Acquisition Reversal: The Effects of Postlingual Deafness in Yoruba 9781614510451, 9781614510437

Citation preview

Acquisition Reversal

Studies on Language Acquisition 47

Editor Peter Jordens

De Gruyter Mouton

Acquisition Reversal The Effects of Postlingual Deafness in Yoruba

by O ø lanikeø O ø la Orie

De Gruyter Mouton

ISBN 978-1-61451-043-7 e-ISBN 978-1-61451-045-1 ISSN 1861-4248 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. 쑔 2012 Walter de Gruyter, Inc., Boston/Berlin Typesetting: PTP-Berlin Protago-TeX-Production GmbH, Berlin Printing: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen 앝 Printed on acid-free paper 앪 Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com

Contents Acknowledgments Abbreviations

ix xi

Chapter 1

1

Postlingual Deafness

1.1

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1

1.2

Factors affecting language development and maintenance after hearing loss . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

4

1.3

Deafness and its causes among the Yoruba . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

6

1.4

First language attrition, postlingual deafness, language loss . . . . .

8

1.5

The Empirical Base . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

11

1.6

Theoretical framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.6.1 Optimality Theory: markedness and faithfulness . . . . . . . 1.6.2 Childhood Postlingual Deafness: Belfast English Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

12 15 20

Goals and Organization of the Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

23

1.7

Chapter 2 The Yoruba: the people and their language

25

2.1

The Yoruba of West Africa and Diaspora . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

25

2.2

Yoruba Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.1 The sound system (Phonetics and Phonology) . . . . . . . . . 2.2.2 Word size and word formation (Morphology) . . . . . . . . . 2.2.3 Sentence formation (Syntax) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

31 32 46 48

Chapter 3

Deafness, Societal Attitude, and Language Adaptation

53

3.1

Attitude toward the Deaf . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

53

3.2

Congenital deafness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

54

3.3

When a deaf child is motherless or orphaned: the story of Kuye¢ . .

59

vi 3.4

Contents

Postlingually Acquired Deafness: Challenges and Language Adaptation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.1 “I cannot believe I can still talk”: the postlingually deafened child. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.2 “Listening and hearing with my eyes”: reading lips and reading gestures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.3 Life at School for the Deaf . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.4 “I miss hearing my language”: the challenges of mothering hearing children . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.5 “Ears are like kidneys, you can indeed live well with only one”: hearing with one ear . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.6 Hearing aids and language preservation. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

64 64 67 69 73 77 79

Chapter 4 Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

81

4.1

Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

81

4.2

Contrasting Yoruba co-speech gesture and Yoruba Sign Language 4.2.1 Gestures and YSL Similarity: Pointing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2.2 Gestures and YSL Differences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

87 87 88

4.3

The phonology of YSL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.1 One- versus Two-Handed Signs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.2 Hand shapes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.3 Location . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.4 Movement. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.5 Non-manual articulators – head, mouth, face, nose, arm, leg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

97 98 100 107 112

4.4

The Morphology of YSL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.1 Monomorphemic signs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.2 Polymorphemic signs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.3 Other Morphological Processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

123 123 124 126

4.5

YSL Syntax . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130 4.5.1 Basic Word order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130 4.5.2 Negation and Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132

4.6

Discussion and Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137

116

Contents

Chapter 5

Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

vii 139

5.1

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.1 Consonants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.2 Vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.3 Tones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1.4 Syllable structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

5.2

Morphology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163

5.3

Syntax . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166

5.4

Summary of M’s grammar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170

Chapter 6

Postlingual Deafness at Age 8: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

140 140 146 153 159

172

6.1

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.1 Consonants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.2 Vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.3 Tone patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1.4 Syllable structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

6.2

Morphology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191

6.3

Syntax . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 6.4 Summary and Comparison of T and M’s grammars . . . . 200

Chapter 7 The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

172 172 176 183 188

203

7.1

Children’s acquisition of phonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203

7.2

Yoruba child phonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.1 Tones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.2 Oral Vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.3 Nasal vowel patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.4 Consonants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.5 Syllables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.6 Phonological Acquisition and Postlingual Deafness Attrition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

7.3

204 205 208 215 217 224 228

Morphology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231

viii

Contents

7.4

Syntax . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4.1 Two-word stage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4.2 Telegraphic Multi-word Stage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4.3 Full ¿nite sentences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4.4 Complex sentences: Focus construction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4.5 Child Yoruba syntax and syntactic attrition . . . . . . . . . . .

7.5

Acquisition and Postlingual Deafness Attrition as Mirror Markedness-based Systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 244

Chapter 8 8.1

Summary, Suggestions for Rehabilitation and Further Research

Summary of ¿ndings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.1 De¿ning Deafness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.2 Documenting a less known aspect of Yoruba: postlingual deafness data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.3 Parallel patterns in attrition and acquisition . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.4 The age factor in determining the degree of attrition . . . . 8.1.5 Documenting Yoruba Sign Language. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

235 235 237 239 240 243

250 250 250 251 251 252 252

8.2

Suggestions for Linguistic Rehabilitation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252

8.3

Remaining issues and recommendations for further research . . . . . 255

References Index

258 279

Acknowledgments I would like to acknowledge the individuals who gave help in the preparation of this manuscript. First, I am deeply indebted to a number of mentors and colleagues for both direct and indirect assistance given to me during the years of research and writing of this book. I would like to thank Oluso¢la Ajolore, Akin Akinlabi, Will Andrews, O¢ladele Awobuluyi, Yiwo¢la Awoyale, Bill Balee, Harvey Bricker, Shanshan Du, Dan Healan, Adeline Masquelier, Judith Maxwell, O¢lasope Oyelaran, Doug Pulleyblank, and especially Victoria Bricker and Laura Downing for their encouragement and valuable comments at various stages of the project. Harvey and Victoria Bricker provided great assistance in helping to preserve my data while I was in Texas after Hurricane Katrina devastated the City of New Orleans in 2005. Furthermore, Victoria Bricker read the ¿rst draft of the entire manuscript and gave comments and criticisms that have markedly improved the substance and the presentation of the book. David Ingram deserves special gratitude for introducing me to language acquisition. Special credit should be given to my students at Tulane University for serving as a sounding board for many ideas presented here. I am especially grateful to Karen Wu for assistance in the production of drawings. Thanks to Nathalie Dajko for assisting with library research at the beginning of this project. Special thanks to Patricia Anderson, Denise Crochet, Linda Davies, Zach Herbert and Shane Lief for providing valuable comments on chapters of the manuscript. I am grateful to Emily Farrell, Peter Jordens and their co-workers at Mouton De Gruyter for their assistance and kind reminders about deadlines. Most of the data from my ¿eld notes since 1994 form the basis for this book. Therefore, I would like to acknowledge the immeasurable contributions of my consultants, including Moji O¢la, who helped coordinate the Yoruba language acquisition research, Toyin Fatunwas¢e, Mo¢rinso¢la Ale¢s¢inlo¢ye¢, Ajo¢se¢ Alayande, Bo¢se¢ Micah, Ayo¢dele Johnson and Mrs Ojo (Ondo State School for the Deaf, Akure¢, Nigeria). I am thankful for their time, knowledge and friendship over the years. I am especially grateful to Toyin, Mo¢rinso¢la and Ajo¢se¢ – amazing teachers and consultants – who shared their deep knowledge of postlingual deafness Yoruba and Yoruba Sign Language with me – e¢ s¢e!, mo du!pe!¢. I also acknowledge the ¿nancial support of the National Science Foundation/ American Association for the Advancement of Science (2002 Travel Award), Tulane University Senate Committee on Research (2003 Travel Grant), and the National Endowment for Humanities (2004 Summer Stipend). I am also grateful to friends and family who provided helpful comments, criticisms, advice or encouragement on the project: Nancy Healan, Patty

x

Acknowledgments

Andrews, Bayo¢ and Lo¢la Oyewo¢le, Niyi Afo¢labi, Terri-Lee Hill, Dania Geraci, Yvette Jackson, Julie Yepsen, Melanie McCrae, Nancy Tinnean, Lo¢la Dabiri, John and Eunice Ogundare, Paul and Abio¢dun Ndukwe, Gbenga and Clara Babalo¢la, Alasia Ledford, Lorey Plaisance, Michelle Daly, Brenda Hannula, Steve and Modupe¢ Olumuyiwa, Emeka and Bade Nwamkpa, Funke¢ Ojikutu, Adebayo¢ and Funmilayo¢ Adeo¢ba, Jibike¢ Ogunbadejo¢, Akinto¢la and Yetunde O¢la, Samuel A. Orie, Yinka Oshaju, Ayo¢o¢la Ojikutu, Dele Aloko, Nike¢ Alalade, Ruth Ngethe, Jibo¢la Ajayi, Miriam Orkar, Gloria Onyeoziri Miller, Patience Obih, Tolulo¢pe¢ Dawodu, Ibukun Olumuyiwa, Gboyega Ale¢s¢inlo¢ye¢, Ebere Nwamkpa, Odinma Ukaegbu, Chris Abayo¢mi, Bo¢de Oluwusi, and Damian and Kate Emetuche. This manuscript has been many years in the writing and I am sure I may have overlooked some people who assisted in one way or another–my apologies for such oversights. Finally, I am forever grateful to my husband, Kenneth K. Orie, and our children, Chinwe and Dayo¢, who by the grace of God have been present from the beginning of this long journey, and who encouraged and lovingly pushed me to the ¿nishing point.

Abbreviations ASP ASL +ATR íATR dB C CP CM EMP GEN H HI HTSM I L LO M MPG N NASL NEG NP OT PDY PREP PROG PQM V VP SY UG YSL

Aspect American Sign Language Advanced Tongue Root Retracted Tongue Root Decibels Complementizer Complementizer Phrase Completive Marker Emphatic Genitive Marker High tone High vowel High Tone Subject Marker (non-future tense) In¿nitive Low tone Low vowel Mid tone Multiple Parallel Grammars Noun Nigerian American Sign Language Negative Marker Noun Phrase Optimality Theory Postlingual Deafness Yoruba Preposition Progressive Marker Polar Question Marker Verb Verb Phrase Standard Yoruba Universal Grammar Yoruba Sign Language

Chapter 1 Postlingual Deafness 1.1

Introduction

Postlingually acquired deafness, is de¿ned in this work, as a type of deafness that occurs after age ¿ve to six after language is substantially acquired. While there is a relatively substantial amount of cross-linguistic and cross-cultural literature on congenital deafness, that is, deafness acquired before language is acquired (for example, Desloges 1779, French Deaf; Stokoe 1960, American Deaf; Kyle and Woll 1985, British Deaf; Rammel 1974, German Deaf; Schmaling 2000, Hausa Deaf; Nyst 2004, Adamorobe Deaf; Nakamura 2006, Japanese Deaf), cross-linguistic literature on postlingually acquired deafness is scant. Much of the existing work focuses on postlingual deafness in English (for example, Kinney 1948, Cowie and Douglas-Cowie 1992, etc.). This book is the ¿rst description and analysis of postlingual deafness language patterns in an African language. Based on data from Yoruba, a Benue-Congo language of Nigeria, Togo and Benin, this work provides a comprehensive account of the effects of prolonged postlingual deafness on a language that was once spoken Àuently. It documents the patterns of postlingual deafness-induced phonological, morphological, and syntactic losses, as well as the sociocultural challenges faced by this signi¿cant deaf population. In addition, this work describes the gestures and sign language used in conjunction with speech by postlingually deafened Yoruba speakers. Since the work of Kinney (1948), the study of the linguistic repercussions of postlingually acquired deafness has been an important area of research as well as a controversial research topic. The controversy centers on whether or not postlingually acquired deafness results in language loss. Some make the claim that childhood deafness after language has been acquired has no effect on vocal production and argue that, at this point, the vocal production has become independent of the auditory input (Bowen 1979, Goehl and Kaufman 1984), while others argue that childhood deafness produces speech deviations which can cause “intelligibility impairment” or which “compromise phonological integrity” (Kinney 1948, Cowie and Douglas-Cowie 1983, 1992, Plant and Hammarberg 1983, and Waldstein 1989). This book weighs in on this controversy by introducing the reader to a signi¿cant Deaf population: postlingually deafened Yoruba speakers who became deaf after age ¿ve and who have been profoundly deaf for more than twenty-¿ve years. Following the loss of hear-

2

Postlingual Deafness

ing, these individuals continue to speak their language from memory and they “hear” visually through lip reading. Having no access to hearing aids, cochlear implants or speech therapy, they receive speech solely through lip reading. Lip reading is an impoverished linguistic input because some phonological features in Yoruba cannot be read off the lips, including tones, nasality, voice contrast, vowel tongue root features (i.e., tense and lax features), and so on. Interestingly, most of these unseen phonological features are lost, for example, mid tones, nasality, mid vowel tongue root contrast, consonant voice contrast, and liquid consonants (/l/ and /r/). In addition, lexical and syntactic losses are observed: multisyllabic words are either completely lost or shortened to one or two syllables, and full sentences are reduced to one- or two-word utterances. The loss of language following prolonged total hearing loss poses interesting puzzles for theories of language acquisition. Most language experts agree that beginning from the age of 3, children produce relatively correct sentences (Pinker 1994). At this age, linguistically unimpaired children have an excellent grasp of basic lexical and grammatical rules of their ¿rst language. By age ¿ve to six, the major infrastructure of language is completed. One of the most striking aspects of the language acquisition process is that children learn to speak like adults even though they are exposed to little correctly formed language. For example, when people speak, they make slips of the tongue, they interrupt themselves, and they switch sentences when they change their minds. Nevertheless, children screen out the inconsistencies, producing correct and novel sentences illustrating that they have learned the rules of the language. This phenomenon, termed “Poverty of the Stimulus,” is said to provide evidence for the innateness of language and further provides evidence that children are born with Universal Grammar (Chomsky 1965, 1975, etc.). Given the minimal role of the linguistic input in ¿rst language acquisition, it is surprising that language is lost following postlingual deafness. Equally surprising is the fact that some aspects of Yoruba that cannot be seen on the lips are resilient; for example, high and low tones are fairly stable, tense high vowels are stable, low vowels are stable, non-nasal sounds are stable, glides, and stop consonants are stable. A major challenge for theories of linguistics is explaining why in certain cases some sounds that cannot be seen on the lips are lost and why others are resilient. Another challenge is explaining why the already acquired language is lost at all. The linguistic puzzles involving sound resilience and sound vulnerability after deafness are straightforwardly solved if we assume a direct correlation between ¿rst language acquisition and prolonged postlingual childhood deafness language loss. Speci¿cally, if we assume, following Jakobson (1941/68), that language loss is a reversal of acquisition, and that the last features and

Introduction

3

structures to be acquired are the ¿rst to be lost, then, the loss of the features mentioned above (liquids, mid tone, vowel nasalization, etc.) is consistent with their being the last sounds to be acquired and with their being the most susceptible to loss. In other words, prolonged childhood hearing loss results in the reversal of language, causing a speaker to lose the last elements acquired and retain the features acquired early. Although this work is primarily descriptive, it presents an analysis, couched within Optimality Theory (OT), showing how markedness and faithfulness constraints work together to condition the form of language loss patterns when deafened speakers no longer can access the spoken language. Further, the interaction of these constraints illustrates how postlingual deafness language loss patterns mirror reversal patterns of language acquisition stages. In order to explain why the already acquired language is lost, I follow early work on postlingual deafness in assuming that auditory feedback is necessary for language development and maintenance (Lane and Tranel 1971, Cowie and Douglas-Cowie 1983, Matthies et al. 2008, Perkell in press). By this, it is meant that continuous auditory input plays an important role in the development of language and in the maintenance of a language that has already been acquired. For example, speakers use auditory feedback to monitor speech volume, as can be seen in the fact that people talk louder when they cannot hear themselves (Lane and Tranel 1971). They also use auditory feedback to correct errors in production (Postma and Noordanus 1996). Furthermore, as shown by a study on the impact of deafness on a Japanese boy (K. Ito et al. 2002), the lack of auditory feedback results in language breakdown after deafness, but language is gradually restored when a speaker regains some hearing with a cochlear implant. This ¿nding is supported by Matthies et al. (2008)’s recent study of the production and perception of /r/ by postlingually deafened English speakers. This study shows that before receiving cochlear implants, the postlingually deafened speakers had greater acoustic variability for /r/ than the hearing controls. However, after implantation, the variability for /r/ of seven of the eight implant users did not differ from the mean values obtained from a normal hearing control group. What these facts show is that auditory input is crucial for monitoring vocal output, achieving verbal intelligibility and Àuency, and maintaining language that is already acquired. When auditory input is lacking, as in the unremedied prolonged postlingual deafness cases discussed here, deviations from regular language patterns occur. As will be shown, these anomalies are not random, but patterned based on the language acquisition reversal, which causes the last features acquired to be the ¿rst to be lost.

4

Postlingual Deafness

The following subsections provide essential background to the description and analyses developed in subsequent chapters. Section 1.2 discusses the factors affecting language development and maintenance after postlingually acquired deafness, such as age of onset and degree of hearing loss. Section 1.3 describes deafness and its causes among the Yoruba. Section 1.4 reviews the literature on ¿rst language attrition and describes the properties that are susceptible to degeneration. Section 1.5 describes the corpora of data used in the book. Section 1.6 gives a brief sketch of the theoretical bias of the present work and exempli¿es the role of markedness and faithfulness in language degeneration using the Belfast English patterns described in Cowie and Douglas-Cowie (1992). Section 1.7 outlines the goals and the organization of the book.

1.2

Factors affecting language development and maintenance after hearing loss

As mentioned earlier, postlingual deafness is hearing loss that develops after the acquisition of language, usually after age ¿ve to six. The impact of hearing loss on language development is constrained by several factors, for example, degree or level of impairment, age at onset, mode of communication, socio-economic status, and so on. The ¿rst two variables – degree of deafness and age – have the most pervasive effect on language (Cowie and Douglas-Cowie 1992). Consequently, these two parameters are described in detail below. The standard way of describing hearing loss is to specify sensitivity to the quietest sound that can be heard by a person. Sound volume is measured in decibels, and hearing sensitivity is charted from 0 – 110 decibels (dB) (Ross 1986, Schow and Nerbonne 2007). For simplicity, most scholars group hearing loss into at least six categories illustrated (check marked) in Table 1 (Cowie and Douglass-Cowie 1992): Table 1. Summary of degrees of hearing loss Loss in dB < 25 925 – 40 941 – 55 956 – 70 971 – 90 9Over 90dB 9Over 120dB

Category normal mild moderate moderate substantial severe profound total

Description of the loss no dif¿culty understanding speech dif¿culty hearing faint speech dif¿culty hearing normal speech dif¿culty hearing loud speech understands only shouted speech usually cannot understand ampli¿ed speech no useful hearing

Factors affecting language development and maintenance after hearing loss

5

The hearing level is quanti¿ed relative to normal hearing in decibels. As can be seen in Table 1, higher numbers of dB indicate worse hearing. A score of 0 – 25 is normal but a score of 100 dB or more hearing loss is equivalent to complete deafness. It is possible to have scores less than 0, which of course show a superior or better than average hearing. The cases reported in this book involve people in the last two decibel scale category; that is, people with over 90 – 120dB hearing loss who cannot hear the sounds of spoken language. Although most Yoruba deaf do not have access to sound measurement equipment, there is a traditional means of evaluation. In order to carry out a traditional diagnosis for postlingual deafness, an adult native speaker stands behind a person who is having trouble hearing speech sounds and yells out several words. If the person is able to hear the sounds of the words faintly, such a person is classi¿ed as hard of hearing. However, if the person is unable to hear any sound from words spoken from behind, then, such a person is classi¿ed as deaf. In western societies, a surgically implanted electronic device known as cochlear implant can restore hearing in people that are profoundly deaf. However, cochlear implants are unavailable in developing countries due to the high cost of the device, surgery, and post-implantation therapy. None of the cases documented here involve the use of any form of electronic ampli¿cation: no hearing aids, no cochlear implantation. The second variable that has a profound effect on language is age at onset; that is, the age at which hearing loss occurs. When severe to profound hearing loss occurs before age ¿ve, the general assumption is that there is signi¿cant language loss. However, researchers differ as to what happens after age ¿ve when major aspects of language are already acquired. For example, Bower (1979: 87) states that ‘after the age of six or so deafening has no effect on the vocal productions; at this point, it seems that the vocal production has become independent of the auditory input.’ Similarly, Goehl and Kaufman (1984) make the claim that ‘the routine recommendation for speech conservation training in cases of deafness occurring after the acquisition of the sound system of a language is complete, are unwarranted.’ The opposite view is expressed in the literature by several scholars who argued that childhood deafness in children aged ¿ve and under causes signi¿cant speech deterioration but not language deterioration (Cowie and Douglas-Cowie 1983, 1992, Waldstein 1989). However, K. Ito et al. (2002) report the case of a 6-year-old Japanese boy who lost his normally developed language ability within 2 months after sudden deafness. The boy became non-communicative with others and was restless with frequent meaningless bursts of shouts. His expressive and receptive communication skills deteriorated and retrograded to the equivalent of 9 – 11 month

6

Postlingual Deafness

language development patterns (production of one-word utterances that were sometimes not meaningful). In short, the child experienced a rapid breakdown of language. However, after cochlear implantation was performed, he regained the language, retracing the normal developmental stages from the one-word stage to the two-word stage and the multiword stage and beyond. He caught up with his contemporaries in 2 years. As argued by K. Ito et al., this research shows the importance of continuous language input – especially auditory simulation – to keep the already acquired language in early childhood. This study illustrates the striking connection between hearing, language acquisition, and language loss.

1.3

Deafness and its causes among the Yoruba

The estimated number of the Deaf in Nigeria is 1. 5 million (Schmaling 2000). However, there are no statistics on the speci¿c number of Yoruba Deaf. According to popular Yoruba belief, the spirit of disability resides in northern Nigeria, among the Hausa. The north east trade winds originating from the Sahara desert are responsible for the harmattan, a dry dusty wind that blows across the country from November to March. This wind is said to blow sand into the eyes and ears of northerners, causing blindness and deafness. The Yoruba word for the deaf is adit¸! (one with deafened ears); the word for the dumb is odi (mute).1 The verb di (deaf) is common to both words, which implies that the Yoruba see deafness and dumbness as connected phenomena. Some people may be deaf or mute while others are deaf and mute. Deafness leads to muteness; if there is no language input, there can be no language acquired. Therefore, congenitally deaf children become dumb because it is hard to speak when one has not heard a language. Among the Yoruba, muteness without deafness can occur when a person suffers a stroke; sometimes, the elderly become mute shortly before they die. In these contexts, hand gesturing is used for communication if the hand is not incapacitated by the stroke. Genetic deafness is not attested among the Yoruba. Therefore, unlike communities such as Martha’s Vineyard, an island off the coast of Massachusetts, which has hereditary deafness running in families (Groce 1988), it is rare to 1. In Yoruba orthography, [İ] = e¢, [o] = o¢, nasalized vowel = Vn, [6] = s¢ =, [kep] = p, an acute accent [ º] = H(igh) tone, a grave accent [ ¼] = L(ow) tone, unmarked for tone = M(id) tone; if it is necessary to mark Mid tone, a macron ‘-’ is used. A tonemarked nasal = syllabic nasal. Transcriptions of Yoruba examples are given in the International Phonetic Alphabet.

Deafness and its causes among the Yoruba

7

¿nd a family of deaf people among the Yoruba. The rarity of hereditary deafness is supported by a Yoruba adage that says a deaf person “hears” a spoken word through his or her hearing child (k¸! aditi ba le~ gbO! la Se n! sO~rO~ lo!ju! OmO rE~ ‘so that the deaf can hear, we talk in the presence of his or her child’). This means that a deaf person is expected to have hearing children and that hearing children have a way to communicate with their deaf parents. Traditionally, deaf children are considered accursed, children sent by gods to punish the sinfulness of their parents. When the disability of a child born with congenital deafness is discovered, parents, especially mothers, are shocked, full of shame, and are afraid of the challenges that await the child. Shame – this is the worst of the misfortunes that comes with having a deafmute child. Shame is brought upon the child and even more shame is brought upon the parents. Typically running through the minds of parents are pictures of hearing children constantly teasing the deaf child by putting a leaf in their mouths (Ôa!we! sE!nu b¸! odi ‘put leaves in the mouth like the mute’), a derogatory depiction of the deaf-mute as animals who cannot talk but constantly eat leaves instead. For the Yoruba, it is better for one to die than to endure such shame (iku! ya! ju E~s¸!n death is better than shame’), leading to some suspected cases of infanticide (Abang 1988). The traditional cause of deafness is violation of the norms prescribed by the gods; for example, it is taboo for a pregnant woman to walk in the heat of the day or at midnight for these are times that evil spirits roam the land. The belief is that by walking around at these times, an unborn child is exposed to evil spirits resulting in disability. When a child is born, two questions are always asked: (1) is the child a boy or a girl? And, (2) is the child able-bodied? The birth of male children is applauded more than of the birth of female children, and the birth of an able-bodied child applauded more than that of a disabled child. If an expectant mother gives birth to a disabled child, the traditional explanation is that something went wrong with the pregnancy. The mother of the child may have violated some taboos, which invokes the wrath of the gods or a spell may have been cast on her, or worst still, it may have resulted from the vengeance of the gods for the sins committed in her previous life (Awolalu 1979, 1981). In short, the weight of any form of disability falls on the mother of the child. While hereditary deafness may be rare, postlingual hearing loss is now prevalent in Yoruba-land (Eziyi, Amusa, Akinpelu, Adeniji, and Ogunniyi 2009). For example, between December 2001 and May 2003, one thousand hearing impaired patients were seen by physicians at the Obafe¢mi Awolo¢wo¢ University Teaching Hospital Audiology Clinic in Ile-Ife¢, one of the most ancient cities in southwestern Nigeria. Because very little is known about this situation, there is an incomplete knowledge of the causes and history of ear diseases and deaf-

8

Postlingual Deafness

ness. Nonetheless, some mothers report the occurrence of deafness after severe illnesses such as meningitis and German measles.

1.4

First language attrition, postlingual deafness, language loss

First language attrition research has demonstrated that emigration may cause someone to forget all or part of his or her native language (for example, Bullock and Gerfen, 2004, Bullock, Dalola, and Gerfen 2006, de Leeuw, Schmid and Mennen in press, Major 1992, Seliger and Vago eds. 1991, and so on). It is assumed that the lexicon is most susceptible to loss, probably because vocabulary acquisition is a lifelong process. A case study of a German immigrant to the United States revealed that attrition is an on-going process, as lexical attrition is observed in this speaker even ¿fty years after age of onset (Hutz 2004). Furthermore, code-switching, a lexicon phenomenon, is pervasive in L2 (Kopke and Schmid, 2004b). On the other hand, current research shows that the process of loss is less in morphology and syntax (Hakansson 1995, Schmid 2002, Hutz 2004). Not much work has been done on phonetics and phonological attrition. However, Major (1992) demonstrates that foreign accents are sometimes imposed on L1, resulting in the attrition of L1 phonetics. These studies have documented emigration-induced attrition, that is, instances of ¿rst language attrition in a contact situation with a second dominant language in a new place of residence. While research in ¿rst language attrition in the context of a dominant second language environment has acknowledged the loss of language, the literature in postlingual deafness attrition, at the very best, acknowledges speech deterioration but not language loss. For example, there is much evidence from postlingually acquired deafness English data illustrating common articulation deterioration patterns across deafened people, notably distortions involving alveolar consonants, fricatives, affricates, and liquids (Bergmann 1952, Cowie and Douglas-Cowie 1983, 1992, Lane and Webster 1991). However, this sort of deterioration, as argued by Goehl and Kaufman (1984, 1985, 1986), is minor. In their view, the Chomskyan dichotomy of linguistic competence and performance is to be taken seriously, and so we should not expect linguistic competence to be affected by deafening. Linguistic competence is a set of language rules that is represented mentally; it is the Àawless knowledge of a language that a speaker has in his or her mind. On the other hand, performance, which is the production of actual utterances, can be Àawed by conditions such as memory limitations, distractions and acquired deafness.

First language attrition, postlingual deafness, language loss

9

The crucial question is: what sort of evidence is needed to demonstrate loss in the domain of linguistic competence? First, permanent forgetfulness of words and grammatical structures is strong evidence for the loss of linguistic competence. It has often been pointed out that L1 attrition usually ¿rst manifests itself in the lexicon, then it extends to the grammar (Schmid and Köpke, 2008). Second, linguistic competence loss can manifest itself in the form of structural disintegration. For instance, Seliger and Vago (1991:3) observe the tendency for “the disintegration or attrition of the structure of a ¿rst language (L1) in contact situations with a second language (L2)”. Pallier et al. (2003) present the most compelling evidence for competence loss so far. In a study on attrition in childhood adoption, they show that people who are adopted as children and who are isolated from their native language for a prolonged period of time forget their ¿rst language. Pallier et al. (2003)’s research population comprised eight adult Koreans whose age of adoption by French families varied from three to eight years old. All participants claimed to have completely forgotten Korean. In both language and word identi¿cation tasks, participants listened to sentences and words in Korean, Japanese, Polish, Swedish, and Wolof, and were required to decide whether the sentences were Korean. Neither the native Koreans nor the native French were able to recognize Korean sentences. In another task involving speech segment detection, participants listened to sentences in French, Korean, Japanese, and Polish, followed 500 ms later by a speech fragment. The participants were asked to indicate whether this fragment had appeared in the sentence. The main purpose of this task was to ensure that participants paid attention to the sentences while brain imaging was performed using event-related fMRI, in order to detect patterns of brain activity as they processed the stimuli. Both Korean and control participants showed better performance for the only language that they could understand (French) than for the other three languages, and performance did not differ signi¿cantly between the two groups. The analyses of the fMRI data showed no detectable difference for either participant group in processing Korean or Polish sentences. The adoptees’ performance on all three tasks appears to con¿rm their claim to have lost all knowledge of their L1, such that their brains treated input from the attrited language in the same way as input from a language never encountered. Being completely deaf from age ¿ve onward without any sound ampli¿cation mediation for a prolonged period of time is comparable to the case of adopted Koreans described above. In the two cases of profound and prolonged postlingual deafness reported here, Mo¢rinso¢la (who became deaf at age 5) and Toyin (who became deaf at age 8), forgetfulness was a major issue. These speakers complained of forgetting words. They complained of semantic confu-

10

Postlingual Deafness

sion due to the fact that so many words look the same on the lips. Further, their data exhibit loses involving lexical and grammatical tones, mid vowel tense-lax vowel distinctions, oral-nasal distinctions, the liquid consonants, /r/ and /l/, and laryngeal /h/. However, unlike the Korean adoptees, they have not completely forgotten or lost their language. The factors that are likely to inÀuence the retention of Yoruba under postlingual deafness contexts are (1) the fact that the postlingually deafened individuals continue to live in the ¿rst language environment; (2) they use the attriting language daily at home and at work; (3) spoken Yoruba is the primary language of communication with their children, who are normal hearing children; and (4) language attrition after postlingual deafness is not competing with the acquisition of a second spoken language. In other words, although two sign languages (Yoruba Sign Language and Nigerian American Sign Language) were acquired by Toyin and Mo¢rinso¢la after they became deaf, the newly acquired languages did not displace their spoken Yoruba in the same fashion as reported for cases involving two spoken languages. For example, some studies (Ammerlaan 1996, Pelc 2001) have shown that attrition is more accelerated in children than adults when two spoken languages are in competition in a contact context. The younger a child is when the language of her environment changes, the faster and deeper his or her ¿rst language will attrite, leading sometimes to the replacement of the ¿rst language by the dominant second language. The impact of the age factor can be seen in the greater phonological loss in Mo¢rinso¢la’s Yoruba. For example, she has lost the two liquid consonants (/l/ and /r/) and /h/, she has lost voicing and nasal contrasts in stops, and frequently changes fricatives and affricates into stops. In addition, unlike Toyin who uses full sentences, she exhibits syntactic attrition, as her utterances were mainly two word phrases. The greater loss experienced is attributed to the age of deafness. Since Mo¢rinso¢la lost her hearing at the age of 5, complex aspects of syntactic and semantic acquisition are perhaps incomplete, making her grammar fairly unstable and easily susceptible to attrition. As will be shown, the phonological grammars of postlingually deafened speakers exhibit many patterns observed in early child Yoruba language acquisition. Chapters 5 and 6 will discuss these properties and show how they ¿t in well with Jackbson’s (1941/1968) proposal that attrition patterns illustrate reversal of child language acquisition.

The Empirical Base

1.5

11

The Empirical Base

The corpora that will be used in this book consist of two studies of Yoruba postlingual deafness (Orie 2004, 2008, 2009) and ¿ve studies of the acquisition of Yoruba (Ajolore 1974, Onidare 1983, Oyebade 1990, Orie 1997, Orie and Ingram 2004). I will compare the postlingual deafness Yoruba (PDY) data from Mo¢rinso¢la (Chapter 5) with those from Toyin (Chapter 6). The PDY data will then be compared with Yoruba language acquisition data from Ajolore, Onidare, Oyebade, Orie, and Orie and Ingram’s studies. The PDY data were collected during ¿eldwork done in Nigeria (Akure¢ and Lagos) in 2002, 2003, 2004, and 2009. Research methodologies used include free-form conversation, story-telling, picture-reading and interviews. At the beginning of the research, the free-form conversation method was adopted. Our conversations focused on data about family history and life experiences before and after deafness. Later on, more formal elicitation strategies such as verbal reading of picture stories (O¢dunjo¢’s Alawiye series), story-telling, and spoken Yoruba interviews were used to collect data. The acquisition data are from ¿ve primary sources. The ¿rst is Ajolore’s longitudinal study of two Yoruba-acquiring twins, Taye (T) and Ke¢in (K) from age 0 – 3;6. Ajolore’s focus is syntactic acquisition but he has data covering phonology, morphology and syntax acquisition. The second source is Onidare’s study, which is a three-year longitudinal study of a Yoruba-learning boy, Adebo¢wale (A). Third, Oyebade’s study consists of data from a ¿ve month longitudinal documentation of the phonological development of a two-year-old Yorubaacquiring boy (OYB);2 data were collected from age 2;3 to 2;8. Fourth, the data from Orie (1997) and Orie and Ingram (2004) were collected in 1994 during a six-month research ¿eldwork in Nigeria. At that time, longitudinal research was done with two one-year-olds (Gbemi, GB; and Tomi, TA), one two-yearold boy (Akin; Ak), two three-year-olds, Lanre (L) and Asabi (A). Fifth, in 2002, I studied ¿ve Yoruba-learning children aged 2 – 6, Femi (F; age 2; 2), Bami (B; age 3;1), Yo¢mi (Y, age 4;3), O¢pe¢ye¢mi (Op, age 5;1), Wale (W, age 6;0) for a period of ¿ve months. The acquisition of phonology and morphology were mainly targeted during these studies. The data collected are comprised of spontaneous and elicited speech produced by the children in interaction with their parents, older siblings, and the researcher. Story-telling is the primary methodology used for gathering elicited data. The researcher or a parent told a story in Standard Yoruba and at the end of the story, the child was asked to 2. Oyebade’s subject is not given a name; hence, the 2-year-old will be referred to as OYB (made up acronym for Oyebade).

12

Postlingual Deafness

recount the story or answer questions based on the story. Another elicitation strategy used was the reading of O¢dunjo¢’s Alawiye picture story books. The children were recorded biweekly using a battery operated tape player because of unstable power supply. Conventional transcription methods were used to transcribe the tokens.

1.6

Theoretical framework

Schmid (2001) identi¿ed four theoretical models that have been used to interpret language attrition data. The ¿rst model is the Simpli¿cation model, which assumes that attrition is determined by the general tendencies of language change, leading to simpli¿cation of grammatical structure. This model has been criticized as lacking explanatory adequacy because “simpli¿cation” means nothing if it does not follow established grammatical principles (Schmid 2002), for example, principles of Universal Grammar. In other words, a random de¿nition of a linguistic item’s complexity or simplicity is not valid; a good model must present empirically testable de¿nitions of simplicity and complexity. The second model is the Interlanguage model. According to this approach, language attrition is determined by interlanguage effects resulting from the encroachment of the linguistic system of the second language on the ¿rst language. Evidence has been presented from cases of two spoken languages affecting each other in this fashion (Altenberg 1991, Kaufman and Aronoff 1991, Seliger 1991, Kopke 1999, Isurin 2000, Pelc 2001, Gurel 2002, Pavlenko 2004). Additionally, other factors involving crosslinguistic or language internal simpli¿cation processes are shown to be at work in shaping attriting systems. The third is the Regression hypothesis, which claims that language attrition is determined by the acquisition sequence. In general, the last properties to be acquired are the ¿rst to disappear in language loss. The converse interpretation of this phenomenon is that the best learned (usually the ¿rst to be learned) is preserved the longest (Jakobson 1941, Brewer Bomar 1982, Jordens, de Bot, Van Os, and Schumans, 1986, Jordens, de Bot and Trapman, 1989, de Bot and Weltens 1991, Hansen 1999, Schmid 2002, and so on). The fourth approach reviewed by Schmid (2002) is the Universal Grammar (UG) model, which argues that attrition is determined by principles of Universal Grammar. In this model, marked structures will be lost but unmarked structures will be preserved. For example, if an attriting language has open and closed syllables, the syllables with coda consonants will be expected to lose their marked status. In contrast, the open syllables will be able to resist attrition because they are unmarked. In spite of the explanatory adequacy of this model, it is

Theoretical framework

13

surprising how little attention has been paid to the role of UG in accounting for attrition patterns. Recent research in the UG model has examined the question of whether acquirers and attriters reveal mirror symmetries in their language development. As argued by Keijzer (2007), potential mirror symmetries between acquisition and attrition can be expected to Àow from two properties. First, if the two aspects of grammar are constrained by principles of Universal Grammar, one would expect to see similar structural patterns in both (McCormack, 2004). Secondly, if acquisition and attrition are built on the principles of the same grammar, we would expect to see similarities in the way people learn and unlearn that speci¿c grammar (Slobin 1977). Thus, in contrast to studies done in the past, Keijzer (2007) argues that the current notion of regression can only gain explanatory power when placed in a generative framework that reveals the rules and laws that govern the structure of particular languages, and the general laws and principles governing all natural languages, such as the principles and parameters theory (Chomsky 1981, Haegemann 1991) or Optimality Theory (OT, Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince 1993, 1994, 1995). Since Chomsky’s (1981)’s work, the ¿eld has gained signi¿cant insight on the principles governing language development. According to Chomsky, Universal Grammar consists of a ¿nite set of parameters, which are not yet set on speci¿c values. Each child sets his or her parameters based on the system being acquired. As further noted by Dresher and Kaye (1990), an acquirer needs to search for positive evidence from the language in order to set the correct parameters. If, for example, a language allows both CV and V syllables, given the unmarkedness of CV syllables, the parameter will be set so that all syllables have onsets at the beginning of acquisition. The more the learner is exposed to the language, he or she will realize that marked V syllables are attested, which will cause the parameter to be reset to allow V syllables. If exposure to V syllable structure does not take place, it is likely that the learner will acquire the wrong grammar. Language development, therefore, is considered to be a gradual parameter (re-)setting process. In the principles and parameters framework, the child acquires one grammar, which at each stage of language acquisition becomes more elaborate – via parameter re-setting – which brings it closer to the adult grammar. Tesar and Smolensky (1998, 2000) propose a similar idea in an Optimality theoretic framework. These authors propose a learning algorithm which is based on constraint demotion. To illustrate, a grammar is considered to be a set of universal and violable constraints that are ranked with respect to each other. Languages differ in how much priority they assign to each constraint. This priority is expressed through ranking: a higher ranked constraint is more

14

Postlingual Deafness

important than a lower ranked constraint. The task of the acquirer is to ¿gure out the particular ranking of the target language. Tesar and Smolensky provide strong argumentation that children start from the simplest possible grammar, namely one where all markedness constraints outrank faithfulness constraints. In the course of acquiring language, they re¿ne and improve their grammar by gradually demoting markedness constraints, as dictated by the data they are exposed to. The process of demotion is completed only when they reach a certain stage where the constraint ordering of their grammar is identical to the one of the adult grammar (see also, Pulleyblank and Turkel 1998). As noted by Tzakosta and Revithiadou (2007), the shortcoming of the above proposals (as well as other models of language development (Smith 1973) is that they assume a linear model of acquisition in the sense that the child’s language system progresses step-by-step and in a homogeneous fashion without regressions to earlier developmental states and without showing any variation in production. These proposals do not permit any variation outside transitional stages, i.e., turning points for parameter re-setting. However, language acquisition data invalidate this view. For instance, Revithiadou and Tzakosta (2004a, b), based on longitudinal production data from Greek, observed extensive inter- and intra-child variation which is, crucially, not restricted to transitional developmental stages only, but rather one that occurs throughout the language acquisition process. On the basis of these ¿ndings, they propose that each child makes use of a set of multiple parallel grammars (MPG), which are responsible for the different array of variable output forms for a given input string during the same developmental phase. According to the MPG, learning is completed in three developmental phases: the initial phase, the intermediate phase and the ¿nal phase. In the initial state, markedness constraints outrank faithfulness constraints and, consequently, unmarked structures prevail in child speech. In the ¿nal state, on the other hand, faithfulness constraints occupy a rank in the constraint hierarchy yielding outputs which are typologically closer to the target forms. The intermediate phase is the phase of multiple grammars, caused by the constraint permutation of the dominance of faithfulness by markedness: MARKEDNESS >> FAITHFULNESS. Multiple grammars are activated in parallel, but grammars that are distant to the target grammar become weaker and are eventually abandoned as acquisition proceeds and children reach the target grammar. The grammars which are not reinforced by positive evidence are eliminated ¿rst, and the grammar that is reinforced by positive evidence in the target grammar is resistant to elimination. The present work applies the MPG approach to attrition, and more speci¿cally to postlingual deafness attrition. The data to be presented will show that

Theoretical framework

15

the attriter reverses the acquisition of grammar by eliminating the ¿nal state of constraint ranking ¿rst. Consequently, the last sounds to be acquired – liquids – are the ¿rst to go. This takes the attriter back to the intermediate stage. As mentioned above, due to the permutation of the ranking of MARKEDNESS >> FAITHFULNESS in the intermediate stage, multiple forms occur. At this stage, attriters exhibit variation and optionality, and the grammar that eventually wins is the one reinforced by positive evidence through lip reading. Hence, features that cannot be easily read off the lips, tone, nasality, tongue root advancement and retraction, sounds made in the back of the mouth (for example, velar consonants), are highly vulnerable. This is the state of affairs in Toyin and Morinso¢la’s phonological grammar. Lack of positive reinforcement through hearing of speech will eventually push the attriter backward to the initial stage where markedness dominates faithfulness. The latter scenario is seen in the language of Mo¢rinso¢la. 1.6.1 Optimality Theory: markedness and faithfulness For the sake of readers who are unfamiliar with Optimality Theory (OT), this section presents a brief introduction. OT is a theory of universal constraints and constraint rankings. A fundamental assumption of the theory is that the constraint set is universal but rankings vary on a language-by- language basis. Unlike standard generative analyses, which explain phonological phenomena through ordered rules, OT accounts for phonological phenomena through constraint rankings. For instance, a given input (or underlying form) is associated with a set of possible output candidates, which are in turn evaluated in parallel against a set of ranked and violable constraints. The candidate which best satisfies the constraint ranking for the language in question is the optimal output form, that is, the actual form that occurs in pronunciation. In OT, there are two crucial constraints, which regulate the well-formedness of phonological grammar: FAITHFULNESS and MARKEDNESS constraints. On the one hand, Faithfulness constraints ensure that all the features of the input (underlying form) remain unchanged in the output (surface form). Therefore, faithfulness constraints monitor the relation of the input to the output, and vice versa. Markedness, on the other hand, are universal laws which demand that surface forms be unmarked. Before elaborating on markedness, it is worth noting that the expression of markedness as universal laws dates back to the work of Jakobson (1941/68) who proposed that cross-linguistic adult and child phonological systems are governed by the same principles, which he called ‘laws of irreversible solidarity.’ These ‘laws,’ or ‘universal implications,’ as they were later called, are

16

Postlingual Deafness

assumed to be natural patterns that occur systematically in all natural languages.3 For example, the acquisition of nasal vowels presupposes the acquisition of oral vowels; and in languages of the world, the occurrence of nasal vowels presupposes the existence of oral vowels. The cross-linguistic preeminence of oral vowels is con¿rmed by work such as Maddieson (1984) who shows that all languages have oral vowels but not all have nasal vowels. Phrased in a marked-unmarked relation, a nasal vowel or [+nasal V] is marked whereas an oral vowel or [-nasal V] is unmarked If, for example, a language forbids nasal vowels, that means nasal MARKEDNESS (*Nasal V) is ranked higher than FAITHFULNESS to nasality – IDENT Nasal – the constraint demanding the retention of nasality. Consequently, all vowels will be oral on the surface, even if a nasal feature was posited in the input. (1)

Nasal Vowel Markedness a.

*[+nasal V]:

nasal vowels are prohibited

b.

IDENT-Nasal:

a nasal speci¿cation in the input must have a correspondent in the output (i.e., no deletion of nasality).

c.

Ranking:

*[+nasal V] >> IDENT-Nasal

The tableau in (2) illustrates the constraint ranking in (1). By ranking *[+nasal V] above IDENT-Nasal, the grammar ensures that the less marked oral V is the optimal output (2a). On the other hand, the faithful form (2b), which retains the nasal speci¿cation in the input, is non-optimal because it fatally violates higher ranked markedness constraint, *[+nasal V] (in the tableau, tilde indicates nasality).

3. But see Hume (2003) for arguments that markedness is best determined on a language speci¿c basis. As will be shown for Yoruba in this work, some markedness constraints are crosslinguistically motivated (for example, CV syllables, CV words, denasalization, high and low vowels and their tongue root speci¿cation) and some are language speci¿c. For example, whereas De Lacy (2002) proposes that the crosslinguistic markedness ranking for tones is H >> M >> L, Pulleyblank (2004) demonstrates that the ranking for M and L is reversed in Yoruba (H >> L >> M).

Theoretical framework

17

(2) /y¸Ѻ/

MARKEDNESS >> FAITHFULNESS *[+nasal V] IDENT-Nasal * ) a. yi b. y¸Ѻ

*!

The tableau in (2) also reÀects the state of affairs in child language before nasal vowels are acquired. As will be shown later with data from Yoruba, although Yoruba has contrastive vowel nasalization, nasal vowels are denasalized by children at the early stage of acquisition. Other similar implications among features involve consonants. To illustrate with manner of articulation, the occurrence of fricatives implies the presence of oral and nasal stops, but not vice versa (Jakobson 1968), and the occurrence of liquids implies the presence of fricatives and affricates (Dinnsen 1992), but not vice versa. Furthermore, glides, like stops, are usually among the ¿rst set of sounds acquired by children (Ingram 1989, Stoel-Gammon 1985). Based on evidence from the early stages of language acquisition, a scale of markedness can be established whereby stops and glides are the most unmarked, followed by fricatives, followed in turn by liquids: (3)

Manner of articulation markedness *LIQUIDS >> *AFFRICATES >> *FRICATIVES >> *GLIDES, *STOPS

Typology-wise, the most marked sounds (liquids) occur less frequently in languages, and they are acquired later than less marked sounds. Similarly, markedness governs the realization of place of articulation in child language. According to Jakobson, the initial contrast established by children is between a labial stop /p/ and a coronal /t/, followed by a velar /k/. In OT (Prince and Smolensky 1993), the asymmetrical feature behavior is expressed in ranking terms as follows: (4)

Place hierarchy ranking *P/LABIAL: Avoid a labial consonant *P/CORONAL: Avoid a coronal consonant *P/DORSAL: Avoid a dorsal consonant Ranking: *P/DORSAL >> *P/CORONAL >> *P/LABIAL

For example, in the phonological sequence /p/ < /t/ < /k/, the acquisition of /p/ is a prerequisite for the emergence of /t/, which in turn is the prerequisite for

18

Postlingual Deafness

the emergence of /k/. In language loss, /k/ is most vulnerable to loss and if /k/ is still in place, /t/ and /p/ must still be present too. As for vowels, Jakobson proposed that low and high vowels are acquired ¿rst, followed by mid vowels. Extending the reversal idea to vowels, the prediction is that vowels will be lost in the reverse order of their acquisition: mid vowels will be lost before high and low vowels. Markedness is also active in the prosodic domain. Crosslinguistically, all languages have CV syllables (Jakobson 1962: 256, Clements and Keyser 1983), and all children begin word and syllable acquisition by using the CV syllable (Jakobson 1941, Ingram 1978b, Fikkert 1994). These crosslinguistic and language acquisition patterns show that an unmarked syllable must have an ONSET and lack a CODA (McCarthy and Prince 1994). Another type of markedness is seen in the number of segments allowed in a syllable position. Speci¿cally, all languages allow a single consonant in onset but not all allow consonant clusters. This fact motivates a markedness constraint against complexity, *COMPLEX. (5)

Syllable markedness a.

ONSET: a syllable must have an onset

b.

PEAK: a syllable must have a vowel

c.

NO CODA: a syllable must end in a vowel

d.

*COMPLEX: avoid consonant clusters in a syllable position

Syllables without onsets (V syllables) and syllables with codas (CVC or VC syllables) are punished as marked by the markedness constraints ONSET and NO-CODA. Again, whether marked structures surface or not will depend on the ranking of FAITHFULNESS constraints against MARKEDNESS constraints in a given language. Unmarked structures emerge if a MARKEDNESS constraint dominates a FAITHFULNESS constraint. For instance, if a language uses consonant insertion to rectify the onsetlessness of a syllable (V J CV), that would be a violation of FAITHFULNESS; in this case, unmarkedness will be obtained by ranking ONSET above the anti-insertion faithfulness constraint DEPENDENCY (DEP), which states that all segments in the output must be present in the input. On the other hand, marked syllables will occur in a grammar if DEP and MAXIMALITY (MAX), the anti-deletion constraint outrank ONSET. The result of such ranking is that marked V syllables will surface in their marked state.

Theoretical framework

19

The optimal nature of CV syllables can be seen in child language patterns. For example, as shown by many studies, monosyllabic words with coda consonants (marked CVC syllable) are either reduplicated as CVCV or produced with a ¿nal vowel (Ross 1937, Ingram 1974, Klein 2005, among others), as follows: (6)

Reduplication to CVCV: Jonah (1; 7, Klein 2005) Ball J baba Frog J fafa Book J bubu Teeth J didi

(7)

Final vowel insertion: Padmint (1; 9, Ross 1937) Book J buku Top J tOpO Bird J b´:d´ Beads J bidi

In Optimality Theory, CV reduplication and ¿nal vowel epenthesis are processes invoked by syllable markedness requirement, NOCODA, which rates syllables with codas as marked. The elimination of coda violation in (7) is enforced by the domination of DEP-V (no vowel insertion)4 by NO-CODA: (8) MARKEDNESS >> FAITHFULNESS /tOp/ NO-CODA DEP-V * ) a. tOpO b. tOp

*!

This optimal candidate (8a) shows that it is better to obey syllable markedness than faithfulness. This pattern is therefore another instantiation of MARKEDNESS >> FAITHFULNESS.

4. There is a debate on whether segmental insertion in child language is derived through copying (Goad 1997) or spreading (Goad 2000). Irrespective of the special mechanism used in this particular case, the crucial point remains – that coda violation is eliminated to satisfy syllable markedness.

20

Postlingual Deafness

1.6.2 Childhood Postlingual Deafness: Belfast English Patterns As mentioned above, the existing studies on the development of liquids show that the liquids /l/ and /r/ are among the sounds to be fully acquired late by English-speaking children (Templin 1957, Sander 1972, Ingram 1989, Grunwell 1985, Stoel-Gammon and Dunn 1985, Yavas 1998). Generally, the substitution patterns of the two liquids of English involve gliding (9a): /r / is realized as [w], and /l/ is expressed as [j] (Snow 1963, Smith 1993), vocalization of ¿nal or syllabic liquids to /o/ or /u/ (9b), or deletion (9c). The examples in (9) exemplify these patterns: (9)

English liquid substitution Adult Child (2;0) a.

leg room

[jek] [wum]

b.

apple bottle

[apo] [babu]

c.

frog slip

[fa:g] [sip]

As shown by work such as Ingram (1989:364), liquids acquisition is a fairly lengthy event. Whereas English glides appear as early as 1;0 and are fully acquired by age 3;0, liquids /l/ and /r/ do not appear until around 4;0 and are not fully acquired in word-¿nal position until age 6;0. The pattern observed in English is attested in other child language systems with minor variations. First, in many languages, the glide /j/ is substituted for both the lateral /l/ and the non-lateral (r-sound) sounds (Portuguese (Yavas¸ 1988), Turkish (Topbas¸ 1997), Mandarin (Chao, 1951), Estonian (Vihman, 1971), French (Lewis, 1936), Taiwanese (Linn, 1971), Czech (Pacesova, 1968), Swedish (Magnusson, 1983), Yoruba (Oyebade 1990). Secondly, in these languages, the acquisition of /l/ stabilizes before the acquisition of /r/, essentially suggesting a split in the ranking of liquid markedness:5

5. However, see Rice (2005) who argues that liquid ranking is not universally ¿xed but set on a language-speci¿c basis.

Theoretical framework

21

(10) Manner of articulation markedness (revised)6 *LIQUID/r >> LIQUID/l >> *AFFRICATES >> *FRICATIVES >> GLIDES, *STOPS Cowie and Douglas-Cowie’s (1992) study of the articulatory errors of postlingually deafened English speakers in Belfast makes two important observations about errors in the speech of those deafened in childhood. First, they observe that the hallmark of childhood deafness seen in subjects who became profoundly or totally deaf at the age of 5 or younger involves the omission of liquids: (11)

Belfast English: childhood postlingual deafness patterns [r] omission, which occurs in forms such as for, work, drink, breakfast, quarter, period, [r] substitution by [w] in examples such as ready, problem, agree [l] omission, as in school, myself, play, children [l] substitution by [/] in word-¿nal position, as in will

Secondly, they note that alveolar stops, [t] and [d], are inserted at word boundaries, for example, tonsils d out. This unique attributes of childhood postlingual deafness raise interesting analytic questions, which are not explained in Cowie and Douglas-Cowie’s (1992) account. First, of all consonants, why are liquid consonants, /l/ and /r/, the only ones systematically omitted or substituted by glides? Second of all, why are alveolar stops used epenthetically to separate words when the second word begins in a vowel, as in tonsils d out? These questions are straightforwardly answered if we assume a correlation between ¿rst language acquisition and childhood postlingual deafness. Speci¿cally, if we assume, following Jakobson (1941/68), that language loss is a reversal of acquisition, then the omission of liquids is consistent with their being the last consonants to be acquired and with their being the most susceptible to loss. This case is in harmony with the ranked markedness scale in (6). Also working in tandem with the established markedness scale is the fact that alveolar stops are inserted prevocalically at word junctures. As markedness helps us understand the manner of articulation patterns, it also helps explain patterns involving place of articulation behavior. As mentioned before, place features have a set ranking at the early stages of acquisition. However, when the sounds begin to interact in phonology, coronal sounds

6. Although Yoruba lacks affricates, they are included in the ranking for crosslinguistic comparative reasons.

22

Postlingual Deafness

are vulnerable in that they can be assimilated by labials or dorsals (Pater and Werle 2003): (12) Trevor age 1;5 to 2;4 [gOg] d J g [gøg] b J g [kok] t J k [køk] p J k [pap] t J p [bop] t J p

‘dog’ ‘bug’ ‘coat’ ‘cup’ ‘top’ ‘boat’

Likewise, in the adult grammar, coronal nasal [n] assimilates to a following labial or dorsal, for example, the negative morpheme in is variably realized as labial impossible, dorsal iNgratitude, or coronal indecent. The vulnerability of coronal is often viewed as evidence for its unmarkedness in English (Avery and Rice 1989b, Paradis and Prunet 1991, Stembeger and Bernhardt 1998). Returning to the issue of consonant intrusion, as noted by Gick (2002:267), English exhibits two dialects in regard to consonant intrusion: one is liquid /r/ epenthesis (for example, Boston English, dialects of SE England), the other is liquid /l/ epenthesis (Bristol English). In these two cases, /l/ or /r/ is inserted across word boundaries to eliminate the vowel hiatus created through word concatenation (law and (order) [lO: End] J [lO: rEnd] (order)). Given this pattern of consonant epenthesis, one would expect a similar occurrence in postlingual deafness speech. However, according to Cowie and Douglas-Cowie (1992), the de¿ning hallmark of consonantal intrusion in childhood postlingual deafness is that coronal stops are inserted. In contrast, neither /r/ nor /l/ is inserted. This elimination of intrusive liquids can be straightforwardly explained by taking into account the analysis offered for the omission of liquids in the childhood deafness. That is, there is a correlation between language acquisition and language loss, and language loss is a reversal of acquisition. Consequently, the last sounds to be acquired are the ¿rst to disappear. Thus, liquid insertion cannot be a feature of childhood postlingual deafness speech. Coronal stops are better alternatives because of their coronal and manner (stop) unmarkedness. When inserted prevocalically, they supply an onset to a marked onsetless syllable (tonsils dout), essentially satisfying the syllable markedness requirement as well.

