A Prosopography to Martial’s Epigrams 9783110624755, 9783110621358

A Prosopography to Martial’s Epigrams is the first dictionary of all the characters and personal names found in the work

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Table of contents :
Contents
Preliminary notes
A Prosopography to Martial’s Epigrams
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
L
M
N
O
P
Q
R
S
T
V
Z
Bibliography
Indexes
1. Index nominum
2. Index rerum memorabilium
3. Index verborum Latinorum
4. Index verborum Graecorum
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Rosario Moreno Soldevila, Alberto Marina Castillo, Juan Fernández Valverde A Prosopography to Martial’s Epigrams

Rosario Moreno Soldevila, Alberto Marina Castillo, Juan Fernández Valverde

A Prosopography to Martial’s Epigrams

ISBN 978-3-11-062135-8 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-062475-5 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-062153-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2018960721 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2019 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Cover image: Roberto Bompiani: A Roman Feast, oil on canvas, late 19th century. J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles. © Fine Art / Kontributor / Corbis Historical / gettyimages Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com

To Raquel, Susana, Bruno, Luca, Pablo, Marco and Lucas, who were born and grew up while we were writing this book. To Manuel Moreno Niebla, in memoriam

Contents 1 Preliminary notes 1  A Prosopography to Martial’s Epigrams?  The problem of categorisation or the boundaries between fiction and reality 2

A Prosopography to Martial’s Epigrams A

9

B

74

C

88

D

182

E

209

F

225

G

244

H

266

I

293

L

314

M

358

N

411

O

429

P

439

Q

518

R

521

VIII

Contents

S

530

T

573

V

602

Z

620

623 Bibliography 623 I. Abbreviations II. Sigla of manuscripts cited 624 III. Works cited

624

Indexes 657



Index nominum



Index rerum memorabilium



Index verborum Latinorum



Index verborum Graecorum

684 695 704

Preliminary notes 1 A Prosopography to Martial’s Epigrams? As is widely known, Martial’s epigrams have been considered a valuable source of data about the lives of some of his contemporaries, and, consequently, they are frequently cited in prosopographical works. Yet, the protagonists of his books are not only real people, but also invented characters, who are criticised, rebuked or mocked for their socially reprehensible behaviour. They coexist with characters from history, literature, myth and legend, with whom they even interact in the fictional milieu of the book of epigrams. However, even in the case of real people, once they cross the threshold of the book, they seem to become as fictional as the other characters in it, for they somehow abandon their positive real existence and enter a new literary dimension. Trying to reconstruct their lives through the information provided in the epigrams may seem as futile as it might be misleading. Sven Lorenz’s reflections on this matter are worth quoting and may be considered the starting point of our book: We should not be too optimistic about our chances of reconstructing Martial’s and his friend’s private lives from the text of his epigrams. In fact, such an approach has often hindered our understanding of the literary qualities of the epigrams, their puns, or their intertextual content (…). For our understanding of the epigrams, it would be helpful if we were willing sometimes to abandon the historian’s perspective and accept our role as members of Martial’s anonymous readers (2006, 328).

Consequently, we might well have discarded the historically-oriented title “Prosopography” and chosen other terms often used in this kind of work, such as Onomasticon. ¹ Be it as it may, the term “Prosopography” has also often been used to define similar books, and we have cautiously adopted it, following the model of Ferguson’s A Prosopography to the Poems of Juvenal (Bruxelles 1987). This work is basically conceived as a dictionary of all the characters and personal names in the epigrams of Martial.² For each of them, we have compiled all the relevant information regarding the characters themselves, as well as the literary implications of their presence in Martial’s work. Normally, every entry has a similar structure. The name (usually in the form used in the epigrams) is followed by the list of passages in which the characters appears and the general category to which

 As in the cases of D.R. Shackleton Bailey, Onomasticon to Cicero’s Speeches, Stuttgart 1992; Onomasticon to Cicero’s Letters, Stuttgart 1995; Onomasticon to Cicero’s Treatises, Stuttgart 1996; A.R. Birley, Onomasticon to the Younger Pliny: Letters and Panegyric, München-Leipzig 2000; C. Castillo (ed.), Onomasticon Senecanum, Pamplona 1995.  Those characters not mentioned by name by Martial but included in this book are preceded by an asterisk. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110624755-001

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Preliminary notes

they belong (or might belong). When pertinent and known, the full name is offered in the case of historical characters; in the case of Greek names, the Greek equivalent to the Latin form is also provided. Since it may be relevant in literary terms and for the identification of specific characters, onomastic information is also given, especially about meaning and etymology (interesting for puns, significant use of names, etc.), as well as frequency (which in some cases may help to identify characters with their real-life referent), quoting the outstanding epigraphical sources.³ As regards historical, mythological or legendary characters, the most notable details about their lives are presented to the reader. In this respect, it must be pointed out that the amount of information is not always proportionate to the character’s importance, but often selective. When the characters or their names are attested elsewhere, other literary and epigraphical testimonies are cited. Much attention is paid to the literary portrayal of each character in the epigrams. If there are manuscripts or editorial variants,⁴ they are also discussed, normally (but not always) at the end of the entries. Finally, the reader is referred to other names in this book related to the entry (cross-references are given in their Latin form and preceded by an arrow) and to specific bibliography.⁵ Fortunately for Martial’s readers and those interested in Roman literature and culture, an impressive amount of scholarly research on his work has been conducted in the past four decades. Especially relevant for the aim of the present work are the comprehensive commentaries on individual books of epigrams, alongside the studies on Martial’s friends and patrons (cf. e. g. White 1975, Nauta 2002, Balland 2010) and on the literary use of names in the epigrams (cf. e. g. Giegengack 1969, Pavanello 1994, Vallat 2006 and 2008), to which the readers of this book will be constantly referred.

2 The problem of categorisation or the boundaries between fiction and reality In the editions of the Epigrams, names have traditionally been divided between real and fictional. Despite the potential problems involved in this division, we have opted to offer the readers a clue about the fictionality or existence of each character at the very beginning of each entry, in case they may find this categorisation illuminating. In this book, characters have been classified as mythological, legendary or literary, as well as fictional, real or historical. As a rule, we have called “fictional” a character

 Clauss-Slaby’s Epigraphische Datenbank (online) has been an invaluable tool in this respect.  The basis for our work has been our own edition (Moreno Soldevila / Fernández Valverde / Montero Cartelle 2004– 2005), although it goes without saying that other authoritative texts such as the editions of Lindsay, Heraeus and Shackleton Bailey, have been taken into account. Two names do not correspond to any of these: Babyrtas and Instanius Rufus.  At the end of each entry the author is cited in abbreviated form: AMC (A. Marina Castillo), JFV (J. Fernández Valverde), RMS (R. Moreno Soldevila).

2 The problem of categorisation or the boundaries between fiction and reality

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apparently invented by Martial, reserving the label “literary” for those who were created by other authors (e. g. Thestylis). “Real” characters are those that “seem” to have existed in real life, according to the information and tone of the epigram(s) in which they appear, but whose existence left no trace outside Martial’s work. Contrarily, those who are attested elsewhere in literature or epigraphy are branded as “historical”, regardless of whether they were contemporary with the poet or figures from the past. This categorisation might help the readers of this book, although it must be acknowledged that sometimes it may be irrelevant, and in many cases, not as straightforward as it may seem.⁶ Since Martial assures the reader, both in the preface to book I and in 10.33, that, unlike other poets from the past, he has refrained from attacking people by their real names, it has been traditionally taken for granted that whenever a character is the target of satire and criticism, he or she must be a figment of the poet’s imagination. In a similar way, although Martial says nothing about it, those who appear in serious contexts have normally been considered to be real. This division poses many difficulties, inasmuch as it is based exclusively on the interpretation of the epigrams themselves, which is sometimes elusive. That is especially the case of people bearing literary or mythological names. Severus, a friend of Martial’s, apparently has two (freakish) slaves named Scylla and Polyphemus. Or are they statues of a sculptural group? Or instead poems written by Severus? Is Argynnus a real-life slave or a statue at Stella’s house? Is Somnus the god of sleep or a wittily named puer delicatus? Ambiguity and suggestiveness are the gist of all these compositions, which can be open to several interpretations. In fact, Martial explores the boundaries between life and literature, implicitly and overtly (as in 8.63), challenging any rationalistic and positivistic approach. Similar problems can be found in the case of characters named after well-known figures of the past: could it be possible that Martial is not simply using the name by antonomasia or antiphrasis (as in the cases of Mamurra or Pontia), but criticising the historical figures themselves (e. g. Apicius, Cerylus, Hormus) in some contexts? The caution of not attacking real people by name does not necessarily extend to the past.⁷ In recent years, some epitaphs, traditionally believed to have been written for real people, have been reinterpreted as literary jeux d’esprit, Canace and Antulla, for instance, being no more than imaginary little girls. The same applies to Caerellia, a name borne in the same book (4) by a matrona drowned in Baiae and by a ridiculous girl. If Martial wanted to mourn for a real person, why would he give the same name to an invented character just some epigrams earlier? Perhaps the incongruous effect points at the fictionality of both. In book 10, there are several epigrams which can be interpreted allegorically, in relation with the poet’s own circumstances. To this  Readers are referred to the entries proper for further discussion and bibliographical references. The following paragraphs are only a sample of the difficulties in categorising the characters in the epigrams.  See Moreno Soldevila 2016.

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Preliminary notes

category belongs 10.35, on the retired sailor Ladon: is this poem based on a real anecdote or is the sailor an invented character, a kind of alter ego of the poet, who is also retiring? A seemingly real character is often a masterfully crafted trompe l’oeil. Even some characters traditionally considered as “ficticious”, “fictional” or “invented”, featuring in satirical contexts, could be not just literary types (the parvenu, the glutton, the mean host, the drunkard, etc.), but also reflect the behaviour of reallife people, criticised under a pseudonym, like in the case of Ligurra. In the absence of further evidence, there is no certainty as to whether a fictional character is not a real one under a pseudonym. Conversely, traditionally established identifications, such as Gaurus’ with the poet Statius, have been recently questioned. Yet, new possible pseudonyms have been, cautiously or boldly, posited, both in satirical and serious contexts: is Tucca a cover for Claudius Etruscus, Aretulla a pseudonym for Terentius Priscus’ sister, Bruttianus for Cerrinius, Papirianus for Seneca, etc.? Is Sempronia a literary character, a real person or a pseudonym? Is Theophila Canius’ fiancée, a poetic name for a real woman (just like Ianthis for Violentilla), or a poetic work? What is more, if the tone and intent of an epigram is the determining factor for deciding on the real existence of a character, things are complicated when the tone is ambiguous or depends on the degree of familiarity with the addressee or his personality. Some of Martial’s close friends are recipients of risqué anecdotes or even mildly teased, but it is often impossible to determine whether a specific epigram, deprived of its actual context of reception, lies within the limits of politeness and decorum. Further problems related to this include homonymy, that is, the use of the name of a real friend for a censured invented character. Usually, these instances are sufficiently clear and do not allow for confusion: for instance, Martial almost never uses the name of very close friends or important patrons for fictional characters (e. g. Stella is always L. Arruntius Stella), but there are some instances that have puzzled scholars (e. g. Maximus or Polla). Yet, there were very common names, like Rufus, that are borne both by real friends and invented men, and when Martial wants to avoid any risk of misinterpretation, he uses both the nomen and the cognomen. These are only some examples of the many difficulties involved in the task of pigeonholing characters in the epigrams. That is why the reader will sometimes find a question mark after the label and much scholarly debate in many entries. Rather than proof of a mistaken or failed approach, this testifies to the interpretative richness of the epigrams. Our aim has been to guide the reader through this tangled web of characters, acknowledging the limitations of this kind of research, but convinced that every new reading of the epigrams uncovers unexpected layers of meaning. In the Appendix of his Loeb edition, Shackleton Bailey makes three categorical assertions about the “fictitious names” in the epigrams: 1) “Martial was not much in the habit of creating personalities, people who crop up repeatedly under the same name with similar characteristics” (1993, 324); 2) “Most of the imaginary names were doubtless chosen at random” (325); 3) “To track Lesbia or Galla through their numerous manifestations would be a waste of time” (325). Firstly, it is true that

2 The problem of categorisation or the boundaries between fiction and reality

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some names are used in unrelated contexts, but there are many instances of the contrary: whereas Shackleton Bailey considers the “ubiquitous Zoilus” an exception, Williams (2004, 129), to name just one scholar, offers the examples of Galla, Phoebus, Cordus, Ponticus and Cosconius, to which Bithynicus (who appears in chrematistic contexts), Cotilus (the effeminate who wants to keep up appearances), Sabellus (the insufferable poetaster), among numerous others, could be added. Furthermore, not only are there characters who have a distinct personality, but we can also follow the evolution of some of them (e. g. Phyllis, Phileros). Recent research has sufficiently refuted the second statement, the most outstanding scholar in this field being D. Vallat, who has proved that Martial does take full advantage of the meanings of names: “proper names had never been better exploited and would never be so again” (2006, 141). Finally, we are convinced that our work has not been a futile attempt: tracking a character through the books of epigrams offers a new perspective on Martial’s poetry as both a variegated and coherent whole. The characters in the epigrams had some surprises in store, waiting for a detailed study. We hope that this work can be used as a basis for new research and stimulus for further discussion.⁸ Rosario Moreno Soldevila Niebla, Huelva July, 2018

 This work has enjoyed the financial help of the Spanish Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (Proyecto FFI 2009 – 10058: “Prosopografía de los Epigramas de Marcial”) and the Junta de Andalucía (HUM-680). Part of this study is the result of the doctoral research of A. Marina Castillo: we would like to show our appreciation to the supervisor of his MA dissertation, Prof. Francisco Socas (U. Sevilla), for his guidance and wise advice. Thanks are due to Daniel Nisa and Tim Tooher for painstakingly revising the English version. We would also like to express our gratitude to Prof. Juan Martos (U. Sevilla) and Prof. Elena Muñiz (U. Pablo de Olavide) for their indefatigable encouragement; and to Miguel Cisneros, Reyes Valpuesta, Gloria Jurado, Miriam Sivianes, Carmen Velasco, and, especially, Elena Sánchez Orta, former students of Humanities and Translation and Interpreting at Universidad Pablo de Olavide, for their help; as well as to the Vicerrectorado de Investigación and the Library of the Universidad Pablo de Olavide for providing us with a comfortable place to conduct this research; we are most indebted to the University Library staff for helping us to have access to the necessary information resources. Special thanks are due to De Gruyter editorial team, especially Torben Behm and André Horn. The (inevitable) mistakes the reader may encounter in this book are, needless to say, the authors’ sole responsibility.

