A Roman Villa and a Late Roman Infant Cemetery: Excavation at Poggio Gramignano, Lugnano in Teverina 9788870629897, 9788891305367

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CONTENTS

List Of figures ............ i

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Part One -- The Roman Villa at Poggio Gramignano in the Region of Lugnano in Teverina ....

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Chapter 1- Storia e assetto in età antica del territorio in cui ricade la Villa di Poggio Gramignano by Daniela Monacchi ............... i 2 -- Summary of Periods of Construction and Destruction by David Soren ................. 3 - Summary of the Excavations of the Villa at Poggio Gramignano by David Soren ... 4 — Summary of Archaeological Phases of Each Room in the Villa with numbered loci by David Soren ............... i 5 — The Pars Urbana at Poggio Gramignano: Summary and Reconstruction by David Soren and William Aylward ............. li 6 — Linear Measure and Geometry in Roman architectural planning with specific reference to the colonnaded Oecus at the Villa at Poggio Gramignano by William Aylward ........... li 7 — An Interpretation of Room 10 in the Villa at Poggio Gramignano by David Soren and George Warren ......... i 8 - The Antefixes from the Villa at Poggio Gramignano by David Soren and Anna Maria Biagini

.......

essen eee nnhe het hs he etes ee tenente nnne net

9 — Conservation Report by Jane Williams ............ nennen 10 — A Note on the Petrology of Mortar, Stucco Facing and Plaster from the Walls of the Roman Villa at Poggio Gramignano by D. E. Williams .......... i Part Two - Material Culture .................. Chapter 1 2 3 4 5 6

— — — —

7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

— — — — -— —

16 -

23 43 45 157 169

181 207 211

215 221

νννννννννοννννννννννν νον να κεν εννννενονννενενννενονενεννννννονονεκονονενενννγενεννννον

223

Black-Gloss Ware by Archer Martin ............ ii Italian Sigillata by Archer Martin ............. μουν ννινννννννννοννννννννονενννννννννννενεννανενννννννον African Red-Slip Ware by Archer Martin ......... ii Color-Coated and Painted Ware by Archer Martin ........... νιν νονονοννννννοννννννννον Terra sigillata chiara italica by Daniela Monacchi ............... νιν μενννννννννένννν Dati archeometrici sulle sigillate chiare italiche rinvenute in Umbria: analisi minero-petrografiche by Giulio Predieri and Sergio Sfrecola .................. Ceramica a pareti sottili by Carla Piraino ....... 0 Ceramica da cucina by Carla Piraino ............. νον εν ον ον εν νεννεννενενενννενενενον Ceramica comune by Carla Piraino ........... i Ceramica post-medievale by Carla Piraino ........... i Amphorae by Archer Martin ............... νον μμννννν εν νιν enne n nennen nennen senes Lamps by Archer Martin .......... s νννννννννννννονονονονεννννεννννγενενενενοννννενοεννννενεννεενμενενενμένονν Ceramic Building Materials by Archer Martin ................. sse Bolli laterizi by Daniela Monacchi ................... sess Consistenza dei reperti di vetro della Villa di Poggio Gramignano by Giuseppina Borghetti ............... i A Note on the Petrology of some Ceramic Building Materials, Pottery and Stone Objects from the Roman Villa at Poggio Gramignano by David Williams .............

225 231 237 247 259 277 279 283 317 327 329 363 373 381 391 407

17 —I mosaici e i pavimenti by Daniela Monacchi ......... ii 18 -- Appendice: Caratterizzazione mineralogico-petrografica di materiali lapidei in opera nel pavimento della villa romana by Giampiero Poli and Beatrice Moroni ... 19 -- Gli affreschi by Barbara Maurina ......... oe 20 — Additional Small Finds by Archer Martin .......... i 21- I materiali ceramici di Lugnano in Teverina: analisi archeometriche by Giulio Predieri and Sergio Sfrecola ................ sse

413 429 433 443 455

Part Three — The Infant Cemetery .......... i

461

Chapter 1 — Introduction to Part Three by David Soren. ............. iii ‘ 2- Famine, Pestilence and Brigandage in Italy in the Fifth Century A. D. by E E. Romer ............ Pe ee RIO e... es τ ὅς 3- The Infant Cemetery at Poggio Gramignano: Description and Analysis by David

463

4 5 6 7 8 9 10

— — — — — — -

465

Soren, Todd Fenton, Walter Birkby ................ ii

477

Appendix to Chapter 3: Tool Marks on Infant-bearing Amphorae by Jane Williams ... Animal Bone Remains by Michael McKinnon .............1 ^... esee Charred Floral Remains from the Villa At Poggio Gramignano by Karen Adams ... Analysis of the Bronze Basins by Mark Fenn. .............. eere emen A Bone Doll from the Infant Cemetery at Poggio Gramignano by Leslie Shumka ... Hecate and the Infant Cemetery at Poggio Gramignano by David Soren .............. Malaria: medicine and magic in the Roman World by Laura D. Lane ...................

531 533 595 613 615 619 633

Bibliography by Chapter .............. ii

653

Part Four - Figures and Plates .................... iii

689

All abbreviations are from the Archáologische Bibliographie

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank Dottoressa Anna Eugenia Feruglio, Soprintendente per i Beni Archeologici per l'Umbria for her support and supervision of the work, and Dottoressa Daniela Monacchi, chief inspector for our region and project coordinator for the Soprintendenza who has contributed not only articles but invaluable guidance, creative ideas and interpretations, and constructive criticism throughout the project. Special thanks go also to the people of Lugnano in Teverina who envisioned and even financially supported this project. Without their contributions none of this would have been possible. I would particularly like to thank Terzo Pimpolari, Sindaco of the Comune di Lugnano in Teverina, and Claudio and Paola Finistauri and the Associazione Pro-Loco of Lugnano in Teverina for envisioning the whole concept of the project and supporting it all the way through. Thanks also to Claudio Felici, Fabrizio Nardi, Ivaldo Vandali, Mario Ruco, Corietta Valentini and Morena Trenta (our cooks), liano Tomassini, Giorgio and Franca Vescarelli and their family, Giovanni Oreti, Orazio, Maria Enrico Tessicini, Raniero Montagnetti, Terzo Tomassini, Giacomo Padeluca, Mauro Custodi, Trenta, Enzo and Erika Sesti, Abramo Granca, Remigio Romano, Sauro Sensini, Sergio Antimi,

Giuand Dino and

the owners/staff of the Albergo La Rocca. Over the six years of the project, scores of team members helped us, but particular contributions were made by our indefatigable project coordinator Giuseppina Borghetti; Dr. Mario Coluzzi, Director of the Istituto di Parassitologia at the University of Rome; Dr. Jose Ribeiro, Medical Entomologist at the University of Arizona; Dr. Eskild Petersen, Head of Infectious Diseases at the University of Arizona Medical Center; Milton and Anne Blanchard, our architectural consultants and museum specialists; Dr. Kenneth Iserson, Professor of Emergency Medicine at the Arizona Health Sciences Center; our pottery specialists Archer Martin, Carla Piraino, and David Williams; our foren-

sic anthropologist Walter Birkby; our paleo-osteologists Michael MacKinnon and Stanley Olsen, and his assistant Eleanor Olsen; registrars Carlene Huesgen, Laura Rountree, and Darlene Lizarraga; field directors Harry Heywood, Semeli Philippou, Priscilla Molinari, and Alesha Fiandaca; geologist Reuben Bullard; forensic anthropologist Todd Fenton; draftspersons Amy Scott and Lois Kain Solomon; computer mappers John and Peggy Sanders; architect Anne Duncan; surveyors Thomas Pfauth and Russell Nelson; conservators Jane Williams, Leslie Ransick, Katherine Untch, Mark Fenn and Won Ng; Donald B. Sayner, Sara Bon, Cecilia Hilgeman, Teresa Moreno, Deborah Newton, Tracey Verkuilen, Tamara Gascoigne, Carolina Vaitkevicius, Ben Thomason, Derek Pfaff, Luisa Ferrer Dias,

Catarina Viegas, and, finally, my dear student, the late Matthew Cannestra and his family. William Aylward produced the majority of drawings and reconstructions found in these volumes; his contributions to this work are immeasurable. Several reconstructions were contributed by another former student and talented artist David Vandenberg. I wish particularly to thank my wife and our project photographer Noelle Soren for the support and devotion only a best friend could give, for the beautiful photographs, for giving up family vacations year after year, and for taking on all the editorial work so we could accomplish our goal. Essential financial support came from many contributors including particularly the people of Lugnano in Teverina, the Comune, the Associazione Pro-Loco, the Regione dell'Umbria, the University

of Arizona, the family and friends of Matthew Cannestra, Nancy O'Neill,

Joseph Cacciopo, Marilyn

Lawson, and Vivienne Oxman. Fundraising efforts were coordinated by Dennis Evans with devotion

and skill: Finally, a special thank you must go to the administration of the University of Arizona and the Department of Classics in particular for years of strong support.

LIST OF FIGURES

. Map of Roman roads and towns in the Lugnano in Teverina area and in central Italy (Wm. Aylward). . Map of Lugnano in Teverina and southern Umbria. Carta topografica regionale. Foglio 5. Scala 1: 50,000, dai tipi modificati dell’I.G.M. -- Carta archaeologica del territorio amerino (Courtesy Daniela Monacchi). . Location of the villa at Poggio Gramignano within the contemporary cadastration of the Lugnano in Teverina area (W. Aylward). . Plan and section of the area of the Roman villa excavated by Daniela Monacchi (Courtesy D. Monacchi).

. Site plan of the villa at Poggio Gramignano including the grid (Anne Duncan, W. Aylward). . Overall site plan of the Roman villa at Poggio Gramignano (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). . Axonometric reconstruction of principal excavated rooms of the Roman villa (W. Aylward).

. The actual state of the preserved walls and the excavated area in Rooms 10-12, 15 and 17 (W. Aylward). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

General site plan showing areas of the Roman villa selected for section drawing (W. Aylward). East-west and north-south section drawings of the villa (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Section: Sounding 21 and 21x, Wall CC (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Section: Room 18, Soundings 22 and 27, Walls L, Y, AA and BB (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Section: Rooms 16 and 17, Walls L, X, Z and AA (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Section: Rooms 8 and 15, Walls A, R and V, Room 1 staircase, drain south of Room 4 (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Section: Rooms 10 to 12, Walls B, L, O and X (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). _ Section: Rooms 1, 3, 10, and 15, Walls A, B, C, and S (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Section: Rooms 2 to 5, Walls A, C, D and I (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Section: Rooms 8 and 9, Walls A, P, T and V and collapsed wall (Locus 604) (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Section: Room 8, Walls A and H and drain channel south of Room 4 (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Room 1: Arch and staircase, Walls A and C (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Room 1: Staircase plan and section (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Section: Rooms 1 and 15, Walls A and B, Room 1, staircase (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Section: Rooms 2 and 3, Wall C, view from entry between Rooms 2 and 15 (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Section: Room 2, NE elevation behind staircase, Walls A and C (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Room 2: Plan (A. Duncan, W. Aylward).

. Room 2: Small section of opus spicatum floor (W. Aylward). . . . . . . . .

Rooms Room Room Room Room Room Room Room

2 4: 4: 4: 4: 8: 4: 4:

and 3: Plan (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Plan at termination of excavations (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Reconstructed original plan (W. Aylward). Reconstructed plan on 29.6cm grid (W. Aylward). Reconstructed plan with modular intercolumniations (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Detail of mosaic rosette or simple cross pattern and border (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Detail of intercolumnar mosaic pattern, border and cross pattern (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Detail of opus scutulatum (W. Aylward).

. Rooms 4 and 5: Threshold mosaic (W. Aylward). . Room 4: Axonometric reconstruction (W. Aylward). . Room 4: Sectional reconstruction B (see Fig. 30) (W. Aylward). . Room 4: Sectional reconstruction A (see Fig. 30 for area sectioned) showing proposed construction modules (W. Aylward). . Room 4: Sectional reconstruction A showing 29.6cm grid (W. Aylward).

. Room 4: Sectional reconstruction A showing proposed timber forms used in construction and vault suspension technique (W. Aylward).

. Room 4: Sectional reconstruction A showing flat-topped pyramid vault and barrel vaults (W. Aylward). . Room 4: Sectional reconstruction B showing alignment of vault seating (W. Aylward).

. Room 4: Sectional reconstruction B showing 29.6cm grid (W. Aylward). . Room 4: Reconstruction of intercolumnar arch wedge arrangement in northeast corridor (W. Aylward). . Room 4: Reconstruction of area above northeast corridor columns at springing area to vaulted ceiling and barrel vault (W. Aylward).

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. Room 4: Hypothetical Reconstruction of painted plaster on Wall D by William Aylward. . Room 4: Reconstruction of painted plaster as found on the collapsed barrel vault of the northeast corridor (W. Aylward). . Room 4: Reconstruction (W. Aylward). . Room 4: Reconstruction of original view from northeast corridor across the room to the southwest (W.

Aylward). . Room 4: Reconstruction of vaulted ceiling in center of room, seen from below. The trapezoidal sides have been folded out to allow easy reading of the decorative patterns (W. Aylward). . Room 4: Reconstruction of northeast colonnade and ceiling area (W. Aylward). . Egyptian oecus, after Vitruvius (Amy Scott, W. Aylward).

. Corinthian oecus, after Vitruvius (A. Scott, W. Aylward). . Reconstruction of a pyramid vaulted tomb seen on the Appian Way by Rivoira (W. Aylward). . Coved vault (W. Aylward). . Tomba della Mercareggia, Tarquinia: reconstruction drawing by J. Byers, Hypogaei or Sepulcral Caverns of Tarquinia. London: 1842, Vol. I, Plates 5-8. . Possible vaulted ceiling solutions for the center of Room 4 (W. Aylward). . Room 4: Stucco molding (Basket 8916) from Sounding 25, Probe 1, Locus 1650 (W. Aylward). . Engraving of the Praetorium of Mismiyeh, Syria, by De Vogüé, from J. B. WARD-PERKINS and AXEL BOETHIUS, Etruscan and Roman Architecture. Harmondsworth: 1970. Plate 235. . Reconstruction of gorgon head and dolphin antefixes, possibly from the southeast facade of Room 4 (Russell Nelson, W. Aylward). . Section: Sounding 26, Rooms 5 and 6 and Wall J (See Fig. 91, extreme lower right for area sectioned (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). . Room 5: Plan (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). . Room 6: Plan (A. Duncan, W. Aylward).

. Room 6: Detail of opus signinum with cross pattern in mosaic (W. Aylward). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Rooms 8 and 9: Plan (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Room 8: Drain and mosaic floor (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Room 8: Section, Walls A, P and V and drain (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Room 8: Drain cover and section (W. Aylward). Room 9: Plan (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Rooms 10 and 15: Plan (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Room 10: Plan (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Room 10: Wall S, section (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Room 10: Wall S entry, detail (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Room 10: Wall S entry, detail (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Room 10: Wall 5, detail of opus reticulatum (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Plan and section of infant cemetery in Rooms 10-12, 15 and 17 (W. Aylward). Axonometric view of infant cemetery showing burials. Hatched lines indicate horizontal locations of burials (W. Aylward). Axonometric view of infant cemetery showing findspots of principal objects (W. Aylward). Plan showing findspots of principal objects from the infant cemetery (W. Aylward). Rooms 11, 12 and 17 including plan of Sounding 20 (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Rooms 13 and 14: Plan (W. Aylward). Room 15: Detail of opus spicatum (W. Aylward). Rooms 16, 17 and 18: Plan (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Soundings 22 and 27: Plan (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Sounding 22: Plan (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Sounding 21/21x: Plan (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Locations of soundings done in 1988 (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Locations of soundings done in 1989 (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Locations of soundings done in 1990 (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Locations of soundings done in 1991-(A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Locations of soundings done in 1992 (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Room 4: Sounding 1, northeast section (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Room 4: Soundings 2 and 3, plan (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Room 4: Sounding 2, southwest section (A. Duncan, W. Aylward). Room 4: Critical loci from 1988 soundings (W. Aylward). Room 4: Sounding 4, top plans (W. Aylward).

97 . 98 . 99 . 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147.

Room Room Rooms Rooms Room Rooms Rooms Rooms Room Room Rooms Room Room Room

4: 4: 4 4 4: 4 5 4 4: 4: 5 4: 8: 8:

Sounding 4, top plans (W. Aylward). Sounding 4, possible seating stone for arches (W. Aylward). and 5: Soundings 5 and 5x, top plans (W. Aylward). and 5: Sounding 5, northeast section (W. Aylward). Sounding 6, top plans (W. Aylward). and 5: Sounding 7, top plans and southwest section (W. Aylward). and 6: Soundings 8 and 8x, top plans (W. Aylward). and 5: Sounding 25, top plans (W. Aylward). Sounding 25, Probes 1 and 2, top plan (W. Aylward). Sounding 25, Probe 1, detail of painted plaster (Baskets 8910 and 8913) (W. Aylward). and 6: Sounding 26, top plans (W. Aylward). Sounding 29, top plans (W. Aylward). Sounding 11, top plans (W. Aylward). Sounding 11, northwest section (W. Aylward).

Room 8: Sounding 15, top plans and northwest section (W. Aylward). Room

8: Sounding 18, Probe 1, top plans (W. Aylward).

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Room 8: Sounding 18, Probe 2; Soundings 27 and 28, top plans (W. Aylward). Room Room Room Room Room Room Room Room Room Room Rooms Rooms Room Room Rooms Rooms Rooms Room Room Room Room Room Room Room Room Rooms Rooms Room

9: Sounding 14, top plans (W. Aylward). 9: Sounding 14, southeast section (W. Aylward). 10: Sounding 16, area of probes 1-3 (W. Aylward). 10: Sounding 16, Probes 1 and 2, top plan (W. Aylward). 10: Sounding 16, Probe 1, southwest section (W. Aylward). 10: Sounding 16, Probe 1, northwest section (W. Aylward). 10: Sounding 16, Probes 2 and 3, top plan (W. Aylward). 10: Sounding 16, Probe 3, top plans (W. Aylward). 10: Sounding 16, Probe 3, southwest section (W. Aylward). 10: Sounding 16, Probe 4, top plan (W. Aylward). 11 and 12: Sounding 12/17, top plans (W. Aylward). 11 and 12: Sounding 12/17, top plans (W. Aylward). 12: Sounding 20, Probes 1 and 2, top plan (W. Aylward). 11: Sounding 24, top plan (W. Aylward). 11 and 12: Sounding 12/17, top plans (W. Aylward). 11 and 12: Sounding 12/17, northwest section (W. Aylward). 11 and 12: Sounding 12, northeast section (W. Aylward). 12: Sounding 17, northeast section (W. Aylward). 11: Sounding 24, northeast section (W. Aylward). 12: Sounding 20, Probe 1, southwest section (W. Aylward). 17: Sounding 23x, top plan (W. Aylward). 15: Sounding 19, top plans (W. Aylward). 15: Sounding 19, top plans (W. Aylward). 15: Sounding 19, artist reconstruction of doorway to Room 10 (W. Aylward). 3: Sounding 9, top plans (W. Aylward). 11 and 12 and Upper Villa: Sounding 12, top plans (W. Aylward). 11 and 12 and Upper Villa: Sounding 12, southeast section (W. Aylward). 12 and Upper Villa: Sounding 17, top plan (W. Aylward).

Rooms 13 and 14: Sounding 13, top plans (W. Aylward).

Rooms 13 and 14: Sounding 13, northeast section (W. Aylward). Room 16: Sounding 23, top plan (W. Aylward). Sounding 21/21x, top plans (W. Aylward). Sounding 21/21x, northwest section (W. Aylward). Reconstruction of the villa in Period I (late first century A. D.) showing banqueters in Rooms 4 and 8, the service area in Rooms 10 and 15, and the magazines of Rooms 11, 12 and 17 (David Vandenberg). 148. Reconstruction of the villa in Period II (late first to early second century A. D.) after collapse of the vaulted ceiling in Room 4 and the installation of the oven. Room 10 has been adapted for reuse as a granary and Rooms 11, 12, and 17 as storage rooms. The entries to Rooms 5 and 6 are blocked (D. Vandenberg). 149. Reconstruction of Room 4 showing the oven built sometime between the late first and mid fifth centuries A. D. and the partially collapsed pyramidal ceiling (W. Aylward). 150. Reconstruction of the villa in Period V (mid fifth century A. D.). The villa is in a deteriorated condition with

major portions abandoned and its ruins are reused as an infant cemetery. Note: human figures are slightly enlarged with respect to the architecture (W. Aylward).

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151. 152. 153. 154. 155. 156. 157. 158, 159. 160.

Brick and construction materials used in the villa (W. Aylward). An antefix found in the villa (Basket 8130) showing the full length of the tile (W. Aylward).

A Roman olive press (W. Aylward). A Roman granary and (conjectural) grinding mill (W. Aylward). Schematic plan of the villa showing principal dimensions in Roman feet (W. Aylward). Dimensions of the colonnaded oecus in situ (All dimensions are in meters) (W. Aylward). Reconstructed dimensions of the colonnaded oecus (R=Roman feet) (W. Aylward).

Architectural features of the colonnaded oecus (W. Aylward).

The threshold between Rooms 4 and 5 in extant and reconstructed form (R=Roman feet) (W. Aylward). Planned views through the pars urbana 1.Primary axis, 2. Secondary axis 3-5. Views from the locus consularis (W. Aylward). 161. The tetraktys (W. Aylward). 162. The Vitruvian rectangle based on the square root of two (W. Aylward). 163. Doubling the size of a square (W. Aylward). 164. The design of a Roman theater, from an illustration in M.H. Morcan, Vitruvius: The Ten Books of Architecture. Cambridge: 1914. 147 (W. Aylward). 165. a. The Regulating Square (a.k.a. “sacred cut") with arc-:(AB) and diagonal (CD) of near equal length. b. The lengths of the arc (AB) and diagonal (CD) produce near equal areas for circle and square (W. Aylward). 166. The Regulating Square (a.k.a. "sacred cut") and the dimensions of its grid based in the square root of two (W. Aylward). 167. Rooms 5 and 6 in the pars urbana: Plan (W. Aylward). 168. a. Defining the aula. b. Expanding the aula into a rectangle. c. Alternative method for expanding the aula into a rectangle. d. Defining the short corridors. e. Defining the long corridor (W. Aylward). 169. Schematic plan of the colonnaded oecus superimposed on the operations performed within the Regulating

Square in Fig. 168 (W. Aylward). 170. 171. 172. 173-174. 175-177. 178-186. 187.

Patterns of geometric design used in the Regulating Square (W. Aylward). Modifications of the plan derived from the Regulating Square (R-Roman feet) (W. Aylward). Black-gloss Ware scale 1:2 (Barbara Bacchelli).

Italian Sigillata scale 1:2 (B. Bacchelli).

African Red-Slip Ware scale 1:2 (except 183.3, scale 1:4) (B. Bacchelli). Color-Coated and Painted Ware scale 1:2 (B. Bacchelli). Terra sigillata chiara italica. COPPETTE: 1-11) tipo a parete svasata; 12-13) tipo a vasca profonda; 14) tipo a vasca emisferica. Coppe. 15-24) tipo a parete espansa; 25-26) tipo a parete molto aperta. Scala 1: 3 (Simonetta Agabitini). TERRINE: 28-42) tipo a vasca profonda. Scala 188. Terra sigillata chiara italica. COPPE: 27) tipo a vasca emisferica. 1: 3 (S. Agabitini). 189. Terra sigillata chiara italica. TERRINE: 43) tipo a vasca emisferica. SCODELLE: 44-57) tipo con orlo penduo; 5859) tipo con orlo a listello. Scala 1: 3 (S. Agabitini). 190. Terra sigillata chiara italica. SCODELLE: 60-62) tipo con orlo a listello; 63) bollo impresso; 64-65) scodelle con decorazione a rotella; 66) tipo non identificato. CIOTOLE: 67-68) tipo con orlo inclinato a sezione triangolare.

Scala 1: 3 (S. Agabitini). 191. Terra sigillata chiara italica. PIATTI: 71-78) tipo con orlo inclinato a 192. Terra sigillata chiara italica. PIATTI: 79-84) tipo con orlo inclinato a tesa orizzontale. Scala 1: 3 (S. Agabitini). 193. Terra sigillata chiara italica. PIATTI: 89-90) tipo a orlo rientrante; nato; 96-98) tipo con orlo indistinto e corpo carenato. Scala 1: 3

sezione triangolare. Scala 1: 3 (S. Agabitini). a sezione triangolare; 85-88) tipo con orlo

91-95) tipo con orlo pendulo e corpo care(S. Agabitini).

194. Terra sigillata chiara italica. PIATTI: 99-107) tipo con'orlo indistinto e corpo carenato; 108) tipo leggermente carenato con marchio di fabbrica; 109-111)tipo carenato 114) forma non identificata. Scala: 1: 3 (S. Agabitini). 195. 196-245. 246-258. 259-271. 272-273. 274. 275-281. 282. 283.

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a vasca

bassa;

112-113) tipi non

identificati;

Ceramica a pareti sottili. Scala 1: 1 (B. Bacchelli). Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1: 2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (B. Bacchelli). Ceramica comune. I disegni sono in scala 1: 2, salvo diversamente specificato (B. Bacchelli). Amphorae. Scale 1: 4 (B. Bacchelli). Ceramic Building Materials from the Villa (W. Aylward).

Tegola con bollo anepigrafe (S. Agabitini). Vetro (Lois Kain). Marble Mortar (L. Kain). | Ambiente 4, frammento d’intonaco dipinto con impronte a “spina di pesce” sul retro (Locus 1202, Bsk. 8703) (Barbara Maurina).

284. Ambiente 4, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto della zona superiore della parete e della volta, recante finti cassettoni (B. Maurina). 285. Ambienti 4 e 8, frammenti di cornici di stucco: a) tipo B; b) tipo C; c) tipo D; d) tipo E; e) tipo F; f) tipo G (B. Maurina). 286. Ambiente 8, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto a finti ortostati sormontati da trabeazione (B. Maurina). 287. Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con porta affiancata da colonna (B. Maurina). 288. Ambiente 10, a) frammento d'intonaco dipinto con animale acroteriale fantastico; b) frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con capitello ionico; c) frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con martello di porta (B. Maurina). 289. Ambiente 10 e 15, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con trabeazione ([a] B. Maurina e [b] W. Aylward). 290. Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con fregio floreale (B. Maurina). 291. Ambiente 8, ipotesi ricostruttiva di una parete dipinta (B. Maurina). 292. Ambiente 10, ipotesi ricostruttiva relativa alla parte mediana della parete (B. Maurina). 293. Epidemiological stratification of degrees of endemic malaria in Italy in 1946. Note the position of Lugnano in Teverina and Umbria at the fringe of hypo-mesoendemic Tuscany. The key represents the degree of severity from no malaria to meso-hyperendemic (courtesy Mario Coluzzi and W.H.O.). 294-305. Infant skeletons recovered from the cemetery, showing amount and types of bones present (Todd Fenton and Walter Birkby). 306. Percentage of bones showing evidence of surface exposure and carnivore gnawing among the four tempo-

ral/spatial groups at Lugnano in Teverina (Michael MacKinnon).

©

307. Degree of fragmentation and damage to the samples of bones recovered from four temporal/spatial groups at Lugnano in Teverina as shown by: a) percentage of teeth expressed as a proportion of all teeth and post-

cranial bones; b) percentage of isolated teeth as a proportion of all teeth (M. MacKinnon). 308. Location of butchery marks on cattle, pig, and sheep-goat skeletons (M. MacKinnon). 309. Remains and approximate ages of individual canids represented in the cemetery, nos. 1 through 8 (puppies) (M. MacKinnon). 310. Remains and approximate ages of individual canids represented in the cemetery, nos. 9 through 12 (puppies), and one immature dog (M. MacKinnon).

Ne DAD UBW OOnN

PLATES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . : . . . . . . . . . . . .

View of the Lugnano in Teverina and Poggio Gramignano, looking west (N. Soren Photo). Detail of the pre-Roman wall in the neighborhood of Lugnano in Teverina (N. Soren Photo). The hill of Poggio Gramignano from the SW before the excavations of 1988-1992 (N. Soren Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Rooms 1-6, 8, 10-15 and 17 (Commune di Lugnano in Teverina Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Rooms 1, 2, 8 and 15 (Commune Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Rooms 1-3, 8 and 15 (Commune Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Room 4 and the unexcavated area to the SW (Commune Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Room 4 and the entry to Room 5 (Commune Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Room 4 (Commune Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Rooms 4, 8 and 15 (Commune Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Rooms 5 and 6 (Commune Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Rooms 8 and 9 (Commune Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Room 9 (Commune Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Room 10 (Commune Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Rooms 10 and 11 (Commune Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Rooms 11, 12, 16-18. Commune Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Rooms 11 and 12 and Sounding 20/20x (Commune Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Rooms 13 and 14, with parts of Rooms 2, 8, 10-12, and 15 (Commune Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Room 15 with part of Room 8 (Commune Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Rooms 16 and 18 (Commune Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Soundings 21/21x, 22, 27 and Room 18 (Commune Photo). Aerial view of the villa, Soundings 21/21x and 22 (Commune Photo). Room 1: Arch and travertine staircase, from Room 15 (N. Soren Photo). Room 1: Travertine staircase (N. Soren Photo). Room 1: Arch over staircase, from the SE (N. Soren Photo). Room 1: Arch over staircase, from the NW (N. Soren Photo). Room 1: Arch over staircase, from above (N. Soren Photo). Room 2: Corridor paved in opus spicatum, from SW (N. Soren Photo). Room 2: Corridor paved in opus spicatum, detail (N. Soren Photo).

15

. Room 2: Seating for wooden beam (bottom, center) to support upper wooden staircase (N. Soren Photo).

. Room 3: Sounding 9, Locus 052 and top of Locus 053, from the NE (N. Soren Photo). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Room 3: Sounding 9, Loci 056-058, from E (N. Soren Photo). Room 3: Sounding 9, column base from Locus 055 (N. Soren Photo). Rooms 4 and 5: Overview from south in 1988 (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Overview of Sounding 1 (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Sounding 1/1x, from the NW (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Sounding 2 with threshold, from the SW (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Sounding 2, NW corridor with entry to Room 8 (left) and reused column wedges, from the SW (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Sounding 2, NW corridor, Room 8 entry (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Sounding 2, column (Locus 006), from the west (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Sounding 3, base for engaged half-column (Locus 015), from the north (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: NW corridor, central opus scutulatum floor and entry to Room 8 (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Column pieces with painted plaster restored (N. Soren Photo). Quarter-round and eighth-round column wedges found at the villa (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Opus scutulatum floor, detail (N. Soren Photo). Painted plaster in the north corridor at the entry to corridor 2 (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Sounding 4, crollo blocks (Loci 103 and 105) with oven's curved top between them and discolored opus scutulatum in the foreground (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Sounding 4, detail of oven and fallen concrete (N. Soren Photo). Rooms 4 and 5: Sounding 5, mosaic threshold before removal of later wall (N. Soren Photo). Rooms 4 and 5: Sounding 5, mosaic threshold after removal of later wall (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Sounding 5, Wall I (foreground, Locus 071), fallen arch (right of center, Locus 085) and fallen upper wall (right of center, Locus 084) (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Sounding 5, Wall I (left, Locus 071), fallen arch (center, Locus 085) and fallen upper wall (center right, Locus 084) (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Sounding 5x, column (center, Locus 087) and fallen vaulted ceiling of the SE corridor (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Sounding 5x, column (Locus 079), ceiling collapse, angled SE end of crollo block (top, Locus 103) and bifurcated wall (upper right) (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Sounding 5x, detail of column (Locus 079) (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Sounding 6, Wall H, engaged pilaster and debris (Locus 264) (N. Soren). Room 4: Sounding 6, detail of pilaster (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Sounding 6, debris (Locus 264) (N. Soren Photo).

. Room 4: Sounding 25, collapsed central ceiling and NE corridor, from the NW (N. Soren Photo). . Room 4: Sounding 25, collapsed barrel vault in NE corridor, from NW (N. Soren Photo). . Room 4: Sounding 25, collapsed barrel vault (right) and fallen column (center) in NE corridor, fom the north (N. Soren Photo). . Room 4: Sounding 25, painted plaster from collapsed barrel vault in NE corridor (N. Soren Photo). . Room 4: Painted plaster from collapsed barrel vault in NE corridor, cus removal and cleaning (N. Soren Photo). . Room 4: Sounding 25, view over NE corridor after lifting of painted m from barrel vault, m the NE (N. Soren Photo). . Room 4: Sounding 25, collapsed barrel vault wit fallen column in NE corridor, from the NE (N. Soren Photo). . Room 4: Sounding 25, SE corridor, from the east " Soren Photo). . Room 4: Sounding 25, NE corridor, from:the east (N. Soren Photo). . Room 4: Fallen arch in SE corridor, near east corner, detail of Plate 66, from the east (N. Soren Photo). . Room 4: East side and SE corridor, from the SW (N. Soren Photo). . Room 4: Sounding 25, Probe 1, Locus 1650 (N. Soren Photo).

. Room4: Sounding 25, Probe 1, painted plaster fallen from ceiling (Basket 8706) after cleaning and restora. . . . . .

16

tion (N. Room 4: Room 4: Room 4: Room 5: Room 5: Room 6:

Soren Photo). Sounding 4, painted plaster fallen from ceiling (Basket 841), angled fragment (N. Soren Photo). Sounding 25, Probe 1, stucco molding from Locus 1650 (N. Soren Photo). Sounding 29, reused tile pieces placed on opus scutulatum (N. Soren Photo). Opus signinum, from the NE (N. Soren Photo). Thin projecting wall (Locus 210) (N. Soren Photo). Sounding 8, from the NE (N. Soren Photo).

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Room Room Room Room Room Room Room Room Room Room Room Room Room Room Room

6: Sounding 8, from the SW (N. Soren Photo). 6: Sounding 8, from the SE (N. Soren Photo). 6: Sounding 8, detail of opus signinum (N. Soren Photo). 6: Overview, from the NE (N. Soren Photo). 8: Overview from NE (N. Soren Photo). 8: Sounding 11, overview before removal of fallen concrete (N. Soren Photo). 8: North corner with drain (N. Soren Photo). 8: Detail of drain in north corner (N. Soren Photo). 8: Sounding 11, threshold to Room 4 (N. Soren Photo). 9: Sounding 14, fallen opus reticulatum and Wall T (Loci 605 and 611) (N. Soren Photo). 9: Sounding 14, Walls T, U and O, from the NE (N. Soren Photo). 9: Sounding 14, Walls T, U and Q, from the SW (N. Soren Photo). 9: Sounding 14, Locus 618 and Walls T and Q from above (N. Soren Photo). 10: General view from the NW with Room 15 (N. Soren Photo). 10: North corner of excavated area (N. Soren Photo).

. Room 10: Stone curb with cutting for swallowtail clamp (N. Soren Photo). . Room 10: Sounding 16, Probe 1, fallen crollo block (upper right, Locus 709) and fallen opus signinum (lower right) (N. Soren Photo). . Room 10: Sounding 16, Probe 2, doorway through Wall S during excavation (N. Soren Photo). . Room 10: Sounding 16, Probe 1, debris over Wall S (N. Soren Photo). . Room 10: Sounding 16, Probe 2, lintel from doorway through Wall S before excavation (N. Soren Photo). . Room 10: Sounding 16, Probe 4, drain, opus scutulatum and Wall V offset (N. Soren Photo). . Room 10: Sounding 16, Probe 4, drain and travertine block (Locus 1208) (N. Soren Photo). . Room 10: Sounding 16, Probe 3, dung from Locus 1107 (N. Soren Photo). . Rooms 11 and 12: Sounding 12/17, threshold (N. Soren Photo). . Rooms 11 and 12: Sounding 12/17, probe at base of Wall L (N. Soren Photo). . Rooms 11 and 12: Sounding 12/17, barrel vaults from the NW including soil Loci 451, 457, 462, 463 and 466 (N. Soren Photo). . Room 11: Sounding 12/17, Loci 463 and 465, Walls O and L (N. Soren Photo). . Room 11: Sounding 12/17, Loci 464 and 851, from the north (N. Soren Photo). . Room 12: Sounding 12/17, barrel vault, from the west. Depression in the NW balk indicates find spot of copper alloy basins (N. Soren Photo). . Room 12: Sounding 12/17, collapsed barrel vault (Locus 451) (N. Soren Photo). . Room 11: Sounding 24, firepit (Locus 1404) (N. Soren Photo). . Room 11: Sounding 24, tuyere from Locus 1405 (N. Soren Photo). . Room 12: Sounding 20, Probes 1 and 2 (N. Soren Photo). . Room 12: Sounding 20, Probes 1 and 2, detail of Wall X (N. Soren Photo). . Upper Villa: Sounding 12, Wall L (bottom left) and charcoal pit east of Wall L (N. Soren Photo). . Rooms 13 and 14: Sounding 13, from the SE (N. Soren Photo). . Room 15: From the NE (N. Soren Photo). . Upper Villa: Sounding 21, NW balk (N. Soren Photo). . Upper Villa: Sounding 22, detail of dolium (Locus 1552) (N. Soren Photo). . Upper Villa: Sounding 22, detail of cutting in Wall Y (N. Soren Photo).

. Room 6: Sounding 26, inscription from Locus 1454 (N. Soren Photo). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Room 9: Sounding 14, oyster and scallop shells from Locus 607 (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Sounding 25, mosaic fragments from NE corridor (Locus 1253) (Daniela Monacchi Photo). Room 4: Sounding 25, mosaic fragments from NE corridor (Locus 1253) (D. Monacchi Photo). Room 4: Sounding 25, mosaic fragments from NE corridor (Locus 1253) (D. Monacchi Photo). Opus signinum from Grid L49, Locus 001 (N. Soren Photo). Room 4: Sounding 5, opus signinum from Locus 060 (N. Soren Photo). Opus signinum from Grid L49, Locus 001 (N. Soren Photo). Antefix (Basket 3441) (N. Soren Photo). Antefix fragments (Baskets 74 and 545) joined (N. Soren Photo). Antefix (Basket 2362) (N. Soren Photo). Antefix (Basket 4941) (N. Soren Photo). Antefix (Basket 534) (N. Soren Photo). Antefix (Basket 2062) (N. Soren Photo). Antefix (Basket 92) (N. Soren Photo). Antefix (Basket 2075) (N. Soren Photo).

17

134. Antefix (Basket 8130) (N. Soren Photo). 135. Terra sigillata chiara italica. 1) bollo lineare;

2-3) scodelle

con decorazione

a rotella;

4) piatto con

fiore

stampigliato (Valentino Pescari Photo). 136 . | 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143. 144.

Terra sigillata chiara italica. 5-6) piatti con fiore stampigliato; 7) bollo in planta pedis (V. Pescari Photo). 1-3) microfotografie dei campioni "B", "C", "D" in sezione sottile a nicol incrociati (40x) (V. Pescari Photo). Bailey Lamp Types A and B (Volute Lamps) (N. Soren Photo). 5-6) Bailey Lamp Type N (Firmalampen); 7-8) Bailey Type P (Standard Rounded-Nozzle Lamps) (N. Soren Photo).

9-10) Bailey Lamp Type P or Q; 11-12) Bailey Type Q (N. Soren Photo). 13-14) Bailey Lamp Type O; 15-16) Bailey Type R (Fat-Globule Lamps) (N. Soren Photo).

Bailey Lamp Type R (Fat-Globule Lamps) (N. Soren Photo). Bailey Lamp Type S (Imitations of African Lamps) (N. Soren Photo).

24)Bailey Lamp Type Siv (Imitations of Sicilian Lamps); 25) Bailey Type S; 26) Unclassified (N. Soren Photo). 145. ‘Bolli laterizi. 1) CIL, XV, 283 (Figl. Macedonianae), 2) CIL, XV, 416 (Fig. Propetianae), timbro I (V. Pescari Photo). 146. Bolli laterizi. 3) CIL, XV, 416 (Fig. Propetianae), timbro II; 4) CIL XV, 427a (Figl. Publinianae) (V. Pescari Photo). i 147. Bolli laterizi. 5) CIL, XV, 430 (Figl. Publilianae [Publinianae]); 6) CIL, XV, 433 (Figl. Publilianae [Publinianae]) (V. Pescari Photo). 148. Bolli laterizi. 7) CIL, XV, 526 (Figl. Salareses), timbro I; 8) CIL, XV, 526 (Figl. Salareses), timbro II (V. Pescari Photo). 149. Bolli laterizi. 9) CIL, XV, 661a (Figl. Viccianae); 10) CIL, XV, 795a (Sex. Annius Aphr.), timbro I (V. Pescari Photo). 150. Bolli laterizi. 11) CIL, XV, 795 a (Sex. Annius Aphr.), timbro II; 12) CIL, XV, 862 (Figl. d. Asinii). (V. Pescari Photo). 151. 13) Bollo laterizio non identificabile; 14) Tegola con bollo anepigrafe (V. Pescari Photo). 152. 15) Tegola con bollo anepigrafe (V. Pescari Photo). 153. Vetro. Frammento di tesa di piccolo piatto con prese ondulate sul bordo (N. Soren Photo). 154 . Vetro, Frammento di amphoretta (N. Soren Photo). 155. Vago di collana di pasta vitrea (N. Soren Photo). 156. Pasticca di vetro di giallo scuro (N. Soren Photo). 157. Large dolium fragment with clamp depressions on two edges and second fragment with embedded iron clamp (N. Soren Photo). 158-159. Lead clamps used to repair dolia (N. Soren Photo). 160. Rotary grain mill fragment (N. Soren Photo). 161. Meta from rotary grain mill (N. Soren Photo). 162 . Frammento d'intonaco dipinto con impronte a "spina di pesce” sul retro (Locus 1650, Basket No. 8703). (Barbara Maurina Photo). 163-4. Linee preparatorie incise tramite uno strumento appuntito (Loc. 1650, Bsk. 8913). (B. Maurina Photo). 165-166. Tracciato preparatorio eseguito con cordicella (Loc. 1650, Bsk. 8913). (B. Maurina Photo). 167. Ambiente 4, frammento d'intonaco dipinto con fregio a linguette (Loc. 1262, Bsk. 1524; Loc. 1304, Bsk. 7636). (B. Maurina Photo). 168. Ambiente 4, frammento d'intonaco dipinto con coronamento di trabeazione (Loc. 1253, Bsk. 6768). (B. Maurina Photo). 169. Ambiente 4, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con ortostato nero affiancato da colonna scanalata (Loc. 059, Bsk 823; Loc. 703, Bsk. 3032; Loc. 1251, Bsk. 7126; Loc. 1252, Bsk. 6760; Loc. 1262, Bsk. 7531). (B. Maurina Photo). 170. Ambiente 4, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con soffitto a cassettoni prospettico sormontato da fregio ornamentale (Loc. 1252, Bsk. 7125). (B. Maurina Photo). 171-172. Ambiente4, frammenti d'intonaco ems Στ recanti motivi floreali (Loc. 004, Bsk 838; Loc. 113, Bsk. 851). (N. Soren Photo). 173 . Ambiente 4, frammento d'intonaco dipinto con fascia decorativa (Loc. 004, Bsk. 67). (B. Maurina Photo). 174-177. Ambiente 4, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto del soffitto a finte lastre marmoree (Loc. 1650; Bsk. 8910). (B. Maurina Photo). 178-180. Ambiente 4, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto della volta a finti cassettoni (Loc. 001, Unnumbered). (B. Maurina Photo). 181 . Ambienti 4, frammenti di cornice di stucco (Loc. 1253, Bsk. 6756). (B. Maurina Photo). 182. Ambiente 4, frammenti di cornice di stucco (Loc. 062, Bask. 167; Loc. 062, Bsk. 822). (B. Maurina Photo).

18

183. 184. 185. 186. 187. 188. 189-190. 191 . 192-194.

195. 196. 197. 198-199 . 200. 201.

202. 203. 204. 205. 206. 207. 208.

Ambiente 4, frammento di cornice di stucco (Loc. 1253, Bsk. 7510). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 4, frammento di cornice di stucco (Loc. 1650, Bsk. 8916). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 8, frammento di cornice di stucco (Loc. 1653, Bsk. 8995). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 4, frammento di cornice di stucco (Loc. 104, Bsk. 809). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 8, frammenti di preparazione di cornici di stucco (Loc. 1653, Bsk 8970 and 8980). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 8, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto a finti ortostati (Loc. 904, Bsk. 4766). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 8, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto a finti ortostati (Loc. 1653, Bsk. 8706). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 8, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto a finti ortostati (Loc. 1653, Bsk. 8977). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 8, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto a finti ortostati sormontati da trabeazione (Loc. 1653, Bsk. 8970). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 8, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con fascia di margine (Loc. 1653, Bsk. 8970). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con porta affiancata da colonna (Loc. 1202, Bsk. 8703). (N. Soren Photo). Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con porta affiancata da colonna (Loc. 714, Bsk. 3443). (N. Soren Photo). Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con elementi di porta (Loc. 1202, Bsk. 8703). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con martello di porta (Loc. 1202, Bsk. 8703). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con parte inferiore di porta poggiante su fascia orizzontale (Loc. 1202, Bsk. 8703). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con colonna e nastro (Loc. 1202, Bsk. 6626, 8703). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con capitello ionico (Loc. 1304, Bsk. 7109, trovato nell'ambiente 15 all'ingresso dell'ambiente 10). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con trabeazione (Loc. 1003, Bsk. 4643; Loc. 1202, Bsk. 6621, 6627; Locus 1200, Bsk. 7106). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con motivi figurati (Loc. 1202, Bsk. 8703). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con finto ortostato (Loc. 1200, Bsk. 6662). (B. Maurina Photo). Ambiente 10, frammento d'intonaco dipinto con animale acroteriale fantastico (Loc. 1202, Bsk. 7107). (N. Soren Photo). Ambienti diversi, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con fregio floreale (Corridoio 2, Loc. 001, Bsk. 8139; Ambiente 8, Loc. 001, Bsk. 2433; Ambiente 15, Loc. 1304, Bsk. 9111; Loc. 1304, Bsk. 7112; Ambiente 8, Loc. 401, Bsk. 2426).

209. 210. 211. 212. 213. . 214. 215. 216. 217. 218. 219. 220. 221. 222. 223. 224.

Ambiente

Photo).

Copper alloy hair pin (Unstratified). (N. Soren Photo). Finger-Ring (Locus 1650, Basket 8300) and pottery pendant (Locus 451, Basket 2126). (N. Soren Photo). Bone comb (Unstratified). (N. Soren Photo). Vertical handle of copper alloy (Locus 1352, Basket 7709) and iron handle from bucket or cauldron (Locus 1406, Basket 7405). (N. Soren Photo). Bone Spoon (Locus 1352, Basket 7726). (N. Soren Photo). Iron knife (Locus 705, Basket 3068) and iron spit (Locus 1404, Basket 7396). (N. Soren Photo). Loom weights (Locus 1505, Basket 7923; Locus 701, Basket Numbers 3014 and 3028; Locus 467, Basket 3532). (N. Soren Photo). Bone Needle (Locus 1007, Basket 5610). (N. Soren Photo). Iron Nail (Locus 707, Basket 3099). (N. Soren Photo). Iron Nail (Locus 1000, Basket 4628). (N. Soren Photo). Skeleton of the severed immature dog found in Room 11 (N. Soren Photo). Cluster of seven burials in Room 12 from the NW (N. Soren Photo): Bone doll (Basket 5500), obverse (N. Soren Photo). Bone doll (Basket 5500), reverse (N. Soren Photo). Bone hairpins (left to right, Loci and Baskets: 1005/5104, unstratified/5533, 1352/7750, 1304/7659, 1300/6866,

225. 226. 227. 228. 229. 230.

(B. Maurina

10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con listello a ovoli (Loc. 001, Surface). (B. Maurina Photo).

1402/7375,

1300/6807,

1305/7606,

801/5011,

1005/5106,

1404/7396).

(N. Soren Photo).

Finger-ring of copper alloy (Locus 801/Basket 6905). (N. Soren Photo). Twisted spiral bracelet of copper alloy (Basket 5526). (N. Soren Photo). Cooking pot found upside-down in situ (Locus 1615). (N. Soren Photo). Cooking pot found upside-down, after restoration (N. Soren Photo). Glass libation vessel (Baskets 8297, 8448) found inside cooking pot (Plates 227, 228). (N. Soren Photo). Findspot of basins of copper alloy (Baskets 4342, 4343) in Room 12 (hollow area above half-meter stick). (N. Soren Photo).

19

231. 232. 233. 234. 235. 236. 237. 238. 239. 240. 241. 242. 243. 244. 245. 246. 247. 248. 249. 250. 251. 252. 253. 254. 255. 256. 257. 258. 259.

Basins of copper alloy in situ in Room 12 (N. Soren Photo). Basin of copper alloy (Basket 4342). (N. Soren Photo).

Basin of copper alloy (Basket 4343). (N. Soren Photo). Ravens talon (Basket 6510) from JB 3 (N. Soren Photo). Skeleton of a toad (Basket 7351) from JB 33 (N. Soren Photo). IB 1 as reconstructed by Walter Birkby (N. Soren Photo). Amphorae (left to right) from JB 2, 3, 5 and 19 (N. Soren Photo). Amphora from JB 3 (N. Soren Photo). IB 4 within its amphora (N. Soren Photo).

Amphora from JB 5 (N. Soren Photo). Amphora from JB 19 (N. Soren Photo). Amphora toe from JB 9 (N. Soren Photo). Amphora in fragments from IB 38 in situ (N. Soren Photo). Amphora fragment from JB 38, after restoration (N. Soren Photo).

Amphora (Basket 5262) containing JB 14 wrapped and reinserted in broken amphora (Basket 5280) containing JB 24 (N. Soren Photo). Broken amphora (Basket 5280) after removal of amphora (Basket 5262). (N. Soren Photo). IB 25 in situ with amphora placed inside coarse cooking pot (N. Soren Photo). Coarse cooking pot from JB 25 after restoration (N. Soren Photo). Amphora (Basket 5916) from JB 25 (N. Soren Photo). IB 25 inside amphora (Basket 5916) before conservation (N. Soren Photo).

IB 36 (right) and JB 37 prior to openingJB 37 (N. Soren Photo). IB 36 (right) and JB 37 after the opening of JB 37 (N. Soren Photo).

Upper portion of the skull from JB 36 showing cribra orbitalia on the orbital roof (N. Soren Photo). IB 37 on its cover tile, after lifting (N. Soren Photo). Capuchin Tomb containing JB 39, prior to opening (N. Soren Photo). IB 39 after opening of the Capuchin Tomb (N. Soren Photo).

Double Capuchin or “House of Tiles" Tomb containing JB 40 prior to opening, from SE (N. Soren Photo). Double Capuchin or “House of Tiles” Tomb containing JB 40 prior to opening, from SW (N. Soren Photo).

Double Capuchin or “House of Tiles” Tomb after opening. The findspot of the upside-down cooking pot is the depression to the left of the tomb (N. Soren Photo).

260. 261. 262. 263. 264. 265. 266.

IB 40, detail showing packing (N. Soren Photo).

Subperiosteal reactive bone on the lateral surface of the left and right tibiae of IB 40a (N. Soren Photo). Porotic hyperostosis on the cranial vault of JB 2 (N. Soren Photo). Possible healing or condensing porotic hyperostosis on the cranial vault of JB 36 (N. Soren Photo). Anterior view of longbones of IB 6 (N. Soren Photo). Radiograph of long bones of JB 6 showing double walled morphology of the cortex (N. Soren Photo). Cross section of long bones of IB 6 showing double walled or “bone within a bone" morphology (N. Soren Photo). 267. Charred reproductive parts that preserved in the villa: (A) three wheat (Triticum) grains, lateral view (Locus 1508); (B) the same three wheat grains, ventral view with crease down the middle; (C) barley (Hordeum) grain, lateral view (Locus 802); (D) the same barley grain, ventral view; (E) olive (Olea) pit or stone (Locus 1304) and (F) goosefoot (Chenopodium) seed (Locus 468). (A)-(E) at 8X magnification; (F) at 32X (Karen Adams Photo). . 268. Transverse (cross) section views of widespread and common charred wood types preserved in the villa. Widespread types include: (A) oak (Quercis cerris); (B) olive (Olea europaea) and elm (Ulmus laevis). Common types include: (D) honeysuckle (Lonicera caprifolium); (E) cypress/juniper (Cupressus/Juniperus) and (F) genista (Spartium junceaum). Charred wood can often be identified on the basis of differences in transverse views. All photos at 20X magnification (K. Adams Photo). 269. Transverse (cross) section views of rare charred wood types preserved in the villa, including: (A) fig (Ficus carica); grape (Vitis vinifera); (C) hawthorn (Craetagus azarolus); (D) pine (Pinus. sp.); redbud (Cercis siliquastrum) and (F) raspberry (Rubus ulmifolius). (A)-(E) at 20X magnification; (F) at 8X (K. Adams Photo).

20

CHAPTER

1

STORIA E ASSETTO IN ETÀ ANTICA DEL TERRITORIO IN CUI RICADE LA VILLA DI POGGIO GRAMIGNANO

CENNI GEOMORFOLOGICI (Figg. 1, 2) Il comprensorio geografico nel quale ricade la villa romana di Poggio Gramignano s'incunea in quel lembo sud-occidentale dell'Umbria, al confine con il Lazio, delimitato in senso lato ad Ovest e a

Nord dal corso del Tevere, a Sud da quello del Nera e ad Est dalla catena montuosa narnese-amerina. Per le caratteristiche oroidrografiche e geo-morfologiche il paesaggio si presenta con aspetti variegati, articolato in tre distinte, principali fasce ecozonali: a) area montana ed alto collinare calcarea; b) area

medio e basso collinare ad argille e sabbie argillose; c) area valliva fluviale e pianure alluvionali. L'area montana è corrisposta dalla dorsale preappenninica amerino-narnese, che si snoda per circa 50 km. di lunghezza con un andamento trasversale da NO a SE e che si configura come spartiacque fra la valle Tiberina ad Ovest e i bacini del medio corso del Nera, del suo affluente Caldaro

e i sistemi collinari a bassa quota ad Est. La sua continuità è interrotta una prima volta sotto Amelia dalla breve gola in cui scorre il Rio Grande e una seconda volta dalla lunga e profonda gola del Nera sotto Narni. L'aspetto del sistema è quello tipico delle dorsali appenniniche: rilievi anche elevati (m. 1114, 995, 895 s.l.m.) con versanti generalmente ripidi, rivestiti da un manto forestale continuo fino

al culmine, a forma in genere tondeggiante. L'ossatura geologica pre-pliocenica della dorsale è formata dal Calcare Massiccio del Giurassico con calcari bianchi, talora dolomitici, per lo più detriti-

ci, stratificati in grossi banchi. È presente comunque tutta la sedimentazione stratificata della serie marina umbro-marchigiana dai calcari dolomitici del Triassico alla formazione «Marnoso-Arenaria» del Miocene, con rocce di natura calcarea, a giacitura per lo più massiccia e subordinatamente stratificata. A questa natura geologica è legato il fenomeno del carsismo che vede nella Grotta Bella aperta alle pendici orientali del Monte l'Aiola uno degli esiti più suggestivi. Tutto il lato sud-occidentale della dorsale montuosa è bordato da una larga fascia collinare tra i 100 e i 500 m. circa s.l.m. degradante progressivamente verso la valle del Tevere rappresentata da una successione di colline e di vallecole ordinate secondo gli assi principali di drenaggio. Questo paesaggio collinare, che svolge una funzione di raccordo tra la sinistra idrografica del Tevere e la dorsale montuosa, è geologicamente composto da sedimenti marini e salmastri del Pliocene e del Pleistocene inferiore. Essi sono formati da argille grigio-azzurre passanti ad argille sabbiose verso l'alto (=argille di Fabro) diffuse prevalentemente nella zona nord-occidentale dell'area indagata, da sabbie gialle in genere massive localmente gradate o a stratificazione incrociata (=argille a Flabellipecten), sovrastanti le precedenti, e da argille sabbiose marine e sabbie salmastre con livelli conglomeratici ed intercalazioni di limi calcarei e travertini (=argille sabbiose del Chiani-Tevere),

concentrate tra

Lugnano in Teverina e Orte. Su queste ampie estensioni di sedimenti sabbiosi-argillosi, in un'area di 15 kmq dei versanti collinari tra Alviano e Attigliano, è diffuso il fenomeno erosivo dei calanchi, con-

seguenza della natura geologica delle sedimentazioni e causato dall'attività modellatrice degli agenti atmosferici su queste litologie facilmente erodibili. L'esito del fenomeno, fortemente sviluppato in questa zona sia arealmente che come «incisività», è quello di un suggestivo paesaggio nudo del manto vegetale, inciso da vallecole ramificate e frastagliato in sottili creste, in continuo dilavamento. La terza fascia ecozonale è corrisposta dalle piane alluvionali e detritiche e dai terrazzi alluvionali recenti che fungono da raccordo tra le morfologie sopra descritte e gli attuali alvei dei fiumi, con coltri più ampie e consistenti lungo il Tevere e meno estese e più ridotte lungo il Rio Grande e il basso corso del Nera. 23

Completano il quadro geomorfologico del territorio le aree di tavolati travertinosi suborizzontali, di spessore variabile, poggianti sui sedimenti trasgressivi più recenti, smembrati ai piedi del versante occidentale della dorsale amerina e i lembi di tavolati di origine vulcanica appartenenti all'Apparato Vulcanico Volsino, composti per lo più da tufi, concentrati nella zona compresa tra Lugnano in Teverina, Porchiano e Giove!. Il sistema idrografico di questo territorio è imperniato sul ndo corso del Tevere che, grazie anche alla fitta rete di guadi, scali, porti e affluenti, in gran parte navigabili, e che offrivano ampie possibilità di diramazioni laterali, rappresentó sia per le vicende antiche di questa area che per quelle dell'Italia centrale una via primaria nel quadro delle comunicazioni, degli scambi e dei contatti socio-economici-culturali 2. Principali tributari sulla sinistra idrografica del fiume sono il Rio Grande e il Nera, combinati a corsi d'acqua minori ad andamento grosso modo NE-SO, che incidono le sinclinali del sistema collinare e montuoso. Alle tre principali fasce ecozonali corrispondono altrettanti tipi di paesaggio agrario e utilizzazione del suolo. Quello tipico delle zone più elevate è il bosco misto, con prevalenza di lecceti, combinato a prati-pascolo sulle groppe sommitali utilizzati da mandrie di bovini e greggi di pecore che compiono brevi spostamenti stagionali. Nella fascia collinare intermedia prevale la coltura promiscua, alternata a seminativi aperti, alberi da frutta e ampi oliveti; nella valle del Tevere, infine, domina il seminativo con colture cerealicole e foraggiere di tipo irriguo nel fondovalle e di tipo asciutto nei bassorilievi 5. L'ETÀ PRE-PROTOSTORICA Fra le tribù degli Umbrorum gens antiquissima Italiae elencate da Plinio (nat., III,

112), quella che

occupó questo comprensorio fu la tribà degli Amerini confinanti ad Est con l'altra tribà umbra dei Narnienses quod oppidum Nequinum antea vocitatum est (Plin., nat., III, 112), a Nord con il centro di Todi sul confine umbro-etrusco, come esplicitato dallo stesso poleonimo umbro (Tutere/Tuder) e l'equivalente etrusco Tular, ad Ovest con l'Etruria centro-meridionale interna, dominata da Volsinii

(Orvieto) e dai centri minori gravitanti nella sua orbita di Bomarzo e di Orte, al limite settentrionale dell'agro Falisco, e infine a Sud con l’altra tribù umbra degli Ocriculani, ma geograficamente ed etnicamente appartenenti alla Sabina Tiberina. Questo comprensorio costituiva la porzione più a SE del vasto territorio che si estendeva dal Tevere all'Adriatico, dalle propaggini dei Monti Sibillini all'Emilia Romagna occupato in età antica dagli Umbri, concordemente riconosciuti dalle fonti letterarie come una delle stirpi indigene più antiche d'Italia 4. Propizie circostanze ambientali, quali la posizione nodale lungo gli itinerari N-S ed E-O dell’Italia antica, l'attraversamento fin dall'epoca protostorica di vie di comunicazioni fluviali e terrestri collegate con agevoli valichi appenninici, nonché l'abbondanza di risorse naturali hanno favorito fin dall'età pre-protostorica l'antropizzazione del territorio umbro, trasmesso attraverso le fonti un'im! Su tutto questo aspetto geo-morfologico: A. Vacata, L'omogeneità geomorfologica dell'amerino, in L’Amerino, 1,1, 1991, pp. 3-4; P. AMBROSETTI, Caratteristiche geologiche, Paleontologiche e Geomorfologiche ed individuazione delle emergenze a valenza turistica, in AA. VV., Itinerari turistici e ecologici dell'amerino-narnese-ternano, IRRES, Perugia 1990, pp. 24-41 con bibl. prec.; Note illustrative della Carta Geologica d'Italia, F. 137, Viterbo, scala 1:100.000 e, soprattutto per i sedimenti marini, AA. VV., Il Pliocene ed il Pleistocene inferiore del bacino del fiume Tevere nell'Umbria meridionale, in Geografia Fisica Dinamica Quaternaria, 10, 1987, pp. 11-33 con bibl. prec.; C. GIOVAGNOTTI-R. CALANDRA, Il comprensorio «Amerino-Narnese»: analisi ambientale di un territorio, in Umbria Economica, 3, 1984, pp. 11-88. ? AA. VV., Tevere. Un'antica via per il Mediterraneo, Roma

1986, passim e specialmente per questo territorio, pp. 178-212;

AA. VV., Il Tevere e le altre vie d'acqua del Lazio antico. Archeologia Laziale VIL2. QuadAEI, 12, Roma 1986, passim e soprattutto pp. 205-217 con bibl. prec. e fonti relative; P. TOUBERT, Les structures du Latium médieval. Le Latium méridionale et la Sabine du IXe siécle (B.E.F.A.R CCXXI), I, 1983, pp. 631-639. 3 Regione dell'Umbria. 1983. Dipartimento per l'assetto del territorio; Carta dell'utilizzazione del suolo, scala 1:100.000. 4 Sugli Umbri cfr. da ultimo la sintesi di L. Bonomi Ponzi, Gli Umbri: territorio, cultura e società, in AA. VV., Antichità dell'Umbria a New York, Perugia 1991, pp. 51-61; ἘΞ RONCALLI, Gli Umbri, in AA. VV., Italia omnium terrarum Qum: Milano 1988, pp. 375-407 con bibl. prec. e raccolta delle fonti.

24

magine di ricchezza 5 ancorata all'attività pastorale, alla fertilità delle valli fluviali e dei bacini perilacustri propizi all'agricoltura e facilitato i contatti con realtà culturali allogene limitrofe: l'Etruria, la regione falisca, la Sabina e il Piceno. Le testimonianze archeologiche più antiche finora restituite dal territorio amerino provengono dalla già ricordata Grotta Bella sul Monte l'Aiola, la propaggine più orientale della catena amerina, interposta tra il Monte Castellari e Monte Pianicel Grande. All’interno dell'articolata cavità è stata scavata una lunga sequenza insediativa che dal Neolitico si protrae, con fasi di intervallo, fino all'età romana.

Lo studio dei manufatti, dei resti faunistici e

dei carboni ha consentito di riconoscere oltre che i diversi aspetti culturali, espressioni dei successivi momenti di frequentazione della grotta, anche l'evoluzione delle strategie economiche durante il lungo periodo di stanziamento, nonché la paleoflora circostante il sito e le variazioni paleoclimatiche della grotta stessa. I più antichi livelli insediativi, durante i quali la grotta è stata utilizzata in senso abitativo, appartengono a due aspetti dell'età neolitica (5000-3000 a. C.): il Neolitico inferiore, riconducibile all'oriz-

zonte di Sasso Furbara, e il Neolitico medio riferibile alla cultura di Ripoli. In ambedue le facies, ma prevalentemente in quella pià consistente di Ripoli, alla ceramica ὃ associata l'industria litica e l'industria su osso e conchiglia. Se la presenza di ossidianaè indicativa di contatti a lungo raggio, le macine alludono ad una economia agricola subordinata all'attività primaria della caccia di specie selvatica e all'allevamento del maiale. La frequentazione successiva, di tipo stagionale, copre tutta l'età del Bronzo (XVIII-X sec. a. C.) scandita nelle sue quattro

fasi (antico, medio,

recente

e finale) con industrie fittili riconducibili

rispettivamente alle facies umbro-tosco-laziale, appenninica, subappenninica e protovillanoviana, accompagnate da una scarsa industria su metallo. In tale contesto la facies appenninica del Bronzo medio assume un particolare rilievo con le ceramiche decorate nelle tipiche sintassi a incisione ed excisione. L'economia di sussistenza durante l'età del Bronzo è imperniata soprattutto nell'allevamento o nella semidomesticazione del maiale, che trova nell'ecosistema della Grotta Bella il suo ambiente ideale, seguito in percentuale minore da quello dei caprovini e dal bue. Resti faunistici di cane, fedele alleato del pastore e custode delle greggi, alludono ad un gruppo umano frequentatore stagionale della grotta durante gli spostamenti transumanti 6. Questa frequentazione si correla ad un infittirsi delle testimonianze insediative tribali nel resto del territorio umbro nel corso dell'età del Bronzo, impostate prevalentemente su alture, ma anche in siti perilacustri, come nella conca del Velino e nel bacino di Colfiorito, a dimostrazione di un'occu-

pazione costante del territorio e tendente alla stabilizzazione 7. All'Età del Bronzo, a partire dalla fase media, risale contestualmente anche l'insediamento egemone sullo stesso sperone roccioso sul quale si sviluppò il successivo nucleo urbano di Amelia in una continuità insediativa protrattasi ininterrottamente dall'età protostorica, preromana, romana fino all'età moderna. Recentissimi rinvenimenti in piena area urbana di ceramiche d'impasto lisciato e per lo più levigato a stecca risalenti all'età del Bronzo dalla media alla finale, sebbene decontestualizzate giacché rinvenute in strati di riempimento, attestano la precocità dell'insediamento amerino 8.

5 Teop., Filip. in Athen., I filosofi a banchetto, XII,526d-f; Pseudo-Arist, Mir, in Steph. Byz, s.v. Oufrikoi. 6 Per l'insediamento pre-protostorico della Grotta: G. GUERRESCHI-P. CATALANI-G. LoNGO-A. IANNONI, Grotta Bella (Terni). Una sequenza stratigrafica dal Neolitico inferiore all'età imperiale. I livelli preistorici, in BPI, 83, 1981-1992, pp. 142-226. 7 Si cfr. da ultimo: L. BonomI Ponzi, Occupazione del territorio e modelli insediativi nel territorio plestino e camerte in età protostorica, in AA. VV., La civiltà Picena nelle Marche. Studi in onore di G. Annibaldi, Ripatransone 1992, pp. 206-208 con bibl. prec.;

M. C. DE ANGELIS, in AA. VV., L'Elephas antiquus di Taizzano, Narni 1991, pp. 16-17; G. ἘΠΙΡΡΙ-Μ. PACCIARELLI, Materiali protostorici dalla Sabina Tiberina, Magliano Sabina 1991, pp. 125-136; AA. VV., Seconda relazione sulle nuove ricerche di superficie eseguite nell'alveo dell'antico lacus Velinus (Tr-Ri), in AA. VV., Miscellanea Protostorica, Roma

1990, pp. 3-145, con bibl. prec.; L. BONOMI Ponzi,

Il territorio di Nocera in età protostorica, in AA. VV., Il territorio nocerino tra protostoria e altomedioevo, Firenze 1985, pp. 34-35. 8 M. C. DE ANGELIS, Ritrovamenti di età pre-protostorica nel territorio dell'Umbria meridionale, in Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria. Protovillanoviani e/o Protoetruschi. Ricerche e scavi. Atti del Terzo incontro di Studi (Manciano-Farnese 1995), Firenze 1998, p. 446, che riconsidera e attribuisce a queste fasi alcuni materiali sfuggiti o inquadrati diversamente da C. GIONTELLA, in Museo Amelia I, pp. 24-55.

25

Ma è nell'ambito della successiva età del ferro che si attua quel processo di vasta portata comune alle popolazioni umbre che vede lo stabilizzarsi della tribù degli Amerini nella loro sede storica e la definizione del rispettivo ambito territoriale secondo un modello d'insediamento stabile e organizzato. Responsabili della scelta del sito per una stabile aggregazione pre-urbana furono i propizi presupposti ambientali: l'esposizione strategica dell'altura, naturalmente difesa e lambita da un corso d’acqua, il Rio Grande, tributario del Tevere, il rapporto con le vie commerciali rappresentate dalla valle tiberina e dal percorso della futura via Amerina, una falda idrica particolarmente feconda ed estesa su tutta l'altura captata in età storica da innumerevoli pozzi 9, la ricchezza di argilla, le risor-

se agricole del territorio collinare integrate dall'uso della selva e della pastorizia della dorsale montuosa. Per quanto votata a conferire prestigio alla città umbra mitizzandone e nobilitandone le origini, della precoce insorgenza del fenomeno protourbano sembra essere stata consapevole anche la tradizione letteraria (Cato, in Plin., nat., 111,114; Fest., Ep., p. 21) secondo la quale Ameria sarebbe

stata fondata 963 anni prima della guerra contro il re macedone Perseo, ovvero nel 1134 a. C. dall'ecista Amirus, da cui il poleonimo. L'ETÀ PREROMANA

Secondo un dato storico riscontrato in quasi tutte le cavità naturali dell'area medio-tirrenica e correlato ad innovazioni nel modo di occupazione del territorio 19, con l'età del Bronzo recente cessa l'insediamento della Grotta Bella che, dopo un intervallo di quattro secoli, viene utilizzata come luogo di culto ininterrotto dal VI sec. a. C. fino all'inizio del I sec. a. C., sopravvissuto, sebbene in forma

non più organizzata, fino al IV sec. d. C. 13, I materiali più antichi della ricca stipe votiva restituita dalla Grotta Bella sono corrisposti da bronzetti schematici maschili e femminili e a figura di animale prodotti nell’area umbro meridio-

nale, che caratterizzano come un fenomeno tipicamente umbro l’ambiente culturale e la religiosità

votiva delle popolazioni umbre che si sono manifestate soprattutto attraverso la produzione e l'offerta della piccola plastica votiva di bronzo 12. Ad essi si affianca l'offerta di aes rude, a volte contromarcato a sigillo di un’autorità politica, che, insieme con i bronzetti, indizia un ceto utente del luogo cultuale socialmente rilevante, il cui potere di controllo e i cui mezzi di produzione si basavano sul possesso del patrimonio armentizio, sull'allevamento, sui pascoli e sull'agricoltura. Un altro luogo di culto, indiziato dal rinvenimento di un tesoretto di aes rude e di aes grave, è stato ipotizzato in loc. Montecampano, a Sud di Amelia 13.

‘Il luogo di culto di Grotta Bella si configurava come il centro religioso e aggregativo, anche per

linsieme

di servizi collaterali,

come

ad es. quelli emporici,

offerti dai santuari,

di un territorio

non ancora urbanizzato e organizzato in età arcaica secondo un modello di occupazione condiviso

9 D. Monaccut, Amelia

(Terni). Parco Farrattini. Rinvenimento di strutture medio-tardo repubblicane e di edificio romano,

in BA 11-12, 1991, pp. 87-93.

B

10 A. GUIDI, Recenti ritrovamenti in grotta nel Lazio: un riesame critico del problema dell'utilizzazione delle cavità naturali, in RassAPiomb 10, 1991/1992, pp. 427-437. Atti del Congresso L'età del Bronzo in Italia nei secoli dal XVI al XIV sec. a. C. che propone tra l'altro una utilizzazione funeraria della Grotta Bella, diversamente da quanto sostenuto da GUERRESCHI-CATALANILoNGo-IANNONI, Grotta Bella (Terni), cit. a nota 7. 11 MONACCHI 1986, pp. 75-99. 12 Per altre stipi votive similari del territorio umbro e di quello immediatamente limitrofo cfr. da ultimo: L. CENCIAIOLI, Il santuario di Monte Acuto di Umbertide, in AA. VV., Antichità dell'Umbria a New York, cit. a nota 4, pp. 211-226; E. HILL RICHARDSON, Bronzi dall’Umbria, in ibid., pp. 189-211; P. BRUSCHETTI, Jl santuario di Pasticcetto di Magione e i votivi di bronzo, in AA. VV., Antichità dall'Umbria a Budapest e Cracovia, Città di Castello 1989, pp. 113-123; M. SCARPIGNATO, La stipe votiva di Bettona, in ibid., pp. 124-133; L. BONOMI Ponzi, Il territorio di Cesi in età protostorica, in AA. VV., Cesi. Cultura e ambiente di una terra antica, Todi 1989, p. 23; L. BIGNAMI, 1 bronzetti di Valle Fuino di Cascia conservati nei Musei Vaticani, Todi 1987; D.

MANCONI-M. C. DE ANGELIS, J| santuario di Ancarano di Norcia, in DArch 1, 1987, pp. 17-28 con bibl. prec.; D. MONACCHI, Resti della stipe votiva del monte Subasio di Assisi (Colle S. Rufino), in StEtr LU, 1984, pp. 77-89. 13 EROLI

26

1881,p. 221.

in modo più o meno generalizzato da tutto il territorio umbro e che persiste fino alle soglie della romanizzazione 14, L'assetto di questo territorio si articolava in insediamenti

sparsi di tipo paganico-vicano,

con

cinte fortificate di altura impostate sulla sommità della catena montuosa amerina ed evidenziate con trasparenza,

in un caso,

anche

dall'oronimo.

A pianta più o meno

circolare,

costruite in muratura,

come quella di Monte Castellari (m. 836), o con aggere di pietrame e vallo, come quella di Monte Pianicel Grande

(m. 895), speculari secondo un sistema visuale intercomunicante,

tali cinte erano

utilizzate a ricovero e fortezza e impostate a controllo di assi viari di penetrazione del territorio che collegavano in senso trasversale con andamento E-O attraverso la dorsale montuosa la valle Tiberina con la piana orientale opposta e quindi con il tracciato ripercorso dalla successiva via Amerina e attraverso questa, i vicini centri di Todi e Amelia, e che assicuravano i rapporti e gli scambi tra l’Etruria centrale interna e l'Umbria meridionale 15. L'assetto di questo comprensorio faceva capo all’insediamento egemone di Amelia, al cui successivo sviluppo, attestato anche da bucchero nero rinvenuto in vari contesti di scavo urbani, è correlato il complesso necropoli-santuario sviluppatosi nell’area suburbana sud-occidentale in loc. Pantanelli, scavato nell'Ottocento, il cui termine cronologico iniziale può fissarsi al VII-VI sec. a. C. e quello finale alla tarda età repubblicana 16, ma interessato da un'antropizzazione fin dall'età del bronzo. La necropoli si articolava in tombe a camera precedute da dromos scavate nel travertino clastico che hanno restituito ricchi corredi, andati dispersi, comprensivi anche di oreficerie e di cerami-

ca attica 17. La tipologia delle tombe e la qualità dei materiali, noti dalle sommarie descrizioni dello scavatore, suggeriscono una precoce, embrionale urbanizzazione del centro umbro, esemplata sul modello dei vicini centri etruschi e falisci, e una comunità controllata da un ceto aristocratico fruitore di beni di lusso. Veicolo dell'interazione di apporti culturali dalle aree limitrofe situate alla destra del Tevere e della commercializzazione

di ceramiche

di prestigio, destinate ad un consumo

elitario, ridistribuite dai centri costieri dell'Etruria meridionale tirrenica verso i mercati dell'entroterra umbro lungo la valle tiberina attraverso la mediazione di Volsinii, dell'agro falisco e forse anche di Todi furono le direttrici viarie che innervavano il territorio. La via fluviale del Tevere, in primo luogo, con la relativa rete di approdi, il sistema di vie trasversali minori che dalla valle tiberina si diramavano verso l'entroterra umbro e il tracciato sancito dalla successiva via Amerina che poneva in comunicazione diretta Amelia con il vicino territorio falisco ed etrusco. La straordinaria egemonia e il ruolo di irradiazione culturale svolto da Volsinii nel VI sec. a. C. lungo la media valle tiberina e verso le popolazioni umbre contermini non dovettero trascurare Amelia. Dal modello ideologico, religioso e topografico del santuario della Cannicella di Orvieto !8 è mutuato infatti quello di Pantanelli, inserito, come il primo, nell’area della necropoli e dedicato ad una

divinità con prevalente connotazione funeraria. I materiali votivi più antichi e caratterizzanti restituiti dalla sua favissa erano di tipo «italico», ovvero i noti bronzetti a figura umana di guerrieri e devoti e a figura di animale, anche in questo caso affiancati a pezzi di aes rude 19. Originato invece verosimilmente da pratiche cultuali di tipo emporico, protrattesi, come denun-

cia anche la trasparenza, del toponimo, fino all’età moderna, era il santuario extraurbano di S. Maria 14 D. MONACCHI, Acquasparta (Terni). Resti di una necropoli di età arcaica (1987), in NSc, 1988-1989, pp. 85-101; BONOMI PONZI, Il territorio di Cesi, cit. a nota 12, pp. 11-16; Eap., Jl territorio di Nocera, cit. a nota 7; EAD., Occupazione del territorio,

cit. a nota 7, pp. 217-219; M. MATTEINI CHIARI, La ricognizione per un'ipotesi di definizione territoriale: il territorio eugubino in età preromana,

in AnnPerugia XVI-XVII,

1978/1979-1979/1980, pp. 215-221.

15 MONACCHI 1986, pp. 95-96. 16 EROLI 1860, pp. 118-122; EROLI 1864 a pp. 56-59; EroLI 1864b, pp. 83-84; EroLI 1867, pp. 169-171; EROLI 1881, pp. 216221; FIORELLI, in NSc, 1883, p. 75. 17 D. MONACCHI, Ceramica attica, in Museo Amelia I, pp. 74-75. 18 G. COLONNA, I culti del santuario della Cannicella, in AnnFaina HI, Orvieto 1987, pp. 11-26; S. STOPPONI, // santuario di

Cannicella, in AA. VV., Santuari d'Etruria, Milano 1985, pp. 116-117. 1? Cfr. nota 16. E probabile che i bronzetti del Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia, già del Museo Kircheriano (G. COLONNA, Bronzi votivi umbro-sabellici a figura umana, Firenze 1970, pp. 90, 92, 93, 98, nn. 224, 242, 248, 273, tavv. LXVI, LXVIII, LXX) per i quali é indicata una generica provenienza da Amelia appartengano alla favissa del santuario.

21

in Canale strategicamente collocato lungo il margine della via Amerina, al confine tra il territorio amerino e tudertino, in un luogo chiave perciò per le comunicazioni e gli scambi a corto e lungo raggio. Incorporate negli annessi agricoli di una casa colonica ne sopravvivono le strutture murarie dell'elevato in opera quadrata appartenenti ad un tempio di tipo etrusco-italico a tre celle, che nelle proporzioni e nell'articolazione sembra corrispondere nelle linee essenziali al modello del tempio «tuscanico» descritto da Vitruvio (IV, 7,1-2). A questo santuario e stata recentemente attribuita la pro-

venienza della nota iscrizione votiva opistografa Vetter 229 A-B su lamina di bronzo 29, datata tra la fine del IV e l'inizio del III sec. a. C., dedicata ad una divinità «Jovia» da parte di membri di almeno tre gruppi familiari allogeni ?! integrati della società amerina 22. Se l'interpretazione proposta della formula onomastica umbro-etrusca Visc(e) Amerens=Viscus Amerinus ricorrente come firma su due piattelli a figure rosse rinvenuti a Todi, ma attribuiti a fabbrica volsiniese, risponde al vero, il cognomen a base etnica, peraltro già attestato in lingua etrusca 23, rispecchia l’embrionale, ma già organizzata comunità di origine dell'artigiano integrato nella società volsiniese e il vivace interscambio di merci, esperienze artigianali e persone che animava l'area centrale etrusco italica tra la fine del IV e l'inizio del III sec. a. C. 24. Questa rete di scambi che ripercorre le direttrici viarie già delineate ὃ altresi evidenziata da ceramiche falische ed etrusche a figure rosse e sovradipinte, da bucchero grigio di produzione volsiniese e tudertina con tutte le forme vascolari tipiche del suo repertorio, da ceramiche a vernice nera dell’«atelier des petites estampilles» restituite sia dall'area della necropoli-santuario di Pantanelli che da recenti contesti di scavo urbani 25. LA ROMANIZZAZIONE

Nel contesto storico del IV sec. a. C. che vede l'inizio e lo sviluppo dell'inarrestabile, traumatica conquista di Roma della penisola, anche l'Umbria venne coinvolta, a partire dall'ultimo decennio del secolo, nel vortice degli eventi politici e bellici che la videro impegnata contro Roma e sottostare al processo inarrestabile della sua egemonia 26. Nell'evidente interesse rivolto da Roma a questa area geografica, allo scopo di assicurarsi le vie di penetrazione verso l'Etruria interna e settentrionale e verso l'Adriatico, la storia dell'Umbria e il suo impatto con Roma tra la fine del IV e il primo ventennio del III sec. a. C. sono segnati da episodi traumatici che videro il coinvolgimento degli Umbri nella guerra condotta da Roma contro gli Etruschi (Liv., IX,41,8-20), la loro sconfitta nella battaglia di Mevania nel 308 a. C. (Liv., IX,41,13-19), quella condivisa con Etruschi, Celti, Sanniti e, durante la terza guerra sannitica, nella battaglia del Sentino del 295 a. C. (Liv, X,21,12; X,27,1-3), l'assedio

del centro umbro di Nequinum del 300 a.C. e la conseguente deduzione della colonia latina di Narnia (Narni) nel 299 a. C. (Liv., X,9,8-9; 10,1-5). Episodio, questo, che avviò di fatto la penetrazione romana nel territorio umbro mediante la trasformazione dell’antico oppidum in un avamposto del potere di Roma rivolto contro gli Umbri stessi. Se questi episodi segnano le tappe fondamentali dell’ oss umbro, l'amichevole atteggiamento tenuto da Roma con Camerinum nel 310 a. C. (Liv., IX,36,7), il trattato di amicitia stipulato con Ocriculum nel 308 a. C. (Liv., IX,41,20), il foedus pattuito con Iguvium (Cic., Balb., 46-47), le 20 U, CIOTTI, La provenienza della iscrizione umbra conservata nel Museo presso il confine tra Todi e Amelia, in ArchCl XLI, 1991. Miscellanea etrusca 551 con bibl. prec. 21 Gli Hurtentius, i Betvedis e i Venelis. 22 Sull'iscrizione cfr. da ultimo ἘΞ RONCALLI, L'iscrizione di Amelia e pp. 231-234. 23 Si cfr. «Amrithe» H. Rix, Das Etruskische Cognomen, Wiesbaden 1963, 24 G. COLONNA,

Società e cultura a Volsinii, in AnnFaina

II, 1985, pp.

Nazionale di Napoli e i resti di un tempio italico e italica in onore di Massimo Pallottino, pp. 535-

l'epigrafia umbra

28

in Museo

Amelia

II,

p. 234; TLE, s.v., p. 56.

125-127; contro: F. RONCALLI,

dell'Umbria a Leningrado, Perugia 1990, pp. 359- 362, figg. 6.7-6.8.1. 25 Museo Amelia I, passim. 26 Per tutto l'inquadramento cfr. W. V. HARRIS, Rome

minore,

in Etruria and Umbria, Oxford

1971.

in AA. VV., Antichità

stesse deduzioni coloniali di Narni e, nel 241 a. C., di Spoleto (Liv., Per., 20; Vell., 1,14,8) e infine l'a-

pertura della via Amerina nel 240 a. C. segnano quelle della positiva immissione del territorio umbro nel teatro dell’azione politica romana.

Probabilmente anche altre città umbre, Amelia compresa 27,

stipularono foedera con Roma, anche se le fonti tacciono sul comportamento della città di fronte all'avanzata romana. Indizio di un rapporto non conflittuale è l'aiuto in termini di forza umana offerto dagli Amerini,

definiti popolo forte e incurante della morte, insieme con altre città umbre, all’e-

sercito romano durante la seconda guerra punica (Sil., VIII,462). Di scarsa rilevanza per la storia di Amelia in età repubblicana sono le altre successive fonti storiche relative ad un prodigio avvenuto nel 103 a. C. e osservato da Amelia e Todi, consistito in uno scontro aereo notturno di armi (Plin., nat., 1,148,58; Plut., Vitae, Mar, 17,8).

Il processo di romanizzazione mutò profondamente nel corso del III-II sec. a. C. l'assetto sociale, economico, politico e culturale del territorio umbro e lasció tangibilmente anche nel territorio e nei centri urbani i suoi segni. La rete stradale se da un lato innervava il territorio conquistato e consentiva un controllo rapido e diretto dalla capitale, dall'altro rappresentó un grosso strumento per la diffusione e l'assimilazione dei modelli culturali imposti da Roma e la conseguente destrutturazione del substrato culturale precedente. La fondazione delle colonie, oltre ad organizzare il territorio in modo razionale e secondo interventi pianificati tramite la centuriazione e le assegnazioni viritane, con l'arrivo di genti latine e romane potenzió questo processo di acculturazione. Nel caso di Amelia all'esito più vistoso di questo processo è stata correlata l'erezione della nota, possente cinta muraria in opera poligonale di terza maniera 28. Realizzata in calcare di estrazione locale a difesa dei tre versanti più esposti con perfetta aderenza all'orografia e saldata alle aspre difese naturali dell'altura, la cerchia si sviluppa per una lunghezza di circa 800 m. Se la preesistenza e l'embrionale organizzazione urbana concorsero alla delimitazione fisica del centro umbro, la razionalizzazione del tracciato della via Amerina nel 240 a.C. caposaldata alla porta meridionale, c.d. Porta Romana, delle mura, nonché l'interesse di Roma di disporre di un caposaldo, dopo quello di Falerii Novii del 241 a. C., sulla stessa direttrice di penetrazione verso il Nord e per il controllo del territorio conquistato, furono largamente responsabili dell'assetto difensivo e della definizione della forma urbana di Amelia. L'imponente tecnica edilizia, adottata anche in un altro settore di mura poligonali nella zona nord-occidentale della città con funzione di terrazzamento, le tre porte sicura-

mente accertate aperte sui lati Est e Sud delle mura in funzione della facilità di accesso dalle aree extraurbane 29, la trama viaria intramuranea ad esse caposaldata, il sistema di canalizzazione indi-

27 HARRIS, cit. supra, p. 100.

28 FONTAINE 1990, pp. 71-94, 419-421, 425, che rettifica la tesi tradizionale accolta precedentemente dallo stesso Autore in Note préliminaire sur les remparts antiques d'Amelia, in BInstHistBelgRom 41, 1981, pp. 5-17, che voleva la costruzione delle mura in funzione antiromana. Se varie «motivazioni storiche giustificano una datazione più recente delle mura nell'ambito del processo di romanizzazione

(si cfr. in proposito P. SOMMELLA,

Italia antica. L'urbanistica romana,

Roma

1988, pp.

17-32,

55-67) non è proponibile, per mancanza di presupposti storici accettabili e per recenti evidenze archeologiche, la ventilata ipotesi dell'erezione delle mura all’inizio del I sec. a. C. in coincidenza con la municipalizzazione di Amelia

pp. 79-80, 420).

(FONTAINE

1990,

29 Il Fontaine (1990, pp. 77, 90-93) restituisce tre porte aperte sul versante est delle mura: 1) porta Posterula; 2) porta Leone IV; 3) postierla a sud-est affiancata alla torre medioevale. Di queste solo l’ultima, allineata peraltro con un tratto di strada basolata, è conservata nella struttura originale (MonaccHI

1985/1986, pp. 215-216, tavv. I, VI, XL,1; U. CioTTI, in FA X, 1955,

p. 195, n. 2471, s.v. Amelia). È incerto se l’attuale Porta Posterola ricalchi una precedente, giacché su questo lato l'aspro pendio che con un dislivello di 90 m. scende a picco sul Rio Grande e la stessa conformazione orografica avrebbero ostacolato il raccordo e il percorso di una strada extraurbana. Nel caso, invece, in cui Porta Leone IV corrisponda ad una precedente, va verificata la direttrice viaria intramuranea ad essa coordinata, dal momento che l'invadenza dei mosaici di una domus sotto l'attuale sede stradale che fa capo alla porta medioevale la esclude automaticamente dal reticolo viario antico (MONACCHI 1985/1986, pp. 207-208, 223, tav. XVII). È da escludersi inoltre l'ipotesi che dietro la Torre medioevale del Sant'Uffizio addos-

sata alle mura poligonali si celi un'altra postierla (FONTAINE 1990, p. 89), giacché recenti lavori di svuotamento e di scavo, finalizzati all'istallazione di un ascensore pubblico, hanno evidenziato la continuità della cortina muraria, oltre a portare alla

luce uno scarico di materiale ceramico su cui cfr. C. ANGELELLI-C. PERISSINOTTO, Amelia (TR). Scavo all’interno della Torre del S. Uffizio, in NSc, in stampa. Sull'urbanistica di Amelia cfr. anche E. PELLEGRINI, Lo sviluppo urbanistico di Amelia antica. Tesi di specializzazione in Topografia di Roma e dell'Italia antica, Anno accademico 1993-1994.

29

ziato dallo sbocco di fognoli sulle mura, presuppongono una padronanza dei sistemi costruttivi e un piano programmatico dell'impianto urbano esemplati su modelli importati dalla romanizzazione. In questa fase furono definite le aree funzionali urbane che riservarono, ad es., all'acropoli con la presumibile area sacra l'area del Duomo attuale (m. 405 s.l.m.) e all'area forense l'attuale piazza Matteotti, furono progettate le opere infrastrutturali (rete drenante, approvigionamento idrico, viabilità) necessarie alla vita della futura città e realizzate a livello esecutivo in tempi successivi del processo di urbanizzazione e fu impostato l'impianto urbano su un asse viario portante in senso N-S (via della Repubblica) raccordato all'asse extraurbano della via Amerina e su assi in senso E-O caposaldati alle porte orientali 30. La padronanza di collaudati sistemi costruttivi rimbalza contestualmente anche in interventi di ingegneria idraulica sul comprensorio. La necessità di regimentazione di fossi d'acqua a carattere torrentizio, della creazione di bacini di riserva, di ridurre l'erosione del suolo in un territorio in con-

tinuo dilavamento a causa del fenomeno erosivo dei calanchi, motivarono infatti l'erezione di poderosi muri di sbarramento in opera poligonale rettilinei, a linea spezzata, arcuati costruiti ad intervalli regolari lungo il fosso Marutana, nell'attuale comune di Guardea, il fosso Porcianese e il fosso

Galluzzo, nell’attuale comune di Lugnano in Teverina ?!. Lintroduzione di nuovi modelli culturali penetrati nel territorio con la romanizzazione è responsabile anche del mutamento cultuale della comunità amerina, che all'ideologia religiosa dei secoli precedenti di tipo agricolo-pastorale, nel caso della Grotta Bella, o a valenza ctonia, nel caso del san-

tuario di Pantanelli, sostituisce una religiosità di stampo popolare votata a divinità terapeutiche, esemplata sul modello di quelle dell’area etrusco-falisco-laziale-campana lungo la fascia tirrenica. Questa religiosità è materializzata dalle offerte votive di tipo anatomico (piedi, mammelle, teste, ma-

schere) o di modellini templari estranei alla tradizione culturale e religiosa indigena, ma peculiari invece dei depositi votivi dell’area tirrenica, restituite sia dalla stipe votiva di Grotta Bella 52 che dalla favissa del santuario di Pantanelli 33. Quest'ultimo contestualmente si monumentalizza e si riveste di terrecotte architettoniche, analoghe peraltro a quelle della vicina Todi, sul modello di tipologie etrusco-italiche 34. Quali fossero gli interessi e i rapporti anche economici di Amelia e del comprensorio nel III e II sec. a. C. è indicato anche dalle serie librale e ridotte dell'asse romano prorato e nominali minori, da altre serie meno note della zecca di Roma,

da quella della ruota di zecca etrusca e dalla monetazio-

ne romano-campana restituite oltre che dai due depositi votivi 35 anche da un ripostiglio 36, mentre l'isolato bronzo di Salapia di Grotta Bella è giustificabile con la pratica della transumanza 57. Nell'ambito di questa omogeneità culturale conseguente alla romanizzazione va isolata una produzione artigianale esclusiva di Amelia e del suo territorio, consistente in figurine laminari di piombo maschili e femminili restituite sia dalla stipe votiva di Grotta Bella che dal santuario di Pantanelli, che sembrano riaffermare la permanenza di tradizioni religiose e artigianali indigene di fronte all'opera destrutturatrice romana 38. Alla luce di questa evidenza non va sottaciuta la circolazione sul mercato numismatico di rarissime monete di piombo fuso a legenda «AMER» attribuite a zecca amerina, che potrebbero essere state emesse a scopo esclusivamente votivo privo di valore reale,

30 MONACCHI

1985/1986, pp. 215-216, 223-224, tavv. I, VI, XL2, XVII.

31 F. DELLA Rosa, Opere poligonali della bassa Umbria: cinque recenti rinvenimenti nel comune di Guardea e Lugnano in Teverina, in AA. VV., Secondo Seminario Internazionale di Studi sulle mura poligonali (Alatri 1990), pp. 85-98. 32 MONACCHI 1986, pp. 83-85, 97. 33 EgoLI 1860, p. 120; D. Monaccut, Materiali votivi, in Museo Amelia 1, pp. 226, 229. 34 S. STOPPONI, Terrecotte architettoniche, in Museo Amelia Y, pp. 220-225. 35 Per Grotta Bella cfr.: MoNAccHI 1986, pp. 89-91; per il santuario di Pantanelli cfr: ERoLI 1860, p. 119; EROLI 1867, p. 171. 36 Rinvenuto nel 1843 in una località non meglio precisata a Sud della città: M. H. CRowronp, Roman Republican Coin Hoards, London 1969, p. 50, n. 38 con bibl. prec. e L. CEsaNo, Della circolazione dell'aes grave in Italia. Nuovi ripostigli, in Atti e Memorie Istituto Italiano di Numismatica, Y, 1913, pp. 56, 64, 67, tabella II. 37 MoNACCHI 1986, pp. 90-91, tav. XLa. 38 Ibid., pp. 81-83, tav. XXXVI, a-f; MoNaccur, Materiali votivi, cit. a nota 33.

30

come surrogato di emissioni legali circolanti in bronzo, indizio pertanto di una monetazione autonoma avvallata con il consenso di Roma 39. Come già accennato, un ruolo importante nella romanizzazione del territorio fu svolto dalla via Amerina, che, concepita per il controllo del territorio conquistato e come via di espansione verso il nord dopo la distruzione di Falerii Veteres del 241 a. C., rappresentò anche un grosso strumento di acculturazione. Il suo itinerario è riportato dalla Tabula Peutingeriana (V,2) * e dall'Anonimo Ravennate (Cosmogr., 1V,33,274), che fra le principali stazioni lungo il suo percorso segnano Ameria in posizione intermedia tra il «Castello Amerino» a Sud e Tuder a Nord. Partendo da «Vacanas» nel territorio di Veio, e più tardi dalla successiva Via Cassia, l'Amerina rappresentava il percorso più breve tra Roma e l'Umbria, attraverso l'agro falisco ed etrusco 4, e la distanza che separava Amelia da Roma è precisata da Cicerone in 56 miglia (S. Rosc., 7,19). Dal «Castello Amerino» identificato con

l'importante porto sul Tevere di Seripola nel territorio di Orte 42, la via Amerina entrava in territorio umbro e costeggiando, talora attraversando, il Rio Grande con un andamento NE si dirigeva ad Amelia. Il suo tracciato, che toccava le odierne località di Ciancare-Casale Marchi II-Podere Totano-

Villa Marchi-Il Trullo per coincidere nel tratto terminale fino alla c.d. Porta Romana delle mura poligonali con l'attuale Via Piana, è sancito dai resti di ville rustiche, di monumenti

funerari e tombe

romane e di basoli accatastati dislocati lungo il suo percorso. Lasciata Amelia, la via costeggiando il Fosso Grande e toccando Sambucetole-S. Maria in Canale-Castel dell'Aquila e fiancheggiando il Torrente Arnata si dirigeva a Todi. Oltre a questo asse stradale d’interesse interregionale, il comprensorio era innervato da una rete viaria minore. Come quella, ad esempio, in direzione N-S/S-E che costeggiando l'Amerina e attraversato il Nera collegava Amelia con Otricoli e quindi con la via Flaminia o come quella in direzione E-O che all'altezza del Ponte di Augusto di Narni si staccava dalla via Flaminia, e attraversata la sella

tra Monte Santa Croce e Monte Arnata si dirigeva ad Amelia e, dopo il punto di convergenza con l'Amerina

alla Porta Romana,

attraversato il Rio Grande

all'altezza dell'attuale Ponte Spiccalonto

scendeva in direzione di Giove e del Tevere 44. Nel versante settentrionale del comprensorio altri assi viari minori direzionati in senso E-O secondo percorsi naturali oroidrografici assicuravano le comunicazioni tra la valle tiberina e la via Amerina. L'ETÀ ROMANA

a) Il municipio L'ultimo episodio del processo di romanizzazione culminò con la guerra sociale del 90-88 a. C. che vide schierarsi contro Roma le popolazioni italiche le quali rivendicavano la compartecipazione politica e l'inserimento nelle strutture gestionali mediante l'acquisizione della cittadinanza romana. Si astennero da questa rivolta le popolazioni etrusche e umbre, che vedevano nella riforma della legge agraria di Druso del 91 a. C., che prevedeva nuove assegnazioni di terre pubbliche, e nella proposta di concessione della cittadinanza romana agli Italici una minaccia per i propri interessi politici ed economici (App., civ., I,162-163).

39 MONACCHI 1986, p. 97. 40 K. MILLER, Die Peutingersche Tafel, Stuttgart 1962; Ip., Itineraria Romana,

Roma

: 1964, rist., coll. 292-293; si cfr. anche

R. CAPPELLI-F. PESANDO, Gli Itinerari romani. Repertorio bibliografico, in AA. VV., Viae Publicae Romanae, Roma 1991, p. 44. 11 Sulla via Amerina: M. A. DE LUCIA BROLLI, L'agro Falisco. Guide Territoriali dell'Etruria meridionale, Roma 1991, pp. 4243; G. GAZZETTI, La «mansio» di Vacanas al XXI miglio della via Cassia, in AA. VV., Archeologia nella Tuscia, ΤΙ, Roma 1986, pp. 155-161; NARDI 1980, pp. 163-168; M. W. FREDERIKSEN-J. B. WARD PERKINS, The Ancient Roads Systems of the Central and Northern Ager Faliscus, in BSR XXV, 1957, p. 140 sgg. 4 DE Lucia BROLLI, L'Agro falisco, cit., supra, pp. 76-80; G. BEGNI PERINA, Il porto sul Tevere in loc. Seripola, in AA. VV., Tevere, cit. a nota 2, p. 185; NARDI 1980, pp. 126-127, n. 174-175, pp. 147-148. 43 NARDI

1980, pp. 168-170.

44 NARDI 1980, p. 171; G. A. MANSUELLI, Narni nell'antichità, in M. BIGOTTI-G. A. MANSUELLI-A. PRANDI, Nami, Roma

1973,

p. 90.

3l

La vittoria degli insorti che ottennero con la Lex Julia Municipalis l'acquisizione della richiesta cittadinanza sancì l'inserimento dell'Umbria nello Stato romano e la municipalizzazione dei centri preesistenti. La crisi e le conseguenze provocate dalla guerra sociale e la contestuale organizzazione del nuovo sistema municipale con la definizione dell'ambito territoriale delle nuove comunità e l'avvio di un imponente processo di urbanizzazione mutarono radicalmente il precedente assetto del territorio umbro 45. I nuovi poli di attrazione favorirono lo spopolamento sparso del territorio, l'abbandono degli antichi luoghi di culto, che ne avevano rappresentato il fulcro di aggregazione, dirottandolo verso le nuove realtà municipali che si andavano

organizzando

in forma urbanizzata, e il

sistema di rioccupazione e sfruttamento del territorio non più montano, ma collinare e vallivo attraverso l'impianto delle ville rustiche. Emblematico in questo senso per il territorio amerino è il drastico. abbandono in coincidenza con gli anni della guerra sociale del luogo di culto in forma organizzata di Grotta Bella, che vedrà nei secoli successivi solo sporadiche frequentazioni 46.

In questo processo storico e istituzionale fu coinvolta anche Amelia che dovette ricevere subito dopo la guerra sociale l'ordinamento municipale se Cicerone (S. Rosc., 6, 1,5) definisce come municeps amerinus Sex. Roscius Amerinus, ucciso nell'81 a. C., padre del suo cliente accusato di parricidio dal potente liberto di Silla, L. Cornelio Crysogono, e vittima di tardive confische sillane 4’. Ascritta insieme con altre città umbre alla vasta tribù Clustumina 48, la città fu successivamente inserita, con la

ripartizione augustea dell'Italia in undici regioni, nella sexta regio, l'Umbria. Fra le città più importanti della regio alla sinistra della via Flaminia la ricorda Strabone (V,2,10). La municipalizzazione della città comportò anche un'organizzazione amministrativa, legislativa, religiosa e sociale documentata dal nutrito patrimonio epigrafico sia municipale che comprensoriale e distribuito per tutta l'età imperiale 39, Il municipio era retto dai quattuorviri iure dicundo e dai quattuorviri aediles 59 la cui attività era. controllata dal senato locale o ordo decurionum 51. Funzioni amministrative erano esercitate anche dal questor arcae publicae et pecuniae alimentariae 52 che gestiva oltre la cassa pubblica anche lo speciale fondo, istituito da Nerva, alimentato dalle rendite dei capitali dati in prestito e destinato al sus-

sidio dei fanciulli poveri. Mansioni particolari erano svolte dal curator annonae 53 preposto all'approvvigionamento

annonario,

dal curator Kalendarii 54, addetto all'amministrazione degli interessi

dei capitali municipali investiti o imprestati, dai curatores lusus iuvenum 55 che curavano gli spettacoli e i giochi dei collegi giovanili. Fra i collegia sono attestati gli scabillarii, che battevano il tempo con lo speciale strumento azionato dal piede nelle esibizioni dei pantomimi, i fabri tignarii 56, i falegnami, e i centonarii 57 che svolgevano anche il servizio pubblico di spegnere gli incendi. Particolarmente beneficiato fu il municipio, 45 Su questo problema: E. GABBA, I municipi e l'Italia augustea, in AA. VV., Continuità e trasformazioni fra Repubblica e Principato. Istituzioni politica e società, a cura di M. Pani, Bari 1991, pp. 69-74 con bibl. prec.; M. TORELLI, La Romanizzazione dei territori italici, in AA. VV., La cultura italica. Atti del Convegno della Società Italiana di Glottologia, Pisa 1978, pp. 75-78. 46 MoNACCHI

1986, p. 91.

^! E. HINARD, Les Proscriptions de la Rome républicaine, Paris-Rome 1985, passim, con bibl. prec. 48 CIL, XL2,

p. 638; G. FORNI,

Umbri antichi iscritti in tribù romane,

in Bollettino della Deputazione di Storia Patria per

l'Umbria LXXIX, 1982, pp. 25-26. 49 Su questo aspetto e sulle epigrafi della raccolta civica cfr. la sintesi di G. AspRUBALI PENTITI, in Museo Amelia IL pp. 3964, che ringrazio per il fecondo scambio di opinioni e suggerimenti. 50 51 52 53

CIL, CIL, CIL, CIL,

XI, XI, XI, XI,

4366, 4367, 4371, 4373, 4380, 4389, 4395, 4400, 4405, 4395. 4347, 4352, 4364, 4395. 4389. 4389, 4404. i

54 CIL, XI, 4378, 4382, 4386, 4404. Sull'istituzione cfr. L. JAPELLA CONTARDI, Un esempio di «burocrazia» municipale: i curatores kalendarii, in Epigraphica XXXIX, 1977, pp. 71-90 55 CIL, XI, 4371, 4386, 4395; P. GINESTET, Les organisations de la jeunesse dans l'Occident Romaine,

133, 152, 241-242. G. L. GREGORI, Epigrafia anfiteatrale dell'Occidente Romano. 52, 111-112 con bibl. prec. 56 CIT, XI, 4404. 57 CIL, XI, 4391, 4404.

32

Bruxelles

1991, pp.

II. Regiones Italiae VI-XI, Roma 1989, pp. 50-

evidentemente in crisi economica, dall'imperatore Traiano che perseguì l'istituzione degli alimenta ai fanciulli bisognosi 58 e, forse, lo dotó di una conduttura d'acqua di 305 quinarie 59. Con la semplice assegnazione di terre ai veterani operata da Augusto, non sfociata in un esito coloniale (Lib. Col., 1,224 L) ©, si correla probabilmente l'epigrafe di un anonimo praefectus fabrumitribunus militum rinvenuta a Porchiano 6!. A queste va aggiunta la nutrita attestazione epigrafica di altri militari appartenenti alle coorti stanziate a Roma (vigili, pretoriani, urbaniciani) 9? o che raggiunsero i piü alti gradi della carriera, come la praefectura cohortis o il tribunatus cohortis 9 o che ricopersero, al termine del servizio, le magistrature e le cariche religiose della città 64. Fra queste ultime si annoverano i seviri Augustales 65 addetti al culto imperiale, con il quale vanno correlati anche il ritratto di Livia $6, e forse la statua loricata bronzea di Germanico 97. Celebrava e auspicava il successo degli imperatori anche il culto della Victoria et Felicitas Caesaris, finora attestato solo ad Amelia,

officiato da un pontifex e un flamen 68, Oltre ai culti imperiali, le fonti epigrafiche ricordano quelli tributati a Giove, peraltro già venerato in età repubblicana 9, Apollo, Mercurio, Vesta, Marte, For-

tuna e alle fonti e ninfe 70, Sebbene non sia attestato finora alcun esponente del ceto senatorio di origine amerina ?!, al rango equestre sono stati attribuiti i noti esponenti della gens Roscia, famosi dall'orazione ciceroniana, legati peraltro da vincoli di ospitalità con le nobili famiglie romane degli Scipioni, dei Caecilii Metelli e dei Servilii (Cic., S. Rosc., 6,15; 51,148), sulla base dell'immenso valore del loro patrimonio fondiario valutato in sei milioni di sesterzi (Cic., S. Rosc., 2,6; 7,20) e di altri significativi dettagli incidental-

mente citati nell'orazione ciceroniana (Cic., S. Rosc., 49,144; 7,20) 72. Altri rami della stessa gens occuparono le massime magistrature municipali 73, come T. Roscius Autuma donatore anche di un thesauros, ovvero di una cassetta per le elemosine collocata nei santuari 74, e furono proprietari di fab-

briche laterizie 75. Altro personaggio emergente fu C. Curiatius Cosanus 7 che nel 113 d. C. rivestì la

58 CIL, XI, 4351. 59 CIL, ΧΙ, 4415; R. LANCIANI, Le acque e gli acquedotti di Roma antica, rist. Roma 1975, p. 407, n. 316, p. 520. Il Dressel, però, è del parere che tale fistula sia urbana: CIL, XI, II,2, addit., p. 1369, ad n. 4415. 60 L. ΚΈΡΡΙΕ, Colonisation and Veteran Settlement in Italy (47-14 B. C.), London 1983, p. 79, nota 126. 61 CIL, XI, 4377+addit., p. 1369. G. ἘΞ GAMURRINI, in NSc 1891, p. 86. Incerta la correlazione fra l'assegnazione agraria e l'iscrizione CIL, XI, 4365 di un evocatus Augusti, peraltro dispersa, per l'assenza di altri elementi testuali e la lunga persistenza dell'istituzione dell'evocatio (Diz. Ep., II, III, s.v. evocatio, coll. 2172-2176). Successiva all'età augustea, per l'uso della formu-

la D M ela tipologia del supporto -- ara con urceus e patera laterali — è l'iscrizione CIL, XI, 4364, anch'essa dispersa, che menziona un veterano di Augusto (Per la cronologia di questo tipo di monumenti funerari e l'uso abbreviato della adprecatio: M. SILVESTRINI, Cronologia, in AA. VV., Le Epigrafi Romane di Canosa, II, a cura di M. Chelotti-V. Morizio-M. Silvestrini, Bari 1990, pp. 214-217, con bibl. prec. e M. CHELOTTI, Tipologia dei monumenti, in ibid., p. 284 con bibl. prec.). 62 CIL, XI, 4362, 4363, 4372; VI, 32515a, 11,42; 32526, IIL31; 32529. 63 CIL, XI, 4361, 4367, 4368, 4371, 4373, 4375-4377, 7835. 64 CIL, XI, 4364, 4367, 4371, 4375. 65 CIL, XI, 4371, 4394, 4401, 7831, 7837, 7838; G. MaNcINI, in NSc, 1922, pp. 80-81. 66 Della raccolta civica: L. SENSI, in Museo Amelia II, p. 151, n. 167.

$7 Conservato al Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Perugia: U. CIOTTI, La testa ritratto di Germanico da Amelia, in AA. VV., Germanico. La persona, la personalità, il personaggio, Atti del Convegno, a cura di G. Bonamente-M.P. Segoloni, Roma 1987, pp. 233-238; ID., La testa ritratto, in AA. VV., Il volto di Germanico. A proposito del restauro del bronzo, Roma 1987, pp. 23-26. 68 CIL, XI, 4346, 4367, 4371, 4373, 4395.

69 CIL, XI, 4348-ILLRP 183. 70 CIL, XI, 4346, 4347, 4391, 4403, 7831, 7832; L. A. MILANI, in NSc, 1889, p. 147. 71 M. GaGGIOTTI-L. SENSI, Ascesa al senato e rapporto con i territori d'origine. Italia: Regio VI (Umbria), in Epigrafia e ordine senatorio II, Tituli 5, Roma 1982, p. 248. 72 Come il titolo di splendidus e la dotazione dell’anulus d'oro: C. Nicorer, L'Ordre Équestre a l'époque républicaine (31243 av. J.-C.), 2. Prosopographie des chevaliers Romains, Paris 1974; per contro sulla insufficienza di questi attributi come qualifica del rango equestre del titolare si cfr. S. DEMOUGIN, L'Ordre équestre sous les julio-claudiens, Roma 1988, passim. 73 CIL, XI, 4398, 4399; per i liberti della gens cfr: CIL, XI, 4428, 4509, 4511, 4512, 4514, 4515a, 4516. 74 CIL, XI, 4398 su cui cfr. G. KAMINSKI, Thesauros. Untersuchungen zum Antiken Opferstock, in JdI 106, 156, 157.

1991, pp.

147,

75 CIL, XI, 6689, 203; 8113, 17a. 76 CIL, XI, 4347, 4397; per i suoi probabili liberti: CIL, XI, 4391, 7843.

33

carica di curator rei publicae di Caere e che fu proprietario all'inizio del II sec. d. C. di due delle tre sezioni delle figlinae Caepionianae localizzate peraltro tra Orte e Amelia lungo il Tevere 78, La nutrita presenza di liberti di origine grecanica e orientale 79 puó forse spiegarsi con la necessità di manodopera servile richiesta dal sistema delle ville rustiche a conduzione schiavistica, affluita in massa nel corso del I sec. a. C. nella penisola dalle regioni di conquista e di tratta. Il processo di municipalizzazione nel corso del I sec. a. C. corse di pari passo con quello di urbanizzazione, che vide la definizione dell'assetto planovolumetrico, l'edificazione progressiva di nuove infrastrutture edilizie pubbliche e private indispensabili al funzionamento richiesto dalla nuova realtà municipale e il rinnovamento di quelle preesistenti. All'interno del perimetro murario si sviluppa un processo urbanistico che trae le premesse dalla pianificazione operata in età repubblicana e che culminò nel I sec. a. C., in una coincidenza forse non casuale con le assegnazioni viritane augustee (Lib. Col., 1,224 L), per concludersi alla fine del II sec. d. C., materializzato da molteplici emergenze

archeologiche eccezionalmente conservate e incorporate nel centro storico. Laspra morfologia dell'altura, oltre a limitare anche possibili espansioni edilizie, impose un sistema urbanistico che si adattò alle condizioni orografiche con opere di terrazzamento e di sostruzione. Al momento

inizia-

le dello sviluppo edilizio urbano, intorno alla prima metà del I sec. a. C., risale la strutturazione dell'area forense, decentrata rispetto alla superficie urbana, sostruita da un'imponente cisterna ipogea in opera incerta suddivisa in dieci ambienti voltati intercomunicanti e alimentata da acque piovane, eccezionalmente conservata anche nei suoi aspetti tecnico funzionali 80. Il momento immediatamente successivo della seconda metà del I sec. a. C. coincide con un intenso sviluppo edilizio a copertura di tutta la superficie urbana evidenziato da imponenti opere sostruttive e infrastrutturali, dall'impianto di ricche domus e dalla costruzione del teatro. L'assetto dei vari

quartieri urbani pur diversificato nell'orientamento dai condizionamenti geomorfologici è tuttavia cronologicamente unitario nella tecnica edilizia che vede l'adozione generalizzata dell'opera reticolata. Nel lato sud-occidentale della città (via Farrattini n. 69-via A. da Sangallo — via Repubblica nn. 90-108; via Silvestri nn. 2-4 — via Repubblica nn. 61-75) si sviluppano due blocchi sostruttivi incorporanti grandiose cisterne in opera cementizia a più navate che fungevano contemporaneamente da supporto e da approvvigionamento idrico, surrogando, insieme con i pozzi scavati e utilizzati fin dall'insediamento preromano, le funzioni tipiche di un acquedotto che le accidentate condizioni orografiche sconsigliarono di realizzare 81. Il tessuto edilizio da essi sostruito si sviluppava ai lati dell'asse viario portante dell'impianto urbano archeologicamente accertato da tratti basolati emersi in vicolo Angeletti n. 7 e sotto via della Repubblica 82. Se per molte strutture in opera reticolata concentrate nella città medio bassa è incerta la tipologia edilizia di appartenenza, la qualificazione architettonica di altre consente di attribuirle a domus impiantate nella seconda metà del I sec. a. C., interessate talora da interventi edilizi successivi. Si segnalano la probabile domus allinterno del parco Farrattini con pitture di terzo stile, comandata nell'orientamento da una struttura in opera

7! CIL, X1, 3614.

78$ CIL, XV, 96-102, 106a-b; della terza sezione, le figlinae Mulionae, fu contestualmente proprietaria anche Arria Fadilla che la trasmise al figlio, l'imperatore Antonino Pio: T. HELEN, Organization of Roman Brick Production in the first and second centuries A. D., Helsinki 1975, pp. 76-83; M. STEINBY, La cronologia delle «figline» doliari urbane dalla fine dell'età repubblicana fino all'inizio del III sec., in BollComm. LXXXIV, 1974-1975, pp. 30-33, 103. Si veda anche il bollo S. 261 di un liberto di C. Curiatius Cosanus (M. STEINBY, I bolli laterizi, in AA. VV., Le iscrizioni della necrpoli dell'Autoparco Vaticano. ActalnstRomFin

VI, 1973, p. 189.

|

79 CIL, XI, 4420, 4422, 4423, 4428, 4454, 4472, 4496, 7845, 7850.

80 È ignorata dal Fontaine, che esclude tra l'altro l'opera incerta ad Amelia (FONTAINE 1990, p. 79, nota 38); per contro non è attestato finora ad Amelia l’opus vittatum incluso dallo stesso Autore (ibid.) fra le tecniche edilizie amerine. Sulla cisterna

cfr. da ultimo D. MoNaccHI-E. PELLEGRINI, Amelia. La cisterna di Piazza G. Matteotti, in JAT V, 1995, pp. 87-110, dove si rettificano grossi errori, innanzitutto la cronologia, contenuti in F DELLA ROSA, Le cisterne romane di Amelia e dintorni, Viterbo 1982.

8! Per una delle due cisterne sostruttive cfr. E. PELLEGRINI, Via della corso di stampa. L'altra cisterna sostruttiva ricognita di recente é ancora 82 Per il primo cfr. D. MonaccHI, AMELIA (Terni). Via Angeletti. Strada pa. E recente la scoperta, in occasione dei lavori di ripavimentazione di

34

Repubblica.Via Silvestri. Cisterna romana, in BA, in inedita. romana e strutture murarie, in BA in corso di stamvia della Repubblica, di un ampio tratto basolato.

quadrata tardo-repubblicana connessa ad un puteale fittile su pozzo preromano 83 e due domus (via Leone IV, n. 69; via Civitavecchia n. 57) con lo stesso orientamento e ornate da mosaici geometrici

bianco-neri, dislocate nel settore sud-orientale servito dalla via archeologiamente accertata in senso E-O 84. Con la costruzione del teatro in reticolato alla fine del I sec. a. C., promosso probabilmente da un intervento evergetico locale dei Sexti Avieni, gens peraltro già nota all'epigrafia municipale per aver rivestito le massime magistrature cittadine, dislocato nell'area periferica urbana nord-orientale (via Cavour) a sfruttare il pendio dell'acropoli e ad adeguarsi all'orografia esistente, soggetto ad un intervento edilizio successivo, si completa il programma urbanistico 85. Soltanto su base toponomastica (abbazia di S. Pietro in Parlascio) è ipotizzabile l’esistenza di un anfiteatro nella zona extraurbana orientale, lungo l’asse stradale per Narni, secondo un modello urbanistico già sperimentato in età imperiale. Alla fine del II sec. d. C. la costruzione delle terme in opera laterizia nel settore marginale sud-occidentale della città (via Farrattini nn. 52, 65), di cui sopravvivono imponenti ambienti voltati e mosaicati, segna l’ultima fase del processo di urbanizzazione che comportò una riqualificazione areale di questo quartiere urbano a scapito di edifici preesistenti 86, Sebbene non supportata da altre evidenze strutturali, materializzano ancora l'edilizia pubblica la serie di basi, capitelli e colonne di pregiati marmi importati della raccolta civica 87, che confermano il processo urbanistico sopra delineato, in perfetta rispondenza con la seriazione delle tecniche edilizie adottate. Saturata l'area intramuranea, l'ampliamento urbanistico si sviluppò verso Sud oltre le mura, sovrapponendosi in parte all'antica area funeraria-sacrale di Pantanelli 85. La combinazione tra l'uso di marmi pregiati, l'alta qualità degli elementi architettonici -- attribuiti perciò alcuni ad officine urbane 89 — e l'uso generalizzato dell'opera reticolata, con i presupposti di carattere economico e sociale sottintesi 9, esplicitano un'edilizia di prestigio mutuata dalle vicine esperienze urbane e una ricca committenza locale pubblica e privata, concorrendo a riaffermare l’orbita culturale ed economica verso cui gravitava il municipio amerino. Principalmente lungo il tracciato extraurbano della via Amerina si sviluppò la necropoli romana dotata in prossimità dell'accesso urbano di monumenti funerari dei quali sopravvivono resti di conglomerato cementizio in loc. Pirincio e il Trullo 91. A questo tipo di edilizia funeraria monumentale, dotata di una precisa valenza semantica e rappresentativa dello stato socialmente elevato dei titolari, vanno correlati la scultura di leone accovacciato, a simbolico custode del sepolcro, dalla località Pirincio, i fregi dorici o decorati con girali d'acanto o con ghirlande, la statuaria maschile e femmi-

nile, rilievi ed elementi architettonici conservati nella raccolta civica o reimpiegati in area urbana o dispersi nel territorio (palazzo comunale di Alviano, loc. S. Pancrazio, castello Aquarone di Giove) 52. Altri monumenti funerari come quello di P. Mellutius Crescens in loc. Salzare, poco ad Est della villa

di Pennavecchia, perimetrato nelle sue dimensioni da due termini sepulcri 8 o indiziati da fregi dorici (muro di cinta del cimitero di Penna in Teverina ™, dalla loc. Totano nella raccolta civica) 95 o tombe

83 MoNAccHI, Amelia

(Terni), cit. a nota 9, pp. 87-93.

84 MoNAccHI 1985/1986, pp. 200-217, tavv. I-X. 85 Per le iscrizioni dei Sexti Avieni: CIL, XI, 4383, 7837a; si cfr. anche G. MANCINI, in NSc,

1920, pp. 19-20; ASDRUBALI PEN-

TITI, cit. a nota 49, p. 55, nn. 17-18 per la descrizione di queste strutture, all'epoca molto più cospicue, cfr. M. Fossati, Scavi d'Amelia, in Bull. Inst., 1840, pp. 81-87. 86 MONACCHI 1985/1986, pp. 217-220, tavv. XIII, XV,1, XVI. 87 L. CENCIAIOLI, in Museo Amelia II, pp. 66-71, 80-111. 88 EroLI 1960, pp. 118, 121, ErOLI 1964, p. 59; ErOLI 1867, pp. 170-171; EROLI 1881, pp. 218. 89 CENCIAIOLI, cit. a nota 87. 90 M. TORELLI, Innovazioni nelle tecniche edilizie romane tra il I sec. a. C. e il I sec. d. C., in Tecnologia, economia e società

nel mondo romano. Atti del Convegno, Como 1980, pp. 139-161. 91 NARDI

1980, p. 142, n. 200 sgg.

92 Museo Amelia II, passim. 93 CIL, XI, 7847 e NARDI 1980, pp. 137-138, nn. 196-197, tavv. CXLVI,3; CKXLVII; GAMURRINI, cit. a nota 61, p. 87; si cfr. da ulti-

mo D. MonaccHi, Termini sepulcrorum da Narni e da Penna in Teverina in territorio amerino, in Epigraphica, LVII, 1995, pp. 211-215. 9 B. M. FELLETTI MAI, La tradizione italica nell'arte romana, Roma

1977, p. 205, tav. XXVIII.

95 N. CIANI, in Museo Amelia II, p. 127.

35

di più modesta entità, accertate da iscrizioni 96, e connesse ad insediamenti rustici circostanti punteggiavano il percorso della via Amerina (Pizzogallo, Totano, S. Valentino, Penna in Teverina), san-

cendone peraltro il tracciato, come pure quello da Amelia a Giove 97. Altre aree extraurbane destinate a necropoli furono quella di Pantanelli 98, dell'attigua località di Cinquefonti, da dove provengono sculture funerarie di varia tipologia 99, e dell’area circostante la chiesetta di S. Secondo, che in passato richiamò la raccolta di molte iscrizioni, sia civiche che funerarie 100,

La necropoli romana fornisce d'altro canto, attraverso i materiali scultorei, anche la più cospicua documentazione della cultura figurativa del municipio amerino concentrata, in conformità all'e-

videnza edilizia, tra la tarda età repubblicana e la prima età imperiale. Lo stesso processo di municipalizzazione fu anche il presupposto, infatti, per lo sviluppo di attività artistico-artigianali municipali, spesso recettive degli apporti della cultura ellenistica mediati da Roma, chiamati a soddisfare il nascente consumo di prodotti dell’arte funeraria da parte di una clientela «media» ambiziosa di personalizzare la propria tomba e di partecipare ai nuovi modelli di vita urbana. Esemplate, ad esempio, sul modello tipologico e iconografico dei prototipi dodecanesi e microasiatici sono le are cilindriche funerarie con ghirlande e protomi bovine o con eroti ghirlandofori 101, Ancora all'iconografia ellenistica del tipo della c.d. Pudicitia si ispira la statuaria femminile, mentre quella togata maschile sottolinea con l'aggiunta della capsa il prestigio sociale raggiunto sull'onda del più genuino spirito romano 102, Produzione originale del municipio amerino tra la fine del I sec. a. C. e l'inizio del I sec. d. C. sono una serie di urne funerarie «a cassone» di travertino, diffuse in tutto il terri-

torio, lisce o decorate da figurazioni dense di simbologia funeraria e appartenenti per lo più al ceto libertino, che rispecchiano sotto il profilo formale e figurativo la tradizione italica di età ellenistica 103, Emergono tra tutto l'apparato scultoreo la nota ara neoattica con la danza di Pan e le Ninfe e fregio a ghirlande e bucrani, oggetto di arredo, importato, di un ricco cliente amerino ed espressione di una cultura artistica tipicamente aristocratica 104 e la statua loricata bronzea di Germanico rinvenuta insieme con uno splendido capitello ornato da trofei in un contesto d'incerta identità 195. b) Il territorio

Nel corso del I sec. a. C. e più segnatamente verso la metà del secolo, in coincidenza con l'assetto urbanistico e il momento

successivo alla completa romanizzazione

dell'Umbria, il territorio del

municipio di Amelia è interessato da una nuova rioccupazione e da una razionalizzazione dello sfruttamento delle risorse locali attraverso l'impianto delle ville rustiche a conduzione schiavistica che sostituiscono la precedente gestione della terra caratterizzata in età repubblicana dalla piccola proprietà contadina, unifamiliare, basata su un'economia di sussistenza integrata dal pascolo. «Il loro sviluppo fu propiziato dalla vocazione spontanea del territorio, dalla vicinanza e dalla facilità di comunicazione e di commercializzazione dei prodotti agricoli ma anche manifatturieri verso il mercato urbano mediante la via fluviale del Tevere, privilegiata anche dalle fonti letterarie

% CIL, XI, 4515a, 4513, 4422, 4438, 4452, 4459, 4400 e altre iscrizioni inedite per le quali cfr. ASDRUBALI PENTITI, in Museo Amelia II, pp. 46 e sgg.

97 NarpI 1980, pp. 138-140.

58 EROLI 1860, p. 121; EROLI 1864, p. 59; EROLI 1867, p. 170; EROLI 1881, pp. 216-217, 219; FIORELLI, in NSc 1878, p. 294. 99 Museo Amelia ΤΙ, passim. 100 CIL, XI, passim. Nella stessa chiesetta fu vista alla metà del '500 da G. Dosio anche la nota ara neoattica (CH. HULSEN, Das Skizzenbuch des Giovannantonio Dosio, Berlin 1933, p. 61) su cui cfr. infra p.11. 19! D. Monaccul, Are cilindriche, in Museo Amelia TI, pp. 171-177. 102 SENSI, in Museo Amelia TI, pp. 156-160. 103 STOPPONI, in Museo Amelia II, pp. 178-193; S. DIEBNER, Sonderformen von Urnen und Grabstelen in den Regionen mittelitaliens, in Rómische Gráberstrassen Selbstdarstellung-Status-Standard. Kolloquium in München a cura di H. von HesbergP. Zanker, München

1987, p. 230.

10^ MONACCHI, Are cilindriche, cit. a nota 101. 105 Cfr. bibliografia cit. a nota 68 e per il capitello A. E. FERUGLIO, in Museo Amelia ΤΊ, pp. 143-144.

36

rispetto alle vie terrestri nella gerarchia dei sistemi di trasporto 106, con la relativa rete di impianti portuali dislocati sulla sua sinistra ad Otricoli, Seripola, Vicolo del Porto ad Attigliano, Madonna del

Porto a Guardea, Pagliano, Barca di Baschi e Barca di Salviano 107, Laddensamento di queste ville rustiche è concentrato lungo il corso del Tevere e del Rio Grande e lungo il tracciato della via Amerina. A rispecchio delle condizioni ottimali suggerite dagli agronomi romani per il loro insediamento, costanti ne sono le componenti topografiche: su sommità collinari o a mezza costa, panoramiche e prospicienti i fondo valle, in prossimità di sorgenti o corsi d'acqua e modellate sullo stesso ambiente naturale 198, Oltre alle ville individuate sulla base di scavi archeologici, del tipo di rinvenimenti avvenuti nel territorio, delle strutture emergenti e delle ricognizioni di superficie 109, converge alla loro evidenza anche la toponomastica prediale a base onomastica latina 110, Emblematico in questo senso è il toponimo Rosciano inscindibile dal noto e già ricordato Sex. Roscius Amerinus proprietario di tredici fondi contigui al Tevere (Cic., S. Rosc., 7,20). Ne viene conferma anche dai casi di Alviano, Popigliano, Aquilano, Cocciano, Archignano, Marcignano, Luchiano, Porchiano e Gramignano, se in quest’ultimo

caso l'etimologia dalla gens etrusca Cramna cogliesse nel vero 111, dove i toponimi prediali di origine gentilizia si sovrappongono e coincidono con l'evidenza archeologica 112, Per la zona di Lugnano in Teverina si dispone anche di una testimonianza epigrafica che ricorda l'ager Tresianus Masonianus di una gens Masonia proprietaria anche di schiavi poi manomessi 113. Proprietari di queste ville erano esponenti sia dell'aristocrazia locale, come la nota gens Roscia della quale Cicerone a più riprese insiste sull'immenso valore, vastità e fertilità dei fondi e sulla quantità degli schiavi posseduti 114 e di cui è noto epigraficamente anche un vilicus, fattore onnipresente e dirigente della villa 115, con la sua conserva 116, sia dell’aristocrazia provinciale, come il prosuocero di Plinio il Giovane, l'eques di Como Calpurnio Fabato (Plin., Epist., 8,20), sia della casa imperiale.

Probanti indizi in tal senso sono offerti dal repertorio epigrafico che attesta liberti a rationibus di Nerone 117, ancora liberti di uno degli imperatori Flavi contestualmente ad un verna Caes. n. 118 e proprietà fondiarie dell'imperatore Commodo amministrate da un actor 119. Lo stato sociale dei domini

106 Si cfr. D. MONACCHI, I bolli laterizi, pp. 425-433, nota 19 in questo stesso lavoro.

107 Ibid., pp. 427-428, note 22-25; su quest'ultimo approdo cfr. M. BERGAMINI, Un insediamento produttivo sul Tevere in territorio tudertino, in JAT, III, 1993, pp. 182-184.

108 MONACCHI 1986-1987, pp. 11-12, fig. 9 con raccolta delle fonti letterarie; Eap., La cultura materiale delle ville romane del territorio amerino in età tardo antica, in Umbria meridionale, pp. 181-184. 10? MONACCHI,

La cultura materiale, cit. supra, pp.

181-184; MonaccHI

1986-1987, p. 12, fig. 9; M. A. TOMEI-A.

MARTIN-D.

MonaccHI, in Ville 1983, pp. 195-271; M. A. ToMEI-D. MANCONI, La situazione in Umbria dal III sec. a. C. alla tarda antichità, in Società romana e Produzione schiavistica, I, L'Italia: insediamenti e forme economiche, Bari 1981, pp. 377-381, 393-395; NARDI

1980, pp. 136-145.

mE

110 Da ultimo G. UcGERI, L'insediamento rurale nell'Umbria meridionale tra Tardoantico e Altomedioevo e il problema della continuità, in Umbria meridionale, pp. 15-20. 11! W, ScHULZE, Zur Geschichte Lateinischer Eigennamen, Berlin 1904, p. 173.

112 MONACCHI 1986-1987, pp. 11-12, con bib. prec. Per i casi dei toponimi Popigliano e Cocciano coincidenti con i siti di ville rustiche parzialmente scavate cfr. rispettivamente: M. A. TOMEI-A. MARTIN, in Ville 1983, pp. 201-255 e P. ROMANELLI, Guardea. Mosaici romani, in NSc 1926, pp. 274-277. Per gli altri casi la coincidenza archeologica è accertata da ricognizioni. 113 CIL, XT, 4487-4489.

114 Cic., S. Rosc., 2,6; 6,15; 7,20; 8,21, 23; 9,24; 15,42; 17,49; 28,77; 31,86; 37,108; 49,143. 115 A, CARANDINI, Schiavi in Italia, Roma

1988, p. 33 e passim

con fonti letterarie.

116 CIT, XI, 4422. 117 CIL, XI, 4360. 118 CIL, XI, 4462. Sebbene sia espressamente indicato nel CIL «T. Fl. Aug. Study of the Emperor's freedmen and slaves, Cambridge 1972, pp. 51-52, nota zione dell'epigrafe alla tarda età traianea o l'inizio dell'età adrianea sulla base repertorio epigrafico relativo a schiavi e liberti imperiali di area amerina il

lib», P. R. C. WEAVER, Familia Caesaris. A Social 1 a p. 52 non esclude la possibilità di una datadella locuzione «verna Caes. n.». Va espunto dal frammento della «forma» marmorea delle pro-

prietà di alcuni liberti imperiali CIL, XI, 4419, ora disperso, ritenuto dal CIL, XI, IL2, addit., p. 1369, ad n. 4419 e dal Gatti

alieno e pertinente alla «forma» di via Labicana: G. CARRETTONI-A. M. CoLini-L. Cozza-G. GATTI, La pianta marmorea di Roma antica, Roma

1960, p. 208, n. 6, tav. Q, fig. 49.

119 CIL, XI, 4427; si cfr. A. SiRAGO, L'Italia agraria sotto Traiano, Louvain 1958, pp. 180-186.

37

traspare anche dalla luxuria architettonica delle ville indagate -- si pensi all’oecus corinthius della villa di Poggio 'Gramignano o al grandioso atrio di quella in loc. Popigliano di Alviano 120 — a rispecchio del modello varroniano della villa perfecta (Varro. rust., 1,4,1; 1Π|,1,10; 2,1 sgg; ΠΙ,3,1).

Sulla base di calcoli ricavati dalla proprietari umbri (Cic., S. Rosc. 7,20; perlomeno quella dei ceti più elevati, sibilmente più modesta erano invece Liber Coloniarum

stima ciceroniana delle terre di Roscius e indirettamente di altri 16,48) emerge che il tipo dominante della proprietà fondiaria, era di media grandezza 121, Anche se fertili, di estensione seni lotti di terreno assegnati ai veterani di Augusto per i quali il

(1,224 L) riporta indicazioni sulla dimensione dei termini e sulla loro distanza in

900, 1200, 1440 piedi 122, Dalla stessa fonte gromatica si ricava anche che una parte del territorio municipale non era stato sottoposto ad una catastazione ufficiale (=«in absoluto»), ma lasciato all'iniziativa operativa individuale 123, Per quanto in nessuna delle tre ville parzialmente indagate ricadenti nel territorio amerino sia stato messo in luce il settore fruttuario, se si escludono la cella con i doli interrati della villa di Pen-

navecchia e quella appena emersa di Poggio Gramignano, la loro attività produttiva dominante doveva essere l’arboricoltura, in primo luogo la viticoltura. Essa è sottintesa dalla coltivazione dei salici di cui Amelia andava famosa per possedere una delle tre varietà più pregiate caratterizzate da una bacchetta rossa e gracile e perciò più facile da intrecciarsi 124. I salici, come noto, erano usati in prima istanza per legare le viti 125, tanto che nella gerarchia delle colture agricole proposta da Catone e Varrone al terzo posto è elencato il salictum come dote di un vigneto 126 e fra i lavoranti di un fondo di 100 iugeri coltivato a vigneto Catone prevede al sesto posto un salictarius 127. Ma i salici erano utilizzati anche per la confezione di cesti multifunzionali all’attività rustiche 128 e di cui Amelia doveva vantare una produzione particolare se Catone, fra lo strumentario agricolo in dotazione di un fondo di 100 iugeri, raccomanda una quantità di venti corbulae amerinae 129, Estremamente significativa in tal senso è l'iscrizione di un anonimo «vitor» (=canestraio), apposta sotto la figurazione di due attrezzi da lavoro (un coltello e un raschiatoio), evidentemente utilizzati nell’attività artigianale della

cestineria, che ricorre sul frontoncino del coperchio di un'urna Dai semi di un’altra varietà di salice amerino, quello nero, corpo dopo il bagno si otteneva una crema depilatoria 131, Una per fare le scope 152. Ancora per aggiogare le viti, ma anche per battere gli olivi,

funeraria a cassone 13°, dosati con il litargirio e spalmati sul pianta simile alla tamerice era usata erano impiegate le canne, delle quali

si utilizzavano pure le foglie seccate, e i giunchi, adatti anche all'innesto e altri lavori agricoli 133, che

120 Per il primo cfr. D. MonaccHI, Mosaici e pavimenti, in questo stesso lavoro pp. 00; per il secondo MARTIN, in Ville 1983,

pp. 220-225.

121 L'estensione delle terre di Roscio è stata calcolata da 300 a 460 iugeri (V. I. Kuziscin, L'espansione del latifondo in Italia alla fine della Repubblica, in L'agricoltura romana. Guida storica e critica a cura di L. Capogrossi Colognesi, Bari 1982, p. 50) o da 400 a 600 iugeri per ciascun fondo (M. CLAvEL LÉVEQUE, Questions de méthode et approches comparatives: cadastres et histoire, in AA. VV, Structures agraires en Italie centro-méridionale. Cadastres et paysage ruraux, C.É.F.R., 100, Roma 1987, p. 54, nota 168). 122 E. Pars, Storia della colonizzazione di Roma antica, Roma 1923, pp. 38, 185, 306-307, 340-341. 123 Sul significato del locuzione «in absoluto» cîr.: AA. VV., Structures agraires, cit. a nota 121, pp. 23, 66, 101; J. P. VALLAT,

Le Vocabulaire des attributions de terres en Campanie. Analyse spatiale et temporelle, in MEFRA 124 Verg., georg., 1,265; Colum., IV,30,2-4; Plin., nat., XVL177. 125 Cato agr., 6,4; 33,5; Varro rust., I,8,2-3; L24,4; Ce

91, 2, 1979, pp. 998-1001.

ἵν,13, 2; 1V,30,1; X1,2,92; Arb., 29,1; Plin., nat., XVL174,176;

cfr.

anche MonAccHI 1986-1987, pp. 12-14. 126 Cato agr., 1,7; Varro rust., 1,7,9. Si cfr. anche Plin. nat., ΠῚ

127 Cato agr., 11,1. 128 Cato agr., 31,1; 33,5; Varro rust., L22,1,6; 1,54,2; Colum., IX,6,1; IX,15,12; Plin., nat.,

129 Cato agr., 11,5. 130 Ameria, 131 132 133 XIL32;

38

|

XVL 174.

Sull'iscrizione con ampia disamina della problematica cfr. D. MoNaccnHir, Un vitor e l'artigianato della cestineria ad in MEFRA 108, 1996, pp. 943-977. Plin., nat., XXIV,58. Plin., nat., XXIV,67. Cato agr., 6, 4; 47; Varro rust., L8,2-3; 1,23, 4; 1,55,2; Colum., 12,3; IV,13,2; IV,29,10; IV,30,1; V,11,6; [X,16, I; XIL 6,1; Plin., nat., XVL173,176; XVIL166,174..

Plinio il Giovane ricorda galleggiare nel laghetto di Vadimone (Epist., 8,20) identificato con il «laghetto» a Nord di Bassano in Teverina nella zona confinante con il territorio amerino. Collaterali a quella del vigneto, le altre colture intensive specializzate e finalizzate alla commercializzazione a breve raggio, a causa della facile deperibilità dei prodotti, erano quella del frutteto, in cui si poteva anche seminare, e dell’hortus, elencato al secondo posto nella gerarchia delle coltu-

re praticate nella villa, dove non si piantavano solo verdure e fiori ma anche alberi da frutta 134. Le fonti letterarie celebrano infatti le pere e le mele di Amelia, famose le prime per maturarsi sull'albero anche d'inverno 135, ricercate le seconde per il gusto, il giovamento alla salute e la lunga capacità

di conservazione 136, Le altre risorse spontanee del territorio corrisposte dalle argille della valle del Tevere e del basso corso dei suoi affluenti favorirono lo sviluppo di attività manifatturiere laterizie e ceramiche smerciate localmente e interregionalmente. Sulla base infatti del circoscritto raggio di diffusione di alcuni bolli laterizi e della ricorrenza dei gentilizi in essi attestati nell’epigrafia municipale, ad una produzione locale attiva tra la fine del I sec. a. C. e il I sec. d. C.-inizio II sec. d. C. e smerciata comprensorialmente devono attribuirsi i laterizi bollati di L. Roscius Quietus 137, L. Cassius 138. C. Accaeius Molcanus !3°, C. Atilius Fortunatus 140,

L. Catius Fidelis e L. Catius Romanus 141 omonimo e parente, quest'ultimo, del militare noto da un'altra fonte epigrafica amerina 142. La figlina dei Catii, probabilmente la stessa che.sfornava laterizi bollati, era impegnata anche nella produzione di ceramica a vernice nera 143. AI di là della piccola fornace inclusa nella villa di Pennavecchia e adibita all'autoconsumo interno 144 e di quella, probabile, rinvenuta pochi m. a NE oltre le mura di Amelia 145, non sono emerse

finora tracce archeologiche degli impianti produttivi. Più generoso sotto questo aspetto è stato il territorio immediatamente confinante con quello amerino: l'agro tudertino e falisco, dove è recente la scoperta di insediamenti produttivi di terra sigillata italica 146, o quello otricolano dove al mancato riscontro di analoghe evidenze archeologiche supplisce la certezza del poleonimo apposto sulle note «coppe di Popilio» 147 commercializzate, come le ceramiche precedenti, sul mercato interregionale.

134 Cato. agr., 1,7; Varro rust., L7,9; 1,23,4;. Cfr. CARANDINI, Schiavi, cit. a nota

115, pp. 88-90, 339-357 con altre fonti let-

terarie.

135 Plin., nat., XV,55,58; Stat., 1,6,8. 136 Colum., V,10,19; Plin., nat., XV,50,59. 137 CIL, XI, 6689, 203=CIL, XI, 8113, 17a. Per l'attestazione nelle fonti letterarie e nell'epigrafia muncipale della gens Roscia cfr. passim, note 74-76 e ancora CIL, XI, 4349, 4369, 4370, 4397, 4494, 4507, 4508, 4510, 4513, 4515, 4527. Su questo

come sui seguenti bolli laterizi cfr. M. MATTEINI CHIARI, in Museo Amelia I, pp. 168-171, 179-189. 138 CIL, XI, 6689, 648,0. Il gentilizio ricorre in CIL, XI, 4424, 4453, 4532. 139 CIL, XI, 8113, 24. Il gentilizio ricorre in CIL, XI, 4363, 7836, 7837.

140 CIL, XV, 867. Per l'attribuzione di questo bollo ad una produzione amerina e l'attestazione del gentilizio nell'epigrafia municipale cfr. MONACCHI, in MONACCHI-PELLEGRINI, Amelia. La cisterna, cit. a nota 80. 141 CIL, XI, 6689, 65a,b,c,d; 6689, 66a,b,d,e; su i due bolli cfr. anche M. STEINBY, La diffusione dell'opus doliare urbano, in AA. VV., Merci, mercati e scambi nel Mediterraneo. Società romana e produzione schiavistica, II, a cura di A. Giardina e A. Schiavone, Bari 1981, p. 292, nota 3; Eap., Appendice a CIL, XV,1, in BullCom LXXXVI, 1978-1979, p. 60, 2-4. Il gentilizio ricorre in CIL, XI, 4363. 142 CIL, XI, 4363.

143 Come si ricava dal bollo Catius impresso su un fondo di vaso: MANCINI, cit. a nota 85, p. 17. 144 MARTIN, in Ville 1983, p. 264, fig. 72. 145 MANCINI, cit. a nota 85, pp. 15-17.

146 Per l'agro tudertino, in loc. Scoppieto, dove operano i ceramisti, fratelli, L(ucius) Plo( ) Z(osimus) e L(ucius) Plo( ) Por( ) si cfr. M. BERGAMINI,

Un insediamento produttivo, cit.

a nota 107, pp. 179-194; per quello falisco, dove in loc. Vasanello

è attivo il ceramista Ancharius cfr. C. SFORZINI, Vasai «aretini» in area falisca: l'officina di Vasanello, in La civiltà dei Falisci. Atti del XV Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici, Firenze 1990, pp. 251-281. Si cfr. anche indizi di altre fornaci produttive di ceramica comune da cucina: V. VARRIALE, Presenze e fornaci romane tra Orte e Vasanello, in XV Anniversario della fondazione del G.A. R. Atti del Convegno, Roma 1980, pp. 139-142. 147 C. PIETRANGELI, Otricoli, Roma 1978, pp. 36-37 con bibl. prec.; da ultimo cfr. P. PuPPO, Le coppe megaresi in Italia, Roma 1995, pp. 39-52.

39

Collateralmente a questa produzione laterizia volta al consumo strettamente locale dovette svilupparsi nella piena e avanzata età imperiale la grande industria dell'opus doliare «urbano» -- si pensi alle figlinae Narnienses,

Ocriculanae,

Caepionianae,

Subortanae,

Marcianae,

Oceanae 148 -- in mano

non tanto all'aristocrazia locale — isolato appareil caso di C. Curiatius Cosanus sopra ricordato -quanto, come noto, all'aristocrazia urbana e non e alla famiglia imperiale 149. Anche se difettano dati puntuali per il territorio amerino, è credibile però che attratte dalla bontà del suolo utile allo Scopo,

dalla facilità dei trasporti via d'acqua e dallo smercio garantito dall'intensa attività edilizia del vicino, grosso centro di consumo urbano, le aristocrazie esterne fossero coinvolte nell'economia del territorio. E opinione accreditata, infatti, che il mancato accesso al senato da parte dell'aristocrazia

municipale di Amelia, ma anche di Otricoli, sia causato dai possedimenti in loco intorno ai quali ruotavano le attività produttive di aristocrazie allogene — si pensi ai già ricordati Calpurnio Fabato, Nerone,

uno

degli imperatori

Flavi

e Commodo

per Amelia;

Milone,

Cesare,

Marcella

Maggiore,

Pompeia Celerina per Otricoli 150 — e dalla parcellizzazione delle proprietà generate dalle assegnazioni agrarie augustee per Amelia che avrebbero precluso all'aristocrazia locale l'accentramento fondiario e il cumulo di capitali necessari all'ascesa sociale 151, Queste circostanze sembrano agire peraltro in concomitanza con le tipologie architettoniche di matrice urbana delle ville amerine — si pensi all'oecus corinthius della villa di Poggio Gramignano - e con la coincidenza fra l'area di consumo e l'area di produzione dell'opus doliare «urbano» — si pensi ai laterizi bollati ancora della stessa villa 152. L'ETÀ TARDO ANTICA

Dopo il momento di apogeo culminato alla metà del I sec. d. C., verso la fine del secolo si avvertono i primi sintomi di crisi nel sistema delle ville amerine indagate archeologicamente. I segni piü vistosi sono materializzati dallo smembramento della cella vinaria/olearia della villa di Pennavecchia, foriera di una crisi dell'arboricoltura, e della successiva riconversione del fondo a nuove forme di coltura, dall'abbandono nella seconda metà del I sec. d. C. del settore residenziale della villa di

Poggio Gramignano e dalla progressiva importazione in tutte e tre le ville indagate, a partire dall’inizio del II sec. d. C., delle derrate alimentari e delle ceramiche fini da mensa dalle province roma-

ne, specie dall'Africa Proconsolare 153, È noto, infatti, come nella concorrenza esercitata sui mercati del Mediterraneo dalle merci pro-

dotte nelle province in sostituzione progressiva dei prodotti manifatturieri e alimentari italici provocandone il declino fino alla loro scomparsa, ὃ stato individuato uno dei molteplici fattori responsabili della crisi del sistema delle ville. Ma le conseguenze, i tempi e i modi di questa crisi non sono generalizzati. Non solo durante la media e tarda età imperiale le ville amerine continuano a sopravvivere seppure con una frequentazione piü o meno contratta e differenziata a seconda dei casi fino all'abbandono definitivo nell'arco fra il IV e il VI sec. d. C., per essere quindi riutilizzate come necro-

poli più o meno organizzate — si pensi a quelle delle ville di Poggio Gramignano e di Pennavecchia —, ma anche l'importazione provinciale delle manifatture ceramiche è fortemente arginata da quelle

148 MoNaccHI, Bolli laterizi in questo stesso lavoro, pp. 427-428, nota 31. 149 Ò. WIKANDER, Senators and Equites II. The Aristoracy as agents of production, in OpRom XVI, 1987. Acta Instituti Romani Regni Sueciae, XLIV, pp. 139-143, 145; M. STEINBY, L'industria laterizia di Roma nel tardo impero, in AA. VV., Roma: politica economia paesaggio urbano. Società romana e impero tardo-antico, I, Bari 1986, pp. 109-138; E. CHAMPLIN, Figlinae Marcianae,

in Athenaeum 61, 1983, pp. 257-264; M. STEINBY, J senatori e l'industria laterizia urbana, in Epigrafia e ordine senatorio, I, Tituli

4, Roma

1982, pp. 232-236.

150 GAGGIOTTI-SENSI, Ascesa al senato, cit. a nota 72, p. 248 con raccolta delle fonti letterarie ed epigrafiche. 151 GAGGIOTTI-SENSI, Ascesa al senato, cit. a nota 72, p. 257. 152 MONACCHI 1986-1987, pp. 15-17; Eap., Bolli laterizi in questo stesso lavoro; si cfr. anche Eap., Bolli laterizi urbani a Narni, in Opus V, 1986, pp. 97-106. 153 MONACCHI, La cultura materiale, cit.

40

a nota 108 con bibl. prec.

di produzione locale o regionale, come è emblematicamente evidenziato nel contesto di Poggio Gramignano dalla massiccia presenza della «terra sigillata chiara italica» 154. Per l'età imperiale e tardo antica le fonti letterarie tacciono su Amelia e di interesse irrilevante sono quelle successive dei geografi Tolomeo

(Geogr., 11I,1,47) e Stefano di Bisanzio

(Ethn., s.v. "Auepiov)

che si limitano a ricordarla fra le città dell'Umbria e dell'Italia antica. Con il riassetto amministrativo e regionale di Diocleziano alla fine del IM sec. d.C. Amelia fu assegnata alla provincia della Tuscia et Umbria amministrata da un corrector. Già sede di diocesi nel 465 se il vescovo Hilarus partecipò al Sinodo Romano di papa Hilaro 155, la città non fu toccata nel V sec. d. C. direttamente dalle invasioni barbariche, ma ne dovette sopportare tuttavia le conseguenze se la provincia fu alleggerita dagli obblighi fiscali (Cod. Theod., X1,28,7,12) e se si trovava in un tale stato di abbandono e di desolazione da essere definita ΠῚ

regio Tuscorum (Sidon., Epist., 1,5,8).

Un riflesso di questa situazione si coglie nella necropoli di bambini deceduti per una pestilenza impiantata verso la metà del V sec. d. C. negli ambienti sostruttivi della villa già abbandonata di Poggio Gramignano 156, Anche se durante la successiva guerra gotica (535-553 d. C.) la città non fu coinvolta direttamente nell'invasione barbarica che sconvolse gran parte dell'Italia centrale, dall'accenno di Procopio (Bell. Goth., 1,17,4; II,11,9) sulle scorrerie dei Goti nelle campagne intorno a Narni traspare che anche Amelia dovette subire le dannose conseguenze della guerra se tra l’altro la Tuscia è ricordata come una delle province più colpite dalla carestia e dalla fame 157 (Proc., Bell. Goth., 11,20,19-20). Annessa nel 579 d. C. al Ducato Longobardo

di Spoleto, alla fine del secolo con la ristabilizza-

zione del potere bizantino su questa regione caposaldato su un sistema difensivo a protezione dell'asse stradale che garantiva attraverso l'Amerina le comunicazioni tra Roma e Ravenna e a difesa dal confinante ducato longobardo, Amelia che rappresentò uno dei caposaldi di tale sistema fu inclusa di nuovo nell'Umbria bizantina chiamata Tuscia Romana. L'importanza della via Amerina attrezzata in funzione bizantina in alternativa alla via Flaminia traspare anche dalla Cosmografia Ravennate che, scritta verso la metà del 700, riflette proprio le condizioni contemporanee per le comunicazioni tra l'Emilia e Roma 158, Nella seconda metà del VII sec. d. C. con la trasformazione della Tuscia Romana in ducato di Perugia, Amelia, divenuta un castrum e già rinserratasi all’interno della ege muraria, e il suo territorio entravano in un nuovo periodo della loro storia. ABBREVIAZIONI

Museo Amelia 1 Museo Amelia Il Diz. Ep. EROLI 1860 EroLI 1864a

BIBLIOGRAFICHE

AA. VV., Museo Comunale di Amelia. Raccolta archeologica. Cultura materiale, Perugia 1996. AA. VV., Museo Comunale di Amelia. Raccolta archeologica. AI scultura, elementi architettonici e d'arredo, Perugia 1996. E. DE RuccIERO, Dizionario epigrafico di antichità romane. G. EroLI, Scavi di Amelia, in Bull. Inst. 1860, pp. 118-122. G. EROLI, Scavi di Amelia, in Bull. Inst. 1864, pp. 56-59.

154 MONACCHI, Terra sigillata chiara italica, in questo stesso volume con bibl. prec.; si cfr. anche EAp., Terra sigillata chiara italica da un contesto urbano di Assisi, in BFoligno XVI, 1992, pp. 289-310; Eap., Terra sigillata chiara italica, in Museo Amelia L pp. 131-134. 155 G. BERTELLI, Altre ricerche su Amelia: aspetti topografici e indagini sul territorio, in Umbria meridionale, pp. 79; EAD., Le Diocesi di Amelia, Narni e Otricoli. Corpus della scultura Altomedioevale, XII, Spoleto 1985, p. 38 con bibl. prec. 156 D. SOREN-T. FENTON-W. BIRKBY, The Infant Cemetery at Poggio Gramignano, in questo stesso lavoro, pp. 539-591. 157 In generale. F. GIUNTA, / Goti e l'Umbria, in Ricerche sull'Umbria tardo-antica e preromanica. Atti del II Convegno di Studi Umbri, Gubbio 24-28 maggio 1964, Perugia 201-209; M. CAGIANO DE AZEVEDO, Le città umbre nel tardo-antico, in ibid., pp. 151-175. 158 D. SCORTECCI, La viabilità dell'Umbria meridionale nella tarda antichità, in Umbria meridionale, pp. 71-73; L. QUILICI, La rete stradale del Ducato di Spoleto nell'Alto Medioevo, Atti del IX Congresso Internazionale di Studi sull'Alto Medioevo, t. I, Spoleto 1983, p. 415.

41

EroLI 1864b EroLI 1867 Ero! 1881 FONTAINE 1990 MonaccHÙi 1985/1986 MoNaccHi MonaccHÒ

1986 1986-1987

NARDI 1980 TLE Umbria meridionale

Ville 1983

G. ErOLI, Anticaglie Amerine, in Boll. Inst. 1864, pp. 83-84. G. EroLI, Scavi di Amelia, in Bull. Inst. 1867, pp. 169-171. G. ERoLI, Scavi di Amelia, in Bull. Inst. 1881, pp. 216-221.

P. FONTAINE, Cités et Enceintes de L'Ombrie antique, Bruxelles-Rome 1990. D. Monaccui, 1 mosaici romani di Amelia nel contesto urbanistico antico, in AnnPerugia,

XXIII, 1985/1986, pp. 197-224.

D. Monaccut, Nota sulla stipe votiva di Grotta Bella (Terni), in StEtr LIV, 1986, pp. 75-99. D. MonaccHI, Lugnano in Teverina (Terni). Loc. Poggio Gramignano. Saggi di scavo di una villa rustica romana, in NSc 1986-1987, pp. 5-35. G. NaRDI, Le Antichità di Orte, Roma 1980. Thesaurus Linguae Etruscae, I, Roma 1978.

AA. VV., Umbria meridionale fra tardo-antico ed altomedioevo, Acquasparta 6-7 maggio. Atti del Convegno, Assisi 1991. AA.VV., Ville e insediamenti rustici di età romana in Umbria, Perugia 1983. DANIELA MONACCHI

42

CHAPTER 2

SUMMARY

OF PERIODS OF CONSTRUCTION AND DESTRUCTION

Though only a small portion of the villa has been excavated, for known zones of the villa in each of its five periods, see Figures 147 plan and axonometric reconstruction are provided in Figures 6 and trated and reconstructed in Figures 28 to 51. The infant cemetery metric drawings in Figures 76 to 80 and 150.

an artist's interpretation of the to 150 in Volume II. An overall 7. Room 4 is abundantly illusis rendered in plan and axono-

PERIOD I — INITIAL CONSTRUCTION OF THE VILLA (50-1 B. C. BUT PROBABLY 20-10 B. C.)

The villa was constructed in terraces rising to the top of Poggio Gramignano hill. The elegant quarter of the villa was situated on the SW slope of the hill and the slave quarters and utility areas rose on at least two terraces to the northwest. The focal point of the elegant quarter appears to have been a colonnaded oecus (Room 4) which was used for important receptions. It was flanked by a mosaicpaved room (Room 8) which was probably a dining room, and two less elegant rooms (Rooms 5 and 6) which are paved in simple opus signinum. Corridor 2 and Rooms 10 and 15 may have formed part of a servants' area associated with Rooms 4 and 8, while Rooms 11, 12 and 17 may have been magazines for storage of foodstuffs and wine. Today, most of the NE part of the hill has been plowed below the ancient floor level but foundations remain which have not been studied in detail. PERIOD II - COLLAPSE OF ROOM 4 (LATE FIRST OR EARLY SECOND CENTURY A. D.)

The central pyramid-vaulted ceiling of this elegant reception room which had been built in Period I, collapsed due to faulty construction techniques and the unstable virgin clay of the soil beneath it. Room 8 may have also been severely damaged at this time, rendering the service quarter (Rooms 2, 10 and 15) obsolete. Room 10 may then have functioned as a granary, and Wall S in this room was rebuilt. The doorways into Rooms 5 and 6 may have been sealed at this time. At an unknown date between Periods II and V an oven was built on the opus scutulatum floor in the center of Room 4. The NE corridor of this room remained standing because it is buttressed by Wall D, but it was unstable. PERIOD

III — FINAL ATTEMPTS

TO SUSTAIN THE VILLA

(PROBABLY LATE SECOND

TO EARLY THIRD CENTURIES A. D.)

Late walls were erected in Room 9 to arrest the movement of this part of the villa downslope to the west and SW. Broken pan tiles and column wedges from the collapse of Period II were used in the construction of Wall T/O in that room. Following this period, the villa may have gone into limited or sporadic use. PERIOD IV — DECLINE OF THE VILLA. NO EVIDENCE OF UPKEEP AND REPAIRS (EARLY THIRD CENTURY TO CIRCA

A. D. 450)

During this period the villa begins to fall into ruin and, although pottery finds indicate it continued in use, it was poorly maintained and may have gone out of use sporadically. Room 10 seems

43

to have had limited use as a stable. Rainwashed soil accumulated in Rooms

10, 15, 11 and 12 by the

latter part of this period. Room 9 continued to migrate downslope. PERIOD V — THE INFANT CEMETERY AND GARBAGE DUMP AND THE FINAL COLLAPSE OF ROOM 4 (CIRCA MID FIFTH CENTURY Α. D.)

In the mid fifth century A. D. Rooms 10, 15, 11 and 12 were reused as an infant cemetery, with accompanying burials of 5-6 month old dogs. Room 17, which has been only partially excavated, also held mid fifth century burials. Room 9 was filled with a massive garbage dump with much tile and pottery which spilled over into Rooms 10 and 15 amid the baby and dog burials. Generally, the oldest infants and most elaborate burials were in Room 17, the next oldest and more elaborate in Rooms 11 and 12 and the youngest and least elaborate amid the debris in Rooms 10 and 15. The NE corridor of Room 4 finally collapsed, crushing the oven; this event may have occurred gradually. Painted plaster collapsed from the walls onto the floor of Room 8 which was filled up with soil. I

PERIOD VI — ABANDONMENT OF THE SITE (SIXTH OR SEVENTH CENTURY)

Only one lamp fragment of the sixth or seventh century A. D. and two sherds of Medieval ceramics were found in the topsoil layers. DAVID

44

SOREN

CHAPTER

SUMMARY

3

OF THE EXCAVATIONS OF THE VILLA AT POGGIO GRAMIGNANO

In June of 1988 the University of Arizona began excavations at the site of a Roman villa at Poggio Gramignano, a hill 185 meters in height, located near the village of Lugnano in Teverina, in the region of Terni, Umbria (Figs. 1 to 6; Plates 1, 3). The excavations were situated immediately to the west of the Attigliano-Lugnano roadway 5km to the south of Lugnano in Teverina, 7km west and slightly SW of modern Amelia (ancient Ameria) and 2.5 kms directly east of the Tiber River. Before these excavations, the site of Poggio Gramignano had been partially excavated by Daniela Monacchi for the Soprintendenza Archeologica per l'Umbria in May of 1982 following reports from local citizens of clandestine digging.! Dr. Monacchi completed a second season of digging in September, 1984 during which a corridor (Room 2) and the northern corner of a large colonnaded reception hall or oecus (Room 4) were brought to light (Fig. 4). A number of significant conclusions were published by the Italian archaeologist, among which are: 1. The excavation site was a Roman villa built on at least two levels and covering perhaps 2000 square meters of the hill known as Poggio Gramignano. 2. The lower level of the villa, comprising the southwest downslope area, was built against the hill (Figs. 7, 8). This part of the villa, which was probably an elegant domestic quarter, had a flooring of black and white mosaic in Room 4 (Fig. 6; Plate 42) and opus spicatum in Corridor 2 (Figs. 25, 26; Plates 28, 29).?

3. The two levels of the villa were linked by a travertine staircase which turned in three stages over 15 over Room 2

90 degrees as it led up from Room

(Figures 7, 20, 21; Plates 5, 6, 23, 24).

4. Portions of the preserved walls were built in opus reticulatum style with cubilia (facing stones). 3 5. A general date of 50 to 1 B. C. was proposed for the initial phase of construction of the villa. 4 6. The latest materials found dated to the fifth century A. D. but the elegant domestic quarter may have gone out of use by the later first century A. D. A progressive degradation of the structure was assigned to the period between the second and fourth centuries A. D. 5 In 1988 new excavations were undertaken at the villa site under the direction of David Soren of the University of Arizona, with Daniela Monacchi as Principal Investigator for the Soprintendenza Archeologica per l'Umbria (E. Feruglio, Soprintendente). These excavations confirmed the conclusions of Dottoressa Monacchi and added much new information. The project began with the cleaning of the area previously excavated and the examination of the site for structural and conservation problems. Possible areas for further investigation were noted during this work. It was decided that the lower, elegant domestic quarter should be excavated first since ground cover there was minimal.

! DanteLA MonaccHI, “Lugnano in Teverina,” NSc XL-XLI (1986-1987) 5. The first notice of the villa was published by Maria Antonietta Tomei in Anna Eugnia Feruglio (editor), Ville e Insediamenti Rustici de Eta Romana in Umbria (Perugia:

1983) pp. 199-200. ? MONACCHI

1986-7, p. 8. and Monaccut,

“La cultura materiale delle ville romane del territorio amerino in età tardo anti-

ca," L'Umbria Meridionale fra Tardo-Antico ed Altomedioevo, Atti del Convegno di Studio (Acquasparta: 1989) p. 185. 3 MoNACCHI 4 MonaccHI 5 MonaccHI

1986-7, p. 8. 1986-7, p. 8 and 1989, p. 185.

1989, p. 185.

45

In addition, the soundings which had been made here by Dottoressa Monacchi could be re-exposed quickly, the mosaics checked for damage and the digging area expanded. Monacchi had uncovered Corridor 2 which was paved entirely in opus spicatum (Figs. 4-6, 25, 26; Plates 5, 6, 28, 29). Room 2 had a doorway opening to the NW which was bordered by a wall (A)

featuring a pier or shorter stretch of wall (also marked A; Fig. 27). Originally, one could walk through this doorway into small Room 15 (Fig. 6; Plate 19) and then turn NE to reach the travertine staircase (Figs. 6, 7, 20-22; Plates 6, 23) This staircase rose five steps, turned sharply and rose several

more steps to join what was probably a wooden staircase over the opus spicatum of Room 2. The sixth and part of a seventh travertine step were preserved. Cuttings possibly for the support of the upper part of the staircase were noted by Dr. Monacchi along Wall A in Corridor 2 (Plate 30). In addition, there must have been a landing between Walls A and C (Figs. 7, 23). The entry at the foot of the staircase in Room 15 was surmounted by a crudely made but functional arch of tabulate trapezoidal stones placed radially and set in concrete with several rows of opus reticulatum preserved above (Plates 23-27). The arch was in fragile condition when digging began so no work in its immediate area was undertaken until it could be restored under the supervision of Umbrian specialist Pier Luigi Agostini in 1989. By the end of the 1988-1992 excavations, it was clear that the area west and NW of this arch was

a well preserved servant quarter and storage area in the lower villa. It appears to have supported an upper floor which overlooked the Tiber River to the north and NW (Fig. 7). To the south of the arch was another, more elegant area of the lower villa. Although only a fraction of the lower villa was able to be exposed, it was possible to recognize a colonnaded reception room (Room 4) and an adjoining room (Room 8), Corridor 2, Rooms 5 and 6 paved in opus signinum, service rooms 10 and 15 and storage areas 11, 12 and 17. The last three rooms are wrapped around the upper level of the villa along the NW side (Figs. 6, 7; Plate 4). No trace of an atrium was found, but Room 4 may have taken its place. This elegant lower area of the villa (pars urbana) apparently continued to the NW and SW of Room 8, but it could not be excavated because that land is privately owned. A large olive grove occupied the SW slope of the hill, but Room 4 appeared to have opened onto a court or open area in that direction. The rooms along the SE limit of the villa and beyond Room 6 also await future excavation. The lower rooms of the villa to the NW were probably two stories high, taking advantage of the slope of the hill, while the rooms on the hilltop and along the SE side of the villa may have been only one story (Fig. 7). The NW limit of the upper villa was Wall L, bolstered to the NW by three barrel vaulted rooms, 11, 12, and 17 which run along the Tiber side, creating an arcaded terrace (Figs. 6, 7, 9, 10; Plate 103).

The hill of Poggio Gramignano sloped down sharply to the SW. Evidence unearthed in limited probes of the NW side of this hill conducted in 1990 and 1991 suggests that the upper villa was constructed in at least two terraces in this area. Soundings 21 and 21x (labeled S21 and S21x on Figs. 6 and 11) revealed Wall CC with an offset, probably for a floor, at level 101.78. Two meters to the south in Sounding

22 (Figs.

10, 12) virgin soil was found at circa 101.53m,

over which

a floor probably

existed at close to the level of that suggested in Sounding 21/21x. But the level of virgin soil in Room 16, 6.5m to the SW

of Sounding

22, was

circa 100.54m,

almost a meter lower. In the area of the

upper villa immediately SE of Wall L in Room 12 virgin soil began at 100.69m; in Room 15 a second story floor level was estimated at 100.37m and in Room 13 a floor was found at 100.57m. Consequently, in the area SE of Rooms 11, 12, 16 and 17 and between Sounding 22 and Room 13, the difference in floor levels between the two areas of the upper villa was just over one meter. Whether there was a stair or a ramp between these levels down to the SE is not known. But it is clear that the upper villa had at least 2 terraces as it proceeded down from the NW to the SE. The lower villa which wrapped around the lower part of the upper villa had floor levels over 2.4m lower along the northwest side and over 3.6m lower to the west and southwest. Rooms 11, 12 and 17 have been only partially excavated but exhibit wide variations in construction $ MONACCHI 1986-7, p. 8.

46

techniques. The SE wall of Room 11 (Wall L), for example, is built of rubble masonry up to the level of the springing of the barrel vault (Plate 103). At that point all of Wall L included beneath the vault is constructed in opus incertum, yet within the incertum some of the facing appears to be lined up almost in diagonal courses in the manner of opus quasi-reticulatum. Room 12 has the same rubble wall construction but here Wall L is built in opus incertum without reticulate sections. Wall L in Rooms 11 and 12 shows no evidence of separate constructional phases. Furthermore, Wall W in Room

12, which also

appears to be part of the original construction of the villa, is done in the opus reticulatum technique. In order to explain this phenomenon, Dr. Monacchi informs me that in Umbria it is possible to find different types of construction techniques used at the same time within the same structure. These techniques, if found in contemporary Rome, would probably suggest construction during different periods. With this idea in mind, a study of the walls in the villa, made in 1991, revealed the following construction types: 1. Period I (50-1 B. C., probably ca. 20-10 B. C.)

a. b. c. d.

Rubble limestones and rounded pebble limestones set in heavy mortar in rough courses. Opus Incertum (using primarily local sandstone). Opus Quasi-reticulatum (sandstone). Opus Reticulatum (sandstone).

e. Travertine for stairs, thresholds.

2. Period II — Perhaps later first to early second century A. D. a. Opus Mixtum — Opus Reticulatum combined with brickwork and tabulate limestones used to frame a doorway. The doorway had a wooden lintel. b. This period has only been found in Wall S between Rooms 10 and 15 (Figs. 72-75; Plates 91, 94-97). c. Possibly to be included in this period is the blocking with mortared rubble stones of entries in Walls I and J (Fig. 99 Locus 070; Plate 49).

3. Period III - Date uncertain, perhaps late second/early third century a. Late, rebuilt wall reusing pan tiles and column wedges as bricks. b. This period has only been found in Room 9 Wall T/O (Fig. 69; Plate 87). The upper area of the villa required massive support to bolster Walls B, C, L and D which ran at right angles to C and 1 (Figs. 6, 7, 9). Wall D, the northwest wall of Room

4, remains unexcavated

but appears to be extraordinarily thick, perhaps as much as 70cm in some areas. Its precise path cannot be traced due to an intrusive but legally protected oak tree for which removal rights cannot be obtained (Plate 4, right). Nonetheless, all of the walls excavated to date, with the exception of Walls S and T/O and portions of I and J, appear to belong to the original phase of the villa. Room 9, with Walls T and Q, has been only partially excavated, so its place within the scheme of the villa is not yet fully understood. Wall S between Rooms 10 and 15 was built in opus mixtum, and appears to be part of an alteration after the initial construction (Plates 91, 94-97). It rests on a broad

foundation of stones which suggests that there may have been a Period I wall on this spot associated with the construction of the villa (Fig. 70; Plate 114 right). Perhaps Wall S was erected when the use of this portion of the villa changed from a service area for Room 4 to a granary in the later first or early second century A. D. after the ceiling of Room 4 collapsed. Ashlar stones found evenly placed along both Walls B and V in Room 10 suggest that a floor of wooden slats raised above the original floor had been installed here by this date (Figures 71, 154; Plate 14). Rooms

4, 5 and 6

INTRODUCTION

In the campaigns from 1988 through 1992 at the villa, considerable attention was paid to continuing the excavation of Room 4 already begun by Daniela Monacchi in 1984 (Fig. 4). In her sound47

ing in the north corner of the room she had unearthed a poorly preserved mosaic with a pattern of rosettes composed of four white tesserae disposed around a central black tessera arranged in rows on a field of black tesserae (Fig. 28; Plate 42). The mosaic is bordered with a band of five white cubes

against Walls A, D and I. The workmanship seen in this floor is even more delicate than that found in fine Augustan floors associated with Third Style Pompeian painting. At our villa 144 tesserae were laid every 10 square centimeters, while Augustan work typically features 120-130 tesserae per 10 square centimeters. 7 After the initial excavations of 1984, this mosaic was covered with protective plaster and backfill. In 1988 the Monacchi probe was expanded to the SW and SE, leaving one meter balks between each new sounding (Fig. 87, Soundings 2, 4 and 4x). It was also decided that the areas immediately adjacent to Walls C and D not be excavated. The latter was in danger of collapsing and losing its precious traces of red-painted plaster. The former was unstable because it had torqued slightly to the NW due to pressure from the hill above and movement of the unstable virgin soil beneath it. The discoveries in Room 4 between 1988 and 1992 revealed considerable information regarding its well-preserved mosaic decoration, painted wall and ceiling plaster, and ceiling and roof arrangement. The mosaic pattern unearthed by Dr. Monacchi was found to occupy the three colonnaded corridors of the room on the NW, NE and SE sides (Fig. 28; Plates 7-9, 34). The columns on the SW

side were engaged columns and the floor there lacked the rosette-on-black-field pattern (Fig. 49). Three columns and one engaged column were located in the NW and SE corridors, while four columns stood in the NE corridor (counting the corner columns twice) (Fig. 29). The mosaic pavement between the columns formed a rectangle of four rows of white tesserae in a scale pattern set in a black field (Figs. 28, 33, 48; Plates 38, 42). A simple black mosaic band one row deep was placed along Wall H against the half columns (Plates 56, 57). An opus scutulatum floor occupied the large central area of the room which featured pieces of marble, limestone and alabaster set in a black mosaic background (Fig. 34; Plates 42, 45). The pieces used were studied by Dr. Monacchi and are a part of her report on mosaics included in this work (Part 2, Chapter 17).

Several soundings were made in 1988 in the oecus known as Room 4, and in Rooms 5 and 6 to the southeast (Fig. 87). Only a few section drawings were done for these soundings because the contamination of the soil layers from recent plowing rendered most of the sections useless. Also in 1988 a grid was plotted for the site. Letters were used for vertical coordinates and numbers for horizontal. An example is grid area N50 (Figs. 5, 6). Each grid square measured ten meters and was subdivided into four equal parts, designated by the letters a, b, c, and d, proceeding left to right within the top half of the square (a, b) and left to right within the bottom half (c, d). With this system a sounding in Room 3 might be said to take part in grid N50a (Figs. 5, 6). In the following discussions of individual soundings, the term "Locus" was used to describe any layer of earth or significant feature encountered (See also Part 1, Chapter 4). Topsoil was designated as Locus 001. Locus 002 might be the layer of earth beneath the topsoil or any feature within it. Varying sequences of locus numbers were assigned to each sounding but topsoil was always designated as 001. For example; the excavator of Room 9 might use locus numbers from 600-617 to designate layers and features encountered below topsoil 001 while the excavator of Room 10 might use 700-720 for those features below the topsoil in that room. ‘Individual finds, particularly those which were deemed significant, were called "Baskets" and given a separate group of sequential Basket numbers, so that a nail found in Grid N50c, Locus 009 might be labeled Basket 150. However, groups of sherds found within a single locus were given a single Basket number and only those sherds deemed important for dating or other reasons were given individual Basket numbers. | The major events in the life of the villa are referred to herein as “Periods”. Six periods with absolute dates valid for the entire site have been identified between the time the villa was construct7 Cf. M. DE Vos, "Synopsis del repertorio ornamentale di pitture e pavimenti,” Proposta per Una Classificazione del Terzo Stile Pompeiano, Archeologische Studien van het Nederlands Instituut te Rome IV (1979) 110.

48

ed in the later first century B. C. and the time it was abandoned in the sixth century A. D. They are listed at the beginning of this volume. Each soundingis described by its own sequence of “phases” which is only valid for that sounding so that Phase 1 in any individual sounding may or may not correspond to Period I of the villa. Wherever possible absolute dates will be given by Period designation. At the end of the discussion of each sounding are two tables of information concerning each locus. One lists the general data associated with each locus in the sounding including its bottom and top levels above datum, its length and width (area) in meters, its thickness in centimeters, the degree to which the locus was sealed (%) and the slope downhill in degrees. The second table lists the tally of column wedges and fragments, pan tiles and fragments, cover tiles and fragments, cubilia, tesserae, bricks and fragments and floor fragments (mosaic, opus scutulatum, opus spicatum and opus signinum) found within each locus. Sounding 1, Room 4 GRID AREA N51a (Figs. 6, 10, 14, 87, 92; Plate 35) A sounding 2m square was made in the west corner of this room. Sounding 1, Room 4, Phase 1 The sounding revealed traces of the border mosaic of the room with its pattern of tiny white rosettes with black centers placed on a black field and its border of white cubes against Wall A (Plates 34, 35 right). At the west corner of Room 4 a threshold led through Wall H (Locus 155), possibly to the outside of the villa, perhaps to a hortus in the area where an olive grove is currently cultivated. This doorway led first to a small porch or step (Locus 157) which led down to an open drain channel (Locus 159). The drain may or may not have been covered originally, but no cover stones were found. The channel disappeared into the SW balk of the sounding, and another trench (Sounding lx) showed that this drain ran SE to NW

(Fig. 14; Plate 36). The soil within the drain channel was exca-

vated as part of Sounding 1x. The NE wall of the drain was found in Sounding | (Plate 35) and the SW wall of the drain was found in Sounding 1x. These side walls were approximately 7cm in height and were made of small cobbles set in a very hard buff-to-yellow but mostly yellow (10YR 7/8) mortar. The NE wall or curb of the drain was placed at a 76 degree angle, inclined toward the entry to Room 4. The drain channel ran the entire length of Sounding 1 and was preserved to a width of 60cm. Since it disappeared into the SW balk its full width of 1.04m could not be determined until Sounding Ix was completed. The drain floor was constructed of a dark grey to grey (2.5Y N5) mortar with siltsized particles bonding three limestone slabs of up to 60cm in width placed flat and side by side. Above the channel in the eastern corner of the trench was an area of light brown (7.5 YR 6/4) clay rich soil (Locus 158) which measured 83cm NE/SW and occupied only the area against Wall H (Plate 35, the excavated area below the centimeter scale). This was virgin soil into which Wall H was built

without a foundation trench. It began immediately SE of the upper porch area and was excavated to a depth of 31cm but no material culture was found. The front porch or step (Locus 157) was preserved to within 1.23m from the NW balk. It probably functioned as a flat surface from which one could step up to a limestone threshold no longer in situ that led into Room 4. The threshold itself had become dislodged (Plate 37). The porch was the same width as the doorway in Wall H (Fig. 7). Locus 157 was composed of reddish to light brown (2.5 YR 5/4) soil mixed liberally with thin-walled pot EUR and tile fragments, each about 5cmX6cmX 1cm (Figs. 7, 92; Plate 35, center). This locus might have been covered by a small step or packed earth or plaster of which no trace remains. Loci 157, 158 and 159 had not been disturbed by the intensive agricultural activity still current in the area. Locus 157 began 8cm above the drain channel. It was neither sectioned nor excavated because doing so would have destroyed the villa floor. It may be that this entry to Room 4 was 49

part of the original ground plan. It is off axis and not as grandiose as the three other entries to the room, but evidence placed it in Phase 1. It is possible, even likely, that Wall H was pierced by windows placed between its engaged half columns, which would have made it necessary to construct the doorway in the west corner (Fig. 49).

A section of Wall H appears in the east corner of the sounding (Fig. 87; Plate 35, east of north arrow). This wall was made of cobbles set in a light grey to grey (2.5Y N5) mortar. Four courses were preserved to 45cm in height above the mosaic floor level. Sounding

1, Room

4, Phase 2

Resting directly on the mosaic within the entry to Room 4 and the porch (Locus 157), a large chunk of concrete (Locus 154) was found. It may have fallen from the terrace wall to the NE (Wall D) or from the ceiling vaults above like that found later in the NE part of the room (Fig. 92; Plate 35). AIl the soil layers above Locus 157 and the mosaic of Room 4 seemed to have accumulated around 154. This evidence along with the fact that 154 rested directly on the mosaic floor suggested that the original floor level was still exposed when 154 fell. Sounding 1, Room 4, Phase 3 Directly above

Locus

157 was

a dark brown

(7.5 YR

3/4) soil layer (Locus

156) packed

with

destruction debris which continued for 33cm above the porch and steps (Fig. 92). Although this locus was not sealed, it contained some material culture which had not been plowed away. For example, in the lowest level of Locus 156 were numerous tesserae of the same type as those found in the adjacent pavement of Room 4. Also found were fragments of painted plaster, wall cobbles, silt, pebbles and pottery, including 21 tiny sherds of thin walled ware of the first century A. D. In the villa excavations, thin-walled wares were not commonly found in any concentration outside Room 4. This type of pottery dates to the middle to late first century, and its presence in Room 4 along with sufficient quantities of Arretine ware and early imperial Roman lamps from adjoining soundings suggests that this room may have partially collapsed before the end of the first century A. D. Although this is a theory, Daniela Monacchi in her excavations in Room 4 also found a significant amount of middle to later first century A. D. pottery just above floor level, suggesting a local disturbance occurred in that room which was not seen elsewhere in the villa. 8 Despite the presence of so much

first century material, occasional later sherds (such as African amphorae)

do occur in

Locus 156 and the layers above it showing that this locus was not only not sealed but may have actually been created well after the first century while containing much residual material. The soil layers above Locus 156 were all disturbed by plowing in this area of the villa but contained many artefacts. Locus 153 was a mixture of dark brown and yellow brown (7.5 YR 4/4) clay soil rich in painted plaster fragments and wall cobbles (Fig. 92). Above Locus 153 was Locus 151 consisting of dark brown soil (7.5 YR 3/4) of "B zone" type (not recently deposited but not of ancient date), full of debris from the villa including painted plaster fragments, pottery, wall cobbles, and plant roots. Above 151 was Locus 150, light brown (7.5 YR 6/4) soil with the same material culture as Locus 151. Finally, Locus 152, a flat, "A zone" (recently deposited) soil layer similar in color to Locus 150, was found just under the topsoil (Locus 001) and contained similar material culture. Loci 001, 150-153 and 156 filled the entire sounding except for the area occupied by Loci 154 and 155 which interrupted 151, 153 and 156.

Sounding 1x, SW of Room 4 GRID AREA N51a (Figs. 6, 10, 14, 87; Plate 36)

Sounding 1x, the 1m SW extension of Sounding 1, was conducted to expose the SW face of the drain running outside the villa along Wall H. 8 MONACCHI 1986-7, p. 11.

50

Sounding

1x, Phase

1

The SW wall of the drain was preserved to 20cm in height and 19cm in width and was set against a pre-existing layer of clay-rich earth (Locus 023) (Plate 36). The material culture found associated with Locus 023, including 5 wall cobbles, should be associated with Phase 2, the destruction of the room. The drain channel (Locus 024) had already appeared in Sounding 1, Phase 1. Sounding

1x, Phase 2

The drain channel (Locus 024) contained a 4cm layer of yellowish brown (10 YR 5/6) soil (Locus 022)

rich in clay and pottery fragments. Locus 022 did not fill the drain completely and was not sealed. It was probably deposited in Locus 024 after the drain went out of use. Above this Locus 021 was composed of 17cm of dark brown (10 YR 4/3) soil with a few painted plaster fragments. This locus filled the remaining space in the drain. It was regarded as unstratified and was not drawn in section. Above Locus 021 were three distinct layers of earth: Loci 020, 018 and 016. Locus 020 was brown

(10 YR 5/3); Locus 018 was also brown; and Locus 016 was slightly lighter brown (7.5 YR 6/4). Each of these loci contained a considerable amount of debris such as painted plaster fragments, pottery sherds, and roof tile fragments. Loci 020 and 018 were

“B zone” soils, while Locus 016 was an “A

zone” soil which seemed to have been deeply plowed or used as a dump for the earlier excavation. Topsoil (001) rested above only in the NE part of the sounding. In the SW part of the trench where the hill sloped sharply down, Locus 001 was not found, but two other loci (019 and 017) were identified. Both proved to be dump layers from previous excavations. The top levels of both loci were approximately the same. Because the soil levels here were all heavily contaminated and several loci were nothing more than previous excavation dump, this area was not drawn in section. Soundings

1 and 1x, Room 4: General Data

Sounding 1 Locus 001

150

151

152

Level Above Datum/m N-97.64 S-97.53 E-97.77 W-97.54 N-97.55 S-97.52 E-97.52 W-97.53 |. N-97.20 5-97.21 E-97.25 W-97.20 N-97.73

- 97.55 - 97.52 - 97.53 - 97.53 - 97.207 - 97.21 - 97.25 - 97.20 - 96.90 - 96.79 - 96.86 - 96.76 - 97.44

Area/m

Thick/em

% Sealed

Slope/Down

2X2

14

0

5SW

2X2

39

0

5SW

2X2

42

10

5SW

2x2

30

0

5SW

2X2

22

10

5SW

65 Undug

100 100

N/A N/A 5SW

E-97.59 - 97.33 153

N-96.90 - 96.68 S-96.79 - 96.70 E-96.86 - 96.66

W-76.80 - 96.72 154 155

N-97.03 - 96.61 97.23 - 96.60

1.1x.55 .39 NW-SE

156

N-96.68 - 96.37 S-96.70 - 96.52 E-96.66 - 96.27

2x2

33

50

(part dug)

W-96.72 - 96.45 157

96.61

1.23 long

Undug

100

0

158 159

96.88 - 96.57 96.45

.83X.8NW/SE .60x.95NW/SE

31 Undug

100 100

0 30NW

51

Sounding Ix 001

.

016 017

NW-97.45 SE-97.40 NW-97.34 SE-97.29 NW-96.89

- 97.34 - 97.29 - 97.11 - 97.17 - 96.73

2Xx.50 NE/SW

25

0

25SW

2X.60

23

0

25SW

2X.60

19

0

5SW

SE-96.89 - 96.86 018 . 019 020

|

021

NW-97.11 SE-97.17 NW-96.73 SE-96.86 NW-96.80

- 96.80 - 96.85 - 96.39 - 96.48 - 96.68

2X.60

32

0

10SW

2x.80

38

0

5SW

2X.80

12

0

3SW

NW-96.68

- 96.51

2X.80

17

0

3SW

2X.24

4

0

3SW

58.96.85 - 96.73

. SE-96.73 - 96.64 022

NW-96.51 - 96.47 SE-96.64 - 96.60

023

SE-96.48 - 96.36

.90x 1.20

8

50

5SW

024

96.67 - 96.46

2x1.04

19

100

N/D

Tally Sounding 1 Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

10

3

5

150

115

4

21

151

6

1

8

153 156

7

2

15 24

13 6 17 30 6 3 9 1 7

1 1 3 7 1

ὃ 6

001

Cubilia

Tesserae

Brick

Floor

Sounding 1x 001 016 017 018 019 020 021 022 023

-

2

Soundings 2 and 3, Room 4 GRID AREA N50c (Figs. 6, 7, 17, 28, 29, 32, 33, 87, 93-95; Plates 4, 7-10, 37-42, 46) This area was opened to enlarge the small sounding in the north corner of Room 4 vated by Daniela Monacchi (Fig. 4). The area measured 2m NW/SE by five meters.

first exca-

Sounding 2, Room 4, Phase |

This trench revealed a mosaic floor (Locus 008) of fine workmanship with 144 cubes per 10 square cm. The floor covered the entire excavated area and was only slightly damaged from fracturing, except to the north where the room had been previously excavated. The mosaic pattern was as follows. Along Walls A and D a thin band of white tesserae ran which varied from 9cm to 15cm in width due to the irregular shape of the wall. Adjacent to this band was 52

a field of black tesserae with small rosettes composed of four white cubes with a black cube in the center of each (Figs. 28, 32; Plates 39, 42). This field covered the area between the columns and Walls

A and D. Subsequent soundings confirmed that the SE area of the room was treated in the same manner;

but the columns

along the SW wall were engaged half columns

(Plates 4, 56, 57), which

were found in Soundings 3 and 6. In the floor spaces between the brick columns was a mosaic with a pattern of white imbrications on a black background (Figs. 28, 33; Plate 42). This pattern was 40cm wide and was interrupted by three areas each 35cm square where the bases for brick columns were found. The north column (Locus 005) had a diameter of 30cm and was preserved to a height of 13cm (Fig. 93). The column survives as three courses of column wedges and a rectangular tile base (Plate 38, top). Due to the impact of sections of concrete vaulting which fell from the terrace above and to the NE, this column had fallen to the NW (Fig. 95). Ninety centimeters to the SW of Locus 005 was another section of column

(Locus 006) which

had also been pushed NW by falling debris from Wall D or from the ceiling vaults (Plates 38, 40). Four and one-half rows of column wedges were preserved in Locus 006, and the column had shifted further out of position with respect to its base than had Locus 005. The column wedges of Loci 005 and 006 were made of brick formed in quarter circles; four of them placed together completed the diameter of each column (Plate 44, left; see also Part 2, Chapter 20). The third column was miss-

ing leaving only the 35cm square left for its base (Plates 38, 42). It might have been removed in antiquity, but its removal in recent times is more likely; it was reported by members of the forest service of Lugnano in Teverina that a column was removed from this area within the past twenty years during farming operations. | Wall A (Locus 016) which runs NE to SW and was partly visible before the sounding was made, still had its painted plaster preserved to a height of 74cm in an area located just NE of the threshold to Room 8

(Plates 39, 42). On Wall D (Locus 018) the plaster, although faint, was preserved to a

height of 69cm in an area just SE of the entry to Room 2 (Plate 46). Both Walls A and D are constructed of stones and cobbles of irregular shape set in rough courses and bonded with a grey (2.5Y N5), thickly applied mortar with many inclusions. The walls were covered with yellow sandy intonaco (2.5Y 8/6) circa 1.5cm thick before the final plaster coat of 5cm was applied. From the painted plaster preserved in situ it was possible to determine that the walls had a basal fascia or stripe of black rising circa 9cm above the floor surface. Above this was a red dado (10R 3/6-4/8) of circa 45cm

in height topped by an area painted white which rose to a height of at least 20cm (Figs. 46, 48). This evidence fits with what is known of Roman wall painting styles of the first century A. D. In a Roman wall painting of this period where no figural representation is found, such as that of the Pompeian Third Style found in south Italy at sites like Boscotrecase, the wall surface decoration was normally done in three zones - the dado, the orthostate and the upper masonry area. The orthostate was usually a series of plain, vertically emphasized rectangles with broad expanses of color framed with bands of different colors. The presence here of a dado surmounted by plain painted areas and some with banded colors suggests that this arrangement may have been used on the villa's walls. ? But scattered finds of plaster fragments with floral decoration suggest that there might have been some liveliness to the villas wall decoration, perhaps as embellishment within the rectangular areas or in the upper masonry

course.

Wall A was built of small stones 17cm» 10cm 10cm bonded with a hard yellowish mortar (2.5Y 8/6). It averaged 50cm in thickness. Only Wall D (Locus 018) was made up at least in part of cubilia. Because of the poor preservation of the wall due to torquing it was not possible to determine whether the opus incertum or quasi-reticulatum technique was used here. The stones measured circa

8cmX7cmXx 13cm. Wall D, which was more than a meter thick to help buttress the upper level of the hill to the northeast, was preserved to a height of 2.3m and was unfaced on its inner surface. Its mortar, although similar to that of Wall A, formed a harder mass of concrete here.

-

? On the divisions of a Roman painted wall and the four Pompeian painting styles see Roger Ling, Roman (Cambridge: 1992) pp. 12-100. See also the report on painted plaster in Part Two, Chapter 19.

Painting

53

A doorway led through Wall A from Room

4 into Room 8

(Fig. 65; Plates 10, 39, 42). The door-

way was 76cm wide and had a narrow step (Locus 010) 15cm wide and 30cm high topped with a yellow (2.5Y 8/6) mortar mosaic foundation, or nucleus, as it was called by Vitruvius. !? On this foundation rested a mosaic with black tesserae of which only six were preserved in the NE and NW corners. Due to its fragmentary condition, it is not known if the mosaic pattern in this doorway was geometric like those in other parts of the villa. The tesserae measured 1cmx 1cm, slightly larger than those of most of the cubes found in Rooms 8 and 4. Sounding 2, Room

4, Phase 2

À concentration of bricks (Locus 007) lying flat over a thin layer of soil measuring 2cm to 4cm in thickness was found immediately SW of column Locus 005 (Fig. 93: Plate 38). It was part of a crude attempt at paving with broken column wedges and bricks laid down some time after the villa had been destroyed but before the ground level had risen to its present height. In adjacent Sounding 29 a second

small

section of this paving

was

found

(Plate 74). Because

none

of the soil loci of

Sounding 2 were completely sealed, the possibility that this paving had been done in recent times could not be dismissed, but no evidence of topsoil disturbance or clandestini pits was found in Sounding 2. | Sounding 2, Room

4, Phase 3

Soil Locus 009 surrounded 007. It was not completely sealed but contained pockets of decomposing yellow mortar from the collapsed walls of the room (Fig. 94). The fallen mortar cushioned and protected the mosaic floor during the later collapse of ceiling and walls. Considerable modern root action was noted in 009. This dark brown (10 YR 3/3) locus contained many tile fragments, column wedges and chunks of opus scutulatum flooring from the center of Room 4. In addition, over two hundred small painted plaster fragments were recovered from this locus. Consequently Locus 009, although contaminated, proved to be important because it contained material culture relating directly to the destruction of Room 4. Sounding 2, Room 4, Phase 4 Loci 004, 003 and 002 were similar to Locus 009 with brown to dark brown (10YR 5/3-3/3) soil

and yellow (10YR 7/8) mortar lenses, but all of them had been disturbed by plowing. Painted plaster fragments as well as wall cobbles, tesserae and fragments of floor mosaic were abundant in all loci and several chunks of mosaic with the same patterns as those seen on the preserved floor were found here. Fourteen pyramidal cubilia for opus reticulatum walls were also found, but no column capitals. Perhaps the latter were robbed after the villa fell into disrepair. Loci 004-002 were arbitrary divisions made during excavations above Locus 009. They were found to be “B zone” soils, later than ancient but not modern, beneath Locus 001. Locus 001 con-

tained four brick fragments which tapered from one end to the other, making them suitable for use as voussoirs in arches like those which originally sprang from the columns in Room 4. A major find was made in Locus 003, well above the level of the mosaic floor but nonetheless probably associated with Room 4. It was a travertine threshold block found lying flat and still oriented toward the doorway in its proper position in the loose soil in the SW area of the sounding (Plate 37). It measured

1.06M»x56cm*x10cm,

and would

have been a perfect fit for the threshold

between Walls A and H found in Soundings 1 and 1x in the west corner of Room 4 which measured 1.17m in width. A balk was left between Soundings 1 and 2 in Room 4. It was later removed in Sounding 3 described below (Fig. 87). Sounding 2 revealed that Room 4 was actually an elegant and sizeable

10 For the statumen of a Roman floor see Vitruvius VILI.3. See also RicHARD E. M. Moore, “A Newly Observed Stratum - in Roman Floor Mosaics,” AJA 72 (1968) 57-58. ι.

54

colonnaded oecus. From the large quantity of mid to later first century finds recovered, it is likely that this portion of the room collapsed in the later first or early second century A. D. The debris must have been removed from the center of Room 4 at some time after that date. The resulting open space was reused as an oven before the collapse of the eastern part of the room which may have occurred in the fifth century A. D. This final, late destruction was marked by the collapse of the barrel vaults in the NE and SE corridors and the terracing wall (Wall D) at the NE limit of the room. Loci 009 and 004-001 were all disturbed by plowing and perhaps clandestine digging. Materials such as column wedges were found scattered throughout the trench at various levels, but no later pits were found.

Sounding 3 GRID AREA N50c (Balk) (See Sounding 2 for Figures and Plates) The

SW

balk (2mX80cm)

left between

Soundings

1 and 2 in Room

4 was

removed

(Fig. 37),

revealing the continuation of the mosaic (here designated as Locus 008) and the SW limit of the room (Figs. 32, 93; Plates 7-10). Part of Wall H, running SE/NW, lay under the balk in grid N51a (Fig. 87). Since the loci were found in a balk excavation, no section could be drawn.

Sounding 3, Phase 1 Along the southwest side of the room, later excavation would show that four half-columns abutted Wall H, each approximately 1.2M from the next (Figs. 29, 48, 49). In the west corner of the room a rectangular offset base (Locus 015) of grey mortar (2.5Y N5) 5cm in height abutted Wall H (Locus 017) which originally had a half-column on its NE side (Plate 41). The damaged base was 31cm in length.

Wall H was made of rubble stones up to 23cm in width set in a hard mortar. The courses were uneven and the workmanship careless. The preserved wall rose to a beight of 60cm and was 60cm thick. Wall H preserved traces of black painted plaster at its base along its northeast side at the juncture with the mosaic. This is the same decorative scheme noted on Walls A and D (Fig. 46). A stretch of Wall H only 42cm in length and running NW/SE was exposed in this trench, but the wall continued to the SE. The imbrication mosaic pattern already noted in Sounding 2 (Fig. 33; Plate 9) was found abutting the half column (Locus 015) of Wall H in Sounding 3. That half column was not in situ, however, and the mosaic was severely damaged in the west corner of Room 4 (Figs. 32, 48; Plate 42).

Nonetheless part of the base of that half column survives to a height of 5cm with black painted plaster and black tesserae surrounding it. It was expected that the rosette pattern of the mosaic which ran between the columns and Wall A in Sounding 2 would turn and continue along Wall H, but that was not the case; it continued to Wall H and stopped abruptly with only a simple band of black tesserae one row deep placed along Wall H (Figs. 32). This represented a change in pattern because the corresponding band along Walls A and D was done in white tesserae. Wall A (Locus 016) was destroyed to the southwest and could be followed for only 67cm running NE/SW. Consequently, it did not reach all the way to the threshold with which it must have originally been associated (Figs. 14, 32). None of its painted plaster survived in this part of the sounding. Stones to a diameter of 20cm and brick or roof tile fragments were found in the wall set in a hard grey mortar (2.5Y N5). Wall H (Locus 017) intruded into the south corner of the trench and was preserved to a height of 60cm. It was unusually thick (58 cms) and, unlike the other walls, it had a slight offset founda-

tion so that it would have been more capable of carrying a load than many other walls in the villa. The offset foundation of Wall H appeared in Soundings 6 and 7 (Plate 34, left). This wall resembled Wall A in composition and stone size. 55

Sounding 3, Room 4, Phase 2

A partially sealed dark brown soil layer (10YR 3/3) was identified and was arbitrarily divided into three loci as a precaution. They were designated as Loci 014-012 with 014 as the lowest. Painted plaster fragments, disturbed soil and wall cobbles were abundant in all loci. Loci 013 and 012 were similar to 014 but showed more evidence of disturbance by plowing. A fragmentary terra-cotta antefix decorated with a gorgon head in relief was found in Locus 014, perhaps fallen from the eaves above Room 4. Sounding 3, Room 4, Phase 3

Above Locus 012 was a recently dug pit filled with soft yellow clay soil (011) which rested just under the topsoil (001). Soundings 2 and 3, General Data Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

001

NE-97.76 - 97.51 NW-97.72 - 97.50 97.57 - 97.35 97.35 - 97.01 NE-97.11 - 96.90 SE-97.03 - 96.93 SW-97.05 - 96.93 97.02 - 96.89 97.10 - 96.73 96.93 - 96.88

2X5

25

5SW

2x5

27

0

2x5 2X5

41 21

002

003 004

005 006 007 008

Sounding 2 NE-96.88 Mosaic Undug SE-96.74 SW-96.74

008

Sounding 3

009

010 011

S-96.68 NE-96.90 SE-96.93 SW-96.93 N-97.03 S-97.05 S-97.6

- 96.88 - 96.74 - 96.74 96.73 96.73

% Sealed

Slope/Down

LOCUS

.35x.36 .35x.35 6X.6

2x.80 2x5

Undug 19

.76X.15

30high

2x.80

21

2X.80

75

20

2X.80

18

20

2X.80

23

60

.31x9

5high

100

5x.55 2X.55 .51X.60 NE/SW 1.60NW/SE

210high 76high 60high

100 100 100

230high

100

100 60

SW-97.45 012

013 014

NE-97.34 NW-97.56 SE-97.46 S-96.96 SW-97.45 W-96.99 S-96.96 S-96.81 W-96.98 W-96.81

015

S-96.81 S-96.68 W-96.81 W-96.68 96.78-96.75 -

016

Sounding 2

016 017 018

56

NE-98.81 NE-96.89 NE-97.42 SW-96.67

97.28-96.71 NW-98.15-96.92

Tally (sc=opus scutulatum, sg=opus signinum, m=mosaic) Soundings 2 and 3 Locus

Wedges

Pan

001 002 003 004

6 ὃ ὃ 10

4 4 6 11

1 2 1

009

23

43

7

35 12 8

012 013 014

Cover

Cubilia

Tesserae

Brick 4

4 5 5

18 20 24 17

ό

27

1

12 3 2

55 60 100+

16

Floor

12

8sc 2sg 3m

Soundings 4 and 4x, Room 4 GRID AREA N50c (Figs. 32, 34, 87, 95-98; Plates 7-10, 34, 47,48) The purpose of this sounding was to seek the continuation of the mosaic pavement recovered in Soundings 1-3. This sounding originally measured 3m square, but after the NW balk of 4x was removed it measured 4mX3m. The sounding was made south and SW of two large collapsed sections of concrete vaulting (Loci 103 and 105) (Fig. 95; Plates 47, 48). At first it was thought that these

chunks were from some upslope location or from Wall D, but their shape seemed more suited to a concrete vaulted ceiling. Soon it became apparent that they had originally been supported by the columns which had stood in the NE corridor of Room 4 and that they had fallen straight down. These concrete chunks, called crollo in Italian, fell into two quarters of grid area N50: N50c and N50d. Sounding 4, Room Room

4, Phase 1

4 was constructed during Phase

1. The mosaic floor here (Locus

110) exhibited a 36cm

variation of level across its surface due to minor cracking, sinking and doming which was reparable. The floor was laid in a popular Roman design known as opus scutulatum (Figs. 32, 34; Plates 42, 45). The damage to the floor had been caused by collapsing walls, root action, heavy agricultural activity and subsidence over time due to uneven support by the underlying soil. Also present in the NW area of the sounding was more of the black and white mosaic with an imbrication pattern (Locus 119) found between the columns in Sounding 3 (Fig. 33) This mosaic bordered the opus scutulatum floor and set it off as the showpiece of the room. Sounding 4, Room 4, Phase 2 In this phase an oven (Locus

118) was constructed in Room

4 directly on the opus scutulatum

floor (Plates 47, 48). It is likely that by this time part of the ceiling and roof had already collapsed here. After this debris had been cleared away, this open area would have been suitable for fires. Resting on the mosaic floor and crushed under the crollo (Loci 103 and 105) was a layer of reddish (10R 3/4) burned earth which proved to be the remains of an oven (Figs. 95, 97). The upper area of the oven still retained a recognizable curve despite being shattered and flattened (Plate 48, above meter stick). The oven was composed of several patches of decayed crude mudbrick 3cm to 8cm thick with traces of burning on their upper sides. The fire from this oven had discolored the opus scutulatum floor throughout the area beneath Loci 103 and 105 and also around them to the south and SW. The decayed dark reddish brown (2.5 YR 2.5/4) mudbrick locus provided evidence for a secondary use of the room before the NE and SE corridors collapsed. This phase of reuse of the room in which the opus scutulatum was burned may correspond to the period when reused column wedges were laid on the floor as seen in both Sounding 2 (Locus 007) and in Sounding 29 just east of it (Plates 38 and 74). | 57

The absolute date of the oven and its associated areas could not be determined, but it must have

followed the initial collapse of the vaulted ceiling of Room 4, probably in the late first or early second century A. D., and preceded the collapse of Loci 103 and ὡς which fell on top of it at a time not earlier than the early fifth century A. D. Sounding 4, Room 4, Phase 3

In this phase the room was abandoned and became filled with soil and further collapse of the villa structure. Loci 103 and 105 fell from above the NE corridor throwing debris including yellow mortar (2.5Y 8/6) and painted plaster fragments onto earlier Locus 118. This debris was designated as destruction Locus 117 (Figs. 95, 96). The locus was generally yellow brown (10YR 5/8) with variations. Twelve fragments of red painted plaster (10R 3/6), curved in profile, were found that proved to be from a decorative surface layer attached to the columns in the room

(Plate 43). Uncurved red

painted plaster fragments also appeared in quantity along with fragments of other colors. A limestone block of triangular shape was found in Locus 117. It seemed to be an architectural piece and measured 26cmX21.6cm on its sides and 36.8cm along its flat bottom. Its thickness was 23cm. The bottom had'a small projecting boss about 8cm square and 4cm high. It was suggested that a block like this originally rested atop each column to receive an arcuated lintel which would have been made with an indentation to fit around and lock into the boss (Fig. 98). Unfortunately, despite their size and weight, this stone along with the threshold block from Sounding 2 were stolen immediately after they were uncovered. Locus 115 was another area of debris from the collapse of the terrace wall and northeast corridor which included many tesserae from the floor of Room 4, wall cobbles, decaying mortar, painted plaster fragments and sherds (Fig. 96). This locus sloped down to the SW where it overlapped Locus 117 (Figs. 96, 97).

Locus 105 in the north corner of the trench was part of a huge fallen section of concrete wall and vaulting originally located above the columns. It was very hard and included as aggregate stones of up to 25cm in width as well as pan tile fragments and column wedges. It had no clear surviving face, and it measured 1.48M NW/SE, 1.12m in height and 90cm in thickness where it disappeared into the NE balk. Locus 103 was crollo similar to Locus 105 but much larger. Its painted plaster face was found lying face down on the hearth (Locus 118). Locus 103 fell straight down but had tilted circa 30 degrees SE. In the east corner of the sounding Locus 103 seemed to taper diagonally towards the east corner of the room as if it had been specially made with a diagonal end (Plates 34, 47 right). Locus 103 measured 1.6mX1.10mX1m high and was only partially revealed in this trench. Later cleaning showed that it measured 2.59m SE/NWX1.31mX1.26m. Finds from later Sounding 5 would show that this phase did not precede the early fifth century A. D. Sounding 4, Room 4, Phase 4

In this sounding, any fill above the mosaic which did not contain ceiling or wall collapse was designated Locus 109 (Fig. 96). Only a few roots had disturbed it. It may have been part of Phase 3 of the villa but it was not well sealed. The earth in the locus was yellow to brown

(10YR 5/6) and

contained some decaying mortar. There was no evidence of plowing here, so the debris found in the lowest levels of Locus 109 may be sealed destruction debris. Sounding 4, Room 4, Phase 5

Locus 108 was a layer of dark brown (10YR 3/3), disturbed "B zone" soil above Locus 109. Locus 107, a lens of decaying mortar surrounded by Locus 106, was found against the SW limit of Locus 105 (Fig. 97). The soil of Locus 107 was yellow brown (10YR 5/6) but similar in composition Locus 106 which was dark brown (10YR 3/3). Locus 106 was disturbed and contaminated.

58

to

Locus 104 was another layer of fill. It varied in thickness and occupied the entire area of the original sounding before the balk had been removed. It was composed of yellow clay (10 YR 8/6). Above this was Locus 001, topsoil. A 10cm area of intrusive black soil (Locus 116) was removed from between portions of 115 and 117,

118 and

119 (Fig. 96). This locus probably was either topsoil which had filtered in or some

organically rich natural substance which was deposited within the collapsed material. It was carefully removed so that the sealed destruction loci were not contaminated or disturbed. Locus 001 was similar to Locus 116 in color and composition. Sounding 4x, Room 4 GRID AREA N50c (see Sounding 4 for illustrations)

This area was originally the NW balk of Sounding 4. Sounding 4x, Room

4, Phase

1

As part of Sounding 4 the 1m balk between Soundings 3 and 4 was removed, revealing the mosaic floor (Locus 119) and opus scutulatum (Locus 114) of Room 4, both from the original construction of the villa. Sounding 4x, Room

4, Phase 2

This phase corresponds to Sounding 4, Phase 3. Above the mosaic floor was Locus 113, a layer of relatively well sealed collapsed wall and ceiling material, probably contemporary with Locus 105 which slightly overlapped it. Locus 113 sloped slightly to the SW, covered Sounding 4x and was composed of yellow brown (10YR 5/6) soil and debris including yellow mortar and circa seventy-five pieces of painted plaster. This locus was, in part, a continuation of Locus 109, but 113 was well sealed. Locus 111 (Fig. 97) in the NE area of Sounding 4x contained many painted plaster fragments, and some decaying mortar. It seemed well sealed and changed to a yellow-brown color north of Locus

105.

Sounding 4x, Room 4, Phase 3

This phase corresponds to Sounding 4, Phase 4. Locus 112 was a mix of brown-black (5Y 2.5) soil and some decaying yellow mortar just below the topsoil (001). It also contained small lenses of yellow (10YR 7/8) soil. Locus 112 overlapped Locus 111, and at one point covered the entire area of Sounding 4x (Fig. 97). But, once Locus 111 appeared to the NE, Locus 112 was limited to the SW part of the sounding. It blended into Locus 009 but was generally darker. Conclusion

Sounding 4 revealed more about the original structure of the villa, showed that an open air oven was constructed after the ceiling of Room 4 had partially collapsed and provided evidence for the final wall and vault collapse in the NE part of the room which destroyed the oven before the room was abandoned. Soundings 4 and 4x, General Data Locus 001

103 104 105 106

.

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

98.55 - 97.66

3x4

82

0

20W/SW

98.33-97.33. 97.89 - 97.33 98.07 - 96.85

1.6X1.1 3x3 INW/SEX

100 55 122

100 10 100

N/A 20W/SW N/A

97.61 - 97.25

3X1.45

36

10

20W/SW

1.5

Slope/Down

59

107

97.55 - 97.01

.70x1.45 NW/SE

108 109

97.41 - 97.04: 97.26 - 96.83

31.45 3x1.45

110

97.05 - 96.83

3x3

111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118

.97.15- 97.03. 97.15 - 96.94 97.11 - 96.82 96.91 - 96.82 97.58 - 97.23 97.47 - 97.32 97.4 - 96.85 97.02 - 96.95

1x1.5 3x1 3X1 3x1 2.3x1.3 1x.80 2.2X1.3 .57X.80 NW/SE 3x1

.

119

96.95

50 :

10

20W/SW

10 75

20W/SW 20W/SW

Undug

100

20W/SW

12 21 29 Undug 35 10 54 7

90 40 100 100 90 50 90 100

50S 50S 205 0 30SW 205 0 0

Undug

100

0

37 43

— .

Tally (sp=opus spicatum, v=voussoir) Sounding 4 and 4x Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

001 101

4

20 61

3 16

104

8

21

2

47

4

32

6

106 107 108

109

5

111 112 113

Cubilia

Tesserae

8

20 55 61

16

51 8 10 100

5

Floor

ἦν 3v

isp

100 112

8 15 42

115

Brick

iv

65

117

15

14

100

Sounding 5, Room 4 GRID AREA N50d (Figs. 28, 87, 95, 99, 100; Plates 7-10, 34, 49-55, 68) A sounding was made in N50d to find the south corner of Room 4 and the SE was excavated with considerable care and many loci were arbitrarily created in an any subtle differences in the stratigraphy (micro-stratigraphy), especially within debris. The sounding was bordered on the SE side by a line 1m SE of the SE limit of

wall (Wall D. It effort to record the destruction grid N50d (Fig.

87). It was excavated Im north of the SW limit of N50c and N50d and it measured

3m

3m.

It was

subsequently extended 1m to the NW as Sounding 5x. Soundings 5 and 5x revealed more of Room 4 and the NW entry of Room 5. Sounding 5, Room 4, Phase 1 This is the initial phase of construction for Room 4 and another room of the villa (Room 5) SE of Room

4. The mosaic floor found here (Locus 067) proved to be the border for the SE colonnad-

ed corridor associated with Room 4 and included the rosette pattern found in Sounding 2 (Figs. 28, 32, 48; Plate 34). Wall I (Loci 068 and 071) was also found but was very poorly preserved (Fig. 99; Plates 34, 49-52). Its construction was similar to that of Wall H. It was faced with yellow intonaco

(10YR 5/6) 3.5 cms thick containing tiny pebble inclusions to 2mm. Over this a surface coat averaging just under lcm in thickness was found just below the paint layer. This same layered arrangement was also found on the other walls of Room 4. 60

A threshold opened through Wall I into Room 5 which was composed of black and white tesserae with a pattern of two rows of large rosettes in a circle within a square. Originally the threshold design featured six squares, each with a rosette within a circle, but only one square survived complete. Each circle contained two rows of black tesserae inside of which was a circle of two rows of white tesserae. Each rosette petal contained twenty-seven tesserae. Three such rosettes were in each row (Figs. 28, 35; Plate 50). This threshold opened to the SE of Room 4 into Room 5 which was paved in opus signinum (Locus 065) with single black and white tesserae placed at random over the surface (Fig. 62; Plate 75). This poorly preserved floor was composed of yellow to grey mortar (varying between 2.5 Y 8/6 and 2.5Y N5) with large grains of grey to black sand clearly visible. There were numerous red to red-orange pottery bits (in the range of 2.5YR 3/6) within the floor, especially on the surface. Wall I had scant traces of painted plaster on its face at the east end of Room 4. The opus signinum at some time was painted red (2.5YR 3/6), and patchy traces of the paint survived in situ and on several fragments now on exhibit in the antiquarium at Lugnano in Teverina. Sounding 5, Room

4, Phase 2

ΑἹ an unknown date the doorway between Rooms 4 and 5 was blocked by Locus 070 which was either a simple wall or a raised threshold built over the threshold mosaic (Fig. 99; Plates 49, after

closing, and 50, before closing). This poorly preserved locus was composed of stones up to 20cm wide set in yellow (2.5Y 8/6), friable mortar and was one course high and 40cm thick. It did not bond

with Wall I. The original threshold had been 1.42m wide. Below Locus 070 and over the damaged mosaic in this area were traces of charcoal, pottery, painted plaster, and greenish yellow clay (5Y 6/8) similar to that found under the opus signinum floor in Room 6. It seems likely that the collapse of the central ceiling of Room 4 in the late first or early second century may have been followed by the blocking of the Room 4/5 doorway. Perhaps the doorway was blocked to seal off the potentially dangerous zone of Room 4 from Room 5 which was still habitable. The events linking the fortunes of Rooms 4 and 5 may have occurred as follows: The SW part of Room 4 collapsed in the later first or early second century A. D., and the doorway between Rooms 4 and 5 was sealed. This would have put the pars urbana out of use as a reception area and would have freed service Rooms 10 and 15 to become a granary by the early second century. With much of Room 4 left open to the sky, an oven was built in the ruins at an unspecified date between the later first and the fifth century A. D. Then the NE part of Room 4 collapsed, not before the early fifth century A. D. Sounding 5, Room

4, Phase 3

There were a number of sealed layers of destruction debris within this phase. As a precaution, these were assigned separate locus designations, but all of them appeared to be part of the same event. One large piece of fallen ceiling vaulting (Locus 069) was faced with dull white mortar under painted plaster on its underside only (Figs. 95, 99; Plate 49, left). Locus 069 was extremely hard, filled with cobbles up to 18cm wide and set in a grey mortar (2.5Y N5) with many black and some white inclusions. Traces of a layer of yellow mortar (2.5Y 8/6), probably the remains of a base coat for a non-surviving fresco, were found on the exterior. Fragments of quarter-round and eighth-round column wedges and roof tiles were used as aggregate in Locus 069. The locus was found lying face down and appeared pyramidal in shape with its most prominent point towards the southwest. It was removed to allow work to continue in the sounding. The event which caused the collapse of Locus 069 corresponded to that which caused the fall of Loci 103 and 105 in Sounding 4. Destruction loci with sealed material in this area were 062, 064, 066, 072, 084 and 085. All of

these loci were part of the same event: a massive 4. But, because Sounding 4 had shown that the had been reused as an open air oven, and that later phase, the need for meticulous study of all

collapse of the columns, vaulting and walls of Room central part of the room had collapsed first and then the NE area of the room collapsed on the oven in a collapsed loci in Sounding 5 was particularly impor61

tant. Therefore, all of the loci of be of one phase, were subdivided that all debris from this sounding 4, rather than from the pre-oven

sealed debris found in this sounding, even though they seemed to for control purposes. One result of this effort was the conclusion probably came from the final collapse of the eastern part of Room collapse of the western part of the room.

Locus 085 was a fallen arch, one of series which sprung from the columns in Room 4 (Figs. 48, 99, 100; Plates 51, 52). contained six wedges of brick, three of which were bound with the grey mortar (2.5Y N5) of the original villa construction (Plate 52, center, below north arrow). The wedges,

known as voussoirs, were circa 22cm square and 3.8cm to 5cm thick tapering slightly into a trapezoidal form. They were found lying on their sides, still in their original order, directly on the mosaic surface and against Wall I which they had struck when falling (Plates 52, left, and 68). They had slipped down from beneath Locus 084 (Plate 52, right). Locus 084 proved to be fallen wall from the area above the columns and arches in the southeast colonnade of Room 4. It was 35cm thick and was preserved to a height of 65cm (Figs. 99, 100; Plates 51, 52). It had come to rest almost vertically because it had fallen straight down when the columns beneath it gave way and the voussoirs fell to the southeast (Figs. 48, 49 proposed reconstruction). The collapsed upper wall (084) came to rest on the mosaic, leaning 30 degrees down to the NW, suggesting that the columns beneath had buckled toward the SE or east (Plate 52, right). !! This caused the arch (Locus 085) which had spanned the east column of Room

4 and the column just SW of it

to slip out and strike Wall I to the SE. The arch came to rest on its side with its intrados facing southeast and placed directly against the base of Wall I (Plate 64, bottom left). Loci 084 and 085 had similar mortars, and, as in Locus 069, fragments of column wedges and bricks up to 18cmX 12cm 5cm were used as aggregate. Locus 084 had painted plaster fragments adhering to its SE side which still showed traces of yellow (10YR 3/3) paint (Plate 68). These traces provided valuable evidence concerning the painted decoration of the SE corridor of Room 4 above the columns. Because of the complexity of the arrangement of the fallen material and the need to study its relationship to material found in future soundings, 084 and 085 and the destruction layers around them were left unexcavated. The next locus of sealed destruction material was 072 located against the NW balk and just under fallen vaulting Locus 069 (Fig. 99; Plate 49, left, above meter). It measured 65cm northeast-southwest X 24cm 30cm. Locus 072 was a yellow layer (10YR 7/8) lying directly on the floor. It contained many pottery sherds, the base of a glass pitcher, amphora fragments and decaying mortar. Locus

066 was a destruction locus located against the NW

and SW balks and Wall I, and con-

sisted of decaying yellow mortar directly overlying the mosaic (Fig. 99; Plate 49, showing excavated area after Locus 066 was removed). It was originally part of Locus 072 but was separated for control purposes. In it were fragments of glass from a conical beaker of the fourth or fifth century, an iron fragment, charcoal, and much painted plaster as well as a plaster molding with an egg and dart pattern in relief found in the south corner of the locus. Destruction layer Locus 064 was a continuation of 066 and was divided from it to provide further control in the trench. It was found against the NE and SE balks only, under Locus 063 (Figs. 99, 100). It contained decaying yellow mortar (2.5Y 8/6) along with with many scattered, unconcentrated charcoal deposits, potsherds and many painted plaster fragments. Locus 062 was sealed collapse which lay over 085 and 084 (Figs. 99, 100; Plate 49) and consist-

ed of chunks of yellow painted plaster (10R 3/3) and white mortar. It stopped at the NE balk of the sounding. Sounding 5, Room 4, Phase 4 Locus 063, overlying Locus 064 and Locus 065, the opus signinum floor (Locus 065), was found against the SW, NE and SE balks (Figs. 99, 100). This locus was found directly over the opus sign!! See Plate 66 for a view of Sounding 5 with later Sounding 25. The north arrow rests on Locus 084 with Locus 085 just above the centimeter scale and the collapsed column at the lower right.

62

inum floor in the SE area of the sounding and consisted of black silt with some yellow mortar (2.50 8/6). It was not sealed and contained few artefacts. Sounding 5, Room 4, Phase 5 All remaining loci (061, 060, 059 and 001) were disturbed, and contaminated

(Fig. 100). Locus

061 was brown black (10YR 2/2), contained many cobble to boulder sized stones along with painted plaster and pottery fragments, and covered the entire trench. Some yellow mortar (2.5Y 8/6) was found within it as well as a piece of marble molding. Root action was noted at this depth and above. Locus 060, which lay over 061, was composed primarily of ^B zone" soil and resembled 061. Several large fragments of opus signinum were found in the western area of the locus. Locus 060 contained a higher frequency of stones of cobble to boulder size. Locus 059 was similar to 060. It covered the entire area of the trench with a layer of "A zone" soil. In it were potsherds, and painted plaster fragments with the highest concentration of finds in the NW third of the trench. The sloping brown black topsoil (001) covered the trench. Conclusion

The majority of material from stratified contexts in various soundings in Room 4, and in Sounding 5 in particular, dates to the mid-to-late first century A. D. suggesting that the collapse of the center and SW part of the room occurred at that time or soon after. Sometime soon after that the entry between Rooms 4 and 5 was blocked. The reuse of Room 4 associated with the oven occurred in a subsequent: phase and the final collapse of its NE area occurred no earlier than the early fifth century A. D. Room 4 probably ceased to be used as a reception area so soon perhaps because of the poor quality of its initial construction and the collapse of its ceiling vaults in the later first or early second century A. D. Sounding 5x (Balk Removal) GRID AREA N50c (Figs. 28, 87, 95, 99; Plates 34, 53-55) A balk measuring 3m NE to SW by 1m was removed immediately to the NW of Sounding 5. Because it was a balk removal a section drawing was not made but top plans were prepared (Fig. 99). It was excavated in the same manner as Sounding 5.

Sounding 5x, Room 4, Phase 1 This level represented the phase of construction of the villa. At the bottom of the trench, the mosaic floor with the rosette pattern (Locus 091) was found as it had been elsewhere in the room (Figs. 32, 99; Plate 54). More mosaic pavement with the imbrication pattern previously found between the columns of the room also emerged (Fig. 33; Plate 55). The imbricated mosaic was badly damaged, and Locus 091 had domed. Northwest of the imbrication pattern, the opus scutulatum floor of the central area of the room appeared (Figs. 28, 34; Plate 54, left).

Two columns were found (Figs. 28, 95, 99; Plates 34, 53-55). To the southwest a brick base 35cm square and 5cm high was designated as Locus 079 (Plates 54, 55). Three complete courses and two partial courses of quarter round column wedges rested on the brick base and brought the total height of the column to 27cm. This base was located within the imbrication pattern 90cm from another column (Locus 088) situated to the NE. Twenty-one column wedges were found scattered against Locus 069 and within Locus 077 which might represent the collapse of Locus 079. Locus 088 had shifted under the weight of the falling debris (Plate 53). The column was preserved to 35cm in height and may be preserved as many as two courses higher than 079. It was only partly excavated. | 63

Sounding 5x, Room 4, Phase 2

Over these original features of the room were levels of destruction debris which appeared to be sealed, including Loci 080, 081, 082, 083, 086, 087, 089 and 090 (Fig. 99). Locus 090 was found resting on the mosaic and was left în situ over an area 70cm NW/SE by 1.8m (Figs. 95, 99; Plates 53, 54 center right). It was located against the SE limit of the sounding, 1m NE of the SW limit of the trench. It contained an undetermined number of roof tiles and bricks of which only the upper surfaces were visible. There were at least six column wedges, including at least two of the one-eighth round type occasionally used in the columns of Room 4 and also used as aggregate in ceiling vault construction in the room. The locus is situated amid yellow decaying mortar (2.5Y 8/6). Fragments from the same amphora of Africana I Type found in 072 were found in 090. Part of 090 lay under the crollo Locus 069 and extended to crollo Locus 076 (Locus located to the SE of the two columns (Loci 079, 088).

103 in Sounding 4). Most of 090 was

Just above Locus 090 and under 069 was Locus 089. It occupied a small area along the SE limit of the trench. The locus consisted entirely of decomposing painted plaster and was removed to reveal Locus 090. Locus 086 lay on the opus scutulatum floor against the SW and NW limits of the trench. It contained another fragment of the Africana I amphora first noted in Loci 072 and 090. Many painted plaster fragments, particularly those painted red and white, were recovered from this layer of yellow (2.5Y 8/6) decaying mortar and grey and black-brown soil (2.5Y N5). In the south corner of the sounding Locus 081 was found laid directly on the opus scutulatum floor. It was a continuation of the debris loci of the room, particularly Locus 086, but was given a separate designation to increase control of the area. The floor beneath Locus 081 had been damaged and had sunk. In it were found over 100 black and white tesserae from the floor below, painted plaster fragments similar to those found in Locus 086, and yellow decaying mortar. Locus 087, a continuation of Locus 086 towards the NE, was a yellow (10YR 7/8) destruction layer on the floor between the two columns, Loci 079 and 088. It was located against the NW limit of the

trench, 75cm from the NE balk. This locus contained painted plaster fragments, yellow (10YR 7/8) decaying mortar, a painted plaster moulding and two large brick fragments, one of which was left imbedded in the sounding. Much of the painted plaster lay as it fell at the bottom of the locus pressed against the floor and was too fragile and fragmented to be lifted. No patterns were discerned. Locus 082 was a similar yellow destruction layer of decayed painted plaster fragments and mortar. It began at the east corner of the trench and occupied an irregular area which overlapped Locus 087 and the column

(Locus 088) (Fig. 99). A concentration of charcoal lay at its lowest level, and

eight column wedges, probably from column 088, were found within it. Locus 083 was located just above 086. It had the same dimensions as Locus 086 and it contained similar material culture. It was arbitrarily divided from Locus 086 to increase control of a complex area. A large quantity of painted plaster was found in Locus 083 along with 6 column wedges probably from column Locus 079. | Locus 080 was a yellow layer over 081. It contained animal bone, glass fragments, charcoal flecks, and many painted plaster fragments. Loci 080-083, 086, 087 and 090 appeared to be part of the same

destruction associated with the fall of the crollo Locus 069 after A. D. 400. Loci 077 and 078 may have been sealed. Both featured high concentrations of yellow (10YR 7/8) mortar. Locus 077 touched the south and west limits of the trench and contained yellow (10YR 7/8) mortar with. some brown soil and many painted plaster fragments. Locus 078 was an irregular area over Locus 082 between the NE and NW balks. It touched Locus 076, an area of unexcavated collapse, to the west. Locus 078 had much yellow mortar, small chunks of concrete to 20cm wide and

painted plaster fragments. Sounding 5x, Room 4, Phase 3 Apart from

those loci mentioned

above,

of which

076,

089

and

090 were

not excavated,

the

remaining soil deposits, Loci 073, 074'and 001, contained much first century material though all these loci were disturbed and contaminated with abundant root action.

64

Locus 074 was a brown (7.5 YR 5/4) soil layer which sloped to the SW because of the angled splay from the collapse in Room 4. It covered the area above 078 and 077 and contained painted plaster fragments. Locus 075 was a lens of ash and charcoal within 074.

Locus 073 was a similar locus occupying the area above 074. It contained painted plaster fragments. 001 (topsoil) contained painted plaster fragments, abundant cobble to boulder sized stones, and a few animal bones. Conclusion

This sounding was not completed due to the need to preserve the material from the collapsed vaulting and wall. The evidence found, however, colonnade in the oecus.

did allow for an attempted reconstruction of the

Soundings 5 and 5x, General Data

Sounding 5 LOCUS

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

96 Sealed

Slope/Down

001

N-98.30 S-97.91 W-97.96 E-98.20

- 97.92 - 97.70 - 97.66 - 97.86

3x3

40 40

0 0

11SW

N-98.36 - 97.96 S-97.96 - 97.76 E-98.30 - 97.94

1x3

46

11SW

3x3

24

5S

3x3

26

2.55

3x3

35

25

.8x.8 2.2X3

20 40

1x3

41

100

1.7x3

Undug

100

1.3x2.2

12

100

1.3x2.2

Mosaic

100 100 100

Sounding 5x 001

Sounding 5 and 5x 059

060

061

062 063

064 065 066

N-97.92 S-97.70 W-97.66 E-97.86 N-97.80 S-97.61 W-97.57 E-97.77 N-97.57 S-97.44 W-97.30 E-97.51 N-97.74 N-97.51 S-97.14 W-97.25 E-97.57 N-97.51 S-97.25 N-97.13 S-97.16 N-97.23

- 97.67 - 97.61 - 97.57 - 97.73 - 97.57 - 97.44 - 97.30 - 97.51 - 97.15 - 97.14 - 97.15 - 97.16 - 97.54 - 97.11 - 97.13 - 97.15 -97.17 - 97.10 - 97.10 - 97.11

Center-97.29 - 97.11

067 068 069

97.13 97.25 - 97.13 98.15 - 97.12

.69x.703 1.3NE/SWX.80

12 102high

65

070 071 072 073

1.8x.30 .97X.70 .24X.65 1x3

97.25 - 97.11

97.30 - 97.14 N-97.43 - 97.13

N-97.96 - 97.76 S-97.76 - 97.69

W-97.74 - 97.66 E-97.94 - 97.79

074 075 076 077

S-97.63 W-97.66 - 7.40 E-97.65 - 7.40 97.43 - 97.35 98.36 - 97.45 N-97.49 - 97.13

1x3

.24X.24 1.1x1 1.2X1NE/SW

S-97.40 - 97.35

W-97.25 078

1.75NE/SWX1

N-97.44

S-97.49 W-97.49 - 97.39

E-97.53 079 080 081

97.30 - 97.09 97.35-97.14

S-97.14 - 97.12

35X35 50 70NE/SW 50x 70NE/SW

100

1.75NE/SWX1

100

10SW

14S/SW

100

W-97.04

E-97.10 032

N-97.44

S-97.39 - 97.21 W-97.35

E-97.61 - 97.50 083

N-97.17

1.2NE/SW x.50

20

100

.36X 1.08

65high

100

S-97.35 - 97.15 W-97.25 - 97.09

E-97.39 - 97.25 084 085 086

NE-97.76 - 97.11

SW-97.25 - 97.11 97.54-97.11

.35x.70 1.2NE/SW x.50

100 100

N-97.38 - 97.13

1.25X.65

N-97.45 N-97.34 S-97.31 W-97.36 E-97.44

Undug .68X .92NE/SW

100 100 100

.J0X1.8NE/SW

100

-70NE/SWX 1

100

N-97.17-97.10

S-97.15 W-97.09 - 97.06

E-97.14 087 088 089

090

- Undug - 97.13 -97.16 - 97.18 - 97.25

N-97.13-97.10

W-97.32 - Undug E-97.374 - Undug

091

97.12

Tally (sp=opus spicatum, sg-opus signinum, v=voussoir) Sounding 5 Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

$5-001 S5x-001 059

6

176

11

4

25

66

19

Cubilia

Tesserae

Brick

23 5

Floor

060

150

121

ό

35

147

8

155

061 062 066 072 073 074 077 080 081 082 083 085 086 087

5 12

53

1

20

60 50 18 21 45 60

4 lv

5sp

[sp

13 2 21 3

18 9 100+

8 6

7

100 ἦν

5 8

48 12

2

Sounding 6, Room 4 GRID AREA N50c (Figs. 28, 87, 95, 101; Plates 34, 56-58)

À sounding 1.7m NE-SW by 4m was made in grid area N50c, overlapping grid areas N50d and N51a, to uncover more of the mosaics of Room 4 and to investigate Wall H. Some arbitrary loci were designated to insure control, but the sounding proved much less complicated than Sounding 5/5x. Sounding 6, Room 4, Phase 1 The earliest phase uncovered included the opus scutulatum floor (Locus 258) with its opus tesselatum border (Plates 56, 57). The border consisted of a single row of white tesserae which ran NW/SE

and turned to the NE at a 90 degree angle when it reached the SE balk (Fig. 28). Southwest of this row of white tesserae was a border of black 19cm wide which continued NW/SE. The mosaic was laid up to Wall H (Locus 265), which was built of cobbles set in mortar and had a shallow foundation offset on its NE and SW faces (Plate 34). On the NE side, the offset was over-

lain by the mosaic. In the area immediately NE of the offset the mosaic had subsided to a depth of 4cm to 5cm in places. Several black painted plaster fragments were found resting on the mosaic surface, and some were found still adhering to Wall H where they had been part of a dado (Plate 57). At ἃ point 40cm to the SE of the NW balk, the offset foundation on the SW side of Wall H began to taper toward the wall at a 15 degree angle. At the SE end of the trench it had virtually disappeared, but it reemerged further along the wall to the SE (Plate 34). Inside Room 4, one well preserved half-column (Locus 257) with a diameter of 30cm was found

engaged to Wall H. It was composed of a base of brick, 37cemx18cm x5cm high, and two courses of column wedges each 2.5cm thick. The top course was two wedges shy of a full half-circle (Figs. 28, 48, 49; Plates 56, 57).

The half-column and base rose a total of 21cm above floor level. This included a 6cm layer of yellow mortar under the base. The half-column was 1.2 meters from another half-column found to the NW (Plate 41). The spacing between the full columns found along the NW and SE walls already noted was 90-91cm. Traces of black painted plaster still adhered to the column base. Traces of the red plaster which adorned the columns shaft were not in situ but were found in fill nearby. Several fragments of black painted plaster with a curved profile have also been found, suggesting that the columns may have had a black band, probably just under their capitals. Southwest of Wall H and overlying its foundation offset was a layer (Locus 255/262) which was excavated to a depth of 42cm (Fig. 101). This locus was hard and thick yellow virgin clay (10YR 7/8) which had been dug up and deposited against the wall. Destruction debris from the villa was embedded within its upper centimeters including one Africana I amphora sherd dated between the early 67

second and early fifth centuries. It contained no material culture in its lower levels. The bottom of Wall H was not found here nor was any foundation trench. The material culture recovered included a metal spike. Locus 262 in the SE half of the trench contained bits of painted plaster, some pottery and pieces of animal bone and shell. The plaster was found primarily in the upper level and may represent intrusion from the destruction loci above. The upper 5cm of Loci 255 and 262, which contained virtually all the material culture, was later assigned to Sounding 6, Phase 3. Sounding 6, Room 4, Phase 2 Sealed destruction Loci 256, 260 and 264 were found inside Room 4 (Fig. 101). Locus 264 was a

layer of debris resting directly on the mosaic floor (Fig. 95; Plates 56, 58). It contained two voussoirs resting on pan tiles and potsherds all lying in a white/buff mortar matrix. The tiles spread out in a south to north alignment ending 75cm north of Wall H. A few which had fallen outside the limits of the locus were kept with the finds from this locus. Locus 264 was left in situ, but one cover tile and

three potsherds were removed. It was located against Wall H, 54cm from the SE balk. Locus 260, another destruction layer, was located against Wall H and the SE and NE balks (Fig. 101). It was composed of a yellow layer of crumbling mortar (2.5Y 8/6). Both Loci 264 and 260 appear to have been part of the debris resulting from the collapse of the ceiling vaulting and walls of Room 4. A yellow (10YR 7/8) mortar line is visible along the SE balk running NE from the crollo (Locus 069) in Sounding 5 to Locus 260. Artefacts sealed in Locus 260 included painted plaster, potsherds, animal bone and shells.

Destruction Locus 256 was found abutting Wall H and the NW and NE balks (Fig. 101). It seemed similar to Locus 260, but it formed a separate splay and contained one piece of marble facing, a piece of charcoal, a tiny fragment of metal spike, pebbles, wall cobbles and some potsherds. It was yellow-brown (10YR 5/8). Along the base of Wall H traces of black painted fresco were found in situ. Sounding 6, Room

4, Phase 3

The remaining loci were contaminated with surface material and showed signs of plowing and other disturbances which mixed the earlier destruction material with modern material. This phase included material found at the top of Loci 255 and 262 discussed under Phase 1. Locus 254 was found over the mosaic in a rectangular area against Locus 256 to the NW and against Wall H (Fig. 101). It was composed of dark brown (10YR 3/3) earth with painted plaster fragments, potsherds, animal bone and building debris. Locus 259, adjacent to 254, also overlaid the mosaic. It was located between Locus 254 and Locus 260 against Wall H. It was similar to 254 from which it was arbitrarily divided. It contained painted plaster fragments, animal bone and building debris. Sounding 6, Room

4, Phase 4

Locus 252 (Fig. 101), which partly covered Wall H, was a layer of dark brown (10YR 4/3) “B zone" soil left as a temporary balk in the NW part of the trench. It corresponded to Loci 001, 250 and 251 in the SE area of the trench. It contained pebbles, wall cobbles, potsherds, painted plaster and modern root intrusions. Locus 251 was a layer of dark brown soil located against the NE, SE and SW balks. Many painted plaster fragments were found in its south corner along with wall cobbles, potsherds and a small piece of marble facing, which may have been part of a window frame. A modern key was also found here. Locus 250 lay over 251 and had similar dimensions. It was composed of dark brown soil with pebbles, a few wall cobbles, and modern root intrusions, a lens of yellow (10YR 7/8) dissolved mortar, and a few potsherds. A concentration of loose rubble and white plaster pieces up to 8cms wide was found in the NW area of the trench. Locus 001 rested on Locus 250 and contained pebbles, wall cobbles, large stones to 18cms across, painted plaster fragments and potsherds. 68

Resting on top of Locus 255 SW of Wall H was Locus 253, a dark brown (10YR 3/3) “B zone” soil. The general absence of material culture here suggests that this area lay outside the villa proper, possibly in a courtyard. Locus 261 was yellow-brown in color (10YR 5/8). It resembled 253 but was more contaminated with surface soil in its SE portion. It contained one piece of Roman glass of the first century A.D., painted plaster fragments and wall cobbles. Locus 261 rested on 262 and occupied the SE area of the trench. Loci 261-262 were directly below the combined loci 251 and 252. Locus 263 was the soil directly above Wall H (Locus 265). It was a thin and irregular layer containing a few fragments of painted plaster. Conclusion

This trench gave valuable information about the arrangement of the half-columns engaged to Wall H and it revealed that the border of the opus scutulatum here was of a different pattern from the borders on the other three sides of the room. It also provided evidence for the construction techniques used in Wall H. In addition, since no traces of interior rooms

SW

of Wall H were found, it

helped to confirm that Wall H probably represented the SW limit of the villa. Sounding 6 General Data Locus

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

001

N-97.73 - 97.65

1.69X3

28

0

35

1.69x3

31

0

0

1.69x3

27

0

0

1.69x1

54

0

3S

S-97.80 - 97.58 W-97.69 - 97.65 E-97.93 - 97.68

250

N-97.65 - 97.36 S-97.58 - 97.36

W-97.55 - 97.24 E-97.68 - 97.48

25]

N-97.36 - 97.09 S-97.36 - 97.22 W-97.24 - 97.07

252

E-97.48 - 97.29 N-97.86 - 97.32 W-97.31

253

NW-97.03 - 96.97 SE-97.08 - 97.03

.40x1.64

6

0

2E

254

Center 97.10 - 96.78

1.20x.70

34

50

0

SE-97.17 - 96.83 255

NW-96.97 - 96.69

40X 1.64

42

90

0

256 257 258 259

SE-97.08 - 96.66 97.12 - 96.71 97.11 - 96.90 96.90 NW-97.15 - 96.89 SE-97.18 - 96.97

.39X.70 .37x.18 .70X3.7 1x.70

4] 21 Undug 26

100 100 100 50

0 N/A 0 0

1.4x.70

50

100

0

260 261

NW-97.21 - 96.85 SE-97.30 - 96.80 NW-97.10 - 96.97

.50x2.30

22

0

0

262

SE-97.26 - 97.10 NW-96.97 - 96.79 SE-97.10 - 96.82

.50x2.30

18

90

3E

263

NW-97.15 - 97.14

.60x4

23

0

10SE

SE-97.28 - 97.05 Center-97.05 - 96.99

69

264 265

N-96.98 - 96.86 S-97.22 - 97.05 NW-97.14 - 96.85 SE-97.05 - 97.04

.28x.15

23

100

5N

.60x4

29

100

N/A

!

Tally (sp=opus spicatum, v=voussoir) — Sounding 6 Locus 001 250 251 252

253

254

Wedges

2

3

255

256

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

Tesserae

76 29 16 31

24 5 13 26

10

12

4

2

6

4

2

200+

6

38

18

9

5

259

1

17

260

2

31

261

1

3

2

6

4

262 263 264

23 15

150

Brick

Floor

2ν

2sp 3sp

1 45

1

Sounding 7, Rooms 4 and 5 GRID AREA N50d (Figs. 6, 61, 62, 87, 102; Plates 7-10, 34, 75, 76) Sounding 7, an extension of Sounding 5 measuring 1.7m NE/SW by 4m, was made in order to follow the opus signinum and opus tesselatum floors in Rooms 5 and 4 respectively and to define the perimeter of Room 4. Sounding 7, Rooms 4 and 5, Phase 1

- Sounding 7 exposed the continuation of Walls H (Locus 315) and I (Locus 313) and the opus signinum and opus tesselatum floors in Rooms 5 and 4 (Plate 34), all elements of Period 1 of the villa. Only two courses Of Wall I were preserved at the NE limit of the trench and only its foundations survived to the SW. Wall stones average 14cm by 18cm and a mortar sample was grey (2.5Y N5) with black inclusions. Wall H ran the length of the trench but was given two locus designations, Loci 314 and 315, because at 314 it was separated from Wall I by as much as 9.5cm and at 315 it was bonded to Wall I (Fig. 102). Locus 314 extended from Sounding 6, running 1.59M to the NW face of Wall I. It is 70cm thick at its thickest point and was preserved one course high. A section of the wall 37cm deep was exposed on the SW side and the base of the wall was not found. The wall’s stones averaged 20 by 25 cms and the mortar sample was pink (5YR 8/4) with black inclusions. The part of Wall H designated as Locus 315 extended from Wall I to the southeast extreme of the trench. Little of the wall remains except its foundation which was exposed to a depth of 40cm without reaching bottom. Two mortar samples taken from it included one which was pink to red yellow (7.5 YR 8/6) with black inclusions and one grey (5Y 6/1) with black inclusions. Some painted plaster still remained attached to the NW

face of Wall I and to the NE

formed part of the dado in Room 4. It is preserved the black fascia and red dado found in Sounding painted plaster during excavation to protect it. The H and I, where it was preserved to only 7cm above along the NE face of Wall H (Locus 314). 70

face of Wall H (Locus 314) and

15cm above floor level and is a continuation of 2. A thin layer of soil was left lying against the plaster extended for 52cm from the join of Walls floor level and only the black fascia was visible, |

Southwest of Wall H were Loci 306 and 308, both yellow clay virgin soil (10YR 7/6), which were disturbed by the installation of the wall and again by its destruction (Fig. 102). Locus 308 contained no material culture but had lenses of grey green clay (5G 5/2) while Locus 306 contained a few sherds in its upper level which may have become embedded there well after the layer was deposited. Α broad pit, probably dug in modern times between Loci 306 and 308 separated them (Fig. 102). At the northern limit of the sounding, a severely damaged black and white mosaic floor (Locus 310) was uncovered (Fig. 28) while traces of the opus scutulatum floor appeared at the NW limit of the sounding. The area where a half-column (Figs. 29, 49) and the intercolumnar imbricated mosaic should have fallen in sequence (Figs. 33, 48, 49) was severely damaged. Along the SW part of the sounding,

in undamaged

areas,

a border of one row

against Wall H. To the southeast the mosaic border the tesserae throughout Room 4 was .8cm by .8cm In Room 5 a continuation of the opus signinum vated, but it was not well preserved along Wall H in The nucleus, or upper layer, of the opus signinum

each of white

and black tesserae was

found

of white tesserae was found. The average size of with some up to lcm by 1cm. floor found in Sounding 5 (Locus 303) was excathe SE part of the sounding (Plate 75, lower left). floor was yellow (2.5Y 8/8) but along Wall I and

in the east corner of the trench the surface of the floor is redder (2.5 YR 5/8) where it was painted in antiquity. Sounding 7, Rooms 4 and 5, Phase 2

This phase was seen in the floor in Room 5. Southeast of Wall I, beyond a circular red area (10R 3/6) measuring 8cmX8cm, the nucleus became first light red (2.5YR 6/8) and then almost black to the SE. This color change may have been caused by fire, perhaps the campfires of shepherds or squatters built on the floor surface at a time when the villa was in disrepair but not yet buried under earth. This phase may parallel the oven found in the excavation of Room 4 or it may be a later phase, perhaps even modern. Sounding 7, Rooms

A series of insure control. mation for the Locus 311

4 and 5, Phase 3

loci were found over the ruins of Wall H and Wall I. They were arbitrarily divided to None of these loci were sealed and all were plowed so they provided no secure infordate of the destruction of the villa. was found south of the opus signinum floor (Locus 303) and was composed of decay-

ing yellow mortar (2.5Y 8/6) and dark brown

(10YR 4/3) soil with granular to pebble sized stones

and occasional cobbles. Pieces of broken opus signinum from Locus 303 were found here with granule to pebble sized inclusions in its mortar, along with only two potsherds. Locus 311 rested over the damaged opus signinum surface in this part of the room and it also covered Wall H (Locus 315). It was not completely excavated because to do so would have further damaged the opus signinum. Contaminated Locus 302 was found overlapping both the opus signinum floor in Room 5 and Locus 311. It was yellow-brown (10YR 5/6) clay soil with decomposing mortar, occasional wall cobbles and lenses of ash. Locus 302 extended from the SE balk 170 cms up to Wall I. It filled the entire SE area of the trench. Locus 309 was composed of soil found over the mosaic floor of Room 4 but NE of Wall H and NW of Wall I. It contained some material from the destruction of the villa but, like Locus 302, was not sealed. It was yellow brown (10YR 5/6) with dark brown lenses. There were also

traces of a sandy yellow mortar (2.5Y 8/6) made with tiny pebbles. Painted plaster, tesserae, a few sherds and charcoal flecks were also found within it. Locus 304 was similar to 302 but occupied the area immediately over destroyed Wall I. Medium sized cobbles, yellow mortar pieces, small charcoal flecks and a few sherds were recovered from the NE

1.2m of the locus. To the SE the locus ran 50cm beyond the limit of Wall 1 and was more firmly packed with occasional pieces of opus signinum, charcoal flecks and lenses of yellow sandy earth (2.5Y 8/6). Locus 304 was fill within a pit (Locus 307) dug between Loci 301/302/308 and 305/306. Though the pit and its fill were not ancient, they preceded the surface depositions of Locus 300 and 001. The pit might have been dug when wall stones were robbed from Wall I. The lower part of Locus 304, 71

the fill at the bottom of the pit, was designated as part of Locus 307 SW of Wall H. Locus 307 was darker than 304 and contained fine brown black earth (10YR 2/2) with lenses of grey-green (5G 5/2) along with granule to pebble sized stones and wall cobbles. Locus 312 covered Wall H (Locus 314) and was yellow brown (10YR 5/6). It was rich in materi-

al culture including charcoal flecks, painted plaster fragments, sherds, building debris, wall cobbles, and patches of yellow mortar (2.5Y 8/6). Nothing found in contaminated Loci 312, 307 or 304 offered information concerning the destruction of Walls H or I. Of the three, Locus 312 seemed most likely to be a sealed locus but even it was full of intrusive black surface soil. Locus 305, in which crollo block Locus 316 lay, was above Loci 306, 309 and 312 and covered the

entire SE area of the sounding. It was composed of yellow brown soil (10YR 5/8) while the “A zone” soil above it (Locus 300) was firmer and dark brown (10YR 3/3). Locus 305 contained yellow sandy mor-

tar (2.5Y 8/6) mixed with tiny pebbles, wall cobbles, building debris and painted plaster fragments. Protruding from the west corner of the sounding was crollo block (Locus 316) composed of small to medium sized cobbles averaging 6cm by 4cm and a large number of tile and brick fragments averaging 4cm by 16cm cms set in an extremely hard mortar (Fig. 102). The mortar was a light buff (2.5Y 8/6) with a few black inclusions. The fallen concrete mass of Locus 316 measured 1.18m in length. Only 30 cms of it extended into Sounding 6 and the rest was part of Sounding 7. Locus 316 measured 54cm top to bottom and was visible for 38cm of its width. The date of its collapse could not be determined precisely, but it probably fell many centuries after the fifth century A. D., the time of the collapse of the other crollo blocks which were recovered in Soundings 4 and 5. Locus 316 may have been part of the collapsed vaulting of Room 4, and its presence here suggests that portions of the ruined villa continued to collapse over a long period of time. Locus 301 occupied the SE area of the sounding below Locus 300. It was composed of firm dark brown soil (10YR 3/3) with charcoal flecks and sporadic lenses of yellow mortar (2.5Y 8/6), wall cobbles and some building debris. Locus 300 was a dark brown "B zone" soil which covered the entire trench. The loci found below 300 were destruction loci that had been disturbed in part. In the NW third of the trench were lenses of yellow mortar (2.5Y 8/6). Many painted plaster fragments and wall cobbles were found here. Locus 316, the crollo mass, was visible in this locus, but was flush with the bottom of Locus 305. Locus 001, topsoil, was similar to Locus 300 and rested over it. It contained "A zone" soil similar to the other loci of Phase 3. Material culture recovered here included building debris, pebbles, wall cobbles, sherds and painted plaster fragments. In the NW third of the trench painted plaster and sherds were especially prolific and a large piece of opus signinum with a reddish mortar (10R 3/6) was also found. Sounding 7, General Data Locus

001

300

301

302

72

Level Above Datum/m

N-97.95 - 97.63 S-97.68 - 97.58 | W-97.86 - 97.58 E-97.90 - 97.58 N-97.63 - 97.39 S-97.58 - 97.28 | W-97.59 - 97.39 | E-97.58-97.41 | N-97.38 -97.16 S-97.28 - 97.18 W-97.34 - 97.10 E-97.41 - 97.18 NW-97.29 - 97.20 S-97.18 - 96.97 E-97.18 - 96.97

Area/m

| 1.7X4

1.7x4

|

1.7X1.60

1.7X1.60

^

Thick/cm

90 Sealed

- Slope/Down

32

0

2E

30

0

0

24

0

0

21

0

| 2SE

303 304 305

306 307 308 309 310 311 312 313 314 315

316

Ν-97.20 W-97.16 E-97.16 NE-97.38 - 97.30 SW-97.34 - 97.07 N-97.39 - 97.12 S-97.33 - 97.09 W-97.39 -97.18 © E-97.39 - 97.25 NW-97.18 - 96.72 SE-97.07 - 96.70 NW-97.09 - 96.74 SE-97.00 - 96.75 NW-97.00 - 96.72 SE-97.10 - 96.68 NW-97.39 - 97.12 SE-97.39 - 97.15 N-97.12 S-97.15 S-97.17 - 97.14 W-97.17 - 96.96 E-97.17 - 97.06 NW-97.24 - 97.04 SE-97.21 - 97.10 NE-97.30 - 97.11 SW-97.11-97.11 S-97.10 - 97.04 W-97.04 E-97.29 N-97.25 - 96.96 S-97.14 W-97.25 E-97.05 97.73-97.19

1.60NW/SEx.52

Undug

100

2SE

1.69x.70

2SW

1.69x1.70

1.70x.50 .81X.50 .50X1.50 .50x1.70 .50x1.70

Undug

1.06x160

1.70x.70 1.20x.70

1.70x.70 1.60x.70

1.10x.38

N/A

Tally (sp=opus spicatum, sg-opus signinum) Sounding 7 Locus

Wedges

Pan

001 300 301 302 304 305

8

76

Cover

Cubilia

307 309 311 312

Tesserae

Brick

Floor 1sg

34

3

9sg

4sp 52

9sg 8sg

34

Sounding 8, Rooms 5 and 6 GRID AREA 050c (Figs. 6, 61-64, 87, 103; Plates 11, 75, 77-80) The purpose of this sounding was to expose the SE limit of the suite of rooms dependent on Room 4. It measured 3m square and delineated the SE limit of these excavations. It was located SE of Sounding 5. 73

Sounding 8, Rooms

5 and 6, Phase 1

Phase 1 in this sounding was represented by the original wall and threshold between Rooms 5 and 6, the floors of those rooms and their foundations, and a pilaster base in Room 5. The earliest wall of the trench (Locus 200) ran SW/NE and was incorporated into later Wall J (Locus 202). Locus 200 included both the NE area of the wall up to 102cm SW of the NE balk (Fig.

103; Plate 79 top) and a threshold block 1.18MXx23cm along with the foundation cobbles beneath it. The wall in Locus 200 is built of cobbles and stones 10cm to 25cm wide set in approximate courses and bonded by a yellow-tan (2.5Y 7/6) sandy mortar. The wall was preserved to a height of 52cm and was 65cm thick. Originally, it divided Rooms 5 and 6 and their opus signinum floors. Access between these rooms was through a doorway over a threshold block (Locus 200). Floor level in Room 5 is 38cm higher than Room 6 (Fig. 61), so this block also acted as a step (Plate 79). | Locus 215 was an area of opus signinum floor in Room 5 (Figs. 62, 103; Plate 75) which seems

to have been damaged during the reworking of Wall J and the blocking of the doorway between Rooms 5 and 6. The larger area of opus signinum floor (Locus 211) in Room 5 was built over a statumen of rubble visible in the SW half of the trench which contained pan tile fragments of 10cm to 20cm in width, brick fragments 20cm to 30cm in width and closely packed cobbles 10cm to 25cm in width. 12 The opus signinum floor found in the part of this sounding bounded by Room 5 was composed of a yellow mortar nucleus (2.5Y 8/8) into which were set randomly spaced red to red orange crushed tile and potsherds 1.5cm to 5cm wide and white and black tesserae 6mm to 9mm square. This floor was a continuation of that uncovered in Sounding 7. Traces of red paint were noted on the floor as dark as 10R 3/6 in spots. To the north in the trench, against and within the NE balk, was a construction of opus reticula-

tum which may have been a base for a pilaster (Locus 210). The base measured 55cm NW/SE by 46cm by 22.5cm high (Figs. 62, 103; Plates 75, 76). It is adjacent to but not touching Wall J. The floor of Room 5 is carefully laid up to the pilaster base. The pilaster belongs to the first phase of the villa. The opus signinum floor found in Room 6 was similar to that in Room 5 but contained red orange potsherds up to 3.5cm wide as well as black and white tesserae of the same size as those in the floor of Room 5

(Figs. 63, 64, 103; Plates 77-80). Here, the tesserae were set in a rosette pattern

with one black fessera in the center of four white cubes (Fig. 63). The rosettes were spaced 10 to 12cm apart in rows which are 11cm apart. Five by six rows of this pattern were visible on the preserved section of the floor. Randomly spaced tesserae were also visible within the floor surface. The rosette pattern did not seem to continue over the entire floor surface, but its fragmentary condition may be due to the damaged state of the floor. The floor of Room 6 was laid over the statumen (Locus 214) and had a rudus of yellowish mortar (2.5Y 8/8) 5cm to 8cm thick, which contained small stones up to 2cm wide. Above this rested a

nucleus 5cm to 6cm thick of yellow mortar (2.5Y 8/6) with pink inclusions from crushed tile and potsherds up to.4cm in width. The floor had been rolled and laid up to Locus 200. Wall K (Locus 205) represented a later phase of construction and subdivision of space within Room

6. It was preserved to 20cm in height, but the excavation failed to reveal its bottom level. The

statumen (Locus 214) appeared to continue SW where it became a foundation layer over which Wall K was later built (Plate 77), but its full extent was not determined. Sounding 8, Rooms

5 and 6, Phase 2°

Phase 2 included the blocking of the doorway through Wall J (Locus 202) between Rooms 5 and 6 by the construction of courses above the threshold block and, possibly, the rebuilding of the SW portion of Wall J. At some later date, the weight added over the threshold by this construction caused it to crack. In this section the wall is composed of closely packed cobbles 10cm to 25cm wide laid in

12 See footnote 10. The same section of Vitruvius also discusses the nucleus.

74

approximate courses (Plate 79). The mortar here is brown tan (10YR 6/6), slightly sandy and similar to that of Wall K. This phase of the wall has been designated as Locus 202 (Fig. 103). Also found in Room 6 was additional evidence of a later phase of use for the room, probably contemporary with the rebuilding of Wall J. A deliberate diagonal cut into the opus signinum floor was found which ran diagonally across the trench in a line from 80cm to 1.44m meters from the NE balk (Plate 77). The floor may have been cut to allow for some new activity in the south part of the excavated area; or the cut may have been made for the removal of the mortar itself in order to reuse it,

possibly as support for other walls in the room (Locus 212); or, the opus signinum might have been removed in order to rob the cobbles of the statumen which could be reused for wall construction; or the cut could have been made by vandals. Within the cut, the opus signinum surface and its entire nucleus and rudus were removed. The statumen was left in place though it was disturbed (Plates 77, 78). The construction of Wall K also post-dated Phase 1 and was possibly contemporary with the alterations in the floor and Wall J. Wall K was exposed in the SW balk but only partially excavated (Plate 77). Its mortar was brown tan (10YR 6/6) and slightly sandy and bonded boulders up to 33cm by 61cm wide. The mortar seemed to be poorly applied and was very shallow within the interstices of the stones. Wall K was constructed differently from both phases of Wall J and was preserved to a height of 1.42m. It was 49cm thick and some of its stones had vertical grooves, possible evidence that they had been reworked and reused. Wall K was built directly on the statumen of the opus signinum floor and may have functioned to partition the space within Room 6 when the function of this area changed. The construction of a stone bench (Locus 213) was another renovation, and was probably con-

temporary with the cutting of the floor and the construction of Wall K (Fig. 103; Plate 77, south of north arrow). It was built on the statumen layer and abutted Wall K. Locus 213 measured 54cm NW/SE by 91cm. A fragment of a grinding or milling stone was found on the bench which indicates a possible use for this space. Sounding 8, Rooms

4 and 5, Phase 3

For purposes of study, Locus 214, the statumen, was further subdivided into Loci 212 and 214. Locus 212 was reused or disturbed statumen which was not found in its original position. These loci were separated by a layer of green yellow clay (5Y 6/8). This unexcavated clay layer was located in the area just south of the cut in the floor and continued beneath the opus signinum pavement. In addition, there was a pocket of the same clay in the west corner of the room where Wall K abuts Wall J. The soil in Locus 212 was grey (2.5YR Né) and clay rich. Within it was found a fragment of an Africana I Piccola Amphora dated between the early second and early fifth centuries. Sounding 8, Rooms 4 and 5, Phase 4 Locus 208, the soil overlying the opus signinum floor in Room 6, was dark grey black (10YR 4/1) and was not a sealed destruction layer (Fig. 103). It contained animal bones, potsherds, wall stones 10-25cm in length and building debris. Above Locus

208, Locus 207 was a dark brown yellow (10YR 6/6) layer full of charcoal flecks,

especially in the south portion of the trench. It contained building debris, animal bones, potsherds and shells of land snails. Locus 206, above 207, was a layer of brown black (10YR 2/2) “B zone" soil. This locus contained building debris, wall cobbles, stones measuring 10-25cm in length, modern roots and potsherds

including several dolium fragments. Locus 204 contained building debris, wall cobbles and large stones measuring 10-25cm in length. Loci 201 and 001 were brown black (10YR 2/2) and packed with stones measuring

16-20cm in

length and some cobbles. They were "A zone" soils and both rested over Locus 206. Locus 201 covered the entire trench and contained building debris. On the surface of Locus 001 a large deposit of ash suggested a recent fire had been built here. The SE section of the trench revealed a very high concentration of cobbles and large wall stones in Loci 001, 20] and 204, and only a few in Locus 206.

75

Locus 203 was found over the opus signinum floor in the NW part of the trench. There was a small fugitive layer of grey (10YR 6) sterile clay soil on the floor which had red and yellow inclusions from the decomposition of the floor. It was most obvious in the south corner of the locus. In it were charcoal flecks above the floor especially in the south portion of the trench. The locus was primarily brown black “A zone” soil, similar to that found in Loci 201 and 001, with large stones 10cm to

20cm wide. ‘A few fragments of plastic were recovered indicating a recent disturbance. The north limit of Locus 203 was given the separate designation Locus 209 because it was initially believed to be slightly different in character. It surrounded the pilaster base (Locus 210). Locus 219 was an ashy deposit against the SW balk of the trench in Room 5 near the west corner of the sounding where the opus signinum floor in Room 5 was damaged. It was either a hearth or a secondary deposit of ash, and it may be recent (Fig. 103). Conclusion

The most important evidence unearthed in Sounding 8 is that which suggests multiple phases of use and occupation of the villa. The deliberate cutting of opus signinum in Room 6 and the rearrangement of space by the addition of Wall'K and the workbench (Locus 213), along with the rebuilding of Wall J are evidence of remodeling the layout of the villa while exploiting the existing walls and plan. These changes, when considered along with the blocking of the doorway between Rooms 4 and 5, suggest that the pars urbana of the villa was being compartmentalized either to provide smaller living or working spaces or to wall off unsafe rooms due to the collapse of their walls and ceilings. Although the precise dates for these changes cannot yet be established, some of them occurred in antiquity while the villa was still in use and its original walls were still strong enough to be reused, perhaps in the late first or early second century A. D. The evidence of burning in Room 5 may have resulted from squatters' campfires either in antiquity or in modern times.

Sounding 8x, Room 5 GRID AREA 050c (Figs. 6, 87, 103; Plates 11, 75)

In this sounding, removed. Sounding 8x, Room

a 3m NE/SW by 1m trench, the central balk between Soundings 5 and 8 was

5, Phase 1

The opus signinum floor of Room 5 continued here. It was composed of (2.5Y 7/6), but the brick and ceramic sherd inclusions within it of up to 5cm addition, red paint of a more intense hue up to 10R 3/6 had been applied to sections. There were randomly scattered black and white tesserae embedded in tion in the SE part of the sounding was in poor condition.

a yellow-buff gave it a red the surface of the floor and

mortar hue. In several the sec-

Sounding 8x, Room 5, Phase 2 Above the floor is a grey clay (Locus 218) with yellow and red clay inclusions as well as charcoal flecks like those found in Locus 219, Sounding 8. Above Locus 218 was Locus 217, a layer of ^B zone" soil dark brown (10YR 4/3) where evidence

of root action was found along with building debris and large stones measuring 10-20cm. Above Locus 217 was Locus 216, composed of dark brown “A zone" soil filled with building debris and large stones 16-20cm. In Locus 001 was full of building debris, pebbles, cobbles and large stones measuring 10-25cm. All these layers were topsoil affected by plowing, slopewash and the destruction of the villa. 76

Soundings 8 and 8x, General Data Locus

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

001

N-98.18 - 97.67 S-97.80 - 97.63 W-97.88 - 97.67 E-98.26 - 97.69 NE-97.76 - 96.78 SW-97.73 - 96.78 N-97.67 - 97.41 S-97.63 - 97.43 W-97.67 - 97.43 E-97.69 - 97.51 NE-97.66 - 96.78 SW-97.67 - 96.79 N-97.41 - 97.17 W-97.43 - 97.17 N-97.53 - 97.06 W-97.43 - 97.06 E-97.51 - 97.08 NW-97.67 - 96.79 SE-97.98 - 96.79 N-97.06 - 96.84 S-96.92 W-97.06 - 96.81 E-97.08 - 96.89 N-96.84 - 96.81 S-96.92 - 96.83 W-96.81 - 96.78 E-96.89 - 96.85 N-96.81 - 96.78 $-96.83 - 96.78 W-96.78 - 96.77 E-96.85 - 96.75 97.54 - 97.17 97.39 - 97.17 N-97.17 S-97.16 W-97.12 E-97.17 N-96.83 - 96.82 W-96.78 - 96.67 E-96.85 - 96.73 NE-97.06 - 96.72 SW-97.12 - 96.72 N-96.82 - 96.51 S-96.45 W-96.67 - 96.60 E-96.73 - 96.59

3x3

57

0

25

1.05x.64

98high

100

N/A

200 201

202 203 204

205 206

207

208

209 210 211

212 213 214

215 216 217 218 219

Center-97.16 - 97.15

SW-97.16 - 97.14 NE-97.53 - 97.37 SW-97.57 - 97.34 NE-97.37 - 97.16 SW-97.34 - 97.13 97.17 - 97.16 97.07 - 97.06

3x3

25

.65x1.85

100

N/A

.92X2.54

25

1.48x3

25

1.48x.49

119

100

N/A

1.48x3

25

1.48x3

258

1.48x 1.44

25

.46x1.02 .55X.46 2.54X1.02

25 N/A 28

Undug

1.71X1.42

90

25

.91Χ.54

40

100

N/A

1.711:Χ1.42

31

100

25

1.00x.25

25

1x3 1x3 1x3 .58X.53

100

77

Tally (sg=opus signinum, v=voussoirs) Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

S8001 S8x001 201 204

1

69 95 38 27

5 8 1 3

8

206

48

7

207

21

Floor

Brick

Tesserae

7 7 6 1v lv 1

208

36

1

209

4

2

212

13

216

28

217

6

1

2 1

Sounding 25, Rooms 4 and 5 GRID AREA N50ab (Figs. 6, 7, 17, 28, 29, 36-51, 62, 90, 104; Plates 7-10, 47, 48, 59-69)

This sounding in the NE part of Room 4 measured 2mX7m

and was undertaken to study the

crollo blocks, Loci 1259 and 1260, found here. These are the same blocks earlier designated as Loci

105 and 103 (Figs. 95, 104; Plate 47). The eastern had been constructed in Room 4 (see Sounding ern portions of the room seem to have fallen and excavation from 1991 to 1992 revealed important

area of the room probably collapsed after the oven 4, Fig. 149 and Plate 48), but the central and westbeen cleared out before the oven was built. Detailed information about the construction of the ceilings,

corridors and colonnades of Room 4 and exposed the north corner of Room 5 Sounding 25, Rooms

4 and 5, Phase

(Fig. 90).

