Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia: Vol. 5

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Contents Pag.

BIBLIOGRAPHY PREFACE

v

.....................................................................................xxxvii

IN TR O D U C T IO N ................................................................

.

xx x ix

P art I: THE DECORATION OF THE DOGE'S PALACE

AFTER THE FIRES OF 1574 AND

1577

. . .

1

A. Two fires in the P a la c e ............................................................

1

B. Administration of the work ofrestoration 1 The su rveyors........................................................... 2 The Proto. System of p a y m e n t.......................... 3 Contracts and com m issions................................... 4 Programmes...............................................................

3 3 4 6 6

C. The progress of the redecoration 1 General considerations........................................... 12 2 The Salotto dorato ............................................................. 3 The A nticollegio....................................................... 13 4 The A ntipregadi....................................................... 14 5 The ceiling decorations in the Collegio and the Pregadi a. T h e C o l l e g i o ....................................................... b. T h e P r e g a d i ........................................................... 6 Wall decorations in the Collegio and the Pregadi . . . a. T h e C o l l e g i o .......................................... b. T h e P r e g a d i ...........................................................

12 13

16 16 17 18 18 21

7 The decorations of the Maggior Consiglio and the Scrutinio 22 8 The project for the doges' votive pictures 1582-84 . . 24

XI

D. Old and new th e m e s ................................................................

28

1 General con sid erations......................................................... 2 The votive pictures of thedoges

28 30

E. Christ in the council h a l l .........................................................

43

P art II: THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE TRIBUNE WALLS

45

A. The Coronation of the Virgin and the Paradise in the Maggior C o n s ig lio .................................................................................

45

1 Guariento’s C oronation......................................................... 2 The new P a r a d is e ................................................................. a. T h e m o d e l l i ............................................................. b. T i n t o r e t t o ' s P a r a d i s e c. T h e a n g e l s a n d s o u l s .................................... d. T h e H o l y S p i r i t ................................................. e. T h e S a l v a t o r M u n d i ........................................ f. C o n c l u s i o n

45 56 56 63 67 75 77 77

B. The Last Judgement in the S cru tin io ....................................

80

C. The Risen Christ, originally in the Consiglio dei Dieci

83

D. The Venier and the Mocenigo paintings with Christ in the C ollegio..................................................................................... 1 The Mocenigo p a in tin g ......................................................... 2 The Sebastiano Venier p a in tin g ........................................

84 84 95

E. The Pietà and the Glory in theP regadi.................................. 1 The P i e t à ................................................................................. 2 “ Christ in glory ” .................................................................

99 99 108

F. S u m m a r y ..........................................................................................118

P art III: CONSTITUTION AND POLITICAL IDEAS . . .

A.

120

The structure of the Venetian government in the sixteenth cen­ tury ..............................................................................................120 1 2 3 4

The The The The

Great C oun cil..................................................................... 121 S e n a t e .................................................................................123 Signoria andPien C o lle g io ............................................... 126 d o g e ..................................................................................... 129

XII

CONTENTS

B.

The Constitution of Venice in Venetian political thought in the sixteenth c e n tu r y ..............................................................................134 1 Venetian w r it in g s ......................................................................134 2 The relation of Venetian ideas to the history of political th o u g h t..........................................................................................149

P art IV: RELIGIOUS ASPECTS IN THE REPUBLIC'S CE­

REMONIAL AND ICONOGRAPHICAL TRADI­ TIONS ..................................................................................156 A. Insignia

..........................................................................................156

B. The doge's investiture and C h rist..................................................159 C. The archangels and the l a w ..............................................................167 D. Illustrations in official documents

175

E. San Marco, church of the Venetiangovernment 179 1 General con sid erations..............................................................179 2 Iconography..................................................................................185 a. T h e m a i n a x i s ........................................................ 185 b. T h e n o r t h t r a n s e p t ............................................ 192 c. T h e s o u t h t r a n s e p t ............................................ 197 d. T h e S t . C l e m e n t a r e a ........................................ 203 3 Ceremonies 208 F. Votive paintings in the offices of the government and the admi­ nistration ..........................................................................................217

P art V: OFFERING AND ADM ISSION..................................... 220

A. The Maggior Consiglio and the S cru tin io................................. 220 1 Distribution and arrangement ofthe p ictu res....................... 221 2 The “ concluding ” a lle g o r ie s ................................................. 224 B. The Salotto dorato and the A ntipregadi..................................... 238 1 The Salotto dorato ................................................................. 238 2 The A ntipregadi......................................................................... 241 C. The P re g a d i......................................................................................245 D. The Anticollegio and the Collegio..................................................253 1 The A nticollegio......................................................................... 253 2 The Collegio............................................ 254 E. A question of opportunity

260

XIII

Appendix Appendix

I : " Venice, queen of the sea ” (A. Kuhn) . . . I I : “ Francisci Zannii explicatio picturae " . . .

Appendix I I I :

263 269

I. Doge election: Mass and conclaves (docu­ ments) ............................................................. 276 II. The Sala delle teste and the Chiesuola (d o cu m en ts)..................................................... 278 III. Election Mass and conclave (comments)

279

Appendix IV : Excerpts from Bardi, Dichiaratione..................... 282 Index

285

XIV

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—

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delli —

—

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Cod. it., Cod. it. Cod. lat. died Cod. lat.

121, Coll. 1818 (Sivos). vii, 393, Coll. 8647 (Cronica dosi). vii, 396, Coll. 7423 (Cerimoniale Pace). vii, 519, Coll. 609 (Cronaca Trevisana). vii, 562, Coll. 7691. (Somario di quanto si osserua nelle eletioni Ser.mi Pnpi) (unpagin.). vii, 708, Coll. 7899 (Diario delle cose). vii, 2255, Coll. 9168 (DelVElettione). iii, 172, Coll. 2276 (Rituum caerimoniale)(Bartolom eo Bonifazio, 1564). x, 316, Coll. 3136 (Promissione ducalePietro Landò).

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XXI

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Oratione dell*eccellente M . Dominico Falconetto, ambasciatore della città di Chioggia. Nella creatione del Se­ renissimo Principe M . Pietro Loredan, Venice 1568 (impaginateci). Fasoli, G. « N ascita di un m ito », Studi storici in onore di G. Volpe, Florence 1958, pp. 447 ff. Ferriguto, A. « Almorò B arbaro, l'a lta cu ltu ra del settentrione d ’Ita lia nel 400, i * sacri canones ' di R om a e le ‘ sanc­ tissim e leze ' di V enezia», Miscellanea di Storia Veneta (R. Deputazione di Storia Patria, Serie I II , "Voi. XV, Section 2), Venice 1922, pp. 1 ff. Ferro, M.

Dizionario del diritto comune e veneto, II, 2nd ed. Venice 1847. Fiocco, G. « L 'a lta re F aella in S. A nastasia », Varie, 1919, pp. 219 ff. FitzG erald, A. « G uariento di A rpo », Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, IX , 1931, pp. 167 ff. Forlani, A. (ed.).

Mostra di disegni di Jacopo Palma il Giovane (Gabinetto disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, X), Florence 1958. Foro, Fioravante. Oratione al ser.mo Prencipe di Venetia Pascal Cicogna recitata dal Sig. Fioravante Foro Ambasciatore della Città di Bellvno, (Venice ?) 1585. Foucard, C. « D ella p ittu ra sui m anoscritti di Venezia », A tti delVI.R. Accademia di Belle Arti in Venezia, Venice 1857, pp. 27 ff. F reschot, C.

L a nobiltà veneta 0 sia tutte le famiglie patrizie con le figure de* suoi scudi et arme, Venice 1707. F riedlànder, H . W.

Mannerism and anti-M annerism in Italian Painting, 3rd. ed., New Y ork 1965. Frolow, A.

La relique de la Vraie Croix. Recherches sur le dévelopment d*un culte (Archives de Vorient chrétien, 7), P aris 1961. — Les reliquaires de la Vraie Croix (Archives de Vorient chrétien, 8), P aris 1965. Galassi Paluzzi, C. « N ote di storia e d ’arte sulle cappelle e gli altari del Gesù », Roma, V II, 1929, pp. 306 ff. Gelineau, J.

Chant et musique dans le culte chrétien, Paris, n. d. Gewirth, A. (Transi, and ed.) M ar silius of Padua. The Defender of Peace, 2nd ed., New Y ork 1967. G iannotti, D onato.

Dialogus de republica Venetorum, Graevius, Thesaurus, V, 1: w ith Nicolò Crasso’s com m ents. G ilbert, F.

M achiavelli and Guicciardini. Politics and History in Sixteenth-century Florence, P rinceton 1965. — « T he V enetian C onstitution in Florentine political th o u g h t », Florentine Studies, ed. N. R ubinstein, London 1968, pp. 463 ff. Gill, J.

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Gilson, E.

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Storia del Palazzo Vecchio in Firenze, Florence 1889. G raevius.

Thesaurus antiquitatum et historiarum Italiae, L eyden 1704-23. Vol. V: Regiones iuris Veneti (1722). G rabar, A.

L'Empereur dans l'art byzantin. Recerches sur l'art officiel de l'empire d'Orient, P aris 1936. — Martyrium, Recherches sur le culte des reliques et l'art chrétien antique, I : Architecture, I I : Iconographie, I I I : Album, P aris 1946. G raziani, G. M argherini.

L'arte a Città di Castello, C ittà di Castello 1897. Grondijs, L. H. «Croyances, doctrines e t iconographies de la liturgie céleste», Akten des X I . internazionalen Byzantinistenkongresses, München I Q 5 8 , M unich i960, pp. 193 if. Grossato, L.

I l Museo Civico di Padova, Venice 1957. — « L a decorazione p itto rica del Salone »: Mor, C. G. an d others, I l Palazzo della Regione di Padova, Venice 1963, pp. 47 ff. Groto, Luigi.

Le orationi volgari di Luigi Groto Cieco di Hadria. Da lui medesimo recitate in diuersi tempi, in diuersi luoghi, e in diuerse occasioni ; parte stampate, e ristampate altre volte ad vna ad vna, e parte non mai p iù vedute in luce. E t hora dall'Autore istesso ricorrette, ageuolate con gli Argomenti, distinte con le Anno­ tationi nel margine, e tutte insieme con l'ordine, de' tempi raccolte in vn sol Volume. Alla Illustre Ac­ cademia Olimpica Vicentina, Venice 1593. Gukovski, M. A. « U n m anoscritto veneziano del secolo x v i° nella B iblioteca dell'E rm itag e di L eningrado », Arte Veneta, X X III, 1969, pp. 22 f. — Ital'janskoje Vosrosdenie, I I : Ital'ja 1380-1450, L eningrad 1961. G utberlet, H.

Die Himmelfahrt Christi in der bildende K unst von den Anfàngen bis ins hohe Mittelalter (Sammlung Heitz, Akademische Abhandlungen, I I I Reihe, Band 3), S trasbourg 1934. H ackert, H.

Die Staatsschrift Gasparo Contarinis und die politischen Verhàltnisse Venedigs im sechzehnten Jahrhundert, H eidelberg 1940.

H adeln, D. von. « B eitrage zur Geschichte des D ogenpalastes », Jahrbuch der koniglich preussischen Kunstsammlungen, 32, B eiheft 1, 1911, pp. 1 ff. — « E ine Zeichnung des P arrasio Micheli », ibidem, 34, 1913, pp. 166 ff. — « Ü ber Zeichnungen der früheren Zeit Tizians », ibidem, 34, 1913, pp. 224 ff. — « Die V orgeschichte von T in to retto s P aradies im D ogenpalast », Jahrbuch der preussischen Kunstsammlungen, 40, 1919, pp. 119 ff. — Venezianische Zeichnungen der Spatrenaissance, Berlin 1926. H ahnloser, H .R . (ed.).

I l tesoro di San Marco, Florence 1965. H ain, A.

Der doge von Venedig seit dem sturze der Orseoler, im jahre 1032 bis zur ermordung Vitale Michiels I I im jahre 11J2, K ônigsberg i. Pr. 1883. H a rtt, F. « Lignum vitae in medio paradisi. The S tanza d ’Eliodoro and th e Sistine Ceiling », The A rt Bulletin, X X X II, 1950, pp. 115 ff. H au bst, R.

Die Christologie des Nikolaus von Kues, F reiburg i. Br. 1956. H eim ann, A. « T he Six D ays of Creation in a tw elfth C entury M anuscript », Journal of the Warburg Institute, I, 19371938, pp. 269 ff. — « T rinitas C reator M undi », ibidem, II, 1938-39, pp. 42 ff. — « The C apital frieze and pilasters of th e P o rtail Royal, C hartres », Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 1968, pp. 73 ff. Hill, G. F.

A corpus of Italian Medals of the Renaissance before Cellini, 2 vols., London 1930. H oussaie, A.N. A m elot de la.

Histoire du governement de Venise avec un supplement contenant Vhistoire, & quelques pieces du different de la Republique avec Paul V, P aris 1677. Iserloh, E .

Die Eucharistie in der Darstellung des Johannes Eck. E in Beitrag zur vortridentinischen Kontroverstheologie über das Messopfer (.Reformationsgeschichtliche Studien und Texte, 73-74), M ünster i, W ., 1950. Issicratea (« M adonna »).

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di Venetia Sebastiano Veniero Da lei propria recitata nell Illustris s. &> Eccellentiss. Collegio à sua Serenità, Venice 1578. Ivanoff, N. « I r itr a tti dell’A vogaria », Arte Veneta, 1954, PP- 272 ff— « L a scala d'oro del Palazzo D ucale di Venezia », Critica d'arte, V ili, 1961, pp. 27 ff. Jedin, H.

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Jewish Encyclopedia, The. Isidore Singer, ed., New Y ork and London 1907. Judson, J. R. « V an Veen, Michelangelo and Zuccari », Essay in honor of Walter Friedlander, New Y ork 1965, pp. 100 ff. Jugie, M.

La mort et Vassomption de la Sainte Vierge. Étude historico-doctrinale [Studi e testi, 114), V atican City 1944 Jungm ann, J. A.

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Patrologiae cursus completus. Series latina, P aris 1845 fï. ( = PL). Milanesi, G.

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La dalmatiqiie du Vatican. Les élus, images et croyances {Bibliothèque de l'École des Hautes Etudes, LX), P aris 1945. — Broderies religieuses de style byzantin, P aris 1947. — Recherches sur l'iconographie de l'évangile aux X I V e, X V e et X V I e siècles d'après les monuments de Mistra, de la Macédonie et du Mont-Athos, 2nd ed., (reprint) P aris i960.

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Sebastiano Veniero dopo la Battaglia di Lepanto, Venice 1915. Morlopino, A bbot.

Le illustri azioni de' serenissimi principi della famiglia Moceniga . . ., Venice 1572, ed. A nt. Q uadri, Venice 1840. M orrall, J . B.

Political thought in medieval times, 2nd ed., New Y ork 1962. Morrison, K. F.

The Two Kingdoms. Ecclesiology in Carolingian Political Thought, P rinceton 1964. Mosto, A. Da.

I dogi di Venezia, con particolare riguardo alle loro tombe, Venice 1939. Munoz, A.

Moyen-âge-Renaissance, Epoque moderne (Pièces de choix de la Collection du Comte Grégoire Stroganoff à Rome, II), Rom e 1912. M uraro, M. « L a scala senza G iganti », De artibus opuscula X L , Essays in Honor of Erwin Panofsky, New Y ork 1961, pp. 350 s. M usatti, E.

Storia della primissione ducale, Venice 1888. Musè, Domenico.

Dominici Mvsè civis veneti Philosophiae Doct. Legumq; Ciuilium Profess. A d serenissimum Paschalem Ciconea venetiarum Principem Oratio, Venice 1590 (unpaginated). Neale, J. E.

Elizabeth I and her Parliaments 1559-1581, 2nd ed., L ondon 1965. — Elizabeth I and her Parliaments 1584-1601, 2nd ed., L ondon 1965. Niero, A.

I patriarchi di Venezia, Venice 1961. — « I santi p atro n i », T ram ontin, Culto dei santi, a Venezia, pp. 75 ff. — « Culto dei santi dell’antico testam ento », ibid., pp. 155 ff. N ordstrom , C. O.

Ravennastudien. Ideengeschichtliche und ikonographische Untersuchungen uber die Mosaiken von Ravenna (Figura, 4, 1953)O berm an, H . A.

The Harvest of Medieval Theology. Gabriel Biel and Late Medieval Nominalism, Cam bridge (Mass.) 1963. Offner, R.

A critical and historical Corpus of Florentine painting, I I I , ii, 1, New Y ork 1930.

O ’G orm an, J.F . « An In te rp re ta tio n of A ndrea del S arto ’s Borgherini Holy Family », The A rt Bulletin, Dec. 1965, pp. 502 ff.

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Orationi fatte al Ser.mo Prencipe. .. M arin Grimani, Venice ca. 1600. Origo, I.

The Merchant of Prato. Francesco di Marco Patini, 2nd. ed., H arm ondsw orth 1963. Osten, G. von der

Ber Schmerzensmann. Typengeschichte eines deutschen Andachtsbildwerkes von 1300 bis 1600 (Forschungen zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte, 7), Berlin 1935. O stendorf, A. « D as Salvatorpatrozinium , seine Anfânge und seine A usbreitung im m ittelalterlichen D eutschland », Westfàlische Zeitschrift, C, 1950, pp. 357 fï. O tt, L.

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I Vivarini (Antonio, Bartolomeo, Alvise), Venice n. d. (1950s.) Panofsky, E . (see also K libansky). « Im ago P ietatis. E in B eitrag zur T ypengeschichte des ' Schm erzensm anns’ und der ‘ M aria M ediatrix ’ », Festschrift M . Friedldnder, 1927. — Abbot Suger on the Abbey Church of St. Denis and its Treasiwes, 2nd ed., P rinceton 1946. — Problems in Titian. Mostly iconographie, L ondon 1969. P aoletti, P.

L ’architettura e la scultura del Rinascimento in Venezia. Ricerche storico-artistiche, Venice 1893. Paolucci, H . (transi, and ed.)

The Political Writings of St. Augustine, 2nd ed. Chicago 1965. Papadopoli, N.

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The Italian Drawings of the X V and the X V I centuries in the collection of this Majesty the king at Windsor, London 1949. P ortogruaro, D. M. da. « Il tem pio e il convento del R edentore », Rivista mensile della Città di Venezia, 1930, 4-5, pp.

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Dottrine politiche nei teologi del '500, Tivoli 1962. R ackham , R. « A N ote on th e Symbolism of some Sculptures of th e D ucal Palace, Venice », Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes , X X II I, 3-4,1966 pp. 308 f. R ahner, H .

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B IB L IO G R A P H Y Ring, G.

La peinture française du quinzième siècle, L ondon 1949. R ip a C.

Iconologia di Cesare Ripa perugino. . . ampliata dal sig. cav. Gio. Z aratino Castellini Romano, Venice 1645 R obertson, A.

The Bible of St. M ark's Church. The Altar and Throne of Venice, London, 1898. R obertson, G.

Vincenzo Catena, E dinburgh 1954. R om anin, S.

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I capitelli del Palazzo Ducale di Venezia, Rom e 1952. R ubinstein, N. « P olitical ideas in Sienese a r t », Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, X X . 1958, pp. 179 ff. — « Politics and constitution in Florence a t th e end of th e fifteenth cen tu ry », Italian Renaissance Studies, ed. E .F . Jacob, L ondon i960, pp. 148 ff. Sabellico, M arcantonio.

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I diarii di Marino Sanuto ( M C C C CX C V I - M DX X I I I ) dell'autografo Marciano. . . , 58 vols., Venice 18791903. Sarre, F. « Die Seeschlacht von L epanto, ein unbekanntes Bild aus der W e rk sta tt T in to retto s », Jahrbuch der Preussischen Kunstsammlungen, L IX , 1938, p. 233. Sauerlânder, W. «D ie M arienkronungsportale von Senlis und N antes », Woliraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch, X X , 1958, pp.. 115 ff. Sauser, E.

Frühchristliche Kunst. Sinnbild und Glaubensaussage, Innsbruck-V ienna-M unich 1966. Saxi, F. « P agan sacrifice in th e Italian R enaissance », Journal of the Warburg Institute, II, 1938-39. PP- 346 ff-

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Siena. The History of a Medieval Commune, 3d ed., New Y ork, E v an sto n and L ondon 1964. Schlumberger, G.

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Geschichte des englischen Kônigtums im Lichte der Krônung, W eim ar 1937. — Der Kbnig von Frankreich. Wahl, Krônung, Erbfolge und Kônigsidée vom Anfang der Kapetinger zum Ausgang des Mittelalters, 2 Vols., W eim ar 1939.

{

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)

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— Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik. Beitrâge zu ihrer Geschichte vom dritten bis zum sechzehnten Jahrhundert, 3 vols, S tu ttg a rt 1954-56. — Sphaira, Globus, Reichsapfel. Wanderung und Wandlung eines Herrschaftszeichens von Caesar bis zu E li­ sabeth I I , S tu ttg a rt 1958. Schulz, H . J.

Die byzantinische Liturgie. Vom Werden ihrer Symbolgestalt, Freiburg, i.B. 1964. Schulz, J. « Cristoforo Sorte and th e D ucal Palace of Venice », Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, X , 1962, pp. 193 ff. — Venetian Painted Ceilings of the Renaissance, Berkeley and Los Angeles 1968. Scielta: see Michele. Sciré, G. « A ppunti sul Silvio », Arte Veneta, X X II I, 1969, pp. 210 f. Scrinzi, A. « U n dono dello Schah A bbas il G rande al doge di V enezia », Rivista di Venezia, D ecem ber 1930, pp. 551 ff. Seppelt, F. X.

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S’Jacob, H.

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La tentation de Jésus dans Vinterprétation patristique de Saint Justine à Origène, P aris 1962. Sterling, Gh.

Le Couronnement de la Vierge par Enguerrand Quarton, P aris 1939. Stringa, Giovanni. Revised ed. of Sansovino, Venetia 1604 ( = Stringa). — Vita di S. Marco evangelista, Protettore Invittissimo della sereniss. Republica di Venetia : con la Tras-

latione, & apparitione del Sacro suo Corpo ; fatta nella Nobilissima Chiesa, al nome suo dedicata. Opera scritta già, & divisa in I I I libri da Giovanni Stringa di essa Chiesa Canonico, & Maestro delle Ceremonie. E t hora dal medesimo riveduta & corretta ; & del Quarto Libro, che diversi Miracoli di esso Santo contiene, ampliata. Con una breve Descrittione di detta Chiesa, dv delle cose più notabili, che vi si contengono, posta in fine, separatamente, Venice 1610. — La chiesa di San Marco, cappella del serenissimo Principe di Venetia. Descritta brevemente da D. G. Stringa (Venice 1610), ed. Venice 1680. Suida, W. « Il ‘ Paradiso ’ di Jacopo P alm a il Giovane », Rivista d'Arte, X X , 1938, pp. 77 ff. S uter-R aeber, R. « Die M arienkronung der K athedrale von L ausanne und die verschiedene T y p en d e r M arienkronung im 12. und friihen 13. J a h rh u n d e rt », Zeitschrift fu r Schweizerische Archdologie und Kunstgeschichte, 23, 1963-64, pp. 197 ff. T ervarent, G. de.

Attributs et symboles dans l'art profane 1450-1600. Dictionnaire d'un langage perdu, G eneva 1959. Testi, L.

La storia della pittura veneziana, Bergam o 1909. Theotico, M arcantonio.

Oratione di Marc' antonio Theotico oratore Della Magnifica Città di Chioza : fatta al ser.mo principe M . Lvigi Mocenigo, (Venice ?) 1570. Thode, H. « T into retto . K ritische S tudien über des Meisters W erke », Repertorium fu r Kunstwissenschaft, X X II I, 1900, pp. 427 ff., X X IV , 190T, pp. 7 ff., 426 ff. Tietze, H. « N uovi disegni veneti del Cinquecento in collezioni am ericane », Arte veneta, 1948, pp. 56 ff. — Tintoretto, the Paintings and Drawings, L ondon 1948. — Titian, the Paintings and Drawings, London 1950. — «B ozzetti di Jacopo T in to retto » , Arte Veneta, 1951. Tietze, H . and Tietze-C onrat, E.

The Drawings of the Venetian Painters in the 15th and 16th Centuries, New Y o rk 1944. Tietze-C onrat, E. « D ecorative paintings of th e V enetian Renaissance reconstructed from draw ings », The A rt Quarterly, III , 1940, pp. 15 ff.

6

Tilly ard, E . M. W .

The Elizabethan World Picture, 2nd ed., H arm ondsw orth 1963. Timofiewitsch, W. « Quellen und Forschungen zum P runkgrab des Dogen M arino G rim ani in S. Giuseppe di Castello zu Venedig », Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, X I, 1963, pp. 33H. Toderini, Teod.

Cerimoniali e feste in occasione di avvenimenti e passaggi nelli stati della repubblica veneta di duchi, archiduchi ed imperatori dell*angustissima casa d’Austria dall’anno 1361 al iygy, Venice 1875. Tolnay, Charles de. « T in to re tto ’s Salotto dorato cycle in th e D oge’s Palace », Scritti di storia dell’arte in onore di Mario Salmi, I I I , R om e 1963, pp. 117 ff. — « Il * P aradiso ’ del T into retto . N ote sull’interpretazione della tela in Palazzo D ucale ’, Arte Veneta, X X IV , 1970, pp. 103 ff. T orana, C.

A d illv stris simum venetiarum Principem Nicolaum Pontium, Caesaris Thor ana Oratio, Venice 1578. T orp, H . « M onum entum resurrectionis. Studio sulla form a e sul significato del candelabro per il cero pasquale in S an ta M aria della P ie tà di Cori », Institutum Romanum Norvegiae, Acta, I, 1962, pp. 79 ff. Toscanella, O.

Oratione di Oratio Toscanella nella Creatione dei Serenissimo Principe di Venetia Sebastiano Veniero, Ve­ nice 1577. T ram ontin, S. « L a visita apostolica del 1581 a Venezia », Istituto di storia della società e dello Stato veneziano, Studi vene­ ziani, IX , 1967, pp. 453 ff. — (ed.) Culto dei santi a Venezia, Venice 1965. Treitinger, O.

Die ostromische Kaiser - und Reichsidee nach ihrer Gestaltung im hòfischen Zeremoniell. Vom ostromischen Staats- and Reichsgedanken, 3rd. ed., D arm sta d t 1969. Troescher, G. « W eltgerichtsbilder in R a th a u ser und G erischtssttàter », Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch, X I, 1939, pp. 139 ff. U llm ann, W .

Principles of Government and Politics in the Middle Ages, L ondon 1961. — « T he Bible and principles of governm ent in th e m iddle ages », Settimane di Studio del centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, X , La Bibbia nell’alto medioevo, Spoleto 1963, pp. 181 ff. — The Individuai and Society in the Middle Ages, B altim ore 1966. V allentin, B.

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Guillaume d’Auvergne, évêque de Paris (1228 à 124g). Sa vie et ses ouvrages, P aris 1880. V asari, Giorgio.

Le vite de’ p iù eccellenti pittori, sctiltori ed architettori, ed. Milanesi, Florence 1878 ff. V avalà, E . Sandberg.

La pittura veronese del Trecento, V erona 1926. V enturi, A. « L a Cappella del Rosario », Rivista di Venezia, 1932, pp. 537 ff— La storia dell’arte italiana, Vermeule, C.C.

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Triumphus. A n inquiry into the origin, development and meaning of the Roman Triumph, Leiden 1970. V itzthum , W. « Z uccari’s ' P aradise ’ for th e Doge's Palace », Burlington Magazine, XCVI, 1954, PP- 29° fVoss, H . « A project of Federico Zuccari for the ‘ P aradise * in th e D oge’s Palace », Burlington Magazine, XCVI, 1954, PP- !72 V sjevolozskaja, S. N., G rigorjeva, I. S., and Fom iceva, T. D. ItaVjanskaja zivopis ’ X I I I - X V I I I vjekov v sobranii Eremitaza, L eningrad 1964. W aetzoldt, S.

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Architectural Principles in the Age of Humanism, 2nd. ed., London 1952. W olters, W. « Zu einem wenig bekannten E n tw u rf des Cristofero Sorte fur die Decke der Sala del Senato im Dogenp alast », Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, X, 1961, pp. 137 ff. — « D er P rogram m entw urf zur D ekoration des D ogenpalastes n ach dem B ran d von 20 D ezem ber 1577 », M it­ teilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, X II, iii/iv, 1966, pp. 271 ff. — Plastische Deckendekorationen des Cinquecento in Venedig und im Veneto, B erlin 1968. W orm ald, F. « T he W ilton D iptych », Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, X V II, 1954, PP- I 9 i ffX ydis, S. G. « T he Chancel Barriers, Solea, and Ambo of H agia Sophia », The A rt Bulletin, X X IX , 1947» PP- 1 ffY ates, F. A. « Queen E lizabeth as A straea », Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, X , 1947, PP- 27 ffY riarte.

La vie d’un patricien à Venise, P aris 1874.

XXXV

Zabbarella, M arcantonio.

Oratione di M . Marcantonio Zabbarella Padovano. A l serenissimo Principe Trivisano nella sva creatione, Venice 1553 (unpaginated). Zano, F r.

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Oratione dell eccellente M . Givlio Zorla, Ambasciator di Crema. Nella Creatione del Serenissimo Prencipe M . Pietro Loredano, Venice (1568 or after th a t year) (unpaginated). Zorzi, G.-G. « N uove rivelazioni sulla ricostruzione della Sale del piano nobile del Palazzo D ucale di V enezia dopo Tincendio d e lT ii Maggio 1574 Arte Veneta, V II, 1953, PP- I2 3 ff—

« Il contributo di A ndrea Palladio e di Francesco Z am berlan al restauro del Palazzo Ducale di Venezia dopo Tincendio del 20 dicem bre 1577 », A tti del!Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, CXV, 1956/57, pp. i l ff.

—

« A ltre due perizie inedite per il restauro del Palazzo D ucale di Venezia dopo Tincendio del 20 D icem bre 1577 », A tti dellTstituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, CXV, 1956-57, pp. 133 ff.

XXXVI

Preface

The main bulk of the material presented in this book was ready in 1968, but a teaching visit to New York and a new job in Norway delayed the publication. This offered me the oppor­ tunity and time for improvements, some of them major ones. My gratitude for financial, technical and scholarly help and assistance is great indeed. First of all I want to thank those who saw me through financially: The Norwegian Research Coun­ cil for Science and the Humanities, the University of Oslo, and the Thomas Fearnley Foundation, Oslo. My grateful acknowledgement of scholarly counsel and advise must begin with the late Professor Anders Bugge, and Professor Bjorn Hougen, Oslo. I hope that the present contribution will justify their early support of my project and further that it may to some small extent repay what I have received by way of methodological training, advise and incitement from Professors Ulrich Middeldorf and Hans Peter L'Orange. I have profited extensively from Pro­ fessor Hjalmar Torp's conversance with medievalist bibliography, while Professor Per Palme, author of Triumph of Peace, has been a great source of inspiration. Professor Vegard Skânland has always been ready to rescue me whenever I found myself entangled in the intricacies of medieval Latin (any remaining misinterpretations will mean that I have trusted myself unduly). Scholars working on Venetian material will have experienced the legendary kindness and help­ fulness of the Venetian authoiities and colleagues. I can only join in the common chorus of praise, expressing my sincere gratitude to Professor Egle Renata Trincanato, former Director of the Doge's Palace, to Dr. Ing. Antonino Rusconi, Proto of San Marco, to the Reverend Don Antonio Niero, Director of the Seminario Patriarcale, to Professors, Director Giovanni Mariacher, and Terisio Pignatti and to Dr. Prof.ssa Lucia Bellodi Casanova, all of the Civico Museo Correr, to Professor Francesco Valcanover, Director of the Gallerie dell'Accademia, to Professor Miche­ langelo Muraro, Director of the Ca' d'Oro, and to my friend, Professor Alessandro Bettagno, of the Fondazione Giorgio Cini, for his valuable help and for the way in which he has made me feel at home in Venice. Needless to say, the present work has relied heavily upon the sources of several other in­ stitutions besides those mentioned, and I cherish this opportunity to thank the Director and the staff of the Kunsthistorisches Insitut in Florenz, Florence, and Professor Wolfgang Lotz, Direc­ tor of the Biblioteca Hertziana, Rome, and the staff of this library; my sincere acknowledge­ ments also to the staffs of the Archivio di Stato, Venice, the Biblioteca Marciana, Venice, the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, the Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, Rome, the Biblioteca dell'Istituto Nazionale di Archeologia e Storia dell'Arte (Palazzo di Venezia), Rome, the Ameri­ can Academy, Rome, and the Deutsches Historisches Institut, Rome. Some of my material was presented at seminars at New York University and Brown Uni­ versity, 1968-69, at a Colloquium at the Warburg Institute, London, and a seminar at the Istituto Longhi, Florence, both in May 1972. I wish to thank students and teachers alike, in parti-

XXXVII

cular Professors Hugo Buchthal, David Chambers, Ernst H. Gombrich, Horst W. Janson, Nicolai Rubinstein, Jorg Schulz, Craig H. Smyth, and Leo Steinberg for criticism and use­ ful suggestions. My very special thanks should be extended to the staff of the Institutum Romanum Norvegiae, particularly to the Secretary of Studies, Dr. Magne Malmanger, for his very compe­ tent assistance and advice, and to the Secretary, Mrs. Berit Buonomo, to Mrs. Grethe Cassini and to Miss Francisca Stenius. My wife's share in the book is very considerable. She has revised or reformulated the entire text and turned my attempted English into a readable one, which was in turn put to the final test by my friend Dr. Frank M. Mifsud, Dr. John Boulton-Smith and Dr. Magne Malman­ ger. While revising the text and also during innumerable discussions my wife has contributed substantially to the argumentation all through the book - and it is dedicated to her with gratitude. S. S.-L.

XXXVIII

Introduction

The present contribution concerns, mainly, the pictorial decorations as they still exist in the government building of the Republic of Venice, commonly called the Doge's Palace. For the most part, these decorations were executed as a substitute for earlier ones after the Palace fires of 1574 and 1577. Many years ago I was struck by certain iconographical details in this material and I started investigating it in a rather general way without any preconceived idea as to a possible outcome: “ On s'engage, et puis on voit Gradually specific Christological aspects seemed to emerge as the truly dominant features in the pictorial programmes. I therefore had to take into account the religious connotations of the Republic's insignia, ceremonies and ideology, and also to make the government church of San Marco the subject of a particular investigation. I should like to point out, however, that my present studies of “ medieval " questions, especially as regards San Marco, are primarily intended to illuminate the sixteenth-century situation in Venetian State or official iconography. Whenever I have crossed the illusory barrier between this period and the “ Middle Ages ", it has been to emphasize that the sixteenth-century iconography was rooted in a longstanding tradition. As regards the “ medieval " sections, which should not be taken to pretend academically conclusive contributions, I shall have more to say and further evidence to submit in another context. The reader will be aware that I am not the first to examine the pictorial decorations of the Doge's Palace. He may, however, have noted that the main contributions have been concerned with problems of chronology and attribution. I shall in a few words try to indicate the Stand der Forschtmg. After Zanotto's big and unreliable volumes, 11 Palazzo Ducale di Venezia, Venice 1846 ff., and Lorenzi's publication of Palace documents {Monumenti per servire.. ., of 1869: for this and the following titles, cf. the Bibliography), the series of scholarly studies of the history of Palace decorations begins with Wickhoff's “ Der Saal des grossen R athes... " (1883), andThode's “Tin­ toretto. Kritische Studien... " (1900-1901). Zanotto and Wickhoff were both concerned with iconographical questions, the latter working upon solid scholarly ground, while at times the for­ mer's productive mind yielded useful suggestions. The first and as yet best investigations of the chronology of the Palace decorations were carried out by Detlev vonHadeln (“ Beitrâge ", 1911, and an edition of Ridolfi's Le maraviglie dell’arte, of 1914 and 1924). Von Hadeln also published an account of the history of the competition for the Paradise painting in the hall of the Maggior Consiglio (1919). Giangiorgio Zorzi has contributed to the solution of chronological problems con­ nected with the redecoration after the fire of 1574 (“ Nuove rivelazioni... ", 1953)* Studies in chronology have been undertaken also by Schulz (Venetian Ceilings, and articles) and Wolters [Plastische Deckendekorationen, and articles). The latter has published the text of one of the sixteenth-

century manuscripts dealing with the redecoration after the two fires (" Der Programmentwurf ", 1966); unfortunately his transcriptions are not sufficiently accurate and his misunderstanding of the purpose of this “ Programme ” has facilitated his questionable iconographical conclusions, which he has omitted to relate to the relevant ceremonies. H. Tietze, E. Tietze-Conrat, Panofsky, De Tolnay and Ivanoff have examined minor iconographical questions which will be recorded in due course. The entire iconographical system of the redecorations of the Palace after the fires of 1574 and 1577 has been studied by K. Escher and vonSimson. In his “ Die grossen Gemaldefolgen im Dogenpalast. . . ”, of 1919, Escher described the major groups of paintings, but he limited himself to very sketchy interpretations based upon the most well-known contemporary accounts (such as those by Sansovino and Ridolfi). For the “ political background ” he relied upon the Florentine Giannotti without trying, or so it seems, to consult contemporary Venetian literature and State documents. On the other hand, he was the first - after Zanotto - to attempt an overall interpretation from the point of view of a State iconography without getting lost in the wilderness of individual artistic achievements. This is to a certain extent true also with regard to O. von Simson's chapter on Venice in his Zur Genealogie der weltlichen Apotheose im Barock, Strasbourg 1936. This author has, however, treated the Palace iconography sketchily and chiefly under the perspective of later events in secular iconography. Ivanoff has undertaken an examination of the obscure iconographical programme of the Scala d'oro: " La scala d'oro...'', but unfortunately he does not seem to plan to continue these studies. The pre-1574 iconography of the Scala d'oro, of the Salotto dorato, and of the Antipregadi as described by the poet Francesco Zano [Appendix II to this volume) will be investigated by Sidsel Helliesen, M.A., University of Oslo. ÿ ÿ ÿ

Because of the specific character of the Christological iconography in the Palace - unnoticed by earlier authors - rather extensive references not only to theology but also to liturgy have been indispensable. A few comments on the latter category of evidence may be in place, since quite a number of art historians seem to consider liturgical sources irrelevant to their field of scholarship. Professional journals invite us to read papers on Eucharistic iconography that disregard the li­ turgy or grossly simplify its implications, resorting instead to the more easily accessible religious drama. Emile Male's method is still flourishing: that of explaining one secondary evidence, art, by reference to another, drama, while leaving the primary one, liturgy, out of consideration. In the Catholic world, however, liturgy is usually a primary source for Christian iconography, whether the imagery is to be found in churches or in secular buildings. Educated Venetians, for instance, may not have read much theology or cared especially for religious pageants, but year in, year out, on every Sunday and every feast, their familiarity with the liturgical texts would have been strengthened, producing a common stock of liturgical concepts, against which any problem of Christian iconography would necessarily have to be gauged. I have refrained from a stylistic argumentation when dealing with the Palace structure and its exterior sculptures. It seems to me that the utter futility of stylistic considerations in connec­ tion with the complex and poorly documented history of the Palace sculptures is definitively, though perhaps unwittingly, demonstrated by Arslan in his recent book Venezia gotica, a book in which every relevant opinion ever voiced is conscientiously recorded.

XL

The disposition of my text (x) is perhaps not the best. It follows, however, the general course of my research, and so, to quote Messer Paolo Novello as he expounds the glories of Venice to Doge Marcantonio Trevisani “ Hor uedete, come le cose di passo in passo quadrano bene, & che tirano tutte a gran segno, et come il uero consona al uero. queste non sono già fauole, ne elatione d'ingegno, ma la uerità uiua uiua halls of th e D oge’s Palace I have used th e Ita lia n (i) I have ad opted th e typographical conven­ nam es (Maggior Consiglio) b u t E nglish ones for tions practiced in recent publications, e.g. on th e o ­ th e respective bodies of governm ent (Great Council; logy: C hrist's resurrection, T in to re tto ’s R esurrec­ b u t Collegio, since College sounds to me aw kw ard tion, God and his angels, th e doge. Doge Nicolò da in th is context). T he Index m ay seem exaggerated­ Ponte, sine qua non, modello (frequently used), etc. I have n o t italicized art-historical labels to p a in t­ ly detailed, b u t I do n o t w a n t th e m aterial to be available only to th e few who can afford th e tim e ings (T in to retto ’s Resurrection) w hich are n o t tru e to read th e book. titles (such as Déjeuner sur Vherbe). F or th e council

XLI

PART I

The decoration of the Doge’s Palace after the fires of 1574 and 1577

A. TWO FIRES IN THE PALACE

On the n th of May 1574, the date of the fourth anniversary of the election of Doge Alvise Mocenigo, " a great dense smoke emerged from the roofs of the Palace where the doge lives (a clear sign that a fire had broken out in that part of the building). . . " (1). The fire began in the doge's appartment, which was situated in the north end of the palace, on the so-called primo piano nobile, and then spread to the second piano nobile, devastating the Sala del Collegio and its ante-room, the Anticollegio, the Sala del Pregadi (or del Senato) and its vestibule, the Antipregadi (cf. PL CII), as well as the ceiling of the Cancelleria. All the wooden benches, wooden wall-panels, gilt-carvings of ceilings, as well as the paintings on the ceilings and on the walls were destroyed, along with great many of the wooden archive lockers (2). The roofs were so badly damaged that provisional ones of canvas had to be stretched over the Col­ legio and the Pregadi to protect the rooms from the capricious Adriatic spring climate (3). In the complete confusion that reigned during the conflagration some documents were stolen; the thieves were ordered to return these under penalty of death (4). The work of restoration after this fire of 1574 had been only partly completed when a new fire broke out. On the 20th of December 1577 “ between 7 and 8 o'clock in the evening a fire was discovered in the Palace of St. Mark, more precisely in the old library, which is now called the Sala dello Scrutinio. This fire destroyed the whole roofing of both the library and the [adjacent] Sala del Maggior Consiglio, all the paintings by the three Bellinis, Titian, his son Orazio, and Tintoretto in the Maggior Consiglio and the works by Pordenone in the new Scrutinio, together

restasse in p red a delle fiamme, essendosi v eduto m ancarne m olte nella revisione. . . » (Lorenzi, Monumenti, Doc. 785). (3) On th e 4 th of N ovem ber a certain P re P aulo was paid « per h av er messo le telle al soffittà della sala delli P reg ad i» and on th e n t h of D ecem ber «per haver messo le telle in sala de Pregadi e t i razzi et m etterli in quella del Collegio » (Zorzi, « N uove rivelazioni », Does. 19, 20, 28; th is w ork w as com plet­ ed b y Decem ber 24: Doc. 32). (4) Lorenzi, Monumenti, Doc. 789.

(1) « . . . uscì dalla som m ità del Palazzo dove h a b ita Sua S erenità un denso e gran fum o (m anifesto segno che s’era in quella p a rte acceso il fuoco) il quale dopo essersi in breve tem po occultam ente allargato sotto li piom bi [the leaden roof], in un subito con grandissim a fiam m a si fece p a s sa m e n te conoscer. . . » (Loren­ zi, Monumenti , Doc. 785 ; cf. Sansovino, Venetia, p. 122). (2) « In ta n ta confusione, et in modo di ta n ta im ­ p o rtan za non fu possibile per diligenza che si usasse, che qualche p a rte di esse scritture non si sm arisse et

I

with all the benches, the tribunes and other woodwork ” (PI. CII) (*). The fire also reached the offices of the XX Savi and of the Quarantia Civil Nuova. In the Sala dello Scrutinio and the Sala del Maggior Consiglio the red-hot leaden covering of the roofs fell through setting fire to wooden furniture, decorations and oil-paintings, and badly damaging Guariento's gigantic fresco of the Coronation of the Virgin. A fissure was discovered in the wall of the Maggior Consiglio, which, according to most experts, had been caused by the fire. Some ingegneri, consultant architects, advised the complete demolition of the vast council hall and its reconstruction a fundamentis (12). Provisionally, at any rate, the Great Council was obliged to arrange for holding its meetings at the Arsenal (3). Work of restoring and redecoration was undertaken shortly after both fires. The new deco­ rations were more extensive and elaborate than the earlier ones, and it was only after the turn of the century that the work was completed, at enormous cost which strained the economy of the State (4). The enterprise was heroic for a city engulfed in a sea of troubles. The Turks had made their presence felt in the Adriatic; the “ Uscocchi ” were making piratical excursions in the Adriatic; Venice was afflicted by plague in 1575-6 and again in 1591, and while the last work of restora­ tion was carried out, Pope Paul V launched his interdict upon the republic. Doge Alvise Mocenigo's term of office, during which the first fire occurred, was particularly disastrous (5). It began with the Turkish war of the Holy League. After the rather illusory victory at Lepanto in 1571 this war ended, for Venice, with a separate treaty of peace with the Turks (1573), which incurred the pope's ire. Immediately afterwards there occurred the conflagration which drove the Collegio and the Senate out of their council rooms. And on the 22nd of the same month of May, 1574, some seventy shops constituting the fair of the “ Sensa ” in the Piazza San Marco burned down (6). But all this was only a presage: in August 1575, there was an outbreak of plague that lasted until September 1576; in this epidemy there perished, according to the medical doctor Sivos, “ Huomini più di 22.000, Donne più di 37.000, Putti, et putte più di 12.000, Nobili Venitiani più di 150, Medici et Chirurgi più di 40, Pretti più di 123, Parrocchiani più di 20.. . nella Città sola di Venetia" (7).

in d ette sale d eir A rsenale » (Lorenzi, Monumenti, Doc. 842, cf. also Doc. 846). (4) As late as in Septem ber 1590 and in May 1591 m oney w as still being solicited in order to « zaldar m olti creditori di opere fa tte fin’h o ra » and « p er p o ­ te r satisfar li creditori di P ittu re e t altro » (Lorenzi, Monumenti, Does. 1012, 1019). (5) « Costui fu veram ente de richeze e t di gloria generoso : m a m olto superbo et altiero. A m ava la J usticia con severità verso ognuno: m a m olto più verso li soi citadini, fu m olto literato , e t eloquente; m a m olto sfo rtu n ato perché nel tem po del suo p rin ­ cipato la R ep.ca p a tti [patì] de grandiss:j incom odi de incendi], guerra, e t p e s tile n tia ...» (Bibl. M arc., MS, Cronaca Trevisana, Cod. ital. vii, 519, Coll. 609, p. 326 verso). (6) Bibl. Correr, MS, Giancarlo Sivos, Cronaca Ve­ neta, Con Vite dei Dosi, Cod. Correr, 1339, Life of Alvise Mocenigo. (7) Cronaca Veneta, loc. cit.

(1) « intorno alle 19 in 20 hore si discoperse fuoco nel Palazzo di S. Marco nella p a rte della libraria vecchia hora d e tta la Sala del Scrutinio [sic]. .. che abbrucciò tu tto il coperto della L ibraria sopradetta, et quello anco della Sala del Maggior Conseglio, tu tte le P ittu re fa tte di m ano delli tre B e llin i.. . di T itiano, et di suo figliolo H oratio, del T entoreto nella Sala del Maggior Conseglio, et in quella del Scru­ tinio nuovo del Pordenone, et tu tte le B anche, T ri­ bunali, et lavori fa tti di legnam e » (Lorenzi, M onu­ menti, Doc. 842). See also M olin’s eye-witness re­ p o rt (Rom anin, Storia, V I, pp. 353 ff.). (2) Cf. below. (3) « Si considerò per m olti giorni dove si doveva rid u r il M aggior Conseglio fino, che si restaurasse il Palazzo, et al fine alli 29 del d etto mese [December, 1577] fu preso che fussero assettate le due sale dell’A r­ senal dove erano li remi, e t così fu eseguito. E t col nom e del Spirito S anto alli 17 del mese di G ennaro il giorno di S. A ntonio si fece il prim o M aggior Conseglio

2

T H E D O G E ’S PALACE A F T E R 1574-77

B. A dministration

of the work of restoration

1) The surveyors The Venetian administration, highly complex as it was, acted promptly enough in the emer­ gency. The day after the fire of 1574 the Senate (or the Pregadi) elected three proveditori sopra la fabrica del Palazzo, or three Surveyors of Works (1). The surveyors were appointed “ to take charge of the restoration of all that has been destroyed or damaged by the fire, and to see that this is carried out as befitting the dignity of the government ” (2), and “ to remain in office for a year and even longer should it be necessary. Eligible are members of all State councils, except the Collegio [i.e. the executive body of the government], and all administrative officials . . . ; the fine for refusing to accept the appointment is to be 500 ducati. . . Upon election they are to work out plans for reconstruction and present these to this council [the Senate], jointfy or sepa­ rately ” (3). The surveyors were requested to do their job quickly, but carefully (4). After the second fire, that of 1577, some months went by before measures were taken for the lestoration of the Maggior Consiglio and the Scrutinio. The appearance of the fissure in the wall of the former caused considerable consternation, and twelve architects and learned men were commissioned to examine the matter and submit written reports with practical suggestions. These reports were presented in January and February of 1578. Some of them recommended the complete rebuilding of the Maggior Consiglio; Palladio, on the other hand, concluded that the building ought to be reinforced by means of a columnar structure (5). But all too clearly, in some cases cross-purposes of artistic and stylistic nature influenced the technical argument in favour of a more or less complete architectural renewal, and there were enough well-qualified views to support an alternative more befitting the urgency of the situation and the economy of the republic: it was decided simply to repair the fissure and to proceed direct­ ly to the restoration of roofs and interiors. On the 18th of January 1578 the decision was made to elect three more surveyors with almost the same mandate as those elected after the earlier fire (6). The task of the surveyors was to (1) On May 12, 1574 three surveyors were elected: A ndrea Badoer, Vincenzo Morosini and P ietro Foscari. On A ugust 9, 1575, M arcantonio B arbaro re­ placed B adoer (Lorenzi, Monumenti, D ocs.785, 786, 885); th e Barbaro-M orosini-Foscari group stayed in office u n til F eb ru ary 1579 (cf. S orte’s le tte r cited below, p. 17, and Lorenzi, Doc. 885 and A ppendix to L .’s book, w here a com plete list of surveyors is given, w ith references to sources). In Jan u ary , 1578, after th e second fire, an o th er group of three surveyors were elected (Foscari also figured here to g eth er w ith Giacomo F oscarini and G irolam o P riu li; Lorenzi, Docs. 849, 854). A fter F eb ru ary 1579, only one group of th ree surveyors w as requi­ red to com plete th e w ork of resto ratio n in th e rooms dam aged b o th in 1574 and 1577. (2) « perchè havessero cura di rifabbricare q uanto era sta to consum ato et rovinato per il fuoco di quel modo, che ricerca la dignità della Serenissim a Si­ gnoria » (Lorenzi, Monumenti, Doc. 785). (3) « debbano sta r in esso carico anno uno, et ta n to più quanto, farà bisogno, li quali possino esser

to lti di ogni luogo, et offitio etiam continuo, et con pena non uscendo però dell’offitio che havessero al presente, eccetto però quelli del Collegio nostro, ne possino re fu ta r sotto p en a di D u cati cinquecento, d a esserli to lti in contadi p er cadauno del Collegio nostro senza altro Consiglio. D ovendo venir a questo Consiglio [i.e. th e Senate] così u n iti come sep arati a m e tte r quelle p a rti in q u esta m a teria che loro p a ­ rerà » (Lorenzi, Monumenti, Doc. 786). (4) « debbano far fab b ricar honorevolm ente esso palazzo, et di quel modo che ricerca la dig n ità della Signoria N ostra, usando in ciò ogni possibile solli­ citudine et diligentia» (Lorenzi, Monumenti, Doc. 786). (5) Cf. Cadorin, Pareri di X V architetti, passim, and Zorzi, « Il co n trib u to di A ndrea Palladio e di Francesco Z am berlan ». (6) T hey were to « considerar le Sale abbruggiate, p er rista u ra r le Sale del Maggior Conseglio et Scru­ tinio, dovendo però venir con le opinioni loro al S e­ nato. E t che fossero to lti d ’ogni luogo etc. [sic] e t per un anno non potessero h av er altro carico d al Senato eccetto di Collegio » (Lorenzi, Monumenti, Doc. 842).

rifabbricare and to ristaurare, which apparantly meant the same thing. In Venetian terminology these terms generally imply a re-creation of essentials as regards the practical use and symbolic function of a building, its fittings and furniture, or the subject matter of its pictorial decorations. E. Tietze-Conrat insists, however, that these terms did not indicate a re-creation of form and style - that is, a reconstruction in the modern sense of the word. In the " production of a substitute for an older painting that was no longer to be preserved or, perhaps, no longer cor­ responded to current taste. . . ”, the new version, she says, “ might be completely different from the old or might be more or less based on it. The important point is always that the subject matter with all its accessories was exactly preserved ” (1). As regards style and manner these conside­ rations are undoubtedly right. But, as we shall see, the history of the redecoration of the Doge's Palace provides many examples of radical alteration of subject matter in the course of the “ re­ newal ” of old pictures. So, when the surveyors were ordered to restore ‘f as much as [or “ everything that ”] was destroyed by the fire ”, these instructions were not to be taken literally. New pic­ torial schemes were, in fact, added to the old ones. The surveyors were quite free to make “ what suggestions they find suitable ”, but they had to submit their conclusions to the Senate for its approbation. The commission implied that the surveyors might either devise the projects and programmes themselves or leave it to others. The surveyors' task was primarily to co-ordinate programmes and projects, supervise the further elaboration of them so that they might befit the " dignity of the Signoria ”, submit them to the Senate, and see to it that the modifications demanded by this council were effected. Thus, the responsibility for the programmes and their execution rested with the most powerful organ of government, the Senate. The surveyors, moreover, ap­ pointed those artists who were to plan and execute or direct the execution of works of major importance or of considerable scale (" creative ” works such as painting and sculpture, entire decorative schemes, etc.) (2). However, the surveyors were not actually responsible for the realization in detail of the works according to the established programmes, or for their comple­ tion by a definite date. This responsibility, as well as the responsibility for the technical require­ ments, lay with the so-called Proto.

2) The proto. System of payment It is Zorzi's merit to have thrown light upon the role and position of the proto di Palazzo. This title was held by the head {proto al Sal) of the payment office called Magistratura del Sal, which was among other things concerned with payments for the work done on the Palace (3). During the period under consideration, the office was held by Antonio dal Ponte (4). His duties consisted in the day-to-day administration and supervision of the execution of the works, the appointment of minor artists and craftsmen, the supply and control of working materials and the control of most of the payments. According to Zorzi, the payment procedure may be presumed

(1) E.

Tietze-C onrat,

« D ecorative

paintings »,

(3) Zorzi, «N uove rivelazioni», pp. 124 ff.; cf. Ferro, Dizionario del Diritto , II, pp. 642 fï. (« I re ­ sta u ri delle fabbriche di p ubblica ragione vengono d al Senato ord in ati a questo m ag istrato » ). (4) D al P o n te h ad been proto since 1563 (Lorenzi, Monumenti, Doc. 673 A).

passim. (2) T he tw o chief architects, Palladio and R u ­ sconi, were directly subordinate to th e surveyors and were probably also appointed by them (Zorzi, « N uove rivelazioni», pp. 124, 125 ff.).

4

T H E D O G E ’S PALACE A F T E R 1574-77

to have been as follows. The surveyors ordered the cassiere dell’Ufficio del Sale or, later, a “ proveditore al Sal deputato alla cassa dell'Ufficio stesso" to disburse money, by the end of the week, to the workers either directly or through capomaestri subordinate to the proto, or through the proto himself. The payments were effected with reference to polizze (lists of specified works with instructions for. payment) signed by the proto. For some work, however, polizze were not used; payments were then made on an a buon conto basis and with reference to a contract {mercato), under conditions stipulated earlier and authorized by Dal Ponte. A similar procedure was observed with regard to the two chief architects or ingegneri, Palladio and Rusconi; but their contracts were not signed by Dal Ponte, as they were directly answ’erable to the sur­ veyors. Dal Ponte himself was paid by the Magistratura del Sal. When handling payments for more important and extensive works, or when one or both of the architects were to supervise the execution of a specific work according to plan, Dal Ponte ensured that one or both of the archi­ tects countersigned the relevant polizza. It is interesting to observe, that whereas Palladio was paid for his projects without the intervention of the proto, the latter was required to counter­ sign the payments for the execution, by another artist or craftsman, of the work according to Palladio's plan. Palladio and Rusconi did not execute works, they only delivered projects, and were not therefore controlled by the proto, as were all the executing artists and craftsmen, Tinto­ retto and Veronese included. The function of the proto was merely to control execution and effect payments. This task would have been impossible without pre-established plans for almost every detail, as the proto himself had no mandate to approve or reject projects. This procedure makes it unlikely that some parts of the decorations were conceived, so to speak, on the spur of the moment by the executing craftsmen. Zorzi stresses the point that none of the polizze signed by Dal Ponte contains estimates for the works (1). On the other hand it seems that the proto did occasionally overstep the bounds of his mandate; his interference with the works might result in minor alterations (2). Some scholars have taken it for granted that the proto was also a “ creative " artist and the inventor of programmes and schemes for the works to be renewed. Zorzi rejects this suppo­ sition and demonstrates clearly that such an activity was not included in the office of the proto. On this basis he denies the possibility of any creative activity on the part of Dal Ponte as regards the works for the Palace. This is perhaps a little too categorical (3). The administration of the works was strictly regulated and Dal Ponte's mandate as proto clearly defined. Yet the concep­ tion of an idea or of a plan during work as complex as this would hardly have been limited by administrative regulations. If not in the capacity of proto, Dal Ponte could certainly in the capacity of a professional architect have made suggestions for the works.