A Prosopography to Martial’s Epigrams

A Accius 11.90.6. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Lucius Accius. ‖ Tragic poet and literature scholar. His work is preserved fragmentarily. ‖ 170 – ca. 86 BC. ‖ Accius is mentioned in a single epigram of Martial. →Chrestillus is a great admirer of the ancient Roman poets: he considers a line by →Lucilius to be worthier than Maeonian verse (→Homerus), and reads →Ennius, Accius or →Pacuvius in astonishment. The poem ends with an accusation of os impurum (cf. 9.27). Cf. 5.10 on the same subject. Martial’s opinion of both Accius and Pacuvius is rather negative (he uses the verb vomunt), contrasting with Quintilian’s judgement: Inst. 10.1.97 Tragoediae scriptores veterum Accius atque Pacuvius clarissimi gravitate sententiarum, verborum pondere, auctoritate personarum. Ceterum nitor et summa in excolendis operibus manus magis videri potest temporibus quam ipsis defuisse: virium tamen Accio plus tribuitur, Pacuvium videri doctiorem qui esse docti adfectant volunt. Persius calls his work venosus and cites him together with Pacuvius (1.76): they were usually mentioned together, especially in relation to the influence and imitation of ancient writers (Vitr. 9.pr.16; Tac. Dial. 20.5). Ovid describes him as animosi… oris (Am. 1.15.19) or atrox (Tr. 2.1.359); Fronto brands him as inaequalis (De eloq. 1.2). Bibliography: Faller/Manuwald 2002; Kay 1985, 250 – 251; RE 1.1, s. v. Accius 1, 142– 147 (Marx); Salanitro 1991, 19; Sullivan 1991, 108 – 109; Vallat 2008, 161. jfv

Acerra 1.28. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The term acerra is of unknown origin (probably Etruscan) and uncertain etymology (perhaps from ăcer; Ernout/Meillet s. v. refer to Acerronia); it means ‘censer’, a small container (cf. 4.45.1 plena… acerra) used to burn incense and other aromatic substances during sacrifices (cf. Paul. Fest. p.18M.: –a ara quae ante mortuum poni solebat, in qua odores incendebant. alii dicunt arculam esse turariam, scilicet ubi tus reponebant; RE 1.1.153 – 154 [Habel]; ThLL 1.372.79 – 373.26; NP 1.66 [Hurschmann]). It is documented as a personal name, although rare (cf. CIL 14.4054 and 4055, referring to the brothers Sextus Acerra Lupus and Sextus Acerra Ursus). However, it could be a female name in Martial’s epigrams. See Schulze 1904, 343 – 344. ‖ The meaning of the name ironically suits the character, by means of antiphrasis (because her alcoholic breath contrasts with the fragrance of altars), or rather because Acerra tries to conceal her bad breath (as happens with →Myrtale or →Fescennia; other examples of nomina dicentia for female drinkers in, e. g., AP 6.291; 7.329; 7.353; 7.455; 7.456; 7.457). Vallat (2008, 465 – 466, 519), who considers Acerra a case of semantic multiplicity, proposes a link with the adjective ācer (applied in the superlative to strong odours: cf. acerrimus and examples like Lucr. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110624755-002

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4.123 – 124 odorem… acrem; cf. Kajanto 1965, 267: Acer) and with ἀκήρατος (referring to wine, a synonym for merum). It is not possible to determine the gender of Acerra, although the parallel cases of Fescennia and Myrtale lead one to think that it refers to an ebria (cf. Vallat 2008, 519). Peruzzi (1990, 116 – 118) points to a different etymology of acerra: a primitive term for an aromatic plant, probably myrtle, which would further stress the link between Myrtale and this character. ‖ The distich is based on an unexpected conclusion (ἀπροσδόκητον): the fetid breath of Acerra seems first to be the result of the occasional drinking of the previous night (1 hesterno… mero; cf. 1.87.1 hesterno… vino); the enjambment of line 2 refutes this (fallitur) and apparently suggests that it was a false accusation, but the end of the epigram restricts the denial to the time of Acerra’s drinking: not only did she drink the night before, but she also does it habitually and until dawn: 2 in lucem semper Acerra bibit. Giegengack (1969, 65) explains: “M. (…) takes the lady so named to task for reeking always of wine. And it is not just an old left-over smell, but one constantly renewed”. ‖ →Fescennia, →Myrtale. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 94– 95; Giegengack 1969, 65; Howell 1980, 167; NP 1.66 (R. H.); RE 1.1, s. v. acerra, 153 – 154 (Habel); ThLL 1, s. v. Acerra, 373.27– 30 (Otto), s. v. acerra, 1.372.79 – 373.26 (V.); Vallat 2008, 465 – 466, 519, 585. amc

Achillas 3.91.3; 7.57.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ ᾿Aχιλλᾶς. ‖ Solin (1982, 466) records 12 instances of the name, among which there are four slaves or freedmen; it is attested as a cognomen: cf. e. g. CIL 6.16149 (Cornelius Achillas) or 6.24705 (L. Pontius Achillas). See also Solin 1996, 327. As for historical characters, it was the name of the purported assassin of Pompey (→Pompeius1) (cf. NP 1.88 [Ameling]). ‖ The name appears twice in Martial’s epigrams, as a fugitive slave and as a gigolo. ‖ Epigram 3.91 narrates a tragicomic anecdote: a soldier discharged from military service and his companion, the fugitivus Achillas, meet a group of Galli, priests of →Cybele, who are captivated by the slave’s beauty. Apart from handsome, the lad is also shrewd (4 insignis forma nequitiaque puer) and suspects the intentions of the Galli, who want to emasculate him; in the end he devises a plan to get the soldier castrated in his stead (for similar episodes see 3.24, cf. Lilja 1965, 32, and 8.75). In the final two lines the episode is compared to the replacement of Iphigenia with a hind on the sacrificial altar: 12 pro cervo mentula supposita est (it must likewise be remembered that Agamemnon took his daughter to Aulis on the pretext that she would marry →Achilles, cf. E. IA 128 – 132). There is wordplay with the animal and the term cervus, applied to fugitive slaves. In Pl. Epid. 490 there is a similar wordplay: Pro fidicina haec cerva supposita est (cf. Lilja 1965, 31: “seems to me a mere mythological allusion to Iphigenia’s story”). As regards the name Achillas, it recalls Achilles, a prototype of the brave warrior (cf. Verg. A. 6.89). Robert (1971, 300) verifies the use of the name ᾿Aχιλλεύς by gladiators:

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“Le nom ᾿Aχιλλεύς (…) doit exprimer la rapidité et toutes les qualités du guerrier” (also in the feminine, ᾿Aχιλλία, together with ᾿Aμαζών in an inscription at the British Museum: CIG 6855 f; cf. Robert 1971, 188 – 189). If, as Versnel remarks (1974, 368), “[m]any gladiators bear names containing the element ‘swift’: celer, advolans, etc.”, a name suggesting swiftness, like the πόδας ὠκὺς ᾿Aχιλλεύς (Il. 1.58 et passim; and in Martial: 2.14.4 Achilleos… pedes, cf. Tolkiehn 1991, 199 n. 315), fits in well with a fugitive slave. Cf. Otto 1890, 3, for the proverbial uses of the name Achilles. ‖ In 7.57 he is the lover of →Gabinia, who has made him both an eques and an active partner. In the first line she is said to have transformed him from a →Pollux into a →Castor1, from a pugilist into an eques. The second line plays with a Homeric line: Κάστορά θ᾽ ἱππόδαμον καὶ πὺξ ἀγαθὸν Πολυδεύκεα (Il. 3.237). There have been two lines of interpretation for Martial’s joke, an economic and a sexual one. According to the first, thanks to Gabinia’s money he has climbed the social ladder and has become a knight; a further hint can be perceived, especially due to the Greek wordplay (cf. Vallat 2008, 199) in the ambiguous use of the terms ἱππόδαμος and πύξ, epithets of Castor and Pollux, with sexual implications (Vallat 2008, 199 – 200). According to Adams (1982, 166 n. 3): “It is possible that at Mart. 7.57 (…) ἱππόδαμος is applied to the active male. Achillas is perhaps converted from a passive to an active (heterosexual) lover, as a result of the attractions of Gabinia. πύξ may be meant to suggest πυγή, πυγίζειν and the former pathic tendencies of Achillas”. Cf. Collesso ad loc.: iam vero est equorum domitor: id est, eques factus est, et Gabiniam inibit. On the other hand, Eden (1999, 581– 582) believes that there have been no changes in the sexual orientation of Achillas, who is still a cinaedus. Vallat (2008, 200) adds: “si πὺξ ἀγαθὸς signifie littéralement ‘bon quant aux poings’, avec l’indéclinable πύξ en accusatif de relation, il prend aussi le sens ‘aux bonnes fesses’ (πύξ comme forme seconde de πυγή ‘fesse’ chez Aristotle, Physiogn. 6.6)”. Martial also resorts to Castor and Pollux as an analogy for the eques in order to make fun of the pretentious →Calliodorus in 5.38. On Martial’s familiarity with the Homeric poems, cf. Tolkiehn 1991 (1900), 221. ‖ →Gabinia. Bibliography: Adams 1982, 166 n. 3; Buchheit 1962, 104; Fusi 2006, 517– 520; Eden 1999, 581– 582; Galán Vioque 2002, 339 – 341; Giegengack 1969, 30; Helm 1957, 600; Mindt 2013a, 514; NP 1.88 (Ameling); Pertsch 1911, 15; Robert 1971, 300; Tolkiehn 1991 (1900), 162, 222; Vallat 2008, 199 – 200; Weinreich 1928, 164. amc

Achilles 5.48.5; cf. Aeacides: 8.6.12; 11.43.10; Achilleus: 2.14.4; 12.82.10. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ ᾿Aχιλλεύς. ‖ Son of →Peleus and →Thetis, Greek hero in the Trojan War. ‖ The protagonist of Homer’s Iliad is recalled by his name in a poem about the cutting of →Encolpus’ hair and the pain it causes to →Pudens. Martial alludes to Achilles hiding, disguised as a girl, at Skyros (Ov. Met. 13.162– 170; Stat. Ach. 1.841– 885; for the tradi-

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tion of this story in Greek and Roman art and literature, see Canobbio 2011, 424). Caught out, he cut off his hair, to his mother’s grief: 5 – 6 talis deprensus Achilles / deposuit gaudens, matre dolente, comas. Achilles’ hair is further mentioned in 12.82.10 (vid. infra). Achilles was a paradigm of male beauty (Otto 1890, § 11 s. v. Achilles). ‖ He is twice referred to by the epithet Aeacides (Αἰακίδης), since he was grandson of →Aeacus (᾿Aιακός), the father of →Peleus. This patronymic is applied to several descendants of Aeacus (ThLL 1, s. v. Aeacides [Diehl]): mainly his sons Peleus, Telamon and Phocus and grandsons Ajax and, especially, Achilles (ThLL 1, s. v. Aeacides, 904.63 – 80; see also Schöffel 2002, 142). In 8.6 →Euctus pedantically boasts about his antique tableware, claiming that he owns objects that belonged to legendary ancient characters: in lines 11– 12 he proclaims that he has the scyphus in which Achilles ordered wine to be mixed for his friends (hic scyphus est in quo misceri iussit amicis / largius Aeacides vividiusque merum). According to Watson (1998, 37), this is based on Hom. Il. 9.204, “where Achilles, greeting Odysseus and Ajax, tells Patroclus to set forth a μείζονα κρητῆρα and to mix wine that is ζωρότερον and to prepare for each a cup (δέπας) ‘for these men are my dearest friends’”, and the “high-flown” epithet Aeacides contributes to maintaining an “elevated tone”. In 11.43 Achilles appears in a catalogue of bisexual gods and heroes: although he practised anal sex with →Briseis (9 Briseis multum quamvis aversa iaceret), he preferred Patroclus for this purpose (10 Aeacidae propior levis amicus erat). For the debate on the homoerotic relationship between Achilles and Patroclus, see Kay 1985, 164– 165, and cf. e.g. Sanz/Laguna 2003, Laguna/Sanz 2005. Note that in Petr. 129 Achilles stands for Encolpius’ lost sexual vigour. ‖ Martial uses the adjective Achilleus (Gr. ᾿Aχίλλειος) in very similar contexts: a cenipeta flatters someone in order to get a dinner invitation. In both passages the literary epithet reveals the dinner-hunter’s ridiculous adulation. In 2.14 →Selius praises →Paulinus’ “Achillean feet”: 4 laudat Achilleos, sed sine fine, pedes. Achilles’ swiftness was proverbial: cf. Ov. Am. 2.1.29 velox… Achilles?; Mela 2.5; cf. the Homeric epithets ὠκύπους, ποδώκης and πόδας ὠκύς (Otto 1890, § 11 s. v. Achilles). Damon suggests that Paulinus is “walking quickly in an attempt to shed Selius” (1997, 157) and Williams (2004, 70) adds that Achilles was a paradigm of swiftness, but also of wrath. For another interpretation, see Prior 1996, 129 – 130. In 12.82.10 it is →Menogenes who ridiculously praises his friend’s scant hair comparing it to Achilles’: dicet Achilleas disposuisse comas. For Achilles’ hair, vid. supra. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 424– 425; Kay 1985, 164– 165; Howell 1995, 133; LIMC 1.1, s. v. Achilleus, 37– 214, 1.2, 56 – 145 (Camporeale); Prior 1996, 129 – 130; RE 1.1, s. v. Achilleus 1, 221– 245 (Escher); Schöffel 2002, 142; Vallat 2008, 26, 129, 134, 170 – 227, 237; Watson 1998, 37; Watson/Watson 2003, 207; Williams 2004, 70. rms

Achilleus 2.14.4; 12.82.10. ‖ Adj. related to →Achilles.