Goals and Organization of the Book

1.7

23

Goals and Organization of the Book

This book has three goals. The ¿rst and most important goal is to present a linguistic and anthropological description of a lesser-known aspect of language. In this regard, I have followed the approach of Duranti (1997) and Mufwene (2002) in not just documenting the language, but documenting the lives of its speakers as well. This has made it possible to have a written record of the participants, their culture, their relationships and experiences, thus providing ethnographic data on the largely unknown world of the hearing impaired in southwestern Nigeria. As mentioned in section 1.1., crosslinguistic studies on long-term postlingual deafness are scarce. Moreover, the topic of the interconnected nature of attrition in postlingual deafness and ¿rst language acquisition has not received much attention in the literature. It is therefore essential that a good descriptive account be given. More importantly, the book is consciously written for audiences beyond the academic realm. It is written so that the people whose stories are recounted here can access the material. It is hoped that the empirical base of these aspects of linguistics will be expanded by the data presented in this work. The second goal of this research is theoretical. The key theoretical contribution is providing evidence for the role of Universal Grammar and the Regression Hypothesis in attrition settings. Although the basic analysis will be couched within Optimality theory, the theory will be used minimally to make sense of the attrition and acquisition patterns. In this way, the descriptive focus of the work will be maintained. Thirdly, the book aims to bring the needs of the postlingually-deafened to the wider public; it aims to call the attention of linguists to the need for speech and language therapy in southwestern Nigeria and other communities with postlingually deafened people; and it aims to give suggestions on simple therapeutic strategies that can be used to help rehabilitate a person who is postlingually deafened. The outline of the remainder of the book is as follows. After the introduction in Chapter 1, Chapter 2 presents the Yoruba people and their language. A brief sketch of the language is given to enable the reader to have the necessary background to understand the properties of the language of postlingually deafened Yoruba speakers (Chapter 5 and 6) and Child Yoruba (Chapter 7). Chapter 3 introduces the reader to the Yoruba belief on deafness and disability. It describes the little-known world of the Yoruba Deaf. The congenitally deaf population is introduced through the story of a deaf and lame boy whose disability was blamed on his mother. Furthermore, an ethnographic documentation of the experiences of individuals who acquired Yoruba and later became

24

Postlingual Deafness

deaf after age ¿ve is presented. The chapter describes the challenges faced by individuals in coping with this language-based impairment in a society that does not have hereditary deafness. Chapter 4 presents a description of Yoruba Sign Language, the indigenous sign language used by the deaf. It presents a description of aspects of the phonology, morphology, and syntax. Chapters 5 and 6 describe the linguistic degeneration that results from years of deafness. It is shown that phonology is the most vulnerable aspect of grammar. However, because phonology interacts with other aspects of language, the effect of phonological loss is felt everywhere in the grammar: phonology, morphology and syntax. The impact of postlingual deafness on language demonstrates that language is best maintained through speaking and hearing, and provides strong support for the proposal that auditory feedback is crucial in generating the appropriate articulatory movements needed for speech (K. Stevens et al. 2009). Furthermore, the deeper attrition Mo¢rinso¢la’s grammar demonstrates that the age of onset of deafness plays a key role in attrition. The differences between Toyin and Mo¢rinso¢la suggest that children who become deaf after age 6 are likely to attrite at a slower pace than children who lose their hearing at age 5. Chapter 7 discusses the child language acquisition connection. As will be shown, the data retained in postlingual deafness mirror the patterns data found in early child Yoruba language, and the pattern of features lost are identical to the aspects of phonology acquired later in the acquisition process. These patterns present strong evidence in support of the regression hypothesis (Jakobson 1941). Finally, Chapter 8 concludes the book by summarizing the major ¿ndings of the research. It gives suggestions on linguistic rehabilitation strategies that can help preserve the language of the postlingually deafened who want to continue to use spoken Yoruba as their primary mode of communication. At the end of the chapter, questions for further research are discussed.

Chapter 2 The Yoruba: the people and their language 2.1

The Yoruba of West Africa and Diaspora

The Yoruba people are one of the largest ethnic groups in West Africa. They are about 22 million (Igboanusi and Peter 2005:77; Gimes 2000:202) in number and they occupy the South-Western part of Nigeria, particularly in O¢yo¢, Ogun, Ondo, O¢s¢un, Ekiti, Lagos, Kogi and Kwara states. Smaller groups of Yoruba speaking people are found in Benin Republic, northern Togo and Sierra-Leone. The Yoruba nation extends far beyond the continent of Africa into Latin America and the Caribbean especially in religious settings, for example, Cuba (where it is called Lukumi), Brazil (where it is called Nago), Trinidad and Tobago, and elsewhere. Yoruba-speaking people are also found in O¢yo¢tunji Village, an African Village in Beaufort County, South Carolina. This village was created by an African-American, Mr. Walter King, in 1972. The Yoruba people have different stories about their origin, but they all relate to the same ancestor, Oduduwa. One story has it that he migrated from what is known as Mecca because of his belief in deities, which caused him to be expelled from his abode. He then came to settle in Ile-Ife¢ (or rooster), Nigeria and started a dynasty, which was further expanded by his seven sons: the O¢yo¢s (from O¢ranmiyan), the Benins, Ilas, Owus, Ketus, Sabe¢s and the Popos. The other tribes are offshoots of one or the other of these seven tribes (Johnson 1921). The other story has it that Oduduwa was sent by God (Olodumare) from heaven to create the earth and the Human race. He descended from Heaven accompanied by his lieutenants and landed at Ile-Ife¢, where he proceeded with his mission. The chain with which he landed onto earth is still said to exist in the shrine, though it is said to be hidden from profane eyes. According to this account, Ile-Ife¢ is not only the cradle of the Yoruba people but also of mankind. When coming from heaven, Oduduwa came with a handful of sand and a cock in his hands. When he descended, he spread the sand over the earth, which was covered with water, and the cock helped ¿nish the job by spreading the sand all over the earth. As more land emerged, Oduduwa exclaimed “ilE~ E! fE~” meaning the land is expanding. This is how Ile!-IfE~ got its name. Based on this story, the Yoruba believe they have been occupying their homeland since the time of creation. The Yoruba people had their own form of religion before the advent of Christianity and Islam. They believed in their own deities. There are many

26

The Yoruba: the people and their language

deities such as S¢ango (god of thunder), Ogun (god of iron), S¢anpo¢nna (god of smallpox), Yemo¢ja (goddess of the ocean and whirlwind), O¢s¢un (goddess of the river), and so many other gods and goddesses. These are believed to be intermediaries between God (Olodumare) and man. Traditionally, most Yoruba men are farmers. Others are traders or craftsmen. Women do little farm work but control much of the trading in the market. Each traditional market has a female administrative chief. In modern postcolonial times, the Yoruba have embraced western education. They are highly educated and can be found working in the medical, ¿nancial, media, business and education sectors within and outside Nigeria, especially in the United Kingdom and the United States. The Yoruba people take their culture seriously. Greetings form an important part of daily life. While greetings are exchanged, it is important for the people to have a cheerful countenance. When asked about their well-being, people are given time to respond, as this is considered to be polite. The Yoruba greet their elders respectfully: the boys and men prostrate themselves on the Àoor while greeting their elders, while girls and women greet elders by kneeling down on both knees, as shown below.

FORMAL GREETINGS

The Yoruba of West Africa and Diaspora

27

Nowadays, young people have a truncated version of gestured greeting. Boys and girls curtsy with their knees bent forward. Usually, the left foot is behind the right foot and the right hand leans downward to touch the right knee, as shown in the following image:

GREETINGS

This truncated version of greeting is used in informal greetings of respect while the full form is required in formal contexts such as traditional weddings where the bridegroom shows proper respect to the bride’s parents by prostrating himself on the ground. Aside from the illustration of politeness via gesturing (prostrating and kneeling), language is used to convey respect. Politeness is expressed by the choice of pronouns in reference and address. For instance, the plural forms of the second and third person pronouns (E~y¸Ҕ “you pl.,” a~wOҔ “they”) are considered honori¿c and appropriate whereas singular forms are considered impolite (¸~wO“you sg.,” o~uҔ “he/she”) when addressing older people and those in authority. Across Africa, the Yoruba are known for their elegant attire, which is made up of brightly colored dresses with head-ties/wrap, caps and shoes matching in

28

The Yoruba: the people and their language

color. The females dress up in a long wrapper (¸~ro!) with a long- or short-sleeved top (bu~ba!), and a head-tie (a type of hat) known as “ge~le~”. The males wear a long dress in the form of a shirt almost touching the knees (bu~ba!) or even the ankles (agba!da!) and matching trousers (So~ko~to~). A cap known as “f ¸~la~” often accompanies men’s out¿t. The Yoruba also have culturally very rich forms of dance, music, arts, and philosophy. Proverbs and adages form an important part of everyday language and are used extensively in all forms of communication. Music is very important and can be used as a form of communication. Focusing on music for a moment, there are two popular types of talking drums: Du~ndu!n and Ba~ta!. Du~ndu!n, is a set of pressure drums used in various religious and cultural celebrations (Euba 1990). There are at least four drums in the set, namely, ¸~ya!- ¸~lu~ “mother drum,” the lead drum which leads the whole ensemble in terms of song selection, and the pace of the rhythm; omele ¸~Saa!ju! “the one who leads in front,” which has a ¿xed high pitch; omele a~tE~le! “the one who follows the lead,” which has a ¿xed low pitch; gu!du!gu!du!, which is set to produce two pitches, high and low. It is shaped like a bowl, and is beaten with two leather beaters. In contrast, all the other drums are played with one bent wooden stick while the other hand is used to manipulate the strings of the drum. Within an ensemble, there may be two or more drummers of omele ¸~Saa!ju! and omele a~tE~le!. Consequently, an ensemble may have about ¿ve to six playing the set at once, with one or two persons in reserve. In order to make melody, the strings of Du~ndu!n drums are skillfully tightened by drummers to produce the three lexical tones of the language: high tone, low tone, and mid tone. When combined together, drummed tones can create tonal patterns of Yoruba words. Consequently, they are used to communicate words to the hearing of dancers and to inform the public on current events. The set is played during any kind of ceremonial occasion, especially during festivals, installation of an O¢ba (King) or chief, naming, marriage or burial ceremonies. It serves other purposes such as praising the king, announcing visitors, motivating warriors in battle, telling jokes, even to making insults during egu!ngu!n (masquerade) festivals when rival masqueraders meet in the market place. Ba~ta!, on the other hand, speaks “tones and consonants.” Ba~ta! has a double membrane top that cannot be tightened like the du~ndu!n membrane, which makes it dif¿cult for the drummer to glide from one tone to another. It is therefore more dif¿cult for the audience to understand the language of ba~ta!. Ba~ta! dance is considered the dance of warriors. Therefore it is quite an energetic dance, accompanied by intense kicking of the legs. It is in this context that consonantsounding sequences composed of stops and /r/ are produced by bata drums, for example, kra~ kra~ kra~. Another observation is that low tones are produced to

The Yoruba of West Africa and Diaspora

29

Du~ndu!n talking drum

trigger leg kicks, but high tones are used to accelerate dance speed. The ba~ta! ensemble is comprised of ¿ve different drums: Iya (mother), Ako (middle), Omele Abo (small female drum), Omele Ako¢ (male small drum), and E¢ki (a double-headed drum similar in size to the Ako which is held vertically with the large head up) (Gray 1999). Ba~ta! drums are used in religious poetry and worship of S¢ango, a warrior-king of Ancient O¢yo¢ and the god of thunder. Ba~ta! drums are very popular in Nigeria, and they are widely used in Cuban Santería. The study of Yoruba started in the early nineteenth century at the beginning of the British suppression of the slave trade. As it happened, many of the freed slaves being resettled in Freetown, Sierra Leone, were speakers of Yoruba. Because of the large number of speakers residing in Freetown, Yoruba was selected as one of two African languages to be used as the medium of instruction in a Sierra Leone girls’ school in 1831. In the 1840’s, however, the study of Yoruba shifted to Nigeria. The sending of the Niger expedition by the British government signaled the beginning of CMS (Church Missionary Society) missionary activity in Yorubaland. Samuel Ajayi Crowther, a liberated Yoruba slave, was one of the central ¿gures in the early study of Yoruba. After receiving his education in Freetown, he started his study of Yoruba. Later on, he accompanied the Niger expedition to southwestern Nigeria, and became a priest. He published his ¿rst work on Yoruba, a vocabulary, in 1843 and a

30

The Yoruba: the people and their language

grammar, in 1852. The CMS established itself in Abe¢okuta and embarked on several projects. For example, the translation of the Bible was undertaken, primers were prepared, and a Yoruba periodical was produced from 1859 to 1867. This is perhaps the earliest such vernacular periodical to be published in West Africa. While S. A. Crowther was working on his pioneering Yoruba publications, Thomas J. Bowen, an American missionary, was also working on a dictionary of the Yoruba language, published in 1858. Although the Yoruba have an ancient, esoteric writing system rooted in Ifa divination, it is not available to the non-initiate. O¢runmila, the god of divination, is said to be the scribe for other deities, and he teaches diviners how to write (Bascom 1969, p.c. with Chief M. Ajayi Fabunmi of Ile-Ife¢, 1986). However, a writing system became available to all when S. A. Crowther and other missionaries (J.F. Schon, S. Lee, C.R. Lepsius, C.A. Gollmer, J. Raban, H. Townsend) established the modern Yoruba orthography, a writing system based on the Roman alphabet. This orthography marks three lexical tones and uses symbols from the International Phonetic Alphabet to contrast consonants and vowels. Since this orthography was established in the 1850s, Yoruba has had a well-known and Àourishing literature, including books, dictionaries, newspapers, picture magazines, and academic journals. Yoruba features prominently in Nigeria’s educational system. For example, it is acquired as a second or third language by high school students who are compelled by the National Policy on Education to learn a major Nigerian language in addition to their mother tongue. It is studied up to the doctoral level in several Nigerian universities and serves as the medium of instruction for courses in Yoruba linguistics and literature. Initially, there was no dif¿culty in teaching Yoruba through Yoruba. However, much dif¿culty was encountered as higher level technical linguistic concepts were taught. To address this issue, the National Educational Research Council sponsored a Yoruba Metalanguage Project, which the Yoruba Studies Association (YSA) executed. The association has produced two volumes of the Yoruba meta-language edited by A. Bamgbos¢e (1984) and O. Awobuluyi (1988). Aside from its prominence in education, Yoruba is well established as a broadcasting language for both radio and television, and it is used in the Yoruba-speaking states for political campaigns and public enlightenment. Another area of cultural and linguistic signi¿cance is the thriving Yoruba movie industry, an offshoot of the traditional traveling theatre (Ala!r¸~njo!), which emerged from the dramatic roots of the egu!ngu!n (masquerade) ancestor worship. Yoruba movies use Yoruba language and drama to illustrate the Yoruba cultural cosmos, and are very popular among Africans in Africa and the Diaspora. The pioneers in this area are O¢. Balogun, H. Ogunde, K. Ogunmo¢la,

Yoruba Language

31

D. Ladiipo¢, and O. Ogunjo¢bi. Yoruba movies have contributed to the explosive success of Nollywood, Nigeria’s Hollywood. According to a report released by United Nations Educational, Scienti¿c and Cultural Organization in 2009, the Nigerian ¿lm industry has overtaken American Hollywood and closed the gap on India, the global leader in the number of movies produced each year (UN News, May 5, 2009). As a result of the abundant resources available on Yoruba, the language is considered the most documented and inÀuential West African language.

2.2

Yoruba Language

Yoruboid languages (YRB) – Yoruba, Igala, and ItsEkiri – are classi¿ed as the Defoid group, a branch of Benue-Congo, which is a subgroup of the NigerCongo languages. Yoruba, the most widely spoken of the group, has over 22 million speakers in southwestern Nigeria, southeastern Benin, and central and northern Togo. In Sierra Leone, the inÀuence of Yoruba is evident in Krio loanwords and personal names. As earlier mentioned, Yoruba is also spoken in Latin America and the Caribbean, especially in religious settings in Cuba, Brazil, Trinidad, and in cultural revitalization movements such as the O¢yo¢tunji village, a Black Nationalist community in South Carolina. Igala is spoken by approximately 800,000 people in central Nigeria, and ItsEkiri is spoken by about 500,000 people in midwestern Nigeria. Igala and ItsEkiri are taught in primary schools and are used in radio and television broadcasting. The distribution of Yoruboid languages is shown in Map 1. Yoruba has about twenty different dialects. According to Akinkugbe (1978), these dialects are grouped into ¿ve areas. They are North-western (NWY) including O¢yo¢, E¢gba/E¢gbado, Osun; South-eastern (SEY) including Ondo, O¢wo¢, Ije¢bu, and the dialects spoken in and around Okitipupa: Ikale¢, Ilaje¢, Ijo¢-Apo¢i, etc.; Central (CY) including Ife¢, Ijes¢a, Irun, Ifaki, and Ekiti; North-eastern (NEY) including Iyagba, Gbe¢de¢, Ikiri, Ijumu; and South-western (SWY) including Tsabe¢, Ketu, and Ife (Togo). In the following sections, I give a basic sketch of the Yoruba language: the phonetics and phonology (sound system and sound patterns), the morphology (word and word structure), and the syntax (sentence structure). The sketch is provided to give the reader the basic background needed for understanding the postlingual deafness and Yoruba language acquisition data. For details, the reader is encouraged to consult the work of Yoruba scholars, for example, standard Yoruba phonology (Courtenay 1968, Oyelaran 1971, Akinlabi 1985, to appear, Pulleyblank 1986, Oyetade 1988, Orie 1997), phonology of Yoruba dialects (Fresco 1970, Akinkugbe

32

The Yoruba: the people and their language

1978, Orie 1997), Yoruba morphology (Crowther 1843, 1852, Bascom 1858, Awoyale 1974, Owolabi 1980, Oyelaran 1987), and Yoruba syntax (Crowther 1843, Ward 1952, Abraham 1958, Bamgbos¢e 1966, 1967, 1990, Owolabi 1976, Awobuluyi 1978).

Map of West Africa Yoruba and Yoruboid languages (Orie 2002)

2.2.1 The sound system (Phonetics and Phonology) Yoruba is a language extremely rich in sounds; it has consonants, vowels and tones. I begin with a discussion of vowels. Across dialects, there are seven phonemic oral vowels. Phonetically, however, dialects exhibit vowel systems ranging from seven to nine oral vowels. Yoruba has tongue root vowel harmony, a word-based agreement phenomenon which requires co-occurring vowels to agree in (i) laxness or tongue root retraction (íATR) and (ii) tenseness or tongue root advancement (+ATR). Further, there are phonemic nasal vowels. Table 1 illustrates the contrastive vowel sounds of Yoruba.

Yoruba Language

33

Table 1. Contrastive vowel sounds of Yoruba Oral vowels

High Mid

FRONT i

BACK u

Tense/+ATR

e E

o O

Tense/+ATR Lax/íATR

Low Nasal vowels

Lax/íATR

a ¸) E)

u) O)

The contrastive nature of oral and nasal vowels can be seen in the examples given below: (1)

Contrastive oral and nasal vowels IPA Orthography Word [i] i r¸! [u] u ru! [e] e re [E] e¢ rE! [o] o ro! [O] o rO! [a] a ra! [¸Ѻ] in y¸Ѻ! [NJ] un yu!Ѻ [EѺ] e¢n yEѺ [OѺ] o¢n yOѺ!

Gloss see sprout pick cut, be friendly wrap a cloth around twist disappear gouge off scratch that yawn

There are some restrictions on the occurrence of vowels in Yoruba. For example, in the standard language, vowel-initial nouns cannot begin with [u] nor can they begin with a nasalized vowel. Additionally, certain vowels cannot co-occur. Two co-occurrence patterns are attested. First, Awobuluyi (1967) and Bamgbos¢e (1967) show that vowel harmony patterns involving laxness (íATR) and tenseness (+ATR) of the tongue root demonstrate that tense mid vowels e and o do not co-occur with lax mid vowels E and O, resulting in the nonoccurrence of words with the following vowel combinations *ECo, *oCE, eCO, *OCo, *eCE. Examples of attested mid vowel combinations are given in (2).

34 (2)

The Yoruba: the people and their language

Mid vowels in roots must harmonize completely MID-MID íATR E~tE~ ‘leprosy’ *etE OkO ‘husband’ *Oko +ATR e~te~ ‘lip’ҏ *etE oko ‘farm’ *okO

Secondly, Archangeli and Pulleyblank (1989) show that the laxness or tenseness of the last vowel in a word determines the laxness or tenseness of cooccurring vowels, This proposal explains why, for instance, mid vowels which occur before the lax vowel a are always retracted E and O, not tense e or o *osa, *esa. When /a/ is not in ¿nal position, it does not exert such an inÀuence. Thus, a word-initial low vowel /a/ can be followed by retracted and advanced mid vowels. Examples illustrating these patterns are given in (3): (3)

Roots with low vowels: regressive harmony applies when a root ends in a low vowel LOW-MID MID-LOW apE! ‘applause’ O~sa~ ‘a river’ a~pe! ‘beloved’ E~sa~ ‘egu!ngu!n (masquerade) genre’ abO! ‘bowl’ *osa abo ‘female’ *esa

The consistent retraction of the low vowel /a/ in Yoruba is captured by the markedness constraint LO/ATR (Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1994): (4)

LO/ATR: Low vowels are retracted, not advanced

Although all documented dialects treat mid and low vowels alike harmonically, they vary in their treatment of oral high vowels (Orie 2001, 2003). In dialects such as Standard Yoruba, O¢yo¢, and Ife¢, high vowels are always advanced (i, u), whereas in dialects like Ekiti and Ijesa, both advanced and retracted high vowels occur (i, u, I, U). Below, I describe the cross-dialectal behavior of high vowels. Such a description is needed because Toyin’s linguistic input was dialectally diverse. Her parents spoke central dialects (Ekiti, and Ijes¢a) at home; the dialect of Yoruba taught in schools is Standard Yoruba; and the dialect of Ilaro (where she grew up) is E¢gbado, which has a lot in common with O¢yo¢

Yoruba Language

35

dialect (Bamgbos¢e 1967, Fresco 1973).1 Before she lost her hearing, she was a tri-dialectal Yoruba speaker, although the Standard was her preferred dialect. High vowels exhibit four patterns. First, as shown in (5), CV verbs with advanced high vowels are common across dialects, but those with retracted oral high vowels are unattested: (5) CV roots in ten dialects: (Ci, Cu, *CI , *CU). SY

Onko

O¢yo¢

Ondo

Ikare¢

Ije¢bu

Yagba

Ife¢

Ijes¢a

Ekiti

Gloss

b¸!

b¸!

b¸!

b¸!

b¸!

b¸!

bi¸!

b¸!

b¸!

b¸!

Birth

bu!

bu!

bu!

bu!

bu!

bu!

buu!

bu!

bu!

bu!

Abuse

t¸~

t¸~

t¸~

t¸~

t¸

t¸~

ti¸~

t¸~

t¸~

t¸~

Push

tu!

tu!

tu!

tu!

tu!

tu!

tuu!

tu!

tu!

tu!

Untie

lu~

lu~

lu~

lu~

lu

lu~

luu~

lu~

lu~

lu~

Beat

k¸!

k¸!

k¸!

k¸!

k¸!

k¸!

k¸¸!

k¸!

k¸!

k¸!

Greet

ku!

ku!

ku!

ku!

ku!

ku!

kuu!

ku!

ku!

ku!

Die

hu~

wu~

hu~/u~

fu~

hu~

fu~

fuu~

hu~

u~

u~

Grow

S¸!

s¸!

s¸!

S¸!

S¸!

S¸!

Si¸!

s¸!

S¸!

S¸!

Open

w¸!

w¸!

w¸!

w¸!

w¸!

nE!

w¸¸!

V¸!

¸!

¸!

Say

The implausible occurrence of phonemic retracted high vowels can be explained by another markedness constraint governing the combination of tongue height and tongue root – HI/ATR (Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1994): (6)

HI/ATR: High vowels are advanced, not retracted.

The second property of high vowels that can be seen in dialects such as Ijes¢a and Ekiti is that retracted oral high vowels may occur in initial position when the ¿nal vowel is also retracted, as shown below (SY represents Standard Yoruba).

1. This is supported by history. The E¢gbado towns like Ilaro and Ijanna were founded by O¢yo¢ in the 18th century to secure the trade routes. Early rulers of Ilaro, the Olu, included sons of the Ala¿n, and were appointed for three years at a time (Johnson 1921).

36 (7)

The Yoruba: the people and their language

Initial high vowels SY Ekiti a. íATR b. +ATR

Gloss

idE iyO~ igba!

UdE UyO~ Ugba!

‘brass’ ‘salt’ ‘calabash’

igbo! ile! iSu

ugbo! ule! uSu

‘bush’ ‘house’ ‘yam’

However, across dialects, retracted oral high vowels never occur in ¿nal position. As mentioned in our discussion of low vowels, the ¿nal position is critical because it is the main determiner of harmony within a word. In other words, it is the harmonic trigger: (8) Final high vowels: (ECi, ECu, *ECI *ECU) SY

Onko O¢yo¢ Ondo Ikare¢ Ije¢bu Yagba

Ife¢

Ijes¢a

Ekiti

Gloss

E~b¸

E~b¸

E~b¸

E~b¸

E~b¸

E~b¸

Eb¸

e~b¸

e~b¸

e~b¸

Fault

Etu

Etu

Etu

Etu

Etu

Etu

Etu

etu

etu

etu

Antelope

E~wu~ E~wu~

E~wu~ E~wu~

E~wu~

E~wu~

awu/Ewu e~wu~ e~u~

e~u~

Garment

E~r¸!

E~r¸!

E~r¸!

E~¸!

E~r¸!

E~r¸!

Er¸!

e~r¸!

e~r¸!

e~r¸!

Evidence

E~ru~

E~ru~

E~ru~

E~u~

E~ru~

E~ru~

aru/Eru

e~ru~

e~ru~

e~ru~

Fear

et¸!

et¸!

et¸!

et¸!

ets¸!

et¸!

et¸!

et¸!

et¸!

et¸!

Ear

The third pattern can be seen in the combination of mid and high vowels. Two harmonic patterns are possible. The ¿rst pattern, observed in dialects such as Ife¢, Ijes¢a and Ekiti, is one where mid vowels preceding a ¿nal oral high vowel are obligatorily advanced. In other words, advancement is always transmitted from a ¿nal oral high vowel to preceding mid vowels (9). In the second pattern, the behavior of ¿nal high vowels is ambiguous. In dialects like Standard Yoruba (O¢yo¢, Onko, Ondo, Yagba, Ikare¢, Ije¢bu), ¿nal oral high vowels function ambiguously as retracted (9a) or advanced (9b):

Yoruba Language

(9)

Final high vowels SY Ekiti

37

Gloss

a.

Etu E~bi Ew¸~r¸~ E~bu~ru!

etu e~bi ew¸~r¸~ e~bu~ru!

‘antelope‘ ‘guilt’ ‘bellows’ ‘shortcut’

b.

et¸! or¸! e~r¸~g¸~ o~giri

et¸! or¸! e~r¸g¸~ o~giri

‘ear’ ‘head’ ‘molar’ ‘wall’

The fourth pattern involves the behavior of medial high vowels in mid-highmid or mid-high-low sequences. Three properties are observed (Orie 2003). In Standard Yoruba (O¢yo¢, Onko, Ondo, Ikare¢, Ije¢bu and Yagba), medial high vowels are advanced and block the transmission of retraction to a preceeding mid vowel (opacity); in Ife¢, they are advanced and transparent to the transmission of retraction to mid vowels (transparency); in Ekiti and Ijes¢a, high vowles undergo retraction harmony (fully harmonic). Examples illustrating the patterns are given in (10): (10) Medial high vowels a.

MID-HIGH-MID SY Ife¢ (opacity) (transparency) íATR oru!kO Oru!kO od¸!dE Od¸!dE +ATR e~bu!te! e~bu!te ewu!ro eu!ro~ b.

Ekiti (fully harmonic) OrU!kO OdI!dE e~bu!te eu!ro

Gloss ‘name’ ‘parrot’ ‘harbor’ ‘bitter-leaf’

MID-HIGH-LOW (low vowels are invariably retracted) SY Ife¢ Ekiti Gloss o~r¸~Sa~ O~r¸~sa~ O~rI~Sa~ ‘deity’ o~ru~ka O~ru~ka O~rU~ka ‘ring’ o~Su~pa! O~su~pa! O~SU~pa! ‘moon’ ewu~ra~ Eu~ra~ EU~ra~ ‘water-yam’

In summary, we have seen that oral high vowels exhibit unique harmonic behavior in Yoruba dialects. First, oral high vowels must be advanced in CV roots. Second, they are invariably advanced in root-¿nal position. Third, in

38

The Yoruba: the people and their language

some dialects (Ife¢, Ekiti), ¿nal oral high vowels consistently transmit advancement to preceding mid vowels; in other dialects (Standard Yoruba, O¢yo¢), they function ambiguously as advanced or retracted vowels. Fourth, in medial position, three patterns are attested: in Standard Yoruba (O¢yo¢, Onko, Yagba, Ondo, Ikare¢, Ije¢bu), they are opaque, blocking the transmission of retraction from one mid vowel to another; in Ife¢, they are transparent; in Ekiti/Ijes¢a, they are retracted. Consider next the consonantal inventory of Yoruba. Table 2 illustrates the contrastive consonants. Table 2. Consonants Bilabial Labio-dental Alveolar Palato-alveolar Palatal Velar Labial-velar Laryngeal

Stop (p) b td

Fricative f s S

(c) Ô kg k°p g°b

Nasal m

Lateral

Tap

n

l

r

Glide

y w (h)

h

The consonant inventory is relatively stable in many dialects. For example, all dialects have four basic places of articulations distinguished for stops or plosives, namely bilabial, alveolar, palatal and velar. While alveolar and velar places of articulation include both voiced and voiceless phonemes, the bilabial and palatal positions allow only voiced ones in all dialects except Ado Ekiti (AE), which has a voiced and voiceless contrast for bilabial stops (p, b) because the dialect has simpli¿ed the voiceless labial-velar /k°p/ to /p/. Other dialects of Ekiti such as Igede and Irun still have labial-velar /kp/ and /gb/ (O¢la 1994 research notes and personal communication with Igede Ekiti native speaker linguist, T. Olowookere). Further, O¢wo¢ has voiced and voiceless palatal stops. In addition to the four places of articulation just mentioned, Yoruba has two stops that are doubly articulated – with simultaneous labial and velar closures. These labial-velar stops are orthographically represented as p [k°p] and gb [g°b]; the simple letter p suf¿ces for the voiceless labial-velar stop since there is no voiceless bilabial stop in all dialects except Ado Ekiti, which as mentioned above, has simpli¿ed the voiceless labial-velar /k°p/ to a bilabial /p/. The occurrence of the sound /p/ is found in borrowed words from English (for example, pE!E~ni~ ‘pen’), and as argued by Ifomata (1991), modern phonology Yoruba must include /p/ as a phoneme.

Yoruba Language

39

There are four fricatives in Yoruba, all of which are voiceless: f, s, h, and S. In some dialects (for example, Yagba, Ilaje¢), f and s surface as h. Furthermore, some dialects (O¢yo¢, Ilaje¢, Yagba) do not contrast alveolar and palatal-alveolar fricatives; consequently, s is used to represent both sounds. In O¢wo¢, the palatal-alveolar fricative [S] is a voiceless palatal stop [c]. There are two sonorant glides y and w. In Southeastern dialects such as O¢wo¢ and Ilaje¢, /w/ is realized as a voiced velar fricative [V] in some contexts (Ogunpolu 1973, Ayela 1988). In Northwestern dialects such as SY and O¢yo¢ ,¢ /h/ functions phonologically as a glide. The other sonorant consonants are m, n, l, and r. All are attested in modern Yoruba dialects except /r/, which has been lost in the Ondo dialect (Adetunji 1989, O¢la 1995).

Nasal consonants are interesting because they occur as syllabic phonemes in several Northwestern dialects, for example, O¢yo¢, O¢s¢un, and standard Yoruba. In such dialects, syllabic nasals are orthographically represented as n or m but their pronunciation depends on the nature of the following segment. If the following segment is a vowel, then the syllabic nasal is pronounced as a velar, as in N o~ lo¢ ‘I am not going’. When the syllabic nasal is followed by a consonant, the nasal is homorganic to the following segment: m! b¸~ ‘is vomiting’, μ! fa~ ‘is pulling’, n! su~n ‘is sleeping’, ×! Ôo~ ‘is leaking,’ N! ka! ‘is folding’. Some dialects (Ilaje¢) do not have syllabic nasals. Instead, they have a nasal-[i] sequence (for example, m¸ ! b¸~ ‘is vomiting’, m¸! fa~ ‘is pulling’, m¸! su~n ‘is sleeping’, m¸! jo~ ‘is leaking, m¸! ka! ‘is folding’). Table 3 contains a list of modern Yoruba consonant sounds illustrating their variable dialectal pronunciations. Table 3. Yoruba consonant sounds Phoneme SY

O¢yo¢

Ado

p b

k

Ife¢

Gloss

pa

kill

epo

palm oil

b¸!

b¸!

b¸!

bi¸!

b¸!

b¸!

b¸!

give birth

ebi

ebi

ebi

ebi

ebi

ebi

ebi

ebi

hunger

tu!

tu!

tu!

tuu!

tu!

tu!

tu!

untie

Etu

Etu

etu

Etu

Etu

Etu

etu

etu

duiker

da~

da~

da~

da~

daa~

da~

da~

da~

pour

ida~

ida~

Ida~

ida~

ida~

ida~

ida~

ida~

sword

k¸!

k¸!

k¸!

k¸!

ki¸!

k¸!

k¸!

k¸!

greet

o~kun

Atlantic

o~kun o~kun g

Yagba Ondo O¢wo¢

b¸!

t d

Ilaje¢

gO~

gO~

ogun ogun

o~kun o~kun o~kun gO~

gO~

gOO~

ogun ogun ogun

o~kun o~kun gO~

gO~

gO~

be stupid

ogu

ogun

ogun

war

40

The Yoruba: the people and their language

Phoneme SY

O¢yo¢

kp

kpa

kpa

Ado

ekpo ekpo gb

Gloss

kpa

kpa

kpa

kill

kpa

kpa

ekpo ekpo

ekpo ekpo

ekpo

palm oil

gba~

gba~

gba~

take

a~gba~ a~gba~

a~gba~

elder

j¸!

j¸!

j¸!

j¸!

ji¸!

ji

j¸!

j¸!

wake up

E~ÔE~

E~ÔE~

I~ÔE~

E~ÔE~

¸~jE~

E~ÔE~

E~ÔE~

E~ÔE~

blood

fo~

fo~

fo~

fo~

foo~

fo~

fo~

fo~

jump

E~fO!

E~fO!

E~fO!

E~fO!

E~fO!

E~fO!

E~fO!

E~fO!

vegetable

se~

se~

se~

he~

he~

se~

se~

se~

cook

EsE~

EsE~

O~sE~

EhE~

EhE~

EsE~

EsE~

EsE~

foot/leg

s¢¸!

s¸!

s¢¸!

s¸!

si¸!

s¢¸!

c¸!

s¸!

to open

OSE

OsE

OSE

OsE

OsE

OSE

OcE

OsE

soap

hu~

hu~/u~

u~

hu~

fuu~

fu~

u~

wu~

to grow

iho~

iho~/io~ uo~

iho~

iho

uwo~

io~

io~

hole

lu~

lu~

lu~

lu~

luu~

lu~

lu~

lu~

to beat

ole~

ole~

ole~

ole~

ole~

ole~

ole~

ole~

thief

ra~

ra~

ra~

ra~

raa~

a~

ra~

ra~

buy

ara

ara

o¢ra

ara

ara

aa

ara

ara~

body

m¸!

m¸!

m¸!

m¸!

mi¸!

m¸!

m¸!

m¸!

breathe

OmO

OmO

OmO

OmO

OmO

Oma

Oma

OmO

child

n

na~

na~

na~

na~

naa~

na~

na~

na~

stretch

o~n¸!

o~n¸!

o~n¸!

o~n¸!

o~n¸!

o~n¸!

o~n¸!

o~n¸!

today

w

wa!

wa!

a!

wa!

waa!

Va!

wa!

wa!

come

E~wu~

E~wu~

e~u~

E~wu~

a~wu~

E~wu~

eu~/acO e~u

garment

ye!

ye!

ye!

ye!

yee!

ye!

ye!

ye!

understand

aya

aya

Oya

aya

aya

aya

aya

aya

wife

s S h l r m

y

gba~

Ife¢

a~gba~ a~gba~ a~gba~

f

gba~

Yagba Ondo O¢wo¢

a~gba~ a~gba~ Ô

gba~

Ilaje¢

gbaa~

gba~

Another interesting aspect of NWY dialect (for example, SY, O¢yo¢) consonant phonology is the distribution of /n/ and /l/. These sounds illustrate two properties. In some contexts, they are in complementary distribution, with [n] occurring only before nasalized vowels and [l] occurring only before oral vowels. Furthermore, [n] and [l] alternate in environments involving nasal vowel deletion. This process applies when the verb /n¸!/ ‘to have’ or the nominalizing pre¿x /on¸!/ ‘owner of’ occur before nouns beginning with oral vowels. The

Yoruba Language

41

alternations do not occur if the initial vowel of the noun is the least marked vowel /i/ (Pulleyblank 1988). In this case, /i/ is deleted and the nasal vowel of the verb or nominalizer is retained. The relevant examples illustrating these properties appear below (RAS = regressive assimilation): (11)

Input n¸!Ѻ + ile! n¸!Ѻ + EÔa n¸!Ѻ + e~y¸! n¸!Ѻ + OmO n¸!Ѻ + aSO on¸!Ѻ + ile! on¸!Ѻ + EÔa on¸!Ѻ + e~y¸! on¸!Ѻ + OmO on¸Ѻ! + aSO

Deletion n¸Ѻ !le! n ! EÔa n ! e~y¸! n !OmO n aSO on¸Ѻ !le! on ! EÔa on ! e~y¸! on !OmO on aSO

n~ l

no n~l n¸!Ѻle!

RAS

lE!Ôa le~y¸‹ lO!mO la!SO on¸!Ѻle! olE!Ôa ole~y¸‹ olO!mO ola!SO

ElE!Ôa ele~y¸‹ OlO!mO ala!SO

Gloss have house have ¿sh have this one have child have clothes have house owner of ¿sh owner of this owner of child owner of Clothes

As shown above, following the deletion of the nasal vowel of /ni/ and /oni/ [n] becomes adjacent to the oral vowel of the following noun, which triggers the /n/ ~ [l] alternation. Additionally, cases involving /oni/ exhibit regressive vowel assimilation of the initial noun, which results in the complete resemblance of the initial vowel of /oni/ and the initial vowel of the noun. This behavior of /n/ and /l/ has led some scholars to propose that [n] is an allophone of the phoneme /l/ – derived when the phoneme /l/ occurs in a syllable with a nasalized vowel (Ladefoged 1964, Bamgbos¢e 1966). Others propose that this pattern shows that [l] is an allophone of /n/, which is derived when the phoneme /n/ occurs in a syllable with an oral vowel (Oyelaran 1971, Pulleyblank 1988, Awobuluyi and Oyebade 1995). The common assumption made by these two approaches is that [n] and [l] are not contrastive sounds. However, Oyelaran (1976, 1991) presents cases of /n/ which do not alternate with [l]: (12) Input n¸Ѻ+ Oba (la!ra) nuѺ+ e~y¸! nO~Ѻ + akpa!

Deletion nOѺba n eѺ~y¸! naѺkpa!

no n~ l nOѺba *lOba neѺ~y¸‹ *leyi naѺkpa! *lakpa!

Output make king uncomfortable wipe this one stretch arm

On the basis of the data shown above, Oyelaran (1991), followed by Akinlabi (to appear), argue that /n/ and /l/ are contrastive in Yoruba.

42

The Yoruba: the people and their language

Yoruba has three contrastive tones: high, mid, and low. Tones are used elaborately in language and cultural settings. For instance, numerous sets of words are distinguished solely by tone: (13) igbá igba ìgbá ìgbà igbà

odo! odo~ o~do OwO! OwO~ O~wO~ O~wO!

‘calabash’ ‘two hundred’ ‘egg plant’ ‘time’ ‘climbing-rope’ ‘pestle’ ‘river’ ‘zero’ ‘hand’ ‘broom’ ‘respect’ ‘systematic’

Tones can also serve a grammatical function. For example, a declarative sentence must have a high tone between the subject and the verb, the well-known High Tone Subject Marker (HTSM) which marks non-future tense in Yoruba: (14) a.

b.

c.

DajO~ (a name) DajO~O! ra Dayo HTSM buy Oba (a king) Obaa! King HTSM

o~rom~bo! oranges

mu o~rom~bo! drink oranges

Olu! (a name) olu! mu o~rom~bo! Olu HTSM drink oranges

“Dayo¢ bought (some) oranges”

“King ate (some) oranges”

“Olu ate (some) oranges”

Additionally, tone marks the genitive. In genitive construction, a Mid tone vowel occurs pervasively (though usually optionally) between two nouns to mark the genitive relationship. An additional property is that the genitive marker assimilates in quality to the vowel that it precedes. This vowel is required only when the noun in second position is consonant-initial. It is optional when the second noun is vowel-initial. An example is given in (15) (Akinlabi and Liberman 2000):

Yoruba Language

(15) ile! (MH) house

Ta!yO~ (HL) Tayo¢

|

ile! e Ta!yO~ / *ile! Ta!yO~ “Tayo¢’s house”

43

MH M HL

These three tones vary in phonological strength, consequently, they behave asymmetrically. Of all three tones, the H tone is the most stable and the M tone is the weakest and most unstable (Akinlabi 1985, Pulleyblank 1986, 2004, Orie 1997, Akinlabi and Liberman 2000). For example, in vowel deletion contexts, H and L tones are retained but M tones are lost, as follows: ri! igba! ‘see a calabash,’ which is realized as ri!gba! and wo i~gba! ‘look at egg plants,’ which is realized as wo~gba!. Apart from the lexical and the grammatical uses of tone, tone is used in other forms of communication, namely, whistling, drumming and language games. Tone whistling is a form of language used by speakers to communicate when they are in long distance settings such as farmlands. As speakers talk and whistle simultaneously, the language is transformed: consonants are devoiced or turned to [h] and all vowels are changed to [u] because whistling involves lip puckering, the articulatory gesture required for the production of [u]. However, all tones are retained without any alteration. Tonal stability enables speakers to understand the meaning of whistled language. For instance, a farmer just arriving on the farm may greet farmers in nearby farms using any of the whistled forms in (17) and (18). Semantically, the whistled forms have the same status as the non-whistled form in (16): (16) Non-whistled Yoruba: ara! iwa!ju!, E ku! iSE! o “people who arrived before me, greetings at work” (17) Whistled form with devoiced consonants: ur9u! uw9u!Ô9u! u ku! uSu! u (18) Whistled form with [h] replacement: uhu! uhu!hu!, u hu! uhu! u Second, language games are played by manipulating tones. For example, e¢na~, a tongue twister game used by children and teens to conceal speech from adults, is played by attaching a CV syllable to the end of every syllable. As shown in (19), the consonant of the added syllable is ¿xed – a voiced velar stop /g/; however, the vowel and tone of this syllable vary, based on the vowel and tone of the base form, as shown below:

44

The Yoruba: the people and their language

(19) Non-disguised form: Disguised form:

Yoru~ba! yogoru~gu~ba!ga!

“Yoruba”

Third, there is the ‘talking’ drum, Du~ndu!n, which as earlier mentioned, is a set of pressure drums used in various religious and cultural celebrations. One can only enjoy the pleasure of the sound of the ‘talking’ drum by hearing the tones that it uses to ‘talk.’ As the drums speak through tones, the people sing along and dance. There is one group of people who do not sing or dance: the deaf. As the saying goes in Yoruba, aditi/odi k¸~ ¸! ko¢rin, aditi/odi k¸~ ¸! jo! “the deaf do not sing, the deaf do not dance.” When they are among hearing people, they watch singing and dancing. However, as will be shown in Chapter 3, postlingually deafened speakers do sing and they teach their congenitally deafened friends how to sing. Turning to the organization of consonants and vowels into syllables, in Yoruba, a syllable may consist of a vowel nucleus with or without an onset consonant: CV or V (20) Basic syllable structure V:

o a~

‘emphatic vowel’ ‘vowel used to express surprise’

CV:

wa! lO gbe~

‘come’ ‘go’ ‘support’

As mentioned previously in the discussion on consonants, some dialects (Standard, O¢yo¢, E¢gba) have syllabic tone-bearing nasals are orthographically represented as n or m but their pronunciation depends on the nature of the following segment. In (21a), the nasal is labial [m] like the following consonant /b/, in (21b) it is coronal [n] like /d/, it is velar [N] like /k/ in (21c), and in (21d), it is labial-velar [mN] like the following /gb/. (21) Syllabic tone-bearing nasals a.

o~ro!m~bo!

‘orange’

b.

ko!n!do!

‘large cudgel’

c.

kO~NkO~

‘type of frog’

d.

gbo~N~mgbo~

‘root’

Yoruba Language

45

Consonant clusters are not permitted (recall that orthographic ‘gb’ in an example like gbe~ represents not a sequence of phonemes but a complex phoneme). Thus, when words with consonant clusters are borrowed from English, the cluster is separated by inserting a high vowel (i or u) between the consonants (22a – c) or one of the consonants may be deleted (22d): (22) English loan

Yoruba adaptation

a.

Milk

m¸!l¸!¸~k¸~

b.

Bread

bu!rE!d¸~

c.

Flower

fu!la!wa~

d.

Steering

s¸!a!r¸ )~

Although consonant clusters are impermissible, vowel clusters (long vowels) are attested. Compare, for example, oògùn ‘medicine’ vs. ògùn ‘(name of a river)’; O~O~lE~ ‘pudding from ground-up beans’ vs. OlE~ ‘foetus.’ In many cases, long vowels are derived from disyllabic sequences that have undergone consonant deletion (for example, O~lE~lE~ ~ O~O~lE~ ‘pudding from ground-up beans’). Other cases are derived from morphological juxtaposition of vowels in reduplication, for example, the reduplicated from alaalE! ‘every night’ is derived from alE! ‘night.’ One other interesting aspect of syllable structure involves some morphemic restrictions on the occurrence of vowels at the beginning of nouns. For example, in Standard Yoruba, a noun cannot begin with the high back vowel [u], a nasal vowel, or a high tone vowel: (23) Standard Yoruba noun restrictions V-initial Noun C-initial Noun ¸~lu! ‘town’ ku~mO~ ‘cudgel’ ¸~d¸Ѻ ‘maggot’ duѺ~du!Ѻ ‘type of talking drum’ ile! ‘house’ pe!le! ‘type of facial stripe’

Unattested *umO *¸Ѻd¸Ѻ *e!le!

As noted by O¢la (1995), what uni¿es these three seemingly disparate restrictions is that they are all possible when the word begins with a consonant (an ONSET), illustrating the importance of onsets in Yoruba phonology and morphology. Finally, the syllable serves as a domain for nasalization assimilation. For example, if a nasal consonant is followed by a vowel, it causes the vowel to become nasal (24a); in the same vein, a nasal vowel nasalizes a preceding

46

The Yoruba: the people and their language

sonorant (w,y, r, h), (24b). The key requirement is that the nasalizing consonant and vowel be in the same syllable. The following examples exemplify these patterns. (24) Tautosyllabic nasal assimilation a.

mi mu nO~

[m¸Ѻ] [mNJ] [nO~Ѻ]

‘my’ ‘drink’ ‘stretch’

b.

r¸Ѻ yEѺ wOѺ~ hNJ

[rѺ ¸Ѻ] [yѺ EѺ] [wѺ OѺ~] [hѺNJ]

‘whine’ ‘that’ ‘weight’ ‘weave’

2.2.2 Word size and word formation (Morphology) This section presents two Yoruba morphological properties. The ¿rst is the minimal word phenomenon. The second is word formation strategies. Beginning with the minimal word phenomenon, in many languages, free morphemes such as roots and stems are required to have a canonical minimal size (McCarthy and Prince 1986, Downing 2006). In standard Yoruba, a root must minimally contain a CV syllable (O¢la 1995, Orie 1997). For instance, verbs are canonically monosyllabic and nouns are minimally disyllabic, mostly realized as VCV: (25) Minimal verbs and nouns gba! ‘sweep’ fo~ ‘jump’ Se ‘to do’ OkO ‘husband’ aya ‘wife’ o~wu! ‘thread’ Although verbs and nouns have different minimality requirements in terms of syllable count, CV minimality is required of all lexical items in Standard Yoruba. This observation explains certain restrictions imposed on consonantal deletion in the language. For example, [r] deletion is possible in a noun if there is at least one CV remaining in it, as exempli¿ed by these examples:

Yoruba Language

(26) [r] deletion Full form or¸!k¸~ o~r¸~Sa~ oro!r¸~ or¸! oro! O~rO~

[r]-deletion oo!k¸~ o~o~Sa~ oo!r¸~

Deletion blocked

*oo!¸~ *o¸! *oo! *O~O~

47

Gloss praise poem deity mausoleum head poison word

In the example ori!ki~ ‘praise name/poem,’ intervocalic r-deletion produces oi!ki, then progressive vowel assimilation applies, causing the output form to have a long vowel, oo!ki~. However, if a word has two intervocalic [r]s only one can be eliminated: oro!ri~ becomes oo!ri~; *oo!i~ is unattested. More interesting is the fact that deletion is blocked if there is only one [r] in a word: ori! ‘head’ *oi!. Consonant deletion blockage can be viewed as resulting from the CV minimal requirement. If r-deletion were to apply, the resulting form will have a sequence of V syllables, violating the obligatory CV minimal requirement. Some southeastern Yoruba dialects, such as Ondo and Idanre, have lost the consonant /r/. Consequently, the CV requirement is relaxed in these contexts (O¢la 1995, Orie 1997, 2000) We consider next attested word formation processes. Yoruba word formation processes are for the most part derivational and not inÀectional. Although certain pronominal forms do vary as a function of tense/aspect (to be discussed below), both nouns and verbs are essentially invariant – for example, nouns are neither declined for case nor inÀected for number and verbs are not conjugated for person, number or gender. Word formation in Yoruba involves ¿ve basic processes: pre¿xing, reduplication, truncation, compounding, and desentencing are the principal morphological devices. Pre¿xing is a device used to derive gerundives and nouns from existing verbs and nouns. For example, a vowel may be pre¿xed to a verb or verb phrase to form a noun, as follows: (27) a~-lO O~-kOr¸Ҕ

“going” “singer”

< a~ + lO < O~ + kOr¸Ҕ

‘pre¿x + go’ ‘pre¿x + sing’

Reduplication is used to form words denoting intensity; it is also used to form distributives, profession-based agentives, and diminutives:

48

The Yoruba: the people and their language

(28)

Base

Reduplicated Form

Intensity:

k¸!a! “quick” kpu!kpO “much”

Distributive:

oSu~ a~gba~

k¸!a!k¸!a! ‘quickly’ kpu!kpO~kpu!kpO~ ‘very much’

“month” “elder”

oSooSu~ ‘every month’ a~gba~a~gba ‘every elder’

Profession agentive: wole! mOle!

“examine house” wole!wole! ‘sanitary inspector’ “build house” mOle!mOle ‘builder’

Diminutives:

“a name” “a name”

ade! olu!

a!de!ade~ o!lu!olu~

‘diminutive form’ ‘diminutive form’

Truncation is the device adopted in creating shortened names, which are commonly used in informal contexts: (29) Full Name ade!wOle! olu!kO!la! Ola!bO~de! ayO‹ku!Ѻle!

Shortened Form ade! or wOle! olu! or kO!la! Ola! or bO~de! ayO~ or kuѺ!le!

Compounds are formed from two or more nouns, as follows: (30) ¸~d¸!kO~ ErOҔko OmOb¸Ҕr¸Ҕ OmOkasE~

‘motor park’ ‘animal’ ‘girl’ ‘toe’

< ¸~d¸! < ErOҔ < OmO < OmO

‘base/bottom’ ‘meat’ ’child’ ’child’

+ OkO~ ‘vehicle’ + oko ‘farm’ + ob¸Ҕr¸Ҕ ‘woman’ + ¸~ka ‘¿nger’ + EsE~ ‘leg’

2.2.3 Sentence formation (Syntax) Nouns, verbs, and prepositions are the major lexical classes. Some words, which function as adjectives in English, are expressed as verbs. For example, the adjectives ‘red’ and ‘black’ are used as verbs in the following Yoruba sentences: (31) ayO‹ Ayo olu! Olu

pukpa red du!du! black

“Ayo is red: Ayo is fair-skinned” “Olu is black: Olu is dark skinned”

Yoruba Language

49

The basic word order is S(ubject-)V(erb-)O(bject). Within phrases, the head of the phrase occurs in initial position. Hence, in a noun phrase, the noun occurs ¿rst, followed by adjectives and relative clauses. In verb and prepositional phrases, the verb and preposition appear ¿rst and their objects occur after them: (32)

Input

Output

a.

Word order:

ayO~ ra ¸~we! ĺ ayO~ O! ra ¸~we! Ayo buy book Ayo HTSM buy book “Ayo bought a book”

b.

Noun phrase:

f¸~la~ + baba ĺ f¸!la~ a cap father cap GEN “father’s cap”

c.

Verb phrase:

ra~ + ¸~we! ĺ ra ¸~we! buy (L tone) book buy (M tone) book “buy a book”

d.

Prepositional phrase: s¸! oko to farm “to the farm”

ba~ba! father

As mentioned earlier in 2.1., tone is used to mark syntactic phenomena. Thus, as can be seen by comparing the input and output forms in (32a-c), syntactic constructions exhibit tonal changes. First, in (32a), the High Tone Subject Marker (HTSM), which marks the non-future tense, occurs on the ¿nal vowel of the subject. This is why the input L tone on the ¿nal vowel of /ayO~/ is realized as a rising LH contour in the output (ayO‹). Second, in the possessive construction in (32b), the genitive marker is a mid tone vowel that is identical to the ¿nal vowel of the ¿rst noun. Third, the raising of the verb’s Low tone to Mid indicates that the verb is followed by a disyllabic object noun rather than a monosyllabic pronoun. Focusing on additional word order patterns, in Yoruba, the basic SVO word order may be altered to form focus sentences, sentences in which a given word or phrase is fronted for emphatic purposes. In some dialects, a focused word or phrase is usually followed by the focus marker ni; in other dialects, such as Ondo and Ikale¢, the focus marker appears at the end of the sentence (Awobuluyi

50

The Yoruba: the people and their language

1992).2 The following examples illustrate subject fronting, derived from a basic sentence such as (32a): (33) Standard Yoruba Subject Focus: olu! ni o! ra ¸~we! “It is Olu who bought a book” Olu focus HTSM buy book As shown in (33), a pronoun bearing the H tone of the HTSM replaces a fronted subject. In contrast, a fronted object does not produce the same effect: (34) Standard Yoruba Object Focus: ¸~we! ni olu! ra~ book focus Olu buy

“It is a book that Olu bought”

Serial-Verb-Construction (SVC) is another principal point of syntactic interest. SVCs have sequences of verbs, which share the same subject and object. They are different from coordinate clauses in that the verbs use one tense and aspect, and allow only one negative: (35) a.

olu! ma!a Olu FUT

ra a~gba~do ÔE buy corn eat

“Olu will buy some corn and eat it”

b.

olu! ko~ Olu NEG

ra a~gba~do ÔE buy corn eat

Olu did not buy and eat some corn”

As shown below, it is ungrammatical to assign separate tense and negative markers to serial verbs: (36) *olu! ma!a Olu FUT *olu! ko~ Olu NEG

ra a~gba~do yo!o! ÔE buy corn FUT eat ra a~gba~do ko~ ÔE buy corn NEG eat

“Olu will buy some corn and eat them” “Olu did not buy and eat some corn”

Yoruba divides pronouns into two sets, long and short pronouns:

2. Awobuluyi (1992) cites the following example from Ondo: Olu o! pa k¸!ta~ OdE n¸! oko ¸!Ѻ “Olu is the person who killed the hunter’s dog on the farm.” The focus marker / ¸!Ѻ /occurs at the end of the sentence.

Yoruba Language

(37) Yoruba Long e~mi ¸~wO o~uҔ

51

Gloss Short mo, m o o!

I you He/she/it

Long pronouns are also called independent pronouns because they behave like nouns in terms of fronting and coordination, as shown by these examples: (38) Basic sentence: ¸~wO! ra a~gba!da! Subject focus: ¸~wO ni o ra a~gba!da Coordination:

“you bought a Àowing gown” “it is you who bought a Àowing gown” ¸~wO a~ti olu! ra a~gba!da “you and Olu bought a Àowing gown”

Unlike long pronouns, short pronouns can neither be fronted nor coordinated with a noun. Finally, Yoruba uses both polar (yes/no) and content questions (WHinterrogatives). Some polar question markers (PQM) are placed at the beginning of the sentence (Se!, 39b) while others appear at the end (b¸!, 39c), and it is possible for the two question markers to be used in the same sentence (39d). (39) Polar questions a.

b.

Basic sentence olu! ra a~gba~do ÔE Olu HTSM buy corn eat

“Olu bought some corn and eat it”

yes/no question Se! olu!

ra a~gba~do ÔE “Did Olu buy some corn and eat it?” PQM Olu HTSM buy corn eat c.

yes/no question olu! ra a~gba~do ÔE b¸!

“Did Olu buy some corn and eat it?”

Olu HTSM buy corn eat PQM d.

yes/no question Se! olu!

ra a~gba~do ÔE b¸!

PQM Olu HTSM buy corn eat

PQM

“Did Olu buy some corn and eat it?”

52

The Yoruba: the people and their language

WH-questions are formed from basic sentences by moving a noun phrase to the beginning of the sentence, just like focused words: (40) WH- questions a.

b.

Basic stence olu! ra a~gba~do ÔE Olu HTSM buy corn

“Olu buy some corn and eat it”

WH-question (object noun phrase) k¸! ni Olu! ra~ ÔE “What did Olu buy and eat?” What be Olu HTSM buy eat

In summary, I have provided a brief description of the Yoruba people and their language in this chapter. For details, the reader is encouraged to consult the outstanding work of Yoruba scholars mentioned throughout this book. The next two chapters provide ethnographic descriptions of the largely unknown world of the hearing-impaired in southwestern Nigeria. To my knowledge, there is no research documenting the differences in the linguistic abilities of individuals with prelingual and postlingual deafness in Nigeria (for example, Mba 1981, 1986, Nwazuoke 1984, Onwuchekwa 1985, Bakare 1988, Onwuchekwa and Nwazuoke 1995). All deaf people are lumped together into a single group. Chapter 3 discusses these two distinct hearing impaired groups, focusing on the sociocultural and linguistic challenges facing them uniquely and collectively.

