) found that Chinese commercials appeal more to group cohesion and less to individuality and independence than American commercials (see also Alden, Hoyer, and Lee, 1993; Cho, Kwon, Gentry, Jun, and Kropp, 1999). Besides, recent studies showed that these cultural differences are also reflected in the countries' websites (Cho and Cheon, 2005; Singh and Matsuo, 2004). In sum,
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advertisements clearly appeal to individuals' uniqueness in individualistic societies, while they appeal to a larger extent to harmonious relations between self and other people in collectivistic societies.
Advertising and Persuasion Cross-cultural research has also investigated the persuasiveness of advertising practices according to cultural norms. The expectation is that consumers should be more persuaded by advertising appeals that match their cultural values. Han and Shavitt (1994) devised an experiment in which they asked American and Korean participants to rate the persuasiveness of advertisements that employed individualistic or collectivistic appeals. Consistent with expectations, the authors found that American participants were more persuaded than Korean participants when the advertisements emphasized individualistic values, and less persuaded when the advertisements emphasized collectivistic values. These findings have been successfully replicated in many different contexts (see Aaker and Williams, 1998; Chiou, 1999; Uskul and Oyserman, 2010; Wang, Bristol, Mowen, and Chakraborty, 2000; J. Zhang, 2010; Y. Zhang and Gelb, 1996; see Morling and Lamoreaux, 2008, for a meta-analysis on cultural products, including advertisements). An interesting example of related research comes from Aaker and Williams (1998). Their results demonstrated that American participants are more persuaded by ego-focused (e.g., pride) emotional appeals, while Chinese participants are more persuaded by other-focused (e.g., empathy) emotional appeals. In concert, these findings suggest that the uniqueness motive is more pronounced in individualistic societies than in collectivistic societies. However, recent lines of research challenge this straightforward cultural moderation. In the following section, two main refinements of the individualism-collectivism distinction are introduced. The one proposes the addition of a dimension related to values of equality and hierarchy, and the other introduces the idea of a variety of sources of individual distinctiveness.
Refinements of the Individualism-Collectivism Distinction Equality and Hierarchy Triandis and his colleagues argued that the individualism-collectivism dimension per se is unable to fully account for the perception of the self in
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relation with others (Singelis, Triandis, Bhawuk, and Gelfand, 1995; Triandis and Gelfand, 1998; Triandis, 1995). The authors proposed an additional dimension, orthogonal to the individualism-collectivism one. Similar to the Power Distance dimension (Hofstede, 1980, 2001) and the Social Dominance Orientation (Ho et al., 2012; Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, and Malle, 1994), this new dimension distinguishes between values that emphasize equality or hierarchy. Some societies value equality (and can be labeled horizontal) while other societies value hierarchy (labeled vertical). The matching of the two dimensions results in a fourfold typology of societies. Vertical-individualist societies (VI), such as the United States or Great Britain, stress personal achievements and individual status. Individuals want to be different from others in a better way, each one striving to be ―the best‖. In horizontalindividualist societies (HI) – typically, Scandinavian countries – people prefer to view themselves as equal to others on status and competence. They strive for uniqueness and autonomy, but not in a way to appear superior to others. In vertical-collectivist societies (VC; e.g., East Asia), people value cohesion and harmony with other ingroup members. They show deference to authority and place the focus on the status of the ingroup. Horizontal-collectivist societies (HC; typically, Israeli kibbutz) are characterized by people's emphasis on interdependence and equality among individuals (see Shavitt, Lalwani, Zhang, and Torelli, 2006, for a review). This increasing complexity of the individualism-collectivism dimension challenges decades of research on the cultural moderation of the uniqueness motive. Indeed, most of this research compared American samples with samples from East-Asian countries (see Shavitt et al., 2009), that is, VI with VC societies. The problem is straightforward: Are the obtained findings peculiar to vertical societies, or are they potentially valid also for horizontal societies? For example, one could argue that the uniqueness motive is subordinate to a more general one: the motive toward self-enhancement (e.g., Tajfel and Turner, 1986). Thus, the cultural moderation in vertical societies might be mainly due to a cultural difference in the motive toward selfenhancement. If so, there would be no reason for the cultural moderation to be effective in horizontal societies. Research aimed at examining this issue is still lacking. But we see no reason not to generalize the cultural moderation of the uniqueness motive to horizontal societies. First, the existing literature suggests that the tendency toward self-enhancement is as strong in VI as in VC societies. The difference is that the self-enhancement motive expresses itself in different ways. In VI societies, this motive is fulfilled through individual strategies, whereas in VC societies, it is fulfilled through collective strategies,
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such as a display of group ethnocentrism (Gürhan-Canli and Maheswaran, 2000; Kurman, 2001; Oyserman, Coon, and Kemmelmeier, 2002; Sedikides, Gaertner, and Toguchi, 2003). Second, even though the uniqueness and selfenhancement motives are related, they have been shown to possess distinct and unique contributions to identity definition (Breakwell, 1988; Vignoles, Chryssochoou, and Breakwell, 2002a; Vignoles, 2011b). Even if future research would demonstrate that the distinction between vertical and horizontal societies has no impact on the uniqueness motive, it is worthwhile to take into account this further dimension when drawing up culturally adapted advertising campaigns. In particular, the uniqueness motive should be aroused in different ways in VI and in HI contexts. Advertisements‘ effectiveness could be optimized, in VI societies by emphasizing an individual's superiority (e.g., stressing the quality of the product), and in HI societies by emphasizing an individual‘s differentiation (e.g., stressing the originality of the product).
Sources of Individual Distinctiveness A second line of research challenges the cultural moderation of the uniqueness motive. The basic assumption is that the motive toward uniqueness is universal, but that it could be fulfilled through different paths (Vignoles et al., 2000; Vignoles, Chryssochoou, and Breakwell, 2002b; Vignoles, 2011a). Indeed, three different sources of distinctiveness are proposed: difference, separateness, and position. Difference refers to an individual's uniqueness in terms of idiosyncratic attributes, such as abilities, opinions, appearance, and personality. Separateness refers to the individual uniqueness with regard to the psychological distance existing between the self and others. Typically, feelings of physical and symbolic boundaries, perceived autonomy, independence, or privacy, are key concept of separateness. Position refers to the individual uniqueness provided by one's position in a social structure such as family, friends, and team work. On the basis of this theoretical conjecture, Becker et al. (2012) examined the distinctiveness motive and its sources in 21 cultural groups. Their findings showed that individual distinctiveness was not weaker in collectivistic cultures than in individualistic ones. However, the sources of distinctiveness differed between these groups. In individualistic societies, the distinctiveness motive was mainly fulfilled through difference and separateness, while in collectivistic societies, it was mainly fulfilled through position. Although these findings represent an interesting refinement of the cultural moderation of the uniqueness motive, they are not a serious problem with
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regard to the implications of the cultural moderation for advertising. Our opinion is that most of the advertisement messages that draw on uniqueness emphasize difference and separateness as sources of distinctiveness. For example, it seems obvious that messages like ―Think different‖, ―Be proud to be different‖, or ―Don’t follow, be creative‖ are likely to stress difference as a source of distinctiveness. However, implications of such findings for advertising practices should be investigated more systematically in future research. Two decades of cross-cultural research have provided interesting insights into the cultural moderation of the uniqueness motive and its implications for advertising practices. However, research in this area needs to be pursued, not only to reach a better understanding of the social reality, but also because societies are becoming more and more fluid. Indeed, cultural norms and values are in constant evolution. Nowadays, the world is experiencing an economical and cultural globalization (see Jensen, Arnette, and McKenzie, 2011). As a result, there is a tendency for western individualistic values to spread among traditionally collectivistic societies. Indeed, Zhang and Shavitt (2003) showed that traditional values are more pervasive in the Chinese mass market, but that individualistic values are more pervasive in advertisements targeting the young Chinese generation (18-35 years old). Similarly, Zhang (2010) found that Chinese people from older generations are more persuaded by collectivistic than individualistic ad appeals, while this tendency is absent among Chinese people from the youngest generation.
SOCIAL STATUS AND THE UNIQUENESS MOTIVE Culture is not the only socio-structural moderator of the uniqueness motive. Another important moderator is social status. In the present section, we will first revise the literature on social class. We will then focus on evidence showing an analogy between cultural and gender differences in selfconstruals, and the limitations of this analogy due to the fact that gender dynamics may be better understood as an instance of status dynamics (see also Fiske, 2010). Finally, our recent research will be introduced, providing preliminary evidence of a social-status moderation of the uniqueness motive.