1

This phase of the original construction of Room 4 included the mosaic floor (Locus 1263), and Walls D (Locus 1255) and I (1254) (Fig. 104). In order to prevent damage to the painted plaster which was found still adhering to Wall D, an earth balk 2cm-3cm thick was left standing against it. This balk was removed from an area between 2.66m and 2.86m from the east corner of the room,

however, in order to determine whether or not traces of the painting survived here. A black fascia 10cm in height was found along the base of Wall D, above which rose a solid red dado 43cm in height. The dado varied from pink/light red brown (2.5YR 6/4) in its lower 23cm to dark red (2.5Yr

i height. Painting 3/6) above. Above the red zone, plaster painted green (5G 5/2) was s preserved 40cm in traces were faint (Fig. 46). Locus 1254 (Wall I) was 40cm NW of the SE balk (Figs. 90, 104). Traces of painting were found adhering to it within Room 4 side but could not be examined due to the presence of debris from the collapse of the ceiling. The wall was built of stones 10cm to 20cm long set in yellow mortar (2.5Y 8/6) (Plate 61, left). The mosaic pavement (Locus 1263) in the NE corridor had the same design as its other sections

already found in Soundings 4 and 5, including the scale pattern between the columns (Fig. 33; Plate 59) and the simple rosette pattern in the corridor itself (Fig. 32; Plate 61). The pavement was cut by deep fissures, including one major gap running north to south near the center of the sounding which varied in width from 8cm to 25cm (Plate 59). The part of the pavement NW of the fissure had sunk 4cm. Generally, the floor sloped down 1 degree to the NW. The column bases were 1.2m meters apart (Fig. 29). This sounding revealed parts of three columns which stood in the NE corridor: the east corner column (Locus 1258), which had toppled, remained in the east corner; the foundation for a square base (Locus

78

1264)

of the NW

column;

and the base for another column

(Locus

1265)

(Fig.

104;

Plates 9, upper left, and 59). The base of the east corner column rested beneath the rubble and was

not excavated. Locus 1264 was a foundation layer for a column base of grey mortar (5Y 5) which was at the level of the pavement. Locus 1265, 1.38 NW of the east corner column, was a brick base 38cm square, resting on a mor-

tar foundation similar to Locus 1264. The column wedges of Locus 1265 had been robbed after the ceiling collapsed. A small area of opus signinum (Locus 1267), part of the same floor unearthed within Room 5 in Soundings 5 and 8 (Plate 61, upper left) was also found. It was pitted and poorly preserved, possibly due to fire. Its nucleus was light grey (10YR 7/1). The crollo blocks (Loci 1259 and 1260) collapsed from the wall above the columns and from the ceiling of Room 4. Their construction was part of Phase 1, but their fall signaled Phase 2, the phase of collapse within the room. Sounding 25, Rooms

4 and 5, Phase 2

This phase of Sounding 25 has the most dense layer of debris found in the villa resulting from the collapse of the walls and ceiling of Room 4. An attempt was made to identify each of the fallen units and to assemble them on paper in a reconstruction of the period when Room 4 functioned as an elegant pars urbana (Figs. 36-51). On the basis of evidence from Soundings 1 through 7, it has been suggested that the central and SW parts of the room collapsed first, probably in the late first or early second century A. D., after which an oven was built in the area left open to the sky (Fig. 149). The precise date of the oven's installation was not determined. The NE part of the room remained standing in a ruined state and eventually fell on the oven, crushing it into the surface of the mosaic pavement on which it was built (Plates 47, 48). This final collapse may belong to the fifth century A. D. The NE surfaces of crollo blocks 1259 and 1260 were within the limits of this sounding. Locus 1259 was a hard mix of buff-pink mortar (5YR 8/3) bonding large cobbles with fragments of brick, tile and column wedges used as aggregate. The cobbles were limestones which included rounded pink granule size carbonate particles and fragments of shell and calcite. Locus 1259 measured 1.75m NE/SW by 2.75 and was 1.09 high. The mortar matrix was 6596 moderately calcined lime with coarse sand and angular particles consisting primarily of volcanic material. It was immediately apparent that this chunk of concrete came from the wall which had originally rested on the two SE columns of the NE colonnade of Room 4 (Fig. 48). When the east corner column gave way under the enormous weight of the concrete above, Locus 1259 came crashing down to the floor directly beneath it, barely changing its orientation, and coming to rest 10 to 12 degrees off vertical (Plates 60-62, 65, 67). Locus 1259 had been part of a wall supported by the colonnade which ran around three sides of Room 4. On its NE side, this crollo block curved at its upper extreme. This curve is evidence of a bar-

rel vault which spanned the NE corridor (Figs. tion of Locus 1259). Significant traces of paint the scheme of decoration and color on the wall tal stucco cornice was also preserved on Locus

36, 45: Plate 59, the area after removal of upper porwere found on the NE face of Locus 1259 revealing above the columns. The lower section of a horizon1259 which marked the lower limit of the upper wall

and the level from which the barrel vault sprung (Figs. 47, 48, 51; Plates 60-63, 65, 67). The surviv-

ing intrados of the barrel vault revealed evidence that four illusionistic coffers were painted along its span (Figs. 47, 49).

Below the level of the stucco cornice Locus 1259 was constructed of five crude courses with broken roof tiles and column wedges used as bricks (Plates 59, 64, 66). Above the level of the stucco cornice, the

wall was a mass of concrete with large cobbles, bricks, tiles and column wedges used as aggregate. Locus 1259 was centrally located between two square column bases (Fig. 104). Beneath 1259 and between these bases voussoirs were found, some still arched into intradoi, suggesting that brick arches had originally spanned the columns along at least three sides of the room (Figs. 44, 51; Plates 60, 62, 65). Five of the voussoirs near the east corner of Room 4 had been displaced by the collapse of Locus 1259 and had tilted 60 degrees out of alignment to the NE (Plate 60). Two others had been displaced 79

120 degrees, but eight voussoirs remained in their proper alignment. All of these voussoirs originally belonged to the arch which spanned the column oc 1258) and the missing column which occupied the area of Locus 1265. The voussoirs were of two depths. The largest, from the crown of the arch, were 26cm deep while the others from the spring near the east corner column were 12.5cm deep. All the voussoirs were 22cm high and tapered from 5.25cm to 3.75cm in width on their trapezoidal faces. Each was found set with its widest end up as would be expected in an arch. To the NW of this collapse, a brick column had originally stood on a square brick base (Locus 1265). The column had been robbed after the collapse of the arch at an undetermined date (Fig. 104). Part of the east corner column of the room (Locus 1258) was still visible (Plate 61). It had toppled almost due east when the arch collapsed, striking Wall I and ricocheting to the north, shattering apart. Fifteen courses of quarter-round column wedges were found in the east collapse and four additional rows were uncovered in the ricocheted section. The column wedges were included as part of Locus 1258, the collapsed east corner column. Five courses of column wedges remained in situ on their original base which was not excavated. Mortar joints averging 1cm in width were found bonding each group of four bricks. No column capitals were found. It is believed that they were either robbed or, if they were simple and constructed of the same brick as the columns, they may have been smashed and may lay broken among the many wedges still in situ. Locus 1259, the crollo block, rests above the fallen column (Locus 1258). Euro Locus 1258, the fallen column, fragments of plaster painted red (2.5YR 3/6) were found, many of them curved in profile, which probably fell from the column shaft (Plate 43). A large quantity of yellow (10R 3/3) painted plaster, probably from the wall above the columns, was also recovered in this locus. Northwest of crollo block Locus 1259 was another, Locus 1260, which had fallen straight down, crushing the oven in Sounding 4 (Plate 47). Traces of yellow plaster were found adhering to its underside but neither its NE nor its SW face was preserved. Locus 1260 measured 1.35 NW/SE by 1.25m and it was 1.18M high. The crollo blocks Loci 1259 and 1260 were removed by laborers from the Comune di Lugnano in Teverina using a crane. Beneath 1260 and to the SW pieces of painted fresco were found scattered face down. Together they formed a geometric design. Although it was not found within the limits of this sounding, this group of fragments revealed that the SW face of the crollo blocks had originally been painted with a geometric design (Figs. 50, 51; Plate 71). Additional fragments of this pattern were recovered in Sounding 4. These crollo blocks were too thick to have been part of a vertical wall above the columns. After cleaning, their SW faces revealed an angled projection suggesting that the vaulted ceiling of Room 4 was pyramidal in profile with its apex flattened over the center of the room (Fig. 48). The flat nature of the expanses of fresco which fell from the central ceiling and which were found under and southwest of the crollo blocks prove that a dome or a curved vault did not exist here. Other areas of collapsed material were found in addition to the columns, upper wall, vaulting and arches particularly near the east corner of the sounding. Locus 1253 was a layer of yellow mortar (2.5Y 8/8) found above the collapsed column (Locus 1258) which contained building debris, painted plaster fragments, decaying mudbrick and seven fragments of mosaic flooring in patterns not found in Room 4 (Fig. 104). The origin of the mosaic fragments in Locus 1253 was not clear. Perhaps they came from another room upslope on the other side of Wall D (Fig. D. Sounding 25, Rooms 4 and 5, Phase 3 Locus

1257, a thin layer of debris, was found just above the mosaic in the NE corridor, NW

of

Locus 1253 (Fig. 104). It contained painted plaster which had fallen from nearby walls, from the barrel vault and possibly even from the room NE of Wall D on the hill of Poggio Gramignano. The locus itself was yellow-brown (10YR 6/8) and contained a small amount of soil and a large amount of yel80

low decaying mortar (2.50 8/6). The soil seemed to be sures left among the debris in the locus. Consequently, ciated with the final collapse of Room 4, that part of assigned to Phase 3. There were some pottery sherds in

topsoil which had washed down into the fisalthough much of this Locus 1257 was assothe soil which was not definitely sealed was Locus 1257. Fourteen fragments of red paint-

ed plaster (10R 3/6 to 4/8), curved in profile, were found near the east column (Locus 1258) and yel-

low and white painted flat plaster fragments were found throughout the trench. Also recovered here was a fragmentary mandible of a red deer (cervus elephas). Immediately above Locus 1257 was Locus 1256, a mix of collapsed material and contaminated brown topsoil, identical to 1257 which contained building debris.

Locus 1252 covered the entire sounding with yellow-brown soil (10YR 5/8). It was more contaminated than 1256 or 1257, but it was similar to 1256 with some areas a deeper brown due to contamination by topsoil. Recovered were a large quantity of painted plaster, five sherds and building debris. Fragments of a modern wire and a plastic bag indicated recent contamination. Locus 1252 surrounded the sealed mound of Locus 1253 in the east corner of Room 4. Locus 1251 was the lowest layer of soil in the sounding which was associated with the topsoil (001). It was yellow-brown and included surface soil and portions of the collapsed villa. Above Locus 1251 was Locus 1250 which contained less collapsed debris from Room 4 and was more generally dark brown (10YR 3/3). It contained building debris and four pieces of painted plaster. Topsoil (001) was brown (10YR 5/3) with little material culture. Locus 1261 was unexcavated soil left against crollo block 1259 to protect its painted plaster. It was composed of soils from Loci 1252, 1253,

1256 and 1257 and was not stratified. The soil varied

from brown to yellow (10YR 5/3 to 10YR 7/8). The locus was later removed by the conservation staff as part of the cleaning of Locus 1259. After 1261 was removed it became clear that the base and the first course of column wedges under it (Locus 1265) were painted red. After this discovery, which showed that no additional decoration was associated with the base of the column shafts, it was sug-

gested that plaster fragments, curved in profile and painted with black bands, found in this room might have come from necking below the column capitals. Locus 1262 was the strip of soil similar to 1251, 1252, 1256 and 1257 which was left to protect crollo Locus

1260. When

it was removed, finds included a small amount of building debris and one

fragment of modern wire. Locus 1266 was located SE of Wall I and was a contaminated layer lying on the opus signinum floor (Fig. 104). It was similar to the Locus 1252 above but was given a separate locus designation. There were no finds. Sounding 25, Grid Area N50ab, General Data Locus 001 |.

1250

1251

1252

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

N-98.12 S-98.22 W-98.19 E-98.3] N-98.11 S-98.20 W-98.17 E-98.29 N-97.87 S-97.72 W-97.89 E-97.72 N-97.65 S-97.55 W-97.66 E-97.55

2X7

2

0

10NW

2X7

57

0

10NW

2X7

23

0

2N

2x7

29

0

2N

- 98.11 - 98.20 - 98.17 - 98.29 - 97.87 - 97.72 - 97.89 - 97.72 - 97.65 - 97.55 - 97.66 - 97.54 - 97.36 - 97.16 - 97.38 - 97.16

81

1254 1255 1256 1257 1258.

1259 1260 1261 1262 1263

1264 1265 1266 1267

N-97.45 - 97.01 S-97.42 W-97.40 - 97.02 E-97.43 - 97.05 97.52 - 97.05 N-98.20 - 96.93 E-98.19 - 97.01 NW-97.31 - 96.96 SE-97.36 - 96.96 NW-96.96 - 96.93 SE-96.96 - 96.93 Column 97.29-97.01 S-97.32 - 97.01 E-97.15 - 97.01 98.36 - 97.11 98.13 - 97.14 NW-97.95 - 96.96 SE-97.94 - 96.96 98.79 - 96.93 N-96.93 W-96.93 E-97.01 96.93 96.99 - 96.63 97.16 - 97.14 97.14

44

100

2x.50 7Xunknown

47high

100 100

1x2.75

35

1x3.50

3

2X4.23

35

1.74X3.10

127high

2NW

1.75X2.75 1.35X1.25 3.9X.03 2.6X.03 2X7

.38x.38 .38x.38 2X.40 2X.40

ooo eo

1253

Tally (m=mosaic, sg-opus signinum) Sounding 25 LOCUS

Wedges

Pan

Cubilia

1250 1251 1252

2 4 6

54 40 27

59 50 34

1253 1256 1257 1261 1262

21

139

5 25

14 2

142 1

Tesserae

100+ 100+

Brick

Floor

3m 3sg 7m 3m

50

2

2

2

Sounding 25, Probe 1, Room 4 GRID AREA N50cd (Figs. 91, 105, 106; Plates 59, 64, 69-71, 73)

Following the lifting of the crollo block Locus 1259/103 from (Locus 1650) was probed SW of the limits of Sounding 25 (Figs. part of the pyramidal ceiling over the central part of Room 4, beneath it might include painted plaster from the ceiling in the Sounding 25, Probe 1, Room 4, Phase

Sounding 25, the debris beneath it 90, 105). Since the crollo had been it was hoped that the debris found NE area of the room.

I

This phase of construction of Room 4 is represented in the sounding by the opus scutulatum floor in the central area of the room (Plate 59). 82

Sounding 25, Probe

1, Room

4, Phase 2

The floor was covered with a destruction layer (Locus debris

measured

5.12m

by

3.08m.

On

the

advice

1650). The area of sealed destruction

of conservators,

the entire

area was

brushed.

During this procedure, painted plaster fragments, animal bone and pottery were found. This material had been sealed under the crollo and was considered part of Locus 1650. A small probe was made in the middle of Locus 1650. Two broad flat areas of plaster which had fallen from the ceiling and landed painted side down were found and were designated as Baskets 8913 and 8910. Basket 8910 was heavily fractured but still whole. The conservators consolidated it with plaster and lifted it. Basket 8913 was left in situ. This painted plaster together with other fragments found in Sounding 25, Probe 2 which fit with it were studied and reassigned as Basket 8706. When cleaned, a pattern was noted painted on the plaster surface. It featured a simple box design done in lines of red (10R 4/8) and very dusky red (10R 2.5/2), each 5cm wide, running parallel and

perpendicular to one another on a white background (Plate 71). The face of the plaster was flat. Plaster fragment 8910 had a scar left when a lip of stucco broke off on its NE side where it had joined the stucco molding found on the wall above the columns of the NE colonnade (Fig. 51, immediately below the rectangular box design). A well preserved piece of stucco moulding (Basket 8916) was found sealed in Locus 1650 at its NW limit (Plate 73). This may have been a portion of the stucco molding which originally ran around the base of the pyramidal ceiling just above the arches and the colonnade. The molding has a profile which would have made it suitable for a position at the juncture of a wall and a pyramidal, straight-sided ceiling (Fig. 58; Plate 73). Sounding 25, Probe 1, Room 4, General Data Locus

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

1650

N-96.96 - 96.91

5.12x3.08

23

100

10SW

S-97.29 - 97.06

W-97.13 - 96.99 E-97.24 - 97.04

Sounding 25, Probe 2, Room 4 GRID AREA N50cd (Figs. 50, 51, 91, 105; Plate 59)

A second probe was done in Room 4 immediately SW of the preceding probe (Fig. 105; Plate 59). This probe was designated as Locus 1700 and measured 50cm NE/SW by 65cm (Locus 1700). Four fragments of painted plaster were found just below the surface which did not join with each other. Basket 7551 was a large section of painted plaster found lying flat on the floor and broken into three pieces. Basket 7550 was smaller and broken up in the debris. Basket 7552 was composed of two additional pieces of painted plaster found lying on the rubble at an angle of 50 degrees with the floor. These fragments fell at different times, each into a different level of debris below. They all were painted with the same box pattern as the fragments from the preceding probe. Evidence from these two probes suggests that the ceiling of Room 4 was decorated with painted plaster featuring a pattern of rectangular boxes in staggered rows placed on a white background (Figs. 50, 51). There was considerable debris beneath the plaster including animal bone and a small amount of brown topsoil that had washed down into the crevices of Locus 1700. Sounding 25, Probe 2, Room

4, General Data

Locus

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

1700

N-97.31 - 97.12

.50x.65

23

100

10SW

S-97.30 - 97.08 W-97.22 - 97.10 E-97.31 - 97.09

83

Tally Sounding 25, Probe 2 Locus

Wedges

Pan

1700

5

30

Cover

Cubilia

Tesserae

Brick

Floor

Sounding 26, Rooms 5 and 6 GRID AREA 050ab (Figs. 6, 61-63, 90, 91, 107; Plates 11, 75, 81)

This sounding was made 1.1m SE of the SE balk of Sounding 25 to find the NE limits of Rooms 5 and 6. It measured 4m NW/SE by 2m. Sounding 26, Rooms

5 and 6, Phase 1

The first phase here included the construction of Rooms

5 and 6 and Wall J (Locus

1451). The

floor in Room 6 (Locus 1456) was opus signinum with rosettes of white tesserae disposed around a black central tessera placed randomly over the surface (Figs. 63, 64). This pavement was 39cm below the similar opus signinum floor in Room 5 and was in poor condition with pitting, cracking and sloping of the surface (Fig. 61). The opus signinum in Room 5 (Locus 1453) did not have the added rosette pattern, and it was damaged and blackened by fire (Fig. 62). Only in the south corner and along the SW balk at the midpoint between the south and west corners of the sounding was the original surface of the floor visible. The entire NE area of the room was in very poor condition. A deep black discoloration in the east corner which ran 8cm along the wall is a stain left by the decay of organic material. There was also major root activity noted. No material culture was found associated with either Loci 1453 or 1456. Wall J (Locus

1451) was constructed of limestone cobbles with a mortar of calcined lime made

with Tiber sand in a manner similar to that of Walls D and I. No evidence of plaster remained on either face of Wall J. Sounding 26, Rooms

5 and 6, Phase 2

Locus 1454 was found in Room 6 SE of Wall 1, directly on and above the opus signinum floor. It was probably an ancient soil layer, undisturbed in modern times, but its date could not be determined (Figs. 61, 107). The soil was rich in clay but gray in color (5Y 5/1). Found in the locus were many common ware pottery fragments, a mortarium cut in half vertically, a large number of animal bones and building debris. Also found was a fragmentary cut limestone slab with three preserved lines of an inscription which may be funerary (Plate 118). The slab was broken at one end and reworked at the other, perhaps to be reused as a wall stone. It measured 13cm by 14cm and was 3cm thick. The first line of the inscription may have read "Dis Manibus" (D. M.) followed on the second line by the name of the deceased in the genitive of which only "IUST" is preserved. The lowest 2cm of Locus 1454 just above the floor was given the designation Locus 1455. A nearly complete common ware pot was found broken on the floor in this locus. Loci 1454/1455 seemed to be an ancient dump but its date could not be determined. Sounding 26, Rooms

5 and 6, Phase 3

All the remaining fill found in Rooms 5 and 6 in this sounding was disturbed topsoil (Locus In Room 5, the 2cm of soil resting directly on the floor (Locus 1453) was designated as Locus It was a brown (10YR 5/3) layer of very fine soil with grain to sand sized particles and a amount of scattered charcoal. No material culture was found. Locus 1450 was the same as Locus 1452 and directly above it (Figs. 61, 107). It covered the trench and included much building debris, modern glass fragments and Medieval pottery. -

84

001). 1452. small entire

Sounding 26, Rooms

5 and 6, General Data

Locus

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

001

N-98.82 - 98.28 S-98.72 - 98.42 W-98.58 - 98.28

2X7

.80

0

0

1450

E-99.22 - 98.42 N-98.28 - 97.17

2X7

111

0

0

1451 1452

5-98.42 - 97.02 W-98.28 - 97.17 E-98.42 - 97.02 97.77 - 96.75 NW-97.15 - 97.14

2X.45 2x2.43

102 1

100 10

NA 0

2X2.43

Undug

100

0

2X1.12

28

60

0

2X1.12

3

70

0

2X1.12

Undug

100

0

SE-97.15 - 97.14 NE-97.14 SW-97.14

1453

1454

N-97.02 S-97.05 W-97.02 E-97.00 N-96.77

1455

- 96.78 - 96.77 - 96.77 - 96.77 - 96.74

S-96.79 - 96.74 W-96.77 - 96.75 E-96.78 - 96.75

1456

N-96.74 S-96.74 W-96.75 E-96.75

Tally (sp=opus spicatum) Sounding 26 Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

001 1450

11 9

62 19

4 4 18

Tesserae

Brick

Floor

13 61

27 7

3sp 33sp

21

74

1452

1sp

1454

Sounding 29, Room 4 GRID AREA N50cd (Figs. 91, 108; Plates 6, 74)

A sounding was made in the north corner of Room 4, immediately SE of Sounding 2. This sounding completed the excavation of the NW area of Sounding 25 and continued 70cm further to the SW (Figs. 91, 108). Sounding 29 measured 1.90m NE/SW and began 30cm from Wall D. It was 30cm wide SE/NW and began immediately SE of the base of the north corner column of Room 4. The sounding was done to finish a small unexcavated area in Soundings 4x and 25 and to completely expose the mosaic floor in Room 4. Sounding 29, Room 4, Phase 1

The mosaic pavement appeared at the bottom of the sounding. Found here was an imbricated section southeast of the north corner column, the opus scutulatum floor in the center of the room,

and the rosette patterned mosaic of the NE corridor (Fig. 108). Against Wall D at the north corner of the sounding was found a preserved section of wall painting running 30cm NE/SW. It included a 85

black band 7cm in height at the base of the wall above which rose a red dado (10R 3/6) 47cm in height. Above this an area painted white continued to 54cm where the plaster was broken (Plate 46). Sounding 29, Room 4, Phase 2

Just below the contaminated fill (Locus 1657), two pan tile fragments were found which had been placed face down directly on the mosaic (Fig. 108). These tile fragments (Basket 8994) were similar in arrangement to other laterally placed tiles found in adjacent Sounding 2, Locus 007 (Plate 38). They may have all been part of a crude floor, later than the mosaic and, perhaps, contemporary with the oven in the NE part of Room 4 (Plates 47, 48). Sounding 29, Room 4, Phase 3

In this phase the ceiling and walls of the NE part of Room 4 collapsed, probably in the fifth century A. D. Locus 1665, lying directly on the mosaic, was composed of decaying wall plaster, including twenty painted plaster fragments. The locus was yellow (2.5Y 7/8) due to deteriorating mortar, and granular to cobble size stones were present in the debris. Sounding 29, Room 4, Phase 4

Locus 1657 was a long, narrow area of dark brown (10YR 4/3) soil which was fill washed in over debris from the collapse of the villa. It contained building debris and a fragment of stucco molding (Basket 8992). Some of the soil of the locus was excavation backfill from earlier seasons.

Dark brown soil like that of Locus 1657 was left against Wall D to protect the wall painting still adhering to it. But a section of painted plaster measuring 10cmx8cm and 7cm thick was recovered in the fill (Basket 9200) and removed. Sounding 29, Room 4, General Data Locus

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

90 Sealed

Slope/Down

1657 1665

97.13 - 96.88 96.88 - 96.84

1.05x.30 .85X.30

25 4

40 90

2SW 0

Tally (sp=opus spicatum) Sounding 29 Locus

Wedges

1657

1c

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

Tesserae

Brick

8

Floor Isp

Sounding 11, Room 8 GRID AREA M50d

(Figs. 6, 7, 14, 18, 19, 65-68, 89-90, 109, 110; Plates 4, 5, 10, 12, 82-86)

A sounding which measured 4m NW/SE by 5m was made to expose the area of the villa which became known as Room 8. The room was found to be paved with a badly fissured black and white mosaic. The NE and SW limits of the room were not found in the sounding. Soil accumulation since the room had gone out of use sloped sharply down to the SW in excess of 45 degrees in some places

(Fig. 110).

Sounding 11, Room 8, Phase 1 The first phase of Room 8 was its construction which included a black and white mosaic floor (Locus 413), Wall A (Locus 414) which bordered the room to the SE, and Wall P (Locus 416) which appears in the NW

balk of the sounding (Figs. 14, 18, 19, 65, 109, 110).

Wall A in this sounding was composed of limestone cobbles 17cm to 30cm long by 8cm to 16cm wide set in a grey mortar (2.5Y N5). The wall varied from 58cm to 63cm cms in thickness near the 86

doorway to Room 4. Wall P was 52cm thick and only partially exposed in the sounding. The wall cobbles were 6cm by 14cm and were covered with thick grey mortar (2.5Y N5). Within the sounding, the mosaic was preserved in a rectangle 5.00m by 3.2m, but it continued outside the limits of the sounding on its northeast and southwest sides. The pavement had a field of black tesserae decorated with evenly spaced white crosses and a border of two bands of white tesserae on a black background. The tesserae averaged 1cm square but ranged from .6cm to 1.2cm making 120 tesserae per 10cm square. The floor was severely fissured (Plate 86), so the conservators consolidated each part in a process known as "capping". The floor continued beyond the limits of the sounding to the SW for 41cm into Grid M51b before ending at Wall R. This wall had slipped downhill along its NW end. This instability had promoted the fissuring of the mosaic within the room and had caused the SW area of the mosaic to sink 30cm (Fig. 65). Sounding

11, Room

8, Phase 2

The events in the second phase in Room 8 included the beginning of its collapse. This occurred gradually and was due to the settling of the villa and pronounced movement downslope from NE to SW which resulted in the development of fissures in the pavement. The clay subsoil proved inadequate to support the villa and post-occupational root action further deteriorated the floor. Evidence has shown that much of Room 4 probably collapsed by the late first or early second century A. D. and that the room continued to collapse into the fifth century A. D. The sequence of events leading to the collapse of Room 8 is not known but the final collapse of the room did not occur before the fifth century. Sounding

11, Room

8, Phase 3

During this destruction phase, plaster fell from walls and, possibly, the ceiling. Abundant mortar, leached and dissolved from walls or deposited among the debris, appeared as a coarse yellow soil-like layer (2.5Y 7/8). Locus 412 was a sealed layer of yellow collapsed debris in the center and NE area of the room which included a large amount of fallen wall plaster, tesserae, a few sherds and decayed yellow mortar with granule sized particles (Fig. 109). It was not dense and it rested directly over the mosaic, sealing and protecting it, particularly in the center and NE parts of the room. Locus 412 contained considerable mudbrick detritus and many fragments of painted plaster. The patterns on the painted plaster could not be identified in situ because mortar, dissolved and redeposited, clung to their surfaces. A substantial number of red-painted plaster fragments (much of it 2.5 YR 3/6) were found in a group lying painted side down on the floor. Locus 405 was above Locus 412 and similar to it. It was designated as a separate locus for control in excavation. In the north corner of the room it mounded up to a considerable height above the level of the preserved wall (Figs. 109, 110). Loci 405 and 412, composed of as many as three layers of plaster fall, were found in the center of the room as well as along its walls, suggesting that the plaster did not fall all at once. Because air pockets were found within the debris layers, evidence that earth had not washed into these spaces, it was suggested that this fall occurred over a short period of time. A fragment of an antefix and pieces of gypsum were found in Locus 405. Three large opus signinum chunks were also recovered, similar to the floor of Room 5. One of these was found near the middle of the NW balk. These chunks were not from this floor and might have rolled down from Room 3 above or from a second story, although there was no direct evidence to suggest this. Although Loci 405 and 412 were well sealed, a pit had been dug at an unknown date in Locus 405 in the north corner of the trench where a modern coin (Basket 2615) was recovered by the NW balk. Loci 405 and 412 also were disturbed by tree roots and land snails. Nonetheless, these loci are

significant because they contain relatively well sealed material which includes evidence that the room deteriorated and parts of it collapsed before its walls finally fell. Also associated with the third phase of the room was fallen debris (Locus 407) in the doorway of Wall A leading from Room 8 down one step to the colonnaded oecus known as Room 4 (Fig. 109; Plates 37, 49, 83, 86). Locus 407 could be material from the doorframe or from an arch over the door.

87

The collapse recorded in this locus probably occurred at the same time as the fall of the plaster in Loci 412/405 and was probably rapid, occurring over a few weeks, because the material fell in layers without any build-up of soil between them. A doorsill of stone, 88cm in length, remains in situ. Locus 405 fell in and surrounded Locus 407 over a'period of months or, at most, a few years. Also in this phase were tightly sealed layers of debris from Loci 405/412 found sealed under crollo blocks. These sealed loci were designated as Loci 415 (beneath 403), 417 (beneath 402) and 418

(beneath 410). They were termed “pedestals” since they were limited areas left in isolation under fallen wall collapse around which the rest of the area was excavated (Fig. 109; Plate 83).

Locus 415 was located in the SW area of the sounding and featured granule sized decaying yellow mortar mixed with grey soil (10YR 6/1) and clay. It contained painted plaster fragments, angular terra cotta fragments, granule to pebble sized stones and mudbrick detritus which had moved downslope rapidly; it may have been the substratum along which crollo block Locus 403 slid to its present location. Locus 415 was identical to Locus 405. Locus 417 was also identical to Locus 405 in composition but was yellow (10YR 7/8) and was found in the middle of the sounding against its NE balk. Locus 418, located against and near the middle of Wall P, was another similar layer of yellow decayed mortar and plaster. It contained no material culture. Sounding

11, Room

8, Phase 4

The fourth phase of Room 8 included the collapse of the walls represented by crollo blocks Loci 402, 403 and 410 which rest over Locus 405 and their own pedestals, Loci 417, 415 and 418. These

blocks probably did not come from Walls P or A but were probably from terracing walls upslope or from the upper walls of Room 4, which they resemble in composition (Loci 103, 105, 1259, 1260). These blocks collapsed after Phase 3 and slid or rolled to their present locations above Locus 405 after mudbrick detritus had washed down the hill. Each had a different mortar and technique of construction. Perhaps they represented the work of more than one mason on one wall, or they may have been sections of several walls. These pieces trapped and sealed their pedestals, Loci 415, 417 and 418, and Loci 405 and 412. Because of their size and weight, they may have caused further damage when they fell on the fallen plaster layers and the mosaic floor. The composition of Locus 402 was similar to that of the crollo blocks in Room 4 and consisted of grey sandstone cobbles and small boulders and pieces of brick and tile in a grey-white (10YR 7/2) mortar matrix. It covered 1.45m by 1.33m and was 57cm thick. On the underside of the fallen mass were 2 to 4 cms of subplaster of grey (2.5Y N5) lime. Locus 403 was another crollo block. It was composed of grey (10YR 6/1) lime mortar and limestone and sandstone aggregate from small cobble to small boulder size. It measured 90cm by 1.04m and was 38cin thick. Locus 403 was faced with 3cm of sub-plaster. Locus 410 was another crollo block which measured 65cm by 70cm and was 20cm thick. It was composed of limestone and sandstone pebbles in grey (10YR 6/1) lime mortarr and had a layer of sub-plaster adhering to its unde Sounding 11, Room 8, Phase 5 The fifth phase of the Room 5 was represented by the fall of crollo block Locus 404, possibly from Wall A, over its pedestal (Locus 419), in the south part of the sounding (Fig. 109; Plate 83). Locus

404 was 24cm thick and contained small to large cobbles, six pan tile fragments, and three brick fragments set in a grey mortar matrix.It occupied an area 74cm by 1.26m. Beneath Locus 404, Locus 419 was a layer of brown soil (10YR 4/3) from slope wash, ll.5cm thick. It accumulated after the initial phases of collapse of the villa. Small to large cobbles from the walls were abundant along with other building debris. This locus was the same as Loci 408 and 411 which were also associated with this phase of deterioration of the villa. Locus 41 was a grey-brown soil (10YR 5/2) found throughout the SW area of the trench resting directly on the mosaic. The color was due to the presence of mortar of that color, but the Locus was

otherwise similar to Locus 412 (Fig. 109). Locus 411 was not as well sealed as Loci 405 and 412 and 88

seemed to be contaminated by slopewash, erosion and plowing. It contained circa 100 tesserae along with fallen painted plaster fragments. Locus 408 was identical to and above Locus 411 and had the same slope (Fig. 110). The two loci were given separate designations as a precaution in the recording of data regarding small changes to the soil directly over the mosaic floor in Room 8. Locus 408 was 25cm thick and contained building debris and painted plaster fragments (Figs. 109, 110). Locus 409 was a layer of soil wash and collapse debris lodged between Locus 404 and Wall A in the south corner of the sounding. It was composed of trapped dark brown (10YR 3/3) soil, chunks of white (5YR 8/1) fine mortar, yellow (10YR 7/8) decayed mortar, stones of granule to large cobble size

and a considerable quantity of painted plaster. The plaster probably fell from Wall A but was found in no particular arrangement or alignment. A fragment of mosaic floor with layers of foundation still attached was designated Basket 2637 and was found surface down. Potsherds and small lenses of yellow clay and black humus, which may represent probes dug by clandestini, were also found. Also assigned to this phase was Locus 406, a collapsed terrace wall and decayed yellow (10YR 8/8) wall mortar in the east corner of the trench adjacent to the NE balk. Among the material culture recovered were potsherds, building debris and painted plaster fragments. Sounding

11, Room

8, Phase 6 |

In the sixth phase of the sounding Loci 400 and 401, layers of waste which washed downslope from the upper level of the villa, were deposited (Fig. 110). These loci, which covered the entire sounding, were full of tile and brick fragments. Below Locus 400, Locus 401 filled the sounding with grey soil (2.5 YR N5) with granule size lithics along with numerous medium to large wall cobbles. It was disturbed by root action along its entire length. Building debris, animal bones, painted plaster, glass, and decayed mudbrick were found in this locus. Locus 400 was located just above Locus 401. It was a grey to tan or red yellow (5YR 7/6) sandy soil with granule sized particles and many lenses of yellow clay and concentrations of medium to large wall cobbles. Like 401, the locus suffered from root and plow disturbance and was the result of slopewash. Sounding

11, Room

8, Phase 7

The seventh and final phase in this room is the dark topsoil (Locus 001), an “A zone” soil which

covered the entire trench. It was dark brown (10YR 3/3) with lenses of grey and tan and was disturbed by root action and plowing. It contained building debris, potsherds and traces of mortar and painted plaster. | Conclusions

Sounding 11 not only revealed most of Room 8 but also provided evidence that the deterioration of this part of the villa was related to the collapse of the ceiling in Room 4. The fissures in the floor suggest the structure was unstable. Most of the debris in this room fell over a brief period but there were later minor phases of collapse over a period of years until this area filled up with slopewash. An absolute chronology for this room was impossible to determine due to the dearth of datable material found here. Sounding

11, Room

8, General Data

Locus

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

001

N-99.07 S-97.73 W-97.71 E-99.62 N-98.31 S-97.56 W-97.45 E-98.70

4x5

92

0

45SW

4x5

87

10

32SW

400

- 98.31 - 97.56 - 97.45 - 98.70 - 97.80 - 97.51 - 97.36 - 97.83

89

401

402 403 404 405 406 407 408 409 410 411 412 413

414 415 416 417 418 419

-

30SW

10

27

4x5

N-97.80 - 97.53 S-97.51 - 97.49 W-97.36 - 97.13 E-97.83 - 97.67 98.42 - 97.65 97.61 - 97.23 97.69 - 97.10 N-97.53 - 97.23 W-97.30 - 97.18 E-97.43 - 97.36 97.67 - 97.43 97.66 - 97.14 N 97.23 - 97.13 S 97.49 - 97.08 W 97.13 - 96.88 NE 97.58 - 97.03 SW 97.51 - 97.03 97.80 - 97.12 N 97.13 - 96.95 S 97.08 - 97.03 W 96.88 - 96.68 N 97.234 - 97.23 W 97.18 - 96.95 E 97.36 - 97.33 N 97.23 S 96.98 W 96.95 E 97.33 NE 98.81 - 97.33 SW 97.42 - 96.98 97.64 - 96.95 NE 97.33 - 97.23 SW 97.08 - 96.95 97.65 - 97.29 97.12 - 97.05 97.10 - 96.99

N/A

1.45NE/SWxX 1.33 1.04NE/SWX.90 1.26NE/SWX.74 3.46NE/SWX3.51

1.45NE/SWX.86 1.47NE/SWX1.37 4.2NE/SWX4 1.29NE/SWX.60 ‘TONE/SWX.65 4.2NE/SWX4 3.46NE/SWX3.51

23

SNE/SWX3.2

Undug

100

5NE/SW X.63

148

100

1.04NE/SWx.9 5NE/SW*x.52

69 13

100 100

1.45NE/SW*x 1.33 .Z0NB/SW X .65 1.26NE/SWX.74

36 7 11

100 100 100

Tally (m=mosaic, sp=opus spicatum, sg=opus signinum, sc=opus scutulatum, v=voussoirs) Sounding 11 LOCUS

Wedges

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

Tesserae

001

1

115

11

22

120

400 401

10 10

92 85

21 7

16 36

80 120

8 2

3

5 20

600

404 405. 406 407 408 409 411 412 415 417

90

5 13

2

5 49

2

12 27

50

6 1

40

2

100 100 ὃ

4

Brick

Sounding 15, Room 8 GRID AREA M51b (Figs. 6, 7, 14, 65, 88, 111; Plates 4, 12, 82, 83)

This sounding was a cleaning through surface soil to expose the SW limits of Room 8 and Wall R. It measured 4m NW/SE by 1.5m. Sounding

15, Room

8, Phase 1

The construction of Wall R (Locus 656) dated to the period of the original construction of the villa. Locus 656 may have been an exterior wall for there was no trace of a floor on its SW side where a garden or courtyard may have been located (Fig. 6). The wall was poorly preserved from two to six courses high and was constructed of rubble masonry set in a pale brown mortar (10YR 8/4). It was 61cm wide and traces of wall plaster were found adhering to its face within Room 8. The wall had tilted SW about 4 degrees in several places. At the midpoint along Wall R was a cavity which measured 30cm NE/SW by 41cm (Figs. 65, 111). To the NW of this point the wall had slipped downslope tilting a further 3 degrees out of alignment. This ruined wall may have originally been built in the opus reticulatum technique but the only evidence for this was a few loose cubilia. To the NE of Wall R the border of the mosaic of Room 8 (Locus 657) appeared (Fig. 65; Plate 83). Sounding

15, Room

8, Phase 2

The second phase of the room was its destruction after the wall had slipped downslope and the mosaic had subsided and fissured. A layer of wall debris and yellow (2.5Y 7/8) decaying mortar (Locus 654) was found on the mosaic (Fig. 111). Sounding

15, Room

8, Phase 3

Locus 655 was found SW of Wall R and date than Locus 654 on the other side of the the limits of Wall R. It was composed of "B culture including mudbrick detritus and an Sounding

15, Room

was the result of slopewash (Fig. 111). It was of a later wall. Only enough of Locus 655 was removed to reveal zone" soil, dark grey-brown (2.5Y 5/2) full of material antefix fragment.

8, Phase 4

A series of soft "A zone" soil layers appeared in the upper part of the trench. Locus 652 occupied the NE and NW areas of the sounding over the rubble layer, Locus 654. It was dark brown to black in color (10YR 2/2), rich in organic remains and of recent deposition. Finds included building debris and a well preserved antefix with a Gorgon head in relief. Above this locus was another layer of recent soil (Locus

653) in the NW

area of the sounding

which had been disturbed by plowing. It was composed of yellow (2.5 7/8) decaying mortar and building debris most of which was probably from Wall R and other parts of Room 8. The locus was primarily structural debris, plaster and mortar, which had moved downslope as wash or as the result of plowing. A considerable quantity of painted plaster was recovered. Locus 651 covered tbe entire trench except for the area of Locus 653. It was dark brown (10YR 3/3) with occasional light brown areas and patches of yellow decaying mortar (10YR 7/8), and it contained building debris and a stamped brick. The dark brown (10YR 3/3) topsoil (Locus 001) was similar to Locus 651. Sounding

15, Room

8, General Data

LOCUS

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

001

N-97.51 - 97.38 S-97.60 - 97.27

4Χ1.5

33

0

14SW

W-97.30 - 97.19 E-97.61 - 97.38

9]

651

652

653 654 655

656 657

N-97.38 - 97.09 S-97.27 - 96.83 W-97.19 - 96.81 E-97.38 - 96.87 , N 97.09 - 97.03 W 96.73 - 96.59 E 97.27 - 97.21 NE 97.38 - 97.11 SW 97.19 - 96.81 NW 97.03 - 96.79 SE 97.21 - 97.08 N 97.03 - 96.34 W 96.59 - 96.30 E 96.87 - 96.54 NW 96.68 - 96.64 SE 97.26 - 97.00 NW 96.64 | SE 97.00 ᾿

3.55X1.5

59

0

14SW

.A9NE/SWX 1.5

13

0

14SW

1.5NE/SWX.45

38

0

14SW

4NW/SEX.62

24

90

0

4x.88

69

0

14SW

4X.61

26

100

N/A

4x.88

Undug

100

3NE

Tally (v=voussoir) Sounding 15 Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

001 651

11 26

69

8

14 26

652

5

3

1

653 654

3 2

11 7

6 3

655

2

12

5

Tesserae

Brick

Floor

23 57 iv

12 80

9 5

lv 52

5 ἵν

Sounding 18, Probe 1, Room 8 GRID AREA M50b

(Figs. 6, 14, 18, 65, 66, 89, 112; Plates 4, 5, 10, 12)

This sounding initially measured It uncovered the NE limit of Room 8 conservation of the Wall V painted Sounding 18, Probe 2. This summary Sounding

18, Probe 1, Room

5mX80cm, but was quickly tapered to 2.4 by .80 (Figs. 89, 112). and the rest of its mosaic pavement. It was begun in 1990, but plaster delayed completion until 1992 when it was termed is limited to the results of Probe 1.

8, Phase 1

The mosaic floor (Locus 907) and Wall V (Locus 903) belonged to the time of the original construction of the villa. Wall V is described in the discussion of Sounding 16, Room 10, Probe 2. Both opus reticulatum and laid brick construction techniques were used in Wall V (Locus 903), but much

of the wall surface was obscured by poorly preserved fresco. The wall itself tilted NW-SW due to its movement downslope. This deformation caused the original painted plaster to fall from its face, and many fragments of plaster were found at its base, but there were still a few fragments adhering loosely to it. Weathering, water, frost and plant wedging were also factors in the deterioration of the plaster. An oak tree in the south corner of the sounding had put forth roots which penetrated through the plaster face into the wall itself making excavation difficult (Fig. 18; Plate 12). The plaster was applied in three distinct layers. The base layer was a yellow brown mortar (10YR 92

6/6). Above this was a separate, similar sub-plaster, then the painted plaster layer. There is no evidence that the wall was painted more than once. The mosaic floor (Fig. 65) is a continuation of Locus 413 from M50d, Sounding 11. It was composed of a field of black tesserae dotted with crosses of white tesserae spaced evenly over its surface. Its border was parallel to Wall V and was composed of diagonally set rows of black cubes and two white bands each four tesserae wide enclosing a black band three tesserae wide. The tesserae varied in size from 0.8cm to 1cm centimeter square. The simple geometric design and the small cubes suggest a date for this floor between the first century B. C. and the early first century A. D. (already discussed in Footnote 7). There were several fissures in the floor, some as wide as 3cm, caused by move-

ment of the room downslope. Sounding 18, Probe 1, Room 8, Phase 2 Several loci were found just above the pavement. Locus 904 was brown yellow in color (10YR 6/8) and included fallen yellow mortar and white plaster along with building debris, potsherds and charcoal bits (Fig. 112). The most significant find in Locus 904 was a fragment of the base of an African Red Slip vessel of Hayes Form 91 with feather-rouletted decoration dated to 350-530 A. D. This find suggested collapsed debris in Phase 2 belonged to a very late period in the history of the site. Locus 906 was yellow brown (10YR 6/6) and seemed to be from the debris of the collapse of a wall, but it had been slightly contaminated by root action. It lay beneath Locus 905, a crollo block of Phase 3, and next to Locus 904, with which it was contemporary. It was hard and contained wall plaster, decomposed mortar, bits of charcoal and building debris. In both Locus 906 and 904 small to large pieces of painted plaster were found which were trapped painted side down against the mosaic floor. Sounding

18, Probe 1, Room

8, Phase 3

Phase 3 of the villa in this sounding was not sealed as well as Phase 2 due to intrusive oak roots. Locus 905 was a crollo block which had fallen on Locus 904 and was also directly above Locus 906. It measured 81cm by 65cm and continued well beyond the SW limit of the sounding. It consisted of cubilia and a few bricks set in a mortar similar to that of Wall V from where it probably fell. Also associated with this phase were Loci 901 and 902 which surrounded Locus 905. Locus 902 occupied the southern area of the sounding above 904 and had been disturbed by oak roots in the south corner of the trench. The soil was light to medium brown (10YR 5/3) and the finds

included building debris. | Locus 901 was grey to grey white (10YR 7/2) and contained decomposing mortar ranging from the same grey white to yellow (10YR 8/8), charcoal bits, potsherds and building debris. Sounding 18, Probe 1, Room 8, Phase 4 Loci 900 and 001 are “A zone" soils. They were contaminated by root action, animal disturbances,

slope movement and weathering. There was evidence of wall, ceiling and roof debris destruction of the villa. These loci yielded some wall plaster, potsherds and charcoal bits. covered the entire trench and was light brown (10YR 7/4). It was formed by slopewash and been disturbed by plowing. Locus 001 was a dark brown (10YR 3/3) layer of topsoil in the north corner which buidling debris. | |

from the Locus 900 may have contained

Conclusions

This trench revealed the limits of Room 8 and yielded a significant quantity of fallen painted plaster which gave vital information on the painted decoration of the room from its origin in Augustan times until its demise.

93

Sounding Locus 001

18, Probe 1, Room :

Level Above .Datum/m NW-99.31

- 99.18

901

SE-99.44 NW-99.18 SE-9941 NW-98.72

- 99.41 - 98.72 - 98.80 - 98.63

902

SE-98.80 - 98.30 98.73 - 97.53

900

903

NW-98.63 SE-98.67 NW-98.63 SE-98.30 NW-98.30

904 905

8, General Data

|.

- 97.31 - 97.32 - 97.31 - 97.32 - 97.66

|

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

5x.80

13

0

26SW

5x.80 z 5x.80

61

0

5SW

50

30

5SW

1.7NW/SEx.42

120

30

0

5x.68 full thickness 2.4X.80

135

100

N/A

132

90

0

64

70

N/A

.81NW/SEx.65

full

SE-98.29 - 97.68

dimensions

906

N-97.43 - 97.31

.ZINW/ISEX.33

23

90

0

907

E-97.55 - 97.32 N-97.31

2.4ANW/SEX.80

Undug

100

0

S-97.32

Tally (sp-opus spicatum, sg=opus signinum) Sounding 18 Locus 001 900 901

902

Wedges

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

7 53 8

1 8 3

2 14 6

5

904

31

1

4

906

Tesserae

18

1

4

100

5

100

Brick

8 1

Floor

2sg 1sg

isp

Sounding 18, Probe 2, Room 8

GRID AREA M50d/51 b (Figs. 65, 66, 68, 89, 113; Plates 4, 5, 10, 12, 84, 85) In order to expose more fully the north corner of Room 8 and its mosaic floor, a small sounding was made which ran 2.23m along the NE side of the room against Wall V. It was carried 46cm SW from the wall and included some areas which were left unexcavated in Sounding 18, Probe | due to the need to preserve painted plaster on the SW face of Wall V (Fig. 113, Areas 2 and 3). Sounding

18, Probe 2, Room

8, Phase 1

This is the phase of the construction of both Wall V and the mosaic in Room 8, though Wall V may have been rebuilt along its NE end at a later date (Plate 14).

|

Near the north corner of the room along Wall V a grey-white (7.5 YR N7) limestone drain cover (Locus 1659) was found set into the floor over a drain which led from Room 8 to Room 10, a service area (Figs. 66, 68; Plates 84, 85). Perhaps the purpose of the drain was to evacuate wash water when

the floor of Room 8 was cleaned because this room had no doorway to the exterior for this purpose. 13 The drain cover was carved into the form of a rosette in relief with a central hole and holes between each petal. The rosette was set within a circular depression, itself sét within a square. The drain opening in Room 10 was 32cm below the level of this drain cover (Plates 98, 99). Although the 13 For a similar drain, see Johannes Boersma, Amoenissima Civitas I in Ostia 6 (1985) ii.6-7, vestibule 14, dated A. D. 250-300.

94

drain cover was probably part of the original layout of the room, the cover has been set into the floor out of alignment with the mosaic pattern. Its NE side was covered by the facing of Wall V. The SW side of the drain, the only side completely visible, was 23.6cm long. The NW and SE sides measured 18.2cm and 17.25cm respectively while the NE Sic measured 22.5cm until it disappeared beneath the painted plaster of Wall V. Wall V (Locus 1670) was composed of cobbles covered with a layer of painted plaster resting over at least one layer of intonaco. The conservation of the wall surface prevented study of the foundation layers for the painted plaster in this area. The fresco was in poor condition due to root action within the wall itself, but 2.5m of painted plaster survived to a height of 58cm. A red (2.5 YR 4/6), horizontal band extended along the base of the wall which rose to a height of 15cm above the mosaic floor. Above this rose a black (7.5 YR N2/0) dado which was at least 43cm high. The painted plaster turned the corner to continue 24cm along Wall P where it is preserved to a height of 27cm. Sounding

18, Probe 2, Room

8, Phase 2

This phase was represented by Locus 1653, a brown yellow (10YR 6/6) layer of debris including granular to cobble size stones, a considerable quantity of painted plaster which had collapsed from Wall V and four large stucco moulding fragments (Baskets 8972, 8978, 8981). The uniformity of the colors and geometric pattern in the design of the painted plaster suggests that it was part of one unit which fell when this room and Wall V were destroyed. No additional material culture was found. Sounding

18, Probe 2, Room

8, General Data

Locus

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

1653

97.63 - 97.27

1659

97.29

2.23X.46

36

95

0

.18x.24

Undug

100

1670

98.15 - 97.29

0

2.23X.58

86

100

0

Tally Sounding 18, Probe 2 Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

Tesserae

Brick

Floor

No material in this sounding

Sounding 28, Probe 1, Room 8 GRID AREA M50d

51b (Figs. 91, 113, Area 4; Plate 10)

This sounding was made near the east corner of Room 8 adjacent to Sounding 18 as a cleaning around the stump left after the felling of the large oak tree in the east corner of Room 8. Because of contamination

from tree roots this locus was

not sealed. Nonetheless,

it did contain debris from

the collapse of Room 8. The sounding was made to a distance of 76cm SW of Wall V and 65cm NW of Wall A. Sounding 28, Probe

1, Room

8, Phase 1

This was represented by the mosaic of Room 8 which abutted Walls V and A. Sounding 28, Probe

1, Room

8, Phase 2

This phase was represented cially in its upper level. The soil it were found stones up to small the walls. A few potsherds were

by Locus 1656, a destruction locus disturbed by root action espewas yellow brown and similar to that found in Locus 1653. Within cobble size, and significant quantities of painted plaster fallen from also recovered along with a charcoal sample. 95

Sounding 28, Probe 1, General Data Locus

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

1656

97.44 - 97.27

varied

17

75

0

Tally Sounding 28, Probe 1 Locus

Wedges

Pan

1656

Cover

Cubilia

Tesserae

Brick

Floor

5

Sounding 28, Probe 2, Room

8

GRID AREA M50d 51b (Figs. 91, 113, Area 5)

This small probe was conducted to reveal the mosaic in the south corner of Room 8 (Fig. 113, Area 5). The sounding ran 1.5m NE from the south corner of Room 8 and 1.18m NW and extended out 34cm from Wall R and 40cm from Wall A. Sounding 28, Probe 2, Room

8, Phase

1

The mosaic pavement and Walls A and R represented the original construction of the villa in Room 8. Sounding 28, Probe 2, Room

8, Phase 2

Locus 1658 was a concentrated zone of fallen painted wall plaster (Baskets 8990, 8991). A fragment of stucco molding was also found and was included in Basket 8991. The colors of paint found on the plaster included the same red (2.5YR 4/6), black (7.5YR N2/0) and white (5YR 8/1) found in sita on the walls in Sounding 26. The south corner was not excavated. Sounding 28, Probe 2, General Data LOCUS

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

1658

97.38 - 96.98

varied

40

100

0

Tally Sounding 28, Probe 2

Locus

Wedges

Pan

. Cover

Cubilia

Tesserae

Brick

Floor

No material in this sounding

Sounding 14, Room 9 GRID AREA M50a/c (Figs. 6, 18, 65, 69, 88, 114, 115; Plates 4, 12, 13, 87-90)

Sounding 14 was made to continue the excavation of the lower part of the villa and was carried to virgin soil. The sounding measured 2.5m by 6m NE/SW but was later extended Im to the NW because of the large crollo blocks found on that side. The excavation of Room 9 was not completed. Sounding 14, Room 9, Phase 1 The earliest level encountered in the sounding was virgin soil (Locus 617), a fine clay, originally grey, but now yellow (2.5Y 8/8) from oxidation (Figs. 114, 115). This layer contained a number of oyster and scallop shells deposited here in the Middle Pliocene Period (Plate 119). 14 This locus was 14 TAGE NILSSON, The Pleistocene (London:

96

1983) p. 83.

found in the south and SE parts of the sounding and in a deep probe trench in the SW area of the sounding (Fig. 114).

Sounding 14, Room 9, Phase 2 This is the first phase of construction found in the room, but excavation stopped before it could be determined if it belonged to the time of the original construction of the villa. The phase includes Wall U (Loci 612 and 612a) and Locus 618 (Fig. 114; Plate 89).

Locus 612 was a carefully constructed wall of opus reticulatum which had a ceramic pipe penetrating through it from one face to the other. The wall ran NE/SW and was 30cm thick with facing cubilia of medium to large cobble size set in a grey (2.5Y N5) mortar. Six courses were preserved to a height of 1.22m. Locus 612 runs parallel to the NW balk for 1.15m. Due to its close proximity to this balk, a vertical section could not be drawn. The opus reticulatum was visible only on the NW face of the wall (Plate 90, right) because the SE face was obscured by later construction. The exceptional quality of this opus reticulatum suggests that Locus 612 might belong to a later phase of the villa. This could not be established with certainty, however,

because the walls of the villa exhibit

many variations of construction from incertum to reticulatum, many of which were probably constructed within a single phase. A projecting nub of wall (Locus 612a) was uncovered immediately southwest of 612 (Fig. 114; Plates 87, 89). This arca was 51cm long and 37cm thick. It was visible to a height of circa 1.2m, but the base of the wall was not reached in this area. Locus 612a was probably in situ and was not fallen debris from Locus 612. The section of pipe found in Wall U (Locus 612) was located 54cm above the bottom of the sounding and had a diameter of 9cm. It was installed as part of the original wall and was complete and unbroken but was found filled with earth. Its function had something to do with Locus 612 but not with Wall T (Locus 605), a later wall abutting Wall U to the SE (Fig. 114). A fragmentary pipe was also found in 612a at its SW end running NW/SE at a level approximately 40cm below that of the pipe in Locus 612 and suggests that Locus 612 and 612a may have been part of the same building phase. Wall U (Locus 612) was capped with one course of reused pan tiles placed with their long sides out like bricks. This capping may represent a later phase of construction, or it may have been part of a niche or a string course marking a days labor. The capping was 16cm above the level of the pipe. At some point in the life of Wall U, rubble and mortar were laid over the capping and the wall was continued to a higher level (Plate 89).

Loci 612 and 612a seemed to be the remains of an original wall which was rebuilt and reinforced when the villa began to shift downslope to the W/SW on the clay rich soil beneath Room 9. Only part of Wall U was rebuilt and reinforced on the SE side while another section was reinforced with additional brick courses (Wall T/Locus 605) to the NE (Fig. 114; Plate 87). The area preserved as Locus 612

was the sole stretch of early villa wall of this area included in the rebuilding. Because of the similarity of both 612 and 612a to Wall S, a rebuilt wall in Room

10 faced with fine opus reticulatum, it has

been suggested that these walls belong to the later first or early second century. The pipes found suggest that this area may have functioned as an open yard or courtyard or that a hydraulic installation was located here which was used until a later phase when the walls of the villa were reinforced. In the west corner of the sounding another section of wall was found which may be a continuation of Wall U (Locus 612), but it was not excavated. It was parallel to the later Locus 611, the SW continuation of Wall T (Figs. 65, 114; Plate 87, bottom extreme left).

Locus 618 was a feature which was not fully excavated located between the NW balk and Wall T (Locus 613) in the north part of the sounding. It was parallel to Locus 612 and it extended to the NW of Wall T (Locus 613). It was suggested that Locus 618 was a pilaster base or a bench (Figs. 69, 114; Plate 90). This feature was faced with bricks set in mortar around a rubble core and was preserved

for three courses to 39cm in height and an estimated 70cm in length. It was at least 30cm wide. Because of its careful workmanship, Locus 618 was considered contemporary with or earlier than Loci 612 and 612a. 97

Locus 607 was beaten earth on the virgin soil surface which was probably the floor in Room 8 during Phases 2 and 3 (Figs. 114, 115). Locus 607 was found along the SE and SW limits of the sounding. It was 1.02m thick and sloped down to the SW as much as 45 degrees due to subsidence and downslope slippage. The locus itself contained little evidence of human habitation, except for debris scattered in its upper level which was designated as part of Phase 5. Its particles were granule size. Because there were no cobbles found in this locus, it is believed that it preceded the destruction phases of the villa. Locus 607 was yellow (2.5Y 7/8), fine, dry and powdery clay with oyster and scallop shells within it (Plate 119). Virgin soil lay beneath it. Fallen wall plaster on the surface of the floor showed that the walls of Room 9 were white and without decoration suggesting that it was a utility courtyard in Phases 2 and 3. Phase 2 cannot be dated but should be placed between the Augustan and, probably, Hadrianic periods because similar alterations were made to Wall S in Room 10 during the late first-early second century A. D. Sounding

14, Phase 3

Phase 3 is a secondary construction phase in which Walls T (Loci 605, 611, 613) and O (614) were built to reinforce Wall U (Locus 612) (Figs. 65, 69, 114; Plates 87-89). This may have been necessary

due to the shifting of the virgin clay bencath these walls and the severe movement and torquing of the hill to the W/SW. Repairs were done in haste, reusing bricks, pan tiles and cover tiles as well as sturdy sections of Wall U. But the reinforced and repaired walls continued to slide down the hill. Locus 611, for example, subsided 1m into virgin soil. The dating of this event is uncertain but occurred between the Augustan period and the time of the reuse of the villa as a dump and infant cemetery in the fifth century A. D. A possible date would be the late second or early third century A. D. when the villa was rapidly deteriorating. Perhaps the hasty repairs were engendered by a natural calamity such as heavy rainfall which would have further weakened the unstable virgin soil and hillslope. Locus 605, or Wall T, was the wall added to the SE side of Locus 612 (Fig. 114; Plates 87-90). It was excavated to a depth of 1.12m and ran for 2.92m. It was 60cm thick and built of bricks, reused

pan tiles and cover tiles set crudely and irregularly into a grey mortar (5YR 5/1). The core of the wall included rubble of medium to large cobbles, broken bricks and tiles and pottery sherds including amphora fragments. The southwest extreme of Locus 605 seemed to be faced with brick suggesting that it was a jamb for a doorway which was once located here. The other jamb is probably represented by Locus 611 which has twisted out of alignment with Locus 605 (Fig. 114; Plate 87). Locus 611 was faced on its NE side also suggesting a door jamb. At the bottom of Locus 605 was found one course of brick and rubble which may have been the seat of a threshold between Loci 605 and 611. It may be that Locus 612a was partially demolished to create this doorway. |. Locus 611 had rotated 17 degrees out of vertical alignment, considerably more than had Locus 605. Both walls used pan tiles as a kind of "brick" wall facing. Beneath Locus 611 foundation was recorded 40cm deep made only of grey (2.5Y N5) mortar without brick or tile aggregate. On the west side of the sounding, Locus 611 was only partially excavated. It ran parallel to Loci 612 and 605, although it had subsided to a level 1m below 605 and had suffered severely from the

movement of the hillside W/SW (Fig. 114). It was built entirely of brick with a grey (2.5Y N5) mortar and seemed to be a continuation of similar Locus 605. Locus 611 was preserved along its 1.18m length within the sounding to a thickness of 36cm and a height of 2.06m. Locus 613 was similar in construction to Locus 605. It seemed to be bonded into it and to run over it in several areas (Fig. 114; Plate 88), so it was probably contemporary with Loci 605, 614 and 611. The NW face of Locus 613 was carefully made (Plate 90), but the SE area of the wall is obscured

by Locus 605. Locus 613 had the grey (2.5Y N5) mortar, with medium to large cobbles, bricks, pan and cover tile fragments and sherds used as aggregate in the core. It continued along the same alignment as Locus 612, but it jutted out 22cm NW of Locus 612 where it abuts Locus 618. The relationship of Locus 618 to 613 is unclear. It is possible that 618 was the foundation of a doorway opening to the NE which would account for the careful work on the NW end of Locus 613. Locus 613 rose at least twelve courses and was excavated to a height of 39cm and was 52cm thick and 78cm long. 98

Wall O (Locus 614) was bonded into Wall T (Locus 605) and Wall T (Locus 613), and all these

seemed to be part of the same building phase (Fig. 114; Plate 88). Wall O was especially similar in construction to Wall T (Locus 611) because both their foundations were constructed of grey mortar without bricks. Locus 614 ran NW/SE for 1.53m and had a maximum preserved height of 1.3m but the base of the wall was not found. Its average thickness was 60 cms. Sounding

14, Room

9, Phase 4

In this phase a large area of unpainted wall plaster found lying flat in pieces up to 20cm wide and other debris including roof tiles, wall stones, tesserae, and sherds (all of Locus

606) collapsed

onto beaten earth floor (Locus 607), the only floor encountered in the trench. Consequently, it has been suggested that at the time of its collapse this area lacked the decoration found in the neighboring rooms of the lower villa. Its walls were unpainted like those in service Rooms

10 and 15, and

the plaster deposit found in Room 9 resembles the plaster found in these rooms. The simple walls, earth floor and lack of access from Room 8 suggest that this may have been a servant's courtyard. This phase may be dated only generally between the second and fifth centuries. Sounding

14, Room

9, Phase 5

This phase followed a long period when the villa either lay completely abandoned or was infrequently visited. Pottery evidence dated this phase to the fourth or, more likely, fifth century A. D., when this part of the villas ruins became a dump and Rooms 10 and 15 were leveled and prepared for use as a cemetery. The loci from the period of this late dump included 606, 608 and possibly 616. Locus 606 was directly above 607 and contained debris appropriate to a dump and numerous potsherds along with a few intrusive spots of "B zone" soil at its upper level (Figs. 114, 115). The locus contained much yellow decomposed mortar (2.5Y 8/8). Over 500 fragments of unpainted wall plaster were recovered along with four chunks of opus spicatum, twelve tesserae, glass, and opus scutulatum. Locus 606 contained only one datable sherd, a fragment of the base of a plate of Terra Sigillata Chiara Italica similar to Lamboglia Form 40 in African Red Slip C Ware. It was dated to the first half of the third century A. D. This sherd, probably residual, provided a terminus post quem for the dump in Room 9. Locus 608 was found below Locus 606 and only in the west corner of the sounding. It was similar to Locus 606 but grey (7.5YR N5) possibly due to redeposited ash though no charcoal was found. Found in this locus were potsherds, building debris and animal bones. Locus 616 was also composed of dump debris and was probably contemporary with Loci 606 and 608. It was found between the NW balk of the sounding and Loci 612, 612a and 618. It was composed of a pale brown (10YR 6/3), fine, dry soil with many small to medium sized cobbles, painted plaster, charcoal, potsherds and animal bones. Also found was a terra cotta antefix dated to 50-0 B. C. Sounding

14, Room

9, Phase 6

Associated with this phase is the continued gradual decay of the villa. Locus 604, a section of wall of opus reticulatum with medium cobbles set in a grey (2.5Y N5) mortar laid in uneven rows collapsed onto the loci of Phase 5 and was found lying on its side covering a large area in the center of the sounding (Fig. 114; Plate 87). This event had a terminus post quem of the early third century A. D. Locus 604 was 3.85m long, 1.9m wide and 49cm thick. The origin of Locus 604 was not clear because the area immediately NE of the sounding was not excavated. When Locus 604 fell, its SW end was thrown downslope. It may have collapsed from Locus 605 falling to the SE but Locus 605 is a wall built of brick and tile and Locus 604 is faced with opus reticulatum on both faces. When viewed from the air (Plate 12), Locus 604 appeared to have fallen to the NW from Wall P in Room 8 but no trace of opus reticulatum was found with Wall P and no trace of painted plaster as had been found on Wall P was found on Locus 604. Possibly associated with this phase was a group of crollo blocks which were partially excavated (Loci 602, 610 and 615) (Fig. 114). Locus 602 was visible in the east corner of the sounding and mea99

sured im in width NE/SW by 1.25m (Plates 12, 10 had been removed). It was 50cm in height mortar (2.5Y N5). Locus 602 disappeared into Locus 610 protruded from the west corner

13, showing Locus 602 after its NE portion in Room and contained medium to large cobbles set in grey the NE and SE balks. of the sounding and contained medium to large cob-

bles and fragments of brick and roof tile set in grey (2.5Y N5) mortar (Plate 12). It was visible in an

expanse 83cm NW/SE by 75cm by 59cm in height. The origin of this block was not clear, but it was suggested that it might have collapsed from the pyramid vault in Room 4 and rolled NW. Locus 615 protruded from the NW balk immediately NW of Locus 612a (Fig. 114; Plates 12, 88). It included medium to large cobbles set in grey (2.5Y N5) mortar. The visible area measured 1m NE/SW, 40cm SE/NW Sounding

14, Room

and was 86cm high. 9, Phase 7

This phase was composed of unstratified soil, primarily topsoil which accumulated over and around the principal walls and features of the sounding. Loci included 609, 603, 601, 600 and 001 (Figs. 114, 115). 609 was found along the NW balk NW of Locus 605. It was similar to topsoil (Locus 001), dark brown (10YR 4/3), loosely compacted and contained many medium to large cobbles (Plate 88) and chunks of grey (2.5Y N5) mortar. The locus contained five pieces of painted plaster and building debris. Locus 603 was found just NE of collapsed Locus 604 and SW of the crollo block Locus 602 (Figs. 114, 115). It was a fine “B zone” soil with more sand than 001 or 600. It was also

dark brown with patches of yellow (10YR 7/8) decayed mortar. Locus 603 was loosely compacted and thinned to the SW. It produced a few potsherds, and painted plaster fragments. Locus 601 was a lens of decayed yellow (10YR 7/8) mortar and sandy fine soil surrounded by Locus 600 in the south corner of the trench (Fig. 115) It contained chunks of mortar of granule to

small cobble size, potsherds, painted plaster, and one stamped brick. Locus 600 was “B zone” soil which covered the trench below the topsoil to a maximum depth of 58cm (Fig. 115). It sloped sharply SW and covered all the features in the trench except Locus 602, the crollo block in the east corner of the sounding (Fig. 114). It immediately overlay crollo block Locus 604. Considerable material culture was recovered including building debris, potsherds, glass, scallop shells, painted plaster and animal bone. Finally, Locus 001 (topsoil) covered all other loci except Locus 602. It had been disturbed by plowing and was dark brown (10YR 3/3) with granules to large cobbles. It was a moist “A zone” soil containing: building debris and numerous potsherds. Locus 001 sloped down sharply circa 40 degrees NE/SW but flattened and thinned to the SW where it was almost invisible. Sounding 14, Room 9, General Data Locus 001

600

601

| Level Above Datum/m N-98.47 - 98.22 |. S-97.45 - 97.44 . W-97.08 - 96.72 , E-101.32 - 97.61 N-98.22 - 96.98 S-97.14 - 96.84 | W-97.34 - 96.89 |. R-97.40 - 97.38 97.14 - 96.70

602 603

604

100

101.32 - 100.34 : N-96.98 - 96.91 S-97.17-97.01

|

E-97.61 - 97.52 SW-97.67 -97.17 NE-97.10 - 96.61

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

4

0

40SW

2.5X6

45

10

10SW

.85NE/SWX1.19

44

10

1SW

1.25NE/SWX1 3.5NE/SWX1.6

98 16

80 20

N/A 15SW

1.90NE/SWX3.85

50

100

0

| 2.5X6 | |

605

NE-98.05 - 97.54 SW-97.30 - 96.94 S-96.84 - 96.18 W-96.89 - 96.08 E-97.38 - 96.72 S-96.18 - 95.95 W-96.08 - 95.58 E-96.72 - 96.32 Center-97.12 - 96.39 W-96.72 - 96.13 SW-96.79 - 96.16 NE-97.34 - 97.06 SW-97.37 - 97.07 97.31 - 96.72 NE-96.58 - 94.93 SW-96.48 - 94.93 NE-97.44 - 96.22 SW-97.18 - 95.96 98.10 - 97.71 NW-97.54 - 96.24 SE-97.94 - 96.64 NE-97.45 - 96.59 SW-97.20 - 96.34 NE-97.06 - 96.45 SW-97.07 - 96.35 S-95.95 W-95.58 - 94.92 E-96.32 - 95.09 NE-96.75 - 96.45

606

607

608

609 610 611 612 612a 613 614 615 616 617

618

2.92NE/SW x.60.

112

100

N/A

2.5X3.12

66

80

5SW

50

90

30SW

INW/SEX2.33

73

80

8SW

1INW/SEx2.44

28

20

45SW

.83NW/SEX.75 1.18x.36

59 166high

100 100

N/A N/A

1.15x.30 SINE/SWX.30 J8NE/SWX.52 1.53NW/SEX.60

122high 22 39 130high

100 100 100 100

N/A N/A N/A N/A

.AONE/SWX.20

86

100

N/A

1x2.74

61

80

10SW

2.5Χ4.45

98

100

10SW

.J0NE/SW X.20

39

100

N/A

2.5Χ3.12 |

Tally (sp=opus spicatum, sg=opus signinum, v=voussoirs, sc=opus scutulatum) Sounding 14 Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

Tesserae

Brick

Floor

001 600

5 28

347 374

17 16

50 31

20

2

3sp

601

603 606 607 608 609 616

25

3

350

37

125

12

8 5

4 45 23

12 6

6

16 38 54

1

isp

7 2v

4sp 4sp

8

Sounding 16, Room

10, Probe 1

GRID AREA M50a/b (Figs. 6, 7, 15, 16, 70-75, 87, 88, 116-119; Plates 4, 14, 91-96)

Sounding 16, Probe | partially underlay a previously cleaned area (Fig. 87). The purpose of the sounding was to verify the NW limit of the villa and investigate an area where the villa's lower rooms abutted the upper villa on the hill to the east (Fig. 7; Plate 4). The sounding revealed an area later designated as Room

The sounding NW/SE

10 (Fig. 71; Plate 14).

was

delineated by two

adjoining rectangles,

one to the NW

measuring

2.5m

by 3m and one to the SE measuring 2.5m by 4m (Fig. 117).

101

Sounding, 16, Probe 1, Room

10, Phase 1

The first phase included the original construction of Room 10 represented by a damaged opus spicatum floor (Locus 717) and Wall B (Locus 716) of rubble 57cm thick (Figs. 70-71, 116; Plate 14). Wall B was constructed of stones measuring 10cm to 20cm by 6cm to 15cm. A grey (2.5Y N5) mortar was used in both this wall and Wall S (see Sounding

16, Probe 4, Phase

2). Wall plaster with

traces of pink paint (5YR 8/4) was preserved along the base of Wall B to a height of 81cm. The surface layer measured 1cm in thickness and was smoothed while the subsurface plaster layer of .7cm to 1.2cm had straw inclusions. The floor was found only in the NE and SE areas of the trench, along the base of Walls B and S.

It was laid in opus spicatum in a herringbone pattern with interstices up to 2mm (Figs. 70, 71; Plates 14, 94, 96). The spicatum pieces measured an average of 9.5cm by 5.5cm and were 1.75cm in height. In the SW half of the sounding the opus spicatum seemed to have been deliberately removed for an unknown reason. The opus spicatum ran to within 22cm of Wall S and 86cm of Wall but its foundation continues toward Wall S for an additional 56 cm. The nucleus of the opus spicatum was 6cm thick and composed of aggregate limestone, small stream stones and ceramic fragments in a matrix of red (10R 4/6) lime paste. Wall S (Locus 715) abutted Wall B and post-dated it (Plate 91). Its construction differed from that

of the original villa walls and suggested it may have been rebuilt along the same orientation as an earlier wall. Excavations under Wall S showed that an earlier wall existed here which was contemporary with this phase of the villa. It probably had a doorway connecting Rooms 10 and 15 (Fig. 70; Plate 19). Sounding 16, Probe 1, Room

10, Phase 2

During this phase, which has been assigned to the late first or early second century A. D., this area of the villa was remodeled suggesting a change in function. Originally, Rooms 10, 15 and Service Corridor

2 were

service areas

for the pars

urbana

(Room

4) and

Room 8

(Figs.

6, 7). After the

destruction of Room 4, probably in the late first or early second century A. D., evidence suggests that a new use was found for this area. The opus spicatum floor in Room 10 was partially removed. A limestone curb of unknown purpose was found which bordered the floor at its SW limit by Wall B (Fig. 71). The curb is in two sections and may have originally continued along the foundations which run parallel to Wall S (Plates 14, 92, 93). One complete section of curb was visible in the NW

section of the trench. It measured

1.12m by 15cm but its height could not be determined. The curb may have been added during Phase 2 after the opus spicatum was removed. Cuttings in the curb suggest each section may have been connected to the next, end to end, by swallow-tail clamps (Plate 93). The reason Wall S was constructed over a previous wall is not clear. At the SW limit of Wall S,

obscured by later wall collapse, was a doorway with jambs of both brick and opus reticulatum alternating in a vertical pattern (Fig. 72; Plates 91, after later soundings in Room 10, and 95). The brick courses occurred regularly after every three or four courses of opus reticulatum. The cubilia were of sandstone and averaged 6.5cm to 8.0cm by 7.5cm to 9.0cm with regular interstices from .05cm to 2cm. The preserved height of the wall was eighteen courses or almost 2.3m. The combination of bricks with opus reticulatum of high quality was not seen elsewhere in the villa and is typical of construction techniques employed throughout Italy in the Trajanic-Hadrianic period from the late first to the early second century A. D. !5 This date suggests that this part of the villa underwent changes after the service area for Room 4 was no longer needed and before the final decline of the villa in the later second or third century. Sounding

16, Probe 1, Room

10, Phase 3

Phase 3 represented a time when Room 10 was abandoned and frequented by squatters. Evidence of this was seen in the remains of a simple hearth (Locus 718) measuring 1.46m by 46cm built over 15 For information on opus mixtum see Giuseppina Pisani Sartorio, “L’opera cementizia," Archeo 56 (1989) 74.

102

the floor against Wall Β at its midpoint in the trench (Fig. 117). This hearth may be contemporary with the oven discovered in Room 4. At the level of the opus spicatum floor and just below it, covering the sunken central area of Room 10 left after the opus spicatum was removed, is a loose, medium to dark brown (10YR 4/3) soil layer with granule sized particles designated as Locus 719. This locus may have originally lay under the opus spicatum but was redeposited after the function of the room was altered in Phase 2 (Fig. 118; Plate 91). This locus is tentatively assigned to Phase 3. Sounding

16, Probe 1, Room

10, Phase 4

By this time Room 10 had lapsed into a ruinous state and functioned both as a dump and as the SW limit of an infant cemetery which occupied Rooms 11, 12, 15 and 17 (Figs. 76-79). The date of this phase must be later than the construction of Wall S in the late first or early second century A. D., and later than the date of the abandonment of this area to squatters, possibly in the third century A. D. Although the plaster from the walls of Room 10 showed no traces of painted patterns, many large pieces of colorful painted plaster were found amid the collapse directly over the floor surface and fill (Locus 719) in the NW part of the room. Many of these pieces fit together revealing a scene of the Second Pompeian Style with a gate or fence, columns and doors with large knockers. One piece featured a row of stylized lotus blossoms beneath the base of a column. Above and surrounding the painted plaster fragments was a rubble layer (Loci 713/714) composed of building debris and grey (2.5Y N5) mortar chunks (Figs. 118, 119). Locus 714 was the material recovered in the NW area of the sounding, including the painted plaster, while Locus 713 was the same layer to the SE. It contained soil and debris and varied from grey (2.5Y N5) to tan/pale yellow (2.5Y 7/4) to red (2.5YR 4/6).

There was no soil accumulation between the opus spicatum floor and the dump loci, suggesting that the villa was in part a ruin open to the weather along its NW side in Phase 3. An antefix fragment was recovered in Locus

714. There were numerous

width suggesting that the layer not represent an in situ deposit nized groups were found. Pottery and glass fragments to the second century A. D. But,

air pockets up to several centimeters

in

was the result of human activity over a short period. Locus 714 did of roof collapse because no complete tiles or tiles in cohesive, orgarecovered from Loci 713/714 show a preponderance of material dated because this area was a dump, this material may only represent the

date when the villa’s occupation was at its height. Nonetheless, no later material was found. Sounding

16, Probe

1, Room

10, Phase 5

This phase is roughly contemporary with Phase 4 and is represented by a layer of occupational and dump debris and pale brown soil (10YR 6/3) above Loci 713 and 714. It may be part of Phase 4 but it might also represent a separate event. The layer was divided into Loci 707 and 708 though there was no difference between the two (Figs. 118, 119). Locus 707 yielded a significant quantity of mudbrick detritus and building debris and an extremely high concentration of potsherds. A bone hairpin was also recovered in Locus 707 along with animal bones and charcoal in the east corner of the trench. Locus 708 also contained a high concentration of building debris. Within Locus 708, beneath 707, were found several fragments of grey floor foundation (2.5Y N5) while in Locus 707 three small pieces of red (2.5YR 5/8) opus signinum were found, one of which was darker (2.5YR 3/6) than the

others. These fragments may have come from an upper level floor located somewhere to the east on top of the hill. Eight additional fragments of opus signinum were recovered from this locus which were red (2.5YR 5/8) or white (2.5Y 8/2). Both had a white mortar matrix with stone, terra cotta and

ceramic inclusions of 0.5cm to 1.5cm and both had white and black tesserae imbedded at random within the surface. The red examples had a yellow (5YR 6/6) matrix. The extraordinary amount of debris in these loci and in Loci 713/714 suggest that people were tidying the ruins of the villa and disposing of the debris on the slope of the hill in order to build up and level an area which they intended to use as an infant cemetery. The variety of the fragments of 103

opus signinum suggest they were gathered from several areas on the top of the hill and dumped in Room 10. The eastern part of the trench was particularly rich in material culture suggesting that, in this locus, dumping came from the hill above and behind Wall S, and material rolled, was dragged

or became slopewashed across the rest of the trench. Locus 708 contained the poorly preserved and scattered remains of an infant burial (IB 7) of a fetus or neo-nate aged 9.5-10 lunar months at level 97.60 in the east corner of Room 10 (Figs. 76, 77). The skeleton had no accompanying material culture but the small bone hairpin found in Locus 707 might have come from this burial. The original orientation of the burial could not be determined. The discovery of a dead infant in the garbage dump of Locus 708 may be the result of an overlap of the infant cemetery in Rooms 11, 12 and 17 with the dump in Rooms 9, 10 and 15. In Roman times neo-nates and premature babies were often treated with disregard, so it is within the realm of possibility that a dead infant might be discarded in a dump or that a cemetery for infants might be associated with a dump. Most of the dating evidence in Loci 707/708 originated in the second century A. D., but it may have been dumped here after being gathered from other areas of the villa. Loci 707 and 708 did yield, however, datable amphora sherds including one small rim of a Keay Type LII amphora dated between A. D. 350 and the early sixth century and a Carthage Late Roman I fragment dated between the early fifth century and A. D. 650.

Sounding 16, Probe 1, Room 10, Phase 6 Phase 6 occurred close in time to the two preceding phases and may even have been contemporary with them, but it was definitely a separate event. A vaulted room somewhere upslope, above the level of the barrel vaulted SW Rooms 11, 12 and 17 or in the vicinity of Room 3, collapsed. This vaulted room was probably not from an upper floor above Room 10 but rather from a room somewhere east of Room 10 on the hilltop. It may have travelled downslope by human agency or the slippage of the clay soil of the hill, or both leaving floor sections, floor foundations and concrete vaulting sections in Room 10. The floor foundations consisted of a large block of statumen or rudus (Locus 709) which had a surface prepared to receive an opus signinum floor (Locus 710) (Figs. 117,

118; Plate 94, upper right). This same block (Locus 709) was visible protruding into Sounding 14, Grid Area M50a/c where it was designated Locus 602. Locus 709 was eventually removed, leaving only part of it as Locus 602 in Room 9 (Plate 14). On top of Locus 709 and at a 45 degree angle to it rested Locus 710, a large piece of opus signinum floor 9cm thick (Figs. 117). It occupied 77cm by 60cm and sloped down to the SW 18 degrees as it lay within Locus 705. The white mortar (2.5Y 8/2) was an an aggregate of ceramic and terra cotta fragments of granule to large pebble size. Crollo block Locus 712 was found within Locus 705 (Figs. 117, 118; Plate 94, lower right). This

chunk of vaulting or wall fell onto Locus 707 (Phase 4) and Locus 705 then filled in around it. It measured 83cm by 53cm by 48cm in the section visible against the SW balk and was not studied as part of this sounding. , Sounding

16, Probe 1, Room

10, Phase 7

In this phase was Locus 705, a layer of yellow to tan slope wash (2.5Y 7/4), dumped material and collapse, which covered Loci 707/708. Locus 706 included traces of collapsed opus signinum floor and foundation, a large amphora base, large stones (10 to 20 cms across, two dolium fragments, an iron knife, ‘and a well preserved section of collapsed opus reticulatum wall which was termed Locus 706 but was not mapped. Locus 706 was located 58cm from the northwest balk and against Wall B. The opus signinum included three fragments of the red type and two of the white. The origin of Locus 706 may have been Wall S. This locus was a section of wall four courses high and 36cm by 60cm wide, preserved to a partial thickness of 24cm. Its cubilia averaged 7cm by 8cm and rested face up. The light grey (10YR 7/1) mortàr had disintegrated between the cubilia. In addition, a piece of unworked basalt was found. Locus 705 contained building debris and one rectangular wall stone. 104

The in part, Phase 4 pushed

gradual collapse of the villa probably had begun in Phase 3 or before, and was due, at least to the unstable, shifting slope on which the villa was built. When the dump was created in at least some of the villa remained standing which, by the time of Phase 6, collapsed or was onto and into the top of the dump and over the material culture of Phases 4 and 5.

Sounding

16, Probe

1, Room

10, Phase 8

In the next phase a further accumulation of soil (Locus

703) occurred above Locus

705 (Figs.

117-119). During this period, probably close in time to Phases 5-7, the already ruined villa decayed and collapsed further as this area of the hillside shifted and torqued downslope to the W/SW. In Locus 703 were found more fragments of opus signinum including two notable chunks of the red type and one of the white along with a number of smaller fragments of each. pieces. Locus 703 also contained an amphora of Carthage Late Roman 1 type which could be dated between the early fifth century and A. D. 650. | Locus 703 was yellow brown (2.5Y 8/6) with granule to large cobbles which contained building debris, and many land snail shells were found in the fill in the east corner of the sounding. Also in the east corner of the trench another infant burial (IB 26), neo-nate to two weeks of age, was found.

It was poorly preserved and lacked material culture. Its original orientation was not known (Figs. 76, 77). It was severely disturbed and disarticulated, possibly by rodents. The proximity of this locus to the surface put it at high risk of contamination. Sounding

16, Probe 1, Room

10, Phase 9

This phase is represented by a crollo block (Locus 711; Figs. 117, 118) and a smaller section of collapsed wall (Locus 704) located 61cm SE of Wall B and 80 NW

of Wall S (Figs. 117, 118). These

two loci fell onto and into Locus 705 suggesting that the villa was collapsing gradually over decades or longer. Loci 704 and 711 consisted of medium cobble to small boulder sized stones in a grey mortar (10YR 6/1). Locus 702 overlay 703 and surrounded Loci 711 and 709 in the area SW of crollo block Locus 711 (Fig. 117). It was yellow brown to light brown (10YR 8/4) soil of granule size. Locus 702 was primarily mortar, decayed mortar fragments and mudbrick detritus mixed with soil along with some building debris. Locus 701 completely surrounded crollo Locus 711 and sloped down 25 degrees NW (Figs. 118, 119). Locus 701 appeared to be brown yellow (10YR 6/6) topsoil mixed with material from the destroyed villa. Despite its proximity to topsoil, it appeared to be stratified when excavated. In this locus more opus signinum pieces were found including two of the red and four of the white along with many smaller fragments of both. Locus 701 also contained several Terra Sigillata Chiara Italica fragments of the fourth or fifth century A. D. similar to African Red Slip Hayes Form 61 (Monacchi, Nos. 73 and 74), and one sherd similar to Hayes Form 62 dated to A. D. 350-425

(Monacchi,

No. 89). Also found

were fragments of a Keay XXXV B29 amphora of A. D. 400 to 550 and others of a Keay LVII C33 amphora dated between A. D. 450 and the sixth century. Sounding

16, Probe 1, Room

10, Phase 10

This final phase was represented by the deposition of "A zone" dark brown (10YR 3/3) topsoil (Locus 001) with material culture similar to Locus 701 (Fig. 118). Conclusions

This trench was the first sounding in the NW area of the villa to be excavated to floor level. Evidence found here suggested that the opus spicatum floor had been damaged when this part of the villa no longer functioned as a service area for Rooms 4 and 8, sometime in the late first or early second century A. D. At that time, the room was reused for another purpose and Wall S was rebuilt.

After this, a period of squatter occupation began and the area was virtually abandoned. Finally, prob105

ably in the fifth century A. D., the floor of Room 10 was covered by a large dump within a relatively short period of time when the ruins of the villa were reused as a dump site and infant cemetery. Most of the debris in Room 10 was the result of dumping, but the remains of two disarticulated infant skeletons were found in this sounding, suggesting that Room 10 was part of the cemetery found NE of this area. The length of time during which Room 10 functioned as a dump/cemetery is not known. The infant skeletons were found in various loci assigned to different phases. The pottery evidence and character of the stratigraphy indicated that only a short time elapsed during the deposition of soil and material culture. Rainwashed soil was deposited intermittently among the layers of debris suggesting small time gaps between depositions. This was particularly true in Rooms 11 and 12, the heart of the infant cemetery. The discovery of only two skeletons in this sounding and two others in Sounding 16, Probe 2, and the fact that they seemed discarded without ceremony, suggests that the area within Room 10 functioned as a dump on the SW fringes of the cemetery proper. Many burials, along with material culture such as cauldrons, amphorae, a doll and a bracelet were found immediately NE in Rooms 11, 12 and 17, while in Room 15 eight burials were found without significant material culture. Sounding

16, Probe 1, Room

10, General Data

LOCUS

Level Above Datum/m

001

N-99.08 - 98.85

701

702 703

704 705

706 707

708

709 710 711 712 713

106

S-99.60 - 99.32 W-98.62 - 98.54 E-99.48 - 99.20 N-98.85 - 98.67 S-99.32 - 98.79 W-98.54 - 98.47 E-99.20 - 98.57 NW-98.47 - 98.25 SE-98.79 - 98.25 N-98.67 - 98.36 S-98.79 - 98.35 W-98.47 - 98.18 E-98.57 - 98.30 99.19 - 98.73 N-98.36 - 98.15 S-98.35 - 98.23 W-98.18 - 98.15 E-98.30 - 98.16 98.07 - 97.83 | N-98.15 - 97.83 S-98.23 - 97.79: W-98.15 - 97.90 E-98.16 - 97.78 N-97.83 - 97.28 S-97.79 - 97.28 W-97.90 - 97.48 E-97.78 - 97.32 98.67 - 98.22 98.51 - 98.05 99.71-98.95 98.38 - 97.90 . S-97.28 - 96.92 W-97.50 - 96.92 E-97.28 - 96.92

Area/m

|. 2.5NW/SEX3 and 2.5x4

Thick/cm

% Sealed

25NW

28

Same

18

70

2.5NW/SEX.72

54

70

4.45NW/SEX2.43

31

75

.66NE/SWX.75 4.45NW/SEX 2.43

46 21

100 80

.36NW/SEX.60 4.45NW/SEX2.43

24 46

80 100

4.45x2.43

55

100

1.47NE/SWX.68 .77NE/SWX60 1.79NW/SEX.93 .83NW/SEX.53 2.43NW/SEX2.13

Slope/Down

80 80 100 80 100

25NW

714

N-97.28 - 96.74 S-96.75 W-97.48 - 96.73 E-97.32 - 96.89 99.09 - 96.75 100.25 - 96.74 96.89 - 96.86 96.90 - 96.88 96.80

715 716 717 718 719

2.43NW/SEX2.5

75

100

0

2.3NW/SEX.55 5NW/SEX.57 4.43X.86 4.23X.46 4.23X1.42

234 351 3 2 Undug

100 100 100 100 100

N/A N/A 0 0 0

Tally (sg=opus signinum) Sounding 16 Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

001 701

4 6

19 173

1 18

122

702

1

21

4

26

703 705

6 4

137 71

35 10

708 713/714

5 15

468 600

707

3

86

Sounding 16, Room GRID AREA M50a/b

Tesserae

Brick

Floor

2 14

10sg

5

163 174

48

3 1

10sg 5sg

48 100

227 600

12 10

1

1155

10, Probe 2

(Figs. 6, 70-77, 89, 116, 117, 120; Plates 14, 91, 95-97)

This sounding was a continuation toward the SW of Sounding 16, Probe 1 (Figs. 88, 89). Loci which had been inaccessable due to the presence of crollo blocks Loci 709, 711 1nd 712 were removed, as well as Locus 702 (Figs. 117, 118) in order to study the south corner of emerging Room

10 (Fig. 116).

The sounding was 2.5m NW/SE by 1.6m along its SE side tapering to 1m along its NW side. Sounding

16, Probe 2, Room

The SW wall of Room

10, Phase

1

10, Wall V, which is composed of tabulate sandstones up to 7.5cm thick

and 25cm long, represented Phase 1 (Plate 14). Small bricks, 2.5cm-3.3cm thick, and larger bricks,

6.5cm-7.5cm thick were found in the wall at its NW end which might be part of its late reinforcement. The mortar seems to have been prepared for a plaster facing and large fragments of undecorated plaster varying from white (2.5 8/2) to pink (5YR 8/4) were found in Loci 1005 and 1008 in the south corner of the sounding. The wall extended only 2.4m into the room and stopped abruptly in the middle of the room 10cm before the limit of the sounding and the beginning of the trench made in Sounding 14, Room 9. Wall V had two broad fissures cutting through it diagonally, one 12cm wide near its NW limit and another 4cm wide near the joint with Wall S. | Sounding

16, Probe 2, Room

10, Phase 2

Wall S was uncovered to the SW and it was found to abut Wall V (Plate 91). A well-made door-

way, 94cm wide, passed through Wall S 43cm NE of the face of Wall V (Figs. 71, 72; Plate 91). It was edged with bricks and stones in a decorative pattern interspersed with the opus reticulatum facing found on the rest of the wall (Figs. 73-75; Plate 91). The vertical pattern of brick, stone and opus reticulatum on the NW jamb of the doorway did not match that on the SE jamb (Fig. 72). The bricks and stones of the jamb courses were of differing lengths, and the gaps between them were filled by cubilia of the opus reticulatum. In addition, the jambs were not aligned because the SW part of the wall had torqued. 107

Excavation revealed that Room 10 was filled in with earth and dump debris sometime in antiquity before the collapse of that part of Wall S which rose above the doorway. This section of wall was designated Locus 1004 and was composed of diagonally set opus reticulatum like Wall S (Plates 95, 97). Locus 1004 had slipped down from its original position over the doorway and was 24cm out of alignment below and 42cm out above. Four courses of Locus 1004 were preserved to a height of 95cm and it measured 1.07m in length and 45cm thick. At the base of the opus reticulatum section within Locus 1004 were two bricks, each 21cm long and 4cm thick, and part of a third brick 8cm long (Plate 97). These bricks were located in the area

immediately above the doorway, but their original height above the doorway was unknown due to the sinking of the bricks into the fill of the room. This row of bricks probably rested on a wooden lintel (Fig. 137). When the villa went out of use, the room filled up with dumped debris and burials while the lintel rotted and became infested with insects. When additional heavy debris like the crollo blocks fell over the lintel, stress was placed upon it. When the lintel finally gave way in Phase 7 of Sounding 16, Probe 2, the wall above sagged to its present location as Locus 1004 (Fig. 116). It did not completely collapse because loosely packed debris and soil had filled in the space beneath it during the fifth century A. D. Thus, the wooden lintel probably stood until that time or a little latex. In order to continue the excavation of the trench, Locus 1004 was first braced and then removed

after being plotted and photographed (Plate 95). . Sounding

16, Probe 2, Room

10, Phase 3

In this phase the villa was probably frequented by squatters who were responsible for the fire, evidence for which was found on the opus spicatum floor. Sounding

16, Probe 2, Room

10, Phase 4

This was the rubble layer which had been encountered earlier and designated as Loci 713/714. It was determined to be an intentional dump just over the opus spicatum floor. It consisted of Loci 1003 and 1007 (Fig. 120). Locus 1003 was exactly the same as 1007 but was limited to the area under the crollo blocks Loci 709, 710 and 712 from Sounding 16, Probe 1 (Fig. 117). It contained building debris and mudbrick debris with a high clay content along with much yellow (10YR 7/8) decaying mortar and lenses of grey (2.5Y N5), pale brown (10YR 6/3) and brown (10YR 5/3) earth. The locus

corresponds to M50a Locus 1107 in Sounding 16, Probe 3, Room 10. The debris seemed to have been shoveled into place and compacted. Tiny broken pieces of tile or brick were found throughout the locus. Even the broken pottery sherds found here, especially those in the upper level of the locus, were chipped and fractured after they were broken suggesting that they had been walked over after they had been dumped. The ratio of pan tiles to mortar was about 1: 1 and there were considerable quantities of charcoal, chaff and animal dung, suggesting that Room 10 functioned as a stable sometime between Phases 2 and 4 (Plate 100). This dump was placed on top of the already dismantled opus spicatum after Phase 2 had come to an end. Locus 1003 yielded a terra cotta antefix and a cluster of glass fragments along with numerous potsherds dated to the first half of the third century, from the end of the villa's life. This layer may have been deposited in Room 10 to level the area for its reuse as an infant cemetery and dump for material cleaned out from other areas of the decaying villa. Locus 1007 contained building debris, two triangular bricks (Fig. 120), and sections of an impost block of unknown origin made up of four rows of bricks, each 3cm to 3.5cm thick with mortar joints. The impost block was 17cm high and tapered from 25cm above to 16cm below and was 16cm thick. Two additional bricks still.joined with mortar were also found. Locus 1007 included an antefix, a bone hairpin and a bone needle. This locus was not completely excavated. Locus 1008 was a thin layer of brown soil (10YR 5/3) deposited by wash on the exposed surface of Locus 1007 in the south:half of the trench (Fig. 120). Water had washed down the slope of the hill from the east and over Wall S, depositing granules onto the exposed surface of 1007. Locus 1008 contained cattle bones including half of a mandible, foot bones, a tibia and two vertebrae, at least

108

one of which showed evidence of butchering. These bones were found with large pieces of white plaster which had fallen or been placed here in layers under, between and over the cattle bones. Within Locus

1008, between

the burials discovered in Locus

1005,

Phase

5 was the complete

skeleton of an immature dog (Fig. 78: No. 31). Sounding

16, Probe 2, Room

10, Phase 5

Locus 1005 was a layer of dumped debris similar to Locus 1007 which covered the entire area of the sounding. It included infant burials (18) 15 and 17 in the south corner of the room (Figs. 76, 77). Locus 1005 was tan to brown soil (10YR 5/3) with small amounts of brick and tile, building debris,

seven triangular bricks probably from Wall S, one burned tile fragment and one quadrangular wall stone probably from Wall S. The layer was a result of human activity and showed evidence of natural wash deposits throughout. IB 15 was a tomb a coppo with a ridge tile over it. The head of the skeleton within was found oriented W/SW but its bones had been disturbed. The infant was aged 9.5 to 10 lunar months. Amphora body sherds and toes were found adjacent to the burial, positioned vertically in a crude attempt to mark the burial. /B 15 was encircled by a ring of cobbles. In JB 17, just SE of JB 15, the skeleton of a child neo-nate to one week in age was found as a heap of scattered bones against Wall S also encircled by a ring of cobbles. | In addition to these two infant burials and the immature dog skeleton found between them in Locus 1008, a fourth skeleton was found in the south corner of the room. This was a second complete skeleton of an immature dog ca. six months in age, like that found in Locus 1008 (Fig. 78: No. 33). It was located near the infant burials but at a lower level and was found curled up with its head to the south (Fig. 120). The presence of dog skeletons here might suggest that they were believed to have special purifying and apotropaic powers to protect the living from the spirits of those dying before their time. This subject will be discussed further in Part 3, Chapter 9 of this work.

Locus 1005 was a continuation of Loci 705, 707 and 708 in Sounding 16, Room 10 and matched Sounding 16, Probe 3, Loci 1105 and 1106 (Figs. 121, 122). Among the other finds from Locus 1005 were three bone hairpins, a lamp fragment, one fragment of a conical glass cup or beaker dated to the fourth or fifth century A. D. and one fragment of a Keay Type LXII Q35 amphora dated between A. D. 425 and 550. Also part of this phase was Locus 1001, the soil layer above Locus 1003 and under crollo block Loci 709, 710 and 712. It was identical to Locus 1005 and contained building debris, two quadrangular wall stones and a terra cotta antefix with dolphin relief decoration. Sounding 16, Probe 2, Room

10, Phase 6

The crollo blocks, Loci 709, 710 and 712, discovered and described in Sounding 16, Probe 1, Phase 6 represent the next event in the history of the decay of the villa (Figs. 117, 118; Plate 94). Locus 709

(Locus 602 in Sounding 14) was the largest block extending into Sounding 16. This locus had a single face prepared for a finished surface and seems to have been a chunk of foundation or statumen which was carried to its position by the sliding hillside, human agency or both. Its original position was probably on the hilltop above, perhaps in Room 3 which had similar floor foundations. Locus 712 was smaller than Locus 709 and was probably a chunk of foundation though it had no finished face. Locus 710 was described in Sounding 16, Probe 1, Room 10. During and after the movement of these blocks into position, soil layers such as Locus

Sounding 16, Probe 2, Room

1000 were deposited, forming Phase 7.

10, Phase 7

Locus 1000 was contemporary with Locus 703 as well as Sounding 16, Probe 3, Locus 1101 (Figs. 120,

121). It consisted of brown

soil (10YR 5/3) which included slope waste. It was located in the

south part of the trench under crollo blocks Loci 711 and 702, described in Sounding 16, Probe 1 (Fig. 117). Locus 711 fell or was dragged to its location after the infant cemetery and dump in Room 109

10 had come into existence (Plate 94). After Locus 711 arrived burials ceased. Locus 1000 contained

building debris, one lamp fragment of Bailey Type S Group I dated to A. D. 375-450 which joined a fragment from Locus 707, bone pins and several bases from cups of Terra Sigillata Chiara Italica found with bottoms up. Locus 1002, the loose rubble on top of Wall S, was found with Locus 1000 aud was probably contemporary with it (Fig. 120; Plate 96). It was composed of small to large cobbles and granule sized stones in loose brown soil (10YR 5/3). This locus resulted from the deterioration of the wall when it

was struck by falling crollo blocks and then exposed to slopewash and weathering. Within 1002 was building debris including the fallen wall over the threshold (Locus 1004) previously described (Plates 95.97), and the soil beneath it (Locus 1006). Locus 1006 was slopewash, brown to grey brown (2.5Y 5/2) and relatively compact with fine granules and some cobbles. Sounding

16, Probe 2, Room

10, Phase 8

Above Locus 1000 were Loci 701 and 702, previously excavated as part of Phase 9 in Sounding 16, Probe 1. They were contemporary with Sounding 16, Probe 3, Locus 1100. Sounding

16, Probe 2, Room

10, Phase 9

This topsoil which represented this phase was previously removed in Sounding 16, Probe 1. Conclusions

Sounding 16, Probe2 revealed the doorway between Rooms 10 and 15 and provided further evidence that Wall S was not part of the original villa. Objects from the fills showed that the entire deposit from at least the level of Loci 705/707/708/1005/1001 and above dated at least to the fifth century. One piece of painted, common ware ceramic which may be part of a commode (Basket 6315) was found which fit other similar pieces found in other stratified contexts throughout the excavation. Sherds from Rooms

11 and 12, Loci 954, 801, 463, 458 and Room

10, Loci 701, 707 were all found

to be pieces of this same commode suggesting that this whole area was filled over a short period of time. But no firm dates exist for the lowest debris levels in the room. Some distinct, though short, phases occurred between burials in the cemetery. At the end of the excavation of Sounding 16, Probe 2, much of Locus

1007 remained to be excavated.

Sounding

16, Probe 2, Room

Locus

|.

1000

1001 1002

10, General Data

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

96 Sealed

Slope/Down

N-98.25 S-98.25 - 98.12

2.5NW/SEX 1.6

66

90

0

1.7NW/SEX.88 2.43x.60

40 35

100 90 .

0 0

W-98.25 - 98.08 E-98.90 - 98.24 97.90 - 97.50. NE-99.36 - 99.08

.

SW-99.26 - 98.91

|

1003

: 97.50 - 96.80

1.7NW/SEX.88

70

100

0

1004

99.39 - 98.42

1.07NE/SW

x .45

97

100

N/A

1005

S-98.12

1.90NW/SEX

1.6

59

100

0

1006 1007

W-98.08 - 97.45 E-98.24 - 97.32 98.42 N-97.30 - 96.99

94NE/SW X.63 1.90NW/SEX 1.6

Undug 31

90 100

0 0

1.90 1.6

23

100

0

- 97.53

'

8-97.27 - 97.26

W-97.28 - 96.98 E-97.29 - 97.10

1008

S-97.53 - 97.30 W-97.45

- 97.26

E-97.32 - 97.29

110

Tally (v=voussoir) Sounding 16 Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

1000 1001

3 3

84 21

16 4

347 18

Tesserae

18 65

1002

2

34

1

78

2

1003 1005 1007

3 1 6

440 63 373

43 4 23

37 40 184

4

Brick

Floor

65 28 3 2ν

Sounding 16, Probe 3, Room GRID AREA M50a

10

(Figs. 6, 70, 71, 89, 116, 121-122; Plates 14, 100)

This extension of Sounding 16 was conducted in the west corner of the exposed area of Room 10. This trench adjoined Sounding 16, Probe 2 which lay to the SE (Fig. 89, 116). Many of the loci found correspond to loci of Sounding 16, Probes 1 and 2. Sounding

16, Probe 3, Room

10, Phase

1

Since the floor of Room 10 was never reached in this portion of the sounding, Phase 1 may only be inferred to be the opus spicatum floor. Wall V which may belong to this phase was further uncovered and found to stop abruptly at the south corner of this trench where it turned SW (Fig. 71; Plate 14). The NW end of the wall was faced with bricks and appeared to have been rebuilt, perhaps at the same time Wall S was constructed. Sounding

16, Probe 3, Room

10, Phase 2

Soil Locus 1108 covered the entire trench and corresponded to Locus 719 of Sounding 16, Probe 1 (Fig. 122). The yellow-brown soil is fine, sandy and compact. Sounding

16, Probe 3, Room

10, Phase 3

Locus 1107 was the final locus to be excavated in this trench and was the same as Loci 1007 and 1003 in Sounding 16, Probe 2 and 713/714 in Sounding 16, Probe 1. This yellow-brown (10YR 5/8) layer was a dump composed of roof tile fragments, mud brick detritus of high clay content, and occupational debris (Figs. 121, 122).

The surface of the locus was compacted suggesting heavy traffic upon it. It was suggested that the area may have served as a stable or enclosure for large farm animals during this phase. In Locus 1107 the soil above and between the roof tile fragments was mudbrick detritus. Many of these tiles were fired to a salmon or light red (2.5YR 6/6) and the fragments showed movement abrasions and flaking from the break surfaces. Some tiles are partially decomposed and there are also fragments of weathered and decomposing brick found with air cavities between them. A layer of wash sediment lies between the mudbrick detritus and tiles which consists of small pebbles, granules and sand sized

occupational debris composed of charcoal, disseminated mortar, chaff and dung (Plate 100). The ratio of pan tile fragments to mortar fragments is about 1 to 1. Located 30cm below the surface of Locus 1107 were angular stones fallen from the mortar of the walls mixed with pebbles and cobble sized mortar fragments. The vertical position of the tile fragments as found suggests that they were dumped at one time, but the layer had none of the characteristics of roof fall. Sounding

16, Probe 3, Room

10, Phase 4

This soil layer above Locus 1107 was divided for better control into Loci 1105 and 1106 which correspond to Loci 1001 and 1005 of Sounding 16, Probe 2, and to 707/708 of Sounding 16, Probe 1 (Figs. 117-122). The soil of 1105 in the NW area of the sounding was pale brown (10YR 6/3) loose mud-

111

brick detritus mixed with sherds, plaster, bone and large pieces of charcoal. It was largely slopewaste and the lowest level of 1105 was sediment deposited by running water and included building debris, traces of charcoal, mortar, chaff and dung similar to 1008. One lamp fragment of Bailey Type S Group IV, probably dating to the sixth century A. D., was found under fallen crollo block Locus 602 as it was being broken up. If it travelled here with that falling block and was pushed down into the soil by it, its presence in this context might be understood. The lamp fragment was found resting on Locus 1105 and constitutes the only certifiable artefact of the sixth century found in the cemetery but due to the difficulty of removing Locus 602 it is likely to be a surface intrusion. Locus 1106 was yellow brown (10YR 6/4) with more clay content than Locus 1105. It was poorer in material culture than 1105, and contained building debris and one fragment of a conical glass cup which was dated to the fourth or fifth century. The fact that Phase 3 was trod upon and compacted suggests that there was a time lapse between Phases 3 and 4. Sounding

16, Probe 3, Room

10, Phase 5

Partly below and also surrounding Locus 602 was a soil layer Locus 1103/4 with a small fallen chunk of concrete, Locus

1102, above it (Figs. 121, 122). Locus

1103 was a brown soil (10YR 4/3) of

^B zone" type, containing many small stones and slopewaste of deteriorating mortar and concrete. It did not precisely correspond to any loci in the earlier trenches of Room 10. It contained many pieces of grey mortar (2.5Y N5), perhaps waste from 1102. It occupied the NW area of the trench and contained building debris and a quantity of plaster, sherds, and animal bone. Locus 1104 was dark brown (10YR 3/3) and was a “B zone” soil similar to Locus 1103. There were some decayed roots, along with potsherds, plaster and stone granules and building debris. The risk of contamination of this locus was considerable. Sounding

16, Probe 3, Room

10, Phase 6

This phase marked the collapse of or shift into position of the crollo block Locus 602 in Sounding 14 (identical to Locus 709 in Sounding

16, Probe

1) (Figs.

117, 121,

122; Plate 94). Locus 602/709

may have fallen soon after the deposition of Locus 1105/6 because there was no deposit separating them. Locus 602 had a smooth NE face, to which a section of opus signinum was still attached. Locus 602 consisted of angular stones of pebble to cobble size bonded by a grey white mortar (5Y 7/2). It measured 1m by 1.34m by 1.12m in height. Sounding 16, Probe 3, Room

10, Phase 7

A layer of soil below and adjacent to Locus 1102 and adjacent to Loci 1103/4 was Locus 1101 which was only present on the NE face of Locus 602. It was very hard and light brown grey (10YR 6/2) and apparently corresponded to Loci 703 and 705 in Sounding 16, Probe 1 and Loci 1000 and 1002 in Sounding 16, Probe 2. This locus formed while Room 10 was still used as a cemetery. Locus 602 may have fallen into and through Locus 1101 or may rest on it. The latest object in Locus 1101 is a conical glass cup similar to that found in Locus 1106 dated to the fourth or fifth century. Locus 1101 contained pottery sherds and plaster throughout and sloped circa 20 degrees down SW. It was deposited not long before Locus 1100. It was formed by slope waste and the rainwashed soil and contained building debris. Sounding

16, Probe 3, Room

10, Phase 8

Resting on top of 1103/4 was 1102, a piece of rubble which seemed to have broken away from Locus 602 sometime after it fell or shifted into place. Its composition was the same as the debris found in Loci 1103/1104 (Figs. 121, 122). Sounding 16, ‘Bree 3, Room

10, Phase 9

Above Loci 1101-1104. was Locus 1100, corresponding to Loci 701 and 702 of Sounding 16, Probe 1, which was less well stratified than the loci of Phase 8 (Figs. 117, 118, 121, 122). It was dark brown grey soil (2.5Y 4/2) mixed with sherds, animal bones, charcoal, plaster and twelve tesserae. It 112

appeared disturbed by plowing and was formed by slopewaste and rainwash immediately beneath 001 and occupied the same area. Found here was building debris and a small quantity of charcoal. Sounding

16, Probe 3, Room

10, Phase 10

Locus 001 above 1100 was brown topsoil (10YR 5/3), an “A zone” soil and full of roots. No material culture was found. Conclusions

This trench helped explain the sequence of occupation in Room 10, suggesting that after the went out of use as such and squatters arrived, this area was used as a dump and stable. Dating dence for this phase is scanty. It probably began after the early third century A. D., but it could been considerably later. No material culture later than the third century was found in Loci 713,

villa evihave 174,

1003, 1007 and 1107, but few datable objects came from those loci. In the next phase, Phase 4, near

the mid fifth century A. D., dumping continued and at least part of the room was used as an infant cemetery. Next, a crollo block, Locus 602, fell or slid into the cemetery. This event did not effect the use of the area as a cemetery and may have created a western boundary for it because no burials were found west of it. Perhaps it was deliberately rolled into place to mark the boundary between the cemetery and the dump to the SW. The collapse and subsequent settling of Locus 602 may have brought with it some contamination in the upper level of the sounding. No burials were found in this sounding, suggesting that the cemetery did not extend to this area. Sounding

16, Probe 3, Room

10, General Data

T

LOCUS

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

96 Sealed

Slope/Down

1100

N-98.99 - 98.62

1x2.5

. 40

90

30NW

W-98.59 - 98.53

B

E-99.20 - 98.80 1101 1102 1103 1104 1105

1106

E-98.80 - 98.20 98.63 - 98.52 N-98.62 - 97.88 W-98.53 - 97.97 W-97.97 - 97.82 Center-97.89 - 97.84 S-98.36 - 97.52 E-98.20 - 97.52 Center-97.88 - 97.50 N-97.88 - 97.55 W-97.82 - 97.58

.A2NE/SE X.88 INW/SEX.38 INW/SEX.91

60 11 74

100 100 100

20NW N/A 0

.2INE/SWX.91

15

100

0

1x1.6

84

100

0

33

100

0

44

100

0

1.4NW/SEX

1

Center-97.84 - 97.56 1107

N-97.55 S-97.52 W-97.58 E-97.52

- 97.20 - 97.10 - 97.21 - 97.08

1x2.5

Tally (sp=opus spicatum) Sounding 16 Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

Tesserae

Brick

26 7 26

5 3 2

13 10 50

12 20 14

1

129

6

27

6

1106

78

3

12

1107

333

25

10

1100 1101 1103

1104 1105

4

3

1

3

Floor

Isp Isp

30

113

Sounding

16, Probe 4, Room

GRID AREA M50a/b

10

(Figs. 7, 71, 123; Plates 14, 92, 98, 99)

A final probe was made in Room 10 to expose more of the floor and the level of virgin soil below the room and to complete the excavation begun in Sounding 16 Probes 1 to 3. Because the topsoil had been removed in Probes 1 and 3, it was possible to focus only on stratified material from the time of the construction of the villa and the later dump. The probe was made in areas exposed in Sounding 16, Probes 1 to 3 which had not been fully excavated. Sounding

16, Probe 4, Room

Virgin soil (Locus

10, Phase 1

1215) was reached near the south corner of the trench, but was not exposed

throughout since it was sterile (Fig. 123). It was excavated to a depth of 17cm and found to be clay mottled with natural lime nodules up to 3cm in diameter, with occasional fossilized oysters. It was yellow to green yellow (2.5Y 6/8). Sounding

16, Probe 4, Room

10, Phase 2

Numerous features from the first phase of the villa were recovered. Wall B (Locus 1213) was found to have been built into the virgin soil without a foundation trench. To create a difference in level between Rooms 11 and 10, the virgin soil in Room 10 had been allowed to remain to a level 1.2m above that of Room 11 and one third of the present height of Wall B in Room 11. Because of the pressure from this virgin soil buttress to the NE, which was not balanced by equal pressure on the SW side of the wall, and because of the compression of the wall caused by the barrel vault over Room 11, Wall B had fissured and cracked and was in danger of toppling into Room 10 (Figs. 10, 15, 16). Wall B in Room 10 had a plain, pink, painted plaster surface (5YR 8/4), 3mm thick, resting on a plaster surface of clear calcined limestone with aggregate of crushed pottery and terra cotta (Plate 91, left). Wall V (Locus 1212) was built into a foundation trench which was cut the same width as the wall.

The wall rested on a mortar footing that was excavated to a depth of 11cm below ground level (Plate 98). It resembled the footing of its contemporary, Wall L, in Room 12. The mortar was a dark grey (10YR 4/1) while that in the rest of the wall was lighter (10YR 5/1). The footing was offset 14cm from the wall to the NE. Above the footing, Wall V was faced with a rough sub-surface below a layer which was once covered with pink painted plaster. The plaster layers were badly weathered, but they may have been circa 3cm thick originally. The plaster rose 70cm above floor level. Above, the stone coursing and its grey mortar (2.5Y N5) are visible to a height of 1.3m (Plate 98). The wall was composed

of lime-

stones of various sizes mixed with conglomerate. The wall mortar is calcined lime with an aggregate of Tiber river sand. The rough stone courses were bonded by mortar joints of up to 3cm. The NW end of Wall V was laid with large flat bricks in courses that span the width of the wall. This differs from the construction of the rest of the wall and probably was the result of rebuilding. Within Wall.V was the drain channel (Locus 1207) which carried waste water from Room 8 down into Room

10, a service area (Figs. 65-68, 123; Plates 98, 99). The drain was 4cm from Wall S above

an opus spicatum floor. The channel was blocked when found, suggesting it may have been altered after the function of Room 8 changed. The opus spicatum floor (Locus 1206) was laid up to Walls V and B but under Wall S to the edge of the foundations for a wall which preceded it. The opus spicatum turned the corner on the east side of the room as an adjustment to the earlier wall, suggesting that there were originally two rooms, Rooms 10 and 15, just as there were after Wall S was rebuilt (Fig. 71). . Along Wall B a section of opus spicatum 80cm in length is preserved and another of 50 cm in length is preserved against Wall S. The pieces of opus spicatum were 1.5cm thick. They were set in a nucleus which was 2.3cm thick and consisted of lime and aggregate of granular Tiber river sand and crushed ceramic and terra cotta. The rudus below was 17cm thick and consisted of lime with volcanic inclusions, small pebble sized limestones and sand.

114

Sounding

16, Probe 4, Room

10, Phase 3

Wall S (Locus 1214) was added after the original construction of the room, perhaps in the later first or early second century A. D. The technique of its construction, combining brickwork, tabulate limestones and opus reticulatum, was described under Sounding 16, Probe 2. Near the base of the doorway between Rooms 10 and 15 two recessed areas were found, one on either side of the opening and 50cm above floor level which may be spaces left for a doorframe or for the securing of equipment used in the room after the opus spicatum was removed from the center when the room was reused (Fig. 72; Plate 91). Flagstones, originally part of Wall S, were visible along the door threshold (Plate 98). After Room

10 served as a service area, it was converted to some kind of industrial use. Three

large travertine blocks (Loci 1208, 1210, and 1211) were found in the room (Fig. 123; Plate 91). Their full heights were not determined because they rested below ground level. Locus 1208 was located in the south corner of the room

by Wall V; Locus

1210 was

opposite,

in the east corner;

1211

was

against Wall B. These ashlar blocks were set down into the opus spicatum floor and secured with mortar. In the case of Locus 1210, the opus spicatum had been cut out in an area 80cm NW/SE by 60 to insert it. 4 | Locus 1211 was associated with a crude plaster floor (Locus 1216) surrounding it at its base which was placed over the opus spicatum. Perhaps this was a repair due to heavy use of this block for its unknown function. The drain through Wall V may have been blocked at this time to prevent water from interfering with the new function of Room 10 (Plate 98). Around travertine block Locus 1208 a crude layer of plaster, 4cm thick (Locus 12082), was found

laid over the deteriorating spicatum to help seal the floor. This plaster lay above a thin layer of earth which resembled pond mud. After this sounding was completed, earth left to support Wall B in the north corner of the sounding washed out revealing Locus 1217, another travertine block in the same alignment as the others which was surrounded at its base by similar but fugitive mortar (Plate 92). Again, the opus spicatum floor appeared to have been cut away around it and traces of crudely applied plaster were found against it.

In the west corner of the room in the unexcavated balk, a stone block was partially exposed which may be of similar size and shape to the other travertine blocks. It is directly across the room from Locus 1217 (Plate 14), suggesting that blocks complementary to those against Wall B were located on the other side of the room. It has been suggested that this room functioned as a granary. Whatever its function, the installation appeared to have been hastily done because the travertine blocks were not worked alike, did not have the same dimensions and were installed with crude workmanship. Moreover, Loci 1208 and

1210 are 9.6cm out of alignment with each other. The function and full extent of the stone curbing in the north corner of the room are unknown (Plates 92, 93). It may have functioned as a retaining course to prevent the movement

of the remaining opus spicatum

further into the room

or as a but-

tress with the added plaster to hold the travertine blocks in place. Sounding

16, Probe 4, Room

10, Phase 4

At this time, the room went out of use and began to function as a dump. Perhaps farm animals occupied the area in conjunction with the first phase of dumping, as suggested in Sounding 16, Probe 1, by Loci 713/714, in Probe 2 by 1003/1007 and in Probe 3 by 1107 (Plate 100). Locus 1205 was exposed in a small part of the sounding and was the first locus found to be resting on the virgin soil after the opus spicatum floor had been removed in the south corner of the room (Fig. 123). Pan tiles, one cover tile and fourteen tiles from an opus spicatum floor were found in this locus in an orderly alignment suggesting that they were pitched here in handfuls at one time. Little debris was found between the tiles. The brown granular earth (10YR 4/3) found in this locus resem-

bled pond mud and suggested that water had once flowed over the area, perhaps from the drain. 115

Locus 1204, another destruction locus, was found in the south area of Room 10 where it merged with 1205 below it. It was composed of debris from the destroyed villa including an antefix from the time of the construction of the villa, many potsherds, building debris, some charcoal, painted plaster and grey mortar of the type found in Wall V. The clay-rich soil was dense and brown (10YR 5/3). Directly above Locus 1204 was Locus 1201, another brown (10YR 5/3) layer of water laid clay containing building debris. Locus 1202 in the west corner of the room was another layer of dense brown yellow clay (10YR 6/6) with mortar inclusions full of debris from the villa. The entire locus was riddled with fragments of painted plaster which did not originate from the walls of this room. Many were found lying painted-side-down and decorated with elaborate painted designs, including gateways, doors and a griffin. Locus 1202 contained building debris and had been deposited before Loci 1200 and 1201.

Locus 1200 was directly above Locus 1202 and was similar to it. It contained building debris and was probably contemporary to Locus 1201. Sounding

16, Probe 4, Room

10, Phase 5

Locus 1209 was the balk left in Sounding 16, Probe 1 along Wall B to protect it. It was dark brown (10YR 4/3) soil with dark grey patches and full of white mortar inclusions, cobbles and building debris. It rested directly on the opus spicatum floor. Fine examples of painted plaster which were not original to this room were recovered. The upper portion of this locus may date to the fifth century A. D. Sounding 16, Probe 4, Room

10, Phase 6

Locus 1203 was slopewashed soil from balks left in Sounding 16 and Sounding

16 Probe 2. It

was dark brown (20YR 3/3) soil containing building debris.

Sounding 16, Probe 4, General Data Locus

1200

1201

1202

1203 1204 ; 1205 1206 1207 1208 1208a 1209

116

Level Above Datum/m

N-97.26 - 97.05 S-97.28 - 96.86 W-97.28 - 97.10 E-96.95 - 96.80 N-97.25 - 96.75 S-97.20 - 96.69 W-97.28 - 96.76 E-96.92 - 96.66 . N-97.05-96.76 S-96.86 - 96.76 W-97.10 - 96.72 E-96.80 - 96.75 NW-96.85 - 96.76 'SE-96.86 - 96.76 N-96.75 - 96.70 S-96.82 - 96.80 W-96.76 - 96.70 E-96.86 - 96.84 N-96.82 - 96.55 S-96.80 - 96.55 E-96.84 - 96.55 96.88 - 96.70.

97.12 - 97.05 96.96 - 96.80 96.80 - Undug NW-98.07 - 96.88 SE-98.12 - 96.80

Area/m

Thick/cm

96 Sealed

Slope/Down

1.80NW/SEX1

42

100

0

3.2NW/SEX1.6

52

100

0

1.16NW/SEx.90

29

100

0

4.50x.80

11

0

0

1.5NW/SEx1.75

21

100

0

.45NE/SEx.35 .15wide .JTONW/SEX.27 .59NW/SE x.35 4.72X.80

7high 16high Undug

100 100 100 100 100

1.65NE/SWX2.42

1210

96.97 - 96.80

1211 1212

96.94 - 96.83 Footing-96.58 - 96.39 Wall-98.50 - 96.58 SE-99.91 - 96.80 NE-98.74 - 96.88 SW-99.24 - 96.88 96.55 - 96.38 96.83 - Undug 96.96 - 96.82

1213 1214 1215 1216 1217

.58x.31

17

100

N/A

.60x.30 Unknown 1.8x.57 5x.57 3.7x.53

11 Unknown 192 311 236

100: 100 100 100 100

N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A

1.5NW/SEX1.75 .60NW/SE x.30 .58x.22

17 Undug 14

100 100 100

0 N/A N/A

Tally (sp=opus spicatum) Sounding 16 Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

Tesserae

Brick

1200

48

11

4

5

1201

54

7

47

5

1202 1203 1204

22 7 6

7 2 2

7 8

3 2 2

1205 1209

7 22

1 2

3

Rooms

11 and

Floor

5sp 14sp

20

2

12

General Introduction (Figs. 6-8, 15, 76-80, 88-90,

124-133, 150; Plates 4, 15-18, 101-112)

A series of soundings was conducted in grid area M49 to determine the NW limit of the villa. These soundings revealed Wall L, a retaining wall, which separated the upper villa from the barrel vaulted buttressing rooms to the NW

(Rooms

11 and

12; Figs. 7, 8). These rooms were contempo-

rary with the original villa and were linked by a doorway through Wall O, of which only the SE portion and threshold survive (Figs. 8, 76, 80). These two rooms were reused as a cemetery for infants

at a time when this area of the villa was no longer in use (Figs. 76-79, 150). The burials within the cemetery in Rooms

11, 12, 15 and 17 seem to have been interred over a

short period. The lowest levels in Rooms 11 and 12 could not be dated with precision due to scanty finds, but pottery evidence suggests a terminus post quem for the cemetery in these rooms of the late fourth century A. D. Most of the cemetery, including Rooms

10, 15 and 17, and particularly the loci

located above Locus 1353 and Loci 465/470 in Rooms 11 and 12 may be dated to the fifth century A. D. and probably to the middle of that century (Fig. 129). The soundings did not produce evidence of major stratigraphic change. Instead, indications were that no floors existed within the cemetery, that the lowest levels of Room 11 contained single or paired burials, that primarily paired burials appear in the intermediate levels, that mainly cluster or multiple burials occurred in the uppermost levels, and that a diagonal pit (Locus 1353) was dug down into the cemetery and filled with ash sometime before most of the cluster burials were interred (Figs. 76, 77, 128, 129). Evidence suggests that the cemetery began with individual and paired burials and progressed to cluster burials later. The precise amount of time between the eaxliest burial and the latest could not be determined. But the absence of floors or even temporary surfaces between levels, the joins between potsherds found in different levels and different rooms, the apparently gradually escalating pattern of burials, the presence of interred, similarly aged dogs in various levels of Rooms 10, 11 and 15, and the similarity of finds in all the levels has led our 3 pottery specialists, archaeological geologist and glass specialist each to the conclusion that the time interval for the creation of the entire cemetery was brief and probably occurred in the mid-fifth century A. D. 117

Several soundings were made within the cemetery, but excavation stopped before it was completely explored.

Sounding 12/17, Rooms 11 and 12 GRID AREA M49 b and M49d (Figs. 6, 7, 15, 76-80, 88, 89, 124, 125, 128-131, 150; Plates 4, 15-17, 101-111) This sounding of 4 by 6.3m reached virgin soil. Sounding expanded NE as Sounding Sounding

12/17, Rooms

12 was 3.5 by 4m NW-SE;

it was

17, 2.8 by 4 (Figs. 76, 79, 88, 89, 124, 125).

11 and 12, Phase 1

The earliest phase discovered was the yellow virgin clay (Locus 1357) upon which the villa was built (Fig. 129; Plate 102). Two million years ago at a time when the Apennine Mountains were still rising the area around Poggio Gramignano was a shallow marine environment in which the sediment of clay and silt stratified in lenses and tongues. The gravel inclusions within the virgin soil were of chert and limestone which had eroded into the sea. Lime nodules are also found in this stratum. The erosion process produced a range of angular to highly rounded gravels, which varied depending on their transport distance. The deposition of the clay, silt and gravel occurred in deltas and fans in the shallow waters. Associated with this type of environment are mollusk assemblages such as the oyster and scallop shells found below Rooms 9 and 10 (Plate 119). The bedrock bedding clay within the virgin soil level proved to be unstable for long term building construction. Sounding 12/17, Rooms 11 and 12, Phase 2 The second phase is the time of construction of the villa near the end of the first century B.C. in the Augustan period. Created in this period were Wall L, Wall O, Wall B, Wall X and the threshold within Wall O (Locus 1365). Also within this phase was a lightly plastered or whitewashed floor (Locus 1359) which was found sloping to the NW in the SW part of Rooms 11 and 12 (Figs. 80, 124, 129, 131; Plates 15, 101, 102). The floor suggests a utilitarian function for the room. This conclusion

is supported by the absence of painted fresco fragments either on walls or in the debris found within the rooms. The walls lacked even the plain unpainted plaster of Rooms 10 and 15. A test probe was made through the plaster floor in Room 12 to determine the depth of Wall L below the floor (Figs. 80, 131; Plate 102). It was found that the wall continued down 57cm with no offset foundation trench, but it did have a solid mortar foundation 53cm wide directly below the wall. No cobbles were found in the grey (2.5YR N5) mortar. - Above the mortar foundation of Wall L was a portion of the wall 1.86m high composed of large angular and rounded cobbles set into the mortar (Plate 106). Above this and within the span of the barrel vault was a layer of opus quasi-reticulatum 69cm high of a quality bordering on opus reticulatum

(Plate 103). The cubilia were small to medium

cobble size bonded with a pale yellow (2.5Y

8/4) soft and crumbly mortar. The cobbles used for the cubilia of the opus quasi-reticulatum were a medium grained quartz sandstone with calcite bonding, a rock which is found locally. A section of wall 3.12m long was preserved. Evidence suggests that Rooms 11 and 12, and probably 17, were originally barrel vaulted with the short side of the vault abutting Wall L and buttressing it against the outward pressure from the hilltop (Fig. 7). Rooms 10 and 15 were not barrel vaulted, allowing excessive pressure to strain Wall B on its NW side causing it to fissure (Fig. 16). The spring of a barrel vault is still visible on Wall X (Plate 106, upper left). Sections of the vault collapsed after Room 12 had been reused as an infant cemetery in the fifth century A. D. and lay on top of the cemetery fill (Plate 107). Enough of the barrel vault survives to estimate that it was 2.94m wide and 90cm high in Room 12 (Fig. 7). Due to pressure from the hill above, and to the instability of the virgin clay below, Wall L developed three major fissures (Fig. 15). The length of Wall L was given several locus designations in the 118

course of this excavation: Locus 459 NE of Wall O, Locus 460/1358 to the SW and Locus 756 NE of Locus 459, and Locus 1413 (in Sounding 24) SW of Locus 460/1358 (Figs. 124, 125, 127, 128). A

major fissure was found at the juncture of Locus 459 and Wall 0 where the wall had torqued 10 degrees NW due to pressure and instability of the hill and shifting virgin soil (Fig. 15). Another major fissure occurred 1.24m from the NE limit of the sounding, and another was found against Wall B at the point where Wall B received its greatest stress from the NE. Wall X (Locus 751) was poorly preserved and only partly excavated. It lay, in part, beneath the spring of the barrel vault in Room 12 and, in part, behind a balk which was left to prevent the surviving portion of the barrel vault from collapsing (Fig. 80; Plate 106). Wall X resembled Wall O. Wall W

(Locus 1151) was found 95cm NW

of Wall X (Fig. 80). It may be the NW

continuation of

Wall X which slipped out of alignment to the NE. It is possible that a threshold existed between Walls W and X so that one could pass from Room 11 through Room 12 and into Room 17. The semi-subterranean location of these rooms and their proximity to the servant utility area serving Rooms 4 and 8 suggest that this area might have been a wine cellar or cool pantry. Wall O was oriented SE to NW and was composed of irregular, small to medium cobbles of limestone with no evidence of opus incertum or opus reticulatum facing. It, like Wall X, was bonded into Wall L (Plates 105, 106). One course of four bricks or pan tiles laid end to end was mortared into the

SW end of the wall which may have served as a leveling course or jamb for the doorway, immediately NW of Wall O. This pan tile/brickwork is typical of the villa and suggests that manufactured Roman bricks were not yet available for the initial phase of construction. This would have been the case in the Augustan period, the time when other evidence suggests that the villa was constructed. The threshold between Rooms 11 and 12 (Locus 1365) was 44cm wide and at least 158cm long, but its NW

limit was not found (Fig. 80; Plates 15, 101). It was composed of grey mortar (2.5Y N5) over

which the lightly plastered or whitewashed floor of the room (Locus 1359) was laid. Due to the slumping of the hill, the threshold cracked in two places, leaving two fissures each with a NE to SW orientation (Fig. 80; Plate 101).

The plaster or whitewashed floor probably had been applied as a sealer, perhaps to prevent the upward percolation of water. It contained crushed ceramics which gave it a slightly pink color (5YR 8/3). Sounding 12/17, Rooms 11 and 12, Phase 3 Evidence associated with this phase suggested that the villa was entirely or partially abandoned for a time, perhaps during the third century A. D. The original floors of the rooms remained exposed in this phase and became covered with rainwash. Soil Locus 1363 was characterized by a slow deposition of light yellow-brown (10YR 6/4) sandy, granular soil which was found throughout the south part of Room 12 and all of Room 11 (Figs. 124, 129). It occupied the area from the plaster floor to a height varying from 8cm to 11cm. Cultural material included ceramic and tile fragments along with stones and charcoal. The soil contained sand sized and smaller particles with considerable clay content. Sounding

12/17, Rooms

11 and 12, Phase 4

In the east part of Room

12 near the corner, evidence was found that a small pit (Locus

1356)

had been dug down into the virgin clay, cutting through both the sandy soil of Phase 3 and the plaster floor of the room (Figs. 124, 128). The pit measured 1.18m by 63cm and was 38cm deep. One sample of charred wood of Pinus (pine) and one incisor of an Equus was found in the yellow-brown (10YR 5/6) soil taken from the pit. The soil was similar to that of Locus 1350 above the pit. The character of this pit suggests that after a period of abandonment or neglect of this portion of the villa, the pit was dug and the material was dumped into it. It may be that the pit was a dump or the result of a ritual offering. This period of squatter occupation or infrequent occupation of the villa cannot be dated precisely except to suggest that it must post-date the prime occupation of the villa which probably ended sometime in the third century A. D. and pre-dates the establishment of the infant cemetery in the fifth century A. D. 119

Resting in the doorway between Rooms 11 and 12 on the threshold was a deposit (Locus 1364) which was difficult to interpret (Fig. 124). Although it resembled a burnt offering (perhaps to a divinity connected with thresholds), it might also have been nothing more than material from the destroyed villa being dumped here. It was a small mound of ash and charcoal, the latter including five examples of Rhamnus alaternus (the shrub buckthorn), along with red mudbrick detritus. A few bones of a small unidentified animal were found in the charcoal concentration. Wood fragments found with animal bones suggest a cooking fire, but buckthorn burns with an unpleasant odor not suitable for food preparation. Sounding

12/17, Rooms

11 and 12, Phase 5

During this phase, the initial fill signalling the conversion of this area into an infant cemetery was deposited. During the excavations, special attention was given to changes in soil color, to the presence of lenses, and to concentrations of ash or material culture. No floors were found in the cemetery, nor was there any evidence that any surfaces had been exposed to foot traffic long enough to become compacted. Along the NW sides of Rooms 11 and 12 a large pit or trench was found (Locus 1353) which bad been dug down diagonally through the fill almost to the floor (Figs. 124, 129). This pit will be discussed under Phase 7 of this sounding. The soil layers below the level of the pit and also below the level of fill Locus 465 (Fig. 129) were assigned to Phase 5. Loci in or above these fills, in the pit or above the level of the pit were assigned to later phases. This division into phases was done only in orderto study the area more carefully and in no way suggested that a significant amount of time passed between deposition of fills above, within or below the pit. Locus 1353 was filled with ash. This fill and scattered traces of charcoal in the fill layers around the pit suggested burning had occurred in the area. Within Rooms 11 and 12, loci falling within or above the pit exhibited characteristics not found in the loci outside of the pit below Locus 465. These characteristics were: 1. Infant burials were more frequent inside the pit area than outside and included clusters of up to seven burials. Density of burials was also much greater inside or above the pit area. 2. Premature, neonate and older infants were found inside or above the pit. Twenty-two percent were

children aged between 4 and 6 months. Only premature to neonate infants were found buried outside and below the pit area or under Locus 465 in Rooms 11 and 12. 3. Burials within amphorae or fragments of amphorae were found only inside or above the pit, except for one burial outside and below the pit level in Room 11 which had amphora body sherds covering it.

i

4. Soil loci within the pit differed from soil loci outside the pit. With this evidence in mind, it may be suggested that the earliest phase of the infant cemetery occurred in Room 11, but it probably was not significantly earlier than its later phases. This initial cemetery was quickly expanded and became more densely packed when thé massive ash-filled pit was dug. To explain the large numberof infant burials over a short period of time, it might be suggested that some catastrophe befell the community. Based on pottery analysis and the joins found between sherds in different rooms, it seems likely that Rooms

10, 15 and 17 were also reused

as a

cemetery at the same time as Rooms 11 and 12. In Phase 5, the first phase of the cemetery before the digging of the pit Locus 1353, Rooms 11 and 12 weré used.as a dump for soil and fragmented cultural material. Locus 1352 was a yellowbrown granular soil (10YR 5/8) which made up the bulk of the fill brought in to Room 11 before pit Locus 1353 was dug (Figs. 124, 129). Most of the pottery recovered from this locus was dated to the second and third centuries A. D. One African Red Slip sherd, a variant of Hayes Form 50A dated to A. D. 290-360, joined with a sherd from Locus 1403. A fragment of an Africana I "Piccola" amphora dated between the second and fifth centuries was also recovered along with one from a Keay Type 120

XLII amphora dated to the fourth or early fifth centuries. Locus 1352 filled the trench from Wall O SW to the balk of Sounding 24 (Fig. 124). Three burials, 1Β 32, 35 and 38, were located within Locus

1352 (Figs. 76, 77; Plates 243, 244).

IB 35 was found in the balk to the SW along with JB 33. Together they constituted a double burial. IB 32 and 38 were single burials. The simplicity of these interments and the lack of cluster burials of five to seven infants set these burials apart from those found in Room 12 and in the NE part of Room

11.

IB 38, the earliest burial, was found against Wall L just above both the floor level and Locus 1363, the slopewash which accumulated during the time the villa lay abandoned. The burial was covered by an amphora fragment measuring 63cm by 30cm and was the only confirmed example of care shown to any of the early burials in Room 11. The infant was 6 lunar months of age. About 20cm above JB 38 was IB 35, an infant of 10 lunar months of age placed directly into the earth. About 30cm above JB 35 was IB 32, an infant aged 9-9.5 lunar months, also placed directly in the earth with no indication of ceremony. IB 33, an infant 10 lunar months to 2 weeks of age was found in the balk immediately SW of JB 32 and 20cm below it. JB 32 and 33 were found in the same fill. They were not contiguous but appear to have been interred at the same time. The fill of Locus 1352 showed evidence of random dumping and included building debris, glass fragments and pieces of dolium. Five fragmentary bone hairpins were also recovered. Also associated with Locus 1352 and completely surrounded by it was Locus 1362, a light grey (SY 6/1) tongue of ash and charcoal which extended up to 1.5m to the SE from the NW baulk (Figs. 128, 129). This lens was the same as Loci 1403,

1404 and 1405, Sounding 24 found in the extreme

west part of Room 11. All of these loci yielded the remains of a pyrotechnical installation which had been dismantled and dumped here (Figs. 127, 132). And Locus 1403 contained a sherd which joined another in a fifth century context in Room 15. Locus 1362 contained glass, mudbrick detritus, dolium fragments and residual pottery of second or early third century A. D. Locus 1355, a light yellow-brown (10YR 6/4) layer apparently contemporary with Locus 1352, covered the threshold between Rooms 11 and 12 (Fig. 129). Building debris, animal bone and pottery bad been dumped all at once allowing air pockets to form. The latest pottery recovered, a fragment of a Keay Type LII amphora, was dated between A. D. 350 and the sixth century, although most examples of this type date to the fifth century. Locus 1350, yellow brown (10YR 5/6) soil, lay in the NE part of Room 11 and in Room 12 (Figs. 128, 129). It had been cut through by the later pit Locus 1353, but much of Locus 1350, particularly that part within Room 12, had been redeposited within the pit. Distinguishing between that part of 1350 which was not disturbed by and earlier than Locus 1353 and lay below it, and that part of Locus 1350 which was redeposited NE of and above the pit was extremely difficult. It was determined that Baskets 6967, 6980, 6987 and 6991 from this locus were earlier than the pit and the same as Locus 1352.

Locus 851 was directly above Locus 1352 and sherds from both loci were found to join (Figs. 125, 129). Locus 851 was a brown yellow clay-rich soil (10YR 6/6) characterized by mudbrick detritus including mudbrick fragments with straw moulds in the fabric, animal bones, building debris,

five pieces of painted plaster, eighteen pieces of unpainted plaster, numerous potsherds and decaying mortar (Plate 105). There were areas of concentrated charcoal and charcoal flecks along with burned animal bone. A lead clamp was also recovered. An area of tile debris between the NW and NE balks and JB 3, discussed below, produced five stamped tile fragments. From the west corner of the sounding came a bone hairpin. Locus 851 was a very loose sandy lens, possibly created by running water dissolving mudbrick within Locus 850. Locus 851 appeared to have been deposited by a combination of slopewash and intentional dumping. IB 3 was found near the north limit of the sounding. An amphora was found containing the skeleton of an infant 8 to 8.5 lunar months of age (Figs. 76, 77, 125; Plate 238). The amphora toe sloped down 25 degrees SE. A stamped triangular tile fragment lay directly on the body of the vessel while 121

another triangular tile fragment covered its mouth. A dolium fragment supported its NE shoulder. Directly underneath the amphora was the base of an African Red Slip plate along with a copper alloy handle or chain link. This link may have been debris or its placement here may have been intended

ΕΣ

as part of an offering which did not survive.

There was considerable evidence of burning around the skeleton and abundant plant remains

were found here, including olive, oak, elm, buckthorn and genista, a shrub. The claw of a raven (Corvus),

perhaps an apotropaic offering 16 was found on the skeleton inside the amphora. Locus 850 was a yellow brown (10YR 5/6) layer, high in clay content with lenses of dark soil and yellow clay. It was composed of debris dumped over Locus 851 (Figs. 125, 129). The layer contained building debris, one dolium fragment, and considerable ash and charcoal, especially in a patch near the center of the room. Tile fragments were found resting vertically surrounded by air pockets suggesting rapid deposition. Locus 470, a layer of yellow brown soil (10YR 5/6) similar to and probably contemporary with Locus 850, was found

immediately above Locus 850 (Figs. 125, 129). As in Locus

850, no indication of a

floor was found. The clay content of this locus was high, and there were indications of slopewashing. Finds included building debris, glass, potsherds, animal bones and abundant traces of carbon. Within and surrounded by Locus 470, was Locus 472, a yellow brown (10YR 5/6) containing the disarticulated skeletons of two infants, possibly twins, aged 9.5-10 lunar months (1Β 8a and 8b) as well as the incomplete skeleton of a rodent and a small amount of charcoal (Figs. 76, 77, 125).

Sounding 12/17, Room 11 and 12, Phase 6

After Phase 5, additional fills were placed in Room 11 on top of Locus 470 containing a large amount of material of the fifth century A. D. Locus 465 was placed directly over Locus 470 and was yellow clayrich soil (10YR 7/6) probably contemporary with and overlapped by Locus 463 (Fig. 125; Plate 104). It was primarily slopewashed mudbrick detritus intentionally dumped and leveled. Locus 465 was distinguished from Locus 463 because 465 was slightly more dense and yellow. Locus 465 contained many potsherds, building debris, charcoal flecks and patches of decaying mortar and caliche (Plates 103, SE of balk and Loci 104 and 105 in SE balk).

Finds within Locus 465 included one fragment of a Keay Type LII amphora dated between A. D. 350 and the early sixth century, although most examples date to the fifth century. Also found was a sherd of Terra Sigillata Chiara Italica imitating African Red Slip Ware Hayes Form 61 οἵ the fourth | or fifth century. Locus 463 was loosely compacted brown yellow soil (10YR 6/6) contemporary with Loci 465 and below Locus 458 (Figs. 125, 129). Locus 458 was distinguished from Locus 463 to provide control in the sounding and to record that Locus 458 covered Locus 464 while Locus 463 did not. However, no

appreciable difference could be seen between Loci 458 and 463. Locus 463 was a dump level filled with building debris, animal bones, twenty-three pieces of painted plaster, abundant charcoal and potsherds. The latest finds from Locus 463 included one sherd of Terra Sigillata Chiara Italica imitating African Red Slip Hayes Form 61b dated to the fourth or fifth century A. D.

Sounding 12/17, Rooms 11 and 12, Phase 7 After Phase 6 a NE to SW. The top the cut or above it The first event

deep cut, pit Locus 1353, was of the cut appeared in the NW was dated not earlier than the in Phase 7 was the deposition

made from Room 11 down into Room 12 sloping balk. The latest pottery from the fills lying within fifth century A. D. of Locus 1353, a pit filled with light to dark grey

(2.5Y N5) charcoal and ash (Figs. 124, 129).

Locus 1350 was a disturbed and redeposited yellow-brown granular layer (10YR 5/6) which contained more clay and less ash than Locus 1353 and which had been interrupted by the digging of the 16 See the article on Hecate in Part Three, Chapter 9.

122

pit Locus 1353. Italica imitating place where the An attempt

The latest pottery from this African Red Slip Hayes Forms earlier phase of the cemetery was made to isolate that part

locus included two sherds of Terra Sigillata Chiara 51/51A dated to A. D. 300-425. Locus 1350 marks the meets pit Locus 1353. of Locus 1350 which lay below the pit Locus 1353.

Finds from that area were designated as Baskets 6967, 6980, 6987, 6991, and 6992, described with

Phase 5. All other baskets of Locus 1350 were at pit level or above and contained pottery fragments of mixed date. Throughout Locus 1350 were animal bones, pottery, roof tiles, wall cubilia and glass, so it is probable that this locus was the result of dumping as was Locus 1352. Building debris was found in Locus 1350 both above and below the pit. The tiles were generally lying in an angular fashion and there were frequent gaps in the debris which had not been filled in with earth. Above Locus

1350 and just above the base of the pit Locus 1353, was Locus 852 (Figs. 125, 129;

Plate 106, in bottom of trench). It was a brown to yellow brown (10YR 5/4) soil which contained building debris chunks of mortar and plaster, animal bones and potsherds including three amphora toes. It is believed that Loci 467, 471, 852, and 954 were contemporary, similar fills (Figs. 125, 129). IB 13 was found in Locus 852 (Figs. 76, 77, 125). and included the disarticulated left arm, pelvis,

and leg of a infant aged 10 lunar months. Several small amphora fragments found nearby may have served as burial markers. Also found with IB 13 were charcoal deposits, bird, pig and cattle bones and a sherd of Terra Sigillata Chiara Italica. Other finds in Locus 852 included an antefix fragment and a coin. The copper or copper alloy coin was in very poor condition but an imperial head was visible on its obverse. It resembled an Aes 4 in size but no precise date could be assigned to it. Glass fragments were also found which included the rim of an olla dated to the end of the fourth or the fifth century A. D. and two fragments of conical cups dated to the fourth or fifth century. Also found was a fragment of a spatheion amphora dated between the late fourth and sixth centuries A. D. Just above Locus 852 and contemporary with it was Locus 471, NE of Wall 0 (Figs. 125, 129). This brown soil (10YR 5/3) had a low clay content and was full of potsherds, charcoal, building debris and several pieces of painted plaster. Locus 471 appeared to be contemporary with Locus 954 which blended into it to the NE. Southeast of Locus 471 was Locus 467 which was believed to be contemporary with Locus 471 even though the soil was darker (Fig. 125). Locus 467 was located NE of Wall 0 and NW of Wall L. It was composed of dark grey brown fill (2.5Y 3/2) darkened by organic decomposition or burning or both. It contained building debris, numerous potsherds particularly of amphorae and glass fragments including part of a conical cup dating to the fourth or fifth century A. D. | IB 9, an infant aged neonate to two weeks, was found with fragments from four different vessels

including an amphora toe (Plate 242). The toe was found pointing south in the corner where Walls L and O met. It was from an African amphora but the type could not be identified. A dolium fragment was used as a stopper separating the skeleton inside from the earth outside the amphora toe (Figs. 76, 77, 125; Plate 221). Additional finds included animal bone and glass.

Directly NE of the toe and associated with JB 9, other large amphora fragments were found placed below and above 18 31, another disarticulated infant skeleton of a child aged neonate to 2 weeks. 18 9 amd IB 31 seemed to have been interred together. Additional amphora fragments were found placed around /B 30, a disarticulated fetus of 9.5 to 10 lunar months in age which was recovered NE of JB 9 and SW of the neck of another amphora. Bird bones were found between JB 30 and 31. Disarticulated bones recovered directly above JB 9 proved to be from another burial, 7B 29, a fetus aged 7 to 8 lunar months. Charcoal, animal bone, glass and part of a terra cotta loom weight were found associated with the burial. | This clustering of burials continued in adjacent and contemporary Locus 954 which contained JB 5 and JB 19 which were part of the same mass burial as Locus 467 and overlapped it (Figs. 76, 77, 125, 129, 131; Plate 221). Locus 954 was brown (10YR 5/3) and granular but varied considerably and contained loose

soil lenses and air pockets indicating rapid dumping. It contained building debris and one Terra Sigillata Chiara Italica sherd imitating African Red Slip Hayes Form 61 dated to the fourth or fifth century. 123

IB 5 was a neonate found within a nearly complete spatheion amphora dated between the late fourth and sixth centuries, found flush against Wall L with the toe pointing SW (Plates 176, 195). The neck of the amphora had been removed and two flat chunks of mortar had been placed at its mouth closing the opening and touching the skull of the infant within. IB 19, an infant aged 4-5 months, was found within a second amphora,

an Africana I "Piccolo

type, dated between the early second and early fifth centuries A. D., which was closed with a flat limestone (Plate 241). Associated finds included charcoal, glass, numerous animal bones, potsherds and painted plaster. These six burials, and JB 13 in Locus 852, were interred at the same time and formed a group. The interments of seven infants at one time suggests a catastrophic event, such as a plague or epidemic, occurred, devastating the community (Plate 221). Sounding

12/17, Rooms

11 and 12, Phase 8

Above Loci 954, 467 and 471 were Loci 466 and 953 which were designated as Phase 8 even though they probably represent a micro-phase of Phase 7 not more than a few days younger than Loci 954, 467 and 471 (Figs. 125, 129).

Locus 466 was found N/NE of Wall O and seemed to have been compacted by foot traffic over a short period of time (Plate 103, left). It was yellow brown (10YR 5/6) and contained building debris, decomposing wall mortar and numerous potsherds including one of Terra Sigillata Chiara Italica imitating Hayes Form 61 of the fourth to fifth centuries A. D. The locus was full of air pockets, and evidence of burning was noted at a spot 70cm from the NW balk and 170cm from the NW face of Wall L. Also associated with Locus 466 was its NE extension, Locus 953 (Figs. 125, 129, 131). This locus

was more yellow (10YR 7/6) than Locus 466 due to the presence of decaying mortar and contained only a small amount of building debris. The loose soil and occasional air pockets of this locus, together with its lightly compacted surface, suggest that it was dumped and walked upon, probably in the act of covering the burials found below it. Within Locus 953 were two bronze cauldrons, carefully placed one (Basket 4343) within the other (Basket 4342; Fig. 78; Plates 106, 230-233). The larger cauldron measured 40cm in diameter by 23cm in height and the smaller was 33cm in diameter and 19cm high. These cauldrons, designated along with the surrounding soil as Locus 952 (Fig. 131), may have been intended to commemorate one or all of IB 5, 19 and 30, or they may have been an offering made to all the infants interred in the cemetery. The cauldrons were intact and set into the ground with a small limestone placed under Basket 4342 for balance. Charcoal was found in and adjacent to the cauldrons, suggesting that plants were burned when they were placed here. The ashy soil was 6cm deep in places. On the rim of cauldron Basket 4342 were

three samples of Quercus cerris and one sample of Ulmus while inside cauldron Basket 4343 was one sample of Olea. Other materials may have been burned but they left no trace. Outside the cauldrons and adjacent to them were found one sample of Olea, three samples of Quercus cerris, and three sam-

ples of Quercus ilex. Cauldron Basket 4342 had been patched with lead solder in antiquity. The outer edges of the cauldrons were covered with a black incrustation, the result of burning or corrosion of the metal. Dark deposits on their bases were either carbon/charcoal or copper corrosion. Dark brown to brown black soil (10YR 2/2) had been used to fill and cover them. Adjacent to the cauldrons was a copper alloy coin, probably of the Jate fourth century, similar to another coin found in Locus 950. Locus 953 also contained a fragment of a Keay Type LII amphora dated between A. D. 350 and the early sixth century. Above Locus 953, Locus 951 was full of scattered animal bones, building debris, fragments of yellow mortar, potsherds and charcoal (Figs. 128, 129, 131). There was no evidence to suggest that

the barrel vaulting in Room 11 had collapsed during this phase or before. The charcoal found had been redeposited, not burned on this spot. Locus 951 contained a rim of African Red Slip Hayes Form 73A dated from the end of the fourth century, A. D. through the fifth century. 124

Sounding

12/17, Rooms

11 and 12, Phase 9

Immediately adjacent to the large pit or trench (Locus 1353) cut down into Rooms 11 and 12 was a soil layer (Locus 464) formed by the filling of a cut into Loci 852, 471 and 466 (Figs. 125, 129; Plate

105, center). First, large pit Locus 1353 was dug, and Loci 852, 471, 467 and 954 ‘were deposited, followed almost immediately by Loci 466 and 953, 952 and 951. Then Locus 464 was dug and burials were interred within it. Locus 464 was a deposit found with an area cut through the soil layers already accumulated in Room 11 and 12 in order to inter additional burials. After the burials Locus 464 was backfilled with soil of moderate clay content. Locus 464 varied from yellow brown (10YR 5/6) to brown yellow (10YR 6/6). Among the abundant material culture recovered were animal bone, amphorae, charcoal,

building debris, potsherds, deteriorating mudbrick and nine pieces of painted plaster. The locus was full of charcoal bits and lenses of varicolored soil. IB 1 and 2 were both found within amphorae in Locus 464 (Figs 76, 77; Plates 236, 237). IB 1 was an infant aged 10 Junar months, and IB 2 was 4 to 6 months of age. IB 1 was placed inside a spatheion amphora dated between the late fourth and sixth centuries A. D. which had been deliberately broken to allow for the placement of the body. The base, rim and much of the neck of the vessel were missing. The skeleton was found in the fetal position with its cranium at the mouth of the amphora. A fragment of a tarsometatarsus of a bird was found with the child inside the amphora. IB 2 was interred within a complete Keay Type XXXIX amphora which was dated between A. D. 300 and 450. The skeleton was found in the fetal position with its cranium toward the mouth of the amphora. The amphora had been broken in order to place the burial inside. A triangular pan tile fragment had been used to block the mouth of the amphora, but it was not sealed and soil had washed inside. Another burial within this locus, IB 6, was of an infant 5 to 6 months in age found lying on its left side with arms and legs at its sides (Figs. 76,77). Three limestones and two small cubilia were

found placed against the back of the skeleton, and another limestone had been placed against the legs. The cranium was oriented towards the NW with the ash lens Locus 1353 adjacent to the cranium. Charcoal was found immediately adjacent to the body which included one sample of Olea, one sample of Quercus ilex, and three samples of Spartium. Bones from the limbs of birds and a fragment of eggshell were also found associated with the skeleton. Directly southeast of IB 6 was IB 12, a fetus aged 9 to 9.5 lunar months buried directly in the earth (Figs. 76, 77). Only the lower body from the rib cage to the toes survived. It was oriented NW to SE, at a right angle to Wall O. The body was found on its back with legs extended. Animal bones found with the burial included several of bird and a fragment of sheep/goat. IB 27 was a fetus aged 6 to 6.5 lunar months inhumed directly in the earth (Figs. 76, 77). It was found on its back with cranium to the SE with its legs within pit Locus 1353. IB 27 was found just below 1B 2 north of and above IB 3. It abutted JB 6 to the NE. Rodent bones were found nearby. Charcoal

from

the burial

area

included

two

samples

of Lonicera,

one

of Quercus

cerris,

one

of

Quercus ilex, two of Rhamnus and four of Ulmus. Thirty centimeters south of JB 27, above IB 3, a small copper alloy bracelet in twisted spiral form was found (Plate 226). Its size indicated that it once belonged to a child. It may have been an offering for a single child or to the infants in JB 2, 3, 6, 12 and 27. At the west limit of IB 27 about 15cm

from the pelvis a small copper alloy ring was found which had probably belonged to a child. Within Locus 464 was a bone female

doll which

once had movable limbs

(Plates 222, 223). A

complete brick stamp and another partial stamp were found near the NW part of Wall O. Other significant finds from Locus 464 included a rim of an amphora of Keay Type LIX dated between the fourth and sixth centuries, a fragment of a Carthaginian Late Roman Amphora Type 5 dated between A. D. 450 and 625 and a fragment of conical glass cup of the fourth or fifth century. Sounding 12/17, Rooms

11 and 12, Phase 10

Above the pit Locus 1353 and Locus 952, the copper alloy cauldrons, and above the concentration of burials in Locus 464, additional fills (Loci 456-458, 462, 950, 754, 755, 752 and 1451) were found

125

(Figs. 125, 129-131). These may be contemporary with the material from within the pit, but they formed a separate stratum. The finds within these loci suggest a date not before the mid fifth century A. D. Locus 462 was a loosely compacted brown yellow soil (10YR 6/6) high in clay content, deteriorating yellow mortar, mudbrick detritus, potsherds, building debris, small and scattered pieces of char-

coal, animal bones, glass and iron slag (Figs. 125, 129). A rim of a Carthage Late Roman Amphora Type 1 dated between the eaxly fifth century and A. D. 650 were notable finds within Locus 462.

In the NE area of the trench, Locus 462 merged with Locus 950 which contained building debris, deteriorating mortar and mudbrick detritus (Figs. 125, 129, 131). Evidence showed that Locus 950

was dumped here and walked over for a brief period, becoming slightly compacted. The random charcoal particles found indicated that burned materials were brought here and dumped. The wall stones and mortar found in this locus probably came from the walls in Room 11 and from barrel vault Locus 751 (Fig. 128; Plate 106). Locus 950 contained JB 4,.a 4.5 to 5.5 month old infant interred within a spatheion amphora (Figs. 76, 77; Plate 239) of the late fourth to sixth centuries A. D. A large piece from the center of its body 33cm from the toe had been cut away for the installation of the infant, and its rim was missing. The skeleton was found in the fetal position and its cranium was placed toward the mouth of the vessel. Two broken cover tiles were found placed over the hole in the vessel’s body. A pan tile fragment had been placed against the NE side of the cover tiles to secure them, and two additional pan tile fragments flanked the neck of the vessel to balance it. Among the finds associated with the burial was charcoal in the area of the amphora including one sample of Lonicera caprifolium, five of Olea and one of Quercus ilex. The amphora was 20cm above and south of the cauldrons of Locus 953. Immediately SE of the amphora. was a copper alloy | coin in poor condition, dating to the late fourth or early fifth centuries. loci which 4 were 464 Locus layer burial and pit intrusive and 1353 Locus pit the 462, Locus Above adjoined each other: 456, 457, 458 and 754 (Figs.

125,

128-130; Plate 103). Loci 456 and 457 were

organically rich soils onto which the partially collapsed barrel vault over Room 12 eventually collapsed completely. Locus 456 was very dark brown loose soil (10YR 2/2) deposited over Loci 462 and 464 and containing building debris and an antefix fragment with a dolphin and palmette in relief. Locus 457 was the same soil as Locus 456 but was separated to increase control of the area in case additional burials were found. It contained building debris, animal bones and mortar fragments. The latest object recovered was a fragment of a glass conical cup of the fourth or fifth century. Locus 458 was the continuation of Locus 457 in the SW part of the sounding (Figs. 125, 129). Locus 457 overlapped Locus 458 slightly, suggesting that 458 was deposited earlier, but there seemed to be little difference in age among all four loci in this phase. Locus 458 was very similar to Locus 463 of Phase 6 which preceded pit Locus 1353, but Locus 458 was later than the pit and all the loci within it. Pottery dates suggested that the upper loci outside the pit, the loci within it and the loci just above it were contemporary and that Phases 6-10 were close in date. Locus 458 contained building debris, abundant charcoal flecks, much pottery, and two brickstamps. It was yellow brown (10YR 5/6) and contained one sherd of Terra Sigillata Chiara Italica imitating African Red Slip Hayes Form 52 dated between A. D. 350 and 425. . | Locus 754 adjoined Loci 456 and 457 to the NE but was generally browner (10YR 5/3), clay rich and closer in appearance to Locus 458 (Figs. 128, 129). It was filled with collapsed debris, potsherds, animal bones and charcoal. Traces of.collapsing barrel vault, more prominent in Locus 752 above, were noted in Locus 754 which rose up above the level of Loci 456 and 457 and merged with Locus | i 452 in the NE area of Room 12. Locus 452 was a fill layer above the infant cemetery which blended into the upper area of Locus 754 in the NE part of Room 12 (Figs. 125, 129). Locus 452 was deposited before the major portion of the barrel vault had collapsed. Locus 452 may have been disturbed by root action or plowing due to its proximity to the surface. It was loose dark brown soil (10YR 2/2) similar to Loci 456 and 457. It contained building debris, animal bones and a few fragments of painted plaster. Locus 755 occupied the area immediately NE of Locus 751, the surviving spring of the barrel vault above Wall X (Fig. 128). It was identical to Locus 754 but was given a different designation to 126

insure control and was only partially excavated. As mentioned above, Phase 10 included the final collapse of the barrel vault in Room 12 into and beneath Locus 752 (Fig. 129; Plate 107). The area over Wall X, the springing point of the vault, was still in situ but a considerable portion of the vault, perhaps enough to make up one third of its spring, had fallen and lay scattered around Wall X. Cobbles from the wall covered an area 3.50m NW/SE by 3.20m. The yellow brown mortar (10YR 5/8) was dissolving throughout Locus 752, which sloped down 15 degrees to the NW. Locus 752, just NE of Locus 452, contained some debris from the collapsed barrel vault suggesting that the vault had probably begun to collapse while this locus was forming and fell completely after this locus was in place. Locus 752 contained building debris, one brickstamp, glass, potsherds and animal bone. Locus 752 proved to be critical because it showed that some, if not all, of the barrel vault which

originally covered Room 12 was still standing and functioning during the time when the burials were installed so that the burials were made within a recognizable room and were oriented to its walls (Fig. 150). The protection from the weather afforded by the partly preserved barrel vault may account for the fact that Room 12 and adjacent Room 11 were the most important and popular part of the infant cemetery. Locus 451 was a layer of yellow brown earth similar to Locus 752 adjoining it to the south and SW (Fig. 125). It did not touch the NW balk of the sounding, and it sloped down slightly to the NW. It contained many cobbles from the fallen barrel vault as well as deteriorating mortar, building debris and a few sherds. The locus was close to the surface and so may have been contaminated. Sounding

12/17, Rooms

11 and 12, Phase

11

This phase is represented by the dark brown (10YR 3/3) topsoil (Locus 001) which covered the entire trench and contained building debris. It was located above the collapsed barrel vault in the NE part of Room 12. Sounding

12/17, Rooms

11 and 12, General Data

Locus

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

001

N-100.63 - 100.47 S-100.73 - 100.60 W-100.12 - 99.90 N-100.56 - 100.17 S-100.77 - 100.54 W-100.34 - 100.09 E-100.79 - 100.61 N-100.35 - 99.98 S-100.60 - 99.87 W-99.90 - 99.76 E-100.65 - 100.14 N-100.17 - 99.98 S-100.54 - 100.01 W-100.09 - 99.85 E-100.61 - 100.12 N-99.98 - 99.77 S-100.01 - 99.77 W-99.85 - 99.67 E-100.12 - 100.04 N-99.85 - 99.72 S-99.87 - 99.72 W-99.76 - 99.64 E-100.14 - 99.80 100.92 - 97.54 100.52 - Undug 100.78 - Undug

4NW/SE x 6.5

13

0

10W

2.5NW/SEx2.4

39

80

2SW

3.5NE/SWX2.5

73

80

2NW

2.5NW/SEX1.9

53

95

2W

2.85NW/SEX1.6

30

95

2W

2.6NW/SEX1.9

3

95

2W

1.25NE/SWX.5 1.2NE/SWX.53 1.08NE/SW*x.53

338 Unknown Unknown

100 100 100

N/A N/A N/A.

451

452

456

457

458

459 460 461

127

462

463

464 465

466

467

470

471 472 751 752 754

755 850

851

852

950

128

N-99.77 - 99.42 S-99.98 - 99.49 W-99.67 - 99.42 E-100.04 -:99.49 N-99.72 - 99.44 S-99.72 - 99.51 W-99.64 - 99.37 E-99.80 - 99.49 N-99.67 - 98.76 SE-99.77 - 98.69 W-99.72 - 98.76 N-99.44 - 99.31 S-99.51 - 99.29 W-99.64 - 99.29 E-99.49 - 99.35 N-99.42 - 99.05 S-99.49 - 99.19 W-99.42 - 98.98 E-99.49 - 99.14 N-99.10 - 98.85 S-99.19 - 98.76 W-99.05 - 98.84 E-99.14 - 98.75 N-99.31 - 99.15 S-99.29 - 99.10 W-99.29 - 99.12 E-99.35 - 99.12 N-99.05 - 98.83 S-99.19 - 98.99 W-98.98 - 98.92 E-99.14 - 98.95 99.30 - 99.07 NW-100.57 - Undug SE-100.73 - Undug N-100.47 - 100.30 S-100.77 - 100.42

W-100.39 - 100.30 N-100.26 - 99.80 S-100.42 - 99.93 W-100.30 - 99.79 E-100.40 - 99.97 N-100.30 - Undug SE-100.41 - Undug N-99.15 - 99.06 S-99.10 - 99.06 W-99.21 - 99.05 E-99.12 - 99.03 N-99.06 - 98.78 S-99.06 - 98.79 W-99.05 - 98.84 E-99.03 - 98.79 N-99.06 - 98.65 S-98.73 - 98.65 W-98.92 - 98.65 E-98.90 - 98.67 N-99.80 - 99.39 S-99.93 - 99.85 W-99.79 - 99.38 E-99.97 - 99.78

2.6NW/SEX1.06

55

95

2W

2.6NW/SEX1.7

31

95

2W

1.7NW/SEX.74

108

95

1.84NE/SWX1.8

35

95.

2W

1.06NE/SWX2.6

52

95

2NW

1.2X1.2

43

95

5NW

2.6NW/SEX 1.92

33

100

2W

1.7NW/SEX.64

22

100

1SE

.35x.35 2.36NW/SEX 1.53

23 Undug

100 100

3NE/SW X 2.63

35

60

2.63NW/SEX2.19

49

80

1.8NW/SEX.78

Undug

80

2.6NW/SEX2.34

16

100

2.6NW/SEX2.34

28

100

2.6NW/SEX2.02

41

100

2.68NW/SEX 1.46

41

95

15NW

5NW

5NW

951

952 953

N-99.39 - 99.25 S-99.85 - 99.35

W-99.38 - 99.35 E-99.75 - 99.33 99.42 - 99.22 N-99.25 - 99.13

2.68NW/SEX1.46

50

95

.65NW/SEX.50 2.63X1.46

20 24

100 95

2.63X 1.46

41

100

3.25NE/SW X2.63

70

100

SNW

S-99.30 - 99.17 W-99.35 - 99.11 E-99.33 - 99.15 954

N-99.13 - 99.06

S-99.17 - 98.73 W-99.11 - 98.92 E-99.15 - 98.90 1350

N-98.65 - 97.95

1351 1352

W-98.74 - 98.41 E-98.67 - 98.42 98.92 - 98.84

.24NW/SEX.08 2.6NW/SEX2.02

N-98.78 - 98.39

100 100

oc

S-98.65 - 98.03

$-98.79 - 98.15

W-98.84 - 98.08 E-98.79 - 98.42

1353

2.6NW/SEX1.28

N-98.51 - 98.50 S-99.63 - 99.60 W-99.63 - 99.60

40

100

45pit

1358 1359

1360 1361 1362 1363

98.61 - 98.17 98.08 - 97.70 N-98.05 - Undug S-98.08 - Undug W-98.04 - Undug E-98.10 - Undug 100.92 - 97.54 N-98.05 - Undug S-98.08 - Undug W-98.05 - 98.04 E-98.10 - Undug

1.18NW/SEx.43 1.18E/WX.63 5X2.63

100 100 100

5Χ.53 5Χ2.63

100 100

98.68 - 98.59

.35E/WX.16 .J6NE/SWX.11 1.52NE/SWX1.47 2.63NW/SEX5

100 100 100 100

98.31 - 98.26 98.5] - 98.11 N-98.15 - 98.05

ooo

E-98.23 - 98.20

1355 1356 1357

N/A

S-98.09 - 98.08 W-98.15 - 98.05

1364 1365 1366

E-98.13 - 98.10 98.25 - 98.16 NW-98.15 - Undug SE-98.17 - Undug 100.33 - 98.08

.67NW/SEX.40 1.58NW/SEX.44

9 Undug

100 100

1.07NW/SEX.53

225pit above floor

100

Tally (sp=opus spicatum, sg-opus signinum, v=voussoir) Sounding 12/17 LOCUS

001 451 452 456

Wedges 1

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

33

1 2 12 3

46

5 130

50

Tesserae

Floor

3sp 3sp

129

457

20

9

458 462

3 3

129 75

7 17

30

3sp

463 464 465 466

3 12 9

133 158 58 7

25 35 16 20

22 19 12 4

50

467 470

2 2

67 114

19 15

2

2

471 752

1

ό 53

2 20

2 4

2

108 30 51

29 10 20

32 100 6

52

8

20

53 46 6 23 123 83 11 1

8 5

15 15 14 12 72 81 9 4

1

1

4sp 8sg

2

3sp 3sp

5

8sg lsp

.

154 850 851

4 4

2sp 1v 2sp 2sp

4

2

: 852

950 951 953 954 1350 1352 1355 1356

1

3 5 .

Sounding 20, Probe

1, Room

3 65 7 1 1

lv 2

3sp 6sg 555 3sp 5sg

12

Tsp isp

12

GRID AREA M49a (Figs. 6-8, 76-80, 90, 126, 133, 150; Plates 4, 16, 17, 110, 111) This sounding measured 3m NW/SE by 2.5m and was opened to expose more of barrel vaulted Room 12 and to investigate the west border of the infant cemetery. The sounding was not carried to the floor of Room 12. Sounding 20, Probe

1, Room

12, Phase

1

This phase included a small spur of wall, Wall W (Locus 1053) which probably formed the NE limit of Room 12 and was probably the NW extension of Wall X from which a barrel vault sprung which covered Room

12 (Figs. 6, 7, 76, 80). The wall, visible in the east corner of the sounding, was

composed of cobble to small boulder sized stones in a grey (2.5Y N5) slurry mortar of calcined limestone, sand, and volcanic stones (Plates 17, 110, 111). The base of the wall was not reached, but the

time of its construction, which predated all the deposited layers in the sounding; dated to the late first century B. C., the time proposed for the first phase of construction of the villa. Wall W had shifted 3-5 degrees to the SW out of its original alignment with Wall X in the east corner of Room 12 due to pressure from the downslope movement of the hillside above. The lowest visible 81cm of Wall W exposed in this sounding was composed of small rubble stones and was unfaced. Above this, the uppermost 45.5cms

of Wall

W was faced with cubilia for

opus quasi-reticulatum of a quality bordering on opus reticulatum (Plate 111). The same situation was found in Wall L in Room Sounding 20, Probe

1, Room

12 (Plate 106). 12, Phase 2

Phase 2 is represented by a large crollo block (Locus 1055) found in the north corner of the trench (Plate 17). Excavation did not reach its base. The section unearthed measured 1.50m NE/SW by 53cm.

130

The concrete consisted of a lime-based matrix with slurry mortar in which granule to small pebble sized sand and gravel from the Tiber were used as an aggregate along with coarse tephra. Stones of small pebble to boulder size were included in the block. The mortar was white to tan-white (5YR 8/1). The composition of this large chunk of concrete shows that the villas masons mixed volcanic pyroclastics with burnt lime to make mortar. Locus 1055 intruded into all the fill loci found in the sounding. Another similar crollo block was found in the south corner of the trench but it was not excavated. Sounding 20, Probe

1, Room

12, Phase 3

This phase included Loci 1054 and 1051 from the period of the infant burials (Figs. 126, 133). Locus 1054 resembled Locus 1051, but was given a separate designation to increase control. The soil of Locus 1054 was yellow-brown (10YR 5/8) and granular with frequent mortar inclusions and granule to large boulder sized stones. Much of it consisted of mudbrick detritus washed downslope and included building debris and six fragments of painted wall plaster. Locus 1051 above was similar to 1054 and contained building debris. The east area of Locus 1051

contained numerous

air pockets and heavier concentrations

of tiles, painted plaster, animal

bone and glass, indicating rapid dumping over a short period of time. In other parts of the trench, Locus 1051 contained tesserae and wall plaster along with pottery and charcoal. Within Locus

1051, JB 14, 22 and 24 were discovered (Figs. 76, 77, 126; Plates 245, 246). IB 14

and 24 were burials within amphorae found in the SE balk. JB 24 was found in a spatheion amphora body which had a stone wedged on each shoulder to balance it. The amphora lacked its neck and rim. In the amphora was the skeleton of an infant aged neonate to 1 month. IB 14, found within another spatheion amphora body, had been carefully placed within the broken larger amphora of JB 24. IB 14 was an infant aged 9-9.5 lunar months and was badly damaged by wall collapse. It is possible that the infants were miscarried twins, although the infant in /B 24 seemed to be older than that in /B 14. Both amphorae dated between the late fourth and sixth centuries A. D. and were interred parallel to Wall W at a distance of 12cm. Animal bone and carbon traces were noted in the earth surrounding the amphorae and carbon fragments were found inside. Near the east corner of the trench and near JB 14 and 24 was IB 22 (Figs. 76, 77, 126). The skeleton was found on its right side in fetal position with its legs to the SW and its cranium to the north. Ten tesserae were found scattered around the burial, perhaps as a simple marker. The burial was found in the NE balk. /B 22 was an infant 8.5-9.5 lunar months of age. A copper alloy ring was recovered 8cm west of its knee. Among the pottery sherds found in Locus 1051 was a base of an African Red Slip Hayes Form 91 with feather rouletting dated probably between A. D. 350 and 530. Sounding 20, Probe 1, Room

12, Phase 4

Above Locus 1051 and only within the SW three quarters of the trench was the brown granular soil of Locus

1052. There was little evidence of the mortar found in the lower loci (Figs. 126, 133).

The locus contained building debris and traces of organic matter, probably horse dung. IB 21 of an infant 8-8.5 lunar months of age was discovered in this locus (Figs. 76, 77, 126). Its orientation was NW/SE

like JB 14 and 24, and it was aligned

12cm

from the NW

limit of Wall W.

Though the skeleton had been disturbed, the position of the spinal vertebrae as they were unearthed led to the conclusion that the body was buried in the fetal position on its left side and aligned with Wall W, with its cranium NW. A common ware sherd was used to prop up the infant, and animal bone was also recovered nearby. Sounding 20, Probe 1, Room

12, Phase 5

Locus 1050 was a brown to dark brown (10YR 2/2) “B zone" soil layer covering the entire trench which contained numerous rocks, decayed mortar, building debris, charcoal, two pieces of slag, and fragments of painted wall plaster (Figs. 126, 133). Much of the debris seemed to have come from the collapse of the barrel vault above. Locus 1050 was not completely sealed. 131

Sounding 20, Probe 1, Room

12, Phase 6

Locus 001 sloped down 30 degrees NW and was dark brown (10YR 2/2). This topsoil had been disturbed by plowing, root action and erosion. It resembled Locus 1050, and it occupied the entire trench (Fig. 133). Conclusion

Evidence found in this trench showed that the infant cemetery existed in this area with burials simply inhumed in. earth or within amphorae or common ware pots and aligned with the villa’s walls. The burial of one amphora within another (/B 14 and 24) was unique here. From the character of the soil and the date of the finds it seemed that the burials took place over a short period of time with some short interval between them. The presence of the large crollo block 1055 suggested that the villa was in a highly ruinous state before the cemetery was installed. It was not possible to directly relate the loci recovered from this area with loci from Soundings 12 and 24 where other burials were found. However, the objects recovered from all loci from these

soundings dated between the late fourth and sixth century, and it is believed that these loci are probably contemporary with the latest phases of the cemetery in Soundings 12/17 and 24. Sounding 20, Probe 1, Room Locus

.

12, General Data

Level Above Datum/m

001

NW-99.53 - 99.38

|.

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

JNE/SWX2.5

29

0

30NW

3X2.5

43

75

30NW

3X2.5

86

95

0

2.33NW/SEX3

36

95

30NW

.53NE/SWX.34 3X2.5

Undug Unknown

100 100

N/À 0

1.5x.53

Undug

100

0

SE-100.12 - 99.83 1050

NW-99.38 - 99.04

SE-99.83 - 99.40 1051

1052 |».

1053 1054

1055

NW-99.31 - 98.49 5-99.04 - 98.50. SE-99.49 - 98.63 E-98.95 - 98.52 N-99.04 - 98.75 S-99.11 - 99.04 W-99.04 E-99.32 - 98.95 99.89 - Undug N-98.63 - 98.40 S-98.49 - 98.35 W-98.58 - 98.38 E-98.52 - 98.36

99.45 - Undug

Tally Sounding 20, Probe 1 Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

1050 1051 1052 1054

2 3

77 52 56 32

16 7 9 3

᾿

Sounding 20, Probe 2, Room

. Cubilia 38 12 14 ὃ

Tesserae

Brick

4

4

Floor

' 4

12

GRID AREA M49a (Figs. 76-80, 89, 126; Plates 4, 17, 110, 111, 247-249) The main objective of Sounding 20, Probe 2, was to expose an amphora associated with JB 14 and 24 that protruded from the SE balk of M49a in Sounding 20, Probe 1 (Figs. 76, 77, 126).

132

Sounding 20, Probe 2, Room

12, Phase

1

This was the phase of the villa's construction. Wall W (Locus 1151) was the only feature associated with this phase. This wall, a continuation of Wall W (Locus 1053) in Sounding 20 was 61cm thick and its upper portion was constructed entirely in cubilia of opus quasi-reticulatum bordering on opus reticulatum (Plate 111). It was composed of cobble size dentate cubilia of sandstone and limestone bonded with grey (2.5Y N5) calcined lime mortar with a sand aggregate as its core. This upper portion of Wall W was 45.5cm high at its NW end and 72 cm at its SE. Below this level, the lower portion of the wall was unfaced limestone rubble set in a mortar similar to that above (Plate 111). This level of the villa NW of the main portion of the villa on the crest of Poggio Gramignano was subterranean in the sense that it probably functioned as a cryptoporticus of linked barrel vaulted chambers constructed into the base of the hill (Fig. 8). The lack of facing or decoration on the lower walls may indicate that Rooms 11 and 12 were never occupied as habitations. They may have been work or storage areas, possibly for wine or food that needed to be kept cool, near the pars urbana and the servant/utility area of the villa. Wall W was 5 degrees out of plumb to the SW. Wall W was partially excavated. It may have served as the support for the barrel vault over Room 12, and when it was found it was 50cm out of alignment with its sections to the SE due to shifting

of the soil beneath the wall. Sounding 20, Probe 2, Room

12, Phase 2

Phase 2 includes Loci 1154 and 1153. Locus 1154 corresponds to Locus 1051, Sounding 20, Probe 1 where the spatheion amphorae with JB 14 and 24 (Locus 1051) were found (Figs. 76, 77, 126). Locus 1154 was yellow brown (10YR 5/8) clay rich soil which contained building debris and a large amount of charcoal. Locus 1153 was yellow brown soil (10YR 5/8) similar to 1154. Like Locus 1054, Locus 1153 corresponds to Locus 1051 in Sounding 20, Probe 1. IB 25 of an infant aged neonate to 1 week was found in Locus 1153 (Figs. 76, 77, 126). This burial was enclosed in the upper half of a Keay Type XIX amphora dated between A. D. 300 and 500, which had been placed within a coarse kitchen ware cooking pot. Part of one of the amphora's handles was missing and its lower body and toe had been removed to enable the amphora to fit within the jar. The skeleton was found with its cranium oriented NW and its body on its left side in the fetal position. The cooking pot/amphora was placed 5cm from Wall W oriented like JB 14 and 24. Because of these similarites and the close elevations noted for these, it seems likely that /B 14 and

24 occurred during the same phase as JB 25. Sounding 20, Probe 2, Room Locus

12, Phase 3

1150 corresponded to Locus

1050 in Sounding 20, Probe 1. It was dark brown (10YR 3/3)

soil which was not sealed and was located just beneath the topsoil Locus 001. It contained roots, pottery, building debris and concentrations of charcoal and was, in part, created by mudbrick detritus washing downslope. Wall W appeared near the top of this level. Among the pottery sherds found was a rim (Basket 6301) of African Red Slip Hayes Form 64 dated to the early to mid fifth century. Sounding 20, Probe 2, Room

12, Phase 4

Locus 001 was pale brown (10YR 6/3) topsoil which sloped down 20 degrees to the NW. It contained building debris and a few animal bones. Locus 1152 was similar to Locus 001 and was found just beneath it and south of Wall W. Sounding 20, Probe 2, Room Locus

12, General Data

Level Above Datum/m

001 ^.

N-100.116 - 99.91 $-100.32 - 100.16 W-100.12 - 100.02 . E-100.39 - 99.95

Area/m |. 1.5NE/SWX1

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

44

0

20NW

|

|

133

1150

NW-99.91 - 99.43 | SE-99.95 - 99.64

1151

NW-100.02 - 98.80 SE-100.16 - 98.90 NW-100.02 - Undug

1152

.12NE/SWX1

48

75

20NW

.61X1NW/SE

122

100

N/A

.39NE/SWX1

Undug

0

20NW

.72NE/SWX1

65

100

0

72X1

17

100

0

SE-100.16 - Undug 1153

NW-99.43 - 99.07 SE-99.64 - 98.99 NW-99.07 - 98.80

1154

SE-98.99 - 98.90

Tally (sp=opus spicatum) Sounding 20, Probe 2 Locus 001

1150

Wedges

Pan

Cover

1

38

12

23

3

20

16

1

4

42

4

11

1153 1154

1

Sounding 20, Probe 3, Room GRID AREA M49c

Cubilia

Tesserae

Brick

Floor

6

Isp Isp

12

(Figs. 76, 80; Plate 17)

A sounding was made immediately SW of Sounding 20 to continue the study of Room 12. Excavation was difficult due to a large crollo block (Locus 1056) which occupied the NW half of the sounding. Beneath the topsoil, dark brown earth (10YR 2/2) of Locus 1057 appeared uniform so the additional designations found necessary in Sounding 20, Probes 1 and 2 were not needed here. Aside from building debris. one dolium fragment and a few potsherds little material culture was encountered in this soil. Locus 001, the topsoil, contained a small amount of building debris and a few potsherds. Sounding 20, Probe 3, Room Locus 001

12, General Data

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

96 Sealed

Slope/Down

1x2.5

30

0

24NW

1x1.3 1x1.2

Unknown 30

100 65

N/A. 24NW

- SE-100.10 - 99.80

NW-99.50 - 99.35 1056 1057

99.86 - Undug 99.80 - 99.50

Tally Sounding 20, Probe 3 Locus

Wedges

001

1057.

Cover

1

2

5

Sounding 24, Room GRID AREA

Pan

Cubilia

Tesserae

Brick

Floor

3

11

M49 c/d (Figs. 15, 16, 76-79, 90, 127, 132; Plates 4, 15, 108, 109)

This sounding was made in the SW area of Room Sounding 24, Room

11 along Wall B.

11, Phase 1

This phase consisted of virgin soil (Locus

1408), a yellow to tan clay (1 OYR 7/8) with lime nod-

ules to 3cm (Fig. 127). This locus was the same as Locus 1357 in Sounding 12. Locus 1408 occupied 134

the entire trench up to Wall L and was excavated to a depth of 90 cm to reveals as much of the NE face of Wall B as possible to allow conservators to point Wall B. A shallow Pleistocene oyster bed was found in this locus. | Sounding 24, Room This

phase

11, Phase 2

marked

the time

of construction

of the villa and

included

Wall

B

(Locus

1409),

described in Sounding 16, Probe 1, which lay along the SW side of Sounding 24. Floor level in Room 10 on the SW side of Wall B was lower than floor level in Room 11 to the NE of Wall B, causing pressure on the wall from the NE (Fig. 15). In addition, since no evidence was found of a barrel vault over

Room 10, Wall B would have been additionally stressed by the vault in adjacent Room 11 (Fig. 7). Whatever the cause, five wide vertical fissures developed in Wall B and the wall has been displaced 20.5cm from vertical (Fig. 16). Before restoration, it tilted precariously into and over Room 10. Wall B was constructed without a foundation trench. It was built into a cutting made into the soil between Rooms 10 and 11. Wall B is constructed of roughly coursed rubble, but near its base it is built only of mortar. The base of Wall B was not exposed. The second wall within the sounding was Wall L (Locus 1413) described in Sounding 12. Wall L was faced with opus quasi-reticulatum of a quality bordering on opus reticulatum. Near its base it was built of mortar like Wall B. Walls L and B are bonded together suggesting that they were part of one phase of construction despite their differences. A lightly plastered or whitewashed floor (Locus 1412) was found in Room 11 which sloped down to the NW, possibly due to the slumping of the hill in later times. The floor was as much as 2cm thick in spots but nearly missing in other areas (Fig. 132). Similar plaster or whitewash found in Sounding 12 above Locus 1357. Sounding 24, Room

11, Phase 3

At this time Rooms 11 and 12 may have been abandoned. Locus 1407, which corresponded to Locus 1363 in Sounding 12 (Figs. 129, 132), was primarily slopewash with a few potscherds and a small amount of buildings debris. Soil color was pale brown (10YR 6/3) and it was sandy and loose with mudbrick detritus content. Sounding 24, Room

11, Phase 4

During this time, intentional dumping and filling occurred within Room 11. Locus 1406 was a thin layer (Fig. 132). It occupied the entire NW area of the sounding to within 3.44m of the NW balk. This locus contained fifteen dolium sherds from several vessels, animal bones, common

and cook-

ing ware potsherds, charcoal bits, amphora sherds, building debris, glass and a few fragments of painted plaster. Locus 1406 was pale brown (10YR 6/3) with charcoal flecks. Little datable pottery was recovered. It is unlikely that Locus 1406 was different in date from the dump loci around it, particularly Loci 1404 and 1405, because like Loci 1403, 1405, 1406 and even 1400, Locus 1406 included the partial skeleton of an immature dog (No. 27a) aged 5-6 months (Basket 7403; Figs. 78, 79, 127; Plate 175).

This dog appeared cut in half across its body, with each half buried in different loci. One half (No. 27b) included a mandible and other bones and was found in Locus

1403 (Basket 7362). The lower

half of the canine skeleton and the right mandible were found in Locus 1406. The canine skull (No. 29) found in Locus 1406 was a fragment of a glass cup of a type found at Luni, NW of Rome, in a stratrum of A. D. 350 to 400. Above Locus 1406 were the remains of a dismantled pyrotechnical installation, possibly an iron smelter, discarded in a grey layer (10YR 5/1), Locus

1405, containing ash, building debris, animal

bones, and twenty-two dolium fragments including two with lead mending clamps still in place. The dolium fragments recovered represented at least two vessels, each several meters in height. The fragments of a pyrotechnical installation were probably deposited during clean-up operations at the time of the creation of the cemetery and dumpsite. This locus extended to within 1.6m 135

of the NW balk of Sounding 24 and 90cm of the NE balk. Chunks of crumbly tan and yellow mortar (10YR 8/8) from the walls of this room were found along with a large amount of pottery. Studies of charcoal samples taken from the burned soil of Locus 1405 suggest this dismantled installation had been subjected to fires of 1000 degrees centigrade. Such a high temperature would have been unsuitable for cooking but was ideal for metallurgy. Adding fuel to this hypothesis was the discovery of a section of terra cotta tuyere (Plate 109), a blowpipe used to conduct oxygen into metallurgical ovens to generate yellow heat of 1000 degrees centigrade. It is normally connected to a tube which fits onto a bellows, allowing oxygen and carbon dioxide to circulate into the fire of wood and charcoal to increase the temperature. A tuyere requires a fire resistant connection, and the one found here had one of ceramic. In the fill of Locus 1405 was part of a skull of an immature dog 5 months of age (no. 20; Figs. 78, 79, 127). Oak charcoal, including ten examples of Quercus cerris in Locus

1405, four examples

in Locus 1406, twenty in Locus 1404 and ten in Locus 1403, probably was residue from wood which was burned in the installation. Above and adjoining Locus 1405 was Locus 1404, the heart of the firepit of the dismantled pyrotechnical installation (Plate 108). It was a reddish grey to dusky red layer (10R 5/1 to 10R 3/2), with ash, building debris and five dolium fragments (Figs. 127, 132; Plate 108). The red soil color may have been due to residue of intensely heated sandstone as well as decayed bricks and tiles. Deteriorating wall mortar also was present. The locus measured 2m NW/SE by im. Locus 1404 blended directly into Locus 1403 included the mandible and upper skeleton of an immature dog (Basket 7362) which joined fragments from Locus 1406 (Basket 7403; Figs. 78, 79, 127). The latest datable objects were the rim and handle of an amphora of Keay Type LII dated between A. D. 350 and the early sixth century and fragments of a Carthage Late Roman Amphora No. 3 of the late fourth or early fifth century A. D. Locus 1403 and its associated Loci 1404 and 1405 formed a layer up to 60cm thick. Loci 1403, 1404 and 1406 also contained whole and fragmentary iron nails, possibly also associated with the pyrotechnical installation. Adjoining Locus 1404 to the SE but outside the area of the firepit was Locus 1410, a uniform yellowbrown soil (10YR 5/6) which blended into Locus 1352 and covered Wall L, Sounding 12 (Figs. 127, 129,

132). Locus 1410 was probably part of the same fill as the firepit but lacked firepit material. Locus 1410 contained building debris, eight dolium framnets, four brickstamps, chunks of mortar, postherds and numerous animal bones. A large opus signinum fragment was recovered, 34cmx28cmx 10cm thick, with black tesserae randomly scattered over its surface in a red (10R 5/6) coccio pesto matrix. It was found resting on' its edge 6cm above IB 34 but was not part of the burial. Locus 1410 contained charcoal flecks, including not only the oak found in the firepit, but also cypress, juniper, olive, buckthorn and genista, a local wood used for heating. IB 33 (Locus 1401) and 34 (Locus 1411) and bone fragments suggesting the presence of another burial (Locus 1402) were found within loci contemporary with JB 32, 35 and. 38, Sounding 12 (Figs. 76, 77, 127). IB 34 was an infant aged 9.5-10 lunar months found turned at a 45 degree angle between Walls L and B with its cranium to the east, while 18 33 was found in the NE balk with its cranium

to the east. Both burials were disarticulated. Charcoal flecks found surrounding JB 33 and 34 probably did not result from offerings, but may simply have been present in the soil. /B 34 contained seven examples of Quercus cerris and three examples of Quercus ilex. IB 33, an infant 10 lunar months to 2 weeks in age, was unique within the cementery due to the simple but unusual offerings found associated with it. The skeleton was found on its right side in the fetal position. Finds were numerous including the nearly complete skeleton of a small toad (Bufo) found with the infant (Plate 235). Just beneath tbe infant skeleton was a knucklebone of a pig, an item commonly used in childrens' games in antiquity. The knucklebone was worn from use. Associated with the six cranial fragments designated as Locus 1402 and found within Locus 1410 was a bone hairpin and a large amount of charcoal concentrated in a small area (Fig. 127). The south corner of Room 11 was not the heart of the infant cementery. The burials found there | contained scant offerings and infants which died at birth or immediately after. No older infants or 136

elaborate tombs were found in this zone, but it seemed that an effort had been made to keep dump

debris out of this area. For example, the remains of the firepit were dumped in the west part of the room where no infants had been buried, though immature dog skeletons were found there.

The latest finds from Locus 1410 included a fragment of glass cup dated between A. D. 300 and 450.

Sounding 24, Room 11, Phase 5 Locus 1400 was yellow-brown soil virtually identical to Locus 1410, separated from it for control purposes (Fig. 132). It was not as well sealed as Locus 1410 due to proximity to the surface, and it contained several small lenses, none significant enough to distinguish as a new locus. Locus 1400 was the same as Loci 463, 465, 470, 850 and 851, Sounding

12. The yellow brown soil of 1400 occu-

pied the entire area of the trench suggesting that these loci from Sounding 12 may have been contemporary with it. The finds recovered did not disprove this. Locus 1400 contained abundant dumped building debris, twenty-two dolium fragments, eighteen pieces of painted plaster, twelve lime plaster fragments, glass, postsherds and abundant charcoal from various plants including twenty-three examples of Quercus ilex and ten examples of Quercus cerris. Though it contained no infant burials, a link to Loci 1403, 1405 and 1406 was suggested by the presence of the nearly complete skeleton of an immature dog aged 5-6 months (Basket 7342) and a partial right mandible from another canine of similar age (Figs. 78, 79). The latest finds recovered included one sherd of Terra Sigillata Chiara Italica imitating African Red Slip Hayes Form 91D dated after A. D. 350. There were also two sherds of Terra Sigillata Italica imitating Hayes Form 61 dated to the fourth or fifth century, and a rim of an amphora of Keay Type LII dated between A. D. 350 and the sixth century. Sounding 24, Room

11, Phase 6

Locus 001 had been disturbed by plants and roots and extended deeper than it had been in Sounding 12. It occupied the area of Loci 001, 452 and 458, Sounding 12. Much of the material in Locus 001 in this sounding was stratified but there was also considerable contamination from the surface. 001 contained building debris, five pieces of opus signinum flooring, glass, animal bone, potsherds, and charcoal. Locus 001 continued for 7.42m, the full length of the sounding, while all loci below it continued only up to Wall L, a distance of 5m from the NW balk of the sounding. Sounding 24, General Data Locus

Level Above Datum/m

001 1400 1401 1402 1403 1404 1405 1406 1407 1408

^.

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

NW-99.3] - 99.11 SE-100.39 - 99.83 NW-99.11 - 98.41 SE-100.11 - 99 98.68 - 98.56 98.76 - 98.56

7.42X1.25

56

20

30NW

5x1.25

112

80

30NW

.20E/W x.12 .89NW/SEX.60

98.61 - 93.20 98.70 - 98.08 98.42 - 98.08 NW-98.11 - 97.89 NW-97.89 - 97.72 SE-98.29 - 97.93 NW-97.72 - 96.82

3.15NW/SE X1.25 2.25SEX1 1.3NW/SEx.9 1.25NE/SWX3.44 1.25NE/SWX5

12 20 20 41 62 34 22 36

|

100 100 100 100 100. 100 100 100

N/A N/A 0 0 0 0 0 2NW

1.25NE/SW

80 partial

100

4NW

357 60

100 95

N/A 30NW

X5 partial SE-97.90 - Undug 1409 1410

100.39 - 96.82 : NW-98.61 - 98.01

7.42NW/SEX.53 1.25NE/SWX3.82

SE-98.93 - 98.33

137

1411 1412 1413

98.44 - 98.37 NW-97.91 - 97.89 NW-100.31 - 98.01 SE-97.92 - 97.90

.26E/WX14 1.25NE/SWX5 .56x1.25

7 2 230

100 100 100

N/A 0 N/A

Tally (sp=opus signinum, sp-opus spicatum, v=voussoir) Sounding 24 Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

001

2

38

9

8

1400

57

1403

308

1405 1406 1407 1410

Sounding 19, Room

48 1

12

31 77 1 38

5 10

5 24 1 19

Brick lv

80

4

12

Tesserae

Floor 150

32

7sp

7 1

595

4

150

15

GRID AREA M50b (Figs. 6-8, 14, 16, 22, 70, 76-79, 82, 89, 135, 136, 150; Plates 4-6, 10, 18, 23, 24, 91, 114) This sounding was made to study the small room between Corridor 2 and Room 10 and measured 3.5m by 2.2m (Figs. 70, 89). A doorway in Wall A led from Corridor 2 into Room 15. In the east corner of Room 15 was a staircase (Locus 1315, bottom step) which led up over Corridor 2 to a gallery above Room 4 (Figs. 7, 8; Plates 23, 24). Another doorway, this one through Wall S, led from Room 15 to Room 10 (Plate 91) making Room 15 a transitional space for the passage of servants from service areas to the pars urbana of Rooms 4 and 8. Room 15 had a utilitarian opus spicatum floor which was discovered in a trial probe made in 1983 by Daniela Monacchi (Figs. 6, 70, 82; Plate 114) where she exposed only the archway above the base of the travertine staircase at the east end of the room and a small strip of floor beneath the arch in front of the staircase. Sounding 19 showed that this area had been part of the infant cemetery. Seven stratified burials of neonates or newborns were found here as well as four others which had been disturbed by clandestini prior to the probe in 1983. This was the fringe of the cemetery, and no elaborate tombs or burials of older infants were found here. | Sounding

.

19, Room

15, Phase

1

Phase 1 dates from the time of the construction of the villa in the late first century B. C. and

included four walls bordering the trench, Walls A, B, V and S. Wall B (Locus

1318) to the NE was

composed of large unworked stones varying in size from 6cm to 15cm in width and 10cm to 20cm in length (Fig. 16; Plate 91) set in a grey (2.5Y N5) slurry mortar. Wall B was plastered like service

Room 10 and large concentrations of similar ments in the fills. This wall was described in in traces to 98cm above the floor of Room 15 the east corner of that room, suggesting that Wall A (Locus

pink plaster were found in situ at its base and as fragSounding 16, Probes 1 and 2. The plaster is preserved and up to the spring of the arch within the archway in the entire room had this simple decoration (Plate 23).

1317), which borders the SE side of the room, had at its NE limit the archway of

opus reticulatum over the stair. This arch was mapped, dismantled and rebuilt but with stronger mortar (Fig. 20; Plates 25-27). Beneath its opus reticulatum tured flat limestone voussoirs were set radially to form the archway (Plate 26). . or recycled pan tile fragments, along with flat limestones, were found within of the arch (Plate 25).

exactly as it had been facing, crudely fracTwo courses of brick the wall at the spring

|

Southwest of the archway is a second doorway through Wall A in the south corner of the room adjacent to Wall V (Plate 19) leading into Corridor 2. Wall V (Locus

138

1320) has been described in

Sounding

16, Probes 2 and 3 and in Sounding

18 (Fig. 70; Plate 114). Wall A (Locus

1317) was con-

structed of limestone cobbles set in a grey mortar similar to that of Wall B. The opus spicatum floor in Room 15 (Locus 1314) was similar to that found in Room 10 and, like it, had been laid up to the original wall which preceded the current Wall S (Fig. 70; Plate 114). Traces of the foundations of the earlier wall were visible extending out 2cm to 5cm beyond Wall S at floor level and especially within the threshold (Locus 1316) between Rooms 10 and 15 (Fig. 135). The traces found here were composed of broken tiles and stones in a grey mortar matrix similar to that of Walls A and B (Fig. 70). The threshold (Locus 1316) measured 95cm by 46cm and dates to the rebuilding of Wall S, though it is likely that the previous wall in this location also had a threshold here because of its convenience to Room 4. Sounding

19, Room

15, Phase 2

Wall S (Locus 1319) on the NW side of the sounding is a well made opus reticulatum wall already described in Sounding

16, Probes

1 and 2 in Room

10 as Locus 715 (Fig. 72; Plate 91). It was built,

perhaps in the late first or early second century A. D., on the same alignment as an earlier wall. A doorway passed through Wall 5 in the NW corner of Room 15 and was on line with another doorway in the SE wall of the room. The doorway through Wall S (Locus 1319) was constructed with bricks and tabulate stones as described in Sounding 16, Probes 1 and 2. The painted plaster found on the other walls of Room 15 is not found on Wall S, suggesting further that Wall S as it now stands is not original and that its rebuilding without a painted surface signalled a new use for Room 15. Sounding 19, Room

15, Phase 3

This destruction phase occurred as the room filled up with washed in mudbrick detritus. At the lowest level was Locus 1313, a brown (10YR 5/3) layer of fine particle soil with some large cobbles. It was located just above the opus spicatum and over the threshold between Rooms 10 and 15 (Figs. 78, 135).

Among the finds in Locus 1313 were building debris, many fragments of pink painted wall plaster, colored plaster fragments, animal bone, potsherds and an antefix fragment with the figure of a dolphin in relief. Sounding 19, Room

15, Phase 4

This phase brought the rapid and copious dumping of debris into Room 15, which, though it seemed to be all of one phase, was separated into several phases due to slight observed differences. The earliest locus of this phase was Locus 1304, a large amount of fine grey brown (10YR 5/2) soil which contained building debris, fragments of deteriorating mortar, potsherds, painted plaster, glass, a bone hairpin, eight dolium fragments, animal bones, an antefix with a Gorgon head in relief, yellow ochre, part of a basalt millstone, a clam shell, three large fragments of opus signinum, and a large lens of charcoal (Fig. 135).

Large air pockets found throughout Locus 1304 suggest it was intentionally and rapidly thrown into the room. These air pockets facilitated rodent activity and account for the burrows found in several parts of this locus, as well as a plastic bag which was found adjacent to one of them. All fills in Locus 1304 were judged to be 9596 sealed to allow for rodent-borne contaminants. Found in Locus 1304 were the disarticulated skeletons of three complete immature dogs, each 5-6 months of age and a partial maxilla (Basket 7651) of another, finds similar to those in Rooms 10 and 11 (Figs. 78, 79). The disarticulated condition of these skeletons may have been due to the rodent activ-

ity noted above. Only one (Basket 7619) was found well preserved (Figs. 78, 79: No. 30). The presence of canine skeletons suggests that immature dogs were buried here near to and contemporary with the infants, and both were interred without elaborate burial goods or significant tomb markers. The dogs, which are all puppies of the same age, may have served as part of a ritual sacrifice. The canine skeletons were found at or below the levels of tbe infant burials in Rooms

at or below the level of all but the earliest burial in Room

10 and 15, and

11, suggesting that, if they had served in 139

a ritual associated with the burials, they were interred shortly before the majority of infants were buried. The cluster burials of infants found in Room 11 also slightly postdate the dog burials there. Seven additional designated loci were subsumed under Locus 1304: Loci 1307 and 1309-1312. Locus 1307 was opened when a femur was found, suggesting another burial. Upon examination it was found to belong to a bird. One dolium fragment and a small quantity of painted plaster were found in the locus. Locus 1309 contained a large amphora fragment which suggested another burial below. There was no burial, but animal bone and glass fragments were found. Locus 1310 was opened when the toe of another amphora appeared, suggesting another burial. No burial was found, but potsherds, animal bone, and painted plaster were recovered. ‘Locus 1311 was opened when another large fragment of amphora was uncovered along with charcoal, glass and animal bone. Locus 1312 was opened against Wall A to examine a cluster of bones which proved to be the skeleton of a rodent. Potsherds, charcoal and painted plaster were found. Dated finds from Locus 1304 were abundant, including many objects from the first to third centuries A. D. The latest items found included an amphora fragment of Carthage Late Roman Type 1 dated from the early fifth century to A. D. 650; an amphora fragment of Keay Type LIX dated between the fourth and sixth centuries which joined a sherd found in Sounding 24, Locus 1403, a locus which also contained dog burials; a hemispherical glass cup fragment of the fourth or fifth century; and a glass body sherd dated from A. D. 350 to the fifth century. Despite the minor contamination by rodents, no evidence was found to indicate that Locus 1304 was deposited before the fifth century A.D. with a date near the mid fifth century most likely. Locus 1304 was situated below the level of the wall (Loci 1000, 1004) which collapsed from above the doorway linking Rooms 10 and 15 noted in Sounding 16 Probe 2, but its fall affected loci in both rooms (Plates 91, 94-97). Consequently, it was possible to determine that Locus 1304 was contemporary with Loci 705, 707, 708, 1001, 1003, 1005-1008,

1105-1107 in Room

10 and to postulate that

the dumpin Room 10, like that in Room 15, was deposited at one time. The pottery finds from Room 10 also suggest this, but the more numerous finds in Room 15 conform with and provide detail for the dating of the fill in Room

10. The fills of both rooms, all of which seem to date ca. mid-fifth cen-

tury A. D. were linked through a doorway whose wooden lintel collapsed, possibly due to rotting, sometime after the soil layers which filled up the room had been deposited (Fig. 137; Plates 95, 97). Locus 1308, the section of opus reticulatum wall (Wall S) which was above the doorway lintel between Rooms 10 and 15, collapsed and fell into Locus 1304, coming to rest for the most part within Locus 1300 which lay above 1304 in Room 15 (Fig. 135; Plate 97). Soil associated with this collapse was the same grey brown as Locus 1304. Finds from Locus 1308 included building debris and one fragment of Terra Sigillata Chiara Italica in an imitation of African Red Slip Hayes Form 61 dated to the fourth or fifth century A. D. Sounding

19, Room

15, Phase 5

Locus 1300 was contemporary with the collapsed doorway described above as well as with Loci 1000 and 1101 in Sounding 16, Probes 2 and 3. It was pale brown soil (10YR 6/3) deposited after, but probably not long after the doorway collapsed and its color differs from that of Locus 1304 below it. It was also more loosely packed than Locus 1304, but the artefact frequency and distribution was similar. Finds included a bone hairpin, building debris, two nails, two dolium fragments,

painted plaster and five pieces of iron slag. A few charcoal lenses were also found along with animal bones, chunks of decaying mortar, and glass fragments. A plastic lid was found in the east corner of the room where clandestini had disrupted the fill just before Daniela Monacchi had probed the area in 1983; this àrea was isolated and removed. Dated finds from Locus

1300 included one sherd from

a Keay Type LII amphora dated between A. D. 350 and the early sixth century and a sherd from a Carthage Late Roman Type 1 amphora dated between the early fifth century and A. D. 650. Loci 1301-1303 proved to be the same as Locus 1300 and were subsumed within it. 140

Locus 1301 was opened when a kitchen ware vessel was found surrounded by bones, charcoal and painted plaster. The bones proved to be from a rodent. | Locus'1302 contained animal bone, charcoal and slag. Locus 1303 was a more concentrated area of dump with a small lens of yellow clay (2.5Y 7/6), painted plaster, one dolium fragment, potsherds, glass, charcoal, decomposing mortar and an incisor from an immature dog (Figs. 78, 79: No. 34). Above Locus 1300 were Loci 801 and 802, of soil similar to Locus 1300, where seven infant burials were unearthed (Figs. 76-78, 136). Loci 801 and 802 lay below Locus 800, and were side by side

although 802 began at a slightly lower level. 801 and 802 were the same fill, but were given separate designations due to slight color differences. Locus 801 was composed primarily of pale brown soil (10YR 8/4) which contained abundant building debris and circa eighty fragments of painted wall plaster. Most significant was the discovery of a base of a plate of African Red Slip Ware stamped with four radiate palm branches of Hayes Style Aiii dated between A. D. 425 and 475. Locus 802 was brown (10YR 5/3). Nine chunks of slag were recovered from Loci 801 and 802, but they were more numerous in Locus 802. Loci 801 and 802 were the result of the dumping of masses of material culture and fill. The presence of slag suggested that an iron working establishment once had existed somewhere in the area. Pockets of charcoal were recovered along Wall B and a brick stamp was also found. Five infant burials were unearthed in Locus 801 (Figs. 76, 77, 136). IB 20 was a double burial UB

20a and IB 20b), possibly twins, and both infants were 9.5 to 10 lunar months in age. JB 20 was found uncovered and unmarked near the center of the trench. Immediately below the JB 20 and buried with them was JB 28, an infant aged neonate to 2 weeks. The original orientation of the bodies in JB 20 was impossible to determine, but /B 28 had been interred with its feet to the north and

its upper body inclined with its cranium to the SE. There were two examples of material culture associated with the three burials: an amphora toe found immediately to the east of and slightly above the burials, and a simple copper alloy finger ring found immediately SE. The amphora toe may have been used as a simple grave marker. A considerable amount of debris from the earlier villa surrounded the burials, including four cubilia, fragments of slag, charcoal, and painted plaster. IB 23 was recovered in the north corner of the room. In it was found the skeleton of an infant 10 lunar months to neonate in age with its cranium to the north. With the burial was found a stamped brick originally placed over or against the body. Immediately SE of 1Β 23 and against Wall B, the toe of an amphora had been set vertically into the ground perhaps as a grave marker. Other amphora toes and body pieces found in the course of the excavation of Room 15 may have been reused as markers. Evidence suggests that amphora toes and fragments would have been plentiful in fill thrown into the dump used to level Room 15. Consequently, there would have been many lying on the surface of this phase which could have been reused as grave markers if the surviving families chose to use them. The walls of the ruined villa seem to have been employed as an enclosure for JB 23. The burial had been made in a tiny hollow in Wall B upon a simple, crude earth and stone bier built with debris from the area including eight cubilia from an opus reticulatum wall loosely stacked one above the other without mortar. Four pan tile fragments and one column wedge found on the platform may once have covered the body. Animal bones were also found in the burial area along with a piece of travertine and some charcoal. In addition, just below JB 23 and against Wall S an iron band of unknown purpose was found. Nearby, a brick fragment with an imprint made by a dog's paw was found (Figs. 78, 79: No. 42). In the light of the canine burials found within this cemetery, this find

may be Also of Wall mound

significant. recovered in Locus 801 was JB 10, a fetus aged 10 lunar months found against the midpoint A. The skeleton was found parallel to the wall with its cranium to the NE resting on a small of rubble stones, nine cubilia, four pan tile fragments and potsherds suggesting an attempt 141

had been made to set this spot apart. Three pieces of amphora were found next to the burial along with charcoal. | Just north of JB 10, another burial, /B 18, was found, in which the skeleton was bent at the waist

with its legs pointing NE and its torso and cranium pointing SE. The infant in /B 18 was 9-9.5 lunar months of age and there was no material culture associated with it. Also associated with Phase 5 was Locus 802 which contained more brown soil (10YR 5/3) than Locus 801 but seemed contemporary with it. Both loci lay under Locus 800. Locus 802 contained building debris, along with twenty-four pieces of painted plaster and animal bones. Two burials were found in Locus 802. JB 11, aged 9-10 lunar months, was interred against Wall

S near the west corner of the room, with its cranium to the SW. The body was found flat on its back with limbs straight, with material culture associated with it.

In the west corner of the room was JB 16, a neonate infant. The skeleton was found parallel to and against Wall V with its cranium to the SE. Two bone hairpins were found, one of which was intact. Near the burial were found a brickstamp and a jaw bone from a large domestic pig (Sus scrofa). Based on the finds in the loci below Loci 801 and 802, it is likely that Phase 5 may date to ca. A. D. 450. Finds in Loci 801 and 802 included two sherds from a Carthage Late Roman 1 amphora

dated between the early fifth century and A. D. 650. Sounding

19, Room

|

15, Phase 6

Locus 800 was dump debris including dark brown (10YR 4/3) soil which contained areas of pale brown

(10YR 8/4), the same color as Locus

801, and streaks of yellow tan to yellow brown

(10YR

5/8). Finds included abundant building debris and 100 pink plaster fragments. In addition, considerable charcoal was recovered near the north corner of the room and against Wall B. Locus 800 may be contemporary with Locus 001, the brown topsoil (10YR 4/3) in the east part of the trench. Locus 001 contained building debris, one dolium sherd and lenses of charcoal. Sounding

19, Room

15, Phase 7

In 1982, illegal digging and probing with metal rods by clandestini contaminated a small area of the east corner of Room 15 (Locus 1305), in front of the arched staircase (Fig. 135). The soil in Locus 1305 was dark grey brown (2.5Y 4/2). Although the area could not be considered sealed, it appeared that its material culture was disturbed rather than removed. Locus 1306 adjacent to 1304 and 1305 in the east corner of the room also was disturbed but it produced a cluster of disarticulated bones which belonged to JB 41 and 42, a double burial of two infants aged neonate to 2 weeks. JB 43 and 44, disarticulated bones of two additional infants aged 9.5-10 lunar months were recovered in Locus 1305. Although Loci 1305 and 1306 had been disturbed in 1982, it seemed likely that the earth had only been churned and not removed and replaced and that the four skeletons found were interred in antiquity at the same time Locus 1304 was deposited. Another area disturbed in modern times was found within the doorway linking Room 15 to Corridor 2. There, digging, perhaps also by clandestini, had undercut the fill in Room 15 causing it to collapse: It was removed as Locus 001, and it did not contain significant material culture. Conclusions

This sounding revealed the SE limit of the infant cemetery. The babies interred were newborns or premature births, and the graves were either unmarked or simply commemorated. No burials were found within amphorae like those from the heart of the cemetery in the northeast part of Room 11 and in Room 12. The bodies were positioned in their graves in alignment with the ruined villa’s walls. All burials were found in soil elevations between 99.03 and 98.90, with the exception of the four within disturbed Loci 1305 and 1306. No traces of floors were found, nor were there any significant differences in material culture found associated with the burials suggesting that their interments were more or less contemporary. The lenses of soil which were found may be the result of individual fills used to bury each infant. 142

A broken amphora toe and the crude platform associated with it were the only significant grave markers found. There was no indication that any of the burials had been covered by anything more than a few reused tiles found associated with the graves. The soil surrounding the burials was full of debris such as slag and potsherds, suggesting this area was leveled with debris originating elsewhere in the villa and that parts of the cemetery actually served as a dump. Evidence showed that the area to the SW in Room 9 served as a dump, so Room 15 may have been a transitional area between the dump in Room 9 and the higher grade cemetery in Room 11. Dogs were found buried at the lowest level of the infant burials, but they were not buried with the infants. The pottery recovered from the loci associated with the burials suggested a date of circa A. D. 450 or slightly later for the cemetery. A considerable amount of ceramic evidence ranging in date from the first through the fifth centuries A. D. was also recovered which was probably dumped here when debris was cleared from other parts of the villa. A few pieces recovered had chronologies which could extend to the sixth century A. D. but the absence of typical sixth century pottery and oil lamps argued that the cemetery was probably not that late. Sounding

19, General Data

Locus

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

001

N-99.95 - 99.70

3.50X2.20

73

0

5SW

3.50x2.20

66

30

0

2.5NE/SWX2.95

94

95

0

1.05NW/SE X2.5

94

95

0

2.5NE/SWX2.95

43

95

2NE

E-100.45 - 99.72

800

N-99.70 - 99.53 S-99.47 - 98.93 W-99.56 - 98.90

E-99.72 - 99.55 801

N-99.53 - 98.59

5-98.97 - 98.64 W-99.49 - 98.59

E-99.55 802

1300

N-99.53 - 98.59

S-98.93 W-98.90 E-98.54 N-98.59 S-98.64 W-98.59

- 98.57 - 98.59 - 98.26 - 98.21 - 98.20

1301

E-98.36 - 98.24 98.5] - 98.31

.232NW/SEX.21

28

95

0

1302

98.37 - 98.34

.18NW/SEX.16

3

95

0

1303

98.34 - 98.25

1.10NE/SW*x1

9

95

0

1304

N-98.26 - 97.08

2.20x3.50

106

95

0

1.3NE/SWX.86

123

20

0 0

S-98.21 - 97.13 W-98.20 - 97.08

' E-98.24 - 97.10 1305

NE-98.12 - 96.91

SW-98.14 - 96.91 1306

97.84 - 97.82

.26NE/SWX.20

2

20

1307

98.15 - 97.85

.20NE/SW x.25

30

95

0

1308

98.57 - 98.11

.95NE/SW x .46

46

100

0

1309 1310

97.99 - 97.86 97.92 - 97.88

.15NE/SWX.21 .25NE/SW x.30

13 4

95 95

0 0

1311

97.57 - 97.45

.5INE/SWX.43

12

95

0

1312 1313

97.52 - 97.36 N-97.08 - 96.90

1.15 NE/SWX.51 3.50x2.20

16 18

95 100

0 0

S-97.13 - 96.91

W-97.08 - 96.88 E-97.10 - 96.90

143

1314

N-9690

1315 1316 1317 1318 1319 1320

3.50x2.20

S-96.91 W-96.88 E-96.90 97.20 - 96.90 96.90 | 100.51 - 96.90 100.51 - 96.90 98.74 - 96.90 98.70 - 96.90

|.

1.15x.26 3.50x.46 3.75X.57 2.70x.63 3.50x.53 2.45x.27

|

|

Undug

100

0

Undug Undug 361 361 184 180

100 100 100 100 100 100

0 0 N/A N/A N/A N/A

Tally (sg=opus signinum, sp-opus spicatum, v=voussoir) Sounding 19 Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

Tesserae

Brick

Floor

001 800 801

4

3 5 68

14 200 350

10

21

18 150 347

80

10 19

5sg

9

98

15

89

120

10

3

126 1

12

187

14

11

isp

169

49

17v

3sg

15

5

906 1 47

3sp

802

.

1300 1303

1304 1307 1308

i 1

5 3v

1309

1

1

1310

1312 1313

1

.

1 23

1

Sounding 23x, Room GRID AREA M48d 49b

12

2 29

1

17 (Figs. 6-8, 10, 13, 76-80, 134, 150; Plates 4, 16)

This sounding was an extension of Sounding 23, Room 16 of the upper villa. Sounding 23x was made against Walls L and Z in the SE part of Room 17 and it measured 3m NE/SW by 4m. Room 17 marked the NE limit of the cemetery, but only the upper levels of the room were excavated. Sounding 23x, Room

17, Phase 1

The earliest phase uncovered in the sounding revealed part of Walls L (Locus 1614) and Z (Locus 1613) (Figs. 6, 13, 134). Wall L was faced with sandstone cubilia arranged in opus quasi-reticulatum of a quality close to opus reticulatum (Figs. 10, 17). The mortar was light grey (5YR 6/1) and contained calcined lime, Tiber river sand and volcanic inclusions. Only 45cm of the wall were exposed in the sounding. Wall Z included the NE spring of a barrel vault which spanned Room 17 and formed the third in a series of three such vaults along the NW side of the villa (Fig. 8; Plate 16). This wall showed traces of opus quasi-reticulatum in its upper portion but was constructed only of rubble in its lowest 18cm, like Wall L. The wall was excavated to a depth of only 42cm. The mortar was the same as that foundin Wall L although the color varied slightly (5YR 6/1). The rubble stones ranged from cobble to boulder size.

Sounding 23x, Room 17, Phase 2 Since the room was only partially excavated, Phase 2 represented the activities in the room immediately below modern topsoil. Locus 1608 was the lowest level reached in the room and paralleled Loci 464 and 950-953 found just below the topsoil in Rooms 11 and 12 (Fig. 134).

144

Locus 1608 was formed by a combination of intentional dumping and slopewash. Dark brown (10YR 4/3) and clay rich in content, it contained abundant debris from the villa including patches of light grey (5YR 6/1) mortar and building debris. Carbon in flecks and larger concentrations was found in this locus. This locus, although it was shallow, contained burials and offerings. The burials

were found in a row within the same earth and seemed to have been interred at or near the same time (Figs. 76, 77, 134). Room 17 probably was the prime area within the infant cemetery because the eldest, most significantly commemorated infants were found here. IB 36, an infant aged 2-3 years, was the eldest found in the cemetery (Plates 251, 252). The skele-

ton was supine with its arms extended at its sides, the hands beneath its pelvis and its cranium to the SE. The legs were slightly flexed in a bow-legged posture. The upper part of the skull was found above the lower and dislodged from it (Plate 253).

This was the only burial in Room 17 which was not specially marked or commemorated with an improvised coffin. Perhaps this child was buried in this exclusive area of the cemetery because of its age. The infant was placed on a "bed" of soil and pan tile fragments, and small stones were packed around the body. The feet had been placed under a reused brick fragment which was placed against a large, squared limestone. The arms were extended at the sides with the hands placed slightly under the torso. An ample stone rests on top of each hand, pinning the hands against and slightly beneath the body. This curious arrangement gives the impression that those burying the child needed to anchor its hands and feet down and took careful steps to do so. Numerous carbonized plant remains were recovered, including 4 examples of Lonicera caprifolium or honeysuckle, 3 of Fraxinus or ash, 2 of Quercus cerris oak and 8 of Quercus ilex, 1 of Ulmus laevis or elm, and 1 of olea or olive, along with one glass fragment. Seven centimeters NE of JB 36 was IB 37 (Locus 1610), an infant aged 9.5 to 10 lunar months placed on one cover tile and covered by another (Plates 251, 252, 254). The cranium was to the SE

and the body was supine with its knees drawn up and turned to the right. The right arm was at its side and the left forearm was placed across the pelvis. A stone was placed NW of the lower cover tile, completing the enclosure of the burial. A glass fragment was found within the burial, and evidence of rodent activity was noted. Slightly below but within the same soil (Locus 1608) as JB 36, 37 and 40 was JB 39, a 4-6 month

old infant, placed in a tomb built with three nearly complete pan tiles set to form a gabled enclosure. This type of structure is called a Capuchin tomb, and JB 39 was the only example found within this cemetery. The skeleton found within the tomb was supine with its left arm at its side and one leg slightly flexed (Fig. 134; Plates 255, 256). The right arm was found beneath the pan tile fragments on which the body rested, in what appeared to be another deliberate attempt to anchor down the child. A pan tile fragment closed the SE side of the gable and a common ware body sherd closed the NW side. Carbonized plant remains inside the tomb included six examples of Lonicera caprifolium or honeysuckle, one example of Olea, and three examples of Quercus cerris. The most elaborate tomb recovered from the cemetery was IB 40, a Double Capuchin type (Locus

1612) resembling a crude "house" (Fig. 134; Plates 257-260). Seven pan tile fragments, three large cover tile fragments, one dolium fragment, six cubilia, and fourteen small to medium cobbles were used to create a crude box. Three pan tiles had been set vertically upon a fourth one which was lying flat, forming an enclosure with two separate "rooms". A vertically set pan tile closed one end of this box and three cover tile fragments, pan tile fragments, cubilia and stones to 12cm across covered it like a roof. Inside the double

Capuchin tomb,

the disarticulated skeletons of two infants were found, one

aged 4-6 months and the other aged birth to 2 months, covered by a thin layer of ash. Also within the tomb and immediately adjacent to it numerous fragments of bone from cattle, domesticated pig and a large bird were found along with carbonized plant remains including three examples of Lonicera caprifolium, five examples of Olea europaea, and ten examples of Quercus cerris. Fifteen additional examples of Lonicera were also found near the burial. Since Lonicera was unsuitable for use in heating or cooking, in this case it may have been an offering. Some modern contamination was noted within the burial in the form of oats and field peas which bore teeth marks of a rodent. 145

Within Locus 1608, just west of /B 40, a cooking pot (Locus 1615) with its base broken away was found with its mouth down and open to the earth (Figs. 78, 79; Plates 227, 228). Inside the pot were

carbonized plant remains including two examples of Olea, four examples of Quercus cerris and one example of Quercus ilex. Also found here were three small fragments of mammal bone and a fragment of worked animal bone. The most important finds within the pot were fragments of a tiny pouring vessel of glass dated to the late fourth or early fifth centuries A. D. (Plate 229). The exterior of the vessel showed signs of burning, and small stones had been used to prop it in place. Bone fragments of a chicken and teeth, possibly of a deer, found around the pot may have come from an offer-

ing which was dumped here. The most significant pottery find from Locus 1608 was a poorly preserved multi-grooved rim of African Red Slip Ware which resembled African Red Slip Ware Hayes Form 84, dated between A. D. 440 and 500. Also found were fragments of a Carthage Late Roman Type 1 amphora dated between the early fifth century and A. D. 650. Sounding 23x, Room

17, Phase 3

Locus 001 was dark brown topsoil (10YR 4/3) which contained building debris, potsherds, eight pieces of painted plaster, twelve dolium fragments and one piece of lava. A small concentration of charcoal was also noted. Sounding 23x, General Data LOCUS

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

001

N-100.80 - 100.12 S-100.94 - 100.11 W-100.46 - 100.12 E-100.88 - 100.10 N-100.12 - 99.41 S-100.10 - 99.75 W-100.12 - 99.71 E-100.11 - 99.78

ANW/SEX3

83

0

0

4NW/SEX3

71

90

0

1608

Tally (sp=opus spicatum, v=voussoir) Sounding 23x Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

001

3

29

3

114

31

8

17

1608

Tesserae

Brick

Floor

3 lv

8sp

Soundings in the upper villa A series of soundings was made in the upper villa (pars rustica), E/NE of the lower, more elegant sector of Rooms4, 5, 6, 8, 10 and 15 (pars urbana) and Rooms

11, 12 and 17, the lower magazines.

Although excavations in this area were limited, no mosaic, opus spicatum or opus signinum floors nor wall fresco or elegant architecture were found. The rooms in this zone were found to have beaten earth or whitewashed floors and appeared to be work areas or living quarters for slaves or hired workers. The contrast between the lower and upper sectors of the villa is marked regarding quality and amount of decoration. And it seemed surprising that the less elegant quarters were found on the crest of the hill where the best view over the Tiber valley was available. But living quarters nestled against the hill rather than on its crest may have been preferable due to the heavy winds and violent storms which must have been as common in the region in antiquityas they are today. The broad extent of the pars rustica, which stepped down in several stàges from the NE to the SW indicated that this was a sizeable estate and suggests that the pars urbana may have extended beyond the limited area now excavated and continued into and under the olive grove to the SW. 146

Sounding 9, Room 3 GRID AREA N50a (Figs. 6, 10, 16, 17, 23, 27, 87, 138; Plates 4-6, 10, 31, 32, 33)

A sounding was conducted in the upper zone C and SW of Wall B (Fig. 87) to study several trapezoidal sounding was made against Wall C along Wall B and 2.75m along Wall D. Because not taken to the floor or to virgin soil. Sounding 9, Room

3, Phase

This was the phase the sounding was done plowed away, no facing ference in level between

of the villa, above Room 4, immediately east of Wall large crollo blocks (Figs. 17, 27; Plates 31-32). This in Room 3 and measured 4.14m NE/SW by 2.03m the crollo blocks were left in situ, the sounding was

1

of the construction of the villa in which Walls B, C and D were built. Since below the original floor level because so much of the upper villa had been was found on the walls in Room 3. (Plate 31, upper left). To make up the difRooms 3 and 4 resulting from their construction on the rising slope of a hill,

a fill of stones in earth known as a statumen was installed (Plate 31, left) which strengthened the SW

limit of the upper villa. The earliest material uncovered belonged to Loci 053 to 056 which were all composed of the same brown black earth (10YR 2/2) filled with cobble to boulder sized stones, but they were given separate designations to increase control (Fig. 138). Locus 056 (Plate 32, central depression) contained building debris, a small fragment of marble

and animal bone. Locus 055 contained building debris and a column capital (Plate 33) which may have been pitched in as aggregate for the statumen. Where it might have originally been located is unknown. Above Locus 055 was 054, a similar layer with building debris and animal bones. Locus O53, just

above 054, appeared to be composed of deliberately dumped rocks and earth rather than collapsed walls and vaults (Fig. 138). It contained a few animal bones. The appearance of large quantities of tiny tile fragments within Loci 053-056 suggests that the statumen may have been a layer, not of collapsed materials from the villa, but of redeposited builder's debris. This seems likely because, unlike debris layers found in other parts of the villa, most of the tile fragments here are uniformly small suggesting that they were deliberately crushed for inclusion in the statumen.

In addition, the stones within these loci did not seem

to have accumulated

ran-

domly. They were uniform in size and seemed specially selected for use in the statumen to raise this part of the hill NE of Wall D to the level of of the crest of the hill. No datable objects were found. Sounding 9, Room

3, Phase 2

The large crollo blocks designated as Loci 057 and 058 which were found embedded in the statumen appeared to have fallen from a wall, possibly Wall D, or from a vault over either Room 3 or Room 4 (Figs. 27, 135). These blocks may have fallen onto the statumen after the pars urbana of the villa had gone out of use and the statumen had been partially removed. That collapse and the continued torquing, slipping, rainwashing and plowing of the hilltop, may explain why the crollo became embedded so deeply into the statumen. The largest crollo block recovered was Locus 057 which was found against Wall C (Figs. 27, 138;

Plates 31, 32). It measured 1.9m high by 2.3m long by 90cm thick. Crollo block Locus 058 fell immediately NE of Locus 057 and measured 80cm by 70cm and was found to penetrate the sfatumen to a depth of 1.6m before excavations were discontinued (Plate 32, bottom right). Several additional

smaller crollo blocks were recovered during the excavations. All crollo blocks were extremely hard and were composed of limestones up to 8cm in length set in a grey mortar (5Y 6/1) with tiny black and white inclusions. The crollo blocks did not have tile, brick and column wedges embedded within them

as did those found in Room

4, Soundings 4, 5 and 25 (Loci

103 and

105) suggesting that

these may have fallen from a different location. 147

An attempt was made to excavate to the base of Locus 057 by sinking a probe along its SE side to a depth of 1.7m. The soil was the same as that found in Loci 054 to 056, but the base was not found (Plate 32).

Sounding 9, Room 3, Phase 3 Contaminated “B zone” soils above the statumen were designated as Locus 052, 49cm thick, and

Locus 051 above it, 30cm thick (Fig. 138). “A zone” soil was designated as Locus 050 and Locus 001. Loci 052 and 051 were dark brown (10YR 3/3), not completely stratified and contained a large amount of building debris. Locus 050 had been disturbed by plowing and rainwash. It was dark brown (10YR 3/3) and contained an abundance of building debris. Sounding 9, Room Locus

3, General Data

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

001

100.25 - 99.88

2.03X4.14

36

0

5SW

050 051

99.88 - 99.8 N-99.81 - 99.58 S-99.81 - 99.45 W-99.81 - 99.46 E-99.81 - 98.64 N-99.58 - 99.48 S-99.45 - 99.44 W-99.46 - 99.20 E-98.64 - 99.33

2.03X4.14 1.80x3.35 E

7 36

0 0

0 0

1.80x3.35

31

0

0

N-99.48 - 99.20

1.80x3.35

28

80

0

1.5x2.5

13

100

0

1x1.74

61

100

0

1x1.5

18

100

0

1Χ2.62 .80x.70

| 80 160

100 100

052

053

᾿

Slope/Down

S-99.44 - 99.17 W-99.20 - 99.09 E-99.33 - 99.21 054-

N-99.20 - 99.09

055

056

057 058

—

S-99.17 - 99.04 W-99.09 - 98.99 E-99.21 - 99.16 N-99.09 - 98.48 S-99.04 - 98.49 W-98.99 - 98.38 E-99.16 - 98.60 N-98.48 - 98.30 S-98.49 - 98.31 W-98.38 - 98.20 E-98.60 - 98.34 100.00 - 98.20 98.90 - 98.30

|

N/A N/A

Tally Sounding 9 Locus

Wedges

050 051 052 053 054

055 056

148

3

2

Pan

Cover

49 22 64

8 4 1

118 , 50

|

122 11

1

6

Cubilia

^J

Tesserae

Brick 1

Floor

Sounding 12, upper villa GRID AREA M49d (Figs. 6-8, 80, 88, 139, 140; Plates 4, 16, 18, 107, 112) Sounding 12 measured 6m NE/SW by 4m and exposed much villa, but a portion of the sounding SE of Wall L encompassed an in the upper villa (Fig. 88). The difference in floor level between was just over 2.5m. Only that portion of Sounding 12 which was the SE balk of Sounding 12 will be noted here.

of Rooms 11 and 12 of the lower area 82cm NW/SE by 3.5m withlower and upper villa in this area excavated SE of Wall L and up to

Sounding 12, Upper Villa, Phase 1 The earliest phase excavated on the upper hill of Poggio Gramignano was Locus 453, the tightly compacted yellow virgin clay (10YR 7/8) which contained calcareous nodules. Virgin soil was reached 2.59m above its level in adjacent Rooms 11 and 12. Sounding 12, Upper Villa, Phase 2 In this phase Wall L was built as a retaining wall for the upper villa SE of the wall (Plate 106). Wall L was sunk into virgin soil without a foundation trench or offset foundation. Rooms or a balcony probably existed above Walls L and O NW of the upper villa area to take advantage of the fine view over the Tiber River to the north and NW (Fig. 7). Wall L, faced in part with opus quasi-reticulatum (of a quality near opus reticulatum), the earliest construction technique found on the site, probably dated to the period of the initial construction of the villa in the late first century B. C. Sounding

12, Upper Villa, Phase 3

A pit (Locus 469), full of charcoal and ashy soil, was found dug into the virgin clay. Evidence for fires burned directly on Locus 453 (virgin soil) which may have reached 750-850 degrees centigrade included red (10R 5/8) patches of burnt clay adjoining patches of yellow clay (10YR 7/8) (Figs. 139, 140; Plate 112). The pit was in use after the construction of Walls L and O because the calcareous quartz sandstones (5YR 7/4) used in the construction of the walls was discolored (oxide heat effect)

to pink (5YR 8/3). An area of the pit measuring 2.3m by 78cm was excavated to a depth of 1.92m, but this did not include the entire area of the pit. Several large cobbles, two pan tile fragments and a dolium fragment were found on top of the pit but only one common ware potsherd was found within it. Above the pit were traces of a grey (10YR 5/1), ashy soil, designated as Locus 468, in which

was found a small amount of building debris. Sounding 12, Upper Villa, Phase 4 In Phase 4 the villa was in total ruin, but the amount of time that elapsed between Phases 3 and 4 in not known. Above Locus 468 of Phase 3 was Locus 454, a yellow brown soil (10YR 5/6) which

contained animal bones, sherds, a large amount of charcoal and building debris some of which may have fallen from Wall L (Figs. 139, 140). The locus showed signs of contamination with “B zone” soil. Sounding 12, Upper Villa, Phase 5 Locus 450 occupied the area over the pit (Locus 469) and its fill and lay between Wall L and the SE balk of the sounding. Locus 450 was compact dark brown (10YR 4/3) earth and contained abun-

dant charcoal along with pebble size chunks of deteriorating mortar, building debris, five potsherds, two shell fragments, and animal bone (Figs. 139, 140).

Sounding 12, Upper Villa, Phase 6 Locus 001 lay above Locus 450 and covered the entire sounding NE and NW of Wall L. It was dark brown (10YR 4/3).

149

Sounding 12, Upper Villa, General Data Locus

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

001

NE-101 - 100.77 SW-100.73 - 100.60 NE-100.77 - 100.69 SW-100.60 - 100.24 NE-100.69 - 99.65 SW-99.97 - 99.74 NE-100.22 - 99.91

3.5X.82

24

0

10SW

3.5X.82

36

40

1059

3.5X.82

104

100

5SW

2.5x.82

?

?

5NE

1.92x.82

12

95

0

1.92x.82

18

100

Varied

450 453 454

SW-100.24 - 99.97 468

NE-99.91 - 99.79 SW-99.87 - 99.78 N-99.79 - 99.72

469

S-99.98 - 99.80 W-99.81 - 99.78

E-99.87 - 99.73 Center - 99.73

Tally (sp=opus spicatum)

Sounding 12 Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

450

3

54

2

454

3

10

3

468

2

2

469

2

Sounding 17, upper villa

_

GRID AREA M49b

Tesserae

Brick

Floor

6

4

isp

13

6

(Figs. 6, 80, 88, 141)

Sounding 17 adjoined Sounding 12 (Fig. 88) and dealt primarily with the lower villa and Room 12, but a small area (72 cms across at its northeast limit and 79 at the southwest) was dug southeast

of Room 12; it was associated with the upper villa (see the discussion under Sounding 12, Upper Villa). The area measured 3 meters NE/SW. For the discussion of the lower villa exposed in Sounding 17, see the section on Rooms

11 and 12 earlier in this volume.

Sounding 17, Upper Villa, Phase 1 This was virgin soil (Locus 753) which was yellow in color (10YR 7/8) and paralleled Locus 453

of Sounding 12, Upper Villa, which adjoined it.

Sounding 17, Upper Villa, Phase 2

.

Locus 750 was dark brown (10YR 4/3) soil which paralleled Locus 450 of Sounding 12, Upper Villa. It was not completely stratified and lay immediately beneath the topsoil. It contained 2 animal bones, 3 potsherds and 2 samples of charcoal. Sounding 17, Upper Villa, Phase 3 Locus 001 was the general topsoil all over Sounding 17 and above Wall L. It has already been described in the discussion of Rooms 11 and 12. Sounding 17, Upper Villa, General Data Locus 001 750 753

150

. Level Above Dátum/m 101.13 - 100.96 100.96 - 100.70 . 100.70 - Unknown

|

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

3x.79 3X.79

17 26

0 45

0 0

3x.79

Unknown

100

0

Tally Sounding 17, upper villa Locus

Wedges

001 750

Sounding 13, Rooms

Pan

Cover

6 7

1

Cubilia

Tesserae

Brick

Floor

13 and 14

GRID AREA N49c (Figs. 6, 81, 88, 142, 143; Plates 4, 18, 113) This sounding was made to find the ancient floor level in the upper villa and any walls or foundations for walls which might have survived the concentrated agricultural activity which had occurred on the hilltop of Poggio Gramignano. Sounding

13, Rooms

13 and 14, Phase

1

This early phase, contemporary with the original villa, revealed a poorly made, irregular mortar floor (Locus 506) which covered three-quarters of the trench (Figs. 142, 143). In the central area of the trench and the area between Wall N (Locus 500) and the SW balk, it was level. But, as it continued from the NW balk in the direction of Wall

M (Locus 504), it sloped up 20 cm and was interrupted

by a depression (Locus 508) along the NE balk and against Wall M (Plate 113) after which its surface was lost. In an area measuring 30cm by 2m at the west corner of the sounding, along the NW and SW balks, the floor was missing. This area of yellow (2.5Y 7/8) mudbrick slopewash was designated as Locus 509. Locus 506 was a soft, white (5YR 8/1) floor mortar of limestone, stream sand, silica and chert,

with coarse granule to sand sized aggregate. The surface was troweled smooth in antiquity. A triangular limestone slab (Figs. 81, 142; Plate 113) sitting on Locus 506 was intended to secure something within Locus 508. The stone slab seemed deliberately placed, and perhaps served as a bench or brace associated with a dolium which may have occupied Locus 508. Near the SE balk the floor surface is better preserved and contained some hornblende crystals. The discovery of this floor confirmed that the villa's original plan encompassed the crest of the hill of Poggio Gramignano as well as the slopes of the hill at least to the south and west. Locus 508 was a depression within Locus 506 adjacent to Wall M, possibly for a dolium, filled with yellow (2.5Y 7/8) sandy soil identical to Locus 502. (Figs. 142, 143; Plate 113). The depth of Locus 508 was not determined. A section was made to a depth of 35cm next to Wall M (Locus 504)

which did not reach the bottom of either Locus 504 or 508. Along the inside edge of Locus 508 fragments of pottery were found placed vertically and secured to the edge of the floor mortar white plaster. There was no indication of their purpose, but they might have served as wedges to support the dolium; another theory proposed that the depression Locus 508 might have served workpit for producing mortar within a mason's workshop. Southeast of Locus 508, Wall

two with help as a

M (Locus 504) was located which abuts Wall N (Locus 500) at a 90

degree angle enclosing an area measuring 1.23m by 1.89m in the east corner of the trench. Both Loci 500 and 504 were poorly made walls, composed of limestone mortar bonding limestone cobbles of irregular shape, cubilia and large fragments of roof tiles. The mortar is white (10YR 8/1). A major fissure in Wall N was probably caused by the shifting of soil layers below (Plate 113). The floor surface (Locus 505) enclosed by Walls

N and M to the NE rose about 25cm higher than

that of floor Locus 506 to the W/SW of these walls (Figs. ly made, but harder than Locus 506 and was composed calcium particles, silica and chert. Cracks on the surface of wet earth upon it. A depression in the floor by the SE

142, 143). It was a troweled surface, poorof an aggregate of limestone, stream sand, of Locus 505 were caused by the pressure balk was probably caused by the plow. 151

Sounding

13, Rooms

13 and 14, Phase 2

Between Wall N (Locus 500) and the SW balk was an area of rubble from Wall N which had fallen onto the floor (Locus 503) (Fig. 142; Plate 113). It was composed

of white sandy mortar (10YR

8/1) with limestone and brick or tile rubble aggregate and was found sitting on the loose coarse earth of Locus 503. At the bottom of Locus 503 were found potsherds, animal bone, a small glass bead and the head of an iron nail. On the surface of Locus 503 and near the south corner, next to and below

fragments of fallen wall plaster, building debris was found. Sounding

13, Rooms

13 and 14, Phase 3

Directly above the floor (Locus 506), the loose coarse earth Locus 503 and the depression Locus 508, was Locus 502, a layer of yellow mudbrick waste (2.5Y 7/8) that produced some cooking ware pottery sherds, building debris, a considerable amount of animal bone and charcoal (Fig. 143). A small area of

pale brown (10YR 6/3) soil measuring 30cm by 30cm in the west corner of the trench, which was part of Locus 502, contained numerous large animal bones, pottery, charcoal and two fragments of iron. Because of this concentration of material culture this area was designated as Locus 507 (Fig. 142). Yellow (2.5Y 7/8) mudbrick waste like that of Locus 502 was found between Loci 505 and 001B in the area enclosed by Walls M and N and was designated as Locus 501. It contained a few animal bones and a small quantity of charcoal. Sounding 13, Rooms

13 and 14, Phase 4

Above Loci 502 and 501 was dark brown (10YR 4/3) "B zone" topsoil Locus 001B. It contained chunksof mortar and building debris. Finally, on the surface was Locus 001A, an “A zone" humus,

that was disturbed by plowing and root action. It contained building debris, a few pieces of painted wall plaster and a brickstamp (Fig. 143). Conclusion

The excavation of Grid N49c in the upper villa left unanswered questions concerning the use of Locus 508, the depression within Locus 506, and the small enclosure created by the Walls N and M (Loci 500 and 504) in the east corner of the trench. Judging by the quality of the floors and walls found, the area revealed in this sounding was probably close to the kitchen, work areas or slave quarters. Whether a second story rose above these remains is not known. Perhaps there was no actual second story and the villa was built as a split-level structure rising with the slope of the hill from its lower level to the upper level on the crest of the hill of Poggio Gramignano. Sounding

13, Rooms

13 arid 14, General Data

Locus

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

001A

N-101.10 - 100.90 S-101.20 - 101.10 W-100.90 - 100.62 E-101.33 - 101.21 N-100.90 - 100.57 S-101.10 - 100.69 W-100.62 - 100.54 E-101.21 - 100.76 NW-100.85 - 100.29 SE-100.82 - 100.46 NW-100.84 - 100.53 SE-100.76 - 100.51 N-100.57 - 100.23 S-100.69 - 100.50 W-100.54 - 100.23 E-100.76 - 100.22

2.5NE/SWXA

28

0

15NW

2.5X4

41

0

30NW

56high

100

N/A

S98NE/SWX 1.4

31

0

2.5x4

54

0

5SW | SSW

001B

500 501 502 X

152

^ .60X1.89

503

Ν-100.63 - 100.29 S-100.52 - 100.27 W-100.52 - 100.26 E-100.62 - 100.37 NE-100.86 - 100.04 SW-100.53 - 100.29 N-100.53 - Undug S-100.46 - Undug W-100.45 - Undug

504 505

.90NE/SWX2

34

30

N/A

|

82high

100

N/A

1.45NW/SEX1

Undug

100

N/A

2.5Χ4

Undug

100

0

.3x.3 1.56NW/SEX.89 1.67NW/SEX.67

29 35 Undug

50 0. 50

0 N/A 0

.60x1.23

E-100.52 - Undug

506

N-100.23 S-100.27 W-100.19 E-100.37

507 508 509

100.43 - 100.14 Center-100.39 - 100.04 NW-100.13 - Undug

- Undug - Undug - Undug - Undug

SE-100.23 - Undug

Tally Sounding 13 Locus

Wedges

001A 001B 502 503

Pan

Cover

16 10 18 78

2 10 5

Cubilia

Tesserae

Brick

Floor

2

Sounding 21/21x GRID AREA M46a/b (Figs. 6, 11, 86, 90, 145, 146; Plates 21, 22, 115)

A sounding was made which revealed poorly preserved traces of the NE part of the upper villa. The sounding measured 4m NE/SW by 7m. Locus 001 was removed by bulldozer to facilitate digging. A probe measuring 1m square was made within the sounding near the east corner (Figs. 86, 145; Plates 21, 22) Virgin soil (Locus 1511) was reached. The level of the original floor of the room was probably 28cm to 30cm highez at the level of an offset found in Wall CC (Locus 1504) (Plate 22). This offset may indicate the level above which the floor was placed or it may be an eccentricity in the construction of the wall. In the NW area of the sounding, virgin soil was designated as Locus 1512 (Fig. 146). Sounding 21/21x, Phase 1

Bedding clay or virgin soil (Loci 1511 and 1512) was the earliest level found. It was dense and yellow (10YR 7/8) streaked with gold and parts of its had a green (up to 7.5Y 4/4) cast. It contained nodules of limestone, and a few oyster shells. The high level for virgin soil in this area suggests that the villa was constructed in terraces descending the hill from the NE to the SW (Figs. 6, 10). Sounding 21/21x, Phase 2 Wall CC (Locus 1504) ran NW/SE and consisted of limestone cobbles set in a pale brown, sandy mortar (10YR 7/4). The lower part of the wall, which perhaps

served as its foundation,

was com-

posed of grey (2.5Y N6) mortar which was smoothed across the face of the wall (Plate 115). No floor level associated with the wall was found, but along its NW face, partially exposed in the sounding to a distance 2m from the NW balk, was an offset of 18cm in width which might have indicated the original floor level. | | 153

Sounding 21/21x, Phase 3

Above virgin soil in the probe conducted within the larger sounding, a dump (Locus 1510) was found (Fig. 145). Τὸ was below the level of the offset of Wall CC in the west part of the sounding but its precise relationship to the wall is unclear. Locus 1510 was deposited after the room was built in Phase 2. Perhaps this locus was fill deposited at the time of the installation of the Wall CC. Locus 1510 was a grey brown (10YR 5/2) layer of organic, relatively loose soil filled with oak (Quercus cerris) and olive (Olea) charcoal inclusions. In spite of its small size, this locus yielded building debris,

six chunks of mortar, animal bone, one piece of glass, small potsherds and small pieces of unworked and unfired clay. This locus may have pre-dated Wall CC, so either Wall CC was not original or Locus .1510 may represent a settlement on the site earlier than the villa. However, the material found in Locus 1510 is similar to debris from the ruined.villa found elsewhere around the site. No definite conclusions about sequencing this sounding may be reached until it has been finished. Sounding 21/21x, Phase 4 Above Locus 1510 was Locus 1509, windblown loess similar in color to Locus 1510. Its deposition suggests abandonment of the room after the dumping found in Locus 1510 (Fig. 145). Like the latter, it was full of Olea and Quercus cerris charcoal inclusions, some in pockets as large as 2cm by 4cm. This locus contained one potsherd, a pottery gaming piece and a large lens of ashy gray (2.5Y N/5) soil completely surrounded by loess. Locus 1509 was found only in the probe against the SE balk of the sounding. Its relationship to Wall CC was not clear. Evidence suggested that Locus 1509 was deposited after Locus 1510 and that both preceded the installation of Wall CC (Locus 1504). Sounding 21/21x, Phase 5 Locus 1503 was an extensive area of dumped material above Locus 1509 packed with wall cobbles of limestone, sandstone and conglomerate which were visible on the surface along with chunks of mortar and decaying mortar (Figs. 86, 145; Plate 115). It had been disturbed by plowing. The grey (2.5Y N5) locus was

articulated but not excavated.

Eight potsherds,

a small amount

of charcoal,

small brick fragments and one glass fragment were found. Adjacent to Locus 1503 was a broad area (Locus 1501) within the sounding which was used as a dump for high-fired industrial waste (Fig. 145). It contained fired clay, burned brick and pink sandstone which had been burned elsewhere and dumped here. The clay-rich soil matrix surrounding the waste was from material which had been baked to a fiery red (10R 4/8) by a furnace temperature estimated to be 700 to 1000 degrees centigrade suggesting that the debris belonged to a dismantled and discarded smelter similar to that found redeposited on the west side of Room 11 in Sounding 24. Finds included building debris and a few potsherds. There were also several hundred small pan tile or brick fragments. The soil color ranged from fiery red to brown (10YR 3/3). That part of Locus 1501 found within the probe against the SE balk was designated as Locus 1508. In that locus were found building debris, three potsherds and some charcoal.

Near the south corner of this locus were the remains of a dolium probablyin situ (Figs. 86, 145; Plate 21). An arc formed by two fragments of the dolium rim was visible and designated as Locus 1502. The dolium fragments were pink (5YR 7/4) and 4cm thick. In the NW part of the.trench Locus 1507 was grey (2.5Y N5), charcoal rich soil adjacent to Locus 1503 (Figs..145, 146). Locus 1507 lay directly over virgin soil and contained building debris, five dolium fragments, animal bones, seventeen small potsherds of common ware and a number of significant small finds. These included the only copper alloy hairpin found on the site, a small copper alloy hook possibly from a balance scale and a nail. Also recovered was a fragment of a lamp of Bailey Type S Group III dated between A. D. 450 and 550. This find suggests a late date for the deposition of 1507, but this locus was not sealed.

Above, but probably part of Locus 1507, was Locus 1506, a loose, dark gray organic soil (5YR 4/1) with fewer stones than 1507 (Figs 145, 146). It included building debris, three dolium fragments, 154

several concentrations of charcoal and additional scattered charcoal. One concentration may have been redeposited from a fire pit. Animal bone was scattered throughout the locus along with bits of brick or tile like those in Locus 1501, suggesting that all loci in Phase 5 may have been contemporary. Dozens of tiny fragments of cooking ware were also found in Locus 1506 along with two fragments of a bone comb. Sounding 21/21x, Phase 6 Above the complicated soils of Phase 5 was a severely disturbed pale brown (10YR 6/3) soil Locus 1505 which occupied the NW 2m of the sounding and measured 4m NE/SW (Figs. 145, 146). It was identical to Locus 1500 in the rest of the sounding but was separated for control. It was composed of clay-rich soil, charcoal

inclusions,

building

debris,

animal

bone,

chunks

of mortar,

potsherds

including many of very small size along with tiny tile or brick fragments all burned black, and a large flat sandstone found near the north corner which showed evidence of burning. A clay loomweight was also recovered. Locus 1500 occupied an area 4m NE/SW by 5m which was interrupted by the Locus 1503. Locus 1500 was identical to Locus 1505 and contained a large amount of building debris, two dolium fragments, animal bone and a large number of tiny burned brick/tile fragments and potsherds. Locus 001 was plant growth and soil removed by bulldozer. Sounding 21/21x, General Data Locus

Level Above Datum/m

Area/m

Thick/cm

% Sealed

Slope/Down

001

4X7

27

0

SNW

4X4.48NW/SE

27

0

0

4X4.48

52

30

0

1502

N-102.15 - 101.96 S-102.70 - 102.51 W-102.08 - 101.83 E-102.70 - 102.43 N-102.51 - 102.40 S-102.51 - 102.35 W-102.35 - 102.22 E-102.70 - 102.43 S-102.35 - 101.73 W-102.35 - 102.23 E-102.43 - 102.23 101.78 - Undug

.40long-lg. .30-sm.

4

30

N/A

1503

102.33 - Undug

4NE/SWX2.5

Undug

30

0

1504

NW-101.78 - 101.53 SE-102.15 - Undug

7X.50

to 25

100

N/A

1505

N-102.26 - 101.96 S-102.13 - 102.13 (trace)

2XANE/SW

32

0

0

2x4

50

30

5NE

2x4

33

30

0

40

30

0

6

75

0

1500

1501

1506

1507

1508 1509

W-102.15 - 101.83 E-102.23 - 102.18 N-101.96 - 101.68 S-102.13 - 101.73 W-101.83 - 101.73 E-102.18 - 101.68 N-101.68 - 101.35 S-101.73 - 101.48 W-101.73 - 101.53 E-101.68 - 101.43 NE-102.19 - 101.89 SW-102.25 - 101.85 NE-101.89 - 101.82 SW-101.85 - 101.82

i

1x1 | 1x1

155

1510

1511 1512

NE-101.82 - 101.46

SW-101.82 - 101.46 101.46 - Undug N-101.35 - Undug S-101.48 - Undug W-101.53 - Undug E-101.43 - Undug

1x1

36

90

0

1x1 2x4

Undug Undug

100 100

0 0

Tally (sp=opus spicatum) Sounding 21/21x Locus

Wedges

Pan

Cover

Cubilia

1500 1501 1503

2

123 200+

21 6

41 6

1505

1

76

1506 1507 1508 1509 1510

1 1 106 2 12

19 23 5

Tesserae

22 1 7 2

ὃ 2

Brick

Floor

7 200+ 12

Asp

7sp 2 5sp

DAVID SOREN

156

CHAPTER 4

SUMMARY

OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PHASES OF EACH ROOM IN THE VILLA WITH NUMBERED LOCI

The following charts are designed to display at a glance the various loci or strata encountered during excavation in each room of the villa at Poggio Gramignano. In the cases where rooms could not be determined, grid coordinates and/or sounding numbers were employed to identify the area excavated. Figures 5 and 6 provide site plans for locating grids, rooms and sounding numbers. Individual loci, each representing a layer of soil or a feature encountered in each sounding, have been discussed earlier (Part 1, Chapter 3, Rooms 4, 5 and 6 introduction).

Loci are arranged by period where possible. In some cases a question mark follows the locus number indicating that the assignment to a particular period is not certain. Loci on the same level are considered to be contemporary. A locus placed above another locus is considered to be later in date. Lines linking one locus to another indicate that the loci actually touch. All pottery and other material culture recovered at the villa was assigned to one or another of the loci. The following charts are intended as reference points for the reader who may refer to them to ascertain the general findspot of each artefact, or the various loci assigned and their relation to each other. DAVID SOREN

Room 3 Sounding 9

001 050 051 052

(0) (0) (0) (0)

057-058 (100) 053 054 055 056

(80) (100) (100) (100)

|

|

SURFACE

PERIOD II OR LATER PERIOD I

VIRGIN SOIL

157

TIOS NIDUIA

I dOP3Hd II GOD3Hd

III dOPWHd AI COMHd

(TOT, ? tps pareas-ToM) A CORTAd

(aoneururequoo QUIOS YIM. Po DUIS) A CONA

dovadns

——À

(001) S97 I8SCILST

(001) ZO

(0) 610-210

(001) 891

(001) 6ST ILST/SSI

Γ

— (0) 220

(0) 100

— |

(SL) ἐς τὶ | (09) 9SZT

|

(SL) 601 | (0S) 911 | (Ov) ZIT | (01) 801-901/701i

(0) 9921/1971 /eSz1 | (0) TIZI/ISTI

(0) OSZI | (0100—-

160/880/6L0 [110/890 /L90/S90 —— | (001) 020

.

(001) 8T0-STO /010/800 /900/S00

_ (001) 200

|

|

pu

.

(001) 160 /060/880-£80 IT80/6L0/9L0 /TL0/990/790 (06) S991 | (OP) LS9T ed

(0) ἴω

(0) 100

a (09) 600 ——— ] (02) #00 (Ob) FTO | | (07) £00 (07) ετὸ | | (S Z00 (07) ZI0 Lod

3—(0)100

(001) 680/780 /080/690/Z90 | (06) 8Z0/LL0 | (0) sL0/£.0

(0) 650 Ι = (0) 100

| (0) 090

(0) 190

L

(09) £90

(00D 611 I TIOTI

HIVGQ

ALII CORTHd

|

(00D) ETTI

(001) 811

NIVINHONA

(001) 4911 /S9-£971 IESTI/YSZI

(0) 100

(0) E

(0) OST

é (001) #ST | (0S) ezo— (0€) 9ST | (01) £ST | (OT) IST |

— (001) SOT/EOI (001) voz/o9z/osz | (001) 00T-0S91- |- [-[(001) 09ZI-8S7I/ESTI | (06) LIT/TIT | | (06) STI

(001) STE /PIS/CTE/OTE/EOE

(06) 80€-90€ | (09) Z9Z/SSZ | (0S) 6SZ/7SZ

(0) 0S7 | (0) 100

(0) COZ/T9Z/EST-ISZ | (0) IZ0/070/810/910

[(07) ZTE (09) 60E —__ | pd (0) OTE/TTE/SOE/Z0€/T0€

(0) LOE

| (0) γος 00€ | |(0 1000

p WOO Y

158

Rooms

5 &

6

001 (0) |

SURFACE

|

|

201 (0)

1450 (0) --

204 (0) 206 (0) | 207 (0) | 208/209/2 19/203 (0) PERIOD VI "

1452 (10) |

|

1454 (60)-

1455 (70)

PERIODV (with some

comunication) PERIOD V (well-sealed) PERIOD IV PERIOD III

212 (90)

—

— —

PERIOD II

202/213 (100)

200/210/211/215 (100)

1451/1453/1456(100)

PERIODI

214 (100) VIRGIN SOIL

159

'IIOS NIOSIIA

I GODIHd II GODWHd III GOPNHd AI GOD3Hd

(popeos-TI944) A CONMHd

QUIOS YIM)

(uorjeururequoo

A GODWHd

FOVANNS

(001) LS9/9S9

(06) 7S9

9591

(SE) ESIT —(S6)8S9T

(001) L06/€06 | (001)0291/6S9T

—(06) 906/706 Ε

(OL) A — (0€) 706/106

(0) 006

|

(0) SS9 r- (0)ζ69 Î (0) €S9 L— (0) TS9

(0) 100

|

(0) 100

g uiooqq

(001)9IE/FIv/ElV

(0) 100

(01) 00P

|

(0D IOF

d

ὑπ

(0£)61v/60v/90p —

(06) SOP/LOF— |

=

(06) CIV —

I

(001) 8IT- LIV SIT | | | — €07 (001) Olp—ZOb

(09) ITF | (09) 80}

|

_

160

Room

9

— 001 (0)

SURFACE 1

|

600/601 (10)

PERIOD V (with some contamination)

603/609 (20) lg — 602/604/610/615 (100)

|

|

ΘΟ 616 (80)

PERIOD V (well-scaled)

608 (80) — 607 (90) PERIOD IV PERIOD III 605/61 1/613/614 (100) DATE UNCERTAIN (2nd c.-early 3rd c.)

PERIOD II

612/612a/618 (100) ? PERIOD I

618 (100) VIRGIN SOIL — 617

161

TIOS NIOUIA I GOTaHd II GOI*3IHd III CORHd

AI ΠΟΙΗ 4

(pejeos-T]oA) A GOD Hd (uoneururejuoo

9UIOS (IM) A GOTLHd

IA dODWHd

| FTOVIINS

|

(001) SIZI —

| (0) 100

(OL) TOL |

(OL) TOL

|

(OL) TIL/YOL —

|

!

[97 atl (SL) €0L

(08) 60L/709 L_| (08) TIL/OIL | (08) 90L/S0L | |

[Δ 41] (001) 80L(LOL

(00D VIL/ETL

|

|

L_ (001) 6IL

|

(001) SIL

(001) ΔΙ 914

(0) 100

E

(001) ETTI/TITI/LOTI/90ZI

(00D) LOOT/E00I | (00D 8001 | . — [LT ‘ST AAT] (00D SOOT/000T | (08) 602/709

(001) SIL

(001) SOLI

(00D LOTI

(00D 90T1U/SOIT | (08) 60L/709 | (08) POTI/EOTT | (08) ZOTI | |

(SL) LOTT

(OL) OOTI

(0) 100 Uuxoowd

(06) 90-,001/C001/0001

(00D 9ICI/FICUTICU/OICI/S0CULICI

|

—(00D 601

(00D SOCI | (001) FOCI | (001) TOZI/IOZI i__l (00D 00ZI ᾿ς

(0) €OZI

OT

162

Rooms 001 (0)

11 & 12 r— 001 (0)

SURFACE 1152

(0)

|

PERIOD V

752 (60)

(with some contamination)

dI (80) Ὁ

(80)

1050/1057/1150 (75)

| 456/457/754/755 (80)

1056 (75)

|

| = τ (95)

PERIOD V (well-scaled)

Ὃν ΠΒ 21] (95)

1920950 [IB 4] (95)

1051 [IB 14, 22, 24] (95)

464 [IB 1.2.6 12.27] (95)

1054 (95) |

Di

— EE

[IB 25] (95)

1154 (95) —— |

(95)

466/952/953 (95)

471/954 [IB 5.9.19.29-31] (100)/467 (95) Ε-

δ

HB 13] (100)

1350 ALL OTHER BASKETS (100) m is =

(100) (95)

1400 (95)

465 (95) ἫΝ

(IB 8a-b] (100)

Si (100) ss [IB 3] (100) ]

1350 (BASKETS 6967/6980/6987/6991)/1351 [IB 32)/1352/1355/1360 [1B35]/1361 [IB 38]/

|

1362/1401 [IB 33y1405-19o/1410 (100)

1055 (100)

1406 (100) PERIOD IV PERIOD III 1364 (100) |

1356 (100) DATE UNCERTAIN, PERIOD 3-5

1363 (100) —

1407 (100) PERIOD II PERIOD I

45 1/459/460/75 1/756/1 151/1358/1359 (100)

1406/1412/1413/1053 (100)

|

1365 (100) Lo Lj

1151 (100) VIRGIN SOIL

1357 (100)

1408

163

N49c

Rooms

13 &

14

001a (0) |

SURFACE

001b (0) |

501-502 (0) 507 (50)

2

DATE UNCERTAIN

(30)

|

PERIODI

500-506/509 (100)

VIRGIN SOIL

Room

15

001 (0)

SURFACE

|

— 1305/1306 (0) [IB 41-44] PERIOD V 800 (30)

(5 th c. loci with some contamination)

PERIOD V 801/802 (95) [IB 10, 11, 16, 18, 20a-b, 23, 28] | 1300/1303 (95)/1308 (100) | —1304-07/1309-12 (95) |

(well-scaled 5 th c. loci)

1313 (100)

PERIOD IV PERIOD III 1319 (100)/715 (100) [. En. 1314-18/1320 (100)

PERIOD II PERIOD I VIRGIN SOIL

164

M48b/d Room

a

16

(0)

SURFACE

1600-1601 (0) | 1602 (0) DATE UNCERTAIN 1603-1604 (50) PERIODI 1605-1607 (100) VIRGIN SOIL

M48d/49b

Room

17

001 (0)

SURFACE

1608 [IB 36, 37, 39, 40]/1615

(90)

PERIOD V (well-sealed) PERIOD IV PERIOD III PERIOD

II

PERIOD

I

1613-14 (100) VIRGIN SOIL M49b upper villa SURFACE

001 (0) | 750 (0)

|

|

VIRGIN SOIL

753 (100)

165

M49d upper villa

- 001 (0) |

SURFACE

|

DATE UNCERTAIN

450 (40) | 454 (50) | 468 (95) | 469 (100) PERIOD I

WALL L (100)

VIRGIN SOIL 453 (100)

M46a/b Sounding 21/21x

SURFACE 001 (0) | 1500-1505 (0) |

|

|

1506 (30)

DATE UNCERTAIN

1501/1503/1507/1508 (30)

| n= (75)

1510 (90) 1504 (100) 1511-12 (100)

166

Late 1st c. B. C.