Chapter 3 Deafness, Societal Attitude, and Language Adaptation This chapter describes the societal attitude toward the Deaf and the sociocultural and linguistic challenges posed by deafness. It discusses the unique strategies they employ in weathering the dif¿culties. First, the reader will be immersed in the story of a mother with a congenitally deafened and lame child, highlighting her plight and her strategies in addressing the sociocultural dif¿culties, especially the belief that her child’s disabilities are caused by the wrath of the deities invoked by her own sinfulness. Second, the chapter highlights the society’s attitude to deafness by summarizing O¢dunjo¢’s (1964) instructive story of Kuye¢, an orphan deaf boy, who was raised by relatives who consistently neglected his emotional and psychological needs. Third, it focuses on occurrences of sudden deafness after language has been acquired and describes the linguistic adaptation of postlingually deafened speakers. The major “miracle” that postlingually deafened Yoruba speakers experience is their continued ability to talk in spite of their hearing loss. The strategies used for listening are lip reading and watching for visual cues such as facial expressions or hand gestures. As one postlingually deafened speaker puts it, “people engage in double- or triple-talk all the time, speaking with the mouth, speaking with the hand, and speaking with the eyes.” This chapter shows that the Yoruba, like southern Italians, carry many conventionalized gestures in their hands (Efron 1972) and faces. This rich gesture system and its strong connection to spoken language make the language well-equipped to take care of the communication needs of its postlingually deafened population.

3.1

Attitude toward the Deaf

Yorubaland, like any society, has both hearing and deafened people. However, genetic deafness is uncommon. As mentioned earlier in chapter 1, if an expectant mother gives birth to a disabled child, the traditional explanation is that something went wrong with the pregnancy. The mother of the child may have violated some taboos, which invoked the wrath of the gods, or a spell may have been cast on her, or worse still, it may have resulted from the vengeance of the gods for the sins committed in her previous life (Awolalu 1979, 1981).

54

Deafness, Societal Attitude, and Language Adaptation

Traditionally, congenitally deaf children are kept in isolation at home to protect them from the prejudice of the society. Currently, however, some parents send their deaf children to a few schools established for the education of the Deaf. The following section describes the challenges of the mother of a congenitally deafened and lame child, highlighting the societal prejudice against her and her child. It describes her strategies for facing various sociocultural dif¿culties.

3.2

Congenital deafness

One Sunday afternoon, I met Mama Baba!tu!nde! (mother of Baba!tu!nde), a mother of three girls and a boy (Baba!tu!nde!). She recounted the joy with which her family and friends received the news of Babatunde’s birth. She had three girls, and when she became pregnant the fourth time, everyone was praying and hoping that the baby would be a boy – the heir, who would carry on the family name. Girls are considered precious, but they soon grow up and leave the family – they get married, join their new families, adopt new names, and raise their own families. Girls always come back to visit once in a while, but it is not the same as having a son who brings a wife home and helps build the clan by having lots of children. The D(elivery)-day arrived, and Baba!tu!nde! was born. “It is a boy,” the nurse announced to the father of the newborn. He was overwhelmed with joy. He could not believe his ears; a boy! It’s a boy. He jumped and danced. He was so happy – the heir had ¿nally arrived. When he eventually saw his son, he told his wife that the baby is a carbon-copy of his late father. Everyone who saw the baby agreed: “This boy looks exactly like Baba (father). There is no doubt that Baba has returned to visit us.” In accordance with Yoruba culture, the boy was named on the seventh day after his birth. The preparation was grand. The members of the family each got a beautiful new aSO o~ke~, the highest-priced Yoruba traditional out¿t; food and drink were provided in abundance. As soon as the day started to break, family and friends gathered. It was essential that the child be named at the breaking of dawn because the potency of the day’s blessing Àows abundantly at exactly that time, in keeping with traditional belief. The ceremony started with prayers for the newborn. Then the child’s father stepped forward to announce the names: Baba!tu!nde (father has returned) Ò̙ka!nla~w͕!n (a male child born after many girls). Everyone clapped in approval. He then sealed the announced names by dropping a coin (formerly a cowry shell) in water. Then other family members reaf¿rmed the original name by dropping some coins in the water. Others gave new names too numerous to

Congenital deafness

55

mention. Examples are E¢ni¸~ta~n (a child of historical importance), O¢la!wo¢le! (wealth/honor entered the house/family), ͔la!n!rewa!ju! (Wealth/honor is progressing), Ak¸!nde!le! (the warrior has come home), Olu!da!mila!re (God has justi¿ed me), and so on. After sealing the name with water and money, tokens of water, honey, salt, kolanut, bitter kola, and alligator pepper were presented for the blessings. The oldest woman in the family stood up, proclaiming the blessings: This is water (omi); as the water in the river is cool and peaceful, so will this child’s life be cool and trouble free. This child will stay with us and drink water and eat what we eat in peace and harmony.

Everyone responds: Àm¸!Ѻ, a~SE! (Amen, so be it). This is salt (iyO~); just as salt gives a pleasant taste to food, so will joy and pleasantness be added to this child’s life.

Everyone responds: Àm¸!Ѻ, a~SE! (Amen, so be it). This is honey (oy¸Ѻ); just as honey is sweet to taste, so the life of this child will bring exceeding sweetness to everyone.

Everyone responds: Àm¸!Ѻ, a~SE! (Amen, so be it). This is kola nut~ (ob¸); kola nut has the power to expunge evil, death, sickness and bad luck: may all evil be expunged from the life of this child.

Everyone responds: Àm¸!Ѻ, a~SE! (Amen, so be it). This is bitter kola (oro!gbo!); bitter kola is endowed with the power for longevity: may this child live long until ‘deep’ old age and have lasting good health.

Everyone responds: Àm¸!Ѻ, a~SE! (Amen, so be it). This is alligator pepper (ataare), endowed with anointing for multiplication: may Babatunde’s family line multiply like the seeds of the alligator pepper.

Everyone responds: Àm¸!Ѻ, Àm¸!, a~SE (Amen, amen, let it be so). The ¿nal prayer was the most important – multiplication of the family line; may he birth sons and daughters, Àm¸!, a~SE! (Amen, so be it) After prayers were offered, drumming kicked in. The tones of Du~ndu!n, a set of pressure drums,1 were used to welcome Baba!tu!nde!: re re re re, do re do re mi, mi do do. The people sang along with corresponding words: OmO tuntun, 1. The strings of Dundun drums use the three lexical tones of the language to make melody: mi represents high tone, do represents low tone and re represents mid tone.

56

Deafness, Societal Attitude, and Language Adaptation

a~leÔo~ aye!, ka!a~bO~ (newborn, earthly visitor, welcome); re re re re, re mi mi re re, mi do do: OmO tuntun, olo!r¸! ire, ka!a~bO~ (newborn, the blessed one, welcome). Dancing commenced. Yoruba dancing is very pleasurable. The hands move ¿rst jauntly in dancing. As the saying goes, OwO! gEngE n¸!¸! SaaÔu! iÔo! ‘stylish hands, they go ¿rst in dancing’. In addition to stylish hand movement, the men move their shoulders, arms, and legs to the rhythm of the music. Women, on the other hand, demonstrate more mobility in the lower body, shifting their body weight to create a quivering movement in the hips and buttocks as they dance to the rhythm of drums. When dancers show excitement through singing and dancing, the drummers match the excitement by drumming and reciting the or¸!k¸~ “lineage praise poems” of participants, which can take the party to the next level of ecstasy – spraying or showering the drummers with money (which will be explained shortly). When the parents of the newborn got up to dance, the crowd hailed them excitedly. The drums were sounding the tones: do mi do mi mi, mi re re re do, mi re re re. The crowd sang along gleefully: ba~ba! iko!ko! ma!a wolE~ ma!a rOra (father of the newborn, welcome to the dancing Àoor); ma~ma! iko!ko! ma!a wolE~ ma!a rOra (father of the newborn, welcome to the dancing Àoor). As they danced, people brought out money to “spray” the new parents. The Yoruba “spray” or “shower” celebrants or special individuals with money during celebrations. This is done by delicately placing each individual naira2 note on the head of the celebrant. The mother of the newborn remembered being somewhat overwhelmed by the number of bills placed on her head while dancing, so much so that her best friend was on standby with a box in hand, to collect the sprayed money. As the drumming and dancing progressed, food and drinks were served. The celebration continued all day long with much eating, drinking, drumming, singing, dancing and money spraying. The joy was boundless. Although many names were given to the new-born, Baba!tu!nde! turned out to be everyone’s favorite. Most people called him “Baba,” (father) since he was the spitting image of his grandfather. A year passed, and everything seemed okay with Baba. He reached the major growth milestones at the appropriate times. He sat up by himself at about ¿ve months; he started crawling about at seven months and by eleven months, he was able to stand by himself. This was an exciting time, a time to clap and sing “du!ro! gbangba, du!ro! kedere,” a song of encouragement for the toddler who is making an effort to stand up to explore the world around him:

2. The Naira is the Nigerian currency.

Congenital deafness

du!ro! gbangba du!ro! kedere ko! o bE!lE!S¸Ѻ dO!gba

57

“stand strong’ “stand independently” “like a horse-rider”

By the time he was twelve months old, he had mastered standing alone. Between thirteen and fourteen months, he took his ¿rst steps alone, and his mother recalled instances of fun and joy as the family hailed and applauded each time he walked. They sang: tE~E~tE! o r¸~Ѻr¸~Ѻ la~ a! r¸~Ѻ o ba! a~ ba! r¸~Ѻ ebi n¸~! o! kpani

“little-by-little walk, we have to walk if we do not walk “hunger, it will kill one”

His speech was the only troubling issue. He wasn’t talking. He just pointed to the things he wanted and grunted emphatically if there was any delay in getting what he desired. “What is wrong with Baba?” his father eventually asked close to Baba!tu!nde!’s second birthday. “He is not talking. Is he deaf?” “God forbid,” his mother replied. “He is just slow in speech. We need to be patient.” By the time Baba!tu!nde! turned three, the reason for his lack of speech was apparent. He is a deaf boy – both deaf and mute. This is not what parents want their child to be, especially among the Yoruba. “We have been judged by the deities; deafness is a mark of the wrath of gods,” Baba!tu!nde!’s father told his wife. “What did we do? I have not offended anyone,” she cried out. After several days of grieving, she set out on a mission to ¿nd a solution to her son’s problem. She left their village in O¢yo¢ state with her son and went to her sister who lived in Akure¢, a major city in Ondo State. The following day, they went to see the ear doctor in the big government hospital. After Baba!tu!nde! was examined, the doctor con¿rmed Mama Baba!tu!nde!’s worst fear: “your son is profoundly deaf.” “Doctor, please help me,” she pleaded, “I have heard that you have special equipment that can help children hear the sounds of the world around them.” The doctor was compassionate, but he informed her that the special equipment cannot help her son because he is profoundly deaf. He advised her to register him at the Deaf school when he is of school age (six years) so that he can get a good education. “Deaf school? What is this doctor talking about? My son will not attend a Deaf school, never,” she thought. She knew the next point of call – visits to spiritual healers such as traditional doctors, powerful Christian, and Islamic healers. She thought “those people have powers to restore her son’s hearing within a twinkle of an eye.” She tried; unfortunately, these attempts failed.

58

Deafness, Societal Attitude, and Language Adaptation

While busy looking for a solution to Baba!tu!nde!’s hearing problem, another complication arose. Baba!tu!nde! had paralytic polio, which caused him to become lame in his right leg. Deafness and paralysis – this had to be a bad dream. Her husband’s voice echoed in her mind immediately: “We have been judged by the deities.” She thought of all the possible things they may have done wrong to deserve such punishment but found none. The thought of returning to the village was frightening. “Now that my mission has failed and with my son’s situation worsened by the lameness in one leg, how will I survive the shame and ridicule in the village?” she thought. Eventually, she decided to return home because of her husband and daughters. Life in the village was challenging. Their extended family wanted to know why Baba!tu!nde! was lame. They did not believe the fact that any disease could suddenly make a child whose legs were strong and healthy lame. There were suspicions and rumors about the things she did in the city. Some relatives stopped calling her son Baba (father), for as they said, “their wonderful father who lived a good life could never come back as a deaf and lame man.” The stress was intense; she was almost losing her mind. She begged her husband to move them to another state. Fortunately, he listened. Now, they live in Akure¢ far away from the scornful glares of suspicious relatives and village clan-in-laws. At the time I met Mama Baba!tu!nde! in 2002, the family had already come to face the reality of Baba!tu!nde!’s situation. He was then ten years old. He communicates with his family by gesturing. He has a “quick mind,” I was told. He has been pushing hard to go to school so that he can meet other children like him. This was a reminder of the doctor’s advice many years back. An application was submitted on Baba!tu!nde!’s behalf to the School for the Deaf in Akure, and he was waiting for his admission to come through when I returned from the ¿eld at the end of 2002. Like the case reported here, many children with a disability are kept from attending school because the society thinks that they cannot learn or develop skills. Most uneducated deaf people do menial jobs and some even resort to begging on the streets. The society does not expect much from them. However, some of the cases soon to be presented in this chapter invalidate this view. These cases show that if deaf children receive a good education, they can contribute to society. The experience of Babatunde’s mother supports the work of Ademoko¢ya and Ben-Stowe (2007), who studied ¿fty mothers of children with hearing disabilities in O¢yo¢, an ancient city in southwestern Nigeria, and found that the mothers had psychological problems such as isolation, rejection, and anger, which resulted from the negative reactions of spouses, family, friends and community members to the disabilities of their children. In addition, they had

When a deaf child is motherless or orphaned: the story of Kuye¢

59

many ¿nancial problems arising from the need to provide care and necessary intervention (medical and spiritual) for their children’s disabilities.

3.3

When a deaf child is motherless or orphaned: the story of Kuye¢

Given that mothers are the primary care-givers for deaf children, what would happen if a deaf child is motherless or orphaned? As can be imagined, one of the greatest misfortunes that can befall a Yoruba deaf child is the death of his or her mother. Although the death of a father can be devastating for ¿nancial reasons, a mother’s death is more traumatic because mothers carry the bulk of the responsibilities associated with caring for a disabled child. For a Yoruba mother, one’s own child is one’s child, disabled or not. True, all women wish and pray to have able-bodied children, but according to traditional thinking, if by the wrath of gods, sickness, or witchcraft attack, a disabled child is born, mothers take on the great task of caring for the disabled child. On the other hand, fathers may not be as reliable in the face of challenges. For example, some men divorce their wives when the challenge of hearing disability becomes overwhelming (Ademokoya and Ben-Stowe 2007). A Yoruba saying, “mother is gold, father is glass,” illustrates the difference between a mother’s and a father’s relationship to the child. What this means is that the affection of the mother is as durable as ¿ne gold, but the father’s affection, like glass, can be splintered. Another one is: When the child is good he or she belongs to the father; if the child is bad, he or she is the mother’s

This saying reÀects the cultural viewpoint according to which the able-bodied, well-behaved child receives the support and love of the father. However, the abnormal or poorly behaved child is left to his or her mother. It is easy for children to recognize the love and loyalty of their mothers. Right from birth till age three, mothers strap their children to their backs and carry them almost everywhere. Figure 1 shows a Yoruba mother carrying her child on her back:

60

Deafness, Societal Attitude, and Language Adaptation

Figure 1. Yoruba mother and her child

When children cry, mothers perform special rhythmic dance steps and sing lullabies to calm them (Is¢o¢la 1995). In addition, mothers chant lineage praise poems (or¸!k¸~), which inform the child of his or her prestigious inheritance and tell stories of the bravery acts of the ancestors. When a child is old enough to be disciplined by the father, it is the mother who pleads for mercy and leniency. Mothers are seen by children as life-long supporters. Therefore, various songs of appreciation are sung by children in honor of mothers. For instance, “Mother is my supporter,” is a very popular song among children. It goes as follows: ¸~ya! lolu~gbo¢~wo!¢ mi to! n! to¢!ju! mi ni ke!kere! e~¢y¸~n re¢~ lo! fi po¢~n m¸! ¸~ya! ku! is¢e!¢ mi e~m¸! k¸!ya* mi ku!us¢e¢

‘mother is my supporter’ ‘who has been taking care of me since I was little’ ‘she carried me on her back’ ‘mother, thank you for your sacri¿cial work for me’ ‘I greet my mother: well done!’

When a deaf child is motherless or orphaned: the story of Kuye¢

pe¢~lu! te¢ribamo!¢le~¢ e~m¸! ko~ le~ ko¢s¢e¢! fu!nya* mi mo¢ o n~da~o, n!da!o!, nda~o

61

‘with my head bowed respectfully’ ‘I will never again disobey my mother’ ‘never, never, never’

When a woman gives birth to a disabled child, as mentioned previously, she is mainly left to care for her needy child. Generally, mothers do not give up on their disabled children. They spend time and money to diagnose and treat the disability. Long after others have given up hope, mothers keep on hoping that a cure will be found. As a rule, mothers are not deterred by the disability of their children. According to Mama Babatunde, mothers believe, “one day, a miracle will happen; one day, a herbalist may have the right herbal mixture to cure the disability.” If the cause of the disability is determined to be witchcraft, a mother will constantly be on the lookout for more powerful witch doctors or Christian miracle workers who can defeat the witch responsible for the afÀiction of their child. Once the witch is defeated, the belief is that the child’s disability will end, and the child will begin to live a normal life. When the mother of a deafened child dies, the father becomes the primary care-giver. The worst case scenario is when both parents die. In such cases, the orphaned deaf is adopted by one of the closest relatives, usually a reluctant aunt or uncle who is compelled to do so by ala!jOb¸!, the Yoruba belief in allegiance to the common blood shared through ancestral progenitors. Having common blood is very sacred. It prevents the Yoruba from doing anything that may adversely affect a blood relation or kindred. It compels members of the clan to look out for one another, and to seek the good of others within the clan. In short, ala!jOb¸! requires everyone within a clan to be their brother’s keeper. It is taboo to profane the common blood. If a man and his wife die, and their orphaned child is neglected by close relatives, that is profanity of ala!jOb¸!. Such profanity is severely punished by the ancestors. No one dares betray ala!jOb¸!, lest a Àood of calamities (curse, trouble, sickness, death, etc.) invade the life of the betrayer. Since the 1960’s, one of the recurring characters in Yoruba novels and popular theater is the deaf and mute orphan, Kuye¢, whose story illustrates the predicament of an orphaned deaf child in the hands of unkind relatives (Odunjo¢ 1964, Barber 2000). In this story, Kuye¢ is living with his old aunt, who is popularly known as Pepper Seller. Although the story begins when Kuye¢ is already a young man, we gather from Pepper Seller’s Àashback account that he has been living with her since he was a little boy. Kuye¢’s healthy physical appearance shows that his physical needs are taken care of by his aunt. At the beginning of the story, their relationship seems cordial. He is seen helping his aunt in her pepper store in the market and running errands for her. Although he

62

Deafness, Societal Attitude, and Language Adaptation

doesn’t always understand what he was told instantly, with repetitive words and gestures, Pepper Seller always succeeds in communicating with Kuye¢. Their relationship turns sour when Kuye¢ protests at her attempt to sell off his inheritance to an itinerant trader – his father’s special hand-woven clothes. In response to Kuye¢’s protests, Pepper Seller beats him and uses abusive language to tell him off (Barber 2000: 97): Badness to you. Is this what you have set your heart on? If this is what you’ve set your heart on, it’ll make you go hungry. It’ll make you suffer. What if you were a piece of cloth and I went and sold you, what would you be able to say about it? What would you ¿nd to say? You wretched brute!

At this point, Kuye¢ starts crying, but Pepper Seller is not moved. The verbal abuse continues: You good-for-nothing. You’re a worthless wretch. You’re a worthless wretch. I took him in when he was no bigger than this. Even if he were a piece of cloth himself and I took him and sold him, what could he say against it? God will reject you, you useless child with your huge mouth.

When his uncle, Alabi, attempted to mediate, Pepper Seller informs him that Kuye¢ is a bed-wetter and a thief, a town thief who steals everywhere, spoiling the family’s good reputation. Sensing that his aunt was framing him to turn off Alabi’s sympathy, Kuye¢ grabbed his uncle, but Alabi shrugged him off and said (Barber 2000 ): So you are one of those types who don’t deserve any pity… bush corpse…

These abusive acts made Kuye¢ angry. He tried to explain to his uncle through gestures and syllabic mouthing of words, but no one listened. Instead, the physical and verbal abuse continued. His ears were twisted. He was yelled at, beaten, and called all sorts of ugly names. Eventually, Kuye¢’s frustration and anger led to aggression. He, too, fought his attackers. At the end, Pepper Seller says she has had enough of the useless child. She hands him over to Alabi, and deals the ¿nal verbal abusive blow to Kuye¢ (Barber 2000: 109): See how ancient-looking he is, all deceptive and wretched, take him away. Better not to be born than to be a useless lump like him.

She continues: It would have been better if Kuye¢ had died on the day he was born…Someone who can’t hear and can’t speak is no better than an idiot. May God not send us insoluble problems. Look, I’ve had enough, I’ve had it up to here. Look…

When a deaf child is motherless or orphaned: the story of Kuye¢

63

When she starts beating him again, even Alabi thinks aunt Pepper Seller is getting a little too heavy-handed. He asked her to stop the physical abuse and agreed to become Kuye¢’s guardian. The story continues in the house of Alabi and Se¢gi, his unfaithful wife. Not long after he joins his new family, Kuye ¢quickly realized how terribly unfaithful Se¢gi has been to his uncle. One day, one of Se¢gi’s lovers visits her, and although she tries to cover up her adultery, Kuye¢ knows exactly what was happening. When his uncle returns, using gesture and mime, he reports Se¢gi’s unfaithfulness to his uncle. Here again, language is not a problem. Alabi understands the gestured speech of Kuye¢ and confronts his wife about the matter. However, she denies everything. She then proceeds to get rid of Kuye¢ by accusing him falsely of stealing and attacking her with a cudgel. Unfortunately, Alabi falls for his wife’s trickery and agrees to drive Kuye¢ out of the house. Now homeless, Kuye¢ roams the streets and eventually heads for the nearby town where he experiences several amazing things which moves him from misery to happiness. When he gets there, an ongoing wrestling match catches his attention. The defending champion dares anyone to ¿ght him. Kuye¢ challenges the champion and wins the ¿ght. He becomes the new champion and instantly wins the love of the princess. Before the princess and Kuye¢ can solidify their relationship, the former champion wrestler who is also in love with the princess, uses a magic spell to drive him out of town into the forest. The situation devastates the princess and the king quickly sends a search party to look for Kuye¢. Meanwhile, Kuye¢ arrives at the forest exhausted. He is hoping that he can have some peace now. This glimpse of hope soon fades away when he looks around and sees that the forest is full of strange spiritual creatures. Where will he go now? As he contemplates in his heart what the next strategy will be, he sees one peculiar Spirit with wobbly legs who keeps rolling and Àipping himself on the ground until it gets to a particular tree. Then, he grabs hold of the leaves of the tree, rubs them on his legs, and his legs straighten out. He gets up and goes on his way. “What an amazing sight,” Kuye¢ thinks. So, he decides to copy the act. He goes to the same tree, gets the leaves and rubs them on his ears and mouth. Instantly, he can hear and his tongue is loosened so that he is able to talk! Therefore, when the search party sent by the king ¿nds him, he begins to imitate the sounds of their speech. When he returns to the palace to marry the princess, he continues practicing his newfound linguistic ability. Soon, he is so competent and eloquent that he wows his audience with the speech he delivers when he sees his cruel relatives at the palace (Barber 2000:225).

64

Deafness, Societal Attitude, and Language Adaptation I want you to know that I have no relatives closer to me than them. If I exact my revenge on them, if I punish them in any way, it’s as if I’d be showing ingratitude to God. Because I could never have foretold that I would ever attain the position that I am in today. Neither did they ever imagine they could end up kneeling in front of me. For them to kneel in front of me like this, and for me to be in authority over them – that’s punishment in itself as far as they’re concerned.

The story of Kuye¢ illustrates several signi¿cant beliefs of the Yoruba. First, it illustrates the belief that deafness can only be cured by herbs and supernatural means. Second, it shows the belief in destiny – although born deaf, Kuye¢ was destined by God to do great things. Because of destiny, he is able to walk through the dark nights and the dark valleys with courage and with fortitude, landing eventually in a healthy and wealthy place. Third, the Yoruba deaf do communicate effectively via gestures. In the two crucial instances where Kuye¢ offended his relatives, it was because he recognized and aggressively stood up against the injustices in the cases involving the sale of his father’s costly clothes and the sexual in¿delity of his uncle’s wife. These two cases show that Kuye¢ was deaf but he wasn’t dumb intellectually. He communicated well using hand-talk, face-talk, and syllabic mouthing of spoken words, which were understood by the hearing speakers he interacted with. Finally, we see the vulnerability of an orphaned deaf child through the cruelty and the unkindness of Kuye¢’s surrogate parents, Pepper Seller and Alabi. In the next section, I discuss the challenges faced by postlingually deafened speakers; that is speakers who became deaf after language has been acquired.

3.4

Postlingually Acquired Deafness: Challenges and Language Adaptation

This section narrates the experiences of several postlingually deafened individuals. It begins with the story of Toyin, a Yoruba speaker, who became deaf at the age of eight. It describes her challenges as well as the challenges faced by other individuals in coping with this language-based impairment in a society that has no known cases of hereditary deafness. 3.4.1 “I cannot believe I can still talk”: the postlingually deafened child There is no doubt that congenital deafness is painful given the societal attitude. However, the pain of postlingual deafness is greater. Toyin was a typical eightyear-old child. She was witty and outgoing. She was (and still is) beautiful; so many people like to stop and talk to her. She loves stories and funny jokes.

Postlingually Acquired Deafness: Challenges and Language Adaptation

65

They make her laugh a deep belly laughter till tears come out of her eyes. She loves singing and dancing. Life was good in Ilaro, Ogun state. She was the darling of everyone, both friends and family. She was admired by her teachers because of her cleverness. She was a straight A student. In addition, she was popular among her peers because she could tell funny jokes, an art she learned from the E¢gbado lifestyle. Her father is Ekiti, and her mother is an Ijes¢a woman from Igbara-Oke, but they moved to Ilaro to work before Toyin was born. The E¢gbado of Ilaro have a very rich cultural heritage. They are the originators of the “BO~lO~jO!“and the “gE~lE~dE!” dances. The language of communication at these dances is E~fE~, a genre of songs composed to correct the ills done by people in the community. Details of societal violations incurred by individuals are documented and rendered in song and dance performances in the hearing of the culprit. These dances are usually held in the market square during the summer time to enable both young and old to participate. This was the community Toyin grew up in; a community in which skillful oratory and quick wit are valued. Disaster struck at the age of eight when she became deaf. According to Toyin, one Friday night, her family attended a night vigil in a white garment church; that is, a church where everyone is required to wear a long white-robe (representing purity and holiness). The adults prayed through the night. But the children were allowed to sleep whenever they were tired. While she slept, a newcomer came and carried her away to another section of the church. Her mother soon realized she was missing and raised an alarm. She was found in the arms of this “strange” woman, and the church leader reprimanded the woman for inappropriate behavior. When they returned home the following morning, she was still sleepy. She continued to sleep so deeply until around noon when she suddenly woke up. As she opened her eyes, she saw a man covered from his head downward in white; only his piercing eyes were visible. He reminded her of some of the horror stories she had been told. He looked like a ghost, a monster dressed in white. “Who are you and what do you want?” were the questions she wanted to ask him, but as much as tried to say something, she could not. Then, she tried yelling, wanting to call out to her mother for help, but no sound came out of her mouth. “Oh, no, she thought, this monster is here to get me. Please help me God.” Suddenly, the door opened and her sister came into the room. Then the man started to walk away quickly. She tried to talk again and this time around, the words came out: “look, look at that evil creature; he came to hurt me!” “What creature?” her sister asked. She looked and said there was no evil creature around. She called out to her mother, who also looked but found no trace of the strange man. Her mother said it may have been a bad dream or a horrible vision,

66

Deafness, Societal Attitude, and Language Adaptation

a nightmare. “What did you see in your dream?” her mother asked. All she remembered was the man clothed in white. Since she insisted that she saw the man when she woke up, her mother said it was a vision, not a dream. Her mother started analyzing the vision: “Ah, he must be a white masquerade. Did he whip you with a cane?” It is believed that when enemies attack someone physically or spiritually, the consequences of either of the stated causes will surely lead to disability, sickness or death. Physical attack may mean deliberate insult to the family, threat leading to insecurity of life and property, robbery attack, war attack and so on. The spiritual attack may mean having strange nightmares or visions of a masquerader caning someone in his or her dream, ¿ghting with birds and the birds defeating the dreamer in his or her dream; it could also be a strange wild wind enveloping a person during the day while walking alone. According to the Yorùbá traditional belief system, these incidents are signs of bad omens. The above stated causes are believed to be strange, and they are usually regarded as spiritual causes of afÀiction such as sickness, disability or death (Fanilo¢la 1997). Her mother sprinkled holy water from the Church on her and prayed, believing all was well with her family, especially Toyin. Lunch was served. It was rice, her favorite food. She became excited and forgot all about the “evil man in white.” Suddenly her mom tapped her shoulder and said, “Please answer my question.” “I can’t hear your voice” Toyin said. At ¿rst, Toyin thought her mother had lost her voice. “You mean you did not hear what I said?” asked her mother. “What are you saying? I don’t understand what you are saying,” Toyin replied. “Oh no, mother has lost her voice,” Toyin thought to herself. Everyone in the family started panicking. When Toyin realized that her hearing was the problem, she panicked too, but she thought it was a temporary thing, just like when one goes and bathes in the river and water enters one’s ears, causing a blocked feeling of fullness inside the ears. She wiggled her ears back and forth, but she could not hear anything. Her mother tried speaking into her ears, but Toyin could not hear what she said. Her mother cried out, “Trouble has come; trouble came to visit my house, and I did not even know it. Who is this evil creature? Please tell me more about him.” From this time on, she connected Toyin’s hearing problems to the activities of the strange woman who carried her the previous night in church and the strange man who came to her bedside at home at noon. As Toyin recounted, “I lost hearing in both ears, but was amazingly still able to talk.” While it was apparent that she had completely lost her hearing, her parents denied her deafness. As her mother said at that time, “how can anyone say my daughter is deaf when she is still able to speak Yoruba? In our culture,

Postlingually Acquired Deafness: Challenges and Language Adaptation

67

everyone knows that the deaf do not speak.” With such reasoning, her parents insisted she was not deaf, believing that her condition was temporary. Several attempts were made by her parents to restore her hearing. For example, she saw an oyinbo (white) doctor who examined her and pronounced her deaf. The doctor had special equipment (hearing aids) that helped her to hear each time she visited the hospital. It worked like magic. Unfortunately, she was not allowed to take the equipment home. The hospital used it for testing hearing. No one could own it. In the 1970s, hearing aids were unavailable to the general deaf population in Africa. Today, hearing aids are available, but unaffordable. The average cost of hearing aids ranges from $1,000 to $4,000 (US dollar). In Nigeria, where the family income may be less than $2.00 (US dollar) a day, this money is better spent on food than hearing aids. When the doctor failed to solve the problem, her parents turned to the alternative – spiritual healing. They visited many spiritual houses; they saw many ‘powerful’ native and church healers. But none was able to restore her hearing. The miracle of it all was that she continued to talk. “I was so amazed that I could still talk in spite of my hearing loss,” recounted Toyin. “I remember thinking: shame on the strange woman and man; they could not steal my voice,” she said. The fact that her language remained gave her courage to continue to hope for the restoration of her hearing. Meanwhile, she decided to make the most of her present condition. She continued speaking Yoruba and the little English she had learned in school. She also sang from memory, and danced to the tunes of music she already knew. In Yoruba culture, everyone knows that the deaf do not speak. Her ability to use speech was a major consolation to her family. Surely, no one could associate their daughter’s case with the usual ‘sin-wrath’ cause and effect linked to disability. That was a big relief. 3.4.2 “Listening and hearing with my eyes”: reading lips and reading gestures How does one adjust to understanding one’s language after deafness? “After the initial excitement of knowing that my speech was still intact, I realized that I had to ¿nd a way to ¿gure out what other people were saying,” said Toyin. The strategies she used were lip or speech reading and watching for visual cues such as facial expression or gestures of the hand. As she puts it, “I learned to listen and hear with my eyes. I became a specialist in ¿guring out speech by looking at the movement of the lips and the mouth.” “You have to be attentive, very alert to be a lip reader. You need to quickly ¿gure out the context clues too,” she added. For example, when she goes to the market with her mother, people talk about money a lot. So, when she lip-reads, and someone says owo!

68

Deafness, Societal Attitude, and Language Adaptation

“money,” she interprets that as money, not OwO! hand; although these two have slightly different vowels, they look exactly the same to a Yoruba lip-reader. Lip-reading was quite challenging initially for Toyin because she soon discovered that many Yoruba words look the same on the lips, for example, ba~ba! ‘father,’ ma~ma! ‘mother,’ pa~pa! ‘walking stick.’ However, she soon realized that the language is gesture-rich and that people rarely talk without pointing to speci¿c objects or acting out what they are saying. She could not believe her eyes: people engage in double or triple talk all the time, speaking with the mouth, speaking with the hand, and speaking with the eyes. She loves “eye talk.” People use it a lot when gossiping and engaging in other secret talk. This was something she did not notice when she listened with her ears. All these discoveries were really good for her initial rehabilitation. Toyin’s story illustrates how a language with a strong connection between spoken language and gestures is well-equipped to take care of the communication needs of its postlingually deafened population. Yoruba is an example of such a language. It has three primary speech modalities. First, there is the mouth – fifi e¢nu so¢~ro¢~, ‘using the mouth to speak.’ The second is the hand – fi!fi o¢wo!¢ so¢~ro¢~ ‘using the hand to speak.’ The third is the eyes/face – fi!fi oju! so¢~ro~¢ ‘using the eyes/face to speak.’ Fifi e¢nu so¢~ro¢~ primarily means the acoustic linguistic activity of the mouth. F i!fi o¢wo!¢ so¢~ro¢~ is hand gesturing, and fi!fi oju! so¢~ro~¢ is eye or face talk. This contrasts sharply with languages such as English. In English, to speak of “eye language” or “hand language” is to use “language” in a somewhat extended sense. Most often, this two-way presentation of language, speaking and gesturing, help her to understand what she described as “Àapping mouths;” that is, the mouths of people who talk fast. It is much easier to understand careful talkers; that is, people who don’t rush through their speech. She also discovered that it is challenging to read lips when people are eating and talking at the same time. From the postlingually deafened individual’s viewpoint, the combination of speech articulation and mouth movement for chewing food distorts lip reading. Other people whose lips are hard to read are men with moustaches, those with dental deformities, especially people with protruding teeth, people who stammer, those with long tongues who tend to lisp because their tongues interfere with sound production, and those who like to gossip with a hand covering part of their mouths. In trying to understand this set of people, she is forced to strain her eyes, looking for all sorts of contextual clues to make sense of what they are saying. She does not want to talk “off topic.” Talking off topic is very embarrassing. For reasons of avoiding humiliation, she just smiles and walks away from potentially embarrassing contexts.

Postlingually Acquired Deafness: Challenges and Language Adaptation

69

The worst interlocutor is someone who intentionally talks behind her back. Some mean children did that in school to ridicule her. They would stand behind her and yell out a word. Then they will tap her and ask, “What did I just say?” They would often taunt her in this fashion during recess because they were jealous of the teachers’ kindness to her. Since losing her hearing, she has come to understand the expression “talking behind one’s back” in a new way. People called her “the beautiful one.” During her teenage years, there were several boys who liked her. The hearing loss was not much of a problem for dating. Since she is beautiful and can talk, she had a number of admirers. There was a particular (hearing) boy who really liked her, and she liked him too. The only problem was he preferred to talk to her at twilight in the night market. However, she turned down the invitation because it is awfully hard to lip-read in the dark. The best setting for lip-reading is a well-lit place. The easiest speech to lip-read is the speech of a careful speaker whose face is directly turned to a postlingually deafened person. 3.4.3 Life at School for the Deaf Toyin’s years of childhood went by so quickly. When she lost her hearing, she was in primary 2 (second grade) at a regular school; that is, a school with only hearing children. Life was challenging, but she persevered until primary 4 (fourth grade). Her teachers talked and gestured a lot, which was a big help. However, theoretical and abstract topics in math and science were hard to grasp, and she started to lag behind. So, her parents were advised to register her at one of the new Deaf schools in Ogun state. Again, there was some reluctance on her parents’ part to associate her with anything deaf. After much persuasion, they allowed her to explore this option. Surprisingly, life was exciting at the new school. She met other postlingually deafened children, which helped her to continue speaking Yoruba. She was also able to eavesdrop with her eyes by reading the lips of the hearing teachers. Sometimes, she picked up some “juicy teacher news,” such as dating and ¿ghting news: “teacher A and B are in love; they are going out tonight,” or “teacher A and B are ¿ghting over teacher C because she is so cute.” She shared such news with other deaf children, which made her popular. She also made friends with congenitally deaf children who had never heard or spoken Yoruba. She learned the local Yoruba Sign Language (YSL) from them. She found YSL quite easy to learn because it has much in common with the gestures used by hearing people. For example, YSL words for body parts are signed by pointing to speci¿c body parts. In addition, verbs which pertain to a body part are formed by movement targeting the body part. To illustrate,

70

Deafness, Societal Attitude, and Language Adaptation

the YSL sign for “EAR” is an index ¿nger pointing to the lobe of one ear while the sign for the verb “LISTEN” is formed by using the index and thumb to pull the lobe of one ear at least two times. The images illustrating EAR and LISTEN appear below: (1)

EAR

Ear versus Listen

LISTEN

Another set of examples can be seen in the formation of words created by targeting the mouth. For example, the word “MOUTH” is signed by pointing to the mouth, the noun “FOOD” is a bunched hand placed on the mouth (that is, ¿ngers are placed together and brought incontact with the mouth), while the verb “EAT” is signed by tapping the bunched hand on the mouth at least twice. Other mouth-based signs are “QUIET,” which is signed by placing the index ¿nger across closed lips, as if putting a lock on a door. The sign word for the verb TALK” is a three-step complex sign. First, a closed ¿st is placed beside the open mouth; secondly, the closed ¿st is pulled out and the hand raised up; and third, the closed ¿st is opened. The relevant images illustrating these words appear below. As exciting as learning YSL was, Toyin observed that teachers unfortunately discourage students from speaking it because it is rated as substandard compared to the Nigerian variety of the American Sign Language taught at the school. For example, YSL words such as MALE/FATHER and FEMALE/ MOTHER are described as “visibly sexual” and “embarrassing.” As shown

Postlingually Acquired Deafness: Challenges and Language Adaptation

(2)

71

Mouth-oriented words: MOUTH, FOOD, EAT, QUIET, TALK

MOUTH

FOOD TALK

EAT

QUIET

below, MALE/FATHER is signed by placing a closed ¿st on the crotch, and FEMALE/MOTHER is signed by placing a closed ¿st on each breast: (3)

YSL words for MALE/ FATHER and FEMALE/MOTHER

72

Deafness, Societal Attitude, and Language Adaptation

Apart from the supposed “crudeness” of YSL, it is rejected by teachers because it does not have an international status like ASL. The most serious disadvantage of YSL is that it lacks educational resources needed for educating the deaf. For these reasons, new students are instructed to embrace ASL and discontinue their use of YSL. Nonetheless, the Yoruba deaf continue to use YSL outside the school setting when communicating with people who do not speak ASL. Another interesting fact she discovered is that congenitally deafened people also talk, albeit in a limited way. For instance, as they sign or gesture, they vocalize simultaneously. The words vocalized are those whose sounds can be readily read off the lips, for example, baba ‘father’, funfun ‘white’, and kpO~ ‘many.’ “The deaf can talk! Mother needs to see this,” she said to herself when she ¿rst discovered it. This discovery led her to start a deaf choir in school. She taught members basic songs of praise to God such as:

Postlingually Acquired Deafness: Challenges and Language Adaptation

(4)

baba baba baba baba, E Se o baba E Se o baba

73

“father, father, father” “father, thank you father” “thank you father”

They were taught basic dancing steps to dance to the tune of the song. They were taught the differences between a slow and fast tempo song and how to dance appropriately to each rhythm. I saw a deaf choir perform once during my research. The performance clearly debunks the old myth that the deaf do not sing or dance. This event shows how an individual with postlingual deafness can help the congenitally deafened population bridge the gap between the hearing and deaf world. An unfortunate family emergency caused Toyin’s family to move from Ogun state to Ondo state where she continued her education at the school for the Deaf in Akure¢. She excelled at the school. After graduation, she was hired as an assistant teacher. Her family was thrilled to see her succeed. The experiences described here illustrate how a good education can help provide a strong foundation for the future career and the emotional and social development of the deaf. 3.4.4 “I miss hearing my language”: the challenges of mothering hearing children Toyin later met her husband who was born a hearing child, but lost his hearing very early in life before he could acquire language. Born to hearing parents, he longed for a family that would allow him to continue to interact well with the hearing world. He found the ful¿llment of that hope in Toyin. After about a year of dating, they got married and decided to raise a family. When she became pregnant, her mother gave her lessons on how to avoid endangering her baby during pregnancy. Some of the forbidden rules according to Yoruba culture are: (5)

Some pregnancy-based rules and taboos a.

Make sure you don’t fall because that can cause prematurity, which can lead to deafness and other disabilities.

b.

Avoid loud noise around you – that can cause deafness too.

c.

Do not sleep on your back so that the Àuid in the amniotic sac surrounding the baby may not get into the baby’s eyes, leading to visual problems or blindness.

74

Deafness, Societal Attitude, and Language Adaptation

d.

Do not take any photograph to avoid the depression of seeing your over-bloated tummy during pregnancy. Depression can harm you and the baby.

e.

Do not eat green plantain to avoid dif¿culties during childbirth.

f.

Do not walk about in the hot sun or at night, to avoid having the baby in your womb being replaced by another baby from evil spirits. Never go out at midnight for this is when evil spirits are most active.

g.

Do not allow anyone other than your husband to cross your legs while sitting; otherwise, your baby will look exactly like the person who crossed your legs, and you will be accused of in¿delity.

h.

Do not eat straight from the traditional cooking pot to avoid having a baby with excessively dark buttocks.

i.

Do not eat snails to avoid giving birth to a baby who spits all the time.

j.

Do not eat snake meat to avoid having a baby who crawls on his or her chest.

k.

Do not drink straight from the bottle to avoid giving birth to a drunkard.

l.

Do not sleep on your belly to avoid killing your unborn child.

m.

Do not have sexual interaction during pregnancy because it can cause prematurity.

Tough as the rules sound, she made an effort to obey them because she desperately wanted to have a healthy hearing baby. Finally, the baby arrived, well-formed and healthy. Most importantly, the baby was not deaf. There was much joy in the family. The baby was given a name on the seventh day after birth. Her mother stayed to help for a couple of weeks, and then headed back to the village. However, as she soon learned, there is much anxiety about catering for the needs of a child when a parent is hearing-impaired. It is tough to be a deaf mother. She recounted the following, somewhat emotionally: “Being a mother was quite challenging initially. I had to check my baby all the time to make sure he was ¿ne. I knew neither I nor my husband could hear a thing, and I was very concerned about not hearing our baby’s cry. One day, my husband and I were asleep and our baby cried continuously for over an hour. My poor child

Postlingually Acquired Deafness: Challenges and Language Adaptation

75

was wailing his heart out until a neighbor forced our door open and woke us up.” Toyin recounted several instances of sleeping through the night while her baby cried. On each occasion, her neighbors forced the door open to wake her up. Eventually, they just left their door unlocked in the night so that the “good Samaritan” neighbors can come in to wake her up whenever they hear her baby cry. She became extremely anxious and consequently developed insomnia: “How can you sleep when you know that deafness stands in the way of hearing the cry of your own child when you are asleep?” – she asked. Caring for the needs of her hearing children opened the old wound of deafness. “I hate being deaf!” she told her husband, and he de¿nitely agreed. She wishes her hearing can be restored so that she can listen to her children’s voices. Other deaf women that I met during my research – Jo¢se¢, Bo¢se¢, Bo¢la – have the same desire, the desire to regain their hearing ability just for the purpose of hearing the sound of their own children’s voices. Apeke¢’s experience is more traumatic than Toyin’s. Like Toyin, she is deaf and is married to a deaf man. Her ¿rst son died while she and her husband were deeply asleep. Neighbors heard Apeke¢’s son crying for an extended period of time. Some neighbors tried to help. They knocked and knocked and tried to force the door open, but failed in all of their efforts. All of a sudden, the boy became quiet, and they assumed he had been attended to. But sadly, he died. Since that incident, each time she gives birth to a baby, she lives with her parents until the child is at least three years old. Now she has four healthy hearing children. How do those who become deaf postlingually cope with the challenge of presenting their hearing children with a suf¿ciently rich linguistic environment to learn language? Like hearing parents, Toyin talks to her children. “I spoke to my children from day one. I sing lullabies to calm them down when they are upset or when I want them to sleep,” said Toyin. As is customary among the Yoruba, she carries her children on her back and performs special dance steps while singing lullabies such as: (6)

Baby Lullabies a.

fE!mi nkO o? o! wa~ nile! o o! su~n jaburata si! ya~ra! o

where is Femi? He is at home He is fast asleep in the room

b.

o! ti to! o ma! sunku!n o

hush, it is enough do not cry

76

Deafness, Societal Attitude, and Language Adaptation

However, she realizes that her spoken language is not suf¿cient for her children. She has received linguistic assistance from family and friends. In fact, in all the cases that I encountered, family, friends and neighbors are the only support group available to help ¿ll the language gap. “When I became deaf and learned sign language, I thought that I now have a new family – a family of sign language users. However, when my daughter was born a hearing child, my husband I knew we had to give her the opportunity to acquire spoken Yoruba and English, the two major languages in our region. Being deaf, we knew we needed help, which our family, friends and neighbors have so graciously provided. This situation made us realize how intertwined and interdependent the society is, and how we really still needed the hearing world,” said Bo¢se¢, another postlingually-deafened woman. “My mother had to move in to live with us, and she is committed to staying until our son is linguistically independent,” said another woman. These women are thankful for their extended family, friends and neighbors who are constantly watching out for them and their children. These experiences show that deafened parents with hearing children have three crucial needs. The ¿rst is the issue of awareness. In southwestern Nigeria, people relate deafness to the wrath of the gods but this is essentially a religious explanation. The medical cause of deafness, especially the form that occurs postlingually, is still largely unknown. As the records of O¢bafemi Awolo¢wo¢ University Audiology Clinic show, hearing loss is now prevalent among the Yoruba. This new development needs to be publicized, and an awareness program needs to be put in place to make the hearing population aware of the crucial linguistic needs of the deaf and their hearing children. The second is the issue of support. Although the government is not currently involved in assisting this minority group, the local communities can formalize the existing structure of support given by family, friends, and neighbors. Community support groups can meet in community centers, schools or religious venues such as churches to provide information on this disability and the needs, teach coping skills, and provide a place for people to share common concerns and receive emotional support. There are several bene¿ts for establishing such support groups. First, deaf parents will have the opportunity to express their feelings and challenges openly in a support group. Second, they will enjoy the encouragement and support of their peers as well as other group supporters. Thirdly, they will learn new things about their disability, and will have the opportunity to share helpful tips with others. The third issue is that of speech therapy and the need to train linguistic workers, which will be addressed in Chapter Eight.

Postlingually Acquired Deafness: Challenges and Language Adaptation

77

3.4.5 “Ears are like kidneys, you can indeed live well with only one”: hearing with one ear Given that a medical solution for deafness is not a commonplace in this part of the world, many hope for a miracle. The deaf in southwestern Nigeria believe in miracles. “We have proof for it,” I was told. On one occasion, I was introduced to Ayo¢dele, a young man who became deaf postlingually at the age of twelve. He had a lot in common with Toyin. Like Toyin’s parents, his parents visited the hospitals and spiritual houses, looking for ways of having his hearing restored, but he remained profoundly deaf. He continued to speak Yoruba, and used lip-reading and gestures to communicate. He later learned Yoruba Sign Language and Nigerian American Sign Language at the School of the Deaf. One day, a signi¿cant event occurred. In the tenth year of his deafness, Ayo¢dele’s hearing was miraculously restored. Suddenly, he could hear people’s voices through his right ear. He could not believe it: he can hear again! He is still deaf in the left ear. While deaf, he recounted how he was told that he “talked funny, mispronounced words, said mushy-sounding words, and spoke with a hoarse voice or spoke too loudly.” His mother was the ¿rst to bring the degeneration in his language to his attention. “Why are you talking in a sloppy, unintelligible way? Is it because you now go to a deaf school?” she asked. He assured his mother that the deaf school cannot change his speech because he is still able to speak Yoruba with hearing teachers and other postlingually deafened students. Whenever he visited during the holidays, his mother was always concerned about the lack of clarity with which he said some words. But, he did not think his speech had changed at all. However, when hearing was restored in his right ear, he realized that his language had changed, just like his mother said. The more he listened to other people, the more his articulation improved. Now, his linguistic competence is fully restored. As he told me, “it is de¿nitely true that one loses one’s language gradually after deafness.” The experience of Ayo¢dele con¿rms the ¿nding of K. Stevens et al (1998 – 2009), a team that has been conducting experiments with normal hearing people and postlingually deafened adults who receive cochlear implants at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. The experiments measure the effects of the implants on speech in recordings made before implantation and up to two years after, as speakers’ auditory acuity evolves. The results so far show that auditory feedback is crucial in generating the appropriate articulatory movements needed for speech. As recounted by Toyin, “my friend, Ayo¢dele is truly fortunate. He was once deaf like me but miraculously, one of his ears opened up. Now, he hears again.

78

Deafness, Societal Attitude, and Language Adaptation

I didn’t know one ear is suf¿cient for hearing. Ears are like kidneys, you can indeed live well with only one.” I thought about that for a while. Ears are like kidneys? Yes, I suppose, they look alike. That is interesting. It is a well-known fact that one kidney is capable of performing the normal functions of both kidneys. When one of the kidneys is removed the remaining kidney takes on or does the work of both the kidneys. People born with one kidney and those who donate a kidney for transplantation also lead a normal healthy life if the remaining kidney is healthy and functional. Thus, a person with one kidney can survive as long as people with two kidneys. Beginning with the pioneering work of E. Potter (1946), modern medicine has indeed found evidence for the kidney–ear connection (Kohelet and Arbel 2000, Izzedine, Tankere, Launav-Vacher and Derav 2003, etc.). During the physical development of the fetus, both the ear and kidney develop around the 5th to 8th week of pregnancy. Thus, a genetic problem in coordinating development at that time, or a non-genetic problem, such as an infection, might affect the development of both areas at the same time. When seen through the microscope, the kidney and the cochlea of the inner ear have some very similar membranes which are held together with a substance called collagen. These membranes are similar in function and in structure. In both cases, these membranes help maintain the chemical balance of the Àuids of the kidney and inner ear. Because of similar molecular structure, they can be damaged by the same drugs. The cochlea and the kidney membranes tend to deteriorate over time, leading to progressively worse kidney problems and worsening hearing. Interestingly, correction of the kidney problems by transplantation sometimes halts the progression of the hearing loss. “Living well with only one ear” – that is another food for thought. In Ayo¢dele’s case, hearing was restored in his right ear. But does it matter if hearing is restored in the left versus the right ear? The restoration of the right ear is certainly preferred among the Yoruba because it is considered the key entry point for speech: when a word enters through the right ear of a person, it is understood and acted upon; however, if a word enters through the right ear and exits through the left ear (O~rO~ to! gba et¸! O~tu!n wOle!, to! gba to~s¸~ ja!de), then, the word has fallen on deaf ears. The Yoruba view is in accord with one of the best known asymmetries in speech processing: in humans, the right ear is the dominant ear for listening to verbal stimuli, which is believed to reÀect the brain’s left hemisphere superiority for processing verbal information (Tomatis 1996). The left hemisphere of the brain contains the primary processing centers for the emotions, hearing, speech, speech comprehension, and language comprehension. The left side of our brain is connected to the right side of our body. Thus, our right ear has the

Postlingually Acquired Deafness: Challenges and Language Adaptation

79

more direct connection to the auditory processing centers. If the right ear is dominant, it channels sound directly to these centers. The channeling of speech through the right ear helps people to be able to better process what they hear, and they have better a emotional response. On the other hand, if the left ear is dominant, two problems arise. First, the sounds from the left ear go ¿rst to the right brain hemisphere, and must then cross the corpus collosum connecting the two brain hemispheres to get to the language centre in the left hemisphere. This delays sound reaching the brain by a fraction of a second, causing auditory confusion and possible stuttering or dyslexia. Second, someone who is left ear dominant relates to sound principally through low frequencies with wavelengths between 35m and 140m, which results in them feeling distanced from the source of the sound. This imparts a feeling of isolation from people one is trying to communicate with. 3.4.6 Hearing aids and language preservation This section begins with the story of Olu, who suffered a hearing loss in her 20s after she took Gentamicin, a strong antibiotic prescribed by a physician to treat a life-threatening infection she had after having her baby prematurely. Following the use of this drug, she lost hearing in both ears. This was like rubbing salt in a wound. First, she lost her baby, then she got sick because of the infection, and now she has hearing loss. These experiences were devastating. Since her hearing loss condition was rooted in medicine, she was skeptical about going to the hospital to look for a solution. “Maybe they will make my situation worse again,” she thought. Eventually, she was persuaded by her husband to give it a try. She did. Fortunately, the loss was diagnosed early and she was able to afford hearing aids which have helped restore her hearing. This remedy has allowed her to live a normal linguistic life. She does not ‘talk funny’ or mispronounce words. She counts herself fortunate to have the means to purchase hearing aids and maintain them. Maintenance, buying batteries and servicing the equipment can be quite expensive. A number of people in Nigeria and Africa have hearing aids but cannot maintain the equipment. Some are forced to abandon their hearing aids, consequently succumbing to deafness. It was the experience of Wale, the father of a six-year-old boy deafened at three by unknown causes, that ¿rst drew my attention to the problem of hearing aids maintenance. When Wale’s son who was already acquiring language suddenly became deaf at three, his family was completely devastated. The little boy became very frustrated, not understanding why he lost his hearing. He often had temper tantrums, and vented his frustration by crying, screaming, and violent body

80

Deafness, Societal Attitude, and Language Adaptation

motions. When he was examined at the audiology clinic, the doctor recommended getting hearing aids. The cheapest conventional hearing aids were $1000 with battery costs typically $1.50 cents per week. The family income was about $30 a month. How will the need be taken care of? There seemed to be no way. When he ¿rst attempted to raise money for the equipment, some colleagues called his attention to the widely held belief that hearing aids tend to worsen hearing loss in Africa. For this reason, he was advised not to waste his time and money. Several months after the incident, his son still tried to communicate via speech but he was becoming unintelligible. Meanwhile, the tantrums increased. He became desperate to ¿nd a way to purchase hearing aids to help his son. He looked everywhere for money: he took several loans from family and friends, some people from church contributed their widow’s mite, and some colleagues chipped in a little something. Eventually, the required amount was raised, and the miracle equipment was purchased. It made a whole world of difference. Wale’s son could hear again; he became a happy boy again. Soon, he faced other challenges: maintenance. First is the cost of batteries. The maximum battery life was ¿ve days, so he had to purchase at least six batteries per month, which consumed about one quarter of the family income. A few times, the equipment got damaged because the little boy pulled them out of his ears and played with them. Sometimes, the damage was caused by the fact that he pulled them out forcefully in noisy environments. Hearing aids amplify noise, which could be very uncomfortable, and sometimes cause headaches. This created the second problem: repairs. Each time, Wale had to travel the long distance to Lagos to repair the equipment because of the lack of service points locally in Ondo State. The return journey to Lagos often took several days resulting in several days of temper tantrum for his son. Repairing hearing aids was a big expense and very inconvenient. When the ¿nancial hardship grew worse, Wale and his wife sat down to count the cost of hearing aids. One, the equipment was draining the resources needed for food. Two, the lenders want their money back, the hundreds of dollars that he borrowed to purchase the equipment. Three, the frequency with which they have had to take the equipment away for repairs and servicing have caused more emotional harm than good for their son. They decided that the time to abandon the hearing aids had come. They chose to educate their son at the Deaf School instead. At the school, they met several parents who had the same story – the story of succumbing to deafness due to ¿nancial hardship and the inconvenience of maintaining hearing aids.

Chapter 4 Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description In Chapter 3, we read about the challenges resulting from postlingual deafness and how the conventionalized gestural system of the Yoruba makes communication after deafness easier to handle. Another important strategy used in the linguistic rehabilitation of deafened speakers is the acquisition of Yoruba Sign Language (YSL), an indigenous sign language, which has its roots in the gesture system of the spoken language. Although YSL has much in common with conventional Yoruba gestures, through the years, it has developed its own phonology, morphology, and syntax as deaf people interact in groups in public domains such as markets and religious settings. Through interaction with other deaf people who already speak YSL, postlingually deafened speakers acquire YSL. This chapter provides a description of the basic properties of YSL.

4.1

Background

Yoruba Sign Language is the language used by deaf people in Yoruba-speaking areas of Nigeria. In many ways, YSL is similar to conventionalized gestures used by the hearing population. Yoruba people use an extremely rich conventionalized gestural system to communicate in daily conversation. For instance, greeting is expressed through body actions. Gestured greeting can show submission, respect, affection, and so on. Thus, children show submission to their parents through kneeling (girls kneel) or prostration (boys prostrate) during greeting. As already mentioned in Chapter 2, gestured greeting is gender-based: girls and women kneel while boys and men prostrate themselves. The gendered gestures are also the signs for GREETINGS (RESPECT), as shown below:

82

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

Figure 1.

A robust corpus of gestured pointing is also observed in everyday situations among hearing and deaf speakers. As shown by Orie (2009), several body parts are used for pointing: hand, lip, nose, and eyes. Several socio-cultural rules govern the use of these body parts in pointing. For example, although pointing with the right hand is ubiquitous, any form of pointing with the left hand is considered taboo. Furthermore, it is considered rude for a younger person to point directly to an older person using the index ¿nger. Deaf people are sensitive to this cultural constraint; consequently, they use the whole hand to point to older people, but when they are upset, the index ¿nger point is used. The two hand points are illustrated with the 2nd person pronoun YOU, as follows:

YOU (RESPECT)

Figure 2.

YOU (INFORMAL)

Background

83

Another signi¿cant point of overlap is the use of body touch, which involves the speaker directly touching the referent’s arm or shoulder. Whole hand body touch is used for identi¿cation if the deaf speaker does not know the name of the referent.1 A whole hand which is used to tap the body of the referent twice is used to get attention. The two types of body touch signs are illustrated in Figure 3.