(1) T he polizze were « solo distin te o elenchi colla indicazione dei nomi dei lav oratori im piegati in ogni se ttim an a e delle retribuzioni ad ognuno di essi do­ v u te . . . la sottoscrizione delle * polizze ’ da p a rte del d a P o n te fu indubbiam ente ap p o sta soltanto allo scopo di a tte s ta re la regolarità e leg ittim ità delle relative spese, essendo egli il solo sopraintendente responsabile dell’esecuzione di tu tt i i lavori » (Zorzi, «N uove rivelazioni», p. 125). Zorzi’s definition of a « polizza » is confirmed by an en try in Lorenzi, M o­ numenti , Doc. 1012, of 1590, w hich cites a « poliza p rese n tata. . . nella quale a p u n to si vedono descritte

tu tte le opere che hanno a perfettionarsi ». (2) Cf. W olters, « Cristofero Sorte », pp. 141 f. ; Schulz, « Cristoforo Sorte ». (3) Zorzi even claims th a t, «S epoi si tiene presente la sua [D al P o n te ’s] professione di origine [* m arangon ’ = carpenter], è evidente che il d a P o n te non po­ te v a ritenersi un vero e proprio arc h itetto decoratore » («Nuove rivelazioni», p. 125). Z. seems to overlook th e circum stance th a t D al P o n te h ad a h an d in th e erection of th e P o n te di R ialto, th e P rigioni an d th e P o n te « dei sospiri »; cf. Thiem e-Becker, Kiinstlerlexicon, vol. X X V II, p. 245.

3) Contracts and commissions Contracts for more extensive or important works were usually based upon drawings or mo­ delli (small-scale drawings, paintings, figures in wax, clay, etc.) supplied by the artists. From the restoration we are concerned with here, scarcely any contracts of this type are preserved, but an official confirmation of one made in 1563 regarding a painting for the Palace, gives an example of the entries: a short description of the subject-matter, dimensions of the picture, the number of figures in it, its location and position, deadline for the execution and, finally, price (1). Some contracts merely referred to a drawing, on which the subject-matter was represented and the dimensions given, with the additional specifications of working materials, price and date of delivery. For the ceiling of the Pregadi, Cristoforo Sorte worked out a detailed plan drawing, complete with measurements (the compartments for paintings were left open). The contract with the craftsmen was made on the basis of this drawing, and the two craftsmen who were to do the wood-carvings signed the clauses of their contract on the same sheet (2). A contract with Tintoretto for pictures in the vestibule of the Libreria di San Marco required the painter to work according to a drawing " that shall be given to him ” (3). Payment for more comprehensive contracts was sometimes made in instalments a buòn conto del mercato, and per resto e saldo on the completion of the work. Palladio and Rusconi, for exam­ ple, who were also acting as architectural surveyors, were paid in instalments (4). Minor works were often paid for at once.

4) Programmes That the various schemes of decoration should have been executed without pre-established programmes seems unthinkable; the question is whether even the minor and less significant de­ tails were determined by such programmes. With regard to the sculptural decorations of the walls in the Pregadi, Zorzi maintains that because of the irregularity of payments for many of the works and because of stylistic heterogeneity, the decorations of the lower sections of the Pre­ gadi walls (including the tribune) cannot have been done according to one accepted project, but were left to the discretion of the craftsmen (5). But Zorzi himself points out that in some cases accounts were settled only a considerable time after the respective works were completed and that many payments for works done in this period are therefore not registered in the extant ledgers. Consequently, it would not seem that irregularity of payments was always a sign of irregularity of projects, nor would " irregularity ” of style be so significant in a city that could conceive the idea of a collaboration between Paolo Veronese and Francesco Bassano on one and

(1) Cf. below, p. 35. (2) Cf. below, p. 18. (3) Cf. Tietze, Tintoretto, C atalogue: Venice, L i­

(5) « dalla fram m en tarietà dei v ari p ag am en ti del registro e dalle discordanze stilistiche delle v a ­ rie opere risu lta c h e . . . nella decorazione inferiore della sala non si ubbidì a u n disegno u n itario e p reo r­ dinato, m a si lasciò libero cam po agli esecutori di eseguire il proprio arb itrio » (Zorzi, « N uove rivela­ zioni », p. 127).

breria. (4) « per il servitio che lui p resta alla fabrica del Palazzo» and a t w ork's end « p e r resto e saldo del servitio lui h a p restà . . . », etc. (Zorzi, «N uove rive­ lazioni», p. 124).

o

the same painting (*). It did not fall within the proto's competence to give an estimate for the works but only to effect the payment for them. How could he have done this unless the work in question was based upon a preconceived plan ? How could he have made legitimate payments unless he was provided with a criterion for the finished work ? It is obvious that all plans and modifications of plans were co-ordinated by the surveyors. But who “ invented " - to adopt the appropriate term used in the period - the programmes ? A detail which up to now has remained unrecorded may reveal who were the authors of the programme for the ceiling of the Collegio. They are not mentioned by any contemporary writer, whereas the authors of other programmes for the Palace are often cited. Most of these authors were not among the surveyors. Does the silence of Sansovino and his contemporaries on the subject of the inventors of the programme for the Collegio ceiling mean that the inventors in this case were the surveyors themselves ? The central compartment with Paolo Veronese's sacrificial scene (PI. XXX) contains three small and barely visible coats of arms: the vase held by the kneeling woman bears the coat of arms of the Morosini family, the vase held by the man on the right that of the Barbaro family and the brooch of the man below that of the Foscari family (2). Pietro Foscari, Vincenzo Morosini and Marcantonio Barbaro held office as surveyors from August 1575 (3) until January 1578. By December of 1575 Veronese had begun work on the paintings for the ceiling; they were probably finished by 1581 when Sansovino reports seeing them in the Collegio. It was a sacrosanct rule that no State officials other than the doges were to display their coats of arms in the Palace, the only exception being the votive pictures commis­ sioned by State officials for the office in which they served (as for instance in Jacobello del Fiore’s and Carpaccio's paintings of " San Marco in forma di lion ", in the votive pictures in the Avogaria and other State offices [4]). It would seem that the barely visible coats of arms on the Collegio ceiling formed an inoffensive exception to this rule and that they served in fact as disguised signatures of the authors of the programme, who in this case were the surveyors themselves. But if the programme for the Collegio was produced by^ the surveyors, the case would have been an unusual one. Describing in 1581 the paintings of the 1560's on the ceiling of the Con­ siglio dei Dieci, Francesco Sansovino says that Daniele Barbaro, Patriarch of Aquileia and brother of Marcantonio, invented the programme; Daniele, however, never figured among the surveyors of the Palace of that period (5). When describing the ceiling decorations of the Antipregadi, which were renewed after 1574, Sansovino records that he himself invented the programme (G),

(1) Cf. below, pp. 57 f. As for th e stylistic argum ents, one m ay agree w ith Zorzi th a t th e tr i­ b une in th e Pregadi consists of various conventional ornam ental m otifs very sim ilar to com m onplace ty p es found in a rtisan s’ shops of th e period. Zorzi assumes th a t Rusconi supervised and in p a r t also designed th e w orks u nder discussion, and m aintains th a t « L ’unico m otivo che rivela u n modello è la m a­ gnifica trabeazione m odiglionata sopra i d o s s a li.. . » (Zorzi, «N uove rivelazioni», p. 127). I cannot see w hy th e lack of q u ality of a certain w ork should exclude th e existence of a m odel for it. On th e other hand, our p resent know ledge of R usconi’s o ther ar­ ch itectural w orks is so lim ited - and Zorzi m akes no a tte m p t to enlarge it - th a t style in this case

7

h ard ly provides any evidence a t all. I t is unlikely th a t artisan s should have been given carte blanche to execute p a rts of a decoration for w hich an archi­ te c t was responsible (2) F o r V enetian heraldry, see C. Freschot, La nobiltà Veneta, Index. (3) Cf. above, p. 3. (4) Cf. below, pp. 133, 165 f., 217 fï. (5) Sansovino, Venetia, p. 123L (6) H e says: « l’inuentione di colui che scriue le presenti cose » ( Venetia, p. 122). N orm ally th e term « invenzione » refers to th e su b ject m a tte r or con­ te n ts (« das literarische Programmi », as V on H ad eln tran slate d it: Von H adeln, « B eitràge », p. 18).

yet Sansovino never held office as a surveyor of the Palace. The chronicle of the works in the Maggior Consiglio and the Scrutinio after the fire of 1577 furnishes what appears to be the most authentic account of how such programmes originated. Ridolfi says that the pictorial decorations of these halls were executed after Jacopo Soranzo, Francesco Bernardo, Jacopo Marcello and Jacopo Contarmi had discussed the motifs, and after consultation with Don Gerolamo Bardi, " a Camaldolese friar well versed in the subject of history ” (1). To sum up, the preparation of programmes seems to have proceeded without much regula­ rity and with such variations as one would expect: some programmes were, possibly, worked out by the surveyors on their own, but this was by no means the rule. Sometimes learned men, like Francesco Sansovino, who had never belonged to the Palace administration, could boast of having created an entire programme alone. In most cases the surveyors would call for the co-operation of other qualified men who, in the strict sense, were outsiders with regard to the works. There are no known instances of the artists themselves inventing programmes, as, for instance, Vasari did for the Palazzo Vecchio in Florence. The question at this point is whether any written programmes have been preserved which were intended primarily as detailed instructions to be followed by the artists in their work. To my knowledge no such programme has come down to us and I doubt very much if they were used at all for the work of restoration in the Doge's Palace. A rather extensive catalogue (the one mentioned above) listing the pictorial works to be executed for the Scrutinio and the Mag­ gior Consiglio, and partly also for the Antipregadi, is extant in at least three copies (2). Regard­ ing the historical cycles in the two rooms this “ Programme ” gives only summary descriptions of events and references to literature for each case; on the other hand the more elaborate allegories (cf. Pis. LIII ff.) in these rooms as well as the allegorical statuettes on the doors in the Anti­ pregadi, are dealt with in great detail. The clause concerning the Paradise in the Maggior Consiglio (Pis. XL V ili ff.) leaves many questions open; it indicates merely that over the tribune “ is to be painted the glory of the saints in Paradise as it was before , and for this composition various modelli are to be provided from which the best will be chosen" (3). A similar procedure was probably envisaged for the Last Judgement in the Scrutinio, though the document states only that it should be remade "as it was before the rooms were destroyed ” (4). As is evident from its introductory paragraph, the Programme which was worked out by Contarini and Marcello was addressed not to the artists but to the surveyors, who in turn would

(1) « deputando sopra quelle innouationi »; and after « m atu re considerationi sopra le historié, che h aueuano à fa rs i. . . (vdito il parere di Don Girolam o B ardi, Monaco Cam aldolense versato n eirh isto rie ,). . .» (Ridolfì, Le maraviglie, I, p. 326). Soranzo and B er­ nardo, tog eth er w ith Paolo T ron, held office as Sur­ veyors from A ugust 1579 till th e following A ugust, and C ontarini only from 1582, w hereas Marcello never held th a t office. B ardi, who him self describes th e de­ corations and th e ir planning a t length (cf. below, pp. 221 ff.), says th a t three senators of th e highest esteem, in th e q u ality of Surveyors, took care of th e resto ­ ra tio n of these halls, « m a si consigliarono anco in ­ to rn o airin u en tio n e de gl’ab b ellim en ti.. . con Jaco ­ po C o n ta rin i.. . & con Jacopo M a rc ello .. .. Ad am bo

i quali, & à me dato carico di ritro u are oltre allT m p r e s a .. . altre volte d ip in ta » (the A lexander I I I an d B arbarossa story, below, pp, 29, 237, an d also th e rem aining n arrativ es an d allegories to be depic­ ted). Cf. Appendix IV . (2) One of them , Cod. Cicogna 105 a t th e Civico Museo Correr, has now been published b y W olters (« P rogram m entw urf », pp. 303-18); W olters also m entions th e ms. in th e B iblioteca M arciana (ibid., p. 272); th e th ird copy is also in th e Correr: Cod. Cic. 3007/26. T h e Cicogna 105 is h ereafter referred to as « th e Program m e ». W o lters’ tran scrip tio n s are n o t en tirely reliable. (3) Q uoted in th e original below, pp. 56 f. (4) cf. below, p. 80, n o te 6.

8

have had to refer it to the Senate (*). This explains the seemingly inconsistent editing of the Programme which we have just noticed. As for the historical motives (from wars, political events and so on), the senators themselves would have been able to consult the authorized sources for the relevant stories. In many cases they would even have remembered the former pictures and would not have required detailed descriptions. The elaborate allegories, however, were in large part new “ inventions ”, and someone with only a general humanistic education could hardly visualize the exact character of the iconography unless he was furnished with a fairly detailed description of it. This also applies to the above-mentioned door statuettes. Before approving the programme for the new, elaborate motifs, the senators had therefore to be supplied with de­ tailed descriptions of them and of their attributes and symbols; allegories of minor importance or of a more commonplace type would not have had to be described at any length. The Para­ dise and the Last Judgement were to replace earlier paintings that had been lost in the fire and that would undoubtedly have been very well known to the senators. The series of halflength portraits of doges along the ceiling cornices is not mentioned in the Programme (12) ; to renew this series would have required no special decree of the Senate, since the need for it was obvious; in fact, these portraits of the doges constituted the only kind of painting within the Palace that was superintended by the government in the normal run of affairs (3). Thus, the Programme furnished the senators with sufficient information to enable them to decide on the approval of a project: drawn or painted modelli submitted by the artists, either in competition or after appointment, would soon reveal whether the representations would match the works envisaged by the senators during their perusal of the Programme. Once approved by the Senate, the Programme would also serve as authority for payments together with accepted descriptions. Without such records the financial administration would have been without a valid reference by which to make sure that it obtained as many works as it paid for, and that the results more or less fulfilled the expectations. Undoubtedly the Programme under discussion might also have been useful to some of the artists; the sculptor Alessandro Vittoria would certainly have found it so, since the projected door statuettes are so carefully described (4). But to believe that the Programme was written speci­ fically for the artists, and unhesitatingly to ascribe to the latter the responsibility for all features in the completed works which are not mentioned in the Programme, would be to rely too heavily upon conjecture (5). It is clear that no sixteenth-century artist would or could make projects

p. 273) oné copy of th e P rogram m e (which is recopied in th e M arciana ms.) cam e in to th e han d s of V ittoria. ( 5) W olters (« P rogram m entw urf », pp. 297 f.) p oints o u t th a t V eronese’s ceiling allegory in th e Maggior Consiglio (PI. L V I, cf. below, pp. 230 ff.) contains pictorial features th a t are n o t m entioned in th e Program m e, and on th is basis draw s th e rem ark ­ able conclusion th a t « W âhrend der P ro g ram m en t­ w urf die A nordnung un d die Z uordnung der Allegorien w eitgehend festlegte, blieb auch hier die Inszenierung dem M aler iibergelassen », an d thereupon he proceeds to describe w h at V eronese h ad him self in ­ vented (nam ely all th e features n o t given in th e te x t) . Of th e historical pictures W . says th a t « selten w ird jedoch der darzustellende M om ent vom Program m g estalter k lar bestim m t. So k o n n ten die M aler die ihnen fru c h tb ar erschienenden A ugenblicke wâhlen».

(1) « P er satisfare alle W . SS. I ll’mi [== V ostre Si­ gnorie Illustrissim e] N oi Giacomo Marcello e t G ia­ como C ontarini habbiam o u sa ta quella m aggior di­ ligentia che habbiam o saputo con l’interuento, et consiglio del R do [Reverendo] P ad re D on Geronimo B ard i Monaco Camandolese, [sic] et historico celebra­ t i s i [celebratissim o] per tro u a r le piu segnalatf V it­ torie di q u esta ser.m a R ep.ca [serenissim a R epublica] per farle poi dipinger nelle sa le . . . » (2) W olters, « P rogram m entw urf », p. 274 : « So w erden w eder die D o g e n p o rtra ts. . . , noch die dodici effetti di virtù morali, die die D ecke der Sala dello Scrutinio schmiicken, erw àhnt, zwei Zyklen, die B ard i in seiner « D ichiaratione » von 1587 e rla u te rt [on pp. 84 ff.] ». (3) Cf. below, pp. 29, 30. (4) A ccording to W olters («Program m entw urf »,

9

- even if only at the modello stage - to replace a fourteenth-century painting like Guariento's Coronation of the Virgin (PL XL) merely on the basis of the instruction that iconographically the new work should be “ com'era " the earlier. In fact, all the extant modelli presented for the Paradise competition are, with the exception of Palma's, iconographically quite homogeneous, despite differences in details. On the other hand, they all deviate considerably from the icono­ graphy in Guariento's fresco. It is highly unlikely, therefore, that the artists should have work­ ed merely on the basis of this painting; they must have had some further guidance as to the general lines of iconography. Neither is it probable that the artists were expected to study Feroldo's, Sabellico's or Bembo's histories of Venice in order to decide, on their own initiative, which moment in an historical event would be most suitable for the picture assigned to them. Would for instance the Urbino-Roman painter Federico Zuccari, who also took part in the re­ storation of the Palace, have been expected without further guidance to give a wholly " Vene­ tian " interpretation of the subject with which he was entrusted ? One may safely assume, as always in such cases, that discussions and committee meetings took place more or less regularly, as a result of which the artists would have received far more detailed guidance than that provided by the very business-like Programme. In this connection the modelli prepared by various artist for the new Paradise (Pis. XLIII ff.) are very instructive. They will be examined later in greater detail, but a few of their more striking features may be mentioned here. It may be assumed that the exact dimensions of the new Pa­ radise as well as the precise outlines of the wall-space to be covered by this work were commu­ nicated to the artists. Beyond this, however, we cannot tell to what extent the artists were briefed on their task before embarking upon the painting of modelli. As will become evident in the following chapters, the modelli are rather varied with regard to certain specific details. The possibility of minutely worked-out instructions being issued at the competition stage can therefore be discarded at once. On the other hand, some of the modelli contain elements which were to appear in the final version (e. g. ascending souls assisted by angels). It seems altogether futile to try to discover how far the modelli were based on the artists' or their personal friends' inventiveness and to what extent on knowledge of the actual wishes of the authorities. To be­ gin with, the authorities would give a general indication of their intentions; in other words, they would already have arrived at some general conceptions, which they no doubt transmitted to the artists, but they were quite open to suggestions. That this was really so seems to emerge from the curious circumstance that some of the modelli presented for the Paradise competition show many, or even most of the figures devoid of attributes or other characteristics necessary for their individual identification; in one of the modelli there are no female saints except Mary; even the “ males ", for the most part, have a neutral aspect. Thus, some of the modelli contain figures, almost all of which are without defi­ nite identities. By means of an adjustment of the vestments and the addition of attributes they could easily be converted into recognizable patriarchs, prophets, apostles, saints, and angels. This situation can only mean that the surveyors did not want to make a decision about the final details of the new Paradise before they had a basic structure to judge. Evidently, what they wanted was first of all a compositional scheme with anonymous figures in an easily survey able structural order. If, in the working out of such a scheme, an artist succeeded in creating a work­ able setting for a maximum number of figures, his modello would have an excellent chance of being chosen. And once the surveyors had chosen a model, they could prescribe the necessary alterations to those figures to which the artist had already assigned “ names " and determine the identities of the nameless figures. In fact, such a procedure seems the only reasonable one in an undertaking which had to be preceded by an artists' competition, and of which the

io

subject-matter was so complex. For if the surveyors were to have specified beforehand the precise position in the picture space of each of the almost innumerable figures, they would have had no choice but to illustrate this arrangement by pictorial means, and to make drawings or sketches was not the surveyors' métier. Another possibility can also at once be discarded as me­ rely theoretical, namely, that the surveyors should have indicated the exact place of every figure in a detailed description; it would have been well-nigh impossible to embark upon the painting of modelli from such a starting point. If the planning proceded as I have ventured to reconstruct it, then Tintoretto’s Prado mo­ dello (PI. XLIX), which shows all the figures complete with attributes, must have been pre­ ceded by one of a more schematic character. The stylistic characteristics of the Prado modello do in fact convey the impression that it was not an initial conception of Tintoretto’s; rather it would appear to have been a secondary “ specification ” worked out by assistants. The above theory would also explain the very intriguing circumstance that Francesco Bassano and Paolo Veronese won the competition together. A glance at the extant modelli (Pis. XLV f.) will show that the density and homogeneity of Bassano’s figure masses allow a wider scope for hagiographical specification. The fact, however, that the upper portion was entrusted to Veronese rather than to Bassano, was probably the result of the surveyors’ foreboding of the effect caused by huge Christ and Mary figures by the latter artist in a dominating position on the tribune wall. Many years elapsed during which this double commission remained unexecuted, and when at last, in 1588, the project was given to Tintoretto alone, Bardi, or whoever else was responsible for working out the programme in detail, would have had enough time to plan the details of the Paradise painting that was, in the end, placed on the tribune wall of the Maggior Consiglio (PL XLVIII). Finally we must try to clarify how one pre-established programme, and, in addition, a suc­ cession of separate programmes issued in the course of the work, have influenced the unity and coherence of a sequence of pictures of the decoration of one or a series of rooms. When within one unit, a ceiling for instance, there occur repetitions of the same motif, such as an allegorical figure, it might seem natural to assume the absence of a single homogeneous programme for that particular unit (1). But if a general iconographic system appears to prevail in the ceiling de­ corations, the repetition of a motif would present the same problem, whether it was conceived from the outset or decided upon at a later stage - unless of course one adheres to the theory that the work was left to the discretion of the executors. That, however, would be possible only with regard to less important details, and if mistakes or repetitions can be found in these, they are not relevant to the question of whether or not there existed a preconceived pro­ gramme. It is easy for an art historian to denounce “ mistakes ” or " errors ”, and he may sometimes seem to regard it as a duty to form a definite judgement. But it is always useful to start from the assumption that such repetitions - unless altogether unimportant - were in fact intended by the planners. When we pass from the study of details to surveying the restored decorations of the Doge’s Palace as a whole, we shall find that they were by no means the result of one coherent and rigid programme for all the different sections. It is clear that these decorations developed, rather, from several successive projects which underwent various modifications or even alterations as the work proceeded. This circumstance does not necessarily, however, affect the coherence and thematical unity of the resulting decorations any more than does the sometimes age-long work (1) Cf. W olters, « E n tw u rf des Cristofero Sorte », p. 142, n. 18.

on both the structure and decoration of medieval cathedrals. We may assume that a building like the Doge's Palace - the government seat of a conservative Venice - was invested by tradition, because of its practical and symbolical functions, with ideological qualities indicating relative stability. One and the same idea might here be expressed by different means at various times.

C. T he

progress of the redecoration

i) General considerations When a sixteenth-century guide-book of Venice reports that on the wall of, say, the Colle­ gio in the Doge's Palace there “ is " a painting representing this or that particular subject, we must not take it for granted that the painting was actually in evidence at the time of writing. Men like Sansovino and Borghini wrote guide-books intended to give future readers as well as contemporary ones some notion of the marvels of Venice; to be strictly factual was not their aim. The writers were less intent on compiling material for later art history than useful information for contemporaries and even for a subsequent generation of educated visitors. They tended, therefore, to give as comprehensive a view as possible of what would appear after the completion of the restorations, rather than to furnish documentation on the precise contemporary state of affairs. Thus, if a painting had been planned, but not yet begun, and if the writer knew of the existence and nature of the project and where the picture was intended to be installed, he would certainly not hesitate to set down that the work was already in place; for he would have been entitled to suppose that this would be the case shortly after the publication of his book. Bardi, for instance, gives the information not only that the Paradise in the Maggior Consiglio was exe­ cuted by Veronese and Francesco Bassano but also that it was actually in position there (1). In fact, the commission given to these artists was never completed (if begun at all) ; the Paradise, as we have seen, was later executed by Tintoretto alone (PI. XLVIII). When other contemporary writers make similar assertions, we cannot be sure that the work had actually gone beyond the project stage. At what stage in the planning would the various projects have come to the knowledge of the writers (in the cases, that is, when they did not themselves participate in the planning) ? A project would not be considered final until its approval by the Senate; before that, its contents would hardly have been made known to persons not directly concerned with the works. But if the statements of the guide-book authors or the existence of dated drawings provide a terminus ante quern for projects already confirmed by commissions or contracts, a more general and less elaborate plan - the outline of an idea - might have been envisaged by the planners at a much earlier stage. It is unlikely, for instance, that Sorte's detailed draft for the ceiling frame­ work of the Pregadi, where the compartments intended for paintings are left blank, was work­ ed out without the surveyors' knowing what was to be depicted on this ceiling (2). The delay of further elaboration of any such scheme or of its confirmation by contracts may well have been due to practical circumstances; these can easily be imagined, given the scale and com­ plexity of the total enterprise. In discussing the progress of the work of redecoration, we shall observe the following to­ pographical order (cf. PI. CII): the Salotto dorato (also called the Atrio quadrato), the Anti(i) Cf. below, p. 24.

(2) Cf. below, pp. 17 f.

12

collegio , the A n tip reg a d i (also called the Sala delle quattro porte), the Collegio and the P reg a d i (also called the Sala del Senato), and finally the M aggior Consiglio and the S cru tin io . The Sa­

lotto is a vestibule leading from the Scala d'oro to four of the rooms that were damaged by the fire of 1574: to the Antipregadi and, through this, to the Anticollegio, the Collegio and the Pregadi. The ante-rooms served as vestibules to the two council rooms. The Maggior Consiglio and the Scrutinio are on a lower story; these were ruined by the fire of 1577. The former was a council room; the latter served for various electoral functions in connection with the activities of the Great Council.

2) The Salotto dorato Although it is adjacent to the badly damaged Antipregadi, this room was not touched by the fire of 1574. Its decoration was nevertheless partly carried out during the period after the fire. The carved and gilt ceiling has a central, octagonal compartment surrounded by four smaller rectangular ones, all containing paintings (PI. XIII). The central painting, by Tintoretto, shows Doge Gerolamo Priuli receiving the sword of Justice in the presence of St. Mark and Venice. The surrounding paintings, all in trompe-l'oeuil bronze, depict scenes from the Old Tes­ tament containing allusions to virtues. The ceiling is commonly dated to the period when Gerolamo Priuli was doge, that is, to the years between 1559 and 1567. No relevant documents have been preserved (x). Tintoretto painted four mythological allegories for the walls of this room; after 1713 these were hung in the Anticollegio. The paintings, depicting the three Graces, Vulcan's forge, the Wedding of Bacchus and Ariadne in the presence of Venus, and, finally, Minerva, Peace, Con­ cord and Mars, were apparently completed in November 1578, when Tintoretto, referring to a price stipulation by Veronese and Palma, solicited payment (12).

3) The Anticollegio The lower portion of the walls was altered when the Tintoretto's allegories were installed (after 1713). The upper portion of the walls and the vaulted ceiling have stucco decorations with allegorical figures. In the central, octagonal compartment, a tempera painting shows Venice distributing ecclesiastical and other offices (PI. XV). The vault structure was com­ pleted in February 1576, and the execution of the stucco works was begun during the same month (3). Thus the date of February 1576 gives the term inus ante quem for this entire project.

(1) Cf. T ietze, Tintoretto, p. 364, w ith bibliography On th e iconography of th e ceiling, cf. below, pp. 238 £f. (2) Cf. Lorenzi, Monumenti, Doc. 880, and Ridolfi's description and in te rp re tatio n of th e subjects [Le maraviglie, II, pp. 43 f.). R eproduced in all sta n ­ d ard w orks on T in to retto . According to Doc. 880, « tu tt i q u a ttro insiem e significa [sic] unione». (3) Zorzi, «N uove rivelazioni», Does. 91 f. (last item citing v a u lt construction), 93,. 107, 119, 126. T he sculptor M arco Angelo del Moro w orked on his stuccoes on th e 15th of M arch 1577 (Zorzi, p.

136, Doc. 164) an d on th e sam e d ay h e w as p aid for m aking « p itu r e .. . nella an ticam era de Collegio [ = Anticollegio] » (Zorzi, Doc. 163). T he gilding w as begun in A pril 1577 (Zorzi, p. 136), an d in 1581 Sanso­ vino described th e room as being « o rn ato col soffitto di stucchi » ( Venetia, p. i2 2 v; on th e iconography, cf. below, pp. 253 f.). V eronese's octagonal ceiling p ain tin g (PI. XV) is n o t m entioned in docum ents b u t is described b y Ridolfi (çf. below, p. 254); i t w as rep ain ted b y S ebastiano R icci in th e eigh­ te e n th cen tu ry (cf. H adeln, « B eitrâge », p. 261).

13

4) The Antipregadi This spacious vestibule was also called the “ Sala delle quattro porte ” and, occasionally, the “ camera grande di Anticollegio In the contemporary Palace documents, however, it is almost invariably referred to as the “ Sala delTAntipregadi In 1575, from October onwards, Marco Marangon was engaged in constructing the vault, and in April 1576 Bombarda presented “ modeli de stuco” for it (*). In January 1577 Tintoretto is recorded as having been paint­ ing on the vault (12). The earliest date concerning the celling to be found in Zorzi's ledger is October 1575, at which date Marco Marangon began the construction of the vault. By then the form of the vault must already have been determined so that the detailed planning of the decorations could be undertaken (3). It is not likely that the “ modeli de stuco ” presented by Bombarda in February and April of the following year were small-scale sketches submitted to the surveyors as suggestions from the artists (i.e. modelli in the usual meaning of the word); in that case re­ cords of payments for them would not have figured here. Modelli in the round, if such were at all preferred to drawings, would scarcely have been made in stucco, but rather in clay, wax or plaster. Plans for the decorations would probably have been presented and discussed in the form of drawings, as in the case of Sorte’s carved wooden ceiling for the Pregadi (4). The “ modeli de stuco ” were therefore undoubtedly full-scale moulds showing various types of decorative ele­ ments (cartouches, single figures, garlands etc.) that were to be repeated in accordance with the ceiling plan. If this assumption is correct, the plan for the ceiling must have been worked out before February 1576 (it seems hardly likely that the temperas and the grotesques were not included with the stuccoes in one and the same project). Zorzi’s documents, which terminate with the entry for the 26th of July 1577, are silent with respect to the wooden wall panels in the Antipregadi. Sansovino, in his 1581 description of the room, does not even mention paintings on the walls. As a terminus post quem for the wall-paintings Von Hadeln refers to payments on May 19 of 1588 and on April 20 of 1589 for the architectural decoration of these walls (doors, benches with wall panels) (5). But only the latter entry, of April 1589, refers to the wall compartments: wooden benches and backboards belonging to these. Von Hadeln maintains that the paintings inserted into these wall-compartments date from after 1589, but if the dating of the pictures

m olto prim a, perché ap p en a tre giorni dopo anche il B o m b ard a [th e stuccoer] ebbe 100 d u cati 'a b o n conto de i lavori di stuco lui fa nel v o lto della sala de l ’A n­ tip reg ad i ’ » (Zorzi, Doc. 100, loc. cit.). (4) Cf. below, pp. 17 f. (5) Von H adeln, « B eitràge », p. 19; he refers to th e following entries: « Essendo necessario continuare l ’adornam ento delle Sale del Palazzo nostro, e t anco far prin cip iar le p o rte di N oghera nella S ala dell ’Anticollegio e t Pregadi e t quelle che passano alla Sala del Consiglio nostro di X e t alla C a n ce lle ria.. . » etc. (Lorenzi, Monumenti, Doc. 983 of 1588, 19/5) and « m e tte r in opera le figure di m arm o sopra le q u a ttro p o rte, nella S ala dell’A ntipregadi e t le q u a t­ tro P o rte di N oghera e t altro principiate, e t le B an ­ che e t Pozi [poggi = seats] in essa S a lla .. . » (Lo­ renzi, Doc. 995, of 1589, 20/4).

(1) Zorzi, « N uove rivelazioni », Docs. 97, 100. (2) On th e 26th of Ja n u a ry 1577 a certain « M° [M aestro] B a tista m urer » w as p aid « per hav er sm a ltà nel volto della sala d ’A ntipregadi dove depenze il T en to retto » (Zorzi, «N uove rivelazioni», Doc. 158). (3) B o m b a rd a i p aym ents were se ttled only on th e n t h of M arch 1577; B aldissera, who pain ted th e grotesques, sta rte d before th e 3rd of F eb ru ary 1577, and w as paid off on th e 19th of A pril of th e sam e year, and on th e sam e day th e p ay m en t w as effected to th e gilder A lessandro (Zorzi, Docs. 159, 171, 172). A ccording to Zorzi, accounts for execut­ ed w orks w ere som etim es settled considerably afte r th e ir com pletion: On th e 8 th of A pril 1576 an artisan w as p aid « p er fa tu ra de stuore N. 26 de cane vere p er il volto della sala de A ntipregadi » (Zorzi, p. 132; Doc. 98), « p u re essendosi tr a tta to di u n lavoro fa tto

14

were to depend upon the date of the execution of the corresponding wall panels, then the terminus post quern would have been 1590, for in September of that year, we read that it still rèmains to " metter in opera... banche et pozi '' in the Antipregadi (*). The commission for the votive picture showing Doge Antonio Grimani (the so-called “ La Fede '') (PL XIVa) had been given to Titian in March 1555. Vasari recorded seeing the paint­ ing in an unfinished state in Titian's workshop in 1566, and Ridolfi, in 1648, says that when Titian died (August 1576), the picture was still unfinished and that it was later completed by his pupils. According to Von Hadeln, this explains why the painting was not destroyed by the fire óf 1574 (2). The earliest reference to the picture in situ is that of Stringa in 1604. The view of Venice in the lower section of the picture provides a terminus post quem for its completion. The Prigioni building may be discerned to the right of the Doge's Palace. The nucleus of this building was begun by Rusconi in 1563, but its facades were not planned by Antonio dal Ponte nor their construction begun until 1589 (3). The completion of the picture and its hanging in the Antipregadi must thus have taken place in 1589 or later. It seems likely that the view of the Prigioni may have been painted from the plan drawings, which were made by An­ tonio dal Ponte, who was then proto. This date coincides with the probable date of the pro­ ject for the wall compartments, and Von Hadeln is evidently correct in assuming that the height of the latter was derived from that of the painting (3,66 X 4,95 m) (two flanking paint­ ings, one showing a prophet and the other a halberdier, were added to cover the space between the picture and the two doors). The remaining wall-paintings in the Antipregadi present no great problem. In 1604 Stringa mentions Contarini's votive picture for Doge Marin Grimani (4), who held office from April 1595 till December Ì605: thus, the painting cannot date from before 1595 (PI. XIVe). The paintings on either end of the wall opposite the one bearing Titian's and Contarini's pictures, one showing the doge receiving the embassy of Nuremberg, and the other his reception of the Persian embassy, are both mentioned by Stringa in 1604 (5)* The former was, according to Von Hadeln, executed prior to 1595, whereas the latter refers to an event that took place under Pasquale Cicogna's term of office (1585-95), more precisely in 1585 (6). For Contarini's Conquest of Verona there is no earlier date than 1648, when it was mentioned by Ridolfi (7). Vicentino's painting of King Henry Ill's reception at the Lido illustrates an event that took place in July 1574. Von Hadeln dates the painting of this picture before 1589, the year in which the king was murdered at Saint-Cloud (8). (1) Lorenzi, Monumenti, Doc. 1012. Von H adeln reits 1589 vollendet gewesen ». (von H adeln, « Beitràg e », p. 19). m aintains th a t « M it der V ertâfelung [of th e walls] (2) Von H adeln, « B eitrâge », p. 20. T he a rtist s te h e n .. . die Bilder, die nach venezianischem Gereceived p ay m en ts for it in Ju ly , 1555 (Lorenzi, M o­ schm ack die ganze Flàche dariiber bis hinauf zum numenti, Docs. 619 an d 623, q u o ted below, p. 34); cf. Deckengesims fiillen, in engstem Zusam m enhang. V asari, Vite, V II, p. 457; S tringa, Venetia, p. 225v; D i e . H ohenm asse von V ertâfelung und G em àìden Ridolfi, Le maraviglie, I, p. 206. sind voneinander abhângig. M an k an n n un gewiss (3) L orenzetti, Venezia, p. 284. m einen, dass die H olzverkleidung der W ânde nach (4) S tringa, Venetia, p. 225v ; Cf. Ridolfi, Le mavaM oglichkeit den P roportionen der B ilder angepasst viglie, II, p. 97. w urde. D er U m stand, dass ein b etrachtlich friiher (5) Stringa, Venetia, p. 225v ; cf. Scrinzi, « U n begonnenes Bild, nâm lich Tizians ‘F e d e ' [PL X IV a], dono ». m it zur D ekoration verw an d t wurde, m a ch t sogar (6) Z anotto, I l Palazzo ducale, II, Tav. L X V II, diese A nnahm e beinahe zwingend. A ber anderseits p. 7. erhalten die B ilder erst durch die V ertâfelung ihren (7) Ridolfi, Le maraviglie, II, p. 98. eigentlichen dekorativen Sinn. E s ist d arum nich t (8) Von H adeln, « B eitrâge », p. 20 rec h t glaubhaft, m ehrere der W andbilder seien be-

15 8

When the Venetian government ordered a pictorial representation of the king's visit to be hung in the Palace, the aim was certainly not so much to glorify the king as to glorify Ve­ nice by documenting his visit. Although he was later murdered, Henry III had been a reigning Catholic monarch, and there is little reason to imagine that the republic would wish to forego the commemoration of this notable event and instead to commit a sort of dam natio m em oriae merely out of loyalty to the new French king. A marble tablet designed by Vittoria to com­ memorate Henry's visit had been placed at the head of the Scala dei Giganti, that is at the main entrance to the Palace; this was not removed when the king was murdered. The murder of Henry III seems in fact of small relevance to the dating of the picture and it may well have been painted in 1589 or later. To sum up, all wall-paintings in the Antipregadi except the Marin Grimani picture may have been planned in 1589, when the execution of the wall compartments is first mentioned. It may seem strange that the decorations of the walls in the Antipregadi were begun so late, and it is likely that the plan finally adopted was preceded by another one. In October 1587, we are told, the surveyors were requested to “ far finir il quadro delli Giapponesi già prin­ cipiato Japanese envoys had previously visited Venice (1). As the Antipregadi was a vestibule intended among other things to serve as an antechamber for foreign visitors to the Venetian government, and as later three other paintings celebrating the reception of foreign envoys were commissioned for this room, it seems a tenable assumption that the picture of the Japanese was also intended for this room. In 1587 the picture was in process of execution. It is prob­ able that when by 1589 it was decided instead to hang Titian's Antonio Grimani picture (PI. XIVa) in this room, earlier plans for the wall compartments had to be modified to correspond with the height of Titian's painting. This would explain the fact that the present wall-com­ partments were begun as late as 1589 and further that the picture of the Japanese, presumably proportioned in accordance with the original plan for the wall-compartments, was not hung here. Another indication to this effect may be gathered from the above-cited ledger, in which the only entry mentioning the woodwork and furniture in the Antipregadi is concerned simp­ ly with embellishments or repairs and not with refurnishing (2). Hence it would seem that in this room the furniture had been less damaged by the fire than the ceiling, and that refurnish­ ing was undertaken only when called for by a new pictorial programme.

5) The ceiling decorations in the Collegio and the P regadi a) T h e

Collegio

(Pis. XVI ff., CIII ff.)

In the Collegio the ceiling framework was finished Mie 23rd of December 1575 Paolo Veronese had already mercato " for oil-paintings planned for the ceiling (4). question can only have been a disbursement in advance,

(1) Lorenzi, Monumenti, Doc. 979; S tringa, Ve­

by the 23rd of July 1576 (3), but on received a payment “ a bon conto del Zorzi maintains that the payment in in accordance with a contract (mercato)

(3) Zorzi, «N uove rivelazioni», Doc. 125: On th a t d ate th e gilder receives his first p aym ent. (4) P ay m e n t to « mes. P aulo Caliari p itto r de V erona a bon conto del m ercato fa tto con lui de depenzer il soffitto della sala de Collegio » (Zorzi, «N uove rivelazioni», Doc. 82, cf. p. 131).

netia, p. .414. (2) Zorzi, « N uove rivelazioni », Doc. 86: « [omissis] Al d e tto [A ndrea F aentin] p er h av e r to rn a to a reconzar i banchi d a v a n ti il pergolo e t parecchiato alcuni p o le tti di cartelle p er i banchi d eira n d io [ = andito] di P reg ad i» (January, 1576).

16

T H E D O G E ’S PA LA CE A F T E R 1574-77

which had been concluded earlier, and not a payment for pictures actually being executed. For, he argues, Veronese could not have begun his paintings in the ceiling before the wood-carvers and the gilders had finished their work (1). Zorzi's assumption must be examined both from the contractual aspect and the technical. One would hardly draw up a contract with a painter binding him to execute for a stated price some works as yet unspecified, and no payments could be effected without reference to a price fixed by contract. It is possible that an agree­ ment might have been made with some artist to the effect that in due time he should be avail­ able for work on a project not yet planned in detail; but such an agreement could not have pro­ vided a basis for payments from government funds. The price stipulation would have been de­ pendent on specifications for the works to be done, that is, by a contract indicating at least dimensions and materials for the work. Such a contract would of course have as its object the starting of the work, and therefore would be quite useless if it did not also indicate the subject matter of the project. Thus, a payment such as that made to Veronese in December 1575, pre­ supposes not only a proper contract, but also a detailed project for the paintings. The measure­ ments of the pictures referred to in such a contract, would necessarily have to agree with those of the corresponding frame compartments in the ceiling. In fact, the work on the wood-carvings for the Collegio had begun no later than eleven days after the date of the first payment to Veronese. Once the projects had been approved and sealed by contract, Veronese could start work­ ing, and embark not only upon the preparation of sketches but even upon the actual painting on canvas. Zorzi, however, seems to think that the work on the canvases could have taken place only after they had been fitted into the ceiling. Actually, it would have been more convenient to paint the pictures in the shop and then fix them to the ceiling and adjust the appropriate rails to their edges. b) T h e P r e g a d i (Pis. XXXI ff.) In 1581 Sansovino described the carvings of the Pregadi ceiling (PI. XXXI) as having been executed by Cristoforo Sorte, who had been commissioned to do the work on the 27th of July 1578 (*). Sorted design for the ceiling is preserved and has recently been published by Wolters (3). The drawing, complete with measurements, shows the compartition of the ceiling by carved wooden d u tto del Consiglio del Pregadi. In questo ad u n q u e il Cielo fu fa tto p e r disegno di Christoforo Sorte Veronese; & ne q u adroni co m p artiti in to rn o alle m ura, si dipigne di cótinouo tu tt o lo S ta to di T erra F erm a posseduto d alla R ep. di paese in p a e s e .. . ». Sorte relates th a t « E ssendo s ta ta f a tta elettione di m e Christoforo Sorte so tto li Illustrissim i Signori B arbaro, M orosini e t Foscaro dignissim i P roveditori del P alazzo so tto li 27 L uglio 1578 che o ltra il carico dato m i così del G ran Consiglio, come etiam del P re ­ gadi, e t o ltre gli a n te d e tti carichi m i h an n o d ato com missione che io faccia il disegno della Corografia di tu tto lo S tato di te rr a f e r m a .. . » (Lorenzi, M onu­ menti, Doc. 1012, A, of D ecem ber, 1585). (3) W olters, « E n tw u rf des Cristofero S orte », w ith reproduction on p. 139.

(1) T here is no doubt, Zorzi says, th a t th e p a in t­ ings « furono iniziate m olto tem po dopo il pagam ento del 23 D icem bre 1575, in cui si d à soltanto notizia di u n acconto di 100 d u ca ti sul *mercato ’ e non sul­ l ’esecuzione, perchè q u esta evidentem ente non po ­ te v a essere in iziata p rim a della ultim azione del lavoro degli intag liato ri e dei d o rato ri » (Zorzi, pp. 131 f.); in fac t V eronese w as p aid once m ore, on th e 26th of J u ly 1576, b u t th is tim e « a bon conto delle p ittu re lui fa nella S ala del Collegio ». T he form ula « p ittu re lui fa » is repeated in th e subsequent accounts. (2) Cf. Sansovino, Venetia, p. 123: «V icino al Col­ legio è situ a to u n ’altro S a lo n e .. . nel quale si diede principio a rid u rsi il Consiglio G rande, & durò p er cotale effetto fino a ll’anno 1423. Percioche paren d o che il luogo no fosse capace, fu o rd in ata la Sala sul Canal G ia d e .. . onde il p resente rim ase p e r lo ri-

17

C H R IS T IN T H E COUNCIL H A L L

frames, with spaces left open for paintings (in one comer a piece of paper with a modified design has been glued to the drawing). Two small fields were intended for coats of arms; one of these is blank; the other bears the lion of St. Mark. On the ceiling the field corresponding to the empty space on the plan shows the coat of arms of Doge Nicolò da Ponte; the carvings must therefore have been executed, at least in part, while he was doge, Da Ponte having held office from March 1578 until July 1585 (1). There is no doubt that Sorte’s compartmented ceiling was intended, even in the original version, to contain paintings. Wolters and Schulz have pointed out that the ceiling as we know it today, does not precisely correspond to Sorte's drawing. From Sorte's allegation that " li partimenti di sotto di esso friso [i.e. the ceiling frieze] sù h banchi ” were not being executed exactly as set out in his own designs, it emerges that the sculptured frames of the clocks and the comers were planned to accord with the ceiling ar­ chitecture (2). The earliest explicit references to ceiling paintings in the Pregadi are given by Stringa (1604) (3), and one concerns Dolobella's picture showing Doge Pasquale Cicogna adoring the Holy Eucharist (PI. XXXVIIa). On the strength of this, scholars like Von Hadeln and Lorenzetti date the whole series of paintings to his dogate (1585-95) or state that the series was finished under him (4). 1585 is, however, terminus post qitem only for Cicogna's portrait features in Dolobella's painting, which may very well have been planned and even begun under Doge Da Ponte (5).

6) Wall decorations in the Collegio and the Pregadi 1574 - ca. 1582 a) T h e C o l l e g i o (Pis. XVI ff.; CHI ff.; cf. CII, top) The lower part of the tribune wall was dominated by an elevated structure attached to it and to adjoining sections of the side walls (PI. XVIIa; cf. PI. XVI). On this podium there were benches, among which was the doge's throne, all connected by wooden wall panels. This structure, called the tribunale (tribune), is first mentioned on the 20th of September 1574 in the documents con­ cerning the restoration (6). By this date, then, the plan for it must have been decided upon. Other documents give an idea of the progress of the work on the tribune (7), and it is on the strength of these documents that Zorzi concludes that the tribune, as well as the benches with wooden backboards in the anterior, lower part of the room, was completed just before the

(1) T he contractu al obligations of th e tw o a rti­ sans who w ere to execute th e carvings are w ritte n on th e draw ing: « Io A ndre faencinó m i obbligo a fae ils u ffita tto ju s ta la sch ritu ra dacordo et. il presente disegno con le saghom è che seranno d ato dal ms Christofaro S orti e t i dui p ro tti [i. e. th e surveyors] », and then, b y an o th er hand: « io franco in tag rad o r da san moise Asicuro q u an to e soprascritto », and then: « 1578 a . . . lulio ». T he gilding of th e ceiling w as n o t com pleted u n til O ctober 1587 (Lorenzi, Monumenti, Docs. 976, 979). (2) Cf. W olters, « E n tw u rf des Cristòfero Sorte », p. 142; Schulz, «Cristoforo Sorte », pp. 196 1, Docs. 2-3 (p. 207). S orte charged th a t A ntonio dal P onte,

th e proto, h ad conspired w ith th e carv er an d th e secretary of th e surveyors. (3) Cf. below, pp. 245 ff. (4) In O ctober 1587 th e expression « E ssendo ri­ d o tto a perfezione il soffitto della S ala n o stra di P re ­ gadi » recurs in a docum ent (Lorenzi, Monumenti , Doc. 979), b u t i t is im possible to say w h eth er th e term « soffitto » im plies th e p ain tin g s as w ell as th e ceiling stru ctu re. (5) Cf. below, p. 250. (6) term inorno che q u esta Corografia si dovesse po rre in luoco se creto . . . » (Lorenzi, Monumenti , Doc. 1012, A, cf. ibid., D). Sansovino tells us, in 1581, th a t in th e Pregadi, « ne q u adroni co m p artiti in to rn o alle m ura, si dipigne di cotinouo [continuo] tu tto lo S tato di T erra F erm a posseduto dalla R e p u b b lic a > » (Sansovino, Venetia , p. 123). W hen Sansovino speaks of « com p artm en ts around th e w alls » (both term s in plural), th e com partm ents are evidenti)- th e p resen t ones, w hich w ere w orked o u t in direct connection w ith th e ceiling (cf. above, p. 18), an d w ith th e sculp­ tu ra l fram es of th e tw o clocks an d th e corners of the room. T he rig h t-h an d clock (nearest th e tribune), w ith one dial in th e Collegio an d one in th e Pregadi, is in th e sam e position as before th e fire; Zorzi be­ lieves th a t th e p ay m en t « a bon conto delle spese . . . ^B ernardo P an cin i^ fa nelli due horologi delle sale de P regadi e t Collegio », (Zorzi, « N uove rivelazioni », Doc. 24, N ovem ber, 1574), m eans th a t P ancini him ­ self made th e clock; actu ally P ancini only repaired it. T he clock w as m entioned, w ith « litondi picture e t h o rn am en ti », in N ovem ber 1534: « B ernardin Penzin» was th e n requested to «tenir in ordine e t in p u n to li dui horologij de Palazo de le sale del Collegio e t P r e g a d i...» (Lorenzi, Monumenti, Doc. 433), and th e clock w as again m entioned in M arch 1551 (Lo­ renzi, Monumenti, Doc. 579). T he astronom ical clock on th e left p a r t of th e sam e w all in th e P regadi is n o t m entioned u n til 1604 (by S tringa, Venetia , p. 23ov). T he w all-space in ten d ed for S orte's m ap « verso il Collegio e t Relogio » m u st have been th e

abandoned in November 1582 or shortly after This means that a continuous seriesof votive paintings for this room can have been planned only at the end of 1582 or later.

7) The decorations of the Maggior Consiglio and the Scrutinio In July 1578 Cristoforo Sorte was requested to prepare projects for the carved wooden frame­ work of the ceiling in the Maggior Consiglio; this is attested by himself (2) and by Sansovino, who refers to “ côpartimenti per disegno di Christ oforo Sorte ” in the ceiling (3). Again the pro­ to seems to have interfered with Sorte's projects. For evidence as to the date of the paintings in this hall (cf. PI. XXXIXb) and in the Scru­ tinio, Von Hadeln draws on Ridolfi’s description of the Maggior Consiglio in his Life of Paolo Veronese. It is clear from the account of Bardi, who himself had a hand in the planning, and also from the above-mentioned Programme, that all pictorial decorations on walls and in ceilings in both rooms were planned as a unit (4). Ridolfi says that Jacopo Soranzo, Francesco Bernardo, Jacopo Marcello and Jacopo Conta­ rmi decided to appoint Tintoretto and Paolo Veronese; to these were later added Palma, Bussano and others, because of the great amount of work involved ” (5). Von Hadeln assumes that Ridolfi must have known of some decreto, a commission or contract, which has since been lost. Bardi states that three senators decided upon the programme after having consulted Contarmi, Marcello and himself (6). Among the “ three senators ”, then, were So­ ranzo and Bernardo, and they held office as surveyors from the 8th of August 1579. Accord­ ing to Von Hadeln, the programme was therefore completed after that date and before the follow­ ing spring and summer, when their office as surveyors expired (7). By-July 1578, when the commission for the planning of the framework of the ceiling in the Maggior Consiglio was given to Sorte, some projects must already have been made for the paint­ ings to be inserted into this framework.

one betw een th e tw o clocks, whose fram es were also designed b y Sorte. T he w idth m easurem ent for th e m ap w as given as 31 V enetian feet (10,75 m), b u t this w as in fac t th e ex act extension from one clock dial to th e other. Since th e clock fram es to be designed b y Sorte him self were therefore n o t ta k e n into account here, it would seem th a t Sorte w as supplied w ith th e m axim um w id th for his m ap, th e ac tu al w id th of w hich he h ad him self to determ ine in coordination w ith th e fram ew ork. T he sam e ap ­ plies for th e height m easurem ent (height of w all co m partm ent to ceiling frieze: 3,75 m ; heig h t of m ap: 4,16 m, height up to ceiling: 5,5 m. (1) As a result of C ontarini’s intervention, th e m ap w as k e p t in an especially, constructed locker in th e A ntichies'etta (cf. Schulz, « Cristoforo Sorte », p. 202). C ontarm i took office as surveyor on th e 27th of N ovem ber 1582' (and rem ained in office u n til April 1585). T he p roject to have th e m ap displayed in th e

22

P regadi m u st therefore have been given up some­ tim e betw een N ovem ber 1582 and 1585. T he w ord­ ing of S o rte’s rep o rt conveys th e im pression th a t C ontarm i intervened in th e m a tte r once he becam e a surveyor, and th e p ro ject w as m ost likely abandoned a t th e end of 1582. (2) Lorenzi, Monumenti, Doc. 1012; Schulz, « Cri­ stoforo Sorte », pp. 196 ff. (3) Cf. below, p. 23. (4) Cf. below, pp. 221 ff. (5) Iacopo Soranzo, Francesco B ernardo, Jacopo Marcello and Iacopo C ontarm i « conuennero con p articolar decreto nelle persone del T in to retto e di Paolo, à quali furono poscia aggiunti il P alm a, il B assano [Francesco] & a ltri poi p er la m u ltip licità delle opere, che hàueuano à farsi » (Ridolfi, Le maraviglie, I, p. 326; cf. above, p. 8, n o te 1). (6) Ridolfi, loc. cit., von H ad e ln ’s com m ent. (7) Cf. Lorenzi, Monumenti, A ppendix.

T H E D O G E 'S PALA CE A F T E R 1574-77

One further piece of supporting evidence may be added. In April 1579 it is noted that " The new tribune and its panelling are of excessive height, with the result that some of the figu­ res of the Paradise are concealed, and also the marble inscription in honour of the Virgin. . . [omis­ sis] . . . The tribune, therefore, should be lowered to the previous level; the same applies to the wall panelling ’’ (x). The “ Paradise ” referred to is Guariento’s fresco (PI. XL), which co­ vered the tribune wall. The requirement that the lower figures of the Paradise should be made more easily visible must mean that even as late as April 1579 there was no intention of sub­ stituting a new Paradise painting for the old one, but merely, it seems, of restoring the exist­ ing one. The decision to paint a new Paradise was made in connection with the project for com­ plete redecoration, decided upon after August of the same year. Sansovino describes the Maggior Consiglio in 1581 as having already been "restored... with new framework in the ceiling by Cristoforo Sorte. The ceiling paintings celebrate various achievements by the Venetians, and those on the sidewalls represent two historical cycles, one of Frederick Barbarossa and the other of the conquest of Constantinople; previously only the Barbarossa story had been depicted" (12). The verbal forms rifatta and dipinsero used, by Sansovino in his report give the impression that the works were already completed, but there is good evidence that they were not, and he must have anticipated the completion on the basis of his knowledge of the projects. Sansovino’s description of the story of Pope Alexander III and Barbarossa and of the Fourth Crusade (the “ Acquisto di Costantinopoli ”) in the Maggior Consig­ lio is in accordance with the above-mentioned Programme, with Bardi’s later description and indeed with the present arrangement of the pictures (3). Francesco Sansovino also says that he presented his father’s, Jacopo’s, Madonna and Child group, now in the Chiesetta, to the republic and that it was to be placed " in bellissima nicchia di marmi ’’ in the centre of the wall facing the tribune (4). Sansovino here refers to a project that was subsequently altered. It is quite remarkable that Sansovino does not even mention the decorations in the Scruti­ nio, but as his description of the Maggior Consiglio is in accordance with both that of the Pro­ gramme and Bardi’s (who insists on the decorative unity of the two rooms), it seems evident that the entire set of paintings was planned at one time, and that its general lines at least had been determined by 1580/81, when Sansovino wrote his book.

di Federico p red etto , & quella dell’a c q u is to ... di C onstantinopoli. . . » (Sansovino, Venetia, pp. I32v f.). (3) F o r th e d istrib u tio n of m otifs, cf. below, pp. 221 ff. (4) Sansovino, Venetia, p. 133 ; W olters, « Program m entw urf », p. 311; B ardi, Dichiavatione, pp. 62 an d verso. T he la tte r says: «Vedesi p arim en te sotto il presente quadro [i.e. Aliense’s B arbarigo picture, in th e ceiling], & sopra quello del Doge C ontarini la effigie di n o stra D onna, scolpita in nobilissimo M armo d a Iacopo Sansouino S cu lto re. . . , la quale rim irando con la faccia il T ribunale, induce ne gli anim i d e’ ri­ g u ard a n ti m erauiglia, & deuotione ». T he C ontarini p ictu re th a t w as ac tu a lly executed b y Veronese, is of a scale w hich m akes it im possible to visualize it on th e sam e axis as th e niche containing Jacopo Sansovino’s m arble group. T he sources m u st refer to projects w hich were la te r altered.