VIRGIN SOIL

MN47c/d Sounding 27

" (0)

SURFACE

1550 (0) |

| 1551 (50)

DATE UNCERTAIN

|

1552 (100) 1553 (100)

| |

|

1554 (100)

PERIOD I

VIRGIN SOIL

167

CHAPTER

THE PARS URBANA AT POGGIO GRAMIGNANO:

5

SUMMARY AND RECONSTRUCTION

Room 4, a spacious colonnaded reception hall in the pars urbana of the villa at Poggio Gramignano, was the most imposing and important of all of the rooms uncovered in the villa (Figs. 6, 7, 28-51, 147-149; Plates 7-10, 34, 59-69). It featured a pavement emblema of opus scutulatum, flat fragments of vari-colored marbles and stones set within a black mosaic field, and was bordered on the

NW, NE and SE sides by colonnades and corridors, and on the SW side by half columns engaged to Wall H (Figs. 6, 7, 28, 29, 34, 48; Plate 42). The encircling corridors were paved in black tesserae with white tesserae set within the black field in simple cross patterns. A scale, or imbrication, pattern in black and white fesserae was laid between the columns (Figs. 28, 32, 33, 48; Plate 34). The only

ancient floor repair found was located in the opus scutulatum floor in the north corner of the room, where a missing fragment was replaced by mortar fill. Lack of significant areas of repair suggests that this elegant floor may have had a short life. Room 4 was linked by doorways to Rooms 2, 5, and 8 and to an open court to the SW. The threshold to Room 5 was paved with a black and white mosaic in a pattern of two rows of three circles, each circle containing a central rosette (Figs. 28, 35; Plate 50). A tessellated threshold and step led

up to Room 8 (Plate 39) and provided that room with its only access suggesting that these two rooms were designed to function together as an intimate dining or reception area. ! The entry to Room 8 was directly opposite the entry to Room 5 which itself was on line with the entry to Room 6 (Fig. 6). In the north corner of Room 4, the presence of a travertine threshold block with a narrow sill suggested that this entryway was originally closed by a curtain rather than a door (Fig. 25; Plate 28). The north entry led to a corridor paved in opus spicatum (Corridor 2) and to service Rooms 15 and 10 also paved in opus spicatum (Figs. 6, 70; Plates 14, 19). Another entry in the west corner of Room 4, which possibly led outside or into a court, had a large travertine threshold block different from that in the threshold to Corridor 2. This threshold block measured 1.06m by 0.56m and was 26cm thick (Plate 37). It was found in loose soil immediately above the entry which measured

1.7m wide.

Cuttings for door jambs were found at both ends of the block against a sill suggesting a double door, a common feature in Roman architecture, had been located here.? A small porch or court cut by a small drain running SE/NW was found just beyond the west entry (Fig. 6; Plate 36). Walls A, H, I and D bordered Room

4 and were in poor condition. Walls A, H and I were con-

structed of rubble stones with mortar. The best preserved wall, Wall D on the NE side, was faced with opus incertum or opus quasi-reticulatum. Wall H had a small offset foundation, but in spite of this, it had shifted downhill to the SW. This shifting was particularly i: in the NW section of the wall (Plate 34).

Fugitive traces of painted fresco survive on Walls A and D which suggest a simple decorative scheme (Fig. 46), though many of its details have been lost. A black horizontal band 10cm wide was found at the base of Wall D in the east corner of the room which continued on Walls A and H. Above this a red (10R 3/6-4/8) dado rose 43cm. It was probably originally similar in color to the red plas-

! The way these rooms functioned together is unclear, though Room 8 lacks the proper mosaic design for a triclinium. It may simply be a more intimate reception room. Lawrence Richardson Jr. has recently pointed out the need for separate entertainment facilities for men and women at gatherings, at least until the time of Tiberius. See LAWRENCE RICHARDSON, Pompeii: An Architectural History (Baltimore: 1988) pp. 165, 322 and Valerius Maximus, 2.1.2. 2 On Roman doors, see now Davin A. WALSH, "Doors of the Greek and Roman World,” Archaeology (January, 1983) 43-50 with bibliography.

169

ter sheathing on the columns, even though in some areas on Wall D it ranged from 2.5YR 6/4 to 2.5YR 3/6). No evidence has been found for any additional decoration on the dado. Above the dado,

on Wall D near the east corner a patch of plaster painted green survives to a height of 40cm. On Wall A, NE of the entry to Room

8, and on Wall D, SE of the entry to Corridor 2, a patch of

white plaster 20cm high rose above the black band and red dado, showing that the middle course of decoration, or the orthostate, on these walls was painted in at least two different solid colors in dif-

ferent parts of the room. A significant quantity of fresco painted with daisies and lilies on a black background have been found along with other examples of floral decoration suggesting that there may have been a course above the orthostate painted in floral motives. Within the upper levels of debris in the NE corridor of Room 4 a considerable quantity of plaster painted yellow (10YR 8/8) was found which may have fallen from the upper part of Wall D. In addition, throughout the room, a considerable quantity of plaster painted white (5YR 8/1) was found, but none was found painted with illusionistic or figural motives. Based on the surviving evidence, the decoration appeared to have been simple, elegant and sober with large areas of solid color. Room 4 measured 4.9m by 7.4m bordered on three sides by a freestanding colonnade of 4x4 columns. On the SW side are four engaged half columns (Fig. 29). The columns on the NW and SE sides were spaced more closely together than those on the NE and SW. No full columns survive, so their height is not known. Each column was composed of prefabricated quarter round column wedges. Each wedge measured 14cm from the center of its curved base to its tip and was 3cm thick. Each course of each column was composed of four wedges giving a full diameter of 28cm without mortar (Plate 43). Those found in situ were mortared in a staggered fashion so that each quarter did not directly line up with the quarter below or above it, following the suggestion of Vitruvius (ILV.4) who recommended that wall bricks be placed in this manner for strength and attractiveness. Appearance would not have been a concern bere because the columns were sheathed with two layers of plaster, the arriccio and the intonaco, each lcm thick which were painted red (10YR 4/8).

Each full column rested on a simple brick base 38cm square and 6cm high. No capitals were found but the simple treatment of the bases suggests that the capitals were probably just as simple (Fig. 48). Each column probably had a finised diameter of about 33cm allowing 4cm for exterior plaster layers and 1cm for mortar joints. Actual measurements of the arriccio and the intonaco on

the exterior of the columns varied from 0.8cm to 1.2cm for each, and the mortar joints within each course varied from 0.6cm to 1.2cm at the central point within each column. Each column wedge was joined to its neighbors above and below by mortar joints of 1.1cm to 1.2cm. It may seem unusual that the columns were composed of prefabricated brick Wedges while the walls were composed of rubble and tile fragments instead of prefabricated Roman bricks. But many structures with brick columns are known in Italy beginning in the late second century B. C., long before prefabricated bricks were commonly used in Roman walls. 3 The prefabrication and use of Roman bricks began after the middle of the first century B. C., but their use was still rare in the time of Augustus, and did not become popular until the reign of Tiberius. ^ Consequently Room 4 was 3 Brick columns 40cm in diameter have been reported in a north Italian villa as early as 120-100 B. C. by A. BERTINO VARINANO, Archeologia in Liguria I, Scavi e Scoperte 1967-1975 (Genoa: 1976) p. 152. At Pompeii, GIUSEPPE LUGLI in La Tecnica Edilizia Romana con Particulare Riguardo a Roma e Lazio I (Rome: 1957) p. 574 reports brick columns in atria and peristyles in the later Republic. The basilica of Pompeii, dated after 150 B. C. and before its earliest graffitto of October 3rd, 78 B. C., has brick columns and half columns which are made of carefully sized and fit tiles. This is discussed by FiLIPPo COARELLI, Guida Archeologica di Pompei (Rome: 1976) pp. 107, 109. For brick columns in the Casa di Meleagro at Pompeii, see AMEDEO MAIURI, “Gli oeci Vitruviani in Palladio e nella casa pompeiana ed ercolanese,” Palladio I-I (1952) 1-8. ^ The outer wall of the Castra Praetoria of Tiberius was the first major public monument to have been built almost entirely of brick-faced concrete according to J. B. WARD-PERKINS, Roman Imperial Architecture (New York: 1985) p. 46. Oven-fired brick was first used on a limited basisin the second half of the first century B. C. in the funerary cella of the Tomb of Caecilia Metella in Rome (circa 50 B. C.), the Mausolea of Aulus Hirtius (43 B. C.) and Marcus Lucilius Peto (20 B. C.), both in Rome, and the cavea of the Theater of Marcellus in Rome (20 B. C.). For the most recent information see GIUSEPPINA PISANI SARTORIO, “Il mattone cotto,” Archeo 56 (1989) 76. The article includes bibliography, citing that the principal source remains LUGLI (op. cit.). Vitruvius (IL.8. 17-19) also noted the use of bricks beginning in late republican times.

170

probably constructed at a time when column wedges were used and before opus latericium wall construction was popular in this part of Umbria. The arrangement of the architecture above the level of the columns remained conjectural because nothing was preserved in situ above the fifth course of column wedges. But in the east half of the room, a sealed layer of collapsed debris was exposed which shows that the upper walls of the room collapsed and fell straight down. The debris from this collapse, in an area measuring 3.8m NW/SE by 5.7m, was left relatively undisturbed throughout antiquity (Fig. 28; Plate 59). The excavation of Room 4 revealed the sequence of its destruction. The vaults and walls in the SW part of the room collapsed first, leaving debris which was removed in antiquity (Fig. 148). This included most of the ceiling over the central area of the room, the vaults in the SW and NE

corri-

dors and part of the vault in the SE corridor. After this collapse, the NE part of Room 4 survived relatively intact, but its SW and central portions were open to the sky. In this area a domed, circular mudbrick hearth, 80cm in diameter, was constructed in the north central part of the room, burning the opus scutulatum floor and signalling that Room 4 no longer served its original function of a pars urbana (Fig. 149). Part of the dome of the hearth survived under the fallen debris (Plates 47, 48). The preponderance of material culture of the first century A. D. found within the room and the almost total absence of later pottery suggests that the collapse of the room may have occurred not long after its construction in the late first century B. C. After the initial collapse of the central and SW portions of the room, and after the debris from this collapse was removed and the room reused, a small section of the NE corridor and the eastern corner of the room remained standing, possibly because this area was buttressed by Wall D to the NE (Figs. 6, 7, 28, 148, 149). In spite of this, the final collapse occurred at an unspecified date but not before the fifth century A. D., which crushed the hearth and left the room unusable (Fig. 150).

During this final collapse the east corner column of Room 4 fell due east, crashed into Wall I, and shattered leaving the debris found in our excavation (Plates 61, 64). Several of the upper courses of column wedges ricocheted off Wall I to the NW. Fifteen courses of column wedges were found in the collapse while four additional courses from a higher point on the column ricocheted, fell on their sides and remained essentially intact with their mortar joints. Five courses remained in situ, on the original base. From these twenty-four courses of column wedges, each 3cm thick with 1cm mortar joints above and below, which rested on a base 6cm high, a preserved column height of 1.02m could be postulated. Since many courses shattered and scattered as column wedges all around the area, it was obvious that the columns rose much higher though their full height could not be determined. A dense, hard-fired fragment which may have come from a capital was found resting vertically against Wall I at the exact point of impact of the fallen column. It measured 5cm by 23 cm but was broken on all its edges so its original dimensions could not be determined. Collapsed voussoirs, still in their original order, were found within the debris between the columns

adjacent to the easternmost column, indicating that arches originally spanned these columns and ran in an arcade around three sides of the room, probably continuing over half columns engaged to the SW wall as well (Figs. 36, 37, 41, 44, 48, 51, 147; Plate 64). Along the SE corridor voussoirs had

been hurled against Wall I when the corner column collapsed to the east (Plates 66-68). These voussoirs were of two different depths. Those used at the crown of the arch measured 26cm deep (Fig. 151) while those radiating on either side of the crown measured 12.5cm in depth. All the voussoirs measured 5.25cm wide above and tapered 22cm to a width of 3.75cm below. When the arch fell, four radiating voussoirs from somewhere near the east corner column fell and landed slightly out of alignment (Plates 60, 61).

Architectural consultants from the University of Arizona School of Architecture calculated the original spring of the arch taking into consideration both the width of the mortar joints, which varied from 0.7cm to 1.2cm, and the taper of the voussoirs. Their reconstruction shows a series of low

arches (Fig. 44). They calculated the intercolumniation base to base on the NE and SW sides of the room

at lm and on the NW

and SE

sides at 76cm

(Fig. 29). This difference in intercolumniation

171

means that the arches on the NE and SW sides had a slightly different span and shape from those to the NW and SE which may have been noticeable. Only the span for the section of colonnade running NW to SE could be calculated with the current evidence. Arches springing directly from capitals or pilasters are found depicted in wall painting as early as the mid first century B. C. in Pompeii. Second Style frescoes from the House of Julia Felix and from others at Boscoreale show arches springing from pilasters. 5 In the east alcove (Cubiculum 16) of the Villa of the Mysteries at Pompeii a fresco depicts a triple arcade springing from columns and supporting a barrel vault, and an arch springing directly from a capital appears in a fresco in the south alcove. 6 Maiuri dates the examples from the Villa of the Mysteries to the late Republican or early Augustan periods. 7 Similar arches are also seen in frescoes in the House of Livia (30-20 B. C.) where they spring between pilasters forming an aedicula.? A similar use in painting is found in the Villa Farnesina of 20 B. C. ? The first phase of the Villa at Oplontis dated to 40 B. C. features a fresco depicting such an arch in Oecus 15 and the motif is depicted again in the caldarium added to the same structure between 10 and 1 B. C. 10 The earliest known use οἵ an arch springing directly from a column capital in architecture is the so-called arcuated lintel or Syrian arch found in the Temple of Dushara at Si', Syria in the late first century B. C. !! Arches springing directly from capitals in a colonnade are first seen in the courtyard of the Casa della Fortuna at Pompeii, dated between the late first century B. C. and early first century A. D. They are also found in the ambulatio (upper terrace walkway) of the so-called Villa dell'Ambulatio at Baiae which may be of similar date. !? Here, the capitals are unadorned square stones, the columns are unfluted and the arches are constructed of stone voussoirs. Another exam-

ple from the Casa della via Stabiana (Reg. 1, Ins. II, n. 9) features columns constructed of wedges like those in Room 4. !? The capitals here are simple and unadorned square stones, and cut stone voussoirs are again used. In the Suburban Baths of Herculaneum, which probably date to the reign of Vespasian, multiple levels of arches are found which spring from a colonnade of red painted columns which runs around four sides of the room and is flanked by corridors. !4^ This is an architectural arrangement similar to that found at the Poggio Gramignano villa, although the Herculaneum example is composed of two levels of arches designed to create a mini-court. Syrian arches in colonnades appear in a painting at Boscoreale, but did not become popular in imperial architecture until the third century when they are found in the Severan Forum at Lepcis Magna and the Palace of Diocletian at Split. 15 Single Syrian arches set in baroque fashion alternat5 MARGARET LYTTELTON, Baroque Architecture in Classical Antiquity (London: 1974) p. 23. 6 JOHN R. CLARKE, The Houses of Roman Italy 100 B. C.-A. D. 250 (Berkeley: 1991) pp. 108-109; LvrrELTON, 1974 p. 23. 7 AMEDEO MaAIURI, “L'origine del portico ad archi su colonne," Palladio IV (1937) 122. 8 CLARKE 1991, p. 51 ? CLARKE 1991, pp. 52-53 10 See illustrations and dating discussions in CLARKE, 1991 pp. 22, 116, 128-129 and ALFONSO ΡῈ FRANCISCIS, "La villa romana di Oplontis," in BERNARD ANDREAE and HELMUT KyRIELEIS (editors), Neue Forschungen in Pompeji (Reklinghausen: 1975) 12 and JOHN R. CLARKE, “The Early Third Style at the Villa of Oplontis," RM 94 (1987) 267-294. 11 On the origin and use of arcuated lintels, see D. F. BROWN, "The Arcuated Lintel and its Symbolic Interpretation in Late

Antique Art," AJA XLVI (1942) 389-399. On the Temple of Dushara and the Syrian arch in general, see Axel Boethius and J. B. WARD-PERKINS, Etruscan and Roman Architecture (Harmondsworth: 1970) pp. 439-442. Brown, p. 391, discusses the arcuated lintels of the South Gate at Ephesus, dated to 4 B. C. and the Dushara temple at Si dated between 33 and 9 B. C. Centrally arcaded triumphal arches, while not specifically featuring arcuated lintels rising from columns, become immensely popular in the early Augustan period, probably the same time Room 4 was being constructed. For arches of 27 B. C. (Rimini) and 25 B. C. (Aosta), see WILLIAM L. MAcDonaip, The Architecture of the Roman Empire II (New Haven: 1986) p. 92. 12 For the Casa della Fortuna see RicHARDSON 1988, p. 224. For the Baiae ambulatio see PAOLO AMALFITANO, GIUSEPPE CAMODECA and MAURA MEDRI, 7 Campi Flegrei (Venezia: 1990) p. 199. 13 MAIURI

1937, p. 23.

14 LYTTELTON 1974, plate 29; JOSEPH Jay Detss, Herculaneum: Italys Buried Treasure (New York: 1985) pp. 139-145. 15 D. E. L. HAYNES, The Antiquities of Tripolitania (Tripoli: 1965) pp. 79-80; TAHA BAKIR, Leptis Magna (Tripoli: 1968) pp.

172

ing with horizontal lintels are often found. Two examples are the second century Serapeum and Canopus at Hadrian’s Villa and the Temple of Hadrian at Ephesus. 16 Room 4 may be the earliest known example in actual architecture of arches of brick voussoirs springing directly from capitals in a running colonnade, and it may represent an architectural experiment. The origin of the form is not known, although it is found on Assyrian and Ptolemaic relief sculpture. 17 i | In addition to the arches found in Room 4, a large section of wall and vaulting was found which had collapsed straight down into the NE and SE corridors directly over the fallen columns and voussoirs (Plates 61, 66, 67). This collapsed section included the east upper corner of the room (Plates 59, 69). This collapsed material could not have come from a terrace on the hill above Room 4 to the

NE because debris from that area would not have fallen along a path which would have lined up exactly along two sides of the colonnade. The collapsed sections of the wall from above the columns and the fallen arches found in the east corner of Room 4 were studied in detail to determine how the corridors and interior of the room may have been roofed or vaulted. In the NE corridor, as it was originally constructed, a wall rose above the arcade which was constructed of bricks and brick fragments, pan tile fragments and oneeighth round column wedges. This wall was five courses high, each bonded with a considerable amount

of mortar (Plate 64). On

the NE

face of this wall a fresco was painted over arriccio

and

intonaco layers similar to those found on the columns (Plates 61-63). The design of this fresco consisted of a zone of strong yellow (10YR 8/8) topped by an area of light red (2.5YR 6/8; Figs. 47, 49; Plate 63). Above this was a a stucco molding

of which

only the

lower profile was preserved. This molding marked the level from which a barrel vault sprang over the NE corridor to come to rest on Wall D. The painted plaster followed the curve of the barrel vault, and its pattern included a series of illusionistic rectangles. Debris from a wall of similar construction was found in the SE corridor and the central area of the room, but was not excavated (see Soundings 5 and 5x; Plates 66, 69). The same design and color scheme as that found in the NE cor-

ridor was found on this unexcavated section of wall. A study was made of the materials used in the section of collapsed wall which fell from above the arches and below the spring of the barrel vault over the NE and SE corridors. The following materials were noted (Fig. 151):

i

Type #1- Dense large bricks 5.5cm thick by 44cm long by at least 22 cms wide where visible. These were used at the base of the upper wall in the SE corridor and at the east corner of the room. Type #2 -- Small bricks found in courses above #1 and in the NE corridor. These measured 3cm thick by 25-35cm by 21-25cm and were found both whole and in fragments. Type #3 -- Irregular small bricks 2.75cm thick and beveled to a 45 degree angle at one end. Their length was 35cm and the width of one example was 21cm. The beveled end was 0.5cm thick by 2.25cm wide and ran the entire width of the brick. These bricks seem to have been originally designed for a definite but unknown function. Type #4 — One-eighth round column wedges, different from the quarter-round wedges used in the columns of Room 4. Three were found used in the NE wall above the columns. They measured 3.5cm thick by 20cm long and would have been used in a column with a diameter of about 44cm including mortar joints. Type #5 — Voussoirs of the two types described above: the larger with a depth of 26cm and the

34-36; JoHN WARD-PERKINS,

"Severan Art and Architecture

at Lepcis Magna,"

JRS XXXVIII

(1948) 71; JERKO

and TOMISLAV

Manasovic, Diocletian Palace (Zagreb: 1970) with bibliography. 16 Heinz KAHLER, Hadrian und seine Villa bei Tivoli (Berlin: 1950); HEINRICH DRERUP, "Die romische Villa," in FRIDOLIN REUTTI (editors), Die Romische Villa (Darmstadt: 1990) 141. 7 On Assyrian origins of the arcuated lintel between 885 and 866 B. C., see BROWN, p. 389. On the Ptolemaic reliefs, now

identified as early imperial, see PHYLLIS LEHMANN, Roman Wall Paintings from Boscoreale (Cambridge: 1953) p. 156.

173

smaller with a depth of 12.5cm. These were used not only in the arches spanning the columns but also in courses as “bricks” in the SE corridor wall above the arches. Type #6 — Pan tile fragments both large and small. The wall above the columns and below the springing of the vault was poorly made with courses varying from 3. Scm to 5.5cm thick. In some cases a large brick or tile was used adjacent to two smaller bricks or tiles placed one above the other in the same course (Plate 64). Since the courses

were poorly laid, joints as wide as 1.5cm were found. In order to preserve the evidence of decoration within the room, an expanse of painted plaster was lifted from the NE face of crollo block Locus 1259 in Sounding 25 (it is called Locus 103 in Sounding 4). The wall exposed beneath the lifted plaster revealed that the partially preserved stucco molding had marked the level where the brick/tile construction of the wall changed to the poured concrete of the barrel vault (Figs. 47, 49; Plates 34, 61-63). The concrete mass was preserved in two crollo blocks, Locus 1259, Sounding 25/Locus 103, Sounding 4 and Locus 1260, Sounding 25/Locus 105, Sounding 4 (Plate 34). Locus 1259 was the best preserved section: 1.75m in thickness by 2.75m in length and 1.09m in preserved height (Figs. 95, 104; Plates 47, 62, 63, 65, 67). It was an extremely dense aggregate of limestone cobbles, roof cover tile fragments, bricks of Types #1 and #2, fragments of bricks of Type #1 and column wedges of Type #4. Locus 1260 was of similar composition but measured 1.25m NW-SE by 1.34m and was 1.18m high (Fig. 95; Plates 34, 47, 48). No evidence indicating multiple phases of construction was found within these loci. Because the poorly coursed wall construction was found to be directly bonded to the concrete vaulting after the fresco was lifted, it was clear that both types had been employed for the original construction of the walls and vaults in Room 4. The quality of this construction was careless and slipshod suggesting that masons worked in haste with reused, broken and fragmentary materials. There appeared to be a contradiction between the complexity and subtlety of the overall plan of Room 4 and the actual quality of execution, between the designer and the contractor. Loci 1259/103 and 1260/105 were constructed of roughly coursed bricks, principally of Type #2, on their SW faces where they were positioned at an acute angle suggesting that the courses would have proceeded over the center of the room to form a pyramid or pavilion vault (Figs. 45, 48). Locus 1259/103 seemed to taper on line with the east corner of the room so that its SE side appears to point almost due east (Plate 47, upper right). However, only on its NE side is a face visible. At the point where the concrete barrel vault began its spring over the NE colonnade, a fragment of stucco molding was found on the NE face of the wall (Figs. 49, 51, Plate 63). At this spring point the wall was 21cm thick. At this same point on the opposite, or SW, face, the wall bifurcated with

one branch projecting SW at an angle of 27 degrees (Figs. 36, 45, 48; Plate 59). This projecting branch was 24cm thick. This bifurcation was traced along the entire SW face of the wall above the columns in the NE corridor. It curved at the east corner of the colonnade and continued along the SE corridor where its angle of projection was 41.5 degrees (Fig. 49, center of ceiling; Plates 59, 69). It is clear that the ceiling over the center of the room above the opus spicatum floor sprang from these angled walls as well as from the missing SW wall and from the wall above the NW colonnade, but the form of this ceiling has been the subject of debate. A number of suggestions have been made concerning the form of the ceiling of Room 4, and each has been examined with aid of computer graphics at the University of Arizona School of Architecture. Room 4 might have been constructed as an Egyptian oecus, defined by Vitruvius as a colonnaded hall with an upper terrace open to the sky (VI.III.8-9) (Fig. 52). An Egyptian oecus had a second tier of columns, three-quarters the size of those on the ground floor, alternating with windows below a

decorative flat ceiling. The elevation was similar rounding the raised clerestory at the same level Casa dell'Atrio a Mosaico at Herculaneum which the second tier of columns have been replaced 174

to that of a basilica, with an exterior walkway suras the windows. The example usually cited is the dates to the early Julio-Claudian period, but here by engaged pilasters, creating a variation on the

Vitruvian scheme. 18 Windows appear in the upper story, but only two corridors flank the oecus instead of three or four. An examination of the evidence from Room 4 shows that the model of the Egyptian oecus is not appropriate here. The large concrete block (Locus 1259/103) would have projected too far into the room when it stood in its original position to allow the walls over the columns to rise in a vertical profile over the center of the room, and the weight of an upper story necessary for an Egyptian oecus would have been excessive for the support system indicated by the archaeological remains. In addition, this hypothesis offers no explanation for bifurcated, angled walls rising over the center of the room attested to by the evidence. Moreover, no trace of an upper colonnade was found. It has also been suggested that the pars urbana of the villa was constructed as a Corinthian oecus, also described by Vitruvius (VI.III. 8-9). This type of large colonnaded room had only one tier of columns,

similar to the situation in Room 4

(Fig. 53). The columns rested either on a podium

or

directly on the floor surface. An architrave rested above the columns and coronae (cornices) of wood or stucco rested above the architrave. Above the coronae rose a barrel vaulted ceiling. Examples of Corinthian oeci include the Casa del Laberinto at Pompeii built in the first century B. C. 19 Here, a colonnade proceeds around three sides of the room and a barrel vault is believed to have sprung over its central area providing a broad arched opening above the front entrance to allow light into the room. Fluted columns of the Ionic or Corinthian order rest on Attic bases. The center of the room at Pompeii is paved in opus sectile and narrow, flat roofed corridors 1m in width flank two sides. The oecus, the main dining area, opens onto smaller rooms thought to be dining areas for women. Other small rooms reached from the rear of the oecus have been designated as possible service areas. 20 Although similarities exist between this Pompeian example and Room 4, there are insurmountable problems when an attempt is made to generate a computer model of a Corinthian oecus using the archaeological evidence from Room 4. First of all, in the Pompeian example the architectural emphasis is found at the arched entrance, but in Room 4 there are two points of emphasis: the "front" or southwest side of the room where engaged half columns are associated with an asymmetrically placed doorway, and the cross axis created by centrally placed doorways through the NW and SE walls. In addition, the barrel vault in the Pompeian example rests on two walls each of which

would have bifurcated to allow for its spring, but bifurcations found on each of two adjoining walls in Room 4 suggests that here bifurcations existed on all four walls, an impossible situation if a barrel vault crowned the central part of the room. Furthermore, the large concrete block (Locus 1259) which fell into the east corner of the NE corridor was so massive that it would have protruded through all but the most flattened barrel vault. Moreover, a massive barrel vault would have rested entirely on the NE colonnade and the SW wall creating a load too great for them to endure, especially since the columns of the NE colonnade have a greater intercolumniation than those to the NW and SE. In order to support such tremendous weight, the intercolumniation would have to be smaller. Finally, and most important, the painted plaster found fallen into the center of Room 4 from the ceiling above was flat in profile, not curved as it would have been if it had fallen from a barrel vault. None of the other known examples of Corinthian oeci provides a parallel for Room 4 for these same reasons. ?! For example, the Casa di Meleagro at Pompeii, though it does have a colonnade running along three sides and engaged half columns along its front wall with arches springing from

18 MAIURI, 1952, p. 5; DEISS, pp. 43-47; CLARKE 1991, p. 21. 1? For the Casa del Laberinto, see Maruri 1952, p. 4 and RICHARDSON

1988, p. 399 where the Corinthian oecus is described

as a Second Style invention. For the Corinthian oecus see EMIDIO DE ALBENTITS, La Casa dei Romani (Milan: 1990) pp. 154-157. 20 MAIURI 1952, p. 4. 2! For other examples of Corinthian ceci at Pompeii, Herculaneum, Settefinestre and Valdonega, see FULVIA DONATI ef al., “Il corpo centrale: pars urbana e rustica”, in ANDREA CARANDINI, Settefinestre Il (Modena: 1985) 20-21. For an example in painting, see G. E. Rizzo, Monumenti della Pittura Antica Scoperti in Italia. La Pittura Ellenistico-Romana (Rome: 1936) Tav. 1. For an example at Utica, Tunisia (Maison d'Oecus) see CÉcILE DULIERE, Corpus des Mosaiques de Tunisie, Vol. I, Fascicule 2 (Tunis:

1974) Plate 2, p. 12 with bibliography.

175

column to column, must be rejected because of its barrel vaulted ceiling. 22 The only possible example of a Corinthian oecus found in a Roman country villa was found at Settefinestre in Tuscany, but its upper elevation is not preserved so its identification as such was based on theory, not archaeological evidence. Moreover, the restoration proposed by the excavator of a barrel vaulted ceiling beneath a tower capped with a columbarium would create an architectural space very different from Room

4, 23

None the less, Room 4 does share some characteristics with many of the examples of Corinthian oeci found to date. It did have as its focal point a decorative central floor, the opus scutulatum (Figs. 34, 48; Plates 42, 45), and it did have a single tier of columns flanked by corridors on three sides.

But Room 4 seems to have been intended more as a baroque experiment than the other examples found or those described by Vitruvius. The arches springing from column to column buttressed by an illusionistically decorated barrel vault over the flanking corridors suggest this. The angled, bifurcated walls rising at an angle toward the center of the room also suggest that a different and possibly unique type of ceiling covered this room. In the light of the architectural evidence, only two types of ceiling structure are possible here: a coved, or cloister, vault in which four concave surfaces meet at a central point (Fig. 55); or a pyra-

mid, or pavilion, vault with four flat sides rising at an acute angle to a central point. Coved vaults were used in the Tabularium in Rome about 78 B. C. 24 In the late Republican or early Imperial periods, the use of a pyramid vault was rare, but examples exist. The Italian architectural historian G. T. Rivoira described a cruciform tomb of possible Augustan date, located between the tenth and eleventh milestones south of Rome. ?» The tomb had barrel vaulted side chambers supporting a pyramidal central vault (“volta a padiglione”) (Fig. 54). A likely place to find examples of such fanciful architecture at an early date is in the south Italian resort community of Baiae. There, Giuseppe Lugli, a specialist in Roman wall construction, recognized a pyramid vaulted room in the luxurious "Sosandra" Baths dated between the end of the first century B. C. and the mid first century A. D. 26 This pyramid vault appeared to be truncated with a flat rectangular central plane rather than a point at its apex. An intriguing possible parallel to Room 4 is Room D, the Main Hall of the San Rocco Villa at Francolise, Italy dated between 100 and 90 B. C. 27 This room, which functioned as an atrium, featured engaged half columns along three sides and engaged pilasters along the fourth, without flanking corridors. It measured approximately 7m square. Its roof has been restored as a pyramid sloping down on all four sides like a displuviate atrium. The form of the ceiling on the interior is not known. Since very little of the bifurcated wall of Room 4 survives, it was initially impossible to suggest which of the two types of ceiling treatment, a coved vault or a pyramid vault, might have been employed here, but a clue from among the thousands of fragments of wall fresco found in the villa suggested an answer. Just SE of the center of the room, SW of crollo block Locus 1259 a long section of wall fresco was found shattered beneath Locus

1259 (Sounding 25 Probes

1 and 2). Yet, it

remained where it fell like an assembled jig-saw puzzle. It was decorated with a pattern of light red (SYR 8/3 to 2.5YR 6/4) rectangles on a white ground with a border of dark red (10R 3/6) (Figs. 49-

51; Plate 71). On this painted surface, a scar for a molding was found at the base of the vault. A large chunk of molding (Basket 8916) found in the NE corridor may have come from this part of the wall 22 MAURI 1952, pp. 4-5; RICHARDSON 1988, p. 321 dates it Fourth Style. 23 Personal communication with Andrea Carandini in April, 1991. See also CARANDINI 1985, pp. 22-23. 24 FRANK SEAR, Roman Architecture (London: 1989) p. 79; the coved or cloister vault is also discussed by G. T. Rivoira, Roman Architecture (New York: 1972) pp. 77-78. The Tabularium coved vault and another example from the Sanctuary of Hercules at Tivoli are; discussed by CARLO FULVIO GIULIANI, L'Edilizia nell'Antichita (Rome: 1990) p. 90. 25 RIVOIRA 1972, p. 9. 26 LUGLI, Fig. CCVII with discussion. 77 M. AYLWIN COTTON and Guy P. R. METRAUX, The San Rocco Villa at Francolise (New York: 1985) pp. 16-18 and reconstruction drawings on pages 13, 22 and 23. The reconstruction of the San Rocca Villa was done by the foremost English specialist in this area, Sheila Gibson.

176

(Fig. 58; Plate 73). The position of the fallen fresco section associated with Locus 1259 suggests that a pyramid or pavilion ceiling with flat sides rising at an acute angle was employed here decorated with painted fresco (Figs. 50, 51; Plate 71).

An interpretation of the excavated evidence led to a proposed reconstruction of the decorative scheme of the central area of Room 4. The fragments of fresco found there showed that the red rectangles, if they continued in superimposed rows rising toward the central ceiling, would have been staggered vertically because two of the preserved rectangles from neighboring rows are not placed one directly above the other. (Plate 71). A design of staggered rectangles would have been pleasing aesthetically and simple to execute and represents the best interpretation based on the suriving evidence (Fig. 50). With regard to the central ceiling of Room 4, evidence points to the use of a pyramid vault here because a pyramid vault explains these features of Room 4: 1. The fallen fresco in the center of the room fell from a flat, not a curved, ceiling as indicated by its preserved profile. 2. Bifurcated walls flanking the central area along all four sides of the room may be explained as the level of spring of the flat sides of a pyramid vault. 3. The weight of the supported ceiling would have been shared equally by all the walls if a pyramid vault had been employed, avoiding excess pressure on the unsubstantial columns. 4. The dual axes of the room would be logical with a pyramid vault, since it favors no particular axis. 5. The angled ceiling of a pyramid would clear the concrete mass (Loci 1259 and 1260) which projected from the NE corridor toward the center of the room. The 45 degree angle of the concrete at the east corner of the colonnade (Locus 1259) (Plate 47, upper right) could represent one side of the pyramid vault. 6. A pyramid vault would have been buttressed by the barrel vaults over the three corridors and the footings at the base of Wall H on the SW side of Room 4. 7.A pyramid vault would create a striking baroque effect when combined with arches springing from columns and barrel vaulted corridors which would have been desirable in the pars urbana of the home of a wealthy Roman. The hypothesis that a pyramid vault rose over Room 4 makes sense of the archaeological evidence, but an unanswered question remains. Was its apex pointed or truncated? If a wall angled at 27 degrees from the bifurcation on the NE wall and and one angled at 41.5 degrees from the SE wall were carried upward, they would not meet (Fig. 57). They could only have been joined by a flat rectangular ceiling forming the apex of a truncated pyramid. An attractive, low ceiling would have been achieved if the sides of the pyramid rose 82cm from the bifurcated wall on the NE and SW sides (Figs. 48-50). This configuration would allow for the remaining two sides of the pyramid to rise 1.5m

from the SE and NW bifurcated walls to the flat ceiling (Figs. 37, 41). It should be expected that at least a few fragments found in the excavation of Room 4 should give some indication of the configuration of this ceiling. And it might be suggested that, if plaster was used to fill the joints of the pyramid where its sides met each other and the flat central ceiling, some of this should survive as fragments in the room. The one section of fallen painted plaster which does survive is flat in profile and without corners and must come from one of the flat sides of the pyramid. While it does show evidence of a molding at its base, not enough of the molding survives to reveal the angle of rise of the wall above it. In addition, excavation revealed evidence that the central part of this room collapsed in the late first or early second century and subsequently was cleared of debris for reuse when the hearth was installed. At that time, much of the fresco which had already fallen was carted away (Fig. 149).

Nonetheless, one piece of painted plaster (Basket 841) (Plate 72) was found lying directly on the opus scutulatum pavement in the center of the room which had the same pattern as that found on 177

the large section of surviving fresco found in Sounding 25, Probes 1 and 2 (Plate 71): light red bands and a dark red border on a white ground (Compare Fig. 50). But this piece had a feature which set it apart from all the others. Its decorative pattern ran along two axes which met at an angle of 26 degrees (Plate 72), close to the angle created by the bifurcation of the wall found on the NE side of

the room. Furthermore, traces of molding survived along the two angled edges suggesting that it might have fallen from the point where one flat side of the pyramid met the flat ceiling (Fig. 50, left trapezoid, top row). The form of this piece of plaster further suggested that the angled corners of the pyramid vault were emphasized with stucco and lined with bands of dark red paint, though its painted lines varied in thickness and quality of execution across its surface as if it had been difficult to reach. The bands overlapped and seemed carelessly done, possibly at different times by different hands. If a truncated pyramid vault had covered Room 4, the arrangement of Wall D to the NE would be explained. This wall has a SW face, but on the NE it is bonded with a massive layer of earth and

cobbles which was used to raise the ground level in Room 3 about one story to a level even with the crest of the hill (Plate 31, Wall D at the top). This layer of cobbles, a massive Vitruvian statumen layer (VILI.3), would have helped to buttress Wall D against the hill above, providing support for the barrel vault over the NE corridor and for a,pyramid vault over the center of the room. While the use of a pyramid vault in the colonnaded reception area of the pars urbana of a Roman villa is unparalleled and not mentioned in any ancient text, it is not beyond the realm of possibility. Great Roman reception rooms are rarely unearthed, so little is known of their superstructures. There was a vogue for things Egyptian in this period; the Pyramid of Caius Cestius in Rome with its interior paintings completed about 15 B. C. is one example. ? In this period, villas became showplaces where rich landowners tried to astonish their guests with architectural novelties. The first century B. C. was an age of nabobs, a *me generation" worthy of 1980s America when style, liesure and conspicuous consumption was valued by the nouveau riche. The age of Sulla in the later 80s B. C. was a time of increasing prosperity for supporters of the dictator. Large construction budgets, increasing expertise with concrete, and a growing number of government and large-scale private building projects stimulated innovations which included the expanded use of arches, barrel vaults, groin vaults and domes in the production of luxurious domestic architecture. Even the staid Vitruvius approved of elaboration in houses "for men of rank who, from holding offices and magistracies, have social obligations to their fellow-citizens...": “... nobilibus vero, qui honores magistratusque gerundo praestare debent officia civibus..."

According to Vitruvius, such men need“... lofty entrance courts in regal style, and most spacious atriums and peristyles, with plantations and walks of some extent in them, appropriate to their dignity (VLV.1-2)7: “.. vestibula regalia, atria et peristylia amplissima, silvae ambulationesque laxiores ad decorem maiestatis perfectae..." One of the most famous Roman voluptuaries, the general Lucius Lucullus, had a luxurious coun-

try villa near Tusculum before the middle of the first century B. C. where Plutarch reports he had ^ structures combining open banqueting halls and porticoes". These were among other delights which supported his. interest in "drinking, feasting (and) allnight parties". ?? Suetonius cites Caligula in the late 30s A. D. continuing this tradition: "In building country palaces and villas all reckoning of expense was ignored, and there was nothing he loved so much as to build that which others felt could not possibly be built." 28 CLARKE 1991, p. 52 29 PLUTARCH, Lucullus 39.1 and 39.4. (J. 1. POLLITT, e Cliffs: 1966) p. 83. On Vitruvius,

see Morris

FRANK GRANGER, Vitruvius on Architecture (London: 1934).

178

) in J. J. POLLITT, The Art of Rome (753 B. C.-337 A. D.) (Englewood

Hickv Morgan,

Vitruvius:

The

Ten Books

on Architecture

(London:

1960)

and

“In extructionibus praetoriorum atque villarum omni ratione posthabita nihil tam efficere concupiscebat quam quod posse effici negaretur.” 30

At Poggio Gramignano, the creation of such a baroque room with such extraordinary vaulting suggests that the important patron of this sizeable villa sought to provide something unusual and pretentious for his guests in order to inspire awe with regard to his own wealth and accomplishments. Since this room is unique in surviving Roman architecture, nothing resembling it has been found in the villa-rich region of Umbria. But few villas there have been thoroughly excavated and studied. It may be considered strange that Vitruvius, in his catalogue of interior reception halls, makes no mention of the kind of oecus represented by Room 4. However, Vitruvius was a conservative and

did not always approve of the new architecture: "Although

in his manual

Vitruvius included information

about vaults, and about

concrete

and brick, he

seems to have been immune to their architectural potential. He emphasized traditional ideas... From reading him one would never know that the great Sullan buildings existed, yet it is impossible to believe that he did not know of them... (He is) of little help in studying the background of vaulted and curved design in Roman architecture.” 31

If Vitruvius cannot enlighten us with any history or description of a pyramid vault, where might we look for its origin? A striking parallel exists between a truncated pyramid vault and the four-sided roofs found in the Pompeian atrium houses. In the third century B. C. the House of the Surgeon, the House of Pansa and the House of Sallust at Pompeii may have had hip roofs with an open compluvium in the center of the room to catch rainwater. An Etruscan house model from Chiusi offers a similar arrangement. 32 The most striking Etruscan parallel for a truncated pyramid vault at the Poggio Gramignano villa is found in the Tomba della Mercareccia at Tarquinia (Fig. 56). 33 It has been dated to the third or second century B. C. and once housed an extraordinary pair of figural friezes. The tomb was composed of two principal chambers. The lower chamber was topped by a simple gabled ceiling, but the upper chamber, which was recorded in the late 18th century by engraver James Byres, was covered by a pyramidal ceiling with imitation beams carved into the living rock. The sides of the pyramid sloped up at two different angles to a central flat rectangular ceiling. This arrangement has been interpreted by scholars as a symbolic atrium for the dead, though the flat ceiling is closed in the tomb where it would have been open to the sky in an actual atrium. Although the tomb does not have a colonnade and barrel vaulted corridors, its central ceiling is similar in arrangement to that of Room 4 though it is hundreds of years earlier. It would not be surprising if Roman structural engineering took this Etruscan idea and produced the superstructure of Room 4. Since the central area of Room 4 was not waterproofed and therefore not open to the sky, this pyramid vaulted space, inspired by Etruscan funerary tradition, may have been intended to take the place of a formal atrium. A most intriguing parallel for the vaults and arches of Room 4 is found at Mismiyeh in Syria in the so-called "Praetorium" or military shrine dated between A. D. 160-169. 34 Here, four interior columns supported large arches and a wall above them, and above the wall rose a coved or pyramid vault, a pointed dome or a barrel vault (Fig. 59). The monument has been destroyed but is known

30 Suetonius, Gaius Caligula 37. 2-3. (J. J. POLLITT, trans.) p. 135.

3! WILLIAM MACDONALD, The Architecture of the Roman Empire I (New Haven: 1965) pp. 10-11. 32 For the Pompeii examples see CLARKE 1991, p. 2; The Chiusi model now in Berlin is discussed in WARD-PERKINS and BoETHIUS

1970, pp. 73, 75.

33 STEPHAN STEINGRABER, Catalogo Ragionato della Pittura Etrusca (Milan: 1984) pp. 328-9, with bibliography and dating. 34 WARD-PERKINS and BoETHIUS 1970, pp. 442, 576 and Plate 235.

179

from a drawing by DeVogue in which the central vault is flanked by barrel vaulted side chambers which helped to support and buttress it, much like the arrangement of Room 4. No evidence has been found to suggest the form of the exterior roofing of Room 4 over the interior pyramid vault (Fig. 57). One possibility is a sloping roof braced against the upper part of Wall D and descending over Rooms 4, 5, 6, and, possibly, 8, as well as other rooms to the SE not yet exca-

vated (Figs. 36-43, 48). Numerous antefix fragments found in this area may have fallen from the cornice of such a roof where they would have served to protect the wooden roof beams from the elements and to decorate the cornice line facing the courtyard to the SW of Room 4 (Figs. 48, 52, 60). Two different types of antefixes have been found, datable between 50 B.C. and the early first century A. D. The two types feature a Seven-Lobed Palmette with Dolphins motif and a Gorgon/Palmette motif, and they might have been arranged on the cornice alternating with each other (Fig. 60). Room 4 was probably intended to function as the principal reception area of the pars urbana. Evidence from Pompeii suggests that other colonnaded rooms of contemporary date were used for large dinners. Lawrence Richardson has observed: "Another experiment with the form of dining rooms can be seen in the Corinthian oecus of the Casa del Laberinto, where an exedra facing south onto the garden was ringed on the three remaining sides by a colonnade brought forward from the walls that created a screen between the company and a particularly rich decoration in architectural vistas and left a passage behind the couches" 35 (Fig. 147).

It may be that Room 4 at Poggio Gramignano represented a unique attempt on the part of a Roman dominus to create the ultimate dining room, a pursuit which still obsessed the emperor Nero and his architects Severus and Celer over half a century later. In their Golden House (Domus Aurea) were ..."dining rooms with fretted ceilings of ivory, whose panels could turn and shower down flowers and were fitted with pipes for sprinkling the guests with perfumes. The main banquet hall was circular and constantly revolved day and night, like the heavens...": “.. cenationes laqueatae tabulis eburneis versatilibus, ut flores, fistulatis, ut unguenta desuper spargerentur; praecipua cenationum rotunda quae perpetuo diebus ac noctibus vice mundi circumageretur.” 36

While noting the innovations exhibited in the structure and design of Room 4, it should be noted that there is a shocking disparity between the boldness of the design and the poor execution of the work. The bricks and tiles used seem to be leftovers from another project; the fragile columns were made to support unreasonably massive loads of concrete; the ratio to brick/tile/stone is too great to allow the walls to support heavy loads; and some of the surviving painting from the ceiling was carelessly done. Furthermore the room was founded on unstable virgin clay on a hillside which was continually sliding to the south and west. No matter how sturdy its construction, the villa was doomed to a future of cracks and fissures forcing the weak links, the columns, to torque, slip and become decentered beneath their loads. Perhaps the architect/designer saw a similar design in Rome and tried to copy it here, or perhaps this design was the creation of a Roman or Umbrian architect whose. baroque vision exceeded his practical skills or those of his contractor. Davip SOREN and WILLIAM AYLWARD

35 RICHARDSON 1988, p. 399. 36 SUETONIUS, Nero 31 (WILLIAM MACDONALD, trans.).

180

CHAPTER

6

LINEAR MEASURE AND GEOMETRY IN ROMAN ARCHITECTURAL PLANNING WITH SPECIFIC REFERENCE TO THE COLONNADED OECUS AT THE VILLA AT POGGIO GRAMIGNANO

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

My thanks go to Professor David Soren for granting me the opportunity to excavate at Poggio

Gramignano and for encouraging and assisting my investigation of the colonnaded oecus. I owe the development of this project to Professor Soren and Professor Marilyn B. Skinner who encouraged and guided the presentation of my research at two national conferences. I also thank Professor Frank E. Romer and Professor Mary E. Voyatzis for their comments and advice, and my colleague Deborah Carlson for sharing the thesis Eipeuieuo I owe a great debt of gratitude to my parents for their unending support. ABSTRACT

A measurement survey of the colonnaded oecus in the Roman villa at Poggio Gramignano near Lugnano in Teverina, Italy has revealed the architect's use linear measure and geometry. Close examination of the architectural remains has facilitated a conjectural reconstruction of the oecus on paper. The architect of the oecus used principles of geometry to ensure proportional harmony in its design. Building manuals from antiquity reveal a theoretical and/or practical training for architects. Examination of passages by Vitruvius on the training of architects and on methods of building design show that a lack of complete comprehension of the mathematical principles on which geometric formulae were based did not prevent the practical application of geometry in building design. Recent studies of Roman architectural geometry have invested geometric architectural design with sacred significance, presupposing the architects theoretical training. The practical aspects of design at Poggio Gramignano supersede the intellectual expression of geometry and its mystical significance. SECTION

1. METHODS

AND GOALS

Introduction

Linear measure and geometric design were hallmarks of Roman architectural planning. Except where they are etched in stone on temples at Didyma, Priene, and Sardis, ! architectural plans have not survived to the present day as have the remains of actual buildings. But Roman buildings preserve dimensions in ancient units of measure that provide clues about how architects designed buildings. The archaeological benefits of recognizing the linear system of measure used in the design of an edifice are manifold. First, since almost every civilization of the ancient Mediterranean possessed a unique metrology, arriving at the system of measure used to erect a building can provide clues about the nationality and training of the architect. Second, once a system of measure is determined for a building that does not preserve all its features, the placement and orientation of its missing parts can be deduced by applying known dimensions to incomplete areas. Third, knowledge of a building's system of measure can be employed in order to arrive at estimates for the heights of its ! LOTHAR HASELBERGER, "The Construction Plans for the Temple of Apollo at Didyma," Scientific American 253 (1985) 132.

181

features, such as columns, walls, and doorways. The benefit that is of primary concern for the inves-

tigation at hand is that a building’s system of measure and proportion can be used to gain access to a dimension of the architect's design not visible in the architecture itself. It is possible to propose geometric construction procedures for proportions present in ancient buildings.

The intent of this investigation may be outlined as follows. | Premise: The architect of the colonnaded oecus at the Roman villa at Poggio Gramignano near Lugnano in Teverina, Italy, used principles of geometry to ensure aesthetic appeal and proportional harmony in its design. Hypothesis: 1) Principles of geometry used by an architect in the planning stages of a building can be brought to light through comparative analysis of specific dimensions in ancient units of measure gathered from the architectural remains. 2) Although geometria is prescribed by Vitruvius as part of an architect's fundamental training, 2 a lack of complete comprehension of the mathematical principles on which geometric formulae were based did not prevent the practical application of geometry in Roman building design. Queries into ancient metrology began as early as 1573 when Lucas Paetus published De Mensuris et ponderibus Romanis et Graecis.? During the following two centuries, investigations of Roman metrology by Greaves, 4 Folkes, 5 Raper, 6 and others 7 published archaeological evidence for ancient metrology and established foundations for further study. In the nineteenth century two monumental works by Friedrich Hultsch, Metrologicorum Scriptorum Reliquae (1864, 1866) and Griechische und rómische Metrologie (1882), provided complete records of all ancient literature on Greek and Roman metrology as well as valuable commentary on exact measures and their application in antiquity. ὃ In the twentieth century, comprehensive works by Petrie, ?

Nowotny, 19 Berriman, !! Skinner, 12 and Hecht 13

have published new archaeological discoveries that pertain to Roman measure and have placed Roman metrology in its proper context among the metrological systems of other Mediterranean civilizations. The particular branch of metrological studies that concerns the present investigation is that of architectural metrology, or how ancient measure was used in the design, construction, and survey-

ing of buildings. Dilke 14 has published invaluable studies of measure used by Roman architects and surveyors, while Fernie !5 has put forth important methodological concerns. Measurement surveys of specific buildings constitute the most pointed investigations of architectural metrology. The present investigation has been influenced by meticulous investigations into architectural measure and

2 VrrRUVIUS, De Arch. 1.1.3.: eruditus geometria (skilled in geometry) and 1.1.4: Geometria autem plura praesidia praestat architecturae (geometry, however, provides many benefits for architecture). 3 Lucas Partus, De Mensuribus et Ponderibus Romanis (Venice: 1573). ^ JOHN GREAVES, A Discourse on the Roman John Greaves. London: 1737.

Foot and Denarius.

London:

1647 and GREAVES, Miscellaneous

Works

of Mr.

5 MARTIN FOLKES, "An Account of the Standard Measures Preserved on the Capitol at Rome," Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London 39 (1736) 262-266. 6 MATTHEW RAPER,i “An Enquiry into the Measure of the Roman Foot,” Transactions of the Royal Philosophical Society of London 51 (1760) 774-823. ? A useful bibliography for the study of lengths appears in ERIC FERNIE, "Historical Metrology and Architectural History,"

Art History 1 (1978) 383-399.

|

3 HULTSCH, FRIEDRICH, Griechische und rómische Metrologie (Berlin: 1882) and HurrscH, Metrologicorum Scriptorum Reliquae (Stuttgart: 1971). 9 PETRIE, W. M. FLINDERS, Inductive Metrology (London: 1877) and PETRIE, Ancient Weights and Measures (London: 1? EpuaRD NowoTNY, "Metrologische Nova," Klio 24 (1964) 247-294.

1926).

11 A. E. BERRIMAN, Historical Metrology (London: 1953). 1? F. G. SKINNER, Weights and Measures: Their Ancient Origins and Their Development in Great Britain up to A. D. 1855 (London: 1967). 13 KoNRAD HECHT, "Zum rómischen Fuss," Abhandlungen der Braunschweigischen Wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaft 30 (1979) 107-137. i 14 DILKE, O. A. W., The Roman Land Surveyors: An Introduction to the Agrimensores (New York: 1971) and Dilke, Mathematics and Measurement (London: 1987).

i5 FERNIE 1978, pp. 383-394.

182

geometric systems of design at the Pantheon by MacDonald 16 and Geertman, 17 at the Roman colony of Cosa by Brown, 18 at Pompeii by Geertman, 19 Peterse, ? and de Waele, 2! and at Pompeii, Herculaneum, and Ostia by Watts and Watts. 22 All have proven that the unseen features of buildings, their measurements and geometric designs, harbor valuable information about the architects and builders of ancient Rome.

The investigation The following is an investigation into the system of linear measure and principles of geometry used in the design of a colonnaded oecus at the Roman villa at Poggio Gramignano near Lugnano in Teverina, Italy (Room 4, Figure 1.1). The hilltop villa dates to the late first century B. C. and has been partially excavated by Dr. David Soren and the University of Arizona in conjunction with principal investigator Dottoressa Daniela Monacchi and the Soprintendenza Archeologica per l'Umbria. 23 In the 1992 season, I conducted a measurement survey of the architectural remains and participated in mapping the villa. All measurements were recorded to the millimeter. In addition to mapping the colonnaded oecus in the pars urbana, the author developed a full reconstruction of the oecus on paper. The primary tools used in the reconstruction were the architectural remains themselves and the system of Roman linear measure that came to light through the initial measurement survey. Parallels with other colonnaded oeci at Pompeii provided useful guidelines for the general appearance of the Poggio Gramignano oecus. 24 The reconstruction was fueled by an abundance of debris from the upper walls and vault that once spanned the oecus. The debris remaining at the time of excavation was concentrated in the eastern part of the oecus (Figure 1.2). Although the room's central aula, interior colonnade, and three surrounding corridors were in plain sight, it was obvious that the original plan had undergone considerable destruction due to its position on the hillside. Large fissures in the mosaic pavements of the oecus are consistent in their north-south orientation and illustrate the slide of the foundations and walls downhill to the west and southwest. The intensity of the slippage increases as one moves across the room from east to west. While Wall D apparently occupies its original position as an integral component of the terrace that supports a level immediately to the northeast, the western corner of the oecus where Walls A and H once met has suffered the greatest displacement. No further terraces are detectable to the southwest of the oecus and a narrow footing projecting from the base of Wall H supports its designation as a perimeter wall of the villa (Plate 34). The identification and observation of the processes of decay at work in the oecus aided in the reconstruction of its architectural parts. The dynamics of the natural transformation processes in operation on the hillside, namely the migration of walls and pavements downhill, were reversed by using meticulous measurement of unaffected architectural parts as a guide for the re-orientation of

16 WILLIAM L. MACDONALD, The Architecture of the Roman Empire (2 vols. New Haven: 1965). I pp. 185-188. 17 HERMAN GEERTMAN, “Aedificum Celeberrimum," BABesch 55 (1980) 203-228. 18 FRANK E. BROWN, “Part 1. Architecture," in EDWARD B. FRANK, EMILINE H. RICHARDSON and L. RICHARDSON JR., “Cosa II:

The Temples of the Arx," MAAR 26 (1960) 7-147. 1? HERMAN GEERTMAN, "Geometria e aritmetica in alcune case ad atrio pompeiane," BABesch 59 (1984) 31-52. 20 C. L.. J. PETERSE, “Der oskische Fuss in pompejanischen Atrien," BABesch 59 (1984) 9-30 and PETERSE, "Notes on the Design of the House of Pansa (VI.6.1) in Pompeii," Meded Rom

46 (1985) 35-55.

21 J. A. DE WAELE, “Der rómische Fuss in Pompeji: der Tempel des Juppiter Capitolinus," BABesch 59 (1984) 1-8. 22 CAROL M. WATTS, “A Pattern Language for Houses at Pompeii, Herculaneum and Ostia,” Ph. D. diss., University of Texas at Austin: 1987 and Watts and Watts, “A Roman Apartment Complex," Scientific American 255 (1986) 132-139. 23 For a full description of the villa and its late Roman infant cemetery see KIMBERLY BUsBY, “A Late Roman Infant Cemetery in the Villa Poggio Gramignano near Lugnano in Teverina, Italy" Masters Thesis, University of Arizona, 1992; WILLIAM AYLWARD, “A Roman Villa and Infant Cemetery at Lugnano in Teverina,” Roscius 1 (1994) 24-34; Davip SOREN, and WILLIAM AYLWARD, “Dazzling Spaces," Archaeology 47 (1994) 24-34. 24 The Corinthian oeci in the House of the Labyrinth and the House of Meleager are the best parallels for the floor plan. See LAWRENCE RICHARDSON, Jr., Pompeii: An Architectural History (Baltimore:

1988) pp. 164-167, fig. 24, pp. 321-322, 399.

183

displaced features. 25 Units of measure that best approach those intended by the architect were recovered from whole architectural parts whose size had not been destroyed by the slippage. The most accurate measurements between architectural features were gathered in the northeast corridor and the northern corner of the oecus, where displacement was minimal. The measurement survey at Poggio Gramignano observed Fernie's principle of “using buildings to establish only those units of measure which are already know from archaeological or documentary sources..." 26 A measurement survey of Pompeian atria by Peterse illustrates the success of the principle, since it approached the architectural remains assuming (correctly) the use of the Oscan foot of .275 m. 27 The five atria investigated by Peterse were all constructed well before Oscan metrology was officially replaced by Roman measure in 29 B. C. 28 In the same manner, at Poggio Gramignano, the villa’s proximity to Rome and its date in a period of indisputable Roman influence across Umbria require the consideration of a Roman system of measure for its architecture. Even when the system of measure is known, measurement surveys of ancient architecture are not immune to inaccuracy. Peterse summarizes the problem as follows: "Beide Aspekte, Ungenauigkeit und Unvollstandigkeit in unseren Messungen, die eine Folge der antiken Arbeitsweise und der modernen Mefimethoden

sind, kónnen dazu führen, da& die Angaben,

von denen man bei

einer Mafanalyse ausgeht, nicht ganz mit der vom Baumeister gewollten Mafiführung übereinstimmen." 29

The measuring rods of Roman architects did not always concur with the national standard. 30 Extant measuring rods of the Roman foot vary in length between .2925 and .2970 m. 3! Such minute discrepancies become amplified when incommensurable lengths are multiplied and assigned to a buildings larger features. Slight variation did not pose problems for ancient architects, since consistent deviation throughout an entire edifice would have been imperceptible. However, the study of ancient metrology relies heavily upon the fact that the ancients used standardized systems of measure. An archaeologist attempting to break down a lengthy dimension created from a measuring rod that deviates from a known standard will find it difficult to determine the precise length of the foot employed by the architect and the number of feet or subdivisions thereof that the architect assigned to the dimension. For example, a bronze measuring rod from Naples

measures

.2921

m, 32 while another from Pompeii

measures

.2970 m. 33 If a dimension

of

60 feet is made from both, the shorter foot produces a distance of 17.526 m, while the longer foot produces a distance of 17.82 m. The discrepancy between the two 60-foot measures is a Roman foot :294 m in length. Attempts to break down the longer of the 60-foot dimensions result in conflicting possibilities for both the length of the original foot and the number of feet assigned to the dimension (17.82260X297 or 61X.2921). An analogy to Roman surveying is useful. The "century" of land, that consistently measured 2,400 Roman feet square, suffered a large reduction in size in North Africa due to the introduction in the third century A. D. of a new Roman foot only

25 The process can be viewed as the opposite of that described by Schiffer, who suggests that the “refitting” of remains can help to identify formation processes. See MICHAEL B. SCHIFFER, Formation Processes of the Archaeological Record (Albuquerque:

1987) p. 285.

?6 FERNIE

1978, p. 389.

Ι

27 PETERSE 1984, pp. 9-30. PETERSE examined the atria of the following houses: The House of Sallust, The House of the Vettii, The House of the SILVER WEDDING, The House of M. Obellius Firmus and the Hous of Ceius. 28 Dio quotes Agrippa (52, 30.9): * Ics none of the cities have local systems of money or weights and measures, rather, let all of them use our systems.” 29 PETERSE 1984, p. 11. 30 One standard determined from "Denkmàler und Rechnung" is .2956 m: W. BECHER, "Pes," Pauly-Wissowa RealEncyclopádie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft (RE) 19.1.1937. 1085-1086. The actual length is still subject to debate that will be treated in Section 2. 31 PETERSE

1984, p. 10.

, 32 PETRIE 1926, p. 49. 33 PETERSE 1984, p. 10.

184

.0015 m shorter than its predecessor (2,400Χ.2957

m=709.68

m, while 2,400Χ.2942

m=706.08

m;

a difference of 3.6 m). 31 Fortunately, the abundance of measurements available in a given building maximize the accuracy and validity of a metrological investigation. In his investigation of the Oscan foot, Peterse suggests the following method of isolating the precise metrological value of a known system of measure used in an ancient building: "Bei der Analyse muf man sich auf den Zusammenhang zwischen den gemessenen Werten innerhalb eines Bauwerks konzentrieren. Aus diesem Zusammenhang ist das angewendete Fufmaf abzuleiten. Weiter ist dieses an der Gesamtheit der Mae in Metern zu prüfen. Aus dem Verháltnis der gemessenen Werte zueinander wird hervorgehen,

ob der Entwurf des Bauwerks

auf einer rationellen, d.h. auf einen Modulus

sich

stützenden Anwendung des Fufimafees beruht." 35

A comparative study of dimensions taken from whole architectural parts, such as walls and columns, and of dimensions between architectural parts will effectively reduce the possible lengths for the foot, or module, used by the architect.

Due to the villas decay, the search for the precise length of the foot used to design the Poggio Gramignano oecus was compromised by a smaller pool of data that reflected the original distance between architectural parts. However, consistencies between the metrological sample from the colonnaded oecus and the dimensions of architectural parts and rooms documented from the entire villa validated the data gathered from the oecus. Following Peterses guidelines, comparison of dimensions taken from the architecture revealed that the Poggio Gramignano architect used the Roman system of linear measure and the pes Romanus of .296 m as the system of linear measure. Upon determining the length of the foot used by the architect, the re-orientation of features displaced by the decay became a controlled exercise, limited to the placement of features at intervals that could be derived from multiples and divisions of the pes Romanus of .296 m. Further investigation of the reconstructed plan revealed proportional relationships between architectural parts that suggested the design of the oecus was founded upon a method that involved more than assigning arbitrary units of the pes Romanus to architectural features and their relationships in the plan. The architect arranged the units of measure according to principles of geometry in order to ensure aesthetic and proportional harmony in the oecus. Fernie's rule of determining a measuring system for a building according to those known from archaeological or documentary sources also applies to the interpretation of geometric design in architecture, that is, the deliberate juxtaposition of architectural parts to assume the proportions of geometric figures. Relationships observed by the modern researcher run the risk of being coincidental, only occurring out of the consistent use of a system of measure and not intended by the architect. Multiple occurrences of identical relationships provide a sounder basis on which to reconstruct intentional designs. Parallels to evidence for the use of discovered relationships in contemporary texts and other buildings further validate reconstruction. The above process seems slow, laborious, and limited by trial and error in light of recently developed methods for the computerized data analysis of building geometry. Datenbank Baugeometrie des Mittelalters (DBM), or Data Analysis of Building Geometry in the Middle Ages, designed by Wolfgang Wiemer, provides a method of determining "the relations of measurements and analyz[ing] whether they represent geometric or arithmetic proportions considered meaningful in classical and medieval architectural design." 36 The success of DBM, which was developed for the investigation of medieval churches, is undisputable, as are the significant advances it has afforded in exact documentation and

the organization and data. It is unfortunate that data from the colonnaded oecus at Poggio Grami-

34 DILKE 1971, pp. 84-85. 35 PETERSE 1984, p. 10. 36 WOLFGANG WIEMER, and GERHARD WETZEL, "A Report on Data Analysis of Building Geometry by Computer," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 53 (1994) 448.

185

gnano has not been tested in DBM, however, it remains highly probable that accurate interpretations of building geometry, especially in Roman buildings with a limited number of dimensions and small in contrast to large medieval churches of complex design, can be formulated using non-computerized methods. 37 DBM, although highly suited for the architectural analysis of medieval architecture, would add unnecessary complexity to the analysis of Roman domestic architecture. Nonetheless, DBM does raise methodological concerns important for the study of ancient architectural geometry. Wiemer and Wetzel have noted the shortcomings of non-computerized methods of data analysis that assess building geometry through “individual, intuitive research with compass and ruler for geometric figures in modern

plans of [medieval churches].” 38 I find it necessary to stress that research on the

colonnaded oecus at Poggio Gramignano was carried out on-site and did not in any way resemble the application of compass and rule to modern plans. Furthermore, while the colonnaded oecus has not undergone analysis by the vast catalog of reference values in DBM, the investigation was controlled by measurement and stands apart from what Wiemer and Wetzel consider to be highly controversial conclusions of "traditional graphic interpretations." 3° . Elsewhere, in discussion of the performance characteristics of DBM, Wiemer and Wetzel mention its occasional inability to provide the "true" structure of a buildings geometry and the subsequent decision of the investigator faced with choosing one out of several possible solutions. 4° Despite computerized data analysis, the final decision concerning the geometry of a building tested on DBM often rests upon the intuition of the user. Before turning to the reconstruction of the Poggio Gramignano oecus and the illustration of its geometric design in Part 4, it will be beneficial to establish a framework that will make the subsequent discussion comprehensible. This framework will be constructed in the following two parts: The Roman Foot and Architectural Measure and Geometry in Roman Architectural Design. SECTION 2. THE ROMAN

FOOT AND ARCHITECTURAL

MEASURE

Introduction

There are two principle aims in this part of the paper. The first is to establish that several systems of measure were used among Roman architects, and that within a given system of measure, variation in precise length occurred despite the presence of a standardized metrology in Rome. The second entails the presentation of the results of the investigation into the architects use of linear measure in the colonnaded oecus at Poggio: Gramignano. Clarification of the circumstances surrounding the use of linear measure in architecture at Poggio Gramignano and elsewhere will lay the foundation for discussion of Roman architectural geometry, whose designs were dependent on proportional measure. The Roman

Foot

Hyginus Gromaticus, a Roman

surveyor of the first century A. D., compares the Roman

foot,

37 Successful investigations of ancient building geometry have been completed without subjecting data to databases of geometric and arithmetic formulae. See JUNE GOODFIELD, and STEPHEN TOULMIN, “How was the Tunnel of Eupalinus Aligned?” Isis 56 (1965) 46-55; R. Ross HoLLoway, "Architettura sacra e matmatica pitagorica a Paestum," La parola del passato 21 (1966) 60-64; NED NABERS, and SUSAN F. WILSHIRE, “The Athena Temple at Paestum and Pythagorean Theory,” Greek, Roman

and Byzantine Studies 21 (1980) 207-215; MALcOLM BELL, "Stylobate and Roof in the Olympeion at Akragas,” AJA 84 (1980) 359-372; GEERTMAN 1980 and 1984; GARETH SCHMELING, "A Pythagorean Element of the Subterranean Basilica at the Porta Maggiore," Latomus 28 (1968) 1071-1073; Warrs and Warrs 1986 and 1987. 38 WIEMER and WETZEL 1994, p. 448. 39 Ibid. p 460. 40 Ibid. p. 457.

186

known as the pes monetalis, to foreign foot-measures. His comparison is a clear indication that the pes monetalis was the standard measure for the foot in Rome: Pes eorum, qui Ptolemeicus appellatur, habet monetalem pedem et semunciam... Item dicitur in Germania in Tungris pes Drusianus, qui habet monetalem pedem et sescunciam. ^ The foot of these, which is called the Ptolemaic foot, is comprised of one pes monetalis and a half-inch... Likewise it is called the foot of (Nero Claudius) Drusus in Germany in Tungris, which is comprised of one pes monetalis and one eighth-inch.

The pes monetalis was so named because its standard was housed in the temple of Juno Moneta on the Capitoline Hill in Rome. 4? According to Livy, the temple was also home to the Roman mint. 43 Other pedes were used in Roman Italy, the ramifications of which will be discussed below. For the sake of readability, henceforth the term Roman foot will imply the pes monetalis. That measuring was paramount in Roman architectural design is evident in passages from Vitruvius that name draftsmanship and measurement as fundamental tools in the training of architects ^^ and specify measurements for architectural parts, including exact dimensions of the basilica at Fano. 4 Julius Caesar also specifies measurements for timber construction. The emperors Augustus #7, Nero 48, and Trajan ? all fixed the legal height of high-rise apartments in Rome using multiples of the Roman foot. Archaeological documentation of buildings according to their ancient units of measure is by no means a standard practice. In a 1924 study that attempts to date Roman buildings by means of their materials, Tenney Frank states that, “measure alone will never prove an adequate guide to chronology. °° Frank’s assumption was based on his sample of measures taken from the heights of blocks in walls, bridges, tombs, and the public buildings of the Roman Forum dating from the fourth century B. C. to the second century A. D. Bundgaard's account of Greek architectural construction casts suspicion on the validity of Franks sample, particularly since Greece furnished many skilled in architecture to Rome. 51 According to Bundgaard, masons need not have finished blocks identical in size as long as the total measure of all blocks in any direction conformed to the architect's specification. 52 Why waste time measuring every block, when the only critical dimension is the that of the finished wall? Frank's evidence to dismiss measure as a useful tool for dating Roman monuments promotes the consideration of measure when interpreting building design and construction.

^! Hyg., agrim. 114.2-3. 42 HULTSCH 1882, p. 88: ^... in dem Tempel der Iuno Moneta auf dem Kapitel ebenso wie andere Normalmasse auch ein Massstab des Fusses aufbewahrt wurde." E. MARBACH, "Moneta," RE 16.1 (1933) 117: “... in einem alten Tempel der Iuno seien die rómischen Urmasse und -gewichte verwahrt worden..." 43 Livy 6.20.13: ubi nunc aedes atque officina Monetae est (“... where now stands the temple and mint of Moneta,”). The temple was dedicated June 1, 344 B. C. (Livy 7.28.4-7) but the dates for the mint are debatable. See R. A. G. CARSON, "System and Product in the Roman Mint," in Essays in Roman Coinage Presented to Harold Mattingly, edited by R. A. G. CARSON and C. H. V. SUTHERLAND (Oxford: 1956) pp. 229-230; ERNEST NASH, Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Rome. 2 vols (New York: 1961) I. pp. 515-517; LAWRENCE RICHARDSON, Jr., A New Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome (Baltimore: 1992) p. 215. ^5 Vitr. 1.1.4: graphidis scientiam habere ("to have skill in drawing") and Geometria... ex euthygrammis circini tradit usum ("Geometry teaches the use of measuring rods and the compass"). 45 Vitr. 5.1.6-9.

46 CAESAR BG 3.12.4, 4.17. ^7 STRABO 5.3.7. 48 Tacitus Ann. 15.43. 49 AURELIUS VICTOR Epit.

13.13.

50 TENNEY FRANK, Roman Buildings of the Republic: An Attempt to Date Them from Their Materials. Papers of the American Academy in Rome

3 (Rome:

1924) p. 7.

5! Trajan remarked that skillful and ingenious architects had been accustomed to come to Rome from Greece: [periditi et ingenioses architecti] ex Graecia... ad nos venire soliti sunt (Pliny Ep. 10.40.3). 52 J. A. BUNDGAARD, Mnesicles: A Greek Architect at Work. (Copenhagen: 1972) p. 132.

187

The metric system of today provides a standard for archaeologists to communicate dimensions and the comparative size of buildings. But, the efficiency and convenience afforded by the metric system in the documentation of architectural remains has obscured the significance of ancient systems of linear measure in building design. The conclusions of Frank's study may have influenced a lack of interest in recording a buildings ancient system of measure, since few are the archaeological reports that provide detailed measurements in ancient units for architectural remains. 5? When investigations into systems of measure in architecture are undertaken, the results are informative. Recent metrological studies confirm the use of multiple metrological standards in Pompeii after the establishment of the Roman colony in 80 B. C. and even after the Augustan decree to convert colonies to Roman standards of metrology. 54 De Waele’s 55 study, which illustrates the Roman foot in the design of the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in Pompeii, indicates the introduction of the Roman foot as the standard for buildings commissioned by the State after 80 B. C. But, Peterse 56 has observed the use of the Oscan foot in five atria that date to all periods of Pompeii, including that immediately preceding the citys destruction. These studies add clarity to Mau's accounts of architectural measure in Pompeii. Maus asserts that, “measurements of buildings in the Roman period conform to the scale of the Roman foot." 57 Elsewhere, however, Mau reports measurements of the stage of the Great Theater at Pompeii in Oscan feet but dates it to the 3-2 century B. C. renovation by the Holconii or later. 58 The consistent application of the Roman foot observed during the measurement survey of the grotto known as Ninfeo Bergantino on Lake Albanus has lead to the conclusion that the Domitianic architect created a near exact copy of the Julio-Claudian grotto at Sperlonga, but reduced in size by 60 percent. 5° In order to achieve consistency in the reduction of scale, it is likely that the architect performed calculations on measurements taken at the Sperlonga grotto. Investigation of the temples at Cosa has provided insight into early Roman temple design. Based on observations of dimensions in Roman feet, Temple D was apparently planned from the inside out, since the cella formed a core around which the podium and other architectural parts were added. 60 Clearly, the degree to which architectural measure can aid in contextualizing and reconstructing ancient architecture should not be underestimated. Nevertheless, in archaeological reports, meters prevail over Roman feet as tools for the interpretation of architectural remains, because the exact length of the Roman foot has evaded precise transposition into modern metric units. Inquiries into the exact length of the Roman foot rarely arrive at commensurate values. Both Fernie and Hecht have provide detailed summaries of all proposed lengths for the Roman foot. 61 Hecht records different proposals by eighteen metrologists, all between .29419 and .29772 m. The Roman foot resists transposition into a single metrical dimension today because the replication in bronze or wood of the pes monetalis by architects and surveyors could not have produced exact copies of the publicized standard. Furthermore, subtle variations were augmented in copies of replicas that had themselves been derived from the standard. The discovery of protective metal endpieces of wooden ten-foot measures suggests that Roman surveyors and architects were aware of the potential for wooden

measures to become

corrupt. 62 In fact, surviving measures

53 Exemplary documentation of ancient units does appear in BROWN 1960 and MacDonaLp

of the foot, both

1965, pp. 185-188.

54 See above Section 1, note 28.

55 DE WAELE 1984. 56 PETERSE 1984, pp. 12-17. 57 AUGUST MAU, Pompeii: Its Life and Art (New York: 1982) p. 44. 58 Ibid., pp. 146, 152. 59 KyELD DE FINE LICHT, “Antrum Albanum: Report on a Measurement Survey Conducted at Ninfeo Bergantino near Castel Gandolfo,” AnalRom 7 (1974) 62. 99 BROWN 1960, p. 35. It is important to distinguish between the planning and construction stages. How a temple was planned did not necessarily dictate the order of its construction. 61 FERNIE 1978, pp. 384-387; Hecur 1979, pp. 107- 108. 62 DILKE 1971, pp. 67,73.

188

replica and standard, indicate variation. Petrie records measurement of bronze foot-measures in the

Naples museum that range between .2921 and .2967 m in length. 63 Peterse notes eight Roman measures from Pompeii and Herculaneum that have lengths between .2925 and .2970 m. 64 Ward-Perkins illustrates a folding rule from Pompeii that measures “just short of a standard Roman foot (about 29.45 cm)." 65 In the above sample alone there is a 5 mm differential. Such discrepancy in the extant measures reveals that, although the pes monetalis may have been standardized by the State, its actual length varied among its replicas used by Roman architects. The problem of accuracy is compounded by surviving standards that are not commensurate. A stone tablet from the Capitol in Rome preserves an incised foot-measure that might have been the actual record of the pes monetalis. In 1736, Martin Folkes determined its length to be .2944 m. 66 Hultsch notes three other standards of the pes monetalis incised on monuments of M. Aebutius, G. Cossutius, and T. Statilius. 67 AIl three were undoubtedly intended as references for the production of replicas. The length of the standard on the monument of Aebutius was determined by Petrie to be .2954+.076 m. 88 In 1639, Greaves recorded the standard on the monument of Cossutius to be .2947 m and that on the monument of Statilius to be .2962 m. €9 However, concerning the latter, Berriman 7° rounds

the length to .296 m and MacDonald ?! to .295 m. MacDonald also notes a length of .295 m as the basis for the ten-foot measures marked on the Trajanic road at Terracina. 72 Even the standard measures, although not to the same degree as the replicas, exhibit perceptible variation. Ironically, discrepancies in standards can partly be attributed to the Augustan decree 73 to standardize Roman metrology, which would have been most easily implemented by the transport of replicas of the pes monetalis at Rome to the colonies. At Pompeii, a table of standard measures from the market buildings in the northwest corner of the Forum preserves evidence of change from Oscan to Roman standards. Mau dates the change in Pompeii to 20 B. C. and mentions similar tables found at Selinunto in Sicily, the Greek islands, and at Bregenz on the Lake of Constance. 7^ The phrase "metra exaequare" appears in inscriptions from the Pompeii table and a similar table from Minturnae. 75 According to Hultsch, the Roman foot was never applied under the pretext that it was exactly commensurate with the standard in the Temple of Juno Moneta: . von vornherein bei Errichtung der Monumente eine absolute Genauigkeit in der Fufmafes gar nicht beabsichtigt war... 76 ... from the beginning in the construction of monuments, an absolute exactitude in the measures was not at all intended... ... aus den nicht unbedeutenden Abweichungen in der Lange... geht hervor, dafs sie mehr nau gearbeitet sind. 77 ... from the clear deviations in the lengths, it emerges that they (Roman measures) have less inexactly. ;

Nachbildung

des

replica of the footoder minder ungebeen used more or

63 PETRIE 1926, p. 49. 64 PETERSE 1984, p. 10. $5 J. B. WARD-PERKINS, and AMANDA CLARIDGE, Pompeii A. D. 79 (New York: 1978) p. 202, no. 266. 66 FOLKES 1736, pp. 262-263; BERRIMAN 1953, p. 124, transfers Folkes' measurements from feet to inches from I derive the measurement in meters.

67 HurrscH 1882, p. 89. Hultsch also notes that all three have suffered weathering.

68 PETRIE 1926, p. 48.

69 GREAVES' measurements are reported in inches by Berriman

1953, pp. 121, 124. I have not consulted GREAVES' text

first-hand.

70 Ibid. 71 MACDONALD 72 Ibid.

1965, p. 140, n. 70.

73 See above, Section 1, note 28. 74 MAU 1982, p. 93. 75 Ibid. 76 HULTSCH

1882, pp. 89-90.

77 Ibid., p. 90.

189

Yet, for the sake of precision and specificity, architectural historians and metrologists tend to publish exact lengths for the Roman foot, 78 when in fact, the most accurate reports include a range of possible values. For example, fixed values for the Roman foot proposed by von Gerkan (.29419 m) and Boni (.29772 m), apart from being contradictory, are limited in the range of actual Roman feet for which they can account. 79 But, reports such as Petrie’s, 8° that establish a tolerance (.2956+.025 m), and Fernie’s, 8! that establish a range of value (.292-.297 m), are better equipped to account for fluctuations in the lengths of replicated measuring rods. Observing tolerance when investigating measures used in Roman buildings facilitates the discovery of the building design intended by the architect. A range for the length of the Roman foot will also assist in accounting for discrepancies in measure that entered a building between the architect's design phase and the actual placement of materials by builders. It can also account for shifts in the original placement of materials due to seismic activity and other natural or man-made destructive forces. We must also accept that the measures of architects may not have always been commensurate with those of the workmen carrying out the plans. While investigating the House of the Silver Wedding at Pompeii, Peterse discovered that the axial interval of the columns in the atrium did not

correspond with the interval between markings on the foundation that had been laid out by the architect as guides for the workmen who placed the columns. 82 Peterse has also shown that length of the Oscan foot, which was previously believed to be absolute, must be assigned tolerance. 83 Exactitude in measure, although consistent throughout individual buildings, was not applied evenly from building to building in Rome. Acknowledging a range of lengths for the Roman foot creates the most accurate context for a measurement survey. Dimensions taken in meters are easily transposed into specific units of Roman measure within a range of values for the Roman foot. The translation of metric dimensions into units of Roman measure allows the original dimensions to bring to light numerical relationships valued by the architect. The tolerance apparent in the application of Roman measure by architects and workmen was the result of a building methodology that emphasized the practical over the ideal, the finished product over the process, and relative measure over absolute measure. Architectural measure at Poggio Gramignano The investigation of the measuring system at Poggio Gramignano has revealed the architect's use of a measuring rod based on the pes monetalis. All dimensions of rooms and walls conform to a footmeasure between .295 and .297 m in length. For areas of the villa in which architectural parts have suffered decay due to the erosion of the hillside, the derivation of Roman units from metric measuréments was not as successful. However, the application of measure to the architecture appears consistent and destroyed portions of walls and rooms can be reconstructed with confidence relying on multiple occurrences of similar dimensions and the villa's overall adherence to symmetry. When rooms and walls were hypothetically reconstructed, the length of the pes monetalis was fixed at .296 m in order to guarantee consistency. In designing the villa the architect would have maintained consistency of measure by applying the same foot-measure to the design, which was fixed somewhere between .295 and .297 m. When the plan of the villa is schematized and dimensions are added, the consistency with which the architect applied the pes monetalis becomes apparent (Figure 155). For example, dimensions taken at regular intervals along walls indicate that the standard thickness of walls at Poggio Grami78 For example, HEINRICH NissEN, "Griechische und rómischen Metrologie, in Handbuch der klassichen AltertumsWissenschaft, edited by IWAN VON MULLER (München: 1892) p. 838 and Mau 1982, p. 44, both offer .296m. D. S. ROBERTSON, Greek and Roman Architecture (Cambridge:

1969) p. 149 offers .295 or .296m, but later specifies .296 m (p. 307, n. 1). pita ee

1987, p. 26 offers .2957m. MACDONALD 1965, p. 83, n. 21 andp. 140, n. 70 offers .295. 79 Both are listed by HECHT 1979, pp. 107-108. ! 80 PETRIE 1877, p. 96. 5! FERNIE 1978, p. 384 offers the Kang .292-.297 m. 82 PETERSE

1984, p. 11.

83 [bid., p. 9.

190

gnano was two Roman feet (.592 m). 84 Room 15 measured 236.8 (8 R)X355.2 m (12 R). The doorways between Rooms 2 and 15 measured 111 m (3.75 R). The lengths of Rooms 11, 12, and 17 have

not been fully excavated, but the widths of these rooms all measure 296 m (10 R) and were probably laid out by means of a common, ten-foot measuring rod. Smaller architectural parts in the villa conformed to subdivisions of the pes monetalis. Hultsch provides a useful compendium of references to subdivisions of the Roman foot by Columella, Frontinus, Varro, and others. 85 There were two systems of subdivision for the Roman foot; 4 palms (palmi) contained either 4 fingers (digiti) each, for a total of 16 fingers per foot, or 4 palms contained 3 inches (unciae) each, for a total of 12 inches per foot. Subdivision of the foot into fingers was borrowed from Greek metrology. 86 Duodecimal subdivisions were of Italic origin and were used with equal frequency by at least the late second century B. C. 87 A sundial in the shape of an ivory box from Pompeii has on its side parallel lines, one marked with fingers and another marked with inches. 88 Digiti and unciae were even further subdivided but these small increments did not play a role in the design of the villa at Poggio Gramignano. 89 Dimensions exhibiting subdivisions of the pes monetalis in the architecture at Poggio Gramignano suggest that the architects rule was marked with palms and fingers. Inches, on the other hand, while not evident in the architectural measure, seem to have

been employed in the laying out of mosaic pavements and wall paintings at the villa. Figure 156 illustrates the dimensions of the colonnaded oecus in situ. By subjecting each metric dimension to division by a range of the Roman foot between .295 and .297 m, the reconstructed plan illustrated in Figure 157 was developed. The reconstructed plan is offered as a conjecture for the architects intended dimensions of the floor plan. All features of the reconstructed plan are labeled in Figure 158. The oecus had four entries, one on each wall. An interior colonnade separated the central aula from three surrounding corridors. On Wall H, engaged columns completed the interior peristyle and created the illusion of symmetry. It is conjectured that windows perforated Wall H between the engaged columns and thus served as the main source of light for the oecus. Windows on Wall H allow for the interpretation of the black mosaic program in the oecus as concurrent with Vitruvian specifications for solar heating in rooms facing southwest. 9° The magnificence of the decorative program suggests that the oecus functioned primarily as a reception hall designed to relate the wealth and taste of the owner to visitors. Analysis of the Roman units used in the design provides telling information about the function and aesthetic of the oecus. According to Figure 157, the four doorways into the oecus range in size from 3 R to 4 R. It is logical to assume that the largest doorway served as the main entry into the oecus. The fact that the largest entry from Room 5 was embellished with an elaborate black and white rosette pattern in opus tessellatum supports this entry as the primary portal into the oecus. A reconstruction of the mosaic threshold illustrated in Figure 159 provides more clues about the elaborate entry. A block of gray stone lying flush with the floor projects out from Wall I into the threshold an exact distance of .148 m (.25 R). Assuming the original doorway exhibited symmetrical features, the interval remaining between projecting slabs of gray stone would have measured 103.6 m (3 R). The extant portion of threshold mosaic preserves one side of the square that framed

each rosette. It measures .296 m (1 R). Using the dimension of this square as a guide, it becomes apparent that the threshold mosaic was originally two rosettes deep and three rosettes wide. The gray slabs that projected out from the walls at floor level were concealed by the doors that, when 84 Henceforth all dimensions in meters will be followed by the corresponding units of Roman feet, where R-Roman feet. 85 HuLTSCH 1882, p. 76, n. 1, and 86 Vitr. 3.1.7. 87 DILKE 1987, p. 26.

1971, pp. 49-146.

88 DILKE 1971, pp. 272-273. 89 For full accounts of all known multiples and subdivisions of Roman linear measure, see WILLIAM RipGEway, "Roman Measures and Weights," in A Companion to Latin Studies, edited by John E. Sandys (Cambridge: 1921) pp. 437-438; WILLIAM ἘΞ RICHARDSON, Numbering

and Measuring in the Classical World (Aukland:

1985) pp. 18-23, 28.

90 Vitr. 6.4.1; also ROGER LING, Roman Painting (Cambridge: 1991) p. 51.

191

open, would have collapsed inside the threshold up against Wall I. If the above reconstruction is correct, it can be further postulated that the doors were hinged on the boundary of the threshold adjacent to Room 5. This way, the gray stone slabs would have remained invisible to all who approached the closed doors and passed through them when they were open. It is not a coincidence that the largest doorway in the oecus was opposite the smallest. The doorway into Room 8, whose three uninterrupted walls designate it a triclinium, was arched and measured 103.6 m (3 R) wide. The dimensions of the doorways in Rooms 5 and 8 help to establish the interval between them as part of the primary axis though the suite of Rooms 4, 5, 6, and 8 (Figure 160 #1). The reduction in scale between entry and goal within the architectural landscape is a common Roman technique designed to create the illusion of an interior space larger than reality by augmenting perspective and depth recession. Drerup defined the technique as the Durchblick, or view through space, and used as an example the contrasting intercolumniations on opposite sides of the peristyle in the House of the Menander that were designed to augment the actual size of the peristyle and focus attention on a decorative aedicula at the end of the architectural vista. ?! Bek built upon Drerup's concept by interpreting doors, windows, and columns along a primary axis as components of "symmetrically-constructed planes" designed to enhance "optical symmetry." ? At Poggio Gramignano, the axis across Room 4 was first marked by a decorative mosaic across a threshold 4 R wide, then by two successive intercolumniations 3.25 R wide on the near and far end of the aula, and finally by the doorway to Room 8 that measured only 3 R wide. For guests of the villa, the oecus served as a reception hall and antechamber whose anthropomorphic design signaled the way to the next phase of entertainment. The deliberate narrowing of architectural frames also produced the illusion of a room much larger than its actual size. Although the mosaic emblema of opus scutulatum that fills the entire aula does not preserve evidence that dining couches were ever present, the designation of the oecus as a triclinium, as its sec-

ondary function, is supported by the identification of similar colonnaded oeci at Pompeii as triclinia. 93 The House of the Labyrinth and the House of Meleager both contain colonnaded oeci that share similar floor plans with the Poggio Gramignano oecus (Figure 53). Both contain three-sided interior colonnades that, through their asymmetry, focus attention out over adjacent peristyles. At Poggio Gramignano, the planned view was through the conjectured windows on Wall H which framed vistas out over the Tiber valley to the southwest. The views prepared for the guest of honor who occupied the locus consularis are illustrated in Figures 160 and 49. 94 Careful planning must have occurred in the design stages of the oecus in order to ensure that its architectural quality would support and complement its function. Units of linear measure were the architects greatest tool for investing the oecus with controlled vistas and the illusion of space. Furthermore, comparison of dimensions on the reconstructed plan reveal relationships that suggest the architects design was guided by the practical application of geometric formulae. Section 3 will treat Roman geometry and its application in architecture. SECTION 3. GEOMETRY

IN ROMAN

ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN

Introduction

This section will first examine the use of geometry in the design of Roman buildings and relevant Greek antecedents in Magna Graecia. Discussion will then turn to the training of architects in 91 HEINRICH DRERUP, "Bildraum und Realraum in der rómischen Architektur" RM 66 (1959) 160-161. ?? Lise BEK, Towards Paradise on-Earth: Modern Space Conception in Architecture: A Creation of Renaissance Humanism. AnalRom, suppl. 9 (Rome: 1980) pp. 182-183; ANDREW WALLACE-HADRILL, Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum (Princeton: 1994) pp. 38-61. 9 Namely the colonnaded oeci in the House of the Labyrinth and the House of Meleager. See RICHARDSON 1988, pp. 164167, 321, 399.

94 The locus consularis was imus in, E that is, the left of three spaces on the central Kline. The host, who dined to the immediate right of the guest of honor, summus in imo, would have shared the spectacular views. See JOHN R. CLARKE, The Houses of Roman Italy: 100 B. C.-A. D. 250 (Berkeley: 1991) p. 17.

192

geometry and the methods of geometric design used in Roman buildings. Passages on the training of Roman architects. from building manuals by Vitruvius and Pappus indicate that instruction in geometry was required for architects in theoretical and/or practical format. Accordingly, architects of various ability were working in Rome and architectural geometry was employed with various degrees of rigor depending on the context of the building. I propose that the Poggio Gramignano architect made use of a geometric system of design known as the “sacred cut.” I will examine this system in relation to other Vitruvian methods of geometric design and offer a new interpretation for the “sacred cut” in order to emphasize the Roman architects practical attitude toward geometric design. Evidence for the practical use of geometry among Roman architects will provide a framework for the conjectural reconstruction of the colonnaded oecus and the Poggio Gramignano architect's practical application of geometric design presented in Section 4. Evidence for Geometric Design in Roman Architecture Roman architectural geometry has its roots in Pythagorean numerology and geometry used in the architecture of Magna Graecia in the fifth century B. C. Bell has demonstrated the use of Pythagorean number theory in the design of the Olympieion at Akragas, which he dates between 490 and 480 B. C. 95 According to Bell, numbers and ratios that appear in the stylobate and columns had significance in Pythagorean numerology. Bell also distinguishes between the guiding ratio of design in Parthenon (4: 9), which he suggests was based on the “harmony of perception," and the guiding ratio of the Olympieion (13: 27), which he suggests was derived from “ἃ symbolic harmony" and “belonged to a tradition of designing with sacred measurements.” 96 Holloway 57 has demonstrated that the design of the late sixth-century B. C. Temple of Athena at Paestum was also based on Pythagorean number theory, specifically the tetraktys, a triangle with ten dots in four rows that expresses ten as the sum of the first four digits (Figure 161). 98

Holloway has shown that the temple plan was based on a module-of 4 Doric feet of .328 m and that 10 modules formed the interaxial width of the peristyle while 24 modules formed its length. The design expressed the sum and product of the tetraktys: 124344210 and 1X2X3x4=24. Holloways interpretation of the design was later expanded to include geometry. Nabers and Wiltshire have demonstrated that the three basic dimensions of the Temple, length, width, and height, produce two triangles based on the Pythagorean theorem (a+b=c). ?? Following Holloway's modular dimensions for length and width, Nabers and Wiltshire constructed the Pythagorean triangle with a diagonal of 26 modules (10-24-26). Twenty-six modules of four Doric feet equal 104 Doric feet, a dimension that is the sum of Pythagorean numbers (10 10+4=104). Geometry was used to render the plans etched on the walls and foundations of the Temple of Apollo at Didyma. Haselberger has described the construction plans that include full-size and scale diagrams of column bases and shafts and guidelines etched on the stylobate for the placement of columns and walls. 100 Haselberger dates the extant plans to a building phase near 250 B. C. The marble of the incomplete temple never underwent the finishing process that would have erased all evidence of the plans. According to Haselberger, the diagrams represent the use of “simple geometric

95 BELL 1980, pp. 368-372. ?s Ibid., p. 369, n. 45: Bell notes the 100 foot temples of the Archaic period as part of the "tradition", and refers specifically to the Temple of Athena at Poseidonia (Paestum). The eighth century B. C. Temple of Hera at Samos may have begun the tradition. 97 HoLLOWAY

1966, p. 63.

98 For the tetraktys, see WALTER BURKERT, Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism. Translated by Edwin L. Minar Jr. (Cambridge, Mass.:

1972) p. 72, n. 120.

99 NABERS and WILTSHIRE 1980, pp. 211-215. 100 HASELBERGER 1985, pp. 126-132.

193

rules and relations,” whose purpose was to direct workmen in the placement of materials and guide stonemasons as they began to carve. 10! Geometry in Roman architecture makes an early appearance at Pompeii. Geertman has analyzed the five Roman houses that Peterse used for his study of the Oscan foot in Pompeian atria. 102 Geertman suggests that rather than basing a plan on measurement, "[g]li architetti partivano da un'idea geometrica che essi intendevano e realizzavano aritmeticamente per passare poi a stabilire i particolari della disposizione interna." 103 Geertman demonstrates that the architects of the atria defined the sizes and proportions of rooms and then determined the placement of interior features by juxtaposing lines and geometric shapes such as circles and rectangles inside the perimeter of the rooms. Points of intersection determined the placement of columns and doorways. The earliest atria included in Geertman’s study is that in the House of the Sallust which preserves a design that may date as early as 200 B. C. 104 While Geertman's study examines houses designed in Oscan feet, the idea for including geometry may have been a result of Greek builders in the city. In Pompeii, Greek influence was particularly strong from the sixth to second centuries B. C. 105 The mixing of Oscan feet with Greek geometry in building design does not contradict the hybrid architectural styles in the sixth-century B. C. Doric temple in the Triangular Forum 106 and the secondcentury B. C. Large Theater. 107 But, there is little reason to believe that geometric design in the domestic architecture of Pompeii carried the same "sacred" significance as that employed in the earlier temples of Magna Graecia. Pompeian geometry was practical, for it allowed architects to map out proportional relationships for architectural features inside limited spaces without having to resort to mathematics.

The underground basilica at the Porta Maggiore that was constructed in the principate of Augustus has also been noted for its geometric design. Schmeling has determined that the dimensions of the basilica express the Pythagorean theorem. 198 The elaborate stucco decoration on the barrel vaults of the nave and side aisles depicts a variety of scenes from mythology and tragedy that have led some to interpret the basilica as the cult center of a neo-Pythagorean sect. 199 Although the use of the Pythagorean theorem in the design of the basilica may have had religious significance for cult members, by the first century B. C., Pythagorean triangles had more practical than religious significance for architects. Watts has suggested that an "underlying geometric organization" is the basis for the design of houses

from

Pompeii, Herculaneum,

and Ostia. According to Watts, two geometric systems based

on the square “can be used to explain the proportional relationships which are found in the overall shape of the site and its organization and subdivision, the relationship of volumes of space, and of planes such

as wall

and

floors,

throughout

the

[Roman]

house.” 110 Watts

and

Watts

have

also

demonstrated that "a strong geometric system of formal relationships guided the design of the architects, painters, and mosaicists" at the Garden Houses at Ostia." 111 Finally, Geertman has identified elements of the geometric design of the Pantheon that serve both an aesthetic and technical purpose. !!? The design of the Pantheon is based on a module of 30 101 Jbid., p. 128B, 131. 102 GEERTMAN 1984. See Section

1, n. 27.

103 GEERTMAN 1984, pp. 48-49. 104 RICHARDSON 1988, pp. 108, 392. 105 Mau

1982, pp. 16-17, 505.

106 MAU 1982, pp. 137-140; RICBARDSON 1988, pp. 67-68. 107 Mau 1982, p. 150; RICHARDSON 1988, p. 80. 108 SCHMELING 1968, pp. 67-68. 109 NAsH 1961, vol. 1, p. 169; ΗΠ 110 Watts 1987, p. 73.

ΣΝ

1992, Ὁ. 57.

111 Warrs and WATTS 1987, p. 265. Also, WATTS and WATTS 1986, p. 86: "a single geometric pattern... recurs at all scales from the overall configuration of the buildings to the layout of the floor mosaics." 112 GEERTMAN 1980, p. 208: "Le tre cornici che scandiscono in tre zone la parete del cilindro non hanno soltanto un significato geometrico-estetico... esse hanno anche una ragione tecnica."

194

Roman feet, but its system of geometric design rests on the relationship 1: V2, which Geertman demonstrates to be pervasive in the plan and elevation of the temple. !!3 Geometry and Roman Architects: Training Equal education or understanding of geometric theory cannot be assumed for all Roman architects. When interpreting geometric design in Roman buildings, one cannot adopt the pretext that the architect was aware of the mathematical and theoretical basis for the geometry used in building design. Even those architects that had been educated in the theory of geometry may have exploited systems of geometric design for their practical advantages. In the first book of the De Architectura, Vitruvius embellishes the occupation of architect by list-

ing the ideal prerequisites: Et ut litteratus sit, peritus graphidos, eruditus geometria, historias complures noverit, philosophos diligenter audierit, musicam scierit, medicinae non sit ignarus, responsa iurisconsultorum noverit, astrologiam caelique

rationes cognitas habeat. 114 "Let him be literate, experienced in drawing, learned in geometry, knowledgeable in much history, be diligently attentive to philosophers, recognize music, be knowledgeable in medicine, understand the opinions of the jurists, and be familiar with astronomy and the calculations of the heavens."

Other crafts and disciplines with which the architect was required to become accustomed were those of the grammaticus (grammarian), plastes (sculptor), and pictor (painter). 115 But the false rigor that Vitruvius assigns to the training of the architect surfaces later in Book One: Quibus vero natura tantum tribuit sollertiae, acuminis, memoriae,

ut possint geometriam, astrologiam, musi-

cen ceterasque disciplinas penitus habere notas, praetereunt officia architectorum et efficiuntur mathematici... Hi autem inveniuntur raro. 116

"But to those whom nature has given so much ingenuity, acumen, and understanding so that they may be able to have full comprehension of astronomy, music, and other disciplines, they surpass the duties of architects and are considered mathematicians... These men are rarely met."

Vitruvius makes a clear distinction between architects and mathematicians: an architect need not have full capacity in geometry, astronomy, music, and other studies. In the passage following that quoted above, Vitruvius does not place himself among the Pythagorean and Alexandrian scholars he labels mathematici. 1111 propose that Vitruvius presents himself to be learned in the practical application of geometry to architectural design but not thoroughly familiar with the mathematical and theoretical foundations of geometry. Coulton's observation is relevant: ^. . [Vitruvius'] knowledge would be on quite a different level from that of the pure mathematician, for it was to be limited to those parts indispensable to the architect..." 118 The academic veneer with which Vitruvius disguises his practical attitude dissipates when the De Architectura is compared to the handbook of the geometer Pappus who wrote in the fourth century A. D. Pappus describes the curriculum at the School of Heron of Alexandria !!? as divided between theory and practice. The theoretical part included geometry, arithmetic, astronomy, and physics; the practical part included metalwork, construction, carpentry, and painting. Pappus credits the ability 113 Ibid., pp. 212, 216. 114 Vitr. 1.1.3.

115 Vitr. 1.1.13. 116 Vitr. 1.1.17.

117 Ibid. 118 J.

J, COULTON,

“Towards Understanding Greek Temple Design:

General Considerations,” BSA

70 (1975) 66.

11? THOMAS L. HEATH, A History of Greek Mathematics. 2 vols. (Oxford: 1921) vol. 2, p. 306 dates Heron to the early third century A. D.

195

of those unable to become completely familiar with the entire curriculum and acknowledges the right of these to undertake tasks fitting to their own capability: μὴ δυνατοῦ 8 ὄντος τὸν αὐτὸν μαθημάτων περιγενέσθαι καὶ μαθεῖν ἅμα τὰς προειρημένασ τέχνασ παραγγέλλουσι τῷ τὰ μηχανικὰ ἔργα μεταχειρίζεσθαι βουλομένῳ χρῆσθαι ταῖς οἰκείαις τέχναις ὑποχειρίοις ἐν ταῖς παρ᾽ ἕκαστα χρείαις. 120 “But in cases in which it is impossible for the same person to have control over so many scientific studies and at the same time acquire the above-mentioned skills, they instruct a person wishing to undertake mechanical tasks to use skills in his possession and under his control in the requirements for each task."

Downey compares the curricula set forth by Vitruvius and Pappus and claims that of Pappus to be more factual because the aim of Vitruvius was to call attention to the architectural profession and its accomplishments. 121 According to Downey, “Pappus wisely recognizes that not all aspirants can hope to achieve the full training, and we may be sure that there were, then as always, professionals of all degrees of training and competence.” 122 The methods of geometric design employed by architects are more easily interpreted when the architect's training and attitude toward construction are taken into account. Geometry and Roman and Roman Architects: Methods of Design In Pompeian architectural design, the standard of measure was secondary to proportion. Buildings in Oscan feet were indistinguishable from those in Roman feet since the governing principles of harmonic ratio and proportion could be achieved through either metrological system. This is precisely why Vitruvian designs offer recommendations for proportion but rarely give specific dimensions for architectural parts. 123 Vitruvius recommends determining the method of symmetry (ratio symmetriarum) first, and then the unit of measure (unum spatium longitudinis). 122 Architects conforming to Vitruvian canons could rest assured that whatever system of measure they employed would be compatible. Outside the realm of an architect's training, Vitruvius reveals his practical attitude. In the case of theaters, symmetry can be sacrificed for the sake of utility: necessitas cogit discedere ab symmetria, ne inpediatur usus ("necessity compels us to depart from symmetry so as not to impede utility"). 125 The practical concerns of Vitruvius are also emphasized by Coulton: “... when Vitruvius lists the famous philosophers (9.intro), it is to commend those of their results that had a practical use." 126 Vitruvius explained the use of geometry in building design in methods that did not require the architect to possess a theoretical knowledge of number or geometry. Three methods of Vitruvian design are apparent in the De Architectura. None required knowledge of mathematics or calculations of precise measure, and all were based on proportion and/or geometry. These methods were accessible to architects with an education less than that recommended by Vitruvius, provided they possessed a practical understanding of design principles. The first system of Vitruvian design was based on the modulus, the core element of design, such as a column diameter or triglyph, that was assigned with a specific measurement. Multiples or fractions of the modulus determined the size of all parts in the edifice. Vitruvius assigns the modular

120 Pappus Coll. 8, pref. 1. 121 122 123 124

G. DOWNEY, “Byzantine Architects: Their Training and Methods,” Byzantion 18 (1948) 108. Ibid. Also, G. DowNEY, "Pappus of Alexandria on Architectural Studies," Isis 38 (1948) 199-200. There are exceptions, such as the specific measurements given for the height of the stage in the Greek theater (Vitr. 5.7.2.). Vitr. 6.2.5.

, 25 Vitr. 5.6.7.

126 COULTON 1975, p. 66.

196

system to construction in sacred buildings (in aedibus sacris) 127 and to the procedure for designing a Doric temple without faults (sine vitiis): Frons aedis doricae in loco, quo columnae constituuntur, dividatur, si tetrastylos erit, in partes XXVII, si hexa-

stylos, XXXXII. Ex his pars una erit modulus, qui Graece embater dicitur, cuius moduli constitutione ratiocinationibus efficiuntur omnis operis distributiones. 128 "Let the front of a Doric temple be divided in the place where the columns are set, into 27 parts if it will be a tetrastyle facade, and into 42 parts if hexastyle. From these parts, one will be the module, which is called embater in Greek, and after the determination of this module, the distribution of all the work is carried out

with respect to its ratios."

In order to implement the modular design presented by Vitruvius, the architect only needed to possess facility in comparative measure. In some cases, Vitruvian specifications left decisions regarding the number of modules to attribute to specific parts up to the individual architect. Concerning the height of columns in an eustyle temple, Vitruvius merely specifies as follows: Ipsarum columnarum altitudo modulorum habebunt iustam rationem ("The height of the columns will have the appropriate number of modules"). 129

The second system of Vitruvian design was based on the square root of two (V2=1.414). For the ideal shape of an atrium, Vitruvius suggests three methods of design: !3? the first two are modular systems, but for the third, Vitruvius recommends constructing an appropriate rectangle from the diagonal of a square (Figure 162): tertium [genus distribuitur], uti latitudo in quadrato paribus lateribus describatur inque eo quadrato diagonius linea ducatur, et quantum spatium habuerit ea linea diagonii, tanta longitudo atrio detur. 131 "The third type is arranged so that the width for the atrium is described along a square with equal sides and in the square a diagonal line is rendered, and as great a length that the diagonal line has is the length for the atrium."

The same procedure is presented as a means for doubling a square in the introduction to Book 9, where Vitruvius attributes the theorem to Plato and praises it as most useful (ultissimus). 132 Figure 163 illustrates the theorem for doubling a square: the diagonal of a square is designated as the side of a larger square that is twice the size of the original. The procedure expresses a relationship between a rational and an irrational number (1: V2), but the architect's knowledge of this rela-

tionship is uncertain. Equipped with only compass (circinus) and rule (euthygrammum), tools with which the ideal Vitruvian architect was to be adept, 133 an architect could have constructed a proportional rectangle without perceiving the clash between rational and irrational number. The irrational number derived from the diagonal of a square, can, in some

cases, be near commensurate

with a whole unit. For

example, a square with side 17 has a diagonal of 24.04, which could have easily been interpreted as the whole number 24 according to the ancient architects measuring rod. 134 Given the evidence for less than precise measuring rods in Roman Italy (see Section 2), the Roman architect would have been likely to transpose irrational values into rational values. Accordingly, Coulton claims that it is

127 128 122 130

Vitr. Vitr, Vitr, Vitr.

1.2.4. Also, 3.3.7. 4.3.3. 3.3.7. 6.3.3.

131 Jbid. 122 Vitr. 9, intro. 4. 133 Vitr. 1.1.4.

134 Accordingly, squares of side 5 and 7 have diagonals of 7.07 and 9.89 respectively, both only fractions away from the whole proportions 5: 7 and 7.10.

197

difficult to determine between

1:V2 (=1:1.414) and 5: 7 (= d: 1.4) when investigating the scheme used

by an architect in a particular building. 135 Burkert states that "Babylonians, Indians, and Chinese knew the theorem without knowing the irrational." 136 Vitruvius convinces his reader that the problem is purely geometrical and that no one is able to solve it using arithmetic: Id autem numero nemo potest invenire. 137 Whether or not Vitruvius himself knew the mathematical background for the irrational cannot be derived from his treatment of the topic. When Vitruvius states that quoniam id non explicatur numero ("because this problem is inexplicable by arithmetic"), 138 he could be revealing his ignorance of irrational number, or his understanding that the problem is easier solved by geometry than by arithmetic, since irrational numbers produced fractional values too long to isolate with Roman methods of calculation. Despite modern calculators that can define irrational numbers to their 100,000th decimal place, 139 Burkert still claims that: ^The irrational belongs to the domain, not of arithmetic, but of geometry." Regardless of Vitruvius' understanding of the problem, that he chose to present it as easily explicable through practical geometric operations indicates that the students of architects such as Vitruvius acquired a practical usage of geometry, without its theoretical or mathematical foundations. The third system of Vitruvian design is presented in passages concerning Greek and Roman theaters. 14° Whereas, the previous method of Vitruvian design arrived at proportional dimensions by drawing lines inside squares, for theaters Vitruvius recommends a system of drawing shapes inside the circle that represents the orchestra in order to determine the proper size and placement of other architectural features. Four equilateral triangles drawn inside the orchestra of a Roman theater provided points of reference at places where the corners of the triangles touched the perimeter of the circle (Figure 164). These reference points determined the placement of features such as the scene building (scaenae frons) and its royal doorways (valvae regiae), and the staircases (scalaria) between

the seating wedges (cunei) in the auditorium. 141 For the Greek theater, Vitruvius recommends drawing three squares inside the orchestra in order to provide points of reference. 142 The system allowed the architect to render the general shape of the theater and its features without calculating any distances mathematically. Divisions along the circumference of the orchestra represented irrational values that were never encountered by the architect who relied on the relationships of simple shapes as a guide to accurate proportion. Since the entire geometric system was based on relative proportion, architects employing Greek or Roman feet would have found the operations equally convenient. The single measurement of the orchestra's diameter determined the plan of all surrounding features. The manipulation of geometric shapes inside a built environment was the cornerstone of Vitruvian geometric design. Although Vitruvius devotes separate chapters to the design of theaters (Chapters 6.and 7 in Book 5), similarities between the procedures presented in these chapters and the procedures in the Vitruvian methods presented above indicate that the system involving the juxtaposition of shapes was not restricted to theater design. Furthermore, that systems of geometric design often operated in tandem is evident in Vitruvius’ instructions for the construction of a theater's side passages (confornicationes), wherein he assigns one-sixth the diameter of the orchestra to the height of the vaults in the side passages. 143 For the ideal rectangle in an atrium, the procedure recommended

135 COULTON 1975, p. 62. 136 BURKERT 1972, pp. 462-463: Debate over when the Greeks recognized irrational numbers centers on the year 400 B. C. (p. 463, n. 81). 137 Vitr. 9, intro. 4.-

138 Vitr. 9. intro. 5. 13? PETR. BECKMAN, History of Pi (Boulder: 1971) pp. 180-181: The value of Pi has been compouted up to 100,265 decimal places. 140 Vitr. 5.6.1-7 and 5.7.1-2. 141 Vitr. 5.6.2-3.

2

Vitr. 5.7.1.

143 Vitr, 5.6.5.

198

by Vitruvius involved the halving of a square into two triangles (Figure 162). Geertman's diagrams for the geometric design of Pompeian houses reveal that circles and arcs were applied to the interior of rooms in order to determine the proportional placement of columns and doorways. 14 Although their individual parts were unique, the designs of the Roman theater and house were both products of the architect's ability to render geometric shapes with compass and rule. Research of Roman architecture has led to the discovery of another system of geometric design not mentioned by Vitruvius. Tons Brunés has discovered a geometric formula that expressed commensuration between circle and square. !^ He has called the formula the "sacred cut," and has attempted to prove that it was the foundation of all artistic and architectural design from ancient Egypt to the Middle Ages. Brunés' argument for the temporal scope of the "sacred cut" is difficult to accept, particularly since he tries to prove the existence of a formula based on proportional measure by applying it to photographs of ancient art objects from a statue of Tut Ankamon to the Arch of Constantine that represent less than proportional views of the objects. 146 However, the use of the "sacred cut" in Roman architecture has recently been substantiated in research by Carol and Donald Watts, who have discovered its use in the design of domestic architecture from Pompeii, Herculaneum, and Ostia. 147 Watts and Watts assert that the Roman architect's

use of the formula representsa "philosophical statement" about the squaring of the circle. 148 Given the evidence for the training of the architect in Roman Italy, it is doubtful that a geometric system used to design domestic architecture provided a context for architects trained in practical matters of design to express knowledge of geometric theory. Nevertheless, measurement surveys by Watts and Watts have lead to the positive identification of the formula in Roman domestic architecture. The formula for the “sacred cut” is illustrated in Figure 165 a-b. 14 In Figure 165a, a “Regulating Square” is chosen that will accommodate the planned edifice within its boundaries and regulate all geometrical operations. An arc (AB) centered on a corner of the square and passing through its center is nearly equal to the length of a diagonal drawn across half the square (CD). The arc (AB) and diagonal (CD) in Figure 165 a can be used to construct the circle and square of nearly equal dimension in Figure 165 b. Watts and Watts add that the lengths of the arc (AB) and the diagonal CD) are

not precisely commensurate because the diagonal represents a rational number, while the arc represents an irrational number. 159 Points A and B in Figure 165 a represent the "sacred cuts" of the Regulating Square since they provide points at which the Regulating Square can be subdivided into a grid based on the square root of 2 (Figure 166). According to Brunés and the Wattses, the formula allowed the architect to express not only knowledge of irrational number but also the synthesis of a circle (irrational number) and a square (rational number). 151

Given the simplicity involved in rendering the "sacred cut" with compass and rule, there is little reason to assume that every architect who employed the system understood its expression of the irrational or its response to the problem of squaring and circle. The basic procedure for the "sacred cut" system and Vitruvian methods of design is identical. All require the initial selection of an element that will regulate the design, such as a module, a circle for the orchestra in a theater, or a square from which to derive a rectangular atrium or in which to draw lines and arcs of equal length.

144 GEERTMAN 1984. 145 ToNs BRUNÉS, The Secrets of Ancient Geometry and Its Use. Translated by CHARLES M. NAPIER. 2 vols. (Copenhagen:

1967) vol. 1, pp. 74, 97, 108. 146 BRUNÉS 1967, vol. 1: fig. 219, vol. 2: fig. 272. The photo of the Arch of Constantine was "almost directly at right-angles to the camera" (1: 325). 147 WATTS and WATTS 1986, p. 138 and CaroL M. WATTS and Donatp J. WATTS, “Geometrical Ordering of the Garden Houses at Ostia," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 46 (1987) p. 275. 148 Watts and WATTS 1986, p. 136. 149 My terminology and illustrations for the formula follow those of BRUNÉS 1967, vol. 1, pp. 74, 97-108; Watts and WATTS 1986, pp. 135-136 and

1987, p. 269.

150 WATTS and WATTS 1986, p. 135. 15! BRUNÉS

1967, vol. 1, pp. 74-75, 97, 102; Warrs and WATTS

1986, p. 136.

199

In all cases, the size of the initial regulating element is left to the discretion of the individual architect. The reference points produced on the circumference of an orchestra or on the border of the regulating square are both fixed in their respective proportional relationships. Like Vitruvian geometric design, the “sacred cut” entails the placement of geometric shapes and lines within other geometric shapes for the purpose of deriving proportional relationships. Practical geometry becomes easily mystified when one assumes that architects were intentionally manipulating irrational numbers in architectural design in search of expressing commensuration between square and circle. Watts and Watts grant that the meaning of the “sacred cut” for Roman architects is speculative but also assert that its use in the Garden Houses at Ostia was “deliberate.” 152 They offer the following interpretation for the intent of the architect of the Garden Houses: “By basing the plan on a series of numbers that approximate the irrational square root of 2, the architect of the Garden Houses was making a philosophical statement akin to that of squaring the circle (which is equivalent to approximating p). In both instances the sacred cut is the means of expressing the irrational and undefinable by the rational and definable.” 153 It is unclear why the architect of an urban apartment complex would be concerned with making a “philosophical statement” about the commensuration of square and circle. According to Heath, Hippias of Elis (c. 420 B. C.) invented the curve known as the quadratix which either he or his follower Nicomedes used to square the circle. 154 Tamblichus and Pappus, both writing in the fourth century A. D., account for various methods of squaring the circle invented by geometers such as Sextus of the Pythagorean school, Archimedes (287-212 B.C.), and Apollonius (third century B. C.). 155 Critical contributions to the problem of squaring the circle were made by the pre-Aristotelian geometers Eudoxus, who developed a “method of exhaustion” for measuring areas and volumes, and Bryson, who approached the area of a circle by successively increasing the sides of inscribed and circumscribed polygons. 156 It is unlikely that architects faced with the immediate task of designing houses at Pompeii or Ostia would have endeavored to revive problems in the separate discipline of geometric theory that had already undergone thorough investigation. Concerning the Vitruvian approach to proportion, Coulton suggests that, "... systems of proportion were primarily aids to the architect, that suggests that they had little to do with higher mathematics, for the architect will have wanted the simplest system that would produce the desired result," and that the ancient architect was "interested in creating buildings which [were] beautiful because they look beautiful, not because they conform to some theory." 157 Simple operations were often employed where complex operations are often assumed. For example, Goodfield and Toulmin have demonstrated, contrary to previous reports, that the Tunnel of Eupalinus on Samos was aligned by means of practical engineering, not geometrical theory. 158 Amanda Claridge has shown that close examination of flutes on the upper shafts of columns that are inaccessible to the eye from ground level reveals variation and inconsistency even in the practical geometric techniques employed by gangs of masons laying out flutes on the column shaft. 159 Finally, Dilke's study of the Roman land surveyors attests to their practical means: “If these had their groma, measuring equipment, plumb-line level, sundial and writing and drawing aids, they thought themselves for practical purposes adequately supplied." 160

12 Watts and WATTS 1987, p. 269. 153 Warrs and Warrs 1986, p. 136. 154 THOMAS L. HEATH, Mathematics in Aristotle (Oxford:

1970) p. 19.

155 Ibid., pp. 18-19. 156 Jbid., pp. 1,49. 157 COULTON 1975, p. 67. 158 GOODFIELD and TOULMIN 1965, pp. 52, 54. 159 AMANDA CLARIDGE, "Roman Methods of Fluting Corinthian Columns and Pilasters,” in Città e architettura nella Roma imperiale. AnalRom, suppl. 10 (Odense University: 1983) pp. 119-128.

160 DILKE 1971, pp. 79-80.

200

Based on the above discussion, it is difficult to proceed to the presentation of the architecture at Poggio Gramignano, maintaining the definition “sacred cut” for the system of design found within the villas colonnaded oecus. Brunés term implies that all who used the formula were initiates in a secret cult of esoteric theory. Watts and Watts invest the Roman architect with more understanding of theory that can be reasonably assumed, but continue to “use the term ‘sacred cut’ to refer to this otherwise nameless geometrical construction.” 161 I propose a new name for the geometrical construction. A name such as the “Regulating Square” 162 defines the practical operations of the geometric system without alluding to an architect's social status or training. Certainly some architects that were thoroughly capable in all areas of mathematics and geometry would have understood the problems of irrational number and squaring the circle, but the majority of architects, and certainly those engaged in domestic building, would have used the Regulating Square as a practical means for proportional design. These architects would have relied on the points of reference provided by the Regulating Square for the placement of architectural features; it is not inconceivable that they would have augmented the capability of the system with lines and shapes other than those prescribed by the formula for squaring a circle as presented by Brunés and Watts and Watts. Since the Regulating Square has the same underlying procedures as Vitruvian systems of geometric design, its operations are compatible to those of Vitruvian systems. In Section 4, a conjectural reconstruction of the colonnaded oecus will be presented on the premise that the architect used the Regulating Square as a point of departure for the design of the oecus, and incorporated other elements of Vitruvian design in order to produce the desired effect. SECTION 4. GEOMETRY

ET POGGIO

GRAMIGNANO

The Colonnaded oecus at the Villa Poggio Gramignano The villa at Poggio Gramignano was built in the principate of the emperor Augustus, probably in the late first century B. C. The architecture followed many Vitruvian caveats in the construction of its terraces and mosaics, and in the orientation of its rooms. Terracing up the hillside was used as a means to achieve separation between the pars rustica, or agricultural production area, and the pars urbana, where the owners lived and entertained guests. Excavations to date have revealed that the two areas were connected by the corridor between Rooms 4 and 15 (Figure 6). The pars urbana comprised Rooms 4, 5, 6, and 8, where dining and the entertainment of guests took place uninterrupted by the kitchen and agricultural production area in Rooms 10 and 15. Although the villa's main entrance, and primary orientation have not yet become evident, it appears that the pars urbana on the southwest slope of the hill was consciously oriented to take advantage of picturesque views over the Tiber valley and to reap the solar benefits of the winter sun. Rooms 4, 5, 6, and 8, all overlooked the vast valley and crisp mountain skyline to the south. The colonnaded oecus (Room 4) displays obvious vestiges of architectural magnificence with its interior peristyle and tripartite design of wall-to-wall mosaic pavement (Figures 28, 48, 49). Conjectural reconstructions of the colonnaded oecus in Figures 48 and 49 are intended as devices to orient the reader to the proposed architectural and decorative qualities of the oecus prior to the step-by-step analysis of the design of its floor plan. Excavations have revealed pavements and wall painting from all architectural features of the oecus, including its upper walls and vaults. The door in Figure 49 is not represented in any of the excavated material and has been reconstructed entirely on the basis of extant examples from Pompeii and Herculaneum. Four entries serviced the room, one on each wall, creating a criss-cross axis and encouraging views along corridors with barrel vaults painted with illusionistic coffers resting on axcuated lintels painted gold that spanned columns painted deep red. The corridors outside the colonnade enclosed 161 WATTS and WATTS 1987, p. 269. 162 Watts and Watts use this term to define the square that regulates the formula they call the “sacred cut”.

201

a central area of pavimentum scutulatum rendered in multicolored bits of marble laid in a black matrix of tesserae which averaged .85 sq. cm. The corridor pavements display a black and white fleurette motif rendered in opus tessellatum. Intercolumnar distances were paved with narrow bands of black and white imbrication patterns. The columns to the southwest were engaged to Wall H and created a curious asymmetrical plan that has parallels in two Corinthian oeci from Pompeii, those in the House of Meleager and the House of the Labyrinth (Figure 53). The colonnaded oecus at Poggio Gramignano fits the basic model for the Corinthian oecus as described by Vitruvius: Corinthii simplices habent columnas aut in podio positas aut in imo; supraque habeant epistylia et coronas aut ex intestino opere aut albario, praeterea supra coronas curva lacunaria ad circinum delumbata. 163

"The Corinthian oecus has columns placed either on a podium or on the ground, and above it is to have architraves and cornices made from either internal construction or plaster, and higher above the cornices,

it is to have curved ceilings shaped to a circle."

The colonnaded oecus at Poggio Gramignano followed Vitruvian specifications for all features except its central vault, which can only be rendered as planar after thorough examination of all relevant excavated material. In the colonnaded

oecus

and

the adjacent

triclinium,

black

mosaic

floors,

black

socles,

and

orthostate aediculae of deep red and green would have absorbed direct sunlight, while above, whiteground vault plaster would have reflected indirect sunlight into every corner. Heating and lighting were obviously among the concerns addressed in the decorative stages of the villa. 164 The primary function of the colonnaded oecus is most accurately classified as a reception hall for welcoming and entertaining guests of the villa. The enclosed space was intended as a before-dinner showpiece and topic for discussion. Wallace-Hadrill has noted that, in Roman

domestic archi-

tecture, columns within a room mark the space as prestigious. [65 Reception rooms were intimate spaces in the Roman house where public and private life overlapped. The formal arrangement of reception rooms reflected the owner's public announcement about family and lifestyle. 166 At Poggio Gramignano, Rooms 5, 6, and 8 flanked the colonnaded oecus on opposite sides, all having entries on the same axis, so that standing at one end of the suite would afford a view through a long sequence of doorways (Figure 160). Rooms 5 and 6 were paved in a reddish opus signinum dotted sparsely with fleurettes in white tesserae, perhaps surplus material from Rooms 4 and 8 (Figure 167). Sparse architectural refinement and utilitarian floors indicated that these two rooms may have functioned as anterooms in conjunction with the colonnaded oecus, perhaps as an ostium (entry) and vestibulum (vestibule) designed to move traffic along a direct path. Room 8 was a triclinium paved in the same fleurette motif as the colonnaded oecus. The single entry in the triclinium left three open walls before which were probably placed dining couches. The floor level in the triclinium rose .444 m (1.5 R) higher than the colonnaded oecus and was entered across two steps each .222 m (.75 R) high and with treads measuring .222 and .296 m (1 R) (Figures 157 and 65). The step up into the triclinium announced the termination of the view across the suite of rooms and emphasized the ritual nature of the dining ceremony. Watts notes that a change of level at a Roman threshold "appears to give it more importance, and serves to mark the act of going from one space to another." 167 That Romans exercised caution when negotiating thresholds is evident in passages from Ovid and Petronius. 168

163 Vitr. 6.3.9. 164 Vitr. 6.4.1. recommends black for the decoration of winter triclinia for purposes of heat retention. LING 1991, p. 51, says that Second and Third Style decoration made frequent use of black in southern facing dining rooms. 165 WALLACE-HADRILL 166 WALLACE-HADRILL

1994, p. 22. 1994, pp. 58-59, and ANDREW WALLACE-HADRILL,

"The Social Structure of the Roman House," PBSR

56 (1988) 92-94. 167 WATTS

1987, p. 174.

168 Ovid Met. 10.452-456: (Myrrha at the threshold of her father's room) Ter pedis offensi signo est revocata ("She was called back three times by the sign of her foot having stumbled”); Am. 1.12.4: ad limen digitos restitit icta nape (“Nape, hav-

202

The pars urbana was designed with the intent of creating vistas marked by architectural features and natural landscape (see Section 2, Figure 155). Looking west from any point along the main axis of the pars urbana directed attention to the main event, dinner. Perpendicular to the main axis, views

abounded through the series of proposed windows that lined Wall H to the southwest. Reconstructing the Geometric Design

The intent of Sections 1, 2 and 3 has been to provide the context for reconstructing the architect’s process of design for the colonnaded oecus at Poggio Gramignano. Section 1 established that linear measure can aid in the interpretation of Roman architecture. Section 2 examined the imprecise nature of linear measure among Roman architects and explained that inconsistencies in measure and proportion entered buildings between planning and construction phases. Section 3 established the popularity of geometry in Rome. The operations of the so-called “sacred cut” were found to be essentially Vitruvian. The practicality of Roman architects established a context for the understanding that geometric design was used because it allowed for the simple construction of proportional relationships that were visible to the designer, not embedded in numerical formulae. Geometry offered the architect procedures for design that could be modified to suit the job at hand. According to Vitruvius, standards of design and symmetry were meant to evolve: Cum ergo constituta symmetriarum ratio fuerit et commensus ratiocinationibus explicati, tum etiam acuminis

est proprium providere ad naturam loci aut usum aut speciem, adiectionibus temperaturas efficere, cum de symmetria sit detractum aut adiectum, uti id videatur recte esse formatum in aspectuque nihil desideretur. 169 “When therefore the proportion of symmetries has been determined and the measure has been established through calculations, then it is of ones own acumen to provide either utility or beauty for the nature of the site, to make the proper arrangements by means of additions, adding or subtracting from the symmetry, so that it may seem to be properly planned and might lack nothing in appearance." Igitur statuenda est primum ratio symmetriarum,

a qua sumatur sine dubitatione commutatio...

110

“Therefore, first the ratio of the symmetries must be established, from which change may take place without hesitation."

Established parameters of design procedure and symmetry were modified for the sake of usum and speciem. Commutatio was anticipated from the start. Economy, necessity, utility and beauty were all cause for deviation from strict geometric principle in order to satisfy the demands of the edifice. Of Greek architecture, Bell states that subtle changes to the plan accompanied the process of construction. 171 Haselberger says that the Hellenistic architect was not bound to the rule of geometry used for design. !7? Accordingly, investigators of ancient buildings cannot expect to discover systems of design implemented in ideal form. In particular, the practical methods of geometric design used by Roman architects did not always express geometric theory or principle. My concern in the following reconstruction is to provide useful information for those investigating geometric design in Roman architecture and attempting architectural reconstructions of Roman domestic architecture. Illustrations of design procedures include specific dimensions to the millimeter alongside corresponding units of Roman feet. The dimensions accompany the plans only as guides for the reader, as it is uncertain whether the Roman architect would have supplemented

ing stubbed her toes, stood at the threshold”); Pet. Sat. 30.6: sine dubio paulisper trepidavimus, ne contra praeceptum aliquis nostrum limen transiret (“Without a doubt for a short time we were afraid that one of us might cross the threshold against instruction).

16? Vitr. 6.2.1. 170 Vitr. 6.2.5.

171 BELL 1980, p. 368. 172 HASELBERGER 1985, p. 128B.

203

plans with numerical values for dimensions whose proportionality was easily visible when they were expressed as relationships in a geometric design. Operations within the Regulating Square (Figures 168 a-e) Figure 168a: The general plan of thé colonnaded oecus at Poggio Gramignano was established with the Regulating Square system of geometric design. Planning began inside of a Regulating Square measuring 30 R (8.88 m). Within this square drawing board, the architect created a schematic plan for the colonnaded oecus by juxtaposing a variety of geometric shapes and intersecting lines. The number 30 has been discovered to be quite popular in Roman architectural design. Geertman has discovered 30 R to be the fundamental module for the Pantheon 173 and for the House of the Vettii and the House of the Silver Wedding in Pompeii. !74 After the appropriate size was determined for the Regulating Square, a small square (bold) was formed by connecting the points where the four arcs that pass through the center of the Regulating Square intersect its edges. The small square provided two sides for the aula of the colonnaded oecus. The small square measured 12.5 R (3.7 m=3.678+.022 m) on all sides. Like Vitruvian theater design that established the orchestra as the core around which other architectural features were added, the

small square inside the Regulating Square served as the core element of design for the colonnaded oecus. Henceforth, bold lines will indicate features of the plan, while all others will indicate operations within the Regulating Square. Figure 168b: The aula was then modified into a rectangle. A sequence of diminishing squares drawn inside the Regulating Square provided points of reference for transforming the small square in Figure 4.5 into a rectangle (bold) measuring 12.5 RX15 R (3.7X4.44 m). Six lines drawn with a straight edge produced the necessary points of reference. The axial dimension of the interior colonnade was made to coincide with the perimeter of the aula. The operation resembles the procedure for doubling (or halving) a square presented by Vitruvius. 175. Figure 168c: Another way of creating the same rectangle for the aula in Figure 168b was achieved by extending the length of the small square up to the points where two triangles drawn in side the Regulating Square overlapped. Four lines drawn inside the Regulating Square produced the necessary points of reference. | Figure 168d: Three corridors were added around the aula. The east and west corridors were formed by using the same two triangles used in Figure 168c. A circle was then drawn tangent to the sides of the Regulating Square. Points of reference created at the intersection of the triangles and circle provided a proportional dimension to give to the width of the two corridors on the short sides of the aula. These corridors measured 4.5 R (1.332 m). Figure 168e: The third corridor on the long side of the aula was formed by using the same circle drawn tangent to the Regulating Square in Figure 4.8. Then an X was drawn across the Regulating Square. The points at which the X intersected the circle provided a proportional width for the corridor on the long side of the aula that was equal in width to the other two corridors. Figure 169: For purposes of summation, the floor plan (bold) can be superimposed on all geometric operations used in the Regulating Square. It is improbable that the design of the colonnaded oecus was ever visualized in such a complex manner since it is unlikely that the architect wanted to create more work than was necessary to complete the job. Figure 170: The complexity of the diagram in Figure 169 becomes significantly reduced when the individual operations of the Regulating Square are examined separately. The use of squares, arcs, and triangles that can form an eight-pointed star did not require knowledge of mathematics or geometric theory, only a drawing board, stylus, compass, and rule.

175 GEERTMAN 1980, p. 212. 174 GEERTMAN 1984, p. 49. 175 Vitr. 9, intro. 4-5.

204

Modifications to the Plan derived from the Regulating Square (Figure 171) The overall dimensions of the plan derived from the Regulating Square measured 24X17 R and reflected the irrational value of the square root of two (24/17=1.412 and V2=1.414) (Figure 171). The

only other feature derived from the Regulating Square was the line representing the axial dimension of the peristyle that would partition the aula from the three corridors. At this stage, slight modifications were introduced by the architect in order to accommodate the addition of interior features to the asymmetrical plan of the oecus. The architect selected a colonnade of sixteen columns, four on each side, with those on the southwest engaged to Wall H. The architect modeled the intercolumniations on the northeast (columns

1-4) and the southwest (columns 7-10)

sides on the Vitruvian specifications for an araeostyle colonnade. Four column diameters formed the interval between the columns in an araeostyle. 6 Between columns 1-4 and 7-10 the intercolumniations each equal 4 R. Operating within the dimensions for the oecus derived from the Regulating Square, the architect was not able to produce a suitable intercolumniation for the northwest and southeast colonnades (columns 4-7 and 10-1 on Figure 171). Four columns placed along the 12.5 R dimension on these two sides of the aula yielded an awkward intercolumniation of 3 R and 1 uncia (total=.9373 m). In

order to produce a satisfactory result, the architect added 1/4 R to the length of the northwest and southeast colonnades. The length of the colonnades now measured 12.75 R with three intercolumniations measuring 3.25 R (13 quadrantes) each. A 1: 3.25 intercolumniation is not among

the five

intercolumniations specified by Vitruvius. However, the eustyle intercolumniation is made up of 2.25 column diameters and points to the Vitruvian recognition of .25 of a module as a sound architectural proportion. 177 The eustyle earns the most praise from Vitruvius: Reddenda nunc est eustyli ratio, quae maxime probabilis et ad usum et ad speciem et ad firmitatem rationes habet explicatas (“Now the eustyle ratio must be rendered, which has ratios especially worthy and arranged for utility, beauty and strength"). 178 The installation of the 3.25 R intercolumniation required modification to the overall dimensions of the room derived from the Regulating Square. In order to accommodate the 3.25 R intercolumniation in the northwest and southeast colonnades, the overall width of the room was extended to 17.25 R. Thus the new dimensions for the oecus were 24X17.25 R. The modification did not affect the widths of the three corridors which remained 4.5 R wide. The reason for the architect’s modification of the intercolumniations makes sense in terms of two Vitruvian specifications. 1) Vitruvius specifies that colonnaded halls should be ampler in proportion to accommodate their interior supports: ... propter columnarum interpositiones spatiosiores constituantur ("they are to be rendered more spacious on account of the interior positioning of columns"). !7? In the colonnaded oecus at Poggio Gramignano, the addition of the interior peristyle seems to have resulted in ampler proportions for the entire room. 2) According to Vitruvius, narrow intercolumniations on temple facades both inhibited the flow of traffic in and out of temples and obscured the effect of the entry's folding doors: Matres enim familiarum cum ad supplicationem gradibus ascendunt, non possunt per intercolumnia amplexae adire, nisi ordines fecerint; item valvarum adspectus abstruditur columnarum crebritate ipsaque signa obscurantur. 180 | 176 Vitr. 3.3.1 states that the araeostyle intercolumniation is more open than appropriate: rare quam oportet inter se diductis araeostylos. The illustration on p. 79 of Morris H. Morgans translation (Cambridge: 1914) calles the araeostyle four diameters wide. 177 Vitr. 3.3.6: Namque facienda sunt in intervallis spatia duarum columnarum et quartae partae crassitudinis... (“For in the intervals a space of two columns and a quarter thickness of a column must be made..."). 178 Vitr, 3.3.6.

17? Vitr. 6.3.8. 180 Vitr, 3.3.3.

205

“For when household matrons ascend by means of the steps to give thanks, they are unable to proceed through the intercolumniations arm in arm, unless they make a single file, the view of the folding doors is hidden by the frequency of the columns and the statues themselves are obscured."

The northwest and southeast colonnades appear as important architectural features along the primary axis of the oecus (Figure 160). Although the elaborate design of the oecus beckoned guests to wander the corridors and gaze at floor, wall, and ceiling decoration, the most direct route across

the oecus was a straight passage through the central intercolumniation in the northwest and southeast colonnades. The widening of the intercolumniations in these colonnades reflects the architect's concern for the easy flow of traffic along the primary axis. On opposite ends of the oecus the primary axis was framed by elaborate doorways; folding doors set in wooden jambs on the threshold with Room 5 (Figure 159), and an arched entry over two steps that led into Room 8, the triclinium. An architect concerned with providing ample views of these decorative doorways would have had good reason to widen the spaces between columns that posed potential obstacles. Summary

It is unlikely that the architect arrived at the modified plan by experimenting with trial-and-error dimensions on a working drawing. Simply adding dimensions to a working drawing might have resulted in a plan that simulated the appearance of proportion and spatial order, but the architect would have sought a sturdier foundation on which to plan the oecus. The Regulating Square system of geometric design allowed the architect to render the principle dimensions of the oecus as an expression of the irrational square root of two. The Regulating Square system did not restrict the architect from applying modifications to the plan in order to accommodate the addition of the interior colonnade. The widening of the aula modified the principle dimensions of the oecus so that metrologically they no longer expressed the square root of two. However, aesthetically and structurally, the oecus remained founded upon proportions that expressed the square root of two, even if in the penultimate planning stage. The colonnaded oecus at Poggio Gramignano demonstrates the flexibility of the canons of design employed by its architect. The compliance of the oecus with Vitruvian recommendations for colonnaded halls and the accommodation of traffic through colonnaded areas did not dispel its expression of the square root of two. The design of the oecus took shape through an additive process wherein each subsequent step enhanced the previous. The finished product was an expression of all stops along the way. The meaning of the geometrical arrangement of the oecus for the Poggio Gramignano architect remains speculative. The geometric design in the Greek temples of Southern Italy discussed in Section 3 was tied to the temples’ religious function. It is difficult to conjecture that a geometric formula in a country estate such as Lugnano also had a religious basis. | On the other hand, geometry in Roman domestic architecture may have maintained religious significance. Brown, Bek, and Clarke have stressed the parallel between the ritual of public worship in the Roman temple and the ritual of family life in the Roman house. 18! The use of a geometric system of design that insured proportional harmony in a Roman house would have complemented the Roman desire for spatial order. For some architects fully trained in practice and theory, a geometric system of design capable of expressing the commensuration of a square and circle may have even had mystical significance. However, the use of the term “sacred cut” by Brunés and Watts and Watts for the geometric application based on the Regulating Square places unfounded religious concerns upon Roman architects and restricts the use of the system to only the most educated. Evidence for the training of architects and Vitruvian specifications that stress practical approaches and solutions to architectural problems ultimately point to the Roman architects use of geometry to fulfill practical concerns. WILLIAM AYLWARD

181 BROWN

1967, pp.

14-15; [158 BEK,

"Questiones

Ceremony from Rome to Byzantium," AnalRom

206

Conviviales: The Idea of the Triclinium and the Staging of Convivial

12 (1983) 81-107; CLARKE 1991, pp. 4-12.

CHAPTER

AN INTERPRETATION

Room

OF ROOM

7

10 IN THE VILLA AT POGGIO GRAMIGNANO

10 in Grid Area M50a/b was part of a service quarter of the original villa which was con-

structed about

15 B. C. at Poggio Gramignano

(Figs. 6, 7, 70, 71, 123; Plates

14, 91-99). This area,

which included Rooms 10 and 15 and Corridor 2, served Rooms 4 and 8, principal rooms of the pars urbana. After the collapse of Room 4, probably before the end of the first century A. D., Room 10 was put to a new industrial use. Wall S was rebuilt between Rooms 10 and 15 sometime during the late first or early second centuries A. D. In order to determine the new industrial purpose of Room 10 after the collapse of Room 4, the archaeological evidence from the partial excavation of the room was examined. Room 10 was oriented NW/SE with an entry through Wall S to Room 15 (Plate 91). Wall V was a spur of wall which allowed for a doorway into Room 9, but it was not excavated (Plate 14). Three travertine blocks set in concrete were found against Wall B, the NE wall of the room, and another

was found against Wall V, the SW wall, though this side of the room was not completely excavated (Fig 123). These travertine blocks were designated: Locus Locus Locus Locus

1208 1210 1211 1217

— —

south corner along Wall V; 70cmX27cmX16cm opposite Locus 1208 along Wall B; 58cmx31cmx17 north of Locus 1210 along Wall B; 60cmx30cmx 11cm north of Locus 1211 at the north limit of the excavation of this room along Wall B; 58cmX22cmX 14cm

The fact that the blocks were of varying sizes and mediocre workmanship suggest that their form was less important than their function. Other features within Room 10 which appear to belong to this second phase include: 1. A doorway through Wall S with two cuttings or notches in the jamb on Wall S (Fig. 72; Plate 91) 2. A roof cover tile and blocked drain in Wall V in the south corner of the room (Plates 98, 99)

3. Travertine curbing joined by clamps (now missing) running parallel to Wall B in the north corner of the room (Plates 92, 93)

4. A broad depression occupying the entire central area of the room resulting from the removal of part of the original opus spicatum paving (Fig. 71; Plate 14) Three possible uses for Room 10 during Phase 2 have been suggested: a textile factory, an olive or wine press or a granary and food storage area. A textile factory would have required looms which could have rested on the travertine blocks against Walls B and V in Room 10. But this industry would require a durable floor, not the removal of the opus spicatum. ! If this room functioned as the location of an olive or wine press, the travertine blocks would have served as supports for the superstructure of the press which would have occupied the SE part of the room. The travertine blocks rose about 10cm above the level of the opus spicatum floor which was 9cm-10cm thick including its foundations. All levels of the floor were removed from the center of the room allowing a total clearance between a press spanning the room and resting on the blocks at least

! For ancient looms see MARTA HOFFMANN, The Warp Weighted Loom (Oslo: 1964).

207

20cm above the floor. It is not known if the opus spicatum floor was deliberately torn out to allow for the installation of machinery or if the floor was already damaged. If a press was originally installed in Room 10, it is not possible to determine if it was an olive press or a wine press. 2 Two types of ancient presses are known which might fit the evidence in Room 10. The first type had four main parts: a prelum or press beam; the arbores, upright posts to the rear; the stipites, upright posts at the pressing end; and the ara, the stone bed against which the material is pressed (Fig. 153). 3 To provide force, this type of press used a screw mechanism which was affixed to the working end of the prelum. A vertical screw was attached to the prelum and was inserted into a movable drum called the sucula. The drum was threaded inside so that, as it was turned by a hand-

spake, the prelum was pulled downward generating the force to press the fruit. The second type of press used a weight suspended from the prelum which was attached to a pulley system to generate this force. As the weight was raised, the prelum was pulled downward. The means by which the pressing force was created was the only major difference between these two press types. Whether either of these two types of presses ever existed in Room 10 is unknown. In order to allow enough room for a press Room 10 would have to extend for several meters to the NW to allow for the full length of the prelum. Since Room 10 was not completely excavated, its full length remains unknown. The travertine curbing found in the north part of Room 10 may provide evidence supporting the olive/wine press hypothesis. Sections of opus spicatum floor which remained along the NE side of the room would have provided support for the travertine blocks there and may have been left for that purpose. The curbing would have buttressed the opus spicatum, providing even more support for the blocks and any machine resting on them. An olive or wine press was generally constructed of metal and wood which would have decayed or been removed leaving only the foundation blocks, like the situation in Room 10.4 The stone blocks could have been a normal part of press construction but would have required strong, deep foundations. 5 There were normally four blocks which served as bases for the upright timber posts, the stipites and the arbores, supporting the superstructure of the press (Fig. 153). Between the arbores, a rotating crossbeam extended, inserted into holes in the uprights. Into the crossbeam were inserted one or two prela (press beams) which extended forward, past the stipites. Between the stipites extended another beam which served either as a rest for the prela when the press was not in use or as a stop for the downward motion of the prela. At pressing time, the prelum was raised and the fruit placed on the press bed. Then the prelum was pulled downward. At Stabiae, near Pompeii, a press room was found with a floor sloping gently towards one corner to channel liquid. 6 Some sort of channel would have been necessary in Room 10 but none was found. While the olive/wine press hypothesis explains much of the archaeological evidence in Room 10, it does not provide a complete explanation. Although the travertine blocks in the room were mortared into the floor, they lacked the deep foundations necessary to support the arbores and stipites. Moreover, a press was normally supported by two blocks on each side, not three as were found against the NE and SW walls of Room

10. And it is possible that additional blocks exist to the NW in Room

ther complicating the plan. Perhaps doorway cut through Wall S.. When ing a door was hung here. But this by the press occupying the SE area Of the three uses for Room 10 granary or food storage area seems

10, fur-

the most serious problem with the olive/wine press theory is the it was rebuilt in Phase 2, it was provided with cuttings suggestdoor could not have been used since it would have been blocked of the room. which have been proposed, the suggestion that it was used as a most plausible. The ancient writers Cato, Varro and Columella all

. ? A. G. DRACHMANN, Ancient Oil-Mills and Presses (Copenhagen: 1932) p. 50. 3 On the different press types, see DRACHMANN, pp. 50-121 and especially 50, 51, 64-71, and K. D. WurrE, Greek and Roman Technology (Ithaca:. 1984) pp. 67-70. 4 DRACHMANN, p. 86. 5 E. BREHAUT, Cato the Censor on Farming (New York: 1933) " 38. 6 DRACHMAN, p. 86.

208

|

|

recognize the importance of granaries in a working villa or farm ? (Fig. 154; Footnote 7). In Room 10, the travertine blocks located opposite each other and equidistant from each other along both Walls V and B rose to the same lével. All were crudely worked and fitted but they would have been suitable for supporting.timber planks or joists across the width of the room. These joists would have supported a wooden floor resting 25cm-30cm above the original floor level of the room, providing ventilation for dampness and protection from vermin which would have been necessary in any food storage area. Since Rooms 11 and 12 probably functioned as storage rooms in the first phase of the villa, it is likely that an access road existed allowing the loading and unloading of materials associated with

those rooms. No road has been found but it may exist in unexcavated areas NW of Room 10. If it existed it could have also functioned as an access road for the granary. This part of the villa was located against the NW slope of the hillside and would have remained cooler than exposed hilltop rooms making it a suitable location for a granary where temperatures of 60 degrees Fahrenheit (16 degrees Centigrade) or less were considered optimum. ὃ Room 10 would have served well as a ventilated cool storage area, especially if the NW face of Wall V was left unobstructed by other construction. Ventilator shafts, usually narrow vertical openings, were found in most Roman granaries. ? Perhaps portions of Wall V were removed to achieve greater ventilation as suggested by the rebuilding in brick at the NW extreme of the wall visible in the excavation. The installation of a granary in Room 10 with its associated wooden floor raised on travertine blocks for ventilation and protection from rodents might explain why no actual floor was found in this area. In addition, a raised floor level in Room 10 could have functioned well with the new doorway through Wall S, allowing a step down to Room 15. Moreover, the reuse of the room as a granary might explain the closure of the drain in the south corner of the room which originally carried wash water from Room 8 down into Room 10. A granary/food storage area would have been unsuited as a venue for drainage because it would have been necessary to keep the humidity in such a room below 10-15%. 10 In the granary at Poggio Gramignano grain and other foodstuffs would be stored in sacks, barrels or wooden bins. Animal feed such as hay, chaff, leaves and cattle fodder could also have been storedin Room 10, while Rooms 11, 12 and 17, which did not have raised floors, could

have been used as wine and oil cellars. !! In addition, the proximity of Room 15 to all these food storage areas, with its staircase leading up and into the main areas of the villa, would have been convenient for servants charged with the distribution of food products. To counterbalance the weight of sacks, barrels and bins on a floor of raised joists, granaries in antiquity often had buttressed walls. !? At Poggio Gramignano, it is possible that Wall S was rebuilt to reinforce the strength of the room when its function changed. Granaries are found throughout the Roman world, especially in port cities such as Ostia. Well preserved military horrea have been found and excavated in England along Hadrian's Wall at Housesteads, Corbridge and South Shields. !? While these large military granaries are more elaborate than the Poggio Gramignano example, they resemble it in general design with rooms of ample size featuring floors raised and supported by equally sized and spaced stones. Granaries with stone piers against their interior walls in arrangements similar to that found at Poggio Gramignano have been discovered at the legionary fortresses at Seuss and Bonn in

7 On granaries see GEOFFREY RICKMAN, Roman

Granaries and Store Buildings

(Cambridge:

1971). For ancient accounts,

Cato, De Agric. 92, VARRO I. 57 and COLUMELLA 1.6.9. 8 WHITE, p. 62. ? RICKMAN, p. 232.

10 WHITE, p. 62. COLUMELLA (1.6.9) discusses the special problems posed by the dampness and moisture of Italy, which did not allow grain to be stored in pits in the ground as it might be in other areas. !! For the various foods and their storage, see Rickman, p.296. See also COLUMELLA 1.6.10, 1.6.16, VI.6.4. 1? RICKMAN, pp. 231, 245, 246. 13 For the HADRIAN'S WALL examples, see J. COLLINGWooD BrucE and CHARLES M. DANIEL, Famibook to the Roman Wall (Newcastle Upon Tyne: 1978) pp. 50, 51, 93, 142, 143 and Anne P. Gentry, Roman Military SUE Built Granaries in Britain," British Archaeological Reports 32 (Oxford: 1976), and RICKMAN, pp. 215-237.

209

Germany. 14 At these sites, the outer walls of the granaries were of stone while the supports for the raised wooden floor was also of wood. At Huefungen, Germany stone piers lined the wall to support a floor with additional piers placed across the room at 5m intervals for added support. Room 10 is only 3.5m in width, so a comparison with the granary at Huefungen suggests that joists could have spanned from a block against Wall B to another against Wall S without additional support in the center of the room. In fact, if the travertine blocks in Room 10 were used to support a floor, the joists would have spanned only 2.951, less than the span found at Huefungen or in numerous other horrea, although at such sites the exterior walls are normally strongly buttressed. 15 Granaries of the mid second century A. D. and later commonly employed brick floor supports (suspensurae) or piers of brick or stone, but no evidence of this arrangement has been found in earlier examples: "Moreover, it seems clear that from neolithic times there was a common tradition in Europe for the raising of granaries off the ground, and it is to be detected even in pre-Roman Britain. What I do claim, however,

is that in all these cases the granary so raised was of wood or with a wooden floor. It is possible to argue that the Romans did not automatically think of raising a granary floor, unless it was made of wood. Thus the raising of a floor composed of bipedal bricks or slabs of stone was, I suspect, a sophisticated method used perhaps not earlier than the second century A. D." 16

While the most well known examples of granaries were found in public storage facilities or military forts, granaries in villas and farmhouses have also been studied. 17 Small rectangular or square rooms with offsets for foor supports around the base of their walls served as granaries at Silchester and Iwerne in England. At Iwerne, the wall by the entry lacked an offset like Wall S in Room 10. 18 In this case, heavy sacks or bins would have not been stored by the door. In another small granary at Stroud, England, the arrangement of the floor supports is similar to that in Room 10. 19 In addition, in Italy it was common in Roman times to store grain and other foods within a villa, even an elegant one. 2° Pliny’s Laurentine villa, for example, had a wine store and a granary above one of the

sumptuous dining rooms in the center of the house. ?! ‘With these comparisons of the architectural configuration of Room 10 with public, military and small private granaries, it seems likely that this room was remodeled into and served as a granary after Room 4 collapsed in the late first century to early second century A. D. The fact that Wall S lacked an offset like other similar spaces which served as granaries also supports this conclusion. DAVID SOREN and GEORGE WARREN

14 RICKMAN, p. 241. 15 RICKMAN, pp. 241, 264, 265. 16 RICKMAN, p. 293.

17 Par Morris, Agricultural Buildings in Roman Britain, British Archaeological Reports 70 (Oxford: 1979). 18 MORRIS, p. 34. 1? MORRIS, p. 188. . 20 MORRIS, p. 35.

21 B, RADICE, editor, The Letters of the Younger Pliny (Harmondsworth:

210

1963) p. 77.

CHAPTER

8

THE ANTEFIXES FROM THE VILLA AT POGGIO GRAMIGNANO

Found scattered throughout the SW area of the excavations at Poggio Gramignano, in several soundings and various loci, were numerous fragments of antefixes, the decorative terracotta panels which were used in antiquity to shield the ends of crossbeams of gabled roofs from the weather. The antefixes and fragments found here were of only two types, suggesting that one may have alternated with the other in their positions along the cornice of the villa's roof. ! Perhaps antefixes were a feature on the cornice of only one zone of the original villa, or they may have been employed throughout. ΤΎΡΕ ἴ — SEVEN-LOBED PALMETTE WITH DOLPHINS (Figs. 60, 152; Plates 126-127)

Type 1 features a basal socle composed of a raised horizontal band with a broad, flat space above, topped by a narrow, raised band. The lower raised horizontal band, which is often very faint, is composed of two narrow ridges separated by a flat space. The upper, narrow raised band is sometimes grooved but is often plain. This variety in the design of the antefixes as they were found is probably due either to weathering or to worn out or poor quality molds used in their production. Above the socle is a centrally placed acanthus leaf or shell flanked by a pair of dolphins diving toward the center. Above the dolphins, a seven-lobed palmette rises with a lanceolate central tongue,

convex in section, flanked by six fronds inwardly voluted. ? Type 1 is relatively common and well dated. It is similar to Nos. 586 and 594 of the MNR Catalogue.3 No. 586, which has a faintly grooved upper band and plain lower band within its socle, is dated to the first quarter of the first century A. D. based on comparisons with examples from the Via Gallia in Rome and the Roman baths at Prima Porta, as well as others of unknown provenance.

No. 594 has the grooved upper band and plain lower band. Anselmino dates this type between the second half of the first century B. C. and the beginning of the first century A. D., not later than the Augustan period. 4 Anselmino cites otber examples of the seven-lobed palmette, some of which may be dated between the late Republic and the Augustan period. One example is from Rome and another is from Tusculum. Two additional examples of unknown provenance, located in the American Academy in Rome, have been dated. between the early Augustan period and the first century A. D. because between those dates the palmette design with a human head, shell or leaf in the center flanked by dolphins was common. 5 One example of Augustan:date is from Tusculum and another found at Careiae, 15km north of Rome on the Via Clodia, has been dated by John Ward-Perkins to the late Republican period. 6

! Such alternation was common practice. See for example the Capitolium: illustrated in FRANK E. BROWN, Making of a Roman Town (Ann Arbor: 1980) Fig. 66. 2 PATRIZIO PENSABENE and MARIA RITA SANZI DI Mino, Museo Nazionale Romano: Le Terrecotte TII.1 (Rome:

Cosa: The

1983) p. 36.

3 PENSABENE and SANZI DI Mino, pp. 218-219. ^ L. ANSELMINO, Zerrecotte Archittetoniche dell'Antiquaria Communale di Roma l-Antefisse (Rome: 1977) pp. 86-89, Nn. 5672, tav. V, 22, with bibliography. 5 J. SIMPSON, "Terracotta revetments in the Museum 1, No. 4.

of the American Academy in Rome," MemAmAc

XV (1938) 1-4, Plate

$ For Tusculum, see M. BORDA, Monumenti Archeologici Tuscolani nel Castello di Aglie (Rome: 1943) Tavole XLVI, a and p. 67; JOHN B. WaRD-PERXINS,

“Notes on Southern Etruria and the Ager Veientanus,” BSR XXIII (1955) 44, Plate 20b.

211

Two additional examples from the Temple of the Sassi Caduti at Falerii Veteres were found in the context of a late Republican restoration and are conserved in the Villa Giulia. 7 Fourteen examples in the Evan Gorga Collection in the Museo Nazionale Romano come from the Tiber River, but their exact proveniences are unknown. Three additional unpublished examples from Rome are known to be in the Berlin Antikenmuseum, and one unpublished example from Ostia is preserved in the Antiquarium of the Ostia Archaeological Museum. 8 An antefix illustrated by Anselmino (Tavola V.22) is similar to Type 1 and has been dated to the Augustan period on the basis of its similarity to others from a group of antefixes found in a datable context on the Via Gallia in Rome. Many of these depict a naval trophy in relief, a motif believed to be a reference either to the Battle of Actium

in 31 B. C. or, more likely, the victory of

Agrippa at Naulochus in 36 B. Ὁ. 9 Finally, Dottoressa Daniela Monacchi, in her preliminary excavations in 1983 at the villa, reported finding a fragment of palmette from this type which she dated to 50 B. C.-50 A. Ὁ. 10 With all this evidence in mind, the seven-lobed antefix type may be dated between 50 B. C. and the early first century A. D. with an Augustan date likely. List of Examples Basket Number 74 (joins 545)

Grid/Locus N50c 009

545 (joins 74)

N51a 001

2787 3308 3441 4632 5134

M50a/c M50a/c M50a/b M50a/b M50a/b

608 616 714 1003 1005

9 9 10 10 10

5605

M50a/b

1007

10

6663 Unnumbered

M50a/b 1204 M50a/b Wall

10 10

2163 7371 2130 213 8130

.

|

M49d 458 M49c/d 1403 M49d 456 M50b 101 M50b 1313

Room 4

Description Lackstopof palmette (Plate 127)

4

V

11 11 12 15 15

Same as above Upper palmette area Fragment of dolphin, lobe Lower two-thirds of front, lacks upper palmette (Plate 126) Lower two-thirds of front Fragment of dolphin JA

|

One and one half dolphins, socle

Almost complete dolphins and full tile length Found embedded in the top of Wall V, two dolphins and part of socle Fragment of lobe Almost complete dolphins, socle,partial tile length Lower two-thirds of front Fragment of two lobes Almost complete dolphins, socle, full tile length (Fig. 152, Plate 134)

TYPE 2 -- GORGON/PALMETTE (Fig. 60; Plates 128-133)

Type 2 features a socle with egg and tongue molding, known as an Ionic kyma, above a central frieze with an acanthus leaf from which spring vegetal stalks curving into spirals at their tips. A winged gorgon head with serpentine hair occupies the center of the antefix. Her chin is flanked by serpents, and her head and the serpents are flanked by one spiral S to the left and one reverse spiral S to the right. An acanthus leaf emerges above the hair, topped by a lobed palmette. Except for the central lobe and flanking basal lobes, each lobe is formed by a fragile, thin curved strip of terracotta. This seven-lobed palmette has a central projecting lanceolate tongue like Type 1. The fragility of this design, with its thin curving terracotta strips, probably is the reason that, though fragments of Type 2 are often found, complete examples are unknown.

7 For FALERU, see MARIO MORETTI, Il Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia (Rome: 1973) p. 205. 8 ANSELMINO, p. 89.

9 ANSELMINO, p. 39. 10 DANIELA MoNACCAI,

212

“Lugnano in Teverina”, NSc XL-XLI

(1986-1987)

17.

Three examples, termed Type

119 from the Gorga Collection in the Museo Nazionale Romano,

are close parallels to Type 2 from the villa. !! No. 492 from this group has similar features to Type 2 especially on its socle, but the gorgon head is of poor quality. The reduction of the palmette to a size which occupies a smaller area of the antefix, and the increased height of socle are considered distinctive features in the MNR Catalogue which classifies this antefix type as Class B, Palmette Type IX dating between 100 B. C. and A. D. 100. 12 A close parallel was recovered from Tusculum and is cited by M. Borda. 13 List of Examples Basket Number 92

Grid/Locus N50c 009

Room 4

534 2362 (1501)

N50c 014 N51a 160

4 4

Fragment of gorgon head (Plate 130) Gorgon head, partial socle (Plate 128)

2362 (2834)

M51b 652

8

Joins above (Plate 128)

2062

M50d 401

8

Lanceolate palmette center and part of perforated lobe (Plate 131)

2075 2882 7366 4941 7685

M50d 405 M51b 655 M49c/d 1403 M49b/d 852 M50b 1304

8 8 11 12 15

Description Fragment of perforated upper palmette (Plate 132)

Fragment of perforated lobe (Plate 133) Fragment of socle Gorgon head Gorgon head, socle (Plate 129) Almost complete gorgon head

General Conclusions

All antefixes found at the villa of Poggio Gramignano were of the Seven-lobed Palmette/Dolphin or the Gorgox/Palmette Types and were probably installed during the initial construction of the villa. The small number of fragments found suggests that their use was limited to cornices over only one or two rooms of pars urbana of the villa, such as Rooms

The distribution of the broad area of central Italy sis revealed that both types factory, lending support to the other along the cornice

4 and 8.

Seven-Lobed Palmette/Dolphin and the Gorgon/Palmette Types over a suggests a probable center of production in Rome. A petrological analywere manufactured from the same raw materials probably at the same the idea that they were installed at the same time, alternating one with of the villa. DAVID SoREN and ANNA MARIA BIAGINI

11 PENSABENE and SANZI DI MINO, pp. 191-192. 12 PENSABENE and SANZI DI MINO, p. 31. 13 BoRDA, Tavola XLVI and p. 67.

213

CHAPTER

9

CONSERVATION REPORT

The conservation responsibilities involved the care of finds and the stabilization of in-situ architectural features. Storage of Finds All stored metals were placed in polyethylene bags purchased in Arizona and were stored with silica gel in glass containers with polypropylene lids sealed with tape. The surfaces of the two bronze cauldrons found in the infant cemetery had their surfaces painstakingly cleaned and they were packed with silica gel in a sealed Marvelseal (an aluminum/polyethylene laminate material) bag. None of the stored metal finds show evidence of post-excavation corrosion. In the process of moving the storeroom from the Lugnano ex-farmacia to the ex-fabbrica, the majority of the remaining finds were transferred to polyethylene bags purchased from Aromafarmacoteca d'Alena, Via Cavour, Rome. Antiquarium Displays

The Antiquarium was opened in 1990 in the comune of Lugnano. Pins used to secure objects were made of stainless steel covered with polyethylene tubing. Iron objects were soaked in acetone overnight, and then consolidated and coated with Acryloid B48N (a methyl methacrylate copolymer) in acetone, and put on display. Pottery Joins

For most of the pottery, including especially the fine African Red Slip Ware, vessels or partial vessels were reconstructed by first sealing the join edges with dilute Acryloid B-72 (a methyl acrylate: ethyl methacrylate copolymer) in acetone, then adhering the pieces together using concentrated Acryloid B-72 in acetone. Painted Vault Plaster from Room 4 The curved section of vault plaster that was excavated in the 1991 season from the northeast corridor of Room 4 (Sounding 25) has a thick layer of insoluble salts on its painted surface. While in some areas the accretions could be removed mechanically with a scalpel, this is a time-intensive procedure. In some areas the extent to which the incrustations obscured the painted layer made mechanical cleaning too dangerous. We experimented with different cleaning methods, trying first a modified version of the AB-57 mixture developed by the Italian restorers Paolo and Laura Mora. The mixture, which is used in a poultice form, is intended to dissolve or soften incrustations. Our mixture consisted of fifty ml dis-

tilled water, four grams ammonium bicarbonate, one gram methyl cellulose and two drops of Triton X-100 non-ionic surfactant. It differs from the standard AB-57 mixture by omitting sodium bicarbonate, EDTA, by substituting methyl cellulose for carboxy methyl cellulose and substituting Triton for Desogen (another surfactant which has fungicidal properties). We tried applying this mixture in both a methyl cellulose gel and a paper-pulp poultice, and ultimately chose the latter method. The methyl cellulose gel was unsatisfactory because it was not effective if left to dry and if removed while still wet it seemed to leave a persistent film. 215

For most of the surface a paper-pulp poultice of four grams ammonium bicarbonate in fifty ml distilled water was used. After poulticing, the incrustations could be reduced or removed with cotton swabs dampened with distilled water saturated with ammonium bicarbonate. The insoluble salts remaining on the surface were removed with a scalpel. ΤΕ left for long periods the poultices tended to soften the paint layers, so the mechanical cleaning had to BS done very cautiously or when the area had dried somewhat. E Because of time constraints, the surface cleaning could only be BERE to a point where the design could be understood and photographed. There were at least two layers of paint applied to the surface. The second layer altered the design; for instance, in some areas white was applied over stripes. The white lime overlayer is badly damaged and the changes made in the design are unclear. When the section was excavated a thick layer of Acryloid B-72 in acetone was applied to the back of the section and followed by a gesso (gypsum plaster) support. The gesso was the most readily available material at the time, but it should be replaced with a more inert support material. Finds Processing A steady stream of finds normally entered the field lab to be registered, treated, and stored. All ceramic and stone finds were cleaned initially with tap water and toothbrushes by the field crew. The iron finds were cleaned mechanically and stored with silica gel in sealed containers. Glass finds were cleaned mechanically and also with swabs dampened with a 1:1 ethanol: distilled water mixture. Some consolidation of delaminating glass deterioration layers with dilute Acryloid B-72 in acetone was necessary. The painted plaster was cleaned first by volunteers with a dry brush or bamboo stick until the color of the painted surface could be determined. Pieces that were of particular interest were then more thorougly cleaned by conservators mechanically and/or with swabs wet with alcohol or distilled water saturated with ammonium bicarbonate. All human bone finds were cleaned and consolidated by the team's forensic anthropologists, and all unworked animal bone finds were cleaned and consolidated by the zooarchaeologist. All of the finds were dried thoroughly before being stored in polyethylene bags. The registrar carried out the drying and:storage of the finds. Sounding Along Wall V of Room 8 Various attempts had been made to stabilize the in-situ painted plaster on Wall V, yet each year of the project more loss of in-situ plaster occurred. The last foot of earth nearest the wall had been left unexcavated to help support the plaster, but the plaster continued to collapse. Because the large fissure in the wall itself could not be repaired with this area of dirt remaining, the area against the wall was finally excavated to the floor (Sounding 18). This sounding unearthed mainly small pieces of painted plaster that had fallen from the wall. Near floor level some larger sections of plaster were uncovered, along with a few small sections of delicate stucco molding. The most significant discovery of the probe was the marble drain in the floor. The drain was set in place either before or at the same time as the mosaic floor and before the wall was plastered. The drain is directly opposite an inverted cover-tile drain protruding out of Wall V into Room 10. The large, open fissure in Wall V occurs exactly where the drains are located and may have been caused by water damage related to the use of the drains. As the painted plaster still on the wall was revealed, loose areas were faced with cotton gauze and Acryloid B-72 in acetone. The gauze "bandages" were secured to stable surfaces on the wall above the painted plaster. When the area had been completely excavated and the imstabile plaster faced, the fissure in Wall V was cleaned out with trowels and then with water poured from the top of the wall. In order to reduce the amount of water that the wall absorbed from the mortar, the cleaned fissure was wet thoroughly and then brushed with a dilute Primal AC-33 acrylic dispersion in water. The fissure was 216

then filled with a mortar of 3: 1 pozzolana ventilata: slaked lime containing 'dilute Primal AC-33, with small stone and tile fragments added to fill large voids. This mixture is solely structural and should eventually be faced with a thin layer of a more aesthetically- ree mortar layer. Sounding 25, Probes 1 and 2 At the end of the 1991 season, small Probe l was made into the layers sealed beneath the fallen wall concrete in the north part of Room 4. The probe cut through an area about 25 square centimeters wide and extended down to floor level. In order to try to answer questions about the vaulting and ceiling arrangement of Room 4, a larger section of approximately one square meter of the face-down plaster that comprised the uppermost layer of the unexcavated area was lifted as Probe 2 in 1992. In order to avoid the problems in interpreting the data, which had arisen in Probe 1, a plan for mapping the layer and its individual pieces was worked out with the staff artist who was responsible for the graphic documentation of the probe. Rather than cutting an arbitrary trench through the layer, we decided to lift only contiguous sections of the top plaster layer which appeared to have detached from the original ceiling surface and were now oriented flat and face down. Large sections of the now-uppermost arriccio layers were intact, and we decided to consolidate and lift whole sections in order to minimize later reconstruction. The first large section to be lifted was labelled Box 2. This section was backed with Acryloid B-72 in acetone and gauze, then strengthened with a layer of cotton broadcloth, then a layer of gesso. The edges of the section were completely articulated and the section was lifted and slid onto a board. As the section was lifted, it became clear that the intonaco and arriccio layers were well-adhered only around the edges and that most of the intonaco from the center of the section had detached from the arriccio and remained on

the ground. When the wall collapsed, this section of plaster had fallen face down onto a jumble of broken tiles and bricks. The painted intonaco layer had broken upon impact into numerous small pieces and had mostly separated from the arriccio, which remained almost completely intact. The small, detached intonaco pieces were lifted in groups, numbered Boxes 3-9; and their positions were drawn as Spread 1 Part 2. Underneath the layer of face-down plaster that made up Boxes 2-10 lay a greenpainted piece of stucco molding. The molding was broken into six pieces and faced upward, abutting the side of a complete pan tile. The layers of the plaster section immediately to the southwest of Box 2 were well-adhered to each other and were lifted with no backing. The arriccio layers on the rest of the sections to be lifted were not well-adhered to the intonaco. In order to preserve the proper positioning of the pieces when they were lifted the arriccio layers had to be removed. When the arriccio had been completely removed the intonaco could be backed directly using Acryloid B-72 in acetone and cotton gauze and lifted in small sections (Boxes 11-17). The plaster pieces were cleaned using swabs wet either with ethanol or with distilled water saturated with ammonium bicarbonate, and/or cleaned mechanically with scalpels. The gauze backings were removed and the pieces were joined using Acryloid B-72 in acetone. The arriccio layer on most pieces was removed in order to make it possible to join these pieces with those with already detached arriccio layers. Plaster from the 1991 probe was also cleaned and any pieces that could be joined were assembled. No direct joins were found between pieces from the 1991 and 1992 probes. The workmanship of the plaster lifted is not of high quality. Rather than being built up in a number of progressively finer layers, the plaster consists of only two layers: a coarse arriccio and a finer intonaco. In many areas the surface of the arriccio was hardly roughened at all before the application of the intonaco, so the adhesion between the two layers is poor. The painting was not executed using true fresco technique, but was applied to the white intonaco after it had dried. The quality of the painting is not very good. The design consists primarily of pink and red stripes dividing large expanses of white. Traces of an unidentifiable figural design in blue, green and lavender remain in the center of the areas delineated by the stripes. 217

Mosaics

In Rooms 4 and 8 mosaics were discovered in situ and in Room 4 an opus scutulatum floor was unearthed. Where tesserae were becoming loose at the edge of fissures, they were set back in place and the edge was capped; with a mortar of 1:1 pozzolana ventilata: hydraulic lime. The Italian restorers Marina and Angelo Alessandri of Alessandri S.v.l. in Rome, asked us to do a cleaning test on a square meter of the mosaic floor in Room 8 to demonstrate how they could improve its appearance. An area near Wall A was selected. We first swept the area, then scrubbed it with brushes and water. A poultice of AB-57, made as per their instructions (one liter distilled water, thirty grams ammonium bicarbonate, fifty grams sodium bicarbonate, one ml Triton X-100 nonionic surfactant, six grams methyl cellulose, and ten grams EDTA), in paper pulp was applied to a small area, approximately five by ten centimeters. The poultice was intended to soften insoluble accretions on the surface of the tesserae so that they could be easily removed with a scalpel. The poultice had little effect after fifteen minutes or an hour, so the Alessandris left it overnight before cleaning the area with water. The accretions were softened and easily removed the next morning. Because EDTA is such a strong chelating agent and because it and the other AB-57 ingredients cannot be rinsed away completely in this context, we had reservations about using this mixture. We tried a poultice of distilled water with ammonium bicarbonate (25:2) in paper pulp. When left on overnight, this poultice had the same effect as the AB-57 mixture, without introducing harsh chemicals and a surfactant. We felt that since the water poultice was effective, the aggressive AB-57 mixture should be avoided in future treatments of the floors. In-Situ Painted Plaster

The stabilization of in-situ wall plaster in Room 4 along Wall A and a small strip exposed on the west end of Wall D was necessary. First loose dirt and crumbled mortar around the plaster were cleared away. Then a bridge was made from the unstable plaster to a stable plaster or mortar surface adjacent to it using strips of cotton gauze coated with a mortar of 1:1 pozzolana ventilata: hydraulic lime. The mortar was applied in a smooth, sloping layer that would not trap water. A small section of unpainted, lime wall plaster was exposed in the south corner of Room 18. The plaster is in poor condition and is very poorly adhered to the wall. Since the importance of this unpainted plaster is solely related to its location, the plaster was capped in-situ with a mortar consisting of 1:2:1 pulverized marble: pumice: slaked lime (grasello di calce). This mortar was used because it was likely to be a permanent mortar and it blended visually with the surrounding plaster better than a pozzolana: lime mixture would. So much dirt has come between the fragmented plaster and the wall that the plaster is supported more by the dirt than by the wall. This made it impossible to completely clean the area before mortaring. The mortar provided enough support for this corner of the room to be excavated, then the room was backfilled to the top of the wall.

The stabilization of in-situ wall plaster that has been done at this site has all been temporary. To stabilize the plaster in a more permanent way would require either removing the plaster and setting it back in place on a new support, or preferably, using injection groutng to renew the bond between the plaster and the wall. Angelo Alessandri did a test area of injection grouting on a fragment of insitu plaster in Room 10.o0n Wall B. First, the temporary capping was removed and loose mortar was brushed away. Then a few holes were drilled about five centimeters into the surface where there were cracks or a small piece of plaster could be temporarily removed. Then 1:1 ethanol: water was injected several times into the top of the area and into the drilled holes using a sixty ml syringe without a needle. A very thin mortar was made with 1:1 pulverized pumice: hydraulic lime (Lafarge Chaux Blanc) and water containng five per cent sodium gluconate. The mixture was allowed to settle into a thicker mixture at the bottom

of the container and a thin dispersion near the top. The syringe was filled with the mortar dispersion, and this was injected into the holes and the top of the plaster. Where the mortar could not be injected because the gap between the plaster and the wall was too small, concentrated Primal AC-33 218

was injected. Cotton was used to prevent the injected liquid from flowing out of cracks or around the syringe. Slight pressure was applied to the area being injected to help the liquid flow, until the area began to set up. After the injection the plaster was recapped with a mortar made from the thickened mortar left in the mixing container plus a small amount of crushed marble. Walls

In addition to the large fissure stabilized in Wall V, four fissures in Wall L and three in Wall B were stabilized. All loose dirt was removed from the fissures with trowels and then water poured into them. Before mortaring, the fissures were again wet with water and then brushed with a dilute mixture of Primal AC-33. The fissures were filled with a mortar of 3:1 pozzolana ventilata: slaked lime containing very dilute Primal AC-33. Stones and brick fragments were used with the mortar to fill larger voids. The mortar was structural only and a surface layer of a more visually pleasing mortar should ultimately be applied over it. The remains of barrel vaults spring from the tops of Walls X and Z. The earth beneath the remaining overhang on Wall X in Room 12 has been left in place to prevent the vault's collapse. The top sections of Walls X and Z were stabilized in the same manner used in the fissures. Loose stones were remortared and set back in place, and hollows in the tops of the walls were filled with mortar and appropriately shaped stones so that water would not pool and continue to weaken the ancient mortar. Again, only a structural mortar was applied, and the surface was left rough and slightly recessed so that a surface mortar could be applied later. Angelo Alessandri did tests of different styles of wall capping on the west end of Wall B. In both test areas the wall was wet and primed as described for the areas wer mortared. A 3:1 pozzolana ventilata: slaked lime mortar with dilute Primal AC-33 was used first, with stones added to bring the top

of the wall to a smooth level. In one area the top stones were covered over with a final layer of the mortar, and in the other test area the tops of the stones were left exposed. The mortar in both test patches was left roughened and after it had set overnight, a thin layer of crushed marble and river sand mixed 3:1 with slaked lime was applied over the structural mortar. The color and slightly rough texture of the second mortar blended well with the wall and its original mortar. The main decision seemed to be whether the Alessandris were going to leave the tops of stones exposed or have a smooth mortar cap. Site Protection

A layer of Agritunnel, an open-weave plastic material, was applied over all significant excavated areas. In the rooms with finished floors, a layer of Lapillo (also called argilla espansa or tufa), a light volcanic pebble, was applied over the plastic mesh. Since this material was expensive and in very short supply, the layer was only made about six inches thick. The volcanic pebbles were also piled over the Agritunnel against all areas of in-situ plaster to cover them entirely. Next, another layer of plastic mesh was laid down followed by pebbles of pozzolana (another light volcanic material, but which disintegrates more easily than tufa) or river sand or dirt. The trenches were all filled to the top of any in-situ wall plaster or at least eighteen inches. The shallow trenches left exposed on the top of the hill were filled nearly completely. A cover for the site was put in place by the architect and field crew. This consisted of modular units of corrugated tin sheets bolted to large beams. The units were tied together with wire and the entire construction was weighted with sandbags. The cover extends overs Rooms 2, 4, 8, 9, 10, and 11.

Materials and money were insufficient to cover the entire site and tops left exposed. Since the Alessandris were planning to do permanent capping that we cap the walls with a mortar that could be easily removed by them. was to clean and wet the wall tops only slightly, then to quickly apply a layer of the 3:1 pozzolana: slaked lime mortar, but with excess pozzolana added.

of some walls had to be of the walls, they asked The procedure followed about three inches thick The layer was smoothed 219

and sloped, but no stones were added to the tops of the walls. this layer will provide some temporary protection to the walls, but will quickly crack and detach from the walls. The temporary capping was applied to all exposed walls: B, C, I, J, L and O.

Even with backfilling and the cover over the majority of the site, the current protection is inadequate if the site is to be abandoned for any great length of time and may leave the site open to attack from clandestini who, although they may find little of interest, will undermine walls and destroy painted plaster and mosaic in their probes. If the walls, the in-situ plaster and floors are not eventually stabilized in a permanent fashion and covered with a permanent structure, the site should be backfilled completely to the tops of the walls. JANE WILLIAMS

220

CHAPTER

10

A NOTE ON THE PETROLOGY OF MORTAR, STUCCO FACING AND PLASTER FROM THE WALLS OF THE ROMAN VILLA AT POGGIO GRAMIGNANO

Introduction

Due to the friable condition of the small samples of mortar, stucco and plaster extracted from the walls of the villa, each sample was initially consolidated by vacuum impregnating with a fast acting epoxy resin. A flat surface was then ground down for each sample, and this was then stuck onto a glass microscope slide using Araldite Rapid as an adhesive. When firmly set, this was made into a thin section in the normal way. Mortar Sampled from the Walls of the Villa 1. Wall D, Corridor 2 2. Wall C, Room 8 3. Wall V, Room 10

When examined in thin section under the petrological microscope, all three samples of mortar appear fairly similar. The main constituents of the mortar are made up of a large amount of lime, which accounts for the majority of the groundmass, together with discrete grains of clinopyroxene, mainly green in colour, potash and plagioclase felspar and quartz, together with volcanic rock, volcanic glass, calcite and sub-rounded pieces of limestone. Given this range of volcanic material, the famous pulvis Puteolanus, or pozzolana, at once springs to mind. This was a volcanic earth that was used extensively in central Italy during the Roman period to produce a natural hydraulic cement of the highest quality. ! Stucco Facing from the Walls of the Villa 1. Room

15

In thin section, the sample of stucco appears quite different from the samples of mortar noted above. It too is composed of a groundmass of lime, but within that the inclusions are almost entire-

ly made up of irregular pieces of calcite, with the odd small lump of limestone. No obvious volcanic material could be seen. Plaster/Sub-Plaster from the Walls of the Villa 1. Room

10.

Thin sectioning also shows a groundmass of lime, with a scatter of grains of green clinopyroxene, potash felspar and quartz, together with some calcite and a little volcanic rock and glass. However, the most prominent inclusions to be seen are freequent irregular-shaped fragments of grog (i.e. Crushed up pottery or tile). D. F WILLIAMS

! J. B. WARD-PERKINS, Roman Imperial Architecture (London: 1985) p. 98; Vitruvius IL6; Pliny, H.N. XVI.202..

221

CHAPTER

BLACK-GLOSS

1

WARE *

The villa site is divided into five major periods which are discussed in Part One, Chapter 2 of this publication. 1. INTRODUCTION

Twenty-one black-gloss fragments weighing 290 gr. were found at Poggio Gramignano in stratified loci, as well as thirteen more in unstratified ones, for a total of thirty-four. Ten of them can be identified in five series, as well as two larger groupings. There are two groups of fabrics and one fragment representing a third. TABLE: Black-gloss ware in periodized loci Series/Species

Periods I-IV

Period V

2283-2287 2532 2653

~ -

1/5 gr. 2/25 gr. 2/15 gr.

2732

|

-

1)5 gr.

2734

-

1/35 gr.

2911

-

1/15 gr.

Unid.

=

13/190 gr.

TOTAL

-

21/290 gr.

2. HISTORY OF THE CLASS

Black-gloss, or as it is sometimes

conventionally known

Campanian,

ware indicates the vessels

with a black gloss used around the western basin of the Mediterranean from the fourth to about the end of the Roman republic in the first century B. C. ! Although there were imitations of Greek blackgloss pottery in Italy and in other parts of the western Mediterranean as early as the 6th century, it is in fact only from the fourth that it is possible to speak of the beginning of an autonomous tradition. ? There was a large number of production areas active in the fourth and third centuries, including southern Etruria and Latium and the area centered on Rome?. All except the most isolated share more or less faithful Hellenistic tendencies and a certain artistic virtuosity alien to serial production. About 200, i.e. at the end of the Second Punic War, there were important changes in black-gloss pottery ^. For the first time highly standardized productions arise working for export markets. * This text was submitted in June 1995. ! JEAN-PAUL MOREL, "La céramique campanienne: acquis et problémes," Céramiques hellénistiques et romaines (Paris: 1980) pp. 85, 106 (henceforth cited as MoREL 1980). 2 MOREL 1980, p. 87. 3 MonEL 1980, pp. 88-100; MorEL, “L'artigianato e gli artigiani," Storia di Roma II.1 (Torino: 1999) p. 87 (henceforth cited as MorEL

1990).

^ Cf. in particular Moret, “La produzione della ceramica campana: aspetti economici e sociale," in ANDREA GIARDINA, ALDO SCHIAVONE (a cura di), Societa romana e produzione schiavistica TI (Bari: 1981) pp. 145-149 and 152-155 (henceforth cited as More 1981b).

225

Indeed, several productions have been called universal: Campanian A, Campanian B, Campanian

C

and the black-gloss production of Arezzo 5. There is reason to think that at least Campanian A was produced in urban workshops and manufactories using the slave mode of production ὅ. Campanian A, first defined by Lamboglia, comes from the Gulf of Naples, where a workshop has been found at Ischia 7 and Naples 8. It was exported from about 200 to 50 or 40 B. C. It has a bright red, clean-breaking clay and a metallic black gloss often with reddish tones, especially around the foot. Campanian B, also first defined by Lamboglia, is essentially a Tuscan production ?. It dates from the early second until the second half of the first century B. C. Its clay is light buff or exceptionally light gray, with a more irregular break than Campanian A, and its gloss black to blue-black, more uniform but less lustrous than Campanian A. There is a complication with Campanian B, however, in the existence of a series of B-oid productions that depend

for their forms,

decorations and technical characteristics on Campanian

B,

either through the imitation of imports or through immigrant potters. These productions were mostly located in Campania and southern Latium 10. Campanian C, also first defined by Lamboglia, is much less widespread than Campanian A or B 11, It comes from the area of Syracuse in Sicily, where it was produced for the most part from 150 to 50 B. C. It has a light gray, granular clay, often with a light brown or pinkish nucleus, and a flaky gloss that generally covers only the upper part on the outside of the vessels. The black-gloss production of Arezzo is at the same time very close to Campanian B but distinct from it 12. It has a very light buff clay and a matt gloss. Aretine can be differentiated from Campanian B by a blacker gloss, as well by slight differences in the form of the foot and in the decoration, although it is not always easy to distinguish one production from the other. It must not be forgotten that, while the universal productions with their standardized series for export constitute a phenomenon of great interest in black-gloss ware after c. 200, the general rule is as before a proliferation of handicraft workshops serving local or regional markets 13. Such production centers are known also in the Tiber Valley, at Rome,

Sutri, Civita Castellana and Todi 14.

3. FABRICS

It is possible to distinguish three fabrics among the black-gloss fragments from Poggio Gramignano. On all of them the gloss is quite variable, even on the same fragment, from a real black through grays to reddish brown and in one case to red. On fabrics 1 and 2 it is matt and normally flaked, hardly ever of good quality. The gloss on fabric 3 is of somewhat better quality: fairly glossy and unflaked, although with reddish areas both on the inside and the outside. Fabric 1 is pink (Munsell 5YR

7/4), hard,

clean-breaking,

smooth

in texture. It contains

small

quantities of very small, colorless grits. Fabric 2 is light gray (Munsell 10YR 7/2), hard, clean-breaking, smooth in texture. It contains frequent, very small to small, colorless grits. 5 MOREL

1980, pp. 100-106.

6 ANDREA CARANDINI, “Sviluppo e crisi delle manifatture rurali e urbane," in GIARDINA and SCHIAVONE (note 4), p. 256. ? Cf. also Nino LAMBOGLIA, “Per una classificazione preliminare della ceramica campana," Atti del I. Congresso Internazionale di Studi Liguri (Bordighera 1950) (Bordighera: 1952) p. 140 (henceforth cited as LAMBOGLIA 1952); MOREL, Céramiques campaniennes: les formes (Rome: 1981) p. 47 (henceforth cited as MOREL 1981a); MoREL 1981 b, pp. 87-95.

8 MoREL 1981b, p. 91.

᾿

9 Cf. also 10 Cf. also 1! Cf. also 12 Cf. also 13 MOREL

LAMBOGLIA 1952, p. 140; MoREL 1981, p. 47; MOREL 1981b, pp. 95-96. MOREL 19812, p. 46; MorEL 1981b, pp. 95-96. . LAMBOGLIA 1952, p. 140; MorEL 1981a, p. 47. MonEL 1981a, p. 46. 1981b, p. 96.

14 MoREL

1980, p. 105. DoRICA MANCONI, “La prima età repubblicana. Materiali del Museo Civico”, in ANNA EUGENIA FERU-

GLIO, LAURA BonoMI Ponzi, DoRICA MANCONI (coordinamento di), Mevania. Da centro umbro a municipio romano (Perugia: 1991) p. 45, writes of imitation black-gloss vessels of low quality at Bevagna, presumably considered local or regional.

226

Fabric 3 is light red (Munsell 2.5YR 6/8), hard, clean-breaking, smooth in texture. It contains extremely few grits: very rare, very small, white and colorless ones. It is important to avoid hasty attributions of black-gloss fabrics on the basis of superficial similarities, especially in the color of the clay. Thus, Fabric 2 is not to be equated with Campanian C because of its gray clay, as the forms do not correspond and there are discrepancies in the further details of the clay and gloss. It is certain to be a production of local or regional importance. Some of the forms known at Poggio Gramignano do appear in Campanian A, Campanian B and black-gloss Aretine. In the case of the paler fabric 1, identifications with Campanian B, B-oid productions or black-gloss Aretine could be possible on the basis of the color of the clay. Fabric 1 is, however, also most likely to be a local or regional production, especially in view of the low quality of the gloss. Perhaps an identification is possible in the isolated case of fabric 3 with Campanian A. 4. TYPOLOGY AND ATTESTATIONS AT POGGIO

GRAMIGNANO

The usual typology for this class, elaborated by Morel, consists of a hierarchy !5. At the base there are the types which group together vessels that the potters and users probably considered identical. Above them there are series, species and genera. The highest level is that of the category, which simply groups together vessels that have certain basic characteristics in common, such as having one or two vertical or horizontal handles, or that can be correspond to a basic definition, such as plate or bowl with an everted rim. The advantage of this rather complex system is that it facilitates the search for comparisons at an appropriate level. The closer one comes to the type the greater are the chances of finding homogeneity with regard to the class, commercialization and dating. 4.1. Series 2283-2287 16

Series 2283-2287 belong to the species 2280, patera with a distinct articulation of the body and the rim that is not inturned. These series consist of types with rims that are not everted or only slightly. The classes represented are Campanian A (2283 in part), Campanian B and imitations from the Etruscanizing area (2286) and local or regional productions in Italy and elsewhere. The species are dated to the second and first centuries B. C. A Period V body fragment reaching somewhat short of the rim must belong to one of the Series 2283-2287: N51a, Locus

156 (fabric 2; 5 gr.).

4.2. Series 2532 17

Series 2532 contains bowls with heavy rims that project downward. They have been found on several central Italian sites in presumably local and Campanian A fabrics. They are perhaps to be dated to the third century B. C. I Two joining Period V rim fragments belong to Series 2532: N50c, Locus

109 (fabric 1; 25 gr.): fig. 172.1.

4.3. Series 2534 18

Series 2534 consists of bowls with a upright, somewhat curved rim. It is known at Sutri and Rome, where it is considered to be of local or regional production. It is dated within the second century B. C. An unstratified rim fragment of fabric 1 belongs to Series 2534 (fig. 172.2). 15 Cf. MOREL 19814, p. 34. 16 MOREL 1981a, pp. 160-163. 17 MOREL 1981 a, p. 179.

18 MOREL 1981a, p. 179.

227

4.4. Series 2653 19

Series 2653 consists of bowls with small projecting rims. It is known in Etruria and neighboring regions in Campanian B, Aretine and other productions. The dates proposed range from the second century B. C. to the first. Two Period V rim fragments belong to Series 2653: M50a/b, Locus 1005 (fabric 1; 5 gr): fig. 172.3;

M50a/b, Locus 1007 (fabric 2; 10 gr): fig. 172.4. 4.5. Series 2732 20

Series 2732 contains bowls that have a distinct inturned articulation of the body that is not thickened or only slightly. The vessels that have a more inturned rim belong to the Etruscanizing area, while the others are attributed to the Punicizing area. The examples are dated to the third and second centuries B. C. A Period V rim fragment can be attributed to Series 2732: M50a, Locus

1105 (fabric 1; 5 gr): fig. 172.5.

4.6. Series 2734 21

Series 2734 consists of bowls that have a distinct inturned articulation of the body with thickening on the outside. It appears in Campanian A and in local or regional productions at Bolsena and elsewhere. The dates proposed range from the later third century B. C. to the second. Series 2734 is represented by one Period V rim fragment: N50c, Locus 111 (fabric 1; 35 gr): fig. 172.6. 4.7. Species 2911 22 Species 2911 consists of large bowls with an almost straight profile for the body but a slight upturning toward the rim. It is attested in Campanian A and local or regional classes of the Etruscanizing area in second-century contexts.

A Period V rim fragment belongs to Series 2911: M50a/b, Locus 1000 (fabric 3; 15 gr): fig. 172.7.

Another rim fragment of fabric 1 from an unstratified locus is similar: fig. 172.8. 4.8. Unidentified Sherds À certain number of fragments do not present details sufficiently significant to allow them to be placed typologically. Twelve Period V fragments are unidentified: M50d, Locus 415 (rim sherd, fabric 2; 5 gr); M50a/b, Locus 701 (two joining base sherds; fabric 1: 30 gr); M50a/b, Locus 702 (body sherd, fabric 2; 90 gr); M50b, Locus 801 (two body sherds, fabric 2; 10 gr.);

1? MoREL 1981a, p. 202. 20 MOREL

1981a, p. 212.

21 MOREL 1981a, p. 213. 22 MOREL 1981 a, pp. 235-236.

228

M50b, Locus 802 (body sherd, fabric 2; 10 gr.); M49d, Locus 851 (rim sherd, fabric 1; 5 gr); M49d, Locus 851 (body sherd, fabric 2; 5 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 1000 (body sherd, fabric 2; 10 gr.); M50b, Locus 1304 (body sherd, fabric 1; 5 gr); M49c/d, Locus 1403 (body sherd, fabric 1; 10 gr.).

There are furthermore from unstratified loci two unidentified base fragments (one of fabric 1 and the other of fabric 2) and eight unidentified body sherds (five of fabric 1 and three of fabric 2). 3. CONCLUSIONS

These fragments are, of course, all survival pieces of no importance for the interpretation of the phases of the villa at Poggio Gramignano. At most, they offer an indication that the site was occupied before the suggested date of the villa’s construction about the middle of the first century B. C. At that time Poggio Gramignano apparently fell within the distribution areas of two productions of local or regional importance. It is worth noting that this class was not documented in the earlier excavations on the site, although it was found at the nearby villa of Alviano 23. ARCHER

MARTIN

23 MARIA TOMEI, “Alviano scalo. Ceramica a vernice nera," DoRICA MANCONI and MARIA ANTONIETTA TOMEI (a cura di), Ville

e insediamenti rustici di età vomana in Umbria (Perugia: 1983) p. 214 with schede 41 and 42.

229

CHAPTER 2

ITALIAN SIGILLATA *

1. INTRODUCTION

In the excavations at Poggio Gramignano thirty-eight fragments of Italian sigillata weighing 205 gr. were found in stratified loci, as well as thirty-nine more from unstratified ones. TABLE: Italian sigillata in periodized loci Consp. 3.2

Periods I-II -

Period III -

Period IV -

Period V 2/20 gr.

4.3 22 23 26.1

-

-

33 33.1

-

1/10gr. 1/5 gr. 1/5 gr. 2/10 gr.

-

-

-

2/10 gr. 1/10 gr.

33.1 or 2 34 B 3.19

-

-

-

1/5 gr. 3/15 gr. 1/30 gr.

Unid.

-

2/5gr.

-

21/85 gr.

TOTAL

-

2/5 gr.

-

36/205 gr.

2. HISTORY

OF THE CLASS

Italian sigillata was produced from some time fairly early in the second half of the first century B. C. Evidence from its most famous production center, Arezzo, suggests a beginning at least by 30 B. C. and production continuing until the middle of the first century A. D. ! During this classic period of production various other places also made Italian sigillata: definitely Pisa, unspecified centers in the Po valley, Torrita di Siena, Ostia; probably also Rome, Puteoli, as yet unidentified Campanian centers 2. In a later period, corresponding to the second half of the first century and the first half of the second, Italian sigillata was produced in Etruria, almost certainly along the coast, and in Campania 3. Thanks particularly to the practice of stamping some of the vessels, we have some idea of the structure of Italian sigillata production. ^ In fact, it offers an urban parallel to the villas of the Tyrrhennian area of central Italy, which used the slave mode of production to produce commercial crops for export, principally wine and also olive oil. Especially for the earlier period, it is possible to * This text was originally submitted in June 1995. ! ELISABETH. ETTLINGER et al, Conspectus formarum terrae sigillatae italico modo confecta. Materialien zur rómisch-germanischen Keramik 10 (Bonn: 1990) pp. 4-6, hence forth abbreviated as ETTLINGER et al. 1990. 2 ETTLINGER ef al. 1990, pp. 7-12. 3 GIUSEPPE PUCCI, “Die Spátzeit. Terra sigillata tardo-italica,” in ETTLINGER ef al. 1990, pp. 13-16. 4 Pucci, "La produzione della ceramica aretina. Note sull'industria’ nella prima età imperiale romana,” DArch, VII (1973) 255-293; Pucci, “La ceramica italica (terra sigillata)," in ANDREA

GIARDINA, ALDO SCHIAVONE (a cura di), Società romana e pro-

duzione schiavistica II. Merci, mercati e scambi nel Mediterraneo (Bari: 1981), pp. 99-121; ANDREA CARANDINI, “Sviluppo e crisi delle manifatture rurali e urbane,” in GIARDINA e SCHIAVONE 1981, pp. 249-260. For Roman villa production, see CARANDINI, “La villa romana e la piantagione schiavistica," Storia di Roma IV. Caratteri e morfologie (Torino: 1989) pp. 101-200.

231

see small and medium-sized workshops manned by specialized slaves, corresponding to the typical small and medium-sized villas. Italian sigillata appears furthermore to have declined for similar reasons to the villas, in particular expansion of the productive units beyond the optimal scale. 3. FABRICS AND GLOSSES

Two fabrics can be identified in the Italian sigillata from Poggio Gramignano: the first accounting for almost all the Italian sigillata at Poggio Gramignano, the other found on the only legibly stamped piece. 5 Fabric 1 has a very fine clay. It is light red in color (Munsell 2.5 YR 6/6), clean-breaking, hard and smooth. It can present rare white or colorless grits. The gloss is also of high quality. It is red (Munsell 2.5YR 4/8), thick, normally homogeneous and adherent, and glossy. Fabric 2 is light red

(Munsell

2.5 YR

6/8), with

a somewhat

irregular break,

hard

and

rather

rough in texture. It presents fairly frequent, very small colorless grits. The gloss is red (Munsell 2.5YR 5/8), thick, homogeneous and adherent, and glossy. 4. TYPOLOGY AND ATTESTATIONS AT POGGIO

GRAMIGNANO

Both the classic and the late production included plain vessels and mold-made vessels decorated with relief, although the relief wares in the later period were produced, however, apparently only on the northern coast^of Etruria and from about 80 A. D. 6 Undecorated Italian sigillata is highly standardized in its forms, eight of which have been identified at Poggio Gramignano. In spite of their fame the high-quality relief vessels of the classic period do not make up a significant portion of the sigillata found on excavation sites and are not always even present. It is not therefore unusual that Poggio Gramignano has supplied no examples of this ware. The later relief vessels, of lesser quality, are more common, and their lack on this site is somewhat more surprising. It should be noted, however, that the late Italian decorated vessels are not as yet widely attested in the Tiber valley above the neighborhood of Rome7. 4.1. Conspectus Form 3 8 This is a dish with sloping wall and bead-rim. It is very common in Italy and was produced in many centers over a long period, from before the middle of the first century A. D. into the second. All four examples with preserved rims belong to the Subform 3.2 (Fig 173. 1-2). Three Period V rim fragments, of which the two in the latter locus join, belong to Subform 3.2

of Consp. Form 3: M50a, Locus 1105 (fabric 1; 5 gr.).

N50 a/b, Locus 1257 (fabric 1; 20 gr): fig. 173.1. From unstratified loci come another two rim sherds attributable to Subform 3.2: fig. 173.2. 4.2. Conspectus Form 4? This is a plate with curving body and plain rim. Subform 4. 3, present at Poggio Gramignano, is dateable to the Augustan period. 5 $ 7 8

For a petrographic analysis of Fabric 1 cf. the article by David Williams in this volume, Part Two, Chapter 16. ΜΈΡΕΙ, MAURA, Terra sigillata tardo italica decorata, Studia Archaeologica 60 (Roma: 1992), pp. 27-29, 151-153. ΜΈΡΕΙ 1992, tav. 1.2, p. 34, notes only Orvieto and Chiusi. ETTLINGER, Form 3, in ETTLINGER et al. 1990 pp. 56-57.

? ETTLINGER, Form 4, in ETTLINGER ef al. 1990 pp. 58-59.

232

i

The Consp. Form 4.3 sherd is a Period V rim fragment: N50c, Locus 109 (fabric 1; 10 gr.): fig. 173.3. 4.3. Conspectus Form 22 10

Consp. Form 22 is a conical cup with a vertical rim, also dateable to the Augustan period (fig. 173.6). ἃ Period V body fragment with the molding for the passage to the rim is probably to be attributed to Consp. Form 22: N50c, Locus

115 (fabric 1; 5 gr.).

An unstratified body sherd is also probably from Consp. Form 22. 4.4. Conspectus Form 23 11 Consp. 23 is the successor form to the preceding. It lasted into the later first century. One must say that the attributions of the body sherds to these two forms are probable in that there could be some doubt that they could belong to the other of the two or even possibly Consp. Form 26. A Period V body fragment can probably be attributed to Consp. Form 23 because of its characteristic molding at the passage to the rim: M49c/d, Locus

1401 (fabric 1; 5 gr.).

An unstratified rim fragment is probably attributable to Consp. Form 23 for the same reason. 4.5. Conspectus Form 26 12

Consp. Form 26 is a carinated cylindrical cup with vertical rim. The subform attested, the widespread 26.1, is dated to the first half of the first century A. D. (fig. 173.4). Consp. Form 26.1 is represented by two joining rim sherds from Period V: M50b, Locus

1313+N51a, Locus 023 (fabric 1; 10 gr): fig. 173.4.

4.6. Conspectus Form 33 13

Consp. Form 33 is a hemispherical cup with a narrow flange on the body, produced from late Augustan times throughout the first century and into the second. It is the best represented Italian sigillata form from Poggio Gramignano, with a rim sherd of Subform 33.1 (fig. 173.5), a rim sherd that could be either of Subform

33.1 or 33.2, fragments of Subform 33.3 and body sherds attribut-

able generically to the form. Period V loci have given four fragments of this form. Two rim fragments with rouletting and probably another two body sherds with the characteristic flange are to be attributed to Consp. Form 33. Of the fragments the first, from a rim, belongs to Subform 33.1; the second, from the passage from the body to the rim, to Subform 33.1 or 33.2; the third and fourth, from bodies, to any of the

Subforms. M50d, Locus 086 (two rim sherds from different vessels, fabric 1; 15 gr): fig. 174.5; N50c, Locus 109 (fabric 1; 5 gr.); M50b, Locus 1300 (fabric 1; 5 gr). 10 PurLIP M. KENRICK, "Form 22," in ETTLINGER ef al. 1990, pp. 90-91. 11 KENRICK, "Form 23," in ETTLINGER ef al. 1990, pp. 92-93. 12 KENRICK, "Form 26," in ETTLINGER et al. 1990, pp. 98-99.

13 SUSANNE ZABEHLICKY-SCHEFFENEGGER, “Form 33," in ETTLINGER ef al. 1990, pp. 110-111.

233

Five unstratified sherds belong to Consp. Form 33. Three rim fragments with rouletting (of which two join) and a body sherd with the passage to the rim, perhaps all from the same vessel, are to be assigned to Subform 33.3, while a body sherd can be attributed generically to Consp. Form 33. 4.7. Conspectus 34 14

Consp. Form 34 is a further development of the preceding form with a more pronounced flange, made from late Tiberian until Flavian times and sometimes later. Consp. Form 34 is well represented in Period V loci, although only by very small fragments: M50b, Locus

1304 (plain rim sherd, fabric 1; 5 gr.);

M50b, Locus 802 (body sherd with molding at the passage to the rim, fabric 1; 5 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 1350 (body sherd with molding at the passage to the rim, fabric 1; 5 gr.); An unstratifed body sherd with the passage to the rim is also attributable to Consp. Form 34. 4.8. Conspectus Form 37 15 Consp. Form 37, a hemispherical cup produced from late Tiberian times to the end of the first century but particularly at the middle, is represented in its Subform 37.3. This was found only among the unstratified material, with a plain rim sherd: fig. 174.6. 4.9. Conspectus Base Form B 3.19 16 This base is typical of Consp. Form 34 but can appear also on others (Forms 32, 37 and 44). 17 It is represented at Poggio Gramignano by a Period V piece that is notable as bearing the only legible Italian sigillata potters' stamp and graffito: M50ab, Locus 1007 (base sherd, bearing the potter's stamp OCTSA in planta pedis and a graffito consisting of the letter H inside the basal ring, fabric 2; 30 gr): fig. 174.7. 4.10. Unidentified Sherds Other sherds, mostly body fragments with some minuscule rim sherds and base sherds of sorts common to many forms, cannot be identified typologically. In Period III loci two unidentifiable sherds weighing 5 gr. together were found: M50a/b, Locus 1201 (rim fragment perhaps from a cup, fabric 1); M50a/b, Locus 1205 (body fragment, fabric 1). Nineteen Period V sherds, weighing 70 gr., are unidentified: N50d, Locus 066 (body sherd with illegible traces of some post-firing scratches on the outside, fabric 1);

N50c, Locus 109 (base sherd with illegible traces of some post-firing scratches inside the base ring, fabric 1); N50c, Locus 110 (body sherd, fabric 1);

N50c, Locus 118 (rim fragment perhaps from a cup, fabric 1);

1^ 15 16 17 Italian

234

ZABEHLICKY-SCHEFFENEGGER, "Form 34," in ETTLINGER e? al. 1990, pp. 112-113. ZABEHLICKY-SCHEFFENEGGER, "Form 37," in ETTLINGER et al. 1990, pp. 116-117. ZABEHLICKY-SCHEFFENEGGER, "Bóden und Standringe," in ETTLINGER et al. 1990, pp. 153-163. AUGUST OXÉ, and HOWARD COMFORT, Corpus Vasorum Arretinorum. A Catalogue of the Signatures, Shapes and Chronology of Sigillata, Antiquitas, Reihe 3, Band 4 (Bonn: 1968) n. 1164, p. 299: for the same abbreviation cf. Examples 3, 11 and 17.

N51a, Locus 156 (body sherd, fabric 1); N50c, Locus 255 (body sherd, fabric 1); M49d, Locus 463 (rim fragment perhaps from a cup, fabric 1); M49d, Locus 467 (body sherd, fabric 1); M50a/b, Locus 707 (body sherd, fabric 1); M50a/b, Locus 708 (body sherd, fabric 1); M49b/d, Locus 852 (body sherd, fabric 1); M50a/b, Locus 1005 (three body sherds, fabric 1); M50a, Locus 1107 (body sherd, fabric 1); M50b, Locus 1313 (body sherd, fabric 1, one from a plate and the other from a cup). M49b/d, Locus 1350 (fabric 1: two body sherds); M49c/d, Locus 1403 (body sherd, fabric 1). .

Twenty-eight unstratified fragments are unidentified: a rim sherd perhaps from a cup, three base sherds from plates, two base sherds from cups (one of which presents the broken-off heel of a planta pedis potter's stamp) and two base fragments and twenty body sherds (one of which bears rouletting) that could come from vessels of various shapes. 5. EPIGRAPHY

Epigraphic evidence on the Italian sigillata from Poggio Gramignano is scarce. It consists of a legible potters stamp (on a Period V base fragment of type Consp. 34), an illegible fragment of another (on an unidentified sherd from an unstratified locus), a graffito on the same piece that bears

the legible potter's stamp and illegible traces of graffiti (on two unidentified Period V sherds). The legible potter's stamp reads OCTSA in planta pedis, with the crossbar on the A represented by a dot. The abbreviation can be expanded to Octavius Salutaris, a potter known through various stamps including three examples abbreviated in the same way. 17 This potter belongs to a late group (first half of the second century) that has been defined as the OctPro-OctSal Group. 18 An inland site

north of Rome or perhaps in Umbria is suggested as the production center. This stamp has been found in Rome. !? It is curious that this group is particularly well represented in the Peloponnese. ?? Inside the basal ring the same piece the only legible graffito is to be found: the letter H written after firing. This is a very common position for owner's marks. Two other pieces, unidentified sherds from Period V, bear illegible traces of graffiti written after firing: one on the outside of the body and the other inside the basal ring, as was the legible graffito. 6. CONCLUSIONS The Italian sigillata is of no importance in evaluating the chronology of the excavations at Poggio Gramignano, as all the fragments are survival pieces or from unstratified loci. Perhaps the most important feature of the sample is the potter's stamp, as there are paradoxically still too few potters' stamps on Italian sigillata known from Italian sites.

18 KATHLEEN

WARNER

SLANE,

“Italian Sigillata Imported

to Corinth," Rei Cretariae Romanae

Fautorum

Acta XXV/XXVI

(1987), pp. 195-197; SLANE, Corinth. Results of the Excavations Conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens XVIII, Part II. The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore.

The Roman

Pottery and Lamps

(Princeton:

1990) p. 44.

19 JoANNA Birp, “The Finds from the 1969 Excavation”, in JOANNA BIRD, AMANDA CLARIDGE, OLIVER GILKES, DAVID NEAL, “Porta Pia: excavations in an area of suburban Rome, Part I,” Papers of the British School at Rome, LXI (1993), p. 81 has pub-

lished an example from the excavations at the British Embassy at Porta Pia. 20 For example, in the Olympia storerooms there are 73 legible Italian sigillata stamps, of which 52 belong to this group. I am preparing them for publication together with the other Roman fine ware from the old excavations: cf. ARCHER MARTIN, "Roman

and Late Antique Fine Wares at Olympia,"

Rei Cretariae Romanae

Fautorum Acta 35 (1997), p. 212.

235

With these sherds the documentation of Italian sigillata at Poggio Gramignano, previously attested only with a Consp. 3.2 (Goudineau 43) rim sherd, is greatly widened. 21 The identifiable pieces all fit well into the standard repertoire of common forms for the class that one would expect to find on a central Italian site.

A number of them are known, indeed, at the nearby villa of Alviano. 22 ARCHER

MARTIN

21 DANIELA MoNaccHr, “Lugnano in Teverina (Terni). Loc. Poggio Gramignano. -- Saggi di scavo in una villa rustica romana,” NSc, Serie VIII, XL-XLI

(1986-1987) [1990] 27.

22 MARIA ANTONIETTA TOMEI, “Alviano scalo. Sigillata italica,” in DoRICA MANCONI, MARIA ANTONIETTA TOMEI (a cura di), Ville e insediamenti rustici di età romana in Umbria (Perugia: 1983) p. 215 and schede 44-45.

236

CHAPTER

3

AFRICAN RED-SLIP WARE *

1. INTRODUCTION

In these excavations at Poggio Gramignano 183 sherds, weighing 3590 gr., were found in stratified loci from four productions of African red-slip ware. The stratified loci in question all belong to Period V. There were also fifty-one sherds from unstratified loci: seventeen in Production A, nine-

teen in Production C and fifteen in Production D. The unstratified material will be taken into account only in so far as it adds to the information drawn from the stratified material. There are indeed two Production A types, two Production C types and five Production D types that are attest-

ed at Poggio Gramignano only in unstratified loci. The only example of stamped decoration also comes from an unstratified locus. TABLE: African red-slip ware in periodized loci Periods I-IV

Period V

Production A Hayes 8A/Lamboglia la Hayes 8A/Lamboglia 1b

-

1/15 gr. 1/20 gr.

Hayes 8B Hayes 9A

-

3/50 gr. 7/100 gr.

Hayes 27.1 unidentified

-

10/205 gr. 24/225 gr.

TOTAL

-

46/615 gr.

-

19/735 gr. 24/655 gr.

Production A/D Hayes 31 Hayes 32

unidentified

-

13/235 gr.

TOTAL

-

56/1625 gr.

Production C Hayes 48

-

22/360 gr.

Hayes 49

-

2/160 gr.

Hayes 50A

-

40/695 gr.

Hayes 73A unidentified

-

1/20 gr. 7/40 gr.

TOTAL

-

72/1275 gr.

Production D Hayes 76

-

1/15 gr.

Hayes 91 unidentified

-

3/35 gr. 5/25 gr.

TOTAL

-

9/75 gr.

TOTAL ALL PRODUCTIONS

2. HISTORY

OF THE

183/3590 gr.

CLASS

African red-slip ware can be called a single class of pottery in spite of the differences within it because of a number of shared factors: production in the area from Africa Proconsularis to 237

Mauretania Caesariensis, a single craft tradition that developed from the first to the seventh centuries A. D., distribution that answers the need of the regional African markets and those of the export markets in the Mediterranean and beyond, a similar fairly refined quality with slip on all or

most of the vessel! The vast diffusion of African red- slip ware is closely connected with the success of African agricultural products, in particular olive oil. ? Olive oil began to be exported from Africa in the late first and early second centuries A. D., when there are Signs of a policy in favor of a stable rural population of coloni such as is necessary for olive cultivation: the same time that African red-slip ware was first produced and exported. 3 African red-slip ware was at least in part a rural product and was stored and shipped together with sacks of grain and amphorae in left-over space, possibly by the same merchants. 4 Some of the red-slip ware, for local consumption, was certainly the product of peasant artisans working autonomously with their own tools and raw materials. > The standardized products for export imply more complex forms of organization: rural artisans with some autonomy who received orders from merchants, thus guaranteeing quality control; or artisans organized more directly in manufactories by the merchants, who very likely owned some or all of the means of production and raw materials, and located close to the ports. ὅ

There are various areas of production, each with its own particular history, within the ancient province of Africa Proconsularis or modern Tunisia. As differences in fabric correspond to these geographical and chronological distinctions, it is most convenient to subdivide the discussion of African red-slip ware by productions. There are three that are particularly important: A, C and D, as well as some lesser ones, of which A/D is represented at Poggio Gramignano. 7 3. PRODUCTIONS,

TYPOLOGY AND ATTESTATIONS

3.1. Production A

3.1.1. Origin and Dating 8 This production, located in the region of Carthage, began in the Flavian period with imitations of Italian and Gallic forms. A few pieces were imported to the Vesuvian towns before their burial in 79, but steady. exports were known in Italy only from the time of Domitian. Under Trajan and Hadrian their number increased. Then from the Antonine period they dominated the Italian and other western Mediterranean markets completely with highly standardized products. Production A was replaced shortly afterwards, beginning essentially from the Severan period, by Production C.

*'This text was submitted in June 1995. David Soren kindly supplied me his preliminary report on this class when I undertook to study it. That preliminary report and one on the amphorae served as the models for the format used in presenting this and other classes. ! ANDREA CARANDINI, "Ceramica africana. Introduzione" (henceforth CARANDINI

1981), in ANDREA CARANDINI (ed.), Enciclo-

pedia dell'Arte Antica classica e orientale, Atlante delle forme ceramiche I. Ceramica fine romana nel bacino mediterraneo (medio e tardo impero) (Roma: 1981) p. 11 (henceforth referred to as CARANDINI (ed.). 2 CARANDINI, "Produzione agricola e produzione ceramica nell'Africa di età imperiale. Appunti sull'economia della Zeugitana e della Byzacaena," Studi Miscellanei 15 (1970) 95-119; CARANDINI (ed.), p. 13. 3 CARANDINI 1970, pp. 100-101, 107-108.

4 CARANDINI 1970, pp. 104-105.

5 CARANDINI 1970, pp. 116-117.

6 CARANDINI 1970, pp. 117-118.

7 The terms go back to Lamboglia, who distinguished four sorts of "sigillata chiara" among the finds at Albintimilium: these three from Africa and B, which is from the Rhone valley and of regional importance. Cf. Nino LAMBOGLIA, "Nuove osservazioni sulla “Terra sigillata chiara" (Tipi A e B)," RivStLig XXIV

(1958)

257-330 and LAMBOGLIA,

"Nuove osservazioni sulla

"Terra sigillata chiara" (ID," RivStLig XXIX (1963) 145-212 for the original definition of the four productions. 8 Cf., in general, CARANDINI, "Ceramica africana. Introduzione," in CARANDINI (ed.), pp. 13-14.

238

3.1.2. Fabrics

Production A has been further divided into A1, A1/2 and A2 according to the development of the fabric. 9 ΑἹ and A1/2 belong to the fabric described by Hayes: “The earliest fabric... is an orange-red or brick-red ware of granular texture and medium thickness with a slip of similar colour; ... Fine quartz particles, some fine lime and a little mica are present, producing rough breaks and, frequently, a rather pimply surface. The slip covers the whole of the surface; this is of good quality and normally slightly lustrous (mainly early?) attaining a glossy appearance quite close to that of Gaulish terra sigillata. Fine hair lines visible on the surface of many vessels indicate careful polishing of the slip. On some overfired examples the surface of the slip tends to flake off, or has a slightly mottled appearance.” 10 ΑἹ is the earliest fabric, in use from the end of the first century until the middle of the sec-

ond approximately. Compared to A1/2, it has a better and more lustrous slip, which in some cases does not cover the insides of vessels, especially if they call for a lid. A1/2 dates approximately to the second half of the second century and is characterized by a less lustrous slip of lower quality than ΑἹ. Fabric A2 corresponds to that described by Hayes: “the slip tends to become thinner and duller, and the surface correspondingly rougher. A more pinkish tone is not uncommon. ” !! 3.1.3. Typology and Attestations Production A is fairly common in these excavations at Poggio Gramignano, with forty-six sherds, weighing 615 gr, found in stratified loci, all belonging to Period V. These and the sherds from unstratified loci document five types or subtypes.

3.1.3.1. Hayes 4 12 Hayes 4 is a dish related to Dragendorff 15/17 in Gaulish sigillata. The examples are divided into 4A and 4B on the basis of rouletting present on the floor of the former and lacking on the latter. Both subtypes, produced in fabrics A1 and A1-2, are fairly common and cover between them the late first century and the first half of the second. A fragment, which is too small to judge whether it is 4A or 4B, was found in an unstratified locus. 3.1.3.2. Hayes 8A 13

Hayes 8A is a carinated bowl corresponding to Dragendorff 29 in South Gaulish sigillata. Hayes 8A/Lamboglia 1a has a rounded molding below the rim, while Hayes 8A/Lamboglia 1b differs in having a more angular molding. Both present rouletted decoration on the molding and on the outside of the body. Hayes 8A appears in both fabric A1 and A1/2. It dates from the 80s to the middle of the second century and is very common. At Poggio Gramignano 84A is attested in Period V loci: M50b, Locus 1304 (Hayes 8A/Lamboglia 1a rim sherd; fabric Al; 15 gr); M50a/b, Locus 1005 (Hayes 8A/Lamboglia 1b rim sherd; fabric A1-2; 20 gr.). There is also a Hayes 8A/Lamboglia 1b rim sherd from an unstratified locus (fig. 175.1). 3.1.3.3. Hayes 8BW !^ Hayes 8B is the more flaring and unrouletted version of the preceding. It appears normally in fabric A2 but also A1/2. This very common subtype belongs to the third century. ? ANDREA CARANDINI and STEFANO TORTORELLA, "Ceramica africana. Terra sigillata: Vasi I. Vasi non decorati o decorati a stampo A) Produzione A," in CARANDINI (ed.) (henceforth CARANDINI-TORTORELLA 19812), p. 19. 10 J. W. Hayes, Late Roman Pottery (London: 1972) (henceforth Hayes 1972), p. 289. HJ Hayes 1972, p. 289.

12 HavEs 1972, pp. 25-26; CARANDINI-TORTORELLA 1981a in CARANDINI (ed.), p. 23. 13 HAYES

1972, pp. 33-35; CARANDINI-TORTORELLA

1981a in CARANDINI (ed.), pp. 26-27.

14 HAYES 1972, pp. 33-35; CARANDINI-TORTORELLA 1981a in CARANDINI (ed.), pp. 26-27.

239

This bowl is documented in Period V

loci:

M50a/b, Locus 708 (joining rim and body sherd; fabric A1-2; 40 gr.): fig. 175.2; M50a/b, Locus

1000 (rim sherd; fabric A1-2; 10 gr).

3.1.3.4. Hayes 9A 15 Hayes 9A is a bowl with rouletting on the outside that appears in all three fabrics of Production A. It dates from c. 100 to the second half of the second century and is very common. It is documented in Period V loci: M50a/b, Loci 708, 1003 and 1105 (seven joining rim and body fragments; fabric A1-2; 100 gr.): fig. 175.3. 3.1.3.5. Hayes 27 16 Hayes 27, which appears in fabrics A1/2 and A2, is a common dish. The standard shape has a curving rim and wall without a clear distinction between them except for a groove on the inside and a flat base with a small foot close to the edge. It dates to the second half of the second century and the beginning of the third. This dish was found in Period V loci in its standard shape in Production A, as well as in a variant in Production A/D: M49b, Locus 954+M49b/d, Locus 1350+M49c/d, Locus 1403 (eight rim and two base fragments, some joining and all from the same vessel -- comparable to the standard Hayes 27.1; fabric A2; 205 gr.):

fig. 175.4.

3.1.3.6. Unidentified Sherds

Twenty-one unidentified sherds, weighing 600 gr., were found in Period V loci: N50d, Locus 309 (body sherd; fabric A1-2; 15 gr); M49d, Locus 451 (body sherd; fabric A1, slipped only on the outside; 5 gr.); M49d, Locus 463 (flat base sherd; fabric A1-2; 5 gr); M49d, Locus 464 (flat base sherd; fabric A1-2; 5 gr); M49d, Locus 470 (body sherd with rouletting outside; fabric ΑἹ; 5 gr.); M50a, Locus 602 (base fragment with. small foot; fabric A1-2; 5 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 708 (body sherd; fabric A1-2; 25 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 714 (body sherd; fabric A1-2; 25 gr.); M50b, Locus 801 (body sherd; fabric A2; 5 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 1000 (body sherd; fabric unidentifiable because burnt; 5 gr.);

M50a/b, Locus 1005 (body sherd with rouletting outside; fabric A1; 5 gr.); M49a, Locus 1051 (body sherd; fabric A2: 5 gr); M50a, Locus 1105 (base fragment with small foot and body sherd; fabric A2 the former, fabric A1-2 the latter; 45 gr.); M50b, Locus 1304 (body sherd with no outside and two plain body sherd; fabric A1 the first two, fabric A2 the third; 15 gr.); M49bd, Locus

1350 (body sherd with rouletting outside; fabric A1-2; 5 gr.);

M49b/d, Locus 1355 (base fragment with small foot, two joining flat base sherds and body sherd; fabric A2 the first two, fabric A1-2 the last; 35 gr.);

M49d, Locus 1403 (three body sherds, of which two join; fabric A2; 15 gr.).

15 Hayes 1972, pp. 35-37; CARANDINI- TORTORELLA 1981a in CARANDINI (ed.), p. 27. i 16 Hayes 1972, pp. 49-51; HAYES, A Supplement to Late Roman Pottery (London: 1980), p. 540 (henceforth Hayes 1980); CARANDINI-TORTORELLA

240

1981a, pp. 31-32.

3.2. Production A/D 3.2.1. Origin and Dating 17

This production is of unknown origin, perhaps representing the first attempt at products of export quality from Byzacaena. What is certain is that it has characteristics that link it to Production A, Production C and Production D, as well as to the Raqgada workshops and certain African cooking-ware vessels. This production is typical of the third century. 3.2.2. Fabric 18

This fabric has been defined as having “a thicker brighter slip. The body-clay... is on the coarse side and mostly rather thick, contrasting markedly with the thick lustrous slip; fine tooling-marks attest careful smoothing. There is a slight tendency for the slip to flake off." 19 3.2.3. Typology and Attestations Production A/D is present in these excavations at Poggio Gramignano with a relatively large number of sherds: fifty-six weighing 1625 gr. However, they represent a maximum of three vessels, which belong to two types. 3.2.3.1. Hayes 31 ?? Hayes 31 is a fairly common large dish with a plain rim, a steep straight body and a flat floor with a small foot of large diameter. This type was produced in fabric A/D, as well as in A2. It dates to the early to mid third century. It is present in Period V loci in its standard form and in a possible variant lacking the small foot: M49b/d, Locus

1352+M49b/d, Locus

1362 (standard; seven rim fragments and nine base fragments,

most of which join and all are from the same vessel; 590 gr.): fig. 175.5; M49c/d, Locus

1403 (variant; three joining rim fragments;

145 gr): fig. 175.6.

3.2.3.2. Hayes 32?! Hayes 32 is a dish with a short flat rim, sloping wall, flat floor and small foot of large diameter. It is fairly common in the Mediterranean and dated to the early and mid third century. It is attested in a Period V locus: M49b/d, Locus 1355 (seven rim fragments and seventeen base fragments, most of which join and all of which are from the same vessel; 655 gr.): fig. 176.7. 3.2.3.3. Unidentified Sherds

There are thirteen sherds, weighing 1625 gr., that cannot be identified with certainty. They belong undoubtedly to one of the preceding specimens: M49b/d, Locus 1352 (flat base sherd; 10 gr); M49d, Locus 1403 (five flat base sherds, of which two join; 140 gr); M49d, Locus 1403+Locus 1405 (two joining flat base sherds; 75 gr); MA9d, Locus 1405 (flat base sherd; 10 gr.).

17 CARANDINI-TORTORELLA, “Ceramica africana. Terra sigillata: Vasi I. Vasi non decorati o decorati a stampo B). Produzione A/D," in CARANDINI (ed.) (henceforth CARANDINI-TORTORELLA 1981b), pp. 52-53. 18 CARANDINI-TORTORELLA 198 ib, pp. 52-53. 19 HavEs

1972, p. 289.

20 HAYES 1972, pp. 52-53; CARANDINI-TORTORELLA 1981b, p. 54. 21 HAYES 1972, p. 55; CARANDINI-TORTORELLA 1981b, p. 56.

241

3.3. Production C 3.3.1. Origin and Dating 22 This was made in southern Tunisia, in Byzacaena. It dominated the markets for fine wares from

c. 200 to the mid fifth century, reaching not only the western basin of the Mediterranean but also the eastern and occasionally even areas beyond the Mediterranean. Production C potters specialized in extremely thin-walled vessels, plates and platters in particular, of a metallic allure. 3.3.2. Fabrics

Five fabrics have been distinguished in Production C. 23 Fabric C1 has “a very pure splintery clay" with “a thin smooth glossy slip. ” 24 It tends “to be thinwalled (around 3-4 mm.)." This fabric made its appearance about 200 or shortly afterwards. Fabric C2 “is a fine pure ware, of the texture of terra sigillata, with smooth surfaces and a thin

slip, usually matt in appearance. The clay tends to be laminated and to splinter, but is otherwise clean-breaking; it is often pinkish rather than orange-red in colour. Only occasional specks of lime and mica are visible... The potting is thin (normal wall-thickness about 2-5 mm.), even in the case of

very large examples. Surfaces are smooth, with fine tool-marks visible in places, particularly on the outside

around

the foot; the insides appear to be finished off with a fine brush.

Fine horizontal

scratches appear on the outsides of some examples. The slip is generally very thin, with a slight lustre, and tends to merge with the body-clay; it is sometimes impossible to distinguish it from mere wet-smoothing of the surface. Some early examples are given a complete slip-coating, but on most the slip extends over the inside and the upper part of the outside only, with an irregular lower edge.” 25 It is not clear that there is a chronological difference in the beginning of fabric C2 with respect to C1, although it appears to have lasted somewhat longer, until the end of the third or the beginning of the fourth century. Fabric C3 "is not quite as fine as that of the earlier series, and the potting not quite so thin (mostly around 3-5 mm.). The clay, though clean-breaking, is faintly granular, and less inclined to splinter; the clay is generally a little thicker, with a matt appearance, and covers the inside and the upper part of the outside only. The normal colours range from a medium red or pinkish tone to a deep redbrown or purplish-red, indicating a harder firing of many examples. Surfaces are mostly smooth, often with prominent turning-marks at the base of the wall and fine brush-marks on the inside." 26 This fabric was in use from the beginning of the fourth century and the middle of the fifth. Fabric C4 exhibits "a slightly poorer thicker version of the same ware... mostly softer-fired, ortange-red, red or pinkish in colour, with a slightly granular clay containing some lime. Walls are of medium thickness (around 5-7 mm.). The slip is applied more thickly, and has a more or less lustrous appearance; surfaces are well smoothed." 27 This fabric is of a late fourth to fifth-century date. Fabric C5 "is on average rather fine and thinner" than those of Production D; "the clay tends again to be splintery (as on third-century examples), the slip is mostly thin and smooth, and the forms have a metallic sharpness. Slight tooling-marks occur on the walls, inside and outside." 28 Tt is most common in the mid to late fifth century, although it appears as early as 420 and lasts beyond 500. 3.3.3. Typology and Attestations Production C is the most common in these excavations at Poggio Gramignano, with seventy-two 22 Cf. In general CARANDINI 1981, pp. 14-15. | 23 CARANDINI and Lucia SAGUÌ, "Ceramica africana. Terra sigillata: Vasi I. Vasi non decorati o decorati a stampo C. Produzione C," in CARANDINI (ed.) (henceforth CARANDINI-SAGUÌ 1981), pp. 58-60. 24 Hayes 1972, p. 289. - | 25 HAYES

1972, p. 290.

26 HAYES 1972, p. 290. ?! HavEs 28 HayEs

242

1972, p. 291. 1972, p. 292.

fragments wieghing 1275 gr. from stratified loci. Six types and subtypes belonging to Production C were found in stratified and unstratified loci. 3.3.3.1. Hayes

44 29

Hayes 44 is a small hemispherical bowl with a broad rim. It is found in fabrics C1 and C2. It dates from 220/240 to the end of the third century. The type is found in the western Mediterranean and on the Atlantic coasts. This type is documented in an unstratified locus (fig. 176.8). 3.3.3.2. Hayes 48 30 Hayes 48 is a fairly common plate with a broad flat floor and a more or less horizontal rim. It is produced in fabrics C1 and C2. It dates from c. 220 to 270. It is attested in a Period V locus: M49c/d, Locus 1400 (eleven rim fragments and eleven base fragments, many of which join and all come from the same vessel; fabric C1; 360 gr): fig. 176.9. 3.3.3.3. Hayes 49 3! Hayes 49 is plate with a low curved body and an inturned rim. The standard version of this uncommon plate appears in fabrics C1 and C2. It is found principally in contexts of the first half of the third century, although it continues in production until about 300. This type was found in a Period V locus: M49c/d, Locus 1403 (two joining rim sherds; fabric C2; 160 gr.): fig. 176.10. 3.3.3.4. Hayes 50A/Lamboglia 40 bis ?? Hayes 50A Lamboglia 40 bis is a very common large dish with a flat floor, a high straight wall and a tapering rim. It appears in fabric C1 and more frequently in C2. This dish is from 230/240 until about 325. It is documented in Period V loci: M50b, Locus

1300 (rim sherd; fabric C2; 10 gr.);

M49b/d, Locus 1352+M49c/d, Locus 1403 (twelve rim fragments and 26 base fragments, most joining and all from the same vessel; fabric C2; 675 gr): fig. 176.11; M49c/d, Locus 1410(rim sherd; fabric C2; 10 gr): fig. 176.12. 3.3.3.5. Hayes 73A 33

Hayes 73A is a not uncommon small bowl with a horizontal rim and raised lip, appearing most often in fabric C4 and more rarely in Production D. It dates to the end of the fourth century and the fifth. It is documented in a Period V locus: M49b, Locus 951 (rim sherd; fabric C4; 20 gr.): fig. 176.13. 3.3.3.6. Hayes 82A 34

Hayes 82A is a fairly common large plate with an upright rim and rouletting on the exterior. It appears in fabric C5, dating from 430 to 475 approximately. This plate is present in an unstratified locus (fig. 176.14). 29 HAYES 1972, pp. 61-62; CARANDINI-SAGUÌ 1981, p. 70. 30 Hayes 1972, pp. 65-67; CARANDINI-SAGUÌ 1981, pp. 60-61. 31 HAYES 32 Hayes

1972, pp. 67-69; CARANDINI-SAGUI 1972, pp. 69-73; CARANDINI-SAGUI

1981, pp. 61-62. 1981, pp. 65-66.

33 Hayes 1972, pp. 121-124; CARANDINI-SAGUÌ 1981, pp. 72-73. 34 Hayes

1972, pp. 128-131; CaRANDINI-SAGUIÍ

1981, p. 68.

243

3.3.3.7. Unidentified Sherds There are seven unidentified Period V sherds, weighing 40 gr.: M50d, Locus 414 (fabric C2; 5 gr.); M49d, Locus 466 (body sherd; fabric C4; 5 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 1000 (flat base sherd; fabric C2; 5 gr.); M50b, Locus 1300 (body sherd; fabric C2; 5 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 1352 (flat base sherd; fabric C2; 10 gr); M49c/d, Locus 1400 (flat base sherd; fabric C1; 5 gr); N50c/d, Locus 1650 (body sherd; fabric C2; 5 gr.). 3.4. Production D

3.4.1. Origin and Dating 35 Northern Tunisia made its comeback with this production. It began at the turn of the third to the fourth century and continued until the seventh. This production had its greatest success from the mid fourth to the mid fifth century. 3.4.2. Fabrics

There are two major fabrics in Production D, each with two phases, as well as a minor fabric. ?6 Fabric D1 in its first phase, from the fourth to the fifth centuries, has clay that "varies from finely granular to coarse in texture, the earlier examples being on the whole the best; the ware is at first of medium

thickness, sometimes

quite thin, but tends to get thicker (about 6-9 mm.)

as time goes

on. The slip, which varies in thickness, tends to be less lustrous than that of the early ware; a pinkish tinge, perhaps the result of harder firing, is quite common, along with normal orange-red and brick-red colours. Fine tooling-marks are visible on some of the larger pieces, particularly on exterior surfaces; other pieces exhibit a rather pimply surface. The hair-lines characteristic of the earlier series are less in evidence, indicating less careful polishing." 57 In its second phase, from the end of the fifth century to the middle of the seventh, fabric DI is

"characterized by a rather thin dull slip and a tendency to pimply surfaces..." 38 Fabric D2 in its first phase, from the late fourth to the beginning of the sixth century, exhibits "a thick, bright, highly polished slip, similar in appearance to that of" Production A/D, "and with a similar tendency to flake." This contrasts, ^markedly with the dull-surfaced vessels of the main series. The body-clay of these pieces tends to be coarse-grained and is mostly rather poorly fired, with a tendency to an orange or light brownish colour. The surfaces show tooling-marks and the slip tends to have a burnished appearance." 39 In its second phase, from the end of the fifth to the middle of the seventh century, fabric D2 "has a thicker [with respect to the second phase of fabric D1], semi-lustrous polished slip, more or less identical with that of the earliest African products. This is combined with a rather coarse ware in which lime is the predominant impurity. Its colour is regularly orange-red or brick-red, as that of the early series; the slip frequently ends at the lower edge of the rim. A characteristic of this ware is the smoothing of the unslipped exterior with a brush, producing a finely corrugated surface. This feature is commonest

on the smaller vessels; the undersides

of the larger dishes often bear tooling-

marks instead." 40 | Fabric D1/2 is a rare and not well defined fabric with a semi-lustrous slip. f

35 Cf. In general, CARANDINI

1981, p. 15.

36 CARANDINI and TORTORELLA, "Ceramica africana. Terra sigillata: Vasi I. Vasi non decorati o decorati a stampo D. Produzione D," in CARANDINI (ed.) (henceforth CaRANDINI-TORTORELLA

37 HAYES 1972,p. 291. 38 HAYES 1972, p. 292. 3? HaAYES 1972, p. 291.

40 HayEs 1972, p. 292.

244

1981c), pp. 78-79.

|

3.4.3. Typology and Attestations There are only nine Production D sherds, weighing 75 gr., from stratified loci in these excavations at Poggio Gramignano. They include two types. The Production D material from unstratified loci, however, documents four more types. 3.4.3.1. Hayes 61A ^!

Hayes 61A is a very common flat-based dish with a vertical or slightly incurved rim that is flattened on the outside to make a sharp angle. It appears principally in fabric D1 but also in D2. It dates from c. 325 to 400/420.

A fragment of this type was found in an unstratified locus (fig. 177.15). 3.4.3.2. Hayes 64 ? Hayes 64 is an uncommon flat-based dish with a plain rim. It appears in fabric D2. It dates to the end of the fourth century and the first half of the fifth. A rim fragment of this type comes from an unstratified locus (fig. 177. 16). 3.4.3.3. Hayes 67 43

Hayes 67 is a very common large bowl with a two-part flaring rim. It appears in fabric D1 and D2. The type dates from c. 360 to 420. | It is documented in an unstratified locus, with a rim fragment in fabric D1 that is too battered for it to be compared more precisely with published examples. 3.4.3.4. Hayes 76 ^

This the base quarters One

type is a dish with a broad flat rim rising to a knobbed extremity. The wall is low and curved, flat. It was produced in fabric D1. It is fairly common and ‘dates to the second and third of the fifth century. fragment of this type was found at Poggio Gramignano, in a Period V locus:

M50b, Locus 902

(rim; fabric ΑἹ; 15 gr): fig. 177.17.

3.4.3.5. Hayes 87A 45 Hayes 87A is a shallow dish with an upright knobbed rim. It is produced in fabric D2 and dates to the second half of the fifth century. This type is documented in an unstratified locus (fig. 177.18). 3.4.3.5. Hayes 91 ^6 Hayes

91 is a flanged bowl with various

subtypes,

in fabrics not assigned to the standard

Production D fabrics. Hayes 91A and 91B, of which the latter is more common, present similar rims

with the flange a semi-lustrous shown that the 91A ends about Hayes 91 A an unstratified

just under the rim. They can be distinguished by the more coarse-grained fabric with slip of 91B with respect to the finer grained fabric of 91A with a thin slip. It has been form began earlier than once thought, about the middle of the fourth century. Hayes 500 and Hayes 91B about 530. and 91B fragments were found in Period V loci, as was a Hayes 91B rim fragment in locus:

M50b, Locus 904 (Hayes 91A; base sherd with rouletting; fine-grained fabric and a thin slip; 20 gr); 4 Hayes 1972, pp. 100-107; Haves 1980, p. 541; CARANDINI-TORTORELLA 1981c, pp. 83-84. 42 HAYES 1972, pp. 109-11; CARANDINI-TORTORELLA 1981c, pp. 87-88. ^3 Hayes 1972, pp. 112-116; Hayes 1980, p. 542; CARANDINI-TORTORELLA 1981c, pp. 88-89. 44 Hayes 1972, pp. 124-125; CARANDINI-TORTORELLA

1981c,. 89-90.

^5 HAYES 1972, pp. 135-136; CARANDINI-TORTORELLA 1981c, pp. 93-94. 46 Hayes 1972, pp. 140-144; Hayes 1980, pp. 486, 543; CARANDINI-TORTORELLA 1981c, pp. 105-107.

245

M49a, Locus 1051 (Hayes 91B; base sherd with rouletting; coarse-grained fabric and a thick, lustrous slip; 5 gr.); M48d/49b, Locus 1608 (Hayes 91B; rim sherd; coarse-grained fabric and a thick, lustrous slip; 10 gr.). 3.4.3.6. Unidentified Sherds

|

There also five unidentified sherds from Period V loci. M49d, Locus 458 (body sherd; fabric D1; 5 gr.);

M49d, Locus 462 (body sherd; fabric D2; 5 gr); M50a/b, Locus 701 (body sherd; fabric D2; 5 gr); M49b, Locus 951 (base sherd; fabric D2; 5 gr); M48d/M49b, Locus 1608 (body sherd; fabric D2; 5 gr.). A base decoration concentric central dot

sherd in fabric D2 from an unstratified locus merits attention because it bears a stamped (fig. 177.19). The same stamp appears twice: a solid dot surrounded by four unbroken circles and an outer broken one. It differs from Hayes 33q in his style A in having a solid and one more unbroken concentric circle. 47 |

3. CONCLUSIONS

The African red-slip ware offers elements for dating Period V, the only one in which it appears. The most significant pieces belong to Hayes 82A, dated from 430 to 475, and Hayes 76, dated from 425 to 475. These indicate a mid fifth-century date for the formation of the context. Other pieces accord well with such a date: Hayes 73A, dated to the end of the fourth century and the fifth, and Hayes 91, produced from c. 350 to 530. Nevertheless, this class presents a large amount of residual material at Poggio Gramignano. All the Production A and Production A/D sherds date, of course, centuries before 450. The earlier

Production C pieces are to be placed essentially in the third century, with little of unequivocably fourth-century date. This sample adds, however, considerably to the attestations of the class on the site 48 and in the vicinity. *? The amphorae contemporary with the date of the formation of the Period V loci showed a picture of the Poggio Gramignano community belonging to a system of contacts within Italy and with various overseas regions. It has been suggested that the inhabitants of this inland area were relatively uninterested in acquiring the fine wares that accompanied the overseas exportation of African foodstuffs in amphorae. 5° Of course, the very existence of Italian red-slip ware in this area testifies to an interest in import substitution. However, the quantity of African red-slip ware found at Poggio Gramignano indicates more than an occasional and casual penetration of these products up the Tiber, which was never the case, for instance, for South Gaulish sigillata vessels at the time they were

imported to Ostia and Rome. 5! ARCHER

47 HAYES 1972, p. 236. 48 Previously a Hayes

84 rim sherd of ware C5 and three body sherds of ware D were known:

“Lugnano in Teverina (Terni). Loc. Poggio XLI (1986-1987) [1990] 27.

Gramignano.

MARTIN

DANIELA MONACCHI,

— Saggi di scavo in una villa rustica romana," NSc,

Serie VIII, XL-

49 At the nearby villa of Alviano thirty-six Production A sherds were found, as well as two of Production C and three of

Production D: cf. MARIA ANTONIETTA ToMEI, “Alviano scalo. Materiali rinvenuti: Sigillata chiara,” in DoRIca MANCONI, MARIA ANTONIETTA TOMEI (a cura di), Ville e insediamenti rustici di età romana in Umbria

(Perugia:

1983) p. 215.

50 DANIELA MonaccHI, “La cultura materiale delle ville romane del territorio amerino in età tardo antica”, in GIANFRANCO BiNAZZI (a cura di), Atti del Convegno I'Umbria fra tardo-antico ed altomedioevo Acquasparta 6-7 maggio 1989 (Perugia/Roma:

1991) pp 184-185, 187-188.

51 The latter ware’s market in Italy is discussed by ARCHER MARTIN, "Nouvelles observations sur la sigillée sud-gauloise en Italie", S.EE.C.A.G., Actes du Congrès de Millau 12-15 mai 1994 (Marseille: 1994) pp. 115-126.

246

CHAPTER

4

COLOR-COATED AND PAINTED WARE *

]. INTRODUCTION

Under this term all the coarse-ware sherds displaying any trace of color have been gathered together: 784 fragments weighing 23810 gr., whether the color covers the whole vessel, only part of it or indeed if it appears only in stripes or dribbles. Elsewhere a distinction has been made between vessels with paint applied by brush, sponge, finger etc. and ones with full or partial slipping by immersion. ! The latter proceeding is normal for the early to mid imperial period, while the former begins to appear in the mid to third quarter of the fourth century in large parts of central and southern Italy, at first mostly with an all-over finish. No systematic attempt has been made to distinguish the two methods of application in the case of the Poggio Gramignano material. There are few examples of striped decorations, which are certainly painted, the most notable being on a large jar interpreted as a probable latrine vessel (Fig. 49). The fragmentary nature of much of the material and the poor conservation of the covering in many cases hinder the distinction between painted and slipped over-all coatings. Nevertheless, the vessels’ morphology and fabric, as well as some technical characteristics indicate that they make up an essentially homogeneous group. As very few vessels can be reconstructed in their complete profile, it is difficult to discuss their morphology and typology. It is possible, however, to assign most of the rim and base sherds to generic forms that constitute a coherent repertoire, although it was not considered normally to be worthwhile to search for comparative pieces elsewhere, because the context in which these fragments were found has been shown by the analysis of better known classes to contain large quantities of survival pieces. The most important groups are the closed vessels classed as small and large jars. The discriminating factor for the small jars is that they are vessels that could have been used for drinking, although they may well have been used also for storing small amounts of liquids or semi-liquids. The large jars are, of course, larger than the small ones but also present rims that would not serve for drinking in any case. They will have been used primarily for storing and serviug liquids and semiliquids. Several large jars have rims with grooves that call for lids, of which one example is preserved. Another closed form found among the color-coated and painted ware at Poggio Gramignano is the pitcher, similar in structure to the large jars but with a rim that shows its main purpose was pouring rather than storage, for which it could naturally have been used secondarily. The final closed shape considered is the tub possibly used as a latrine vessel. Among the open vessels there are dishes, bowls and the occasional basin. Dishes are shallower than bowls but both were used primarily at table, while basins especially in preparing and possibly in storing foodstuffs and other liquids and semi-liquids. Forms and types in periodized loci Periods I-IV

‘

Period V

CLOSED VESSELS

Small jars Reconstructed vessel

Fig. 178.1

-

63/1565 gr.

-

2/45 gr.

:

|

|

* This text was originally submitted in June 1995 and then revised in early 1996. ! PAUL ROBERTS, "S. Giacomo degli Schiavoni (Molise): An Early Fifth Century AD Deposit of Pottery and Animal Bones from Central Adriatic Italy 3. The Pottery", BSR

LXI (1993) (henceforth Roberts

1993), p. 171.

247

Rim fragments Fig. 178.2 Fig. 178.3

2/30 gr. 1/15 gr.

Fig. 178.10

1/25 3/25 2/70 2/20 1/10 1/10 2/15

Fig. 178.11 Fig. 178.12 Other rim fragments

2/25 gr. 2/70 gr.

Fig. 178.4

Fig. 178.5

Fig. 178.6 Fig. 178.7 Fig. 178.8

Fig. 178.9

Base fragments (Figs. 178.13-23, and similar) Large jars

gr. gr. gr. gr. gr. gr. gr.

1/20 gr.

35/1155 88/4845 gr.

Reconstructed vessel

Fig. 179.24

17/1060 gr.

Rim fragments

Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

180.25 180:26 180.27 180.28 180.29 180.30 181.31 181.32 181.33 181.34 181.35

Other rim fragments

1/20 3/45 1/15 4/95

gr. gr. gr. gr.

1/25gr. 3/35gr.

3/255 gr. 1/10 gr. 2/50 gr.

1/75 gr. 1/50 gr. 6/120 gr.

Base fragments

Figg. 182.36-39 and similar Figg. 182.40-41 and similar

Figg. 182.42-46 and similar

18/940 gr. 6/430 gr.

16/1410 gr.

Fig. 183.47

4/210 gr.

Pitchers

2/280 gr.

Other

1/250 gr. 1/30 gr.

Tubs

61/4040 gr.

Fig. 183.48 Fig.

183.49

Fig. 183.50

60/3975 gr. 1/65 gx.

Fig. 183.51

1/15 gr. 1/15 gr.

OPEN VESSELS Dishes Rim fragments

23/825 gr.

Lid

Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

184.52 184.53 184.54 184.55 184.57

Figs. 184.58-59 and similar Fig. 186.60 and similar

248

3/25 gr. 2/30 gr. 2/15 gr. 1/15 gr.

1/70 gr. 9/430 gr. 5/240 gr.

Bowls

-

16/640 gr.

Rim sherds Fig. 186.61

—

5/80 gr.

Fig. 186.62

-

1/65 gr.

Fig. 186.63

-

1/45 gr.

Fig. 186.64 Fig. 186.65

-

1/20 gr. 1/15 gr.

Base sherds Figg. 186.69-70 and similar

-

7/415 gr.

Basin

-

1/240 gr.

Fig. 186.71

=

1/240 er.

Unidentified

-

529/11360 gr.

TOTAL

-

784/23810 gr.

2. FABRIC

As this is not a well known and standardized ware, particular attention was given to the definition of the fabric. However,

it proved

difficult to make

visual distinctions,

and the mineralogical

specimens all belonged to the same group (Group XI) 2: carbonate-marly with a little oxydized iron. In color it varies from pink (Munsell 7.5YR 7/4) to light red (Munsell 2.5YR 6/6-6/8). It tends to have

a clean break with a smooth texture and is hard. Mineralogical analysis placed most pieces in subgroup XIc: specimens n. 27, 29-33, 37, others in XIb: specimens n. 26, 28, 34, 36, and one in XId:

specimen n. 35. No attribution to a subgroup will be given for pieces not analyzed mineralogically because of the difficulty of obtaining reliable results by visual examination. There are good reasons for considering these products to be of local or regional origin. The mineralogical results are consonant with the central Appennine area, to which Lugnano belongs geologically. Further evidence comes from the mineralogical analysis of the ceramic building elements, most of which belong to the same mineralogical group. Building ceramic Fabric 3, used for wheelmade pipes, is indeed indistinguishable visually from the color-coated ware fabric. Tiles, brick and the like tend to of local origin on many sites, and Poggio Gramignano has given several wasters and an overfired piece attributed to Group XI. In most cases the slip is of poor quality, varying in color - most frequently red (Munsell 2.5 YR 5/8) — thickness and glossiness over single sherds or vessels. It will not be attempted, therefore, to describe the quality of the slip on the single sherds, although its position will be noted. 3.

TYPOLOGY AND ATTESTATIONS AT POGGIO

GRAMIGNANO

3.1. Closed shapes Closed shapes are those in which the depth is greater than the opening. Normally the maximum diameter of a closed vessel is to be found below its opening. At Poggio Gramignano small and large jars, pitchers and a tub make up the closed shapes. For convenience a lid fragment is classified with the closed vessels, with which it would most likely have been used. 3.1.1. Small jars Many of the color-coated and painted sherds that preserve a legible form belong to small, more or less ovoid jars that could have been used for drinking or storage of small quantities of foodstuffs 2 For the programme of mineralogical analyses in question, carried out in consultation with me, cf. the article by GIuLIO PREDIERI and SERGIO SFRECOLA in this volume, Part Two, Chapter 21. For other considerations, the result of a programme car-

ried out independently and of which I became aware only when this study was completed, cf. the article by David Williams, in this volume, Part Two, Chapter

16.

249

or other goods: sixty-three sherds weighing 1565 gr., that belong to a maximum of fifty-five vessels. There is one kind of base for these jars, present in some quantity in this sample and immediately recognizable: small, cord-cut bases distinctly articulated from a broad body. The rims that belong to this form vary from projecting and everted rims to upright rims without a clear articulation with regard to the body and to vertical rims with a distinct articulation separating them from the body. At least in sóme cases these jars could have handles. In one case a rim and a base can with all probability be assigned to a single small jar. They are a horizontally projecting rim fragment from a Period V locus, and a base: M49b/d, Locus 1352 (rim sherd and base sherd; slip outside and inside in the upper part; 45 gr): Fig. 178.1, mineralogical specimen n. 30. À number of Period V sherds present similar rims, although they incline slightly inwards rather than project completely horizontally: M50a/b, Locus 708 (projecting rim sherd with a groove on the upper surface; slip outside and on the rim; 15 gr; M49d, Locus 851 (two projecting rim sherds; slip outside and inside; 30 gr): Fig. 178.2; M50a, Locus 1105 (projecting rim sherd; slip outside and inside; 10 gr); n M50b, Locus 1300 (projecting.rim sherd; slip outside and inside; 10 gr); M50b, Locus 1304 (three joining projecting rim sherds with a groove on the upper surface; slip outside and on the rim; 15 gr.): mineralogical specimen n. 32; M49b/d, Locus 1352 (two projecting rim sherds; slip outside and on the rim in one case and outside and inside in the other; 20 gr): Fig. 178.3; M49c/d, Locus 1400 (projecting rim sherd; slip outside and inside; 25 gr.): Fig. 178.4; M49c/d, Locus 1410 (three projecting rim sherds; slip outside and inside; 25 gr.): Fig. 178.5. An example from Period V loci shows the presence of a handle, while part of a body, also from a Period V locus, with a handle and an everted rim undoubtedly comes from a similar vessel: M50a/b, Locus 707+M49c/d, Locus 1410 (two joining base sherds with the beginning of the handle; slip outside with dribbles inside; 70 gr.): Fig. 178.6, mineralogical specimen n. 34;

M49b/d, Locus 1352 (two joining rim and handle sherds; slip outside; 20 gr.): Fig. 178.7, mineralog-

ical specimen n. 31.

|

Other Period V sherds also bave everted rims:

M50a/b, Locus 705 (everted rim sherd with handle attachment; slip outside and inside; 10 gr.): Fig. 178.8; M50a/b, Locus 1000 (everted rim sherd; slip outside and inside: 10 gr): Fig. 178.9, mineralogical specimen n. 36; | M49a/b, Locus 1352 (two joining everted rim sherds; slip outside and inside; 15 gr.) Fig. 178.10. Another sort of rim that appears on Period V fragments of small RE is Veio lated or not:

whether articu-

M50a/b, Locus 703 (articulated vertical rim sherd; traces of slip inside; 10 ox); M50b, Locus 801 (nearly vertical rim; slip outside and inside; 20 gr.): Fig. 178.11; M49b/d, Locus 852 (joining unarticulated upright rim sherd and body sherd; slip preside and inside; (25 gr): Fig. 178.12; M48/49b, Locus 1608 (unarticulated upright rim sherd; slight traces of slip ἔτι ΠΕ and inside; 10 gr.). There are thirty-six base sherds from small jars, weighing 1180 gr: N50d, Locus 066 (base sherd; slip outside and inside; 25 gr.);

250

M49d, Locus 457 (base sherd; dribble of slip outside; 30 gr.); M49d, Locus 466 (base sherd; traces of slip outside; 15 gr.); M50a, Locus 602 (base sherd; traces of slip outside; 15 gr.);

M50a/b, Locus 701 (base sherd; dribble of slip outside; 20 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 705 (two base sherds; slip outside in both cases; 45 gr);

M50a/b, Locus 706 (joining base sherd and body sherd; slip outside and inside; 45 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 707 (base sherd; slip outside with a dribble inside; 45 gr.);

M50a/b, Locus 708 (base sherd; slip outside and inside; 30 gr.): Fig. 178.13; M50a/b, Locus 801 (base sherd; slip outside and inside; 45 gr.); M50b, Locus 802 (base sherd; traces of slip outside; 25 gr.): Fig. 178.14; M49b/d, Locus 852 (two base sherds; dribble of slip outside in one case and traces outside and inside

in the other; 80 gr.): Fig. 178.15 M50a/b, Locus 1000 (base sherd and base sherd joining with two body sherds; slip outside and inside in both cases; 100 gr): Fig. 178.16; M50b, Locus 1300 (two base sherds; slip outside and inside in one case and inside alone in the other;

65 gr); M50b, Locus

1303 (base sherd; slip outside and inside; 30 gr);

M50b, Locus 1304 (five base sherds; slip outside and inside in all cases; 200 gr): Figs. 178.17-19; M50b, Locus 1311 (base sherd; partial slip outside; 20 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 1350 (base sherd; traces of slip outside; 50 gr); M49c/d, Locus 1352 (base sherd; slip outside and inside; 55 gr); M49c/d, Locus 1400 (three base sherds; slip outside and inside in two cases, and outside in the other;

100 gr): Fig. 178.20; M49c/d, Locus M49c/d, Locus

1403 (two base sherds; slip outside and inside; 105 gr.): Figs. 178.21-22; 1410 (base sherd; traces of slip outside and complete slip inside; 35 gr): Fig. 178.23.

3.1.2. Large jars

From larger jars there are eighty-eight fragments of a maximum of forty-seven vessels, weighing 4845 gr. These vary in size from somewhat bigger than the small jars to decidedly heavy ones. In any case, they are all too large to have been used for drinking and must certainly have been used primarily for storing and possibly serving foodstuffs. With one exception, which has a neck, the bodies all widen immediately below the rim. The rims vary from simple projecting and everted rims to heavier and more articulated ones of various sorts. The bases are of four sorts: larger versions of the cord-cut bases of the small jars, simple flat bases, bases with a groove on the underside making a sort of ring and a base with a ring-foot. Various examples preserve handles or attachments for them on or just below the rim. Some vessels present decoration on the body: incised wavy lines and rows of nicks. Seventeen Period V fragments that weigh 1060 gr., all from the same vessel, attest a large jar with a heavy everted rim with an exterior articulation in the form of a pulley, body decorated with waves incised in the unfired clay and a foot with a ring made by a groove, Fig. 179.24: M49c/d, Locus 1400 (two. body sherds; slip outside; 65 gr.); M49c/d, Locus 1403 (three rim sherds of which two join, two joining base sherds, nine body sherds; slip outside; 980 gr.); M49c/d, Locus 1404 (body sherd; slip outside; 15 gr.).

There are five fragments of large jars, weighing 80 gr., with a projecting rim that is rounded at the join with the body. They come from Period V loci: M50a/b, Locus 705 (rim sherd similar to Fig. 180.26 and perhaps from the same vessel; slip outside and inside; 5 gr); M50b, Locus 801 (rim sherd; slip outside and on rim; 20 gr.): Fig. 180.25. 251

M49b/d, Locus 1352 (two rim sherds; traces of slip outside and inside; 40 gr.): Fig. 180.26; M49c/d, Locus 1404 (rim sherd; slip outside and inside; 15 gr.): Fig. 180.27. There are also six fragments, weighing 140 gr., of large jars from Period V loci with projecting rims that present an articulation toward the inside, two of which have a handle attached just below the rim: M50a/b, Locus 701 (rim sherd; slip outside and on rim with dribble inside; 20 gr): mineralogical specimen n. 35;

M49b/d, Locus 1352 (two rim sherds, handle sherd and body sherd - all joining - slip outside and on rim with dribbles inside; 95 gr.): Fig. 180.28; M49b/d, Locus 1355 (rim sherd with handle just below; traces of slip outside and on rim; 25 gr.): Fig. 180.29. Everted rims on large jars occur on seven sherds, weighing 115 gr., from Period V loci, often with handles attached to or just below the rim: N50c, Locus 260 (rim sherd with attached handle; slip outside and inside; 20 gr.);

M50a/b, Locus 708 (three everted rim sherds, of which two join; slip outside and inside; 35 gr.): Fig. 180.30; M50b, Locus 1300 (rim sherd with handle attached just below; slip outside and inside; 20 gr.); M49c/d, Locus 1404 (rim sherd with handle just below; slip outside and inside; 20 gr.); M48/49b, Locus 1608 (rim sherd; traces of slip outside; 20 gr.).

One vessel from a Period V locus has an everted rim with a knobbed lip: M49c/d, Locus 1403 (joining rim sherd, handle sherd and body sherd; slip outside and decoration of rows of nicks; 255 gr): Fig. 181.31. There are also large jars with flat-topped, triangular rims. They are attested by five sherds, weighing 155 gr., from Period V loci: MA9d, Locus 458 (rim sherd; traces of slip outside; 10 gr.): Fig. 181.32; M50a/b, Locus 701 (two rim sherds; slip outside and on rim inside; 50 gr): Fig. 181.33; M49c/d, Locus 1400 (rim sherd; slip outside and on rim; 75 gr): Fig. 181.34;

M49c/d, Locus 1400 (rim sherd; dribbles of slip on the outside; 20 gr.). One large jar is exceptional in presenting a neck between the rim and the widening for the body. The rim itself is everted, with a slight ridge on the inner surface. It comes from a Period V locus:

M49c/d, Locus 1410 (rim sherd; slip outside and inside; 50 gr.): Fig. 181.35. The most common base for large jars from Period V, with eighteen sherds weighing 940 gr., is similar in shape and potting to the cord-cut bases of the small jars: M49b, Locus 953 (two joining base sherds; traces of slip on the outside; 60 gr); M50b, Locus 1304 (base sherd joining with a body sherd in one case and two base sherds joining with four body sherds; slip outside in the first case and slip outside with dribbles inside in the other; 235 gr): Figs. 182.36-37; M49c/d, Locus 1352 (base sherd; traces of slip outside; 85 gr); M49c/d, Locus

1403 (base sherd; slip outside; 30 gx);

|

M49c/d, Locus 1406 (three base sherds-two joining; slip outside; 260 gr.): Fig. 182.38, mineralogical specimen n. 33;

252

M49c/d, Locus 1406 (three base sherds; slip outside in two cases and outside with dribbles inside in the other; 270 gr.): Fig. 182.39. Another sort of base among large jars of Period V is flat and broader than the cord-cut ones with the body rising directly. There are six such base sherds, weighing 430 gr.: M50a/b, Locus 701 (base sherd; slip outside; 110 gr): Fig. 182.40; M50b, Locus 801 (base sherd; traces of slip outside; 40 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 802 (base sherd; slip outside; 70 gr); M50a/b, Locus 1000 (base sherd; slip outside; 60 gr); M49a, Locus 1051 (base sherd; slip outside; 45 gr);

M49b/d, Locus 1352 (base sherd; slip outside; 105 gr.): Fig. 182.41. A third sort of base is flat and more or less articulated from the body, with a ring formed by a groove on the underside. This is the base attested on the reconstructed jar at Fig. 24. Sixteen other such sherds, weighing 1410 gr., were found in Period V loci: M50a/b, Locus 701 (base sherd; dribble of slip inside; 75 gr.): Fig. 182.42;

M50a/b, Locus 707 (base sherd; slip outside; 20 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 1000 (base sherd; slip outside; 60 gr.): Fig. 182.43; M49a, Locus 1051 (base sherd; slip outside; 35 gr); M50b, Locus 1304 (base sherd; traces of slip outside; 295 gr.); M50b, Locus 1304 (base sherd; slip outside; 75 gr.): Fig. 182.44;

M49b/d, Locus 1350 (three joining base sherds; slip outside with dribbles inside; 120 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 1352 (two joining base sherds; slip outside with dribbles inside; 155 gr.): Fig. 182.45; M49c/d, Locus 1400 (three joining base sherds; dribble of slip outside; 290 gr.): Fig. 182.46, mineralogical specimen n. 37; M49c/d, Locus 1404 (base sherd; traces of slip outside; 165 gr); O50a/b, Locus

1454 (base sherd; traces of slip outside;

120 gr.).

A single example attests a fourth sort of base, in which there is an actual ring: M50a, Locus 602+M50a/b, Locus 708 (four joining base sherds; slip outside with dribbles inside; 210 gr): Fig. 183.47. 3.1.3. Pitchers

Pitchers can be identified in two cases by their trefoil openings, which are particularly designed for pouring. As far as their bases are concerned, one can only suppose that the vessels documented by rim sherds must have had bases of the same sort as the large jars. There are two large pitchers from Period V loci with trefoil openings, with a somewhat triangular and flat-topped rim in the first case and simple rim in the other: M50b, Locus 1304 (rim sherd; slip outside with dribbles inside; 250 gr.): Fig. 183.48, mineralogical specimen

M49c/d, Locus

n. 28;

1400 (rim sherd; traces of slip outside and inside; 30 gr.).

3.1.4. Tubs

The tub is an exception among closed vessels in that its body narrows to the foot from the opening, which constitutes its maximum diameter. Nevertheless, its depth is greater than the opening, fulfilling the definition of a closed shape. The most unusual vessel in the assemblage is a tub with a flat base, a high slightly conical body and a flat projecting rim that is provided with a curved ledge jutting inward. This type, document-

253

ed at Poggio Gramignano also by a rim sherd in uncoated coarse ware (Locus 1303), was discussed by Hayes with regard to uncoated examples of mid-imperial date from the Villa Dionysos at Knossos. 3 He knew it nowhere outside Knossos and considered it to be connected with the ritual banquetting carried out on the site, as a non-spill container for urine or vomit etc., unless it was a churn. The type has since appeared, with painted decoration, in an early fifth-century context on a site in Italy with no ritual connotations, where it is nevertheless still interpreted as a probable latrine vessel. 4 As it had been found in other contexts on the site it was considered to be a traditional type there. A rather less similar uncoated latrine jar, of an oval shape with a less pronounced innner ledge, has been found recently at Issa in Dalmatia. 5 The pieces making up the painted Poggio Gramignano vessel were found in various Period V loci: M49d, Locus 458+M49d, Locus 463+M50a/b, Locus 701+M50a/b, Locus 707+M50b, Locus 801+M49b, Locus 954 (six rim sherds, four base sherds, fifty body sherds-most joining; broad stripes outside

and inside; 3975 gr.): Fig. 183.49, mineralogical specimen n. 29. A base sherd appears to be from a heavy tub with straight sides tapering to a flat bottom. This vessel's appearance is somewhat different from the majority of the color-coated wares. It is possible that its coating served some other purpose, such as a partial impermeabilisation. The piece comes from a Period V locus: M50b, Locus 1300 (base sherd; slip inside; 65 gr.): Fig. 183.50. 3.1.5. Lid

There is only one attestation of a lid among the color-coated and painted ware from Poggio Gramignano, from a Period V locus, although the grooved rims of various large jars call for lids: M48d/M49b,

Locus

1608 (rim sherd; slip outside; 15 gr.): Fig. 183.51.