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Acidalius 6.13.5; 9.12.3. ‖ Related to →Venus. ‖ According to Servius, the epithet comes from a fountain in which the three Graces used to bathe, but etymologically the name could also be related to Greek ἀκίς, and hence be related to the motif of the pains of love: A. 1.720 Acidalia Venus dicitur vel quia inicit curas, quas Graeci ἄκιδας dicunt, vel certe a fonte Acidalio qui est in Orchomeno Boeotiae civitate, in quo se Gratiae lavant, quas Veneri esse constat sacratas (“it is, however, doubtful whether the Greeks actually used the word ἄκιδες in the sense of curae”, Henriksén 1998, 100 n. 2; 2012, 67 n. 5). The adjective is only to be found in Virgil (A. 1.720), Martial and the Laus Pisonis (91). In 6.13.5 Acidalio… nodo refers to Venus’ belt (ceston) in a description of a statue of Julia, Domitian’s niece, in the guise of the goddess. In 9.12, a poem about →Earinus, Martial says that his name should be written with an Acidalian reed or embroidered with a Cytherean needle (Cytherea). “Acidalia harundo may signify either a pen made of reed from the Graces’ fountain or one made of reed from Cnidus, a centre of the cult of Aphrodite in south-western Asia Minor, both suppliers of high-quality reeds to be used in pens (Plin. nat. 16, 157)” (Henriksén 1998, 100). The allusion to Venus and the Graces in a poem about Earinus is explained by their relation to spring (Henriksén 1998, 99 – 100). Perhaps there is a bilingual etymological play between the epithet of the goddess (Acidalia) and her needle (ἀκíς / acu). ‖ →Cytherea, →Earinus, →Iulia2, →Venus. Bibliography: Bellido Díaz 2011a, 436; Grewing 1997, 143; Henriksén 1998, 99 – 101; 2012, 67; O’Hara 1990. rms

Acorus 3.93.24. ‖ A fictional character or a god (?). ‖ He is only known through this epigram, a mordant attack on →Vetustilla, an old hag who is still looking for a husband; in lines 20 – 26 she is depicted as a bride whose marriage ceremony is confused with a funeral, so that the lectus is both the marriage bed and the deathbed; this lectus must be set up in Acorus’ triclinium. According to Fusi (2006, 534– 535), Acorus must be a libitinarius. For Shackleton Bailey (1993, vol. 1, 271), the name, if it is a name, is a mystery. Colin (1956) assumes that Acorus is a euphemism for Orcus, a god or genius of death, in a mystical marriage ritual during which a slave of the lowest category replaces the god. According to him, the sexual union between the god and the mortal woman is symbolised by the torch of the last line. Accorus or Acorus was the name of a Celtic numen: ThLL 1, s. v. Accōrus, 336.78 – 79 (Otto); RE, s. v. Accorus. For other possible interpretations, see Vallat 2008, 531– 532. ‖ The issue is complicated by a textual problem: manuscripts read acori de triclinio (βγ, adopted by Heraeus, Izaac, Shackleton Bailey [cum cruce]), but several conjectures have been suggested (Achori de triclinio: Steph. Claverius, followed by Lindsay, Duff, Giarratano; Orci de triclinio, Roeper, followed by Friedländer).

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Bibliography: Colin 1956; Fusi 2006, 534– 535; RE 1.1, s. v. Accorus, 151 (Ihm); Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 1, 271; Vallat 2008, 531– 532. jfv

Advolans 5.24.6. ‖ Real character. ‖ A significant name, meaning ‘the one who flies’. The verb advolo means ‘to fly towards’, and also ‘to approach swiftly’, ‘speed’, ‘hasten or fly towards’, and, in a military context, ‘to rush to the attack, to fly at, attack furiously’ (cf. OLD). Advolans “occurs as the name of a race-horse, but not of a gladiator” (Howell 1995, 106; cf. Vallat 2008, 90, who wonders: “conviendrait mieux à un cheval: serait-il d’ailleurs impossible qu’il en fût un, et qu’Hermès fût représenté aussi comme cocher?”), but as it suggests swiftness it seems an appropriate name for a gladiator: “Many gladiators bear names containing the element ‘swift’: celer, advolans, etc.” (Versnel 1974, 368; cf. also Robert 1940, 300 and Canobbio 2011, 286, who record similar cases: Πολύδρομος, ᾿Aνέμιον, Στροβεῖλος, Σκίρτος; CIL 4.2327 and 2389 Pinna; ILS 5119 Rapidus). Kajanto (1965, 357) records only this occurrence among the names formed from present participles. ‖ Epigram 5.24 praises (perhaps ironically, according to Versnel 1974), the gladiator →Hermes1, the only one able to terrify →Helius (5 Hermes, quem timet Helius, sed unum) and to defeat Advolans: 6 Hermes, cui cadit Advolans, sed uni. Both Helius and Advolans would then be invincible opponents, as is insisted upon: sed unum… sed uni… (cf. Howell 1995, 106: “In hymns the words unus or solus or their equivalents often express the fact that the deity praised is set apart from all others”). Even if, as suggested by Versnel, the epigram, parodying a hymn, paves the way for the ironic revelation that Hermes does not exist, it is nonetheless likely that Advolans and Helius were both real and famous characters, since they appear as exemplary individuals of well-known fighting capacities. ‖ →Helius, →Hermes1. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 286 – 287; Howell 1995, 106; RE Supp. 1, s. v. Advolans, 12 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 90; Versnel 1974, 368. amc

Aeacides 8.6.12; 11.43.10. ‖ See →Achilles.

Aeacus 10.5.14. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Αἰακός. ‖ Son of Zeus and Aegina, father of →Peleus, Telamon and Phocus, grandfather of →Achilles, founder of the line of the Aeacides; Peleus and Telamon killed their half-brother Phocus out of envy and Aeacus condemned them to exile. Due to this act of justice and also because he was the

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most pious of the Greeks, he became, after his death, one of the three judges of the dead, together with Minos and Rhadamanthus (Pl. Ap. 41a; Apollod. 3.12.6 – 7). ‖ Cf. also D. S. 4.61; 4.72.6 – 7; Paus. 2.29.2; Cic. Tusc. 1.98.6; Hor. Carm. 2.13.22; 4.8.25; Hyg. Fab. 14; 52; Ov. Met. 13.25; Sen. Apoc. 14.1.1; 14.2.5, 14.4.4, 15.2.3; Juv. 1.9 – 10 quas torqueat umbras / Aeacus. ‖ He is mentioned only once, in a venomous attack on a slanderous poet. Martial curses him, and among the many misfortunes he wishes on him, he even wants him to be punished after death and to be whipped by the implacable Aeacus. A similar curse in Ov. Ib. 187– 188: Noxia mille modis lacerabitur umbra, tuasque / Aeacus in poenas ingeniosus erit. Bibliography: Buongiovanni 2012, 63 – 64; Damschen/Heil 2004, 56 – 57 (Heil); RE 1.1, s. v. Aiakos 1, 923 – 925 (Tümpel); Vallat 2008, 136. jfv

Aefulanus 6.74.4. ‖ Real character. ‖ The name, derived from Aefula, a town in Latium, only appears once in Martial’s epigrams, but is widely attested in inscriptions (e. g. CIL 4.3340; 6.34220; 6.34221; 11.670, etc., also with the variation Aeflanius; see Schulze 1904, 117– 118, 533). The adjective Aefulanus is documented in Sal. Cat. 43.1; Liv. 26.9.9 and CIL 14.3530. ‖ Pliny addresses a letter to a friend named Aefulanus Marcellinus (Ep. 5.16; see Syme 1985a, 341– 342; Ep. 8.23 is addressed simply to Marcellinus, perhaps the same man: cf. Stein in PIR 2 A116 and Sherwin-White 1998, 346). White (1975, 297 n. 46) tentatively relates →Marcellinus with Pliny’s Aefulanus Marcellinus. Aefulanus is also the name of a proconsul of Asia under Nero (PIR 2 A115). There are no clues for the identification of Martial’s Aefulanus. ‖ He is the addressee of an epigram about an unnamed dinner guest (perhaps at his own house), bald and toothless, who tries to conceal this latter defect by using toothpicks. ‖ For other editorial variants of this name, see Grewing ad loc. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 99 – 100; Grewing 1997, 484; Vallat 2008, 425. rms

Aegle 1.72.3; 1.94.1; 11.81.1; 12.55.4,13. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Aἴγλη. ‖ The Greek noun αἴγλη means ‘brightness’, ‘splendour’. As a personal name, it is recorded four times in LGPN; Solin (1982, 526) records eight instances in Rome, four of which are names of freedwomen; it is also attested as a cognomen: cf. e. g. CIL 6.4683 (Statilia Aegle, second half of the first century AD) or 6.20355 (Iulia Aegle). See also Solin 1996, 348. On the other hand, it is the name of several mythological characters, including one of the →Heliades and one of the →Hesperides. In Verg. Ecl. 6.21 Aegle is Naiadum pulcherrima. The name fits a prostitute, a beautiful young woman, and, ironically, a

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vetula trying to disguise the effects of old age. ‖ Aegle appears in four satirical epigrams. She is an old hag trying to conceal the passage of time, a fellatrix, or an insatiable woman. In 1.72 the plagiarist →Fidentinus is compared to Aegle and →Lycoris1, the first has fake teeth (3 – 4 dentata… / emptis ossibus Indicoque cornu) and the second has her face covered with white lead. Both intend to pass for young women, but Martial unmasks them as vetulae, a frequent butt of satire (Howell 1980, 149 – 150). As noted by Vallat (2008, 573; see also 598), “le nom, donc, ment, et suit le caractère trompeur d’Aegle”. She is twice accused of os impurum. In 1.94 Martial says that when she used to be “fucked”, she sang badly, but now that she sings well, she would rather not be kissed. According to Howell (1980, 305), the meaning of the epigram seems to be related to the widespread belief that a woman’s voice changed when she lost her virginity. But this does not seem to be the case. Howell (1980, 304) admits that the epigram “has always puzzled commentators” and records some of the previous interpretations. Citroni (1975, 292) recalls that prostitutes were proverbially good singers, unlike Aegle, who must have had other charms to attract her clientele; but now that she has learnt how to sing, it is too late for her, since she is now old and ugly and has to resort to fellating her clients if she wants to keep them; according to Farnaby (as well as Collesso and the Index Expurgatorius), Aegle is as bad a singer as she used to be, but men claim that she sings well and that they visit her to hear her sing, when the real reason is that she fellates. Be that as it may, the motif of the old hag who has to resort to fellatio to compensate for her lack of sex appeal is a traditional one: see, for example, Hor. Epod. 8 or AP 5.38. In 12.55 Aegle sells her kisses for a high price (she asks for a pound of →Cosmus’ perfume or eight pieces of nova moneta in exchange for a true kiss: 9 – 10 ne sint basia muta, ne maligna, / ne clusis aditum neget labellis), but she does not turn up her nose at a free fellatio (12– 13 gratis quae dare basium recusat, / gratis lingere non recusat Aegle). As in 1.94, she is accused of os impurum; for this reason, it is most appreciated that she is not generous with her kisses: 11 humane tamen hoc facit, sed unum. There could be a narrative development in the poem: Aegle begins by setting the terms and the price for her kisses and ends up offering cheap fellationes. It has to be taken into account that a decade has passed between the publication of books 1 and 12: if Aegle is the same—even fictitious—person, the reader has seen her become even older. ‖ In 11.81, however, Aegle is a beautiful girl who goes to bed with the spado →Dindymus and an old man, both unable to satisfy her (2 et iacet in medio sicca puella toro). Although she is attractive (recall the meaning of Gr. αἴγλη = ‘splendour’), theirs is an impossible ménage à trois, formed by a eunuch, an impotent old man, and perhaps a frigid girl (if she is truly a young woman) or one unable to arouse her partners (cf. Kay 1985, 239: “the girl is beautiful yet still fails to arouse or be aroused”). Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 292; Howell 1980, 149 – 150, 274– 275, 304– 305; NP 1.197– 198 (Graf); Kay 1985, 134, 238 – 239; Vallat 2006, 137; 2008, 573, 598. amc

