A Theory of Stress and Accent 9783110859935, 9783110131512

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A Theory of Stress and Accent

Studies in Generative Grammar The goal of this series is to publish those texts that are representative of recent advances in the theory of formal grammar. Too many studies do not reach the public they deserve because of the depth and detail that make them unsuitable for publication in article form. We hope that the present series will make these studies available to a wider audience than has hitherto been possible. Editors: Jan Koster Henk van Riemsdijk Other books, still available in this series: 9. Noam Chomsky Lectures on Government and Binding 10. Robert May and Jan Koster (eds.) Levels of Syntactic Representation 13. Hagit Borer Parametric Syntax 14. Denis Bouchard On the Content of Empty Categories 16. Richard S. Kayne Connectedness and Binary Branching 17. Jerzy Rubach Cyclic and Lexical Phonology: the structure of Polish

26. Joseph Aoun Generalized Binding. The Syntax and Logical Form of Wh-interrogatives 27. Ivonne Bordelois, Heles Contreras and Karen Zagona Generative Studies in Spanish Syntax 28. Marina Nespor and Irene Vogel Prosodic Phonology 29. Takashi Imai and Mamoru Saito (eds.) Issues in Japanese Linguistics 30. Jan Koster Domains and Dynasties. The Radical Autonomy of Syntax.

18. Sergio Scalise Generative Morphology

31. Maria-Luisa Zubizarreta Levels of Representation in the Lexicon and the Syntax

19. Joseph E. Emonds A Unified Theory of Syntactic Categories

32. Lars Hellan Anaphora in Norwegian and the Theory of Grammar

20. Gabriella Hermon Syntactic Modularity

33. Jon Ortiz de Urbina Parameters in the Grammar of Basque

21. Jindfich Toman Studies on German Grammar

34. Läszlo Maräcz and Pieter Muysken Configurationality 23. S.J. Keyser/W. O'Neil Rule Generalization and Optionality in 35. Günther Grewendorf Language Change Ergativity in German 24. Julia Horvath 36. Joan Mascaro and Marina Nespor FOCUS in the Theory of Grammar and Grammar in Progress. Glow Essays the Syntax of Hungarian for Henk van Riemsdijk 25. Pieter Muysken and Henk van Riemsdijk Features and Projections

Shosuke Haraguchi

A Theory of Stress and Accent

1991 FORIS PUBLICATIONS

Dordrecht - Holland/Providence Rl - U.S.A.

Published by: Foris Publications Holland P.O. Box 509 3300 AM Dordrecht, The Netherlands Distributor for the U.S.A. and Canada: Foris Publications USA, Inc. P.O. Box 5904 Providence Rl 02903 U.S.A.

CIP-DATA

ISBN 90 6765 427 2 (paper) © 1991 Foris Publications - Dordrecht No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the copyright owner. Printed in The Netherlands by ICG Printing, Dordrecht.

Contents

Contents

v

Preface

ix

Introduction

l

Chapter 1 Accent in Tokyo Japanese l0 0. Introductory Remarks l0 1. Accent of Nouns 10 2. Accent Assignment to Compound Nouns and Loan Words. 21 2.1. Accent Assignment to Compound Nouns 21 2.2. Accent Assignment in Loan Words 24 Chapter 2 Tone, Accent and Lengthening in Nakizin 0. Introductory Remarks 1. An Outline of the Sound System of Nakizin 2. Tonal Properties of Nakizin Verbs 3. Vowel Lengthening in Nakizin 4. Tonal System of Nakizin Nouns 5. Concluding Remarks

28 28 29 31 39 44 48

Chapter 3 The Tonal System of the Babibu Language 0. Introductory Remarks 1. On the Babibu Language 2. An Alternative Analysis of the Babibu Tonal Phenomena 3. Concluding Remarks

50 50 50 58 61

Chapter 4 Toward a Theory of Metrical Movement 0. Introductory Remarks 1. Stress Shift vs. Stress Movement 1.1. Case Studies of Stress Shift 1.2. Accent Shift in Kumi 1.3. More on Kumi Japanese 1.4. Accent Shift in Tokyo 1.5. Accent Shift in Narada

62 62 64 65 72 79 83 89

vi

A Theory of Stress and Accent 1.6. 1.7. 2. 2.1. 2.2. 3. 3.1. 3.2. 4. 4.1. 4.2. 4.3. 4.4. 5. 6.

Accent Shift in Tsuruoka Summary Stress Movement Accent Movement in Tokyo Japanese Summary and Comments Stress Movement in Nakizin Movement Analysis of Nakizin Accent More on Nakizin Accent Stress Movement in English Introductory Remarks Stress Movement Rules in English The Compound Stress Rule in English The Rhythm Rule in English Stress Movement in Odawa Concluding Remarks

Chapters Stress Clash, Stress Deletion, and Stress Movement 0. Introductory Remarks 1. On the Notion of the Stress Clash Hierarchy 2. Delete α and Strength Hierarchies 3. Stress Deletion in Indonesian 3.1. More on Indonesian 4. Stress Deletion in Lenakel 5. Stress Deletion in Seneca 6. Stress Deletion in Spanish 7. Stress Deletion and Stress Movement in Polish 8. Concluding Remarks

94 1 05 106 106 112 113 113 118 123 123 123 126 128 130 135 137 137 139 143 147 153 154 157 161 167 181

Chapter 6 Stress in Cayuvava and Chugach Altiiq and Their Theoretical Implications 183 0. Introductory Remarks 183 1. On Η & V's Analysis of Cayuvava 1 84 2. An Alternative Analysis 188 3. Theoretical Implications of the Cayuvava Stress System . 1 9 1 4. On the CA Stress System 1 94 5. Two Alternative Analyses of the Stress System of CA 197 6. Concluding Remarks 208

Contents

vii

Chapter 7 On the Grid simplification Principle and Parameter Settings 0. Introductory Remarks 1. The Grid Simplification Principle and Conflation 2. Remarks on Parameter Settings