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Social Class and Feelings of Uniqueness Social class can be considered as a moderator of the uniqueness motive. Sociologists have long been interested in the way people from different social strata conceive of themselves. Bourdieu (1984) argues that the advantage in the economic and cultural capitals enables people from higher social classes (HSC) to possess greater opportunities in their choices and activities, and thus to display more variability in these choices and activities. Conversely, according to this author, people from lower social classes (LSC) are confined to the 'choice of the necessity', and need to close ranks in order to cope with their disadvantage. As a consequence, it is easier for people from HSC to achieve individual distinctiveness in terms of tastes or preferences. These people are often at the cutting-edge of new convenience goods because their possession provides them with feelings of uniqueness. Interestingly, it has been shown that as soon as these goods become commonplace in the larger population, people from HSC tend to abandon them for the benefit of new, scarce goods (Boltanski, 1976; Goblot, 1925; Simmel, 1957). In sum, decades of sociological research suggest that the uniqueness motive is more apparent among people from HSC than LSC (Daloz, 2010; Kohn, 1969; Lorenzi-Cioldi, 2009). More recent research in anthropology and social psychology is in line with this sociological conclusion. This research demonstrates that individuals' opinions and behaviors are framed by distinct norms according to social class. People from HSC are socialized to embrace individualistic values, while people from LSC are socialized to embrace interdependent values (Fiske and Markus, 2012; Snibbe and Markus, 2005; Stephens, Markus, and Fryberg, 2012; Stephens, Townsend, Markus, and Phillips, 2012). As an illustration, Kusserow (1999) examined the way parents educate their children. She showed that parents from HSC are more prone to encourage their children to express their uniqueness than parents from LSC. Endorsement of these group norms influences several behavioral outcomes (for a review, see Kraus, Piff, Mendoza-Denton, Rheinschmidt, and Keltner, 2012). People from HSC, compared to their LSC counterparts, make more dispositional explanations of events (Kraus, Piff, and Keltner, 2009), show a more pronounced preference for their own choice (Stephens, Fryberg, and Markus, 2011), and are less inclined to display prosocial behaviors (Piff, Kraus, Côté, Cheng, and Keltner, 2010). More relevant for our purpose, people from HSC emphasize uniqueness through their distinctive music preferences (Snibbe and Markus, 2005) or the choice of rare products (Stephens et al.,
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2007). Clearly, the uniqueness motive is more pronounced among HSC than among LSC people. This tendency is reflected in advertising practices. To illustrate, Stephens et al. (2007) analyzed magazine advertisements for cars, and found that advertisements targeted to HSC people indulged in mentioning uniqueness features, while advertisements targeted to LSC people indulged in mentioning relationships and connectedness with others.
Gender and Uniqueness Some authors have posited an analogy between cultural and gender differences in self-construals. They argue that, in the same manner as people from individualistic societies, men hold an independent self-construal, whereas similar to people from collectivistic societies, women hold an interdependent self-construal (Cross and Madson, 1997; Guimond, Chatard, Martinot, Crisp, and Redersdorff, 2006; Markus and Oyserman, 1989). Both the cultural and the gender differences in self-construals are anchored in specific socialization histories, inducing distinct social expectancies, values, and norms. However, these socialization processes are different in important respects. While the cultural moderation is the result of values and norms built across centuries of societies‘ economic, political, and philosophical history (Hofstede, 2001; Nisbett, Peng, Choi, and Norenzayan, 2001), the gender moderation is likely, if not better, explained by the division of labor between men and women within societies (Eagly and Karau, 2002; Eagly and Steffen, 1984; Eagly, 1987; Kashima et al., 1995). Consistent with this argument, one of the most influential account is Eagly's (1987) Social Role Theory. This perspective suggests that people‘s gender-related beliefs are mediated by the social roles people occupy in the society. Broadly speaking, as men tend to occupy (or are deemed to occupy) paid positions, and women tend to occupy domestic positions, people expect men to be more agentic and women to be more communal. These gender-related beliefs are reflected in child-rearing practices. For example, Fivush, Brotman, Buckner, and Goodman (2000) analyzed parentchild conversations, and showed that parents use more emotion-related words when discussing with their daughter than with their son. In turn, girls were more likely to use emotion-related words than boys. As expression of emotions bears obvious links with communality (Clark and Finkel, 2005), these observations suggest that girls are encouraged to develop a more communal and interdependent self-construal than boys. This divergence
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between men's and women's self-construals has implications on attitudes and behaviors concerning the self in relation with others. Josephs, Markus, and Tafarodi (1992) tested the hypothesis that men and women rely on different sources for their self-esteem. Their findings indeed showed that men, but not women, derive their self-esteem from their distinctive achievements. Conversely, women's self-esteem appeared related to the quality of their relations and attachments with important others. Consistently, Walsh and Smith (2007) showed that in contexts in which participant sex and gender norms were salient, men, compared to women, identified less with their gender, expressed lower need for affiliation, and a higher need for uniqueness. Moreover, in this same context, men were more likely to choose unique products than women. In sum, this gender moderation of the uniqueness motive can likely be understood as an illustration of a social-status dynamic (Fiske, 2010; Guimond, Chatard, and Lorenzi-Cioldi, in press; Lorenzi-Cioldi, 1988). Men, insofar as they belong to the higher-status gender group, show a stronger tendency toward uniqueness than women. Implications for advertising are obvious, as men should be more persuaded than women by advertisements appealing to the uniqueness motive.
The Social Status Moderation: From Naturalistic to Experimental Evidence The previously revised evidence suggests that members of high-status groups, namely higher social classes and men, cherish manifestations of uniqueness more than members of the corresponding lower-status groups. The process underlying such tendency seems attributable to differing socialization histories according to one's group status. Based on convergent evidence gathered from different asymmetrical social categories, such as gender, social class, or ethnicity, Lorenzi-Cioldi (1988, 2006, 2009) proposed a new perspective on the influence of social status on self-construals. Lorenzi-Cioldi's research demonstrates that members of high-status groups perceive themselves, and are perceived by other people, as collections of individuals who possess their own specificities and idiosyncrasies within their ingroup. Conversely, members of low-status groups perceive themselves, and are perceived by other people, as aggregates of more undifferentiated individuals describing themselves by means of the attributes that apply to their whole ingroup. Following this perspective, socialization histories are a sufficient but not a necessary factor to produce a social-status moderation of
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the uniqueness motive. The revised hypothesis is that the mere status differential between two groups engenders distinct inclinations toward uniqueness among members of the high-status and the low-status groups. In sum, this model focuses on the social identity processes underlying the socialstatus moderation. This hypothesis has been initially tested in a series of studies examining the so-called outgroup homogeneity effect. This amply documented phenomenon describes the tendency to judge the ingroup as more variable than the outgroup (e.g., Boldry, Gaertner, and Quinn, 2007; Voci, 2000). This propensity is partially motivated by the need for uniqueness, insofar as the person who judges the ingroup and outgroup homogeneities is a primary instance of the membership group (see Brewer, 1993). But the outgroup homogeneity effect has rapidly appeared to be more pronounced for men than women (Lorenzi-Cioldi, Eagly, and Stewart, 1995; Lorenzi-Cioldi, 1993, 1998), as well as for members of other advantaged groups, for instance natives compared to poor immigrants (Cabecinhas, Lorenzi-Cioldi, and Dafflon, 2003). The findings suggest that the uniqueness motive, as assessed by the tendency to judge the ingroup as more variable than the outgroup, is stronger for members of high-status groups than for members of low-status groups. In the above-mentioned research using natural-status groups, the findings do not rule out an explanation based on the socialization histories of members of high- and low-status groups. However, the same status effect has been successfully replicated by considering alternative status cues where the highand the low-status groups did not differ on the criterion of socialization, for instance by comparing junior and senior university students (Boldry and Kashy, 1999; Lorenzi-Cioldi, Deaux, and Dafflon, 1998; Lorenzi-Cioldi, 1998; Sedikides, 1997). Here, the relevance of the explanation in terms of socialization histories is questionable, even though it remains possible to contend that the more the students are academically advanced, the more they adhere to the individualistic norm that prevails in western academic institutions (e.g., Stephens, Fryberg, Markus, Johnson, and Covarrubias, 2012; Stephens, Townsend, et al., 2012). But further evidence challenges the reach of such socialization histories‘ explanations. Indeed, the status moderation of the outgroup homogeneity effect also arise (a) in asymmetrical groups created with minimal procedures (Lorenzi-Cioldi et al., 1998; Lorenzi-Cioldi, 1998; Lorenzi-Cioldi, 2008), and (b) according to the relative status positions of ingroup and outgroup (Lorenzi-Cioldi, 2002). That is, for members of a given group (e.g., a group that is located at a given stage in the educational track), comparison with a lower-status outgroup (that is, a group located at an earlier
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stage in the educational track) induces the perception of outgroup homogeneity, whereas comparison with a higher-status outgroup (that is, a group located at a later stage in the educational track) induces ingroup homogeneity. Collectively, these findings suggest that the social-status moderation cannot be imputed (at least, not exclusively) to different socialization histories, but as likely (if not more likely) to identity dynamics in status hierarchies. These findings are supported by our more recent research, which has straightforward implications for advertising practices (see Iacoviello and Lorenzi-Cioldi, 2013). In three studies, we tested the social-status moderation of the uniqueness motive. This motive was assessed as the preference for individualistic over collectivistic advertisement messages. As is apparent from Table 1, the content of the individualistic messages put emphasis on individual uniqueness, while the content of the collectivistic messages put emphasis on interpersonal connectedness. The first study considered participant level of education as a status cue. Participants rated the persuasiveness of the eight advertisement messages shown in Table 1. Consistent with current accounts of the status moderation in terms of socialization histories, the tendency to judge individualistic messages as more persuasive than collectivistic messages was more pronounced among highly-educated participants than among lower-educated participants. Table 1. The individualistic and collectivistic messages Individualistic Messages Become who you are Live the difference To be myself, precisely My very own style
Collectivistic Messages The pleasure of sharing For a happy collaboration It‘s good to share The whole family benefits
Participants in the second study were students from the University of Geneva. The status cue was participants‘ academic advancement: Master students were the high-status group and Bachelor students the low-status group. In addition, we manipulated the salience of the status gap between the two groups. In the non-salient condition, participants read a text describing students' everyday life at the university on some relevant characteristics. This text did not mention any differences between the two subgroups. In the salient condition, participants read a similar text, but this text ostensibly emphasized