(1) « P er re stra o rd in a ria altezza del novo tr i­ bunale fa tto nella Sala del Maggior Conseglio si h a convenuto in spite of his m oral w eakness » (Jedin, K o n z il, I I , p. 156). D uring th e de­ b a te Seripando sta te d th a t « A fter m an h as been reconciled w ith God, he receives th e H o ly S pirit and its gifts, especially charity, w hich enables him to com ply w ith th e C om m andm ents [‘iustificatio ope­ ru m ’]» (Jedin’s sum m ary, p. 157). T he process of th e justification begins w ith th e infusion of « prevenient grace », w hich is th e sam e as th e « praeveniens Spiri­ tu s Sancti inspiratio » (Chapter 5, an d Canon 3 of th e decree : D enzinger-Schônm etzer, E n c h irid io n , Nos, 1525, 1553 respectively). Cf. also th e decree of N ovem ber 1551, a b o u t th e sacram en t of penance. C hapter 4, « De contritione », w here i t is sta te d th a t, « v e ru m . . . donum D ei esse e t S piritus S ancti im pul­ su m ,. . . ta n tu m m oventis, quo p aen iten s ad iu tu s viam sibi ad iu stitia m p a ra t » (Denzinger-Schôn­ m etzer, E n c h irid io n , No. 1678). T h e H o ly S p irit is th e « highest gift » for th e justified (C hapter 6 on th e justification cites A cts 2 : 38: D enzinger-Schôn­ metzer, E n c h irid io n , No. 1527). Ju stificatio n is condi­ tioned b y th e reception of « iu stitia m in n o b is ... unusquisque suam , secundum m ensuram , qu am ’ S piritus Sanctus p a rtitu r singulis p ro u t v u l t 1 » (Denzinger-Schônm etzer, No. 1529, ch a p te r 7 of th e sam e decree). Ju stificatio n can ta k e place w hen b y v irtu e of th e m erits of C hrist G od’s love th ro u g h th e action of th e H o ly S p irit is infused in to th e h ea rts of those to b e justified an d becom es in h eren t in th e m (Canon 11 of th e decree, D enzinger-Schônm etzer, N o 1561).

bodies being its temple And it is through the infusion into the Church of the Holy Spirit that the Church's ministry is guided, for it has taken abode in the Church (2). In matters of faith and of ecclesiastical government it assists the councils, synods and pontiffs in their deci­ sions (3). Rather as a matter of course, but nonetheless explicitly in eight different decrees, did the Council of Trent claim this assistance of the Holy Spirit (4). Thus, in a woodcut of 1564 (on a m o t u p r o p r i o issued by Pius IV) showing a congregation of cardinals at he council (PL LXXXVIP), the Holy Spirit is depicted hovering over the assembly (5). It was probably due to the increased concern with the idea of the Holy Spirit's influence on man in connection with the theology of justification, that Zuccari and Veronese in their modelli and Tintoretto in his-Paradise added the motif of the ascent of man under the influence of the Holy Spirit to the original iconography to be reconstructed by the painters. Similar ideas were evoked in some votive paintings of the latter half of the sixteenth century in which the por­ trayed donors seem to communicate directly, that is to say, without the mediation of saints, with the Holy Spirit depicted above them. To the best of my knowledge, this was a new theme in votive pictures where, earlier, invariably at least one saint or Christ himself had also been pre­ sent. The cases that have come to my attention are all Venetian. One has already been men­ tioned (e); it is Parrasio Michiel's picture for Doge Lorenzo Priuli (1563). . Here the religious subject matter (forming a background for the portraits) was “ il Spirito Sancto sopra uno tempio ornatto richamente di architetura coione ". Priuli had been elected doge on the third Sunday after Pentecost, which certainly served as a pretext for including the Dove (and the “ tem­ ple " as symbol of the Church) in the painting. But the circumstance does not offer a satisfac­ tory..: explanation, of the new. phenomenon, for Lorenzo Priuli was hardly the. first person portrayed in votive pictures, with an important personal event to celebrate in that part of the ecclesiastical year. In a painting by Domenico Tintoretto in the Doge's Palace (Sala dei Cen­ sori) ten censors are depicted with the Dove soaring above them (PI. LXXVIIa) (7), and in an­ other Tintorettesqüe painting, originally in the Magistrato del Sal in the Palazzo dei Camerlenghi, there are. four senators below the Dove (8).1 (1) D enzinger-Schônm etzer, E n c h irid io n , Nos. 46, 48, 60. Cf. also th e Council of T re n t's decree on th e invocation and veneration of th e relics of saints, of December, 1563 (Denzinger-Schônm et­ zer, No. 1822): «S anctorum quoque m a rty ru m e t aliorum cum Christo viventium sa n cta corpora, quae v iv a m em bra fu eru n t C hristi e t tem plum Spiritus S ancti (cf. i Cor. 3:16; 6:19; 2 Cor. 6:16), ab ipso ad aeternam v ita m suscitanda e t glorificanda, a fidelibus veneranda e s s e .. . ». - (2) -Second Council of N icaea, . O ctober 787 (Denzinger-Schônm etzer, E n c h irid io n , No. 600; in th e L a tin version: « . . . nam ' S piritus S ancti hanc esse novim us, q u i.nim irum in ip sa . in h a b ita t.. . »)... Cf. bèlów, p. 187, n o te -4. . .. ....... ' (3) Some exam ples:. Denzinger-Schônm etzer, E n ­ ch irid io n , N os. 102, 265 (the holy fathers, « q u i in N i­ caea ciim Spiritu S anctò congregati fu eru n t »), 444 (Encÿclica ô f c. 557, V a s election is, .ch ap ter D e aucto­ rita te con cilioru m gen era liu m ), >631 (Council of Valencè,-855 ;« . . . au c to rita te S piritus S ancti in te r­ dicimus: . . . », etc.).

(4) Cf. Denzinger-Schônm etzer, E n c h irid io n , Nos. 1500, 1501, 1600, 1635, 1667, 1726, 1738, 1820; th e Council w as « in S piritu S ancto legitim e congregata» an d it issued its decree on th e sacram ents « divino Spirito ad iu v an te », its decree on th e E u ch a rist « non absque peculiari S piritus S ancti d u ctu e t g uberna­ tione », th e doctrine on th e sacram en t of penance « S piritus S ancti praesidio ». F o r th e im p o rta n t edict on com m union in th e tw o species, th e Council w as « a Spiritu Sancto, qui S piritus est sapientiae e t in4 tellectus, S piritus consilii e t p ietatis, edocta », and for th e doctrine on th e sacrifice of th e Mass th e synod w as « S piritus Sancti illustratione edocta », and so it was again for its confirm ation of th e decree on P u rg ato ry . (5) Cf. A leândri B arletta, A s p e tti, No. 176, PI. X X V I. (6) Cf. above, p. 35. (7) P h o t. Direzione Palazzo Ducale. T he p a in t­ ing's com panion: cf. p. 218 an d PI. L X X V IIb. (8) Now in th e Accademia, cf. Moschini Marconi, G allerie, I I, No. 439. T he p ain tin g w as originally flank­ ed b y four p ain tin g s p o rtray in g m ag istrates (Mo­ schini Marconi, No. 435-8).

e) T h e

Salvator

Mundi

Among the works connected with the renewal of the Paradise picture in the Maggior Consiglio only Tintoretto's final version shows Christ with his hand upon a crystal globe surmounted by a cross (PI. L). This symbol conveys the Christological image of “ Salvator Mundi ,, (1); in which Christ holds the globe in his hand or is seated or standing on it; it is an image usually intended to impart the reassuring message to mankind that it is the Saviour who has created and conquered the world. Thus, the creation of the world “ became closely associated with the plan of salvation " (Heimann) (2). The concepts of creation and salvation are essential to the theology of justification (3). Whenever the Salvator Mundi is depicted as the focus of an elaborate iconographical scheme, he appears in the context of the Eucharist, in a Paradise or in other situations which express the principal idea of his achievement in and through the Church. The denomination Salvator Mundi, which recurs repeatedly in picture inscriptions, means exactly what it says, but usually with the noteworthy implication, often made specific by pictorial means, that Christ the Saviour is acting within and through both the Ecclesia Triumphans and its earthly reflection, the Ecclesia Militans. And, " there is no salvation outside the Church The essen­ tial characteristic of the globe in connection with Christ is that it is more than a symbol of an aspect of him, namely his role as saviour. The globe is the symbol of the entire created universe, so that far more than being an attribute serving the identification of a specific iconographical type of figure (in this case, Christ), it becomes the object and focus of the action on the part of Christ or God creating, conquering and saving. In other words, the motif of Christ with the globe is more than a figure with an attribute: it is a condensed representation of historical events. And the context in which this motif appears - the Eucharist or the Paradise, for example - de­ notes, like attributes, some specific significances of these events. By virtue of these connotations of the Salvator Mundi, this figure seems appropriate to any Paradise representation and especially so to the ideas underling Tintoretto's Paradise and, so to speak, summed up in the symbol of the globe in Christ's hand. In fact, the Salvator Mundi representation has its parallel in the Commendatio animae, to which the Paradise, as we have seen, is structurally similar. One prayer in the Commendatio begins as follows: " Commendamus tìbrDomine animam famuli tui precamurque te Domine Jesu Christe Salvator mundi, ut prop­ ter quam ad terram misericorditer descendisti, Patriarcharum tuorum sinibus insinuare non* renuas. Agnosce Domine creaturam tuam, non a diis alienis creatam, sed a te solo Deo vivo etvero... ~

/) C o n c l u s i o n We may conclude our investigation of the Paradise iconography with the following observa­ tions. From Guariento's painting to Tintoretto's a change took place, in the sense that, while one and the same basic ecclesiological theme prevailed in both works, in Tintoretto's painting its

(1) F o r th e iconography of th e S alvator Mundi, see Section IV, C hapter '5, in m y « T itia n ’s T rium ph of F a ith », w ith bibliography. (2) B ibliography in m y publication cited in th e

preceeding note. -Gf. also iny - ■&A - r e-rëàdirig », p p . 150 ff. ■' (3) Cf.- th e tre a tm e n t- of th is su b ject in Kiing, J u stific a tio n , p a s s im .

single components were rendered more explicit by means of special iconographical devices such as the images of the soul's ascent, the Holy Spirit and the Salvator Mundi. In the sixteenthcentury version each of the various concepts implied was spelled out as unequivocally as in the Commendatio animae. The Commendatio - in its medieval form and prior to its final re-editing and enlargement in 1614 - begins first with a litany commending the soul to Christ, Mary and the saints; then comes a prayer addressed to the entire celestial hierarchy from God, Christ and the Holy Spi­ rit over archangels, angels, throni, dominationes and the other celestial orders and saints down to the unspecified “ All Saints ”. Thereupon follows a prayer in which God is besought to let the soul partake in the unity of the Church (" .. .et unitati corporis Ecclesiae membrum redemp­ tionis annecte ”), and admit it “ ad tuae sacramentum reconciliationis ”. In the next prayer God is implored to release the soul as he did Enoch and Elijah and a series of other personag­ es from the Old Testament (x). After this, the soul is addressed, this time invoking the Salvator Mundi. The Paradise painting in the form finally approved by the authorities could hardly have escaped comparison with the Commendatio. This does not imply that Tintoretto was furnished with a copy of this text to serve a s a ,( programme ", but that at the period in question, after the debates at Trent, a complete Paradise representation would preferably have to include just those elements that were most characteristic of the Commendatio, since these elements were central in the reactivized theology of justification and the doctrines concerning indulgences. If, as is possible, a liturgical prayer in commendation of the soul had been intentionally alluded to, this would not be difficult to account for, even in a painting for a government hall (rather than for a church); not, that is, if the government wished its activity - represented in the pic­ torial decorations of this hall and the adjoining Scrutinio - to be viewed in the perspective of salvation (2). So far we have considered iconographical precedents and the most likely theological basis for the Paradise. The weight of the tradition behind the painting can only be assessed, however, by determining whether it was an isolated case in its time, or was accompanied or followed by other related works. Some works conform most closely to the Paradise - so closely, in fact, that they can hardly be said to constitute an independent example and thus indicate a tradition. A Venetian oil paint­ ing on marble in the Museo di Palazzo di Venezia, Rome (PL LXXXVId) (3), may be reasonably dated from the 1580s. A mini-Paradise (Christ with globe and sceptre; the Virgin, kneeling and uncrowned; Michael with scales and lance; a pars pro toto, as it seems, selection of saints, and a rising soul, or Adam?) fills the vault of a church like a cloud. This specific location ac­ centuates the connection between the Church Militant and the Church Triumphant. The ren­ dering of the church is allegorical, with a confession scene in the left foreground and the three theological virtues on the right (flanked by Penance?). On the altar the risen Christ is stand-

(1) E noch and E lijah w ere represented in T in­ to re tto 's L ouvre modello b u t are om itted from th e final P aradise painting. Possibly th is developm ent reflects an argum entation - relev an t for th e T riden­ tin e and p o st T ridentine discussions concerning G race - against a too explicit connection betw een th e te rrestrial and th e celestial Paradise. Bellarmine, for exam ple, citing Ecclus. 44 to th e eflect th a t

78

« H enoch p la cu it Deo, & tran slatu s est in p ara d i­ sum, u t d et gentibus paen iten tiam », concludes th a t, however, « Certum au tem est H enoch in caelestem p aradisum non asce n d isse .. . » (De controversiis, IV , cois. 42 f.). (2) F o r th is concept of th e S tate, cf. P a r t I II , B ; for th e p ictorial decorations, cf. P a r t V, A. (3) P h o t. G FN , E . 55390.

mg upon the globe, as Salvator Mundi (1). Furthermore, the scene is unmistakably defined as Venice by the lion of St. Mark on the paliotto of the altar. The ceiling and walls of the Oratorio del Gonfalone at Vicenza were pictorially decorated around the year 1600 (the paintings were destroyed in 1945). The Assumption on the altar and Alessandro Maganza's Coronation (PI. LXXXVIIb) in the centre of the ceiling formed the nucleus of the cycle, the character of which is patently ecclesiological. Again, before the Virgin and the Godhead (this time a complete Trinity) angels are assisting male and female souls in their ascent (2). The remaining examples, most of a somewhat later date, are parallel phenomena expressing similar ideas rather than mere repetitions of the iconographical scheme of the Paradise, thus providing a wider perspective. In a few cases the traditional motif of the coronation of the Virgin was combined with one known even earlier, but which had gained new importance during and after the Council of Trent: the liberation of the souls from Purgatory and their ascent towards Christ and Mary (or towards Mary alone). As I have already mentioned, the doctrines concerning Purgatory were not new to the sixteenth century, but the concept became more important then as an anti-Protestant reaffirmation of the Roman view on the question of indulgences. The earliest Italian example of such a combination of motifs is, to my knowledge, the frescoes and altar-piece of Federico Zuccari's (and others) in the Cappella degli Angeli in the Gesù, Rome (PI. LXXXVIc,e) (3). Further one may mention a drawing by Ventura Salimbeni and a seventeenth-century altar-piece in Santo Stefano, Venice (4). The religious connotations of representations such as these are more or less the same as those in the Venetian Paradise, a fact which by itself may account for compositional and iconographie similarities as, for instance, the group of Christ, Mary (though in this case uncrowned) and the Dove, in Francesco di Castello's Purgatory of 1599 in San Lorenzo, Spello (PI. LXXXVIId) (5). On the whole, the period after Trent seems to have been more preoccupied than earlier with pictorial representations of the soul's ascent as led by the Church and by the angels. The whole tradition seems to reach a culmination (iconographically speaking) in the “ restricted ’* Paradise by Poccetti in the Cer-

(1) A risen C hrist standing above th e globe tro u n a donna in veste gialla con p alm a nella sini­ stra e corona di lauro nella destra; in torno due an ­ an d identified b y th e title « S alvator M undi » also gioli con croci, u n angiolo con braciere, u n altro con app ears in F ra B artolom eo’s painting, in th e A ca­ fascio e u n terzo con u n bacile d a cui sta versando dem y, Florence: cf. m y « T itia n ’s T rium ph of F a ith », acqua ». IV, 3, c. T he figures in th e apse presum ably rep re­ (3) T he frescoes are m entioned (w ith referen­ sen t th e apostles. ces) in Galassi Paluzzi, « N ote », pp. 306 fi., and Pec(2) S um m ary description and reproductions chiai, I l Gesù, pp. 104 fi. F o r an earlier F ren ch pic­ in A rslan, Vicenza, I, No. 767-81, P late s L X I-II. tu re com bining th e tw o motifs, cf. E ng u erran d Ridolfi, Le maraviglie, II, p. 232. All paintings de­ C haronton’s C oronation, above, p. 72, n o te 6. stroyed in 1945. P icto rial program m e of ceiling (the (4) A draw ing in th e B iblioteca Com unale, Siena a lta r piece showed th e A ssunta): th e m iddle longi­ an d a ttrib u te d to a Salim beni follower b y R iedl tu d in al axis, w hich is flanked b y pictures of sibyls, (Phot. R iedl a t th e K unsthistorisches In s titu t, F lo ­ virtues, seven p atriarch s and seven prophets, con­ rence) shows th e Coronation and, in th e low er b ack ­ tain ed th e following paintings, sta rtin g from above ground, souls em erging from P u rg a to ry ; sim ilar th e a ltar: 1) Angels soaring around a yellow halo iconography in th e p ain tin g above th e second left-h an d of lig h t; 2) G lory of C hrist am ong angels; 3) Corona­ tio n (Our PI. L X X X V IF * b) ; 4) M ary (with a « Grown » a lta r of S< Stefano, Venice. (5) P h o t, GFNi E . 10038. Inscribed: «F ranço of tw elve stars) p resenting Ecclesia w ith crown, de Castello flander. facieb at Rom ae. An. 1599». tia ra , sceptre etc.; 5) A rslan’s description: «A l cen­

79 16

tosa di Galuzzo near Florence (c. 1595; PL LXXXVII0) (*). No Virgin or other saints are-present; we are led directly to the Trinity through a swirling Cocteau-ish tunnel of rather pale angels, The inscription tells us that the pleasure of the confrontation with the Godhead will out-balance every suffering on earth - with the evident implication, however, that the soul will enter Pa-? radise only upon having shed the passiones that have been the burden of man since the fall of Adam. We are also warned, with anti-Protestant emphasis, that " Per multas tribulationes opportet intrare

B. T he

last judgement in the

S crutinio

The Scrutinio was functionally connected with the Maggior Consiglio at least since Sabellico’s days. It was used for elections - hence its name - to the Great Council, which met in the Maggior Consiglio (12). It is natural, therefore, that the chronological order of the historical wall-paintings in the two rooms should suggest a unity between them (3). Thus, the Last Judgement (by Pal­ ma il Giovane; PI. LVII1) in the Scrutinio is directly related to the Paradise in the Maggior Con­ siglio not only by reason of theological logic and iconographie tradition, but also because of their functional connection. The iconographical relationship existed even prior to the fire of 1577, since there had already been a Last Judgement (by Tintoretto) on the tribune wall of the Scrutinio (4) ; this would then have appeared as a companion to Guariento’s Coronation. Of the iconography of this Last Judgement by Tintoretto nothing is known (5). Palma's Last Judgement is the result of a commission that was perhaps first given to Tin­ toretto (6) and which formed part of the programme for the overall redecoration of the Mag­ gior Consiglio and the Scrutinio after the fire of 1577 (7). At first sight the painting (8)

(1) P h o t. A linari 4525. Inscriptions: « N on su n t condignae passiones huius tem poris < a d fu tu ra m gloriam quae rev elab itu r in n o b is>» (Rm. 8:18) - «Per m u ltas tribulationes o p o rtet in tra re < in reg­ n um D ei y» (Acts 14:21). T he la tte r q u o tatio n m u st have h ad an an ti-L u th eran bias (against his theory of justification b y faith) an d alm ost th e sam e w ords are used in th e R om an Cathecism (another p ro d u ct of th e Council of T rent), in its com m ents to « Y our king­ dom come ». (2) Cf. below, p. 220. (3) Cf. below, pp. 221 ff. (4) Cf. above, p. 24. (5) W e know nothing so fa r w hether a still earlier version h a d existed. (6) B ibl. Correr, MS, Cicogna, 105, fol. 7y: « Sopra Il trib u n a le douera [= . dovrà] an d a r il G iuditio U niuersale com 'era m a n ti il bru g iar delle sale », w ith m arginai note: « Giac. te n to reto ». Ridolfi, Le mara­ viglie, I I , p. 179, gives a s h o rt description of P alm a's painting. (7) T he h all h ad been erected under Doge F ra n ­ cesco Foscari in th e years . 1424-40; a presum ably original- inscription w ith his coat of arm s w as res­

to red after th e fire an d left in situ (or placed here afte r th e fire ?) on th e trib u n e wall. T he te x t, ex a lt­ ing th e v irtu es ensured b y th e laws an d th e stu d y of them , fits a governm ent lib ra ry b u t also a room serving an y k in d of g overnm ental function: QVI PATRIAE PERICVLA SVO PERICVLO EXPÉTVNT. HI SAPIENTES PV/TANDI SVNT . CVM ET EVM / . QVEM DEBENT . HONOREM REIP . REDDVNT. / ET PRO MVLr TIS PERIRE MALVT . QVAM CVM MVLTIS ET ENIM . VEHEMÉTER / EST INIQWM ACCEPTAM

PROPTER

. VITAM . QVAM A NATVRA

PATRIAM

/

CONSERVAVERIMVS.

NATVRAE . CVM COGAT REDDERE PATRIAE . CVM / RO­ GET NON DARE . SAPIENTES IGITVR EXISTIMADI SVNT. QVI NVLLVM / PRO SALVTE PATRIAE PERICVLVM VITAT. HOC VINCVLVM EST HV IV S/DIGNITATIS . QVA FRVIMUR IN REP.

HOC FVNDAMETVM LIBERTATIS.

HIC / FONS

AEQVITATIS. MENS. ET ANIMVS ET CÔSILIVM ET SËTËTIA CIVITATIS.. /

POSITA EST .ï LEGIVS. VT CORPORA

NRA SINE MËTE . SIC CIVITAS SINE / LEGE SVIS PARTIB V S.

VT NERVIS.

POTEST.

/

AC SAGVINE.

LEGVM

ET MEBRIS.

MINISTRI. .. MAGISTRATVS

VTI NO. LEGVM

ÎTERPRETES. IVDICES. LEGVM / DENIQVE ICCIRCO OM-‘ NES SERVI SVMVS. VT LIBERI ESSE POSSVMVS. !

(8) P h o t. A nderson, 12934.

80

v

may seem rather commonplace both as regards the single figures and the composition - show­ ing as it does Christ with his usual " double gesture ” (*) in the centre between Mary and the Baptist (thus forming a Deesis) (z), and surrounded by trumpeting angels, a heaven full of holy men and women, angels with swords and scales, and human beings grouped on either side of Christ, the elect on his right, and the damned on his left (3). It is also in accordance with Western tradition that Christ’s wounds are visible (in the side and on the feet) (4). However, we find that Christ’s other attributes, such as cross, column, lance and other instruments of the passion, are lacking (5); since his wounds contain sufficient reference to the passion, these are not strict­ ly necessary. Yet, this succinctness with reference to the passion is too unusual in the six­ teenth century to be dismissed as accidental. The general iconography of the painting offers no clue to the question, neither does the circumstance that the painting was obviously designed to match the new Paradise which was to hang in the Maggior Consiglio (®). There are two. further iconographie features connected with Palma’s representation of the last judgement that are worthy of a closer consideration: the painting itself includes moral alle­ gories, and above it are four prophets and four evangelists; this series was added a few years after the completion of the Judgement painting. In the lower central zone of the painting to the left of the people rising from their tombs, there are three figures with particularly individual characteristics: in a cave in a rock there is a sturdy old man with his hands raised as if supporting or shaking something; next to him is a young, beautiful, naked woman with a bundle of serpents in one hand and with serpents for hair; next to her sits another naked woman who is very lean with long and bag-like breasts and who is holding her right hand to her mouth. There is no doubt that these two female figures represent vices,even though they are placed slightly to the left of the middle axis of the pictu­ re. The following interpretation of these figures is merely a suggestion. The figure of the old man may have been influenced by Early Christian coelum representations (7), ór, what is more likely.

(1) Cf. P anofsky, « Im ago Pietatis», pp. 307 f. and, above all, B renk, « D ie A nfânge », p. 107, and id em , D ie rom an isch e W a n d m a le v e i , p. 106 (« . . . in dieser G ebârde le b t der altchristliche Aufnahm eun d A bw ehrgestus nach »). (2) R ea llex ik o n , Deesis, a d vocem , and Brenk, «A nfânge», pp. 108 f., w ith bibliography: «D ie Ikonographie der Deesis h a r r t noch einer B earbeitung ». (3) B ibliography on th e L a st Ju d g em en t in ge­ neral: Millet, D a lm a tiq u e , pp. 13 ff., B renk, «Anfânge », w ith u p -to -d a te references and im p o rta n t original considerations. (4) B renk, D ie ro m an isch e W an dm alevei, pp. 75 £f., i n f., w ith sources and bibliography; idem , « A n­ fânge », p. 107. (5) B enedictine representations as those in the churches of Sant'A ngelo in Form is and Pom posa (cf. PI. L X X X V ) show C hrist's w ounds b u t n o t th e passion, instru m en ts; in th e la tte r fresco, however, th e cross in shown separately. T here was, apparently, no such tra d itio n in Venice; th e Ju d g e m en t mosaic

on th e facade of San M arco m ay, according to th e reproduction of in G entile B ellini's p ain tin g in th e A cadem y, Venice, give th e im pression th a t th e tw o angels flanking C hrist are carry in g fla b e lla , b u t if w e are to believe Stringa, th e tw o objects m o st likely are th e cross an d th e rod w ith th e sponge; h e sta te s th a t a t his tim e th e re w as a « m usaico, con u n a figura in mezo di Christo glorificato, che d a am bi i la ti alcune figure h a di Angioli, coi M isteri della Passione in m an o » (C h iesa d i S . M a rc o , C hapter II). (6) A lm ost every W estern rep resen tatio n of th e L a st Ju d g em en t connected w ith one of th e Paradise, it w ould seem, included th e in stru m en ts; so does, for instance, th e la te six teen th -cen tu ry mosaic in th e v a u lt above th e en trance gallery of San Marco (the corresponding P arad ise is on th e n o rth v a u lt of th e nave). (7) Such as th e one below C hrist on th e J u ­ nius Bassus sarcophagus. O n sarcophagi showing C hrist above th e coelum , cf. now Sauser, F rü h ch ristliche Kunst> pp. 170 ff., w ith bibliography.

8l

may represent earthquake as this is described in Ripa’s Iconologia As regards the woman with snakes, it is clear that the snakes - in bundles, as they are shown - are represented in their evil aspect (2), in which they are usually connected with vices such as concupiscence, fraud, deceit, falsehood, (“ fraude ”, " inganno ”), or evil and sin in general (3). Since such qualities are here associated with a person of outstanding physical beauty, it is logical to suppose that, whatever particular sins may be implied, these are of a deceitful kind (4). " Il spargere le serpi denota l’effetto di seminare false opinioni”, notes Ripa (5) and gives the snakes, among other attributes, to the figure of Heresy. He also provides her with hanging, bag-like breasts (6). Of such breasts Ripa says that they signify " aridità di uigore ”, which makes it impossible to achieve anything of eternal value (7). Possibly, therefore, the lean woman accompanying the beautiful one may represent Heresy: when she places her hand over her mouth, this gesture may allude to her false statements (8). Whatever the exact significance of these figures, it seems obvious that they are allegorical representations of moral qualities (whether vices or virtues). The Venetians would have been acquainted with a combination of such figures with a Last Judgement from the facade of San Marco, for in the reliefs on the middle arch of the central porch directly below the mosaic of the Last Judgement there are virtues and, presumably, also vices (9). The series of evangelists and prophets in the lunettes above Palma’s painting (Pl.LVIII) is yet another feature suggestive of the iconographical framework of the Judgement mosaic on San Marco’s facade. In Italy, the combination of such a series and the Last Judgement is

(1) « . . . figura d/huomo, c h e .. . m ostri con gran forza di vscire d a v n a spelonca, ò dalle fissure della te rra » (Ripa, Ico n o lo g ia , p. 622). Cf. th e v ery si­ m ilar figure of th e personification of earth q u ak e in th e R aphaelesque ta p e stry of St. P a u l in prison (Prof. Leo S teinberg kin d ly called m y a tte n tio n to this). F o r th e ea rth q u ak e on C hrist’s second coming, cf. Mt. 24 : 7; Mk. 13 : 8; Lk. 21 : 11. (2) « Good » snakes, or a t lesast snakes belong­ ing to a « positive » context, usually appear in th e n um ber of one or as a couple, n o t in bundles; cf. C artari, I m a g in i , pp. 44-47 (Aesculapius), 81 (« n a tu ­ ra divina»), 121, 308 f. (Ceres), 193 (Minerva). (3) cf. R ipa, Icon ologia , pp. 50 (« vitio »), 87 («concupiscenza»), 143 («Democratia»: « Tvnione, & il gouem o p le b e o .. . v à simile al serpe p er terra»), 160 («gli affetti terren i significati p er li venenosi serpi »), 164 (« significa o rd in aria m ite sem pre male»), 174 («via del serpe, denota il vitio, il quale è sem pre contrario ad* ogn’honorata, & virtu o sa im ­ presa»), 230 («fraude», following D ante), 255 («Heresia»), 281 («Inganno»), 284 (« Ingratitudine»), 287 (« somiglia Tinsi dioso »), 298 (« Invidia »), 299 (« In v i­ d ia » w ith snakes for hair: «m ali pensieri»), 366 (ref. to « I s p ira to n e »: snakes for h air m eans: « che m etre il peccatore, lassa T honestà, & che s tà im m erso nel peccato, non può hauere se non pensieri b ru tti, & abhom ineuoli »), 477 (« P eccato », ref. to E ve: sna­

kes for hair). (4) A co n tra st betw een a b eau tifu l ap pearance an d an evil ch aracter revealed b y som e special a t­ trib u te (such as, precisely, serpents) is, n atu rally , frequently applied in such allegories; see e.g. R ipa, Icon ologia, a d voces. «Fraude», «Inganno», etc. (5) Ic o n o lo g ia , p. 255. (6) Sim ilarly shaped breasts are also th e a ttr i­ b u te of « Infelicità », cf. R ipa, Ico n o lo g ia , p. 280. (7) Icon ologia , p. 255 («H eresia»). (8) On p. 299 [Iconologia), R ip a uses th e gesture for « In v id ia ». (9) Cf. B a s ilic a , D e tta g li... scultura, II, Pis. 77 ff., an d Dem us, T h e C hurch , pp. 148 ff., Figs. 65 ff. D em us p o in ts o u t th a t th e ju x tap o sitio n of a L a st Ju d g em en t (though in th is case in mosaic) an d V irtues, Vices etc., are of F ren ch m edieval origin. D urand, Ico n o g ra p h ie , a tte m p ts an in te rp re tatio n of some of th e allegorical figures on S an M arco’s cen tral porch. In th e six teen th century, w hen P alm a p a in t­ ed his L a st Judgem ent, allegorical figures in th e arch reliefs m ig h t h av e been in terp reted q u ite different­ ly from w hen th e y w ere originally executed. T hey include a fem ale personification w ho is holding tw o serpents, and D u ran d in te rp re ts h er as P rudence; th e six teen th cen tu ry m ay h ave in te rp re ted h er differently.

82

rarely met with (x), and San Marco provides the exmple nearest at hand: on the arch enclosing the Judgement mosaic, there are reliefs showing Christ and eight prophets (12). According to the Aggiunta to the edition of 1602 of Bardi's Dichiaratione, it was decided as late as 1601 to put up the paintings above Palma's Judgement (3). There is no knowing whether representations such as the ones in question were envisaged from the outset - though this is the most plausible explanation (4) - or if, originally, doges' portraits were also intended to fill these lunettes, as they do the rest of the lunettes in this room and in the Maggior Consiglio. An arrangement with portraits above the room's principal religious picture, and one which included Christ at that, would, however, have seemed peculiar and, moreover, would have been a deviation from the prin­ ciple followed in the Maggior Consiglio, where the series of lunettes with doges' portraits are not car­ ried over across the tribune wall. It is at any rate hard to rid oneself of the suspicion that, as Christ and eight prophets are represented in the reliefs on the arch enclosing the San Marco Judgement, an awareness of a certain connection between the Last Judgement in the Scrutinio and the facade of the basilica must have had a direct bearing upon the resolution - whenever this was passed - to insert prophets and evangelists into the lunettes. The question, whether there is generally an iconographical relationship between decora­ tions in the Doge's Palace and in San Marco, must wait until the Christological paintings of other rooms in the Palace have been examined.

C. T h e R i s e n C h r i s t ,

o r ig in a l l y i n t h e

C o n s ig l io

dei

D ie c i

In December 1574, seven months after the fire, one of the rooms which had not been damaged and which served as main meeting hall of the Council for Ten, received a new painting by Tintoretto: this represented the risen Christ (“ resuscitado ") and was hung above the doge's

(1) W hereas p atriarchs, apostles an d evangelists are usual, pro p h ets are not. (2) F o r references, see note 9, p. 82, above. (3) B ardi, Dichiaratione , ed. « In V enetia, M D C II.. . », Aggiunta , on p. 64, verso: « . . . o tto lun­ e tte cô o tto figure di m ano di A ndrea V icentino fa tte Tanno 1601, che denotano il sudeto Giudicio, or­ d in ate dalli Illustrissim i signori P roueditori sopra la F ab rica del Palazzo Gerolimo d a M ula P ier Vincenzo Capello, & Lorenzo L oredan ». Inscriptions quoted: Is. 13:9 (?) («Prim a Dies indignationis»); Jer. 46:10 («Dies V ltionis»); Ezek. 7:7 («Dies occisionis»); D n. 7:10 (« Iudiciü sedit ex [sic!] libri a p ti sunt»); Mk. 13:26 («V idebunt filium hom inis in nubibus cum v irtu te m ulta» ); M t. 24:21 («E rit enim tu n c trib u la­ tio m agna»); Lk. 21:26 («Arescentibhominib p rae tim ore»); Jn . 15:6 (« Coligent eum, & in ignem m itten t» ). According to docum ents cited b y Lorenzi (Monumenti, Appendice , p. 600), D a M ula, Capello an d L oredan w ere elected surveyors on D ecem ber i i , 1600.

(4) T he d etail is n o t m entioned in th e P ro g ram ­ m e (Bibl. Correr, MS, Cicogna, 105), w hich, however, om its reference also to th e renew al of th e m o tif of th e H erm its P a u l an d A n th o n y in connection w ith th e new P arad ise (cf. above, pp. 45, 48, 64). Of th e apostles an d evangelists in P a lm a ’s p ainting, only M atthew , A ndrew , M ark, P e te r an d P au l can be clearly discerned, w hereas one looks in v ain for L uke, Jo h n th e E v an g elist an d o th er apostles. T h is m eans th a t th e figures of M atth ew an d M ark are rep resen ted tw ice, in P a lm a ’s p ain tin g an d also in th e lu n e tte s above. Such a rep e titio n (which can n o t of course h av e been accidental) m ay h av e b een due to a de­ sire to single o u t th e four evangelists as represen­ ta tiv e s of th e N ew L aw to m a tch those of th e A ncient Law. O n th e above-m entioned San M arco arch, C hrist w as him self represented betw een th e pro p h ets, b u t th is could n o t b e done in th e lu n e tte s in th e Scrutinio, th e even n u m b er of w hich w as th e resu lt of th e earlier overall p la n for th e ceiling stru ctu re.

seat (cf. PL XII) on the tribune (*). It was removed sometime before 1601, and there has been no trace of it since. This is all we know today about the painting - which is not much to go by. The qualifica­ tion of the figure of Christ as “ resuscitado ” is ambiguous, to say the least. Traditionally, the term would have implied either a representation of the actual resurrection of Christ from the grave or of the already risen Christ, usually with the banner in his hand (12). But there are also other possibilities. Rosso Fiorentino’s Christ, painted for the Congregation of the Corpus Do­ mini at Città di Castello (PI. XCVIP), for example, was executed according to the instruction that the picture should show a “ Cristo resuscitato e glorioso ”, but what the picture obviously portrays is Christ in glory after the ascension (3). It must be concluded, therefore, that the painting represented Christ at or after his re­ surrection. The only interesting inference that can be drawn from this is that the painting apparently did not represent the Last Judgement, a theme which was used quite often for the decoration of rooms serving judicial functions (4). In fact, the Council of Ten was the secret security organ of the republic (5). The problem becomes even more complex as the paint­ ing was installed in 1574: that is to say, at a time when the very role and function of the Coun­ cil of Ten were undergoing substantial changes, mostly in the direction of limiting its compe­ tence (6). Shortly after 1600, the much less pretentious, motif of the Adoration of the Magi was chosen instead for the same tribune wall (PI. XII) (7). What can be asserted with confidence, therefore, is merely that a figure of Christ, repre­ sented at the moment of his resurrection or after this event, was placed above the tribune as early as December 1574, that is before an overall Christological project for the Palace had actual­ ly been embarked upon. Such a project, however, was presumably formulated by 1582, the year in which the definitive reduction of the role of the Council of Ten took place. The fact that the painting of the Risen Christ was removed soon afterwards, suggests that this tribune was not incorporated in the new Christological programme. D. T he V enier

and the

Mocenigo

paintings with

Christ

in the

Collegio

1) The Mocenigo painting Among the new decorations in the Collegio there are two paintings with the adult Christ as the chief protagonist: Veronese's Lepanto allegory, with the portrait of Sebastiano Venier (do(1) Cf. above, p. 43. T he view of th e room re­ produced here, p ain ted in th e seventeenth century b y G. Bella, is in th e G alleria Q uerini-Stam palia, Venice. P h o t. Bohrn, 836. A bove th e trib u n es of th e Q u aran tia Crim inale an d of th e Capi del Cons, dei D ie­ ci th e re were, according to tw o B ella p aintings in th e sam e gallery, P ietàs: th e V irgin w ith th e dead Christ, an d th e dead C hrist in th e to m b held u p b y angels. (2) A useful survey of R esurrection iconography: Schrade, Die Auferstehung. (3) F o r R osso’s painting, cf. below, pp. 115 f. (4) Troescher, « G erichtsbilder ». (5) O n th e functions of th is council, cf. th e refe­ rences below, pp. 124 f. (6) Cf.;; belOW, pp. I24 fi (7) B y Aliense, ca. 1602. T he A doration of the

34

Magi, also, stric tly speaking represents a theophany, b u t on th e o th er h an d it accentuates, pictorially, m uch m ore th e aspect of subm ission an d w orship on th e p a r t of th e Magi; th e scene w as therefore q u ite usual also in vo tiv e representations (cf. below, p. 219). Ridolfì {Le maraviglie, I I, pp. 213 f.): « M an­ cato in quei giorni in V enetia M onte Mezzano, che hau eu a o tte n u to il far l’h isto ria d e’ Magi sopra il tr i­ bunale del Consiglio di dieci, fù quella lunga te la allogata ad A ntonio , nella quale fece la P it­ tu ra, che h or si vede, rap p resen tan d o u i q u e’ Regi, p ro stra ti dinanzi al R è del Cielo, con num ero d e’ ser­ ui, che traggono d a forzieri collane & argentarie, p er fam e dono alla Vergine, e v i appaiono Pastorelle, Personaggi & altri- in c a m in o ,. . »; M ontem ezzano died afte r 1600, his la te st d ated p ain tin g is from 1602.

ge 1577-78) (Pis. XXIV f.) and Tintoretto's Mocenigo picture (Pis. XIX f.) (*). The latter was probably painted as late as in 1582 or even later, and then, apparently, as a new version of an original dating from Mocenigo's period in office as doge (1570-77). It will be convenient to examine this painting first, and the Venier picture second. Modern scholars since Zanotto have connected the Mocenigo picture with the plague of 1576/7, maintaining that what it represents is as follows: the old saint kneeling on the right is St. Roch (Thode and others, following Zanotto, say this figure is St. Andrew); he and the doge are praying for delivery from the plague. Two of the doge's brothers are also represented; the name-saints of all three of them (Alvise, John the Baptist and Nicholas of Bari) and St. Mark as well, join in the supplication. Their prayers have been heard; Christ and his angel have respond­ ed instantly to the call and are on their way to the republic's rescue (12). This interpretation might seem reasonable enough were it not for the fact that the old saint is neither Roch, nor any other known protector against plague, and that the " angel " is a Victoria. As regards St. Roch, at the time the picture was painted there was already an established tradition according to which he was depicted as a young pilgrim, most often with a swollen plague wound on his thigh. There is no link between the old saint and this iconography, and he must have been identified as St. Roch merely because the picture as a whole was supposed to have been connected with the plague. The foundations for this supposition repiain obscure - Zanotto, who was the first to advance, it, does not enlighten us, and later scholars seem to have taken his statement for granted. The great winged figure (PI. XX) has a laurel wreath on its head, which on closer inspection reveals a distinctly female coiffure. Thus the figure is a woman, and not an angel. She is a Victoria with the palm of victory in her hand, and might have been taken directly from an ancient medal (3). She is, indeed, not making her entrance from above; she is rather gliding in from the off-stage towards St. Mark and the doge, and tendering the branch to them in an up­ ward movement. The figure of Christ is not the one usually found in a plague context, where he is either rising or has already risen from the tomb, or else appears in the sky, flinging lances or arrows down upon mankind (4).

n o tto (P a la zzo D u c a le , I I, T avola 82), an d h as since been u ncritically rep eated b y T ietze (« B ozzetti », p. 62, identifying, w ith o u t saying w hy, th e old sa in t as Roch), W ehle («A n unfinished T in to re tto », p. .179), P allucchini (« U n capolavoro », p. 224) an d others. T h e old, kneeling sa in t (identified as such b y th e halo) w ears a neck-cloth w hich is ch a­ racteristic of ce rtain p ictu res of th e A postle Thom as, such as, e.g. on Maffeo V erona’s p a lio tto for San M arco (now in th e Museo S an Marco, P h o t. A linari 38665); th e old sa in t m ay in fa c t b e a n allusion to th e doge’s fath er, T om à; th e only th in g th a t is cer­ tain , how ever, is th a t h e does n o t rep resen t St. Roch. A list of th e rep resen tatio n s of th is sa in t in R éau,

(1) PI. X IX : P h o t. A nderson, 14767; Pis. X X an d X X I I I b: details of th is photograph. (2) Thode («Beitrâge») an d V on H adeln («Beitrâge») do n o t discuss th e subject m a tte r; Escher, «D ie grossen Gemâldefolgen », also rem ains silent on this p o int. Ridolfi (L e m a ra v ig lie , II, p. 45) describes th e p ain ting as representing « vicino al tribunale, il Doge Luigi Mocenico in ginocchioni ad o ran te il R edentore, con San M arco à lato ; e di lontano sono S anti tu te la ri e due r itr a tti di S enatori della su a fam iglia ». F rom B iblioteca Correr, MS, D iscen d en ze p a tr iz ie , p. 19, we le a m th a t th e tw o m ore im p o rta n t b ro th ers of th e doge were, in fact, G iovanni (he belonged to th e 41 electors of A lvise Mocenigo) and Nicolò (he belonged to th e 41 electors of Doge P asquale Cicogna, elected 1585); A lvise’s th ird bro th er, Francesco, is n o t re­ ferred to ; according to Morlópino, L e illu s tr i a z io n i , he w as killed w hen still young. T he « plague th e o ry », n o t even h in te d a t b y earlier authors, seems to h av e originated w ith th a t v ery capricious cicerone, Za­

Icon ograph ie.

(3) O r from a triu m p h al arch. (4) On th e resurrection in plague contexts, cf. m y « P allad io ’s R edentore », pp. 431 ff.; th is icono­ g rap h y is v ery com mon, an d an y list of specific cases would be far from com plete. N o t so ubi-

85

The plague theory may thus be discarded. The presence of a Victoria makes it clear that the picture has a more specific significance than that implied in an ordinary scene of devotion. Let us therefore take a closer look at it* The foreground stage has been set for the occasion. It is situated near the Piazzetta with the Libreria and the Molo in the background and is consequently close to the Palace and San Mar­ co. The doge's gondola with red canopy (the “ ombrela”) lying “ alle Colonne ” (x), adds to the offi­ cial atmosphere of the scene (PI. XXIIIb). The kneeling doge is dressed in solemn ceremonial vest­ ments; he is wearing a golden sottana (tunic) with ermine-trimmed sleeves, a golden manto (mant­ le), an ermine lavaro (cape) and the great brocade corno (the dogai headdress) set with pearls and precious stones. He is kneeling on the same kind of cushion (in this case of a golden colour) as the doges would kneel on before the high altar of San Marco (2). Hence it would seem that the painting gives an allegorical representation of a public ceremony in the government church (San Marco), for example a thanksgiving service. The same seems to apply, moreover, to other doges' votive pictures in the Palace in which some of the doges are dressed as for a great ceremony and kneeling on the cushion. In such a context, the doge automatically represents the State of Venice in general and the government in particular, regardless of the fact that he may also be accompanied by figures suggestive of a more personal note common in the votive pictures; family members and their name-saints, for instance, were common features. By being placed light in the centre of the composition, Mocenigo's figure dominates the scene more de­ cisively than do the doges in the other votive pictures in the Collegio, which in this respect conform to the pictorial tradition of an antithetical arrangement of worshipper and worshipped (3). The figure of the doge has in fact become the focal point of the picture, as if the event depicted had come about at his instigation. The action depicted seems to develop as follows: the scene is an official ceremony in which the doge stands for the government as a whole (and himself personally); he prays or gives thanks for some special favour or indulgence at the benevolent intercession of the particular govern­ ment patron, St. Mark. The latter acts as an intermediary between the government and Christ. All of a sudden, Christ appears in a blaze of light which rends the heavy clouds. Wearing a

nice (in th e choir) w ith Venice, C hrist and M ary, th is painting, for w hich a p rep a ra to ry draw ing ex­ ists (Tietze an d Tietze-C onrat, Venetian Drawings ; No. 1554), shows, am ong o th er things, Venice p ra y ­ ing w ith th e lion of St. M ark a t h er side; th e in ­ scription refers to th e plague of 1629/30; th e lion holds a ta b le t w ith th e w ords p a x inscribed on it. Occasionally th e P ie tà occurs in plague con­ tex ts, as on th e a lta r w ith Sts. Saba, R och an d Se­ b astia n b y Giangiacomo P ad o v an in S an Nicolò, Treviso (Phot. GFN, E . 7893). (1) Cf. Bibl. Correr, MS, Cicogna 2583: Doge M. G rim ani an d retin u e « d im o n tati alle Colonne». (2) On th e doge's v estm en ts in th e six tee n th cen tu ry th e following m an u scrip t should be con­ sulted: B iblioteca Correr, Venice, MS, Venier, P .D . 5 i7 b. On th e cushion, cf. below, p. 157. (3) Cf. Pis. X X V I f.; on th is com positional p rin ­ ciple, see m y « T itian 's M adonna », pp. 147-58.

quitous are th e representations of Christ w ith arrows an d lances or oth er arm s; th e y are n o t uncom m on on U m brian gonfaloni of th e fifteenth century; cf. one a t th e « Brefotrofio », F abriano (Phot. GFN , cf. V an Marie, Schools, V III, Fig. 190), one in th e Chiesa del Gonfalone, P erugia (Van Marie, X IV , Fig. 71, cf. ibid., - figs. 72 fi. an d idem, XV, Fig. 357); cf. also th e panel, a t th e P erugia G allery, a ttr i­ b u te d to a follower of D om enico Veneziano, w ith th e M adonna della M isericordia an d th e A pocalyptical L am b (Phot. A linari, 52136); Bartolom eo della G atta 's Christ appearing to St* Roch, G allery, Arezzo, 1479 (cf* V an Marie, X V I, Fig. 86); Benozzo Gozzoli’s St. S ebastian picture in S a n t'Agostino, San G imignano (Phot. A linari, 9541), and, finally, th e fol­ lowing V enetian w orks: Francesco B assano' s, in S an Nicolò, T reviso (Phot* G FN , E . 18159; cf. R i­ dotti, Le Maraviglie , I, p. 407), and D omenico T in­ to re tto 's p ain tin g in San Francesco della V igna, Ve­

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blue tunic and a red mantle, he makes a gesture towards St. Mark and the doge as if intending to embrace them. Simultaneously, and by a parallel movement, Victory enters the stage from the lower left dressed in a white tunic and a mantle of a cool yellow shade. St. Mark has his gaze turned towards Christ while his lion turns to watch the arrival of Victory. The lion holds the book wide open, displaying the words pax tibi marce evangelista meus, which are made to look like a title for the whole picture (1). The underlying idea seems to be that the victory conceded by Christ has secured or will secure peace for St. Mark and his republic. With which victory and which peace are we concerned ? Fortunately, an earlier version of the composition is known to us in a modello today in the Metropolitan Museum in New York (Pis. X X Iff.) (2). This differs from the final version both in composition and proportions. X-ray and infrared examination of the partly overpainted modello shows that Victory did not originally enter the stage from the left; she was standing behind the doge, to be more exact, between him and the central column. The lion gazes at Christ making his entrance, but has no book in its paws; instead, this is held by St. Mark. The latter figure was shifted from one position to another. In one case he stood close to the lion and with his back towards the onlooker, while in the other case he was standing close to the doge and Victory, but facing the onlooker (Fig. i) (3). The divergence between these alter­ natives for the first version of the painting and the differences between the Metropolitan mo­ dello as a whole and the final version do not affect the main structure of the representation. On the other hand, one of the details which only appears in the modello, gives a clue to the sub­ ject matter. To the right of the column there is no public ceremony, but a view of Venetian warships sailing out into the Adriatic. Eight galleys can be clearly discerned (4*).

(1) T he book and its surrounding area are to d ay v ery m uch darkened. (2) Metropolitan M useum , No. 10.206; W ehle, « A n U nfinished T in to re tto ». M useum photographs: Nos. 133126/7784 g, 142805/7784 g (infrared; outline of St. M ark I and I I an d V ictoria discernible), 135040/ 7784 g (X -rays; u p p er h alf of St. M ark I). i3 3 I I 3/778*4 g (infrared; u p p er half of St. M ark II). (3) W ehle, « A n U nfinished T in to retto », conclu­ des as follows from his exam ination of th e p h o to ­ graphs reproduced here (and a few others of techni­ cal details) : « B en eath th e visible p a in t n ear th e unfinished lion has been found th e ta ll figure of a m ale sa in t who stands a t th e foot of th e steps, th e to p of his head reaching as high as th e doge’s own. H is b ack is tu rn e d tow ard th e sp ectato r and he carries a book u nder his arm . O bviously he is San Marco and no o t h e r .. . A bove t h i s . . . figure th e ar­ tis t projected in th e sky a flying angel, b u t it h ad reached only th e sta tu s of a crude prelim inary draw ­ ing w hen T in to retto p u t th e pictu re aside. A t a la te r tim e some o ther a r tis t,. . . m u st have u nder­ ta k e n to render it enjoyable (and salable) w ith th e

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least possible alteratio n » (p. 178). W ehle, however, overlooks tw o circum stances th a t emerge clearly from th e photographs: 1. T he « an g el» behind and above St. M ark does n o t fly, it is shown standing an d is also carrying a book u n d er th e arm ; 2. A th ird figure emerges, nam ely, one stan d in g directly be­ hind th e doge, an d th e traces of wings belong to th is figure (these traces can be discerned ag ain st th e d ark pillar). T he second figure, w ith th e book, stan d s tu rn ed to w ard th e onlooker an d w ith its rig h t h an d gesturing tow ards Christ: th u s th is figure cor­ responds ex actly (excepting th e book) to th a t of St. M ark in th e finished painting; th e winged figure behind th e doge m u st be th e V ictoria. (4) Dr. H u b e rt von Sonnenburg, technical cu­ ra to r of th e p ain tin g d ep a rtm en t of th e Me­ tro p o litan Museum, kindly inform s m e th a t th e galleys to th e rig h t of th e colum n are presum ably original (those to th e left having been added); and th a t th e im pasto for th e sky extends no fu rth e r upw ards th a n to th e lower m argin of th e upper, d ark horisontal strip e (the canvas is th e sam e all th e w ay up, however).

The pictures must consequently refer to a naval victory, and this can only be the victory over the Turks at Lepanto in October 1571 (*). Doge Alvise Mocenigo did not take any direct part in the military operations of the war of the Holy League, which came to a premature end shortly after the battle of Lepanto. The war, however, took place while he held office as doge, and in a contemporary woodcut (PI. XClXa) he was portrayed in the role of a warrior taking up his sword to crush the Infidel: " il gran Luigi Mozzenigo ” with, below him, two Turkish captives and a basilisk pierced by an arrow; above him are Victory and Fame and the inscription non nobis non nobis (2). In fact, there is a whole series of pictures commemorating Mocenigo in connection with the war of the Holy League and the victory at Lepanto. In an altar paliotto commissioned by Mocenigo, presumably for San Marco (PI. LXXIIIa) (3), the iconography approaches that in the Collegio painting. The en­ throned Salvator Mundi turns toward the kneeling Mocenigo with a gesture as if he is be(1) On th e victory, cf. K retschm ayr, G eschichte, ra v ig lie , II, 199: « . . . e p er la C o n fratern ità del R osario [a t Brescia] fece due g ran q u ad ri; I I I , pp. 59H; M olm enti, S ebastian o V en ier , pp. 127 in vno la L ega sacra tr à Prencipi C hristiani co n tra £f.; cf. also T ram ontin, C ulto d e i S a n ti , pp. 223 f. T u rc h i. . . ») ; 9) p ain tin g b y Aliense in th e cath ed ral In Venice, th e v icto ry w as celebrated an d com m e­ of Salò (angel appearing to Sts. M ark an d Ju stin e; m o rated in m any w orks of a rt. In addition to th e galleys in th e back-ground; p h o to g rap h a t th e K u n st­ w orks directly connected w ith Mocenigo and discussed historisches In stitu t, Florence); 10) p ain tin g b y below, and in addition to m an y a sta tu e of St. J u s ­ A lessandro M aganza in th e Cappella del Rosario, tin e p u t up on official buildings on th e occasion of S a n ta Corona, V icenza (Christ, Sts. M ark, Ju stin e th e v ictory a t L epanto, th e following list (which an d others, V ictory w ith p alm b ran c h an d lau rel m akes no pretension to com pleteness) m ay be pres­ ented: 1) T in to re tto ’s p ain tin g in th e Scrutinio, des­ w reath, D oge Sebastiano V enier as g en era l d a m a r; cf. V enturi, S to ria , IX , 7, p. 127, Fig. 72); 11) deco­ tro y ed 1577, (cf* Sarre, « Seeschlacht ») ; 2) B allini’s ratio n s of th e Cappella del R osario in S an Zanipolo, p ain tin g in th e « sa le tta » betw een th e S crutinio and Venice, all destroyed 1867 (cf. p h o t. A linari, 12435; th e Maggior Consiglio (God, Sts. M ark and Ju stin e, V enturi, « L a cappella del R osario »; sources: P re ­ V enice w ith lion, V ictory w ith palm branch, captive detti, L e m e m o rie ; Stringa, V en etia, pp. 119 ff.; R i­ T urks; P h o t. D P D ; cf. K ünert, «Affreschi decora­ dotti, L e m a ra v ig lie , II, pp. 59 [Iacopo T in to retto ], tiv i» ); 3) V eronese’s p ain tin g in th e Academ y, V e­ 103 [Leonardo Corona], 187 [Palm a], 258 [Dom enico nice (the V irgin, Sts. P eter, Jam es, M ark, Ju stin e, T in to retto ], 265 [Sante P eranda]; Boschini, C a rta d e l Venice, an d b a ttle scene; cf. M oschini M arconi, L e n avegar, p. 403 [Corona]; id em . L e ricche m in ere, pp. g a lle rie , I I, No. 136); 4) V eronese’s p ain tin g in th e 58 f.; Flam inio Com er, E cclesiae venetae, X I, 1, pp. A cadem y, V enice (the V irgin, w ith rosary, St. D o­ 258 ff.); 12) Loggia del C apitano a t V icenza (by m inic, th e pope, th e em peror and th e doge; cf. R i­ P alladio; cf. W ittkow er, A rc h ite c tu ra l P r in c ip le s , dotti, L e m a r a v ig lie , I, pp. 330 f.; M oschini M ar­ coni, L e g a lle rie , II, N o 136); 5) V eronese’s (?) draw ­ pp. 77 f.); 13) According to D ogiioni [H isto ria , p. 985), th e new to w n to d a y catted P alm an o v a w as ing a t W indsor, R oyal L ib rary (Venice, Sts. P eter, b ap tized « P alm a » on th e in itiativ e of M arcantonio Jam es, an d Ju stin e, lion of St. M ark, cap tiv e T urks; B arbaro, as an allusion to th e p alm of v icto ry ; how ­ T ietze and T ietze-C onrat, V en etia n D r a w in g s , No ever, a n earb y village bore th e n am e P alm ad a; others 2211); 6) B assano w orkshop (?), p ain tin g in V er­ h ad suggested « S an ta G iustina » an d « V itto ria » as tova, C hurch (Virgin w ith rosary and Child, pope, nam es for th e new tow n. m a n in arm our, St. Ju stin e, V enice (Phot. G FN , (2) R eproduced from Y riarte, L a v ie d ’u n p a ­ E . 6061); 7) P alm a’s p ain tin g in S an F an tin , Venice tricien , p. 156. T he inscription cites Ps. 113b: 1: (Mary and Child> Sts. M ark an d Justine, th e doge « N on nobis. Domine, non nobis; sed nom ini tu o da an d com pany before th e roodscreen of San Marco; g lo ria m .. . ». PI. L X I I I d, phot. Bohrn, 4829; p rep a ra to ry draw ing (3) Now in th e Museo M arciano (Phot. A linari catalogued b y T ietze and Tietze-C onrat, V en etia n 38626); inscription: M D L X X I; th e Mocenigo co at D ra w in g s, No. 1037, p. 215,11, 246); 8) P a lm a ’s p a in t­ of arm s are represented twice. T he doges w ere req u ir­ ing once a t B rescia (Trinity, Sts. M ark and Justine, ed upon th e ir election to d o n ate such a p alio tto to pope, em peror and doge w ith com pany, Fides, Spes, S an M arco an d to certain o th er churches of Venice; Caritas; photograph a t th e K unsthistorisches I n ­ cf. Bibl. Correr, MS, P .D . 5 i7 b. stitu t, Florence, un d er « P alm a »; cf. Ridotti, L e m a ­

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stowing his benediction upon him, and a Victory (again with the palm) places a laurel wreath upon the doge's head. At the very same moment, a crowned female personification of Venice hands him the banner, the so-called vexillum Sancti Marci ; this is an allusion to the investiture with the dogai dignity (x), a ceremony with unmistakably military overtones. The date (i) T he inv estitu re cerem ony is described below,

pp. 161 fif.