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Aelia 1.19.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The gens Aelia (originally Ailia) is a plebeian family known at least since the 4th century BC. In imperial times the name had become very widespread and had lost its quality of gentilicium (cf. RE 1.1,489 [Klebs]; NP 1,202 [K.-L. Elvers]). On the variant Helia, cf. Martyn 1979, who defends it because “it is most unlikely that Martial would want to evoke aristocratic associations (or provoke the gens Aelia) in the context of 1.19”. On the “risky” use of the name and its implications in Juvenal 6.72, cf. Ferguson 1987, 18. ‖ Vetula, edentula. This old hag has lost all her teeth: she has spat out her last four in two fits of coughing, so that a third one (tertia tussis) is not to be feared. Of other edentuli Martial says that they now have few teeth (2.41.6 tres sunt tibi, Maximina, dentes; 3.93.2 et tres capilli quattuorque sint dentes), but Aelia is even older and her teeth are referred to in the past tense: si memini, fuerant tibi quattuor, Aelia, dentes (1). Also →Picens in 8.57 spits out his last tres… dentes all of a sudden. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 72– 73; Ferguson 1987, 18; Howell 1980, 149 – 151; Martyn 1979, 126 – 127; NP 1,202 (Elvers); RE 1.1, s. v. Aelia, 481 (Kubitschek), s. v. Aelius, 489 (Klebs). amc

Aelianus 11.40.5; 12.24.2. ‖ Real character. ‖ Aelianus is a relatively common cognomen, derived from the gentilicium →Aelius (Kajanto 1965, 35, 139). ‖ The name appears twice in Martial’s epigrams in two unrelated contexts. ‖ In 11.40 Aelianus is an acquaintance of →Lupercus, to whom he tries to explain why he has not had sex with →Glycera1 for a whole month. Aelianus could just be a fictional character, with the name chosen at random. However, Kay sees no objection to the idea that he could be a real character, even if Lupercus and Glycera were fictional (1985, 158): “probably a real person (…), though this instance is slightly unusual in that the benefactor is not simply addressed in the vocative, but is made a character in the poem as well”. ‖ Epigram 12.24 deals with a travelling carriage (covinnus) given by Aelianus, a friend or patron of Martial’s, who is described as facundus (‘eloquent’). In this case, the character seems to be real, although identification is elusive. Several proposals have been made, without any strong basis: Casperius Aelianus (PIR 2 C462 [Stein]), praefectus praetorio under Domitian and Nerva, a most unlikely identification; the writer Aelianus, author of a treatise on military strategy (Tactica); L. Roscius Aelianus Maecius Celer, a spaniard, suffect consul in 100 (Syme 1982– 1983, 243 = RP 4, 96; 1985, 194 = RP 5, 642). Bibliography: Craca 2011, 169; Giese 1872, 4; Kay 1985, 158; PIR 2 A119 (Stein); Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 223; Vallat 2008, 81. rms

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Aelius 1.95.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Aelius is a very common name, for which see →Aelia. ‖ The name appears once in Martial’s epigrams. He is hired as a member of a claque to support an attorney (cf. 3.46.7– 8) or interrupt his opponent in court (Quint. Inst. 6.4.11). He is so noisy that, in actual fact, he is paid to keep silent. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 293; Howell 1980, 305 – 306. jfv

Aemilianus 1.50.1; 5.81.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Aemilianus is a very common name (Kajanto 1965, 139). Before becoming a common nomen gentilicium, it designated a member of the gens Aemilia adopted or integrated into another family (Ferguson 1987, 18 – 19). ‖ The name appears twice: in 1.50 he is the owner of the cook →Mistyllos and in 5.81 he is a poor man. ‖ The pretentious Aemilianus, like the fatuous Trimalchio, has given his cook a Greek name, based on the formulaic verse from Homer: μίστυλλόν τ᾽ ἄρα τἆλλα καὶ ἀμφ᾽ ὀβελοῖσιν ἔπειραν (cf. Il. 1.465; 2.428; Od. 3.462; 12.365; 14.430) and Martial makes fun of it. For the wordplay, see →Mistyllos. ‖ In 5.81 Martial says that the pauper Aemilianus will never enjoy prosperity (cf. 4.5 and 5.56): “The idea that only those already rich benefit from the generosity of their fellows is familiar from Juvenal (e. g. 3.208 – 222)” (Howell 1995, 163). ‖ →Mistyllos, →Taratalla. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 583 – 584; Citroni 1975, 171– 172; Ferguson 1987, 18 – 19; Howell 1980, 227– 228; 1995, 163; Vallat 2008, 578 – 579. amc

Aemilius 12.19.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name belonged to an old Patrician Roman gens: “The Aemilii were one of the great gentes” (Ferguson 1987, 19). The cognomen was very widespread (see PIR 2 A320 – 410). ‖ The name appears in a single satirical epigram: Aemilius eats lettuce, eggs and mackerel (a frugal dinner) while he bathes at the thermae, so that he can say he does not dine at home. The poverty of the character contrasts with the connotations of his family name: cf. Tac. Ann. 6.27 quippe Aemilium genus fecundum bonorum civium, et qui eadem familia corruptis moribus, inlustri tamen fortuna egere. Bibliography: RE 1.1, s. v. Aemilius 3, 544 (Rohden). rms

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Aeneas 5.1.5 (cf. 8.6.14; 11.4.1). ‖ Mythological character. ‖ ᾿Aινείας. ‖ The national hero of Rome, son of →Venus and Anchises, protagonist of Virgil’s Aeneid. ‖ Hom. Il. 2.820; Hes. Th. 1008; Verg. A. passim. ‖ Aeneas’ presence in the epigrams is not prominent. He is alluded to twice in relation to the emperor of the moment, Domitian (→Domitianus) in 5.1 and →Nerva in 11.4. ‖ Aeneas is only referred to by name in an indirect allusion (Aeneae nutrix) to the town of Caieta (present-day Gaeta), in a hymn-like catalogue of places where Domitian had villae. According to Virgil, the place was named after Aeneas’ nurse, who was buried there: A. 7.1– 4 Tu quoque litoribus nostris, Aeneia nutrix, / aeternam moriens famam, Caieta, dedisti; / et nunc servat honos sedem tuus, ossaque nomen / Hesperia in magna, si qua est ea gloria, signat; cf. Ov. Met. 14.154 litora adit nondum nutricis habentia nomen; 14.441 Aeneia nutrix. Caieta—the town—appears again in 10.30, a poem describing the coast of Formiae, preferred by Martial to other famous holiday places, such as the Dardanis… Caieta (8). ‖ In 8.6.14 he is alluded to indirectly by means of the periphrasis Phrygio… viro. →Euctus, boasting about the antiquity of his silverware, claims that he owns the patera →Dido used in a toast to →Bitias during a dinner in Aeneas’ honour: 13 – 14 hac propinavit Bitiae pulcherrima Dido in patera, / Phrygio cum data cena viro est, paraphrasing Verg. A. 1.738. For Euctus’ misinterpretation of this passage and the effect it produces, see →Bitias. The periphrasis is far from complimentary, since in the Aeneid, when applied to men, the epithet Phrygius has derogative connotations (Watson 1998, 39; contra Schöffel 2002, 144). ‖ In the opening lines of 11.4 Martial refers to the sacred objects and gods of the Phrygians carried by Aeneas, indirectly alluded to as Troiae… heres (Kay 1985, 66). ‖ For Virgil’s influence on Martial, see →Vergilius. ‖ →Bitias, →Dido, →Euctus. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 70 – 71; Howell 1995, 78; Kay 1985, 66; LIMC 1.1, s. v. Aineias, 381– 396 (Canciani); 1.2, 296 – 309; RE 1.1, s. v. Aineias 2, 1010 – 1019 (Rossbach); Schöffel 2002, 144; Vallat 2008, 156, 169; Watson 1998, 39; Watson/Watson 2003, 208. rms

Aeolis 11.91.1. ‖ Real character? ‖ Αἰολίς. ‖ For the name, cf. CIL 6.11274 Aeolis / marito / karissimo (where it is probably the name of a freedwoman, Agria Aeolis, of the first or second century AD; cf. Solin 1982, 566). ‖ The slave Aeolis appears once, in the epitaph of her daughter, →Canace, who died at an early age: 1 Aeolidos Canace iacet hoc tumulata sepulchro. Both seem to have been named after mythological characters. The mythical Canace (Κανάκη) was the daughter of Aeolus and Enarete (see →Aeolius1). According to Izaac (1961, vol. 2.2, 287), “le père de Canace porte le nom du roi légendaire des Lestrygons, Aeolus, sa femme s’appellera naturellement Aeolis, et leur fille, Canace”, but “in strict mythological terms it should have been Enarete” (Kay 1985, 254). Aeolis was, in fact, an epithet for Canace (Call. Cer. 99; Ov. Ep. 11.5,35)

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and other descendants of Aeolus (cf. NP 1,232– 233 [Graf]), which would reinforce the identification between the mother and the daughter. For the possibility that the name refers to Aeolia, the region of Greece, and not to a person, see Kay (1985, 254), who refutes it. Vallat (2008, 42) suggests that “l’arbitraire des noms serviles est tel qu’on peut imaginer que le nom Canace, une fois choisi, a motivé celui de la mère, qui, au plus, n’est qu’un appellatif ‘l’Éolienne’”. In addition, the sphere of →Aeolus is suggested throughout the poem in terms like 2 hiems or 9 volatu. ‖ →Canace. Bibliography: Izaac 1961, vol. 2.2, 287; Kay 1985, 254– 255; Vallat 2008, 42. amc

Aeolius1 8.28.20; 8.50.9. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Adjective. Related to Aeolus (Αἴολος), the legendary ancestor of the Aeolians. He was the father of Athamas, Sisyphus, Alcyone, Canace and Macareus, among others. Sometimes he is confused with →Aeolus, ruler of the winds. ‖ In book 8 the adjective Aeolius appears twice, related to his grandson →Phrixus and the Golden Fleece: 8.28.19 – 20 non Athamanteo potius me mirer in auro, / Aeolium dones si mihi, Phrixe, pecus; 8.50.9 – 10 stat caper Aeolio Thebani vellere Phrixi / cultus: ab hoc mallet vecta fuisse soror. This use of the adjective is also found in Valerius Flaccus’ Argonautica: 7.54 Aeoliae pecudis… auro; 7.527 Aeolio… vellere; 8.79 Aeolio… auro (cf. ThLL 1, s. v. Aeolis, 990.18 – 20 [Diehl]). ‖ →Athamanteus, →Helle, →Phrixus. Bibliography: Schöffel 2002, 274, 433; OCD4, s. v. Aeolus 2, 24 (Bremmer); RE 1.1, s. v. Aiolos 1, 1036 – 1041 (Tümpel); Vallat 2008, 167. rms

Aeolius2 5.71.4. ‖ Related to →Aeolus.

Aeolus 10.30.19. Cf. Aeolia: 2.14.12; Aeolius: 5.71.4. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Αἴολος. ‖ The ruler of the winds. In the Odyssey he was a mortal, made commander of the winds by Zeus (Od. 10.1– 79). In the Aeneid he holds them in a cave: 1.52– 54 hic vasto rex Aeolus antro / luctantes ventos tempestatesque sonoras / imperio premit ac vinclis et carcere frenat; Ov. Met. 14.224 Aeolon… cohibentem carcere ventos. ‖ In 10.30.19 →Nereus and Aeolus stand metonymically for the sea and the tempest (Aeoli regnum; cf. Verg. A. 1.52 Aeolus rex). In 5.71.4 the epithet Aeolius is applied to the Notus, the south wind (as Canobbio notes, the adjective is frequently applied

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in poetry to winds: cf. Ov. Ars 1.634). Both epigrams deal with the villa of a patron: the Formian state of →Apollinaris (10.30) and →Faustinus’ villa in Tibur (5.71). ‖ In 2.14.12 Aeoliam Lupi refers to the drafty baths of →Lupus1: it is an amusing reference to the house of Aeolus, king of the winds (Williams 2004, 73). Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 537; OCD4, s. v. Aeolus 1, 23 – 24 (Bremmer); RE 1.1, s. v. Aiolos 1, 1036 – 1041 (Tümpel); Vallat 2008, 168; Williams 2004, 73. rms

Aeschylus 9.4.3; 9.67.7. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Αἰσχύλος. ‖ A very frequent Greek name (242 occurrences in LGPN). ‖ Aeschylus appears twice in Martial’s epigrams, criticised for his sexual behaviour. In 9.4 he is censured for his sexual activity with the prostitute →Galla, who charges him more than her other clients, because he has also to pay for her silence. In 9.67 Martial describes a night with an unnamed girl, who has granted him almost all his wishes. Housman (1907) makes it clear that Martial asks her for oral sex, but she demands reciprocity, which he does not accept as he considers it a shameful act, unlike Aeschylus, who is portrayed as a cunnilingus. ‖ According to Killeen, if the first syllable aes is pronounced es, there is a pun with the verb edo; in addition, –chylus, the second part of the name, has a pronunciation very close to culus. Aeschylus would sound like es culos, that is, “you eat buttocks”. Vallat thinks there is a wordplay with aes in the sense of ‘money’: consequently Aeschylus would be “l’homme destiné à payer pour ses turpitudes” (2008, 581). However, the most likely interpretation of the name is that it is related to oral sex, since the first part of the name αἰσχ- is found in terms like ἀισχρός (Watson/Watson 2003, 244; Martos Montiel 2011, 395). Bibliography: Henriksén 1998, 75; 1999, 75 – 76; 2012, 34– 36; Housman 1907 (= 1972, vol. 2, 725); Killeen 1967; Martos Montiel 2011, 395; Prinz 1930; Schuster 1928; Vallat 2006, 133 – 134; 2008, 406, 580 – 581. jfv

Aesculapius →Pergameus.