THIS ONE

TO GET ATTENTION

1 2

Figure 3.

1. The Yoruba Deaf give names to people based on each person’s personal traits. The construction is expressed as WOMAN or MAN plus the unique personal trait of the person, for example, WOMAN FAT, WOMAN PROTRUDING TEETH, WOMAN DIMPLES.

84

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

Over the years, YSL has developed from the conventionalized gesture system through the interaction of deaf people when they meet in public spaces, mostly in markets and religious places, such as churches and mosques. In modern times, deaf schools also provide a forum for YSL use and enrichment. For example, new students use YSL (or “the local sign language” as it is commonly called by the Deaf) to communicate until they learn the Nigerian ASL, which is the of¿cial language of deaf schools. There are two de¿ning characteristics of sign languages. First, they are gestural-visual rather than oral-auditory (Baker 1976a). The second is iconicity. In sign languages, signs and gestures tend to bear some visual relationship to their referent. In American Sign Language (ASL), OLD, for instance, is signed by pulling the ¿st down from the chin (as if stroking one’s beard). The beard in this case stands for age (Schlesinger et al. 1970, Battison 1971). Although iconicity is quite common in sign languages, research has shown that only a third of the vocabulary of an adult deaf person can be called iconic (Klima and Bellugi 1976, Boyen-Braem 1995). As argued extensively by Frishberg and Gough (1973), many arbitrary items are attested in sign languages. In ASL, the forehead represents ‘masculine,’ the cheek represents ‘feminine,’ and the hand-shape morpheme signed as horns symbolizes ‘deceit’ The fact that both arbitrary and iconic signs coexist in ASL (and other sign languages) shows that sign languages exhibit the same kind of phenomena that are so familiar from the study of spoken languages (Frischberg 1975, Klima and Bellugi 1979, Boyes-Braem 1995,Taub 2001, Eccarius and Brentari 2010). YSL exhibits many features attested in sign languages of the world. First, like any natural sign language, YSL has iconic and arbitrary features. Some iconic signs may be called universal signs since they are almost identical in many sign languages (Schmaling 2000). For example, the word THINK is signed by using the extended index ¿nger or the whole hand to touch the forehead twice.

Figure 4.

Background

85

The sign for THINK in other sign languages are similar, for example, Israeli Sign Language (Meir and Sandler 2008), Hausa Sign Language (Schmaling 2000), American Sign Language (Klima and Bellugi 1979), and others. Other iconic signs are not universal but culture-based. For example, the sign word for YORUBA illustrates the culture of facial scari¿cation, used by the Yoruba for lineage identi¿cation (Johnson 1921, Orie in press). This sign has two components. First, the right hand is used to swipe the lower right cheek horizontally. Second, the same hand is used to swipe the upper right cheek

YORUBA

1

2

3 (Abbreviated version of 1 and 2)

Figure 5.

86

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

vertically. The combination of these signs depicts a combination of a~ba~ja~ (horizontal marks) and pe!le! (vertical marks) two of the unique facial scari¿cation marks etched into the cheeks of Yoruba people to identify their kinship af¿liations. The sign word for YORUBA is shown below in Figure 5. The image labeled (1) represents the horizontal component of YORUBA and the image labeled (2) represents the vertical component. The image labeled (3) is the shortened version of (1) and (2). This truncated version is used in fast YSL speech. Arbitrary signs occur as well. Examples are FRIEND (signed by interlocking the two index ¿ngers) and SPOUSE (signed by interlocking the little ¿nger and the index ¿nger). One may try to ¿nd some underlying relationship between form and meaning in these signs. For instance, the interlocking component may be interpreted as ‘agreement,’ or ‘intertwined lives’ but the meaning ‘friend’ or ‘spouse’ is not readily apparent from these signs.

Figure 6.

Contrasting Yoruba co-speech gesture and Yoruba Sign Language

87

Although YSL is a language in its own right, to date, there is no description of it. In order to ¿ll this gap, this section provides a descriptive analysis of some aspects of the phonology, morphology and syntax of the language. I begin by showing some structural differences between conventionalized gestures and YSL. Then, I describe aspects of YSL phonology (contrastive hand shapes, location of signs and movement patterns), morphology (compounding, reduplication, and truncation) and syntax (word order, negation and questions).

4.2

Contrasting Yoruba co-speech gesture and Yoruba Sign Language

People who speak verbal languages communicate through a “blending” (Sidnell 2010) of multiple modalities – speech, gesture, and posture. As detailed in work such as Orie (2009), Yoruba speakers communicate through the blending of three modalities – the mouth, the hand, and the eyes/face. These modalities have always been with the Yoruba, and a competent speaker is Àuent in all three. A speaker who is competent in only the spoken language is considered incompetent – Eni t¸! ko~ moÔu! t¸! ko~ mOra “one who does not understand face talk, who does not understand body talk: a clueless person.” An accurate blending of verbal and non-verbal modalities results in semantic precision and unambiguous utterances. One signi¿cant overlap between gestures and sign languages is that they share the same articulators, for example, hands, lips, eyes and so on. This raises the question of how to distinguish between the two in a language: how does one go about de¿ning what is gestural and what is signed (Quinto-Pozos 2002)? This section addresses this issue, and shows that gesture and sign systems do indeed overlap in Yoruba, but differ in three major ways. First, whereas Yoruba gestures exhibit much variation, YSL structure is stricter in its enforcement of rules. The second structural contrast involves the use of pointing space when gesturing or signing pronouns. The third difference is that YSL uses a relatively large proliferation of locations, including ones below the waist whereas gestured Yoruba does not. 4.2.1 Gestures and YSL Similarity: Pointing Pointing illustrates articulator overlap in gestures and YSL. There are two major pointing types: manual and non-manual pointing. Manual pointing are points produced with hand and ¿ngers; non-manual points are those produced with other body parts, lip, nose, shoulder, head and so on. Many manual and non-manual pointings used by hearing and deaf Yoruba speakers are identical,

88

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

such as index-¿nger and hand pointing. The index-¿nger point is formed by extending the index ¿nger while other ¿ngers are retracted with the thumb resting on the middle ¿nger. This point is used to identify an object or place by showing its location from the deictic center. It varies in emphatic connotations in discourse (Wilkins 2003, Orie 2009). For example, the tighter the hold on the retraction of the non-index ¿ngers, the more emphatic the discourse. In addition, when a tightened index-¿nger point is accompanied by up and down hand movement, the referent is being warned.

YOU

WARNING

Figure 7.

Examples of additional pointing similarities are (i) using the index ¿nger to point out locations and long distance objects in the space in front of the speaker, (ii) using the thumb to point to objects, people or locations that are behind the speaker. It may also be used in pointing sideways, and (iii) using the wide hand vertical palm point, a point produced with one or two hands and vertically stationed in front of the referent to curse (Orie 2009) The next section discusses the differences between gestures and YSL. As will be shown, although both the gestural system and YSL are rule-governed, Yoruba gestures exhibit more variation than YSL. Furthermore, YSL has a larger signing space than Yoruba gestures. 4.2.2 Gestures and YSL Differences I illustrate the ¿rst structural difference by considering counting patterns. In gestured counting, the two hands are used to count. The numbers 1 – 5 are counted with one hand, and 6 – 10 are counted using the second hand. In addi-

Contrasting Yoruba co-speech gesture and Yoruba Sign Language

89

tion, counting begins with the little ¿nger, then the ring ¿nger, then the middle, index, and thumb. Each ¿nger (pinky, ring, middle, index, and thumb) is bent toward the palm of the right hand. Then the numbers 6 – 10 are derived by holding the already gestured number 5 and adding the numbers 1 – 5 to it by bending the ¿ngers of the other hand toward the palm, again beginning with the pinky and moving left to right to the thumb. Thus, 6 is 5+ 1 (pinky), 7 is 5 + 2 (pinky and ring), 8 is 5 + 3 (pinky, ring and middle), 9 is 5 + 4 (pinky, ring, middle and index), and 10 is 5 + 5 (the two hands held apart as ¿sts). This pattern is illustrated in Figure 10.

Figure 8. Gestured Counting 1 – 10

90

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

Another variant of gestured counting involves the use of the thumb as the counting stick. Thus, the number 1 is gestured by using the tip of the thumb to touch the tip of the little ¿nger; next the thumb tip touches the tip of the ring ¿nger for the number 2, then the middle ¿nger for number 3, the index ¿nger for number 4, and then the tip of the index ¿nger is used to count ¿ve – the thumb bends and the index ¿nger tip taps the thumb tip for the number ¿ve. The same process is repeated using the second hand to gesture 6 – 10. Additionally, the number ¿ve gestured ¿st must be held while the second hand is used to add the numbers 1 – 5 to it to derive the numbers 6 – 10. This variant is shown below.

Figure 9. Variant of Gestured Counting

Contrasting Yoruba co-speech gesture and Yoruba Sign Language

91

The third variant is derived by using the index ¿nger of the right hand to count 1 – 5 from the pinky of the left to the thumb. Then, 6 – 10 is formed by using the index ¿nger of the left hand to count 6 – 10 starting with the pinky of the right hand to the thumb. This pattern is illustrated in Figure 10 below.

Figure 10. Variant of Gestured Counting

92

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

Like gestured counting, YSL counting begins with the pinky of the right hand (1) and runs through the ring (2), middle (3), index (4) and the thumb (5). However, rather than bend counting ¿ngers toward the palm, each ¿nger is held up so that the hearer can see the sign. Further, in counting 6 – 10, the palm of the right hand is held up and 6 is formed by placing the pinky of the left hand on the right palm (5 + 1); the pinky and ring ¿ngers of the left hand are placed in the same position for 7 (5 + 2), and so on. Crucially, the two hands interact in YSL counting: the right hand is the articulator of 1 – 5, and the right hand is the place of articulation for the numbers 6 – 10. On the other hand, as shown for gestured Yoruba, the two hands do not interact in counting 1 – 10. 1 – 5 is gestured using the right hand, and 6 – 10 is formed using the left hand. YSL counting numbers are shown in Figure 11.

Figure 11. YSL Counting Numbers

Contrasting Yoruba co-speech gesture and Yoruba Sign Language

93

Cardinal numbers exhibit similar characteristics except for the choice of ¿ngers. As can be seen in Figure 12, the index ¿nger represents “¿rst”, the index and middle ¿ngers represent ”second”, the index, middle and ring stand for “third” the index, middle, ring and pinky represent “fourth” and all ¿ngers held up represent “¿fth”. “Sixth” is derived by placing the index ¿nger of the left hand on the right palm, “seventh” is formed by placing the left hand index and middle ¿ngers on the right palm, “eighth” is derived by combining the index, middle and ring and placing them on the right palm, the formation of “ninth” involves combining the index, middle, ring and pinky and putting them on the right palm, and ¿nally, “tenth” is derived by placing all ¿ve ¿nger digits of the two hand together.

Figure 12. YSL Cardinal Numbers

94

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

Numbers higher than 10 are derived using the principles of addition and multiplication. For instance, 15 is formed by signing 10 ¿rst and then adding 5 (10 + 5); 20 is derived by repeating 10 (10 × 2); 25 is formed by repeating the sign for 10 and adding 5 with either the right or left hand (10 × 2 + 5), as shown below in Figure 13:

Figure 13. Counting Beyond Ten

Contrasting Yoruba co-speech gesture and Yoruba Sign Language

95

The second structural difference involves the use of pointing space when gesturing or signing pronouns. The ¿rst person singular pronoun (subject/object) has the same form and meaning in gestured Yoruba and YSL, as it is derived by pointing the index ¿nger or the whole hand to the chest of the speaker (whole hand pointing is illustrated in Figure 14).

Figure 14.

However, the second and third person singular pronouns are different. In YSL, the second person pronoun is an index ¿nger or whole hand point to the space directly in front of the speaker (Figure 15, repeated from Figure 2):

YOU (RESPECT)

Figure 15.

YOU (INFORMAL)

96

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

The third person pronoun is signed by pointing to the side, left or right (Figure 16).

Figure 16.

On the other hand, in gestured Yoruba, the second and third person pronouns are formed by pointing away from the speaker. Because hearing speakers have the added advantage of speaking during gesturing, the second or third person can be positioned in front of, beside, or behind the speaker. The third difference is that YSL uses a relatively large proliferation of locations, including ones below the waist, whereas gestured Yoruba does not. For example, YSL counting in tens can be achieved either by multiplying the ¿ngers (Figure 13) and/or toes. In contrast, gestured Yoruba counting is hand-based. Thus, numbers beyond 10 are verbalized by hearing speakers, not gestured. Hand and feet counting in YSL is shown in Figure 17 below: Large Proliferation of Locations: Hands and Feet Counting

The phonology of YSL

97

Figure 17.

4.3

The phonology of YSL

Following Stokoe (1960), most researchers on sign languages consider the hand-shape, movement, and location of the hands as the building blocks of signs. This chapter describes the phonology of YSL. In particular, it describes phonological building blocks such as the articulators (for example, the hand), the use of dominant versus non-dominant hand, movement illustrating tenseness versus laxness of articulator, location types, and distinctiveness of hand-shapes. Because YSL is an offshoot of the multi-channeled mode of communication in Yoruba, non-manual signs are widespread. For example, the head, face, mouth and legs are active articulators in signing. It also discusses features attested in YSL, which are often non-existent in large Deaf communities such as the American Sign Language. These features are (i) a relatively large proliferation of locations, including ones below the waist and (ii) a large signing space. This pattern is attested in other sign languages with a small deaf

98

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

population (for example, Kendon, 1980a for Enga Sign Language in Papua New Guinea; Ferreiro-Brito, 1984 for Urubú-Kaapor Sign Language; Nyst 2007 for Adamorobe Sign Language in Ghana). 4.3.1 One- versus Two-Handed Signs Signs can be contrasted based on the use of one or two hands. For example, words for body parts are formed by pointing to the body part with the index ¿nger or whole hand. Consequently, body parts are one-handed signs. Figure 18 and Figure 19 illustrate this property.

Figure 18.

Figure 19.

These one-handed signs contrast with two-handed signs such as GIRL, signed by using the index and thumb of each hand to hold the two earlobes and TROUBLE, signed by placing each hand on the head:

Figure 20.

The phonology of YSL

99

Figure 21.

Emphatic meaning can be added to one-handed signs by using two-hands. For example, the verb LISTEN is emphasized by using the index and thumb of each hand to pull the earlobes twice:

Figure 22.

Figure 23.

100

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

4.3.2 Hand shapes Nine distinctive hand shapes are attested. The ¿rst is the straight index point, which can be a pronoun point (2nd or 3rd person) or a point for identifying an object in discourse. When the straight index is lax during person pointing, it is a regular point with no confrontational meaning implied. However, if it is tense, it is confrontational.

Figure 24.

Figure 25.

The tense index point is also used in the articulation of other words such as INTERCOURSE (Right Hand Tense Index inside a hole formed by Left Hand Thumb and Index tip contact) and FLIRT (movement of the INTERCOURSE sign in neutral space from left to right). The second is a hook-shaped index, which forms the word HERE or NOW (if placed directly in front of the speaker) and forms the word FUTURE when the hooked-index points away from the speaker.

Figure 26.

The phonology of YSL

101

Figure 27.

The third is the index and thumb tip, which are used to articulate words such as SALT (when both ¿nger tips are rubbed together) and TINY (when the index and thumb tip are ¿rmly pressed together)

Figure 28.

Figure 29.

The fourth is the index and middle ¿nger snap, which is used to create the words DAMN (one snap) and FAR (repeated snap).

102

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

Figure 30.

Figure 31.

The ¿fth is the index and middle ¿ngers used as co-articulators for PROTRUDING TEETH and URINATE, as follows

Figure 32.

The phonology of YSL

103

Figure 33.

The sixth is the thumb only, used to point to people and things behind the signer.

Figure 34.

The seventh hand shape is formed by combining (rubbing) the thumb tip and other ¿ngers tips, as in GRAIN. This hand shape is found in the sign CASSAVA FLOUR (ga~r¸!), YAM FLOUR (e~lu~bO!):

104

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

Figure 35.

CASSAVA FLOUR is derived by combining this hand shape (GRAIN) with a repeated Àat hand orientation movement from right to left (where all the ¿ngers are drawn and pulled to the side; see STRAIGHT PATH for more discussion of Àat hand orientation):

CASSAVA FLOUR

Figure 36.

YAM FLOUR is formed by combining GRAIN and symmetrical movement of sieving hands in neutral space, the derived word is YAM FLOUR:

The phonology of YSL

105

YAM FLOUR

Figure 37.

I note here that fanning and sieving hands in neutral space are iconic depictions of the ¿nal stage of the processing of these grains. CASSAVA FLOUR (ga~r¸!) is roasted in a large open pan, and is constantly turned over and over to ensure that its roasting is even. On the other hand, the ¿nal stage of the processing of YAM FLOUR (e~lu~bO!) involves sieving to remove the chaff of the Àour. The eighth is the whole hand point. When it is positioned directly front of the speaker, it is the variant of HERE/NOW, when it points away from the speaker, it is the alternate form of FUTURE, and when it is pointed toward the back of the speaker, it forms the word PAST or YESTERDAY:

Figure 38.

106

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

Figure 39.

Figure 40.

The ninth hand shape is the open spread out hand with left-to-right movement of hand, which represents plurality. The sign word for GIRLS is a combination of GIRL and PLURAL:

Figure 41.

The phonology of YSL

107

The alternative form of PLURAL is derived by mouthing the adjective kpO~ ‘many.’ Based on this alternate, GIRLS is articulated as follows:

Figure 42.

4.3.3 Location The following location types are attested: space, dominant-hand, non-dominant hand, head, face, body, and leg. Beginning with space, numbers 1 – 5 are articulated in space, but 6 – 10 are articulated on the dominant hand (right hand), as can be seen in the numerals repeated in Figure 43 for ease of reference. The non-dominant hand (left hand) serves as the location in signs such as MORE, QUICK and ACCEPT. As shown below, MORE is formed with a bunched dominant hand shape held from a palm up position and turned upside down into the non-dominant hand.

108

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

Figure 43.

Figure 44.

The phonology of YSL

109

QUICK is signed by using the back of the dominant hand’s open palm to tap the non-dominant hand twice:

Figure 45.

Figure 46.

The head is the location for signs such as HEAD (Figure 19), TROUBLE (Figure 21) and CRAZY, which is shown below:

Figure 47.

110

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

The face is used as the location for the sign ONDO (a Yoruba subgroup), depicted by tracing the facial scari¿cation of the ONDO people with the two index ¿ngers vertically from the upper cheek downward. This sign contrasts with the sign for TEAR represented as a two index vertical line tracing from the base of the eyes downward, as shown below:

Figure 48.

The phonology of YSL

111

Figure 49.

WOMAN and MAN are signs formed on the body. As shown below, MALE/ FATHER is signed by placing a closed ¿st on the crotch, and FEMALE/ MOTHER is signed by placing a closed ¿st on each breast:

Figure 50.

112

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

Figure 51.

4.3.4 Movement The movement of the articulator contributes to word contrastiveness in YSL. Movement can involve two hands contacting or pulling away from each other. Movement can also occur on the body or in space. Five patterns are attested: static, non-static, arch, circular, and straight. For example, the number TEN contrasts with the verb BEG (or PRAY) in terms of movement. TEN, formed by bringing the two hands together in a palm up, vertical position mode, is a static sign because movement of the hands does not occur once the hands come together. On the other hand, BEG involves the alternate up and down sliding of the each hand against the palm of the other hand:

The phonology of YSL

Figure 52.

Figure 53.

113

114

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

Signs such as CHEEK and DIMPLE illustrate the contrast between static and arc movement. These patterns are shown below:

Figure 54.

Figure 55.

The phonology of YSL

115

Another set of examples illustrating the contrastiveness of movement is PLURAL and STIR. PLURAL is a wide spread hand arc movement in the space in front of the speaker; this movement is from left to right. STIR is also signed in the space in front of the speaker with the same hand shape set in a circular motion:

PLURAL

Figure 56.

STIR

Figure 57.

The contrastiveness of straight and arch is seen in the signs HERE (or NOW) and STRAIGHT (LINE, PATH):

Figure 58.

116

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

Figure 59.

4.3.5 Non-manual articulators – head, mouth, face, nose, arm, leg Aside from manual (or hand) articulation of signs, the head or its parts (mouth, eyes, nose) may participate in the articulation of a sign. As shown for various sign languages, the mouth can be active in two ways. First, it can be used to produce sign words based on words in a spoken language. Secondly, it can be used to form words that are not based on spoken words (Boyes-Braem and Sutton-Spence, 2001, Schmaling 2000, Nyst 2007). The mouth is the articulator in the formation of words such as SURPRISE and GOSSIP. As shown in below, SURPRISE is formed with a wide-open mouth, and GOSSIP is derived by using the right hand to partially cover a Àapping mouth, that is, a mouth that is moving fast as it articulates sounds.

Figure 60.

The phonology of YSL

117

Examples of YSL mouth signs that are based on spoken words are given below: Spoken word kpO~ ‘many’ fNJfNJ ‘white’ baba ‘father’ mama omi ‘water’ mu ‘drink’ ElEyE! fo~ ‘witch Ày’

Mouth Gesture closing and opening of lips for production of [p] and [o] production of [f] and [u]

Sign MANY

mouthing of baba

FATHER

mouthing of mama production of [p] and [u] with gestured drinking production of [p] and [u] with repeated gestured drinking show of upper teeth for articulation of [fo] and arms spread out like bird wings depicting the Yoruba belief that witches project themselves into birds and Ày

MOTHER WATER

WHITE

DRINK WITCH

YSL uses the head nod (up and down) to produce the word YES, and NO is formed by a side to side movement of the whole head:

Figure 61.

Figure 62.

Most words that semantically denote contempt for something or lack of approval are articulated with a jerky upward movement of the nose, as in LIAR and BAD SMELL:

118

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

Figure 63.

BAD SMELL: nose squeeze and horizontal movement of a vertically positioned hand in front of the nose:

Figure 64.

The phonology of YSL

119

The two eyes are used to articulate and contrast words such as STOP and WORTHLESS. STOP is formed by looking at the reference and blinking sharply twice, and WORTHLESS is derived by looking at the reference and blinking twice and rolling the eyes, as shown below:

Figure 65.

Figure 66.

Articulators such as the arms are active in forming measurement-oriented words, such as YAM and BOTTLE. For example, the word for YAM is the right arm held up with the left hand from the elbow. An alternative form of YAM is signed by (i) stretching out the right arm and (ii) using the left hand

120

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

as an imaginary knife to peel the yam. BOTTLE is also a held up right arm but the left hand forms a lid for it by covering its top. These arm-based signs are shown below:

Figure 67. YAM (arm up)

Figure 68. YAM (right arm stretched out)

The phonology of YSL

121

Figure 69.

The word for DANCE is also articulated by dancing arms, and ARROGANCE is represented as angled arms, as follows:

Figure 70.

122

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

Figure 71.

The legs are the (co) articulators for words such as WALK, RUN, KICK, and SOCCER BALL, as depicted in these illustrations:

Figure 72.

Figure 73.

The Morphology of YSL

Figure 74.

123

Figure 75.

In summary, the data show similarities and divergences in the use of phonological building blocks of sign such as the hand-shape, movement, and location of the hand when used as an articulator. Furthermore, it describes non-manual signs involving articulators such as the head, face, nose, mouth and legs. Like other sign languages with a small deaf population (for example, Kendon, 1980a for Enga Sign Language in Papua New Guinea; Ferreiro-Brito, 1984 for Urubú-Kaapor Sign Language; Nyst 2007 for Adamorobe Sign Language in Ghana), YSL has a large signing space and a large proliferation of locations because non-manual signs are common and locations below the waist are used for signing.

4.4

The Morphology of YSL

This section examines YSL word structure and word formation. It will be shown that YSL has both monomorphemic and polymorphemic signs. Signs composed of more than one morpheme can be arranged sequentially or simultaneously. 4.4.1 Monomorphemic signs Monomorphemic signs are signs that cannot be analyzed into smaller meaningful units. For example, words for body parts (which as shown in 4.3.) are formed using a ¿nger or whole hand to point to the speci¿c body part. Some verbs are also monomorphemic. For example, simple verbs such as BRING and

124

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

COME. BRING is a lax index ¿nger moved in the direction of the speaker, and COME is a lax whole hand moved in the same direction:

Figure 76.

Figure 77.

4.4.2 Polymorphemic signs Some signs consist of two or more parts which have speci¿c meanings. For example plural nouns are signed by sequentially combining the singular noun sign and the sign PLURAL. For example, GIRLS is a bimorphemic word signed by (i) touching the earlobes and (ii) waving the spread out ¿ngers of the two hands representing plurality.

Figure 78.

The Morphology of YSL

125

The same word can be derived by simultaneously combining GIRL with the mouthed word MANY:

Figure 79.

The sequential and simultaneous combination of a noun and PLURAL is compounding. Agentives (one who does X, owner of X) are also formed through compounding. For example, one who sells grains is a sequential combination of WOMAN and GRAINS, which illustrates the cultural tendency for grain sellers to be female. The relevant sign is given below:

Figure 80.

126

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

On the other hand, “one who sells yams” can be a combination of WOMAN (see Figure 51) or MAN (see Figure 50) and YAM: Figure 81 illustrates female SELLER of YAMS:

Figure 81.

4.4.3 Other Morphological Processes Apart from compounding, other word formation processes such as reduplication and truncation are attested. For instance, some verb-noun pairs are distinguished based on reduplication. The noun EAR when repeated or reduplicated becomes the verb LISTEN. This process is interesting because ASL uses the same strategy differently: a reduplicated verb produces a noun (Supalla and Newport 1978). Reduplication can also be used to contrast nouns. For example, CHIN is signed by an index ¿nger or whole hand point to the chin and BEARD is a repeated whole hand downward pull from the chin (as if stroking an imaginary beard):

The Morphology of YSL

127

Figure 82.

Other minimal pairs contrasted via reduplication are FOOD and EAT, SOCCER BALL and KICK, DAMN and FAR (see images in 4.3.), and so on. Truncation or abbreviation is another morphological process found in YSL. For instance, the sign word for YORUBA has a full form and an abbreviated form. The full form is composed of two signs, a horizontal and a vertical sign drawn into the right cheek. The abbreviated form is a single arch sign drawn with the ¿ngers on the right cheek. The relevant image was given earlier in section 4.3., but is repeated here for easy reference: YORUBA

2 1

3 (Abbreviatedversion of 1 and 2)

Figure 83.

Two additional examples of abbreviation are given in Figure 84 and Figure 85. Figure 84 shows the full and abbreviated forms of RUN. As can be seen, the shortened form of RUN is represented as a two-index up and down movement, as follows:

128

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

FULL FORM: RUN

TRUNCATED FORM: RUN

Figure 84.

The Morphology of YSL

129

Figure 85 illustrates the full and truncated forms of GREETINGS (RESPECT). As shown, whereas the Àoor is the location for the articulation of the full form, the shortened form is signed in neutral space. FULL FORM: GREETINGS (RESPECT)

FORMAL GREETINGS

130

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

TRUNCATED FORM: GREETINGS (RESPECT)

GREETINGS

Figure 85.

4.5

YSL Syntax

This section examines three aspects of YSL syntax: basic word order, negation and questions. The signed patterns are compared with spoken Yoruba patterns, and it is argued that YSL has its own syntax. 4.5.1 Basic Word order Starting with word order, YSL is a TOPIC prominent language. Therefore, sentences are arranged around main topics placed at the beginning of the sentence. In a basic sentence, the TOPIC comes ¿rst followed by a double head-nod (represented as a comma in the examples). After the TOPIC comes an SVO structure, as follows:

YSL Syntax

YSL Basic Word Order (1) TOPIC

S

V

O

a.

YAM,

MOTHER

BUY

YAM

b.

MOTHER,

MOTHER

BUY

YAM

131

One interesting property of these topic prominent sentences is that they either have a double subject or object because the subject and object position cannot be left empty or ¿lled with a pronoun. For example, it is ungrammatical to have forms such as *YAM, MOTHER BUY, *YAM, MOTHER BUY IT. In contrast, although spoken Yoruba also has an SVO structure, it is ungrammatical to ¿ll an object position if the object is topicalized: Basic sentence: (2) ma~ma! MOTHER

ra BUY

Topicalized Object: (3) iSu ni YAM TOPIC *iSu ni YAM TOPIC *iSu ni YAM TOPIC

iSu YAM

ma~ma! MOTHER ma~ma! MOTHER ma~ma! MOTHER

ra~ BUY ra BUY ra~ BUY

iSu YAM a! IT

However, a pronoun may ¿ll the place of a topicalized subject because a subject position must be ¿lled in spoken Yoruba: Topicalized Subject in spoken Yoruba (4) ma~ma! ni o! MOTHER TOPIC PRONOUN

ra BUY

iSu YAM

The starred example shows that a copy of the noun cannot occur in the subject position in a topicalized sentence: *ma~ma! MOTHER

ni TOPIC

ma~ma! MOTHER

ra BUY

iSu YAM

132

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

4.5.2 Negation and Questions YSL negates sentences by placing the negative marker NEG, marked by a headshake and crossed (X-shaped) moving hands, at the end of the sentence, as follows:

Figure 86.

To illustrate, consider the following sentences: YSL Basic Sentence (5) TOPIC S YAM, MOTHER

V BUY

O YAM

Negation in YSL (6) TOPIC S V YAM, MOTHER BUY ‘mother did not buy yam’

O YAM

NEG NOT

The pattern of negation in spoken Yoruba is different as the negative marker occurs before the verb, as in this example:

YSL Syntax

Negation in spoken Yoruba (7) ma~ma! ko~ MOTHER NEG

ra BUY

133

iSu YAM

YSL uses both polar questions requiring a yes or no answer and content questions. Polar questions are formed using the basic sentence and adding a non-manual question sign – QUESTION MARKER (QM) – at the end. The non-manual sign consists of wide opened eyes and stretched out neck. The sign for QUESTION MARKER is ¿rst given below followed by an example of a polar question.

Figure 87.

Polar Question (8) TOPIC S V YAM, MOTHER BUY ‘did mother buy yam?’

O YAM

QM QM

Content questions which are also known as WH-questions require more of a response than yes or no. They always include signs like WHO, WHAT, WHERE, WHY. These WH-words always come at the beginning and end of

134

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

the question sentence. In addition, the non-manual WH-question marker (WHQM), which is realized as rightward turn of the head with furrowed eye brows, is tagged at the very end of the question sentence. Images illustrating WH-signs and the WH question marker are given below: WHO:

Dominant Hand Palm Down rotation to Palm Up with mouthing of spoken Yoruba Ta ni ‘WHO BE’

Figure 88.

WHAT: WHERE: WHY:

Dominant Hand Palm Down rotation to Palm Up with mouthing of spoken Yoruba Ki ni ‘WHAT BE’ Dominant Hand Palm Down rotation to Palm Up with mouthing of spoken Yoruba Ibo ni ‘WHERE BE’ Two Hand Palm Down rotation to Palm Up with mouthing of spoken Yoruba Ki lo de ‘WHAT BE HAPPEN’

YSL Syntax

135

Figure 89.

WH-QUESTION MARKER: Rightward turn of the head with furrowed eye brows

Figure 90.

136

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

The following examples illustrate content question constructions. Example (9) shows a questioned subject, (10) illustrates a questioned object, and (11) illustrates WHY question sentence. Content Questions (9)

TOPIC-WH-QM WHO, ‘who bought yam?’

S WHO

V BUY

O YAM

WH-QM QM

(10) TOPIC- WH-QM S V WHAT, MOTHER BUY ‘what did mother buy?’

O WHAT

WH-QM QM

(11)

O YAM

WH-QM QM

TOPIC- WH-QM S V WHY, MOTHER BUY ‘why did mother buy yam?’

In spoken Yoruba, question words such as Se!, n~jE!, ngbO! are attached to the beginning of a basic sentence to form polar questions. Other yes/no question words such as b¸! and kO! can occur at the end of the sentence: (12) Se! QM

ma~ma! MOTHER

(13) ma~ma! MOTHER

ra BUY

ra BUY

iSu YAM iSu YAM

b¸! QM

These two QM can optionally co-occur in a polar question: (14) Se! QM

ma~ma! MOTHER

ra BUY

iSu YAM

b¸! QM

The major difference between spoken Yoruba and YSL polar questions is that YSL requires the presence of a QM at the end of the sentence whereas spoken Yoruba allows QMs at the beginning and the end of polar questions. As for WH question sentences, they involve the fronting of a WH-word (subject, object, why, and so on). Thus, the object in (2) can be questioned as follows:

Discussion and Conclusion

(15) k¸! WHAT

ni BE

ma~ma! MOTHER

ra~ BUY

*k¸! ni ma~ma! WHAT BE MOTHER ‘what did mother buy?’

ra BUY

iSu YAM

*k¸! WHAT

ra BUY

k¸! WHAT

ni BE

ma~ma! MOTHER

137

ni BE

Unlike YSL, spoken Yoruba does not allow double WH word occurrence. That is, a WH word cannot stay in its original position and have a copy appear in the sentence initial position. Furthermore, double marking of the WH-QM is ungrammatical. In summary, this section describes aspects of YSL syntax such as word order, negation and questions. YSL, like other sign languages such as ASL, uses the TOPIC-prominent structure, and it places negative markers and question words at the end of sentences. Additionally, it allows double subjects and objects because null syntactic positions are not allowed. It is interesting to note, too, that YSL uses non-manual grammatical features marking negation and questions that are widely attested in other sign languages (for example, Coerts 1992, Sign Language of the Netherlands; Nespor and Sandler 1999, Israeli Sign Language; Sutton-Spence and Woll 1999, British Sign Language; Engberg-Pedersen 1990, Danish Sign Language; Bergman 1984, Swedish Sign Language; see Zeshan 2004; 2006 and Sandler 2010 for a crosslinguistic survey of these markers).

4.6

Discussion and Conclusion

Based on the ¿ndings presented in this chapter, this study concludes that YSL is a functional sign language with its own phonology, morphology and syntax. It is phonologically different from sign languages used by a large group of signers because it uses a larger signing space proliferation, for example, legs and toes. Sign languages with a large deaf population, for example, ASL, use only the upper part of the body for signing. Another point of contrast is that mouthing of spoken Yoruba words is extremely common in YSL because of the linguistic philosophy of Yoruba that linguistic competence is packaged as a multimodal entity – speaking with the mouth, speaking with the hands and speaking with the eyes/face.

138

Yoruba Sign Language: A Basic Description

The traditional view of communication is in opposition to the system adopted by deaf educators in Nigeria, a system derived from the pioneering work of Andrew Foster, the legendary deaf African American missionary. Rev. Foster was the ¿rst African American to graduate from Gallaudet University. He started his outreach to the Deaf by establishing the Christian Mission for Deaf Africans in the United States in 1956. Then he traveled to Accra, Ghana, in 1957 and found that in all of Africa there were only 12 schools serving deaf children and that “unknown numbers of deaf children were illiterate, languageless, and isolated (Moore and Panara, 1996, p. 216). Foster established a school for the Deaf in Ghana that was the ¿rst in the region to use only manual communication. He introduced American Sign Language (ASL) and English-based signs. He established 31 schools for deaf children in 17 different African countries (Carroll and Mather, 1997). In 1975, he established training centers in Nigeria and Kenya. Foster’s greatest inÀuence was in Nigeria, where the federal government has now established schools for the Deaf throughout the country. These schools follow Foster’s Total Communication philosophy, which embraces the use of natural sign languages (Foster, 1975). Nigeria is one of the leading countries in sub-Saharan Africa in the provision of high school educational opportunities to large numbers of deaf students. Nigeria’s Ibadan University was the ¿rst institution of higher education in Africa to establish a department of special education. An excellent teacher training program for teachers of the Deaf has been established at the University of Jos, Nigeria and the Federal College of Education (Special) in O¢yo¢, Nigeria. The primary sign language of literate Nigerian Deaf is composed of sign words that originated from America. Because the local Yoruba sign language is a combination of oral and manual methods, it poses a great challenge for researchers working from the traditional viewpoint that a sign language ought to be a predominantly manual system. For instance, this mixed system halted the effort of Mrs. Adelogbe who attempted to develop a local sign language for her students at the Federal school of the Deaf, Lagos (Odusanya 2000). The abandonment of YSL due to its oral-manual property is misguided because work on other types of signing in West Africa (Hausa Sign Language (Nigeria), Schmaling 2000; Adamorobe Sign Language (Ghana), Nyst 2007) show that the combination of oral and manual features are unique typological attributes of West African sign languages.

Chapter 5 Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years Since the seminal work of N. Chomsky in the 1960’s, modern linguistic science has learned that humans are biologically endowed with language acquisition. After going through the step-by-step stages of syllable babbling (6 months), one word utterances (12 months), and two word phrases (18 months), children enter into a multiword stage between age 2 and 3, the “all hell breaks loose” stage, according to Pinker (1994). Describing the linguistic capacity of a three year old, Pinker (1994) states: “A three year old is a linguistic genius – master of most constructions, obeying rules far more than Àouting them, respecting language universals, erring in sensible adult-like ways, and avoiding many kinds of errors altogether.”

Between age ¿ve and six, a child is Àuent in his or her native language. Thus, when a child becomes deaf after this period, the basic grammatical structure – sounds, words, sentences – is already formed. Given a child’s mastery of language at this age, one would expect that deafness should not cause degeneration of the already acquired language. However, this expectation is contradicted by the fact that prolonged postlingual childhood deafness causes language loss. This chapter describes the language patterns of Mo¢rinso¢la who was postlingually deafened at age 5. She had been deafened for twenty ¿ve years at the time of research. Her grammar exhibits production and perception errors involving lexical and grammatical tones, mid vowel tongue root harmony distinctions, oral-nasal vowel contrasts, oral-nasal consonant distinctions, a complete loss of the two liquids (/r/ and /l/) and laryngeal /h/. Other patterns include the substitution of fricatives by stops, variability in consonant voicing, shortening of multisyllabic words to mono and disyllabic forms, and suppression of subjects and objects in basic sentences. These data are shown to provide evidence for markedness-reversal-driven language loss, which causes the last elements to be acquired by speakers to be the ¿rst to be lost, and conversely causes the ¿rst linguistic elements acquired to be retained (Jakobson 1941). The setup of the chapter is as follows. Section 5.1 presents the phonological data. Section 5.2 presents the morphology data, and the syntactic patterns are laid out in section 5.3. Section 5.4 summarizes M’s overall patterns.

140

Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

5.1

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

5.1.1 Consonants The inventory in Table 1 contains contrastive consonants in Yoruba. In the table, the consonant sounds that are lost or converted in M’s Yoruba are in parentheses. Table 1. M’s consonant inventory Stop Bilabial p b Labio-dental Alveolar t d Palato-alveolar Palatal Velar Labial-velar

Fricative f (alternates with [p]) (s) (S) converted to [c] or [d]

Nasal Lateral Tap Glide (m) (n)

(l)

c Ô k g k°p g°b (alternate with [p] and [b])

Laryngeal

(r)

y w

(h)

The following examples illustrate the occurrence of these consonants in M’s Yoruba (in the data, HL is the default tonal pattern imposed on all disyllabic words; further, all vowel-initial nouns can be expressed as consonant-initial through C-copy. These patterns will be addressed later in 5.1.3 and 5.1.4): (1)

Standard Yoruba o~~bo~ E~ba~

M’s Yoruba bo~bo~ E~bE~, pE~pE~

Gloss vagina food made from gari

/m/

mE!ta omi

pE!tE~, bE!tE~ o!b¸~, bo!b¸~

three water

/d/

du!ro! ad¸~E

du!wo~ a!d¸!yE~, t¸!yE~

stand chicken

/t/

tO~ ata

tO~, tu~ ta!tE~, a!tE~

urinate pepper

/n/

inu! gbo!nO!

¸!yu~, yu!yu~ gbo!yo!, bo!yo!

stomach hot

/b/

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

/Ô/

eÔo~ a~ÔE!

e!Ôo~, Ôe!Ôo~, Ôo!Ôo~ a~ÔE!, ÔE~ÔE!

snake witch

/g/

igi Sa~ga!mu~

g¸!g¸~, k¸!k¸~, ¸!t¸~ da!ga!!bu~, dE!gE!!bu~

stick place name

/k/

oko! eku

o!ku~, o!tu~ o!ku~, o!tu~

penis rat

/gb/

¸~gba!lE~ gbo!nO!

gba!yE~, bE!yE~ gbo!yo!, bo!yo~

broom hot

/kp/ kpE~lE! a~kpo~

kpE~yE!, pE~yE! kpo~, po~, pa~po~

greetings, sorry bag

/f/

E~fO! fu!Ѻ

E~fu!, o!fu~ fu!, pu!

vegetable give

/s/

suѺku!Ѻ so!

tu!tu~ to!, tu!

cry, weep fart

/S/

iSu aSO

u!cu~, cu!cu~ a!cO~, ca!co~

yam cloth

/y/

iyO~ yoru~ba!

u!yo~, yu!yO~ yo!be~, yO~bE!

salt Yoruba

/w/

owo! wa!

o!wu~, wo!wu~ wa!, wE!

money come

/l/

e~lu~bO! ma~lu!u~

o!yu!bu~, bu!bo~ bE!yu~, be!bu~

yam Àour cow

/r/

ko~ko~ro~ OlO!ruѺ

to~to~, tu~tu~ O!yO!wu~, wO!wu~

ant God

/h/

ehoro ho!

wo!wo~, wu!wu~ wo!, wu!

rabbit boil

141

As the data show, the Yoruba consonantal inventory has been restructured signi¿cantly in M’s phonological grammar. For example, of all the manner features, stops and glides are the most stable; other manner features such as fricatives and liquids are substituted by oral stops and glides. All fricatives except /f/, which is visible on the lips, are permanently substituted by stops and glides. Thus, /s/ is realized as [t] and /S/ is realized as palatal stop [c] or [Ô] and /h/ is replaced by [w]. Although /f/ is present, it is often realized as a voiceless bilabial stop [p]. Liquids are either deleted or replaced by glides, the

142

Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

predominant pattern being /l/ J [y] and /r/ J [w]. Further, nasal consonants are denasalized with /m/ substituted by [b] and /n/ substituted by [y]. The choice of [y] as the substitute of /n/ and /l/ illustrates the complementary distribution of these two sounds in Yoruba (Ladefoged 1964).1 Labial-velar stops are present but are in free variation with plain labial consonants, [p] and [b]. Another signi¿cant fact is that obstruent voicing is unstable: sometimes voicing is retained, as seen in realization of /g/ and /m/ in Sa~ga!mu~ J da!ga!bu~ ‘place name’; sometimes, a voiced stop is variably realized as voiceless, as seen in igi J g¸!g¸~ ~ k¸!k¸~ ‘stick’.2 Furthermore, velar consonants are realized as alveolar as in igi J g¸!g¸~ ~ ¸!t¸~ ‘stick’, ko~ko~ro~ J to~to~ ‘ant’. ’The general patterns observed for consonants are as follows: (2)

Summary of consonant properties a.

stops and glides are stable

b.

stops with complex place of articulation are simpli¿ed; for example, labial velars are simpli¿ed to labial (gb J b, kp J p)

c.

nasality is not present, consequently, /m/ is substituted by /b/ and /n/ is substituted by /y/

d.

all fricatives except /f/ are consistently substituted by stops; /f/ is in free variation with [p]

e.

obstruent voicing is variable; the change of voicing involves the replacement of voiced by voiceless

f.

liquids are deleted or replaced by glides

g.

a common place of articulation change is fronting where velar is replaced by alveolar

The important question arising from these patterns is how to explain the phonological restructuring which has occurred in M’s grammar. Why are some consonantal contrasts lost? Why are some features more resilient than others? For example, why are stops and glides stable? Why, on the other hand, are 1. As indicated in Chapter 2, in some lexical items, /n/ is realized as [l] when followed by an oral vowel as in /n¸⁄) + owo!/ ‘becomes /lo!wo!/ ‘have money’. 2. In general, voiced consonants become voiceless but I found one example where a voiceless consonant is voiced as in /S/ /S/ [d] (Sa~ga!mu~ becomes da!ga!bu~ ‘place name’). This pattern may be driven by the fact that other consonants in this word are also voiced.

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

143

liquids lost? Prima facie, two answers are plausible. A ¿rst potential answer is that M had not yet acquired these features at the time of deafness at age 5. However, this solution is Àawed because an average ¿ve-year-old has the basic phonology of his or her target language internalized (Wahid et al. 2002). This is indeed true of Yoruba-acquiring children as will be shown in Chapter 7. A plausible alternative is to account for these patterns by proposing that M’s phonological restructuring involves a reversal of consonantal markedness features established for the acquisition of consonants (Jakobson 1941). To illustrate this analysis, consider ¿rst the manner scale repeated here from Chapter 2 for easy reference: (3)

Manner of articulation markedness *LIQUIDS >> *AFFRICATES >> *FRICATIVES >> *GLIDES, *STOPS

M’s phonological grammar reÀects the predicted markedness pattern in (3). First, unmarked glides and stops are stable, as predicted by Jakobson (1941). As shown, fricatives, which are next in rank on the markedness scale, are attested but they freely alternate with stops which have corresponding places of articulation. The most marked sounds – liquids – are unattested. Recall from Chapter 1 that a similar state of affairs exists in Belfast English where liquids are lost in postlingually deafened language (Cowie and Douglas-Cowie 1992). From these patterns, we can see that the last consonants acquired are the ¿rst consonants lost after deafness. Another consonantal pattern that falls out from markedness is velar fronting. As can be recalled, the markedness ranking established for place features is as follows: (4)

Place markedness *P/DORSAL >> *P/CORONAL >> *P/LABIAL

The fronting of velar consonants to alveolar by M (igi J iti ‘stick’, kokoro J toto ‘insect’) is consistent with an analysis that ranks *P/DORSAL as more marked than *P/CORONAL. Labial-velar simpli¿cation to labial rather than dorsal can also be accounted for using the markedness scale in (4). First, if we incorporate the complex feature *P/LABIAL-VELAR into the ranking in (4), it will dominate *P/DORSAL because of the complexity of labial-velars compared to dorsal consonants: (5)

Place markedness *P/LABIAL-VELAR >> *P/DORSAL >> *P/CORONAL >> *P/LABIAL

144

Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

Second, given the dominance of *P/LABIAL by *P/DORSAL, it is preferable to simplify a labial velar (kp, gb) to labial (p, b) rather than dorsal (k, g). This kind of simpli¿cation is further strengthened by the visibility of the labial component to lip-readers such as M. Although the loss of /r/ follows from general markedness involving manner of articulation, the loss of /h/ is surprising since it is one of the ¿rst to emerge in child language (Locke 1983, Lleo, Prinz, El Mogharbel and Maldonado 1996). The loss of /h/ in postlingual Yoruba deafness is attributed to its distribution in Yoruba. First, the language has only a few words with /h/. Out of all possible CV verbs and VCV nouns with /h/ in initial or intervocalic position, only 12% is attested (25 monomorphemic words of the total possible 205 words; calculations made based on Abraham (1958) Dictionary of Yoruba); secondly, /h/ is variable in its surface realization. It can surface as a glide if followed by a high vowel and it can be deleted if it occurs in intervocalic position (Akinlabi 1991), as these examples show: (6)

/h/-glide alternation and deletion Words with /h/ Glide/deletion hu~ wu~ eh¸Ѻ ey¸Ҕ iho io ¸~ha~ ¸~a~ ahuѺ awuѺ auѺ ahOѺ! awOѺ! aOѺ!

‘grow’ ‘teeth’ ‘hole’ ‘rib’ ‘stingy person’ ‘tongue’

Given the susceptibility of /r/ and /h/ to processes such as elision and substitution by gliding, Akinlabi (1991, 1993) proposes that they are phonologically unspeci¿ed for place feature in Yoruba: /r/ lacks the CORONAL articulator, and /h/ lacks a supralaryngeal place speci¿cation. The loss of these two consonants under conditions of postlingual deafness illustrates the vulnerability of sounds that are unspeci¿ed for place (*PLACELESS). In other words, being unmarked in terms of lacking place speci¿cation is considered marked in postlingual deafness. This can be captured by ranking the constraint prohibiting placeless consonants, *PLACELESS above the ranking established for place: (7)

PLACE feature ranking (revised) *PLACELESS >> *LABIAL-VELAR *CORONAL >> *LABIAL

>>

*DORSAL

>>

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

145

Nasal consonant ([m]) denalization to oral ([b]) can be described as illustrating markedness as well. Because nasal consonants have the feature [nasal] which oral consonants lack, nasal consonants are classi¿ed as marked for nasal, whereas oral vowels are unmarked (Jakobson 1932, Jakobson and Pomorska 1990, Hume in press). (8)

Nasal markedness *[+nasal] >> *[ínasal]

To capture the contrastive nature of consonant nasalization in Standard Yoruba (and other dialects), we must rank IDENT-NASAL-C (the faithfulness constraint prohibiting any change the input value of the feature NASAL) above the constraint *[+nasal] (IDENT-nasal-C >> *[+nasal]). Based on this ranking, nasal consonants will occur in the phonology in violation of the markedness constraint *[+nasal]. If denasalization is understood as the switch in the positive value [+] of the feature Nasal to its negative value [í], M’s denalization pattern can be accounted for by ranking *[+nasal] above IDENT-Nasal-C: *[+nasal] >> IDENT-Nasal-C. Based on this ranking, M will delete all nasal speci¿cation, producing only oral consonants (mOѺr¸Ѻ J buyi ‘personal name’). Similarly, obstruent devoicing (bJp, dJt, gJk) is attributable to markedness (Jakobson 1941, 1971, Greenberg 1966). As shown by work such as Lass (1984) and Ladefoged and Maddieson (1996) when a language has no voicing contrast in obstruent consonants, the attested obstruents will be voiceless. Hence, many languages have only voiceless obstruents (for example, Yucatec Maya, Hawaiian), but no language has only voiced obstruents (Kenstowicz and Kisseberth 1979). (9)

Obstruent voice markedness *[+voice] >> *[ívoice]

The preference for devoicing in M’s grammar is encoded as the domination of IDENT [voice] by *[+voice]. According to this ranking, the voice speci¿cation of input voiced consonants will be realized as voiceless on the surface. To sum up this section, the consonantal restructuring patterns of loss in M’s Yoruba are shown to follow from established markedness scales and the interaction of markedness and faithfulness constraints. In all the consonant processes discussed, we see the emergence of the unmarked (Jakobson 1941, McCarthy and Prince 1995). As shown, markedness requirements produce simpli¿cation of complex structures (labial-velar J labial; nasal J oral) and reduction of phonological contrasts (liquids and fricatives J glides and stops; dorsal, coro-

146

Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

nal, labial J coronal, labial). The interaction of markedness and faithfulness accounts for the differences between M’s restructured grammar and Standard Yoruba phonological grammar, which was her phonological grammar before she become deaf. The next section further illustrates the utility of markedness and faithfulness in accounting for M’s vowel patterns. 5.1.2 Vowels M has seven oral vowels but no nasal vowel. The following examples illustrate this pattern with the citation of nouns: (10) Oral/Nasal distinction absent in M’s vocalic system Vowel Standard M’s Yoruba [¸] ¸g¸ ¸!g¸~ [u] ¸Su ¸!cu~ [e] ¸le! ¸!ye! [E] kpE~lE! kpE~yE! [o] owo! o!wo~, o!wu~ [O] OmO O!bO~ [a] gba~ [a ~ E~ e] gba~, gbE~, gbe~ ba~ba! ba~bE!!, pE~pE!, pe~pe! Oba O!ba~, O!bE~, o!be~ [ ¸Ѻ] mO!r¸~Ѻ [¸] bu!y¸~ ey¸!Ѻ e!y¸! ES¸Ѻ E!t¸~, e!t¸~ [u)] suѺku!Ѻ [u] tu!tu! fu!Ѻ fu! oyu!Ѻ o!yu~ [O)] ErOѺ [O] E!yO~ gbo!nO!Ѻ [o] bo!yo~

Gloss ‘stick’ ‘yam’ ‘house’ ‘greetings, sorry’ ‘money’ ‘child’ ‘take’ ‘father’ ‘king’ ‘a name’ ‘teeth’ ‘horse’ ‘cry, weep’ ‘give’ ‘pregnancy’ ‘meat’ ‘hot’

As can be seen in the data in (10), the contrast between oral and nasal vowels is lost in M’s Yoruba; nasal vowels systematically denasalize and are realized as oral forms.3 How can we account for this pattern? As in the case of consonants discussed in the previous section, the loss of vowel nasality can be captured by nasal MARKEDNESS: a nasal vowel [+nasal V] is more marked than an oral vowel [-nasal V]. Again, as in the situation 3. An additional pattern seen is the free alternation of low vowel /a/ as [E] or [e]. This alternation will be discussed shortly in this section.

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

147

involving consonants, this can be analyzed as resulting from the dominance of IDENT Nasal by *[+nasal V]. This ranking ensures that all nasal vowels emerge as oral, the attested situation in M’s grammar: (11) /y¸Ѻ/

Markedness dominates Faithfulness: *[+nasal-V] >> IDENT Nasal *[+nasal-V] IDENT-Nasal * ) a. yi b. y¸Ѻ

*!

The effect of markedness can be seen in additional vowel processes. The ¿rst process involves vowel height. In M’s monosyllabic verbs, a vowel alternation pattern occurs whereby high vowels retain their height but low and mid vowels do not. As can be seen in (10), low vowels alternate with front mid vowels, /E/ or /e/, and mid vowels are raised to high: (12) Oral Vowels in verbal roots a.

b.

c.

High vowels SY MY S¸! c¸! ku! ku!, tu! b¸! b¸! mu bu!, bu~

*ce, *ca *ko, *ka *be, *ba *bo, ba

‘open’ ‘die’ ‘give birth’ ‘drink’

Mid vowels tO~ tO~, tu~ so! to!, tu! fo~ fo~, fu~ sO tO~, tO!, tu~, tu!

*ta *ta *fa *ta

‘urinate’ ‘fart’ ‘jump’ ‘tell’

Low vowels wa! wa!, wE!, we! wa~ wa~, wE~, we~ gba~ ba~, bE~, be~ fa~ fa~, fE, fe~~

*wi *wi *bi *¿

‘come’ ‘exist’ ‘take’ ‘pull’

These properties are explained if M’s grammar is analyzed as maintaining a contrast between High ([+high]) and non High ([íhigh]). The Low feature, in contrast, is not salient. This pattern is consistent with the current analysis of Yoruba vowel phonology, which argues that Yoruba maintains a high versus

148

Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

non-high vowel contrast (for example, Pulleyblank (1988a), Akinlabi (to appear), but see Oyelaran 1971 for a counter proposal in favor of the feature [+low]). Furthermore, a vowel raising constraint is at work, raising the height of a vowel one level from its underlying height. The vowel raising constraint raises low vowels to mid (a J E, e) and it raises mid vowels to high (E, e J i; O, o J u). Observe that the [back] feature of the raised vowel is retained. Thus, /a/ is not raised to [o] or [O], /e/ and /E/ are not raised to [u], and /o/ and /O/ are not raised to [i]. Assuming that M had the same vowels speci¿cation as Standard Yoruba (13) before she became deaf, the constraints necessary to account for her restructured vowel height patterns described above are given below: (13) High Low Back ATR (14) a.

i + í í +

e í í í +

E í í í í

a í + í í

o í í + +

O í í + í

u + í + +

IDENT [high] Output correspondents of an input ȖHigh feature are also ȖHigh

b.

IDENT [low] Output correspondents of an input ȖLow feature are also ȖLow

c.

Vowel Height Distance ” 1 (VHD, Kirchner 1995) An output vowel must not be a distance > 1 from the input value with respect to vowel height

As shown in (15), the crucial non-ranking of VHD, IDENT-High and IDENTLow optimizes raising vowel height by one distance from the input value, and derives the alternating output forms described earlier: (15) Vowel raising: Mid vowels become high VHD, IDENT-High, IDENT-Low /so/ [-hi, -lo] ‘fart’ VHD IDENT-High IDENT-Low * ) a. tu ) b. to c. ta

* *

*!

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

/tO/ [-hi, -lo] ‘urinate’ ) a. tu

149

*

) b. to

*

) c. tO d. ta

* *

*!

The successful candidates in (15) are optimal because they violate one of the constraints, VHD or IDENT-High. The unsuccessful competitors are disquali¿ed because they lower the height of the vowel in violation of VHD and IDENT-Low. Low vowel patterns are shown in tableau (16): (16) Vowel raising: Low vowels become mid VHD, IDENT-High, IDENT-Low /wa/ [-hi, +lo]‘come’ VHD IDENT-High ) a. wE

IDENT-Low *

) b. we

*

) c. wa d. wi

* *

*!

The forms above show that it is optimal to be raised from low to mid height, but it is non-optimal to move more than one distance from the input height value (16d). Disyllabic nouns exhibit similar patterns of raising, as exempli¿ed in (17): (17) Oral vowels in nouns Vowel Standard Yoruba [¸] ¸g¸ [u] ¸Su [e] ge~le~ [o] do~do~ [E] bO!sE~ [O] E~fO! [a] ba~ba!

M’s Yoruba ¸!g¸~ u!cu~ ge~ge~, g¸~g¸~ do~du~, du~du~ bu!t¸~, bu!c¸~ E!fu~, e!fu~ ba~bE!!, pE~pE!

Gloss ‘stick’ ‘yam’ ‘female head-tie’ ‘fried plantain’ ‘a personal name’ ‘vegetable’ ‘father’

150

Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

Comparing the V and CV syllables in (17), it is interesting to see that the raising of mid vowels to high occurs in CV syllables. CV syllables in nouns are thus behaving like canonical CV verb roots in (10). When mid vowels (MID MID sequences) are retained in nouns, they obey the constraints governing tongue root harmony in Yoruba. Hence, as shown in (18), co-occurring mid vowels are either advanced or retracted; that is, /E/ and /O/ co-occur, and /e/ and /o/ can combine together in the same word: (18) Mid vowel co-occurrence in M’s Yoruba a.

/E/ and /O/ (can also be realized as /e/ and /o/) Standard Yoruba M’s Yoruba ErOѺ E!yO~, e!yo~ ‘meat’ E~ba~ E~bE~, e~be~ ‘food made from gari’ OmO O!bO~, o!bo~ ‘child’ ObE~ O!bE~, o!be~ ‘soup’

b.