209 209 210 215

Conclusion

221

References

233

Author Index

239

Language Index

241

Subject Index

243

Preface

More than a decade has passed since the publication of Haraguchi (1977), in which tonal phenomena of a number of Japanese dialects were analyzed within the framework of autosegmental phonology. This book seems to have had a great impact on later works on Japanese tone.1· 2 Over a decade of investigation of stress and accent has brought forth the extremely interesting framework proposed by Halle and Vergnaud (1987b) (henceforth H & V). Their book introduced a way of looking at the stress facts of Japanese, as well as other languages, from a perspective fairly different from that of Haraguchi (1977). Thus, in the present work, I will attempt to reanalyze a number of Japanese dialects, and some other languages, based essentially on the new theoretical framework proposed by H & V. I will also be concerned with presenting some possible revisions of H & V's framework. In the process, I will propose a theory of metrical movement, and a theory of deletion and movement under stress clash. 1 During this time, a number of critics, such as Shibatani (1979) and Dogil (1984), have criticized the book as containing inaccurate and unreliable data. However, their criticisms are largely overstatements — the data in Haraguchi (1977) is basically accurate, the sole exception being the data concerning the Hirosaki dialect (the tonal phenomena of which has already been reanalyzed in Haraguchi (1979), based on the data reported by Uwano (1977)). 2

Shibatani (1979) has also questioned the legitimacy of some of the data of the Osaka dialect. The data presented is correct insofar as it corresponds to the judgments of one speaker of the Osaka dialect, whose judgments I relied on. However, it should be added that most younger speakers seem to share Shibatani's judgments. There thus seems to be some idiolectal variation among speakers. It should be noted, as Chris Tancredi (p. c.) has suggested, that within the generative framework of linguistics, it is far more important to rely on individuals along with all their idiosyncratic judgments than it is to try to gather general data on which everybody agrees to be correct. That is, general agreement does not necessarily give us a biologically determined coherent system, and in fact not even necessarily a possible system. Only with a single individual's data can we know that the entire (phonological) system is somehow coherent within the bounds of UG.

A Theory of Stress and Accent This book was originally written while I was a visiting scholar at MIT from September 1987 to July 1988. I am particularly grateful to Morris Halle for his comments, suggestions, kindness and generosity. I am also indebted to Donca Steriade, Ken Hale, Jim Harris, Wayne O'Neil, Jay Keyser, Glyne Piggott, Carole Paradis, Carol Tenny, Brian Sietsema, Janis Melvold, Alicja Goreca, Andrea Calabrese, and Chris Tancredi for their comments and suggestions, which have led to many improvements in the present work, and also for their friendship. Needless to say, I alone am responsible for remaining shortcomings. The contents of this book have been partly revised and expanded over two busy years in Japan. I am grateful to a number of my colleagues at the University of Tsukuba, especially T. Saito, H. Suzuki and Y. Hosaka and to a number of young friends, M. Okazaki, T. Honma, S. Tanaka and Y. Kazumi. I must also thank an anonymous Foris Publications reviewer for helpful comments and suggestions, many of which have been incorporated here. I am also grateful to Chris Tancredi, Ronald Craig, Roger Martin, and Akira Tanaka who kindly read the manuscript, correcting grammatical errors and suggesting many stylistic improvements. Special thanks to Roger for volunteering as an editor, and for tremendous time spent compiling the indices and helping with the last minute preparations of the camera-ready copy. This work was supported in part by Monbusho (Japanese Ministry of Education, Science and Culture) under the program Zaigai kenkyuin (Overseas Research Fellows).

Sho HARAGUCHI July 25, 1988 Revised August 31, 1990

Introduction

The goals and methods of phonological theory are in harmony with those of linguistic theory in general: they seek to provide a genuine explanation for a variety of phonological phenomena. We can further state that phonological theory, together with syntactic theory and semantic theory, constitutes part of the core of human linguistic ability, or what is often referred to as Universal Grammar (UG). In this sense, the phonological theory I adopt here is in the spirit of the principles-and-parameters approach to the study of human language, most commonly associated with Noam Chomsky's recent work in the theory of syntax. In this framework, the core universal principles are regarded as constituting tacit linguistic knowledge, whereas a finite set of parameters account for the observed diversity across languages. Thus, this approach can capture both the uniformity of linguistic competence and the diversity of languages. We will see that this is, in particular, true of a great diversity of phonological phenomena. UG, as specified for phonology, consists of, at least, the following systems: (1)

a. b. c.

a system of principles and parameters a system of representations a system of rules

Most endeavors in autosegmental theory, metrical theory, lexical phonology, the theory of feature geometry, the theory of underspecification, or the theory of stress, to explain various aspects of phonological phenomena have been concerned with some or all of the systems in (1). In an attempt to develop an explanatory theory of phonology, which systems of representations are adopted and/or which systems of principles and parameters are postulated is of fundamental importance. This is because the nature of representations, principles, and parameters greatly affect our

2

A Theory of Stress and Accent

interpretations of various phonetic facts. Thus, we must take care when choosing theoretical devices to serve as the basis of our discussion. I assume that the grammar of a particular language should be restricted to parameter settings and a limited number of devices which deal with language-particular subregularities. I also assume that language-particular rules are minimal and that the central parts of phonological phenomena are accounted for in terms of the intricate interactions of principles and parameters and the nature of representation. The main purposes of the present work are: (i) to develop an explanatory theory of stress and accent movement, based essentially on the theoretical framework of the autosegmental-metrical theory of Halle and Vergnaud (1987b) (henceforth Η & V) and on the theories of principles and parameters of Haraguchi (1986a, 1987a, b), Archangeli and Pulleyblank (1986), and Paradis (1988, to appear), among others, and (ii) to revise and extend Η & V's ideas in a slightly different and, hopefully, more explanatorily adequate direction. I assume with Η & V that the stress plane is independent of the segmental plane, the tonal plane, the Vowel Reduction (VR) plane, etc., and that the former is associated with the latter via the timing slot, as illustrated in (2): (2)

Stress plane VR plane 1—χ—χ—χ—χ.