Aesonides 2.14.6. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Αἰσονίδης. ‖ Epithet of Jason, son of Aeson and leader of the Argonauts in their quest for the Golden Fleece. ‖ The epithet Aesonides, son of Aeson, is used only here by Martial, but is found in Prop. 1.15.17, and is widely used by Ovid and especially Valerius Flaccus. ‖ In 2.14 →Selius wanders all over Rome in order to get a dinner invitation: he asks even Chiron (Phillyrides), that is,

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a statue of the Centaur and →Achilles in the Saepta Iulia (cf. Plin. Nat. 36.29), and Jason. This has been supposed to be a sculpture (Watson/Watson 2003, 160) or a painting (Williams 2004, 71) forming part of the Porticus Argonautarum (3.20; 11.1). The patronymic Aesonides parallels the matronymic Phillyrides, which reinforces the idea that the two places were very close (Prior 1996, 131; LTUR, s. v. Porticus Argonautarum [Guidobaldi]). Jason is alluded to indirectly in 11.1.12 (vel primae dominus levis charinae): the first ship is the Argo and his commander is said to be levis due to his disloyalty towards Medea (→Colchis). The allusion is again to the Porticus Argonautarum, which is catalogued with the porticoes of →Quirinus, →Pompeius1 and →Europe as leisure places where the book of epigrams could find an appropriate audience. ‖ →Argonautae. Bibliography: Kay 1985, 56; LIMC 5.1, 629 – 638 (Neils), 5.2, 425 – 433; Williams 2004, 71. rms

Aethon 12.77.3,7. ‖ Αἴθων. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Although the Greek name is frequently applied to mythical horses (e.g. Hom. Il. 8.185; Q. S. 8.242; Verg. A. 11.89; Ov. Met. 2.153; Hyg. Fab. 183; Mart. 3.67.5; 8.21.7), it is also a pseudonym of some mythical characters: it is the false name adopted by Odysseus disguised as a beggar (Hom. Od. 19.183), and, most significantly, it is a pseudonym for Erysichton (DGE, s. v. Αἴθων 1), who was punished with unrelenting hunger by the goddess →Ceres (the story is told in Ov. Met. 8.738 – 878). See Haft 1989. The name is attested 11 times in LGPN. ‖ This character appears only once in Martial’s epigrams: when he was praying to Jupiter Capitolinus (→Iuppiter), he accidentally farted; the god punished him for his sacrilege with having to dine at home for three nights (5– 6 trinoctiali… domicenio). Now, whenever poor Aethon goes to the Capitolium to salute the god, he farts in advance in a lavatory nearby (the Sellae Paterclianae) and, as a further precautionary measure, he greets the god “buttocks clenched” (trans. Shackleton Bailey). According to McKay (1961), Vallat (2008, 350) and Agosti (2009), Martial plays with the name of Erysichton and his chronic hunger in an anecdote of a cenipeta. Apart from this interpretation, Agosti relates the adjective misellus with the “affamato” (‘hungry’) and Vallat suggests that Aethon could also be a “horsey avatar”, offering veterinary testimonies of the horses’ tendency to fart (2008, 350 – 351). He further believes that Martial animalizes Aethon in line 2 with the term ungues (which can refer to hoofs), offering the image of a horse rearing up, and in line 4 (homines, contrasting with him). Bibliography: Agosti 2009; Haft 1989; McKay 1961; Vallat 2008, 349 – 351, 368. rms

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Afer 4.37.6,10; 4.78.9; 6.77.5; 9.6(7).1,4; 9.25.2,10; 10.84.1; 12.42.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Afer is a very common geographical cognomen, meaning ‘African’ (Kajanto 1965, 205). Among its derivatives the following can be found: Afrianus (6.6306, a slave), Afrinus (PIR 2 A630 [Groag]), Afrio (CIL 1. 2. 2689, a slave). ‖ The name appears in various satirical contexts, combining social and sexual satire (Vallat 2008, 409): “Afer constitue un type intratextuel, qui trouve son unité dans la satire: riche, pauvre, patron indigne ou débauché, il ne se réduit pas à un trait précis. Mais l’association d’une origine historiquement honnie et de traits satiriques nous semble cohérente” (422). ‖ In two epigrams he is portrayed as a mean patron. In 4.37 he is always boasting about his richness without giving anything to the client who is fed up with his relentness bragging. According to Moreno Soldevila (2006, 286): “Censure is not only directed at usury, avarice, and ostentation (…), but also the fact that in Rome everything can be bought, even patience”. In 9.6(7) he avoids his client. In this case, the relationship of the name with Africa is made evident: 1 de Libycis reducti… gentibus, Afer (Libya is equivalent to Africa or at least the north of the continent). The name could maliciously allude to his origins (perhaps suggesting that he is a freedman). According to Henriksén (2012, 42), the symbolic associations of Africa with luxury are present in this epigram. ‖ In 4.78 he is an old ardalio (‘busybody’). For the possibility that ardalio could be a proper name typical of comedy, see Bréal 1885, 137 (refuted by Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 242). Cf. 2.7 (→Atticus2 or →Attalus, another ardalio). Moreno Soldevila (2006, 497) relates this Afer with the one in 4.37: “Martial now reveals the devious and debasing ways by which he earns his fortune” (2006, 501). In 6.77 Afer boasts about his wealth despite being a pauper. Like →Zoilus in 2.81, Afer is carried on an ostentatious litter, something not fitting with his economic status: 1 Cum sis tam pauper quam nec miserabilis Irus (→Irus, Ἶρος, also called ᾿Aρναῖος, is the beggar par excellence). Although he is neither old nor weak (2– 3), he is carried by six Cappadocian slaves (4). He could be a richman who has come down in the world or a parvenu (perhaps a freedman) who wants to pass for what he is not. As usual, Martial advises him to stop pretending (cf. 1.87.8; 3.42.3; 6.7.6; 10.83.9 – 11; 11.7.13 – 14), because his attitude could not be more ridiculous even if he walked naked in the forum, showing his real situation: 5 – 6 rideris multoque magis traduceris, Afer, / quam nudus medio si spatiere foro. The epigram ends with a harsh remark: 10 Non debes ferri mortuus hexaphoro. The corpses of poor people and slaves were carried to the funeral pyre or the burial place in a stretcher called a sandapila, to which Martial compares Zoilus’s lectica in 2.81 (cf. also 8.75.9 – 10; 9.2.11– 12; Suet. Dom. 17.3; Juv. 8.175). But Afer does not deserve to be carried by six slaves, even when he is dead. For a similar attack cf. 6.84 (→Philippus2). This type of ostentation based on the use of porters seems to have been frequent in Martial’s time: cf. Sen. Ep. 31.10; Juv. 1.63 – 68 (cf. RE 12.1, s. v. lectica, 1089 – 1090 [Lamer]; cf. Marquardt 1886, 149 – 150; Grewing 1997, 496). ‖ Some other epigrams deal with the sexual rather than the socioeconomic. In 9.25 he is a jealous host who does not want his guests to admire the beauty of his puer →Hyllus while he serves wine. Epigram 10.84 can be in-

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terpreted in different ways, Afer does not want to go to bed because his wife is not very desirable or because he his sharing the triclinium with an attractive woman (cf. Fernández Valverde/Ramírez de Verger ad loc.): 2 accumbat cum qua, Caediciane, vides. Finally, the Afer of 12.42 is a cinaedus with masculine appearance: the rigidus Afer has married the barbatus →Callistratus in such a traditional ceremony that Martial addresses Rome itself, asking whether the ‘bride’ is also expected to bear child: 6 expectas numquid ut et pariat? Cf. 1.24. Shackleton Bailey (1993, vol. 3, 124) mentions the wedding between →Nero and →Pythagoras2 (cf. Tac. Ann. 15.37). Vallat (2008, 473 – 474) suggests the possibility that Afer is not a proper noun but an ethnonym, so that “le scandale mis en scène serait provoqué par deux étrangers (un Grec, un Africain) venus pervertir Rome de leurs moeurs”. ‖ →Callistratus, →Hyllus, →Irus, →Philippus2, →Zoilus. Bibliography: Bréal 1885, 137; Damschen/Heil 2004, 300 – 301 (Scherf); Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 242– 243; Grewing 1997, 496 – 504; Henriksén 1998, 80, 136; 2012, 42; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 286, 497– 402; RE 1.1, s. v. Afer 2, 705 (Rohden); Stégen 1974; Vallat 2008, 409, 422, 473 – 474. amc

Afra 1.100.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For the name, see Kajanto 1965, 205; →Afer. ‖ The name, widely attested in inscriptions, appears only once in Martial’s epigrams. She says she has mammas atque tatas (1), but in actual fact she can be said to be tatarum / … mammarum maxima mamma (1– 2). She is a vetula trying to conceal her real age by means of language, inasmuch as she uses childlike vocabulary. Friedländer (1886, vol. 1, 224) dispells doubts about the expression maxima mamma meaning more than kinship (cf. Dig. 38.10.10.17 amita maxima, matertera maxima): “die älteste Mama”, in terms typical of the Umgangssprache. In the words of Howell (1980, 313): “Whom, then, does Afra call mamma and tata? Surely not her own parents, as some editors suppose, for she is too old to have parents living. (…) Afra presumably uses them for people she likes to pretend are her elders”. There is a parallel Greek epigram, AP 11.67, addressed to the old Lais: βάπτε δὲ τὰς λευκάς, καὶ λέγε πᾶσι τατᾶ (Lessing 1895, 302– 303; about his doubts on the relative chronology of both epigrams, see Howell 1980, 312– 313). As Citroni (1975, 305) remarks, the old hag trying to pass for a young woman is usualy a meretrix, on which Howell (1980, 314) agrees: “at ILS 8959 it seems to be the name of a concubine”. Eden (1989, 122), on the other hand, thinks of a Greek nurse. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 304– 305; Eden 1989, 122– 123; Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 224; Howell 1980, 313; Lessing 1895, 302– 303; Vallat 2008, 422. amc

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Africani 4.14.5. ‖ →Scipio.

Africanus 12.10.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Africanus is a geographical cognomen, meaning ‘African’ (Kajanto 1965, 49, 50, 52, 205). ‖ The name appears once: he is an extremely rich man (1 habet… miliens); however, he is not satisfied with his wealth and tries to increase it by means of legacy hunting (captat). For the symbolic relation of Africa with luxury, see Henriksén (2012, 42, on the name →Afer), and Vallat (2008, 422). This last author suggests a further implication of the name related to the Carthaginians and their traditional perfidy. Bibliography: Craca 2011, 104; RE 1.1, s. v. Africanus 1, 715 (Rohden); Vallat 2008, 422. rms

Agathinus 9.38.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ A common Greek name (there are 75 instances in LGPN). Solin (1982, 716) records six instances in Rome (cf. 1982, 714– 720 for the numerous variants of ἀγαθός, in the senses of “Gut im allgemeinen”; and 1349). The name recalls the verb ἀγαθύνω, ‘to cheer’, and the adjective ἀγαθός, ‘good, capable, in reference to ability’ (LSJ, s. v. I3). ‖ The name appears once in Martial’s epigrams: he is such a swift and dexterous juggler that he never lets his shield fall, not even on purpose (Collesso 1701, 365 explains: Agathini autem tanta est industria ut arte indigeat, si errare velit). According to Henriksén (2012, 168), “he seems to have been a real person, perhaps, like the mimic actor Latinus in 9.28, a member of Domitian’s staff of entertainers” (in his previous version he was more assertive about the real existence of Agathinus: 1998, 190 “he was obviously a real person…”), and this epigram “would seem to be the result of Martial’s having watched one of his performances” (1998, 189). Juggling with shields is attested nowhere else, but similarities with the pilarii and the ventilatores have been suggested (Collesso 1701, 364; Quint. Inst. 10.7.11 quo constant miracula illa in scenis pilariorum ac ventilatorum, ut ea quae emiserint ultro venire in manus credas et qua iubentur decurrere). Agathinus might also be a buffoon disguised as a soldier or Thracian gladiator, whose armament included one of those shields (cf. 9.68.8 parmae; and the burlesque figure of the monkey diguised as a soldier in Juv. 5.153 – 155), but this is less likely. See Slater (2002, 320 – 324) for a detailed explanation of Agathinus’ role as ventilator. Bibliography: Collesso 1701, 364– 365; Henriksén 1998, 189 – 190; 2012, 168; Slater 2002, 320 – 324. amc

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Agenor 11.1.11; Agenoreus: 2.43.7; 10.17.7. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ ᾿Aγήνωρ. ‖ A Phoenician king of Tyre. He was Egyptian of Greek origin. In Phoenicia he married Telephasa, with whom he had Europa (who was raped by Zeus), Phoenix, Cilix and →Cadmus. ‖ Apollod. 2.1.4; 3.1.1; Serv. A. 1.338. ‖ Agenor is mentioned as such in 11.1.11: Martial addresses his personified book, and advises him not to go to the palace (searching for →Parthenius), but to head for the porticoes cram full with idle people who would read it. Among them is the porticus of Agenoris puella, that is, the Porticus Europae. See →Europe for more details. ‖ The adjective Agenoreus appears twice in relation to Tyrian purple. 2.43 is an epigram against →Candidus, who is generous in name only, and in reality a miser. Martial contrasts Candidus’ luxurious assets with his few possessions: among which misit Agenoreas Cadmi tibi terra lacernas (7), that is, Tyre, the land of Cadmus (one of the sons of Agenor), famous for its luxury and, especially, its purple fabric. In 10.17.7, against →Gaius, who promises gifts he never sends, Martial wishes him to receive presents as expensive as the ones he makes, and, among them, everything immoderate “Tyre assembles in Agenor’s cauldron” (trans. Shackleton Bailey). The adjective Agenoreus is mainly used after Ovid (Ov. Met. 3.308; Fast. 6.712), especially by Statius (Theb. 1.6; 2.384; 3.31; 7.192; 8.554; 9.272; 9.274; 10.540; 11.26; 11.571; 12.551; 12.736; Silv. 3.2.89) and other contemporaries of Martial (cf. e. g. V. Fl. 4.522; Sil. 1.15; 3.361; 6.303). ‖ →Europe. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 93 – 94 (Fiers); Kay 1985, 55 – 56; Platner/Ashby 1929, 422; RE 1.1, s. v. Agenor 1, 773 – 775 (Dümmler); Vallat 2008, 168, 274; Williams 2004, 159. jfv

Agenoreus 2.43.7; 10.17.7. ‖ →Agenor.