/e/ and /o/ owo! eÔo~ ge~le~ ole~

o!wo~ Ôe!Ôo~ ge~ge~ o!ye~

‘money’ ‘snake’ ‘female head-tie’ ‘thief’

One interesting difference between (18a) and (18b) is that although retracted mid vowels are variable realized as retracted or advanced in (18a), the same type of variation does not occur when co-occurring vowels are advanced. In other words, advanced mid vowels do not become retracted, they stay advanced. The trend seen here follows the general tendency to raise vowels as exempli¿ed in (12) and (17). When a low vowel or its raised form [E] or [e] is preceded by a mid vowel, the mid vowel is also harmonically retracted or advanced, as shown in (19): (19) Final low vowels preceded by mid vowels Standard Yoruba M’s Yoruba E~ba~ E~ba~, E~pE~, e~pe~ *ebE Oba O!ba~, O!bE~, o!be~ *obE OlO!kpa~a! kpO!kpE~, pu!pe~ *pOpe E~wa~ E!wa~, E!wE~, e!we~ *Ewe

‘food made from gari’ ‘king’ ‘police’ ‘beans’

Likewise, a non ¿nal low vowel is variably realized as /E/ or /e/, as follows:

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

(20) Non-¿nal low vowel alternation Standard Yoruba M’s Yoruba ma~lu~u! bE!yu~, be!yu~ ga~r¸! gE!r¸~, ke!r¸~ da!d¸~ dE!d¸~, de!d¸~ Sa~ga!mu~ dE!gE!!bu~, de!ge!bu~ aSO EcO, eco a~bu!ro~ E~bu!yo~, e~bu!yo~

151

‘cow’ ‘cassava grain’ ‘wife’ ‘place name’ ‘cloth’ ‘younger sibling’

In summary, the above data show the following patterns. First, high vowels are invariably realized as advanced [+ATR]. Second, when low vowels occur, they are invariably realized as retracted [íATR]. Third, mid vowels are uniformly realized as advanced [+ATR] or retracted [íATR]. Any sequence of mid vowels which are not uniformly [íATR] or [+ATR] is disallowed in M’s grammar. The advancement of high vowels and the retraction of low vowels are a reÀection of vowel height and tongue root markedness. The harmonic combination of +HI and +ATR and +LO and –ATR is responsible for the advancement of high vowels and the retraction of low vowels respectively. When a low vowel surfaces as [a], it causes a preceding mid vowel to be retracted (for example, E~ba~ *eba ‘food made from gari’). In contrast, a low vowel that is raised from /a/ to [E] or [e], is variably realized as retracted (E~pE~ ‘food made from gari’) or advanced (e~pe~ ‘food made from gari’). I attribute this variability to the absence of maximal height opposition (+HI or +LO). When maximal height contrast is not present, as is the case in forms composed solely of mid vowel, the tongue root becomes active. The tongue root can assume two positions – advanced [+ATR] or retracted [íATR]. Since HI/ATR and LO/ATR already present positive evidence for +ATR and –ATR in Yoruba, both values are used in harmonizing mid vowels. The Àuctuation of mid vowel harmony is analyzed as resulting from the activity of grounding constraints involving ATR (Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1994), de¿ned below: (21) ATR markedness constraints If –ATR, then [íHI], not [+HI]: íATR/íHI If +ATR, then [íLO], not [+LO]: +ATR/íLO As shown in (22), because mid vowels are [íHI] and [íLO], they will obey the two ATR constraints, yielding mid vowel sequences that are either advanced or retracted irrespective of the input ATR value of the root. The following tableau illustrate this analysis:

152

Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

(22) ATR Markedness: /ObO/ íATR ‘child’ íHI, íLO

–ATR/íHI, +ATR/íLO

–ATR/íHI

) a. ObO ) b. obo

+ATR/íLO *

*

The ¿nal vowel pattern involves a back harmony which occurs between mid and high back vowels. As shown in (23), when a back vowel is preceded by a front vowel, the front vowel becomes a back and rounded. In other words, a back rounded vowel transmits its back round feature regressively to any preceding front vowel: (23) Regressive back harmony Standard Yoruba M’s Yoruba ¸Su u!cu~ eku o!ku~ iyO~ u!yo~ e~lo! e~yo!, o~yo! e~lu~bO! o!yu!bo~ ewe!du! o!wu!du~

‘yam’ ‘rat’ ‘salt’ ‘how much’ ‘yam Àour’ ‘type of vegetable’

The examples in (24) demonstrate that back harmony is not progressively transmitted, as a front vowel can occur after a back rounded vowel: (24) No progressive rounding harmony in Back-V and Front-V sequences Standard Yoruba M’s Yoruba omi o!b¸~ *o!bu~ ‘water’ ole~ o!ye~ *o!yo~ ‘thief’ ObE~ O!bE~ *O!bO~ ‘soup, stew’ mO!r¸~~ bu!y¸~ *bu!yu~ ‘personal name’ Whereas regressive tongue root harmony is well established in Yoruba phonology, regressive back harmony is not attested in any known dialect.4 Nonetheless, the regressive nature of the harmony is signi¿cant because it exhibits the same 4. Regressive back harmony is also attested in Child Yoruba, as will be shown in Chapter 7.

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

153

directionality as tongue root harmony. Furthermore, it illustrates the salience of the feature [+back] in Yoruba. To sum up: M’s vowel patterns exhibit denasalization, vowel raising, regressive tongue root harmony, and regressive back harmony. The processes of restructuring involve simpli¿cation from nasal to oral, simpli¿cation of vowel height from high, mid and low to [+high] and [íhigh], and the reduction of vowel co-occurrence contrasts through word right-edge-driven ATR and back harmony. The next section presents M’s tonal patterns. 5.1.3 Tones Tone is central to all aspects of Yoruba grammar. As already noted in chapter 2, the language has three lexical tones: High (H), Low (L) and M (M). Phonologically, these tones vary in strength. The H tone is the most stable and the M tone is the weakest and most unstable (Akinlabi 1985, Pulleyblank 1986, 2004, Orie 1997, Akinlabi and Liberman 2000). For example, in vowel deletion contexts, H and L tones are retained but M tones are lost, as follows: (25) Input ri! igba! wo ¸~gba!

H MH M LH

Output ri!gba! wo~gba!

HH LH

(M deletion) ‘see calabash’ ‘look at egg plants’

The relative strength of these tones can be seen under conditions of postlingual deafness. For example, M uses only H and L tones, but lacks the mid tone. The examples in (26) illustrate the presence of H and L tones in her grammar: (26) Standard Yoruba so! wa! gba~ du~Ѻ do~do~ a~ÔE! bO!sE~ mO!r¸~Ѻ

M’s Yoruba tu! wa!, wE! gba~, gbE~ tu~ do~du~, du~du~ a~ÔE!, E~ÔE! bu!t¸~ bu!y¸~

‘be awake’ ‘come’ ‘take’ ‘sweet’ ‘fried plantain’ ‘witch’ ‘a personal name’ ‘a personal name’

Mid tones, on the other hand, are unattested. The following patterns involving M tones are observed. First, in disyllabic forms, an M tone that is adjacent to an H tone is realized as H:

154

Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

(27) Standard Yoruba aÔa! ile! suѺku!Ѻ

M’s Yoruba a!ÔE! ¸!ye! tu!tu!

‘dog’ ‘house’ ‘cry, weep’

Secondly, when M precedes L, M is also realized as H: (28) Standard Yoruba ObE~ ole~ iyO~ eÔo~

M’s Yoruba O!bE~ o!ye~ u!yo~ Ôe!Ôo~

‘soup’ ‘thief’ ‘salt’ ‘snake’

Third, words composed solely of M tones, for example, omi ‘water’ are realized with a ¿xed High-Low tonal melody – o!b¸~ ‘a non-existing word’ Additional examples are given below. (29) Fixed HL tonal melody on disyllabic mid toned words Standard Yoruba M’s Yoruba OmO O!bO~ ‘child’ ¸Su u!cu~ ‘yam’ eku o!ku~ ‘rat’ ErOѺ O!yO~ ‘meat’ ata a!tE~ ‘pepper’ Oba O!bE~ ‘king’ The HL tonal melody can be imposed on trisyllabic words too. As can be seen in (30), H is assigned to the ¿rst two syllables and the ¿nal syllable is assigned L: (30) Fixed HL tonal melody on trisyllabic words with mid tones Standard Yoruba M’s Yoruba e~lu~bO! o!yu!bo~ ‘yam Àour’ oru!kO o!yu!ko~ ‘name’ ad¸~E E!t¸!yE~ ‘chicken’ ewe!du! o!wo!du~ ‘type of slimy vegetable’ Fourth, the ¿xed HL tone is the default tone pattern that can be imposed on any word. Thus, words with L or H tones have alternative forms with HL, as follows:

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

(31) Tone doublets in M’s grammar Standard Yoruba Regular tones E~ba~ E~pE~ do~do~ du~du~ du!ro! du!wo! a~ÔE! E~ÔE!

155

Fixed HL tone E!pE~ ‘food made from gari’ du!du~ ‘fried plantain’ du!wo~ ‘stand’ E!ÔE~ ‘witch’

The preceding discussion shows that only two (H, L) of the three lexical pitch ranges are retained in M’s postlingually deafened grammar after a prolonged time of deafness. The Mid tone, as shown, is no longer present in M’s grammar. The special pattern involving the retention of H and L tones and the loss of M tone argue for a tone markedness scale such as given in (32). Further, the complete loss of M tone demonstrates that the harmonic markedness tone scale is one where *M-tone dominates*H and *L (33). The preference for having a HL ¿xed tone melody is captured by a maximal tone polarity constraint, which favors the occurrence of tones that are in maximal opposition (34). The ranking is given in (35). (32) Tone markedness by faithfulness (Pulleyblank 2004)5 MAX-H, MAX-L >> MAX-M (33) *M >> *L, *H (34) Tone POLARITY (POLAR) Polar tones must exhibit maximal polarity of features [+upper, +raised] = H; [-upper, -raised] = L, *[-upper, +raised]) = M (35) MAX-H, MAX-L, POLAR, *M >> MAX-M Given the proposed ranking, the behavior of M’s tones is derived – H and L tones appear on the surface (Ôa~ÔE! ‘witch’), while M tones are deleted (o!b¸~ ‘water’ *obi). *L and *H are not included in the tableau because MAX-H and MAX-L enforce the retention of high and low tones.

5. In Pulleyblank (2004), MAX-H is ranked above MAX-L. However, given the stability of H and L tones, and their symmetrical strength in PDY, these two tone constraints are not crucially ranked.

156

Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

(36) MAX-H, MAX-L, POLAR, *M >> MAX-M Ôa~ÔE! LH ‘witch’ MAX-H ) a. Ôa~ÔE! b. Ôa~ÔE *! c. ÔaÔE! ob¸ MM ‘water’

MAX-L

POLAR

*M

*!

* *

* *

MAX-M

**

) a. o!b¸~ b. obi

*!

*

In cases where Standard Yoruba has MM tone sequences, for example [omi] realized as [o!b¸~] in M’s grammar, she inserts one H tone and one L tone so that the surface form has an HL tone sequence. The insertion of H and L tones in contexts where Standard Yoruba has M tones can be accounted for by ranking POLAR and the anti-insertion constraint DEPM higher than DEPH and DEPL. The high ranking of DEPM blocks mid tone insertion and the low ranking of MAXM prohibits the retention or parsing of mid tones. Together, these two constraints ensure that M tones do not appear in M’s grammar. Further, the domination of DEP-H and DEP-L by POLAR makes it optimal for the insertion of an H and L tone in a word with MM sequences. The interaction of these constraints is shown in the surface realization of /omi/ MM ‘water’ becomes /o!b¸~/ HL (DEPM and *M are undominated and unviolated, therefore they are not included in the tableau): (37) POLAR >> DEP-H, DEP-L >> MAX-M ob¸ MM ‘water’ a. obi b. o!b¸ c. ob¸~ ) d. o!b¸~

POLAR *! *! *!

DEP-H

DEP-L

MAX-M

* *

* * **

* *

To complete our discussion of lexical tones, let us consider derived contour tones. The co-occurrence of Yoruba lexical H and L tones produces two additional pitch ranges in derived contexts. As shown in (38), H tone after L becomes a rising (R) tone:

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

(38) LH input E~fO! ¸~gba! ba~ba! o~po!

‘friend’ ‘egg plant’ ‘father’ ‘pillar’

157

L R (LH) output E~fO‹ ¸~gba# ba~ba# o~po#

Likewise, L tone after H tone becomes a falling (F) tone, as in these examples: (39) HL input bO!sE~ rO!po~ tu!tu~ kpu!kpO~

‘personal name’ ‘personal name’ ‘cold’ ‘many’

H F (HL) output bO!sE$ rO!po$ tu!tu$ kpu!kpO$

The rising and falling pitches are complex tones. None of these complex pitches were found in M’s grammar. As exempli¿ed by the examples below, M lacks rising and falling tones: (40) Standard Yoruba ba~ba‹ a~ÔE‹ E~fO‹ bO!sE$

M’s Yoruba ba~bE,! pa~pE! a~ÔE! E~fu!, o!fu~ bu!t¸~, bu!c¸~

‘father’ ‘witch’ ‘vegetable’ ‘a personal name’

Overall, we see that the phonologically weak mid tone and complex rising and falling tones are lost due to postlingual deafness. Assuming contour tones represent a combination of two or more tones, rising and falling tones are structurally more complex than register H or L tone, the presence of contour tones in Standard Yoruba can be explained by the high ranking of the constraints in (41) below. Their absence in M’s grammar can be explained by ranking *COMPLEX-TONE (a tone markedness constraint) above the constraints spreading H and L tones progressively to a following L or H tone: (41) Tone Spread constraints H-SPREAD: Align H tone right L-SPREAD: Align L tone right Standard Yoruba: M’s Yoruba:

H-SPREAD, L-SPREAD >> *COMPLEXTONE *COMPLEXTONE >> H-SPREAD, L-SPREAD

158

Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

So far, we have examined the behavior of lexical tones. Next, we will consider phrase and sentence tones. As shown in (42), a Yoruba verb retains a Low tone if the verb is used as an imperative (a) or if it is followed by a monosyllabic object pronoun (b). However, if an L tone verb is followed by a noun (c), it is raised to Mid. The raising of a Low tone to a Mid tone signals the syntactic difference between verbs that are followed by short pronouns and those that are followed by nouns. (42) Low tone verbs in different syntactic contexts a.

Imperative gba~! take!

b.

Verb + short pronoun gba~ mi! take me

c.

Verb + object noun gba owo! take money

In M’s Yoruba, the syntactic contrast in (42b) and (42c) is absent. As shown in (43), the low tone of the verb is retained everywhere: (43) Standard Yoruba gba~ gba owo! < [gba~ owo!]

M’s Yoruba gba~, gbE~ gba~ o!wu~ < [gba~ owo!]

‘take imperative’ ‘take money’

The genitive construction is another syntactic unit that actively uses tone. As can be recalled from the discussion in chapter 2, in genitive constructions, an M tone vowel occurs pervasively between two nouns to mark the genitive relationship. This vowel is required only when the noun in second position is consonant-initial. It is optional when the second noun is vowel-initial. These properties can be seen in the genitive construction data repeated from chapter 2 for ease of reference: (44) ile! house

bO!sE~ Bo¢se¢

J

ile! e bO!sE~ / *ile! bO!sE~~ “Bo¢se¢’s house”

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

159

This genitive tone is lacking in M’s grammar: (45) Standard Yoruba ile! bO!sE~ house Bo¢se¢

J

M’s Yoruba ¸!ye! bu!t¸~ / *¸!ye! e bu!t¸~ “Bo¢se¢’s house”

Finally, the High tone subject marker, which marks non-future tense in Yoruba is unattested because subjects are generally missing in M’s grammar. The issue of omitted subjects will be addressed in section 5.3. The tone patterns are summarized in (46). (46) M’s tonal properties a.

H and L tones are attested

b.

M tone is unattested

c.

Syntactic tones are unattested

d.

Contour tones are unattested

As shown in the discussion, the high ranking of tone markedness causes H and L tones to be preserved and causes M tones to be lost. The loss of M tone is a violation of faithfulness, and so is the replacement of M tone by H and L through tone insertion. Markedness is also shown to play a key role in blocking the formation of complex rising and falling tones. 5.1.4 Syllable structure As mentioned in chapter 2, canonical Yoruba syllable shapes are CV, V or N (syllabic nasal). The CV is by far the most common syllable in Yoruba: it is the canonical shape of verbs (wa! ‘come, lO ‘go’, fo~ ‘jump, Ày’) and prepositions (ti ‘from’, s¸! ‘to’, n¸! ‘at, in’), and adjectives are composed of CV syllables (du!du! ‘black’ fu˾fu˾ ‘white’, kpukpa ‘red’). Further, in addition to being minimally disyllabic, nouns in Standard Yoruba must have at least a CV syllable (or¸! ‘head’ *oi) (O¢la 1995). V syllables are typically found at the beginning of nouns but they can be created when intervocalic consonants delete (o~wu!rO~ J o~u!rO~ ‘morning’). Both CV and V syllables are attested in M’s grammar, as shown in all the data presented in the previous sections. Representative samples are presented below:

160

Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

(47) Standard Yoruba so! fo~ eku ErOѺ

M’s Yoruba: tu! fu~ o!ku~ E!yO~

‘fart’ ‘jump’ ‘rat’ ‘meat’

However, V syllables are optionally realized as CV, where the added C is a reduplicated copy of the ¿rst onset consonant in the word: (48) Standard Yoruba o~~bo~ eÔo~ a~kpo~ OlO!kpa~

M’s Yoruba bo~bo~ Ôe!Ôo~, de!Ôo~, Ôo!Ôo~ kpo~~, po~~, pa~kpo~ O!pO!kpE~, pO!kpE~

‘vigina’ ‘snake’ ‘bag’ ‘police’

Alternatively, an initial V may be deleted so that words are solely composed of CV syllables, as follows: (49) Standard Yoruba ad¸~E ¸~gba!lE~ e~lu~bO! OlO!ruѺ

M’s Yoruba t¸!yE~ ba!yE~, gba!kE~ bu!bo~ wO!wu~

‘chicken’ ‘broom’ ‘yam Àour’ ‘God’

Loan words from English are attested in M’s phonology, and they too obey the CV requirement as these data show: (50) Standard Yoruba bu!rE!d¸~ SO!O~bu~ bE!E~d¸~ ko!o~mu~

M’s Yoruba bE!d¸, be!d¸~ co!bu~ be!d¸~, bE!d¸~ ko!bu~

‘bread’ ‘shop’ ‘bed’ ‘comb’

The conversion of V syllables to CV via consonant reduplication (eÔo~ J Ôe!Ôo~ ‘snake’) is consistent with syllable markedness that requires syllables to have onsets. Other evidence for syllable unmarkedness satisfaction is that V syllables can be deleted (eÔo~ J Ôo~ ‘snake’). In OT terms, this means that ONSET dominates DEP and MAX. However, because V-initial nouns also occur, we have to assign equal rank to ONSET, DEP and MAX. In this way, we capture the fact that both CV and V syllables are in free alternation:

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

161

(51) ONSET, DEP-C, MAX-V /eÔo~/

ONSET

) a. Ôe!Ôo~

DEP-C *

*

) b. Ôo~ ) c. e!Ôo~

MAX-V

*

Before leaving the discussion on syllable structure, let us consider homorganic tone-bearing syllabic nasals, which is the third syllable type attested in Yoruba dialects such Standard, O¢yo¢, and E¢gba. The basic facts involving syllabic nasals were presented in Chapter 2, but for ease of reference, the relevant data illustrating their homorganicity are given in (52): (52) Syllabic tone-bearing nasals in words a.

o~ro!m~bo!

‘orange’

b.

kpanla

‘stock¿sh’

c.

kO~NkO~

‘type of frog’

d.

gbo~N~mgbo~

‘root’

As can be seen, in (52a), the nasal is labial [m] like the following consonant /b/, in (52b) it is coronal [n] like /d/, it is velar [N] like /k/ in (52c), and in (52d), it is labial-velar [mN] like the following /gb/. The syllabic nasal is also found in phrases as a progressive aspectual marker: (53) Standard Yoruba syllabic nasal progressive marker olu! n! lO Olu PROG go ‘Olu is going’ olu! m! bO~ Olu PROG come ‘Olu is coming’ olu! N!m gba!du~ Olu PROG enjoy “Olu is enjoying” The syllabic nasal is not attested in M’s grammar. She does not remember the words listed in (52) and the progressive marker is omitted in forms such as (53). Examples illustrating the omission are given in (54).

162

Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

(54) No syllabic nasal progressive marker in M’s Yoruba o!yu! yO~ Olu go ‘Olu is going’ or ‘Olu went’ o!yu! bO~ Olu come ‘Olu is coming’ or ‘Olu came’ Because the sentences in (54) lack the progressive tense marker, semantically, they resemble non-future tensed sentences. According to Awoyale (1990), nonfuture tensed sentences have no ¿xed beginning and no ¿xed termination. The duration is unspeci¿ed. The only unique property of such sentences is that the events they represent have terminated before the time of speaking. The markedness scale for M’s syllable structure is shown in (55): (55) *N >> *V >> *CV A summary of M’s phonological patterns are given below: (56) Summary of M’s phonological properties a.

High and Low tones are attested.

b.

Mid tones are lost; they can be replaced by a high tone at the beginning of an utterance or a low tone at the end. If a high tone is adjacent to a mid tone, the mid is replaced by the adjacent high tone.

c.

Derived contour tones are unattested.

d.

Low tones are not raised to mid to signal the syntactic marking of an object noun.

e.

Mid tone genitive marking is absent.

f.

All high vowels are advanced; retracted high vowels are not present.

g.

Low vowels are retracted but are in free alternation with [E] and [e].

h.

Mid vowels preceding low vowels are retracted.

i.

Vowel raising (from low to mid and mid to high) is attested

Morphology

5.2

163

j.

Nasal vowels are realized as oral.

k.

CV and V syllables are attested, but syllabic nasals are lost.

l.

CV syllables are created through consonant reduplication and vowel deletion.

m.

stops and glides are more stable than other consonants

n.

stops with complex place of articulation are simpli¿ed; for example, labial velars are simpli¿ed to labial (gb J b) and palatal alveolars are simpli¿ed to alveolar (Ô J d)

o.

nasality is not present, consequently, /m/ is substituted by /b/ and /n/ is substituted by /y/

p.

all fricatives except /f/ are replaced by stops

q.

obstruent voicing is variable; the change of voicing involves the replacement of voiced by voiceless

r.

liquids are deleted or replaced by glides

s.

a common place of articulation change is fronting where velar is replaced by alveolar

Morphology

Starting with the minimal word (McCarthy and Prince 1986, Downing 2006), as mentioned in chapter 2, free morphemes in languages of the world such as roots and stems exhibit a canonical minimal size. In standard Yoruba, a root must minimally contain a CV syllable (O¢la 1995, Orie 1997). Additional canonical requirements involve the compulsory realization of most verbs as CV (lO ‘go’) and nouns as disyllabic VCV (OÔa~ ‘market’). In general, word minimality requirements are obeyed in M’s morphological grammar, as the following examples demonstrate: (57) Standard Yoruba gba~ du~Ѻ do~do~ a~ÔE!

M’s Yoruba gba~ tu~ du~du~ a~ÔE!, ÔE~ÔE!

‘take’ ‘sweet’ ‘fried plantain’ ‘witch’

164

Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

However, due to the general propensity to avoid onsetless syllables, that is, a syllable expressed as V, the initial vowel of a disyllabic noun may delete, resulting in subminimal CV nouns, as follows: (58) Subminimal CV nouns Standard Yoruba M’s Yoruba igbe gbe!, gbe~ ¸~gbE! gbE~, bE~ a~kpo~ kpo~, po~ Oba ba~, bE~ E~ba~ ba~, bE~ aSO Ôo~, cO~

‘noise’ ‘faeces’ ‘bag’ ‘king’ ‘food made from gari’ ‘cloth’

The elimination of initial Vs is explained by the syllable markedness constraints discussed in 5.1.4. As shown, enforcement of the ONSET requirement causes V deletion or C insertion. The fact that both monosyllabic and disyllabic nouns are well-formed in M’s grammar shows that Noun Minimality (Yoruba nouns are minimally disyllabic, that is, a binary foot cf. O¢la 1995, Orie 2002) is not required. What is crucial is obedience to syllable markedness, as already shown in tableau (51). Pre¿xing is the predominant morphological strategy in Yoruba. Pre¿xes such as shown below can be attached to verbs and verb phrases (59a) or nouns (59b) to create new words: (59)

Pre¿xation a.

O~-bE ¸~-gba!lE~

‘cutter, knife’ ‘broom’

< O~ + bE < ¸~ + gba!lE~

b.

on¸!Ѻ - le! ElE!Ôa ala!SO OlO!kpa~a!

‘owner of house’ ‘owner or seller of ¿sh’ ‘owner or seller of cloth’ ‘owner of cudgel: police’

‘pre¿x + cut’ ‘pre¿x + sweep Àoor’

< on¸!Ѻ + ile! < on¸!Ѻ + EÔa < on¸!Ѻ + aSO < on¸!Ѻ + O~kpa~a!

‘pre¿x + house’ ‘pre¿x + ¿sh’ ‘pre¿x + cloth’ ‘pre¿x + cudgel’

Recall from the discussion of pre¿xation in chapter 2 that /n/ and /l/ alternate in certain environments in Standard Yoruba: [n] occurs before nasal vowels and [l] occurs before oral vowels. When the nasal consonant of the pre¿x oni- is denasalized to [l] before oral vowels as in (59b), cross consonant assimilation vocalic assimilation takes place across [l].

Morphology

165

In M’s grammar, the propensity to delete initial Vs is quite strong; consequently, vowel pre¿xes and initial vowels of disyllabic pre¿xes are deleted. Consider the data in (60): (60) Pre¿xes eroded by initial V deletion Standard Yoruba M’s Yoruba a.

O~-bE ¸~-gba!lE~

bE~ ba!yE~, gba!kE~

‘cutter, knife’ ‘broom’

b.

ElE!Ôa OlO!kpa~a! OlO!ruѺ on¸!Ѻgba~a!lE~

Ô E!Ôa~ kO!kpE~ wO!wu~ ba!ba!yE~~

‘owner or seller of ¿sh’ ‘owner of cudgel: police’ ‘owner of heaven: God’ ‘owner or seller of broom’

Other morphological processes such as reduplication and compounding are unattested. For example, unlike phonological consonant reduplication, which is a productive process in M’s grammar, only one example of morphological reduplication was found k¸!a!k¸!a! J ka!ka~, kE!kE~ ‘quickly.’ Furthermore, compound words (61) are realized as simple words (62): (61) Compounds ErO&ko OmO&b¸&r¸& OmO&ku~Ѻr¸Ѻ OmO&kasE~

‘animal’ ‘girl’ ‘boy’ ‘toe’

(62) No compounds Standard Yoruba ErO&ko OmO&b¸&r¸& OmO&ku~Ѻr¸Ѻ OmO&kasE~

< ErO& ‘meat’ < OmO& ’child’ < OmO& ’child’ < OmO& ’child’ + ¸~ka

M’s Yoruba E!yO~ O!bO~ O!bO~ E!tE~

+ oko ‘farm’ + ob¸&r¸& “female’ + Oku~Ѻr¸& ‘male’ ‘¿nger’ + EsE~ ‘leg’

‘animal’ ‘girl’ ‘boy’ ‘toe’

Summarizing the ¿ndings so far, here are the unique attributes of M’s morphology. (63) Summary of morphological properties a.

CV minimal word requirement for verbs is fully obeyed.

b.

Initial-V vowel deletion yields subminimal CV nouns.

166

Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

c.

Initial-V vowel deletion erodes pre¿xation.

d.

Morphological reduplication is uncommon.

e.

Compounds are simpli¿ed to a single root word.

Following ideas from language acquisition (for example, Brown 1973, Clark 2001), I assume that the order of ranking for morphological markedness is as shown in (64). This ranking captures the crosslinguistic evidence from language acquisition that children acquire roots before af¿xes, grammatical morphemes, and compounds: (64) Morpheme markedness *Compounds >> *Root+Af¿x >> *Root Given this hierarchy, the pattern of morphological loss follows: Words are reduced to bare roots because roots are less marked than stems and compounds.

5.3

Syntax

Yoruba is described as a ¿xed word order language because the normal order for the occurrence for subjects, verbs and objects is S(ubject-)V(erb-)O(bject) (Bamgbos¢e 1965, Awobuluyi 1978). Within phrases, the head of the phrase occurs in initial position followed by the object or complement. Examples illustrating this structural pattern are repeated from chapter 2 for ease of reference: (65) Yoruba word order: phrases are head-initial Input Output a.

Basic sentence:

ayO~ ra~ ¸~we! J ayO‹ ra ¸~we! Ayo buy book Ayo SMHT buy book ‘Ayo bought a book’

b.

Noun phrase:

f¸~la~ + baba J cap father ‘father’s cap’

f¸!la~ a cap GEN

c.

Verb phrase:

ra~ + ¸~we! J buy (L tone) book ‘buy a book’

ra ¸~we! buy (M tone) book

ba~ba! father

Syntax

167

Yoruba, like English, is a non-null subject language. It differs from languages such as Spanish and Italian in that each ¿nite clause must have an overt subject (66c). For example, in Italian (Hyams and Wexler 1993), the sentence in (66a) is grammatical, but its Yoruba counterpart (66b) is ungrammatical: (66) Subjects are required in basic Yoruba declarative sentences a.

lavorano molto in questa città. ‘(they) work a lot in the city’

b.

*S¸SE! kpu!kpO~ n¸! ¸~lu! ‘(they) work a lot in the city’

c.

wOѺ! S¸SE! kpu!kpO~ n¸! ¸~lu! ‘they work a lot in the city’

M’s syntax exhibits a number of interesting properties. First, phrase word order is preserved as exempli¿ed by the data in (67). (67)

M’s phrase word order: head-initial Standard Yoruba M’s Yoruba a. NP So~ko~to~ o mO!r¸~ pants GEN Morin

to~to~ bu!y¸~ pants Morin

‘Morin’s pants’

b. VP wO So~ko~to~ wear pants

wO! wear

‘wear pants’

to~to~ pants

Secondly, unlike the contrastive pattern seen in (66b) and (66c), where it is ungrammatical to have subjectless sentences in Yorba, M’s syntax allows subjectless sentences. The following examples illustrate this pattern: (68) Subjectless sentences in M’s grammar Standard Yoruba M’s Yoruba a.

b.

mo ti ya~gbE! I CM defecate ‘I have defecated’

(I)

t¸! CM

gbE~ defecate

mo ma!a Ôo!ko~o! I FUT sit ‘I will sit’

(I)

bE! FUT

Ôu!ku~ sit

168

Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

c.

OmO! fE! wE~ child want bathe ‘the child wants to bathe’

d.

mo ÔE do~do~ I eat fried plantain ‘I eat fried plantain’

e.

ba~ba! sO fuѺ! uѺ father speak give him/her ‘father told him/her’

f.

mo fE! OmO I want child (I) ‘I want a child’

fE! (child) want

(I)

wE~ bathe

ÔE! du~du~ eat fried plantain

tO! fu~ (father) speak give fE! want

O!bO~ child

When subjects are used, sentences surface with missing objects, even when the verb is transitive, as shown below (the lengthened vowel is the 3rd person singular object pronoun): (69) Missing objects in M’s grammar Standard Yoruba

M’s Yoruba

a.

mo gba~ a! I take 3rd-SING-OBJ ‘I take it’

po! I

gba~ take (it)

b.

mo fE! OmO I want child ‘I want a child’

po! I

fE~ want

c.

mo fE! ÔE do~do~ I want eat fried plantain ‘I want to eat fried plantain’

(I)

fE! ÔE~ want eat (plantain)

bu!y¸~ morin

tO~ speak give him/her

d.

mO!r¸~Ѻ ¸!Ѻ sO fuѺ! uѺ morin SHTM speak give him/her ‘Morin told him/her’

A crucial point of observation is that missing subjects and objects are optionally ¿lled in through gestured pointing. Thus, (68c), the child wants to bathe, may be spelled out as fE! wE~ while M simultaneously points to the child who wants to bathe. However, pointing is omitted if the M is the subject. Hence, I want to

Syntax

169

bathe is systematically realized as fE! wE~. Another important aspect of the data is that the syntactic high tone marking subjects (SHTM) is not attested. This is interesting because the absence of inÀection and the occurrence of subjectless sentences in child language go hand-in-hand (Bloom 1970, Brown 1973). In summary, M’s syntax exhibits subject-drop and object-drop. The surface representation of her grammar uses a binary template which combines two syntactic elements – the subject and verb (NP VP), the verb and object (V NP), and aspectual and tense markers (completive, future) and a verb (ASPECT V): (70) M’s syntactic patterns: binary branching structure S J NP VP (object-drop) S J V NP (subject-drop) S J ASPECT V (subject- and object-drop) Since Chomsky‘s inÀuential X-bar theory (1970, 1981), syntactic structure is often analyzed as hierarchical, recursive and binary. In language acquisition, the binarity effect is most prominently seen in the two-word stage where mini sentences with simple semantic relations are used by children around age 18 – 23 months. After two-word utterances comes the telegraphic stage which displays more structural complexity, allowing the occurrence of full sentences with subjects and objects. Based on these properties, a binary branching twoword utterance is less marked than telegraphic utterances. Following Radford (1990), if two word utterances and telegraphic sentences are analyzed as a VP (a small clause, following Kayne 1981) rather than an IP (inÀectional phrase), then M’s syntactic structure may be represented as follows: (71) M’s syntactic structure: small clause VP NP

V’ V

NP

ÔE!

du~du~

‘eat’

‘fried plantain’

170

Postlingual Deafness at Age 5: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

As mentioned earlier, the subject NP slot is ¿lled by pointing to the referent. If the subject is M, the position is not ¿lled.

5.4

Summary of M’s grammar

Table 2 gives a summary of the phonological, morphological and syntactic properties of M’s Yoruba: Table 2. Summary of Patterns Patterns

Phonology

1. Features Retained

Oral stops and glides roots Labio-dental fricative Oral vowels High and low tones CV syllables Labial-velars VCV noun minimality Velar and alveolar 2 syllable pre¿xes place Obstruent voicing Tense/Lax mid vowels V syllables Nasal consonants 1 syllable pre¿xes Nasal vowels compounds Syllabic nasals Liquids Fricatives Mid tones Contour tones

2. Fluctuating Features

3. Features Lost

Morphology

Syntax word order

subjects objects

full sentences GEN marker Subj. marker Verb L tone raising to M

The patterns of loss described above provide evidence for the proposal that profound deafness in childhood leads to a substantial problem of phonological deterioration (Kinney 1948, Cowie and Douglas-Cowie 1983, 1992, PlantHammarberg 1983, and Waldstein 1990). As shown, much phonological contrast is eroded: oral and nasal contrast for consonants and vowels is lost, place of articulation contrast for alveolars and velars is lost, voicing contrast for obstruents is lost, manner contrast for stops, fricatives, liquids and glides is lost, tongue root contrast for mid vowels is lost, tone contrast involving mid tones is lost, and syllable contrast for CV, V, and syllabic nasals is also lost. The

Summary of M’s grammar

171

erosion is further seen in morphology and syntax in cases such as the simpli¿cation of multisyllabic words and compounds, as well as in cases involving subjectless and objectless sentences. As proposed, attested patterns – stable, Àuctuating, and lost properties – are straightforwardly explained by appealing to markedness and language reversal. In the next chapter, I present another case involving a Yoruba speaker who became postlingually deafened at 8 years.

Chapter 6 Postlingual Deafness at Age 8: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years In the preceding chapter, we saw that childhood deafness after age ¿ve leads to substantial language loss. The loss of language following prolonged postlingual total deafness demonstrates that language is best maintained through hearing and speaking, and provides strong support for the proposal that auditory input/feedback is crucial in generating the appropriate articulatory movements needed for speech (Stevens 2009). In this chapter, we examine the speech patterns of Toyin (T), a Yoruba speaker who became deaf postlingually at the age of eight. Like Mo¢rinso¢la, T lost her hearing more than twenty ¿ve years prior to research. Because T was older at the time of hearing loss, she has a greater retention of the language. For example, T’s grammar exhibits oral-nasal consonantal contrasts, it has canonical CV verbs and VCV nouns, and it displays full SVO sentences, focus and question sentences. However, similarities are observed in phonological loses involving /r/, /h/, mid tones, syllabic nasals, vowel nasalization, tongue root harmony in mid vowels, and failure to exhibit contour tones. Further, like M, T lacks syntactic tones. The organization of the chapter is as follows. I begin by describing the phonological patterns: consonants (6.1.1), vowels (6.1.2), tones (6.1.3), and syllables (6.1.4). Next, I present morphology (6.2), and examine basic syntactic structures (6.3). Finally, T and M’s grammatical structures are compared (6.4). On the theoretical front, I show how the patterns can be captured through the ranking of markedness and faithfulness. The predominant pattern seen in cases involving phonological losses is the demotion of faithfulness and the promotion of markedness, resulting in the emergence of unmarked structures.

6.1

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

6.1.1 Consonants The inventory in Table 1 contains those segments that occur on the surface in T’s Yoruba. The consonants in parentheses are attested in Yoruba but are lost or replaced by another consonant in T’s grammar.

173

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns Table 1. T’s consonant inventory Bilabial Labio-dental Alveolar Palato-alveolar Palatal Velar Labial-velar Laryngeal

Stop p b f t d S Ô k g k°p g°b

Fricative

Nasal m

Lateral

Tap

Glide

s

n

l

(r) y w

(h)

The following examples illustrate the occurrence of these consonants in T’s Yoruba: (1)

Standard Yoruba /b/ o~~bo~ E~ba~ /m/ mE!ta omi /d/ du!ro! ad¸~E /t/ tO~ ata /n/ inu! gbo!nO! /Ô/ eÔo~ a~ÔE! /g/ ¸g¸ a~ga /k/ oko! eku /gb/ ¸~gba!lE~ gbo!nO! /kp/ kpE~lE! a~kpo~ /f/ E~fO! fu!Ѻ /s/ suѺku!Ѻ so!

T’s Yoruba o~bo~ E~ba~ mE!ta~ o!m¸~ du!wo~ a!d¸~yE~ tO~ a!ta~ ¸!nu! gbo!nO! e!Ôo~ a~ÔE! ¸!g¸~ a~ga~ o!ko! e!ku~ ¸~gba!lE~ gbo!nO! kpE~lE! a~kpo~ E~fO!, e~fo! fu!Ѻ ~ fu! su!Ѻku!Ѻ ~ su!ku! so!

Gloss vagina food made from gari three water stand chicken urinate pepper stomach hot snake witch stick chair penis rat broom hot greetings, sorry bag vegetable give cry, weep fart

174

Postlingual Deafness at Age 8: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

/S/ /y/ /w/ /l/ /r/ /h/

iSu aSO iyO~ yoru~ba! owo! wa! e~lu~bO! ma~lu!u~ ko~ko~ro~ OlO!ruѺ ehoro ho!

yam cloth salt Yoruba money come yam Àour cow ant God rabbit boil

¸!Su~ a!SO~ ¸!yO~ yo!wu~ba! o!wo! wa! e~lu~bO!, e~lu~bo! ma~lu! ko~ko~ O!lO!wu~ wo!wo~ wo!

As the data show, oral and nasal stops, glides, fricatives and /l/ are stable in T’s phonological grammar. Doubly articulated consonants (labial-velars) are retained, and nasal consonants do not lose their nasality. The liquid /r/ and /h/ are the only missing consonants. As can be seen in the additional data in (2), T completely omits /r/; she replaces it with [w] if the vowel before or after /r/ is a rounded vowel. (2)

Loss of /r/ and /h/ Standard Yoruba ara oru!kO ga~r¸! a~bu!ro~ ehoro ho!

T’s Yoruba a~a~ o!u!kO!, o!wu!kO! ga~¸! a~bu!o~, a~bu!wo~ wo!wo~ wo!

‘body’ ‘name’ ‘grain made from cassava’ ‘younger sibling’ ‘rabbit’ ‘boil’

The following examples show that /l/ is neither omitted nor replaced by a glide:

(3)

Stability of /l/ Standard Yoruba ole~ olu! ile! e~lu~bO!

T’s Yoruba o!le~ o!lu! ¸!le! e~lu~bO!

*oye *olu *ile *eyubO

‘thief’ ‘personal name’ ‘house’ ‘yam Àour’

The generalizations that can be drawn from the observed patterns in consonant realization are as follows:

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

(4)

175

Summary of T’s consonant properties a.

Stops, fricatives, and glides are stable.

b.

Stops with complex place of articulation are retained; for example, the complexity of labial velars (kp, gb) is retained. No simpli¿cation to labial or velar is observed.

c.

Nasal consonants are present (m, n). These nasals are not substituted by their oral counterparts (b, l).

d.

Liquid /l/ is stable but /r/ and /h/ lost.

e.

/h/ is lost.

As in the cases seen in Chapter 5, these properties are straightforwardly accounted for by the revised universal markedness scale established for consonants in Chapter 1 (Jakobson 1941): (5)

Manner of articulation markedness (revised) *LIQUID/r >> LIQUID/l >> *AFFRICATES >> *FRICATIVES >> GLIDES, *STOPS

Applying the markedness ranking to the data, we see that all consonants, except the most marked manner class – liquid – are stable in T’s grammar. Even within the class LIQUID, only /r/ is lost; /l/ is present and stable. The loss of /r/ in childhood postlingual deafness is thus common to M, T and the Belfast group discussed in Cowie and Douglas-Cowie (1992). However, T’s grammar is different because of its retention of /l/. As for her loss of /h/, this can be accounted for by the ranking motivated through the phonological behavior of /h/ in Chapter 5, repeated below: (6)

PLACE feature ranking (revised) *PLACELESS >> *LABIAL-VELAR *CORONAL >> *LABIAL

>>

*DORSAL

>>

As mentioned before, the absence of place speci¿cation is considered marked in postlingual deafness; hence, the elimination of /h/. In the next section, T’s vowel patterns are examined. As we will see, the patterns illustrate reduction of vowel contrasts – nasal vowels Àuctuate between being nasal and being oral, and mid vowels are variably realized as –ATR or +ATR.

176

Postlingual Deafness at Age 8: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

6.1.2 Vowels T’s vowel inventory has seven oral vowels, as the examples in (7) show: (7)

Vowel [¸] [u] [e] [E] [o] [O] [a]

Standard Yoruba k¸! ¸g¸ ku! ¸Su ke! ¸le! kE! kpE~lE! ko! owo! kO! OmO ka! ata gba~ ba~ba! Oba

T’s Yoruba k¸! ¸!g¸~ ku! ¸!Su~ ke! ¸!le! kE! kpE~lE! ko! o!wo! kO! O!mO~ ka! a!ta~ gba~ ba~ba! O!ba~

Gloss ‘greet’ ‘stick’ ‘die’ ‘yam’ ‘cry’ ‘house’ ‘pamper’ ‘greetings, sorry’ ‘collect’ ‘money’ ‘teach’ ‘child’ ‘pluck, fold’ ‘pepper’ ‘take’ ‘father’ ‘king’

As for nasal vowels, only three of the four contrastive nasal vowels are attested in T’s Yoruba: high front nasal [¸)], high back nasal [u)], and mid low back nasal vowel [O)]. The mid low front nasal vowel [E)] is not observed. However, this loss is not surprising because [E)] is the least common nasal vowel in the language. As mentioned in Chapter 2, it occurs in only a few lexical items. Moreover, Ijes¢a, one of the interacting dialects in Toyin’s speech lacks [E)] (yEѺ is realized as yE ‘that’ in Ijes¢a). Although nasal vowels are attested in T’s grammar, they are in free alternation with oral vowels. In other words, the oral-nasal contrast is weakened. The following data illustrate this alternation: (8)

T’s nasal vowels alternate as nasal or oral Standard Yoruba (nasal V) T’s nasal and oral V alternations d¸!Ѻ ‘fry’ d¸Ѻ! ~ d¸! ‘fry; block’ su!Ѻ ‘move’ sNJ ғ ~ su! ‘move; fed up’ tO!Ѻ ‘stale’ tO!Ѻ ~ tO! ‘¿nish, tease’ yEѺ ‘that’ unattested ~ yE ‘that, be¿t’

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

177

Because the denasalized forms are contrastive (d¸! ‘block,’ su! ‘fed up,’ tO! ‘tease,’ yE ‘be¿t’), ambiguity results when they are used by T. Gesturing through pointing or acting out the verb was always effective in disambiguating these cases. The Àuctuation of vowel nasality can be captured by non-crucial ranking of markedness and faithfulness – *[+nasal-V] and IDENT-Nasal. This ranking ensures that all nasal vowels can emerge as nasal or oral, as in T’s grammar: (9)

Fluctuating nasalization: Crucial non-ranking of MARKEDNESS and FAITHFULNESS /sNJ/ ‘move’ *[+nasal-V] IDENT-Nasal * ) a. su ) b. sNJ

*

The optimality of these two candidates follows from the equal rank assigned to *[+nasal-V] and IDENT-Nasal. It is important to note that the equal ranking of *[+nasal-V] and IDENT-Nasal is a demotion of faithfulness. As shown in (10), in Standard Yoruba and other dialects, IDENT-Nasal must outrank *[+nasal-V] to capture the contrastive nature of vowel nasalization: (10) Crucial ranking of MARKEDNESS and FAITHFULNESS in Standard Yoruba IDENT-Nasal >> *[+nasal-V] /sNJ/ ‘move’ IDENT-Nasal *[+nasal-V] * ) a. sNJ b. su

*!

Next, I consider T’s tongue root harmony. As can be recalled from the preceding chapters, Yoruba has tongue root harmony which requires co-occurring vowels to agree in laxness (íATR) and tenseness (+ATR) of the tongue root. Beginning with high vowels, all high vowels are advanced in T’s Yoruba. This is interesting because, as can be recalled, T’s parents spoke central dialects (Ekiti/Ijes¢a) to her as a child. As shown in Chapter 2, words in central dialects have retracted high vowels when they are followed by retracted vowels. Surprisingly, even when T recalled her parents’ speech in Ekiti/Ijes¢a, advanced high vowels were used. However, I found some examples where mid vowels /E/ and /O/ occurred instead of retracted high vowels. This pattern still illustrates the avoidance of retracted high vowels, and shows that the avoidance can be achieved by advancing the tongue root, as shown by the choice of /i/ and /u/ or

178

Postlingual Deafness at Age 8: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

by lowering the tongue body, as illustrated by the selection of /E/ and /O/ (tones are omitted because they are not crucial to the discussion of vowel harmony). The examples in (11a) illustrate the [íATR] pattern and those in (11b) exemplify [+ATR] in Standard Yoruba: (11)

Standard Yoruba

T’s Yoruba

a.

idE iyO f¸la agbalumO Ebi

idE iyO ¿la agbalumO Ebi, ebi

brass salt cap type of fruit ‘guilt’

b.

igbo ile iSu et¸ or¸

igbo ile iSu eti o¸

‘bush’ ‘house’ ‘yam’ ‘ear’ ‘head’

The Ekiti/Ijesa pattern is exempli¿ed in (12): (12) Ekiti/Ijesa Yoruba

T’s Ekiti/Ijes¢a

a.

UdE UyO fIla agbalUmO

udE uyO fEla agbalOmO

b.

igbo ile iSu et¸ or¸

ugbo ule uSu et¸ o¸

*UdE *UyO *fIla *agbalUmO

brass salt cap type of fruit ‘bush’ ‘house’ ‘yam’ ‘ear’ ‘head’

The advancement of high vowels is straightforwardly captured by the markedness constraint HI/ATR (HI/ATR: High vowels are advanced, not retracted cf. Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1994). I follow Orie (2001), (2003) in assuming that the root ATR speci¿cation is licensed by the rightmost vowel in Yoruba (Licensing/Prosodic Head: LicPH), subject to HI/ATR and LO/ATR. Assuming the ALIGN constraints ALIGNLEFT-ROOT (ALIGNL) and ALIGNRIGHTROOT (ALIGNR) are the constraints responsible for ensuring that vowels within the root domain have the same ATR speci¿cation (Kisserbeth 1994,

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

179

Akinlabi 1996, Pulleyblank 1996, Orie 2001, 2003), the optimal representation of advanced high vowels in T’s Yoruba is derived by ranking HI/ATR above ALIGN. More speci¿cally, ALIGNL must be ranked below HI/ATR to capture the generalization that a root ¿nal retracted vowel does not cause a preceding high vowel to become retracted in T’s grammar: (13) HI/ATR, LicPH >> ALIGN /uyO/ íATR ‘salt’ HI/ATR

LicPH

) a. uyO b. UyO c. Uyo

*

*! *!

ALIGNL *

The variable realization of f¸~la~ as f¸~la~ or fE~la~ ‘cap’ further strengthens the dominant status of HI/ATR and demonstrates that it is better to delete the +high speci¿cation of a word than disobey HI/ATR markedness. The ranking – HI/ ATR >> ALIGNL, IDENT-High – derives this pattern: (14) HI/ATR >> ALIGNL, IDENT-High /¿la/ íATR HI/ATR ALIGNL a. fIla *! * ) b. ¿la ) c. fEla

IDENT-High

*

As can be seen in (14), the candidates that obey HI/ATR are optimal. (14b) fails to harmonize HI and –ATR, and (14c) deletes the +HI speci¿cation of the high vowel, having instead a mid retracted vowel which avoids a serious violation of +HI/ATR. Lic-PH is not included because HI/ATR independently rules out (14a), the form that can potentially violate Lic-PH if fIla is not derived by –ATR spreading: Similarly, medial high vowels in trisyllabic words strictly obey HI/ATR. Consequently, in MID-HI-LOW or MID-HI-MID sequences (where the ¿nal vowel of a root is retracted), T’s grammar exhibits two patterns. First, examples exist where the medial high vowel was advanced and opaque to the transmission of retraction, just like the pattern seen in Standard Yoruba. Second, there are examples of two retracted vowels Àanking an advanced medial high vowel, just as seen in Ife¢ (high vowel transparency). In contrast, the Ekiti/Ijes¢a pattern with retracted medial high vowel was not observed T’s Yoruba:

180

Postlingual Deafness at Age 8: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

(15) T’s Medial high vowels Attested Attested íATR o!u!kO! O!u!kO! o~u~ka~ O~u~ka~ o~Su~kpa! O~Su~kpa!

Unattested *O!rU!kO~ *O~rU~ka~ *O~SU~kpa!

‘name’ ‘ring’ ‘moon’

Interestingly, forms with +ATR mid vowels also have –ATR alternates. However, medial high vowels remain advanced: +ATR e~bu!te! e~ku!te! e!wu!o~

E~bu!tE E~ku!tE! E!wu!O~

*E~bU!tE! *E~kU!tE! *E!wU!rO~

‘harbor’ ‘house rat’ ‘bitter leaf’

These high vowel opacity and transparency patterns illustrate the strict enforcement of HI/ATR. The undominated ranking of HI/ATR ensures that high vowels are advanced everywhere. Next, let us consider words composed of mid-low sequences. As shown in (16), these forms exhibit harmonic patterns expected of any dialect of Yoruba: advanced and retracted mid vowels may follow a low vowel, but only retracted mid vowels may occur before a low vowel. (16) Standard Yoruba Oba ‘king’ O~ga! ‘boss’ E~ba~ ‘food made from gari’ E~wa~ ‘beans’

T’s Yoruba O!ba~ *oba O~ga! *oga E~ba~ *eba E~wa~ *ewa

However, mid vowels following low vowels are variably expressed as retracted or advanced, as these examples show: (17) Standard Yoruba abO! ‘plate’ ayo~ ‘board game’ abE! ‘below’ aye! ‘life, world’

T’s Yoruba a!bO!, a!bo! a!yo~, a!yO~ a!bE!, a!be! a!ye!, a!yE!

The data presented so far show that obedience to LO/ATR is required. That is, all low vowels must be retracted. The difference in the behavior of ¿nal (16) and initial (17) low vowels is key evidence that harmony is transmitted regressively in Yoruba (Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1989). In order to account for the

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

181

difference in the behavior of root ¿nal and non-¿nal low vowels, LO/ATR must dominate ALIGN-L. This ranking optimizes realizing a non-¿nal mid vowel as retracted if the ¿nal vowel is a low vowel (in the tableau, an advanced low vowel is represented as [a¢]): (18) LO/ATR, Lic-PH >> ALIGNL /Oba/ íATR ‘king’ LO/ATR ) a. Oba b. oba c. oba¢

Lic-PH

ALIGNL *!

*!

*

The same ranking also derives the persistent retraction of low vowels even when an advanced vowel occurs in ¿nal position: (19) Crucial ranking of MARKEDNESS and ALIGN LO/ATR, Lic-PH >> ALIGNL /ayo/ +ATR ‘board game’

LO/ATR

Lic-PH

) a. ayo b. a¢yo c. a¢yO

*! *!

*

ALIGNL *

Finally, consider forms with complete harmony. That is, words consisting of only mid vowels. As shown in (20), in all the words consisting of mid-mid sequences, complete harmony is observed in T’s grammar. However, retracted vowels can surface as advanced and advanced vowels can be realized as retracted (tones are omitted). In spite of this variability, disharmonic MID MID sequences are unattested: (20) Fluctuating MID-MID sequences Standard Yoruba íATR E~ÔE~ ‘blood’ OwO! ‘hand’ O~lE ‘lazy person’ E~fO! ‘vegetable’

T’s Yoruba E~ÔE~, e~Ôe~ O!wO!, o!wo! O~lE!, o!le~ E~fO!, e~fo!

*e~ÔE~ *o!wO! *o!lE~ *e!fo!

182

Postlingual Deafness at Age 8: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

+ATR ge~le~ owo! eÔo~ ole~

‘female head gear’ҏ ‘money’ ‘snake’ ‘thief’

ge~le~, gE~lE~ o!wo!, O!wO! e!Ôo~, E!ÔO~ o!le~, O!lE~

*gelE *owO *e!ÔO~ *o!lE~

The behavior of the preceding data sets can be formalized through the ranking of the phonetic grounding markedness constraints of Archangeli and Pulleyblank (1994) and faithfulness. First, as shown, the harmonic combination of +HI and +ATR and +LO and –ATR are responsible for the advancement and retraction of high and low vowels respectively. However, if maximal height opposition (+HI or +LO) is lacking, as in the representation of mid vowels, the tongue root (ATR) becomes active. As suggested in Chapter 5, the activation of ATR gives mid vowels access to both +ATR and –ATR, resulting in the Àuctuations of these vowels as +ATR or –ATR. The Àuctuation of harmony is analyzed as resulting from the activity of grounding constraints involving ATR (Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1994), repeated below from Chapter 5: (21) ATR markedness constraints If –ATR, then [íHI], not [+HI]: íATR/íHI If +ATR, then [íLO], not [+LO]: +ATR/íLO Applying this idea to the data, as shown in (22), because mid vowels are [-HI] and [-LO], they will obey the two ATR constraints, yielding mid vowel sequences that are either advanced or retracted. The high ranking of these constraints will unseat any input ATR value of the root. The following tableaux illustrate this analysis: (22) –ATR/íHI, +ATR/íLO /OwO/ íATR ‘hand’ íHI, íLO

–ATR/íHI

) a. OwO ) b. owo

*

+ATR/íLO *

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

183

(23) ATR/-HI, +ATR/íLO /OwO/ +ATR ‘money’ íHI, íLO

–ATR/íHI

) a. OwO ) b. owo

+ATR/íLO *

*

Once more, it is crucial to note that the elimination of an input ATR speci¿cation is another instantiation of faithfulness demotion and markedness promotion. This state of affair results in the reduction of mid vowel contrasts in nouns. Summarizing this section, T’s vowel patterns show that oral vowels are stable, but nasal vowels are not. As shown, nasal vowels are in free variation with oral vowels. Furthermore, the tongue root harmony patterns demonstrate that high and low vowels are stable but mid vowels are variable, Àuctuating between advanced and retracted forms. Another interesting pattern seen is T’s avoidance of retracted high vowels. Rather than use retracted high vowels in Ekiti/ijesa, T uses either advanced high vowel (i, u) or mid vowels. As shown, these patterns are accounted for by the demotion of faithfulness and the promotion of markedness. On the one hand, vowel height markedness drives harmony when maximal height opposition (+HI or +LO) is present. On the other hand, tongue root (ATR) markedness determines the harmony of mid vowels, vowels that are neither high nor low. Mid vowel cases exhibit a Àuctuating pattern because they can satisfy ATR markedness in two ways: through obedience to –ATR/íHI or +ATR/íLO. Another Àuctuating pattern is exempli¿ed by alternation patterns involving nasal vowels and their oral vowel counterparts. In this case, the tension is between markedness and faithfulness. As shown, obedience to markedness yields vowel denasalization, whereas obedience to faithfulness results in the retention of nasalization. 6.1.3 Tone patterns As we have seen in the preceding chapters, tone is central to all aspects of Yoruba language. In this section, I will examine T’s Yoruba, and provide evidence showing tone loss in her grammar. Speci¿cally, Mid tones, derived complex tones, and syntactic tones are missing. Recall that the three lexical tones (High (H), Low (L) and Mid (M)) vary in phonological strength. Recall further, that, H tone is the most stable, and M

184

Postlingual Deafness at Age 8: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

tone is the weakest and most unstable (Akinlabi 1985, Pulleyblank 1986, Orie 1997, Akinlabi and Liberman 2000). The relative strength of these tones is reÀected in the behavior of tones under conditions of postlingual deafness in T’s grammar. For example, T words with H and L tones are preserved. (24) Standard Yoruba j¸! gba~ a~du!ra~ gba~gbe!

T’s Yoruba j¸! gba~ a~du!a~ gba~gbe!