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the academic superiority of Master students over Bachelor students on each of the relevant characteristics. Participants then rated the persuasiveness of the advertising messages. Expectations are straightforward. If the social status moderation of the uniqueness motive is accounted for by a differential socialization of Bachelor and Master groups, we should observe a social status effect in both the non-salient and the salient conditions. However, if we concede that there are no differences in the socialization histories of Bachelor and Master‘s students, so that both groups endorse the western individualistic norm to the same extent, we should observe such an effect in the status salient condition but not in the non-salient condition. Consistent with this latter conjecture, the findings demonstrated the greater persuasiveness of individualistic over collectivistic messages among Master than Bachelor students, but only in the status salient condition. Hence, the social-status moderation only emerged when participants were made psychologically aware of the ingroup position in the hierarchy. These findings support our hypothesis of a mere identity process at the basis of the social-status moderation. The third study was aimed at testing this social status moderation, while further neutralizing differences in the socialization histories of the high- and the low-status groups. All the participants were students from University of Geneva. The status of their university ingroup was experimentally induced. Participants read that according to a notorious international ranking agency, their own university ranked higher (vs. lower) than a rival nearby university. Consistent with predictions, the tendency to judge the individualistic messages as more persuasive than the collectivistic messages was more pronounced among participants assigned to the high-status condition than among those assigned to the low-status condition. Moreover, this social status moderation was stronger for participants who highly identified with their university. These findings suggest that beyond the account in terms of contrasting socialization practices, the mere consciousness of one's ingroup status is sufficient to elicit differences in the uniqueness motive. In particular, the findings show that the awareness of a superior ingroup position in the intergroup hierarchy engenders a predisposition toward individualistic beliefs and an increase of the uniqueness motive, and that the awareness of an inferior ingroup position engenders a predisposition toward collectivistic beliefs and a decrease of the uniqueness motive. Overall, the findings from this research programme provide an interesting insight into the psychological processes underlying the social status moderation, and they are also directly relevant for advertising purposes.
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Indeed, the nature of our measure of the uniqueness motive enhances our confidence that such a phenomenon arises in more realistic settings.
CONCLUSION Research in the social psychological tradition documents that people value self-conceptions that emphasize their differences from other people (Leyens, Yzerbyt, and Rogier, 1997; McGuire and Padawer-Singer, 1976). This tendency to single oneself out, that is to seek personal uniqueness, seems to be a universal psychological motive, and as such, it is a powerful determinant of individuals' opinions and behaviors. This uniqueness motive is addressed by different marketing strategies and by the content of advertising campaigns. Advertisements appealing to the consumers‘ uniqueness are indeed pervasive and persuasive. However, socio-structural factors modify this motive and, as a consequence, the effectiveness of such marketing strategies. In the present chapter, we have argued that culture and social status moderate feelings of uniqueness. Indeed, in non-western, collectivistic cultures, values and norms emphasize cohesiveness and connections with others. The uniqueness motive is thus less prevalent in these societies than in western, individualistic societies. Similarly, members of low-status groups, as in our example women, people from low social strata, and members of a given group that are put at disadvantage (vs. at advantage) compared to a relevant outgroup, emphasize their connections with other people at the expense of individual uniqueness. In sum, the uniqueness motive is affected by the psychological salience of the cultural milieu on the one hand, and of the ingroup‘s status on the other hand. It is certainly of interest for marketers to identify places and situations that affect the salience and the social status of consumers‘ identities, in order to adapt the advertising campaigns.
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In: Advertising Editor: Lucas Barreau
ISBN: 978-1-62948-612-3 © 2014 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 4
DISCURSIVE ANALYTICAL METHODS FOR EXAMINING CUSTOMERS’ ONLINE TALK Matthew Hall1 and John Neugebauer2 1
Nottingham Trent University, Nottingham, UK University of the West of England, South Gloucestershire, UK
2
ABSTRACT The growth and popularity of the numerous Internet computermediated communication channels has opened up new and exciting avenues for advertising. Social media advertising on social networks, product and service review pages, YouTube videos and Internet forums are some of the most effective forms of marketing (Tuten, 2008). However, although comments and posts on social media sites can promote a company and direct traffic to its website, impacting on revenues and its customer base, an additional benefit is that these electronic texts provide an opportunity to examine social norms and their effects on consumer choice. Since online testimonials and reviews are a relatively new form of word-of-mouth (or word-of-mouse) advertising (Dellarocas, 2003), this chapter specifically focuses on men‘s ‗electronic talk‘ on selfpresentation products. We advertise the benefits of examining the texts with discursive psychology (Edwards and Potter, 1992) and membership categorization analysis (Sacks, 1972; 1992). In doing so, the identification of consumers‘ discursive methods provide marketers and advertisers with new opportunities to re-examine
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INTRODUCTION As the media plays an increasingly important part in shaping and defining Western culture, it follows then, that the media would play an important role in providing a space to help define, represent and influence consumer choice (Craig, 1992). Given the increasing amount of time spent on a daily basis accessing online applications – almost half our waking day (OFCOM, 2010) via TVs, smart phones, laptops and other communication devices, it‘s logical that the Internet would be a rich source for advertising but also accessing information on consumer discussions about products and services. For example, some marketers and advertisers are using customers‘ online communications such as testimonials and product reviews as methods of advertising (e.g., Menaji and Amazon UK). These forms of advertising are believed to reflect the opinions, experiences or beliefs of the endorser. Such feedback facilities are word-ofmouth (or word-of-mouse) advertising (Dellarocas, 2003). Unlike companydependent adverts (e.g., pop-ups or electronic magazine adverts) in which the message is controlled, ‗word-of-mouse‘ adverts present as more authentic, sincere and believable (Van Hoye and Lievens, 2005). Indeed, this is enhanced since testimonials for example, are governed by strict principles (e.g., unrehearsed and presented in the consumers own words) and regulated by organizations such as the UK Advertising Standards Agency and the US Federal Trade Commission. In light of this, such online methods for advertising have proven an effective method of marketing (see: Kotler and Keller, 2005; Mittelstadt et al., 2000; Van Hoye and Lievens, 2005). Not surprisingly new electronic and digital media opportunities have impacted the advertising industry. Indeed, UK digital advertising spend grew by 12.6%, to £2.6bn in the first half of 2012. More specifically, display advertising (including internet, mobile, video, and banners in social media grew 10%, and accounted for 23% of all digital advertising (UK Internet Advertising Bureau, 2012). It seems without doubt that these new modes of communicating product information to people are here to stay. Of course, the pay-off for marketers and advertisers is that it reaches a wider and more diverse audience, ads can also be individualized and targeted,
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and of course, ‗user generated‘ advertising generally requires much lower costs (Thorson and Rodgers, 2012). In light of this, it is surprising that little market or academic research has examined modes of advertising from a wider discursive perspective. Previous studies of online (and offline) advertising have focused on aspects such as emotion (Percy, 2012), consumer participation (Haley, (2012), culture (La Ferle and Lee, 2012), advertising rhetoric (McQuarrie and Phillips, 2012), social media (Sundar et al., 2012), gender (Branchik and Chowdhury, 2013), sexuality (Oakenfull, 2007) and advertising discourse (Mullany, 2004). Although, markedly different in scope, what tends to unify these studies is that they tend to have similar data collection methods and modes of analysis. Where consumers‘ ‗talk‘ is examined, traditional modes of data collection tend to apply. For example, a significant amount of government (e.g., Hampshire and Matthijsse, 2010), non-for-profit (e.g., Burau, 2005), market (e.g., Harker, 2008) and indeed social science enquiry tends to favour the survey, questionnaire, interview and focus group. One concern with conventional interview, questionnaire, survey and focus group data collection is that it is artificial. That is, it is co-constructed by the research participant and the researcher/interviewer (see Baker, 1997 for a more detailed discussion). In other words, data collection and analysis is determined by a pre-defined agenda, which influences how participant(s) respond. Even when more scope is provided e.g., simply being asked to comment on an advertisement, the interviewee may provide a different response depending on the interviewer‘s gender, age, ethnicity, perceived socioeconomic background and so on, and this occurs even in the absence of the researcher/interviewer (see Potter and Hepburn, 2005 for a more detailed discussion). These data collection issues are avoidable by collecting naturally occurring talk such as people‘s discursive practices in everyday (e.g., a chat with friends) and institutional (e.g., at a meeting) settings. Online computer-mediated communication channels are also forms of everyday (e.g., chat rooms) and institutional (e.g., professional body websites) talk and so appropriate sites for examining naturally occurring data. A second issue with conventional marketing enquiry is the scope of analytical interpretation. In studies such as (Woodside et al., 2008) that examine consumer ‗talk‘ they become an interpretative commentary when micro-textual observations are expanded to macro-level concepts and theories to comment on phenomena such as the operation of power, ideology, and persuasion. However, what Discursive Psychology (DP hereafter) and Membership Categorization Analysis (MCA hereafter) argue is that macro-structures can
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only be commented on if the consumers/participants in the interaction make it relevant. Analysts therefore should be aware of the danger of drawing on their own knowledge of social norms and expectations when analyzing texts. Edwards and Potter (1992) suggest therefore, that to avoid analyst-lead interpretations of real-world phenomenon, analysts should only read from the data what is made relevant by the participants involved. In order to reduce this possibility DP (and MCA) focuses on naturally occurring talk in situated interaction; people‘s conversation in everyday settings and electronic talk produced in online computer-mediated communication channels. Unlike recordings of people‘s conversation, online data requires minimal (if any) analytical notation (Jefferson, 1984) and so is an immediate and rich source of data in which to demonstrate some DP analysis and show how this method may benefit advertisers and marketers. Having set out these issues with mainstream marketing and psychological enquiry, we now present the advantages of DP and MCA analysis of consumer ‗talk‘ demonstrating these in four extracts of consumer talk in-situ1.