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MDLXXI leaves no doubt that it is really the victory of Lepanto that is being commemorat­ ed. The figure of St. Justine, the martyr princess on whose day (October 7) the battle was fought, is accompanied by Sts. Mark and Louis (“ Alvise ”, the doge's name-saint). In a paint­ ing by Palma in San Fantin, Venice (PI. LXIIId), Doge Mocenigo, representatives of the go­ vernment, the clergy and the people, a female donor (?) and another female figure suggest­ ive of Charity, are assembled in front of the rood-screen door in San Marco. On a cloud des­ cending into the church are the Virgin and Child, Sts. Mark and Justine. This is clearly an allegorical rendering of the public celebration in San Marco after the victory (1). Finally, we should take note of the fact that Mocenigo was represented several times in his capacity as co-leader of the Holy League (2). In view of the representations just mentioned, it may be safely assumed that the Mocenigo picture in the Collegio, too, refers to the victory at Lepanto. There are still, however, some questions which call for an answer. Why is St. Justine - a standard figure in Venetian Le­ panto allegories - omitted in the Collegio painting and also in its earlier version ? And why is there no direct reference to the war, for instance by means of galleys, in the final version ? Why is the pax inscription emphasized in the later version but lacking in the early one ? Final­ ly, why have the proportions of the picture been altered from the first to the second version ? Anyone acquainted with Tintoretto's working procedure will recognize that the large, de­ tailed and multicoloured painting in the Metropolitan Museum is no workshop sketch but a modello. It must have been made for the purpose of gaining the approval of the competent authorities (surveyors and Senate). This being so, the relative proportions of height and width cannot have been chosen arbitrarily by the artist, but must have been conditioned by the di­ mensions of the wall for which the prospective painting was intended. And in this period we must reckon that the painting was calculated to cover completely the allotted wall compart­ ment. The modello measures 0,98 X 1,97 m, and the Collegio painting 3,80 x 6,71 m (cf. PI. CIV), which means that the two pictures are of different proportions: respectively 1 : 2 and i : 1,7 (3). At the modello stage, therefore, the painting can hardly have been intended for the wall space now covered by the final version. Nor do the modello's proportions correspond to those of the Da Ponte, Donà and Gritti pictures (Pis. XXVIa*c; XXVIP, cf. PI. XVII) (4),

(1) A fter such a v ictory a public celebration in San Marco w as a m a tte r of course; Morlopino ( L e illu s tr i a zio n i, p. 33), reports: « O r a ir avviso di que­ sto in a sp ettato acquisto, il Religioso Principe scese im m ediate dal Collegio alla Chiesa, e con le ginocchia alla te rra, e con gli occhi, e col cuore al cielo, lodò con riverente ed umilissimo affetto il donatore di così alto, e nuovo benefìzio ». (2) Cf. above, p. 88, n ote 1, Nos. 4; 8, cf. also Marco Vecellio's (?) drawing, L ouvre (Inv. No. 5788; M ary and Child, Sts. Louis and Justine, doge, V icto­ r ia w ith b anner and palm branch, coat of arm s of th e Mocenigo family) cf. Von H adeln, Z eich n u n gen der S p à tren a issa n ce); Dom enico T in to retto 's p ain tin g in th e Cappella del Rosario, S an Zanipolo, Venice (cf. above, p. 88, n ote 1, No. 11), represented, accor­

ding to Ridolfi (Le m a ra v ig lie , II, p. 258), « . . . di n atu ra le il Pontefice Pio V., Filippo II. R è di Spagna, & il Doge L uigi Mocenico p ro stra ti dinanzi al R e­ den to re & alla Vergine M adre, dietro a' q uali sono p u re r itr a tti i G enerali G iouanni d 'A u stria; M ar­ cantonio Colonna e S ebastiano Veniero, con S an­ t a G iustina in aria, che tiene la p alm a; e lungi m i­ rasi il conflitto n a u a le .. . ». (3) T he cornice was a t least in p a r t executed while Mocenigo w as doge (between 1574 an d 1577), for his co at of arm s appears th e re as does th a t of Venier. (4) T he paintings m easure, respectively, 3,80 x 5,16 m, 3,80 x 4,90 m, an d 3,50 x 5,oo an d 3,50 x 7,60 m , including th e flanking paintings.

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for in these the proportions are, respectively, i : 1,6 - i : 1,2 - i : 1,4. The same proportions as those of the modello (1 12), are found only in the Sebastiano Venier picture hung above the tribune. The painting measures 2,83 x 5,64 m (PL XXIV, cf. PL XVI). Was the original version intended for the tribune wall ? It is significant that the modello includes a direct reference to the war, namely the warships, and as Victory is standing close to Mocenigo, there is also a direct reference to a “ personal'' vic­ tory. It would be surprising if this particular iconography should have been decided on after June 1577, when the actual victor of Lepanto, Sebastiano Venier, had been elected doge. It is difficult to imagine how a Mocenigo painting could have been based directly on the modello at such a late date. For in that case this and the Venier allegory would have been stat­ ing more or less the same thing about the two respective doges. The modello, therefore, must have been made in Mocenigo's lifetime, and after the battle (i. e. between October 1571 and June 1577). It is possible that the modello was painted before the Palace fire of December 1574. My tentative reconstruction (*) of the pre-1574 decorations in the Collegio is no valid basis for saying with certainty whether or not there was still space for a painting above the tribune in 1571-74. On the other hand, Boldrini's woodcut (PL LVIIb) of 1570 (12), which was made just after Mocenigo's election, shows the tribune wall without a pictorial decoration. Thus, if planned before the fire, the painting was possibly intended for that wall. We may assume, generally speaking, that a votive picture would have its natural place in the Collegio rather than the Pregadi (3). If the Collegio was the intended site for the painting, this might explain the omission in the modello of the important figure of St. Justine. The Venier painting is flanked by sham niches with statues representing Sts. Justine and Sebastian (Venier's namesaint) (cf. PL XVI). A similar arrangement, but with another appropriately chosen saint substituted for Sebastian, may have been envisaged for the Mocenico painting. If the Mocenigo modello was made before Venier s elevation to the dogate and before the planning of the latter's votive allegory, and if the final version of the Mocenico picture was exe­ cuted considerably later, the change in iconography from modello to final version is easy to un­ derstand. For this change implies that the final version of Mocenigo's Lepanto picture is no longer iconographically a parallel to Venier's picture. Prior to Venier's accession there was no reason why there should have been more than one Lepanto allegory in the Collegio, and an expli­ cit reference to the battle and to the “ personal '' victory of Mocenigo would be wholly appro­ priate. However, once Venier had become doge the situation changed radically. For from that moment a picture including Venier and celebrating his achievement would be a natural require­ ment for the Collegio. If at the same time one desired to have a Mocenigo Lepanto painting in the same room, its composition would have to be altered. The present Mocenigo painting (PL XIX) is clearly the result of such an alteration: instead of standing close to the doge as his per­ sonal attribute, Victory was made to address both him and St. Mark. The warships were left out and the inscription pax tibi marce, etc., was given a prominent position so that the em­ phasis in the whole picture came to lie on the peace resulting from the victory at Lepanto rather than on the victorious battle itself; this was instead commemorated in the Venier painting. In the years after Lepanto, Mocenigo became known as the chief promoter of the separate treaty of peace with the Turks in 1573 and less as one of the instigators of the war. We must briefly consider the essential events connected with the treaty. (1) Cf. above, pp. 31 fi., 37 fi. (2) Biblioteca Correr. The w oodcut is d ated 1570

and bears Mocenigo’s coat of arm s; th u s it m u st be dated betw een M ay an d th e end of 1570. (3) Cf. above, pp. 30 ff., 35 f.

It soon became evident that the victory at Lepanto could not in the long run contain the Turkish expansion. The enemy recovered quickly from the shock, and Venice saw her vulner­ able position in the Eastern Mediterranean threatened anew. In the face of this danger, the pope and the emperor (her co-members of the Holy League) chose a policy of procrastination and indecision. This provided Venice with a welcome opportunity to take the initiative. On March 7, 1573, she concluded a separate treaty of peace with the Sublime Porte. The Venetian withdrawal from the Christian cause furnished the two other members of the Holy League with a financially and politically convenient pretext to abandon their war projects altogether, and everybody was quite content. For diplomatic reasons, however, the pope and the emperor were obliged to express rage, and they accused Venice of treason to the cause of Christianity (*). Ac­ cording to the Venetian apologists of the time, the treaty of 1573 was a morally positive act on Venice's part: it was the Spaniards, and also the pope guided by their dubious counsel, who had defected, for the simple reason that their interests lay elsewhere (in Flanders). The treaty was the only possible solution for a Venice who was eager to pursue, in the name of Christ, her policy of peace and prosperity in Italy: she thus made herself the champion of pan-Italian natio­ nalism as against the foreign Spaniards and their mis-led followers (12). The decision of the Venetian government to sign a separate peace treaty was preceded by lengthy negotiations with the Turks (through French intermediaries) and by vehement discus­ sions at home. For in Venice there was also a party of hawks who wanted to continue the war. As we have already mentioned, the chief advocate of peace was the doge himself, Alvise Mocenigo. It was he who, in an elaborately argued speech before the Council of Ten, moved that the republic should conclude the treaty with the Turks (3). In the words of Paolo Parata, Mocenigo “ haueua sempre più alla pace inclinato, che alla lega" (4). Another eminent dove was Ni­ colò da Ponte, who was sent to Rome to explain and defend the republic's policy before the pope (s). As we recall, Da Ponte became doge in 1578, and it was under him (he died in 1585) that the new version of the Mocenigo picture was commissioned for the Collegio together with his own votive picture (PI. XXVIe) (6). Under the circumstances I have ventured to describe, it can hardly be doubted that the very prominent position given to the pax inscription within this version of the Mocenigo pic­ ture was intended as an allusion to Venice's declared policy of peace in general with, as a pièce justificative, a special reference to the treaty of 1573. An iconography centered upon the concept of peace was in line with a general trend in Venetian State art (and may indeed be found in the propaganda or art of almost every other (1) Cf. K retschm ayr, Geschichte, I I I , pp. 72 ff.; R om anin, S to r ia , V I, pp .3 3 9 f.; th e events of 1571/2 w hich led up to th e tre a ty are am ply described b y P a ­ r a ta {H isto ria , P a r t 2, pp. 297 ff.; w ritte n 1573). O n th e pope's reaction, cf. th e som ew hat naive ac­ count b y Von P astor, Geschichte, IX , pp. 242 1, w ith sources and bibliography. I n an official com­ m unication, th e pope declared th a t he w as m ore grie­ ved b y th e defection of Venice from th e C hristian cause th a n he w ould h av e been b y loosing th e entire Pontfficial S tate : such, then, w ere th e term s in w hich th e pope viewed th e m atte r. (2) See for instance th e B ib l. Correr, M S , D isc o r­ so in deffessa de V en ezia n i p e r la p a c e f a tta col turco Vanno M .D .L . X X I I I .

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(3) P a r a ta {H isto ria , P a r t II, p p. 305-311) gi­ ves th e oratio n of Mocenigo in exten so . N o allego­ rical rhetoric finds place in th is an d th e o th e r contem ­ p o rary discussions of th e League an d th e tre a ty ques­ tions; th e m a tte r w as too u rg en t for th a t; as is n atu ral, allegory entered afterw ards, w hen p ictorial com m em oration could begin. (4) P a ra ta , H isto ria , P a r t II, p. 305. (5) A ccording to P a ru ta {H isto ria , P a r t II, p. 316), D a P o n te w as sen t to R om e to see th e pope an d « gli dim ostrò d a giustissim e cause esser n a ta la risolutione della R epubblica d 'ac cettare la pace of­ fertagli d a' Turchi. G randissim o esser il p e ric o lo .. . », etc, (6) Cf. above, pp. 24 fi.

State) (x); it is thus no accident that Peace should have been chosen as the dominant allego­ rical figure on the chimney-piece that was set up in the Collegio after the fire (12). The peace of St. Mark proclaimed in the inscription on the Mocenigo painting in the Colle­ gio was a traditional theme in Venetian State doctrine (3). Christ had promised St. Mark that his bones (resting in Moslem Alexandria) should be redeemed from the Infidel (“ ossa tua, ex barbarorum manibus erepta ”) and that they should find eternal peace (" perpetuo quies­ cant ”) and protection at the very site where the city of Venice was subsequently to be foun­ ded. This is the legend according to which Christ had addressed Mark with the words included in the State arms of the Venetian republic: pax tibi marce evangelista meus (cf. PL XXXIII) (4). The fulfilment of this promise would necessarily have to consist of two phases, first the rescue of St. Mark's relics from the Infidel and, secondly, the protection and guarantee of a lasting peace for them. State propaganda might emphasise one or the other aspect at will. Following this line of thought, it may be said that the first version of the Mocenigo picture (Pis. X X I f.) shows Christ as he comes to the rescue of St. Mark. In the final version, however, he comes to fulfil his promise of peace, for now the first phase was illustrated in the adjoining Venier picture. The validity of this interpretation can in part be tested by reference to the iconography of the figure of Christ in the two versions. In both cases he appears in the same manner; whether his entrance is amid clouds or in a host of angels makes no appreciable difference. The repre­ sentation of Christ includes no reference whatever to a particular biblical event such as, for in­ stance, the resurrection or the ascension; it shows him hastening onto the scene with his arms out-stretched as in readiness for a protective embrace, and addressing himself to somebody on the scene, rather than facing the onlookers standing in front of the picture. This particular way of representing Christ is also found in a number of other paintings by Tintoretto, as for instance in the Conversion of St. Paul in the National Gallery of Art at Washing­ ton and in the Temptation of St. Anthony in San Trovaso, Venice (PI. LXXXIXC) (5*). If we extend our survey to other artists and schools in Italian art in the second half of the sixteenth century, we shall find that the type occurs in a variety of contexts which together make up a distinct and significant pattern. Typical examples of such contexts are: the conversion of St. Paul, St. Peter in prison, the temptation of St. Anthony and the martyrdom of St. Catherine (8).

T em p tatio n of St. A nthony, form erly G allerie H a r ­ nack, V ienna (Phot. W olfrum L. 1713, a t th e K u n sthist. In s titu t, Florence); A sa in t (incorrectly id en ­ tified as St. Roch) healing sick. G allery, B ari (cf. P in a co teca , p. 96, Fig. 103). (6) Some exam ples: T em p tatio n of St. A nthony, San Polo, Venice, b y P alm a il G iovane (Phot. S an­ soni 3351); T he Mass of St. E leutherius, Academ y, Venice, b y Jacopo Bassano (Moschini M arconi, L e gallerie, II, No. 11); T he conception of th e B a p tist (?), S. Giacomo Maggiore, Bologna, b y T ibaldi (cf. B ri­ g anti, M a n ie ris m o , Fig. 137, cf. p re p a ra to ry draw ­ ing a t W indsor Castle, Popham -W ilde, I ta lia n d ra w ­ in g s, No. 947); Conversion of St. Paul, C appella Paolina, V atican, b y Michelangelo (« Cristo fuor d ’ogni decoro p a r che si p recip iti d al cielo con a tto poco onorato », G. A. Gilio, 1564); St. P e te r in prison, C ath ed ral of Crema, b y Guido Reni.

(1) F o r th e concept of peace as a them e in V ene­ tia n S ta te a r t and ideology, cf. below, pp. 146, 239 f. (2) T here is also a peace allegory in th e ceiling paintings; cf. below, p. 256. (3) If th is is so, w hy w as n o t th e V ictoria figure from th e Mocenigo modello tu rn ed in to a P eace w hen it w as tran sferred to th e final version ? If this h ad been done, th e notion th a t it w as th e v ictory th a t w as th e basis for th e peace, w ould have been less clear. (4) On « S t M ark’s dream », cf. Demus, The Church, p. 14, w ith bibliography. (5) T he W ashington painting, M useum No. K. 2064: M useum phot. T he San Trovaso painting (Phot. F iorentini-A linari 3763; cf. Tietze, T in toretto, p. 374); Conversion of St. P au l in th e Contini Bonacossi Collec­ tion, Florence (cf. Von der B ercken, D ie G em alde, p. 110, Fig. 46) ; M artyrdom of St. C atherine, A cadem y, Venice (cf. Moschini M arconi, L e g a lle rie I I, No. 430);

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They all imply that Christ (or God) will rush onto the scene to assista saint, as in hagiographical traditions; thus it is demonstrated how Christ bestows his support or authorization upon the saint at a particularly important or critical moment in the saint's life, for instance to enable him to succeed in a difficult task or to complete his glory (Pis. LXXXVIII ff.) (1). There is an unbroken tradition for this iconography going back to the early Middle Ages, with striking examples such as the Abraham and Melchisedek mosaic in Santa Maria Maggiore, Rome; it originated in definitely narrative contexts, often with a strongly dramatic note. It was the naturalistic pictorial rendering of the dramatic momentum that created the type of Christ suddenly flying into the pictorial space. From a theological point of view there is but a diffe­ rence in nuance between this type and the traditional, static images of Christ as praesens Deus rendered as a bust (often in a medallion) and placed above the scene in question or the type called " Christ in glory" and examined in a subsequent chapter (2). These two frontal types of Christ in glory, when represented upon altars, indicate the litur­ gical focus for worship on the part of the onlookers in general, whereas an image with Christ in glory turning sideways towards someone within the picture (and not in the liturgical context of an altar) illustrates the general implications of the liturgical relationship Godhead-worshipper applied to a particular depicted saint or other person in a particular situation, while omitting direct reference to the liturgical relations between image and surroundings (a parallel distinction can be made with regard to the traditional “ face-to-face '' altar-pieces, on one hand, and the Pesaro altar-piece by Titian with its sideways - directed Madonna on the other) (3). Of particular relevance as antecedents to the Mocenigo picture are the representation of Christ and St. Mark on the Pala d'oro in San Marco (PI. LXXIIb) (4), and a Pisan painting of the fourteenth century in the Museo Civico, Pisa (PI. LXXXVIIIb). In the enamel image we see Christ addressing Mark: ms xps pax tibi evg ms marce: « Jesus Christus: Pax tibi, evangelista meus Marce », and the corresponding part of the Mocenigo picture conforms strikingly with this rendering. The Pisan painting also includes an explicit political allegory. In it St. Ursula, as pa­ troness of Pisa dressed in the Pisan colours and holding the Pisan banner, comes to the rescue of a crowned female who is the personification of the city. In the upper left corner Christ arrives to assist the saint (5). With regard to the Mocenigo picture, with its accentuation on St. Mark and his lion with the inscription, we can be fairly sure that Christ is addressing St. Mark directly and the doge by implication; the saint is obviously recommending the latter as a beneficiary. (1) Cf. also G iotto's E cstacy of St. F rancis, S. Francesco, Assisi, Agnolo G addi's M ater M isericordiae in th e A ccadem ia, Florence, and Antoniazzo R o ­ m ano' s T he healing of P ope Silvester's hand, N ational Gallery, D ublin. R epresentations of such an appearance directly before a kneeling laym an an d w ith o u t th e presence of a saint, m u st have been extrem ely rare. Cf. th e exceptional m iniature of 1475 b y Cristoforo de P rédis showing Galeazzo M aria Sforza kneeling before God w ith angels an d cherubim who appears above him ; a battlefield in th e b ac k ­ ground (W allace Collection, London, No. M 342); cf. also below, p. n o , note 5. (2) F o r th is type, cf. below, pp. 114 1 , and m y « T itia n 's T rium ph of F a ith », passim. (3) F o r T itia n 's painting, cf. now R o san d ’s recent

observations on th e p ic tu re's relations to th e arc h itec tu ral space of th e church («Titian in th e F ra ri », pp. 200 ff.). I still do believe, how ever, th a t in th e case of a liturgical p ictu re like this, th e re­ lationship betw een it and th e w orshippers in fro n t of it is of fu n d am en tal im portance, w hereas th e p ic tu re’s visual relations to th e surrounding archi­ te ctu re (which is, afte r all, m erely a shell aro u n d th e w orshippers an d th e ir object) is a secondary consi­ d eration; this, a t least, w as w hat I m e an t to say in m y article, « T itia n 's M adonna ». (4) H ahnloser, in H ahnloser, Tesoro, pp. 36 f. (5) P h o t. A linari 8902; V asari (Le vite, I, p. 512): « . . . dipinse nella m edesim a chie­ sa l'a lta r di S a n t’O rsola con la com pagnia delle ver­ gini; facendo in u n a m ano di d e tta S an ta uno stendardo

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The iconographical structure of the Mocenigo picture in. the Collegio was to some extent repeated in one of the reliefs on the sepulchral monument of Doge Marin Grimani (doge 1595-1605) and his dogaressa in SantTseppo (San Giuseppe), Venice (PI. XCC) (*). This was executed about 1600. The senators represented in the relief can hardly be said to reveal individual features; the group of these figures must therefore stand for " the government ” rather than the doge's family. This and other circumstances, such as the presence of the cushion behind the prie-dieu and of the gallery with the chorus, lead us to think of the presbytery of San Marco and consequently of an official ceremony. St. Mark is about to place the corno ducale on Grimani's head; the lat­ ter is already wearing the other dogai vestments. Even though coronation did never take place in San Marco (2), the idealized ceremony in the relief must certainly have been meant to evoke the elevation of Grimani to the dogai rank. The interrelations between the four main figures are very clear. Christ is addressing St. Mark, who gazes at him, while a rather insigni­ ficant-looking Victory (3) hands the palm to the doge. Simultaneously St. Mark is investing Grimani with the new dignity. No Venetian would ever forget that when Christ addresses St. Mark, this is done for the direct benefit of the Venetian government and the republic. Thus the whole chain of events in the relief would seem to be very similar to that in the Mocenigo pic­ ture. Luckily, since the relief forms part of a sepulchral monument, there are inscriptions informing us why Grimani was chosen for the dogai dignity and why Victory hands him the branch. According to one of these, Grimani " ad Christiani orbis securitatem - motam Gal­ liam CISALPINAM - COMPRESSIT - SALUTARE REIPUB. FOEDUS OPPORTUNE ICIT - PACEM ITALIAE SUAVISSUMAM - confirmavit, protulit ” - which sounds quite an achievement. The arguments of the securitas orbis christiani and of the pax Italiae vividly recall those advanced by Venice after the separate treaty of 1573. Grimani would have had good enough reason to repeat some of the arguments and the iconography from Mocenigo's days, for he too was in serious trouble with the pope over political and ecclesiastical issues. As will be recalled, this eventually led to the interdiction of the republic in 1606. 2) The Sebastiano Venier painting We have already seen that in the end no picture of Alvise Mocenigo was hung on the tribune wall of the Collegio; that a picture of his successor, Sebastiano Venier, was placed there instead

con Parm e di Pisa, che è in cam po rosso u n a croce bianca; e facendole porgere P aîtra a u n a fem m ina, che, surgendo fra due m o n ti e toccando con l’uno d e’ piedi il m are, le porge am bedue le m ani in a tto di raccom andarsi. L a quale fem m ina, figurata p er Pisa, avendo in capo u n a corona d ’oro e indosso un drappo pieno di to n d i e di aquile, chiede, essendo m olto tr a ­ v ag liata in m are, aiu to a quella S an ta ». T he inscrip­ tio n is for a large p a r t undechipherable; above th e S a in t’s head: s . . . a u r s o l . . . ; on th e scroll relating to P isa: MISERICORDIAM FECIT DNS [cf. Is. 44: 23] C s e r v a s / l a u d a b o i p s u m i n ETE; scroll relating to St. U rsula: « a p p a r u i t . . . »? I n a m i­ n ia tu re of th e Crucifixion of St. P e te r (PI. L X X X V IIIa) in th e Leggenda dei gloriosi apostoli, Correr, Venice, a sim ilar iconography, including a m ou n tain shak­ en and m elting in to fluid substance, is adap ted

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to Ps. 96: «D om inus r e g n a v it... N ubes e t caligo in circuitu eiu s,. . . Ignis a n te ipsum p ra e c e d e t,. . . com m ota est t e r r a . . . M ontes sicu t cera flu x eru n t a facie D o m in i.. . A d n u n tia v eru n t caeli iu stitia m eiu s. . . », etc. (1) Pl. XCC is reproduced from p h o t. B òhm 3821. D escription of th e m o num ent an d docum ents in D a Mosto, I dogi, pp. 201 £f. an d 336 f. (inscriptions quoted in extenso) and Timofiewitsch, «Das G rabm al». (2) Cf. below, pp. 162 f.. (3) I t is h ard to tell th e sex of th is figure; its identification as V ictoria results from its position in th e given co n tex t including th e below-cited in ­ scription and th e obvious relationship to th e Alvise Mocenigo icon o g rap h y ; furtherm ore, th e figure is stan d in g a t ground level.

(Pis. XXIV f.). Venier, who in his capacity of general da mar had led the Venetian ships to victory at Lepanto in 1571, was elected doge in June 1577 and died in March the following year. Veronese's painting portrays him in an allegorical setting which evokes his victory. In 1581 Sansovino said he had seen the painting installed above the tribune in the Collegio. His de­ scription corresponds in every detail to the preparatory drawing for the painting, which is now in the British Museum (PL XXIIIe), whereas the painting itself differs remarkably from this (*). Let us therefore compare the painting with the drawing. The drawing shows St. Mark seated in the clouds; he is holding the gospel, his hand raised in benediction. Thus the figure recalls that of St. Mark in the mosaic above the Porta media in the south transept of San Marco (2). In the painting, Christ is in the position which St. Mark occupies in the drawing. Christ too is seated but carries a crystalline globe in his hand, whereas St. Mark is holding the book and raises his right hand in a benedictory gesture typical of representations of Christ. The unidentified military saint who accompanies St. Mark in the drawing is omitted altogether in the painting. In the former, a female personification of Venice occupies the centre. She wears the dogai, wide-sleeved tunic (and strangely enough also a halo, but this is apparently a later addition substituting a crown) ; she is holding the corno ducale and looks at Venier as if she were about to place the corno on his head. Venier is clad in armour and is wearing the dogai mantle (as also in the painting) (3). It is clear that Venier is represented as before his coronation, for he is without the white cuffia on his head (4). A young beardless man is helping Venier into a kneeling position supporting his right arm, while a page is holding the train of his mantle. Venier looks at the corno in Venice's hands and makes a gesture to­ wards Fides or Religio Christiana (who is holding the chalice), thus attributing to faith or re­ ligion the credit for his coronation. At Venice's feet stands the Hon and behind her St. Justine. The latter can be identified by her palmbranch and the gesture she makes toward her own breast (in which the dagger was to be thrust). (1) T he relationship betw een th e painting, th e draw ing and th e sources is discussed in m y, « T he changes in th e iconography ». I shall rec ap itu late th e salient points. Sansovino (Venetia, p. 123) sta te s (in 1581): « In faccia del qual soffitto, a pii to di so­ p ra al Trono, ui è figurata p er V enetia, v n a bellissim a R egina coronata, la q u al corona col corno Ducale, Sebastiano Veniero, che Tè dinanzi in ginocchioni u estito di b ia n co . . . ». T his m atches exactly th e draw ing («di bianco» m eans «in armour») ; in th e p a in t­ ing, th e iconography is altered in certain im p o rta n t respects, and th is alteratio n entails such noticable inconsistencies (cf. below) th a t I assum ed th ey m u st h av e been th e resu lt of a « correction » of th e m ain su b ject of th e p ain tin g carried o u t on th e canvas afte r i t h a d been already com pleted (cf. below). Ac­ cording to W olters (« P rogram m entw urf », p. 296, n o te 95), I h av e th e re b y draw n « sehr w eitreichende Schlüsse » on a n insufficient basis; b u t u n fo rtu n ately W olters has failed to grasp m y m ain argum ent, w hich concerned th e logical inconsistencies im plied in th e alteratio n of th e iconography. I should add th a t I agree w ith him th a t S trin g a i rep o rt of 1604 is no evidence to proceed on, so th a t an overpainting (if th a t w as th e case) m ay well have ta k e n place long

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before th a t year. I should also ad d th a t I to d a y dis­ agree w ith m y ow n rem arks (p. 300, second co­ lumn) to th e effect th a t i t w ould ap p ear illogical to leave St. M ark seated above St. Ju stin e (after th e alteratio n of th e la tte r figure) an d th a t for th is rea­ son Christ w as su b stitu te d for St. M ark as th e cen­ tr a l figure of th e u p p er zone. (2) T his Christ-like figure shows th e sa in t as a b u st; he is holding th e book an d raising his rig h t h an d in benediction (inscription: ses m a r c u s ). Cf. also th e full-length figure of St. M ark in sim ilar pos­ tu re on th e ciborium of th e high altar. T he P o rta m edia served as governm ent entran ce in to San M ar­ co; cf. below, pp. 211 ff., PI. C V II: v i, 1. (3) In m y article, «The changes in th e iconogra­ p h y », p. 299, I m istakenly sta te d th a t he w ears th e m an tle of a general da mar. (4) P ractically all doge p o rtra its show th e do­ ges w ith th e cuffia if n o t also w ith th e corno; cf. Sansovino, Venetia, p. 177. S trictly, in v estitu re an d coronation are tw o d istin ct ceremonies; a t th e first th e doge w ore th e dogai m an tle (and a t certain m om ents also a m ilitary h at), w hereas he received th e cuffia and th e corno a t th e la te r cerem ony (cf. below, pp. 161 ff.).

li we compare the painting with this drawing, we shall find that various elements from the iconography of the preparatory drawing are mixed up with new ones in the painting in such a manner that the result becomes quite meaningless in parts. The saddest fate has been reserved for St. Mark: it is now he who, with his hand beneath Venier’s mantle, is helping the old man to kneel down; in the painting this gesture must of course be reinterpreted as one of recommendation, but as such it is quite unusual (1). The original Venice has been transformed into a St. Justine, but, nevertheless, the figure is still affectionately touched by the lion and continues to wear the dogai tunic. She is in fact dressed in the typically dogai tunic with long very wide, erminetrimmed sleeves (under this she wears a gown with close-fitting, ruffle-edged sleeves). This is a type of dress never seen in contemporary representations of St. Justine (or of other female mar­ tyrs of royal rank, as for example Sts. Catherine of Alexandria or Ursula) ; however, it is frequently worn by Venice, for instance in Veronese’s ceiling allegory in the Maggior Consiglio (PI. LVI) (2). In her right hand St. Justine is holding the palm branch and the dagger; with her left she makes a gesture towards Fides or Religio. Venier, too, is gesturing towards the latter (this he does also in the drawing). But now even St. Mark is making a movement in the same direction: his right arm juts out abruptly from behind Venier’s beard so as to look like a prolongation of this. Thus, the centre of the picture is dominated by three hands gesturing towards one figure; iconographically, this does indeed make sense, but it is hardly an elegant solution. Where is Ve­ nice ? She has taken the place of the original St. Justine and is still holding the corno; beside her is the palm branch of St. Justine, but this is not held by Venice nor by anybody else - rather it looks as if it stands on its own. Because of the new Venice’s secondary position in the scene, the idea of a coronation is no longer clear, though this is what it would be natural to expect see­ ing that Venier is wearing the dogai mantle but not yet the cuffia. In compensation, how­ ever, the corno, now placed further back, is somewhat emphasized indirectly by means of the inserted page with the helmet. It is indeed difficult to conjecture what really happened to this painting. That all the changes in the painting as compared with the drawing should have been envisaged from the outset is hardly conceivable. If that were the case, they would have been carried out with more log­ ic and less confusion. The most likely explanation is that the changes were made to the pic­ ture either when it was in a very advanced stage of execution, or more probably, after it had been finished. Only a radiographical examination can provide a definite answer. Stylistic ob­ servations rarely offer much to go by in cases where the original master himself or his own workshop may have been responsible for the modifications. Yet, the figure of Christ does seem to differ stylistically from the rest; it emerges too abruptly from its surroundings and the arti­ culation of surface is very poor, especially in the draperies; compare these with those of Fides

gio (PI. X X IX ), th e A nticollegio (PI. XV) an d th e Maggior Consiglio (PI. L V I); cf. also th e rep resen ta­ tions b y T in to retto in th e Maggior Consiglio ceiling and th e P regadi ceiling (Pis. LV ; X X X V I, resp .),an d in the Mocenigo p alio tto (PI. L X X I I P ) an d b y P alm a in th e M aggior Consiglio ceiling (PI. L U I), on th e P regadi w all (PI. X X X V I I P ) , in San F a n tin an d form erly Brescia (cf. above, p. 88, n ote T, Nos. 7,8, resp.), p ain tin g in th e S ale tta ad jacen t to th e Scrutinio (cf. above, p. 88, n ote 1, No. 2).

(1) T he norm al gesture is th a t a sa in t lays his h an d upon th e p o rtray ed person’s shoulder (some­ tim es upon his head) and seems to push him gently forw ard tow ards th e V irgin or Christ. (2) Cf. th e representations of St. Ju stin e and of Venice in: V eronese’s L ondon draw ing (PI. X X I I I e); his «niche sta tu e » in th e Collegio (cf. PI. X V I); his M artyrdom of St. J., S an ta G iustina, P adua; his L epanto allegory in th e A cadem y, Venice (cf. abo­ ve, p. 88, no te 1, No. 3); his St. Ju stin e in th e Uffizi; his th ree ceiling representations in th e Colle­

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and Venier. Furthermore, the mechanically repeated leafage of St. Justine’s palm branch seems to differ markedly from that of other such branches in the painting. If the changes were made after the painting had been completed, the inconsistencies might well be accounted for presuming that the only changes made were those considered strictly neces­ sary. It is tempting to conjecture that the changes were made in 1582 or shortly after, in con­ nection with the new programme for the votive paintings. It this were so, the alterations would be fairly easy to explain. Since, in 1581, Sansovino knew only the original version of the com­ position (his description of it fits the drawing too well to be discarded as casual), the change must have taken place in that year or later (*). I have mentioned elsewhere (2) that the transformation of Venice into St. Justine entails the removal of the personal coronation allegory and the substitution for this of an official State allegory. Such an alteration might have come to seem desirable from the general view-point of State art. After the death of Venier, the authorities would have preferred to accentuate the patroness of the battle of Lepanto rather than Venier’s person. But this shift of emphasis would not necessarily have implied that St. Mark would have had to cede his place to Christ. An alteration to that effect may have been prompted by the following consideration. By 1582, we recall, new projects had been worked out for the decoration of the Collegio and the Pregadi, and these envisaged new votive paintings for the doges including that for Alvise Mocenigo. His painting was to hang next to that of Venier to which it was iconographically related. The two paintings would then make up a chronological sequence (cf. PI. XVI), the first showing Vender's victory as general da mar and the second the peaceful sequel to this directed by Mocenigo. To have had the first scene dominated by a hieratically seated St. Mark and the second by an eager­ ly flying Christ would have looked awkward, to say the least; almost as if Christ ran the errand of St. Mark. The natural solution would be to transform the figure of St. Mark in Vero­ nese’s painting into that of Christ. Such a solution would be the more appropriate since there would then be a thematic con­ gruence between the representation above the tribune and the central ceiling picture. The plac­ ing of the first version of the Mocenico picture (Pis. XXI f., cf. Fig. 1) above the tribune, would already have ensured a certain degree of topical coherence. For Venice’s and the govern­ ment’s perpetual sacrifice to God and veneration of the Eucharist, as alluded to on the ceiling (Pl.XXX) (3), would have found a resonance in Christ’s response at a critical moment in the re­ public’s history; in the first version of the Venier painting, this response would be transmitted by St. Mark. This thematic interrelation became even more pronounced with the final version of the Venier painting. It is now the figure of the Salvator Mundi with its ecclesiologica! and soteriological connotations (4) that dominates the tribune wall. As a result of this new arrange­ ment, it is before the throne of the Salvator Mundi, so to speak, that the Old Testament sacrifice represented in the painting on the ceiling is being performed (PI. XVI). (1) As for th e d ate of th e original commission, m an to au rato , genuflesso dinanzi al S a lu a to re ... it should be ta k e n in to account th a t V enier w as H au u i in com pagnia la F ede col c a lic e .. . , V enetia e doge for a v ery sh o rt tim e, elected as he w as on S a n ta G iustina con la P a lm a . . . e v i ritrasse ancora Ju n e i i , 1577 and dying already on M arch 3, 1578. Agostino B arbarigo P ro u e d ito re .. . ». A form ulation of Ridolfi's (who w as very well ac­ (2) In m y « T he changes in th e iconography ». qu ainted w ith th e Caliari fam ily and therefore well (3) On th e E u ch a rist allegory, cf. below, pp. inform ed on Veronese) seems to suggest th a t Vero­ 256 ff. T he new projects envisaged direct connection nese h ad sta rte d his w ork afte r th e doge's death; betw een pain tin g s on w alls an d on ceilings (cf. b e­ R. says {Le maraviglie, I, p. 332): Veronese « d i­ low, pp. 221 f., cf. 245 ff.). pinse il Doge S ebastian Veniero, vno de' più fa­ (4) Cf. above, p. 77; m y « T itia n 's T riu m p h of mosi E r o i . . . con la sola im aginatione [!], o rnato di F a ith », IV, 3, c.

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E. T he P ietà

and the

Glory

in the

P regadi

I. The Pietà

In Tintoretto’s painting above the Pregadi tribune (Pis. XXXI ff.), five angels exhibit to the onlooker the naked, blood-stained body of Christ; presumably the number of angels corresponds to the five wounds of Christ, which are made to appear very conspicuous; it is clear that the paint­ ing is meant to evoke the sacrifice of Christ (1). The representation is of a type that German scholars have labelled Engelpietà - a term I shall adopt for want of a better one - and which is related to the rather vaguely defined category of images called the “ Man of sorrows ”, Schmerzensmann or imago pietatis (2). These Christological images were usually intended to express sacrificial and Eucharistic con­ cepts (3). This was most definitely the case with the Engelpietà, in which angels are carrying or sustaining the body of Christ which bears the marks of the passion. In a previous chapter we have noted that theology accords the angels an active role in the life of the Church (4). We shall now consider their particular intervention during the sacrifice of the Mass. The Mass is a sacramental re-enacting of the sacrifice on the cross and a partici­ pation in the celestial liturgy, at which God accepts the offering (5). The two themes, to adopt Daniélou’s formulation, permeate the Eucharistic liturgy; summing up from patristic writings he states that “ La messe est en effet une participation sacramentaire à la liturgie céleste, au culte officiellement rendu à la Trinité par le plérôme de la création spirituelle. La présence des anges introduit l’Eucharistie dans le ciel même ” (6). Thus the part played by the angels is an ac­ tive one, and it has correctly been affirmed that those of the Engelpietà are to be identified with the angelus missae (7).

and m y reply to th is in « A re-reading », p. 146, n o te 6. (4) Cf. above, p. 69. (5) Indispensable reading for stu d en ts of E u ch a r­ istic iconography of th e la te r Middle Ages an d th e R enaissance is now Clark, E u c h a ristic Sacrifice ; th e au th o r disproves on p ractically every p o in t th e « de­ cline » an d « confusion » in th e la te m edieval E u ch a­ ristic theology as described b y K id d [L ate M e d ia e v a l D octrin e) an d others. Cf. also D uval, «Le concile de T re n te e t le culte eucharistique ». (6) Daniélou, L e s an ges , p. 85. T he angels activ e­ ly assist th e C hristian th ro u g h o u t his life, b u t th e ir presence is especially decisive during th e E u ­ charistic sacrifice; cf. also D aniélou, B ib le et litu r g ie , pp. 175 f. («. . . la messe est une représen tatio n sac­ ram entelle du sacrifice de la croix, la messe est une p articip atio n sacram entelle à la liturgie céleste. Ces deux thèm es essentiels v o n t p arco u rir to u te la litu r­ gie eucharistique»), an d Jungm ann, M is s a r u m S o l­ le m n ia , II, pp. 287 ff. (7) Schrade («B eitrâge», p. 180) concluded th is from a direct com parison betw een pictorial repre­ sen tatio n s and th e Canon of th e Mass.

(1) Stringa, V e n e tia , p. 230: « . . . uedesi sopra il T rono D ucale d ip in to u n Christo m o rto riuolto in u n lenzuolo, come quando fu deposto di Croce, in mezo di cinque Angeli, che lo sostengono in aria con un San Marco, u n San G iovanni. . . », etc.; Ridolfì, L e m a r a v ig lie , I I, p. 44: « I n v n lungo vano sopra il trib u nale, conform e l’v sa to istitu to , ritrasse i due Dogi P ietro L andò & M arco A ntonio T riuisano ad o ra n ti il m o rto S aluatore sostenuto d a gli Angeli, con S an ti P ro te tto ri dalle p a rti ». F o r th e connection betw een shroud (« lenzuolo », in S tr in g a i description) an d E ucharistic corporal, cf. below (bibliography), p. 105, n o te 8. (2) Cf. Panofsky, « Im ago p ie tatis »; Schrade, « B eitrâge »; Bauerreis, «P ie Jesu »; Von der Osten, « Schm erzensm ann »; M ersm ann, « Schm erzensm ann »; Eisler, « T he Golden Cross », w ith bibliography. (3) Schrade, «Beitrâge», p. 180, concludes th a t « die P roblem atik des Schm erzensm annbildes zutiefst eine sakram entale ist »; cf. also B auerreis, « Pie Jesu», p, 5: «D ie Im ago p ie tatis h a t einen ausgesprochenen eucharistischen oder richtiger gesagt sakrifikalen C harakter». Cf. Von der O sten’s reservation,

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The image in question illustrates a specific formula in the Canon of the Mass: “ jube haec per­ ferri per manus sancti Angeli tui in sublime altare tuum, in conspectu divinae maiestatis tuae” (1). It is significant that, among St. Gregory the Great’s comments on the Mass we find also the following rhetorical question: “ Quis enim fidelium habere dubium possit in ipsa immolationis hora ad sacerdotis vocem coelos aperiri, in illo Jesu Christi mysterio angelorum choros adesse, summis ima sociari, terrena coelestibus jungi, unumque ex visibilibus atque invisibilibus fieri ? ” (2). In the light of this conception should be viewed not only the angels of the Engelpietà but also those in representations of the Mass of St. Gregory and the ones in scenes where they have been allotted the task of holding Christ’s body upright in the tomb (3). Connected with the concepts just reviewed is often, as we shall see, that of a heavenly sacrifice. The ideas outlined above are fundamental and it is not hard to imagine how, inspired by them, various traditions for Eucharistic imagery centering around the motif of Christ and angels would develop independently of each other and from quite different iconographie starting points. Ac­ cordingly, the Engelpietà, for instance, had apparently not been “ invented ” once and for all at one particular historical moment. Rather, the image would often have been the direct result of synoptical condensation of more complex narrative representations such as, for example, the Descent from the Cross and the Lamentation. Ministering angels were often included in these scenes (4). In cases where the essence of the narrative had strong liturgical and ecclesiological connotations - which it frequently had - and the interest was focused on these, the represen­ tations would suffer no damage if stripped of their narrative character and circumstantial acces­ sories, provided that the liturgically essential elements were retained. The immediate result of such a procedure applied to the Descent or Lamentation would be an image of Christ in the grave sustained or adored by Mary and John and the angels or by the latter alone. If one desired to emphasize further the Eucharistic element by alluding to the elevation of the Eucharistic species, one might make the saints or the angels exhibit the body; in the latter case, we would have an Engelpietà. Once such a representation is given a liturgical significance, the figure of the immolated Christ may very well be made to look almost alive, for example to sit in an upright position without being

(1) Cf. Jungm ann, M is s a r u m S o llem n ia , II, pp. 288 fif. F o r m edieval representations of angels in ce­ lestial litu rg y before th e L am b, cf. Schrade, «Beitrâge», p. 176; E lb em , B e r eucharistisch e K e lc h , pp. 149 ff.; th e A g n u s D e i w as sung a t th e confractio p a n is and invoked a t th e G lo ria (cf. Jungm ann, II, pp. 413 ff. and I, pp. 454 f., respectively). (2) D ia lo g u e IV , 58, cited b y Schrade; also used in th e liturgy. (3) Such as, for instance, a p ain tin g b o u g h t in 1383 b y P hilip of B u rg u n d y an d representing « N ostre-Seigneur dedans le sépulcre e t Tange qui le so u tien t » (Mâle, F in d u M o y e n -A g e , p. io i) . (4) F rom m edieval theology (e. g. M axim us Confessor and A m alarius of Metz) and iconography (e. g. in th e U trec h t P salter) it h as been concluded

in an im p o rta n t co n trib u tio n b y K. B erg (« U ne iconographie peu connue ») th a t th e descent of C hrist's body from th e cross in to th e h an d s of N icodem us an d Joseph of A rim athea w as in te rp re ted litu rg i­ cally w ith reference to th e reception of th e b o d y an d th e blood in th e chalice an d th e p aten , an d th a t such concepts m u st also h ave been appreciated in T u s­ cany in th e th irte e n th century. I t can also b e shown, I believe, th a t a liturgical in te rp re tatio n m u st be given of th e D escent from th e cross originally in th e G olgotha chapel a t Jerusalem an d of various representations of th e L am en tatio n on T uscan p a in t­ ed crucifixes of th e tw elfth and th irte e n th centu­ ries, an d related works; I h ave ven tu red to discuss th is briefly in m y « T itia n 's T riu m p h of F a ith », IV,

3» à.

visibly sustained, as in Rosso's Boston Pietà (*). For it is essential that the Eucharistic sacrifice - as distinct from that of Calvary - is not equivalent to death (2), and that in it Christ actively offers himself anew in sacrament ary form. Thus, there is hardly any litur­ gical or theological difference between such a rendering as Rosso's (with angels carrying fune­ rary candles celebrating the immolated but upright sitting Christ) and Tintoretto's (with angels elevating the dead body). Once developed, the Engelpietà in its turn might be introduced into a more complex iconographical setting, for instance in connection with the altare duplex. The concept of the heavenly sacrifice was referred to above within Eucharistic theology and liturgy. We shall now see how this could be allegorically rendered as if it were taking place at a heavenly altar, so that at the climax of the celebration of Mass one might conceive of a double altar. In his De sacro al­ taris mysterio, Lothar of Segni (later pope Innocent III, who died in 1216) had spoken of an altare duplex at work during the Mass sacrifice: u . . . altare superius est Dei Trinitas... Est et altare superius triumphans Ecclesia. . . Altare inferius est Ecclesia militans. . . Est et altare inferius mensa templi", etc. (3). Lothar had made these statements in an exposition of the above-mentioned Canon prayer Jube haec perferri and under the chapter heading “ De ministerio angelorum qui semper in sacrificio praesentes existunt Cardinal Robert Bellarmine, writing in the late 1570s and the 1580s, expressed the idea in a slightly different manner in his polemic against the Protestants. He maintained that “ altare istud coeleste, vel Christum ipsum significat per quem ad Deum orationes, & oblationes nostrae ascendunt: vel certè altare dicitur esse in coelo, quia in coelo recipiuntur sacrificia, quae Deo vero immolan­ tur in terris. Deferri autem sacrificia nostra ad Deum per manus Angeli, nihil est aliud, nisi Angelorum intercessione iuuari, & commendari Deo nostrum obsequium, & cultum, quem illi immolando exhibere desideramus. . . Itaque frustrà, & ineptè argumentatur Lutherus non posse sacrificium deferri in coelum, cùm totum consumatur in terris " (4). For further clarification of the concept, a synopsis from Clark's Eucharistic Sacrifice and the Reformation will be useful: according to “ all Christian tradition, they [the theologians] hold that the atoning passion of Christ is the one propitiatory sacrifice by which the world is saved; consequently, when they consider the relation of the Eucharist to Christ's saving work, they see it as primarily and essentially related to the sacrifice of Calvary... All theologians would admit that the Eucharistic celebration also has reference to Christ's resurrection, ascension and

(1) C hrist's live appearance m akes Shearm an be­ accordance w ith th e above litu rg ical trad itio n . F o r « Sepulchre L ights », cf. Brooks, T h e S ep u lch re , pp. lieve R osso's picture represents th e resurrection 86 ff. (« The ‘D ead C hrist' », pp. 151 ff.), an d th a t th e tw o (2) Cf. Clark, E u c h a ristic S acrifice , pp. 380-409. burning candles to refer to th e paschal candle (which (3) In C hapter V, D e m in is te rio angeloru m q u i was, how ever, sym bolized b y one candle; on this, cf. sem p er in sacrificio p ra esen tes e x is tu n t , on th e te x t T orp, «M onum entum resurrectionis», p a s s im ); tw o or m ore candles are characteristic of funerary con­ of th e Canon: J u h e haec p e rfe rri p e r m a n u s sa n c ti angeli ; P L , 217, cols. 891 f. O n th e « A lta r im H im te x ts and w ere also used in th e Corpus D om ini celeb­ ratio ns: cf. C aspary, « K u lt u n d A ufbew ahrung », pp. m el », see also Jungm ann, M is s a r u m S o lle m n ia , II, h i f.; for an o th er «dead Christ» w ith burning cand­ p. 287, an d Clark, E u c h a ristic Sacrifice, ch a p te r 13. les, cf. PI. X CV Ia, in th e p resen t volume. S hear­ (4) Bellarm ine, D e m issa , L iber II, Cap. X X V I m an refers to this, b u t he does n o t seem to have ( = D e controversis, I II , coi. 867) on th e te x t Ju h e haec p e rfe rri, etc. H e deals a t some length also w ith noticed its stric tly liturgical character. F inally, it th e concept th a t th e angels p articip a te in th e Mass. should be n oted th a t w hen Rosso's angels are n o t w eeping (as p ointed o u t b y Shearm an), th is is in

IOI

heavenly triumph - as The canon of the Mass explicitly testifies - but just as the saving effi­ cacy of those events must be understood as consequent upon what was done on Calvary, so the relationship of the Eucharist to the mysteries of Christ's triumph is consequent upon its essential relationship to the one sacrifice which was accomplished when Christ cried, ‘ It is consummated ', and died ". Clark mentions authors from the ninth to the twelfth centuries, who " treated of the connection between the Eucharistic liturgy and the heavenly intercession of the eternal high priest " and he argues that when theology from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century did not develop this idea further, this neglect did not mean denial: “ Both in belief and worship there was predominant. . . emphasis on the essential relationship of the Mass to Christ's atoning pas­ sion; but it was never denied that the Eucharistic rite also has reference to the mysteries of Christ's triumph over death. Indeed... it was impossible for that truth to be forgotten, since there was a constant reminder of it in the liturgy namely, in the Unde et memores, and the Supplices te rogamus from the Canon, and the Suscipe, sancta Trinitas from the Offertory (*). So far Clark. In allegorical illustration - that is to say, in pictorial representations - the concept of the heavenly high priest (Christ who offers and is offered) can be visualized by accentuating either the live, glorified Christ as " celebrant ", or Christ the immolated victim. The concept of the altare duplex was frequently illustrated in the arts. In accordance with the specific choice of iconographie programme for each case, the celestial “ altar " may have been represented pictorially either as the enthroned Christ-God, or the whole Trinity, or a Gnadenstuhl, who is to receive the offering (as in Raphael's " Disputa ") or as Christ in heaven bearing the marks of his immolation on the earthly “ altar in the latter case the celestial altar may have been represented as the Agnus occisus or the dead Christ (12). The latter case is exemplified very clearly in the Della Robbia sacrament tabernacle in Santa Maria at Peretola (Florence) (PI. XCIa) (3). In the upper zone is the dead Christ sustained by an angel and flanked by Mary and John the Evangelist. Above this scene is God the Father and below it the Holy Spirit; the three components form a Trinity. On the sixteenth-century door below the Dove is a rather common allegory (4) of the sacrificial rite of the Church: (1) Clark, Eucharistic Sacrifice, pp. 285-289. T he re le v a n t form ulae from th e th ree prayers, inclu­ sive of references to th e resurrection and th e ascen­ sion, are as follows: « U nde e t memores. D om ine, nos servi tu i, sed e t plebs tu a sancta, eiusdem Christi F ilii tu i D om ini no stri ta m b ea ta e passionis, nec no n e t ab inferis resurrectionis, sed e t in caelos glo­ riosae ascensionis: offerimus praeclarae m aiestati t u a e . . . hostiam puram , hostiam sanctam , hostiam im m a c u la ta m ...» ; «Supplices te rogam us, om ni­ p otens D eus: ju b e haec perferri p er m anus sancti A ngeli tu i in sublim e a lta re tuum , in conspectu di­ v inae m aiestatis tu ae: u t quo tq u o t, ex hac altaris p articip atio n e sacrosanctum Filii tui. Corpus e t San­ guinem sum pserim us, om ni benedictione caelesti e t g ra tia rep le am u r. . . »; « Suscipe, sa n cta T rinitas, hanc oblationem , quam tib i offerimus ob m em oriam p as­ sionis, resurrectionis, e t ascensionis Jesu Christi D om ini nostri . .". ». (2) Cf. G rondijs, « Croyances », passim. (3) P h o t. A linari 3724. F o r th e praesens Deus (topping th e tabernacle) and th e H oly S pirit (in th e

medallion) in liturgical co n tex ts as this, see below, pp. 113 ff. an d above p. 75 f., respectively. I t w ould seem th a t th e v ery sacrifice of C hrist is re ­ presented tw ice an d th is is literally tru e: on th e door, Christ w ith th e cross is shedding his blood in to th e chalice, and in th e arch th e re is an E n g elp ietà w ith M ary an d Jo h n th e E vangelist. Y et th ere is no d o u b t th a t th e E n g elpietà here belongs to th e T ri­ n itarian , celestial scene; w h at is evidently alluded to w ith a rep resen tatio n like th is one of th e d ead Christ, is th e heavely sacrifice and, related to this, C hrist’s « gegenw ârtige (weil in d er sak ram en talen G egenw art eingeschlossene) im m erw ahrende (weil auch im H im m el festgehaltene) O pfergesinnung » (Jungm ann, Missarum Sollemnia, I, 245). (4) Cf. th e catalogue in M iddeldorf, « U n ram e inciso», pp. 277 ff. One of th e earliest V enetian rep re­ sen tatio n s of th is ty p e seems to b e th e one surm ounting th e pain ted , w ooden cover for th e high a lta r retab le to d ay in th e C appella S an T arasio, S an Z accaria, Venice; i t is d ated 1444 (cf. Pallucchini, I Vivar ini, No. 32). T he panel, w ith pictu res of sain ts an d in-

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Christ with the cross is shedding his blood into the chalice. The same concept is given an even more literal rendering in Moretto's altarpiece in the church at Marmentino (Brescia) (PL XCIC) (*). Sts. Cosmas and Damian are kneeling in front of an altar on which stands the monstrance with the corporal drawn aside so that the consecrated host, like Christ's body above, remains visible. The inscription on the stipes reads: " panem angelorum mandvcavit homo '' (Ps. 77 : 25). Above the altar, seated on a cloud, is Christ; he bears the marks of the passion and is carrying the cross and the column; two angels are holding a veil that corresponds to the corporal. We may now turn to our Venetian material. In this connection, attention should be drawn to the possibility already hinted at, that in some cases single images as much as established pic­ torial traditions may have prompted a local development of the Engelpietà iconography. With regard to Venice, I am thinking in particular of three representations that played a conspicuous role in the public rites of the republic, namely the old Byzantine epitaphion in San Marco, the mosaic and statuette above the Tesoro door, and Sansovino's relief on the sacrament taber­ nacle of the same church. Let us briefly examine these and also a few other relevant works. The late medieval embroidered Byzantine epitaphia show the dead Christ reclining on the stone serving at his unction while surrounding angels are performing a celestial liturgy (2). In the East these epitaphia served a quite specific function during the Mass (3), but their function would of course have undergone a substantial change once they had been transferred to a church which followed Western rites. The epitaphion in San Marco (PL LXXIIP), for instance, was used in the Good Friday ceremony: when the consecrated host had been deposited in the " Sepulchre " (in a niche in the Cappella Sant'Isidoro adjoining the north transept; cf. PL LXXa), the epi­ taphion was laid over the Sepulchre as a cover (4). Of the later pictures inspired by this image, Parrasio Michiel's painting from the 1570's in Sant'Iseppo, Venice (PL XCIb) is of special interest, since this is given a specifically Eucharistic interpretation (5). To sixteenth-century

scriptions, is a catalogue of th e relics possessed b y th e church of S an Z accaria (among w hich th e m o st p re­ cious w ere a certain q u a n tity « de sanguine dni nôsti ih ü x p i », th e bod y of Z acharias himself, of one of th e Innocents, and of a g rea t num ber of oth er saints). A n exceptional v a rie ty of th e ty p e in question is represen­ te d in Quirizio d a M urano’s p ain tin g in th e Academ y, Venice, of C hrist enthroned w ho exhibits his w ound w hile giving th e h o st to a kneeling n u n (Moschini M ar­ coni, L e g allerie, I, No. 161, w ith th e inscriptions q u o t­ ed); Saxl («P agan sacrifice», pp. 350 f.) appears to have m issed th e liturgical significance of th e picture, for in this connection his q u o tatio n of T hom as à K em pis (II, i: « Requisce in passione Christi, ed in sacris vulneribus eius libenter habita») leads in quite an o t­ h er direction: this unusual b u t straig h tfo rw ard alle­ gory of th e Mass h ard ly has anyth in g to do w ith Flem ish devotio m oderna. (1) P hot. A linari, 48356. (2) F or th e epitaphia, cf. Millet, B roderies re li­ g ie u se s, pp. 86 ff.; for th e concept th a t th e dead C h rist reclining on th e S tone is th e ob ject for a celestial liturgy, a concept th a t p rom pted th e epi­

tap h io n iconography, see Millet, R echerches, pp. 498 ff. (3) This p a r t of th e B yzantine litu rg y is briefly described in M aurice-Denis an d B oullet, E u c h a ristie , pp. 65 ff.; cf. also Schulz, D ie h yza n tin isch e L itu rg ie , pp. 182 ff. (4) Cf. below, p. 216. (5) P h o t, courtesy K unsthistorisches In stitu t, Florence. Inscriptions: b o tto m : q v i m o r t e m n o ­ s t r a m MORIENDO DESTRUXIT; to p : EST PANIS QVI DE c o e l o d e s c e n d i t (cf. below, p. i i 6); above th e reclining C hrist (with w ounds an d th e crown of thorns an d assisted b y an angel) ap p ear tw o angels w ith th e chalice over w hich hovers th e D ove; cf. Ridolfi, L e m a ra v ig lie , II, p. 138, w ho describes th e p a in t­ ing an d rep o rts th a t P arrasio w as buried in fro n t of th e a lta r. V eronese's E n g elp ietà in S an Zulian, Venice, too, w as connected w ith a to m b (Ridolfi, L e m a r a v ig lie , I, p. 325) (cf. th e custom of choosing si­ tes for to m b s n ear E u ch a ristic tab ern acles referred to b y C aspary, « K u lt u n d A ufbew ahrung », p. 118). F o r M arco B a sa iti’s, B o rd o n e's an d H o lb ein 's d eriv atio n s from th e ep itap h io n iconography, cf. P anofsky, «Im a ­ go p ie ta tis ».

eyes- the epitaphion might well have seemed to represent an archaic version of an Engelpietà. The same may be said with regard to the statue and the mosaic above the entrance to the Tesoro from the church (San Marco) (PI. LXIVb). The mosaic shows two angels holding flabella and carrying between them a slab adorned with precious stones and a triple-barred cross. The cross was supposedly meant to symbolize the miraculous relic of the True Cross, one of the most prominent among the relics preserved in the Tesoro (1). But at some time in the late four­ teenth or in the fifteenth century these angels came to play a role somewhat similar to that of the angels who are assisting the dead Christ. For in that period a late Gothic statuette was set up in front of the mosaic with the result that the angels appear on either side of the cross and the statuette. This shows the Man of Sorrows pointing to the wound in his side; his thorn-crowned head is inclined towards the side. We are informed by Stringa (2) that the statuette is a vera effigies of Christ and that it was brought to Venice from Jerusalem ! The importance of this com­ bined mosaic and sculptural image can be measured also by the role that the Tesoro itself played in the rites in San Marco (3). Our third example of local iconography with relevance for the Engelpietà is the sacrament tabernacle in San Marco (PI. LXXI) (4). The altar, which is placed against the great apse, is enclosed by a structure consisting of six columns supporting an entablature. The central part of the retable is taken up by a sham niche in the form of a perspectively foreshortened barrelvaulted room with two doors in the side-walls. Two adoring angels are entering through these doois, while God with a triangular halo (the Trinity) is appearing above them (5). In the end wall of the little sham space is the tabernacle door, a bronze slab with a relief by San­ sovino. In this, represented as in mid-air, small naked angels are supporting Christ. The wounds on his hands and in the flank are clearly rendered; he turns his wounded side towards a chalice which is held up towards him by a bacchante-like angel as if it were a cantharos. Another angel holds the cross. These two angels are the only figures that are standing on their feet and that are actually clothed. They seem to be acting as priest and deacon in the celes­ tial liturgy (6), the formér performing the rite of the elevation of the Eucharist, while the lat­ ter is raising the cross. The Mass is itself a memoria passionis, a reenactment of the sacrifice at Golgotha. In the relief, the actual shedding of the blood into the chalice is not represented, the scope being rather to emphasis the elevation oft he Eucharist (7). Furthermore, it can hardly be doubted that in this case the very motif of the angels sustaining Christ off the ground contains an explicit reference to the elevation. A traditional image had thus been transformed. Giovanni Bellini’s representation, just to cite one example, of Christ bearing the cross and shed­ ding blood into a chalice held by a kneeling angel (8), gives an allegorical interpretation of the

(1) Cf. below, p. 183. (2) Stringa, Chiesa, p. 211: «S opra la p o rta di esso S antuario [i.e. th e Tesoro] al di fuori, vedesi v n a figura in tiera di m arm o, rap p resen tan te la vera effigie di Christo S àluator nostro, p o rta ta u i d a Gierusalem m e »; PI. L X IV b: p h o to ta k e n for th e au th o r by O. Bohrn, Venice; Christ w ears th e crown of thorns. (3) Çf. below, p p . . 183, 214 ff. . (4) Cf. below, p. 189. (5) Cf. below, pp. 114 f.