‘be awake’ ‘take’ ‘prayer’ ‘forget’

Mid tones, on the other hand, are not preserved. The following patterns involving M tones are observed. First, an M tone that is adjacent to an H or L tone is realized as H or L: (25) Standard Yoruba owo! et¸! ObE~ Ogba~

T’s Yoruba o!wo! e!t¸! O~bE~ O~gba~

‘money’ ‘ear’ ‘soup’ ‘yard’

Secondly, words composed solely of M tones, for example, oko ‘farm’ may be realized as o!ko! ,‘a non-existent word’ or o~ko~ ‘stone/missile,’ depending on whether they occur at the beginning or the end of a sentence. High tones are the most commonly used in sentence initial contexts while L tones occur in sentence-¿nal contexts. Additional examples are given below. The examples in (26) show how M tones are produced as L or H tone: (26) Standard Yoruba OmO odi ara oko

T’s Yoruba O!mO!, O~mO~, O!mO~ o!d¸!, o~d¸~, o!d¸~ a!a!, a~a~, a!a~ o!ko!, o~ko~, o!ko~

‘child’ ‘deaf/mute’ ‘body’ ‘farm’

The following sentences illustrate the variable occurrence of the tones of /OmO/ and /odi/

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

185

(27) Mid tones are variably realized as H or L tones a.

Standard Yoruba OmO O~ mi k¸~¸! Se odi child GEN my NEG be deaf ‘my child is not deaf/mute’ T’s Yoruba O!mO! m¸! k¸~¸! Se~ o~d¸~ child my NEG be deaf ‘my child is not deaf/mute’

b.

Standard Yoruba odi ni OmO E deaf be (FOCUS) child your T’s Yoruba o!d¸! n¸! O~mO~ E~ or o!d¸! n¸~ O!mO! E~ deaf be child your ‘your child is deaf/mute’

These pattern show that only two of the three lexical pitch range is retained in T’s grammar after a prolonged time of deafness. The co-occurrence of Yoruba lexical H and L tones produces rising (R) and falling (F) tones, as shown in Chapter 2. Examples illustrating these processes are repeated for easy reference. (28) LH O~rE! ¸~gba! ba~ba! o~kpo!

‘friend’ ‘egg plant’ ‘father’ ‘pillar’

L R (LH) O~rE‹ ¸~gba# ba~ba# o~kpo#

(29) HL ba!yO~ rO!kpo~ tu!tu~ kpu!kpO~

‘personal name’ ‘personal name’ ‘cold’ ‘many’

H F (HL) ba!yO$ rO!kpo$ tu!tu$ kpu!kpO$

None of these complex pitches is found in T’s grammar. As exempli¿ed by the examples below, T lacks rising tones:

186

Postlingual Deafness at Age 8: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

(30) T’s Yoruba O~E! ¸~gba! ba~ba! o~kpo!

‘friend’ ‘garden egg or egg plant’ ‘father’ ‘pillar’

Standard Yoruba O~rE‹ ¸~gba# ba~ba# o~kpo#

The examples in (31) illustrate the absence of falling tones: (31) T’s Yoruba ba!yO~ O!kpo~ tu!tu~ kpu!kpO~

‘personal name’ ‘personal name’ ‘cold’ ‘many’

Standard Yoruba ba!yO$ rO!kpo$ tu!tu$ kpu!kpO$

In sum, we see that M tone and complex rising and falling tones are lost due to postlingual deafness. So far, we have examined the behavior of lexical tones. Next, we will consider phrase and sentence tones. As earlier indicated in previous chapters (2 and 5), a verb retains a Low tone if the verb is used as an imperative (gba~! ‘take!’) or if it is followed by a monosyllabic object pronoun (gba~ m¸! ‘take me’). If a Low tone verb is followed by a noun (gba owo! ‘take money), it is raised to Mid. The raising of a Low tone to Mid signals the syntactic difference between verbs that are followed by short pronouns and those that are followed by nouns. In T’s Yoruba, there is no syntactic contrast between low-toned verbs which select short pronouns and those with nouns. As shown in (32), the low tone of the verb is retained everywhere: (32) Standard Yoruba gba~ mi! gba emi < [gba~ emi] la et¸! < [la~ eti!] wE OmO < [wE~ OmO]

T’s Yoruba gba~ mi! gba~ e!mi ~ < [gba~ emi] la~ e!t¸! < [la~ eti!] wE~ O!mO~ < [wE~ OmO]

‘take me’ ‘take me emphatic’ ‘open ears’ ‘bathe child’

Similarly, T does not use the M tone that is used to mark the genitive: (33) Input ile! (MH) house OkO~ (ML) car

ta!yO~ (HL) J tayo¢ dO~tuҔ (LM) J Do¢tun

Standard Yoruba ile! e ta!yO~ ‘Tayo¢’s house’ OkO~ O dO~tun ‘Do¢tun’s car’

T’s Yoruba ¸!le! ta!yO~ O!kO~ dO~tu~

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

OmO (MM) child OkO~ (ML) car

ak¸Ҕ (MM) Akin o~jo! (L H) Ojo

J

OmO O ak¸Ҕ/OmO ak¸Ҕ ‘Akin’s child’ OkO~ O o~jo! / O~kO~ o~jo! ‘Ojo’s car’

J

187

O!mO! a~k¸~ O!kO~ o~jo!

T’s tonal grammar is similar to M’s in that it retains lexical tones and does not utilize syntactic tones like the genitive. Further, T does not use the High tone subject marker (the details on this aspect of her grammar will be discussed in 6.3). The general tone patterns of (i) preferred retention of H and L tones, (ii) the suppression of M tones, (iii) absence of contour tones, and (iv) replacement of mid tones by high and low tones can be captured with the constraints already established in M’s grammar in Chapter 5. (34) Tone Constraints and ranking *M tone MAXH-tone: Input high tones must be present in the output MAXL-tone: Input low tones must be present in the output MAXM-tone: Input mid tones must be present in the output *COMPLEX Tone: Complex tones (rising, falling) are prohibited DEPH-tone: Output high tones must be present in the input DEPL-tone: Output low tones must be present in the input Ranking: *M-tone, MAXH, MAXL, *COMPLEX >> DEPH, DEPL >> MAXM The tableau in (35) shows that the constraint ranking in (34) accounts for the absence of mid-toned words in T’s grammar. (35) *M-tone >> DEPH, DEPL >> MAXM /OmO/ MM ‘child’ *M-tone DEPH DEPL a. OmO MM *!* ** ) b. OmO HH **

) c. OmO LL ) d. OmO HL

MAXM

*

*

Candidates (35b), (35c), and (35d) are optimal because they best satisfy *M-tone by inserting H and L tones. As shown, their competitor, (35a), which has M tones is rejected because of the high ranking of *M-tone. In the case of (35d), additional ALIGN constraints favoring the alignment of H tone with the

188

Postlingual Deafness at Age 8: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

right edge and the alignment of L tone with the right edge are needed to capture the fact that the preferred sequencing of tones is HL rather than LH. In contrast, if H or L tone is present in the input, it must be preserved in the output: (36) MAXH, MAXL >> DEPH, DEPL /Ô¸!/ H ‘wake up’ MAXH

MAXL

DEPH

) a. Ô¸ H b. Ô¸ L /gba~/ L ‘take’ ) a. gba L b. gba H

DEPL *!

*!

The non-optimality of the second candidate forms in (36) demonstrates that input tone preservation is required when the tones involved are H and L. The generalization that contour tones are unattested in T’s grammar can be explained by ranking *COMPLEX-TONE above H-SPREAD and L-SPREAD, the constraints spreading H and L tones progressively to a following L or H tone, as was established for M’s no-contour tone system in Chapter 5: (37) *COMPLEXTONE >> H-SPREAD, L-SPREAD To sum up the discussion on T’s tonal patterns, we can see that the high ranking of tone markedness constraints above constraints requiring the faithful parse of input marked tones such as M and contour tones accounts for the generalizations that H and L tones are favored more than M tones and complex contour tones. 6.1.4 Syllable structure As we now know from previous discussion involving syllables, attested Yoruba syllable shapes are CV, V or N. But the CV is by far the most common syllable given that verbs, prepositions and adjectives are minimally expressed as CV. Both CV and V syllables are attested in T’s grammar. Representative data illustrating this fact are presented below:

Postlingual Deafness Phonological Patterns

(38) Standard Yoruba so! fo~ eku O~rE!

T’s Yoruba: so! fo~ e!ku~ O~E!

189

‘fart’ ‘jump’ ‘rat’ ‘friend’

Loan words from English are attested in T’s phonology, and they, too, exhibit both CV and V syllables. However, V syllables are alternatively deleted or converted to CV through glide formation, as these data show: (39) Standard Yoruba bu!rE!d¸~ SO!O~bu~ bE!E~d¸~ ko!o~mu~

T’s Yoruba bu!E!d¸~, bu!wE!d¸~ SO!O~bu~, SO!bu~ bE!E~d¸~, bE!d¸~ ko!o~mu~, ko!mu~

‘bread’ ‘shop’ ‘bed’ ‘comb’

As mentioned previously in Chapter 2, some dialects (Standard, O¢yo¢, E¢gba) have syllabic tone-bearing nasals that are orthographically represented as n or m but their pronunciation depends on the place of articulation of the following consonant (for example, o~ro!m~bo‘orange,’ ko!n!do! ‘large cudgel’). In T’s grammar, as in the grammar of M, the syllabic nasal is not attested: (40) Syllabic nasal loss in T’s Yoruba o!bo! ‘orange’ ko!do! ‘large cudgel’ kO~kO~ ‘type of frog’ gbo~gbo~ ‘root’ Furthermore, the progressive marker, also a syllabic nasal, is not used. Consequently, sentences such as shown in (41b) occur: (41)

No syllabic nasal progressive marker in T’s Yoruba a.

Standard Yoruba olu! n! lO Olu PROG go ‘Olu is going’ olu! m! bO~ Olu PROG come ‘Olu is coming’

190

Postlingual Deafness at Age 8: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

olu! N!m gba!du~ Olu PROG enjoy ‘Olu is enjoying’ b.

T’s Yoruba o!lu! lO~ Olu go ‘Olu is going’ or ‘Olu went’ o!lu! bO~ Olu come ‘Olu is coming’ or ‘Olu came’ o!lu! gba!du~ Olu enjoy ‘Olu is enjoying’ or ‘Olu enjoyed’

Because the sentences in (41b) lack the progressive tense marker, their duration is unspeci¿ed. Semantically, they resemble non-future tensed sentences, which are used to present events which have terminated before the time of speaking. The syllable patterns argue for the following ranking: (42)

*Syllabic N >> *V >> *CV

A summary of T’s phonological patterns are given in (43): (43) Summary of T’s phonological properties a.

High and Low tones are attested.

b.

Mid tones are lost; they can be replaced by a high tone at the beginning of an utterance or a low tone at the end. If a high or low tone is adjacent to a mid tone, the mid is replaced by the adjacent high or low tone.

c.

Derived contour tones are unattested.

d.

Low tones are not raised to mid to signal the syntactic marking of an object noun.

e.

Mid tone genitive marking is absent.

f.

All high vowels are advanced; retracted high vowels are not present.

g.

Low vowels are retracted.

Morphology

6.2

191

h.

Mid vowel tongue root harmony is attested, but retracted and advanced mid vowels can be variably realized as retracted or advanced.

i.

Nasal vowels are variably realized as oral or nasal in all contexts.

j.

CV and V syllables are attested, but syllabic nasals are lost.

k.

All consonants except /r/ and /h/ are stable

l.

/r/ and /h/ are unattested.

Morphology

Turning now to T’s morphology, as can be seen in (44), canonical word shapes are preserved in T’s grammar. That is, all roots minimally contain a CV with the additional requirement that nouns be expressed as VCV. (44) Standard Yoruba gba~ du~Ѻ do~do~ a~ÔE!

T’s Yoruba gba~ du~Ѻ do~do~ a~ÔE!

‘take’ ‘sweet’ ‘fried plantain’ ‘witch’

Non-conforming forms are those with /r/, which are realized as V due to the loss of /r/, for example, r¸! J ¸! “see’. Pre¿xing is the predominant morphological strategy in Yoruba. Pre¿xes such as shown below are attested in T’s grammar: (45) Pre¿xation Standard Yoruba g.

h.

T’s grammar

O~-bE ‘cutter, knife’ pre¿x + cut’ ¸~-gba!lE~ ‘broom’ pre¿x + sweep Àoor on¸!Ѻ í le! ‘pre¿x + house’ ElE!Ôa ‘pre¿x + ¿sh’

O~ í bE~ ¸! í gba!lE~

‘owner of house’

on¸!Ѻ í ile!

‘owner or seller of ¿sh’

on¸!Ѻ í EÔa

192

Postlingual Deafness at Age 8: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

ala!SO ‘owner or seller of cloth’ ‘pre¿x + cloth’ ele!kpo ‘owner or seller of palm oil’ ‘pre¿x + palm oil’

on¸!Ѻ í aSO on¸!Ѻ í ekpo

Recall from the discussion of pre¿xation in Chapter 2 that /n/ and /l/ alternate in certain environments in Standard Yoruba: [n] occurs before nasal vowels and [l] occurs before oral vowels. When the nasal consonant of the pre¿x oni- is denasalized to [l] before oral vowels, vowel assimilation takes place across [l]. In T’s grammar, two patterns are attested. First, the canonical form of the pre¿x is used, as already shown in (45b). Secondly, forms with n ~ l alternations are attested but the cross l assimilation occurs optionally, as shown below: (46) Optional cross l vowel assimilation Cross l assimilation E!lE!Ôa~ ‘owner or seller of ¿sh’ a!la!SO~ ‘owner or seller of cloth’ e!le!kpo~ ‘owner or seller of palm oil’ O!lO!gE~dE~ ‘owner or seller of plantain’

No Assimilation o!lE!Ôa~ o!la!SO~ o!le!kpo~ o!lO!gE~dE~

We may account for the denasalization of /n/ to [l] and the cross [l] assimilation by appealing to the following constraints motivated for Yoruba in Akinlabi (to appear) and Orie and Pulleyblank (2002): (47) NO-HIATUS: ANCHORL:

AGREE-Nasal ı: IDENT-Nasal: [o]-AGREE VOC]oni:

a sequence of vowels across syllable boundaries is prohibited. Any element at the left edge of a morpheme in the input has a correspondent at the left edge of the morpheme in the output. tautosyllabic sonorants must agree in nasality. input-output nasal speci¿cations of segments are identical. Vowel /o/ of oni pre¿x assimilates in all VOCALIC features to an adjacent vowel.

The ranking of constraints and the tableau illustrating the ranking appear in (48):

Morphology

193

(48) NO-HIATUS, AGREE-Nasal >> ANCHORL, IDENT-Nasal, o-AGREE /oni + Eja/ ‘seller of ¿sh’

NO-HIATUS

a. on¸Ѻ Eja

*!

b. onEja c. on¸Ѻja

AGREENas

ANoCHORL AGREE

*! *

*! *

) d. olEja ) e. ElEja

IDENTNas

*

* *

In (48), the crucial forms to compare are (48d) and (48e). By changing the input nasal speci¿cation of /n/, they both violate IDENT-Nasal. However, they differ in their obedience to ANCHORL and o-AGREE. (48d) obeys ANCHORL by retaining the input speci¿cations of the initial vowels of the pre¿x and the noun, as a result, it incurs an o-AGREE violation. On the other hand, (48e) obeys o-AGREE, but consequently incurs an ANCHORL violation. Given the equal rank assigned to ANCHORL and o-AGREE, (48d) and (48e) violate the same number of constraints. Therefore either one can be chosen as an optimal candidate. The important conclusion that can be drawn from this case is that the tension between markedness and faithfulness plays itself out once again in that the optimal candidates are well-formed for reasons of maintaining input vocalic contrasts (48d; faithfulness) or reducing input vocalic contrasts (48e; markedness). The other forms of morphological processes found in T’s Yoruba are reduplication and compounding. For example, distributive words, which are derived by reduplicating the initial VCV of a noun (Fo¢larin 1987, O¢la 1995), occur but in a reduced form. As can be seen in (49), T’s distributives are realized as VC, not VCV. This pattern follows the general trend in T’s phonological grammar, which, as shown, shortens derived identical VV sequences to V (section 6.1.4): (49)

Distributive reduplication in T’s grammar Base SY Distributives T’s Distributives alE! ala-alE! a!l-a!lE! ‘night, every night’ O~sO!Ѻ O~sO~-O~sO!Ѻ O~s-O~sO! afternoon, every afternoon oju!mO! oÔo-oÔu!mO! o!Ô-o!Ôu!mO! ‘day, every day’

194

Postlingual Deafness at Age 8: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

The realization of the distributive as VC rather than VCV is accounted for by the syllable ranking in (42). Based on that ranking, a CV syllable is more optimal than a V syllable. The realization of the reduplicated copy as VC allows the syllable of the base to have an onset: VC + VCV J V.CV.CV. (50) T’s Distributive reduplication: reduction of marked syllables Word Ft ı

ı

ı

ȝ

ȝ

ȝ

V

C V

C V

NN compound words (51) are attested in T’s Yoruba, but are realized as canonical noun-noun combinations without V deletion (52). These forms have a phrasal meaning rather than a compound meaning: (51) SY Compounds ayaba ‘queen’ < aya OmOb¸Ҕr¸Ҕ ‘girl’ < OmO OmOku~Ҕr¸Ҕ ‘boy’ < OmO

‘wife’ + Oba ‘king’ ‘child’ + ob¸Ҕr¸Ҕ ‘female’ ‘child’ + OkuҔ~r¸Ҕ ‘male’

(52) T’s Yoruba: No compounds Standard Yoruba T’s Yoruba ayaba a!ya! O~ba~ OmOb¸Ҕr¸Ҕ O!mO! o!b¸~w¸~ OmOku~Ҕr¸Ҕ O!mO! O!ku~w¸~

‘queen, wife of the king’ ‘girl, child of a woman’ ‘boy, child of a man’

In Standard Yoruba, when input vowels are retained, as in T’s forms, a phrasal meaning rather than compound meaning results: (53) Standard Yoruba NN construction Compound (deletion) Phrase (no deletion) ayaba ‘queen’ aya Oba OmOb¸Ҕr¸Ҕ ‘girl’ OmO ob¸Ѻ~r¸Ѻ OmOku~Ҕr¸Ҕ ‘boy’ OmO OkuѺ~r¸Ѻ

‘wife of the king’ ‘child of a woman’ ‘child of a man’

Syntax

195

Summarizing the ¿ndings so far, here are the unique attributes of M’s morphology. (54) Summary of morphological properties a.

Minimal word requirement for verbs and nouns is obeyed, except in cases involving /r/.

b.

Pre¿xing is productively used.

c.

Reduplication is attested.

d.

NN compounding is attested, but because V deletion does not apply to merge the two Nouns into one N, the output is realized as a phrase.

These properties are signi¿cant because they show that T’s grammar exhibits greater obedience to faithfulness; that is, there is a greater retention of morphemes, and phonological markedness constraints such as NO-HIATUS and ONSET only intervene to create phonological unmarked structures such as CV.

6.3

Syntax

As pointed out in Chapter 2, Yoruba is an SVO language (Bamgbos¢e 1965, Awobuluyi 1978). Within phrases, the head of the phrase occurs in initial position followed by the object or complement. T’s grammar provides evidence for this type of syntactic arrangement, as shown in (55): (55) Yoruba word order preserved in T’s grammar SY

T’s Yoruba

a.

Basic sentence:

ayO~ O! gba ¸~we! Ayo¢ HTSM take book ‘Ayo¢ took a book’

a!yO~ gba~ Ayo¢ take

b.

Noun phrase:

f¸~la a ba~ba! cap GEN father ‘father’s cap’

f¸!la~ cap

ba~ba! father

c.

Verb phrase:

ta ¸~we! sell book ‘sell a book’

ta~ sell

¸~we! book

¸~we! book

196

Postlingual Deafness at Age 8: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

d.

Preposition phrase: s¸! OÔa~ to market ‘to the market’

s¸! to

O!Ôa~ market

Additionally, from the data, we see evidence for the full expression of the SVO structure. Thus, T, unlike M, does not produce sentences with omitted subjects and objects. However, like M, T lacks syntactic tones – genitive M tone, L raising to M used for marking object nouns, and high tone subject marker, which is used to mark subjects in ¿nite clauses with non-future tense. Ample data have been presented already to illustrate the absence of the genitive and L tone raising to M (6.1.3). I illustrate the pattern involving the absence of high tone subject marker in T’s Yoruba with the examples in (56). (56) Non-future tense subject high tone marker Standard Yoruba T’s Yoruba ObE~ E! da~nu~ O!bE~ da~nu~ soup HTSM pour out soup pour out ‘the soup has spilled’ ayO~ O! wa! a!yO~ wa! ayo HTSM come ayo come ‘Ayo¢ came’ OÔa~ a! Ô¸~nO~ O!Ôa~ Ô¸~nO~ market HTSM far market far ‘the market is far’ bO!sE~ E! kO ¸~we! bO!sE~ kO~ ¸~we! bose HTSM write book bose write book ‘Bo¢se¢ wrote a book’ When words with mid tones occur in subject position, they have a high tone because high tones are inserted at the beginning of words or phrases while low tones are inserted on mid-toned words at the end. Consider the realization of OmO ‘child,’ aSO ‘cloth,’ and oko ‘farm’ in subject position: (57) Standard Yoruba OmO O! lO child HTSM go ‘the child goes/went’ aSO O! ya cloth HTSM tear ‘the cloth tears/is torn’

T’s Yoruba O!mO! lO~ child go a!SO! ya~ cloth tear

Syntax

oko o! farm HTSM far ‘the farm is far’

Ô¸~nO~ o!ko! farm far

197

Ô¸~nO~

At ¿rst glance, the appearance of H tones on the subject may be conceived as the H tone subject marker. However, if the nouns are incorporated into a larger NP such as N + possessive pronoun, as in (58), the H tone does not appear on the ¿nal vowel of the NP anymore: (58) Standard Yoruba OmO O m¸ ¸! lO child GEN my HTSM go oko o m¸ ¸! Ô¸~nO~ farm GEN my HTSM far ‘my farm is far’

T’s Yoruba O!mO! m¸~ lO~ child my go o!ko! m¸~ Ô¸~nO~ farm my far

The important fact that emerges from the data is that syntactic tones are missing in T’s grammar. Following Dechaine (2001), assuming functional heads C(omp), T(ense), K(ase) and D(et) are spelled out with a high tone in Yoruba, the implication of T and M’s lack of syntactic tones is that these functional heads are not spelled out. The question that instantly arises is: Does T also have a small clause structure like M? To answer this question, we need to consider additional sentence patterns in T’s grammar. Although T’s grammar does not spell out functional heads with tones, nonetheless, it exhibits syntactically elaborate patterns involving fronted NPs in focus construction and questions. Consider relevant examples of focus sentences in (59): (59) T’s focus construction Basic sentence: ba~ba! wO~ a~gba!da! father wear Àowing gown ‘father wore a Àowing gown’ Subject focus: ba!ba! n¸! wO~ a~gba!da! father FOCUS wear Àowing gown ‘it is father who wore a Àowing gown’ Object focus: a!gba!da! n¸~ ba!ba! wO~ Àowing gown FOCUS father wear ‘it is a Àowing gown that father wore’

198

Postlingual Deafness at Age 8: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

Finally, T uses both polar (yes/no) and content questions (WH-interrogatives). Examples of polar questions are given below (PQM stands for polar question marker): (60) Standard Yoruba Polar questions a.

Basic sentence dayO O! ÔE a~gba~do dayo HTSM eat corn ‘Dayo¢ ate some corn’

b.

yes/no question Se! dayO~ O! ÔE a~gba~do PQM dayo HTSM buy corn eat ‘Did Dayo¢ eat some corn?’

c.

yes/no question dayO~ O! ÔE a~gba~do dayo HTSM eat corn ‘Did Dayo¢ eat some corn?’

b¸! PQM

The pattern attested in T’s grammar is shown below.1 As can be seen, the polar question marker occurs at the beginning of the sentence; however, the high tone subject marker is conspicuously missing. Examples are given below (PQM stands for polar question marker): (61) T Yoruba Polar question Se! da!yO~ ÔE~ a~gba~do~ PQM dayo buy corn eat ‘did Dayo¢ eat some corn?’ WH-questions are frequently used by T. Examples of WH-questions are given in (61):

1. T used the sentence-initial polar question in (60b) but did not use the sentence-¿nal alternative in (60c).

Syntax

199

(62) T’s WH- questions a.

T’s Basic sentence da!yO~ ÔE~ a~gba~do~ dayo eat corn ‘Dayo¢ ate some corn’

b.

WH-question (object noun phrase) k¸! n¸! da!yO~ ÔE~ What FOCUS dayo eat ‘What did Dayo¢ eat?’

c.

WH-question (subject noun phrase) ta! n¸! ÔE~ a~gba~do~ Who FOCUS eat corn ‘Who ate corn?’

Let us now return to the question asked earlier, “Does T have a small clause structure like M?” Data illustrating fronting through focus and questions strongly suggest that T does not have a small clause. Instead, we have to assume that she has a full clausal structure in which the phonological feature of tense is not spelled out (Hoekstra and Hyams 1996). (63) T’s full clausal structure IP NP

I’ I

VP NP

V’ V

NP

In summary, we can see that much of T’s syntax is preserved. Lost aspects of syntax are clearly phono-syntactical, for example, the High Tone Subject Marker, Mid Tone Genitive Marker, Raised Low Tone indicating the presence of a noun object, the progressive marker (syllabic nasal).

200

Postlingual Deafness at Age 8: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

6.4

Summary and Comparison of T and M’s grammars

Table 2 gives a summary of the phonological, morphological and syntactic properties of T’s Yoruba: Table 2. Summary of T’s grammar Patterns

Phonology

Morphology

Syntax

1. Features Retained

Stops, glides Fricatives, Liquid /l/ High and low vowels High and low tones CV syllables Nasal vowels Mid vowels V syllables Liquid /r/ and /h/ Syllabic nasals Mid tones Contour tones

roots pre¿xes

word order serial verbs polar question WH questions

2. Fluctuating Features

3. Features Lost

compounds distributives GEN marker HTSM Verb L tone raising to M

I conclude this chapter by comparing T and M’s language patterns. Beginning with properties that are common, these properties are attested in the phonological grammars of T and M: (64) Summary of common Postlingually Deafened Yoruba properties a.

High and Low tones are attested and used correctly in most cases.

b.

Mid tones are unstable; they can be replaced by a high tone at the beginning of an utterance or a low tone at the end. If a low or high tone is adjacent to a mid tone, the mid is replaced by the adjacent high or low tone.

c.

Low tones are not raised to mid to signal the syntactic marking of an object noun.

d.

Mid tone genitive marking is absent.

e.

High Tone Subject marker is missing.

f.

All high vowels are advanced; retracted high vowels are not present.

Syntax

201

g.

Low vowels are retracted.

h.

Mid vowels preceding low vowels are retracted.

i.

Nasal vowels are lost (M) or are realized as oral or nasal in free alternation (T).

j.

Fully harmonic mid-mid vowel sequences are variably realized as –ATR or +ATR.

k.

CV and V syllables are stable, but syllabic nasals are lost.

l.

[r] is lost everywhere.

Some of the major differences involving consonant contrasts are as follows. First, there is loss of oral-nasal contrast in consonants in M’s speech whereas this contrast is retained in T’s phonology, as shown below: (65) SY mo mE!ta mO!r¸~Ѻ omi

T mo! mE!ta! mO!¸~ o!m¸!

M bo!, po! pE!tE!, pE!ta! bu!y¸~ o!b¸~

‘I’ ‘three’ ‘name’ ‘water’

Secondly, whereas M has lost consonant voicing contrast, T has not, as illustrated in (66): (66) Voicing contrast retention difference SY T M yoru~ba! yo!u~ba! yo!ba~, yo!pE! ‘Yoruba’ E~ba~ E~ba~ E!bE~, E!pE~ ‘type of food’ OkO O!kO! u!ku~ ‘husband’ o~go o~go~ o!ko~, u!gu~ ‘glory’ do~do~ do~do~ du~du~, tu~tu~ ‘fried plantain’ tO~ tO~ tu~ ‘urinate’ Thirdly, fricatives are replaced by stops in M’s grammar but not in T’s, as can be seen in these examples:

202

Postlingual Deafness at Age 8: Patterns of Loss after 25 Years

(67) Difference in the realization of fricatives and affricates SY T M so! so! tu! ‘fart’ suѺ~ su~ tu~ ‘sleep’ aSO a!SO! a!tO~ ‘clothing’ a~ÔE! a~ÔE! E~ÔE!, E~dE! ‘witch’ As the data clearly show, M has suffered greater phonological attrition than T. The greater loss experienced is attributed to the age of deafness. Since M lost her hearing at the age of 5, the acquisition process was perhaps incomplete, making her grammar fairly unstable and easily susceptible to attrition. T describes herself as an expert lip-reader. Lip reading is the ability to understand speech through memorizing lip, tongue, and jaw movements and recognizing key speech sounds that particular movements will make. By using eyes instead of ears, a skilled lip reader can lip-read entire words while watching another person speak. They can also understand others by interpreting gestures, facial expressions, and other forms of body language using clues available from the environment. A skilled lip reader can use his or her knowledge of a spoken language by substituting words that could ¿t in a phrase or sentence. Given that aspects of language, such as tone, the laxness and tenseness of vowels and nasalization cannot be readily read-off the lips, one can attribute the loss of properties to the phonetic limitations of lip-reading. However, the asymmetries involving the stability of H and L tones and the vulnerability of M tones cannot be explained as following from lip-reading challenges. Furthermore, it is unclear how this principle can be used to account for the loss of [r]. As shown, in this section, T’s grammatical structure can be uniformly captured using markedness and faithfulness constraints which are formulated based on crosslinguistic language patterns and patterns involving child language acquisition. In the following section, I discuss Yoruba child language acquisition and explore the idea that ¿rst language loss can be explained as language acquisition reversal.

Chapter 7 The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition Language attrition, the partial or total loss of a ¿rst or second language by individuals, has been an important research area in linguistics since works such as Lambert and Freed (1982) and Seliger and Vago (1991) have shown that many aspects of attrition derive from the interplay of the principles of universal grammar, language acquisition, and sociolinguistics. This chapter illustrates the interconnectedness of universal grammar, language acquisition and language attrition by comparing Yoruba child language data and patterns of language loss in postlingually acquired deafness contexts earlier discussed in Chapters 5 and 6. The chapter is organized as follows. First, phonological acquisition and Yoruba child phonology are discussed in 7.1 and 7.2 respectively. Second, in section 7.3, aspects of morphological acquisition are presented. Third, basic syntactic acquisition data are examined in 7.4. Fourth, in 7.5., the acquisition data are compared to the postlingual deafness attrition data, and shown to reÀect mirror symmetrical patterns, which suggest an acquisition reversal pattern of language loss.

7.1

Children’s acquisition of phonology

Roman Jakobson (1941/1968), in his pioneering work Kindersprache, Aphasie und allgemeine Lautgesetze (Child language, aphasia and phonological universals), outlined a theory of phonological acquisition. Jakobson views acquisition as an outcome of the interaction of the child’s innate linguistic knowledge and the linguistic environment. He proposed that child language acquisition follows a ¿xed universal path, based on general markedness principles. For example, as mentioned in Chapter 1, he proposed that the basic syllable in the early stage of phonological acquisition is CV; other syllable shapes such as CVC are more marked and emerge later. Jakobson captured these dependency relations in unidirectional hierarchies, which he called “irreversible laws of solidarity.” Such hierarchies postulate that a feature Y is not acquired before a feature X has been acquired. Conversely, feature X is not compromised before feature Y has eroded. Implicational hierarchies constrain the amount of variation that can occur and at the same time provide testable predictions about the

204

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

parallels in acquisition and attrition patterns. For example, in the phonological sequence /p/ < /t/ < /k/, the acquisition of /p/ is a prerequisite for the emergence of /t/, which in turn is the prerequisite for the emergence of /k/. Conversely, in language loss, /k/ would be the most vulnerable to loss, followed by /t/ and then /p/. In this theory, if /k/ is still in place, /t/ and /p/ must still be present too. Although Jakobson’s proposal has been criticized by some (Menn 1980, Maken 1980, Ingram 1989) and refuted by others (Atkinson 1982, based on Ferguson and Farwell 1975), this theory is still quite inÀuential (Kiparsky and Menn 1977). For example, till today, one commonly assumed initial grammar state for children acquiring their ¿rst language is that unmarked properties are learned ¿rst and that marked aspects are learned later (Stampe, 1969; Smith, 1973; Ingram 1974a,b, 1981, 1989, Fikkert, 1994, Demuth 1995, 1996a, Fee 1995, Bernhardt and Stemberger 1998, and so on). This idea carries over into current phonological theoretical models such as Optimality theory, which explains child language data by ranking markedness constraints above faithfulness constraints (Gnanadesikan 1996, Pater 1997, Rose 2000). As the child learns through the experience of hearing acceptable marked forms, the child’s grammar adapts to tolerate certain marked properties. Eventually, the constraints are re-ranked to allow all the correct structures and none of the incorrect structures to occur. For example, coda consonant acquisition in English proceeds in stages (Compton and Streeter 1977, Gnanadesikan 1995, Demuth and Fee 1995; Demuth 1996a, Pater 1997). English-acquiring children begin coda acquisition by deleting all coda consonants (for example, at age 1;4: duck is realized as [dø]), next they retain only single coda consonants (age 1;5 – 1;7: toast becomes [to:s]), and from age 1;9 onward, all coda consonants are retained (plants is realized as [pœnts]). In contrast, onset clusters continue to be simpli¿ed. Further evidence for Jakobson’s proposal can be found in the work of Fikkert and Levelt (to appear) who investigated the place of articulation patterns in early Dutch child language (age 1;0 to 1;7), and found strong evidence in support of the proposal that labials and coronals are acquired before dorsal consonants.

7.2

Yoruba child phonology

Like English- or Dutch-acquiring children, when Yoruba children start producing words, they do not produce the consonants, vowels, and tones correctly. Observed ‘patterned errors’ include, tone simpli¿cation, absence of grammatical tones, denasalization of vowels after obstruents, back vowel harmony, simpli¿cation of labial-velar consonants to labial /p, b/, replacement of [r] and [l] with glides, and syllable-based processes such as V deletion and

Yoruba child phonology

205

C-reduplication, which apply to make a noun comply with Jakobson’s child language basic CV syllable structure (Ajolore 1974, Onidare 1983, Oyebade 1990, Orie 1997). I begin with the observed stages of phonological acquisition. For practical purposes, acquisition data covering age 0 – 1;11 are classi¿ed as early acquisition, data covering 2;0 – 3;11 are labeled mid acquisition, and language acquired from 4;0 to 6;0 are classi¿ed as late acquisition. 7.2.1 Tones First, all lexical tones (M, L, H) appear as early as 12 months during the one word stage, as in these examples (the forms listed under Child are from Ajolore 1974: 269 – 272; those listed under alternate forms are from my 1994 and 2002 research notes): (1) M tone L tone H tone HL tones LH

Adult ÔE ¸Su su~Ѻ ba~ta~ fE! s¸ғd¸ғ to!o!y¸$Ѻ to!o!s¸$Ѻ ba~ba‹

Child dE usu tuѺ~ ba~ta~ fE! d¸!d¸! tá¸~~, ta!y¸~ tás¸~ ba~ba!

Alternate forms utu, tutu tu~ ta~ta~ pE!

‘eat’ ‘yam’ ‘sleep’ ‘shoe’ ‘want’ ‘personal name’ ‘personal name’ ‘personal name’ ‘father’

While simple lexical tones are attested at age 1;0 – 1;4, complex tones are not yet acquired. For example, LH and HL forms do not occur with adult-like falling or rising ¿nal tones. Furthermore, the syntactic High Tone Subject Marker (HTSM) that can potentially create contour tones is not present at age 1;4. Consequently, forms such as these are produced (p 272): (2)

Adult

Child

a.

to!o!y¸$Ѻ ¸Ѻ! fE! OsOѺ~ Toyin HTSM want orange ‘Toyin wants orange’

tá ¸~~ fE! OѺsOѺ~ Toyin want orange

b.

to!o!s¸$Ѻ ¸Ѻ! JE Ey¸Ѻ Toosin HTSM eat egg ‘Tosin ate an egg’

tás¸~ dE hOѺy¸~Ѻ Toosin eat egg

206

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

Ajolore (1974: 272) notes that these forms lack the high tone subject marker. This is a puzzle; as he said,“ I do not understand what was happening but if one can make a guess, perhaps the transition that a Low-High contour demands, was more than they could cope with at that age.” These complex tones appear later in mid acquisition between age 2;6 – 3;0. Another adult syntactic tone that is not present earlier on at age 1;4 is the genitive Mid tone marker, as shown by these examples: (3) a.

Adult ba~ta~ a to!o!s¸$Ѻ Shoe GEN Tosin “Tosin’s shoe”

Child ba~ta~ tás¸~ shoe Tosin

b.

oo~gu~Ѻ uѺ mO!m¸~ medicine GEN mummy “mummy’s medicine”

uѺuѺ~guѺ mO!m¸~ medicine mummy

c.

mO!to~ o da!d¸~ ¸! lO motor GEN daddy HTSM go “daddy’s car went away”

mO!to~ da!d¸~ yO motor daddy

go

The earliest occurrence of the genitive was recorded during mid acquisition at age 2.4 in forms such as (Ajolore 1974: 330): (4)

Adult aÔa! a to!o!s¸$Ѻ dog GEN Tosin “Tosin’s dog”

Child ada! a tás¸~Ѻ dog GEN Tosin

However, the genitivized form occurred in alternation with the form without genitive marking (p. 331, ada! tás¸~). As can be recalled, the lexical Low tone of a verb is raised to a Mid tone when an object noun occurs after it, but is retained if the object is a short pronoun. L to M raising is not observed until late mid acquisition between age 2 and 3 (5c, Ajolore 1974: 317). Before then, children use L tone before noun and pronoun objects, as in (5a-b) (Ajolore 1974: 288):

Yoruba child phonology

(5)

Lexical Low tone nO~Ѻ a.

b.

c.

207

‘beat, hit, spank”

Adult o! nOѺ To!o!s¸$~ ¸~ he spank (Mid tone) Tosin GEN Child o! nOѺ~ Tás¸~ he spank (Low tone) Tosin “he spanked my Tosin” Adult o! nOѺ~ he spank (L tone) Child o! nOѺ~ he spank (Low tone) “he spanked me”

mi my mi my

m¸! me m¸! me

Adult mO!m¸~ ¸! nOѺ mommy HTSM spank (M tone) Child mO!m¸~ o! nOѺ mommy HTSM spank (M) “mommy spanked Tosin”

to!o!s¸$~ Tosin tás¸~ Tosin

As mentioned above, M tones appear early like H and L tones, which seems to suggest that all three tones are symmetrical in strength. However, there is evidence from deletion data in mid acquisition (2; 4 to 3; 6) for the asymmetric behavior of the M tone. For example, the cases in (6) show that when a Mid tone is adjacent to a Low or High tone in a V…V context involving deletion, the Mid tone is always replaced by an adjacent Low or High even when the vowel originally bearing the Mid tone is retained (Examples from Ajolore 1974, p 291, 353, 346). (6)

Tone asymmetry Input Adult jE a~ka~ra~ ja~ka~ra~ ti e~mi te~mi ko! ¸ruѺ ko!ruѺ

Child dE~ka~wa~ t¸~mi ko!wuѺ

Gloss eat bean cakes of mine “belongs to me” plait hair

208

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

To summarize the facts so far, we have seen that lexical tones appear early and syntactic tones are not present in early acquisition. Furthermore, we have seen that lexical tones behave asymmetrically in deletion contexts: H and L tones are stable but M tone is not, thus demonstrating that Yoruba children are aware of the tonal asymmetry in adult Yoruba. Finally, contour tones are not attested in early child phonology. In short, the tonal pattern ¿ts the tone markedness scale established for Yoruba: (11)

Yoruba Tone markedness *M >> *L >> *H

In addition, the lack of contour tones in early Child Yoruba demonstrates that the ranking established for postlingual deafness data in Chapter 5 and Chapter 6 is at work here as well: (12) No contour tones in PDY and Early Child Yoruba Standard Yoruba: H-SPREAD, L-SPREAD >> *COMPLEXTONE M and T Yoruba: *COMPLEXTONE >> H-SPREAD, L-SPREAD Early Child Yoruba: *COMPLEXTONE >> H-SPREAD, L-SPREAD In the next section, we continue our discussion of Yoruba child phonology by examining vowel patterns. 7.2.2 Oral Vowels On the basis of the data in Ajolore (1974), there is evidence that Yoruba phonemic oral vowel contrasts are acquired between 0; 10 – 1; 6. The data below illustrate the occurrence of oral vowels in Child Yoruba: (9) [i] [u] [a] [e] [E]

Adult SY sidi da!d¸~ iSu ba~ba! gbe! e be!b¸~ O~gE~dE~ Enu

Child didi da!d¸~ usu ba~ba! be ba!b¸~, b¸!b¸~ dE~dE~ anu

Alternate d¸!d¸~ utu, tutu bebe

nunu

‘personal name’ ‘daddy’ ‘yam’ ‘father’ ‘lift it, lift me’ ‘baby’ ‘plantain’ ‘mouth’

Yoruba child phonology

[o] [O]

olo!gbo~ to!o!y¸$~ kO!

209

‘cat’ ‘personal name’ ‘not’

bo!bo~ tá¸~~, ta!y¸~ kO!, ka!

Three patterns can be seen in the data above. First, the initial vowel alternates as V or CV. Second, the ¿nal vowel of the word is always retained. Third, mid vowels are variably realized as mid or /a/ in initial position. Although the seven phonemic vowels are present in early Child Yoruba, we can see from the alternations involving mid vowels that these vowels vary in strength. This pattern suggests that the initial phonological contrast is between the features low (non-High) and high, as suggested by Jakobson: (10) {e, E, o, O, a} versus {i, u} As the next set of data collected during mid acquisition from 2; 3 to 2; 8.show (Oyebade (1990), three phonological patterns are found in the speech of a two year old child acquiring Yoruba: tongue root harmony, back harmony, and ¿nal CV reduplication. The ¿rst data set, given below in (11), illustrates the occurrence of tongue root harmony in words with mid and low vowels: mid vowels harmonize and mid vowels occurring before low vowels are retracted (OYB represents Oyebade). (11)

Mid and low vowel harmony: Adult SY OYB Child O~lE O~yE OwO! OwO! EsE~ EtE~ ole~ oye~ o~go o~ko ehoro ewoyo E~wa~ E~wa~

‘lazy person’ ‘hand’ ‘leg, foot’ ‘thief’ ‘glory’ ‘rabbit’ ‘beans’

Additional examples illustrating low vowel harmony from my own research (Ak, 2; 5) are given below: (12) Low vowel harmony patterns Adult SY Child Oba Oba, baba O~la O~ya, ya~ya E~ba~ E~ba~, ba~ba~ Egba Eba, baba

‘king’ ‘tomorrow’ ‘food made from tapioca’ ‘paddle’

210

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

The additional pattern seen in (12) is ¿nal CV reduplication, which produces identical vowels within a word. Whereas only retracted mid vowels can occur before low vowels, both retracted and advanced mid vowels can be found after low vowels in Child Yoruba, as in the adult grammar, as shown below (OYB and Ak): (13)

Adult SY a~wo abO! ade! alE!

Child a~wo, wa~wo abO!, babO! ade!, dade! ayE!, yayE!

‘plate’ ‘pan’ ‘crown’ ‘night’

However, the data in (14) demonstrate that advanced high vowels can be preceded by both advanced and retracted vowels:1 (14) Adult SY Ot¸! ob¸~ et¸! Eru~

OYB Child Ot¸! *ot¸! ob¸~ et¸! OlΔu~

‘wine’ ‘kolanut’ ‘ear’ ‘load’

These data show that the tongue root harmony feature +ATR (advanced tongue root) and íATR (retracted tongue root) distinction is acquired at about two years. The data in (12) and (13) further demonstrate that harmony is regressive in Child Yoruba, as in the adult grammar (Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1989, 1994). The same ranking that captured the T’s tongue root harmony is applicable here: (15) LO/ATR, HI/ATR, Lic-PH >> ALIGNL The data in (16) show the next harmony pattern, a back harmony that causes vowels in a word to become [+back] if the ¿nal vowel is a back vowel (u, o, O):

1. Oyebade (1990) reports the occurrence of a palatalized /l/ in the two year old child observed. This is the earliest occurrence of /l/ in all the studies on Yoruba language acquisition.

Yoruba child phonology

211

(16) Word-¿nal back vowels induce back harmony Adult SY OYB Child itO! utO! ‘saliva’ iSu utu ‘yam’ Eru~ Olu~ ‘baggage’ eku oku ‘rat’ eÔo~ odo~ ‘snake’ e~lu~bO! o~yu~bO~bu~bu~bO!! ‘yam Àour’ By contrast, word ¿nal front vowels (i, e, E) do not trigger front harmony. As a result, both front and back vowels precede ¿nal front vowels, as demonstrated by these examples: (17) Word ¿nal front vowels do not trigger harmony Adult SY OYB Child Ot¸! Ot¸! *Et¸! ‘wine’ OSE OtE *EtE ‘soap’ ob¸~ ob¸~ *eb¸~ ‘kolanut’ o~ke~ o~ke~ *e~ke~ ‘top, up’ As originally argued by Oyebade (1990), the harmony pattern in (16) demonstrate the activation of the front-back distinction with the feature [+back] playing a dominant role. In OT, regressive back harmony shows that ALIGN [+back] constraints are operative in mid acquisition: (18) ALIGN[+back]R-ROOT: The right edge of a [+back] is aligned with the right edge of the root ALIGN[+back]L-ROOT: The left edge of a [+back] is aligned with the left edge of the root If these ALIGN constraints are ranked above IDENT-BACK, which requires the input BACK feature speci¿cation of a vowel be retained in the output, the regressive back harmony pattern will automatically follow:

212

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

(19) Demotion of Faithfulness: reduction of vowel contrast ALIGNR, ALIGNL >> IDENT-BACK /itO/ +BACK ‘saliva’ ALIGNR ALIGNL IDENT-BACK a. itO *! b. utE *! c. itE *! * * * ) d. utO According to Oyebade (1990: 28), this pattern of harmony “is maintained for three weeks from the point the child is 2; 7”. Although back harmony reduces vocalic contrasts – a type of markedness – but it is lost within a short span of time because it is not validated by data from the adult grammar. The loss of regressive back harmony is captured by the promotion of IDENT-BACK above the ALIGN constraints: (20) Vowel contrasts established through the promotion of Faithfulness IDENT-BACK >> ALIGNR, ALIGNL. Recall that regressive back harmony is attested in M’s grammar, as these examples repeated from Chapter 5 show: (21) M’s Regressive back harmony Standard Yoruba M’s Yoruba ¸Su u!cu~ eku o!ku~ iyO~ u!yo~ e~lo! e~yo!, o~yo! e~lu~bO! o!yu!bo~ ewe!du! o!wu!du~

‘yam’ ‘rat’ ‘salt’ ‘how much’ ‘yam Àour’ ‘type of vegetable’

Regressive back harmony establishes the connection between child language acquisition and attrition in postlingual deafness language. Comparing the acquisition data in (16) with M’s data in (21), we see that M’s regressive harmony produces vowels that are identical with respect to the feature [+back], reducing the contrastive representation of co-occurring vowels from [íback] and [+back] to only [+back], just like OYB Child in the mid acquisition stage. Since OYB Child reversed the back harmony pattern within a short period of time by promoting IDENT-BACK (as in 20), a demotion of IDENT-BACK

Yoruba child phonology

213

below the ALIGN constraints is necessary in order to capture M’s return to the combo tongue root and back harmony state (as in 19). In late acquisition (4;0 – 6;0), vowel processes such as deletion and assimilation are common; for example, cross-l vowel assimilation earlier discussed in Chapter 2 and Chapter 6. Recall from our previous discussion that /n/ and /l/ alternate in certain environments in Standard Yoruba: [n] occurs before nasal vowels and [l] occurs before oral vowels. Recall further that when the nasal consonant of the pre¿x oni- is denasalized to [l] before oral vowels, cross consonant vowel assimilation takes place across [l]. At the beginning of the acquisition of this pattern, only n~l alternation are attested (on¸! EÔa J olE!Ôa, *ElE!Ôa ‘owner or seller of ¿sh’).2 However, forms with cross-l assimilation were attested by age 4; 3. At this stage both forms were in free alternation (Yo¢mi 4;6): (22) Late acquisition: optional cross l vowel assimilation No assimilation Cross l Assimilation olE!Ôa ElE!Ôa ‘owner or seller of ¿sh’ ola!SO ala!SO ‘owner or seller of cloth’ ole!kpo ele!kpo ‘owner or seller of palm oil’ olO!gE~dE~ OlO!gE~dE~ ‘owner or seller of plantain’ As may be recalled, a similar state of affairs exists in T’s Yoruba. As shown in Chapter 6, T also exhibits the type of alternation illustrated in (22). Given these similarity, it is reasonable to analyze the data in (22) as arising from the same constraint ranking proposed for T: (23) NO-HIATUS, AGREE-Nasal >> ANCHORL, o-AGREE >> IDENT-Nas /oni + Eja/ NO‘seller of ¿sh’ HIATUS a. on¸Ѻ Eja *! b. onEja c. on¸Ѻja

AGREENas

ANCHORL

o-AGREE IDENTNas

*

*! *

*!

) d. olEja ) e. ElEja

*

* *

2. This pattern is also observed in Asabi at 3; 8 toward the end of mid acquisition.

214

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

The attested forms are (23d) and (23e). These two candidates violate IDENTNasal because they change the input nasal speci¿cation of /n/. Furthermore, they are rated equally in their obedience of ANCHORL and o-AGREE, two equally ranked constraints. (23d) obeys ANCHORL by retaining the input speci¿cations of the initial vowels of the pre¿x and the noun, as a result, it incurs an o-AGREE violation. In contrast, (23e) obeys o-AGREE, but incurs an ANCHORL violation. Given the equal rank assigned to ANCHORL and o-AGREE, these candidates violate the same number of constraints. Therefore either one can be chosen as an optimal form. Once again, we see that the optimal candidates are well-formed for reasons of maintaining input vocalic contrasts (23d; faithfulness) or reducing input vocalic contrasts (23e; markedness). In the ¿nal ranking, which is fully established at age 6;0, only the form with cross-l assimilation is attested (Wale, 6;0): (24) Late acquisition 6;0: cross l vowel assimilation Cross l Assimilation ElE!Ôa ‘owner or seller of ¿sh’ ala!SO ‘owner or seller of cloth’ ele!kpo ‘owner or seller of palm oil’ OlO!gE~dE~ ‘owner or seller of plantain’

Unattested *olE!Ôa *ola!SO *ole!kpo *olO!gE~dE~

The ungrammaticality of forms without cross-l assimilation demonstrates that o-AGREE ranks above ANCHORL at this point in acquisition. The optimality of (25e) con¿rms this ranking: (25) NO-HIATUS, AGREE-Nas >> o-AGREE >>ANCHORL >> IDENT-Nas /oni + Eja/ NOAGREE‘seller of ¿sh’ HIATUS Nas a. on¸Ѻ Eja *! b. onEja *! c. on¸Ѻja d. olEja )e. ElEja

o-AGREE ANCHORL IDENT-Nas

* *!

*! *

* *

Given that T became deaf at 8, she already acquired the cross-l vowel assimilation. The fact that she returned to the late acquisition pattern involving free alternation of forms with assimilation and those without assimilation shows that

Yoruba child phonology

215

the ranking established between o-AGREE and ANCHORL at 6;0 is weakened causing MARKEDNESS (o-AGREE) and FAITHFULNESS (ANCHORL) to become crucially unranked. The vowel patterns in (9 – 25) are summarized below: (26) Child Yoruba vowel patterns Early acquisition: Vowel contrast reduction: high versus non-high {e, E, o, O, a} versus {i, u} Mid Acquisition: Full vowel height contrast (+high, -high and +low) are stable in word ¿nal syllables, but non¿nal vowels Àuctuate due to regressive tongue root harmony and back harmony or V-copy Late acquisition: Cross-l assimilation emerges, Àuctuates, and stabilizes These vocalic properties illustrate the ranking of MARKEDNESS and FAITHFULNESS. In the initial organization of Child Yoruba (early acquisition), MARKEDNESS is ranked higher than FAITHFULNESS. This initial ranking results in the reduction of vowel height contrasts. In mid acquisition, vowel contrasts are established in root-¿nal syllables but not in non-¿nal syllables. This is accounted for by the promotion of positional FAITHFULNESS referring to the head of the prosodic word (Lic-PH), which is the rightmost syllable in Yoruba (O¢la 1995). Finally, in late acquisition, FAITHFULNESS, which is already promoted to establish vowel contrasts and protect vowels occurring at the beginning of morphemes (ANCHORL), is in stiff competition with MARKEDNESS, which seeks to reduce vowel contrasts again through cross-l vowel assimilation. Consequently, the Àuctuation pattern (olE!Ôa~ ElE!Ôa‘owner or seller of ¿sh’) does not stabilize until the end of late acquisition. 7.2.3 Nasal vowel patterns In early Child Yoruba (0 – 1; 11), nasal vowels are frequently denasalized, as these examples show (Ajolore 1974): (27) Adult to!o!y¸$~ ta!a!s¸$~ oo~gu~Ѻ OsOѺ~

Child tá¸~~ ta!s¸~~ uѺ~u~ѺguѺ~ OѺtOѺ~

Alternate ta!y¸~ ta!s¸~ gu~gu~ tOtO~

‘personal name’ ‘personal name’ ‘medicine’ ‘orange’

216

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

The observed property above shows that oral vowels are acquired before nasal vowels. The addition of the feature [+nasal] makes a nasal vowel more complex than a non-nasal vowel. Moreover, as mentioned in previous chapters, according to Maddieson (1984), whereas all known languages have oral vowels, not all languages have nasal vowels. Phrased in markedness terms, nasal vowels are more marked than oral vowels. Hence, the child language pattern is expected. The ranking at work during the early stage is the ranking seen at work in M’s Yoruba in Chapter 5: (28) *[+nasal V]

>

*[-nasal V]

In mid acquisition, nasal vowels begin to exhibit adult-like properties; however, they are still variable depending on the environment of occurrence. Oyebade (1990) reports three basic patterns. First, vowels are nasal if they are preceded by nasal consonants, as exempli¿ed here: (29) Vowels are nasalized after nasal consonants Adult SY Child nOŸ) nOŸ) ‘beat’ imu)! mu‡mu)!, umu)! ‘nose’ om¸) m¸)m¸), om¸) ‘water’ Enu) nu)nu), Onu) ‘mouth’ Second, they surface as oral if they follow obstruent consonants: (30)

Nasal vowels are denasalized after obstruent consonants Adult SY Child su)Ÿ tuŸ ‘sleep’ OŸbu)Ÿ OŸbuŸ ‘dirty’ SE!gu) kO!ku ‘personal name’ egu)gu) okuku ‘bone’

Third, sonorant consonants /r, w, y/ are replaced by /n/ when followed by nasal vowels: (31) Nasal vowels nasalize a tautosyllabic sonorant consonant Adult SY Child or¸) on¸) ‘song’ iy)E) inE) ‘that one’ aw)O) anO) ‘they’

Yoruba child phonology

217

These generalizations can be phrased in constraint terms as follows: (32) a.

[+SON]-NASAL HARMONY A sonorant (consonant or vowel) becomes nasal if it is preceded or followed by a nasal sound in the same syllable

b.

[-SON]-NASAL HARMONY A nasal vowel becomes oral if it is preceded by an obstruent in the same syllable

A variety of (31a) is present in adult Yoruba (chapter 2). However, sonorant consonants are only nasalized; they do not become nasal consonants as in (30). (31b) is not attested in the adult grammar. Nonetheless what these properties reveal is that nasal vowels are attested in mid acquisition. 7.2.4 Consonants As for the acquisition of consonants, the following patterns involving place of articulation (labial, coronal, dorsal, labial-velar), manner and voicing are observed. Beginning with the acquisition of place of articulation, the general pattern is that labials and coronals appear before velars. For example, only labials and coronal were found in at the very beginning of acquisition during the one word stage (0; 7 – 0;10, Ajolore 1974:265): (33) Labials and coronal Adult Child sidi didi da!d¸~ da!d¸~ ada! ada! ba~ba! ba~ba! O~gE~dE~ dE~dE~ gbe! mi be

‘personal name’ ‘daddy’ ‘dog’ ‘father’ ‘plantain’ ‘carry me’

Velars were reported later in early acquisition from 0; 10 to 1; 6 (34) Labials, coronals and velars Adult Child Alternate ba~ba! ba~ba! ba~ta~ ba~ta~ ta~ta~

‘father’ ‘shoe’

218

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

mO!m¸~ da!d¸~ To!o!y¸$~ a~ga ka!a~ gbe! mi gbo!nO!Ѻ

mO!m¸~ da!d¸~ tá¸~~ a~ga ka!a~ be bO!ѺyO!Ѻ

ma!m¸~, m¸!m¸~ d¸!d¸~ ta!y¸~ a~ka

‘mommy’ ‘daddy’ ‘personal name’ ‘chair’ ‘car’ ‘carry me’ ‘hot’

In Ajolore’s early acquisition data, throughout the period from 0;7 – 1;6, labialvelars were systematically simpli¿ed to labial [b] or [p]. The same pattern is observed in Oyebade’s data: (35) Labial-velar simpli¿cation to labial Adult SY OYB Child gbe! be! ‘carry’ kpa pa ‘rub, kill’ gba~ ba~ ‘take’ kpu!kpO~ pu!pO~ ‘many’ ¸~gba!lE~ a~ba!yE~ ‘broom’ ya~gbE! ba~bE! ‘defecate’ These data show that labial-velars are invariably simpli¿ed to labial /p/ or /b/. Simpli¿cation to velar /k/ or /g/ is not reported in Child Yoruba or any other child language studies involving labial-velar consonant. Nwokah (1986)’s study of Igbo child language shows the same pattern of simpli¿cation by Igbo-acquiring children; for example, four-year olds simpli¿ed a!kpU!kpO!U!kWU! ‘shoes’ as a!pU!pO!U!kU!., replacing the voiceless labial-velar /kp/ with a voiceless labial /p/. The asymmetric simpli¿cation pattern suggests that the visibility of the labial gesture gives it more prominence than the velar gesture; hence the established order: labial ¿rst, velar next. Moreover, as we saw in the case of place of articulation acquisition in early child data (22, 23), labials appeared before velars, according to Jakobson’s prediction. The appearance of labial velars is variable, depending on the child. It may appear at the beginning of late acquisition (4; 11, Onidare 1983, 5; 1, Orie 2009) or very late during the late acquisition stage (6; 5, Ajolore 1974).3 3. Ajolore (1974) notes that the lateness in the appearance of labials is probably due to the fact that his family had moved to the United States and the children were exposed to more English data than they were in Nigeria.