DISCURSIVE PSYCHOLOGY Discursive psychology (Edwards and Potter, 1992; Hepburn and Wiggins, 2005; 2007) focuses on how versions of ‗reality‘, such as consumer identities, get done in conversation both on and offline settings (Hepburn and Wiggins, 2005, 2007). Reality is seen as something that isn‘t fixed; rather people produce versions of reality on a moment-to-moment basis for specific purposes such as describing an event that was attended, making a speech, accounting for a misdemeanor and so on. As Edwards and Potter, (1992, p. 15) point out, conversation: … displays how people define and pursue… topics, how they are deployed and resolved, how they are argued, claimed and avoided and how they are formulated within conversational activities such as assigning or avoiding or mitigating blame.
These versions of reality are also dependent of whom one is interacting with, the context of the interaction, along with the prevailing social and 1
Some of the data we use forms part of a larger study: Hall, M. (2013). ‗It‘s a metrosexual thing‘: A discourse analytical examination of masculinities. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Nottingham Trent University.
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cultural discourses. For example, in the context of gender, men may, or be expected to, work up more dominant notions of masculinity and consume associated products (e.g., beer) with a group of male friends at the ‗pub‘ than if they were conversing with their grandmothers. Discursive interaction is also sequential, relational and contextual. The importance of these is that the design and organization of people‘s talk is not produced in isolation but is related to previous events and accounts and relevant to a particular context. This means that a number of things are in play during talk at any given time. For example, talk about men‘s grooming would necessarily be produced in relation to a) the perspective at that moment of the person giving the account (pro-, indifferent, anti-), b) the perspective at that moment of the hearer or expected hearer (pro-, indifferent, anti-), c) the place in which the talk occurs (Skype chat; conversation in the street) d) it‘s relation to a previous sequence of talk (previous discussion; comments; news thread; print article) e) dominant discourse circulating in the local community and those at the national or international level (Wiggins and Potter, 2013, p. 84). When people produce these accounts, especially in relation to non-typical identity practices and behaviors (e.g., men and grooming) their talk must be selected, constructed and managed for ‗stake‘ (i.e., their personal interest). As Edwards and Potter (1992, p.158) point out: Anyone who produces a version of something that happened in the past, or who develops a stretch of talk that places blame… does so at the risk of having their claims discounted… participants should be thought of as caught in a dilemma of stake or interest: how to produce accounts which attend to interests without being undermined as interested.
Such a dilemma can be managed in a various ways. In order to see how this achieved, we examine two (unedited) extracts. The first is an online testimonial from one of the premier men‘s cosmetics producers - Menaji (www.menaji.com), the second is a customer review posted on Amazon UK (http://www.amazon.co.uk/product-reviews/B000KU55CS). Our step-by-step analysis of each segment of text is analyzed to see how it fits together and for what the ‗poster‘ was achieving at each and every stage.
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Extract 1 Paul Larsen, Operations Action Officer 1 2 3 4 5
Thank you Mënaji Skincare for helping me feel confident on my return to civilian life. I can see so much improvement in my skin. The transition coming home is always difficult, but you made it so much easier because I look good and feel good about myself. I couldn't have done it without you. You're the best!
The testimonial begins with a short biography of the author ‗Paul Larsen, Operations Action Officer‘. Sacks (1992 p. 4) pointed out that who speaks first chooses the tone and context of any subsequent talk. For example, formal greetings are responded to with formal greetings and so on. Of course, testimonials don‘t allow for further conversation like reviews, forums, comment posts and so on. However, procedural rules for conversation still apply as Paul‘s biography sets up how the rest of the text ‗should‘ be read and understood by the audience. Reference to features such as work, place and environment inferred by ‗Operations Action Officer‘ are not haphazard; they are designed for some purpose (Silverman, 1998 p. 132). Implying extremes implied by military service suggests the possibility that some readers‘ may undermine his claims (Edwards and Potter, 1992 p. 158). Extreme-case formulations (Pomerantz, 1994) (e.g., all, every, none etc) don‘t allow for any disagreement, unlike nonextreme-case formulations (Edwards, 2000) (e.g., most, some, many etc) that do. If speakers anticipate others questioning their action(s) and claims, especially if these are considered ‗delicate‘ topics, then accounts may be worked up beforehand as a defense (Silverman and Peräkylä, 2008). A ‗delicate‘ topic isn‘t initially introduced, however, Paul does indirectly self-identify as a member of a category of people who use ‗Manaji‘ products. However, the delicacy of his product choice is qualified by the implication of ‗need to‘ use, emphasized by citing his focus on the transformation ability of these products ‗on my return to civilian life‘ (1-2) and ‗The transition coming home is always difficult‘ (2-3).
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Paul also deploys a three-part list to emphasis the benefit of this process ‗helping me feel confident‘ (1) and ‗I look good and feel good about myself‘ (3-4). These items add clarity and weight to his point (see Jefferson, 1991 for a detailed discussion of listing) further serving to support and strengthen his implied ‗need to use‘. In addition, this ‗need to use‘ is further supported by Paul stating that ‗I couldn't have done it without you‘ (4). What is also evident is that these products are normalized when Paul notes that this brand is ‗the best‘ (4-5). In doing so Paul implies that this is a common practice for men, since the existence of other brands implies demand for these products and so works as a discursive strategy to ‗normalize‘ his activities, whilst at the same time as implying that readers who don‘t use such products may be in the minority. The identification of the design, selection and stake issues (Silverman, 1998, p. 132) in the testimonials provide market researchers with the tools to see how customers inoculate themselves from non-normative consumption, which can be deployed in marketing campaigns. For example, some of the difficulties identified in Paul‘s text have been overcome in Dove Men Care ‗The Man Manual: Protection For Man's Outer layer‘ (TV advert) by masculinizing the products as technical, needing to use against these against the environment (whilst at football) and multiple attacks from children, which references fatherhood and therefore heterosexuality. Potential homoerotic issues are avoided by the adverts being non-colored animations. Similarly, Paul inoculates himself from charges of using these products for reasons other than to remedy having poor skin ‗I can see so much improvement in my skin‘ (2) - presumably beautification. Paul‘s ‗stake inoculation‘ (see: Edwards and Potter, 1992) presents as an attempt to protect him from charges of effeminacy or homosexuality - Western culture tends to associate men‘s cosmetics with these masculine identity categories (Kacen, 2000; Souiden and Diagne, 2009; Woodruffe-Burton, 1998), Stake inoculation as a discursive strategy is also present in the following ‗Nivea For Men Intensive Moisturising Cream 50ml‘ review posted on Amazon reviews:
Extract 2 G. Embleton-kane 1 2
Great product OK a slightly taboo subject, men moisturising, however in
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todays competitive invironment we have to make the effort lads. Super item, not greasy, is obsorbed almost immediately and does cause a difference in skin texture. Totally recommended.