(6) On angels playing th e role of priests and especially of deacons, cf. D aniélou, Les anges, pp. 85 if. (7) E v en though a t th is tim e a high elevation of th e chalice w as no longer in general use (cf. Jungm ann, Missarum Sollemnia , II, pp. 258 f.), a p icto ­ rial rep resen tatio n of it w ould have been perm issib­ le (the reasons for th e abolition of th is elevation being m ostly technical). (8) Cf. Saxl, « P ag an sacrifice », pp. 350 f.

origin of the Eucharistic sacrifice. In Sansovino's relief, it is the very liturgical performance of this same sacrifice which is illustrated allegorically. Representations such as those just examined may in various ways have prepared the ground for or stimulated interest in the pure Engelpietà at Venice, such as Giovanni Bellini's painting in London (:l), in which Christ is seated on the tomb. A liturgical Pietà without the chalice was represented by Gianpietro Silvio in his painting in Sedrina (12) dating from the 1530s (3). Later, in his altar-piece dated 1549 in San Vendemmiano (Treviso), Silvio introduces a levitated Engelpietà of exactly the same type as Tintoretto's in the Pregadi (4). The Venetian territory seems to have abounded in pictures of Christ in a Eucharistic con­ text (5). In the sixteenth century two types were particularly common, namely the Engel­ pietà and the representation of Christ standing in the chalice, often sustained by angels (cf. Pis. XCII f.) (6). To a certain extent, the late sixteenth-century Venetian Engelpietà differs from the corresponding representations common elsewhere in Italy, though the distinction is not al­ ways clearcut. The general tendency of the latter was to show Christ alive, in the midst of a host of angels often with the symbols of the passion; at times he is also accompanied by the Holy Spirit (7). Sansovino's relief in San Marco (PI. LXXIa) falls partly within this tradition, though in a typically Venetian manner it is the angels who seem to be sustaining Christ. In Venetian images of the second half of the sixteenth century, on the other hand, the body of Christ is usually represented as lifeless. The angels are not merely standing round in a ceremonious at­ titude, nor do they carry symbols. Instead, they are fully engaged in exhibiting the body to the onlooker. In almost every painted Venetian Engelpietà of the second half of the cen­ tury, Christ's body is partly covered with a white cloth; quite often the angels are holding the body in it. There can be no doubt that what is meant is the holy shroud, of which the Eucha­ ristic corporal was a symbolic representation (8). This sort of image seems a very characte-

(1) R eproduction in Dussler, G io va n n i B e llin i , Fig. 33 (dated in th e 1480s). (2) Berenson, V e n e tia n Schools, II, Fig. 1116; Sciré, « A p p u n ti ». (3) Cf. also T in to re tto ’s p ain tin g a t P arm a, P i­ nacoteca (Phot. A linari 15604). These images rem ind us of th e D escent iconography m entioned above (p. 100); Stringa, in fact, described T in to re tto ’s P re ­ gadi E ngelpietà in th e following w ay: « un Christo m orto riuolto in un lenzuolo, come quando fu deposto di Croce, in mezo di cinque Angeli, che lo sosten­ gono in a r i a . . . » (V en etia, p. 230). (4) Berenson, V e n e tia n S chools, I I , Fig. 1115. Cf. also B allini’s E n g elp ietà a t F asano di G ardone R i­ v ie ra (K ünert, « Affreschi d ecorativi », pp. 465 ff., Fig- 7)(5) I t w as a t Venice th a t th e earliest know n Cor­ pus D om ini church w as erected (1366; cf. Caspary, « K u lt und A ufbew ahrung », p. 105) and th e earliest reported Corpus D om ini procession in Ita ly took place a t Venice (in 1317; cf. C a sp ary ,.p . 106). (6) F o r th e w oodcut and P alm a’s draw ing, see Tietze, «N uovi disegni», pp. 62, Figs. 72, 73 respecti­ vely; cf. also a G reek or G reco-V enetian icon in th e m useum a t S an Giorgio dei Greci, Venice, of 1579

(Chatzidakis, Icôn es, No. 47) and a m in iatu re from th e m ariegola of th e Scuola del Corpo di Cristo a t Venice, cit. b y Schrade, « B eitrâge », p. 177. T h e E u ch aristic chalice w as often considered a sym bol of C hrist’s to m b (cf. E lbern, D e r eu ch aristisch e K e tc h , pp. 137 ff.; Jungm ann, M is s a r u m S o llem n ia , II, p.. 69, n o te 69). (7) A w ork like T addeo Z uccari’s P ie tà in th e G alleria Borghese (cf. Judson, « V an V een », pp. 100 ff.), however, belongs ra th e r to th e V en etian ty p e, w ith th e exception of th e liturgical candles (on such candles, see Caspary, « K u lt u n d A ufbew ahrung », p p. h i 1 ); cf. also th e Zuccari altar-piece in th e palaóe chapel a t C aprarola (Phot. GFN), w here God is re ­ ceiving C hrist’s body: th is, like th e G n aden stu h l, is sym bolic of G od’s acceptance of th e E u ch aristic of­ fering. (8) As m entioned above (p. 99, n o te 1), S tringa connected th e w hite cloth in th e P regadi E ngelpietà (PI. X X X II) w ith th e shroud of Christ. Such w hite (exceptionally coloured) shrouds are v ery freq u en t in E n g elp ietàs an d rela ted rep resen tatio n s. F o r th e sym bolic identification of th e corporal w ith th e holy shroud, see Ju n g m an n , M is s a r u m S o lle m n ia , I I , p. 69, n o te 69, an d Sicardus; M itr a le I I I , 9 (Migne, P L , 213, col. 146).

C H R IS T IN T H E COUNCIL H A L L

ristic indication of the Venetian inclination to directness as well as to understatement; with the omission usually of inscriptions and also of specific symbols - except the discrete and natural­ looking shroud (*) - what remains is a very simple and very poetic image of angels attending upon Christs' body. This was clearly considered sufficient to express the concept of a transcend­ ing celestial liturgy. In the period between 1575 and 1600 four churches in Venice were enriched with expli­ citly Eucharistic representations of the Pietà; at least three of these works are true Engelpietàs, and so, presumably, was the fourth. The earliest of them formed part of Francesco Bassano's series of paintings for the sacra­ ment tabernacle on the high altar of the church of the Redentore. This tabernacle, which was demolished in the following century, had four sides, each with two paintings; according to Strin­ ga (12), those facing the nave represented the Last Supper (still extant) and the Pietà (not ex­ tant). It is likely, though by no means certain, that the latter was an Engelpietà; whatever its exact pictorial formula may have been, its Eucharistic significance is accentuated by its very presence on a Eucharistic tabernacle and by its being placed next to the Last Supper. The second work to be considered in this connection is Gerolamo Campagna's tabernacleretable in the sacrament chapel of SanZulian ( = Giuliano) (PL XCIIIa) (3). Within an architec­ tural setting which suggests a continuation of the chapel itself (4), and in the presence of God the Father, two angels are sustaining the dead Christ. On the blind aedicula at the apex of the retable another two angels are holding the chalice-and-host. The church of San Zaccaria was also given a new tabernacle at this time; this was set upon the high altar where it still stands. On the front of the tabernacle is a painting by Palma il Giovane (PL XCIIC) (5) representing, again, the dead Christ supported by two angels. Finally, let us take a closer look at Palma's painting on the high altar of San Lio ( = Leone) (PL XCIIIb) (6). The church was extensively restored and modernized in the eighteenth century. For want of documents it is no longer possible to say whether in the sixteenth century the sacra­ ment tabernacle was contained in theLdgh altar or if it stood elsewhere, for instance in the adjoining Cappella Gussoni, which was also provided with a Pietà (by the Lombardi workshop). How­ ever this may be, the liturgical character of the scene depicted by Palma is obvious. In the centre sits St. Leo the Great, an early papal saint who at Venice was sometimes confused with St. Leo IX (7). The pope is surrounded by Sts. John the Baptist, “ Todaro ", Justine and Augustine (? or Ambrose ?). Above these figures and in the presence of God the Father, two

(1) A t Venice, an inscribed pain tin g like P arrasio’s (PL X C Ib) w as an exception. (2) Cf. m y « P alladio’s R edentore », p. 431. (3) P hot. A linari 20776; cf. Planiscig, Venezianische Bildhauer, p. 533; th e statu es represent th e V irgin and M agdalen; d ated ca. 1583 b y L orenzetti (in P laniscig’s opinion, « um 1595 »). (4) Cf. m y notes on th is principle, in « T itia n ’s M adonna », p. 154. (5) T he tabernacle, b y V ittoria, has four faces, each w ith one p ain tin g (all b y P alm a): th e E ngel­ p ie tà (facing th e a lta r mensa), th e Flagellation, th e Crowning w ith thorns, th e R esurrection (Phots. B òhm 4911, 4912, 4913 [Pietà], 4914). Ridolfi (Le

maraviglie, II, p. 188): « & in torno al tabernacolo diuise attio n i della passione di Christo ». A nother, sim ilar p ain tin g b y P alm a a t San Zacca­ ria is m entioned b y Ridolfi (Le maraviglie, II, p. 198): « P er la Com pagnia di San Lizerio presso San Zaccharia operò la tau o la dell’A ltare col S aluatore estinto appoggiato ad A ngeletti, stim ato gentil cosa, e sotto i S an ti p re d e tti. . . ». (6) P hot. Bòhm . Cf. Ridolfi, Le maraviglie, II, p. 187 (in th e biography of P alm a): « In San Leone è la tau o la con l’estinto S aluatore sostenuto dagli A n­ geli ». (7) F o r th e confusion of these an d o th er « Leo » nam es a t Venice, cf. T ram ontin, Culto, Index.

angels support the dead Christ while another two adore him. This is a most striking represen­ tation of the celestial liturgy. St. Leo is depicted as an officiating priest with the maniple over his left arm, which means, in the context of this picture, that he is performing the Eucharistic prayer (1). At the end of the Supra quae - to which Leo the Great had himself added the words “ sanctum sacrificium, immaculatam hostiam " (2) - the priest joins his hands and recites a for­ mula with which we are already familiar: “ Supplices te rogamus, omnipotens Deus: jube haec perferri per manus sancti angeli tui in sublime altare tuum, in conspectu divinae maiestatis tuae . . . ". It may further be noted that the writings of Leo the Great carried a considerable weight with the Catholic theologians during the controversies over the Eucharist in the six­ teenth century (3). To conclude the present investigation we may note that with regard to the main principles of composition and iconography, Tintoretto's Pietà in the Pregadi (Pis. XXXII f.) falls within a group of contemporary representations of a definitely Eucharistic character, and that the Eucharistic interpretation of the Engelpietà was warranted by tradition. It is thus a logical consequence that Tintoretto's Engelpietà should also be intepreted as an allegorical rendering of the sacrifice of the Mass. As we recall, Tintoretto's painting was a substitute for the original Trevisan painting, which had been destroyed. This circumstance calls for a comparison between the original and the substitute, so far as this is still possible. Trevisan's original picture, commissioned from Titian, was to represent, besides the doge and various saints, “ la nostra dona con il nostro signior in brazo, over uno Cristo this motif was in­ tended to evoke the “ Corpus Domini ", as Trevisan had been elected doge just after this feast. The painting was to hang " sopra la porta di la sala del Pregadi " (4), in accordance with the practice of placing votive representations above doors (5). The central motif may have been rendered in various ways. It may have shown, simply, the Virgin and Child, the latter seat­ ed, or the child may have been shown sleeping on the Virgin's lap; this might evoke the con­ cept of the Corpus Domini - the latter type representing symbolically the dead Christ. Finally, an adult, dead Christ may have been shown in the Virgin's arms. The possibility of the pre­ sence of ministering angels can be discarded out of hand, for the relevant document cites seven as the maximum number of figures and there is no angel among these (6). This is an impor­ tant piece of information, for it shows that Trevisan's adoration of the Corpus Domini, whatever form it had been given, was not emphasized as a liturgical event. Thus, also in this respect, the painting adhered to the normal tradition for votive pictures (7). Without knowing exactly how Christ was originally represented, it is impossible to tell whether (1) O n th e m aniple, cf. B raun, D ie litu rgisch e G ewcm dung, pp. 515 ff. P ray in g in a seated position an d celebrating Mass while w earing th e p ap a l tiara, are, stric tly speaking, absurdities, and i t is quite clear th a t such an allegorical licence w as d ic tated b y th e desire to single Leo o u t from th e o ther saints b y show ing him enthroned, an d b y allow ing him to keep his tia r a on, since on th is p a rtic u la r a lta r he w as cele­ b ra te d as titu la r of th e church. P alm a m ig h t have show n him too standing up - like St. N icholas in T itia n 's altar-piece in th e V atican, b u t he or his adviser chose th e p resen t solution, w ell aw are th a t th is w ould n o t b lu rr th e central issue. (2) A ccording to th e L ib e r p o n tific a lis ; cf. Jung-

m ann. M is s a r u m S o lle m n ia , II, p. 286. (3) Cf., for exam ple, Iserloh, E ck , pp. 115, 199; Bellarm ine, D e S acram en to E u c h a ris tia e , Lib. II, Cap. X X V III, = D e co n tro v e rsiis , I I I , cols. 490 f. («T estim onium S ancti Leonis»). Cf. ibid., col. 712. (4) Cf. above, p. 33. (5) Cf. above, p. 36. (6) T he seven figures were: Mary, Christ, Sts. Mark, A nthony, D om inic an d Francis, an d th e doge. (7) F o r bibliography an d references concerning Ita lia n v o tiv e representations, see m y « T itia n 's Ma­ donna », an d m y « T itia n 's T riu m p h of F a ith » , IV, 2.

Tintoretto's version (which as we have seen also includes Landò and his saints) brought about a transformation in this respect. However, since the original painting, regardless of its pictorial formulation, was to evoke the “ Corpus Domini ", the possible divergence between the two Christ figures need not weigh heavily in the present argument. The main and easily recog­ nizable changes consisted in the removal of the figure of Mary and, above all, in the intro­ duction of the angels, with the result that the picture became an Engelpietà, that is, a ty­ pically Eucharistic and liturgical image. Its new place, where it came to dominate the tribune wall and consequently the whole room, made the liturgical aspect still more conspicuous, for nót unlike Guariento's Coronation in the Maggior Consiglio (x) - the picture, where it now hung, brought to mind an altar image in a church or chapel rather than a votive picture in a council room or office, Furthermore, the picture was subject to indirect change in that its surroundings were also altered. Obviously, Palma's Priuli picture on the opposite wall (Pis. X X X IV f.) was meant as a pendant to it. This signifies that iconographically the Pietà was not conceived as one in a whole series of pictures, but that it was meant, together with Palma's painting, to constitute, in the Pregadi, the dominating thematic feature, to which the other votive pictures would ne­ cessarily be subordinated. In order to grasp the significance of the axial dominance of these two representations of Christ, we shall have to look into the iconography of Palma's painting. 2. “ Christ in glory " Palma's painting in the Pregadi (Pis. XXXIV f.), on the wall facing the tribune, includes the portraits of two doges, Lorenzo and Gerolamo Priuli. We recall that the original Lorenzo Priuli painting by Parrasio Michiel hung in the Collegio, where it was destroyed in the fire of 1574 (12). In the earlier painting the only religious feature had been a representation of the Holy Spirit above a “ temple ". At first sight, Palma's painting reveals no great affinity with Parrasio’s as far as religious iconography is concerned. It is of a very simple compositional structure, which has been adapted to the architecture of the wall as satisfactorily as could have been expected from a Venetian painter. To the left of the door Doge Lorenzo Priuli is kneeling at the side of St. Law­ rence, and to the right of it is Doge Gerolamo Priuli (Lorenzo's brother and successor) with St. Jerome. In the background is a view of Venice. Christ, the Virgin and St. Mark appear over the clouds. But for a flowing garment which covers the lower part of his body, his right leg and left shoulder, Christ himself is naked; he raises his right hand as if to bestow his benedic­ tion upon those present in the Pregadi. Of his wounds, only the one on his right foot is discern­ able; but this suffices to show that we are confronted with the Christ who has already suffer­ ed at the passion and who is now appearing in glory after the resurrection and ascension. Thus, “ Christ in glory ” seems a suitable label for the figure (3). The overall arrangement of the composition is the same in the preparatory drawing in the Museo Fantoni, Brescia (PI. XXXVIIb) (4), except that in the drawing each doge is accompanied by three saints and that Christ's gesture is slightly different. The latter change clearly emphasized (1) Cf. above, pp. 54 f. (2) P hots. A linari 13572, 18631. F or P arrasio ’s painting, cf. above, p. 35. (3) Cf. S tringa, Venetia , p. 230v. F o r « glory » ico­ nography in general, see m y « T itia n ’s T rium ph of F aith » , passim.

(4) Mandel, Palma il Giovane, p. 20, T av. 113 (according to th is entry, C. R agghianti, « che h a v i­ sitato la racco lta F an to n i e p ro m ette di approfondir­ ne l’analisi », connects draw ing No. 46 [Tav. 46] w ith No. 113, w ith o u t a p p a re n t reason).

108

that Christ was not meant to make the " double gesture ” typical of the Judge (*); in both cases, in fact, his left hand seems to express the movement of the figure as a whole, and does not imply a * rejecting ” gesture. In addition, there are minor differences between the drawing and the painting, but these need not occupy us at present (12). Similar representations of Christ are to be found in other works by Palma. These should be examined first, lest we fall into the trap of confusing a personal pictorial idiom of the artist with a more generally valid pictorial convention, In Palma’s Last Judgement in the Scrutinio (PI. LVIII) Christ makes the traditional double gesture of the Judge; the context leaves us in no doubt as to the significance of the gesture in this case, even though in other respects Christ’s posture may bring to mind the picture of a provin­ cial orchestra conductor rather than that of a majestic judge. Practically the same gesture of the hand is seen in the figure of Christ in Palma’s votive paint­ ing of 1590 at Padua (PI. XCIVa) (3); here Christ is accompanied by Justice and Abundance. The two portrayed persons are Jacopo and Giovanni Soranzo, rettori of Padua in the periods 1569-71 and 1589-91, respectively (4). The painting was commissioned by the latter; his namesaint John the Evangelist appears above him and opposite this saint is the republic’s patron, St. Mark. Two other saints standing near Jacopo and Giovanni Soranzo are, respectively, Prosdocimo and Anthony, the patrons of Padua. In the background there is a view of this city. The people, who seem to be protected by the rettori, are allegorical representations of the citizens of Padua who had experienced the scourge of two great famines, one under each of the two Soranzos’ governments. The two rettori had in fact played an active part in alleviating the suffer­ ing caused by the famine (5). Again, as in Palma’s painting in the Pregadi, Christ appears among saints who are either protectors of the republic or the city or of the depicted persons. It is clear that Christ is represented as the deliverer of the city from famine - this is also confirmed by the simultaneous appearance of Abundance. The painting, which was not an altar-piece (6),

(1) Cf. above, p. 81, w ith bibliography in note 1 (2) E ach doge is accom panied by three instead of one personal saint; in th e pain tin g th e doges are w earing th e ir corno ducale w hereas in th e draw ing th ey have placed it on th e ground; b y th is modifi­ cation th e general principle for doge representations in th e Palace in th is period w as adhered to (the Seba­ stiano Y enier picture is an exception, since it was a « coronation» allegory: PL X X IV ). (3) M useum p h o t.; cf. G rossato, I l Museo civico, p. 113, No. 169; 2,33 x 5,55 m ; inscriptions: lac. P al. F . - POST ILLVSTRISS. LEGATIONES SVPERANTII FRATRES BIS PRAETORESIACOBVS ET IOANNES. EQQ. ILLE

AN.

M.D.LXX

m .d .x . c . r e i

[la c u n a ]

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rem

REI

FRVMENTARIAE

m d v r is s im a

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ANNO.

c a r it a t e m

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svper arvnt.

(4) A pparently th e p ain tin g originally hung in th e « Sala » of th e local Palazzo del P od està (cf. R i­ dotti, Le maraviglie, II, p. 189: « I n P ad o u a nella S àia del P o d està fece i q u a ttro S anti P ro te t­

tori, e nel mezzo di loro il S aluatore »; cf. also Von H ad eln ’s com m ent, ibid.). Info rm atio n concern­ ing other decorations of th is hall is scanty; Ridotti (Le maraviglie, I, p. 92) cites « v n quadro nella Sala del P o d està de i q u a ttro S an ti P ro te tto ri » b y D o­ menico Campagnola, b u t it is impossible to say if th is w as also a votive p ain tin g w ith p o rtraits. A p­ p aren tly all four saints in th e Soranzo p ictu re are considered p atro n s of P a d u a - an d it is possible th e sam e four h ad been represented in C am pagnola's painting; it would seem th a t b y coincidence Gio­ v an n i Soranzo’s first nam e w as th a t of a city p a ­ tron. (5) Cf. th e bibliography cited in G rossato, II Museo civico, p. 113. (6) I ts horizontal shape, its size and its inscrip­ tio n would n o t lead one to believe so; y e t th ere is alw ays th e possibility th a t Mass m ight have been celebrated in th e room; of this, however, we pos­ sess no inform ation w hatever.

contains no explicitly Eucharistic features. But a representation implying that Christ grants nourishment to mankind will easily evoke Eucharistic concepts p). Palma's paintings in the Oratory of the Ospedale dei Crociferi (or Crosecchieri, in the Vene­ tian dialect) at Venice, must now be subjected to a closer examination. The pictures were paint­ ed in the years 1583-90 (2). One of them shows a Christ of the type we are discussing (PI. XCIVb). The composition as a whole is rather unusual. Christ, rendered almost exactly like the Christ in the Pregadi painting (PI. XXXV), appears from the clouds, but in the Crociferi painting he is addressing himself directly to persons within the picture, namely a doge and his retinue. The doge is Renier Zen (1253-68), who is accompanied by his dogaressa, a procuratore di San Marco and other State officials. The group opposite them consists of members of the con­ fraternity of the Crociferi and of four women who, according to Ridolfi, are " alcune pouere donne del detto Hospitale ''. Doge Zen was the founder of the hospital, a fact which is evoked by the in­ scription INITIVM DIMIDIVM facti, and he had entrusted its administration to the procuratori di San Marco. In Palma's preparatory drawing for the painting (PI. XCIVd) (3), the only notewor­ thy differences concern the figure of Christ and the group of figures on the right. In the drawing there are only three male figures to the right (the “ pouere donne " are the same), and one of them is a friar (4). Christ appears almost the same as in the painting, but the gesture of his hand is different and seems to be leading up to an embracing movement. In the painting, on the other hand, the benedictory gesture has been introduced and with this also a liturgical feature - the result is a close resemblance to the Pregadi Christ. That the benedictory gesture should in the end prevail in both cases is no accident, for, as we shall see, both paintings were connected with liturgical performances or a representation of these. What strikes one in the Zen painting is that the appearance of Christ in glory to the doge and his retinue takes place without any apparent mediation on the part of saints, which would normally be expected (5). But then, the painting should not be looked upon as an isolated phe­ nomenon; the mediating saints are indeed provided by other paintings in the pictorial cycle.

(1) In C hristian iconography of th e sixteenth L a st S upper in th e choir of San Giorgio Maggiore, Venice; Scuola di San Rocco, ceiling of Sala Supe­ century, h um an as w ell as divine ch arity w as often, riore: F all of m an n a in connection w ith E liah fed p erhaps alm ost always, seen in a sacram ental light. b y th e angel; Eliseus m ultiplying th e bread; th e T he m ost striking exam ple a t Venice is th e deco­ M ultiplication of b read an d fishes; Jew s’ easter; L a st ratio n of th e ceiling of th e S ala Superiore, Scuola S upper (on th e wall) ; P a lm a ’s pain tin g s in th e sacristy di San Rocco (itself a charitable institution), in w hich of San Giacomo dalTOrio: th e M anna; Jew s’ easter; B ap tism and th e E u ch arist are th e central them es. an d th e Crossing of th e R ed Sea, also a sacram ental I n th e a lta r niche of th e chapel of th e M onte di P ie tà reference, nam ely to B aptism ; (cf. Ridolfi, L e m a ­ a t Treviso, th ere is a p ain tin g of C hrist m ultiplying ra vig lie, II, p. 174). th e bread and fishes (Phot. G FN , E . 8873), a scene (2) Ridolfi, L e m a ra v ig lie , II, pp. 179 ff. (with which was usually applied in E ucharistic contexts (and von H ad eln ’s com m ents an d ex tra cts from th e re­ here it is connected w ith th e altar; th e question of th e position a t th a t tim e of Florigerio’s D ead C hrist lev an t ledgers), gives a description of th e decora­ sustained b y angels, once on th e altar, cannot be tiv e system of th e chapel. (3) V on H adeln, V enez. Z eich n u n g en d. S p d tr e n ., discussed a t present; see Ridolfi, L e m a ra v ig lie , I, No. 96; th e draw ing is in th e A cadem y, Venice. p. 97; for P ozzoserrato’s frieze, cf. Ridolfi, II, p. 94). (4) T he friar can n o t be th e doge’s nam e-saint, E u charistic in te rp re tatio n of th e F all of th e m anna (Exod. 16:13-21) w as trad itio n al (cf., am ong other, who w as represented as a pilgrim . (5) R ep resen tatio n s of C hrist in glory an d la y ­ D aviélou, B ib le et litu rg ie, pp. 201 ff.; cf. also th e m en unassisted b y sain ts are rare; th re e excep tio n al « Cibum tu rb a e duodenae » of th e hym n P a n g e, lin gu a an d the « P anem de caelo p ra e stitisti », b o th from cases, all concerning th e S alv ato r M undi, are p ro ­ th e liturgy of th e feast of Corpus D om ini); p icto ­ vided b y one of th e m in iatu res of th e B re v ia r io d i S p a ­ iato in th e Museo Correr, Venice (Phot. Museum, rial exam ples: T in to retto 's F all of th e m an n a and

This particular picture - like any part of a cyclical decoration, for that matter - will not yield its full meaning unless it is seen in relation to the rest of the pictorial series in the oratory (Fig. 2). The cycle consists of eleven paintings (not counting the smaller ones with angels that sur­ round the Assumption in the ceiling) which can be subdivided into three categories, according to their respective relations to the functions of the oratory itself. The first group of paintings re­ presents the history of the Crociferi order and more specifically of their hospital in Venice; the second alludes to the oratory's function as a hospital chapel; the third concerns the oratory's li­ turgical character common to any chapel. Two historical paintings flanking the altar show, respectively, the foundation of the order by Pope Anacletus and its confirmation by Pope Paul IV (Fig. 2, E, F). The Zen painting was put up on the wall opposite the altar (H), while three other historical paintings, the last of this category, were hung on the left-hand wall (as we face the altar) (B, C, D). These three are scenes from the life of Pasquale Cicogna, who had received the news of his election as doge while attend­ ing Mass in this chapel (cf. PI. XCIVC). Thus, the historical pictures portraying popes are, ap­ propriately, placed on the altar wall, while those depicting members of the Venetian government are placed on the other walls. The paintings placed symmetrically above the two doors represent subjects connected with the specific hospital function. Above the door communicating with the outside campo or square, is the Flagellation of Christ (G), an explicit reminder to those ente­ ring the chapel of the perspective in which human suffering should be seen. Above the door that communicated with the hospital itself, through which not only the old and ailing but also the dead were brought for the celebration of Mass, there is a representation of the Entombment of Christ (A). The remaining paintings, which were placed above the altar and on the ceiling, refer to the dedication of the chapel and to its function as a place of liturgical celebration in ge­ neral. The chapel was dedicated to the Virgin Mary (x), and the central ceiling painting appro­ priately shows the Assumption. The subject of the original altar-piece was the Adoration of the Magi, a theme which naturally included the Virgin as an object of veneration besides the Child and which therefore was in excellent keeping with the chapel dedication. The original altar tabernacle possibly (cf. PI. XCIVC) showed the Resurrection of Christ, a very common image on this type of tabernacle (2). It emerges from the ledgers of the hospital that all paintings except those with Cicogna (elected, as we remember, in 1585) were begun or already completed in the years 1:583-85, which means that they were made during Doge Nicolò Da Ponte's period of office (157885). We do not know what projects may have existed at this particular time for the wall

M. 4054), b y th e S alvator M undi an d te n censori. D oge's Palace, S ala dei Censori (after 1600), and b y L eandro B assano's S alv ato r M undi and a kneeling gentlem an, a t Cambridge, M assachusetts. T he ico­ nography of th e globe, however, w ith its im plication of th e concept « w orld » or « created universe », lends a supra-individual ch aracter to th e depicted relation­ ship betw een C hrist and th e p o rtra y ed figure, so th a t th e la tte r becom es an extension of th e concept im plied in th e globe itself. A nother th in g are p o rtra its in serted in to historical representations, such as, for exam ple, th e R esurrection (T in to retto 's in th e D oge's P alace: P h o t. A nderson: 13750; and th e T intorettesq u e T hree proveditori and th e R esurrection, A ca­

dem y, Venice; cf. Moschini M arconi, Le gallerie, II,N o . 422), an d D all'A ngolo's Calling of th e apostles, pen ­ d a n t to th e T in to rettesq u e A doration of th e Magi (both in th e A cadem y, Venice, cf. M oschini M arconi, Le gallerie, I, Nos. 1 and 388; th e « apostles » as well as th e « m agi » w ear th e garm ents of V enetian S ta te officials). F o r th e D all'A ngelo p ainting, cf. below, p. 218. (1) T he inscription above th e side entrance to th e chapel reads: h o s p i t a l e , s . m a r i a e . c r v c if e r o r RESTAVRATVM . ANNO . DNI . MDLIII. (cf. PI. X C IV e) . (2) I am n o t in th e position to verify th e likely assum ption th a t P alm a’s view of th e room (PL X CIV C) represents th e new tabernacle.

on which were later hung the three Cicogna paintings. As regards the picture of Christ and Doge Zen (PI. XCIVb), it may be noted that its proportions differ, considerably from those of the preparatory drawing in that the relative height of the former is smaller than that of the latter.12

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This may be due to alterations in the projects made even in Da Ponte's time. At any rate it seems likely that at the time of its execution the Zen painting was intended for the place fac­ ing the altar where it still hangs. Owing to the symmetry of the Entombment to the door, the Zen painting could not, even if desired, have been given a strictly axial position with regard to the altar. The placing of the painting opposite the altar suggests a direct connection between the two. Given the specific type of Christ figure represented in the Zen painting, such a connec­ tion, as we shall see, would in fact be obvious. This connection with the altar, extending to the functional and symbolical connotations of the latter, ensured that the pictorial rendering of Christ's glory was linked with a Eucharistic representation of Christ's passion. The arrange­ ment is basically the same in the Pregadi, where two paintings, of the Eucharist and of Christ in glory, respectively, are facing each other. As we shall see presently, this particular icono­ graphy springs from a highly venerable and unbroken medieval tradition. However, before examining this problem generally, we must fora moment turn our attention to another particul­ arity in the Zen painting. The Zen painting is the only one of the historical scenes which includes a holy figure, na­ mely Christ; as we have noticed, he appears without the presence in the picture itself of interced­ ing saints. Since the placing of the painting opposite the altar indicates a connection between them across the chapel room (x), it is natural also to take into account the figure of the Virgin which dominates the ceiling, and to consider this as representing the intercessor. With regard to the saintly intercessor in the Crociferi Chapel, it should be said at once that a representation of such intermediaries is not, of course, a formal necessity, for a specific inter­ cession may be tacitly implied; a full representation, however, is more usual. In the case of the Crociferi Chapel the representation of Mary, to whom the chapel is dedicated, is too prominent not to be associated directly with that of Christ and the Eucharist. As in the Pregadi, the two aspects of Christ - one Eucharistic and one “ in glory " - are revealed in the presence of and to the benefit of representatives of the Venetian republic and its State Church, some of whom are portrayed in historical contexts. In both cases Mary acts as the main intercessor. Three works that are iconographically closely related to them may now be cited to show that the Ve­ netian cases are not isolated. In the destroyed ceiling decorations in the Oratorio del Gonfalone at Vicenza (12), the Coronation of the Virgin and a Christ in glory (PI. LXXXVIIa,b), were in juxtapo­ sition; these representations were of course meant to be seen in liturgical connection with the altar and with the Assumption above it. In other works, corresponding representations of Mary and of Christ were assembled within one painting and placed above an altar. This applies to Moretto's Assumption at Brescia (PL XCVC) (3) and to Fra Bartolomeo's Mater Misericordiae at Lucca (PL XCVd) (4). In the latter painting the figure of Christ has Eucharistic overtones^ (5). The instances given here present striking similarities to the Christ-and-Mary iconography of the Oratorio dei Crociferi and seem to corroborate my interpretation of it. Completing our examination of Palma's representations of Christ in glory, we must con­ clude that they (excepting of course the one in his Last Judgement) are more or less directly connected with Eucharistic concepts. By using the figure in this way he adhered to traditions that can be traced back without a break through the Middle Ages. He was indeed not alone in doing

(1) Indeed, from th e p o in t of view of liturgical relevance, all p a rts of a chapel decoration form a coherent unity. (2) Cf. above, p. 79. (3) P hot. Brogi-A linari 11704.

(4) Photo. A linari 8449.

(5) The inscription, « Misereor super turbam », is a quotation of Mk. 8:2 (the multiplication of the bread and the fishes); cf. above, p. n o , note 1.

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so in the sixteenth century. The Christ in glory was a very widespread type of image, and only by a general survey of its occurrences can we confirm that the “ Pregadi case ” must necessari­ ly be interpreted and considered in the same way as the Eucharistically connected representa­ tions of Christ in glory. The examination I have carried out of the occurrences in the sixteenth century has had to be based on an investigation of the ones in the fifteenth and preceding centuries. The results of this investigation will be briefly stated elsewhere: however, a sum­ mary is given here as a point of departure for a more detailed analysis of characteristic sixteenthcentury cases (1). The following short synopsis of glory theology must suffice as an introduction. “ Glory ” is the sign (Exod. 24:16: “ And the glory of the Lord dwelt upon Sinai”) of divinity or of partici­ pation in divinity, of God’s infinity of perfection revealed in finite manner in his creation: the gloria materialis (as distinguished from a praising of God’s glory rendered by angels and men: gloria for­ malis, of which the liturgical doxologies are examples). The process through which Christ’s human nature (body and soul) attained the condition of glory culminated with the ascension: from then on in his human nature he sits at the right hand of God (Mk. 16 :19): “ O Rex gloriae. Domine virtutum, qui triumphator hodie super omnes caelos ascendisti... ” (antiphon from the Ascension liturgy). A medieval counterpart to the Christ in glory currently under examination, is a representa­ tion of Christ with a codex (open or closed) ; very often this figure, which is frequently rendered as a bust or half-length, is enclosed in a clipeus or medallion. Without substantial changes in the implied theological and liturgical meaning there was a gradual evolution from this arcaic type to a more naturalistic one. The development was exactly parallel in manner, though not in time, to that of the representation of the ascension: the enthroned, hieratically posed Christ carrying a codex had to give place to a more freely moving Christ without symbolic accessories. The Glory image - and also the Ascension, with which it was theologically and liturgically closely re­ lated - in the majority of cases formed an antithesis to a representation of the sacrificed, most often Eucharistic Christ - or it was at least connected -with an altar. It is clear that the Glory image was meant to convey the notion of the praesens Deus. This Presence is relevant in Eucharistic contexts because of the dogma of Christ’s presence concomitantly in the Eu­ charistic species, at the altar as priest, and in his glory with God in heaven as receiver of the offering (the heavenly sacrifice, referred to in the previous chapter), as expressed in liturgical texts: “ Suscipiat Dominus sacrificium de manibus meis ad laudem, et gloriam nominis s u i... ” (Orate, fratres, of the Mass Ordo), the Glorias or doxologies, and the Canon texts referred to above (2) It seems logical, therefore, that when a specific iconography for the decoration of sacrament tabernacles was developed in the fifteenth century, the Glory image should form part of it (3).

(1) Cf. th e sections on th e Glory and th e Sal­ v a to r M undi in m y « T itia n 's T rium ph of F a ith ». (2) P. 102, a n d m y « T itia n 's T rium ph », p a s s im . In th e th irte e n th and, especially, th e fo u rteen th centuries in Ita ly th e im age becam e alm ost a sta n d ard m o tif in th e arch soffits of chapels or of th e to p -stru c­ tu re s of altar-pieces; thus, th e represen tatio n of th e p ra e s e n s D e u s ap p ro p riately cam e to be connected n o t only w ith E ucharistic concepts, b u t also v ery fre­ q u en tly w ith representations in w hich subjects like th e A nnunciation, th e N a tiv ity or th e B ap tism of

C hrist served as idiom s for th e In carn atio n . (Some useful references on th e concept of th e p r a e s e n s D e u s in D aniélou, L e sig n e d u T e m p le ; b u t also some references too m uch u p to d a te for o u r use: « 'J 'a v a is presque to u jo u rs près de lui le se n tim en t d 'u n e p ré ­ sence actuelle de D ieu', éc riv ait Alice O llé-L aprune de son m ari »). (3) On th e tabernacles and th eir iconography, cf. also Caspary, « K u lt un d Aufbewahrung»; id em , D a s S a k ram en tstabern àkel in Ita lie n ; W arnke, I ta lie n ische B ildtabern akel.

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Only two instances can be cited here, but they are particularly worthy of notice in our context, for in both cases the representation of Christ bears a striking resemblance to the " mature ” six­ teenth-century solution. The first and relatively early example is provided by Fra An­ gelico’s tabernacle in Leningrad (PL XCVa,b) (*). The presence on the arch of angels turned in adoration towards the enclosed space reveals that we are confronted with a sacrament tabernacle. On the tympanum Christ presents himself to the onlooker with a directness so sud­ den that the notion, evoked by the Canon of the Mass, that we are standing “ in conspectu Maiestatis tuae ” is transmitted almost physically. The second tabernacle is the one, dated 1477, in Sant’Agostino, Rome (today in the chiostro) (PL XCVIb) (2). Above the receptacle Christ ap­ pears almost in the same manner as in the above-cited case, but he is now a full-length figure; also here angels are adoring the contents of the receptacle. Beneath the figure of Christ there are two angels holding up the chalice-and-host; in this way the antithesis between sacrifice and glory is enhanced (3). It is only natural that the Glory image, once it had been introduced into the iconographical repertoire of the tabernacles, should also be used for Corpus Domini altars and as a central feature in decorations of sacrament chapels. One example of each case may be cited here, namely Rosso Fiorentino’s painting at Città di Castello and Poccetti's frescoes in the sac­ rament chapel in San Marco, Florence. In July 1528 Rosso signed an agreement to paint, among other figures, “ uno Cristo resuscitato e glorioso ” for the altar of the Compagnia del Cor­ pus Domini at Città di Castello (PL XCVIP) (4). While the term glorioso refers to the final glory

(1) In th e H erm itage, No. 1963; 0,94 x 0,40 m; form erly in th e Stroganoff Collection, R om e (cf. Munoz, C ollection S troganoff, II, p. 19, P late s IX X I, from w hich m y reprod. a re taken) ; colour repro­ duction (rather poor) in G ukovski, I ta lija 1 3 8 0 -1 4 5 0 , P la te 6 (facing p. 136). (2) P hot. G FN , D. 4498; d ated MCCCCLXXVII; th e tabernacle, including th e figures, show traces of p a in t; i t is to d a y in th e cloister of Sant*Agostino (ac­ cessible from th e V ia dei Portoghesi). S tatues: tw o pro­ p h ets on th e colum ns an d Sts. A ugustine and Monica (?) in th e niches; g isa n te p o rtra it connected w ith tom b (for th e connection tabem acle-tom b, w hich re­ curs frequently, cf. Caspary, « K ultund Aufbewahrung», p. 116). A n approxim ately contem porary tabernacle of sim ilar iconography is in S an ta F rancesca R o­ m ana, R om e (Phot. A linari 27834); th e p a in t is pre­ served (probably b y restorations) an d th e h o st shows th e usual G olgotha scene; according to a n inscription on th e m odern tabernacle door, th e tabernacle a t one tim e w as used for th e H oly Oil - a t any ra te th e ico­ nography of b o th kinds of tabernacles w as generally th e sam e (cf. th e oil tabernacles w ith chalice and h o st in S. A ndrea, Mommio, Massarossa, and Cam aiore; cf. also Caspar, « K u lt u n d A ufbew ahrung », p. 113, n o te 42); th e sta tu e tte s on th e colum ns show th e A nnunciation (the concepts of th e In ca rn a tio n an d th e E u ch a rist and th e other sacram ents w ere closely connected). T he tw o tabernacles m entioned here as w ell as m any others co n tain a rep resen tatio n of th e H oly S pirit; this w as a reference to th e prer

US

sence of th e H oly S p irit in th e C hurch in general (cf. above, pp. 75 f.) an d a t Mass especially: ex­ pressed th u s in th e C anon of th e Mass: « P e r ipsum , e t cum ipso, e t in ipso, est tib i Deo P a tri om nipotenti, in u n ita te S piritus Sancti, om nis honor, e t gloria » (cf. Jungm ann, M is s a r u m S o lle m n ia ,

ii ,

pp. 329 f.).

(3) T he strik in g form al affinities betw een these C hrist figures an d th e «m odernized» C hrist figure in th e representations of th e ascension is n o t incidental. In accordance w ith a p articu la r conception of th e ascension (based, am ong other, on Mt. 28:20; cf. G utberlet, D ie H im m elfa h rt, pp. 220 ff.), th e ev en t w as considered a proof th a t C hrist w ould rem ain am ong his own, nam ely th e Church, « usque ad con­ sum m ationem saeculi»; th e Ascension is, therefore, a fairly freq u en t im age to be seen in E u ch aristic con­ te x ts w here it occupies th e sam e position as does th e glory image (examples: sacram en t a lta r of San Gio­ v anni in L aterano, Rom e; cf. R aspono, D e B a s ilic a , pp. 32, 58 ff.; an d th e chapel of th e Com pagnia del Sacram ento a t S an ti Apostoli, Venice, w ith th e cen­ tra l ceiling p ain tin g showing th e Ascension; cf. Ridolfi. L e m a ra v ig lie , II, p. 212). Cf. also m y « T itia n 's T riu m p h of F a ith », p a s s im . (4) P h o t. A linari 5348; co n tra ct of Ju ly i, 1528: « E l prefato meser. Rosso depentore predicto, p ro ­ m e tte a tu tte sue spese de pescione de casa e de le tti e de colori e de tu c te 1-altre spese al vivere suo ne­ cessarie e de tu c to quello che bisogniasse; e p ro m ette fare bona suficiente, laudabile opera, come a bono

of which the resurrection was the beginning and the ascension the consummation, the term resu­ scitato must have been chosen in order to emphasise that the glory should not, as was frequent­ ly the case, be given the aspect of a suffering Christ accompanied by the symbols of the passion, but rather of an unambiguously triumphant Christ (*). The result, in fact, was a figure of the kind with which we have by now become familiar. Placed above the altar, this painting de­ monstrates unmistakably the antithesis between sacrifice and glory. We shall now turn briefly to Poccetti's decorations in the sacrament chapel in San Marco, Florence (2). These are of a very complex iconography and may be regarded as the culmination in religious art of post-Tridentine pedantry. The lack of fresh ideas may be compensated, as here, by lexicographical com­ pleteness, and to those provided with exceptionally good eyes and a considerable amount of pati­ ence the frescoes and inscriptions on walls and ceiling will offer a comprehensive survey of Eucharis­ tic theology. The ceiling-picture which immediately catches the eye - no doubt this is what was intended - is the octagonal painting (PL XCVP) of Christ in glory in the centre. Clad in a white tunic and a white-and-gold mantle and holding the virga (3) in his right hand, Christ ap­ pears among clouds (barely visible on a photograph) (4) and angels; his wounds are not depicted. Above his head are inscribed the words, ego svm panis vivvs (Jn. 6 : 41). This painting forms the logical counterpart to the altar with its tabernacle and with its painting showing, appropriately, the Communion of the Apostles, with the inscription, qvod pro vobis tradetvr (i. Cor. i i : 24), on the frame. In the sixteenth century the expansion of the Christological iconography under examina­ tion was apparently accelerated as a result of the theological controversies of the period. It was important for Catholic theologians and liturgists such as Eck and Bellarmine to prove, against Protestant contentions, the validity of the dogma of Christ's Real Presence in the sacramental bread and wine, and further that this presence did not prevent the simultaneous existence in heaven of Christ in his glory (5). One way of giving visual emphasis to this doctrine was to represent a Christ in glory above an altar, thereby demonstrating the correct perspective in which the Real Presence ought to be seen. The dispute, however, also included the role of the saints, and the Catholics had to defend the position of these elect of Christ. It is thus noteworthy that the image of Christ in glory should also have been extensively used - as was the very closely related image of the “ interven-

e suficiente depentore, come meglio p o terà e saperà, con la figura de uno Cristo resuscitato e glorioso con la figura de la N o stra D onna, et con la figura de S an cta A nna, con la figura de S ancta M aria M adalena, con la figura de S ancta M aria E m p tian a, e de basso, in d ieta tavola, più e t diverse figure che denotino, representino el populo, con quelli Angeli che a lui p a­ re rà de a c o m o d a re .. . » (Graziani, L ’arte a C ittà d i C astello , pp. 339 1). (1) T h a t th e heavenly glory w as envisaged b y those w ho drew up th e com mission emerges from th e specification th a t C hrist an d th e four holy w om en should be represented in th e u p p er zone of th e p a in t­ ing (after th e m ention of C hrist an d these women, th e te x t indicates w h a t is to be represented « de basso »).

(2) PI. X CV Ic: p h o t. A linari, 31105; to th e b est of m y knowledge, th e iconographical program m e of th is chapel has never been exam ined. (3) « V irga significat regnum Dei » (St. A ugu­ stine, Serm o V i l i de decem p la g i s : = P L , 38, col. 67) ; « u t insignia m ag istratu s ac p rin cip atu s » (Car­ dinal Caietanus, cit. E ttlin g er, S is tin e C h apel, p. 73). (4) On photographs th e cloud b en eath C hrist’s feet m ay seem to be a spherical shape; this is m erely accidental (all clouds are of th e sam e greyish colour). (5) F or Eck, cf. Iserloh, D ie E u ch a ristie, pp. 300 ff.; for Bellarm ine, cf. D e co n troversiis, I I I , cols. 403 if., 466 f., 511 ff., 557; cf. also th e T ridentine D ecre­ tu m de ss. E u c h a ristia of 1551 (Denzinger-Schònm etzer, E n c h irid io n , No. 1636); Jedin, K o n z il, I I I , pp. 32 ff., 268 if.

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ing '' Christ discussed in a previous chapter (x) - in contexts where a saint was the main pro­ tagonist and where the general character of his life, a particular episode or his role as intercessor was represented. A few characteristic examples may be briefly considered. A late fifteenth-century representation, namely Pinturicchio's fresco on the altar-wall in the San Bernardino chapel in the Aracoeli, Rome (PI. XCVIP) (12), provides a convenient point of departure. Christ appears in a mandorla of light and is surrounded by angels; he is bestow­ ing his benediction upon those present in the chapel. His body is in part uncovered; blood is pouring from the flank, while rays of light are radiating from the wounds in the feet. St. Bernardine, who is standing below him, holds a tablet with the inscription: " Pater, manifestavi nomen tuum hominibus '' (Jn. 17 : 6). The physical appearance of Christ and also the inscription underline the oneness of divinity and humanity in Christ. The event depicted is the glorifica­ tion of the saint: as reward for his achievements (the inscription also alludes to these) (3), he receives the crown in the presence of Christ. The subject of Sodoma's fresco in San Domenico, Siena (PI. XCb) (4), is St. Catherine of Siena receiving the stigmata. In this fresco Christ ap­ pears to the saint in essentially the same manner as he did to St. Bernardine. A similar appear­ ance is made by Christ at the " Conception ” of the Baptist in Tibaldi's altar-piece in San Gia­ como Maggiore, Bologna (5), and at St. Gregory the Great's plague procession as represent­ ed in Zuccari's two versions of the subject (6), and finally in Poccetti's fresco in the Certosa di Galuzzo, Florence, which fixes on the very moment when the soul of St. Bruno takes leave of the body (7). In other cases the role of the saint may be that of the intercessor on behalf of a city or of particular persons. This applies hardly to pictures of St. Vincent Ferrer's preaching on judgement (8), but to paintings as the following: Giulio Romano's and Orazio Sammàchini's pictures of the Deesis with additional saints (9) ; Giolfino's altar-piece of 1520 in Sant'Anastasia, Verona (PI. XCVIIb) (10), which also contains sacramental references (n); Annibale Carracci's (1) On th e « intervening » Christ, cf. above, pp. 93 f. The appearance of C hrist in glory to his saints gains in im portance as a pictorial subject from th e middle of th e fo urteenth century, p robably under influence of th e controversy afte r 1331 over th e « v i­ sio beatifica » (Seppelt, G eschichte dev P a p s te , IV, pp. 115 f.) and th e definition of th e beatific vision in th e co n stitu tio n B en e d ic iu s D e u s (1336) (Denzinger-Schônm etzer, E n c h irid io n , 1000-1001). (2) P hot. GFN. (3) Since th e saint, as is know n, used to exhibit a ta b le t w ith th e letters JH S , he literally « m anifesta­ v it nom en ». Cf. m y notes on th e glorification of hum an beings in m y « T itia n 's T rium ph of F a ith » , IV, 2. (4) P hot. A linari 9391; th e fresco is beside the a lta r in th e Cappella S an ta C aterina. (5) Cf. B riganti, I l M a n ie ris m o , Fig. 137. (6) T he pain tin g in th e S a n ta M aria del B a r a c ­ cano, Bologna, is d ated 1580; it represents th e pro ­ cession of Pope G regory th e G reat during th e great plague in Rom e; th ere are tw o p rep a ra to ry draw ings and corresponding engravings th a t show tw o slightly different versions: A. Drawing, Munich, G raphische Sammlung, Inv. No. 1949, 29, and engraving by A. Caprioli, V ienna, A lbertina (full-length Christ, w ith b o th hands raised); B. Drawing, Vienna, A lbertina,

No. R. 279 a, Inv. 2258; engraving, sam e collection (lower p o rtio n of C hrist’s bod y concealed b y clouds; in th is draw ing he raises his rig h t h an d and lowers his left; in th e engraving he raises both). (7) P h o t. A linari 4524. (8) See, for instance, Jacopo del Meglio’s a ltar p ain tin g in S an ta M aria Novella, Florence (Phot. A linari 31086) an d th e anonym ous p ain tin g (late six teen th cen tu ry or early seventeenth) in S an ta M aria sopra M inerva, R om e (Phot. GFN, E. 38952; cf. Mâle, A p r è s T ren te, p. 475). (9) P hots. A nderson 10640 an d A linari 37688, respectively. On Sam m acchini, cf. also F riedlânder, M a n n e rism , pp. 64 f. (10) P h o t. A linari 18840; cf. Fiocco, «L ’altare». (11) T he tw o intercessors for th e p o rtray ed p er­ sons are Sts. E rasm us an d George; th e la tte r points tow ards C hrist and exclaims: q v i d b o n o r e t r i b v a D N o. This is p a r t of a q u o ta tio n from Ps. 115 w hich h ad been ad o p ted in th e Canon of th e M ass (Priest Communion) : « . . . Quid retrib u am D o­ mino pro om nibus quae re trib u it mihi? Calicem sa lu ta­ ris accipiam e t nom en D om ini in v o c a b o .. . »; an d in th e D om inican O ffertorium (St. A n astasia is a Dom. church), Q u id retrib u a m preceded th e calicem sa lu ta ris, cf. Ju ngm ann, M is s a r u m S o llem n ia , I I, pp. 69, 438.