X-slot Tonal plane Segmental plane

The stress plane, which is an abstract computational device underlying both the so-called stress-accent systems and pitch-accent systems, consists of the metrical grid with constituent structures "in

Introduction which the string of stressable elements is analyzed into a sequence of constituents, whose boundaries are indicated by parentheses and whose heads are designated by an asterisk on line 1" (H & V, p. 9). This is illustrated by the following schematic cases in which numerals stand for syllables or morae, depending on the language:

(3) * * . * . (*)(* *X* *) 1 2 3 4 5

* . * . * . (* *)(* *X* *) 1 2 3 4 5 6

line 1 Hne 0

I assume that such metrical structures as (3) are constructed by the Principles for Grid Formation (PGF), stated in (4) below, when the associated values of the parameters are set:

(4) Principles for Grid Formation (PGF): a. Construct constituent boundaries on line L. Parameters: (i) [±BND] (ii) [Binary vs. Ternary] (iii) [left-to-right vs. right-to-left] (iv) [a/u vs. n/a/u] (v) [iExhaustive] (virtually equivalent to the [tlterative] of Hayes (1988))

b. Locate the heads of line L constituents on line L + l. Parameter: [right(-headed) vs. left(-headed)] It should be obvious that the system in (4) is formally similar to that of H & V. However, there are important differences, both conceptual and substantive, between the two systems. Our system constitutes a part of UG and thus (4a) and (4b) are universal principles, whereas in H & V's system (4a) and (4b) are regarded as rules specific to a particular language. This difference is crucial and in no way superficial; in our conception of (4), what is particular to a language is just the parameter settings of the principles (4a) and (4b), while in H & V's conception of (4), everything is particular to a language, rules (4a) and (4b) as well as the parameter settings being repeatedly specified in each grammar. Furthermore, I assume that parameters are assigned only to universal principles, whereas H & V permit parameters to be assigned to language-particular rules. In addition to those noted above, there are other differences between the two frameworks. H & V permit a parameter, represented as [±HT], which makes formal the description given in (5):

4

A Theory of Stress and Accent

(5) to specify whether or not the head of the constituent is adjacent to one of the constituent boundaries. This parameter distinguishes languages whose head is terminal, as in (6a, b), from those whose head is nonterminal, as in (6c):

(6) a. * .

or

.

(* *) b. *. * . .. . .

o orr . . .. ..* "

s* * * * *\

c.

*

[+BND]

(* *) [-BND]

/*****%

. * . (* * *)

[+BND]

However, as will be discussed in Chapter 6, I claim that the head of a constituent should be universally restricted to terminal positions, the parameter [±HT] consequently being dispensed with. This means that a structure such as (6c) should not be permitted in natural languages. I postulate instead that a language has a parameter [Binary vs. Ternary] if it selects the parameter setting [+BND]. The parameter [Binary] handles cases such as those in (3) and (6a), while the parameter [Ternary] handles cases such as (7), from Cayuvava:

(7) * . . * . . * (* * * ) ( * * *')(* * *') 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 In our system, the parameter [a/u], which stands for "applicable to unaccented parts or words", and the parameter [n/a/u], which stands for "not applicable to unaccented parts or words", are postulated to distinguish cases which, in H & V's analysis, select a rule for the construction of constituent boundaries (e.g. Turkish, Eastern Cheremis, and others) from cases which do not (e.g. Khalkha Mongolian, Aguacatec Mayan, Tokyo Japanese, and others). The parameter [±Exhaustive] is introduced to distinguish between a case, [+Exhaustive], in which principle (4a) applies iteratively, as in (3), and a case, [-Exhaustive], in which it applies noniteratively, illustrated in (8):

Introduction

(8)

[+BND]: a.

. . . * . * * * /* *\ 1 2 3 4 5

* . . . . /* *\ * * * 1 2 3 4 5

b.

[-BND]: c.

. . * . . . * * / * * * *^ 1 2 3 4 5 6 Λ

d.

. . . * . . /* * * *) * * 1 2 3 4 5 6 Λ

where the diacritic (A) stands for a lexically-specified accent.

(8a, c) illustrate cases in which the construction of the constituent structure applies noniteratively from right to left, and (8b, d) cases in which it applies noniteratively from left to right. In other words, the process of constituent boundary construction applies exhaustively, if the parameter [+Exhaustive] is selected; otherwise it applies noniteratively (i.e., only once). In (4), the parameters [±BND], [left-to-right vs. right-to-left], and [right vs. left] seem, at first, to be identical to Η & V's parameters. However, there are some differences between the present conception of these parameters and Η & V's versions of them. For example, Η & V claim that [±BND] is a parameter which represents the following: (9)

whether or not the head of the constituent is separated from its constituent boundaries by no more than one intervening element. However, in the present framework, the function of this parameter, [±BND], could be stated as follows:

(10) to determine whether or not the head of the constituent is separated from its constituent boundaries by one or two intervening elements. This results in a significant difference in that Η & V's parameter permits (6a, b) and (6c) as possible cases, while our parameter permits (6a, b) and (7). Furthermore, recall that in the present

6

A Theory of Stress and Accent

framework, all of these are regarded as parameters of universal principles, while in H & V's framework, they are regarded as parameters of language-particular rules. Thus, we must take care not to be fooled by apparent formal similarities between the two systems since they are different both conceptually and substantively. It should be noted that the changes above result in other differences as well. For example, as will be seen in Chapter 6, our framework makes it possible to dispense with the putative universal principle which H & V call the Recoverability Condition, given below in (11): (Π)

Recoverability Condition: Given the direction of government of the constituent heads in the grammar, the location of the metrical constituent boundaries must be unambiguously recoverable from the location of the heads, and conversely, the location of the heads must be recoverable from that of the boundaries.

That this principle can be eliminated follows from our assumption that heads are restricted to terminal positions. Keeping this much in mind, let us now proceed to an analysis of a number of Japanese dialects and a Japanese word-game. In the ensuing discussion we will propose a theory of metrical movement, develop a universal Stress Clash Hierarchy, and address a number of theoretical revisions that emerge. When discussing the Japanese dialects, I will often use the term "stress," which might puzzle some readers, since most of the Japanese dialects are known as having typical pitch-accent systems. However, when I use the term "stress," with respect to Japanese, I will be referring to an entity in the abstract computational machinery of the stress plane, which is realized or interpreted as "stress" in stressaccent systems and as a pitch-accent, to which a designated tone is connected, in pitch-accent systems. Some pitch-accent systems of Japanese dialects seem to require either the notion of "floating stress," as suggested by Lawrence (in preparation), or the feature [±accented]. Let us take Tokyo Japanese as an illustrative case. In this dialect, stress is normally placed on the third syllable counting from the end of a word. Thus, words with penultimate or final stress are lexically specified as such. Examples follow:

Introduction

(13) a.

kokoro 'heart' b. * * * * penultimate-accented

atama 'head' * * * * final-accented

However, antepenultimate stress can be assigned by either of the following two parameter settings:

(14) a. Line 0 parameter settings are [Ternary, left, right-to-left, n/a/u, -Exhaustive] b. (i) Mark the final mora extrametrical. (ii) Line 0 parameter settings are [Binary, left, right-to-left, n/a/u, -Exhaustive] Whichever of these ultimately turns out to be the case, one thing is clear: we will need either the notion of the floating stress or the feature [±accented], since both are relevant to accented words only. In the following discussion, I will leave open the question of which of the above two options is at work, and indicate the position on which the pitch-accent is to be placed by the diacritic marker (Λ). The importance of the notion of mora has been pointed out in a number of studies on stress theory, e.g., Hayes (1988), Tanaka (1989), and others. In this work, I assume that languages are parametrized with respect to which system is basic, the mora system or the syllable system. However, I will make informal and sporadic mention of these notions, since it is fairly clear in each system which is to be chosen. The organization of this book is as follows: In Chapter 1, I will discuss accent assignment in Tokyo Japanese. I will claim that the accent of simple words in this dialect is lexically specified on the penultimate or ultimate mora and that the antepenultimate accent is assigned by a system of parameter settings such as that in (14a) or (14b). I will show that the assignment of accent to compound nouns and loanwords is also restricted to one of these morae. In Chapter 2, Vowel Lengthening, accent assignment to verbs, and the tonal systems of verbs and nouns in Nakizin Japanese are examined. It will be shown that Nakizin Japanese requires the notions of initial-head accented vs. second-head accented, primary accent vs. secondary accent, and a plane for Vowel Lengthening which is independent of the stress plane. In Chapter 3, I will reanalyze a word-game referred to as the Babibu language and show that the facts of this language can be

8

A Theory of Stress and Accent

handled in an elegant way using the theoretical mechanisms presented here. Chapter 4 is concerned with the development of a theory of metrical movement of stress and accent. First, I will distinguish stress shift from stress movement. The former is an automatic transfer of stress to an adjacent vowel induced by Vowel Deletion, Glide Formation, High Vowel Devoicing (HVD), etc. The latter is a genuine movement of stress. I will propose that movement in the metrical structure is restricted to head-to-head movement and that the landing site is the adjacent head. I propose that movement to an adjacent position is guaranteed by a universal principle which I term the Adjacency Condition (or what is sometimes called the Locality Condition, cf. Ito (1986)):

(15) Adjacency Condition: The landing site for stress movement must be adjacent to the position from which the stress is moved. To illustrate cases of stress shift, a number of Japanese dialects (e.g., Kumi, Tokyo, Narada, and Tsuruoka) are examined. Nakizin Japanese, English and Odawa are shown to be illustrative cases of stress movement. It will be argued that the Adjacency Condition has a number of theoretical consequences and that this universal principle gives us a greater insight in determining which of two or more plausible analyses is correct. Chapter 5 is also concerned with the theory of stress movement and stress deletion. I will propose a universal Stress Clash Hierarchy, stated as follows:

(16) Stress Clash Hierarchy: line m line 1 lineO

*) (* * * (* *) (* *) (* *) * * * < * * < * * < * * * * * * * * * * * ** Degree 1 Degree 2 Degree 3 Degree 4 ... Degree n (where m > 0)

In terms of this universal hierarchy, I will analyze stress deletion in Indonesian, Lenakel, Seneca, and Spanish, and stress movement and stress deletion in Polish. In order to uniquely determine which

Introduction element is affected, I will propose a number of strength hierarchies and universal principles. Chapter 6 discusses stress facts in Cayuvava and Chugach Alutiiq (CA). First, H & V's analysis for Cayuvava will be examined critically and an alternative analysis proposed. I will argue that we can dispense with the parameter [±HT]. Then, we will look at the stress system of CA. After a critical examination of an interesting analysis by Halle (1989), I will outline two alternative analyses and discuss their theoretical implications. It will be shown that ternary feet are restricted either to anapests or dactyls, and not to amphibrachs. In Chapter 7, I will propose a universal principle of grid simplification called the Grid Simplification Principle (GSP), which is a generalized version of H & V's Conflation and Grid Simplification Convention. I will also discuss some aspects of various problems concerning parameter settings. Finally, in the Conclusion, I will discuss some topics of theoretical interest such as: the relation of the No subsidiary stress parameter to the pitch-accent system, the function of the Avoid the final head parameter, the principle of Preserve the system, the Minimality Condition, and others.

Chapter 1

Accent in Tokyo Japanese

0.

Introductory Remarks

Tokyo Japanese, a typical pitch-accent language, has been widely discussed by McCawley (1968), Haraguchi (1977), Higurashi (1983), Poser (1984), Kubozono (1987b), and many others. Thus, I will not give a detailed survey of this language here. In this chapter, after a minimal survey of the accentual properties of Tokyo Japanese, I will concentrate mainly on the accent assignment system of long nouns, compound nouns and loanwords. In doing so I will attempt to show the following: (i) The accentuation of long nouns is predictable, the accent normally falling on the antepenultimate mora. (ii) Accent in compound nouns and in loanwords tends to be assigned to the antepenultimate mora. (iii) Based on the observations in (i) and (ii), I suggest that what appears to require a certain counting mechanism in accent assignment can be handled by assuming that accent assignment applies at the level of what Halle and Vergnaud (1987b, p. 78) (henceforth H & V) call "preword allomorphy" (i.e., Stratum 1). 1. Accent of Nouns As is well-known, words in Japanese are divided into two classes: words that are accented and words that are unaccented. In the case of accented verbs and adjectives, the position on which accent is placed is predictable: normally the stem-(or root-)final syllable. 1 Thus, adjectives and verbs need only be specified as [+accented] or [-accented] in the lexicon, and the position of accent is determined by the following accent assignment rule:

1

See Tenny (1986) and Tsujimura (1988).

Accent in Tokyo Japanese (1)

11

Assign accent to the final vowel of the stem (or root) of a [+accented] adjective or verb.

In the case of accented nouns, especially two- and threesyllable nouns, however, it has been assumed that the position of accent is not predictable. For example, accented three-syllable nouns are divided into three classes: antepenultimate-accented, penultimate-accented and final-accented. Examples follow:

(2) a. kabuto 'helmet' Λ

HL L

kaiko 'silkworm Λ

antepenultimateaccented

HLL

b. kokoro 'heart' Λ

L H L

sakai 'boundary' Λ

L HL

c. atama(-ga) 'head(-Nom.)' Λ

LH H (L)

penultimateaccented

otoko(-ga) 'man(-Nom.)' finalΛ accented LHH (L)

(the diacritic (A) represents accent, H stands for "high-toned" and L stands for "low-toned.")