Embleton-kane begins his testimonial by stating his opinion ‗Great product‘, which sets a positive tone for the review to come, but also indicates his like for this item. Writing a review as pro- or anti- immediately positions the writer in relation to the reader who will hold a pro-, indifferent or antiopinion of this product. Of course, ‗trouble‘ only tends to occur with a misalignment between writer and reader. Embleton-kane expects that some readers may not agree with his opinion of the product, but not because of the quality of the product, but as Embleton-kane points out ‗taboo subject, men moisturising‘ (7). What‘s interesting to note is his use of the downgrade ‗slightly‘ (7). This downgrade extreme-case formulations (Pomerantz, 1986) – appears formulated in anticipation of others undermining his claim, or to propose that some behavior is not wrong. In such situations where potential discord is likely an account is required (Potter, 1996, p. 61). Embleton-kane does so by stating that ‗todays competitive invironment‘ is the reason why men ‗have to make the effort‘ (8). Embleton-kane‘s account creates two categories of men – those who use moisturizer and ‗the lads‘ (9) those who don‘t. Or rather, modern men and traditional men. Yet Embleton-kane is careful not to distance the ‗lads‘ too much by his unifying use of ‗we‘ in ‗we have to make the effort‘. What‘s also interesting is that there is an appeal to these men with more conventional masculinities ‗we have to make an effort‘ premised on a ‗todays competative invironment‘. However, this appeal also contains as an implicit warning to this group of men in that they risk becoming less competitive. We can only speculate as to what competitive refers to (e.g., work, sexuality, sport), but what is certain is that there is some masculine pay-off. Having accounted for his potential gender transgression, Embleton-kane moves on to provide detail three-part list (Jefferson, 1991) of technical features for why this is a ‗Great product‘ (6) or ‗Super item‘ (9) – ‗not greasy, is obsorbed almost immediately‘ (9-10) with the benefit of ‗cause a difference in skin texture‘ (10). Like Pauls‘s testimonial, Embleton-kane‘s also indicated that grooming and image-conscious practices for men still remain delicate topics that need to be managed if men are to avoid potential discord or questioning of their ‗manliness‘.
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Embleton-kane managed ‗stake‘ (see: Edwards and Potter, 1992) differently to Alec‘s ‗need to‘ use strategy with an implicit ‗warning‘ to those who are concerned with these practices. Besides further demonstrating to marketers and advertisers that certain products tend to be identity specific and increasing market size is likely to be difficult; identifying different methods people use to ‗manage stake‘ and account for identity transgressions also highlight how marketers and advertisers may draw upon these to market products to potential consumer in non-typical markets. However, DP is not the only useful methodology that can inform marketers and advertisers.
MEMBERSHIP CATEGORIZATION ANALYSIS In contrast to DP, MCA (Sacks, 1972, 1992) focuses on how category meanings are worked up, deployed and negotiated during people‘s talk. Therefore, MCA specifically focus on ‗the organization of common-sense knowledge in terms of the categories members employ in accomplishing their activities in and through talk‘ (Francis and Hester, 2004, p. 21). Put simply, identity categories such as ‗camper‘, ‗cyclist‘, ‗dude‘, ‗father‘, and others are ‗inference rich‘, carrying large amounts of culturally rich common-sense social knowledge. For example ‗father‘ references a person, typically over 18, who has a biological or adopted child, or indeed is a church leader and considers his congregation his children. Such social knowledge is not only available from the category itself, but also observable in how people go about identifying others, their realities, social orders, their social relationships with others and how they judge (Jayyusi, 1984). Being able to see these aspects in talk means that talk can be treated as ‗culture-in-action‘ (Hester and Eglin, 1997). However, Sacks (1972, 1992) pointed out that there are rules and procedures regarding categories and category usage. For example, collections of categories form membership categorization devices, which are: … any collection of membership categories, containing at least a category, which may be applied to some population containing at least a member, so as to provide, by use of some rules of application, for pairing of at least a population member and a categorization device member (Sacks, 1972, p. 218).
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MCDs comprise of two parts. The first part is that one or more categories form a collection. Collections of categories (MCD) are ones that go-together and have some meaning in which they all relate. So for example, mother, father, child(ren), uncle, aunt etc., all go together because they are in some way related and form part of the collection ‗family‘. The second feature of MCDs is that the categories within them contain certain ‗rules of application‘. These rules are applicable to both category and non-category members (Sacks, 1992, p. 238). For example, the ‗economy rule‘ means that a single category is suffice to refer to some member of a population, even though multiple other categories could be used to describe that person e.g., ‗hiker‘, ‗Apple Mac user‘, ‗Amazon shopper‘, blogger‘ and so on. Yet only one of these categories is required to provide meaning for others. Of course the relevant category selected is dependent on the context in which the person is being referred to. Categories can also be ‗duplicatively organized‘ to produce complete units like businesses with directors, managers, workers, or families with mums, dads and children and other familial configurations (Sacks, 1992, p. 240). Categories can also form ‗standardized relational pairs‘ (e.g., producers/consumers) each having their own rights, obligations, responsibilities and duties to the other (e.g., providing products as advertised/paying for products) (Jayyusi, 1984). Categories are often hierarchically organized, where a doctor may be higher than a patient in the context of medical knowledge and skill. The final rule Sacks identified was the ‗consistency rule‘. This means that if one category is used for some given population (e.g., Argos customers) then all other members of that population can be categorized the same, as they are presumed to have the same attributes (buy from the same company) (Sacks, 1992, p. 238-239). Sacks suggested that this latter rule contains two ‗hearer‘s maxims‘. He demonstrated this in his well-cited example from a children‘s storybook - ‗The baby cried. The mommy picked it up.‘ (Sacks, 1992, p. 236). Sacks argued that we hear the baby as the baby of the mother, even though this is not explicitly stated. This occurs because, ‗If there are two categories used, which can be found to be part of the same collection, hear them as part of the same collection – which is how you hear them‘ (Sacks, 1992, p. 239). However, the baby/mother relationship also contains a second ‗hearer‘s maxim‘. This links specific activities and predicates to a specific category of incumbents. Such that: If a category-bound activity is asserted to have been done by a member of some category where, if that category is ambiguous (i.e., is a member of at least two different devices) but where, at least for one of
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those devices, the asserted activity is category bound to the given category, then hear that at least the category from the device to which it is bound is being asserted to hold (Sacks, 1972, p. 224).
In other words, categories and incumbents are presumed to be doers of particular actions ‗category-bound activities‘ and have specific characteristics ‗natural predicates‘, but also consumer specific products (e.g., babies consume powdered baby milk) and services (e.g., the ill use healthcare services). Once a category has specific attributes assigned to it, these attributes become invoked in the category‘s deployment (e.g., babies crying and mothers picking them up). These category-bound activities and predicates are also important for members in making sense of the everyday social world because this allows for people to make value assessments of other‘s actions (Wowk, 1984, p. 76). Assessments are important since, ‗standards, criteria, judgments, implications, etc. – are bound up with various other practical matters – categorizations, descriptions inferences etc.‘ (Jayyusi, 1984, p. 181). These social values tend to become embedded over time through continuity of use, and because they appear ‗natural‘, values help influence members‘ actions. That is, they constitute normative behavior in which to judge the actions and characteristics of other people in the same or another category. When such norms are breached a disjuncture occurs, leading to judgments by others being made often resulting in them being seen as ‗an exception‘, ‗different‘, or even ‗defective‘ (Schegloff, 2007, p. 469). Ultimately this would lead to the person either halting the transgressive behavior or being re-categorized (Speer, 2005, p. 119-120). Applying these steps to electronic talk then, we demonstrate in the following extracts that certain products are, or, are becoming, candidate identity category-associated products. But also that certain activities and behaviors are identity specific and the identification of these can provide manufactures of products that ‗fit‘ with potential new markets. The following two (unedited) extracts are taken from an Apple Mac forum and the online men‘s magazine AskMen.com:
Extract 3 Matt 1 2
… i am definitely metro... professional shampoo/conditioner/hair gel... algae facial treatments and other
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nice skin moisturizers... PowerBook G4 shop at Banana Republic, Diesel, Calvin Klein, Armani Exchange... boxer briefs manicures/pedicures Tumi backpack Prada and Gucci eyewear Pottery Barn furniture (ultra suede comforter = the ticket) wow... it feels good to be out of the... uhhh walk-in closet girls love metros... who doesn‘t like invites to 100 shop with them at victoria‘s secret
Matt immediately self-identifies as a ‗metrosexual‘ ‗i am definitely metro‘ (15). In doing so Matt is thus indicating that there is at least another category of men that are ‗non-metrosexual‘. The characteristics of both of these identities becomes clearer when Matt offers candidate category-bound products (16-20) for this identity ranging from grooming products (hair, face and skin: 16-17) to clothes brands (Diesel, Calvin Klein etc.: 17-18), accessories (backpacks and eyewear: 19) and household items (furniture and electrical: 17, 20). In contrast, the category of ‗non-metrosexuals‘ are indirectly referenced as not consumers of such products. What‘s also interesting is that these items are presented as a list of identity-specific items. What listing does is act as something others can orientate-to or against (Jefferson, 1991, p. 68). In other words, it allows others to position themselves in relation to the items on the list and self-identify - either ‗metrosexual‘ or ‗non-metrosexual‘. Of course identification of identity-specific products provides marketers and advertisers with valuable information for targeting specific consumers in their campaigns. Yet, this type of list construction may also serve as a warning. For example, list also act as a discursive tools to support and bolster claims in light of potential discord (Jefferson, 1991). We get a sense of what this may be when Matt states ‗it feels good to be out of the... uhhh walk-in closet‘ (20-21). His humorous play on words, referencing homosexuality, suggest that some readers (e.g., ‗non-metrosexuals‘) may see the items on the list as ‗gay‘ or effeminate‘. However, potential charges are lessened as Matt masculinises his post by providing a heterosexual pay-off for being a self-identified ‗metrosexual‘ and consumer of these candidate identity products ‗girls love metros‘ (21). In the next extract the delicacy of ‗metrosexuality‘ as a new masculine identity is also evident, but rather than candidate products, identity is constructed on candidate category-bound activities.