Yoruba child phonology

219

The pattern of place of articulation acquisition strongly resembles the patterns of place of articulation representation in M’s postlingual deafness data (Chapter 5), which as can be recalled, has labials and coronals; it has dorsals alternating with coronals, and has labial-velars alternating with labials. Therefore, the same place ranking is applicable: (36) Place markedness *P/LABIAL-VELAR >> *P/DORSAL >> *P/CORONAL >> *P/LABIAL Like labial-velars, placeless laryngeal /h/ does not appear in early and mid acquisition. As shown below, it is replaced by [w] in Child Yoruba (Oyebade 1990):4 (37) Laryngeals replaced by [w] Adult SY Child O~hu!Ѻ O~wu!Ѻ ahuѺ awuѺ ho! wo! ehoro ewoyo, ewowo

‘there’ ‘stingy person’ ‘boil, peel’ ‘rabbit’

Consequently, the prohibition of placeless laryngeal must rank high on the harmonic scale to capture its marked status in acquisition:5 (38) PLACE feature ranking (revised) *PLACELESS >> *LABIAL-VELAR >> *DORSAL >> *CORONAL >> *LABIAL The ranking in (38) is compatible with the postlingual deafness Yoruba ranking established in Chapter 5 and Chapter 6. As shown, the absence of place speci¿cation is considered marked in postlingual deafness; hence, the elimination of /h/. The second pattern is the substitution of fricatives by stops, as follows (Ajolore 1974, Onidare 1983 Oyebade 1990):

4. In Ajolore’s data (p 272, 274), there are two examples illustrating the presence of /h/ in early and mid acquisition: Ey¸Ѻ J hOѺy¸Ѻ ‘egg,’ and ahOѺ J OѺhOѺ ‘tongue.’ Other studies (Oyebade, Onidare, Orie) did not report the occurrence of /h/ in early and mid acquisition. 5. The same phenomenon is attested among French-learning children (Rose 2000).

220

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

(39) Manner of articulation substitution Adult SY Child

su)Ÿ fE! iSu eÔo~

tuŸ pE! utu odo~

‘sleep’ ‘want’ ‘yam’ ‘snake’

The ¿rst fricative to appear is /s/, and it appeared in alternation with coronal stop [t] in early acquisition in Ajolore’s data (su)Ÿ ~ tuŸ ‘sleep’). In Onidare (1983) and Oyebade (1990), fricatives are not present in early and mid acquisition. The data from Ajolore (1974) show that fricatives stabilize in Child Yoruba toward the end of mid acquisition (fricatives appear in bold): (40) Fricatives in late mid acquisition a.

Adult SY (p. 285) ma! ba k¸~n¸!Ѻ mi ÔE! ni mo sO NOT Verb thing my Verb FOCUS I say (Verb Verb = ba~ ÔE! ‘spoil’)6

Child Yoruba:

b.

Adult SY (p. 288) E~y¸Ѻ~, E~y¸Ѻ~ lo! Se e! you (hon.), you (hon.) FOCUS do it

Child Yoruba:

c.

palatal stop substituted by alveolar stop ma! ba k¸~n¸~! mi dE! ni mo sO NOT Verb thing my Verb FOCUS I say (Verb Verb = ba~ ÔE! ‘spoil’) ‘just don’t spoil my thing is what I said’

fricatives are used E~y¸Ѻ~, E~y¸Ѻ~ lo! Se e! you (hon.), you (hon.) FOCUS do it ‘it was you, it was you who did it’

Adult SY (p. 291) mO!m¸~ sO pe! fu!Ѻ mi n¸! bO!O~lu~ mi mommy say that give me PREP ball my

6. This is a compound verb, which is traditionally described as a splitting verb (Awobuluyi 1978).

Yoruba child phonology

221

Child Yoruba: fricatives are present mO!m¸~ sO pe! fu!~ n¸! bO!O~lu~ E~ mommy say that give me PREP ball your ‘Mommy said that you should give me my ball’ Another manner of articulation substitution involves the replacement of liquids /l/ and /r/ by the glide [y] and [w] in early and mid acquisition. [l] is replaced by [y] and [r] is replaced by [w]. The following examples exemplify these patterns (Ajolore 1974, Oyebade 1990).7 (41) Liquids and laryngeals replaced by [y] or [w] Adult SY Child lO yO ‘go’ le~ ye~ ‘can’ ku!ro~ ku!yo~, ku!wo~ ‘leave’ la!yi! ya!yi! ‘personal name’ bo!lu! ba!yu! ‘personal name’ ya!ra! ya~ya!, ya~wa! ‘room’ ho! wo! ‘boil, peel’ ehoro ewoyo, ewowo ‘rabbit’ Apart from liquid-glide replacement, the omission of [r] is also observed: (42) Omission of /r/ Adult SY Child ra!mO!tu~ a!tO!tu~ ra!¸~s¸~ a!¸~s¸~~, ya!¸~s¸~

‘personal name’ ‘rice’

However, liquids appear toward the end of mid acquisition with /l/ appearing before /r/ (Ajolore 1974): (43) Liquids appear in late mid acquisition (3; 0) Adult SY Child Alternate le~ le~ bo!lu! bo!lu! yaruѺ yawuѺ yayuѺ ara awa aya

7. In Oyebade’s data, only [y] is used.

‘can’ ‘personal name’ ‘room’ ‘body’

222

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

Errors involving /r/ are observed in late acquisition. For example, one of the children in Ajolore’s study (K) continued to substitute /r/ with [w] or [y] (Ajolore 1974: 305, 306): (44) Adult SY ara fu!Ѻra E~ ara! oko

Child awa fu!Ѻwa E~ aya! ako

‘body ‘himself, herself’ ‘bushman’

However, by age 5 /r/ is acquired, as shown by these data (Orie 2002 notes, O¢pe¢ye¢mi (Op), 5;1). (45) Adult SY or¸! ga~r¸! ErO O~rE! ara kO!kO!rO!

Op or¸! ga~r¸! ErO O~rE! ara kO!kO!rO!

‘head’ ‘tapioca’ ‘meat’ ‘friend’ ‘body’ ‘key’

These patterns demonstrate that liquids are one of the last set of sounds acquired in children’s language (Hedrick and Kern 1985, Ingram 1976, Nwokah 1986).8 The patterns of consonantal acquisition described above fall out straightforwardly from the revised consonantal markedness manner scale (Jakobson 1941), repeated below: (46) Manner of articulation markedness *LIQUID/r >> *LIQUID/l >> *AFFRICATES >> *FRICATIVES Late acquisition

Mid acquisition

>> *GLIDES, *STOPS Early acquisition

8. In Onidare (1983), /l/ ¿rst appeared at 1;4 and in Oyebade (1990), /l/ appeared at 2;6. However, Onidare notes that /l/ did not stabilize until the end of Adebo¢wale’s fourth year (i.e., close to his ¿fth birthday), which is con¿rmed by Op Child data in 45).

Yoruba child phonology

223

Given this scale, stops and glides are acquired ¿rst, followed by fricatives and then liquids. Applying the ranking reversal idea to T, M and the Belfast postlingual deafness data, the following results emerge. First, since only /r/ is lost by T in the liquid set, only half of the ¿nal state of constraint ranking is eliminated. Second, the Belfast group has lost both liquid consonants, which eliminates the ¿nal state of constraint ranking and takes the speakers back to the intermediate stage. Third, M, who has lost liquids, and fricatives, has been pushed backward to the initial stage where markedness dominates faithfulness. The ¿nal Child consonant pattern involves obstruent devoicing. As can be seen in the following mid acquisition data, obstruent voicing is unstable: labial voicing is retained (47a), but coronal and dorsal consonants are devoiced (47b). The data in (47c) show that voiceless consonants remain voiceless. (47) Adult SY

OYB Child

a.

O~bO a~bu!ro~ ¸~ka~ ata

O~bO a~bu!yo~ ¸~ka~ ata

‘monkey’ ‘younger sibling’ ‘callousness’ ‘pepper’

b.

adu! o~go ga~r¸! ade! igi Odu!Ѻ du!ro!

atu! o~ko ka~y¸! ate! iki Odu!, tOtu! du!yo!, tu!yo!

‘personal name’ ‘glory’ ‘tapioca’ ‘personal name’ ‘stick, tree’ ‘year’ ‘stop, stand’

c.

¸~ka~ ata Ot¸! o~ke~ kpE~lE! kpa

¸~ka~ ata Ot¸! o~ke~ pE~ye! pa

‘callousness’ ‘pepper’ ‘wine’ ‘top, up’ ‘sorry’ ‘kill’

Coronal and dorsal obstruent devoicing (dJt, gJk) in Child Yoruba is attributable to markedness (Jakobson 1941, 1971, Greenberg 1966). As shown in Chapter 5, in order to capture devoicing in M’s Yoruba, universal markedness ranking established for voicing is crucial:

224

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

(48) Obstruent markedness *[+voice] >> *[ívoice] According to this ranking, it is more marked to assign [+voice] to an obstruent than [-voice]. The preference for the retention of the voicing of Labials and devoicing of Coronal and Dorsal consonants can be encoded as the domination of *[+voice] by IDENT [voice]-LABIAL, and the ranking of *[+voice] above the general IDENT[voice] constraint.9 (49) IDENT [voice]-LABIAL >> *[+voice] >> IDENT[voice] According to this ranking, the voice speci¿cation of input voiced consonants will be realized as voiceless on the surface unless it is a labial consonant. In sum, we see that the same markedness ranking accounts for the observed patterns (place, manner, voicing) in acquisition and attrition. 7.2.5 Syllables We now turn to syllable representation in child Yoruba. First, in early Yoruba, CV and V syllables are attested but V syllables are either deleted or restructured to CV through C-copy or glide insertion, as shown below (Ajolore 1974): (50)

CV versus V syllables Adult SY Child gbe! e be O~gE~dE~ dE~dE~ olo!gbo~ bo!bo~ to!o!y¸$~ tá¸~~, ta!y¸~ to!o!s¸~Ѻ ta!s¸~ ahO!Ѻ hOѺhOѺ!

‘lift it, lift me’ ‘plantain’ ‘cat’ ‘personal name’ ‘personal name’ ‘tongue’

The prominence of CV syllable persists into mid acquisition, as can be seen in the OYB child patterns below:

9. It is unclear why this asymmetry holds. However, labial voicing stability suggests that labials stabilize in place and voice before other consonants.

Yoruba child phonology

225

(51) Mid acquisition: Child Yoruba ¿nal CV copy Adult SY Child a.

Oba E~wa~ EÔa omi ma!yO~wa! So~ko~to~

baba wa~wa~, a~wa~ dada, ada mimi wa!wa~wa! to~to~to~

‘king’ ‘beans’ ‘¿sh’ ‘water’ ‘personal name’ ‘pants’

b.

ÔOkE! ya~gbE! igi E~kO

kOkE! ba~bE! kiki, iki kO~kO, O~kO

‘personal name’ ‘defecate’ ‘stick, tree’ ‘pap’

As shown in the examples given, the ¿nal CV in a word may reduplicate or triplicate harmonically in child language. The consonant of the ¿nal syllable (for example, e~lu~bO! J bu~bu~bO!, ma!yO~wa! J wa!wa~wa! ‘personal name’) or the rightmost oral stop consonant (for example, a~ka~ra~ J ka~ka~ya~) has a special propensity to harmonize throughout the word. It serves as the default onset when the adult word begins with vowels. Data such as (51b), which involve only Consonant identity, can be analyzed as consonant harmony or reduplication. Because the ¿nal C is copied totally, I analyze this pattern as reduplication rather than consonant harmony (Goad 1997). One of the unique characteristics of consonant harmony is that it shares features rather than demand total identity. For example, English Child language exhibits consonant harmony. As shown by consonant patterns in early children’s words such as [kek] ‘take,’ [gøk] ‘duck,’ only place features are shared; voicing features, in contrast, are not identical.10 From an analytical perspective, these data are signi¿cant for several reasons. First, they illustrate a crosslinguistic markedness tendency: as observed by Jakobson, the basic crosslinguistic syllable in children’s phonology is the 10. A problem that instantly arises in an account that treats this pattern as consonant harmony is that the rightmost consonant drives harmony irrespective of its place speci¿cation. Thus, a coronal consonant /t/ is the harmony driver in a form like So~ko~to~ J to~to~to~ ‘pants’; a labial consonant /w/ drives harmony in ma!yO~wa! ĺ wa!wa~wa! ‘personal name’; and a dorsal consonant /k/ determines the form of the ¿rst consonant in ÔOkE! J kOkE! ‘personal name.’ If this pattern is analyzed as consonant harmony, the data contradict the proposal that dorsal consonants are universal triggers (for example, Pater 2002; Pater and Weley 2001, 2003).

226

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

optimal CV syllable. Secondly, they support the proposal that the rightmost syllable is prosodically strong in Yoruba (O¢la 1995, Orie 1997). As mentioned in previous chapters, Yoruba has homorganic tone-bearing syllabic nasals. These nasals may occur in nouns (ala!N~mgba! ‘lizard’) or they may serve a grammatical function, namely, marking habitual or progressive tense in a sentence, for example (olu! n! Sere! Olu prog. play ‘Olu is playing’). These nasals are not found in early child language (0 – 2;0). However, they appear in mid acquisition (2; 3 in Oyebade 1990, 2; 2 onward in Ajolore 1974:328) in examples such as the following: (52) Syllabic nasals OYB Child Adult Child n!ÔO! kOѺ N!kO! kO ‘in one day’ NN~kO N~kOѺ, uѺ~kOѺ ‘something’ n! Sere! n! sewe! ‘prog. play: playing’ n! sa!re! n! sa!we! ‘prog. run: running’ Sometimes, they are still dropped out in mid acquisition. For example, Oyebade (1990) reports that ba~ba!N!g¸!da! ‘personal name’ was produced as da~dad¸!da! without the syllabic nasal in mid acquisition. I also found similar examples in my data (Lanre, 3;0): (53) Syllabic nasals dropped in mid acquisition Adult Child du~n~du! du~du! ‘fried yam’ o~ro!m~bo! o~yo!bo! ‘orange’ ala!N~mgba! aya!a~ba~ ‘lizard’ Data from late acquisition show that syllabic nasals are mastered by age 5;0. For example, in answer to the question, k¸! ni o ma!a n! Se t¸! o ba! Ô¸! la!a~a!rO~ ‘What do you do when you wake up in the morning?,’ Op said: (54) What do you do when you wake up in the morning? mo ma!a m! bO!Ôu! ‘I usually wash my face’ I usually PROG wash face mo ma!a mN! gba~du!ra~ ‘I usually pray’ I usually PROG pray

Yoruba child phonology

mo ma!a μ! fabO! I usually PROG wash dishes mo ma!a n! tuҔ!nu! ile! Se I usually PROG clean inside house

227

‘I usually wash dishes’ ‘I usually clean the house’

The summary of syllabic nasal patterns is that they are unattested in early acquisition, and they are present but unstable in mid acquisition. They stabilize only in late acquisition. On the whole, they are not as favored as CV or V syllables. With examples such as the foregoing from Yoruba language acquisition, there would appear to be good ground for establishing the following syllable markedness ranking: (55) *N Late

>>

*V Mid

>>

CV Early

In other words, onsetful CV syllables are more optimal than onsetless V syllables and onsetless V syllables are better than syllabic nasals. These facts and ranking are identical to the postlingual deafness syllable patterns presented in Chapter 5 and Chapter 6. Since only V and CV syllables are found in M and T’s Yoruba, that implies that their grammars have been reversed to the Mid acquisition stage. Let us summarize patterns attested from age 0;10 to 6; 5: (56) Child Yoruba consonant processes a.

Lexical tones H, L, M appear early but syntactic tones appear late, for example, the H tone subject marker, M tone genitive marker and L tone raising to Mid are absent at age 2.0.

b.

Lexical tones behave asymmetrically in deletion contexts: H and L tones are stable but M tone is not.

c.

Contour tones are not attested in early child phonology; they appear in mid to late acquisition.

d.

nasal vowels denasalize in early acquisition; they appear in mid acquisition.

e.

Back harmony and tongue root harmony apply concurrently in mid acquisition.

228

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

f.

Syllable-based C to V or V to C nasal assimilation applies only if the onset consonant is a sonorant; if the onset is an obstruent, the nasal vowel is denasalized and surfaces as oral.

g.

stops, nasals and glides are acquired early.

h.

Fricatives are realized as stops in early acquisition.

i.

Fricatives appear in late mid acquisition.

j.

Labial velars are simpli¿ed to labial stops; they appear in late acquisition.

k.

Liquids are replaced by [y] only (Oyebade 1990, O¢la 1995); replaced by [y] and [w] (Ajolore 1974, Onidare 1983); /r/ is omitted in some words.

l.

/h/ is replaced by [w] in early and mid acquisition.

m.

/l is the ¿rst liquid to appear in late acquisition.

n.

/r/ appears after /l/ in late acquisition.

o.

/h/ appears after /l/ in late acquisition.

p.

The CV pattern is prominent in early and mid acquisition leading to consonant reduplication or glide epenthesis; this pattern is unattested in late acquisition.

q.

Syllabic nasals appear in mid acquisition but are not stable.

r.

Canonical verb (CV) and noun ((C) VCV) patterns are preserved in early child acquisition.

7.2.6 Phonological Acquisition and Postlingual Deafness Attrition To close this section, let us summarize the facts illustrating the connection between phonological acquisition and attrition. The general pattern is that phonological features that are acquired early are robustly attested in the language of attriters. On the other hand, the features that appear late are absent. Consider ¿rst, Table 3 illustrating tone patterns:

Yoruba child phonology

229

Table 3. Summary of acquisition and postlingual deafness (PDY) tone attrition patterns Lexical H, L tone stability Early acquisition Yes PDY attrition

Yes

M tone stability No (not retained in vowel deletion contexts) No (unattested)

Contour tones No

Syntactic tones No

No

No

On the basis of Table 3, we can see that the tonal properties that are present in early acquisition are present in PDY attrition, and the features that are absent in PDY are also missing in early acquisition. Consider next, Table 4. Table 4. Early acquisition: Reduction of vowel Contrasts PDY attrition (M): Reduction of vowel Contrasts PDY attrition (T): Greater retention of vowel contrasts

Oral Vowel Contrasts +high, íhigh >> +low

Nasal vowels Denasalization

+high, íhigh >> +low

Denasalization

+high, íhigh, +low

Fluctuating nasalization

The summary of vowel patterns in Table 4 shows that the PDY of M and Early acquisition data exhibit vowel contrast reduction while T’s PDY has a greater retention of vowel contrasts. For example, mid and low vowels alternate in M’s grammar and Early Child Yoruba; on the other hand, T’s grammar fails to exhibit such alternation. Furthermore, while denasalization is an established pattern in PDY-M and Early Child Yoruba, T’s grammar still has nasal vowels although their free alternation with oral vowels reduces the strength of the contrast. The pattern involving mid vowel tongue root harmony, back harmony and complete V copy also show the connection between acquisition and attrition. As the summary of patterns in the next Table (Table 5) shows, the Mid Acquisition patterns – complete harmony in mid-mid sequences, regressive back harmony and ¿nal V-copy – are also attested in M’s PDY. Because these patterns produce identical vowels, they have the effect of reducing feature contrasts. T, however, maintains a higher level of fetaural contrast by not exhibiting back harmony or V-copy.

230

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

Table 5. Mid – Mid harmony Back harmony V-copy Mid Acquisition Complete harmony; Yes Yes No Àuctuations between –ATR and +ATR PDY (M) Complete harmony; Yes Yes Fluctuations in the ATR realization of mid vowels sequences (íATR or +ATR) PDY (T) Complete harmony; No No Fluctuations in the ATR realization of mid vowels sequences (íATR or +ATR)

Turning now to consonants, whereas tones and vowels are vulnerable in PDY attrition, consonants are more stable. As shown, only liquids and /h/ are truly vulnerable. As shown, labial velars and /l/ appear early in late acquisition. /l/ and the labial velars stabilize before /r/ and /h/; thus, /r/ and /h/ are the last consonant sound acquired by Yoruba children, and they are the ones lost in T’s PDY. The properties are summarized in Table 6 below. Table 6. Stops

Late acquisition PDY-M attrition PDY-T Attrition

Nasals Glides Fricatives Labial velars Stable Stable Stable Stable Stable Stable Lost

/l/

/r/

/h/

Stable Unstable Unstable

Stable Lost, Unstable Lost Lost except /f/ Stable Stable Stable Stable Stable Stable Lost

Lost Lost

The pattern involving /r/ and /h/ is of special interest because of the crossdialectal behavior of these consonants. As shown by Akinlabi (1993) and O¢la (1995), /r/ and /h/ are the most unstable of all Yoruba consonants. They are weak because they easily delete in intervocalic contexts (Abimbola and Oyelaran 1971); /r/ is weak because it is the only consonant that allows crossvowel assimilation in loan words (Akinlabi 1993); /h/ is weak because it is easily replaced by glides (Akinlabi 1991), and it is the epenthetic consonant in loan incorporation (O¢la 1995). Finally, in Ondo dialect, /r/ and /h/ are lost in the synchronic grammar (Adetunji 1988, Orie 2000). The other liquid, /l/, is not

Morphology

231

deleted or lost in the same contexts.11 To account for the asymmetric behavior of /l/ and /r/ in Yoruba, Akinlabi (to appear) proposes the following ranking: (57) *ONS[r] >> *ONS[l] [l] is a preferred onset than [r] This ranking is compatible with the manner markedness scale illustrated earlier in (46). Finally, as shown, whereas CV and V syllables are stable in acquisition and attrition, syllabic nasals are not. As shown in Chapter 5 and Chapter 6, they are lost in PDY; further, we see that they drop out in mid acquisition. A summary of these properties can be seen in Table 7. Table 7. Syllable types Mid acquisition PDY attrition (M and T)

CV Stable Stable

V Syllabic nasal Unstable Unstable Fluctuating: deletion, C-insertion Lost

In summary, the phonological structure of PDY attrition resembles those produced by children acquiring Yoruba. This pattern strongly suggests that the constraints required for acquisition and attrition are similar, thus providing evidence for the regression hypothesis of Jakobson.

7.3

Morphology

A signi¿cant generalization that has merged from language acquisition studies is that children’s early words are mostly concrete nouns; verbs appear next, and when they appear they are in the minority (Gentner 1982, Bates, Dale and Thal 1995, Gillette et al. 1999). The same trend is observed in Yoruba. As Ajolore (1974:265) observes, the earliest words in his study, produced at 0;7, are nouns – names of people and animals in the environment:

11. In O¢yo¢ dialect, however, /l/ is deleted intervocalically in some lexical items (Abimbola nd Oyelaran 1971).

232

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

(58) Early words are nouns Adult SY Child aÔa! ada! olo!gbo~ bo!bo~ ba~ba! ba~ba! s¸!d¸! d¸!d¸! da!d¸~ da!d¸~

‘dog’ ‘cat’ ‘father’ ‘personal name’ ‘daddy’

By age 0;10, verbs such as ÔE J dE ‘eat’ and gbe! mi J be ‘carry me’ were attested. Although not reported in the cases documented by Ajolore, O¢la (1995) observed that nouns are shortened to the ¿nal CV in early acquisition. At age 1;0, Tade (TA) had the following forms: da!d¸~ J d¸~ ~ t¸~ ‘daddy,’ aÔa! J da! ~ ta! ‘dog’. Other children produced CV and CVCV forms in free variation (aÔa! J da! ~ dada! ‘dog,’). As these examples show, although children shorten nouns to CV syllables, CV verbs are neither augmented to disyllabic forms nor shortened in any way. The monosyllabic structure is left intact. In O¢la (1995), this was argued to be a strong indication that CV minimality is respected by Yoruba-acquiring children in early acquisition. By age 1;1 to 1; 3, TA increased noun complexity by reduplicating the segments of the ¿nal CV of the noun: da!d¸~ J d¸!d¸~ ‘daddy,’ aÔa! J dada! ‘dog’. But monosyllabic verbs were still not augmented to CVCV. Based on these patterns, it is obvious that Yorubalearning children contrast nouns and verbs early in acquisition. As mentioned before, pre¿xing is the predominant morphological strategy in Yoruba. Clear evidence for the acquisition of pre¿xes is present in mid and late acquisition. For example, the pre¿x /on¸!-/ in its full form is attested in the speech of three-year-olds. Consider the following data from Asabi (3; 3): (59) /on¸!-/ pre¿xation Input Adult on¸! - ba~ta~ on¸! - ba~ta~ on¸! - do~do~ on¸! - do~do~ on¸! - EÔa ElE!Ôa on¸! - aSO ala!SO

As¢abi on¸! - ba~ta~ on¸! - do~do~ on¸! - EÔa on¸! - aSO

‘owner/seller of shoes’ ‘owner/seller of fried plantain’ ‘owner/seller of ¿sh’ ‘owner or seller of cloth’

Toward the end of mid acquisition, the adult pattern with n~l alternation emerges and stabilizes in late acquisition as shown in 7.2.2. Other morphological processes such as reduplication and compounding are attested in late acquisition. For example, Op at 5; 0 produced these reduplicated forms:

Morphology

233

(60) Morphological reduplication in late acquisition: distributives Base Adult SY Op Child oÔu!mO oÔo-oÔu!mO oÔoÔu!mO ‘day, every day’ alE! ala-alE! alalE! ‘night, every night’ O~sO!Ҕ O~sO~-O~sO!Ҕ O~sO~sO!Ҕ ‘afternoon, every afternoon’ As shown, the only difference between the adult and child’s reduplicated form is that the adult has a VCV reduplicant output (oÔo-oÔu!mO) while the child has a VC output (oÔ-oÔu!mO). This difference is straightforwardly captured by syllable markedness constraint ONSET, which causes marked V syllables to be eliminated. Another reduplication pattern attested at age 5 is the kin-term reduplication, which is formed by totally reduplicating a kin term. The forms used by Op are borrowed English terms: da!d¸~ J da!d¸~ i da!d¸~ ‘father; father’s father/grandpa’ mO!m¸~ J mO!m¸~ i mO!m¸~ ‘mother; mother’s mother/grandma’ She recognized the native Yoruba forms, ba~ba! a ba~ba! ‘father’s father/grandpa’ and ma~ma! a ma~ma! ‘mother’s mother/grandma’ but she preferred the English loans. Noun-Noun compounds (as in 61 below) are attested in Op’s data, but are realized as canonical noun-noun combinations without V deletion, as shown in (62). In SY, forms without V deletion have a phrasal meaning rather than a compound meaning: (61) SY Compounds ayaba ‘queen’ < aya ‘wife’ + Oba ‘king’ OmOb¸Ҕr¸Ҕ ‘girl’ < OmO ‘child’ + ob¸Ҕr¸Ҕ ‘female’ OmOkuҔr¸Ҕ ‘boy’ < OmO ‘child’ + OkuҔr¸Ҕ ‘male’ (62) Op compound pattern at 5 Standard Yoruba Op’s Yoruba ayaba ‘queen’ ¸~ya~wo! O~ba~ OmOb¸Ҕr¸Ҕ ‘girl’ OmO! ob¸~r¸~Ҕ OmO&ku~Ѻr¸Ѻ ‘boy’ OmO! Oku~r¸~Ҕ

‘queen, wife of the king’ ‘girl, child of a woman’ ‘boy, child of a man’

The ¿rst example is interesting because Op does not use the more archaic form of ‘wife’, aya; she uses ¸~ya~wo!, which is more commonly used in modern times. Summarizing the ¿ndings so far, here are the unique attributes of M’s morphology.

234

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

(63) Summary of morphological properties a.

Nouns are acquired ¿rst, followed by verbs.

b.

CV minimal word requirement for verbs is fully obeyed.

c.

Initial-V vowel deletion yields subminimal CV nouns in early acquisition.

d.

Pre¿xation is observed in mid and late acquisition.

e.

Morphological reduplication is attested in late acquisition.

f.

NN compounds are attested but do not exhibit V2 deletion like adult compounds.

As suggested in Chapter 6, based on crosslinguistic language acquisition patterns (for example, Brown 1973, Clark 2001), I assume that the order of ranking for morphological markedness is as shown in (63). This ranking captures the crosslinguistic evidence from language acquisition that children acquire roots before af¿xes, grammatical morphemes, and compounds: (64)

Morpheme markedness *Compounds >> *Af¿x Late acquisition

>>

Mid acquisition

*Root Early acquisition

Given this hierarchy, the pattern of morphological acquisition in Yoruba follows: roots such as nouns and verbs are acquired ¿rst (early acquisition); then, pre¿xes are acquired (mid acquisition; and reduplicated and unreduplicated compounds appear in late acquisition. To close this section, let us establish the connection between morphological acquisition and attrition. As can be recalled, roots are attested in M’s grammar but af¿xes are eroded through initial V deletion. Further, compounds are reduced to bare roots. On the other hand, in T’s grammar, roots, af¿xes, and compound are attested; however, compounds are expressed as canonical N+N without V2 deletion – an identical pattern to the one seen in the acquisition data in (61). The general pattern that emerges from these properties is as follows: roots, which are acquired early, are robustly attested in the language of attriters. On the other hand, the features that appear later are absent in M’s grammar but present in T’s Yoruba. Interestingly, T’s compounds are not like adults’ compounds; they are like a ¿ve-year-old’s compounds, which show that a loss has been incurred. Ranking-wise, M’s attrition has eliminated the late and mid

Syntax

235

acquisition features, leaving her with the early acquisition features, namely roots. In contrast, T still has the ranking from early to late acquisition intact, but has lost the non-compositional meaning marking of Yoruba compounds signaled by V2 deletion in the adult grammar.

7.4

Syntax

In general, the acquisition of syntax begins around two years. At this time, children start to combine words in twos – popularly called the ‘two-word’ stage. After the two-word stage comes the multi-word stage, which is characterized by the production of longer but telegraphic sentences beyond two word sequences. Although early syntax acquisition deviates from the adult language, they show features of a grammatical rule-governed system (Guasti 2002). First, I begin by describing the stages of syntactic acquisition in Yoruba as discussed in Ajolore (1974): the two-word stage, multi-word stage and focus construction. Secondly, syntactic acquisition patterns and postlingual deafness attrition pattern are compared and shown to illustrate interesting symmetries. Speci¿cally, M’s grammar presents evidence for attrition to the two-word stage, and T’s grammar presents evidence for multi-word telegraphic sentences because of the erosion of syntactic tones. 7.4.1 Two-word stage To set the stage for the discussion of Yoruba Child syntax, I would like the readers to recall two basic facts about Yoruba syntax laid out earlier in Chapter 2. First, Yoruba has subject-verb-object (SVO) constituent order. Secondly, word order within phrases is right-branching; that is, phrases are head-initial. Ajolore (1974: 270) reports that a few two-word sentences were recorded quite early around 1; 1 and there was a steady increase in production between 1; 2 and 1; 3. The combinations are primarily Noun-Verb, Verb-Noun, Noun-Noun sequences, although the completive aspect marker (CM) is also attested. In Verb -Noun combinations, the Object noun may precede or follow the verb. Examples are given below in (65).

236

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

(65) Two-word sentences in Child Yoruba a.

OҔtO~Ҕ orange

dE OR dE OҔtO~Ҕ eat eat orange

Adult equivalent: b.

ti CM

e.

u!ҔuҔ~ no

bo!bo~ cat

‘it’s all gone’ o! it

ti tOҔ~ CM ¿nish ‘no, I don’t go to sleep’

u!ҔuҔ~ mi o~ suҔ~ no I NEG sleep

a~ka~ya~ bean cake

Adult equivalent: g.

to!o!y¸Ҕ~ ¸! fE! ÔEu Toyin HTSM want eat

su~Ҕ sleep

Adult equivalent: f.

‘Toyin wants to eat’

tOҔ~ ¿nish

Adult equivalent:

da!d¸~ a~ga daddy chair

Adult equivalent:

‘the yam is hot’

iSu u! gbo!nO!Ҕ yam HTSM hot

ta!¸~ dE toyin eat

Adult equivalent: d.

ÔE OsO~Ҕ eat orange

usu bOҔ!yO!Ҕ OR bOҔ!yO!Ҕ usu yam hot hot yam

Adult equivalent: c.

mo fE! I want

‘I want to eat an orange’

‘the cat ate my bean cake’

olo!gbo~ o! ÔE a~ka~ra~ mi cat HTSM eat bean cake my ‘daddy is sitting on the chair’ da!d¸~ ¸! wa~ lo!r¸! a~ga Daddy HTSM exist on top chair

237

Syntax

Comparing the adult forms with the forms produced by Ajolore’s subjects, the following generalizations emerge: (66) Early Yoruba syntax a.

Syntax acquisition begins with two-word utterances, which are mainly formed by combining nouns and verbs.

b.

Two-word utterance word order is variable, for example, VerbNoun Object or Noun Object-Verb combinations are possible.

c.

Grammatical morphemes are absent; however, the completive marker, /ti/, which is CV in shape like canonical verbs, is present.

d.

The pre-verb negative marker (NEG) ko~ is unattested. The preferred negator is the disyllabic HL toned form, u!̘uҔ~, which can appear at the beginning of an utterance.

e.

The High Tone Subject Marker (HTSM) is unattested.

Since the prevailing pattern is a maximally branching structure, which is variable in arrangement, the implication is that children’s phrasal structure at the two-word stage may be right branching or left branching with the head of the phrase occupying the initial or ¿nal position. The representations in (67) illustrate this idea using the Verb Phrase: (67)

Right-branching XP VP

Left-branching XP VP

V

NP

NP

V

dE

OҔtO

OҔtO

dE

‘eat’

orange

orange

‘eat’

7.4.2 Telegraphic Multi-word Stage Multi-word sentences appeared between 1; 4 and 1; 6 (Ajolore 1974:272):

238

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

(68) Child Yoruba Multi-word sentences a.

ta!¸~ fE! OҔsOҔ~ toyin want orange

‘Toyin wants an orange’

Adult equivalent: to!o!y¸Ҕ~ ¸! fE! OsOҔ~ toyin HTSM want orange b.

‘Tosin ate an egg’

ta!s¸~ dE hOҔy¸Ҕ tosin eat egg

Adult equivalent: to!o!s¸Ҕ~ ¸! ÔE Ey¸Ҕ tosin HTSM eat egg c.

u!ҔuҔ~ ta!s¸~ suҔ⁄ sa!uҔ~ no toosin move there

Adult equivalent: uҔ⁄uҔ~ no d.

ba!b¸~ dE dE baby eat eat

‘no, Tosin will not move over’

to!o!s¸Ҕ~ ko~ n¸!¸! suҔ⁄ sa!uҔ~ toosin NEG will move there ‘baby, eat this, eat it’

Adult equivalent: be!b¸~, ÔE e~y¸!, ÔE E! baby, eat this, eat it The multi-utterance examples in (68) show that although the Yoruba child has a more elaborate structure than the binary branching tree in (67), functional morphemes such as HTSM and the pre-verb negative marker are still absent. However, the Àuctuating placement of phrasal heads is not attested anymore, and adult-like head-initial structures are used. Based on these properties, the telegraphic multi-word stage may be represented as a small clause:

Syntax

239

(69) Telegraphic multi-word structure VP NP

ta!¸~

V’ V

NP

fE

OҔsO

want

orange

Tooyin

‘Toyin wants an orange’ 7.4.3 Full ¿nite sentences Between age 2 and 3, which may be labeled Mid Syntax, T and K produced full sentences with HTSM (Ajolore 1974: 282). These are full sentences because, as can be recalled from our earlier description of Yoruba syntax, the HTSM represents the non-future tense (HTSM are bolded for easy identi¿cation):12 (70) Full sentences with HTSM a. mO!m¸~ o! nO ta!s¸~ mommy HTSM spank toosin b. mO!m¸~ ¸! nO ta!s¸~ mommy HTSM spank toosin

‘mommy spanked Toosin’ ‘mommy spanked Toosin’

In (70a), the HTSM is linked to a dummy pronoun /o/, and in (70b), it is realized on the subject’s lengthened ¿nal vowel. Another indicator of the emergence of a full sentence is the pre-verb negative marker (ko~). One important distributional fact is that the HTSM and NEG do not co-occur. Thus, when HTSM is present, NEG is absent and conversely, HTSM is absent when NEG is present. As these examples show, children are sensitive to this requirement between age 2 and 3: 12. At this stage, the raising of L tone to M is attested, but the L tone is also used. For instance, an attested form illustrating this pattern is: o! nO~ ta!s¸~ mi ‘he spanked my Toosin’ (Ajolore 1974: 282).

240

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

(71) Negative marker ta!s¸~ ko~ nO!t¸~ toosin NEG naughty mO!m¸~ ko~ fu! mommy NEG give

‘Toosin was not naughty’ ‘mommy did not give me’

mi me

The presence of the non-future tense and the negative marker are strong indicators that ¿nite sentences are present in Mid Syntax (age 2 and 3). The data thus motivate a full clause: (72)

IP NP

mO!m¸~

I’ V’

I ¸!

V

NP

nO

ta!s¸~

‘mommy spanked Toosin’ 7.4.4 Complex sentences: Focus construction So far, we have seen how children acquire basic SVO constituent order. Next, we will consider the acquisition of fronted constituents, such as focused noun phrases. As mentioned in Chapter 2, any nominal phrase can be focused by movement to the sentence-initial position. Thus, from an SVO sentence such as (73), we can derive focus sentences such as (74) and (75). As can be seen, a focus particle ni occurs after the fronted noun phrase: (73) Basic SVO structure ayO~ O! ra ¸~we! ayo HTSM buy book ‘Ayo bought a book’

Syntax

241

(74) Focused subject ayO~ ni o! ra ¸~we! ayo FOCUS HTSM buy book ‘it is Ayo who bought a book’ (75) Focused object ¸~we! ni ayO~ O! ra book FOCUS ayo HTSM buy ‘it is a book that Ayo bought’ Ajolore (1974:274 – 276) observes that focused sentences are acquired in mid acquisition about the same time that ¿nite sentences occur: (76) Yoruba Child focus a.

b.

c.

Adult SVO em¸! ba~ a! ÔE! I (EMP) Verb it Verb

‘I spoil it’ (compound Verb-Verb = spoil)

Adult subject focus e~m¸ n¸ o! ba~ a! ÔE! I (EMP) FOCUS HTSM Verb it Verb

‘it was I who spoiled it’

Child subject focus e~m¸ n¸! ba~ a! ÔE! I (EMP) FOCUS/HTSM Verb it Verb

‘it was I who spoiled it’

As can be seen by comparing the adult form (76b) with the child pattern (76c), the child has an adult-like focus sentence and is only different in merging the FOCUS marker /ni/ and the high tone of the non-future tense, HTSM (ni + o! J n¸!). This sort of merger is possible in the adult grammar as well, but adults retain the vowel of the HTSM o! which usually results in n~l alternation (ni + o! J lo!). The child uses the adult form too, as shown in example (77b) below. Toward the end of the study at 3; 5 – 3; 6, more complex focus sentences were reported (Ajolore 1974 298 – 299). The example in (77a) illustrates a focused relativized object and (77b) is an example of subject focus.

242

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

(77) Focus sentences a.

n~kO t¸! mo fi n! sewe! ni yOm¸! ¸! ba~ thing that I use PROG play FOCUS Yomi HTSM take ‘the thing that I was playing with was what Yo¢mi took’

Adult equivalent: nn~kO t¸! mo fi n! Sere ni yOm¸! ¸! gba~ thing that I use PROG play be Yomi HTSM take SVO before focus: yOm¸! ¸! gba nn~kO t¸! mo fi n! Sere! Yomi HTSM take thing that I use PROG play ‘Yomi took the thing that I was playing with’ b.

¸~wO lo! ba n~kO t¸! mo fi n! sewe! you FOCUS take thing that I use PROG play ‘it was you who took the thing that I was playing with’

Adult equivalent: ¸~wO lo! gba nn~kO t¸! mo fi n! Sere! you FOCUS take thing that I use PROG play SVO before focus: ¸~wO! gba nn~kO t¸! mo fi n! Sere! you HTSM take thing that I use PROG play ‘you took the thing that I was playing with’ Based on the observations in (76) and (77), I propose that the Complementizer phrase (CP) is also present in mid acquisition: (78)

CP

Spec [n~ k O [ t¸! mo fi n!sewe!]] NPi CP

C’

C ni

IP NP

yOm¸

I’ V’

I ¸!

‘the thing that I was playing with was what Yo¢mi took’

V

NP

gba~

ti

Syntax

243

Summarizing this section, we have seen that Yoruba syntax acquisition proceeds in stages. Between ages 1 and 2, children launch into the syntactic world with two-word utterances, which are analyzed as maximally branching structures. This is followed by the production of telegraphic multi-word sentences. During mid syntax, between age 2 and 3, ¿nite and focus sentences are attested and increase in complexity between 3 and 4. The emergence of ¿nite clauses and focus sentence illustrate children’s knowledge of the SVO constituent order, Noun phrase movement and structure dependent relations involving movement to SPEC CP and the trace of the moved constituent. 7.4.5 Child Yoruba syntax and syntactic attrition We are now ready to tackle the connection between syntactic acquisition and syntactic attrition in postlingual deafness Yoruba. Recall that the analysis of postlingual deafness attrition draws on Jakobson’s regression hypothesis, which suggests that language loss is a reversal of acquisition, and that the last features and structures to be acquired are the ¿rst to be lost. We will begin by examining the application of this reversal theory to M’s syntax. First, consider M’s syntactic properties repeated from Chapter 5: (79) M’s syntactic properties a.

M’s syntax exhibits subject-drop and object-drop.

b.

The surface representation of her grammar uses a binary template which combines two syntactic elements – the subject and verb (NP VP), the verb and object (V NP), and aspectual and tense markers (completive, future) and a verb (ASPECT V): S J NP VP (object-drop) S J V NP (subject-drop) S J ASPECT V (subject- and object-drop)

c.

Within phrases, M uses the head-initial word order attested in Yoruba.

On the one hand, the properties in (79) resemble the two-word stage in that M’s syntactic structure is maximally binary branching. On the other hand, based on the word order pattern, it resembles the multi-word telegraphic stage, which, as you may recall, is where the head-initial word order parameter is set. Taken together, these two features demonstrate that M’s postlingual deafness attrition has taken her back to early syntax. Given the complexity of syntactic structure

244

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

in the mid acquisition – ¿nite SVO sentences, focus sentences, relativized sentences, and constituent movement – the patterns in (79) present no evidence for the retention of mid acquisition features in M’s grammar. Conceiving language loss as language acquisition reversal thus provides a natural explanation for the unique characterization of M’s syntax. Consider next, T’s syntactic properties: (80) Summary of T’s syntax a.

Full SVO structure.

b.

No syntactic tones – genitive M tone, L raising to M used for marking object nouns, and high tone subject marker, which is used to mark subjects in ¿nite clauses with non-future tense.

c.

Focus and question sentences are present.

d.

Movement of nominal phrases to sentence-initial position attested. These properties indicate that T’s syntax is the mid acquisition stage. For example, SVO constituent order, focus construction, and movement are present. However, mid acquisition grammatical tones are lacking. Although these tones are functional heads in Yoruba (Dechaine 2001), it is interesting that their absence in T’s grammar does not erode the elaborate syntactic structure (CP) needed to support moved constituents such as focused NPs.

7.5

Acquisition and Postlingual Deafness Attrition as Mirror Markedness-based Systems

A major theme throughout this chapter is that ¿rst language acquisition and postlingual childhood deafness attrition exhibit mirror markedness symmetrical patterns, which suggest an acquisition reversal pattern of language loss. This section summarizes the results of the preceding sections. Beginning with phonology, the expected mirror symmetry between consonant acquisition and attrition is captured in the hierarchy in (81). The order of acquisition proceeds from right to left while that of attrition goes from left to right:

Acquisition and Postlingual DeafnessAttrition as Mirror Markedness-based Systems

245

(81) Manner of articulation markedness *LIQUID/r >> *LIQUID/l >> *AFFRICATES >> *FRICATIVES >> Late acquisition

Mid acquisition

*GLIDES, *STOPS Early acquisition The language reversal prediction is borne out by the data from M, T and the Belfast group. As was shown, liquids, the last consonants acquired by children, are the ¿rst to disappear in postlingual deafness attrition. M’s data present evidence for further regression to early acquisition since affricates and fricatives are substituted by stops in her grammar. The prediction concerning the representation of place features is considered next in (82): (82) PLACE feature ranking *PLACELESS >> *LABIAL-VELAR *CORONAL >> *LABIAL

>>

*DORSAL

>>

Across the board in M and T’s phonology, we see the loss of placeless /h/, and in M’s grammar, we see the simpli¿cation of labial-velars to labial. Furthermore, M’s phonology exhibits velar fronting to coronal. Labials and coronals, on the other hand, are stable. In acquisition, we see a mirror pattern: labials and coronals appear ¿rst, followed by dorsals. The labial velars and placeless /h/ arrive last. Voicing also presents some evidence for acquisition reversal. As seen in the acquisition of Yoruba, children tend to devoice obstruents (coronal and dorsal), a pattern in harmony with the crosslinguistic evidence that [-voice] is unmarked while [+voice] is marked: (83) VOICE markedness *[+voice] >> *[ívoice] Phonological erosion in M’s grammar provides evidence for this ranking. As shown, voiced obstruents are devoiced in her grammar, but the opposite is not attested. That is, voiceless consonants do not become voiced. Language attrition is thus targeting the marked and later acquired feature [+voice].

246

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

Vowels also present evidence for mirror symmetries between ¿rst language acquisition and postlingual deafness language attrition. For example, in early acquisition, oral vowels appear before nasal vowels, and when nasal vowels emerge in mid acquisition, their surface representation Àuctuates between nasal and oral for a while before they stabilize late in mid acquisition. The markedness ranking for nasal vowels is as follows: (84) NASAL vowel markedness *[+nasal-V] >> *[ínasal-V] The opposite pattern is what we ¿nd in attrition. As shown, M’s grammar lacks nasal vowels (and consonants), which means her attrition has taken her to early acquisition. By contrast, T’s grammar has nasal vowels but they are unstable, constantly Àuctuating between nasal and oral, which means her representation of nasal vowels, is in the early mid acquisition stage. Acquisition and attrition further show a number of parallels with regard to the realization of oral vowels. As was shown earlier, although the seven phonemic vowels are present in early Child Yoruba, we see from the alternations involving mid and low vowels that these vowels are patterning together as a non-high class, which suggests that the initial phonological contrast is between the features [íhigh] and [+high]: (85) {e, E, o, O, a} versus {i, u} This early acquisition pattern is replicated in M’s Yoruba where /a/ is seen behaving as a mid vowel in several contexts. Later, in mid acquisition, a three-way distinction (+high, íhigh, +low) is established and low vowels stop behaving like mid vowels. As shown, T’s grammar has the characteristics of mid acquisition in that low and mid vowels do not group together phonologically. However, both M and T have regressed in their realization of tongue root harmony for mid vowels. As shown, based on ATR markedness, mid vowels can be variably realized as +ATR or –ATR. This feature is unattested in child language probably because a hearing child has suf¿cient language input to support faithfulness to the input whereas the postlingually deafened speaker only relies on markedness to sustain the already acquired language. It is established crosslinguistically that markedness dominates faithfulness mostly in early and mid acquisition, yielding contrast reduction and unmarked structures. This attribute is seen in the vowel harmony pattern in child Yoruba where tongue root and back harmonies apply regressively to increase the identity of co-occurring vowels. A similar pattern is seen in M’s grammar but not in

Acquisition and Postlingual DeafnessAttrition as Mirror Markedness-based Systems

247

T’s grammar. T’s grammar reÀects the normal state of affairs in adult Yoruba, which leans toward satisfying faithfulness to the input more than reducing contrasts through the activation of markedness. In the mastery of tone, Yoruba-learning children proceed in the following order: (86) Tone markednes and acquisition *Syntactic tones >> *Contour tones >> *M >> *L, *H Attrition proceeds in the opposite direction. As shown, M and T have lost syntactic and contour tones. In addition, their M tones are substituted by H and L depending on the phonological context. Yoruba-speaking children start using the crosslinguistically unmarked CV syllables as early as age 0;7 and throughout early and mid acquisition, they are still favored by children. V syllables are also present in early acquisition but they are constantly recon¿gured to CV or deleted by children. By mid acquisition, V syllables are stable. In contrast syllabic nasals are unattested in early acquisition. They emerge in mid acquisition but are not stable until late acquisition. As shown in Chapter 5 and Chapter 6 whereas V and CV syllables are found in M and T’s Yoruba, syllabic nasals are unattested. The pattern implies that their grammars have been reversed to the mid acquisition stage. The following syllable markedness ranking illustrate the acquisition/attrition mirror symmetry: (87)

*N Late

>>

*V Mid

>>

CV Early

Morphologically, as shown, Yoruba-acquiring children’s lexicon exhibits the crosslinguistically attested pattern of acquiring nouns and verbs before other lexical items like adjectives and adverbs. Prosodically, children also show a preference for CV words by truncating disyllabic nouns to the ¿nal CV, which again, is a widely attested pattern across languages (Ingram, Fikkert 1994, Demuth and Fee 1995, etc.). The syllable hierarchy in (87) captures this pattern. Other signi¿cant morphological features are: (i) roots are acquired before af¿xes, and (ii) roots are acquired before compounds. In PDY attrition, M truncates nouns to CV; further, she lacks af¿xes and compounds. By contrast, T retains the full speci¿cation of verbs (CV) and nouns (VCV or CVCV), she has af¿xes and N-N compounds, but has lost the semantic distinction between the

248

The Connection of Postlingual Deafness Language Loss to Acquisition

phrasal and compound meaning of N-N sequences. The morphological mirror symmetry is given below in (88). (88) Morphological markedness *Compound >> *Af¿xes >> *Roots (adjectives, adverbs) >> *Roots (verbs, nouns) Finally, in the development of syntax, children pass through three major stages before they produce ¿nite sentences. First, between ages 1 and 2, they have two-word utterances, which are analyzed as maximally branching structures. Second, the production of telegraphic multi-word sentences follows. Third, between age 2 and 3, ¿nite and focus sentences are attested. Finiteness is constrained by phono-syntax. Thus, ¿nite clauses have functional heads, which are represented as H tone (Dechaine 2001). The complexity of these sentences increases between 3 and 4. As argued, the emergence of ¿nite clauses and focus sentence illustrate children’s knowledge of key adult syntactic structures, for example the SVO constituent order, Noun phrase movement, and structure dependent relations involving moved constituents and their traces. In the language shift that has occurred in M’s syntax, she has only two-word utterances, found in early syntax. By contrast, T’s syntax has the complexity of syntactic structure in mid acquisition – SVO constituent order, focus sentences, questions, and constituent movement. However, both postlingually deafened speakers lack syntactic tones, which as mentioned, serve as functional heads of phrases. This provides support for Dechaine (2001)’s view that Yoruba functional head spell out is an interface phenomenon with both phonological and syntactic properties. In addition, the fact that lexical H tones are retained whereas syntactic H tone is lost demonstrates that language attrition draws on morpho-syntactic principles. It is perhaps the interface of phonology, morphology and syntax in the realization of functional heads that makes them vulnerable to erosion. On the basis of the patterns described above, we see that acquirers and attriters reveal the mirror image of the syntax hierarchy given below: (89) Syntax markedness hierarchy (early and mid acquisition) Functional tone head, NP Movement, Finite SVO, >> Head-initial parameter, non-¿nite SVO >> Two-word utterance, XP head placement Àexible (head-initial or head-¿nal) In summary, this chapter has examined the parallels and differences between two unstable linguistic systems in Yoruba – child language acquisition and

Acquisition and Postlingual DeafnessAttrition as Mirror Markedness-based Systems

249

postlingual deafness language loss. The chapter draws on Jakobson’s regression hypothesis, which suggests that language loss is a reversal of acquisition, and that the last features and structures to be acquired are the ¿rst to be lost, and shows that most postlingual deafness properties resemble child language features. The major point of divergence involves the tongue root realization of mid vowels. As suggested, the constant Àuctuation of these vowels as advanced or retracted follows from ATR markedness, which can assign +ATR or –ATR to vowels that are speci¿ed as [–high, ílow].

Chapter 8 Summary, Suggestions for Rehabilitation and Further Research This chapter concludes the book. It begins by summarizing the major ¿ndings. Then, it provides suggestions for linguistic rehabilitation of postlingually deafened Yoruba speakers, and gives recommendations for future research.

8.1

Summary of ¿ndings

8.1.1 De¿ning Deafness Deaf and hearing impairment studies in Nigeria often lump prelingual and postlingual deafness together (for example, Mba 1981, 1986, Nwazuoke 1984, Onwuchekwa 1985, Bakare 1988, Onwuchekwa and Nwazuoke 1995). The present study makes this contrast, and is the ¿rst to document the linguistic abilities of postlingually deafened Yoruba speakers. I have followed the approach of Duranti (1997) and Mufwene (2002) in not just documenting the language, but documenting the lives of its speakers as well. This has made it possible to have a written record of the participants, their culture, their relationships and experiences, thus providing ethnographic data on the largely unknown world of the hearing impaired in southwestern Nigeria. This study describes the challenges faced by the hearing impaired and their families, especially mothers. Furthermore, it describes the strategies used in coping with this language-based impairment in a society that that does not have hereditary deafness. For example, the experiences of deafened parents with hearing children reveal three crucial needs. The ¿rst is the issue of awareness. In southwestern Nigeria, deafness is mostly attributed to a religious cause: the wrath of the gods. The medical cause of deafness, especially the form that occurs postlingually, is unknown yet. As work such as Eziyi, Amusa, Akinpelu, Adeniji and Ogunniyi (2009) show, hearing loss is now prevalent among the Yoruba. This new development needs to be publicized, and an awareness program needs to be put in place to make the hearing population aware of the crucial linguistic needs of the deaf and their hearing children. The second is the issue of support. Although the government is not currently involved in assisting this minority group, the local communities can formalize the existing structure of support given by family, friends, and neighbors.

Summary of ¿ndings

251

Community support groups can meet in community centers, schools or religious venues such as churches to provide information on this disability and the needs, teach coping skills, and provide a place for people to share common concerns and receive emotional support. There are awesome bene¿ts for establishing such support groups. Deaf parents will have the opportunity to express their feelings and challenges openly in a support group. They will enjoy the encouragement and support of their peers as well as other group supporters. They will learn new things about their disability, and will have the opportunity to share helpful tips with others. The third issue is that of speech therapy and the need to train linguistic workers, which will be addressed in section 8.2. 8.1.2 Documenting a less known aspect of Yoruba: postlingual deafness data For many decades, the ¿eld of linguistics has focused on exploring language as a cognitive phenomenon or as a host of theoretical puzzles. Today, there is a strong emphasis on documenting less known languages. This study documents two less known aspects of Yoruba – attrition and acquisition, with special emphasis on postlingual deafness. As shown, aspects of language, such as tone, the laxness and tenseness of mid vowels, nasalization, syllabic contrasts involving syllables with nuclei and syllabic nasals, compounding, and full sentence structures disappear after long-term deafness. Because the use of tone crosses grammatical boundaries, its loss impacts morphology and syntax. It is hoped that this documentation will add to the empirical base of Yoruba linguistics, language attrition, and language acquisition. Furthermore, it is hoped that this work will stimulate language preservation efforts such as speech therapy for the postlingually deafened in southwestern Nigeria. 8.1.3 Parallel patterns in attrition and acquisition This study has compared two Àuctuating systems in Yoruba: L1 attrition with no spoken language interference (postlingual deafness) and L1 acquisition in children. This research revealed signi¿cant parallels between L1 attriters and L1 acquirers. For example, features acquired in mid acquisition – vowel nasality, tongue root harmony and syntactic tones – are vulnerable features in L1 attrition. The liquids /r/ and /l/ and laryngeal /h/, which are the last sounds to be acquired, are also shown to be unstable in attrition. On the other hand, the features acquired early, for example, stops, glides, lexical tones, high and low vowels are stable in attrition. Because low vowels are non-high like mid vowels, they are in free alternation in L1 attrition and L1 acquisition. These

252

Summary, Suggestions for Rehabilitation and Further Research

symmetries suggest that both language attrition and language acquisition are governed by the same constraints set in the reverse order, and thus provides evidence for a strong link between language acquisition and attrition. 8.1.4 The age factor in determining the degree of attrition This work illustrates the key role played by age in attrition. As shown, although the basic pattern of attrition in T and M are identical, M exhibits greater phonological attrition as seen in her loss of nasal vowels, liquid consonants, /l/ and /r/, voicing and nasal contrasts in stops, and the replacement of fricatives and affricates by stops. The greater loss experienced is attributed to the age of deafness. Since M lost her hearing at the age of 5, the acquisition process is perhaps incomplete, making her grammar easily susceptible to attrition. 8.1.5 Documenting Yoruba Sign Language One of the major contributions of this study is the documentation of Yoruba Sign Language (YSL), which, as shown, is a functional sign language with its own phonology, morphology and syntax. It is phonologically different from sign languages used by a large group of signers because it uses a larger signing space, for example, legs and toes. In contrast, sign languages with a large deaf population like American Sign Language use only the upper part of the body for signing. Another point of contrast is that mouthing of spoken Yoruba words is extremely common in YSL because of the linguistic philosophy of Yoruba that linguistic competence is packaged in a multimodal fashion – speaking with the mouth, speaking with the hands and speaking with the eyes/face. Because Yoruba sign language is a combination of oral and manual methods, it poses a great challenge for researchers working from the traditional viewpoint that a sign language ought to be predominantly manual. This view is misguided because work on other types of signing in West Africa (Hausa Sign Language (Nigeria), Schmaling 2000; Adamorobe Sign Language (Ghana), Nyst 2007) show that the combination of oral and manual features are unique typological attributes of West African sign languages.