Agrippa 3.20.15; 3.36.6; 10.87.9; cf. 8.66.10. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa. ‖ ca. 63 – 12 BC. ‖ Friend and collaborator of →Augustus1, whose daughter Julia he married in 21 BC (she was his third wife); he became consul three times in 37, 28 and 27; with his enormous wealth he undertook public constructions such as the Pantheon, the Iulia and Virgo aqueducts, the first public baths, or the Porticus Argonautarum (→Argonautae), and expanded the Saepta Iulia. ‖ The three epigrams in which he is mentioned by his name allude precisely to his public works: 3.20 (an epigram about the poet →Canius and his wandering about the city) and 3.36 (against →Fabianus, a mean and arrogant friend) catalogue some famous places in Rome including the thermae Agrippae, the first public baths, built in 25 BC and inaugurated in 12. They burnt down in AD 80, so that they had to be rebuilt in Martial’s times. They were located in the Campus Martius, south of the Pantheon. In both epigrams

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they appear together with the baths of →Titus1. Epigram 10.87 deals with the birthday of the lawyer →Restitutus, to whom the Agrippae tumidus negotiator brings presents including →Cadmus’ cloaks (dyed with Tyrian purple); this alludes to the Saepta Iulia, a construction begun by →Caesar1 and finished by Agrippa in 26, also in the Campus Martius; it was originally conceived as a place for voting, but it held varied spectacles as well; in Martial’s times, after a fire in AD 80, it was also a place for shopping and walking (cf. 2.14.5; 2.57.2; 10.80.4, and, especially, 9.59). ‖ Finally, in 8.66.10 he is not mentioned by name: in a poem about the consulate of →Silius Italicus’ elder son, Martial also wishes his younger son to become consul, so that his family would enjoy three consulates. Martial compares the situation with the offering of a third consulate by the Senate to Pompey (→Pompeius1) and by Augustus to his son-in-law (genero), Agrippa. ‖ →Vipsanus. Bibliography: Buongiovanni 2012, 330; Damschen/Heil 2004, 310 – 311 (Scherf); Fusi 2006, 221– 222, 293; Platner/Ashby 1929, 460 – 461, 518 – 520; RE 9 A.1, s. v. Vipsanius, 1226 – 1275 (Hanslik); Schöffel 2002, 561; Vallat 2008, 273 – 274. jfv

Alauda 12.58.2; 12.60.8. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A rare cognomen (ThLL 1, 1482.76 – 78 [V.]): cf. CIL 10.1141. Alauda, a word of Gallic origin, is an ornithological term (‘crest lark’) and also came to designate a legion (V Alauda) and its soldiers (ThLL 1, 1482.50 – 75). ‖ Alauda appears twice in book 12. In 12.58 Martial makes fun of his wife’s sexual freedom: she calls him ancillariolus (‘lover of female slaves’) and he calls her lecticariola (‘lover of litter-bearers’). In 12.60 Martial celebrates his own birthday in the countryside, so as not to have to invite certain characters to his birthday party: →Sabellus and Alauda are mentioned as (undesirable) guests. rms

Albinus 4.37.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For the name, see Kajanto (1965, 227) and ThLL 1, s. v. Albillus, 1510.39 – 1512.13 (Jacobsohn). ‖ A debtor of →Afer, mentioned together with →Coranus, →Mancinus, →Titius, →Sabinus1 and →Serranus, a tedious enumeration of seemingly fictional characters, reinforced by homoioteleuton (‐inus, -anus). According to Lorenz (2004, 271), there is a perceptible wordplay between the colour connotations of Albinus and Afer (‘African’). Bibliography: Lorenz 2004, 271; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 287. rms

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Alcestis 4.75.6. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἄλκηστις. ‖ Wife of Admetus, king of Pherae, who chose to die in his place. This story is the theme of a homonymous tragedy by Euripides; cf. also Pl. Smp. 179; D. S. 4.52.2; Apollod. 1.9.15; Culex 262; Hyg. Fab. 51; 243.4; Ov. Tr. 5.14.37; Pont. 3.1.105 – 106; Serv. A. 3.46; 4.694. For the image of her as an exemplary wife, see Thornton 1997, 182– 183; 263. ‖ Martial compares →Nigrina’s proof of conjugal love with →Euhadne’s and Alcestis’ suicides. For the proverbiality of Alcestis’ love, cf. Prop. 2.6.23; Juv. 6.652– 653. Alcestis and Euhadne are frequently mentioned together with →Penelope in catalogues of devoted wives: cf. Ov. Tr. 5.14.35 – 40; Pont. 3.1.106 – 112. ‖ →Euhadne, →Nigrina. Bibliography: Moreno Soldevila 2006, 491; LIMC 1.1, s. v. Alkestis, 533 – 544 (Schmidt), 1.2, 399 – 408; RE 1.1, s. v. Admetos 1, 377– 380 (Wentzel); Vallat 2008, 133. rms

Alcides1 Sp. 19(16b).2; 5.65.2,16; 6.68.8; 7.50.5; 9.3.11; 9.25.7; 9.34.6; 9.44.1; 9.64.6; 9.65.1; 9.101.3,11; 14.178.2. ‖ ᾿Aλκείδης. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Before receiving his name Ἡρακλῆς (‘glory of Hera’), Hercules was known by a patronymic refering to his grandfather, Alceus (cf. Apollod. 2.4). In addition, there is “una paretimologia antica” (Canobbio 2011, 505) relating the name with ἀλκή, ‘strength’, ‘prowess’. The epithet is widely used in poetry, mainly for metrical reasons. ‖ See the details in →Hercules. amc

Alcides2 Sp. 19(16b).2. ‖ Real character (named after a mythological one). ‖ ᾿Aλκείδης. ‖ A bestiarius or rather a damnatus, staging a mythological combat with a bull in the arena disguised as →Hercules, in a venatio or in a damnatio ad bestias. For the mythical name and its connotations, see →Alcides1. Solin records 15 instances of the name Alcides in Rome, of which 8 are definitely slaves for certain (the fragmentary –––cides of CIL 6.33260 might be added to these; Solin 1982, 1343). ‖ Alcides is more frequently used than Hercules in Martial’s epigrams (14 and 7 instances respectively), both as exempla (σύγκρισις) beaten by the emperor or the bestiarius →Carpophorus (cf. 9.101.11, where Hercules is considered, in comparison to Domitian, a minor Alcides; cf. Vallat 2005, 122– 123; 2008, 195 – 196). ‖ Tertullian (Apologeticus 15.5) relates two spectacles involving capital punishment staged as a mythological episode, an →Attis condemned to castration and a Hercules condemned to being burned at the stake: Vidimus aliquando castratum Attin, illum deum ex Pessinunte, et qui vivus ardebat, Herculem induerat (cf. Coleman 1990, 44). In Sp. 19(16b) the legendary rape of →Europe is compared to a contemporary spectacle in which an “Alcides” is charged at and

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tossed into the air by a bull (parodically catasterized: 2 at nunc Alciden in astra tulit). Of the two bulls mentioned in the poem, the metamorphosed Jupiter and the bull of the emperor’s spectacle, the latter beats the former (imperial munificence is better than legend itself), inasmuch as both carried a similar burden (4 par onus ut tulerint) but this took it higher (4 altius iste tulit). Although some scholars believe that the spectacle alluded to in the poem implied the use of a machine to lift the bull riden by a bestiarius, it is more likely that the man, a damnatus, was butted by the horns of the bull (Moreno Soldevila 2012). ‖ →Carpophorus, →Europe, →Hercules. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 501– 505; Coleman 1990, 44– 46; 2006, 153 – 154; Moreno Soldevila 2012. amc

Alcimus1 1.88.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ Ἄλκιμος. ‖ The name recalls Gr. ἀλκή, ‘strength’, ‘prowess’, ‘courage’ (cf. →Alcides1), and especially the adjective ἄλκιμος, ‘stout’, ‘brave’. The name was quite common and widespread (LGPN records 143 instances; and Solin [1982, 758 – 759] 65, alongside the similar forms Alcime, Alcimas, Alcimilla, Alcimion; 1982, 1356: Alcimianus); it was a common slave name. Cf. ThLL 1, s. v. Alcimus, 1517.16 – 80 (Diehl). ‖ The protagonist of this funerary poem is a young slave of Martial’s who died prematurely (mors immatura). As remarked by Canobbio (2011, 497) and Vallat (2008, 47), there is nothing to suggest that he is not a real character. In 5.64 the name will be used again, this time applied to a minister (see →Alcimus2, for the possibility that they refer to the same person). ‖ In this epigram Martial portrays himself offering the dead slave a proper burial: not in the form of a stone monument, which can end up in ruins (3 non Pario nutantia pondera saxo), but in the form of an imperishable and renewed (8 perpetuo tempore) testimony of his affection, which can be bestowed only by nature (5 – 6 sed faciles buxos et opacas palmitis umbras / quaeque virent lacrimis roscida prata meis), a cepotaphium (Gr. κηποτάφιον): a tomb located in a garden with the typical features of the locus amoenus; cf. Petr. 71.7. Whether faciles is used in the sense of ‘common’, “in opposizione alla materia pregiata (Parium saxum) indicata sopra per i sepolcri lussuosi”, or it refers to the fact that “il bosso si presta agevolmente ad assumere le varie fogge che il giardiniere desidera”, these tender shoots evoke the dead youth, passed away in the prime of life (Citroni 1975, 277). Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 497; Citroni 1975, 271– 274; Garrido-Hory 1981, 168; PIR 2 A492 (Stein); RE 1.2, s. v. Alkimos 16, 1543 (Rohden); Vallat 2008, 45 – 47. amc

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Alcimus2 5.64.2. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ For the name, see →Alcimus1. ‖ For obvious chronological reasons the identification of this character with the one mourned in 1.88 is not clear. Citroni (1975, 271– 274) summarises the different hypotheses: 1) 1.88 was written after 5.64 and inserted in a later edition of book 1; 2) Martial gave the name of a previously deceased slave to another servant (Dau 1887, 70); 3) the name of 5.64 is a “nome fittizio”. The last possibility is favoured by Citroni (1975, 274, agreeing with Friedländer’s index, s. v.), inasmuch as “in V 64 il bel nome greco si affianca ad un altro nome greco significativo, Callistus, per indicare due coppieri in una scena simposiaca fortemente idealizzata: è molto probabile che entrambi i nomi siano fittizi”; yet, even if this is a logical inference when dealing with significant names, “si deve però tener conto del fatto che questi schiavi favoriti (…) avevano tutti dei nomi significativi (Erotion, Pantagathus, Glaucias, Eutychos), che sono probabilmente dei soprannomi. Non si può perciò escludere con sicurezza la realtà dei soprannomi di V 64” (ibid.). In this epigram, Alcimus and →Callistus are asked to prepare the wine for Martial, who advises to enjoy life in view of the proximity of death, symbolised by the Mausoleum of →Augustus1: 5 Tam vicina iubent nos vivere Mausolea (cf. 2.59; 5.20; 5.58; Hor. Carm. 1.11, 1.9, 2.14). It might be possible that Martial is recalling a scene from the past and his longed-for Alcimus. The symbolic connotations of the names of the slaves (‘strength’, ‘beauty’) together with the allusion to Augustus would further evoke the levelling power of death. ‖ →Callistus, →Alcimus1. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 271– 274; Canobbio 2011, 497; Vallat 2008, 45 – 47. amc

Alcinous 4.64.29; 7.42.6; 10.94.2; 12.31.10 (cf. 8.68.1). ‖ Mythological character. ‖ ᾿Aλκίνοος. ‖ King of the Phaeacians in the Odyssey, who hosted Ulysses and helped him return to Ithaca. ‖ Martial mentions this legendary king several times, especially in descriptions of country estates, with the connotations both of hospitality and land fertility. In 4.64 Martial describes the farm of →Iulius Martialis in the Ianiculum (present-day Monte Mario): the house is so hospitable that one may think it the home of Alcinous or →Molorchus (also renowned for his hospitality towards another hero, →Hercules). According to Maselli (1995, 58), these mythological allusions pay homage to Julius Martialis’ literary taste and generosity. In fact, Alcinous is a paradigm of liberality: cf. Ov. Pont. 2.9.42 munifici… Alcinoi. The allusion to Alcinous also suggests the fertility of the land, since his fruit gardens—like the ones of the →Hesperides—were also renowned for their productivity: Hom. Od. 7.112– 132; cf. Verg. G. 2.87 pomaque et Alcinoi silvae; Serv. ad loc.; Ov. Am. 1.10.56 praebeat Alcinoi poma benignus ager!; Stat. Silv. 1.3.81 bifera Alcinoi… pomaria; Priap. 60.2; Plin. Nat. 19.49; Juv. 5.151. In 7.42 Martial compares →Castricus to Alcinous: when asked why he sends poems to Castricus, he wonders whether nobody ever sent fruits to Alcinous, a clear parody of Ov.