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Extract 4 Man 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
I have been called a metrosexual multiple times by girls and I thought it has a bad connotation. I like how being a ―metrosexual‖ is the new word for cultured men. I know how to cook, clean, sew and groom myself. I use two types of hair styling products, use cleansers, use moisturizers, wear fashionable clothes, not averse to shopping, and i am a romantic. All of those point towards me being a metrosexual and I like it. I am being hit on a lot more now after my transition of being a bookworm to a chique guy.
What‘s immediately evident is that Man‘s ‗metrosexual‘ identification centers on other‘s categorization of him ‗I have been called a metrosexual multiple times by girls‘ rather than an explicit self-identification. In doing so he renders himself less accountable for any associated difficulties. The reason for this can be seen when he suggests 'metrosexuality' can be understood as a term of abuse: ‗I thought it has a bad connotation‘ (121-122). However, Man then conflates ‗metrosexuality‘ with ‗cultured man‘, which carries a variety of category-bound activities and predicates traditionally associated with women and femininity e.g., ‗cook, clean, sew‘ and so on (23). However, his account of metrosexual identity seems to suggest that these ‗metrosexual‘ activities as more masculine and trendy than his previous categorization ‗being a bookworm‘ (28). Yet since ‗metrosexuality‘ involves traditional feminized activities, Man appears to be aware of the potential for these to be seen as a ‗phony‘ masculine category e.g., ‗homosexual‘ or ‗effeminate‘ (Sacks, 1992). As such, rather than simply identify with ‗metrosexual‘ practices, he explicitly links his new persona of ‗chique guy‘ to (hetero-)sexual attractiveness: ‗I am being hit on a lot more now‘ (27). In other words, Man re-masculinises his ‗metrosexual‘ identity. Although this response demonstrates the men‘s difficulties in transgressing socially defined gender binaries, what it also does is identify current and potential trends associated with identity types. For example ‗metrosexuality‘ is associated with these activities and product use ‗hair styling products, use cleansers, use moisturizers, wear fashionable clothes, not averse to shopping and i am a romantic (24-26).
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Such products combined with how and to whom market to ‗cultured men‘ ‗(23) ‗chique guy‘ (28) and heterosexual payoff ‗I am being hit on a lot more now‘ (27) are potentially deployable in future marketing and advertising campaigns.
CONCLUSION Given the increasing amount of time people spend on a daily basis accessing, viewing, responding to, and creating online applications including advertisements this chapter argued this electronic data provided an important opportunity to access additional information on customers and markets. We argued that, whilst traditional marketing data collection and analytical methods remain useful, discursive methods of data collection and analysis allow for a more detailed and unbiased perspective. In support of our claim we outlined discursive psychology (Edwards and Potter, 1992) and membership categorization analysis (Sacks, 1972, 1992), showing the distinct focus of each. That is, how people work up during the course of interaction discursive phenomena such as accounts, the relaying of events, the management of interest, the construction of identities and making suggestions on candidate activities and behaviors as well as associated products and services. While we presented both as discrete and different in scope, they can be successfully deployed together in a marketing context (Hall et al., 2013). In demonstrating the usefulness of DP and MCA to marketers and advertisers we analyzed four electronic extracts in an online environment facilitated by marketers and manufacturers - Menaji, Amazon UK, MacRumours and AskMen. We saw in the first two extracts that the posters managed their stake, ‗inoculated‘ themselves, in their non-typical gendered product use by presenting usage as ‗need to‘ as a combative measure against the rigors of work, environment and to remain competitive with other men. The second two extracts showed that modern and emerging identities frequently have associated activities and behaviors and the offer potential opportunities for marketers and advertisers. However, we are cautious of suggesting that these opportunities should be seize without an examination of the social norms associated with such product and service use. For example, while ‗metrosexuality‘ can be seen to offer opportunities to market and advertise grooming and image conscious products to men, these must be framed in masculine ways (e.g., referencing sport and sexuality) in
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order to give men permission to consume them whilst at the same time avoiding potential social taboos (see Hall et al., 2013 for a more detailed analysis). Clearly, our data and analysis has been restricted to testimonials, reviews and comments on men‘s image conscious practices and ‗metrosexuality‘. Therefore, further work could non-masculine, non-grooming contexts, but also other modes of computer-mediated communication avenues (e.g., Facebook). Other research might focus on existing customers‘ talk to identify potential barriers to additional consumption or satisfaction or identify potential untapped markets. Therefore, DP and MCA provide marketers and advertisers with valuable tools in which to examine the social influences that determine customer consumption choices in increasingly competitive markets.
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In: Advertising Editor: Lucas Barreau
ISBN: 978-1-62948-612-3 © 2014 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 5
HOW CULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS MODERATE CONSUMER RESPONSES TO POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE FEELING ADVERTISEMENTS Sarah De Meulenaer, Nathalie Dens and Patrick De Pelsmacker University of Antwerp, Belgium
ABSTRACT We investigate the influence of individual differences in cultural background on consumer responses (ad-evoked empathy) to positive and negative feeling advertisements. In the present chapter, culture is identified through four dimensions from the Hofstede (2001) framework: power distance, uncertainty avoidance, individualism and masculinity. A 2 (type of feeling advertisement: positive vs. negative feeling) x 2 (cultural dimension: low vs. high) experimental study was carried out in Belgium (n = 209) and Australia (n = 71). The countries were chosen to represent a variation in cultural characteristics. Cultural dimensions were measured at the individual level and then median split for use in the analyses. The results show that individual cultural characteristics moderate the effect of positive and negative feelings on ad-evoked empathy. Both high
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Sarah De Meulenaer, Nathalie Dens and Patrick De Pelsmacker and low uncertainty avoidant, highly collectivistic, high and low power distant and feminine individuals feel more empathy for a negative feeling ad than for a positive feeling ad. Masculine people and individualists respond similarly to both ads. These results can be used to better adapt feeling advertisement strategy to cultural characteristics of target groups. Negative emotional appeal will appeal more to collectivist and feminine market segments, while the emotional appeal does not matter for individualist and masculine market segments. Implications, limitations and suggestions for further research are discussed.
INTRODUCTION The discussion about standardization or localization of international advertising strategies is becoming more important with increasing globalization. In the eighties, Levitt (1984) already predicted that the rise of new technology would result into a homogenization of consumer wants and needs. Companies who provide advanced, functional, reliable and standardized products, at the right price, on a global scale, would outcompete traditional multinational firms who tailor their products to the needs of multiple markets. Accordingly, in due time there would be one global commercial culture that absorbs different national cultures (Hung, Li, & Berk, 2007). This would make it possible to standardize marketing campaigns across the globe, which would lead to lower costs, higher margins, easier quality control and a unified brand image (Zou & Volz, 2010). However, thirty years later, there is still no strong evidence of homogeneity of people‘s traditions or values (De Mooij, 2011). Individuals in different countries still have different habits, tastes and loyalties, notwithstanding the worldwide reach of television and the Internet (De Mooij, 2011). Consequently, global standardized advertising is not equally effective in all markets (Sinclair, Wilken, 2009; Matusitz, 2010) since maximal efficiency can only be reached if one global consumer culture exists (De Mooij, 2011). This is why standardization of advertising strategies has led to declining profitability instead of increasing efficiency (De Mooij, 2002). Cross-cultural advertising research is important in order to better understand the influence of differences in cultural backgrounds on responses to advertising strategy (Biswas, Olsen, & Carlet, 1992). The present study contributes to the discussion about standardization or globalization of advertisements and the effectiveness of diverse advertising strategies in consumer segments differing in cultural values.