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painting portraying Odoardo Farnese, in the Pitti Gallery (PL XCVIId) (*), and finally, Fran­ cesco Vanni’s (?) painting iti the Chiesa di Fontegiusta, Siena (2). The two last-mentioned pictures show in the background, respectively, St. Peter’s in Rome (with which Cardinal Far­ nese was connected) and the City of Siena, that is, two topographical sites of particular re­ levance in the intercession context. There are obviously striking affinities between these motifs and those in Palma’s Padua and Pregadi paintings (Pis. XCIVa; XXXIV), where, besides the depicted persons, the cities of Padua and Venice are the beneficiaries of the intercession. The case of the Crociferi cycle is clearly parallel; here the beneficiaries of the intercession are the doge and other State officials as well as representatives of the people, who may be taken to represent " ah Venice ”. Thus, the iconography of Palma’s Pregadi painting may be explained by pointing to the in­ terceding role of the two depicted city patrons, the Virgin Mary and St. Mark. However, the picture’s position in the Pregadi makes this explanation in some way incomplete. For the mar­ kedly liturgical arrangement with the Engelpietà (PI. XXXII) on the tribune wall and the Christ in glory (PI. XXXIV) on the opposite wall is all too striking to escape attention. This relationship must have been particularly strongly felt in the sixteenth century, when it reflected an iconographie tradition, which for centuries had connected the concepts of the Eucharist and the Glory. The pictorial decoration of the entrance and tribune walls of the Pregadi must have inspired in all contemporaries a consciousness of this relationship. The makers of the projects for such an arrangement must have foreseen this effect on the onlookers and calculated with it. Thus the new Priuli painting, by accident or design came to preserve one characteristic feature of Parrasio’s original Lorenzo Priuli painting: an ecclesiological symbolism - represented in the latter case by the “ temple ” with the Holy Spirit above it (3).

F. S u m m a r y In the preceding chapters I have analysed the salient features in the religious pictures on the tribune walls, as well as in others related directly to them. In each case I have tried to uncover their historical background as found in the Christian iconographical tradition, theology and when relevant at all - liturgy. We should by now be ready to consider the pictures as functional elements in the government assembly rooms, that is to say, in their political context. A normal way to start such an investi­ gation would be to look for historical antecedents that might provide illuminating analogies. This approach proved quite useful concerning the Mariological iconography, and we could do away with some problems already in the introductory research: it would be very near the truth to say that a ready-made Mariology of Communes had been transferred to Venice and renewed after 1577. The Christological iconography, on the other hand, is of considerable complexity, and the Mariological iconography after 1577 is, so to speak, interpolated into its system. It is the specific organization of the theological images, rather than the images by themselves,

(1) Cf. F riedlander, Mannerism, pp. 63 ff. (2) P hot. A nderson 21715. (3) F o r P arra sio ’s painting, cf. above, p. 35;

for th e H oly S pirit an d th e Church, cf. above, pp. 75 f.

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that calls for an explanation (representations of Christ in a political context were not uncom­ mon) (*). The two rooms serving the largest assembly and the formal holder of sovereignty are domi­ nated by an eschatological iconography which we are used to find in chapels and churches: a juxtaposition of Last Judgement and Paradise. The meeting room of the real possessor of go­ vernment power, namely the Pregadi, presents pictorial features of a distinctly liturgical, and therefore ecclesiastical character. We cannot hope to understand such a system of decoration unless we try to assess its ideo­ logical background and its immediate functional context. That is to say, we shall have to make ourselves familiar with the constitutional, political and symbolic traditions that may have in­ fluenced the Palace programme, and we shall finally have to investigate the entire pictorial pat­ tern in the halls under examination.

(i) T he closest preceding exam ple of an adopexplained th e m o tiv atio n : « Jesu s C hristus rex flo­ tio n of C hristological iconography for a council ren tin i populi s. p. decreto electus » (cf. Lenzi, P a hall, w as th e sta tu e of C hrist placed above th e tri- lazzo Vecchio, pp. 109 f.; cf. also W ilde, «T h e hall», b u n e in th e G reat H all in th e Palazzo Vecchio a t passim). Florence : an inscription on th e exterio r of th e P alace 19

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PART III

Constitution and political ideas

A. T he

structure of the

V enetian

government in the sixteenth century

In order to understand the constitution of the Venetian republic in the sixteenth century and its machinery of government (which had not undergone any noticeable modifications since the early fourteenth century), it is necessary to discard traditional political notions of the “ pyrami­ dal structure ” of government or of “ the division of legislative, executive and judicial powers The latter concept, in particular, is entirely irrelevant. Nor can any direct comparison with the governmental structures of other countries provide much help in making out the Venetian sy­ stem; not even the comparison, which has been ventured occasionally, with the constitutional monarchy of England (which was, after all, hereditary). The Venetian government and administration were made up of a series of councils and lesser bodies; one might imagine that the Venetians had taken to heart Proverbs n : 14: “ salus au­ tem ubi multa consilia Should we, however, require a theoretical definition of the character of each of these bodies and of their interrelationships, I know of no better course to adopt than the theologians' method of explaining the Holy Trinity. For like the “ Persons ” of the Trinity, these bodies are from certain view-points almost indistinguishable from one another, whereas from other points of view they seem to stand out separate and distinct. And in this respect at least one comparison (admittedly of limited usefulness) can be made with Elizabethan England. According to Neale, the M.P., " Arthur H a ll... scornfully alluded to the Lower House as a new person in the Trinity. He was a better historian than he or his fellows realized. In place of the simple medieval conception of a High Court of Parliament, these men were formulating a mystical creed, which might be expressed as follows: the House of Lords is a court; the House of Commons is a court; and yet there are not two courts but one court, the High Court of Par­ liament ” (x). Even a quick glance at the governmental structure of Venice gives an indication of its com­ plexity and lends credit to De la Houssaie's contention, that " La seconde Cause de leur ruine, est la lenteur de leur Délibérations ” (2). The sovereign body was the Great Council [Maggior Consiglio), which carried out most of the legislative business and which elected (directly or indi­ rectly) the sixty Pregadi (or Rogati, " invited ”), the Zonta [aggiunta = addition), certain other magistrates, the Quarantia Criminal (a commission of forty members), the Doge, the six Consi-

(1) Neale, E liza b eth I a n d her p a rlia m e n ts, I, p. zion e ; B esta, I l s e n a to , H ain, D e r D o g e , Cecchetti, 19. T he following description of th e V enetian conI l doge, an d to a sm all e x te n t on m an u scrip t sources, stitu tio n is m ainly based upon M aranini, L a costitu(2) De la H oussaie, H isto ire , p. 332.120

120

glieri and the Nove (nine members of the Council of Ten). All the above - excepting the Great Council itself - together constituted the Senate, which was often termed II Pregali after the sixty pregali (or it was called Concilium rogatorum). The doge and his six councillors formed the Minor Consiglio and the doge and these six coun­ cillor together with the Tre Capi dei Quaranta formed the Signoria. The doge together with the councillors and the Nove formed the Consiglio dei Dieci, the Council of Ten (which, in spite of its name, counted sixteen members). The Signoria together with the Consulta (three Senate com­ missions of savi, cf. below) formed the Pien [ = complete] Collegio (cf. Fig. 3). The G R E A T

C O U N C I L elects:

- A 60 pregadi

zo n ta

aggregated offices

-

q u a ra n tia crim inale

DOGE 3 capi dei 40

m inor

SIGNORIA

6 councillors

IX

consiglio COUNCIL

OF

TEN

j

Y SEN A T E or P R E G A D I

i'. ... I

I

savi del . . . di . . . agli consiglio terraferm a ordini consulta PIEN

COLLEGIO

Fig. 3. - D iagram of V enetian governm ent system (after M aranini).

I. The Great Council

This assembly was technically the ultimate source of sovereignty (*), and all the other legis­ lative, political, judicial and administrative bodies of State were commissions appointed by the Great Council. This is the formal aspect; in practice things were less simple. De facto very con­ siderable power was excercised by the Senate and, until 1582, also by the Council of Ten. Al­ though to some degree an over-simplification, it may be said that during the Middle Ages up to the end of the thirteenth century the Great Council was a broad representative body which was potentially also a popular assembly. After this period it became a closed assembly of the Venetian optimates (to describe them as aristocracy would be somewhat misleading). In fact, the optimates had long dominated the State; they were conscious of being a well-knit social class, steeped in their own Klassenbewusstsein. The feeling of the Venetian upper class of being a homogeneous social and political entity was based on solid fact. They lived closely together (1) M aranini, La costituzione, I, pp, 207 fï.; II. pp. 35 ff.; cf. also H ac k ert, Die Staatsschrift, pp. 25 fif.

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in one city, their sources of income were very similar, and wealth seems to have been fairly evenly distributed among them. This much may, admittedly, have been true of many com­ munities on a smaller scale. What made the Venetian socio-political structure unique was that the ruling class, though regarding themselves and behaving as an upper class, were accustomed to operating politically and administratively within a body of government that functioned al­ most like a popular assembly, and which was part of a State machinery that by means of innu­ merable regulations had become secured against any constitutionally perilous ascendancy of single persons or cliques. Any potentially disruptive pursuit of individual or group ambition would prove unprofitable, or indeed impossible (x), under the State system as it had gradually developed. In fact, one of the most important safeguards was the short duration of any per­ son's term of office (only the doge and the procuratori di San Marco were elected for life). This system was not, of course, proof against personal rivalries and the forming of cliques around other issues than simply constitutional ones. Moreover, major conflicts could occasionally break out between two councils, as happened, for instance, between the Senate and the Council of Ten just before 1582. It would be interesting to know to what degree the formation of personal clientèles played a role in these tussles. Secondly it must be clear that despite its constrictions, the system provided an acceptable frame for the pursuit of personal wealth and honours and also of political influence, so long as this did not affect constitutional issues. The role of persons often becomes evident when we are concerned with the doges. A short description of the famous Serrata del Maggior Consiglio of ca. 1300 will provide the reader with an idea of the role of the ruling class in Venice. The serrata (closing, shutting-off) consisted in a series of enactments passed during the period from 1296 to 1319 (12). Their effect was to restrict eligibility to the major State assembly for the following political considerations: only at the very source of power, in the Great Council, would it be possible for intruders to create a situation that might be perilous for the common hegemony of the optimates. And theoreti­ cally a group of optimates (say, a group of interrelated families) might, if sufficiently nume­ rous, engineer the election to the sovereign assembly of such a great number of their own adhe­ rents as to achieve virtual dominion of the State. This possibility was ruled out by the serrata. Eligibility to the Great Council (and thereby to all State councils and bodies) was now limit­ ed to men above 25 years of age who belonged to families who held already a position within the ruling class by having or having had members elected to the Great Council. To all appearances, a sharp line had now been drawn between those who were optimates and those who were not. But, as always in such cases, the situation was not as simple as it might seem. For one thing, nume­ rous lawsuits were brought by families with claims to have had seats in the assembly in a more or less obscure past. Also, the serrata did not completely block the infusion of “ fresh blood ” (3). Because of its size, the Great Council could not of course operate as the organ of govern­ ment in the sense that it could take the day-to-day policy decisions. By 1493 it counted

(1) Cf. for exam ple th e laws against cum ulation of offices in single persons, M aranini, La costituzione, II, p. 121. (2) F o r detailed description, see M aranini, La costituzione, I, pp. 332 ffi, II, pp. 35ft. (3) E nnoblem ent an d ensuing m em bership of th e G reat Council m ight be g ranted in recognition of p a r­ ticu lar m erits, including th a t of m aking g reat finan­ cial contributions to th e S tate; M aranini, La costi­

122

tuzione, II, pp. 35-56, should be consulted for d etails of th is process, w hich often involved dubious in te r­ p reta tio n an d application of law. T he g rea t C ontarm i of th e Genoese w ar w as a first-generation m em ber of such a gente nuova ; th e p ictu re an d inscription com m em orating him on th e w all facing th e trib u n e of th e M aggior Consiglio were a p erp etu al rem inder of th is (cf. below, p. 223).

some 2600 members and in the early seventeenth century close on 3000 (1). In fact, the Servata despite its name had brought about a considerable increase in the number of Great Council mem­ bers, and, as has been pointed out by Maranini, the Council “ was no longer an assembly constitut­ ed directly or indirectly through elections, like a selected minority; it was a gathering of all the adult optimates [M. says pleonastically: “ adunanza generale di tutti i nobili... ”], almost a concio of the optimates ” (2). Its quorum was 600 (3). Although it delegated many of the legislative powers to other organs (mainly the Senate), the Great Council never ceased to be regarded, fundamentally, as the sovereign body of the State. We must now consider briefly its most characteristic functions. The Great Council distributed, through election among its own members, all the more important State appointments and offices, including that of the doge and of the gran cancelliere (4). It conserved the right, though not always excercising it, to control all legislative business (5). In its capacity as sovereign organ, the Great Council was, theoretically, also the final court, though it had long ceased to function as such (6). But since 1458 the Great Council had reserved for itself exclusively one important prerogative: to interpret and, if necessary, modify the, promissione ducale (7). As regards the important question concerning the relations between the Great Council and the other councils and organs, it should be borne in mind that all members of the other assem­ blies were also members of the Great Council. This circumstance contributed to harmonizing the relationship. An adult optimate was a life-member of the Great Council, whereas his spe­ cial appointment to an office (excepting that of doge or procuratore di San Marco) lasted for only one or two years. In spite of this quick rotation in the offices, however, some of the organs, and in particular the Council of Ten and the Senate, proved able to conduct for long periods a policy of their own towards the other organs of State. This would seem to indicate that the persons elected to an office soon identified themselves with the office they held. They were al­ lowed to retain the office for the full term even if they had identified themselves with a policy that was ultimately rejected (8). 2. The Senate The next largest State body was the Senate. Its original nucleus had been made up of the sixty pregadi or rogati (so called because they were requested individually to come to the meetings). Much earlier than the period we are concerned with here the members of various (1) M aranini, L a co stitu zio n e , II, p. 79 f. Of th e 3000, however, « in p ra tic a frequentavano le sedute al più 1300, e in casi di speciale rilievo, fino a 1600 ». (2) Loc. cit. (3) Op. cit., II, p. 103. (4) M aranini, L a c o stitu zio n e , l i , pp. 83, 88, 91. (5) Op. cit., II, pp. 83 ff., 98 fi., 206. Gene­ rally th e G reat Council did n o t assert its rights in order to bring ab o u t political changes b u t ra th e r to preserve th e in te g rity of th e S tate as a whole from possible usurpations on th e p a r t of p articu la r organs, especially th e Council of T en and th e S enate; cf. M aranini, L a co stitu zio n e , II, pp. 85 f. cf. below p. 126. (6) M aranini, L a costitu zion e, II, p. 91.

(7) In th e in tro d u ctio n to th e en actm ent, it is stated , am ong o th er things: « . . . Quod a modico tem pore citra istu d consilium [i. e. th e G reat Council] cum additione se im pedivit de Prom issione ducatu s nostri, e t de contentis in illa, co n tra illud quod ipsum consilium pro solita et a n tiq u a sua lib e rtate facere p o te ra t e t debebat, et in fu tu ru m se im pedire posset cum m axim o scandalo e t periculo sta tu s nri [nostri], e t consilium istu d creatum fu erit non ad concitanda scandala, sed ad sedandum e t providendum quod non sequantur, e t pro quieto e t evidenti bono sta tu s nri, m ultis respectibus satis notis, ad hoc providere d e b e m u s... » (Maranini, L a costitu zion e, II, pp. 418 f.) (8) M aranini, L a costitu zion e, II, p. 97.

other bodies had been added to the pregadi, but this name continued to be used for the whole as­ sembly (usually in the plural with the article in the singular: II Pregadi, an expression deriving from the name II conseglio di pregadi). One organ integrated with it was the Zonta « aggiunta = addition) which counted sixty members. They were originally to be entrusted with affairs of particular gravity, but during the period considered here they had long since merged com­ pletely with the original sixty Pregadi (1). Another important addition to the Pregadi was the Quarantia ( = of forty members). They had been delegated by the Great Council with ordi­ nary criminal and civil jurisdiction. This body soon developed into there branches, the Qua­ rantia criminal and the Quarantia civil vecchia and nuova (2). The last addition to the Pregadi (apart from some minor magistratures) was the Consiglio dei Dieci, the Council of Ten, which acted as the State's security police and supreme supervisor of the constitutionality of enactments, laws and elections (3). It is significant that until the reform completed in 1582 (4), the Senate did not have access to the secrets of State guarded by the Council of Ten. This council made use of its position to pursue policies of its own especially as regards foreign questions and in cer­ tain respects it may be looked upon as the CIA of Venice. The various organs that in conjunction with the Pregadi and the Zonta formed the Senate by no means lost their individuality in the aggregate. Only in the case of the Zonta can one speak of a real merger; the other integrated organs continued to operate also as separate entities. And the deliberative and voting faculties of the Senate members differed according to the sub­ sidiary organ of which they were members (5). Yet, if we disregard the details of procedure and look at the Constitution as a whole, we will observe that the Senate constituted a single assembly, which was generally held to be the sup­ reme organ of government; the members of the various government bodies were therefore usually styled senatori (6). In 1413 and 1427 enactments that effected the abolition of the old Council of Hundred and the merger of the Zonta with the Pregadi were passed " ut observemus mores nostro­ rum progenitorum de tenendo consilium rogatorum in culmine ", and with the rather unhistorical claim that “ ab origine urbis " the senate's position had been always “ solemne " and that in it “ omnia facta Venetiarum postea conclusa fuere " (7). In the sixteenth century the num­ ber of special magistratures attached to the Senate was considerable (8), the amount of business increased steadily and with the reform of 1582 which restricted radically and definitively the political activities of the Council of Ten, its power reached its zenith. Not the least of these devel­ opments was the transfer in the same year from the Council of Ten of the Governo della Zecca (the administration of the Mint and of the State Treasury) (9). In the same year, two impor­ tant organs that had been created by the Council of Ten were transferred to the Senate: one com­ mission entrusted with the collection of taxes from the overseas territories and with the inspec­ tion of the accounts of the magistratures in the cities and counties, and another commission that was to supervise and control the currency in circulation (10). Finally, the avvisi secretis-

(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) e. g. (7)

Op. cit., II, pp. 149 f. Op. cit., II, pp. 133 ff., 144 ff. Op. cit., II, pp. 148 f. Cf. below. M aranini, L a costitu zion e, II, pp. 162 ff. This emerges from th e w ritings of th e period, th e speeches referred to below, pp. 139 ff. M aranini, L a costitu zion e, II, pp. 142 ff. ;

cf. H ac k ert, D ie S ta a tssc h v ift, pp. 33 ff. (8) T he enum eration (Maranini, L a costitu zion e, II, pp. 182-7) of th e m ost im p o rta n t special offices th a t came w ithin th e S en ate’s com petence, gives an idea of th e volum e of th is council’s business; th e reader is referred to th e cited te x t. (9) M aranini, L a costitu zion e, II, p. 185. (10) Op. cit., II, p. 184.

sitili of the Council of Ten were made accessible to the Senate (x), and thus the Council of Ten was forced to surrender a hitherto impregnable political stronghold. This reform of 1582 was the culmination of a process which started at a much earlier date (12). The issues that came within the competence of the Senate were of course decided upon in the Senate, but such issues had first of all to be examined by the Pien Collegio (3). A survey of the Senate's functions is a sine qua non for our appreciation of its role. A num­ ber of them can be classified as distributive. Through the appointment of many subcommissions it came to exert a strong indirect influence on the various branches of the administration (4). Through appointment of the Savi (5) the Senate influenced the Signoria, often decisively. The Pregadi had long held special competence in the matter of relations with foreign States and the overseas territories of the Venetian republic. By virtue of this, the Senate appointed the ambassadors to Rome, Spain, France, Austria, England, Savoy, Milan, Mantua, Florence, Naples, the Swiss Confederation, Aleppo and Cairo as wells as to many other places of lesser importance. The Senate also invested the governors of various Venetian provinces and towns. Furthermore the Senate controlled the senior military offices. Also with the Senate rested the appointment of the professors at the Studio of Padua and - what was extremely important - the election of the patriarch of Venice and of the bishops and prelates in the domain of the republic (6). It can be said that in one way or another the Senate performed all the functions of go­ vernment except the main legislation (prerogative of the Great Council). Regarding legislation, the Senate prepared in detail the decrees to be voted in the Great Council or, if delegated to do so by the Great Council, enacted the legislation itself. In practice the deliberations of the wide­ ly competent Senate with all its specialized commissions were often confirmed almost auto­ matically by the sovereign assembly, which was of course not as well informed on the particu­ lar issues (7). (1) Op. cit., II, p. 356. U n til 1582, th e Council of T en com peted heavily for m any of th e com pe­ tences and prerogatives of th e Senate on th e ground th a t business calling for p articu la r secrecy pertained to th e Council of Ten: secrecy m ight be claim ed for alm ost any m a tte r (cf. M aranini, L a co stitu zio n e , II, pp. 200 1, 214 1). (2) T he quarrels betw een th e S enate on th e one h an d and th e re st of th e councils on th e oth er (first the G reat Council, th e n th e Collegio and finally, u n til 1582, th e Council of Ten) are described b y B esta, I l sen ato , pp. 139-51. T he controversy betw een the S enate and th e G reat Council lasted u n til th e early seventeenth century. T he q u arrel w ith th e Collegio was in reality a q u arrel w ith th e Savi, who tended to identify them selves w ith th e Signoria n o tw ith stan d ­ ing th e fact th a t th e y represented th e S enate (cf. below, p. 128). T he Senate's relations w ith th e Coun­ cil of T en took th e form of a continuous struggle th a t reached its climax, and ended, in 1582, «allorché u n a vera rivoluzione minacciò la v ita stessa del consiglio dei dieci » (B esta). T he issue th a t finally caused th e situ atio n to explode, was th e cession of N auplia to th e T urks b y th e Council of Ten in '82 ag ain st th e advice of th e Senate. T he enactm ent th a t b ro u ght ab o u t th e reform of th e Council of T en was

passed in D ecem ber 1582 (quoted b y B esta, op. cit., p. 146, n o te 5); several am endm ents were to follow. Cf. also K retschm ayr, G eschichte , I II , p. 96. (3) Cf. below, p. 128. (4) M aranini, L a costitu zion e, II, p. 195. (5) Cf. below, p. 128. (6) M aranini, L a costitu zion e, II, pp. 195 f.; on th e S enate's influence on o th er appointm ents, cf. M aranini, II, p. 197, w ith bibliography. (7) Op. cit., II, pp. 199 ff. « Il senato era e ri­ m ase l'in te rp rete fedele e sollecito dello spirito poli­ tico veneziano, che sem pre riconobbe se stesso nella opera di quella sapiente assemblea, sostenendola efficacemente, con secolare coerenza, ogni v o lta che l'o p era di altri consigli, resi potentissim i d a speciali circostanze, p arv e sm inuirne il prestigio » (Maranini, II, p. 203). Cf. ibid., pp. 82 f.: «A vvenne p er con­ seguenza che, in p a rte in seguito a form ale delega­ zione, in p a rte p er consuetudine, e con il ta cito as­ senso del consiglio maggiore, . . . il s e n a to .. . inco­ minciò ad allargare il cam po della sua azione d ire tta e definitiva, in tervenendo con crescente in te n sità in tu tti i cam pi della legislazione, con p a rti alle quali si riconosceva efficacia come se fossero s ta te v o ta te dal m aggior consiglio » (parte = bill).

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The Senate laid down the policy concerning commerce and navigation, it controlled the State salt works, the salaries for State offices, the monetary and taxation policy, the banks, and State expenditure in general, it directed the public works (as in the cases of the redecoration of the Doge's Palace and the construction of the Redentore church), and it was entrusted with the im­ portant and delicate task of administering the ecclesiastical benefices; it decided on the appoint­ ment of governors and magistrates in the provinces and excercised control over military affairs; the Senate also saw to the necessary amendments of criminal law (subject to the special appro­ val of the Great Council). The chief judicial functions of the State (this excluded matters per­ taining to political crimes and questions of State security connected with these which were placed within the competence of the Council of Ten) were carried out by the Senate once the Quarantia had merged with it (1). The Senate exclusively maintained direct contact with foreign powers, among these the papacy; and it was also the Senate which invited foreign State visitors (who were, however, never received in the Pregadi). It was furthermore the Senate which decided upon all questions (excepting their purely legal side) concerning the extremely important and almost always highly controversial relations between the republic and the papacy (2). This brief survey will suffice to demonstrate the pertinence of the definition of the Senate in an enactment of 1485 as “ index et arbiter deliberationum pacis et belli et aliarum rerum importantissimarum concernentium bonum, honorem, conservationem et incrementum rerum sta­ tus nostri '' (3). And likewise understandable is the motivation of an enactment of 1582 passed by the Great Council: “ Che il fatto riguardante l'Ambasc.r del Ré Xmô [the Most Christian King's ambassador], come materia di Stato sia deciso, e terminato dal Senato " (italics mine) (4).

3. The Signoria and Pien Collegio The Signoria was the supreme representative of the republic. It furthermore acted as presid­ ing committee at the meetings of all the other political councils (cf. Fig. 3) and when enlarg­ ed by the addition of the Savi to become the Pien Collegio, it acted as the executive council of government. The Signoria, we recall, was elected by the Great Council and it consisted of the doge (its president), the six councillors and the three capi di Quarantia (5). Each of the council­ lors represented and was obliged to reside in one of the six sestieri in which the city of Venice was subdivided for administrative purposes: San Marco, Castello, Cannaregio, San Polo, Santa Croce and Dorsoduro (6). This may seem a surprisingly parochial touch for a great republic's cent­ ral government, but it should be noted that it was deliberate policy that the city of Venice should retain full control of the republic - lest the story of the Roman empire should repeat itself. Indeed, the ruling class of optimates always retained their character of a city patriciate. It is also significant that the Signoria was entrusted directly with the administration of the City of Venice (7), a case which has several modern parallels.

(1) M aranini, L a costitu zion e, II, pp. 218 ff., b u t cf. also p. 223. (2) Op. cit., II, p. 217. (3) Op. cit., II, p. 215, note i. (4) Biblioteca Correr, MS, D o n à dalle R o se , 68, fol. 33. (5) M aranini, L a costitu zion e, II, pp. 297 ff. (6) Op. cit. I, pp. 252 ff., II, pp. 303 ff. E v ery m o n th th ree of th e councillors v acated th eir offices,

w hich were filled b y prom oted c o n sig lieri in feriori', th e la tte r office, from w hich th e Signoria councillors were recruited, w as aggregated to th e Senate; th e holders of th is office ran k ed as th e o th er councillors, b u t th e y did n o t p articip a te in th e ir p rep a ra tiv e m eet­ ings; it w as th e ir ta sk to rep resen t th e Signoria a t th e m eetings of th e Q u aran tia Criminale. (7) M aranini, L a costitu zion e, II, p. 309.

126

The Signoria also supervised the activities of the public offices, and in this respect special responsibilities rested with the doge (x). The specifically political functions and prerogatives of the Signoria were of considerable im­ portance. Thus the members of the Signoria were in duty bound to keep a vigilant eye on the activities of the doge and see to it that he did not arrogate to himself functions which did not pertain to him (12). An enactment of 1576 prescribes that every year the councillors should hear the doge reading aloud the promissione ducale (the doge’s election charter) (3). On the death of a doge and prior to the new election {vacante ducatu), the councillors (who during the va­ cancy were not allowed to leave the Palace) transacted the necessary business (4). One of them acted as vice-doge. The same arrangements were followed if a doge was incapacitated because of illness - this often happened with those Methusalahs who were frequently elected to the highest office of State. All political reports and documents from the Venetian provinces and from foreign States (cal­ led relazioni) were to be immediately submitted to the Signoria in the Sala del Collegio (5). Also, it was the Signoria which received the foreign oratori (envoys, ambassadors) (6) and the papal nuntios and legates. However, from the fifteenth century onwards, the Signoria was only per­ mitted to exchange formal courtesies with the foreign envoys, unless specially instructed and au­ thorized by the Senate to convey oral communications (7). In the latter case the doge normally acted as spokesman: “ Tsi consiglierà e poi risponderà secondo gli ordini della repubblica nostra ”. Furthermore, the Signoria excercised considerable executive powers. It saw to the proper implementation of the enactments passed by the other councils, and safeguarded the sovereignty of the Great Council by ensuring, among other things, that the Senate or the Council of Ten did not override decisions taken by the Great Council. The Signoria was itself charged with the execution of the parti (bills) passed by the Great Council (8). Another prerogative of this exe­ cutive organ was to summon the Great Council whenever considered necessary - and this was an individual right enjoyed by each single councillor (9). With regard to the Signoria’s own activities, the State lawyers, the Avogadori di commun, saw to it that these did not exceed the bounds of legality (10). Finally, the Signoria played a most important role as presiding committee for all the po­ litical councils (u) ; this function alone guaranteed it a considerable influence and above all over the Great Council, since in this case a small organ that kept in direct touch with the daily ques­ tions of government presided over a large and slow-moving assembly of rather heterogeneous composition. Besides, the Signoria had the right to por parte (present bills for votation) in all

(1) Cf. below, p. 131. (2) M aranini, L a costitu zion e, II, pp. 310 ff. (3) Cf. below, pp. 176 f. (4) M aranini, L a co stitu zio n e , II, pp. 308 f. (5) Op- cit. II, p. 312 (« . . . in sostanza, orm ai la signoria div en tav a il tra m ite per cui la m aggior p a rte degli affari giungevano in collegio, m a perde­ v a . .. quasi ogni autonom ia nella loro trattaz io n e »). (6) In Venice in th e six teen th cen tu ry envoys of an y description w ere called am basciatovi or oratovi w ith out any ap p a re n t distinction. F or such term ino ­ logy, cf. M attingly, R en a issa n ce d ip lo m a c y , C hapter 2. (7) M aranini, L a co stitu zio n e , II, pp. 314 f. (8) Op. cit., II, p. 316.

(9) Op. cit., II, p. 308. « Così il costitu en te vene­ ziano, incapace di concepire, e ancor meno di tolle­ rare u n a opposizione estran ea o co n traria al regime, veniva, con mille spedienti energici ed efficaci, or­ ganizzando nell’interno del regim e la più libera e vigorosa delle opposizioni, non solo contrapponendo con saggio equilibrio consiglio a consiglio, m a preoc­ cupandosi di g aran tire che eventuali gravi divergenze non potessero venir silenziosam ente soffocate con un voto di m aggioranza, in seno a quella signoria che rim aneva sem pre il meglio inform ato ed uno dei più ristre tti e p o te n ti fra i consigli della repubblica ». (10) M aranini, L a co stitu zio n e , II, pp. 319 ff., 323. (11) Op. cit., II, pp. 306 ff.

the councils and also in the smaller specialized organs 0 , and this right was conceded even to a minority of the Signoria. All this might seem to indicate that the Signoria operated independently, subject only to the political control of a rather ineffectual Great Council and the legal bounds set by the Avogadori. But this was far from the case. In all the more important matters, the Signoria worked in conjunction with a body of men known as the Consulta, and, together with them, constituted the Pien Collegio. The Consulta consisted of three commissions all appointed from the Senate vfith the express purpose of representing it when the Signoria met as an executive council. The commissions were: the six Savi del Consiglio d, where its high back can be clearly discerned). This relocation must have involved the seats of the other higher members of the government in San Marco, too, and it is here a question of moving from a smaller to a larger space. The date - approximately 1312 or shortly after coincides with the many reforms in government structure in the wake of the serrata of the Great Council and of the insurrections of 131Q and 1312 (2); some increase in the government representation in the church may have ensued, so that they had to occupy a section of the pres­ bytery in addition to the St. Clement area (3). At some of the great processional ceremonies, the Signoria entered the presbytery through the rood-screen entrance (the porta del coro : PI. CVII: iv, 1), but the usual entrance of the doge and the Signoria to their seats was through the ante-room to the Chapel of St. Clement. Privately, the doge might enter through the door in the “ Cain and Abel-wall ”, and thus avoid using; the ceremonial entrance in the south transept (PI. CVII: vin, 1). di san M arco in p u lp ito » (fol. 53); Ascension vigil: « S ua ser.tas ascendit p u lp itü m agnü, si p lacet [!]. e t ibi au d it vesperas. S in aü t m a n et in choro u t sup.a » (fol. 92); generally (referring to custom introduced in th e 1590s): « Circha li zorni eh sua sub.ta, va, ouer é te n u to an d a r in pgolo [pergolo] alii offieij. la cossa è desm essa p la an gustia dl locho, & no uano più, m a tu tt i restano sem pre in choro » (fol. 92y) ; concerning an o th er Ascension vigil: T he doge sa t « in pulpitum , m agnum e t ibi au d ieb at vesperas »; b u t certain doges refused to sit th ere « p ro p te r incom oditatem locj » (fol. I 4 V.)« F u rth e r sources concerning th e doge’s seat (th e porta chori is th e doorw ay in th e rood-screen; PL C V II: iv, 1): Bibl. M arc., Rituum caeriln. : « . . prope cath edram D nj D ucis quç est prope p o rtam chori (licet alius fu erit alibi). Sed hic est eius locus a n ti­ quus. seu m alis eam dicere cath ed ram Diïj p rim i­ ceri]. nain c a th e d ra p ro p ria ser.m i principis e ra t ad san ctum c le m e n te m .. . » (fol. 9); and: «reliqua p ars senatus solebat sedere ad sanctu clem entem in se­ dibus ibi prep aratis. e t D ni. p ro curatores tâ tu m in scanno precipuo quod co n tin u atu r cathedre D nj p ri­ miceri] p o st canonicos ]Ilius lateris, e t clerus to tu s e ra t in choro. N unc au tem licet D ns D ux sedeat in pulpito, se n ato res. n o llü t sedere in sacello sancti clem entis sed in choro, e t clerus red u citu r ad cornua A ltaris m aioris » (fol. I2V). On PI. CV II, th e new place

for th e doge’s seat is m arked IV, 4. A docum ent d ated 1540 (BD, Documenti, No. 247) indicates th e n um ­ b er of seats required for th e m ost p ro m in en tly seated m em bers of governm ent, clergy and guests: « . . . a fare E l choro della chiesia de san to m arco Colla sieda dello Serenissimo p rin c ip e .. . fare d itto Coro ato rn o tr e ­ dici q u ad ri E la sedia del serenissim o di più cato m o [ = che atom o] sienoV entisette sen tari [ = s e a ts ] ...» . (1) Sanudo, I diari, Voi. 37, col. 358: M arch 6, 1524: « E l Serenissimo, iu sta il solito, vene con tro m b e e pifari con il Collegio a messa in la sua capela nu o v a di S an Nicolò, dove Soa S erenità è re tra ta , e li fo ca n tà la messa granda; e li p re ti stau an o a c a n ta r in chiexia in la capella di san Clim ento p ro p in q u i a d itta chiesiola »: for dogai Mass in San Nicolò, cf. below, p. 209. (2) F o r th e ad m in istrativ e an d po litical reform s of possible relevance, see M aranini, Costituzione, I, pp. 356, 361; II, pp. 41 79- 134 388 £f., 408. (3) A descrip tio n of 1518 of th e doge’s re ­ tin u e w hen seated in th e ch u rch is rep o rted in Bibl. M arc., MS, Pace, fol. 55: « 1518. il gno della T raslatione di §: Isidoro sedeua il ser :mo n ella sua C apella con li consiglieri. Capi di X L , A uogadori, Capi di X , Cen­ sori, e Cancellier G rande, li P re ti sta u an o so p ra la b an ca d a dietro la Capella, e li can to ri in P u lp ito g ra n d e . . . ».

. The Cain and Abel mosaic in the St. Clement area is thematically a repetition of a mo­ saic in the narthex. This duplication must have been due to the strictly governmental char­ acter of the area under examination. In the mosaic (PI. L X X IIIb), Cain and Abel are facing each other across the window of a later date, and in the place of which there must originally have been a representation of an altar for burnt offerings, as may be seen in the narthex mosaic with the same motif. The construction of the window deprived Cain of his rejected sheaf of grain, whereas Abel's offering, a lamb, was left intact at the cost of placing the window assymmetrically on the wall. Abel holds his lamb marni velata, a common feature in representations of this scene and one that stresses the ritual character of the offering. The inscription - “ Christus Abel cernit, Cain et sua munera spernit" - on the soffit of the pointed arch enclosing the mosaic establishes a Christological context: Christ's approval or dissapproval of an offering to God. The figure of Abel is accorded a very prominent position in the Canon of the Mass, where his offering is cited in the Supra quae (x) as a prototype of man's participation in the Eucharistic sacrifice: “ Supra quae propitio ac sereno vultu respicere digneris: et accepta habere, sicuti ac­ cepta habere dignatus es munera pueri tui justi A b el... ". Abel was iustus, thus he was char­ acterized by Christ himself (cf. Mt. 23 : 35). His position was unique in that although he was living in the shadow of the Fall and was sharing the burden of Original Sin with his fel­ low men, he was nevertheless free of sin. The normal patristic and medieval view with regard to this aspect of the Abel figure was summed up in the late sixteenth century by Bellarmine. Citing Tertullian, he points out that Abel's sacrifice is a préfiguration [figuram esse) of the Eu­ charistic sacrifice. He stresses, however, that in one specific respect there is an essential difference between them: Abel's sacrifice, being no sacrament, was accepted by God exclusively because of Abel's faith and devotion (12). In other words, Abel's sacrifice may be regarded as a symbol of a devote person's or a devote community's participation in the Mass. When applied to the Signoria, this symbol would evoke quite definite and interrelated associa­ tions: first, the participation of the Signoria in the liturgy; in this, as we shall see, the Signoria played a more active role than was usual for ordinary congregations. Secondly, the mosaic would bring to mind the moralistic conceptions implied by Abel's status as iustus, and these would easily be associated with the inscription in the chapel in which the doge is exhorted to “ cheiish justice ". Finally, there is the idea that the act of governing is a perpetual tribute or offering to God in sign of submission to him and implies the obligation to protect his Church on earth (3). We have already touched upon the role of the Signoria as head of the State Church of San Mar­ co, and we may note here that even the liturgical regulations were subject to their approval (4). In the mosaic in the ante-room to the Chapel of St. Clement, however, it is not only Abel who is represented, but also Cain. Throughout the Middle Ages, a multiple role in the general history, of political society had been attributed to the latter (5). The aspect of this role that seems most relevant in the present case is the juridical one, as Cain's crime necessitated the

(1) Jungm ann, Missarum Sollemnia, I, p. 67; II, pp. 284 fif. (with reference to H ennig, Abel's place in the liturgy, pp. 126-141). S criptural basis is provided b y Gn. 4 : 4 (« respexit D om inus ad Abel e t ad m unera eius ») ; Mt. 23 :35 (cf. H eb. 1 1 :4 ). (2) St. R o b e rt Bellarm ine, De Missa, I, Cap. V ili, X , = De Controversiis, III, cols. 741 £f., esp. 751. (3) Cf. th e doge’s ad ju ratio n to th e S ta te Church

(above, p. 163). (4) F o r an exam ple, see th e regulations ordered b y Doge A ndrea G ritti and Prim icerio G erolam o B arbarigo betw een ca. 1524 an d 1530 (Bibl. M arc., MS, Rituum caerim ., fols, 47^ £f.). (5) M ost likely, we m ay leave o u t of conside­ ratio n in th is co n tex t his role as th e first city b u il­ der (St. A ugustine, De civ. Dei, XV, 1; cf. Gn. 4 :17) .

R E L IG IO U S A SPECTS IN T H E R E P U B L IC 'S T R A D IT IO N S

institution of positive law. Gratian had dated the origin of positive law to the times of Cain on the basis that it was he who had founded the first ordered society (*). A juridical in­ terpretation might further be applied to the entire sacrifice representation. Let us bear in mind in this connection that every reading of the Canon of the Mass in the adjoining pres­ bytery would have perpetuated the idea of Abel iustus. Let us also keep in mind the inscrip­ tion in the Chapel of St. Clement which urged upon the doge to cherish justice: " Dilige jus­ titiam. .. ”. Since Cain’s crime was the first act of homicide in the history of mankind, it is obvious that, as opposed to him, Abel must stand for righteousness. This is already implied in the qualification Abel iustus. It would therefore seem that the whole representation sym­ bolizes the sacrificium iustitiae. Throughout the Middle Ages and also in subsequent periods jurisdiction had beem compared to a sacrifice, and especially tò that of the Mass. Accord­ ing to Ernst H. Kant orowicz, the basic authority for this comparison was biblical: “ Tunc acceptabis sacrificium iustitiae ” (Ps. 50 : 21), combined with: " fiat verbum domini mei regis sicut sacrificium ” (2 Reg. 14 : 17). Justinian had described one of his laws as a “ piissima sive sacrosancta oblatio quam Deo dedicamus ”, and as late as in the sixteenth century a favourite idea of French lawyers was that “ Rex debet offerre legem Deo ”, Accordingly, lawyers and judges were occasionally styled sacerdotes iustitiae (2). Because of its particular location, the Cain and Abel mosaic would be associated with a series of interrelated religious and political concepts, which must have been well known to any­ body who was to some degree familiar with the literature on canonic and civil law. The Cain and Abel mosaic dominates the main axis of a room which opens on to the pres­ bytery through an archway. Quite obviously, the mosaics on either side of this archway and the sacrifice representation must have been perceived as components of one decorative pro­ gramme. As we shall see, this unity exists also in strict iconographical terms. The two pillar mosaics (PI. LXXIP) representing the enthroned Christ and the Virgo orans, were remade or restored in 1509 by the same Petrus who in 1500 had restored the big figure of Christ in the apse; like the latter, they are no doubt basically medieval (3). The mosaic on the west side of the archway represents the republic’s chief patron, Mary, as orans. She addresses Christ who is represented on the opposite, east pillar, with the words: “ Munera dans vite, fili, peccata remitte ”. Strictly speaking, this Mary figure is a duplicate - and so is, as we shall see, the figure of Christ, for the Virgo orans is already shown at the feet of the Immanuel in the cupola above the presbytery, where she transmits the prayers of the community of the Church to th e . Immanuel. The enthroned Christ is represented on the east pillar, but he also is, though on a much larger scale, in the main apse (PI. LXVa). It seems obvious, there­ fore, that the two smaller figures of Christ and Mary are in fact " government images ”, in­ tended primarily for the eyes of the government in the more limited area, and that their message has a direct bearing upon the role and activity of the government. In this context Mary’s invocation must necessarily recall the circumstance that the activity of the State was looked upon in the perspective of salvation and as having a divine purpose in the world (4). The Christ figure (PI. LXXIP) is holding a book with a quotation of Jn. 8 :12: " Ego svm lus [ = lux] mun­

ti) Carlyle, Mediaeval Political Theory, II, pp. 1 4 3 f-

(2) K antorow icz, The . King's Two Bodies, pp. 117 fi., w ith bibliography. (3) A p a rtia l dam age to th e apse figure is m en­ tioned as early as 1419, cf. BD, Documenti, Doc.

32

h i : M arch 6, referring to a dam aging fire: « la croce grande, ch ’era sulla cuppola grande, . cad­ de e sfondo la cria, eh ’è dietro 1’a lta r g rande e guastò u n poco del braccio di quel Cristo di mosaico . . . ». (4) Cf. above, p. 155.

di this quotation is fairly common in similar representations of Christ, at least in the West. Yet, in this particular place the reference to Christ as the light inevitably makes one think of the role of the Pantocrator as the lux mundi in Byzantine imperial iconography and of the im­ portance of this same concept in the decoration of the Cappella Palatina at Palermo (1). The idea seems to have been that the State or the ruler is enlightened by Christ through the media­ tion of saints (23). We remember that the doge’s investiture took place beneath a similar image of Christ (the huge one in the apse; PI. LXV) and that this relationship was represented also on the more valuable currencies. It would seem logical, therefore, that the Signoria’s entrance to the area in which they were to attend Mass, should have been indicated by an image evoking the conditio sine qua non for government action: enlightenment through Christ, the adherence to his teachings and an active membership of his Church.

3. Ceremonies In order to convey a more articulate impression of the government’s liturgical involvement, I shall in the present section collect some evidence which had no direct bearing upon the treat­ ment of the iconography in the previous one. Further, some ceremonies only briefly hinted at in connection with the iconography will have to be described in greater detail. Among the government’s duties was the participation in an impressive number of religious rites and ceremonies in San Marco and in a few other city churches. Whenever the doge had to attend Mass in San Marco, this was to be preceded by a private one for him and his retinue in the “ Chiesuola ” or “ Chiesetta ”, i. e. the chapel adjoining the Pregadi (PI. CII) (4) (cf. Appen­ dix III). In addition, and as a daily routine, the doge and the Signoria attended Mass in the

(1) G rabar, L ’Empereur, pp. 103 f.; T reitinger, Ostrômische Kaiser- und Reichsidee, pp. 47 f . ; K itzinger, « C appella P a la tin a », p. 277 (at Palerm o, too, C hrist's book bears a q u o ta tio n of J n . 8: 12). (2) T he hagiographical cycle in th e St. C lem ent a re a ca n n o t be exam ined here. T he choice of sain ts - m a n y of th e m in m edieval m o sa ic s-is problem atical an d requires a special stu d y (a req u irem en t borne o u t also b y th e sc an ty references in T ram o n tin , Culto dei santi , In d e x of saints). In ad d itio n to th e rep resen tatio n s ju s t m entioned, an d to th e Massegne screen w ith th e crow ned V irgin M ary w ith th e Child, an d w ith Sts. C hristine, Claire, C atherine Alex, and Agnes (dated 1397), th e re are, in th e low er storey: P h ilip an d Jam es (« F ilippo e Giacomo ») an d Sergius an d B acchus, Om obonus, B oniface; in th e u pper sto rey: E piphanius, G regory N azianzus, Jo h n Chrysostom us, F abianus, S ebastian, George, Theodore, tw o archangels w ith th e Im m anuel b u st, A nthony of P a d u a an d B erhardinê of Siena, an d th e m osaic w ith th e recep tion of S t:. M ark's b o d y (for w hich see D em us, « D as atteste venezianische G esellschaftsbild »). (3) S um m ary description of som e aspects, in BD., Testo, pp. 65 ff.; Diclich, Rito, is a useless pam p h ­

let; v ery little is to be found in Dem us, The Church A stu d y of San Marco p a tte rn e d on M athew s, The Early Churches, is a g reat desideratum. E specially in th e doge's p articip a tio n in th e litu rg y , th e re are cer­ ta in features th a t, w hen seen together, strik in g ly rem inds one of E astern trad itio n . Cf., for exam ple, Belaev, « Le * T abernacle ' » (with references to Constan tin o s Porphyrogenetos' De cer.) : « L 'em pereur, sans être p rêtre, p a rtic ip a it néanm oins au culte, e t le livre des cérém onies ne d it jam ais q u 'il écoute l'office, n i q u 'il assiste à l'office, m ais to u jo u rs au co n traire q u 'il célébré l ’office ». T he em perors carri­ ed th e candle a t th e G reat E n try ; th e y « faisaien t des offrandes à l'Église, les unes o rd in aires. . . à chacune de leu r visites, les au tres exceptionelles. . . consistant en cen t livres d'or, au m o m en t de leu r accession au trô n e e t chaque année le sam edi sa in t »; th e y m ade ritu a l visits a t o th er churches in th e city and its environm ents. (4) Bibl. Correr, MS, Venier, P. D. 517 b: « Qndo occorre an d a r in chiesa di S. M arco sem pre si ode m essa nella chiesola del Colio [ = Collegio] eccetto il V enerdì santo».

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same chapel “ a hora di terza ” (*) {Appendix III). At least three times a week the doge was supposed to attend Mass in San Marco (in the pergolo or at the St. Clement window). The normal programme for a Tuesday included a Mass in the Chapel of St. Nicholas (PI. CII shows the area corresponding to the chapel, which is on the story below). Every Wednesday he and the Signoria participated in an important and solemn procession to which I shall presently return. Every Sunday and on all “ other solemn feast days ”, the doge was requested to leave the Palace and attend Mass outside its boundaries, for instance in San Marco. Furthermore, his office also invested him with specific functions in the “ customary public rites ” (2), a rather laconic re­ ference to an impressive series of annual celebrations: the annual ecclesiastical feasts (such as Easter or Corpus Domini), feasts of a specifically Venetian character (e. g. the Foundation of Venice on Annunciation Day (3), the Wedding of Venice on Ascension Day) (4), and the andate or processional visits to certain city churches in commemoration of specific events (5). At two annual feasts, the doge and the Signoria were expected to stay away from the cele­ brations in San Marco. One of these was the solemn Mass on Trinity Sunday (6). The purpose may have been to avoid a confusion with the Trinity Mass celebrated at the confirmation of the doge's investiture (7). Neither did he take part in the Commemoration of the Dead on November 2 (8); this tradition must also have had a political origin. His presence at the Commemoration of the Dead would inevitably have implied a votive Mass for the deceased

(1) Inform ation b y Sansovino, Venetia, p. 123. Cf. Bibl. Correr, MS, Gradenigo 199, fol. 9ov: Capellano ducale: « sono d a lui nella Capella di Corte con l ’A q uasanta aspersi tu tt i quelli, che form ano il Cor­ po della Serenissim a Signoria, e delTEcc.m o Colle­ gio, p rim a delle loro Conferenze » (late 16th cent, en try ). (2) Bibl. Correr, MS, Dona dalle Rose, 68, fol. 435: law passed in th e G reat Council on Oct. 25, 1457: « T re giorni alm eno alla S ettim an a il Doge d ebba personalm :e v isitar la chiesa di S. M arco, e t ascoltar la m essa e t il M artedì deb b a p o rtarsi alla Chiesa di S. Nicolò in Palazzo alla M essa». Ibid., fol. 435L sa­ m e place and date: « I l Doge alm eno u n a v o lta al Mese in giorno di M ercordi dopo la P rocessione. . . », etc. Ibid., fol. 436, law of M ay 9, 1462, G reat Coun­ cil: « L i giorni di Dom enica, et a ltre F este solenni sia obbligato il Doge p o rtarsi alla m essa fuori di P alaz­ zo ; e t alle so lennità consuete »; th e liturgical p a r ti­ cip atio n of th e V enetian g o vernm ent brings to m ind th a t of th e B y zan tin e em peror - for w hich see Treitinger, Ostromische Kaiser-und Reichsidee, pp. 125 ff., 151 ff. (3) Bibl. Correr, MS, Venier, P.D. 517 b: A n­ n u n ciatio n F east: « N o ta ch fù in s titu ita q sta an ­ d a ta & eh in ta l g :no [ = giom o] Tanno CCCC X X i fù edificata la c ittà eh d u rerà in eterno A m en ». (4) T his cerem ony is am ply described . in V ene­ tia n cerem ony books, guidebooks an d la te r publica, tions based on these sources. T he cerem ony, and th e ring used a t it, allegedly d o n ated b y P ope A lexan­

d er I I I , w ere considered evidence of th e P a p a c y ’s recognition of V enice’s dom inion of th e A driatic (see for instance th e abovecited MS, Venier, an d Bibl. Correr, M S, Cicogna, 105). (5) T he an d ate, too, are described in guidebooks (e. g. Sansovino’s Venetia) as w ell as in th e cerem o­ n y books referred to in th e p rese n t ch ap ter. D eta il­ ed in stru ctio n as to robes in th e above-cited MS, Venier. T he m o tiv atio n behind each a n d a ta is of­ te n given in th e b rief in stru ctio n in th e cerem ony books. E . g., a n d a ta to S an Zaccaria: « N el giorno di p asq u a della resu rrettio n e del n ro Signore, il sermo principe d a poi disnar u a à vespero a San Z ach aria alia indulgentia conseguida nel principio della c ittà di V enetia, essendo principe illmo m [ = messer] justiniano particiaco p e r il precipuo ju sp a tro n a to et ç. » (Bibl. M arc., MS, Rituum caerim., fol. 55). T o San Niccolò: « . . . qlio uso d ’an d a r in q s ta chiesa è p deu o t:e eh q sta c ittà p o rta à S. N ico.:0 com e p ro te s ­ to r di m arin ari e t ui è in d u lg en za. . . » (Bibl. C orrer., MS, Venier, P.D. 5 i7 b). (6) « jn D ie sanctissim ç trin itatis. M issa canitu r. . . cum om ni p o m p a .. . ta m en h ac D ie D ns D ux non v en it ad Ecclesiam » (Bibl. M arc., MS, Rituum caerim., fol. 16). (7) Cf. above, p. 187. (8) « L a m a tin a alia Messa, se inuida la si­ gnoria, col dose, sel li piace vegnir alla Messa, alla fen estra /p rillate ,. m a non venghino » (not even p ri­ vate ! Bibl. M arc., MS, Rituum caerim., fol: 71; Office for th e dead, m atins, N ovem ber 2).

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of his own house. We should keep in mind that the capacity in which the doge visited San Marco varied with the circumstances: he might perform his official duties as head of the government and' of the State Church, or he might make what was labelled rather vaguely as a " private ” visit. In any case, the " private ” character of the doge’s appearance in Sàn Marco could only be illusory, except in a purely ritual sense. Even when attending services “ privately ”, he had to act in accordance with pre-established rules, and the celebrant would sometimes acknowledge his presence by turning towards him during the readings^). Moreover, he would be free to take his seat in such a prominent place as the pergolo (Pis. CVIII: h i , 2; LX f.).A voti­ ve Mass for the doge’s family could therefore easily be given an official if not dynastic significance. Under certain circumstances, the government might decide to stay away from San Marco, for instance iii order not to become involved in troubles over protocol. Thus, an extraordinary Senate meeting might be arranged so as to leave the hyper-sensitive French and Spanish ambassa­ dors alone with their interminable quarrels over precedence in church ceremonies (12). In San Marco all ceremonies of some complexity were directed by the master of ceremonies, the magister chori or magister caerimoniarum, elected from among the clergy of San Marco. Ap­ pointment to this office was effected by the procurators of San Marco, while the investiture with the virga directionis or baculus magistri took place before the doge (3). The position of such a master was certainly most honourable but also rather unnerving, if we are to believe the master in office in the 1570s, who inserted the following remark among all sorts of practical rules and records in his ceremony book: “ Non est mediocre onus Magistri cerimoniarum qui pro omnibus vigilat in choro et âquo omnium defectus ascribitur ” (4). His seat in the presbytery was next to those of the doge and the primicerio. He kept a vigilant eye on the proceedings, gesturing whenever necessary with his stick - " circumspiciens secundum mentem Ser.1111 principis et R,mi dni primicerij ” (5). Among the ceremonies that have to be reviewed in the present section, that of the government’s entry into San Marco surely provides a convenient starting-point for our survey (6).

(1) Cf. above, p. 202, no te 1. (2) D ue to such a quarrel, on Ascension vigil, 1558, th e Signoria escaped to a h astily sum m oned ex­ trao rd in a ry Senate m eeting: th e tw o am bassadors « uolevano uenir in chiesia insiem e cû la signoria la d itta uigilia d lla sensa al uespero. & p no esser quie­ ta ta q ïla sua differetia d d itta precedentia. & accio no intrauegnisse qualcli inconueniente tr a li d itti, la Signoria no uolse uegnir altram e te in c h ie s ia .. . m a fecero pregadi in d itto zom o d a poi d is n a r .. . cossi dicessimo uespero col. n ró clero & càtori senza la signoria. & senza el thesoro sulaltar, m a ben co la p alla a p ta » (Bibl. M arc., MS, Rituum caerim ., fol. 88). T he « p a lla » refers to th e P a la d'oro; th is was exhibited, b u t n o t so th e T reasury relics, due to th e S ignoria^ absence. (3) Gf. th e « Pollizza dïia jn u estitio n & d ar d îla b a c h e tta al m aistro di choro p el Ser:mo p, d a poi el sara elletto d a li signor procuratori, ali qli aspet­

tan o d itta ellettione » (Bibi. Marc., MS, Rituum cae­ rim ., fol. 86). T he in v estitu re form ula: « Accipe uirgam directionis, & ju stitiç , in nom ine P a tris, e t F ilij, e t S p iritu s S ancti, A m en; p er q u am ualeas unicuique m u n era su a trib u e re » (com plete version in Bibi. M arc., MS, Pace , fcl. 131). (4) Bibi. Marc., MS, Rituum caerim ., fol. 2. (5) E xam ples: nobody w ere allowed to leave th e choir of San M arco u n d er such an d such circum ­ stances, « n i s i . . . e t d ato signo p m agistrû chori cû b a ­ culo »; « p ro p terea eidem M agistro assignatus est lo­ cus prim us in choro inferiori an te sedem predicto* ser.1111 principis, e t R .1*1 d n i primiceri}, u t eo fa ­ cilius om nes in choris existentes circum spicere e t sibi in cum bentia ordinare u alen t. cui in signum régim inis sib i com misi d atu s e t assignatus est baculus m ag istralis» (Bibi. M arc., MS, Rituum caerim ., fols. 47 fi.: regulations d ated 1524 an d 1530). (6) Cf. above, pp. 1 9 9 !