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Pont. 4.2.9 – 10 Quis… / … poma det Alcinoo? This is “a set phrase to express the idea of ‘giving someone something he does not need’” (Galán Vioque 2002, 275). In 10.94 Martial sends an unnamed friend fruits bought in the marketplace, since his own land is not as fruitful as the gardens of Alcinous or the Hesperides. Epigram 12.31 describes the land he has received from →Marcella in Spain: if →Nausicaa offered him the gardens of her father, he would tell Alcinous that he preferred his own. The idea that something is preferable to Alcinous’ riches, presents or garden seems to be a cliché: cf. Prop. 1.14.23 – 24 quae mihi dum placata aderit, non ulla verebor / regna vel Alcinoi munera despicere. In 8.68.1 the allusion to Alcinous is indirect: he is called Corcyraeus… rex, since Corcyra (Corfu) was identified with the Homeric island of Scheria (Th. 1.25.4; Plin. Nat. 4.52; Serv. A. 3.291; see Leary 2001, 88; Schöffel 2002, 573 n. 6). In this case, it is →Entellus’ greenhouse that is preferable to Alcinous’ pomaria. A similar expression can be found in 13.37.1 (Corcyraei… horti). For allusions to the Odyssey in Martial’s epigrams, see Cristóbal 1994, 66 – 69. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 335 (Raschle); Galán Vioque 2002, 275; Leary 2001, 88; LIMC 1.1, s. v. Alkinoos, 544– 545 (Touchefeu-Meynier), 1.2, 409; Mindt 2013a, 518 – 520; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 447; Otto 1890, 12, s. v. Alcinous; RE 1.2, s. v. Alkinoos 1, 1144– 1147 (Tümpel); Schöffel 2002, 573 – 574; Vallat 2008, 138. rms

Alcon 6.70.6; 11.84.5. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Ἄλκων. ‖ Physician, chirurgus or vulnerum medicus. Alcon was the name of a famous surgeon in the times of Claudius (Plin. Nat. 29.22), perhaps the same man who witnessed the assassination of Caligula (cf. J. AJ 19.157; PIR2 A493). For the name, see Solin (1982, 459), who records six instances in Rome, three of which are names of slaves or freedmen. There are eleven instances of the name in LGPN. Cf. also ThLL 1, s. v. Alco, 1520.55 – 59 (Diehl), referring also to J. AJ 19.1.20 ᾿Aλϰύων. ‖ According to Kay (1985, 243 – 244), Martial takes the name to make his character universally recognisable as a doctor (Ausonius also uses the name in Ep. 80 – 81 [Peiper], entitled: De Alcone medico qui haruspicem vaniloquum fecit and De signo Iovis tacto ab Alcone medico). According to Vallat (2008, 95), this Alcon would not be an invented character. In the epigrams there are 16 physicians with Greek names (Alcon, →Cinnamus1, →Criton, →Dasius2, →Diaulus, →Eros2, →Euctus, →Heras, →Hermes2, →Hermocrates, →Herodes, →Hippocrates, →Hygia, →Hyginus, →Sotas, →Symmachus); to whom →Machaon (2.16.5), a metonymy, or →Podalirius (10.56.7), used in a similar way, must be added. ‖ The name appears twice in Martial’s epigrams. In 6.70 the sexagenarian →Cotta2 enjoys perfect health (3 – 4 nec se taedia lectuli calentis / expertum meminit die vel uno), so that he has no need for doctors. What is more, he has never been ill because he has always avoided quacks like Alcon, Dasius or Symmachus, whom he rightly despises: 5 ostendit digitum, sed impudicum. Epigram 11.84 is an attack on the barber (tonsor) →Antiochus:

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he inflicts worse wounds than the ecstatic worshippers of →Cybele (3 – 4), or the punishments of →Prometheus, →Pentheus and →Orpheus (9 – 12); compared to him, Alcon seems a careful surgeon: 5 – 6 mitior implicitas Alcon secat enterocelas / fractaque fabrili dedolat ossa manu. Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 453; Kay 1985, 243 – 244; PIR 2 A493 (Stein); RE 1.2, s. v. Alcon 14, 1579 (Wellman); Vallat 2008, 94– 95. amc

Alexander →Pellaeus.

Alexis1 5.16.12; 6.68.6; 7.29.7; 8.55.12; 8.73.10. ‖ Real or literary character. ‖ Puer delicatus. ‖ Ἄλεξις. ‖ In the Greek Anthology this is a recurrent name for a young lover. Here it is the name of the puer delicatus of Virgil (→Vergilius); according to most authors, he was a gift from Asinius Pollio (cf. Don. Vita Verg. 9; Apul. Apol. 10; Serv. Ecl. 2.1) and was called Alexander. Martial is the only one who affirms that he was a present from →Maecenas. Martial alludes to this present in 8.55.12, where he protests that there are no illustrious poets in his time because they receive no reward, and mentions the help and the gift provided by Maecenas to Virgil: ‘accipe divitias et vatum maximus esto; / tu licet et nostrum’ dixit ‘Alexin ames’; in 5.16.12 there is a similar complaint about the lack of contemporary literary patronage compared to the patronage of →Augustus1, when the minimum reward for a poet was an Alexis. Maecenas and Virgil are also alluded to in 7.29.7, where Martial addresses →Thestylus, a favourite of his friend →Voconius Victor (cf. 8.63; →Alexis2), asking him to look for the right occasion to read him his poems: Maecenas, although very interested in Virgil’s poems on Alexis, paid attention to the poetry of →Marsus as well. The puer delicatus also becomes a motive of literary inspiration in 8.73.10, a literary poem on the reasons for writing poetry, where Martial catalogues Rome’s most famous poets together with their respective inspirational lovers; love is what sharpens the literary talent: Martial concludes that Mantua (native home of Virgil) would not scorn him as a poet if he had an Alexis; according to Schöffel, Alexis stands here for bucolic poetry. Finally, in 6.68.6 Alexis appears simply as the puer delicatus of Virgil in a lament for the death of →Eutychus, a slave of his friend →Castricus who had drowned and who was his ‘Alexis’. It must be borne in mind that in Ecl. 2 Alexis was the beloved of Corydon, a likely alter ego of Virgil (Laguna Mariscal 2011a, 344). Precisely because of this, Howell suspects the real existence of Alexis. ‖ →Alexis2, →Vergilius. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 217; Galán Vioque 2002, 208 – 213; Grewing 1997, 442– 443; Howell 1995, 94; Wolff 2012, 324– 325; RE 1.2, s. v. Alexis 6 (v. Rohden); Schöffel 2002, 479; Vallat 2008, 222. jfv

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Alexis2 8.63.2. ‖ Real character. ‖ Ἄλεξις. ‖ For the presence of this Greek name in Rome, see Solin 1996, vol. 2, 243. ‖ Although he shares his name with →Alexis1, he is likely to be the puer delicatus of a contemporary poet, as Shackleton Bailey explains in his apparatus criticus: Hic quoque vivi poetae παιδικὰ esse debuit, quamvis nomine ad Ecl. 2,1 revocemur. He is mentioned together with →Thestylus and →Hyacinthus2, other poets’ pueri delicati loved by Aulus →Pudens. ‖ →Alexis1. Bibliography: Schöffel 2002, 526 – 528; Vallat 2008, 48. jfv

Alfius 9.95.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Ἄλφιος. ‖ Also spelt Alphius. On the manuscript variants, cf. Henriksén 2012, 370: “most of the manuscripts have the reading with ph or deteriorated variants (Alpicius, Olficius, Colphius, etc.; see the apparatus of Lindsay). This was emended by Heraeus, for want of a better explanation, to Alfius… Olfius, with reference to the Roman gentilicium Alfius, and as a transcription of the Greek name ᾿Aλφεῖος, giving the Latin Alphīus, would ruin the metre”. Although the nomen gentilicium Alfius is very frequent (ThLL 1, s. v. Alfius, 1539.53 – 1540.70 [Otto]), Henriksén prefers the spelling Alphius (1998, 146, and vid. infra). Cf. Solin (1982, 640), who records nine instances, most of which belong to slaves and freedmen. The Greek name Ἄλφιος is found four times in LGPN and is attested in literature (Paus. 10.25.3). ‖ The name appears once in Martial’s Epigrams, in one of his most controversial poems: 9.95.1 Alfius ante fuit, coepit nunc Olfius esse, a transformation triggered by the wedding of →Athenagoras. There are two different positions regarding the unity of the characters in the epigram. 1) Alfius Athenagoras is a single character who has undergone a change as a result of his marriage (Crusius 1906, 159; Stowasser 1909, 150; Pertsch 1911, 46; Smyly 1947, 81– 82; Dornseiff 1953; Carrington 1954, 127– 128; Watson 1983; Shackleton Bailey 1993, who believes that Alfius is a Roman freedman; Eden 1994, who thinks that Alphius is a nickname of Athenagoras). 2) There are two different characters: Alfius was a friend or lover of Athenagoras, after whose wedding he feels neglected (cf. e. g. Calderini 1474; Mussehl 1923, 238 – 239; Barwick 1932, 65; Joepgen 1967, 118; Henriksén 1999 ad loc.; Vallat 2002; 2008, 588). In addition to that, the evolution from Alfius to Olfius has been interpreted, broadly speaking, in two different ways: 1) an etymological interpretation, according to which the Greek terms behind the names account for the joke (Calderini 1474; Lemaire 1825; Schnur 1955; Watson 1983; Pastor de Arozena 1991; 1994; Shackleton Bailey 1993); 2) an alphabetical interpretation, based on the play with Α/Ω (present in Alphius and Olphius) denoting the ‘first’ and the ‘last’ (Crusius ibid.; Mussehl ibid.; Barwick ibid.; Vallat 2008, 586 – 588). Within the etymological trend, there have been diverse interpretations. 1.1) Calderini explains the names as follows: Alfius (or Alphicus), a significant name, would derive from ἀλφός, ‘white leprosy’ (“Calderini

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suppose donc qu’Alfius est le mot désignant le médecin spécialisé soignant l’alphos”, Vallat 2008, 585), and Olfius would refer to olfacere: Porro ducta uxore coepit lingere cunnum… unde factus est olficius, hoc est olfacit cunnum. This explanation is endorsed by Lemaire 1825, Shackleton Bailey 1993 ad loc., or Fernández Valverde/Ramírez de Verger 1997 ad loc., among others. There is, in fact, a hint of this in the following epigram (9.95b): a certain →Callistratus, elsewhere portrayed as a shameful homosexual, believes that the Athenagoras of the previous epigram is a friend of his, who, according to Martial, peccat (peccare usually appears in sexual context, also related to the os impurum: cf. 2.50.1; 3.85.2). 1.2) Schnur (1955, 51) proposed the emendations Albius and Olbius, derived from Gr. ὄλβιος, ‘rich’ (Athenagoras would have become rich after marrying an uxor dotata). The change in sexual orientation and in financial situation could be compatible in the light of similar epigrams: e. g. 7.51 (→Achillas); 9.80 (→Gellius). 1.3) Watson (1983, 258 – 260) links Alphius with ἀλφάνω, ἀλφή (‘gain’) and emends Olphius into Ophlius, relating it with ὀφλισκάνω, ‘become a debtor’, interpreting that Athenagoras has been ruined after marrying a spendthrift wife; an opinion refuted by Vallat (“une épouse ruineuse est même une image rare chez Martial ou Juvénal”, “le véritable topos de la femme ruinant l’homme apparaît d’ordinaire hors du cadre marital, c’est-à-dire chez les courtisanes” [2008, 586]) and Henriksén (“Ophlius would ruin the neat parallelism between Alphius and Olphius” [1999, 147]). 2) Among the supporters of the etymological interpretation, Vallat (2002; 2008, 585 – 588) believes that Alfius would have been an intimate friend (not necessarily a lover) of Athenagoras, neglected after his friend’s wedding: the change from Alfius to Olfius could be explained as a wordplay based on “réinterprétation bilingue du nom latin Alfius à partir d’alpha-oméga” (Vallat 2008, 588). He suggests the same origin for this wordplay and the Α/Ω of John’s Apocalypsis: “une expression grecque, non basée sur le système numéral grec, mais assez proverbiale pour être connue à la fois dans les cercles lettrés de Rome et les îles du Dodécanèse” (2008, 586). 3) Henriksén offers a convincing eclectic interpretation: he agrees with Barwick on the fact that “Alphius is the lover of Athenagoras, but, as the latter marries, he loses his status as jeune premier and becomes Olphius” (147), but he defends the spelling Alphius, adducing CIL 6.15509, 6.25370 and 6.11500, in the belief that “choosing this Greekish spelling here, Martial may have wanted to give a clue to the proper understanding of the epigram as a play on the Greek α and ω” (146); additionally, he develops Calderini’s hypothesis, according to which Alphius would derive from ἀλφός, but in the sense of ‘white’, inasmuch as “the Romans considered those indulging in sexual vices as becoming pale from their lewd practice” (148). He paraphrases the epigram as follows: “Alphius, the pale wretch and prime lover of Athenagoras, has now become the very last, since Athenagoras took a wife and became a hen-pecked husband” (1999, 48). ‖ →Athenagoras. Bibliography: Barwick 1932, 65; Carrington 1954; Crusius 1906; Dornseiff 1953; Eden 1994; Henriksén 1999, 146 – 149; 2012, 366 – 370; Joepgen 1967, 118; Lemaire 1825, 462; Mussehl 1923; Pastor de Arozena

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1991; 1991a; 1993; 1994; 2001; Pertsch 1911, 46; Schnur 1955, 51; Smyly 1947; Stowasser 1909, 150; Vallat 2002; 2008, 585 – 588; L. Watson 1983, 258 – 260. amc

Alfius Athenagoras →Alfius, →Athenagoras.