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It is well documented that different emotions have a different impact on ad evaluations (Faseur & Geuens, 2006). However, the response to various types of emotional appeals may differ substantially in different cultures. The aim of the present study is to examine if advertising-evoked responses of empathy vary across consumers differing in cultural characteristics. The empathic response to positive and negative feeling advertisements will be studied, together with the moderating effect of four cultural dimensions from the Hofstede (2001) framework (power distance, uncertainty avoidance, individualism and masculinity) by means of an experimental study that was carried out in Belgium and Australia. The contribution of our study is that, for the first time as far as we are aware of, it investigates differences in responses to positive and negative feeling ads depending on four cultural characteristics measured at the individual level. By measuring the cultural dimensions at an individual level, the effect of an individual‘s cultural orientation can be examined and countrylevel relationships are not interpreted as if they apply to individuals (Yoo, Donthu, & Lenartowicz, 2011). The remainder of the text is organized as follows. First, the literature about responses to feelings in advertising and about the outcome variable, affective empathy, is discussed. Additionally, the literature about the culture construct and Hofstede‘s (2001) cultural dimensions are described, and hypotheses are developed about the effect of individuals‘ cultural characteristics on their response to positive and negative feelings advertisements. Subsequently, the method that was used in this study is explained and the results of the study are reported. Finally, these results are discussed, and implications, limitations and suggestions for further research are offered.
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND AND HYPOTHESES First, we will focus on the relevance of emotions in advertisements, and on the outcome variable of the study, affective empathy. Second, the four cultural dimensions of Hofstede (2001) - power distance, uncertainty avoidance, individualism, and masculinity - and their moderating effect on responses to feeling ads are discussed, and the hypotheses tested in this study are developed.
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Feeling Advertisements Since the early eighties, the effect of feelings or emotions in advertising is a prominent theme in advertising research (Holbrook & Batra, 1987). Advertisements can be roughly divided into two categories, thinking ads, where the focus is placed on either factual information (e.g., product attributes) or utilitarian consequences of product/service use (e.g., savings in time and money), and feeling ads, which emphasizes the emotions one will experience through use or ownership of a product (Bagozzi, Gopinath, & Nyer, 1999). As indicated by Bagozzi, et al., (1999), the terms emotions, feeling, affect and mood are often used interchangeably in the literature. Consisted with their work, this chapter uses the term ―feeling ad‖ to describe the second category of ads. Ad-evoked feelings are powerful predictors of the effectiveness of advertising and often influence the attitude towards the ad and the brand and beliefs about the brand‘s attributes (Edell & Burke, 1987; Holbrook & Batra, 1987). The Elaboration Likelihood Model (Petty & Cacioppo, 1986) indicates that there are two relatively distinct routes to persuasion, namely the central route and the peripheral route. Emotions in advertising can align well with the conditions that are thought to prompt persuasion through the peripheral route because this will require minimal cognitive capacity and the speed with which decisions can be made is high (Dillard & Peck, 2000). Persuasion through the peripheral route is more likely to occur as a result of some simple cue in the persuasion context, while persuasion through the central route results from a person‘s careful and thoughtful consideration of the true merits of the information presented (Petty & Cacioppo, 1986). Affect may provide the basis for heuristic reasoning since it can function as a heuristic that directs message recipients to either accept the claim or devote more effort to evaluating it (Dillard & Peck, 2000). Ads using positive feelings would lead to liking the ad and buying the product, whereas negative feelings evoke an uncomfortable state that makes consumers want the ―solution‖ offered by the advertiser (Cotte, Ritchie, 2005). Edell and Burke (1987) identified three dimensions of feelings elicited by advertising: warm (e.g., calm, kind), upbeat (e.g., active, proud), and negative (e.g., angry, irritated). The present study operationalizes two emotions in feeling advertisements, namely sadness, which is categorized as a negative feeling by Edell and Burke (1987) and enthusiastic, which is labeled as an upbeat feeling.
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Affective Empathy In this study, the response to advertising is measured as affective empathy. The empathy construct has been studied for over 40 years since it is recognized as an organizer and regulator of a variety of human behavior (Moore, 1990). In general, empathy refers to one‘s ability to understand and identify with another person‘s perspective (Pilling & Eroghi, 1994). This definition of the empathy construct contains two dimensions, cognitive and affective (Cassels, Chan, Chung, & Birch, 2010). Cognitive empathy is the ―ability to interpret and understand the experiences and feelings of other‖ (Davis, 1980, p. 4). Affective empathy is the emotional response to another person‘s emotion or situation (Eisenberg & Fabes, 1990). Affectively empathic people experience emotions that are similar to those of other individuals (Cassels, Chan, Chung, & Birch, 2010). Since the present analysis focuses on feeling advertisements, only affective empathy is measured. For the remainder of this chapter, ad-evoked empathy will always refer to affective empathy. As empathic responses are inherently different in different cultures (Cassels, Chan, Chung, & Birch, 2010), the use of this outcome variable is relevant in a cross-cultural context. In addition, Emotional Information Management indicates the importance of the empathy construct when responses to feeling advertising are analyzed (Taute, McQuitty, & Sautter, 2011), as Taute et al., (2011) found that emotional empathy significantly affects attitude toward the ad.
The Effect of Cultural Characteristics on Consumer Responses to Advertisements Hofstede (2001, p.9) defines culture as ―the collective programming of the mind that distinguishes one group of people from another‖. All emotions are independent and integral ensembles in which various components (e.g., experience, facial expression, and physiological response) are closely linked together (De Mooij, 2011). Culture regulates social interaction and facilitates the development of norms for emotions, and especially emotional expression (Matsumoto & Fontaine, 2008). Consequently, both recognition of expressions of emotion and judgment vary across cultures, which makes emotions socio-cultural in nature (Mesquita & Walker, 2003; De Mooij, 2011).
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The attitude towards different types of feeling advertisements and the empathic response towards them may thus vary depending on cultural characteristics (Mooradian, Matzler & Szykman, 2008). Effective advertising should use expressions that are interpretable by the target group (De Mooij, 2011). The responses to advertising will be influenced when emotional appeals are used that are (in)consistent with the cultural values of the individual (Albers-Miller & Gelb, 1996; De Mooij, 2002). We propose that cultural differences are moderators of the effect of negative and positive emotional appeals on consumers‘ responses to advertising. Hofstede (2001) developed a model of five independent dimensions of national culture that can facilitate a comparison of different national cultures and/or categorize individuals into segments holding different cultural values. These dimensions are rooted in basic problems with which all societies have to cope, but on which their solutions vary. The base data of the Hofstede framework were collected from IBM employees in 72 countries between 1967 and 1973 in two survey rounds. Although the scores were collected over forty years ago, more than 200 external comparative studies and replications have probed that Hofstede‘s approach is still valid (De Mooij, 2011). Additionally, when Hofstede‘s model is compared with other approaches to measure culture, a high level of convergence across approaches is found which further supports the theoretical relevance of Hofstede‘s framework (Soares, Farhangmehr, & Shoham, 2007). The original Hofstede framework distinguished four dimensions: power distance, uncertainty avoidance, individualism and masculinity. Below, we describe each of the dimensions in more detail, and derive hypotheses on how they would moderate consumer responses (ad-evoked empathy) to positive and negative feeling ads (Figure 1).
Power Distance Power distance is defined as ―the extent to which less powerful members of a society expect and accept that power is distributed unequally‖ (Hofstede, 2001, p. 98). The basic problem involved, which different societies handle differently, is human inequality (Hofstede, 2001). Inequality occurs in a variety of areas such as physical and mental characteristics, prestige, wealth, power, and laws (Hofstede, 2001). High power distant societies are characterized by a clear hierarchical structure where status and prestige are important, and a large power inequality between superiors and subordinates is present (De Mooij, 2002). Expressions of emotions in these societies may be weakened because this could be seen as a lack of respect for the existing
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hierarchy (Fernández, Carrera, Sánchez, Paez, & Candia, 2000). Matsumoto (1989) found that power distance correlated negatively with the intensity ratings of sadness and that high power distant cultures have more difficulties with identifying happiness. This leads to the expectation that the empathic response of high power distant individuals does not differ significantly between the two ads because of difficulties with identifying happiness and the avoidance of expressing negative emotions.