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The architectural setting for this entry dates from the fifteenth century and earlier. It consists of the Scala di marmo (later: Scala dei Giganti), the Arco Foscari and the corridor behind this (Pis. CI; CVII: vi, 1-3; II; V) (*). Upon leaving the Palace by the Scala di marmo the government would enter the porch behind the Arco Foscari, which thus functioned as an extended entrance to the church itself. In fact, the Arco facade opposite the stairs served the entering government in the same manner as the west facade of San Marco, with its entrances serving the public entering into the church. The placing, therefore, of Rizzo’s statues of Adam and Eve on the Arco facade simply meant that a central motif from the big west entrance (the Genesis cycle in the narthex) was repeated. A corresponding parallelism is valid for the statues of St. Mark and of the Virtues on the Arco (12), for these are iconographical repetitions from mosaics of the saint’s life (though now in abbreviated version, so to speak) and of the Virtue reliefs on the west facade. One important motif from the west facade, that of Christ, is not duplicated on the Arco. We shall soon sëe why this was not done. The government used the main west entrance from the Piazza or platea only on public feast days, when they were accompanied by the people, or when as on Ascension Vigil for . instance, they were to enter the church without trionfi and “ cum summa modestia ” (when they might also use the small door in the St. Clement area) (3). The government’s regular entrance was the Porta media in the south transept (Pis. LXI f.; CVII: vi, 1). Whenever the government was to visit San Marco, members of the clergy called for it in the Palace or waited for it at the foot of the Scala di marmo. With regard, to the Vigil of St. Mark, we learn that the doge “ attends Vesper in the pergolo in San Marco. The canons and priests of San Marco, bearing the cross and the candles, enter the Palace to accompany His Serenity... They all follow immediately after His Excellency’s trumpets (4). Until the Magnificat has been completed, the doge holds the burning candle in his hand ” (5). The go­ vernment’s exit from the Palace was usually announced by the bells. A more detailed indication is provided in a description of the Jubilee celebration in 1591, where we are informed that after a Mass in the Chiesuola, the doge visited San Marco with the members of the Collegio and the Senate. They were received on the Scala di marmo by the clergy. The clergy, we are told,

(1) T he g rea t public processions (e.g. th a t of Corpus D omini), in w hich th e Signoria to o k p a rt, w ould s ta r t from th e in terio r of th e church afte r th e Signo­ ria h ad m ade th e ir entrance there; generally, th e processions w ould re-enter th e church thro u g h th e m ain w est door. (2) Cf. also th e sixteen th -cen tu ry reliefs w ith th e Creation, A dam and E v e on th e m ain door of th e ca th e d ra l of P ordenone, (3) Ascension Vigil (Arch. S t., MS, Cons, de iure 555, f o ls ..X X X I f.): (omissis) « e t cù Ser:mus P rinceps -incipit descêdére ex P allatio cù Ill:mo S enatu M agister dirigit processionem uersus P late am [ = P iaz­ za S an Marco} m ore solito, u t in Vigilia S:tì Marci, e t fac it illam lento gradu incedere cum sùm m a m ode­ stia, e t reüerentia, e t p ó stq u a Ecclesiam igressa fu érit p ro p essio .. . », etc. Sam e vigil (Bibl. Marc., MS, Rituum caer.,- fol. 92) : « Processio ex e at - d

ecciia. + p ro ced it ad scallâ m agna pallatij. -f- ibi quiescit donec descendat dns dux. -f cù serm, p rin ­ ceps incipit descendere ex p allatio cù jllmp Senatu. Processio itu r cù m odestia p p o rta m agna ecclesia. . . ». (4) T he balco n y on th e Arco F oscari facing th e s ta ir p ro b ab ly served a choir o f singers; cf. P ey er’s inform ation (Stadtund Stadtpatron , pp. 63 f.), th a t th e doge « h ô rt auf der P ala sttrep p e die 'la u ­ des' an, die die K aplâne von S. Marco singen ». (5) « V de vespero in essa chiesa di. san Marco in p u lp ito . L i canonicj e t p re tti di san M arco ues titi con la croce e t candellotj n an o in pallazo a tu o r jl serm0 â vespero, li q u ali tu tt i jm m ed iate segui­ ta n o d a poi le tró m b e di sua eccellentia. e t fino si c a n ta il M agnificat il ser1^0 tie n il candellotto jm pizzado in m ano » (Bibì. Marc., MS, Rituum cûerim., fol. 53); cf. also below, p. 213.

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carried “ the cross, and the four silver candlesticks; since this was an occasion on which the doge went to Mass, the Christ, too, and the twelve torches were carried;. . . then followed the usual Wednesday procession (the ancient one) " (*). The procession - which took the government and the scuole round the Piazza - started after the litanies had been recited in San Marco. It is evident that also on this occasion the government had entered the church through the Porta media (12). As we have already noted, the Porta media is double and comprises a narrow corridor be­ tween the south transept and the porch connecting the Arco Foscari with the Porta della carta. In the west wall of the narrow corridor there is inserted a marble relief (PI. CVII: vi, 3, and PI. LXIVC) (3) with Eucharistic motifs (4). It may very well have been let into this particular wall as an indication of the presence of important relics in the Tesoro behind it. An indication for whom? Its location in a place accessible to the government only, would be hard to explain unless one takes into account the government's entry. In fact, the central area of the relief presents a smooth and worn surface, an evidence of its having been frequently touched (s). Thus, the government's procession from the Palace to the high altar assumed the liturgical form of an adventus, a circumstance reflected in the iconography of some of the mosaics and inscriptions in the south transept. It is in the light of these particular ceremonial and iconographical patterns that the laudes inscription (“ Christus vincit ", etc.) in the Cupola of St. John obtains its full meaning. Placed as it is in an area dominated by ecclesiastical iconography and by the liturgical readings from the double pulpit (Pis. LX; CVII: h i , i), the quotation echoes the clergy's recital of the laudes for Christ, which implies the worship of the entire Church. (1) « . . . se uene apigliar il jubileo nella giesia di s. M arco vene sua serenità con r E x .mo colegio, e t il pregadi dopo la m essa di colegio in giesia fu in co n trato sua serenità alla scala grande con la croce, e t li 4 cieri d ’argento p esser giorno che sua serenità uien alla m essa fu p o rta to il Christo con 12 torci p o rta te [sic] d a 12 laici p no h au er com odità de preti, e t se fece la procession d ì mercore. (ciò è quella A n­ tica). A lli 3. sua serenità uene doppo la m essa di co­ legio con l ’E x .mo colegio sicome se ritro u a u a in gie­ sia e t il pregadi asp e tta u a dabasso e t gionto in gie­ sia. se comincio le letam e e t se fece la procession co­ m e di sopra, jl sabbato che fu alli 4 sua serenità au­ d ito la m essa in colegio uene in giesia e t se catole [ = si cantò le] letan i [sic] e t d itto sate p e t r e . . . fu fa tto la procession al solito con il sonar le cam pane e t rito rn arsi in giesia finito le letanie il sacerdote con il piuial disse dom inus d e t nobis e t poi d ato la benedicion con il christo fu p o rta to il christo con li torci in sagrestia e t sua serenità rito rn o in p a la z z o .. . » (Bibl. M arc., MS, Rituum caerim ., fol. 115). (2) F o r the, identification of th e «Christ»: is the « C hrist » identical w ith th e one m entioned in Bibl. M arc., MS, Cerimoniale Pace, fols. 25 and 35, V esper of Translatio Seti Marci and P alm Sunday, respectively : « si pone sopra r A lta r il X p to d ’oro, e t il S. M arco d ’arg:to, che stà nella sopra s a c r e s tia .. . » ; - « Si pone

sopra l’A itar il Christo d ’oro col uelo p au o n a zz o . . . » (so also E a ste r T h u rsd ay , cf. ibid., fol. 38) ? O r is i t in fa c t a consecrated E u ch aristic H o st: « I t w as p erh ap s w hen scholastic theology w as a t its h eig h t th a t th e single w ord ' C hristus ’ ap p eared on an equal footing w ith th e older expression ' Corpus C h risti’ as th e n o rm al nam e for w h a t is p rese n t in th e Blessed S acram en t » (Jun g m an n , The Place of Christ, p. 262, w ith ref. to Browe, Die Verehrung der Eucharistie im Mittelalter ). (3) K in d ly p h otographed a t m ÿ req u est b y D o tt. O. Bohrn, Venice. (4) Including as it does, a pyx id e held b y tw o angels, th e b read (cross-marked), th e w ine (grapes in a container), and, furtherm ore, a « p a tria rc h a l » an d a L a tin cross, th e blessing h an d of God, an d an angel gesturing tow ards th e centre of th e scene (the angels ref. to th e angelus missae). (5) A reference to Blood relics in th e Tesoro is ap p a ren tly im plied in th e reference to th e p o rta m edia as th e p o rta a sanguine Christi, in a la te four­ teen th - or fifteen th -cen tu ry MS (Bibl. Correr, MS, Cicogna 1605, Modus et ordo : P alm S unday: 53 fa te afte r 1577 23, ref. to p o st 1577 10, w ith A nnunciation 45, 49, 53 f., w ith A nthony an d P au l 48 1 , 199; after 1577: resto ra tio n 22 ff.; tribune, panellings 20, 23; iconogr. program m e, au thorship (B ardi e t al.) 8 f., 22 ff.; archit. works (Sorte) 14, 22 f.; Sansovino, M adonna group 23; general iconogr. 8 f., 221 ff., and functions 233 ff., an d theology 78; virtu es 221 ff.; doges* succession p o rtra its 24, 30, 32 f., 36, 39, 237 of L andò 32; D o­ ge C ontarm i picture, inscription 29,122, 222 f.; Ale­ x an d e r I I I , B arbarossa cycle 23,221 ff., 237; F o u rth crusade cycle 23, 223; p o rtra its in hist, cycles 33, 39; T itian , B a ttle of Cadore, etc., see C a d o r e , etc.; Zuccari co n trib u tio n 10, 24; P alm a, Venice, n av a l v icto ry 224 f., 233; T in to retto , Venice and Signo­ ria 225 ff., 233, Veronese, T rium ph of V enice 230 ff., 233; P arad ise iconogr. pre, p o st 1577 8 1, 1 0 1 , 12, 23 f., 29, 45 ff.; see also P a r a d i s e ; V i r ­ g i n M a r y , Coronation; T in to re tto P aradise 22 f., 45, 56 f., 58 f., 63 ff., 6 9 ! , 76 ff., an d room fun­ ction 234 f.; P arad ise history: p roject, planning 8 ff., 10 f., 29, 56 ff., 59; m odelli: 10 f., T in to ­ re tto : L ouvre 11, 58 ff., 70, 78, 229, P ra d o 11, 59, 63, 66, F. B assano 6, 11, 22 ff., 57 f., 61 f., V ero­ nese 6, i i , 22 ff., 57 f., 6 1 1 , 69 f., 76; P alm a 60 f., Zuccari 61 f., 69, 76; Magistrato . . . , see M a g i ­ s t r a t o . . . ; Pioveghi, Sala dei: 163; Pregadi, Sala del : see S e n a t e ; election Mass, conclave 49, 130, 251 ff.; repairs 32 f.; called S ala d ’oro 32 f.; door in to 238,242; clocks 21; fire 1574 1 f r ; trib u n e i8f., 20; T itian, p re -1574 votiv e p a in t.s w ith L andò 30,

32 f., 39 f., 42, w ith T revisan 33 f., 107, A. G rim ani 27, 34; arenga (speaker’s tribune) 246; S o rte’s w orks ceiling, w alls 6, 12, 14, 17 f.; ceiling decor., iconogr. 6, 17 f., 245 ff., in tro d . C hrist im ages 43; E u ch ar., liturg. iconogr. 250 f.; D olobella, E u ch ar. allegory 245, 249 ff.; V ulcan’s sm ith y 245; M. Vecellio, Zecca allegory 245, 250; T in to retto , Offering to Venice 245, 247 ff.; o th er allegories 245 ff., 247; G am b arato ’s, A liense’s « Iu reco n su lti » 246, v irtu es 247; P alm a, P riu li doges an d C hrist 108 ff., 251; T in to retto , L andò, T revisan an d C hrist 25 f., 42, 99 ff., 118, 250 1 ; P alm a, C am brai allegory w ith L. L oredan 26 1 , 40 ff., 247; P alm a, F. V enier vot. allegory 26, 42, 246 1 , 256; T in to retto , P. L oredan vot. p ict. 25; P alm a, Cicogna v o t. p ict. 26 f., 249 1 ; Sala del . . . see Anticollegio, etc.; Sala d'oro = Pregadi ; Salotto dorato: functions 31, 238; re ­ stor. p o st 1574 I 3*’ door i ^ o , sculpt. 242; icono­ g rap h y 238 ff.; T in to retto , F o u r m y thol. allegor. 238 f.; T in to re tto Doge G. P riuli, Ju stice, Peace 13, 31, 2 3 9 1 ; Scala Foscara ( = coperta) 132, 233; Scala di marmo ( = dei giganti) 132, doge ad ju r., coron. 163, g overnm ent ex it 211 f., E a ste r 216, recep tio n of guests 227 1 , of p a tria rc h 181, of card in al 184, m em orial to H en ry I I I 16; Scala d'oro 31, 220, 238 f.; Scarlatti, Sala degli : situ a ­ tio n 31; L. L oredan v o tiv e relief (Lom bardi) 31, 37, 40, 42; Scrutinio, Sala dello: function, connection w ith Mag. Cons. 33, 80, 220, fu n ct. an d iconogr. 233 ff.; w all in scrip tio n 80; fire 1577 1 ic°nogr. p re 1577: T in to retto , L a st Ju d g e m en t 24, T in to retto , L ep an to 88, P ordenone, V irtues 2, 29, 237, general 29; p o st 1577: resto ratio n s 22 if., trib u n e 20, gilding ceilling 24; iconogr. p ro g ram ­ me, au th o rsh ip (Bardi e t al.) 8 f., 80 ff., 220 ff., an d room fu n ctio n 234, an d teology 78; ceiling program m e 224; h isto rical events, see specific n a ­ mes (S i c i l y , etc.); doges’ succession p o rtra its 30, see also Maggior Consiglio; w all program m e 221 ff. ; P alm a, L a st Ju d g e m en t 8 1 , 80 ff., 83, 109, an d P arad ise 80, an d San M arco 83; see J u d g e m e n t , L a s t ; V icentino, E vangelists, P ro p h e ts 82 1 ; Scrutinio, Saletta dello: Ballini, L ep an to allegory 88; Scudo, Sala dello 2 3 6 1 ; Senato, Sala del, see Pregadi; Teste, Sala delle: rep airs 32, see Appendix I I I . Tinello 132, 157 D

olobella,

T o m m aso ,

see

D

o g e ’s

P alace,

Pre­

gadi M otif 56

D

o l p h in ,

D

o m in a t io n e s ,

D

o m in e

see

A n g e l ic

J e s u Ch r is t e ,

orders

74

S t ., 33, 46, 64, 88, 107; «prophetical» image of 44, 184

D o m in ic ,

D

o m in ic a n s ,

D ominus

I n V enice 168, 183; iconography 47

virtutum ,

E l d e r s , Co u n c il

see Christ

E

D ona , F rancesco , Doge, b ig o try of 181; a t inve­ stitu re 161; speeches to 139 f., 143, 146; succes­ sion p o rtra it 30; com missione iconography 178; nam e on w oodcut 32; v otive picture, see D oge’s P alace , Collegio — , L eonardo , 262 D onation

of

D orothea, St ., 65, 197 D orsoduro , S estiere

D

resd en ,

i

d i,

126

u b l in ,

E lector s, F E

lem ents,

E

l e u t h e r iu s ,

Gemaldegallerie : Veronese,

P resen tatio n

National Gallery of Ireland : A ntoniazzo

D ucatu , V acante , 127, 130; see D oge D ucato , 159; see N umismatics uk es,

l ia s

E

l is e u s ,

E

the

E arthquake, E aster,

n o

E

loquence,

E

m pero r,

E

n g e l p ie t à ,

E

ngland,

E

noch,

E

n t h r o n iz a t io n ,

E

ntry,

E

ph esus,

E

p ip h a n iu s ,

E cclesia, E thym ology 251; generally, m ilitans, triu m p h an s: 47, 55, 6 1 1 , 6 6 1 , 70, 73 1 , 77 f. 187, 193 fi.; and T rin ity 187, 189; an d H oly Spi­ r it 75 1 ; an d V irgin M ary 190 1 , 194 1 ; and Jo h n E vang. 194 1 ; an d celestial litu rg y 101; see L i ­ turgy , heavenly; an d sacram ents 188 1 ; and ju dgem ent 74; evangelizing 187; and « ovile » 188; an d people 187, 189, 236; see P eople ; and n a ­ tio n s 235; and S ta te 153; and Venice, see V en ice ; see also E cclesiology; P aradise ; V irgin Ma r y ; personifications of 47, 51, 54, 79, 187, as cele­ b r a n t 218, 256 fi.; Suzanna, o th e r bibl. w om en 196; see F id e s ; ex circum cisione 196; ex genti­ b us 196

c c l e s io l o g y ,

see

E

Personification 242, 253, 255

Coronation 160, 172; an d angels 172; re ­ ception of 172; congiarium 227; a t Mass 203, 208; see also C o n s t a n t i n o p l e ; N u m i s m a t ic s

see

Ch r is t

K ing 149; governm ent 152; an d God 153; p arliam e n t 120, 149; m y stical b o d y 150; society, divine order 154; am bassadors to 125 60, 70, 78

131, 180 1, 192, 197

oge

S t .,

208

L itu rg y 195

E

p ip h a n y ,

p it a p h io n ,

E

q u it y ,

E

r a sm a,

E

ra sm u s,

E

r iz z o ,

see

Sa n M arco,

Museum

Personification 247, 253 S t ., S t .,

65, 197 117

F am ily arm s 246

— , S e b a s t ia n o , sth er ,

D

Co n s t a n t in o p l e

Tem ple of D iana, m otif 194

E

E

see

see

Great,

E aster , J ew s ’, n o

E

152

L itu rg y 214 fi.

prerogatives ,

197

Globe

Iconogr. 81 f.

E cclesiastical

u c h a r is t

Grado,

of

lleazar,

Y ounger , 152

63, 218, 248; see also

arth,

E

oge

93

S t .,

see

D

240 1 , 242, f.

our,

E

W estern, cerem onies 161, 164

D urandus , W illiam ,

F

130, 161 f. see

doge

oge

60, 70, 78

E

R om ano, H ealing of St. Silvester 94

D

or

D

E l i z a b e t h , S t ., 6 6

14; see also Gloria

of th e V irgin 257 D

L im b u s

Venice 122 1 ; see also

E l e c t io n s ,

E l ija h ,

D ormition, see V irgin Mary

D oxologies,

Old T estam en t: 47 1 ; see

lect,

E l e v a t io n ,

Constantine , 183

72, 1 5 0 1 , 152

o f,

On

c la s s if ic a i m e d a ls

240

176; of th e S tate , see I I ; of dogate, see D o g e

E t e r n it y ,

E

Iconography 46 1, 48, 51, 54 fi., 65 1 ;

c c l e s ia

E ck, J ohann , 116, 195 E ffigie , 41 E ffigies , V era , 104, 184

294

224 fi., 231

Governm ent

I,

L a te m edieval theology 99; sixteenthcent. controversy 107; an d Church 1 8 8 1 ; an d d ea th 101; an d ju stificatio n 71; an d law 207; an d « n o u rish m en t» n o ; litu rg y : 99 fi.; in tw o species 195; m on stran ce 46, 48; see also M a s s ; elevation 104, 114; carried u p b y angels 9 9 1 ; heav en ly sacrifice 48, 105, 101 f., 262, real presence 114 f,; see L i t u r g y ; governm ent adora-

u c h a r is t ,

tion, offering of 244 f., 249 ff., 2 5 5 0 ., 2 5 8 1 ; an d Signoria e n try 212; see C h r i s t ; E m p e r o r ;

F ides F

informis ,

in a n c e ,

71

P olicy 126; iconography 245, 250 f.

Of f e r in g

F inanciation , Of a r t works, see P rojects; D oge’s P alace

E uphemia , S t ., 65, 197 E

uro pe,

P ersonification 247

E uropeans , « F irs t » 168

F iore , Gioacchino

da ,

F iore , J acobello

del ,

dell ’A cca­

F ish , Motif 56

E vangelism , 135 f. 30, 53, 60 f., 63 f., 73, 81; and Im ­ m anuel 186; «song of» 191; in P arad ise 45 f., 50, 64, 74; in L a st Ju d g e m en t 82 f., 221

E v a n g e l is t s ,

F labella , 73, 81, 104 F lagellation , see Christ F lam e,

46, 60 f., 64, 66, 68, 82; and V irgin M ary 48, 193 ff.; see A d a m

Ico n o g rap h y 247

ve,

« Brefotrofio » : G onfalone

86

F a entin , A ndrea , 21 F aith , P reserved 145; see F id e s ; R eligio F alconetto , D omenico, Speech 140 F alier Conspiracy , 54 F alier , V itale , Doge, 221 F a ll F am a,

o f M an,

168, 171; see

A dam

F am e, personification 88, 179, 230

F a m il y , H

oly,

52; in E g y p t 196

F asano d i Gardone R iviera , Church : Baliini, E ngelpietà 105 F athers , D octors, of th e C hurch 46, 50, 60 ff., 64, 73 1 , 194; see also nam es F ealty,

164, 166

F elicità

civile ,

138, 145

F errara , Council

of ,

see F lorence

di

F

id e l it y ,

F ontego

71, 236, 255; see

W

orks

P ersonification 242, 255

F id es , V irtue: an d Venice 143, 145; see V irtues ; personification 88, 96, 221, 242, 244, 249, 255 ff.; as Ecclesia 256 ff.

T edeschi , 37

F ortescue , J ohn , 152 o r t it u d e ,

Personification, 169, 179, 221, 240, 242, V ir t u e s

F

o rtunatus,

F

ortune,

F

o s c a r i,

S t .,

65

f.

Personification 35, 253 F ran cesco ,

Doge, 80; m edal 174

— , P ietro , 3, 7, 17 F oscarini, J acopo, 262

295 43

d ei

255; see

P alazzo, 66 f.

S ola,

F oedus , see Covenant

F

F esta , 233

id e ,

A nd P u rg a to ry 72

F oro, F ioravante , Speech 142, 145

Gallery : G arofalo, A llegory of tw o T esta­

m en ts 257

F

of ,

F lorigerio, see T reviso , Monte di Pietà

138, 231; A ugusti 231; p ublica 230, 231; tem porum , felicia tem p o ra 231

F este

153

F lorence , Council

F e l ic it a s ,

F errara,

of,

P atro n ag e 53; ca th e d ra l title 53; elec­ tio n of C hrist as k ing 119, 261; an d populism 138; M arzocco 51 Accademia : F ra B artolom eo, Salva­ to r M undi, 79; Agnolo G addi, M ater M isericordiae 94; G iovanni d a P o n te, P o ly p ty ch 48; Baptistery : G hiberti, P arad ise doors 60, 229 Bargello : in ­ scription 231; G iotto, frescoes 50; Certosa di Galuzzo : P o ccetti, P arad ise 79 f . ; St. B ru n o ’s d ea th 117; Collection Contini Bonacossi : T in to retto , Con­ version of St. P a u l 93; Palazzo Vecchio : Salone 49; P an d ec ts of J u s tin ia n 53; U dienza w ith « A u ­ dience » iconogr. 53; Chapel decor, b y G h irlan ­ daio 53; Christol. iconogr. an d inscript. 119, 261; Pitti Gallery : Carracci, O doardo F arnese, C hrist an d Sts. 118; San Giovannino dei Cavalieri di Malta : C oronation altarp iece 48; San Marco : Sa­ cram en t chapel, P o ccetti, p ain tin g s 116; Santa M aria Novella : Strozzi chapel, O rcagna, p ain tin g s 47, 236; D om inican « P arad ise » 47; nave, Jaco p o del Meglio, altarp iece 117; Uffizi: Veronese, St. Ju stin e 97

F abianus , S t ., 208 F a b r ia n o ,

ugh

F lorence,

186

z e k h ie l ,

F leta , 15 i F leury, H

E xsurge D omine , 71 E

see Gallerie

demia

E ustace , S t ., 74

E

44, 148, 184

R oyal house 199; coronation rites 151; an d p aradise 153; and S ta te of A ngels 172; chosen lan d 154 f.; am bassadors of, in San M arco 210; am bassadors to 125

F rance,

F

S t ., 33, 42, 46, 64, 66, 107, 246; and C hrist 94; «p ro p h etical» im age 44, 184

r a n c is ,

F rangipane , Cornelio , Speech 139, 143, 146 F

Blood relic 34; T itian , P esaro M adonna 94, colum ns of 244

r a r i,

S a n t a M a r i a G l o r io s a

Giannotti, D onato, 143 Gimignano , S t ., 52; city of, see S an Gimignano Giolfino , N icolò, see V erona , Sant1Anastasia Giotto, see A ssisi , San Francesco; F lorence , Bargello Giovani, I, 136 f. Giovanni

e

P aolo, SS., see San Zanipolo

d e i,

Giudice

del proprio ,

157 f.

F raud , F raude , 82

Giuspatronato , see E cclesiastical

F recavalli, Mario , Speech 142

Giustin ian , B ernardo , 134; on S t. M ark 192

F r iu l i,

Personification 241

— , L orenzo, S t ., 66, 246

F unction (s), see « S ecular »; « Official »; Cere ­ monies ; L iturgy Iconogr. 56

F

u r ie s ,

F

urnace,

Gabriel , St ., see A ngelic

V ulcan

orders

Gad d i , A gnolo, see F lorence , Accademia Galleria Querini S tampalia, G. B ella, view of Con­ siglio dei Dieci, of Capi Cons. Dieci 84 Gallerie D ell 'A ccademia, D all'A ngolo, Calling of apostles n i , 2 i8 ; J . Bassano, Mass of St. E le u th e­ rius 93; G ent. Bellini, Corpus D om ini procession, 81, 191; Giov. Bellini, Virgin, sleeping Child 34; Bonifazio Veronese, Justice, Peace 240; various v o tiv e p ain tin g s 76, 218 1 , Jacobello del Fiore, C oronation of V irgin 46 f.. Justice, M ichael and G abriel 56, 67, 175, 218; P alm a Giov., draw ­ ing for Crociferi n o ; Quirizio d a M urano, C hrist 103, J- T in to retto , R esurrection, th ree provedi­ to ri i n ; M artyrdom of St. C atherine 93; V ero­ nese, L ep an to 88, 97; H o ly L eage 88; B e tro th al of V irgin 257 of,

see

F

errara,

Gatta , B artolomeo

Gallery

della ,

see A rezzo, Gallery

V enetian w ar w ith 66, 122; v icto ry over, iconography 222 f.

Genoa,

Genoese , 225 Gente

nuova ,

G lo r ia fo r m a lis, 114 ---- MATERIALIS,

II4

Glorioso, 115 Glory,

Of C hrist, see

Ch r i s t ;

of saints, elect see

P a r a d is e ; S a in t s

Gnadenstuhl , 102 In voked 47; see T r i n i t y ; source of ju stice 240; and ju stificatio n 70 ff.; vision of 154 ff.; see also T h e o p h a n y ; V i s i o b e a t i f i c a ; an d creatio n of an cien t S tates 141, of V enice 140 f., 143 f., 147; an d po litical governm ent in V enice 139 ff., 141 ff.; concepts an d iconogr.: accepting E u ch aristic of­ fering 48, 105 ff., 190, 256, 262; see E u c h a r i s t ; G n a d e n s t u h l ; an d h eavenly sacrifice 102; icono­ graphy: Im m an u el 186; en th ro n ed 176; w ith globe 176; in P arad ise 51, 62 f., 69; an d V enice 229; app earin g to lay m en 94; in L ep a n to allegory 88; in official docum ents 51, 176 f., 179

God,

Godi, P ietro , Speech 145 G oethe,

J. W.

Gesture , see Christ Ghiberti , L orenzo, see F lorence , Baptistery Ghirlandaio , D omenico, see F lorence , Palazzo

von,

57

Golgotha, 34, 104; see also Christ G ondola,

D oge's,

G onzaga, L

86

o d o v ic o ,

234

I, Generally (Venice: see G o v e r n ­ II) C haracter: m ixed 137 ff., 150 ff.; tem p e­ r a te 137 ff., 150 ff.; m onarchical 138 f., see O p t i ­ m a t e s ; popular, dem o cratica! 54, 137 ff., 150 f.; ty ran n ical 137; m y stical b o d y J50; e te rn ity 150; 164, 172; an d angels, ch a racter angelicus 152, 172; cosmological asp ect 152 f.; an d celestial h ierarch y 153, 172 ; divine origin, source 153!. ; an d v irtu e 150; an d Chosen P eople 154 f.,

G overnm ent

122

George , S t ., 117, 208

Vecchio

G lo b e, Of e a rth 218, 247 1 , 256.; see C h rist; God

Iconography, 221

Gambarato, Girolamo, see D oge's P alace, Pregadi Garo falo,

— , S tefano , 178

G lo r ia , D oxology 100; M arian 187, 189, 191 f.

Iconogr. 247; see also

Gallipolis , B attle

prerogatives

m ent

an d O ld T estam e n t governm ent 150 ff. ; an d Church 153; purpose: cu ra anim arum 154, mission, voca­ tio n 153, purpose of, an d P arad ise 153; as Good Shepherd 1 5 4 1 ; see V en ice; C o n sta n tin o p le; E n g la n d ; F r a n c e Government I I, Venice : Bodies, procedures, see Constitution ; Ceremonies ; governm ent, ico­ n ography 225 ff., 228, 248; character: p erfect form 239, im personal 150, m ystical body 150, p er­ p e tu ity 164, 176, see D oge ; V enice ; m ixed 137 ff., 140 f., 147; te m p erate 137 ff., 141; aristocratical, of optim ates 54, 137 ff.; m onarchical 137 ff.; p o p u lar 54, 137 ff.; and Ita lia n com m unes 54; su p ern atu ral, celestial 140 ff., 239; divine, of G od's m ind 139 ff., 142 f.; saintly, sacred 140; conform ing to universe 141 f.; celestial aspect of law s 140 f.; an d angels 142; an d C reation 140 f., 144, 176 f.; see V en ice ; and Chosen People 141, 258 1 ; fea lty to Christ, St. H a rk 164, 166; an d Solom on's governm ent 142; and P la to 's S ta te 142; shepherding G od's flock 144, 146, 188 f.; am ore, g ra tia for subjects 239; unione 2 3 8 !.; w isdom 239; peace, ab undance 239; see also V irtues ; m odesty 211; m ilita ry pow er 239; offering to God 251, 258 f.; p a rtic ip a tin g in E ucharistic sacrifice 98, 250, 25 8 ;-offering to M ars, N eptune, V enetia 248 ff., 256, 259; see also V en ic e ; D oge ; enlight­ ened b y C hrist 207 f.; com ptetences, iconography: d istrib u tio n of offices, honours 241, 253 f. finance, currency 241, 245, 249; m ilita ry 245; navigation, overseas territo ries 246 f . ; m ain lan d 246 f . ; eccle­ siastical 246, in te lle ctu al 246; see E ccesiastical PREROGATIVES

Governors, 126; iconography 177 f., 246 f. Gozzoli, B enozzo, see S an Gimignano , Sant'Ago­

Grimani, M arin, Doge, Speech to 141 f., see D o g e's P a la c e , Antipregadi ; Sant'Isepp o Grisonio , F rancesco, Speech 141 A n d r e a , Doge, R ules for S an M arco 181, 206; an d b a ttle of P a d u a 32, 145; speech to 139, 142, 145; lira of 160; com m issione iconogr. 178;

G r itti,

see D o g e ' s cholas

P a la c e ,

Groto, L uigi , Speeches 134, 147 f., 248 Grosso, 159 Guardian

angel ,

see A ngelic

orders

Guariento , see D oge's P alace , Maggior Consiglio Gubbio , Palazzo del Popolo : Guiduccio, V irgin, A n­ n u n ciatio n 53 Guidoricci, 52 Guiduccio , see Gubbio , Palazzo del Popolo Gu ilds , S ta tu te s of 153 H all, A rthur , 120 H am , 169 H eaven , H ierarch y 73; m a n ’s ascension to 69; see also P aradise ; A ngelic orders ; S aints ; S ouls ; V isio beatifica ; L iturgy ; S acrifice , hea ­ v en ly ; G overnment ; V enice H ebrew s , People, see I srael ; epistle, see S criptures H elena , S t ., 60, 64, 74 48

H e ll,

H enry H

i of

E ngland , 153

I I I o f F r a n c e , R ecep tio n a t th e L ido 15 f., 244; m em orial p la q u e 16

enry

H eraldry , see Coat

stino

Collegio, Chapel of St. N i­

of arms

Grace , A t Council of T re n t 78; and justification 71

H ercules , 230 f., 232, 248, 253

Graces, T hree , 13, 238 f.

H eresy,

Gradenigo , P aolo, 177 Grado , B ishopric 197

H ermagoras, S t ., 6 5 ! ; relics 183 H ermits , see A nthony , S t.; P aul , St.

Gratia , S u b , 64 f. H ila r y ,

Greeks , 225 f. Gregory X I I I , Pope, A nd V enetian tr e a ty 92 Gregory the Great , S t ., 64, 194; on Mass 100; on archangels 173 f. Mass of 100; plague procession of 117 Gregory

of

N azianzus , S t ., 208

Grimani, A ntonio , Doge, A nd v o tiv e rep resen ta­ tio n s 30; prom issione iconogr. 176; see D oge's P alace , Antipregadi —, A

n t o n io ,

178 f.

G overnor, procuratore, Iconography

A nd V enice 148; personification 82

S t ., 69

H o lb e in , H a n s, H o ly

49

L eague , see L eague

H om er,

146

f.

H omily

of

Obedience , 153

H onour, P ersonification 230, 253 H ope , see S pes H ospital , Iconography h i ff. H ost, 48, 103, 106, 249; w ith Golgotha scene 115; see E ucharist

H oussaie , A. N. A melot 148 f., 163

de la ,

On Venice 120, 144,

H ypolitus , S t ., On S usannah 196

Com munes, a r t of 49 ff., 53 ff.; defended b y Venice 145 f., 243

Italy,

I te ,

missa est ,

149

I aphet , 168 f.

IUSTITIA DUPLEX, 7 2 , 75

I conography, P lanning, see P rojects

J ames , S t ., 88, 203, 208

I c x p Nika , 193

J a n d u n , J ean

I mago

pietatis ,

99, 189; see Christ

155

E nvoys in V enice 16

Japan,

I mitatio Christi , 166, 200

de,

J enzenstein , J ohannes

I mmanuel , 185!., 190, 207 i ; see God ; Christ

60, 250, 257; for Signoria, official guests 162, 216

70

J erem y,

P ro p h et, 46

Jerom e,

S t ., 31, 64, 108, 194, 239

I mperium , Venice 226, 232, 251, 255; see S tate I ncarnation , see Christ ; V enice

von ,

J erom e, P seu d o ,

On St. Jo h n E v an g elist 195

In cen se,

67

I n c u r a b ili,

I n d u lg e n c e s , I n d u s t r ia ,

47, 78

J esuits , 145 f.

J ethro , 141

Personification 255

J ew s , 258; see I srael

I nganno , 82

J hs , 117

I ngegneri, 2, 5 I nquisitori

sopra il doge defunto ,

130

In sig n ia, V entian Signoria 54, 156 fi.; doge espe­ cially 157 f.; feudal tra d itio n s 157; an d A lexan­ d er I I I 158 1 ; see V estm en ts; C orno d u c a le ; V ex illu m ; I n v e s t it u r e ; Sw ord; B a to n ; C ereo bianco; C adrega; Canopy; Trum pets; P if f e r i; C ushion; D oge; S ign oria; T r io n fi In str u m e n ts,

M usical 48; in P arad ise 45; of th e

Passion, see

C h r is t ; M u s ic

I ntercession , 45, 47, 49, 51; see V irgin Mary ; Saints I n t e r d ic t ,

G olgotha Chapel 100; h eavenly 45, 73, an d Venice 147

J erusalem ,

145, 148 f.

Of doge 161 fi.; origins 164 ff.; and fea lty 164, on coins, seals 158 fi., 164 fi.; of Ve­ nice, allegory 218; of V enetian officers, governors 161; of B yzantine em peror 160; of W estern du­ kes 164; see O f f e r i n g

I n v e s titu r e ,

J o el,

187 f.

J ohn , S t ., the B aptist , 46, 5 0 1 , 53, 60, 64, 66, 74, 85, 93, 106; see also D eesis J ohn Chrysostomus, S t ., 208 J ohn

of

E ngland , E lectio n 251

S t., t h e E v a n g e l i s t , Life, w orks 193 ff.; in P arad ise 64, 191; repres. E cclesia m ilitans, p rin ­ cipatus, deacon 194 i ; relics 1 8 3 ; m iraculous im age 184; general iconogr. 25, 50 L, 102, 109; chapel 193

J ohn,

P aris , 15 i , 154

John

of

J ohn

of

J oseph

S alisbury , 15 i

of

A rimathea ,

ioo

J oshua , A nd S ta te 152 Jove,

J uan

184, 2 4 1 1 , 248, 253 of

A ustria , 90

I nvid ia , 82

Judge,

I saac, 46, 62, 64

J udg em en t, L ast,

Ju d icial 84, 218; see

L a w ; Ch r is t

G eneral an d iconogr. 8 f., 24, 48, 56, 60, 72 ff., 80 ff., 109, 189 f., 229; an d E cclesia 74; an d ju stificatio n 72

I saiah , 46, 186

ISPIRATIONE, 82 K ings 148; governm ent of 150 fi.; trib es of as « w orld » 66; historical m odel 139, 1 4 1 t., 258 f.

J ulius I I, P ope , Medal 240

I srael,

I s s ic r a t e a , M a d o n n a ,

Speech 144

ISTRIANS, 225 f. I t a l ia ,

P ersonification 256

I t a l ia n s ,

Pedigree of 142, 168; iconogr. 225 f.

Juno,

J ust ,

184, 243, 248 O ld

T estament , 48; see L imbus

Concept: in S ta te 51, in society 171, in doge 204, 162, in Venice, V enet. g o v ern m en t 55 f., 67, 141, 143 f., 170, 206 f., a n d V irgin M ary 175; an d sacrifice 207, see J u s t i n i a n ; an d F a ll 168,

J u s t ic e ,

of A bel 206 i , of T ra ia n 207, an d Peace 240 f., 242, 250, an d C h arity 48, see L aw ; P eace ; V e ­ nice ; personification: 31, 55 1, 109, 174 1, 177 ff., 218, 221, 239 1 , 242, 247, 253, 255 f.; see also P eace ; V en ic e ; Sacrificium ; Of m an 70 ff.; of elect 47; and H oly S p irit 76 f . ; an d C reation 77

J u s t if ic a t io n ,

60, 64, 66 f., 88, 90 1, 97 f., 106; feast, an d L ep a n to 60, 67; v estm e n ts 97

J u s t i n e , S t .,

L eonard , S t ., 31, 197, 199 L eonidas , 255 Lepanto , B attle of, E v en t, iconography 60, 88 fi., 90 fi., 96, 250; see L eague , H oly ; J ustine , S t .; D oge’s P alace , Collegio 258, an d law 151; iconography 192, 196

L e v it e s ,

see

L ex . . . ,

L iberalitas A vg ., 227

J ustinian , E m peror, Law s of 53, 151, as oblatio 207 L ib e r a l it y ,

J ustus , S t ., 53 J ustus

van

Ghent , see U rbino , Palazzo ducale

K ing , In stitu tio n 138, 150 ff.; cerem onies 163 t., 200; N orm an 188, 200; see also Government ; Monar­ r o n o s,

221, 230, 255

Concept for Venice, see catio n 218, 230

L ib e r t y ,

L ibreria

di

personifi­

V e n ic e ;

San Marco, 6, 27, 86

L ido , 15

chy K

L aw

248

Of C hrist 207 f.; of his w ounds 117

L ig h t ,

L amb , God 's , Sacrifice 256 f.; see Christ L amentation , see Christ

Museum : Veronese, M odello for Paradise, o g e ’s P a l a c e , Maggior Consiglio

L il l e ,

see

D

L ana , L uigi , Speech 141

L imbus

L ance , 74, 78

L io n

L andò , P ietro , Doge, 133; succession portrait 32; v o tiv e picture, see D oge’s P alace , Pregadi

L ira , 160

L ateran , F ifth Council of the . A nd im m o rtality of souls 72; topography, see R ome L au d es,

161, 164, 193, 211

Laurel,

88, 225, 229 f., 232, 241, 246 f.

G enerally: celestial aspect 141; as corpus m y ­ sticum , in tellectuale 150, 173; sa n c tity of 140; an d God 258; divine origin 168, 240; an d sacri­ fice 207; su periority over rulers 150; in society 171 f.; n a tu ra l 171, 241; p ositive 171, 206 f., 241; iconography 170; divine law : 141; etern al 171, 173; an d governm ent 150, 170 f.; Old L aw 51, 64, 83, 171, 174; N ew 51, 60, 64, 83, 171, 174

Law ,

patrum ,

St.

of

48, 174, 190 f., 199 f.

M ark,

see

M ark,

St .

th e V irgin 56; to th e sain ts 69; pseudo-, to Venice 144; see also C o m m e n d a t i o a n i m a e

L it a n ie s , T o

L it u r g y ,

E u ch aristic 107; see

E

u c h a r is t ;

Ma ss;

P alm S unday 214 f ., M aundy T h u rsd ay 200 f ., 214 f ., Good F rid a y 215 f ., E a ste r S a tu rd a y 216, E a ste r M or­ ning 216 f ., P en teco st 188; an d angels 99 ff., 167, 1 7 3 ! ; see A n g e l i c o r d e r s ; heav en ly 48, 50 f ., 5 4 1 , 99 ff., 103, 106, 190; an d A gnus D ei 100; S a c r if ic e , H

see

eavenly;

T abernac les,

C o m m e n d a t io

tu rg y ; L o d i, P

E

O f f e r in g ;

u c h a r is t ic ;

a n im a e ;

see

M u s ic ; S a n

L it a n ie s ;

M arco , L i­

M andatum

eace

o f,

66

(Jac. Sansovino) 56

L awrence , S t ., 46, 60, 64, 66 f., 108

L oggetta,

L azarus , 190

L o go s,

L eague , H oly, 88, 90 fi.; see L epanto ; T reaty

L ombardi, P ietro , see D oge’s P alace , Scarlatti,

L ege,

L om bardy,

L egem , A nte , 64 aurea ,

Ch r i s t

Sala degli

S u b , 64

L egenda

see

Ci t i e s

46

D om inated

by

Venice

British Museum : Veronese, draw ing for Ven ier allegory 96 fi.; National Gallery : G entile (?) Bellini, v o tiv e p ain tin g for G iovanni Mocenigo 30, 163, 258; G iovanni Bellini, C hrist on to m b 105, E u ch aristic C hrist 104; Jac. T in to retto , St. George 229; W ilto n D ip ty ch 54; Wallace Collec­ tion : Cristoforo de P rédis, G aleazzo M aria Sforza m in iatu re 94

L ondon,

L egislation , 123, 125 L eningrad , Hermitage : F ra Angelico, T abernacle 115; F r. B assano, m odello for P aradise, see D oge’s P alace , Maggior Consiglio L eo,

o f.

230

Saints, confusion of id en tities 106

L eo

I I I , Pope, 165

L eo

the

Great , S t ., 106 f.

L o n g in u s ,

St., 74

L oredan , L eonardo , Doge, Speech to 140; an d official p o rtra itu re 30; flagpole p o rtra it 166; com ­ m issione iconogr. 178; v o tiv e representations, a l­ legory, see D oge's P alace , Pregadi, Scarlatti — , P ietro , Doge, 36; speech to 140, 142, 148; vo­ tiv e p ain tin g , see D oge's P alace , Pregadi L orraine , Cardinal L othar

of

S egni ,

of,

I n V enice 184

« Man

of

S orrows », 99, 104; see Christ

M andatum, (Jn. 13 : 34) see San M arco, L itu rg y ; C o n sta n tin o p le , Palace ; Rome, Vatican palaces Manna , F all

of,

Maniple , 107, 192 Mansuetudo , Personification 255 Manto , D oge's 63, 86, 96, 156

io i

Mantua , A m bassadors to 125

L ouis , S t., («Alvise») 25, 31 f., 85, 90 f. L ucca, Gallery : F ra cordiae 113

Bartolom eo,

M ater

M iseri­

Marangon, Marco, 14 Marcello, Giovanni P aolo, 179

L uk e , S t ., 31, 66, 64, 191; relics 183 f.

—,

J acopo, 8, 22

L uther , Martin , A nd ju stificatio n 70 fl.; and P u r­ g a to ry 72; controversy w ith 75, 135

—,

N icolò,

Lux

mundi ,

L yons ,

see L ight

i . and

n o , 219

Doge,

Prom issione iconogr. 176 t.

Marcolini, F ., 142 f. Marcus Curtius , Iconogr. 255

2. Councils

of.

A nd P u rg a to ry 72

Marina , S t ., 31, 60, 64, 66 f.

M achiavelli, N iccolò, 137, 149, 151

Mariology, see V irgin Mary

Madrid , Museo del Prado : T in to retto , M odello for P aradise; see D oge's P alace , Maggior Consiglio ; Veronese, Jesu s in T em ple 257

Mark , S t., G enerally: 30 ff., 33,42 f., 61, 64 f., 85 fl., 107 ff., 176 ff., 191; in S tate allegories (see also below. Lion) 13, 31, 86 ff., 90, 97 f., 159 f., 165 f., 228 f., 239 ff., 244, 246, 249, 259; L ion 7, 60, 79, 87, 159 f., 165, 225, 231, 241, 247; an d T rin ity 187; an d Christ 86 f., 90, 94, 249; C hrist-like 96; an d St. P ete r 165, 182 1 , 190, 192, 196 f.; an d St. H erm agoras 183; an d A lexandria 65, 93, 183; m a rty rd o m 189; episcopal office of 182 f., in episcopal robes 159, as celebrating bishop 192, as L evite 192; as shepherd 241; li­ tu rg y 212, 214; spoils, relics 183; tran slatio 182, 197, 208; ap p aritio , inventio 182, 197, 199; as second p a tro n of Venice: an d Venice, w ith V enetia 66, 109, 182 f., 241 f., 246; an d V enice's v o cation 146; see V enice ; P a x tib i Marce 87, 90 ff., 94, 165 f.; feudal lord 164, 166; effecting in v estitu re of Venice 218, of doge, 159 ff., 165 f.; a tten d in g a t in v estitu re 239 f.; invoked a t in v e stitu re 162 f.; an d prim icerio 166; see P rimicerio ; h an d in g over S tate docum ents 178; invoked a t Palace rebuil­ ding 32; an d Justice, P eace 218, 240, 256; see J ustice ; sta tu e on Arco F oscari 211; see S an Marco

Maestà , see P aradise M aganza, A lessandro , see V icenza , Oratorio del gonfalone, Santa Corona Magdalen , S t . M ary , 60, 64, 66, 74, 116 M aggior Consiglio , Body, see Council , Great ; S ala del, see D oge's P alace M agi, A doration Magister

of the ,

84,

caerimoniarum ,

h i,

186, 219

see S an M arco

Magistrates , T erm 138; see A dministration of­ fices ; A vogadori; Cancellier grande ; Cen ­ sori ; Councillors ; D oge ; P rocuratori di San M arco; S a v i ; S enators ; Ma g istra to . . , etc.; Constitution Magistrato

della

M agistrato

sopra ai

Camera

Magistrato

d ei

Magistrato

del

M onte

Magistrato

del

P roprio , 56, 218

degli

Governatori

M agistratura

della

Magistratura

del

I mprestidi, 219

Conti, 218 f.

d ei

alle

E ntrate , 218 f.

S u ssid i , 218 f.

Marmentino , Church : M oretto, altarpiece 103

Quarantia , 240

Mars , 13, 239, 248, 253, 255 1 , 259

S al , 4 1 , 76, 218 f.

Marsilius

of

P adua , 15 i

Magistratus , see Magistrates

Martini, S imone , see S iena , Palazzo Pubblico

Magnificence , Personification 221

Martyrs , In P arad ise 63 f.; in Chrysotriclinios 252

Maiestas , Of S ta te 132, 231; see also P eople ; R o­ me ; Christ

Mary , see V irgin Mary ; Magdalen ; « E m p tia n a » 116

Malmignatti, B artolomeo, Speech 141 f.

Marzocco, 51

300

Masenetti , Speech 143

Mirror , 247

Mask , 247

Mishnephet , 257

Mass , Celebration of 34,107, 249 f., 253, 256 f.; Canon of 99 1, 115; solem n 187; solem n episcopal 162; a t doge election 251 f.; a t in v estitu re of offi­ cers 161; a t coronation 187; a t election 251 f.; in political parallel 149; as sacrifice 258; see E ucha­ rist ; C hrist's presence a t, see Christ ; triu m p h of C hrist in 101 f.; as « good w ork » 255, 259; see L i­

Mocenigo, A lvise , Doge, 1 f., 36; speech to 140, 148; an d H o ly League, L ep an to 88 fi., 90 fi.; an d tr e a ty of 1573 91 fi.; v otive picture, see D oge's P alace , Collegio —, F rancesco, 85 —, Giovanni , 85

turgy

—, Giovanni, Doge, V otive picture, see L ondon ,

Massa Marittima, Council ordering Virgin picture

National Gallery

50

—, N icolò, 85

Mater E cclesiae , see V irgin

— , T oma, 85

Matthew , S t ., 64, 68, 83, 191; relics 183 Maximus Confessor , Mayron , F rançois

—, T ommaso, Doge, 168

ioo

de,

Modelli, see P rojects

70

Moderation , Iconogr. 255 Molo, 86

Medals , Classical, m odel for V enetian iconography 224 1 , 227, 230 f., 256; V enetian 165, 174; p ap a l 240; see N umismatics

Monarchy, 137 f., 139, 147, 150 f., 152; celestial 141; see Government

Meditation , Personification 253 Megarenses , 139 Meglio , J acopo

del ,

Money , Iconography w ith 245, 247, see N umisma­ tics ; Offering

see F lorence , Santa M aria

Novella

M onica, S t ., 115

Melchisedek , 94,

Monstrance , 46, 48, 103

Melos , 191

Montaperti, B attle

Memmi, L ippo , see S an Gimignano , Council Hall Memoria P assionis , 104

52

Montemezzano, F rancesco, 84

Mercato, see Contracts

Monte

Mercury , 184, 230 fi., 238 f., 247 f., 253

dei su ssid i , nuovissimo ,

218 f.

Moon, A nd Venice 144; iconogr. 247

Meyer , J akob , 49 Michael S t,> see A ngelic

of,

Montefalco, S a n f Agostino: fresco 48

Moretto, see B rescia , Pinacoteca Tosi-Martinengo; Marmentino

orders

Michelangelo B uonarroti^ 225; see R ome, Vatican

Moro, Cristoforo, Doge, 203

Michele , A gostino , Speech 140 f.

Morosini, Michele , Doge, 157, 168

Michiel , D omenico, Doge, 160, 221, 224 Michiel , P arrasio , see D oge's P alace , Collegio ; Sant 'I seppo

—, Morosina , D ogaressa, 157 —, V incenzo , 3, 7, 17

Milan , A m bassadors to 125; Biblioteca Ambrosiana: P alm a, Modello for P aradise, see D oge's P a ­ lace , Maggior Consiglio

Moses , 258, an d governm ent, general an d of Venice 141, 146, 1 5 1 1 ; iconography 46, 53, 60 f., 62, 64, 170

Miles Christianus , 244

Mula , Gerolamo

Military , Iconogr. 160, 221, 237, 244 f.; see also V irtues ; V exillum ; B aton ; I nvestiture

Mulier Amicta

Milutin

of

83 66

Multiplication , see Christ

S erbia , 259

Minerva , 82, 239, 242, 253

da ,

sole ,

Musé , D omenico, Speech 146 .

Minor Consiglio , 12 i

M usic, A nd angels 45/61,74; an d evangelists 191; h a r­ m ony of, in politics 137 f., 152; see also L iturgy , heavenly .

Mint , see Zecca

N a n i , F am ily arm s, 246

Miniato , S an , see S an M iniato

301

vision of 127; 131 ; an d St. M ichael 67; ico­ nog rap h y 254; see A dministration offices ; Magistrates

N aples , A m bassadors to 125 N ation , 185!.; an d Ecclesia 235; see P eople ; A n ­ gelic orders

Official , D istin ct, from « p riv a te » 31, 51 f., 132, 165 f.

N ationalism , 92, 145, 154 f. N atura

divina ,

82

Officium A ngeli Custodis , 167

N ature , A nd law, society 168, 171

Officium S. Michaelis A rchangeli, 173 f.

N avagero , A ndr ea , Speech. 139

Oil , H oly,

N avicella , Venice as 146, 235

156

Oligarchy , 137, 139; see Government

N avigation , Policy 126, 128; iconogr. 87, 246, 253 N eptu ne , 243, 248, 253, 255 1, 259

Olive , 214, 229 f., 239, 241, 247, 255 f. Olympus , 241 f.

N ereids , 226, 247

Ombrela , see Canopy

N ew Y ork City , Metropolitan M useum : T in to retto , Modello for Mocenigo votive painting, see D oge’s P alace , Collegio; Zuccari, Modello for Paradise, see D oge’s P alace , Maggior Consiglio N icholas of B ari , S t ., 30, 52, 64, 66 f., 85, 107, 176, 197, 203; chapels, see D oge’s P alace ; R ome,

Omobonus , S t ., 208 Optimates , (valentior p ars, nobiles) 150 1 , 152; an d Gn. 9 169 f.; an d v irtu e 151 L, 1 6 9 1 ; an d law 171; in V enice 122 f., 126, 137 ff., 141, i45> *47 > 243î aristo cracy 54, 137 ff., 150 f.; see Government Orange , Second Council

Lateran, Vatican N icodemus ,

i i 5,

Orate ,

ioo

N oah, 61 f., 64, 167 £f., 190; an d Christ 169; d ru n ­ kenness of 169 f.; ancestor of Italian s 142; and society 169 f.; an d law 171 f. N obility , see Optimates

of ,

75

fratres , i 14

Oratori, see A mbassadors Origenes , 188 Oselle , 215; see Medals Ospedale dei Crociferi, Oratory : P alm a p ain tin g s, iconography n o f f .

N ove , I, 121

N uremberg , E nvoys from 15

P adua , R ep resen ted 109, 241, 246 f.; an n ex atio n of 226; reconquest of 32, 40, 66, 145; docu m en t on « fo u n d atio n » of V enice 143; fam ine in 109; S tu ­ dio 125, 168, 246; Museo Civico : P alm a, Soranzo v o tiv e p a in tin g 109, 218; Palazzo della Ragione : Salone: C oronation fresco 53; Santa Giustina : V eronese, M artyrdom of St. Ju stin e 97; b a ttle of. iconography 221

Obedience , Iconogr. 247, 255

P agan , Mattia , 157

N ovello, P aolo, Speech 144 N uma P ompilius , Iconogr. 170 N umismatics, Venice: 159 f., 166; B yzantine 159, 160, 165, 225 classical 224 f., 227, 230 f., 256; see Medals ; I nvestiture ; Money

OCHLOCRATIA, 1 39

P alazzo

Octavian , S t ., 53

P alazzo D ucale , see D oge’s P alace

Offering , L iturgical, of S tate, ruler, V enetian go­ v ern m en t 50, 203, 206 f., 208, 251; V enet. govern­ m en t an d E ucharistic offering 249 ff., 258 ff.; doge, rulers, em perors offering coins 163, 203, vases 203; m o n etary offering, sp iritu al aspect 251; see E u ­ charist ; S acrifice ; offering to Venice perso­ nified 246, 247 ff., 256, to Mars, N eptune 256, c ity p atro n s to V irgin 50; see A bel ; Offertory ; Christ ; God ; T r inity ; Ma ss ; S acrifice , hea ­ v e n l y ; Sacrificium iustitiae

P alermo, Cappella palatina : k in g ’s position 182, 217, se a t 201, 205; n o rth balcony 201, 217; w est w all m osaic w ith C hrist a n d S ta te p a tro n s 188, 217; T rin ity iconogr. 217; C hrist as lig h t 208; an d San M arco 217

Offertory , 163, 203; in D om inican litu rg y 117

dei

Camerlenghi, 218

P alladio , A ndrea , W orks in th e D oge’s P alace 3, 5 f.; R ed en to re 34; see also V incenza , Loggia del

Capitano P alm, 85, 88, 90, 95, 225, 229; in E a ste r litu rg y 201, 214 P alma

Offices , S tate, in Venice: ro tatio n of 123; super­

302

il

scia ,

Giovane , A nd D oge Cicogna 27; see B re ­ Confraternità del Rosario ; D oge’s P alace,

Maggior Consiglio, Pregadi, Scrutinio ; G a ll e ­ r ie d e l l ’Accadem ia; O sp ed a le d e i C ro c iferi; P adua, Museo Civico ; San F a n tin ; San Gia­ como d a l l ’O rio; San Lio; San P o lo ; San Zac­ caria; San Z anipolo; W a y za ta

P aul , St ., A postle, 46, 50 f., 60, 64, 74, 82 f., 93, 135, 188, 217; p atro n of N orm an m onarchy 188, 217

P almanova, 88

P aul , St ., H erm it, 45, 48, 64, 66, 83, 199; an d St. A n­ thony, see San Marco, Transept, south ; D oge ’s P alace , Maggior Consiglio

P ancin , B ernardo , 21

P aul IV, P ope ,

P anegyrics , 134 f., 137 ff.