8.2

Suggestions for Linguistic Rehabilitation

The trauma of losing a native language that was once spoken Àuently is nontrivial. I thought of what Toyin said about wanting to communicate well with others. No one wants to be thought of as “talking funny” or “saying mushy-

Suggestions for Linguistic Rehabilitation

253

sounding words.” There must be a way to solve this problem, a practical and inexpensive solution, which will not give false hope. That is, the sort of false hope that people have when they purchase hearing aids which they cannot afford to maintain. Among the Yoruba, the primary linguistic rehabilitation available to the Deaf, especially the postlingually deafened, is multimodal communication, which enables the child to continue to communicate with family members as well as members of the society at large. All modalities are used, particularly vocalization and visual language, namely, gestures and the local sign language. Because the speech of postlingually deafened speakers is usually accompanied by simultaneous conventionalized gesturing, they are still able to communicate using speech, gestures and lip reading until their language begins to decline phonologically. As demonstrated by the casees reported in this book, language decline will occur if deafness continues without intervention. There is no doubt that auditory feedback is crucial for language maintenance (Ito et al. 2002). As K. Stevens et al. (1998 – 2009) have shown, without language feedback, there can be no articulatory feed-forward. In other words, hearing promotes grammatical articulation; conversely, lack of hearing produces ungrammatical articulation. In western societies, hearing rehabilitation is available to children and adults who become deaf after acquiring their language. Assistive devices such as powerful hearing aids or cochlear implants and speech therapy are used extensively to enable the deaf continue to hear and speak their language. As mentioned in Chapter 3, speech perception devises are either unavailable or unaffordable among the Yoruba. Furthermore, speech therapy is currently unavailable, which is quite surprising given that many colleges in Yoruba-speaking areas have linguistics programs up to the doctoral level. Unfortunately, current linguistics teaching and research is not geared toward speech sciences or speech therapy. Speech therapy studies are needed in Nigeria and other nations with postlingually deafened people. The “global village” needs to pay serious attention to postlingual deafness and issues arising from it given the amount of noise pollution in the world today. Activities like listening to an iPod, playing loud video games, and continuous loud sounds from construction sites and even lawn mowers can damage the inner ear, leading to profound total deafness, which cannot be cured or remedied through cochlear implantation or hearing aids. According to a recent study, due to the menace of loud sounds, the prevalence of hearing loss in teenagers in the United States rose by nearly one-third in recent years compared with the rate in the 1980’s and 1990’s (Shargorodsky, S. Curhan, G. Curhan and Eavey 2010). Speech therapy will help meet the linguistic needs of the postlingually-deafened. As is well known, speech therapy

254

Summary, Suggestions for Rehabilitation and Further Research

combines diagnostic and teaching skills required to recognize the causes of speech impediments and determine the most productive method(s) of treatment. For example, speech therapists can work with phonetic and phonological tools to enable the deaf to “see” the sounds they produce in order to promote clear speech. Since postlingual deafness erodes phonology, a broad-based phonological therapy is important for rehabilitation (Stoel-Gammon and Dunn 1985, Grunwell 1988, Fey 1992, Bowen 1996, etc). Phonological therapy approaches are designed to nurture the child’s system rather than simply to teach new sounds. As succinctly put by Grunwell (1988) “the de¿ning characteristic of phonological therapy is that it is in the mind.” That is, the intervention works with phonology that is already implanted in the mind through language acquisition. The theoretical basic for taking a broad-based approach derives from Ingram’s (1989) view of phonology as embracing the study of (1) the nature of the underlying representations of speech sounds (or how they are stored in the mind); (2) the nature of the phonetic representations (how the sounds are articulated); and (3) an organization level comprising phonological rules or processes that map between the previous two levels. Since the postlingually deafened have already acquired language, this therapeutic strategy will work well for them. There are two levels of intervention with the broad phonological therapy. The ¿rst component is the phonetic. This component provides verbal descriptions about the articulation of sounds to help correct inaccurate pronunciation. Since the postlingually deafened have already acquired language, they can be taught speci¿c tongue or lip movements for target sounds. Mirrors can be used for visual feedback so that the individual in therapy can see tongue movements and lip shapes as speci¿c sounds are produced. This method can help resolve vowel perception or production problems. As for tones, the movement of the larynx determines speci¿c tone quality: when the larynx is stretched upward, high tones are produced; when pulled downward, low tones result. The movement of the larynx can be felt by touching the mid rib of the neck. Practicing tone discrimination in this manner will help solve tone dif¿culties. The second component is the phonemic. According to Snow et al. (1998), phonological awareness is the “sensitivity to the patterns of spoken language that recur and can be manipulated without respect to the meaning [that word parts or words] ordinarily convey” (p. 319). The phonological aspects of language as they relate empirically to independent word recognition also involve the awareness of sound(s) at the syllable and phoneme levels (Goswami, 2000). Clearly, in the Yoruba case, phonological awareness is crucial for training in

Remaining issues and recommendations for further research

255

speech articulation and meaning. As shown in chapter 2, Yoruba phonemes are made up of consonants, vowels and tones. For example, the word ¸~gba! “egg plant” is made up of ¿ve phonemes: /i/, /gb/, /a/, one Low tone and one High tone, just as igba! ‘gourd, calabash’ is made up of ¿ve phonemes too: /i/, /gb/, /a/, one Mid tone and one High tone. What is important is the awareness that phonemes exist as components, or “the building blocks of a language,” that can be manipulated and, when combined, form morphemes, the smallest meaningful units of language. Since the postlingually deafened already know the language, it will be easy for them to lend conscious attention to the sounds as distinct from the meaning of words. Phonemic awareness skills can be sharpened by giving separate sounds to individuals in therapy and asking them to create new words from the phonemes. For example, the following Yoruba words should emerge from combining the phonemes /i/ /gb/ /a/, High, Low and Mid tones: igba ‘200,’ igba! ‘gourd,’ ¸~gba~ ‘time,’ igba~ ‘climbing rope,’ ¸~gba! ‘egg plant. Early speech therapy can reduce deafness-induced language erosion. For postlingually deafened speakers like T and M, being able to continue to communicate well with the hearing population is critical. This is a cultural and linguistic right of the postlingually deafened, and they should not be denied the right to communicate effectively in their own language. The general hope of

this work is to see to an awakening of interest in speech therapy for Yoruba speakers who become deaf postlingually. It is hoped that the government will formulate appropriate policies that would promote interest in the teaching and research of speech and audiology sciences so that linguistic workers can receive training to help rehabilitate speakers who become deaf.

8.3

Remaining issues and recommendations for further research

Based on postlingual deafness data, the central theoretical proposal of the present work is that there are parallels between language attrition and language acquisition. The research documented here adds to the growing body of research that establishes attrition as a valid linguistic phenomenon that can be seen across different languages. It further shows that attrition is constrained by the same principles that underlie other Àuctuating linguistic systems such as acquisition. The study of language during its unstable or changing phases as we see in acquisition and attrition is indeed an excellent tool for discovering the essence of language. For instance, we have seen that features acquired late and those that easily attrite are either complex features (for example, labial-

256

Summary, Suggestions for Rehabilitation and Further Research

velars, nasal vowels, contour tones, syntactic tones) or features that are weak or underspeci¿ed in the system (for example, /h/, /r/, /l/, mid tone, syllabic nasals). While the data provide evidence for the interconnectedness of attrition and acquisition, some issues remain for future research. Although this work has laid the groundwork for research on postlingual deafness language erosion and its connection to language acquisition, more research is needed to better understand this phenomenon. In particular, more long-term postlingual deafness longitudinal data is needed to increase the current database, and document other properties not captured in the current research, for example, syntactic and semantic processes involving serial verbs, Wh-movement, pronominals, binding, quanti¿cation, conjunctions, negation, and so on. Another area that needs further exploration is the interface of spoken and signed languages in postlingually deafened speakers. As mentioned in Chapter 1, the relative stability of attrition patterns in the nine year span of research clearly shows that ¿rst language attrition in postlingual deafness is a slow and gradual process spanning years. Thus, in spite of the fact that the two postlingually deafened speakers are also Àuent in YSL and NASL, the spoken language is not replaced by the sign languages. This pattern contrasts sharply with the ¿ndings on childhood attrition involving two spoken languages. For example, Ammerlaan (1996) and Pelc (2001) show that attrition is more accelerated in children than adults when two spoken languages are in competition in a contact context. The younger a child is when the language of her environment changes, the faster and deeper his or her ¿rst language will attrite, leading sometimes to the replacement of the ¿rst language by the dominant second language. This work has shown that childhood deafness causes a reversal of language due to the prominence of markedness constraints; it further observes that the interaction of spoken and sign languages does not result in the replacement of the spoken language because spoken Yoruba is still used daily by postlingual deafened speakers. Furthermore, because the society is primarily multimodal in its delivery of language, speakers do not abandon one mode of communication for another. Taken together, these factors suggest that when spoken and sign languages interact in postlingual deafness contexts, a spoken language cannot be replaced by a sign language in a linguistically multimodal society. Con¿rmation or discon¿rmation of this proposal awaits further research. Also worth exploring is the role of childhood multidialetalism in the retention of language in postlingual deafness. As mentioned earlier in the book, one signi¿cant difference between M and T is that M spoke only Standard Yoruba before she became deaf whereas T spoke three dialects. As pointed out to me by V. Bricker, the multiple dialect exposure might have made T more aware of the structural aspects of language, language varia-

Remaining issues and recommendations for further research

257

tion, and the mechanics of its production. Such advanced linguistic skills may account for the differential retention of spoken Yoruba by M and T after they became deaf. It is not unlikely multidialectalism plays a signi¿cant role in postlingual deafness language retention, but additional research is needed to verify this proposal. For example, one needs to compare T’s language with the language of a monodialectal speaker who became deaf at the same age as T (that is, 8 years). In summary, the above-mentioned areas deserve further exploration so that we will have more understanding of the interconnectedness of attrition and language acquisition in general, and more speci¿cally gain a fuller understanding of the interplay of these two aspects of linguistics in Yoruba.

References Abimbo¢la, W. and O¢. Oyelaran 1971 “Consonant elision in Yoruba.” African Language Studies XVI, 39 – 60. Abraham, R.C. 1958 Dictionary of modern Yoruba. London: Hodder and Stoughton. Ademoko¢ya, J. and J Ben-Stowe 2007 “Experiences of Mothers of Children with Hearing Disability in Oyo State, Nigeria.” Journal of the Social Sciences vol. 2, 293 – 297. Adetunji, O. 1988 Agbeye¢wo sintaasi o¢ro¢-oruko¢ ninu e¢ka ede Ondo. Long Essay, University of Ilorin. Ajayi, J.F.A 1960 “How Yoruba was Reduced to Writing.” Odu: A Journal of Yoruba, Edo and Related Studies (Ministry of Education, Ibadan), 49 – 58. Adetugbo¢, A. 1967 The Yorùbá Language in Western Nigeria: Its Major Dialect Areas. Ph.D. Dissertation, Columbia University, New York. Atkinson, M. 1982 Explanation in the study of’ language aquisition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Ajolore, Olus¢o¢la 1974 Learning to use Yoruba focus sentences in a multilingual setting. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. Akinkugbe, O. 1978 A Comparative Phonology of Yorùbá Dialects, Is¢e¢kiri, and Igala. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. AkinlabÕ, A., 1984 Tonal underspeci¿cation and Yoruba tone. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Ibadan. Akinlabi, A. 1991 “Supraglottal deletion in Yoruba glides.” Proceedings of WCCFL X. Akinlabi, A. 1993 “Underspeci¿cation and the phonology of Yoruba /r/.” Linguistic. Inquiry 24 (1): 139 – 160. Akinlabi, A. and M. Liberman 2000 “The Tonal Phonology of Yoruba Clitics.” In B. Gerlach and J. Grijzenhout (Eds.) Clitics in Phonology, Morphology and Syntax. John Benjamins.

References

259

Akinlabi, A. (to appear) Yoruba: A Phonological Grammar. The W.E. B. Du Bois Series of African Language Grammars. Series editor: John Mugane. Center for African Studies, Harvard University. Altenberg, E. P. 1991 “Assessing ¿rst language vunerability to atrition”. In H.W. Seliger and R. M. Vago (Eds.), First Language Attrition, 189 – 206. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Altenberg, E. P. and R. M., Vago 2002 “The role of grammaticality judgments in investigating ¿rst language attrition: A cross-disciplinary perspective.” In M. S. Schmid, B. Kopke, M. Keijzer and L. Weilemar (Eds.), First Language Attrition: Interdisciplinary perspectives on methodological issues, 105 – 129. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Altmann, G. T. M. 1997 The Ascent of Babel: An exploration of language, mind and understanding. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ammerlaan, T. 1996. You Get a Bit Wobbly: Exploring bilingual lexical retrieval processes in the context of ¿rst language attrition. Ph.D. Dissertation, Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen. Andersen, R. W. 1982 “Determining the linguistic attributes of language attrition”. In R. D. Lambert and B. F. Freed (Eds.), The Loss of Language Skills, 83 – 119. Rowley, MA: Newbury House. Archangeli, D. and D. Pulleyblank 1989 “Yoruba Vowel Harmony,” Linguistic Inquiry 20 (2): 173 – 217 Archangeli, D. and D. Pulleyblank 1994 Grounded Phonology. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Awobuluyi, O. 1967 “Vowel and consonant harmony in Yoruba.” Journal of African Languages 6: 1 – 8. Awobuluyi, O. 1978 Essentials of Yoruba Grammar. Oxford University Press Nigeria, Ibadan. Awolalu, J. O. 1981 [1979] Yoruba Beliefs and Sacri¿cial Rites. Essex: Longman Group Limited. Awoyale, Y., 1974 Studies in the syntax and semantics of Yoruba nominalizations. Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Bakare, C. A. 1988 “Audiological Assessment of the Nigerian Child.” In Abosi, C. O. (ed.) Development of Special education in Nigeria, 31 – 37. Ibadan: Fountains.

260

References

Bamgbos¢e , A., 1966a A Grammar of Yoruba. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Bamgbos¢e, A., 1966b “The assimilated low tone in Yoruba.” Lingua 16: 1 – 13. Bamgbos¢e, A. 1967 “Vowel harmony in Yoruba.” Journal of African Languages 6: 268 – 273. Bamgbos¢e, A. and O¢. Awobuluyi, (Eds.) 1984 – 1990 (2 volumes) Yoruba metalanguage: Ede- iperi Yoruba: a glossary of English-Yoruba technical terms in language, literature and methodology. Lagos: Nigeria Education Research Council. Barber, K. 2000 The Generation of Plays: Yoruba Popular Life in Theatre. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Bates, E., P. Dale and D. Thal 1995 “Individual differences and their implications for theories of language development.” In P. Fletcher, and B. MacWhinney (Eds.), The handbook of child language, 96 – 151. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. Bergman, B. 1984 “Non-manual components in signed language: some sentence types in Swedish Sign Language.” In Loncke, F., P. Boyes Braem, and Y. Lebrun (eds), Recent Research on European Sign Languages, 49 – 59. Lisse: Swets and Zeitlinger. Berko, J. 1958 “The child’s learning of English morphology.” Word 14 (1), 150 – 177. Berko-Gleason, J. 1982 “Insights from child language acquisition for second language loss”. In R. D. Lambert and B. F. Freed (Eds.), The Loss of Language Skills, 13 – 23. Rowley, MA: Newbury House. Bernhardt, Barbara H. and Joseph P. Stemberger 1998 Handbook of Phonological Development from the Perspective of Constraint-based Nonlinear Phonology. San Diego: Academic Press. Binnie, C., R. Daniloff and H. Buckingham. 1982 “Phonetic disintegration in a ¿ve-year-old following sudden hearing loss.” Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders 47: 181 – 189. Bot, K. de and M. Clyne 1989 “Language reversion revisited.” Studies in Second Language Acquisition 11 (2): 167 – 177. Bot, K. de, P. Gommans and C. Rossing 1991 “L1 loss in an L2 environment: Dutch immigrants in France”. In H. W. Seliger and R. M. Vago (Eds.), First Language Attrition, 87 – 98. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

References

261

Bot, K. de and B. Weltens 1991 “Recapitulation, regression and language loss”. In H. W. Seliger and R. M. Vago (Eds.), First Language Attrition, 31 – 51. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bot, K. de and M. Clyne 1994 “A 16-year longitudinal study of language attrition in Dutch immigrants in Australia.” Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 15 (1): 17 – 28. Bowen, T. J. 1858 Grammar and dictionary of the Yoruba language: with an introductory description of the country and people of Yoruba. Washington: Smithsonian Institution. Brooks, P. and M. Tomasello 1999a “Young children learn to produce passives with nonce verbs.” Developmental Psychology 35: 29 – 44. Brown, R. 1973 A First Language: The early stages. London: George Allen and Unwin. Brown, A. 2005 “Interactions between dual language systems in a single mind: Evidence from gestures.” Poster presented at the 2nd International Conference for First Language Attrition (ICFLA2), Amsterdam. Bullock, B. and C. Gerfen 2004 “Frenchville French: A case study in phonological attrition.” International Journal of Bilingualism 8(3). 303 – 320. Bullock, B., A. Dalola and C. Gerfen 2006 “Mapping the patterns of maintenance versus merger in bilingual phonology: The preservation of a low back vowel contrast in Frenchville French.” In J.P. Montreuil (ed.), New Analyses in Romance Linguistics. John Benjamins Carroll, C. and S. Mather 1997 Movers and Shakers: Deaf people who changed the world. San Diego, CA: Dawn Sign Press. Chomsky, N. 1965 Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. Cambridge: MIT Press. Chomsky, N. 1975 ReÀections on Language. New York: Pantheon Books. Chomsky, N. 1981 Lectures on Government and Binding. Dordrecht: Foris. Chomsky, N. and M. Halle. 1968 The Sound Pattern of English. New York: Harper and Row. Chomsky, N., 1995 The Minimalist Program. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA.

262

References

Chomsky, N. 2004 “Beyond explanatory adequacy”. In A. Beletti (Ed.), Structures and Beyond: The carthography of syntactic structures, 104 – 131. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Clahsen, H. and P. Muysken 1986 “The availability of universal grammar to adult and child learners: A study of the acquisition of German word order.” Second Language Research 2 (2): 93 – 119. Clahsen, H. and P. Muysken 1989 “The UG paradox in L2 acquisition.” Second Language Research 5 (1), 1 – 29. Clark, E. V. 1998 “Morphology in language acquisition.” In A. Spencer and A.M. Zwicky (Eds.), The Handbook of Morphology, 374 – 389. Oxford: Blackwell. Clark, E. V. 2001 “Emergent categories in ¿rst language acquisition.” In M. Bowerman and S. C. Levinson (Eds.), Language acquisition and conceptual development. 379 – 405. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Clements, G. N. and S. J. Keyser 1983 CV Phonology: a Generative Theory of the Syllable. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Cohen, A. 1986 “Forgetting foreign language vocabulary.” In B. Weltens, K. de Bot and T. van Els (Eds.), Language Attrition in Progress, 143 – 158. Dordrecht: Foris. Compton, A. J. and M. Streeter 1977 “Child phonology: data collection and preliminary analyses.” Papers and Reports on Child Language Development 7: 99 – 109 Courtenay, K. 1968 A generative phonology of Yoruba. Ph.D. Dissertation. University of California, Los Angeles. Cowie, R. and E. Douglas-Cowie. 1983 “Speech production in profound postlingual deafness.” In Lutman, M. and M. Haggard (eds.) Hearing Science and Hearing Disorders. London: Academic Press. Cowie, R. and E. Douglas-Cowie 1992 Postlingually Acquired Deafness: Speech Deterioration and the Wider Consequences. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Crowther, S. A. 1870 A vocabulary of the Yoruba Language. London: Church Missionary Society.

References

263

Cruttenden, A. 1978 “Assimilation in child language and elsewhere.” Journal of Child Language 5: 373 – 378. Dechaine, R.-M., 2001 “On the left edge of Yoruba complements.” Lingua 111, 81 – 130. de Lacy, P. 2002 The formal expression of markedness. PhD dissertation, University of Massachusetts Amherst. Demuth, K. 1995 “Markedness and the development of prosodic structure.” In Jill N. Beckman (ed.) Proceedings of the North East Linguistic Society 25: 13 – 25. Amherst, MA: Graduate Linguistic Student Association. Demuth, K. 1996a “The prosodic structure of early words.” In J. Morgan and K. Demuth (Eds.) From Signal to Syntax: Bootstrapping from Speech to Grammar in Early Acquisition, 171 – 184. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Demuth, K. 1996b “Alignment, stress, and parsing in early phonological words.” In B. H. Bernhardt, J. Gilbert, and D. Ingram (Eds.) Proceedings of the UBC International Conference on Phonological Acquisition, 113 – 125. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press. Demuth, K. and E. J. Fee 1995 “Minimal words in early phonological development.” Ms., Brown University and Dalhousie University. Desloges, P. 1779 Observations d’un sourd et muèt, sur un cours elémentaire d’education des sourds et muèts, Published in 1779 by M. l’Abbé Deschamps (Chapelain de l’Église d’Orléans), Amsterdam and B. Morin, Paris. Donahue, M. 1986 “Phonological constraints on the emergence of two-word utterances.” Journal of Child Language 13: 191 – 208. Dresher, E. and J. Kaye 1990 “A Computational Learning Model for Metrical Phonology.” Cognition 34, 137 – 195, 1990. Duranti, A. 1997 Linguistic Anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Pres. Engberg-Pedersen, E. 1990 “Pragmatics of non-manual behaviour in Danish Sign Language.” In W. Edmondson and F. Karlsson (Eds.), SLR ‘87: Papers from the Fourth International Symposium on Sign Language Research, 121 – 8. Hamburg: Signum.

264

References

Euba, A. 1990

Yoruba Drumming: the Dundun Tradition. Bayreuth: Bayreuth African Studies Series. Eziyi, J., Y. Amusa, O. Akinpelu, A. Adeniji and G. Ogunniyi 2009 “Audiological Pattern of Hearing Loss At Obafemi Awolowo University Teaching Hospital Complex Ile - Ife, Nigeria.” The Internet Journal of Otorhinolaryngology vol. 8 (2). Fanilol¢a, K. 1997 “Dream in the Yoruba Worldview.” Isokan Yoruba vol. 3 (2). Fo¢larin, Y. 1987 Lexical phonology of Yoruba verbs and nouns. PhD Dissertation, University of Kansas. Fee, E. J. 1995 “Segments and syllables in early language acquisition.” In John Archibald (ed.) Phonological Acquisition and Phonological Theory. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. 43 – 61. Ferguson, C. A. 1986 “Discovering sound units and constructing sound systems: it’s child’s play.” In Joseph S. Perkell and Dennis H. Klatt (eds.) Invarience and Variability in Speech Processes, 36 – 53. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Ferguson, C. A. and C. B. Farwell 1975 “Words and sounds in early language acquisition.” Language 51: 419 – 439. Fikkert, P. 1994 On the Acquisition of Prosodic Structure. Dordrecht: ICG Printing. Fikkert, P. and C. Levelt to appear “How does place fall into place? The lexicon and emergent constraints in the developing phonological grammar.” In P. Avery, B. Elan Dresher and K. Rice (Eds.), Contrast in phonology: Perception and Acquisition. Berlin: Mouton. Foster, A. 1975 “The Social Aspect of Deafness: School Years.” Keynote address presented at the Seventh World Congress of the Deaf in Washington, DC, July 31st, 1975. Fresco, E. 1970 “Topics in Yoruba dialect phonology.” Studies in African Linguistics Suppl. 1, 1 – 219. Gentner, D. 1982 “Why nouns are learned before verbs: Linguistic relativity versus natural partitioning.” In S. A. Kuczaj (ed.) Language thought and culture, vol. II Language Development. Hillsdale, N. J.: Lawrence Erlbaum.

References

265

Gick, B. 2002 “The American intrusive l.” American Speech 77, 167 – 183. Gillette, J. , H. Gleitman, L. R. Gleitman and A. Lederer 1999 “Human simulation of vocabulary learning.” Cognition 73, 135 – 176. Gnanadesikan, A. E. 1995 “Markedness and faithfulness constraints in child phonology. Rutgers optimality archive.” ROA-67. Ms. Goehl, H. and D. Kaufman. 1984 “Do the effects of adventitious deafness include disordered speech?” Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders 49: 58 – 64. Goad, H. 1997 “Consonant harmony in child language: an optimality-theoretic account.” In S. J. Hannahs and Martha Young-Sholten (eds.) Focus on Phonological Acquisition, 113 – 142. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Goad, H. 2000 “Assimilation phenomena and initial constraint ranking in early grammars.” Paper presented at the 24th Annual Boston University Conference on Language Development. Boston University. Gray, J. 1999 “Soul Force 101: Yoruba sacred music, old world and new.” www.descarga.com/cgi- bin/db/archives/Article17 Greenlee, M. 1974 “Interacting proceses in the child’s acquisition of stop-liquid clusters.” In Papers and Reports on Child Language Development 7: 85 – 100. Stanford University. Greenberg, J. 1966 “Synchronic and diachronic universals in phonology.” Language 42 (2): 508 – 17. Groce, N. E. 1988 Everyone Here Spoke Sign Language: Hereditary Deafness on Martha’s Vineyard. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Grunwell, P. 1985 Phonological Assessment of Child Speech London: Nfer-Nelson. Grunwell, P. 1988 Clinical Phonology, Second Edition. London: Chapman and Hall. Guasti, M. 2002 Language Acquisition: the Growth of Grammar. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Gurel, A. 2004 “Attrition in ¿rst language competence: The case of Turkish.” In M. S. Schmid, B. Kopke, M. Keijzer and L. Weilemar (Eds.), First Language Attrition: Interdisciplinary perspectives on methodological issues (pp. 225 – 242). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

266

References

Haegeman, L. 1991 Introduction to Government and Binding Theory. Oxford: Blackwell. Hakansson, G. 1995 “Syntax and morphology in language attrition: A study of ¿ve bilingual expatriate Swedes.” International Journal of Applied Linguistics 13 (1): 153 – 171. Hansen, L. 1999 “Not a total loss: The attrition of Japanese negation over three decades.” In L. Hansen (Ed.), Second Language Attrition in Japanese Contexts, 142 – 153. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hansen, L. (Ed.) 1999 Second Language Attrition in Japanese Contexts. New York: Oxford University Press. Hansen, L. 2001 “Language attrition: The fate of the start.” Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 21: 60 – 73.. Hawkins, J. A. 1991 “Language universals in relation to acquisition and change: A tribute to Roman Jakobson.” In L. R. Waugh and S. Rudy (Eds.), New Vistas in Grammar: Invariance and variation, 473 – 493. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Hayashi, B. 1999 “Testing the regression hypothesis: The remains of the Japanese negation system in Micronesia.” In L. Hansen (Ed.), Second Language Attrition in Japanese Contexts, 154 – 168. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hedgcock, J. 1991 “Foreign language retention and attrition: A study of regression models.” Foreign Language Annals 24 (1): 43 – 55. Hume, E. 2003 “Language speci¿c markedness: The case of place of articulation.” Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 9 (2): 295 – 310. Hume, E. In press Markedness. In M. Van Oostendorp, C. Ewen, E. Hume and K. Rice. Companion to Phonology. Blackwell. Hutz, M. 2004 “Is there a natural process of decay? A longitudinal study of language attrition”. In M. S. Schmid, B. Kopke, M. Keijzer and L. Weilemar (Eds.), First Language Attrition: Interdisciplinary perspectives on methodological issues, 189 – 206. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Ingram, D. 1974a “Phonological rules in young children.” Journal of Child Language 1: 49 – 64.

References Ingram, D. 1974b Ingram, D. 1978

Ingram, D. 1981 Ingram, D. 1988 Ingram, D. 1989 Ingram, D. 1992

267

“Fronting in child phonology.” Journal of Child Language 1: 233 – 241. “The role of the syllable in phonological development.” In Alan Bell and Joan Bybee Hooper (eds.) Syllables and Segments, 59 – 72. New York: Elsevier-North-Holland. Procedures for the Phonological Analysis of Children’s Language. Baltimore, MD: University Park Press. “Jakobson revisited: some evidence from the acquisition of Polish.” Lingua 75: 55 – 82. First Language Acquisition: Method, Description, and Explanation. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press.

“Early phonological acquisition: a cross-linguistic perspective.” In Charles A. Ferguson, Lise Menn, and Carol Stoel-Gammon (eds.) Phonological Development: Models, Research, Implications, 423 – 435. Timonium, MD: York Press. Ito, K., Y. Suzuki, M. Toma, M. Shiroma, and K. Kaga 2002 “Postlingual collapse of language and its recovery after cochlear implantation.” International Journal of Pediatric Ontorhinolaryngology 62 (3): 261 – 265. Izzedine, H., F. Tankere, V. Launav-Vacher and G. Derav 2004 “Ear and kidney syndromes: Molecular versus clinical approach.” Kidney International 65: 369 – 385. Jakobson, R. 1932 Zur Struktur des russischen Verbums. Charisteria Gvilelmo Mathesio qvinqvagenario a discipulis et Circuli Lingvistici Pragensis sodalibus oblata. Prague. Reprinted as Structure of the Russian verb in Linda R. Waugh and Morris Halle (eds.). 1984. Roman Jakobson: Russian and Slavic grammar. Studies 1931 – 1981, 1 – 14. Berlin: Mouton. Jakobson, R. 1941 Kindersprache, Aphasie, und Allgemeine Lautgesetze. Uppsala: Almqvist and Wiksell. [Translated in 1968: Child Language, Aphasia, and Phonological Universals. The Hague, Mouton.] Jakobson, R., G. Fant and M. Halle 1952 Preliminaries to Speech Analysis. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Jakobson, R. and M. Halle 1956 Fundamentals of language. The Hague: Mouton.

268

References

Jakobson, R. 1962 “Typological studies and their contribution to historical comparative linguistics.” Report in the ¿rst plenary session of the Eighth International Congress of Linguists, Oslo 5 August 1957. In Robert H. Whitman (ed.) SelectedWritings 1: Phonological Studies. The Hague: Mouton. Jakobson, R. 1971a The sound laws of child language. In Roman Jakobson (ed.) Studies on child language and aphasia, 7 – 20. The Hague and Paris: Mouton. Reprinted in Waugh and Monville-Burston (1990). 294 – 304. Jakobson, R. 1971b Implications of language universals for linguistics. In Roman Jakobson. Selected writings, vol. 2, 580 – 592. The Hague: Mouton. Jakobson, R. 1972 Child language, Aphasia and Phonological Universals. The Hague, Paris: Mouton. Jakobson, R. and K. Pomorska 1990 The concept of mark. In Waugh and Monville-Burston (Eds.) On language: Roman Jakobson, 134 – 140.Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Jarvis, S. H. 2003 “Probing the effects of the L2 on the L1: A case study.” In V. Cook (Ed.) The Effects of the Second Language on the First, 81 – 120. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Jaspaert, K., S. Kroon. and R. van Hout 1986 “Points of reference in ¿rst language loss research.” In B. Weltens, K. de Bot and T. van Els (Eds.) Language Attrition in Progress, 37 – 49. Dordrecht: Foris. Jordens, P., K. de Bot, C. Os, van and J. Schumans 1986 “Regression in German case marking.” In B. Weltens, K. de Bot and T. van Els (Eds.), Language Attrition in Progress, 159 – 174. Dordrecht: Foris. Jordens, P., K. de Bot and H. Trapman 1989 “Linguistic aspects of regression in German case marking.” Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 11 (2): 179 – 204. Kayne, R. 1981 “On Certain Differences between French and English.” Linguistic Inquiry 12, 349 – 371. [Reprinted in Kayne (1984)] Kayne, R. 1984 Connectedness and Binary Branching, Foris, Dordrecht. Keijzer, M. 2004 “First language attrition: A cross-linguistic investigation of Jakobson’s regression hypothesis.” International Journal of Bilingualism, 8 (3), 389 – 393.

References Keijzer, M. 2007

269

Last in ¿rst out? An investigation of the regression hypothesis in Dutch emigrants in Anglophone Canada. The Netherlands: LOT Publication.

Kinney, C. E. 1948 “Loss of speech due to meningitic deafness.” Archives of Otolaryngology 47, 303 – 309. Kiparsky, P. and L. Menn 1977 “On the acquisition of phonology.” In Macnamara, J. (ed.) Language learning and thought, 47 – 78 New York: Academic Press. Kohelet, D. and E. Arbel 2000 “A prospective search for urinary tract abnormalities in infants with isolated preauricular tags.” Pediatrics 105: E61. Köpke, B. and M. Schmid 2004 “Language attrition: The next phase.” In M. S. Schmid, B. Köpke, M. Keijzer and L. Weilemar (Eds.), First language attrition: Interdisciplinary perspectives on methodological issues, 1 – 47. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Köpke B., M. Schmid, M. Keijzer and L. Weilemar 2004 First Language Attrition: Interdisciplinary perspectives on methodological issues. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Kyle, J. and G. Woll 1985 Sign Language: the study of deaf people and their language Cambridge University Press. Ladefoged, P. and I. Maddieson 1996 The Sounds of the World’s Languages. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. Lambert, R.D. and B.F. Freed (Eds) 1982 The Loss of Language Skills. Rowley, MA: Newbury House. Lane, H. and B. Tranel 1971 “The Lombard sign and the role of hearing in speech.” Journal of Speech and Hearing Research 14: 677 – 709. Lane, H. and J. Webster. 1991 “Speech deterioration in postlingually deafened adults.” Journal of Acoustics Society of America 89 (2): 859 – 866. Leopold, Werner F. 1947 Speech Development of a Bilingual Child: A Linguist’s Record, Vol. II: Sound-learning in the First Two Years. Evantson, IL: Northwest University Press. Lenneberg, E. 1967 Biological Foundations of Language. New York, NY: Wiley. Levelt, C. 1994 On the Acquisition of Place. Leiden: Holland Institute of Generative Linguistics.

270

References

Levelt, C., Niels O. Schiller, and Willem J. Levelt 2000 “The acquisition of syllable types.” Language Acquisition 8: 237 – 264. Lieven, E. 2005 “Language development: An overview.” In K. Brown (Ed.) Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, Second Edition, 376 – 391. Oxford: Elsevier. Lightfoot, D. 1999 The Development of Language: Acquisition, change and evolution. London: Blackwell. Macnamara, J. 1982 Names for Things: a Study of Child Language. Cambridge, MA: Bradford Books / MIT Press. Maddieson, I. 1984 Patterns of Sounds. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press. Major, R. C. 1992 “Losing English as a ¿rst language.” The Modern Language Journal, 76 (2); 190 – 208. Macken, M. A. 1980 “Aspects of the acquisition of stop systems: A cross-linguistic perspective.” In Yeni-Komshian, G., et al. Language Acquisition. (2nd Ed.), 253 – 265. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mba, P.O. 1981 “Language and the deaf child.” Journal of Special Education.1 (2): 20 – 23. Matthies, M. L., F. H. Guenther, M. Denny, J. S. Perkell, E. Burton, J. Vick, H. Lane, M. Tiede, and M. Zandipour 2008 “Perception and production of /r/ allophones improve with hearing from a cochlear implant.” Journal of the Acoustics Society of America vol. 124, (5): 3191 – 3202 McCarthy, J. and A. Prince 1993 Prosodic morphology I: constraint interaction and satisfaction. University of Massachusetts at Amherst and Rutgers University. Ms. McCarthy, J. and A. Prince 1995 “Faithfulness and reduplicative identity.” In Jill N. Beckman, Laura Walsh Dickey, and Suzanne Urbanczyk (eds.) Papers in Optimality Theory, 249 – 384. Amherst: Graduate Linguistic Student Association. Menn, L. 1971 “Phonotactic rules in beginning speech: a study in the development of English discourse.” Lingua 26: 225 – 251. Menn, L. 1978 “Phonological units in beginning speech.” In Alan Bell and Joan Bybee Hooper (eds.) Syllables and Segments. Amsterdam: North Holland. 315 – 334.

References Menn, L. 1980

271

“Phonological theory and child phonology.” In Yeni-Komshian, G., et al. Language Acquisition. (2nd Ed.), 23 – 41. Menn, L. and E. Matthei 1992 “The “two-lexicon” approach of child phonology: looking back, looking ahead.” In C. A. Ferguson, L. Menn, and C. Stoel-Gammon (Eds.) Phonological Development: Models, Research, Implications, 211 – 248. Timonium, MD: York Press. Moore, M. and R. Panera 1996 Great Deaf Americans. New York: Deaf Life Press. Mufwene, S. 2002 “Colonization, globalization, and the future of languages in the twenty¿rst century.” International Journal on Multicultural Societies 4 (2): 162 – 193. Nakamura, K. 2006 Deaf in Japan: Signing and the Politics of Identity. Ithaca: Cornell University Press Nespor, M. and W. Sandler 1999 “Prosody in Israeli Sign Language.” Language and Speech 42.2 » 3 (special issue on prosody in spoken and signed languages, ed. Wendy Sandler), 143 – 76. Nwokah, E. 1986 “Consonantal substitution patterns in Igbo phonological acquisition.” Language and Speech vol. 29 (2): 159 – 176. Nyst, V. 2007 A descriptive analysis of Adamorobe Sign Language. Ph.D. Dissertation University of Amsterdam. Utrecht: LOT O¢dunjo¢, J. F. 1964 Kuye¢. African Universities Press. O¢dunjo¢, J. F. 1967 [1949] Alawiiye, Book 1. Ibadan: Longman Publishers. O¢dunjo¢, J. F. 1967 [1949] Alawiiye, Book 2. Ibadan: Longman Publishers. O¢dunjo¢, J. F. 1967 [1949] Alawiiye, Book 3. Ibadan: Longman Publishers. O¢dunjo¢, J. F. 1967 [1949] Alawiiye, Book 4. Ibadan: Longman Publishers. O¢dunjo¢, J. F. 1967 [1949] Alawiiye, Book 5. Ibadan: Longman Publishers. O¢dunjo¢, J. F. 1967 [1949] Alawiiye, Book 6. Ibadan: Longman Publishers. Odusanya, T. 2000 Basic Sign Language. Federal College of Education (Special), Oyo.

272

References

Ogunbo¢wale, P.O. 1970 The Essentials of the Yoruba Language. Hodder and Stoughton, London. O¢la, O¢. 1995 Optimality in Benue-Congo prosodic phonology and morphology. Ph.D. Dissertation. University of British Columbia.. Olshtain, E. 1989 “Is second language attrition the reversal of second language acquisition?” Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 11 (2): 151 – 165. Onwuchekwa, J. N. 1985 “Psychology of deafness.” University of Ibadan, Ms. Onwuchekwa, J. N. and I. A. Nwazuoke 1995 “Language and Disability: The Nigerian Experience.” In Language in Nigeria: Essays in honour of Ayo¢ Bamgbos¢e, Ko¢la Owolabi (Ed.), 490 – 502. Ibadan: Group Publishers. Onidare, A. 1983 “Acquisition of a the mother tongue in a bilingual society: the case of Yoruba.” Paper presented at the 86 West African Linguistics Conference, University of Ibadan. Orie, O¢. 1997 Benue-Congo Prosodic Phonology and Morphology in Optimality Theory, Munchen and Newcastle: LINCOM Europa (LINCOM Studies in African Linguistics 15). Orie, O¢. 2000 “Syllable asymmetries in comparative Yoruba phonology.” Journal of Linguistics, 36: 39 – 80. Orie, O¢. 2001 “An alignment-based account of vowel harmony in Ife Yoruba.” Journal of African Languages and Linguistics 22 (2): 117 – 143. Orie, O¢. 2002 “Yoruba names and gender marking.” Anthropological Linguistics, 44 (2): 115 – 142. Orie, O¢. 2003 “Two harmony theories and high vowel variability in two Benue-Congo languages.” The Linguistic Review, 20: 1 – 35. Orie, O¢. 2004 “The effects of postlingual deafness and gradual language death on tone production and perception.” Paper presented at the 35th Annual African Linguistics Conference on African Linguistics, Harvard University, April 2 – 4, 2004. Orie, O¢. 2006b “L2 Acquisition and Yoruba tones: issues and challenges,” in Shifting the Center of Africanism in Language Politics and Economic Globalization,

References

273

edited by Arasayin . O. F. and M. A. Pemberton, 121 – 128. Somerville: Cascadilla Orie, O¢. 2008

Orie, O¢. 2009 Orie, O¢. 2009

Orie, O¢. In press

“Memory Yoruba and phonological loss,” 39th Annual African Linguistics Conference on African Linguistics, University of Georgia April 17 – 20, 2008. “Pointing the Yoruba way.” Gesture 9 (2) pp 237 – 261. “Phonological Attrition in Trinidad Yoruba: Convergence and Language Acquisition Reversal.” Paper presented at SECOL 76, Tulane University, April 8th, 2009.

“The function and structure of Yoruba facial stripes.” Anthropological Linguistics 53 (1). Orie, O¢. and D. Ingram 2002 “The acquisition of Yoruba vowel assimilation.” Paper presented at the International Association for the Study of Child Language, July, 2002, Madison, WI. Orie, O¢. and D. Pulleyblank 2002 “Vowel elision in Yoruba: Minimality Effects.” Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 20:101 – 156. Owolabi, K. 1976 Noun-Noun Constructions in Yoruba: a Syntactic and Semantic Analysis. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Ibadan. Oyebade, F. 1990 “Language acquisition: the phonology of a Yoruba child.” Research in African Languages and Linguistics 1: 17 – 34. Oyelaran, O¢. 1970 Yoruba phonology. Ph.D Dissertation, Stanford University. Oyelaran, O¢. 1987 ”O¢na kan ko wo¢ja: mo¢fo¢lo¢ji Yoruba.” Yoruba: Journal of the Yoruba Studies Association of Nigeria 1:25 – 44. Oyetade, B. A. 1988 Issues in the Analysis of Yoruba Tone. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of London. Pallier, C., S. Dehaene, J.-B. Poline, D. LeBihan, A.-M. Argenti, E. Dupoux and J. Mehler 2003 “Brain imaging of language plasticity in adopted adults: can a second language replace the ¿rst?” Cerebral Cortex 13: 155 – 161. Pan-Alexander, B. and J. Berko-Gleason 1986 “The study of language loss: Models and hypotheses for an emerging discipline.” Applied Psycholinguistics 7, 193 – 206.

274

References

Pater, J. 1997

“Minimal violation and phonological development.” Language Acquisition 6: 201 – 253. Pater, J. and A. Werle 2000 “Modeling variation in child consonant harmony.” University of Massachusetts. Ms. Perkell, J.S. in press “Movement goals and feedback and feedforward control mechanisms in speech production.” Journal of Neurolinguistics. Pinker, S. 1984 Language Learnability and Language Development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Pinker, S. 1994 The language instinct: how the mind creates language. New York: Harper Colins. Plant, G. and B. Hammarberg 1983 “Acoustic and perceptual analysis of the speech of the deafened.” Speech Transmission Laboratory Stockholm, Quarterly Progress and Status Report 2 – 3: 85 – 107. Postma, A. and C. Noordanus 1996 Production and detection of speech errors in silent, mouthed, noisemasked, and normal auditory feedback speech. Language and Speech, 39(4): 375 – 392. Potter, E. 1946 “Bilateral renal agenesis.” Journal Pediatrics 29: 68. Prince, A. and P. Smolensky 1993 Optimality Theory: constraint interaction in generative grammar. Rutgers University and University of Colorado at Boulder. Ms. Prince, A. and P. Smolensky 2004 Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Theory. Blackwell, Cambridge, MA. Pulleyblank, D. 1986 Tone in Lexical Phonology. Reidel, Dordrecht. Pulleyblank, D. 1988 “Vocalic underspeci¿cation in Yoruba.” Linguistic Inquiry 19: 233 – 270. Pulleyblank, D. 1996 “Neutral Vowels in Optimality Theory: A Comparison of Yoruba and Wolof.” Canadian Journal of Linguistics 41: 295 – 347. Pulleyblank, D. and W. J. Turkel 1998 “The logical problem of language acquisition in optimality theory.” In P. Barbosa, D. Fox, P. Hagstrom, M. McGinnis and D. Pesetsky, eds., Is the best good enough? Optimality and competition in syntax, 399 – 420. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

References

275

Pulleyblank, D. 2004 “A note on tonal markedness in Yoruba.” Phonology 2:, 409 – 425. Radford, A. 1990 Syntactic theory and the acquisition of English syntax: the nature of early child grammar of English. Oxford: Blackwell. Reviathiadou, A and M. Trakosta 2004a “Alternative grammars in acquisition: Markedness- vs, faithfulness-oriented learning.” In Proceedings of the 28th BUCLD Annual Conference on Language Development: Supplement, Brugos, A., L. Micciula and C. E. Smith (eds.). Somerville: Cascadilla Press, Reviathiadou, A and M. Trakosta 2004b “Markedness hierarchies vs. positional faithfulness and the role of multiple grammars in the acquisition of Greek.” In Proceedings of GALA 2003: Generative Approaches to Language Acquisition, Baauw, S. and J. Van Kampen (Eds.), vol 2, 377 – 388. Rice, Keren 2005 “Liquid relationships.” Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics vol. 24, 29 – 42. Rose, Yvan 2000 Headedness and Prosodic Licensing in the L1 Acquisition of Phonology. PhD Dissertation, McGill University Ross, M. 1986 Aural habilitation. Austin TX: Pro-Ed. Sander, E. 1972 “When are speech sounds learned?” Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders 37, 55 – 63. Sandler, W. 2010 “Prosody and syntax in sign languages.” In Transactions of the Philological Society vol. 108 (3): 298 – 328. Schmid, M. S. 2002 First Language Attrition, Use and Maintenance: The case of German Jews in Anglophone countries. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Schmid, M. S. 2004 “First language attrition: The methodology revised.” The International Journal of Bilingualism 8 (3): 239 – 255. Schmitt, E. 2001 Beneath the Surface: Signs of language attrition in immigrant children from Russia. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of South Carolina. Schooneveld, C. H. van 1977 “By way of introduction: Roman Jakobson’s tenets and their potential.” In D. Armstrong and C. H. van Schooneveld (Eds.), Roman Jakobson: Echoes of his scholarship, 1 – 11. Lisse: Peter de Ridder Press.

276

References

Schow, R. and M. Nerbonne 2007 Introduction to audiologic rehabilitation (5th Ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson Education. Seliger, H. W. and R. M. Vago 1991 “The study of ¿rst language attrition: An overview”. In H. W. Seliger and R. M. Vago (Eds.), First Language Attrition, 3 – 15. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sharwood-Smith, M. A. and P. van Buren 1991 “First language attrition andthe parameter setting model.” In H. W. Seliger and R. M. Vago (Eds.), First Language Attrition, 17 – 30. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Skinner, B. F. 1957 Verbal Behavior. New York, NY: Appleton-Century-Crofts. Slobin, D. I. 1973 “Cognitive prerequisites for the development of grammar.” In C. A. Ferguson and D. I. Slobin (Eds.), Studies in Child Language Development, 175 – 208. New York, NY: Academic Press. Slobin, D. I. 1977 “Language change in childhood and history.” In J. Macnamara (Ed.), Language Learning and Thought, 185 – 214. New York, NY: Academic Press. Stevens, K, 2009 “Effects of hearing status on adult speech production.” In Speech Communication, Chapter 23. Cambridge: MIT Research Laboratory of Electronics. Templin, M C. 1957 Certain Language Skills in Children: Their Development and Interrelationship. Institute of child Welfare Monographs, vol. 26. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Tesar, Bruce and Paul Smolensky 1998 “Learnability in Optimality Theory.” Linguistic Inquiry 29: 229 – 268. Tomatis, A. 1996 The ear and language. Dorval. Ontario: Moulin. Tzakosta, Ȃ. and A. Revithiadou 2007 “ǹ Grammar Inclusion Hypothesis of child language variation.” Journal of Greek Linguistics 7: 49. Schmaling, C. 2000 Maganar Hannu: Language of the hands. A descriptive analysis of Hausa Sign Language. Hamburg: Signum. Shargorodsky, J, S. Curhan, G. Curhan and R. Eavey 2010 “Prevalence of Hearing Loss Among U.S. Adolescents Has Increased Signi¿cantly.” Journal of American Medical Association 304(7): 772 – 778.

References Smith, N. 1973 Smits, C. 1996

277

The Acquisition of Phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Disintegration of InÀection: the case of Iowa Dutch. The Hague: Holland Institute of Generative Linguistics.

Smolensky, P. 1996 “On the comprehension/production dilemma in child language.” Linguistic Inquiry 27: 720 – 731. Snow, C. E., N. S. H. Smith and M. Hoefnagel-Hohle 1980 “The acquisition of some Dutch morphological rules.” Journal of Child Language 7: 539 – 553. Stampe, D. L. 1969 “The acquisition of phonetic representation.” Papers from the 5th Annual Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society: 433 – 444. Stemberger, J. and C. Stoel-Gammon 1991 “The underspeci¿cation of coronals: evidence from language acquisition and performance errors.” In Carole Paradis and Jean- François Prunet (eds.) The Special Status of Coronals: Internal and External Evidence, 181 – 199. San Diego: Academic Press. Stoel-Gammon, C. and J. Cooper 1984 “Patterns of early lexical and phonological development.” Journal of Child Language 11: 247 – 271. Stoel-Gammon C. and C. Dunn 1985 Normal and disordered phonology in children. Baltimore, MD: University Park Press. Stokoe, W. Jr. 1960 “Sign Language Structure: An Outline of the Visual Communication System of the American Deaf. Studies.” In Linguistics: Occasional Papers (No. 8). Buffalo Anthropology and Linguistics. Sutton-Spence, R. and B. Woll 1999 The Linguistics of British Sign Language: An Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. . Tesar, B. and P. Smolensky 1998 “Learnability in Optimality Theory.” Linguistic Inquiry 29: 229 – 268. Tesar, B. and P. Smolensky 2000 Learnability in Optimality Theory. Cambridge: MIT Press. Tomasello, M. 2000 “Do young children have adult syntactic competence?” Cognition 74, 209 – 253. Tomasello, M. 2003 Constructing a Language: A usage-based theory of language acquisition. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

278

References

Tomasello, M. 2004 “What kind of evidence could refute the UG hypothesis? Commentary on Wunderlich.” Studies in Language 28 (3): 642 – 645. Tsimpli, I., A. Sorace, C. Heycock, and F. Filiaci 2004 “First language attrition and syntactic subjects: A study of Greek and Italian near-native speakers of English.” International Journal of Bilingualism 8 (3): 257 – 277. United Nations News 2009 “Nollywood Rising: Nigeria surpasses Hollywood as world’s second largest ¿lm producer.” UN News, May 5, 2009. Velten, Harry de Veltheyme 1943 “The growth of phonemic and lexical patterns in infant language.” Language 19: 281 – 292. Ventureyra, V. A. G. and C. Pallier 2004 “In search of a lost language: The case of adopted Koreans in France.” In M. S. Schmid, B. Kopke, M. Keijzer and L. Weilemar (Eds.), First Language Attrition: Interdisciplinary perspectives on methodological issues, 207 – 221. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Waldstein, R. 1989 Acoustic characteristics of the speech of the postlingually deafened: implications for the role of auditory feedback during speech production. Ph.D. Dissertation, Brown University. Ward, I.C., 1952 An Introduction to the Yoruba Language. W. Heffer and Sons, Cambridge. Wahid, W., A. AbdGhani and S. Pegawai 2002 “A preliminary study of phonological development in Kelantan children aged 2 to 5.” Ms., Universiti Sains Malaysia. Ya÷mur, K. 1997 First Language Attrition among Turkish Speakers in Sydney. Tilburg: Tilburg University Press. Yavas, M. 1998 Phonology: Development and Disorders. San Diego, CA: Singular Publishing Group, Inc. Zeshan, U. 2004 “Interrogative constructions in signed languages: cross-linguistic perspectives.” Language 80, 7 – 39. Zeshan, U. (Ed.) 2006 Interrogative and Negative Constructions in Sign Languages. Nijmegen: Ishara Press.

Index acquisition 2 – 6, 10 – 24, 81, 139, 143, 166, 169, 202 – 257 acquisition reversal (reversal of acquisition) 2, 21, 22, 203 – 245

– postlingual 1 – 24, 31, 44, 52 – 53, 64 – 81, 140 – 171 – 202, 203 – 249, 250 – 257

adaptation

53 – 79

disability 6, 7, 23, 58, 59, 61, 66, 67, 76, 251

age factor

10, 260

ears and kidneys 77 – 78

American Sign Language 85, 97, 138, 252

70, 77, 84,

attrition 4, 8 – 10, 12 – 14, 23 – 24, 203 – 204, 212, 224, 228 – 235, 243 – 253, 255 – 257 auditory feedback

3, 24, 77, 253

Belfast English 4, 20 – 21, 143 challenges

53 – 79

child Yoruba 10, 23, 24,152, 208 – 210, 215, 218 – 221, 224 – 225, 227, 229, 236, 238, 243, 246 cochlear implants

2, 3, 5, 177, 253

consonants – coronal 17, 21, 22, 143, 144, 145, 161, 175, 204, 217, 219 – 225, 245 – dorsal 17, 21, 22, 143, 144, 145 – 146, 161, 175, 204, 217, 219 – 225, 245 – labial 17, 21, 22, 143, 144, 146, 161, 175, 204, 217, 219 – 225, 245 counting gestures

88 – 91

connection of language loss and acquisition 203 – 249 deafness – among the Yoruba 4, 6 – 7, 57, 76, 250 – at age 5 9, 24, 139 – 170 – at age 8 9, 172 – 202 – congenital 1, 6, 7, 23, 44, 53 – 57, 69, 72, 73 – hereditary 6 – 7, 24, 64, 250

¿nancial hardship forgetfulness

80

9

fricatives 8, 10, 17, 21, 39, 139, 141 – 143, 145, 163, 170, 174, 175, 200 – 202, 219 – 221, 228, 230, 245, 252 gestures 1, 53, 62, 64, 67 – 69, 77, 81, 84, 87 – 88, 202, 253 glides 2, 17, 20, 21, 39, 141 – 143, 145, 163, 170, 174, 175, 200, 204, 223, 228, 230, 245, 251 hearing aids 2, 5, 67, 79, 80, 253 hearing loss 3 – 5, 7, 53, 67, 69, 76, 78, 79, 80, 172, 250 interlanguage model

12

language preservation 79, 251 laryngeal consonants 10, 38, 139, 140, 144, 173, 219, 221, 251 linguistic rehabilitation 24, 81, 250, 252 – 253 listening and hearing with eyes

67

lip reading 2, 15, 53, 68 – 69, 77, 202, 253 liquids 3, 8, 15, 17, 20 – 22, 139, 141 – 143, 145, 163,170, 221 – 223, 228, 230, 245, 251 morphology 8, 11, 24, 31 – 32, 45 – 46, 81, 87, 123, 125, 127, 129, 137, 139, 163, 165, 170 – 172, 191, 193, 195, 200, 231, 233, 248, 251 – 252

280

Index

motherless or orphaned deaf child 61, 63 multiple parallel grammars

59,

14

nasal – consonants 39, 45, 139, 142, 145, 164, 170, 172, 174, 175, 192, 213, 216, 217 – vowels 16, 17, 32, 33, 146, 147, 163, 164, 170, 175 – 177, 183, 191, 192, 200, 201, 213, 215 – 217, 228, 229, 246, 252, 256 negation

87, 130, 132 – 133, 137, 256

optimality theory 3, 13, 15, 19, 23, 204 – markedness, 3, 4, 14 – 22, 34 – 35, 139, 143 – 147, 151 – 152, 155, 157, 159 – 160, 162, 164, 166, 171, 172, 175, 177 – 179, 181 – 183, 188, 193, 195, 202 – 204, 208, 212, 214 – 216, 219, 222 – 224, 226 – 227, 231, 233 – 234, 244 – 249, 256 – faithfulness 3, 4, 14 – 19, 145 – 147, 155, 159, 172, 177, 182, 183, 193, 195, 202, 204, 212, 214, 215, 223, 246, 247 palatal

38, 39, 140, 141, 163, 173, 210

parallel patterns in attrition and acquisition 251 patterns of loss after 25 years 139 – 170, 172 – 202 placeless

144, 175, 219, 245

phonology 11, 21, 24, 31, 32, 38, 40, 45, 81, 87, 97, 99, 101, 103, 105, 107, 109, 111, 113, 115, 117, 119, 121, 137, 143, 145, 147, 152, 160, 170, 189, 200, 201, 203, 204, 205, 207, 208, 209, 211, 213, 215, 217, 219, 221, 223 – 229, 244 – 245, 248, 252, 254 pointing 68 – 70, 82, 87 – 88, 95 – 96, 100, 168, 170, 177

question sentences 51 – 52, 87, 130, 132 – 133, 136 – 137, 197 – 200, 248 regression hypothesis 12, 23, 24, 231, 243, 249 simpli¿cation model shame

12

7

speech therapy 76, 251, 253, 255 stops 10, 17, 21, 22, 28, 38, 139, 141 – 143, 145, 163, 170, 174 – 175, 200, 201, 219, 223, 228, 230, 245, 251, 252 support groups 76, 251 syllables 2, 12 – 13, 16, 18 – 19, 44, 47, 150, 154, 159 – 160, 163 – 164, 170, 172, 188 – 189, 191, 194, 200, 201, 215, 224, 227, 231 – 233, 247, 251 syntax 8, 11, 24, 31 – 32, 48, 81, 87, 130 – 138, 166 – 171, 195 – 201, 235 – 244, 248, 251, 252 tones 2, 10, 16, 28 – 30, 32, 42 – 44. 55 – 56, 139, 153 – 159, 162, 170, 172, 178, 181, 183 – 188, 190, 196 – 197, 200, 202, 204 – 208, 227, 229 – 230, 235, 244, 247 – 248, 251, 254 – 256 tongue root harmony 32 – 37, 139, 150 – 153, 172, 177 – 178, 180 – 183, 191, 204, 209 – 213, 215, 228 – 229 – 230, 246, 251 universal grammar 2, 12, 13, 23, 203 vowels – oral 16, 32 – 33, 40, 145 – 147, 149, 164, 170, 176, 183, 192, 208, 213, 216, 229, 246 – nasal 16 – 17, 32 – 33, 146 – 147, 163 – 164, 170, 175 – 177, 183, 1991 – 192, 200 – 201, 213, 215 – 217, 228 – 229, 246, 252, 256 word order 49, 87, 130, 131,137, 166, 170, 195, 200, 235, 237, 243

Index Yoruba – dialects 31, 33, 39, 47, 161 – diaspora 25, 30 – drums 28 – 29, 44, 55 – 56 – people 23, 25 – 26, 52, 81, 86, – language 30 – 48, 183, 210, 227

281

– gestures 1, 53, 62, 64, 67 – 69, 77, 81, 84, 87 – 88, 202, 253 – sign language 10, 24, 69, 77, 81 – 138, 252 – West Africa 25, 30, 31