3.2. Open shapes In this general group those vessels are gathered together whose depth is less than their opening. Normally the opening also constitutes the vessel's maximum diameter. The forms attested at Poggio Gramignano are dishes, bowls and basins.

3.2.1. Dishes Dishes are rather shallow vessels that possess, however, a certain depth that distinguishes them from plates. They could have been used according to size for serving and consuming individual or collective portions of solid or semi-liquid foodstuffs. Storage was certainly an occasional and secondary use. Large dishes, are the most common open vessels among the color-coated and painted ware, although there are also small ones. Eighteen dish sherds, weighing 640 gr., were found at Poggio Gramignano. Period V loci provide some examples of small dishes. All the shapes attested have simple profiles. On the first vessel the body merges into an unarticulated rim, which is slightly inturned. The second is more vertical but thickened. M49b/d, Locus 8524M49b, Locus 954 (three joining rim sherds; slip outside and on the rim inside; 25 gr): Fig. 184.52; M49c/d, Locus 1400 (two joining rim sherds; slip outside and inside; 30 gr.): Fig. 184.53. 3 J. W. Hayes, "The Villa Dionysos Excavations, Knossos: The Pottery", BSA 78 (1983), pp. 109, 132. ^ ROBERTS 1993, p. 175. 5 STASo FORENBAHER, VINCE GAFFNEY, JOHN W. HAYES, TIMOTHY KAISER, BRANKO KIRIGIN, PETER LEACH, NIKSA VUJNOVIÓ, "Hvar-Vis- Palagruza 1992-1993. A Preliminary Report of the Adriatic Island Project (Contact, Commerce and Colonisation 6000 BC-600 AD)”, Vjesnik za Arheologiju i Historiju Dalmatinsku 86 (1994), p. 35 with fig. 15. ||

254

There are large dishes with simple rims and curved bodies attested in Period V loci: M50b, Locus 801 (two joining rim sherds; traces of slip outside and inside; 15 gr): Fig. 184.54; M50 a, Locus

1105 (rim sherd; traces of slip outside;

15 gr.): Fig. 184.55.

The most complete vessel, however, with a small ring on the base, comes from an unperiodized locus: Fig. 184.56. | Another fragment of a large dish from a Period V locus presents a less curved body and a flat base: M50a/b, Locus 703 (rim sherd; traces of slip outside; 70 gr.): Fig. 184.57.

There are various examples of large dishes from Period V loci with a slight carination between the somewhat curved body and an approximately vertical rim: M50b, Locus 1304 (rim sherd; slip outside and inside; 30 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 1350 (rim sherd; slip ouside and inside; 30 gr); M49c/d, Locus 1400 (rim sherd; slip outside and inside; 45 gr.);

M49c/d, Locus 1403 (four rim sherds of which two join; slip outside and inside; 225 gr): Figs. 184.58-59; M49c/d, Locus M49c/d, Locus

1406 (rim sherd; traces of slip outside and inside; 25 gr); 1410 (rim sherd; slip outside and inside; 75 gr.).

There are also fragments from Period V loci, perhaps of a single large dish, with a beveled rim, apparently imitating Hayes 61 in African red slip ware and presumably to be dated to the fourth or fifth century: M49d, Locus 457+M49b/d, Locus 852 (three joining rim sherds; traces of slip outside; 120 gr.): Fig. 185.60; M49b, Locus 954 (rim sherd; traces of slip outside; 65 gr.); M49c/d, Locus

1400 (rim sherd; traces of slip outside; 55 gr.).

3.2.2. Bowls

Bowls are also present in this assemblage. They are differentiated from dishes by their greater depth. Their main purpose will have been much the same, serving and consuming food either in communal or single portions according to their size. Their form is suitable for more liquid foodstuffs. Once again, storage will have been a secondary and occasional function. At Poggio Gramignano sixteen fragments, weighing 640 gr., were attributed to bowls. Various fragments, similar in being underfired and probably from a single vessel, belong to a small bowl with a simple rim, curved body and a small ring foot: Fig. 185.61. They come from Period V loci: M50a/b, Locus 703 (rim sherd; slip outside and inside; 15 gr);

M50a/b, Locus 703+M50b, Locus 802 (two joining rim sherds; slip outside and inside; 15 gr.) M50a/b, Locus 705 (base sherd; slip outside and inside; 30 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 708 (base sherd; slip outside and abrasions inside; 20 gr.).

There is a large bowl with a vertical, wall merging from a slight bend into a simple rim: M50b, Locus 1310 (rim sherd; traces of slip outside; 65 gr.): Fig. 185.62.

Bowls exist from Period V loci with a definite bend in the wall and a rim that is flattened on top: M50a/b, Locus 708 (rim sherd; slip outside and inside; 45 gr.): Fig. 185.63, mineralogical specimen n. 26; M49c/d, Locus

1400 (rim sherd; slip outside and inside; 20 gr.): Fig. 185.64.

255

Thereis also a large bowl from a Period V locus with an inturned rim: M49c/d, Locus

1403 (rim sherd; traces of slip outside and inside; 15 gr): Fig. 185.65.

Another sort of bowl is attested only in unperiodized loci. It is characterized by its rim in the form of a broad horizontal flange with a thickened lip. The better preserved example has a curved body and a groove on the outside of the lip: Fig. 186.66, while the other has a smooth lip: Fig. 186.67. There is a small bowl or cup, attested only in an unperiodized locus, with a short vertical rim marked by a groove on the outside and below that a flange: Fig. 186.68, mineralogical specimen n. 27. It recalls the later, flattened versions of the common Italian sigillata form Consp. 34, which was

found also at Poggio Gramignano. It could well date to the late first or second centuries. Base sherds with more or less carefully made ring-feet can be attributed to large bowls, as they are fairly deep and slipped inside. They come from Period V loci: N50c, Locus 009 (base sherd; slip inside; 20 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 703 (base sherd; slip outside and inside; 35 gr.); M49b, Locus 954 (base sherd; slip outside and inside; 50 gr);

M49b/d, Locus 1352 (base sherd; slip outside and traces inside; 55 gr): Fig. 186.69; M49c/d, Locus 1400 (two joining base sherds; slip outside and inside; 130 gr.);

M49c/d, Locus 1403 (base sherd; slip outside and inside; 125 gr.): Fig. 186.70. 3.2.3. Basins

Basins are large concave vessels. They were used to hold water and were therefore employed in such functions as washing. The only basin attested is a vessel with a flanged rim from a Period V locus: M50b, Locus 801 (rim sherd; dribble of slip outside; 240 gr.): Fig. 186.71. 3.3. Unidentified There are 529 unidentified fragments from Period V loci, mostly body sherds, weighing 11360 gr: N50d, Locus 064 (body sherd; slip on outside; 5 gr); N50d, Locus 066 (body sherd; slip on outside; 5 gr);

N50d, Locus 086 J50c, Locus 109 - N50c, Locus 113 O50c, Locus 212 in the other

(handle sherd; complete slip; 5 gr); (body sherd; slip outside and inside; 5 gr.); (body sherd; slip outside; 5 gr); (three body sherds; slip outside with dribbles inside in one case and only outside two; 45 gr;

N50c, Locus 260 (handle sherd; complete slip; 5 gr); N50d, Locus 309 (two body sherds; slip outside; 5 gr);

M49d, Locus 452 (three body sherds; slip outside; 25 gr); M49d, Locus 458 (handle sherd and three body sherds; slip outside and inside in one case and only outside in the others; 45 gr.); M49d, Locus 462 (rim sherd; traces of slip outside and inside; 10 gr.); M49d, Locus 463 (body sherd; slip outside and inside; 5 gr.); M49d, Locus 464 (two body sherds; slip outside; 10 gr.);

M49d, Locus 465 M49d, Locus 467 M49d, Locus 470 M50a, Locus 602 outside with M50c, Locus 607

(handle sherd and body sherd; slip outside and inside; 15 gr.); (handle sherd and five body sherds all joining, stripes outside; 370 gr.); (three body sherds; slip outside and inside; 15 gr.); (three joining body sherds with the decoration of an incised wavy | line outside; slip a dribble inside; 30 gr.); (four body sherds; slip outside; 35.gr.);

M50a/c, Locus 608 (rim sherd; slip outside and inside; 5 gr);

256

M50a/, Locus 616 (body sherd with rows of nicked decoration outside; slip outside; 30 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 701 (sixteen body sherds; slip outside and inside in three cases and only outside in the others; 415 gr);

M50a/b, Locus 703 (five body sherds; slip outside and inside in one case but only outside in the others; 130 gr;

M50a/b, Locus 705 (six body sherds; slip outside and inside in one case but only outside in the other two; 25 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 707 (sixteen body sherds; slip outside and inside in five cases, only inside in one and only outside in the others; 550 gr); M50a/b, Locus 708 (handle sherd and thirty-five body sherds; slip outside and inside in nineteen cases and outside with dribbles inside in two but only outside in the others; 720 gr.);

M49b, Locus 754 (two body sherds with incised wavy decoration on the outside in one case; slip outside; 20 gr.);

M50b, Locus 801 (twenty-eight body sherds; slip outside and inside in seven cases, only outside in ten cases and dribbles of slip outside in eleven cases; 365 gr.); M50b, Locus 802 (eight body sherds; slip outside and inside in six cases, only inside in one and partial slip outside in another; 70 gr.); M49d, Locus 851 (three body sherds; slip outside in one case and outside and inside in the other two;

75 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 852 (three body sherds; slip outside in two cases and outside and inside in the other; 25 gr.);

M50b, Locus 901 (body sherd; slip outside; 50 gr.); M50b, Locus 902 (body sherd; traces of slip outside; M49b, Locus 954 (body sherd; slip outside; 20 gr);

15 gr.);

M50a/b, Locus 1000 (rim sherd and twenty body sherds; traces of slip outside on the rim sherd, slip outside and inside on thirteen body sherds, slip only outside on six and slip inside on the other; 285 gr; M50a/b, Locus 1002 (three body sherds; slip outside; 65 gr.); M50a, Locus 1003 (six body sherds; slip outside and inside; 80 gr.);

M50a/b, Locus 1005 (base sherd and eleven body sherds; slip outside on the base sherd and five body sherds, and outside and inside on the other six; 265 gr.);

M50a/b, Locus 1007 (eight body sherds; slip inside and outside in six cases and only outside in two; 40 gr.); M49a, Locus

1050 (two body sherds; slip outside in one case and slip inside in the other; 20 gr.);

M49a, Locus 1051 (base sherd and three body sherds; slip outside; 270 gr.); M49a, Locus

1052 (body sherd; slip outside; 15 gr);

M50a, Locus 1105 (handle sherd and four body sherds, one of which has rouletted decoration outside; slip outside and inside on the handle and two body sherds and only outside on the other two;

100 gr.);

M50a, Locus 1106 (body sherd; slip outside; 15 gr); N50a/b, Locus

1256 (body sherd; slip outside; 15 gr);

M50b, Locus 1300 (rim sherd, two handle sherds and twenty-eight body sherds; dribble of slip on the rim, slip outside and inside on the handles and fifteen body sherds, outside with a dribble inside on one body sherd, only outside on twelve body sherds; 550 gr.);

M50b, Locus M50b, Locus six cases, M50b, Locus

1303 1304 only 1308

(body sherd; traces of slip outside; 10 gr.); (two handle sherds and seventy-five body sherds; slip outside and inside in fortyoutside in twenty-seven cases and outside with dribbles inside in three; 1025 gr); (body sherd; slip outside; 15 gr);

M50b, Locus

1313 (body sherd; slip outside; 35 gr.);

M49b/d, Locus 1350 (rim sherd and six body sherds; traces of slip outside on the rim and two body sherds, outside and inside on three body sherds and only outside on the other; 130 gr);

257

M49b/d, Locus 1352 (forty-three body sherds, of which two join; slip outside and inside in twentyseven cases, only outside in sixteen; 765 gr.); M49b/d, locus 1355 (four body sherds; slip outside and inside in three cases, only outside in the

other; 40 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 1362 (three body sherds; slip outside and inside in one case, only outside in two; 80 gr.); M49c/d, Locus 1400 (handle sherd and thirty body sherds, of which nineteen belong to one vessel and many join; slip outside; 1025 gr.); M49c/d, Locus 1403 (rim sherd and two joining handle sherds -- probably all from the same vessel — and forty-five body sherds, of which two join; slip outside and inside in all cases except fifteen body sherds with slip only outside and one body sherd with slip inside only; 1645 gr); M49c/d, Locus 1404 (base sherd, handle sherd and seventeen body sherds -- two joining — of which five have nicked decoration outside and two incised wavy lines outside; slip outside and inside in the case of the handle sherd and nine body sherds, slip only outside in the case of the base sherd and nine body sherds; 915 gr); M49c/d, Locus 1405 (seven body sherds with a decoration of an incised wavy line in four cases and nicked decoration in two; slip outside and inside in four cases and only outside in two; 210 gr.);

M49c/d, Locus 1406 295 gr.); M49c/d, Locus 1410 two; 145 gr); M46a/b, Locus 1510 M48d/M49d, Locus seven; 140 gr.).

(eleven body sherds; slip outside and inside in five cases and only outside in six; (four body sherds; slip outside and inside in two cases, only outside in the other (body sherd; slip outside; 10 gr.); 1608 (eight body sherds; slip outside and inside in one case, only outside in

4. CONCLUSIONS

The color-coated and painted ware found at Poggio Gramignano covers a wide range of vessel forms, both closed and open. However, there is a definite preference for small and large jars. There is a certain, much less significant, quantity of dishes and bowls. The other forms seem to be occasional pieces. Therefore, in spite of the criterion of selection for the pieces to be included in this discussion, which might well have given a very motley assemblage, these vessels form a relatively coherent assemblage, suggesting that they are a class properly speaking. There are some relations with other classes of pottery, but on the whole these vessels represent an independent tradition. The most important overlap with another class is to be found in the small jars, whose possible function as drinking vessels is the same as that of the thin-walled pottery. However, aside from any objection regarding the latter notoriously ill-defined class, it must be said that the pieces normally included in it were not produced after the early imperial period. Therefore, it is more likely that the color-coated and painted ware took over an empty functional niche rather than that there was a direct connection. Otherwise, dishes and bowls can be considered rivals in gen-

eral of fine wares, of which there are chiara”, though, that for the most part wares were not able to satisfy. Finally, painted wares are infrequent in coarse

indeed a few direct imitations. It was the “sigillata italica filled whatever regional and local demand the standard fine the forms that are most important in the color-coated and ware. ARCHER

258

MARTIN

CHAPTER

TERRA

5

SIGILLATA CHIARA ITALICA *

Con questa denominazione convenzionale era stata già definita, nell'edizione dei primi scavi della villa romana di Poggio Gramignano, una classe di ceramica fine da mensa verniciata rinvenuta in contesti stratigrafici di II-V sec. d. C. i. La definizione proposta sottolinea come, da un lato, questa classe ceramica mostri una dipendenza morfologica e imiti il colore della vernice delle sigillate di produzione africana, dall'altro se ne differenzi in modo sostanziale per la qualità e le tonalità di colore dell'impasto e della vernice e, talora, per un'autonoma elaborazione del repertorio forma-

le, a volte anche di quello imitato. Tali differenze hanno maturato anche per altre sigillate tarde affini la convinzione che si tratti di produzioni ceramiche che si sviluppano e si diffondono in ambito italico parallelemente e ad imitazione delle ceramiche fini da mensa africane. Classi ceramiche, infatti, accomunate a questa di Poggio Gramignano dalla stessa cronologia, da una certa affinità morfologica e dal riferimento al patrimonio formale delle sigillate africane, da una relativa somiglianza di caratteristiche tecniche e, talvolta, dell'argilla e della vernice, nonché dall'area di diffusione, si sono rinvenute in altri contesti dell'Italia centro-settentrionale, dall'area tirreni-

ca a quella adriatica. Queste ceramiche sono state pubblicate con denominazioni diverse: da «terra sigillata chiara tarda medio-adriatica» ? a «terra sigillata tarda norditalica» ?, da «terra sigillata tarda» ^ a «terra sigillata chiara italica» 5, da «terra sigillata chiara di produzione locale» 6 a «terra sigillata chiara d'imitazione locale» ? e, talora, sono state anche genericamente definite come «ceramica verniciata» 3. Fra tutte

queste varie classi ceramiche, quella più connotata e per la quale è stato impostato anche un primo tentativo di classificazione tipologica 9 è la cosiddetta «sigillata chiara medio-adriatica», caratterizzata da motivi decorativi lineari sovradipinti in vernice bruna o figurati e fitomorfi a rilievo ottenuti a matrice, rinvenuta in area emiliano-romagnola, nelle Marche, in Toscana e in Umbria 19.

* Il presente studio è stato consegnato per la stampa nel 1992. Pertanto la bibliografia è aggiornata a questa data. ! D. MonaccHI,

"La cultura materiale delle ville romane

del territorio amerino in età tardo-antica,” in AA. VV., L'Umbria

meridionale fra tardo-antico e altomedioevo. Atti del Convegno di studio, Acquasparta 6-7 maggio 1989 (Assisi: 1991) p. 186; D. Monaccui, “Lugnano in Teverina (Terni). Loc. Poggo Gramignano — Saggi di scavo di una villa rustica romana," Nsc XL-XLI (1986-1987) pp. 27-29. I disegni del materiale ceramico sono stati eseguiti dalla sig.ra Simonetta Agabitini, alla quale devo anche un valido contributo nella elaborazione della tipologia; le fotografie sono del sig. Valentino Pescari, rispettivamente disegnatrice e fotografo della Soprintendenza Archeologica per l'Umbria. Le tabelle sono state elaborate da chi scrive. 20. PIOLANTI, "Ariminum. Area Rastelli-Standa 1961. Materiali IL," in AA. VV. Culture figurative e materiali tra Emilia e Marche. Studi in memoria di Mario Zuffa I (Rimini: 1984) 329 sgg.; M. G. MAIOLI, “La ceramica fine da mensa (terra sigillata) in AA. VV. Ravenna e il porto di Classe. Venti anni di ricerche archeologiche tra Ravenna e Classe (Catalogo Mostra) (Imola: 1983) pp. 87-88; M. BRECCIAROLI TABORELLI, "Contributo alla classificazione di una terra sigillata chiara italica," RStMarch 1 (1978) 6. ? M. C. PARRA in AA. VV., Modena dalle origini all'anno Mille. Studi di archeologiae storia Il (Modena:

dena II). ^ M. G. MAIOLI, “Terra Sigillata tarda del Ravennate," 5 L. PALERMO, "Terra sigillata chiara italica,” in AA. VV., renze: 1990) p. 158 sgg.; G. BARBIERI, "Ceramica romana da 88-89, 118; M. MicHELUCCI, Roselle, La Domus dei mosaici

1989) pp. 49-51 (Mo-

ReiCretRomFautActa XVI (1976) 160 sgg. Archeologia urbana a Fiesole. Lo scavo di Via Marini-Via Portigiani (Fiun insediamento rustico nei pressi di Viterbo," RivStLig LV 1-4 (1989) (Montepulciano: 1985) pp. 109- 110; MonaccHi 1986-1987, pp. 27-29.

$ MAIOLI 1983, p. 87 sgg.

7 M. BERGAMINL “La ceramica romana," Quaderni di Studi Romagnoli 8 (1973) p. 15. 8 L. Mazzeo

Saracino,

in NSc

(1977) p. 24.

? BRECCIAROLI TABORELLI 1978, p. 1 sgg.; MAIOLI 1976, p. 160 sgg. 10 Cfr. bibliografia citata alle note precedenti nn. 2-8. La sigillata c.d. medio-adriatica rinvenuta in Umbria non è stata pubblicata. Brevi accenni per quella rinvenuta a Gubbio sono contenuti in M. BERGAMINI, “Gubbio: nuovi scavi a Via degli

259

Soltanto di recente queste classi ceramiche si sono imposte all'attenzione degli studi. Ma in assenza finora di un confronto diretto tra loro e dell'apporto di analisi minero-petrografiche, rimangono irrisolti molti problemi relativi a: l'individuazione del o dei centri di produzione, la correlazione tra le varie classi, l'evoluzione tipologica, la cronologia assoluta e la reale distribuzione geografica di queste classi ceramiche che sembrano rappresentare la risposta delle fabbriche locali alla diffusione delle sigillate africane. Soltanto in un caso, a Ravenna-Classe, è stata localizzata una fabbrica

che produceva terra sigillata tarda di imitazione dell'africana D e forse anche la cosiddetta medioadriatica !! e validi indizi in questo senso sono stati riscontrati anche nel territorio modenese 12. Nel presente studio si è cercato di supplire alle suddette carenze mediante l'esecuzione e la pubblicazione delle analisi minero-petrografiche, descritte in appendice, i cui risultati aprono nuovi sviluppi per la soluzione di alcune problematiche legate alla terra sigillata chiara italica 13. Nello scavo della villa di Poggio Gramignano condotto dal 1988 al 1991 si sono raccolti 506 frammenti (gr. 15.618,4) di sigillata chiara italica. Questo valore risulta tuttavia distorto se considerato in assoluto. Infatti per 314 frammenti (gr. 11.334,9), pari al 62,05% del totale raccolto, sono stati trovati gli attacchi o è stato possibile attribuirli, per caratteristiche tecniche e morfologiche, allo stesso esemplare vascolare, così che tutti i frammenti combacianti o comunque riconducibili allo stesso esemplare sono stati considerati e calcolati come una singola unità. A riprova di come una organizzazione del lavoro diversa avrebbe provocato, oltre che una mutilazione morfologica dei tipi individuati tanto più dannosa quanto più assente una tipologia di riferimento, una notevole distorsione dei valori quantitativi, sono tre casi limite: il piatto leggermente carenato con marchio di fabbrica (Fig. 194.108), la terrina a vasca profonda (Fig. 188.28), e il piatto con orlo pendulo e corpo carenato (Fig. 193.91), ciascuno dei quali ricomposto, seppure parzialmente, rispettivamente da 30, 23 e 16 frammenti combacianti. In conseguenza di questo procedimento operativo, visualizzato anche nella tabella 1, le unità o presenze della sigillata chiara italica reperite ammontano complessivamente ad un numero di 260 (gr. 15.618,4). TABELLA 1. Dati quantitativi. TERRA SIGILLATA CHIARA ITALICA

NEL

. ee

PERCENTUALE in numero — peso

Totale frammenti raccolti

506

15618,4

100% — 100%

Frammenti

314

11334,9

62,05% — 72,57%

260

15618,4

100% -- 100%

combacianti

Totale presenze

Di queste sono state identificate e tipologizzate 145 unità, pari al do anche quei frammenti che, pur non restituibili graficamente a zione, è stato tuttavia possibile tipologizzare. A questi va aggiunto al 13,85% del totale, costituito per lo più da piedi e orli, raramente sono stati parzialmente identificati, nel senso che pur attribuibili ad

55,77% del causa dello un numero restituibili una forma,

totale, conteggianstato di conservadi 36 unità, pari graficamente, che non è stato possi-

bile, a causa dello stato di conservazione, riferire ai tipi classificati. Il resto del totale, n. 79 unità,

Ortacci. La ceramica aretina,” AnnPerugia XX n.s. VI (1982-1983) 106 e per quella rinvenuta, tra l’altro in cospicua quantità, ad Assisi, cfr. D. MONACCHI, “Terra sigillata chiara italica da un contesto urbano di Assisi”, BFoligno XVI, 1992, 289-305. 11 M. G. MAIOLI e M. SroPPIONI, "Ravenna. Loc. Classe. La Fornace per ceramica nel podere Chiavichetta,” in AA. VV.

Amphores romaines et histoire économique: dix ans de recherche (Actes du colloque de Sienne 22-24 mai 1986). Collection de l'École Francaise de Rome 114 (Rome: 1989) p. 568. 12 C, MICHELINI in Modena 1, Ὁ. 543; PARRA in'Modena II, pp. 49, 51, nota 1." 13 Cfr. l'articolo di G. Predieri e S. Sfrecola, in questo volume, Part Two, Chapter 6. Ringrazio il Soprintendente Archeologo per l'Umbria, dott. A. E. Feruglio, per la liberalità con la quale ha acconsentito alla esecuzione di tali analisi. Per altre considerazioni petrografiche cfr. anche l'articolo di D. Williams, in questo volume, Part Two, Chapter 16.

260

pari al 30,38% del totale, è composto quasi esclusivamente di pareti, non identificabili né tipologiz| zabili (tabella 2). TABELLA 2. Quantità dei reperti divisi in base alla identificazione e tipologizzazione. TERRA SIGILLATA

CHIARA ITALICA

.

NOS

Frammenti tipologizzati

PERCENTUALE

EE:

numero — peso

145

13419,3

55,77%

identificati

36

1176,4

13,85%

Frammenti non identificati/ tipologizzati

79

1022,7

30,38%

260

15618,4

100%

in

Frammenti parzialmente

Totale

Le forme attestate sono tutte aperte. Sebbene ciascuna accorpi molteplici tipi talora affini, talora differenziati o con molteplici «varianti», il repertorio formale risulta piutiosto ridotto e denuncia una produzione poco articolata, volta ad un mercato territorialmente limitato. La forma in assoluto più comune è il piatto, articolato in sette tipi diversi (Figg. 190-194.69-111) (tabelle 3, 4). TABELLA 3. Terra sigillata chiara italica. Indici di presenza divisi per forme.

FORME

NUMERO | PERCENTUALE | 0

COPPETTE COPPE

28 13

5

TERRINE

29 27

11,15 10,39

3

1,16

SCODELLE CIOTOLE

10,77

PIATTI

81

31,15

NON IDENTIFICATI

79

30,38

260

100,00

TOTALE

10

20

30

40%

| wu IRERREES

LLLETEETTEEEEETLEEET ET T

MD

MULA

MA

ML

7 ,

Soltanto in 15 esemplari, pari al 5,7% del totale delle presenze 12, questa ceramica è arricchita da una decorazione, impressa a stampo in cinque casi, a rotella in quattro casi, a solchi concentrici in sei. Quella a stampo, talora circoscritta da cerchi concentrici, si compone di una rosetta quadripetala identica in tutti e cinque i casi, che è esclusiva del tipo di piatto con orlo inclinato a sezione triangolare (Figg.

190.69-70;

191.71-72;

192.84; tav. 135,4; tav. 136,5-6). Quella a rotella comprende

zigrinature, serie di segmenti obliqui in file sovrapposte o di lunghi tratti curveggianti impressi all'interno o all'esterno degli esemplari (Figg. 190.64-65; 194.101). Considerato che finora su queste classi di sigillate tardo italiche, perlomeno

quelle pubblicate,

non sono attestati marchi di fabbrica, eccezionali appaiono in questo caso i due bolli con il nome

del produttore impressi l'uno, reiterato tre volte, sul piatto carenato (Fig. 194.108; tav. 136,7), l’altro

^ In questo caso il calcolo è stato operato sul totale delle presenze (n. 260) e non dei tipi, perché sono decorati anche alcuni frammenti compresi fra quelli non tipologizzati.

261

TABELLA 4. Terra sigillata chiara italica. Indici di presenza divisi per forme e tipi. FORME Coppette

TIPI 1-11

12 - 13

NUMERO 18

0,77

1

0,38

7

2,70

Coppe

15-24

10

3,85

Terrine

25 - 26 27 28 - 42

2 1 28

0,77 0,38 10,77

43 44 - 57 58 - 62

1 18 5

0,38 6,92 1,93

(63 - 66)

4

1,54

67 - 68

3

1,15

21 4 3 5 17 1 5

8,08 1,54 1,15 1,93 6,54 0,38 1,92

25 79

9,62 30,38

260

100,00

Scodelle

non ident.

Ciotole Piatti

69 85 89 91 96 108 109 -

84 88 90 95 107 111

non ident.

(112 - 113) Non identificato Totale

0.

"

a

30

6,92

2.

14 non ident.

%

|

| |

su un fondo di scodella di tipo non identificato (Fig. 190.63; tav. 135,1). Ancora più significativa è la forma in planta pedis del bollo sul piatto carenato che, richiamando la tradizione specifica delle sigillate italiche, è una indiretta conferma della produzione italica di questa classe ceramica, avvalorata anche dalle analisi minero-petrografiche (Fig. 194.108; tav. 136,7).

Comune alla maggior parte dei tipi classificati è il riferimento al patrimonio morfologico delle sigillate africane A2 (Forma Lamboglia 3b1; Forma variante Hayes 17B n. 11), C (Forma Hayes 44, Forma Lamboglia 40bis), D, D1 e D2 (Forma Hayes 61, Forma Atlante I, p. 105, tav. XLVIIL14; p. 106, tav. XLIX,9 e Forma Hayes 91D) e A/D (Forma Hayes 18, n. 1, Forma Lamboglia 51/51A) e a quello attestato in varie produzioni dell'atricana, come la Forma Hayes 62A, n. 5 prodotta in africana

C3, Ee Dole forme affini Lamboglia 43-43 bis prodotte in africana A/D e C1-C2. Alla tipologia del repertorio decorativo dell'africana D rimanda anche la forma del petalo della rosetta stampigliata sui piatti con orlo inclinato a sezione triangolare (Figg. 190-191.69-72; 192.84; tav. 135,4; tav. 136,5-6). Alcuni tipi, più degli altri, come quest'ultimo o il piatto con orlo a tesa orizzontale (Fig. 192.85-88) o la ciotola carenata (Fig. 190.67-68) denunciano una diretta imitazione degli archetipi africani. Accanto a queste forme di imitazione coesiste tuttavia anche un repertorio morfologico proprio, come la terrina del tipo a'vasca profonda (Figg. 188.28-42), la coppetta a parete svasata (Figg. 187.111) o il piatto con orlo pendulo e corpo carenato (Figg. 193.91-95), che riflette una certa autonomia formale di questa produzione di sigillata e, nella forma della rosetta, anche una Noein rielaborazione di spunti decorativi derivati dai modelli importati. 262

Scarse sono le affinità morfologiche con le tipologie elaborate per la sigillata cosiddetta medioadriatica, riscontrate solo con la Forma 5b Maioli e Forma 7 Brecciaroli Taborelli per il piatto ad orlo rientrante (Fig. 193.89-90) e con la Forma 5 Maioli per la coppa del tipo à parete molto aperta (Fig. 187.25-26). Più frequenti invece sono le analogie formali, per la scodella con orlo pendulo (Fig. 189.44-57), la coppetta a parete svasata (Fig. 187.1-11), il piatto con orlo inclinato a sezione triangolare (Figg. 190-192.69-84), la coppetta e coppa a vasca emisferica (Figg. 187.14; 188.27) e le scodelle con orlo a listello (Figg. 189-190.58-62), riscontrate con le altre sigillate chiare italiche rinvenute a Rimini, Ravenna-Classe, Russi, nel territorio modenese e soprattutto a Roselle, giustificate dalla comune dipendenza morfologica dalle produzioni africane. La sigillata chiara italica della villa di Poggio Gramignano è connotata da un impasto di colore arancio-rosato (2.5 YR 6/6) sostanzialmente omogeneo in tutti gli esemplari rinvenuti 15, tendente ad assumere una tonalità più chiara (2.5 YR 6/4) sulla superficie. In alcuni esemplari l'impasto assume un colore beige chiaro (7.5 YR

8/4) o beige rosato (5 YR 8/4), imputabile ad un difetto di cottura,

responsabile in questo caso anche di una vetrificazione appena accennata o di un annerimento a chiazze della vernice. Limpasto è a frattura netta, molto duro e compatto, ben depurato, con piccoli inclusi a bassa e media frequenza, distribuiti più o meno uniformemente, spesso affioranti in zm cosi che diventa leggermente porosa al tatto. La vernice é di due tonalità di colore: rosso corallo (2.5 YR 5/8) (vernice 1) o arancione (5 YR 6/8) (vernice 2), alla quale non corrisponde tuttavia una differenziazione del repertorio morfologico.

Prevale la prima tonalità di colore, con un numero di 128 unità, pari al 49,23% delle presenze. Il resto ὃ suddiviso fra un numero di 88 unità, pari al 33,8596 del totale, verniciate con la seconda tonalità di colore, e un numero di 44 unità, pari al 16,9296 del totale, con la vernice completamente scomparsa (tabella 5). Tranne i pochi casi in cui è di buona qualità, lucente e coprente, in genere la vernice è piuttosto scadente, molto sottile, poco coprente, opaca, diluita, tendente facilmente a sfaldarsi a scaglie e a non far corpo con l'argilla, o completamente evanida. In alcuni tipi vascolari la qualità della vernice è migliore all'interno e più scadente all'esterno. Fasce parallele più lucenti sulla superficie denunciano un ritocco della vernice a pennello. Costanti in tutti gli esemplari sono le chiazze di impronte digitali sul piede, alla base della parete esterna della vasca e sull'orlo e le colature di vernice. Esclusivamente nelle coppette a parete svasata e a vasca emisferica (Fig. 187.1-11,14), in alcuni tipi di coppe a parete espansa e ricurva (Fig. 187.15-24) e di scodelle ad orlo pendulo (Fig. 189.44-57), la vernice è risparmiata sul fondo interno

della vasca. Caratteristica di tutti gli esemplari, comune peraltro ad altre sigillate chiare italiche affini 16, è la presenza di marcate linee di tornio all’interno e all’esterno, in corrispondenza delle quali la vernice è quasi sempre sfaldata. Sulla base dei dati stratigrafici per la sigillata chiara italica della villa di Poggio Gramignano può fissarsi una cronologia solo relativa, la stessa proposta nell'edizione dei precedenti scavi, che abbraccia un periodo compreso tra la fine del II sec. d. C. e l'inizio del V sec. d.C. All'interno di questo periodo i dati di scavo non consentono purtroppo né di circoscrivere la cronologia assoluta delle forme e dei tipi prodotti, né di determinare la loro evoluzione tipologica e la successione cronologica. Questo arco cronologico coincide sostanzialmente con quello già accertato per le altre sigillate chiare italiche reperite in altri siti dell’Italia centro-settentrionale adriatica e tirrenica, e, anche per

le quali, con l'eccezione della sigillata medio-adriatica di Ravenna Classe ", i dati di scavo non hanno consentito di proporre né una cronologia assoluta né una successione ed evoluzione cronologiche dei tipi. bor

15 Per i colori si è fatto riferimento a Munsell Soil Color Charts (Baltimore:

1975). Ad una più attenta analisi, condotta su

una più ampia disponibilità di materiale, la distinzione di due tonalità di colore dell'impasto proposta da MonaccHI 1987, pp. 28, 34 va rettificata a favore di una sola. 16 MICHELUCCI

1985, p. 110; PIOLANTI

1984, p. 329; BRECCIAROLI TABORELLI

1978, Ῥ. 2; MAIOLI

1986-

1976, p. 161.

17 MAIOLI 1976, pp. 161-166. |

263

TABELLA 5. Terra sigillata chiara italica. Quantità dei reperti articolati per forme e tipi, divisi per tipi di vernice.

|

iP

VERNICE

FORME 2

Coppette

TOTALE 1

|

1-11 12

-

2

11

13

Scomparsa

7

2

14

Coppe

|

TIPI

1

non ident.

6

1

15 - 24

6

4

25

- 26

2

27

1

Terrine

28 43

- 42

15

11 1

2

Scodelle

44

-

58

-

57

6

8

4

62

4

1 1

non ident. (63

-

66)

3

Ciotole

67

-

68

1

Piatti

69 85

- 84 - 88

13

89

-

91

- 95

96

-

2

5 4

3

1

2

90 107

4

1

10

5

108 109

2

1 -

111

1

3

i

10

11

4

34

21

24

128

88

44

260

49,23%

33,85%

16,92%

100%

non ident. (112

Non identificati Totale Percentuale

La quasi totalità dei frammenti

-

113)

era addensata negli strati del riempimento

che colmava gli

ambienti di sostruzione voltati della basis villae (11, 12, 17) e quelli del settore utilitario (10, 15) della terrazza inferiore, entrambi utilizzati, dopo l'abbandono della villa, verso la metà del V sec. d.C.,

come necropoli infantile. — L'accumulo degli strati, o meglio dei livelli, di questo riempimento è dovuto ad una attività unitaria e contemporanea, circoscritta in un brevissimo lasso di tempo - nell'ordine di pochi mesi - nell'ambito della metà del V sec. d. C., che realizzò le tombe infantili e, mano a mano che si seppelliva,

le gettate di riempimento all’interno degli stessi ambienti. Gli strati contenevano scarichi di varie classi ceramiche e di laterizi, utilizzati in precedenza per il consumo della villa, che coprono un arco cronologico che va dal II all'inizio del V sec. d. C., con alcuni residui di I sec. d. C. A conferma della

sostanziale contemporaneità del riempimento è l'evidenza che, in quasi tutti i casi, i frammenti combacianti di uno stesso tipo vascolare di sigillata chiara italica provengono da vari strati dello stesso, situati anche a livelli diversi, e contenenti in associazione materiali, come la sigillata africana, indifferentemente di II, III, IV e inizio del V sec. d. C.

Anche se non stratificato, il contenuto degli scarichi con la massiccia presenza di questa ceramica fine da mensa, utilizzata insieme con quella africana, in combinazione con le anfore commer-

ciate da un largo raggio del Mediterraneo e reimpiegate per le sepolture infantili, riflette i consumi e

una sostanziale continuità di vita della villa per tutta l'età medio e tardo imperiale, la cui articolazione al momento ci sfugge, perché non sostanziata, al di là dei bolli laterizi, da pari evidenze edilizie. |

264

Questa

classe di ceramica

con le stesse caratteristiche tecniche,

d'impasto

e di vernice,

e con

identico repertorio formale e tipologico, come la scodella ad orlo pendulo, la ciotola a corpo carenato e il piatto con orlo a tesa orizzontale, è stata rinvenuta, seppure con indici di presenza inferiori e un repertorio formale più ridotto, in contesti stratigrafici di IV sec. d. C. anche nella villa romana di Pennavecchia !8, situata ad una distanza di circa km. 8,5 a SE della villa di Poggio Gramignano e compresa anche essa nel territorio amerino. Sulla base dell’attuale, scarsa conoscenza ed edizione della cultura materiale di età romana posseduta per il territorio umbro, in modo particolare per l’età tardo-antica, non è possibile accertare la presenza e la diffusione di questa classe ceramica o affini in altri contesti umbri. Soltanto per la sigillata chiara medio-adriatica sono noti rinvenimenti in alcuni centri umbri, in cospicua quantità

soprattutto ad Assisi 19. Chi scrive aveva già osservato una sostanziale identità delle caratteristiche e del colore dell'impasto e della vernice tra la sigillata chiara italica della villa di Poggio Gramignano e la sigillata medio-adriatica di Assisi, tanto da ipotizzare una possibile, comune area di produzione circoscritta nell'Italia centrale 20. Il risultato delle analisi minero-petrografiche, alle quali si rimanda in Part Two Chapter 6, eseguite su alcuni campioni di ambedue le classi ceramiche e comparate con quelle eseguite su campioni di argilla e di laterizio raccolti da siti circostanti la villa di Poggio Gramignano 21, ha avvalorato l'ipotesi avanzata, ponendo le premesse per future ricerche in questa direzione. Dall'analisi dei rapporti quantitativi tra le varie classi della cultura materiale restituite dalle ville romane dell'Umbria sud-occidentale, in modo particolare da questa di Poggio Gramignano, chi scrive aveva tratto in precedenza delle considerazioni in merito al panorama economico, alla commercializzazione delle merci e al peso delle produzioni emergenti offerti da questo entroterra umbro nella media e tarda età imperiale 22. Pur con la cautela di non generalizzare i dati emersi dall'esame dei materiali dello scavo, peraltro non concluso, di questa villa, le considerazioni in precedenza formulate trovano un'ulteriore conferma da una piü cospicua quantità di materiali restituiti dagli scavi del 1988-1991.

La sigillata chiara italica copre da sola il 74,7196 del totale della ceramica fine da mensa verniciata in uso tra il II e l'inizio del V sec. d. C. Il resto delle presenze (25, 29%), pari ad un numero di 88 unità, è coperto dalla sigillata africana d'importazione, distribuita nelle tre produzioni A, C e D 23 (tabella 6).

La schiacciante maggioranza della prima denuncia la superiorità assoluta della sigillata chiara italica nella mensa della villa rispetto a quella importata nel medio e tardo impero. Per contro l'evidente dipendenza morfologica di questa sigillata chiara italica da quella africana, di tutte le produzioni, si presta anche, in termini generali, ad un'altra chiave di lettura, come, cioè, il vasellame afri-

cano prestasse i propri modelli da contraffare. Questa sproporzione fra merci di produzione locale anche per altre classi ceramiche reperite nella villa. E il le o regionale, presente con indici assoluti rispetto alla sistente, o delle lucerne, prodotte in ceramica comune

o regionale e merci di importazione emerge caso del vasellame comune da cucina, locaceramica da cucina africana pressoché inead imitazione dei tipi in sigillata africana.

18 MonaccH 1991, pp. 189-195, tav. 1. Per lo scavo della villa: A. MARTIN-D. MONACCHI, in AA. VV. Ville e insediamenti rustici di età romana in Umbria (Perugia: 1983) pp. 201-271. 1? Cfr. nota n. 10. 20 MONACCHI 1986-1987, p. 28; MonaccHi 1991, p. 187. 21 Il campione di argilla è stato prelevato in loc. Ramici, dai “calanchi” che costeggiano la riva sinistra del Tevere. In proposito va segnalata l'ampia disponibilità di argilla e di sabbie argillose offerta dalla media valle del Tevere, in modo particolare lungo il tratto sud-occidentale dell'Umbria. Cfr. Carta Geologica d'Italia, IGM, F. 137 (Viterbo), 1:100.000. Il campione di laterizio proviene dai residui di una fornace laterizia, ora in disuso, ubicata in loc. "La Fornace,” alla distanza in linea d'aria

di circa 700 m. a NE della villa. ? MONACCHI 1986-1987, pp. 28-29; Monaccui

1991, pp. 181-194.

?3 Questi valori quantitativi e il rapporto numerico tra le due produzioni sono stati calcolati sulla base delle unità presenti e ottenute dopo la ricerca degli attacchi, intrapresa, come per la sigillata chiara italica, anche per la sigillata africana.

265

TABELLA 6. Indici di presenza delle due classi di sigillata calcolati sul totale delle presenze.

80% 70 60 50 40 30

MN

2 0

^

bM

10

Sigillata

Sigillata

Chiara Italica

Chiara Africana

Ancora due casi, quindi, di scarsissima presenza o di totale assenza di oggetti originali rappresentati dalle merci di accompagno dei commerci trasmarini e abbondanza di imitazioni nel consumo della villa tra il Il e l'inizio del V sec. d. C. La situazione è capovolta invece se si prendono in considerazione, nell'ambito del medesimo arco cronologico, le merci trainanti dei commerci trasmarini,

ovvero le anfore. Fra il II e la metà del V sec. d. C. i tipi anforici rinvenuti nella villa sono quasi esclusivamente d'importazione. Alle anfore importate dalle province della Spagna e della Gallia di più antica romanizzazione subentrano in più massiccia quantità quelle africane con i tradizionali tipi bizaceni e tripolitani, i contenitori cilindrici di medie e grandi dimensioni e gli spatheia, riutilizzati questi ultimi come sepolture nella necropoli infantile. Completano le importazioni alcune anfore originarie dall'area microasiatica e orientale 24. I dati esposti, se combinati con quelli offerti da altre ville romane del territorio amerino, soprattutto con quelli della villa di Pennavecchia 25, per quanto quantificati e analizzati in via preliminare, riflettono una tendenza dominante nelle importazioni dei prodotti provinciali tra il II e il V sec. d. C. in questo lembo periferico dell'Umbria meridionale. Questa privilegia le derrate alimentari trasportate dalle anfore e limita l'acquisto delle ceramiche di accompagno che, per quanto alleggerite dal costo di trasporto e veicolate dalla ridistribuzione urbana verso l'entroterra umbro lungo gli stessi itinerari percorsi dalle anfore, era evidentemente più conveniente economicamente per il fabbisogno della villa acquisire localmente. La selezione operata fra questi beni di consumo, comune peral-

24 Cfr. Part Two, Chapter 10 in questo stesso volume di Archer Martin. 25 MonaccHI 1991, pp. 189-195.

266

>

*

tro ad altre zone dell'entroterra della penisola 26, rispondeva evidentemente a precise richieste di mercato, che imponevano l’acquisto dei prodotti primari, quelli alimentari, sostitutivi di una realtà produttiva locale non più esistente o perlomeno fortemente contratta o riconvertita, e che ricorrevano per le ceramiche alla significativa imitazione di quelle più costose d'importazione.

Il materiale ceramico è stato ordinato in sei gruppi morfologici, per la cui definizione (coppette, coppe, terrine, scodelle, ciotole, piatti) è stata adottata la terminologia generica comunemente usata, sussistendo incertezze nel tentativo di identificazione delle forme secondo le denominazioni tramandate dalle fonti letterarie. All’interno di ogni gruppo morfologico sono stati individuati e ordinati un insieme di tipi, distinti sulla base delle caratteristiche morfologiche di ciascuno e dei parametri prestabiliti, scelti per l'individuazione del tipo. Per ogni tipo classificato è stata approntata una scheda descrittiva, comprensiva delle caratteristiche morfologiche, delle dimensioni minime e massime ricavate dagli esemplari attestati all’interno di ciascun tipo, dei confronti, qualora esistenti, più pertinenti, individuati esclusivamente nell’ambito dei repertori delle affini sigillate chiare italiche tarde, e del rimando ai modelli tipologici, qualora esistenti, delle produzioni delle sigillate chiare africane. Per i motivi già esposti in precedenza, è stata esclusa dalla scheda descrittiva dei singoli tipi morfologici la voce della cronologia. Ogni tipo morfologico individuato è attestato a sua volta da un certo numero di esemplari, che potrebbero considerarsi varianti o microtipi, che pur accomunati dagli stessi attributi stabiliti a parametro dell'individuazione del tipo morfologico, si distinguono tra loro per la variabilità degli stessi attributi tipologici, delle dimensioni, razione.

della vernice e dell'eventuale presenza o meno

di deco-

Piuttosto che procedere ad una semplice quantificazione degli esemplari compresi in ciascun tipo morfologico, si è preferito fornire e redigere per ogni esemplare restituibile graficamente il disegno e la scheda descrittiva. Quest'ultima è stata ridotta all'essenziale, perché sostanzialmente già compresa nella descrizione generale del tipo, e si è lasciato invece spazio a tutti i disegni in quanto esemplificativi degli attributi specifici di ciascun esemplare. La scelta di pubblicare tutti gli esemplari compresi nell’ambito di ciascun tipo, è stata motivata dalla mancanza per questa classe ceramica e affini, ancora in fase iniziale di studio, di un repertorio tipologico a cui far riferimento e, di conseguenza, dalla pensata utilità di proporre tutta l'ampia gamma di variabilità di tipi morfologici attestati, nella prospettiva di una futura organizzazione di repertori e tipologie datate. In quest'ottica è parso preferibile definire ogni tipo individuato all'interno di ciascuna forma con gli attributi selettivi del tipo (ad esempio: «piatto di tipo con orlo inclinato a sezione triangolare», «piatto di tipo con orloa tesa orizzontale») e contrassegnare ogni esemplare o microtipo raggruppato all'interno di ciascun tipo morfologico con la sola indicazione numerica della figura corrispondente. Restano esclusi ovviamente dal riferimento alle tavole, ma conteggiati nell'ambito della 26 Si cfr. ad esempio l'entroterra emilano (GIORDANI, MICHELINI, in Modena I, pp. 529, 542-543; L. GERVASINI PIDATELLA-N.

GIORDANI, in AA. VV. Ricerche archeologiche nel Carpigiano (Modena: 1985) p. 115; L. MALNATI e J. ORTALLI, "UEmilia centrooccidentale tra la tarda età imperiale e l'alto medioevo," in AA. VV. Società Romana e impero tardó-antico III. Le merci. Gli insediamenti (a cura di A. Giardina) (Bari: 1986) pp. 557, 568-569, 576), l'insediamento rustico dell’Asinello nel territorio viterbese (BARBIERI 1989, pp. 97, 117), l'entroterra lucano (A. M. SMALL e J. FREED, "S. Giovanni di Ruoti (Basilicata). Il contesto della villa tardo-romana,”

in AA. VV. Società Romana

e impero tardo-antico III. Le merci.

Gli insediamenti (a cura di A. Giar-

dina) (Bari: 1986) pp. 101-126 e considerazioni in merito di C. PANELLA, “Le merci: produzioni, itinerari e destini, in AA. VV. Società Romana e impero tardo-antico III. cit., pp. 440, 446. Sebbene in ambito urbano, e per questo ancora più significativo, va segnalato il recente contesto di scavo di S. Stefano Rotondo,

dove il dominio

delle ceramiche africane, sia da mensa che

da fuoco, tra il IV e il V sec. d. C. appare tutt'altro che incontrastato: A. MARTIN, "Limportazione di ceramica africana a Roma tra il IV e il V secolo (S. Stefano Rotondo), L'Africa romana. Atti del VI Convegno di studio Sassari, 16-18 dicembre 1988 (a cura di A. Mastino) (Sassari: 1989) pp. 475-483.

267

scheda di ogni tipo, quegli esemplari che pur identificati e tipologizzati, non è stato possibile ricostruire graficamente a causa dello stato di conservazione. | Tutte le misure sono espresse in cm. La riduzione dei disegni è a scala 1:2 7.

LE FORME COPPETTE

Tipo a parete svasata (Fig. 187) Orlo indistinto dalla parete; vasca a parete spessa, svasata e arrotondata; basso piede ad anello, atrofizzato, distinto. ® orlo: 10,4-11,6; (Z piede: 3,8-5 con maggior frequenza di 4; alt.: 3,6-4,5.

Il tipo è presente con 11 esemplari, quasi tutti ricostruiti integralmente, ai quali si aggiungono

altri 6 esemplari di orli e uno di piede non restituibili graficamente a causa dello stato di conservazione lacunoso. Al di là di una sostanziale standardizzazione morfologica, i tipi sono distinti tra loro

dalla variabiltà, comunque minima, delle dimensioni, del profilo esterno del piede, che può essere dritto, svasato, arrotondato od obliquo, dal profilo esterno del fondo più o meno convesso, piano o ricurvo, o, in un caso, sagomato con leggero gradino all'attacco con il piede. Confronti: MonaccHÒi 1986-1987, pp. 27-29, fig. 16, nn. 45-46; MicHELUCCI 1985, pp. 109-110, tav. XV, nn. 682, 329, pp. 44, 76 che propone confronti con la Forma Lamboglia 33 della sigillata «lucente». 1 — (2 2-2 3 — ὦ 4 — 56 — (ὃ 7 — C

orlo orlo orlo orlo orlo orlo orlo

10,4; @ piede 3,8; alt. 3,8; vernice 2; inv. 89.2373, locus 705, M 50 ab 11,6; C piede 4,8; alt. 4,3; vernice 1; inv. 89.3504, locus 707, M 50 ab (*) 27. 10,4; @ piede 3,8; alt. 3,8; vernice 1; inv. 89.3503, locus 707, M 50 ab 11,2; piede 4; alt. 4; vernice 2; inv. 90.6081, locus 802, M 50 b (*). 10,4; @ piede 4; alt. 3,6; vernice 1; inv. 88.1327, locus 307, N 50d 10,4; piede 3,8; alt. 4,4; vernice 1; inv. 89/90.6274; locus 458, M 49 d (*). 11; piede 4; alt. 4,3; vernice 1; inv. 90.6217, locus 801, M 50 b (*). Leggera angolatura sotto l'orlo

esterno.

8-2

orlo 10,6;

piede 4,6; alt. 4,3; vernice 1; inv. 89.3521, locus 470,

M 49 d. Leggera angolatura sotto l'or-

lo esterno. 9 — ( orlo 10,8; vernice 1; inv. 90.6031, locus 1000, M 50 ab (*). 10 — (Z piede 3,8; vernice 1; inv. 90.6257, locus 801, M 50 b 11 — piede 4; vernice 2; inv. 91.6935 a, locus 1350, M 49 bd

Tipo a vasca profonda (Fig. 187) Orlo indistinto dalla parete; vasca profonda, a parete svasata; piede ad anello o basso atrofizzato. © orlo: 10,6;

piede: 4,2-6,4; alt. 4,8-5,4.

Il tipo é presente con due esemplari, differenziati essenzialmente dalla morfologia del piede. 12 -orlo 10,6; (Z piede 6,4; alt. 5,4; vernice 1; inv. 90.4141, locus 851, M 49 d (*). 13 — (2 orlo 10,6; ( piede 4,2; alt. 4,2; vernice 1; inv. 89.3505; locus 707, M 50 ab

Tipo a vasca emisferica (Fig. 187) 14 —

orlo 10; @ piede 3,2; alt. 4,2; vernice 1; inv. 90.7011, locus 1350, M 49 bd.

Orlo indistinto dalla parete; vasca emisferica; piede ad anello con base d'appoggio piana.

27 Vengono contrassegnati con l'asterisco (*) tutti gli esemplari ricostruiti da più frammenti. In questi casi viene elencato solo uno dei numeri di inventario assegnati ai frammenti prima della ricerca degli attacchi, con il relativo dato stratigrafico, tralasciando gli altri numeri inventariali reperibili comunque nella documentazione d'archivio.

268

Il tipo è presente con un solo esemplare e richiama coppette affini prodotte in africana A 2 (Forma Lamboglia 8 e 8 bis) (Atlante I, p. 34, tav. XVII,7), A/D e C1-C2 (Forma Lamboglia 43 e 43 bis) (Atlante I, p. 69, tav. XXX, 1-2), note soprattutto da contesti della prima metà del III sec. d. C. Confronti: GIORDANI, in Modena I, p. 527, fig. 471,9; MicHELUCCI 1985, pp. 56, 71, tav. XV, n. 445.

COPPE Tipo a parete espansa (Fig. 187) Orlo indistinto dalla parete; parete espansa, a profilo arrotondato; piede ad anello, distinto. Z orlo: 14-15,6; ὦ piede: 5,6-6,8; alt.: 4,8.

Il tipo è presente con 10 esemplari, di cui sette ricostruibili parzialmente. I caratteri tipologici che differenziano i vari esemplari sono offerti dallo spessore più o meno sottile delle pareti, dall'orlo, che può essere ricurvo od obliquo, ed essenzialmente dalla variabilità del piede, più e sottile, in due casi atrofizzato con fondo esterno fortemente convesso. 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

-— — -— — — — —

@ © ( ( 6 (Z ὦ ( (Z ©

o meno alto

orlo 14,8; @ piede 6,8; alt. 4,8; vernice 1; inv. 91.7379, locus 1404, M 49 cd (*). orlo 14,6; @ piede 6,4; alt. 4,8; vernice 2; inv. 91.7361, locus 1403, M 49 cd (*). orlo 14; piede 6,2; alt. 4,8; vernice 1; inv. 91.7030, locus 1406, M 49 cd. orlo 15,2; vernice 1; inv. 88.1134, locus 305, N 50d (*). orlo 15,6; vernice 2; inv. 90.6129, locus 852, M 49 bd. piede 5,6; vernice 1; inv. 91.6870, locus 1304, M 50 b. piede 5,6; vernice 2; inv. 89.2149, locus 458, M 49 d (*). piede 6,4; vernice 1; inv. 90.6028, locus 1000, M 50 ab. piede 6; vernice 1; inv. 90.6067, locus 800, M 50 b. piede 6,2; vernice 2; inv. 89.3525, locus 157, N 51 a.

Tipo a parete molto aperta (Fig. 187) Orlo indistinto dalla parete, arrotondato e assottigliato; vasca a parete molto aperta; basso piede a disco, a profilo svasato. © orlo: 16,6-19.

Il tipo è presente con due esemplari, differenziati dalla apertura più o meno espansa della vasca e dalle dimensioni. La coppa richiama la Forma variante Hayes I7 B n. 11, prodotta in africana A 2 nella seconda metà del II sec. d. C.-prima metà del III sec. d. C. (Atlante I, p. 34, tav. XVII,10). Confronti: MAIOLI 1976, p. 162, fig. 5: Forma 5. 25 — οτἱο 16,6; (Z piede 6,8; alt. 5,3; vernice 2; inv. 91.7017, locus 26 — (ὃ orlo 19; vernice 2; inv. 88.339, locus 001, N 50 c.

1400,

M

49 cd.

Tipo a vasca emisferica (Fig. 188) 27 — (C orlo 16; vernice 1; inv. 91.7739, locus 1355, M 49 bd (*). Orlo indistinto dalla parete, con lieve angolatu-

ra esterna; vasca emisferica. Il tipo ὃ presente con un solo esemplare. Confronti: MicHELUCCI

1985, p. 71, tav. XV, n. 642.

TERRINE

Tipo a vasca profonda (Fig. 188) Orlo indistinto dalla parete, arrotondato; vasca profonda, a parete ricurva; largo piede ad anello.

Z orlo: 20,4-26;

piede: 4,4-9,6; alt.: 7,4-9,5. 269

Il tipo è presente con 15 esemplari, di cui solo 3 ricostruibili integralmente 23. A questi si aggiungono altri 10 esemplari di orli e 3 di piedi non restituibili graficamente a causa dello stato di conservazione lacunoso. Gli esemplari si differenziano essenzialmente dalla morfologia del piede che, sebbene costantemente ad anello, può variare in altezza, dimensioni,

spessore, di profilo, più o meno svasato,

in un caso arrotondato, in un altro con scanalatura all'interno. Isolato è l'esemplare n. 32 contraddistinto da un diametro dell'orlo maggiore rispetto a quello pressoché standardizzato degli altri esemplari. 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42

— C — © — C -- © -- © —@ — ( — © — ( — Y — © — @ — ὦ — ὦ — ©

orlo 22,8; ( piede 7,6; alt. 9,5; vernice 1; inv. 89.3506, locus 707, M 50 ab (*). orlo 22; ὦ piede 6,2; alt. 9; vernice 2; inv. 90.6056, locus 852, M 49 bd (*). orlo 20,8; @ piede 6,6; alt. 7,4; vernice 2; inv. 90.6174, locus 801, M 50 b (*). orlo 21,6; vernice 2; inv. 90.6258, locus 801, M 50 b (*). orlo 26; vernice 2; inv. 89.3510, locus 707, M 50 ab. orlo 20,4; vernice 1; inv. 89.2365, locus 703, M 50 ab. piede 5,4; vernice 1; inv. 91.7324, locus 1400, M 49 cd piede 9,6; vernice 1; inv. 91.7723, locus 1352, M 49 bd. piede 8; vernice 1; inv. 89.3088, locus 707, M 50 b. piede 4,4; vernice 1; inv. 89.2315, locus 401, M 50 d (*). piede 7,8; vernice scomparsa; inv. 89.3017, locus 701, M 50 ab. piede 6,8; vernice 2; inv. 90.6070, locus 800, M 50 b. piede 5,6; vernice 2; inv. 88.351, locus 060, N 50 a (*). piede 8,6; vernice 2; inv. 91.6877, locus 1304, M 50 b (*). piede 8; vernice 1; inv. 89.3058, locus 705, M 50 ab.

Tipo a vasca emisferica (Fig. 189) 43 — (ὦ orlo 20,6;

@ piede 8; vernice 2; inv. 91.7352, locus 1400, M 49 cd (*).

Orlo indistinto dalla parete,

affusolato; vasca

emisferica;

alto piede

ad anello,

non

combaciante

con la

vasca. Il tipo è presente con un solo esemplare.

SCODELLE Tipo con orlo pendulo (Fig. 189) Orlo pendulo inclinato verso il basso; vasca emisferica; basso piede ad anello, più o meno atrofizzato, con base d'appoggio piana. (Z orlo: 12,8-17,6, con una frequenza maggiore di 13, 2; (Z piede: 4,6; alt.: 4,3-5,4. Il tipo è presente con 14 esemplari, quasi tutti restituiti integralmente. A questi si aggiungono

altri 3 esemplari di orli e uno di piede, non restituibili graficamente a causa dello stato di conservazione lacunoso. Il carattere tipologico prevalente che differenzia i vari esemplari riguarda sostanzialmente l'orlo, che può essere più o meno ingrossato, più o meno inclinato, in un caso a tesa piana, in un altro con scanalatura lungo il bordo interno. Anche il piede non è sempre uniforme, variando sia in altezzae sia nel profilo, più o meno svasato. Pressoché costanti sono la forma emisferica della vasca e lo spessore delle pareti. Il tipo trova affinità con la coppa di Forma Hayes 44, prodotta in africana C,.in modo particolare con la sua variante Salomonson C 5, per la quale si è proposta una produzione africana locale, non esportata, corrispondente per argilla e vernice all'africana C (Atlante I, p. 70, tav. XXX,9). La forma comunque Confronti: Monaccui

è diffusa nell'ambito del III sec. d. C.

1991, p. 194, tav. 1,5; MicHeLUCCI 1985, pp. 109-110, p. 54, n. 400; p. 76, n. 681, tav.

XV; L. MAZZEO SARACINO, in NSc,

1977, p. 60, n. 370, fig. 47 29.

28 A questo tipo va verosimilmente attribuito il piede di MonaccHI 1986-1987, pp. 27-29, fig. 16, n. 47. ?? Nella "ceramica verniciata" della villa di Russi sono state incluse varie classi ceramiche, tra le quali anche le sigillate tarde, come la c.d. Medio-adriatica. In proposito va annullato il confronto fra la scodella di Russi e i due tipi pubblicati come scodelle da chi scrive in NSc 1986-1987, p. 19, fig. 16, nn. 43-44, che alla luce degli esemplari identici, ma più integri, rinvenuti negli scavi 1988-1991 vanno invece riferiti alla forma di piatto ad orlo pendulo e corpo carenato, per il quale cfr. p. 300.

270

44 — 45 — 46 — 4748 — 49 —

© orlo 13,2; (Z ὦ orlo 13,6; @ (Z orlo 14,6; (Z orlo 13,6; ( (2 orlo 13,2; ὦ © orlo 13,2; ὦ

piede piede piede piede piede piede

4; alt. 4,9; vernice 1; inv. 90.6304, locus 801, M 50 b. 6; alt. 5,3; vernice 2; inv. 90.6134, locus 802, M 50 b. 5,6; alt. 5; vernice 1; inv. 89.2375, locus 705, M 50 b. 5,6; alt. 5,4; vernice 2; inv. 90.6239, locus 1105, M 50 a (*). 4,4; alt. 4,7; vernice 2; inv. 90.6139, locus 801, M 50 b (*). 4,2; vernice 1; inv. 89.3002, locus 701, M 50 ab (*). Fondo

non combaciante

con la

vasca. 50 — 51 — 5253 — 54 — 55 — 56 —

ὥ orlo 13,2; (Z piede 4,7; alt. 5,2; vernice 2; inv. 89.2743, locus 600, M 50 c (ἢ). (2 orlo 12,8; @ piede 4,4; alt. 5,1; vernice scomparsa; inv. 89.3502, locus 707, M 50 ab (*). orlo 13; (ὦ piede 4,6; alt. 4,3; vernice 2; inv. 88.1340, locus 021, N 51 c. orlo 13; vernice 1; inv. 89.3508, locus 707, M 50 ab. Scanalatura interna sotto l'orlo. © orlo 13; vernice 2; inv. 89.2376, locus 705, M 50 ab. Orlo a tesa piana. Z orlo 14,4; vernice 2; inv. 90.6023, locus 1000, M 50 ab. © orlo 17,6; vernice scomparsa; inv. 91.6830, locus 1300, M 50 b.

577 — ©

piede 4,8; vernice 2, inv. 89.2504,

locus 001,

M

50 b.

Tipo con orlo a listello (Figg. 189-190) Orlo dal margine superiore piatto o arrotondato, munito all'esterno di un listello pendulo; vasca emisferica. © orlo: 13,2-22,6 con maggiore frequenza di 18.

Il tipo é presente con 5 esemplari, differenziati, oltre che dalle dimensioni, dalla forma del listello: arrotondato e pendulo o atrofizzato o rozzo e ingrossato. Nessuno di essi conserva il piede. Il tipo è sostanzialmente affine a prodotti della sigillata africana D/D 2 ed è confrontabile, sulla base della diversa articolazione dell'orlo dei vari esemplari, con le forme Atlante I, tav. XLVII, 14, p. 105; Atlante I, tav. XLIX, 9, p. 106 e Hayes 91 D (Atlante I, p. 106, tav. XLIX, 7-8), diffuse dalla metà

del IV sec. d. C. fino all'inizio-metà del VII sec. d. C. per i tipi più tardi. Negli esemplari della sigillata chiara italica, che pertanto si configurano come una imitazione dei tipi africani, manca la decorazione interna a rotella che contraddistingue questo tipo di scodella a listello nella produzione africana. Confronti: GIORDANI, in Modena I, p. 505, fig. 442,9; MAIOLI 1983, pp. 90-91,94,111, fig. 4.8. 58 59 60 61 62

— C orlo 18; vernice 2; — orlo 22,6; vernice — ( orlo 18,4; vernice — orlo 18; vernice 1; — © orlo 13,2; vernice

inv. 91.7311, locus 1400, M 49 1; inv. 89.2354, locus 703, M 50 1; inv. 89.2393, locus 609, M 50 inv. 89.3108, locus 752, M 49 b 1; inv. 89.2340, locus 701, M 50

cd. Listello atrofizzato. ab (*). Listello atrofizzato. ac. Listello arrotondato. (*). Listello rozzo e ingrossato. ab (*). Listello rozzo e ingrossato.

Scodelle di tipo non identificato (Fig. 190) 63 — dimensioni bollo: lungh. max. 1,5; alt. 0,6; alt. lettere 0,5; vernice 2; inv. 89.3088, locus 707, M 50 b. Piede ad anello, obliquo. Sul fondo interno é impresso un bollo lineare, frammentario all'estremità destra, a cartiglio rettangolare, recante a lettere rilevate il nome LUC [---], circoscritto da due solchi concentrici. Il

bollo impresso è il marchio di fabbrica recante il nome del produttore o ceramista, per il quale varie potrebbero essere le ipotesi di integrazione, ad esempio: LUC [II] (?), LUC[CI] (?), LUC[ILIUS] (?) (tav. 135.1). 64 — ( piede 8,4; vernice 1; inv. 89.3511, locus 707, M 50 ab.

Piede adanello, dal margine rilevato. Sul fondo della parete esterna decorazione impressa a rotella a lunghi tratti curveggianti, paralleli (tav. 135.2). Confronti per la decorazione a rotella su analoghe sigillate tarde: PALERMO 1990, p. 164, tav. 21,22: coppa 18; GIORDANI, in Modena I, p. 527, fig. 471,7-8; MicHELUCCI 1985, p. 110; MaroLi 1983, p. 112, fig. 4.89, pp. 90-91. 65 — vernice 1; inv. 89.2352, locus 703, M 50 ab.

All'interno della vasca decorazione impressa a rotella con file di zigrinature (tav. 135.3). 66 — @ piede 5,6; vernice 1; inv. 90.6253, locus 464, M 49 bd.

Piede ad anello; gradino sul fondo esterno della parete.

271

CIOTOLE

Tipo a corpo carenato (Fig. 190) Orlo smussato all'interno; vasca carenata, con parete superiore leggermente rientrante e carena a spigolo più o meno vivo; parete spessa; piede ad anello o a disco atrofizzato. © orlo: 19,4-22,6; © piede: 7,4-8; alt.: 8,2.

Il tipo è presente in due esemplari, a cui si aggiunge un frammento di fondo non ricostruibile graficamente, differenziati dalla morfologia del piede e dalla carena, più o meno accentuata. Il tipo imita palesemente la Forma Lamboglia 3 b1=Hayes 14 B, n. 18 prodotta in africana A 2 e diffusa nella prima metà del III sec. d. C. (Atlante I, p. 33, tavv. XVI,16; Confronti: MonaccHI

XVII, 1).

1991, pp. 190, 194, tav. 1,6

67 — © orlo 22,6; ( piede 8; alt. 8,2; vernice 1; inv. 90.6045, locus 852, M 49 bd (*). 68 — © orlo 19,4; © piede 7,4; alt. 8,2; vernice scomparsa; inv. 89/90.2971, locus 466, M 49 d.

PIATTI Tipo con orlo inclinato a sezione triangolare (Figg. 190-191) Orlo inclinato verso l'interno, a sezione triangolare, congiunto alla parete esterna a spigolo vivo; vasca bassa,

a profilo ricurvo; fondo apodo piatto o leggermente concavo, distinto e connesso alla parete esterna da una scanalatura o rientranza. Sul fondo interno è in genere impressa al centro una decorazione a stampo, a forma di fiore a quattro petali con sottili nervature rilevate, circoscritta talora da serie di scanalature concentriche. Z orlo: 22,2-36,8; @ fondo: 12,4-20,4; alt. 3,1-5,7.

Il tipo è presente con 16 esemplari, più o meno restituiti integralmente, ai quali si aggiungono altri 5 esemplari di orli non restituibili graficamente a causa dello stato di conservazione. Pur nella fissità dei caratteri morfologici generali, i vari esemplari si differenziano per la variabilità, oltre che dimensionale, dell'orlo che può essere più o meno inclinato, a profilo continuo oppure con accentuato gradino all’interno. Identico in tutti gli esemplari è il fiore impresso a stampo. Il tipo deriva palesemente dal piatto Hayes 61 prodotto e diffuso in africana D1 e D2 nel IV-V sec. d. C. (Atlante I, pp. 83-84, tav. XXXIV,1,2; tav. XXXV,1) e largamente imitato sia in altre sigillate tarde che in ceramica comune verniciata da mensa 39. Anche il fiore stampigliato, nella forma del petalo, richiama i rami di palma che ripetuti a raggiera decorano forme dell'africana D (Atlante I, p. 172, tav. LVII (b), 47, stampo n. 108), con effetto, talvolta, di fiori quadripetali simili a questo e impressi nella stessa forma di piatto Hayes 61 imitata dal nostro tipo (Atlante I, pp. 84,127,tav. CXXXVII,1). Questo tipo di piatto ricorre in analoghe sigillate tarde, la cui imitazione della ceramica africana riguarda non solo il repertorio tipologico, ma anche quello decorativo adottato talvolta pressoché

integralmente,

come

mostrano

esemplari

di Budrio 31, Rimini 32, Roselle 33, Pennavec-

chia 34 e il vasto repertorio che decora la sigillata chiara prodotta nella fornace di Classe 35. Confronti: GIORDANI, in Modena I, p. 505, fig. 442,10; PARRA, in Modena II, p. 51, fig. 28,1; MicHELUCCI 1985, pp. 109-110, tav. XVI, n. 661, p. 75; PIOLANTI 1984, p. 328, fig. 3, nn. 22-23; MaroLI 1983, pp. 109-111, fig. 4.72.

30 Cfr. ad esempio S. BIANCHI in AA. VV., Archeologia urbana a Fiesole. Lo scavo di Via Marini-Via Portigiani (Firenze: 1990) pp. 173-174, tav. 23, nn. 11-13; MoNaccHI 1986- 1987, p. 27, fig. 16, n. 38; N. GIORDANI in AA. VV., Ricerche archeologiche cit.,

p. 74, tav. XXXII, nn. 107- 108. 31 M. BERGAMINI, Centuriatio di Bologna. Materiali dello scavo di tre centurie, p. 51, n. 1377, p. 213, tavv. LIX, CI; p. 52, n. 256, tav. XIV.

32 PIOLANTI 1984, pp. 328-329, fig. 2, nn. 26-27, tav. IL1. 33 MICHELUCCI

1985, p. 51, tav. XVII, n. 369.

.

34 MoNaccHI 1991, pp. 190-194, tav. 1.8. 35 MAIOLI 1983, pp. 90-93, Pas 2, nn. 4.25-4. 29, tav. 3.

272

69 - © orlo 30,2; (Z fondo 20,4; alt. 5,3; vernice 1; inv. 89.3258, locus 463, M 49 d (*). Serie di sette scanalature concentriche, distanziate, attorno al fiore stampigliato (tav. 135.4). 70 — (2 orlo 22,2; @ fondo 12,8; alt. 3,1; vernice 1; inv. 91.7008, locus 1400, M 49 cd (*). Serie di sette scanala-

ture concentriche attorno al fiore stampigliato (tav. 136.5). 71 - (ὦ orlo 31,6; Z fondo 15,2; alt. 5,7; vernice scomparsa; inv. 89.3269, locus 466,

M 49 d (*). Fiore debolmente

impresso. 72 —

orlo 28,8; @ fondo

16,6; alt. 5,6; vernice

1; inv. 91.7013, locus

1400, M 49 cd (*). Fiore stampigliato al

centro.

73 — 74 — 75 — 76 — 77 — 78 — 79 — 80 — 8182 -83 — 84 —

© © ὦ ©

orlo 22,2; (ὦ fondo 12,6; alt. 4,8; vernice 2; inv. 89.3017, locus 701, M 50 ab (*). orlo 22,4; @ fondo 12,4; alt. 4,7; vernice 2; inv. 89.2344, locus 701, M 50 ab (*). orlo 26,8; vernice scomparsa; inv. 89.3002 b, locus 701, M 50 ab (*). orlo 29,8; vernice 2; inv. 91.6893, locus 1308, M 50 b (*). orlo 28,4; vernice 2; inv. 89.2335, locus 465, M 49 d (*). © orlo 28,6; vernice 1; inv. 91.6893 d, locus 1308, M 50 b (*). © orlo 36,8; vernice 1; inv. 90.6007 b, locus 801, M 50 ab (*). @ orlo 25,8; vernice 1; inv. 90.6021, locus 800, M 50 b. orlo 31,4; vernice 2; inv. 90.6007 a, locus 801, M 50 b. © orlo 27,4; vernice 1; inv. 90.6076, locus 802, M 50 b (*). © orlo 23; vernice 1; inv. 90.4462, locus 954, M 49 b (*). Dimensioni: 9,7X4,2; vernice 1; inv. 90.6136, locus 801, M 50 b.

Due scanalature concentriche attorno al fiore stampigliato (tav. 136.6)

Tipo con orlo a tesa orizzontale (Fig. 192) Orlo a tesa pià o meno orizzontale, a profilo arrotondato o dritto, decorato in superficie da una o due sca-

nalature concentriche; vasca poco profonda, a parete svasata ricurva; fondo apodo distinto e connesso alla parete esterna da una scanalatura o da una rientranza. @ orlo: 20,8-25,2; @ fondo: 11,6; alt.: 4,5-4,6.

Il tipo è presente con 4 esemplari, nessuno dei quali restituibile integralmente, differenziati sostanzialmente dal profilo dell'orlo, che in un esemplare ὃ anche leggermente pendente, e dal numero delle scanalature che lo solcano. Il tipo richiama la Forma Hayes 58B e la Forma Lamboglia 51/51 A prodotte in africana A/D e D1 diffuse dall'inizio del IV all'inizio del V sec. d. C. (Atlante I, pp. 82-83, tav. XXXIL3-6;

10-13; tav.

XXXIIL1). Confronti:

GIORDANI,

in Modena

I, p. 499,

fig. 440,4;

MICHELINI,

in ibidem,

p. 543,

fig. 486,3;

PARRA,

in

Modena II, p. 51; MicHELUCCI 1985, p. 56, n. 446, tav. XVII; MaroLI 1983, pp. 109-110, figg. 4.70;4.71; BERGAMINI 1973, p. 16, n. 51, tav. XIV. 85 86 87 88

— — — —

ὦ © © @

orlo orlo orlo orlo

25,2; ὦ fondo 11,6; alt. 4,5; vernice 2; inv. 91.7012, locus 1350, M 49 bd (*). e fondo non ricostruibili; alt. 4,6; vernice 2; inv. 90.6101, locus 1051, M 49 a (*). 24,8; vernice 2; inv. 90.6173, locus 852, M 49 bd (*). 20,8; vernice 2; inv. 91.6979, locus 1350, M 49 bd.

Tipo a orlo rientrante (Fig. 193) Orlo ingrossato, arrotondato, rientrante, indistinto dalla parete; vasca bassa, a parete ricurva; fondo rien-

trante all'attacco con la parete. ( orlo: 18-22; Z fondo:

10,2; alt.: 3,2.

Il tipo è presente con due esemplari, più un frammento di orlo non restituibile graficamente a causa dello stato di conservazione. Il piatto è affine, tranne che per le dimensioni, alla Forma Hayes 62 A n. 5 prodotta in africana C 3, E e D e diffusa dalla metà del IV al primo quarto del V sec. d. C. (Atlante I, p. 120, tav. LIV,8). Confronti: MonaccHI 1986-1987, pp. 27-29, fig. 17, n. 49; PIOLANTI 1984, pp. 329-330, fig. 4, nn. 30-31; BRECCIAROLI TABORELLI

1978, p. 14: Forma 7; MaroLI

1976, p. 162, fig. 6: Forma 5b.

273

89 -- © orlo 18; @ fondo 10,2; alt. 3,2; vernice 2; inv. 89.2343, locus 701, M 50 ab (*). 90 — © orlo 22; vernice scomparsa; inv. 90.6273, locus 458, M 49 d.

Tipo con orlo pendulo e corpo carenato (Fig. 193) Orlo pendulo, inclinato verso il basso; vasca profonda a parete svasata nella parte superiore e carenata in quella inferiore; basso piede ad anello atrofizzato. © orlo: 23,8-29,2;

@ piede: 12,8-14; alt.: 5,5-6.

Il tipo è presente con 5 esemplari, di cui solo uno restituito integralmente. Al di là dell'affinità morfologica generale, gli esemplari sono differenziati dall'orlo pià o meno ingrossato e pronunciato e dallo spessore delle pareti. Caratteri tipologici marcatamente diversi reca l'esemplare fig. 193.95 per l'orlo a tesa quasi orizzontale e la vasca piü bassa. Confronti: MoNaccHr 1986-1987, pp. 27-29, fig. 16, nn. 43-44. 91 — ( orlo 27,2; © piede 14; alt. 6; vernice 1; inv. 91.7311, locus 1400, M 49 cd (*). Due solchi concentrici sul fondo interno. | 92 -- © orlo 93 — ( orlo 94 — © orlo — © orlo

25,8; © piede 12,8; 29,2; vernice 1; inv. 24,4; vernice 1; inv. 23,8; vernice 2; inv.

alt. 5,5; vernice 89.2353, locus 89.3302; locus 90.6072; locus

1; inv. 703, M 609, M 802, M

90.5022, locus 802, M 50 b (*). 50 b. 50 ac (*). 50 b.

Tipo con orlo indistinto e corpo carenato (Figg. 193-194) Orlo indistinto dalla parete, più o meno affusolato; vasca carenata, con parete obliqua nella parte superiore; piede atrofizzato o ad anello bassissimo. Z orlo: 23,6-36; (2 piede: 9,6-15,2; alt.: 5.

Il tipo é presente con 12 esemplari, di cui solo uno restituibile graficamente quasi per intero. A questi si aggiungono altri 5 esemplari, quattro di piedi e uno di orlo, non restituibili graficamente a causa delle ridotte dimensioni. I caratteri tipologici differenziati tra i vari esemplari, per quanto apprezzabili dal loro stato di conservazione, si colgono dallo spessore e dal profilo della parete, leggermente convessa o concava, e dalla morfologia del piede. Due esemplari sono arricchiti da una decorazione

costituita, nell'uno,

da due

scanalature

concentriche

sul fondo

interno,

nell'altro da

serie di tratti paralleli impressi a rotella sul fondo esterno della vasca. Un terzo tipo ὃ arricchito da solcature concentriche sul fondo esterno della vasca. Questo tipo di piatto richiama la scodella di Forma Lamboglia 40 bis prodotta in africana C, diffusa soprattutto in contesti della prima metà del III sec. d. C. (Atlante I, p. 65, tav. XXVIII, 9-10). Confronti: MonaccHI 1986-1987, pp. 27-29, fig. 17, n. 52 — ὦ orlo 27,2; © piede 12; alt. 5; vernice 2; inv. 90.6149, locus 801, M 50 b (* ? Due solcature concentriche,

distanziate, sul fondo esterno della vasca. 97. (ὦ orlo 36; vernice 1; inv. 89.2374, locus 705, M 50 ab (*). 98 — Z) orlo 25,2; vernice 1; inv. 89.2355, locus 703, M 50 ab (*). 99 — © orlo 23,6; vernice 1; inv. 91.7324, locus 1400, M 49 cd.

100 - ( orlo 26,4; vernice 1; inv. 91.6812, locus 1300, M 50 b (*). 101 piede 13,4; vernice 2; inv. 90. 6294, locus 1007, M 50 ab. Serie di tratti paralleli impressi a rotella sul fondo esterno della vasca. 102- © piede 15,2; vernice 1; inv. 89.2710, locus 600, M 50 c. Due scanalature concentriche sul fondo interno. 103 — (Z piede 10; vernice 1; inv. 89.2751, locus 606, M 50 c. 104 — G piede 9,6; vernice 2; inv. 91.6802, locus 1300, M 50 b. 105 - @ piede 12,8; vernice 1; inv. 91.6893, locus 1308, M 50 b. 106 — @ piede 13; vernice 1; inv. 90.6085, locus 802, M 50 b. 107 - ὦ piede 14,8; vernice 2; inv. 89.2710, locus 600, M 50 c.

274

Tipo leggermente carenato con marchio di fabbrica (Fig. 194) 108 — (Z orlo 31; (Z piede 13; alt. 5,7; lungh. bollo 3,2; alt. max. bollo 0,9; alt. lettere 0,5; vernice 2; inv. 90.5068, locus 802, M 50 b (*).

Orlo indistinto dalla parete, arrotondato; vasca larga e poco profonda; parete a profilo carenato all'interno, ricurvo all'esterno; piede atrofizzato. Sul fondo interno è impresso sovrapposto tre volte lo stesso tipo di bollo, retrogado, a forma di planta pedis banalizzata, recante a lettere rilevate il nome VERSIC [---], seguito da un motivo decorativo a tre apici. Le lettere sono leggermente apicate; la prima lettera del nome, «V», ὃ ben leggibile solo su una delle tre repliche. Il tipo, presente con un solo esemplare, richiama il piatto/scodella di Forma Hayes 18 n. 1, prodotto in africana A/D e diffuso soprattutto nella prima metà del III sec. d. C., forma che a sua volta imita la Lamboglia 3 c1 prodotta in africana A (Atlante I, p. 53, tav. XXIV,

1-2). Il bollo impresso è il marchio

di fabbrica

recante il nomen verosimilmente del produttore o del ceramista, per il quale si puó proporre l'integrazione con il gentilizio Versic(u)lanus o Versic(u)lanius 36 (tav. 136.7).

A quanto mi consta, è il primo caso, questo, di attestazione di un marchio di fabbrica su queste classi ceramiche,

che nella forma

del contrassegno,

con l'indicazione del nome

del produttore,

si

riallaccia alla tradizione specifica della sigillata italica 37. Tipo carenato a vasca bassa (Fig. 194) Orlo indistinto dalla parete, affusolato o ingrossato; vasca carenata, con parete superiore obliqua; bassissimo piede atrofizzato. @ orlo: 18,8-24,8.

Il tipo è presente con tre esemplari, più due frammenti di orlo non restituibili graficamente a causa delle ridotte dimensioni. Sulla base dello stato di conservazione, gli esemplari si differenziano dalla morfologia dell’orlo, affusolato o ingrossato, e dall'andamento della parete superiore, più o meno obliqua. Il tipo imita il piatto/scodella di Forma Hayes 18, n. 1, prodotto in africana A/D e diffuso soprattutto nella prima metà del II sec. d. C., forma che a sua volta imita la Lamboglia 3 c1 prodotta in africana A (Atlante I, p. 53, tav. XXIV,1-2). 109 — @ orlo 18,8; @ piede 10,2; alt. 3,3; vernice 2; inv. 91.7369, locus 1402, M 49 cd (*). 110 — orlo 21,4; vernice 2; inv. 91.7400, locus 1406, M 49 cd. 111 -- Z orlo 24,8; vernice 2; inv. 91.6979, locus 1350, M 49 bd (*).

Piatti di tipo non identificato (Fig. 194) © fondo: 12,4-14,6. In questo gruppo sono compresi 25 esemplari di fondi, di cui solo 2 restituibili graficamente, che per la loro morfologia potrebbero appartenere sia al tipo di piatto con orlo inclinato a sezione triangolare, sia a quello con orlo a tesa orizzontale, sia a quello con orlo rientrante. 112 — fondo 113 — ὦ fondo

12,4; vernice 2; inv. 90.4680 a, locus 1000, M 50 ab. 14,6; vernice 2; inv. 88.218, locus 001, N 50 b.

Forma non identificata (Fig. 194) 114 — (Z piede 4,2; vernice 1; inv. 91.7324, locus 1400, M 49 cd. DANIELA

36 37 lica da Roma

MONACCHI

W. SCHULZE, Zur Geschichte Lateinischer Eigennamen (Berlin: 1966) pp. 124, 253, 553. Notizia di questo bollo e di quello precedente n. 63 è già stata data da D. MonaccHI, “Bolli su terra sigillata chiara itaLugnano in Teverina (Umbria)”, in AA. VV., Epigrafia della produzione e della distribuzione. Atti del Convegno di studio 5-6 giugno 1992 (a cura di Silvio Panciera) (Roma: 1994), pp. 301-305.

275

ABBREVIAZIONI

BIBLIOGRAFICHE

Atlante I

AA. VV., Atlante delle Forme Ceramiche, I, Ceramica fine romana nel bacino medi-

terraneo (medio e tardo impero), Suppl. EAA, Roma: 1981. BERGAMINI 1973 BRECCIAROLI TABORELLI

M. BERGAMINI, 1978

«La ceramica romana», Quaderni di Studi Romagnoli

8 (1973).

L. BRECCIAROLI TABORELLI, Contributo alla classificazione di una terra sigillata chiara italica, in RStMarch, 1 (1978) pp. 1-37.

Fiesole

1990

AA.VV., Archeologia urbana a Fiesole. Lo scavo di Via Marini-via Portigiani, Firenze 1990.

MarOLI

1976

M.G. MAIOLI, Terra Sigillata tarda del Ravennate, in ReiCretRomFautActa, XVI

MaroLI 1983

(1976) pp. 160-173.

M. G. MAIOLI, La ceramica fine da mensa

(terra sigillata), in AA. VV., Ravenna e

il

porto di Classe. Venti anni di ricerche archeologiche tra Ravenna e Classe (Catalogo mostra), Imola: 1983, pp. 87-112. MIcHELUCCI 1985 Modena I-II

M. MicHELUCCI, Roselle. La Domus dei mosaici, Montepulciano: 1985. AA. VV., Modena dalle origini all'anno Mille. Studi di archeologia e storia, I-II, Modena, 1989.

MONACCHI 1986-1987

D. MoNACCHI, in NSc (1986-1987) pp. 5-35.

MoNaccHi

D. MonaccHÒiI, La cultura materiale delle ville romane del territorio amerino in età tardo-antica, in AA. VV., L'Umbria meridionale fra tardo-antico e altomedioevo. Atti

PALERMO

1991

1990

PIOLANTI 1984

del Convegno di studio, Acquasparta 6-7 maggio 1989, Assisi: 1991, pp. 181-195. L. PALERMO, Terra sigillata chiara italica, in Fiesole 1990, pp. 158-167. O. PIOLANTI, Ariminum.

Area Rastelli-Standa 1961. Materiali II, in AA. VV., Cul-

ture figurative e materiali tra Emilia J, Rimini:

276

1984, pp. 325-331.

e Marche. Studi in memoria di Mario Zuffa,

CHAPTER

DATI ARCHEOMETRICI

6

SULLE SIGILLATE CHIARE ITALICHE RINVENUTE IN UMBRIA: ANALISI MINERO-PETROGRAFICHE

Le indagini minero-petrografiche condotte su cinque campioni di ceramica fine da mensa verniciata (II-V sec. d. C.), rinvenuta in Umbria, hanno permesso di avviare uno studio preliminare sulle

possibili aree di hanno compreso lica", rinvenuta quinto ed ultimo

produzione. I campioni esaminati, tutti con impasto fine di colore arancio-rosato, quattro frammenti appartenenti alla classe ceramica chiamata “sigillata chiara itain notevole quantità negli scavi effettuati nell'area sud-occidentale dell'Umbria. Il campione ha incluso invece un frammento proveniente da Assisi, appartenente ad

una classe ceramica detta convenzionalmente “sigillata medioadriatica”, con decorazioni in bruno sulla vernice; tale manufatto, con ambito di diffusione nell'Italia centrale, è stato studiato per veri-

ficare le possibili correlazioni con gli altri reperti. METODI DI STUDIO

Le indagini effettuate per lo studio delle aree di provenienza sono state le seguenti: — esame ottico al microscopio stereoscopico in luce riflessa (Zeiss SV 8) per l'osservazione preliminare dei minerali e dei granuli di roccia presenti come dimagrante, negli impasti. Questa indagine, a complemento delle analisi al microscopio mineralogico, permette di rilevare eventuali minerali o materiali presenti in tracce e soprattutto i granuli di calce, derivanti dalla cottura di materiali carbonatici, che molto spesso scompaiono, a causa della loro scarsa consistenza, durante la preparazione in sezione sottile del campione. - analisi al microscopio polarizzatore (Leitz Laborlux 12 Pol S) su campioni preparati in sezione sottile. Tale indagine permette di identificare i minerali ed i granuli di roccia presenti nella massa di fondo e di rilevarne la loro morfologia, che consente di discernere tra materiali arrotondati per trasporto naturale da quelli angolosi, derivanti dal disfacimento in posto di rocce madri, o dall'aggiunta di materiali intenzionali da parte del vasaio. Inoltre questo metodo di analisi consente significative considerazioni sui composti diffusi nella massa di fondo per la presenza di particelle di carbonato di calcio e/o di ossidi di ferro, che forniscono importanti informazioni sui processi di

sedimentazione delle argille impiegate nella manifattura delle.ceramiche. I risultati sono stati confrontati con la cartografia geologica regionale e con campioni di sicura provenienza dal Comune di Lugnano in Teverina (argilla e laterizio), preparati anch'essi in sezione sottile. RISULTATI

DELLE

ANALISI

- Campione “A”: sigillata chiara italica rinvenuta in una villa romana in loc. Poggio Gramignano nel Comune

di Lugnano in Teverina.

Presenta un impasto con dimagrante di dimensioni medie 0.12mm, caratterizzato da quarzo, calcari e selce accessori, tracce di microfauna, poca chamotte e abbondanti lamine fini di muscovi-

te e biotite. Nella massa di fondo si rilevano minute particelle di calcite associate a ferro ossidato. - Campione "B": sigillata chiara italica rinvenuta in una villa romana in loc. Poggio Gramignano nel Comune

di Lugnano in Teverina (Plate 137.1).

i

Impasto con dimagrante di dimensioni medie 0.18 mm, caratterizzato da abbondanti granuli di 277

calcare e cristalli di quarzo, selce accessoria, poca chamotte e fini lamine di muscovite e biotite in percentuale minore rispetto al precedente campione. Nella massa di fondo si rilevano minute particelle di calcite associate a ferro ossidato. - Campione "C": sigillata chiara italica rinvenuta in una villa romana in loc. Poggio Gramignano nel Comune di Lugnano in Teverina. (Plate 137.2). . Impasto con dimagrante di dimensioni medie 0.05 mm, caratterizzato prevalentemente da calcari e quarzo. Nella massa di fondo si rilevano minute particelle di calcite associate a ferro ossidato. — Campione "D": sigillata chiara italica rinvenuta in loc. Pennavecchia nel Comune di Penna in Teverina. (Le fotografie sono state eseguite dal Laboratorio L.A.R.A.) (Plate 137.3).

Impasto con dimagrante di dimensioni medie 0.18 mm, caratterizzato da abbondanti calcari e cristalli di quarzo, selce accessoria, tracce di microfauna, poca chamotte e lamine fini di muscovite e biotite. Nella massa di fondo si rilevano minute particelle di calcite associate a ferro ossidato. «

'

|

I]

— Campione “E”: sigillata medio-adriatica con decorazioni sovradipinte in bruno sulla vernice, rinvenuta ad Assisi, Via Arco dei Priori. Impasto

con dimagrante

di dimensioni medie

0.20 mm,

caratterizzato da abbondanti

calcari,

granuli di rocce sedimentarie clastiche, quarzo anche policristallino, selce accessoria, tracce di chamotte e lamine di muscovite e biotite. Nella massa di fondo si rilevano minute particelle di calcite associate a ferro ossidato.

Campioni di confronto — Campione "F": argilla del pleistocene inferiore prelevata dalle colline che costeggiano la riva del Tevere in località Ramici, nelle vicinanze di Lugnano in Teverina.

L'argilla trattata e preparata in sezione sottile è risultata caratterizzata da abbondanti granuli carbonatici e fini cristalli di quarzo, lamine di muscovite e biotite, microfauna in tracce. - Campione “G”: laterizio prodotto da una fornace ora in disuso ubicata ad una distanza di 700 m a Nord della villa di Poggio Gramignano. Impasto con dimagrante di dimensioni medie 0.25 mm,

caratterizzato da abbondanti calcari e

quarzo arrotondati. La massa di fondo è carbonatico-ferrica. CONCLUSIONI

Le indagini effettuate sugli impasti ceramici hanno offerto indicazioni molto interessanti per avviare una ricerca più estesa mediante reperti provenienti dalle aree di maggior diffusione, che consentirebbero di localizzare e circoscrivere ulteriormente le zone di produzione. Infatti le analisi hanno attestato l’impiego di argille molto depurate, con composizioni mineralogiche simili tra loro e caratterizzate esclusivamente da minerali derivanti da rocce clastiche sedimentarie; tali sedimen-

ti possono essere localizzati nell’area dell'Appennino centro-settentrionale. I campioni di confronto provenienti dalle immediate vicinanze dei siti di ritrovamento, per la composizione mineralogica analoga a quella riscontrata nelle ceramiche, avvalorano l'ipotesi di una possibile produzione localizzabile nell'Umbria Meridionale, soprattutto nei depositi argillosi marini o lacustri del Pleistocene e del Pliocene. GIULIO PREDIERI- SERGIO SFRECOLA (Laboratorio Analisi Ricerche Archeometriche L.A.R.A. — Genova)

278

CHAPTER

7

CERAMICA A PARETI SOTTILI *

I. INTRODUZIONE (Fig. 195) Le scarse attestazioni di ceramica a pareti sottili sono rappresentate da 34 frammenti

di parti

significative di cui 9 decontestualizzate, non presentate nel catalogo tipologico, e 27 stratificati ma rinvenuti in seconda giacitura: infatti i reperti di questa classe ceramica provengono tutti dai livelli del V periodo, datati tra il IV ed il V sec. d. C.

Tali materiali sono piuttosto frammentati e pertanto in nessun caso è stato possibile ricostruire il profilo delle forme per intero. IT. IMPASTI

I materiali di questa classe sono tutti ascrivibili ad uno stesso impasto che va dal beige chiaro al nocciola arancio, liscio al tatto, di consistenza dura, dalla frattura netta. Si presenta ben depurato con minutissimi e rari inclusi di mica e calcite.

III. TIPOLOGIA

I tipi della ceramica a pareti sottili sono quasi unicamente riferibili a bicchieri con l'eccezione di qualche coppa. I nn. 1-5 si riferiscono a bicchieri ad orlo dritto: più in particolare il n. 1 presenta l'orlo leggermente rigonfio esternamente e la superficie rivestita da un ingobbio marrone; il n. 2 ha l'orlo ingrossato rispetto alla parete e rigonfio sul lato esterno; il n. 3 è caratterizzato da un incavo nella parte interna dell’orlo; il n. 4 presenta orlo breve, ingrossato rispetto alla parete e la superifcie esterna rivestita da un ingobbio marrone; infine il n. 5 ha l'orlo leggermente rigonfio all'interno e piatto esternamente.

I nn. 6 e 7 sono relativi a due boccalini con l'orlo inclinato verso l'esterno; l'attacco tra l'orlo e la

spalla è sottolineato

dal caratteristico collarino. I due esemplari

trovano

confronto

con il tipo

Marabini, LXVIII, databile tra il I sec. d. C. e la fine del II sec. d. C.

Il n. 8 attesta la presenza di un bicchiere con orlo dritto rivolto all'esterno, piatto nella parte superiore. Là superficie del vaso é ricoperta da un'ingubbiatura arancione. Il n. 9 è relativo ad un bicchiere con orlo dritto convesso esternamente e con una concavità all'interno. | Il n. 10 é riferibile ad:un contenitore con l'orlo inclinato verso l'esterno e arrotondato; un esem-

plare presenta un'ingubbiatura marrone; un altro rossiccia. Il n. 11, caratterizzato dall'orlo fortemente inclinato verso l'esterno, quasi orizzontale, è simile al tipo Ville, tav. 30d.

Il n. 12 attesta la presenza di un boccalino con orlo inclinato verso l'esterno e arrotondato all'estremità. La superficie esterna conserva tracce di ingobbio marroncino. Il n. 13 è relativo ad un bicchiere con collo estroflesso arrotondato all'estremità; la superficie presenta un ingobbio marroncino. * Il testo è stato consegnato per la stampa nel giugno 1992.

279

Il n. 14, caratterizzato dall'orlo a sezione rettangolare fortemente inclinato verso l'esterno, trova confronto con il tipo Mayet, XX, datato tra l'età tiberiana e l'età claudia. Il frammento ha ingubbiatura marroncina.

Il n. 15 è relativo ad un boccalino con l'orlo orizzonatale. La parte superiore del contenitore presenta una decorazione a linee incise. Il n. 16 con orlo pronunciato e ricurvo, è simile al tipo Atlante, LXXXIII, 9, databile orientativa-

mente nella seconda metà del I sec. a. C. Il n. 17 riferibile ad un bicchiere con l'orlo leggermente arrotondato e inclinato verso l'esterno, trova confronto con il tipo Atlante, LXXVIII,

14.

Il n. 18 è relativo ad un contenitore con l'orlo rigonfio verso l'esterno, molto pronunciato e presenta all’esterno uno spigolo vivo, sotto a cui è una solcatura.

Il n. 19 è caratterizzato dall’orlo estroflesso, rigonfio esternamente e concavo all’interno. Alcuni frammenti di parete pertinenti a questo orlo, sono decorati con motivo a forma di lunetta (Atlante, decorazione 14, 334-336), datato nel sec. I d. C. Il n. 20 attesta la presenza di un contenitore con pareti che si restringono superiormente in pros-

simità dell’orlo che è di dimensioni molto piccole, piatto superiormente. La superficie esterna presenta un ingobbio marrone. Il n. 21, relativo ad una coppa emisferica con orlo indistinto, tagliato obliquamente all’interno e caratterizzato da un cordolo esterno, trova confronto con il tipo Mayet, XXXIII, datato nel primo

terzo del I sec. d. C. La superficie esterna è rivestita da una vernice marrone con riflessi metallici. Il n. 22 è riferibile ad una coppa emisferica con orlo distinto dalla parete per mezzo di un cordolo a rilievo in prossimità dell'orlo, simile al tipo Marabini, XXXVI, datato in età tiberiana-inizio dell'età claudia. La superficie presenta un'ingubbiatura rossa con riflessi metallici. I nn. 23-27, sono tutti relativi a fondi piani; il n. 23 è probabilmente riconducibile ad un'urna a collarino; il n. 24 è probabilmente attribuibile ad un bicchiere; il n. 25 è confrontabile con il tipo Marabini, tav. 7,75, databile tra la fine del sec. I d. C. e l'età augustea; i nn. 25-27 sono relativi forse

a coppe; il n. 26 presenta un rivestimento rosso con riflessi metallici; il n. 27 ha invece una vernice marrone con riflessi metallici. IV. DECORAZIONI Tre frammenti di pareti presentano decorazioni a barbottina. Più in particolare si tratta delle decorazioni tipo Atlante, CVII, 4; tipo Atlante, CVII, 14; tipo Atlante, CVIII, 7.

ABBREVIAZIONI BIBLIOGRAFICHE Atlante MARABINI

Ricci A., “Ceramica a pareti sottili," Atlante delle forme ceramiche, ΤΙ (Roma: 1985) pp. 231-358. ManaBiNI Moevs M. T., "The Roman Thin Walled Pottery from Cosa (1948-1954)", MemAccRome, XXXII 1973.

MAYET

Mayer EF, Les céramiques a parois fines dans le péninsule Ibérique (Parigi: 1975)

Ville

AA. VV., Ville e insediamenti rustici di età romana in Umbria (Perugia:

280

1983).

Tabelle Riassuntive

Numeri uguali seguiti dall'asterisco indicano frammenti combacianti, provenienti da strati diversi. Le figure indicate solamente con numero sono quelle pubblicate nelle tavole; le figure contrasseguate da numero e lettera non sono state pubblicate perché presentano caratteristiche morfologiche comuni ai tipi già in catalago con il medesimo numero. TABELLA RIASSUNTIVA DELLA CERAMICA A PERETI SOTTILI (PERIODO V) Locus

Orli

Fig.

Fondi

N. fr.

009

Fig.

N. fr.

25

1

26

1

Anse

Pareti

N. fr.

N. fr.

022

1

Locus

852

081

1

086

6

904

10 5

1000 1003

2

1005 1007 1051 1101 1105

105 109 110 112 114 115 118 156 260 262 306 465 705 707 708

19 22

2 2 24

21

1

1 1 1 9 5 3 27a

4

1

5 1* 16

1 1 1

6 8

1 1

801 802 850 851

* 15

1 1

24b

Fondi

N.fr

13

1

3 9

1 1

2

1

118 17

1 1

Imp.

18

10 6

1 24a 27

2 7

1 1

1 2 14 7 20

1 1 1

5

1304 1307 1313

10a

1

1350 1352 1355 1356 1410 1604

N.fr

10 2

1300

3 3 1 3

Pareti

N.fr

1

1

9

Imp.

1204 1208

1

1

Orli

Imp.

1

4 1 23

11

1

10 12

1 1

2

1 6 4 1 4 1

CARLA

PIRAINO

281

CHAPTER

CERAMICA

I. LE

TESTIMONIANZE

DELLE

FONTI

ὃ

DA CUCINA *

ANTICHE

Per la conoscenza degli utensili da cucina in uso in antico, oltre che i reperti provenienti dagli ormai numerosi rinvenimenti archeologici, risultano utili anche le fonti letterarie. Le testimonianze più importanti che derivano dalla letteratura latina, si devono soprattutto a Varrone, Catone, in special modo ad Apicio ed in qualche misura ai commediografi; anche Petronio

è un riferimento importante, piuttosto utile però per i grandi pranzi e l’alta cucina !. Nel valutare le fonti per la conoscenza degli oggetti da cucina nel mondo antico, va tenuto conto tuttavia che, in molti casi, le definizioni vengono da autori tardi i quali hanno scritto in un tempo in cui sia il nome sia gli oggetti che essi designavano erano talvolta ormai fuori uso; se ancora in uso erano stati applicati a più oggetti o, viceversa, lo stesso oggetto era stato chiamato con diversi nomi 2. Qualche dato può ricavarsi anche dalle evidenze artistiche 3. In cucina l’uso della terracotta, economica e facilmente sostituibile, era piuttosto diffuso 4 ben-

ché esistessero anche contenitori, inclusa la comunissima olla, realizzati con materiali più preziosi, da considerarsi però prodotti esclusivi, tanto che in Aristofane la prosperità è sottolineata dal possesso degli utensili da cucina in bronzo 5. L'uso dei nomi dei contenitori di qualsiasi materiale essi fossero, nelle fonti è spesso più generale di quanto a noi sarebbe utile precisare: sovente gli utensili infatti sono definiti vagamente e talvolta i termini sono sovrapposti o persino in contraddizione fra loro; le più comuni definizioni funzionali a volte non danno nessuna informazione descrittiva mentre le definizioni metrologiche sono ugualmente insoddisfacenti per il loro variare di luogo in luogo e nel tempo, oltre al fatto che spesso lo stesso nome è attribuito a contenitori che coprono un ampio spettro di misure ὅ. Gli utensili più comuni individuati sono l’olla, il caccabus e la patella. Lolla, attestata a Corinto già nell'ultimo quarto del sec. VII a. C. 7, indica un vaso per contenere acqua che poteva essere semplicemente riscaldata 8 o usata per cuocere gli alimenti, come sovente

ricorre nelle fonti?. Questo utensile, che per la sua destinazione d'uso non presentava decorazioni dipinte 19, costituiva uno strumento indispensabile anche nelle case più povere !! dove era ovvia-

Desidero esprimere la mia gratitudine al dr. A. R. Staffa per aver letto il manoscritto e per essere stato ancora una volta prodigo di consigli. Gli istogrammi sono stati realizzati dall'amico F. CITTADONI cui va un affettuoso grazie. * Il testo è stato consegnato per la stampa nel giugno 1995. ! B. A. Sparkes, “The Greek Kitchen," JHS 82 (1962) 122. 2 D. A. AMYX, "The Attic Stelai, Part III. Vases and Other Containers," Hesperia XXVII 3 SPARKES 1962, p. 122.

(1958)

166.

4 SPARKES 1962, pp. 123-124. 5 AMYX 1958, p. 212. 6 AMYX 1958, p. 166.

|

7 G. R. Epwarps, Corinth. Corinthian Hellenistic Pottery VII, Part III. (Princeton:

1975) p. 120.

8 CH. DAREMBERG-E. SAGLIO, Dictionaire des Antiquités Grecques et Romaines, Vol. I, 2 (Parigi: 1887) s.v. Chytra: Aristofane Acharn., 1175. 9 DAREMBERG-SAGLIO 1887, s.v. chytra: ARISTOFANE, Equit. 745, 1173; Eccl. 845, 1092; Ran. 505; Vesp. 828, 938; Schol. Ant-

STOFANE, Plut. 227; Athen. IX, p. 407 d; Diphil. Ap. Poll. X 24, 99. 10 DAREMBERG-SAGLIO 1887 s.v. chytra; Schol. Ar. Vesp. 279. 11 DAREMBERG-SAGLIO

1887, s.v. chytra: ARISTOFANE Ran.

983; PLUT. 812; Eccl. 734, 745; Acharn. 453; Pac. 202; Schol. Ar.

Av. 798.

283

mente realizzato in argilla. Quanto alla forma, secondo ciò che si evince dalle fonti, doveva avere la pancia molto arrotondata e una larga apertura come attesta la descrizione secondo cui poteva contenere un bambino 12, nonché due prese per poter essere sollevata 13. | Sia che il suo fonds fosse arrotondato che piatto, essa era generalmente posta su un supporto che la sollevasse dal fuoco 14. Lolla, oltre che per l'impiego sul :fuoco veniva anche utilizzata per conservare derrate quali uva e noci !5. Anche il nome caccabus veniva verosimilmente applicato ad un oggetto molto simile all’olla, sia per la forma sia per l'uso, tanto che spesso i due oggetti venivano scambiati tra loro 16; come l’olla anche il caccabus non aveva una destinazione esclusivamente “da fuoco”: infatti nelle fonti appare utilizzato oltre che per cucinare 17 anche per farvi crescere piante !8 o, se di piccole dimensioni, per versare liquidi o per bere 19. Pertanto la distinzione tra olla e pentola rappresenta una sottigliezza moderna adottata solamente per comodità di classificazione in epoca recente 20, Al contrario presso gli antichi era chiaramente distinta la forma e la funzione della patella, un contenitore di altezza ridotta, dall'imboccatura e dal fondo larghi, con l'orlo basso e spesso anche indistinto dalla parete, che veniva usato non solo per la cottura dei cibi ma anche come coperchio per l'olla 2! che, per tale ragione, spesso presenta l'alloggiamento per il coperchio.

II. ALCUNE

CONSIDERAZIONI

SULL ALIMENTAZIONE

Per attribuire una funzione specifica agli utensili da cucina è opportuno considerare le forme d'alimentazione ad essi correlabili perché certamente fra contenitori, cibi e modo di realizzare le pietanze vi era anche in antico una stretta connessione, come lo stesso Apicio lascia intendere consigliando in molte ricette il contenitore più adatto all'uso. La cucina dei romani conservò a lungo la preferenza per la semplicità e si basò prevalentemente, almeno nell'alimentazione della popolazione, sul consumo di cereali che assieme ai vegetali costituivano i cibi più economici. In Grecia e ancor di più in Italia i cereali bolliti (pu/s) costituivano uno degli elementi essenziali della nutrizione, tanto che gli stessi Greci, che pure avevano analoghe abitudini alimentari, si meravigliavano del consumo di cereali bolliti diffuso

a Roma.

La base normale della puls era costituita dal farro, ma anche dal miglio e dalla semola; tale pie-

tanza in età imperiale divenne la base a cui mescolare condimenti, carne e interiora di animali. I cibi venivano accompagnati dal pane che talvolta era consumato bollito nell'acqua o nel latte 22, Oltre ai cereali, anche i vegetali ebbero grande importanza nell'alimentazione romana: che i vegetali assieme ai cereali, rappresentassero la principale alimentazione per la popolazione romana

12 DAREMBERG-SAGLIO 1887, s.v. chytra: Morris; ἐγχυτρισμός ἡ τοῦ βρέφους ἔκϑεσις ἐπεί ev χύτραις ἐζετὶ ϑεντο; Schol. Arist. Vesp. 289; HESYCH, s.v. ἐγχυτρίΖειυ; c.f. ARIST. Thesmoph., 505, 509, et Schol. 13 AMyX

1958, p.211.

14 AMYX 1958, p. 211; DAREMBERG-SAGLIO, 1887 s.v. chytra. 15 Colum. XII, 45; MARZIALE, Epig. VII, 20; PLINIO, N.H. XV, 22, 24. 16 DAREMBERG-SAGLIO 1887, s.v. chytra: Hesich. κακκάβη κρικος ἡ χύτρα ἥν ἡμεῖς κάκκαβον Phot. p. 305, ed. Naber, 1864: κακκάβην..: σημαίνει τὴν χύτραν, et Athen. IV, p. 169 c, et Diog. XXXIIL, 7, 18, 3.

17 VARRONE, De Ling. Lat. V, 127; vas ubi coquebant 15 DAREMBERG-SAGLIO 1887, s.v. chytra: EUSTATH. Ad. 19 IpeM, HEROD. V, 88; Athen. VI, p. 502 b, c. 20 Ad esempio, infatti, ancora in una classificazione SPARKES e L. TALCOTT, The Athenian Agora XII. Black and XU, 2, tav. 94. 21 SPARKES 1960, p. 130. .

cibum. Odyss. XI, 590. dello Sparkes del 1970 jt olle e le pentole non sono distinte. Cfr. B. A. Plain Pottery of the 6th, 5th and 4th Centuries B. C. (Princeton: 1970)

22 M. A. LEVI, Società e costume II. Roma antica (Torino:

284

1976) p. 82.

e soprattutto per la gente di campagna alla quale il pesce non era facilmente accessibile e la carne quasi ignota, è testimoniato dalla cura nella conservazione dei vegetali durante i mesi invernali 23. Per quanto riguarda la frutta essa veniva mangiata cruda oppure cotta in acqua mescolata al vino 24.

I Romani non disprezzavano i pesci d'acqua dolce anche se l'abitudine a cibarsi di tali alimenti, per altro ricordati da scrittori tardi e provinciali come Ausonio, era diffuso soprattutto nei paesi settentrionali. Il pesce poteva essere consumato in salamoia o fresco e in tal caso veniva arrostito alla brace o bollito; la polpa del pesce veniva anche macinata, mescolata ad altri ingredienti e ridotta in polpette, cotte in salse per lo più piccanti 25. I Romani furono cacciatori e mangiatori di selvaggina; una delle cacce privilegiate sia per la qualità che la quantità della carne fornita, era quella al cinghiale di cui erano ricche le foreste particolarmente nell'Italia centrale 26. Nonostante quindi una certa facilità nel reperire la carne essa era consumata meno frequentemente degli altri cibi e la principale occasione erano i sacrifici religiosi; al contrario l'uso delle salsicce era piuttosto diffuso 27. La maniera più comune di consumare la carne era quella di farla bollire e poi arrostire o stufarla con salse e condimenti diversi 28, Formaggio e olive erano usati piuttosto diffusamente in quanto cibi pratici e facili da reperire come le uova che venivano consumate bollite o crude 29. Questo quanto può più generalmente proporsi; in maniera più specifica per un contesto quale

quello di Poggio Gramignano e in special modo per i secoli di decadenza della villa (periodo V), da cui proviene la gran parte della ceramica da fuoco è verosimilmente configurabile un modello già quasi “altomedievale”, fatto cioè di “un'economia fortemente improntata al modello silvo-pastorale, in cui

l'agricoltura non riveste un ruolo prevalente rispetto ad altri settori produttivi, legati allo sfruttamento delle aree incolte, all'allevamento brado del bestiame (suini soprattutto), alla caccia, alla pesca,

alla raccolta dei frutti spontanei. Queste attività, esercitate in un tipo di paesaggio largamente segnato dal bosco, dal pascolo, dalla palude, costituivano una fonte importante di derrate alimentari...

Da tale particolare situazione non poteva non derivare un regime alimentare qualitativamente variato, che di regola integrava gli alimenti vegetali con quelli animali, i cereali, i legumi con la carne ed il pesce” 30. Una testimonianza importante relativamente alla preparazione dei cibi e dei loro contenitori, è costituita dal De re coquinaria libri X 31. Per quanto riguarda l’olla, sembra confermata la sua destinazione a contenitore d'acqua impiegato per la bollitura delle carni “Gruem vel anatem lavas, ornas et includis in olla. Adicies aquam,

salem, anetum,

dimidia coctura decoques, dum obduretur, levas..." 32; "Lavas, ornas et in olla

23 LEVI 1976, p. 90.

24 LEVI 1976, p. 92.

25 LEVI 1976, pp. 96-97. 26 SPARKES

1962, p. 123.

27 LEVI 1976, pp. 98, 102. 28 SPARKES 1962, p. 123. 29 M. MONTANARI, "Storia, alimentazione e storia dell'alimentazione: le fonti scritte altomedievali," Archeologia Medievale

VII (1981) p. 31. 30 Giunti fino a noi sotto il nome di Celio Apicio, che l'analisi della lingua ha fatto attribuire ad un'epoca di composizione tarda, non prima del sec. IV d. C.; pur non essendo esclusa la possibilità che questi libri siano il rifacimento di un trattato sull'arte della cucina di età tiberiana; una sorta di ricettario gastronomico, destinato ai cuochi di professione delle case signorili. Se è vera l'ipotesi che il testo di Apicio è la ripresa tarda di uno scritto degli inizi del sec. I d. C., esso costituisce un'interessante testimonianza del perduarare non solo dei costumi alimentari ma altresi della terminologia che definisce gli utensili anche se non è assolutamente certo che ad una determinata definizione di un contenitore, corrisponda ancora un oggetto con la medesima forma. Costituisce un elemento interessante anche il fatto che venga indicato spesso il tipo di contenitore da impiegare nei diversi tipi di preparazione: da ciò sembra si possa dedurre che vi sia una precisa distinzione d'uso tra olla, caccabus e patella. G. F. GIANOTTI e A. PENNACINI, Società e Comunicazione letteraria in Roma antica (Torino: 1981) p. 97. 31 APICIO VI, 1, 212. 32 Apicio VI, 3, 214.

285

elixabis cum aqua, sale et aneto dimidia coctura... Levabis de olla..." 33 e presumibilmente del pesce e della verdura. . Il caccabus, invece, per le sue caratteristiche di recipiente con l'imboccatura larga che.consentiva di mescolare e girare agevolmente gli ingredienti, era utilizzato piuttosto per la seconda cottura di carni, verdure e pesce già lessati, ingredienti che talvolta venivano uniti tutti assieme a costituire una sola pietanza “Frustra suminis cocti, pulpas piscium, pulpas pulli, ficetulas vel pectora turdorum cocta... Ova vero cruda cum oleo dissolvis. Teres piper, ligusticum, suffundes, liquamen, vinum, passum, et in caccabum mittis ut calefiat, et amulo obligas. Antea tamen pulpas concisas universas illuc mittes, et sic bulliat...” 34, “... levabis de olla, et iterum lavabis et in caccabum mittis anatem cum oleo

et liquamine et fasciculo porri et coriandri. Rapam lotam et minutatim concisam desuper mittis..." 55; per la cottura dei legumi "Lenticula ex sfondilis accipies caccabum mundum..." 36. Solo in taluni casi il caccabus è impiegato anche per lessare cibi 37. La patella, che poteva essere sia in terracotta che di metallo 38, di vari spessori 39, veniva usata tanto sul fuoco come gli altri contenitori, che nel forno ^... (Mittis) in furno in patella quae oleum habeat..." ^ veniva impiegata per insaporire polpette "Isicia deformabis. (Adicies) vinum, liquamen, oleum, coques. Coctum in patella collocabis. Ius in ea facies: piper, ligusticum, satureiam, cepam, vinum, liquamen, oleum. (In) patellam pones ut coquatur...” 41; per la cottura di sformati "Pisces qualeslibet curatos friges, in patinam compones, adicies olei quod satis est et salsum interpones. Facies ut ferveat. Cum ferbuerit, mittes mulsam et ius agitabis" 4; per insaporire verdure "Betas minutas et porros requietos elixabis, in patina compones. Teres piper, cuminum, suffundes liquamen, passum ut quaedam dulcedo sit..." ^5; per friggere "Recte friguntur ut paene assae reddantur. Liquaminis summi ciatum, aquae ciatum, aceti ciatum, olei ciatum. Simul mitis et immissis in patellam fictilem, frigis et inferes". A completare.il quadro fornito dalle fonti soccorre l'evidenza archeologica: si rileva infatti che un certo numero di forme prodotte con impasto refrattario male si adattano ad essere poste direttamente sul fuoco o nel forno per la presenza del fondo irregolare e pertanto appare in taluni casi plausibile l'esistenza di basi su cui i contenitori venivano poggiati (cfr. un esemplare esposto nel Museo dell'Abruzzo Bizantino e Altomedievale nel Castello Ducale di Crecchio). Va inoltre notato che alcune forme realizzate con questo impasto non presentano tracce di combustione, ed infine che

taluni recipienti di grandi dimensioni presentano uno spessore tale da renderli cosi pesanti che pieni e caldi sarebbe stato difficile trasportarli: il fatto appare spiegabile considerando che l'impasto della ceramica da fuoco oltre ad essere resistente al calore era anche adatto a trattenerlo e quindi il cibo poteva essere tenuto in caldo piü a lungo in tali contenitori. III. I CENTRI DI PRODUZIONE La ceramica da fuoco proveniente da Poggio Gramignano, è stata attribuita mediante analisi sulle argille a due aree di produzione: l'una prossima al sito di rinvenimento, localizzata tra il Tevere ed il mare; l'altra, relativa a prodotti d'importazione, localizzata nell'area dell'Appennino centro-set-

tentrionale.

|

|

|

33 Aprcyo IV, 2, 141. 34 APICIO VI, 3, 214. 35 APICIO V, 1, 183.

36 APICIO II, 5, 71 ^... deinde albamen et capita porrorum simul elixabis in caccabo novo, ita ut aqua at tertia deferveat...” 37 38 3? 40 41 42 43

286

Rispettivamente: APICIO VII, 4, 265; IV, 15, 142. ApIcIO VII, 8, 303 “... in patellam subtilem..." ApIcIO VII, 9, 364. APICIO IV, 18, 145. ApIcIo IV, 23, 150. APICIO III, 2, 67. APICIO VII, 4, 265.

Dai risultati dell'esame petrografico derivano due considerazioni che vale la pena sottolineare: in primo luogo che nonostante la diversa origine delle argille, la tipologia morfologica è in entrambi i casi la stessa e rientra omogeneamente in una koiné diffusa: si tratta cioè di un modello unico legato probabilmente alla larga diffusione di usi alimentari; in secondo luogo che la vicinanza del Tevere, a differenza di quanto ci si aspetterebbe, non impone una presenza schiacciante, almeno per questa classe di materiali, di prodotti provenienti dalla capitale o da Ostia, essendo presenti in quantità consistente prodotti locali. La maggior parte dei materiali da fuoco è realizzata con argille provenienti dalla sponda destra del Tevere e pertanto se ne deduce l’esistenza di un ampio approvvigionamento locale, che presuppone una marginalità del mercato ed il caratterizzarsi del sistema produttivo come destinato principalmente all'autoconsumo. La ceramica da fuoco africana è presente in quantità molto contenuta, dato probabilmente da attribuire a fattori di ordine economico e quindi alle difficoltà di questi prodotti a raggiungere questa zona dell'interno. A tal proposito è piuttosto significativo ricordare che la quantità di ceramica da fuoco africana rinvenuta a Ostia in epoca tardo imperiale contrasta fortemente con i dati rilevati nell'entroterra come ad esempio a San Giovanni in Ruoti in Basilicata, dove è modestissima la presenza dei materiali importati cui si sopperisce con imitazioni locali 44. La scarsa presenza della ceramica da fuoco africana pertanto non è altro che il ripetersi di un fenomeno riscontrato già in altri centri; è verosimile che nell'entroterra certa produzione non arrivasse più ma nonostante ciò, la suppellettile africana costituisse pur sempre un modello 45 tanto che di questa classe ceramica vengono prodotte localmente con impasto refrattario e in ceramica comune delle imitazioni rinvenute nella stratigrafia del periodo più tardo (cfr. paragrafgo VIa). L'approvvigionamento presso mercati locali cui forse si è fatto maggiormente ricorso nei secoli di decadenza della villa, consentiva ovviamente di superare tutti i problemi legati al trasporto per raggiungere una zona come quella in cui è situata la villa di Poggio Gramignano. Anche i trasporti fluviali seppure più convenienti non erano privi di problemi nonostante la presenza di vicini appro-

di fluviali 46: infatti il Tevere per la sua “tortuosità impediva alle navi di sfruttare una direzione costante del vento che sarebbe stata invece richiesta dalle vele quadrate allora in uso; e quanto ai remi, la loro spinta era gravemente ostacolata dalla forte corrente contraria (se le imbarcazioni risalivano il fiume)... Il sistema più usato era di conseguenza l’alaggio... Dati i consistenti problemi cui far fronte è molto probabile che si sia preferito in genere l'uso di battelli maneggevoli e di piccole dimensioni, più adatte ad un fiume difficile e di scarsa larghezza come il Tevere” 47. La necessità, pertan-

to, di usare piccole imbarcazioni per il trasporto nella zona dell’Italia centrale, nonché i numerosi trasbordi che le merci provenienti dai mercati trasmarini dovevano subire per raggiungere le zone interne, oltre che, per i secoli del periodo V, le probabili difficoltà a navigare il Tevere per l'impaludamento del fiume, come attesterebbe la presenza di malaria 4, hanno probabilmente fatto si che il trasporto dalla capitale fosse limitato ai generi di prima necessità. Un tale panorama economico ben si adatta ad una zona di campagna in cui vi erano grandi ville

tra loro vicine, tra le quali esisteva probabilmente una fitta rete di scambi (Fig. 1): da un punto di vista geografico, non era dunque impossibile un interscambio tra villa e villa, con basso impiego di energie per i trasporti.

^5 C. PANELLA, "Le merci: produzioni, itinerari e destini," Società Romana e Impero Tardoantico III. Le merci, gli insediamenti (a cura di A. GIARDINA) (Roma-Bari: 1986) p. 440. 45 PANELLA 1986, p. 445. 46 D. MONACCHI, "La cultura materiale delle ville romane del territorio amerino in età tardo antica," L'Umbria meridionale

fra tardo antico ed altomedioevo. Atti del convegni di studio (a cura di G. BiNAzzr1) (Assisi: 1991) p. 183 pola, ad un chilometro da Pennavecchia; porto di Piscinale alla confluenza del Nera con il Tevere. dari potrebbero riferirsi alcuni toponimi attuali come Madonna del Porto presso Guardea e Vicolo 47 C. PAVOLINI, La vita quotidiana a Ostia (Roma-Bari: 1986) p. 106. 48 Intervento del Prof. D. SOREN al convegno "Plasmodium falciparum a Lugnano? Archeologia V secolo d. C."tenutosi a Roma il 31-5-95.

“porto di Castiglioni-SeriAd approdi fluviali secondel porto ad Attigliano. e paleoepidemiologia del

287

Alla scarsa presenza di materiali da fuoco africani si affianca invece una massiccia presenza di anfore africane (cfr. in questo volume A. Martin, Part Two Chapter 11), verificandosi con ciò uno squilibrio percentuale tra classi diverse già constatato per S. Giovanni in Ruoti e Porto Torres: ciascun centro si riforniva di ciò di cui aveva strettamente bisogno 49. Evidentemente il trasporto di suppellettili da Ostia a Poggio Gramignano, proprio per la scarsa agibilità delle vie di comunicazione, non era così conveniente e concorrenziale da soppiantare la produzione locale e quella delle zone limitrofe dell'Appennino centro-settentrionale, simbolo del configurarsi di mercati regionali o subregionali che si avvia con la tarda antichità e diventa prevalente nell'Altomedioevo. IV. LA CERAMICA DA FUOCO DA PoGGIO GRAMIGNANO (Figg. 196-245) La ceramica da fuoco, rinvenuta nel corso dello scavo di Poggio Gramignano, è rappresentata da 590 frammenti di parti significative, tutte provenienti da contesti tardo-romani (periodo V, sec. IVV d. C.) se si eccettuano 6 reperti portati in luce con i livelli dei secc. I a. C./I-II d. C. (periodo I e II), e da 208 frammenti, sempre relativi ad orli, ormai decontestualizzati e pertanto non considerati nel presente studio, ma comunque riconducibili per argilla e morfologia a quelli presi in esame. I materiali per la loro frammentarietà non hanno consentito, se non in pochi casi, di ricostruire le forme nella loro interezza ma hanno tuttavia consentito di riconoscere un'ampia tipologia degli orli, la cui identificazioneè stata basata unicamente su criteri morfologici. Il resto del corpo dei frammenti si può ipotizzare solo per confronto con gli esemplari simili, da altri contesti. Non è stato possibile tenere conto dell'impasto per quanto riguarda la cronologia, poiché le scarsissime attestazioni dei periodi I e II non forniscono dati significativi. La definizione cronologica dei materiali da fuoco ha presentato i consueti problemi determinati dalla presenza sia di residui sia di forme a lunga continuità, elementi che in associazione, limitano la possibilità di datare, privando il contesto di capisaldi cronologici. La presenza di una quantità costante di residui in tutti i livelli delle stratigrafie tarde, convalida ulteriormente l'ipotesi secondo cui quelle stesse stratigrafie si sono formate in un periodo piuttosto breve, in parte con l'accumulo proveniente dalla frequentazione contemporanea alle deposizioni ed in parte con accumuli residuali, probabilmente provenienti da uno stesso scarico vista la presenza di frammenti

combacianti, provenienti da strati diversi (cfr. tabelle riassuntive). La scarsa attesta-

zione di ceramica da fuoco di III sec. d. C. potrebbe anche sottintendere l'abbandono temporaneo del sito anche se gli attardamenti di produzione sono un dato da tenere sempre in considerazione anche in tale valutazione. La ceramica da fuoco africana ὃ rappresentata solo da 10 frammenti: 4 sono decontestualizzati mentre gli altri 6 sono stratificati (periodo V) ma, tranne in un caso si tratta di residui, relativi alla prima fase di occupazione della villa 59. Fra gli altri reperti è stata rilevata la presenza di alcune forme che imitano la sigillata africana D, ed infine l'attestazione di alcune forme di ceramica comune, note già presso altri siti, realizzate sempre con impasto refrattario.

V. ALCUNE

CONSIDERAZIONI

SUGLI

IMPASTI

Largilla della ceramica da fuoco è rappresentata da undici gruppi mineralogici, sei dei quali provenienti dall'area appenninica-centro-laziale (impasti 1, 3, 8, 9, 10, 14) e quindi impiegati per la rea^9 PANELLA

1986, p. 445.

°° Locus 602: 1 frammento di orlo in AA. VV. Le Terme del Nuotatore. Scavo dell'ambiente V e di un saggio nell'area SO. Studi Miscellanei 21 (Roma: 1973). (Ostia III) p. 267 (IV-V sec. d. C.); Locus 702: 1 frammento di orlo in AA. VV. Ostia II. Le terme del Nuotatore. Scavo dell'ambiente I. Studi Miscellanei 16 (Roma: 1970). (Ostia ID) p. 302 (sec. I a. C./sec. I d. C.-seconda metà II d. €.); Locus 1105: 1 frammento di orlo Ostia II, p. 306 (età tiberiana/età traianeo-adrianea); Locus menti di fondo, Ostia II, p. 306. ;

288

1005: 2 fram-

lizzazione di manufatti di possibile importazione; dei restanti cinque gruppi invece, quattro possono essere messi in relazione con aree situate tra la sponda destra del Tevere ed il mare (impasti 2, 4, 6, 7, 13) e pertanto da mettere in rapporto con i manufatti di produzione locale.

Il tipo di impasto in assoluto più attestato, per tutte le forme è il numero 3; assai frequenti sono anche l'impasto 2, l'impasto 4 e l'impasto 13; tutti gli altri impasti sono testimoniati assai più raramente (cfr. istogrammi) 51. Va puntualizzato inoltre che, nonostante la villa fosse posta sull'ansa del Tevere, non si sono trovati confronti tra queste argille e quelle impiegate per le ceramiche da fuoco rinvenute ad Ostia (Terme del nuotatore, area nord-est) 52,

Impasto 1. Colore dal nocciola chiaro al nocciola scuro, ruvido, duro, frattura netta. Composizione fine. Piccoli inclusi di mica, distribuiti omogeneamente,

rari inclusi di calcite.

Impasto 2. Colore dal grigio chiaro al marrone chiaro, ruvido, duro, frattura abbastanza regolare. Composizione grossolana. Inclusi di sanidino generalmente molto piccoli e frequenti distribuiti omogeneamente, rari inclusi di sanidino di grandi dimensioni, piccolissimi e rari inclusi di augite. Impasto

3. Colore

dall'arancione

chiaro

all'arancione

scuro,

ruvido,

duro,

frattura irregolare.

Composizione grossolana. Inclusi di guarzo e rari inclusi di calcite, inclusi neri sporadici. Impasto 4. Colore dal nocciola chiaro all'arancione chiaro, ruvido, frattura irregolare. Composizione grossolana. Inclusi di quarzo di piccole e grandi dimensioni presenti con frequenza i primi, più raramente i secondi, minuscoli inclusi di augite. Impasto 6. Colore nocciola scuro, ruvido, duro, frattura estremamente irregolare. Composizione

grossolana. Numerosi inclusi di feldspati e augite grandi distribuiti omogeneamente, sporadici inclusi rossi. Impasto 7. Colore arancione vivo, liscio, morbido, frattura netta. Composizione fine. Rari inclu-

si di quarzo. Impasto 8. Colore arancione scuro, ruvido, duro, frattura irregolare. Composizione grossolana. Abbondanti inclusi di selce, distribuiti omogeneamente. Impasto 9. Colore dal marrone scuro al marrone scurissimo, ruvido, duro, frattura netta. Composizione grossolana. Piccoli inclusi di calcite e quarzo distribuiti omogeneamente, inclusi di selce. Impasto 10. Colore dal grigio scuro al nocciola chiaro, ruvido, duro, frattura abbastanza netta. Composizione fine. Inclusi di quarzo sporadici piuttosto grandi, minutissimi inclusi di augite sporadici. Impasto 13. Colore dal nocciola chiaro al nocciola scuro, ruvido, duro, frattura irregolare. Com-

posizione grossolana. Inclusi di feldspati distribuiti senza uniformità, minuti inclusi di augite distribuiti uniformemente. Impasto 14. Colore nocciola scuro, ruvido, duro, frattura regolare. Composizione fine. Sporadici inclusi di selce grandi, più frequenti gli inclusi piccoli, minutissimi e rari inclusi di augite. VI. PERIODO V

Tipologia La ceramica da fuoco degli strati tardo-romani, rappresentata da un’ampia tipologia e articolata in forme aperte e chiuse in rapporto di 2.2: 1 ca., non ha apportato elementi determinanti da un punto di vista cronologico, per la presenza negli strati di questo periodo di una notevole quantità di residui anche se in taluni casi un orizzonte cronologico si è potuto delineare sulla base di confronti tipologici. Comunque questa suppellettile contribuisce in qualche misura ad ampliare la conoscenza del quadro economico-produttivo dei mercati interni dell'Italia centrale, grazie soprattutto ai dati forniti dalle analisi di laboratorio delle argille, che hanno consentito di focalizzare produzioni loca-

51 Gli istogrammi sono relativi ai reperti discussi nei paragrafi VIa e VIb. 3 Le analisi petrografiche sono state eseguite presso il Laboratorio di Analisi e Ricerche Archeometriche di Genova (L.A.R.A.). Cfr. l'articolo di G. Predigri e S. Sfrecola, in questo volume, Part Two, Chapter 21.

li anche in un centro che, per la sua posizione prospiciente il Tevere, si sarebbe supposto dipendente o almeno in stretta relazione con le produzioni attestate a Roma. VIa. FORME

APERTE

Tegami

I tegami sono contenitori caratterizzati dalle pareti svasate o curvilinee che presentano nel primo caso il punto di massima espansione coincidente con il diametro dell'imboccatura, mentre nel secondo presentano i diametri del corpo e dell'imboccatura coincidenti. Nel rapporto tra diametro dell'imboccatura e profondità del vaso il primo dei due termini è maggiore e pertanto i tegami sono contenitori aperti e bassi, a fondo apodo suddivisi tipologicamente in base alle caratteristiche degli orli. Nel contesto in esame il diametro dell’orlo varia da cm 36 a cm 14. I tegami attestati da 105 frammenti, pur con numerose varianti e alcune forme affini a quelle della sigillata chiara D, sono per lo più ascrivibili al tipo ad orlo rientrante, e per tale motivo, molto probabilmente, sono da considerare in fase con la formazione della stratigrafia del periodo V, poiché tale caratteristica dell’orlo sembra essere tipica dei secc. IV-V d. C. 53. Tra i recipienti di questo tipo, molti avevano la duplice funzione di tegame-coperchio. Tuttavia la frammentarietà dei materiali, che limita spesso la conoscenza dei contenitori al solo orlo o poco più, non consente di ascrivere con precisione i frammenti ad una classe o all'altra. Solo in alcuni casi, l'analogia con i materiali editi ha consentito la classificazione di alcuni reperti tra i tegamicoperchio. Tra i frammenti di tegame ad orlo rientrante, i nn. 1-5 sono caratterizzati dalla connessione curvilinea, continua tra orlo e parete, dal labbro arrotondato all'estremità e, nei casi in cui è conservato, dal fondo piano; i confronti più vicini sono rispettivamente con i tipi Luni, I, tav. 75, 19, n. 2; Luni,

I, tav. 75, 20, nn. 3-4; Luni, I, tav. 75, 21, n. 5 tutti datati nella prima metà del sec. IV d. C. Allo stesso tipo di recipiente seppure caratterizzati da una minore inclinazione dell’orlo si possono associare anche 7; il n. 8, Luni, II, metà del

il n. 6, simile a Luni, I, tav. 75, 22 e Ville, tav. 4, d, anch'essi databili nel sec. IV d. C.; il n. confrontabile con il tipo Dyson, fig. 59, 47, datato nel II-III sec. d. C.; il n. 9, simile al tipo tav. 269,16 proveniente da un contesto con presenza di sigillata africana D, datata tra la IV ed il V sec. d. C.; ed infine n. 10.

I nn. 11-20 sono genericamente confrontabili con il gruppo 27b di Luni collocabile in età tardo antica, caratterizzato in alcuni casi dal "labbro rientrante assottigliato verso l'orlo... a volte l'imboccatura ἃ costituita solo da un cordolo... con l'attacco alla parete interna sottolineato da una leggera solcatura. In altri casi il labbro è più obliquo e sviluppato” 54. Più in particolare: il n. 11 è simile al tipo Ville, tav 14, d, datato genericamente in età imperiale; il n. 12 trova il confronto più vicino con il tipo Monacchi, fig. 15, 29; il n. 13, sostanzialmente simile al tipo precedente ma con l'arrotonda-

mento dell’orlo meno sviluppato, trova confronto con il tipo Staffa, fig. 401, 223 datato tra il IV ed il V sec. d. C.; il n. 14 è assimilabile al tipo Monacchi, fig. 15, 30, datato per confronto con i conte-

sti di Luni nel sec. IV d. C. Allo stesso tipo è riconducibile anche il n. 15, simileal precedente ma con gli elementi caratterizzanti meno accentuati; il n. 17 è riconducibile al tipo Luni, II, tav. 269, 17 proveniente da un contesto datato tra la metà del sec. IV e la metà del sec. V d. C.; il n. 19, è simile al tipo Ville, tav. 1, h; il n. 20 è confrontabile con il tipo Luni, II, tav. 269,20 da strati che evidenziano

un panorama della seconda metà del sec. IV d. C. L'intero gruppo trova raffronto generico anche con il tipo Lattara, Com-o-m

C3, la cui cronologia è collocata tra il 200 ed il 350 d. C.

53 AA. VV. Scavi di Luni I. Relazione preliminare delle campagne di scavo 1970-1971 (a cura di A. Frova) (Roma: 1973) (Lunt I) 1, p. 424; a Luni il termine più alto della comparsa della forma è la seconda meta del sec. IV d. C., con un'estensione che non può andare oltre il sec. V d. C. per mancanza di dati (LUNI I, 1, p. 618). 54 AA. VV. Scavi di Luni II. Relazione delle campagne

II) 1, p. 619.

290

di scavo 1972,

1973,

1974 (a cura di A. Frova)

(Roma:

1973) (LUNI

I contenitori medio-grandi,

carenati, con il labbro rientrante, obliquo, ed il profilo arrotondato

sono rappresentati dai nn. 21-22, il primo dei quali è confrontabile genericamente. con il tipo Luni, II, tav. 263,12, da un contesto tardo antico (metà IV d. C.-metà V d. C.); dal n. 23 e n. 24; dal n. 25, simile al tipo Ville, tav. 37, d; dal n. 26, genericamente assimilabile al tipo Luni, II, tav. 263,11, da

strati con materiale ceramico che indica una cronologia dalla metà del sec. II d. C. alla metà del sec. V d. C. ma con monete in prevalenza della seconda metà del sec. IV d. C.; dal n. 27. Tegami medio-grandi a labbro rientrante obliquo, con carenatura all'attacco con la parete e probabile fondo piano sono rappresentati dal n. 28 simile al tipo rinvenuto in un contesto milanese tardo antico (cfr. Ad Mensam, tav. 9, 8) 55 e dai nn. 29 e 30, quest'ultimo accostabile al tipo Luni, II, tav.

264,8, che sembrano, seppure genericamente, simili a forme della sigillata africana, ed in particolare alla forma Hayes, 61 A, datata nel sec. IV-V d. C. 56.

Anche il n. 31 caratterizzato dall'orlo ingrossato e dal profilo arrotondato, sembra aver mutuato i suoi caratteri morfologici dalla ceramica fine: infatti essa si avvicina piuttosto puntualmente alla forma Hayes, 61 B, prodotta in sigillata africana e datata tra il 400 e il 450 d. C. 57. Costituiscono probabilmente dei residui i tegami carenati, nn. 32 e 33: il primo infatti, caratterizzato dal listello interno appiattito risulta confrontabile con il tipo Ville, tav. 9, e, datato tra il sec. I d. C. ed il sec. III d. C.; il secondo invece, con arrotondamento interno è assimilabile al tipo Ville, tav. 37,a, datato nel sec. I d. C. I nn. 34-37, sono relativi a contenitori di medie dimensioni, caratterizzati dall'orlo rientrante

obliquo, a profilo rettangolare con carenatura nel punto di attacco alla parete: in particolare i nn. 35 e 36 trovano

confronto

con il tipo Luni,

I, tav. 152,83,

proveniente

da uno

scarico

con monete

fino

al sec. IV d. C.; il n. 37 con il tipo Luni, I, tav. 152,81.

Un ulteriore tipo di contenitore ad orlo rientrante, impiegato probabilmente anche come coperchio, é rappresentato dai frammenti caratterizzati da un ingrossamento interno con un arrotonda-

mento del profilo, nn. 38-39, genericamente riconducibili rispettivamente al tipo Staffa, fig. 401, 216 e 221, rinvenuti in un contesto databile al sec. IV-V d. C.

Tra i reperti ascrivibili in questa classe ceramica ὃ attestata anche la presenza di contenitori di grandezza media con orlo dal profilo quadrangolare, quasi verticale e carenatura esterna, n. 40; con orlo più arrotondato internamente e in curva continua con la parete, n. 41, simile al tipo Ville, tav. 25,h; o con carenatura esterna e arrotondamento interno dell'orlo, n. 42. Tra i tegami ad orlo rien-

trante é stato rinvenuto anche un tipo caratterizzato da un arrotondamento esterno nel punto di attacco con la parete e con il listello interno segnato da una solcatura, n. 43. Il n. 44, caratterizzato dall'orlo rientrante e dalla carenatura tra parete e orlo, trova confronto con il recipiente proveniente da San Sisto Vecchio, tipo Schuring, fig. 12,5117, da un contesto data-

to tra la fine del sec. IV d. C. e gli inizi del V sec. d. C. Il nn. 45-46, sono caratterizzati dall'orlo rientrante, dalla carenatura e dalla presenza all'interno di un listello piatto. Il n. 47, dal profilo superiormente concavo, leggero ingrossamento interno e lieve carenatura ἃ assimilabile al tipo Boreas, fig. 7, 44, datato nel IV-V sec. d. C. I nn. 48-49 sono relativi a dei contenitori con l'orlo rientrante, ingrossato sia internamente,

sia

esternamente che sembrano riconducibili, soprattutto per quanto riguarda il n. 48 a materiale di IVV sec. d. C., come sembrerebbe indicare il confronto di tale recipiente con il tipo Carsana, fig. 107, 8 e Schola Praeconum,

I, fig. 6,75.

Un secondo raggruppamento di frammenti di tegami carenati, ὃ caratterizzato dall'orlo ingrossato internamente: il n. 51, probabilmente un tegame-coperchio con orlo superiormente piatto trova

55 Nel presente studio sono stati presi in considerazione soltanto contesti che fossero geograficamente vicini a Poggio Gramignano tuttavia, benché con valore di confronto limiato, talvolta ὃ sembrato opportuno fare riferimento anche a qualche area più lontana nel caso si trattasse degli unici confronti puntuali. 56 J, W. Hayes, Late Roman Pottery (London: 1972) pp. 100-107. 57 HavES

1972, p. 107.

291

confronto con il tipo Staffa, fig. 401,227, datato tra il IV ed il V sec. d. C.; il n. 52 presenta un arrotondamento dell'estremità superiore; il n. 53 è caratterizzato dalla carenatura più accentuata e dalla sommità convessa. Costituisce probabilmente un residuo il tegame ad orlo bifido, n. 54 attestato tra la ceramica da fuoco dal sec. I d. C. alla metà del sec. II d. C. ad Ostia, Luni e Cosa 58 e fra la ceramica da cucina

africana 59; i due esemplari rinvenuti a Lugnano, hanno la parete ricurva. Probabilmente ascrivibile tra i residui è anche il n. 55, con orlo indistinto dalla parete, profilo arrotondato e leggero ingrossamento interno, confrontabile con il tipo Olcese, fig. 47,127, datato nel

sec. I d. C. Al contrario il n. 56 caratterizzato invece da un maggiore sviluppo dell'orlo all'interno, sembra databile in età tardo romana: il frammento è assimilabile al tegame coperchio, rinvenuto a Roma in un contesto di IV-V sec. d. C., tipo Staffa, fig. 401,222 e più genericamente con il tipo Carsana, fig. 111,28.4, rinvenuto a Napoli in un contesto di fine IV e a Carminiello ai Mannesi

nella

metà del sec. V d. C. Il n. 57 con orlo superiormente arrotondato e lievissimo ingrossamento interno é genericamen-

te accostabile al tipo Dyson, fig. 64, 4, da stratigrafie di III-IV sec. d. C. Un piccolo rigonfiamento interno e profilo arrotondato presenta il n. 58, simile al contenitore tipo Olcese, fig. 47,126, datato tra la fine del sec. Τ a. C. e l'età augustea. Un piccolo rigonfiamento interno caratterizza anche il contenitore 59 confrontabile con il tipo Staffa, fig. 405,292. Simile al tipo Ville, tav. 37, c, datato al sec. III a. C.-I d. C., è il n. 60 che, pertanto, potrebbe essere un residuo da mettere in relazione con la fase più antica della villa. Potrebbero essere connessi al primo periodo di vita dell'insediamento anche il n. 61, un tegame ad orlo indistinto accostabile, seppure in maniera generica, al tipo Dyson, fig. 58, 39/40, datato nel sec. Ta. C. e il n. 62 simile al tipo Dyson fig. 58,43, datato nel sec. II-III d. C. Al contrario i nn. 63 e 64 (quest'ultimo con politura a bande sulla superficie esterna) ugualmente caratterizzati dalla continuità tra parete e orlo, sono confrontabili rispettivamente con i tipi Schola Praeconum I, fig. 6, 72 e Staffa, fig. 405, 290, datati il primo nel V sec. d. C. ed il secondo nel sec. IV-V d. C. Il n. 65 caratterizzato dal profilo arrotondato trova genericamente confronto con il tipo Ville, tav. 9, g. I nn. 66 e 67 sono relativi a frammenti con orlo indistinto, profilo arrotondato e leggero ingrossamento interno.

Il n. 68 con profilo arrotondato e piccolo rigonfiamento interno è confrontabile con il tipo Ville, tav. 37,b. I n. 69 e 70 sono relativi a due tegami di piccole dimensioni: l'uno con profilo arrotondato e leggera carenatura; l'altro ugualmente con profilo arrotondato ma con la parete inclinata verso l'esterno. Il n. 71, anch'esso con parete inclinata verso l'esterno, presenta l'orlo con rigonfiamento interno. I nn. 72-74 sono caratterizzati dalla parete convessa e dal profilo dell’orlo arrotondato. Il n. 75, è relativo ad un tegame molto basso, fondo piano, parete piuttosto spessa inclinata verso l'esterno e rigonfiamento interno. I nn. 76-77, dalla parete dritta, trovano generico confronto con il tipo Carsana, fig. 118, 93/94 da contesti datati tra la metà del sec. V d. C. ed il primo terzo del sec. VI d. C. Il frammento Carsana 118, 93 è messo a confronto con materiale del tardo secolo IV-500 d. C. Infine il n. 78, caratterizzato dalla parete obliqua e dal profilo interno arrotondato trova confronto conil tipo Schola Praeconum, I, fig. 6, 73, datato nel sec. V d. C. Pentole

Vengono definite pentole quei contenitori piuttosto profondi che presentano il diametro dell'im-

58 EF. ZEVI e I. PoHL, “Ostia. Saggi di scavo,” NSc supplemento al vol. XXIV (1978) 292; Luni II tav. 131.3 (acme di presenza nel sec. I d. C.); S. L. Dyson, "Cosa: the Utilitarian Pottery,” MemAmAc XXXIII (1976) fig. 29, 10. 59 AA. VV. Atlante delle forme ceramiche YI (Roma: I

292

i

I

1981) CVI, 7. (Atlante); Ostia II, tav. XVIII, figg. 306-308. 1

Ὁ

boccatura uguale o maggiore a quello della massima espansione del corpo, con pareti rettilinee o curvilinee. Nel contesto in esame il diametro dell’orlo varia da cm 14 a cm 49. Le pentole attestate da numerose varianti, sono rappresentate da 197 frammenti e pertanto tali contenitori costituiscono la forma più diffusa tra la ceramica da fuoco, nella stratigrafia di Poggio Gramignano.

La pentola con l'orlo piatto, breve e con spigolo arrotondato all'attacco interno con la parete, che almeno nel primo tratto è verticale, è rappresentata da un significativo numero di frammenti 60 ed in particolare dal n. 79, confrontabile con il tipo Olcese, fig. 43,109, attestato in età augustea; dal n. 80, simile al tipo Pohl, 1978, p. 90,83, datato nel sec. I d. C.; dal n. 81, che presenta la tesa maggiormente sviluppata rispetto ai tipi precedenti, simile al tipo Settefinestre, tav. 25, 8, datato dalla prima metà del II sec d. C. in poi; dal n 82 con una piccola tesa tagliata obliquamente rispetto alla parete e con uno spessore maggiore verso l'esterno. Presentano una piü sviluppata tesa, il n. 83, simile a Ostia I, XIX, 392, datato nella metà del sec. III d. C.; il n. 84 caratterizzato dalla tesa inclinata verso il basso, arrotondato nel punto di attacco con la parete, simile al tipo Luni, II, tav. 131,22, datato nel sec. IV-V d. C. e al tipo Settefinestre, tav. 24, 11 rinvenuto in contesti dell'inizio del sec. II d. C. e tardo antichi; e il n. 85, simile al tipo Ville, tav. 3, b, datato nel sec. I d. C.

I nn. 86 e 87 presentano il labbro svasato dritto o obliquo, smussato all'interno nel punto di raccordo con la parete talvolta sottolineato da una leggera solcatura. Pentole con l'orlo assottigliato all'estremità e raccordato alla parete con un angolo arrotondato, sono attestate dai nn. 88 e 89. I frammenti nn. 90-92 presentano l'orlo dritto o leggermente convesso e arrotondamento interno nel punto di attacco con la parete, sottolineato da una solcatura. Il n. 91 trova confronto con il tipo Ostia II, XXVII, 480, datato tra l'età flavia ed il II sec. d. C. Il n. 93, con breve tesa superiormente convessa, trova confronto con il tipo Staffa, fig. 402, 236, proveniente da un contesto di IV-V sec. d. C. Tesa sottile e convessa presenta il n. 94 genericamente confrontabile con il tipo Ostia IV, XV, 101. I nn. 95 e 96, caratterizzati dalla tesa sviluppata, superiormente convessa e con taglio obliquo dell'estremità in un caso e arrotondamento nell'altro, trovano confronto rispettivamente con il tipo Ostia IL, tav. XXVII, 477, datato nella seconda metà del sec. I d. C. e con il tipo Luni, II, tav. 131,20,

la cui attestazione é prevalente nel sec. III d. C., con uno sviluppo nel sec. IV-V d. C. Orlo dritto, piuttosto sviluppato in lunghezza, con un arrotondamento all'estremità e nel punto di attacco alla parete si riscontra nel n. 97, simile al tipo Schuring, fig. 5, 1017, datato nel sec. IV-V d. C. Il contenitore con l'orlo dritto leggermente pendente, con un piccolo gancio nella parte inferiore e con connessione curvilinea alla parete è rappresentato dal n. 98 che pur rientrando in una tipologia ampiamente documentata in vari contesti dell’Italia centro settentrionale, risulta difficilmente

collocabile in un preciso orizzonte cronologico: infatti a Luni, Albintimilium, Cosa e Ostia, tale tipo risulta prodotto per un arco di circa quattro secoli, essendo attestato dal sec. I a. C. al sec. III d. C. L'unico elemento finora individuato, almeno nella stratigrafia di Luni 61, per restringere la datazione, é costituito dal diametro della bocca che negli strati collocabili entro il sec I a. C., si aggira attorno ai cm 22-23. Il diametro dei frammenti rinvenuti a Lugnano, oscilla tra i cm 27 ed i cm 36. Caratterizzato dalla tesa obliqua e piatta con piccolo gancio sottostante è il n. 99. Un gruppo di frammenti, nn. 100-103, caratterizzato dalla presenza dell'orlo a tesa piuttosto sviluppato in lunghezza, dal profilo superiore dritto o pendente verso l'esterno, dall'estremità dell'orlo tagliata per lo più obliquamente, a spigoli vivi, dal gancio e infine dalla connessione con le pareti a

60 Questo tipo di contenitori l'orlo hanno presentato qualche epoca, pertanto, a meno che non testo con presenze residuali pone 6! LUNI I, 1, col. 412.

a tesa dritta privi de qualsiasi elemento caratterizzante, pex la genericità e la semplicità delproblema nei confronti tipologici: infatti nei contesti editi sono presenti nei livelli di ogni si trattasse di riscontri puntuali si sono evitati confronti generici che comunque, in un consempre dei problemi.

293

profilo curvo, generalmente sottolineata all'interno da una sporgenza più o meno accentuata, trovano confronto rispettivamente con i tipi Luni, II, tav. 131,14, n. 100; Schuring, fig. 12, 2060, n. 101;

Monacchi, fig. 14,18 e Boreas, fig. 7, 42, n. 102; il gruppo è generalmente raffrontabile anche con il gruppo 29e di Luni II. Sulla base dei confronti tali contenitori sembrano ascrivibili ad un arco cronologico che si colloca tra la fine del sec. II d. C. ed il sec. IV-V d. C. I reperti del gruppo 29e, a Luni sono presenti con pochi frammenti nella stratigrafia datata tra il sec. I d. C. ed il sec. III d. C., mentre compaiono in maniera più consistente nei secc. IV-V d. C. €. I nn. 104-106, relativi a contenitori con orlo a tesa breve, arrotondamento all'interno nel punto

di raccordo con la parete rettilinea, sottolineato per lo. più da una costolatura, con l'orlo esterno tagliato obliquamente e un ingrossamento nella parte inferiore, sono assimilabili rispettivamente ai tipi Monacchi, fig. 13,13 datato tra l'età flavia e gli inizi del sec. II d. C., n. 104; Monacchi, fig. 13,14, attestato tra il sec. I a. C. ed il IV d. C., n. 105; Monacchi, fig. 13, 15, attestato tra il sec. II d. C. ed il sec. IV d. C., n. 106.

Nel tentativo di fare chiarezza, per quanto è possibile, riguardo alla cronologia di alcuni tipi di pentole (nn. 79-106) ἃ opportuno sottolineare che tentare delle datazioni precise in un contesto di scavo che ha restituito materiali residui appartenenti a classi ben più datanti della ceramica da fuoco, è spesso rischioso per l'impossibilità di stabilire quali reperti debbano essere considerati attardamenti di produzione e quali relitti. Si deve tuttavia tenere conto che in molti casi a Luni contenitori assimilabili a quelli rinvenuti a Poggio Gramignano (vedi confronti) sono attestati dal sec. I a. C. ma “dapprima in pochi frammenti, poi con un aumento di frequenza dal sec. II d. C. al sec. V d. C." 63, Pertanto, considerato che la stratigrafia da cui provengono i frammenti di Poggio Gramignano è tardo-antica e che il materiale sicuramente tardo (anfore africane) ἃ presente in quantità abbondante e che, viceversa, il materiale residuo (anfore, vernice nera e sigillata italica) non è attestato in misura così massiccia, si può sup-

porre che una buona quantità del materiale proveniente dal periodo V, sia in fase. Arrivare a stabilire l'effettivo momento d'uso del materiale significa contribuire a conoscere la reale consistenza delle attività produttive e quanto gli scambi con altre zone seppure limitrofe, fossero ancora attivi nella villa nel periodo che si suppone di occupazione parziale (sec. IV-V d. C.). ΑΙ di là delle ipotesi, comunque, per il momento possono essere considerati in fase solo quei frammenti che trovano confronti puntuali con contesti tardo-romani. Un altro tipo di pentola ὃ rappresentato dal n. 107 caratterizzato dalla tesa piatta con attacco alla parete smussato e con la terminazione dell'orlo arrotondata pendente verso il basso. Il n. 108 con una breve tesa convessa smussata nel punto di attacco con la parete e terminazione obliqua verso l'esterno, trova confronto con il tipo Schola Praeconum, II, fig. 7, 35, datato nel sec. V d. C.

Il n. 109 relativo ad un contenitore con l'orlo leggermente ricurvo, il gancio sottostante, il taglio all'estremità esterna della tesa obliquo, l'angolo smussato all'interno nel punto di attacco alla parete verticale, è confrontabile con il tipo Ostia, I, tav. XIX, 399, datato tra il II ed il III sec. d. C. ed attestato a S. Prisca tra il III ed il IV sec. d. C. 64 Il n. 110 è caratterizzato dalla tesa leggermente convessa, dall'aattacco alla parete smussato e da un piccolo gancio sottostante; anche il n. 111 presenta le caratteristiche morfologiche del tipo precedente anche se più accentuate. I nn. 112 e 113 con breve tesa convessa, in un caso pendente, trovano

generico confronto rispettivamente con il tipo Ostia, II, tav. XXVII, 483, datato nella seconda metà del I sec. d. C. e con il tipo Zevi-Pohl, 1970, fig. 101,451, datato a cavallo tra il sec. II ed il sec. III d. C.

Risultano caratterizzati dalla tesa dritta con un rigonfiamento arrotondato al di sotto i nn. 114116, assimilabili a reperti provenienti da contesti dei sec. IV-V d. C.: i confronti più puntuali sono costituiti dal tipo Monacchi, fig. 14,17 per il n. 114 e dal tipo Dyson, fig. 64, 1 per il n. 115...

62 LuNI II, 1, pp. 601, 620. 63 LUNI II, 1, p. 620. 64 AA. VV. Ostia 1. Le terme del Nuotatore.

294

Scavo dell'ambiente IV. Studi Miscellanei

13 (Roma:

1968) p. 94. (Ostia 1).

Del tutto simile con la sola variante della presenza di un piccolo gancio a spigolo vivo al di sotto della tesa, è il n. 117. Probabilmente riferibile ad epoca tardo romana

(sec. IV-V d. C.) sono i nn. 118-119, assimilabi-

li (in maniera più puntuale il secondo) al tipo Staffa, fig. 398,194, con tesa obliqua tagliata all’estremità trasversalmente rispetto alla parete. Il n. 120 presenta i caratteri morfologici più marcati rispetto al n. 119: infatti si tratta di un contenitore con tesa obliqua concava e arrotondamento sottostante. Il n. 121 attesta la presenza del tipo Staffa, fig. 399, 201, datato tra IV e V sec. d. C.

Documentata a Lugnano è anche la pentola con tesa obliqua convessa e dente sottostante a spigolo vivo, n. 122. Variamente articolato è l'orlo dei contenitori con tesa obliqua e gancio sottostante e attacco alla parete arrotondato, attestato da i nn.

123-127; il frammento

127, si differenzia parti-

colarmente dagli altri per il ridotto spessore ed il dente piccolo, a fronte di uno sviluppo della tesa maggiore.

Il n. 128, caratterizzato da una breve tesa convessa e da un rigonfiamento sottostante, è genericamente raffrontabile con il tipo Schola Praeconum, I, fig. 8, 100, da un contesto tardo antico. Il frammento n. 129, trova riscontro con il tipo Staffa, fig. 399, 198 da un contesto datato nel sec. IV-V d. C.

Il n. 130 presenta la tesa convessa, il gancio sottostante e l'attacco alla parete arrotondato. Il n. 131, con orlo estroflesso esternamente arrotondato, trova confronto con il tipo Luni, II, tav. 129,12.

Ugualmente caratterizzati dall'orlo estroflesso e arrotondato sono i nn. 132 e 133. La pentola a tesa obliqua esternamente rigonfia e arrotondata, simile al tipo Olcese, fig. 37, 56, datata nella seconda metà del sec. IV d. C. è attestata dal n. 134. I nn. 135-139, costituiscono un gruppo caratterizzato dalla tesa obliqua concava (tranne in un caso) e rigonfiamento sottostante più o meno accentuato. Il confronto più vicino, da mettere in relazione soprattutto con il n. 137, è costituito dal tipo Olcese, fig. 42, 100, datato dalla seconda metà del sec. IV d. C. 65 I contenitori con orlo a tesa obliqua,

superiormente

piatta, esternamente

arrotondata

e con

at-

tacco alla parete smussato, sono attestati dai nn. 140-143 per i quali un confronto generico è offerto dal gruppo 14b di Luni, II, da un contesto del IV sec. d. C. 66 Il n. 144, è relativo ad un contenitore con orlo obliquo breve e listello interno; il n. 145, con orlo estroflesso obliquo trova confronto con il tipo Ostia, III, 341 datato nel II-III sec. d. C.; il n. 146 inve-

ce, caratterizzato dalla breve tesa obliqua assottigliata e arrotondata all'estremità è confrontabile con il tipo Schuring, fig. 12,6872 attestato maggiormente nei secc. I-II d. C. pur non mancando attestazioni nel sec. V d. C. Analoghe caratteristiche morfologiche presenta il n. 147. Il n. 148, con tesa obliqua superiormente piatta e arrotondata nella parte inferiore trova confronto con Luni, II, tav. 261, 12, attestato in un contesto datato tra la seconda metà del sec. II d. C.

e la prima metà del sec. III d. C. | I nn. 149 e 150 relativi a contenitori con orlo estroflesso inclinato verso l'interno, a sezione quadrangolare e con un pronunciato alloggiamento per il coperchio all'interno sono probabilmente da ascrivere ad una tipologia tardo-antica come suggeriscono i confronti rispettivamente con il tipo Carsana, tav. 107,61, datato nella metà del sec. V d. C. e con il tipo Olcese, fig. 58, 199, datato dalla

seconda metà Luni 67 datati tardo-antichi riferirsi ad un

del sec. IV d. C. Va ricordata tuttavia anche una certa affinità con i gruppi 21e, 22d di rispettivamente al 40-50 d. C. e al sec. II-III d. C., da cui sembra ipotizzabile che tipi possano derivare. In tal caso la presenza di questo materiale nel V periodo potrebbe momento d'uso.

$5 I] frammento n. 135 è confrontabile in maniera piuttosto puntuale con un'olla di produzione egea: J. W. Hayes, “The Villa Dionysos Excavations, Knossos: the Pottery," BSA 78 (1983) fig. 6, 70, datato tra il II ed il III se. d.C. Tra la ceramica da poco rinvenuta a Lugano non sono stati individuati, peró, impasti con tale origine. 66 LUNI II, 1, p. 609.

67 LUNI II, 1, pp. 614-615. Ι

295

Le pentole con breve orlo a fascia attestate dal n. 151 caratterizzato dal labbro breve, svasato

verso l'esterno e profilo interno concavo, piuttosto spesso nel punto di connessione con la parete e dal n. 152 con orlo estroflesso molto breve e profilo interno concavo, trovano confronto con i tipi Schuring, fig. 5,645, 802,643, da contesti il cui terminus ante quem

Ben documentata è la pentola con pareti verticali,

è il 399-400.

a volte bombate, e orlo arrotondato piuttosto

ingrossato, n. 153, che trova confronto con i tipi Boreas, fig. 6,39, datato all’inizio del sec. V d. C.; Ville, tav. 38,a; Monacchi, fig. 14,19.

Presente con numerose attestazioni è anche il contenitore con orlo estroflesso, leggera strozzatura all'attacco con la parete e marcato alloggiamento per il coperchio all'interno. Tale tipo, documentato dai nn. 154-156, trova i confronti più vicini con il tipo Boreas, fig. 6,32, da un contesto di IV-V sec. d. C. e con il tipo Schuring, fig. 12, 1438/44 da un contesto con reperti per lo più datati entro i primi tre secoli d. C. Tra i contenitori di grandi dimensioni il n. 157 è caratterizzato dall'orlo a tesa dritta, esternamente arrotondata, con un piccolo gancio sottostante e attacco con la parete smussato. Il n. 158 é relativo ad una pentola con orlo a tesa estroflessa, notevolmente ingrossato nel punto di attacco alla parete. Infine il n. 159 ὃ relativo ad un contenitore con orlo a tesa superiormente convesso, simile al tipo Ostia, II, XXVII, 478 datato nel I sec. d. C.

I grossi contenitori sono rappresentati, tra gli altri, da pentole dalla tesa piuttosto sviluppata, leggermente ricurva e pendente con attacco alla parete ed estremità arrotondate, come attestato dai nn. 160 e 161, rispettivamente confrontabili con il tipo Dyson, fig. 57, 28, datato al II-III sec. d. C.; e con il tipo Schola Praeconum, I, fig. 7, 90, da strati di IV-V sec. d. C.

I] n. 162 presenta tesa dritta arrotondata esternamente

con l'attacco alla parete sottolineato

internamente da una sporgenza piuttosto accentuata. La forma con orlo estroflesso, superiormente

convesso,

arrotondato esternamente,

n. 163, conser-

vata quasi per intero trova confronto con il tipo Olcese, fig. 52,159, datato alla metà del sec. IV d. C. Il n. 164 relativo ad un tipo di contenitore con orlo estroflesso, rigonfiamento esterno e attacco alla parete in curva continua, é confrontabile con il tipo Schuring, fig. 13, 804/7 da contesti datati tra I-III sec. d. C. ma probabilmente ancora in uso nel sec. V d. C. I nn. 165-167 caratterizzati dall'orlo estroflesso e arrotondato ricordano piuttosto genericamente il tipo Ville, tav. 21, d, il tipo Ostia, III, 568, datato alla metà del sec. III d.C. e il tipo Schola Praeco-

num, II, fig. 6, 9, da un contesto datato in età tardo romana. Il n. 168, una pentola a tesa dritta e pareti rastremate, trova confronto con il tipo Staffa, fig. 405, 299, prodotto a Roma in ceramica comune, datato fra il IV ed il V sec. d. C., con il gruppo Luni 68 e con il tipo Settefinestre, tav. 27, 4, attestato in età tardo antica.

11 e di

I nn. 169-172 relativi a piccoli contenitori che sulla base dei confronti sembrano essere residuali trovano confronto rispettivamente con il tipo Luni, I, tav. 211, 38, datato nel sec. I a. C., n. 169; con

il tipo Pohl, 1978, fig. 147, 77, datato nel sec. II d. C., n. 170; infine il n. 171 è genericamente confrontabile con il tipo Zevi-Pohl, 1971, P- 190, fig. 166, proveniente da un contesto con materiali di età augusteo-tiberiana. Lorlo a tesa estroflessa e obliqua, Porto nel punto di attacco con la parete che caratterizza inn. 173-175 sembra perdurare piuttosto a lungo nel tempo: infatti il n. 175 sulla base del confronto con il tipo Valenti, fig. 5, 5 è databile nella seconda metà del sec. V d. C., mentre il n. 174 è raffrontabile con il tipo Dyson, fig. 44, 22 II, 16, datato nel sec. I d. C. Costituisce probabilmente un residuo il frammento di pentola ad orlo estroflesso con incavatura interna, n. 176 che trova confronto con il tipo Zevi-Pohl, 1970, fig. 117,95, datato in età adrianea

e con il tipo Ostia, I, XIX, 397, datato al sec. III d. C.; infine va segnalato anche un confronto generico con il tipo Olcese, fig. 44, 112, datato alla prima metà del sec. V d. C.

La pentola con orlo ingrossato, arrotondato, leggermente rivolto all'esterno e pareti ricurve, n. 177, costituisce probabilmente un'imitazione della forma tipo Atlante, tav. CIX, 2, prodotta in cera68 ΤΌΝΙ II, 1, p. 608.

296

mica a patina cenerognola o bianco-grigiastra con politura a strisce o a bande, generalmente datata dall’età flavia alla prima metà del sec. II d. C. Anche il frammento con orlo a tesa estroflessa, obliqua con una convessità nella parte inferiore ed un’ampia concavità nella parte superiore n. 178, è forse ascrivibile tra il materiale residuo: infatti esso trova confronto piuttosto puntuale con l'orlo, datato nel sec. I a. C., tipo Pohl, 1978, fig. 82, 102, relativo peró ad una forma chiusa. La pentola n. 179 presenta l'orlo estroflesso, superiormente piatto, ed appuntito a sezione vagamente triangolare. La pentola con orlo a mandorla, estroflesso, n. 180, è confrontabile con il tipo Luni, I, tav. 158, 384, datato nel II-III sec. d.C. e più genericamente con il tipo Ostia, I, tav. XII, 277, databile nel sec. II d. C.

Il n. 181 caratterizzato dall'orlo estroflesso obliquo, assottigliato verso la fine, ὃ assimilabile al tipo Schola Praeconum, I, fig. 8, 111, datato nel V sec. d. C.

Il n. 182 presenta l'orlo estroflesso a tesa superiormente Il n. 183 é caratterizzato dall'orlo estroflesso dritto ed Il n. 184 è relativo ad un grande contenitore da fuoco, gnano, che presenta l'orlo a tesa estroflessa con estremità mento per il coperchio.

piatta e tagliata obliquamente all'esterno. estremità arrotondata. unico per dimensioni nel contesto di Luarrotondata ed un pronunciato alloggia-

VIb. FORME CHIUSE Olle

Vengono definite olle quei contenitori che presentano il diametro dell'imboccatura inferiore a quello della massima espansione, con il collo basso e con una notevole profondità, tanto da costituire ira la ceramica da fuoco, il vaso più chiuso e profondo. Questo tipo di utensili sono attestati a Lugnano da 146 frammenti; il loro diametro all'orlo, varia da cm 6 a cm 32.

Si ὃ ritenuto opportuno distinguere le olle dalle ollette sulla base delle dimensioni, lo spessore delle pareti e l'impasto, generalmente piü grossolano nelle olle. Si & considerato il diametro di cm 11, come massimo per le ollette e il minimo per le olle, a meno che lo spessore delle pareti non suggerisse diversamente. Il corpo delle ollette è stato ricostruito per intero in due casi; per le olle non è stato mai possibile. I contenitori con collo quasi dritto che si ingrossa esternamente in prossimità dell'orlo, posto in posizione orizzontale sono attestati da frammenti di olle, n. 185 e di ollette, nn. 186-193 che trovano confronto con materiale edito proveniente da diversi contesti cronologici: più in particolare, il n. 185 è genericamente confrontabile con il gruppo 36 f di Luni 69; il n. 186 trova confronto con il tipo Luni, II, tav. 128,12, datato nella prima metà del sec. I d. C.; il n. 187 è simile al tipo Ville, tav. 2,h,

datato nel sec. I d.C.

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Il n. 188 è confrontabile con il tipo Olcese, fig. 40,86, datato nella seconda metà del sec. IV d. C. Il n. 189 è assimilabile al tipo Ville, tav. 39,g, da un contesto datato tra il II ed il T sec. a. C.

Quanto emerge dai confronti di questi contenitori con i materiali editi ripropone una volta di più il problema della cronologia di certe produzioni: anche in questo caso ci si trova infatti dinanzi all'impossibilità di stabilire con certezza l'inizio e la fine della produzione come già rilevato ad esempio a Luni: "si ha l'impressione che queste olle trovino gli antecedenti in età pre-romana e forse anche protostorica... A Luni queste forme ricorrono in maniera ininterrotta, sebbene di non grande entità numerica per ogni variante dall'età repubblicana sino al tardo-antico e oltre. Pur non essendo in grado di stabilire quante di queste presenze siano riferibili a residui o a momenti d'uso, l'esistenza di tipi affini da contesti barbarici o medievali, induce a credere che, anche se non in quantità $9 LUNI IL, 1, p. 624.

297

rilevante, la produzione dovette essere continua fino ad una ripresa in età tardoantica. Questo panorama è emerso anche nella ricerca di confronti bibliografici” 70, Fra le olle va rilevata anche la presenza di contenitori con l'orlo che si ingrossa esternamente, piatto nella parte superiore e dal profilo rettangolare, nn. 190 e 191, caratterizzati, soprattutto per quanto riguarda il n. 191, dalla parete piuttosto obliqua. Sulla base di un confronto con il tipo Olcese, fig. 72, 303, datato in epoca neroniana, il n. 190 sembra da ascrivere fra le presenze residuali.

Fra le produzioni del periodo V é probabilmente da porre anche l'olla n. 192 con breve orlo estroflesso, leggermente obliquo a sezione vagamente triangolare e priva di collo che trova confronto con il gruppo 44b di Luni 7! datato nel sec. IV d. C., più in particolare con il tipo Luni, II, tav. 274,5, e con il tipo Schuring, fig. 12,2804, da un contesto con materiali per lo più databili entro i primi tre secoli d. C. Costituisce probabilmente un residuo l'olla con orlo sporgente, arrotondato e breve collo dritto, n. 193 che trova confronto con il tipo Monacchi, fig. 15,25, datato nella prima metà del sec. I d. C.

Il n. 194 analogo al precedente ma caratterizzato da una maggiore inclinazione dell'orlo é simile alla forma Dyson, fig. 61,82, datato tra il II ed il III sec. d. C. La presenza di contenitori ad orlo estroflesso, piatto nella parte superiore e arrotondato esternamente, è attestata dal n. 195, confrontabile con il tipo Olcese, fig. 72,308, datato tra il II ed il III sec. d. C. ma già attestato in altri contesti nel sec. I d. C. 72 Lolla n. 196 e l'olletta n. 197 sono caratterizzate dall'orlo indistinto ingrossato alla sommità, rispetto alla parete. Un gruppo di frammenti relativo a contenitori medio-piccoli (nn. 197-201) é caratterizzato dall'orlo a tesa; da ridotte dimensioni e da spessore sottile: pertanto fanno supporre che si tratti di imitazioni delle pareti sottili. Il n. 198, con l'orlo dritto e svasato verso l'esterno trova confronto con il tipo Ville, tav. 8,i, data-

to tra il sec. IV ed il sec. V d. C. Il n. 199, è relativo ad un'olletta a labbro svasato, a profilo arrotondato,

databile nel sec. IV-V

d. C., sulla base di un confronto con un tipo analogo proveniente da Roma, tipo Schuring, fig. 6, 871/874. Il n. 200, invece, è relativo ad un contenitore con orlo estroflesso lievemente rientrante che trova confronto con il tipo in ceramica comune Luni, II, tav. 194, 13, datato nel I-II sec. d. C. Il n. 201, caratterizzato da un sottile orlo estroflesso arrotondato nella parte interna, genericamente confrontabile con il tipo Olcese, fig. 32,23, non é cronologicamente bene inquadrabile: infat-

ti potrebbe trattarsi di un residuo poiché nella stratigrafia di Albintimilium la massima concentrazione di tali contenitori é stata rinvenuta in un contesto di età tibero-claudia, pur non mancando testimonianze, seppure numericamente piü esigue, fino alla seconda metà del IV sec. d. C. Il n. 202 relativo ad un'olla con orlo estroflesso poco sviluppato ed estremità arrotondata esternamente, é confrontabile con il tipo Schuring, fig. 10,6377. Il n. 203 con l'orlo quasi verticale e l'estremità superiore leggermente convessa, trova confronto con il tipo Schuring, fig. 10,5054. Sia il materiale di confronto del n. 202 che del n. 203 provengono da contesti datati dal sec. III in poi. Il n. 204, ὃ relativo ad una olletta con orlo poco svasato che trova confronto con il tipo Luni, II, tav. 272,3; per quanto riguarda la cronologia, non:é possibile stabilire dei termini rigorosi: infatti, nella stratigrafia di Luni essa ricorre in maniera ininterrotta, con una ripresa tardo-antica. Il n. 205 caratterizzato dall'orlo svasato e dall'estremità arrotondata esternamente trova confronto con il tipo Luni, II, tav. 271,7, collocato cronologicamente tra la metà del sec. II d. C. e gli inizi del sec. V d. C.

70 LUNI II, 1, p. 624.

71 Luni II. 1, p. 626. 72 G. OLCESE, Le ceramiche comuni di Albintimilium. Indagine archeologia e archeometria sui materiali dell’area della cardine (Firenze: 1993) p. 283.

298

Un altro gruppo di ollette è rappresentato dai nn. 206-210. Il n. 206 presenta l'orlo quasi dritto, ingrossato esternamente. Il n. 207, caratterizzato dall’orlo in curva continua con la parete ed estremità arrotondata, trova

confronto con il tipo Luni, II, tav. 267,11, attestato con una certa continuità dal sec. II in poi ma con un aumento di frequenza progressivo fino a tutto il sec. IV d. C. Il n. 208 invece, per la presenza dell'orlo appena estroflesso e con un leggero rigonfiamento verso l'estremità trova generico confronto con Luni, II, tav. 338,10, da contesti medievali. Il n. 209, con orlo estroflesso in curva continua esterna trova confronto

con la parete e arrotondamento

all'estremità

con il tipo Luni, II, tav. 271,13.

Il n. 210 caratterizzato dall'orlo estroflesso dritto, è simile al tipo Luni, II, tav. 134, 5, presente in

tutti i livelli di frequentazione senza soluzione di continuità. Il n. 211 è infine caratterizzato dall'orlo estroflesso con due solcature all'esterno e alloggiamento per il coperchio. È altresì attestata la presenza di un'olletta, n. 212, a corpo globulare con labbro poco sviluppato e arrotondato esternamente e di un'altra, n. 213, con orlo estroflesso e dritto che trova confronto generico con il tipo Staffa, fig. 401,229.

Il n. 214 presenta un breve orlo estroflesso in curva continua con la parete. Un gruppo di ollette costituito da 17 tipi di contenitori nn. 215-231, é probabilmente da ascrivere tra le imitazioni delle pareti sottili come é piuttosto evidente dalla sottigliezza dello spessore, dalle ridotte dimensioni e spesso dai confronti tipologici: di tale gruppo, il n. 215 trova confronto con il tipo Luni, II, tav. 246,22, datato dalla fine del sec. I d. C. alla metà del sec. III d. C.; il n. 216, con il tipo Zevi-Pohl, 1970, fig. 66, IIB1 3, datato tra l'età flavia e l'inizio del sec. II d. C.; il n. 217 con il

tipo Zevi-Pohl, 1970, fig. 110,1584, proveniente da uno strato con materiale dal sec. II a. C. all'età di Claudio; il n. 218 con il tipo Pohl, 1978, fig. 73, 588 da contesti datati tra il sec. I a. C. ed il sec. II d. C.; il n. 219 con il tipo Luni, I, tav. 160,455, datato al sec. I d. C.; il n. 220 con il tipo Ostia IV, 228,

datato al sec. III d. C. Il n. 226 trova generico confronto con il tipo Monacchi, fig. 15, 27, datato sulla base di confronti in età traiano-adrianea/tarda età antonina ed età tardo antica. Il n. 227 sembra essere riferibile ad un tipo la cui produzione si é protratta nel tempo: infatti l'olletta con orlo estroflesso, a sezione vagamente triangolare trova confronto sia con reperti da un contesto datato tra il sec. I a. C. ed il sec. II d. C. (cfr. tipo Ville, tav. 25,e; tale frammento

presenta un

diametro doppio rispetto al frammento dalle stratigrafie da Lugnano), sia con reperti rinvenuti in un contesto tardo-romano (cfr., Boreas, fig. 4,24). L'olletta n. 228 è caratterizzata da un breve orlo estroflesso privo di collo, in curva continua con

la spalla piuttosto ingrossato nel punto di attacco con la parete. Lolletta con orlo verticale esternamente rigonfio e strozzatura tra orlo e parete, n. 229, sembra databile nel I sec. a. C. sulla base del confronto con il tipo Zevi-Pohl, 1970, fig. 59, 295.

Il n. 230 é caratterizzato invece dalla parete dritta con orlo indistinto e alloggiamento per il coperchio. Il n. 231, caratterizzato dall’orlo estroflesso, svasato verso l'esterno trova confronto con il tipo

Ville, tav. 14,a. Tra le olle di piccole dimensioni sono da ascrivere il n. 232 con collo svasato e orlo indistinto che trova confronto con il tipo Olcese, fig. 32,20, datato tra il sec. I a. C. ed il sec. I d. C.; il n. 233 con collo svasato obliquo, ingrossato nella parte superiore, esternamente arrotondato, confrontabile con

il gruppo 20,c di Luni 73 datato dal sec. IV d. C., ed infine il n. 234 relativo ad un'olla con orlo estroflesso e listello esterno. : Tra le olle di medie dimensioni, è da segnalare la presenza di un tipo con labbro ripiegato, pendulo, n. 235, confrontabile con il gruppo 42 di Luni 74. Sulla base del confronto edito, riguardo alla 73 LunI II, 1, p. 600. 74 LUNI II, 1, p. 210.

299

cronologia, è possibile stabilire soltanto dei termini di massima: infatti dalla stratigrafia di Luni si ricavano indicazioni relative a due momenti: il primo collocabile tra la metà del sec. I a. C., fino ad un momento non posteriore al 40-50 d. C.; il secondo, tra la fine del sec. IV d. C. e gli inizi del sec. V d. C.

Da considerare fra le presenze residuali è forse anche l'olla con orlo ingrossato verso l'esterno, senza collo e probabile corpo globulare, n. 236, confrontabile con un contenitore rinvenuto a Cosa, tipo Dyson, fig. 61,81, datato tra il sec. II ed il sec. III d. C. Rimangono invece senza inquadramento cronologico le olle con orlo estroflesso, ripiegato verso il basso, nn. 237-238, il primo delle quali ὃ confrontabile con il tipo Ville, tav. 21,d. Documentata da un ampio numero di varianti è l'olla di dimensioni medio-grandi con orlo breve ma di notevole spessore, obliquo, arrotondato esternamente e concavo all'interno, nn. 239-242. La datazione di questo tipo, sembra si possa collocare entro un preciso arco cronologico, dal momento che i confronti più vicini sono forniti da contesti tardo-antichi: tipo Olcese, fig. 37,52, datato nel

sec. IV d. C.; tipo Staffa, fig. 403,252; tipo Olcese, fig. 39,76, noto dagli inizi del sec. V d. C. e più genericamente tipo Luni, II, gruppo 32d 75. Tuttavia si deve anche tenere presente di una generica affinità con il gruppo 33a 76 di Luni la cui attestazione si pone dal sec. I d. C. fino a tutto il sec. IV d. C. con un aumento nel sec. III d. C. Il n. 243 presenta la tesa obliquadi forma vagamente triangolare. Il n. 244 è relativo ad un'olla ad orlo estroflesso dal profilo rettangolare con l'estremità arrotondata. Il n. 245 con orlo estroflesso a profilo rettangolare è simile al tipo Luni, II, tav. 272, 1, noto dalla

metà del sec. II d. C. fino all’età tardo-romana. Probabilmente da mettere in relazione con la prima occupazione della villa è anche il n. 246 con orlo obliquo dal profilo rettangolare che trova confronto con l'orlo di una pentola tipo Settefinestre, tav. 24,13, datato nella prima metà del sec. I d. C.

Un cospicuo gruppo di olle è caratterizzato dalla tesa breve e orizzontale variamente articolata. Sono probabilmente dei residui il contenitore confronto con il tipo Ostia III, LXIV, 593, datato Il n. 248, con orlo a nastro, ὃ raffrontabile con Lolla con collo quasi verticale e spalla ampia,

con breve orlo orizzontale piatto, n. 247, che trova alla fine del sec. I d. C. il tipo Olcese, fig. 72,303, collocabile nel sec. I d. C. n. 249, simile al tipo Luni, II, tav. 135,4, non è certo

che sia ascrivibile tra i residui: infatti a Luni è attestata sia nel sec. I d. C. sia nei secc. III-IV d. C. Il n. 250 confrontabile con il tipo Luni, II, tav. 128, 10, sembra, invece possa essere riferito ad una

produzione tardo-romana, come suggerisce la datazione fornita dal confronto che però presenta dimensioni hotevolmente maggiori. Piuttosto simili al precedente anche se la tesa si presenta più sviluppata, sono i tipi nn. 251 e 252. Analoghe ma di forma più massiccia sono i nn. 253-255. Cronologicamente inquadrabile nel periodo tardo-antico è il n. 256 caratterizzato dal labbro estroflesso, piatto, inclinato verso il basso, arrotondato all’interno e all’esterno che trova confronto con il tipo Luni, II, tav. 131,17, attestato nei secc. III d. C. e nel IV-V d. C. Il n. 257,.con breve orlo a tesa inclinato verso. il basso, confrontabile con il tipo Luni, II, tav. 195, 13, datato nel 60-70 d. C., é da riferire alla prima fase della villa.

Tra le olle a tesa, i nn. 258-260 Duesenianio Suncriormcnie un arrotondamento e nella parte sottostante un rigonfiamento. Il n. 261, simile al tipo Luni, IL, tav. 265, 10, è caratterizzato dall orlo EO e da una forte strozzatura in corrispondenza del collo. Sulla base del confronto, l'ambito cronologico sembra possa essere tardo-antico anche se un orlo analogo è presente in strati del sec. I a. C. ad Ostia (cfr. Pohl

1978, fig. 82, 97).

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Lorlo estroflesso, poco sviluppato. e piuttosto massiccio del n. 262 è probabilmente riferibile ad una produzione regionale che trova confronto con il tipo Monacchi, fig. 15, 23.

75 LUNI II, 1, p. 602. 76 LUNI II, 1, p. 602. i

300

Un piccolo orlo estroflesso presentano anche il n. 263; il n. 264 simile al tipo Pohl, 1978, fig. 158, 237; il n. 265; il n. 266, simile al tipo Ville, tav. 2,f; il n. 267; il n. 268 simile al tipo Lamboglia, fig. 69, 18; il n. 269, confrontabile con il tipo Olcese, fig. 36,49, datato al sec. I d. C.; i nn. 270-273. Un orlo a tesa, più sviluppato rispetto ai precedenti e variamente articolato presentano il n. 274, il n. 275, genericamente simile al tipo Ville, tav. 39, a; il n. 276; il n. 277; il n. 278, simile al tipo Ostia, I, XII, 287; il n. 279; il n. 280, simile al tipo Pohl, 1978, fig. 110,1597, rinvenuto in un contesto del sec. I d. C.; il n. 281.

Un orlo a tesa ben sviluppato piatto e dritto caratterizza invece il n. 282, simile al tipo Luni, II, tav. 272,3; il n. 283, simile al tipo Schuring, fig. 4, 2065; il n. 284 e il n. 285. Hanno orlo estroflesso, che si presenta indistinto dalla parete, i nn. 286 e 287, quest'ultimo confrontabile con Ostia, I, tav. XIX, 393, datato nel sec. III d. C.

Il n. 288 con breve orlo a tesa leggermente pendente, trova confronto generico con il tipo Ville, tav. 25,f; il n. 289 è invece caratterizzato da un orlo indistinto piatto. Il n. 290, piuttosto ben conservato è caratterizzato dall'orlo svasato verso l'esterno, con una sol-

catura nella parte interna 77. Il confronto più vicino è rappresentato, seppure genericamente, dai tipi Schola Praeconum, II, fig. 7, 31 e 32. Lo stesso confronto è pertinente anche per il n. 291. Il n. 292 è caratterizzato dall'orlo estroflesso che presenta una fascia esterna. Il n. 293 con orlo dritto, presenta una sottile fascia esterna. Il n. 294, simile al tipo Ville, tav. 2,e, presenta un ingrossamento esterno.

Il n. 295 è caratterizzato da una brevissima tesa arrotondata esternamente e dall'alloggiamento per il coperchio all’interno. Il n. 296 con orlo verticale, inclinato verso l'interno, trova confronto con il tipo Dyson, fig. 32,49,

datato nel sec. I a. C. Il n. 297, molto probabilmente pertinente ad una anforetta, trova confronto con il tipo Ostia, II, XI, 68.

VII. FONDI E COPERCHI

Lo studio dei fondi ha seguito un criterio ed un metodo di presentazione diverso rispetto ai frammenti ritenuti significativi: ciò perché non è stato possibile attribuire i fondi alle diverse forme considerate né procedere a raggruppamenti che non risultassero arbitrari, né infine proporre ipotesi cronologiche. Pertanto i fondi sono stati solo contati e classificati per impasto (vedi tabelle riassuntive). Si è ritenuto opportuno pubblicare soltanto il fondo n. 298 perché oltre ad essere stato rinvenuto completo della pancia esso ἃ stato utilizzato come sepoltura di un bambino la cui copertura ὃ stata realizzata con un frammento di anfora Keay, XIX, datata nel 300-500 d. C., nonché due fondi piani apodi forati (nn. 299-300), gli unici esemplari di tal genere rinvenuti nel contesto in esame. Questi frammenti sono caratterizzati dalla presenza, esclusivamente sul fondo, di fori circolari passanti, realizzati a cottura avvenuta dall'esterno verso l’interno. Contenitori simili forati peró anche sulle pareti, sono stati rinvenuti in diversi contesti datati tra il II ed il V secolo d. C.; solo in un caso l'attestazione di vasi forati sembra protrarsi fino al se-

colo VII d. C. 78. Le ipotesi piü ricorrenti mettono in relazione l'uso di questi manufatti con la produzione di formaggio, con la funzione di colatoi o setacci; con una destinazione di contenitori per erbe aromati-

71 All’interno dell'olla sono state rinvenute delle ossa. 78 AA. VV., Angera Romana.

1995) I, pp. 176-177.

Scavi nell'abitato 1980-1986

(a cura di G. Sena Chiesa e M. F. Lavizzari Pedrazzini)

(Roma:

301

che o legno piente come Anche i ratteristiche

resinoso o cibi da essiccare 79, Solo in un caso è attestato il riutilizzo di un vecchio recicolatoio per cereali e farina o infusioni 80. coperchi sono stati presi in considerazione solo per le quantificazioni poiché le loro camorfologiche si ripetono invariate nei secoli, impedendo di definire una classificazione

cronologica. Ciò, a maggior ragione in un contesto con consistenti presenze di materiali in seconda giacitura. VIII. PERIODO I

Tipologia Gli strati che testimoniano la frequentazione della villa nel periodo della sua costruzione e della sua primaria occupazione (fine del sec. I d. C.-inizi del II sec. d. C.) hanno restituito solamente sei frammenti

di ceramica, due dei quali non identificabili. In particolare si tratta di due tegami, nn.

301 e 302, e due pentole, nn. 303 e 304.

IX. CONCLUSIONI ΑἹ termine di questa analisi, pur non essendo ancora possibile trarre delle conclusioni complessive circa la cronologia, per la presenza di residui, e circa la precisa ubicazione delle aree di produzione ed i percorsi commerciali seguiti per lo smistamento degli utensili da cucina rinvenuti a Poggio Gramignano, per la mancanza di dati più ampi riguardanti anche altre zone dell'Umbria, si può tuttavia delineare un primo quadro di una qualche attendibilità. I risultati dell'esame al microscopio degli impasti sono al momento l'unico dato certo su cui basare ogni possibile conclusione: ciò perché a tutt'oggi, non essendo ancora stato completato lo scavo della villa non si può dire se nei pressi vi fosse una fornace né si è a conoscenza di risultati di analisi petrografiche da altri siti umbri, tali da confermare le supposizioni riguardanti le vie commerciali ipotizzate in questa sede. Gli impasti attestati tra i materiali da fuoco, si possono suddividere in due grandi gruppi: l'uno di tipo locale, in quanto proveniente da un’area compresa tra la sponda destra del Tevere ed il mare; l’altro proveniente dall'area appenninica centro-laziale. Da ciò sembra si possa dedurre che il commercio degli utensili da cucina non abbia oltrepassato i confini regionali o probabilmente li abbia travalicati di poco, per giungere, forse, sino all’area lunense o poco oltre: infatti al di là del discorso meramente tipologico, sebbene numerosi siano i confronti con quell’area che però hanno un valore limitato in virtù di una certa koiné culturale, l'aspetto mineralogico sembra il più significativo dal momento che fra gli impasti dell’area appenninica centro-laziale sono comprese anche le argille delle anfore di Spello ed Empoli. | Con molta cautela si potrebbe a tal proposito avanzare pem che Spello, per quanto riguarda la produzione regionale, abbia funzionato da centro di irradiamento della ceramica da fuoco, essendo peraltro già accertata la sua centralità per quanto riguarda la produzione di anfore, anche se la questione cronologica circa la vita produttiva di questo centro rimane aperta. Un dato a conforto di tale ipotesi puó essere ravvisato nella posizione geografica di Spello, posta proprio al centro di quel complesso di ville articolato in due gruppi, con evidenza collegati tra loro (cfr. fig. 1). Gli impasti provenienti invece dall'area compresa tra la sponda destra del Tevere ed il mare sono da connettere ad una produzione locale, legata cioè alla villa stessa o ad una zona prossima ad essa, ma comunque tanto conveniente sia da un punto di vista economico che di accessibilità, da giustificare una presenza superiore del 7390 circa, rispetto all'altro gruppo di impasti. CARLA PIRAINO

79 Ibid., I, p. 177. 80 Ibid., Y, p. 178. 302

ABBREVIAZIONI

BIBLIOGRAFICHE

Ad Mensam

LAVAZZA A., VITALI M. G., “La ceramica d'uso comune: problemi generali e note su alcune produzioni tardoantiche e medievali”, in Ad Mensam. Manufatti d'uso da contesti archeologici fra tarda antichità e medioevo (a cura di S. Lusuardi Siena). Udine:

ATLANTE

AA. VV., Atlante delle forme ceramiche, II. Roma:

BOREAS

CARSANA

MARTIN A., "Sondages under S. Stefano Rotondo (Rome): the pottery and other finds" Boreas 14/15 (1991-1992) pp. 157-178. AA. VV., Il complesso archeologico di Carmaniello ai Mannesi, Napoli (scavi 1983-

DYSON HAYES

1984) (cura di P. Arthur). Galatina: 1994. Dyson S. L., “Cosa: the utilitarian pottery" MemAmAc Havzs J. W., Late Roman Pottery, London: 1972.

1994, pp. 17-54.

KEAY

Keay

S.J., Late Roman

Amphorae

19x.

XXXIII (1976).

in the Western Mediterranean.

A Typology and

Economic Study: the Catalan evidence, Oxford (BAR International series, 196): 1984.

LAMBOGLIA

LAMBOGLIA N., Gli scavi di Albintimilium e la cronologia della ceramica romana, Bordighera: 1950. AA. VV., "Dictionnaire des céramiques antiques en Méditerranée nord-occidentale”,

LATTARA

Lattara 6, 1993.

LUNI, I

AA. VV., Scavi di Luni I. Relazione preliminare delle campagne di scavo 1970-1971 (a

Lunt, II

cura di A. Frova), Roma: 1973. AA. VV., Scavi di Luni II. Relazione delle campagne di scavo 1972 (a cura di A. Prova), Roma: 1977.

MONACCHI

Monaccui D., “Lugnano

in Teverina (Terni) Loc. Poggio Gramignano

— Saggi di

scavo di una villa rustica romana", NSc XL-XLI (1986-87), pp. 5-35.

OSTIA, I

AA. VV., "Ostia I. Le terme del Nuotatore. Scavo dell'ambiente IV", Studi Miscellanei,

OSTIA, II

AA. VV., "Ostia II. Le terme del Nuotatore. Scavo dell'ambiente I", Studi Miscellanei, 16, Roma: 1970.

OSTIA, III

AA. VV., "Ostia III. Le terme del Nuotatore. Scavo dell'ambiente V e di un saggio nel-

OSTIA, IV

AA. VV., "Ostia IV. Le terme del Nuotatore. Scavo dell'ambiente XVI e dell'area XXV”,

13, Roma:

1968.

l'area SO”, Studi Miscellanei, 21, Roma:

SCHOLA PRAECONUM,

I

SCHOLA PRAECONUM, I SCHURING

1973.

i

Studi Miscellanei, 23, Roma: 1977. WHITEHOUSE D. BARKES G., REECE R., REESE D. “The Schola Praeconum I’, BSR XXXVII (1982), pp. 53-101. WHITEHOUSE D. et al., “The Schola Praeconum II", BSR XI (1985), pp. 163-210. SCHURING J. M., "The Roman, early medieval and medieval coarse kitchen wares

from the S. Sisto Vecchio in Rome", BABesch 61 (1986), pp. 158-207. SETTEFINESTRE STAFFA

AA. VV., Settefinestre: una villa schiavistica nell'Etruria romana, II. La villa ed i suoi reperti (a cura di A. Carandini), Modena: 1985. STAFFA A. R. "Località Rebibbia, via S. Cannizzaro. Un punto di sosta luno la via Tiburtina antica fra l'età di Augusto e la tarda antichità (circ. V)", BullCom XCI, 2

(1986), pp. 642-678.

VALENTI M., "Materiali ceramici tardo antichi dal territorio senese: contributo alla ti-

VALENTI

pologizzazione della ceramica comune di produzione locale", AMediev XVIII (1991), pp. 737-754. VILLE ZEVI-POHL,

1970

AA. VV., Ville e insediamenti rustici di età romana in Umbria, Perugia: 1983. ZEVI F-PoHL I., "Ostia. Saggi di scavo”, NSc I supplemento al vol. XXIV (1970).

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Tabelle riassuntive

Le figure indicate solamente con numeri sono quelle pubblicate nelle tavole; le figure contrassegnate da numero e lettera non sono state pubblicate perché presentano caratteristiche morfologiche comuni ai tipi già in catalogo con il medesimo numero. Numeri uguali seguiti dall'asterisco indicano frammenti combacianti provenienti da strati diversi. I fondi contrassegnati dal simbolo (.) sono gli unici pubblicati: locus 1153=n. 298; locus 1350, n. 299; locus 1350, n. 300.

I numeri fra parentesi quadre, indicano i frammenti da cui sono stati prelevati i campioni per le analisi mineralogiche. TABELLA RIASSUNTIVA DELLA PRESENZA DI CERAMICA DA FUOCO NEI PERIODI I E V Locus T

Odi

Fondi

Coperchi

Anse

Pareti

009

014d|249c || 3| 063

064]

ἜΣ:

Fig. | Imp. | Ν᾿ | Imp. | N.fr. | Emp. | N.fr. | Emp. | N. fr | Imp. | N. fr

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315

CHAPTER

CERAMICA

9

COMUNE

*

I. INTRODUZIONE

La ceramica comune! è rappresentata da 104 frammenti di cui 79 relativi a parti significative provenienti esclusivamente dagli strati tardo-romani (periodo V), e da 25 orli ormai decontestualizzati, non illustrati nel catalogo tipologico ma comunque del tutto simili per argilla e morfologia a quelli presentati. Dei materiali rinvenuti,

data la frammentarietà

non è mai stato possibile ricostruire le forme

nella loro interezza se non per un contenitore da mensa e da dispensa, uno da acqua e da lavaggio e per due mortaria. Per tale motivo gli orli sono solamente stati assegnati a forme generiche; talvolta tuttavia è stato possibile riconoscere una tipologia la cui identificazione, come per la ceramica da fuoco, è stata basata esclusivamente su criteri morfologici.

La scarsa quantità e l'estrema frammentarietà della ceramica non hanno reso possibile alcuna osservazione cronologica, considerata anche la percentuale dei residui presenti nel V periodo per i tipi datanti delle altre classi ceramiche. Ciò evidentemente rende probabile anche tra le ceramiche non databili una certa percentuale di presenze residue. Pertanto solo per la completezza del confronto è stata fornita la datazione dei reperti dei contesti editi. Anche per la ceramica comune sono stati rinvenuti frammenti combacianti in strati diversi (cfr. tabelle riassuntive).

L'analisi degli impasti ha avuto quale unico scopo quello di tentare di individuare le aree di produzione dei reperti. II. ALCUNE

CONSIDERAZIONI SUGLI IMPASTI

Gli impasti della ceramica comune sono rappresentati da quattro gruppi mineralogici: due di essi (impasti 1 e 2) sono stati attribuiti all'area appenninica centro-laziale e quindi di possibile importazione; dei restanti due, l'uno (impasto 3-3a) è stato messo in relazione con argille locali, l'altro (impasto 4), con argille provenienti da un’area tra la sponda destra del Tevere ed il mare e quindi anch’esso proveniente dalla stessa zona in cui il materiale è stato rinvenuto. Va precisato che l'impasto 3 ed il 3a, così come il 3b impiegato per i dolia, non costituiscono gruppi distinti: infatti si tratta della stessa argilla ma si è preferito creare dei sottogruppi per il diverso grado di depurazione ?.

* Il testo è stato consegnato per la stampa nel giugno 1995. ! Con il termine ceramica comune, privo di ulteriori specificazioni nel testo si indica l'insieme della ceramica da mensa e da dispensa acroma, da acqua e da lavaggio acroma, le latrine acrome, i contenitori per derrate, i dolia ed i mortaria. Per quanto riguarda i dolia, nel presente studio, sono stati presi in considerazione solamente i reperti in magazzino, tralasciando quelli in situ per motivi organizzativi. ?Le analisi dei campioni della ceramica comune sono state eseguite presso il Laboratorio di Analisi e Ricerche Archeometriche (L.A.R.A.), cfr. G. Predieri e S. Sfrecola in questo volume, Part Two, Chapter 21. Per ulteriori considerazioni

petrografiche sull'impasto dei dolia, cfr. anche il contributo di D. Williams, in questo volume, Part Two, Chapter 16. Di tale articolo sono venuta a conoscenza solo dopo che il mio studio era stato completato. Il frammento indicato con il n. 6, fabric 2 da D. Williams, è stato da me incluso tra la ceramica da acqua e da lavaggio (fig. 6) per l'elevato grado di depurazione dell'argilla.

317

Limpasto più attestato fra la ceramica da mensa e da dispensa 3 e le latrine è il numero 3 4, seguito dall'impasto 1 (cfr. tabelle riassuntive). Per quanto riguarda invece la ceramica da acqua e da lavaggio, i contenitori per derrate ed i mortaria, l'impasto che ricorre con più frequenzaè il numero 2 (cfr. tabelle riassuntive). I dolia sono realizzati unicamente con l'impasto 3b, un'argilla impiegata anche per la fabbricazione di laterizi. Impasto 1. Colore dal beige chiaro al nocciola rossiccio, liscio, duro, frattura netta. Composizione fine. Piccoli inclusi di calcite distribuiti omogeneamente, rari inclusi di augite, rari vacuoli. Impasto 2. Colore nocciola rossiccio, ruvido, molto duro, frattura netta. Composizione grossolana. Numerosi e grandi inclusi di augite distribuiti omogeneamente, rara chamotte. Numerosi vacuoli. Impasto 3. Colore beige giallognolo, liscio, duro, frattura netta. Composizione fine. Molto depurato. Piccoli e rari vacuoli. Impasto 3a. Colore dal beige chiaro al nocciola rossiccio, liscio, duro, frattura netta. Composizione fine. Piccoli e rari inclusi di calcite distribuiti omogeneamente. Rara chamotte. Impasto 4. Colore beige rosato, liscio, duro, frattura netta. Composizione grossolana. Inclusi di augite di medie dimensioni e chamotte, distribuiti omogeneamente. Numerosi vacuoli. INT. CERAMICA DA MENSA

IIIa. Forme aperte

E DA DISPENSA ACROMA

(Figg. 246-248)

Si definiscono forme aperte quei contenitori con il diametro dell'imboccatura maggiore o uguale a quello del diametro massimo e con una profondità generalmente inferiore rispetto all'imboccatura. Nell'ambito delle forme aperte, rappresentate da 13 frammenti, ricadono numerosi tipi di contenitori con destinazioni d'uso probabilmente diverse. I piccoli contenitori (nn. 1-6), variamente denominati nei contesti editi 5, per le ridotte dimensioni fanno supporre che fossero destinati all'uso individuale a tavola. Non si può escludere tuttavia che fossero utilizzati anche in funzione di coperchi come lascerebbero supporre in particolare il n. 3, per la forma troncoconica, e il n. 4 per la presenza del listello sotto l'orlo con funzione di presa. L'impiego di questi contenitori per coprire altri recipienti, in questo contesto è solamente un'ipotesi poiché non è mai stato possibile stabilire una relazione tra gli orli ed i fondi, che in alcuni casi presentano nella parte centrale prese troncoconiche o a disco, né è mai stato possibile accertare l'andamento delle pareti per intero. Per questo motivo è difficile stabilire la funzione di tali contenitori e quindi la loro corretta denominazione. : I piatti (nn. 7-11), tutti caratterizzati da un diametro piuttosto ampio, venivano probabilmente impiegati per servire il cibo o per la sua conservazione. Alcuni tra questi recipienti ricordano, o persino imitano, forme della:sigillata africana: il diretto collegamento di queste stoviglie con ceramiche più pregiate ed una certa accuratezza nell'esecuzione, sembrano suggerire un impiego da mensa. I grandi contenitori (nn. 12-13) erano certamente destinati alla conservazione: il recipiente n. 12 per l'estrema frammentarietà non consente di appurare se fosse molto profondo e quindi rimane aperta ogni ipotesi circa la sua funzione. Per quanto riguarda il n. 13, si è preferito inserirlo fra i recipienti da mensa e da dispensa e non tra quelli da acqua e da lavaggio, come forse sarebbe più corretto per la forma, per l'impiego di un'argilla piuttosto depurata, riscontrata solo nel gruppo di materiali fra i QUO è stata ascritta. |

3 A differenza di quanto è avvenuto per la ceramica da fuoco, per la ceramica comune

si è tenuto conto di tutto il mate-

riale stratificato, e non solo degli orli, data la scarsa attestazione di questo materiale.

4 Cioè 3+3a.

i

|

5 Per questa problematica confronta C. COMPOSTELLA, in AA. VV., Angera Romana. Scavi nell'abitato 1980-1986 (a cura di G. SENA CHIESA e M. P. LAVIZZARI PEDRAZZINI). I (Roma: 1995) pp. 140-141. |

318

IIIb. Tipologia Il n. 1 è relativo ad un piccolo contenitore con orlo a fascia e pareti verticali nella parte iniziale. Il n. 2 ha l'orlo a nastro, le pareti leggermente inclinate verso l'esterno, solcate da linee incise orizzontalmente lungo tutto il diametro, e il bacino carenato; il frammento ricorda il tipo a patina cenerognola, Luni, II, tav. 196, 4, databile nel sec. Π-Π| d. C.

Il n. 3 presenta l'orlo indistinto con un piccolo rigonfiamento interno ed estremità arrotondata; le pareti sono oblique, inclinate verso l'esterno. : Il contenitore n. 4 é caratterizzato dall'orlo che si allarga nella parte terminale e dalle pareti arrotondate; con tutta probabilità era fornito di fondo piano e verosimilmente, quindi, non aveva la doppia funzione di contenitore-coperchio. Il n. 5 ha l'orlo leggermente ingrossato e appiattito; il bacino nella parte superiore risulta arrotondato. Il n. 6 rappresenta l'unico contenitore a listello rinvenuto fra i materiali di questa classe. Il listello ὃ lievemente pendente, l'orlo indistinto arrotondato alla sommità, il bacino bombato.

Il n. 7 costituisce un'imitazione della terra sigillata africana: infatti è piuttosto simile alla forma Hayes 61 A, datata tra il 325-400/420 d. C.; come quest'ultima presenta l'orlo rientrante, le pareti inclinate verso l'esterno, il bacino carenato ed il fondo piano. Piuttosto simile al tipo precedente è il n. 8,un piatto carenato con delle linee orizzontali incise esternamente, confrontabile genericamente con il tipo Ostia III XVII, 58, datato nel ITI sec. d. C. Il n. 9, caratterizzato dal bacino bombato, dall’orlo indistinto arrotondato alla sommità, trova confronto con il tipo Luni, II, tav. 335, 2, databile al IV-V sec. d. C.

Il n. 10, di fattura molto più massiccia, presenta il bacino carenato e l'orlo pendente. Il n. 11 infine presenta pareti inclinate verso l'esterno, orlo ingrossato e sommità arrotondata. I nn. 12 e 13 sono ascrivibili fra i contenitori di maggiori dimensioni: il primo è caratterizzato dall'orlo a fascia e dalle pareti verticali; il secondo dall'orlo a tesa arrotondata nella parte superiore e dalle pareti leggermente inclinate verso l'esterno. IIc. Forme chiuse (Figg. 248-249) Si definiscono forme chiuse quei contenitori con il diametro dell'imboccatura minore rispetto a quello della pancia e con una profondità maggiore rispetto a quello del diametro massimo. In tale gruppo si sono riuniti quei frammenti ceramici riferibili a vasi che per le loro caratteristiche morfologiche sembrano essere stati particolarmente adatti a contenere o conservare liquidi (brocche e bottiglie) o cibi (olle). Date le ridotte dimensioni dei frammenti, l'identificazione della forma, in taluni casi rimane incerta. Le forme chiuse sono rappresentate da 16 frammenti. III d. Tipologia Il n. 14 è relativo ad una brocchetta ad orlo indistinto, arrotondato alla sommità, e collo obliquo svasato verso l'esterno, confrontabile con il tipo Ostia, I, tav. XV, fig. 295, datato nel sec. III d. C.

Alla medesima forma è ascrivibile anche il n. 15, caratterizzato dall'orlo a sezione vagamente triangolare, inclinato verso l'interno, che trova confronto con il tipo Ostia, I, tav. XV, fig. 318, datato nel sec. III d. C. |

Il n. 16, è invece riferibile ad una bottiglia con orlo a fascia leggermente inclinato verso l'interno e piccola concavità nella parte interna, simile al tipo Luni, II, tav. 265, 14. Questi contenitori «sem-

bra che senza soluzione di continuità a partire dall'epoca ellenistica, in ambito mediterraneo, si ritrovino appunto in contesti repubblicani, raggiungendo l'indice massimo di presenze nel sec. I d. C. Queste brocche sono ancora ben documentate con varie articolazioni del labbro fino a tutto il II sec. d. C. e anche oltre...» 6. $ AA. VV., Scavi di Luni II, Relazione delle campagne di scavo 1972, 1973, 1974 (a cura di A. Frova) (Roma: 1977) p. 610. (Luni II).

319

I nn. 17 e 18 sono probabilmente da riferire a due brocchette: l'una è caratterizzata dal collo dritto e dall'orlo arrotondato esternamente ed è genericamente confrontabile con il tipo Ostia, III, tav. XX, fig. 87, datato tra la fine del sec. I d. C. e la metà del sec. III d. C.; l'altra, è caratterizzata dal collo dritto e dall'orlo à fascia, assottigliato verso l'estremità. Il n. 19, sempre ascrivibile tra le brocchette, presenta l'orlo a sezione vagamente rettangolare, insellatura nella parte superiore e arrotondamento all'interno. La brocca con collo svasato e orlo a sezione rettangolare, n. 20, è confrontabile con il tipo Ostia, II, tav. XXII, fig. 398, datato nella seconda metà del sec. I d. C.

Il n. 21 presenta collo dritto piuttosto sviluppato e orlo inclinato verso l'esterno, arrotondato nel punto di raccordo con il collo. Anche i nn. 22-24 sono riferibili a brocche: la prima è caratterizzata dall'orlo a tesa allungata, obliqua, inclinata verso l'esterno con una solcatura nello spessore esterno della tesa; la seconda presenta l'orlo estroflesso a sezione rettangolare con una leggera insellatura alla sommità; la terza infine, ha orlo «a seggiola» e trova confronto con il tipo Olcese, tav. 73, fig. 313, databile nel sec. I d. C. con qualche attestazione nel sec II-III d. C. A Ostia 7 è attestato dalla fine del sec. I d. C. agli inizi del sec. III d. C.

Per quanto riguarda le olle il n. 25 è relativo ad un frammento con orlo obliquo, svasato verso l'esterno, confrontabile con il tipo Luni, IL tav. 272, 3, la cui produzione sembra continuare dall'età repubblicana all'età tardo antica. Il n. 26, caratterizzato dal collo corto e dritto e dall'orlo a sezione rettangolare, obliquo, è genericamente confrontabile con il tipo Luni, II, tav. 195, 14, datato nella prima metà del sec. I d. C. Il n. 27 presenta orlo estroflesso, in curva continua con la spalla, ed estremità arrotondata. Il n. 28 é caratterizzato dall'orlo estroflesso, esternamente arrotondato e concavo all'interno.

Fra la ceramica comune è stato rinvenuto un solo coperchio, il n. 29; ha orlo espanso, percorso nello spessore da una solcatura. IV. LATRINE (Fig. 250)

Fra la ceramica comune sono stati rinvenuti due contenitori dalle pareti dritte, leggermente inclinate verso l'esterno, caratterizzati dall'orlo che in alcuni punti si allarga internamente, lungo la circonferenza (nn. 30 e 31). Nonostante i contenitori siano giunti a noi anche in questo caso conservati in maniera piuttosto frammentaria, la loro forma è ricostruibile con certezza grazie ad alcuni esemplari in ceramica comune dipinta (cfr. in questo volume A. Martin, Part Two, Chapter 4), rinvenuti pressoché interi. Circa l’impiego di tali recipienti, è stata ipotizzata da Hayes ὃ una funzione di contenitore per rifiuti liquidi (es. urine), necessario utensile per i banchetti.

Gli esemplari acromi rinvenuti nella villa di Dionysos a Knossos sono stati datati nella media età imperiale. Lo stesso tipo di recipiente con decorazioni dipinte è stato rinvenuto in Molise, in un contesto di V secolo d. C. (420-430 d. C.). Anche in questo caso è stata ipotizzata la funzione di latrina 9. V. CERAMICA DA ACQUA E DA LAVAGGIO (Figg. 251-255)

Tra la ceramica da acqua e da lavaggio rappresentata da 27 frammenti si sono raggruppati tutti quei contenitori, che pur differenziaridosi per tipologia e capienza sono caratterizzati dall'imboccatura larga, dall'impasto grossolano ed in un caso dal versatoio. 7 AA. VV., Ostia IV. Le Terme del Nuotatore. Scavo dell ‘ambiente XVI e dell’area XXV. Studi Miscellanei 23 (1977) LI, fig. 410. 8 J.W. HAYES, “The Villa Dionysos Excavations, Knossos: The Pottery," BSA 78 (1983) pp. 109; 132. 9 V. ALBARELLA, V. CEGLIA, and P. ROBERTS, "S. Giacomo degli Schiavoni (Molise): An Early Fifth Century A. D. Deposit of Pottery and Animal

320

Bones

from

Central Adriatic Italy,” PBSR LXI (1993) pp. 175, 179.

Tra i bacili rinvenuti a Poggio Gramignano, un gruppo (nn. 1-3) si distingue dai restanti per la fattura molto massiccia e per la vasca poco profonda. Gli altri recipienti raccolti in questo gruppo si presentano per lo più di spessore inferiore ai precedenti ma più capienti: in particolare due di essi risultano specialmente grandi (nn. 8-9). Se per questi ultimi due bacili è difficile pensare ad un uso diverso da quello di contenitore d’acqua, per gli altri, nulla consente di escludere che venissero usati anche per la preparazione di alimenti !9. Va. Tipologia Il n. 1 è relativo ad un recipiente con orlo dalla sezione rettangolare piuttosto massiccio e tozzo. Una fattura simile presentano i nn. 2 e 3 che tuttavia si distinguono dal precedente per l'estremità superiore dell'orlo smussata. I nn. 4 e 5, che rappresentano i contenitori di maggiori dimensioni in questa classe ceramica, sono caratterizzati dall'orlo a tesa poco sviluppata; il n. 4 ha il bacino poco arrotondato; il n. 5 presenta la sommità della tesa leggermente concava e decorata con un motivo a piccoli cerchi incisi e pareti dritte, inclinate verso l'esterno. I bacili nn. 6-8 hanno parete inclinata verso l'esterno ed orlo indistinto; il contenitore n. ὃ è di forma ovale. | I recipienti nn. 9-11, con orlo a tesa poco sviluppata superiormente e arrotondata nella parte sottostante, sono caratterizzati dal bacino arrotondato e probabilmente poco profondo; sull'orlo del n. 11 si imposta una presa dritta. Il n. 12 è relativo ad un contenitore di maggiore profondità rispetto ai precedenti, caratterizzato da un orlo a sezione triangolare, leggermente pendente, su cui si imposta il colatoio. Le pareti sono leggermente inclinate verso l'esterno. Il contenitore n. 13 ha orlo a sezione vagamente rettangolare poco sviluppato e leggermente pendente e pareti dritte piuttosto inclinate verso l'esterno. Il bacile n. 14 con pareti inclinate verso l'esterno, orlo a tesa estroflessa sviluppata, arrotondata all'estremità ed inclinata verso il basso, ricorda il tipo Olcese, fig. 79, 340, la cui produzione è attestata dal sec. I d. C. agli inizi del secolo IV d. C. Anche il n. 15 presenta orlo a tesa, estremità arrotondata e pendente, pareti dritte.

I nn. 16 e 17, due contenitori dal bacino arrotondato, presentano l'uno orlo a tesa piatta superiormente e inclinata verso il basso; l'altro, orlo a fascia poco sviluppata, inclinata verso il basso. I bacili nn. 18-26, costituiscono un gruppo di contenitori caratterizzati dall'orlo a tesa che, tranne per i nn. 18 e 19, si presenta sempre inclinata verso l'alto e dalle pareti oblique, inclinate verso l'esterno. La superficie della tesa del n. 22 è decorata con delle linee incise prima della cottura. I nn. 20 e 21 ricordano il tipo Monacchi, fig. 18, 54; il n. 25 è simile al tipo Monacchi, fig. 18, 53. Entrambi gli esemplari di confronto provengono da contesto non datato. Il n. 27 pur presentando caratteristiche simili al gruppo precedente per quanto riguarda il bacino, si distingue da esso per l'orlo meno sviluppato, arrotondato superiormente e in curva continua con le pareti. VI. CONTENITORI PER DERRATE E DOLIA (Figg. 255-258) Tra i contenitori per derrate di cui si sono rinvenuti 6 framnienti si sono raggruppati contenitori

di tipo e capacità diversi, accomunati però dall'impiego, nella loro fabbricazione, di un'argilla poco depurata uguale a quella utilizzata nella produzione dei bacili..La scarsa depurazione dell'argilla ha fatto si che anche i contenitori di piccole dimensioni (nn. 28 e 29) non siano stati inclusi tra la ceramica da mensa e da dispensa acroma, prodotta con un'argilla piü fine e di fattura migliore. 10 Cfr, anche G. OLCESE, Le ceramiche comuni di Albintimilium. Indagine archeologica e archeometria sui materiali dell'area del cardine (Firenze:

1993) p. 289.

321

I dolia, di cui sono stati rinvenuti 71 frammenti di orli, sono invece capienti contenitori per lo stoc-

caggio di grandi quantità di prodotti alimentari, realizzati con un'argilla piuttosto grossolana !!. Tali contenitori sono caratterizzati da pareti molto massicce e dall’orlo spesso, tozzo e poco sviluppato. Gli esemplari rinvenuti presentano caratteri morfologici molto affini e pertanto la descrizione che si fornisce può ritenersi riferibile a tutti gli esemplari. A questo gruppo di materiali si sono ascritti anche 10 frammenti di dischi di terracotta, realizzati con la stessa argilla dei dolia, caratterizzati da piccole prese troncoconiche disposte lungo la circonferenza. Si è supposto che essi fossero destinati a coprire i dolia, anche se il ridotto sviluppo delle prese doveva rendere piuttosto disagevole, se non impossibile sollevare tali coperchi, considerato peraltro il loro peso. Si potrebbe ipotizzare altresì che facendo pressione con le mani sulle piccole prese, fossero fatti scorrere sulla sommità dei dolia, per creare lo spazio sufficiente ad attingervi il contenuto. Anche questa ipotesi però è messa in dubbio dal fatto che lo sfregamento del coperchio sul dolio, avrebbe provocato uno sfaldamento della superficie, mentre sui reperti non sono state rinvenute tracce di usura. È infine ipotizzabile che i coperchi potessero essere utilizzati capovolti, cioè con le prese in funzione di piedini; in tal modo potevano essere posti sui dolia a ripararne il contenuto, ma consentendo allo stesso tempo l'areazione dei prodotti all'interno dei recipienti. Via. Tipologia I nn. 28 e 29 sono relativi a due contenitori di piccole dimensioni con orlo a tesa dritta che, in un caso presenta l'estremità interna ed esterna arrotondate; nell'altro, a spigolo vivo. Il n. 30 é ció che rimane di un grande recipiente con orlo a tesa dall'estremità arrotondata e assottigliata. Inn. 31 e 32, sono relativi a tre recipienti dalle pareti bombate: il n. 31 presenta l'orlo a tesa superiormente convessa e le estremità arrotondate; il n. 32, un contenitore di grandi dimensioni, presenta l'orlo massiccio e poco sviluppato, sulla cui superficie piatta, reca impressi dei motivi circolari. Infine il n. 33 è relativo ad un recipiente di ridotte dimensioni con un orlo a piccola tesa e profondo alloggiamento per il coperchio nella parte interna. —. I doli sono caratterizzati dall'orlo con la superficie superiore piatta e dritta, nonché dalla parte terminale esterna arrotondata. Il n. 34, un coperchio presa troncoconica.

da dolio (?), presenta l'estremità della circonferenza arrotondata e una |

VII. MORTARIA (Fig. 258)

I mortaria, nn. 35-38, sono recipienti dall’orlo grande e pendente, che in due casi presenta il versatoio, e dal fondo, ove conservato, piano che venivano usati per triturare sostanze, come dimostra la presenza di inclusi grossolani sulla superficie interna, atti a renderla ruvida. I quattro esemplari rinvenuti a Lugnano, trovano confronto con il tipo Hartley,2, attestato dalla fine del sec. I d. C. al sec. III d. C. 12, Mortaria dello stesso tipo sono attestati a Ostia fino alla fine del sec. IV-inizi sec. V d. C. 13 CARLA PIRAINO

11 Appartengono al gruppo mineralogico dei dolia (3b), anche i campioni di laterizio. L'origine è locale. 12 K.F. HARTLEY, "La diffusion des mortiers, tuiles et autres produits en provenance de fabrique italiennes," Cahiers d'Archéologie Subaquatique YII (1973) p. 54. 13 AA. VV., Ostia III. Le terme del Nuotatore. Scavo dell'ambiente V e di un saggio nell’area S-O. Studi Miscellanei 21 (1973) p. 634. (Ostia IIT).

322

ABBREVIAZIONI

HARTLEY

BIBLIOGRAFICHE

HartLEY K.F., "La diffusion des mortiers, tuiles et autres produits en provenance de

fabrique ita-

liennes”, Cahiers d'Archéologie Subaquatique INI (1973), pp. 49-60. HAYES LUNI, II

Hayes J. W., Late Roman Pottery, London: 1972. AA.VV., Scavi di Luni, II. Relazione delle campagne di scavo 1972, 1973, 1974 (a cura di A. Frova), Roma: 1977. τι

ΜΟΝΔΟΟΗΙ

Monaccut D., “Lugnano in Teverina (Terni). Loc. Poggio Gramignano. Saggi di scavo di una villa rustica romana”, NSc XL-XLI (1986-1987), pp. 5-35.

OLCESE

OLCESE G., Le ceramiche comuni di Albintimilium. Indagine archeologica e archeometria sui materiali dell’area del cardine, Firenze: 1993.

OSTIA, I OSTIA, II OSTIA, III

AA. VV., “Ostia, I. Le Terme del Nuotatore. Scavo dell'ambiente IV", Studi Miscellanei 13, Roma: 1968. AA. VV., "Ostia, II. Le Terme del Nuotatore. Scavo dell'ambiente I”, Studi Miscellanei 16, Roma: 1970. AA.VV, "Ostia, III. Le Terme del Nuotatore. Scavo dell'ambiente V e di un saggio nell'area S-O", Studi Miscellanei 21, Roma: 1973.

Tabelle riassuntive

Numeri uguali seguiti dall'asterisco indicano frammenti combacianti, provenienti da strati diversi. I coperchi contrassegnati dal simbolo (.) sono gli unici pubblicati. I numeri fra parentesi quadre indicano i frammenti da cui sono stati prelevati i campioni per le analisi. TABELLA RIASSUNTIVA DELLA PRESENZA DI CERAMICA DA MENSA E DA DISPENSA ACROMA E DELLE LATRINE ACROME (PERIODO V) L

Orli

un

Fig.

Fondi

Coperchi

Anse

Pareti

009

3a

| 1

063

064 081|

27

L

|Imp. | N.fr | Imp. | N.f | Imp. | N.fr. | Emp. | N.& | Imp. | N.fx

1

Orli

um

Anse

Pareti

4

256

3a

1

1

259

1

4

3 3a

1 1

260]

38 3a

6 1

4

18

4

1

1

1

1

3

1

3a

1

1

1

1

ja | 1} 3a

109] [2211

1 [4

i | 3

^ai

Po)

2

[7214

1

fi

110

1

118 156

3a | 2

452 [7257 [258

1

|i

3a

{1

3

2

1 sa

1 T1

1

[2

4 | 2

3a

1

1

5

1 3a

4 2

3a 3

8 2

1 3a

2 4

3a 1

2 1

3

2].

3a

3

1

2

462

1

3

3a | i

È

463|

non id|

3

2

3

1

m

2

254

3

3

1

5

255

3a | 3

4

2

212

i

264

2

3a | 1 3 3 3a | 2

3a |

Coperchi

N.fr. | Imp. | N.fr | Imp. | N.fr. | Imp. | N.fc

i

086

6

Fondi

N.fr. | Imp.

3a

083

111 112 113

Fig. | Imp.|

3a | 1°

8

3a | 7 1

3

4 3

464

1

1

3a

5

1

1

4

1

3a

1

323

I

Orli um

Fig.

Fondi

Coperchi

Anse

Pareti

| Imp. | N.fr. | Imp. | N.fr. | Imp. | N.fr. | Emp. | N. f

465

3a

466 467]

[8]

| 3

470]

7 14

| 6

1

4

3a 3

3 4

1000]

15* | 3a | 1

Coperchi

Anse

Pareti

|Imp. | N.fr | Imp. | N.ft | Emp. | N.fr | Imp. | N.fr. | Imp. | N. fr.

4

|1

1

[1

7

3a 3

3 3

|1

1 3a | 1

4 2 5

1

3a

5

1

1

1

3

4

1

6

| 1001

3

1

3

3a

1

i

4 |

|1

1

1005

|

3a

3a | 2

4 3a ali

li

7 | 1006 | 1] 1007

3a | 3

Ti

4

4 | 1050)

1 | 13 3a | 21

3a

705

| 1

3a | 1

4

| 1

SI 4

| 1051

3a 3

1

7

3a

1

4

3

3a

4

3

3

1

4

3a

1

1 1052

1

5

1100

3

5.

1105]

4

4

|1

3a|1

1

111 16

|3

[1

| 1107] | 1153

[2]

| 341

1 3a 1 3a 1 1 3a 3 3 3a 1 4

| 1154 | 1200 1201 1202 | 1253 | 1256 | 1257 1300|[30*]| 31* |

1 | 1

1

[2

1

4

1

1

504 950 951

;

3a

[1

17

ul 10 12

10

1 | 1 [3.61 | 3a] |4 |4 |1

5

1 [34]

1 5 | 1308

1

3

4

3151

|3

|1

1 | 3a] 41 1 {1

111

3a/1

1

1]

3

00

7

9

| |

1 3 1 5 i 3 3 1 1 3 2 6 9

1

[1

L-

28

E

19

3a

| i

| 3a | 1

È3

1

2

|4 | 2 3 3a | 3a |

8 1 2

1

6

3a | 1

!

1350]

1

I3a

3a | 18

3a | 2 | 1310 3 s | 1312 4 > | 1313 38

|

3

|. 2 3 6

|

|

1

| 12

1 | 10

3a

7

3a | 13

3a | 2 [1303] 30*] 1 13433025

901 902

14 7

1

1

3a3 | 156

4 4 1

|

1

3a | 1}

1

3.12 1 [1

1 8

3

3a

111

| 1. | 2

1

3a

714

3a

|3a|1

1

1

713 801|nonid|

4

i5* | 3a

3a | 12 | 1106

707

1

|3a|1

?

1 8 3 4 4 5 1 9 3a | 13 3 6 1 1. [4 1. 1 5 3a | 7 3 7 3a | 1

20* | 1

1

9

E

2 703

|3a | 15 2

|

4

3a | 1

708]

Fondi

Fig.

[1

604 607 mil

Orli oem

3a | 7 | 1002 3a | 2 1 6 1003

500 608

"

|Imp. | N.fr

3a

| 1

111

3a

| 2

3

4

1 3a | 3a|

3 1 5

1

1

4

9

1

| 25

3

12

3a

30

3a |

2

952

1 3a

3 2

3a 3a

3 6

953

1

2

1

9

324

Loc

Orli

B 1352|

Fig.

Fondi

26

1

1

Anse

1 1 3a | 1 3a | 1°

1355

1363 1400]

Coperchi

Pareti

|Imp. | N.fr. | Emp. | N.fr. | Imp. | N.fr | Imp. | N. fr | Imp. | N.fr.

2

20* | 1 [23] | 3a

1

i 3a 3 1 1 3a 3 1 3a 1 3a 3 38 4 1 3a 3 3a 3a 1

1

2 | 1

3

1403

i

1 1 3a | 1

2

3a | 1

|

|

|

|

5 19 23 12 3 10 16 6 1 1 12 21 12 4 4 11 15 6 2 2 6

Locu

ἀν

Orli

Fig.

Fondi

|Imp.{N.fr

|Imp. | N.fr.

Coperchi

Anse

Pareti

|{Imp.|N.fr | Imp. | N. fr. | Imp. | N. fr.

| 1404 | 1405 | 1406

| 1410

3a | i

| 1454 | 1510

3a | 1

| 1604 | 1608]

[21]}]

3a | 1

3a

3a 3 3a 1 3 1 3a 3

| 1

nonid|

4

1 2 3a 1 3 4 1 2 4 2 1 18 3a | 21 3 11 3a 1 1 3 3a 1 38 3

3a | 1 3(9|

2 2 9 6 1 6 9 3

1

1

| 1611 1612 (*) n. 29

TABELLA RIASSUNTIVA DELLA PRESENZA DI CERAMICA DA ACQUA E DA LAVAGGIO ACROMA PER DERRATE, MORTARIA (PERIODO V) Locus 064 110

Orli

Fig. 10 37

Fondi

Imp.

N.fr.

2 2

1

Imp.

Pareti

N.fr.

Imp.

N.fr.

Locus

1

1050

2

1

1201

11

2

1

1300

29%

2

1

5*

14*|

2

2

2

5*

2

2

3a

l

295 |! 2 16 | 3a

1 1 1

463

2

1

1105

38

2

1

607

[6]

2

1

701

31

2

1

9

2

1

12

2

3

2018 | 22

11

705

27 | 2

1

2

1

2

1

1

32

8]!

1051

1304

1

1

1 1

713

35

2

1

1400

22

|, 3a

714

2

2

1

1403

30

2

1

801

4

3a

1

29*

2

1

38

1

1

25

3a

1

non id 802

2

1

1308 | [23] - | 1313

2 >

x

2

i

3.7 7|

᾿

1350 1352 3a

2

1405

1551

1608

1

24 |

3a

1

14*

2

1

36

2

1

Pareti

N. fr.

28

i 3a

26

A 2

33

.2

1

2

1

19 |

2

1

13

|

3a

Imp.

N.fr.

1

2

1

2

3

2

1

2

2

1307

]

708

21

Imp. 2

1

1

2

Fondi

N.fr.

3a

2 17

Imp.

851

462 466 468 470

Orli

Fig

2

1

2

1

2

1

2

1

2

325

TABELLA Locus

212 456 468 701 703 705 707 713 754 801 802 850 851 852

RIASSUNTIVA

DELLA

Orli

Imp.

PRESENZA

Fondi

| Ν

3b 3b 3b 3b 3b 3b

1 4 1 2 9 9

3b 3b 3b 3b

7 1 1 14

3b

i

| Imp.

DI DOLIA

Pareti

Coperchi

| N.fr | Imp. | N.fr | Imp. 3b 3b

1 1

3b

4 3b 3b

3b

1

3b 3b 3b

1 2 1

| Nf

Locus

1001 1007 1050 1105 1300 1303 1(*) | 1307 3 1350 1352 1400 1551 1602 1654 (*) n. 34

326

Orli

Imp.

Fondi

| N.fr

3b 3b 3b 3b 3b 3b

1 1 2 6 3 2

3b 3b 3b

2 2 2

Pareti

| Imp. | N.fr. | Imp.

Coperchi

| N.f

3b

1

3b

1

| Imp.

3b 3b

| N.fr

1 5

CHAPTER

10

CERAMICA POST-MEDIEVALE

Per completezza si prendono in considerazione anche quattro frammenti di maiolica rinascimentale e quattro frammenti di invetriata post-medievale; alcuni di essi sono stati rinvenuti intruisivi negli strati del periodo V, altri invece sono stati rinvenuti decontestualizzati. Sette di essi sono relativi a parti non significative mentre uno è riferibile ad un fondo. . La maiolica è riconducibile a forme aperte. Un frammento presenta una decorazione costuita da S rovesciate in blu, associate a linee parallele in blu e senape. Tutti gli altri frammenti di questa classe, incluso il fondo, presentano decorazione a linee parallele in blu e senape. La produzione sembra essere tipica del XV-primo terzo del XVI sec. 1 I frammenti di invetriata marrone, tutti relativi a pareti, sembrano essere pertinenti a produzio-

ni collocabili nell'ambito del sec. XVIII. CARLA

PIRAINO

1M. Ricci, “Maiolica di età rinascimentale e moderna,” Crypta Balbi, 3, Il giardino del Conservatorio di S. Caterina della Rosa (Firenze: 1985) pp. 381-382; M. Ricci, “Maiolica Rinascimentale," Crypta Balbi, 5. L'esedra della Crypta Balbi nel Medioevo (XI-XV sec.) (Firenze:

1990) pp. 490-492.

327

CHAPTER

11

AMPHORAE*

1. INTRODUCTION

Almost all the 3663 amphora sherds found in periodized loci at Poggio Gramignano belong to Period V: 3656 fragments, weighing 309905 gr. The exceptions are three sherds (375 gr.) from Period II loci and four (1690 gr.) from Period III loci. The many fragments from unperiodized loci were taken into account only in as far as they document types not known in the periodized loci or offer better illustrations. TABLE 1. Amphora sherds in periodized loci Period

I

II

IH

IV

Italian Amphorae

-

1/140 gr.

-

-

V 1011/82420 gr.

Dressel 1 Dressel 2-4 Unidentified Central Italian “Spello”

-

1/140 gr. -

-

-

3/840 gr. 4/420 gr. 213/19940 er. 751/51950 gr.

(fabric 1)

-

-

-

-

(196/10485 gr.)

(fabric 2) (fabric 3)

-

-

-

-

(18/2135 gr.) (3/450 gr.)

(fabric (fabric (fabric (fabric (fabric

-

-

-

-

(385/27265 gr.) (41/4565 gr.) (45/3365 gr.) (3/150 gr.) (53/2955 gr.)

(fabric 9) “Empoli” Keay LII Calabrian .

-

-

-

-

(7/580 gr.) 12/6080 gr. 5/910 gr. 23/2280 gr.

Iberian Amphorae

-

-

2/1565 gr.

-

159/21725 gr.

Dressel 2-4 tarraconensis

-

-

-

-

3/485 gr.

Unidentified tarraconese Dressel 7-11. Beltran ITB . Dressel 14/Beltrán IVA Unidentified S. Spanish Garum Dressel 14 similis/Beltrán IVB Dressel 20 Dressel 23 Almagro 51A-B/Keay XIX Unidentified Baetican

-

-

1/30 gr. 1/1535 gr.

~ -

5/235 gr. 4/1695 gr. 1.120 gr. 4/1615 gr. 37/3265 gr. 3,810 gr. 2/1925 gr. 32/3320 gr. 25/4100 gr. 43/4155 gr.

4) 5) 6) 7) 8)

o

* This text was originally submitted in June 1995. It was possible to make some revisions in early 1996 but (with the exception of the addition of a reference) not later. David Williams prepared a preliminary report on some 100 pieces, which was kindly supplied to me when I undertook this study. It and a preliminary report on the African red-slip ware served as the models for the format used in presenting this and other classes.

329

Gaulish Amphorae Pélichet 47/Gauloise 4 Unidentified Gaulish

-

-

1/55 gr. 1/55 gr.

-

37/3370 gr. 3/270 gr. 34/3100 gr.

African Amphorae Schóne-Mau XXXV Tripolitanian I

-

2/235 gr. -

1/70 gr. -

-

2378/199130 gr. 1/60 gr. 2/815 gr.

Tripolitanian Il

-

-

-

-

1/155 gr.

Schòne-Mau XL

-

-

-

-

3/520 gr.

Ostia IV, 449 Keay LXXXI/Ostia I, 453/

-

-

-

-

1/75 gr.

Ostia IV, 276/Benghazi Mid Roman 1 Mauretanian/Benghazi Mid Roman 12/KeayI

-

-

-

-

4/310 gr.

-

-

-

-

19/3970 gr.

African I (“Piccola”) African II ("Grande")/Keay IV-VII

_ -

-

=

=

84/15235 gr. 16/6110 gr.

Spatheia/Keay XXVI

-

-

-

-

73/21805 gr.

Keay L Keay XXXII

-

-

-

-

4/315 gr. 1/75 gr.

Keay XXXIX Keay LIX

-

-

-

-

56/11520 gr. 4/585 gr.

—

-

-

-

3/335 gr. 2/130 gr.

Unidentified African

-

2/235 gr.

1/70 gr.

-

2104/137115 gr.

Eastern Amphorae Carthage Late Roman 1 One-Handled Jar/Carthage Late

-

-

-

-

61/2420 gr. 18/720 gr.

Roman 3

-

-

-

-

39/1485 gr.

Carthage Late Roman 5 Unidentified Eastern

-

-

-

-

1/10 gr. 3/205 gr.

Amphorae of Unknown Origin Unidentified : Total

-

4/1690 gr.

-

10/840 gr. 10/840 gr. 3656/309905 gr.

Keay XXXVIB Keay LVIIC

l

2. PRODUCTION AREAS AND TYPOLOGIES

3,375 gr. DOCUMENTED

AT POGGIO

GRAMIGNANO

|

Five broad production areas have been identified among the amphora sherds from Poggio Gramignano: Italy, the Iberian peninsula, Gaul, North Africa and the Eastern Mediterranean. These account for all the fragments found except for a few of unknown origin (Graph 1). By far the most important is North Africa, which comes to just short of 2/3 of the total in the periodized loci both by sherd count'(65.00%) and by weight (63.93%). Italy follows second in importance with somewhat over a quarter of the total in periodized loci (27.63% by sherd count and 26.46% by weight), chiefly because of the many attestations of the locally produced but residual “Spello” amphora rather than because of Keay LII, which was contemporary with the formation of the Period V deposits. The third but much less important group, amphorae from the Iberian peninsula (4.40% by sherd count and 7.47% by weight), also owes its importance more to the presence of residual sherds than to representatives of types contemporary with the formation of Period V. The amphorae from the Eastern Mediterranean, with 1.67% by sherd count and 0.78% by weight, is made up at least to some extent of non-residual sherds: those from Carthage Late Roman 1 and Carthage Late Roman 5, as well as some of the one-handled jars/Carthage Late Roman 3 sherds. The Gaulish group, with 1.04% by sherd count and 1.10% by weight, is of little importance because those sherds are residual representatives of types that were always in the minority in central Italy. 1 Cf. the typological chart for illustrations of complete amphorae of the types discussed (Figs. 267-271).

330

2.1. Italic amphorae Among the amphora sherds from the stratified loci in these excavations at Poggio Gramignano the Italian ones make up the second most important group, after the African amphora fragments, with 27.63% by sherd count and 26.46% by weight. It has been possible to distinguish five amphora forms

produced

in Italy, all wine containers:

Dressel

1, Dressel 2-4, the “Spello”

amphora,

the

“Empoli” amphora and Keay LII. Of these the last three have been identified only recently and represent indeed somewhat peripheral traditions within Roman Italy, both geographically in that they come from the interior of central Italy and the south and chronologically as they cover the middle and late imperial periods. The first two constitute, on the other hand, the classic tradition of amphora production in the heartland of Roman Italy: the Tyrrhenian coastal area of Etruria, Latium and Campania between the late second century B. C. and the early second century A. D. While the last three forms each present characteristic fabrics, which will be treated under the

single headings, Dressel 1 and Dressel 2-4 share the same fabrics between them and with some other less important Italian amphorae. Thus, as it is possible to attribute only sherds from significant parts of these amphorae, body fragments remain in the more general category of unidentified central Italian amphora sherds. The fabrics from this region are generally pink to light red (Munsell 5YR 8/4 to 2.5YR 6/8), rough, sandy, with colorless and white grits among others. The most distinctive central Italian fabric is Campanian, recognizable because of its abundant black sand. 2 In general, these fabrics of the Tyrrhenian coast derive from Quaternarian clays of fluvio-lacustrian origin that are of the same formation from Etruria to Campania. 3 2.1.1. Dressel 14

This amphora has a more or less cylindrical body, with a heavy spike, shoulders that are well articulated at its junction with the body but rounds into the neck, a high neck and long handles running parallel to it from shortly below the rim to the shoulders. The rim can take on various shapes, which form the main element in subdividing Dressel 1 amphorae. All Dressel 1 amphorae originate from the Tyrrhenian coastal area of central Italy between Campania and Etruria. Wine is known to have been the content of Dressel 1 amphorae. These amphorae are common in the western Roman empire and have been found also in the east. Their export is closely connected with the fortunes of the slave villas in central Italy producing wine as an export product. These amphorae were in use between the later second century B. C. and the second half of the first century B. C. There are three attestations of Dressel 1, weighing 840 gr., in loci of Period V: M50b, Locus 1300 (handle sherd; 180 gr.); M50b, Locus 1304 (base sherd; 225 gr.); M49c/d, Locus 1400 (base sherd, Campanian black sand fabric; 435 gr.).

The only rim sherd of Dressel 1 from Poggio Gramignano is unstratified: fig. 259.1.

2 D. P. S. Peacock and D. F, WiLLiams, Amphorae and the Roman Economy. an introductory guide (London-New York: 1986) (henceforth PEACOCK-WILLIAMS 1986), pp. 87-88. 3 MONIQUE Rico DE BOARD, ELIANE MEILLE, MICHELE VICHY, and MAURICE PICON, “Les argiles utilisés pour la fabrication des amphores en Italie. Étrurie, Latium, Campanie," Amphores romaines et histoire économique: dix ans de recherche (Collection de l'École Francaise de Rome 114). 1989, pp. 265-266. Cf., also PEACOCK-WILLIAMS 1986, pp. 87-88. ^ PANELLA, CLEMENTINA, “Anfore,” Ostia III, Le Terme del Nuotatore. Scavo dell'ambiente V e di un saggio nell'area SO, Studi

miscellanei 21 (1973) pp. 492-494 (PANELLA 1973); J. A. RILEY, "The Coarse Pottery from Berenice,” in J. A. LLoYp, Excavations at Sidi Khrebish Benghazi (Berenice) II, Supplements to Libya Antiqua. V.II. (Tripoli: 1979) (henceforth RiLev 1979), pp. 134135: ANDRÉ TCHERNIA, Le vin de l'Italie romaine. Essai d'histoire économique d'aprés les amphores (Bibliothèque des Écoles Francaises d’Athénes et de Rome,

261) (Rome:

1986) (henceforth TCHERNIA

pp. 86-95; MARTINE SCIALLANO and PATRICIA SIBELLA, Amphores. SCIALLANO-SIBELLA 1991), pp. 32-34.

1986) pp. 42-48, 74-94; PEACOCK-WILLIAMS

Comment les identifier? (Aix-en-Provence:

1986,

1991) (henceforth

331

2.1.2. Dressel 2-4 from Italy 5 This amphora, which derives from the amphora typical of Kos, is characterized especially by its long bifid handles. The body is more or less cylindrical, with a solid base, shoulders that are sharply carinated at its junction with the body, a fairly high neck and a simple rounded rim. The Italian centers of production of this amphora are the same as those of Dressel 1, whose successor it is. Wine was also the content of Dressel 2-4 amphorae from Italy. This container is to be found throughout the Roman empire and beyond. The date range for these amphorae is from the later first century B. C. to the first half of the second century A. D., although they were in decline by the later first century A. D. Dressel 2-4 amphorae are represented in Period V loci by four sherds, weighing 420 gr.: M50b, Locus 802 (two joining handle sherds; 170 gr.); M50b, Locus 1304 (handle sherd; 100 gr.);

M50b, Locus 1313 (handle sherd; 150 gr.): fig. 259.2. The only Dressel 2-4 rim sherd from Poggio Gramignano was found in an unstratified locus:

fig. 259.3.

2.1.3. Unidentified Central Italian Amphorae Presumably unidentified central Italian sherds derive from vessels of the classic types Dressel 1 and Dressel 2-4. One such sherd was found in a Period II locus: 050c, Locus 212 (body sherd; 140 gr.). From Period V loci come 213 body sherds, weighing 19940 gr: N50d, Locus 086 (two joining body sherds; 25 gr.); N50c, N50c, N50c, N50c, N50c, N50c,

Locus Locus Locus Locus Locus Locus

109 110 111 112 115 117

(three body sherds; 65 gr); (three body sherds; 140 gr); (handle sherd; 105 gr); (two body sherds; 75 gr); (body sherd; 30 gr); (body sherd; 20 gr);

N51a, Locus 156 (body sherd; 60 gr); O50c, Locus 214 (body sherd; 10 gr.); N50c, Locus 254 (body sherd; 15 gr); N50c, Locus 255 (body sherd; 40 gr; . N50c, Locus 259 (body sherd; 30 gr);

N50c, Locus 260 (body sherd; 10 gr); M50d, Locus 411 (seven body sherds; 190 gr.);

M50d, Locus 414 (three body sherds; 140 gr.); M50d, Locus 415 (six body sherds; 200 gr.); M50d, Locus 418 (two body sherds; 190 gr); M49b/d, Locus 462 (six sherds; 525 gr.); M50a, Locus 602 (one sherd; 75 gr.); M51b, Locus 654 (body sherd; 15 gr); 5 PANELLA 1973, pp. 497-500; RILEY 1979, pp. 149-151; TCHERNIA 1986, pp. 127-129, 134-140, 149-158; PEACOCK-WILLIAMS 1986, pp. 105-106; SciALLANO-SIBELLA 1991, p. 38; CLEMENTINA PANELLA, “Le anfore italiche del II secolo d. C.", Amphores romaines et histoire économique: dix ans de recherche (Collection de l'École Francaise de Rome 114). 1989 pp. 141-143 (for the end of the tradition).

332

M50a/b, Locus 701 (three sherds; 700 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 703 (two sherds; 130 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 705 (three sherds; 150 gx); M50a/b, Locus 707 (four sherds; 85 gr); M50a/b, Locus 705 (one sherd; 75 gr); M50a/b, Locus 707 (one sherd; 25 gr; M50a/b, Locus 708 (one sherd; 225 gx); M50b, Locus 801 (ten sherds; 500 gr.);

M50b, Locus 802 (seventeen sherds, one which has the beginning of the handle; 620 gr.); M49d, Locus 851 (three sherds; 55 gr); M49b/d, Locus 852 (seven sherds; 690 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 951 (two sherds; 75 gr.); M49b, Locus 954 (four sherds; 350 gr); M49b, Locus 954 (three sherds; 330 gr); M50a/b, Locus 1000 (five sherds, of which one with Vesuvian black sand fabric; 170 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 1002 (one sherd; 50 gr); M50a/b, Locus 1005 (four sherds; 730 gr.); M49a, Locus 1050 (two sherds, one of which has the beginning of the handle; 215 gr); M49a, Locus 1051 (one sherd: Vesuvian black sand fabric; 20 gr); M49a, Locus 1052 (one sherd; 75 gr);

N50a/b, Locus 1253 (body sherd; 50 gr; N50a/b, Locus

1256 (body sherd; 10 gr);

M50b, Locus 1300 (eight sherds; 950 gr); M50b, Locus 1304 (four sherds; 235 gr.); M50b, Locus 1308 (two sherds; 85 gr); M49b/d, Locus 1350 (four sherds; 570 gr.) M49b/d, Locus 1352 (six sherds; 1575 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 1355 (five sherds; 770 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 1363 (two sherds; 220 gr.); M49c/d, Locus 1400 (thirteen sherds, one of which has the beginning of the handle; 875 gr.); M49c/d, Locus 1403 (thirty-three sherds; 5270 gr.); . M49c/d, Locus 1404 (one sherd; 85 gr.); M49c/d, Locus 1406 (ten sherds; 1840 gr.); M49c/d, Locus 1410 (two sherds; 150 gr.);

M46a/b, Locus 1510 (body sherd; 25 gr.). 2.1.4. “Spello” Amphora $ This is a small amphora with a top-shaped body and a flat base. There is a relatively high neck, with handles going from the top of it to the rounded shoulders. The rim is a short, everted band. The Poggio Gramignano material shows a certain amount of variation, which will be discussed below in the introduction to each section. These finds are indeed noteworthy in that they include the largest number of diagnostic sherds published to date to illustrate the possible variation within the ampho-

6 PANELLA 1973, pp. 472-474; DANIELE MANACORDA, "Area XXV. Anfore", Ostia IV. Le Terme del Nuotatore. Scavo dell'ambiente XVI e dell'area XXV, Studi miscellanei 23 (1977) pp. 370-371 (MANACORDA 1977b); CLEMENTINA, PANELLA, “La distribuzione e i mercati,” in ANDREA GIARDINA, ALDO SCHIAVONE (a cura di), Società romana e produzione schiavistica II. Merci, mercati e

scambi nel Mediterraneo. (Roma-Bari: 1981) p. 80; Franco CamBi, “Anfore di produzione italica di piccole dimensioni,” in ANDREINA Ricci (a cura di), Settefinestre. Una villa schiavistica nell'Etruria romana 2. La villa e i suoi reperti (Modena: 1985.) p. 76; TcHERNIA 1986, pp. 253-255; PANELLA 1989, pp. 143-146; DoRICA MANCONI, “Anfore romane in Umbria alla sinistra del Tevere, Amphores romaines et histoire économique: dix ans de recherche (Collection de l'École Frangaise de Rome 114). 1989

(henceforth MANCONI 1989), pp. 590-593.

333

ra type. It remains to be seen whether future studies will reveal any of the variants to be significant in terms of workshops, geographic regions within the production area or chronology. The first workshop found for this type of amphora was located at Spello in Umbria, from which the conventional name comes. It was undoubtedly produced throughout inland central Tyrrhenian Italy. Thus, it was undoubtedly the container for the inexpensive table wine that Umbria is known to have produced. Production is attested by kiln debris along the north coast of Etruria. 7 Its principal market was Rome, although it is known at Ostia and on coastal sites in southern Etruria. At Poggio Gramignano, nine fabrics were distinguished optically among the “Spello” amphorae. Mineralogical analyses have for the most part confirmed the optical division of the fabrics: 8 with the exception of a certain spread and overlap in Fabrics 4 and 5, each fabric falls into a separate mineralogical group or subgroup from the others. The groups are largely similar: Fabrics 3-9 belong to mineralogical groups (XV-XIX) that are generally characteristic of the Apennine area to which Spello and the Tiber valley belong. Fabrics 1 and 2 stand somewhat apart, in that they represent mineralogical groups (VIa and XIII) with material derived from the volcanic system of Latium. It should be noted that in only one case is there anything but Spello amphorae in a mineralogical group containing Spello specimens: Group VI also has various cooking ware specimens. Undoubtably, these results reflect a multiplicity of clay sources, and therefore presumably of production centers, which were almost completely distinct from those supplying other ceramic wares to the site. Given Poggio Gramignanos position on the Tiber, most, if not all, are to be sought along the valley. The date range normally proposed for "Spello" amphorae is from the mid first century A. D. to the end of the second, although a possible later end to this amphora's production has been suggested. ? The "Spello" amphora is the most important amphora by percentage found in the loci of Period V, with a total of 751 sherds of the various fabrics, weighing 51950 gr. 2.1.4.1. Fabric 1 of the "Spello" Amphora Fabric 1 of the "Spello" amphorae is reddish brown (Munsell 5YR 5/4) to yellowish red (Munsell SYR 5/6), at times with a gray (Munsell 5YR 6/1) to dark gray (Munsell 5YR 4/1) nucleus. It is rough. breaking and hard. One can observe frequent colorless inclusions ranging in size from very small to large. There are also frequent very small to small inclusions of golden mica and rare small dark ones. The mineralogical specimen of this fabric belongs to Group VIa, together with two cooking ware specimens.

The "Spello" amphorae in this fabric present a good exemplifaction. The rims are small, slightly thickened, everted bands distinguished from the neck on the outside. Most have rounded lips: figs. 259.-260. nos. 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 17, 21; but some are more tapering: nos. 5, 19, 20. The rim

on no. 18 is unusual in being more squared off with somethingof a groove on the inside. The handles all have their upper attachment just below the rim, often rising to cover part of it: nos. 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21. Their sections vary from roundish to irregularly flattened: nos. 5, 6, 8, 17, 18, 19, 20. The handles are gently bent: nos. 5, 6, 19, 20, and have their lower attachment on the shoulder: nos. 6, 19, 20. The necks are high, either cylindrical: nos. 5, 6, 18, 19, 20, or slightly hourglass-shaped: nos. 4, 9. The neck and rounded shoulder are clearly distinguished, with a thickening on the inside that indicates that they were made separately and then joined together: nos. 4, 6, 9, 18, 19, 20. There is no example that preserves the body. There are, however, some examples of bases. They are all merge smoothly with the body and have an inset underside: nos. 12, 14, 16, 22. 7 For the mineralogical analyses in question, carried out in consultation with me, cf. the article by Giulio Predieri and Sergio Sfrecola in this volume, Part Two, Chapter 21. 8 For kiln sites cf. Linda

Cherubini,

Antonella

Del Rio,

"Officine

ceramiche

di età romana

nell'Etruria

settentrionale

costiera: impianti, produzioni, attrezzature," Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautorum Acta 35 (1997), p. 136. These data reinforce an earlier hypothesis of production at Pisa: STORTI, SIMONETTA,

"I materiali" in MARINELLA PASQUINUCCI,

SIMONETTA

STORTI, Pisa

antica. Scavi nel giardino dell'Arcivescovado (Pontedera: 1989) p. 106. 9 SILVIA LUSUARDI SIENA, “CM -- Zona del Foro (Settore I). Anfore," in Antonio Frova (a cura di), Scavi di Luni. Relazione

delle campagne di scavo 1972-1973-1974 (Roma: 1977) p. 225.

334

Amphorae in Fabric 1 are present in Period V loci with 196 sherds, weighing 10485 gr.: N50d, Locus 064 (body sherd; 15 gr.);

J50c, Locus 109 (body sherd; 85 gr); M49d, Locus 465 (two joining rim sherds, a handle sherd and one hundred and twenty body sherds; 3125 gr): fig. 259.4; M49d, Locus 466 (five body sherds, of which three join; 225 gr); M50a/b, Locus 701 (six body sherds;

145 gr);

M50a/b, Locus 703 (seven joining rim, handle and body sherds, as well as a handle sherd probably from the same vessel and a body sherd; 760 gr.): fig. 259.5; M50a/b, Locus 707 (three joining rim and handle sherds, as well as five handle sherds, of which two

join, and a body sherd; 1625 gr): fig. 259.6; M50a/b, Locus 708 (handle sherd and body sherd; 115 gr.);

M50b, Locus 801 (three rim sherds, of which two join, three handle sherds and six body sherds; 785 gr): fig. 259.7-8; M50b, Locus 802 (three rim sherds, of which one joins with a body sherd; 520 gr.): fig. 259. 9-10; M50a/b, Locus 1005 (rim sherd; 45 gr.): fig. 259.11;

M49a, Locus 1051 (handle sherd; 110 gr); M50a, Locus

1107 (handle sherd; 140 gr);

M50b, Locus 1300 (base sherd; 70 gr.): fig. 259.12; M50b, Locus 1304 (three joining rim sherds and two handle sherds; 265 gr.): fig. 259.13; M50b, Locus 1310 (base sherd; 145 gr): fig. 259.14; M49b/d, Locus 1350 (rim sherd and base sherd; 180 gr.): fig. 259.15-16; M49c/d, Locus 1403 (two full rims and a handle sherd, of which a rim and the handle join, as well

as two rim sherds and three handle sherds; 1795 gr.): figs. 259-260.17-20, mineralogical specimen 15 (251.18); M49c/d, Locus 1405 (handle sherd; 105 gr); M49c/d, Locus 1410 (handle sherd; 65 gr.); M48d/49b, Locus 1608 (two handle sherds and body sherd; 165 gr.).

A rim sherd and a base sherd of “Spello” amphorae in fabric 1 were also found in unstratified loci: Figs. 260.21-22. 2.1.4.2. Fabric 2 of the “Spello” Amphora Fabric 2 is red (Munsell

10R 5/8), rough and hard, with frequent colorless and dark inclusions

ranging in size from small to large. The mineralogical specimen of this fabric constitutes Group XIII. Of the two significant examples in this fabric, one presents a fairly high, unthickened band rim: fig. 260.23 and the other a small everted rim with a groove on the inside: Fig 260.24. Both have upper handle attachments that rise up onto the rim and flattened handles. The former piece has a troncoconical neck, while the latter is cylindrical. On the latter example the join between the neck and the rounded shoulder, to which the bent handle is attached, is marked by a thickening on the inside. Eighteen "Spello" amphora sherds, weighing 2135 gr., from Period V loci belong to fabric 2. They represent no more than seven vessels. M49d, Locus 463 (rim sherd; 140 gr): fig. 260.23;

M49d, Locus 466 (two joining sherds. from the neck; 120 gr); M50a/b, Locus 701 (sherd from neck;

100 gr);

M50a/b, Locus 713 (two joining sherds from neck; 255 gr.); M50b, Locus 1304 (ten joining rim, handle and body sherds; 1240 gr.): fig. 260.24; M49b/d, Locus 1350 (handle sherd; 175 gr.): mineralogical specimen 16; M49c/d, Locus

1403 (handle sherd; 105 gr).

335

2.1.4.3. Fabric 3 of the “Spello” Amphora Fabric 3 ranges in color from light red (Munsell 2.5YR 6/8) to reddish brown (Munsell 2.5YR 5/4). It is rough and hard, with frequent small white grits and rare very small inclusions of golden mica and rare medium-sized brownish ones. The surface presents a purplish red patina. The two mineralogical specimens of this fabric examined both belong to Group XVc, with an Apennine origin. The examples in this fabric consist of flattened handles and a base that merges smoothly into the body and has its underside inset: fig. 260.25. There are three attestations of fabric 3, weighing 350 gr., in Period V loci: M49d, Locus 463 (handle sherd; 70 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 1352 (base sherd; 240 gr.): fig. 260.25, mineralogical specimen 55. M49c/d, Locus 1403 (handle sherd; 140 gr): mineralogical specimen 54. 2.1.4.4. Fabric 4 of the "Spello" Amphora Fabric 4 is reddish yellow (Munsell 5YR 6/8), relatively clean-breaking and hard, with frequent very small inclusions of golden mica as well as rare and small white, reddish and dark ones. Mineralogically this fabric is somewhat heterogeneous, in that the specimens examined were attributed to three subdivisions of Group XV: n. 52 to XVa (along with a specimen of Fabric 5), n. 53 to XVb, n. 60 to XVd, which is however closely related to XVa. The fragments in this fabric give the best exemplification after those of Fabric 1. The rims are everted bands that are not thickened: figs. 260-261, nos. 27, 28, 30, 33, 38, or only slightly: nos. 29, 32. Some lips are tapered: nos. 28, 30, 32, 38, while others are rounded: nos. 27, 31, or squared off:

no. 33. The handles' upper attachments are just below the rim: nos. 28, 30, 31, 32, 38. The handles are either roundish: nos. 28, 31, or flattened: nos. 32, 38. The three completely preserved examples of handles show them gently bent and attached to the shoulder: nos. 28, 31, 32. The necks come in various forms. Some are cylindrical: nos. 27, 30, 31, 32, while others are tronco-conical: no. 38, hourglass-shaped: no. 28, or even funnel-shaped: no. 33. Two examples with thickening on the inside at the bottom of the neck show that the neck and shoulder were made separately and then joined: nos. 31-32, although that is not evident on no. 28. The shoulders are rounded: nos. 28, 31, 32 and merge into the body: nos. 28, 32. The one completely preserved body is top-shaped: no. 29. All the base sherds are indistinct from the body and present an inset underside. However, two are very small: nos. 36, 37, and four are broader: figs. 260.27, 29, 34, 35.

Fabric 4 fabric is represented by 385 sherds, weighing 27265 gr., from Period V loci. They belong to no more than 291 amphorae: N50d, N50c, N512, N51a,

Locus Locus Locus Locus

086 110 156 157

(body sherd; 15 gr.); (two body sherds; 80 gr); (twenty-seven sherds; 515 gr.); (eleven body sherds; 430 gr);

M49d, Locus 458 (three body sherds; 270 gr); M49d, Locus 462 (body sherd; 60 gr); M49d, Locus 463 (five body sherds;

155 gr);

M49d, Locus 464 (handle sherd and five body sherds; 370 gr); M49d, Locus 465 (body sherd; 175 gr); M49d, Locus 466 (body sherd; 30 gr);

M49d, Locus 467 (body sherd; 35 gr); N50c, N50c, N50c, N50c, N50c, M50c,

336

Locus Locus Locus Locus Locus Locus

255 259 260 264 309 607

(body shérd; 205 gr.); (body sherd; 75 gr.); (three body sherds; 190 gr); (two body sherds; 55 gr); (body sherd; 30 gr.);. (body sherd; 40 gr); .

M50a/c, Locus 608 (body sherd; 55 gr); M50a/c, Locus 616 (handle sherd; 200 gr.); M51b, Locus 654 (body sherd; 5 gr.);

M50a/b, Locus 701 (ten body sherds; 455 gr); M50a/b, Locus 703 (three body sherds; 80 gr.); fig. 260.27; M50a/b, Locus 705 (three body sherds; 140 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 707 (fourteen body sherds; 920 gr); M50a/b, Locus 708 (rim sherd and four body sherds; 190 gr): fig. 260.27; M49b, Locus 754 (body sherd; 180 gr; M50b, Locus 801 (five body sherds; 50 gr.); M50b, Locus 802 (ten body sherds; 390 gr);

M49d, Locus 851 (an almost completely reconstructed vessel consisting of forty-three sherds - used in Burial 3, as well as two body sherds; 5775 gr.): fig. 260.28; M49b/d, Locus 852 (base sherd and four body sherds; 145 gr.); M49b, Locus 951 (handle sherd; 100 gr);

M50a/b, Locus 1000 (body sherd; 25 gr); M50a/b, Locus 1007 (handle sherd; 125 gr.); M49a, Locus 1050 (base sherd; 40 gr.); fig. 260.29; M49a, Locus 1051 (handle sherd; 110 gr);

M50a, Locus 1105 (rim sherd and body sherd; 235 gr): fig. 261.30, mineralogical specimen 60; M50a, Locus

1107 (body sherd; 25 gr.);

M50b, Locus 1300 (base sherd and eighteen body sherds; 800 gr.); M50b, Locus

1304 (fourteen joining rim, handle and body sherds, as well as two handle sherds and

forty-eight body sherds; 2580 gr.): fig. 261.31; M50b, Loci 1304 and 1310 (twenty-two joining rim, handle and body sherds; 2275 gr.): fig. 261.32, mineralogical specimen 53; M50b, Locus M50b, Locus

1307 (body sherd; 5 gr.); 1313 (body sherd; 25 gr.);

M49b/d, Locus 1350 (rim sherd, handle sherd and four body sherds; 740 gr): fig. 261.33, mineralogical specimen 52. M49b/d, Locus 1352 (two joining base sherds and twelve body sherds, of which eight join in two pieces; 1600 gr): fig. 261.34; M49b/d, Locus M49c/d, Locus M49c/d, Locus M49c/d, Locus 261.35-36; M49c/d, Locus

1355 1400 1401 1403

(six body sherds; 590 gr); (handle sherd and four body sherds; 205 gr.); (body sherd; 25 gr); (two base sherds and twenty-one body sherds, of which eight join; 2415 gr.): fig.