It is generally assumed that in these cases, the position of the accent must be specified in the lexicon. However, in the case of long accented nouns (with four or more morae), the position of accent is normally predictable: accent is placed on the antepenultimate mora. This is seen in (3):

(3) a.

uguisu

'Japanese bush warbler'

Λ

LHLL b.

hototogisu

'little cuckoo'

Λ

L HHLL Similarly, a long noun equivalent (with four morae or more) also has antepenultimate accent, as indicated below:

12

A Theory of Stress and Accent

(4) a. a i u e o Λ

L H H L L

b.

ka ki ku ke ko Λ

L H c.

H L

L

a ka s ta na Λ L H H L L

As a first approximation, these facts could be handled by assuming that long nouns or noun equivalents are lexically classified as [+accented], and that the position of the accent is determined by the following process:

(5) Assign the accent to the antepenultimate mora of long nouns and noun equivalents of the [+accented] class. Notice that the generalization expressed in (5) has a wide range of applicability in Japanese. It also applies to long loanwords, as illustrated in (6).

(6) a.

burausu

'blouse'

Λ

LHLL b.

sutoraiki Λ LHHLL

'strike'

c.

yooroppa

'Europe'

Λ

LHHLL d.

tyokoreeto Λ

L HHLL

'chocolate'

13

Accent in Tokyo Japanese e.

hyuumanizumu Λ

'humanism'

LH HHL L Though I will return to the accentual system of loanwords below, it is clear from these examples that (5) can be extended to handle at least some loanwords. Notice, furthermore, that accent assignment to longer compounds also conforms to (5). Examine the following illustrative cases:

(7) a. yamaneko-sutoraiki

'wildcat strike'

Λ

L H H H HHHLL b. minami-yooroppa

'Southern Europe'

Λ

L H H HHHLL c. tyoosen-uguisu Λ LHHHHHLL

'Korean bush warbler'

d. isoppu-mono-gatari

'Aesop's Fables'

Λ

LHHH H H HLL The observations above suffice to show that the accent of longer nouns and noun equivalents is largely determined by (S), implying that longer nouns and their equivalents are lexically specified simply as [±accented]. If the noun or its equivalent is accented, the position of the accent is determined by (5). For reasons discussed in Haraguchi (1988), the distinction between the [+accented] class and the [-accented] class is crucial in a large number of Japanese dialects. In regard to this, it should be pointed out that some speakers of Tokyo Japanese can distinguish accented words from unaccented words, based solely on tonal differences. However, other speakers cannot distinguish these differences since these two classes have identical surface tonal melodies, Η and LH. This is illustrated in (8):

14

A Theory of Stress and Accent

(8)

accented 'picture'

a.

e Λ

Speaker A: Speaker B:

Η Η

b.

hasi 'bridge'

unaccented e

'handle'

Μ Η

hasi 'edge'

Λ

Speaker A: Speaker B:

LH LH

LM LH

c.

hazi 'shame'

hazi 'corner'

Λ

Speaker A: Speaker B:

LH LH

LM LH

Let us refer to the speakers of the first type as Speaker A and to those of the second type as Speaker B. I assume that the tonal systems of Speaker A and Speaker B are identical except for one point: the only difference being that Speaker A has an additional rule which lowers the Η tone to the M(id) tone when the Η tone is associated with an unaccented word. I claim that the distinction between the accented class and the unaccented class is formally represented by the feature [iaccented]. Recall that this feature is utilized in (1) when placing the stress of accented verbs on the final vowel of the stem (i.e., on the penultimate mora). This means that what remains unpredictable is whether a lexical item belongs to an accented class or an unaccented class, whereas stress placement is predictable from (1). The situation is somewhat similar to the cases of long nouns mentioned above. Then, to repeat the major point, all that is needed in these cases is the specification [+accented]; everything else follows from (5). Let us tentatively assume, basically following Tenny (1986), that Tokyo Japanese has the following system of parameters for the stress plane: (9)

a. Line 0 parameter settings are [-BND, right]. b. Line 1 parameter settings are [-BND, left]. c. There is no subsidiary stress.

15

Accent in Tokyo Japanese

The system in (9), together with a number of universal principles discussed in the Introduction, derives, for example, the following metrical grids: (10) underlying form

a. kokoro-made Λ

'heart-even' by (9a)

. *

.

* *

(* *)(* *)(*) koko ro- ma de Λ

by (9b)

* ' (* '

Λ

by (9c)

* *) *)(*)

Λ

c. sakura

Λ

'cherry-even'

.

.

(* *

'cherry'

.

*

*

*)(*)

*

saku ra- ma de Λ

'. '.'. (* *) (* * * *) (*) sakura- ma de

. . * (* * *) sakura

line 1 line 0

. . * line 2 . . (*) line 1 (* * *) line 0 saku ra

Λ

Λ

* . (* . . .) (* *)* * *2 koko ro- ma de Λ

sakura-made

*

(* *)(* koko ro- ma de Λ

b.

Λ

. . · (* * *

(* .) *) *

saku ra- ma de Λ

. . * . . (*) (* * *) sakura

line 2 line 1 line 0

Notice that the line 0 parameter setting must be right-headed, since the main stress is shifted to the left, when the stressed vowel is devoiced by the rule of High Vowel Devoicing (HVD).3 To see this, consider the cases in (11) below:

2 I assume with Η & V that when the subsidiary stresses on line η are suppressed, a constituent on the n-1 line "is preserved only if its head is also the head of a constituent on the η line" (H & V, p. 52). Thus, the effect of (9c) is to suppress all but the first constituent in line 0. 3

See Η & V's section 1.2, and section 1.1 in Chapter 4 of this book for relevant arguments to show that the direction of stress shift determines the headship of constituent of a language.