P aul V, Pope, 2, 167 P aulo , P re , i P ax , L iturgical 74, 162, 189; concept, 86 f.; see P eace ; Mark , S t . (Pax tibi, Marce)

P ange

lingua , h o

P antocrator, 208 P aolo V eneziano , (M aestro Paolo) see S an Marco,

Presbytery P apacy , see R ome P apists , 145, 162; see Clergy P a ra d ise , C oncept and iconography: 8, 10 i , 22 ff., 45 ff., 49 ff., 50 fif., 53 ff., 59 ff., 65 ff., 78 ff., 191, 199,234 ff. ; see D o g e ’s P a la c e , Maggior Consiglio; « M aestà », see San Gim ignano, Council H all ; S ien a, Palazzo Pubblico, Cathedral ; S a in ts, A ll; P e o p le ; S ou ls; as triu m p h a l ev en t 63; and glory of saints 8; and Church 189, 235 f.; and justifica­ tion 70 ff.; an d C om m endatio anim ae (q. v.) 69 f.; and Council of T re n t 78; T errestial P aradise 167 1, 173; see G overnm ent; V en ice P aris , Musée du Louvre : T intoretto, P aradise m o­ dello, see D oge’s P alace , Maggior Consiglio ; Marco Vecellio (?), L epanto draw ing 90 P arliament , 120, 149 P arma, Pinacoteca : T in to retto , P ie tà 105

iii

P eace , A nd Christ 189; an d In carn atio n 56; an d V irgin M ary 56, 67, 175; an d Michael: angelus pacis 173; and Solomon 170, 174; an d Ju stice 56, 162, 240 f., 242; see J ustice ; an d S tate 56, 67, 91 ff., 138; P ax Italiae 95; an d Venice 56, 175; of Christ, an d Venice 146 f., an d Ven. go­ vernm ent, see V enice ; Government I I ; Perso­ nification, allegory: 31, 56, 93, 218, 230, 239 f., 242, 247, 249, 253, 255 f. P eccato, 82 P elagius , Pope, 197 P enance , Sacrament, 195; and justification 72; iconogr. 78 P entecoste , 35 P eople (s ), Role in governm ent 138, 141, 147, 150; m aiestas of 231; an d Ecclesia 73, 189, 236; iconogr.: P aradise 62, 73; D escent of H oly S pirit 185 t.; V enetian S tate allegory 224 f., 231; see N ation ; P rovinces ; E cclesia ; Government I P eranda , Sante , see San Zanipolo

P ars , V alentior , see Optimates

P eretola, (Florence) Santa M aria : D ella R obbia tabernacle 102 f.

P arte , (Bill) 127 f., 130 f. P aruta , P aolo, 92, 134, 138 f., 145

P ersia , E nvoys from 15

P ascua , 188

P ersonifications , U nidentified 247; see J ustice ; V enice , etc.

P assion , see Crhist

P erugia , Galleria nazionale dell’ Umbria : M adonna della M isericordia w ith L am b 86; Caporali, Coro­ n atio n 48; Palazzo Comunale : Old T estam en t sce­ nes 50

P assiones , 80 P aten , E ucharistic 100 P ater

noster ,

51, 162

P atriarch of V enice , 165; election, possessio 125, 181 f.; position in San M arco 181 f., 204; cele­ b ratin g in San Marco 161, 181; candles for 213; reception a t D oge’s Palace 181 f.; see E cclesia­ stical prerogatives ; A udiences

P esaro F amily , 94 P escara, R ep resen tatio n of 241

P atriarchs, (Old T estam ent) 45 f., 60 f., 64, 66, 79, 190; see L imbus P atrum

P eter , S t ., A postle, 25, 46, 50 f., 60 f., 64, 74, 83, 88, 93, 95, 177, 188, 217; iconography in San M ar­ co 196 f.; an d St. M ark 182 f., 196 f.; relics 183; a t im perial in v estitu re 165; p atro n of N orm an m onarchy 188, 217; navicella of, an d Venice 146

P atriciate , see Optimates ; S errata

P eter Martyr , S t ., 46, 64, 67

P atrons , Of Venice 66 f.; see V enice , Saints

P hilip , S t ., 208

303

44

P hilip

of

P hilip I I

of

le

ioo

S pain , 90

of

P hilip IV P hilippe

B urgundy ,

S pain , 57

B el , 152

P hilistines , 240 P hilosophy , Iconogr. 246 P iazza S an Marco, see San Marco

P ordenone , Giovanni A ntonio P alace , Scrutinio

da ,

see D oge's

P o r t r a itu r e , O f fic ia l, R estrictions 133; nonper­ sonal-personal 165 f., 178; on Ven. coins 166; in off. docum ents 176 ff.; see D oge; D ocu m ents, O f f ic ia l ; D o g e's P a la c e , Exterior ; Admini­ s t r a t io n o f fic e s ; V o tiv e r e p r e s e n ta tio n s ; Pope P ostel , Guillaume , 134, 148

P iazzetta San Marco, 55, 86

P otestates , see A ngelic

PiccoLOMiNi, E nea S ilvio , Speech 141

P ozzoserrato, see T reviso , Monte di Pietà

P ien Collegio, see Collegio

P rayers , F o r doges 155, 1 6 1 1 ; for officers 161; see L iturgy

P ietà , Icongraphy in. th e V eneto 105 ff.; specific, see Christ

P redestination , 71

P ifferi , 157, 205

P rédis , Cristoforo

P ileo , 218, 230, 243, 254; see L iberty P inturicchio , B ernardino , see R ome, Aracoeli P irano , Orators

from ,

Speeches 143, 146

P isa , Personification 94 f . ; Museo Civico : Buffal­ macco, St. U rsula an d P isa 94 f.; Santa Caterina : N ino Pisano, Saltarelli tom b 72 P isano , N ino , see P isa , Santa Caterina P iu s IV, Pope, 76

PizoLO, P iero , 33 P lacare , Christe , 47 P lague , In Venice 2, 86; iconography 85 f., 117, 179 P lato, Timaeus 138; Laws , Republic 142, 146 t., 153f. P lumb -l in e , A ttrib u te 247

see F lorence , Certosa di

PoccETTi, B ernardo ,

Galuzzo, San Marco P olani, P ietro , Doge, 164 P olizza, 5 P olybius , Historia 138, 147, 150

P regadi, G overnm ent body, see S enate ; hall, see D oge's P alace P resence , R eal , (Eucharistic) 116, 249; see E ucha­ rist ; Christ P riest , H igh, 61, 256 ff.; see Christ ; Clergy P riesthood , Iconogr. 195; see Christ ; S cripture , Old Testament; P riest , H igh nuovi ,

5, 15, 244

P rimicerio , Of San Marco 131, 180 f.; episcopal robes 158, 180; seat 180, 210; sprinkling of 162; a t doge's in v estitu re 160, 163, 165; a t officer's in v estitu re 161; see S an Marco; I nvestiture P rincipate , Of Venice, see D oge, D ogate P rincipatus , see A ngelic Orders P rincipatus , see J ohn E vangelist , S t . P riuli , Gerolamo, Doge, 36; speech to 146 f., 148, 254 f.; orders v otive repres. of Lor. P riuli 35; com ­ missione iconogr. 179; votive represent., see D oge's P alace , Pregadi; in allegory, see D oge's P alace , Salotto dorato —, L orenzo, Doge, Speech to 148; votive represen­ tatio n s, see D oge's P alace , Collegio, Pregadi

P omona, 253 P omposa, A bbe y , Church : P aintings 62, 73 fi., 81, 262 P onte , N icolò d a , Doge, Speech to 148; and peace of 1573 92; religious orientation 262; com mis­ sione iconography 178; votive picture, see D oge's P alace , Collegio ; arm s 18 P onte , A ntonio

see L ondon , Wallace Col­

lection

P rigioni

P iu s V, Pope, Iconography 88 fi.

de,

orders

dal ,

4 f., 15; see P roto

P ope , Succession p o rtra its 238; and V enetian go­ v ern m en t 165; d e a th of, an d Venice 182; pro ­ p hetic im age of 44, 184; see R ome; V enice ; E cclesiastical prerogatives ; P atriarch

—, L orenzo, Patriarch, 181 f. P rivate , see Official P rizren , Borgorodica LjevUka, M ilutin p o rtra it 259 P rocessions , Public, see Ceremonies ; A ndata P rocuratori di S an Marco, 122, 129, 131, 180, 210; litu rg y 213 P rogrammes, Iconographical, see P rojects P rojects, F o r a r t an d arch itectu re: b u reau cratic procedures 3 ff., 6 ff., 9 ff.; see Contracts; D oge's

R elics , « T o u rist » in te rest in 44; see S an Marco

P alace , Financiation; written programmes 6 £f., 221 fi.; modelli 6, 14, as planning devices 1 0 1 , 58 ff. ; chronology and coherence of program­ mes 6, i i , 26; see S urveyors ; P roto

Liturgy, Sacristy, Tesoro R eligio, Catholica, C hristiana: iconography 15, 96, 221, 242, 244, 249, 255 ff., 259; as E cclesia 256 ff.; see F id e s ; E cclesia

P rom ission e d u c a le , 130, 176; interpretation of 123; rereading of 127; adjuration 156, 163; clauses on corno ducale 157, on images and coat of arms 133; iconography in 176 1 ; see D ocum ents; D oge

R enaissance , T erm 135 fi. R e n i , Guido , see Crema, Cathedral R eparata , S t ., 53

P rophets , 45, 50 f., 60 f., 66, 79, 81 £f., 185 f., 221

R epub [b] lica, R e spu b ., Venice 137 f., 139 f., 141 f., 143 f., 145 fi., 232, 251, 255 f., 258; celeste, divina 141; see S tate ; V enice

P rosdocimo, S t ., 109 P rosperity , Personification 253

R esurrection , Of Christ, see Christ ; of th e dead 81

P rotestants, A nd justification 70 ff.; and indulgen­ ces 79; and paradise 80

R evolt , M otif 56

P roto, Al Sal 4 I ; di Palazzo, nam e, m andate 4 ! ; artistic in itiativ e 5, 18, 22

R ex Gloriae , 174; see Christ R ex

pacificus ,

P roveditori, see S urveyors

R ex

regum ,

P rovidence , 253

R hodes , 139; V ictory a t, iconography 221

P rovinces , Personifications, allegories 225, 231; see also P eople ; N ation

see S olomon

63; see Christ

R ialto, 143 f., 218; Ponte di 5 R icci, S ebastiano , 253

P rudence , Iconography 82, 221, 240 f., 242, 247, 253; see V irtues

R ichard I

P tolemy, 246 f.

R idolfi, Carlo, H istoriographical m ethod 40 f . ; see S ources

P to le m y o f L ucca, 137, 151 1 , 154, 172

R im ini , San Francesco : Piero, Sigismondo M ala te sta votive p ain tin g 49

Quarantia , Civil nuova, vecchia 124; crim inal 120, 124, 126

R iofreddo , (Rome) Oratorio delVAnnunziata : fre­ scoes 68, 72 f.

Quarantun , I, see E lectors

R istaurare , 3 f., 29

Quidort , J ean , 152 da

Murano , see Gallerie

R iver , Iconogr. 240; personification 248 dell 'A cca­

Rizzo, A ntonio , see S an Marco, Arco Foscari

demia

Quod Q uo

a

R obbia , A ndrea

N obis , 180

PRIMUM TEMPORE,

R oma, Personification 230; orbis dom ina, triu m ­ p h a n t 230 ff.; see R ome ; N umismatics ; Medals

R a v en n a, San Vitale : sanctuary iconography 203 R edentore , N am e for Christ 90; church : F r. Bassano, tabernacle paintings 106 R eform , Catholic, 44; see T rent , Council

of

R eformation, 135 t.; see P rotestants R egimen , Civile, m ix tu m 152; politicum 151 f.; te m p eratu m 151; regale 152; see Government 69; see V irgin Mary

Reim s, Cathedral : regalia 156

R omano, Giulio , 117 R ome, Classical: fo undation of 141; city represented 223; see R oma; v irtu s rom anorum 232; m aiestas of, tran sferred 231; historical m odel of 138, 141 f., 152, 163; see N umismatics; Medals ; tr a ­ ditions defended 145; papal : V enet. policy tow ards 126, adherence to Church 135 f., 146, 182, co n tro ­ versy w ith 181; p ap a cy defended b y Venice 145, 221; am bassadors to 125,178; dispatches from 129; see E cclesiastical prerogatives ; P atriarch ;

3O5 44*

see P eretola , Santa Maria

R ogati, see S enate

orders

R aphael , see R ome, Vatican : P inacoteca, Palaces

angelorum ,

della ,

R och, St ., 60, 64, 66, 85 f., 179

l8 o

R aphael , S t ., see A ngelic

R egina

E ngland , Coronation 163

R ifabbricare , 3 f., 29

P urgatory, A nd justification 71 f.; an d angels, souls 72; a t Council of T re n t 76, 79; iconography 72, 79

Quirizio

of

V enice ; topographical: Council of 75; Gesù : Zuccari paintings 68, 79; Later an Triclinium : mosaic 165; Lateran Palace (formerly): Cam era pro se­ cretis consiliis, iconography 238; Chapel of St. Nicholas, iconography 238; Museo di Palazzo Ve­ nezia : P aradise p ain tin g 78; Sant*Agostino : t a ­ bernacle 115; Santa Francesca Rom ana: ta b e r­ nacle 115; San Giovanni in Laterano: sacram ent a lta r 115; San Gregorio Magno : Bregno, P alio tto 68, 72; Santa M aria in Aracoeli: m osaic 49; P in tu ricchio, frescoes 117; Santa M aria Maggiore: A bra­ h am an d M elchisedek m osaic 94; Santa M aria sopra Minerva: St. V incent p ain tin g 117; Santa M aria in Trastevere : C oronation m osaic 47; San Pietro : represented 118; cry p t: Ju n iu s Bassus sarcopha­ gus 81; Santa Prassede : mosaics 62, 73, 262; Santo Spirito in Sassia : cycles 261 ; Vatican pala­ ces : m a n d atu m cerem ony 201; form er Chapel of St. N icholas 238; Cappella Paolina, Michelangelo, Conversion of St. P au l 93; Cappella Sistina, B o t­ ticelli, Sacrifice allegory 257; Stanze, R aphael, D isp u ta 61, 102; Pinacoteca, R aphael, St. P au l in prison 82; T itian , St. N icholas altarpiece 107 R oncale, Giovandomenico , Speech 140, 142, 220

Saints, All, Theology an d iconography 47 f., 54 f., 60, 62, 78; see also Sanctorum communio; Com­ mendatio animae; Litanies Sal (e ), U fficio

R o sso F iorentino , see Città dralI; B oston, Gallery

di

Castello , Cathe­

5 f., 33

Salimbeni , V entura , see S iena , Biblioteca Com­

munale Salò, Cathedral : Aliense, L ep an to allegory 88 Salonica, L o st m osaic w ith Christ in clipeus 60 S alvator Mu n d i , see Christ

Salviati, Francesco, see Doge’s Palace, Antipre gadi S ammachini, Orazio, 117 Samson, 240

San Cristoforo alla Pace, 66 Sanctification, A nd justification 71 Sanctorum communio, 48, 55; see Saints, All San Fantin, P alm a, L ep an to allegory 88, 90 S an F rancesco della V igna , Dom . T in to retto , Plague allegory 86; T revisan to m b 34 San Giacomo

R ose , A ttrib u te 247

del

dall ’O rio ,

Palma, paintings n o

S an Gimignano , C ity of: Collegiate 52; Council Hall : Memmi, M aestà 52; Sant*Agostino : Gozzoli, St. S ebastian 86; Piero del Pollaiuolo, altarpiece 48

R ovigo, R epresented 241

San Giorgio dei Greci, Icon 105

R usconi, G iovanni A n ton io, 5 1 , 15

S an Giorgio Maggiore, T in to retto , F all of th e m anna. L a st supper n o

Saba , S t ., 86

San Giuseppe, see SantTseppo

Sabellico , Marcantonio , 80, 142, 220 Sacerdotes

iustitiae

S anhedrin , 258

207; see Offering

S ankt Gallen , Iv o ry 186

Sacraments, Effectiveness 199; and justification 71; seven, represented 51; specifically, see B aptism ; E ucharist , etc. Sacrifice , Old T estam en t 255 ff.; propitiatory, see E ucharist ; Mass ; Offering ; L aw ; see S criptures S acrifice , H eavenly , see E ucharist ; A ltare pl ex ; L iturgy ; G od Sacrificium

iustitiae ,

du­

207

Saint -Cloud , 15 Sa int (s), see nam es: NN, S t .; an d litanies 63; in ­ tercession, litu rg y 191; « b e a ti sp iriti» 63; in P a ­ radise 45 ff., 50 f., 74; rescued, assisted b y C hrist 93 f.; glorification of 8, 94, 116 f.; see V isio bea ­ tifica ; and sixteenth-century controversy 116 £f. - general iconography 24 f., 30; in S tate docum ents 176 ff., 178 f.; see S aints , A ll ; S anctorum com­ munio

S an L azzaro sula 67

dei

Mendicanti , T in to retto , St. U r­

San Lio, Cappella Gussoni 106; P alm a, St. Leo a ltarpiece 106 f. S an Marco, Sestiere 126

San Marco, General: sta tu s an d ad m in istratio n 131, 179 f., 206; cerem ony m aster, role, position, seat 180, 210; see Procuratori di San Marco; Doge; Primicerio; canons, represented 178; position, role of extraneous clergy 181, 214 t.; am bassadors, guests in 204 f., 210; foreign visitors to 184, 214 L; as m a rty riu m 190 f.; relics 183 f., 212, 215; cong reg a tio n in 187 ff.; music, chorus 201, 204 f., 213; saints, archangels represented 66; general icono­ g rap h y 43 f.; an d B y zan tiu m 185, 193; an d Cap­ pella P alatin a, Palerm o 217; see Palermo; in ­ scriptions an d d ate of mosaics 179 f.; depicted 81 ff., 225, 229 f., 249 f.; Liturgy : 86, age, of re-

lation to R om e 180, Signoria p articip atio n in litu r­ gy 204 ff., 209, 213 ff.; Sign, absence from 209 1 ; governm ent W ednesday procession 199, 209, 212 f.; governm ent offering 203; see O ffe r in g ; doge w ith candle 158, see D oge; exhibition of relics 184; unveiling of P a la d'oro 184; serm ons 181; bell chim ing 182; possessio in 180; Purification, A nnun­ ciation, N a tiv ity 184; St. M ark 212, 214; E p ip h a n y 214; T rin ity 187, 209; E a ste r 190, 213, and: P alm Sunday 181, 201 f., 212, 214 f., M aundy T hursd ay 201 f., M andatum 199, 200 ff., 2 1 4 1 , see Mandatum; Good F rid a y 186, 215 ff., bap tism of cross 214, benedictio fontis 216, E a ste r S atu rd ay 216, E a ster M orning 216 f . ; Ascension vigil 210 f . ; Corpus D om ini 181, 213; Office for th e D ead 202, 209 f.; L epanto celebrations 90; Piazza : fire in 2; Exte­ rior: w est entrance function 187, 211, 215 ff.; faca­ de iconography, L a st Jud g em en t 81 ff., 190; virtues 82, 211 ; M ary sta tu e 191; Arco Foscari 211 ff., 233, 2 3 7 i St. M ark sta tu e 211; Rizzo, A dam and E ve 211 ; V irtues 211, Justice, inscription 240; Interior : high altar, see- Presbytery. ; Chapel of St. Clement : 161, 203 ff., 237; door from Palace 161, 237; Signoria in 213; doge’s seat 201, 203 ff., 205 ff., 210; w indow seat 201 f., 209 f.; sacra­ m en t tabernacle 204, 215; Christ, V irgin mosaics 207 1 ; polit, inscript. 203 t.; Cain, Abel 205 ff.; hagiographical mosaics, sculptures 203,208; Chapel of St. Isidore : 205, Sepulchre, B urial cerem ony 215 ff.; mosaics 157, 160, 164; Chapel of St. John Evangelist: 193 ff.; Nicopeia M adonna 183 1 ; Cha­ pel o f St. Leonard : iconography 199; Cappella dei M ascoli: iconography 203; Chapel of St. Peter: ico­ nography 196 f. ; tabernacle 215; Cupolas: Ascension 174, 185 f., 199; H oly S pirit 185, 187; Im m anuel, see Presbytery ; Museum : B yzantine epitaphion 103 1 , 216; Mocenigo p alio tto 88; P a la feriale, see Presbytery; Narthex: function 190, 216f.; icono­ g raphy 55, 68, 190 f., 236; w est entrance gallery, L ast Jud g em en t 81; N ave: cupolas 185 ff., 189; cross a lta r 194; su p rap o rta mosaic w ith Christ 188 f. ; P aradise mosaic 64; «T re sa n ti» relief 184, 215; Per goto : doge’s presentation, prom ise to people, collaudatio 161 f., 201 f.; doge’s seat in 201, 2 0 4 1 , 209, 213 1 ; a t P alm Sun­ d ay 201 f.; exhibition of relics 202; m usicians in 201, 2 0 4 1 , 213; V irgin sta tu e above 203; and n o rth balcony, Cap. P a la t., Palerm o 217; Pulpit (corn, evang.): 194, 201, 212; Porta Sant*Alipio : Doge rep resentation 259; Porta media (or San Giacomo) : governm ent e n try b y 199 fi., 203 f., 211 f., 215; a t investitu re 161; sopraporta w ith St. M ark 96; corridor w ith E u ch a rist relief 212; Michael, Gabriel, R aphael 197, 200; H erm its P au l a n d A nthony 199, 236; Porta del coro : govern­ m en t e n try 205; Presbytery : doge’s, governm ent’s

seats 204 t.; prim icerio’s seat 180; in v estitu re ce­ rem ony 160 ff.; see I n v e s t it u r e ; high a lta r 189, relics exhibited on 184, n o t exhibited on 210; P ala d ’oro, opened 184, 210, show n foreigners 184, w ith en throned C hrist 160, 188 f., C hrist ap p ea­ ring to St. M ark 94; see M ark, St.; P ala feriale 189, 14 th . cen tu ry (Paolo Veneziano) 157, 189, 15th. cen tu ry 146, 189, 17th. cen tu ry (Maffeo Verona) 85, 189; Sacram ent tab ern acle w ith S an­ sovino relief 103 ff., 189; cupola m osaic (Im m a­ nuel) 160, 186 f., 207 f.; Apse m osaic (Christ) 160, 189, 207; Roodscreen : 194; represented 90; Sacristies : relics in 183, 214; Tesoro : 104; shown foreigners 184; relics in 183 f., 212; corno ducale in 156 f.; entrance mosaic, s ta tu e tte (Christ) 103 f., 184.; ceremonies 210, 215: Transept, north: mosaics 192 ff.; see above, Chapel of St. John.; Transept, south: ceremonies, iconography 197 ff., 211 ff.; doge repr. 259 S an Miniato al T edesco , Palazzo Comunale : Ma­ donna fresco 53 San N icolò, A n d ata to 209 Sano

di

P ietro , see S iena , Palazzo Piibblico

San P antalon , V ivarini-A lem agna, C oronation altarpiece 55, 68, 72 S an P ietro di Castello, (Venetian P a tria rc h a l See) 246; possessio 181 f., see P atriarch of V enice San P olo, Sestiere 126; church : P alm a il Giovane, T em p tatio n of St. A n th o n y 93 San S ebastiano , Ceiling 241 Sansovino , F rancesco, V alue of inform ations 12; allegory 148; au th o r of iconographie program m e 7 —, J acopo, see D oge’s P alace , Maggior Consiglio ; L oggetta; S an Marco, Presbytery S anta Croce, Sestiere 126 Santa Maria dell ’Orto, T in to retto , L ast Ju d g e­ m en t 56, 60, 229; Vision of St. P e te r 60, 229 S ant ’A ngelo

in

F ormis, (Capua) Apse (Christ) 81

Santi A postoli, Com pagnia del SS. Sacram ento, Ascension repr. 115 Sant ’I seppo , (San Giuseppe) Doge M arin G rim ani to m b 95; P arrasio Michiel to m b 103 S anto , B enedetto , 179 S anto S tefano , A ltarpiece w ith P u rg a to ry 79 S an T rovaso, ( = SS. G ervasio e Protasio) T in to ­ retto , T em p tatio n of St. A nthony 93 Sanudo , P ietro , 177

3. Regum : 3 : 16 fi. 240, 3 : 19-28 240; j . Paralipomenon : 23 : 1-4

170, 10 : 1 ff. 258; Tobia : 4 : 1 6 194, 4 : 21 ff. 5 1 , 170, 1 2 : 1 5 69; Iudith : 13-16 240; Esther : 5 : 1 ff., 15 : 10-14 240; Psalmi : 8 : 3 202, 20 : 4 46, 22 188, 23 174, 23 : 10 186, 44 : 4 157, 44 : io 46, 50 : 21 207, 6 9 : 2 47, 7 7 : 2 5 103, 8 4 : 5 4 7 , 8 4 : 1 1 , 12 240, 96 95, i i 3 b : i 88, 115 117; Proverbia : 11 : 14 120; Canticum Canticorum : 6 : 9 144; Sapientia: 1 : 1 51; Ecclesiasticus: 44 78, 44 : 16, 49 : 16 60, 45 : 14 257, 45 : 20 257; Isaias : 1 : 13 257, 7 : 14 186, 13 : 9 83, 28 : 7 258, 44 : 23 95, 48 : 17 ff. 240; Ieremias : 46 : 10 83; Ezechiel : i : 5-18 186, 7 : 7 83, 8 : i i 257, 44 : 24 258; D aniel: 7 : 1 0 83; loel : 2 : 2 8 188; Amos : 5 : 24 ff. 240; Malachias : 3 : 1 172; I. Machabaeorum : 14 : 20-47 258; Matthaeus 1 : 23 186, 8 : 4 195, 9 : 2 ff. 196, 10 : 32 187, 15 : 22 ff. 196, 22 : 30 69, 23 : 35 206, 24 : 7 82, 24 : 21 83, 28 : 20 115; Marcus : 8 : 2 113, 13 : 18 82, 13 : 26 83, 16 : 19 114; Lucas : 1 : 5 186, 1 : 19 173, 7 : 14 196, 21 : i i 82, 21 : 26 83; Ioannes : 6 : 41 116, 8 : 12 73, 207 1 , 10 : 9 188, 13 : 34 200 f., 14 : 6 74, 14 : 27 74, 146, 189, 15 : 6 83, 17 : 6 117, 19 : 26T 194, 21 : 17 154; Actus Apostolorum : 1 : 10 f. 73, 186, 14 : 21 80; Epist. : 149; A d Romanos : 8 : 18 80, 13 : ï 143; I. ad Corinthios : 11 : 24 116,11 : 26 218, 12 : i i , i i : 4 206, i i : 5 60; Apocalypsis : 4 : 4 - 1 1 186, 12: 1 66, 13 257; see also Christ ; V irgin Mary ; and specific names, nouns refer­ ring to events

S an V endemmiano , (Treviso) Silvio, P ie tà 105 A n d ata to 158, 209, 213; see A n ­ data; S acram ent tabernacle (V ittoria, Palm a) 106; Chapel of San Tarasio, V ivarini altarpiece 102 f.

San

Z a c c a r ia ,

( = S S . G iovanni e Paolo) doge tom bs Doge L eonardo L o re d a n to m b 40; Cap­ R osario (formerly decor, b y J. T in to ­ Corona, P alm a Giov., D. T intoretto, 88, 90

S a n Z a n ip o l o ,

133, 168; pella del retto , L. P eranda)

San Zulian , Veronese, Engelpietà 103; Campagna, tabernacle 106 169

S a p ie n tia ,

S arpi , P aolo, 134, 141, 149 S a ta n ,

173

S aturnus , 248 f. S avi , 121, 125 f., 128, 138; see Constitution Savino , S t ., 50 f. Savonarola, Gerolamo, Triumphus crucis, 73 Savoy , A m bassadors to 125 S cala

d ’oro,

S c a l e (s ),

see D oge’s P alace

M otif 56, 60, 74, 78, 256; see Michael; J u s t i c e

A n g e l ic

o r ders,

S caligeri, D y n asty 225 S carpa, Giuliano , Speech 141 S carperia , Town Hall 51

S crutinio , Sala

S ceptre , Of Christ, see Christ ; see B aculus

S cuola

della

S cuola 105

del

S cholars, Motif 246 S cholastics, 60

S cuola

di

SCHMERZENSMANN,

S c ip io , P

ubl.

99; See

CHRIST

C., Iconography 170

149, T estam ents, allegory of 257; Old T e­ sta m e n t 141, m otifs from 13, in tow n hall 50; 0 . T. persons:release of 70,199, sacrifice 98, priest­ hood 61, 257 f., and sacrifice 257 f., an d V ene­ tia n governm ent 258 1, an d Venice 141, 146, O. T. governm ent 150 fi.; see G o v e r n m e n t ; V e n i ­ c e ; N o a h ; S o l o m o n ; T o b i a s ; Genesis : cycle in San Marco 211; Gn. 4 : 4 206, 256, 4 : 17 206, 9 : 25 ff. 169, 14 : 18-20 258, 27 : 29 169; Exodus : 12 : 5 257, 16 : 13-21 n o , 18 : 13-27 258, 19 : 24 258, 21 : 6 258, 22 : 8 258, 24 : 8 258, 24 : 16 114, 2 8 :3 9 257, 3 0 : 34 257; Leviticus. : 257, 2 : i f., 15 f., 6 : 15, 8 : 9 , 9 : 9, 10 : i, 24 : 7-9 257; Deuteronomium : 141, 17 : 9, 19 : 17 258; 1. Regum : 8 : 10-18 151; 2. Regum : 14 : 17 207;

dello ,

see D oge’s P alace

Misericordia , 57, 63, 215

Corpo

di

Christo , (Formerly) Miniature

San Marco, And other scuole 215 f.

S cuola di S an R occo, 215; Iconography n o ; Tin­ toretto works 60, 63, 229, 261

S c r ip t u r e s ,

S ea , Motif 56, 247 f. S eals , Venice 158 f., 164; see also V en ice ; D oge ; I nvestiture ; Constantinople S easons , F our , Personifications 231, 240 Sebastian , S t ., 25, 64 f., 66, 86, 91, 179, 208 S ecrecy, Personification 242, 255 S ecular , Versus « religious » 49 f., 54 f. S ecuritas

orbis christiani ,

— P< opuli> R< omani>, 230 S ecurity , Personification 230

308

95

S edia , see Cadrega

S igismund , St ., 49, 64

S edrina , Silvio, P ie tà 105

S eggio, see Cadrega

S ignoria , 121, 125, 126 ff., 132; w ith vexilla 157 1, 165; see A ndata ; I nsignia ; T rionfi ; e n try in San Marco, see San Marco, litu rg y ; in San Marco, 204 ff., 208 ff.; absence from San Marco 209 f.; candles lit for 213; see Constitution

S eleucus , Iconography 255

S ilence , Personification 253

Sed u liu s , 170 S e e , H oly, see R ome

S ella

curulis ,

S ilvester , St ., 64, 66, 94

157

S ilvio , Gianpietro , see San V endemmiano ; S e ­

S elvo , D omenico , Doge, E lection 202

drina

S em , 169 Senate , (Consiglio del Pregadi) constitution and com petences 120 f., 123 ff., 1 371, 245 ff.; assem bly room, see D oge’s P alace , Pregadi ; see V enice ; Constitution ; m eeting in Scrutinio 33; an d cele­ stial m onarchy 141; an d San M arco 180; elects surveyors 3 f.; responsible for resto ratio n of Doge’s P alace 4, 9, 12; commissions doge’s votive re­ p resentations 38, 40 Senatori, T itle of address for m em bers of govern­ m en t 124, 135 S enators , A nd « sta rs » 141; represented in doge’s votive rep resentation 35

S imeon , 46 S in , Original , 168; an d justification 71 Sivos, Giancarlo , On plague of 1575-6 2 Snak e (s ), 82, 247 S odom, 60 S odoma, 52; see S iena , San Domenico S olomon, G overnm ent of, an d S tate 151; an d V e­ nice 142; an d law 170 1 , 174; R ex pacificus 170 f., 174; tem ple builder 170; m otifs 46, 167, 170, 219, 240

S enlis , Cathedral : Coronation of th e V irgin 47

S olon, Iconography: law giver 170, m oderation of 255

S eraphs , see A ngelic

S ophia , (Wisdom) 47

orders

S ergius , St ., 208

S opraporta, Role in D oge’s Palace 31, 34, 38

S errata

S0RANZ0, Giovanni, Doge, I n San Marco 204

del

Maggior Consiglio , 122 f., 130, 205

Sestieri , A dm inistration of 126

—, Giovanni, Governor, 109

Sforza, Galeazzo M aria , 94

—, J acopo, Surveyor, 8, 22

—, M uzio, Speech 138, 141

—, J acopo, G overnor, 109

S heba , Queen

S orte, Cristoforo, see D oge’s P alace , Pregadi,

of,

219, 240

Maggior Consiglio

Shepherd , P asto r bonus, see Christ ; S tate as 154 f.; Venice as 144, 146 f.

S ottana, D oge’s 86, 156; see D oge

S hroud , H oly , 99; and E u ch a rist corporal 105

SOTTOPREGADI, 1 32

S ibyls , 60, 64, 66, 79

S ouls , H uman , Im m o rtality of 72; release of 78; led b y angels: theology 67 ff., 173, 175, ico­ n o g rap h y 61, 67 f., 72 ff.; ascent of, an d H oly Spirit 76, 78; S tate responsibility for 154, V eni­ ce respons. for 146; scrutinized b y V enetia 56, 241 f.; see P aradise ; Commendatio anim ae ; A ngelic orders , Angels

S icily , D om inion of 221; Personification 224 S iena , A nd th e Virgin, 52; o th er p atro n s 50 1 ; n u ­ m ism atics 52; colours, seals, blasons 50 f.; city as m otif 118; Biblioteca Comunale : Salim beni, draw ­ ing (Coronation w ith P urgatory) 79; Cathedral : 50; altarpiece 50; Chiesa di Fontegiusta : F ra n ­ cesco V anni (?), C hrist in glory w ith saints 118; Opera del Duomo : Duccio, M aestà 50; Palazzo Pubblico : general iconography 52, 237; chapel 49, 52; Simone M artini, M aestà 50 ff.; V anni and Sano di P ietro, Coronation 51 f.; Piazza del Campo : 52; San Domenico : Sodoma, St. Ca­ th erine 117

S pain , K ing of, an d C hrist 21.8; . an d th e T u rk s 92, 145; am bassadors to 125; am bassadors of 210

S ightseeing , In Venice 44

S parta , H istorical model 138 f., 142, 151

30 9

S ources, V alue of ledgers 6; « guide book » descrip­ tions 12, 43 1 ; Borghini 24 ff.; R idolfi’s h isto rio ­ graphical m ethod 40 f . S ozomenus, 172

S patafora, B artolomeo, Speech 137, 142, 144

S uscipe

S peculum

Sw iss Confederation , Constituion 140; am bassa­ dors to 125

justitiae ,

56

S pello, San Lorenzo : Francesco di Castello, P u r­ g ato ry 79

see

70

Iconography 247; of V enetian Signoria 157; of Ju stice 55; see J u s t i c e

Sw ord,

S pes , Personification 88, 179; see V irtues S pirit , H oly, D escent of 185 ff., 189; and Mass 105, 115; an d justitificion 70 f., 75 f.; an d th e Church 75 f., 187; an d synods 76; see also T rinity ; in ­ voked a t doge election 177, 2 5 1 1 ; an d royal elec­ tio n 251; a t in v estitu re 162; influence on govern­ m ent, adm in istratio n 177, 218 f., 251; invoked a t Palace rebuilding 32; in P aradise iconography 66, 70, 76; in P u rg a to ry iconography 79; in A nnun­ ciation iconogr. 73; represented above «tem ple» 35, 7b; represented w ith senators, censori 76; in commissione iconography 179

servum ,

T r io n f i;

Synag o g ue,

Personification 187 f.

T abernacle , E u ch aristic 102, 104 ff., 114, an d to m b 103, 115; see E ucharist ; Christ 124, 126, 251

T a x a tio n ,

T e Matrem D e i , 192 T emperantia , 169, 179, 221, 240, 242; see V irtues T emple , Church, 35 121, 124, 129, 137 f.; reform ed 1582 124 f.; an d S an Marco 180 f.; using Collegio an d P regadi 32; ordering p ain tin g 34; speech on w ar to 92; see C o n s t i t u t i o n ; D o g e ’s P a l a c e , Con­

T e n , C o u n c il o f,

S piritus , Sapientiae, an d other qualifications 75 S tandard , see V exillum

siglio dei Dieci

S tars , 247; crown of 61, 66, 79

T ertullian , 206

S tate , stato, status . O rigin 168; ideology 29; and P aradise 54 1 ; an d celestial litu rg y 54 f. ; p ro ­ te ctin g C hurch 244; see Government ; V en ice ; Constitution ; R epub [b] lica ; I mperium ; cor­ respond. to m odem « S ta te » , Venice 138 f.,. 140, 142, 146, 148, 150, 152 f. 154 f., 251,; general 150f., 153 fi.; correspond, to im perium , Ven. 126, 232, 251; see B ody , Mystical

T estament , Old, New, see S criptures T hebes , H istorical m odel 139 T hecla , S t ., 65, 197 T h e o d o r e , S t ., T h e o d o s iu s

(« T òdaro ») 63 f., 66 f., 106, 208

II, 225

T heophany , Iconography 60 f., 229, 248, 256

S tato, see S tate

T hesaurus

S teno , Michele , Doge, 29

T h e tis ,

S tephen , S t ., 46

T homas, S t. A postle, 85; see A postles

S tipes , A ltar 103

T homas

S tocco, see Sword

T homas A quinas , S t., see A quinas

S uarez , F rancisco, 150 S uccession

portraits ,

225

a

E cclesiae , 47 f.

spiritualis f .,

229

K empis , 103

T homists, A nd justification 71; an d S tate 171

see D oge

T horn , H oly, 215

S ulla , Iconography 255 S ulmona, Badia Morronese : Coronation of th e V ir­ gin 48

D oge’s, see D o g e ’s P a l a c e , trib u n es of respective room s; S a n M a r c o ; m otif 45, 47; see

T hrone,

T r ib u n a l e

Su n , Iconography 247; an d Venice 144

see

T h r o n i,

A n g e lic

orders

S uppedaneum , 50 T ib a l d i,

S upplices Supra

te rogamus,

quae ,

102

107, 206, 256

S uscipe ,

sancta

see

B

ologna,

San Giacomo

T iepolo , Giambattista , see D oge’s P alace , A nti-

pregadi

S urveyors of W orks, Doge’s Palace: m andate, 3 fi., 10 f.; an d p ain tin g co n tra ct 35; and P aradise modello 10 f., 59; see P rojects; D oge’s P alace S usannah , A s Ecclesia 196 .

P e l l e g r in o ,

Maggiore

— , L orenzo, T in to r e tto ,

Doge, E lection 202 D o m e n ic o ,

g a ria , C e n s o r i ;

T rinitas , 102

San

31 0

Z a n ip o lo

San

see

D o g e ’s

F ran cesco

P a la c e , d e lla

A

vo -

V ig n a ;

—, Jacopo, see B a ri, Gallery ; B e r lin , Kaiser Frie drich-Museum ; D o g e's P a la c e , Anticollegio, A n-

tipregadi, Collegio, Consiglio dei Dieci, Maggior Consiglio, Pregadi, Salotto dorato, Scrutinio ; F lo ­ r e n c e , Coll. Contini-Bonacossi ; G a lle r ie d e l ­ l'accad em ia; L ondon, National Gallery ; Parm a Pinacoteca; San G iorgio M aggiore; San Laz­ zaro d e i M en d ican ti; S a n ta m aria d e l l ’O rto; San T rovaso; San Z anipolo; S c u o la d i San R o cco ; V ien n a, Gallerie Harnack; W ash in gton ,

National Gallery T iran nide , 139 T ithes , «S piritu alizatio n » of 251

Council room tribune, see D o g e 's P a ­ Collegio, Consiglio dei Dieci, Maggior Con­ siglio, Pregadi, Scrutinio; w ith bald ach in 228;

T r ib u n a l e , lace,

w ith Christological iconography 43; represented allegorically 225 ff. T ribunal

gratiae ,

47

T rinity , 57; see also Go d ; S pirit , H oly ; Christ ; feast 209; Mass of th e, a t doge confirm ation 187, a t m ilit. in v estit. 161; an d celestial litu rg y 99, 101 f.; in P aradise iconography 61, 79 f . ; an d P ie tà 102; an d E u ch a rist tab ern acle 104; an d Church: iconogr. an d theol. 186 1 , 189; in poli­ tical analogy 120, 149; an d L ep an to 88

T itia n , A nd D oge's Palace generally 37, 38 ff.; see D o g e's P a la c e , Antipregadi, Chapel of St. N i­ cholas, Collegio, Maggior Consiglio; F ra ri; Rome, Vatican, Pinacoteca

T r is h a g io n ,

T obias , 167, 174; and v irtu e 170

T rissino , Giangiorgio, Speech 139 f., 144 f.

T odaro, S an , see T heodore , S t .

T ritons , 247 f.

T oledo , S ixteenth Council

of,

189

T omb, M otif 81; an d iconography of Coronation 48, and E u ch a rist 103; see T abernacle ; of Christ, see Christ , P ie tà etc.; an d E ngelpietà, see Christ T omitano, B ernardin , Speech 143, 145

— , P aolo, 8

Iconography 224

T roy, F o u n d atio n of 141; descendance from 142

see

T rum pets,

15 i

T ruth,

T oulouse , Iconography of city council 153; SaintSernin : a lta r fro n t 189

T u rk s,

A nd justice: iconogr. 170; coins 231

T rom be

Iconography 240; see

V

ir t u e s

T re a ty w ith, of 1573 2, 92, 145; « defeat » of 148; w ar w ith 221; see L epanto

T yrants , 143; see Government I

T reasury , S tate , 124

U baldo , S t., 53

T reaty , Of 1573, see T urks T rent , Council of, A nd Grace 78; and P u rg a to ry 72, 79; an d justification 70 ff., 75 1 ; and «ev an ­ gelism » 135 Doge, Religious a ttitu d e 34; adoring th e body of C hrist 107; speech to 142 f.; 144, 145 f.; ordering votive pictures w ith earlier doge 33; votive repres., see D o g e ' s P a ­

T r e v is a n , M a r c a n t o n io ,

lace,

f.

ic o l ò , Doge, Coin p o rtra it 166; prom issione iconography 176

T oscanella, Orazio, Speech 254 f.

T r a ja n ,

185

T ron, N

T r o p h ie s ,

T orcello, Cathedral : Ju d g em en t and L im bus m o­ saic 190 de,

I n s ig n ia

T rombe, T rum pets, 60, 81, 199; of V enetian Signoria 157, 205; see I n s i g n i a

T olomei, Mino , 52

T orquemada, J uan

Of V enetian Signoria 157, 161, 165, 213 ; see

T r io n f i,

Pregadi

—, Marco, 246

Iconography 246; m issal 47

U

d in e ,

U

nde

U

n ic o r n ,

m em o r es,

et

102

148

U nigenitus D ei F ilius , 47 f. U

n io n e ,

Concept 138; iconography 13, 238

U

r sula,

S t .,

U

r b in o ,

Palazzo ducale : Ju stu s v an G hent, M onte-

63 f., 66 f., 74

feltro altarpiece 195

—, Marchiò, 34 T reviso , Iconography 241; Monte di Pietà : Florigerio, P ietà; Pozzoserrato, M ultiplication óf th e b read n o ; San Nicolò: Francesco Bassàno, P la­ gue pain tin g w ith C hrist 86; Giangiac. P adovan, P lague p ain tin g 86

311

V acante

ducatu ,

V a l e n t in ia n

V alentior

see D oge

I I I , 225

pars ,

see Optimates

V alier , A gostino, 262

V allicella, 262 V an n i , F rancesco , see S iena , Chiesa di Fontegiusta —, L ippo , see S iena Palazzo Pubblico V asari, Giorgio , A nd th e Palazzo Vecchio, 8 V asilia , 139; see Government V ecellio , Marco, see D oge’s P alace , Pregadi ; P aris , Musée du Louvre —, Orazio,

i

V elasquez , D iego, 57 V elum , 51 V enetia , Personification, see V enice , Personifica­ tio n V enetians , Superstitious, etc. 144, 149; see V enice V enice , Buildings,~see D oge’s P alace ; S an Marco; F rari ; S an Zulian , etc. City : « foundation » 242, «foundation docum ent» 143; see A nnuncia ­ tion , feast; city ad m in istra tio n 126; State : see also R epub [b] lica ; I mperium ; State ; Govern ­ ment I I; Constitution ; D oge ; S ignoria ; I n ­ signia ; N umismatics ; Seals ; sovereignty 121, 158; governors 125; m ainland possessions 128,229, 241; overseas possessions 124, 128, 229; an d A dri­ atic 209; and Rom e, see R ome; and C hristia­ n ity 66 f., 92; see Ceremonies ; h isto ry of, icono­ graphy 29 f., 221 ff.; creation of, iconogr. 232, 235; see D oge’s P alace , Maggior Consiglio, Scrutinio ; S tate iconography, an d Ita lia n com m unes 53 fi.; Church : « S tate Church » 55; see S an Marco; E cclesiastical prerogatives ; P atriarch ; R o­ me ; Clergy ; Church ; S aints in 66 f.; p atro n s 66 f.; see V irgin Mary ; Mark , S t ., etc.; F este di P alazzo; an d liturgy, see S an Marco ; an d E u ch a rist sacrifice, see Government I I ; O f­ fering ; Political ideas, see also G overnment II; D oge ; I nsignia ; Ceremonies ; foundation of, an d C reation 140 f., 144, 176; an d In carn atio n 143 1 ; divine origin of 1 4 0 ! , 143 f., 146 f., 239, 243; founded in C hrist 249; b u ilt b y angels, God 145; freeborn, lib e rty of 218, 239, 243; eternity, p er­ p e tu ity of 144, 147, 164, 172, 176; heavenly p ro ­ tected, guided 143, 147; defended b y angels 141; an d God 229; and Jove 242 f.; and C hrist’s blood 146; chosen b y God 148; and Chosen People 141; image of H eaven 141; and P aradise 142, 234 f.; defined in w ords of angels 147; cosmic perspective of 141 f., 144, 147, 239; im age of d iv in ity 140, 144, 147; shape as Religion 141; Venice virgin 55 f., 141 f., 144, 147 f., 2 4 1 1 , 235, 243, queen 142, 241, 246 fi.; em press 143; im age of m ercy 141, Ju stice 141; an d Ju stice 55 f., 143 f., 175, 218; and F a ith 143, an d P eace 93 1 , 218, 229, 242; a nd C hrist’s Peace 146 i.; see J ustice ; P eace ;

31 2

an d th e v irtu es 143,146,230,221,232; see V irtues ; n o b ility of Venice 243; Venice heavenly, «second» Jerusalem 1 4 7 I; an d V irgin M ary 5 5 1 ,1 4 3 1 , 175, 203, 218, 234 1 , 2 4 1 1 ; an d St. M ark 146; Venice virgin m arried to St. M ark 242 f . ; see V irgin Mary ; Mark , St .; an d V enus A nadyom ene 144; m arriage to sea 209, 243; Venice « navicella » 146; divine mission an d vocation of Venice 1 4 2 1 , 144 fi., 243; sheepfold for God’s flock 144, 146 1, 188; an d Ecclesia 55 1, 235; responsible for souls 146; scrutinizing souls 56, 2 4 1 1 ; see E cclesia ; P eople ; m odel for o th er S tates 145, 147, defen­ der of Catholic fa ith 145, 243; of R o m an Church, P ap ac y 145, 158; of Ita ly 145; Personifications, iconography of Venice, an d th e ir co ntexts 35, 42, 55 1 , 60, 67, 86, 88, 96 ff., 174, 178, 256, 259; Ve­ nice crowned as Ecclesia 55, 218, 235; d istrib u tin g offices 13, 254; an d Signoria 225 ff.; offering to Venice 246, 247 ff., 256, 259; as crow ned Ju stice 55 1, 67, 174 1 , 177, 218, 2 4 1 1 ; im plied in J u s ti­ ce, Peace 239 1 ; in v estitu re of 218; crow ned b y V ictory 224, 230 1 ; enth ro n ed 246; as queen 230 f. ; en th ro n ed w ith Justice, P eace 255 t.; as n av al V ictory 2 2 4 1 ; triu m p h a n t 230 ff., 232, an d N eptune 243; Venice arm ed 247; dom inion of A driatic 230, of sea, land, globe 241 1 , 248, 255 1 , of m ainland cities 243, of L om bard cities 230; intercession for Venice an d o th er cities 118 V en ier , F rancesco, Doge, 36; speech to 140, 142, 143 1 ; orders votive repres. of earlier doge 33 1 ; commissione iconography 179; votive repres., see D oge’s P alace , Pregadi —, Gerolamo, 178 —, Giovanni A ntonio , 178 —, S ebastiano , Doge, election 91; speech to 144, 148; in L epanto allegory 88 1 , 90 1 ; iconography, see also D oge’s P alace, Collegio V e n u s , 13, 144, 239, 245 V eritas , 247; an d Ju stice 240 V erona , R epresented 241, 246; an n ex atio n of, ce­ rem ony 226; Sant*Anastasia: Giolfino, altarpiece 117 V erona , Maffeo , see S an Marco, Museum V eronese , B onifazio, see A dministration

offices

V e r o n e se , P a o lo , C ollaboration w ith F r. Bassano 6 f., i i ; see D o g e ’s P a la c e , Anticollegi, Collegio, Maggior Consiglio ; D re sd e n , Gemàldegallerie ; F lo r e n c e , Uffizi ; G a ll e r ie d e l l ’Accadem ia; London, British M useum ; M adrid, Prado; P a ­ dua, Santa Giustina; V ien n a, Kunsthistorisches M useum ; W in d sor, Royal Library

Church : Bassano workshop, L epanto al­

V ertova,

186, 207; M ater m isericordiae 86, 94, 113; corred em p trix 191; an d E ve 193 ff.; sponsa 190 f.; an d Ecclesia 190 1 , 193 ff., 235; M ater Ecclesiae 47, 67; tem ple 235; w ith C hrist 33 f.; in P ie tà 84, 102; see C h r i s t ; an d ascension of C hrist 186; w ith Christ in glory 108 ff., 115 f.; see D e e s i s ; an d E noch, E lijah 70; an d angels 69; an d peace 56, 175, an d justice 56; m iraculous im age 184; first p atro n of Venice 49, 53 ff., 67; see V e n i c e ; A n ­ n u n c i a t i o n ; interceding for Venice 63; an d Ve­ n etia 55 f., 235, 241; m ariol. litu rg y 191 f.; invoked a t in v estitu re 161; orans in governm ent co n tex t 207 f.; above doge's pergolo 203; in go­ v ern m en t section, San Marco 199; iconog. in ad m in istratio n votive pictures 219; h anding over official docum ents 178 f.; in L ep an to allegory 88, 90; m ariological iconography a t C onstantino­ ple 49, Chrysotriclinios 252 f., B yzantine coi­ nage 160; mariological invocations, iconography in Ita lia n city com unes 49 ff., 53, in F rance, E ngland 54, a t Toulouse 153; in votive icono­ g rap h y 49

legory 88 V exilla

regis prodeunt ,

202

Sancti Marci, Signoria stan d ard s 89, 90, 157 f., 165; w ith doge arm s 157; consecration of 161; a t investitu re 160 ff., 163 f., 225, 228; colour sym bolism 157, 228; doge w ith 178; see I n s i g n i a ; T r i o n f i ; I n v e s t i t u r e ; vexillum of V enet. generals, adm irals 161, of general gover­ nors 161; origins of investiture w ith 164 f.; of St. Denis 164; vexillum R om ae 165; P isa 94; Siena 51

V e x il l u m ,

V iator, (Theol.) 170 V ic e -d o g e ,

127, 130, 159; see

D

oge

V icentino , A ndrea , see D oge's P alace , Antipregadi, Scrutinio V

Iconography 241; Loggia del Capitano : (Palladio) 88; Oratorio del Gonfalone : M aganza, p aintings (destroyed) 79, 113; Santa Corona: M aganza, L epanto pain tin g 88

ic e n z a ,

V ir g in it y ,

V ice - primicerio , 162 Personifications 81 f., 235; see cific nam es

V ic e s ,

V

ic t im a r iu s ,

V ir t u e s ;

spe­

V ir g in s , H

256

V ictory, see V ictoria; L epanto ; geographical nam es

Albertina : Zuccari, draw ing 58; Gallerie Harnack : T intoretto, T em p tatio n of St. A nthony 93; Kunsthistorisches M useum: Veronese, Anoin­

V ic e s ;

,

tin g of D avid 257 V ig il a n c e , V

V irtus

Hospice civil : E nguer-

ran d C haronton, Coronation of th e V irgin 72 f.

232 orders

V isio beatifica , 47 f.; and the just 191; and saints 117; and angels 69; and government 55, 145 1, 154, 172; see God ; T r inity ; S ouls ; Govern ­ ment

V incent F errer , St., 117 Of C hrist 116; directionis 249; see

romanorum,

V irtutes , see A ngelic V isconti, Fam ily, 225

Personification 242, 255

i l l e n e u v e -l è s - A v i g n o n ,

V ir g a ,

In P aradise 63

Theological, cardinal, an d others 35, 51 f ., 53» 79 , 179, 211, 221 ff., 232, 237, 240, 242, 247, 253, 255 f .; an d «good w orks» (theol.) 255; an d S tate 150, 169 ff.; an d valen tio r p ars 150 f ., 169 f.; an d Venice 143, 146; see V e n i c e ; G o v e r n m e n t ; J u s t i c e ; P e a c e ; F i d e s ; S p e s ; etc.;

Personifications 85 ff., 88 ff., 90 f., 93, 95, 179, 230 f., 247; n av al 88, 224 f.

ie n n a

oly,

V e n ic e

V ir tu e (s ).

V i c t o r ia ,

V

Of Venice, see

B a c u lu s

M ariological iconography 43; Im m a­ culate conception 46, 66; b irth 219; b etro th al 219; p resen tatio n a t tem ple 186; tem ple se rv a n t 196, 235; annunciation 45 1, 48, 53 1, 56, 59, 7 2 ! , 74, 114, 115, 173, 186, 203, 219, 235; and Child 23, 24 f., 30, 31 ff., 34, 38, 49, 52, 90, 94, 203, 208; and sleeping Child 34, 107; dorm ition 54, 190 1 ; assum ption 49, 52, 79, i n , 113, 191; co­ ronation, in P aradise 2, 10, 23, 24, 43, 45 f., 46 ff., 48 f., 50 ff., 53 ff., 59 ff., 62 ff., 74, 78 f., 191, 234 t.; see P a r a d i s e ; crowned 203, 208, 237, w ith stars, 61, 66, 79; glorification 47, 54; and Im ­ m anuel 185 f.; intercession 49, 54, 113; orans

V ir g in M a r y ,

313

V ittoria, A lessandro , 9; see San Zaccaria V ittore , S t ., 50 V ivarini , A ntonio , see San P antalon ; S an Zac­ caria V iv e n t e s ,

186

V izio, (vitio ) see V ice (s) V

P atro n s of 53; Palazzo dei priori : Jacopo Cione, A nnunciation 53

olterra,

V o tiv e r e p r e s e n ta tio n s , 49 f., 51 f., 54, 86; for doges in D oge’s P alace 30 ff., 3 6 1 , see D o g e ’s P a la c e , Antipregadi, Collegio, Pregadi, Scarlatti ; A d m in istra tio n O ffic e s; P o r t r a its ; D o g e

V ulcan , 238 f., 245 f., 253

Zabbarella , Marcantonio , Speech 142, 249

W ar , Personification 242, 253

Za c h e u s,

W ashington D. C., National Gallery of A rt : T in­ to re tto , Conversion of St. P au l 93 W ater , 240; holy 162, 213 f.

Zamberlan , F rancesco, 3 Za n e , B ernardo , 262 Zano , F rancesco, 238, 241 f.

W ayzata, P alm a, draw ing for P aradise 57

Za r a , B attle

W illiam of A uvergne , On S tate of angels 55, 172; see Government W indsor , Royal Library : Veronese (?), L epanto draw ing 88

Zecca,

Z e c c h in o ,

Z e n o b io ,

W orks, Good, 194, 255; an d justification 236; Mass as 255; V enetian governm ent an d 259; see J usti ­ fication ; F id e , sola

Z iA N i,

W orld , Concept, iconography: creation-salvation 77; see Christ , S alvator M undi; Globe ; E cclesia ; P eople of,

238

SH

Iconography 221

46, 173, 196, 219 163

e n ie r ,

W ord , see Christ , Logos

Zonta,

o f.

M int 124, 219, 245

Z e c h a r ia h ,

Ze n , R

W ool, R ed, 247

W orms, Concordate

197

Doge, n o f .

St., 53

S e b a s t ia n o ,

Doge, 221, 243

(Giunta) 120, 124; see

Z o r l a , G iu l io ,

Co n s t it u t io n

Speech 142

Zuccari, F ederico , 58, 117; see B ologna, Santa Maria del Barraccano ; Caprarola, Palazzo Far­ nese ; D oge’s P alace, Maggior Consiglio ; N ew Y ork , Metropolitan M useum ; R ome, Gesù

Staale Sinding-Larsen,

Christ in the coimcil hall

PLATE I

a)

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facade,

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PLATE II

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