1405 (two body sherds;

180 gr);

M49c/d, Locus 1406 (base sherd, handle sherd and twenty-seven body sherds, of which two join; 2880 gr.): fig. 261.37; M49c/d, Locus 1410 (two joining handle sherds and nine body sherds; 900 gr.). A rim sherd of a “Spello” amphora in fabric 4 was present with a rim sherd from an unstratified locus: fig. 253.36. 2.1.4.5. Fabric 5 of the “Spello” Amphora Fabric 5 is reddish yellow (Munsell 5YR 7/6), fairly clean-breaking and hard. It presents medium to large white inclusions and rare small to very small colorless and brownish ones. face is lighter in color than the break. As with Fabric 4, the mineralogical analyses are pletely homogeneous; two specimens make up Group XVe (nn. 63 and 64), while n. 51 is XVa together with a Fabric 4 specimen.

frequent The surnot complaced in

337

Three pieces are morphologically significant. One presents a rim with a tapering, everted band rim with the handle attached just below it: fig. 261.40. Of the two base sherds, one is small and indistinct with an inset underside: fig. 261.39, while the other is much broader, somewhat more distinct,

with an inset underside: fig. 261.41. | Forty-one sherds, weighing 4565 gr., from Period V loci present fabric 5: N50c, Locus 109 (body sherd; 105 gr); N50d, Locus 086 (four body sherds; 215 gr; M50d, Locus 409 (body sherd; 80 gr);

M49d, Locus 462 (two body sherds; 150 gr; M49d, Locus 470 (body sherd; 65 gr); M50a/b, Locus 705 (body sherd; 20 gr);

M50b, Locus 801 (two joining base sherds; 70 gr): fig. 261.39, mineralogical specimen 51; M50b, Locus 802 (rim sherd; 100 gr): fig. 261.40, mineralogical specimen 63; M50a/b, Locus 1005 (body sherd; 160 gr.); M50b, Locus

1304 (two body sherds; 75 gr);

M50b, Locus 1305 (body sherd; 145 gr); M50b, Locus 1308 (two body sherds; 80 gr); M50b, Locus

1313 (two handle sherds and nine body sherds; 910 gr);

M49b/d, Locus 1350 (base sherd and three body sherds; 360 gr.): fig. 261.41, mineralogical specimen 64; M49b/d, Locus

1352 (two handle sherds and four body sherds; 230 gr);

M49c/d, Locus 1400 (fourteen body sherds; 1800 gr). 2.1.4.6. Fabric 6 of the "Spello" Amphora Fabric 6 is light red (Munsell 2.5YR 6/8), relatively rough and hard. It has frequent small white grits. Less frequent are very small inclusions of golden mica. There are also a few medium-sized to large brownish ones. The surface normally presents a reddish coating. The two mineralogical specimens of this fabric constitute Group XVIII. Among the pieces of this fabric, there are a rim sherd with the beginning of the handle: fig. 261.43 and a base sherd: fig. 261.42. The former presents an unthickened, everted band rim with a rounded lip. The handle, which is flattened with an outer ridge, is attached just below the rim. The neck appears to be a somewhat bulging cylinder. The former is a small, indistinctly articulated base with a greatly inset underside. This fabric is present with forty-five sherds, weighing 3365 gr., from Period V loci: M49d, Locus 458 (body sherd; 50 gr); M49d, Locus 466 (body sherd; 90 gr);

M50a/b, Locus 701 (two body sherds; 115 gr); M50a/b, Locus 703 (body sherd; 40 gr.);

M50a/b, Locus 705 (eight body sherds; 310 gr); M50a/b, Locus 707 (ten body sherds, of which two join; 190 gr); M50a/b, Locus 708 (two body sherds; 275 gr); M50b, Locus 801 (body sherd; 160 gr); M50b, Locus 802 (two body sherds; 110 gr); M49b/d, Locus 852 (body sherd; 85 gr); M50b, Locus 905 (body sherd; 65 gr);

M49b, Locus 951 (three body sherds; 155 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 1000 (body sherd; 50 gr); M50b, Locus 1304 (base sherd and four body sherds; 690 gr): fig. 261.42, mineralogical specimen 61; M49b/d, Locus

1350 (body sherd; 220 gr;

i

M49b/d, Locus 1352 (three body sherds, of which one presents Bas beginning of the handle; 145 gr); M49c/d, Locus 1410 (body sherd; 575 gr); M46a/b, Locus 1510 (body sherd; 40 gr). 338

Fabric 6 was also represented by an unstratified rim sherd: fig. 261.43, mineralogical specimen 62. 2.1.4.7. Fabric 7 of the “Spello” Amphora Fabric 7 is red (Munsell 2.5YR 5/8), rough and hard. It presents small white and brownish grits and very small inclusions of golden mica, all of which are fairly frequent. The two mineralogical specimens examined form Group XIX. The only significant sherd of this fabric is a broad base sherd that is not at all distinct from the body: fig. 261.44. This fabric is represented at Poggio Gramignano by three sherds, weighing 150 gr., from Period V loci: M50a/b, Locus 705 (base sherd; 60 gr): fig. 261.44, mineralogical specimen 65; M49c/d, Locus

1406 (two body sherds; 90 gr.), mineralogical specimen 66,

2.1.4.8. Fabric 8 of the "Spello" Amphora Fabric 8 is light red (Munsell 10R 6/8), clean-breaking and hard. It presents a few small to very small white and golden micaceous inclusions. The surface normally has a reddish coating. Mineralogical Group XVII consists of the two specimens taken from Fabric 8. The morphologically significant pieces in this fabric are a reconstructed rim with the neck and a small base sherd that is indistinct from the body and presents a slightly inset underside: fig. 261.46 and 45 respectively. Fifty-three sherds, weighing 2955 gr., from Period V loci belong to fabric 8: M49d, Locus 462 (body sherd; 275 gr);

M50b, Locus M50b, Locus M50b, Locus specimen

1300 (base sherd and three body sherds; 160 gr.): fig. 261.45, mineralogical specimen 59; 1304 (twenty-two body sherds; 1320 gr); 1304+Locus 1305 (eight joining rim and body sherds; 475 gr.): fig. 261.46, mineralogical 58;

M50b, Locus 1310 (two body sherds; 150 gr); M50b, Locus 1313 (body sherd; 50 gr); M49b/d, Locus 1350 (two body sherds; 50 gr);

M49b/d, Locus 1352 (two joining body sherds; 20 gr.); M49c/d, Locus

1403 (six body sherds; 175 gr);

M49c/d, Locus 1410 (five body sherds, of which one has the beginning of the handle; 280 gr). 2.1.4.9. Fabric 9 of the "Spello" Amphora Fabric 9 is light red (Munsell 2.5YR 6/8), at times with a gray core (Munsell N6/). It is cleanbreaking and hard. It has frequent very small inclusions of golden mica and occasional small to medium-sized brownish grits. The most significant sherds morphologically come unfortunately only from handles. They are gently bent and have a flattened section with a ridge on the outside. Because of the similarity of the handles to those found in other "Spello" fabrics it seems likely that this is indeed a "Spello" fabric. Mineralogically they form a group of their own (XVI), which is related to most of the Spello amphora groups. | This fabric is represented at Poggio Gramignano by seven sherds, weighing 580 gr., from Period V loci: M49d, Locus 462 (body sherd; 250 gr.);

M50b, Locus 1300 (three body sherds; 110 gr); M50b, Locus 1304 (body sherd; 30 gr.): mineralogical specimen 57; M49c/d, Locus 1400 (two joining handle sherds; 190 gr.): mineralogical specimen 56. 339

2.1.5. “Empoli” Amphora 10 This amphora, also defined as Ostia IV, fig. 279, belongs to the tradition of small, flat-bottomed

amphorae. It presents a rounded rim that can be more or less flattened, a cylindrical or slightly tronconical neck and long curved strap handles with longitudinal grooves joined to the shoulder and just below the rim. The body is piriform, ending in a small base. The fabrics associated with this amphora, which are typical of the mid Arno valley, are characterized by the presence of quartz, felspar, mica and biotite. The mineralogical specimens examined for this amphora belong to groups consonant with an origin in the Apennine area in which Empoli lies: n. 11 in Group X, along with a cooking ware specimen; n. 12 in Group XIb, together with cooking ware and color-coated ware specimens. 1] The discovery at Empoli of several contexts with large quantities of sherds from amphorae of this type, including wasters, guarantees that it was a product of the Arno valley. There is no doubt that it served for transporting wine. Thus, it continues the trade in Etruscan wine, which experienced its highpoint with Dressel 1 and Dressel 2-4 amphorae. The “Empoli” amphora represents, however, a greatly reduced phenomenon, undoubtedly no longer connected with the large production units that supplied the wine for the Dressel 1 and Dressel 2-4 amphorae and only of regional importance. These amphorae are found essentially in Etruria itself and at Rome and Ostia. The “Empoli” amphora could have been produced for local use in the Arno valley as early as the second century, although it does not appear in major contexts of that date elsewhere. It is found normally in third and fourth century contexts and probably circulated almost until the mid fifth century. There is no evidence for the end of its production. The “Empoli” amphora is present in Period V loci with twelve sherds of no more than seven vessels, weighing 6080 er: N50c, Locus 109 (one handle sherd and two body sherds, of which one joins with the handle sherd and all are of the same vessel; 3355 gr);

N50c, Locus 110 (handle sherd; 230 gr); N50c, Locus 260 (handle sherd; 120 gr);

M50a/b, Locus 707 (handle sherd; 85 gr); M50a/b, Locus 713 (handle sherd; 270 gr.): mineralogical specimen

11;

M49b/d, Locus 1350 (handle sherd; 300 gr.): mineralogical specimen 12; M49b/d, Locus

13524 M49c/d, Locus 1403 (two rim fragments with handles and two body sherds, all

joining, of which one rim fragment comes from the first locus and the others from the second; 1720 gr.): fig. 262.47. An unstratified base sherd should probably be attributed to the "Empoli" amphora: fig. 262.48. 2.1.6. Keay LII ? and Calabrian Amphorae The essential features of this small amphora, first defined by Keay, are a false-foot ring base and a triangular to flanged rim. There is some variation in the other parts of the vessel. 10 DANIELE MANICOEDA, “Ambiente XVI. Anfore”, Ostia IV. Le Terme del Nuotatore. Scavo dell'ambiente XVI e dell'area XXV, Studi miscellanei 23 (1977), pp. ‘237-238. (MANACORDA 1977 a). DANIELE MANACORDA, “Il vino dell'Etruria romana: l'anfora di Empoli," in 1 Colloqui d'Arqueologia Romana. El Vi a l'Antiguitat. Economia, producció i comere al Mediterrani Occidental. Actes (Monografies Badalonines 9). 1987, pp. 43-48; FRANCO CAMBI, "Lanfora di Empoli", Amphores romaineset histoire économique: dix ans de recherche (Collection de l'École Francaise de Rome 14). 1989 pp. 564-567. 11 For the mineralogical analyses in question, carried out in consultation with me, cf. the article by Giulio Predieri and Sergio Sfrecola in this volume, Part Two, Chapter 21.

1? S. J. Keay, Late Roman Amphorae in the Western Mediterranean. A typology and economic study: the Catalan evidence. Oxford (BAR International Series, 196): 1984 (henceforth KEAY 1984) pp. 267-268; PAUL ARTHUR, "Some observations on the economy of Bruttium under the later Roman empire," JRomA 2 (1989) pp. 133-142; MICHEL BonIFay and DOMINIQUE PIERI, "Amphores du Vie et VIIe s. à Marseille; nouvelles données sur la typologie et le contenu," J Rom A, 8 (1995) (henceforth Bonirav-PrÉRI, 1995), pp. 114-116.

340

The fabrics of this amphora vary somewhat. The conspicuous presence of mica is characteristic, together with other grits including lime particles. Originally an Eastern origin was supposed for Keay LII because of the micaceous nature of its fabric. It was then shown to come from Calabria and possibly also from Naxos in eastern Sicily. 13 It is accepted that the content was wine. The amphoras distribution pattern suggests that this amphora took advantage of the trade route for grain from Africa shipped to Rome, as it is found principally in the area of Rome and also at Marseilles. It could have been involved in directional or tied trade rather than that of a free market. Keay LII amphorae appear toward the middle of the fourth century. They reach their acme in the fifth century. They cease to be produced in the late fifth or early sixth century. There are three attestations of the amphora Keay LII in Period V loci, five sherds weighing 910 gr: M49d, Locus 465 (handle sherd; 135 gr.);

M49c/d, Locus 1400 (three joining base sherds; 720 gr.): fig. 262.49; M48d-49b, Locus

1608 (handle sherd; 55 gr.).

The other sherds in Calabrian fabric from Period V loci, twenty-three weighing 2280 gr., belong in all likelihood to Keay LII: M50a/b, Locus 701 (three body sherds; 625 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 703 (body sherd; 10 gx);

M50a/b, Locus 708 (three joining body sherds; 390 gr); M49b, Locus 953 (body sherd; 10 gr; M50b, Locus 1300 (three body sherds;

115 gr);

M49b/d, Locus 1355 (three body sherds; 135 gr); M49c/d, Locus M49c/d, Locus

1400 (two body sherds; 170 gr); 1403 (seven body sherds; 825 gr).

2.2. Iberian Amphorae Iberian amphora fragments from the stratified loci in these excavations at Poggio Gramignano are of little importance quantitatively, making up 4.36% by sherd count and 7.45% by weight. Eight amphora forms from the Iberian peninsula were found at Poggio Gramignano: Dressel 2-4 tarraconensis, Dressel 7-11, Beltrán IIB, Dressel 14/Beltrán IVA, Dressel 14 similis/Beltrán IVB, Dressel 20,

Dressel 23 and Almagro 51A-B/Keay XIX. These forms represent essentially trade in oil (Dressel 20 and Dressel 23) and fish products

(Dressel 7-11, Beltrán IIB, Dressel 14/Beltrán IVA, Dressel 14 sim-

ilis/Beltran IVB and Almagro 51A-B/Keay XIX), the exception being Dressel 2-4 tarraconensis, which carried wine. | While it is possible to distinguish various production areas within the peninsula (Tarraconese, Baetican, coastal southern Spanish and Lusitanian), only rarely can one assign sherds with any probability to forms on the basis of fabric alone. Thus, the Lusitanian fabric of Beltrán IVB/Dressel 14 similis is distinctive and described with that form. The Tarraconese fabric usually appears in Dressel 2-4 tarraconensis, with which it is described, although other forms, not attested at Poggio Gramignano, were also produced in it. 13 For the latest evidence on Naxian production of Keay LII amphorae, cf. BEATRICE BASILE, "Ricognizioni subacquee lungo la costa siracusana nell'ultimo quinquennio," in M. C. LENTINI (a cura di), VI rassegna di archeologia subacquea organizzata dall'Azienda Autonoma Soggiorno e Turismo di Giardini Naxos, Giardini Naxos 25-27 ottobre 1991. Atti. (Palermo: 1994) (henceforth BASILE 1994), pp. 21-27. One of the greatest desiderata of Italian amphora studies is a complete publication of the forms and fabrics of the Naxian finds in order to evaluate if this is a minor and peripheral phenomenon in the production of Keay LII. It is curious that the descriptions of the fabric of Naxian products furnished by R. J. A. WILSON, Sicily under the Roman Empire. The archaeology of a Roman province, 36 BC-AD 535 (Warminster: 1990) (henceforth WILSON 1990), note 128 on p. 402, and by BASILE

1994, p. 25, do not correspond,

in that the latter notes a conspicuous

presence of mica, which the

former does not mention at all.

341

The Baetican fabric is shared by Dressel 20, its successor form Dressel 23 and Almagro 51AB/Keay XIX, all present at Poggio Gramignano, as well as by others not known there. There is some variation in fabric, as the production sites were located all along the Guadalquivir. It varies from pink (Munsell 7.5YR 7/4) to light reddish brown (Munsell 2.5YR 6/4) or possibly gray (Munsell N6/) and is rough, sandy, hard with prominent white and colorless inclusions as well as less frequent darker and micaceous ones. 14 The fabric of the southern Spanish garum amphorae, is normally very pale brown (Munsell 10YR 8/4), fairly fine textured to somewhat sandy, relatively hard with mainly colorless grits. 15 2.2.1. Dressel 2-4 tarraconensis 16

Typologically this amphora does not differ significantly from Italian Dressel 2-4 amphorae. As its name indicates, this amphora was produced in Hispania Tarraconensis in northern Spain, modern-day Catalonia. As in Italy, this was a wine amphora. The amphorae of this type present a red (Munsell 2.5 YR 5/8 to 10R 5/8), irregularly breaking, rough, hard fabric with white grits and some golden mica. It was used from the later first century B. C. throughout the first century A. D. From Period V loci come three sherds, weighing 485 gr: J50c; Locus 109 (handle sherd and body sherd; 300 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 1352 (body sherd with the beginning of the handle; 185 gr.). 2.2.2. Unidentified Tarraconese Amphorae Typologically unidentified sherds of the same fabric as the preceding type probably belong to it but could conceivably come from other types such as Pascual 1. 17 Five such sherds, weighing 235 gr, were found in Period V loci: M49b, Locus 752 (two body sherds; 45 gr); M49b, Locus 754 (three body sherds; 190 gr.). 2.2.3. Dressel 7-11 18

This category groups together several sorts of amphorae with an ovoid body and handles with a median furrow. Differences can be observed among them with regard to details of rims and spikes, as well as overall proportions on whole examples. These amphorae were produced in coastal southern Spain. They carried fish products and occur in the western part of the Roman empire. Dressel 7-11 amphorae can be dated from the late first century B. C. to the first century A. D. This type is represented in Period V loci by four sherds, weighing 1695 gr: M50b, Locus 1304 (rim sherd, 145 gx): fig. 262.50; M50a/b, Locus 701 (base sherd; 860 gr.);

M50a/b, Locus 1313 (base sherd; 420 gr); M49c/d, Locus

1400 (base sherd; 270 gr.).

2.2.4. Beltrán IIB 19

The body of this amphora is pear-shaped, with a long spike, a neck that is not articulated from the body, long handles from the upper body to just below the rim and a thick everted rim.

14 PEACOCK-WILLIAMS

1986, p. 140.

15 PEACOCK-WILLIAMS 1986, p. 119. 16 PANELLA 1973, pp. 501-504; PEACOCK-WiLLIAMS 1986, pp. 105-106; SCIALLANO-SIBELLA 1991, p. 49. 17 PEACOCK-WILLIAMS 1986, pp. 93-95. 18 PANELLA

1973, pp. 506-509; RiLEY 1979, p. 159; PEACOCK-WiLLIAMS

1986, pp. 117-119; SCIALLANO-SIBELLA

19 PANELLA 1973, pp. 510-511; PEACOCK-WILLIAMS 1986, pp. 124-125; SCIALLANO-SIBELLA 1991, p. 60.

342

1991, p. 57.

Beltrán IIB amphorae were produced along the southern Spanish coast. They contained fish products and circulated in the western provinces and in Italy. The date range for this type of amphora is from the Tiberian-Claudian period to the mid second century.

There is one attestation of Beltrán IIB, in a Period V locus:

M49b/d, Locus 1352 (rim sherd, 120 gr.): fig. 262.51. 2.2.5. Dressel 14/Beltrán IVA 20

This amphora has an approximately cylindrical body, with a long hollow spike, a fairly high neck, handles with a groove down the center and a thick bead rim. This is another amphora for fish products from the coasts of southern Spain. It circulated in the western Roman provinces, especially Spain and France, and in Italy. It was produced from the first century to the second or third century. There is one attestation of Dressel 14/Beltrán IVA, in a Period V locus:

M50b, Locus 1304 (three rim sherds and a body sherd, all joining; 1615 gr.): fig. 262.52. 2.2.6. Unidentified Southern Spanish Garum Amphorae Unless they present typologically significant details, it is impossible to distinguish among sherds of the preceding types, which have the same fabric. One such case comes from a Period III locus: M49b/d, Locus 1356 (body sherd; 30 gr.). Thirty-five sherds, weighing 3165 gr., are from Period V loci: N50d, N50d, N50c, M49d, M51b,

Locus Locus Locus Locus Locus

062 072 260 470 654

(body (three (body (body (body

sherd; 40 gr); body sherds; 155 gr; sherd; 75 gr); sherd; 35 gr); sherd; 60 gr);

M50a/b, Locus 701 (two body sherds; 135 gr); M50a/b, Locus 705 (two body sherds; 150 gr);

M50a/b, Locus 707 (two body sherds; 165 gr); M50b, Locus 801 (body sherd; 30 gr); M50b, Locus 802 (two body sherds; 50 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 851 (two body sherds; 205 gr); M50b, Locus 902 (two body sherds; 140 gr.); M49a, Locus 1050 (two body sherds; 280 gr); M49a, Locus 1051 (body sherd; 45 gr); M49b/d, Locus 1350 (body sherd; 225 gr);

M49b/d, Locus 1352 (body sherd with the beginning of the handle, to the right of which is the titulus pictus I/LUISS; 360 gr.): fig. 262.53; M49b/d, Locus

1355 (base sherd; 320 gr): fig. 262.54;

M49c/d, Locus 1403 (seven body sherds; 535 gr.); M48d/M49b,

Locus

1608 (two body sherds;

160 gr).

2.2.7. Dressel 14 similis/Beltrán IVB ?!

This amphora is similar typologically to Dressel rather than beaded. | |

14/Beltrán IVA. Its rim is, however,

20 PANELLA 1973, pp. 515-519; RiLEY 1979, p. 161; PEACOCK-WiLLIAMS 1986, pp. 126-127; SCIALLANO-SIBELLA 2! PANELLA

1973, pp. 519-521; PEACOCK-WILLIAMS

1986, pp. 128-129; SCIALLANO-SIBELLA

everted

1991, p. 64.

1991, p. 64.

343

It was produced in Lusitania. As in the case of Dressel 14/Beltrán IVB, this amphora must have

contained fish products. It is common in Lusitania and known also in central Italy. Its date range goes from the Flavian period throughout the second century. This amphora presents a light red (Munsell 2.5YR 6/6), rough, sandy, hard fabric with colorless grits and some mica and a few dark grits. Beltrán IVB/Dressel 14 similis is represented by three sherds, nina 810 gr., in Period V loci: M49b/d, Locus 852 (body sherd; 270 gr.);

M49b/d, Locus 1350 (rim sherd and base sherd; 540 gr.): fig. 262.55. 2.2.8. Dressel 20 22

Dressel 20 amphorae have a globular body, with a small basal knob, thick handles that are oval or sharply bent, a short neck and a rim that is usually approximately triangular. This amphora comes from Baetica, where numerous workshops have been found along the Guadalquivir. Its content was olive oil. It was widely exported, especially in the western part of the empire but not only there. In the first and into the second century the oil trade was free. Then from the mid second century the annona concerned itself with Rome' oil supply, and in the third traffic in Dressel 20 amphorae appears to be directed principally toward the capital. The artificial hill of Testaccio in Rome consists almost exclusively of whole and fragmented Dressel 20 amphorae. It was produced from the Tiberian period, or perhaps slightly earlier, to the third century. Details of the rim, as well as the frequent epigraphic material to be found on these amphorae, allow more precise datings in some cases. Dressel 20 is present with two certain sherds, weighing

1925 gr., in Period V loci:

M49d, Locus 464 (handle sherd; 1850 gr.): fig. 262.56; M50b, Locus 902 (handle sherd; 75 gr.). 2.2.9. Dressel 23 23

This amphora, the successor to Dressel 20, is similar to it in shape, although it is smaller with a more bulbous body. The rim is triangular. Dressel 23 amphorae come from the same area as Dressel 20. Like Dressel 20 they must have contained oil. There is some evidence also for olives. This amphora circulated throughout most of the western part of the empire. | : They can be dated from the late third century to the fourth and even to the fifth. Dressel 23 is also represented by an attestation at Poggio Gramignano, in a Period V locus: M48d-M49b, Locus 1608 (one base sherd and thirty-one body sherds joining in seven pieces, all from the same vessel; 3320 gr.).

2.2.10. Almagro 51A-B/Keay XIX 24 This amphoras body is piriform, with a small spike, short neck with handles going from the shoulders to it and a distinctive rim with a concave molding on the outside and a ridge setting it off from the neck on the inside. | They are presumed to come from southern Spain. They probably carried fish products. Findspots outside southern Spain include Catalan sités, some places in France, Volterra and Rome

in

Italy and Carthage in North Africa.

This vessel can be dated from the fourth to the fifth century. 22 PANELLA

1973, pp. 520-535; MANACORDA

1977a, pp.

134-137; Riley 1979, p. 162; PEACOGK-WILLIAMS

1986, pp.

136-140;

SCIALLANO-SIBELLA 1991, pp. 65-66. 23 MANACORDA

1977a, pp. 137-140; Keay 1984, pp. 140-146; PEacocK-WILLIAMS

24 KEAY 1984, pp. 156-168.

344

-

1986, p. 141; SCIALLANO- SIBELLA 1991, p. 67.

One amphora from a Period V locus can be identified as Almagro 51A-B/Keay XIX: M49a, Locus 1153 (twenty-five joining rim, handle and body sherds - used in Burial 25; 4100 gr.): fig. 263.57; Plates 247-250. 25 2.2.11. Unidentified Baetican Amphorae Most body sherds in Baetican fabrics are probably from Dressel 20 amphorae, but, as the possibility exists that they belonged to vessels such as Dressel 23 or Almagro 51A-B/Keay XIX, they are counted as unidentified amphorae of Baetican origin. One such sherd was found in a Period III locus: M50a/b, Locus 1201 (1535 gr.). Forty-three sherds, weighing 4155 gr., with the fabrics of Baetican amphorae are from Period V loci: M49d, Locus 470 (body sherd; 155 gr); M50a/c, Locus 608 (three body sherds; 80 gr.);

M50a/b, Locus 702 (body sherd; 190 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 705 (body sherd; 225 M50a/b, Locus 707 (two body sherds; M50a/b, Locus 708 (ten body sherds; M50b, Locus 801 (seven body sherds;

gr); 155 gr); 450 gr); 555 gr.);

M50b, Locus 802 (three body sherds; 80 gr.); M50b, Locus 902 (body sherd; 35 gr.);

M49b, Locus 951 (body sherd; 35 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 1005 (two body sherds; 420 gr); M50b, Locus 1304 (three body sherds; 500 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 1352 (six body sherds; 860 gr);

M49c/d, Locus 1403 (body sherd; 360 gr); M49c/d, Locus 1410 (body sherd; 55 gr.) 2.3. Gaulish Amphorae Gaulish amphorae are of little importance in quantitative terms in the sample from the stratified loci at Poggio Gramignano, where they make up 1.0496 by sherd count and 1.1096 by weight. Only one amphora form, Pélichet 47/Gauloise 4, which is the most common one in Italy, is attested in these excavations at Poggio Gramignano. The typologically unidentifiable Gaulish sherds probably come from it, although there are several types of other wine amphora made in the same area and in the same fabric as this container and contemporary to it. 26 This fabric is pinkish white (Munsell 7.5 YR 8/2) or pink (Munsell 7.5 YR 8/4), only moderately rough, fine-textured, hard and slightly micaceous. 2.3.1. Pélichet 47/Gauloise 4 ??

Pélichet 47/Gauloise 4 is a top-shaped amphora, grooved strap handles and a rounded rim. It comes from southern France, particularly from sidered to have been its content, although it has been fish sauces. It is found throughout the western part eastern half.

with a flat base that has a footring, centrally the lower Rhone valley. Wine is generally conargued that it could also have carried oil and of the Roman empire and occasionally in the

?5 For tool marks resulting from the amphoras reuse in burial cf. the article by Jane Williams, Part Three, Chapter 4. 26 PEACOCK-WILLIAMS 1986, pp. 144-148. 27 PANELLA 1973, pp. 538-551; MANACORDA 143; SCIALLANO-SIBELLA 1991, p. 46.

19772, pp. 145-149; RILEY 1979, pp. 195-196; PEACOCK-WILLIAMS

1986, pp. 142-

345

This amphora's dates range from the mid first century A. D. to the third. There is one attestation of this amphora, in Period V locus: M50a/b, Locus 708 (three joining rim sherds; 270 er): fig. 263.58.

2.3.2. Unidentified Gaulish Amphorae Base, handle and body sherds in Gaulish fabric cannot be identified typologically. One sherd comes from a Period III locus: M49b/d, Locus

1356 (handle sherd; 55 gr).

From Period V loci come thirty-four sherds, weighing 3100 gr: N50d, Locus 066 (body sherd; 70 gr); N50c, Locus 109 (two body sherds; 205 gr); N50c, Locus 115 (handle sherd; 120 gr;

M49d, Locus 465 (body sherd; 100 gr); M49d, Locus 470 (handle sherd and body sherd;

M50a/b, Locus 705 (body M49b, Locus 754 (handle M50a/b, Locus 1005 (two M50b, Locus 1300 (body

125 gr);

sherd; 90 gr); sherd; 20 gn); joining handle sherds and a body sherd; 440 gr.): fig. 263.59; sherd; 60 gr);

M50b, Locus 1304 (five joining base and body sherds, as well as five other body sherds of which two

join; 600 gr): fig. 263.60; M49b/d, Locus 1350 (base sherd, three body sherds; 785 gr.): fig. 263.61; M49b/d, Locus 1362 (body sherd; 80 gr); M49c/d, Locus 1406 (body sherd; 115 gr); M49c/d, Locus 1410 (handle sherd and three body sherds; 300 gr.); M48d/49b, Locus 1608 (handle sherd; 30 gr.).

2.4. African Amphorae In terms of quantification, taking into account the mass of body sherds that can be assigned with certainty to a North African origin but no specific type, African sherds make up by far the most important group, with 65.00% of the total by sherd count and 63:93% by weight. The typology of North African amphorae is very complex. The earliest amphorae were the first to be identified. Then most of the mid Roman to late-antique containers found definitions in Keay’s work, which has since remained standard. Recently two attempts have been published to make a more manageable system. 28 Freed’s arrangement is more complete, dividing Tunisian amphorae into mid Roman, late Roman and Vandal with parallel size differentiations for each period. Bonifay and Piéry, who take the fifth century as their beginning point, give useful considerations for Keay XXV and Keay XXVI and group the large cylindrical amphorae in three generations. The former system is more applicable to the material from Poggio Gramignano, which ranges from the first to the fifth centuries. Here the attestations of North African amphorae are presented in five groups: Freed’s three, as well as early to mid Roman types not included in Freed's scheme (for the most part demonstrably from elsewhere than Tunisia or not attributed with any certainty within the North African region) and the mass of unidentified sherds that could originally have been part of vessels of any of the other four groups. | | Almost all attempts at identifying the contents of vessels from Tunisia and Tripolitania concern olive oil, or possibly olives, and fish products. These are undoubtedly the contents of other containers from there as well. Wine comes into question among North African amphorae only for vessels 28 JOANN FREED,

1995), in EET

346

“The Late Series of Tunisian Cylindrical Amphoras

Table II on p. 167; BONIFAY-PIÉRI 1995, pp. s 106.

at CISSE

J Rom

A, 8 (1995)

(henceforth FREED

outside the main tradition, either geographically or chronologically or both: Schóne-Mau XXXV, the Mauretanian amphora and Keay LXXXI. It is difficult to make distinctions among the fabrics of North African amphorae, as the North African coast is extremely uniform geologically from Algeria to Egypt, with Tertiary sediments characterized by quartz and limestone sand. ?? Several attempts have been made at describing their variety, although it is often impossible to assign a specific geographic origin to the fabrics distinguished. 3° All evidence points to a widespread amphora production throughout North Africa, which would account for the great number of fabrics, each differing slightly from the others within a basically similar group. Nor is there normally a correspondence between fabric and type. For these reasons, it was considered that the results would not repay the effort of making any further distinctions in fabric among the North African sherds from Poggio Gramignano. In general, the North African sherds present a light red (Munsell 2.5YR 6/6) to brownish yellow (Munsell 10YR 6/6), rough, hard

fabric with colorless inclusions and sometimes white ones. They can have a whitish skin resulting from the use of saline water. 2.4.1. Early to Mid Roman Amphorae Understandably, these amphorae of early date that often were not widely distributed are not frequent among the Poggio Gramignano material. The only type to be represented by more than single attestations or a few pieces is the most recent, the Mauretanian amphora/Keay I, which is still not common. 2.4.1.1. Schóne-Mau XXXV 31 This containers body is tapering, with a solid base, well articulated shoulders, a cylindrical neck, bifid handles and a rounded rim. It is thus clearly derived from Dressel 2-4, although it is smaller. It has been suggested that this amphora comes from Tripolitania. It is presumed to have been a wine container because of its typological similarities with Dressel 2-4. Outside Libya it has been found at Pompeii, Ostia and Rome. It can be dated from the mid first century A. D. to the mid second. The amphora Schóne-Mau XXXV is present in Period V: M49a, Locus

1050 (handle sherd; 60 gr.).

2.4.1.2. Tripolitanian I ? This amphora has a long cylindrical body, with a hollow conical base, a slightly conical high neck flanked by the handles and a thickened rim that is concave on the outer face. 29 RILEY 1979, p. 164; D. P. S. PEACOCK, “Petrology and Origins,” in M. G. FuLFoRD, D. P. S. PEACOCK, Excavations at Carthage: The British Mission, I, 2: The Avenue du Président Habib Bourguiba, Salammbo: The Pottery and other Ceramic Objects from the Site (SHEFFIELD: 1984) (henceforth PEacock 1984), p. 14; PEACOCK-WILLIAMS 1986, p. 167; NINA KEAY, "The Amphorae," in JOHN Dore, Nina Keay, Excavations at Sabratha 1948-1951 II. The Finds, Part 1: The Amphorae, Coarse Pottery and Building

Materials (London: Society for Libyan Studies Monograph No. 1, 1989) p. 80; FREED 1995, pp. 159-160 and 164-166. 30 PEACOCK 1984, pp. 14-18 discusses two Tripolitanian fabrics (one of which is difficult to distinguish from Tunisian fabrics) and several Tunisian fabrics (for which the determining characteristics can depend on technical factors of production such as the presence or absence of salt water in preparing the clay rather than on geographical differences). Keay 1984, pp. 447-454 distinguishes a Group A (consisting of a North Tunisian fabric, a fabric related to the North Tunisian fabric, a central Tunisian fabric, a probable Tunisian fabric, a Tripolitanian fabric and a Mauretanian fabric) and a Group B (with two fabrics of possible North African origin). R. S. ToMBER, “Pottery from the the 1982-83 Excavations,” in J. H. HuMPHREY (ed.), The Circus and a Byzantine Cemetery at Carthage, volume I (ANN ARBOR: 1988) p. 494, considered it possible to distinguish a coarse Tripolitanian fabric consistently from the other North African (probably Tunisian) fabrics she dealt with at Carthage and among the latter attempted a broad differentiation for selected pieces only on the basis of the greater or lesser presence of limestone and quartz. KEAv 1989, pp. 80-82, discusses six fabrics, each of which is subdivided into several subgroups; only one is given a geographic attribution (Tripolitania). 31 PANELLA 1973, pp. 478-481; TCHERNIA 1986, pp. 248-249. 32 RILEY 1979, pp. 164-166; PEACOCK-WILLIAMS

1986, pp. 166-168.

347

As its name indicates, this amphora comes from Tripolitania. It is generally considered to be an oil container. It is widely distributed in the western Mediterranean and has been noted in the eastern Mediterranean.

Its date range goes from the first century A. D. to the fourth. There is some evidence to suggest that Tripolitanian exports were directed more to the provinces than to Italy in the first century A. D., as this amphora begins to be common at Ostia only in the second. Two sherds from Period V loci can be assigned to Tripolitanian I: M50b, Locus 1304 (base sherd; 395 gr.): fig. 263.62; M49b/d, Locus 1355 (base sherd; 420 gr.).

2.4.1.3. Tripolitanian II 33 This cylindrical amphora has a small hollow spike often containing a plug, ear-shaped handles just below the shoulders, a short neck and an everted rim with a convex molding. Its Tripolitanian origin is assured by kiln finds. Olive oil is considered to have been this vessel's content. Tripolitanian II amphorae have been found mostly in the western Mediterranean area. In

Italy they are especially common at Ostia and Rome. The date range for this amphora's exportation goes from the second century to the first half of the third, although it had a regional distribution before and afterwards. The only attestation of Tripolitanian II, from a Period V locus, is very battered:

N50c, Locus 115 (rim sherd; 155 gr.).

2.4.1.4, Schóne-Mau XL 34 This amphora is cylindrical, with a hollow conical base, small ear-shaped handles placed on the

body below the shoulder and a high somewhat everted rim that presents a double concave molding. Although Schóne-Mau XL has not been properly studied, it is clear that it belongs generically to the Punic tradition. Its clay also indicates a North African origin. There is of course no indication at present of its possible content. The only evidence for the dating of this amphora is its presence at Pompeii and Herculaneum. Schóne-Mau XL is present in three loci of Period V, with ten sherds, weighing 520 gr., from three vessels: M49d, Locus 462 (im sherd; 80 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 1005 (rim sherd; 60 gr.);

M50b. Locus 1313 (eight joining rim sherds; 380 gr.): fig. 263.63. There is also an attestation of Schóne-Mau XL, a rim sherd, from an unstratified locus.

2.4.1.5. Ostia IV, 449 35 This amphora has a broad wedge-shaped sumably cylindrical lip is well distinguished Its fabric. has caused this amphora to province of Africa Proconsularis, where the

33 PANELLA

1973, pp. 562-564; RILEY

rim that is flat on top with a down-turned lip. The prefrom the rim. be attributed to North Africa and specifically to the form Dressel 18 was produced in the Punic tradition, 36

1979, p. 198; PEACOCK-WILLIAMS

1986, pp. 169-170.

34 Cf, CLEMENTINA PANELLA, “Per uno studio delle anfore di Pompei. Le forme VIII e X della tipologia di R. SCHOENE," Studi miscellanei 22 (1976) (henceforth VAN DER WERFF 1977-1978), 152 with note 9, for a discussion, however brief, of this amphora and an illustration. J. H. VAN DER WERFF, "Amphores de tradition punique à Uzita," BABesch 52-53 (1977-1978) 176, mentions this amphora in note 31 among those that do not fit into his three forms of Punic tradition from Uzita. 35 MANACORDA 1977b, p. 377. 36 Cf. VAN DER WERFF 1977-1978, p. 176, note 31, for criticism of this form.

348

οἵ which this could be an echo. No content has been suggested for this amphora, although it was presumably olive oil or fish products, the two two major amphora-borne products of the region. This amphora has been documented at Ostia in a context of the late second century. There is an attestation of the amphora M50b, Locus

Ostia IV, 449, in a Period V

locus:

1313 (rim sherd; 75 gr): fig. 263.64.

2.4.1.6. Keay LXXXI/Ostia I, 453/Ostia IV, 276/Benghazi Mid Roman 1 37 This amphora presents an ovoid body, a ring-foot, a tall shoulder, a tall cylindrical neck, handles forming an elliptical profile and a more or less inverted rim. The exact configuration of the rim has been considered to be of chronological significance. There is no consensus on the origin of this amphora. Traditionally it has been considered North African, with Tripolitania or Tunisia as the suggested areas of production. Recently the claim has been put forward that this amphora was made at Naxos on Sicily, where wasters are supposed to have been found. 38 Unfortunately, the finds from Naxos have not yet been properly published, and thus it remains to be established whether Naxos, or indeed eastern Sicily in general, was the sole or

major production area. One factor that speaks against this supposition is the great difference between the standard fabric for this type?? and the highly micaceous fabric of the Keay LII amphorae produced at Naxos at a later date. ^? The fabric of the examples from Poggio Gramignano, which can be classified as standard, suggests that a North African origin is still most likely for them. The only content supposed even tentatively is wine. It has been argued that the vessel's careful manufacturing technique does not point in any case to mass production. ^! The vessel shows a central Mediterranean distribution. This amphoras production began as early as the first century and lasted into the fourth. Keay LXXXYI/Ostia I, 453/Ostia IV, 276/Benghazi four sherds, weighing 310 gr., from three vessels:

Mid Roman

1 is represented,

in Period V, by

M49d, Locus 465+M50a/b, Locus 701 (two joining base sherds; 205 gr.): fig. 263.65; M49b/d, Locus 1350 (base sherd; 70 gr.); M49c/d, Locus 1400 (base sherd; 35 gr.).

2.4.1.7. Mauretanian Amphora/Benghazi Mid Roman Amphora 12/Keay I 42 This amphora resembles somewhat Pélichet 47/Gauloise 4. It presents, however, a small bulbous hollow base and an upright rim. It comes from the province of Mauretania Caesariensis. Oil and wine have both been suggested as its content. Outside Algeria and Morocco, this amphora occurs essentially in Ostia and Rome, indicating a particular interest in supplying the capitals market. Its date range is centered on the third century, although it may have appeared as early as the late second and goes on into the fourth. Nineteen sherds, weighing 3970 gr., were found in Period V loci: M50a/b, Locus 705 (handle sherd; 160 gr); M50a/b, Locus 707 (handle sherd; 70 gr.); 37 RILEY 1979, pp. 177-178; Keay 1984, pp. 375-376; PEACOCK-WILLIAMS 1986, pp. 175-176; SCIALLANO-SIBELLA 1991, p. 86. 38 WILSON 1990, p. 264; BASILE 1994, p. 27. 39 Cf. JOSINE M. SCHURING, "Studies on Roman

Amphorae

I-II,” BABesch

59 (1984) (henceforth ScHURING

1984), p. 169,

for a detailed description of this fabric: compact, uniformly reddish yellow ground mass moderately speckled with some transparent blue quartz grains with occasional grains of limestone. WILSON 1990, p. 264, describes the pieces he saw as pale red or buff usually with a greyish-white slip. 40 BasiLE 1994, p. 25: brick red to buff fabric, with calcite, dark brown to black volcanic debris and abundant fine mica. 41 SCHURING

1984, p. 170.

^? PANELLA 1973, pp. 600-605; MaNACORDA 1977a, pp. 149-151; MANACORDA 1977b, p. 381; RILEY 1979, p. 198; Keay 1984, pp. 95-99; PEACOCK-WILLIAMS 1986, pp. 171-172; SCIALLANO-SIBELLA 1991, p. 77.

349

M49b/d, Locus 852 (two handle sherds; 260 gr.);

M49b/d, Locus 1350 (five handle sherds; 915 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 1352 (base sherd; 530 gr.): fig. 263.66;

M49c/d, Locus 1403 (three handle sherds and body sherd, bearing the stamped inscription MC with _a palm branch between the two letters; 650 gr.): fig. 263.67; M49c/d, Locus 1410 (two rim sherds, two handle sherds and a body sherd, all joining; 1385 gr): fig. 263.68.

|

2.4.2. Mid Roman Amphorae In Freed's scheme this period takes in amphorae ranging in date from the late second to the early fourth century, divided into mid-sized and large cylindrical containers. Both groups are present at Poggio Gramignano, in relatively modest quantities. 2.4.2.1. African I (“Piccola’)/Keay II 45

The African I amphora or "contenitore africano piccolo” has a long cylindrical body with a short hollow spike, a short neck to which small handles are attached and a thickened everted rim. Subdivisions of this amphora have been attempted on the basis particularly of the rims. This container makes up Freed's group 1B, mid-sized cylindrical amphorae. It comes from the Sahel region of Tunisia, ancient Byzacaena, according to stamps. Both olive oil and fish products have been suggested as the content of the African I amphora. It was widely distributed in the western Mediterranean and is especially common at Ostia and Rome. It is found also in the eastern Mediterranean and as far north as Britain. This amphora was produced mainly in the third and fourth centuries, although some evidence suggests a limited presence already in the early second century at Ostia and an end in the early fifth century. In Period V loci there are eighty-four African I sherds, weighing 15235 gr., that belong to no more than seventeen vessels: N50d, Locus 072 (fifteen base and body sherds of a single amphora, most joining; 875 gr.); M49d, Locus 467+M49b, Locus 954 (almost completely reconstructed vessel consisting of fifty-three sherds - used in Burial 19; 11500 gr.): fig. 264.69; Plate 241; 44 M50a/b, Locus 701 (rim sherd and two handle sherds; 190 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 707 (African IA rim sherd; 70 gr); M50b, Locus 802 (three rim sherds; 270 gr); M50a/b, Locus 1000 (handle sherd; 275 gr.); | M50b, Locus 1304 (rim sherd and handle sherd; 515 gr.);

M49b/d, Locus 1350 (rim sherd; 130 gr); M49b/d, Locus 1352 (rim sherd and handle sherd; 260 gr); M49c/d, Locus 1403 (base sherd; 60 gr): fig. 264.70; M49c/d, Locus 1404 (handle sherd; 240 gr.);

M49c/d, Locus 1410 (rim sherd; 750 gr): fig. 264.71. An unstratified rim sherd can also be attributed to African I.

2.4.2.2. African II ("Grande")/Keay IV-VII ^ The African I amphora or “contenitore africano grande” presents a cylindrical body of larger dimensions than the African J amphora. It has a short solid spike and a short neck flanked by small 43 PANELLA 1973, pp. 575-580; Manacorna WILLIAMS

1986, pp. 153-154; SCIALLANO-SIBELLA

1977a, pp. 156-159; RiLey 1979, p. 202; Keay 1984, pp. 100-109; PEACOCK1991, p. 80.

44 For tool marks resulting from the amphora' reuse in burial cf. the article by Jane Williams, Part Three, Chapter 4. 45 PANELLA 1973, pp. 580-592; MaNACORDA 1977a, p. 159-171; RILEY 1979, p. 203; Keay 1984, pp. 110-126; PEACOCKWILLIAMS

350

1986, pp. 155-157; SCIALLANO-SIBELLA

1991, p. 81.

handles. The form has been divided into types, particularly on the basis of the rims. The most articulated account is that offered by Keay, who recognizes African IIA ‘senza gradino’ (Keay IV), African ITA ‘con gradino’ (Keay V), African ITB (Keay V Bis), African IIC (Keay VI) and African IID (Keay

VII). The “africano grande” makes up Freed’s group IC, large cylindrical amphorae. This amphora originated from the same area as the African I, with which it had a similar distribution pattern. It is uncertain whether this amphora carried olive oil or fish products. This amphora is attested from the late second century to the early fifth. Sixteen sherds, weighing 6110 gr., from Period V loci can be attributed to no more than thirteen African II amphorae: M50a/b, Locus 701 (African IID rim sherd joining with a handle sherd; 700 gr.);

M50a/b, Locus 705 (African amphora IA ‘con gradino’ rim sherd; 170 gr.): fig. 264.72; M50b, Locus 802 (base sherd; 425 gr);

M50b, Locus 904 (African JIC rim sherd 4; 50 gr): fig. 264.73; M50a/b, Locus 1007 (base sherd; 615 gr); M50b, Locus 1300 (three joining African IID rim sherds and BO base sherds; 1515 gr.): fig. 264.74; M50b, Locus 1304 (base sherd; 415 gr); M49b/d, Locus 1352 (African IID rim sherd; 540 gr): fig. 264.75; M49c/d, Locus 1400 (African ITA rim sherd and base sherd, of which the rim bears the graffito KOI;

1160 gr.): fig. 265.76; M49c/d, Locus 1405 (base sherd; 520 gr.). 2.4.3. Late Roman Amphorae The late Roman category consists of vessels dating from the fourth to the mid fifth century, divided into small, mid-sized cylindrical, large cylindrical and wide-bodied cylindrical. One can note a tendency toward typological fragmentation at this time, particularly among the large cylindrical containers. The first four groups are present among the Poggio Gramignano material. 2.4.3.1. Spatheia/Keay XXVI ^7 The spatheion is a container with a long narrow body, a long tapering spike, a rather high neck flanked by small handles and an everted rim. It makes up Freed's category IIA, small amphorae. The term is applied to a rather broad range of containers, including "classic" spatheia, other spatheia of the same size and very small late spatheia. Bonifay and Piéry maintain on the other hand that, as the distinction between "classic" spatheia and one sub-type of the mid-sized Keay XXV is based on size and a whole range of intermediate examples can be found, the distinction is perhaps not useful. Variations, essentially in the articulation of the rim, have given rise to divisions within the form, of

which Keay's account is the most complete. Spatheia originate in North Africa, which could likely be the provenience even of the very small examples, which have a somewhat different fabric from earlier African products. Spatheia are found fairly frequently throughout the Mediterranean and Black Sea regions. It is not known what its content was, although it has been noted that there are pitch-coated spatheia, which argues against oil. The larger spatheia date from the late fourth probably to the sixth century and have been found especially frequently in mid-fifth century contexts at Marseille and Tarragona. Spatheia or Keay XXVI amphorae are represented in Period V loci by seventy-three sherds, weighing 21805 gr., that come from a maximum of ten vessels, all of the larger sorts. They have been identified once through a rim sherd, three times in base sherds and otherwise in containers used in burials. The latter, which cannot be attributed to subtypes or variants in the absence of their rims,

46 This rim can be compared to PANELLA 1973, fig. 132. 47 RILEY 1979, p. 226; MANACORDA 1977a, pp. SCIALLANO-SIBELLA 1991, p. 84; FREED 1995, p. 167.

211-221;

KEav

1984,

pp. 212-219;

PEACOCK-WILLIAMS

1986,

pp. 202-203;

351

normally present the profile of fig. 265.78. Fig. 265.77 is unusual in having a distinct carination at the passage from the shoulder to the body. M49b, Locus 464 (three joining sherds that reconstitute most of the body and part of the neck with a handle - used in Burial 1; 3200 gr.): fig. 265.77; 48 M49d, Locus 467+M49b, Locus 954 (sixteen joining sherds that reconstitute most of the base and body — used in Burial 5; 4425 gr.): fig. 265.78; Plates 237, 240; 49 M49b/d, Locus 852 (base sherd; 230 gr); M50b, Locus 902 (base sherd; 135 gr); M50b, Locus 905 (base sherd; 195 gr);

M49b, Locus 950 (three joining sherds that reconstitute most of the base and body - used in Burial 4; 5000 gr);

M49a, Locus 1051 (forty-eight base and body sherds joining in two amphorae — used in Burials 14 and 24; 8620 gr.). The amphora Keay XXVIG is represented by a rim sherd from an unstratified locus: fig. 265.79. 2.4.3.2. Keay L °°

This amphoras body is cylindrical, with sharply inclined shoulders, a neck reduced to a transition between the shoulders and rim, small rounded handles and a high everted rim. It belongs to Freed's group IIB, mid-sized cylindrical amphorae. The amphora has been assigned to Tunisia on the basis of its fabric. There is no indication of its content.

The example considered by Keay was dated probably from the fourth to mid fifth century. Keay L is present, in Period V loci, with four sherds, weighing 315 gr., from two amphorae: M49b/d, Locus 1352 (three joining rim sherds; 215 gr): fig. 266.80; M49c/d, Locus 1403 (rim sherd; 100 gr.).

2.4.3.4. Keay XXXIII >! This amphora is characterized by an hour-glass shaped neck and a rim with a vertical outer face. It is part of Freed's group IIC, large cylindrical amphorae. It has been attributed to Tunisia on the basis of its fabric. There is no indication of its content. Little evidence exists for its dating, although as part of Freed's IIC group it is attributed to the fourth to mid fifth centuries. One sherd, from a Period V locus, can be attributed to Keay XXXIII: M50b, Locus 902 (rim sherd close to Keay 1984, fig. 97.4; 75 gr): fig. 265.81. 2.4.3.5. Keay XXXIX 52

This amphora is distinguished by wide conical neck and a thickened everted lip. It is one of Freed's Group IIC of large-sized cylindrical amphorae. Its fabric suggests a Tunisian origin. There is no indication of its content. | It is probably to be dated between the fourth and the mid fifth century, which is the date of Group IIC.

48 For a petrographic analysis of this amphora cf. the article by David Williams in this volume, Part Two, Chapter 16. ^? For tool marks resulting from the amphora's reuse in burial cf. the article by Jane Williams, Part Three, Chapter 4. 50 KEAY 1984, pp. 264-266. °

51 ΚΈΑΥ 1984, p. 231; FREED 1995, p. 167.

52 Keay 1984, p. 250; FREED 1995, p. 167.

352

Keay XXXIX is represented by one specimen from a Period V locus: M49d, Locus 464 (almost completely reconstructed vessel consisting of fifty-six sherds — used in Burial 2; 11520 gr.): fig. 266.82. 53 2.4.3.6. Keay XLII 54

A small triangular section and a heavy ear-shaped profile for the handles characterize this amphora. It is another member of Freed's group IIC, large cylindrical amphorae. Once again, the fabric suggests this amphora's attribution to Tunisia. Olive oil could have been the content. The examples Keay examined are to be dated between the fourth and the early fifth century. The amphora Keay XLIII is attested at Poggio Gramignano by two joining rim sherds in an unstratified locus: fig. 266.83.

2.4.3.7. Keay LIX 55 This vessel has a cylindrical body, with a spike, a tall cylindrical neck, small bent handles and a

Hanged rim. This is yet another container belonging to Freed's group of large cylindrical amphorae, IIC. A Tunisian origin has been suggested on the basis of its fabric and shape. No content is indicated. This amphora was produced between the fourth and the fifth or sixth century. There are two attestations of Keay LIX, in Period V loci, four sherds, weighing 585 gr: M49d, Locus 464 (rim sherd; 110 gr): fig. 266.84; M50b, Locus 1304+M49c/d, Locus 1403 (three joining rim sherds, two from the first locus and one

from the other, 475 gr.): fig. 266.85.

2.4.4. Vandal Period Amphorae

At Poggio Gramignano there are a few attestations of North African amphorae of this period, which begins at the middle of the fifth century, when the Period V fill layer was laid down. 2.4.4.1. Keay XXXVIB 56

This amphora has a cylindrical body, a “button” foot, rounded shoulders, a short conical neck flanked by handles with a squared profile and a thickened rounded rim. It is a large cylindrical amphora of Freed's group IIIC. It has also been attributed to Tunisia on the basis of its fabric. Olive oil is considered the likely content.

The date range for this amphora goes from the early or mid fifth century to the sixth. Bonifay and Piéry place it in the first generation of the large cylindrical amphorae of this period, documented at Marseille throughout the fifth century. Three joining rim sherds from a Period V locus belong to Keay XXXVIB: M50a/b, Locus 701 (335 gr): fig. 265.86.

2.4.4.2. Keay LVIIC 57

This amphora is characterized by a vertical rim with an everted outer face. It is also a large cylindrical vessel of Freed's group IIIC. The fabric and general shape of the amphora indicate a Tunisian origin. There is no evidence for the content of the amphora, although olive oil is a possibility. 53 For a petrographic analysis of this amphora at the article by David Williams in this volume, Part Two, Chapter 16. 5* KEAY 1984, pp. 255-258; FREED 1995, p. 167. 55 KEAY 1984, pp. 300-302; FREED 1995, p. 167. 56 KEAY 1984, pp. 233-240; BoNIFAY-PIÉRI 1995, p. 98; FREED 1995, p. 167. "7 Keay 1984, pp. 298-299; BONIFAY-PIERI 1995, p. 100; FREED 1995, p. 167.

353

The amphora dates from the mid or late fifth century to the sixth. It belongs to Bonifay and Piéri's second generation of large cylindrical amphorae of this period. Keay LVIIC is represented twice, in a Period V locus: M50a/b, Locus 701 (rim sherd; 130 gr): fig. 266.87-88. 2.4.4.3. Keay LXIIA 5?

This cylindrical container has a somewhat conical neck, handles with an ear-shaped profile and a rim everted in two parts of which the upper has a vertical outer face that is undercut at its junction with the lower part. It belongs once again to Freed's group IIIC, large cylindrical amphorae. The fabric and the typology of the vessel suggest a Tunisian origin. The content is uncertain, both olive oil and fish sauce having been considered probable. The dating originally proposed for this amphora is from the second quarter of the fifth century until at least the mid sixth. Later it was dated to the sixth and seventh centuries. Bonifay and Piéri include it in the third generation of large cylindrical amphorae of this period, appearing at Marseille in the sixth century. There is one attestation of the amphora Keay LXIIA at Poggio Gramignano, with a rim sherd from an unstratified locus: fig. 266.89. 59 | 2.1.18. Unidentified African Amphorae Because of the large number of amphora types from North Africa that present similar fabrics many sherds from Poggio Gramignano can only be classified as North African. For the most part they are probably Tunisian, although some could derive from Tripolitanian or other North African containers.

Two African sherds from a Period II locus are unidentified: O50c, Locus 212 (two handle sherds; 235 gr.). There is an unidentified African body sherd from a Period III locus: M49b/d, Locus

1356 (one sherd; 70 gr.).

There are 2103 unidentified African sherds from Period V loci, weighing 137100 gr.: N50c, Locus 009 (body sherd; 5 gr.);

N50d, Locus 064 (two body sherds; 180 gr.); N50d, Locus 077 (body sherd; 65 gr.); N50d, Locus 081 (two body sherds; 25 gr.); N50d, Locus 082 (body sherd; 25 gr.)

N50c, Locus 109 (handle sherd and four body sherds of which two join; 265 gr.); N50c, N50c, N50c, N50c, N51a, N50c, N50c, N50d, M50d,

Locus Locus Locus Locus Locus Locus Locus Locus Locus

110 111 113 117 156 254 255 306 406

(two joining sherds; 30 gr.); (four body sherds; 185 gr.); (two body sherds; 10 gr.); (body sherd; 80 gr.); (body sherd; 25 gr.); (body sherd; 10 gr); (base sherd; 10 gr); (four sherds; 60 gr:); (body sherd; 70 gr);

58 Keay 1984, pp. 309-350; SCIALLANO-SIBELLA 1991, p. 85; BontFay-PIERI 1995, p. 103; FREED 1995, p. 167. 5? Tt is particularly close to KEav 1984, fig. 135.4.

354

M50d, M49d, M49d, M49d, M49d, M49d, M49d,

Locus Locus Locus Locus Locus Locus Locus

414 452 456 457 458 462 463

(three sherds; 60 gr.); (three body sherds; 75 gr.); (two body sherds; 90 gr.); (five body sherds; 290 gr.); (base sherd and three body sherds; 755 gr.); (twenty-two body sherds; 1480 gr.); (six body sherds; 130 gr.);

M49d, Locus 464 (fifty-one body sherds, of which three join; 1015 gr.); M49d, Locus 465 (nine body sherds; 160 gr.); M49d, Locus 466 (three body sherds; 140 gr.);

M49d, Locus 467 (one base and fifty-two body sherds - the base sherd joining with eight body sherds used in Burial 9, two body sherds used in Burial 30 and sixteen body sherds joining in three pieces used in Burial 31; 9800 gr.); Plate 242; 60 M49d, Locus 470 (base sherd, handle sherd and seven body sherds; 570 gr.); M50a, Locus 602 (handle sherd and five body sherds; 435 gr.);

M50c, Locus 604 (five body sherds; 100 gr.); M50a/c, Locus 608 (thirteen body sherds; 800 gr.); M50a/c, Locus 616 (three body sherds; 220 gr.); M51b, Locus 654 (body sherd; 25 gr);

M50a/b, Locus 701 (handle sherd and seventy-two body sherds; 4585 gr); M50a/b, Locus 702 (four body sherds; 360 gr);

M50a/b, Locus 703 (twenty-six body sherds; 1145 gr); M50a/b, Locus 705 (base sherd and eighty-three body sherds; 5700 gr); M50a/b, Locus 707 (fifty-five body sherds; 2175 gr.);

M50a/b, Locus 708 (thirty-four body sherds; 950 gr.); M49b, Locus 754 (base sherd and three body sherds; 310 gr.);

M50b, Locus 801 (base sherd and forty-three body sherds; 2905 gr); M50b, Locus 802 (base sherd and fifty-one body sherds; 2550 gr); M49d, Locus 850 (body sherd; 50 gr); M49d, Locus 851 (eight body sherds; 255 gr);

M49b/d, Locus 852 (thirteen joining sherds of a hollow spike base, a base with a knobbed toe and twenty-nine body sherds, of which seven joining body sherds bear the stamped inscription NAVI/ASVL;

3360 gx): fig. 266.90;

M50b, Locus 901 (body sherd;

10 gr);

M50b, Locus 902 (sixteen body sherds; 550 gr); M50b, Locus 904 (body sherd; 40 gr);

M50b, Locus 905 (body sherd; 25 gr); M49b, Locus 950 (twenty-two body sherds; 1260 gr.); M49b, Locus 951 (base sherd, handle sherd and sixteen body sherds; 1095 gr.); M49b, Locus 954 (seven body sherds; 210 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 1000 (handle sherd and forty-four body sherds; 2135 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 1001 (three body sherds; 375 gr.);

M50a/b, Locus 1002 (four body sherds; 135 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 1003 (three body sherds; 35 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 1005 (handle sherd and forty-nine body sherds; 3120 gx); M50b, Locus 1007 (four body sherds; 185 gr.); M49a, Locus 1050 (eleven body sherds; 610 gr.); Μάθε, Locus 1051 (two handle sherds and fifty body sherds; 2560 gr.); M49a, Locus

1052 (seventeen body sherds; 815 gr.);

60 For tool marks resulting from the amphora’s reuse in burial cf. the article by Jane Williams, Part Three, Chapter 4.

355

M50a, M50a, M50a, M49a,

Locus Locus Locus Locus

1100 1105 1106 1153

(seven body (twenty-one (body sherd; (twelve body

sherds; 110 gr.); body sherds; 1130 gr.); 100 gr.); sherds; 800 gx);

M49a, Locus 1154 (two body sherds; 220 gr); M50b, Locus M50b, Locus

1300 (handle sherd and one hundred twenty-six body sherds; 6750 gr.); 1303 (body sherd; 280 gr);

M50b, Locus 1304 (six handle sherds and one hundred ninety-three body sherds; 7470 gr.); M50b, M50b, M50b, M50b,

Locus Locus Locus Locus

1307 1308 1310 1311

(body (three (body (body

sherd; 5 gr.); body sherds; 100 gr); sherd; 110 gr); sherd; 10 gr);

M50b, Locus 1311 (body sherd; 20 gr.); M50b, Locus 1313 (two handle sherds and eleven body sherds; 965 gr.); M49b/d, Locus M49b/d, Locus M49b/d, Locus

M48b/d-M49c/d,

1350 (sixty-seven body sherds; 4400 gr); 1352 (handle sherd and one hundred fourteen body sherds; 7645 gr.); 1355 (nine body sherds; 505 gr.);

Locus

1400 (two base sherds, handle sherd and one hundred seventy-two body

sherds; 13320 gr.);

M49b/d, Locus 1361 (fifteen body sherds - used in Burial 38; 3080 gr.); M49cd, Locus 1403 (base sherd, six handle sherds and two hundred forty-five body sherds; 22805 gr.);

M49c/d, Locus 1404 (twenty-seven body sherds; 2180 gr); M49c/d, Locus 1405 (nineteen body sherds; 940 gr); M49c/d, Locus

1406 (handle sherd and thirty-three body sherds; 3580 gr);

M49c/d, Locus 1410 (two joining handle sherds and forty-one body sherds; 3015 gr.); O50a/b, Locus

1454 (three body sherds; 320 gr.);

M46a/b, Locus 1510 (body sherd cut as a stopper; 15 gr.); M48d/49b, Locus 1608 (base sherd and forty-two body sherds; 2530 gr.). 2.5. Eastern Amphorae This group is of little quantitative importance in the make-up of the Poggio Gramignano sample, with 1.67% of the total by sherd count and 0.78% by weight. It gains in interest in that it has some of the latest amphora sherds attested: Carthage Late Roman 1 in particular but also the Carthage Late Roman 5 sherd. Besides these two amphorae, there are also the long-lived one-handled jar/Carthage Late Roman 3 amphora and some unidentified but presumably eastern sherds. 2.5.1. Carthage Late Roman 1 ©! This amphora has a somewhat elongated body with ribbing, a rounded base, a high neck, stumpy handles going from the shoulders to it and a thickened rim. With well preserved examples a larger variant with a wider neck and a smaller one with a narrower neck have been distinguished. The works both of Keay and of Bonifay and Piéri propose more detailed distinctions within this ampho-

61 RILEY 1979, pp. 212-215; J. A. Ritey, "The Pottery from Cisterns 1977.1, 1977.2 and 1977.3," in J. H. HUMPHREY (ed.), Excavations at Carthage 1977 conducted by the University of Michigan VI (ANN ARBOR: 1981) (henceforth RILEY 1981), p. 121; Keay 1984, pp. 268-278; PEACOCK-WILLIAMS 1986, pp. 185-187; JEAN-YvES EMPEREUR and MAURICE PICON, "Les régions de production d'amphores impériales en Méditeranée orientale”, Amphores romaines et histoire économique: dix ans de recherche (Collection de l'École Francaise de Rome 114). 1989 (henceforth EMPEREUR-PICON 1989), pp. 236-243; SCIALLANO-SIBELLA 1991, p. 100; JEAN-Yves Empereur and MAURICE PICON, "La reconnaissance des productions des ateliers céramiques: L'exemple de la Maréotide,” in PASCALE BALLET (publié par), Ateliers de potiers et productions céramiques en Egypte. Actes de la table ronde (Le Caire, 26-29 novembre 1990) organisée par L Institut Francais d'Archéologie Orientale (Cahiers de la céramique égyptienne 3) (Le Caire: 1992) (henceforth EMPEREUR- PICON 1992), p. 149; BONFIAY-PIÉRI 1995, pp. 108-109.

356

ra form. The rims from Poggio Gramignano belong in terms of Keay's typology to Keay LIIIA and of Bonifay and Piéri's to LRAla. The fabric ranges in color from pinkish white (Munsell 7.5YR 8/2) or pink (Munsell 7.5YR 8/4)

to reddish yellow (Munsell 5YR 7/6) and is rough, sandy and hard with gray and white inclusions. This corresponds to one of the fifth-century fabrics found on LRA 18 at Marseille. The region of Antioch was suggested as the origin of the amphorae with this typical fabric and oil therefore presumed to be the content. Survey work by Empereur and Picon has discovered kiln sites in the Antioch region, in Cilicia, along the southern coast of Asia Minor as far as Rhodes and

its continental possessions and on Cyprus. The presence of resin on the smaller version produced on Cyprus and its lack on the larger led the French team to suppose that the latter carried oil and the former wine or olives. Late Roman 1 amphorae are found in the eastern Mediterranean, the Black Sea

region,

Rome,

southern

probably contained Their date range in the late fifth and Eighteen sherds, Late Roman

France,

Catalonia

and

Britain.

Thus,

the

Poggio

Gramignano

vessels

oil. goes from the early fifth to the mid seventh century, being particularly common early sixth. weighing 720 gr., that were found in Period V loci, can be attributed to Carthage

1:

N50c, Locus 117 (body sherd; 15 gr); M49d, Locus 462 (rim sherd; 20 gr.): fig. 266.91; M50a/b, Locus 703 (three body sherds; 80 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 707 (body sherd; 95 gr.); M50b, Locus 801 (body sherd; 100 gr);

M50b, Locus 802 (two joining body sherds; 95 gr); M50b, Locus

1300 (four body sherds; 170 gr);

M50b, Locus 1304 (body sherd; 55 gr.); M48d/49b, Locus

1608 (four body sherds; 90 gr.).

One should note a further presence of the amphora Carthage Late Roman 1 with an unstratified rim sherd: fig. 266.92. 2.5.2. One-Handled Jar/Carthage Late Roman 3 € This container has a tapering ribbed body, a tapering base that can end in a hollow foot or in a small point, high shoulders, a long slender neck and a rounded rim. For centuries this vessel was provided with only one strap handle from the shoulders to the neck. As a true amphora provided with two handles it is known as Carthage Late Roman Amphora 3. The latter has been further subdivided into an earlier variant and a later variant. Western Asia Minor seems the most likely origin. There is no consensus on the content. Unguent, honey and wine have all been suggested. This container is widely attested in the Mediterranean, the Black Sea region and as far north as Britain. This container has a long life, beginning in the late first century A. D. in its single-handled version, appearing with two handles from the very end of the fourth century and continuing in production at least until the end of the sixth century. The earlier variant of the two-handled vessel appears throughout the fifth century, the later from the second quarter of the fifth into the sixth. 62 CLEMENTINA PANELLA, "Contenitori da trasporto monoansati," Ostia III. Le Terme del Nuotatore.

Scavo dell'ambiente V e

di un saggio nell'area SO, Studi miscellanei 21 (1973) pp. 460-462. RILEY 1979, pp. 183-185, 229-230; RILEY 1981, pp. 118-119; Keay 1984, pp. 286-289; PEACOCK-WILLIAMS 1986, pp. 188-190; CLEMENTINA PANELLA, “Oriente ed Occidente: Considerazioni su alcune anfore "egee" di età imperiale a Ostia," in J.-Y. EMPEREUR, Y. GARLAN (éd.), Recherches sur les amphores grecques, BCH,

Supplément XIII (1986) pp. 622-624; KATHLEEN WARNER SLANE, Corinth. Results of Excavations conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, XVIII, Part I. The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore. The Roman Pottery and Lamps (Princeton:

1990) pp. 109, 114-115; ScIALLANO-SIBELLA

1991, p. 102; Bontray-Prérr

1995, pp. 111-112.

357

This containers fabric is very distinctive, so that even small fragments can be attributed. It is normally a reddish brown in color (Munsell 2.5YR 5/4 or 5YR 5/4) although occasionally gray, smooth, hard and highly micaceous with fewif any other inclusions. Thirty-nine sherds, weighing 1485 gr., from a maximum of thirty-six vessels belong to one-handled jars or Carthage Late Roman 3 amphorae. In the case of the three joining sherds from Locus 1403 one can be certain that the vessel was two-handled and therefore a Carthage Late Roman 3 amphora. They all come from Period V loci: M49b, Locus 951 (one sherd; 10 gr.); M50a/b, Locus 1005 (one sherd; 40 gr.); M49a, Locus 1051 (four sherds; 25 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 1350 (one sherd; 5 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 1352 (twenty-one sherds, of which two join; 900 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 1355 (three sherds; 40 gr.);

M49c/d, Locus 1403 (three joining sherds from the neck, which present the attachment marks for two handles and bear a titulus pictus in cursive Greek letters: -kov-; 400 gr.): fig. 266.93; M49c/d, Locus M49c/d, Locus

1406 (three sherds; 30 gr.); 1410 (two sherds; 35 gr.).

2.5.3. Carthage Late Roman 5 63 This is a bag-shaped container covered with horizontal rilling. There are lug-shaped handles on the shoulders. The vertical rim rises directly from them. Palestine is undoubtedly the major producer of this vessel, while Egypt seems to be responsible rather for similar containers in other fabrics. Wine and olive oil have both been supposed as the content, although wine might be more likely. It was distributed not only in the eastern Mediterranean but also in the western Mediterranean, in the Black Sea region and as far north as Britain.

It can be dated in the western Mediterranean basin from the middle or late fifth century to the beginning of the seventh. This vessel is distinguished from the typologically similar Carthage Late Roman 6 by its fabric: reddish yellow (Munsell 5YR 6/8), soft and very sandy. The Carthage Late Roman 5 amphora is documented in a Period V locus: M49d, Locus 464 (body sherd; 10 gr).

2.5.4. Unidentified Eastern Amphorae Several fragments do not fit into standard typological series for eastern amphorae but are most likely to come from that region, as their fabric is highly micaceous and similar to that of the onehandled jars and Carthage Late Roman 3 amphorae, although the color is lighter than is normal for them. Three such sherds, weighing 205 gr., were found in Period V loci: M50b, Locus 705 (base sherd with a dribble of slip on the outside; 60 gr): fig. 266.94; M50a/b, Locus 713 (handle sherd; 65 gr); M49c/d, Locus 1403 (body sherd; 80 gr.).

An unstratified base sherd with a highly micaceous fabric similar to that of one-handled jars and Carthage Late Roman 3 amphorae although lighter in color is probably to be considered eastern: fig. 266.95.

63 RILEY 1979, p. 223; RILEY 1981, p. 121; Keay 1984, pp. 357-358; PEACOCK-WILLIAMS 1986, pp. 191-192; EMPEREUR-PICON 1989, p. 243; SCIALLANO-SIBELLA

358

1991, p. 104; EMPEREUR-PICON

1992, pp. 150-152; BoniFay-PIERI

1995, pp. 112-113.

2.6. Amphorae of Unknown Origin Ten sherds, weighing 840 gr., cannot be assigned to specific types or even areas of production. They make up a minimal part of the assemblage (0.27% by sherd count and by weight). They all come from Period V loci: M50a/b, Locus 1003 (body sherd; fabric with a bit of quartz; 10 gr.) M50b, Locus 1300 (two body sherds, one of which has the beginning of the handle; micaceous fabric; 160 gr.);

M50b, Locus 1304 (two joining peaked bifid handle sherds; rough volcanic fabric; 320 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 1350 (base sherd; fabric with some quartz; 175 gr.); M49b/d, Locus 1352 (four joining body sherds; micaceous fabric; 175 gr.). 3. EPIGRAPHY

The epigraphic evidence offered by the amphora sherds from Poggio Gramignano is rather scarce, consisting of two stamps, two tituli picti and a graffito. One stamp is on an African body sherd from the Period V Locus 1403 that is attributed to the Mauretanian amphora on the basis of the stamp. This consists of the letters M and C separated by a palm branch (fig. 260.63). This abbreviation has attracted attention because it is shown on a representation of an amphora of this sort on a mosaic in a statio in the Piazzale delle Corporazioni at Ostia, where it is generally accepted that it is to be expanded to Mauretania Caesariensis. 9^ The abbreviation MC

is, however,

also known

on an actual amphora

at Ostia. ^ The expansion of the

abbreviation MC to the name of the province is all the more likely as there are various stamps on third-century Mauretanian amphorae that mention the name of the province in a more extensive manner. 66

The other stamp, NAVI/ASVL, is to be found on an unidentified African body sherd from the Period V locus 852 (fig. 266.87). It belongs to a well known series with spelling variants of the second element: Asul, Asyl, Asyll, Asyil. 67 It has been suggested but not definitely proved that there is a connection with the town of Sullechtum in Byzacaena, the first vowel of whose name is also subject

to the same variations, perhaps in the attempt to render a sound not present in Latin. The stamp ASYL/NAVI is present on an African IB amphora and one that belongs to African I or II, both found in Rome. 68

No suggestions can be offered to interpret the graffito (fig. 265.73) and the tituli picti (figg. 262.50, 266.90). 4, CONCLUSIONS

Amphora sherds are present at Poggio Gramignano in loci of all periods except Period I. In the case of Periods II and III, however, they are too few and too uncharacteristic to be useful in draw-

ing any conclusions about the dating of the periods and the commercial contacts that the site had. Period V is, therefore, the only one for which it is possible to make an assessment. The best chronological indication offered by the amphorae for dating Period V comes from the presence of Keay LVIIC sherds in one locus, guaranteeing that it was formed no earlier than the

64 CIT, XIV Supplementum,

4549.48; RussELL MEIGGS, Roman

Ostia (Oxford:

1973) p. 286; PANELLA

1973, p. 603; MANA-

CORDA 1977b, p. 381. 65 PANELLA 1973, p. 603. 66 CIT, XV, 2634-2635. Cf. MANACORDA

19772, p. 150, for considerations on the date of these stamps.

67 CIL XV, 3390 d; M. H. CALLENDER, Roman Amphorae with Index of Stamps (London: 1965) n. 138, 75; Fausto ZEVI, "Due tipi d'anfora africani,” in FAUSTO ZEVI, ANDRÉ TCHERNIA, “Amphores de Byzacéne au Bas-Empire," Antiquités Africaines 3 (1969) 182-183; MANACORDA 1977a, pp. 124, 201, 206. $8 MANACORDA

1977a, p. 201.

359

middle of the fifth century. Keay XXXVIB, whose production begins in the early to mid fifth century also gives a useful indication in this sense. A number of other amphora types present in Period V loci are consonant with the dating suggested by Keay LVIIC, in that they were in production toward the middle of the 5th century: Keay LII, possibly the “Empoli” amphora, possibly Dressel 23, certainly Almagro 51A-B/Keay XIX, spatheia/Keay XXVI, Keay XXXIX, Keay L, Keay LIX, Carthage Late Roman 1, Carthage Late Roman 3 and Carthage Late Roman 5. The incidence of survival pieces is high among the amphora sherds from Period V loci. In some cases they are only slightly older than the context: African I and African II. Many amphora types are, however, of much earlier date: Dressel 1, Dressel 2-4, the "Spello" amphora from Italy; Dressel 2-4 tarraconensis,

Dressel 7-11, Beltrán IIB, Dressel

14/Beltrán IVA, Dressel

14 similis and Dressel 20

from the Iberian peninsula; Pélichet 47/Gauloise 4 from Gaul; Schóne-Mau XXXV, Tripolitanian I, Tripolitanian II, Schóne-Mau XL, Ostia IV, 449, the Mauretanian amphora and Keay LXXXI/Ostia I,

453/Ostia IV, 276/Benghazi Mid Roman 1 from North Africa. It is difficult to judge because of the incidence of unidentifiable North African body sherds in the total, but it appears that few amphorae arrived at Poggio Gramignano from perhaps the mid third century to the late fourth century at least. This sample broadens greatly the documentation of amphora types attested not only on the site of Poggio Gramignano but in all of Umbria. Although many of the important types here had already been found in Umbria, nearly all those previously registered in Umbria and many unknown elsewhere in the region are present in this sample. In the previous excavations at Poggio Gramignano only five types were identified, all of which occur in the later excavations: "Spello" from Italy; Dressel 14 from the Iberian peninsula; African I, African IIA and Mau XL from Africa. 69 The near-

by villa of Alviano gave a somewhat more diverse amphora sample, in which the following amphora types were identified with certainty: 70 Dressel 1, Dressel 2-4 from Italy; Longarina 2, Haltern 70, Dressel 7-11, Dressel 14, Dressel 14 similis and Dressel 20 from the Iberian peninsula; African I,

African II and the Mauretanian amphora from Africa; Kapitàn II from the eastern Mediterranean. Of these, Haltern 70, Longarina 2 and Kapitàn II are not documented in the present Poggio Gramignano sample: the first probably because its early date means that it could be represented only by survival pieces, while the second belongs to the series of Spanish garum amphorae documented in the present Poggio Gramignano sample and the third was probably never common in Umbria. According to a recent overview Dressel 1, Dressel 6, the "Spello" amphora,

Dressel

12, Dressel

14,

Dressel 20 and African I have been recorded on other Umbrian sites. 7! Once again most of these types are present in these excavations at Poggio Gramignano.

The most important difference con-

cerns the absence of Dressel 6 at Poggio Gramignano, which could be because of the date of the formation of the deposits in question, in which an amphora of that type could be present only as a survival piece, although Dressel 6 is not widely distributed in any case on the Tyrrhennian side of the Italian peninsula. The similarity between the sample at Poggio Gramignano and sites such as Rome and Ostia is striking. Of course, there is not the same variety of amphorae as in the capital and its port, especially 69 DANIELA MoNaccHI,

“Lugnano

romana," NSc, Série VIII, XL-XLI

in Teverina (Terni) Loc. Poggio

(1986-1987)

Gramignano.

[1990] (henceforth MonaccHi

— Saggi di scavo in una villa rustica

1986-1987), pp.

17-20. They make up part of a

total of 259 fragments. By far the largest group of fragments attributed to an area of production consisted of African sherds (113), followed by 37 of unspecified Hispanic origin. Cf. also DANIELA MonaccHI, "La cultura materiale delle ville romane del territorio amerino in età tardo antica," in GIANFRANCO BINAZZI (a cura di), Atti del Convegno L'Umbria meridionale fra tardoantico ed altomedioevo Acquasparta 6-7 maggio 1989 (Perugia/Roma: 1991) (henceforth Monaccul 1991), p. 186, where the Tripolitanian II is also mentioned. 70 ARCHER MARTIN," Alviano scalo. Le anfore,” in DoRICA MANCONI, MARIA ANTONIETTA TOMEI (a cura di), Ville e insediamenti

rustici di età romana in Umbria (Perugia: 1983), pp. 218-219 and schede 57-58. Cf. also the summary by MonaccHI 1991, p. 189. As I have not re-examined the sherds from Alviano, I cannot say whether the attribution of the Camulodunum

184 han-

dle sherd to a Gaulish production rather than to an Eastern (possibly Rhodian) origin or to a possible Campanian imitation is the result of an error, as seems likely, nor can I accept or refute the revised identification of the rim sherd I attributed to

Van der Werff 3 as Schóne-Mau XL (Monaccut 1986-1987, p. 20). 71 MoNACCHI

360

1991, p. 194.

with ucts What total

regard to the rarer ones there. However, it is clear that a wide range of amphora-borne prodwas transported up the Tiber as far as Poggio Gramignano throughout the imperial period. is more important is that amphorae fragments as a whole make up a considerable part of the of the ceramic assemblage, which is typical of sites with coastal access as opposed to typical

inland sites, on which amphorae are of little significance.

On the basis of this sample it is not possible to draw up a completely satisfactory picture of the evolution of the supply of amphora-borne goods at Poggio Gramignano, as the evidence has been flattened chronologically with practically all the material found in Period V loci. Some considerations can, neverthless, be made about them.

The site apparently drew most of its wine from Italy, with no significant importation from elsewhere (Graph 2). On one hand, all the Italian types identified, and therefore probably at least most of the undetermined Italian sherds, belong to wine amphorae. 72 The local “Spello” amphora is particularly significant for wine supply, as it is the most common amphora type on the site, making up about 1/5 of the total. On the other, the sherds of certain or supposed wine amphorae from other geographic areas have little importance: the Iberian peninsula with Dressel 2-4 tarraconensis; Gaul with Gauloise 4/Pélichet 47 and presumably the other unidentified Gaulish sherds; North Africa with Schóne-Mau XXXV and perhaps the Mauretanian amphora and Keay LXXXI; the Eastern Mediterranean with Carthage Late Roman

5 and perhaps Carthage Late Roman

1 to some extent.

The situation for oil and garum or other fish products is the opposite of that for wine (Graph 3). There are no Italian amphorae in this sample that carried those goods and ample documentation of imported vessels for them. Therefore, imported oil and fish products had entry at Poggio Gramignano, where wine did not. Indeed, unless Italian products were supplied in some other form of container, foreign sources were the only ones that served the site. In the middle and later imperial period North Africa was by far the most important supplier of these goods, one or the other of which can safely be supposed as the contents of all the African amphorae except those few for which there are special reasons to suggest suggest wine. Iberian containers of oil and fish products, mostly of an early to mid imperial date, are much less well represented, while the Carthage Late Roman

Amphora

1,

contemporary with the date of the deposition of the Period V fill layer, is of no statistical importance. A final consideration to be drawn from the amphorae found at Poggio Gramignano is that the community to which the site belonged was still able to participate in a system of wide-ranging commercial contacts in the late fourth century or fifth century. Not only are regional ("Empoli" amphora) and other Italian (Keay.LII) vessels present but also ones from the Iberian peninsula (Dressel 23 possibly and Almagro 51A-B/Keay XIX), from North Africa (spatheia/Keay XXVI, Keay XXXIX, Keay L and Keay LIX, which are accompanied by African red slip pieces dating to the late fourth and fifth centuries)

and the eastern Mediterranean

area (Carthage Late Roman

1, | Carthage

Late

Roman 3 and Carthage Late Roman 5). ARCHER

MARTIN

72 Cf. MaNCONI 1989. For another occurrence of Dressel 6A cfr. DANIELA MONACCHI, “Acquasparta (Terni). Loc. Crocifisso. Scavo di un'area funeraria romana nel territorio carsulano con rinvenimento di letti di osso,” NSc, Serie IX, I-II, 1990-1991 (1994) p. 108.

73 There is little reason to ‘think that barrels were of any significance for wine transport to Poggio Gramignano, as amphorae cover the life of the villa and also the late re- occupation period. Cf. TCHERNIA 1986, p. 285 for the use of barrels instead of amphorae in Italy. In debate following MANACORDA 1987 on p. 49, Tchernia reaffirms his opinion that barrels were important in Rome from the third century, while Manacorda believes that they existed but played a lesser role than in northern Italy. 74 MonaccHi 1991, pp. 184-185 and 187- 188, remarks on this, putting the emphasis on amphorae as indicating a dominant interest in acquiring provincial foodstuffs, with a widespread substitution of imported fine wares and other sorts of pottery by local products. The attestations of African red-slip ware at Poggio Gramignano attenuate the latter part of the argument to some extent, especially up to the third century.

361

CHAPTER

12

LAMPS *

1. INTRODUCTION

At Poggio Gramignano fifty-five fragments, probably of a maximum of forty-five lamps, were found. Of these thirty-eight fragments of twenty-nine lamps were found in stratified loci, almost all belonging to Period V. Six types are to be identified. They range in date from the Augustan period to the late sixth century or the first half of the seventh. For the most part they represent central Italian production, although there are some imported pieces, at least from Africa. TABLE: Lamps in periodized loci Period Bailey A/B Bailey N Bailey P Bailey P o O Bailey Q “Bildlampen” Bailey R Bailey S Bailey S(i) Bailey S(iv) TOTAL

2. HISTORY

I-II = -

—

OF THE

III 2/10gr. 1/5 gr. 3/15 gr.

IV -

V 2/10 gr. 4/30 gr. 1/5 gr. 2/20 gr. 13/105 gr. 4/20 gr. 4/70 gr. 2/25 gr. 2/55 gr. 1/20 gr. 38/360 gr.

CLASS

Studies going beyond classification and distribution are rare in lamp publications. It is possible, however, to draw up a tentative picture of the development of lamp production and distribution, at least for Italy. It must be borne in mind, nevertheless, that reality was certainly more complex than anything we can ever imagine. ! In fact, there must have been in any place and at any time a combination of at least four possible means of distribution: workshops exporting lamps up to some distance away, especially by sea; branch workshops producing lamps away from their mother house; itinerant potters or workshops that moved their location; and potters obtaining new lamp molds from an existing lamp from elsewhere. 2 * This text was submitted in June 1995. ! As DoNALD BAILEY, “The Roman Terracotta Lamp Industry. Another View about Exports," in THERESE OZIOL, RENÉ REBUFFAT, Les lampes de terre cuite en Mediterranée des origines ἃ Justinien, Travaux de la Maison de l'Orient 13 (Lyon: 1987), pp. 59-63, warns in arguing against the view that lamps were not normally exported but rather produced locally by branch enterprises if they bear the signatures of producers whose original seats are far away, an idea expressed by W. V. Harris, "Roman Terracotta Lamps: The Organization of an Industry,” JRS LXX (1980) 126-145. Cf. CarLo PavoriNr, "I bolli sulle lucerne fittili delle officine centro-italiche," in W. V. Harris (ed.), “The inscribed economy. Production and distribution in the Roman empire in the light of instrumentum domesticum: proceedings of a conference held at The American Academy in Rome

on 10-11 January,

1992," JRomA,

Supplementary

Series 6 (Ann Arbor:

1993) (henceforth PavoLinI 1993), p. 69 for the

bibliography of the debate Harris' article provoked. ? PAVOLINI 1993, pp. 69-70.

363

In the Augustan period there is a crucial break in lamp traditions between Hellenistic and Roman imperial lamps.3 After a foreshadowing constituted by types Dressel 1-4, not present at Poggio Gramignano, which are produced in molds and relatively widely exported but not yet completely free of Hellenistic influences, there is a great jump with volute lamps in the quantities of lamps produced. These lamps, exported to most of the Roman world, are no longer influenced by Hellenistic traditions and take full advantage of the decorative possibilities of the discus. This does not correspond to a concentration of the stamps on a few names but rather to a large number of signatures documented by a few lamps each. Thus, there seem to be many independent small workshops. Such workshops are known archaeologically in Latium and Campania, as well as in the Po Valley. In these workshops, to judge by qualitative factors, the individual craftsman's ability and probably family traditions played an important role. This contrasts with contemporary developments in Italian sigillata, in which much more complex forms involving larger workshops are attested. Between the later first century A. D. and the beginning of the second, one can see the Italian workshops' gradual loss of foreign markets to provincial products, undoubtedly as a reflection of the crisis in Italian agricultural production, and a concentration of Italian lamp production in a fairly small number of large workshops. ^ Just a few names or groups of the same praenomina and gentilicia with different cognomina account for much of the production, 5 although there are also minor workshop signatures. Undoubtedly the phenomenon can be explained by the establishment of manufactories similar to those known for late Italian sigillata, probably with smaller dependent workshops grouped around the major ones. This concentration corresponds to a standardization, simplification and lessening of artistic quality or its absence altogether on “Firmalampen”, which also point in the same direction as the epigraphic evidence. From the second century it is no longer possible to speak of the Italian market as a whole, as by the time of Antoninus Pius Italian lamp production had not only lost its foreign outlets but had also undergone a division of its previous home market into three parts: the North, the Center and the South. 6 Central Italian production continued to have enough strength to exclude imports at the time of Antoninus Pius, although not to export. The relationship between the large, medium and small workshops appears to remain the same as before. Thus, a certain craft tradition survived, documented by the signatures of the small workshops, although the artistic quality of central Italian lamps decayed ever more. At the same time North Africa, formerly an importer of Italian lamps, elaborated its own tradition of lamp production and began to gain overseas markets in southern Italy and the islands, with occasional exports to central Italy from the Severan period. From the mid third century it becomes more difficult to draw a picture of the lamp supply in central Italy, as there is a lack of stratified contexts for about a century and also because the potters no longer sign their lamps. 7 This lack of signatures must indicate a return to forms of small-scale production and decentralized workshops, in contrast to what hàd prevailed for more than a centu-

3 CARLO PAVOLINI, "Le lucerne nell'Italia romana,” in ANDREA GIARDINA, ALDO SCHIAVONE (a cura di), Società romana e pro-

duzione schiavistica II. Merci, mercati e scambi nel Mediterraneo (Bari: 1981) pp. 161-167 (henceforth PavoLint 1981); PAVOLINI

1993, pp. 65-66.

4 PAVOLINI 1981, pp. 167-171; LUCILLA ANSELMINO, “Le lucerne tardoantiche: produzione e cronologia," in ANDREA GIARDINA (a cura di), Società romana e impero tardoantico IH. Le merci, gli insediamenti (Bari: 1986) pp. 227-229 (henceforth ANSELMINO 1986); PAVOLINI 1993, pp. 66-68. For the connections between rural and urban productions cf. ANDREA CARANDINI, “Sviluppo e crisi delle manifatture rurali e urbane," in ANDREA

GIARDINA, ALDO

SCHIAVONE

(a cura di), Società romana

e produzione schi-

avistica II. Merci, mercati e scambi nel Mediterraneo (Bari: 1981) pp. 249-260. 5 Cf. DANIELA MASTRIPIERI, Monica CECI, “Gli Oppi: una famiglia di fabbricanti urbani di lucerne,” JRomA 3 (1990) 119132 for one of the most important groups. " 3 ' 6 CARLO PAVOLINI, “Le lucerne romane fra il INI sec. a. C. e il INI sec. d. C.,” in Céramiques hellénistiques et romaines II, Centre de recherches d'Histoire Ancienne 70 (Annales littéraires de l'Université de Besancon 331) (Paris: 1987) (henceforth PAVOLINI 1987), p. 150; ANSELMINO 1986, pp. 229-231; PavoLINI 1993, pp. 68-69. 7 PavoLINI 1981, pp. 176-177; ANsELMINO 1986, p. 231; PAVOLINI 1987, pp. 150, 160; PavoLINI 1993, pp. 68-69. |

364

ry and a half. Sometime during this period Bailey Type R came to dominate..8: Thus, discus decoration was abandoned and with it the Italic tradition of artistic craftsmanship in lamps. 9 For the fourth and fifth centuries it is possible to distinguish central and northern Tyrrhenian Italy from the South and the islands. !? Unlike the situation in the latter area, where African lamps were imported in significant percentages, in the latter the prevalent production was of local lamps imitating the morphology and decoration of lamps in African red-slip ware, which constitute a minority while offering a model to be imitated. There is very little documentation for the sixth and seventh centuries. Local imitations of African products appear to have continued to dominate in central Italy in the sixth century. !! During the seventh century there is some evidence for continued importation of African lamps as well as of Sicilian lamps, which were also imitated. !? These imitations, at first more or less faithful, gave rise to an ovoid, "slipper-shaped" lamp, which dominated at Rome in the eighth century. 13 3. FABRICS

Seven fabrics have been identified among the lamps at Poggio Gramignano, six of coarse-ware quality and the seventh corresponding to African red-slip ware of Production D. Fabric 1 is very pale brown (Munsell 10YR 8/3), hard, fairly clean-breaking, with a rather rough

texture. The only temper is an occasional, very small, colorless particle. There are always at least traces of a slip, which can vary in color and quality. This fabric appears particularly on the earlier lamps but is still present among the Bailey Type O lamps. Fabric 2 is pink (Munsell 7.5YR 7/4) to reddish yellow (Munsell

7.5 YR

6/6), hard, clean-break-

ing, with a smooth texture. The temper consists of fairly frequent but very small colorless and white particles and occasional small, red particles. The earlier lamps in this fabric can be slipped. Although it already appears on some Loeschcke VIII lamps, this fabric is more characteristic of the later types, such as Bailey R and S. Fabric 3 is yellowish red (Munsell 5YR 6/6), hard, with an irregular break and a rough texture. There are occasional, very small colorless grits and occasional, very small to small white ones. The only example of this fabric, the “Firmalampe” from a Period V locus, is unslipped. Fabric 4 is strong brown (Munsell 7.5YR 5/6), hard, with an irregular break and a rough texture. There are frequent, very small to small, colorless grits. The only example, on a fat-globule lamp from a Period V locus, is unslipped. Fabric 5 is white (Munsell 2.5Y 8/2), hard, with a somewhat irregular break and rough texture. There are fairly frequent, medium-sized, colorless and dark brown grits. The only example, the Bailey Type S (group iv) lamp from a Period V locus, is unslipped. Fabric 6 is reddish yellow (Munsell 5YR 6/6), hard, clean-breaking and with a smooth

texture.

There are frequent, medium-sized to large white grits; frequent, very small, colorless grits; occasional, medium-sized to large, red and dark brown grits. The only example, the double-nozzled lamp from an unstratified locus, is unslipped.

8 Cf. D. M. BAiLEY, A Catalogue of the Lamps in the British Museum 2. Roman Lamps Made in Italy (London: 1980) (henceforth BAILEY 1980), pp. 336-337, 377-379 for the problems of dating the end of Type Q and the beginning of Type R. ? PAVOLINI 1987, p. 151. 10 ANSELMINO 1986, p. 231; CARLO PAVOLINI, “La circolazione delle lucerne in terra sigillata africana,” in ANDREA GIARDINA (a cura di), Società romana e impero tardoantico III. Le merci, gli insediamenti (Bari: 1986) pp. 246-247. 11 FRANCESCO PACETTI, SERGIO SFRECOLA, "Ceramiche africane di VI secolo da una domus tardoantica del Celio. Sintesi storica e indagine mineralogica,” in ATTILIO MASTINO (a cura di), L'Africa romana. Atti del VI convegno di studio. Sassari, 16-

18 dicembre 1988 (Sassari: 1989) pp. 488-490. 12 ANSELMINO 1986, p. 234; Monica CECI, “Note sulla circolazione delle lucerne a Roma nell VIII secolo: I contesti della Crypta

Balbi,”

Archeologia

Medievale.

Cultura

materiale,

insediamenti,

territorio

XIX

(1992)

pp.

750-754.

I thank

CarLo

PAVOLINI for the information that unpublished contexts could indicate that African lamps were imported until a later date than once thought. 13 CECI 1992, pp. 754-760.

365

Fabric 7 is reddish yellow (Munsell 5YR 6/8), hard, fairly clean-breaking and with a fairly smooth texture. There are very occasional, very small, white and colorless grits. The slip is light red (Munsell 2.5YR €/8), thick and somewhat lustrous. The first two of these fabrics, which make up most of the lamp fragments found, are undoubtedly of central Italian origin. Fabric 7, corresponding to African red slip ware, is certainly an import. The others, each represented by a single example, could well be imports. It is worth noting, however, in the case of the “Firmalampe” that fabric 3 does not correspond to the classic fabric for “Firmalampen” from northern Italy, which is redder in color, clean-breaking, smooth in texture and

with very few micaceous grits. 4. TYPOLOGY

All the lamp fragments found at Poggio Gramignano belong to mold-made lamps of the Roman imperial period or late antiquity. 4.1. Bailey Types A and B (Volute Lamps) ^ These two types are very similar, with the exception of the tip of the nozzle, angular in the first type and rounded in the second. Their most obvious characteristic is the curved ornamentation, conventionally called volutes, flanking a wide nozzle. They both present round bodies with a sunken discus normally bearing a relief decoration. The precise configuration of the shoulder can be of use in determining the subtype and the date. There is hardly ever a handle. The earlier examples have base rings, while the others are flat and slightly raised. These types originate in central Italy, although volute lamps were also produced in other parts of the country and even in the provinces. The earliest volute lamps date to the time of Augustus, and the latest standard ones are Trajanic, although there is some evidence that plastic-handled volute lamps could have lasted significantly longer. 15 Two fragments of a single lamp from Period III loci can be attributed to Bailey Types A or B. The second and larger piece preserves the beginning of the volute. As the end of the nozzle is missing, it is impossible to be certain from which type these fragments came. They have Loeschcke IIIb shoulders, which occur particularly on Bailey Types Aiii and Bii, of late Augustan to early Flavian date and of Tiberian to early Trajanic date respectively, although the examples of the latter type with this shoulder form fall mainly within the second and third quarters of the first century. !6 The discus is decorated with petals or tongues in a band, leaving a blank area delimited by grooves around the filling hole. Rosettes of this sort are a very common decoration. 17 | M502/b, Locus 1200 (fabric 1, good slip varying from brown to dark brown: 5 gr.): Plate 138.1; M50a/b, Locus 1202 (fabric 1, good slip varying from brown to dark brown: 10 gr.): Plate 138.2. A fragment from a Period V locus preserves part of the shoulder and the beginning of a volute. It can therefore be attributed to Bailey Types A or B. As the shoulder is of Loeschcke form VIIb, the

14 BAILEY 1980, pp. 126-183. Cf. also CLEO RICKMAN FiTcH, NORMA WYNICK GOLDMAN, "Cosa: The Lamps," MemAmAc XXXIX (1994) (henceforth FITCH-GOLDMAN 1994) 84-123; ANNALIS LEIBUNDGUT, Die rómischen Lampen in der Schweiz. Eine kultur- und handelsgeschichtliche Studie (Bern: 1977) pp. 17-23, 29-32; SIEGFRIED LOESCHCKE, Lampen aus Vindonissa. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte von Vindonissa und des antiken Beleuchtungswesen (Zürich: 1919) (henceforth LOESCHCKE

32, 37-40 (his 151 thank 16 BAILEY 17 BAILEY type D).

366

1919) pp. 24-

Types I and IV). i CanLo PAVOLINI for this information on the plastic-handled volute lamps. — 1980, pp. 135 and 157. 1980, pp. 85-88. A close parallel is BAILEY 1980, p. 205, O 1003, a volute lamp with a handle ornament (BAILEY

lamp the fragment comes from is likely to have been Bailey Aiv, of late Augustan to Neronian date, or Bailey Biv, of Claudian to Trajanic date. 18 M50b, Locus 801 (fabric 1, traces of a dark gray slip: 5 gr.): Plate 138.3.

A base fragment with a ring from a Period V locus is probably to be attributed to an early example of a volute lamp. It joins with a fragment from an unstratified locus. M50b, Locus 1304 (fabric 1, good, grayish brown slip: 5 gr.): Plate 138.4.

A second sherd from an unstratified locus is probably also to be attributed to a volute lamp. It is a very small fragment of shoulder and discus with what is probably the beginning of a volute. It presents a slipped fabric 1. 4.2. Bailey Type N ("Firmalampen")

1?

The name of this type of lamp derives from the signatures in relief obtained from the mold almost always to be found on the bottom, which have been interpreted as an indication of “companies" rather than single potters. The body is circular and bowl-shaped. The upper part presents a shoulder, normally with side lugs, and a flat discus with a raised rim. The further typological division of the "Firmalampen" is largely based on the treatment of the nozzle, which always has a channel or groove. ?? The types can be placed in two groups, known as Loeschcke IX and Loeschcke X: the former with a raised ring around the discus, leaving the nozzle out; the latter with the raised rim including the nozzle.

The chronology of “Firmalampen”

is somewhat

controversial. The traditional consensus was

that production began around 60-70 A. D. with Loeschcke IX, while Loeschcke X was introduced c.

100. Buchi tried to show that both groups were produced from the beginning of the first century A. D., although he also places the maximum splendor of Loeschcke IX from the Flavian to the Antonine period with occasional documentation until the third century and that of Loeschcke X in the second and third centuries with some examples still present in the fourth. ?! As yet unpublished stratigraphical contexts show that actually both types began to be produced shortly after 50 A. D. 22 "Firmalampen" originated in northern Italy From there they were widely exported to the transalpine provinces of the Empire. In those provinces, where “Firmalampen” became the standard lamp, they were also frequently imitated and even reproduced with molds derived from original lamps. In central Italy, as in other Mediterranean regions, they were not popular.?3 They are not unknown,

however, through imports and imitations.

Α piece consisting of three joining fragments from a Period V locus restitutes a large part of the base and the body of a “Firmalampe”. As the upper part is missing, it is not possible to attribute the lamp more precisely. On the base there is an inscription that cannot be read because it is not only fragmentary at its beginning but also rather fuzzy. The only letter that can be made out is the next to last, an A. M50a/b, Locus 707 (fabric 3; 20 gr): Plate 139.5.

18 BarLey 1980, pp. 147, 177. 19 BAILEY 1980, pp. 271-291. Ezio BucHI, Lucerne del Museo di Aquileia I. Lucerne romane con marchio di fabbrica (Aquileia: 1975) (henceforth Bucui 1975) has a more detailed treatment. Cf. FrrcH-GotpMaN 1994, pp. 194-201, for recent bibliography and also for central Italian lamps of this type. 20 BucHI 1975, pp. xxiii-xxviii, has the most complete typology. 2! Buchi 1975, pp. xxix-xxxiii. BAILEY 1980, pp. 273-275, for example, rejects an initial date as early as Buchi believes. 221 thank Carlo Pavolini for this information. 23 Cf. The comments in BucHI 1975, p. xxxvii, and in particular his tabella 7 showing the distribution of "Firmalampen" in Italy.

367

A fragment from another Period V locus with part of the shoulder and the discus recalls “Firmalampen”. The shoulder presents lugs, and the discus is flat and sunken. Contrary to “Firmalampen”, the discus is not surrounded by a ring distinct from the shoulder. The presence of decorative motifs, in this case of small hollow circles, is an unusual, although not an unknown,

fea-

ture on “Firmalampen”. 24 It is likely that this piece comes from a lamp combining influences of “Firmalampen” and other types: in its fragmentary state it is impossible to say to what extent the lamp followed the norms of the "Firmalampen" rather than of other types. M50a/b, Locus 1000 (fabric 2, traces of a dark gray slip: 10 gr.): Plate 139.6. 4.3. Bailey Type P (Standard Rounded-Nozzle Lamps) ?5 The successor to the volute lamp in central Italy is the rounded-nozzle lamp or Loeschcke VIIT. ?6 The standard rounded-nozzle lampis circular with rounded shoulders (shoulder-forms Loeschcke VIIa or VIIb) without decoration, a sunken discus (normally decorated in relief), a pierced handle

made in the mold and a slightly raised flat base. The standard rounded-nozzle lamp appears in the late first century, following experimental versions, Bailey Type O, 27 which were made during the second half of the first century A. D. 28 It was produced for more than half a century before evolving into a late version, Bailey Type 0. Lamps of this type were originally produced in central Italy. They were then widely imitated in those provinces, mainly in the Mediterranean area, that did not adopt the "Firmalampe" of northern Italian origin. Three fragments probably belonging to this type were found at Poggio Gramignano, one in a Period V locus and two in unstratified loci: Plate 139.7. One shoulder fragment from a Period V locus could belong to a rounded-nozzle lamp, Bailey P. It presents shoulder-form Loeschcke VIIa, which is a characteristic shoulder for that type, although it appears also on volute lamps: M50a, Locus

1105 (fabric 1, brownish slip: 5 gr.): Plate 139.8.

Two unstratified fragments preserving the shoulder are probably relative to standard roundednozzle lamps, Bailey Type P. The shoulder-forms represented, Loeschcke VIIa (Photo 24) and VIIb, are in fact typical of this type, although they are not unknown on volute lamps. Both have fabric 2. 4.4. Bailey Type Q 9 Bailey Type O lamps constitute the last incarnation of Loeschcke Type VIII. They are differentiated from the preceding type particularly by the presence in some cases of decoration on the shoulders and the popularity of heart-shaped nozzles, almost the only sort known. The shoulders are rounded, as in the preceding type, but no longer fit into Loeschcke’s scheme of shoulder-forms. The later examples of the type have base-rings rather than flat bases. This type appears to have been produced for about a century from the mid second century, although there is a possibility it may have continued somewhat longer in production, filling at least part of the apparent gap between this type and the succeeding Bailey Type R. 3° 24 Cf. Buchi

1975, nn.

1246 and

1247, p. 190, and n. 1450, p. 197, for "Firmalampen"

with decorated shoulders: in the

first case LOESCHCKE X-c with round plaques; in the other two cases anomalous LoESCHCKE X, respectively with leaves and an illegible motif. 25 BAILEY 1980, pp. 314-335. Bailey Types O, P and Q are treated together in FITcH-GOLDMAN 1994, pp. 149-183. 26 LOESCHCKE 1919, pp. 49-55. . 27 BAILEY 1980, pp. 293-313. 28 FITCH-GOLDMAN 1994, p. 148, present evidence for Loeschcke VIII lamps appearing shortly before mid century. 29 BAILEY 1980, pp. 336-376. Bailey Types O, P and Q are treated together in FIrcH-GOLDMAN 1994, pp. 149-183. 30 Recently FrrcH-GOLDMAN 1994, pp. 151, 171 have indeed stated that the evidence from Cosa indicates production continued into the fourth century.

368

Bailey Type O lamps were made in central Italy, mostly in the neighborhood of Rome. Two pieces from Period V loci are of uncertain attribution between Bailey Types P and O. The first preserves part of a pierced handle and a rounded shoulder. The other has a rounded shoulder and part of the body. M49d, Locus 851 (fabric 2, traces of red slip: 10 gr): Plate 140.9;

M50a, Locus 1105 (fabric 2, very faint traces of orange slip: 10 gr.): Plate 140.10. Two Period V pieces, which probably come from the same lamp, belong to Bailey Type O. The first preserves the handle and part of the shoulder and the discus and the other most of the nozzle and part of the shoulder, discus and base. These pieces are closest to Bailey's group v. The shoulders are plain. The nozzle is round. The base is flat with no delimitation. The handle is completely pierced but only imperfectly cleaned. Indeed, the workmanship is shoddy overall. The discus presents a frontal standing figure pierced by the filling hole. M50a/b, Locus 708 (fabric 2; 20 gr): Plate 140.11; M50a/b, Locus 1005 (fabric 2; 20 gr): Plate 140.12.

Bailey Type O, group viii, is represented by several fragments, all fom Period V loci. Three, of which two join, restitute a large part of the shoulder and a small portion of the discus. The shoulder presents a bound olive-wreath decoration.3! Of the decoration on the discus one can make out a standing figure with its head in profile to the right wearing headgear, probably a helmet, and with a lance or a similar object in its right hand: it is not possible to identify the figure. A further fragment, which preserves part of the nozzle and the body, is almost certainly part of the same lamp. M50b, Locus

1304 (fabric 1, traces of a dilute reddish slip: 30 gr.): Plate 141.13 and Plate 141.14.

A further seven fragments from Period V loci are probably to be attributed to Bailey Type O. Four fragments come from the first locus. Two join and probably belong to the same lamp as the other two. The shoulder of this lamp is rounded and plain, while the base presents a slight ring and the handle is completely pierced. An unsigned base was found in the second locus. Two other fragments, probably both of a single lamp, present base rings and parts of a signature: on one the final letter "V". and on the other part of a small motif of two concentric circles. M50a/b, Locus 707 (fabric 1, traces of red slip: 15 gr. together); M50b, Locus

1300 (fabric 1, traces of dark brown slip: 10 gr);

M50b, Loci 1300 and 1304 (fabric 1, very faint traces of orange slip: 10 gr. together). 4.5. "Bildlampen" Many lamp fragments can only be classified as "Bildlampen", meaning that they could be from any type of volute or Loeschcke VIII lamp. One such fragment found in a Period III locus: M50a/b, Locus

1003 (fabric 1, traces of reddish slip: 5 gr.).

Another four are from Period V

loci:

N50d, Locus 066 (fabric 2, traces of brownish to dark brownish slip: 5 gr);

N50c, Locus 109 (fabric 2, traces of brownish to dark brownish slip; 5 gx);

31 This is a frequent shoulder decoration for this group, appearing on BAILEY'S nn. Ὁ 1386-1391, BAILEY 1980, pp. 366367. Cf. also FITCH-GOLDMAN 1994, pp. 170-171.

369

M50a/b, Locus 707 (fabric 2, traces of reddish brown slip: 5 gr.); M49d, Locus 851 (fabric 2, red slip: 5 gr.).

There are also fragments of this sort from unstratified loci: four with fabric 1 (one with a red slip and the other three with a brownish slip) and one with fabric 2 (with traces of a red slip). 4.6. Bailey Type R (Fat-Globule Lamps) 32 These lamps develop from the preceding Bailey Type O. They are characterized by wart decoration in three or four rows on the shoulders. The bodies are globular. The rounded nozzles are short with large wick-holes. The stubby handles are not always fully pierced. The lamps stand on a base-ring. This type must have been introduced sometime from the mid to late third century. It seems to have lasted in production until the mid fifth century. 33 Four fragments from Period V loci are attributable to fat-globule lamps (Bailey Type R). The two in the first locus preserve part of discus and shoulder and part of the base, almost certainly from the same lamp. The fragment in the second locus consists of the top half of a lamp. The fragment in the third has the back portion, from the discus nearly to the base. M50a/b, Locus 701 (fabric 2, 20 gr. together): Plate 141.15; M50b, Locus 802 (fabric 2, traces of reddish to reddish-brown slip; 30 gr.): Plate 141.16; M50a, Locus 1101 (fabric 2; 20 gr): Plate 142.17.

There are also fragments of fat-globule lamps in unstratified loci. The first one has part of the nozzle, shoulder and discus: Plate 142.18. Another fragment has part of the handle, the shoulder and

the discus: Plate 142.19. There are also two shoulder fragments. All present fabric 2. 4.7. African Lamps ?* A series of lamps is known that presents the same characteristics of fabric and slip as the African red-slip vessels as well as connections with the decorations of that class. Undoubtedly they come from the same region and tradition. They were produced in various types from the beginning of the fourth century to the beginning of the sixth. Two sherds of African lamps were found at Poggio Gramignano in unstratified loci. Both are very small fragments and unidentifiable. 4.8. Bailey Type S (Imitations of African and Sicilian Lamps) 35 The lamps grouped together in Bailey Type S are imitations of African lamps and of Sicilian lamps that in turn derive from African models. They are elongated. Their wide shoulders, normally decorated, are more important than the filling-hole area, to which the discus has been reduced. This area communicates with the wick-hole by means of a channel. The mold-made handles, occasional-

ly pierced, do not protrude beyond the shoulder. The bases can present rings or be simply flat. Bailey was able to identify various groups within this type, according to the model imitated. The first consists of copies of African lamps of Hayes Type I, i.e. Atlante VIII. A characteristic feature of this type is the decoration of the shoulder: curved panels of stylized palm leaves. These lamps are dated probably from the last quarter of the fourth century and well into the fifth. 36 32 BAILEY 1980, pp. 377-381. Cf. also LEIBUNDGUT 1977, pp. 53-54 and FrrcH-GOLDMAN 1994, pp. 205-206. 33 I thank CARLO PAVOLINI for the information that unpublished contexts of the fifth century exist with many examples of this type. tos 34 Cf. J. W. Hayes, Late Roman Pottery (London: 1972) pp. 310-314 for a succinct treatment of the problem of these lamps. 35 BAILEY 1980, pp. 383-388.

36 Cf, FircH-GOLDMAN 1994, pp. 214-217 for imitations of Hayes I lamps from contexts at Cosa dated c. 330-410. In Rome

370

Two joining fragments from Period V loci belong to group i of Bailey Type S: M50a/b, Loci 707 and 1000 (fabric 2; 55 gr): (Plates 143.20 and 143.21).

Bailey group iii was inspired by African lamps of Hayes Type II, probably specifically ITB, with sunken shoulder panels containing relief decoration. This group is dated from the second half of the fifth century into the sixth. Two large unstratified fragments belong to group iii of Bailey Type S, both with fabric 2. In neither case is the shoulder decoration well preserved, but both seem to present simple hatching: Plate 143.22 and 143.23. The latest group, iv, imitates a group of Sicilian lamps. 37 The genuine Sicilian lamps are more finely made and present simple decorations, usually small circles and dots in the filling-hole area. This feature is lacking both on the British Museum imitation and on the Poggio Gramignano lamp. Production of the Sicilian lamps of this type, and therefore of their imitations, does not begin before c. 550 or perhaps somewhat later. They have been found in contexts as late as the seventh century and could well have been produced until the Arab conquest of the islànd in the early ninth century. These no longer have decorated

shoulders,

but the channel between the filling-hole area and the

wick-hole remains with a pronounced ridge delimiting them. This group is probably to be dated to the late sixth or first half of the seventh century. One Period V fragment (from a partially contaminated context) is to be attributed to group iv of Bailey Type S. The channel is reduced to practically nothing. The underside of the nozzle is reinforced by a thick strip that joins the small base ring. M50a, Locus

1101 (fabric 5; 20 gr): Plate 144.24.

Finally, although they cannot be assigned to any particular group, some fragments have been classified with Bailey Type S because of their generic morphological affinities with African models and definite Bailey Type S lamps. Two such fragments come from Period V loci. The first piece present presents rounded shoulders, a small filling-hole area bound by a ridge around which there is a series of indentations and a pierced handle. It is not possible to attribute the piece to a group within the type or to indicate a specific model imitated, although its general look is that of a distant inspiration from African lamps. In the second case the difficulty in classification derives from the insignificance of the piece, the underside of the nozzle with part of the base ring. M49d, Locus 464 (fabric 2; 15 gr.): Plate 144.25; M48d/M49b, Locus 1608 (fabric 2; 10 gr.).

The last piece, from an unstratified locus, is unusual: Plate 144.26. The lamp has two nozzles joined to the filling-hole area by a short but wide channel bound by a raised ridge. A raised, mold-

at the Temple of Magna Mater this is the dominant form in a

fill in Saggio P: ALBERTO CIOTOLA, “Le lucerne,” in ANDREA

CARIGNANI, ALBERTO CIOTOLA, FRANCESCO PACETTI, CLEMENTINA PANELLA, “Roma. Il contesto della Magna Mater sul Palatino,” in ANDREA GIARDINA (a cura di), Società romanae impero tardoantico III. Le merci, Gli insediamenti (Bari: 1986) p. 31. It also dominates in the earlier fill at the nearby Schola Praeconum: DAVID WHITEHOUSE, “The Lamps,” in DAVID WHITEHOUSE, GRAEME

BARKER, RICHARD REECE and Davip REESE, “The Schola Praeconum I: The Coins, Pottery, Lamps and Fauna,” BSR L (1982) 81.

CLEMENTINA

PANELLA,

“Premessa,”

in ANDREA

CARIGNANI,

ALBERTO

CIOTOLA,

FRANCESCO

PACETTI,

CLEMENTINA

PANELLA,

"Roma. Il contesto della Magna Mater sul Palatino,” in ANDREA GIARDINA (a cura di), Società romana e impero tardoantico III. » Le merci, Gli insediamenti (Bari: 1986) pp. 27-28. expresses the opinion that both of these contexts were closed in the second half of the fifth century while essentially reflecting Rome's consumption of goods in the first half. 37 For this Sicilian group cf. Donarn M. Barr Ey, A Catalogue of the Lamps in the British Museum III. Roman Provincial Lamps (London: 1988) pp. 208-211; R. J. A. WILSON, Sicily under the Roman Empire. The archaeology of a Roman province, 36 B.C.-A.D.

535 (Warminster:

1990) p. 262; CECI 1992, pp. 750-754.

371

made, unpierced handle is preserved. Most bizarrely, there was another one next to it, as if double nozzles called for double handles! It has fabric 6. | 5. EPIGRAPHY

There is only slight epigraphic evidence on the lamps from Poggio Gramignano: fragmentary signatures on a “Firmalampe” and a probable Bailey Type O lamp, both from Period V. Neither can be interpreted. 6. CONCLUSIONS

Lamps are important for chronological interpretation at Poggio Gramignano only in the case of Period V. The fragments of group i of Bailey Type S, current in the late fourth and well into the fifth centuries, accord well with the date c. 450 suggested by other material for the majority of the loci of the period. The Bailey Type R lamps of the fourth to fifth century could also be at least in part contemporary with the formation of those loci. The fragment belonging to group iv of Bailey Type S from Locus 1101 should best be considered separately. The date suggested for this piece, no earlier than c. 550 and perhaps rather later, means that it is at least a century younger than any other evidence for dating Period V. Although it is registered in a Period V locus, the fragment was found close to the top of the sequence of Period V loci and under a large chunk of fallen masonry. Thus, this piece most likely gives us a date for the time when the upper surface of the Period V loci constituted a ground level on which passers-by would have walked. The subsequent collapse of the upper parts of the building onto this ground level could have driven the lamp fragment some way into the locus on whose surface it was resting. Otherwise these fragments, although rather few and residual in the Period III and Period V contexts in which they were found or else unstratified, give a rather good panorama of lamp production and use in central Italy from the beginning of the imperial period to the end of late antiquity. All the major types known for the area are now documented at Poggio Gramignano, ?? from the volute lamps through the various Loeschcke VIII types and “Firmalampen” to the fat-globule lamps and the African lamps and their imitations and derivations. The absolute dominance of central Italian wares over imported products is'not surprising on an inland rural site, as this dominance is to be seen, occasionally with somewhat greater openness to imports, on urban sites closer to the coast as well. 39 Some of the more unusual lamps placed in Bailey Type S, especially the one with two handles, could reflect perhaps local attempts at producing unfamiliar objects. ARCHER

MARTIN

38 The only lamp type previously documented at Poggio Gramignano was Bailey R, present with one sherd: DANIELA MonaccHi, “Lugnano in Teverina (Terni). Loc. Poggio Gramignano. -- Saggi di scavo in una villa rustica romana," NSc, Serie VII, XL-XLI (1986-1987) [1990] 32.

i

39 DANIELA MONACCHI, “La cultura materiale delle ville romane del territorio amerino in età tardo antico,” in GIANFRANCO BiNAZZI

(a cura di), Atti del Corivegno L'Umbria

meridionale fra tardo-antico

ed altomedioevo

Acquasparta

6-7 maggio

1989

(Perugia/Roma: 1991) pp. 184-185 comments on the difference in attestations of amphorae imported for their foodstuff contents and fine wares and lamps largely substituted by local products; while the Poggio Gramignano finds indicate that African fine-ware vessels were probably imported to greater extent than she imagines, the few African lamp fragments found there make no substantial difference to the picture she draws.

372

CHAPTER

CERAMIC

BUILDING

13

MATERIALS *

1. INTRODUCTION

Ceramic building materials have traditionally been a rather neglected category of finds in excavation reports, with the exception of stamped pieces studied more for their epigraphic content than for their structural purposes. They have, in fact, been passed over both by pottery specialists because they are not pottery and by experts in architecture, who have tended to consider whole buildings or types of building techniques rather than their single elements. Recently they have, however, received more attention. ! This has concerned on one hand the typology of the objects and on the other the possibility of quantifying such finds. The present study is limited to presenting the range of selected finds preserved in the excavation storeroom, without attempting a quantification, which must begin during the excavation itself. ? It has been remarked that ceramic building materials can be studied on one hand for their form and fabric with an interest in their production and distribution and on the other hand architecturally and functionally. 3 As an architectural analysis appears elsewhere in this publication, the emphasis here is on the former point of view — what kinds of ceramic materials did the builders have available? At Poggio Gramignano the following sorts of ceramic building materials were found: pan tiles and cover tiles from roofs; masonry bricks for walls; special bricks for columns, arches and flooring; tegulae mammata for creating spaces along walls; pipes. We can safely say that tile and brick were produced in the vicinity of the villa, as overfired fragments have been found in Period V loci: unidentifiable column brick and unidentifiable fragments (M49b/d, Locus 464): Fabric 1;

cover tile (Locus 1611; Burial 39): mineralogical special n. 41; Fabric 1;

|

and in unperiodized ones:

cover tiles unidentified fragments (Loci 001 and 208]: mineralogical speciments n. 38-40, vitrified. * This text was submitted in June 1995. ! Exemplary is MARIA GRAZIA CELUZZA, "Materiali

da costruzione.

Prodotti laterizi,"

| in ANDREINA

Ricci

(a cura di),

Settefinestre. Una villa schiavistica nell'Etruria romana 2. La villa e i suoi reperti (Modena: 1985) (henceforth CELUZZA 1985) pp. 33-39. More recently cf. F. NEGRINO, “Laterizi,” in MARCO MILANESE, Genova romana. Mercato e citta dalla eta repubblicana

a Diocleziano dagli scavi del Colle di Castello (Genova S. Silvestro 2) (Roma:

1993), pp. 202-225 (henceforth NEGRINO

1993);

FRANCESCO PACETTI, “Matériaux de construction de terre cuite,” in PHILIPPE PERGOLA and CINZIA VISMARA (sous la direction de),

Castellu (Haute-Corse). Archéologie Francaise

Un établissement rural de l'Antiquité tardive: fouilles récentes (1981-1985), Documents d'Archéologie 18 (Paris:

1989) (henceforth PacETTI

1989), pp.

105-111;

and GiuLIo BERTI, “I laterizi da costruzione.

Contributo per l'analisi di un'industria,” in GUIDO VANNINI, L'antico palazzo dei Vescovi a Pistoia, II. I documenti archeologici (Firenze: 1987), pp. 895-912 (henceforth BERTI 1987). ALAN McWHIRR (ed.), Roman Brick and Tile. Studies in Manufacture, Distribution and

Use in the Western Empire

(BAR International Series 68) (Oxford:

1979) (henceforth McWHIRR

(ed.)

1979)

contains conference papers, mostly with a Romano-British slant, that often concern non-epigraphic aspects of brick and tile. ? CHRISTOPHER YOUNG, "The Processing of Roman Tile,” in McWHIRR (ed.) 1979 proposes a possible way of quantifying tile. CELUZZA 1985, p. 33 describes a system in operation. 3 CELUZZA 1985, p. 33. LIDIA PAROLI, "Santa Cornelia: The Excavation of an Early Medieval Monastery. The Finds. I Laterizi,” in NEIL CHRISTIE (ed.), Three South Etrurian Churches: Santa Cornelia, Santa Rufina and San Liberato, Archaeological Monographs of the British School at Rome 4 (London: 1991) (henceforth CHRISTIE (ed.) 1991) is an example of a work that pays attention to fabric. ALASTAIR M. SMALL, “The Building Materials," in ALASTAIR M. SMALL and ROBERT J. Buck, The Excavations

of San Giovanni di Ruoti I. The Villas and Their Environment. Phoenix Supplementary Volume XXXIII (Toronto: 1994) (henceforth SMALL

1994) presents a wide variety of forms.

373

The establishment of a brick and tile kiln at a villa site was a well known practice. 4 In some cases it would have operated merely for the time necessary to produce the material needed for building the villa. In others, as modern parallels suggest, the kiln could have continued to operate commer-

cially until the estate wanted its products again. 5 It should be remarked that ceramic building elements could be used secondarily in burials, which is an important phenomenon'at Poggio Gramignano. The use of pan tiles to create a gabled covering for a grave is so well known that that type of burial is recognized with a specific name: grave “alla cappuccina”. Burials 39 in Locus 1611 and 40 in Locus 1612 are of this sort. Burials 15 in Locus 1005 and 37 in Locus 1610 used cover tiles. In Burial 40 there were found furthermore bricks for opus spicatum and a pipe. Such secondary usage often accounts for the better preserved specimens.

2. FABRICS

Visual examination of the fabric allowed the bricks and tiles examined to be divided into two groups. A third group was made up of the pipes, which presented a cleaner version of the first, and major, group for bricks and tiles. Because of the overwhelming predominance of the first fabric, 6 together with the third, throughout most of the range of ceramic construction elements these were considered to be local and the second group, present on specialized products (essentially tegulae mammatae), imported. As far as it is possible to say with overfired pieces, the wasters found among the material examined should also be attributed to Fabric 1. Furthermore, Fabric 3 corresponds visually to the color-coated ware fabric, which strengthens the case for the latter's local or regional origin. Fabric 1 is reddish yellow in color (Munsell 7.5 YR 8/6 outside, 5YR 6/8 in the nucleus), fairly clean-breaking, smooth in texture and hard. The principal sort of inclusion consists of very frequent and very small micaceous grits. There are also frequent white, red and black grits, varying in size from small to large. Fabric 2 is pink in color (Munsell 7.5YR 7/4), irregular in break, rough in texture and hard. There

are frequent, medium to large grits that are colorless, red and dark gray. Fabric 3 is reddish yellow in color (Munsell

7.5 YR

7/6-8/6), clean-breaking,

smooth

in texture

and hard. There are very frequent and very small glittering grits. The mineralogical data confirm the main lines of the visual analysis. 7 The Fabric 2 specimens (n. 46-47) are clearly distinguished from the others, as they belong to Group XV characterized by material connected with the volcanic system of Latium. The Fabric 3 specimens and most of the ones for Fabric 1, including an overfired but not completely vitrified specimen, belong to Group XI: n. 44, 48 and 49 to subgroup c; n. 41, 45 and 50 to subgrouop d. These subgroups and subgroup XIb account also for all the color-coated ware specimens. The exceptions are specimens nn. 42 and 43, attributed to Group I. Mineralogically, however, the two groups are related. Both have a probably local origin or at least come from the central Appennine area.

^ One was found, for example, at the nearby villa of Pennavecchia: ARCHER MARTIN, "Pennavecchia. Relazione delle cam-

pagne 1978 e 1979," in DORICA MANCONI, MARIA ANTONIETTA TOMEI (a cura di), Ville e insediamenti rustici di età romana in Umbria (Perugia: 1983), p. 264. Cf. also SMALL 1994, p. 128, for the evidence of brick and tile production at San Giovanni di Ruoti.

5 Cf. D. P. S. PEACOCK, Pottery in the Roman World: an ethnoarchaeological approach (London: 1982) pp. 129-135 for the phenomenon. B | 6 It should be noted that Fabric 1 corresponds best to "Impasto 4" in the discussion of the stamped tile fragments and that "Impasto 1", "Impasto 2" and “Impasto 6" are quite close to it. I wish to express my thanks to Dr. DANIELA MoNaccHI, who allowed me to inspect specimens of these fabrics of her series. Unfortunately not all her specimens were available when I made my study, and therefore I could not make use of her system or draw up a complete concordance between the two series. 7 For the mineralogical arialyses in question, carried out in connection with the visual analyses cf. the article by GIULIO PREDIERI and SERGIO SFRECOLA in this volume, Part Two, Chapter 21. Only much later did I become aware of David Williams’ independent work (in this volume, Part Two, Chapter 16): he appears to have testes pieces belonging to Fabric 1.

374

3. TYPOLOGY

3.1. Pan Tiles (Tegulae) Pan tiles are the main clement of the normal Roman roofing system. 8 They were used together with cover tiles, which usually cover their joins. Occasionally, however, inverted pan tiles would be placed over a row of joins to allow for fanning to compensate for irregularities in the shape of the roof. Various proposals have been made on how to classify pan tiles typologically. The shape of the raised edges is rightly considered an unsatisfactory, although not unknown, basis of classification and will not be used here. 9 Thus, the overall shape of the pieces, which of course depends on the mold from which they are taken, remains as a criterion. In this regard there is one major type of standard Roman pan tile in imperial times: a slightly trapezoidal piece with raised edges on the converging, longer sides and with setbacks on the outside toward the narrower end to facilitate the placement of the tiles in the roof. !? Sizes of tiles, unlike those of normal masonry bricks, were never standardized. !! The normal pan tiles found at Poggio Gramignano, all with rough undersides, belong to this major type in so far as their preservation permits observation.

Pan tiles of this type, in two sizes,

constitute type 6 in the architectural analysis. The only pan tiles whose condition permits measurements to be taken all come from Period V, where they were used in Burial 40 in Locus 1612: two complete specimens as well as one preserving the width at the wider end (fig. 272 A, B). One complete pan tile, in Fabric 1, with an illegible stamp measures 51 cm. from one end to the other, 41 cm.

along the wider end and 35 cm. along the shorter end. The incomplete example, also in Fabric 1, has the same width of 41 cm. at the wider end. The other complete pan tile (mineralogical specimen n. 45), in Fabric 2, with irregular curves incised into the narrower end, 12 measures 50 cm. in length, 43 cm.

in width at the wider end and 37 cm. at the narrower end. All the tiles present rough undersides. There is a possible tegula conliciaris, for the junction of two roof slopes with different orientations, ? to be seen in a fragment whose side consists of two parts meeting at an angle. The tile, in Fabric 1, comes from an unstratified locus. Another tile with a curved side could also be a tegula conliciaris, unless it is to be considered that several tiles with curved sides went together to delimit an opening for airing an underlying room or for letting smoke out. Tiles allowing these possibilities are well known, but they include the entire opening in one tile. !^ This example, again in Fabric 1, comes from a Period V locus: M50a/b, Locus 713.

8 Tony Rook, "Tiled Roofs," in MCWHIRR (ed.) 1979, pp. 295-301 gives a good account of how such roofs were, and still are, made and used. ? MARGARETA STEINBY, "Le tegole antiche di Santa Maria Maggiore," Atti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia, Seria III, Rendiconti, XLVI (1973-4) p. 125 (henceforth SrEINBY 1973-4) explains clearly the reasons for considerable variation among tiles even from a form. NEGRINO 1993, p. 203 accepts the reasoning but goes on to classify by the shape of the raised edges of the fragments found at Genoa. SMALL 1994, p. 128 does likewise. PACETTI 1989, pp. 107-108, distinguishes three types, considered, however, essentially variants within a single group. 10 MARION ELIZABETH BLAKE, The Pavements of the Roman Buildings of the Republic and Early Empire, Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome VII (1930) (henceforth BLAKE 1930), pp. 300-304; GrusEPPE LUGLI, La tecnica edilizia romana con particolare riguardo a Roma e Lazio (Roma: 1957) (henceforth LuGLI 1957), p. 545; STEINBY 1973-4, p. 124; CELUZZA 1985, p. 33 where it is called type 1.1. Cf. Rook, pp. 298-301 for a possible method of production with blocks in the mold to form the setback while STEINBY 1973-4, p. 125 considers them to have been cut when the tiles were leather-hard. The other important type of standard tile, which falls out of favor during the early imperial period, is Settefinestre type 1.2 with an indentation on the underside: CELUZZA 1985, pp. 33-4. !! LugLI 1957, p. 545 notes this fact and considers it impossible to use dime: in size for chronological purposes. STEINBY 1973-4, p. 124 thinks it should be possible to establish a dating system by size, as it would be difficult to use tiles of greatly differing sizes in the same roof. BERTI 1987, p. 900 finds that one series of tiles has a length of c. two Roman feet, which is a good deal longer than what was measured at Poggio Gramignano. 1? Cf. NEGRINO 1993, p. 225 and SMALL 1994, p. 129, for semicircles on the shorter end, which these undoubtedly were intended to be, as possible markers to distinguish between different lots of tiles in the drying process. 13 CELUZZA

1985,

p.

34

(type

1.3).

Cf.

also

MARION

ELIZABETH

BLAKE,

Ancient

Roman

Construction

in Italy from

the

Prehistoric Period to Augustus (Washington: 1947) p. 304, and SMALL 1994, p. 130. 14 CELUZZA 1985, p. 34 (type 1.4). Cf. also BLAKE 1947, p. 304 and SMALL 1994, p. 130.

375

3.2. Cover Tiles (Imbrices; fig. 272 C)

These tiles, bent or rounded along their axis and like pan tiles wider at one end than at the other, were used, as has been noted, as the usual covering for the joins between pan tiles in the normal Roman system of roofing. 15 They correspond to Settefinestre type 1.6. 16 The undersides are rough, while the upper surfaces have been smoothed. Of the six complete examples found three present the same dimensions. They measure 44-45 cm. in length, 18 cm. at the narrower end, 20 cm. at the wider end and 8 cm. in height. The three, all in Fabric 1, come from Period V burials: two from Burial 37 in Locus 1610 and one from Burial 40 in Locus 1612. A fourth cover tile, in Fabric 1, presents the same length as the first three but is wider and flatter.

It measures 44 cm. in length, 19.5 cm in width and 6 cm in height at the narrower end, 20.5 cm. in width and 7.5 cm in height at the wider one. It also comes from Burial 40 in Locus 1612 of Period V. Yet another complete example is longer and narrower than the first three. It measures 47.5 cm. in length, 15.5 cm. at the narrower end, 16.5 cm. at the wider end and 9 cm. in height. The piece, in Fabric 1, comes from a Period V locus: M49b, Locus 950.

The sixth complete example is a good deal bigger. It measures 55 cm. in length, 16 cm at the narrower end, c. 19 cm. at the wider end and 10 cm. in height. It comes from an unstratified locus and is in Fabric 1.

3.3. Masonry Bricks The development of bricks for use in Roman architecture was gradual. 17 Fired roof tiles were made long before fired bricks. The first stage in the development of bricks was the use of broken pieces of roof tiles in walls, particularly in those subjected to the stress of heat, humidity or the like. Various examples of this sort of masonry can be dated between Caesar and Augustus. Finally, bricks were made on purpose for use in walls, in a shape that recalls pan tiles without the raised edges. Their use in walls is common from the reign of Claudius. Once bricks became a normal item in building, standard sizes were developed in Rome and the areas directly influenced by its brick-making. 18 The elements used in masonry were based in particular on the bipedalis, sesquipedalis, and bessalis, squares of c. 59.2, 44.4 and 19.7 cm. or two feet, one and a half feet and two-thirds of a foot on a side respectively. Bricks, especially in the smaller sizes, were regularly cut, once again to standard dimensions, for use in masonry. Elsewhere, including parts of central Italy, bricks did not always conform to the standards of Rome. !? As the standing walls of the villa were made essentially of stone with occcasional broken pan and cover tiles as well as a few.bits of pottery and the only use of bricks attested was found in the large blocks of fallen masonry attributed to the base of the depressed pyramidal vault of Room 4, masonry bricks should be considered to some extent as specialized items at Poggio Gramignano, like the bricks used in columns, arches and floors. They show little sign of standardization. Although three types were distinguished in the architectural analysis of the only point where bricks were used, the scattered bricks examined here are more various in size and only one seems to correspond to a type from the architectural analysis (see Part One, Chapter 5).

15 SMALL

1994, p. 130, notes the importance of imbrices as an indication of roofing because, unlike pan-tiles, they were

not attractive'for re-use in walling and are unlikely to have been salvaged. 16 CELUZZA 1985, p. 34; PACETTI 1989, pp. 108-109. 17 BLAKE

1947, pp. 292-298; LucLI 1957, pp. 529-541

and 544-546.

18 LUGLI 1957, pp. 542-544; BERTI 1987, pp. 895-899. 19 BLAKE

376

1947 p. 291;

LucLI

1957, pp.

535

and

548-549;

CELUZZA

1985,

pp.

34-35.

Sometimes it is possible to discern Roman measurements in the bricks found at Poggio Gramignano. One broken brick in Fabric 1 (mineralogical specimen n. 44), from an unstratified locus, corresponding to Type 1 in the architectural discussion, measures 44 cm., i.e. c. one and a half feet, on one side and 5 cm. in thickness. Two bricks, from unstratified loci, measure 18 cm. in length, i.e. close to a bes, and 2-2.5 cm. in thickness, with widths of 7.5-8 cm. in one case (fig. 272 E) and 9-9.5

cm. in the other (fig. 272 F). Another broken brick, from an unstratified locus measures 19 cm., again close to a bes, in length and 3 cm. in thickness (fig. 272 G). In other cases the connection with Roman measurements is not immediately evident. One brick, from an unstratified locus is 25 cm. long, 11 cm. wide and 3 cm. thick. A broken brick, also from an unstratified locus, seems to belong to the same size, as it is 11 cm. wide and 2.5-3 cm. thick. Another, from Locus 007 of Period V, measures 25 cm. in width and 3 cm. in thickness.

3.4. Tegulae mammatae (fig. 273 H) Tegulae mammatae have protuberances on one side. 2° They were used to create a hollow space along walls in order to protect plaster or other claddings from humidity or to permit the circulation of hot air. The most common sort presents four tronco-conical protuberances near the corners. The tegulae mammatae from the excavations at Poggio Gramignano all appear to belong to the same type. The protuberances are all tronco-conical. They all present small holes that pierce them and the tile itself, serving in fixing the tegulae to the wall. ?! What evidence there is indicates that the protuberances stood near the corners. Thus, these tegulae mammatae belong to the most common type. Two tegulae, in Fabric 2, lack the protuberances except for their attachments but show two edges. In one case the attachment stands 6.5-7 cm. from each edge, in the other 7-8 cm. They both come

from M50a/b, Locus 703, a Period V locus. One provided mineralogical specimen n. 46. Only one tegula mammata, in Fabric 2, preserves the protuberance attached to the tegulae. On it the protuberance measures 8 cm. beyond the tegula, which itself is 3 cm. thick. It comes from a Period V locus: M50a,

Locus

1105.

Three completely preserved protuberances, in Fabric 2, also measure 8 cm. in height. ?? They come from Period V loci: M50d, Locus 408; M50a/b, Locus 701; M50a/b, Locus 708.

3.5. Bricks for Columns Bricks in the shape of a section of a circle were used to build columns and engaged columns that were normally covered with plaster. 23 They could be cut from other sorts of heavy terracotta: tiles,

20 Cf. LUGLI 1957, pp. 550 and 581 for the form and use of these elements; also PACETTI 1989, p. 109. 21 For similar pierced protuberances cf. PACETTI 1989, p. 109; FRANCOISE VILLEDIEU, Turris Libisonis. Fouille d'un site romain

tardif à Porto

Torres,

Sardaigne

(BAR

International

Series

224)

(Oxford:

1984) p. 218;

GUGLELMO

MAETZKE,

“Porto

Torres (Sassari) - Tomba paleocristiana con rivestimento in mosaico,” NSc Serie VIII, XX (1966), pp. 359-360 with fig. 7; GENNARO PESCE, “Il primo scavo di Tharro (anno

1956),” Studi Sardi XTV-XV.1

(1956-1957) 323-324. The last notes the use of

pierced protuberances in some areas and not in others, which could go back to different handicraft traditions; he also suggests an alternative explanation of the pierced protuberances as favoring the penetration of heat, which does not seem likely, at least in the case of the material from Poggio Gramignano. 2 In this detail the Poggio Gramignano finds differ from what Lugli indicates as the norm of 4-5 cm. of protuberance:

Lugli 1957, p. 581.

23 LucLI 1957, pp. 551 and 574-575; SMALL 1994, p. 141.

377

bricks and dolia or dolia lids. 24 They were also made especially in molds: bricks made, for example, four at a time are known. ?5 Column bricks have been identified at Poggio Gramignano both in the architectural analysis, where two sorts were found (one consisting of an eighth of a circle and the other of a quarter) and called type 4, and as single finds. The most usual case appears to be mold-made column bricks with an eighth of a circle (Type D of the architectural analysis), measuring 20-21 cm. on the sides and c. 3 cm. in thickness (fig. 273 I). They correspond to the eighth of a circle version of type 4 in the architectural analysis. They are all in Fabric 1. There are well preserved pieces from Period V loci: N50c, Locus 007: mineralogical specimen n. 42; M49d, Locus 470. There are also smaller mold-made column bricks (Type A of the architectural analysis) making

up an eighth of a circle, once again in Fabric 1 (fig. 273 J). They measure c. 13 cm. on a side and c. 3 cm in height. Well preserved examples come from an unstratified locus and a Period V locus:

N50c, Locus 259. Another type of one eighth circle column brick was found in unstratified loci in Room 4, again in Fabric 2. It measured c. 16.5 cms on a side and was 3 cms thick (Type B of the architectural analysis). Quarter-circle mold-made

column bricks are also present, of the same sort as observed in the

architectural analysis (Type C; fig. 273 K). They measure c. 14 cm. along the sides and 3-3.5 cm. in height. Such bricks, in Fabric 1, were found, for example, both in an unstratified loci and N50c,

Locus 007 of Period V: mineralogical specimen n. 43. A single column brick (fig. 273 L), in Fabric 2 (mineralogical specimen n. 47), presents an entire circle, derived from a mold. It measures 18 cm. in diameter and 4 cm in height. Elsewhere such bricks were used in making suspensurae for raised floors to be heated, as well as in normal columns. 26 The piece was found in an unstratified locus. In the villa only the colonnaded oecus Room 4 features columns in situ built of brick column wedges. The columns preserved present Types C and, occasionally, A. They were originally covered with red painted plaster in a layer 2 cms thick and the bricks were not visible. The column bricks appear to have been built up in staggered rows rather than placed one directly over the other. Type A bricks were also used in the ceiling vaulting as an aggregate in the mortar. Column brick Types B and D are too large to have been used for the columns in Room 4 and may also have been part of the concrete vaulting. Outside of the immediate area of Room 4 Types A and C were rare, while Types B and D show a slightly increased frequency in Rooms 11 and 12 into which they may have been pitched as part of the general altering of the ruins of the villa to prepare the infant cemetery in the = century. At the northeast limits of the villa no column bricks were found. 3.6. Voussoirs

Normally Roman arches made of bricks present normal rectangular bricks with variation in the thickness of the mortar layers accounting for fanning effect needed to form the curvature of arches. Wedge-shaped bricks or voussoirs are not unknown, however, in Roman architecture. 27 24 CELUZZA 1985, pp. 35-36; NEGRINO 1993, pp. 218-219. 25 BERTI 1987, pp. 904-905; SMALL 1994, p. 141, indicates mold-made segmental bricks for columns. 26 LugLI 1957, pp. 551 and 581; CELUZZA 1985, p. 35; NEGRINO 1993, pp. 220-221; Maurizio GUALTIERI and HELENA FRACCHIA, “Oppido Lucano (Potenza, Italy). Second Interim FOO Echos du monde classique/Classical Views XXXIX, n.s., 14 (1995), to judge by the photograph on pl. 4 on p. 110. 51 SMALL 1994, pp..140-141, describes two voussoir bricks of somewhat greater length than even the largest at Poggio Gramignano. LUGLI 1957, p. 622, in discussing the arches of the Porta Palatina at Turin indicates bricks of this sort. RICCARDO-

378

Voussoirs have been found ai Poggio Gramignano both in the architectural analysis, where they constitute type 5, and among the scattered finds considered here. In the architectural analysis two sizes were distinguished, the smaller of which corresponds to one of the three seen among the scattered finds. The fact that all the examples examined present Fabric 1 indicates that such bricks were a local product. The largest example measures 28 cm. by 17 cm. by a maximum thickness of 8 cm. and a minimum of 5.5 cm (fig. 273 M). It is mold-made. One side presents an crisscross pattern incised before firing to favor the mortar's hold. It comes from an unstratified locus. A second size is shown by two bricks measuring 28 cm. by 10 cm. by a maximum thickness of 7 cm. and a minimum of 5 cm. in one case (fig. 273 N) and c. 3.5 cm. in the other. Both present the same sort of incised crisscross pattern as the largest brick and also come from molds. Both come from unstratified loci. Two more mold-made voussoirs belong to a third size. They measure 22 cm. by 11 or 12 cm. by a maximum thickness of 5 cm. and a minimum of 3.5 cm (fig. 273 O). These dimensions correspond to those of the smaller voussoirs observed in the architectural analysis. Unlike the others these voussoirs do not present any incised pattern. Both were found in unstratified loci. 3.7. Flooring Bricks (fig. 273 Q) The most common sort of brick floor in Roman buildings was opus spicatum, with small bricks placed on edge in a herring-bone pattern. 28 There is little evidence for standardization of opus spicatum bricks. ?? All the flooring bricks from the villa at Poggio Gramignano are for opus spicatum floors. 3° The bricks measure 9-9.5 cm. in length, 5-5.5 cm. in height and 1.5 cm. in thickness. They present Fabric 1 in a perhaps cleaner version than usual. All the bricks discussed here were taken from molds rather than cut from other elements. 3! 3.8. Pipes Roman pipes are slightly conical with an inset collar on the narrower end to allow one piece of pipe to be joined to the next. 3? The main use of pipes was, of course, in drains and conduits. They could also be employed to create ventilation ducts, in which case the narrower end was placed topmost, or to lighten vaults. 33 They stand somewhat apart from the other sorts of ceramic building materials in that they are made on a potters wheel rather than in molds. The pipes found at Poggio Gramignano correspond to this normal Roman type. They present Fabric 3, which does not appear on brick and tiles, thus further setting them apart from the other sorts of ceramic building material. | One pipe with a completely preserved profile was found in the Poggio Gramignano excavations, in Burial 40 in Locus 1612 of Period V (fig. 273 P). It is 44.5 cm long. At its larger end it has a diameter of 10 cm. Three and a half cm. from the other end there is a heavy collar, beyond which the pipe is much narrower, ending with a diameter of 6 cm. RENATO GRAZZI, Torino romana (Torino: 1981) Tav. XLVI.83 and 84, offers good illustrations of the window arches of the first and second orders. 28 Cf. BLAKE

1930, pp. 148-149; BLAKE

1947, pp. 305-306; LUGLI

1957, p. 551; CELUZZA

1985, pp. 36-37.

29 BLAKE 1930, p. 149 sees a tendency toward uniformity under Domitian, lasting at least until Hadrian; LuGLI 1957, p. 551. 30 The closest of the bricks of this sort with various dimensions presented by CELUZZA 1985, pp. 36-37 are those of type 3.7 which are however nearly | cm. thicker. 31 CELUZZA 1985, p. 37 agrees with BLAKE 1947, p. 306 that these bricks are mold-made against the opinion of Lugli 1957, p. 551 that they were cut from larger elements. 32 CELUZZA 1985, p. 36. Cf. also LUGLI 1957, p. 551. 33 ERMANNO ARSLAN, "Osservazioni sull'impiego e la diffusione delle volte sottili in tubi fittili,” Bolletino d'Arte Serie V, L (1965) 45-52 explains the use of pipes or tubular tiles in vaults and illustrates tubular tiles, which could have the smaller end closed when they were intended for vaults. Cf. also MARY COTTON, MARGARET WHEELER and D. B. WHITEHOUSE, "Santa Rufina: A Roman and Mediaeval Site in South Etruria: The Finds. Terracotta, brick and tile," in CHRISTIE (ed.) 1991, pp. 263-264.

379

Various partially preserved examples appear to come from similar examples. One has a maximum

diameter of 10 cm., and two of 11 cm. All taper to a break somewhere before the collar. They

come from unstratified loci. Two others preserve the narrower end, with final sections 3.5 cm. long and diameters of 5.5 cm. They both come from an unstratified locus. The other fragment presents a minimum diameter of 9 cm. The end section is not as drastically reduced with respect to the main part of the pipe, nor is the collar as heavy, as on the complete profile. 3^ This piece comes from M50b, Locus 1311, a Period V locus and provides mineralogical specimen n. 48. 4. CONCLUSIONS

Some ceramic building elements used at Poggio Gramignano, those in Fabric 2, were imported. Tegular mammatae appear always to have been brought in from outside the area. Likewise some of the pan tiles and the possible suspensura column brick were not local. In the case of the tegulae mammatae and conceivably of the possible suspensura brick it is possible to imagine that these items were foreign to the local tradition and therefore had to be imported. The local brick-makers produced a striking variety of types, in Fabric 1 for the mold-made items and in Fabric 3 for the wheel-made pipes. They made pan tiles of ordinary and special shapes and cover tiles for roofs. It should be noted that stamped pan-tile fragments exist in equivalent fabrics to Fabric 1 and are therefore to be considered local: There were local masonry bricks, column bricks

and even voussoirs for the elevation. The flooring bricks and pipes for drains and conduits were also local products. Obviously, the villa of Poggio Gramignano had access to a flourishing brick and tile production. The evidence of wasters suggests that there was even a kiln in the vicinity of the villa. The local brick and tile production is all the more interesting as it appears to be of greater than local importance commercially. Epigraphic studies have already suggested that this part of the Tiber valley comes within the limits of the area supplying stamped products to Rome. 35 Fabric studies of stamped and unstamped brick and tile will do much to clarify problems of provenience that epigraphic analysis alone can not resolve. In this way the stamped pieces can be seen also in the context of the entire range of products of which they form a part. Appendix A: Column Bricks from the Villa The room in types (A through of Type A and C soundings made Room

which each column brick was found was recorded in an effort to determine which D) were most common to which areas of the villa. The chart does not include those found in situ in Room 4. The indications Room 4 and 5, 5 and 6, or 11-12 refer to which overlapped two rooms. Column Type A

|

o

B

C

D

3

0

14

0

5

4

120

61

288

59

4 and 5 5

1 1

3 0

3 1

3 3

5 and 6

0

6

5

4

8 9 10

6 0 0

4 1 1

6 0 1

3 0 4

11 and 12

2

7

0

7 ARCHER

MARTIN

I

34 CELUZZA 1985, type 3.3, p. 36 is similar in form although larger in size.

|

35 MARIA ANTONIETTA TOMEI, “Territorio Narnese-Ternano-Amerino,” in DORICA MANCONI, MARIA ANTONIETTA TOMEI (a cura di) Ville e Insediamenti rustici di eta romana in Umbria (Perugia: 1983) p. 195; STEINBY 1973-1974, p. 238.

380

CHAPTER

14

BOLLI LATERIZI

Durante gli scavi del 1988-1991 sono stati rinvenuti trenta laterizi bollati, composti tutti da tegole, più

o meno

frammentarie, che rappresentano circa lo 0,38% di esemplari bollati sul totale di un

numero di 7859 frammenti di tegole raccolti. Tutti i laterizi bollati sono prodotti da figlinae urbanae | e si distribuiscono in tre gruppi cronologici: 1) metà del I sec. d. C.-fine del I sec. d. C., con una concentrazione in età domizianea: 5 bolli, di cui

uno relativo alle figlinae Macedonianae, uno alle figlinae Viccianae, 3 a Sex. Annius Aphrodisius. 2) metà del II sec. d. C.: un bollo delle figlinae degli Asinii. 3) fine del II sec. d. C.-inizio del III sec. d. C.: 22 bolli, di cui 3 relativi alle figlinae Propetianae, 3 alle figlinae Salareses, 16 alle figlinae Publilianae, quest'ultime con tre tipi diversi di bollo. A questi vanno aggiunti un bollo non identificabile (n. 10), ma comunque databile, in base alla forma, alla fine del II sec. d. C. e un bollo figurato anepigrafe del III sec. d. C. (n. 11) (Tabella 1). TaBELLA 1. Bolli laterizi. Indici di presenza articolati per cronologia, figlinae e tipi

20 —

6

is []

da SU.

Seconda metà I sec. d. C.

v Sw

1. E. Macedonianae (CIL, XV, 283)

Il

2. F. Viccianae (CIL, XV, 661a)

3. S. Annius Aphr. (CIL, XV, 7952)

pru

10

ur 7]

E Fux

ΨΩ ^ un

Metà II sec. d. C.

4. Ed. Asinii (CIL, XV, 862)

“|

V

Er

Fine II sec. d. C.-inizio III sec. d. C. 5. F. Propetianae (CIL, XV, 416)

5 — 3

6. F. Publilianae (CIL, XV, 427a, 430, 433) 7. F. Salareses (CIL, XV, 526), 8. Non identificato

1

9. anepigrafe

0—

{2 [

|

5

pu ae A

4

a 7 PS unu "^ ns EM LALA CALA + 3, 2 AAA

]

! Per il vasto senso di tale definizione: M. STEINBY, "La diffusione dell'opus doliare urbano," in AA. VV. Merci, mercati e scambi nel Mediterraneo. Società romana e produzione schiavistica Il (a cura di A. Giardina e A. Schiavone) (Bari: 1981) pp. 237-240; M. STEINBY, “La cronologia delle figlinae doliari urbane dalla fine dell’età repubblicana fino all’inizio del III sec.,” BullCom 84 (1974-1975) 12-13. Si cfr. anche: J. P. MonEL, "La topographie de l'artisanat et du commerce dans la Rome antique," in AA. VV. L'Urbs. Espace urbain et histoire Ier siècle avant J. C.-IIIe siècle après J. C. Collection de l'École Francaise de Rome 98 (Atti Convegno Roma 1985) (Roma: 1987) 129-131. Le fotografie sono state eseguite dal sig. Valentino Pescari, il disegno della tegola dalla sig.ra Simonetta Agabitini, rispettivamente fotografo e disegnatrice della Soprintendenza Archeologica per l'Umbria. Le tabelle sono state elaborate da chi scrive.

381

Fra tutti i dieci tipi di bolli attestati, sei sono replicati in più esemplari. Grazie alla disponibilità di più esemplari, si è constatato una variazione cromatica dell'impasto fra le tegole bollate dalla stessa officina (CIL, XV, 430, 433, 526), la prevalenza, fra tutti, dell’impasto 1 (Tabella 2) e l’uso di tim-

bri diversi, desumibile da leggere differenze morfologiche e paleografiche delle lettere, nei bolli CIL, XV, 416, 526 e 795a. TABELLA 2. Bolli laterizi. Numero di esemplari articolati per figlinae e tipi, divisi per impasti

FIGLINAE

m EO

1

Macedonianae Propetianae

283 416

1 3 2

2

3

Publilianae

427a

Publilianae

430

6

2

Publilianae

433

2

2

Salareses

526

Viccianae

661 ἃ

Sex Annius Aph.

795a

Asinii

862

4

5

i

1

1

1

|

6

ΝΣ

1

1

3 1

non id.

1

Anepigrafe

1

Totale per impasti

18

1

5

2

3

1

30

I residui di malta su ambedue le superfici indicano un impiego di alcune delle tegole bollate anche nelle murature della villa. La tegola intera con bollo anepigrafe è stata riutilizzata come piano di deposizione della tomba 40 della necropoli infantile, deposta nell'ambiente 17. Nessuna delle tegole bollate è stata rinvenuta in opera. Sei esemplari sono stati raccolti in superficie; la quasi totalità del resto era addensata nei vari livelli del riempimento, contenente materiali di scarico compresi fra il II e l'inizio del V sec. d. C., che verso la metà del V sec. d. C. colmò gli ambienti voltati 11, 12 e 17 di sostruzione della terrazza superiore della villa e gli ambienti 10 e 15 della terrazza mM

M

in concomitanza con il loro utilizzo a necropoli di bambini (Tabella 3).

La schiacciante quantità numerica (22 su 30 esemplari) dei bolli della fine del II sec. d. C.-inizio del III sec. d. C. (Tabella 1), denuncia, dopo una prima fase di ristrutturazione avvenuta nella seconda metà del I sec. d. C., in particolare in età domizianea, evidenziata dai bolli distribuiti in questo

periodo, una piü consistente ristrutturazione della villa o la costruzione di altri corpi dell'edificio avvenute in età severiana.

Ilaterizi bollati di Sex. Annius none e delle figlinae Propetianae e Salareses erano già noti dai precedenti scavi della villa? e dalla loro attestazione nel territorio amerino e ad Amelia 3. Anche i bolli delle figlinae Viccianae, con i vari tipi in cui è articolata la loro produzione, sono già attestati ad Amelia ^, nel suo territorio 5 e in quello immediatamente

confinante 6, lungo il corso del Tevere.

? D. MonaccHI, “Lugnano in Teverina (Terni). Loc. Poggio Gramignano. — Saggi di scavo di una villa rustica romana.” NSc XL-XLI (1986-1987) 15-17, fig. 10. 3 G. MANCINI, NSc (1920)

16; E. STEFANI, NSc

(1913)

114;

CIL XV, 416.

^ MANCINI 1920, p. 16. (CIL XV, 666). 5 Archivio della Soprintendenza Archeologica per l'Umbria (ASA U). Lugnano in Teverina, n. 6; Attigliano, n. 2. 6 A Nord, in loc. Pagliano, sul sito del porto: B. KLAKOWICZ, Il contado orvietano. Parte prima. Pagliano ed i terreni ad Est (Roma: 1977) p. 12, n. 42 con bibl. prec. A Sud, in loc. Castiglioni-Seripola, sul sito del porto e in loc. Campo dei Morti, ambe-

382

TABELLA 3. Bolli laterizi. Numero di esemplari articolati per figlinae e tipi, divisi per settori di scavo FIGLINAE

CIL. XV

EE M

46

| M 48

| M49

| M50

1

1

TOTALE o | M51

N 49

N51

Macedonianae

283

Propetianae

416

1

1

Publilianae

427a

Publilianae

430

Publilianae

433

Salareses

526

Viccianae

661a

1

Sex Annius Aph.

795

1

Asinii

862

1

1

1

1

1

3

2

1

i

Non id. fine II - in. III sec. d. C. Anepigrafe

2

7

8

6

6

1

3 1

1

1

3

1(T.40)

TOTALE TIPI

1

10

TOTALE PER SETTORE

1

2

19

5

1

1

1

30

Proprio dalla riva sinistra del fiume, in località Fontanelle, a poco più di 2 km. e mezzo in linea d'aria a NO dal sito della villa di Poggio Gramignano, proviene il bollo CIL, XV, 1510c del probabile capostipite delle figlinae, C. Viccius 7. Significativo in questo senso è anche il toponimo “Vicci” radicato in una zona del territorio amerino immediatamente prospiciente il Tevere e interessata dal rinvenimento di bolli omonimi e dalla presenza di una villa rustica romana 8. Dall'area ternana proviene un altro tipo di bollo delle figlinae degli Asinii 9. Non attestati finora nell'Umbria meridionale mi risultano i bolli delle figlinae Macedonianae 19 e Publilianae 11. Il gruppo dei bolli rinvenuti, combinato con recenti acquisizioni 12 e con l'elenco dei bolli laterizi urbani distribuiti nella regio VI compilato dal Bormann !3, concorre ad allargare la conoscenza sulla diffusione dell'opus doliare “urbano” nell'Umbria meridionale. Il consumo dei laterizi bollati urbani, diffuso fin dalla tarda età repubblicana 14 e aumentato in età imperiale, soprattutto nel II sec. d. C., è concentrato nel versante dell'Umbria meridionale toccato dal medio corso del Tevere o connesso con la via fluviale tiberina attraverso i suoi affluenti, il Nera, il Rio Grande, il Paglia, nonché attraversato da importanti assi stradali, quali la via Flaminia

e la via Amerina 15. Un ruolo fondamentale per la commercializzazione, il trasporto e il consumo dei prodotti laterizi urbani in questa zona fu svolto dalla via fluviale del Tevere, dalla navigabilità dei suoi affluenti 16 e dall'esistenza di una fitta rete di impianti portuali sorti alla confluenza delle vie

due nel territorio di Orte: L. CARETTA, “Note sui materiali ceramici rinvenuti a Seripola,” in AA. VV., Tevere. Un'antica via per il Mediterraneo (cat. Mostra) (Roma: 1986) p. 185; G. NARDI, Le antichità di Orte (Roma: 1980) p. 243. 7 ASAU,

Lugnano in Teverina, n. 6; IGM,

F. 137,

1, SO. Su questo dominus ‘od officinator: STEINBY

1974-1975, p. 95 con

bibl. prec. 8 ASAU, Attigliano, n. 2; IGM, F. 137, 1, SO. ? ASAU, Terni, n. 89.

19 Rinvenuti peraltro proprio al confine, al porto di Castiglioni-Seripola: CARETTA 1986, p. 185. 11 Tranne un tipo dubitativamente rinvenuto a Gubbio: E. BORMANN, in CIL XI, II, 1, p. 1015 («CIL XV, 433). 12 D. Monaccui,

“Bolli laterizi urbani a Narni,” Opus V (1986) 97-106.

13 E, BORMANN in CIL XI, II, 1, pp. 1015-1016. 14 MoNAccHI 1986, pp. 98-100, fig. 4: con il bollo CIL XV, 1445b (var) di L. Sestius Quirinalis. 15 MONACCHI 1986, pp. 100- 101, fig. 8, con bibl. prec. 16 Strab. V, 2.10; V, 3, 7; Tac. Ann.

III, 9. D. MANCONI,

"Alcune note sul fiume Clitunno,” AnnPerugia

XXIII (1985/1986)

165-171.

383

d'acqua minori con il Tevere, ma anche intermedi o lungo il corso dei suoi affluenti 17, che consentivano lo sbarco e lo smistamento delle merci 18. Che nella gerarchia dei sistemi di trasporto dei prodotti agricoli o edilizi fossero privilegiate le vie fluviali rispetto a quelle terrestri, è sottolineato a più riprese anche dalle fonti storiche !?. Nel caso di laterizi prodotti nell’area più propriamente urbana, come forse quelli delle figlinae Viccianae e Publilianae 29, è pensabile anche che essi costituissero i carichi di ritorno delle imbarcazioni che trasportavano a Roma i prodotti agricoli delle ville rustiche del territorio umbro ?!. Oltre al porto dell'Olio ad Otricoli 22 e a quello di Pagliano alla foce del Paglia e a S di Orvieto 23, più specificamente il territorio amerino era servito dal porto di Castiglioni-Seripola, alla confluenza del Rio Grande con il Tevere e all'incrocio tra il fiume, la via Amerina e la via Tiberina 24, e da scali minori intermedi, ricordati dalla toponomastica attuale, come Vicolo del Porto presso Attigliano,

Madonna del Porto a Guardea e Barca di Baschi 25. Tutte queste propizie circostanze topografiche, combinate con le condizioni geologiche del territorio, ampiamente disponibile di argilla e di sabbie argillose lungo la media valle del Tevere e del basso corso dei suoi affluenti 26, e con l'esistenza di proprietà fondiarie dell'aristocrazia romana 27, che dovevano essere sfruttate non solo a fini agricoli, ma anche per l'industria laterizia 28, favorirono la produzione, oltre che di laterizi volti al consumo locale, come ad es. quelli di L. Roscius Quietus 29 o dei Catii 39, dello stesso opus doliare urbano — si pensi alle figlinae Narnienses, Ocriculanae, Subortanae, Marcianae,

Oceanae,

Caepionianae — in evidente coincidenza con la sua area di consumo ?!.

17 Si pensi ad es. al porto sul Nera, in loc. Stifone, relativo a Narni: MONACCHI 1986, p. 101 con bibl. prec. 18 Sull'argomento: A. GROHMAN

(a cura di), AA. VV., L'Umbria e le sue acque (Perugia:

1990) passim; MANCONI

1985/1986,

pp. 165, 169-171; L. Quirici, “Il Tevere e l'Aniene come vie d'acqua a monte di Roma in età imperiale,” in AA. VV., Il Tevere e le altre vie d'acqua del Lazio antico. Archeologia Laziale 7, 2, QuadAEI 12 (Roma: 1986) pp. 209, 212, 213 con bibl. prec.; AA. VV., Tevere, una antica via cit. a nota 6, pp. 134, 135, 181-182, 211; C. MoccHEGIANI CARPANO, “Il Tevere: archeologia e com-

mercio,” BNumRoma 2-3 (1984) 59-61; SrEINBY 1981, pp. 237-240; T. HELEN, Organization of Roman Brick Production in the First and Second Centuries A. D., Annales Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae (Helsinki: 1975) p. 20. 19 Cato, Agr., 1, 3; Varro, Rust., 1.16, 2; 1.16, 6; Cic., Mil., 24, 64; Strab., V, 3, 7; Colum. I, 2.3; Plin. Nar., III, 9, 53-55; Plin., Epist., V, 6. 20 STEINBY 1974-1975, p. 98. 21 C. PAVOLINI, "I commerci di Roma e di Ostia nella prima età imperiale," in AA. VV., Misurare la terra: centuriazione e coloni nel mondo romano.

Città, agricoltura

e commercio: materiali da Roma e suburbio (Modena:

1985) 204-205.

22 C. PIETRANGELI, Otricoli (Roma: 1978) pp. 45, 168. 23 KLAKOWICZ 1977, pp. 3-37; C. MORELLI, “Gli avanzi romani di Pagliano presso Orvieto," Bollettino dell'Istituto Storico Artistico Orvietano 13 (1957) 3-60 con bibl. prec. 24 G. BEGNI PERINA, “Il porto sul Tevere in loc. Seripola,” in AA. VV., Tevere, un'antica via cit. a nota 6, 184-185; NARDI 1980,

pp. 126-127, n. 174-175, pp. 147-148.

|

|

25 V. D'ATRI, "Castiglione in Teverina,” in AA. VV. Tevere.

Un'antica via cit.

a nota 6, 182-183; E. WETTER,

"Ricerche topo-

grafiche nei terreni circostanti Acqua Rossa," OpRom 7 (1969) 122. 26 Cfr. Carta Geologica d'Italia, IGM, F. 137 (Viterbo), 1:100.000. In proposito va ricordato che la stessa villa di Poggio Gramignano è fondata sull'argilla. 27 Si pensi, ad es., alle ville possedute da Pompeia Celerina ad Otricoli e a Narni e da Calpurnio Fabato ad Amelia (Plin.,

Epist., I, 4; VIIL, 20).

28 M. STEINEY, "Ledilizia come industria pubblica e privata," Città e architettura nella Roma imperiale, AnalRom, suppl. 10 (Copenhagen: 1983) p. 220; M. SrEINBY, “I senatori e l'industria laterizia urbana," Epigrafia e ordine senatorio 1, Tituli, 4 (Roma: 1982) pp. 232-236; SrEINBY 1981, p. 238; P. SETALA, Private Domini in Roman Brick, Stamps of the Empire, ActaInstRomFin UX, 2 (Helsinki: 1977) pp. 19-20. 29 CIE XI, II, 1, 6689, 203;

CIL XI,

II, 2, 8113,

17a.

30 CIL XI, II, 1, 6689, 65 a, b, c, d; 66a, b, d, e; STEINBY 1981, p. 239, nota 3 a p. 292; M. STEINBY, "Appendice a CIL, XV,

1,” BullCom LXXXVI (1978-1979) 60.

|

|

31 CIL XV, 347-353 (Figlinae Narnienses), CIL XV, 389 a-b (Figlinae Ocriculanae), CIL XV, 542-547 (Figlinae Subortanae),

CIL XV, pp. 24-25 (Figlinae Caepionianae): sull'argomento: STEINBY 1981, p. 238; HELEN 1975, pp. 76-82. E. CHAMPLIN, “Figlinae Marcianae," Athenaeum 61, 1983, 257-264. Alla luce di una recente proposta della localizzazione di Statonia nell'area tiberina, tra l'attuale Viterbo e il Tevere, anche le officine laterizie dei pr(aedia) Staton(iensia) (-CIL XV, 541) sarebbero, di conseguenza, da localizzare nella stessa media valle Tiberina: in proposito cfr. E. A. STANCO, “La localizzazione di Statonia: nuove considerazioni in base alle antiche fonti," MEFRA

384

106, 1994, 247-251.

Avvertenze. Per la scheda dei bolli mi sono attenuta, fondamentalmente, alle norme codificate da

M. Steinby nell'edizione dei bolli ostiensi 32. Nel caso frequente di più esemplari dello stesso tipo di bollo è pubblicata la scheda dell'esemplare migliore, che è stato scelto anche per la fotografia. Nel caso dell'uso di timbri diversi per lo stesso bollo, è stata redatta la scheda completa per ciascun timbro. Pur non considerandola una variante, è stata segnalata l'eventuale differenza della punteggiatura rispetto a quella del CIL. Le misure sono espresse tutte in cm. È usato il termine “frammento” seguito dalle relative misure, quando la tegola non è intera. 1) BOLLO RETTANGOLARE (Tav. 145, n. 1) Lungh. max. 7,4; alt. 3; alt. lettere: 1,2; 1,3. Frammento: 12X8X2,3. Segni divisori triangolari (?). Impasto 1; inv. 89.2300, locus 001, N 51c.

CIL, XV,283

DE [-F: MACEDONIAN |

L'ET-P-CAS[SIOR] De [F(iglinis) Macedonian(is)] L. et P. Cas[sior(um)]

Figlinae Macedonianae. Fine I sec. d. C. 34 2) I. BOLLO CIRCOLARE (Tav. 145,2) 9 bollo ric. 11; alt. lettere:

1,2; 1-1,1; linee ausiliarie:

1,2,1. Frammento:

15,5X12,5X2/2,5.

Segni divisori

triangolari. Impasto 1; inv. 89.2818, locus 651, M 51b. CIL, XV,416

|. EX-PR[AE HORTES PAULIN C V FIG EGN]AT CLEM NEG VA [LERIO CATULL]O

crescente lunare e stelle Ex pr|ae(dis) Horte(n)s(i) Paulin(i) c(larissimi) v(iri) fig(linis) Egn]at(is) Clem(entis) Neg(otiatore) Vallerio Catull]o

Figlinae Propetianae. Fine II sec. d. C.-inizio III sec. d. C. 35. In CIL non è dato il punto tra ex e prae della prima riga. Si é rinvenuto un altro esemplare analogo, d'impasto 1 (inv. 89.3110, locus 752, M

49b).

II. BOLLO CIRCOLARE (Tav. 146,3) 9 bollo ric. 11; alt. lettere: 1,2; 1; linee ausiliarie: 1,2,1. Frammento: Impasto 1; inv. 90. 5082, locus 801, M 50b

CIL, XV,A16

8,5Xx7,5X3. Segni divisori triangolari.

| EX-PR[AE HORTES PAULIN C V FIG EGNAT|CLEM

NEG VA[LERIO CATULLO] [crescente lunare e stelle]

Ottenuto da un timbro diverso rispetto a quello precedente. 3) BOLLO ORBICOLARE (Tav. 146,4) 9 bollo ric. 10; alt. lettere: 1-1,1; 0,9; linee ausiliarie: 1,2,2. Frammento: locus 001, M 50c

CIL, XV,427a

13X8X2,5/3. Impasto1; inv. 89.2707,

OP DOL[EX-FIG-PUBLINIANIS] PR AEMI[LIAE- SEVERAE C Εἰ

32 LSO, pp. 24-31 e usate anche da J. P. BopEL, Roman Brick Stamps in the Kelsey Museum (Ann Arbor: 1983) pp. 8-12. 33 MONACCHI 1986-1987, pp. 32-33. 34 LSOp. 118, n. 289, tav. LI; SETALA 1977, pp. 60, 187, 233, nota2; STEINBY 1974-1975, pp. 59-60, 110; HELEN

1975, p. 104.

35 Cfr. MoNaccHI 1986-1987, pp. 16-17, fig. 10, n. 3-4 con bibl. prec.

385

Mercurius

ss. respiciens

8. cornucopjas

et chlamydem,

d. crumenam

pedibus testudo

tenet;

pro

DI

Op(us) dol(iare) [ex figl(inis) Publinianis] pr(aedis) ACIDE

Severae c(larissimae f(eminae)]

Figlinae Publinianae: Fine II sec. d. C.-inizio III sec. d. C. 36.

|

Manca il punto tra op e dol della prima riga dato dal CIL. Si è rinvenuto un altro esemplare analogo, d'impasto

1, inv. 89.3418, locus 001, M 50ab.

4) BOLLO ORBICOLARE (Tav. 147,5) © bollo 11; ( orbicolo 2; alt. lettere: 1; 0,9-1; linee ausiliarie: inv. 90.5524, locus 464, Μ 49bd

CIL, XV,430

1,2,2. Frammento:

26X26X2/2,6. Impasto

3;

oP-DOL EX FIG PUB DE PR AEM SEVE NEG IUNIAES ANT[ ONIAES]

Victoria alata ss. respiciens d. elata coronam, s. ramum palmae tenet; ad s. ara Op(us) dol(iare) ex fig(linis) Pub(stianis) de pr(aedis) Aem(iliae) Seve(rae) neg(otiatione) Iuniaes Ant[oniaes]

Figlinae Publilianae (Publinianae). Fine II sec. d. C.-inizio III sec. d. C. ?7. Manca la punteggiatura, anche negli altri esemplari, data dal CIL. Si sono rinvenuti altri sette esemplari analoghi, d'impasto 1 e 3 (invv. 90.4150; 90.5045; 90.5525; 91.6981; 91.7415; 91.7417; s. inv., locus 851, 802, 464, 1350, 1410 e in superficie a NE dell'amb. 12, M49, M 50, M 49 bd, M 49 cd). 5) BOLLO ORBICOLARE (Tav. 147,6) bollo 9,2; € orbicolo 1,9; alt. lettere: 1-1,1; pasto 5; inv. 91.8311, locus 1652, M 49ac

1,1; linee ausiliarie:

1,2,1. Frammento:

45,5X26X2,5/3.

Im-

CIL, XV,433

OPUS-DOLIARE EX PRA[EDIS] AEMI[LIAES-SEVER |ES piscis sinistrorsum Opus doliare ex praledis ]|Aemi|Iiaes Sever ]es Figlinae Publilianae (Publinianae). Fine II sec. d. C.-inizio III sec. d. C. 38

La consunzione del bollo non consente di accertare la punteggiatura data dal CIL. Si sono rinvenuti altri cinque esemplari analoghi, d'impasto 1,3,4 (invv. 90.4164b, c, e; 91.6942; 91.7419, locus 851, 1350, 1410, M 49d, M 49bd, M 49cd), in uno dei quali, meno consunto rispetto agli altri, è pre-

sente il segno di punteggiatura alla seconda riga. 6) I. BOLLO ORBICOLARE (Tav. 148,7) bollo 11; O orbicolo 1,7; alt. lettere: 1,3; 1,1-1,2; linee ausiliarie: 1,2,1. Frammento: gni divisori circolari. Impasto 4; inv. 91.7418, locus 1410, M 49cd

CIL, XV,526

21,7x12X1,8/2,4. Se-

«OPUS DOL-IULI-THEODOTI-EQ R-FIG SAL-EX-P FL-TITIANI C-V

equus ds. currens Opus dol(iare) Iuli Theodoti eq(uitis) R(omani) fig(linis) Sal(aresibus) ex p(raedis) Fl(avi) Titiani c(larissimi) v(iri).

36 LSO, p. 146, n. 397, tav. LXVIII; SETALA 1977, pp. 50-52, 111, 218, 232, 255, 265; HELEN

1975, p. 22; SrEINBY 1974-1975,

pp. 75-77, 98; H. BLOCH, I bolli laterizi e la storia edilizia romana (Roma: 1947) rist., pp. 298, 339, 302, 314; BoDEL 1983, pp. 32-33, n. 38.

37 LSO, p. 147, n. 399, tav. LXIX; V. RIGHINI, / bolli laterizi romani. La collezione di Bagno (Bologna: 1975) p. 95, n. 64, p. 93. Cfr. anche bibl. alla nota precedente. 38 BopEL

386

1983, p. 33, n. 39; RIGHINI 1975, pp. 95-96, n. 65.

Figlinae Salareses. Fine II sec. d. C.-inizio III sec. d. C. 39. Manca la punteggiatura tra opus e dol ed eq e r della prima riga e tra p e FI della seconda riga data dal CIL. Evidente è la funzione del signum come un distintivo figurato dell'officinator #9, allusivo, in questo caso, al suo stato sociale di eques romanus. Si è rinvenuto un altro esemplare analogo, d'impasto 5, inv. 91.7957, locus 1507, M46ab.

II. BOLLO ORBICOLARE (Tav. 148,8) £ bollo ric. 11; alt. lettere: 1,3; linee ausiliarie: 1,2. Frammento: 6; inv. 91.8006, locus 001, M 48bd

CIL, XV,526

10X7,5X2. Segni divisori circolari. Impasto

[OPUS]DOL-IUL|I-THEODOTI-EQ-R-FIG] [SAL-EX-P-FL-TITIANI C-V] [eques ds. currens]

Ottenuto da un timbro diverso rispetto a quello precedente. 7) BOLLO SEMICIRCOLARE (Tav. 149,9) @ bollo ric. 9; alt. max. 4,7; alt. lettere: 1,4; 1,1. Frammento: 9x7X2,5. Segni divisori triangolari. Impasto 6; inv. 89.2164, locus 458, M 49d

CIL, XV, 661a

[vic]ciANA-D-FIGL-[TONN]

[EI AJPOLIN[ARIS] [caput vituli iacens] [Vic]ciana (sc. tegula) d(e) figl(inis) [Tonnei(anis) A ]polin[aris] vel[Tonnei A]polin[aris]

Figlinae Viccianae. Metà I sec. d. C. “1. In CIL non è dato il punto tra d e figl della prima riga. 8) I. BOLLO RETTANGOLARE (Tav. 149,10) Lungh. max. 9; alt. 4,7; alt. lettere: 1,8; Impasto 1; inv. 89.2154, locus 458, M 49d

CIL, XV, 7958.

1,5-1,7.

Frammento:

13X11X2,5/3.

Segni

divisori

triangolari.

SEX-AN[NI] APHRODI]SI]

Sex. An[ni] Aphrodi[si]

Produzione urbana: età domizianea #2. Si é rinvenuto un altro esemplare analogo, d'impasto 1, inv. 89.2741, locus 601, M 50.

39 Cfr. MonaccHÙ 1986-1987, pp. 16-17, fig. 10, n. 2 con bibl. prec.; R. Votre, “Laterizi bollati,” Subiaco. La collezione Ceselli nel Monastero di S. Scolastica. Materiali di eta romana (a cura di M. A. TOME!) (Roma: 1989) 123, n. 23; RIGHINI 1975,

pp. 109-110, n. 76.

40 Su questa interpretazione; STEINBY 1974-1975, pp. 20-22, 106-108. 4! Per la proposta dei due scioglimenti cfr. LSO p. 191, n. 568, tav. CII, p. 183, n. 535. Sulle neianae e Viccianae cfr. STEINBY 1974-1975, pp. 94-99, III. Cfr. anche VoLPE 1989, pp. 117-118, n. 5, p. 248; RicHINI 1975, pp. 132-133; H. BLocH, The Roman Brick Stamps not Published in Vol. XV.1 to the Roman Brick Stamps. Supplement to Volume XV.1 of the CIL, rist. (Roma: 1967) p. 51. Per Viccianae ad Amelia, nel territorio amerino e in quello circostante cfr. p. 2, note 4-8. 42 Cfr. MoNAccHI

(Roma:

relazioni tra le figlinae Tonfig. 62, p. 180; SETALA 1977, of the CIL Including Indices le attestazioni delle figlinae

1986-1987, p. 16, fig. 10, n. 1; E. LEONE, "Domus Aurea e Meta Sudans," Roma.

1985) p. 115, nota 8; M. STEINBY, “Ziegelstempel von Rom und Umgebung,"

clopddie der Klassichen Altertumswissenchaft,

Archeologia nel centro I

in A. PauLY e G. Wissowa, Real-ency-

suppl. XV (Berlin: 1978) col. 1517; M. STEINBY, “I bolli laterizi,” in Le iscrizioni

della necropoli dell'Autoparco Vaticano. ActaInstRomFin VI (1973) 188: B59, 191; B69. Sui bolli con il solo nome dell'officinator: SETALA

1977,

p. 29 sgg.; HELEN

1975,

pp. 47-48,

98.

387

II. BOLLO RETTANGOLARE (Tav. 150,11) Lungh. 11,3; alt. 4,5; alt. lettere: 1,7; 1,5. Frammento: 23X27X3. Segni divisori triangolari. Impasto1; inv. 89.2301, locus N 49c : CIL, XV,795a

SEX: ANNI APHR[ODI]SI

Ottenuto da un timbro diverso rispetto a quello precedente. 9) BOLLO ORBICOLARE (Tav. 150,12) @ bollo 9,7; € orbicolo 3,5; alt. lettere: 1,3-1,6; 1. Frammento: 465, M 49d

| c NU[NN FORT P]RIM PP v. 2 linea recta C. Nu[nn(idi) Fort(unati) Plrim(i ?) P()

16X11,5X2,5.

Impasto 2; inv 89.2955, locus

CIL, XV,862

P()

Produzione urbana: figlinae degli Asinii. Metà II sec. d. C. 43. Manca il punto tra C e Nunn della prima riga dato dal C/L. Come sottolinea la Steinby “4, a seconda riga del testo è stata deliberatamente abrasa, con il risultato che al suo posto rimane un anello in rilievo. 10) BOLLO ORBICOLARE (Tav. 151,13) d bollo ric. 10,5; ( orbicolo 1,9; alt. lettere: inv. 90.4164 a, locus 851, M 49d

Non identificabile

1,1; linee ausiliarie:

1,2. Frammento:

20x 18X3/4. Impasto

3;

c[---]r

Il bollo non è identificabile. In base alla forma orbicolare, con l'orbicolo dell'altezza di una riga di testo, è tuttavia databile alla fine del II sec. d. C. e ascrivibile a figlinae urbane ^^.

11) BOLLO ANEPIGRAFE (Tav. 151,14; 152,15; Fig. 274) 9 bollo 7. Tegola intera: lungh. 51; largh. max. 41, min. 35; spess. 2,5; lungh. risega 10; alt. ala 6. Impasto 1; inv. 91.7084, locus 1612, M 48d, M 49b, tomba 40

Il bollo, circolare, è composto da un anello in rilievo, dai cui margini partono deboli trattini verticali paralleli; sul centro, depresso, figura di Cerere stante, di prospetto, tra spighe di grano, estremamente

consunta.

Il bollo figurato trova un analogo confronto con un esemplare del Museo Nazionale Romano 46, descritto anche dal Dressel 47, che, molto più leggibile, restituisce ai lati della figura di Cerere, sopra le spighe di grano, una stella e un ramo di palma. Bolli anepigrafi con questo tipo di figurazioni sono di difficile definizione cronologica 48, né contribuisce in tal senso questo esemplare considerato l’uso non primario della tegola che lo contiene. 43 ESO p. 229, n. 712, tav. CXXVE; M. STEINBY, “I bolli laterizi dell'area sacra di Largo Argentina,” in AA. VV., L'area sacra di Largo Argentina (Roma: 1980.) p. 318, n. 69; SETALA 1977, pp. 70-73; RIGHINI 1975, p. 172, n. 137, p. 171; STEINBY 1974-1975, p. 66, nota 11; BLocH

1947, pp. 179-180, 273, 327, 337. Per l'attestazione a Terni di un altro bollo degli Asinii (=CIL XV, 855)

cfr. p. 2 e nota 9.

I

^5 LSO p. 229, n. 712, tav. CXXVI.

45 STEINBY 1974-1975, pp. 13, 20, tav. III, fig. 6. 4^6 C. PAVOLINI, in AA. VV. "Contributo allo studio dei bolli laterizi del Museo Nazionale Romano," RendLinc XXVIII (1973) 312, in nota, tav. VIII, 6. Ringrazio caldamente i Proff. ἘΞ Taglietti e L.'Camilli per l'aiuto prestatomi cente cazione del bollo. 47 CIL XV, p. 4, nota 2.

48 M. STEINBY, ΠΥ τοῖς. laterizia di Roma nel tardo impero,” in AA. VV., Roma: politica “ΠῚ Società romana e impero tardo-antico II (Bari: 1986) pp. 109-138.

388

paesaggio urbano.

La mancanza del testo epigrafico, assolto sostanzialmente con analoga funzione dal gno figurato, li accomuna ai bolli anepigrafi ornamentali impressi su bessali, affermatisi riana 49, in coincidenza con il passaggio delle figlinae private al monopolio imperiale, per sistono incertezze di una continuità nel tardo impero 50. A favore di una datazione verso III sec. d. C., si presterebbero, grazie all'integrità dell'esemplare, le dimensioni e la forma,

contrassein età sevei quali susla fine del specie del-

l'aletta, della tegola, ascrivibile al tipo 5 A della classificazione della Steinby 51.

Catalogo degli impasti 52 Impasto

1. Colore rosa chiaro (5 YR 7/3); duro, ruvido al tatto; frattura netta; inclusi neri, bian-

chi e brillanti, medi e grandi, con alta frequenza, distribuiti uniformemente Impasto 2. Colore rosa (5 YR 7/4), duro, ruvido al tatto, frattura irregolare; inclusi neri, bianchi e brillanti, piccoli e grandi, con alta frequenza, distribuiti uniformemente Impasto 3. Colore giallo chiaro (10 YR 8/3); duro, ruvido al tatto, frattura irregolare; inclusi neri e bruni, grandi, con alta frequenza, distribuiti uniformemente Impasto 4. Colore arancione (5 YR 7/6); duro, ruvido al tatto, frattura regolare; inclusi neri e bianchi, medi, con alta frequenza, distribuiti uniformemente Impasto 5. Colore rosa chiaro (7.5 YR 8/2); duro, ruvido al tatto; frattura'irregolare; inclusi neri

piccoli, bruni medi, di alta frequenza, lucenti piccolissimi più radi, non distribuiti uniformemente Impasto 6. Colore bruno chiaro giallastro (10 YR 6/4); duro, molto ruvido al tatto; frattura irregolare; inclusi neri e bianchi medi e grandi, lucenti piccoli e grandi, con alta frequenza, non distribuiti uniformemente. DANIELA

49 Cfr. da ultimo ampio repertorio in J. ScHED e H. Broise, Le Balneum

des Frères Arvales. Roma

MONACCHI

antica I (Roma:

1987)

pp. 130-146 con bibl. prec.; A. PROIETTI, “Prodotti laterizi,” in AA. VV., Crypta Balbi 5. L'esedra della Cripta Balbi nel medioevo (XI-XV secolo) 5 (Firenze: 1990) pp. 562-563, fig. 168. 50 STEINBY

1986, p. 138.

51 M. STEINBY, “Le Tegole antiche di Santa Maria Maggiore," RendPontAcc XLVI (1973-1974) 125-133. 32 Per alcune considerazioni petrografiche cfr. l'articolo di D. Williams, in questo volume, Part Two, Chapter 16.

389

CHAPTER

CONSISTENZA

DEI REPERTI

DI VETRO

15

DELLA VILLA DI POGGIO

GRAMIGNANO

Data la frammentarietà del materiale si è tentata l'individuazione dei tipi considerando soprattutto i punti indicativi del vaso come l'orlo, il fondo e quei frammenti di parete che hanno potuto suggerire l'attribuzione ad una forma precisa. Si è fatto riferimento, per queste, alla tipologia della Isings (Isings 1957) consapevoli dei limiti di questa come repertorio di forme piuttosto che di tipi; si è ritenuto, quindi, opportuno integrare, dove possibile, con altri riferimenti. Le referenze citate sono trovate nella bibliografia alla fine del volume. Tutti i frammenti presentano una pellicola di devetrificazione in alcuni casi di colore bruno, in altri di colore bianco iridescente. È stato possibile verificare come, da un punto di vista qualitativo, i frammenti riferibili a forme dei primi secoli siano più puri, trasparenti, di colori più brillanti e meno attaccati dal processo di devetrificazione mentre i frammenti attribuibili a forme più tarde sono di solito di colore verdognolo o incolore con sfumature, con numerose, piccolissime bollicine di soffiature ed, in alcuni casi, quasi completamente sfaldati; sembrerebbe, quindi confermata, anche nel nostro caso, la flessione della

produzione del vetro, come di altre classi di materiali, nel corso del IV secolo. I colori individuati sono: verde molto chiaro, verde chiaro, verde, verde azzurro, azzurro, bianco, giallo, blu, incolore, incolore con sfumatura verde-azzurra, incolore con sfumatura verdognola e

pasta vitrea verde smeraldo. Per quanto riguarda la tecnica di produzione è attestata sia la fusione entro stampo, sia pur limitata a pochi frammenti,

sia la soffiatura a canna libera, mentre

come

tecnica decorative è, per il

momento documentata soltanto l'incisione, sia nella formula più semplice delle linee o solchi incisi, sia piccoli segmenti tagliati a scacchiera. Nel catalogo che segue i frammenti sono presentati divisi per tipi morfologici e all'interno di questi per fasce cronologiche (la più grande parte dei frammenti è stata rinvenuta in strati del periodo V); vengono dati, infine, i frammenti non identificabili; dei frammenti di parete non altrimente definibili si è tenuto conto nelle considerazioni sul colore, la tecnica di produzione e la qualità del vetro.

La più antica attestazione della presenza di suppellettile vitrea nella villa di Poggio Gramignano è rappresentata dalla coppa a costolature verticali, in vetro soffiato entro stampo, prodotta già nella second metà del I sec. a. C. e per la quale si è d'accordo nel parlare di prodotto delle officine italiane soprattutto del nord Italia. Le coppe emisferiche, forma attestata nella villa nelle due varianti, apoda e su piede, le coppe con orlo tubolare a listello così comuni a Pompei ed Ercolano, le coppe carenate della produzione di Cipro, il piatto profondo con labbro orizzontale, anche questa una forma comune tra i vetri di Pompei ed Ercolano, il piccolo piatto con prese ad onde applicate, la coppa cilindrica ed il balsamario campanulato, per il quale è forse possibile fare riferimento alla produzione di Sentinum, testimoniano la vitalità della vita nella villa tra il I ed il II sec. Soltanto il piatto (f. Isings 97) e la bottiglia cilindra (f. Isings 102) sono forme che cominciano ad essere prodotte alla fine del II sec., continuano per tutto il ΠῚ ed arrivano fino al IV sec. e forse

oltre; è difficile dire se siano una testimonianza riferibile ad una qualche vita della villa nel corso del III sec. o piuttosto si debbano riferire ai primi anni del IV sec. Come sembrerebbe suggerire il confronto puntuale, per entrambi i tipi, con la produzione dell'officina di Lungotevere Testaccio a Roma. Di certo al IV-V sec. si devono datare il frammento di calice e i numerosi frammenti di bicchieri conici e di coppe emisferiche; per queste due ultime forme trovo ancora confronti con l'officina di Roma a prova di un legame ancora esistente con questo mercato. 391

La varietà di forme dei primi due secoli ci dicono come facessero parte del comune corredo della villa vasi di sicuro pregio, forse importati da mercati non italiani, come la coppa “a sacco” di produzione cipriota, sicuramente acquistati su diversi mercati in Italia; nelle officine del nord le coppe baccellate, in quelle di Ercolano i piatti profondi e le coppe con orlo a listello, nelle officine di Sentinum i balsamari. La caduta nella varietà di forme e nella qualità dei vetro, dal III sec. in poi, che va probabilmente

di pari passo con quella della villa, è comune a tutta la produzione del vetro nel mondo romano; non mi stupisce trovare l'attestazione soltanto di pochi tipi e di qualità non buona. È piuttosto da tenere presente che, in ogni caso, il vasellame di vetro, pur divenuto di produzione ordinaria, continua ad essere vasellame piuttosto di pregio e che la sua presenza nella villa in strati di IV e V secolo, datazione confortata da quella degli altri materiali dello stesso locus, suggerisce che gli abitanti della villa, non più ricchi, non erano molto più poveri della maggior parte della popolazione del mondo romano di quegli anni. 1. Frammento di parete di coppa baccellata; rimane soltanto una delle costolature verticali Fusa in stampo, vetro azzurro.

Locus 261 (non-stratificato). Dat. I sec. a. C.-II sec. d. C. (cfr. ISINGS 1957 f. 3).

Le coppe baccellate a costolature verticali sono comuni nel corso del I sec. in Occidente mentre sono relativamente rare a Cipro e in Egitto. Sono state ritrovate anche a Corinto, ma la Weinberg ha

avanzato l'ipotesi che si tratti di un deposito importato dall'Italia; anche Harden e Fremersdorf hanno paxlato di produzione italiana (HARDEN 1959, p. 55; FREMERSDORF 1958, p. 28) e C. Isings, per il numero considerevole di coppe di questo tipo ritrovate nell'Italia settentrionale ha supposto che fossero fabbricate anche nella valle padana (IsinGs 1957, p. 17); Hayes per il numero e la varietà decisamente più consistente dei ritrovamenti occidentali rispetto a quelli orientali discute se questa forma non sia stata prodotta prima in Occidente (Hayes 1975, p. 20); il rinvenimento di frammenti di coppe di questo tipo nello scavo della Casa di Livia sul Palatino datato al I sec. a. C. conferma, per il momento, la priorità dei ritrovamenti in Occidente (GrosE 1977). I ritrovamenti in Gallia, particolarmente numerosi in Alasia sono datati dal I all'inizio del II sec. (MORIN JEAN 1913, pp. 122, 123); i frammenti di coppe di questo tipo rinvenuti associati al materiale pertinente il forno del II periodo della vetreria di Eigelstein (età di Claudio) ne provano la produzione in questa officina nella I metà del I sec. (DOPPELFELD 1970, p. 900). Ed i rinvenimenti di Ercolano ne prolungano la vita fino ad. epoca flavia rimettendo in discussionele conclusioni della Welcher secondo cui questo tipo di coppa si estinguerebbe dopo il 50 d. C. (Scarozz4 HoRicur 1986, f. 2a). Cfr. GOETHERT-POLASCHEK

1980, p. 33, tav. A; Tomis sul Mar Nero (BucovaLa 1984, pp. 60-61, fig. 4), Conim-

briga (ALaRCAO 1965, pp. 33-34); da Mastricht:e numerosissime da Heerlen (Isixos 1871, p. 20, nn. 50-53 e pp. 74-77, nn. 63-135); da Merida (CALDERA DE CasrRO 1983, pp. 29-31, fig. 8b); da Nidda Hedernehim (WELKER 1974, p. 18); da Amrit, nei pressi di Tartous (SALIBY 1981, p. 136, fig. 2.1); da Sibari (Guzzo 1970, p. 22, n. 222); Rota 1972, pp. 62-63, fig. 53); da Russi, vicino a Ravenna (Mazzeo Saracino 1977, pp. 135-136, nn. 1402-1404,

fig. 35); da Castelfidardo nelle Marche (MERCANDO 1979, pp. 137-138, fig. 51e-g); da Vindonissa (BERGER 1960, p. 20, nn. 24-25); da Aquileia (CALVI 1968, p. 65, tav. C.2); da Joannis vicino ad Udine (STRAZULLA RUSCONI 1979, p- 79, tav. VIII.1), trovata in una villa rustica datata dalla I metà del I sec. d. C. a tutto il III sec. d. C.; da Luni

(RorFiA, Luni I, 1973, c. 725, nn. 1-2), datate I-II sec. d. C.; da Bologna (MECONCELLI NOTARIANNI 1979, pp. 4242, n. 29); da Pompei ed Ercolano, in contesti databili alla fine del I sec. (Scatozza HonicuT datata al I sec. (BarKOCZI 1988, p. 61, n. 31, tav. III).

1986); da Sofron,

2. Frammento di coppa a costolature verticali Vetro nero o blu scuro.

Il colore blu e scuro è, secondo Berger, indizio di una produzione più alta (BERGER 1960, p. 18 e sgg.). " Locus

1308 (Periodo V).

Cfr. n. 1.

392

3. Frammento di piede a disco con parete decisamente svasata di coppa emisferica (fig. 275.1) Vetro incolore. Locus 463 (Periodo V).

Cfr. IsiNGs 1971, pp. 20-21, nn. 55-56; dat. I-II sec.

Dal I secolo ebbero probabilmente origine l'orlo arrotandato ed ingrossato; gli esempi più Nijmegen, Pompei, e Magdalensberg datate al invece datate le coppe di Ell ed alla fine del II

le coppette debolmente emisferiche su piede e con antichi provengono da Locarno, Vindonissa, Colonia, periodo augusteo; alla seconda metà del I sec. sono quelle di Cipro.

Cfr. CZURDA RUTH 1979, pp. 59-62, nn. 493-496; VESSBERG 1952, pp. 114-115, tav. 1.26-27.

4. Frammento di bordo più tre frammenti di parete di “coppe a sacco” Vetro bianco con patina iridescente. Locus 604 (Periodo V). Cfr. VESSBERG 1952, tav. III, 9-18; dat. I-TII sec.

Le coppe "a sacco" sono cosi comuni tra i vetri di Cipro da far supporre un'origine cipriota; Carina Calvi non esclude possano avere questa provenienza i quattro esemplari conservati nel Museo di Aquileia; non dovevano essere usati come vasellame da tavola ma piuttosto come porta-unguenti o salse. Un esemplare proveniente da Pompei permette di supporre che la loro produzione sia iniziata verso la metà del I sec. d. C. e si sia sviluppata durante il periodo antoniniano e severiano. Cfr. CALVI 1968, pp. 68-69, nn. 176-179; da Creta (WEINBERG

1962b, p. 52, fig. T).

5. Frammento di coppa “a sacco” con corpo carenato, orlo svasato e poi diritto, tagliato a spigolo vivo (fig. 275.2) Vetro azzurro chiaro. Locus

1352 (Periodo V).

Cfr. n. 4.

6. Frammento di coppa con orlo a listello ribattuto vuoto internamente (fig. 275.3) Vetro verde azzurro.

Locus 462 (Periodo V). Cfr. ISINGS 1957, f. 44a; dat. dalla fine del I sec. a. C. 1

Nel corso del I sec. Cominció ad essere prodotta una coppa profonda, imitazione della forma ceramica (Drag. 37) con piede, pareti pittosto diritte ed un evidente orlo tubolare. Gli esemplari con datazione piü antica provengone da Locarno, datate da Lamboglia tra Augusto e Tiberio, Vindonissa (dat. da Tiberio all'inizio del periodo dei Flavi) ed alcune del periodo di Nerone da Colonia, Este e Nijmegen; poco piü tarda una coppa simile rinvenuta a Cividale ed una seconda ritrovata nello scavo di una villa rustica a Joannis vicino ad Udine;

decisamente piü tarda, forse una sopravvivenza,

la

coppa di Julich datata al IV sec. Numerosi sono gli esempi che provengono da Pompei ed Ercolano; la presenza di una coppa di questo tipo in una pittura della villa di Publius Fannius Synistor, vicino a Boscoreale, pittura datata intorno al 50-30 a. C. ne anticipa la datazione alla fine del I sec. a. C. Alla fine del I sec. d. C. Sono invece datate tre coppe trovate ad Ell, Nilestraat ed a Cartagine; frammenti di vasi di questa forma sono stati ritrovati a Luni nell'area del Grande Tempio e nella zona del Foro, ed una coppa datata al terzo quarto del I sec. Proviene dal Cimitero di Litlington attribuita a fabbrica renana o italiana. Anche la tomba 22 della necropoli di San Donato ad Urbino ha restituito una coppa simile che l'associazione con altri elementi di corredo, compresa una lucerna a canale chiuso data alla fine del II sec. d. C. È un vaso conosciuto sopratutto in Occidente per il quale è possibile ipotizzare un'origine italiana. 393

Cfr. MORIN JEAN 1913, f. 84, p. 128; Isincs 1971, pp. 20-21, nn. 55-56, fig. 3 e 4; p. 79 n. 148, fig. 19; Haves 1975, pp. 153-154, n. 639, fig. 21, tav. 40; BourRIAU-LIVERSIDGE-NICHOLLS 1978, pp. 36-37, n. 65b; da Cividale (ZuccoLo 1982, p. 35, fig. 12A); da Joannis (STRAZZULLA RUSCONI 1979, p. 80, tav. VII.2); da Julich (Gross 1975, p. 336, fig. 19); da Ercolano (Scatozza HonicHT 1986, f. 84, pp. 32-35, nn. 19-31, tav. XIII e XXVI); GRosE 1977, pp. 28-29; ROFFIA, Luni I, cc. 469-470, tav. 81. 10-12; cc. 725-726, tav. 215. 1 e 8; Massari, Luni II, p. 549, gruppo 10.

7. Frammento di bordo a listello ribattuto e vuoto internamente di grossa coppa emisferica con piede ad anello (fig. 275.4) Vetro verde azzurro.

Locus 401 (Periodo V). Cfr. n. 6.

8. Frammento di bordo a listello vuoto internamente di grossa coppa emisferica con piede ad anello (fig. 275.5) Vetro azzurro.

Locus 023 (Periodo V). Cfr. n. 6.

9. Frammento di tesa di piccolo piatto con prese ondulate sul bordo (Tav. 153) " Vetro incolore con patina bianca iridescente. Locus 1003 (Periodo V) Cfr. IsiNGS 1957, f. 43; dat. fine I sec.

La Isings cita soltanto tre ritrovamenti: da Locarno (tra Nerone e Vespasiano), Giubiasco (metà

del I sec.), Kleinwaresdorf (Adriano-Antonino). A questi si possono aggiungere le coppe di Luni, datate dalla metà del I al II sec., Tipasa (la datazione

é data

dall'associazione

ad una

moneta

di Marco

Aurelio

e Lucio

Vero),

Cipro,

Samaria

Sebaste, Settefinestre; ad Urbino nella tomba ad inumazione 81 della necropoli romana di S. Donato, due ciotole di questa forma erano collocate a destra del corpo (dat. alla fine del I sec.), nella stessa necropoli, un'altra, nella tomba 89 datata all'inizio del II sec. Cfr. Haves 1975, p. 64; da Monte Moliao (ALARCAO 1968, p. 16); da Cipro (VESSBERG 1952, p. 116); da Samaria (CRowroor- 1957, p. 415); da Tipasa (LANCEL 1967, p. 94); da Portorecanati (MERCANDO 1979, p. 234); da

Urbino (MERCANDO 1982, pp. 215-216, t. 81; pp. 223-225, t. 89; p. 228; da Luni (ROFFIA, Luni II, p. 280 e 552);

da Settefinestre (DE Tommaso 1985, tav. 46.10-12).

10. Frammento di bordo e tesa di coppa emisferica su piede Vetro incolore con patina di giacitura bianca iridescente. Locus

1003 (Periodo V).

.

_ Cfr. Isings 1957, f. 42a; dat. I-II sec. d. C. con prolungamento fino al IV.

Ad imitazione del vasellame metallico ed in terra sigillata (Drag. 35) già alla fine del I sec. furono prodotte delle coppe profonde, con piede ad anello ed un bordo decisamente svasato a formare un labbro piatto rifinito con l'orlo tubolare o arrotondato. Sono molto frequenti tra i ritrovamenti di Pompei ed Ercolano; la Isings dà una serie di altri ritrovamenti tutti in siti occidentali e databili in un arco cronologico dal I alla fine del II sec. d. C.; altre ancora sono state ritrovate ad Este, Esch, Apt, Colonia, Magdalensberg, in Portogallo, a Cipro, a Urbino, a Castelfranco nelle Marche, a Settefinestre; numerose a Tipasa datate dall'inizio alla metà del II sec. 11 coppe di questa forma sono conservate al Museo di Merida ma non provengono da contesti datati. Due coppe simili sono state ritrovate ad Hauxton Mill e sono datate alla fine del II-inizio del III sec., ed una rinvenuta a Bercenayen-Othe é datata al IV sec. Ouesto suggerisce che la produzione di vasi di questa forma non sia cessata alla fine del II sec. 394

Cfr. Scarozza HoRiIcHT 1986, f. 9, p. 35, trovate imballate nella bottega sul Decumano Massimo; IsiNGs 1971, p. 21, n. 57; da Apt (DUMOULIN 1964, p. 94); da Urbino (MERCANDO 1982, pp. 207-210, t. 77 datata alla fine del I sec. d. C.; da Portorecanati (MERCANDO 1979, p. 238, sito datato non oltre I primi decenni del I sec. d. C.; da Este (Bonomi 1984, p. 82); da Esch (Isincs 1962, p. 73); da Colonia (FREMERSDORF 1958, p. 37), datata al I sec.; da Cipro (VESSBERG 1952, tav. II. 1-3); da Settefinestre (DE ToMMaso 1985, tav. 47. 8-10); da Magdalensberg (CzuRDA

RurH 1979, pp. 57-58); da Monte Moliao in Portogallo; ALARCAO 1968, p. 21); da Tipasa (LANCEL 1967, p. 24); da Merida (CALDERA DE CasTRO 1983, pp. 31-32); da Hauxton Mill (BouRRIAU-LIVERSIDGE-NICHOLLS Bercenay-en-Othe (FREZOULS 1971, p. 285).

1978, p. 40); da

11. Frammento di bordo e tesa di piccola coppa Vetro incolore con sfumatura verde-azzurra e patina di giacitura scura. Locus 1608 (Periodo V) Cfr. n. 10.

12. Frammento di fondo di balsamario campanulato Vetro incolore con patina di giacitura bruna. Locus 009 (Periodo V)

Cfr. Isincs 1957, f. 28b; dat. I-IV sec. d. C.

Il balsamario campanulato é un tipo in uso per un lungo periodo di tempo; esempi provengono da Locarno datati al periodo claudio-neroniano; Liverpool del periodo di Nerone-Vespasiano; da Pompei, da Siphnos trovato con monete di Vespasiano e di Tito; a Dura Europus del II sec. ed a Karanis sono stati ritrovati in case tarde datate dal II al IV sec.; altri esempi provengono da Chautemelle, da una tomba del periodo claudio; un esempio da Wáz Abu Es Safa data dal II o inizio del III sec.; da Feurs, datato alla fine del I sec. Come pure a Nimes e a St. Remy dalla tomba di un bambino della seconda metà del I sec.; da Colonia, dalla t. 16 del cimitero di St. Severin datata alla fine del I-inizio del II sec., dalla t. 78 della seconda metà del I sec., dalla t. 92 del periodo flavio, dalla t. 98

della fine del I sec.; da Colchester datato alla fine del I sec.; da Luleburgas da una tomba claudioneroniana; da Amathus da due tombe del periodo antonino; da Avennes da una tomba della fine del I sec.; da Vervoz, due tombe datate dal periodo flavio; da Frizet della fine del I-inizio del II sec.; in

Italia sono stati trovati ancora ad Adria (Rovigo) in una tomba a cremazione datata in età tardo augustea o tiberiana (MANGANI 1982, p. 9, fig. 3) e numerosi ad Urbino (MERCANDO 1982, fig. 8) in tombe datate alla fine del I-inizio del II; sono stati ritrovati anche a Valkenbengerweg, Heerlen, Marsiglia datati dalla metà del I al II sec. (Isincs 1971, fig. 15, nn. 9-14); ad Ampurias (ALMAGRO 1955, p. 149, fig. 116; numerosi sono stati ritrovati in Gallia (MORIN JEAN 1913, f. 23). Balsamari di que-

sto tipo venivano, probabilmente prodotti dalla vetreria di Sentinum (TABORELLI 1980, pp. 139-160). 13. Frammento di fondo di balsamario campanulato (fig. 276.6) Vetro verde con patina di giacitura bruna. Locus 400 (Periodo V). Cfr. n. 12.

14. Frammento di fondo di balsamario campanulato (fig. 276.7) Vetro verde. Locus 080 (Periodo V). Cfr. n. 12. !

|

|

15. Frammento di bordo di coppa emisferica con l'orlo tagliato a spigolo vivo che suggerisce una datazione al IV sec. Vetro verde chiaro. Locus 951. Cfr. IsiNGS 1957, f. 96; dat. III-V sec.

395

Nel corso del III secolo comincia ad essere prodotta una coppa che diverrà comune e tipica nel secolo successivo. È di forma emisferica con l'orlo debolmente estroflesso, spesso non lavorato e con

la base tonda. Fremersdorf data alla seconda metà del III sec. i primi esempi di questo tipo, probabile evoluzione della coppa emisferica del II sec., forma così comune ed omogenea a Cipro da permettere a Vessberg di avanzare l'ipotesi di una produzione cipriota. Gli esemplari del III e IV sec. sono stati ritrovati soltanto in siti occidentali dove non acompaiono al momento delle invasioni ma continuano ad essere prodotte anche nei secoli successivi. Cfr. MORIN JEAN 193, f. 73, trovata a Colonia con una moneta di Volusiano; GOETHER-POLASCHER 1977, pp. 50-51; nn. 156-159, 168, 170, 172, 174, 181, 183, 189, 193, tavv. 38-39 trovate in tombe databili dall'inizio alla seconda meta del IV sec.; IsiNGs 1971, nn. 43-46, tav. 16.43-46, datate dalla fine del III all'inizio del V sec.;

FREZOULS 1971, p. 285, n. 49, fig. 15 è una coppa trovata nella tomba 49 a Bercenay-en-Othe e datata al IV sec.; BILLORET 1968, p. 375, fig. 4, trovata in una necropoli del IV sec. a Le Vieux-Plaquis; da Maastricht (LITH 1987), datata al IV sec.; da Julich (Gross 1975, p. 336, fig. 19, datata al IV sec.; da Speyer (BERNHARD, 1978, p. 267, fig. 5, 4-6, datata alla fine del III-IV sec.; JANSSEN 1977, p. 602, fig. 5, da una tomba datata al IV sec.; una coppa con l'orlo arrotondato è pubblicata, senza precisa provenienza da S. Matheson (MATHESON 1980, p. 92, n. 248); MORIN

JEAN 1913, p. 126, una coppa nella tomba 2318 ad Arey-Sainte-Restitue del periodo merovingico (V-VI sec.); FAIDER-FEYTMANS

1970, p. 173, tombe 91 e 127 datata fine VI-inizio del VII sec.; due frammenti attribuibili a

questa forma provengono dall'officina romana Lungo Tevere Testaccio datata al IV-V sec. (STERNINI 1989, p. 28).

16. Frammento di coppa Vetro blu con abbondanti iridescenze. Locus 1410 (Periodo V). Cfr. n. 15.

Il colore e la qualità del vetro mi suggeriscono una datazione alta. 17. Alcuni frammenti di coppa emisferica Vetro incolore. Locus 1304 (Periodo V).

Cfr. n. 15.

'

18. Frammento di bordo di piccola coppa emisferica Vetro verde chiaro. . Locus 467 (intorno all'anfora n. 3221, Periodo V) Cfr. n. 15.

19. Due frammenti combacianti di bordo di coppa emisferica con l'orlo lavorato ed arrotondato . verso l'esterno (fig. 276.8) Vetro verde pallido. Locus

151

Cfr. n. 15.

20. Frammento di fondo con debole conoide di coppa emisferica Vetro verde chiaro (fig. 276.9) Locus 409 (Periodo V).

Cfr. n. 15.

21. Frammento di bordo lavorato ed arrotondato a sezione triangolare di coppa emisferica Vetro azzurro chiaro. Locus 456 (Periodo V). Cfr. n. 15.

396

22. Due frammenti combacianti di coppa emisferica con l'orlo arrotondato Vetro incolore con sonsistente patina di giacitura. Locus 467 (Periodo V).

Cfr. n. 15.

23. Frammento di bordo di coppa emisferica, lavorato a sezione triangolare (fig. 277.10) Vetro

azzurro.

Locus 752 (Periodo V). Cfr. n. 15.

24. Frammento di bordo lavorato e arrotondato verso l'esterno di coppa emisferica Vetro verde chiaro con abbondante patina di giacitura bruna. Locus 950 (Periodo V). Cfr. n. 15.

25. Frammento di parete di coppa emisferica decorata con segmenti incisi a ruota disposti a scacchiera Vetro incolore con patina di giacitura bianca. Locus 1005 (Periodo V) Cfr. n. 15 ed in particolare HARDEN cipata.

1936, p. 120, n. 317, tav. XIV. La datazione di questa coppa va forse anti-

26. Frammento di bordo di coppa cilindrica con l'orlo tagliato a spigolo vivo (fig. 277.11) Vetro bianco opaco. Locus 464 (Periodo V)

Cfr. IsiNGS 1957, f. 85, dat. I-III sec.

Alla fine del I sec.-inizio del II possono essere datati i primi esempi di coppe cilindriche su piede. Non furono molto comuni nel mondo romano; sono state trovate ad Este (fine del I-inizio del II sec. è l'esempio datato più antico); Ruckingen (da una tomba del I o II sec.); Worms (I-II sec.); Housesteads (metà del II sec.); Cipro (II-III sec.); Urbino ed Apulum (II sec.). Dovettero durare nel tempo se un esempio è stato trovato a Trevire-St. Matthias in una tomba datata alla second metà del III sec.,

come piü tardi sono i ritrovamenti di Cany, Orival e Thietreville assegnati da Morin Jean al periodo Π (III sec.). Cfr. IsiNGS 1971, p. 17, n. 44, tav. 3.44; CHARLESWORTH

1971, p. 34, fig. 1; VEssBERG

1952, p. 115, tav. II. 27-

28; MERCANDO 1982, pp. 127-130, fig. 11.1; BALUTA 1978, p. 106, fig. 5.1; GOETHERT-POLASCHEK 1977, f. 47a; MORIN JEAN 1913, f. 81.

27. Frammento di bordo di grossa coppa con l'orlo che stringe verso l'interno, orlo arrotondato ed ingrossato a sezione triangolare Vetro incolore con abbondante patina di giacitura. Locus

1608 (Periodo V).

Cfr. n. 26.

Ci sono due varianti di coppe con questo orlo; la prima con base in fuori e poi di nuovo spinta in dentro; la seconda con base ad anello; la prima è più antica e si conoscono esempi databili al II sec. (Este, Ruckingen); la seconda è piu tarda (IT-III sec.). A Karanis esempi di queste coppe sono

stati rinvenuti in case databili dalla fine del II al IV-V sec.

397

28. Frammentodi coppa cilindrica con orlo lavorato a sezione triangolare Vetro incolore con patina di giacitura bruna. Locus 852 (Periodo V).

Cfr. n. 26.

29. Frammento di tesa di piatto (impossibile stabilire se circolare od ovale) Vetro dorato? Con patina di giacitura bianca. Locus 1003 (Periodo V). Cfr. Isincs 1957, f. 97; dat. II-IV sec. ed oltre.

Il piatto nei due tipi, circolare ed ovale, inizia ad essere prodotto alla fine del II o all'inizio del III sec., ma rimane in uso fino a piü tardi; esempi provengono da Bonn (fine del IT-inizio del III sec.),

Colonia (IV sec.); anche gli esempi di Karanis, quasi tutti ovali, sono tardi, non prima del III sec.; Harden suggerisce che il piatto circolare fosse il tipo di moda nel III sec., sostituito poi da quello ovale; due piatti ovali con un profilo molto simile ai nostri frammenti sono stati ritrovati nella tomba 14 della necropoli di San Donato, nelle Marche, datato al III sec. e nella tomba 91 datata con riserva al II sec.; nell'officina vetraria di Lungotevere Testaccio,

a Roma,

sono stati trovati molti fram-

mentia attribuibili a questa forma databili alla fine del IV-metà del V sec. Cfr. HARDEN 1936, pp. 47-62; MERCANDO 1982, p. 258; STERNINI 1989, p. 22.

30. Sei frammenti di tesa di uno stesso piatto (fig. 277.12) Vetro dorato? Con patina di giacitura bianca. Locus 1003 (Periodo V). Cfr. n. 29.

31. Quattro frammenti di tesa di uno stesso piatto Vetro dorato? Con patina di giacitura bianca. Locus

1003 (Periodo V).

Cfr. n. 29.

32. Due frammenti del bordo e tre frammenti di parete di un grosso bicchiere conico decorato con due profondi solchi incisi a ruota Vetro incolore con patina di giacitura bruna. (fig. 278.13) Locus 1000 (Periodo V). Cfr. Isincs 1957, f. 106; dat. IV-V sec.

Il bicchiere tronco conico, evoluzione della più antica forma cilindrica, cosi comune

tra i vetri

gallici e della zona del Reno, non compare tra i ritrovamenti orientali sia siriaci che egiziani e ciprioti; ad Aquiileia ne sono stati ritrovati 40 esemplari; questo, unito alla omogeneità della forma, del materiale, della misure, ha permesso alla Calvi di ipotizzare una manifattura locale; comune la decorazione a solchi incisi. Cfr. IsiNGS 1957, f. 106, pp. 126-131 (numerosi esempi tutti provenienti dalla Francia e dai Paesi del Reno e tutti databili dalla seconda metà del IV sec.); MORIN JEAN 1913, f. 105, p. 140; Isincs 1971, p. 72, n. 47, trovato ad Heerlen e datato dal IV sec.); GOETHERT-POLASCHEK 1977, f. 51; GOETHER-POLASCHEK 1980, tav. 17, numerosi esempi tutti datati dal IV sec.; da Colonia (FREMERSDORF 1981, p. 118, tav. 2.1); da Vindonissa (BERGER 1960,

nn. 228-229, p. 85); da Conimbriga numerosi frammenti di questa forma (ALARCAO 1965, pp. 127-129); da Cartagine (TATTON BROWN 1984, n. 35, p. 98); in quantità notevole sono stati ritrovati a Ragusa, in tombe databili dal IV sec. per l'associazione

con monete

di Crispo

(317-320)

(FaLLico

1967, p. 413);

Settefinestre

(DE

Tomasso 1985, tav. 49. 18-19); da Luni (Massari, Luni II, tav. 286. 10-12); da Russi (Ravenna) (MAIOLI 1974, fig. 34); numerosi frammenti di cui uno con due solchi incisi é molto simile al nostro provengono dall'officina vetra-

ria di Lungotevere Testaccio a Roma, datata IV-V sec. (SrERNINI 1989, pp. 28-31).

398

33. Frammento di bicchiere con l'orlo diritto tagliato a spigolo vivo, corpo tronco conico, pareti leggermente convesse decorate con una linea orizzontale incisa sotto l’orlo (fig. 278.14) Vetro incolore con sfumature verdognole. Locus

1305 (Periodo V).

Cfr. n. 32. Confronto puntuale con un bicchiere della vetreria di Roma (SrERNINI 1989, pp. 28-30, n. 4.17), datato fine IV-primi anni del V sec.; ARVEILLER DULONG e ARVEILLER 1985, p. 217, fig. 330; BARKOCZI 1988, n. 110, tav. LKXIII, datato fine IV-V sec.

34. Frammento

di bicchiere corpo tronco conico

con

l'orlo svasato,

ingrossato

ed arrotondato

a sezione

triangolare,

Vetro verde chiaro. Locus

1510.

Cfr. n. 32.

Confronto puntuale con un bicchiere di Roma

(STERNINI 1989, p. 31, n. 5.24).

35. Frammento di bicchiere tronco conico con il bordo decorato da una serie di linee incise, orlo arrotondato verso l'esterno e leggermente ripiegato all'interno (fig. 278.15) Vetro incolore con sfumatura verde azzurra. Locus

1503.

Cfr. n. 32.

36. Frammento

(fig. 278.16)

di base con conoide pittosto pronunciato probabilmente di bicchiere tronco conico

Vetro incolore con sfumatura verde azzurra. Locus 1400 (Periodo V). Cfr. n. 32.

37. Frammento di bordo di bicchiere conico con l'orlo tagliato a spigolo vivo debolmete bombato all'esterno Vetro incolore con patina di giacitura bruna, molto sfaldato. Locus 852 (Periodo V). Cfr. n. 32.

38. Frammento di bicchiere conico con l'orlo tagliato a spigolo vivo | Vetro incolore con abbondanti incrostazioni di giacitura bruna. Locus

1005 (Periodo V).

Cfr. n. 32.

39. Frammento di bordo di bicchiere conico con l'orlo tagliato a spigolo vivo Vetro incolore con patina di giacitura. Locus 066 (Periodo V).

Cfr. n. 32.

40. Frammento di grosso bicchiere conico con l'orlo lavorato a sezione triangolare Vetro verde chiaro.

Locus 401 (Periodo V). Cfr. n. 32.

399

41. Frammento di bordo di bicchiere conico con l'orlo lavorato a sezione triangolare ed un frammento di parete Vetro azzurro chiaro. Locus

1457.

Cfr. n. 32.

42. Frammento di bordo di bicchiere conico con l’orlo lavorato ed ingrossato verso l'interno Vetro incolore con abbondante patina di giacitura. Locus 464 (Periodo V). Cfr. n. 32.

43. Frammento di bordo di bicchiere conico con l’orlo lavorato a sezione triangolare Vetro incolore con patina di giacitura. Locus 467, intorno all'anfora 3221 (Periodo V).

Cfr. n. 32. 44. Frammento

di bicchiere conico con l'orlo lavorato ed arrotondato verso l'interno, la patina di

giacitura non permette di distinguere il colore Locus 852 (Periodo V).

Cfr. n. 32.

45. Frammento di parete di un bicchiere conico con decorazione costituita da un solco inciso Vetro incolore con patina di giacitura bruna. Locus 1106 (Periodo V). Cfr. n. 32.

46. Frammento di parete di bicchiere conico decorato con solco inciso Vetro incolore con patina di giacitura bruna. Locus 1101 (Periodo V). Cfr. n. 32. 47. Frammento di stelo di un calice (fig. 279.17) Vetro verde. Locus

254

Cfr. Isincs 1957, f. 111; dat. IV-V sec.

Il calice a stelo &, nel periodo romano, un tipo esclusivamente mediterraneo e, soltanto piü tardi,

nel corso del VI-VII sec., compare in altre regioni. In Italia, dove pure sono stati trovati gli esemplari più antichi sopravvive con continuità, sia pure con varianti morfologiche rispetto ai primi due secoli. In Italia sono stati trovati a Luni, Imola, Classe, in Sicilia e in Sardegna. L'attestazione piü antica, in Italia, ὃ ad Ostia, dove frammenti di vasi di questo tipo sono datati alla fine del III sec. A Roma i contesti che hanno resituito frammenti di bicchieri a calice sono: l'ambiente U del Lungotevere Testaccio, datato alla fine del IV-metà del V sec.; il riempimento

delle Tabernae davanti al tempio

della Magna Mater sul Palatino datato intorno alla prima metà del V sec.; il riempimento del Lacus Tuturnae, nel Foro Romano, materiale datato alla seconda metà del IV sec. (Ma la presenza di una moneta del VI sec. consiglia prudenza); il Mitreo sotto Santa Prisca ed il riempimento degli ambienti della Schola Praeconum al Palatino datato al 430-440; a Chiusi, un piccolo bicchiere a calice rin-

venuto nel sepolcreto longobardo di Chiusi Arcisa è datato entro il VI sec. A Invillino, in un sito databile dal tardo romano al VII sec., sono stati rinvenuti numerosi vetri a piece confrontabili con quelli di Torcello e Castelseprio. I calici di Castelseprio potrebbero rappresentare il trait d'union tra 400

le forme romane antiche e quelle alto medievali; a Torcello, tra VII ed VIII sec., è in attività una vetre-

ria che produce appunto vasi di questo tipo; I frammenti di bicchieri di questa forma rinvenuti a Settefinestre provengono da strati dei periodi IV e V, un arco cronologico molto lungo, dalla seconda metà del III sec., a tutto il Medioevo ed oltre. Cfr. IsiNGS 1965, p. 262, frammenti di calici provenienti da Roma; da Luni (RoFFIA, Luni I, pp. 471-472; MasSARI, Luni II, p. 552); da Settefinestre (DE Tommaso 1985, pp. 184-186, tav. 49. 1-2); da Cipro (VESSBERG 1952, tav. IV. 17-18); da Lattakich, Siria (SALIBY 1981, p. 135); da Karanis (HARDEN 1936, pp. 167-173); da Conimbriga

(ALARCAO 1965, pp. 133-134); da Khirbat al-Karak (PHILIPPE 1970, p. 62); da Ajlun, datato non prima del VI sec.

(HARDEN 1965, p. 54); da Tubas (Havzs 1975, p. 109, n. 407); WERNER tav. CLXXX.11.

1953, p. 20, dat. al VII sec.; CSALLANY 1961,

48. Piece a stelo di piccolo bicchiere a calice (fig. 279.18) Vetro verde chiaro. Locus

001.

Cfr. n. 47.

49. Frammento

di bocca di bottiglia o brocca; il particolare dell’orlo è proprio di alcune bottiglie

cilindriche; due frammenti di parete (fig. 279.19) Vetro verde azzurro con patina di giacitura. Locus 708 (Periodo V).

Cfr. IsiNGS 1957, f. 102; dat. Fine II-inizio III-IV.

Di bottiglie di questa forma c'è un esempio da Remagen della fine del II-inizio del III sec.; ma altre due bottiglie, una da Colonia ed una da Nijmegen, sono datate al IV sec. Un frammento di collo di bottiglia di questa forma è stato rinvenuto nello strato 106 della officina vetraria di Lungotevere Testaccio a Roma, datata alla fine del IV-inizio del V sec. (SrERNINI 1989, p. 40). Una bottiglia dello stesso tipo e stata rinvenuta a Colonia in una tomba databile tra il III ed il IV sec. (NOELKE 1984, pp. 385, 387). 50. Frammento di fondo piano con piede a listello svasato verso l'esterno (fig. 279.20) Vetro bianco opaco pressato dentro stampo.

Locus 1350 (Periodo V). Cfr. IsiNGs 1971, nn. 136, 137, p. 77-78, fig. 17 e tav. 5; dat. II sec.

E assimilabile ai piatti o coppe fig. 5 del repertorio della Isings. Possono essere colorate e allora la datazione ἃ anticipata al I sec. Oppure incolori ed in questo caso sono databili dal II sec. In avanti, sono state ritrovate a Karanis (HARDEN 1936, pp. 49-50); a Camulodunum (HARDEN 1947, p. 300), nella Britannia del nord (CHARLESWORTH 1959, p. 83); a Vindonissa (BERGER 1960, p. 25, nn. 30-32); a Dura Europus (CLAIRMONT 1963, n. 90, p. 18); a Conimbriga (ALARCAO 1965, p. 76; ALARCAO 1976, tav. XXXVIII. 112); a Tipasa (LANCEL 1967, p. 94, n. 198, tav. IX.3), dalla tomba n. 93 della Porta di Cesarea, datata al II sec.; nella necropoli di Valdoca, datata alla fine del I-inizio del II sec. (ALARCAO 1966, p. 8, fig. 6.3); a Nieuwenhagen (Isincs 1971, pp. 77-78, nn. 136-137), datata dal II sec.; a Settefinestre, un frammento molto simile è stato ritrovatio in strato del periodo II a. C. (PogGESI 1985, tav. 51.1). Si è comune-

mente d'accordo nel considerarla una forma della produzione del Vicino Oriente, forse alessandrina. 51. Frammento di collo e frammento della spalla di bottiglietta; il bordo è leggermente svasato e l'orlo arrotondato (fig. 280.21) Vetro incolore con sfumatura azzurra-verde.

Locus 1403 (Periodo V). Dat. II-III sec.

401

La si può considerare una evoluzione più tarda dell'unguentario fig. 26 della Isings conosciuto dai ritrovamenti di Este (I sec.), Stein (metà del I sec.), Vindonissa (I sec.), Pompeii

ed Ercolano,

Dura Europus (II sec.). Una bottiglia della stessa forma è pubblicata da Hayes ed è datata al II-III sec. (HAYES

1975, n. 198, p. 66, fig. 6) ed un altra più tarda è pubblicata da S. Matheson (MATHESON

1980, n. 212, p. 80, dat. III-IV sec.). Il colore e la qualità del vetro suggeriscono di anticipare la datazione rispetto alla Matheson. 52. Frammento del fondo della bottiglia n. 51. (fig. 280.21) Vetro incolore con sfumatura verde azzurra. Locus 1403 (Periodo V). Cfr. n. 51.

53. Frammento di coppa con il bordo decisamente svasato verso l'esterno, l'orlo arrotondato verso l'esterno a sezione triangolare; sottile nervatura applicata a cm. 1, 5 dall'orlo Vetro probabilmente incolore oggi bianco per giacitura. Locus 1304 (Periodo V). Dat. II-III sec. Con riserva.

Unico confronto possibile ὃ con una coppa su piede di Cipro (VEssBERG 1952, classe CII, tav. II. 16 e tav. XL3, sfortunatamente non datata). Un frammento di bordo simile è pubblicato da Isings (1971), ritrovato ad Ubech vicino Worms

non datato perché di forma incerta ma assimilato ad una

forma del II-III sec. 54. Due frammenti combacianti di una stessa coppa con il bordo decisamente svasato verso l’esterno, l'orlo arrotondato verso l'esterno a sezione triangolare, sottile nervatura applicata a cm. 1, 5 dall’orlo (fig. 280.22) Vetro probabilmete incolore oggi bianco per giacitura. Locus 1305 (Periodo V). Dat. II-III sec. Cfr. n. 53. 55. Frammento

di bicchiere cilindrico, l'orlo è decorato con due linee incise

Vetro incolore con microbollicine, patina bianca di giacitura. Locus

1352 (Periodo V).

Cfr. Isings f. 29; dat. I-III sec.

Il bicchiere cilindrico con linee incise è conosciuto da Pompei ma pressato in stampo. Esempi datati provengono da Cavarzese (cimitero datato al I sec.), Este (da una tomba della metà del I sec.),

Vize (da una tomba datata alla seconda metà del I sec.), Cresentino (I sec.). Ritrovamenti più tardi provengono da Cipro (datate al II sec. circa). I ritrovamenti di Roma, dove bicchieri di questa forma sono stati ritrovati nello scarico della vetreria di Lungotevere Testaccio, suggeriscono la continuazione della forma o una ripresa di questa (STERNINI GANTINI 1977, tav. VIII, n. 23).

1989, p. 30, n. 4.19, tav. 4, fine IV-V sec.; BRA-

56. Collo frammentario e spalla di balsamario campaniforme (fig. 280.23) Vetro incolore con sfumatura verde-azzurra. Locus 1304 (Periodo V) Cfr. IsiNGS f. 8241; dat. I-III sec.

La Isings classifica questo tipo citando una serie di esempi da Dura Europus (fine I-fine II sec.); Gerusalemme (tardo II o inizio del III sec.). Alla fine del I-inizio del II sec. è datato anche un esem-

402

pio pubblicato da Barkoczi (1988, p. 116, n. 206). La Calvi li definisce campaniformi e cita numero-

si esempi del II-III sec. tra cui quelli di Cipro (VESSBERG 1952, tav. VIII, n. 23). Sembrerebbero quindi un prodotto del II-III sec. con un periodo di massima espansione verso la metà del III sec. Vessberg, per il tipo simile al nostro parla di evoluzione più tarda della forma fino al IV sec. (tav. VIII, nn. 23-25). Gli esempi pubblicati da Hayes 1975, nn. 252, 255 sono dall'autore datati al I-II sec. e confrontati con i vetri di Cipro e Tipasa, ed anch'egli sostiene un'evoluzione più tarda, a partire dal III sec. di questo tipo. 57. Frammento di grossa coppa emisferica, orlo ingrossato ed arrotondato verso l'esterno (fig. 280.24) Vetro incolore con iridescenze e patina di giacitura scura. Locus 1304 (Periodo V).

Cfr.: assimilabile probabilmente alla f. 116 della Isincs 1957; dat. IV-V sec.

È una forma tipica del IV sec. e non è più conosciuta dopo l'inizio del V; la coppa simile ritrovata in una tomba altomedievale ad Onumundrod deve essere considerata una sopravvivenza romana. Un frammento

della stessa forma è stato ritrovato anche a Roma

(STERNINI 1989, pp. 22-24, tav.

1.3), datato fine del IV-prima metà del V sec. Altri confronti sono possibili (ALARCAO 1965, tav. VIII, nn.

197-199;

ALARCÀO

1971,

tav. III fig. 32; ALARCAO

1976,

p. 227,

tav. XLII,

fig. 214;

GOETHERT-

POLASCHER 1977, f. 14); a Luni frammenti di due coppe simili sono ricondotti alla fig. 116 della Isings e provengono da strati di IV sec. 58. Frammento di coppa Vetro incolore con patina di giacitura scura. Locus 1311 (Periodo V).

Cfr. forse assimilabile alla fig. 116 della Isings e cfr. n. 57.

59. Frammento di anforetta; rimangono la bocca e parte dell'ansa. L'orlo é ribattuto esternamente a formare una sorta di collarino. Lansa si innesta sull’orlo, forma un occhiello e doveva scendere

a saldarsi sulla spalla (fig. 281.25; tavv. 154, 229) Locus 1615. Cfr. Isincs 1957, f. 121, p. 152.; dat. seconda metà del IV-V sec.

E una forma databile dal IV sec. e diventa tipica nella seconda metà del secolo. Si conoscono diversi esempi da contesti databili: Mondelange (cimitero del IV sec.); Remagen (IV sec.); Treviri (databile con cautela fine III-IV sec.). Spesso avevano nervature applicate a caldo intorno al collo ed al corpo. Diversi vasi di questa forma sono pubblicati da L. Barkoczi e sono stati rivenuti in contesti datati alla seconda metà del IV sec. (BARKOCzI 1988, pp. 194-197, tavv. XLV-LV). 60. Vago di collana di pasta vitrea; I vaghi di collana sono una delle prime forme ad essere prodotte e continuano nel tempo praticamente identiche (Tav. 155) Vetro: pasta vitrea verde smeraldo. Locus 503.

Cito soltanto un confronto significativo per la vicinanza e la datazione. Cfr. 23 vaghi di collana di pasta vitrea sono stati rinvenuti nella tomba 85 della necropoli di Urbino databile, per la posizione nella necropoli, al II sec. (MERCANDO 1982, p. 220).

61. Pasticca di vetro giallo scuro; era una pedina da gioco da tavolo Vetro giallo scuro con iridescenze; diam. Locus 400.

1 cm. (Tav. 156).

Cfr. HARDEN 1936, pp. 291-292.

403

A Karanis ne sono state trovate molte ed erano usate come pedine nei giochi da tavolo; sono molto varie nel colore; alcune sono monocrome, altre policrome o in vetro millefiori; oggetti come que-

sti erano comuni, oltre a Karani, nel resto dell'Egitto e al di fuori di esso; gruppi di pedine sono state trovate di frequente in tombe romane in Occidente (Kisa 1908, pp. 141-142, 354) ed anche al di fuori dei confini dell'impero romano, per esempio in Scandinavia (Kisa 1908, pp. 212, 919). A Karanis sono più frquenti in vetro nero, bianco opaco o verde trasparente, ma sono state ritrovate anche di altri colori. Gli autori latini parlano di un gioco da tavola in cui pedine bianche erano opposte a quelle nere; a Mayence ὃ stata trovata una tegola per copertura divisa in quadrati (9X9 cm) che forse serviva per giochi con pedine (HARDEN 1936); 10 pedine di pasta vitrea di vari colori delle dimensioni di 1,8 e 2,2 cm. sono state ritrovate in una tomba ad inumazione (un piccolo scheletro supino in una

tomba terragna) della necropoli romana di urbino, databile per il corredo, per un asse di Marco Aurelio, ed un balsamario di vetro con marchio in rilievo sul fondo confrontabile con un esemplare

da Pollenzo, alla seconda metà del II sec.; Laria Letizia Gualandi, per oggetti simili rinvenuti a Settefinestre in contesti riferibili a diversi periodi di vita della villa databili dalla fine del II fino a tutto il VI sec., avanza l'ipotesi che potessero essere usati anche per ornare anelli. Cfr. HARDEN 1936, pp. 291-292; Kisa 1908, pp. 141-142; MERCANDO 1982, p. 139; da Settefinestre (Fama 1985, p. 233, figg. 140-141).

62. Frammento di bordo con grossa fascia di vetro dello stesso colore applicata a caldo; è molto probabilmente attribuibile ad un'olla con l'orlo inclinato verso l'interno Vetro verde chiaro con patina di giacitura bruna. Locus 852 (Periodo V). Cfr. STERNINI 1989, pp. 37-38, n. 7.43 e 7.44; dat. fine IV-V sec.

63. Frammento di piede ad anello tubolare Vetro verde azzurro con patina di giacitura bruna. Locus 001. Cfr. SrERNINI 1989, p. 45, n. 11.66; dat. fine IV-V sec.

64. Frammento di fondo con piede a disco probabilmente di piccola brocca (fig. 281.26) Vetro bianco.

Locus 072 (Periodo V).

Cfr. Difficile l'attribuzione ad una forma anche se la qualità del vetro suggerirebbe una datazione ai primi secoli e l'attribuzione del frammento ad una forma tipo brocca a bulbo (f. Isings 13) datata dalla fine del I sec. 65. Frammento di piece ad anello di brocca o grossa coppa Vetro verde molto chiaro. Locus 061.

Cfr. La qualità del vetro suggerisce una datazione alta.

66. Frammento di parete obliqua, rettilinea, con orlo decisamente ingrossato verso l'esterno (fig. 281.27) Vetro incolore bianco per giacitura. Locus 1304 (Periodo V). Cfr. DE Tommaso 1985, p. 184, n. 48.8, tav. 48; ROFFIA, Luni II, 1977, p. 285, gruppo 68, tav. 156. 16 e 21 dalla domus orientale in strati databili alla seconda metà del IV-V sec.

404

67. Frammento di grossa coppa od olletta; l'orlo è ingrossato, arrotondato, verso l'esterno (fig. 281.28) Vetro verde chiaro. Locus 1406 (Periodo V). Cfr. ROFFIA, Luni II, p. 278, tav. 154.19, dallo strato di abbandono

decisamente

svasato

del giardino datato alla second metà del

IV sec.; l'associazione a Luni nel medesimo strato con materiali databili ai secoli precedenti consiglia prudenza nella datazione.

68. Due frammenti di parete soffiata a stampo con decorazione ad ovoli Vetro bianco con patina di giacitura. Locus

1404 (Periodo V).

Non è possibile l'attribuzione ad una forma ma lo stesso disegno si ritrova in una bottiglia trovata a Karanis e datata al III-IV sec. 69. Ammasso

di vetro informe

Vetro incolore con sfumatura verde chiara. Locus 1304 (Periodo V).

Si tratta di un resto di lavorazione del vetro o di resto vetroso della produzione della ceramica. GIUSEPPINA BORGHETTI

405

CHAPTER

16

A NOTE ON THE PETROLOGY OF SOME CERAMIC BUILDING MATERIALS, POTTERY AND STONE OBJECTS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA AT POGGIO GRAMIGNANO

ANTEFIXES (Cf. Part One, Chapter 8)

Twenty-one examples of antefixes were initially examined with an x10 hand-lens. The majority were subesequently thin sectioned and studied under the petrological microscope. The main object of the analysis was to characterize the clay or clays involved, and see if there were any noticeable differences in fabric between the two types of antefix decoration recovered from the site: the dolphin style and the gorgon head style (fig. 60). We also sought suggestions about a likely source for the raw materials used. Petrology and Fabric

All of the antefix examples are in a hard, roughish, somewhat micaceous sandy fabric, generally pinkish-white to light buff in colour (Munsell 5YR 8/2 to 7.5YR 7/4) and have scattered dark crystals of pyroxene and rounded brown or black inclusions of a scoriaceous nature. Under the petrological microscope all of the antefixes sampled, selected from both types of decoration, are in a virtually identical fabric. The most prominent inclusions to be seen are large grains of green and colourless clinopyroxene and fragments of volcanic rock, including glass. These are scattered throughout a very distinctive clay matrix composed of frequent amounts of well-sorted subangular quartz grains, flecks of mica, mostly muscovite but with some biotite, and small well-rounded lumps of limestone. Also present is a little iron oxide and the odd piece of felspar, both plagioclase and potash varieties. The petrology of the antefixes strongly suggests that both the dolphin style and the gorgon head style were made from the same raw materials at the same centre. The volcanic inclusions present in the clay point to an origin somewhere along the Italian volcanic tract. The villa at Poggio Gramignano lies on Pliocene deposits, with the Jurassic formations of Monte Sabini to the east and the volcanic groups of Viterbo and Bolsena a short distance away to the west, bordered by the valley of the River Tiber !. Exactly how far away from the villa site the antefixes were made, whether a comparatively short distance to the west, or much further away, is not possible to say at present. COLUMN WEDGES (Cf. Part Two, Chapter 13) One was sampled (N50c, Locus 109) but it was similar in content to the other examples recovered from the site thus far (Plates 43, 44). It had a very hard, rough sandy fabric, 33 cms thick and originally light red to buff (Munsell 10R 6/4 to 7.5YR 7/4), though now with a light surface colour probably due to burial conditions. Thin sectioning and study under the petrological microscope shows a generally similar range and texture of minerals and rock fragments to that described above for the antefixes, though slightly coarser.

! A. DESIO, Geologia dell'Italia (Torino: 1973).

407

STAMPED TILES (Cf. Part Two, Chapter 14)

This group of stamped tiles has been published by Daniela Monacchi in this volume. The tiles tend to be in a reasonably fine-textured clay matrix, with various small red and brown inclusions scattered about, mainly shades of buff colour (7.5YR 8/4-7/4). Thin sectioning shows that samples from all of the groups contain a range of volcanic materials, though the texture of the clay matrix appears somewhat different from the antefixes and column wedges noted above. PLAIN TILES (Cf. Part Two, Chapter 13)

In addition to the stamped tiles, thousands of fragments of unstamped roof tiles were recovered in the excavations. Four pan tiles and one cover tile were selected for testing. They were of fairly coarse fabric with various scattered inclusions, light red to light buff in colour (2.5YR 6/8 to 10YR

8/4). Thin sectioning showed that once again the fabrics of these tiles are characterized by volcanic material. For comparative purposes one modern pan tile from a brickyard in nearby Lugnano in Teverina and three modern cover tiles from roofs in the town were sampled. The fabric of the modern tile appears quite different from that of the Roman tiles. The main non-plastic inclusions in the former consist of quartz and mica, with occasional limestone or sandstone in some of the samples.

POTTERY

Small chippings from a few pottery vessels dating from the end of the first century B. C. or early first century A. D. to the fifth century A. D. were submitted for a detailed fabric analysis in thin section under the petrological microscope. The main purpose of the examination was to achieve a fabric characterization of each vessel by identifying the range and texture of the non-plastic inclusions present in the paste. This method of ceramic analysis is widely used today to distinguish between different pottery fabrics, and in some case leads to the identification of sources of production where diagnostic inclusions are present 2. All of the Lugnano sherds were initially studied macroscopically with the aid of a binocular microscope (X20). Petrology 1. Italian sigillata (Cf. Part Two, Chapter 2) Only one sample (N51, Locus 023) was analyzed, revealing a fairly hard, smooth fine-textured

fabric, dull red slip on the surfaces (2.5YR 4/8), light buff core. Thin grains of quartz up to 0.20 mm across, a little limestone, some flecks the odd piece of chert. This fabric is somewhat coarser than samples the Italian sigillata production centres of Arezzo, Pisa and Pozzuoli 3. were a number of other centres producing Italian sigillata during the bly slightly before 4. |

2 For a review of work done in this field, see D.

sectioning shows subangular of mica and red iron ore and examined by the writer from However, it is clear that there first century A. D. and possi-

F WILLIAMS “Petrology of Ceramics," in D. R. C. Kemp and A. P. HARVEY

(editors), The Petrology of Archaeological Artefacts (London: 1983) pp. 301-329 and WILLIAMS, "The Study of Ancient Ceramics: the Contribution of the Petrographic Method,” in R. FRANCOVICH (editor), Archeologia ed Archeometria (Siena:

1989).

3 WILLIAMS, “Petrological Analysis of Arretine and Early Samian: A Preliminary Report,” in G. MARSH and P. ARTHUR (editors), Early Fine Wares in Roman Britain (British Archaeological Reports 57 1978) 5-12 and T. O. JEFFERSON, G. B. DANNELL and

D. F. WILLIAMS, "The Production and Distribution of Terra Sigillata in the Area of Pisa, Italy," in A. C. and A. S. ANDERSON (editors), Roman Pottery Research in Britain and Northwest Europe (British Archaeological Reports, Int. 123 1982) 161-171. 4 For example, P. KENRICK, Excavations at Sidi Khrebish, Benghazi (Berenice) III, I: The Fine Pottery (Tripoli: 1985) and G. SORICELLI, “Tripolitanian Sigillata: North African or Campanian?”, Libyan Studies 18 (1987) 73-88.

408

2. Terra Sigillata Chiara Italica (cf. Part Two, Chapter 5)

One example was analyzed of this type of pottery. It contained a hard, smooth fine-textured fabric, orangy-red (2.5YR 6/8) patchy slip on the outer surface, light red inner surface and core. Thin sectioning shows abundant small inclusions of cryptocrystalline limestone, mostly under 0.05 mm in size, together with some small grains of quartz and a few flecks of mica. On the basis of this pottery chipping this ceramic might have been made fairly close to the villa site. However, these inclusions are all commonly found in pottery fabrics, and it is quite possible that they may have been imported from some distance away. It is difficult to be anything other than cautious at this stage without knowing exactly what forms are involved or without comparable samples of locally made pottery. 3. Color-Coated Ware (Cf. Part Two, Chapter 4)

Several examples of possibly local fabric were studied. The first sample contained a hard, fairly smooth

reasonably fine textured fabric, buff (7.5YR 7/4) surfaces and light brown

core. Thin sec-

tioning shows frequent flecks of mica, both muscovite and biotite varieties, a scatter of small sized quartz grains and a little cryptocrystalline limestone. A second sample was of thin, fairly hard, slightly rough fabric, with a light reddish brown slip (5YR 6/3) and light buff core. Thin sectioning shows small, somewhat rounded, pieces of cryptocrystalline limestone, together with some subangular quartz grains, flecks of mica and a little iron ore. These pieces may be of local origin but the same caveat applies as for the preceding entry. 4. Spatheion Amphora from Burial 1 (fig. 265.77; cf. Part Two, Chapter 11) Several amphorae were studied and although their types are well known, the results are included here for scholars seeking comparative data. This amphora has a somewhat rough fabric, pinkishwhite surfaces (7.5YR 8/2) and red core. Thin sectioning show frequent grains of subangular quartz, ranging up to 0.80 mm in size, a few flecks of mica and the odd limestone halo. 5. Keay XXXIX Amphora from Burial 2 (fig. 266.82; cf. Part Two, Chapter 11) © This amphora has a hard, rough sandy fabric, white (5YR 8/2) outer surface, light red inner surface and core. Thin sectioning shows little else but abundant subangular grains of quartz, average size under 0.30 mm across. | General Observations

Lugnano in Teverina lies some twenty miles to the west of Terni. It is situated on Pliocene deposits with Jurassic formations of Monte Sabini to the east and the volcanic tract of Latium to the west. On the basis of the petrology, it is possible that the pottery chippings numbers 2 and 3 which contain little else but quartz grains, small pieces of limestone and flecks of mica, could have been made fairly close to the villa site. However, these inclusions are all commonly found in pottery fabrics, and it is quite possible that they may have been imported from some distance away. It is difficult to be anything other than cautious at this stage without knowing exactly what forms are involved or without comparable samples of locally made pottery. Dor1A (cf. Part Two, Chapter 9) A small programme of thin sectioning and study under the petrological microscope was undertaken on six samples of dolia found at the villa, two of them

obtained from vessels still in situ. This

allowed a division into two broad fabric groups: Fabric 1

1 — M49c/d, Locus 1400. A large fragment with clamp depressions on two edges (Plate 157). 2 -- M50a/b, Locus 707 | 409

3 - MN47c/d, Locus 1552 - in situ in Sounding 27 Se 4 — M50a/b, Locus 708

116)

5 — M46a/b, Locus 1502 -- in situ in Sounding 21/21x (fig. 145). This ware has a hard, thick, rough, coarse fabric with large, clearly visible inclusions scattered throughout, light reddish-yellow to buff in color (5YR 7/6-7.5YR 7/4). In thin section, all of the above samples share a common range of non-plastic inclusions. These consist of a groundmass of subangular quartz grains, normally below 0.20mm in size, and shreds of mica, together with a scatter of large fragments of volcanic rock, glass, felspar (mainly orthoclase and sanidine but with a few grains of plagioclase), green clinopyroxene, quartz, biotite and occasional limestone. The above range of rock fragments and minerals points to a clay source rich in volcanic materials, possibly local. Fabric 2 6 — M49a, Locus 1050. With stamped circular motifs and a row of thumbprints under the rim on the outer surface.

The fabric is hard, thick, reasonably fine-textured and sandy, light red in colour (2.5 YR 6/6). Thin sectioning shows frequent inclusions of silt-sized quartz grains, shreds of mica and, on the whole, small rounded pieces of cryptocrystalline limestone. Also present is a little iron oxide and a few small discrete grains of felspar In the absence of other information, the common range of inclusions encountered makes it difficult to suggest anything other than a local origin. ROTARY

GRAIN MILL

À fragment from a large rotary grain mill (Grid M50b, Locus 1304) measured 28.2 cm in length and ca. 10.5 cm thick at the widest point (Plate 160). The type of stone used is particularly distinctive in the hand-specimen. It is a lightish-grey vesicular volcanic rock containing conspicuous large phenocrysts of white leucite, often cracked. The sharp-edge leucites and the cavities which presumably once held them, should have provided hard, rough surfaces for grinding the grain. Thin sectioning and study under the petrological microscope shows a matrix of frequent small laths of feldspar, together with some dark coloured clinopyroxene (mostly augite or aegirine-augite), small leucite crystals and iron oxides. Scattered throughout the matrix there are larger leucites of variable size, up to about two cm

across.

There can be little doubt that this is the same type of leucitite rock described in detail by Peacock in his study of Roman mills, and attributed by him to the Orvieto region, where the actual Roman quarries and debitage have recently been found situated to the southwest of the town. 5 The latter included half-finished metae and “Pompeian-style” catilli. 6 Petrological examination has shown, in fact, that many of the hourglass-shaped "Pompeian-style" donkey mills from Pompeii and Herculaneum originate from the Orvieto quarries. However, the distribution of leucitite quernstones from Orvieto achieved a distribution much wider than Italy, for examples from this source have been found in many parts of the western Mediterranean 7. At present the date-range for these products seems to span the period from the first century B. C. to the reign of Hadrian, although as more finds are made from dated contexts this length of time may have to be extended. 5 D. P. S. Peacock, “The Roman Millstone Trade: A Petrological Sketch,” World Archaeology 12 (1980) 43-53 and PEACOCK, “The Production of Roman Millstones near Orvieto, Umbria, Italy," Antiquaries Journal 66 (1986) 45-51. 6 PEACOCK 1986, Figs. 2-4 70. WILLIAMS-THORPE, "Provenancing and Archaeology of Roman Millstones from the Mediterranean Area,” Journal of Archaeological Science

410

15 (1988) 253-305.

The quern fragment from Poggio Gramignano is from the bottom section of a meta, or lower stone. By great good fortune, a virtually intact meta in an identical rock-type and, as far as one can tell, form, was noticed on a narrow street corner close to the ex-farmacia in the old town area (cen-

tro storico) of Lugnano in Teverina (Terni) (Plate 161). This was apparently collected from the surrounding countryside some time ago by a local doctor, and set up by him on the street corner. Unfortunately, no further details about the find-site could be obtained from the people living closeby. The form of this near complete meta, and ostensibly the one represented by the fragment recovered from the villa excavations, is bell-shaped with a vertical base. It appears virtually identical to the meta of a “normal” Pompeian mill drawn by Moritz 8, and is slightly different from the “cigarshaped” debitage illustrated by Peacock from the Orvieto quarries 9. Peacock suggests that the type drawn by Moritz may have been intended for standing on a podium when in use. The Lugnano meta has a 43 cm base diameter and is 45 cm in height, with a circlar hole at the top and hollowing under the base. This is a somewhat smaller size than Moritz’ “normal” Pompeian mill, although there does seem to have been some variation in the measurements of these particular mill types 10. The type of catillus which one assumes would have accompanied the Lugnano meta would normally have been turned by an animal. MARBLE

MORTAR

Roughly half of a thick domestic stone mortar (050 a/b, Locus 1454), consisting of a circular bowl in a straight-sided block of greyish-white marble was found in Room 5 (fig. 282). The pattern of wear on the inside of the bowl suggests that this mortar was used for pounding rather than grinding. Thin sectioning and study under the petrological microscope shows that the marble used for the mortar is made up of almost pure calcite. The latter are shown as, on the whole, small recrystallized crystals of granular texture which show perfect cleavage traces and characteristic high relief. Without further work, it is difficult to suggest the exact source of this stone, although it is at least clear that it is not the famous Carrara marble of the Apuane Alps of northern Italy, despite certain similarities in the hand-specimen. DAVID WILLIAMS

8 L.A. MORITZ, Grain-Mills and Flour in Classical Antiquity (Oxford: 1958) fig. 8. ? PEACOCK 1986 Figs. 3 and 4. 10 WILLIAMS-THORPE 1988, fig. 2.

411

CHAPTER

I MOSAICI

17

E I PAVIMENTI

I mosaici e i pavimenti rinvenuti nella villa di Poggio Gramignano rivestono gli ambienti della terrazza inferiore e selezionano, in base alla loro differenziazione, quelli della pars urbana destinati ad abitazione, da quelli di uso utilitario o di servizio. La gerarchia tipologica e decorativa dei pavimenti, in consonanza con la tipologia architettonica, consente una ulteriore distinzione funzionale nella sequenza di ambienti della parte padronale fra quelli di apparato, pubblici, da quelli più propriamente privati. Ai primi appartengono gli ambienti 8 e 4 rivestiti da mosaici in bianco e nero e in scutulatum, ai secondi gli ambienti 5 e 6 con pavimenti in cocciopisto a fondo rosso decorati. Tutti sono comunicanti tra loro, allineati e orientati secondo un asse direzionale E-O, sancito dagli accessi. Di uso utilitario, disposti invece secondo un incrocio di assi perpendicolari NS/SO e pavimentati in opus spicatum sono gli ambienti 10, 15 e il corridoio del vano scale 2 che, mediante i due accessi su assi incrociati, raccordava e disimpegnava il settore residenziale da quello di servizio. (Tavv. 4-12, 14, 15; Fig. 6)

I pavimenti sono tutti contemporanei tra loro e risalgono al periodo di costruzione della villa avvenuto intorno al terzo venticinquennio del I sec. a. C. In assenza di dati stratigrafici dai saggi condotti nelle lacune dei pavimenti, la cronologia avanzata si fonda essenzialmente sulla associazione fra i vari elementi dell'apparato decorativo (mosaici, intonaci dipinti della fase finale del II stile e iniziale del III stile, antefisse) combinati con le tecniche edilizie delle strutture, tutti risalenti al pri-

mo impianto della villa. Nessun pavimento mostra tracce di rappezzi o di restauri antichi. Gli unici successivi interventi ad essi occorsi consistono nella quasi totale spoliazione dell'opus spicatum nell'ambiente 10 e nella tamponatura muraria impostata sopra la soglia musiva tra la sala colonnata 4 e l'ambiente attiguo 5, volta ad interdirne la comunicazione.

I pavimenti di cocciopisto si compongono oscillanti tra cm.

di un battuto di laterizi triturati, delle dimensioni

1,5 e cm. 5, legati da calce e sabbia e rivestito in superficie da uno strato di stucco

rosso, consunto. Degli strati preparatori dei mosaici si apprezzano soltanto, a partire dal basso, il penultimo composto di cocciopisto spesso circa cm. 6 (=nucleus) e l'ultimo, composto di calce e calcite, spesso cm. 0,5, nel quale sono allettate le tessere di calcare bianco e di basalto nero e le scaglie di calcari

e marmi

colorati (Vitr., VII, I, 3-4)1.

Il complesso dei pavimenti della pars urbana offre un campionario esemplificativo dei motivi e delle tecniche in voga nell'ultimo periodo repubblicano e protoimperiale e trova riscontro con i sistemi decorativi dei pavimenti delle domus e delle ville romane coeve e, nello stesso ambito territoriale e regionale, con quelli della villa di Pennavecchia impiantata in età augustea ? e di una domus

* Poiché il presente lavoro è stato consegnato per la stampa nel 1992, non si è potuto tener conto della bibliografia successiva.

i

i

! Per le analisi minero-petrografiche dei calcari utilizzati nei mosaici si rimanda al risultato pubblicato in appendice dal prof. Giampiero Poli e dott. Beatrice Moroni del Dipartimento di Scienze della Terra — Università degli Studi di Perugia, che ringrazio sentitamente per la collaborazione e l’aiuto offerti. Va precisato che delle tessere nere è stato analizzato soltanto un campione che è risultato di basalto, contraddistinto nelle analisi in appendice dalla sigla TE. 2 Dove coesistono tre tipi di pavimenti: un battuto bianco con ornato a crocette, un mosaico a fondo nero con reticolato di rombi e un più complesso mosaico geometrico bianco-nero e policromo con schema di stelle di rombi e quadrati campiti da motivi figurati e geometrici: A. MARTIN in AA. VV., Ville e insediamenti rustici di età romana in Umbria (Perugia: 1983) pp. 260-263. Le fotografie delle tav. 120-122 sono state eseguite dal sig. V. Pescari della Soprintendenza Archeologica per l'Umbria, tutte le altre dalla dott. N. Soren.

413

di Gubbio della seconda metà del I sec. a. C. 3. A fianco dei pavimenti di cocciopisto ornati da crocette e da tessere sparpagliate di più antica tradizione, coesistono pavimenti in scutulatum e in mosaico bianco-nero con ornati geometrici desunti e trasposti dallo stesso repertorio dei cocciopisti, come le crocette, ricorrenti contemporaneamente su ambedue i tipi pavimentali della villa, e le squame 4.

La combinazione del repertorio decorativo dei mosaici, soprattutto dei motivi più indicativi, come le squame o

la rosetta, con l'adozione della bicromia bianco-nera, l'uso del marmo,

la regolariz-

zazione di taglio e di disposizione delle scaglie dello scutulatum, la grandezza delle tessere (cm. 0,71 di lato) e il loro modulo

su una superficie di 100 cmq (201-100) 5, concorrono a circoscrivere la

cronologia dei pavimenti al terzo venticinquennio del I sec. a. C. La qualità tecnica ed artistica dei mosaici è correlata anche ad una impostazione specificamente architettonica e ad una coerenza logica con lo spazio e la destinazione degli ambienti, in funzione dei quali sono scelti i motivi e le tecniche. I confronti citati delineano una stretta comunanza

di stile, repertorio e tecniche con quelli di

Roma, dell’area laziale e di Pompei e l'assimilazione fedele delle tipologie e dei repertori decorativi di moda in circolazione. Questo codice comune suggerisce una loro derivazione da modelli urbani, replicati e diffusi su vasta scala nella penisola grazie alla acquisita romanizzazione. Ma più che immaginarli quale un prodotto di cartoni itineranti di matrice urbana, come è stato supposto per i più tardi mosaici di Amelia 6, al cui ambito municipale apparteneva la villa di Poggio Gramignano, è più probabile riferirli all'attività di maestranze urbane, ingaggiate dal committente — dominus 7, che la connotazione ideologica espressa dalla luxuria architettonica della sala colonnata 4 dichiara di elevato rango sociale 8. L'alto livello e l'intonazione alla moda corrente dell'apparato decorativo pavimentale e di quello pittorico, la progettazione di una rara quanto «colta» tipologia architettonica, come quella dell'oecus colonnato, la fase ancora di assestamento municipale di Amelia e prematura forse all'organizzazione di botteghe locali specializzate di mosaicisti, rendono plausibile l’idea di un architetto e di maestranze di provenienza urbana. L'attività in loco di manodopera specializzata urbana si inquadra del resto con il panorama socio-culturale ed economico proiettato e gravitante verso Roma offerto dall'area amerina fin dalla media età repubblicana, grazie alla precoce romanizzazione del terri-

torio, alla vicinanza e facilità di comunicazioni e di commercializzazione con Roma attraverso la via fluviale del Tevere e le vie terrestri della Flaminia e dell'Amerina ?.

3 Rinvenuta

nell’area dell'Ospedale,

zona

C, dove coesistono

cocciopisti ornati da crocette e da altri motivi lineari, un

mosaico bianco-nero con ornato a squame, già presente nella villa di Poggio Gramignano (cfr. infra) e un pavimento in scutulatum: P. BRACONI e D. MANCONI, "Gubbio: nuovi scavi a Via degli Ortacci," AnnPerugia XX (1982/1983) 92-93, 100, tavv. IVVII, fig. 3.

i

^ M. L. MORRICONE MATINI, “Aspetti del repertorio decorativo dei mosaici repubblicani di Roma," Marmi antichi. Studi Miscellanei 26 (Roma: 1985) pp. 136-138; H. Joyce, "Form, Function and Technique in the Pavements of Delos and Pompeii,” AJA 83 (1979) 254-255, 261; M. L. MORRICONE MATINI, s.v. "Mosaico," Enciclopedia dell'Arte antica, classica e orientale (EAA)

suppl. (1970) p. 504. 5 Nei mosaici repubblicani il modulo è di 120- 130 tessere: M. ΡῈ Vos, "Synopsis del repertorio ornamentale di pitture e pavimenti," in F. L. BasTET e M. DE Vos, Proposta per una classificazione del terzo stile pompeiano. Archaeologische Studién van het Nederlands. Instituut te Rome, deel IV (Gravenhage: 1979) p. 110. $ D. MoNaccHi, "I mosaici romani di Amelia nel contesto urbanistico antico," AnnPerugia XXIII (1985/1986)

197-224.

7 Come è stato sostenuto anche per la villa di Settefinestre: M. DE Vos, in AA. VV., Settefinestre. Una villa schiavistica nell'Etruria romana 1 (Modena:

1985) pp. 81-82, 90. (Settefinestre D.

8 Su questo argomento cfr. infra. 9 Si cfr. su questo argomento per il territorio narnese-armerino: D. Monaccui, "Nota sulla stipe votiva di Grotta Bella (Terni)," StEtr LIV (4986) passim con bibl. prec.; MoNACCHI, "Materiali da un contesto di età tardo-repubblicana di Narni,” AnnPerugia XXIV (1986/1987) 143-162; MoNaccHr, “Bolli laterizi urbani a Narni,” Opus V (1986) 100 e in generale W. H.

HARRIS, Rome in Etruria and Umbria (Oxford: 1971) p. 147 sgg.

414

AMBIENTE 8 (Tavv. 10, 12, 82-86; Figg. 65, 66, 68) Lungh. media m. 5,70; largh. media m. 3,35. Numerose lacerazioni in senso obliquo e lacune, particolarmente in corrispondenza della soglia sul lato E. Grandezza tessere: cm. 0,7-0,9; densità tessere per 100 cmq.: 201-120.

L'ambiente è rivestito da un mosaico a fondo nero, con tessere disposte in ordito obliquo, punteggiato da crocette di quattro tessere bianche attorno ad una nera centrale (Rép. n. 106) 19 allineate in file parallele verticali e orizzontali e ad una distanza media fra loro di cm. 5. Il campo e riquadrato sui quattro lati da una cornice a ordito rettilineo, composta da due fasce bianche di quattro file di tessere ciascuna, affiancate ad un filetto triplo nero, e raccordata sia all'interno che all'esterno da tre file di tessere nere a ordito rettilineo. Intorno corre una balza marginale nera a ordito obliquo, interrotta sul lato N da un chiusino di marmo

con fiore a rilievo, in fase con il pavimento !!.