16

A Theory of Stress and Accent

(U)

a. Compound: * ongaku-kai

ongakU-kai

Λ

'concert'

Λ

LHH LL

LHHH LL b. Loanword: Damasukasu

DamasUkasu

Λ

'Damascus'

Λ

L H

L HHLL

LL

c. Conjugation: uresi-kereba Λ

uresl-kereba Λ

LHH LLL

LH LL L

'happy (conditional)'

In (11), * represents the main stress, and the capitals [I, U] represent the voiceless counterparts to the high vowels [i, u]. The examples in (lla-c) illustrate the leftward stress shift resulting from HVD in a compound, a loanword, and in verbal conjugation, respectively. The fact that the line 1 parameter setting is left-headed should be clear from the derivation in (lOa), in which the left stress wins over the stress on the initial mora of made. Notice that in (10), even after the subsidiary stresses are suppressed, the line 2 asterisk and the line 1 constituent structure are retained, as indicated at the end of the derivation. This is because they are necessary to account for the stress shift due to HVD — when the initial mora of an initial-accented word is devoiced by HVD, the Η-tone shifts to the right. To see this, consider the following cases:

(12) a. fukaku > Λ

fUkakU

'deep'

Λ

HLL

b. kikan Λ

HLL

H(L)

> kikan Λ

HL

'period1

Accent in Tokyo Japanese

17

This rightward shift can only be accounted for if we assume a leftheaded constituent structure on line I.4 I assume here that the basic tone melody in Tokyo Japanese is HL (cf. Haraguchi (1977)), and that the following tone association processes apply after metrical grid construction, e.g., to the output of (10):

(13) a. Associate the Η-tone of the basic tone melody with the main stressed tone-bearing element. b. Associate the L-tone to every tone-bearing element, which occurs to the right of the main-stressed H-toned element. c. Spread the Η-tone to the left. d. Dissimilate the tone of the initial mora with that of the second mora. It should be kept in mind that (13) is only an informal description of tone association, and that such processes are more accurately accounted for as following from an interaction of universal principles and parameters. Since the purpose at present is not to supply a rigorous formalism of these processes, these informal statements will be sufficient for the time being. (13a) applies to the output of (10) to derive the following representations (here we continue to indicate the main stress with an asterisk): (14)

* a. kokoro-made Λ

I H L

Λ

* b. sakura-made

* c. sakura

Λ

I HL

I HL

(13b) then applies to (14) to link the L-tone to the tone-bearing elements, if any, that follow the Η-toned mora, as illustrated below:

4

See Chapter 4 (cf. footnote 33, Chapter 4) for a different analysis where it is suggested that if we assume an Adjacency Condition on movement, we no longer need to preserve the left-headed constituent structure on line 1.

18

(15)

A Theory of Stress and Accent

* a. kokoro-made Λ

I H

Λ

\ I/ L

* b. sakura-made

* c. sakura

Λ

I I HL

I HL

Since there is no appropriate tone-bearer to the right of the H-toned mora in (15c), the L-tone remains unassociated and is ultimately deleted. Next, (13c) applies to (15), deriving (16):

(16)

* a. kokoro-made Λ

Λ

\ l \ l / H L

* b. sakura-made

* c. sakura

Λ

\ \ \ l l HL

\\l HL

Finally, (13d) applies to (16), lowering the initial Η-tone to an L-tone:

(17)

* a. kokoro-made Λ

I I LH

Λ

\ I/ L

* b. sakura-made

* c. sakura

Λ

I \ \ I I L HL

I L

\l HL

As mentioned above, the floating L-tone in (17c) would be erased by a universal principle, with which we are not concerned here.5 Consider now the following compounds in (18) and (19), in which accent is shifted one mora to the left.

(18) Oosaka-si

Osaka-city'

Λ

LHHHL

(19) a. Muroran-si

'Muroran-city'

Λ

LHHLL See Ito (1986) for a relevant mechanism to handle tone erasure.

Accent in Tokyo Japanese b. Kitakyuusyuu-si

19 'Kitakyushu-city 1

Λ

LH

HH HLL

c. Sendai-si

'Sendai-city'

Λ

LHHLL In compounds whose second member consists of the single-mora noun s/ 'city', accent normally falls on the mora immediately preceding si, as illustrated in (18). However, if this mora is a nonnuclear vowel or /n/, as in (19), the accent must be transferred to the syllable nucleus by accent movement as mentioned above. As will be argued in section 2.1 of Chapter 4, this accent movement must precede construction of the metrical structure. Given such an ordering relation, the accent assignment in (1) and (5), which is intrinsically ordered before accent movement, must also precede metrical structure construction. This suggests that we may need a mora-counting mechanism in addition to the accent assignment process in (5), in order to assign accent to the antepenultimate mora of nouns or noun equivalents. This is because, at the stage at which the rule applies, no information concerning the metrical grid seems to be available. However, as Morris Halle (p. c.) has pointed out, it is possible to give an account without the mora-counting mechanism in (5). Suppose that the process of accent assignment applies at the level of preword allomorphy (i.e., Stratum 1) as suggested by Η & V (p. 78), and that formal devices parallel to (9) are also available at this level. Then one possible alternative for assigning accent to the antepenultimate mora would be to postulate the following system of parameter settings:

(20) a. Mark the final mora extrametrical. b. Line 0 parameter settings are [+BND, left, right-to-left, n/a/u, -Exhaustive]. In (20), [n/a/u] stands for "not applicable to unaccented strings" and [-Exhaustive] means that construction of the metrical constituent structure is noniterative. Thus, only a single metrical constituent is constructed, as illustrated in (21):

20

A Theory of Stress and Accent

(21)

. . . * . . line 1 * * * (* *) lineO 1 2 3 4 5 6 (where indicates that position 6 is extrametrical.) Another possible alternative would be to postulate the following system of parameter settings: (22)

Line 0 parameter settings are [+BND, Ternary, left, right-toleft, n/a/u]. Given this system, the schematic example in (21) would be assigned a structure as follows: (23)

. . . * . . line 1 * * * ( * * * ) lineO 1 2 3 4 5 6 It will be shown in Chapter 6 that ternary feet are indispensable to the explanation of the Cayuvava and Chugach Alutiiq stress systems, and that such feet are either left-headed or rightheaded. If head-terminal ternary stress is necessary for independent reasons, then it is quite natural to assume (22) as the parameter settings for Tokyo Japanese. The merit of the system in (22) is that we now can dispense with the extrametricality which is necessary in the system in (20). However, at the present stage of our understanding, it is rather difficult to make a well-motivated decision between these two alternatives. Thus, pending further investigation, I will leave open the question of which analysis is ultimately correct. The important observation is that, by adopting either of these analyses, we eliminate the need for a mora-counting mechanism in the theory.6 6

Yamada (1990) give yet another alternative. However, the greatest weakness confronting this and the other analyses discussed here is that none of them give a convincing account for the stress shift facts, due to HVD, in (11). If one of these alternative analyses ultimately turns out to be correct, then H & V's arguments to the effect that the direction of stress shift and the headship of constituents are directly related will require, at least in pan, serious reconsideration. At present I have little idea as to how to reconcile these facts with the alternatives.