Figure 1. Research framework.
Low power distant societies have a flat organization and individuals are perceived as equal. Communication and expression of negative emotions are more tolerated, since this emphasizes individual equality across different social roles (Matsumoto, 1989). We expect that they will feel more empathic towards the negative ad than towards the positive ad. Hence: H1a: Low power distant individuals feel more empathic towards a negative feeling advertisement than towards a positive feeling one. H1b: There will be no difference in the level empathy towards a negative or a positive feeling ad for high power distant individuals.
Uncertainty Avoidance Uncertainty avoidance is ―the extent to which members of a culture feel threatened by uncertain or unknown situations‖ (Hofstede, 2001, p. 161). There are different ways to cope with uncertainty; through technology, which defends us against uncertainties of nature, through law, to defend against uncertainties in the behavior of others and through religion, to accept the
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uncertainties we cannot defend ourselves against (Hofstede, 2001). Uncertainty avoidance is feeling threatened by ambiguous situations, which is why uncertainty avoidant individuals need structure in their organizations, institutions, and relationships to make events clearly interpretable and predictable. The stronger a culture‘s tendency to avoid uncertainty, the greater its need for rules (Hofstede, 2001). In high uncertainty avoidant cultures, there is more anxiety and stress because of the unpredictable future inherent to life and a higher dissatisfaction level. This leads to greater nervousness, more emotionality and aggression (Armstrong, 1996). Overall, higher uncertainty avoidance leads to lower subjective well-being (Hofstede, 2001). High uncertainty avoidant individuals are therefore expected to feel more allied with the negative feeling ad than with the positive ad because they focus on negative situations. In low uncertainty avoidant cultures, people will express less embarrassment, anger and guilt and experience lower levels of anxiety (Hofstede, 2001). Low uncertain avoidant individuals are more pragmatic and tolerant of change. As these individuals are more likely to suppress emotions (Hofstede, 2001), we do not expect a significant difference in the level of empathy towards positive or negative feeling ads. H2a: High uncertainty avoidant individuals feel more empathic towards a negative feeling advertisement than towards a positive feeling one. H2b: There will be no difference in the level empathy towards a negative or a positive feeling ad for low uncertainty avoidant individuals.
Individualism – Collectivism Individualism stands for ―a society in which ties between individuals are loose: everyone is expected to look after him/herself and her/his immediate family only. Collectivism stands for a society in which people from birth onwards are integrated into strong, cohesive in-groups, which throughout people‘s lifetime continue to protect them in exchange for unquestioning loyalty‖ (Hofstede, 2001, p. 225). In a collectivist culture, the emphasis lies on self-restraint and harmony in relationships. That is why some authors argue that the display of emotions is suppressed in collectivist cultures (Mesquita & Walker, 2003; Fernández et al., 2000). For example, the expression of happiness, an expansive behavior, is rare and negative emotions are suppressed to maintain harmony in in-groups (Mesquita & Walker, 2003; Fernández et al., 2000). Hofstede (2001), on the other hand, states that emotions of sadness are encouraged in collectivist cultures and only emotions
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of happiness are discouraged. In individualistic countries, emotional expression is reinforced and encouraged (Fernández et al., 2000). Expressions of negative emotions would be encouraged because these attribute to individual differences and the expression of internal desires and affects (Fernández et al., 2000; Matsumoto, 1989). However, Matsumoto (1989) found no support for the latter hypothesis. He did find that individualism was positively correlated with identifying happiness. Hofstede (2001) suggested that individualistic cultures encourage emotional expressions of happiness and discourage sadness expressions to positively differentiate themselves from others. Given contradicting evidence in previous research, we formulate the following research question: RQ1a: In what way does the individual level of collectivism moderate the empathy towards positive and negative feeling ad? RQ1b: In what way does the individual level of individualism moderate the empathy towards positive and negative feeling ad?
Masculinity – Femininity The last dimension, masculinity, describes ―a society in which social gender roles are clearly distinct: men are supposed to be assertive, tough and focused on material success; women are supposed to be more modest, tender and concerned with the quality of life. Femininity stands for a society in which social gender roles overlap: both men and women are supposed to be modest, tender, and concerned with the quality of life‖ (Hofstede, 2001, p. 297). In feminine cultures, quality of life and people are important and these cultures are more relationship-orientated. Emotions, especially negative ones, are expressed because there is sympathy for the weak. These ideas, however, are in contrast with the results of the ISEAR questionnaire study on self-reported emotions in 27 countries, where femininity was found to correlate with the suppression of joy and sadness (Scherer & Wallbott, 1994; Hofstede, 2001). In masculine cultures, the expression of emotions is not encouraged, especially not the expression of weakness (Fernández et al., 2000; Matsumoto, 1989). Again, this is in contrast with the ISEAR questionnaire study where men from a masculine culture claim they do express more joy and sadness (Scherer & Wallbott, 1994; Hofstede, 2001). Since it is unclear to what extent positive vs. negative feeling ads will evoke different responses in masculine and feminine cultures, we again formulate a research question:
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RQ2a: In what way does the individual level of masculinity moderate the empathy towards positive and negative feeling ad? RQ2b: In what way does the individual level of femininity moderate the empathy towards positive and negative feeling ad?
METHOD Design and Stimuli A two-level experiment was set up with two advertisements for a fictitious brand of car insurance (PTH). The positive (enthusiastic) feeling advertisement displays a man who is enthusiastic and the corresponding text is ―All of a sudden, I love receiving bills‖ (Figure 2). The negative (sad) feeling advertisement shows a similar-looking man with a sad expression and attitude with the text ―Better safe than sorry‖ (Figure 3). All other ad elements were kept constant to avoid possible confounds. Both advertisements have a banner at the bottom that says ―All new PTH car insurance – quality at the lowest possible price‖. Since data were collected in two different countries (Belgium and Australia), the ads were drawn up in English and Dutch, but were otherwise identical. Slogan and text were back-translated to ensure meaning equivalence.
Figure 2. Positive feeling advertisement (enthusiastic).
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Figure 3. Negative feeling advertisement (sadness).
Procedure and Participants The data were collected via an online web survey conducted in English in Australia (n=71) and in Dutch in Belgium (n=209). We used these two countries to ensure variation in the responses to cultural value. Hofstede (2001) found that Belgium scores 65/100 for the power distance dimension and Australia 36/100. According to the Hofstede scores, uncertainty avoidance in Belgium is high, 94/100, whereas in Australia it is 51/100. For collectivism, Belgium scores 90/100, while Australia scores 75/100. The masculinity dimension does not differ much according to Hofstede‘s scores, as Belgium scores 54/100 and Australia 61/100. We still focused the research in two Western cultures since we used a Caucasian male in the advertisement. Members of a cultural group can more easily judge emotions expressed by members of the same cultural group (De Mooij, 2011). The Dutch questionnaire was translated into English and back translated into Dutch to ensure equivalence (Schaffer & Riordan, 2003). The surveys were sent out to by email to students enrolled at Macquarie University in Australia and the University of Antwerp in Belgium. Respondents were randomly assigned to one of the two experimental conditions. The sample in
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our study contains 78 men and 198 women, while 4 respondents didn‘t specify their gender. The majority of the sample is between 19 and 24 years old (60.5%).
Measures Participants were exposed to one of the two stimuli and correspondingly answered a number of questions. All constructs were measured using threeitem seven-point Likert scales. Table 1 provides an overview of the measures with their respective items. First, respondents rated their ad-evoked positive (9 items, = .951) and negative feelings (6 items, = .822), which served as a manipulation check. For ad-evoked empathy, a scale based on Schlinger (1979) and Escalas and Stern (2003) was used (α = .834). Next, they completed the cultural dimension scales based on Yoo, Donthu, & Lenartowicz (2011) (collectivism: α = .644, uncertainty avoidance: α = .735, power distance, α = .793, masculinity: α = .711). Lastly, gender and age were measured. Since all scales have a sufficient internal consistency, summated scale were used per construct in the analyses. Table 1. Measures Construct Positive (upbeat) ad-elicited feelings Negative ad-elicited feelings Empathy toward the ad Collectivism
Items 9
Sample items Amused, cheerful, happy
Cronbach‘s α .951
6
Bored, disgusted, offended
.822
4
.834
Uncertainty Avoidance
4
Power Distance
4
Masculinity
4
I felt the advertisement displayed what I feel at times I sacrifice self-interest for my friends It is important to closely follow instructions and procedures People in higher position should not delegate important tasks to people in lower positions There are some jobs that a man can do better than a woman
4
.644 .735
.793
.711
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RESULTS The manipulation check revealed that our manipulation was successful, as the positive feeling ad evoked significantly more positive feelings (M = 3.42) than the negative feeling ad (M = 2.63) (t(266) = 11.050, p