Il motivo a crocette sui mosaici monocromi ὃ desunto dal repertorio decorativo dei piü antichi pavimenti di cocciopisto 12, che convivono insieme, come è ben esplicitato dalla coeva associazione nella villa di ambedue i tipi pavimentali con lo stesso ornato a crocette. Se piü rari nel I sec. a. C. sembrano i mosaici a fondo nero con crocette bianche, presenti a Pompei nel triclinio della Casa di Trittolemo (VII, 7, 5) del tardo II stile 13, in una villa sulla via Tiberina a Roma della tarda età repubblicana 14 e in una domus di Brescia 15, numerosi sono invece i mosai-

ci a colori invertiti con questo tipo di ornato che si prestava a coprire vaste superfici: a Roma nei vani B e D del piano inferiore della nota Casa dei Grifi !6, in altre domus repubblicane del Palatino e del Colle Oppio 17, nel vestibolo M della villa della Farnesina 18, nell'area laziale a Priverno, nel peri-

stilio di una domus della tarda età repubblicana 19, a Castelporziano, nell'ambulacro della prima fase edilizia della fine del I sec. a. C.-inizio I sec. d. C. della Villa Magna 29, a Pompei, nella domus VIII, V,

16 e 3821, Una variante, con le crocette policrome e bicolori, compare nel procoeton del cubicolo 55 della villa di Settefinestre 22, nel tablino della villa di San Rocco

a Francolise del II periodo del 30

a. C. 23 e nel corridoio di una domus tardo-repubblicana di Cremona 74. 10 AA. VV., Répertoire graphique du décor géométrique dans la mosaique antique. Bulletin de l'Association Internationale pour l'étude de la Mosaique Antique (A.1.E.M.A.) 4 (Paris: 1973) p. 30 (Répertoire). Cfr. per il motivo anche: AA. VV., Le Décor Géometrique de la mosaique romaine (Paris: 1985) p. 165, tav. 108a; A. OvapIiAH, Geometric and Floral Patterns in Ancient

Mosaics. A Study of their Origin in the Mosaics from the Classical Period to the Age of Augustus (Roma: 1980) p. 127, D I. 11 MORRICONE MATINI 1985, pp. 136-138; MonRICONE MATINI, Mosaici antichi in Italia. Pavimenti di signino repubblicani di

Roma e dintorni (Roma: 1971) pp. 24-26, fig. 3c. 12 Per analoghi chiusini inseriti nei mosaici cfr: I. BRAGANTINI, "Casa del Criptoportico e Casa del Sacello Iliaco,” in AA. VV., Pompei. Pitture e mosaici I. Regio I, parte prima (Milano: 1990) p. 276, fig. 148. (Pompei 1). 13 M. E. BLAKE, The Pavements of the Roman Buildings of the Republic and Early Empire, MemAcAm VIII (1930) p. 42, tav. 7,3. 14 P. A. GIANFROTTA, "Villa sulla via Tiberina," Archeologia Laziale YI. Quaderni del Centro di studio per l'Archeologia etrusco-italica (QuadAEI) 3 (1979) 89-90, dove non è data però la fotografia. 15 J. BisHoP e L. DE VANNA, "Brescia. S. Giulia. IV stralcio,” NotALomb (1987) 117, fig. 114. 16 M. L. MORRICONE MATINI, Mosaici antichi in Italia. Roma. Reg. X. Palatium. (Roma: 1967) pp. 24-25, n. 9, tav. IL, tav. D, 2, fig. 8; p. 28, n. 14, tav. IV. 17 Ibidem, p. 50, n. 41-42, tavv. VIII, IX; A. M. COLINI, "Ricerche intorno a S. Pietro in Vincoli. L'esplorazione archeologica dell'area," MemPontAcc IX, IL (1966) 13-15, figg. 10-13. 18 M. ΡῈ Vos, Museo nazionale Romano. Le Pitture II, I. Le decorazioni della villa romana Bragantini e M. de Vos) (Roma: 1982) p. 69, tav. 2, inv. 125526.

della Farnesina

(a cura di 1.

1? R. RIGHI, "Nuove ricerche e rinvenimenti nel Lazio costiero meridionale," Archeologia Laziale VI, QuadAEI 8 (1984) 181-184, fig. 10. 20 E. SALZA PRINA RICOTTI, “Il Laurentino: scavi del 1985," in AA. VV., Castelporziano II. Campagna di scavo e restauro 19851986 (Roma: 1988) p. 54, fig. 13. 2! BLAKE

1930, p. 115, tav. 33,1.

22 M. L. GUALANDI in AA. VV., Settefinestre: Una villa schiavistica nell'Etruria romana YI (Modena: 1985) pp. 37-38, figg. 6061 (Settefinestre II). 23 M. A. COTTON e G. P. R. MÉTRAUX,

The San Rocco

Villa at Francolise (London:

1985) pp. 104-105, tav. XXXI,a.

24 | cui pavimenti sono stati ricostruiti nel Museo Civico Ala Ponzone: M. DENTI, cultura in età repubblicana e augustea (Milano: 1991) p. 187, fig. 174.

J Romani a Nord del Po. Archeologia e

415

Il collegamento diretto tra questo ambiente e l'attiguo oecus 4 mediante gradini in muratura rivestiti a mosaico, interdetto da una tamponatura muraria successiva, e l'identità fra questo mosaico e quello dell'ambulacro dell'óecus, nonché la sua raffinatezza, anche se sobria, denunciano una funzione probabilmente pubblica dell'ambiente, riservato e compreso comunque nell'appartamento del dominus. OxcUS COLONNATO 4 (Tavv. 9, 34, 42; Figg. 28, 48, 49) In posizione di spicco per sontuosità, organizzazione architettonica e dimensioni (m. 7,20X5,10)

è l'oecus 4 a pianta rettangolare che comunica a N attraverso una porta con il vano scale 2, ad E ed O, tramite aperture probabilmente chiudibili con tende, con gli ambienti 5 e 8 e all'angolo SO con un settore della villa non ancora scavato. Lungo i lati O, N ed E dell'oecus si snoda una peristasi di otto colonne, tre sui lati brevi, quattro sul lato lungo, di laterizio, rivestite di stucco rosso e impostate sopra un basso plinto quadrato fittile, che separa lo spazio centrale dell'oecus dall'ambulacro laterale ad U rovesciato, girato intorno agli stessi tre lati. Il lato S è invece chiuso da un muro perimetrale al quale sono addossate quattro semicolonne laterizie, impostate anch'esse su bassi plinti rettangolari, non in asse con le colonne contrapposte della peristasi. L'oecus reca un sontuoso ed elaborato rivestimento pavimentale,

con una partitura e una diffe-

renziazione decorativa e tipologica fra i mosaici dell'ambulacro, degli intercolumni, del tappeto centrale e della soglia di accesso all'ambiente 5 che rispecchia in perfetta consonanza la ripartizione architettonica

dell'ambiente,

ne sottolinea e ne scandisce

le diverse caratteristiche funzionali,

in

stretta correlazione tra decorazione pavimentale e forme strutturali. Ambulacro (Tavv. 38, 42; Fig. 28, 33) Lungh. braccio N m. 7,20; lungh. max. bracci E, O m. 4, 50; 4,40 25; largh. bracci O, N, E m. 1,12; 1,20; 1,5. Lacune e lacerazioni oblique sparse. Ricoperto da crollo non ancora rimosso il braccio E. Grandezza tessere: cm. 0,7-0,8; densità tessere per 100 cmq.: 201-152.

Su tutti e tre i bracci corre un mosaico a fondo nero con tessere teggiato da crocette di quattro tessere bianche attorno ad una nera file parallele verticali e orizzontali e ad una distanza media fra loro da una cornice esterna a ordito rettilineo, che funge anche da balza

disposte in ordito obliquo, puncentrale (Rép., 106), allineate in di cm. 5. Il campo è riquadrato marginale, composta da una fa-

scia bianca di 15, 17, 9 e 7 file di tessere rispettivamente sui lati O, N, E e SE 26. Lungo quest'ultimo

lato le file di tessere sono però più numerose di quelle contate, ma non visibili perché coperte dall'intonaco del muro. Lungo la soglia musiva a rosoni, sul lato E, la fascia si riduce a

sei file di tes-

sere. Lungo il braccio occidentale, il tratto S della fascia è realizzato con tessere leggermente più grandi (cm. 1,2 di lato) del resto, non imputabili comunque ad un rappezzo successivo. Verso l'interno, la cornice a ordito rettilineo si compone di una fascia bianca di quattro file di tessere in comune con quella che riquadra i pannelli di mosaico fra gli intercolumni della peristasi. Il raccordo tra il campo e le cornici avviene mediante un filetto triplo nero a ordito rettilineo. I] mosaico dell'ambulacro è identico a quello dell'ambiente 8, al quale rimando per le considerazioni e i relativi confronti.

25 Le misure si riferiscono in questo e negli altri casi al tratto di mosaico conservato. 26 Il mosaico dell'ambulacro O era stato già rinvenuto nelle precedenti campagne di scavo, sulle quali cfr. D. MONACCHI, "Lugnano in Teverina (Terni). Loc. Poggio Gramignano— Saggi di scavo di una villa rustica romana," NSc (1986-1987) 8, figg. 2, 8, dove le file di tessere della cornice esterna erano state contate in numero di nove, invece di quindici, perché nascoste dall'intonaco del muro.

416

Intercolumni (Tavv. 42, 59; Figg. 28, 33) Lungh. lato O m. 0,90; lato N m. 1,08/ 1,20; lato E non misurabile; largh. m. 0,45. Lacune e lacerazioni spar-

se; ricoperti da crollo sul lato E. Grandezza tessere cm.: 0,8-1; densità tessere per 100 cmq.: 152-100.

Negli intercolumni è inserito e reiterato un identico tappeto a mosaico, variabile solo nella lunghezza, più estesa fra le colonne del lato N, più ridotta fra quelle del lato O. Il mosaico è a ordito rettilineo, con un ornato a squame disposte su quattro file e delineate in bianco, mediante una fila di tessere, su fondo nero (Rép. n. 448) 27,

Il campo è riquadrato sui lati lunghi e brevi da una fascia bianca di quattro file di tessere, coincidente verso l'esterno con quella dell'ambulacro, e che incornicia anche i plinti delle colonne. Le squame hanno la convessità rivolta verso i muri perimetrali dell'oecus, per dilatare forse illusionisticamente lo stretto spazio dell'ambulacro 28. La coloristica sovrapposizione delle squame, per lo più bipartite, già presenti nei mosaici ellenistici 29, nella traduzione bianco-nera si riduce ad uno schema puramente disegnativo e di superficie, che sembra ispirarsi e richiama realisticamente le transenne o i plutei di metallo o di marmo 39, raffigurati anche nel repertorio pittorico come recinzioni di giardini, fontane, candelabri, edicole 31.

Come le crocette, anche l'ornato a squame è cocciopisto 32 e trasposto sui mosaici dell'ultimo larmente per la decorazione di soglie 33, a causa idoneo a sottolineare articolazioni differenziate

desunto dal repertorio decorativo dei pavimenti di periodo repubblicano, in cui è apprezzato particoforse della peculiarità dello schema che lo rendono di un ambiente o a scandire il passaggio tra un

27 AA. VV., Répertoire 1983, p. 84. Cfr. anche per lo schema: AA. VV., Le Décor Géometrique 1985, p. 338, tav. 217a; OVADIAH

1980, pp. 154-157, J 3.

28 Secondo M. ΡῈ Vos, "Pavimenti e mosaici," in AA. VV. Pompei 79 (Napoli: 1979) p. 163. 29 PH. BRUNEAU, Exploration Archéologique de Délos. Les mosaiques. XXIX (Paris: 1972) pp. 52, 64-65 30 OvADIAH 1980, pp. 154-157, 193; BLakE 1930, p. 82. Per le transenne reali con motivo a squame traforato a giorno cfr., ad esempio, il parapetto della terrazza del piano dei fornici a semicolonne del santuario della Fortuna Primigenia di Palestrina [F. FasoLo e G. GULLINI, // santuario della Fortuna Primigenia a Palestrina (Roma: 1953) p. 143, fig. 220] o un monumento funerario a edicola di Modena [Εἰ REBECCHI, "I monumenti funerari,” in AA. VV. Modena dalle origini all'anno Mille. Studi di archeologia e storia I (Modena: 1988) p. 380, fig. 303 e M. BoncHI Jovino in AA. VV., Scavi di Luni Il (Roma: 1977) p. 571, K A 582, tav. 296, 1]. | 31 Si cfr. ad esempio la Casa dei Grifi, stanza D [G. E. Rizzo, Le pitture della “Casa dei Grifi, ”. Monumenti della pittura antica III. Roma I (Roma: 1936), pp. 20-22, tavv. V, VI] e la celebre sala della villa di Livia a Prima Porta [M. M. GABRIEL,

Livia Garden Room at Prima Porta (New York: 1955) p. 9 sgg., tavv. 2, 4-6, 13, 19, 25; C. CALCI, e G. MESSINEO, La villa di Livia a Prima Porta (Roma: 1984) p. 9 sgg.], e altre pitture a giardino di domus pompeiane: ad es. A. DE Vos, “Casa dell'Efebo," in AA. VV. Pompei.

Pitture e mosaici I. Regio I, parte prima

(Milano:

1990) p. 694, fig. 129. (Pompei

Archi,” in AA. VV. Pompei. Pitture e mosaici II. Regio I, parte seconda (Roma: PETERS, "La composizione delle pareti dipinte nella Casa dei Vettii

I); A. DE Vos,

"Casa degli

1991) p. 1042, fig. 4. (Pompei ID; W. J. TH.

a Pompei," MededRom

39 (1977) 99-102, tavv. 62, 6-7; 63;

64, 12, 15; Casa I, 17, 4 e Casa di M. Lucrezio Frontone [W. F. JASHEMSKI, The Gardens of Pompeii, Herculaneum and the Villas Destroyed by Vesuvius (New York: 1979) p. 58, fig. 95; p. 79, fig. 128). Cfr. anche in generale: AA. VV., Domus-Viridaria. Horti Picti (cat. Mostra) (Napoli:

1992) pp. 19-100.

32 MORRICONE MATINI 1985, pp. 136-138; MoRRICONE MATINI 1971, p. 26, fig. 3b. Signini con ornato a squame sono attestati fin dall'inizio del II sec. a. C. in domus

di Fregellae, su cui cfr. A. M. ARDOvINO,

"Intervento sperimentale di conservazio-

ne di pavimenti in opus signinum a Fregellae," Archeologia Laziale X, 2. Quaderni del Centro di studio per l'Archeologia etruscoitalica (QuadAEI) 19 (1990) 259, fig. 3 (per la fotografia dei pavimenti) e F. COARELLI, “I Sanniti a Fregellae," in AA. VV., La Romanisation du Samnium aux Ie et Ier siécles av. J. C. (Napoli: 1991) p. 188 (per la cronologia delle domus). Si cfr. anche la villa di Grottarossa di età sillana (E. STEFANI in NSc 1944-1945, p. 61, fig. 11), varie domus di Pompei, con pitture per lo più di I stile, come

ad es. la Casa di Giuseppe II-VIIT, 2, 39 (BLAKE

1930, p. 26, tav. 3, fig. 4); la Casa 1,10,4 e Casa VL 13,6 [E.

PERNICE, Pavimente und figürliche Mosaiken. Die hellenistiche Kunst in Pompeji VI (Berlino: 1938) p. 59, tav. 23, 4; p. 39, tav. 9, 4]; edificio di Fossato di Vico (E. STEFANI, in NSc

(1940) pp. 176-177, fig. 7); villa ligure di Varignano della prima fase edi-

lizia dell'80 a. C. [A. BERTINO, "Varignano" in AA. VV., Archeologia in Liguria II, Scavi e scoperte 59,

fig.

70],

pavimento

sotto

la basilica

di Sepino

[M.

Marrerni

CHIARI,

“Il periodo

1976-1981 (Bologna: 1981) p.

preromano,"

in AA. VV.,

Saepinum.

(Campobasso: 1982) pp. 23-24, fig. 13]; villa di Scansano, loc. Campo della Chiesa (M. DEL CHIARO, “A New Late RepublicanEarly Imperial Villa at Campo della Chiesa, Tuscany,” JRomA 2 (1989) 114, figg. 2, 4). 33 G. BECATTI, "Alcune caratteristiche del mosaico bianco-nero in Italia, "in AA. VV. La Mosaique gréco-romaine. Actes du Colloque International I (Paris: 1965) p. 18.

417

ambiente e l’altro. Uno dei primi esempi del motivo, redatto però con le squame interamente campite e non delineate sul fondo a colore contrastante, ricorre nella «guida» tra la soglia e il tappeto del mosaico del sacello di Ercole Curino di Sulmona, del primo cinquantennio o della metà del I sec. a. C. 34, Più stringente è l'analogia con il mosaico del vestibolo della Casa IX, 3, 2 di Pompei,

asso-

ciato a pitture del tardo II stile 35, e con quello del tappeto tra l'atrio e il triclinio della Casa di Livia, seppure con le squame delineate da due file di tessere accoppiate 36. A colori invertiti il motivo ricorre identico ancora a Roma, in una domus sottostante l'Ospedale di Santo Spirito 37, a Pompei, in una soglia della Casa dell'Ancora (VI, X, 7) del periodo II A 38, e a Gubbio nel corridoio di una domus

della seconda metà del I sec. a. C. 39. Nel corso del I sec. d. C. il motivo a squame incontrò gradimento anche nei mosaici parietali di alcune domus di Pompei, di Ercolano e Anzio 4. Tappeto centrale (Tavv. 9, 34, 47; Figg. 28, 34) Lungh. m. 4; largh. m. 3,40. Lacune sparse, lacerazioni oblique e avvallamenti; coperto da crollo il settore NE. Grandezza tessere cm.: 0,7-1; grandezza media scaglie: cm. 5,7X2; 7X2,5; 4,8xX4,5; 10X6; 6X2; 6,5X6,3.

Lo spazio centrale dell’oecus è pavimentato con un tappeto in scutulatum 41: sul fondo a mosaico nero con tessere disposte in ordito rettilineo sono inserite scaglie geometriche di marmo e di calcare colorate, assai serrate. Le scaglie, per la maggior parte di taglio rettangolare, sottile e allungato, sono alternate con una certa regolarità in senso verticale e orizzontale, così da risultare paralle-

le all'allineamento dei muri e all'ordito rettilineo del fondo. Più rare sono le scaglie, di dimensioni maggiori, a taglio triangolare, quadrangolare, trapezoidale o irregolare. Il campo è riquadrato da una fascia bianca di quattro file di tessere, che è in comune con quella del mosaico degli intercolumni e della cornice dei plinti delle colonne. Fra la fascia bianca e il campo in scutulatum si raccorda una fascia nera di quattro file di tessere rettilinee, contro la quale si attestano e si allineano le scaglie del campo. Fra le tonalità di colore delle scaglie prevalgono il bianco o comunque le tonalità chiare, nell'ovvia ricerca dell'effetto policromo e del contrasto cromatico. I marmi impiegati nelle scaglie dello scutulatum sono tutti d'importazione e provengono da cave africane, greche e dell'Asia Minore: giallo antico, portasanta, pavonazzetto, africano, lumachella orien34 F. VAN WONTERGHEM, “La decorazione del sacello,” in AA. VV., Dalla villa di Ovidio al santuario di Ercole (a cura di E. Mattiocco) (Sulmona: 1989) p. 154, tav. III, figg. 59, 63. 35 JoycE

1979, p. 261, tav. 35, fig. 18; PERNICE

1938, p. 70, tav. 30, 3.

36 MORRICONE MATINI 1985, p. 137, tav. 6, 6; MORRICONE MATINI 1967, pp. 57-58, n. 56, tav. XIII. 37 MORRICONE Marini

1985, p. 137, tav. 6, 5; MORRICONE

Marini in Enciclopedia dell'Arte antica, classica e orientale (EAA)

p. 505, tav. tra p. 512 e p. 513.

| 38 BLAKE 1930, pp. 81-82, tav. 25, fig. 4.

3? BRACONI-MANCONI 1982/1983, pp. 92-94, 100, tav. VI, fig. 3. 40 EF. B. SEAR, Roman Wall and Vault Mosaics, suppl. XXIII RM (Heidelberg: 1977), pp. 66-67, n. 26. tav. 13, 1 (ErcolanoCasa dello Scheletro); p. 95, n. 71, tav. 40, 1 [Ercolano-Casa di Nettuno e di Anfitrite, per la quale cfr. anche A. MAIURI, Ercolano. I nuovi scavi (1927-1958) Y (Roma: 1958) pp. 398-399, fig. 333]; p. 78, n. 40, tav. 24, 1 (Anzio); p. 83, n. 49, tavv. 30, 1-2; 31,1 (Pompei-- Casa delle colonne a mosaico). 41 Pur adottando questa definizione con la quale la M. L. MORRICONE, Scunilata Pavimenta (Roma: 1980), pp. 10-13 e MORRICONE MATINI 1985, pp. 136-139 identifica questa tipologia pavimentale, va ricordato tuttavia, senza entrare in merito alla controversa interpretazione, che l'identificazione della studiosa è criticata da M. DONDERER, "Die Antiken pavimenttypen und ihre Benennungen. Zu Plinius, Naturalis Historia 36, 184-189," JdI 102 (1987) 365-377 e respinta, almeno per i signini ornati da scaglie e marmi policromi, da M. GaGGIOTTI, "Pavimenta Poenica marmore Numidico constrata,” in L'Africa Romana. Atti del V Convegno di studio. Sassari, 11-13 dicembre 1987 (a cura di ATTILIO MasTINO) (Ozieri: 1988) pp. 215-221 e da M. DE Vos in AA. VV., Settefinestre I 1985, p. 87 che identifica invece i pavimenti scutulata con i sectilia di marmo. Si cfr. sul problema anche: E. MooRMANN e L. SwINKELS, "Rhombes en perspective dans la peinture et la mosaique romaine," in AA. VV., La peinture murale romaine dans les provinces dell'Empire, British Archaeological Reports International Series, 165 (Oxford: 1983) pp. 239-249 e un breve accenno in F. FONTANA, "Gruppo di scutulata della villa romana di Barcola: una proposta di datazione,” ArchCl XLII (1990) 90. Ribadisce la definizione di "scutulatum" per questa tipologia pavimentale M. L. MORRICONE MATINI, “Scutulatum: precisazioni e rettifiche,” in Atti del 1° Colloquio dell'Associazione italiana per lo studio e la conservazione del Mosaico

418

(Ravenna

1993), a cura di R. Farioli Campanati, Ravenna

1994, pp. 283-312.

tale, nonché alabastro anche i calcari colorati in appendice, i calcari cantesi di un giallo più

22 e alabastro cotognino 43. Oltre a questi tipi di marmi, le scaglie utilizzano argillosi, marnosi e cristallini. Dalle analisi minero-petrografiche pubblicate utilizzati sono la pietra paesina di colore giallo ocra con venature intersecupo ^, la scaglia rossa di colore rosso scuro 45, calcari di colore grigiastro e

calcari cristallini bianchi 46, calcari di colore verde celadon 4’, oltre al basalto delle tessere nere 48.

Provenienti da siti toscani-laziali e umbro marchigiani, alcuni di questi calcari sono già usati nei pavimenti scutulata del II sec. a. C. 49. I calcari colorati sono impiegati quasi esclusivamente nelle più numerose scaglie rettangolari, riservando i più preziosi marmi a quelle, più rare, di vario taglio geometrico.

Proprio per l'inserzione delle scaglie di pregiati marmi d'importazione e per la messa in opera più impegnativa, che obbligava ad un difficile raccordo fra il tessuto regolare delle tessere del fondo e quello più irregolare delle scaglie, lo scutulatum si configura come uno dei rivestimenti pavimentali più lussuosi del I sec. a. C., secondo solo all'opus sectile 59. Per il pregio e la eleganza policroma e screziata, i pavimenti in scutulatum a fondo nero furono scelti per gli ambienti più rappresentativi della casa romana, soprattutto degli atri 51, come ad es. nella Casa dei Grifi 52, nella casa A sotto il caseggiato a pianta basilicale di Ostia 53, in una domus di Priverno 54, nella villa di Settefinestre 55, nella villa dei Misteri 56, nella casa del Menandro 57, di Caesio Blando e di Popidio Prisco di Pompei 58

e nella villa suburbana di Sangemini 59. Nella villa di Poggio Gramignano, l’averlo riservato allo spazio centrale dell'ambiente più prestigioso, quasi a mo’ di un emblema prezioso, sottintende una preminenza gerarchica dello scutulatum fra l'apparato pavimentale dell'oecus, correlata a quella spaziale in evidente consonanza tra architettura e decorazione 90.

Derivato anch'esso dai pavimenti di cocciopisto ornati da scaglie policrome 8!, lo scutulatum a fondo nero è diffuso per tutto il I sec. a. C. ©, senza una sostanziale evoluzione, se non quella della progressiva geometrizzazione e utilizzazione del marmo nelle scaglie verso la fine dell'età repubblicana 83, e varianti, se non quelle della distribuzione più rada o serrata delle scaglie o dell'inserzione sul fondo nero, oltre alle scaglie, anche di tessere bianche, come

ad esempio, nelle ville di Settefi-

4 Cfr. campione ALB dell'analisi in appendice. 43 Per tutti questi marmi cfr.: AA. VV., Il marmo nella civiltà romana. La produzione e il commercio. Atti del Seminario (a cura di E. DoLci) (Carrara:

1990); AA. VV., Marmi antichi (a cura di G. BoRGHINi) (Roma:

1989), passim; AA. VV., Radiance in

Stone (Roma: 1989), passim; R. GNOLI, Marmora Romana (Roma: 1971). Ringrazio il dott. M. FABBRI per l'aiuto prestatomi nella identificazione dei marmi. 44 Cfr. campioni contraddistinti dalle sigle CRV, CRVa e RO delle analisi pubblicate in appendice. ^ Cfr. campioni NR e NRI. 4 Cfr. campioni AA, PB (calcari grigiastri) e CB (calcare cristallino). ^! Cfr. campione V. 48 Cfr. nota 1 e campione TE. ^9 A. SIRONI, in AA. VV., Marmi Antichi 1989, p. 200, n. 54 a e recensione di L. LAZZARINI, in Bollettino di Archeologia, 5-6 (1990) 264, n. 54; cfr. M. DE Vos, in AA. VV., Settefinestre I, 1985, pp. 89-90; GNOLI 1971, pp. 223-224.

50 G. BECATTI 1965, pp. 17-18; BECATTI, Scavi di Ostia IV. Mosaici e pavimenti marmorei (Roma: 1961) p. 262. 51 M. L. PAOLETTI, in AA. VV., Settefinestre II, p. 34; DE Vos, "Pavimenti e mosaici,”

532 53 54 55 56

1979, p. 172.

MORRICONE 1980, p. 45, n. 40, tav. XX. BECATTI 1961, p. 19, n. 22, tavv. IV, V. RIGHI 1984, pp. 179-180, figg. 2-4 (domus A). PAOLETTI in AA. VV. Settefinestre II, pp. 33-34, figg. 53, 55, 56, 58. PERNICE 1938, pp. 55-56, tav. 21, 3.

57 BADONI, in Pompei II, p. 377, n. 220.

58 BLAKE 1930, p. 60, tav. 18,2; p. 61, tav. 17,4. 5? U. CIOTTI in AA. VV., Sangemini e Carsulae (Roma:

60 Su

questo

aspetto:

D.

Romagna," Atti del Convegno

CORLAITA

SCAGLIARINI,

1976) p. 44, fig. 6.

"Architettura

e decorazione

nelle domus

e nelle villae

"Studi lunensi e prospettive sull'occidente romano” (LERICI, 1985) (Luni:

dell'Emilia

1985-1987) pp. 567-571.

61 MORRICONE MATINI 1985, pp. 136-137; MORRICONE 1980, pp. 80-82 e passim. 62 MORRICONE

1980, p. 77.

63 M. e A. DE VOS, “Scavi nuovi sconosciuti (I, 11, 14; I, 11, 12): pitture memorande di Pompei. Con una tipologia provvisoria dello stile a candelabri," MededRom

XXXVII

(1975) 78.

419

nestre e di Lucus Feroniae 54, in domus di Priverno 65, in alcuni edifici tardo-repubblicani di Roma 66

e nella casa del Criptoportico a Pompei 87. I confronti più calzanti, per la forma e la serrata disposizione delle scaglie, sono offerti da scutulata di Roma rinvenuti negli edifici sottostanti la chiesa di Santa Sabina della fine del II sec. a. C. e la chiesa di Santa Pudenziana della prima metà del I sec. a. C. 68. Sebbene con una trama diversa nella distribuzione delle scaglie, va menzionato per l'Umbria, oltre a quello di Sangemini, un altro pavimento in scutulatum a fondo nero del I sec. a. C., rinvenuto a Todi in area urbana 99.

Lato Sud (Tavv. 34, 56, 57; Fig. 28) Lungh. max. m. 6,10; largh. m. 0,22/0,23. Lacune sparse e avvallamenti. Grandezza tessere: cm. 0,8-1; den-

sità tessere per 100 cmq: 152-100.

La diversità strutturale del lato S.rispetto al resto dell’oecus è in consonanza anche con quella pavimentale. Lungo il muro perimetrale H, in corrispondenza del tappeto centrale, e fra le semicolonne corre infatti un mosaico

a fondo

nero, con tessere in ordito rettilineo, che funge anche

da

balza marginale del lato S dell'ambiente. Il mosaico è incorniciato verso l'interno da una fascia bianca di quattro file di tessere, in comune con quella del tappeto centrale in scutulatum. In corrispondenza del braccio E dell'ambulacro, il mosaico nero è assente, sostituito da una cornice bianca di sette file di tessere aderente al muro H, la stessa che delimita il braccio dell'ambulacro.

Soglia (Tavv. 49, 50; Figg. 28, 35). Lungh.

max. m. 0,60; largh. max. m. 0,44. In massima parte lacunosa. Grandezza tessere cm.: 0,7-1; den-

sità tessere per 100 cmq.: 201-100.

Il passaggio tra l'oecus 4 e l'ambiente 5 attraverso un'apertura probabilmente chiudibile con una tenda è scandito da una soglia a mosaico in bianco e nero fortemente danneggiata dalla tamponatura di un muro ad essa sovrapposta in una seconda fase edilizia della villa. Nella porzione conservata è apprezzabile uno schema decorativo composto da un quadrato a fondo bianco, incorniciato da un doppio filetto nero, caricato di un cerchio nero, circondato da due doppi filetti bianchi e neri,

a sua volta riempito da una rosetta bianca a sei petali fusiformi (Rép. n. 110) 70, La soglia ha in comune con l'ambulacro la cornice bianca ridotta, in corrispondenza della stessa soglia, a sei file di

tessere. Alcuni elementi superstiti del resto della decorazione (porzione di quadrato a fondo bianco, di filetti concentrici e di cerchio nero) assicurano altri tre schemi di base identici a quello sopra descritto, campiti verosimilmente da rosette analoghe, per una composizione di quattro quadrati disposti a coppia su due file. La conservazione dello strato di preparazione in cocciopisto in direzione dello stipite S della porta denuncia che il mosaico della soglia doveva allungarsi anche in questo senso e recare, per ragioni di simmetria, un’altra coppia di quadrati con cerchi, per una composizione complessiva di sei quadrati campiti da cerchi, disposti a tre a tre su due file. A N, alla soglia a mosaico si affianca una delle lastrine laterali di calcare che incorniciavano il muro per la messa in opera degli stipiti 7!. | 64 PAOLETTI in AA. VV., Settefinestre II, pp. 33-34, figg. 53, 55, 56, 58; M. MORETTI e A. M. SGUBINI MORETTI, La villa dei Volusii a Lucus Feroniae (Roma: 1977) pp. 25-26, tavv. V, XXX. 65 RIGHI 1984, pp. 179-180, figg. 2-4; MoRRICONE 1980, p. 42, n. 37, tav. VI. 66 MORRICONE 1980, p. 61, n. 65; tav. VI; p. 24, n. 8, tav. VI; p. 45, n. 40, tav. XX.'

$7 68 69 70 7!

420

BRAGANTINI, "Casa del Criptoportico,” in Pompei I, p. 250, fig. 99. MORRICONE 1980, p. 31, n. 14, tav. XIX; pp. 46-47, n. 42, tav. C (in basso); p. 75. M. Tascio, Todi. Forma e Urbanistica (Roma: 1989) p. 49, fig. 44. AA. VV., Répertoire 1983, p. 31; cfr. anche Ovaprag 1980, pp. 176-177, n. 66. E. REGOLI in AA. VV., Settefinestre I, p. 71, fig. 76c.

La rosetta a sei petali, motivo geometrico più che floreale, giacché originato dall'intersecarsi di semicerchi 72, già ricorre con un numero variabile di petali, in versione policroma e ugualmente inscritta entro un cerchio di colore contrastante, fra il repertorio decorativo dei mosaici ellenistici,

come ad esempio a Delo 73, dove è usata soprattutto come motivo centrale. Con lo stesso schema, sia a petali bianchi che policromi, è inserita in pavimenti di signino di Morgantina del II sec. a. C. 74 e di Pompei, in relazione, in quest'ultimo caso, con pitture di I stile 75. Stilizzata, tradotta in bianco e nero, nei mosaici repubblicani la rosetta diventa un motivo pura-

mente disegnativo, che si prestava ad essere innestato in figure geometriche di quadrati, cerchi, esagoni con schemi lineari che richiamano quelli dei soffitti di stucco 76 e largamente diffusi soprattutto in età imperiale 77. Usato da solo come motivo centrale o replicato, lo schema della rosetta entro cerchio ricorre nel

calidario delle terme di Musarna della fine del II-inizio I sec. a. C. 78, a Pompei, nel tepidario della Casa di Cesio Blando (VII, I, 40) 79 e in un cubicolo della Casa VIII, 2, 16 89, nell'ezmblema del tricli-

nio di una villa in loc. Tor Bella Monaca 8!, nella Casa degli Stucchi e intorno alla vasca di una fullonica di Cagliari 82, tutti della fine dell'età repubblicana. In forma policroma e più elaborata, l'ornato ricorre anche nel tappeto del sacello del santuario di Ercole Curino di Sulmona 83. Per la possibilità di inserimento in un quadrato e per l’effetto vistoso, il motivo si prestava, alternato ad altri

schemi geometrici, a sottolineare soglie, come, oltre che nel caso specifico, nella villa repubblicana della fase cesariana sottostante Villa Adriana a Tivoli 84, in una domus di Ascoli Piceno di età augustea 85, o a Pompei nella Casa del Centenario con pitture di I stile 86 e nella più tarda Casa del Cinghiale 87. Il motivo si ripropone analogo anche all’interno di tessuti geometrici più elaborati estesi a tutto il campo pavimentale, come nell'ambiente 8 della villa dei Volusii a Lucus Feroniae della fase augustea 88, in una villa coeva vicino a Collatia 89, in una domus di Gubbio della seconda metà del I sec. a. C. 9, o riservati ad un emblema, come nel triclinio della Casa dell'Orso a Pompei ?!.

72 OVADIAH

1980, pp. 176-177, n. 66, p. 195; BRUNEAU

1972, p. 69.

73 BRUNEAU 1972, pp. 279-281, figg. 234-236, n. 267 (casa III Q); pp. 295-300, figg. 260-262, n. 306 (casa VI M); pp. 223225, n. 194, figg. 155, 157 (area L del santuario degli Dei siriani del monte Cinto); pp. 183-184, n. 93, figg. 102-104 (Casa del Lago). 74 B. TSAKIRGIS, "The Decorated Pavements of Morgantina II: The Opus Signinum,” AJA 94, 3 (1990) 432-433, fig. 14, n. 47, p. 440 (Casa dei Capitelli Tuscanici); Tsakircis, “The Decorated Pavements of Morgantina I: The Mosaics,” AJA 93, 3

(1989) 406, fig. 29, n. 14, p. 411 (ambiente I, trincea 66/3, non databile con sicurezza). . 75 PERNICE

1938, p. 42, tav. 11, 5 (Casa 1, 6, 13).

76 R. LING, “Stucco Decoration in Pre-Augustan Italy,” BSR 40 (1972) 53. Sul rapporto fra gli schemi geometrici dei mosaici e dei soffitti in stucco cfr: A. BARBET, "Quelques rapports entre mosaiques et peintures murales à l'époque romaine," in AA. VV., Mosaique. Recueil d'hommages a H. Stern. (Paris: 1982) pp. 51-53 con bibl. prec. 77 Per l'attestazione della rosetta entro esagoni, cfr. MONACCHI 1985/1986, p. 204. 78 G. BARBIERI, "Musarna 2. Note in margine al restauro dei mosaici,” BdA 41 (1987) 64-66, figg. 10, 14, 15. 79 I. BRAGANTINI, M. DE Vos, F. PARISE BADONI, “Schede introduttive e didascalie,” in AA. VV., Pompei 1748-1980. I tempi della documentazione (catalogo móstra Curia Senatus) (Roma: 1981) p. 171, fig. 33B. 80 BLAKE 1930, tav. 20, 4, p. 76. 8! PH. OLIVER SMITH e W. WipRIG in NSc (1981) p. 107, fig. 14. 82 S. ANGIOLILLO, Mosaici antichi in Italia. Sardinia (Roma: 1981) pp. 85-86, n. 72, tav. XXXIV; 33 VAN WONTERGHEM 1989, p. 152, tav. III.

p. 95, n. 85, tav. XXXIV.

84 G. LUGLI, "Studi topografici intorno alle antiche ville suburbane, VI, Villa Adriana,” BullCom 55 (1927) 193-194, fig. 29. 85 M. PasQUINUCCI, "Studio sull'urbanistica di Ascoli Piceno romana,” in AA. VV., Ausculum I (Pisa: 1975) pp. 69-70, fig. 93. 86 PERNICE 1938, p. 44, tav. 13, 3. 87 BLAKE 1930, p. 99, tav. 26, fig. 1. 88 MORETTI-SGUBINI MORETTI 1977, p. 26, tav. XXXII.

89 L. QuiLICI, Collatia. Forma Italiae Y, 10 (Roma: 1974) pp. 391-392, fig. 843, n. 242. 90 BRACONI-MANCONI 1982/1983, p. 85, figg. 3, 4, tav. 1, 2: area dell'ospedale, Zona A, vano C. 91 ERHARDT, Casa dell'Orso (VII.2.44-46) (München: 1988) pp. 25-26, fig. 253, fig. 47.

421

La ricca ed articolata sintassi decorativa pavimentale e l'elaborata partitura architettonica e spaziale della stanza, in perfetta correlazione tra loro, definiscono questo ambiente come il più lussuo-

so e il più prestigioso della villa di Poggio Gramignano. La tipologia architettonica, a pianta polistila, con le colonne poste in imo e con la complessa e articolata copertura, lo identifica con l'oecus corinthius

descritto da Vitruvio (VI, 3, 8-9), il quale,

insieme con gli altri tipi di oeci elencati (tetrastili, egizi, ciziceni) era l'ambiente più fastoso, attestato raramente, della casa privata romana, con funzione di soggiorno, di ricevimento, di rappresentanza, in sostanza di apparato, e anche di triclinio 92. La sala colonnata di Poggio Gramignano trova infatti rispondenze formali, architettoniche e correlative tra decorazione pavimentale e forme strutturali sia con il canone vitruviano che con i reali ceci corinzi, tradotti anche nel repertorio pittorico 93, della Casa del Labirinto 92, della Casa di Meleagro

di Pompei 95, della villa di Settefinestre 96,

della Casa romana di Valdonega presso Verona 97 e degli altri ceci corinzi delle più tarde domus dell'Africa Proconsolare 98. La consonanza tra la scansione musiva e l'articolazione architettonica è condivisa anche dagli altri tipi di oeci della precettistica vitruviana, come gli oeci tetrastili della Casa di Augusto sul Palatino ?? e della Casa delle Nozze d'argento di Pompei 199 o l'oecus egizio della Casa dell'Atrio a mosaico di Ercolano 101, Ma a differenza di tutti gli ceci corinzi sopra elencati e di questi ultimi tipi di oeci che possiedono tutti, costantemente, un lato privo del colonnato e aperto sul peristilio, o su un loggiato colonnato o sull'atrio, l'oecus della villa di Poggio Gramignano ha il lato, che avrebbe dovuto essere aperto, chiuso dal muro con le semicolonne addossate, solidale e in fase con il resto dell'oecus e l'asse allineato con l'attiguo ambiente 8. Nonostante queste anomalie, va sot-

tolineata comunque la totale adesione di questo ambiente colonnato della villa ai requisiti di fasto e di apparato attribuiti agli oeci vitruviani. ?? In generale sugli oeci: E. DE ALBENTIS, La casa dei Romani (Milano: 1990) pp. 153-155, fig. 26; G. Tosi, “La casa romana di Valdonega e il problema degli oeci colonnati," in AA. VV., Venetia III (Padova: 1975) pp. 11-71; S. GozLan, "La Maison de Neptune à Acholla-Botria (Tunisie),” Karthago XVI (1973) 83; R. REBUFFAT, Thamusida. Fouilles du service des Antiquités du Maroc ΤΙ, 20, suppl. a MEFRA (Paris: 1970) pp. 293-294; A. MAIURI, “Gli “oeci” vitruviani in Palladio e nella casa pompeiana ed ercolanese," Palladio 1-2 (1952) 1-8. Cfr anche D. CORLAITA SCAGLIARINI, “L'edilizia residenziale nelle città romane dell'Emilia Romagna," in AA. VV., Studi sulla città antica. L'Emilia Romagna (Bologna: 1983) pp. 308-310. 93 Si cfr. ad esempio la megalografia del triclinio della villa di P. Fannio Sinistore di Boscoreale: F. BARNABEI, La villa pompeiana di P. Fannio Sinistore presso Boscoreale (Roma: 1901) p. 50 sgg. e B. ANDREAE, "Rekonstruktion des Grossen Oecus der villa des P. Fannius Synistor," in AA. VV., Neue Forschungen in Pompeji (Atti Convegno Essen 1973) (Recklinghausen: 1975) pp. 71-83, oltre alle pitture citate da PAOLETTI in AA. VV., Settefinestre II, p. 21 e da Tost 1975, pp. 38-44, figg. 19-24. 9 V. M. STROCKA, Casa del Labirinto, Hüuser in Pompeji, 4 (München: 1991) pp. 91-92, figg. 289-290; MAIURI 1952, pp. 34, figg. 5-6. 95 A. e M. DE Vos, Pompei Ercolano Stabia, 5, figg. 7-8; BLAKE 1930, p. 100, tav. 32, 3.

Guide Archeologiche Laterza (Roma/Bari:

1982)

186-187; Maturr

1952, pp. 4-

96 PAOLETTI in AA. VV., Settefinestre I, pp. 20-21, figg. 20-25; pp. 41-42, fig. 73. ?7 Tosi 1975, pp. 11-71; B. FORLATI TAMARO, "La casa romana nel Veneto e una nuova scoperta a Verona,” ArchCl X (1958) 116-120, tav.

.

98 Per i quali si cfr. repertorio in R. REBUFFAT, "Maisons à peristyle de l'Afrique du Nord. Répertoire de plans publiés," MEFRA LXXXI (1969) 659 sgg.; 673, 6 (domus della “cappella dionisiaca" a Djemila) in cui l'oecus è però colonnato su quattro lati); p. 684, 7 (domus del terreno Salah Abdallah a Thysdrus); 686, 6 (domus del Grand Oecus a Utica); 686, 1 (domus dei Laberii a Uthina). Si cfr. inoltre più in dettaglio per l'oecus della domus dei Laberii: K. DUNBABIN, The Mosaics of Roman North Africa (Oxford: 1978), p. 265, fig. 8; per l'oecus della domus del Grand Oecus a Utica: C. DULIERE, Corpus des mosaiques de Tunisie I, 2 (Tunisi: 1974) pp. 2, 12-13, tavv. II, VIII e l'oecus della Casa di Nettuno ad Acholla: S. Gozian, “Les pavements en

mosaiques de la Maison de Neptune à Acholla-Botria (Tunisie)," MonPiot 52 (1974) 74, 112, figg. 1, 48; GOZLAN 1973, pp. 48, 49, 82, figg. 1-3; cfr. anche L. FoucHER, La Maison des Masques à Sousse. Fouilles 1962-1963 (Tunisi: 1965) pp. 5-8, tav. IIT. 99 G. CARRETTONI, "La decorazione pittorica della casa di Augusto sul Palatino,” RM 90 (1983). 393-395, fig. 7; CARRETTONI,

Das Haus des Augustus auf dem Palatin (Mainz am Rhein: 1983) fig. a p. 8, tav. 3, fig. 8, pp. 52-60. 100 F. PARISE BADONI, e F. Narciso, "Casa delle Nozze d'argento," in AA. VV., Pompei. Pitture e mosaici III. Regiones II-IIIV (Roma:

1991) pp. 676-677, 753-754, figg. 165-167 (Pompei III); MAIURI 1952, pp. 2-3, figg. 2, 4.

101 A, e M. ΡῈ Vos, Guida, 1982, p. 270; G. CERULLI IRELLI, Le pitture della Casa dell'atrio a mosaico. Monumenti della pittura antica scoperti in Italia. Ercolano Y (Napoli: 1974) pp. 15-17, figg. 2, 5, 6; MAIURI 1952, p. 5, figg. 10-11.

422

La insolita tipologia architettonica enfatizzata dal colonnato e dalla complessa copertura, la rarità con cui gli ceci colonnati compaiono nell'edilizia privata romana e l'elevatissimo rango sociale dei proprietari delle domus o delle ville che li contengono - si pensi all'imperatore Augusto, al senatore L. Sextius proprietario della villa di Settefinestre 102, ai Sextilii che raggiunsero le massime cariche municipali, proprietari della Casa del Labirinto di Pompei che con l'oecus corinzio, il peristilio e i due atri ne rispecchia fedelmente il rango sociale -- sono così emblematici della funzione rivestita e della valenza sociale trasmessa dagli ceci colonnati, da indugiare in qualche considerazione. È noto che l'introduzione nell'edilizia privata romana della tarda età repubblicana di queste forme architettoniche modulate sulla colonna e dal lussuoso apparato decorativo fu mutuata dalla architettura e dalla cultura ellenistiche e da una diretta conoscenza di queste esperienze greche assimilate sia attraverso la conquista romana del mondo greco-orientale sia attraverso l'ampio giro di relazioni e di traffici mercantili intercorsi tra gli Italici e l'oriente mediterraneo. Questo processo di ellenizzazione suggerì modelli edilizi innovativi di prestigio, estranei alla tradizione dell'architettura domestica romana, e ne assimilò anche i contenuti ideologici e sociali, che divennero pertanto simboli di quella luxuria anche architettonica delle classi socialmente più elevate 103, Emblematica in tal senso è l'introduzione del peristilio nella casa romana. Fra l'esemplificazione di queste tipologie edilizie ellenistiche di prestigio e caratterizzate dall'uso su vasta scala della colonna, vanno annoverati anche gli ceci colonnati, la cui matrice di origine greco-orientale è esplicitata anche dai nomi che li contraddistinguono: corinzi, egizi e ciziceni (Vitr., VI, 3, 8-9). Se dunque l'adozione nella villa

di Poggio Gramignano di questa prestigiosa tipologia architettonica denuncia il gusto e il notevole grado di ellenizzazione del committente della villa, finora sconosciuto, essa allude e ne rispecchia anche l'ostentazione dell'elevato rango sociale di appartenenza.

Studi recenti hanno sottolineato, infatti, le valenze sociali della casa romana, esibizione non solo

di ricchezza e di acculturazione ma anche dello status dei proprietari, conseguenti alla situazione politica della tarda età repubblicana. Negli ultimi decenni della Repubblica, sull'onda della progressiva crisi delle istituzioni repubblicane a favore di una privatizzazione del potere politico nelle mani di esponenti del ceto dirigente esercitato all'interno delle proprie case, si diffonde una tendenza ideologica tipicamente aristocratica che investe l'edilizia privata urbana, ma anche quella di campagna, di una funzione sociale, conformandola sul modello degli edifici pubblici e adattandola con forme lussuose all'elevato rango sociale dei proprietari 104, Questa tendenza, teorizzata da Cicerone (off., 1, 39,

138-139)

e da Vitruvio

(VI, 5, 1-3) e confermata

dall'evidenza archeologica,

si traduce in uno

schema tipologico e sociologico della casa romana che prevedeva una distinzione tra corpi privati e corpi pubblici. A questi ultimi, sede di publica consilia e privata iudicia (Vitr., VI, 5, 2), erano riser-

vati modelli e spazi edilizi ad alto contenuto ellenistico desunti dall'architettura pubblica e religiosa, chiamati a rispondere al lusso, clientela e attività politica trasferita nella sfera domestica e sim-

102 D), MANACORDA in AA. VV., Settefinestre I, pp. 101-102, 104-106. 103 Su

questa vasta problematica:

DE ALBENTIIS

1990,

pp.

142-214;

H. P. GROS, Architettura e società

nell'Italia romana

(Roma: 1987) pp. 42, 77, 81-85, 120, 144, 148; P. ZANKER, "Die Villa als vorbild des spáten Pompejanischen Wohngeschmacks," 741 94 (1979) 460 sgg.; A. HOFFMANN,

“L'architettura,” in AA. VV., Pompei

79 (Napoli:

1979) pp.

109,

111,

117; DE Vos, "Pavi-

menti e mosaici”, 1979, pp. 165-167; J. H. D’Arms, "Ville rustiche e ville di otium," Pompei 79 (Napoli: 1979) pp. 65, 69 e sgg. 104 Su questo argomento si cfr. oltre alla bibliografia citata alla nota precedente, anche F. CoARELLI, "La casa dell'aristocrazia romana secondo Vitruvio," in AA. VV., Munus non Ingratum. Proceedings of the International Symposium on Vitruvius’ "De Architectura" and the Hellenistic and Republican Architecture (Leiden: 1989) pp. 178-186; A. WALLACE-HADRILL, "The Social Structure of the Roman

House," BSR XLIII (1988). 43-97; A. CARANDINI, Schiavi in Italia. Gli strumenti pensanti dei Romani

fra tarda Repubblica e medio impero (Roma: 1988) p. 55; M. TORELLI, in P. GRos e M. TORELLI, Storia dell'urbanistica. Il mondo romano (Bari: 1988) pp. 112-114; T. P. WISEMAN, "Conspicui postes tectaque digna deo: the Public Image of Aristocratic and Imperial

Houses

in the Late Republic

and Early Empire,"

in AA. VV., L'Urbs,

espace

urbain et histoire Ier siècle après J. C.

Collection de l'École Francaise de Rome 98 (Roma: 1987) p. 393 sgg.; A. CARANDINI, "Domus e insulae sulla pendice settentrionale del Palatino," BullCom XCI (1986) 264; CARANDINI in AA. VV., Settefinestre I, pp. 119-120; F. COARELLI, "Architettura sacra e architettura privata nella tarda repubblica," in AA. VV., Architecture et Societé. Collection de 1 ‘École Francaise de Rome 66 (Rome: 1983) pp. 191-217. Nega invece la componente pubblica nelle ville romane H. MreLscH, La villa romana (Firenze:

1990), p. 44.

423

boli di una luxuria privata, motivata e imposta da una necessità sociale materializzata nell'architettura domestica 105, Questa struttura funzionale della casa aristocratica fu applicata non solo alla domus urbana ma anche alle ville (Vitr., VI, 5, 1-3), che nell’ultimo periodo repubblicano si spogliano progressivamente del loro aspetto più rustico e privato per conformarsi sul modello dell’edilizia pubblica e delle domus più monumentali 196, In quest'ottica l'oecus della villa di Poggio Gramignano, già simbolo di luxuria architettonica ellenistica e modulato sulla colonna che ne sancisce la funzione di prestigio, e che è il fulcro modulare di quei ampi atri e peristili che nella tipologia sociologica della casa romana

delineata da Vitruvio (VI, 5, 1-3) occupano

il corpo pubblico, si configura con la sua

struttura pseudo-basilicale, come un ambiente di apparato e con funzione pubblica — si pensi all'oecus tetrastilo della Casa di Augusto sul Palatino incluso nella pars publica 19? — allusione ideologica e ostentazione del rango sociale del dominus. In tal senso ἃ ulteriormente significativo l'impiego nello stesso oecus, già caricato di precise valenze ideologiche, del prezioso pavimento in scutulatum, anch'esso, con i suoi marmi importati, evidente simbolo di luxuria architettonica. Le anomalie strutturali riscontrate rispetto al modello canonico degli ceci corinzi, combinate con il barocchismo della complessa copertura della sala, sembrano tradire, tuttavia, una sorta di provincialismo, interessato piü ad enfatizzare il contenuto ideologico che all'adesione fedele e alla com-

prensione dei modelli architettonici. Il lusso ricercato della pars urbana della villa di Poggio Gramignano è comune ad altre ville coeve impiantate o ristrutturate tra l'età tardo-repubblicana e proto-imperiale, che assiste all'apogeo del modello della villa, insieme produttiva e architettonicamente lussuosa, enunciato anche dalle fonti letterarie 108, Questa luxuria architettonica, imponendosi anche come un incentivo alla permanenza

del dominus in campagna per la sorveglianza della produzione 109, risponde al modello della villa perfecta, teorizzato contemporaneamente in questo periodo da Varrone, che conciliava i due poli opposti della utilitas-fructus/voluptas-delectatio 110. AMBIENTE 5 (Tavv. 75, 76; Fig. 62)

mM

| Lungh. max. m. 4,60; largh. m. 3,68. Superficie consunta. Grandezza tessere cm.: 0,7-0,9.

Si accede all'ambiente dall'oecus 4 attraverso la soglia musiva con quadrati campiti da cerchi con rosette. L'ambiente è pavimentato in cocciopisto a fondo rosso campito da un punteggiato irregolare di tessere bianche e nere, quest'ultime più rade, sparpagliate alla rinfusa sul fondo di stucco rosso |

B

a tratti conservato.

Questo tipo di pavimenti vivacizzato dal brulichio delle tessere è il più semplice tra la tipologia dei cocciopisti decorati dell’età repubblicana 111 e ha una lunga applicazione, evidenziata anche in questo contesto dalla sua convivenza con'i coevi pavimenti a mosaico. A Roma trova confronti con cocciopisti, compresi tra la fine del II sec. a. C. e l'età sillana, rinvenuti sul Palatino 112, sotto il Tabulario e l'Atrium Vestae del Foro Romano !!3. Tra i tanti confronti offerti da Pompei, si segnala-

105 Cfr. bibl. citata alla nota precedente. 106 CARANDINI 1988, p. 55. 107 Cfr. bibl. citata alla nota 91.

i

108 VARRO, rust., I, 2, 10; I, 13, 6-7; H, praef., 2; III, 2, 3; 2, 9; 3, 6; Colum. I, 4, 4-8. 109 Caro, agr., 4; Colum. I, 1, 13-18; I, 4, 4-8. | , | 119 Varro, I, 4, 1; II, 1, 10; 2, 1 sgg.; HI, 3, 1. Si cfr. anche A. CARANDINI, “La villa romana e la piantagione schiavistica,"

in AA. VV., Storia di Roma 4 (Torino: 1989) p. 101 sgg.; CARANDINI in AA. VV., Settefinestre I, pp. 107, 115-121, 144-155. 111 MORRICONE MATINI 1971, pp. 23-29. 112 MORRICONE Marini 1967, pp. 14-15, n. 5, tav. 1 (vano A di un edificio sotto il peristilio inferiore della domus Augustana).

i

i

l

,

113 MORRICONE MATINI 1971, p. 8, n. 5, tav. VIII (ambiente sotto il Tabulario); p. 10, n. 23, tav. IX (ambiente sotto l'ala settentrionale dell'Atrium Vestae, forse pertinente alla Domus

424

Publica).

no i cocciopisti dei cubicoli della Casa dei Quadretti Teatrali della prima fase del II sec. a. C. e del termopolio I, 8, 8 con pitture di II stile 114]

Con pitture dello stesso stile è associato un pavimento analogo della villa di Arianna a Stabia 115. Arricchito di fasce a mosaico, un pavimento in cocciopisto a punteggiato irregolare ὃ presente nella villa di Alviano, nel territorio amerino, della metà del I sec. a. C. !!6.

Nonostante la pretesa di decoro e la contiguità con l'ambiente più lussuoso della villa, il rivestimento pavimentale denuncia una funzione qualitativa inferiore della stanza nella gerarchia architettonica del corpo padronale della villa. AMBIENTE 6 (Tavv. 77-81; Figg. 63, 64) Lungh. max. m. 3,12; largh. max. m. 1,30. Superficie molto consunta e in parte lacunosa. Grandezza tessere cm.: 0,8-1.

Attraverso una porta, chiusa successivamente da una tamponatura muraria fondata direttamente sulla soglia di travertino, si accedeva dall'ambiente 5 all'ambiente 6, situato ad una quota inferio-

re, scavato parzialmente. Il settore messo in luce è pavimentato in cocciopisto a fondo rosso, punteggiato da crocette di quattro tessere bianche attorno ad una centrale nera (Rép. n. 106) 117, allineate in file parallele orizzontali e verticali e ad una equidistanza di cm. 10. Saltuarie tessere bianche sono sparse disordinatamente qua e là. Tra il repertorio ornamentale dei pavimenti in cocciopisto repubblicani l’ornato a crocetteè il più popolare !!8, accolto integralmente nella decorazione dei mosaici, come evidenziato anche in questo contesto ds coevi pavimenti dell'ambiente 8 e dell'ambulacro dell'oecus colonnato con identico ornato. Numerosi i pavimenti analoghi a Pompei, quasi costantemente associati con pitture di II stile 119, a Roma 120, ad Ostia 12! e ad Anzio 122, In Umbria cocciopisti con crocette ricorrono a Gubbio, nella già citata domus dell’area dell'ospedale 123 e in un ambiente della villa di Pennavecchia, in cui le cro-

cette a colori invertiti punteggiano un pavimento in battuto bianco 124. Lo scavo parziale dell'ambiente non consente di specificarne la destinazione, se non quella generica di uso abitativo privato di un certo decoro. VANO SCALE 2 E AMBIENTI 15 E 10 (Tavv. 28, 29, 91, 98, 114; Figg. 25, 26, 70, 71, 82). Pavimento dell'amb. 10 spoliato in gran parte. Lacuna all'angolo NE dell'amb. 15. Dimensioni mattoncini: lungh. cm. 9,5/10; largh. cm. 6; spessore cm.

1,7/1,9.

114 M. DE Vos, “Casa dei Quadretti Teatrali,” in AA. VV., Pompei. Pitture e mosaici I. Regio I, parte prima (Milano: 1990) p. 382, fig. 37 (Pompei I); V. SAMPAOLO, “Termopolio,” in AA. VV., Pompei I, p. 810, fig. 12. 115 M. S. Pisapia, Mosaici Antichi in Italia. Regione Prima: Stabiae (Roma:

1989) p. 43, n. 80, tavv. XXII, XLII.

116 M. A. TOMEI in AA. VV, Ville e Insediamenti, 1983, p. 206, fig. 53. 117 AA. VV., Répertoire 1973, p. 30. 113 MORRICONE MATINI 1985, pp. 136-137; MORRICONE MATINI 1971, pp. 25-26, fig. 3c. 11? A. DE Vos, "Casa dell'Efebo," in Pompei I, p. 670, fig. 88; V. SaMPAOLO, “Casa del Bell'Impluvio," in Pompei I, p. 925, fig. 8; M. DE Vos, “Casa dei Cubicoli floreali,” in Pompei ΤΙ, p. 41, fig. 58; F. PARISE BADONI, “Casa degli Amanti,” in Pompei II, p. 438, figg. 7-8; M. ΡῈ Vos, "Die Casa di Ganimede in Pompeji VII, 134. Pavimenti e pitture. Terzo e quarto stile negli scaxichi trovati sotto i pavimenti," RM 89 (1982) 326, fig. 9; 317, fig. 1; M. DE Vos, "Pavimenti e mosaici,” 1979, p. 163; BLAKE 1930, p. 28, tav. 4, fig. 4; p. 28, tav. 4, fig. 2. 120 MORRICONE MATINI

1971, p. 8, n. 3, tav. VIII (ambiente sotto il Tabulario).

121 BECATTI 1961, p. 95, n. 164, tav. III. 122 M. L. MORRICONE e V. SANTA MARIA SCRINARI, Mosaici antichi in Italia, R. I.: Antium (Roma: 1975) pp. 21-23, n. 2, tavv. XXIII, XXIV, 2: in questo caso le crocette sono ordinate in file diagonali.

123 BRACONI-MANCONI 1982/1983, p. 94, tav. VII, 1 (zona C-ambiente T). 124 MARTIN in AA. VV., Ville e Insediamenti,

1983, p. 263, fig. 70.

425

I tre ambienti, comunicanti tra loro secondo un asse direzionale ΕΟ, sono accomunati dallo stes-

so tipo di pavimentazione in opus spicatum, con file di mattoncini rettangolari disposti per coltello, ad andamento irregolare (Vitr., VII, I, 4; Plin., nat., XXXVI, 187). La lacuna del pavimento nel punto di comunicazione tra gli ambienti 10 e 15 corrisponde ad un tratto del muro divisorio continuo tra i due ambienti, demolito e ricostruito in opera reticolata in una successiva fase edilizia, e, configurandosi come la soglia dell'apertura lasciata nel nuovo muro

divisorio, e stata risarcita con pezzame laterizio. Nel vano scale 2 e nel contiguo ambiente 15, le file di mattoncini si estendono senza soluzione di continuità in senso NS anche sotto il passaggio voltato 125. Nell'ambiente 10 soltanto la fila aderente al muro divisorio «S» reca lo stesso orientamento, mentre il resto dell'opus spicatum, avanza-

to dall'opera di spoliazione, ha un orientamento opposto in senso EO. I mattoncini sono allettati tra

loro con malta spessa cm. 0,2/0,5 e su uno strato di preparazione di cocciopisto spesso cm. 6, steso

su uno strato composto da ghiaia, sabbia e calce bianca spesso cm. 22, impostato sul terreno argilloso vergine. Lungo i muri e la soglia di travertino del vano scale 2, i mattoncini sono stati tagliati e adattati alla loro posizione. Anche in questo caso sembra che i mattoncini siano stati ricavati da singoli stampi e non ritagliati da laterizi più grandi 126, Tutti i pavimenti in opus spicatum appartengono al periodo di costruzione della villa e sono quindi contemporanei ai mosaici e agli altri tipi di pavimenti della pars urbana. Luso dell'opus spicatum, raccomandato da Vitruvio (VII, I, 4-5) e da Plinio (nat., XXXVI,

per aree vano 10, funzione mite una separava

186-187)

scoperte e rustiche, denuncia la funzione utilitaria di questi ambienti sancita, nel caso del da una destinazione a raccolta di liquidi nel primo impianto della villa e da una probabile fructuaria nella successiva fase edilizia. Il vano scale 2 con l'accesso diretto all'oecus 4 traporta, in significativa contrapposizione alla chiusura con tende delle stanze del dominus, ma al contempo raccordava questo settore di servizio alla pars urbana, materializzando

così nell'architettura la necessità del dominus

testualmente anche la sua volontà di relata fra le varie parti dell’edificio si cesso alla terrazza superiore sia dal corsi indipendenti, l'uno proveniente

di esercitare un controllo diretto sui lavori, ma con-

riservatezza. A questa lettura articolata e al tempo stesso corpresta anche la scala alloggiata nel vano 2, praticabile per l'acdominus che dal personale di servizio, ma accessibile da perdalla parte padronale, l'altro da quella di servizio.

SPEZZONI DI MOSAICO (Tavv. 120-122) Dieci spezzoni di mosaico rinvenuti all'angolo NE dell'oecus 4. Dimensioni del frammento maggiore: lungh. cm. 33; largh. cm. 18; spessore cm. 1,5. Grandezza tessere: cm. 0,8-1; densità tessere per 100 cmq.: 152-100.

All'angolo NE dell'oecus 4 si sono rinvenuti dieci spezzoni di mosaico non in situ, ma probabilmente divelti e gettati dalla terrazza superiore della villa durante i reiterati lavori agricoli eseguiti con mezzi meccanici. Gli spezzoni, di varie pezzature, appartengono tutti allo stesso pavimento a mosaico geometrico in bianco e nero, a ordito rettilineo, di cui restituiscono tre settori decorativi.

Il primo, attestato da otto spezzoni (Tavv. 120-122), è composto da una treccia.a due capi bianca su fondo nero con occhiello riempito da una tessera bianca. La treccia incornicia la base di una serie di lunette bianche entro rettangoli neri, intervallate a linguette verticali, di tre file di tessere bianche, pendenti da una fascia orizzontale bianca di tre file di tessere. Le linguette sono contorna-

te da una doppia fila rispettivamente di tessere nere e bianche, che gira senza soluzione di continuità a profilare anche il campo nero in cui sono alloggiate le lunette. Il secondo

settore decorativo,

attestato da un solo spezzone

(Tav.

121, destra), reca una sfera

bianca su campo nero, anch'essa interposta tra due linguette verticali identiche a quelle precedenti. Il terzo (Tav.

122), infine, attestato da uno

125 Si cfr. MONACCHI, NSc 1986-1987, p. 8, fig. 2. 126 M. G. CELUZZA in AA. VV., Settefinestre III, pp. 30-37.

426

spezzone,

con il quale si combina

verosimilmente

anche uno di quelli con lunette e dentelli con una porzione della decorazione sopra le lunette più sviluppata rispetto agli altri, restituisce una cornice di due fasce bianche di tre file di tessere ciascuna, affiancate ad una fascia centrale nera di tre file di tessere. La cornice delimita un campo nero.

Per quanto si sia tentato di ricostruire il tessuto decorativo completo sulla base dei tre schemi sopra descritti e della posizione di rinvenimento degli spezzoni, non si è riusciti ad elaborare una restituzione soddisfacente, ostacolata dalla casuale giacitura degli spezzoni dopo la caduta e dalla mancanza di confronti puntuali. È certo, tuttavia, sulla base della presenza della treccia, che il motivo delle lunette e dentelli ad essa associato e forse anche quello della sfera appartenevano alla cornice del pavimento, ulteriormente riquadrato verso l'interno dalla cornice di fasce bianche da cui si sviluppa il campo nero. La treccia a due capi (Rép. n. 194) 127, motivo decorativo di antica tradizione 128, ricorre già con funzione di cornice nei mosaici di età ellenistica, come quelli ad esempio di Delo !29 e di Morgantina 139, ed ha una secolare applicazione nei mosaici romani sia come bordura di campi musivi, sia di pannelli inseriti in svariati tessuti geometrici. Il motivo delle lunette alternate a dentelli trova un puntuale confronto

con una cornice musiva di Pesaro !3!, invertita nei colori, nota soltanto da un

disegno ad acquarello, per la quale non è stata proposta una datazione precisa. In tale cornice come soluzione d'angolo appare una semilunetta: in tal senso uno dei tentativi restitutivi di collocare all'angolo del nostro mosaico il motivo con la sfera bianca si è rivelato impraticabile. Lunette usate nelle incorniciature, ma anche in tappeti musivi, non sembrano molto frequenti. I pochi confronti disponibili, validi per l'ornato in sé e isolato dai dentelli, rimandano

a mosaici,

anche provinciali, della tarda età imperiale: il portico O della domus Fulminata di Ostia del III sec. d. C., in cui le lunette sono usate come bordura !32; la domus del Protiro, ancora di Ostia, con mosai-

ci di età severiana, con le lunette disposte in modo da formare fiori quadrilobati, oppure rimpiazzanti motivi a pelta 133, La giacitura secondaria degli spezzoni musivi rispetto al loro contesto originario contribuisce

all'incertezza cronologica del pavimento, non supportata neppure dal confronto più stringente con il mosaico di Pesaro. Il modulo delle tessere sembra comunque suggerire una cronologia coeva al resto dei mosaici della villa. SPEZZONI DI PAVIMENTI DI COCCIOPISTO CON ORNATI (Tavv. 123-125)

Nel corso degli scavi si sono recuperati tre spezzoni di pavimenti di cocciopisto, decorati con tessere bianche e nere inserite, provenienti da strati superficiali e di riempimento. Sebbene rinvenuti fuori dal loro contesto originario e in dimensioni ridotte da non consentire, in due casi, la restitu-

zione dell'ornato, essi attestano tuttavia, in due casi, altre tipologie pavimentali che erano presenti nella villa, anche esse verosimilmente, considerato il tipo, riferibili al periodo dell'impianto. 1) Dimensioni: cm. 32X21; spess. cm. (Tav. 123)

10. Grandezza tessere: cm. 0,6-0,9. Inv. 8701; locus 001, L 49

Spezzone di cocciopisto a fondo rosso, rivestito in superficie da uno strato di stucco rosso, campito da un punteggiato irregolare di tessere bianche e nere, quest'ultime piü rare, sparpagliate alla rinfusa.

127 AA. VV., RÉPERTOIRE

1983, p. 143. Cfr. anche AA. VV., Le décor géometrique,

1985 p. 120, tav. 70d.

128 OvapiaH 1980, pp. 110-113, B2. 122 BRUNEAU 1972, p. 53. 130 TsAKrTRGIS 1989, p. 402, n. 7, fig. 18.

131 I. MERCANDO, “I mosaici romani," in AA. VV., Pesaro nell'antichità. Storia

47, fig. 68.

e monumenti (Venezia: 1984) pp. 228-229, n.

132 BECATTI 1961, p. 109, n. 206, tav. XXXVIII. 133 J, S. BOERSMA, Amoenissima civitas (Assen: 1985) pp. 267-269, figg. 263-264;

263, fig. 252.

427

Lo spezzone è analogo al pavimento dell'ambiente 5, al quale rimando per la bibliografia e le relative considerazioni. 2) Dimensioni: cm. 18X20; spess. cm. 9. Grandezza tessere: cm. 2X1,8; 2X2,2. Inv. 152; locus 060, N 50d (Tav. 124) Spezzone di cocciopisto a fondo rosso, decorato da due grosse tessere bianche quadrangolari disposte ad una distanza di cm. 8. Probabilmente l'ornato va riferito ad un punteggiato regolare di tessere bianche disposte su file parallele verticali e orizzontali, ad intervalli regolari, che è uno dei più comuni motivi decorativi dei pavimenti di cocciopisto di età repubblicana !34, accolto integralmente anch'esso nel repertorio dei mosaici bianco-neri 135. 3) Dimensioni:

cm.

28X22;

spess.

cm.

12. Grandezza

tessere nere: cm.

0,8;

1; tessera bianca:

cm.

2X2. Inv. 8700, locus 001, L 49 (Tav. 125) Spezzone di cocciopisto a fondo rosso, rivestito in superficie da uno strato di stucco rosso, campito da un punteggiato regolare di tessere nere, disposte su file parallele orizzontali e verticali e ad una distanza di cm. 6,5, e di una tessera bianca, più grande. La ridotta dimensione non consente di restituirne esattamente lo schema decorativo. DANIELA MONACCHI

134 MORRICONE MATINI 1971, pp. 25-26, fig. 3a. 135 MORRICONE MATINI 1985, pp. 136-138.

428

CHAPTER

18

Appendice CARATTERIZZAZIONE MINERALOGICO-PETROGRAFICA DI MATERIALI LAPIDEI IN OPERA NEL PAVIMENTO DELLA VILLA ROMANA

PREMESSA

Su richiesta della Soprintendenza Archeologica di Perugia, rappresentata dalla Dott.ssa D. Monacchi, è stato eseguito uno studio di caratterizzazione mineralogico-petrografica

su una serie di

campioni di materiale lapideo prelevati dal pavimento dell'ambiente 4 della villa romana di Poggio

Gramignano. I campioni, in numero di undici, consistono sia di “scutulae”, intere o frammentarie, che di tes-

sere. Da essi sono state realizzate sezioni sottili petrografiche che sono state poi osservate al microscopio ottico polarizzante (Leitz Pol12). Due di esse, per le quali al termine dell'indagine ottica permanevano problemi circa il riconoscimento di alcune fasi mineralogiche, sono state inoltre osservate al microscopio elettronico a scansione (SEM) e sottoposte ad analisi chimica semiquantitativa mediante EDS (Energy Dispersive System).

RISULTATI ANALITICI

Viene di seguito riportata una descrizione dei caratteri macro e microscopici dei singoli campioni. Campione CRV — L'aspetto macroscopico risulta quello di un calcare micritico leggermente marnoso, intensamente fratturato. | Il colore varia dai toni del giallo a quelli del bruno secondo transizioni cromatiche sia brusche che graduali. Microscopicamente il campione rivela i caratteri di una calcilutite a tessitura isotropa. Tre sistemi distinti di vene calcitiche di diverso spessore attraversano il materiale intersecandosi tra loro. Rare plaghe brunastre arricchite di idrossidi di ferro si concentrano in prossimità di tali superfici di discontinuità. L'associazione faunistica è abbondante e costituita da microforaminiferi planctonici paleogenici (Globigerinidae e Globorotalidae). Campione CRVa -- Da un punto di vista macroscopico il campione rivela caratteri assai simili a quelli del campione precedente, anche se risulta molto più evidente l'arricchimento secondario in idrossidi di ferro. Tale arricchimento si manifesta in genere parallelamente e a contatto delle numerose vene presenti.

L'indagine microscopica ha evidenziato ulteriormente questo carattere acquisito, rivelando una sostanziale differenza in termini tessiturali tra il materiale costituente le plaghe brunastre e la micrite fondamentale. Le prime mostrano infatti un aspetto quasi nodulare, dovuto al forte arricchimento in pigmenti limonitici; pigmenti si rinvengono anche dispersi all'interno della micrite. Questo campione contiene meno fossili, e di taglia più ridotta, rispetto al precedente; le famiglie di appartenenza sono tuttavia le stesse. Campione RO — Il carattere macroscopico saliente di tale campione è rappresentato dal colore, un rosso acceso molto caratteristico. Tale colore, seppure diffuso sull'intera superficie del campio429

ne, risulta tuttavia particolarmente intenso in prossimità delle vene che, al pari che nei campioni precedenti, dominano la struttura. Tali vene rappresentano quindi siti preferenziali di concentrazione del pigmento, rappresentato con tutta probabilità, data la colorazione, da ematite. Il dato cromatico osservato a livello macroscopico trova conferma nei risultati dell'indagine microscopica, in base ai quali viene rilevata la presenza di pigmenti ematitici non solo, concentrati, nelle plaghe di color rosso acceso, ma anche, dispersi, nella restante parte della massa.

In definitiva, l'indagine ottica ha confermato il rapporto di stretta analogia tra questo campione e quelli precedenti, evidenziato sia dai caratteri tessiturali che dal contenuto micropaleontologico.

Campione NR — Il frammento in esame appartiene ad una calcilutite marnosa di colore rosso mattone. Al momento del campionamento, esso risultava ricoperto, in corrispondenza della superficie esposta, da una pellicola nerastra, non è chiaro se propria della pietra o in qualche modo derivante dalla messa in opera. L'indagine microscopica non ha consentito di chiarire questo punto, tuttavia ha permesso di cogliere alcuni caratteri tessiturali significativi, tra cui la presenza di una ricca fauna fossile senoniana, rappresentata da Globotruncanidae ed Heterohelicidae. Tra gli altri caratteri, si osserva la presenza di pigmentazioni ematitiche, sia disperse che concentrate in plaghe dai

contorni sfumati, e quella di sottilissime vene subparallele tra loro. Tali vene risultano tutte attraversate da un'unica frattura beante, chiaramente posteriore, da ricondurre forse all'azione di stress

meccanici successivi alla messa in opera. Campione NRI — All'esame macroscopico tale campione risulta molto simile al precedente, mal-

grado la sua colorazione moderatamente piü spenta. Tale impressione preliminare trova conferma

nei risultati dell'indagine microscopica, che evidenziano una natura calcareo-marnosa anche per questo campione. Il dato tessiturale saliente è tuttavia rappresentato dall'associazione faunistica, anch'essa di età senoniana, rappresentata da Globotruncanidae ed Heterohelicidae; tra i fossili sono stati inoltre riconosciuti bioclasti a sezione rettangolare, forse attribuibili a frammenti di echinoidi. Il contenuto faunistico risulta molto più abbondante che nel campione precedente; esso è inoltre rappresentato da fossili di taglia generalmente inferiore. Un altro dato tessiturale saliente riguarda la presenza di una sorta di spalmatura bruno-nerastra. Il fatto che essa risulti apparentemente localizata dentro il campione, e la constatazione della presenza di fauna fossile al suo interno ci consentono di ipotizzare che essa sia propria del materiale, cioè non relazionabile con la messa in opera dello stesso. Resta tuttavia impossibile chiarire in questa sede se la natura di tale spalmatura sia la stessa di quella osservata macroscopicamente

alla superficie del campione

precedente.

Campione ALB — I caratteri macroscopici del campione indagato sono quelli tipici di un alaba-

stro, cioè di un precipitato di natura carbonatica costituito da concrezioni calcitiche disposte secon-

do bande sovrapposte. L'indagine microscopica ha consentito di chiarire i dettagli di tale struttura, evidenziando come le singole bande siano in realtà costituite da fibre, di lunghezza diversa in funzione dello spessore delle bande stesse, disposte ortogonalmente alla superficie di accrescimento. Quest'ultima è segnalata dalla presenza di lacune di precipitazione, tipicamente torbide, ben visibi-

li tra una lamina e l’altra.

|

Campione AA — All'esame macroscopico il campione risulta essere una calcilutite di colore grigiastro all'apparenza molto fissile. L'indagine microscopica ha evidenziato come questo carattere non sia dovuto, come si sarebbe potuto pensare, alla presenza di una componente di natura argillosa nel materiale. Ouest'ultimo risulta infatti costituito da un "grainstone" a intraclasti, fossili e bioclasti carbonatici immersi in poca matrice, a sua volta rappresentata da fango calcitico microcristallino. Gli intraclasti consistono di “pellets” (grumi di fango carbonatico) di dubbia natura, mentre i fossili e i bioclasti appartengono a foraminiferi bentonici e planctonici di scarso significato stratigrafico. Campione PB - I tratti macroscopici salienti di questo campione sono molto simili a quelli del campione precedente. Questo campione però, pur essendo piuttosto tenero, differisce dal precedentc per la totale assenza di fissilità. 430

Lapparente, generale similitudine riscontrata a livello macroscopico trova conferma nei risultati dell'indagine microscopica, in base ai quali la tessitura del campione risulta analoga a quella del campione precedente. L'unica differenza di rilievo è rappresentata dalla presenza, in questo, di individui xenomorfi di dolomia epigenetica, riconoscibili per il loro tipico aspetto torbido. Campione CB - La semplice indagine visiva è sufficiente a rilevare come tale campione, appartenente ad un calcare di colore bianco, risulti dotato di una evidente cristallinità. L'indagine micro-

scopica ha consentito di accertare come tale carattere derivi dalla massiccia presenza, nel campione, di cristalli calcitici di dimensioni piuttosto grossolane, pari a circa 0.2mm. Tali cristalli, inequigranulari, per l'habitus tozzo e l'aspetto torbido sono chiaramente da attribuire a fenomeni di ricristallizazione diagenetica che, data anche la taglia dei granuli, devono essere stati molto spinti, cioè dovuti all’azione di intense sollecitazioni termo-bariche, quali si registrano, all'interno di una coltre di sedimenti, in condizioni di seppellimento. I processi di ricristallizzazione sono talmente marcati da mascherare quasi completamente la struttura originaria, che, tuttavia, non si esclude possa essere stata, originariamente, simile a quella dei due campioni precedenti. Campione V -- All'esame macroscopico il campione rivela i caratteri di un calcare leggermente marnoso, omogeneo ed isotropo. Il colore, molto caratteristico, è rappresentato da un verde pallido molto uniforme. All'indagine microscopica il campione risulta invece costituito da una massa di fondo molto fine ed omogenea, assolutamente non risolvibile otticamente, entro cui si osservano, di-

spersi, individui isolati di quarzo, feldspato, biotite e calcite, i primi sotto forma di cristalli idiomorfi o clasti a spigolo vivo, l'ultima sotto forma di cristalli xenomorfi dai bordi irregolari. Nella stessa massa fondamentale si osservano inoltre corpi tondeggianti di colore verde smeraldo al solo polarizzatore. Al fine di comprendere la natura di tali individui globosi e, nel contempo,

di risolvere, se

possibile anche in termini semiquantitativi, la composizione chimica della massa di fondo la sezione sottile relativa al campione in questione é stata osservata al SEM e analizzata mediante EDS. I risultati di tale indagine ausiliaria, tuttavia, non sono stati risolutivi ai fini dei problemi affrontati,

dal momento che mineralogica. Alla quindi attribuiti o re risolte neanche

hanno fornito composizioni chimiche del tutto estranee a qualunque tipo di fase luce di tali risultati la massa di fondo e i glomeruli tondeggianti devono essere a fasi mineralogiche di dimensioni estremamente ridotte, tali da non poter essealla microanalisi, oppure a loro prodotti di alterazione.

Campione TE — All'indagine visiva il campione in questione, di natura incerta, rivela un colore nerastro, una struttura omogenea e una tessitura isotropa. L'indagine microscopica ha consentito di far luce sulla natura di tale materiale, evidenziandone l'appartenenza ad una roccia vulcanica sottosatura in silice derivante dal raffreddamento di una lava. La struttura è infatti porfirica ipocristallina, con fenocristalli seriati di clinopirosseni, plagioclasi, leucite e minerali opachi (probabili ossidi di ferro); la stessa associazione mineralogica compare nella pasta di fondo, come rilevato dall’indagine al SEM condotta anche su questo campione. Nell’intera sezione si osserva la presenza di plaghe di colore arancio, legate probabilmente a fenomeni di ossidazione, idratazione e mobilitazione del ferro. CONSIDERAZIONI

CONCLUSIVE

ΑἹ termine delle indagini analitiche è possibile raggruppare gli undici campioni osservati in sette litotipi fondamentali, tutti appartenenti a pietre in senso tecnico e descritti brevemente qui di seguito. Calcilutite leggermente marnosa di un colore variabile dai toni del giallo a quelli del rosso, intensamente fratturata (campioni CRV, CRVa e RO). Per i suoi caratteri viene chiaramente attribuita alla

cosiddetta “pietra paesina", un calcare microcristallino presente in tutto l'Appennino settentrionale, ma particolarmente diffuso in Toscana e in Lazio (CIVITELLI et al., 1970), dove affiora all’interno dei

calcari della formazione geologica dell'Alberese, di cui costituisce una varietà. 431

Calcilutite marnosa di colore rosso mattone (campioni NR e NR1). In base ai caratteri tessiturali e all'associazione faunistica osservata viene chiaramente attribuita alla formazione geologica della Scaglia. Tale unità litostratigrafica affiora ampiamente nell’area umbro-marchigiana, di cui costituisce buona parte dei rilievi montuosi. Alabastro (campione ALB). I caratteri strutturali e tessiturali osservati sono risultati troppo generici per essere giudicati diagnostici ai fini della caratterizzazione di tale litotipo, che pertanto rimane di incerta attribuzione, almeno a questo livello di indagine. Calcilutite di colore grigiastro (campioni AA e PB). I caratteri tessiturali osservati, pur non essendo del tutto diagnostici in termini di attribuzione del materiale, sono tuttavia sufficienti per attribuire il campione ad un calcare di piattaforma carbonatica. Assumendo una relativa vicinanza dei siti di provenienza rispetto al luogo di impiego, tale materiale può essere ricercato tra i calcari giurassici affioranti nella dorsale mesozoica narnese-amerina o nei rilievi ternani, per quanto non sia del tutto da escludere una provenienza da formazioni più recenti situate nell’area laziale-abruzzese, dove l'ambiente di piattaforma carbonatica si è protratto nel tempo ben oltre il Giurassico. Calcare biancastro marcatamente cristallino (campione CB). Al termine delle indagini analitiche l'attribuzione di tale materiale rimane del tutto incerta. Ciò a motivo della presenza di estesi processi di ricristallizzazione che, realizzatisi a carico del materiale di partenza, ne hanno

obliterato

quasi completamente la tessitura originaria, la quale non è del tutto escluso che possa appartenere ad un materiale sul tipo di quello rappresentato dai due campioni precedenti. Calcare marnoso verde (campione V). Le indagini eseguite non consentono di trarre conclusioni univoche riguardo alla natura e, conseguentemente, alla provenienza dello stesso. Il dato tessiturale saliente rilevato all'indagine microscopica è la natura detritica del materiale, evidenziata dalla presenza di clasti silicatici. Tale natura può essere messa in relazione con l'intervento di eventi torbiditici molto diluiti, come si evince dalla netta predominanza della matrice sulla frazione a granulometria superiore.

Tra le unità flyschioidi, tutte di età terziaria, affioranti nell'Italia centrale ce da Lazarini (1990) ad una varietà glauconitica di Alberese toscano-laziale, che, macroscopici potrebbe essere paragonata al litotipo esaminato. Alla luce delle dotte sul campione in questione viene tuttavia esclusa una natura glauconitica colore verde presenti al suo interno.

ne è una, attribuita per i suoi caratteri analisi al SEM conper gli individui di

Vulcanite basica (campione TE), contenente cristalli di leucite, clinopirosseno, plagioclasio e individui opachi. Rocce con tale paragenesi affiorano ampiamente nell’area laziale in corrispondenza dei distretti vulcanici vulsino, vicano e sabatino (Desio, 1973). Questi, in sintesi, i risultati dell'indagine microscopica condotta sui materiali a nostra disposi-

zione. Tali risultati, specie per alcuni materiali, non possono in alcun modo essere giudicati esaustivi ai fini della caratterizazione e della individuazione della loro provenienza. Ulteriori informazioni in merito potrebbero essere dedotte con l'ausilio di altre metodologie analitiche, di tipo chimico o mineralogico. GIAMPIERO POLI- BEATRICE MORONI (Dipartimento di Scienze della Terra. Università degli Studi di Perugia)

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CHAPTER 19

GLI AFFRESCHI !

Oltre a rivestimenti parzialmente conservati in situ, negli ambienti scavati è stata rinvenuta un'in-

gente quantità di frammenti d'intonaco parietale affrescato crollato; i pezzi, di dimensione variabile, presentano nella maggior parte dei casi una superficie monocroma di colore bianco, giallo, rosso, nero, o prugna (riferibile per lo più a rivestimenti acromi o a vaste campiture colorate simulanti lastre marmoree),

ed in minor misura rosso cinabro e verde. Numericamente

inferiori i frammenti

recanti motivi decorativi, appartenenti in buona parte a bande colorate e linee d'inquadramento di ortostati dipinti, ad elementi architettonici e a fasce policrome e fregi posti a marcare la separazione fra i diversi registri delle pareti. Accanto ad esemplari sporadici compaiono in notevole quantità frammenti raggruppabili in insiemi coerenti, che in più casi hanno permesso la parziale restituzione dei sistemi pittorici. Alcuni insiemi di frammenti che si presentavano in connessione fra loro sono stati recuperati tramite velatura sul luogo dello scavo; in vari casi è stato possibile procedere ad una parziale ricomposizione dei pezzi,

e numerosi esemplari sono stati sottoposti ad intervento conservativo.

In base ad un'analisi di tipo stilistico gli intonaci appaiono attribuibili alla fase IIb della tipologia del secondo stile elaborata da Beyen 2 e cronologicamente si possono collocare negli anni centrali della seconda metà del I sec. a. C. Dall’ambiente 4 proviene in particolare un cospicuo gruppo di frammenti d'intonaco a superficie rosso bordeaux per la maggior parte ed in alcuni casi nera, riferibile al rivestimento delle colonne in laterizi che ornavano la stanza. Sullo scavo sono stati rinvenuti anche alcuni frammenti di cornici realizzate in stucco, elementi ornamentali utilizzati in epoca romana quali immancabili complementi del rivestimento pittorico murale. : OSSERVAZIONI

TECNICHE

Intonaci

Tutti i frammenti d'intonaco parietale rinvenuti recano pressoché la medesima preparazione, che appare piuttosto solida, e che sugli esemplari più integri si conserva per uno spessore di circa 7 cm.; ad un'analisi autoptica essa appare costituita da quattro strati, tre di colore giallastro, mediamente coerenti, spessi mm. 25, mm. 10-20 e mm. 5-15 circa 3, costituiti da calce, sabbia, ciottolini e frammenti di paglia, ed uno, superficiale, di colore bianco, molto resistente, spesso mm. 5-10 ca., a base

‘1 Desidero ringraziare vivamente Mariette de Vos per i preziosi consigli cortesemente datimi nel corso della stesura del presente elaborato. 2 H. G. BEYEN, Die Pompejanische Wanddekoration vom zweiten bis zum vierten Stil, voll. I, II (Haag: 1938, 1960); H. G. BEYEN, “Die neuentdeckten Malereien auf dem Palatin”, BaBesch 39 (1964) pp. 140-143. Sul secondo stile in generale: BEYEN 1938, 1960, 1964; K. SCHEFOLD, La peinture pompéienne. Essai sur l'évolution de sa signification. Coll. Latomus 108 (Bruxelles: 1972) pp. 227-240; A. ALLROGEN BEDEL, "La pittura", in F. ZEVI (a cura di), Pompei 79. Raccolta di studi per il decimonono centenario dell'eruzione vesuviana (Napoli: 1979), pp. 134-137; M. e A. DE Vos, Pompei, Ercolano, Stabia (Bari: 1982), pp. 341-343; A. BARBET, La peinture murale romaine. Les styles décoratifs pompéiens (Paris: 1985), pp. 35-90; R. A. TYBOUT, Aedificiorum figurae: Untersuchungen zu den Architekturdarstellungen des frühen zweiten Stils (Amsterdam: 1989); R. LING, Roman Painting (Cambridge; New York; Port Chester; Melbourne; Sydney: 1991), pp. 23-51; K. ScHEFOLD, “Signication de la peinture pompéienne," in AA. VV., La peinture de Pompéi. Témoignages de l'art romain dans la zone ensevelie par Vésuve en 79 ap. J.-C. (Paris: 1993), pp. 38-40; V. M. STROCKA, “Le deuxiéeme style," in AA. VV., La peinture de Pompéi, 1993. 3 Si considera primo strato quello che in origine si trovava più vicino al muro.

433

di calce, calcite fine e sporadicamente cocciopesto finemente triturato. Alcuni esemplari presentano sul retro del secondo strato impronte regolari in rilievo a “spina di pesce” (Tav. 162), lasciate dalle scanalature impresse sulla superficie del primo strato per facilitare la coesione con quello successivo 4. La superficie dei frammenti, accuratamente levigata prima della stesura dei colori, è nella maggior parte dei casi deteriorata, e i pigmenti si presentano spesso polverosi al tatto; tuttavia gli esemplari in buono stato di conservazione mostrano una pellicola pittorica ancora solida e lucente. Le campiture di ampia estensione, che devono essere state applicate immediatamente al di sopra dell'ultimo strato di preparazione ancora umido, appaiono per lo più uniformi nel caso delle ocre gialle e rosse, mentre nel caso delle zone dipinte di nerofumo il colore è in gran parte evanido se non quasi del tutto scomparso. I motivi sopraddipinti, quali fasce, linee ed elementi ornamentali, il cui disegno appare eseguito con nettezza e precisione, presentano in molti casi un cattivo stato di conservazione

e si staccano con facilità dalla superficie, probabilmente perché eseguiti frequentemente “a corpo”, ovvero mescolando i colori alla calce ed applicandoli quindi sull'intonaco pressoché asciutto. Sulla superficie di alcuni frammenti è visibile il tracciato preparatorio impresso dai pittori sull'intonaco ancora molle prima della stesura del colore, allo scopo di fissare gli assi e le linee divisorie della parete, tramite strumenti quali la cordicella, lo stiletto e la riga 5 (Tavv. 163-166; Figg. 283, 289). La preparazione dell'intonaco di rivestimento delle colonne si compone di tre strati, due di colore giallastro, spessi mm. 5-8 ca., costituiti da calce, sabbia, ciottolini, ed uno bianco, spesso mm. 4 ca., a base di calce e calcite fine. Cornici di stucco

La preparazione delle cornici di stucco è variabile, ma comune a tutte è l'utilizzazione del gesso 6, che mentre nel caso del tipo F (Fig. 285e) costituisce l'intera preparazione della cornice raggiungendo uno spessore notevole, in tutti gli altri esemplari ὃ presente soltanto nello strato superficiale. Quest'ultimo reca il profilo modanato, ottenuto premendo sul materiale ancora fresco uno stampo in legno, come suggeriscono le striature orizzontali presenti sulla superficie di alcuni frammenti 7 (Tavv. 185-188). A causa della sua composizione tale strato tende a sgretolarsi e si conserva dunque solo su pochi esemplari. Nel caso della cornice di tipo A (Fig. 284) la preparazione consiste in uno strato di gesso molto friabile, spesso mm. 1-8, applicato direttamente all'ultimo strato dell'intonaco parietale lasciato grezzo. In modo analogo sono realizzati 1 tipi B e G (Fig. 285a, f). La preparazione del tipo C (Fig. 285b) è costituita da tre strati: i primi due, biancastri, spessi l'uno fino a mm.

so mm. La calce e bianco,

1-10, é cornice calcite, spesso

30, l'altro mm.

10-12 ca., sono a base di calce e calcite; il terzo, superficiale, spes-

formato da gesso. di tipo D (Fig. 285c) reca una preparazione composta da uno strato biancastro di forse applicato in due mani, spesso fino a mm. 30, e da uno straterello superficiale mm. 1, a base di gesso.

^ A. BARBET e C. ALLAG, "Techniques de préparation dans la peinture murale romaine", MEFRA 84, 2 (1972), pp. 950-954; A. BARBET, Recueil général des peintures murales de la Gaule. I.1. Province de Narbonnaise, Glanum. Gallia, Suppl. 27 (1974), pp. 29-30; Liuc 1991, p. 198. | 5 Vd. a questo proposito BARBET-ALLAG 1972, pp. 983-1044; LiNG 1991, pp. 203-204. 6 Mentre PLINIO (naz. 36, 183) apprezza l'uso del gesso per le cornici di stucco, VITRUVIO (7, 3, 3) lo sconsiglia, perché a suo parere questo materiale, facendo presa troppo rapidamente, impedisce un'essicazione uniforme, e suggerisce invece di mescolare alla calce *marmo scelto di trama omogenea”. A questo proposito e più in generale sulla composizione dei rivestimenti in stucco, vd. R. LING, “Stucco Decoration in Pre-Augustan Italy", PBSR 27 (1972), pp. 23-24; R. LING, “Stuccowork,” in D. STRONG, D. Brown (ed.), Roman Crafts (London: 1976), pp. 209-214; M. Frizot, Stuc de Gaule et des provinces. Motifs et techniques (Dijon: 1977), pp. 33-50. 7 Cfr. I. BRAGANTINI e M. DE Vos, Museo Nazionale Romano. Le pitture. II.1: Le decorazioni della Villa Romana della Farnesina (Roma: 1982), pp. 65-66; sulla tecnica di realizzazione di questi elementi ornamentali vd. FrIZOT 1977, pp. 27-31 e 3379; C. ALLAG,

"L'utilisation du stuc dans la décoration murale du I siècle aprés J.-C.,” in AA. VV., Peinture murale en Gaule,

actes des séminaires 1979, organisés par l'AFPMA et le centre d'étude des peintures murales romaines CNRS, Lyon 20-21 février, Narbonne 30 avril-1 mai, Paris-Soissons 1-2 novembre (Dijon: 1980), pp. 85-87.

434

Il tipo E (Fig. 285 4) ha una preparazione di due strati, analoga a quella del tipo C: il primo strato, molto coerente, biancastro, raggiunge uno spessore di 15 mm. ca. ed è a base di calce e calcite; il secondo, bianco, spesso mm. 1-7 ca., è invece composto di gesso. La maggior parte dei frammenti presenta soltanto il primo strato, grezzo e recante un abbozzo approssimativo del profilo, che appare realizzato in due forme diverse, una grossomodo a sezione triangolare, l’altra a sezione trapezoidale (Tav. 190), le quali tuttavia possono essere attribuite alla medesima cornice, costituendo questo strato soltanto una base ed essendo sull'ultimo, come accennato, che veniva impresso il rilievo definitivo.

Il tipo F (Fig. 2856) infine, come accennato, ha una preparazione composta interamente in gesso, costituita da uno strato bianco che raggiunge uno spessore di 40 mm.

ca.

Tutte le cornici sono acrome, a parte il tipo D, che presenta evidenti tracce di colore verde sulla superficie (Tavv. 181-186). AMBIENTI

1, 2 E 15

Gli alzati di questi ambienti presentavano un rivestimento, in parte ancora in situ per un'altezza massima di 1, 70 m. ca. (muri perimetrali N-NE dell'ambiente 1, N-NE dell'ambiente 2, N-NE e angolo S dell'ambiente 15), che appare completamente acromo (Tavv. 23, 24, 28, 91). La superficie,

per lo più liscia, risulta accuratamente pressata e levigata. L'assenza di colore è imputabile alla funzione secondaria di questi vani, che si connotano come semplici ambienti di servizio. AMBIENTE

4

Nonostante l'elevato numero di frammenti rinvenuto nell'oecus 4, non è possibile procedere all'integrale restituzione del sistema pittorico che ornava le pareti, mentre ció appare realizzabile per l'ornamentazione della copertura della sala. Infatti, a parte il caso di alcuni insiemi coerenti, per lo

più recuperati in connessione durante lo scavo, i numerosi frammenti sporadici recanti motivi decorativi (soprattutto fasce monocrome o policrome, di altezza variabile, su fondi di diversi colori) non

consentono di individuare gruppi omogenei dal punto di vista degli schemi ornamentali, tali da fornire un contributo alle ipotesi ricostruttive. Per quanto riguarda la decorazione parietale, sui muri perimetrali dell'ambiente si conserva parte del registro inferiore del rivestimento pittorico, per un'altezza massima di 74 cm. ca. (Tavv. 42, 46). Dai campi di colore evanido che vi compaiono si evince la presenza di un basso plinto nero ed uno zoccolo color prugna che sembra presentarsi come una lastra piana priva di elementi ornamentali, marginato

superiormente

da una stretta fascia nera sormontata da un'alta fascia azzurra

confinante con campo bianco. Non esistono indizi sufficienti per un'attendibile ricostruzione della parte sovrastante lo zoccolo, ma la quasi totale assenza di frammenti con elementi figurati suggerisce uno schema semplice, probabilmente a parete chiusa ed organizzato secondo un ordine paratattico (Figg. 46, 48). Alla parte superiore della zona mediana della parete è possibile attribuire alcuni esemplari (Tavv. 167, 168) che riportano un motivo decorativo costituito da una serie di fasce policrome (nera, azzurra, verde) associate ad una cornice resa nei toni del bianco e del giallo-oro, con linguette policrome (rosso cinabro, verde, marron-bruno) ed un coronamento (di architrave?) for-

mato da una fila di ornamenti a tre quarti di cerchio a volute verdi su fondo bianco poggianti su di una fascia policroma formata da linee accostate di colore verde, giallo e viola. Il motivo trova riscon-

tro nel repertorio ornamentale della villa della Farnesina ὃ, cosi come pure la cornice a linguette, per la quale offre in particolare un calzante confronto un fregio del cubicolo B 9; un elemento decorativo analogo si trova anche nel cubicolo (15) della casa di Augusto !9.

8 BRAGANTINI-DE Vos

1982, p. 48, tav. L, 3.

9 BRAGANTINI-DE Vos 1982, pp. 44-48, tavv. F-L e p. 172, tav. 67. 10 G, CARETTONI, Das Haus des Augustus auf dem palatin (Mainz am Rhein: 1983), pp. 68-69, fig. 10.

435

Fra i frammenti d'intonaco parietale con motivi ornamentali di incerta collocazione, la cui stessa pertinenza alla decorazione dell'oecus non è affermabile con certezza, vanno segnalati alcuni esem-

plari recanti elementi riconducibili ad uno schema pittorico tipico del secondo stile, a ortostati neri con la parte che s'immagina in rilievo resa attraverso sottili linee bianche, marginati superiormente o inferiormente

da una fascia gialla con linee ed elementi

ornamentali

(2) di color rosso-bruno,

davanti ai quali s'innalzano le colonne scanalate di un portico rese nei toni del bianco-crema e del rosa e profilate di azzurro (Tav. 169). Per quanto riguarda i rinvenimenti isolati, ricordiamo ancora alcuni piccoli frammenti

con la

raffigurazione di un soffitto a cassettoni policromo (viola, violetto, rosso cinabro) rappresentato in prospettiva e sormontato da una cornice verde con elementi floreali al tratto neri (fig. 13), appartenente a una struttura architettonica dipinta, forse un'edicola, elemento che nel corso del secondo stile conquista la posizione fissa al centro della parete a schema simmetrico !!; altri frammenti a fondo nero recano piccoli fiori dipinti in tinte delicate (rosa, azzurro, giallo) (Tavv.

171,

172). Un

esemplare a fondo bianco, infine, presenta una stretta fascia giallo-oro (cornice?) con elementi ornamentali illeggibili, affiancata da una fascia di colore azzurro evanido (Tav. 173). Gli insiemi coerenti recuperati durante lo scavo permettono di restituire il codice compositivo del soffitto che copriva la parte centrale della sala, e della volta del corridoio perimetrale. Il primo doveva presentare un sistema imitante un rivestimento

di crustae marmoreae

con file di bugne bian-

che sfalsate sui quattro lati obliqui, il cui rilievo era reso attraverso linee brune quasi completamente scomparse, incorniciate da fasce profilate di verde (colore pressoché del tutto evanido) (Tavv. 71, 174-177; Figg. 50, 51, 106, 283); queste ultime in origine dovevano presentare una tonalità rosso cinabro, come suggeriscono le tracce di tale pigmento presenti al di sopra della base di colore rosa diluito che mostra ancora le striature lasciate dal pennello 12. Una delle lastre reca in posizione centrale labili resti di pennellate grigio-azzurre e verdi, la cui disposizione induce a ipotizzare, piuttosto che l'imitazione di venature marmoree, la presenza sulle bugne di riquadri, forse figurati, ormai illeggibili. In corrispondenza della terminazione superiore o inferiore delle bugne la fascia rossa presentava un'altezza maggiore ed era affiancata da un'altra larga fascia orizzontale color prugna, in corrispondenza del cui margine l'intonaco forma un risalto, da mettere in relazione con un angolo del rivestimento. La parte centrale del soffitto recava una composizione che ne occupava l'intera superficie, costituita da un quadrato inscrivente un quadrato messo di lato, dal contorno costituito da doppie fasce di colore rosso cinabro e prugna, all’interno del quale non è da escludere la presenza di una figurazione, di cui però non rimane traccia, secondo uno schema che ritroviamo nel terzo stile, ad esempio al centro della volta dell'ambiente FF della casa di Caius Julius Polybius a Pompei (IX 13, 1-3) 13, Il tipo di composizione descritto per i lati obliqui della copertura, non trova confronti con pitture di soffitti d'età romana, le quali d'altro canto rappresentano in generale un tipo di rivestimento architettonico scarsamente documentato, soprattutto per il periodo in cui i frammenti in esame si collocano. La sintassi decorativa qui adottata sembra infatti riprendere uno schema pittorico, quello dell'imitazione di lastre marmoree, caratteristico delle pareti di secondo stile, adattandolo ad una copertura. La concezione, semplice e lineare ma di sicuro effetto, e la scelta dei colori e soprattutto del fondo bianco, da attribuirsi probabilmente anche all'esigenza di conferire la maggiore luminosità possibile alla sala, si avvicinano in particolare da un lato ad alcuni aspetti del cosiddetto “secon-

1 E.L. BASTET e M. e A. DE Vos, Proposta

per una classificazione del terzo stile pompeiano (Roma: 1979), p. 124 e nota 1.

12 L'uso di colori di fondo su cui applicare il minio è molto diffuso nel mondo romano [cfr. ad es. N. DAVEY e R. LING, Wall

Painting in Roman Britain, Britannia, Monograph Series 3 (1982), p. 82; DE Vos 1982; p. 210; M. SCHLEIERMACHER, Technik un Aufbau rómischer Wandmalerei Vitruvkolloquium 17-18 Juni 1982 (Darmstadt: 1984), p. 245] e probabilmente aveva la funzione di consentire un risparmio del prezioso pigmento; vd. a questo proposito la testimonianza di Plinio (nat. 33, 120; 35, 33), il quale afferma che il syricum veniva steso prima del cinabro per motivi di risparmio e che anche l'ocra rossa denominata sphragis, oltre ad essere impiegata per falsificare il prezioso pigmento, si usava spalmata al di sotto di esso.

13 BARBET 1985, pp. 158-160 e fig. 107.

436

do stile schematico”, che si configura come una particolare forma del secondo stile finale 14, dall’altro ai sobri sistemi pittorici usati solitamente in ambienti di importanza secondaria, come la stanza

10 bis della villa di Oplontis, che presenta un rivestimento parietale datato al secondo stile finale o al terzo iniziale 15, Nel repertorio ornamentale di questa fase pittorica rientrano tra l'altro anche le bugne figurate 16. Linsieme dei frammenti appartenenti alla copertura del corridoio perimetrale della stanza (Tavv. 62, 63, 65, 178, 180; Figg. 47, 49, 284) presenta inferiormente una vasta campitura gialla appartenente alla zona superiore della parete; essa é sormontata da un'alta fascia rossa orizzontale, marginata in basso da una stretta fascia color rosso-bruno, staccatasi quasi completamente dalla superficie. Al di sopra di questa era posizionata una cornice in stucco acroma (tipo A), di un'altezza pari a 12,5 cm. ca., della quale si conserva nella posizione originaria all'incirca la metà inferiore (profilo dal basso verso l'alto: filetto dritto, listello, fascia), mentre la parte restante ὃ caduta; doveva comun-

que trattarsi di una cornice dalla modanatura molto semplice del tipo di quella che chiude superiormente la zona mediana della sala delle maschere (5) della casa di Augusto sul Palatino 17. Sopra alla cornice s'imposta la volta, decorata alla base da due alte fasce orizzontali accostate, quella inferiore rosa e quella superiore di colore grigio-azzurro. I pigmenti appaiono molto evanidi. Al di sopra delle fasce si articolava un disegno regolare a cassettoni prospettici illusionistici dipinti nei toni del rosa pallido e del giallo chiaro su fondo bianco, inquadrati da fasce grigie, con cornici a dentelli e a linguette ad ornamento del margine interno dei lati dei lacunari di forma quadrangolare (della cui parte centrale nulla rimane), ad imitazione probabilmente di una copertura marmorea, secondo uno schema che appare largamente usato per la decorazione dei soffitti di secondo stile !8 e che trova confronto in particolare nella volta della rampa (12) della casa di Augusto !?. Frammenti riferibili a cinque cornici di stucco, diverse dal tipo conservatosi sull'intonaco (tipi B, C, D, F, G), sono stati rinvenuti all'interno dell'oecus, ma non è possibile risalire alla loro colloca-

zione originaria, e trattandosi di frammenti sporadici non è da escludere la pertinenza di alcune di esse ad altri ambienti; ὃ plausibile che fra queste una fosse posta a coronamento della zona mediana della parete.In nessun caso la modanatura si conserva nella sua totale estensione. La prima cornice, acroma, reca un profilo formato, dal basso verso l'alto, da fascia, tondino, nervatura angolare,

listello (Tav. 181; Fig. 285a); la seconda, pure bianca, manca della parte inferiore e presenta un profilo costituito da fascia orizzontale, fascia verticale, filetto dritto, cyma recta, listello (Tav. 182; Fig.

285b). Anche il profilo della terza cornice non è restituibile per la parte inferiore; esso si compone di fascia orizzontale, filetto dritto, fascia verticale, listello, fascia verticale, filetto dritto, cyma reversa, listello inclinato; la superficie presenta evidenti tracce di colore verde (Tav. 183; Figg. 58, 285c). Il

profilo del tipo F, a superficie bianca, si conserva invece solo nella sua parte inferiore e presenta listello inclinato e gola egizia (Tav. 185; Fig. 285e). La cornice di tipo G, infine, anch'essa priva di colore, manca della parte superiore; il profilo si compone di gola, toro, listello, tondino, fascia, toro, listello;

la sua superficie é leggermente convessa (Tav. 186; Fig. 285f). Si tratta di cornici di stucco a profilo

14 BARBET 1985, pp. 98-100. 15 J, R. CLARKE,

"The

Early Third

Style

at the Villa of Oplontis,”

RM

94

(1987),

pp.

285-286

e fig.

10; W.

EHRHARDT,

Stilgeschichtliche Untersuchungen an rómischen Wandmalereien von der spáten Republik bis zur Zeit Neros (Mainz am Rhein:

1987), pp. 34-37 e tav. 8.37.

16 Nelle forme avanzate del secondo stile infatti le crustae di marmo, ridotte a specchiature a tinta unita, vengono talvolta usate come

supporto per figurazioni ornamentali:

M. e A. DE Vos, "Scavi nuovi sconosciuti (I 11, 14; I 11, 12): pitture

memorande di Pompei. Con una tipologia provvisoria dello stile a candelabri," MededRom 37 (1975), pp. 57-58. Anche quadretti incorniciati possono ricorrere in varie posizioni sulla parete dipinta: BASTET-DE Vos 1979, p. 18. Ricchi di esempi di questo tipo sono in particolare gli affreschi della villa della Farnesina a Roma (BRAGANTINI-DE Vos 1982). 17 CARETTONI 1983, tavv. a colori E-G. 18 BARBET 1985, p. 77-78; Linc 1991, p. 42; A. BARBET, "La peinture des plafonds et des voütes à Rome, Herculaneum, Stabies et Pompéi”, in L. FRANCHI DELL'ORTO (a cura di), Ercolano 1738-1988. 250 anni di recerca archeologica, Atti del Conve-

gno Internazionale Ravello-Ercolano-Napoli-Pompei, 30 ottobre-5 novembre 1988 (Roma: 1993), pp. 365-366. 19 CARETTONI 1983, p. 48, fig. 6 e tav. a colori Y3; BARBET 1985, p. 82, fig. 46.

437

semplice, secondo un uso frequente nella seconda fase del secondo stile 20, prive di ornamenti floreali (i quali per altro sono rari in tutto questo periodo 2!), per lo più poco aggettanti e, per quanto ricostruibile in base ai frammenti, di dimensioni piuttosto esigue, come sarà anche per le cornici di terzo stile 2. Nonostante il fatto che per questi elementi ornamentali il secondo stile preferisca l'acromia al fine di ottenere un effetto di contrasto con la vivace policromia della pittura parietale 23, non mancano tuttavia esempi dell'uso di colori di fondo, solitamente limitati a parti ristrette quali i fregi 24. Dall'ambiente 4 provengono, come già accennato, anche numerosi frammenti con profilo curvo, recanti una superficie accuratamente levigata e dipinta di rosso bordeaux ed alcuni pezzi di colore nero. Si tratta dell'intonaco usato per rivestire le colonne in laterizio dell'oecus (Tav. 43), le quali dovevano presentare il fusto rosso ornato inferiormente o superiormente da una fascia nera. AMBIENTE

ὃ

Anche i frammenti rinvenuti all'interno del triclinio 8 consentono una ricostruzione ipotetica soltanto parziale dello schema compositivo applicato al rivestimento murale, concernente lo zoccolo e la zona mediana delle pareti, in assenza di indizi riguardo alla zona superiore e al soffitto. La parete N-NE della stanza presenta alcuni frammenti in situ di uno zoccolo monocromo nero, conservato per un'altezza massima di 55 cm. ca. (Tav. 84, Fig. 9), che con ogni probabilità era concluso superiormente da una serie di fasce orizzontali, rispettivamente, dal basso verso l’alto, di colo-

re violetto, nero e giallo-oro con linee brune e marron (Tavv. 188-190), che mirano forse a rendere una cornice modanata,

secondo un uso non infrequente nel secondo stile avanzato, come vediamo

ad esempio nell'atrio e nell'ala sinistra della casa di Livia sul Palatino a Roma 25. Esse rivestivano anche la funzione di separare lo zoccolo dal registro mediano, dove la decorazione doveva svolgersi verosimilmente secondo un modulo paratattico, sistema parietale in uso durante tutto il secondo stile 26, volto a simulare un'incrostazione marmorea tramite una successione di finti ortostati color

rosso bordeaux incorniciati da una bassa fascia verde profilata di bianco (Tavv. 188-192; Figg. 286, 291); il bugnato è simulato attraverso effetti di luce invertiti, realizzati con ogni probabilità in accordo con la fonte di luce naturale dell'ambiente e resi per mezzo di sottili linee che strutturano internamente le lastre, di colore bianco per le zone che si immaginavano in luce e grigio per quelle che si immaginavano in ombra. La sobria decorazione a parete chiusa era impreziosita da una ricca trabeazione posta al di sopra delle lastre (Tavv. 192-194), che appare aver abbandonato l'imitazione di reali modelli architettonici creata dal secondo stile attraverso l'impostazione illusionistica, appiattendosi e perdendo solidità e realismo, anche attraverso la grande importanza dell'ornato. Essa si articolava, dal basso verso l'alto, in una fascia di colore violetto marginata da linee nere inferiormente e marron superiormente, un fregio costituito da un'alta fascia a fondo bianco ornata da fiori di loto stilizzati resi in verde e in violetto legati tramite archi pendenti azzurri (Tav. 192), una successione di basse fasce realizzate in viola, marron e giallo, ed infine una cornice a dentelli resa nei toni del bianco, azzurro e viola. Una fila di motivi bianchi a "S" a volute verticali alternate stagliati

su fondo nero, che per forma e posizione sembrano richiamare delle antefisse metalliche, era posta a coronamento dell'architrave (Tavv. 193, 194). Fra i vari confronti disponibili per trabeazioni dipinte strutturate in questo modo, ricordiamo in particolare gli affreschi della biblioteca (18) della casa

20 U. PL

1986), pp. 38-40.

Pompejanische Stuckgesimse des dritten un vierten Stils (Frankfurt Am Main; Bern; New York:

' 21 BASTET-DE Vos 1979, p. 131, nota 9. 22 BASTET-DE Vos 1979, p. 130.

23 ALLAG 1980, pp. 84-85.

24 RIEMENSCHNEIDER 1986, pp. 26-35, passim. 25 E. Rizzo, Le pitture della “Casa di Livia". Monumenti della pittura antica scoperti in Italia, sez. III, Roma, fasc. YII (Roma:

1936), p. 7, fig. 5; p. 16, fig. 11; p. 19, fig. 13; BEYEN 1960, figg. 230 e'231. 26 STROCKA, "La deuxiéme style", 1993, p. 240.

438

|

VI 17, 41 a Pompei 27, del cubicolo superiore (15) della casa di Augusto sul Palatino 28, e quelli dei cubicoli B, D, E e del triclinio C della villa della Farnesina a Roma 29, esempi collocabili tutti nella

seconda fase del secondo stile. In particolare il fregio di motivi floreali raccordati tramite archi pendenti trova uno dei confronti più antichi nella parete nord dell'oecus (1) della casa I 11, 14 di Pompei,

la cui decorazione è considerata uno degli ultimi esempi della fase IIa 30 del secondo stile; questo motivo ornamentale infatti appare diffuso soprattutto nella fase IIb 31. Con un campo nero di altezza imprecisabile marginato da una bassa fascia viola sormontata da un'ulteriore fascia di colore violetto è possibile che si concludesse la zona mediana della parete (Tav. 195); la fascia superiore infatti confina con un breve campo acromo presso il cui margine l'intonaco forma un risalto, forse da leggere in connessione con la presenza di una cornice di stucco. Appare in effetti verosimile attribuire a questa zona della parete i frammenti di cornice acroma provenienti dall'ambiente 8 (tipo E; Tav. 184; Fig. 285d), recanti un profilo semplice che, dal basso verso l'alto,

è composto da tondino, cyma reversa, filetto dritto, fascia, filetto dritto.

AMBIENTE

10

Nell’ambiente 10, che si connota come uno spazio di servizio per la presenza di un rivestimento pavimentale in opus spicatum, rimane ancora in situ parte della zoccolatura sul muro perimetrale E-NE per un'altezza massima di 50 cm. ca. (Tav. 91); essa si presenta dipinta di rosa (lo strato superficiale della preparazione dell'intonaco è caratterizzato dalla presenza di cocciopesto, da mettere forse in connessione con problemi di umidità) e con ogni probabilità era monocroma. Alla zona mediana di una pittura parietale è da attribuire un gruppo di frammenti d'intonaco rinvenuti nell'ambiente, la cui pertinenza ad un vano di secondaria importanza qual è questo appare improbabile, ma per i quali al momento risulta impossibile precisare la provenienza, che comunque è verosimilmente riferibile ad un ambiente ubicato a breve distanza. I frammenti facevano parte di una decorazione di tipo architettonico piuttosto articolata e complessa raffigurante porte affiancate da colonne (Tavv. 196, 199; Figg. 287, 292), che sulla parete dovevano occupare una posizione

centrale o laterale, come suggeriscono i numerosi confronti di tipo compositivo di secondo stile 32, Le porte, di colore verde-azzurro 33 su fondo bianco, erano probabilmente a due o più battenti sormontati da un'inferriata, con scomparti delineati in nero e bianco, a cui erano applicati martelli anu-

lari di color giallo-oro con ombra riportata (Tav. 200; Fig. 288c) e ornati di borchie. Inferiormente

27 V. M. STROCKA, "Pompeji VI 17, 41: ein Haus mit Privatbibliothek”, RM 100 (1993) taf. 74.1. 28 CARETTONI 1983, p. 68, fig. 10. 29 BRAGANTINI-DE Vos 1982, p. 45, tav. G, 5; p. 48, tav. L, 1-3; pp. 140-141, tavv. 35-36; pp. 162-163, tavv. 57-58; pp. 219-

220, tavv. 107-108; pp. 252-261, tavv. 134-143; pp. 271-281, tavv. 153-163; pp. 308-309, tavv. 178-179. 30 pg Vos 1975, pp. 54-55, pl. IL13 e 14.16.

31 pe Vos 1975, p. 59; per i confronti vd. la tavola sinottica a p. 63. A questi vanno aggiunte le pitture augustee rinvenute a Bolsena [C. ALLAG, “Une peinture augustéenne à Bolsena”, MEFRA 97, 1 (1985) fig. 16b] e quelle messe in luce nello scavo

di Palazzo Corigliano a Napoli (I. BRAGANTINI, Ricerche archeologiche a Napoli: lo scavo di Palazzo Corigliano. Annali del Dipartimento di Studi del mondo Classico e del Mediterraneo Orientale, sezione archeologia e storia antica, Quaderno 7 (Napoli: 1991), pp. 117-119, fig. 66.2 e tavv. 13.1, Al e B1). 32 Vd. ad es. le pitture parietali del cubicolo della villa di P Fannius Synistor a Boscoreale (BEYEN 1938, figg. 60, 61b e 62b), dell'atrio 5, del triclinio 14 e della sala 15 della villa di Oplontis [A. De Franciscis, La villa romana di Oplontis (Recklinhausen: 1975), p. 18, fig. 4; p. 20, fig. 7; p. 25, fig. 13; p. 35, fig 23; p. 37, figg.124-25], degli ambienti termali della casa del Criptoportico (I 6, 2-4) (BEvEN 1960, figg. 22b e 27a), dell'exedra della casa del Menandro (I 10, 4) (d., fig. 73), dell'oecus 43 della casa del Labirinto (VI 11, 8-10) e del cubicolo (k) della casa di Cerere (I 9, 13) a Pompei [V.M. Strocka, Casa del

Labirinto (VI 11, 8-10). Hiuser in Pompeji 4. (München: re e dell'ambiente 9 della casa di Augusto sul Palatino

1991) figg. 293 e 295; PPM II, pp. 220-221], della sala delle maschea Roma

(G. CaRETTONI, "Due nuovi ambienti dipinti sul palatino", BdA

46 (1961) fig. 5; 1983, tavv. a colori B ed E), e dell'oecus 12 della villa di Settefinestre [F. DONATI, M. R. FiLIPPI, M. C. PANERAI, M. L. PAOLETTI, “La piccola sala 12", in

AA. VV, Settefinestre: una villa schiavistica nell'Etruria romana

(a cura di A. Carandini)

II (Modena: 1985), pp. 222-223, figg. 322-325]. 33 Fritta egizia stesa su di una mano di colore verde, forse costituito da creta viridis.

439

le porte poggiavano su di una fascia orizzontale realizzata nei toni del giallo-oro (Tav. 201), forse da interpretarsi come il piano prospettico del podio. Scandivano la parete colonne scanalate di color rosso cinabro con ombreggiature rese in rosso bordeaux e viola, che probabilmente recavano intorno al fusto nastri legati di color azzurro (Tav. 202), ed alle quali si possono riferire capitelli ionici dipinti in giallo-oro 34 impreziositi con gemme al centro delle volute (Tav. 203; Fig. 288b), analogamente a quelli raffigurati sulle pareti del cubicolo 11 della villa di Oplontis 35, in accordo con un uso entrato in voga nel secondo stile avanzato 36. È possibile che le colonne sostenessero un architrave al di sotto del quale era visibile un soffitto a cassettoni prospettico policromo (verde e rosso cinabro con linee bianche e nere). Più in basso, dietro agli elementi portanti si sviluppava, con funzione di coronamento della zona mediana, un'altra trabeazione che si presenta come una variazione di quella raffigurata sull'intonaco dell'ambiente 8 37 (Tav. 204; Fig. 289), alla quale si rimanda per i confronti 38, ma più complessa sia per la maggior ricchezza e raffinatezza dei motivi ornamentali, sia per la maggiore policromia. Essa si articolava, dal basso verso l'alto, in un fregio a fondo bianco a motivi floreali (calici e boccioli di loto legati tramite archi pendenti) 39 realizzati nei toni dell'azzurro, viola, violetto e giallo, una bassa fascia verde, una cornice a dentelli formata da linee digradanti

dall'azzurro al bianco, una successione di linee azzurre, viola e marron, una bassa fascia gialla profilata di marron, una cornice modanata a linguette il cui profilo a cyma reversa è suggerito tramite l'accostamento di linee digradanti dall'azzurro al bianco secondo un uso che appare caratteristico della fase di transizione fra secondo e terzo stile 49, una successione di linee viola, bianche e azzurre; sormontava la trabeazione una fila di elaborati elementi ornamentali di colore verde su fondo bianco costituiti da cornucopie stilizzate divergenti alternate a motivi cuoriformi su volute, a imita-

zione di antefisse metalliche. Alla decorazione dovevano appartenere anche alcuni frammenti, di incerta collocazione,

recanti motivi figurati (elementi architettonici e vegetali) realizzati in viola,

marron, rosso bruno e nero su fondo bianco (Tav. 205). Una decorazione volta a simulare un rivestimento di crustae di marmo bianco, con bugnato suggerito attraverso linee rosse poste ad inquadrare internamente le lastre (Tav. 206), doveva occupare altre zone della parete, la cui posizione non è precisabile con sicurezza (registro mediano? registro superiore?). Anche altri elementi decorativi raffigurati su frammenti sporadici risultano di difficile collocazione: fra questi figura un frammento di fregio a dentelli verde sormontato da una figura acroteriale di animale fantastico nascente da un calice floreale, reso nei toni del verde, azzurro, giallo e rosso-

bruno (Tav. 207; Fig. 288 8); questo genere di ornamenti rientra pienamente nel repertorio do stile avanzato ^! e si può confrontare con i grifi acroteriali desinenti in volute vegetali sulle pareti della sala delle maschere (5) della casa di Augusto 42, oppure con quelli dipinti colo delle fauci e quelli realizzati in stucco sulle volte di alcuni ambienti della villa della

del seconraffigurati sullo zocFarnesina

a Roma 43.

Un altro gruppo di frammenti trovati in ambienti diversi reca un fregio a fondo rosa marginato da una bassa fascia nera, composto da palmette fra tre quarti di cerchio a volute circoscriventi elementi floreali stilizzati dipinti in viola e bianco (Tav. 208; Fig. 290); si tratta di una combinazione di

34 Come ad esempio nel cubicolo M della villa di Publius Fannius Synistor a Boscoreale: LiNG 1991, pp. 31-32, figg. 27-28. | 35 DE FnaNOCISCIS 1975, p. 29, fig. 16. 36 BASTET-DE Vos

1979, p. 18.

|

37 Lanalogia del motivo ornamentale suggerisce una stretta relazione fra l’ambiente 8 e la stanza originariamente ornata dalla pittura in esame: vd. a questo proposito D. CORLÀITA SCAGLIARINI, “Spazio e decorazione nella pittura pompeiana”,

Palladio 23-25 (1974), pp. 21-29.

| 38 Vd. note 27-31. 39 Un puntuale confronto per questo motivo è da vedere in particolare nei fregi raffigurati sulle pareti lunghe dell'ala sinistra della casa di Livia sul Palatino a Roma: Rizzo 1936, p. 16, fig. 11; p. 19, fig. 13; tavv. Ae I. 40 DE Vos

1975, p. 74.

4 Cfr. ad es. BRAGANTINI-DE Vos 1982, p. 40. 42 CARETTONI

1961, fig. 5 e tav. II; 1983, tavv. 6-8 e tavv. a colori B-G.

^3 BRAGANTINI-DE Vos 1982, p. 28, tav. E; p. 76, tav. 5; p. 180, tav. 75; pp. 394-395, tavv. 247-248a.

440

motivi derivanti dalle decorazioni delle terrecotte architettoniche arcaiche, secondo un uso molto

frequente nella pittura di secondo stile finale ^, che più tardi riscontrerà grande fortuna nell'ornamentazione delle cornici di stucco 45. Il listello a ovoli realizzato in giallo-oro, con tratti rosso-bruno e lumeggiature bianche, posto sopra una fascia azzurra marginata da una bassa fascia nera (Tav. 209), costituisce un motivo lar-

gamente usato nella pittura di secondo stile e che nella fase IIa vede crescere la tendenza alla stilizzazione e al linearismo 46. OSSERVAZIONI

CONCLUSIVE

I frammenti d'intonaco affrescato rinvenuti nel corso dello scavo della villa di Poggio Gramignano presentano una notevole omogeneità dal punto di vista stilistico e del repertorio ornamentale, ed appaiono tutti riferibili al periodo di costruzione dell’edificio e realizzati verosimilmente dalla medesima bottega artigiana. L'assenza di attestazioni di pitture posteriori indica che i proprietari del complesso non avvertirono nel corso dei decenni l'esigenza di rinnovare i rivestimenti murali almeno relativamente agli ambienti messi in luce, i quali al momento del crollo delle strutture recavano ancora la decorazione originaria. Dal punto di vista compositivo, per l'analogia degli schemi pittorici, di singoli motivi decorativi e per le scelte di carattere cromatico, essi trovano i confronti più calzanti in affreschi attribuibili al secondo stile finale (30-20 a. C. ca.) ed in particolare in alcune decorazioni murali della casa di Augusto sul Palatino, che, realizzate negli anni intorno al 30 a. C. 47, Beyen collocò a cavallo fra le

fasi Ila e IIb del secondo stile 48, della casa di Livia, attribuite alla fase IIb 4, e della villa della Farnesina a Roma, considerate di transizione fra il secondo ed il terzo stile 5°. Il confronto con complessi pittorici d'ambito urbano non deve stupire, in quanto le maestranze che operavano al servizio della classe aristocratica nelle residenze cittadine, pur avvalendosi talvolta della collaborazione di mano-

dopera locale, curavano anche l'esecuzione dei rivestimenti decorativi delle villedi campagna, e ciò spiega la coerenza stilistica riscontrabile nei sistemi parietali in ambiti all'apparenza così diversi 51. Nella seconda metà del I sec. a. C. si assiste nella pittura degli ambenti ad un graduale allontanamento dall'impostazione illusionistica tipica della fase I del secondo stile e ad un sempre più accentuato irrigidimento della composizione, parallelamente ad un progressivo rinforzarsi della parete piana decorativa; l'ornato viene a rivestire un ruolo mano

a mano

più importante e gli ele-

menti architettonici perdono in solidità e realismo, assumendo forme fantastiche e leggiadre talvolta irrazionali e frequentemente caratteristiche vegetali. Per quanto riguarda in particolare le pitture della villa di Poggio Gramignano, va messo in evidenza come mentre da un lato la decorazione parietale mantiene ancora in parte la funzione di simulare una struttura architettonica reale, con gli ortostati a bugnato messo in rilievo tramite effetti di luce invertiti, le colonne ancora regolari e rese in modo plastico e l'uso delle ombre riportate, dall'altro la parete sembra presentare già una tendenza all'appiattimento con l'importanza acquisita dalle parti raffigurate in piano: lo zoccolo perde la profondità originaria e si presenta come un largo campo a fondo unito sormontato da una serie di fasce orizzontali policrome; la parte superiore della zona mediana appare invece ornata da trabeazioni che hanno quasi completamente perduto volume e plasticismo. Tratto tipico della seconda fase del

44 BRAGANTINI-DE Vos

1982, p. 40.

45 RIEMENSCHNEIDER 1986, pp. 511-514 e 516-518. 4 DE Vos 1975, pp. 59-60; per i confronti vd. la tavola sinottica a p. 63. 47 L'edificio fu infatti costruito fra il 36 e il 28 a. C.: CARETTONI 48 BEYEN 1964, p. 143.

4 50 TINI-DE 51

1983, p. 86.

BEYEN 1960, figg. 228-235c; BASTET-DE Vos 1979, pp. 17-23. BASTET-DE Vos 1979, pp. 17-22. Sulla datazione degli affreschi dell’edificio messo in luce sotto la Farnesina vd. BRAGANVos 1982, pp. 22-23. | . M. DE Vos, “Tecnica e tipologia dei rivestimenti pavimentali e parietali", in AA. VV., Settefinestre, 1985, pp. 82 e 90.

44]

secondo stile è poi la diffusione di motivi ornamentali di vario genere, fra cui prevalgono quelli floreali, accanto alla comparsa di piccole figure mostruose o fantastiche a decorazione delle architetture. Caratteristico di questo periodo è anche l’uso di colori delicati e cangianti per la realizzazione degli elementi accessori della decorazione pittorica 52. Sorprende invece l'assenza, che difficilmente sembra imputabile a motivi casuali, di elementi riconducibili a grandi quadri figurati, che con i loro soggetti di carattere mitologico o sacrale-idillico nella seconda fase del secondo stile occupano con sempre maggiore frequenza la zona centrale della parete. Nel complesso la decorazione murale della parte indagata della villa appare piuttosto semplice nei sistemi pittorici applicati, seppure arricchita qua e là da alcuni preziosismi, e comunque lontana dalle forme più esuberanti del secondo stile, con l'uso generalizzato di pigmenti poco pregiati per la campitura di ampie porzioni di parete (soprattutto terra bianca 53, e in minor misura ocre rosse e gialle e nerofumo) e l'impiego dei colori più preziosi e costosi (rosso cinabro, ceruleo, verde e violetto) 5^ per la realizzazione di elementi architettonici e motivi ornamentali. Appare comunque rispettata la regola generale che impone agli ambienti di servizio i rivestimenti più sobri (che nel nostro contesto sono rappresentati per lo più da un intonaco bianco) ed agli spazi di rappresentanza come le sale da pranzo (nella fattispecie l'oecus 4 e il triclinio 8) le decorazioni pià complesse e raffinate 55. In accordo con questa norma, anche i frammenti di rivestimento rinvenuti nell'ambiente 10, dove tra l'altro appaiono impiegati con una certa larghezza pigmenti come il rosso cinabro, il verde e l'azzurro, vanno senz'altro considerati di pertinenza di uno spazio d'apparato, non identificabile con lo stesso vano

10, che si connota invece come un ambiente secondario, e la cui ubicazio-

ne, per ora non. precisabile, va ricercata nelle immediate vicinanze ed in relazione con il triclinio 8, rispetto al quale sono evidenti notevoli analogie nel codice decorativo. BARBARA

32 BRAGANTINI-DE Vos

MAURINA

1982, p. 50.

53 Non é da escludere che il largo uso del bianco come colore di fondo negli —R 4 e 10 vada attribuito all'esigenza di fornire maggiore luminosità a questi spazi, come ἃ stato ipotizzato per alcune stanze della casa di Augusto (CARETTONI 1961, p. 190). 54 Per un'ampia panoramica

sui pigmenti utlizzati dai pittori in età romana vd. VITR. 7, 7-14 e PLIN., nat. 35, 29-50; S.

AUGUSTI, I colori pompeiani (Roma: 1967); AA. VV., La fabbrica dei colori: pigmenti e coloranti nella pittura e nella tintoria (Roma: 1986); AA. VV., Pigments et colorants de l'Antiquité et du Moyen Age: teinture, peinture, enluminure; études historique et physico-chimique. Colloque international du CNRS, Département des Science de l'Homme et de la Societé, Département de la Chimie (Paris: 1993).

55 In accordo con quanto prescritto da Vitruvio (6, 5, 1-2) infatti le decorazioni più fastose venivano riservate agli ambienti in cui il dominus svolgeva gran parte degli affari e dell'attività politica: le sale di grandi dimensioni, quali atrii e peristilii aperti ad un pubblico vario costituito soprattutto da clientes, oppure le stanze ped alle quali era consentito solo agli amici intimi invitati dal padrone di casa, come triclinii e cubicoli; gli altri vani ricevevano invece una decorazione più semplice a seconda della loro destinazione: a questo proposito vd. CORLAITA SCAGLIARINI 1974; A. WALLACE-HADRILL, "The Social Structure of the Roman House", BSR 56 (1988), pp. 43-96; J. R. CLARKE, The Houses of Roman Italy, 100 B. C.-A. D. 250. Ritual, Space and Decoration (Berkeley-Oxford: 1991), pp. 1-29; P. M. ALuisoN, “The relationship between Wall-decoration and Room-type in Pompeian Houses: a Case Study of the Casa della Caccia Antica", JRA 5 (1992), pp. 235-249; F. COARELLI, "Architettura sacra e architettura privata nella tarda repubblica", in AA. VV., Architecture et société, de l'archaisme grec à la fin de la République romaine. Actes du Colloque international organisé par le Centre national de la recherche scientifique et l'École francaise de Rome (Rome 2-4 décembre 1980) (Paris: 1993), pp. 191-192; STROCKA 1993, p. 240; A. WALLACE-HADRILL, Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum (Princeton: 1994), in particolare pp. 10-14 e 17-37; A. ZACCARIA RUGGIU, Spazio privato e spazio pubblico nella città romana

442

(Roma:

1995) pp. 170-180, 319-325, 365- 366, 387-391, 406-409.

CHAPTER

ADDITIONAL

20

SMALL

FINDS *

1. INTRODUCTION

In this chapter various pieces are presented that that could not be included in other categories or were not deemed worthy of treatment in extenso in special chapters. No other justification for an item’s inclusion or exclusion is to be sought. This chapter is organized by the objects’ function, but, for example, glass beads are not treated under jewelry and trinkets because they were included in the chapter on glass. The material from which the objects were made is worked bone and metal (copper alloy, iron and in a few cases lead), as well as recycled pottery or brick and tile. However, not all items made of those materials are to be found here, as a doll made of worked bone, for instance, has

been studied separately (see Part Three, Chapter 8). Within these limits all the material from stratified loci is presented, while pieces from unstratified contexts have been considered in so far as they are useful in filling out the picture of this sort of find at Poggio Gramignano. 2.

JEWELRY AND TRINKETS

2.1. Hair pins (Plates 210, 224) Hair pins are common finds on ancient sites and in museum collections. Most frequently they are made of worked bone, as is the case with all but one of the Poggio Gramignano pins. Otherwise, metal ones, such as the one of copper alloy found at Poggio Gramignano, and other materials are known. With bone pins it is useful to distinguish first between pins with decorated heads, which must have been produced in specialized workshops, and those with undecorated ones, for which domestic production has been suggested. ! At Poggio Gramignano the pins conserving their heads belong to the latter category and could therefore have been produced domestically. Although pins with simple heads are often published with no elaboration, typologization with attempts at dating is possible. ? At Poggio Gramignano all the preserved pin-heads have a roughly similar rounded shape. In the eyes of their producers, and their consumers as well, they thus probably belonged to Crummy type 3 (with an ovoid or spherical head). ? Béal distinguishes

between

A XX

7, which

corresponds

to

Crummy 3, and A XX 8: the former has a spherical or sub-spherical head (i.e. one that is approximately as wide as it is high) and the latter an elongated, olive-shaped head (i.e. one that is decidedly higher than wide, with a circular profile or, in the case of poorly made pieces, polygonal). 4

1 JEAN CLAUDE B£aL, Catalogue des objets de tabletterie du Musée de la Civilisation Gallo-Romaine de Lyon, Centre d'Études Romaines et Gallo-Romaines de l'Université Jean Moulin Lyon III, nouvelle série 1 (Paris: 1983) (henceforth BEAL 1983) and JEAN CLAUDE BEAL, Les objets de tabletterie antique du Musée Archéologique de Nîmes, Cahiers des Musées et Monuments de Nimes, 2 (Nîmes: 1984) (henceforth BEAL 1984) underline the distinction by making two categories, A XXI and A XX respectively. Cf. VINCENZO DI GIOVANNI, “Osso lavorato”, in PAUL ARTHUR (a cura di), /{ complesso archeologico di Carminiello ai Mannesi (Galatina: 1994), p. 364, for the suggestion of domestic production for the pins with simple heads. 2 Nina Crummy, “A Chronology of Romano-British Bone Pins”, Britannia. A Journal of Romano-British and ‘Kindred Studies X (1979), pp. 157-163 (henceforth Crummy 1979) proposes a relatively simple typology; BEAL 1983 and BEAL 1984 a more complex one. 3 CRUMMY

1979, p. 161.

^ BEAL 1983, pp. 189-199; BEAL 1984, pp. 52-53.

443

Crummy type 3/Béal A XX 7 is dated from at least the second to the late fourth or early fifth centuries. 5 The type with an elongated head ranges in date from the first to the fifth century. 6 Six pins, none of which preserves the point, present small, somewhat elongated heads only slightly modified from the original bones section, to be attributed to Béal A XX 8. Five come from Period V loci: M50a/b, Locus 707 — 8.3 cm long (with a larger head than usual); M50a/b, Locus

1000+M50a/b,

Locus 1005 — 8.0 cm long (Plate 224, upper left, first pin);

M50b, Locus 1300 — 3.5 cm long (Plate 224, upper left group, last pin); M50b, Locus 1304 — 4 cm long (Plate 224, upper left group, fourth pin); M49b/d, Locus 1352 - 4.3 cm long (Plate 224, upper left group, third pin). Another, 5.2 cm long, was unstratified (Plate 224, uper left group, second pin). Four pins with broken stems have large rounded heads of a more deliberately formed shape, more akin to Béal A XX 7. They were found in Period V loci: M50b, Locus 802 - 9.4 cm long (found near the skull of Infant Burial 16);

M50a/b, Locus 1000 - 7.5 cm long (Plate 224, upper right group, first pin); M50b, Locus 1300 - 1.9 cm long (Plate 224, upper right group, last pin); M49c/d, Locus 1402 -- 5.4 cm long (found near the skull of a possible infant burial; Plate 224, upper right group, middle pin). Three Period V fragments preserve points of hair pins: M50b, Locus 801 — 6.1 cm long (Plate 224, bottom row, second pin);

M50a/b, Locus 1005 — 6.5 cm long (Plate 224, bottom row, third pin); M50b, Locus 1305 - 7.8 cm long (Plate 224, bottom row, first pin). There are seven fragments of pin stems from Period V

loci:

M49b/d, Locus 464 — 2.2 cm long; M49d, Locus 467 - 2.4 cm long;

M50b, Locus 802 - 1.8 cm long (found near the skull of Infant Burial 16); M50a/b, Locus 1000 -- 4.9 cm long; M49b/d, Locus 1352 - three pieces of different pins: 2.5, 3.6 and 4.2 cm long. There is also a copper alloy hair pin, 9.7 cm long with an ovoid head, found in an unstratified context (Plate 210). 2.2. Finger-Rings (Plates 211, 225) Under the Roman Empire finger-rings, which had previouly been a mark of distinction, were widely used for various purposes, from holders of seals or keys to markers of betrothal. 7 While there is no doubt about the use of more complicated pieces, it must be remarked that simple rings could also have been used otherwise in ornaments

(as pendants or in chains) or even for utilitarian pur-

poses in the case of copper alloy ones. 8. . 5 Crummy 1979, p. 161; BÉAL 1983, p. 193 (with note 35 on the difficulty of working with material published as "spherical-headed" pins). The type has also been found in a dump of workshop debris at Carthage together with late fourth or early fifth-century pottery: cf. VALERIE J. HUTCHISON, Davip S. REESE, "A Worked Bone Industry at Carthage", in J. H. HUMPHREY (ed.), The Circus and a Byzantine Cemetery at Carthage, volume I (Ann Arbor: 1988), p. 563 for the pins and p. 589 for the date of the context. 6 REAL 1983, p. 199. ? REYNOLD HIGGINS, Greek and Roman Jewellery (London: 19802) (henceforth HiGGINS 1980), pp. 182-183. 5 FRIEDRICH HENKEL, Die romischen Fingerringe der Rheinlande

und der benachbarten

Gebiete (Berlin:

1913) (henceforth

HENKEL 1913), p. 211, and CHRISTAMARIA BECKMANN, "Metallfingerringe der rómischen Kaiserzeit im freien Germanien", Saalburg Jahrbuch. Bericht des Saalburg Museums XXVI (1969) (henceforth BECKMANN 1969), pp. 29-30.

444

There are two finger-rings from Period V loci at Poggio Gramignano that are indeed of copper alloy without decoration, consisting of a closed hoop with an approximately oval section: they fit therefore into Henkel's Form 3.A.La.1.b or Beckmann's Form 2 of Group 1.9 It is likely that such modest pieces could have served as ornaments at Poggio Gramignano, where undoubted ornaments were very simple, such as the hair pins, or of copper alloy, like the bracelet. A similar ring was found in Italy at S. Carminiello ai Mannesi in a context of the late fifth or early sixth century. 10 M50b, Locus 801 (diameter 2.3 cm), found just southeast of Infant Burial 20a (Plate 225); M49a/c, Locus 1650 (diameter 2.2 cm), found 8 cm west of the knee of Infant Burial 22.

2.3. Bracelet (Plate 226) One bracelet was found at Poggio Gramignano, in a Period V context, amid a group of infant burials: 30 cm south of Infant Burial 27 and just above Infant Burial 3. It consists of a piece of wire doubled over and twisted with one end forming an eye and the other a hook. It is similar to an early third-century example from Lyon, which, however, has a more complicated fastening in the form of a Hercules knot.!! There are undated bracelets of three strands with simple fastenings from Carthage. 12 M49b/d, Locus 464 (5 cm maximum

axis, 3.4 minimum).

2.4. Pendant (Plate 211)

A two-holed disk cut from a cooking ware vessel could conceivably have been used as a pendant. It is too light, on one hand, to have served as a weight. On the other, the glitter of the micaceous inclusions, particularly visible on the surface, may have made it attractive as a cheap decoration. It comes from a Period V context near the surface: M49d, Locus 451 (diameter 3 cm).

3. TOILET EQUIPMENT

3.1. Comb (Plate 212) Bone makes an attractive material for combs because of the polish it can take; it is, however, dif-

ficult to obtain sufficiently large pieces. 13 The solution in late antiquity was to assemble combs from several plaques. This type of comb, B XVII 1, is double-sided Béal (normally with finer teeth on one side than the other), consisting of plaques riveted to central pieces running perpendicular to the teeth. 14 The central pieces can be decorated. 15

? HENKEL

1913, p. 64; BECKMANN

1969, p. 27.

10 MICHEL FEUGERE, "Rinvenimenti in metallo", in PAUL ARTHUR (a cura di), I! complesso archeologico di Carminiello ai Mannesi (Galatina: 1994) (henceforth FEUGÈRE 1994), p. 357, n. 5 (fig. 153). !! HIGGINS 1980, p. 181 (fig. 27). 1? MARTIN HENIG, "Objects of Metal, Stone and Bone”, in H. R. Hunsr, S. P. Roskams, Excavations at Carthage: The British Mission, volume 1,1. The Avenue du Président Habib Bourguiba, Salammbo: The Site and Finds Other Than Pottery (Sheffield:

1984), p. 183, nn. 14-17.

13 BÉAL 1984, pp. 106-107 (with bibliography). 1^ BEAL 1984, pp. 106-107; fig. 382, is a clear illustration of the type's structure. BEAL 1984, pp. 106-107 (museum pieces), and CINZIA VISMARA, "Os travaillé", in PHILIPPE PERGOLA, CINZIA VISMARA (sous le direction de), Castellu (Haute-Corse). Un établissement rural de l'Antiquité tardive: fouilles récentes (1981-1985), Documents d'Archéologie Francaise 18 (Paris: 1989) (henceforth VISMARA 1989), p. 91, figg. 154-161 (combs from a late antique villa on Corsica) give further examples. 15 VISMARA 1989, p. 91, presents an example of a simply decorated central piece, as could be possible at Lugnano (figg. 154-156), besides a much more elaborate but more doubtful piece (fig. 161).

445

Two joining fragments from an unstratified context reconstitute a large part of a comb of this type, 3.6 cm long, 2.7 cm wide. It has teeth on two sides, much longer and set farther apart on one than the other. A hole in the middle holds traces of rust, obviously the remains of the attachment of the central piece. 4. DOMESTIC

UTENSILS AND EQUIPMENT

4.1. Vessels (Plates 213, 230-233)

Two copper alloy basins from a Period V context adjacent to Infant Burial 4 have different sizes but the same profile -- carinated ribbed bodies consisting of a taller vertical upper part and a sloping lower one; slightly raised bases; rims in the form of rising flanges with edges rolled over toward the inside. They present no handles now, although it is possible that original handles were removed. Typologically these vessels are close to examples of the third century. 16 (See Part Three, Chapter 7, for a technical analysis.) M49b, Locus 952 (both, the smaller found inside the other, larger vessel: diameter 33 cm at rim, 19.5

cm high; larger vessel: diameter c. 41 cm at rim — somewhat squashed, 22.5 cm high): Plates 230-233. A vertical handle of copper alloy from a Period V context must have belonged to a vessel, probably a pitcher or jug, as the leaf-shaped lower end has a curved application surface. Indeed, pitch- : ers and jugs with strongly arched handles presenting lower attachments in the form of a leaf occur on various early Roman sites. 17 There is a knob at the join of this attachment and the main part of the handle. The leaf is flanked by volutes with incised grooves below the knob. They are joined by an incised M-shaped element. All the grooves are obsured by corrosion. In the Royal Ontario Museum there is a more complete handle from near Bologna, perhaps belonging to an askos, with a very similar lower attachment, which is merely dated as probably Roman. !8 M49b/d, Locus

1352 (8.7 cm high) (Plate 213).

An iron handle from a Period V locus, approximately semicircular with hooked ends, belongs to a bucket or cauldron: !? M49c/d, Locus 1406 (two joining fragments; diameter 16 cm). I

4.2. Spoon (Plate 214) Spoons can appear both in metal and in bone, the latter being attested at Lugnano. 2° Bone spoons tend to be very simply decorated, if at all. Type Béal A XXV 1, which is very common at least

16 HANS JURGEN EGGERS, Der rémische Import im freien Germanien, Atlas der Urgeschichte 1 (Hamburg:

1951) (henceforth

EGGERS 1951), pp. 167-168, presents various types (78-87) with similar profiles, mostly distinguished by their handles. Type 82 has none and is thus closest to the Lugnano examples as they are now: if handles were removed, the basins would originally have belonged to another of these types. EGGERS attributes the best dated specimens to "Stufe C2", explained on p. 70 as corresponding to the later imperial period, although it has now been re-dated to 210/220-300: LupMILA KRASKOVSKA, Roman Bronze Vessels from Slovakia, BAR International Series 44 (Oxford: 1978) (henceforth KRAsKovsk« 1978), p. 38. 17 Cf. KRASKOVSKA 1978, p. 37 (Type 26); n. 6, p. 15, for the piece concerned; p.12, for the date of the cemetery context in which it was found to the first half of the second century. Cf. furthermore EcGkEns 1951, pp. 170-171 (Type 122 in particular but also 123) with attributions to “Stufe A" and "Stufe B1", explained on p. 70 as corresponding to the late La Téne and the early imperial periods, although the latter has now been re-dated to c. A. D. 10-75 (KrasKovska 1978, p. 38). 18 JOHN W. Hayes, Greek, Roman, and Related Metalware in the Royal Ontario Museum. A Catalogue (Toronto: 1984), n.

131, p. 85.

1? Cf. W. H. MANNING, Catalogue of the Romano-British Iron Tools, Fittings and Weapons in the British Museum (London: 1985) (henceforth MANNING

1985), p. 102, for comparative material.

20 Cf. BEAL 1983, p. 249, for introductory remarks.

446

from the third century Β. C. until the fourth century A. D., has a round bowl or an oval one with its major axis perpendicular to the handle (the latter case probably because of a mistake by the maker), and a tapering cylindrical handle with varying degrees of inclination with respect to the bowl, which it joins with a triangular point on the back. ?! At Lugnano a spoon with a rather large bowl was reconstructed from two joining fragments from a Period V locus. It presents an approximately oval bowl and a tapering handle with a roughly squared-off section. The back of the spoon is flat and probably represents the original bone surface. There is an incised decorative element in the form of a dot within two concentric circles, placed slightly off center within the bowl, near the junction of the handle. Thus, while it does not correspond in all details — in particular in the lack of the triangular point at the junction of the handle and bowl and to a lesser extent in the handle's section, which could be considered merely a matter

of imperfect execution - the Lugnano spoon is close to Béal Type A XXV 1.22 M49b/d, Locus 1352 - 11.5 cm long overall, 10.1 cm in the handle. 4.3. Knives (Plate 215)

A typology for Roman

knives has been elaborated on the basis of the material in the British

Museum. 23

One find from Poggio Gramignano can be identified with certainty as a knife. It is closest to Type 12 of the British Museum,

which had a

long life. 24 It must be admitted, however, that the Poggio

Gramignano piece does not fit exactly into either of the subtypes proposed, as its tang and the back of the blade are at a slight angle to each other rather than in a straight line like 12A, to which it is most similar, or in a downward

convex curve like 12B. 25 Like Type 12, it has a wide blade, and the

cutting edge could well have been convex and curving up to the point. It comes from a Period V locus: M50a/b, Locus 705 (13 cm overall length; length of blade 6.5 cm, width of blade 4 cm; tapering from

top to bottom of blade) Another iron fragment found in a Period V locus probably also comes from a knife, although too little of the working part of the utensil survives for the identification to be certain: M50b,

Locus

802

(blade back and insert in a straight line; blade 2.5 cm

wide with

1.5 surviving

length; insert 2 cm in surviving length tapering in width from 1.2 cm to 0.6, with folded edges; both c. 0.1 cm in thickness).

4.4. Unidentifiable Utensil An iron piece found in a Period V locus must come from a utensil, as it preserves the handle insert, although it can not be identified because only the join survives of the working part: M50a/c, Locus 607 (9 cm long and 0.5 cm thick, tapering to a point from an initial width of 2.7 cm).

21 BEAL 1983, pp. 249-252.

|

22 Several undecorated bone spoons with a different sort of handle attachment have been published from Settefinestre: cf. MARIA LUISA FAMA, "Oggetti per scrittura, culto, toilette, ornamento, farmacia e gioco. Osso”, in ANDREINA Ricci (a cura di), Settefinestre. Una villa Schiavistica nell'Etruria romana, 2. La villa e i suoi reperti (Modena: 1985), p. 240. ?3 MANNING

1985, pp.

108-120.

24 MANNING 1985, p. 114. 25 Cf. R. MARTORELLI,

"Fers", in PHILIPPE PERGOLA,

CINZIA VISMARA (sous le direction de), Castellu (IIaute-Corse).

Un étab-

lissement rural de l'Antiquité tardive: fouilles récentes (1981-1985), Documents d'Archéologie Francaise 18 (Paris: 1989) (henceforth MARTORELLI 1989), p. 101, fig. 219, for a knife with a similar angle on a knife with a longer triangular blade.

447

4.5. Spit (Plate 215) An iron rod is to be interpreted as a spit. It has a square section, with both ends intact, one tapering to a point and other wedge-shaped. Very similar spits have been found elsewhere. 26 It was found in a Period V locus in the area of a firepit from a dismantled furnace: M49c/d, Locus

1404 (30 cm long).

4.6. Rivets for joining pottery (Plates 157-159) Lead rivets with splayed ends were used to join pieces of large earthenware vessels such as dolia. The molten metal was poured into channels, one either side of the break. Three pieces were found in Period V

loci, one of which still joined two dolium fragments:

M49d, Locus 851 (length 8 cm, ends only slightly splayed; Plate 159); M49b/d, Locus 1350 (length 10 cm; Plate 158); M49c/d, Locus 1400 (length 8 cm; Plate 157; found with another fragment of the same dolium show-

ing cuttings for two additional mends). 5. CRAFSMEN'S TOOLS 5.1. Loom Weights (Plate 216)

There is at least one specially made loom weight. It is troncopyramidal, in a fabric corresponding to brick and tile Fabric 1. Similar weights have been found in Umbria at Bevagna, where they bear a stamped decoration on the upper surface allowing them to dated to the third to second centuries B. C. 27 It was found in a poorly stratified locus: M46a/b, Locus

1505 (8.5 by 7 cm at the base, 8 cm to the hole, where it is broken off).

Other weights are disks cut from brick and tile, with a central hole. While their function as loom weights is not certain — other uses, such as fishnet weights, are possible — it is the most likely. They come from Period V loci: M49d, Locus 467 (diameter 13.5 cm; thickness 3 cm); M50a/b, Locus 701 (two pieces: diameter c. 6 cm, thickness 2 cm; diameter c. 12 cm, thickness 3 cm). 5.2. Needle (Plate 217)

Needles are often among the most frequent objects in assemblages of worked bone, with a great variety of types that can not at present be associated with different functions. 28 Two joining fragments from a Period V locus belong to a needle, lacking both extremities. Its oval section and the presence of an elongated eye above a circular one mean that it is attributable to one of two types, Béal A XIX 9 or A XIX 10, both of which present these features with different heads, although it is not known why these types needed more than one eye. 29 They are attested from the early imperial period (but more frequently from the third century) until late antiquity: in Italy a com-

26 Cf. most recently W. H. MANNING, JANET WEBSTER, "Rings and Collars", in W. H. MANNING (editor), Report on the Excavations at Usk 1965-1976. The Roman Small Finds (Cardiff: 1995) (henceforth MANNING-WEBSTER 1995), p. 204. 27 LAURA BONOMI PONZI, "La prima età repubblicana. La zona settentrionale della città", in ANNA EUGENIA FERUGLIO, LAURA BONIMI Ponzi, DoRICA MANCONI (coordinamento di), Mevania. Da centro umbro a municipio romano (Perugia: 1991), p. 94 with

figs. 2.141-2.142. 28 Cf. BEAL 1983, p. 163, for introductory remarks. 29 BEAL 1983, pp. 171-174; BéaL 1984, pp. 43, 45.

448

plete needle of this sort is known from Settefinestre, 39 for example, and a similar fragment has been found in Umbria, at Bevagna. 3! M50a/b, Locus

1007 — 14.2 cm long.

6. STRUCTURAL FITTINGS 6.1. Nails (Plates 218-219)

Nails are difficult items to present in an excavation report, as they can lead on one hand to elaborate typologies of doubtful utility or on the other to undifferentiated presentations. A British Museum catalogue has a useful typology of ten types. 32 It must be noted that the great majority of the nails considered in the British Museum fall into Type 1, with square-sectioned tapering stems and rounded or rectangular heads. This type is in turn divided into two subtypes: 1A consisting of nails above c. 15 cm in length with rounded or rectangular heads, often deformed by hammering; 1B consisting of nails below c. 15 cm with flat, sub-rectangular or rounded heads. With one exception, all the rest of the British Museum types have square or rectangular-sectioned stems of varying length, with heads of various shapes. The recent excavation report of Carminiello ai Mannesi at Naples distinguishes four types: three of similar proportions, with square stems for joining two pieces of wood (type 1 of c. 6.8 cm in length, for general carpentry; type 2 of probably 10 to 15 cm in length for heavier carpentry; type 3 of up to 3 cm in length for fine carpentry) and a fourth that is also small but with a large head, suitable for protecting a. plank on a door or furniture. 33 The first three types from Carminiello ai Mannesi, for which the shape of the head is not discussed explicitly, appear to be attributable to Type 1 of the British Museum. A less precisely defined classification for the nails from the villa at Castellu on Corsica appears to correspond to the first three types at Carminiello ai Mannesi. 34 There large and medium-sized nails with variously shaped heads were considered certainly for carpentry, while it was thought that small ones could perhaps have been used in furniture. Two completely preserved nails fit into Type 1B of the British Museum or the first type discussed at Carminiello ai Mannesi, the one for general carpentry. One is from a Period V context: M49a, Locus 1051 -- 7.3 cm long; found just above the outer amphora of Infant Burial 14. The other is unstratified — 6.4 cm long, with a flattened head. Two nails also belong to Type 1B of the British Museum but correspond to the second type at Carminiello ai Mannesi and must have been used for heavier carpentry. They come from Period V loci: M50a/b, Locus 1000 (10.2 cm long, with a flattened head; Plate 219); M49c/d, Locus 1403 (10.2 cm long, with a rounded head).

Among the incomplete nails there are two pieces with large flat round heads and square-sectioned tapering stems that could belong to Type 7 of the British Museum classification or to the

30 MARIA LUISA FAMA, “Strumenti da lavoro domestico. Osso”, in ANDREINA RICCI (a cura di), Settefinestre. Una villa schiavistica nell'Etruria romana, 2. La villa e i suoi reperti (Modena: 1985), p. 70, fig. 18.6. 31 DoRICA MANCONI, “La prima età repubblicana. Materiali del Museo Civico”, in ANNA EUGENIA FERUGLIO, LAURA BONOMI Ponzi, DORICA MANCONI (coordinamento di), Mevania. Da centro umbro a municipio romano (Perugia: 1991), p. 52 with fig. 2.43. 32 MANNING 1985, pp. 134-135. 33 Cf. FEUGERE 1994, p. 360. 34 MARTORELLI 1989, p. 100.

449

fourth type from Carminiello ai Mannesi, the one used for protecting planks or furniture. They were found in Period V loci: M50b, Locus 902 (diameter of head c. 2.5 c.); M50b, Locus 1300 (diameter of head c. 2.5 cm).

Sometimes the head of the nail, almost certainly all attributable to British Museum Type 1, survives with a broken stem, making it impossible to judge the original length. There are various examples from Period V loci: M49d, Locus 464; M50a/b, Locus 707 (Plate 218); MA9b, Locus 950; M49b, Locus 954; M49a, Locus 1051 (two pieces); M50b, Locus 1300; M50b, Locus 1304; M49b/d, Locus 1352 (four pieces); M49b/d, Locus 1362; M49c/d, Locus 1400; M48d/49b, Locus 1608.

Period V loci also produced many square-sectioned stem fragments of iron nails that most likely come from British Museum Type 1, although others are theoretically possible: N51a, Locus 156, M49b/d, Locus 464, M50b, Locus 802,

M49d, Locus. 851, M49b/d, Locus 852 M49b, Locus 951, M50a/b, Locus 1000 (two pieces), M50a/b, Locus 1005, M49a, Locus 1051, M50b, Locus 1300 (two pieces), M50b,

Locus

1304,

M49b/d, Locus 1352, M49c/d, Locus 1403, M49c/d, Lous 1404,

M48d/49b, Locus 1608. Two nails from Period V loci belong to British Museum Type 3, which has a small T-shaped head no wider than the stem and stout arms: N50c, Locus 255 (11 cm long, with a decidedly rectangular-sectioned tapering stem and T-shaped head); M50b, Locus 802 (11 cm long, with a more square-sectioned tapering stem and T-shaped head). There could be an example of a spike, attributable to British Museum Type 5. This type lacks a distinct head and has a square-sectioned tapering stem: to be certain of the attribution it is necessary to have almost no corrosion. The piece comes from a Period V locus: M50b, Locus 802 (11 cm long, apparently with no head and a square-sectioned tapering stem). 450

7. PRODUCTION

REMAINS

7.1. Semi-worked Bone

There are two pieces of semi-worked bone from Period V contexts. They are particularly important as indications of local production in this sector of handicraft. 35 One is part of a shaft of bone, cut at each end but broken in half:

N50c, Locus 260 (4.2 cm long). The other is a long piece of bone shaft, probably cattle metapodial, 36 that was cut into half lengthwise and sliced at one end but broken on the other: M49 b/d, Locus

1352 (8.2 cm long).

7.2. Slag and Furnace Bottom Various pieces of slag and furnace bottom were found in Period V loci, giving indication of ironworking: N50c,

Locus

111;

N50c, Locus 113; M49d, Locus 462; M50c, Locus 607; M49b/d, Locus 1350.

8. MISCELLANEOUS

OBJECTS

8.1. Rings Two rings, consisting of simple hoops, are of sizes that are impossible for ornaments, either too

small or too large. Therefore, they must have been part of something else. Chains are one, but by no means the only, possibility. 37 They were found in Period V loci: M49d, Locus 851 (copper alloy; ellipse with largest dimension 4.4 cm; missing a small part of the hoop); M49b/d, Locus 1350 (copper alloy; diameter 1.2 cm). 8.2. Sheets and Strips of Metal Sheets and strips of metal, of which various small pieces were found, could have had numerous

uses. Various examples were found in Period V loci: N51a, Locus 156 (piece of lead sheet; one edge folded over with 2.5 cm surviving, corner cut off, per-

pendicular edge simple with 4.5 cm surviving); M50a/b, Locus 707 (T-shaped copper alloy strip with two nail holes;

2 cmwide with surviving length

of 4 cm in one direction and 3 cm in the other);

M50a/b, Locus 707 (two pieces of copper alloy sheet or strip; no certain original edge); M50b, Locus 802 (piece of copper alloy strip; 1.8 cm wide with 5.9 cm of lenght preserved);

35 Cf. J.-D. VIGNE,

M.-C.

MARINVAL-VIGNE,

"Faune",

in PHILIPPE PERGOLA,

CINZIA VISMARA

(sous le direction de), Castellu

(Haute-Corse). Un établissement rural de l'Antiquité tardive: fouilles récentes (1981-1985), Documents d'Archéologie Francaise 18 (Paris: 1989), pp. 123-124, for more substantial remains of bone-working at a late-antique villa.

36 I thank MICHAEL MACKINNON for this identification. 37 MANNING-WEBSTER

1995,

p. 278.

451

M50a/b, Locus 1000 (L-shaped piece of copper alloy strip -- 1-1.4 cm wide with surviving length of 2.5 cm in one direction and 2 cm in the other; piece of copper alloy sheet or strip with probable nail hole, no certain original edge); M50a, Locus 1105 (piece of copper alloy sheet; two possible original simple edges at right angles surviving 2.7 and 3.7 cm long); 8.3. Unidentifiable Worked Bone Fora couple of Period V pieces of bone it is impossible to determine whether they were ever finished, although they bear undoubted signs of working: M50a/b, Locus 1005; M49b/d, Locus 1352.

8.4. Unidentifiable Pieces of Iron These highly corroded pieces from Period V loci are normally reduced to mere lumps: N50d, Locus 066; M49d, Locus 464;

M50b, Locus 801 (two pieces), M49b, Locus 954, M49a, Locus 1050 (two pieces), M49a,

Locus

1051,

M50a/b, Locus 1201; M49b/d, Locus 1352 (three); M48d/M49b, Locus 1608.

8.5. Unidentifiable Pieces of Copper Alloy Some small copper alloy pieces from Period V loci present no recognizable shape: N5la, Locus 156; M50b, Locus 801; M50a/b, Locus 1000; M50a/b, Locus 1005; M50a, Locus 1105; M49b/d, Locus 1350; M49b/d, Locus 1352.

8.6. Unidentifiable Piece of Lead A piece of lead could have been part of a clamp, as that is a major use of that metal, although it is too shapeless for the supposition to have any certainty. It was found in a Period'V locus: M4é6a/b, Locus

1510.

9, CONCLUSIONS

Among jewelry and trinkets the most common finds are hair pins. They have a utilitarian aspect, which is underlined by their utmost simplicity and by their material: bone, with the exception of a bronze pin. The few purely decorative objects (two rings, a bracelet and a pendant) are simple in form and modest in material: copper alloy and recycled pottery. Although few of these objects can be associated directly with tombs, their modesty probably reflects that of the fifth-century commu452

nity installed on the site of the abandoned villa at Poggio Gramignano, although some of them could go back to the time of the villa. The toilet and domestic equipment and utensils by definition also have a utilitarian character. However, the impression they give is mixed. Some objects are modest and unadorned (for example, the only piece of toilet equipment, a comb) or decorated very simply (the spoon). Others seem to be more considerable items, either for their richness or for the standard of organized life they imply. It is tempting to suppose that these pieces, such as the basins and the decorated handle but also the iron spit and the rivets for joining pottery, are relics of the outfitting of the villa. For the basins and the decorated handle the comparative dating evidence points indeed toward dates consonant with the occupation of the villa rather than with the later re-occupation. The evidence for productive activities is particularly interesting. The craftsmen's tools found at Poggio Gramignano concern the eminently domestic domain of textile production and working: namely loom weights and a needle. However, the presence of semi-worked bone and slag and furnace bottom indicates other activities carried out on the site. Unfortunately, it is not always easy to attribute the productive activities either to the period of the use of the villa or to the fifth-century reoccupation. Some building material for the villa was produced on the spot, as the discovery of wasters among the bricks and tile proves, and it is not unlikely that iron structural fittings, represented among the finds almost entirely by nails for carpentry, were also made on the site for the villa, leaving slag. Simple bone-working, weaving and especially sewing are activities that it is easy to envision in either period or both. As plain bone hair pins are considered domestic products and several were found in grave contexts, bone-working must have taken place on or near the site in the fifth century. ARCHER

MARTIN

453

CHAPTER

I MATERIALI

CERAMICI

DI LUGNANO

21

IN TEVERINA:

ANALISI ARCHEOMETRICHE

Sessantasei campioni ceramici rinvenuti nello scavo archeologico condotto nella villa romana di Poggio Gramignano in Lugnano in Teverina (TR), sono stati sottoposti ad analisi archeometriche per lo studio delle possibili aree di provenienza. Il metodo di studio impiegato è basato sia sull'interpretazione geologica dei dati emersi dalle analisi di tipo mineralogico-petrografiche con la cartografia e bibliografia geologica e sia mediante il confronto con l'ampio campionario di terre e manufatti ceramici di sicura provenienza. Le indagini mineralogiche effettuate sugli impasti ceramici hanno compreso: — osservazione ottica al microscopio stereoscopico in luce riflessa (Zeiss SV 8); — analisi al microscopio mineralogico in luce polarizzata (Leitz Laborlux 12 Pol S) su campioni preparati in sezione sottile. Tale indagine consente di identificare i minerali ed i granuli, di roccia presenti nella massa di fondo e di rilevarne la loro morfologia, per discernere tra materiali arrotondati per trasporto naturale da quelli angolosi, derivanti dal disfacimento in posto di rocce madri, o dall'aggiunta di materiali intenzionali da parte del vasaio. Inoltre questo metodo di analisi consente significative considerazioni sui composti diffusi nella massa di fondo per la presenza di particelle di carbonato di calcio e/o di ossidi di ferro, che forniscono importanti informazioni sui processi di sedimentazione delle argille impiegate nella manifattura delle ceramiche. I risultati ottenuti dalle analisi hanno permesso di raggruppare i campioni, con caratteristiche mineralogiche affini, in quindici associazioni principali, talora ulteriormente suddivisi in sottogruppi per lievi differenze. Gruppo I

Impasto fine (0.20 mm) caratterizzato da abbondanti calcari, quarzo, feldspati, microfauna, selce angolosa ed augite in tracce, poche lamine fini e medie di muscovite e biotite. La massa di fondo contiene abbondante carbonato di calcio e ossidi di ferro accessorio. Campione di ceramica da fuoco: 1 Campioni di ceramica comune: 18, 23. Campioni laterizio: 42, 43 (presenzadi chamotte rossa). Gruppo II

Impasto grossolano (1 mm) caratterizzato da abbondanti calcari, quarzo, plagioclasio e sanidino, microfauna, augite, granuli di roccia con struttura porfirica, poca chamotte e lamine fini e medie di muscovite e biotite. La massa di fondo è carbonatica con poco ferro ossidato. Campione di ceramica comune: 24. Gruppo III Impasto grossolano (1-1.2mm) caratterizzato da abbondante sanidino, augite accessoria, biotite e pochi granuli di roccia con struttura porfirica. La massa di fondo contiene ossidi di ferro. Campione di ceramica da fuoco: 2. * Laboratorio di Analisi e Ricerche Archeometriche

(L.A.R.A., Genova).

455

Gruppo IV

Impasto grossolano di dimensioni medie 1-1.2 mm, caratterizzato prevalentemente da quarzo, feldspati e calcari. Sono presenti in tracce augite, selce angolosa e granati. La massa di fondo contiene ossidi di ferro. Campione di ceramica da fuoco: 3. Gruppo V Impasto grossolano di dimensioni medie 1-1.2 mm, caratterizzato da feldspati alcalini angolosi, quarzo, augite, trachite e chamotte rossa in tracce. La massa di fondo è carbonatico-ferrica. Campione di ceramica da fuoco: 4. Gruppo VI

a. Impasto grossolano (1-1.5 mm) caratterizzato da feldspati alcalini angolosi, augite e biotite grossolana. La massa di fondo contiene abbondante presenza di mica. Campione di anfora: 15. Campione di ceramica da fuoco: 6. Campione di ceramica: 5 b. Impasto di dimensioni medie 0.35 mm, caratterizzato da feldspati alcalini, augite, biotite e abbondante chamotte. La massa di fondo contiene molte lamine di mica.

Campione di ceramica da fuoco: 13. Gruppo VII

Impasto fine (0.2 mm) caratterizzato da quarzo, feldspati, augite e chamotte rossa grossolana. La massa di fondo contiene abbondanti lamine di mica e presenza di ossidi di ferro. Campione di ceramica da fuoco: 7. Gruppo VIII

Impasto grossolano (0.75 mm) caratterizzato da frammenti angolosi di selce. La massa di fondo contiene ossidi di ferro. | Campione di ceramica da fuoco: 8. Gruppo IX

Impasto medio-grossolano di dimensioni medie (0.40 mm), caratterizzato da frammenti angolosi di selce, abbondanti calcari, quarzo, feldspati alcalini e chamotte rossa. Campionedi ceramica da fuoco: 9. Gruppo X Impasto finé di dimensioni medie (0.25 mm), caratterizzato da abbondanti calcari, quarzo anche policristallino, sanidino e augite in tracce. La massa di fondo è carbonatico-ferrica.

Campione di ceramica da fuoco: 10 Campione di anfora: 11. Gruppo XI Impasto carbonatico/marnoso con poco ferro ossidato. a. depurato Campioni di ceramica da fuoco: 20. 456

b. Impasto fine (0.20 mm) con abbondanti calcari, quarzo e tracce di sanidino. Campione di anfora: 12 (poca chamotte rossa). Campioni di ceramica comune: 19, 21, 22, 25. Campioni di ceramica verniciata: 26, 28, 34, 36.

c. Impasto fine (0.25 mm) caratterizzato da abbondanti calcari di quarzo e feldspato. Campioni

di ceramica verniciata:

e microfauna, con cristalli finissimi

27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 37

Campioni laterizio: 44 (con presenza di ossidi di ferro nella massa di fondo), 48, 49. d. Impasto depurato con pochi granuli grossolani di dimensioni medie (1.25 mm) di quarzo, sanidino, augite, cocciopesto rosso e lamine fini di mica. Campioni laterizio: 35, 41 (presenza di granuli di trachite e di ossidi di ferro nella massa di fondo), 45, 50. Gruppo XII Impasto

di dimensioni medie

(0.40 mm),

caratterizzato da selce, quarzo anche policristallino,

chamotte e abbondanti lamine di biotite. Sono presenti in tracce augite, feldspati, trachite e microfauna. La massa di fondo è carbonatica con poco ferro ossidato. Campione di ceramica da fuoco: 14. Gruppo XIII

Impasto di dimensioni medie (0.5 mm), caratterizzato da augite, quarzo anche policristallino, feldspati, fini lamine di muscovite e biotite, selce in tracce. La massa di fondo contiene abbondanti

ossidi di ferro. Campione di anfora: 16. Gruppo XIV Impasto grossolano di dimensioni medie (1.5 mm) caratterizzato da granuli di roccia porfirica, sanidino e augite. La massa di fondo é micacea. Campioni di laterizio: 46, 47. ! Campione di ceramica comune:

17 (la massa di fondo contiene ossidi di ferro)

Gruppo XV a. Impasto fine (0.20 mm) caratterizzato da quarzo, feldspati e granuli carbonatici. La massa di fondo é carbonatico-ferrica. Campioni di anfora: 51, 52.

b. con abbondanti granuli carbonatici Campione di anfora: 53. c. Impasto di dimensioni piü grossolane (0.4 mm) e con presenza minore di calcari. Campioni anfora: 54, 55. d. Impasto

fine (0.20 mm),

simile al sott. a), ma con presenza maggiore di granuli carbonatici. La

massa di fondo è carbonatica con poco ferro ossidato. Campione anfora: 60. c. Impasto più grossolano simile al sott. d). Campioni di anfora: 63, 64. 457

Gruppo XVI Impasto fine (0.25 mm) caratterizzato da quarzo, feldspati, pochi granuli carbonatici e tracce di minerali vulcanici. La massa di fondo è carbonatico-ferrica. Campioni di anfora: 56, 57. ©

Gruppo XVII Impasto caratterizzato da fini cristalli di quarzo di dimensioni medie 0.15 mm. fondo è carbonatico-ferrica. Campioni di anfora: 58, 59.

La massa di

Gruppo XVIII

Impasto fine (0.20 mm) caratterizzato da quarzo, feldspati, pochi calcari, abbondanti lamine fini di mica, augite in tracce. La massa di fondo è carbonatico-ferrica. Campioni di anfora: 61, 62. Gruppo XIX

Impasto di dimensioni medie (0.40 mm) caratterizzato da quarzo, feldspati ed augite. La massa di fondo è carbonatica con poco ferro ossidato. Campioni di anfora: 65, 66. CONCLUSIONI

Le diciannove associazioni mineralogiche riscontrate per gli impasti ceramici, in base alla cartografia e bibliografia geologica trovano riscontro con la situazione geolitologica dell’area appenninica centro-laziale e con aree caratterizzate da materiali provenienti dal disfacimento dell'apparato vulcanico laziale. I gruppi mineralogici I, II, IV, X e XII costituiti prevalentemente da abbondanti calcari e/o selce, talora con granuli di roccia con struttura porfirica e minerali vulcanici in tracce, trovano riscontro soprattutto con i materiali derivanti dall'area appenninica, in questa area possono rientrare anche i gruppi VIII e IX caratterizzati da selce angolosa aggiunta intenzionalmente, individuabile nelle formazioni a calcari del Lias (Mesozoico) affioranti anch'esse nell'area appenninica. Per quanto concerne il gruppo XI, depurato e caratterizzato da argilla marnosa, trova riscontro con le argille plioceniche documentate nella cartografia geologica regionale. Il dato trova conferma anche dalle ricerche condotte sugli impasti di ceramica fine da mensa verniciate (II-V sec. d. C.), rinvenute in notevole quantità negli scavi effettuati nell'area sud-occidentale dell'Umbria e su campioni di sicura provenienza (argille e laterizi) provenienti anch'essi dalle immediate vicinanze dei siti di ritrovamento ed utilizzati per il loro confronto !. : Gli impasti ceramici rientranti nei rimanenti gruppi, caratterizzati da abbondanti minerali vulcanici possono essere messi in relazione con le aree situate tra la sponda destra del Tevere ed il mare, in referimento ai materiali derivanti dell'apparato vulcanico laziale. Per i reperti anforacei, rientranti nei gruppi X, XI, XV, XVI, XVII, XVIII, XIX,

il degrassante

trova confronti con i materiali mineralogici derivanti dall'area appenninica e con campioni di ceramica comune; in quest'area rientrano geologicamente anche Forlimpopoli e Spello. In base alle diverse caratteristiche mineralogiche riscontrate nei campioni emerge dalla ricerca l'impiego di

1 G. PREDIERI e S. SFRECOLA, Dati Archeometrici sulle sigillate chiare italiche rinvenute in Umbria: analisi minero-petrografiche (in questo volume pp. 65-67).

458

argille provenienti da differenti giacimenti, riferibili probabilmente a più centri di produzione attestati nell'area appenninica. Si differenziano, per il tipo di impasto, esclusivamente i campioni di anfora rientranti nei gruppi VI e XIII, che trovano riscontro con i materiali derivanti dall'apparato vulcanico laziale. CATALOGO

CAMPIONI ANALIZZATI

Campione

—

A ON UA

bb ba i USNh

BBW Ww ὦ Οὐ O —

WU -

LU Ov

WWW LU Ul OU LP

ῳ

WNN NY Q X DN

NNN NY NY BWN σαι

Ww —

NO ©

RS 0

oL RR -ΩὩΔ 00

fd UI

fund dd

ER UU

eS Nt

n DUO

0

TI

AU

SUN

. Ceramica da fuoco impasto 1 . Ceramica da fuoco impasto 2

. Ceramica da fuoco impasto 3 . Ceramica da fuoco impasto 4 . Ceramica da fuoco non periodizzato . Ceramica da fuoco impasto 6

. Ceramica . Ceramica . Ceramica . Ceramica . Anfora di . Anfora di . Ceramica . Ceramica . Anfora di . Anfora di . Ceramica

da fuoco impasto da fuoco impasto da fuoco impasto da fuoco impasto Empoli L. 713 Empoli L. 1350 da fuoco impasto da fuoco impasto Spello fabric 1 L. Spello fabric 1 L. comune impasto

. Ceramica comune

impasto

7 8 9 10

13 14 1403 1350 4 1

. Ceramica comune impasto 3a . Ceramica comune impasto 3 . Ceramica comune impasto 3a . Ceramica comune impasto 3a

. Ceramica comune impasto 1 . Ceramica comune impasto 2 . Ceramica comune impasto 3a

. Ceramica verniciata L. 708 ciotola . Ceramica verniciata non periodizzata ciotola

. . . .

Ceramica Ceramica Ceramica Ceramica

verniciata verniciata verniciata verniciata

L. L. L. L.

1304 brocca 1518+altri tino 1352 olletta 1352 olletta

. Ceramica verniciata L. 1304 olletta . . . . . .

Ceramica Ceramica Ceramica Ceramica Ceramica Laterizio

verniciata L. 1406 olla verniciata L. 1410 olletta verniciata L. 701 olla verniciata L. 1000 olletta verniciata L. 1400 olla non periodizzato fr. stracotto

. Laterizio non periodizzatofr. stracotta . . . . .

Laterizio Laterizio Laterizio Laterizio Laterizio

non periodizzato fr. stracotto impasto 1 L. 1611 coppo stracotto impasto 1 L. 007 mattone da colonna impasto 1 L. 007 mattone da colonna impasto 1 non periodizzato mattone

. Laterizio impasto 2 L. 1612 tegola . Laterizio impasto 2 L. 703 tegola mammata

459

47.Laterizio impasto 2 non periodizzato mattone da colonna

48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66.

Laterizio Laterizio Laterizio Anfora di Anfora di Anfora di Anfora di Anfora di Anfora di Anfora di Anfora di Anfora di Anfora di Anfora di Anfora di Anfora di Anfora di Anfora di Anfora di

impasto 3 L. impasto 3 L. impasto 3 L. Spello fabric Spello fabric Spello fabric Spello fabric Spello fabric Spello fabric Spello fabric Spello fabric Spello fabric Spello fabric Spello fabric Spello fabric Spello fabric Spello fabric Spello fabric Spello fabric

1311 tubulo 1602 tubulo 1654 tubo 5 L. 801 4 L. 1350 4 L. 1304+L. 1307 3 L. 1403 3 L. 1352 9 L. 1400 9 L. 1304 8 L. 1304+L. 1305 8 L. 1300 4 L. 1105 6 L. 1304 6 non periodizzato 5 L. 802 5 L. 1350 7 L. 705 7 L. 1406 GIULIO PREDIERI, SERGIO SFRECOLA

460

CHAPTER

1

INTRODUCTION TO PART THREE

Part Three is primarily devoted to the presentation of the infant cemetery discovered in 1989 and excavated until 1991 by the University of Arizona Department of Classics. Palynological and paleoosteological studies have been included in this volume even though they were done for the entire site; however, most of the results pertain to the cemetery. Since this excavation of the cemetery yielded the remains of forty-seven infants, making it the largest such cemetery yet discovered in Italy, care was taken to focus not only on the burials themselves but the surrounding material culture, the stratigraphy of the cemetery, and various theories regarding reasons for the installation of the cemetery. The research for this part has benefited enormously from the symposium held by the Istituto di Parassitologia at the University of Rome on May 31, 1995 in order to present our findings and theories and receive critical reaction from colleagues. Àn argument has been made in Part Three that the infant cemetery was the result of an epidemic which may have occurred in the region in the middle of the fifth century A. D. Evidence of witchcraft, perhaps employed to ward off the epidemic, is also presented and the theory that plasmodium falciparum malaria may have played a critical role in the death of the infants is offered. These conclusions are suggested rather than stated as absolutes, with the hope that in the future humanists and scientists from a wide variety of fields will come together to test the ideas presented. In the course of our work we developed a model for excavating what we call "Abnormal Cemeteries". This model, if used by other excavators, would facilitate classification and deeper understanding of cemetery sites. First of all, it is necessary to distinguish between the "Normal" and "Abnormal Cemetery". The former will feature single burials and occasional paired burials and will resemble a modern cemetery configuration in spacing of bodies. It may develop over a period of years and therefore the material culture (pottery, glass, lamps, coins) found in the strata will show a progression from earlier to later in time. There may even be a central tomb around which later tombs are grouped. There may be a hierarchy of burial in which more elegant tombs are grouped together in certain areas and simpler tombs are placed elsewhere. These tombs may depend on the age of the deceased as well as the wealth and/or importance of the family of the deceased. Such hierarchic burials may also exist in "Abnormal Cemeteries." "Abnormal Cemeteries" may be caused by events such as epidemics or massacres. The excavation of all cemeteries requires extreme care and attention should be paid to the following items to determine if an "Abnormal Cemetery” is present: 1. Stratigraphy -- Does the cemetery exist all in one layer of earth installed over a very short period of time? Are there joins in material culture from top to bottom? Do the pottery experts agree that there is no discernible difference in your material at any level? Does the soil contain early, residual material and if so to what extent does that contaminate or affect the evidence for the mate-

rial culture of the cemetery? 2. Evidence of Mass Burial -- Are many burials included together? Is there evidence of escalating ‘ burials as one proceeds from the lower levels to the higher or are the burials massed together in one group? Effort must be taken to investigate whether the catastrophe occurred at one time or over a short time of gradually increasing deaths, suggesting the difference between, for example, a massacre and a slowly evolving disease. 463

. Material Culture -- Are the objects found in the cemetery relatively uniform from top to bottom of the strata?

. Palynological Evidence -- Can analysis of burned seeds aid in determining the time of year of the installation? What varieties of wood are present and are any unusual? . Human Identification — What sort of conditions does the preserved bone display and what might be inferred from this about the condition of the population. Can a population estimate be given on the basis of the number of bodies found? Are the humans all infants or adults or mixed? Are they arranged in groups by age or sex? . Tomb Types - Are they all the same or do they vary? Do they vary in sophistication depending on the age of the occupant? Are they hastily created or carefully done, simple or elaborate? . Animal Bone Analysis — Are migratory birds present in quantity giving information about the time of year of the catastrophe? Are unusual animals found? Are these all of one age? Can a decision be reached as to which animals are normally present on a site and which may be ritual offerings? Is there uniformity in the age of the possible ritual offerings? . Evidence of Ritual -- Can material accidentally present or typical of gravesites be separated from evidence of extraordinary ritual? Are elements suggesting black magic or witchcraft present, such as chthonic offerings, toads, raven bones, bound dolls, upside down pots, puppies? Is there

evidence of animal severing? Are animal skulls involved? Ritual is a tricky area and must be approached with good documentation and extreme caution. Ritual offerings are likely present in “Normal Cemeteries" so care must be taken to distinguish normal from abnormal rituals. . History of the Region -- Does the history of the area support the conclusions reached by the archaeology? Are diseases (such as malaria or plague), massacres or times of cold or hunger known in the area? Does the literary record note travellers in the region at the time of the "Abnormal Cemetery" and if so what did they experience? . Parallels — Where are other “Abnormal Cemeteries"? This is a particularly difficult question because if archaeologists are not aware of this type of cemetery, they are unlikely to recognize if they are digging one. It is likely that at least some poorly excavated cemeteries across Europe and the Mediterranean were "Abnormal Cemeteries" which have been overlooked. 10. Conclusions -- Does your collection of circumstantial evidence lead you to a specific conclusion? DAVID SOREN

464

CHAPTER

FAMINE,

PESTILENCE

AND

BRIGANDAGE

2

IN ITALY IN THE FIFTH

CENTURY

A. D.

Life was hard in the Italian countryside during the fifth century A. D., but very little written evidence survives concerning ordinary life there. The owners of rural villas have left only incidental accounts, but these are generally silent about the lives of the workers who ran the villas and of others who lived in the rural districts. As a result, it is impossible to compile an "internal" history of life in the countryside, since the peasants themselves left no written records or other accounts of their own, and since their lives were of little interest to other writers. At best, it is possible to write only

an "external" history of rural life, based on incidental information about more general conditions that are tied to the fortunes of the Italian countryside as a whole. ! One scholar has described accurately rural life during the third century, and what was true for the third century remains true in general for the fourth and fifth centuries as well: "Ancient economy was agricultural to a degree scarcely comprehensible in the modern Western world. But rural life leaves behind few spectacular traces... The submerged mass [of the economic structure] was a mute and largely unrecorded farming economy that, like the life of the masses generally, we historians perceive less often... In the absence (so to speak) of an economic cushion to fall back on, a change for

the worse could occur more rapidly. The precise effects on the various kinds of people in the Empire must be to some degree uncertain, and it is probable enough that the extremely wealthy landowners were to remain wealthy." ? The epigraphic evidence, which underlies modern statistical generalizations about life expectancy, is largely urban in provenience and does not cover the poorest levels of society. But it can be presumed that the dangers of city life were no greater than the hardships of country life, 3 where in any pre-industrial society, modern as well as ancient, the worst conditions of mass poverty are to be found and where they pass largely undocumented. ^ Our data about life expectancy provide, then, only the most general frame of reference. "The death rate was high and the expectation of life very short. The evidence is scanty and derived in the main from funeral inscriptions and stelae. The sample of the Roman population for which we have information is very far from random, and is, by and large, composed of those who were wealthy enough to record their lifespan. The average age at death for adults appears to have been between thirty and thirty-five years. One assumes that there was a high rate of infant mortality and the average expectation of life at birth was probably not a great deal more than twenty years." 5 Life expectancy for females who survived infancy was slightly lower than for males in the same group because of the dangers attendant on childbirth. The upper limit of life expectancy at birth may be estimated at c. 20-25 years, but that those who survived infancy might expect to live 30-35 years, with females probably at the lower end in both categories.

! Cp.

J. KoLENDO,

" The Peasant,” in A. GIARDINA, ed. (L. Cochran, tr.),

The Romans

(Chicago:

1993) p. 200.

? M. CHAMBERS, "The Crisis of the Third Century" in L. WHITE, JR., The Transformation of the Roman World: Gibbons Problem After Two Centuries (Berkeley and Los Angeles: 1966) pp. 34, 37. 5 C. R. WHITTAKER, "The Poor,” in GIARDINA 1993, p. 288: “we must not exaggerate the dangers of the city and glamorize the countryside, however, since the figures do not differ significantly from those for the medieval village of Frénouville in France." ^ WHITTAKER 1993, p. 275. He gives life expectancy at birth as about 25 years and for those surviving infancy as about 35 years. 5 N. J. G. Pounps, An Economic History of Medieval Europe (London and New York: 1974) p. 7; see preceding note.

465

Literary evidence of living conditions in Italy at this time is scattered and fragmentary. Even when there is personal correspondence to fall back on, as in the cases of Symmachus (ca. A. D. 340402) and Sidonius Apollinaris (ca. A. D. 430-post 479), the concerns and literary classicism of the privileged classes are more clearly revealed than the problems of daily life. 6 Symmachus, who owned estates in Italy and North Africa, was a self-conscious letter-writer, but his main concerns are

public and legal issues. It is a pronounced exception when, during his travels in 402, Symmachus admits to his own sorrow at “the depressed appearance of the countryside” (Epp. 5.12: “omnium locorum maesta facies") and speaks also of the ^worries of the multitude"

(“multorum curis"). But

in his letters the details are missing; there is no explanation of the problems in the countryside and no impression, for example, of the extent to which farmland has been abandoned. Yet already in A. D. 387 Ambrose had noted the comparative desolation of the northern Apennine valleys (Epp. 39); and, on 24 March A. D. 395, in Campania alone, 528,042 iugera of formerly cultivated, but now aban-

doned, farmland were stricken by the emperor Honorius from the tax rolls (C. Th. 11.28.2).7 Likewise, Sidonius refers only incidentally to taxes he felt burdensome or arbitrary (Epp. 2.1.23), to the problems of legal status in the case of a run-away colonus (Epp. 5.19), to the hard circumstances of a squatter (Epp. 6.10), or to the difficulties faced by a small-scale trader as revealed both in a letter of recommendation for one such trader (Epp. 6.8) and also in the case of a woman kidnapped and sold by Germanic raiders (Epp. 6.4). Consequently, little information can be found in the writings of Sidonius, a Gallic nobleman, to aid our understanding of rural life and, especially, of life in the Italian countryside. Natural conditions and the extremes of warfare often led to (a) famine (fames) (b) disease (pestis, pestilentia, etc.), and (c) increased brigandage (latrocinium). During the fifth century A. D. these three recurring phenomena were of major importance and impinged on life in the Umbrian countryside in unusual ways. a) FAMINE In A. D. 383, the emperor Gratian was assassinated for neglect of his state duties. In the same

year, according to Symmachus, there was a "public famine" (Rel. 3: "secuta est hoc factum fames publica"). Elsewhere Symmachus notes "the great necessity" of A. D. 383 which he attributes to a bad harvest the previous autumn in the North African provinces (Epp. 4.74: "magna necessitate"). 8 Symmachuss fames publica marks a particular kind of famine, viz. a famine that strikes the populus of Rome. Three quarters of a century later, in A. D. 468, Sidonius uses an equivalent phrase "fames populi Romani" (Epp. 1.10) to designate the same phenomenon. Whatever else it may or may not imply about conditions in rural Italy, this phrase clearly suggests that Rome was deprived of the grain supplies it depended on from abroad. Even under normal conditions, the Italian countryside had long been unable to produce enough grain to supply Italy's needs, although grain was shipped in bulk within Italy from producing to consuming regions and from Rome to other cities. ? For centuries, beginning in 122 B. C. in the tri6 With detailed citations, W. E. HEITLAND, Agricola (Cambridge: 1921) pp. 402-408 analyzes Symmachus’s letters and relationes for information on agriculure and rural life; likewise 426-431

for Sidoniuss letters.

7 About 10% of the farmland in Campania: T. W. PorrER, Roman Italy (Berkeley and Los Angeles: 1987) p. 207. See C. R. WHITTAKER,

"Agri Deserti,” in M. FINLEY, ed., Studies in Roman

Property (Cambridge:

1976) pp.

137-165, with notes on 193-

200. Whittaker warns against exaggerating the problem of agri deserti and argues that "agricultural production must have remained relatively static" (164). In A. D. 375 Symmachus was worried already about the economic condition of his property in Campania (Epp. 1.5.2): “namque hic usus in nostram venit aetatem, ut rus, quod solebat alere, nunc alatur." 8 L. Cracco RUGGINI, “‘Fame laborasse Italiam': Una nuova testimonianze sulla carestia del 383 d. C.," in AA. VV., L'Italia

settentrionale nell'eta antica. Convegno in memoria di Plinio Fraccaro. Athenaeum Fasc. Spez. (Pavia: 1976) p. 90 for the date of the crop failure. ? Symm., rel. 40 reveals the intricacies of grain-politics around Rome, but these are the basic facts presented there: (a) in Latium Tarracina received grain allotments from specially designated towns in exchange for supplying Rome with wood

466

bunate of Gaius Gracchus, the city of Rome had subsidized the purchase of grain from overseas to feed its own populace. In the Italian countryside grain tended to be grown for local consumption and, to some degree, for supplementary income from sales in markets at nearby urban or municipal centers. But a shortage of grain in Rome would have absorbed all the resources of its region and put added pressure on the fertile farmlands of the Tiber valley. Farms at least as far upriver as Poggio Gramignano would probably have been affected because that region was easily accessible by the Via Amerina, the Via Flaminia, and the Tiber River, though downstream travel on the river toward Rome was probably easier. According to Pliny, the Tiber was navigable from mid-autumn through spring, !? with its primary and secondary highs likely in OctoberNovember and in April respectively and its primary and secondary lows in July and January. !! In times of plenty, grain was an undervalued commodity on the Roman market due to the state subsidy of imported grain. In times of fames publica, however, grain produced in regions surrounding Rome became more valuable. Commerce

in it became attractive to brigands, as well as to small

traders, especially as civil unrest and the threat of violence at Rome increased. A fames publica in Rome would have increased the pressure for shipments of grain from farms within a radius of at least 50-100 Roman miles around the city, the zone generally considered to be in Rome” “district”. 12 But the countryside did not produce sufficient grain as a primary cash crop and had long been incapable of supplying even regional needs. In addition, fames publica in Rome also suggests increased brigandage, an endemic problem in the Italian countryside, which probably would have led to raids on the farms of smallholders. In A. D. 389, Symmachus expressed his personal pleasure when, from his riverside estate (praedium suburbanum) on the Tiber just west of Rome, he saw grain ships arriving from Macedonia (Epp. 3.55 and 82). It is not clear whether the phrase "austris contumacibus" (Epp. 3.82) is to be taken literally, nor what underlies the phrase "cessante Africa” (Epp. 3.55), and therefore whether either phrase is at all revealing about actual weather or agricultural conditions. In this year, however, the impending fames publica (Epp. 3.55) and the attendant metus publicus (Epp. 3.82) were averted because the shortfall of African grain was made up by purchases in Macedonia, and Symmachus expressed his joy in words that anticipated Claudian's (quoted below): “... I rejoice that the provisioning of the Roman people is regulated not by the fate of the provinces but by the desire of the emperor" (Epp. 3.82: ^... gaudeo victum populi Romani non fato provinciarum sed voto principis regi"). Another fames publica struck between A. D. 395 and 397 because the revolt of Gildo,

a Moor, who

tried to rule independently in North Africa, had disrupted the grain trade to Rome. In A. D. 398, in connection with Gildo's revolt in North Africa, Claudian observed that “we are fed at the whim

of

the Moor" (de bell. Gildon. 5.70: "pascimur arbitrio Mauri"). Claudian's remark points out a fundafor its baths and with lime for repairing its walls; (b) Puteoli (Pozzuoli), Capua, and other Campanian cities received grain allotments from Rome. 10 Pliny, Epp. 5.6.12: the Tiber “conveys all produce (‘omnes fruges") to the city, at least in winter and spring; in summer it dries up and the claim of being a mighty river slips from its dry bed, but resumes in fall.” Pliny’s estate near Tifernum Tiberinum (Città di Castello) was 150 Roman miles upstream from Rome (cp. Epp. 10.8.6), much further up than Poggio Gramignano, and he benefited seasonally from high water and a swift current in getting produce all the way to Rome. See next note. !! P. DEFOSSE, "Note sur le climat en Italie centrale," Latomus 40 (1981) 108, who generally confirms Pliny, Epp. 5.6.4-5 and 12 and Prop. 4:1.123-124 on the climate of the region. The elder Pliny reports that the Tiber's tributaries were navigable by small boats and shallow craft, although a system of dams was sometimes necessary (HN 3.53); Strabo indicates that small boats could navigate the tributaries near Ocriculum and Narna (5.2.10). Livy shows that grain came down the Tiber to Rome from early in the city's history (5.54.4). 12 The lower limit is the best approximation for the distance most conveniently served exclusively by overland traffic from within the region. The 100-mile upper limit is firmer and is determined by the criminal jurisdiction of the Prefect of the City which had extended that far out at least from the time of Severus and probably before (Dig. 1.12.1.4); J. PARTSCH, "Der hunderste Meilenstein," Beitrage zur alten Geschichte und Geographie: Festschrift fur Heinrich Kiepert (Berlin: 1898) pp. 13-16 characterizes this jurisdiction as Rome’s basic "Interessenspháre"; and cp. A. CHASTAGNOL, La prefecture urbaine a Rome sous le bas-empire (Paris: 1960) pp. vii-viii. Likewise, a 100-mile limit circumscribed the urbica dioicesis when it was established under Marcus Aurelius; cp. R. THOMSEN, The Italic Regions from Augustus to the Lombard Invasion (Copenhagen: 1947) pp. 153-159.

461

mental weakness that would be exploited again and again in the fifth century: Rome was dependent on overseas grain, particularly North African grain, for its basic food supply. For example, during these years Symmachus describes the city’s predicament (Epp. 6.21 [A. D. 395/6]: inopia urbis, navigatio intractabilis, peregrationis amara;

26 [A. D. 396], and 66 [A. D. 398]). Panic ensued

in Rome

when grain shipments from Africa were late arriving at Ostia or Portus. Prosperous families fled to their country villas, and even Symmachus was ready to send his children out of Rome. And this panic occurred at a time when Rome had not yet been sacked and was still the sentimental heart of the old western empire. !? In the fall of A. D. 401 14 Alaric the Visigoth made his first invasion of Italy, and gave the impression of leading an army of conquest. ! He was defeated twice by Stilicho, once at Pollentia (Pollenza) in spring A. D. 402, and once north of the Padus (Po) at Verona that summer.

Since ancient

armies lived off the land and wasted the fields as a part of their tactics, and because the Goths ranged widely, the countryside of northern Italy must have been stressed agriculturally during this period. Eventually the scarcity of food did force Alarics band out of Italy and back to the Balkans. 16 Claudian called North Italy a "funereal territory" (6th cons. Hon. 274: "regio funesta") for the Goths, a place where “pestilence (ues) rages, begun by rotten food and intensified by the season's heat" (ibid. 241-242: "et taetris collecta cibis annique vapore saeviat aucta lues"). Nevertheless, Alaric's effect was great because five years later, when he returned, he was appeased with an enormous amount of gold because he threatened Rome. In A. D. 405 Radagaisus invaded Italy without warning. His troops, made up of Ostrogoths and others, were stopped at Faesulae (Fiesole) in Etruria where Stilicho's forces wiped them out the following year. Radagaisus’s army lived off the land, commandeering and damaging crops as it moved forward. But he traveled fast, so that the consequences of his invasion were probably minimized, although even a fast-moving army may have devastating effects (cp. JoRD., Get. 155, quoted below, on Alaric’s passage in Umbria). Losses to local crops were not easily made up by markets in nearby cities, so that Radagaisus's movements, like Alaric’s, certainly disrupted the economic activity of the region. Alaric, however, continued to have two demands: permanent lands for his people and a high office for himself in service

of the western

empire.

Neither

of these

demands

was

met,

and,

in

response to a vacillating Roman government, Alaric left Epirus late in A. D. 407. !7 The following spring, after pillaging Liguria and Aemilia, Alaric moved south and marched into Central Italy, ignoring the port city of Ravenna. His army "ran willy-nilly along the Via Flaminia between Picenum and Tuscia (Etruria) all the way to Rome, and seized for booty whatever lay to either side" (Jorp., Get. 155: "Flamminiaeque aggerem inter Picenum et Tusciam usque ad urbem Romam discurrentes, quidquid in utrumque latus fuit, in praeda diripiunt"). He was headed for Rome, a more vulnerable city dependent on imported grain, but located 15 miles from the sea. At Rome he demanded 4,000 pounds of gold as back-pay for his men, which the senate eventually paid at the behest of Stilicho (Zos. 5.29.5-9). After the senate bought his withdrawal, Alaric set up winter quarters in Etruria. Three times, in A. D. 408, 409, and again in 410, Alaric attacked Rome.

Each time his strategy

was to cut off the city's grain supply by blocking river traffic from the port, but he especially exploited its dependence on foreign grain after Stilicho's death in August of A. D. 408. The general, who had fled a charge of treason and had sought sanctuary in a church in Ravenna, was killed with the 13 For fifteen years, from A. D. 383 to 398, there was almost continual fear of fames publica at Rome: HEITLAND 1921, p. 406, using evidence drawn entirely from Symmachuss letters and relationes. 14 For the date, E. DEMOUGEOT, La formation de l'Europe et les invasions barbares, vol. 2 (Paris: 1979) pp. 169-173; on this invasion, P. J. HEATHER, Goths and Romans 332-489 (Oxford: 1991) pp. 206-210. 15 f. H. W. G. LIEBESCHUETZ, Barbarians and Bishops: Army, Church, and State in the Age of Arcadius and Chrysostom (Oxford: 1990) pp. 62-63 with note 113 on the problem and the sources. 16 HEATHER

1991, pp. 208-209.

;

17 On the events between A. D. 407 and 412, HEATHER 1991, pp. 213-219; and JOHN MATTHEWS, Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court A. D. 364-425 (Oxford: 1990) pp. 284-306.

468

complicity of the emperor Honorius. After Stilicho was beheaded,

“barbarians” were condemned

throughout Italy, and all foreign auxiliaries were liable to death. About

10,000 Goths in the imperi-

al service under Stilicho fled to Alaric along with as many as 10,000 runaway slaves; these additions effectively doubled the size of his army. !8 As a result, Alaric had a substantial force to feed, and they lived off the land as they traveled. In A. D. 409, when his negotiations with Honorius again failed, Alaric marched on Rome and compelled the senate to elect a new emperor named Priscus Attalus. The city suffered from starvation and disease on a massive scale (Zos. 5.39.1-4). When Attalus failed to secure North Africa and its grain supply, Alaric deposed him and entered yet again into negotiations with Honorius. In A. D. 410 these negotiations broke down a second time when Alaric was attacked on his way to Ravenna to sign the latest agreement. He turned around, seized Rome's port, and cut off the city's grain supply. On 24 August, 19 he forced his way into the city, the first invader to do so in eight centuries. 29 In Rome Alaric took the emperor’s sister, Galla Placidia, as a political hostage (cp. Otymp., fr. 23.1-3). He pillaged the city for three days during which his band looted and burned the houses of the wealthy. But he spared the churches. Few lives were lost, and the ancient monuments sustained little damage. Nevertheless to some, like Augustine in his Civitas Dei and Orosius in his Historia contra paganos, it seemed as devastating as the end of the world. Alaric's strategy manifested itself again. After sacking Rome, the Goths went further south with an eye to the grainfields of Sicily and North Africa. Alaric, however, died of disease at Consentia (Cosenza) later in A. D. 410, after he had caught fever while besieging Rome in the height of summer (JoRD., Get. 157-158), and it is possible that he died of malaria.?! Alaric’s successor, and brother-in-law, Athaulf took the army in another direction. Under Athaulf, the Visigoths wandered over Italy for almost two years before entering southern Gaul in A. D. 412. It remains unclear, however, whether Alaric had intended to settle his people permanently in the rich province of North Africa or simply to control Italy by controlling Romes grain supply. In either case, Alaric had recognized the open secret of Romes vulnerability, and Italy's, to any break in the African grain supplies. The Visigothic presence may have had other repercussions as well. A law of 19 July A. D. 409 made it a capital crime for anyone who had accepted export goods paid as taxes to the fiscus to take a circuitous route to his destination and to sell those goods on his own (C. Th. 13.5.33). On 15 August A. D. 410 local officials, called iudices, were made liable if they allowed "loaded ships to delay in the ports of their diocese under the pretext of a coming storm, when, in fact, a fairly favorable breeze is inviting them" (C. Τῆι. 13.5.34). Loaded ships held in other ports not only delayed the arrival of Rome's basic grain supply, but increased the risk of ordinary accidents like rotting or infestation which often enough caused illness among the city's inhabitants (SyM., Epp. 6.15 [14]). From legal and literary sources, it can be inferred, then, that other factors often increased or heightened the effects of interruptions in the grain supply from North Africa and elsewhere. As the Visigoths under Athaulf crossed into southern Gaul and Spain in A. D. 412, famine and outbreaks of disease, the natural companions of ancient warfare, followed them. Hydatius alleges that starvation was so severe that cannibalism occurred (Chron. min. ii, 17-18, ann. 410, no. 48): "fames dira grassatur, adeo ut humanae carnes ab humano genere vi famis fuerint devoratae...").

18 Numbers suffer incredibly in transmission. The numbers given here areadopted from the detailed discussion of the sources by HEATHER 1991, pp. 213-214. 1? For the date, cp. Zos. 6.13 and Soz., HE 9.9. 20 PETER BROWN, The World of Late Antiquity (London: 1971) p. 124: “The senators had failed to pay their taxes or to provide recruits for the Roman army; yet, when they were asked, in 408, to pay for a diplomacy based on subsidies to Alaric, that

might have covered their military weakness, the Senate rejected the proposal as smacking of 'appeasement' of the despised barbarian: ‘This is a slave's contract, not a subsidy.’ Noble words: but two years later these patriots would have to pay three times as much as they had been asked to contribute, in order to ransom their city from the Visigothic king. A strident chauvinism and a refusal to negotiate with the barbarians led to the sack of Rome by Alaric in 410." 21 ANGELO CELLI (rev'd by ANNA CELLI-FRAENTZEL), The History of Malaria in the Roman Campagna from Ancient Times (London:

1933) p. 58.

469

Whenever armed forces fought for control ot individual territories, inopia, flamma, ferrum, and pestilentia all seem to be conjured implicitly in the writing of this period. Only rarely does an author specify all four elements, as Sidonius does once in an ironic description of events leading to the treaty of Arvernus (Auvergne) in A. D. 475 by which that territory was ceded to the Visigoth Euric. Even though Sidonius's description pertains to conditions in Gaul at a slightly later date, it is worth quoting here (Epp. 7.7): "hoccine meruerunt inopia flamma, ferrum pestilentia, pingues caedibus gladii et macri ieiuniis proeliatores? huius tam inclitae pacis expectationem avulsas muralibus rimis herbas in cibum traximus, crebro per ignorantiam venenatis graminibus infecti, quae indiscretis foliis sucisque viridantia saepe manus fame con-

color legit?" 22 "Did hunger, fire, steel, disease, swords thick with slaughter, and warriors wasted by hunger deserve this?

Did we pull grass torn from the cracks in the wall for food in expectation of such a distinguished peace as this - and sickened quite often, from ignorance, by poisonous grasses which, still pale with indistinct leaves and sap, our hand, similarly pale from hunger, often picked?” In A. D. 425, during the failed revolt of Johannes, his commander Aetius brought to Ravenna an

army of Huns to fight the East Roman forces under Aspar. Though Iohannes was already dead, Aetius forced a battle with Aspar’s troops. After the battle, the Huns were persuaded to leave Italy, and Aetius was

made

count (comes) by Galla Placidia and Valentinian III (PHtLostorG., HE

12.4;

Chron. min. i, 471 and 658; Greg. Tur. Hist Franc. 2.8). No doubt Aetius brought a substantial number of Huns with him, but nowhere near the 60,000 claimed by Philostorgius. It can be assumed that

Aetius’s army also lived off the land until he was persuaded to leave Italy. Africa’s grain had long been the key to the control of Italy. Rome’s weakness in this regard had been recognized for centuries, and the possession of the African provinces was central to imperial policy as early as the principates of Vespasian and Severus. And with the Vandals’ conquest of North Africa under Gaiseric, Rome lost tribute, but, more significantly, Rome lost a vital source of tribute paid in grain. By A.D. 425 the Vandals already were making sporadic raids along the coast of North Africa. Gaiseric became king of the Vandals in A. D. 428, and in the following year he led a full-scale Vandal invasion into North Africa which was already in a civil war with Ravenna. The Vandals laid waste to the country, and captured the city of Hippo after a long siege. | Count Boniface (comes Africae), who, according to tradition, had invited the Vandals to come into North Africa, fled to Ravenna in A. D. 431 when the Romans abandoned North Africa. In A. D.

432 he fought a duel or, more likely, a battle with Aetius at the fifth milestone from Ariminum (Rimini). Boniface died of his wounds

in A. D. 432; and Aetius, now

declared an outlaw by Galla

Placidia, fled first to Rome and then by ship to the Huns of Dalmatia (Chron. min. i, 473-474 ann. 432, 658 ann. 433; and ii, 22 ann. 432 23, From there, in A. D. 433 he probably brought an army of Huns down to besiege Ravenna for a second time in an effort to force Galla Placidia to restore his command, but evidence suggests that he fought no battle against the Gothic troops then defending Ravenna (Chron. min. i, 658.ann. 433). The presence of such a large invading force would have stressed the countryside as well as the city. Farmers in much of the surrounding territory would have suffered again from the depredations of an invading force and BOTE an interruption in access to their urban market where they could sell their surplus. Meanwhile the Vandals under Gaiseric wasted North Africa. In A. D. 435 Valentinian agreed to a

treaty by which the Vandals were settled as foederati (i.e. as tributary, grain-paying allies) in North Africa. In A. D. 439 the Vandals broke the treaty and took Carthage where Gaiseric made himself king. Then, both as a diversion and as a symbol of reviving Carthage's old seapower, the Vandals

22 For further details, Sid., Epp. 7.6 (also cited by Greg. Tur., Hist. Franc. 2.25). 23 With JOHANNES B. DE LEPPER, De Rebus Gestis Bonifatii (Nijmegen: 1941) 107-109.

470

attacked Sicily and Sardinia, the other primary sources of Rome's grain supply. Gaiseric followed by taking Corsica and the Balearic Islands and raided the coast of Italy as far north as Etruria. In A. D. 440 Galla Placidia was forced to sign a treaty in which she conceded the conquered provinces to the Vandals, and Rome recognized Gaiseric as the autonomous ruler over most of the African provinces. The Vandals were now effectively in control of Rome” North African grain supply. In A. D. 455, when Valentinian was assassinated, Gaiseric sailed to Italy and took Rome without

resistance; and, aided by his Berber allies, he sacked the city for fourteen days. They withdrew from Rome before the end of June (Chron. min. i, 483-484, no. 1375 ann. 455), perhaps from fear of the

endemic malaria.?^ The Vandals continued to dominate Mediterranean shipping for two decades until Gaiseric died in A. D. 477. One year earlier, Odoacer and his mixed band of Germanic peoples had ended symbolically the western Roman empire when they removed the latest imperial pretender, Romulus Augustulus. According to Sidonius, Rome was on the verge of a serious "public famine" in A. D. 468 (Epp. 1.10.2: "famem populi Romani” and “publica esuries"). In the same letter, he expresses his fear of demonstrations or even riots (fragor) in the theater, and he is afraid that the responsibility will be laid at his feet since he was then Prefect of the City. Consequently, he is relieved to report that five ships from Brindisium have arrived in port with products of wheat and honey (“cum speciebus tritici ac mellis"). b) PESTILENCE

Rarely, in Roman writers, is famine by itself the only cause of death. ?5 In describing Alaric' siege of Rome in A. D. 409, Zosimus, using an old Greek adage, declared that "plague (loimos) followed upon famine (limos) as usual” (5.39.2). 26 In peace and in war severe famine leads directly to infes-

tation, and it is necessary to discuss important events at midcentury in the light of this connection. In A. D. 451, when Attila invaded Gaul, he was stopped, but not decisively defeated, despite heavy

losses, by a combined force of Romans and Visigoths under the command of Aetius on the Campus Mauriacus (Catalaunian Plains) in a battle described as "bellum atrox multiplex immane pertinax" (JorD., Get. 207). He withdrew homeward from Gaul in early July. 27 The following year in early summer, Attila, still enraged, moved with haste southward into Italy, sacking Mediolanum (Milan) and capturing other towns like Aquileia and Ticinum (Pavia), which he razed to the ground (JorD., Get. 221-222). 28 South of the Padus (Po), he ravaged the Province of Aemilia. Like Alaric before him, he avoided Ravenna due to its surrounding marshes, and he apparently did not make a move toward Rome at this time. And also like Alaric, Attila watched famine and disease break out in his army (Hypatius, Chron. min. ii, 26-27, no. 154 ann. 453: "divinitus partim fame, partim morbo quodam plagis caelestibus feriuntur”). The motive for Attila's attack on Italy is unclear, but clues to it can be found in two bits of evidence. First, one writer associated his attack with Attila's anger over his unexpected defeat in Gaul

(cp. Chron. min. i, 662 ann. 452): “insperata in Galliis clade accepta furiatus Attila Italiam petit”). Second, Jordanes reports that Attila felt he could defeat the

Roman

and

Visigothic armies if he faced

them separately (Get. 219). Attila was moving southward toward Rome with a large army, when a

24 CELLI 1933, p. 58 suggests that the invaders may have withdrawn from fear of malaria. Malaria season would ordinarily have begun by this time of year (cp. Procop. 2.3.17 for malaria in Rome near the time of the summer solstice and 3.19 for Belisarius's almost fatal fever at Portus in A. D. 536). 25 WHITTAKER

1993, p. 285.

26 Guipo GUGLI, La crisi dell'impero romano (Palermo: 1947) pp. 175-176 for an overview of the link between the two. 271, WEBER, “Die katalaunische Geisterschlacht,” Archiv fur Religionsgeschichte 33 (1936) 162-166, and accepted by 1.0. MAENCHEN HELFEN, The World of the Huns (Berkeley: 1973), contra the Chronica Gallica (Chron. min. i, 662, no. 141 ann. 452)),

our only source indicating that the Huns turned to Italy directly from Gaul. 28 MAENCHEN-HELFEN

1973, pp.

129-142 on the Huns

in Italy.

471

three-man embassy under Pope Leo I came from Rome and met with him at his camp on the river Mincius (Mincio) at the southern end of the Lacus Benacus (Lago di Garda). The details of the meet-

ing are unknown, but at its conclusion Attila withdrew from Italy. A year later, A. D. 453, he was dead, probably from an uncontrollable nosebleed, a frequent malady of his. 2? The corpse had no wound

(Jorp., Get. 254, citing Priscus: “sine ullo vulnere").

The Huns had left Gaul amid famine and pestilence in A. D. 451, and in the following year, after Attila had entered Italy, his own troops began to suffer from hunger and disease in the north. Italy was still in the midst of an appalling famine (N. Val. 33). Prosper attributes Attila's withdrawal to the influence of the three-man embassy from Rome (Chron. min. i, 482, no. 1367 ann. 452; cp. JORD., Get. 223). By contrast, Hydatius says nothing about the embassy, but notes that imperial troops from the East had arrived and had skirmished successfully against the Huns, who were already suffering from famine and sickness (Chron. min. ii, 26, no. 154 ann. 453). ?0 The arrival of imperial troops from the East was an added inducement to Attila to accept Leo's arguments. Those arguments are not recorded, but the evidence suggests that they centered on the condition of Attila s army already weakened by plague and famine in the north where the cost of his victory had been dear, the threat of the newly arrived troops from the East, and especially the famine in the south, with its accompanying plague, which had been raging since the previous year (N. Val. 33), 3! and which would only have increased Attila's problems. In the same year, A. D. 452, in response to Attila's lightning attack on Italy, Aetius tried to persuade Valentinian to abandon

Italy and.escape

with him

(Chron.

min.

i, 482-483,

no.

1367

ann.

452). 32 Clearly, Italy had lost importance in the imperial scheme, 33 and the widespread famine, along with its accompanying pestilence, emphasized Italy's diminished status. Only three years later, in A. D. 455 Gaiseric pillaged Rome for fourteen days. One further piece of evidence needs attention here. Sidonius arrived in Rome

in A. D. 467, just

twelve years after the Vandals and Berbers had sacked it, but he does not describe the condition of the city in his letters (cp. Epp. 1.5; 1.6; 34 or 1.7). He does describe, however, the pestilential conditions he met on his way through Umbria to Rome that same year. After reaching Rome in A. D. 467, Sidonius writes to his friend Heronius about the trip he has just made from Gaul to Rome. At this point in his narrative, be begins with what he saw in Ravenna and then in Umbria as he travelled down the Via Flaminia to Rome and ends by describing his own malarial symptoms (Epp. 1.5.6-9): [6] "Everything here [i.e. in Ravenna] is very favorably situated for commerce, and in particular anything fit for food was being brought in - everything [favorable] except that in the middle of water we were thirsty, because nowhere was there fresh water from aqueducts or an unfouled cistern or a

running spring or even a well without scum, since in some areas the salty seawater strikes right on the gates, and since in other areas - once the sewer-like gunk of the canals was churned up by the passage of small boats - the sluggish flow of the stressed water became polluted when the gluey bottom-muck was poked by the barge-poles." [7] “From there [i.e. from Ravenna] we travelled ahead to the Rubicon, which was named from

the bright red color of its gravel and which once was the boundary between Cisalpine Gaul and the Old Italy, when the towns on the Adriatic were divided between both peoples."

29 Cp. E. A. THOMPSON, The History of Attila and the Huns (Oxford: 1948) pp. 148-152 on Attila's death. 30 E. A. FREEMAN, "Aetius and Boniface," English Historical Review 2 (1887) 460: probably each source preserves part of the story, and both are right. Cp. also J. M. O’FLYNN, Generalissimos of the Western Empire (Alberta: 1983) pp. 98-99. 31 The famine in Italy was so severe that parents had been selling their children in hopes of saving the little ones (N. Val. 33). This novella specifies only fames, but, the greater the famine, the more likely there is to be an attendant pestis (cp. Zos. 5.39.2, quoted above). ?? Contra Prosper, who has been widely believed, Maenchen-Helfen 1973, pp. 135-136, 138, argues for Aetius's general preparedness in the face of Attila's invasion; cp. also O'Flynn 1983, pp. 98-100. 53 THOMSEN 1947, p. 196: the provincialization of Italy had been completed by the fourth century A. D. 34 'This letter has been dated to 455 and 460 (459?). Either alternative date makes my point more emphatic.

472

[8] “From here, I left the other towns of the Via Flaminia as fast as I entered them and I bypassed the Picentes on my left and the Umbri on the right; here either the wind Atabulus [i.e. the scirocco]

from Calabria or else the malarial (pestilens) region of Etruria (regio Tuscorum) infected my body which had been suffocated by breathing the air which is imbibed in poisoned gasps and which alternates sweats and chills. Meanwhile, fever and thirst ravaged the deepest recess of my heart and bones; to their yearning I kept promising not only beautiful springs or secluded wells, although [I did promise] these too, but all those streams either nearby or right on my way -- glassy Velinus, cool Clitumnus, deep blue Anio, sulphur-smelling Nar, pure Fabaris, murky Tiber. But fear checked my craving. [9] “In the meantime, Rome, too, lay open to view. To myself I seemed ready to drink dry not only the conduits of its aqueducts but its artificial lakes for sea-battles. Here before I touched the pomerium, I knelt at the triumphal thresholds of the Apostles and right away I felt that all the sluggishness had been cast out from my weakened limbs. After these proofs of heavenly patronage, I was given shelter in part of a rented lodging and even now during my period of bed-rest, as I try again and again to write this to you, I weigh out my effort in tiny little bits in order to recoup.” Malaria was familiar to the ancients and had been endemic in some parts of central and southern Italy for hundreds of years. Sidonius's experience illustrates one of the most common ways in which malaria might be contracted and spread. A traveler from another region, where malaria is unfamiliar, enters a zone where it is prevalent; he contracts the disease from a mosquito, and then carries the disease with him as he travels. As he is bitten he spreads the disease to other mosquito populations. The effects of malaria are circular: malaria can cause depopulation and also can be a result of it. In certain terrains abandoned farmlands became marshes, once drainage works fell into disrepair, and new marshlands would attract the spread of malaria into those regions. Along with abandoned farmlands, malaria played an important role in the decline of the rural population in central and southern Italy. 35 Finally, not much is known concerning emergency measures taken during famine or plague in this period, but some incidental information from Symmachus and Sidonius is helpful. Symmachus indicates the private nature of some forms of relief for the poor, 36 and he appears to suggest that in times of extreme shortage the rich voluntarily restricted food in their own homes to keep more foodstuffs on the market (Epp. 6.15 [14] and 7.8.68). During Alaric's siege of Rome in A. D. 409, Gratian's

widow and her mother used their generous imperial pension to feed "not a few people" (Zos. 5.39.4). Sometime

between A. D. 470 and 479, in the land of the Burgundians,

Ecdicius, brother-in-law of

Sidonius and son of Avitus, acted swiftly in feeding "more than 4,000 men and women" during a season of famine in Gaul. During the same famine, Patiens, bishop of Lyons, also organized a massive relief effort in his own diocese on the same scale and with similar speed (GREG. Tur., Hist. Franc.

2.24). In his account, Gregory of Tours refers to a letter by Sidonius which has survived. That this famine was induced by human rather than natural causes is certain since Sidonius praises Patiens in the following terms (Epp. 6.12): “... post Gothicam depopulationem, post segetes incendio absumptas, peculiari sumptu inopiae communi per desolatas Gallias gratuita frumenta misisti cum tabescentibus fame populis nimium contulisses, si commercio fuisset species ista, non muneri."

“... after the Goths’ destructiveness, after the standing grain had been destroyed by fire, at your private expense you sent grain free through the wasted Gauls to alleviate the general scarcity, although you would 351 have added the information about Sidonius and traveling, but otherwise adapted this argument from A. E. Boak, Manpower Shortage and the Fall of the Roman

pp. 175-176.

|

Empire in the West (Ann Arbor:

1955) pp. 35-36 with 139'n. 33; cp. GUGLI

1947,

E

36 Gregory of Tours also had heard a story about Sidonius that indicates the private nature of charity. To his wife's distress, Sidonius used to donate pieces of his family's silver plate to the poor only to buy it back from them at his own expense (Hist. Franc. 2.2).

473

have offered more than enough to groups wasting away from hunger, had that produce of yours been for . sale, not a gift.”

Sidonius then comments immediately on the massiveness of Patiens' relief effort: "vidimus angustas tuis frugibus vias; vidimus per Araris et Rhodani ripas non unum, quod unus impleveras, horreum."

“We have seen the roads jammed with your grain; along the banks of the Saone and the Rhone we have seen not merely a single barn alone which you singly had filled up". Cc) BRIGANDAGE Recent work has viewed brigands (latrones) from the point of view of outlaw communities and

counter-cultural forces. 37 To understand the extent of brigandage (latrocinium) in Italy, however, it is more useful to look at the specific behaviors and crimes associated with brigands in the literary evidence and in the Codex Theodosianus. 38 Brigandage increased in the fifth century with the decline of social and economic conditions due to famine, war, epidemic, and general economic hardship. During the fames publica of A. D. 383, Symmachus wrote that the presence of outlaws outside Rome prevented him from going to his villa and that he preferred inactivity in the city to the dangers of the countryside (Epp. 2.22: "sed nunc intuta est latrociniis suburbanitas atque ideo praestat macerari otio civitatis quam pericula ruris incidere"). 3? The operation of outlaws in the vicinity of Rome, as in the countryside generally, was endemic. A friend worried anxiously about Symmachuss safety when a raid on one of his suburban villas seemed imminent (Epp. 5.18). In A. D. 402, the year of an important battle fought against Alaric at Pollentia (Pollenza), Symmachus

did not even mention the invaders when he wrote to his

son. Yet he considered the roads so unsafe that, in the same letter (Epp. 7.13), he acknossledged going well out of his way in order to reach Mediolanum (Milan). A number of laws between A. D. 364 and 399 help to illustrate how uem the problem of brigandage was at the beginning of the fifth century. The success of brigands depended on their high mobility. Certain laws restricted or affirmed the right to use horses, and it is clear from an edict issued to the governor of Campania that the purpose behind the edict was to reduce brigandage (C. Th. 9.30.2). Two of these laws (C. Th. 9.30.1-2) require violators to be punished like cattle rustlers (abactores). This prohibition against using horses is specified for several Italian provinces, but it is worth noting that Picenum and Flaminia, the areas immediately adjacent to Umbria and south of the Via Flaminia, are singled out (C. Th. 9.30.1). Another edict shows that in A. D. 365 cattle rustlers

were a widespread problem in all the suburbicarian districts of Central and South Italy, and that cattle rustling was associated frequently with other kinds of criminal activity as well (C. Th. 9.30.3). . Shepherds (pastores) regularly used horses in their: work, and shepherds from Samnium south are often linked to brigandage. But in an edict of 1 December A. D. 399 Arcadius and Honorius advised the vicarius of Rome that the shepherds of Picenum and of the Province of Valeria were forbidden the use of horses even if they were the owners (domini) or managers (procuratores) of large estates (C. Th. 9.30.5). In this period city-dwellers sometimes had their children raised in the countryside by local people, but a law of A. D. 409 expressly forbade any curialis, plebeius, or possessor from leaving his children with shepherds (C. Th. 9.31.1). Anyone who violated this law would be con-

37 BRENT D. SHAW, "The Bandit," in GIARDINA 1993, pp. 300-341. 38 SAMUEL DILL, Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire (London: 1899; reprint 1962) pp. 241-244 nicely illustrates the growth of brigandage from the Code. 39 Even in prosperous times, the main trunk roads to Rome could be “π΄. Pliny, Epp. 6.25 compares the mysterious disappearance of the egues Robustus near Ocriculum to the equally strange disappearance of Metilius Crispus E Comum, but these cases may be the only ones Pliny knows.

474

sidered as confessing his “association with brigands” (“societatem latronum”). Shepherds, like horsemen generally, were highly mobile, and there was a broad identification of shepherds, with or without horses, as latrones in this period.

By the mid-fourth century army-deserters were already common in Italy, and the law classified them with brigands. Penalties were harsh both for deserters and those who harbored them (C. 7h. 7.18.1-17). In A. D. 391 harborers were subjected specifically to corporal punishment, loss of property, or fines according to their own social status and the discretion of the judge (C. Th. 9.29.2, corrected date). A second law of the same year granted to provincials the use of armed force to resist any soldier or private individual who was acting like “a thief in the night" ("nocturnus populator”) or a highway robber (C. Th. 9.14.2). In A. D. 403 an edict of Arcadius and Honorius equated military deserters with “public outlaws" ("latrones publicos") and confirmed the absolute right to kill them in self-defense or defense of one’s property (C. Th. 7.18.14). On 24 March A. D. 406 the Praetorian Prefect received the right to kill deserters who were guilty of depredation and brigandage (C. Th. 7.18.15). In A. D. 440, when the growing power of the Vandals in North Africa necessitated an increase in the size of the army, Theodosius and Valentinian made it a capital offense for agents or coloni to conceal either recruits or deserters from the army (N. Val. 6.1.1). The laws show that deser-

tion was a problem linked to brigandage, but they also imply frequent cooperation between harborers and deserters in rural Italy. Rural life in Italy in the fifth century A. D. was hard and constantly threatened by famine, pestilence, and the ravages of outlaws. Surviving literary and legal evidence provides tantalizing clues to the character of this life, and suggests that all three of these miserable conditions significantly affected the region around Rome including the Umbrian zone of Poggio Gramignano. F.

E. ROMER

475

CHAPTER 3

THE INFANT CEMETERY AT POGGIO GRAMIGNANO:

DESCRIPTION AND ANALYSIS

INTRODUCTION

In southern Umbria, near the town of Lugnano in Teverina about seventy miles north of Rome along the Tiber River, archaeologists and forensic anthropologists are investigating the ruins of a large Roman villa. The villa covers circa 2000 square meters and was originally constructed at the end of the first century B. C. on the hill now known as Poggio Gramignano ! (Fig. 5, Plate 4). Only a small area of the southwest part of the villa has been excavated, but even this small area has revealed an elegant colonnaded reception area with a mosaic pavement (Room 4) and another adjacent room also with a mosaic pavement (Room 8) possibly used for dining. In addition, several smaller rooms were uncovered (Rooms 5 and 6) paved in opus signinum, a routine mortar floor scattered with mosaic tesserae (Fig. 6, Plate 4). These rooms were a part of the pars urbana or master’s

quarter of the villa. Rooms 10 and 15 were service areas which allowed for the supplying of food and services to the dining and reception areas. Rooms

11, 12 and

17 were magazines or storage rooms.

Their barrel vaulted construction helped to buttress the hillside above, where the upper villa, an area of slave and working quarters, was located. The villa fell on hard times, probably by the later first or early second century, in part due to the fact that Room 4 had been constructed on unstable, shifting soil which led to its inevitable collapse. The villa remained in use until the third century when it may bave been abandoned to squatters. After falling into ruin by the third century A. D., the villa continued to decay and deteriorate. By the middle of the fifth century A. D., the five rooms of its southwest section (Rooms

10, 11, 12, 15 and

17) were reused as an infant cemetery (Figs. 6, 7, 76-80, 150). Forty-seven infants have been discovered interred in these rooms, and more, perhaps as many as a dozen, await recovery. The purpose of this paper is fivefold: 1 — Report the discovery and details of the infant cemetery 2 - Compare the cemetery to other known Roman infant cemeteries 3 - Discuss the skeletal pathologies of the infants recovered and set forth an hypothesis on the etiology 4 — Theorize on the cause of death of the infants 5 — Assess the overall significance of the cemetery OTHER

ROMAN

INFANT CEMETERIES

‘ Roman cemeteries exclusively devoted to children are occasionally found, but such cemeteries

! Davip SOREN and WILLIAM AYLWARD, “Dazzling Spaces," Archaeology July-August (1994) 24-28; DAVID SOREN and GIUSEPPINA BORGHETTI, "Villa a Lugnano,” Archeo XI No. 2 (1992) 18-19; Davip SOREN and NoELLE SonEN, "The Life and Death of a Roman Villa," The Italian Journal VI Nos. 2 and 3 (1992) 52-57. The authors wish to thank Noelle Soren for revising and edit-

ing the manuscript. They also wish to thank E. Feruglio and Daniela Monacchi of the Soprintendenza archeologica per l'Umbria for their guidance in the preparation of the archaeological sections of this report. In addition, thanks go to the following scholars for providing references, encouragement and criticism: Keith Bradley, Kimberly Busby, Mark Golden, Ian Morris, Jose Ribeiro, Amy Richlin and Marilyn Skinner. Harry Heywood and Alesha Fiandaca supervised the excavation of the cemetery.

477

have rarely been studied in detail, with the exception of a number of sites in England and France. This lack of data, however, may be due to the fact that, as Philip Rahtz states: “... the presence of a human biologist on the excavation staff... is still a rarity; recording is often not good enough to permit exhaustive analysis of data such as attitude, orientation, superimposition and exact findspots”. 2 While infant burials are known all over the Roman world, they are normally found within houses or other structures in small numbers, at least until the fourth century A. D.3 Such a burial was

known as a suggrundarium, i.e. burial "under the eaves" (FULGENTIUS, Sermones Antiqui 7). Juvenal (Saturae XV.139) informs us that infants were not cremated and Pliny (N. H. VII.72) specifies that

children who have not yet teethed the suggrundarium foxm of burial of age may have been buried only in Rome. ^ This virtual discarding

are not cremated. Fulgentius with even more precision says that was used for children less than 40 days old. Infants under 40 days by night under house thresholds or walls at the edge of the house of infants is not surprising:

"An attitude to burial simply as a means of disposal, even when a specially designated burial area exists, is not uncommon. ethnographically." >

. Indeed, the practice has been documented at numerous Pre-Roman and Roman sites. $ A typical example from France was found at Salleles d'Aude where excavations in 1990 revealed "a cemetery for new-born babies and young infants beneath the floor of a first-century Gallo-Roman potters workshop". 7 Arranged along the walls, the fourteen graves included no fetuses but did contain stillborn or days-old babies and some infants up to 3 months in age. The oldest child, aged 6 to 9 months, had been placed in a more elaborate grave. The infants were either simply buried, covered with a tile or a tile fragment in the style known as a coppo, or buried within a tile chest similar to Infant Burial (7B) 40 at Poggio Gramignano (Plate 257) using a wall of the room as the fourth side of the chest. Two tiles covered the top. One might expect to find that such infants were cremated since that was the prevailing burial custom of the time, but babies were not given such rites because they were not yet considered to be individuals or citizens. Adults could not be buried within walls of a house or even within a town (CicERO De Legibus 2.23.58). 8 Other infant cemeteries have been noted in France. Two young children were found at Lezoux,

central France, buried in a pottery workshop similar to that of Salleles d'Aude. ? But, not every infant cemetery was within a house or workshop. For example, at Alise, Cóte d'Or, a small first century A. D. necropolis was discovered, featuring inhumed infants, although one cremation tomb was also found. 10 In the soil just above another tomb numerous offerings were found including burned animal bones. AII of the infants found in the five carefully dug graves were without completely erupted teeth. Ὁ In 1955, W. Deonna postulated that the Gallo-Romans never buried infants in cemeteries sepa-

2 PHILIP RAHTZ,

“Late Roman

Cemeteries and Beyond,” in RicHARD REECE

(editor), Burial in the Roman

Council for British Archaeology Research Report No. 22, 1977) p. 56. 3 DoRroTHY J. WATTS,

"Infant Burials and Romano-British Christianity,” Archaeological Journal

World (London:

| 146 (1989) 372-383.

^ THOMAS WIEDEMANN, Adults and Children in the Roman Empire (London: 1989) p. 79. 5 P. J. Ucko, “Ethnography and Archaeological Interpretation of Funerary Remains," World Archaeology I (1969-1970) 264; Warrs

1989, p. 374.

$ Warrs 1989, pp. 373-374 cites British examples from Somerset, Dorset, Verulamium, Northamptonshire. ? For SALLELES D'AUDE see "Roman Child Cemetery Discovered in France," Minerva 1, No. 4 (1990) 2-3; FANETTE LAUBENHEIMER, "Une nécropole de nourissons gallo-romains," Recherche 208 (1989) 402-403. 3 Warrs 1989, p. 372. ? Minerva, op. cit. 1990, p. 3; LAUBENHEIMER

1989, p. 403.

10 For ALISE see ANDRE VAN DOORSELAER, Les Nécropoles d'Époque Romaine en Gaul Septentrionale (Brugge: 1967) p. 61 and J. JoLy, "Quelques sépultures du cimetiére de bébés de Ia Croix-Saint-Charles sur le mont Auxois (commune d'Or)," Revue Archeologique de l'Est, 2 (1951) 119-120 and 5 (1954) 92-98.

478

d'Alise, Cóte

rate from those used for the interment of adults 11, but the recent evidence from Alise, Lezoux and

Salleles d'Aude has overturned this view which had been widely held among French archaeologists. An infant cemetery found at El Jem in eastern Tunisia contained terra cotta statuettes of a protective goddess set in niches within the cemetery. Few other details about this cemetery are available other than its suggested early date in the late first century A. D. 12 At Springhead, Kent fourteen infants were found beneath a kitchen floor of a structure dating before the late second century A. D. These infants may have been the victims of infanticide. 13 At Owlesbury Farm, a small rural homestead complex near Winchester, England, infant burials have been found in several areas. Cemetery 3, where only infants have been found, dates between 60 B. C. and the later first century A. D. when a ditch intrudes. !4 Of the seventy burials recovered only two were double (interment of two infants) and none were multiple, a situation different from that

found at the Poggio Gramignano infant cemetery where double or multiple interments predominate. John Collis, the excavator of Owlesbury Farm, proposed that the children were victims of infanticide possibly due to an economic slump. !5 At Owlesbury, infants older than 18 months were buried with more care than younger children, possibly because infants were not regarded as true family members until this age of walking, talking and interaction. Of the thirty-two children found, twenty-five were under 2 years of age, and seventeen were newborns. Of the five children older than 1 year, two were cremated (a custom normally associated with adults at this time period), one was inhumed in a large, adult-sized grave and one

was buried in an adult cemetery. !é An undetermined number of complete skeletons of dogs were found in the Owlesbury infant cemetery, but their ages and any possible ritual aspects of their burials were not noted. The largest Roman infant cemetery known was uncovered at the villa at Hambledon, Buckinghamshire,

in the Middle Thames Valley where ninety-seven skeletons were found, dated to

the late third century A. D. As at Owlesbury, the excavator suggested these deaths were the result of infanticide, this time of slave children. 17 Pig bones, perhaps the remains of a funeral meal, were found in association with these burials. At La Fontanaccia, Italy, in the area of Monte della Tolfaccia in Tuscany, an infant cemetery has been found within the ruins of a Roman structure of Augustan date which may have been a villa. 18 It was reused as a cemetery sometime after the mid second century A. D. when an unspecified natural catastrophe forced its abandonment. Part of the southwest area of this structure was used as a cemetery for the poor, and almost all of the burials found were of infants from a small community situated nearby. The tombs were marked with angled tegulae set in Capuchin fashion similar to JB 39 at Poggio Gramignano (Plate 255). Since the evidence cited suggests that it was common for deceased infants of Roman families to

11 W. DEONNA, “Cimetiéres de bébés," Revue Archéologique de l'Est 6 (1955) 231-247. 1? For EL JEM see HEDI SLIM in (no editor), 30 Ans au Service du Patrimoine (Tunis: 1987) p. 166. 13 W. S. PENN, "Possible Evidence from Springhead for the Great Plague of A. D. 166," Archaeologia Cantiana 82 (1967) 263-271.

14 JOHN CoLLIs, "Owlesbury (Hants) and the Problems of Burials on Rural Settlements," in REECE 1977, p. 26. 15 CoLLIs 1977, pp. 29 and 34. 16 Of note at Owlesbury is the apparent burial of pets. A young sheep was found buried with a small pot and a second century coin outside of the area of the infant cemetery. The sheep had suffered a broken leg but had survived at least until the leg had healed. At Poggio Gramignano, the skeleton of a cat found outside the infant cemetery had a leg which had broken and healed in a similar fashion. 17 A. H. Cocks, "A Romano-British Homestead in the Hambledon Valley, Bucks," Archeologia 71 (1921) 141-198. On exposing slave children, see I. BIEZUNSKA-MAOWIST, "Die Expositio von Kindern als Quelle der Sklavenbeschaffung im griechisch-rómischen Aegypten," Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte 2 (1971) 129-133. 18 La Fontanaccia (Settore Fontanaccia e Ufficio Tecnico del Gruppo Archeologico Romano: 1989) unnumbered. John R. Lloyd of the Institute of Archaeology, Oxford University, informs us of a small villa rustica at Matrice, near Campobasso in Molise in which interments nearly contemporary with those of Poggio Gramignano yielded one formal burial of a child, eight infants buried apparently without ceremony and possibly exposed, and one young female burial. The site will soon be published.

479

be buried within domestic architecture, the burial of such infants in cemeteries within the ruins of

a Roman villa is not surprising. Even adults are known to have been interred in the ruins of villas in the late antique period in Umbria. For example, the villa of Pennavecchia, located near Poggio Gramignano and also dated to the Augustan period, was reused as a necropolis in its final phase which could not be dated precisely. !? The five tombs found there yielded sixteen skeletons with evidence of multiple burials. This cemetery is believed to have continued in use for many years, but the site has only been summarily excavated and conclusions are tentative. Only one tomb was accompanied by an offering: a pottery vase. John Percival offers a further explanation for the frequency of interments within ruins: “... the attraction of ruins could well have been that they made the land on which they stood quite useless for agricultural purposes, so that by using them as cemeteries the local people could ensure, first, that their dead were not likely to be disturbed, and second, that they would not diminish the area available for farming". 20

Matthew Spriggs adds: ^... even allowing for the requirement of population and social organization..., it is a reasonable hypothesis that the area of land required for settlement and subsistence within a site exploitation territory may affect the location, clustering and density of burials." ?!

Infant burials have been found in a variety of contexts other than houses, workshops, villas and

abandoned villas. They were included as possible foundation offerings beneath the foundations of temples and agricultural complexes, as chthonic or ritual deposits in pits and shafts, and as interments in adult cemeteries, sometimes in tombs with adults. Unfortunately, most of the evidence comes from England where it is often difficult to distinguish between Roman, Celtic and other

regional rites for disposing of or interring children. At Ridgeons Gardens,

Cambridge, infants were found in each of nine shafts sunk into a subter-

ranean shrine about A. D. 300 located near an Iron Age sacred space. Canine skeletons were found associated with each infant, each placed in a wickerwork basket.?? The Bath Gate Cemetery at Cirencester, Gloucestershire which dates to the late third or eaxly fourth century A. D. has revealed a concentration of nine infants in the portion of that cemetery known as CS 7410. Of the sixty-three infants found south of the Fosse Way in this cemetery, 3090 died before the age of 2 years. However, some doubt has been cast upon the uniformity of the recovery methodology. 23 In some cemeteries only adults are found, implying that the infants were interred together elsewhere. In Stuttgart, for example, the absence of infants at the Bad Cannstatt cemetery where only one of eighty-three burials may be that of a cremated infant suggests that infants had their own burial place. 24 Barry Cunliffe has noted this same phenomenon at Trentholm Drive in York, England: "The scarcity of infant burials in the large Romano-British cemetery at Trentholme Drive, York, favors the hypothesis that the inhumation of infants in the communal burial ground was not a general custom." ?5

1? For PENNAVECCHIA, see A. E. FERUGLIO (editor), Insediamenti rustici di età romana in Umbria (Perugia: 1983) pp. 266-269. 20 JOHN PERCIVAL, The Roman Villa. An Historical Introduction (London: 1976) p. 199. 21 MATTHEW SpRIGGS, "Archaeology and Anthropology: Areas of Mutual Interest,” British Archaeological Reports Supplementary Series 19 (1977) 29.

2 For infants and dogs buried at Ridgeons Gardens, see Britannia 7 (1976) 340-341 and Current Archaeology 61 (1978) 57-60. 23 On Bath Gate Cemetery, see ALAN MCWHTRR, LINDA VINER and CALVIN WELLS, Romano-British Cemeteries at Cirencester (Cirencester: 1982) p. 110; ALAN McWuirr, “Cirencester 1969-1973, Ninth Interim Report,” Antiquaries Journal 53 (1973) 195-

200; WaTTs 1989, p. 376. 24 For the Badd Cannstatt cemetery, see R. Sian Das romische Brand-und Korper-graberfeld "Auf der Steig" in Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt (Stuttgart: 1959) and VAN DooRSELAER 1967, p. 64. 25 On Trentholme Drive, York see BARRY CUNLIFFE, Excavations at Portchester Castle I. Roman Reports of the Research Committee of the Society of Antiquaries of London XXXII (1975) p. 376.

480

Similarly, at the Romano-British cemetery at Lankhills, Winchester, Hampshire, neonate skeletons were underrepresented. 26 The excavator, Giles Clarke, found that the neonate skeletons reflect-

ed a mortality rate of 3.5%, an incredibly low figure. Out of 459 graves with occupants of determinable age, only sixteen were definitely neonates. Consequently, it seems likely that infants were generally buried outside the communal cemetery, as at York, and within the ruins of domestic architecture, workshops or villas, or in their own separate burial area. The infant burials actually recovered from the cemetery at Lankhills were confined to particular areas at the apparent limit of the site including Area O (dated after A. D. 390) and Feature 12 (dated after A. D. 340). Another site where areas were designated only for infant burials was Cemetery 3 at Poundbury, dated to the fourth

century

A.D.

This

site was

possibly

Christian,

and

earlier cemeteries

on the site did not

include such specially designated areas. 27 The unusual frequency of infant burials found on English sites may be nothing more than a tribute to the careful excavation techniques of British archaeologists. 28 David Miles has unearthed fortyseven infants at Barton Court Farm, Abingdon, Oxon., interred over a period of circa seventy-five years beginning about A. D. 350. 29 The burials were made in several locations around a farmhouse, one of which was specifically reserved for use as a cemetery. Miles believes that the infants recovered may represent the normal mortality rate over a seventy-five year period. In the arca reserved for use as a cemetery at least twenty-six infants (twenty-three newborns) were interred in shallow graves without offerings. Two of these burials included canine skulls, and the skull of a sheep was found with a third. The two skeletons found with canine skulls were of children aged 4 to 9 months and 1 to 4 months respectively, and the third found with the sheep's skull was aged newborn to 2 weeks. The presence of the animal skulls suggested to the excavator the possibility of pet sacrifice associated with some of the older children, a practice known to Pliny the Younger (Ep. 4.2). Ritual sacrifice should not be ruled out, however; especially in light of a pit found at Barton Court Farm containing mandibles of dogs, cattle and sheep. 3° The evidence concerning infant cemeteries in Italy is sparse, apart from the brief publication of La Fontanaccia, cited above, and the unpublished work of forensic anthropologist Marshall Joseph Becker who worked on the Danish excavations at the locality of Avallone in Pontecagnano, near Salerno, Italy

in 1991. These excavations have produced three infant burials within amphorae located near houses. According to a personal communication from Dr. Becker 31, these infants may have been interred in the third century A. D. Two of them were aged 8 months in utero (stillborn or neonate) and one was aged between 3 and 6 months. Whether this was an infant cemetery was not clear, however, since the dis-

turbed remains of a child aged 14-17 years, represented only by a partial toe, were also found in the area. 26 GILES CLARKE, The Roman Cemetery at Lankhills in Winchester Studies 3: Pre-Roman and Roman Winchester (Oxford: 1979) pp. 123, 190 and Table 2. 27 WATTS 1989, pp. 374-376 gives numerous British examples of cemeteries which lack a substantial infant population. For Poundbury, see Warrs, p, 377 and C.J. S. GREEN, "The Cemetery of a Romano-British Community at Poundbury, Dorchester, Dorset," in S. M. PEARCE (editor), The Early Church in Western Britain and Ireland (Oxford:

28 CoLLIS 1977, pp. 27-29. Other British by David Miles who reports “many infants Oxon.," Oxford Archaeological Unit Report infant tombs is discussed in CUNLIFFE 1975, 29 MILES

1982) pp. 61-76.

sites with infant cemeteries include Frocester Court Villa in Gloustershire, cited found" in Davip MILES (editor), “Archaeology at Barton Court Farm, Abingdon, 3 (1984) microfiche 4C8, and in Portchester where the finding of twenty-seven pp. 375-377.

1984, pp. 15, 34-35.

30 MiLes 1984, p. 16 and Davip MILES, Archaeology at Barton Court Farm, Abingdon, Oxon. (Oxford: CBA Research Report 50, 1986) p. 4. There was apparently a desire to place the animal skulls with the slightly older children in the cemetery. Pliny the Younger (Letters IV.IT) discusses the situation of Regulus who, after losing his son, took the following action (Betty Radice trans.): "The boy used to possess a number of Gallic ponies for riding and driving, also dogs of all sizes, and nightingales, parrots and blackbirds; Regalus had them all slaughtered round his pyre. That was not grief, but parade of grief." Pliny says the man was considered strange, even outrageous, but the passage shows that some form of pet sacrifice might be practiced occasionally. On the frequency of animal offerings with infant tombs, see Eleanor Scott, "Animals and Infant Burials in RomanoBritish Villas: A Revitalization Movement,”

in P. GaRwoop,

D. JENNINGS, R. SKEATES and J. Toms (editors), Sacred and Profane

(Oxford: 1988) p. 117. 31 Marshall Joseph Becker, personal communication with David Soren, November,

1994.

481

Dr. Becker terms the interment of infants near houses enchytrismos burials and has further postulated that the infants were "probably wrapped in some kind of protective covering, to be introduced into the container." At Pontecagnano, two of the infants buried within amphorae were placed with their heads toward the mouths of the jars and one was placed with its head toward the toe. Italian infant burials in or near houses have been noted at Satricum, Lavinium and Ficana. 32 At

Ficana, located west of Rome, a cemetery was found dating to the Iron Age (7th century B. C.) which included the burials of many children in and around a residential area. In a report now being prepared for publication, Dr. Becker also cites an infant cemetery discovered in 1992-1993 during Japanese excavations by Masanori Aoyagi in the ruins of a previously abandoned

Roman

structure

(villa?) at Cazzanello,

northwest

of Tarquinia. 33 The

eleven

tombs

found have yielded twelve skeletons, all late term fetuses or very young infants. In Tomb 10 two infants were buried together under large amphora sherds, side by side. A few general conclusions can be drawn from this growing body of evidence concerning infant burial practices. First, burials of infants before the fourth century A. D. seem to be largely within homes or workshops. Cemeteries for infants may exist but, if so, they are rare. Beginning in the late third or fourth century, however, burials of infants within their own cemetery complexes or within abandoned

villas become

more

common.

Within

this context,

the infant cemetery

discovered

at

Poggio Gramignano by the team from the University of Arizona fits well. GENERAL

CAUSES

OF INFANT MORTALITY AMONG

THE ROMANS

The mortality rate for infants born during the reign of the Roman empire was tragically high. Pregnancy, while still a risk today, was much more dangerous in antiquity, especially among the poor in troubled times. In Roman times the rate of infant mortality may have been as many as 30 deaths per 100 pregnancies compared to just 9.1 per 1000 among the Caucasian United States population today. ?* But Humphreys and King have cautioned that Roman burial customs make it eitis to quantify rates of death: “It is difficult to determine infant mortality rates for several reasons. The dead child was often not buried in the community cemetery but rather under the floor of the dwelling as at Frilford, in a nearby ditch as at Owlesbury, or to the side of the main cemetery. The bodies of infants can easily be missed during incom-

32 For Satricum,

see M. MAASKANT-KLEIBRINK,

"Early Latin Settlement Plans at Borgo

Le Ferriere (Satricum)," Bulletin

Van de Vereeniging tot Bervordering der Kennis van de Antieke Beschaving tes Gravenhage 66 (1991) 69 and MAASKANTKLEIBRINK, “Piu recenti svolti a Borgo le Ferriere (Satricum)," Quaderni di Archeologia Etrusco-Italica 20 (1992) figs. 1, 6. For Lavinium, see M. FENELLI, "Lavinium," Archeologia Laziale 6 (1984), 324-325. For Ficana, see E. JARVA, "Area di tombe infantile a Ficana,” Quaderni di Archeologia Etrusco-Italica 5 (1981), 269. Thanks for this reference to Marshall Becker who will publish Roman examples from Pontecagnano. |. 33 Becker, personal correspondence. ‘ 34 It is virtually impossible to understand ancient death rates with accuracy, and scholars disagree on the numbers according to JoHN BoswELL, The Kindness of Strangers (New York: 1988) pp. 47-48. Current infant death rates cited on April 4, 1992 (CNN-TV) are 9.2 deaths per 1000 Hispanic American births, 18.7 per 1000 Black Americans and 13.7 per 1000 Native Americans, though these rates vary by location and economic status. Mark Golden in “Did the Ancients Care When Their Children Died?,” Greece and Rome XXXV, No. 2 (1988) 155 proposes an ancient infant mortality rate of 30% to 40% in the first year of life. In a personal communication (November, 1993) Dr. Golden reports that based on his reading of B. S. HEWLETT, "Demography and Childcare in Preindustrial Societies," Journal of Anthropological Research 47 (1991) 1-37 he now believes that the ancient Roman mortality rate within the first year of life was 25% to 35%. BERYL RAWSON, "The Roman Family,” in BERYL RAWSON (editor) The Family in Ancient Rome (London:1986) p. 8 cites examples of rates in some, well-off Roman families, such as the Gracchi, of up to 7596. W. V. HaRRIS in "The Theoretical Possibility of Extensive Infanticide in the Graeco-Roman World", Classical Quarterly 32 (1982) 115 cites overall birth and death rates of 496 per year for all ages, and a death rate excluding infanticide of 3.696 per year. He suggests that 1096 of all babies may have been exposed or killed. On the difficulty in generating such statistics see P. A. BRUNT, Italian Manpower 225 B. C.-A. D. 14 (Oxford: 1971) pp. 132, 152: "Obviously we cannot determine numerically how far conception, abortion and infanticide contributed to limiting the freeborn population of Italy." On the accurate compilation of ancient data concerning infants see LINDSAY ALLASON-JONES, Women in Roman

482

Britain (London:

1989) pp. 42-44.

plete excavation of a site, especially in those cases where children, dying before they could toddle or talk, were buried in another part of the cemetery. Or, being fragile, they may be destroyed by erosion in the soil.” 35

Nonetheless, estimates persist that among the poor or in times of adversity the mortality rate for infants may have reached 60%. 36 Keith Hopkins, studying ancient grave markers and their inscriptions has noted: “There are many

fewer tombstone

inscriptions to infants and young

children than we should

expect.

Demographic expectations, based on comparative evidence, indicate that more than a quarter (28%) of all

live-born Roman babies died within their first year of life (assuming a life expectancy of 25 years from birth)." 37

The underrepresentation of neonates and infants up to the age of one in inscriptions on funerary monuments suggests that a lower value was placed on their lives than on the lives of older children and adults. This discovery should be viewed in light of Plutarch’s comment that deceased infants had no right to a libation (Consolatio ad uxorum 11). Plutarch notes: ^... our people do not bring libations to those of their children who die in infancy, nor do they observe in their case any of the other rites that the living are expected to perform for the dead, as such children have no part in earth or earthly things; nor yet do they tarry where the burial is celebrated, at the graves, or at the laying out of the dead, and sit by the bodies. For the laws forbid us to mourn for infants." 38

Perhaps infant death was so common that Roman families routinely refused to attach themselves emotionally to a child for the first several years of its life out of fear for its possible loss. 39 Wet nurses were often employed to care for a newborn until it survived these dangerous early years. 40 It may be, however, that a child as old as 3 years might still be accorded infant status. For example, in the early Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Westgarth Gardens, England, dated to the fifth century A. D., an infant aged 3 years was found in Grave 33 with an offering of beads, a rite generally reserved only for younger children at that site. 41. The infant aged 2 to 3 years found in the Poggio Gramignano infant cemetery (JB 36), however, may have been buried with the younger children

35 S.

C. HUMPHREYS and HELEN KING, Mortality and Immortality: The Anthropology and Archaeology of Death (London:

1981) p. 21.

36 COLLIS 1977, pp. 27-29 (3096-6096 rate). 37 KEITH HOPKINS, Death and Renewal: Sociological Studies in Ancient History (Cambridge: 1983) p. 225. 38 HOPKINS 1983, p. 225 and SUzANNE Dixon, “The Sentimental Idea of the Roman Family,” in BERYL RAWSON (editor), Marriage, Divorce and Children in Ancient Rome (Oxford: 1991) p. 110; PLUTARCH, Numa 12; CicERO, Tusculanae Disputationes 1.93; G. Acsapi and J. NEMESKERI, History of Human Lifespan and Mortality (Budapest: 1970) pp. 224-234; BERYL RAWSON, "Adult-Child Relationships in Roman Society,” in RAWSON 1991, p. 16; PETER GARNSEY, “Child Rearing in Ancient Italy," in Davip KERTZER and RICHARD SALLER (editors), The Family in Italy from Antiquity to thé Present (New Haven: 1991) pp. 99-100. 39 KEITH BRADLEY, "Wet-Nursing at Rome: A Study in Social Relations," in RAwsoN 1986, p. 216; SENECA, Letters 99; On wet-nursing and parental attitudes see KErrH BRADLEY, Discovering the Roman Family (Oxford: 1991) pp. 28-29. GOLDEN 1988, p.-154 (with bibliography) notes that some families were unable to suppress their feelings of loss completely. In a personal communication of September 10, 1992 he notes that he believes that wet-nursing of children is not necessarily an indication of parental emotional distancing and that "many societies have cultural and institutional practices which permit parents (and others) to grieve fully... without serious social or individual ill effects." In modern Gorkha, Nepal, infant mortality is exceptionally high, and an infant necropolis occupies an area by a local river. These people believe that all death and life is God's will, and they do not grieve unduly at the loss of a child. In their culture, girls are treated to less medical caxe. In India abor-

tions are often chosen when the husband and wife learn before birth that the child is a female in order to avoid payment of dowry. CNN-TV,

"The Population Bomb,"

(May

10, 1992), 9PM,

EST.

40 BRADLEY 1991, p. 29 and BRADLEY in RAWSON 1986, pp. 217-219. See also M. I. FINLEY, Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology (New York: 1980) pp. 99-119. For an analysis of epitaphs and literature related to nurses and nurslings see SANDRA JosHEL, “Nurturing the Master's Child: Slavery and the Roman Child-Nurse," Signs 12 (1986) 3-22. ^! ELLEN JANE PADER, “Symbolism, Social Relations and the Interpretation of Mortuary Remains," British Archaeological Reports International Series

130 (1982)

150.

483

because he or she had an infirmity or was diseased older child or adult. 42 Family planning during the Roman empire was, were primitive, often only magic potions. However, Queen Annes Lace, silphium and asafoetida were hormone of females resulting in effective family

and therefore was not worthy of treatment as an as might be expected, a problem. Contraceptives recent laboratory studies show that the seeds of probably effective at blocking the progesterone planning. 4 Juvenal (Saturae VI.596-597 [Peter

Green trans.]) claimed that the dangers of childbirth could be avoided: “How often do gilded beds witness a lying-in when we've so many sure-fire drugs for inducing sterility or killing an embryo child? Our skilled abortionists know all the answers."

Additional effective contraceptives and early-term abortifacients in classical antiquity include pomegranate and crushed juniper berries (PLINY N. H. XXIV.18; DioscourIDES De Materia Medica 1.77.2; GALEN De Simplicium Medicamentorum Facultatibus V1.2.15).

But to many, abortion was considered risky or improper, so they often took the safer route of bringing unwanted pregnancies to term and then arranging for the newborn to be exposed, strangled or drowned. 4 Malformed babies, especially girls whose dowry might impoverish the family, were undesirable. Families not wishing to have too many heirs of either sex also might kill, expose, abandon or sell newborns. ^ In his narrative of the myth of Iphis, Ovid (Metamorphoses YX.675-679) has the freeborn but impoverished Ligdus tell his pregnant wife: "I want two things: an easy labor for you and a male child. A daughter is too expensive and we are poor. With great regret I have to say that if it should be a girl, we will have to let her be killed." 42 On unworthy children sec LEwis BINForD, “Mortuary Practices: Their Study and Their Potential,” in "Approaches to the Social Dimensions of Mortuary Practices," Memoirs for the Society of American Archaeology 25 (1971) 7. 43 For the general scholarship of ancient contraception see EMIEL EYBEN, "Family Planning in Graeco-Roman Antiquity," in RAWSON 1986, pp. 7-82. On contraception see Jo-ANN SHELTON, As the Romans Did (Oxford: 1988) p. 26; BRUNT 1971, p. 146; G. HAWTHORN, The Sociology of Fertility (London: 1970) pp. 18-19; SARAH PoMEROY, Goddesses, Whores, Wives and Slaves (New York: 1975) pp. 166-167; KEITH HoPKINS, "Contraception in the Roman Empire," Comparative Studies in Sociology and History 8 (1965) 124-151. For the new laboratory results and theories see JOHN M. RIDDLE, J. WoRTH EsTES and Josrag C. RUSSELL, "Ever Since Eve... Birth Control in the Ancient World," Archaeology March/April (1994) 29-35. See also JOHN M. RIDDLE, "Oral Contraceptives and Early-Term Abortifacients During Classical Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages," Past and Present 132 (1991) 3-32 and KEITH Hopkins, “A Textual Emendation of a Fragment of Musonius Rufus,” Classical Quarterly XV (1965) 7274. Thanks to Mark Golden and Kimberly Busby for assistance in this section. 44 Cicero felt that abortion cheated the male of his rightful heir (Pro Cluentio 32). On the subject of abortion see BRADLEY 1991, p. 140 and EyBEN in RAWSON 1986, pp. 10-17, 20. On Roman attitudes toward exposure of infants see G. PUGLIESE, "Note sull'expositio' in diritto Romano,” Studi in Onore di Cesare Sanfilippo 6 (1985) 629-645; R. MoTOMURA, "The Practice of Exposing Infants and Its Effects on the Development of Slavery in the Ancient World," in T. YuGE and M. Doi (editors), Forms of Control and Subordination in Antiquity (Leiden: 1988) pp. 410-415; ἘΞ KUDLIEN, "Kinderaussettzung im antiken Roman: Ein Thema zwischen Fiktionalitàt und Lebenswerklichkeit, in H. HOorMANN (editor), Groningen Colloquia on the Novel 2 (Groningen: 1989) pp. 25-44. For ancient sources on exposure and abortion see SHELTON 1988, pp. 27-28. On regulation of

exposure of children in Roman Egypt see N. Lewis and M. REINHOLD, Roman Civilization Sourcebook II: The Empire (New York:1966) pp. 382-282. Exposure of children by poor families is discussed by J. P. V. D. BALSDON, Life and Liesure in Ancient Rome (New York: 1969) p. 88. If a child was not exposed, he or she was proclaimed to be raised (sublatus) by the father and named on the dies lustricus, eight days after birth for girls and nine days for boys, according to BALSDON, p. 90. Don Engels in a controversial article, "The Problem of Female Infanticide in the Graeco-Roman World, "Classical Philology 75 (1980) 112120 states that one-fifth of all newborn females may have been killed, but he downplays the importance of exposure. The rigidity of this conclusion is assailed and apparently refuted by W. V. Harris 1982, pp. 114-116 who also gives a full bibliography of anthropological studies on infanticide and exposure. Abortion was not a crime, according to BRUNT, p. 147, but probably required the husband's consent. He notes that the poor could not afford to raise many children (p. 152) and that: "No doubt abortion must have been preferred to infanticide." (p. 153) On the ancient distinction between contraception and abortion see POMEROY 1975, p. 168. On the widespread nature of infanticide in Roman England, cf. Simon Mays, “Infanticide in Roman Britain," Antiquity 67 (1993) pp. 883-888 with up to date bibliography on infanticide, including its likelihood of continuing in the Middle Ages. 45 RAWSON in RAWSON 1986, p. 172 cites exposure as common. On exposure for population control within families see BRADLEY 1991, p. 140. GoLDEN 1988, pp. 157-159 notes that even rich families killed or exposed infants. On the practice in Greece see Polybius 36.17.7 and

484

10; A. CAMERON,

“The Exposure

of Children and Greek Ethics,” Classical Review 46 (1932)

In the fourth century A. D. the emperor Constantine offered free food and clothing to new parents in an effort to curb infanticide, and even legalized the sale of newborn infants. 46 An edict of A. D. 374 was issued in another attempt to stop the practice of infanticide. 47 That it must have continued is suggested by the recent discovery at Ashkelon, Israel of about a hundred infants found thrown into a drain, victims of infanticide and/or abortion rather than natural death. 48 The date may be sixth century A. D. The primary cause of the high infant mortality rate during Roman times was the lack of sanitary medical facilities for birthing. ^ Miscarriage was also common because prenatal care was rare and inadequate. Epidemics were frequent, especially in the fifth century A. D., and dysentery and enteritis from unsanitary food preparation, including premastication of an infant's food by a wet nurse, must have been common. 59 Other reasons for high infant mortality in ancient times include unsan-

105-107; R. ToLLes, Untersuchungen zur Kinderaussetzung bei den Griechen (Dissertation: Breslau: 1941) and W. W. Tarn, Hellenistic Civilization (London: 1952) pp. 100-102. For malformed babies being exposed see EYBEN in RAWSON 1986, p. 12 and BRUNT 1971, pp. 148-149. Brunt also notes evidence in Tacitus that infanticide was commonly practiced among the Romans; Tacitus mentions the lack of that practice among Germans (Germ. 19) and Jews (Hist. V.5) as a curiosity. Brunt believes that infanticide may have helped families maintain their wealth (pp. 140-142) and he notes that female infants were probably more often exposed than males (p. 151). Ancient sources on exposure are cited by ROBERT SHERK, The Roman Empire: Augustus to Hadrian (Cambridge: 1988) pp. 244-246. Today in La Paz, Bolivia, infanticide is common among the extremely poor. Newborns are frequently exposed and often strangled and abandoned in the countryside as documented on CNN-TV in "The Population Bomb," (May 17, 1992), 9PM EST. Boswell 1988, pp. 58-59 notes that there were virtually no legal barriers in Rome to prevent exposing children but believes that the Romans felt that many of those exposed would be found and raised by others. 46 C. Th. 11.27.1; MiLES 1984, p. 35. Fertility incentives are well known from as early as the reign of Augustus. See SHELTON, pp. 28-29.