Accent in Tokyo Japanese

21

The above observation suggests that the accent in nouns is not placed on the mora which precedes the antepenultimate mora in unmarked cases. It further suggests that among tri-moraic nouns, the antepenultimate-accented class is the least marked, and that among bi-moraic nouns, the penultimate-accented class is the least marked. 2.

Accent Assignment to Compound Nouns and Loanwords

Let us now turn to the assignment of accent to compound nouns and to loanwords. As mentioned above, these two classes of words largely pattern alike with respect to accent assignment, i.e., words from both classes are subject to the accent assignment rule given in (5). It will be shown that this rule captures the overriding tendency for the accent to surface on the antepenultimate mora (or in some cases the preantepenultimate mora7). 2.1.

Accent Assignment to Compound Nouns

We mentioned earlier that compound nouns are divided into two classes: accented and unaccented. In the previous section, we have seen that when the second member of a compound is long enough, and the compound is classified as [+accented], it conforms to the generalization in (5). What happens, then, to other [+accented] cases? It seems that they can be subdivided into the following four types of cases:

(23) In the compound noun of the form [χ A . . . Β] [γ C . . . D]: a. the initial mora A of the first member of the compound is accented. b. the final mora Β of the first member of the compound is accented. c. the initial mora C of the second member of the compound is accented.

7

This is, for the most part, restricted to cases in which the antepenultimate mora is the second member of the rime of a heavy syllable. I assume that the stress assigned by (5) is transferred to the left, i.e., to the nucleus vowel of the syllable, by a universal principle.

22

A Theory of Stress and Accent d.

the final mora D of the second member of the compound is accented.

Of these four classes, (23d) is highly restricted, the bulk of such cases consisting of compounds whose second member contains exactly one mora, as in (24):

(24) a.

'courtesy'

rei-gi Λ

LHH

b.

niga-mi

'bitterness'

Λ

LH Η c.

nemu-ke

'sleepiness'

Λ

LH Η (23a) is also restricted, especially if both the first and the second member of the compound are bi-moraic. In such cases, this class seems to be restricted to either CVV-X, CVN-X or CVC-X compounds (where X is any two-mora word that constitutes the second member of the compound noun), as in (25), or to compounds in which the initial mora of the first member is accented, as in (26).

(25) a. hon-bako Λ HLL L

'bookcase'

b. Kyuu-syuu

'Kyushu'

Λ

HL

c. Nik-koo Λ HLLL

LL

'Nikkou'

23

Accent in Tokyo Japanese

(26) a. (i) kage-boosi or (ii) kage-boosi Λ

'shadow'

Λ

H L LLL

LH HLL

b. (i) aka-tonbo Λ H L LLL

or (ii) aka-tonbo Λ LHHLL

'red dragonfly'

The cases in (25) can also be treated as a subcase of (23b). The accent in (25) is derived by applying the rule of accent movement, discussed at the end of the previous section, to the output of (23b). Cases like (26ai) and (26bi) are also very limited because they usually have alternate forms such as (26aii) and (26bii), conforming to (23b) and (23c) respectively, which tend to replace the initially-accented forms. (23c) is the most common pattern found in compound nouns in which the second member consists of three or four morae. Examples follow:

(27) a. dooka-sayoo

'assimilation'

Λ

LHH HLL

b. kokuyuu-zaisan

'national property'

Λ

L H H H HLLL c. kansetu-satuei

'fluoroscopy 1

Λ

LHH H H LLL

(23b) is a widely observed pattern for compound nouns in which the second member consists of one or two morae. Notice the following examples:

(28) a.

gassyuu-koku Λ

LHH L L L

'United States'

24

A Theory of Stress and Accent b. an raku-si Λ LHHH L

'mercy killing'

c. yuuki-situ Λ LHHLL

Organic substance'

d. hogo-syoku Λ L H L L

'protective color'

In (28a), I assume that the accent is transferred from the final mora of the first member of the compound to the position indicated. The fact that cases (23c) and (23b) constitute the core examples for accent assignment in compound nouns suggests that there is a tendency to assign accent to the antepenultimate (or, in some cases, preantepenultimate) mora of such compounds. This further suggests that (S) is the unmarked case for accent assignment in compound nouns. 2. 2.

Accent Assignment in Loanwords

Loanwords can also be divided into two classes: accented and unaccented; the latter of which we will not be concerned with here. The accented class of loanwords is subdivided into two cases, described in (29):

(29) a. b.

Those that respect the original accent. Those that conform to the Japanese accent rules.

The following cases are representative of (29a):

(30) a. buranketto Λ

LHLLLL

'blanket'

25

Accent in Tokyo Japanese b. puraibeeto Λ

or

puraibeeto

'private'

Λ

LHLLLL

LHHHLL

c. puraza

'plaza'

Λ

LHL

d. Sikago

'Chicago'

Λ

LHL

(30b) has an alternate form in which the accent is placed on the antepenultimate mora. This alternate form is handled as a case of (29b). In addition to the alternate form in (30b), the following cases also conform to the description in (29b):

(31) a. puramu Λ HL L

'plum'

b. puratonikku

'Platonic'

Λ

LHHHLL c. burasi

'blush'

Λ

HLL d. metoroporisu

'metropolis'

Λ

LHHHLL As mentioned in the previous section, accent on the antepenultimate mora if class. The examples in (31) show that (5). Notice, now, that the name of a can be either (32a) or (32b):

loanwords tend to have their they belong to the accented (29b) conforms completely to famous contemporary linguist

26

A Theory of Stress and Accent

(32) a. tyomusllkii

'Chomsky'

Λ

H L

b.

LL

tyomusllkii Λ

L H

LL

The form in (32a) derives from the principle respect the original accent and the form in (32b) from the principle conform to the native system, with the antepenultimate stress shifted to the left by HVD. To take one more example, consider the word arupusu 'the Alps,' which has the following three vacillating forms:

(33) arupusu

'the Alps'

initial-accented

Λ

HL LL b. arupusu

antepenultimate-accented

Λ

LHLL c. arupusu LHHH

unaccented

(33a) is derived by the principle respect the original accent, and (33b) by the principle conform to the native system. (33c) is derived if arupusu 'the Alps' is analyzed as being unaccented. Compounds of loanwords also follow the principles in (29). The compounds in (34) conform to the principle respect the original accent, while those in (35) are analyzed as obeying the principle conform to the native system, which assigns the accent to the antepenultimate mora:

(34) a. nyuu-ingurando Λ

LH HL L LL L

'New England'

27

Accent in Tokyo Japanese b. nyuu-hanpusyaa

'New Hampshire1

Λ

LH HLL LL

c. bukku-kabaa Λ LHH HLL

'book cover'

d. pori-honii Λ L H LLL

'polyphony'

a. nyuu-ziirando

'New Zealand'

(35) Λ

LHHHHLL

b. howaito-hausu Λ L HHH HLL

'White House'

c. bando-man

'bandsman'

Λ

LHH

d.

LL

hangaa-sutoraiki

'hunger strike'

Λ

LHHH HHHLL e. panta-gurahu

'pantograph'

Λ

LHH HLL These observations strongly indicate that the basic accent assignment process in compounds, loanwords and loan compounds is that given in (5). (5) is the basic rule for stress assignment in longer words (including compound nouns and loanwords). To conclude this section, it should be recalled that we have already seen that (5) should be replaced by either (20) or (22) in the present theoretical framework. Thus, we can dispense with the counting mechanism in our stress theory.

Chapter 2

Tone, Accent and Lengthening 1 in Nakizin

0.

Introductory Remarks

Halle & Vergnaud (1987b) (hereafter, H & V) propose, along with Rappaport (1984), that to account for Vowel Reduction (henceforth, VR) in Tiberian Hebrew, we must postulate a reduction plane distinct from the stress plane. H & V (p. 66) state that "stress assignment in Tiberian Hebrew requires us to construct binary leftheaded constituents from right to left, whereas VR needs rightheaded constituents." This is an extremely important proposal, which forces us to reexamine a number of facts in other languages. It also sheds new light on the nature of these languages, and if substantiated will have a number of interesting theoretical implications. As one possible implication, H & V propose that stress facts in Yidin? can be captured by assuming that "stress rules construct metrical grids on two planes simultaneously. On one plane — PI — the line 0 constituents are right-headed; on the other plane — P2 — they are left-headed. A subsequent rule deletes P2 if on PI there is a constituent head dominating a long vowel; otherwise the rule deletes PI" (H & V, p. 222). They also claim that Vowel Lengthening, called Penultimate Lengthening, can be stated as in (1), utilizing the information in the stress plane.

1 I am grateful to M. Nakamoto of Tokyo Metropolitan University for pointing out the existence of the Nakizin tonal system and challenging me to analyze it. I have profited greatly from discussing the matter with Wayne P. Lawrence of the University of Auckland, New Zealand, while he was a graduate student at the University of Tsukuba.

Tone, Accent and Lengthening in Nakizin (1)

29

Penultimate Lengthening: Lengthen a vowel in the environment *)(*) # line 0. I (where the parentheses represent metrical constituent boundaries.)

In this chapter, I will discuss the tonal and accentual systems, and Vowel Lengthening in the Nakizin dialect of Okinawan Japanese, and show in particular that accounting for this dialect requires postulating two distinct planes for stress assignment and Vowel Lengthening. This conclusion is of considerable theoretical importance in that it entails that postulating distinct planes is necessary not only to account for stress and tone but to account for various segmental processes such as VR and Vowel Lengthening as well. Based upon the analysis of Nakizin verbs, it will also be proposed that such notions as "initial-head accented" and "secondhead accented" need to be introduced. Finally, I will suggest, on the basis of our analysis of Nakizin nouns, that tonal and accentual theories must incorporate the notions "primary accent" and "secondary accent." I will begin this chapter by outlining the sound system of the Nakizin dialect in section 1, based on Nakasone (1983), since this language will be almost entirely unfamiliar to most readers. In section 2, I will discuss the tonal systems of Nakizin verbs, proposing a new analysis for these, and argue that the Nakizin system requires the notions "initial-head accented" and "second-head accented." In section 3, I will argue that Vowel Lengthening in this dialect requires the postulation of an extra plane, distinct from the stress plane, and will discuss the relation of the process in question with that of compound formation, tone assignment and so on. Finally in section 4, I will survey the tonal properties of Nakizin nouns and suggest that we need such notions as "primary accent" and "secondary accent" to handle these properties adequately. Section 5 contains a brief summary and some concluding remarks. /.

An Outline of the Sound System of Nakizin

Let us begin with a brief discussion of the sound system of Nakizin. According to Nakasone (1983), this dialect has a five vowel system like several other Japanese dialects:

30

A Theory of Stress and Accent

(2) i e

u ο

Two comments are in order with regard to system (2): (i) /e/ is phonetically realized as [ε], and (ii) one-syllable (or mora) words always undergo Vowel Lengthening if they are light, (see section 3 below for more on Vowel Lengthening). Of particular interest is the consonant system of this dialect and the characteristics that it shares with the Northern Okinawan dialects, specifically: (i) the contrast between [+aspirated] and [-aspirated] voiceless obstruents (i.e., [kh, ph, th, t/h] vs. [k, p, t, tj]), and (ii) the contrast between non-glottalized nasals [n, m] and glottalized nasals [?n, ?m]. Thus, the underlying consonant system of this dialect could be summarized as follows:

(3) Ρ ph b m ?m

t th d n ?n s z r

t

';

?

i

w

t/h

d Ν

h

Q

Note that Q represents the first half of the geminate consonants /pp, tt, kk, tt, ss/. N is phonetically realized as the velar nasal [η] word-finally and assimilates to the point of articulation of the immediately following consonant word-internally, surfacing as [m, n, η]. I adopt, along with Clements (1985), Sagey (1986), Halle (1987), Trigo Ferre (1988) and many others, a theory of feature geometry and assume that N and Q are both underspecified consonants lacking PLACE and MANNER nodes (i.e., a kind of glide). Thus, Q could be interpreted as being identical to the glottal stop [?] (see Trigo Ferre (1988) for some additional discussion), /s/ is realized as [s], when followed by a low vowel [a], as [ J ] when followed by a front vowel [i, ε], and as [s] or [ J ] when followed by a rounded back vowel [u, o]. In the following discussion, I will basically follow the notation used by Nakasone (1983) and represent the aspirate obstruents [ph, t h , tj h , k h ] with the graphemes , the unaspirate

Tone, Accent and Lengthening in Nakizin

31

obstruents [p, t, tj, k] with , the nonglottalized nasals [n, m] with , and the globalized nasals [?n, ?m] with [?n, ?m]. These correspondences, along with some illustrative examples, are summarized in (4): (4)

a.

b.

c. d.

spelling