On 3 May A. D. 329 (corrected date), in a rescript (C. Th.

11.27.2)

addressed to Ablabius,

Constantine

outlawed

infanticide in Italy: "Aeris tabulis vel cerussatis aut linteis mappis scribta per omnes civitates Italiae proponatur lex, quae parentum manus ἃ parricidio arceat votumque vertat in melius." "Let there be written on brazen or whitened tablets or on linen sheets, and let there be displayed throughout all the cities of Italy, a law which keeps the hands of parents from parricide and turns their prayer to the better." This law emphasizes protection for newborn infants (cp. "educatio nascentis infantiae") from the poverty (paupertas) of their parents. Constantine also made the resources both of the imperial fiscus and of his own res privata available to buy food and clothing for children at risk. Subsequently, in a related decision, Constantine wrote again to that same Ablabius, here named as Praetorian Prefect. This time he went against legal precedents set by previous emperors, and, on 18 August A. D. 329, he legalized the sale of newborn infants (C. Th. 5.10.1), perhaps in deference to the tenaci-

ty of the practice. By this law buyers were permitted to use these infants as slaves, but parents who had sold an infant were also allowed to buy back the child or to furnish a suitable replacement. This law speaks only of "lawful acquisition" (“quo modo legitime comparaverit"), and neither it nor the accompanying interpretatio suggests any necessary grounds such as poverty required to legitimate such sales. By contrast, a second law on 17 April, A. D. 331 provided that anyone who rescued an exposed infant was entitled to rear that infant either as a slave or as their own child, while the parents of exposed infants lost all their parental rights (C. Th. 5.9.1.). Thanks to Prof. F. E. Romer of the Department of Classics, University of Arizona for this section. 47 RyBEN in RAWSON 1986, p. 31 cites legislation by Valentinian, Valens and Gratian making the killing of a child a capital offense. On Roman government programs such as the alimenta to aid poor babies see R. DUNCAN-JoNEs, The Economy of the Roman Empire: Quantitative Studies 2 (Cambridge: 1982) pp. 288-319. The practice of exposing infants was apparently outlawed on 7 February, A. D. 374 when infanticide, including that of neonates, was equated to homicide (C. Th. 9.14.1). Thanks to Prof. F. E. Romer for his contribution to this section. 48 PATRICIA SMITH and GiLA KAHILA, "Identification of Infanticide in Archaeological Sites: A Case Study from the Late Roman-Early Byzantine Periods at Ashkelon, Israel," Journal of Archaeological Science 19 (1992) 667-675. The practice of exposing infants also continued. On 19 March A. D. 412 another law confirmed both the loss of the natural parents' rights and the status of children rescued from exposure (C. Th. 5.9.2). On 11 March A. D. 391 in the consulship of Tatianus and Symmachus, the emperors Valentinian, Theodosius and Arcadius ordered the restoration of children sold into slavery by parents who could not nurture them (C. Th. 3.3.1): "Omnes, quos parentum miseranda fortuna in servitium, dum victum requirit, addixit, ingenuitati pristinae reformentur.” “Let all those whom the deplorable fortune of their parents sentenced to slavery, while (their parents) were looking for the means of bodily sustenance, be restored to their original status as free-born" (F. E. Romer trans). See also C. PHARR et al. (trans.), The Theodosian Code and Novels and the Sirmondian Constitutions (Princeton:

1952 - Reprint New York:

1969). Thanks to Prof. F. E. Romer for this section.

49 RAWSON in RAWSON 1986, p. 11. She cites lead poisoning and inbreeding as well. 50 BRADLEY in RAWSON 1986, p. 219. POMEROY 1975, p. 169 says that the bearing of children by immature females, due to the Roman practice of marrying girls as young as 12 years, was a cause of female and infant mortality. However, BRENT D.

485

itary conditions fostered by infrequently changed linen, the use of swaddling bands in the first two months of life which restricted the limbs and dangerously lowered the heartbeat of the infant, a generally poor diet and the inability of doctors to prevent disease. 51 THE INFANT CEMETERY WITHIN THE ROMAN VILLA AT POGGIO GRAMIGNANO NEAR LUGNANO IN TEVERINA, ITALY

Within the ruined Roman villa at Poggio Gramignano, the area used as a cemetery included the barrel vaulted Rooms

11, 12, and

17 (Figs. 6, 7, 76-80,

150; Plates 4, 16, 17) and continued

into

Rooms 10 and 15. These five rooms were probably chosen as a site for the burials because their well preserved high walls provided an excellent, sepulchre for the interments which could be easily excavated for the tombs and then filled. Those who prepared the area for the burials gathered trash and debris from the villa's ruins and dumped it into these rooms. Broken roof pan and cover tiles (tegulaé and imbrices) along with bricks and column wedges were thrown onto the floor of Room 10 prior to raising the level of the room for burials. Immediately southwest of Room 10, Room 9 (Plates 13, 87) was used exclusively as a dump probably at a time contemporaneous with the dumping of debris in Room 10. The area used as a dump in the ruins of Room 9 overlapped in spots the area reserved for infant burials in Room 10. Rooms 10 and 15 had much dumped debris in all levels of their fill (Plates 94-96). The barrel vaults which had originally covered Rooms 11, 12 and 17 had begun to collapse and were only partially preserved by the mid fifth century when the cemetery was installed (Fig. 150; Plate 107). They collapsed completely at a slightly later date, and the debris from this collapse was found just below modern topsoil. This debris was especially heavy in Room 12. Premature and neonate infants were interred in Rooms 10 and 15 with very little care in the midst of fill containing dumped debris from the collapsing villa. As earlier noted, refuse pits containing the skeletons of children were not unusual in the Roman world; for example, six infants were recovered from a rubbish pit at Radwinter, Essex, England. 52

An attempt to establish a general chronology for the Poggio Gramignano cemetery was done with tbe guidelines of Richard Reece in mind: "... A cemetery must have a beginning, it must grow, and, eventually it must become disused... It is rare for a large area to be marked out, for a grave to be dug in one extreme corner, and for the cemetery to devel-

op according to a prearranged plan away from that point. Much more common is a first grave which acts as a focus so that later graves cluster around it." 53

From the archaeological evidence, it appears that the Poggio Gramignano infant cemetery was not installed before ca. A. D. 450, but a note of caution must be raised. Pottery, oil lamps and coins can provide only a terminus post quem, a date at or after which soil layers were put in place. Consequently, a precise date is extremely. difficult to establish. The interpretation presented here represents the excavator's educated guess at to the chronology and sequence of development of the cemetery.

|

The material culture found in the cemetery is consistent with a date of about, A. D. 450, although close dating from amphorae and late Roman fine wares is difficult. The absence of floors or of soils SHAW, "The Age of Roman Girls at Marriage," Journal of Roman Studies 77 (1987) 43 argues that most Roman girls married in their later teens. Infant deaths during the first 5 or 6 years of life were often due to infections such as dysentery and enteritis resulting from drinking contaminated cow's milk when maternal lactation failed. On this see CoLLis in REECE 1977, p. 29; KEITH MANCHESTER, The Archaeology of Disease (Bradford: 1983) p. 9; and HUMPHREYS and KiNG 1981, p. 22. For gastric disorders, diarrhea and dysentery as a cause of death in infants see RALPH JACKSON, Doctors and Diseases in the Roman Empire (London: 1988) p. 103 who cites Celsus (De Med. 11.8.30) on dysentery carrying off "mostly children up to the age of ten; a pregnant woman may be swept away by such an event, and even if she herself recovers, yet she loses the child." 5! BRADLEY in RAWSON 1986, p. 219; RAWSON in RAWSON 1986, p. 11; COLLIS in REECE 1977, p. 29. 52 CUNLIFFE 1975, p. 376. | 53 RICHARD REECE, "Bones, Bodies and Dis-ease," Oxford Journal of Archaeology :I (1982) 350.

486

exposed to human or natural activity over time is significant. Normally in a cemetery which existed over a considerable period of time one would expect to find laminated surfaces i.e. briefly used earth floors where people walked or which were exposed to the elements. Such a cemetery would also have soil layers compacted and reasonably firm. However,

this was

not the case in the Poggio

Gramignano

infant cemetery.

The numerous

air

spaces found within the fill indicate a lack of compaction at all levels and suggest a rapid deposit of material over a very short period of time, estimated to be days, weeks or perhaps a month. The fill throughout this cemetery is loose and the many tiles dumped in frequently at an angle and are not flattened or abraded from being walked on or exposed to the elements. Pottery specialists, archaeological geologists and archaeologists examining the levels of fill within the cemetery concur that its material culture is consistent with a single phase of deposition over a short period of time. This is also supported by the fact that there are frequent pottery joins from top to bottom of fills and from room to room. Pieces of one pottery commode were found throughout the fill of Room 10, from the highest to the lowest levels, suggesting (when all the evidence is considered) that this room was filled at one moment in time. In addition, artefacts recovered in the

strata of Rooms 10 and 11 show that the lowest levels of the cemetery in those rooms did not precede the early fifth century A. D. Pieces of the commode found in Room 10 (Loci 710, 707) also were found to join others from various strata in Rooms 12 (Loci 458, 462, 954) and 15 (Locus 801). The cemetery also revealed that certain rooms seemed reserved for more important and usually older infants. Foe example, infants found in Rooms 11, 12 and 17 were often slightly older than the newborns and premature babies found in Rooms 10 and 15, and were generally buried with more care than the younger infants. Some were buried in amphorae or in Capuchin tombs and were isolated from the dumped material (Tables 1 and 2).

Over 100 discarded roof tiles were found in the southern area of Room 11, well away from the burials. Also, in the westernmost excavated area of Room 11, adjacent to Wall B, were the dismantled remains of a pyrotechnical installation, possibly an iron forge. Dozens of massive dolium (large storage jar) fragments, a clay tuyere for inserting a bellows into a furnace (Plate 109), and fragments of iron slag were recovered. | No infant burials were found in this area of Room 11 although the skeleton of an immature dog severed in half across its body was found (Figs. 78, 79; Plate 220). Each half of the dog was buried

separately with one of its mandibles. The halves rested approximately 3.5 meters apart. Evidence suggested that the corpses of the immature dogs and those of premature or neonate infants could be discarded with trash, while those of slightly older or more highly regarded infants could not and were buried further up the hill in Rooms 11, 12 or 17. Room 17, furthest away from the dump in Room 9, had the most elaborate tombs and the highest percentage of the older infants (Figs. 76-77). The fill in the various rooms often exceeded three meters in depth. A deep diagonal cut (Locus 1353) lined with ash, was made into the fill of Room 12 and indicated a different phase in the life of the cemetery. Burials were found clustered above the ash within the area of the pit (Fig. 129). The cut was dated to the mid fifth century, but burials and material culture deposited before (below and around) the cut were not significantly earlier; indeed fifth century material was found below the cut in Room 11 suggesting that the temporal phase represented by the levels above and below the cut was extremely brief. The clustering of burials in groups of up to seven infants above the cut (Plate 221) suggests that interment may have resulted from an epidemic or other mass disaster which became worse during the time period represented in the area within the cut in Rooms 11 and 12 and in the upper levels of Room 17. The lower levels of Room 17 were not excavated. With regard to the interpreting of cemeteries, Binford notes: "... deaths occurring simultaneously as a result of epidemics or massacres might be treated corporately, with mass graves, by virtue of their unusual’ occurrence." 54

5* BINFORD

1971, p. 14.

487

While this seems to be the case ai Poggio Gramignano, it is not the situation found in other infant cemeteries examined for this article. For example, in the carefully excavated Roman cemetery at Lankhills, Winchester, England, there are areas of mixed adult and infant graves, and areas where

infant graves alone predominate. But of the 408 inhumations recovered, multiple burials were virtually non-existent: 402 inhumations were single interments and two of the six multiple burials were an adult and newborn together. 55 An analogous situation is found in the infant cemetery at Owlesbury, Hants. 56

At Poggio Gramignano, forty-seven subadult skeletons have been excavated. Twenty-two of these were fetal in age, eighteen were newborns, six were aged 4 to 6 months and one was a child aged 2 to 3 years. Forty of the forty-seven individuals (85.1196) were fetal or neonatal. The age-at-death distribution of the recovered skeletons is shown in Table 3, and the burials are listed in Table 4. Of the

forty-seven infants recovered, four come from the excavation of an excavations by site robbers (clandestini) in the east corner of Room another possible burial represented only by a poorly preserved cranial on the frequency of infants found throughout the area, suggests that have been interred here, but plowing and erosion may have destroyed of the present cemetery.

area disturbed during earlier 15. Room 11 contained still fragment. An estimate, based as many as sixty infants may some burials to the northwest

The limits of the cemetery have been established to the northeast (Wall Z), southeast (Walls L

and A and the short stretch of Wall B between them) and southwest (Wall V). To the northwest the limit has not yet been determined in Rooms 10, 11, 12 and 17. The area where older children and adults were buried is not known, although traces of a Roman cemetery found during the plowing of a farmers field were noted in 1991 approximately 500 meters due north of the infant cemetery. There two pan tiles (tegulae) were recovered still leaning against one another in the manner of a Capuchin tomb similar to /B 39 (Plate 255). A poorly preserved sestertius, probably of Augustus, was found by a farmer nearby, suggesting that this burial area may in fact predate the villa cemetery. The size of the late antique population in the region of Poggio Gramignano is impossible to esti. mate with current data, but the clustering of fetal and infant bones is a grim reminder that a high infant mortality rate was one of the trials that a population living in difficult times had to face. Though no evidence has been found that the community associated with the cemetery was located on the hill of Poggio Gramignano, the town must have been of a considerable size to have had so many women pregnant at one time. This community (or several small communities?) may have been located near the Tiber. The artefacts from the lowest levels of the cemetery found to date include poorly preserved body fragments of an Africana I "Piccola" type amphora dating from the second to the fifth centuries A. D. covering /B 38 in Room 11. The pieces were resting just above the floor of the room, but there was no evidence to suggest how long the pieces existed before they were reused. Accompanying finds from the same levels have a terminus post quem of the end of the fourth century. Finds from the upper levels of the cemetery above the diagonal cut in Room 12 include two coins. One is a poorly preserved 13mm Aes 4 of Theodosius I featuring a victory advancing left and dragging a captive, a type of A. D. 388-392 (see IB 4 below). Another poorly preserved coin appears to be of the same type. These coins may have been in circulation for some time, a common practice in late antiquity, so they are only of value as a terminus post quem. Although earlier pottery material dating from the time of the use of the villa as a villa was found mixed into the fills of the infant cemetery in Rooms 11 and 12, the latest fragments of fine table ware (African Red Slip and Terra Sigillata Chiara Italica pottery) recovered from the cemetery were primarily from forms of the later fourth and fifth centuries A. D., including several fragments dated between A. D. 425 and 475. Those found in the surface soil above the cemetery or in partially contaminated loci at the top of the cemetery, however, included a few pieces which date at least to the 55 CLARKE 1979, p. 131. 56 COLLIS in REECE

488

1977, p. 26.

fifth or possibly even the later sixth century A. D. when the infani cemetery was no longer in use. Finds of glass, amphorae and terracotta lamps followed this same chronological pattern and are fully discussed in Part II of this work. In Rooms 10 and 15, similar fifth century pottery appeared from upper levels to the lower levels of fill and included joins with sherds from low levels in Room 11. All burials in the cemetery are modest suggesting that the community was poor, of the type generally classified as Sub-Roman Secular, a term signifying a social organization fifth century in date or later, located in a Roman villa with few major features and no Christian artefacts. 57

A limited number of items which might be interpreted as offerings to the dead were found in association with the burials (Figs. 78, 79, Table 5). These objects were either given their own Basket Number for identification or were considered as a separate feature or Locus. A bone doll (Basket Number 5500; Plates 222, 223, a knucklebone (8704) 58, one bone hairpin and a second fragment (5043; for similar pins see Plate 224), two simple children's copper alloy finger rings (4065, 8300; for

a similar finger ring see Plate 225), a child's copper alloy twisted spiral bracelet (5526; Plate 226), a cooking pot found mouth down with its base broken away (Locus 1615; Plates 227-228) containing a poorly preserved tiny glass vessel (8297, 8448; Plate 229) possibly for a libation, two copper alloy cauldrons found one inside the other (4342, 4343; Plates 106, 230-233), a raven's talon (6510; Plate

234) buried inside the amphora of JB 3, and a toad (Bufo) skeleton (7351; Plate 235) associated with IB 33 are the major finds associated with the burials. In addition, the skeletons of at least twelve puppies all less than six months old and at least one immature dog about one year old were found in the cemetery and will be discussed below. The cauldrons were found near a cluster of burials in Room 12, but they were closest to JB 4. Perhaps they were intended as offerings for one or more of these burials. Several stamped brick fragments were found in the area of the burials, but these probably were not offerings but only debris from the villa's crumbling walls. Reused bricks, tiles, wall stones and chunks of mortar served to prop up bodies, delineate burial areas or reseal amphorae; the archaeological term for this is “packing”. 59. Bits of eggshell, possibly an offering or the remains of a funerary meal, were also found associated with three burial locations. Eggs had special significance when associated with burials: as a chthonic symbol of rebirth or, if left unbroken, as a tool used by witches to cast spells. 60 The dogs were found buried in the part of the cemetery where premature or neonate infants had been interred (Figs. 77, 78). They were studied by Michael McKinnon and Stanley Olsen. The skeletons of four were nearly intact, having most or all of their skull, mandibles and body elements. However, one puppy had only its head, while four others had their upper skull and body pieces but lacked mandibles. Three puppies, on the other hand, had mandibles and body elements but lacked a skull. Finally, the immature dog had most of its body but lacked the entire head. One dog which lacked a skull had been intentionally severed above the pelvis, and one of its mandibles

had been

buried with each half (Plate 220). Also found was a single incisor from a mature dog. None of the dogs was found actually inside an infant tomb or near older infants. Dogs were found at virtually all levels of the infant cemetery from top to bottom. None of the puppy or dog bones from the cemetery shows signs of exposure. This suggests that the dogs within the cemetery were covered fairly quickly and protected from surface destructive processes. This

57 PHILIP RAHTZ, “Late Roman Cemeteries and Beyond," in REECE 1977, p. 55. 58 Knucklebones, commonly from the feet of sheep or pigs, were used in antiquity for children's games as illustrated on an encaustic painting from Herculaneum showing the children of Niobe playing. See Bianca MAIURI, Museo Nazionale di Napoli (Novara: 1957) p. 98 for a picture of this painting. The astragaloi, as the Greeks termed them, were used like dice. The four long faces of the knucklebones each had a different shape and were given different values. Hundreds have been found at the Phrygian city of Gordion in Central Turkey. One of the previous excavators of that site and and author of this work, David Soren, reports finding five knucklebones in a single week during the summer of 1969. Instead of saving them, Project Director Rodney Young gave them to the local children who still use them for games. 59 CLARKE 1979, p. 355. 60 CLARKE 1979, p. 410; MARTIN NILSSON, "Das Ei in Totenkult der Alten," Archiv für Religionswissenschaft 49 (1907) 530-546; Joan P. Atcock, "Classical Religious Belief and Burial Practices in Roman Britain," Archaeological Journal 137 (1980) 56-57.

489

lends strong support to the od of time, and to the idea levels as part of a burial or The complete summary his report. SUMMARY

hypothesis that the cemetery was deposited over ἃ relatively short perithat animals were being torn apart or severed and deposited at various apotropaic ritual. of the dogs and conclusions reached by Michael McKinnon appears in

OF TYPES AND FREQUENCIES

OF BURIALS FROM THE INFANT CEMETERY

AT POGGIO

GRAMIGNANO

Forty-three inhumation burials, along with four disturbed burials and one possible additional burial have been discovered to date at the villa of Poggio Gramignano. Although the ruins of the old villa served as a sepulchre for these burials in all cases, various methods of interment were employed. For convenience, the general categories of burials are presented in Tables 1-4. The burial types have been broken down into several main categories, each with sub-categories. Under the main category of burials of infants in ceramic vessels are the sub-categories of: 1) Burials in complete (or virtually complete) amphorae (Plate 237).

2) Burials in fragments of amphorae (Plate 244). — 3) Burial in an amphora which has been placed inside a second, broken amphora (Plate 245). 4) Burial within an amphora which has been set inside a coarse cooking pot (Plate 247). Α second main category of burial took the form of simple inhumation. This type included infants interred with no significant funeral architecture iin rudimentary graves and was not divided into subcategories.

The third niain category of burial found in the Poggio Gramignano cemetery includes burials associated with reused roof tiles originally from the ruined villa. Subcategories include: 1) Burials a coppo on or beneath a roof cover tile or with cover tile placed above and beneath the infant (Plate 254). 2) Burial of Capuchin, ot "Tile Tent" type, with roof pan tiles arranged in a gable over the body with broken tiles used to close the gable’s open ends. ©! (Plate 255). 3) Double Capuchin or “House of Tiles” Tomb in which a double burial was found within a small “house” or coffin built of reused cover and pan tiles. 62 (Plate 257) The construction technique resembles and probably derives from that of a more elaborate Capuchin tomb but lacks the gable. None of these burial types was unique or unusual, but each was slightly different from all the others. Burials in amphorae were common 83, especially among the poor, in Roman times: “Poor Romans were sometimes buried in giant wine jars (amphorae) split in half to form a cheap container and cover for the corpse, smaller wine jars were also used as receptacles for the ashes, their necks pro-

. 61 On Capuchin tombs, a common burial type in Roman Italy, see Laura Bonomi, “Cimiteri paleocristiani di Sofiana,” Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana XL Nos. 3-4 (1964) 202 where a gabled tomb is noted which is closed on its short sides with stones and tile piéces. Examples at Isola Sacra are cited by VALNEA SANTA MARIA SCRINARI, Ostia and Porto (Milan: 1989) p. 125. See also JocELYN TovNBEE, Death and Burial in the Roman World (Ithaca: 1971) p. 101 and CHRISTOPHER GREEN, "The Significance of Plaster Burials for the Recognition of Christian Cemeteries," in REECE 1977, p. 47. Capuchin tombs described as Tile Tent Tombs, built of a series if overlapping tiles forming a tent-like structure are cited in Hetty GOLDMAN (editor), Excavations at Gozlu Kule, Tarsus Y (Princeton: 1950) pp. 19-20. 62 GEORGES BERARD, "La nécropole gallo-romaine de la Calade, à Cabasse (Var), " Gallia 21 (1963) 295-306. Berard reports that Tomb 40 of à child aged 4 years which dated to the late third century was found. The child had been buried in a wooden coffin which had been nailed shut, and this had been surrounded with roof tiles arranged in a rectangle measuring 1.35m by 50cm by 70cm which had two and a half tiles on the long side, one on each short side and three tegulae on top. Two imbrices, or cover tiles, had been placed vertically above the tomb to form a libation conduit which did not pierce the tomb itself. For similar late Roman tombs in France see S. GAGNIERE, "Les sépultures à inhumation du III au XIIIe siécles de notre ére dans la basse vallée du Rhone," Cahiers Rhodaniens VII (1960) 34. $3 BONOMI

490

1964, p. 202; GREEN, in REECE

1977, p. 47.

1

jecting above ground, both to mark the grave and to serve as a funnel, down which the bereaved could pour libations to the dead.” 64

For example, in the cemetery of the poor at Isola Sacra, near Ostia, amphorae were used as coffins, cut in half and laid on their sides with the upper half serving as a kind of barrel vault projecting above the surface. 65 In two cases at the villa at Poggio Gramignano amphorae were broken in the center with a sharp instrument so that the dead could be placed inside (1Β 2,3; Plates 236,

238). In one case, the amphora either had been previously broken or its neck, rim and toe had been removed specifically for the burial. The infant’s corpse was inserted from the lower end (JB 1). In another case the toe and lower section of the amphora was neatly sawn away and reclosed after the corpse had been placed inside (JB 19; Plate 241). Part of the body of one amphorae had been carefully cut out with a sharp instrument, the corpse placed inside, and the hole covered with

two overlapping cover tiles (/B 4; Fig. 77). The upper part of another amphora was removed to insert the burial (JB 5; Plate 240). In some cases, stones and fragments of brick and roof tiles from the villa,

including cubilia from walls of opera quasi-reticulatum and reticulatum, were used to secure the refitted pieces of burial amphorae. Tile fragments, mortar chunks or pieces of travertine were used as plugs for the mouths of the amphorae. At Poggio Gramignano, fragments of amphorae were also acceptable as burial containers for the infants and may reflect a desire to pay honor to the deceased no matter how simply (1B 9, 30, 31, and 38: Plate 243). This practice is also known from Sofiana in Sicily. 96

In one case at Poggio Gramignano a body was interred within an amphora toe (/B 9; Plate 242). Newborns or prematurely born infants were sometimes included in graves of older children or children buried with more care (see JB 12, 27, 29 and 31). In Rooms

11 and 12 carefully interred ampho-

ra burials were often found near burials of premature or neonate infants, perhaps indicating an attempt to share the burial area. But it is also possible that the corpses of the younger infants were simply tossed in here without ceremony. τς Of the infants buried in complete or nearly complete amphorae, 50% were aged 4 to 6 months, 17% were neonate to 2 months, and 33% between 8 lunar months and neonate (Tables 1 and 2). In

each case the amphora was found aligned with the walls of the original villa and placed against or near them. The Capuchin burial (JB 39; Plates 255, 256) was an infant aged 4 to 6 months, while the

two burials found within the Double Capuchin tomb were neonate to 2 months and 4 to 6 months. Two simple inhumation burials were made a coppo (IB 15, 37). 61 IB 37 included a tile under and over the body (Plates 251, 252). The infants in both of these simple burials died at 9.5 to 10 lunar

months of age. This evidence suggests that the more elaborate the tomb arrangement, the more likely that the remains of an older infant of 4-6 months would be found within it, while simple inhumations devoid of significant offerings or with the barest commemoration were usually of fetuses or newborns. 64% of these were aged only 6 to 10 lunar months, while another 28% varied in age from neonate to two weeks. Burials in Rooms 10 and 15 had the character of discards with almost no attention given to burial form and no significant offerings. Only 490 (one burial) of these uncommemorated simple inhumation burials was aged 5 to 6 months (/B 6) and it was found between Rooms

cluster The be, but treated

of burials. evidence were not in similar

11 and 12 in a

Another 4% (one burial) was aged 2 to 3 years (1Β 36). from these simple inhumation burials suggests that very young infants tended to always, buried without ceremony. Slightly older but sickly infants may have been fashion. If they were considered unworthy of burial in an adult cemetery, they may

64 HOPKINS 1983, p. 211. 65 TOYNBEE 1971, p. 102; SCRINARI 1969, p. 126. For six amphorae with neonate burials in early Christian Sicily, see BoNoMI 1964, p. 202. Here partial and complete amphorae were employed in conjunction with stone wedges. See also Green in Reece 1977, p. 47. These articles show that burial in amphorae need not be exclusively Christian or even late Roman, though the practice was more common in late antiquity. 66 BONOMI 1964, p. 202. 67 Bonomi 1964, pp. 183, 202 discusses Christian burials a coppo used for neonates only.

491

have been interred in the “better” part of the infant cemetery at Poggio Gramignano in Rooms 11, 12 or 17, rather than with the newborns in the dump in Rooms 10 and 15. Included within the group of simple inhumations were two burials in which a crude ring of stones was used to delineate the grave boundaries (/B 15, 17). IB 15 was made a coppo. All four of the burials in small fragments of amphorae (JB 9, 30, 31 and 38) were between 6 lunar months and 2 weeks of age. Two were between 6 and 10 lunar months and two were aged neonate to 2 weeks. In one case, a burial was made within an amphora (JB 14) which was then placed inside a second larger amphora containing another burial (JB 24). The infant in JB 14 was aged 9 to 9.5 lunar months, while that in /B 24 was neonate to one month. In another case, the upper part of an amphora was inserted into a second jar from which the rim had been removed (JB 25). In this example, the infants age was neonate to | week. A simple inhumation of a neonate (JB 16) contained one complete and one fragmentary bone hairpin which the deceased either wore or received as an offering. Two burials placed on simple but specially constructed benches or mounds were aged 10 lunar months UB

10, 23).

In JB 10, the tomb was marked by a bed of rubble wall stones, pan tile fragments and potsherds upon which the corpse was placed. In JB 23 earth, wall stones, tile fragments, column wedges and a brick or tile fragment embedded with the paw print of a dog were used to build up a mound uopn which the body had been placed. The tile fragment with the paw print (Figs. 78, 79) was probably a reused tile from the eaxlier, destroyed villa, but it may have been intentionally included due to magic associated with dogs (see below). Above IB 23 an amphora toe was found set vertically into the ground which was possibly intended as a grave marker. In Room 15 of our villa six amphora toes have been uncovered, but only that above IB 23 seemed be definitely associated with a burial. At Poggio Gramignano, evidence suggests that mass interments were more common than individual interments. Clusters of burials included the following groups (Figs. 76, 77): GROUP

1 — 7B 2 (4-6 months), /B 3 (8-8.5 lunar months), JB 6 (5-6 months), JB 12 (9-9.5 lunar

months and JB 27 (6-6.5 lunar months). These simple inhumation burials were clustered around two amphorae burials between Rooms 11 and 12. GROUP 2 — /B 5 (neonate-2 months), JB 9 (neonate-2 weeks), JB 13 (10 lunar months to birth), JB 19 (4-5 months), JB 29 (7-8 lunar months), 1Β 30 (9.5-10 lunar months) and JB 31 (neonate-2 weeks).

These simple Room 12. In while another . GROUP 3 —

inhumation burials were clustered around two amphorae burials in the south part of one burial (B 30) two fragments of an amphorae were found placed over the body, (1Β 9) was buried in the toe of an amphorae (Plate 176). IB 14 (9-9.5 lunar months) and JB 24 (neonate-1 month). These burials were made one

(IB 14) within another UB 24). ‘ Group 4 — IB 11 (-10 lunar months) and JB 16 (neonate). This was a simple double burial in Room 15. GROUP 5 - IB 15 (9.5-10 lunar months) and JB 17 (neonate-1 week). This group includes one burial under a cover tile VB 15) and one simple inhunation in Room 10 (B 17). Group 6 — IB 36 (2-3 years) and IB 37 (9.5-10 lunar months). This group includes one simple inhumation (/B 36) and one burial with a cover tile over and under the body (/B 37), both in Room 17.

GROUP 7 — IB 10 (10 lunar months) and JB 18 (9-9.5 lunar months). This group included one simple inhumation Room 15.

interred on an earth mound

(JB

10) and one simple inhumation

(/B 18), both in

GROUP ὃ — JB 40 (double burial of 4-6 months, neonate-2 months). This was a double burial within a Double Capuchin tomb in Room 17. Group 9 — JB 8 (double burial, both of 9.5-10 lunar months). This was a simple double inhumation in Room 11. GrouP 10 -- 7B 32 (9.9.5 lunar months) and JB 33 (10 lunar rnonths-2 weeks). simple inhumations, one (IB 32) covered with a limestone slab, both in Room 11.

492

These were two

GROUP

11-/B

20a and

20b

(9.5-10 lunar months)

and JB 28

weeks). These three simple inhumations were found in Room

(simple

inhumation,

neonate-2

15.

This clustering of burials in the rooms of the ruined villa lends support to the theory that a disaster or epidemic led to the use of this area as a cemetery and that the bodies were interred here at one time or over a short period of time. In Rooms

11 and 12, where burials are the most numerous,

the lowest (ZB 38) was followed chronologically by a group of single burials (/B 3, 34, 35, 41) and paired burials (ZB 8a and b, 32 and 33) and then by cluster burials of five (GROUP 1) and seven (GROUP

2) burials along with one single burial (1Β 4).

In Room 15, the burials found at the lowest levels were double interments, while at the highest levels a triple interment and a single burial were found. In Room 10 a double burial and a single burial were found below a single burial. These data reflect an unusual number of paired and clustered burials and suggest a general tendency toward more clustering in more recent, higher levels. If the cemetery had been installed over a brief period of time as the excavator believes, this would indicate an escalating frequency of death and burial consistent with an epidemic scenario. y A number of other, firmer conclusions may be drawn from the evidence provided by the fortythree stratified burials. At Poggio Gramignano burial methods seem to vary usually but not always according to the age of the infant at the time of death. Premature stillborns and neonates were inhumed simply or were occasionally given a more elaborate burial in an amphora or amphora fragment, under or between cover tiles or within a common ware pot. But older infants aged 4-6 months were often more carefully buried in a complete or nearly complete amphora or in a Capuchin tomb. This suggests that older infants may have been generally but not always more highly regarded as members of the family, as Cicero has noted (Tusculanae Disputationes 1.93): “If a small child dies, the loss must be borne calmly; if an infant in the cradle there must not even be a lament." 68

In addition, there seems to be a conscious desire to provide variety in burial methods, particularly for older children, even though all are poor, while younger children are sometimes found pitched into the graves of older infants. It is possible that two cases of double burial (JB 8a and 8b, and JB 32 and 33) found among the simple inhumations and the double amphora burial (/B 14 and 24) were stillborn twins, but the infants in the double burial found within the Double Capuchin tomb (JB 40a and 40b) could not have been twins due to the difference in their ages. In addition, the infants in the triple burial (GROUP 11) could have been triplets, although such a profusion of triplets and twins is unlikely. In one area within Room

12 seven bodies were found interred at one level (Plate 221): JB 9 was

made in an amphora toe with JB 31 just above it; adjacent to JB 9 was IB 30 covered by amphora body fragments; above JB 30 were IB 5, 19 and 29. JB 13 lay below JB 5. Five of these seven burials were aged between 7 lunar months and 2 weeks, while one was aged neonate to 2 months and one was aged 4 to 5 months. This cluster burial in Room 12 suggests that, at least in the later phase of the cemetery, a significant and increasing number of deaths were occurring. Archaeological evidence also suggests that older infants were segregated from the younger and that simple inhumations were normally segregated from amphora or tomb burials. The southeast area of Rooms ll and 12 was virtually filled up with burials. Of the burials here 75% were aged 6 lunar months

to neonate,

5% were between neonate and 2 months,

and 20% were 4 to 6 months.

Virtually complete amphorae were used for 30% of the burials here, while other burials here were simple inhumations or burials in fragments of amphorae. A simple inhumation was also found in the partially excavated northern area of Room 12. 68 BRADLEY

1991, p. 29.

493

Rooms 10 and 15, unlike Rooms 11 and 12, had no burials older than 2 weeks, no amphora burials, and very little evidence of care shown for the dead. Perhaps the southeast area of Rooms 11 and

12 contained a significant number of older children and many more elaborate burials because it was regarded as a more important area. Room 17 seems to be the most elaborate and perhaps preferred burial area. The southeast area of the room contained one Capuchin tomb (JB 39),

a Double Capuchin tomb (JB 40), a burial with-

in a cover tile with another cover tile placed over the body (IB 37), and one simple inhumation of a child 2-3 years of age (JB 36). Of the six burials in the southeast area of the room, 33.3% were aged 4-6 months while one (16:796) was aged 2-3 years, the eldest infant found in the cemetery. 5096 of the burials in the southeast area of the room were aged 4 months or older. One infant (JB 40B) was aged neonate to 2 months (16.796), but it was found as part of a double burial with an older infant (IB 40A). Only one fetal infant, aged 9.5-10 lunar months, was interred here (JB 37).

In the western part of Room 17 the more complicated tomb types continued with an amphora burial (JB 14) within another amphora burial (/B 24). IB 14 contained a fetus aged 9 to 9.5 lunar months,

and JB 24 contained a neonate to one month old infant. Adjacent to IB 14/24 was a burial

made in the lower part of a kitchen ware pot into which the upper part of an amphora had been inserted (IB 25) which contained a neonate to one month old infant. This evidence suggests that Room 17 was generally reserved for older or more important children, as were southeast areas of Rooms

11 and 12. Rooms

10 and 15, however, were locations where

fetuses and newborns seem almost to have been discarded amid trash. In addition to the forty-three stratified burials, four additional burials were found in the eastern

corner of Room 15. These were not in situ but had been disturbed by site robbers (clandestini) after the initial excavations of Dr. Daniela Monacchi in 1983 and prior to the University of Arizona excavations of 1988-1992. Bones were found of: 1. 2. 3. 4.

An infant aged ca. 2 weeks An infant aged neonate to 2 weeks A fetus aged 9,5 to 10 lunar months Α fetus aged 9.5 to 10 lunar months

. It is extrémely likely that these remains were originally interred in Room 15 and had been only disturbed rather than redeposited by the looters. If so, their presence here lends support to the argument that extremely young infants were deposited without ceremony in Room 15. No evidence of major burial architecture was recovered in any of the rooms. Throughout the cemetery randomly scattered infant bones were found, the result of rodent activity and disturbances of the soil as new graves were dug in the upper levels of Room 12. DESCRIPTION OF INFANT BURIALS BY TOMB TYPE

Burials in Amphorae (Figs. 76-80) Ib 1 LocarioN: Grid M49d Locus 464 — threshold between Rooms

11 and 12 (Plate 236).

BURIAL: Late fetus aged 10 lunar months (Basket No. 2436) placed inside the body of a spatheion amphora (2965) deliberately broken to receive burial. Amphora missing base, rim and most of neck. Amphora oriented with neck 75 degees to NE. Cranium oriented towards mouth of amphora, body in fetal position. Reconstructed by Walter Birkby. ASSOCIATED DATES: Date of amphora - A. D. 350-500.

69 R. A. G. CARSON, P. V. Hitt and J. P. C. KENT, Late Roman Bronze Coinage (London:1965) No. 1105.

494

FiNDS (Basket Numbers):

6500 - Bone found under infant within amphora. 2 Galliformes/Phasianidae, (this may be a pheasant).

2 humeri fragments

IB 2 LocarioN: Grid M49d Locus 464 - threshold between Rooms

11 and 12 (Plate 237).

BURIAL: Infant aged 4-6 months (2447, 2994, 2997) in complete Keay XXXIX amphora (2988). Amphora oriented with neck 50 degrees NW. Cranium oriented towards mouth of amphora, body in fetal position. Amphora had been broken to receive corpse. A triangular pan tile fragment used as a stopper did not completely seal the vessel and external soil crept in. A cover tile fragment was used to secure the shoulder to the NE. ASSOCIATED DATES: This burial may be contemporary with JB 3, 6, 12 and 27 which lie adjacent. FINDS: 2986 -- Charcoal surrounding amphora: Spartium (1 sample), Quercus cerris (1). IB 3 LocaTION: Grid M49d Locus 851 -- Room

11 (Plates 237, 238).

BURIAL: A fetus aged 8-8.5 lunar months (6507) buried in a complete amphora (4132) which sloped down to the SE c. 25 degrees with its mouth pointed slightly NW. A stamped triangular tile fragment (4150) had been placed over the body of the amphora. Another triangular tile fragment (4151) was used as a stopper covered but did not seal the mouth of the amphora. A large dolium body fragment (4153) supported the shoulder of the vessel to the NE. The center of the body of the amphora had been broken away to insert the corpse. Its cranium was oriented toward the mouth of the vessel. ASSOCIATED Dates: This burial may be contemporary with JB 2, 6, 12 and 27 all adjacent. The amphora is a new form and its date is unknown. FINDS: | 4133 - Charcoal from immediate area of burial: Spartium (2). 4134— Pieces of painted plaster in vicinity of burial. 4135-- Animal bones in vicinity of amphora: small rodent, fam. gen. et sp. indet., complete left femur minus distal epiphysis. .4136-- Glass sherds in vicinity of burial. 4143 — Animal bones around amphora: Sus scrofa (domestic pig), molar fragment and two incisors. 4145 - Charcoal from the immediate area of the amphora: Lonicera caprifolium (1), Quercus cerris (1), Rhamnus

(4), Ulmus

(3).

4148 - Soil on sides of and below amphora: Olea (1), Quercus cerris (1), Rhamnus (2), Spartium (1), Ulmus

(2).

4149. Soil from under tile 4150 and on the amphora: charcoal too small to identify. 4152 — Three pan tile fragments found against the amphora body. 4154 — Dolium fragment just SW of amphora. 4156 — Base of common ware pottery plate found directly under amphora. 4157 -- Copper alloy handle or chain link found directly under the amphora. 6510 - Bonesof large passerine bird (Aves), gen. et. sp. indet., complete terminal phalanx or claw of raven (Corvus) (Plate 234). Probably a deliberate offering. Found on body. IB 4 LocarioN: Grid M49d Locus 950 — Room

12 (Plate 239).

BURIAL: Infant aged 4.5-5.5 months (4313, 6508) in incomplete spatheion amphora (4333). Section of amphora 33cm from the toe cut away to insert corpse. Rim missing. Amphora oriented with room walls, its neck to NW. Cranium oriented towards mouth of amphora, body in fetal position. Amphora 495

covered with two cover tiles (4311) which overlap 10cm placed over cutout body area. The tile over the toe was light reddish brown (2.5YR 6/4) while that over the neck was pale brown (10YR 8/4). Pan tile fragment placed against NE side of cover tiles to secure them. Two additional pan tile fragments flanked the neck to secure it. Charcoal was found throughout the trench in this locus. ASSOCIATED DATES: Amphora date -- A. D. 350-500; coin (see below) of late fourth or early fifth century.

FINDS:

4305 -- Two pieces of opus spicatum flooring were found NW of the amphora. 4306 — Glass rim found immediately NW of amphora. 4307 — Copper alloy coin found SE of amphora. Poor condition. Reverse appears to be a victory moving to left dragging a captive. The stylized flared skirt and striated diagonal lower drapery are typical on victory figures of the late fourth to early fifth century. The obverse is the portrait head of a late fourth or early fifth century emperor. Left of the head the letters "DO" can be read, suggesting it may be associated with Theodosius I. 4312 — Charcoal beneath cover tiles: too small to identify. 4313 — Possible mammal rib fragment found within amphora. 4314 - Charcoal in immediate area of amphora: Lonicera caprifolium (1), Olea (5), Quercus ilex (1).

4316 - Common ware sherd found directly below amphora. 4320 - Charcoal beneath amphora: too small to identify. 4342 and 4343 — Two copper alloy vessels, the latter found inside the former within Locus 951, 20cm below and north of JB 4 (Plates 230-233): cauldrons, Locus 952. Concentrated dark soil layer

6cm thick surrounds vessels to 10cm and was included within Locus 952. Found upright. Outer edges encrusted with dark deposit. 4342 was 40cm in diameter and 23cm high. A small limestone was found beneath the cauldron to steady it. 4343 was 33cm in diameter and 19cm high. (See the discussion of these vessels in the appendix). 4344 — Charcoal found adhering to rim of 4342 cauldron included Quercus cerris (2). 4345 — Ash layer around the cauldrons. 4346 — Ash layer inside cauldron 4343. 4348 — Glass fragment found within 4343, but this soil contained many elements similar to the general soil of Locus 951, including mosaic tesserae, mortar chunks and painted plaster. 4349 — Charcoal from the rim of 4342 too small to identify. 4351 — Charcoal found inside inner cauldron 4343 included Olea (1). ' 4353 — Animal bones found just SW of bronze cauldrons: Sus scrofa (domestic pig), last two left upper molars and fragment of zygomatic arch, fragment of pelvis. 4354 — Unidentifiable animal bones found in soil within 4343, perhaps from JB 4 above. 4355 — Poorly preserved coin found immediately adjacent to cauldron 4342 below. Reverse type similar to 4307. 4360 — Oxidized nail found mid northeast side of amphora. 4361 — Charcoal found in a ring around the rim of 4342 included Quercus cerris (1), Ulmus (2). 4364 — Charcoal from general area of cauldrons included Ofea (1), Quercus cerris (3), Quercus ilex (3).

IB 5 LocarioN: Grid M49b/d Loci 467/954 — Room 12 (Plates 221, 237, 240). BuRIAL: Infant aged neonate to 2 months (6509) inside sealed spatheion

amphora

(4705) with

neck missing. The mouth of the amphora, now missing, would have pointed NE. This amphora was placed directly against Wall L and was sealed with two stoppers of mortar, probably reused from the collapsed villa walls or ceilings. The stoppers touched the top of the cranium of the infant. JB 5 lay just under JB 19 and at right angles to it. It touched JB 30 to the SW and lay immediately above JB 13. ASSOCIATED Dates: All these burials and JB 9, 29, 30 and 31 appear to be contemporary. Amphora date — A. D. 350-500.

496

FINDS:

4703 -- Pottery fragment near amphora. 4704 — Copper alloy fragment. 4706 -- Pottery fragment near amphora. 4707 — Soil from the amphora area included Quercus cerris (1), Quercus ilex (1) and Ulmus

(1).

4716 — Two eggshell fragments of Gallus gallus (chicken) found between rock stopper at mouth of amphora 3242 (see JB 19) and the side of amphora 4705 (Fig. 27). IB 19 LocaTION: Grid M49b/d Locus 467/954 — Room

12 (Plates 237, 241).

BuriaL: Infant aged 4-5 months (6524, 4185) inside sealed complete Africana I “Piccolo” amphora (3242, 4184) with limestone stopper (4182). Burial oriented with mouth of vessel to NW.

Traces

of cloth which may have wrapped JB 19 found on the amphora interior. An unpainted plaster fragment (4179) c. 8cm across protruded vertically from the central body of the amphora, and perhaps served as a seal. The amphora was placed at right angles to Wall L and it rested above JB 5 (4705). IB 30 lay immediately SW of the handle of amphora 3242. The lower part of amphora 3242 had been cut away to insert the corpse. ASSOCIATED DATES: Part of a group of seven interments: JB 5, 9, 13, 29-31. Amphora date — A. D.

200 -- early fifth century. FINDS: 2440 — Animal bones from general area of amphora: Bird (Aves), fam. gen. et sp. indet., medium sized passerine humerus; splinters and fragments of undetermined bone. 3255 — Glass fragment from amphora area. 3264 — Plaster around amphora. 4169/4700— Soil from amphorae for JB 19 and 5, included Quercus cerris (1), Ulmus

(1).

4170/4396-- Glass sherds from NW end of amphora. 4171- Charcoal from area immediately around JB 19 and IB 5. Quercus cerris 0. 4172 - Sherds near amphora. 4174 — Soil between JB 5 and 19 included Olea (1), Spartium (1), Ulmus (2). 4176 - Charcoal concentration under SW handle of amphora 3242 proved too small to identify. 4177 — Plaster around amphora. 4178 — Animal bones between the amphora of JB 19, and JB 31: large bird (Aves), fam. gen. et. sp. indet., proximal half of fibula.

4180- Soil on either side of amphora yielded Cupressus/Juniperus (3), Rhamnus (3), Ulmus

4181 4183 4185 4186

— --

Animal bones found below mouth and handle of amphora. Animal bones around the amphora: Sus scrofa (domestic pig), thoracic vertebra fragment. Indeterminate bone fragments found inside amphora. Soil actually within the amphora included Quercus ilex (1), Rosaceae (1), Spartium (A),

Ulmus (2). 4193 - Soil immediately under (1), Spartium (2), Ulmus (10).

4194 4195 4199 4381 439] 4392 4394 4395

— — — -— — — —

(2), Spartium

(2).

amphora

included

Cupressus/Juniperus

(2), Olea

(1), Rhamnus

Painted plaster from directly below amphora. Sherds from directly below amphora. Fragment of opus spicatum floor direcly below amphora Amphora fragment from amphora area Pottery sherd from amphora area Charcoal from the immediate area of amphora 3242: Quercus ilex (4), Ulmus (2) Three pottery sherds from amphora area Animal bones inside burial: miscellaneous cranial fragments from animal the size of a pig 497

4398 — Charcoal from area of JB 5 and 29. Too small to identify 4701-- Sherds near amphora 4702 — Soil from amphora area included Cupressus/Juniperus (2), Ficus (1) 4720 - Soil under the amphora included Ficus (1), Quercus ilex (1), Ulmus (1).

4727 — Charcoal immediately NE of amphora 3242 and amphora 4705 (IB 5): Cupressus/Juniperus (1), Spartium (5), Ulmus (1), Quercus ilex (4)

6513 6515 6517 humerus 6520

— Animal bones from general area of amphora: Bufo (large toad), fragment of ilium — Animal bones inside burial: Sus scrofa (Domestic pig), shaft of humerus of immature pig — Animal bones inside burial: Bird (Aves), fam. gen. et sp. indet., medium sized passerine - Indeterminate bone fragments found inside amphora

BURIALS IN AMPHORA

SECTIONS

IB 9 LocarioN: Grid M49d Locus 467 — Room

12 (Plates 221, 242).

BURIAL: Infant aged neonate to 2 weeks (6529) buried in the toe of a North African amphora (4198, 6314) in the south corner of the room with the toe of the amphora pointing due south. Bones of the infant were too scattered to determine their original position or orientation. ASSOCIATED DATES: This burial was part of a group of burials which included JB 5, 13, 19, 29, 30, and 31. Amphora date - uncertain, specific African type unknown. FINDS:

3233, 4175 — two pottery sherds near amphora. 3237 — Two black and two white tesserae near amphora. 3255 - Glass fragment near amphora. 3264 — Plaster fragment near amphora.

4187 - Amphora fragments above amphora. 4188 -- Dolium fragment, possible stopper 4190-- Soil inside the amphora included Cupressus/Juniperus (1), Ficus (1), Olea (1), Ulmus

(2).

6547 — Unidentified small mammal bones from burial area IB 30 LocarioN: Grid M49d Locus 467 - Room

12 (Plate 221, right).

BuRIAL: Late fetus aged 9.5-10 lunar months (6555) buried under two North African amphora

body sherds (6313) near the south corner of Room 12 immediately NE of JB 31 and at the same level. The orientation was impossible to determine because the skeleton was completely disarticulated. ASSOCIATED DarEs: This burial was part of a cluster burial of infants which included JB 5, 9, 13, 19, 29 and 31. No material culture was found. Amphora date — uncertain, specific African type unknown. FINDS:

6558 — Animal bones found between JB 30 and 31: Aves (bird), fam. gen. et sp. indet., passerine

cervical vertebra

IB 31

|

LOCATION: Grid M49d Locus 467 -- Room

12 (Plate 221, right).

BURIAL: Infant aged neonate to 2 weeks (4192) buried between JB 9 and 30 and contemporary with adjacent /B 29, 5 and 19 in a cluster. Its orientation was impossible to determine due to the dis-

articulated condition of the skeleton. The burial was found in the south corner of Room 12 immediately below two North African amphora body fragments (6312) which were part of a cluster of amphora fragments buried together in this area. IB 30 lay immediately to the NE where it touched 498

IB 31, and JB 9 was immediately to the south. All three burials seemed to be part of one burial operation. Amphora body fragments (6311) had been placed immediately below /B 31. Dolium fragment 4188 was used as a stopper between amphora fragments 6311 and 6312 to help seal in the body. The entire ensemble was fitted against Wall L and the original orientation of the disarticulated skeleton was probably parallel to the wall. No material culture was found associated with this burial. ASSOCIATED DATES: This burial was part of a group which included JB Burials 5, 9, 13, 19, 29 and

30. Amphora date -- uncertain, specific African type unknown. IB 38 Location: Grid M49b/d Locus

1361 -- Room

11 (Plates 243, 244).

BURIAL: Fetus aged 6-6.5 lunar months (7733) buried under fifteen body sherds of an amphora (7734), possibly an Africana I “Piccolo”. No grave goods were found. The corpse lay on its right side in the fetal position with its head pointing slightly to the NE and its feet due south. The amphora body was aligned with Wall L. The bones had been disturbed, so the remains were poorly preserved. The low level of this burial, virtually on the floor surface of Room

11, marks this as the first known

burial from this cemetery. ASSOCIATED DATES: Amphora date - possibly A. D. 200 - early fifth century. DOUBLE

BURIAL:

AMPHORA

WITHIN A SECOND AMPHORA

IB 14 LocarIoN: Grid M49a Locus 1051 — Room BURIAL: Late fetus aged 9-9.5 lunar months

17 (Plates 245, 246) (6522), IB 14, found in a spatheion amphora

(5262)

without a neck which had been inserted into the broken body of another larger spatheion amphora (5280) without a neck which contained another burial, /B 24. No material culture was found. The

amphorae were oriented NW to SE parallel to Wall W, with both toes pointing SE. The corpse had been placed on its right side in the fetal position with its cranium toward to NW. This burial was found below JB 25. ASSOCIATED DATES: Amphora date — A. D. 350-500. FINDS: 5269 — Animal bones around toe of 5262, indeterminate mammal rib fragment. 527] -- Iron nail just above outer amphora of JB 145290 - Amphora fragment by amphora. IB 24 LOCATION: Grid M49a Locus 1051 -- Room 17 (Plate 246). BURIAL: Infant aged neonate to one month (5294). A spatheion amphora (5280) had been cut open to insert JB 14 within its amphora (5262). Two stones placed on either side of its rim were used to

secure it. This burial was oriented as explained under JB 14. ASSOCIATED DATES: Amphora date — A. D. 350-500. FINDS:

5280 - Carbon inside amphora was too small to identify. 5294 — Animal bones in burial area: Sus scrofa (domestic pig), large individual lower canine.

6531 - Carbon around amphora burial in Locus 1153 just to NW was too small to identify. BURIAL WITHIN Two

Pots

IB 25 LOCATION: Grid M49a Locus

1153 — Room

17 (Plates 247, 248).

499

BurIaL: Infant aged neonate to one week (6531). This burial was found within the upper portion of a Keay Type XIX amphora (5916) placed within a coarse kitchen ware jar or cookpot which had no rim preserved (5917). The amphora was missing part of one handle and its lower body and toe have been removed cleanly, either to reuse it in another burial, as was done in the case of IB'9, or

simply to fit the amphora into the jar more effectively. The skeleton was found within the amphora with its cranium towards the rim and its body in the fetal position on its left side. The amphora had been placed inside the jar and then both placed on their sides. The mouth of the amphora and the cranium were oriented parallel with Wall W pointing NW. ASSOCIATED DATES: Below this burial was JB 14/24, a double burial oriented in the same manner,

which may have been contemporary. Amphora date -- A. D. 300-500. FINDS:

5910 — Potsherd from the amphora area. 5912 - Charcoal found in amphora area included Olea (2), Quercus cerris (1).

5913 - Copper alloy fragment from amphora area. 5914 — Plaster from amphora area. 5917 — Charcoal found within the burial included Olea (2), Quercus cerris (1). SIMPLE

INHUMATION

IB 6

Location: Grid M49b/d Locus 464 — threshold between Rooms 11 and 12. BURIAL: Infant aged 5-6 months (2994, 2997, 4920) found propped on its left side with its legs extended. Three limestones and two cubilia had been placed against its back and another limestone against its legs. The cranium was oriented to the NW. This burial was found below JB 2. FINDS:

2992 -- Animal bones near cranium. Includes Sus scrofa (domestic pig) - small lateral phalanx terminal (hoof).

2995 2996 — 2998 — . 2999 4919 —

One potsherd found against cranium. Charcoal bits from area of skeleton too small to identify. Two pieces of painted plaster found near burial. Two black and one white tesserae found near burial. Soil sample from the body yielded Ulmus (1).

4921 — Charcoal sample from the body yielded Olea (), Quercus ilex (1), Spartium (3)

4924/6511 — Animal bone from body area: small passerine bird (Aves), finch- -size, gen. et sp. indet., five fragments of limb elements. One eggshell fragment. 4925 — Charcoal from the body too small to identify. 4934 — Charcoal from under body too small to identify. 4940 — Charcoal from over body too small to identify. 5500 — Bone doll with perforated tang on bottom to receive separately made but now missing legs (Plates 222, 223). Found SW of and against burial. Upper arm area perhaps broken off, may have had separate attachment. Summarily indicated eyes and mouth, slashes to indicate hair. Pubic area and navel indicated summarily. The reverse is plain and flat except for the treatment of the hair. See Part Three, Chapter 8. IB 7

Location: Grid M50a/b Locus 708-- Room 10. BURIAL: Late fetus or neonate aged 9.5-10 lunar months (6501). Its orientation was impossible to determine because the skeleton was completely disarticulated and scattered, possibly as a result of rodent activity. 500

ASSOCIATED DATES: This burial appears to be contemporary with IB 26. FINDS: 3080 — Animal bones from burial area, including medium size rodent, gen. et sp. indet., left femur

of young individual, epiphysis lacking. Chicken (Gallus gallus) fragment of pelvis, coracoid, femur, tarsometatarsus, all from a chick found in immediate burial area. 3090/6545 — Domestic pig (Sus scrofa), medial portion of humerus shaft, isolated adult dentition,

four upper molars badly worn on occlusal surface, maxillary fragment, two upper molars, three isolated lower canines, left maxillary fragment P/4 through M/3, left maxillary fragment P/2 through P/4, fragment of distal humerus, proximal half of left ulna, medial portion shaft of tibia. Sheep/Goat (Ovis/Capra), proximal half of adult tibia, broken mandibles, twelve teeth. Cervid, deer, upper M/3. Found in immediate burial area. 3401- Chicken (Gallus gallus), left half pelvis. Found in immediate area of burial. 3415 - Domestic pig (Sus scrofa), proximal portion of scapula, canine teeth. Chicken (Gallus gallus), proximal end of coracoid, distal end of femur, both adult. Immature distal end of femur, humerus, ulna, fragment of sacrum.

chick, cervical vertebra,

IB 8a LocarioN: Grid M49d Loci 470/472

—- Room

11.

BURIAL: Late fetus or neonate aged 9.5-10 lunar months (2437). The orientation of this skeleton was impoossible to determine because the skeleton was disarticulated. This burial was a double burial with JB 8b; these infants may

have been twins. Bones

from

these burials had been

scattered

together and included 3243, 3250. A small amount of charcoal, too small to identify, was noted. FINDS:

6525 — Animal bones in burial: Small rodent, fam. gen. et sp. indet., complete left femur minus distal epiphysis. Also, undetermined bone scraps. IB 8b Location: Grid M49d Loci 470/472 - Room

11.

BURIAL: Same information as JB 8a. FINDs: Same information as JB 8a. IB 10 Location: Grid M50b Locus 801 - Room

15.

BURIAL: Late fetus aged 10 lunar months (5032, 5036, 5046, 5061). The skeleton rested on a small mound of rubble stones, cubilia, pan tile fragments. Three of these were almost complete, and one

had been placed at a slight angle under were found nearby in a similar position ented to the NE, but the body was badly with its left leg slightly flexed. The left turned slightly onto its right side. .

the body and also under some of the rubble. Several others along with amphora fragments (5050). The cranium was oridisarticulated. It may have been placed in a supine position arm was drawn over the chest. The infant may have been

ASSOCIATED DATES: JB 10 was a double burial with /B 18, the remains of which were found 8cm

NW of the cranium of JB 10. FINDS:

Locus 801 -- Indeterminate tiny fragment of eggshell (not saved). 5027/5032 - Animal bones with burial: Sus scrofa (domestic pig), unworn upper molar. Aves (bird), medium passerine, fam. gen. et sp. indet., poorly preserved tibiotarsus and complete cervical vertebra. 5029 — Charcoal from burial area included Quercus ilex (20), Rhamnus

(1).

5049 — Charcoal from burial. Olea (3), Quercus ilex (1). 501

5054 — Potsherd in area of burial 6526 — Animal bones with burial: Aves (bird), fam. gen. et sp. indet., complete humerus. Rodent, fam. gen. et sp. indet., left innominate. IB

11

Location: Grid M50b Locus 802 - Room

15.

BURIAL: Late fetus aged 9-10s (5024, 5037) found with its cranium oriented to the SW. The skele-

ton was poorly preserved, but it appeared to have been placed on its left side. A small stone of 8cm in width had been placed south of the ribs to hold the body in position. The left arm may have been extended to the left and the legs drawn up slightly. It is also possible that the bones shifted somewhat and that the corpse had originally been placed in ἃ supine position. The skeleton was found within the entry in Wall S and was probably half of a double burial, along with JB 16 immediately to the south. Three cubilia and four pan tile fragments were found around the skeleton, but they may have been part of the fill rather than deliberately placed here. FINDS: 5024/5037/6527 — Animal bones found in burial: Aves (bird), gen. et sp. indet., may be a chicken,

proximal 5031 5034 5045

end of femur. Found adjacent to JB 1 and Wall S. - Animal bones found in burial: Sus scrofa (domestic pig), one vertebral articular facet. — Charcoal found in skull area. Too small to identify. - Tile or brick fragment with brickstamp found in burial area.

IB 12

LocaTIon: Grid M49b/d Locus 464 -- Room 11/12. | BuRIAL: Late fetus aged 9-9.5 lunar months (4932, 4958) found with its cranium and upper torso missing. The skeleton was oriented to the NW at a 45 degree angle to Wall O. The body had probably been placed supine with legs extended. A small body sherd of kitchen ware was found at its feet. ASSOCIATED DATES: This burial may have been part of a group of contemporary interments which included IB 2, 3, 6 and 27 which were found in close proximity to each other. FINDS: ! 4930 — Animal bones found with burial: Ovis/Capra (sheep/goat), shaft fragment of metapodial. Aves (bird), fam. gen. et sp. indet., sternal rib, shaft fragment of tibiotarsus.

4965 — Four cooking ware sherds found in area of burial. IB 13

" Location: Grid M49b/d Locus 852 - Room 12. BURIAL: Late fetus aged 10 lunar months to birth (4952, 4374). The orientation of the skeleton was impossible to determine because the remains were very fragmentary. Several ampbora fragments adjacent (4955, 4983) may have been markers although several other fragments in the same locus had no bürials associated with them. | ASSOCIATED DATES: /B 13 was part of a group which included IB 5, 9, 19, and 29 to 31. FINDS:

4912 -- Animal bone from general area. of burial: Bos taurus (domestic cattle), Sus scrofa (domestic pig), piglet, olecranon process of ulna, two immature ulni. gen. et sp. indet., proximal end of caracoid. 4948 — Animal bone from general area of burial: Aves (bird), fam. gen. et sp. bone, mostly cartilage. 4953 — Charcoal from the burial area included Quercus ilex (1), Ge (2). 4955 — Amphora fragments immediately NE of burial. 4970 — Terra Sigillata Chiara Italica sherd found just NE of amphora fragments. ciated with burial. 502

second phalanx. Aves (bird), fam. indet., immature

May not be asso-

4972 -- Animal tooth from burial. 4971 — Charcoal from the burial yield Quercus cerris (4), Spartium

(2), Ulmus

(1).

4983 - Amphora fragments NE of burial. IB 16 LocarioN: Grid M50b Locus 802 - Room BuriaL:

Neonate

(5044,

5047,

15.

5063) found with cranium

to the SE. The body

may

have been

placed on its back with legs extended and arms down at its side. This burial was part of a double burial with JB 11. Within the immediate area of the burial were found seven cubilia, twenty pan tile

fragments and three cover tile fragments and one column wedge, suggesting the area was used as a dump for debris gathered from the ruins of the villa as well as a burial area. FINDS:

5043 — Bone hairpin with knobbed head and a fragmentary pin found between JB 13 and 16 but closer to the skull of the latter (See Part Two, Chapter 20 under Bone Pins). 5045 — Tile fragment with partial stamp. Found in chest area of JB 16. Possible offering, but found with six pan tile fragments, two cubilia and one cover tile fragment which all seemed to be debris pitched into the fill. 5048 — Animal bone found immediately west of the burial: Sus scrofa (domestic pig), fragment of mandible with one incisor. One isolated canine tooth and six bone chips. 5055 — Charcoal from the burial area included Quercus cerris (1), Quercus ilex (2), Rhamnus

Spartium 5056 5058 5057, 5066 5071 5074 6536

(2),

(3), Unknown (4). -- Small glass sherd found just west of burial. - Iron fragment found immediately west of burial. 5065 - Scattered potsherds found within burial. — Iron fragment found near burial. - Dolium fragment placed or pitched over the chest area. — Animal bone from burial area. Possible shaft fragment of Ovis/Capra (sheep/goat) metapodial. -- Sixteen indeterminate bone chips from burial.

IB 17

Location: Grid M50a/b Locus 1005 - Room

10.

BuRIAL: Infant aged neonate to one week

(5150,

5161,

5162) found in the south corner of the

room surrounded by a ring of five stones. The orientation of this skeleton was impossible to determine because it was completely disarticulated and perhaps disturbed by rodents. This burial may have been part of a double burial with nearby 18 15. FINDS:

5158 - Charcoal found south of burial. Too small to identify. 5167 — Sherds scattered around burial. 5174/5176 — Animal bones found immediately SW of burial in south corner of Room 10. May have been an offering, sacrifice or discarded carcass. Skeleton of puppy aged 5 months including left mandible, deciduous 4th premolar, first carnassial, 2 ribs, phalange. Curled up with eyes facing south. Considered complete individual (See canids in Part Three, Chapter 5). Also, domestic cattle (Bos taurus), bone fragments and splinters. 5187 - Bird (Aves), fam. gen. et sp. indet., immature, tarsometatarsus. Medium size mammal,

fragment of right malar with portion of zygomatic arch, petrous portion of both auditory bullae. All from general area of IB 17. 5194 — Bos taurus (domestic cattle) bones scattered over area from IB 15 to 17. Hyoid, bone fragments and splinters. 5195 -- Bos taurus from same location as previous entry. Partial lumbar vertebra. 503

5196 -- Animal bones found midway between Burials 15 and 17 in Locus 1008. Cf. 5174/5176 above. Skeleton of immature dog including partial cranium, eight other fragments including miscellaneous ribs, and unfused vertebrae, left and right humerus,

ulnae, radii, femora,

fragment

of

scapula. Considered complete individual. 5199 — Bos taurus from immediately southwest of 7B 15. Mandible, dentition and thoracic vertebrae (fragmented arch) of large individual. The vertebrae show two canine puncture marks from a young dog as well as tooth marks left by a gnawing rodent on the astragalus, calcaneum and tibia. IB 18 Location: Grid M50b Locus 801 - Room 15. BURIAL: Fetus aged 9-9.5 lunar months (5053, 5062) with its cranium oriented SE and its body in the fetal position on its right side. This skeleton had been disturbed by site robbers (clandestini) and by the emplacement of wooden supports beneath the arch in the east corner of Room 15 after the excavations of 1982-1983. A stone rested on the thigh. The left arm was at its side and the right arm stretched out to the right and was slightly flexed. FINDS:

5052 5054 5064 — 5067 — 6534 -

Charcoal of Quercus ilex (2), Spartium (3), Unknown (1). Potsherd in burial area. Two potsherds in burial area. Charcoal of Lonicera caprifolium (2), Quercus ilex (10), Rhamnus (3). Undetermined animal bone fragments from the burial, and are thrush (Turdus) ulna.

IB 20a

Location: Grid M50b Locus 801 - Room 15. BuRIAL: Late fetus aged 9.5-10 lunar months

(4051, 4066) with its cranium oriented to the SE.

The skeleton lay on its right side in the fetal position mined. The bones from JB 20a and 20b were found lated to describe. This may have been the burial of north to south with those ofJB 20a largely north of 20b. Four cubilia were found among the bones.

but the position of the arms could not be determixed together, but the latter was too disarticutwins. The bone scatter was generally oriented those from IB 20b. IB 28 lay immediately above

FINDS:

4030 — Potsherd in burial area.

|

4039 - Charcoal in the burial area included Quercus ilex (1), Ulmus

(1).

4053 - Potsherd in burial area. 4052 - Broken amphora toe immediately east of the the bones. Perhaps intentionally set in here

as a marker for the burial. . 4065 — 4066 — 4068 — 4084 4086 —

=

|

Copper alloy finger ring immediately SE of burial (see Part Two, Chapter 20 under Rings). Indeterminate animal bone splinter in buria. Same as above. Same as above. Piece of iron slag, found on body.

IB 20b LocaTION: Grid M50b Locus 801 - Room

15.

BURIAL: Late fetus aged 9.5-10 lunar months (4052). It was not possible to determine the orientation of this skeleton. FINDS: Same as above.

504

IB 21 Location: Grid M49a Locus 1052 -- Room

12.

BURIAL: Fetus aged 8-8.5 lunar months (5238) with its cranium to the NW. The skeleton had been

disturbed, but it appeared to have been interred in the fetal position resting on its left side aligned parallel to Wall W. A common ware potsherd, used to level the corpse, was found immediately beneath it. FINDS:

5254 - Amphora fragment in burial area. 5286 -- Animal bones from the burial area but in Locus 1050. Domestic pig (Sus scrofa), fragment of mandible with two teeth, last molar erupting, second molar partially erupted, two isolated worn lower molars. Also present domestic chicken (Gallus gallus), half grown cheek and right humerus. IB 22 Location: Grid M49a/c Locus 1051/1650 — Room 17. BURIAL: Fetus aged 8.5-9.5 lunar months (5259, 5289, 8306) found with cranium to the north and

its body in fetal position on right side, legs to the were found surrounding the burial. It was not clear an unrelated deposit, though tesserae clusters were FINDS: 8300 - Copper alloy ring found 8 cms west of the

SW and arms bent to right. Ten mosaic tesserae if these were intended to mark the grave or were not common in this area of the site. knee area (see Part Two, Chapter 20 under Rings).

IB 23

LocarioN: Grid M50b Locus 801 - Room BurIAL: Fetus aged

10 lunar months

15.

to neonate

(5089, 5095, 5707) found with its cranium

ori-

ented to the NW. The body had been interred parallel to Wall B and within a tiny recess in the wall. The burial was so badly disarticulated and disturbed by contemporary root action that it could not be determined if the body had been in the fetal position or supine, although the latter seemed more likely. Stamped tile fragment 5721 was found resting on the burial. Just SE of the burial an amphora toe had been set vertically, possibly to mark the grave. The amphora was broken off so that it measured 25cm across at its widest preserved point and it was 23cm high. The burial had been placed on an earth platform built up, and retained with cubilia, reused tile, and column wedges. The cubilia are used also as a crude facing of the bench, although the bench was entirely composed of earth with no mortar. Six cubilia and three tile fragments were removed from the surface around the amphora along with an unworked piece of travertine found to the NE. The burial had been covered with four small pieces of roof tile measuring up to 8cm across. When the burial platform or bench was dismantled, a total of eight cubilia, five pan tile fragments and one column wedge were recovered. At the base of the bench was a rude foundation consisting of earth, thirty cubilia, eighteen pan tile fragments, one brick and two roof tile fragments. FINDS:

5088- six charcoal fragments too small to identify. 5094 — Charcoal Ulmus (2).

from

burial area included

Quercus

cerris

(3), Quercus

ilex (3), Rhamnus

(2),

5096- Pottery fragment adjacent to burial. 5099 - Animal bones found below the burial: Domestic pig (Sus scrofa), shaft fragment of a radius/ulna, proximal articulation of an ulna, badly worn cheek tooth. Four indeterminate bird bone fragments. Eighteen fragments of splinters of mammals. 5700 - Charcoal Unknown (3).

from

the

burial

area

included

Cupressus/Juniperus

(1), Quercus

ilex

(5),

5702 -- Iron band found at base of bench just SW of burial. 505

5708 5713 5719 5721

--

Potsherds scattered around burial. Charcoal from the burial area included Quercus ilex (10), Rosaceae (3), Unknown (1). Domestic pig (Sus scrofa), badly worn cheek tooth. Tile fragment with impression of dog paw, SW of burial.

IB 26

Location: Grid M50a/b Locus 703 - Room 10. BURIAL: Infant aged neonate to 2 weeks. The orientation of this skeleton could not be determined. Its disarticulated and disturbed bones were found in the east corner of the room. There was no charcoal present in the area. FINDS: 3038/6533 — Animal bones from burial: Domestic pig (Sus scrofa), small individual, fragment of

calcaneum and terminal phalanx. Chicken (Gallus gallus), immature chick, shaft of humerus, articular ends absent. Four undetermined splinters. IB 27 Location: Grid M49b/d Locus 464 — between Rooms 11 and 12. BURIAL: Fetus aged 6 to 6.5 lunar months

(5517) with cranium to SE. Its body supine with legs

stretched out. This burial was found immediately below the amphora of JB 2 and just north of and above amphora burial 7B 3. It abutted JB 6 to the NE. ASSOCIATED DATES: All of these interments and nearby /B 12 seemed to be contemporary. FINDS:

5515 — Animal bones from general burial area: medium sized rodent, distal ends of both fused left and right tibia and fibula. 5518 -- Charcoal

from the general

area of the burial included Lonicera

(2), Quercus

cerris

(1),

Quercus ilex (1), Rhamnus (2), Ulmus (4). 5519 - Charcoal from among the bones was too small to identify. 5526 — Copper alloy bracelet in twisted spiral form. This was found 30cm south of the body and over IB 3. It is unclear if this was an offering to a groupof burials or if it was intended for only one. The bracelet would have fit only a small child and so may have belonged to one of the burials, but it was not found with one particular burial (Plate 226; see Part Two, Chapter 20 under Bracelet).

IB 28 Location: Grid M50b Locus 801 - Room

15.

BurIAL: Infant aged neonate to 2 weeks (4091) oriented to the SE. The body was on its right side left arm was unflexed and projected down along slightly flexed and brought against tbe right knee. FINDS: 4090 — Immediately adjacent to the burial was

found just below JB 20a and 20b with its cranium with the legs brought up in the fetal position. The the left side of the body, while the right arm was Very little material culture was recovered. found charcoal of Quercus cerris (2).

IB 29

LOCATION: Grid M49d Locus 467 - Room BURIAL: Fetus aged 7-8 lunar months

12.

I

(3231). The skeleton was ἀἰξδυτουαῖθά. so the orientation

could not be determined. It was found in the south corner of the room immediately above /B 31. It was found amid a concentration of broken potsherds and glass which may have been deposited as a crude offering or may have been trash. Broken-up amphorae were used to inter the burials below. AssociaTED DATES: This burial was part of a group which included 18 5, 9, 13, 19, 30 and 31, but it was located above them all. 506

FINDS:

3222 — Animal bone from burial area: Bos taurus (domestic cattle) carpal.

3225 3223 3228 3232 3234 3237 3255 3259

— — — — — —

Fragment of a glass vessel including a rim. Part of a terra cotta loom weight. Charcoal from the general area of the burial revealed Cupressus/Juniperus (1). Charcoal too small to identify. Glass sherds. Several small mosaic tesserae. Glass sherds scattered in general area of burial. Animal bone found between JB 19 and 29: Domestic pig (Sus scrofa), phalanx of a small

shoat, one indeterminate fragment.

IB 32 Location: Grid M49b/d Locus 1351 - Room BURIAL: Late fetus 9-9.5 lunar months

11.

(6936, 6922) found immediately above IB 33 with its cra-

nium opriented slightly NE. The body (6926, 6922, 6907, 6930, 6936) was supine. A limestone (6928) measuring 8cm by 18cm was placed over the skeleton. ASSOCIATED Dates: JB 32 and 33 appear to have been installed at the same time and are probably also contemporary with JB 35. FINDS:

6908 — Carbon sample too small to identify. 6927 — Charcoal of Olea (1), Ulmus (1).

6937 — Charcoal of Quercus ilex (1), Spartium (2). 6966 — Indeterminate animal bone in burial.

IB 33 LocaTIon: Grid M49c/d Locus 1401 - Room Buriat: Infant aged

11.

10 lunar months to 2 weeks

(7344) with cranium oriented due east, out of

alignment with the walls of the room. This burial was found immediately below 7B 32 and 30cm NW of IB 35 which was located at the same level as JB 33. The poorly preserved skeleton had been placed on its right side in the fetal position. No feet were found. FINDS: 7343 — Carbon samples found with the bones include Cupressus/Juniperus (1), Olea (2), Quercus

ilex (2), Ulmus (1). 7351- Nearly complete skeleton of small Bufo (toad) found in burial. Considered a complete individual but it was difficult to determine if this was a sacrificed pet, ritual offering or accidental inclusion (Plate 163).

8704 — Associated with the burial and just beneath the skeleton was a knucklebone. This example is Sus scrofa (domestic pig), from a small individual. It was worn from use. IB 34 Location: Grid M49c/d Locus 1411 - Room 11. BURIAL: Late fetus aged 9.5-10 lunar months (7423, 7427) found disarticulated with its cranium to east. This infant may have been placed on its left side with legs in fetal position at a 45 degree angle to the walls in the south corner of Room 11. FINDS: 7425 — Charcoal from burial included Quercus cerris (2). 7428 — Charcoal from area around burial included Quercus cerris (3), Quercus ilex (3). 7440 — Charcoal from burial included Quercus cerris (2).

507

IB 35 Location: Grid M49b/d Locus 1360 - Room 11. BurraL: Infant aged 10 lunar months-neonate (7700) found with its cranium to east touching Wall L. Its legs were not well preserved and its body was on left side with right arm down at side and parallel to the wall. The soil surrounding the skeleton is the same as the rest of the soil in the area, so no special or additional soil was brought in for this burial. FINDS: 6998 — Charcoal from burial included Rhamnus

(3).

6999 — Tiny piece of copper alloy metal. IB 36 Location: Grid M48d/49b Locus 1609 -- Room 17 (Plates 251-253). BURIAL: Infant aged 2 to 3 years (8270) found with its cranium to SE. Its arms were at its sides, but its hands were placed beneath the pelvis. The body was supine, with the legs slightly flexed and both knees facing out in a bow-legged position. The upper skull was found slightly above and dislodged from the lower skull. This child was at least 1 1/2 years older than any other child found and the only burial in Room 17 not specially marked. It may be that Room 17 was a place for burying children with considerable care and that the child in JB 36 won the right to be included here due to his age and in spite of his sickly condition. The body had been placed on a crude "bed" made up of soil, tile fragments and stones which helped to fit and prop the body. The feet, now mostly missing, rested under a reused tile which was itself placed against a roughly square limestone. The burial was adjacent to 7B 37, but its cranium was oriented more to the south than that in JB 37. A cobble stone had been placed over the right hand and another stone 13cm in length had been placed over the left so that the body appeared to be weighted down. ASSOCIATED DATES: IB 36 may have been part of the same complex of burials which included JB 40 and 39.

FINDS: |. 8259 — Charcoal of Fraxinus or ash (3), Lonicera caprifolium or honeysuckle (4), Quercus cerris (1), Quercus ilex (4), Unknown (4). 8260 — One tiny glass fragment. 8266 — Charcoal of Quercus cerris (1), Ulmus laevis or elm (1). 8433 - Soil just outside the burial contained charcoal of Olea (1), Quercus ilex (4).

BURIAL A COPPI (UNDER A COVER TILE) IB 15

|

| Location: Grid M50a/b Locus 1005 - Room 10. BURIAL: Late fetus to neonate aged 9.5-10 lunar months (5168) found with its cranium to east. A cover tile (5169) had been placed over the skull. Crude markers of amphorae fragments found associated with this burial were set vertically to the south and SW. JB 15 may have been part of a double burial with JB 17. A ring of ten cobble sized stones surrounded this burial similar to JB 17. These stones may have come from a layer of debris immediately below this burial locus, so they could have been quickly found and placed here with little effort. The body was disarticulated, perhaps due to rodent activity. Three black and three white tesserae of mosaic were found in the burial, but these

may have been intrusive from surrounding soil. FINDS:

|

|

. 5143- Medium size mammal, gen. et sp. indet., ten undetermined bone fragments. Dog (Canis familiaris), complete axis of immature large dog or wolf. Domestic pig (Sus scrofa), astragalus. Found between JB 15 and 17.

508

5149 - Domestic pig (Sus scrofa), proximal articular epiphysis, second phalanx. Found in area of IB 15.

5154 5160 5172 5171 5178 5181

— — -

Charcoal just west of the burial. Too small to identify. Fragments of medium sized passerine bird (Aves), fam. gen. et sp. indet. Charcoal from burial. Too small to identify. Two common ware pottery sherds from burial. Amphora fragments found immediately south of burial. Amphora fragments found immediately southwest of burial.

IB 37 Location: Grid M48d/49b Locus 1610 — Room 17 (Plates 251, 252, 254). BURIAL: Late fetus aged 9.5-10 lunar months (8272) with its cranium oriented to SE parallel to walls

of villa. Virtually complete cover tiles were found over (8271) and under (8273) the body. The supine with the knees drawn up and slightly turned to the right. The right arm was at the the left forearm was placed across the pelvis. A stone was used to block the NW end of cover tile. The burial was nearly complete, but it had been disturbed by rodents. JB 36 was FINDS: 8271 — Cover tile over body. 8273 — Cover tile under body. 8275 -- Glass fragment found within the tomb.

body was side while the lower adjacent.

CAPUCHIN TOMB (TILES IN A GABLE) IB 39 LocarioN: Grid M48d/49b Locus 1611 - Room 17 (Plates 255, 256). BurIaL: Infant aged 4-6 months (8280, 8289) with its cranium to the NW parallel to Wall X of the

villa. The body was placed supine with the left arm to the side and legs just slightly flexed. The right arm was found in fragmentary condition beneath the pan tile fragments on which the body rested. ASSOCIATED DATES: The burial was found slightly below JB 36, 37 and 40 but within the same soil so that all may have been buried together. FINDS: 8278/8291/8293/8299 — Two pan tile fragments placed next to each other under the body, two nearly complete pan tiles placed above the body to form a gable. 8292 — Pan tile fragment used to block the SE side of the gable. Small stones were used to hold it in place. 8295 -- Common ware body sherd used to block the NW side. _ 8431 — Ashy soil was found inside the tomb and when the bones were sifted, charcoal was found of Lonicera caprifolium or honeysuckle (6), Olea (1), Quercus cerris (3). DOUBLE CAPUCHIN OR “HOUSE OF TILES" TOMB IB 40 Location: Grid M48d/49b Locus 1612 - Room

17 (Plates 257-260).

BuRIAL: Two infants aged birth to 2 months and 4-6 months which were disarticulated so that orientation could not be determined. Seven pan tile fragments, three large cover tile fragments, one dolium fragment,

six cubilia and fourteen small to medium

cobble sized stones had been used to

construct the “house” over the double burial. The tiles were arranged with two nearly complete pan tiles set vertically back to back with another complete pan tile set vertically between them with a third nearly complete pan tile serving as the “floor”. Additional pan tiles block each end of the 509

“house”. The burials were found on either side of the central vertically set tiles covered with a thin layer of ash. This core area was then covered with fragments of three cover tiles held in place by pan tile fragments,

stones and cubilia. This was by far the most elaborate tomb

in the cemetery,

even

though it was completely and hastily built up out of used materials from the abandoned villa. Just west of the tomb a cooking pot with its base missing had been placed upside down (Plates 227, 228). The base was not found and the breaks were not new. Inside the cooking pot charcoal and fragments of a tiny one-handled glass pouring vessel (8297) dated to the late fourth or early fifth century were found. The pot had been propped up and held in place with tiny stones. The charcoal found inside the pot may have been wood used for cooking or heating. The glass had been burned but was probably used to contain a libation for the dead. Bone fragments were also found in and around the pot, which may have been part of an offering. FINDS ASSOCIATED WITH 18 40: 8405 — Possible artiodactyl limb fragment found adjacent to 8406. 8406 — Charcoal of Lonicera caprifolium (1), known as honeysuckle, found immediately S-SE of the burial. This small shrub was not suitable for heating or cooking and therefore may have been an offering. 8412 - Charcoal of Lonicera caprifolium (10) in the area to the immediate south of the burial. 8417 - The ten tile fragments of the tomb. 8420 - Charcoal of Lonicera caprifolium (4) immediately NW of the burial and adjacent to the the cooking pot 1615. | 8421 — Animal bone adjacent to 8420: Domestic cattle (Bos taurus), one rib. Six indeterminate bone fragments. 8422 — Animal bones found within JB 40: Ovis/Capra (sheep or goat) - one complete unworn upper molar, one medial portion femoral shaft, one medial portion rib, one medial fragment of radius. Aves (bird), fam. gen. et sp. indet., passerine bird, possibly a perching bird or dove, fragment of fused synsacrum of pelvis. Aves (bird), passerine bird, tibiotarsus shaft, immature fam. gen. et sp. indet. 8423 — Modern oats and field peas within /B 40. These exhibited teeth marks from a burrowing rodent. 8424 — Charcoal of Olea europaea (4) immediately to the NE of the burial and west of 8406. 8430 — Charcoal removed from inside the burial itself yielded Lonicera caprifolium (3), Olea europaea (5), Quercuscerris (10) and Quercus ilex (2). FINDS NEAR THE POT:

Locus 1615- Cooking pot with no bottom, placed upside down (Plates 227, 228). 8282 -- Animal bone immediately adjacent to pot: medium sized mammal rib and scraps. . 8285/8298 - Animal bone found inside cooking pot (Locus 1615) in area of glass vessel 8297: three small fragments of indeterminate mammal bone. 8286 -- Charcoal inside pot: Olea or olive (2), Quercus cerris or oak (4), and Quercus ilex (1). 8288 — Animal bone inside pot: indeterminate fragment of worked bone. 8297 — Glass pouring vessel inside cooking pot (Plate 229). Poor condition. Late fourth to eaxly fifth century (see Part Two, Chapter 15).

Ὁ

8414 — Animal bone immediately adjacent to pot: Medium sized bird, may be Gallus gallus (a chick?) — tarsometatarsus and scraps. Also, a cervid, genius and species indeterminate -- one complete upper molar (unworn) and one complete lower incisor. DISTURBED

BURIALS

FROM THE SITE ROBBERS

TRENCH

LocarioN: Grid M50b Loci 1305 and 1306 ~ under the ay between Rooms 15 and 2 and along Wall B. BURIALS: The bones were disarticulated and removed from their original contexts, although it is likely that they came from the general area of the east corner of Room 15 where other burials were found. The area had been further disturbed by the installation of a series of posts in the early 1980s 510

to support the arch over the staircase into Room 2. Previous excavator Daniela Monacchi did not examine the disturbed earth prior to our investigations. It is likely that these were simple inhumations since that was the character of all the burials in Room

15. The four burials were found in two

groups of two burials, suggesting that either these were the remains of twins or two groups of infants who died at the same time. One right humerus found in stratified Locus 1304 (1683) actually fit one of the infants (6899) from Locus 1305/6, further supporting the idea of a cluster burial along Wall B in the east corner of Room

15. A concentration of charcoal (6874) was found stratified in Locus

1304, 30cm

above the

burials and NW of them which may have been the site of offerings. FINDS: 6874 — Charcoal lens above above burials containing Olea or olive (2), Ulmus or elm (10). 7600 — Charcoal found with the cluster burial of 1306: Lonicera or honeysuckle (1), Quercus cerris or oak (1), Quercus ilex (3) and Spartium or genista (2). IB 41

LOCATION: Grid M50b Locus 1306. Buriat: Infant aged neonate to 2 weeks (6899). IB 42 LocaTIon: Grid M50b Locus 1306. BuRIAL: Infant aged neonate to 2 weeks (6899). IB 43 LocaTION: Grid M50b Locus

1305.

BURIAL: Late fetus aged 9.5-10 lunar months (6897). Ib 44

LOCATION: Grid M50b Locus 1305. BURIAL: Late fetus aged 9.5-10 lunar months (6897). POSSIBLE BURIAL

Location: Grid M49c/d Locus 1402 immediately SW of IB 33 at the same level. BURIAL: This group of bones may have been disturbed by rodent activity. Only part of a cranium was preserved (7354, 7377). The rest of the body was missing but a large, complete pan tile was found with the body. Four broken pan tile pieces were found immediately north of the complete pan tile. FINDS: 7353- Charcoal Olea (1) Ostyra (1).

from

the few centimeters

around

cranium

included

Cupressus/Juniperus

(1),

7375 — Bone hairpin (Plate 224; see Part Two, Chapter 20 under Bone Pins) found 5cm south of cranium.

7373 —Iron nail found 20cm south of cranium.

.7360- Charcoal

sample

from

sifting

of cranium

bones

included

Cupressus/Juniperus

(1),

Fraxinus (2), Quercus cerris (10), Ulmus (5). THE INFANT SKELETONS (Figs. 299-305) Condition

The condition of the bone of the infant skeletons ranges from poor to very good. The poor and

511

friable condition of some of the bones is due to the clay matrix in which the burials were found. The clay retains moisture, creating an environment which encourages the rapid deterioration of organic materials. In addition, some of the amphora burials were in poor condition because ground water had pooled in the vessel and the bones were immersed at some point after they had been interred. The good condition of other bones is attributed to the sandy soil in which those burials were found because sand lets ground water percolate, allowing the bones to remain dry. Because the bones of these individuals are tiny, they are especially sensitive to deterioration from moisture. As a result, a few of the skeletons are complete, but most are incomplete. The bones of the cranial vault, in particular, are rarely well preserved. Rodent burrowing, nesting and feeding are other agents that affected the completeness of several of the skeletons. Pathology Due to the young ages of these individuals at death, few of the forty-seven skeletons exhibit any pathological conditions. With the exception of IB 2, 6, 19, 36, 39 and 40A, no pathologies are present

because they have not lived long enough to develop skeletal involvement of any systemic diseases. Only 14.996 (7 of 47) of the individuals are older than neonatal age, and six of these (12.896) exhibit cortical bone changes indicating the presence of blood discrasias such as an inherited or acquired anemia. The remains from 7B 2, 6, 19, 36, 39 and 40A exhibit a pathological condition of

the cortical bone known as porotic hyperostosis. This manifests itself as newly reactive subperiosteal bone (Plate 261) or as “bone-within-a-bone” morphology in the longbones. Cranial involvement of this same porotic condition is seen in 7B 2, 6, 19, and 36 (Plates 262, 263). The longbones display this condition in JB 2, 6, 19, 39 and 40A (Plates 264-266).

There are only two other instances of pathology observed in the excavated skeletons. First, the individual from JB 5 has a healed fracture. Second, one of the skeletons with porotic hyperostosis (IB 36) exhibits enamel hypoplasia on an encrypted adult incisor. The resulting frequencies of both these pathologies are very low (1 of 47=2.1%). It is important to point out that the six skeletons exhibiting porotic hyperostosis are from individuals who are among the oldest recovered at the site. These six are old enough to manifest skeletal signs of a systemic disease process. The skeleton from JB 4 is the only individual of a relatively advanced age which does not display this pathology. © IB 2 This 4 to 6 month old infant exhibits pathological conditions in the cranial and postcranial system. Cranially, the parietals and occipital show a marked degreeof porotic hyperostosis, seen as areas of porous, sponge-like bone on the external surface of the cranium (Plate 262). Areas of both spongy hyperostosis and osteoporotic pitting are present. 70

Postcranially, macroscopic analysis reveals only a small lesion on the internal surface of a left rib. No pathologies are observed macroscopically on the longbones but their subsequent radiographic analysis showed a definite expansion of the cortex on the femora, tibiae and right fibula. This appears as a "double-walled" or "bone within a bone” morphology, where there are two cortical tables separated by spidery trabeculae. ?!

70 P. L. WALKER, "Anemia Among Prehistoric Indians of the American Southwest,” in C. ἘΞ MERBS and R. J. MILLER (editors), Health and Disease in the Prehistoric Southwest. Tempe: Arizona State University Anthropological Research Papers No. 34 (1985) pp. 139-140. 71 J. L. ANGEL, "Porotic Hyperostosis, Anemias, Malarias and Marshes in the Prehistoric Eastern Mediterranean,” Science 153 (1966) 760-763 and J. L. ANGEL, "Porotic Hyperostosis or Osteoporosis Symmetrica,” in D. BROTHWELL and A. T. SANDISON (editors), Diseases in Antiquity (Springfield, Ill.: 1967), p. 381.

512

IB 5 These remains, aged birth to two months, are unremarkable except for the presence of a callous

formation on the right clavicle, approximately 17mm from the acromial end, indicative of a healing fracture which was most probably sustained during birth. IB 6 This 5 to 6 month old infant exhibits the pathological condition porotic hyperostosis. The parietals and occipital appear porotic with diploic expansion, and both spongy hyperostosis and osteoporotic pitting are evident. The diploe is especially swollen in the area of the spheno frontal articulation. The basiocciput also is swollen or expanded. The longbones were recovered in a fragmentary state and reveal an expanded cortical region and “double-walled” or “bone within a bone” morphology in the diaphysis. Further radiographic analysis confirms the presence of this pathological condition which is also present in the humeri, radii, ulnae, tibiae, the fibulae, and the left femur (Plates 264-266). Three of the deciduous canines (both maxillary and one mandibular)

exhibit enamel hypoplas-

tic pits, These pits were formed approximately one month prior to death. IB 19 The cranial and postcranial skeleton of this 4 to 5 month old infant also exhibits evidence of porotic hyperostosis. Cranially, this pathology can be seen on the inner table of the frontal, the left parietal, the left temporal and the occipital. The outer table of the left parietal and left temporal also shows this condition. Expansion of the diploic space is apparent on the frontal. Initial macroscopic analysis identified endosteal porosity of both tibiae and the left radius. The ulnae and fibulae are fragmented, revealing pathological expansion of the diaphyseal cortical surfaces and the "double-walled" or "bone with a bone" morphology. Subsequent radiographic analyses provide further evidence of cortical expansion in the longbones. IB 36 The bones of this 2 to 3 year old child exhibit cranial and dental pathologies. The cranial pathology is known as cribra orbitalia, a form of porotic hyperostosis found on the orbital roof (Plate 253). The condition is moderately to strongly expressed bilaterally in this individual. The dental pathology is enamel hypoplasia. A pit, observed on the labial surface of the adult mandibular right lateral incisor, is located 4.5mm

from the cemento-enamel junction. This defect

occurred at around 2.0 years of age. The enamel defect may have turbations or “stress” during the secretory phase of amelogenesis. the etiology of this enamel defect. The most common causes are turbances brought on by nutritional deficiencies or disease. The enamel hypoplasia in this individual is consistent with either type

resulted from physiological 72 There are many hypotheses thought to be constitutional presence of cribra orbitalia of stress.

perfor disand

IB 39

These 4 to 6 month old remains exhibit porotic hyperostosis in the longbones. Both radii and both ulnae are noticeably misshapen and have irregular periosteal bone on the diaphysis. The left

humerus is also mildly affected.

72 A. H. GOODMAN and J.C. Rose, "Assessment of Systemic Physiological Perturbations from Dental Enamel Hypoplasis and Associated Histological Structures," Yearbook of Physical Anthropology 33 (1990) 59-110.

513

IB 40a

The longbones of this 4 to 6 month old exhibit porotic hyperostotic lesions. Initial macroscopic analysis identified endosteal inflammation on the radii and tibiae. Radiographic analyses revealed that the radii, tibiae and the femora had expansion of the cortex and the “double-walled” or "bone within a bone" morphology. Etiologies Porotic hyperostosis is a term that was initially introduced by Angel 73 although the pathological condition was first described by Welcker. 74 In infants and children this pathology can affect the skull and the longbones. It affects the outer table of the cranium (symmetrical osteoporosis) or the orbit roofs (cribra orbitalia), and sometimes the inner table of the cranium. On the outer table, Saul 75 has

differentiated the lesions into an "active" variety and a "healed" variety. The "active" is characterized by a spongy appearance, and the "healed" by smaller or condensed porosities. The longbones can exhibit swelling of the periosteal layer, or a "bone within a bone" morphology. It is commonly suggested 76 that the etiology of the porous cortical bone of this condition is anemia: "These lesions develop as a result of marrow expansion within the bones of the skull that occurs as part of the body's responseto the inadequate oxygen carrying capacity of the blood. This marrow hyperplasia appears to reflect increased red blood cell production as well as an increase in the number of larger, immature red cell precursors." 77

It is believed that the six skeletons from the Poggio Gramignano cemetery which display porotic hyperostosis suffered from just such an anemic condition. This anemia may have been either genetically inherited or acquired during life. Differential diagnoses of paleopathological etiologies in skeletal material is difficult, since osteologists do not have the luxury of diagnosing the disease process during the patient's life and then observing their bones after they die. As a result, care must be taken in assigning specific diagnoses and etiologies to skeletal pathologies. It must be remembered that bone responds to diseases in only a limited number of ways. Aquired Anemias: Stuart-Macadam and Kent 78 have discussed in great detail the traditional views.on acquired anemia and introduced new perspectives. They have outlined some of the ways in which an individual can become anemic through an acquired iron deficiency. Stuart-Macadam believes that in past populations “porotic hyperostosis is most probably representative of an acquired iron-deficiency”. 79 “Nutritional stress” is traditionally viewed as a major factor in causing anemia. This is referred to as dietary iron deficiency anemia caused by a diet that remains deficient in iron over an extended period of time. As a result there is inadequate absorption of iron by the body.

73 ANGEL 1966, pp. 760-763.

|

74 H. WELCKER, "Cribra Orbitalia," Archiv für Anthropologie 17 (1888) 1-16. 75 E, P. SAUL, “The Paleopathology of Anemia in Mexico and Guatemala,” Porotic Hyperostosis: An Enquiry, Paleopathology Monograph No. 2 (1977) 10-15. 76 ANGEL 1966, pp. 760-763; ANGEL 1967, pp. 378-389; J. L. ANGEL, "Anemias of Antiquity: Eastern Mediterranean," Porotic Hyperostosis:

An

Enquiry

Paleopathology

Monograph

No.

2 (1977)

1-5;

P. Stuart-Macapam,

“Porotic

Hyperostosis:

New

Evidence to Support the Anemia Theory," American Journal of Physical Anthropology 74 (1987) 521-526.

77 WALKER 1985, pp. 139-140.

78 P, STUART-MACADAM and S. KENT (editors), Diet, Demography and Disease (New York: 1992). 79 P. STUART-MACADAM and S. KENT, p. 155. Recent studies by SARAH BISEL, "Nutrition in First-Century Herculaneum,” Anthropologie 26 (1988) 64-65, of the skeletons trapped at the port area of Herculaneum in i A. D. 79 are important, since the victims represent a cross section of the fleeing population, rather than a group of sick infants. Of the women found, 41% had porotic hyperostosis as did 2896 of the men, suggesting that nutritional deficiency may have been a primary cause of this problem. Since women today suffer from iron deficiency more than do men, this higher rate for women is not a surprise.

514

Anemia of chronic disease is thought to be a defense mechanism by the body that produces low iron levels to combat invading microorganisms. Essentially, the body withholds iron from these microorganisms.

A third cause of acquired anemia is thought to be an increase in intestinal microparasitism which is determined by living conditions: “Poor sanitation and hygiene combined with concentrated populations would increase infection levels." 8° Reinhard's work on coprolites correlates the prevalence of pinworm with the amount of microparasitism in a society. Poor sanitation and hygiene can increase microparasitic levels. Microparasites such as hookworm are the most dangerous, and it is believed that prolonged intestinal bleeding is a likely pathogenic cause of anemia. Finally, during the infant stage of life, the above factors can also be interrelated in causing an acquired anemia. A poor diet can also indirectly produce anemia through an increase in immunological vulnerability, thereby making the infant susceptible to various pathogens and chronic disease. Inherited Anemias: Porotic hyperostosis can also result from inherited anemias

such as thalassemia (Cooley's ane-

mia) and sickle cell anemia. These are hemolytic anemias caused by genetic defects in the hemoglobin structure. Ortner and Putschar 8! discuss how porotic hyperostosis is a result of an increased demand on the red blood cell (RBC) producing marrow of the long bones and the diploe of the cranium. This increased demand for RBCs causes a rapid increase in the dimensions of the medullary cavity with a concomitant "bone-within-a-bone" appearance in cross-section of the longbones or the "hair-on-end" morphology observed in cranial radiographs. The occurrence of these blood discrasias or anemias is generally believed to be geographically localized, with thalassemia being more prevalent among Mediterranean peoples and sickle cell anemia more prevalent in African populations. In the 1960s and 1970s Angel proposed that an inherited anemia (such as thalassemia or sickle cell anemia) was the main factor for the presence of porotic hyperostosis in Mediterranean antiquity. In particular, he suggested a link between porotic hyperostosis, sickle cell anemia, thalassemia and malaria. Angel believed that the more severe forms of these anemias, such as thalassemia major,

produces the skeletal pathology porotic hyperostosis seen cranially and postcranially. He believed that the the milder forms of the anemias, such as thalassemia minor, presumably imparts a partial

"protection" from malaria for the individual. 82 DISCUSSION/INTERPRETATION

In the preceding sections the evidence from the cemetery has been presented. The extraordinary nature of these finds requires that specialists from a broad range of disciplines (Osteology, Archaeology, Classics, Ancient History, Palynology, Malariology, Medical Biology, etc.) work together to discover the cause of death of the infants of Poggio Gramignano and the significance of this unique cemetery. The following sections will attempt to deal with these problems systematically and construct an hypothesis for scholars to consider. Differential Diagnosis One goal of this paper is the differential diagnosis of the porotic hyperostosis in the infants from the Poggio Gramignano cemetery. It is not scientifically possible at this time to state unequivocally which form of anemia caused the porotic hyperostosis observed in the infants. The various causes

80K. J. REINHARD,

“Patterns of Diet Parasitism

and Anemia

in Prehistoric West North America,”

and S. Kent 1978, pp. 250. 81 D. J. ORTNER and G. J. PUTSCHAR, Identification of Pathological Conditions in Human D. C.: 1985). 82 ANGEL

in P. Stuart-Macadam

Skeletal Remains

(Washington,

1966, 760-763.

515

of anemia can produce similar pathological responses in bone. For example, Moseley 83 shows that iron-deficiency anemia in late suckling children can duplicate the porotic hyperostosis of sicklemia. But differential diagnosis can be attempted through a joint venture by the physical anthopologist and the archaeologist: “In other words, consideration of the biotic, physical and cultural ecology of the area must be analyzed." 84 Thus, if the anemia is a product of dietary iron deficiency, then "the interpretation of porotic hyperostosis requires an archaeological reconstruction of diet in order to determine the potential, and actual uses of resources." 85 It is critical to note here that dietary iron deficiency can be ruled out for two main reasons. First, forty-six of the forty-seven individuals were either in the womb or being breastfed, so they were still getting an optimum diet from the mother. Second, the amount and variety of nonhuman animal bone (i.e. pigs, goat/sheep and cattle) found in the fill associated with the burials suggests that nutritional stress would not have been a problem for the 2 to 3 year old (7B 36).

Additionally, it is believed that skeletal pathologies related to iron-deficiency anemia are uncommon, and usually limited to the skull vault. 56 Mosely 87 reports that longbones are not affected in iron deficiency anemia. At the Poggio Gramignano cemetery only the individual in JB 36 could possibly fit this pattern. That individual exhibits cribra orbitalia without any postcranial pathological involvement. The other five individuals have postcranial porotic hyperostosis, indicating an etiolo-

gy other than a dietary deficiency.

|

Therefore, the position of the authors is that the porotic hyperostosis present in five of the individuals at the Poggio Gramignano cemetery is caused by an inherited anemia. Radiographic and macroscopic examination of the bones from the five affected infants strongly suggests that the observed pathologies are more consistent with anemias such as thalassemia or sickle cell. Baker 88 notes that in individuals with thalassemia, bony changes are visible in the first six months of life. While the study of the skeletons produces a range of possible causes of death, an interpretation of additional, circumstantial evidence may suggest a solution. In order to formulate an hypothesis, it is first necessary to consider the character of the cemetery, the literary evidence for the history of the area, and the nature of the offerings found in the burials along with the information derived from the skeletal pathologies. The Character of the Cemetery | Evidence suggests that skeletons found in the Poggio Gramignano cemetery were interred over a brief period. In the heart of the cemetery, in Rooms 11 and 12, a single burial was found in the lowest stratum while single and paired burials appeared in the intermediate strata and burials of up to seven infants together were found in the uppermost strata. This pattern suggests that a rapidly growing epidemic, perhaps spreading over some days, weeks or a month caused these deaths. A malarial epidemic, which could create such a scenario, would be appropriate to this geographical area, which is characterised by swampy, marshy conditions along the nearby Tiber River and around the banks of the several lakes in the region. Malaria here was eradicated only in 1962, and even oi mosquitoes remain a major problem. 89. 83 J. E. MosELEY, “The Paleolithic Riddle of Symmetrical Osteoporosis,’ ' American Journal of Roentgenology, Radium Therapy and Nuclear Medicine 95 (1965) 135-142. 84 D, L. MARTIN, A. H. Goopman and 6. J. ARMELAGOS, “Skeletal Pathologies as Indicators of Quality and Quantity of Diet,” in R. GILBERT and J. MrELKE (editors), The Reconstruction of Prehistoric Diets (Orlando: 35 MARTIN et al., 1985,p. 268.

1985) p. 266.

86 P. LANZKOWSKY, "Osseous Changes in Iron Deficiency Anemia - Implications for Paleopathology,” Porotic Hyperostosis: An Enquiry Paleopathology Monograph No. 2 (1977) 23-27; Ortner and Putschar 1985. 87 J.E.

MosELEY,

Bone

Changes

in

Hematologic

Disorders

(Roentgen

Aspects)

(New

York:

1963)

6;

J. E.

MOSELEY,

“Radiographic Studies in Hematologic Bone Disease: Implications for Paleopathology”, in S. JarcHo (editor), Human Paleopathology (New Haven: 1966) p. 128. 88 D), H. BAKER, “Roentgen Manifestations of Cooley's Anemia,” Annals of the New York Academy of Science 119 (1964) 641-661. 89 URIEL KITRON and ANDREW SPIELMAN, "Suppression of Transmission of Malaria through Sources Reduction: Antianepheline Measures Applied in Israel, the United States and Italy,” Reviews of Infectious Diseases II 3 (1989) 400.

516

Literary Evidence for Malaria in Fifth Century Umbria and Tuscany Two contemporary ancient sources discuss disease in this region of Italy during the mid-fifth century A. D., the date of the infant cemetery as suggested by associated finds. One source is specific with regard to the area affected, the other more general. In the summer of A. D. 467 a wealthy Gallic politician named Sidonius Apollinaris travelled down from Ravenna in northern Italy by the Via Flaminia to meet with the emperor Anthemius in Rome

(SrpoNIUs, Ep.

1.5.6-9). Although

the initial part of the trip went well, Sidonius

became

ill

when he got between Tuscany and southern Umbria, not far from Poggio Gramignano. Of the latter part of the trip, he wrote: “Here body nates (E E.

either the wind Atabulus (the sirocco) from Calabria or the pestilential region of Etruria infected my which had been suffocated by breathing the air which is imbibed in poisoned gasps and which altersweats and chills. Meanwhile, fever and thirst ravaged the deepest recesses of my heart and bones.” Romer, trans.)

The symptoms described by Sidonius are consistent with malaria. In summer, mosquitoes would have been plentiful all along the Tiber. The river was not well maintained in this period, and its mouth at Ostia was a particular problem with regard to mosquitoes and malaria. 9° Sidonius' presence in this part of Umbria within seventeen years of the estimated date of our infant cemetery may be significant because he is already aware of the reputation of Etruria as a region of pestilence. A second source, the Novellae divi Valentiniani, is a collection of laws of the fifth century A. D. which

includes a discussion of a visit by Pope Leo I to Attila the Hun in northern Italy near Verona in A. D. 452, roughly contemporary with the installation of the Poggio Gramignano cemetery. Attila waspreparing to invade Italy until the Pope allegedly dissuaded him by citing that new Roman troops were ready to oppose him and that since the previous year famine and pestilence had been a grave problem

between

Verona

and Rome

(N. Val.

33). Regrettably,

the pestilence is not identified, but

when considered with Sidonius' comments it is not unreasonable that it may have been malaria. Evidence of Magic and Witchcraft Scattered among the tombs, especially those of the neonates al finds suggesting that black magic and witchcraft may have munity and deliver it from an epidemic. These finds include the IB 3 (Plate 234) which can be interpreted as a chthonic symbol

and premature infants, were severbeen employed to protect the comsingle raven's talon associated with and talisman against evil: ?!

“... the black, cunning and vulturous bird was a frequent emblem of Satanic maliciousness.” 92

The skeleton of a toad found on /B 33 may have been intended as an apotropaic and cure-all since skeletons of toads were commonly associated with magic and witchcraft. 93 (Plate 235). It is possible that the toad could have been a pet, but Pliny notes that toads were used commonly to ward off storms, eye infections, earache, toothache, or coughs and they were considered by magi the most useful remedy for relieving tertian or quartan fevers commonly associated with malaria. 9 The cooking pot found upside down with its mouth toward the earth and with a glass pouring vessel and some unidentified mammal bone scrap inside it may also be a reference to chthonic power (Plates 227-228). ?5 90 ANGELO CELLI, The History of Malaria in the Roman Campagna (London: 1933) pp. 58, 62; AUGUSTINE, Confessiones v. 103, IX.8; LEONARD JAN BRUCE-CHWATT and JULIAN DE ZULETA, The Rise and Fall of Malaria in Europe (Oxford: 1980) p. 90. 91 Virgil, Ecl. 9.15; MIRANDA GREEN, Animals in Celtic Life and Myth (London: 1992) pp. 126, 179, 181, 211. | 92 DIANA WALZEL, “Sources of Medieval Demonology”, in BRIAN LEVACK (editor), Witchcraft in the Ancient World and in the Middle Ages (London: 1992) p. 97. 93 Pliny, Hist. Nat. XXXIL114;

Horace Sat. 1.8, 17-24.

?4 Pliny, Hist. Nat. XXII. 49. 95 CRAWFORD

GREENEWALT, Ritual Dinners in Early Sardis (Berkeley:

1978) p. 55.

517

Another offering possibly associated with magic was a bone doll (Plates 222-223). 96 Ritual doll offerings of this sort are often found with their arms bound 97, but here the separately made

arms

and legs are missing. Magic may also play a role in the placing of two stones over the hands of 1Β 36, the oldest child in the cemetery. The 2-3 year old also had a large reused roof tile placed vertically over his feet. The tile leans against a large rough-cut ashlar block. This apparent desire to weigh down the child might have to do with the need to keep it from rising after death or being used in necromancy. 98 Associated in abundance with the most recent burials in the cemetery are charred seeds believed to be from the shrub periclymenon (Lonicera caprifolia or honeysuckle) described by Pliny the Elder in the later 70s A. D. as a cure for diseases of the spleen when dissolved in three cups of white wine and taken for thirty days. The boiled leaves of this plant were also used as a diuretic, an aid for asthmatics and a medicine for women suffering during childbirth or needing help in expelling the afterbirth.99 This association with birth and its difficulties would make the offering of honeysuckle appropriate in the Poggio Gramignano cemetery. In addition, the presence of a cure for diseases of the spleen associated with these burials may be significant because splenomegaly (enlargement of the spleen) is one of the most pronounced symptoms of two of the three types of malaria present in Italy in late Roman antiquity, Plasmodium vivax and Plasmodium falciparum. 199 The curative powers of the honeysuckle might have been intended to work against the epidemic. An even more unusual feature of the infant cemetery was the presence of the skeletons of the thirteen immature dogs or puppies. Apart from the dog which seemed to have been severed in half, it is possible that a few of the puppies were ritually beheaded, then buried near the children. 19: The dogs found here may have been sacrificed pets of the dead children. That scenario seems unlikely, however, because sacrificed pets would not normally be all of the same age nor would they all be dogs. The uniformity of type and age of these animals suggests a ritual significance here. The pups found in this cemetery have been killed in an effort to protect the health of the living or to purify the area in a magic ritual, perhaps conducted by local magi or sorcerers. 102 An examination of ancient sources, particularly the writings of Pliny the Elder, reveals that dogs, and especially pups, were involved in all manners of magical, mystical purification rituals which occasionally involved children, disease, pestilence, burial and the severing of the ritual canines. 103

One passage (PLINY, Hist. Nat. XXIX. 58, Loeb trans.) records that suckling pups ("catulos lactentes") were believed to be “such pure food that they even took the place of sacrificial victims to placate the divinities. Genita Mana, a divinity believed to have presided over childbirth, was worshipped in Italy with the sacrifice of a pup. In addition, even in Pliny' time, at dinners in honor of the gods the flesh of immature dogs was put on the table. 104

96 GEORG Luck, Arcana Mundi

(Baltimore:

1985) pp. 76, 92, 108; Virgil, Ecl. 8; Horace, Sat. 1.8.

. 97 JOHN GAGER, Curse Tablets and Binding Spells from the Ancient World (Oxford: 1992) pp. 14-15. 98 Suetonius, Nero 34.4; Libanius, Decl. 41.7 99 For a discussion of Lonicera see W. H. S. Jones, Pliny Natural History VII (Cambridge: 1956) pp. 462-462 and Pliny, Hist. Nat. XXVII. XCIV. 120 (Loeb). 100 EDWARD MARKELL AND MARIETTA VocE, Medical Parasitology (Philadelphia: 1976) pp. 98-103, 109-112; LEONARD JAN BRUCE-CHWATT, Essential Malaria (New York: 1985) pp. 35-38, 57-59. 1! BILLIE JEAN CoLLins, “The Puppy in Hittite Ritual,” Journal of Cunieform Studies 42.2 (1990) 218-223; RALPH MERRIFIELD, The Archaeology of Ritual and Magic (London: 1987) pp. 32, 46. 102 MIRANDA GREEN, 1992, p. 198; Pausanius, ΤΠ. 14, 8-9; Tuomas LEvy, “Dogs and Healing," British Archaeology Review 17 6 (1991) 14, 18; CoLLINS 1990 and BILLIE JEAN COLLINS, “The Puppy in Hittite Ritual," Oriental Institute News and Notes 136 (1992) 4-45; H. ScHoLz, Der Hund in des griechischen romischen Magie und Religion (Berlin: 1937). 103 I am grateful for the assistance of Michael MacKinnon, Stanley Olsen, Marilyn Skinner and Amy Richlin in the preparation of this section on puppies and dogs. 104 Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae 52. I. VON MUELLER, Handbuch der Klassichen Alterswissenschaft (Munich: 1902) p. 196 sees Genita Mana as a divinity of beginnings and endings, of birth and death to whom a dog would be offered to protect the family from death. On ritual dog sacrifices in general see Artio DE MARCHI, I! Culto Privato di Roma Antica (New York: 1975) p. 228 and H. H. ScuLLARD, Festivals and Ceremonies of the Roman Republic (Ithaca: 1981) p. 109.

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Pliny notes that pups have white pustules under the tongue which were useful to cure those bitten by a mad dog, if the pustules were first carried three times around a fire (Hist. Nat. XXIX. 100) When a pup is of the same sex as the biting victim, its liver may be used as an antidote if it is swallowed raw after the pup has been drowned (Hist. Nat. XXIX. 101). The ashes of dogs' teeth mixed with wine, "boiled down to one-half" and sweetened with honey is a boon for teething babies (Hist. Nat. XXX. 22). Pups are cited as useful for curing stomach aches, although the procedure involved often kills the dog (Hist. Nat. XXX. 43). Babies suffering from a disease known as siriasis, or dog star fever, can be cured by wearing an amulet of bones found in dog dung (Hist. Nat. XXX. 135). A cure for epilepsy can be obtained by dipping a suckling pup in wine and myrrh after severing its head and feet (Hist. Nat. XXX. 88). Columella (11.21.4) reports the need to sacrifice a pup before shearing a sheep or performing several other farm tasks. Unwanted hair can be eliminated with the use of the blood of a bitch from her first litter or the blood of a tick plucked from a dog (Hist. Nat. XXX, 133). Among the strangest practices to cure disease cited by Pliny is the application of a pup’s body against the stomach and chest of a patient for three days (Hist. Nat. XXX. 64). This dog might also be allowed to lap milk from the mouth of a patient so that it might absorb the power of the disease. After the dog's death it was dissected to find the problem which afflicted the patient. After the examination, the pup was buried in the earth.

Pain in a human vital organ could be relieved by the application of the body of a suckling pup pressed as closely as possible to the affected area (Hist. Nat. XXX. 42). The pup's body would receive the power of the malady. 105 The organs of the pup are then removed, washed in wine and studied for a diagnosis of the illness. Though it was considered essential to bury the pup after this exercise, Pliny notes that this rite may be a superstition. These restorative or purifying magic rituals end with the burying of the pups and could explain the existence of the canine skeletons in the Poggio Gramignano cemetery. The literary evidence supports the idea that dogs in general, and pups in particular, were regularly sacrificed and often decapitated or severed in rituals to protect against disease. Consequently, it is reasonable to assume that among the rural peoples of Italy in the fifth century A. D. superstitions may have led them to employ canines to protect their community from the spread of disease or epidemic. Pliny repeatedly records the use of dogs to relieve serious illness associated with poisoning or being shot with a poison arrow (Hist. Nat. XXIX. 58), toothache (Hist. Nat. XXX. 21), psoriasis (Hist. Nat. XXX. 28), quinsy (Hist. Nat. XXX. 35), excrescences (Hist. Nat. XXX. 114), broken bones (Hist. Nat. XXX. 119) or the bite of a mad dog (Hist. Nat. XXIX. 98). In addition, the sacrifice of a red dog

at harvest time was recommended to appease the dog star (Festus 39L), ripen the corn and promote the fertility of farmers' fields (Hist. Nat. XVIII.

14).

Severed dogs or their body parts or teeth such as those found at the Poggio Gramignano cemetery were often used for purification and protection. Such remedies involved burnt heads, the left eyetooth and ashes of the teeth (Hist. Nat. XXX. 21), the gall (Hist. Nat. XXX. 28), vital organs (Hist.

Nat. XXX. 42) and the removal of the feet and head (Hist. Nat. XXX. 88). That superstitions such as these continued and even prospered in late antiquity as they had in Republican and early Imperial times is certain. Infant graves found in Sucidava (Dacia Inferior) were found to “demonstrate the persistence of ancient superstitions and magical practices, in this case concerning dead children, until at least the middle of the fourth century A. D." 106 And the Italian and British concept of "the hair of the dog" well known even up to the present day recalls the curative power of canines. !07 105 'The concept of the transference of evil to a cat or dog remained strong in western European belief until the twentieth century. Particularly common was the notion that the cat or dog would die upon receiving the evil in the form of some transferable object such as a lock of hair. On this see A. ALLARDYCE (editor), Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century from the Mss of John Ramsey, Vol. II (Glasgow: 1888) p. 439 and JoHN BRAND (Henry Ellis, editor), Observations on Popular Antiquities, Vol. ΠῚ (London: 1849) p. 289. A host of examples appear in Iona Opie and Morra TaruM (editors), A Dictionary of Superstitions (Oxford, 1990). 106 NUBAR HAMPURTAMIAN, “Child Burials and Superstition in the Roman Cemetery of Sucidava (Dacia), Hommages à Maarten J. Vermaseren I (1978) 477. 107 Opre and TATUM 1990, p. 121.

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The bones of birds were also found in the Poggio Gramignano cemetery, and they too may have a ritual meaning. Of the forty burial locations within the cemetery, sixteen (40%) were associated with bird bones. Although their genus and species could not always be determined, it seemed that at least some of these bones may have been included in these burials, perhaps as remains of offerings or funerary meals. The cooking pot found with its mouth to the earth cited above, found adjacent to JB 40, enclosed scraps of bird bones, possibly from a chick (Gallus gallus) and a few teeth of an indeterminate cervid immediately next to it. Few other cemetery sites have been studied with regard to ritual offerings or burials of birds. Yet the bones of birds in unusual contexts have been recovered from a host of sites, particularly in England. The bones of five birds were found in association with the burials at Lankhills Cemetery, a small number for nearly five hundred graves. Yet the possibility of ritual significance cannot be discounted. 105 At the British site of Trentholme

Drive in York, twelve graves were found with the

bones of birds including five where they had been placed in pots. In addition, bird bones have been found in graves at sites such as Sawbridgeworth, Verulamium, Ospringe and Watton Hill, Bridport, Dorset and in ritual pits and shafts such as those found at Danebury and Jordan Hill, Somerset. !0? The Romans

feared aborted,

stillborn or short-lived infants and believed their souls could be

used by magi (wizards) or sagae (witches) to bring evil to the living. 119 The mothers of these infants were also considered polluted, !!! and the Romans also felt a strong need to purify themselves after a child was born, born dead from a miscarriage or exposed. !!? So ritual offerings were made on such occasions.

ς

To what divinities might such magic offerings be made? Certainly not to the traditional Roman gods such as Jupiter, Juno or Minerva, because such practices are unknown in their cults. 113 One possibility is the goddess Hecate/Diana, mistress of darkness, whose consorts in magic rituals were puppies and dogs known as the hounds of Hell. 114 She was worshipped as one who watched over the souls of infants and aided their passage to the afterworld. 115 Other similar demon-gods whose names are unknown or unfamiliar to us, such as Geneta Mana the birthing goddess or the dog-loving Fury Tisiphone, may have been invoked in place of Hekate. 116 The Malaria Hypothesis If the stratigraphic development of the cemetery, the pattern of burials, the large number of aborted fetuses, and the use of magic and witchcraft all suggest that an epidemic may have gripped the area, then what was the nature of this epidemic? Consultation with Eskild Petersen, Head of

108 CLARKE 1979, p. 367.

|

|

|

109 LESLIE P. WENHAM, The Romano-British Cemetery at Trentholine Drive, York (London: 1968) Nos. 10, 28, 31, 39, 48, 49, 53, 53, 68, 70, 97,

101; CLARKE

1979, p. 367. For Danbury

and Somerset

see MERRIFIELD

1987, pp. 32, 41 where

Merrifield

offers numerous examples of ritual bird finds often in conjunction with the mandibles and skulls of dogs. 110 FRANZ CUMONT, Afterlife in Roman Paganism (New York: Hecate Soteira (Atlanta: 1990) pp. 144-145; Horace, Sat. 1.8.

1959) p. 129; Tertullian, De Anima

57; SARAH ILES JOHNSTON,

111 Plutarch, De Superstitione 170B; BOSWELL 1988, pp. 79-80. 112 On the sécond century inscription from Smyrna which deals. with a forty day purification for one who has exposed a child see J. Kem (editor), "Inschriften aus Smyrna,” Anzeiger der Oesterreichische Akademie Wien 90 (1953) 1. For purification after birth or miscarriage see BOSWELL 1988, pp. 78-79. . 113 Numerous refeerences appear in Scullard to Juno, Jupiter and Minerva, but none of these include dog sacrifices. 114 EUGENE TAVENNER, "Canidia and Other Witches," in BRIAN LEVACK (editor), Witchcraft in the Ancient World and in the Middle Ages (London: 1992) p. 17. Recently, a defleshed human skull was found in a 3-4 meter deep pit at Folly Lane, St. Albans, England. The mandible was missing of the 15-18 year old male who was buried with a dog under six months of age and an iron knife. This find is unprecedented in England. Cf. Simon Mays and JAMES STEELE, “A Mutilated Human Skull from Roman St. Albans, Hertfordshire, England," Antiquity 70 (1996) pp. 155-161. Simon Mays now states, in a personal communication, that “I wonder now whether our mutilated human head was associated with some sort of cult of Hekate." 115 JOHNSTON 1990, pp. 34, 35, 144; Horace, Sat. 1.8, 33-35. 116 Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae LII; Horace, I.8.

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Infectious Diseases at the University of Arizona Medical Center, revealed several possible diseases which may cause pregnant women to abort. 117 A bacterium called listeria, ingested through infected milk, is one possible cause. Another is the bacterium brucella, present in contaminated milk or dairy products from infected cows, sheep or goats. Toxoplasma gondii, a parasite sometimes found in undercooked red meat might also cause an abortion. But each of these diseases, while they may cause mass deaths and aborted fetuses, tend to cause many deaths at one time. They probably would not cause the pattern of increasing numbers of deaths over a short period of time found in this cemetery. An epidemic of malaria would best suit the available evidence as a cause for the deaths of the infants from the Poggio Gramignano cemetery. No one piece of evidence points definitively to this conclusion, but when considered collectively, each piece helps toward the construction of a "most likely" scenario. !!3 The idea that malaria was a major factor in hastening the fall of the Roman empire in Italy was suggested as early as 1907 by the British classical philologist W.H.S. Jones, !!? and his ideas were widely accepted. Angelo Celli, father of Italian malariology, asserted the decisive influence of malaria as a historical force in Italy from classical times to his own day. !?? Classical archaeologists and historians, however, were influenced by P. A. Brunt's study, Roman Manpower, and his deemphasizing of malaria as a factor in the fall of Rome. He argued that, if malaria was already present in classical times, it would have been unlikely that its full devastating effect would have been felt only during the late empire. 121 Recent arguments by 1. du Zulueta, however, have demonstrated convincingly that Plasmodium falciparum malaria did play a major role in the fall of Rome after it mutated and adapted to new vector on the Italian peninsula after arriving there from its African homeland. 122 Of the three types of malaria common to Italy in antiquity (Plasmodium malariae, Plasmodium vivax and Plasmodium falciparum) 123, the parasite known as Plasmodium falciparum might have caused the scenario witnessed at Poggio Gramignano. This type causes a few deaths at first, followed quickly by many, with accompanying aborted fetuses and stillbirths common.

117 Conversation between David Soren and Eskild Petersen, Head of Infectious Diseases at the University of Arizona Medical Center, Nov. 18, 1994 at the symposium, "Malaria and the Fall of the Roman Empire", held at the Center for Insect Science at the University of Arizona, Tucson. . 88 The information on malaria in this and the following SEGEÍOFS was compiled with the help of Drs. Jose Ribeiro and Mario Coluzzi to whom the authors owe a great debt. 119 W. H. S. Jones, Malaria: A Neglected Factor in the History of Greece and Rome (Cambridge: 1907); M. D. GRMEK, “La malaria dans la méditerranée orientale préhistorique et antique," Parassitologia 36 (1994) 1. 120 ANGELO CELLI, Storia della Malaria nell'Agro Romano (Rome: 1925). 121 P. A. BRUNT, Italian Manpower (225 B. C.-A. D. 14) (Oxford: 1971) pp. 611-624. 122 JULIAN DE ZULUETA, “Malaria and Mediterranean History,” Parassitologia 15: 1-2 (1973) 1-15; JULIAN DE ZULUETA, “Malaria and Ecosystems: From Prehistory to Posteradication," Parassitologia 36: 1-2 (1994) 9. 123 A less severe but still potentially deadly strain of malaria is Plasmodium vivax. In this disease, parasites go into the liver and stay dormant, erupting cyclically, not all completing their cycles into the blood cells at one time. Instead they can erupt as much as 2-4 years after the initial infection, causing relapses. These eruptions tend to occur in the summertime. P vivax does not allow a pregnant mother to build up as much immunity to protect her unborn child as does P. falciparum. Consequently, while adults can usually endure P. vivax and survive, infants are particularly susceptible to it up to age 7 months when their own immune systems are developed. Since the infants in the Poggio Gramignano cemetery are almost all younger than 7 months, P. vivax may have been the disease which brought them down, although it is normally less lethal than P. falciparum. Another striking aspect of P. vivax is the enlargement it causes in the spleen. Splenomegaly and a distended abdomen are typical symptoms. A Roman doctor, or even a layman, would have noticed the pronounced protuberance of the spleen which accompanies this disease. The spleen becomes large and hard, and is visible 85 ἃ grey to dark brown or black mass through the skin. Other symptoms of P. vivax include high bed-shaking fevers lasting up to fifteen minutes, rib cage shivers and soreness in the muscles. Hot and cold phases cause the sufferer to pile on and then throw off blankets. Skin color changes quickly fron pale to flushed. Paroxysms can occur irregularly and then become cyclical, recurring every two days for two months. “At any time one of these thin and anemic children may succumb easily to a respiratory or intestinal infection, and it may not be possible either in life or at autopsy to say how far malaria, bacterial infection or other factors were responsible," notes BRUCE-CHWATT 1985, pp. 57-59. For additional information on P. vivax see MARKELL and Voce 1976, pp. 98-103.

521

Plasmodium falciparum, sometimes known as “Blackwater Fever”, causes the most severe cases of malaria of the three noted. A mosquito transmits the disease by drawing out parasite-tainted blood from one individual and depositing the parasites in another. The parasite invades the liver eight to twelve days after the bite, and multiplies to hundreds which enter the blood stream, attacking red blood cells and invading them in a three to four day synchronized cycle. This process, which can clog capillaries and affect the kidneys and spleen, produces severe symptoms including, initially, anorexia, headache and nausea. As the disease progresses, the individual experiences paroxysms and chills along with fever, severe headache, nausea, vomiting, an emaciated and gaunt appearance

and severe gastric pain. There may be a tertiary, or three day, cycle of symptoms or a daily fever. The victim is left anemic and weak with an enlarged spleen (splenomegaly). The disease can be fatal, especially when the blood vessels are occluded by masses of infected red cells. Its course can be rapid, and it can be particularly lethal to infants. In an age when its cause was unknown and no effective treatment or cure available, it must have been devastating. 124 A measure of immunity to Plasmodium falciparum can be passed from the pregnant mother to her child lasting up to seven or eight months. But the child must develop his or her own antibodies after that point, and a strong risk of death exists if the child reaches the age of 7-8 months during peak malaria season. 125 Regarding pregnancy and malaria, Bruce-Chwatt notes: “Malaria may be a serious complication of pregnancy causing intr-uterine death of the fetus and simulating toxaemia (blood poisoning) of pregnancy in the mother. Recently, cases of severe and recurrent hypoEM were observed in Thailand in association with falciparum malaria in pregnancy." He adds: "Epidemic malaria is an important cause of abortions, miscarriages, stillbirths and neonatal deaths. The : effects of endemic malaria on the ‘reproductive wastage’ in indigenous populations in highly malarious regions vary inversely with the degree of tolerance of the disease possessed by the community. There is much evidence that low birth weights are commoner in deliveries in which the placenta is infected with malaria parasites." 126

Poggio Gramignano is situated at the eastern edge of the infamous Tuscan malarial zone, the borders of which up to World War II differed little from those of the zone in Roman times 127 (Fig. 293). Malaria preventive chemicals such as DDT did not exist in antiquity, but individuals living within that zone might have developed some natural resistance to the disease. Nonetheless Plasmodium falciparum could occasionally or intermittently spread beyond its endemic limits. Behaving as an epidemic, it would have devastated southern Umbria. A warm,

short winter and long summer

might

trigger such an epidemic. Dr. Mario Coluzzi, Director of the Istituto di Parassitologia of the University of Rome, has also observed in a personal communication that the Plasmodium falciparum might have changed or mutated as it spread from Africa to Italy and adapted to a new vector mosquito, thus having a severe effect even on previously resistant populations. 128: This could have occurred in the late antique period but, of course, evidence is not available to confirm or refute such an hypothesis. Dr. Coluzzi believes that Plasmodium falciparum reached its full strength in the later Roman

124 For P. falciparum see MARKELL and Voce 1976, pp. 109-112 and BrucE-CHWATT 1985, pp. 35-38. 125 On malaria, pregnant women and infants see BRUCE-CHWATT 1985, pp. 62-66; L. MOLINEAUX and G. GRAMICCIA, The Garki Project (Geneva:

1980) pp. 286-241; Y. ENpEsHAW, “Malaria in Pregnancy: Clinical Features and Outcome of Treatment,”

Ethiopian Medical Journal 29: 3 (1991) 103-108; O. Fiict et aL, "Malaria in Pregnant Women," Journal de Gynocologie, Obstetrique et Biologie de la Reproduction 11:8 (1982) 981-990 (with bibliography). On transient populations and malaria see Molineaux and Gramiccia 1980, p. 247. 126 BRUCE-CHWATT

1985, pp. 57-59.

127 BRUCE-CHWATT and DE ZULUETA 1980, pp. 90-101: they err in making Celsus second century; hei is first century. 128 Conversation of Mario Coluzzi and David Soren, Nov. 18, 1994 at the symposium, "Malaria and the Fall of the Roman Empire", at the Center for Insect Science at the University of Arizona, Tucson.

522

.

empire, particularly in the fifth century across much of Italy, Sicily and Sardinia. This view has been supported by several scholars: “Galen, writing in Rome during the second century A. D., described the various forms of the disease in terms

very close to those found in the Hippocratic texts. Celsus, also writing in the second century described unmistakably quartan and benign tertian malaria and... his description of the malignant or pernicious tertian is extremely suggestive of falciparum malaria. It thus seems as if the three species of malaria parasites were present in Italy by the second century A. D. From then onwards the prevalence of the disease seems to have increased and Jones (1907) and later Celli

(1925, translation 1933) attributed in great part the decadence of the Roman malaria. Some new arguments (Zulueta 1973)... tend to support this view.” 129

Empire to the ravages of

Increasing deforestation, aridity, swamps and the breakdown οἵ organized agriculture in the later Roman empire may have contributed to the virulence of Plasmodium falciparum !3° and help to explain its apparent non-existence or sporadic existence in earlier times. 131 That there was a pre-second century A. D. refractoriness or resistance of tropical strains of Plasmodium falciparum to be able to infect the European vectors and introduce the malignant tertian parasite to Italy is now widely believed. 132 Recently, Angel's arguments about the prehistoric presence of Plasmodium falciparum across the Mediterranean and its link with porotic hyperostosis have been called into question 133 and it cannot be established definitively that the infants found in the Poggio Gramignano cemetery were reflecting through their bones long-standing communal exposure to malaria. However, transmission of all three forms of malaria along the territory touched by the marshy banks of the Tiber must have been common in late antiquity. If the families of those buried in the Poggio Gramignano cemetery lived and worked along the Tiber's nearby banks as is likely, they could have experienced the full force of an epidemic of Plasmodium falciparum. The month of July is the time when honeysuckle goes to seed, providing the opportunity for the offering of the seeds found in our cemetery. Since the period from July to September is considered the peak season for malaria, July is also the month when malaria became widespread and severe in Italy. Moreover, malarial fevers often corresponded to the rising and setting of Sirius, the Dog Star (July 3-August 11), suggesting another reason why the dog sacrifices found at the cemetery may have been related to a malarial epidemic. 134 Malaria cannot be pinpointed as the cause for the fall of the Roman Empire. Economics, movements of peoples in Europe, the introduction of plague and other diseases and internal political unrest all had their roles to play. But this new physical evidence from the infant cemetery at Poggio Gramignano provides an important corolary for the previously known literary/historical information and suggests that malaria may indeed have been a major player in crippling late antique Rome. ALTERNATE

INTERPRETATIONS

OF THE EVIDENCE

It is essential to remember that the arguments presented in this paper are an hypothesis. Other interpretations are possible. The authors have argued that the infant cemetery appears to have been installed over a brief period of time. But the dating evidence offered by the pottery does not allow for a fix at any one moment in time with precision. Consequently, some scholars may suggest that the cemetery continued in use over a period of years and therefore would not reflect a single epidemic. We have considered this alternate interpretation and found it impossible.to support. In its favor

129 BRUCE-CHWATT and DE ZULETA 1980, pp. 89-90. 130 GRMEK 1994, p. 1. 131 pg ZULUETA 1994, p. 9. 132 DE ZULUETA

1994, p. 9; GRMEK

1994, p. 4.

133 GRMEK 1994, pp. 1-6. 134 JONES

1907, p. 170; On dogstar fever see also Homer, Jliad XXIL31.

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is the argument that many, though not all, infant cemeteries continue in use over a considerable period of time. However, the absence in the Poggio Gramignano cemetery of compacted surfaces, the presence of loose soil and air pockets around the jumbled debris, the angular position of the discarded tiles suggesting that they were never disturbed or walked over after deposition, the similarity of the material culture throughout all levels of fill and the joins between pot sherds from varying levels of the cemetery argue against the long use theory. Also, an alternate argument would have to explain the presence of the many double burials at intermediate levels of the cemetery and address the reason for the simultaneous deaths of so many aborted or still born siblings. In addition, the apparent pattern of escalating numbers of burials over time from the lower to the upper levels of the cemetery, and the clusters of burials in the upper area of Rooms 11, 12 and 15 would have to be explained. Moreover, the apparent dog sacrifices and other ritual elements suggest that something unusual was occurring in this cemetery even in its lowest levels. Those who disagree with our hypothesis may contend that pottery joins occurred throughout the cemetery because broken pots were found scattered all around the area and some sherds simply survived and were shoveled into later, upper soil layers. Elements of witchcraft and dog sacrifice might be explained away as normal offerings in infant cemeteries since children's souls were polluted and dangerous and expiation ceremonies were needed. Associations of magic, animal sacrifice and infant tombs appear well documented at many archaeological sites, most notably in England. The fact that they have not been found in Italy may simply be because excavators were not looking for such evi-

dence since it is easily overlooked. With regard to the discovery of skeletons exhibiting porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia, the following comment is relevant: "There are many who believe that the appearance of these cribra is a characteristic sign of malaria but it is known that thére are many diseases which lead to serious anaemia and cause identical changes." 135

So, the malaria theory regarding the cemetery at Poggio Gramignano is only one which must be kept in mind as a tantalizing possibility while archaeologists gather more evidence from other sites. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE INFANT CEMETERY While the data recovered from the infant cemetery at Poggio Gramignano are important for the insight they may provide concerning the importance of malaria in the weakening of the later Roman empire or the ways in which witchcraft may have been used to combat an epidemic, the cemetery is also significant because it remains the largest such site found in Italy to date. Because of this, it is illustrative to assess its place in Roman history, religion and culture. In Italy sites such as Ficana, Satricum, Lavinium, and Pontecagnano reveal hai infants, especially newborns or premature babies, had been buried randomly in houses since at least the seventh century B. C. It is not clear when this suggrundarium fashion of burial ceased and infants were buried in their own cemeteries or in clustered areas of existing cemeteries, but many scholars suggest the fourth century A. D. as the critical period for this change. 336 The reasons given for it are numerous and each must be reviewed in order to relate them to the Poggio Gramignano cemetery: 1

4

1-A revitalization movement 2-A nucleation movement

135 SRBOLJUB ZIVANOVIC, Ancient Diseases (London: 1982) p. 244. 136 Marshall Becker of the Westchester State College Department of Anthropology in i “A Late Antique Infants’ Cemetery as an Indication of Changes in Mortuary Practices from Roman to Christian Times,” (awaiting publication) studies the evidence for clustered infant burials in their own cemeteries and places the apparent “shift in mortuary custom as a general rule at some time during the third or fourth century.’ On the fourth century trend to infant cemeteries see Watts 1989, pp. 372383 and Eleanor Scott in GARWOOD ef al. 1988, pp. 117-118.

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3-A women's movement 4- A ritual of commencement 5-A

or termination

Christian movement

The revitalization theory, a staple of modern theoretical anthropology, involves “any conscious attempt on the part of a society s members to revive or perpetuate selected aspects of its culture.” 137 This revival can involve magic and ritual and be triggered by extraordinary stresses to the society such as an epidemic or the threat of invasion. Customs no longer or not commonly in use could come back into popularity, sometimes in hybrid forms. Alternative words such as Nativism and Revivalism are also used to describe this tendency which may help to explain the late popularity of Romano-Celtic temples and Celtic style artefacts in England. Such a theory may apply to the infant cemetery at Poggio Gramignano. It is possible that an epidemic,

even in Christian times, could have brought out non-Christian, rural, traditional rites, par-

ticularly those involving witchcraft and sorcery, that had survived and even flourished during the Roman

occupation:

"The early Church had been forced to take a stance on demonism because of the Hellenistic world's preoccupation with the demonic. Oriental mysticism and the philosophic systems of the ancient thinkers had compelled Christians to form an attitude towards the demonic, witches and magicians. At times the Christians absorbed some of the pagan attitudes towards demons; at times they vigorously opposed the pagan conceptions." 138

The close relation between religious belief and political and economic conditions could have sparked a revitalization movement in the Poggio Gramignano area which, by the middle fifth century A. D., was suffering under harsh conditions due to barbarian invasions and economic crisis. The theory of a nucleation movement, the tendency to group burials near certain architectural features, accounts for the many fourth century infant burials clustered on British sites by noting structural developments in Roman villas such as their enclosure by walls and ditches, and the proliferation of buildings and industrial complexes of various kinds such as malting floors and corn driers. 139 C]usters of buried infants next to hearths and agricultural and brewing establishments at a variety of sites may represent votive fertility offerings, according to Eleanor Scott: "There can, in effect, be a perceived connection between infant death and fertility." 140

There is no evidence that this explanation for the popularity of clustered infant burials in the fourth century applies to the infant cemetery at Poggio Gramignano. By the time of the first burials in the cemetery, the villa there was already in ruins. No new structures were being added, and the agricultural life of the villa was over. It might be possible that the infants were interred at the Poggio Gramignano cemetery because of a desire to bury in an area traditionally associated with fertility (ie. a villa), but no evidence supports this idea. In addition, at Poggio Gramignano there is no attempt to locate the burials near any particular kind of ruined room. Instead, the burials seem clustered in hillside rooms where the walls and ceilings were particularly well preserved, possibly due to

concern that the tombs be enclosed and protected from the elements. Closely tied to the concept of votive infant cemeteries in agricultural areas of villas in England is the notion of a fourth century women's movement: 14! | “... these deposits... may have been a response by women to a shift in gender relations in later Roman Britain.”

137 R. LINTON, "Nativistic Movements," American Anthropologist 45:1 (1943) 230 and Scorr 1988, p. 119. 138 139 140 141

WALZEL in LEVACK. 1992, pp. 79-95. MERRIFIELD 1987, p. 34. SCOTT 1988, p. 118. SCOTT 1988, p. 120.

525

This argument assumes that women, seeking to strengthen their domain, buried the infants and were behind the revitalization movement: “Further, by the manipulation of the ‘new dead’, women may have been seeking to control relationships between the infant dead, ancestors and fertility. Such a desire on the part of women for some form of control over their lives may be explained by the increasing constraints on their movement and their lives, suggested by the fortress-like appearance of many villas of this period.”

This theory, although controversial and possibly valid for British sites, does not seem to fit the Poggio Gramignano scenario where the burials of clustered infants appear to have nothing to do with agricultural structures associated with fertility or even functioning villas. Another theory which appears to have little connection with the Poggio Gramignano cemetery involves animal and infant interments which ritually marked the founding or abandonment of installations which were often agricultural in nature. Examples of this practice are known from the Iron Age through the Roman period, particularly in Britain, and are believed to have been carried out to appease the gods or improve productivity. 142 The last theory concerning the reasons for the change in attitude regarding the burial of infants rests on Christian ideals and offers possible connections with the evidence found in the Poggio Gramignano cemetery. This theory suggests that the proliferation of infant burials in their own cemeteries or in separate areas within adult cemeteries is the result of the Christianizing of the Roman world in the fourth century A. D. and the spread of the Gospels 143 which required care for the young: “It can, therefore, readily be accepted that Christian concern for the living infant would extend, at death, to careful interment of his body with other Christians, particularly as a belief in a physical resurrection and in the imminence of the Second Coming prevailed.” 144

That infants were to be included in Christian burials was established by the Council of Carthage in A. D. 252, which decreed that no man should be denied the mercy and grace of God conferred by baptism, including the newly born. 14 Does this mean that the infants buried in the cemetery at Poggio Gramignano were from Christian families? Probably not. It is unlikely that rituals involving the decapitation and severing of canines, and the inclusion of toad skeletons and ravens' talons are Christian practices, although rural communities have been known to engage in pagan rites within the context of Christianity. 146 Nothing indicating specifically Christian practices, neither burial in an east-west orientation, nor any Christian artefact, has been found here. By the late ninth century, "another shift may be noted in mortuary activity as it relates to infants." 147 At the baptistery of Santa Cornelia in southern Tuscany many childrens graves were found which may reflect a desire to cluster infant graves near a sacred area. 148 In light of the several theories concerning the increase in cemeteries used exclusively for infant burials in the fourth century A. D. and later, a hypothesis may be formulated concerning the place-

12 MERRIFIELD 1987, p. 48; WaTTS 1989, p. 373. E 143 Gospel According to St. Luke 9: 47-48; 18: 15-17; The Gospel According to St. Matthew 18:2-5; The Gospel According to St. Mark 9: 36-37. 144 WATTS 1989, p. 378.

145 CYPRIAN, Ad Fidum 2-3.

146 Until recent times, Greek Orthodox priests in Episkopi, Cyprus passed virgin girls through a hole in a large stone to ensure fertility. 147 BECKER (unpublished article). 148 NEIL CHRISTIE and C. M. DANIELS, "Santa Cornelia: The Excavation of an Early Medieval Papal Estate and a Medieval Monestary" in NEIL CHRISTIE (editor), Three Southern Etruria Churches: Santa Cornelia, Santa Rufina and San Liberato (London: 1991) ΡΡ. 69-71, 181.

526

ment of evidence from the Poggio Gramignano cemetery within the overall picture. It is possible that the following scenario occurred in the fourth or first half of the fifth century. People living near but not on the hill of Poggio Gramignano, possibly in a nearby town or towns on the Tibers banks, cleaned up the top of the hill or the areas of Rooms 10-12, 15 and 17 or both and deposited the considerable amount of debris collected from the ruins of the earlier Roman villa in a massive dump within Room 9 and, to a lesser degree, Room

10. The cemetery was installed in Rooms

10-12, 15 and

17, probably over a short period of time, with escalating numbers of burials, including, in its final stage, multiple burials, suggesting that an epidemic or disaster of some sort befell the inhabitants killing a few at first and many later. The infants, ranging in age from premature to 2-3 years, were buried in an area apart from the local and as yet undiscovered adult cemetery. The burial of infants within a house or villa follows an old Roman tradition, but the burial of such large numbers buried in a general hierarchy of importance by age is something we do not find in the burials suggrundaria. It is possible that the pressing events of the time, whatever they were, triggered a revitalization movement whereby traditional, regional, non-Christian, magical and ritual practices were employed to attempt to stabilize the situation. The site was isolated, in the Apennine foothills north of Rome,

and was likely to have witnessed the survival of non-Roman, even pre-Roman traditions. People of the community even today are proud of their independence, particularly from Rome and their administrative seat of Perugia, and they even speak Lugnanese, their own local dialect. But why were the infants isolated from the adult burials? The answer may be that even by this date infants were not yet considered to be equal to adults, but the influence of Christian thought and imperial decrees prevented their families from discarding them randomly. That some care went into most of the burials is reflected by the evidence, and the same evidence suggests that the older the child, the more care its burial received. Nonetheless, whether due to poverty, lack of concern or some other cultural factor, all of the burials were simple. Perhaps persistent fear of the polluted soul of a stillborn or deceased infant required that magical rites be performed and spells cast to protect the living. The weighing-down of the eldest child found, that in JB 36, with a cobble sized stone placed over each hand and a heavy reused roof tile over his feet may be an example of restraining the dead to prevent a soul from rising after death. If infant dead were viewed as dangerous, then it would follow that infants required burial in isolation from adults who had lived their proper allotted span and were "normal" dead. Later, in the Middle Ages, it may be that these ideas subsided and infants were buried with adults in churchyard cemeteries, as witnessed by the example of the childrens graves at Santa Cornelia noted above. | This paper has attempted to explain the existence and importance of the infant cemetery at Poggio Gramignano near Lugnano in Teverina, Italy. Future excavations and scholarly research will test the conclusions presented which for now must remain hypotheses. In the meantime, it is hoped that the research presented here will stimulate future excavators of infant cemeteries to pay closer attention to the cultural, historical, paleo-pathological and theurgical stories such burial installations tell.

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TABLE 2 -- Percentages of infants buried in various tomb types broken down by age. 1m-lunar months, m=months,

6 im-n

33 50 0 50 100 0 50 64

n-4-6m

17 50 100 50 0 0 .50 28

a X

Burial in Amphora Burial in Amphora Within Second Amphora Burial in Amphora Within Cooking Pot Burial Within Amphora Fragments Burial a coppo Capuchin Burial Double Capuchin Simple Inhumation

WN

OF INFANTS IN TYPE

AGE:

ccc occ ΘΟ

%

O

OF BURIAL

ds

TYPE

y=years, n=neonate

TABLE 3: Age Distribution of Buried Non-Adult Skeletons. Pre-Natal Age Based on I. Gv. FAzEKAS and F. Kosa, Forensic Fetal Osteology (Budapest, 1978); Post-natal Ages Based on March,

1955. * Lunar Month-1m-29

1/2 days; + Inhumations with Porotic Hyperostosis

AGE AT DEATH

QUANTITY

INFANT BURIAL NUMBER

6.0-6.5 7.0-8.0 8.0-9.0 9.0-10.0

2 1 3 16

27, 38 29 3, 21, 22 7, 8a, 8b, 11, 12, 14, 15, 18, 20a, 20b, 30, 32, 34, 37, Robber Trenches Nos. 3,4 1, 5, 9, 10, 13, 16, 17, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 31, 33, 35, 40b, Robber Trenches Nos. 1,2 24+, 4, 6+, 19+, 39+, 40a+ 36

im 1m 1m 1m

Birth-2 months

18

4-6 months 2-3 years

6 1

TABLE 4: Age at death of the infants of Poggio Gramignano (by /B number).

e

a in ina n fn Ὁ 00 SI AU BW YH

n —

—

u

EJ

Uu

9w»3

BURIAL

—

NN b2 da WIN

NO,

20a/b

#

AGE

AT DEATH

10 lunar months, late fetus-neonate 4-6 months, infant 8-8.5 lunar months, fetus 4.5-5.5 months, infant Neonate 5-6 months, infant 9.5-10 lunar months, late fetus-neonate

9.5-10 lunar months, late fetus-neonate Neonate-2 weeks 10 lunar months, late fetus 9-10 lunar months, late fetus 9-9.5 lunar months, late fetus 10 lunar months-birth, late fetus-neonate 9-9.5 lunar months, late fetus

9.5-10 lunar months, late fetus-neonate Neonate Neonate-1 week 9-9.5 lunar months, late fetus 4-5 months, infant 9.5-10 lunar months, late fetus 8-8.5 lunar months, fetus 8.5-9.5 lunar months, fetus 10 lunar months-neonate, fetus Neonate-1 month, infant

529

25 26 27 28

29 30

31 32 33 34 35 36

37 38 39 40a/b 41 (robber trench) 42 (robber trench) 43 (robber trench)

44 (robber trench)

Neonate-1 week, infant Neonate-2 weeks, infant 6-6.5 lunar months, fetus Neonate-2 weeks, infant 7-8 lunar months, fetus 9.5-10 lunar months, late fetus Neonate-2 weeks, infant 9-9.5 lunar months, late fetus 10 lunar months-2 weeks, neonate 9.5-10 lunar months 10 lunar months-neonate 2-3 years 9.5-10 lunar months, late fetus 6-6.5 lunar months, fetus 4-6 months, infant 4-6 months; birth-2 months, infants Birth-2 weeks, neonate Birth-2 weeks, neonate 9.5-10 lunar months, late fetus 9.5-10 lunar months, late fetus

Z o

TABLE 5: Principal Objects from Infant Cemetery (Figs. 78-79). OBJECT

BASKET NO.

ELEVATION

NO.

OBJECT

BASKET

Bone pin Bone pin Bone pin

98.02 97.27 98.30 98.09 98.12 97.19 98.32 97.66 98.34 98.69 97.96 98.51 98.26

28 29 30 31 32 33 34

7342 7380 7619 5196 5143 5174/6 6852

98.80 98.16 98.15 97.63 97.67 97.64 98.34

35 36 37 38 39

Dog D. Skull Dog Dog Dog Dog Dog incisor Fe nail Faience bead Cu link Pb Clamp Jug rim

4360 2912 4157 4161

99.80.84 99.55 98.50/IB3 98.91 98.88 98.40 98.92 99.00/TB23 99.05 97.26 98.16 98.00 98.65/IB33 98.60/IB33 98.80/IB3 98.89 99.87-99.15 99.79/1B40 99.52/1B40

2 Bone pins

11. 12. 13.

Bone pin Bone pin Bone pin

14.

Bone pin

7130

98.19

40

Cu handle

15.

Bone pin

16.

Bone pin

7727 7375

98.27: 98.50

41 42

Pitcher Brickstamp

17. 18. 19.

Bone spoon Bone pin Bone pin

7726

98.30

43

Amphora toe

20 21

Cu ring Cu bracelet

22. 23.

Cu ring Cu ring

5533 7743 8300 5526 6905 4065

98.83 98.28 98.85/1B22 98.86 98.93 98.99

44 45 46 47 48 49

Glass bead Fe Knife Tuyere Knucklebone Toad Raven talon

24. 25.

Coin Coin

4355

99.30

50

Bone doll

4307

99.70

51

2 Cu cauldrons

26. 27a

Dog Dog

6964

97.50

52a

Cookingpot Glass rim

Dog

98.05 98.40

52b

27b

7403 7362

o go

Os Ur da t9 Nr 10.

3082 5606 4689 5106 5104. 5610 4669 5146 4658 5043 7659 6807 . 6866

Bone pin Bone pin

Bone needle Bone pin Bone pin Bone pin

,

DaviD SOREN,

530

TODD

No.

7336

7405 7339 5721 4052: 8107 3068 7389 8704 7351 6510 5500 4342/3 None 8297

FENTON,

WALTER

ELEVATION

BIRKBY

CHAPTER 4

APPENDIX

TO CHAPTER

3: TOOL

MARKS

ON INFANT-BEARING

AMPHORAE

The amphorae used in burials in the infant cemetery of Poggio Gramignano were deliberately altered for burial use. An examination was conducted to attempt to determine the types of tools used. Four amphorae were cut open to be used as tombs. The complete African I “Piccolo” amphora (Basket 3242; IB 19) was the only one that was cut open and then completely reclosed (Plate 241). To do this the amphora was bisected horizontally,

approximately one quarter of the total length measured from the toe, with evenly spaced, repeated blows from a chisel. The chisel's point was roughly oval in cross-section. After the infant was placed inside, the toe was placed back onto the amphora and possibly even adhered in place, for a thick white accretion around the cut may have been the remains of plaster or an adhesive. A smaller, spatheion amphora (Basket 4705; IB 5) was found perpendicular to and touching the mouth of the preceding amphora and was also deliberately cut (Plates 237, 240). The neck of this amphora was chiselled off at the shoulder of the vessel. The point of the chisel used on this amphora was circular in cross-section. The chiselling did not proceed perfectly evenly around the vessel and the beginning and end of the cut do not match up exactly, showing hurried, inexact work. The neck section of this amphora was not kept; the open end of the amphora was sealed with two mortar stoppers probably reused from the deteriorating villa. An African amphora toe (Basket 6314; IB 9) that was associated with the two previous amphorae was also cut (Plate 242). This is the only example that was not chiselled but seemed instead to have been sawn open. It is difficult to ascertain how this amphora was cut since no clear tool marks remain on the cut edge. The horizontal cut is perfectly smooth and straight, and the long straight incised lines parallel to the cut edge that are found in some areas suggest the use of a saw. The upper section of this amphora was not found. The top half of a Keay Type XIX amphora (Basket 5916; IB 25) burial that was found inside a bowl (Basket 5917) is the final amphora that was deliberately cut (Plates 247-250). This amphora was also

chisel cut and the chisel used here had a sharp flat tip, rather than a round or oval point. Unlike the others, this amphora was not cut staight across horizontally. The cut dips down smoothly on one side, making a difference of about fifteen cms between the high and low points of the edge. The lower half of this amphora was not found. JANE WILLIAMS

531

CHAPTER

ANIMAL

BONE

5

REMAINS

INTRODUCTION

This chapter presents a detailed study of the animal bone remains recovered and collected during the excavations at Lugnano in Teverina. The potential of these finds is doubly significant, for not only can their analysis reveal important information about the economic and dietary activities of the ancient occupants but, in addition, the interesting collection of faunal remains associated with the infant cemetery can assist in illuminating our understanding of burial ritual and sacrifice in Roman Italy. As such, it is imperative to present clearly the methodology utilized in this analysis and the results obtained, prior to discussing and deriving conclusions. In efforts to “package” the data into manageable units for analysis I have designated four principal spatial/temporal groups as follows: pre-cemetery or pre-Period V — includes faunal materials collected from any context dated from Period I to Period IV V-cemetery or (within/inside)-cemetery — includes faunal materials collected from cemetery contexts (i.e. Rooms

10, 11/12,

15, 17) which have a date of Period V and are from well-sealed layers.

Thus, it is assumed that these levels are unambiguously part of the cemetery V-outside or outside-cemetery — includes faunal materials from well-sealed Period V levels which do not come from the cemetery contexts. post-cemetery ox post-Period V — includes faunal materials collected from any context dated as "surface", "Period VI^, and "Period V (with some contamination)". I have chosen to place the latter in amongst this group to avoid contaminating data from well-sealed Period V levels. Since it was impossible to know the exact degree of contamination for each context I thought it best to link this level to those above it (i.e. Period VI or surface), rather than jeopardize analyses of well-sealed Period V contexts. . For some aspects of the results and/or discussion, however, I make reference to finds from uncertain contexts. These span from Period II through to Period VI, and so have not been used in determining patterns of change through time. Finally, when discussing some economic aspects during Period V, I combine select materials from "V-cemetery" and "V-outside" above under the grand heading: Period V. METHODOLOGY

Recovery

There are principally two practical methods used to recover faunal materials in archaeological excavation — collection by hand in the trench, and collection in sieves. Although it is much more time-consuming, it is generally accepted that sieving produces a more representative sample since it facilitates the recovery of small, inconspicuous elements and fragments. A system of sieving the soil through 2.5mm screens was employed at Lugnano; most of the animal remains were recovered in this manner. However, not all deposits were screened with equal scrutiny. Extra attention was given to all cemetery deposits, while other, less critical contexts, such as surface levels, were not screened. 533

Taphonomy A variety of taphonomic factors were analyzed in efforts to understand better the nature of deposition and the post-depositional forces in operation. Any evidence of gnawing by rodents and carnivores was recorded along with the number of bones which showed evidence of exposure. Carnivores and rodents are known to disturb bone remains both vertically and horizontally, and can act to fragment and destroy many bone pieces. Bones that have been exposed to natural elements such as sunlight, wind and water at the surface often show characteristic evidence of bleaching and exfoliation.

Presumably the longer the element has been exposed the more pronounced the effects. Rapid burial of bone often protects it from these destructive processes and may increase its chances of surviving over time. In addition to these natural agents, cultural agents were also analyzed. Cut, chop, and saw marks were recorded and their effect on fragmenting and destroying the sample considered. Evidence for burning was also noted, but it was not always possible to determine if this effect was caused by human activity or was simply the result of some natural occurrence. Identifications Several levels of identifications were made. First, “identifiable” (ID) elements were distinguished from “unidentifiable” (UNID) elements. All of the ID elements were quantified and further studied

to determine species, anatomical element and proportion recovered or preserved, side, age, sex, butchery marks, condition, and metrical information, where possible. UNID elements were classified as mammal, avian, or other animal class, while the initial group was further subdivided into rib, long bone, vertebrae, or other skeletal part, from small-, medium-, or large-sized mammals. The majority of the ID material had been previously examined and catalogued by Stanley Olsen. I reviewed this material, adding new information, while identifying and cataloguing some earlier unanalyzed bones. Identifications were made with the help of the comparative faunal collections at the Arizona State Museum, the University of Alberta, as well as with a number of guides to animal bones. ! Caprine elements were distinguished to species using the criteria described in Boessneck, Kratochvil, Payne, and Prummel and Frisch. ? Where possible, the following parts of the skeleton were identified as sheep or goat: horn core, dp3, dp4, scapula, distal humerus, radius, proximal ulna, metapodials, proximal femur, distal tibia, calcaneus, astragalus, pelvis, and all phalanges. The shape of the enamel folds was used to identify equid teeth to species. ?

! T. AMorost, A Postcranial Guide to Domestic Neo-Natal and Juvenile Mammals; The Identification and Aging of Old World Species (Oxford, BAR International Series 533: 1989); R. BARONE, Anatomie Comparée des Mammiferes Domestiques (Paris: 1976); A. COHEN ahd D. SERIEANTSON. A Manual for the Identification of Bird Bones from Archaeological Sites (London: 1986); S. W. Hiison, Teeth. Cambridge Manuals in Archaeology (Cambridge: 1990); HiLtson, Mammal Bones and Teeth (London: 1992); L. PALES and C. LAMBERT, Atlas Ostéologique pour servir à l'identification des mammifères du Quaternaire. 1. Les Membres. Carnivores et Herbivores (Paris: 1971); PALES and M. A. GARCIA, Atlas Ostéologique pour servir à l'identification des mammifères du Quaternaire. 11. Téte- Rachis, Ceintures Scapulaire el Pelvienne, Membres. Carnivores, Hommes, Herbivores (Paris:

1981); W. PRUMMEL,

“Atlas for the Identification of Foetal Skeletal Elements

of Cattle, Horse, Sheep and Pig. Part I,”

Archaeozoologica I: 1 (1987) 23-30; PRUMMEL, W., “Atlas for the Identification of Foetal Skeletal Elements of Cattle, Horse, Sheep and Pig, Part 2," Archaeozoologica 1:2 (1987) 11-41; E. SCHMID, Atlas of Animal Bones (Amsterdam: 1972). 2 J. BoESSNECK, "Osteological differences between sheep (Ovis aries) and goat (Capra hircus)," in D. BROTHWELL and E. S. HiGGS, Science in Archaeology (London: 1969) pp. 331-358; Z. KRATOCHVIL, "Species Criteria on the Distal Section of the Tibia in Ovis ammon F. aries I. and Capra aegagrus F. hircus L., "Acta Veterinaria (Brno) 38 (1969) 483-490; S. PAYNE, "Morphological Distinctions Between the Mandibular Teeth of Young Sheep, Ovis, and Goats, Capra," Journal of Archaeological Science 12 (1985) 139-147; W. PRUMMEL, and H. J. FRISCH, “A Guide for the Distinction of Species, Sex and Body Side in Bones of Sheep and Goat," Journal of Archaeological Science 13 (1986) 567-577. 3V. EISENMANN, "Étude des dents iugales inférieures des Equus (Mammalia, Perissodactyla) actuels et fossiles," Palaeovertebrata

534

10 (1981)

127-226.

Quantification There are three main methods of quantification thai are commonly used in faunal analyses: the number of identified specimens or fragments (NISP), the minimum number of individuals (MNI) and the weight (of the bones and in terms of the amount of meat potentially represented). While much debate centers on the reliability and validity of each method in approximating the actual liveratios and statistics of the animals they enumerate I felt that by using all these methods and comparing results that a more valuable impression of the relative proportions of the taxa might be obtained. 4 NISP was counted in two ways: NISP (or NISP1) is a count of the actual number of separate pieces recovered, whereas NISP2 was calculated counting even teeth in the maxilla or mandible. 5 Thus, the NISP count of a mandible with four teeth is 1, while its NISP2 count is 5 (4 teeth+the mandible fragment itself). The method used to calculate the MNI incorporated information on the side, proportion, age, sex, and size of all diagnostic bones of a species. A preliminary MNI figure was calculated based on the side and proportion of a diagnostic bone. To this was added the number of animals which, on the basis of that same bone, must be from different animals.

For example,

five right humeri with

fused proximal epiphyses would be from different animals than three left humeri with unfused proximal epiphyses. The total MNI figure here would be eight. Finally, to this figure was added information from all other bones of that species which must, again on the basis of age, sex, and size, be from

different animals. Continuing with the example above, perhaps there were also two right mandibles (and not humeri) in the sample which were clearly from fetal individuals. Adding two to the eight above would bring the total MNI to ten. The resulting MNI figure was felt to approximate best the actual number of individuals of the species in question. In the calculation I assumed that the remains of any one individual might have been found in any context of the same temporal/spatial group listed above (i.e. pre-, post-, inside- and outside-cemetery). Therefore, my MNI values presumably reflect the absolute minimum number of individuals represented within each temporal/spatial group. Finally, weight of bones was only used as it related to meat and offal weight estimates (MOW). The method utilized took into consideration the varying amounts of meat and consumable materials (such as intestines, liver, brain, tongue, etc.) available from animals of different ages as proposed by Vigne. 6 Aging and Sexing: The age at death of the animals was calculated in two main ways: first, on the basis of the evidence, and secondly on the basis of dental eruption and wear sequences. The fusion stage of both cranial and post-cranial bones was recorded for all species. An ysis was described as "fused" when it remained joined to the diaphysis, even though the fusion might not be fully closed. "Unfused" specimens were further aged as either noticeably recently newborn, or simply older than that. Approximate ages for fusion follow Silver. 7 Bird bones with incompletely ossified or growing ends were recorded as "immature". Several systems of aging mandibular teeth which record wear on dp4, Pss,

and. molars

fusion epiphline of fetal or

of cattle,

caprines, and pigs were used. In all cases both isolated teeth and those in mandibles were consid-

^T. J. RINGROSE, "Bone Counts and Statistics: a Critique," Journal of Archaeological Science 20 (1993) 121-157. 5 U. ALBARELLA, "The Fauna," in U. ALBARELLA, V. CEGLIA and P. ROBERTS, eds., "San Giacomo

degli Schiavoni (Molise): an

Earlv Fifth Century AD Deposit of Potterv and Animal Bones from Central Adriatic Italy," Papers of the British School at Rome 61, 1 (1993) 203-230. 61. D. VIGNE, "The Meat and Offal Weight (NIOW) Method and the Relative Proportion of Ovicaprines in Some Ancient Meat Diets of the North-western Mediterranean," Rivista di Studi Liguri 57 (1991) 21-47. 7 J. A. Sitver, "The Ageing of Domestic Animals," in BROTHWELL and Hiccs, 1969, pp. 283-302.

535

ered. In the first system, tooth wear stages follow Grant for cattle, pigs and sheep/goats. 8 In the second system, they follow those of Payne for sheep/goats. ° In the final system, they follow the criteria proposed by Steele and enhanced by myself for pigs. !? Sexual data were recorded, where possible, based on distinct morphological and size differences among the representative bones characteristic of sexual dimorphism. There are only a few osteological differences between male and female sheep/goats. !! Of these, the shape of the pelvis and the shape of the astragalus proved most useful with the Lugnano material. For pigs, it is possible to distinguish boars from sows on the basis of upper and lower canine teeth, or the size and shape of the alveolus left by these teeth in the maxilla or mandible. For Domestic fowl, the presence of a spur on the tarsometatarsal bone indicates a cock. Measurement

Measurements of animal bones can often assist in separating different species or sexes within a species, as well as in the assessment of size variations among breeds. Those taken on the Lugnano sample are listed in appendix 1. In general, these follow the system suggested by von den Driesch, 12 but with some exceptions: pig dental measurements follow Payne and Bull; 13 equid cheek teeth follow Levine. 14 All measurements are in millimeters (mm) unless otherwise noted. Several calculations using the various measurements were performed in efforts to estimate general size or withers height. Formulae for withers height calculations are summarized in von den Driesch and Boessneck. 15 Those used in the Lugnano analysis include Teichert 16 for sheep/goats and pigs, and Harcourt for canids. 17 Butchery The position, angle, and depth of all butchery marks was noted and each described as ‘chop’ if it was noticeably deep and v-grooved (i.e. caused by a cleaver or chopper), ‘cut’ if it was shallow (i.e. caused by a knife), or ‘saw’if a saw had been applied. Marks were further analyzed as they related to contemporary and ancient strategies of slaughter and butchery, in efforts to determine processes, pattern, practice, and skill-level of the butcher. 18 |

| 8 A. GRANT, “The Use of Tooth Wear as a Guide to the Age of Domestic Ungulates." in B. WILSON, C. GRIGSON, and S. PAYNE, eds., Ageing and Sexing Animal Bone From Archaeological Sites. Oxford: BAR British Series 109 (1982). ? S. PAYNE, "Kill off Patterns of Sheep and Goats: the Mandibles from Asvan Kale,” Anatolian Studies 23 (1973) 281-303; PAYNE, "Reference Codes for Wear states in the Mandibular Cheek Teeth of Sheep and Goats," Journal of Archaeological Science 14 (1987) 609-614. 10 D. G. STEELE, "The Analysis of Animal Remains from Two Late Roman Middens at San Giovani di Ruoti,” in M. GUALTIERI, M. SALVATORE,

and A. M. SMALL,

eds., Lo Scavo di San

Giovanni di Ruoti ed il Periodo Tardo-Antica

in Basilicata

(Bari: 1983) pp. 75-84; M. R. MACKINNON, forthcoming. The Mammalian Remains from San Giovanni di Ruoti. 11 BOESSNECK 1969; PRUMMEL and FRISCH 1986. _ 12 A. VON DEN DRIESCH, A Guide to the Measurement of Animal Bones ftom Archaeological Sites (Cambridge, Mass., Peabody Museum

Bulletin 1: 1976).

| 13 S. PayNe, and G. BuiL, "Components of Variation in the Measurements of Pig Bones and Teeth, and the Use of Measurements to Distinguish Wild from Domestic Pig Remains," Archaeozoologia 2: 1,2 (1988) 27-66. 14 M. LEVINE,

"The Use of Crown Height Measurements

and Eruption-wear Sequences

to Age Horse Teeth," in WILSON,

GRIGSON, and PayNE 1982, pp. 223-249. . 15 A. VON DEN DRIESCH, and J. BOESSNECK, "Kritische Ammerkungen zur Widerrist-hóhenberechnung aus Langenmassen vor- und frügeschichtlicher Tierknochen.” Saziergetierkundliche Mittelingen 22 (4) (1974) 325-348.

16 TEICHERT, M. “Osteometrische Untersuchungen zur Berechnung der Widerristhóhe bei vor- und frühgeschichtlichen Schweinen," Kühn-Archiv 93 (1969) 237-292; TEICHERT, "Osteometrische Untersuchungen zur Berechnung der Widerristhóhe

bei Schafen," in A. T. CLASON, ed., Archaeozoological Studies (Amsterdam: 1975) pp. 51-69. 7 R. A. Harcourt, “The dog in prehistoric and early historic Britain,” Journal of Archaeological Science 1 (1974) 151-175. 18 R. W. PECK, Applying Contemporary Analogy to the Understanding of Animal Processing Behaviour on Roman Villa Sites. Unpublished Ph. D. Dissertation (University of Southampton. 1986).

536

RESULTS Preservation,

Taphonomy and Recovery

Since screens were extensively employed it is assumed that recovery of materials was fairly good. Although some contexts, and particularly the cemetery, were screened more often, trench excavators were quite vigilant and aware of collecting all visible materials, even the most inconspicuous ones. The recovery of tiny teeth and bones from both screened and unscreened deposits suggests that recovery did not vary too dramatically to seriously affect the characteristics of the different assemblages and therefore negate comparisons among the four temporal/spatial groups. While in general it appears that the preservation of the bone was fairly good, there are some differences among the samples from the four temporal/spatial groups, depending on which taphonomic factor is considered. Fig. 306 displays the relative frequency of two of these variables: carnivore gnawing and surface exposure. Examples of carnivore gnawed bones range from a very low level of 3.1% among all cemetery bones to relatively high levels of 9.1% outside the cemetery and 9.4% in the postcemetery group. These figures are based on the analysis of mammalian remains which would be considered more palatable or at least large enough for a carnivore to chew. Thus, they do not include isolated teeth or tiny rodent bones. In actuality, however, it seems that carnivores were possibly much more selective, or at least could not get at certain bones, especially those in the cemetery. None of the large sample of canid bones from the cemetery shows any indication of carnivore gnawing. The incidence of surface exposure (Fig. 306) displays a similar pattern to that shown for carnivore-gnawing. Again, the cemetery bones have the lowest relative frequency of exposed examples (3.196) while those from other categories are five to six times more numerous (pre-cemetery: 19.446, outside cemetery: 18.2%, post cemetery: 15.3%). Even when all canid remains are not considered, the frequency of exposed bones from the cemetery is still conse less (i.e. 5.6%) than those from the other categories. Only three elements, all pig metapodials and all from the cemetery group, showed any indication of gnawing by rodents. Teeth are generally the most durable faunal elements andy assuming whole animals were discarded, may indicate the degree of post-depositional destruction of the remaining skeleton. In addition, the frequency of teeth, and especially isolated teeth, certainly helps indicate the degree of fragmentation of the sample. Fig. 307 displays the relative frequency of teeth to all bones recovered, and the relative frequency of isolated teeth to all teeth for the four groups. Avian and rodent elements were not included in this analysis. The results show that teeth were generally very common finds, especially in the outside-cemetery group where they account for 72.5% of the identified sample. However, the ranking of the four groups changes when the relative frequencies of isolated teeth are compared. The cemetery group displays a much lower incidence of isolated teeth than all other groups, thereby suggesting that fragmentation was not as pronounced in the cemetery as elsewhere. Quantification and Frequency of Species A sample of 3821 fragments of animal bone was studied, of which 1416 could be identified to ele-

ment and species (or at least family). The distribution of species by NISP and MNI among the various temporal/spatial groupings is given in table 1. A fairly broad range of species was present. However, their numbers and distribution vary depending on the quantifying variable and temporal/spatial group considered. In terms of actual numbers, the remains from the cemetery represent 72.390 of all NISP, while pre-cemetery, outside-cemetery, and post-cemetery categories only represent 3.296, 4.096, and 10.796 of the total respectively. This imbalance in sample sizes must always be considered when comparing groups. In terms of species, generally the remains of domestic and consumable animals such as cattle, sheep/goat, pigs and chickens predominate. Deer add fairly substantial NISP numbers to the pre- and post-cemetery contexts, but are virtually absent from other levels. The reverse is true for canids, which clearly predominate NISP figures in the cemetery category. In addition, more remains from small rodents were identified from cemetery contexts than elsewhere. 537

Although the absolute values are much smaller, the patterns mentioned above for NISP figures usually remain the same when MNI values are considered, but with some major exceptions. As seen in table 2, the MNI value for pigs in the cemetery group is twice that for dogs, while the difference in deer values among the groups is not as great as that implied by NISP figures. The distribution of the remaining 2405 UNID fragments is shown in table 3. Consistent with the analysis of ID bones, the greatest number of UNID pieces derives from the cemetery contexts, of which the remains of medium-sized mammals (i.e. pigs, caprines, dogs) predominate. Generally for all categories ribs are more numerous than vertebrae, but long-bone fragments are the most plentiful. In addition, for all contexts and animal size range there is also a fairly large number of fragments from the "other" group, which is dominated by unidentifiable skull pieces. These are considerably high for large-sized mammals (i.e. equids, cattle, deer) from the cemetery and post-cemetery contexts. Individual species will be discussed below. To gain a better understanding of the contribution of the primary species I have calculated mean relative frequency (MRF) figures for each by averaging the respective frequency values for NISP and MNI figures shown in table 1. MRF figures are given in table 3. ΑἹ] rodent species, wild birds, amphibians and fish have been excluded from these calculations because it is assumed they did not contribute significantly to the diet or economy of the site. Including them would have skewed the cemetery results, making that group incompatible with the others. Nevertheless, MRF figures are meant solely as a guide to demarcating trends in the data, and offer only an approximation of actual live animal numbers as based on the recovered bone remains. Cattle

Based on MRF figures, cattle account for roughly 7.696 of the primary species in the pre-cemetery contexts, 4.1% in the cemetery contexts, 6.6% outside the cemetery, and 22.4% in post-cemetery levels. The general pattern remains consistent when MOW values are compared, but cattle contribute a far greater proportion of the meat represented than MRF figures would suggest. As shown in table 4, cattle account for 30.4% of the total MOW in pre-cemetery contexts, 19.2% in the cemetery contexts, 44.696 outside.the cemetery, and 56.596 in post-cemetery levels. The distribution of different parts of the skeleton of cattle for the four temporal/spatial groups is shown in table 5. The samples for the pre- and outside-cemetery contexts are extremely small and represent only scattered fragments of some of the more durable elements of cattle such as teeth and ends of long-bones. More complete cattle skeletons, however, are represented among the remains from the cemetery and post-cemetery groups. The presence of all parts of the skeleton, including heads and feet, supports the assumption that the remains of at least one whole cow or ox was discarded as fill in the cemetery. A second whole animal may be attested by the distribution of remains in the post-cemetery levels. However, the recovery of additional teeth and femur fragments suggest the remains of other cattle were scattered around the site during this time. The wear stages of individual teeth are given in table 6. The few teeth recovered generally show evidence of marked wear, suggesting that the cattle had been killed at a mature age. Such a profile is supported by an analysis of the fusion data (table 7). Most of the cattle long-bones recovered have fused epiphysis; some, like the distal femur, do not fuse until the animal is older than 3.5 years. Individual measurements of cattle teeth and bones are listed in appendix 1. There are very few bones for which the greatest length (GL) could be measured. However, those that could, including an astragalus and a few phalanges, suggest that the cattle from Period V, contemporary with the deposition of the cemetery, were averaged-sized individuals compared to Roman cattle in northern Italy (Audoin-Rouzeau gives a withers height mean range of 120-134 cm for Roman Italian breeds of cattle). 19 The data further suggest that pre-cemetery cattle were smaller and less robust than those from

19 A. RIEDEL, "Ergebnisse von archáozoologischen Untersuchungen im Raum zwischen Adriaküste und Alpenhauptkamm (Spátneolothikum bis sum Mittelalter). Padusa 22: 1, 2, 3, 4 (1986) 1-159; F. AuboIN-ROUZEAU, F., La Taille du Boeuf Domestique en Europe de l'Antiquité aux Temps Modernes (Paris: 1991).

538

Period V, while post-cemetery cattle were generally smaller but much more variable than those from other groups, as based on comparisons of a very small sample of radius and phalanx measurements. Finally, the location of the butchery marks on individual cattle bones is shown in fig. 295. Sheep/goat Sheep/goat MRF figures range from 9.7% in the cemetery, to 13.2% and 16.1% in the outsideand post-cemetery groups respectively, to 18.2% in the pre-cemetery group. Sheep/goat MOW values in table 4 are close to MRF figures for the cemetery and outside-cemetery groups (MOW values of 10.6% and 12.3%, respectively). However, sheep/goats contribute slightly less to the total MOW than might be extrapolated from MRF figures for the other two groups (MOW frequencies of 12.5% in pre-cemetery and 6.5% in the post-cemetery group). As presented in table 8, more of the bones identified where species could be determined were from sheep rather than from goats. However, the ratios are not consistent and again sample sizes are much too small for truly unbiased results. Nevertheless, the data suggest that about 3 times as many sheep to goats were killed during the pre- and post-cemetery periods, while a relatively more equal ratio, with only a slight predominance of sheep, exists for Period V. The distribution of different parts of the skeleton of sheep/goats for the four temporal/spatial categories is given in table 9. Based on the recovery of elements from most parts of the sheep/goat skeleton in the cemetery and post-cemetery levels it would appear that relatively whole animals were discarded at this time. In the cemetery level, teeth are the most common find, not surprisingly since there are relatively more of them, compared to other bones in the body, and they preserve well. In the pre- and outside-cemetery groups, however, only scattered sheep/goat elements were recovered, with no apparent patterning.

The wear stages of individual mandibular dp4s, Pas, and molars according to the systems devised by Grant and Payne are given in tables 10 and 11 respectively. Only the cemetery group produced enough teeth to age, but even this sample is still small. The span of recorded stages across the table suggests that sheep/goats were killed at all ages. However, the clustering around stages d-h and l-m indicates that some scheduling might have occurred, where middle-aged and elderly sheep/goats were killed. Lambs and kids do not seem to be important since very few deciduous teeth were recovered and none of the teeth used in the analysis above derived from young animals. The bone fusion data for sheep/goats (table 12) agrees with the general age pattern suggested from the analysis of their dentition. Most of the individuals killed were relatively elderly, the majority older than 3.5 years, based on numerous examples of fused, late-fusing epiphyses. Some middleaged sheep/goats had also perished, but lamb and kid remains are virtually absent. Information about the sex of the sheep and goats represented is very limited. In the total sample of bones only a single astragalus can be distinguished as male based on the morphological criteria of Boessneck (1969). The measurements of the sheep/goat bones do not show any clear bimodal pattern, often indicative of sexual size variation.

Individual measurements of sheep/goat bones are listed in appendix 1. Samples are extremely small, but measures from Period V deposits at Lugnano accord with those from other Roman period sites in Italy 20 as well as averaged values for Roman sheep in Italy (withers height range: 67-72 cm, according to Audoin-Rouzeau).?! However, measures from several metapodials suggest that Lugnano sheep/goats generally fall at the lower end of this range. Lastly, the location of butchery marks on sheep/goat bones is shown in fig. 308. 20 ALBARELLA

1993; P. BAKER, “La Fauna," in G. P. BROGIOLO, and L. CASTELLETTI, eds., Archeologia a Monte Barro: I. Il

Grande Edificio e le Torri (Lecce: 1991) pp. 53-167; A. C. KING, P. A. RHODES, K. REILLY, and K. D. THomas,

AA. VV., Settefinestre: una villa schiavistica nell'Etruria romana. Vol. ΠῚ (Modena: WarsoN,

"The

Mammals,"

in A. M.

SMALL,

ed., An Iron Age and Roman

Republican

“I resti animali,” in

1985) pp. 278-305; RIEDEL Settlement

on Botromagno:

1986; J.P: N. Gravina

di

Puglia. Excavations of 1965-1974. Vol. 1. The Site (London: 1992) pp. 93-120. 21 E, AUDOIN-RouzEAU, La Taille du Mouton en Europe de l'antiquité aux Temps Modernes (Paris: 1991).

539

Pigs

Pigs are either the most or second-most common animal in all groups, depending on the quantifying variable used. Based on MRF figures they represent 27.3% of the mammals in the pre-cemetery group, 35.6% in both the cemetery and outside-cemetery groups, and 29.1% in post-cemetery contexts. However, in terms of actual numbers, far more pigs were recovered in the cemetery than all other contexts combined. Pig MOW frequencies are slightly different than MRF figures. As shown in table 4, pigs account for 24.3% of the total MOW in the pre-cemetery group, 59.8% in the cemetery group, 42.4% outside the cemetery, and 23.2% in post-cemetery contexts. The evidence supports the hypothesis that pork was especially important to the diet and economy during Period V. The distribution of different parts of the skeleton of pigs for all four temporal/spatial groups is given in table 13. The pattern is fairly similar to that shown for both cattle (table 5) and sheep/goats (table 9) in that (i) teeth generally predominate and (ii) relatively whole animals appear to have been deposited in the cemetery levels whereas more fragmented remains were collected from pre-cemetery and outside-cemetery contexts. In the post-cemetery levels, however, there is an absence of elements from the cranium, pelvis, scapula, and most of the hind limb. This might suggest internment of select parts, or differential destruction of pig elements collected from these contexts, but may also be a factor of the small sample size. The wear stages of individual teeth following the system devised by Grant are given in table 14, while the age profiles, calculated using the criteria of the nine stage mandibular eruption and wear sequence (appendix 2) are given in table 15. The results indicate that pigs were killed, or died, at all stages of life, from birth to adulthood, but equal numbers did not perish at each stage. According to MNI % surviving statistics approximately 48% of pigs in the cemetery contexts were killed prior to stage 6 (i.e. before ca. 1.5 years), while 33% were killed at middle ages (stages 6 and 7, ca. 2-2.5 years), with only 1996 surviving beyond that. This pattern, however, is not seen, outside the cemetery levels in all other contexts where relatively more older pigs are noted. Thus, the dental data suggest that relatively (and absolutely) more young pigs were deposited in the cemetery than elsewhere. The bone fusion data for pigs are presented in table 16. Even though sample sizes are small in many cases, the results offer some support for the killing of relatively older pigs in all but the cemetery contexts. According to the fusion data, approximately 6896 of the cemetery pigs had been killed as immature individuals under 1 year of age, while about 84% had been killed before they had reached 2 years of age, with almost all killed before reaching about 3 years of age. Table 17 shows the number of male and female pigs as identified from recovered permanent canine teeth. Again sample sizes are small for all but the cemetery group, but overall the data show that males predominate. In the cemetery, the ratio of male to female pigs is fairly consistent regardless of the tooth considered. Both mandibular and maxillary canines suggest a ratio of about 1.5 males to every female. Table 18 displays the frequency of male and female permanent canines for the various dental developmental stages (from appendix 2). The data show that males were generally killed at younger ages, while females were allowed to attain older ages. Although no deciduous canine teeth were recovered which might indicate the sex of pigs killed before the eruption of the permanent canine at stage 4, based on these results it is assumed that many; if not all of the stage 1-3 pigs represented in table 15 are males. Furthermore, for males at least, the table 18 data appear to indicate that those individuals not killed before ca. 1 year were not slaughtered until reaching at least stage 7 (ca. 2 years). This pattern may indicate a seasonal slaughtering schedule for males, which does not appear to exist for females. Individual measurements of pig teeth and bones are listed in appendix 1, while summary of the measurements taken on mandibular and maxillary teeth from Period V is presented in table 19. Teeth predominate, and as such yielded valuable information about the size and species of pig at Lugnano. The data in table 19 indicate that all of the Period V pigs at Lugnano were domestic pigs, 540

since all figures fall within the accepted range for domestic swine. 22 However, the measurements lie at the upper end compared to domestic pigs from other late Roman period sites in Italy), suggesting that the Lugnano pigs were larger than normal. 23 Table 19 further shows that pigs from pre-cemetery contexts were generally smaller than Period V individuals as based on the few measurement obtained from molar teeth, while those from post-cemetery levels seem to indicate pigs got even larger at this time. The remains of wild boars do not seem to be prevalent amongst the pig bones. Only two fragments — the proximal end of a radius from a level of uncertain date, and the proximal end of an ulna from within the cemetery -- are large enough to belong to wild boars. Most of the pig bones collected were far too fragmented to allow for the approximation of withers heights based on GL measurements. However, several complete long-bone diaphyses from juvenile pigs were recovered from the cemetery levels. Withers height calculations were performed on this sample of 4 humeri, 2 tibiae and 1 femur, using the coefficients proposed by Teichert, 24 only as a very rough guide to size variation amongst these juvenile individuals. Teicherts formulae were developed to be used with measurements from complete and fused long-bones of adult pigs, and not unfused diaphyses from immature pigs. Nevertheless, the calculations performed give a size range of between ca. 16 to ca. 30 cm. for the height of the juvenile pigs in the cemetery. Adult Roman pigs trom other Roman period sites in Italy average about 70 cm. 25 Finally, the location of all butchery marks on pig bones is shown in fig. 308. Equids The remains from horses, asses and mules are relatively infrequent among the four temporal/ spatial groups. Even so, four times as many bones were recovered from the cemetery levels than from all other contexts combined. There are not enough equid fragments recovered or any other indications to suggest that whole animals were interred. Individuals are represented solely by several scattered pieces, most of which are teeth. One ass is distinguished on the basis of several molar teeth recovered from the cemetery, while two other molar teeth from post-cemetery levels are definitely from a horse. A breakdown of ages of equids for each group is listed in table 20. The eruption, wear sequence, and crown height of the mandibular and maxillary teeth provided the most specific information. Mature equids predominate, half of which are older than 10 years. The only young individuals present are the horse from the post-cemetery group (ca. 5-6 years) and an unspecified equid from cemetery levels (3.5-4 years). Fusion data are sparse but generally support the results of the dental analysis. All the epiphyses of long-bones were fused which indicates and age of older than 4-5 years. Individual measurements of equid teeth and bones are listed in appendix 1. Withers heights could not be calculated since no complete long-bones were recovered. However, the fact that breadth

measurements from a tibia, radius, and metatarsal found in the cemetery levels are relatively small compared to those from horse remains collected at sites in northern Italy, might suggest that these bones derive from an ass. 26

Finally, four equid (probably ass) elements collected from cemetery levels show definite chop marks. One radius/ulna piece had been chopped at its proximal margin and then broken to remove the proximal end, while a second radius had a chop mark halfway down the shaft. A metacarpal had a chop-mark on the trochlear condyle. And a metatarsal showed evidence of being chopped and gouged near its proximal end. 22 MACKINNON, forthcoming; PayNE and BULL 1988. 23 MACKINNON, forthcoming. 24 TEICHERT 1969. 25 ALBARELLA 1993; BAKER 26 RIEDEL 1986.

1991; KING ef al., 1985; RIEDEL 1986; WATSON

1992.

541

Canids

Bones identified as belonging to domestic dogs largely dominated the collection of faunal remains recovered from the cemetery, but were extremely minor finds in all other contexts from the site. In total, 356 elements were identified as canid of which 347 (97%) derive from the cemetery. There appears to be some spatial organization to the canid remains since the bulk of them was found in that part of the cemetery where premature or neonate infants had been interred. However, they are not isolated in any one level or context. Rather their remains were discovered at virtually all levels of the infant cemetery, from top to bottom. Unlike the majority of the bones of other animals found at the site, many of the canid remains from the cemetery at Lugnano probably represent the internment of complete or fairly complete animals. Fortunately, detailed excavation records allowed for the reconstruction of many of the individuals and subsequent analysis of the bones themselves provided clues about the age, breed and size of the animal,

as well as information about the conditions

surrounding its death and burial.

However, there are also isolated canid bone pieces and remains of incomplete animals, for which full circumstances and details about the animals death, burial and post-burial history are impossible to determine. The age of the canids was determined on the basis of eruption and wear of dentition and size and state of fusion of the remaining bones. According to Sisson and Grossman, ?/ and depending on the tooth, canid deciduous teeth generally erupt when the puppy is between 3 and 5 weeks, and are replaced by permanent teeth between 4-6 months. Early fusing epiphyses, all of which generally fuse between 6 and 8 months, include the distal humerus, proximal radius, distal metapodials, proximal phalanx 1 and 2, and pelvis acetabulum. Most other epiphyses do not fuse until the dog is about 1418 months. 28 Therefore, based on these statistics it appears that most of the canid bones recovered

from the cemetery at Lugnano were from puppies older than 5 weeks but younger than 4-6 months. Teeth were not always found, since it appears some puppies may have lacked parts, or all of their heads. However, those teeth analyzed, which belonged to any of the complete or fairly complete individuals represented, were practically all deciduous, thereby fixing the ages at between ca 4 weeks to 4-6 months. The only exception was a xight and left half of a canid mandible found in Room 11/12 (=puppy #10 below) which contained recently erupted but slightly worn permanent second molar teeth. This individual was aged at about 6-7 months. The fusion evidence supports the dental analysis. With one exception, all of the canids are represented by various unfused elements belonging to the early-fusing group, thereby limiting their age to under 4-6 months. The only exception is the remains of an apparently headless dog found in Room 15 (=immature dog below), which includes examples of fused early-fusing epiphyses as well as two calcanei in early stages of fusion. Thus, this individual is approximately 14 months. The sex of the canids cannot be positively determined. In no case is the baculum (or penis bone) present. However, this need not imply that all the puppies were female as this bone is quite small and fragile in male canids as young as those recovered at Lugnano. No complete skulls were present, which may have provided valuable information about the dog breed(s) represented. However, a number of complete mandibles show evidence that they were somewhat short-faced due to the fact that the teeth are crowded along the alveolar margin with the last molar being positioned upwards along the base of the ascending ramus. E crowding is ae shown on a maxilla recovered from Room 11/12. The remains of at least 12 puppies (all less than 6 months old) and at least one immature dog (about

14 months) were uncovered in Rooms

10, 11/12, and

15 in the cemetery. These have been

given numeric labels: puppies #1-#3 were found in Room 10, puppies #4-#10 in Rooms 11/12, while puppies #11-#12 and the immature dog were found in Room 15. All of these individuals are in vari-

27 S, Sisson, and J. D. Grossman, The Anatomv of Domestic Animats, 4th edition (London: 1966).

28 AMOROSI 1989.

542

ous states of completeness. Therefore rather than list the various elements from each I have decided instead to demarcate them on skeletal templates as shown in figs. 309, 310. Traces of additional fragmentary dog remains were also uncovered in the cemetery, and include the following: Room

10

1 — Locus

1005. Baskets 4544, 5102, 5143. Axis (distal epiphysis is unfused), 2 vertebrae (UN), 1

permanent canine tooth, slightly worn. Age: ca. 12 months. This collection probably represents disturbed pieces of the same individual. 2 — Locus 707. Basket 3080. R tibia (ON), R ilium (UN). Age: ca. 4 months. Room

11/12

3 — Loci 851, 852. Baskets 4912, 4160. R, L ulna (UN), R femur (UN), L scapula (UN). Age: ca. 4

months 4 — Locus 954. Baskets 4395, 6515. Cranial fragments, L humerus (UN), metapodial fragment. Age: ca. 4 months. 5 - Locus 1410. Baskets 7413, 7430. 3 vertebrae fragments (UN), R scapula fragment (UN). Age: 5-6 months. 6 - Locus 464. Baskets 4922. Permanent canine tooth, slightly worn. Age: ca. 6 months. 7 — Locus 452. Basket 2147. proximal fragment of metatarsal 3. Age: ca. 6 months. 8 — Locus 1350, 1352. Baskets 6912, 6915, 7703, 7708. Thoracic vertebra fragment (UN), phalanx 2 (F), phalanx 1 (F), R metatarsal 5 (F), permanent canine tooth. All remains from a relatively small-

sized dog. Age: 6-24 months. 9 — Locus 1051. Basket 5263. Phalanx 2 (F). Age: ca. 6 months 10 — Locus 1350. Basket 6903. R ulna, proximal end (UN). Age: 4-5 months. Room 15 11 — Locus 1303. Basket 6852. Permanent incisor tooth. Age: older than 6 months. 12 — Locus 1308. Basket 7627. L femur (UN). Age: ca. 4 months. Room

17

13 — Locus

1608. Basket 8277. Proximal end of R femur (F). Ages: at least 18 months.

14 — Locus 1608. Basket 8255. Proximal end of R metacarpal 5 (UN). Age: ca. 6 months. There are no pathological indications on the canid bones to conclude the puppies or dogs were malnourished or subject to any other stress. They appear to be fairly healthy individuals, but this remains to be confirmed histologically. There are no cut marks on any of the canid bones from any of these contexts, nor any evidence of burning, which might definitely indicate the cause of death or post-mortem treatment of the individuals by human agents. Outside the cemetery context canid bones were extremely scarce. These include several isolated teeth from a dog of about one year old from the outside-cemetery group, a femur and two vertebrae fragments (ca. 1 year) from post-cemetery levels, and two tibiae and two metatarsal bones from a context of uncertain date. The tibiae (both from mature dogs, older than 18 months) are very short (withers height of ca. 30 cm.) and probably belong to a small, pet dog, which could fit in one's lap. The smaller size suggests they were from a different breed from those in the cemetery. Cat

"The humerus of a domestic cat of small or average size was found outside the cemetery (but in a context of uncertain date). It was broken and regrown two-thirds of the way down the shaft. An injury of this type to a front limb of a felid would almost certainly be fatal to a wild animal. It wouldn't 543

have been able to pounce and grasp wild game with its front paw. If fed it would have survived as it did. This injury was most likely sustained as the result of a kick. This has been observed for both dogs and cats when mistreated” (Olsen n.d.). Deer

Red deer are more prevalent finds than Roe deer in all spatial/temporal groups. However, aside from a single phalanx recovered from the cemetery, their remains are restricted to pre- and postcemetery levels, with MRF values of 28.896 and 8.7% respectively. (Compare with MRF value of 0.8% for all of Period V).

The collection of the Red deer elements in the pre- and post-cemetery contexts is generally dominated by bones from the lower extremities (i.e. metapodials, carpals, tarsals and phalanges), and antler pieces. These are considered waste elements since they are not associated with abundant or quality meat, and therefore suggest that Red deer were butchered with the meatier sections perhaps removed and disposed of elsewhere. However, the presence of a humerus, scapula, and tibia fragment, as well as parts of a maxilla, in the post-cemetery contexts, confuse this assumption. Regardless of the contexts and bones the data show that all epiphyses were fused, and permanent dentition erupted, both of which indicate that mature Red deer, at least older than 2 years, were killed. 29

Several Red deer elements showed evidence of being chopped. An astragalus from a post-cemetery context had been chopped on the lateral edge, while two tibiae, also from post-cemetery levels had also been chopped - one at its distal end, the other at the proximal end. Finally, the phalanx 2 recovered from the cemetery had been chopped at its proximal end. Roe deer remains were very infrequent finds in all contexts. Single individuals are noted in preand post-cemetery groups as well as from within the cemetery, but this is often based on single, isolated bone pieces, including an antler fragment, molar tooth and mandible piece (from post-cemetery), molar tooth (cemetery) and metatarsal fragment (pre-cemetery).

Individual measurements of all deer elements are listed in appendix 1. Although no lengths could be measured or withers heights calculated, breadth measurements indicate that the Lugnano deer were similar in size to others recovered from Roman period sites in Italy. 50 Hare and Rabbit Bones from hares and rabbits were uncommon, and generally restricted to cemetery contexts. Hare remains were more frequent than those of rabbits, the latter represented by only a single element. Badger Three badger bones, including a mandible with worn dentition, were recovered from a context of uncertain date, outside of the cemetery. RODENTS

Beaver A single complete molar tooth from a beaver were found within Room 11 of the cemetery, but in a level which may have been contaminated by post-cemetery deposits. In addition, an isolated beaver ulna was recovered outside the cemetery in post-cemetery levels.

29 V. P.W. Lowe, “Teeth as Indicators of Age with Special Reference to Red Deer (Cervus elaphus) of Known Age from Rhum," Journal of Zoology 152 (1967) 137-153. 30 KING et al., 1985; WATSON

544

1993.

Other rodents Several small rodent species were identified, almost all of which came from the cemetery contexts. The list includes several varieties of dormice and voles, as well as the odd rat and mouse (see

table 1). The environmental and taphonomic significance of these rodents will be discussed later in this report. BIRDS

Domestic fowl Bones of Domestic fowl were recovered throughout the site, but in appreciably larger concentrations from the cemetery contexts, which account for 75% of the total collection of fowl bones identified. MRF for this taxon are 8.7% for the pre-cemetery group, 15.4% in the cemetery group, 23.2% outside the cemetery, and 12.0% in the post-cemetery group. MOW figures, however, were not calculated because they surely underestimate true values, considering the small amount of meat a chicken gives compared to much larger domestic mammals. The distribution of elements per temporal/spatial group is given in table 21. Scattered remains associated with fowl wings and legs are represented among all but the cemetery group. The latter contains elements from all parts of the fowl skeleton, except the head, which along with the cervical vertebrae is also lacking from all contexts. It would appear that most, if not all of the heads and necks were removed and discarded elsewhere. In addition to those elements listed above, a number of eggshell fragments were also recovered from within the cemetery, but primarily concentrated in three locations. Although the exact species of bird could not be determined, the pieces resemble chicken eggshells; and it is likely that they are in fact chicken based on the great predominance of Domestic fowl bones to those of all other birds recovered from the site. Within the cemetery, juvenile chicken bones form a significant portion of the total. Approximately 45% of the total number of fowl bones that could be aged are from immature individuals, a figure which may even be greater since juvenile bone is more vulnerable to destruction by taphonomic processes. Various stages of development are represented. Some bones are so young that in culinary terms they rank as ‘poussin’, while others might come into the category of broiler or ‘point of lay’ pullet. The exact ratio of cock to hen birds is difficult to determine. Metatarsal spur growth begins when cocks have reached maturity, and only 4 (out of 11) tarsometatarsal bones recovered from the cemetery levels had fused epiphyses. All of these derive from hens. Assuming this pattern continues then it would appear that many of the juvenile birds were also hens but this cannot be concluded without ambiguity. Individual measurements of Domestic fowl bones are listed in Appendix 1. These indicate that all of fowl were probably a medium-sized breed of bird. There do not appear to be any Bantam or large-sized individuals represented amongst the collection of bones. All of these measurements are similar to those recorded at several other Roman period sites throughout Italy. 3! Wild bird species Almost all of the bones identified as wild bird derive from cemetery contexts. Their distribution by species and element is shown in table 22. Unlike Domestic fowl, all of these wild bird species are represented by only a few elements, most notably the larger bones of the wing and shoulder (i.e. coracoid, humerus, ulna) and/or those of the leg (i.e. femur, tibiotarsus and tarsometatarsus).

31 ALBARELLA

1993; BAKER

1991; KING et al., 1985.

545

AMPHIBIANS

Toad

A collection of toad bones was recovered within the cemetery, including the nearly-complete skeleton of a small individual found on IB 33. Only a single toad bone was found amongst all other contexts, despite the observation that “large toads are still found in the immediate vicinity of excavations” (Olsen n.d.).

FISH

Fish remains were all but absent from the site. Only a single pharyngeal tooth plate from a large sucker (Castomidae) was obtained.

DISCUSSION

The discussion shall be divided into several sections, since bones have the potential to yield infor-

mation about a variety of topics. In order to extract the full potential of information from any bone one must always consider several things. First, it derived from a living animal which itself lived in the natural world. While some animals are able to adapt to a wide range of habitats, others have very restricted ecological niches. Other animals, especially wild birds, migrate through various habitats at different seasons. Therefore, knowledge of the specific ecological requirements and habitats of the animal species represented at any archaeological site allows the analyst to determine environmental conditions of the past. The second point to consider is that many animals are associated with humans,

who consume,

exploit or otherwise make use of these animals, and may even leave their mark on them in the form of butchery marks. Faunal remains, therefore, can reveal much about the role of animals in the cul-

ture. This can be in numerous forms, such as dietary information, economic reconstructions, ritual and sacrificial elements, and others, depending on the context of recovery for the bones, and ἴῃς age, sex, skeletal distribution, and concentration of the species represented. Finally, analyzing faunal samples which have been separated both spatially and ἘΠ can assist in developing a picture of the environment and culture as each may have changed both over the landscape and through time. . For the Lugnano faunal materials, therefore, I have chosen to group the discussion under two main headings: Environment/Economy/Diet, and Votive/Sacrificial Remains. I have chosen to discuss environment, economy and diet as a unit, since all of these topics correlate. However, an initial note must be made about the context of the finds themselves in order to understand better which remains and contexts may be.used to provide information to each of the two main headings above. Pre-, post-, and outside-cemetery faunal remains The faunal remains from these three groups presumably represent scattered bones which were neglected during any cleaning of the area by the occupants of those time periods. While none of these contexts may be true middens, the bones recovered can probably be interpreted as the odd scrap of rubbish from meals or animal processing activities, and therefore might assist in reconstructing economic and dietary aspects. However, caution must be exercised since sample sizes are too small in all of these groups to support unbiased statistical analyses of the bone remains. . Cemetery faunal remains While sample sizes are much greater and analyses presumably unbiased, the faunal materials from the cemetery represent a mixed group. On the one hand are those remains which are clearly I

546

sacrificial or votive and definitely associated with the infant burials (i.e. the puppies being the best example). On the other hand there are those remains which are probably not sacrificial or votive and likely accumulated in the cemetery as fill. These remains might best be interpreted as waste products from meals and/or animal processing activities which may have been collected from around the area and disposed of in the cemetery. In this manner the cemetery also doubles as a midden, and as such may yield information about the diet and economy of the local inhabitants of the villa. Finally, between these two ends lie the ambiguous finds which may have had some sacrificial purpose, but because of their generally consumable nature also may also have indirect or direct links to the diet and economy of the people (i.e. possible sacrificed domestic animals such as suckling pigs, young chickens, and eggs). Sorting out which piece belongs in which category is problematic without an idea of its context and taphonomic history. The evidence indicates that relatively fewer bones from within the cemetery show signs of exposure compared to those from other contexts. The majority of these are from larger mammals; none of the puppy or dog bones show signs of exposure. In addition, the remains from the cemetery are generally less-fragmented than those from other contexts. Combined these results suggest that materials within the cemetery were covered fairly quickly and protected from most destructive processes, which lends support to the hypothesis that the cemetery was deposited over a relatively short period of time. The fact that no puppy or dog bones show evidence of exposure indicates that at least these animals seem to have been deliberately buried and not strewn or laid on the surface as garbage. The presence of some weathered bones, on the other hand, may simply be the result of a quick collection of all available materials from the area with which to assist in rapidly providing bulk for the cemetery, in order to fill the area quickly. The results of the analysis of carnivore gnawed bones from the cemetery compared to other contexts further support the hypothesis that much of the cemetery bone was protected. The cemetery levels contain the lowest frequency of carnivore-gnawed bones of all contexts. While it cannot be determined if the few examples of carnivore-gnawed bones from within the cemetery represent bones gnawed prior to deposition in the cemetery or if they had been interred there and later dug up and gnawed by dogs, the absence of gnawing on any of the puppy remains would tend to support the hypothesis that much of these remains were not gnawed in situ but rather represent materials collected from outside the cemetery and subsequently dumped as part of the fill. Finally, there are many more rodent bones found within the cemetery than in other contexts, but very little evidence of rodent gnawing on bones. Again, no puppy or dog bones exhibit the characteristic gnaw marks caused by rodents. While it is possible that more rodent bones were recovered from the cemetery because a greater volume of soil from this area was screened, their apparent predominance in the cemetery suggests that conditions there were much more favourable. Whether this is due to a greater concentration of food resources in the cemetery or easier access as facilitated by the loosely packed soil in this area is difficult to determine. The relative absence of rodent gnaw marks on the bones, however, would lend support to the latter possibility since one might expect many examples of gnawing had these rodents been consuming much of the faunal materials deposited in the cemetery. Faunal remains with votive or sacrificial significance: Cemetery canids Perhaps the most significant animal bone find is the association of young puppy and immature dog skeletons with some of the infant burials. The remains of at least 12 puppies (all less than 6 months old) and at least one immature dog (about 1 year old) were uncovered in Rooms

10, 11/12,

and 15 in the cemetery. There is certainly some ritual purpose for this great concentration of puppies within the cemetery, since only a few scattered dog bones were found among the other contexts and none of these were from puppies. 547

The collection of these puppy remains was perplexing. Four of the 12 puppies (puppies 1, 4, 6, 12) were fairly complete in that they had most or all parts of their skull, mandibles and body elements (i.e. ribs, vertebrae, and legs). However, 1 puppy had only its head (puppy 5), while 4 had their upper skull and body pieces but lacked mandibles (puppies 2, 3, 9, 11). Three puppies, on the other hand, had mandibles and body elements but lacked a skull (puppies 7, 8, 10). Finally, the immature dog had most of its body but lacked a head. It seems that many skeletal parts of these canids were missing. Since all of the soil from the cemetery was screened in order to recover even the smallest bone pieces, it is unlikely that these missing elements were simply overlooked. It is possible that some of these missing bones just didn't preserve. Immature bone, especially that of the skull, is particularly sensitive to deterioration from moisture. However, this too seems unlikely since some skulls did pre-

serve while their apparently more durable skeletal pieces, such as mandibles, appear to have not. In addition one would expect the full complement of upper and lower teeth to be recovered since these are perhaps the most resistant elements. Again this is not the case. If indeed each of the puppies was interred whole and subsequently subjected to very odd preservation conditions to explain the missing pieces, then such processes appear to defy all natural laws! Since one would be hard-pressed trying to argue that such an odd collection of bones could come about strictly by natural factors such as differential preservation or recovery, then the only plausible explanation for the presence of headless or skull-less puppies is that they were somehow beheaded. No cut marks were found on any of the puppy bones and, unfortunately most of the neck vertebrae which may have been the locus of such severing were missing. It is possible that puppies could have been ripped. One could pull the mandible down and eventually snap it off, or alternatively pull back the cranium from the mandible by applying pressure. A knife, maneuvered delicately, could assist, and may not leave any marks on the bones. If no tools were used and the prying particularly violent then the back of the mandible and/or the temporal area of the skull may break. Few temporal bones were recovered from the cemetery but several mandibles exhibit broken distal ends which might have been caused by ripping. The distribution of remains from one 6 month old individual from Rooms 11/12 (puppy 10) can best be explained by cultural factors. This puppy appears to have been somehow severed across its body, probably at its stomach. Its front limbs and right mandible were recovered from one area while its lower limbs and left mandible lay 3.5m away. This puppy also lacked its skull. This pattern suggests deliberate skull removal, deliberate separation of mandible halves and upper and lower limbs, and deliberate burial in two distinct places. Dismembering dogs has a long tradition in prehistoric and ancient Europe, even as far back as the Late Mesolithic. In a cemetery at Skateholm, southern Sweden, whole skeletons of dogs were found, some carefully placed in their own graves, others apparently formally killed and thrown into human graves on the process of in-filling. However, there were also many individual skeletal parts recovered in this in-fill, suggesting that dismembering sections of dogs had also occurred. 32 Dismembering dogs, and particularly puppies, also has some tradition in the Greco-Roman world.

Individual skeletons of puppies were found within pots recovered during excavations at Sardis. 33 The pots were much too small in which to stuff a fully articulated puppy. Therefore it appears they were at least skinned, gutted and jointed, or even cooked in a larger pot with the remains later placed into the smaller containers in which they were found. Thus, considering the treatment these puppies may have undergone, it does not seem impossible to accept the idea that some dismembering of the Lugnano puppies occurred, Why sever puppies? And why puppies in the first place? Soren explains: “The Romans often used puppies as a folk remedy. According to Pliny they were killed and buried in the earth as a sacrifice to malevolent underworld deities. These puppies may have been killed in an effort to 32 L. LARSSON, “Symbolism and Mortuary Practice. Dogs in Fractions- Symbols in Action, “Archaeology and Environment

11 (1991) 33-38.

33 C. H. GREENEWALT JR., Ritual Dinners in Earlv Historic Sardis (Berkeley: 1978).

548

protect the health of the living or to purify the area in a magic ritual. The Romans feared stillborn or shortlived infants and believed their souls could be used by magi (wizards) and sagae (witches) to bring evil to the living. It is probable that these puppies were sacrificed in order to appease the underworld goddess Hecate, whose consorts in magic rituals were puppies and dogs. She was worshipped as one who watched over the souls of infants and aided their passage to the underworld. 34

It is possible then that puppies were beheaded, severed and/or dismembered in efforts to ensure that each infant had some part of a puppy in association with it. If an epidemic had occurred perhaps not enough puppies could be found for each infant so parts had to be distributed as a makeshift solution. If all 43 infants (plus four found in disturbed contexts and others not yet discovered) died and were buried in the cemetery in a relatively short period of time (perhaps a year or less), 43 puppies may not have been available. At least 8 pregnant females would have been required assuming an average litter of 6 puppies (cf. Pliny, HN X.83.178). This seems like a lot of dogs for one family to maintain, unless they were specializing in raising and breeding dogs. Alternatively puppies may have been collected from dogs kept by various families, but this would have required coordinating in birthing schedules and other planning. I am unaware of such activities in reference to the Roman world and favour the supposition that from the fewer puppies available some had to be dismembered. While a dismembering explanation may account for the lack of certain skeletal elements among the Lugnano puppies, the data do not yield enough evidence to determine if individuals were skinned, gutted, or otherwise prepared before being deposited in the cemetery. The relative lack of metacarpal, metatarsal, and phalanx 1 bones coupled with the complete absence of phalanx 2 and 3 bones may suggest that the puppies were skinned. These elements are within the paws of the dog, and may have been discarded with the skin. A careful or skilled individual may have been able to remove the skin and leave the metapodials and first phalanges perhaps, while a hasty individual may simply have ripped the skin possibly taking whole paws with it. However, all of these bones are very small, and may have simply disintegrated in the soil, or fallen through the screens during sieving. The manner of the puppies' death cannot be determined. If they were part of some sacrifice to Hecate or comparable local divinity then it is possible that a particularly bloody death was encouraged. Slitting the throat would cause the animal to bleed profusely and could have been practiced. Unfortunately without any evidence of the cervical vertebrae (which may have shown cut marks) this cannot be confirmed. Determining the exact breed (or breeds) of dog interred in the cemetery is difficult. The mandibles show evidence that they were short-faced due to the fact that the teeth are crowded along the alveolar margin with the last molar being positioned upwards along the base of the ascending ramus. Unfortunately no writer of classical times has given descriptions from which any real information about the appearance of the various breeds can be obtained and their names were almost universally taken from the place or areas from which they came. Vergil (Aen. XIL753) mentions an Umbrian breed and Oppian (Cyn. 1.396) mentions a Tuscan breed, both of which appear to have mastiff features (i.e. short-faced, medium to large size), somewhat parallel to those of the Lugnano

puppies. Dogs of the mastiff group have acute powers of scent, a tendency to produce fine, silky coats and large floppy ears, and short or very short muzzles. 35 They were probably first brought into domestication as shepherd dogs, and later utilized as guard dogs and companions during hunting. In fact it is these duties which were of greatest use to many Roman occupants of rural areas such as Lugnano. Here, efforts likely were directed towards producing dogs of a type and size suited to the special kind of work demanded of them. It is impossible to be very precise about the size and weight of the puppies. Available withers height formulae for dogs were devised for mature canid long bones, and so cannot be applied accu-

34 Personal communication. 35 R. A. FIENNES, The Natural Historvof the Dog (London: 1968).

549

rately to unfused diaphyses like those found in the cemetery. 36 In addition, in the absence of growth curves for individual bones of all the breeds of dogs, there can be no basis for good predictions. There is considerable growth and development during the first year of a puppys life, which varies immensely based on numerous factors including the breed of dog, available nutrition, etc. Thus, in

the absence of exact information about the breed of dog, its state of health and most importantly its specific age (ideally to the day) then accurate size predictions cannot be made. Despite this problem, I have attempted to estimate an overall withers height size range for some of the puppies based on the diaphyseal length of individual long bones by using the formulae developed by Harcourt for mature dogs. The ranges are intentionally broad to reflect the great variability which could exist in the absence of specific details of breed, health, and age. Thus, my order of heights of puppies from smallest to largest is: puppies 2 and 9 (ca..7-10 cm); puppies 1, 3, and 12 (ca. 11-14 cm); puppies 6 and 11 (ca. 14-17 cm); puppies 4, 7, and 10 (ca. 17-22 cm); and immature dog (ca. 40 cm). If nothing more, this analysis shows that there is much variation in the size of these individuals. The fact that the smallest of these are also the youngest, however, with increasing age generally correlating with increase in size, supports the hypothesis that we are dealing with a similar breed throughout. As mentioned earlier it is suggested this is a medium-sized mastiff breed. Finally, while it is possible that puppies within each size category above may be from the same litter, this cannot be proven based on available evidence. Other Cemetery finds with possible votive or ritual significance: Scattered among the tombs, especially those of the neonates and premature infants, were several finds suggesting that black magic and witchcraft may have been employed to protect the community and deliver it from an epidemic. These finds included a single raven's claw associated with IB3 (Room 11/12), which can be interpreted as an underworld symbol and talisman against evil. This was the only bird claw found at the site and its presence in this burial appears deliberate (Plate 234). The skeleton of a small toad found on IB33 (Room 11/12) may also indicate magic and witchcraft (Plate 235). Several scattered toad bones were recovered elsewhere but this particular assemblage appears to have been deliberately placed with the burial. Soren explains that "it is possible that the toad could have been a pet, but Pliny notes that toads were used commonly to ward off storms, eye infections, earache, toothache, or coughs, and they were considered by magi the most useful remedy for relieving fever". 37 Another bone piece which may have had some ritual or magical purpose was a knucklebone (or astragalus) of a sheep found under an infant burial in Room 11/12. Often knucklebones were ground down so that they might be rolled like dice. Girls generally engaged in games similar to jacks using these pieces. Although this particular knucklebone was not ground it is possible it was included in efforts to assure the deceased would be amused in the afterlife, or have some gift to present to an underworld deity. . There are many remains of young pigs scattered within the cemetery rooms, but none outside of it. The majority of these are clustered in Rooms 11/12 and may represent some type of sacrifice or a ritual meal for the dead. Pork was the preferred meat of the Romans and young suckling pig was considered a great delicacy, worthy for sacrifice at a week old (Varro RR 11.4.16, Pliny HN VII.77.206). At least one of these baby pigs appears to have been interred as a fairly complete individual. Finally, the significance of the wild species of birds recovered from the cemetery is uncertain. There are no cut marks on any of these bones to support the hypothesis that they were consumed or otherwise part of some cultural ritual such as divination.

36 E, KOUDELKA, Die Tierknochenfunde aus den spátrómischen Siedlungsschichten von Lauriacum, Dissertation. München: 1885; Harcourt

1974.

37 Personal communication.

550

ENVIRONMENT,

ECONOMY,

DIET

Information about the environment, economy and diet of the inhabitants is based on the faunal remains collected from pre-, post-, and outside-cemetery contexts, as well as those remains determined to be midden fill in the cemetery area. I have chosen to designate three chronological groups — pre-Period V, Period V, and post-Period V -- in efforts to illustrate and illuminate any environmen-

tal, economic and dietary changes through time. The role of wild and domestic animals will be considered below: DOMESTIC

ANIMALS

Not much can be gained about the local environment from an analysis of the domestic animal bones, since cattle, pigs, sheep/goat, equids, dogs and cats can adapt to a broad range of conditions. However, the prevalence of domestic animals in all three chronological groups attests to their importance in the diet and/or economy of the occupants or culture of the area. For the principal three domesticated mammals the pattern is as follows: pigs predominate, comprising a significant percentage of the bones recovered; cattle contribute fairly little, at least to the diet, during earlier times but their remains are relatively more abundant after Period V; sheep/goats follow a reverse trend to that shown for cattle in that their relative frequency generally decreases from earlier to later times. The relative frequency of Domestic fowl remains roughly the same throughout all periods, but with some increase suggested during Period V. The remains of equids, cats, and dogs (here excluding the canids associated with the cemetery) are scarce in all periods, suggesting that they contributed little to the economy, or at least that fewer individuals were kept at the site or in the general area compared to the other domesticates. It is assumed these three taxa were not consumed. Cattle

During the Roman occupation at the site, that is up until the end of Period V, it appears that cattle were not a preferred food since they contribute relatively fewer bones to the sample analyzed. The ancient agronomists suggest that cattle were used strictly as draft animals, primarily to pull plows, and were rarely eaten unless they met an untimely death or came to the end of their working life. One might therefore expect most of these to be mature or even elderly individuals, which results of the aging analyses above support. The pattern changes, however, after Period V, when the frequency of cattle increases sharply, coincident with a dramatic decrease in the frequency of pigs. While it is possible that more cattle preserved from these later deposits, it is more probable that they fulfilled a different role in the economy and diet in post-Roman times in this area. Any number of possible scenarios such as the opening up new agricultural land or a shift in the economy away from pig husbandry to agricultural intensification or cattle ranching or even a change in dietary preference to include more beef might all be used to explain the rise in cattle at this time. The results of the elemental distribution analysis for cattle suggest that the majority of these bones, at least from Period V and post-Period V, came from animals killed and consumed at the site.

The presence of all parts of the skeleton indicates that whole individuals were probably butchered at the site for consumption by the occupants. It appears that they made use of all parts and did not selectively butcher certain regions for sale or export. Cattle are very heavy animals, so it would be likely that transport of parts was minimized by the site occupants. Although cattle may not have been the preferred foodstuff, those few individuals represented account for a great percentage of the available meat, especially during the post-Roman period. Finally, it is not surprising many of the cattle remains show evidence of cut, chop and saw marks. Cattle are large animals and would have to be butchered into smaller pieces for consumption. The evidence supports that whoever butchered these individuals had some knowledge of skeletal anato551

my and a fairly efficient set of tools. Cleavers were used to disarticulate portions of the legs, pelvis and shoulder, while saws were employed to remove horns. In many cases the individual joints appear to have been severed with one efficient blow from the cleaver. Furthermore, the bisection of cattle

vertebrae, a procedure employed to split the carcass into two equal halves, may indicate the implementation of a standardized butchery blueprint, itself probably a byproduct οὗ market-oriented schemes. 38 Sheep/goat The results of the analyses of sheep/goats reveal several points. First, they are relatively more abundant both before and after Period V. Second, more sheep than goats were identified based on the presence of diagnostic features. Third, during Period V at least, sheep/goats were killed predominately at middle and elderly ages. Lambs and kids do not seem important. Fourth, the distribution of elements suggests that whole animals were likely consumed. Fifth, mutton was a relatively minor meat in the diet. Finally, the limited information obtained from an analysis of the butchery marks suggests that there is some evidence for the employment of a relatively efficient scheme of slaughtering and butchering. Combined, what do these results tell us about the role of sheep/goats in the economy and diet at the site? The traditional picture of sheep/goat raising in Italy is that herds normally undergo some degree of transhumance. However, the scale of this practice, the distances involved, indeed the whole incidence and prevalence of transhumance is constantly changing. ?? The exact degree of transhumance practiced at Lugnano, if indeed is was practiced at all, cannot be determined at this point. But information about the exploitation of sheep and goats can be discerned. The data suggest that sheep and goats were relatively more important to the economy and diet both before and after Period V. This may be due to a change in the economic focus of the villa and its surrounding area during Period V, possibly prompted by an increase in agricultural pursuits and/or concentrated efforts on pig husbandry at the expense of other animals at that time. That the flocks were primarily sheep is not unique. The Roman agricultural writers express a preference of sheep to goats, since the latter were reported to be less profitable to the farmer, more difficult to handle in large numbers, and more destructive of the vegetation (cf. Pliny HN VIIL 76.204, Varro RR 11.3.10, Columella De Re Rust. VII.6.5). Female goats, however, yield much more milk than

ewes, and it is possible more of them were raised during Period V for this reason. While the sex of the remains could not be determined, this explanation might account for the apparent equality in the ratio of sheep to goats during that time. The results of the aging analyses are also not particularly unique. Most individuals were killed at older ages, suggesting that exploitation of their secondary resources, such as wool and milk, was important. Mutton comprised an increasingly smaller proportion of the meat in the diet through time. Again, this is not odd, considering that sheep and goats, like cattle were not principally, nor universally, bred for food during Roman times. Young individuals were often slaughtered for festive or sacrificial occasions, and old ones were eaten upon their death. Lamb remains are present only in the cemetery, perhaps as a sacrifice, although this cannot be positively determined based on the evidence available. Lastly, the employment of both cleavers and knives to disarticulate parts of the skeleton and saws to remove the horns of some sheep/goats suggest that an efficient butchery technology existed. Whoever performed the operation was skilled enough to do without leaving excess traces or misplaced chops on the bones.

38 PECK 1986, p. 186. 39 C. R. WHITTAKER, ed., Pastoral Economies in Classical Antiquitv (Cambridge Philological Society Supplement, vol. 14: 1988).

552

Pigs

The results of the analyses of pigs reveal several points worth reviewing. First, numerically they are the most common domesticate represented at the site, reaching maximum levels during Period V. Second, pork comprises a considerable part of the diet, again particularly so during Period V. Third, survivorship statistics show that pigs were killed at all stages of development, but with relatively more young individuals in the cemetery than elsewhere. Fourth, during Period V at least, it appears that younger males were slaughtered preferentially over females of all ages. Females, on the other hand, appear to have been slaughtered at older ages. Fifth, relatively whole animals appear to have been deposited in the cemetery while more fragmented remains were collected before and after Period V. Finally, information obtained from an analysis of the butchery marks suggests that a relatively efficient scheme of slaughtering and butchering was practiced. Pigs fulfilled an important role in the economy of the Roman empire. Pork was the preferred meat, and suckling pig a delicacy. As such various schemes and scales of production were employed, which themselves were contingent on the market demand for pork, and the suitability of the landscape for raising pigs. Thus, those regions which were conducive for pigs and/or heavily influenced by urban markets often promoted extensive schemes of pig husbandry. Although all of the pigs represented at Lugnano could have been imported, it is more probable that some degree of pig husbandry was undertaken at the site or its vicinity, especially during Period V. The data show that pigs were relatively and absolutely more plentiful at this time, perhaps indicating that they were more ubiquitous in the area as well. Those individuals represented are quite large compared to other domesticated pigs in Roman Italy, suggesting a conscious effort to produce improved breeds in this area. Furthermore, the environment in the vicinity of the site is rich in resources (forests, fields) which could provide excellent pannage for pigs. Thus, pig husbandry was a relatively profitable venture and could have dominated other agrarian pursuits, if these in turn were not productive. The distribution of skeletal parts indicates that relatively whole pigs were consumed. These were more likely to be individuals taken directly from local or personal herds, rather that whole carcasses purchased at markets elsewhere, considering the cost of transport which would have been added to the latter. Choosing from his personal stock would also afford the farmer greater control over the age and sex profile of his herd. The data support that management of the herd was efficient. The predominance of older females suggests that they were kept for breeding, while redundant males were killed either before about 1 year of age, probably to fulfill demands for suckling pig, or else at ca. 2 years when they had attained maximum weight and were no longer viable. Since pork was the preferred meat and suckling pig valuable it follows that whoever disposed of the materials at the site, especially during Period V, was relatively wealthy, considering the predominance of these two meats in their diet. However, some of these suckling pigs may have been part of a sacrifice associated with the infant cemetery, as discussed earlier.

The location of the cut, chop and saw marks on the pig elements indicates that butchery of carcasses was efficient. Most are chop marks produced by a cleaver and are positioned at joint areas of the legs. In addition, there appears to be some emphasis on chopping sections of the feet, as evidenced by marks left on the proximal end of first phalanges, and on proximal and distal ends of several metapodials, as well as the mandible (probably to remove the jowl muscle). This suggests that all parts of the pig carcass were utilized, good practice during Roman times when there was "scarcely any part of the pig carcass that did not provide for some gourmets delight". *? Finally, the bisection of pig vertebrae supports the assumption that a standardized butchery scheme was employed. Peck attributes such a change in strategy to increasing involvement of a market economy. #! 40 K. D. WHITE, Roman Farming (London: 1970) p. 321. With regard to suckling pigs, A. H. Cocks, "A Romano-British Homestead in the Hambledon Valley, Bucks," Archeologia 71 (1921) pp. 141-198 cites pigs used as a possible ritual meal for dead infants, then buried with them.

4! PECK 1986.

553

Equids Equids are poorly represented in the deposits at Lugnano. This pattern is typical at many Roman rural villa sites for two principal reasons. First, equids, being relatively noble animals, were normally not consumed

by the Romans.

Second,

they were somewhat

expensive to maintain and therefore

generally only kept if they fulfilled some valuable function, such as transporting goods, hauling carts, pulling plows, turning mills and presses, or riding during hunting. 42 The few equid remains recovered at Lugnano indicate that both asses and horses were kept at the site — an ass was identified from Period V deposits, and a horse from post-cemetery levels. However, there are not enough remains to suggest that whole animals were interred. In fact the presence of butchered equid bones in the cemetery suggests that individuals were possibly dismembered with only parts eventually discarded (or somehow finding they way) into the cemetery. While it is possible some equids were butchered and consumed, it is more probable that individuals were dismembered upon death so that the carcass might be more easily transported and disposed of. The presence of relatively useless marks, such as the odd gouging on one equid bone and the chop marks on the mid-shaft of another, suggest that whoever dismembered this (or these) individual(s) was some-

what inefficient to have gone through such trouble. This may be due to lack of experience with dismembering equids since they were not typically consumed. Finally, mature equids are not unexpected among Roman sites, especially when efforts were made to exploit the full potential of these animals and keep them for many years. Dogs

| Dog remains recovered outside of the cemetery were all from mature individuals. There appears to be no deliberate internment of these remains, unlike the cemetery puppies. Domestic fowl Domestic fowl remains were identified throughout the site but were most abundant in the Period V levels than at other times. Although a relatively large number of individuals were killed, their contribution of poultry to the diet is minimal, but somewhat consistent, compared to the principal mammalian species. ‘ Sample sizes are too small to draw conclusions about the original composition of the poultry birds in pre- and post-Period V levels, while remains from practically all parts of the chicken skeleton suggest that relatively whole individuals were disposed of in Period V deposits. The lack of vertebrae and skull elements amongst all groups, however, supports the hypothesis that at all times the

heads and necks of Domestic Fowl were removed and discarded elsewhere. Perhaps poultry birds for the table were trimmed and prepared outside of the immediate area or possibly even imported from markets or farms elsewhere and only dressed at the site. The presence of elements from the lower legs and feet, which provide very little meat, might indicate that Fowl was hung in advance of cooking or even suspended by its feet during cooking. | While hens predominate over cocks, as based on metatarsal spur evidence, and eggshell fragments were recovered, it cannot be assumed that egg production was more important than birds for the table, since so many immature individuals were killed alongside much older birds. Rather, the data suggest that flocks were mixed, providing both eggs and meat as required. There does not appear to have been any specialization in poultry farming, in which case one might expect a greater degree of cultural control over ages, sexes and resources produced. Instead the composition and size of the flock, as based on the bone evidence available, suggests practice of a relatively small scale of poultry farming during antique times at Lugnano. The fact that all of the fowl were probably a medium-sized breed of bird, further suggests that relatively few individuals were raised, since one might i

42 A.

554

HYLAND, Equus: the Horse in the Roman World (London: 1990).

expect a greater range in breed-types and sizes had the economic focus been on breeding or largescale poultry production. Finally, there were no detectable signs of butchery on any of the recovered bones. This is to be expected since any competent cook takes care to cut apart parts of a chicken in such a way as to avoid splintering the bone, which can subsequently spoil the dish. It would appear that whoever butchered these chickens was skilled. WILD

ANIMALS

A wide range of wild species is represented in the sample. Various rodents and wild birds were recovered, primarily from the cemetery deposits, while the remains of game animals including Red deer, Roe deer, Wild boar, Brown

Hare, and Rabbit were found throughout the site in a variety of

contexts.

Small rodents

The inflated numbers of rodent bones in the cemetery may be due to the fact that relatively more soil was lifted and screened from this area. Most are probably there merely as intrusive forms and have little or nothing to do with the associated human inhabitants. Their presence, however, may add information to the reconstruction of the immediate environment around the site, as well as

assist in understanding taphonomic conditions within the cemetery itself. Voles were the most common rodent identified from the site. Three species were noted - Bank Vole/Savi's Pine Vole (combined in this report), and Northern Water Vole - all of which still inhabit

the area around Lugnano. Voles attack many plants, Remains of at least 5 Bank Voles/Savi's Pine Vole else. Both species generally inhabit woodland and quite destructive on vegetation. 43 Savi's Pine Voles

sometimes causing considerable loss. were found in the cemetery levels and nowhere cultivated areas where their tunneling can be are almost entirely subterranean. Considering

this fact, it is possible that cemetery bones were displaced both horizontally and vertically by tunneling voles. Northern Water Vole remains were also recovered from the cemetery. This species is usually found in wetland habitats but also occurs well away from water in meadows and fields. Three

species

of dormice

were

identified - Garden

Dormouse,

Edible

Dormouse,

and

Hazel

Dormouse. All commonly inhabit woodland areas, but Gaxden Dormice and Edible Dormice may also venture into orchards, gardens, and scrub. ^ They are generally quite common but not considered a pest. | | Although all dormice may be eaten, the Edible Dormouse was considered a delicacy during Roman times. Those individuals present in the cemetery may have been consumed, but there are no cut marks on any of the bones or any other modifications or signs to indicate this. It is possible that these dormice perished naturally while hibernating. The cemetery area may have provided the most suitable spots, especially if the soil there was relatively more loosely-packed than elsewhere. Two species of mice - Wood Mouse and House Mouse — were identified from cemetery deposits. The more common

of the two, the Wood Mouse, is also one of the most wide-spread small animals

in Europe, generally inhabiting wooded landscapes but also more open areas and even buildings. 4 House Mice usually associate themselves with human habitations where they often cause damage to stored foodstuffs. The Black Rat was the only small rodent species identified from remains recovered outside of the cemetery. This common pest inhabits a wide variety of environments, but it is unknown why the 43 J. A. BURTON, Field Guide to the Mammals of Britain and Europe (London: 1991). 44 BURTON 1991. 45 BURTON

1991.

555

cemetery was apparently neglected. Audoin-Rouzeau notes that there is a general scarcity of rats in Italy during the first millennium A. D. 46 Based on the ecological niche information described for each of these rodents it would appear that most of the area around Lugnano probably contained both forests and meadows. However, considering that most of these rodents prefer woodland habitats, I would predict that the area around the site was probably more forested in the past than it is today. Wild birds

The presence of certain wild species of birds provides further information about the local environment as well as indications of the season of occupation. Kestrels inhabit open countryside where they forage for small rodents. 47 Thus, considering the abundance of mice and voles at the site it is not uncommon to find kestrels in association. Pigeons and doves are commonly found around Lugnano today and there are no indications that this was different in the past. They inhabit a wide range of open countryside, especially agricultural zones located near woodlands. 48 Swallows are a good seasonal indicator in that they are common summer visitors to Lugnano. Mortality is fairly high among these birds because they often collide with obstacles in pursuit of flying insects. ? Their remains, therefore, are to be expected at the site considering the amount of garbage-fill deposited in the cemetery and the insects this might attract. Furthermore, the dilapidated structures at this time would be a peril to inattentive swallows. Thrushes

are residents

of Lugnano,

inhabiting

cultivated fields, woods

and. gardens,

and

are

common archaeological finds. °° They feed off of insects, worms and seeds, and so might have been attracted to the midden-like environment of the cemetery, where these supplies would have probably been common. Although tits mainly reside in woodland environments, they feed off of insects and seeds and could have been drawn to the cemetery area if it was abundant in these resources. Orioles inhabit broad-leaved forests and are summer visitors to Lugnano. They eat insects but have a penchant for fruit and will descend on orchards as the fruit is ripe. Finally, sparrows are relatively common throughout Italy, congregating at human habitations. They feed off of grain and insects, much of which is picked up from garbage heaps (Eastham, forthcoming). Thus, they too may have been attracted to the cemetery because of the fill placed in it. . In sum, the ecological information from these wild bird species suggests that the area around the site contained both fields and forests, while the cemetery itself provided a good habitat for insects. Although both migratory as well as resident species were represented in the collection, the presence of summer migrants, like swallows and orioles lends support to the hypothesis that the at least some remains in the cemetery were deposited during this season. If the majority of the materials in the cemetery collected over a relatively brief period of time, perhaps a few months, then I would suggest this occurred during one summer. Wild game The collection of wild game animals further supports the claim that the area around Lugnano was a mixture of woodland and grassland, but probably more forested than it is today. Red deer generally inhabit forests and woodlands but are also found in i more open areas. Roe deer, however, are

46 F. AUDOIN-ROUZEAU, "History of the Black Rat in Europe". Paper Presented to the 7th International ICAZ Conference, 1994 (Constance:

47 48 ^9 50

556

1994).

A. EASTHAM, forthcoming, The Bird Remains from San Giovanni di Ruoti. C. PERRINS, Collins New Generation Guide to the Birds of Britain and Europe (London: 1987). S. CRAMP, ed., Handbook of the Birds of Europe, the Middle East and North Africa: Vol. IV (London: 1995). Bastham, forthcoming.

usually found in woodland and forests with dense cover. Hares and rabbits inhabit woodland, grass-

lands and meadows, while wild boars generally prefer forested areas. 51 While the landscape may have been more forested than at present, the data suggest that it was quite dynamic in the past. Although the samples are very small, the frequency of wild animals, most notably Red deer, changes from a fairly substantial contribution in pre-Period V contexts to a fairly insignificant level during Period V to a moderate amount during post-Period V. Assuming that most of the wild animals were hunted within a relatively close proximity to the site it would appear that resources were relatively more plentiful both before and after late antique times. Somehow the number of wild animals was reduced during late antiquity. Whether this is due to marked deforestation which would deplete the number of forest-dwelling animals, or poor conservation and overkill of wild animals, or excessive competition with increased numbers of domestic animals being raised in forested land or on woodland resources (i.e. pigs were often herded in forests and consume massive quantities of vegetation, and mast) cannot be determined. All of these factors probably had some input to the apparent decline of wild resources during late antiquity. The decrease in the frequency of wild animals from pre-Period V to later time periods may be due to a paralleled decline in their role in the diet and economy during late antiquity. The data suggest that game animals, particularly deer, contributed a substantial part of the available meat during pre-Period V times and probably coincided with the height of occupation at the villa. Given the architectural and artifactual evidence for wealth it is unlikely that the pre-Period V villa occupants were forced to hunt for subsistence. Rather, wild game probably was a luxury food item, presumably collected during some elitist activity like hunting. Deer, wild boars, hares and rabbits were all considered gourmet delicacies during Roman times, and were specifically sought after for their distinctive tastes. Thus, the prevalence of wild game remains in pre-Period V deposits may simply indicate a high status occupation. During Period V, however, the data suggest that hunting may have been of minor importance. Although more wild game species are represented during this period, wild game meat contributes a fairly insignificant amount to the total MOW values. Domestic animals are far more numerous. Thus, the data suggest that efforts were concentrated on raising and consuming domestic animals during Period V, at the expense of wild game. This may reflect a drop in the status of the individuals inhabiting the area or a decline in wild animal resources available (possibly a factor of deforestation), since game hunting still remained a popular activity during late antiquity for those who could afford it. 52 CONCLUSION

AND SUMMARY

The faunal remains recovered at Lugnano di Teverina are signficant in that they allow reconstructions of two different aspects of life in the area during antiquity. First, the animal bone remains which are associated with burials in the infant cemetery allow us to glimpse into the realm of religious rituals and sacrifice. Second, refuse materials from meals and animal processing provide information about the diet and economy of the people. The bones from the cemetery were less-fragmented than those from other contexts, suggesting that they resided in a relatively sheltered environment which also may have favoured their preservation. The remains of at least 12 puppies and at least one immature dog were uncovered there, all of which were certainly part of some religious ritual or sacrifice. Some puppies appear to have been dismembered and/or beheaded. Other faunal finds also recovered from the cemetery and with possible votive affinities include a raven’s talon, the skeleton of a small toad, a knucklebone of a sheep, and bone remains from very young suckling pigs.

51 BURTON 1991. 52 J. K. ANDERSON, Hunting in the Ancient World (Berkeley:

1985).

557

The environment around the site did not appear to change dramatically over time. It can be reconstructed as fielded with woodlands in the vicinity. Increasing deforestation likely contributed to the decline of wild game resources during late antiquity. Domestic animals were vital to the economy of the area and a major component in the diet. Cattle were probably used mainly for traction, as well as meat and dairy products. They were not the mainstay of the diet or economy during Roman times. However, their numbers increase during postRoman times, probably as a consequence of a shift in the economic focus away from pig husbandry to cattle raising and increased agricultural pursuits. Pigs were relatively important animals in both the diet and economy throughout all periods at Lugnano. This reaches a pinnacle during the later Roman period. Sex and Age profiles indicate that pigs were exploited for their meat, and efforts were probably taken to maximize production. Lugnano may have been linked to markets where their pigs were to be sold. Sheep and goats remains are infrequent. Those recovered generally were from older individuals, probably in efforts to fully exploit them for wool and milk. They contribute the least amount to the diet and economy during late Roman times, coincident with the rise in pig husbandry. Domestic fowl were raised and caten during all periods at the site but probably on a relatively small-scale, being reserved for local consumption. Other domestic animals played relatively more minor roles in the economy of the site, but were not consumed. Both horses and asses are represented. Only a few remains from dogs were uncovered outside the cemetery contexts, all of which are from adult individuals. Wild animals were hunted at all times, but contribute much more meat to the diet during earlier periods of occupation at the site. | These changes in the patterns of exploitation of animal resources which occurred throughout the Roman and post-Roman periods of occupation at Lugnano are probably related to changes in the status of the people and the focus of the site at different times. Remains from earlier periods coincide with a high-status residency at the villa; those from the cemetery provide information of a group probably undergoing much more trying times, but still affording some luxury; while faunal remains from post-Roman levels represent a shift towards a more basic existence generally free from conspicuous dietary wealth. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

lam grateful to David Soren for inviting me to study this collection of bones, and both him and

William Alyward for their help in familiarizing myself with numerous details about the excavations at Lugnano. Stanley Olsen has been instrumental in cataloguing most of the faunal materials and providing valuable insight for this report. Finally, I wish to thank Lucia Andronescu for her assistance with the analysis of the canid remains from the cemetery. TABLE 1: Numbers of mammal, avian, amphibian, and fish bones (NISP) and minimum numbers of individuals (MND iin all levels at Lugnano di Teverina. NISP

date

Pig/Wild Boar

Equid Dog 558

V-

post-

pre-

V-

V-

post-

outside

cemet

'cemet

cemet

outside

outside

cemet

cemet

—

11

3

47

13

5

80

74

13

278

B 5

1 -

. MNI

V-

uncertain PRIMARY SPECIES Cattle

Sheep/Goat

pre- .

20 347

|.

3

37

1

2

1

3

6

28

3

7

2

2

18

47

3

27

5

4

3 7

1 1

1 -

3 13

1 1

1 1

Cat Red deer Roe deer Hare Rabbit Domestic fowl

1 7 2 16

— 18 1 4

1 1 4 1 143

1 17

16 3 16

2 1 1

1 1 1 1 10

= 1 2

1 1 2

Badger

3

-

-

Beaver Garden Dormouse Edible Dormoue Hazel Dormouse Bank Vole/Savi's Pine Vole Northern Water Vole Black Rat Field Mouse House Mouse Misc. small rodent

-= 1

= -

4 3 1 19 3 7 4 2

-

-

-

-

-

-

-1 -

2

1 1 1 5 1 2 2 1

-

1 -

2 -

-

1 τς -

1 -

RODENTS

OTHER

-

Wild birds

2

-

34

-

-

-

9

-

-

Toad Fish

-

-

26 1

-

1 -

-

2 1

-

1 -

135

45

1026

56

154

12

92

14

18

GRAND TOTAL

TABLE 2: Mean Relative Frequency (MRF) values for the primary species listed in Table 1. MRF precemet

Vcemet

Cattle

Voutside

postcemet

7.6

4.1

6.6

Sheep/Goat

18.2

9.7

13.2

16.1

Pig/Wild Boar

21.3

35.6

35.6

29.1

-

287

10.2

3.7

Equid

5.3

Dog Cat

Red deer Roe deer Hare

Rabbit Domestic fowl

34

6.6

22.4

3.7

-

-

-

-

28.8 — -

0.8 0.8 1.0

4.8

8.7 4.4 -

_

0.8

_

_

8.7

15.4

23.2

12.0

TABLE 3: Distribution of UNID elements based on general size range. ‘Small’ includes small mammals such rodents; ‘medium’ includes medium-sized mammalian taxa such as dogs, pigs, caprines, Roe deer, lagomorphs; ‘large’ includes large-sized mammalian taxa such as cattle and Red deer. date

pre-

uncertain

cemet

V-cemet

V-

SMALL ribs

long bones vertebrae

other

post-

outside

| cemet

] 9

1

37

4

6

3

-

-

-

24

_

_

559

MEDIUM

ribs long bones

29 86

6 31

178 342

16 23

52 190

vertebrae other

14 32

3 13

61 285

7 3

14 66

LARGE ribs

2

2

67

-

19

long bones

7

13

67

3

60

vertebrae other

2 1

7 9

15 193

31

6 130+

AVIAN

9

163

9

18

TABLE 4: MOW values and frequencies for domestic and wild mammals consumed. Domestic values based on Vigne (1991). Wild MOW values are based on the following estimates: Red deer=200 kg, Wild boar=130 kg, Roe deer=30 kg, Brown Hare=5 kg, Rabbit=2 kg. Domestic fowl have not been included. MOW

(kg)

MOW

frequency

precemet

Vcemet

Voutside

postcemet

precemet

Vcemet

Voutside

DOMESTIC Cattle

400

700

400

950

30.4

19.2

44.6

Sheep/Goat

165

385

110

110

12.5

10.6

12.3

6.5

Pig/Wild Boar

320

2175

380

390

24.3

59.8

42.4

23.2

67.2

89.6

99.3

86.2

TOTAL DOMESTIC

Wit

Red deer Roe deer Wild Boar

i

400 30 =

post| cemet 56.5

200 30 130

= =

200 30 =

30.4 2.4 -

5.5 0.8 3.6

-

11.9 1.9 — -

Hare

-

5

5

-

-

0.4

0.7

Rabbit

-

2

=

=

-

0.1

-

—

32.8

10.4

0.7

13.8

TOTAL WILD

TABLE 5: Parts of the cattle skeleton by number of fragments (NISP2) and minimum number of individuals (MNI). Unfused epiphyses are not counted. + indicates present but not quantified. NISP2 precem

Vcem

MNI |

Vout

postcem

precem

Horn core Cranium Maxilla

~

3 4

1 -

1 3

Maxillary deciduous teeth Maxillary Ps Maxillary Ms Mandible Mand. deciduous teeth

-

2 4 3 -

1 -

1 _ 6 -

Mandibular 15 Mandibular Ps

-

3

1 -

1 -

560

Vcem

Vout

postcem

-

2 2

1 -

1 -

-

2

1

3

Humerus Radius Ulna Pelvis Femur

1 -

2 1 4 2

Tibia Astragalus

-

1 2

Calcaneus

-

1

Metacarpal

-

2

Metatarsal

-

-

Metapodial Carpals/Tarsals Phalanx 1

2 -

1 2

Phalanx 2 Phalanx 3 Vertebrae Ribs

_ -

1

TOTAL

3

1

-

1 2

-

1

1

-

2 1

1

-

-

1

-

-

-

1 |

2 5

-—

10

-

-

—

-

|

Mandibular Ms

Hyoid Scapula

1 2

+ 58

4

34

TABLE 6: Cattle wear stages of individual mandibular teeth (following Grant 1982). Both teeth in mandibles and isolated teeth are included. V-cemetery and post-cemetery groups have been combined in this table. No ageable cattle teeth were recovered from pre-cemetery and outside-cemetery deposits. a

ὃ

c

d

Pa

1

Mi M2 Ma

1

e

f

g

h

1 1

i

k

2

1 1

1

m

n

o

1

TABLE 7

Cattle fusion data. Fused and fusing epiphyses were amalgamated. Only unfused diaphyses, not epiphyses, were counted. Percentages are only given for samples of 10 or more. UN=unfused epiphysis, F=fused epiphysis. “Young” includes: pelvis acetabulum, distal scapula “Middle”

includes:

distal

humerus,

proximal

radiusa,

distal

metacarpal,

distal

tibia,

distal

metatarsal, proximal phalanx 1, proximal phalanx 2 “Old” includes: proximal humerus, proximal and distal ulna, distal radius, proximal and distal femur, proximal tibia, proximal calcaneus Young

Middle

Old

ca. 1 year

ca. 1.5 — 2.5 years

ca. 3.5 — 4 years

UN

F

under

UN

%

under

pre-cemet V-cemet

-

4

%

-

7

F

1

1 2

V-outside

-

-

τι

-

-

-

post-cemet

1

1

2

4

1

6

UN

F

%

under

561

TABLE ὃ Elements identified as sheep (Ovis aries) or goat (Capra hircus). The distinction is based on the criteria of Boessneck (1969), Payne (1985) and Prummel and Frisch (1986). SHEEP

GOAT

pre-

V-

V-

post-

cemet

cemet

out

cemet

Skull Horn core

1

_ 1

-

_

Mandibular dp

-

1

Mandibular M Axis Scapula Humerus

_ =

_ -

-_ _ -

_ _ 1 1

Radius

-

1

_

1

Ulna Pelvis Femur Tibia

_ 2

= 1

--

pre-

V-

V-

post-

cemet

out

cemet

_

2

_

_

_

-

_

_

_

—

--

_

_ -

-

--

_

_

_

_

_

| cemet

Metacarpal

-

. 1

Metatarsal

-

2

Carpal/Tarsal Astragalus

-

1 1

Calcaneus Phalanx 1 Phalanx 2

-

= -

_ -

_ _ 2

_ _

_ _ —

— _ _

_ _ _

Phalanx 3

-

1

-

-

-

1

_

_

1

2

TOTAL

3

10

-

6

1

ὃ

TABLE 9

. Parts of the sheep/goat skeleton by number of fragments (NISP2) and minimum number of individuals (MNI). Unfused epiphyses are not counted. NisP2

MNI

precem

Vcem

postcem

precem

Vcem

Vout

postcem

Horn core Cranium

-

2 -

-

2

2 -

-

-

-

Maxilla

-

1

Maxillary deciduous teeth

-

-

-

1

-

1

-

1

-

=

Maxillary Ps Maxillary Ms

-

3 14

1

2 3

Mandible Mand. deciduous teeth Mandibular Is Mandibular Ps Mandibular Ms

-

3 6 5 8 14

1 1 1 -

2 2

-

2

1

-

Scapula

1

-

1

1

-

1

Humerus Radius

-

1 2

1

2 3

-

1 2

= 1

1 2

562

Vout

TABLE

ΝΣ

I

|

|

μ--

Ì

|

|

|

|

| |

{= | |

BY RS RS] Re

>

RR

]

|

NR

RS

HU |

5

|

TOTAL

Na

-

U2 oo

Phalanx 1 Phalanx 2 Phalanx 3 Atlas

| 0d

-

Lm

-

Metapodial Carpals/Tarsals

Oo pas

Metatarsal

NorNNSsa

Metacarpal

-I

-

Ww

Calcaneus

|

2 -

BI

Tibia Astragalus

KE

= = -

|

Ulna Pelvis Femur

10

Sheep/goat wear stages of individual mandibular teeth (following Grant 1982). Both teeth in mandibles and isolated teeth are included. This table only presents data from the cemetery group. a

b

c

d

e

f

g

ἢ

1

1

1

1

1 1

1

41

2

1

dp, M, M;

M5

1

3

1

TABLE

j

k

|]

m

n

o

1

1

1

1

1

11

Sheep/goat wear stages of individual mandibular teeth (following Payne 1973 & 1987). Both teeth in mandibles and isolated teeth are included. All unerupted teeth are coded as "0". This table presents data solely from the cemetery group. 0

12

dp, P, M, M,

1

4

5

6

7

8

1

1

1

1

9

10

11

12

13

14

1

2

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

1 2 1

1

1

15

1

1

Mjp 3 TABLE

3

3 1

1

1 1

12

Sheep/goat fusion data. Fused and fusing epiphyses were amalgamated. Only unfused diaphyses, not epiphyses, were counted. Percentages are only given for samples of 10 or more. UN=unfused epiphysis, F=fused epiphysis. “Young” includes: distal humerus, proximal radius, pelvis acetabulum, distal scapula “Middle” includes: distal metacarpal, distal tibia, distal metatarsal, proximal phalanx 1, proximal phalanx 2 563

“Old” includes: proximal humerus, proximal and distal ulna, distal radius, proximal and distal femur, proximal tibia, proximal calcaneus

UN -

pre-cemet V-cemet

Young ca. 1 year F % 1

| under -

1

V-outside

-

1

post-cemet

1

4

1 1

UN 2

Middle ca. 1 — 2 years F % under ~

2

2

1

-

=

-

2

3

-

Old ca. 2.5 — 3.5years F % under

UN

TABLE 13 Parts of the pig skeleton by number of fragments (NISP2) and minimum number of individuals (MNI). Unfused epiphyses are not counted. NISP2

Cranium Maxilla

Maxillary Maxillary Maxillary Maxillary Maxillary

deciduous teeth Is Cs Ps Ms

Mandible Mand. decidous teeth Mandibular Is Mandibular Cs Mandibular Ps Mandibular Ms

MNI

pre-

V-

V-

post-

pre-

V-

V-

post-

cem

cem

out

cem

cem

cem

out

cem

-

16 16

-

3

-

5 10

-

2

1 -

10 6 10 22 34

1 E 1

1 2 5 3 2

1 2 1

29 38 32 19 17 26

2 2 5 = 3 3

4 2 3 2 2 5

1

10

2

2

-

-

4

-

-

1

3 3 -

1 1 -

5 3 5 3 2

1 -

2 2 —

Scapula

-

7

Humerus Radius Ulna Pelvis Femur

~ 1 1 —

14 4 7 9 5

-

Tibia

Fibula

-

1

9

-

-

1

-

1

4

-

-

Astragalus

-

2

-

-

-

1

-

-

2

-

1

-

1

Calcaneus

1

1

-

-

1

1

-

Metacarpal

1

14

-

2

1

5

-

1

Metatarsal

2

4

-

3

1

3

-

2

Metapodial Carpals/Tarsals

--

6 -

-

1

-

3 -

-

1

Phalanx 1

1

11

2

3

1

3

1

1

Phalanx 2

1

-

2

1

2

-

2

Phalanx 3 Vertebrae Ribs Patella

-

4 3 25 1

1 -

-

-

2 2 3 1

1 -

-

14

406

21

TOTALS

564

TABLE

14

Pig wear stages of individual mandibular teeth (following Grant 1982). Both teeth in mandibles and isolated teeth are included. All unerupted teeth as well as unworn teeth are recorded as a. 4

a

b

ς

4

f

ε

8

h

k

j

l

n

0»

n

o

pre-cemet

dp,

V-cemetery

2

V-outside post-cemet pre-cemet

V-cemetery

1

V-outside post-cemet pre-cemet V-cemetery

1

V-outside

1

post-cemet

pre-cemet V-cemetery

2

V-outside post-cemet pre-cemet V-cemetery

1 1

V-outside post-cemet

TABLE

15

Developmental and survivorship statistics for pigs using NISP and MNI values. Survivorship percentages indicate the frequency of pigs surviving beyond a particular developmental stage, and are only given for samples of 10 or more. Developmental Stage

Total

3

oo

1

NISP V-outside

DON

post-cemetery

|

pre-cemetery V-cemetery

NISP

% surviving pre-cemetery V-cemetery

0.0

V-outside

V-outside post-cemetery

N |

iu

MNI pre-cemetery V-cemetery

LUN

post-cemetery

MNI % surviving pre-cemetery

V-cemetery

96.3

92.6

81.5

70.4

55.5

44.4

18.5

7.4

0.0

V-outside post-cemetery

565

TABLE

16

Pig fusion data. Fused and fusing epiphyses were amalgamated. Only unfused diaphyses, not epiphyses, were counted. Percentages are only given for samples of 10 or more. UN=unfused epiphysis, F=fused epiphysis. “Young” includes: distal humerus, proximal radius, proximal phalanx 2, pelvis acetabulum, distal scapula “Middle” includes: distal metacarpal, distal tibia, distal fibula, distal metatarsals, proximal pha-

lanx 1, proximal calcaneus “Old” includes: proximal humerus, proximal and distal ulna, distal radius, proximal and distal femur, proximal tibia.

pre-cemet

Young

Middle

Old

ca. 1 year

ca. 2-2.5 years

ca. 3-3.5 years

UN

F

_

2

V-cemet V-outside

15 -

7 -

post-cemet

-

2

TABLE

-% 68.2

under

UN

F

%

under

-

4

!

-

-

27 -

5 2

84.4

23 -

1 -

4

3

-

-

UN

F

%

under

95.8

17

Pig sex ratio. Both isolated canines and mandibles with canines are included. M=male, F=female. Percentages are given only for samples of 10 or more. MAND. Canines M pre-cemetery

V-cemetery

Max. Canines

%

F

63

7

1

%

M

37

6

1

12

%

F

60

4

-

V-outside

-

-

-

post-cemetery

3

-

4

%

1

40

TABLE 18

NISP for male and female pigs at each developmental stage, based on mandibular canine teeth recovered from the cemetery. Developmental Stage

Total

1

2

‘3

4

5

6

7

8

-

-

--

3 =

4 1

1

5 3

2

NISP

9 ,

males females

= -

12 7

TABLE 19 Means, coefficients of variation (Var.), ranges and sample sizes for the pig dental measurements from Period V contexts. All measurements are in millimetres. Measurement _ Mandibular teeth dp, L

dp, WP M,L

566

i

Mean | 18.6

Var

Min

Max

N

8.8

0.5

1.3

17.1

19.7

6

16.4

2.0

13.6

18.1

8

8.0

9.5

7

M, WP

9.8 10.6 19.9 12.7 12.8 31.9 14.9

0.1 0.2 1.6 1.6 1.3 5.2 1.1

9.1 9.6 17.6 10.0 11.2 21.3 13.2

10.3 11.2 21.0 13.9 14.7 34.0 16.5

13.2 8.4 15.1 12.5 12.3 18.7 15.5 15.6 30.6 17.6

0.1 0.1 1.5 2.3 2.7 3.3 1.3 1.5 0.01 0.1

12.8 8.1 13.5 10.5 10.1 16.5 13.8 13.9 30.5 17.3

13.5 8.8 17.0 14.3 14.5 21.6 16.8 17.0 30.6 17.8

TABLE 20

Approximate ages of equids based on dentition. H=crown height as measured in Levine (1982). species ass ass ass ass equid equid horse horse

Period V-cemet

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet post post TABLE

element

criteria

M!/M2

H=41.5 H=47.1 H=46.1 H=47.2

approximate 11 -- 12 years 10-- 11 years 10-- 11 years 10-- il years

>

well worn; infundibulum lost erupting, no wear H=70.3 H=70.0

age

15 years

3.5 — 4 years 5 — 6 years 5 — 6 years

21

Parts of the Domestic fowl skeleton by number of fragments (NISP2) and minimum individuals (MND.

number of

J. Nisp2

pre-

V-

pos-

cem

out

cemt

1

2

—

2

1 1

1 ΝΕ

1 1

1 -

1

2

2

2

O0

|

DUI

—-—

NW |

coco

O22!

Re | Whe

Femur

Tibiotarsus

|

ὮΝ

Carpal digits

|

Scapula Furcula Pelvis Humerus Radius Ulna Carpometacarpus

0o

Wh

UI

|

Maxilla Mandible Coracoid Sternum

567

Tarsometatarsus

1

15

1

1

1

8

1

1

Digits pes

-

15

-

-

-

4

-

-

Ribs

-

4

-

--

--

1

_

_

Vertebrae

-

-

-

-

-

_

_

_

TOTAL

4

143

11

16

TABLE 22

ulna

carpo.

femur

tibio.

tarso.

phal.

Kestrel, Falco tinunculus Galliformes/Phasianidae

-

2

--

2

1

1

7

-

3

-

Rock dove, Columba livia

-

1

2

2

-

-

-

Tit, Parus sp. Oriole, Oriolus oriolus

-

-

1

1 1

Raven, Corvus corax

-

-

-

-

Sparrow, Passer sp.

2

-

-

-

Nr I

-

-

Ι

-

-

Ι

-

-

|

-

—

Swallow, Hirundo rustica

Thrush, Turdus sp.

—

hum.

I

scap.

Ι

cor

|

prmax.

|

Skeletal elements of wild bird species identified from V-cemetery deposits at Lugnano di Teverina.

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

--

--

-

-

-

-

SHEEP/GoAT mandibular dentition

PERIOD

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet

SP.

CA CA OV

dp,

L

B

H

20.0

6.7 65 10.2

15.1 7.0 7.2

L

B

Η

1,

Β

16.6

9.8

H

L

B

11.4 12.9 13.9 15.0

7.9 7.2 7.5 7.4

V-cemet

15.6

7.9

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-out uncertain uncertain

17.5

7.6

568

15.7

13.9

6.7

6.6

13.8 9.8 11.0

7.9 7.5 8.4

17.8 12.0 12.6

8.1 8.7 8.4

13.1

7.6

16.1

7.1

H

L

B

24.0 24.3

8.7 8.7

H

L

B

94 9.6

6.4 6.2

30.9

22.1

8.2

24.1

9.2

30.0

SHEEP/GOAT maxillary dentition PERIOD

M

1/2

LW V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet post V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet

V-cemet

10.6 12.7 12.7 13.8 14.8 14.9 15.3 18.0 19.0 19.0 19.4 21.1

569

APPENDIX

1

Measurements of vertebrate bones and teeth, arranged by taxon, part of the skeleton and period. Generally these follow the system suggested by von den Driesch (1976), except pig dental measurements follow Payne and Bull (1988). Abbreviations given are those used by von den Driesch (1976)

and Payne and Bull (1988). Additional abbreviations used here include: CIR GRTD LSTD

basal circumference of the horn core

E UN FUS

fused epiphysis unfused epiphysis fusing epiphysis distal proximal juvenile

greatest diameter at the base of the horn core least diameter at the base of the horn core

immature species

Ovis aries (sheep) Capra hircus (goat) metacarpal metatarsal phalanx greater than, i.e. »130.0 means actual measurement is larger than 130.0 All bones from the cemetery canid list are UNFUSED unless otherwise noted. Measurements of these puppy bones, therefore, do not conform exactly to descriptions given in von den Driesch (1976) which are meant for mature bones. As such GL of a puppy femur, for example, is actually a measure of the greatest length of the diaphysis, and not the whole bone with proximal and distal epiphyses fused. Bp and Bd measure the greatest beadth of the proximal and distal end of the diaphysis, repsectively. Similar caveats are to be noted for other measurements of cemetery canid elements. List# corresponds to the numeric labels for each puppy given in fig. 4.

571

CATTLE

PERIOD

ELEMENT

post

horn core

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet

scapula scapula scapula

Fus.

MEASUREMENTS CIR

GRID

LSTD

170.0

59.33

43.5

BG

LG

SLC

70.0 70.3

67.0

F F F

34.8

Bd V-cemet

humerus

F

84.9

pre V-cemet

radius radius

F F

70.6 89.7

Bd

LO post uncertain

ulna ulna

F

BPC

DPA

23.9

41.0

DC

Dd

74.1

LA uncertain

pelvis

F

60.3

post post post

femur femur femur

UN F F

V-cemet

tibia

F GLI

GLm

V-cemet V-cemet

astragalus astragalus

70.9

71.6 64.8

uncertain

astragalus

70.5

66.4

uncertain

astragalus

76.6

| 68.2

V-cemet

calcaneus

V-cemet post uncertain

metacarpal metatarsal metapodial

Bd

SD

105.0 86.0

40.1

135.0 107.0 48.3

Bd

SD

Dd

79.4

49.3

57.8

Di

Dm

Bd

37.0

42.1 352

44.1

40.8

39

49.5

47.0

GB

572

52.1

F UN

Bd

SD

Dd

71.4

389. 28.3

38.0 31.4

CATTLE (cont.) PERIOD

ELEMENT

Fus.

MEASUREMENTS GL

Bp

Bd

SD

24.9

243

post post

phal 1 phal 1

È F

59.9

27.4 29.8

post

phal 1

F

63.3

27.3

28.6

23.7

uncertain V-cemet V-cemet post uncertain

phal phal phal phal phal

1 1 1 2 2

F F F F JR

56.5

29. 25.9 33.0 223 27.4

26.1

67.7 44.0 38:2

31.4 31.9 36.8 247 317

292 18.2 25.7

V-cemet

phal 2

F

39.0

30.1

26.8

23.9

DLS

MBS

Ld

88.4

274

61.8

Ι,

Β

Ι,

Β

L

B

26.9 23.6

16.2 15.8

29.7

15.7

15.3 41.1

16.3

26.8

17.0 39.0 36.7

13.4 14.2

V-cemet

phal 3

F

CATTLE dentition PERIOD

V-cemet V-cemet V-out V-out V-out V-out V-cemet V-cemet

mand/max

mand mand mand mand mand mand max max

ΜΙ

32.0 20.1

24.5

19.1

573

SHEEP/GOAT PERIOD

pre post

ELEMENT

scapula scapula

. SP.

Fus.

F

MEASUREMENTS GLP

BG

SEG

36.8

26.5 18.1

16.8

OV

Bd

V-cemet post post

humerus humerus humerus

uncertain

humerus

OV

F F

28.0 27.0

F

28.4

11.8

Bp V-cemet V-out post post uncertain

radius radius radius radius radius

SD

SD

OV CA OV CA

12.7 F F UN d F

27.0 26.7 28.7 25.6

14.5

BPC

V-cemet

ulna

V-cemet

ulna

post

pelvis

UN

DPA

18.0 22.3 LA

F

25.0

| post

DC femur

UN

22.0

Bp pre

Bd

SD

pre

tibia

tibia

OV

F

F

28.9

24.0

|

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet post

tibia tibia tibia tibia

CA OV

UN F

28.5 26.8 27.3

14.3

OV

F

OV

19.5

22.5

20.7

12.6

GL]

GLm

DI

Dm

Bd

V-cemet

astragalus

CA

30.9

29.1

17.0

18.2

19.4

V-cemet

astragalus

OV

30.0

284

16.0

157

187

V-out

astragalus

CA

29.8

18.2

16.7

16.3

18.9

574

F

23.9 |

Dd

SHEEP/GOAT (cont.) PERIOD

ELEMENT

SP.

FUS.

MEASUREMENTS GL

pre V-cemet V-cemet

MC MC MC

V-cemet

MC

CA CA OV

Bp

F F

Bd

SD

23.7 26.3 >130.0

23.4

Dd 14.7 18.5

13.9 13.7

V-out

MC

F

V-cemet

metapodial

UN

V-cemet

MT

V-cemet

MT

V-cemet V-cemet post uncertain

MT MT MT MT

OV

27.2

17.4

23.1

12.0

9.9 2145.0

11.7

Ε

12.5 10.7 13.8

20.4 22.5 21.5 GB

V-cemet V-cemet

4th and central 4th and central

OV

>24.7 22.6

GL

Bd

SD

V-cemet post

phal 1 phal 1

post

phal 2

OV

F

26.3

13.5

10.8

9.9

post

phal 2

OV

F

21.7

10.8

9.2

8.3

DLS

MBS

Ld

24.6 24.7

4.3 5.7

20.0

V-cemet V-cemet

phal 3 phal 3

lg UN p

Bp

CA OV

F F

12.1 11.9

575

PIG

PERIOD

ELEMENT

Fus./AGE

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet uncertain

scapula scapula scapula scapula scapula scapula scapula

juv/fetal juv juv juv juv UN

uncertain

scapula

F

MEASUREMENTS GLP

BG

8.8 8.8

5.9

11.9 16.0

12.7

V-cemet post uncertain uncertain uncertain

pre V-cemet V-cemet ‘ V-cemet . V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet

humerus humerus humerus humerus humerus humerus humerus humerus humerus humerus

radius radius radius radius radius

UN UN pd fetal FUS juv juv UN pd UN pd UN

juv F FE UN pd UN pd

| Bp

Bd

SD

35.0 270.4 >38.0

8.0

12.1 36.1 20.2 14.8

>70.0 >48.6

14.8

2102.0

196

29.8

GL

Bp

Bd

6.9 4.6 6.8 5.1 18.2 17.9 9.8 10.8

SD

16.3 32.0 38.6 23.0

9.5 10.7

BPC

DPA

SDO

ulna

224

40.3

ulna ulna ulna ulna ulna ulna

20.5 28.0

31.0 49.9

ulna

uncertain uncertain

ulna ulna

272.1

UN? F fetal fetal UN

6.3 6.2 1.2.

“215 F UN pd GL

576

6.1 6.1 8.5 7.5 9.7 9.8 21.3

21.0

post

pre V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet uncertain

SLC

27.3

GL V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet post uncertain uncertain uncertain

LG

pelvis ilium ischium pelvis pelvis

F F fetal F F

300 490 247

LA

SB

29.6 12.3 30.0 26.3

23.0

39.4

27.0 16.8

19.9

42.7 26.3

43.2 192

Pic (cont.) PERIOD

ELEMENT

Fus./AGE

MEASUREMENTS GL

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet

femur femur femur

juv juv juv

tibia tibia tibia

Ε UN juv

V-cemet V-cemet

tibia tibia

fetal UN

V-cemet V-cemet

tibia tibia

juv juv

uncertain

tibia

F

F F

Bd

SD

11.4

5.4

Bd

SD

12.8 >49.0 23.8 GL

pre V-cemet V-cemet

Bp

Bp

29.3

Dd

26.1 9.2

>24.2

>74.4 >51.5

23.6 16.3

8.5

5.4 11.6

15.9 11.4

8.0

29.3 GLI

GLm

Bd

37.6 35.0

| 33.4 32.1

23.6

V-cemet V-cemet uncertain

astragalus astragalus astragalus

pre V-cemet

calcaneus calcaneus

23.4 20.7

uncertain.

calcaneus

25.0

21.4 GB

Bp

Bd

53.4

6.0 5.0 4.2 5.3 5.4 14.7

10.2

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet post uncertain V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet

MC2 MC2 MC2 MC2 MC2 MC3 MC3 MC3 MC3 MC3

MC3

UN d

25.0

uncertain uncertain pre V-cemet uncertain uncertain V-cemet uncertain

MC3 MC3 MCA MC4 MC4 MC4 MC5 MC5

UNd UNd

F UN d UN d F

16.8 4.0 15.6 12.5 14.8 7.5 4.5 7.8

V-cemet V-cemet

metapodial metapodial

UN UN d

post

F UNd UN d UN d UN d

GL

SD

17.1 13.1 UN d

14.5 16.5

74.8

65.6

14.7

11.8

14.5 >18.5

577

Pic (cont.) PERIOD

ELEMENT

Fus./AGE

MEASUREMENTS GL

uncertain uncertain uncertain uncertain

metapodial metapodial metapodial metapodial

2 3 3 3

or 5 or 4 or4 or4

F Ε Ε Ε

V-cemet pre V-cemet post uncertain

MT2 MT3 MT3 MT3 MT3

UN F juv

V-cemet pre

MT4 MT5

UN ἃ F

69.0

post

MT5

F

59.9

Bp

Bd

SD

12.6 21.3 6.1 19.8 3.4 15.8

11.2

6.9 15.0 12.3

F

4.9 5.22

10.0 10.2

GL uncertain

4th tarsal

pre

phal 1

F

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-out V-out post post post uncertain

phal phal phal phal phal phal phal phal phal phal phal phal phal phal phal phal phal

UN UN UN UN UN

uncertain

phal 1

Ε

uncertain uncertain

phal 1 phal 1

F FUS

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

20.4 GL

Bp

Bd

SD

405

194

181

158

14.0

11.7

p p p

137

14.5 11.9 10.9

F UN p F UN p F UN UN p

22.9

9.1

337

2634

20.5

10.0

220

11.1

45.1

214

11.3 6.5 10.9 6.8 14.0 243 10.8 7.1 7.2 8.9 12.9 8.1 12.1 184

400

p

F UN p F

6.3 11.6 11.9 6.6 7.0

7.3 10.1 16.6

21.5

186

15.7

43.9 42.5

20.3 18.2

18.9 17.2

16.0 15.8

GL

Bp

Bd

SD

pre

phal 2

F

21.2

16.8

14.8

14.0

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet post post

phal phal phal phal phal

F F FUS FUS F

22.2 20.4 9.3 22.2 18.7

15.5 15.5 7.8 13.7 153

11.8 13.2 6.9 12.4 13.9

12.0 12.8

578

2 2 2 2 2

11.1 |

PIG (cont.) PERIOD

ELEMENT

Fus./AGE

MEASUREMENTS DLS

V-cemet

phal 3

V-cemet

phal 3

V-cemet V-out

phal 3 phal 3

F juv F

MBS

Ld

18.4

7.7

15.5

24.9

9.1

23.4

15.1

5.6 7.0

13.0

Pic mandibular dentition PERIOD

SEX

dp,

M, WP

L

15.8

9.6

10.4

17.1 17.3 18.8 19.1 19.6 19.7

8.0 9.0 8.5 9.3 9.6 9.5 7.8

15.2 17.0 17.1

10.0 9.7 9.5

10.1 10.7 10.1

17.0

10.3

11.1 10.8

pre V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-out V-out V-out

post post post post uncertain

male female male

WA

M,

L

WP

WA

WP

20.0

12.7

12.1

21.0

13.9 12.5 12.1

14.7

20.6

16.0

9.1

13.6 18.1 17.0

9.9 10.1 9.7

10.6 11.2 10.8 10.5

16.7

9.3

10.5

10.8

L

WA

31.1 34.0 32.1

15.4 14.9 14.6

32.5 27.3 34.0 32.4

14.4 13.2 16.5 15.6

30.0

14.4

32.4

16.5

12.7

9.6 17.6

16.3

M,

L

10.0

11.2

18.8 20.3

13.3 13.1

12.9 13.5

21.0

13.8

12.2

20.5

14.1

15.0

10.5 20.0

13.7

12.3

579

Pic maxillary dentition PERIOD

SEX

dp?

M!

L

WP

V-cemet

12.8

8.8

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet

13.4 13.5

8.1 8.2

WA

WP

14.3

11.1

11.5

12.5 13.5

10.6 10.5

10.6 10.4

V-cemet V-cemet

14.0 14.8

10.6 13.6

10.1 13.9

M?

L

WA

WP

19.1

16.2

16.0

19.3 17.4

14.5 14.9

14.3 14.7

20.1

16.5

16.3

V-cemet

16.5

13.8

13.9

V-cemet

17.1

16.0

17.0

V-cemet V-cemet

21.6

16.8

16.7

V-cemet

14.9

13.8

V-cemet

15.1

14.3

14.1

V-cemet V-cemet

15.4 15.6

13.0 13.9

13.0 12.0

15.6

13.5

14.1

15.7 16.8

13.7 13.0

14.5 12.8

V-cemet

'

M?

L

V-cemet V-cemet

female

V-cemet

L

WA

30.5

17.8

30.6

17.3

30.0

19.1

:

17.0

V-cemet

V-out post post uncertain

13.8 16.7 16.7 16.5

10.7 14.2 13.9 13.6

10.5 13.9 13.6 13.7

20.2

16.2

15.1

EQUIDS PERIOD

V-cemet V-cemet

V-cemet

ELEMENT

radius radius

tibia

Fus.

| MEASUREMENTS

Ε

Bp

SD

BFp

71.6

33.2 33.2

65.0

Bd

Dd

F

50.3 GB

V-cemet

V-cemet V-cemet

580

calcaneus

MC MT

36.3

F mu

GL

Bp

2230

47.0

Bd 47.1

40.0

CEMETERY

CANIDS

Room

List #

ELEMENT

10 10 10 11112 15 11112

1 1 2 7 11 -

scapula scapula scapula scapula scapula scapula

MEASUREMENTS GLP

BG

SLC

13.5 12.6 7.4 15.8 13.9 13.8

7.5 8.0

11.0 12.0

GL

| Bp

Bd

SD

17.1 17.1 10.5

7.0 7.0 4.5

13.6 8.9 12.4

10 10 10

1 1 2

bumerus humerus humerus

43.1 42.2 25.9

10.7 11.1 6.9

10 11112

3 7

humerus humerus

40.3

9.0 13.7

11112 15 15 11112 15

7 11 12 13 13

humerus humerus humerus humerus humerus

66.4 49.4 43.1 64.8 123.7

13.3 10.6 10.4 14.1 21.9

11112

-

humerus

6.2 6.5 19.6 18.0 15.8 21.0 28.3

6.4 7.2 6.8 8.5 10.3

12.0 Bp

Bd

SD

38.6 22.0 48.1

9.0 5.3 10.8

10.9 6.3 10.9

5.9 3.7

1 2 4

radius radius radius

11112

4

radius

10.6

11112 11112 11112 15 15 15

5 7 10 12 13 13

radius radius radius radius radius radius

10.7 11.8

115.8 117.5

10.9 15.0 14.7

20.7 20.3

6.2 10.2 10.0

GL

BPC

BPA

SDO

44.5 25.4

7.8 5.0

10.8

10 10

1 2

ulna ulna

11112

4

ulna

7.0

7.3

11112 11112

6 7

ulna ulna

8.7 10.4

9.8 12.6

11112

7

ulna

10.6

12.0

15 15 15 11/12

11 12 13 -

ulna ulna ulna ulna:

42.6 135.8

9.0 7.9 14.9 8.2

9.3 9.0 22.1 9.0

11112

L

ulna

50.5

8.6

8.6

11112

-

ulna

50.4

8.7

8.8

70.7

20.0

22.6

17.1

GL 10 10 11/12

Dp

17.9

581

CEMETERY CANIDS (cont.) ROOM

LIST #

ELEMENT

Fus.

MEASUREMENTS

GL

LA

SB

LS

LFO

107.1

20.4

6.9

35

21.9

GL

Bp

Bd

SD

DC

10

1

ilium

24.4

11112

4

ilium

22.8

11112

9

ilium

14.0

11112 11112

9 9

ischium ischium

15

13

pelvis

9.1 9.3 F acet.

10

1

femur

43.3

9.6

11.7

6.7

10 10

2 2

femur femur

24.5 27.5

6.4 6.5

7.0 7.0

3.8 3.7

37.2

7.9

9.0

4.7

10

3

femur

11/12 11112

4 6

femur femur

16.9 16.2

11112

7

femur

18.0

11112 15 15

8 11 12

femur femur femur

17

-

femur

11112 15

= =

femur femur

52.4 42.1 F

9.4 6.2

12.8 15.5 12.4

13.0 8.5

20.7

14.6 12.6 Bp

8.7 7.8

10

1

tibia

41

13.2

10

2

tibia

23.7

7.3

10

2

tibia

11/12

6

tibia

45.5

15.6

15

12

tibia

40.4

11.1.

11112 15

7 13

astragalus astragalus

14.7 24.2 GL

GB

11112 11112 15

4 5 {3

calcaneus calcaneus calcaneus

12.6 20.5 39.7

5.7 7.9 15.4

15

13

calcaneus

10

1

tibia

GL

582

FUS

15.3

10.2

7.0 6.5

40.3

GL

Dp

|

Bd

SD

9.2

6.2

6.7

3.7

6.6

3.8

11.8

6.5

8.9

5.7

9.5

CEMETERY CANIDS (cont.) Room

List #

ELEMENT

Fus.

MEASUREMENTS GL

Bp

Bd

SD

4.0 3.6 3.6

3.2

10 10 10 10 10

1 1 1 1 1

MC1? MC3? MC4? MC5? MC5?

15.5 16.4 15.3 14.8

3.2 2.8 3.8 3.6 2.8

10

1

metapodial

13.5

3.0

3.4

10 11112 11112 11112 15 15 15 15 15 15 15

1 4 10 10 11 13 13 13 13 13 13

MT4? MC5 MT4 MT5 MT4 ΜΟΊ MC3 MC3 MCA MCA MC5

23.2 17.0 39.8 33.8 45.1 14.6 42.1 48.9 48.4 48.2 39.8

2.3 3.2 5.6 4.5 4.5 3.0 5.9

3.3 5 6.6 6

6.1

1.6

15

13

metapodial

24.9

2.3

3.4

15

13

MT3

52.4

7.7

7.9

15

13

MT3

52.1

6.8

7.3

15 15 15 11/12 17

13 13 13 -

MT4 MT4 MT5 MT3 MC5

54.5 46.0 17.5

4.8 7.0 6.0 3.3 9.2

74 6.8 4.8

GL

Bp

Bd

SD

8.7 22.7 20.0 16.5 10.8

4.6 7.7 7.5 6.9 6.0

3.7 6.1 6.1 6.4 4.7

4.8 4.4 4.4 4.2

11112 15 15 15 11112

4 13 13 13 -

phal phal phal phal phal

1 1 1 2 2

F

3.9

3.7 3.4 4.2

3.6 7.6

5.5

Other cemetery canid measurements. Numbers in parentheses follow the system of von den Driesch (1976) for measurements

of canid mandibles and maxillae:

Room 10 Puppy#1 mandible: (2) 58.5 (11) 9.4 (19) 11.5 Room 10 Puppy#2 maxilla: (29) 26.9 (31) 16.0 Room 11/12 Puppy#5 maxilla: (35) 23.9 Room Room

11/12 Puppy£5 mandible: 11/12 Puppy #6 mandible:

Room

11/12 Puppy £6 mandible:

(1) 80.4 (2) 78.7 (3) 77.0 (4) 70.6 (5) 67.6 (6) 67.7 (18) 28.7 (1) 65.0 (2) 62.5 (3) 61.4 (4) 55.8 (5) 53.4 (6) 55.9 (18) 22.4

(18) 22.4

583

RED

DEER

PERIOD

ELEMENT

FUS.

MEASUREMENTS

SLC

post

post

scapula

humerus

31.0

F

Bp pre pre

radius radius

Ε F

Bd

BT

52.7

52

Bd

SD

50.0

31.9

55.2

BPC

pre

ulna

Ε

30.1 LA

pre

pelvis

F

65.3

post post

tibia tibia

F

43.6

Bp

Bd

Dd

51.7

36.1

GLI

GLm

DI

Dm

Bd

pre post

astragalus astragalus

54.2 55.2

51.0 515

29 30.5

299 296

33.7 34.3

post

astragalus

54.8

52.0

23.9

32.3

35.2

GL

GB

105

35.2

Bd

SD

Dd

uncertain

calcaneus

F

Bp pre pre pre pre

MC MT MT MT

F F

pre

MT

F

post

MT

uncertain

MT

584

36.3 42.8 44.5

28.9

39.3 39.9

F

47.7

28.7

30

RED DEER (cont.) PERIOD

ELEMENT

Fus.

MEASUREMENTS

pre post

phal 1 phal 1

F

post

phal 1

F

uncertain uncertain V-cemet uncertain uncertain uncertain

phal phal phal phal phal phal

F F F F F F

58.7 563 44.8 39.3 43.3 39.2

GL

1 1 2 2 2 2

Bp

Bd

54.2

20.5

21.6 19

SD 16.6

40.4

13.6

12.2

11.3

23.33 22.5 24 202 23.1 20.8

224 206 166

192 17.9 22.4 14.5

18.8

16.3

585

Misc.

MAMMALIAN

PERIOD

V-out

TAXA

TAXON

canis

ELEMENT

Fus.

M,

MEASUREMENTS L

B

19.6

7.7 Bp

V-out uncertain

uncertain uncertain

canis canis

canis canis

femur femur

tibia tibia

F F

F F

uncertain uncertain

canis canis

MT3 MT4

F F

V-out

canis

phal 1

UN

Bd

35.5 24.8 GL

Bp

Bd

SD

100.7

26.3

18.8 18.1

7.4

GL

Bp

Bd

SD

33.3 33.2

6.8 6.8

5.5 6.7

4.7 4.6

7.1

6.4

BPC

DPA

SDO

6.9 7.7

11.1

10.4

Bd

Dd

14.0

8.7

Bp V-cemet

hare

radius

FUS

7.5

.

V-cemet V-cemet

V-cemet

V-out

V-cemet

hare hare

hare

hare

rabbit

ulna ulna

tibia

calcaneus

MC3

FUS F

F

UN

F

GL

GB

>22.0

10.2

GL

Bp

Bd

22.9

2.9

3.4 Bd

uncertain

badger

humerus ᾿

F |

uncertain

badger

ulna

F

pre

Roe deer

MT

F

29.8

MDS

BPC.

DPA

SDO

21

15.0

17.1

14.6

DPA

SDO

Bp 19.0 BPC

post

586

beaver

ulna

F

12.0

16.6

DOMESTIC PERIOD

FOWL ELEMENT

Fus./AGE

MEASUREMENTS

GL V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet

scapula scapula scapula

F F F

Βρ

Dic

12.1 70.8

11.7 11.4

GL

Bb

BF

Lm

F

51.7 53.6

12.4 13.9

10.2 12.1 12.5

48.6 51.3

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet

coracoid coracoid coracoid

V-cemet

coracoid

F

53.1

13.5

10.9

50.1

V-cemet V-cemet

coracoid coracoid

F F

54.2 50.7

13.4 12.0

11.1 10.2

51.6 48.0

post post

coracoid coracoid

F

53.6 52.0

15.2 13.9

12.1 11.2

51.0 51.0

uncertain

coracoid

F

58.1

13.5

54.8

Bd

SC

GL

Bp

pre

humerus

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet

humerus humerus humerus humerus

F F IMM F

6.1

V-cemet

humerus

F

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-out

humerus humerus humerus humerus humerus humerus humerus

post post post

humerus humerus humerus

uncertain

humerus

uncertain uncertain

humerus humerus

F

GL

| Bp

Dip

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet

carpometacarpus carpometacarpus carpometacarpus

Ε F F

41.6

8.2

47.0

12.9 10.4 10.7

V-out

carpometacarpus

F

38.5

12.1

post

carpometacarpus

F

43.7

13.0

8.7

uncertain

carpometacarpus

39.5

11.5

7.6

17.4 18.0 35.7 73.3

19.7

15.7

13.7

F FUS F F F F

7.1

6.0 6.2 6.0

18.5 13.0 17.1

5.7 14.1 14.9

8.8 5.1 IMM

ει

73.2

20.6

11.0

15.1

6.8

16.3 6.5

Did 9.4

8.2

587

DOMESTIC FOWL (cont.) PERIOD

. ELEMENT

Fus./AGE

pre V-cemet

radius radius

F F

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet

radius radius radius radius radius

F IMM F F F

V-cemet

radius

IMM

V-cemet V-cemet V-out

radius radius radius

F F F

radius radius

F F

radius radius radius

F F

V-out post uncertain uncertain uncertain

i

MEASUREMENTS

GL

Bp

Bd

SC

55.4 59.5

5.4

5.9 6.6

2.8

35.9 61.7

3.0

5.6 6.6 3.8 6.9

7.0 5.6 7.7

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet

ulna ulna ulna ulna ulna

V-cemet

ulna

V-cemet

ulna

F

V-cemet

ulna

F

V-out uncertain

ulna ulna

F

F F F F F

5.5 5.4

GL

Bp

74.0 74.2 65.5 66.6

9.0 90. 8.8 8.4

Bd

SC

Dip

Did

4.5 4.4

10.9 10.7 10

8.4 3.4

7.8

65.0

7.0

7.8

8.3

12.4

9.2

11.6

8.1:

11.8

8.3

8.3 8.8 |

GL pre V-cemet

femur femur

IMM IMM

55.3 46.0

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet

femur femur femur femur

F F IMM IMM

82.1

V-cemet

femur

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet

femur femur femur femur

IMM F IMM F

29.6

V-cemet

femur

IMM

V-cemet V-out

femur femur

F F

post

femur

F

post

femur

F

post uncertain

femur femur

F F

uncertain uncertain

femur femur

F UN

588

6.9 4.5 6.0 7.4 7.6

Bp

10.1

Bd

SC

Dd

Dp

8.4 16.6

16.0 16.1

11 13.4 3.8 4.4

7.2

41.5

8.0 14.7

7.3

6.4 3.3 6.0

10

41.1

8.2

7.9

3.4

6.4

13.3 13.2

9.1 12.1

15.7 73.6

13.0

11.7 13.7

16.3 16.3 62.7

10.8

7.1

9.6

DOMESTIC FowL (cont.) PERIOD

ELEMENT

Fus./AGE

MEASUREMENTS GL

Bp

Bd

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet

tibiotarsus tibiotarsus tibiotarsus tibiotarsus tibiotarsus tibiotarsus tibiotarsus tibiotarsus

— V-cemet V-cemet

tibiotarsus tibiotarsus

V-cemet V-cemet V-out

tibiotarsus tibiotarsus tibiotarsus

F F

post post post

tibiotarsus tibiotarsus tibiotarsus

F F

11.9 9.2

uncertain uncertain

tibiotarsus tibiotarsus

F

11.4

F IMM IMM

pre

tarsometatarsus tarsometatarsus tarsometatarsus tarsometatarsus tarsometatarsus tarsometatarsus tarsometatarsus tarsometatarsus tarsometatarsus tarsometatarsus tarsometatarsus tarsometatarsus tarsometatarsus

Dd

Dip

10.0 50.2 3.9 10.1

IMM IMM

4.0 3.0 5.7

F F

12.9 10.2 103.5 112.7

10.4

10.1 5.5 5.5

10.0 11.0

16.9 12.7

4.8 13.0 11.1 5.0

GL V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-out V-out uncertain

SC 7.0

Bp

Bd

12.2 SC

5.1 IMM IMM F F F F

29.8 30.1 11.9 11.7 13.4

5.5 6.1

12.4 7.3 6.3 5.4

F F 74.5

11.2 12.1 12.6

6.0

589

APPENDIX 2

Developmental stages of mandibular teeth of pigs. de di dp C I P M

deciduous canine deciduous incisor [first (411); second (di2); third (di3)]

deciduous premolar [second (dp2); third (dp3); fourth(dp4)] permanent permanent permanent permanent

Stage

canine incisor [first (I1); second (12); third (13)] premolar [second (P2); third (P3); fourth (P4)] molar [first (M1); second (M2); third (M3)]

Description

Approx. age

dc, di3, dp4 unerupted or in process of erupting, but not in occlusal position

fetal-newborn

dc and di3 are slightly worn. dp4 is in occlusal position, but with no or minimal wear. dil, di2, dp2, dp3, and M1

are unerupted

1-3 months

dc and di3 are moderately worn. dil, di2, dp2, and dp3 are erupting and may show slight wear if in occlusion early. dp4 is exhibiting slight wear on the occlusal surface. M1 is erupting but not in occlusal position

3-6 months

dc and di3 are heavily worn. dil, di2, dp2, dp3, and dp4 exhibit moderate wear

on the surface. M1 is in occlusal position and exhibits slight wear. I1, I3, and M2 are unerupted. C may be in early eruption

6 months-1 year

dp2, dp3 and dp4 are very worn with none of the cusps identifiable. di2 is moderately to heavily worn. C, I1, and I3 are erupting and have replaced dc, dil, and di3 respectively. M1 shows slight to moderate wear. M2 is erupting, but not in occlusal position

1-1.25 years

P2, P3, and P4 have replaced dp2, dp3, and dp4 respectively. C, I1, I3, and M2 show slight wear. M1 is worn. M3 is erupting but not in occlusion. di2 is heavily worn

1.25-1.5 years

I2 has replaced di2, and may show some wear. C, P2, P3, and P4 exhibit slight to moderate wear. I1 an 13 show moderate wear. M1 is worn flat on the occlusal sur-

face. M2 shows moderate wear, but the apices of the cusps still project above the occlusal plane. M3 is in occlusal position, but shows only minimal wear

1.5-2.5 years

Moderate to heavy wear if shown on C, I1, I2, 13, P2, P3, and P4. M1 is worn vir-

tually to the gum line. M2 is worn to a flat occlusal plane. M3 exhibits slight to moderate wear M3 is worn to a flat occlusal plane.

2.5-3.5 years 3.5+years

591

APPENDIX 3

Scientific nomenclature of taxa listed in this report Cattle

Bos taurus

Sheep/Goat Pig/Wild boar

Ovis aries/Capra hircus Sus scrofa/Sus scrofa fer. Equus caballus Equus asinus Canis familiaris Felis catus Cervus elaphus Capreolus capreolus

Horse Ass

Domestic dog Domestic cat Red deer Roe deer Hare Rabbit

Lepus europaeus

Hazel Dormouse Bank Vole

Orytolagus cuniculus Meles meles Castor fiber Eliomys quercinus Glis glis Muscardinus avellanarius Clethrionomys glareolus

Savi's Pine Vole Northern Water Vole

Arvicola terrestris

Badger Beaver Garden Dormouse

Edible Dormouse

Black Rat Wood/Field Mouse House Mouse Chicken/Domestic fowl Kestrel Rock dove

Swallow Thrush Tit Oriole Raven

Pitymys savii Rattus rattus

Apodemus sylvaticus Mus domesticus Gallus gallus Falco tinunculus Columba livia Hirundo rustica Turdus sp. Parus sp.

Oriolus sp.

Sparrow

Corvus corax Passer sp.

Toad

Bufo bufo

593

SHEEP/GoaT mandibular dentition PERIOD

SP. L

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet

CA CA OV

20.0

dp, B

H

6.7 6.5 10.2

15.1 7.0 7.2

L

16.6

9.8 11.4 12.9 13.9 15.0 15.6 17.5

V-cemet

V-cemet V-cemet.

7.9 7.2 7.5 74 7.9 30.9 7.6 24.0 24.3

V-cemet

V-cemet V-cemet

8.7 8.7 9.4 9.6

V-cemet

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet V-out uncertain uncertain

15.7

13.9

6.7

6.6

13.8 9.8 11.0

79. 1.5 8.4

17.8 12.0 12.6

8.1 8.7 8.4

13.1

7.6

16.1

7.1

22.1

8.2

24.1

9.2

64 62

30.0

SHEEP/GOAT maxillary dentition M

PERIOD

V-cemet V-cemet

V-cemet V-cemet

V-cemet V-cemet V-cemet post V-cemet

1/2

M?

L

W

10.6 12.7 12.7 13.8 14.8 14.9 15.3

11.4 9.6 12.7 12.5 10.6 10.7 10.5 18.0 19.0 19.0 19.4 21.1

“V-cemet

V-cemet V-cemet

MICHAEL

594

13.7 11.2 12.2 11.9 12.5

MCKINNON

CHAPTER

CHARRED

6

FLORAL REMAINS FROM THE VILLA AT POGGIO GRAMIGNANO

INTRODUCTION

Charred wood representing a variety of trees and shrubs, and limited remains of burned reproductive plant parts, have been recovered from the ruins of the Roman villa at Poggio Gramignano in the region of Umbria in central Italy. ! Most of the trees and shrubs preserved as charcoal in the villa can still be found growing in the immediate region today. Currently, much of the land is given over to the cultivation of olives (Olea), grape (Vitis) vinyards, fields of cereal grains (Triticum, Avena) and sunflowers (Helianthus) introduced from the New World. Remnant oak (Quercus) forests on

field edges, and the recovery of mixed oak forests in fallow areas, suggest the predominant climax vegetation in this region is woodland. From the archaeological evidence, it appears that the occupants of the villa had many of these same woodland sources available, though the proportions remain unknown. But their need to clear the land for the olive, grape and cereal agriculture suggested by the archaeological evidence would have reduced the climax woodland. The longstanding interactions between humans and the Mediterranean forests have been discussed by Thirgood as a history of resource depletion. When the Greeks settled southern Italy, the land was covered with forests of ash, evergreen oak, laurel and myrtle; today these trees are preserved only in inaccessible locations in the Calabrian Mountains. ? Elsewhere in Italy, the vegetation

represents a balance of various levels of biotic pressures in which man has played a most important role. The comings and goings of humans over the centuries, coupled with varied levels of intensified use, have fostered a mosaic habitat in most locations.

The role that climate has played in promoting the current Mediterranean landscape over five thousand years has been relatively minor. ? Many facets of Mediterranean life suggest a stability of climate between Classical times and the present such as the constancy of crop tion, persistance of tillage traditions and practices, scheduling of field operations and time for fruit maturity. 4 Any thinning of vegetation noted in the modern landscape of the region

the past general producneeded may be

attributed to deforestation and soil erosion over the centuries, rather than to climatic variations.

METHODS

During excavations at the villa archaeologists collected pieces of plant material visible to the eye and submitted them for examination. In addition, bulk amounts of site sediment were processed in a flotation [water separation] technique to segregate smaller, buoyant plant parts from dense lithic and other non-organic debris.

1 KAREN R. ADAMS, Preliminary Report on Plant Remains from the Villa Poggio Gramignano, Lugnano in Teverina, Italy (Manuscript on file, University of Arizona Classics Department) 1990; KAREN R. Apaus, Interim Report on Plant Remains from Villa Poggio Gramignano, Lugnano in Teverina, Italy, 1990-1991 Excavations (Manuscript on file, University of Arizona Classics Department)

1991.

? J. V. TuiRGOOD, Man and the Mediterranean Forest: A History of Resource Depletion (New York: 1981) p. 3. 3K. W. BUTZER, “Climatic Change in Arid Regions Since the Pliocene”, in DUDLEY STAMP, Editor, A History of Land Use in Arid Regions (New York, UNESCO: 1961) p. 44. 4THircooD

1981, p. 23.

595

Flotation. Bulk sediment samples of varying size [up to 50: liters] were processed by pouring the sediment into a large tub of water, and skimming off the floating debris using a tea strainer with a fine mesh [ VORSILA L: BOHRER, “Guideposts in Ethnobotany”, Journal of Ethnobiology 6: 1 (1986) 34. 6 FRITZ H. SCHWEINGRUBER, Microscopic Wood Anatomy, 2nd Edition (Teufen: 1982). 7 KAREN R. Apams, Charred Plant Remains from Fourth Century A.D. Roman Age Deposits Southwestern Cyprus (Manuscript on file with the author) 1987.

596

in Ancient

Kourion,

fruit often decay, leaving no record of their use. The event that charred this specimen most likely insured its preservation. The recovery of charred grape wood [discussed below] compliments this record. Like olive, the history of grape use in the Mediterranean is also a long one. 8 Grape vines are still widely cultivated in the local region today. The modern comparative collection of disseminules is too limited to positively identify the unknown circular seed preserved in Grid M49d. However, its characteristics suggest it is a member of the Chenopodiaceae [goosefoot] family, possibly representing a local species of Chenopodium of which both the leaves and seeds are edible. This seed likely represents a tolerated garden weed. In historical writings, Columella describes a garden in which wild species mix happily with cultivated plants. 9 Charred Wood. The bulk of preserved plant remains from the villa is made up of charcoal pieces 2cm in diameter and smaller, gathered from the site during excavation. Data from all excavation years has been summarized in Appendix IV. The distribution of wood types by specific site provenience can be found in Appendices V-VIII. The charred wood preserved in the villa represents a minimum of seventeen different types of trees and shrubs [Appendix IV]. The reader is reminded that use of the word “type” in the appendices and text means that the ancient specimens from the villa closely resemble the taxon named, but that a positive identification may not be possible. This conservative approach is used because of the similarity in appearance of some plants, especially when their parts have been altered during burning. Generally, the most ubiquitous wood types recovered from the villa deposits were oaks (Quercus cerris, Quercus ilex types), elm (Ulmus laevis type) and olive (Olea europaea type) (Plate 268). These

trees, still abundant in the region of the villa today, seem to have been both available to and preferred by the villa's inhabitants. As hard woods, they all would have provided a lasting bed of hot coals for cooking and heating. Oak also is a good material for carpentry and the creation of posts, tool handles, planks and casks. Researchers believe that for many centuries Italian forests have had

various species of oak as major components. 1° The Roman age record of charred wood at the villa confirms that its occupants found oak wood both available and preferable. Both species of oak are notable members of the woody vegetation of the area today, though their presence on the landscape is kept artificially low due to extensive agriculture. Elm wood can also be fashioned into posts and axe handles. Olive wood probably came from the nearby olive groves as a by-product of cultivation. Whenever a tree was pruned or when one died and was removed, the wood would have been used

to replenish fuel supplies. Five additional charcoal types commonly recovered at the villa suggest that other wood sources were exploited (Plate). Juniper (Cupressus/Juniperus type) and ash (Fraxinus type) might have provided additional fuel sources due to their large size. Wood of Cupressus sempervirens (Italian cypress) and Juniperus communis (dwarf cedar), however, are both local softwoods that might not offer particularly hot or lasting coals when compared to local hardwoods (e.g. oak). This might help explain their low frequency of use in relation to oak. Woods of much-branched shrubs with no large trunks, such as buckthorn (Rhamnus alaternus type), honeysuckle (Lonicera caprifolium type) and genista (Spartium junceum type) were burned perhaps as debris left over from some activity or because, on occasion, they grew near the villa as they do today and were easily gathered for small fires. Seven additional charcoal types were only rarely identified in villa deposits (Plate 269). These include the wood of two domestic resources: grape (Vitis type) and fig (Ficus type). Like olive, these plants were probably burned only as incidental debris from agricultural activities such as pruning. Finally, wood of pine (Pinus type) and redbud (Cercis siliquastrum type) trees was burned on occasion, as was wood from a shrubby species of rose (Rosaceae type), hawthorn (Craetagus type), raspberry (Rubus ulmifolius type) and hop hornbeam (Ostyra type) in the hazelnut family. The pithy small stems of Rubus do not offer a combustible material that burns for any length of time. Except 8 R. D. MEIKLE, Flora of Cyprus, Vol. I (Kew Royal Botanical Gardens: 1977) pp. 360-361. 9 JOAN M. FRAYN, Subsistance Farming in Roman Italy (London: 1979) p. 63. 10 THIRGOOD

1981, pp. 3, 48.

597

for pine wood, the other types of hardwoods would provide slow-burning, higher temperature fires; these resources were apparently added to a hearth or oven at the villa on rare occasions. The seventeen taxa of charred wood types found at the villa represent both trees and shrubs, with

the bulk of it coming from mixed deposits or debris discarded into abandoned rooms. As such it paints a general picture of wood use at the villa. Although it is assumed that the occupants preferred to gather certain woods for hot cooking fires and others for long lasting, low sparking fires, the homogenization of these deposits due to human and rodent activity, agricultural disturbance and the activities of clandestini have blurred the evidence. Fortunately, some charcoal was preserved in association with cultural features, giving some insight into ancient wood use. For example, small deposits of charred honeysuckle and olive wood, associated with JB 40, an infant burial of the fifth century A. D., probably is the residue of a burned offering. In Room 11, mettalurgical needs required the use of oak wood, evidenced by the charcoal of Quercis cerris type preserved in the highly oxidized firepit [Grid 49bc, Loci 1403-1406] which was probably used for iron smelting. Finally, two deposits dumped nearby [Grid 49bd] contained a concentration of pine charcoal (Locus 1355, Bsk 7757-7758], and, elsewhere, buckthorn charcoal discarded onto a door lintel [Locus 1364, Bsk 7754] and associated with animal bones, possibly pro-

vided a fire for cooking. | Areview of Appendices IV-VIII reveals that some grids and loci retained a wide variety of charred wood types, while others did not. Although this pattern may relate to cultural events in the past, it is also possible that other factors are responsible. For example, the distribution of wood types in the villa seems partly dependent on sampling intensity. Two grids and twenty-six loci [M49D, fourteen loci; N50D, twelve loci] that preserved the widest variety of charred wood taxa were heavily sampled. Also, some post-occupational mixing probably occurred due to soil heaving, penetration of strata by tree and shrub roots, bioturbation caused by ants and local rodents and local cultivation efforts that have

churned the upper soil profile. If these processes have mixed charred plant remains vertically, and to some extent horizontally, the evidence of human-plant interactions at the villa has become diffused. PLANT USE AT THE VILLA

Since the floral record at the villa has preserved few foodstuffs or economic resources other than forestry products, a generalized view of possible plant use by the occupants can be surmised from current literature. The region of Umbria was proficient in the cultivation of emmer wheat, flax for clothing and high yielding grape vines. In additon, it was famous for its fine cattle, and it παν ποτα in the wool trade. 11 | The basic diet of Classical times has been summarized by White. 12 The Romans consumed a vegetarian diet of cereal grains, green and dried vegetables, fresh and dried fruit and wine. The milk of goats and sheep provided protein, along with the occasional consumption of the meat of goat and pig. The evidence provided by the charred wheat and barley cereal grains indicates that the inhabitants of the region practiced cereal grain agriculture. Wheat was preferred by the Romans 13, and was often eaten with vegetables. This combination formed the diet of the poor even at the height of the empire, though barley may have been the basis for the diet of slaves. Grain processing was tedious, requiring milling, sieving and cooking. The prepared flour could be eaten as porridge or baked as flat, unleavened bread.

The cultivation of fruit orchards and vinyards was probably as important here as it was elsewhere in the Mediterranean, since olives, grapes, figs and pomegranates had been cultivated in the

i! K. D. WHITE, Roman Farming (New York: 1970) p. 78. 12 K. D. WHITE, "Food Requirements and Food Supplies in Classical Times in Relation to the Diet of the Various Classes", Progress in Food and Nutrition Science 2: 4 (1976) 143-191. 13 WHITE 1976, p. 147.

598

region at least since the Bronze Age. 14 Some sense of the varieties of uses of these resources in antiquity can be understood through evidence recorded in the Christian Bible. 15 For example, olives provided oil for cooking, offerings, lamp fuel, hair and skin tonic, medicine and perfumed ointments. Grapes were dried for raisins and pressed into wine and vinegar. Its cultivation and harvest provided an opportunity for festivals and celebration. Fig trees provided fruit, shade and wood for the hearth. Other foodstuffs not recovered from the villa but present in the region today and probably also in antiquity include pomegranates, legumes, beans, lentils, onions, walnuts, pistachio nuts, almonds, endive and chicory, lettuce, sorrel and dandelion. !6 In addition, it was common

to collect

any wild or semi-wild greens or edible plants growing on arable land. 17 Plants also provided many non-food products. 18 Although the main sources for clothing materials were probably animal skins and wool, flax was also an important textile plant in antiquity. Moreover, any woody plant could have provided a fuel source, as evidenced by the large variety of charcoal types found in the villa. And trees of sufficient size and strength would have provided lumber as well. Oak seems to have been especially prized for building and for the hot fires required for ceramic and metallurgical kilns, while the straight grain of conifers offered a wood

desireable for

carpentry and interior detailing. Utensils and implements of all types were also made of wood, though only their metal parts or tools of iron or bronze usually survive. 19 Mattresses may have been stuffed with reeds 29, buckthorn may have provided vinyard or orchard hedges and turpentine could have been made from pistachio bark. Withes used in basketry and binding could have been provided by young shoots and sucker growth of willows, cottonwoods, reeds and rushes which are all present in the region today. AKNOWLEDGMENTS

I appreciate the courtesy extended by three individuals, Anna Maria Biagnini, Franco Biondi and Mark Berghold, in helping in the translations of descriptions of plant species in Italian Floras in order to identify the modern comparative collection of material. Rex K. Adams provided a second critical review of the identifications of charred wood from the villa, and assisted in developing the descriptions of the modern charred wood collection. APPENDIX I Comparative Material and Text Descriptions Consulted in Identifying Charcoal from the Villa at Poggio Gramignano. Wood specimens available from Italy: Italy Italy Italy Italy Italy Italy Italy Italy

02 03 06 07 08 09 10 25

Quercus ilex L. Juglans regia L. Rhamnus alaternus L. Lonicera cf. caprifolium L. Rosa Spartium junceum L. Quercus cerris Robinia pseudoacacia L. [native of N. America]

14 DANIEL ZOHARY and PINHAS SPIEGEL-Roy, "Beginnings of Fruit Growing in the Old World", Science 187 (1975) 319. 15 HAROLD N. MOLDENKE, "The Economic Plants of the Bible", Economic Botany 8: 2 (1954) 152-163. 16 MOLDENKE 1954, pp. 152-163. 17 FRAYN

1979, p. 59.

18 MOLDENKE 1954, pp. 159-163. 19 FRAYN

1979, p. 131.

20 FRAYN 1979, p. 31.

599

Italy Italy Italy Italy Italy

29 33 34 39 59

Prunus Prunus Ulmus Rubus Cornus

spinosa L. [plum] amygdalus [almond] laevis Pallas ulmifolius Schott. sanguinea L.

Wood specimens available from Cyprus: CY#11 CY#15 CY#23 CY#53 CY#55 CY#57

Anagyris foetida Pistacia lentiscus Thymelaea hirsuta Tetraclinus articulata Cercis siliquastrum Craetagus azarolus

CY#63

Ficus carica

CY#64

Olea europaea

CY#65 CY#66 CY#67 CY#62 CY#69 CY#71 CY#94 CY#97 CY#105

Cupressus sempervirens var. sempervirens Cupressus sempervirens var. horizontalis Ficus carica Ceratonia siliqua Olea europaea Pistacia terebinthus = Quercus alnifolia Pinus brutia Punicum granatum

Wood specimens available from Tucson, Arizona: 8/89 8/89

Morus, domestic Nerium oleander

APPENDIX II Identification criteria for charred plant parts from the Villa Poggio Gramignano, Lugnano in Teverina, Italy. Characteristics of charred wood precede those of reproductive parts. Notations such as “ITALY 51” refer to modern specimens collected and charred by the author, and backed by herbarium specimens deposited in the University of Arizona Herbarium. Woop

Distinct Individualists

Craetagus type (19) charcoal TRANSVERSE VIEW: Diffuse, porous, rarely ring porous. Sometimes in pore clusters, fairly uniformly distributed.

Pores

solitary, circular to polygonal.

Fraxinus type charred wood [described in Schweingruber 1982: 102] TRANSVERSE VIEW: Annual rings present, wood is ring-porous with large early wood vessels forming a distinct band; large vessels are solitary, with occasional pairs; late wood comprises well over 90% of the annual ring, having very small, randomly scattered vessels [solitary, but some pairs] barely visible at 8x magnification; rays abundant, thin. Juniperus communis [ITALY 51] charred wood Cupressus sempervirens [CYPRUS 65] charred wood TRANSVERSE VIEW: Annual rings present, sharply demarcated; vessels absent; resin canals lacking;

late wood zone narrow to very narrow; early wood zone wide, occupying most of the ring. 600

Lonicera cf. caprifolium L. [ITALY 07] charred wood TRANSVERSE VIEW: Annual rings present, boundary very thin; vessels obvious, wood slightly semiring porous, in that larger early wood vessels grade gradually into smaller late wood vessels; vessels often continuous both horizontally and vertically; rays thin [1-2 cells wide] and abundant and mostly continuous across annual rings, with 4+ vessels between any two rays. This wood type is also similar to modern Sambucus

[elderberry] wood in the author's collection.

Ostyra type (20) charcoal TRANSVERSE VIEW: Diffuse porous, with isolated rows of pores in radially oriented files. Growth ring often difficult to see. Rays visible, between 1-4 cells wide. Quercus cerris [ITALY 10] charred wood

TRANSVERSE VIEW: Annual rings present; vessels obvious, wood distinctly ring-porous; a single ring of large early wood vessels form a distinct band in the early wood; remaining vessels are much smaller and are distributed in flame-like patterns throughout the remainder of the ring; rays of two types, al some are very large, up to 10+ cells wide, and with up to 6-8 large early wood vessels between them, and b] some are very thin, perhaps only 1-2 cells wide, and have 1-2 smaller vessels between them. Quercus ilex [Itaty 02] charred wood

TRANSVERSE VIEW TWIG WOOD: Specimens are of small diameter and lack evidence of multiple growth years. Annual rings not visible; vessels appear in a diffuse porous pattern, primarily as isolates distributed randomly throughout the ring, grading from smaller in the early wood to larger in the late wood. Rays obvious, several cells in width, appearing as a single type. This wood type is clearly distinct from Quercus cerris because it lacks the very large early wood ring of vessels, lacks the flame-like arrangement of smaller vessels, and its rays are smaller. However, more mature wood of Q. ilex should be examined for these characteristics. Rubus ulmifolius [ITALY 39] charred wood

TRANSVERSE VIEW: Annual rings not obvious; stem is almost completely occupied by pith, with a thin band of vessels around the exterior. Stems have a star-shaped [5-sided] cross section, and each

ridge of the star may retain the remnants of thorns. Rays present, obvious, separated by groups of randomly spaced large and small vessels that fill the intervening space. Ulmus laevis type [ITALY 34] charred wood

TRANSVERSE VIEW: Annual rings obvious; vessels in early wood large and isolated, in late wood occurring as clusters of small, contiguous cells that are obliquely oriented to the rays; rays thin, with 1-2 larger vessels and one small vessel cluster between two rays. . This wood type superficially appears similar to Cercis wood, with the following exceptions. The clusters of small vessels in Ulmus occur to the eye as uni-directional "bands", and not so much as wave-like “ws” or inverted "vs". Also, the bigger vessels in Ulmus are primarily isolates, while in Cercis many occur in pairs or as multiples. Vitis [TucsoN] charred wood TRANSVERSE VIEW TWIG WOOD: Annual rings present; semi-ring porous, vessels large in early wood, gradually diminishing in size and increasing in number through late wood; vessels absent at late wood boundary; vessels primarily in single isolates and pairs, only occasionally in multiples in vertical rows; rays prominent and wide, very abundant, with usually only one to two vessels between rays. UNKNOWN TYPE ἃ charred wood

TRANSVERSE VIEW: Annual rings very faint and extremely thin; vessels present, diffuse porous; vessels of one size, occurring primarily in contiguous vertical rows and pairs, separated by dense, lightreflective background cells; rays wide, with a range of 3-6 vessels spaced between them. 601

UNKNOWN TYPE B charred wood

TRANSVERSE VIEW: Annual rings not obvious, but pieces are of small diameter, possibly representing young wood that may depict only a single growing season; vessels present, and appear to increase in size toward outer ring boundary; vessels not in straight vertical strings; not more than 2-

5 vessels between any two rays; rays huge, filling up well over 1/2 of the entire transverse view. TANGENTIAL VIEW: At 8x magnification, the ends of the rays are prominent as long vertical straight lines of cells. Type B compares moderately well to young wood of Quercus ilex [ITALY 02], however the vessels in Type B are larger and the rays are wider. Also, the available modern comparative material of Q. ilex is limited to only young wood. UNKNOWN TyPE C charred wood TRANSVERSE VIEW: Annual ring present; wood ring porous, with large solitary vessels in the early wood that abruptly give way to clusters of small vessels which are at oblique angles to the rays in undulating wave-like patterns; rays obvious, with 1-2 large vessels between two rays; background matrix of non-vessel cells in late wood is quite dense. This wood type resembles in some ways the banding of late wood in Cercis siliquastrum. However, the clusters of small vessels in TYPE C are larger. Confusing Pairs Legumes

Spartium junceum L. [Iraty 09] charred wood TRANSVERSE VIEW: Annual rings present, but faint; diffuse porous to semi-ring porous. Vessels arranged as follows: throughout the ring, small ones visible at 8x magnification are in multiples, and run at oblique angles to the rays, forming what appear to be “w’s” or “vs”; these gradually get smaller in the late wood. Other very small vessels visible at 20x, are dispersed around the vessels already described. Background cells are minute and barely visible at 32x. Rays are 1-4+ cells wide, with usually 1-3 vessels between two rays. Cercis siliquastrum | CYPRUS 55] charred wood

TRANSVERSE VIEW: Annual rings present; boundaries distinct; ring to semi-ring porous. Vessels arranged as follows: some single, large, visible at 8x, forming the first row of cells in the early wood, followed by vessel pairs and multiples that are slightly smaller. Vessels in the late wood are small, giving the appearance of arcs or wave-like patterns; some are in pairs or multiple clusters. Rays are abundant and generally not over 4 cells in width. Cercis siliguastrum L. is present in all regions of

Italy today [PIGNATTI 1952].

.

|

i

How to tell Cercis from Spartium. While both have some wave-like patterning of vessels in the late wood, Spartium early wood lacks large vessels, the annual ring boundaries are difficult to detect, and the overall appearance of the wood is diffuse to semi-ring porous. | Rhamnus/Olea

—

Rhamnus alaternus [IrALY 06] charred wood TRANSVERSE VIEW: Annual rings not or barely visible; diffuse porous. Vessels arranged in widelyspaced multiple vertical rows, with some isolates. Rays not visible at 8x magnification. Olea europaea [CYPRUS 6] charred wood.

TRANSVERSE VIEW: Annual rings not or barely visible; diffuse porous. Vessels randomly scattered, mostly in pairs and multiple rows. Rays very small, barely visible at 8x. The principle characteristics that help distinguish Rhamnus from Olea are: the vessels in Olea are more consistently of a single size, and larger than in Rhamnus; also, the vessels in Rhamnus tend to form straighter files or vertical rows, while the vertical orientation of vessels in Olea is less well-defined. 602

REPRODUCTIVE

PARTS

Olea europaea type Endocarp. Endocarp is the bony layer of the fruit wall commonly referred to as a "stone" or “pit”. In each case, only half of the pit has preserved, appearing as an ovoid with one flat side [although this includes a depression] and one convex side. Diagnostic characteristics on the surface include a

series of parallel ridges separated by furrows containing fibrous stands; these ridges and furrows gradually taper to a point. The size of these specimens ranges from 1 cm in lengthX0.7cm in widthx0.6cm deep [Grid M59D, Locus 464, Basket 2952] to three larger specimens up to 1.5cm in length X0.9cm in widthX0.5cm deep [Grid N50C,

Locus 009, Basket 085].

Hordeum type grains. The two grains from Locus 802 are quite different in size, but both have the general characteristics of hull-less, free-threshing barley. The largest grain measures 7.9mm in length and 3.9mm

in width. It has a shallow ventral groove, a rather flattened apex and no dorsal

ridge. In lateral view the ventral and dorsal surfaces have a fairly straight profile, with no widening near the embryo. The asymmetry of this grain in ventral view suggests it may have come from a "sixrow" type that holds three mature grains/spikelets, where the lateral two grains are somewhat twisted in relation to the central one. The second much smaller barley grain (4.5mm longX 1.9mm wide) is similar in characteristics to the larger one, except for size. Triticum type grains. The grains from Locus 1508 are generally rounded with a deep narrow groove down the ventral side. The complete specimens measure up to 6.4mm in length and 1.8mm in width. A single strong ridge runs the length of the dorsal side. In lateral view the widest point is just above the embryo, which occupies approximately one-quarter of the length of the grain. The grains are relatively short and wide, not long and narrow as oat (Avena) or rye (Secale) grains. They have no additional longitudinal ridges on the dorsal side as do barley (Hordeum) grains. No other glume or rachis parts were recovered with these grains. Four wheat grains associated with Locus 802 are shorter (5.8mm long) and plumper (2.8mm wide) than those from Locus 1508, but they have the same general characteristics of wheat grains already described. They may represent a different variety of free-threshing wheat, or a different set of environmental circumstances during growth. These also lack associated glume or rachis parts. Vitis type | Fruit with seed. This charred specimen [Grid M49D, Locus 464, Basket 2910] consists of a com-

plete seed and a large portion of the fleshy outer fruit still attached. The seed is completely exposed on one side, and measures 5.4mm in length by 3.2mm in the middle. It is shaped like a tear-drop or light bulb, broad at the distal end and sharply narrowing below the middle to a blunt proximal end. The epidermal layer of the fruit is still attached. In charring, the fruit flesh has become full of holes, and has a shiny reflective appearance to it. | Unknown Seed. This circular-lenticular seed [Grid M49D,

Locus

468, Basket

2985]

measures

1.1mm

in

diameter, and has a projection along one edge that appears to be the end of the encircling embryo. This seed compares well to seeds in the Chenopodiaceae family, especially Chenopodium. Locally C. vulvaria has been observed growing as a weedy plant in modern-day gardens. APPENDIX III List of Abbreviations for Taxa Found at the Villa at Poggio Gramignano. Q. cerris Q. ilex

Quercus cerris Quercus ilex

O. europaea U. laevis

Olea europaea Ulmus laevis

R. alaternus

Rhamnus alaternus

603

L. caprifolium

| Lonicera caprifolium

Cup./Jun. S. junceum

Cupressus/Juniperus Spartium junceum

R: ulmifolius C. siliquastrum A B C Unk

Rubus ulmifolius Cercis siliquastrum Unknown Type A Unknown Type B Unknown Type C Unknown

APPENDIX IV 1988-1991 Summary of Charcoal Ubiquity By Type at the Villa at Poggio Gramignano -- Number of Loci/Number of Baskets (See Appendix III for Taxa Abbreviations). TAXON UBIQUITOUS Q. cerris type Q. ilex type O. europaea type U. laevis type

1988/1989 Loci/Bsk 10/16 1/2 4/4 2/3

1990 Loci/Bsk 17/45 26/61 11/20 16/39

1991 Loci/Bsk 35/55 25/38 23/33 15/23

TOTAL Loci/Bsk 62/116 52/101 38/57 33/65

R. alaternus type L. caprifolium type Cup./Jun. type S. junceum type

5/5 4/4 6/6 4/6

11/17 12/20 6/11 9/19

13/14 9/15 11/16 7/12

29/36 25/39 23/33 20/37

Fraxinus type

1/1

6/7

8/11

15/19

Rosaceae type Ficus type Vitis type Craetagus type Ostyra type

1/1 4/4 -

7/8 2/2 -

1/2 1/2 3/4 3/3

8/10 4/5 4/4 3/4 3/3

Pinus type

-

--

2/4

2/4

C. siliquastrum type R. ulmifolius type

2/3 1/1

-

-

2/3

TOTAL *

49/80

40/147

58/121

147/348

COMMON

RARE

.

* This total refers to the total number of loci and separate baskets examined for the period indicated. For example, eighty separate baskets within forty-nine loci (49/80) were examined

from the excavations of 1988/1989, and sixteen of those bas-

kets within ten loci preserved Q. cerris type charcoal.

APPENDIX V 1988 Summary of Charcoal Types Recovered from the Villa at Poggio Gramignano (See Appendix III for Taxa Abbreviations). Locus 064 065

Grip N50d N50d

066 070 075 080 082

N50d N50d N50d N50d N50d

109

N50c

604

Basker 180 177 185 718 734 . 744 781

Taxa (Number of pieces of charcoal) Q. cerris (1), R. ulmifolius (1) Unk (1) O. europaea (1), Unk, ring, rays (4) Unk (1) Root? (1) Unk (1) Unk (1)

270

L. caprifolium (2)

285

R. alaternus (1)

113 156 207 208 212 214 254 256 300 304 305 309 312

N50c N51a O50c O50c O50c O50c N50c N50c N50d N50d N50d N50d N50d

910 470 633 639 658 668 1046 1052 1124 1139 1143 1157 1162

A (2) C (5), B (2)

Q. cerris (2), S. junceum (4), L. caprifolium (2), Unk (4) Unk, diffuse, ray (4) L. caprifolium (1) Unk, diffuse (10), Unk, ring (1) Unk, diffuse (1)

B (2) Unk, diffuse (2) Ficus (1), Unk, diffuse (3)

Unk (6) Unk (1) B (5)

APPENDIX VI 1989 Summary of Charcoal Types Recovered from the Villa at Poggio Gramignano (See Appendix III for Taxa Abbreviations). Locus

GRID

101 450

M50b M49d

454

M49d

458 462

M49d M49d

463

M49d

464

M49d

465

M49d

BASKET

212 2113 2118 2138 2122 2162 2171 2189 2196 2920 . 2941

2170 3216 2910 2917 2952 2967 2977 2986 2996 3266 2184 2185 2194 2907

TAXA (Number of pieces of charcoal) Quercus (3), Vitis (10) Unk, diffuse, ray (2)

Unk (7) Fraxinus (4)

R. alaternus (10), Unk, ring (3), Unk, diffuse (6), Unk (2) Q. cerris (5), Unk, ring (6)

Cup./Jun. (2), Q. cerris (6), Vitis (2), Unk, diffuse (3) Unk (4) Unk, diffuse (3), Unk, ring (10)

Unk, diffuse (6), Unk, ring (1) Unk, diffuse (5)

Q. cerris (6), Unk, ring (2), Unk rays (2), Unk (3) Unk (2) S. junceum (3), B (4), Vitis fruit w/seed (1), Unk (2) Unk, diffuse (3), Unk, ring (2) Unk, diffuse (3), Unk, diffuse (2), B (2), Q. cerris (2), Unk (4) L. caprifolium (1), Q. cerris (1), R. europaea (2), B (1), Vitis (1), Unk S. junceum (1), Q. cerris (1), Unk

Unk, ring (2) alaternus (3), Cup./Jun. (2), S. junceum (10) (3)

(1), O.

Unk (4) Q. cerris (2) R. alaternus (3), U. laevis (1), C. siliquastrum (6), Q. cerris (2), Unk (6) C. siliquastrum (6), O. europaea (4), Q. cerris (2), Unk, ring (2) Too small to ID Cup./Jun. (1), Q, cerris (4), S. junceum (1), U. laevis (2), B (2), Unk, diffuse (6),

Unk ring (1)

466

M49d

467

M49d

469

M49d

2957 3206 2926 2928 2931 2938 2948 3228 3232 3200

Unk (5)

Unk (3) Q. cerris (4), Unk, diffuse (1), Unk (4) B (3), Unk, diffuse (4), Unk, diffuse, ray (3) C. cerris (1), U. laevis (1), C. siliquastrum (3), Unk, rings, rays (3) Too small to ID

Unk, diffuse (10) Cup./Jun. (1), Unk (2) Too small to ID

Unk (10)

605

470 501

M49d N49c

502

N49c

507 600

N49c M50a

616 651 655 702 705 707 713 750

M50a M51b M51b M50b M50a M50a M50a M49b

754

M49b

3254 2220 2229 2241 2222 2226 2235 2236 2248 2786 2793 3306 2855 2863 3039 3066 3087 3427 3103 3106 3128

Unk, diffuse Q. cerris (4) Unk, diffuse Unk, diffuse Too small to Too small to Too small to

(1) (10), Unk, ring (4) (10) ID ID ID

Q. cerris (6), Unk, diffuse (7) Unk, diffuse (2) S. junceum (1) Unk, diffuse (4) Q. ilex (4), Unk (2) Unk, diffuse, ray (10) Vitis (10)

Unk, knot? (1) Q. ilex (4)

B (10) Root? (1) Unk, diffuse (2), Unk, diffuse, ray (5) A (3)

Cup./Jun. (2), O. europaea (5), C (5), Unk (1)

APPENDIX VII 1990 Summary of Charcoal Types Recovered from the Villa at Poggio Gramignano (See Appendix III for Taxa Abbreviations). Locus 464

GRID

M49bd

464

Unk

467

M49d

467

Unk

471 602

M49d M50a

606

BASKET

4921 4925 4926 4934 4936 4940 4994 4999 5510 5513 . 9518 5519 5521 5535 5537 5539 4919 5500 4168 4171 4176 4169/4700 4174 4180 4186 4190 4193 4119 5346

TAXA (Number of pieces of charcoal) O. europaea (1), Q. ilex (1), S. junceum (3) Too small to ID

Cup./Jun. (2), Fraxinus (1), O. europaea (1), Q. cerris (6), Rosaceae (1), U. laevis (1) Too small to ID Cup./Jun. (2), L. caprifolium (1) Too small to ID Q. ilex (1) Cup./Jun. (2), O. europaea (5), Q. cerris (2), Rosaceae (5) U. laevis (2)

U. laevis (3) L. caprifolium (2), Q. cerris (1), Q. ilex (1), R. alaternus (2), U. laevis (4)

Too small to ID Cup./Jun. (3), O. europaea (6), S. junceum

(2)

Q. ilex (5), U. laevis (4) L. caprifolium (2), U.laevis (1) Ash U. laevis (1) | i O. cerris (2), S. junceum (1), U. laevis (2) L. caprifolium (2), Q. ilex (1), U. laevis (2), Unk (1) Q. cerris (2) Too small to ID Q. cerris (1), U. laevis (1) O. europaea (1), S. junceum (1), U. laevis (2) Cup./Jun. (3), R. alaternus (2), S. junceum (3), U. laevis (2) Q. ilex (1), Rosaceae (1), S. junceum (4), U. laevis (2) Cup./Jun. (2), Ficus (1), O. europaea (1), U. laevis (2) Cup./Jun. (2), O. europaea (1), R. alaternus (1), S. junceum (2), U. laevis (10)

Q. cerris (1), S. junceum (5), U. laevis (4) Q. ilex (3)

800

801

801 802

850 851

M50b

M50b

Unk M50b

M49a Unk

M49d

852

M49bd

4002 4008 4048 4058 4013 4035 4039 4060 4074 4090 5029 5049 5052 5067 5075 5087 5094 5700 5701 5706 5713 5715 5729 5711 4077 4088 4098 5014 5030 5034 5055 5072 5079 4100 4132 4148 4149 4113 4114 4127 4130 4133 4145 4159 4162 4908 4911 4914 4943 4947 4953 4961 4971 4973 4984

Ο. ilex (10)

Too small to ID Q. L. Q. Q.

ilex (5) caprifolium (1), Q. ilex (10), Unk (5) cerris (2) cerris (3), U. laevis (3)

Q. Q. Q. Q. Q.

ilex (1), U. laevis (1) cerris (1), U. laevis (3) cerris (1), L. caprifolium (3) cerris (2) ilex (20), R. alaternus (1)

O. Q. L. Q.

europaea (3), Q. ilex (1) ilex (2), S. junceum (3), Unk (1) caprifolium (2), Q. ilex (10), R. alaternus (3) ilex (10)

Fraxinus (2), L. caprifolium (1), Unk (2) Q. cerris (3), Q. ilex (3), R. alaternus (2), U. laevis (2)

Cup./Jun. (1), Q. ilex (5), Unk (3) L. caprifolium (5), O. europaea (2), Q. ilex (5), Unk (1)

O. europaea (5), Q. cerris (1), Q. ilex (1), Unk (6) Q. ilex (10), Rosaceae (3), Unk (1)

Q. cerris (1), Q. ilex (10) Unk,

knot

(1)

Q. ilex (2) Q. cerris (1), Q. ilex (2), Unk (1)

Q. ilex (2), R. alaternus (3) O. europaea (4), Q. ilex (12), Unk (2)

Fraxinus (1), Q. ilex (10), R. alaternus (3), Rosaceae (2), U. laevis (3), Unk (10) Too small to ID

Too small to ID Q. cerris (1), Q. ilex (2), R. alaternus (2), S. junceum Fraxinus (5), Q. ilex (10), S. junceum (2), Unk (10)

(3), Unk (4)

S. junceum (5) Cup./Jun. (4), U. laevis (1)

Too small to ID O. europaea (1), Q. cerris (1), R. alaternus (2), S. junceum (1), U. laevis (2) Too small to ID

Cup./Jun. (6), O. europaea (4), Q. cerris (5) O. europaea (1), Q. cerris (1), R. alternus (4), U. laevis (3) Cup./Jun. (2), Q. cerris (2), Q. ilex (1), R. alaternus (4), U. laevis (3) Too small to ID S. junceum (2)

L. caprifolium (1), Q. cerris (6), Rosaceae 1) O. cerris (4) U. laevis (3) Rosaceae (2)

L. caprifolium (1), Q. cerris (1), Q ilex (5), R. alaternus (1), S. junceum (2), U. laevis Q. L. Q.

(3) cerris (3), Q. ilex (2), S. junceum (1) caprifolium (1), U. laevis (3) cerris (1), Q. ilex (3),U. laevis (1)

Q. ilex (1), U. laevis (2) Q. cerris (4) Q. cerris (4), S. junceum

(2), U. laevis (1)

L. caprifolium (2), Q. ilex (1), S. junceum (5), U. laevis (3) Cup./Jun. (4), Q. cerris (5), Q. ilex (4), S. junceum

(3), U. laevis (5), Unk (2)

607

4986

900 901

M50b M50b

903

M50b

904

M50b

905 950

M50b M49b

4991 5503 5531 4203 4206 4207 4211 4219 4226 4242 4247 4220 4302

Fraxinus (1), O. europaea (5), Q. cerris (1), Q. ilex (2), Rosaceae (1), S. junceum

(2), U. laevis (10) O. europaea (1), Q. cerris (1) O. europaea (4) U. laevis (3) Q. cerris (2)

Q. ilex (1) Q. ilex (2) Q. ilex (2) Q. ilex (2) Too small to ID

Too small to ID Too small to ID

Too small to ID Fraxinus (1), L. caprifolium (1), O. europaea (5), Q. cerris (1), Q. ilex (1), S. jun-

ceum (2)

951 952

953 954

4312 4314 4318 4320 4328 4332 M49b 4340 M49b 4344 4349 4351 4361 4362 4364 M49b 4370 M49b 4375 4392 4398 4711 4723 4727 Unk 4702 4707 4718 4720 4725 4905 M50ab 4610 4656 4667 4679 1002 1003 1005 5105 5112 5135 5144 5154 5158 | 5172

608

Too small to ID

L. caprifolium (1), Q. ilex (1) Too small to ID

Too small to ID Ficus (1), L. caprifolium (1), O. eurpoaea (5), Q. cerris (3)

Q. cerris (2), Q. ilex (2), R. alaternus (1) Ficus (5), O. europaea (1), Q. ilex (5), R. alaternus (5), U. laevis (2)

Q. cerris (2) Too small to ID

O. europaea (1) Q. cerris (1), U. laevis (2)

Encrustations; no recognizable plant parts O. europaea (1), Q. cerris (3), Q. ilex (3)

Too small to ID Q. cerris (1), Q. ilex (3), U. laevis (2)

Q. ilex (4), U. laevis (2) Too small to ID

Too small Cup./Jun. Cup./Jun. Cup./Jun

to ID (1), S. junceum (2), U. laevis (6) (1), Ficus (1), Q. cerris (4), Q. ilex (4), S. junceum (5), U. laevis (1) (2), Ficus (1), R. alaternus (1), S. junceum (1)

Q. cerris (1), Q. ilex (1), U. laevis (1) Too small to ID

Ficus (1), Q ilex (1), U. laevis (1) Too small to ID Q. ilex (5), S. junceum (1) L. caprifolium (2), O. europaea (2)

Q. ilex (20), Unk (2) Q. ilex (20)

Q. ilex (20), R. alaternus (5), U. laevis (3), oi 4670 Q. ilex (5) M50ab 4625 Too small to ID

M50ab 4693 Q. cerris (1), Q. ilex (5), R. alaternus (1) O. europaea (2), R. alaternus (5) Q. ilex (2), Rosaceae (2), S. junceum Too small to ID

Too small to ID Too small to ID Too small to ID

Too small to ID

(2)

Unk

M50a

M50a

Unk

1007 1050 5226 5250 1051 5241 5257 5265 5274 5280 1052 5249 5255 1100 1101 5324 1103 1105 5357 5368 1106 1150 1153 5920 6531

M50ab 5603 Too small to ID M49a 5216 L. caprifolium (2), O. europaea (1), Q. cerris (2), U. laevis (1), Unk (1)

O. ilex (2) Q. cerris (5) M49a 5221 Q. cerris (5), R. alaternus (5) Q. cerris (1), Q. ilex (1) Q. cerris (5), U. laevis (1)

Q. cerris (2), U. laevis (4) Too small to ID

Q. ilex (2), U. laevis (1) M49a 5236 O. europaea (2), Q. cerris (5)

L. caprifolium (3) Too small to ID M49a 5317 O. europaea (5) M49a 5314 O. ilex (1) Rosaceae (1) M50a 5335 Q. ilex (5) M49a 5349 L. caprifolium (3), Q. ilex (9) Fraxinus (2), Q. ilex (10), R. alaternus (1), Unk (2) Q. ilex (4), U. laevis (5)

M50a 5375 U. laevis (10), Unk (5) M49a 5907 L. caprifolium (1), R. alaternus (10) M49a 5912 Q. ilex (2) Q. cerris (30) Too small to ID

APPENDIX VIII 1991 Summary of Charcoal Types Recovered from the Villa at Poggio Gramignano (See Appendix III for Taxa Abbreviations). Locus 001

GRID

BASKET

TAXA (Number of pieces of charcoal)

M48d49% M49b N50ab M50ab

Q. cerris (4) Q. ilex (3) Too small to ID

1204 1205 1251 1252 1256

M50ab M50ab

8253 8244 7803 6616 6658 6662 6668

N50ab

6729

N50ab N50ab

1257 1261 1262 1300

N50ab N50ab N50ab M50b

6757 6775 6783 6794 7537 7527 6800 6813 6819 6826 6858 6861 6821 6839 6853 6871 6874

1201

1301 1302 1303 1304

M50b M50b M50b M50b

R. alaternus (5) Too small to ID Too small to ID Craetagus (4), Q. cerris (1) Ο. ilex (1) Ο. ilex (2) L. caprifolium (1)

Q. cerris (1) Too small to ID Q. cerris (1)

O. europaea (2), Q. ilex (2) O. europaea (1), Q. ilex (10), R. alaternus (1), Unk (1) Craetagus (1), Fraxinus (5), Q. cerris (3), Q. ilex (6), U. laevis (4) Too small to ID Fraxinus (2), O. europaea (5), Q. ilex (10), Unk (3)

Too small to ID Craetagus (5), Q. cerris (10), Q. ilex (5), Unk (3)

Craetagus (5), Cup./Jun. (1), O. europaea (2), Q. ilex (1), U. laevis (1), Unk (2) O. europaea (1), Q. ilex (1) Too small to ID L. caprifolium (1), Q. ilex (1), R. alaternus (2), Rosaceae (5), S. junceum O. europaea (2), U. laevis (10)

(1)

609

M50b M50b M50b M50b M50b M50b M49bd

1305 1306 1308 1309 1311 1312 1350

6379 6890 7612 7635 7648 7665 7674 7684 7694 8102 8124 6894 7600 7629 1644 7688 8114 6900 6910 6934

Fraxinus (3), Q. ilex (1), S. junceum (4), Unk (5) Cup./Jun. (1), O. europaea (2), Q. cerris (3), R. alaternus (4), Rosaceae (1) O. europaea (8), Q. cerris (9)

Cup. Jun. (1), Q. cerris (1) Q. cerris (1), Q. ilex (5) Fraxinus (2), Q. cerris (2), Q. ilex (2), U. laevis (2)

Ficus (1), O. europaea (2), Q. cerris (1), U. laevis (5) Ficus (6)

Cup./Jun. (1), O. europaea (1) U. laevis (4) Cup./Jun. (3) Ο. cerris (6), Ο. ilex (9), Unk (1)

L. caprifolium (1), Q. cerris (1), Q. ilex (3), S. junceum (2), Unk (2) O. cerris (10)

Cup./Jun. (1), Q. cerris (5) ° O. cerris (4)

Ο. ilex (3), U. laevis (1) Fraxinus (2), Pinus (1), Q. cerris (5), R. alaternus (8), S. junceum (1), U. laevis (5)

L. caprifolium (1), O. europaea (4), Q. ilex (2), S. junceum (4), U. laevis (8), Unk (1) Cup./Jun.

(1), L. caprifolium

U. laevis (3), Unk 6963 6974 6980 6984 6908 6927 6937 7704 7110

1351

1352

7725 6958 6956 7757 7758 6995 6998 7738 7746 7754 7309 7313

1353 1355

1356 1360 1362 1364 1400

1401 1402

1403 1404 1405 1406 1410

:

7321 7327 7343 7353 7360 7363 7364 7382 7407 7412

(4), Q. ilex (4), R. alaternus (2),

U. laevis (10)

Unk (5) Fraxinus (1), L. caprifolium (1), Pinus (1), Q. cerris (1), S. junceum Cup./Jun. (10), Pinus (20)

(4)

Too small to ID O. europaea (1), U. laevis (1) Q. ilex (1), S. junceum (2) O. europaea (10), Ostyra (1), Q. ilex (5), Unk (2) Cup./Jun. (1), Fraxinus (4), O. europaea (1), Pinus (3), Q. cerris (6), Q. ilex (2), U. laevis (1), Unk (5)

Cup./Jun. (2), O. europaea (1), Q. cerris (10), R. alaternus (S) Ostyra (1), U. laevis (2) Cup./Jun. (1), R. alaternus (2) Pinus (30) Pinus (10) Pinus (1) R. alaternus Too small to Q. cerris (4) R. alaternus Too small to

(3) ID (5) ID

Cup./Jun. (1), Fraxinus (2), L. caprifolium (2), O. europaea (2), Q. ilex (3), S. junceum (4) Q. cerris (10) Q. ilex (20), R. alaternus (5), S. junceum

(4), Unk (7)

A /Jun. (1), O. europaea (2), Q. ilex (2), U. laevis (1) Cup./Jun. O. europaea (1), Ostyra (1), Q. cerris (1), R. alaternus (4), S. junceum

(1), Unk (2) Cup./Jun. (1), Fraxinus (2), Q. cerris (10), U. laevis (5) Q. cerris Q. cerris Q. cerris Q. cerris Cup./Jun.

(10) (20) (10) (4) (5), O. europaea (1), Q. cerris (2), Q. ilex (1), R. alaternus (1), S. jun-

ceum (1), Unk (5)

610

(6), O. europaea

(1)

1411

1450 1501

M49cd

050ab M46ab

1503 1506

M46ab

1507

M46ab

1508 1509

M46ab M46ab

1510 1550 1600 1602 1608

M46ab MN47dc

M46ab

M48bd

M48bd M48d49b

1609

M48d49b

1611 1612

M48d49b M48d49b

1615

M48d49b

1651

M49ac

7432 7425 7428 7440 7328 7334 7348 7811 7906 7910 7911 7920 7924 7927 7929 7931 7938 7935 7946 7949 7959 7956 7962 7966 8002 8210 8219 8256 8262 8274 8278 8406 8410 8412 8420 8424 8428 8259 8266 8433 8431 8430 8423 8286 8296 8303

Fraxinus (3) Q. cerris (2)

Q. cerris (3), Q. ilex (3) Q. Q. O. Q.

cerris (2) cerris (10), S. junceum (16) europaea (7), Q. cerris (10), Q. ilex (2) cerris (1), S. junceum (1)

Too small to ID Q. cerris (2), Q. ilex (2) Q. cerris (3)

Too small to ID Q. cerris (5) Q. cerris (5) Too small to ID Q. cerris (5), U. laevis (5) Too small to ID U. laevis (10), Unk (10)

O. europaea (5), Q. ilex (2), R. alaternus (5), U. laevis (3), Unk (4) O. europaea (5), Q. cerris (5), Q. ilex (5) Q. cerris (6) Q. cerris (10) O. europaea (3), Q. cerris (5), U. laevis (1), Unk (2)

Too small to ID O. europaea (2), Q. cerris (5) Q. cerris (4) Too small to ID

O. europaea (1),O, ilex (1) U. laevis (10), Unk (2) Ficus (2), L. caprifolium (2), Q. cerris (1), Q. ilex (2), Unk (1) L. caprifolium (1) Q. ilex (1) L. caprifolium (1) Modern field pea (legume)

L. caprifolium (10) L. caprifolium (4) O. europaea (4) O. europaea (1), Q. cerris (4), R. alaternus (1) Fraxinus (3), L. caprifolium (4), Q. cerris (1), Q. ilex (4), Unk (4) Q. cerris (1), U. laevis (1) O. europaea (1), Q. ilex (4) L. caprifolium (6), O. europaea (1), Q. cerris (3) L. caprifolium (3), O. europaea (5), Q. cerris (10), Q. ilex (2)

Modern field peas and oats uncharred with rodent gnaw marks O. europaea (2), Q. cerris (4) O. europaea (4), Q. cerris (2), Q. ilex (1) Q. ilex (5) KAREN

ADAMS

611

CHAPTER

ANALYSIS

OF THE

7

BRONZE

BASINS

Two of the most important objects recovered from the infant cemetery at Poggio Gramignano were the copper alloy basins (Basket 4342 and 4343) (Plates 230-233). The smaller basin (Basket 4343) was found resting in the larger (Basket 4342), 20cm north of and below /B 4 within Grid M49d and Locus 951 (see Part Two, Chapter 20 and Part Three, Chapter 3 of this work). The phase of the

cemetery associated with these vessels dates to the mid-fifth century A. D., but this gives only a terminus ante quem for the date of the vessels’ manufacture. The exteriors of the lips of both vessels reveal numerous areas where dots and rod shapes in small clusters are visible, suggesting both vessels were made with similar tools, probably at roughly the same time. These surface markings are not those made by a hammer or punch and could not have resulted from wear. They are not decorative nor are they makers marks, recognizable symbols, letters, numbers or images. These marks were probably made when the vessels' exterior surfaces abraded against another upon which the vessels were resting when they were hammered to turn the upper edge of the vessel wall outward to form the lip. During manufacture, the lip would have been the last part of each vessel to be formed, since raising a vessel from a sheet proceeds from the center outwards. Hammering the body distorts the shape, and these distortions must be worked out before the lip is formed. This is because the lip, especially sharply angled and rolled lips like those found on these two vessels, makes the structure of the vessel rigid making the removal of other distortions on the vessels surface more difficult. An old, nicked anvil used to support the vessel during its manufacture may have led to creation of impressions such as those seen around the lips of these vessels. The clustering of impressions probably mirrors the size and shape of the hammer face used in the vessels' manufacture. The vessels were probably placed in essentially the same location on the anvil as they were turned for each hammer strike, a likely occurrence given the repetitious nature of the hammer blows needed for raising a lip. But why are the tool marks only present on the underside of the lip of each vessel? It is possible that the entire exterior surfaces of the vessels were once impressed with such tool marks before their final hammering. But the curved walls of the vessels could only be shaped on the flat surface of the anvil if the hammering had been applied only to their interior surfaces, yet it is difficult to wield a hammer effectively in such an enclosed space. Special hammers exist which are designed for just this purpose, but the usual method of raising such shapes is done by placing the vessel over a curved metal stake or anvil horn and hammering on the exterior surface. If this was the method of manufacture of these vessels, it may

be possible that marks from an old knicked anvil could be left impressed into the vessels' surfaces. Even if the bodies of these vessels had been raised on the same old, nicked anvil surface as were their lips, and similar marks had been impressed into the body of these vessels, a final planishing would have erased them. Planishing is the last hammering, designed to remove all tool marks made by previous operations. If this planishing had been done after the rolled edge of the lip had been formed, perhaps the area between the rolled edge and the lip angle, where tool marks are visible on the cauldrons from Poggio Gramignano, was too narrow to be accessible or was considered sufficiently hidden so planishing was not necessary. Besides these tool marks, both vessels exhibit groups of scratches in patches on their exterior surfaces. In each patch, the scratches are approximately parallel and extend down diagonally from left to right. The uniformity in depth and direction of the scratches indicates that they were deliberately made and did not result from use. Concentric raised ridges are also visible on the vertical walls of the vessels. These were probably formed sometime after the original shaping and planishing of the vessels when they were planished 613

for a second time for reasons discussed below. Where these concentric raised ridges occur, the scratches are faint or absent, indicating that the scratches were made before the ridges were raised, and that the raising of the ridges smoothed out the scratches in these areas. This suggests several periods of use and reuse for these vessels. Perhaps the scratches represent areas of the surface roughened in preparation for further working which was not completed, such as the attachment of some additional feature, perhaps a handle. Or perhaps the scratches were a by-product of a cleanup operation after the removal of some feature. But a metalsmith would not normally roughen an area like this before adding an attachment because the best possible fit would always be desired, and this would require a smooth surface. Consequently, these scratches are probably marks left after the removal of some feature such as a handle. If such a feature had been soldered to the vessels body, a metalsmith would want to remove all

traces of the solder for the sake of appearance and to preserve the surface of the vessel from further deterioration. If the vessel were later subjected to high temperature such as that required for annealing, any solder remaining after the removal of a feature would melt and run. If it contained lead it would also eventually eat into the surface of the vessel. The last traces of solder would have to be removed by abrasion, probably with a file or an abrasive stone, which could leave scratches such as those found on the cauldrons from Poggio Gramignano. These could then be planished out with a hammer. But using abrasives means removing metal, so once the metalsmith is finished the vessels’ walls would be thinner in the areas which had been abraded, creating a weak point. If the scratches were removed by hammering, however, metal loss would be minimal. And if the entire surface of the vessel was hammered, a larger, thinner walled vessel with a more uniform wall thickness and no weak

points would be the result. This amount of hammering, however, would build up stresses in the metal which would have to be relieved by annealing (heating and slow cooling) to prevent cracking. In this case planishing, which led to the formation of the raised concentric ridges on the exteriors of the vessels, rather than abrasion seems to have been the method chosen for removing the scratches. This planishing may have been employed specifically for the purpose of removing the scratches or it may have been employed to enlarge or change the shape of the vessels. But the scratches visible in the valleys between the ridges show that the planishing was not completed. If it had been completed, the scratches would have been completely hammered out and the vessels’ walls would be smooth. Any hammering thins metal in one dimension and will unavoidably expand it in another. Because of this, if a smooth-walled vessel iis the desired result, hammering will increase its dimensions, though there are techniques for minimizing this expansion. If the appearance of the vessel is unimportant, the expansion can be taken up by leaving ridges and valleys in the walls. This corrugated structure will also add strength to the vessel. The corrosion on the interior and exterior of both vessels seems to be thicker and more tenacious in the areas of the scratches. Scratches like these could have retained moisture causing more corrosion in these areas or the metal in these areas could be compositionally or structurally different from that of the rest of the vessel. After examining the physical evidence on the vessels, the following scenario may explain their appearance. A pair of bronze vessels were made with tool marks left unintentionally on the undersides of their lips. Later, the vessels were modified. Some attachments may have been removed, and

the walls were hammered, either to smooth the scratches left after the removal of the solder which had held the attachments or to enlarge or alter the The concentric rings raised during planishing already of the required size and shape and surface their raising was never completed. The vessels were

shapes of the vessels. may have been left because the vessels were appearance was not a consideration or because then used and one of them (Basket 4343) devel-

oped a hole which was mended with either lead or a lead based solder. After this, the vessel could

not have been heated above the melting point of the mend material (621.5 degrees Fahrenheit for lead and probably less for a lead based alloy). Since this is well above the boiling point of water, these vessels could have been used for cooking. But since this temperature is well below that required to anneal bronze, the repair must have been made after the last annealing. | MARK

614

FENN

CHAPTER

ὃ

A BONE DOLL FROM THE INFANT CEMETERY AT POGGIO GRAMIGNANO

INTRODUCTION

Literary evidence indicates that a broad range of toys and games appealed to children in Roman antiquity !, but few references are found specifically mentioning dolls. Authors allude to cheap dolls which captivated Roman children, and they note that children fashioned figurines from clay or wax.? Persius (2.70) states that young girls dedicated their dolls to Venus at their coming of age, which usually coincided with their marriage,? and an epigram in the Palatine Anthology (6.280) lists a doll and doll clothing among the personal effects Timareta dedicated to Artemis. Plutarch provides a clue to a child's attitude toward

dolls: after the death

of his two year old daughter,

Timoxena,

Plutarch wrote to his wife, recalling poignantly how the toddler had presented her paignia (playthings) to her nurse so that she might breast-feed them (Mor. 608D). In contrast, the archaeological evidence for Roman dolls is rich. A modest but delightful addition to this evidence is a bone figurine discovered in the infant cemetery at Poggio Gramignano, near Lugnano in Teverina, Italy. Because of the funerary context associated with this object, a discussion of its possible function as a child's toy or as an ex voto through analysis and comparison with other Roman dolls is revealing. DESCRIPTION

AND

ANAYSIS

The Poggio Gramignano figure, which includes only a head and torso, is well preserved (Plates 222, 223). In terms of construction it is analogous to articulated dolls from both the Greek and the Roman worlds 4, but stylistically it is most similar to dolls from the mid to late Roman empire. Its height is 15.8cm.,

a measurement consistent with those of several bone dolls which date to the third

and fourth centuries. ? The figurine was carved from a single piece of bone of undetermined origin, and was worked completely in the round, although both the obverse and the reverse are flat rather than rounded. Immediately beneath the chin, a broad neck slopes gradually to shoulders which measure 2.9cm in width. Physiological details in the shoulders and upper chest are not clear, but two small notches carved at an acute angle are visible. Though they are situated high on the chest, their placement may ! See for example Hor. Car. 3.24, S. 2.3; Jerome Ep.

128.1; Mart.

14.18, 5.84; Ovid Met.

10.260; Quint.

1.1; Sen. Ep.

12.2,

115.8; and Verg. A. 7.377. 2 D. Chrys. 40.9; Lucian Lex. 21, Somn.

2; Plu. Mor. 673F; Sen. Ep.

12.3.

3 In a treatise on idolatry, written sometime during the late third or early fourth century, the Christian writer Lactantius (2.4) reiterates Persius' comments.

^ For a small sampling of the Greek evidence see the dolls from the Fikellura and Camirus cemeteries described by R. A. HicoiNs, Catalogue of the Terracottas in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum Vol. 2 (London: 1969) Nos. 913, 925-929; and note the representations of articulated dolls on Attic stelae in Jouer dans l'Antiquité (Marseilles: 1991) pl. 34 and A. FRASER, A History of Toys (London: 1966) fig. 8. For Roman dolls see G. BORDENACHE BATTAGLIA, Corredi Funerari di Età Imperiale e Barbarica nel Museo Nazionale Romano (Rome: 1983) pls. 11a and 12a; JOUER 1991, pls. 29-30; M. BORDA, Lares. La Vita Familiare Romana

nei Documenti Archeologici e Letterari (Rome:

1947) fig. 25.

5 The unpublished dolls in the Vatican, as well as the larger of the three described by K. M. ELDERKIN, "Jointed Dolls in Antiquity", American Journal of Archaeology 34 (1930) 472-475 appear to range in height from 5-7cm. These are approximations and are exclusive of limbs. M. Manson,

“Le bambole romane antiche", Ricerca Folklorica

16 (1987) 26, gives the height

of a bone doll from the catacombs as 5.4cm.

615

be an attempt to define breasts, like similar notches seen on two bone dolls from Ostia. 6 The shoulders are not pierced for the attachment of arms as is standard in jointed dolls. It is conceivable, therefore, that arms were slipped into these notches in a manner similar to that found in a GraecoParthian bone doll described and illustrated by Elderkin." However, a comparison with two fully articulated bone dolls from Ostia which feature a similar type of surface treatment suggests that the notches represent breasts. ? A rectangular trunk descends from the shoulders, flaring at the abdomen and terminating at the hips in a short perforated flange. Above this flange is an incised "v" stretching the width of the torso, and above the "v" is a tiny circle. These details, which represent the female pudendum and navel, are frequently found on both ancient dolls and ex voto figurines. ? Movable legs, now missing, were probably attached to the pierced flange with wire or string. The reverse of the torso is unworked. The figures square face is delineated by tiny horizontal incisions representing the eyes and mouth, while a softly modeled ridge originating at the inner eye and extending toward the jaw represents the nose. !? Incisions on the obverse radiating upward from the face, and a reticulated pattern on the reverse, create an illusion of dressed hair. Elderkin characterized this type of treatment as an attempt to represent a hairstyle current during the high empire 11, perhaps popularized by Julia Domna. This mode of hairstyle is comparable in style and execution to those found on three unpublished dolls in the Vatican collection, two early Christian bone dolls mentioned by Elderkin, three

dolls of Ostian provenance mentioned by Pavolini and a fourth century ivory doll from Egypt noted by Manson. !2 In addition, an unpublished bone pin in the Vatican collection has a finial in the form of a woman’s head with a similar hairstyle. ATTRIBUTES OF ROMAN DOLLS Remains of dolls constitute one of the largest bodies of evidence for toys and games to survive from Roman antiquity. !? Their archaeological contexts date from the first century B. C. to the fourth century A. D.; and their geographical distribution stretches from Roman Arabia to Spain. Criteria by which jointed and non-jointed figurines are judged to be dolls have been suggested by Manson. He proposes that figurines should be characterized as dolls provided they are small enough and light enough to be manipulated by children and articulated to encourage socio-dramatic play. 44 Many Roman dolls exhibit articulation of the limbs in varying degrees which would have allowed both manipulation and imaginative play. The predominant media in which Roman dolls are made include bone, ivory, wood and terra-

6 See C. PAVOLINI, “Oggetti e utensili della vita domestica", in S. SETTIS, Civiltà dei Romani: Il rito e la vita privata (Milano:

1992) pl. 201.

. 7 ELDERKIN 1930, pp. 474-475. When R. A. Hiccins 1969, p. 75 was confronted with the absence of limbs on Attic dolls of the fifth century B. C., he speculated that the limbs were incorporated in the dolls' clothing.

.

8 PAVOLINI 1992, pl. 201. ? For example,

see two early Christian dolls and a Graeco-Parthian bone doll mentioned by Elderkin

1930, fig. 24 a-b,

and fig. 26; two ivory torsos and one of bone dated to the third century A. D., cited by MANSON 1987, fig. 10; three bone dolls from Ostia discussed by PavoLINI 1992, pl. 201; the Coptic figurines analyzed by C. L. WooLLEY, “Coptic Bone Figures", Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 29 (1907) pl. 1; the so-called fertility amulets in Museo Nacional de Arte Romano Merida (Madrid: 1988) p. 37; and a “voodoo” doll from Puteoli discussed by C. A. FARAONE, "Binding and Burying the Forces of Evil: The Defensive Use of 'Voodoo Dolls' in "Ancient Greece", Classical Antiquity 22 (1991) fig. 4. 19 Abstract facial features are found on two of the bone dolls from Ostia, as well as a bone doll in the Vatican not cited by Elderkin.

it ELDERKIN 1930, p. 473.

12 ELDERKIN

1930, fig. 24 a-al, and 24 b-b1; PAVOLINI 1992, pl. 201; MANSON

1987, pl. 13.

13 Manson places the actual number of Roman dolls at 493. For a breakdown of data see MANSON 1987, p. 20. 14 M. Manson, "Les poupées antiques,” in Jouer dans l'Antiquité (Marseilles: 1991) 54. On the latter criterion, Manson is specific: "Lenfant anime son jouet, joue à le croire vivant, et lui fait prendre certaines positions, s'amuse à le coucher, à le faire manger, à l'habiller, ou à lui faire jouer des roles sociaux."

616

cotta, though bone is the favorite material for dolls of the late empire. 15 There are many aesthetic

and technological variations in doll design, but it is difficult to determine the factors which dictated shape and form. Among the more well-made Roman dolls, which are usually those of wood or ivory, facial features, elaborate hairstyles and pelvic triangles are rendered by precisely incised lines, and breasts and swelling hips are fashioned with care. Facial expressions are generally solemn due to the difficulties of working in an inflexible medium. 16 Perhaps in an effort to balance this sober demeanor, elegant details such as incised earrings, necklaces or bangles are often included, while the extremities are often individualized with fingernails, toenails or laced shoes. !7 In constrast, bone dolls are more simple in design. Their torsos are elongated resulting in an ungainly appearance, and the articulation of the limbs is naive when compared with the complex mortise and tenon construction of some dolls of ivory and wood. 18 An exception to this minimalist approach can be seen in the treatment of the hair of bone dolls which is commonly swept up in the so-called Julia Domna style. But not all bone dolls lack sophistication. Two examples are known which are of superior quality, one of Antonine date and the other dated to the end of the third century A. D. 19 Though their limbs are missing, their bodies are well proportioned and their facial features finely sculpted. The earlier doll is draped with a softly sculpted tunic, and her hair is styled after the fashion of Faustina the Elder. The later, third century doll is nude, but her hair is waved.

Information concerning the manufacture of Roman dolls is rare, and archaeologists have identified no workshops where evidence shows such objects were produced. Therefore, any study of the socio-economic aspects of dolls and doll manufacture must remain the realm of specualtion. Mansons study suggests that dolls were more widespread in urban areas than in agrarian communiities 29, possibly because urban dwellers tended to have greater disposable incomes. Even so, ivory and ebony toys would have been too expensive for parents of the lower classes, so more modest dolls of rag, straw, terracotta and bone were produced in an effort to provide more affordable toys. ?! CHILD’S TOY OR VOTIVE

OFFERING?

In antiquity, not all figurines and dolls were childrens’ toys. Votive offerings which stylistically resemble dolls were common 22, but their purpose was different. Among these are several anthropomorphic figures found in Spain and identified as fertility amulets, with bodies comparable to those of imperial bone dolls. 23 While the faces of the figures are schematic, with horizontal incisions for mouths and small concentric circles for eyes, the breasts and pudenda are clearly defined. An anthropomorphic figure from a grave site in Puteoli, Italy, which has been dated to the first century B.C., displays similar markings. Although Faraone has identified this figure as a “voodoo” doll, its elongated torso and schematic pelvic triangle resemble details found on bone dolls of later date. 74 15 MANSON

1991, p. 55.

16 MANSON 1991, p. 56. The problematical nature of bone and ivory carving is especially apparent on the faces of figurines in L. MARANGOU, Bone Carving from Egypt: I. Graeco-Roman Period (Tubingen: 1976) pls. 10-13. 17 BATTAGLIA 1983, pl. 12a and MANSON 1991, pl. 9. . 18 BATTAGLIA 1983, pls. 11a and 12a and MANSON 1987, pl. 9 for fine examples of mortise and tenon articulation. 19 MANSON 1987, pls. 7 and 11. 20 MANSON 1991, p. 55. 21 For a Roman rag doll see Fraser 1966, pl. 57. MANSON 1987, 19 reports that a significant number of terracotta dolls similar to sigillata have been found in southwest France. These may well represent the sigillaria which Seneca's servant, Felicio, received at the time of the Saturnalia (Ep. 12.3). Although no straw dolls have been found, Petronius (140) relates that a boy, peeping through a key-hole, sees his sister playing with a vavato or small straw puppet. 22 For example, WOOLLEY 1907, p. 220 mentions a “lineal descendant of the Graeco-Egyptian parturition ex votos”. Like many Roman bone dolls, the torso of the figurine is attenuated and the head is covered by a Phrygian cap which resembles the Julia Domna style. 23 Museo 1988, p. 37. These figurines may well be the same as those mentioned by PavoLINI 1992, p. 163 which were produced in Spain in late antiquity. 24 FARAONE 1991, fig. 4.

617

In addition to the criteria of size, weight and degree of possible manipulation suggested by Manson as a basis for determining a figurine’s function, archaeological context is also of primary importance. Throughout the Graeco-Roman world dolls are found in sepulchral contexts associated with young females. 25 It is considered likely that figurines found in cult or religious contexts are votive offerings 26, and those associated with burials are childhood toys interred with the deceased to provide comfort in the afterlife. 27 CONCLUSION

The figurine from the cemetery at Poggio Gramignano has all the attributes of a child's toy rather than a votive offering. Not only is this suggested by its archaeological context within an infant cemetery, but its weight, height and stylistic attributes parallel those seen on figurines of the late empire which are generally considered to be toys. A secure date for this doll is difficult to determine. Evidence suggests that the cemetery of Poggio Gramignano dates to the mid fifth century A. D., though there may have been limited visitation or occupation by squatters during the third century. 28 The most common method of dating dolls, especially when an absolute date cannot de deduced from its archaeological context, is by the style of its hair. Similarities to the hairstyles of Faustina the Elder and Julia Domna have been used to date some dolls to the second or third centuries A. D., but the Julia Domna style continues to appear on dolls well into the fourth century. Although there is no reason to doubt that this style continued beyond the fourth century A. D., there is currently insufficient evidence that it did so. 29 The doll from Poggio Gramignano is an important cultural artefact. Its simple form is consistent within the context of a poor agrarian community in fifth century Umbria, and its presence shows that delightful toys were available even to children of lower social status. LESLIE

SHUMKA

25 A noteworthy exception is a poorly preserved doll from Roman Arabia, accounted for by L. Y. RAHMANI, “Roman Tombs in Shmuel ha-Navi Street, Jerusalem,” Israel Exploration Journal 10 (1960)

143, which came to light in the tomb of a married

woman who died in her early twenties. 26 Persius claims Roman girls dedicated their dolls to Venus at the time of marriage, so it is plausible that dolls were consecrated in temples. 277. M. C. TOYNBEE, Death and Burial in the Roman World (London: 1971) p. 53. 28 See Part I, Chapter 2 of this work. 29 See the ivory example cited by MaNson 1987, pl. 13. Manson’s data, though exhaustive, do not extend beyond the fourth century.

618

CHAPTER 9

HECATE AND THE INFANT CEMETERY AT POGGIO GRAMIGNANO

Evidence suggests that the infant cemetery discovered in the ruins of a Roman villa at Poggio Gramignano near Lugnano in Teverina, Italy was installed at one moment in time or over a very short period of time about the middle of the fifth century A. D.! The interments of at least forty-seven human infants all aged prenatal to 2-3 years in clusters of up to seven burials, the relatively uniform date of the finds in the fills of the cemetery, the joins found between pottery fragments from diverse levels in different parts of the cemetery, the absence of compacted surfaces, the numerous air spaces within the cemetery fill and the discovery of both complete and incomplete skeletons of immature dogs in different levels of three rooms of the abandoned villa all suggest a single catastrophic event. Some unknown tragedy must have occurred requiring the mass burials, but why are partial and complete skeletons of immature dogs found associated with them? Stratigraphic evidence indicates that, at least in Rooms

11 and 12 of the villa, infants were buried

singly or in pairs in the levels below the diagonal, ashy layer that cuts through the cemetery to the NE, and in clusters of up to seven burials above this layer (Figs. 76-80, 129). Whether the disaster which struck this area was malaria, nutritional deficiency, plague, famine, an unknown disease, or

a combination of factors, babies, and perhaps adults who may rest in another as yet undiscovered cemetery, died — a few at first, and then many. Such a disaster would likely have engendered a ritual response from the community. This is difficult to understand today, because, as Merrifield notes: “Ritual and magic were formerly part of everyday life, but by association with fantasy, fiction and occultism, they have now acquired an aura of sensationalism that has discouraged investigation." ? He adds: “It is perhaps in the Roman period that the prejudice of the archaeologist against a ritual interpretation is felt most strongly. Its material remains seem so practical, so ‘modern’ in many respects, that there is almost an instinctive reaction against the suggestion of anything ‘other-worldly’ in this context — except of course in its proper place, the temple precinct..."?

The associated burials of four immature dogs of ca. 5 months of age among and near the infant burials at Poggio Gramignano but not actually within them must be ritually significant. Though most of the skeletons of immature dogs which were found had been disturbed, some perhaps by rodents, one found in the south corner of Room 10 was not. This canine bad been carefully and deliberately placed curled up with its cranium meeting its hind legs. It may be argued that these puppies were the children's pets, and when the children died the puppies were killed and interred near them. In fact, according to Pliny, children in Roman

times were sometimes

buried with a beloved

pet or pets (Ep. IV.2). But evidence from the villa suggests a mass interment of immature dogs of similar age. If these animals had been only pets, a sample as large as this would have yielded animals of various ages. The fact that these animals are almost the same age and are buried within a cemetery containing a large number of infant burials suggests these dogs played a part in the obser! See the separate report on the infant cemetery in Part III, Chapter 3 of this work. The author wishes to thank Mark Golden, Amy Richlin and Marilyn Skinner for their help in locating ancient sources and suggesting directions to pursue. 2 RALPH MERRIFIELD, The Archaeology of Ritual and Magic (London: 1987) p. XIII. 3 MERRIFIELD

1987, p. 7.

619

vance of some ritual act. Ritual is further suggested by the discovery of one dog which had been decapitated and severed across its middle. The two halves were then buried c. 3.5m apart with the right mandible placed with the hind quarters (Figs. 78, 79-Nos. 27a,b; Plate 220).

In addition to these four canine skeletons, the fragmentary remains of eight additional dogs were also found in Rooms 11, 12 and 15. Seven of these were aged 5-6 months, while the eighth was one year old. The dogs showed evidence of being beheaded by violent snapping and ripping (see Part Three, Chapters 3 and 5).

Before considering the motivation which may have led to the interment of immature dogs in an infant cemetery, other evidence from the cemetery should be examined. At the NE limit of the cemetery, Room 17 was only partially excavated. In that room two infant burials were found associated with a cooking pot containing charcoal of olive (Olea) and oak (Quercus ilex and Quercus cerris), a fragment

of worked bone, three tiny unidentifiable mammal bones and a poorly preserved one-handled glass vessel which may have been used for libations. The bottom of the cooking pot had been intentionally broken and removed, and the remaining upper portion of the pot had been carefully placed upside down over its contents (Plates 227, 228). Although pots placed in this manner need not be ritually significant, their presence often indicates rituals associated with chthonic deities where the mouth of the pot was placed toward the earth, the source of their power. ^ This practice is known to have occurred in Gela, Sicily as early as the Archaic Period. 5 Because it was believed that chthonic deities needed to be appeased after the premature death of an infant whose soul might be considered impure, unfulfilled, polluted and even menacing to the living 6, these associations are not surprising. The sacrifice of dogs often had chthonic associations. 7 But why might immature dogs be offered to chthonic divinities? And which of these divinities might be associated with dogs, the dead, newborn children, and cemeteries? The names of all the chthonic divinities invoked in Roman provin-

cial communities are not known, so the quest for the identity of the particular god or daimon associated with Poggio Gramignano is especially difficult. Yet, from among the numerous Greco-Roman divinities known from the literature who meet some of the requirements, only one seems to satisfy all of them-Hecate, the most important of the chthonic divinities.

Hecate is described as the goddess of dogs and especially immature dogs, whose magic powers she controls. ὃ It was to Hecate that female puppies and black dogs were sacrificed in the Classical age, and it was she who was often depicted with canine attributes or given epithets referring to dogs

^ CRAWFORD GREENEWALT, Ritual Dinners in Early Sardis (Berkeley, 1978) p. 55. 5 P. ORLANDINI, "Lo scavo del Thesmophorion di Bitalemi e il culto delle divinità Ctonie a Gela," Kwkalos 12 (1966) 8-35. $ On the dangerous aspects of the souls of newly dead infants and the need for chthonic appeasement, see Sarah Iles Johnston, Hecate Soteira (Atlanta, 1990) pp. 144-145. On the frightening aspect of the aoroi or children who died young, see PLUTARCH, De genio Socratis 22 p. 590F; Virgil, Aen. VI.426; Tertullian, De Anima 57; Horace, Epod. 5.92 and FRANZ CUMONT, After Life in Roman Paganism (New York: 1959) pp. 128-130. 7 Greenewalt notes that the dog "is a traditional chthonic symbol and victim in Greek and Roman as well as other religions”. On this see H. ScHoLz, Der Hund in des griechisch-rómischen Magie und Religion (Berlin: 1937) pp. 25-38. For the dog as a chthonic symbol see also H. 1. Rose, The Roman Questions of Plutarch (Oxford: 1924) p. 192 and E. L. SMrrHson, “A Geometric Cemetery on the Areopagus: 1897, 1932, 1947," Hesperia 43 (1974) 334 note 27. On puppies used to appease netherworld divinities in Hittite ritual, see BrLLie JEAN COLLINS, “The Puppy in Hittite Ritual,” Oriental Institute News and Notes 136 (WINTER 1992) 4 and Corus, “The Puppy in Hittite Ritual," Journal of Cuneiform Studies 42: 2 (1990) 211-226. For Celtic Iron Age dog burials in wells and pits, including corn storage pits, as a chthonic act to let their “... blood and vital juices seep into the earth and nourish the earth gods” see MIRANDA GREEN, Animals in Celtic Life and Myth (London: 1992) pp. 102104. Green 1992, p. 111, cites the discovery of seven puppies (one with an adult bitch) buried in urns in the Romano-Celtic water cult site at Upchurch Marshes, Kent, dog parts buried in pits at Bliesbruck (Moselle), complete dogs in deep shafts at St. Bernard (Bordeaux) and Saintes (Aquitaine) (p. 113).

8 The widespread association of Hecate with pups and dogs is described in THEODOR Kraus, Hekate (Heidelberg: 1960) pp. 25-26, 89. This association is already established by the Archaic Period. See also GEoRG Luck, Arcana Mundi (Baltimore: 1985) p. 101; GREENEWALT 1978, pp. 20 (ritual dinners of dog meat at Sardis believed to be offered to her); ScHovz 1937, pp. 40-43; JoHNSTON 1990, p.140. Ancient sources include Lucianus, Philopseudes 14; Theocritus 2.12; Eusebius, Preparatio Evangelica 4.23.7; The Great Magical Papyrus in Paris (PGM 1.167-68) and Aristophanes, Daitales fr. 204 (ed. Kock). On the magic powers of dogs to combat sorcerers in Hittite ritual, see COLLINS

620

1992, p. 5 (Ritual of Hebattarakki) and CoLLINS

1990, p. 219.

or puppies. ? Her canine associations are so strong that she has been described as having a "close and virtually exclusive connection with the dog” 10 Dogs, especially puppies, were believed to have magical powers which could be used for both good and evil; the belief in these powers may have derived from the observation that dogs lick and heal their own wounds. !! Parts of their bodies ground up into potions or held to the affected area were considered powerful medicine, especially in the countryside where superstition abounded. 12 Immature dogs were considered useful in curing sterility in women, but they had a particular association with the restless dead whose disembodied souls were at the mercy of magicians. 13 Barking dogs announced Hecates emergence from the underworld and terrified mortals. 14 By the late Bronze Age in the ancient Near East dogs were already venerated for their magic powers. Among the Zoroastrians of ancient Persia they were used in funeral rites to protect the dead on their way to the afterworld. 15 At Ashdod, Gezer, Tell Qasile (Tel Aviv) and Isin, south of Nippur, dogs were reverentially buried. But the most amazing discovery of ritual canine burials in the past ten years was that found at Ashkelon in southern Israel where hundreds and perhaps thousands of dogs were interred in the largest ancient animal cemetery yet discovered. 16 Seven hundred dogs were found here, of which 65% were puppies. They may have died naturally and been honored for their healing powers, a practice cited in the Bible. 17 Even dog fetuses at Ashkelon were carefully buried. The dog's reputation as an apotropaic healer and purifier is well documented in Israel, Anatolia, Egypt, Cyprus, Crete, Mycenean Greece, and Mesopotamia. 18 Among the Hittites, the use of imma-

? On Hecate’s black brood, see JOHNSTON 1990, p. 141. On black dogs sacrificed at Kolophon, see Kraus 1960, p. 20; SEMNI Karouzou, “An Underworld Scene on a Black-Figured Lekythos," Journal of Hellenic Studies 92 (1972) 66. On dogs and Hecate, see NICOLAS ZAGANIARIS, "Sacrifices de chiens dans l'antiquité classique," Platon 27 (1975) 323. 19 JoHNSTON 1990, p. 135. For Greek Archaic imagery of Hecate as the dog goddess, see Karouzou 1972, p. 65. 1! LAWRENCE STAGER, "Why Were Hundreds of Dogs Buried at Ashkelon?" Biblical Archaeology Review (March/April, 1991) 39. 12 Over a dozen references to the magical healing and purifying powers of dogs, especially puppies, appear in Pliny's Historia Naturalis. See Part III, Chapters 3 and 10 of this work. On the purifying power of dogs see Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae 68.8-10 where the Greek rite of periskylakismos which involves ritual cleansing by rubbing a puppy against the bodies of the devotees is discussed in association with Hecate. Puppy and dog skulls and mandibles were also thought to have ritual power and occur in abundance in Celtic and Romano-Celtic burial sites. 13 On puppy flesh for treating sterile women and even convalescents, see De His Quae Uterum Non Gerunt/Peri Aforon (ed. Kuehn) 22.420 and De Superfoetatione/Peri Epikuesios (ed. Kuehn) 21.473. For dogs easing the pain of pregnant women, see LESLIE PRESTON Day, "Dog Burials in the Greek World," American Journal of Archaeology 88 (1984) 28. 14 Vergil, Aen. VI.257-258; Seneca, Oedipus 569. 15 MARY BOYCE, Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices (London: 1984) p. 45; PAULA WAPNISH and BRIAN HESSE,

"Pampered Pooches or Plain Pariabs? The Ashkelon Dog Burials," Biblical Archaeologist 56: 2 (1993) 71-72. The Parsee Zoroastrians of India, following a tradition at least Medieval in date, believe that looking upon a dog at death facilitates the journey of the soul (CoLLINS

Hound:

The

Genesis and

1992, p. 2). On the dog as Persian protector to the afterworld, see M. Z. AFSHAR,

Transformation

International No. 8901670; Cambridge:

of a Symbol

in Indo-Iranian

Tradition

(Harvard

The Immortal

Ph. D. Dissertation

Microfilm

1988).

16 On Ashkelon, see STAGER 1991, pp. 27-42, including discussion of the other dog burial sites. For the Isin dog house found south of Nippur in Mesopotamia, where thirty three adult dogs of early first millennium date were unearthed which had been buried as offerings connected with the healing goddess Gula, see B. Hroupa, editor, Isin-Isan Bahriyat I: Eie Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 1973-1974 (Munich: 1977) and A. LIVINGSTONE, “The Isin Dog House Revisited," Journal of Cuneiform Studies 40: 1 (1988) 54-60. 17 The Book of the Prophet Isaiah 66: 3-4a; The Fifth Book of Moses Called Deuteronomy 23: 18 from The Holy Bible (King James Version) n.d. Dogs were frequently believed to receive the illness of the afflicted Der son if they were held near or against him (see previous article and COLLINS

1992, p. 3).

18 STAGER 1991, p. 39; W. HEIMPEL, Reallexikon der Assyriologie IV (Berlin: 1977). For a double dog burial at Gilat, Israel, dated between 4500 and 3500 B. C., see THOMAS E. Levy, "Dogs and Healing,” Biblical Archaeology Review

17: 6 (1991) 14, 18.

A text from Mari refers to a possibly severed dog and goat offered to seal a covenant with a divinity (CoLLINS 1990, p. 224). Isaiah, cited above, forbids rituals involving the breaking of a dog's neck by striking its nape. For dog burials, of likely cleansing and therapeutic value, in the Late Bronze Age to Early Iron Age in Crete, Cyprus, and Mycenean Greece, see Dav 1984, pp. 21-27, 31. For the purification rite of dog sacrifices in the cult of Ares/Enyalios at Sparta and Eilioneia/Eileithyia at Argos, see Scholz 1937, pp. 15-18, 22. On canine sacrifice to the gods (Enyalios at Sparta, Hecate at Colophon) at night, see Pausanias, III. 14. 8-9.

621

ture dogs was especially common in rituals of prevention and purification. It was believed that a dog could draw disease from an individual by touch (the Ritual of Zuwi, Ritual of the Ox); by being passed over a patient and then killed (Ritual of Huwarlu, Ritual of Tunnawi, Ritual of Mastigga); by having the patient spit into the puppy's mouth (Ritual of Mastigga); and by providing excrement for use in medicines (Ritual of Hebattarakki): “Young dogs... played an extensive, and apparently vital, role in ritual. Indeed, puppies are exploited for ritual use to the exclusion of adult dogs.” 19

Rituals during which immature dogs were severed are well documented among the Hittites: “The most common form of purification involving nation because of the fact that, without exception, dividing the puppy. Whether this division involves down or across its middle to make two halves the

puppies is the severing ritual. I have applied this desigthe Hittite verb arha kuer- is used to describe the act of separating the head from the body or cutting the animal texts do not tell us with certainty." 20

Hittite practices provide an enticing parallel to the ritual involving the beheading and severing of dogs which may have been practiced at Poggio Gramignano. Hittite ritual texts record the severing and burying of a puppy, one half to the left and the other half to the right within a gateway. The offerant was then purified by walking between them. 2! Defeated troops or military horses could be purified in this manner (Ritual for a Routed Army). 22 The Ritual of Anniwiyanni was one of a number of Hittite non-military rituals involving the severing of immature dogs to prevent evil and purify a person or place, a purpose probably similar to that behind the ritual practiced at the Poggio Gramignano cemetery. 29 Canine severing rituals were also known to the Greeks and Romans. Dog skulls are known from burials in Late Minoan III Crete (Knossos, Archanes), Late Helladic Greece (Mycenae, Dendra, Volos

and others) and Early Cypriote I and II on Cyprus (Lapithus). 24 The Roman writer Livy (XL 6) knew that the Greek army fighting against the Romans in Boeotia and Macedonia had been purified by marching between a severed head of a dog (caput... et pars", the head and a part) placed to the right and the rest of the body and the entrails placed to the left. 25 This custom was probably derived from Hittite or even earlier rituals and was passed on to the Romans whose canine severing rituals cited by Pliny and others noted in Part III, Chapters 3 and 10 of this work. In the second century A. D., severed skulls. snatched from the jaws and teeth of wild beasts as they were being devoured were used by witches for love potions, according to Apuleius (Met. III.16-18.). The remains of dogs and puppies are frequently found associated with temples and divinities in the Near East. A plaque recovered at Kition on Cyprus refers to temple dogs used to stop fire, plague and disease. 26 The Canaanite cult of Resheph-Mukol also may have used dogs in this manner, and the cults of Apollo and Asklepios may have transfered this idea of canine healing power to the Greeks. 27 But the special association of the dog and puppy with one divinity, Hecate, runs consistently through Greek and Roman literature. 28 Hecate is a divinity of the dead, especially dead children, who looked after the souls of all pre-

19 20 21 22

COLLINS COLLINS COLLINS COLLINS

?3 COLLINS

1990, 1990, 1990, 1990,

pp. 214-218; COLLINS 1992, pp. 3-4, WAPNISH and HEssE 1993, P 72. p. 218. p. 219. pp. 219-220.

1990, p. 221.

24 Day 1984, pp.21-32. 25 COLLINS

26 27 STEVEN 28

622

1990, pp.222-223; ScHoLz

STAGER 1991, STAGER 1991, H. LONSDALE, For a detailed

1937, p. 20.

p. 42. p. 41. On Asklepios at Epidauros and healing dogs, see GREEN 1992, p. 198; ScHoLz 1937, pp. 13-16 and “Attitudes Towards Animals in Ancient Greece,” Greece and Rome 26 (1979) 150. list of sources on Hecate and her special association with immature dogs, see GREENEWALT 1978, p. 43.

maturely dead humans and controlled their passage to the world beyond. 29 All wandering and unsettled souls like those of the prematurely dead were her responsibility. 30 Evidence suggests that the Romans did not consider newborns to be true individuals until they were 8 or 9 days old. 31 Until then, infants were considered to be more like plants than people, and were suspected of being susceptible to evil influences. 32 Ceremonies to depollute infants and mothers were practiced. 33 Consequently, a birth brought not joyous celebration but anxiety to the lives of both mother and child. 34 To counter this, a host of birth-supporting divinities were invoked for protection with names like Carmentes, Postverta, Prorsa, Diespater and Opis. 35 When infants died, it was believed that their souls were barred from their afterlives and forced to wander the earth, dis-

quieted and in anguish. This belief led to the practice of holding expiation ceremonies at their tombs. 36 The heavy tile set vertically on the feet of a child aged 2-3 years in JB 36 at the infant cemetery at Poggio Gramignano may reflect the fear which the community held for this infant's soul (Plate 252). Fear that magicians might prowl about tombs disturbing dead bodies and invoking ghosts was widespread, according to Libanius (Decl. 41,7). As a goddess of thresholds, Hecate embarked souls on their voyage to the beyond and saw them carefully across all boundaries. ?? The eternal resting place of these souls was often thought to be the moon, so Hecate/Artemis became an important lunar goddess whose ceremonies were celebrated during the dark of the night. 38 Perhaps in relation to this, on the threshold block between Rooms 11 and 12 at Poggio Gramignano, an apparent offering was found composed of the burnt remains of the shrub buckthorn (Rhamnus alaternus; Fig. 124: Locus 1364). This shrub burns with a foul odor perhaps appropriate for such a ritual. Traces of the bones of an unidentified animal were found with the buckthorn suggesting that this may be evidence of an offering to Hecate as goddess of thresholds. ?? Hecate and her dogs were frequently associated with magical powers, infants and cemeteries. She was believed to haunt the graves in the Kerameikos Cemetery in Athens on moonless nights accompanied by her howling dogs and by the aoroi, the frightening spirits of those who had died before their time. 4° No one would intrude on such a scene because it was believed that a dog barking directly at a person might foretell that person's death. ^! Few passages evoke the terror of Hecate and her dogs more than this from the second Idyll of Theocritus: "Moon, shine clearly;

Listen to my song; [1] chant it low for you 29 JOHNSTON 30 JOHNSTON

1990, p. 144. 1990, p. 145.

31 Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae 102 notes "... the seventh day is a dangerous time for the new-born, especially in regard to the navel-cord, which falls off generally on that day. Until it does the child is more like a plant than an animal (Rose translation)." Those dead before being named became Anonumoi, discussed by CUMONT 1959, p. 137. On naming children on the seventh day see Aristotle Hist. An. 58825. 22 See previous footnote for Plutarch's plant/child reference. Male children were named on the 9th day, females on the 8th because females were believed to mature more quickly initially according to Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae 102. 33 CuMONT 1959, p. 130. Theophrastus writing at the end of the fourth century B. C.; gives in Char. 16, his “Portrait of the Superstitious Person" (ch. 28 Jebb) who *... will never walk on a flat tombstone or come near a corpse or woman who has just given birth, saying that it is better for him not to be polluted". 34 PETER GARNSEY, "Child Rearing in Ancient Italy,” in DAvid KERTZER and RICHARD SALLER (editors), The Family in Italy (New Haven: 1991) pp. 54-100. 35 GARNSEY 1991, p. 54; see also THoMAs WIEDEMANN, Adults and Children in the Roman Empire TOURS) 1989) p. 19 who notes that the picture of infancy in the Roman mind was vulnerability and death, and that infancy was a time when many magic remedies were invoked to keep the baby out of harm's way (pp. 17-18). On birthing divinities Eiloneia and Genetyllis, see KRAus 1960, p. 25. 36 CUMONT 1959, p. 129. 37 JOHNSTON 1990, p. 38. On Hecate as a birth goddess already in the time of HEsIop, see KRAUS

1960, p. 25.

38 Luck 1985, p. 170; JOHNSTON 1990, p. 37. 39 A second pit in Room 12 contained burnt pine wood (pinus) and a single iincisor tooth from a horse (Equus). 49 On the aoroi, see CUMONT 1959, p. 137. For Hecate and the Kerameikos, see KAROUZOU 1972, p. 72. 41 PLUTARCH, Kimon 18.3 discusses Kimon's dream interpreted by a seer in which a barking bitch with puppies foretells the death of Kimon. Julius Capitolinus, Maximini Duo XXXI.2 cites the howling of twelve dogs who foretold the death of emperor Maximinus.

623

And for blood-bathed Hecate, your earthly double, From whom dogs cower as she wanders among graves. Be with me, Hecate, queen of terrors...

Nothing holds fast Against you, Artemis, either in earth or in hell.

The town-dogs howl; the goddess is at the crossroads. Keep us safe from her, Thestylis”. 42

While Hecate was sometimes regarded as a beneficent celestial deity, she was also seen as a frightening chthonic queen of daemons with a special power to reanimate the dead. 43 Consort of witches and necromancers, she looked after the boundary between the divine and human worlds. As such her realm was the threatening night and the dark of the moon. But she could also be the protector of the prematurely deceased and was often assimilated to Artemis. 44 Even as late as the fifth century A. D., a time when Christianity dominated much of the empire, the cult of Hecate was still popular in some areas. The Lycian writer Proclus (A. D. 412-485), who became head of the Academy in Athens, reported seeing luminous visions of Hecate who, by this date, had become associated with the ascending cosmic soul. 45 Hecate had become a great mother or mediator between this world and the one beyond, a mystical magical facilitator and chthonic queen of the universe: “Whenever a soul is entering into partnership with a body — at birth or in childhood — (Hecate)... is at hand; where a soul is separating from a body, in burials of the dead, she is there." 46

As a corpse was prepared for burial, she rushed in to intercept its soul. 47 Hecate had another important function which may have led to her cult being practiced at Poggio Gramignano. She protected the living from the terrors and apparitions from the grave. 48 It was believed that the souls of the prematurely dead could be used with spells by magicians to frighten or alter the lives of the living. The dead, because of their unclean and polluted state, might bring disease and mental illness. 4° If a plague, an epidemic or even just an untreatable disease passed through a community like that near Poggio Gramignano, killing many infants, and possibly adults, and increasing the number of stillborn children and miscarriages in a short period of time, the frightened populace might have made offerings to their traditional gods for protection, rather than

the official gods of a Christian or Roman state. Pups, sacrificed and interred near infant victims of such a calamity, might have been offered to Hecate, the deity believed both to control the souls and power of the dead and to protect the community from sickness.

42 THEOCRITUS, Eid. 11.60. (Robert Wells trans.) : 43 On the celestial/cosmic aspect of Hecate, see JOHNSTON 1990, pp. 7, for the reanimating of the dead see Johnston, pp. 16, 67-68, 31 (connection to Artemis and the moon), 37. On her chthonic aspect, see the Homeric Hymn to Demeter 1.438. For Hecate as reanimator, see Lucan, Bel: Civ. VI. 700-701.

^5 JOHNSTON 1990, p.31. ^5 On Hekate as the Cosmic Soul, see JOHNSTON 1990, p. 7; Marinus Procl. 26. Even as late as the eleventh century Hecate/Diana was still feared and the Corrector, Buchard of Worms, railed against belief in the wild ride of the goddess through the sky mounted, on beasts which he believed drove women to perform diabolical acts. See DIANA WALZEL, “Sources of Medieval

Demonology,” in BRIAN LEVACK (editor), Witchcraft in the Ancient World and in the Middle Ages YI (New York: 1992) 91-92. 46 JOHNSTON 1990, pp. 35, 144. See also Plutarch's remarks about Artemis, one of Hecate' alter egos in Superstition 170B. 47 Sophr. fr. 2 in Supp. Comic. (ed. 1. Demianczuk). 48 JOHNSTON

1990, p. 34.

^? E. R. Donps, The Ancient Concept of Progress and Other Essays on Greek Literature and Belief (Oxford: 1973) p. 206; JOHNSTON 1990, pp. 35, 136. Fear of terror and pollution by the dead led to their being escorted beyond the city walls at night for their burial preparations. For children under 40 days of age, burial at night is cited by Seneca Hercules Furens 849, Servius Ad Aen. ll. 143 and Wiedemann, p. 179. The traumatic effect of mass deaths on a community, a situation which probably occurred at the Poggio Gramignano villa, must not be minimized. On the difference between popular fear of the dead and official Roman religion, see ANDRE VAN DoonsELAER, Les Nécropoles d'Époque Romaine en Gaule Septentrionale (Brugge: 1967) p. 63.

624

Immature dogs, with their long association with ritual purification, would have been the sacrifice of choice. But dogs were believed to have a dual personality in antiquity. To Aristotle they were trustworthy, affectionate and fawning and to Pliny they were purifying workers of beneficial magic. 50 But they could also be seen as the hounds of hell, impure daemones bringing plague and death which were banned from sanctuaries; the black, maleficent brood of Hecate that must be appeased. 51 Yet Hecate was not the only deity associated with the healing and magical power of dogs. In the ancient Near East, sites have frequently yielded evidence that dogs were sacred and believed to have magical curative properties when used as part of ritual. In Babylonia, Ur and Nimrud figurines of dogs were buried beneath the thresholds and floors of important buildings for magical protection and ritual purification. 52 The dog was commonly used as an apotropaic even in Greece and Rome. 53 Pliny (Hist. Nat. XXX.24.82) notes that the blood of a dog sprinkled on the inner walls of a home and the gentalia of a dog placed beneath a threshold protected a house against disease and evil. In Greece, Herakles and Hermes were frequently associated with dogs, and in the region around Sardis in western Anatolia, the divinity Hermes Kandaulos also had canine connections. 54 None of these divinities, however, were particularly or regularly associated with pup or dog sacrifices and prematurely dead infants. Evidence of ritual meals of dog meat were found in ancient Sardis in a context of the fifth century B. C. There, approximately twenty-six puppies of ca. 1 month in age were found deposited with the table service from possibly ritual dinners. Crawford Greenewalt has suggested that these pups were offerings to a divinity, probably Hecate or Hermes Kandaulos. 55 In Umbria, the region of the Poggio Gramignano infant cemetery, evidence of dog or puppy sacrifice is rare, but one section of the bronze Iguvine Tables discovered in 1444 at Gubbio

(ancient

Iguvium) in Umbria offers a detailed prescription for dog sacrifice made to a chthonic divinity known as Hondius Jovius.5° Proposed dates for the seven bronze tablets, which are written in Umbrian dialect, range from the third to the first century B. C., but the tablet inscription of interest here is usually dated to the third century B. C. Over 4000 words appear on the tablets, and various animals and divinities are mentioned. But the dog, or, more specifically the puppy, is mentioned in only one section. The formula requires that an unblemished dog or pup be taken from temple property, dismembered, and roasted on a spit. The drippings were to be collected in a roasting pan and the liver and other parts isolated for special use. The ritual also involved several kinds of cakes, grain, mead, wine, ground salt, a maniple, unguents, and wet and dry vessels offered before or in the area of a spina or obelisk. After the sacrifice, the remains of the dog were buried at an altar. The priest in charge, or adfertor, was required to perform the ceremony "at the full moon... after having observed the birds." 57 The ceremony also involved a ritual dance known as the tripudium. Similarities to the evidence associated with the burials of immature dogs at Poggio Gramignano are striking, including the selection of a pup, its dismemberment and subsequent ritual burial, and 50 Aristotle HA 487a ll (trans. Peck) and see also G. E. R. LLovp, Science, Folklore and Ideology (Cambridge: 1983) p. 19. 5! On the purifying and demonic aspects of puppies and Hecate, see Kraus, p. 26. Dogs associated with witchcraft and witches actually turning into dogs are found in Apuleius Met. II.22. See Lucian, Philopseudes 14-18 for Hecate's midnight rites involving puppies and Cerberus and the reanimation of the ghostly dead. CoLLINS 1992, p. 6 notes that the Hittites considered dogs unclean and impure, unworthy to be sacrificed to the gods. 52 STAGER 1991, p. 42. E 53 ELI EDWARD BURRISS, "The Place of the Dog in Superstition as Revealed in Latin Literature," Classical Philology 30 (1935) 32, 44. COLLINS 1992, p.3 discusses the puppy as guardian of the king and queen in the Hittite Ritual of Huwartu. 55 GREENEWALT 1978, pp. 45-52. For the dog as scapedog to avert evil, see BURRISS 1935, p. 36. 55 GREENEWALT

1978, p. 43; COLLINS

1992, p. 3.

56 For this entire section, see J. W. PouLTNEY, The Bronze Tables of Iguvium in American Philological Association, Monograph 18 (Baltimore: 1959) 176-189 and Tables IIa.15-44. For the argument that young pigs, not puppies or dogs, were sacrificed at the ceremony, see EMIL VETTER, Handbuch der italischen Dialekte I (Heidelberg: 1953) p. 194. Vetter's arguments have not been generally accepted (see Poultney, p. 176). 57 POULTNEY 1959, pp. 176-178.

625

the importance of birds in the ceremony. 58 The existence of the Iguvine tables also proves that dog sacrifice and burial were known in Roman Umbria and suggests a divinity or divinities other than Hecate may have been the object of the canine offerings at Poggio Gramignano. The account associated with the divinity Hondius Jovius describes a situation different from that at the villa where dogs are buried intact, in parts or severed in half in association with dead infants. 59

Among other finds in the infant cemetery which may have had connections to ritual magic were two of special interest: the skeleton of a toad (Plate 235) found placed on the bones of IB 33 inside an amphora and a ravens talon (Plate 234) found on the skeleton of JB 3. Toads and frogs have been associated with magicians and sorcerers since remote antiquity because they were considered repugnant to touch and view, and because their breath was considered poisonous. 60 In Roman times, toad

entrails were an essential element of prognostication ceremonies (Juvenal IIL.44-45) while frog amulets were considered to have miraculous curative powers (Pliny Hist. Nat. XXXII. 74): "The right eye of a frog, suspended from the neck... is a cure for ophthalmia in the right eye, and the left... similarly suspended, for ophthalmia in the left."

Frog fat injected in the ear was believed to be a cure for earaches (Pliny Hist. Nat. XXXIL78); a frog boiled in vinegar which was then used as a mouthwash cured toothaches (Hist. Nat. XXXII.80);

and spitting into a frog’s mouth and setting the animal free could cure disease (Hist. Nat. XXXII.92). Rubetae or bramble frogs possess a small bone in their right side which was believed to have miraculous properties after it was obtained by first allowing ants to eat away the flesh of the frog. It was believed that this bone could cool boiling water. Another bone from a frog was reputed to calm the fury of dogs and, when made into a drink, to conciliate discord. This bone was also held to be an aphrodisiac when worn as an amulet (Hist. Nat. XXXII.52) and may have been used to induce rain in drought-stricken areas. 61 The raven's claw found with JB 3 may also suggest the invocation of magical powers since crows and ravens, through their associations with shafts, pits and wells, are creatures with a long history of chthonic connections: "The raven may have been associated with pits and wells because of a perceived chthonic symbolism: ritual shafts penetrate deep underground, forming a line of communication between the living and the dead, the earth and the underworld of powers. Ravens and crows, with their black plumage and their habit of feeding off of dead things, were clearly seen as messengers from the Otherworld." 62

Ravens and crows, with their sinister beaks and gleaming eyes, were particularly associated with evil, death and destruction; just the sight of them could induce fear. They were also birds of omen. The crow brought evil (Phaedrus,

Fab.

III

18.12) (Pliny Hist. Nat. X.30), and the raven generally

warned against evil (Virgil, Ecl. IX.15). They both frequently represent the soul in Celtic mythology, and they were occasionally used as a powerful army for good. 63 In Romano-Celtic art ravens and dogs sometimes appear together in the service of a divinity. 64 The talon of a raven's claw included

58 For the importance of birds at Poggio Gramignano see Volume III Chapter 3 of this work. °° It is impossible to determine if other rites using perishable materials might have accompanied the canine burials. No evidence was found to indicate how the dogs died, and no cutting or butchering marks were found on the bones. 60 MONTAGUE SUMMERS, The History of Witchcraft and Demonology (Secaucus: 1992) p. 158. See also Part III, Chapter 3 of this work for additional ancient references. 61 R. GIVEON notes bones of frogs and toads interred in a Roman tomb of the third century near ABU SHUSA, in Bulletin of the Israel Exploration Society 19 (1955) 238. 6 GREEN

1992, p. 126.

63 GREEN 1992, pp. 179, 181, 211 discusses the two white ravens which represent divine souls and live within the mound or sidh of the god Midhir, and the use of ravens by Druids for divination and healing. 64 GREEN 1992, p. 212 discusses the dog and raven associated with images of the goddess Epona. See also E. ESPERANDIEU, Recueil General des Bas-Relief de la Gaule Romaine et Preromaine (Paris, 1907-1966) No. 4219. MIRANDA GREEN, Symbol and Image in Celtic Religious Art (London: 1989) Fig. 45 illustrates a nature god from Moux, Burgundy with chthonic symbolic figures

626

with an infant burial may have been intended as a talisman, harnessing evil to counteract evil polluting either the soul of the child or the purity of the burial place. Besides the raven's talon and toad skeleton, other objects were found in the infant cemetery which may have magical significance. In Room 17, an abundance of charcoal of honeysuckle wood (Lonicera caprifolia, or woodbine) and the cooking pot found with its mouth to the earth containing offerings were unearthed, but no dog burials were found in that room. In addition, many bones of

unidentified birds were found throughout the cemetery. Some were probably part of the rubbish and debris in these rooms, but others found within the infants’ tombs or associated with the pot found

upside down in Room 17 may have been offerings. In the folklore and religion of most ancient cultures, birds have special supernatural powers. Because of their ability to fly, they frequently symbolize the soul. Almost all the burials in the infant cemetery at the villa were associated with charred floral remains, many of which may be evidence of burnt offerings. Fire and burning played a major role in the rites of Hecate. ó For example, a Classical Attic lekythos in the Athens Museum depicts a woman sacrificing a pup as an offering to Hecate with a row of three torches set in the ground nearby. 56 Magic spells and incantations often involved sacrifices and burning. 97 Not every object found in the cemetery suggests an association with a divinity such as Hecate. Eggs and the flesh of the pig are two items normally present at Roman burials. Many pig bones (Sus scrofa) were found in the Poggio Gramignano cemetery, recalling Cicero's statement that “places of burial of uncovered bodies do not really become graves until the proper rites are performed and a pig is slain." (De Legibus II.22) Several fragments of eggshells, which frequently symbolized life and regeneration, were also recovered here. The significance of many of the objects found amid the infant burials at Poggio Gramignano remains unknown. The two bronze cauldrons found one within the other and associated with ash and charcoal in Room 12 were probably used in a ritual in which burning was involved. Many chicken bones were found and may be significant because chickens were believed to have magical associations in antiquity. For example, they were used both to invoke daemones and, if strangled, to end the menacing power of those daemones. 88 The bone doll (Plates 222, 223) found in the cemetery may have been a simple offering for a dead

child. But it also may have had magical significance because dolls and images of individuals were frequently used in magic. 69 Although the purpose of the canine burials at Poggio Gramignano might never be known, it seems possible that they were part of an invocation to Hecate to protect the living, ward off the evil besetting the community, restore fertility and health, and carry the polluted souls of the prematurely dead infants to the afterworld. Yet, it is possible that rural Umbria may have had a host of chthonic or other deities, such as Hondius Jovius, to whom

dogs may have been offered, because the cus-

toms of provincial areas could differ sharply from those in Rome. And Hecate, although she was well

of a raven on its shoulder and dog at its side. Nehalennia, goddess of the Morini in the Netherlands, was a Celtic protectress associated with dogs (GREEN 1992, p. 200). The Trier fertility and healing goddess Aveta was associated with lapdogs or swaddling babies. See GREEN 1992, pp. 201-203. This reference includes other fertility divinities and dogs from the Sequani and Ubii tribes in Luxembourg and Switzerland, and examples from Canterbury, Cirencester and Dawes Heath, Essex in England. 65 Hecate is frequently associated with flaming rituals as the rites of Sagana and Canidia in Horace Sat. 1.8. $6 KAROUZOU 1972, p. 70. 67 LUCK

1985, p. 15.

68 PoRPHYRY, Vita Plotini 10. 69 For dolls and magic, see Vergil, Ecl. 8. See also Luck, pp. 76, 92, 108 for association of dolls and Hecate. Horace, Sat. 1.8. WiLLIAM JoNGMAN, The Economy and Society of Pompeii (Amsterdam: 1991) p. 296 cites woolen balls substituting for Roman slaves and dolls (effigies) for freeborn men and women. These were suspended for the lares compitales, replacing human sacrifices.

627

known to Roman magicians, was primarily a Greek or Anatolian divinity. Plutarch tells of other divinities who received dog sacrifice: “So as the Greeks sacrifice a bitch to Hekate, the Romans

do the same to Geneta

(Mana) on behalf of the

members of the household.” 7°

There were also other reasons for sacrificing dogs. Of particular importance with regard to the Poggio Gramignano infant cemetery was the Greek and Roman fear that severe illness during the “dog days” of July and, especially, August might have been caused by the Dog Star, Sirius, rendering its victims literally “starstruck” or astrobletos.7! The rising and setting of the Dog Star with the sun occurs between July 3 and August 11.72 This celestial event was believed to be the cause of fevers during the dies caniculares and the atrox hora caniculae.73 In order to avert disease, dogs were sacrificed to coincide with the rising and setting of the Dog Star in July and early August. If an epidemic such as malaria "^ had struck the region of Poggio Gramignano in the dead of summer, dog sacrifices associated with the burials of the victims may have occurred. There may also be other explanations for the interment of infants and canines together which the archaeological and historical records have failed to record. The suggestion that a ritual association with Hecate was the source of the canine skeletons found at Poggio Gramignano is just one possibility. In the pursuit of an explanation for these dog burials, two questions remain: are there other burials of immature and mature canines recorded in the Roman world, and are any of them associated with infant burials? In the Roman cemetery at Lankhills, Winchester, England, Giles Clarke uncovered a remarkable cenotaph completely surrounded by a deep ditch which was given a place of prominence in a cemetery of almost 500 graves dated to the fourth century A.D. The grave beneath the cenotaph, which contained no human remains, dated to c. A. D. 400, nearly contemporary with the cemetery at Poggio Gramignano. It contained a coffin on top of which the complete body of a dog had been placed. As the grave had been back-filled, a dismembered dog had been placed in it whose vertebrae, partial pelvic girdle, and bones of one leg were found. The vertebrae had been arranged in a circle and tied, and the excavators believed the body of the dog had been “... prepared as if it were to be served at a meal.” Clarke even observed: “There may be some connection here with the meals made from dogs’ flesh which in classical lands were

given to Hecate at the crossroads...” 75 Five coins were also recovered from the grave beneath the cenotaph. The cenotaph was thought to commemorate an important person who had died but whose body was not found. Clarke argued that the dedication of a cenotaph might avert the curse on an unburied human whose soul could wander for 100 years (Aeneid VI. 326-330). It might also have been intended to offset the stigma of untimely death which could lead to a soul haunting its relatives. 76 — The dogs found at Lankhills were explained as protectors of the dead individual, not only as

70 Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae LI cites Geneta Mana as a divinity who was involved in the generation of birds and birth ‘children. In Welsh mythology the king of the underworld Annwn was associated with hounds or ghost dogs who appeared at night, foretold death and sought corpses and human souls (GREEN 1992, p. 186). 71 ZAGANIARIS 1975, pp. 322- 329, 72 W. S. BERRIDGE, Animal Curiosities (Boston:

1923) p. 99.

73 KAROUZOU 1975, p. 70; H. H. SCULLARD, Festivals and Ceremonies of the Roman Republic (Ithaca: 1981) pp. 108-109. 14 See Part HI, Chapter 3 of this work. 75 GILES CLARKE, The Roman Cemetery at Lankhills (Winchester Studies 3) (Oxford: 1979) p. 423. Burial of halved dogs is known in tbe Hittite Ritual of the Routed Army (CoLLINS 76 CLARKE 1979, p. 421.

628

1992, p. 5).

guardians of the tomb, but as chthonic demons themselves who could counter the threat from the underworld to the deceased and his kin: “At Lankhills, the context of the dogs in the cenotaph leaves one in no doubt that they served a magical and religious purpose.” 77

As Clarke notes, dogs found grave containing a human adult from Germanic graves is known were found buried amid human

buried in graves are not rare. At Ilchester, Somerset, in England a and a dog dated to c. A. D. 400 was found, while similar evidence from circa A. D. 370 and later. 78 At York, ancient Eboracum, dogs burials, while pups buried with evidence of ritual practices were

noted in the Medway marshes in Kent, England. 7° At Garton Slack (E. R. Yorks), England, in a well

containing fill of the third century A. D., the remains of a young boy, a sheep and a pregnent bitch were found. 80 Figurines of dogs, which may have served as apotropaics, have been found in GalloRoman

graves. 81

The presence of the four partial canine jaws in the Poggio Gramignano cemetery, and the separate burials of two halves of one dog suggest that here dogs were decapitated and their bodies severed for some purpose. Since dogs were not normally part of the Roman diet and dog/pup remains of any type were not found on the site outside the cemetery, it seems likely that the skulls and section of skulls found may have been used for ritual pruposes. The ritual burial of. skulls of horses, sheep and, especially, dogs was often associated with the graves of infants and adults. Examples of severed or decapitated pups from Greece and the Near East have been cited, but Roman, and especially Romano-Celtic, examples of animal decapitation and burial have been found associated with infant burials. At Victoria Road in Winchester, England the grave of an infant dating to the mid fourth century A. D. contained a horses skull, while, at Barton Court Farm, Abingdon,

Oxfordshire in England, two infant burials were found, one accom-

panied by the skull of a dog and the other by the skull of a sheep. Another pit at that site produced mandibles of dog, cattle and sheep. These are just four of a rapidly growing list of known examples, most of which date to the fourth or fifth centuries. 82 A dismembered dog, represented by a skull, part of a skull or other parts of the animal was, as the Iguvine Tablets demonstrate, a suitable offering to a divinity for purposes of purification. The ritual sacrifice of immature dogs in association with the burial of dead infants may be a case of religious scapegoating, of using like for like. The infant dog may have been intended both as a stand-in for the infant human and as an agent intended to carry out the traditional functions of an infant canine offering: to protect the community and the soul of the child from evil, to help the child's transition to the afterworld by acting as an intermediary, and to invoke the divinities whose aid was deemed necessary for the fulfillment of these wishes. ΤΊ CLARKE 1979, p. 422. COLLINS 1992, p. 6 reports a dog head found in a cenotaph at Asine in the Argolid. The date is not given. 78 On the German

graves, see H.R.

ELLIS Davinson, Pagan Scandinavia

(London:

1967) pp.

106-117. For ILCHESTER,

see

Current Archaeology 50 (1975) 83. 79 For EBURACUM, see the Royal Commission on Historical Monuments (England), An Inventory of the Historical Monuments in the City of York, i, Eburacum (London: 1962) c (iv), 85 f (iv), 85 f (v). For the Medway puppy burials, see I. ΝΟΕΙ͂. HUME, “Ritual Burials on the Upchurch Marshes,” Archaeologia Cantiana 70 (1956) 160-167.

80 On GARTON SLACK, see Britannia 4 (1973) 281.

81 FRANK JENKINS, “The Role of the Dog in Romano-Gaulish Religion," Latomus 16 (1957) 62, 66. 32 DAVID MILES (editor), “Archaeology at Barton Court Farm, Abingdon, Oxon.,” Oxford Archaeological (1984) microfiche 4: C8; MILES, Britannia

8 (1977) 419; MILES, Archaeology at Barton Court Farm, Abingdon,

Unit Report 3 Oxon.

(Oxford:

1986) p.4. Other sites include Caerwent, capital of the Silures, where five dog skulls were found in a well and cited by GREEN 1992, p. 102, Late Iron Age Gournay (Oise) where fifteen dog bone fragments, mostly of jaws, were found (GREEN 1992, p. 111), Ribemont-SurAncre where a dog skull split presumably to extract the brain and tongue was found in a ditch surrounding a sanctuary (GREEN 1992, p. 111). The Iron Age and Roman temple complex at Springhead, Kent produced Roman infant burials associated with horse and ox skulls. For this see ELEANOR Scorr, "Animal and Infant Burials in Romano-British Villas:

A Revitalization Movement," in P. D. GaRwoop, R. SkEarEs and J. Toms (editors) Sacred and Profane (Oxford University

Committee for Archaeology, Monograph No. 32) 1991 p. 116. She also discusses animal skulls as votive deposits (p. 117).

629

One of the most remarkable finds in Britain was discovered at Ridgeons Gardens, Cambridge where a subterranean shrine was found which had been penetrated by nine shafts sometime before c. A. D. 300. Each shaft contained an infant burial accompanied by a canine skeleton. 83 Clarke reported: "There was evidence that the ritual of these burials was designed to bring an after-life to the children in that they were provided with adult shoes into which they could grow. The burials seem to confirm the view that there may indeed have been a pagan tradition in southern Britain by which special care was taken over those who died before their time or in unusual circumstances and that to help them to the after-life dogs were buried in the ritual, as in the cenotaph at Lankhills." 84

Clarkes research has shown that the rite of dog burial was known in many areas of northern and central Europe and not limited to late antique England. Evidence of this practice in Greece and the Near East is also abundant, but evidence for such ritual practices in Italy has been rare and has been noted primarily as references in ancient literature. If paleo-osteological studies are not undertaken on an excavation site, evidence of ritual practices involving dogs and pups can be missed, especially if large numbers of animal bones are found scattered in rubbish middens or disarticulated by rodent activity. Consequently, the high frequency of observed canine burials in England may be a function of the archaeological approach used, rather than an indication of actual ancient practices over the broad European geographic area. Even now, on many archaeological excavations within Italy, bone analysis, except in its relation to human diet, is underutilized or even overlooked. Conclusions

The presence of sacrificed canines in the cemetery of Poggio Gramignano may not be unusual for rural areas of Roman Italy. Perhaps as early as the Late Bronze Age in the Near East, dogs and, especially, pups were believed to have special powers with regard to the dead, particularly when the animals were sacrificed and buried. These roles were many. Pups could be the howling harbingers of death,

the

faithful

companions

of the

soul

to the

afterworld, the

guardians

of the

soul

as

apotropaics, the purifiers of the unclean dead and their cemeteries, the protectors of the living against all evil influences (even those from the dead), the agents of priests and sorcerers in invocations to chthonic divinities, the beings which absorb through transfer rituals the pollution from the dead in order to liberate the soul, and the appeasers of chthonic divinities. Whatever calamity befell the inhabitants in the neighborhood of Poggio Gramignano in the fifth century A. D., evidence from the villa excavations suggests that they turned to their traditional, rural ritual practices for salvation rather than to those of the official Christian religion. In an age.of fear, mysterious death, barbarian invaders and a devastated economy, witchcraft, superstition and rituals associated with the old traditional chthonic deities may have seemed the best answer. Striking parallels to the presumed elements of witchcraft observed in the cemetery at Poggio Gramignano are found in the writings of Horace (Sat. 1.8) Although the witches Candida and Sagana seem here to be described for a comic effect, the witchcraft they practiced was well known to Roman readers. Horace's mock-heroic and perjorative portrait of such practices does not diminish the fact that this counter-culture flourished. Horace writes that the witches, in the dark of the moon, tear.apart an animal in a cemetery, a scene which recalls the decapitation and tearing apart of the dogs in the Poggio Gramignano cemetery. But these witches tear apart a black lamb with their teeth, rather than a dog, and pour out its blood in a trench to draw out human souls to respond to them. Wax and wool "dolls" are employed in the ritual described by Horace, recalling the bone doll found without arms and legs at Poggio Gramignano. Horace writes that Hecate and Tisiphone are 85 Britannia 7 (1976) 340-341; Current Archaeology 61 (1978) 57-60. 84 CLARKE 1979, p. 455.

630

invoked, daimones or divinities particularly dear to witches, while visions of hell-hounds (canas infernas) and snakes roam among the tombs. This reference to dogs recalls the thirteen skeletons of immature dogs found associated with the Poggio Gramignano burials. Fire blazing about the wax image played a key role in Horaces ritual. At Poggio Gramignano, evidence for extensive burning has been found particularly in the area of the two large bronze cauldrons buried among the infants (Plates 230-233). Horace also refers to the white excrement of ravens (merdis albis corvorum). At Poggio Gramignano, a talon from a raven's claw was found on the skeleton of an infant buried within an ampho-

ra. In Horace's poem the shades (umbrae) make sad and shrill echoes when conversing with Sagana as she and Candida scavenge human bones to use in spells and potions (carminibus atque venenis) to vex human souls. The fear that the deads' remains or their souls might be used by witches may explain why the body of a child aged 2-3 years was weighted down with rocks and a heavy tile at Poggio Gramignano. 85

In Ep. V of Horace additional striking parallels to the evidence unearthed at Poggio Gramignano are found. Here Sagana and Candida are joined by two other witches. One of them, Folia, comes from Arminium, another town in Umbria. This witch has a particularly powerful reputation for evil (Ep. V.43-46). In this epode, a child is burnt alive, and many ritual acts are described which recall evidence found at Poggio Gramignano: the use of eggs, birds, a hideous toad and jawbones from a starving bitch. All of these elements are employed while invoking Hecate/Diana. Other perishable elements are cited in this epode which may have also been present at Poggio Gramignano but which would not have survived in the soil. Ep. XVII records yet another invocation to Hecate/Diana, an invocation to the spirits of the dead and the use of wax dolls in the ritual. Certainly the elements described by Horace (Sat. 1.8, Ep. V and XVII) were not employed at the infant cemetery at Poggio Gramignano in exactly the same manner as Horace describes. The love or curse spells of witches no doubt differed from rituals used to stop an epidemic. And these formulae must have differed even from witch to witch! Yet it is clear that the evidence unearthed at the cemetery at Poggio Gramignano fits well into the world of Roman popular witchcraft, even though the exact nature of the ceremony may forever be lost. DAVID

SOREN

85 See 7B 36 discussed in Part III, Chapter 3 of this work.

63]

CHAPTER

MALARIA:

MEDICINE

AND

MAGIC

10

IN THE ROMAN

WORLD

Excavations at Lugnano in Teverina, directed by David Soren of the University of Arizona, have revealed a fifth century A. D. infant cemetery inside an abandoned villa on the hill known as Poggio Gramignano. ! The skeletons of the forty-seven infants found ranged in age from pre-natal to two to three years. The lower levels of the cemetery housed single burials, while the uppermost levels held multiple burials of five to six infants at a time. This pattern of burials, combined with the brief period the cemetery was in use, suggests the presence of an epidemic, possibly malaria. Malaria in Italy was a summertime disease especially prevalent in mosquito-infested areas near stagnant water. Lugnano, sixty kilometers north of Rome and bordering the Tiber River, was a farm community which had many ponds and irrigation ditches. In addition, offerings of burned honeysuckle seeds were found in the uppermost burial levels, suggesting that the sudden increase in infant burials took place in July when the plant had flowered. 2 The findings from these excavations have drawn attention to the existence of malaria in the Roman world and have raised new questions about its prevalence and the Romans’ understanding of the nature and treatment of the disease. The evidence of magical practices found at the Lugnano cemetery, including the burials of puppies, a frog, and a raven's claw with the infants, has raised additional questions about the presence of magic in this cemetery, which is striking, especially considering the sanctions on magical practices in this period when Christianity was widely established. The existence of malaria in ancient Italy, the role of magic as a response to the disease, and the concurrent presence of magic and Christianity are all questions which merit particular attention. THE PREVALENCE

OF MALARIA

Studies on the prevalence of malaria in the Roman world are rare. While W.H.S. Jones has done an extensive study on the extent of the disease in Greece, 3 the only modern work on malaria in Italy is the late Angelo Celli’s The History of Malaria in the Roman Campagna. 4 Celli combed the ancient sources and demonstrated how malaria plagued Italy for centuries. Drawing his information from the writers of each respective period, Celli surveyed the hydraulic, sanitary, and agricultural conditions as they pertained to malaria from the pre-Roman period to modern times. Celli, however, only briefly touched upon the ancient professional literature also available to him. Yet it is from this professional literature that we gain the best understanding of the prevalence and nature of the disease that we call “malaria” (derived from It. mala aria, “bad air”). Roman professional literature begins with Aulus Cornelius Celsus, the editor of an encyclopedia on agriculture, warfare, rhetoric, philosophy, law, and medicine published sometime during the reign of Tiberius (A. D. 14-37). In De Medicina, the only surviving section of the encyclopedia, Celsus discusses the diagnoses and treatments of various medical disorders, but his discussion of malarial fevers in Book 3 is more empirical than that of any other disease. Most of this book is devoted to naming and identifying the fevers and their symptoms, and then to detailing the medical treatments ! Unless otherwise indicated, all translations are the author's. 2 D. SoREN, W. BIRKBY, and T. FENTON, “Malaria, Witchcraft, and the Fall of the Roman Empire,” Journal of Paleopathology

71 (1994), pp. 1-22.

3 W. H. S. Jones, Malaria and Greek History (Manchester: 1909). 4 A. CELLI-FRAENTZEL, ed. and tr. (New York: 1977); original edition, A. CELLI, Storia della Malaria (London: 1933).

633

for each. Although Celsus was simply ἃ layman in medicine, his work presents medical theories and practices in a precise, systematic manner worthy of a medical professional. The Historia Naturalis of Pliny the Elder (A. D. 23-79), on the other hand, lacks the precision of

Celsus. Pliny’s vast work is, in effect, a compilation of fact and fancy regarding cosmology, geography, anthropology, zoology, botany, pharmacology, mineralogy, metallurgy, and their uses in antiquity. Like Celsus, Pliny did not practice medicine as a profession, and yet much of the Historia Naturalis outlines treatments for various ailments. Books 20-32 in particular take up treatments for malarial fevers. The landmark in the history of medicine, second only to the Hippocratic Corpus, is the compiliation of medical practices and theories by Galen of Pergamon (A. D. 129-200). Although he was Greek, Galen lived and practiced medicine in Rome, serving a term as the court physician of Marcus Aurelius. Galen’s works were drawn from his knowledge of the Greek schools of medicine, but also

show the knowledge that was available to the Romans. His works included a special treatise on fevers, De Febribus, in which he diagnosed and classified the different types of malaria. The large sections devoted to malaria in the writings of these professional authors indicate that the disease was widespread. In addition, malarial fevers are mentioned so frequently by other Roman authors that, as W. H. S. Jones has commented, “a glance over a few pages is enough to convince any reader that they were among the most common diseases with which the Romans were acquainted.” 5 The disease was so common that some writers, particularly Vitruvius and Varro, found it necessary to advise their readers on the selection of the most salubrious locations, i.e., those unafflicted

with malaria. Vitruvius advises that every architect should know something about medicine and its considerations in the selection of healthy dwelling places. 6 Furthermore, he devotes a chapter on the selection of the healthiest sites (loci saluberrimi) and recommends that marshy areas are to be avoided? because “by standing stagnant they grow putrid and emit heavy and pestilent moisture.” 8 Varros advice is directed to farmers, for whom the two most important factors are the profitability and healthfulness of the land. 9 He later indicates that the health of the land is linked to profitability, explaining that no matter how rich the land is, the misfortune caused by pestilence does not bring about profit: 10 “for where the reckoning is held with death, there not only is-profit uncertain, but also the life of the farmers.” !! According to Varro, it is the farmer’s responsibility to prevent and/or rectify an unwholesome situtation. His advice to farmers already holding unhealthy property is direct and unambiguous: “sell it, for as much money as you can get; or if you cannot sell it, abandon it.” 12 | The concern shown by Vitruvius and Varro highlights the malarial condition of the countryside in Italy during the first century B. C. Malaria, however, had begun to rage in Italy even earlier, as evidenced by the deification of Febris, or Fever, whom some dedications call Tertiana or Quartana. 13 Cicero states that there was an ancient (vetusta) altar to Febris on the Palatine (Leg. 2.28). The deifi-

cation and erection of a monument to this goddess is further proof that malaria exacted a heavy toll among the Romans. Although Cicero objects to the deification of vices (vitia), 14 such as Febris, Pliny Ì

5 JONES,

1909, p. 63.

6 Vitr, De Arch. 1.1.10: "disciplinam vero medicinae novisse oportet propter inclinationem caeli, quae Graeci climata dicunt, et aeris et locorum, qui sunt salubres aut pestilentes, aquarumque usus; sine his enim rationibus nulla salubris habitatio fieri potest." | 7 1.4.1: "deinde sic vitabitur palustris vicinitas." 8 1.4.12: “stando putescunt et umores graves et pestilentes in is locis emittunt.” | ? VARRO, Rust. 1.2.8: "duo in primis spectasse videntur Italici homines colendo, possentne fructus pro impensa ac labore redire et utrum saluber locus esset an non." 10 1.4.3: "utilissimus autem is ager qui salubrior est quam alii, quod ubi fructus certus; contra in pestilenti calamitas, quamvis in feraci agro, colonum ad fructus pervenire non patitur." 11 1.4.3: "etenim ubi ratio cum orco habetur, ibi non modo fructus est incertus, Ed etiam colentium vita." 12 1.12.2: "vendas, quot assibus possis, aut si nequeas, relinquas." 13 Priscian (1.3) says that Quartana and Tertiana were worshipped as gods until the third century A. D. 14 Cic., Leg. 2.28: ^virtutes enim, non vitia consecrare decet;" cf. Nat. D. 3.63.

634

-

provides an explanation for such an action: “We find countless deities... both for diseases and also for many plagues, while in our anxious fear we hope that they have been placated. For this reason a temple was dedicated to Fever, at the public expense, on the Palatine hill.” 15 It is interesting to note in this connection that Ciceros description of the Palatine as “a place both abundant with springs and healthful in the midst of a pestilent region” 16 conforms to the advice set forth by Vitruvius and Varro. The fact that the power of Febris is honored in a place where she is least powerful is striking. Vitruvius may explain the reason for the setting in his instructions for choosing a temple site: “For all temples the most healthy sites and suitable springs shall be chosen in those places where shrines are to be set up, especially for Asclepius and Salus, and for those gods by whose medicine very many ill persons seem to be cured. For when sick bodies shall have been moved from a pestilent to a healthy region, and when they will use water from wholesome springs, they will grow well more quickly. Thus it will be brought about that, from the nature of the site, the deity will receive a higher reputation, increased with her esteem." 17

Through these words Vitruvius attributes the removal of illness more to the healthy location of the temple than to the power of the divinity itself. THE NATURE

OF MALARIA

Malaria is characterized by periodic attacks of fever caused by a reaction to plasmodium parasites. The parasites, which are transmitted by the Anopheles mosquito, attack the red blood cells of their host and have varying periods of gestation depending upon which species of plasmodium is present. The plasmodium vivax results in benign tertian malaria in which the fever recurs every third day after 48-hour intervals. The plasmodium falciparum parasite causes malignant tertian malaria whose fever lasts up to forty hours at one stretch. While the temperature abates somewhat during remissions in this kind of malaria, it nevertheless persists and is usually fatal. The third species is the plasmodium malariae which results in the milder quartan fevers recurring every fourth day after 72-hour intervals. It is possible for a host to have multiple parasitic infections which may manifest themselves in daily, or quotidian, fevers. The primary symptoms of malaria are the fevers, accompanied by chills and sweating. The malarial attacks are also accompanied by headaches, nausea, anorexia, abdominal pain, dropsy, enlargement of the spleen, delirium, and anemia. Without treat-

ment, a person's immune system, if strong enough, can end an attack. Subsequent attacks of the disease can build up immunity to the point that eventually the attacks cease.!? Ancient literature reveals that malaria was widespread and that the Romans had a keen awareness and recognition of the disease. Although the Romans had no particular term for malaria, they did iniu its three manifestations of fever: the quartana, the tertiana, and the quotidiana. Roman professional literature classifies and describes the nature of malarial fevers. In De Medicina Celsus introduces malaria as a class of common disease that affects the body as a whole. !? He identifies the different forms, ?? stating that the quartan is the simplest of the fevers, since it 15 Pliny, HN 2.15: "numina in iisdem innumerabilia invenimus... morbisque et multis etiam pestibus, dum esse placatas trepido metu cupimus. ideoque etiam publice Febris fanum in EC dicatum est;" cf. Val. Max. 2.5.6: "Febrem autem ad minus nocendum templis colebant." 16 Cic., Rep. 2.11: "locum... et fontibus abundantem et in regione pestilenti salubrem." | 17 Vitr. De Arch. 1.2.7: "omnibus templis saluberrimae regiones aquarumque fontes in his locis idonei eligentus, in quibus fana constituantur, deinde maxime Aesculapio, Saluti, et eorum deorum quorum plurimi medicinis aegri curari videntur. Cum enim ex pestilenti in salubrem locum corpora aegra translata fuerint et e fontibus salubribus aquarum usus subministrabuntur, celerius convalescent. Ita efficietur, uti ex natura loci maiores auctasque cum dignitate divinitas excipiat opiniones." 18 JONES,

1909, pp. 1-3; N. DEMAND, Birth, Death and Motherhood in Classical Greece (Baltimore:

1994) pp. 82-83.

1? Celsus, Med. 3.3.1: "sequitur vero curatio febrium quod et in toto corpore et vulgare maxime morbi genus est." 20 3.3.1: "ex his una cotidiana, altera tertiana, altera quartana

est."

635

begins with chills and is characterized by fevers recurring on the fourth day. 2! Of the tertian fevers, there are two classes: one beginning and desisting in the same way as a quartan, the other being far more pernicious, and both recurring every third day. He continues to describe the pernicious tertian fevers, which the Greeks calls hemitritaion, as long-lasting, approximately 36 hours in duration, and not subsiding entirely between attacks. 22 Quotidian fevers, on the other hand, vary and have many forms, which he describes in detail. 23

Celsus not only distinguishes here between the fatality of the tertian quartan, but also notes (3.15.6) that the quartan fever does not kill anyone iugulat). His verb iugulare, literally meaning “to slaughter” or “to cut the force and terrible effects of the other fevers: the quartan fevers “slaughter” an and tertian fevers do. Celsus specifies the symptoms of malaria, which consideration. 24 These symptoms

include headaches

and the mildness of the (nam quartana neminem jugular,” brings out the no one, but the quotidimust also be taken into

(dolores capitis), chills (frigi), shivering (hor-

ror), delirium (insania and delirium), lethargy (lethargum), dropsy (hydropa), the “wasting disease” anorexia (tabes), and jaundice (arquatum), 25 all of which are still recognized by modern physicians as major symptoms of malaria. Knowledge of the disease is not limited to medical writers, but appears frequently in other Roman authors, indicating how common malaria was. In De Natura Deorum Cicero addresses the belief that

all motions and occurrences which have periodic regularity are divine. If this belief is true, he asks, “then must not the tertian and quartan fevers also be said to be divine, for what can be more regular than their movement and recurrence?” 26 His remark not only reflects the periodic regularity of malaria, but the prevalence of the disease as well. His argument rests on the assumption that the regularity of these fevers is common knowledge for his audience. The ancients were also aware that subsequent attacks of malaria could build an individual's immunity

and thus reduce

future

episodes

of the fever. Thus,

Plato,

according

to Aulus

Gellius,

wrote, “A person who having suffered a quartan fever got well and recovered his full strength would afterwards enjoy more reliable and more constant health.” 27 Other writers recognized the difference in seriousness between the tertian and quartan fevers. Juvenal tells that fevered patients hoped for a quartan (as opposed to the tertian), 28 and Livy relates the details of a plague that threatened the Romans in 174 B. C. He describes how the victims of the plague did not survive the seventh day ?? (a cycle of two tertians?), but those who survived seven days suffered a lingering disease, usually a quartan. 3° Martial relates that a certain Carus died from a

21 3.3.1: "et quartanae quidem simpliciores sunt. incipiunt fere ab horrore, deinde calor erumpit, finitaque febre biduum integrum est: ita quarto die revertitur." | 22 3.3.2: “tertianarum vero duo genera sunt. alterum eodem modo, quo quartana, et incipiens et desinens, illo tantum interposito discrimine, quod unum diem praestat integrum, tertio redit. alterum longe perniciosius, quod tertio quidem die revertitur, ex quadraginta autem et octo horis fere triginta et sex per accessionem occupat (interdum etiam vel minus vel plus), neque ex toto in remissione desistit, sed tantum levius est. id genus plerique medici ἡμιτριταῖον appellant." 23 3.3.3: “cottididnae vero veriae sunt et multiplices." For details of the forms of the quotidian, see 3.3.3-6. 24 3.10.1: "considerandum est etiam, febresne solae sint, an alia quoque his mala accedant." 25 On headaches, see 3.10.1-2; on chills, see 3.11.1-3; on shivers, see 3.12.1-6; on delirium, see 3.18.1-24; on lethargy, see

3.20.1-6; on dropsy, the accumulation of lymph in body tissues and cavities, see 3.21.17; on anorexia, see 3.22.1-14; on jaundice, see 3.24.1-5. 26 Cicero, Nat. D. 3.24: “vide, quaeso, si omnes motus omniaque quae certis temporibus ordinem suum conservant divina dicimus, ne tertianas quoque febres et quartanas divinas esse dicendum sit, quarum reversione et motu quid potest esse constantius?” . 27 Aul. Gell., NA 17.12.3: "qui quartanam passus convaluerit viresque integras recuperaverit, fidelius constantiusque postea valiturum." 28 Juv., Sat. 4.58: "... iam quartanam sperantibus aegris..." ?? Celsus mentions (3.4.11) that the seventh day is one of the most significant to physicians in the treatment of malaria: “... ita ut summa potentia septimo... daretur." 30 Livy, AUC 41.21: "qui inciderant, haud facile septimum diem superabant; qui superaverant, longinquo, maxime quartanae, implicabantur morbo."

636

fever, and then chastises the fever itself for being the wrong

kind. “Cruel, noxious

fever,” he says,

“you might at least have been a quartan,” for then Carus would be alive. 31 The Romans had not identified the plasmodium parasite as the cause of malaria, although some writers appear to have intuited the source. Varro speaks of swampy grounds where “certain minute animals are bred which the eyes cannot grasp and, traveling through the air, reach inside the body by way of mouth and nose, and cause diseases which are difficult to deal with.” 32 Columella even identifies the carrier, the mosquito, when he explains that "during the beat a marsh throws up noxious poison and breeds animals armed with aggressive little stingers, which fly upon us in very thick swarms... whereby hidden diseases are often contracted, the causes of which not even the physicians can ascertain." 33 This statement may indicate that physicians, unlike agricultural writers, did not appreciate the mosquitos role in spreading malaria. The tertian and quartan fevers attack during specific seasons. The tertian fevers attack in the summertime. 34 Quartan fevers, on the other hand, are generally prolonged both in autumn and especially at the beginning of winter, while brief in summer. 35 This observation is substantiated by Cicero's letters to Atticus and Tiro. In letters dated November,

December,

and January of the same

winter, Cicero worries about the quartan fevers that afflict his friends. 36 Letters from the following May reflect his pleasure that the fevers have left them. 37 On another occasion Cicero also worried about the health of his brother Quintus who was spending the winter in Sardinia, the island notorious for its malarial conditions (QFr. 2.3.7). 38 "Malaria posed perhaps the most serious risk to women in childbirth." 39 Pregnant women were more at risk for diseases that affected the general population because of "the suppression of cellmediated immunity during pregnancy," a condition that serves "to prevent the immunological rejection of the fetus." Malaria also results in a higher prevalence of stillbirths and prematurely born infants because of an infection of plasmodium parasites in the placenta, which decreases its efficiency in supplying oxygen to the fetus. The author of the Hippocratic Epidemics comments that most women who give birth in this condition died, while all who fell ill while pregnant miscarried. 4° Thus, malarial conditions could explain the number of prenatal (or miscarried) and newborn or stillborn infants in the cemetery at Poggio Gramignano. THE

TREATMENT

OF MALARIA

There were a number of treatments for malaria available to the Romans. These ranged from practices derived from Greek medical theory to home remedies drawn from folklore and magic. That there was no chronological distinction between these different forms of treatment can be illustrated by comparing the treatments for malaria recorded by Celsus and by Pliny the Elder, both from the first century A. D. | 31 Mart., Epig. 10.77: “nequius a Caro nihil umquam, Maxime, factum est quam quod febre perit: fecit et illa nefas. saeva nocens febris, saltem quartana fuisses! servari medico debuit ille suo." 32 Varro, Rust. 1.12.10: "crescunt animalia quaedam minuta, quae non possunt oculi consequi, et per aera intus in corpus per os ac nares perveniunt atque efficiunt difficilis morbos." 33 Columella, Rust. 1.6: "illa (palus) caloribus noxium virus eructat et infestis aculeis armata gignit animalia, quae in nos densissimis examinibus involant... ex quibus saepe contrahuntur caeci morbi, quorum causas ne medici quidem perspicere queunt." 34 Celsus, Med. 2.1.7: “at aestas non quidem vacat plerisque his morbis sed adicit febres vel continuas vel ardentis vel tertianas." 35 Celsus, Med. 2.8.42: "quartana aestiva brevis, autumnalis fere longa est maximeque quae coepit hieme adpropinquante." 36 37 33 3? 40

Cic., Att. 7.2.2; 7.5.5; Fam. 16.11.1. Cicero, Aft. 10.9.3; 10.15.4; 10.16.6. Pomponius Mela later affirmed that Sardinia is “as pestilential as it is fertile" (2.123). DEMAND, 1994, p. 81. DEMAND, 1994, pp. 81, 82.

637

Celsus draws the treatments he cites from Greek physicians, including Hippocrates and Asclepiades. The different treatments vary according to what different authorities practice. The prescribed treatments rely primarily on rest and regimen, using drugs very sparingly. ? In general, the physicians advocated wakefulness during the day and thirst during the fevers. The best treatment, however, was food, opportunely given. 43 Determining what was "opportune" presented a problem. Some physicians advocated giving food on a particular day of the fever, such as the third or seventh; others emphasized the time of day, whether in morning or evening; and still others felt that food should be given during periods of remission. The procedures used in treatment were further complicated by each patient's circumstances, including the kind of fever, the patient's age and strength, and the time of year in which the fever occurred. Celsus frequently repeats that whatever treatment is used should not diminish the strength of the patient. ^ When the fever was severe, as in the case of malignant tertian malaria, the procedures became more extreme. Hunger, thirst, and wakefulness were imposed on the patient, as well as blood-letting. Physicians relied on the pulse to recognize when the patient was in the throes of an attack, but, according to Celsus, this technique could be deceiving, for normal pulse varies with each individual depending on age and other aspects of health. 45 Celsus presents the treatment of malaria as a difficult and tricky undertaking for Roman physicians. He attributes all responsibility for success or failure in treatment to the physician. Regarding treatment for the tertian fevers, he says that "great care must be taken, for many die suddenly, from error in one way or another on the part of the practitioner.” ^6 For many reasons, then, medical treatments were not always effective for the disease, and Pliny the Elder describes the other recourse, folk remedies. In Books 20-32 of Historia Naturalis, Pliny outlines dozens of malarial treatments (see Appendix), and his lack of organization makes it difficult to present his catalogued treatments in any semblance of order. His attempt to categorize the content of his encyclopedia around the different materials, whether plant, fish, or mammal, falls short in light of his frequent afterthoughts and subsequent revisions to his plan. Within his intended categories he arranges the remedies by species, listing the many ways each can be used for healing. Often within the same book, however, he appears to tire of this pattern and changes his approach, now arranging the various remedies according to ailment. Despite this seemingly unsystematic approach, the treatments Pliny cites can be classified in two broad categories: 1) folk remedies drawn from nature and based on superstition, and 2) remedies transmitted by the Magi. Both categories contain elements which can be regardedas "magical." The remedies which Pliny praises the most are those that come from nature, for he believes that “nature appears to have created everything for the sake of man." ^' Included in this category are herbal remedies, which are unfamiliar to most Romans, according to Pliny, because their experience is confined to the illiterate country-folk who live among.them and because the abundance of doctors reduces the need.to seek the remedies out. 48 Despite the many remedies that can be credited to folklore, Pliny does indicate a number of herbal remedies prescribed by doctors (see Appendix). In Books 20-27 Pliny has catalogued herbal treatments for malarial fevers. Herbology, or the use ot “plant magic,” however, is at least as old as Homer. In the Odyssey (10.203-47) we meet the witch

41 4 43 ^5 3.4.9: 45

Celsus, Med. 3.4.1: “curationum vero diversa genera sunt, prout auctores aliquos habent.” Celsus discusses the treatments in detail beginning at 3.4.1 through the end of the book. 3.4.6: ° optimum vero medicamentum eius est opportune cibus datus." 3.4.8: "unum illud est, quod semper, quod ubique servandum est, ut aegri vires subinde adsidens medicus inspiciat;" "ne [vires] deficerent, consulendum esse.' 3.6.5: "venis enim maxime credimus, fallacissimae rei, quia saepe istae leniores celerioresve sunt et aetate et sexu et

corporum

natura."

46 3.8.1-2: "at ubi id genus tertianae est, quod ἡμιτριταῖον medici appellant, magna cura opus est, ne id fallat... plurimique sub alterutro curantis errore subito moriuntur." 47 Pliny, HN 7.1: "cuius causa videtur cuncta alia genuisse natura." 48 25.16: “quod eas agrestes litterarumque ignari experiuntur, ut qui soli inter illas vivant, praeterea securitas quaerendi obvia medicorum turba."

638

Circe whose enchanting powers can only be thwarted by the magical root moly. Circes power to turn men into swine relies on a recipe in which cheese, barley, honey, and wine are mixed with another magical drug. Pliny’s malarial therapies can also be seen as “magical recipes” of the same type. A number of Pliny's recipes involve using seeds from various plants. Of the colocynthis, a wild gourd, he states that an equal number of seeds fastened to the body in a cloth reduces the fevers which Greeks call periodic. ^ By "equal" he means that three seeds are to be used for tertian fever, and four seeds for quartan. This equation is tied to an important concept in magic, sympathia. To understand this concept it is necessary to understand how the Romans viewed their world. Uneducated Romans did not distinguish clearly between natural and supernatural. They felt that man interacted with the world and its objects, which possessed certain powers, or numina. It was through a desire to harness these powers for themselves that the ancients adopted the practices of spells, charms, incantations, potions and rituals, the effects of which were deemed "magical." The efficacy of such objects and practices depended on the concept of sympathia. The special powers imputed to certain objects were often determined by the principle of similarity, that "like affects like" (similia similibus), that objects are in "sympathy" with one another. Because every sort of material

could possess magical virtues, these materials medicine. In the case of malarial fevers, then, the fever which occurs every three days, while Ritual as an aspect of magical practice also from three wells, for example, mixed in equal

were incorporated into all ancient practices including three of any object or procedure was effective against four were effective for a four day cycle. plays an important role in malarial treatments. Water quantities and poured as a libation from new earth-

enware, can aid tertian sufferers if drunk at the rise of temperature. 50 The heliotrope (Heliotropium),

especially praised by Pliny, can quell malarial fevers if carried around an ill person three times and then placed under his head. 5! Sometimes it is only the ritual, not the material, which brings about health. Any plant, Pliny says, gathered from streams or rivers before sunrise, can protect from tertian fevers if it is tied as an amulet to the left arm, provided that no one sees the gatherer and provided that the patient does not know what is going on. ?? | The recurrence of the number three in these remedies is significant. 53 As Pliny has stated, the number three corresponds to the tertian fevers, while the number four corresponds to the quartans, an example of sympathia as discussed above. The number three, however, has additional significance in magic: it symbolizes completeness. It frequently represents the number of times an action must be completed in order to be effective, as in the expression “the third time’s the charm." The number three is associated with the superlative, the "best," or the inclusive “all.” To chant an incantation three times, for example, is to chant it "enough" times, or "all possible" times with regard to magic. The belief in the power of odd numbers is an example of long-held superstition which Pliny questions: Why do we believe that odd numbers are more powerful in all matters, and why is this belief given attention in the observation of the days in fevers? 54

Vergil’s eighth Eclogue which discusses the use of magic to draw home Daphnis, the object of Simaetha’s passion, provides a reason for the belief in odd numbers: I first tie around you these three threads of three different colors, and three times I lead your image around

49 20.15: "praeterea, mirum dictu, semina eius si fuerint pari numero Graeci periodicas vocant." 50 28.46: "alii e tribus puteis pari mensura aquas miscent et prolibant um bibendum." 51 22.60: "seminis grana quattuor pota quartanis prodesse dicuntur, subiciatur capiti." 52 24.170: "herba quaecumque e rivis aut fluminibus ante solis ortum laevo bracchio ita ut aeger quid sit illud ignoret tertianas arcere traditur." 53 See also E. TAVENNER,

"Three as

in linteo adalligata febribus liberare dicuntur quas novo fictili, relicum dant in tertianis accessu febritria vero tertianis, vel si herba ipsa ter circumlata collecta ita ut nemo colligentem videat adalligata

a Magic Number in Latin Literature," TAPA 47 (1916)

117-143.

55 Pliny, HN 28.23: "cur inpares numeros ad omnia vehementiores credimus, idque in febribus dierum observatione intelligitur?”

639

these altars; the divinity delighis in the odd number... Fasten the three colors together with three knots, Amaryllis, now fasten them together and say, “I tie the bonds of love." 55

By stating that "the divinity likes the odd number," Vergil attributes the use of odd numbers to the appeasement of the god and, at the same time, highlights the importance of the number three. Pliny likewise concedes that superstitions were customs established by those who believed that gods were present on all occasions and at all times. 56 It is, in fact, the belief in the universal presence of divine powers that both explains and reinforces the popular belief in sympathia. Having satisfied his curiosity about the reason for such superstitious beliefs, Pliny goes on to recount many of the superstitions which prevailed in Roman minds. Superstition abounds in the remedies which Pliny attributes to human materials. Surprisingly, only three human substances are employed in the treatment of malarial fevers: menstrual blood, relics from a crucifixion, and toe- and fingernail clippings. According to Pliny, some of the greatest reported marvels come from women’s bodies. 57 A woman's menstrual blood, or flux, has many remedial uses with regard to malarial fevers. Pliny refers to Lais and Salpe, practitioners of women's medicine, who say that quartans and tertians are cured by a woman's menstrual blood on the wool of a black ram enclosed in a silver bracelet. Diotimus of Thebes says that even a little piece, say just a thread, of a garment contaminated by menstrual blood and enclosed in this way is sufficient to cure malaria. The midwife Sotira said that the soles of the patient's feet smeared with menstrual blood is useful for quartan and tertian fevers,

especially if it is done by the woman herself without the patients knowledge. 58 The physician Icatidas gave the assurance that quartans are ended by having sexual intercourse with a woman beginning to menstruate. 5? From these remedies, it appears that even medical practitioners were not exempt from superstitious beliefs, and the close relation between medical practice and superstition . needs to be kept in mind. Pliny states that the hair of a crucified man torn from the cross is good for quartan fevers, ® as is a piece of nail taken from a cross, or a cord usedin a crucifixion, wrapped in wool and tied around the sick man's neck. Once it has been removed from his neck, the cord must be hidden in a hole

where the sunlight cannot reach. 6! Even toe and finger nail clippings of wax and fastened to another man's door quotidian fevers. The clippings can also one off can be caught and tied around

the afflicted are used in cures for malaria. When mixed with before sunrise, the clippings can cure tertian, quartan, and be thrown near ant holes, and the first ant that tries to carry the neck. 62 This use of nail clippings is an example of the

| 55 Verg., Ecl. 8.73-78: “terna tibi haec primum triplici diversa colore / licia circumdo, terque haec altaria circum / effigiem duco; numero

deus impare gaudet. / necte tribus nodis ternos, Amarylli, colores; / necte, Amarylli, modo

et ‘Veneris’ dic 'vin-

cula necto.” 56 Pliny, EN 28.27: "haec instituere illi qui omnibus negotiis horisque interesse credebant deos." . 57 Romans believed that the fluids from a woman's body were powerful and almost frightening. While female body fluids (e.g., breast milk and menstrual blood) were generally considered helpful, the lower-body fluid (i.e., menstrual blood) was also regarded as pollutant and harmful. For a detailed discussion of the uses of female body fluids in Roman medicine see A.

RICHLIN, "Pliny's Brassiere," in J. P. HELLETT and M. B. SKINNER, eds., Roman Sexualities: Sex and Gender in Classical Latin Texts (forthcoming).

]

°

58 28.82: “Lais et Salpe... tertianas quartanasque febres menstruo in lana arietis nigri argenteo bracchiali incluso, Diotimus Thebanus vel omnino vestis ita infectae portiuncula ac vel licio bracchiali inserto. Sotira obstetrix tertianis quartanisque efficacissimum dixit plantas aegri subterlini, multoque efficacius ab ipsa muliere et ignorantis." 5? 28.83: "Icatidas medicus quartanas finiri coitu, incipientibus dumtaxat menstruis, spopondit." 60 28.41: "si credimus, a revulso cruci quartanis..." 61 28.46: "iidem in quartanis fragmentum. clavi in cruce involutum lana collo subnectunt, aut spartum e cruce, liberatoque condunt caverna quam sol non attingat." 62 28.86: "ex homine siquidem resigmina unguium e pedibus manibusque cera permixta, ita ut dicatur tertianae, quartanae vel cotidianae febri remedium quaeri, ante solis ortum alienae ianuae adfigi iubent ad remedia in his morbis... ex his omnium digitorum resigmina unguium ad cavernas formicarum abici iubent eamque quae prima coeperit trahere correptam subnecti collo, ita discuti morbum."

640

magical concept of contagion. Anything that has ever come into contact with, or formed a part of, the individual can be used to control that individual. By attaching the patient's nail clippings to the door of another, the fevers can be removed from that person (and hopefully not transferred to the other man, as Pliny fears $5). By carrying off the parings, the ant indirectly carries off the disease; the ants capture may prevent it from carrying the disease elsewhere. The hearts of various animals were also said to contribute to the expulsion of fevers. The heart of a chameleon, tied on with the black wool of the first shearing, drives away quartan fevers, 64 as does the heart of a crocodile, tied on with pure black wool from a firstborn black sheep. 6 The use of a crocodile heart to ward off fever is an example of sympathia; the heart of a cold-blooded animal would have appeared to be reasonable protection against the heat of a fever. 96 In these remedies we may note the symbolism of wool from a black sheep. In antiquity the color black was associated with the underworld. The sacrifice of black animals, whether cattle or sheep, was a common offering to chthonic deities. In order the visit the underworld, Aeneas was required to sacrifice black cattle to Hecate: Here first the priestess designated four black young bulls, pours wine on their foreheads... and places them on the sacred fires as the first offerings, calling upon Hecate who holds power in heaven and hell. ... Aeneas himself slays with his sword a black-fleeced lamb to the mother of the Eumenides and her great sister, and a barren heifer to you, Proserpina. 67

The frequent appearance of the color black in malarial remedies may indicate a desire to propitiate the gods of the underworld, for superstitious Romans were likely to consider grave illness within the powers of these deities. The second category of malarial treatments are those that Pliny ascribes to the Magi. According to Pliny, the reason these remedies are included in his volumes is because "ordinary medicines are

practically useless for malarial fevers.” 55 The Magi were originally a caste of priests from Persia, leaders in wisdom who later were belittled by Greeks and Romans as sorcerers specializing in the manipulation of the powers of nature. 69 Pliny held a special contempt and distrust of the Magi, calling them fraudulent and deceitful, and made it a practice to expose their lies. In Book 30 of the Historia Naturalis Pliny describes their art as deceptive yet powerful, and compounded by elements drawn from medicine (medicina), superstition or rituals (religio), and astrology (artes mathematicae). His attitude toward the Magi and their art as the antithesis of science was common among the educated writers of his day. Despite his attitude and attempts to be scientific, however, most of Pliny's ancient treatments for malaria can be credited to the Magi. These treatments range from herbal cures to magic amulets involving ritual and incantation. According to Pliny, the anemone (anemona) held a mystical potency for the Magi, who recommended that this plant, when seen for the first time in the year, should be gathered with the utterance that it is being used as a remedy for the tertian or quartan fevers. After this had been done, the blossoms of the anemone were to be wrapped in a red cloth and kept in the shade to be used as an amulet if needed. 7° The Magi also recommended that the parthenium be gathered, this time with the

63 28.86: "quanta vero noxia, si transferunt morbos!" 64 28.114: "cor adversus quartanas inligatum lana nigra primae tonsurae." 65 28.111: "cor adnexum in lana ovis nigrae cui nullus alius colos incursaverit et primo partu genitae quartanas abigere dicitur." 66 E. TAVENNER, Studies in Magic from Latin Literature (New York: 1916) p. 117. 67 Verg., Aen. 6.243-251. | $8 Pliny, HN 30.98: "in quartanis medicina clinice proemodem nihil pollet. quamobrem plura eorum [Magorum] remedia ponemus." 69 See A. Nock, "Paul and the Magus," in IDEM, ed., Essays on Religion and the Ancient World (Cambridge: 1972) pp. 308330, for the origin and evolution of the term magi; cf. Catull. 90. 70 Pliny, HN 21.166: "Magi occultum quiddam iis tribuere, quae primum aspiciatur eo anno tolli iubentes dicique colligi eam tertianis et quartanis remedio, postea adligari florem panno russeo et in umbra adservari, ita, cum opus sit, adalligari."

641

left hand without looking back and with an utterance stating for whom it is being gathered. Then one of its leaves was to be placed under the tongue of the fevered individual and swallowed at once with a cyanthus of water. Τὶ In these remedies, incantations (usually the recitation of the name of the afflicted or the reason for its use) and the magical use of herbs in the form of amulets may be noted. In many cases, the application of amulets was accompanied by a spoken incantation. 72 In fact, Erichtho, the witch of Lucan's Pharsalus, indicates that verba and herbae (the material in an amulet) are the two most powerful components of magic. 73 An incantation for healing is recorded in Latin literature as early as the second century B. C., and is probably even older than the text in which it is preserved. Cato the Elder describes the following ritual for healing a fracture: Take a green reed four or five feet long Begin to chant: "motas vaeta daries Brandish a knife over them, and when and cut right and left. Bind the pieces

and split it down the middle, and let two men hold it to your dardares astataries dissunapiter” and continue until they the reeds meet so that one touches the other, grasp it with the to the dislocation or fracture, it will heal. Nevertheless, chant

and, in the case of a dislocation, in this manner:

hips. meet. hand daily

“huat haut haut istasis tarsis ardannabou dannaustra." 74

The gesture of cleaving the reed is associated with the fracture by sympathia, as is the binding of the reed to the fracture to symbolically bind the broken bone. The verb Cato uses to describe the binding (alligare) is directly related to the term used for amulets (adalligata). Amulets were used for every imaginable situation in life. In modern terms an amulet is defined as "any object which by its close proximity to the person who owns it, or to any possession of his, exerts power for his good, either by keeping evil from him and his property, or by endowing him with positive advantages." 75 In this sense amulets could both cure illness and disease and thwart the evil influences held responsible for the disease. The material of an amulet could be of any natural sort— plant, animal, or mineral; the more disgusting the form of the material took (e.g., dung), the more

potent were deemed its effects. Those amulets were considered most effective which contained ingredients imputed with sympathetic powers. Since amulets were to be worn to ensure an individual's safety, the wearer is frequently directed to "tie them on" (adalligare). It was common for sufferers of a chronic disease, like epilepsy or malaria, to wear amulets throughout their lives and to carry them to their graves. 76 ! Pliny cites a host of amulets recommended by the Magi to be worn on the left arm for quartan fevers: 77 the dust in which a hawk has rolled tied in a linen cloth by red thread; the longest tooth of a black dog; the salted right eye of a wolf; the snout and ear tips of a mouse wrapped in red cloth after the mouse itself is set free; four joints of a scorpion’s tail with the stinger, wrapped in black cloth; a caterpillar in a linen cloth with three threads tied around it, with an utterance as each thread is tied; the excrement of a cat with the claw of a horned owl; the pseudosphex wasp that flies about by itself, caught with the left hand and hung under the chin; the heart of a living snake, removed by the left hand. | In the directions for these amulets and other remedies, the "Ieft" plays an important role. The left hand is used to acquire the material for the amulets which are then bound to the left arm. In ancient superstition "left" was considered unlucky. Consider the following passage from the Satyricon: When we tried to enter the dining room one of the slaves who had been placed in charge of this duty 71 21.176: “Magi contra tertianas sinistra manu evelli eam iubent dicique cuius causa vellatur nec respicere, dein eius folium aegri linguae subicere ut mox in cyatho aquae devoretur.” 72 The significance of amulets and incantations has been explored by R. Korawsky, "Incantations and Prayers for Salvation on Inscribed Greek Amulets," in C. FARAONE, ed., Magika Hiera (New York: 1991) pp. 107-123. 73 Lucan, Phars. 6.768: "nec verba nec herbae audebunt longae ssomnum tibi solvere Lethes a me morte data." «14 CATO, Agr. 160 (trans. from Loeb). 75 C. BONNER, "Magical Amulets," Harvard Theological Review 39 (1946) 26. 76 KOTANSKY,

1991, p. 120.

77 For a description of these amulets, see Pliny, HN 30.98-104.

642

exclaimed, “With your right foot!” We were undoubtedly distressed for a moment, lest anyone of us cross the threshold against the rule. 78

This scene of Encolpius and his companions entering the dining room with the wrong foot illustrates the significance of the superstition that, in this case, the left foot is unlucky. This superstition survives today; it is the frequent custom of entertainers, for example, to make their entrance on the stage with right foot first. 795 The unluckiness of the left represents its association with ^wrongness" and “bad or evil influences” especially when compared to the right, which not only refers to a side, but also is used to describe something “just” or “correct.” The Latin word for the left (sinister) is the root of the modern English word which means “ominous” and “suggests or threatens evil.” The traditional view that the left side is weaker and contrary to the course of nature implies its susceptibility to evil influences. 8° The instruction to tie an amulet on the left arm may reflect the belief that the disease, or evil influence, approaches from the left, thus that side must be protected by the charm. Using the left hand to gather the materials for the amulet enhances the magical properties of the substance through proper magical ritual. Magical power also resides in the color red, particularly in a red thread or cloth. Unlike the color black, red is not associated with a suitable offering for chthonic deities. The color red, rather, is cura-

tive and protects the wearer from evil. 81 The source of the "dye" is unimportant, for which reason we find the references to the efficacy of menstrual blood in Pliny's malarial remedies (see above). Curative and protective effects also reside in a particular species of animal: the toad or frog. Through the ages, toads and frogs have been credited with the ability to drive off noxious things. In fact, the Magi said that frogs should be considered more beneficial than laws to the life of mankind. 82 Both Pliny and the Latin writer Apuleius advocated placing a toad in a pot in a field to avert storms; even as late as the 16th century, Thomas Hull advised that a toad should be buried within

a garden in order to keep danger away from the crops. 83 Sources gathered from the past twenty centuries show that toads or frogs have consistently been employed for cures. 84 Therefore, it is not surprising that of all aquatic creatures the frog or toad was used most in the treatment of malaria. The most useful remedy for malaria, according to Pliny, was a frog with its claws removed and worn as an amulet, or the liver or heart of a bramble-toad worn as an amulet in a piece of ash-col-

ored cloth. 85 Another cure involved rubbing the grease of frogs boiled in oil at a place where three roads meet 36 after the flesh of the frogs has been discarded. Or the frog may be drowned in oil, attached secretly as an amulet, and the patient rubbed thoroughly with the oil. The heart of a frog, attached as an amulet, and the oil in which its entrails have been boiled relieve chills. 87 Bramble-

toads, the largest of frogs with poisonous horns, have a bone on their left side which is called "dog's bane." This bone, when worn in fresh lambs skin as an amulet, cures quartan and other fevers. 88 78 Petron., Sat. 30: "cum conaremur in triclinium intrare, exclamavit unus ex pueris, qui super hoc officium erat positus, ‘Dextro pede! Sine dubio paulisper trepidavimus, ne contra praeceptum aliquis nostrum limen transiret." 79 See "Left Foot" in I. OPIE and M. TATEM, eds., A Dictionary of Superstitions (Oxford: 1989) pp. 230-31. 80 See "Left" in R. CAVENDISH, ed., Man, Myth and Magic, vol. 11 (New York: 81 See "Red Thread" in OPrE and TATEM, 1989, pp. 326-27.

1985) p. 1514.

82 Pliny, HN 32.49: "addunt etiamnum alia Magi, quae si vera sint, multo utiliores vitae existumentur ranae quam leges." 83 See "Toads" in Cavendish, vol. 21, 1985, pp. 2855-56, citing Hull. 84 See "Toad or Frog” in OPTE and TarEM, 1989, pp. 407-9. 85 Pliny, ΗΝ 32.114: "maxime autem quartanis liberant ablatis unguibus ranae atque adalligatae et rubeta, si iocur eius or vel cor adalligetur in panno leucophaeo." 86 The three-forked roads outside ancient cities were useful for magical purposes because there were usually tombs nearby and Hecate was thought to appear at these places at night. A spell from the Great Magical Papyrus in Paris (PGM 1.167168) also mentions this. 87 32.113: "ranae in trivio decoctae aleo abiectis carnibus perunctos liberant quartanis. Sunt qui strangulatas in oleo ipsas clam adalligent oleoque eo perunguant. cor earum adalligatum frigora febrium minuit et oleum, in quo intestina decocta sint."

88 32.52: "esse in sinistro latere quo deiecto fevere videatur, apocynon vocari... hoc et quartanas sanari adalligato in pellicula agnina recenti aliasque febres."

643

The different treatments for malaria which the Romans had available to them at any given time were widely diverse, as we have seen. While Celsus advocated medical theories of regimen in his treatments, Pliny featured the substances which ought to be used to combat the disease, inadver-

tently emphasizing their magical qualities. THE

EFFECTIVENESS

OF MALARIAL

TREATMENTS

A fitting response to these various treatments is the question of their effectiveness. As Celsus indicated, the treatment of malaria by physicians was not always effective. 89 Pliny concurred, hence his descriptions of folk remedies. It is not our place to determine whether or not these remedies would be effective today, but merely to learn whether the Romans considered them effective. To do this, it is necessary to consider the Roman views on the practices of doctors and the roles of magic and religion in medicine. The origin of medicine, according to Pliny, was nature itself, °° which was imbued with examples of antipathy (discordiae) and sympathy (concordiae). 91 Early Roman medical concepts were embodied in the prevailing religion of the countryside which recognized the powers, or numina, that were present in everything that existed. Early Romans viewed illness and disease as punishment from some divine force for neglect or other offenses. Propitiation directed to the divine power removed the affliction and resulted in “healing.” To placate the powers that be, the Romans employed natural materials as remedies for misfortune on the basis of the sympathia principle. The Romans practiced medicine in the form of folk remedies for over six hundred years without physicians. ?? A definite system of medicine had been established before the Romans were first introduced to Greek ἰατροί. Livy tells that the first Greek physician, Archagathus, came to Italy in 219 B. C. He came as a wound specialist (vulnerarius) and was immediately popular. However, from his savage use of the knife and cautery he was nicknamed carnifex and his profession, along with that of all physicians, became an object of loathing. This loathing is reflected in a letter by Cato the Elder to his son: They are the most worthless and unskilled people, and consider this as having been said by a prophet: when that race will give us its literature, it will corrupt everything, and then even more if it sends us its doctors. ... I have prohibited you from dealing with physicians. 93

This hostility toward Greek physicians prevailed until the arrival in Rome of Asclepiades (c.12450 B. C.), who “brought round almost all the human race to himself."?^ Pliny credits his success with the Roman people to the fact that his treatments were agreeable; in other words, the Romans preferred Asclepiades' usual remedy of wine or cold water (HN 26.14) to "three tastes of a hyena’s liver.” Pliny, however, did not share the typical Roman view of this man, for he believed that Asclepiades was helped by the lies of the Magi—to such an extent that confidence in herbal remedies (i.e., Plinys preferred medicine) was destroyed. 95 The reason Pliny believed that Asclepiades practiced magic probably did not come from his treatments, but from his popular reputation as having raised a man from the dead (Apul., Flor. 19).

|

It was only Asclepiades, however, to whom the Romans felt favorable, not to Greek physicians or Greek medicine in toto. “Of all the Greek arts," Pliny says, “medicine alone has not yet been prac3? See n. 46.

90 Pliny, HN 24.4: “hinc nata medicina." ?! 24.1: "ad singula illius discordiae atque concordiae miraculis occursantibus." 92 29.11: "ceu vero non milia gentium sine medicis degant nec tamen sine medicina, sicuti p. R. ultra sexcentesimum annum." 93 Pliny, HN 29.14: "nequissimum et indocile genus illorum, et hoc puta vatem dixisse: quandoque ista gens suas litteras dabit, omnia conrumpet,

tum etiam magis, si medicos suos hoc mittet. ... interdixi tibi de medicis."

94 26.13: "universum prope humanum genus circumegit in se." ?5 26.18: "super omnia adiuvere eum magicae vanitates in tantum evectae ut abrogare herbis fidem cunctis possent." (NB: Pliny's use of the word “magic” always applied to the practices of the Magi.)

644

ticed with Roman authority (gravitas)." 9 The word gravitas here represents the role of the paterfamilias, for in Roman folk medicine it was the head of the household who dispensed the treatment. 97

The scorn was directed not against medicina itself (which the Romans already had), but against the practices of Greek doctors who were out to make a profit.?* For the physicians, Pliny explains, "acquire their knowledge from our dangers and conduct experiments by way of our deaths." ?? The medicine of the Greeks was accepted by some and did make its way into Roman practices, as the evidence from Celsus proves. 100 One important distinction between Greek and Roman medicine is apparent, even in Celsus. While the Greeks were interested in theories of medicine, the Romans were concerned only with the practical aspects, the actual treatments. 101 Consequently, we find lengthy discussions of medical practice in Roman writers, not discussions of humors, for example, as in Greek medical writings. The medicine,

then, that was particular to Rome

incorporated both the practical elements

of

Greek medicine and those of traditional Roman folklore. The distinction between medical and magical practices is not always as clear as it appears when comparing the writings of Celsus to those of Pliny For the Romans, magical practices were an inherent part of medicine; even physicians acknowledged them. We have already seen in the remedies reported by Pliny that some doctors did advocate treatments rooted in magic. In their own writings, other doctors also endorsed traditional magical remedies, particularly the use of amulets. The noted physician Galen, for instance, prescribed the use of amulets, even though his empiri-

cal medical theory allowed no room for them. !? Although Soranus, the authority on gynecology, did not believe that amulets had any direct effect, he did not forbid their use, particularly because of their psychological effect (Gyn. 3.42). It is characteristic that even a physician of the sixth century A. D. could prescribe amulets, but only in those cases in which no remedy of the art still had power. 193 Since the aim of medicine was to promote health and to overcome disease, it was a wonderful victory to help bring this result about, regardless of the method used. 104 The physician recognized his limits and acknowledged that powers existed whose workings he did not understand. Of the magical elements that appear in medical writings, the employment of incantations was the one most questioned by the professionals. Even Pliny questioned their efficacy, adding that the “wisest of men reject belief in them,” 105 just as Galen later rejected them. 19 When the choice came down to the power of a spoken charm versus the power of medicine, medicine prevailed. In the words of Vegetius, "Animals like humans are cured not by vain words but by the reliable art of healing." 107 Despite this scorn shown for incantations, the general body of Romans at all times believed

96 29.17: "solam hanc artium Graecarum nondum exercet Romana gravitas." 97 R. JACKSON, Doctors and Diseases in the Roman Empire (London: 1988) p. 11. 98 29.16: ^non rem antiqui damnabant, sed artem, maxime vero quaestum esse manipretio vitae recusabant." 99 29.17: "discunt periculis nostris et experimenta per mortes agunt, medicoque tantum hominem occidisse inpunitas summa est." 100 The treatise of Celsus is the only surviving medical text in Latin. Pliny was mistaken when be said (HN 29.1) that no one had as yet dealt with the subject in Latin: *quamquam non ignarus sim, nulli ante haec Latino sermone condita." Since Pliny did include Celsus in his sources, it 15 likely that he did not consider Celsus a medical writer. Celsus' contributions to Roman medicine are significant, however, for the very fact that he gave Latin names to many Greek medical terms. 101 J. SCARBOROUGH, Roman Medicine (Ithaca: 1969) p. 18. 102 GALEN,

Opera,

ed.

Kuhn,

XII,

573;

see

discussion

in

L.

Edelstein

(C.L.

Temkin,

ed.

and

tr),

Ancient

Medicine

(Baltimore: 1987), p. 233. 103 ALEXANDER VON TRALLES, ed. T. PUSCHMANN, II, 319: εἰ δὲ... μηδενὸς τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς τέχνης loxoovtos... Kali τοῖς φυσικοῖς περτιάπτοις οὐδὲν ἄτοπον κεχρῆσθαι χάριν τοῦ σῶσαι τὸν κάμνοντα; cf. Libanius, Or 1.246: ἰατροὶ δὲ τὴν τούτων ἴασιν ἄλλοθι ζητεῖν ἐκέλευον, OS οὐκ ὄντων σφίσι τῶν τοιούτων ἐν τῇ τέχνῃ φαρμάκων. 104 PUSCHMANN, II, 319: καλὸν γὰρ νικᾶν καὶ πάσῃ μηχανῇ βοηθεῖν. 105 Pliny, HN 28.10: “polleantne aliquid verba et incantamenta carminum. ... sed viritim sapientissimi cuiusque respuit fides." 106 KUHN, XI, 792; see EDELSTEIN, 1987, p. 237. 107 Vegetius, ed. E. LOMMATZSCH,

199, 1-4: “cum animalia sicut homines non inanibus verbis sed certa medendi arte curentur.”

645

in them unconsciously. 105 The primary reason Pliny included such practices in his remedies was because of the universally held beliefs in their power (HN 28.2). Besides turning to magic in their quest for healing, the Romans also turned to religion. The link between medicine and religion is already present in the concept of the numina as described above. As early Roman religion progressed, the numina evolved into deities (such as the goddess Febris) who were granted their own places of worship. In addition, the Romans incorporated the worship of the Greek healing god Asclepius into their religion (c. 293 B. C.). The cult of Asclepius was dependent on a complex set of rituals which took place at his sanctuaries. 109 Each individual, whether attempting to avert illness, giving thanks for continued good health, or seeking a cure from some disease or disability, was required to perform a cleansing rite on arrival at the sanctuary. This was normally followed by sacrifice and ritual bathing, a further purification. Afterwards the suppliants were led to the abaton where they spent the night and where Asclepius brought about their cure through "incubation". 110 The cures were effected in a dream, eitherby direct healing during the dream or by instructions to be carried out upon waking. 111 The diaries of Aelius Aristides, a second century A. D. Roman from the province of Asia, demonstrate both the weakness of scientific medicine and the attractive power of the god Asclepius. Axistides relates an incident in which he had developed a large tumor. The doctors suggested to him all sorts of remedies — surgery, cauterization, drugs - but Asclepius told him to endure it. Later, the god revealed to Aristides a particular drug which was to be applied to the tumor. When Aristides applied this medication, the growth disappeared, much to the astonishment of the doctors, who now professed admiration for the god (Hieroi Logoi 1.61-68).

Medicine and religion are certainly bound together in the cult of Asclepius; so, too, is magic. Ín his third Pythian ode, Pindar gives a detailed description of the medical practices of Asclepius: And whosoever came to him afflicted with natural illnesses or with their limbs injüred by grey bronze or stones far-slung or with their bodies ravaged by summers fever or winter's chill, these he frees from the bonds of every sort of pain, tending some with gentle incantations, giving others soothing potions to drink or attaching charms to their limbs from every side, and still others he cures by incisions. 112

The magical practice of incantations, herbal potions, and amulets for healing were an integral part of medicine as early as the fifth century B.C. when Pindar composed this poem both celebrating the victories of Hieron of Syracuse and consoling him in his illness. The cult of Asclepius is just one example of the close interconnection between medicine, magic, and religion which prevailed in Roman medical practices. E. T. Withington has drawn attention to the three methods that a Roman could undertake to thwart disease: Disease and pain affect men so intimately, and often so terribly, that a sufferer will use any means to remove them. If he fail to persuade his god by prayer or propitiate him by confession and sacrifice, he will resort to "sympathetic magic" or to rites and incantations which he believes have a compelling power, and vice versa. If both fail, he will have recourse to [medicine]. 113

The efficacy of whichever method the Roman chose was dependent upon his or her belief in the power of the method, whether it stemmed from religion, magic, or medicine. The diverse treatments

108 Pliny, HN 28.10: "in universum vero omnibus horis credit vita nec sentit." 109 See n. 17 on the selection of sites for his sanctuaries. 100 See T. VERKUILEN, Functional Architecture and the Cult of Asklepios (M. A. THESIS, University of Arizona, 1994) 32-40, for a discussion on the identification of abata by their position and water supply. 111 JACKSON, 1988, PP. 138-69. 112 Pyth. 3.47.:54: τοὺς μὲν dv, ὅσσοι μόλον αὐτοφύτων) ἑλκέων ξυνάονες, ἤ πολιῷ χαλκῷ μέλη τετρωμένοι )ἤ χερμάδι τηλεBore, / 1| θερινῷ πυρὶ περθόμενοι δέμας ἤ χειμῶνι, λύσαις ἄλλον ἀλλοίων ἀχέων / ἔξαγεν, τοὺς μὲν μαλακαῖς ἐπαιοδαῖς ἀμφέπων, / τούς δὲ προσανέα πίνοντας, ἤ γυΐοις περάπτων πάντοθεν / φάρμακα, τοὺς δὲ τομαῖς ἔστασεν ὀρθούς (trans. by Kotansky, 108-09). 113 E, T. WITHINGTON, "The History of Greek Therapeutics and the Malaria Theory," in JONES, 1909, p. 137.

646

for a given affliction reflect the diverse beliefs. The Roman people had faith in the type of treatment which seemed to them to procure the desired result. It is clear that not all Romans believed in magical practices. Pliny stated his apprehension about including them in his catalog because of the vastly different opinions regarding magic. 114 Nevertheless, he does include magical remedies, advising that the Romans form their own opinions about these cures as they pleased. 115 The medical practices of physicians, too, were often disdained or considered ineffective, as in the case of the some-

what hypochondriacal Aristides who strongly believed in the healing power of Asclepius over doctors. Celsus admits that recovery cannot always be attributed to the physician's ministrations, for "it can be doubted whether medicine or a healthy body or good luck has brought the result." 116 Regardless of whether or not the Romans' methods actually worked, the effectiveness and perpetuation of their treatments lay -- to an important degree - in the power of the individual's belief. It is easy to understand how the various treatments for malaria were readily believed to be effective by the Romans. The cyclical nature of malarial fevers may have encouraged and sustained their beliefs. When the fever subsided in due course, the "cure" could be attributed to whatever ministra-

tions were employed. Malarial fevers eventually did subside, due to the ordinary periodic cycle of malarial dormancy and virulence, not necessarily to the methods employed. MALARIA AND MAGIC

AT PoGGIO

GRAMIGNANO

Malaria was a real threat to Roman communities. The frequent and substantive attention in ancient sources to the prevalence and nature of the disease attests to this fact. Recent discoveries also make it probable that the community of Lugnano had to contend with malaria. It is, therefore, important to situate the finds from Poggio Gramignano in the context of Roman curative ideas. The nature of the evidence does not allow us to investigate whatever scientific or properly medical cures were applied, but it does show indication of the community’ recourse to magical practices of various kinds. The abundant evidence of magic at the cemetery - particularly in a cemetery with such a short period of use — shows that magical practices were a clear response to the devastation there. Evidence from the cemetery of a frog with only one claw, for example, may reflect the use of an amulet like the one Pliny described as the best remedy for malaria. There is little doubt that the cemetery was not Christian. Although the purely infant burials show that the Italian country-dwellers now gave very young children formal burials, perhaps a sign of the Christian influence in Italy, 117 there are no artifacts that can be identified as Christian. On the contrary, the artifacts that have been discovered show strong pagan associations. The sacrifice and ritual dismembering of puppies, an upside-down cooking pot, a raven's claw, 118 and a doll are all appropriate offerings to a chthonic deity, possibly Hecate (see Part Three, Ch. 9). Furthermore, the rural location of the site supports the argument for a pagan cemetery. Christianity was mainly an urban religion and made slow progress in rural areas, in part due to the methods by which Christianity was diffused, but also due to the peasants' conservatism and resistance to change as they stubbornly clung to traditional ways of life. The word "pagan," in fact, was coined to describe the persistence of non-Christian practices in the country villages (pagi). Since Christianity moved into the countryside very slowly and had not completely permeated the rural areas even in the sixth century A. D., !? it would not be entirely unexpected to find pagan practices in a rural cemetery of the fifth century A. D. 114 Pliny, HN 28.29: "sed prodendo obstat ingens verecundia in tanta animorum varietate." 115 28.29: "quapropter de his ut cuique libitum fuerit opinetur.” ' 116 Ce]sus, Med. 7.proem.1: "potest dubitari secunda valetudo medicinae an corporis and fortunae beneficio contigerit." 117 D, Warrs, "Infant Burials and Romano-British Christianity" Archaeological Journal 146 (1989) 372-383. 118 A raven was the ominous symbol of impending death; therefore, its appearance during a time of plague is appropriate; see "Raven" in OPIE and TATEM, 1989, pp. 324-35. 119 See A. H. M. Jones, "The Social Background of the Struggle between Paganism and Christianity,” in A. MOMIGLIANO, The Conflict Between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century (Oxford: 1963) pp. 17-37.

647

In the fourth century A. D., however, when Christianity had become the official religion of the Roman Empire under Theodosius the Great (A. D. 379-395), pagan rites were banned and temples closed or destroyed. Sanctions on magical practices existed throughout the Christian era, as illustrated by Ammianus Marcellinus who recorded that during the time of Constantius “anyone who wore around his neck an amulet against the quartan fever or other illness... was found guilty and executed as a sorcerer.” 120 (A similar law against amulets for malarial fevers was in effect during the earlier reign of Caracalla as well.) 12! These observations raise two questions about the evidence from the Lugnano cemetery: 1) is it unusual to find elements of magic, particularly as a response to disease, in the fifth century A. D., and 2) was the practice of magic in this cemetery in direct opposition to Christianity? The answer to these questions can be found by fitting the practice of magic into the history of Roman legal and social responses to magic. Laws against magical practices and practitioners appear frequently throughout the history of Rome, although what was regarded as magic varied from one period to another. While the laws repressed specific activities, there was no general ban on, nor any consistent distinction between, magical practices intended to harm and those intended to protect. The earliest law appears in the Twelve Tables (c. 450 B. C.) and dealt with the attempt to remove or appropriate another's crops by the use of a magical spell. A later decree passed by senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus (186 B. C.) attempted to repress a movement considered dangerous to the public order because of its secretive, mysterious, and misunderstood practices. In 81 B. C. Sulla, confronted by magic, passed a law against poisoning, the lex Cornelia de veneficiis. No matter how much these practices were banned, magic frequently appeared in Roman history. After the mysterious death of Germanicus in A. D. 19, workmen found spells, curses, and lead tablets engraved with the name Germanicus under the floor and between the walls of his residence (Tac., Ann. 2.69). Under Tiberius (A. D. 14-37) and again under Domitian (A. D. 81-96), professional divination was made a criminal offense and astrologers

and soothsayers were expelled from Italy. 122 By the mid-second century A. D., when the Latin novelist Apuleius was brought to trial on multiple charges of magical practices, the practice of magic was a capital offense. Included in the charges directed against Apuleius were his purchase of special fish for the purpose of making magical charms, the use of incantations which rendered a boy senseless, the possession of a secret object hidden in a magical cloth, and the bewitching of the wealthy widow Pudentilla. In his famous Apology, Apuleius refutes the charges, claiming that the fish were for scientific study, the boy was an epileptic under his care, the secret object was a relic of a mystery cult, and Pudentilla married him of her own volition. He was acquitted. The full scale persecution of magic by the state began, however, in the fourth century A. D. Constantine (A. D. 324-337) brought laws against those who sought to injure others by magic, or corrupt the innocent by love charms. The laws of a later emperor, Constantius (A. D. 350-360), were particularly harsh, affecting even those who used magic in health remedies: 123 For if anyone... applied àn old wife's charm for the purpose of relieving pain (which even the authority of medicine allows), he was indicted... was hauled into court, and suffered death as the penalty. 124

The emperor Valentinian (c. A. D. 364) again recalls this harshness when he put to death a "cer-

120 Amm. Marc. 19.12.14: “nam siqui remedia quartanae vel doloris alterius collo gestaret... ut veneficus... pronuntiatus reus capitis interibat." 121 S. H. A., Ant. Car. 5.7.4: "damnati sunt... qui remedia quartanis tertianisque collo adnexas gestarent." 122 A. BARB, "The Survival of Magic Arts,” in A. MouicLiANO, The Conflict Between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century (Oxford:

1963), p. 102.

123 See n. 120. 122 Amm. Marc. 16.8.1: "nam si... anile incantamentum ad leniendum admittit auctoritas, reus... raptusque in iudicium, poenaliter interibat."

648

adhibuisset dolorem,

quod medicinae quoque

tain, simple old woman who was accustomed to curing intermittent fevers with a harmless charm.” 125 (It is quite likely in this example that the intermittent fevers being cured were those characteristic of malaria.)

The institution of such laws reflects the extent to which the Roman populace still employed magical procedures. To take this observation a step further, it may also be said that the relatively sparse legal restrictions reflected the general acceptance of magical practices. “Sparse” seems to be the wrong word when reviewing the magical prohibitions listed above, but when legal actions against magic are considered against the dimensions of time, population size, and geography, the infrequency of ancient legislation becomes more apparent. 126 "Moreover, the Roman legal system was reactive rather than inquisitorial — that is, it operated in response to an individual plaintiffs complaint and did not trouble itself to seek out violations of statutes." 127 Opposition to magical practices was a means of social control rather than religious control. The law in the Twelve Tables, for example, prevented an attack against one's neighbor; the decree against the Bacchanals was for the purpose of preserving the safety of the public. The charges against Apuleius were a reaction to a foreigner marrying into Roman wealth. Although Constantius was a Christian emperor, the laws which he passed were not motivated by religion, but reflected the fears of the superstitious emperor for his own safety against those who knew how to use the magical arts. 128 Magic was practiced and it also was feared. The negative response to magic was not a reaction of Christians against pagans per se, for both groups repeatedly labeled each other's activities as magic. Christians, as well as pagans, employed amulets and magical papyri to achieve their goals. In fact, many Christian practices could have seemed magical to outsiders. Miracles and exorcisms (both accomplished through the name of Jesus), speaking in tongues (glossolalia), nightly meetings, and the sign of the cross were all perceived by outsiders as forms of magic. ?? The accusations that both groups directed at each other were certainly an indication of rivalry, yet they also reflected a basic ignorance of and lack of respect

for the practices of the other group. 139

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What emerges from the evidence of the legal sanctions and the role of magic in Christianity is not a revival of magic, but the survival of magic among all cults in the Roman world, even beyond the fifth century A. D. There is no indication in any of the ancient literature that the types of magical practices had ever changed. The legal proscriptions indicate that amulets and incantations such as those described by Pliny were still being used as protection against malaria during the periods of Caracalla, Constantius, and Valentinian. The same type of magic was practiced throughout the Roman

Empire.

Since both malaria and magic endured concurrently for many centuries in the Roman world, it is to be expected that we would find remnants of magical practices at Poggio Gramignano. The existence of magical practices in the cemetery as a response to the disease is interesting, but not unusual. It must be acknowledged, however, that the magical practices in this cemetery may not simply be a response to a plague and the rapid deaths of so many children. Famine, pestilence, and brigandage, as well as barbarian invasions, all threatened people living in the countryside in the fifth century A. D. (see Part Three, Ch. 2). Under these conditions, it would not be uncommon

for the inhabitants

to make offerings to the gods whom they believed were responsible for the devastation.

125 Amm. noxiam."

Marc. 29.2.26: “anum

126 C. R. PHILLIPS, III, "Nullum

quandam Crimen

simplicem intervallatis febribus mederi leni carmine consuetam occidit ut

sine Lege: Socioreligious

Sanctions on Magic,”

in C. FARAONE,

ed., Magika

Hiera

(New York: 1991) p. 261. 127 PHILLIPS, 1991, p. 264. 128 Amm. Marc. 19.12.17; A. BARB,

1963, p. 103.

129 S. BENKO, Pagan Rome and the Early Christians (Bloomington: 1984) pp. 103-139. 130 H, REMUS, "Magic or Miracle? Some Second-Century Instances," The Second Century 2 (1982) 155.

649

APPENDIX

Remedies for Malaria in the Historia Naturalis of Pliny the Elder I. Folk Remedies REFERENCE

PRIMARY MATERIAL

ELEMENT(S) OF MAGIC/SUPERSTITION

20.15 20.56 20.216 22.26 22.38 22.60 22.150 23.35 24.170 25.81 26.115 26.115 26.115 26.116 26.116 26.117 26.117 26.117 26.117 26.117 27.117 28.41 28.46 28.46 28.90 28.90 28.91 28.111 28.114 28.228 28.228 28.229 28.229 30.103 30.104 31.64 32.40 32.52 32.113 32.113 32.113 32.113 32.113 32.114 32.114 32.114 32.114 32.114-15 32.116 32.116

Colocynthis seeds Garlic Coriander seeds

Amulet, Sympathia

650

Sympathia, Three

Licorice

Dry nettle Heliotrope Columbine chickpea Falernian wine (any plant) Cynoglossos

Amulet, Incantation

Sympathia, Three

Amulet, Left, Ritual

Sympathia

Agaric

Sideritis Ladanum Bugloss Betony

Vervain Hypericum seed Powdered betony

Amulet, Incantation Three

Sympathia

. Panaces

Aristolochia . Polygonum Hair of a crucified man Nail or cord from cross Water Lion heart

Lion fat Hair from a camel' tail Crocodile heart Chameleon heart Flesh of a deer Blood from an ass's ear Liver of a cat Goat cheese

Asps skin Wolf spider

Amulet, Left Amulet Ritual, Three

Amulet, Left Amulet, Black Three

Amulet

Sea water River tortoise fat

Bramble-toad Dolphin liver.

Amulet, Left

Sea-horses Asellus fish

Amulet Amulet Amulet Three Amulet Amulet Amulet Amulet Left Amulet

Tooth of phagrus fish Frog grease Frog

Frog heart Frog with claws removed Liver of bramble-toad River crabs | Vertebra of perch Fresh river snails

|

Amulet, Black, Sympathia

II. Magical Remedies 21.166 21.176 22.50 22.60 25.105 28.228 28.228 28.229 28.229 28.229 28.86 28.96 30.98 30.98 30.98 30.98 30.99 30.99 30.99 30.99 30.100 30.100 30.100 30.101 30.101 30.101 30.102 30.102 30.102 30.102 30.102 32.115

Anemone Parthenium

Alkanet Heliotrope Hiera Botane (plant)

Eye of a wolf Excrement of a cat with claw of horned owl Ox or cow dung with child's urine Heart of a hare

Amulet, Incantation, Red Incantation, Left, Ritual Amulet, Incantation, Left Amulet, Incantation, Ritual, Sympathia Left, Ritual Amulet Amulet Amulet

Hare's rennet

Nail clippings Hyena liver Dust that a hawk rolled in

Dog Tooth Pseudophex wasp Viper's head or heart Mouses snout and ear tip Eye of lizard Fly Dung beetle Fullo beetle Snake's heart Scorpions tail Caterpillar Slugs Gad-fly grubs Snails without shells Spotted lizard Heart of sea diver Hearts of swallows Swallows' dung Eyes of a crab

Amulet, Contagion, Incantation, Ritual Three Amulet, Red Black

Amulet, Left Amulet Amulet, Red Amulet Amulet Amulet

Amulet Amulet, Left Amulet, Black, Three Amulet, Incantation, Three Amulet Amulet Amulet

Amulet

Three Amulet

III. Professional Remedies REFERENCE

PRIMARY MATERIAL

ELEMENT(S) OF MAGIC/SUPERSTITION

20.194 26.116 26.116 28.82-83 29.63 29.64 30.103

Anise Plaintain

Three

Cinquefoil Menstrual blood Insects Insects

Sympathia, Three Amulet, Black, Red, Ritual Amulet, Left Amulet, Red

Phryganion

Amulet

Sympathia

LAURA D. LANE

651

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'([euoo»eg ‘g) ΟἹθοι πόθος aJUDUIVSIOAIP ΘΛΟΡ oA[es 'z:[ e[eos ur ouos ΠΙΒΘΘΤΡ 1 "eurono ep eotuea99 ‘407 "Std

5

48

^^ 5€

53

Fig. 205. Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (B. Bacchelli).

΄

60

Fig. 206. Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (B. Bacchelli).

LJ.

V n NU

62

N

a

65

Fig. 207. Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (B. Bacchelli).

TN

‘(tpoyoseg 'g) oreorproeds oyuouresraarp ΘΛΟΡ oA[es “Ζ: 7 e[eos ur ouos ruSosIp 1 "eurono ep eorureJo)) ‘807 ‘SII

—_-

E----.--

ΠΡ Yooeg qr) o1e»groeds ejueures19Atp ΘΛΟΡ OATES “7:1 eos ur ouos TUBaSIp 7 "eurono ep eorureJo2 ‘607 "Std

: (1

| ]

82

83

Fig. 210. Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (B. Bacchelli).

L

li

ἢ 1

87

88

Fig. 211. Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (B. Bacchelli).

aΞ

/

VA

Vai ——— I

1

SOI

ΤΟΙ

RE

Ὁ

u

i

'(1][ouooeg “q) o1e»groeds o1ueuresaoAtp 2Aop OATES “7:1 ἘΓΒΌ5 UL ouos 1USASIP 1 "'eurono ep eorurero?) "prz in

ΞΞ

\ £01

cor

106

42)

Ξ

eA

|

LI

-

>

I

]

107

Fig. 215. Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (B. Bacchelli).

III

‘(eyooeg ‘q) o1e2jroeds

9) ΘΟΒΒΙΘΛΙΡ 9ΛΟΡ oA[es 'z:[ B[BOS ur ouos TUBasIp 1 'eurono ep eorureJ92 ‘917 "Su

6.1

LIT

‘(po yoveg 'q) o1e»groeds o]USUIeSIOAIP ΘΛΟΡ ΟΛ]Ὲ5 ‘7:] e[eos ur ouos TUSasIp 1 ᾿ΒΌΤΟΤΠΟ ep eorure192) 212 ‘Sid

”

es I

ΝΕ

ἭΝ

120

“ἢ m

)

\

i

— πε

τ-

ULL

2

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7 [121

TI

2

am

124

Fig. 218. Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (B. Bacchelli).

128

Fig. 219. Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (B. Bacchelli).

Fig. 220. Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (B. Bacchelli).

i

--|i_..____d

l

Y

7

mE we

jf

j

m =

J*

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138

139 _

mi

y

—

c

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È ΝΕ

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140

=2

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EN ER!

dia

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7

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Fig. 221. Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (B. Bacchelli).

Fig. 222. Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (Β. Bacchelli).

nee

NAT] )

Pal --

vSI

‘€77 ‘SU ΠΘΏΘΟΘΕ 'g) ojeogroeds o1uourestoAtp aaop ΟΛ]ῈΒ ‘7:] e[eos ur ouos rugosrp [ "eurono vp veorure1o)

|

(jtjoypoeg ἘΠ ovwoy}oods AIUAUTESIANIP ANOP oA[es ‘7:1 w[vos ur ouos rufosip | "eurn ep vorunesso "pz 814

ust

ost

(tstooeg Ἐ oreorgpoods exuotesienip AAOP onpes

ot

0] v[eos ur ouos μαβοϑερ [ "eurono ep vourerao ‘977 “SLT

«Ὁ

%,

'(u][9uooeg 'g) oreorfroads eq1ueuresreAtp SAOP oA[es ‘Z:] e[eos ur ouos tugesrp T "eurono ep θοτατθαθο ‘977 ‘814

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a ti 169

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172

T_T

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173

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NC.

168

170

SON

x

27

ET

ZH,

171

®_

167

Y

a

166

N

pe gg

7

ΜῈΝ

174

— =

]

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Fig. 227. Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (B. Bacchelli).

175

180

181

Fig. 228. Ceramica

da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (Β. Bacchelli).

-L—

ἵ

x

——

n MEME

Ni

I—-

{ J.

AN __} "n

!

7

J

184

Fig. 229. Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (Β. Bacchelli).

ξ

᾿

192

193

= M

LT

di

LM

D |

(€

i

==

A

195

194

199

201

200

. 230. Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (B. Bacchelli).

204

Fig. 231. Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (B. Bacchelli).

212

213

Fig. 232. Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (B. Bacchelli).

220

228

Fig. 233. Ceramica da cucina. I disegni sono in scala 1:2, salvo dove diversamente specificato (B. Bacchelli).

233

“

238

74

--

|

Fees

> FG B&R Ho ho ot gd og won

&

IB 11

IB 10

ΙΒ9 IB 8B

Fig. 296. Infant skeletons recovered from the cemetery, showing amount and types of bones present (Todd Fenton and Walter Birkby).

>

=

fils

T ὦ “Fe

e ^

Ce

e

RSI Lao

"

1B 12

IB13

eC

n

Dau

COO 00000 ΤΥ

e.

LEGENDA bone present F

-fragmentary vertebral centre

[4] Θ

vertebral hemi-arches rib count (by side) hand and foot bones (total)

nr = not recovered +

=recovered, but count not taken

IB 14

IB 15

Fig. 297. Infant skeletons recovered from the cemetery, showing amount and types of bones present (Todd Fenton and Walter Birkby).

ὶ [| ea 00000000000 Of &©

Be

ELAc

La

Bp

nr

nr

LEGENDA

£y

- bone present F

D^ d ;

= fragmentary = vertebral centre = vertebral hemi-arches

[π| = rib count (by side)

@_

hand and foot bones (total)

nr

= not recovered

+

=recovered,

but count not taken

1B18

I

| |B 19

Fig. 298. Infant skeletons recovered from the cemetery, showing amount and types of bones present (Todd Fenton and

Walter Birkby).

[e| 00680048Sì (000006000 [e| I

o 09

so C2

31

my

VR

n

Li

©

- fragmentary = vertebral centre = vertebral hemi-arches = rib count (by side)

(3) Ξ hand and foot bones (total) nr

= not recovered

+

-recovered, but count not taken

25

= bone present

IB 21

EI

fp

Beas Pr

F

LEGENDA

cas.

00000 E

DES

‘

dU

IRA

E3

IB20A

IB 22

Fig. 299. Infant skeletons recovered from the cemetery, showing amount and types of bones present (Todd Fenton and Walter Birkby).

ΙΒ23

ΙΒ24

LEGENDA bone present F

= fragmentary vertebral centre vertebral hemi-arches

©) nr +

rib count (by side) hand and foot bones (total) = not recovered

recovered, but count not taken

1B 25

IB 26

Fig. 300. Infant skeletons recovered from the cemetery, showing amount and types of bones present (Todd Fenton and Walter Birkby).

LEGENDA = bone present F

= fragmentary = vertebral centre = vertebral hemi-arches

[] = rib count (by side) - hand and foot bones (total) nr

= pot recovered

+

=recovered, but count not taken

1B30 Fig. 301. Infant skeletons recovered from the cemetery, showing amount and types of bones present (Todd Fenton and Walter Birkby). '

HD

ae i

Py

[5] i CA (0000000000000 g O [2] of Ea s

à

S82

r

co C2

TT

We

n:

LB 31

LEGENDA - bone present F

-fragmentary - vertebral centre - vertebral hemi-arches Ξ rib count (by side) = hand and foot bones (total)

Coo

yum

nr = not recovered

+ =recovered, but count not taken

Die

Wi

IB33 Fig. 302. Infant skeletons recovered from the cemetery, showing amount and types of bones present (Todd Fenton and Walter Birkby).

4

IB 35

IB 36

ἜΝ Ἐξ»

LEGENDA bone present F

= fragmentary vertebral centre

[s] ©)

vertebral hemi-arches rib count (by side) hand and foot bones (total)

nr = not recovered +

recovered, but count not taken

ΙΒ 37

1B38

Fig. 303. Infant skeletons recovered from the cemetery, showing amount and types of bones present (Todd Fenton and

Walter Birkby).

5

LF (n

3

MEE

ὶS e $, co C

Oo

UA

ἐν

F

S3. S

7, “ae

E

77 n

^m

EI

Ξ bone present

ed Se

LEGENDA

e ΠΣ 9

Eau

(0000 Ele

ὶ )

E

©

"ἢ TNS

1B 40A

= fragmentary I

- rib count (by side)

+

= recovered, but count not taken

so C2 δ à n 39

uvis

3

IBA40B

992

= not recovered

0

= hand and foot bones (total) Nr

sac

= vertebral hemi-arches

ES SS]

= vertebral centre

IB 41

Fig. 304. Infant skeletons recovered from the cemetery, showing amount and types of bones present (Todd Fenton and Walter Birkby).

Imm

IB 43

- vertebral hemi-arches - rib count (by side) = hand and foot bones (total)

nr = not recovered

A

= recovered, but count not taken

®

co C2

g

LA

|| N «(10000 BS. g [|= @ Co)

%,

39

- ΟἹ

EA

5 LA

(8

C9

CI

[=] dd S 8

E,

- vertebral centre

9

us

UV

e)

-fragmentary

g^ (3)

[2]

=>,

ΗΝ

ΜΒ = bone present F

@

PAL,

comi) Er

LEGENDA

τς

sed Ca

SCS

io ©

P Ex

Doo

n

IB 42

nr

C]

CR

i j

ΠΤdba

[s] km C9 ὃ ad)

Egg

i

WS

co C2

U ope,

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oC

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IB44 Fig. 305. Infant skeletons recovered from the cemetery, showing amount and types of bones present (Todd Fenton and Walter Birkby). .

20

15

%

10

[]

pre-cemetery

Bl

V.cemetery

EJ

V-outside cemetery

Ἵ

post-cemetery

5

rm

4,

A

0 exposure

i

4

P4

A carnivore gnawed

Fig. 306. Percentage of bones showing evidence of surface exposure and carnivore gnawing among ral/spatial groups at Lugnano in Teverina (Michael MacKinnon).

the four tempo-

120

100

80

| %

60

I

O

pre-cemetery

ΕΠ

V-cemetery

ΕΞ

V-outside cemetery

post-cemetery

40

204

A. teeth

isolated teeth

Fig. 307. Degree of fragmentation and damage to the samples of bones recovered from four temporal/spatial groups at Lugnano in Teverina as shown by: a) percentage of teeth expressed as a proportion of all teeth and postcranial

bones; b) percentage of isolated teeth as a proportion of all teeth (M. MacKinnon).

CATTLE

^x

ed

Lg DÈ

E

NS M^ M S RS

SS ass

a

d ANS

ca. 4 months

Room 11/12 Puppy #8

Fig. 309. Remains and approximate ages of individual canids represented in the cemetery, nos. 1 through 8 (puppies) (M. MacKinnon).

4°05 " sea

ca. 4 months

E

Puppy #7

11/12

σὸς

Room

M

ca. 4 months

I s

ca, 4-5 months

Spr È

11/12

Cai

Puppy #6

de

Room

^S *

E

N

_

Room 11/12 Puppy #5

'

4 months

o So Serra

2

ca.

| AM

DEAS

ag

s

10

Puppy #3

Room

\

= = g

ZB, =

6 weeks - 2 months

Puppy #2

10

LS

’

ca. 4 months

Room

S

i ΤῊΣ

Puppy #1

10

i

|

persi

=

2

EA

DI P

=

S

al

"ume

Room

x

u

7

d o20D0

:

V

ti

|LAS M E

UNG.

=

Ξ

DalyA

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SS

è

S

rd

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e HELL

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A

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114 Addng

sipuow -9 “BO 01# Addng TUTI wooy

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2

'(o10gq u240S ‘N) 159λλ 3un[oo] ‘OULUSTUIBID ordSoq pue eurIisAg]I ur oueusnT ou JO MAIA

Ad

-

Detail of the pre-Roman wall in the neighborhood of Lugnano in Teverina (N. Soren Photo).

PI. 3

Zu

tra

a A no AC

duSs

'(o10gq USIOS N) 7661-8861 JO suoneAvoxo OY] 910196 MS oY} WoL

OURUSTUIeID ΟἸ5804 jo [NY 91,

Nu

SSNS.S

MN

dà.

N

Aerial view of the villa, Rooms

Y

1-6, 8, 10-15 and 17 (Comune di Lugnano in Teverina Photo).

Aerial

VIEW

O

f the villa , Rooms

Aerial view of the villa, Rooms

1

}

2, 8 and 15 (Comune Photo).

1- 3, 8 and

15 (Comune Photo).

Pls. 7, 8

Aerial view of the villa, Room 4 and the entry to Room 5 (Comune Photo).

Pls. 9, 10

Aerial view i o f the villa , Room

Aerial

VIEW i

o

4 (Comune Photo).

fthe v illa Rooms 4, 8 and 15 (Comune Photo). 5

Pls. 11, 12

Aerial v iew of the villa, Rooms 5 and 6 (Comune Photo)

ir «,

Aerial vi ew of the v illa

,

Rooms 8 and 9 (Comune Photo)

Pls. 13, 14

(ογοι4 SUNUIOI) ΟἹ WOO” €

€]TIA ΘΠ] JO Mora [€

Hoy

(oJOYg sunuio?) 6 LIOOY ‘JIA 911] JO Mara [erro

Pls. 15, 16

(o30qq euntuo?) 851-91 ‘ZI ‘TI suroo ‘ETA oui Jo Mara [ELEY

'(o10qq PUNUIOD) TT pue oj suroos "ej[r^ oY} JO «ela [erioy

Pls. 17, 18

Aerial view of the villa, Rooms 11 and 12 and Sounding 20/20x (Comune Photo).

Aerial view of the villa, Rooms

13 and 14, with parts of Rooms 2, 8, 10-12, and 15 (Comune Photo).

Pls. 19, 20

Aerial view of the villa, Room Room 8 (Comune Photo).

Aerial view of the villa, Rooms

15 with part of

16 and 18 (Comune Photo).

Pls. 21, 22

2

‘(01044 SUNWIOO) zz pue x[7/17 ssurpunog ‘EITIA 987 JO MAIA [eov

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SISSI

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pue

Lc €

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€

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SSUIPUNOS

‘Ela

[eLIOY

‘(oJOYg SUNUIOI)

ay} JO Mala

Pls. 23, 24

Room Room

1: Arch and travertine staircase, from 15 (N. Soren Photo).

Room 1: Travertine staircase (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 25-27

2 Sey RD Pont eer

S

ens

Room 1: Arch over staircase, from above (N. Soren Photo).

RA

red

ct

Pls. 28, 29

er

A Te

ΤᾺ

m es ; am emt

Room

spica

2 Corridor paved in opus sp ca tum, detail (N. Soren Photo).

tum,

ganz e f

2: Corri dor paved in opus from SW (N. Soren Photo). Room

Pls. 30, 31

LC

CT at

eee

ΜΙΝ

Room 3: Sounding 9, Locus 052 and top οὗ Locus 053, from the NE (N. Soren Photo).

at

Pls. 32, 33

Room 3: Sounding 9, column base from Locus 055 (N. Soren Photo).

ΡΙ. 34

iw

v

VENE

'(o10qq UIIOS "N) 886] Ut YMOS uro1j MOIAISAO :G pue + SWIOOY

Pls. 35, 36

Nee

M d

det

Overview of Sound ing 1 (N . Soren Photo).

Room

4

Room

4 Sounding

1/1x, from the NW

(N

Soren Photo).

Pls. 37, 38 pue

(ep)

E

LST RA

" Ud

1

ΟἹ AUS

YIM

JOpLLIOO MN

'(o10qq USIOS "N) MS 911 Woy

8 uioow

D IE

[1 uuin[oo pesnat saspom ‘7 SuIpunos :g uioow

‘(010474 usdog

€

N) MS 915} Woy pIeusexq YIM z Surpunos

p ulOOW

Pls. 39-41

EX

Room

4: Sounding 2, NW

corridor, Room

8 entry (N.

Soren Photo).

Room 4: Sounding 2, column (Locus 006), from the west (N. Soren Photo).

nd

= = ὭΣ I

ri SUL.

Ὁ,

Room 4: Sounding 3, base for engaged half-column (Locus 015), from the north (N. Soren Photo).

1

"Ir

Pls. 42, 43

Room 4: NW corridor, central opus scutulatum floor and entry to Room 8 (N. Soren Photo).

Room 4: Column pieces with painted plaster restored (N. Soren Photo).

Quarter-round and eighth-round column wedges found at the villa (N. Soren Photo).

ΡΙ. 44

Pl. 45

(οτοῃᾷ u21OoS

' N) [re19p 100]} 24770]nos

snd) vp wuoow

PI. 46

Pa inted plaster in the north co rridor at the entry to corridor 2 (N

Soren Photo).

Room 4: Sounding 4, crollo blocks (Loci 103 and 105) with oven's curved top between them and

discolored opus scutulatum in the foreground (N. Soren Photo).

SA apo

Room 4: Sounding 4, detail of oven and fallen concrete (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 49, 50

Rooms 4 and 5: Sounding 5, mosaic threshold after removal of later wall (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 51, 52

Room 4: Sounding 5, Wall I (foreground, Locus 071), fallen arch (right of center,

Locus 085) and fallen upper wall (right of center, Locus 084) (N. Soren Photo).

ὩΣ

m

3

etoOE

SIS

Room 4: Sounding 5, Wall I (left, Locus 071), fallen arch (center, Locus 085) and fallen upper wall (center right, Locus 084) (N. Soren Photo).

ΡΙ5. 53, 54

(o10qg USIOS "N)

(aq31 1oddn) [rem peyeoinjiq pue (£01 snooT 'do1) xoo[q 07/049 Jo puo Hs pe[sue 'esdejoo Sut[ro0 “(620 SNIOT) uumgoo ‘xg Surpunog :p uoo

'(o10qq USIOS ‘N) Joprzo gs eu jo Furioso pei[neA uojrej pue (780 snoo'T 911190) uuin[oo ‘xg Surpunos :p uiooq

Pls. 55, 56

Room 4: Sounding 6, Wall H, engaged pilaster and debris (Locus 264) (N. Soren).

Pls. 57, 58

Room

4 : Sounding

6, detail of pilaster (N. Soren Photo)

Room

4 Sounding

6, debr is (Locus 264) (N . Soren Photo).

Pls. 59, 60

ie

icu

XE

Room 4: Sounding 25, collapsed central ceiling and NE corridor, from the NW (N. Soren Photo).

DES

Room 4: Sounding 25, collapsed barrel vault in NE corridor, from NW (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 61, 62

Room 4: Sounding 25, collapsed barrel vault (right) and fallen column (center) in NE corridor, fom the north (N. Soren Photo).

en

Room 4: Sounding 25, painted plaster from collapsed barrel vault in NE corridor (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 63, 64

ἃ

Room 4: Sounding 25, view over NE corridor after lifting of painted plaster from barrel vault, from the NE (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 65, 66

ἣν iena DO Sae

=

Ed we

Room 4: Sounding 25, collapsed barrel vault and fallen column in NE corridor, from the NE (N. Soren Photo).

Eye

Du

Room 4: Sounding 25, SE corridor, from the east (N. Soren Photo).

68

puts

ἮΝ Lt

SRO

SE

ax

RA n

Room 4: Fallen arch in SE corridor, near east corner, detail of Plate 66, from the east (N. Soren Photo). i

Pls. 69, 70

Leer 5 MS

Room 4: Sounding 25, Probe 1, Locus 1650 (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 71, 72

Room 4: Sounding 25, Probe Soren Photo).

1, painted plaster fallen from ceiling (Basket 8706) after cleaning and restoration (N.

Room 4: Sounding 4, painted plaster fallen from ceiling (Basket 841), angled fragment (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 73, 74

Sounding 25, Probe 1, stucco molding from Locus 1650 (N. Soren Photo).

Room

4

Room

4 Sounding

29, reused t ile pieces placed on opus scutulatum (N. Soren Photo).

ΡΙ. 75

és ταὶ t

ep

ir

—5e

'(o10qgd U9IOS N) AN 911 wor

NS

Art

UM

ΤῊΝ PD

yof

XS LA a caga]

τι

242uu21s SNAO τς uoo "i

DAE)

Pls. 76, 77

ve

t

VAT

+

ME RANT

fe

eins

Room 6: Sounding 8, from the NE (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 78, 79

Room 6: Sounding 8, from the SW Photo).

Room 6: Sounding 8, from the SE (N. Soren Photo).

(N. Soren

Room

6

. .

Sounding 8, detail of opus s ign

om

Ke Ay

o + o

o WY

opri

& E 3 =

s DE

PI. 81

XS

Room 6: Overview, from the NE (N. Soren Photo).

PI. 82

es aR

di

44

8 Overview from NE

(N. Soren Photo).

RE

à

Ox. I Li MALA

Room

83, 84

ASI

ARTI

Room 8: North corner with drain (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 85, 86

Room

8

Deta. il of drai in in north corner (N. Soren Photo).

di

TRS)

DS TA

Room

ὃ è5 Sounding

11, threshold to Room 4 (N

Soren Photo).

E

CY

14, fallen opus reticulatum

and Wall T (Loci 605

Room

9

Sounding 14, Walls T, U and Q, from the NE (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 87, 88

eC

o

fa

on SG EL do Ξ

c Au -

o

DS

cu

na

EO

8. Ἔὦ

Pls. 89, 90

XC

Room 9: Sounding 14, Walls T, U and Q, from the SW (N. Soren Photo).

Room 9: Sounding 14, Locus 618 and Walls T and O from above (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 91, 92

Ec

Sia

AK

Vi

Room

10:

Room

15 (N. Soren Photo).

General

view

from

the

o eA

e CL NOM

E. NO »

Eo i

ss

eos wLÉ

ἐ"nv δἢ

E

ue gd ILA IR

e

Room

on

i

Ex

10: North corner of excavated area (N. Soren Photo).

NW

with

Pls. 93, 94

Cx TA 979.

SE

LS LARE δ

Room 10: Sounding 16, Probe 1, fallen crollo block (upper right, Locus 709) and fallen opus signinum (lower right) (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 95, 96 ^c

: RR

i Si TES a

eee $

:

ἣν

Ont

i

P

Room 10: Sounding 16, Probe Wall S (N. Soren Photo).

Ss

me

PEE AREA

1, debris over

veg

ac

Pls. 97, 98

. Photo)

e Tenet

"Gan ; se

È

᾿ Sea

Room 10: Sounding 16, Probe 4, drain, opus scutulatum and Wall V offset (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 99, 100

Room

10: Sounding 16, Probe 3, dung from Locus 1107 (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 101, 102

Rooms 11 and 12 (N Soren Photo).

Rooms

11 and 12 . Soun

.

Sounding 12/17, threshold

ding 12/17, probe at base of Wall L (N

Soren Photo).

Pls. 103, 104

Rooms 11 and 12: Sounding 12/17, barrel vaults from the NW 463 and 466 (N. Soren Photo).

including soil Loci 451, 457, 462,

Room 11: Sounding 12/17, Loci 463 and 465, Walls O and L (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 105, 106

Wi

oe

rr

o

Room 12: Sounding 12/17, barrel vault, from the west. Depression in the NW balk indicates find spot of copper alloy cauldrons (N. Soren Photo).

": δ

3

Pls. 107, 108

Room 11: Sounding 24, firepit (Locus 1404) (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 109, 110

Room

12: Sounding 20, Probes 1 and 2 (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 111, 112

Sui 178 ra vesti

de

ni.

E LE

(S

Upper Villa: Sounding 12, Wall L (bottom left) and charcoal pit east of Wall L (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 113, 114

'(o10gg ue1oS "N) HN 911 WoL !G] uroow '(030qq USIOS "N) HS ey) Woy

'cp Surpunos ‘pl pue cp suroow

Pls. 115, 116

τ Sea

Beenie SO pM e EO

ira i

X

TTA

Upper Villa: Sounding 22, detail of dolium (Locus 1552) (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 117, 118 Pee τ DATE SARE adi

CA ue ne EM EM d v ue

ie

S

AS

QUA

CET

vRe

SOC TESE

nata

SO RE CN Te LICIA

Her

“a

ca

BEE oi

i a Tog

RN

EE

sc

VEN

mio oe

Room 6: Sounding 26, inscription from Locus 1454 (N. Soren Photo).

PI. 119

em. E:

ΕΝ

CIO

Exc

“

=

*

ME,

xe ÁN

AN

TA Ae

E.

uM sei

1Ca EA SNE 5s

‘

1

AL

D

>

ry

M

E

Md

^

MT

ἘΣ ae “Νὰ a

-

EAT igi i

er

a Ett

2c

ar crei uu Us ER T -

4

O É

L

|

*

En

^

a

y.

da d p CE DE

:

z

“pe, Em!

à

E ì ba d.È

so

LK zs

o(ENTERO pce

x .

-.

: :"

ἢ Le

fe an

ὦ

:

.

nx» *

3 -

ae è

32

94509 ὃ P

xar" s DI

me

È

p

-

s&^

È meon

Ὁ

3

“a

Wow "

ELT. Tee.

n aC ABET Satay. 0,wait SAEBI COINS

dt da

LA

>

-

7

PO

"

4

E

"^ MAS

"-

^^ ἊΝ

* ve

P

Eo

si *

" $

.

E UEM

ἢ

uox

SED,md

ob

[τ uo E)

d

ewes

SES

3

AED us VIA

DERI] -

o

2"isaa dose ΚΕ: τ, ]

SERT

14, oyster and scallop shells from Locus 607 (N. Soren Photo).

T *

ES

:

:

E ci

È e 3 CERIS

MD ys

e

27 E

Eno ia SI MERE rdiet :

ON

Eo

A

Pls. 120, 121

Room 4: Sounding 25, mosaic fragments from NE corridor (Locus 1253) (Daniela Monacchi Photo).

Room 4: Sounding 25, mosaic fragments from NE corridor (Locus 1253) (D. Monacchi Photo).

Pls. 122, 123

" t

τῶν

Room 4: Sounding 25, mosaic fragments from NE corridor (Locus 1253) (D. Monacchi Photo).

Opus signinum from Grid L49, Locus 001 (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 124, 125

Opus signinum from Grid L49, Locus 001 (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 126, 127

TS κι ipie EC 8: eh

DEA MMC SIA i Seve E) tk po

! 1

‘

7

A TRE ESS

soe

SIT E

if nen

ΜΉ

b

3

E x

E

céph

γον Si,

RP

a

LI

des Xj 3 τ RACE πος

S:

i

Vo

5

i ps er FSjy

WU SAS

v^

Aa

IR I

ta ad νὴ Sk

v

UAR RE a PEC: sunt

si

4

TPerc pel

ἣν =

m gd. ee EY i stia

ae SE z

Antefix fragments (Baskets 74 and 545) joined (N. Soren Photo).

1

Pls. 128, 129

1 En RR Fat

A

: n i; i

p

Es E

Antefix (Basket 2362) (N

Sue τ

m Tu Soren Photo).

T

vis. E te

x

Ante fix (Basket 4941) (N

Soren Photo).

Pls. 130-133

Antefix (Basket 534) (N. Soren Photo).

Antefix (Basket 2062) (N. Soren Photo).

Antefix (Basket 92) (N. Soren Photo).

Antefix (Basket 2075) (N . Soren Photo).

ΡΙ. 134

H

5,δ

Lf

eA

'(o30gq USIOS ^N) (0€T8 195586) xyouy

ee

rap

ἘΠΕῚ

5T

ΡΙ. 135

Terra sigillata chiara italica. 1) bollo lineare; 2-3) scodelle con decorazione a rotella; 4) piatto con fiore stampigliato (Valentino Pescari Photo).

PI. 136

Terra sigillata chiara italica. 5-6) piatti con fiore stampigliato; 7) bollo in planta pedis (V. Pescari Photo).

ΡΙ. 137

ZUR

ΚΟ

ZA

ΚΣ

pera

apr,

RT

$a, ERO

RA

OE

1-3) microfotografie dei campioni "B", "C^, "D" in sezione sottile a nicol incrociati (40x) (G. Predieri-S. Sfrecola Photo).

ΡΙ. 138

1-4) Bailey Lamp Types A and B (Volute Lamps) (N. Soren Photo).

Pl. 139

E

5.6) Bailey Lamp Type N (Firmalampen); 7-8) Bailey Type P (Standard Rounded-Nozzle Lamps) (N. Soren Photo).

ΡΙ. 140

9-10) Bailey Lamp Type P or Q; 11-12) Bailey Type Q (N. Soren Photo).

ΡΙ. 141

13-14) Bailey Lamp Type Q; 15-16) Bailey Type R (Fat-Globule Lamps) (N. Soren Photo).

ΡΙ. 142

17-19) Bailey Lamp Type R (Fat-Globule Lamps) (N. Soren Photo).

ΡΙ. 143

20-23) Bailey Lamp Type S (Imitations o f African Lamps) (N. Soren Photo).

ΡΙ. 144

24) Bailey Lamp Type Siv (Imitations of Sicilian Lamps); 25) Bailey Type S; 26) Unclassified (N. Soren Photo).

PI. 145

Bolli laterizi. 1) CIL, XV, 283 (Figl. Macedonianae), 2) CIL, XV, 416 (Fig. Propetianae), timbro I (V. Pescari Photo).

ΡΙ. 146

Bolli laterizi. 3) CIL, XV, 416 (Fig. Propetianae), timbro II; 4) CIL XV, 427a (Figl. Publinianae) (V. Pescari Photo).

Pl. 147 vga PENA pu

RO

ς

PERE coy Sober ΤΩΝ Zu Ute

^

LE

ΠΡ d

b A

Agi

ΧΗ

pA

CLAS gi SG,

Ha

i

RS

Bolli laterizi. 5) CIL, XV, Pescari Photo).

430

(Figl. Publilianae [Publinianae]);

6) CIL, XV, 433

(Figl. Publilianae [Publinianae])

(V.

ΡΙ. 148 S ERO O

j

DINT s E Am

Bolli laterizi. 7) CIL, XV, 526 (Figl. Salareses), timbro I; 8) CIL, XV, 526 (Figl. Salareses), timbro Il (V. Pescari Photo).

Pl. 149

€Xe

Bolli late rizi

. 9) CIL, XV, 661a (F. 1 gl.

Viccianae); 10) CIL, XV, 795a (Sex. Annius Aphr.)

,

timbro I (V. Pescari Photo).

ΡΙ. 150

Bolli later1Z 1. 11) CIL

, XV,

795 a (Sex. Annius Aphr.

)

ti ,

im

bro II; 12) CIL, XV, 862 (Figl. d. As

n

ii)

( V.

Pescari Photo).

Pl. 151

£s P e] G

Bolli laterizi. 13) Bollo laterizio non identificabile; Photo).

14) Tegola con bollo anepigrafe (V. Pescari

15) Tegola con bollo anepigrafe (V. Pescari Photo).

ΡΙ. 152

ΡΙ5. 153-156

T————

Vetro. Frammento

di tesa di piccolo piatto con prese

ondulate sul bordo (N. Soren Photo).

Vetro, Frammento di amphoretta (N. Soren Photo).

Vago di collana di pasta vitrea (N. Soren Photo).

Pasticca di vetro di giallo scuro (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 157-159

Large

dolium

fragment

with clamp

depressions

embedded iron clamp (N. Soren Photo).

Lead clamps used to repair dolia (N. Soren Photo).

on two

edges

and

second

fragment

with

Pls. 160, 161

3

agh

“ay

τα RR ἃ τα FIAT

ERO M

M P

UE

On

HM

x

MI i

boo

I7 »^4 7

pia

;

or E

^

y

PS

WE

"E

Edx 3 FEDI sii 2f

OP

a

+

e

Meta from rotary grain mill (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 162-169

Frammento d'intonaco dipinto con impronte a "spina di pesce” sul retro (Locus 1650, Basket No. 8703). (Barbara Maurina Photo).

UE

ΤᾺ ἊΣ Ud NITRO

(Seep

4à 13 14 4

Tracciato preparatorio eseguito con 1650, Bsk. 8913). (B. Maurina Photo).

cordicella

(Loc.

Ambiente 4, frammento d'intonaco dipinto con fregio a linguette (Loc. 1262, Bsk. 1524; Loc. 1304, Bsk. 7636). (B. Maurina Photo).

es] G is OWN

--—-

7^ τὸ

Ambiente 4, frammento d'intonaco dipinto con coronamento di trabeazione (Loc. 1253, Bsk. 6768). (B. Maurina Photo).

Ambiente 4, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con ortostato nero affiancato da colonna scanalata (Loc. 059, Bsk 823; Loc. 703, Bsk. 3032; Loc. 1251, Bsk. 7126; Loc. 1252, Bsk. 6760; Loc. 1262, Bsk. 7531). (B. Maurina Photo).

ΡΙ5. 170-177

br:

at

i

--

*

:

Ambiente 4, frammenti d’intonaco dipinto con soffitto a cassettoni prospettico sormontato da fregio ornamentale (Loc. 1252, Bsk. 7125). (B. Maurina Photo).

Ambiente 4, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto recanti motivi floreali (Loc. 004, Bsk 838; Loc. 113, Bsk. 851). (N. Soren Photo).

Ambiente 4, frammento d'intonaco dipinto con fascia decorativa (Loc. 004, Bsk. 67). (B. Maurina Photo).

M

Ambiente 4, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto del soffitto a finte lastre marmoree Photo).

(Loc.

«106

17 18. 19989210 Ta δἰ ὑπ EE AS

1650; Bsk. 8910). (B. Maurina

Pls. 178-180

Ambiente 4, frammenti

d'intonaco dipinto della volta a finti cassettoni (Loc. 001, Unnumbered).

(B. Maurina Photo).

Pls. 181-187

MUU

LEST

B

1253,

DI SUTTTCITUNTTTUIRETTITATÀ)

7

8

9

CLO

i aa

Ts

A

10

Ambiente 4, frammenti di cornice di stucco (Loc. 062, Bask. 167; Loc. 062, Bsk. 822). (B. Maurina Photo).

è ὦ cWsip

only Wa DIRAS IS

Ambienti 4, frammenti di cornice di stucco (Loc. Bsk. 6756). (B. Maurina Photo).

od

6

ati,

A

Ambiente 4, frammento di cornice di stucco (Loc. 1253, Bsk. 7510). (B. Maurina Photo).

Ambiente 8, frammento di cornice di stucco (Loc. 1653, Bsk. 8995). (B. Maurina Photo).

τὸ

n

1

E

^n

T

pi

[

Ci TITTI

19.

.20:::21

22.023

| Ambiente 4, frammento di cornice di stucco (Loc. Bsk. 8916). (B. Maurina Photo).

Ambiente 4, frammento di cornice di stucco (Loc. Bsk. 809). (B. Maurina Photo).

Ambiente 8, frammenti di preparazione di cornici di stucco (Loc. 1653, Bsk 8970 and 8980). (B. Maurina Photo).

1650,

104,

Pls. 188-195

Ambiente 8, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto a finti ortosta-

Ambiente 8, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto a finti ortosta-

ti (Loc. 904, Bsk. 4766). (B. Maurina Photo).

ti (Loc. 1653, Bsk. 8706). (B. Maurina Photo).

it

ge

A TE

A

"apa pnt

eos

Al

Ambiente 8, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto a finti ortostati (Loc. 1653, Bsk. 8977). (B. Maurina Photo).

Ambiente 8, frammenti Maurina Photo).

d'intonaco

dipinto a finti ortostati sormontati

da trabeazione

Ambiente 8, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con fascia di margine (Loc. 1653, Bsk. 8970). (B. Maurina Photo).

(Loc.

1653, Bsk.

8970).

(B.

Pls. 196-203

Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con porta af-

Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con porta af-

fiancata da colonna (Loc. 1202, Bsk. 8703). (N. Soren Photo).

fiancata da colonna (Loc. 714, Bsk. 3443). (N. Soren Photo).

Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con martello

Ambiente

di porta (Loc. 1202, Bsk. 8703). (B. Maurina Photo).

inferiore di porta poggiante su fascia orizzontale 1202, Bsk. 8703). (B. Maurina Photo).

10, frammenti

d’intonaco

dipinto con parte (Loc.

Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con capitello Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con colonna e nastro (Loc. 1202, Bsk. 6626, 8703). (B. Maurina Photo).

ionico (Loc. 1304, Bsk. 7109, trovato nell'ambiente 15 all'ingresso dell'ambiente 10). (B. Maurina Photo).

Pls. 204-209

ez i

E

LLL UU

E

Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con trabeazione (Loc. 1003, Bsk. 4643; Loc. 1202, Bsk. 6621, 6627; Locus 1200, Bsk. 7106). (B. Maurina Photo).

Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con motivi figurati (Loc. 1202, Bsk. 8703). (B. Maurina Photo).

Ambiente 10, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con finto ortostato (Loc. 1200, Bsk. 6662). (B. Maurina Photo).

Ambiente 10, frammento d'intonaco dipinto con animale acroteriale fantastico (Loc. 1202, Bsk. 7107). (N. Soren Photo).

= =

ΞΞ

ΞΕ --ῶΣ =

ἃ φᾷς,

floreale (Corridoio 2, Loc. 001, Bsk. 8139; Ambiente 8, Loc. 001, Bsk. 2433; Ambiente 15, Loc. 1304, Bsk. 9111; Loc. 1304, Bsk. 7112; Ambiente 8, Loc. 401, Bsk. 2426). (B. Maurina Photo).

ἐ

Ambienti diversi, frammenti d'intonaco dipinto con fregio

Min

= Ss =

Ambiente 10, frammenti d’intonaco dipinto con listello a ovoli (Loc. 001, Surface). (B. Maurina Photo).

ΡΙ. 210

'(o3ogq USI0S *N) '(pegnensup urd mey Aoye ἀϑαᾶοῦ

Pl. 211

u——"

— 977

Ran

—

Q"sám Y "ÁÀ

12À77

᾿ “

.

Finger-Ring (Locus 1650, Basket 8300) and pottery pendant (Locus 451, Basket 2126). (N. Soren Photo).

Bone comb (Unstratified). (N. Soren Photo).

ΡΙ. 213

Vertical handle of copper alloy (Locus 1352, Basket 7709) and iron handle from bucket or cauldron (Locus 1406, Basket 7405). (N. Soren Photo).

'(o10gq USIOS "N) “(9ZLL 1exseg ‘TSE snooT) uoodg suog

PI. 215

Iron knife (Locus 705, Basket 3068) and iron spit (Locus 1404, Basket 7396). (N. Soren Photo).

ΡΙ. 216

Loom weights (Locus Soren Photo).

1505, Basket 7923; Locus 701, Basket Numbers

3014 and 3028; Locus 467, Basket 3532). (N.

‘(Cloyd uexos "N) "(0196 193[seg “2001 snooT) e[pesN euog

Pls. 218, 219

Iron Nail (Locus 707, Basket 3099). (N. Soren Photo).

Iron Nail (Locus 1000, Basket 4628). (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 220, 221

'(o3oquq USIOS "N) MN 911 Wor ΖῚ uioo» ur STELINQ USASS JO I9ISN]I

'(o30gq ue10S *N) [ T WooY ut punoj Sop INTEL PaI9A9S oq Jo UOJ[PNS

Pls. 222, 223

— ᾽ Ὁ

'(o10qq USIOS 'N) es19421 '(00SS 19xseg) [[op euoq

D

e

(o101q uexog 'N) esxeAqo ‘(OSS 1exseg) Top euog — Á— a P

Pls. 224-226

I

Bone hairpins (left to right, Loci and Baskets: 1005/5104, unstratified/5533, 1352/7750, 1304/7659, 1300/6866, 1402/7375, 1300/6807, 1305/7606, 801/5011, 1005/5106, 1404/7396). (N. Soren Photo).

11

[

"_ ασστοσα

— Fingerxing of copper alloy (Locus 801/Basket 6905). (N. Soren Photo).

Twisted spiral bracelet of copper alloy (Basket 5526). (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 227, 228

Cooking pot found upside-down, after restoration (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 229, 230

Glass libation vessel (Baskets 8297, 8448) found inside cooking pot (Plates 227, 228). (N. Soren Photo).

Findspot of cauldrons of copper alloy (Baskets 4342, 4343) in Room 12 (hollow area above halfmeter stick). (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 231-233

Cauldrons of copper alloy în situ in Room Photo).

12 (N. Soren

Cauldron of copper alloy (Basket 4343). (N. Soren Photo).

Cauldron Photo).

of

copper

alloy

(Basket

4342).

(N.

Soren

Pls. 234, 235

Ravens talon (Basket 6510) from IB 3 (N. Soren Photo).

Skeleton of a toad (Basket 7351) from JB 33 (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 236, 237 SLI

CAES EAST NT

RE Gi

CR SE P B

IB 1 as reconstructed by Walter Birkby (N. Soren Photo).

Amphorae (left to right) from JB 2, 3, 5 and 19 (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 238, 239

Amphora from /B 3 (N. Soren Photo).

IB 4 within its amphora (N. Soren Photo).

Amphora from /B 5 (N. Soren Photo).

Amphora from JB 19 (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 240, 241

Pls. 242, 243

d m^

popu En

Amphora in fragments from IB 38 in situ (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 244-246

Amphora (Basket 5262) containing /B 14 wrapped and Amphora fragment Soren Photo).

from

IB

38,

after

restoration

(N.

reinserted in broken amphora IB 24 (N. Soren Photo).

(Basket 5280) containing

τὰ o ΟΣ τὰ Tes ci

È

Broken amphora (Basket 5280) after removal of amphora (Basket 5262). (N. Soren Photo).

eg:

2

ri

Pls. 247, 248

Coarse cooking pot from IB 25 after restoration (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 249, 250 U9IOS

N)

uoneAiesuoo 910196

(9[6S

19xseg)

eJoudure oprsut

cz g7

(o10ud (o30gg USIOS

^N) cz 41 WOIJ

(9Τ6ς 19xseg) eoqdury

Pls. 261, 252

eases Ketone

dat.

S γι ὅλοιY x Dare

IB 36 (right) and JB 37 after the opening of IB 37 (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 253, 254

Upper portion of the skull from IB 36 showing cribra orbitalia on the orbital roof (N. Soren Photo).

IB 37 on its cover tile, after lifting (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 255, 256

‘(01044 u930S 'N) quiog urqonde? 911 jo Suruedo 193? 6€ gr

'(o10qq USIOS ‘N) 8uruedo o3 1orid ‘“6¢ gy Surutejuoo quio urqondej

ad τὰν ἜΡΟΝ

Pls. 257-260

Double Capuchin or “House of Tiles” Tomb containing JB

Double Capuchin or “House of Tiles” Tomb containing JB

40 prior to opening, from SE (N. Soren Photo).

40 prior to opening, from SW (N. Soren Photo).

Double Capuchin or “House of Tiles” Tomb after open- ὀ

18 40, detail showing packing (N. Soren Photo).

ing. The findspot of the upside-down cooking pot is the

depression to the left of the tomb (N. Soren Photo).

Pls. 261-263

We x IRE IG

RENTEd