Almo 10.91.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Almo is not a frequent personal name: there is an Almo in Virgil’s Aeneid (7.532; 7.575). ‖ Martial’s Almo has only eunuchs and he is also impotent, but complains that his wife →Polla2 does not bear children. The underlying joke is that if he had fertile slaves she would become pregnant (obviously not by him). The term Almo appears also in 3.47.2 (Phrygiumque Matris Almo qua lavat ferrum) as the name of river Almo, present-day Aquataccio, tributary of the Tiber, on whose waters a ritual bath of a statue of →Cybele took place (cf. Ov. Fast. 4.340; Luc. 1.600; V. Fl. 8.238 – 239; Sil. 8.363; Stat. Silv. 5.1.223). According to Pavanello and Vallat, in 10.91 Martial makes a mimetic use of the name, because the priests of Cybele were eunuchs (cf. 11.84.3 – 4). Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 322– 323 (Hessen); Pavanello 1994, 172; Vallat 2008, 340 – 341. jfv

Alphius →Alfius.

Amazonicus 4.42.16. ‖ Real character. ‖ A rare Greek name: cf. Solin 1996, 348 and 1982, 527, recording three instances (an eques and two slaves; cf. 1982, 527– 528 for some related names: Amazon[e], Amazonius, Amazonia). According to Moreno Soldevila (2006, 318), the name recalls →Hippolytus, son of →Theseus and Hippolyta, queen of the Amazons (or Antiope). ‖ Egyptian puer delicatus of →Flaccus1, friend of Martial’s, described in detail in epigram 4.42. La Penna (1992, 362) suggests that Amazonicus could be a nickname for a slave called Hippolytus, but this is unnecesary. The name may bear the connotations of purity and beauty (cf. 8.46.2, →Cestus). Martial describes the ideal puer delicatus, apparently giving free rein to his imagination, but, at the end of the poem, Flaccus remarks that he has recognized his Amazonicus in the portrait: 16 Talis erat… noster Amazonicus. According to Moreno Soldevila (2006, 319), “Amazonicus’ rare beauty is a symbol of his master’s taste and social status”. The past tense suggests that the puer has reached virilitas or that he has passed

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away. There is no allusion to mors immatura, but “the mention of the owner is an essential element in slaves’ funerary epigrams” (Moreno Soldevila 2006, 309, who refers to 6.28.3 and 6.29.2). There is a likely play with this ambiguity, inasmuch as adulthood, with the loss of the status of delicatus, could provoke in the dominus a similar feeling to the death of his puer. ‖ →Flaccus1. Bibliography: La Penna 1992, 362; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 318 – 319; PIR 2 A556 (Stein). amc

Amillus 7.62.1,5. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Ἅμιλλος, ῎Αμιλλος. ‖ The name is more frequently spelt with h. For its occurrence in Rome, see Solin 1996, 548. ‖ A hypocrite who openly performs socially accepted sexual practices so as to conceal other unmentionable acts. ‖ Manuscripts PQf read amille, and γL anulle; Friedländer, Shackleton Bailey and Galán Vioque prefer to edit Hamillus; the latter adduces a homonymous character featuring in Juvenal’s satires (10.224), a homosexual teacher who sexually abuses his pupils. Friedländer and Shackleton Bailey thought that Martial could refer to a real person (cf. CIL 4.3710; 3711), but the fictionality of Martial’s Hamillus is defended by Panciera 2011. Bibliography: Ferguson 1987, 23, 109; Galán Vioque 2002, 62; Panciera 2011; RE 7.2, s. v. Hamillus, 2309 (Stein). jfv

Ammianus 2.4.1,2; 2.17.4; 4.70.1,4 (var. lect. Mammianus). ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A common name (see Kajanto 1965, 140). ‖ Ammianus appears in three satirical epigrams. In 2.4 Martial suspects that he has an incestuous relationship with his mother, because they call each other ‘brother’ and ‘sister’. In 4.70 he has been disinherited by his father: the reason for this hostility is obscure, but clarified by comparison with 2.4. In 2.17 Martial addresses a joke to him about a tonstrix, who is really a prostitute. Bibliography: Moreno Soldevila 2006, 472; Williams 2004, 35, 82. rms

Amoenus 12.66.3,10. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The cognomen, particularly frequent among slaves, freedmen and people of lowly origins, suggests ‘sweetness’ (Kajanto 1965, 64, 73, 134, 282; ThLL 1, s. v. Amoenus, 1965.4– 39 [Otto]). ‖ The name appears once, in an epigram of book 12. Amoenus tries to sell a house for twice its real price, concealing its true

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value by means of a luxurious decoration. However, the furniture is so extravagantly ostentatious that Martial concludes that Amoenus is selling the house cheaply (ironically presuming that he is selling it furnished: instructam). Martial plays with the connotations of the name (‘charming’) and the enticing decoration of the property. Usually applied to places, the adjective amoenus can also allude to a luxurious way of life (ThLL 1, s. v. amoenus, 1964.39 – 47 [Burger]: de luxurioso cultu vitae). Bibliography: Giegengack 1969, 73; Vallat 2008, 485, 596. rms

Amor 8.50.13. ‖ See →Cupido.

Amphion 12.75.5. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ ᾿Aμφίων. ‖ The name has mythological evocations: among other legendary characters, Amphion was the son of Zeus and Antiope. He founded Thebes with the help of his brother Zethus (the former strummed the lyre while the latter built the walls to the sound of music, complementary personifications of contemplation and action). Cf. Hom. Od. 11.260 – 265; Apollod. 3.10.1. It was a very common Greek name in Rome. Solin (1982, 459 – 461) records nearly one hundred instances of Amphio and related variants (cf. ibid. 1357: Zetus Amphio 6.29633, slave of the first century AD). ‖ The name appears once in Martial’s epigrams, in a catalogue of pueri delicati, “une sorte de harem imaginaire” (Vallat 2008, 48), which he prefers to an uxor dotata (8 quam dotis mihi quinquies ducena). A line is devoted to each of the five mentioned boys: 1 →Polytimus, 2 →Hypnus, 3 →Secundus4, 4 →Dindymus, 5 Amphion. The poet’s tastes include a vast range of possibilities, from the heterosexual Polytimus (1 Festinat Polytimus ad puellas) to Amphion, who is undistinguishable from a girl (5 Amphion potuit puella nasci), including Hypnus and Dindymus, who do not want to be what they are—a boy (puer) and an effeminate (mollis)—and in the middle of the catalogue, the only Roman name, Secundus (3 pastas glande natis habet Secundus). The notion of gender ambiguity could be conveyed in the component ἀμφι- of the name. In another place Martial described his ideal puer as the happy medium: 2.36.4 nolo virum nimium… nolo parum. The ideal lover would be the sum of these five delicate, fickle and haughty boys (6 – 7 delicias superbiamque / et fastus querulos). Vallat (2008, 48) aptly summarises the melancholic and oneiric tone of this epigram: “Cette épigramme appartient au livre 12, écrit en Espagne. Martial donne l’impression d’y faire un récapitulatif des garçons aimés (…), les garçons qu’il a aimés,

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ou qu’il aurait aimés, car nous sommes à la lisière du réel et de l’imaginaire”. ‖ →Dindymus, →Hypnus, →Polytimus, →Secundus4. Bibliography: Vallat 2008, 48. amc

Amyntas 11.41.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ ᾿Aμύντας. ‖ The name has strong pastoral reminiscences, for it is recurrent in Theocritus and Virgil’s Eclogues, as is →Iollas, present also in Mart. 11.41.7 (they feature together in Virgil’s second Eclogue: 2.39 Amyntas, 2.57 Iollas). It is one of the many Virgilian names featuring in the Epigrams (cf. e. g. →Alexis1, →Galatea2, →Thestylis, →Tityrus, etc.), in this case applied to a Martialesque character: “lorsqu’il nomme un berger Amyntas (…), il crée un personnage martialien; il participe à la perpétuation d’un type, mais non d’un référent notoire” (Vallat 2008, 376). For the name, see ThLL 1, s. v. Amyntas, 2031.1– 26 (Otto); PIR 2 A572– 575 (Stein, Groag); Solin (1982, 199), recording five instances in Rome. 336 instances of the name can be found in LGPN. ‖ In 11.41 Amyntas is a swineherd who dies while trying to feed his herd on acorns. With the names Iollas and Amyntas, the poet creates a pastoral atmosphere, and the poem ends with an unexpected address to the puer delicatus →Lygdus. These proper names “permettent de planter un décor, de recréer une atmosphère que Martial délaisse pourtant rapidement” (Vallat 2008, 378). About the development of the epigram and its variegated tones, Vallat notes: “commence en bucolique, se poursuit en tragédie, voire en fragment d’épitaphe, pour s’achever sur une note gnomique, comme une fable” (2008, 377– 378). This epigram belongs to a type describing unusual, unexpected deaths—a frequent topic in the Greek Anthology—, like the one of →Hylas2 (3.19) or the puer in 4.18. “These instances are presumably of a fictive nature, but interest in unusual deaths is also found in inscriptional epitaphs (…). But it must be admitted that real deaths rarely matched the fictive ones for bizarrerie or downright silliness” (Kay 1985, 158 – 159). Kay also links this epigram with AP 7.622. The meaning of this epigram is completed with the following: 1– 2 Vivida cum poscas epigrammata, mortua ponis / lemmata (Kay 1985, 159). ‖ →Iollas, →Lygdus. Bibliography: Kay 1985, 158 – 159; Vallat 2008, 376, 377– 378, 389, 390; 2009. amc

Anchialus? 11.94.8. ‖ Real character? ‖ As a personal name Anchialus is recorded both in inscriptions (e.g. CIL 6.5452; 7175; 9288; 21687, etc.) and in literature (e.g. Cic. Divin. 2.88; Fam. 13.23; 13.45), but it is also a toponym (it is, for instance, the name of a city in the Black Sea region: cf. Mela 2.22; Ov. Tr. 1.10.36; Plin. Nat. 4.45). ‖ This is one of

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the most puzzling passages in Martial. Poem 11.94 is an attack on an unnamed Jewish poet (verpe poeta), who is accused of plagiarism and of raping the speaker’s puer. He defends himself from the accusation by swearing by Jupiter →Tonans1, and Martial replies that he should swear by Anchialus: iura, verpe, per Anchialum. Shackleton Bailey (1978, 291), basing his interpretation on Humanistic commentaries, suggests that Martial is referring to the town of Anchiale in Cilicia, where the tomb of →Sardanapallus was located: “The libertine from Jerusalem is told that he should be swearing, not by Jupiter’s temple on the Capitol (note that Martial does not say ‘by Jupiter’), but by the oriental city where the proverbial type of sensuality lay buried”. He also adds: “The reader may also infer, if he likes, that the boy too was called ‘Anchialus,’ a common slave name” (ibid.). Zeichmann (2015, 115 n. 9) summarises the different hypotheses proposed: “Suggestions include several conjectural emendations (…), a Jewish oath used in the city of Anchialus, anti-Jewish slurs, a reference to the Jerusalem temple, the tomb of the licentious King Sardanapalus, Martial’s guess as to the Lord’s name, and many others. The personal name Anchialus, however, is well attested among Roman lower classes, lending the greatest plausibility to the suggestion that it was the name of the young lover in the romance triangle”. Schäfer (1997, 252 n. 7), who also summarises other proposals, adds a further conjecture: Archelaus. Eden (1988, 121), offering a different clue, relates the Greek term ἀγχίαλος, the “god beside the sea-side”, with →Priapus. Further summaries and discussions of the different interpretations can be found in Socas 2006, 343 n. 39 and Vallat 2008, 551– 555. Bibliography: Eden 1988, 121; Kay 1985, 259 – 260; Leanza 1973; Shackleton Bailey 1978, 291; 1989, 145 – 146; Schäfer 1997, 252 n. 7; Socas 2006, 343 n. 39; Vallat 2008, 551– 555; Zeichmann 2015, 114– 115. rms

Anci →Ancus Marcius.

Ancus Marcius 9.27.6. ‖ Historical or legendary character. ‖ The fourth king of Rome. ‖ 640 – 617 BC. ‖ Enn. Ann. 3.137; Cic. Rep. 2.33; Verg. A. 6.715; Hor. Carm. 4.7.5; Ep. 1.6.26; Liv. 1.32– 34; Ov. Fast. 6.803; Juv. 5.57; Tac. Ann. 3.26.15. ‖ He is mentioned once in an attack on →Chrestus, a shameful homosexual who is always talking about the great men from the past as paradigms of Roman virtue (like the →Curii, →Camilli, →Quintii); among them, he quotes the Anci (generalising plural), that is, Ancus Marcius, who is cited after his grandfather →Numa1.

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Bibliography: Henriksén 1998, 147 (= 2012, 119); RE 14.2, s. v. Marcius 9, 1543 (Münzer); Vallat 2008, 141– 142. jfv

Andragoras 6.53.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ ᾿Aνδραγόρας. ‖ The name is not very frequently attested (Pape/Benseler 1875 record it in two inscriptions, although there are eleven instances in LGPN). In Latin it appears only in Iustinus’ epitome of Pompeius Trogus, as the name of two prefects of Alexander (12.4.12; 41.4.7). See RE 1.2, s. v. Andragoras 1– 2, 2133 (Wilcken). ‖ In Martial’s epigram 6.53 Andragoras is a healthy man who dies after dreaming about his physician →Hermocrates. Both four-syllable Greek names appear at the final position of their respective lines (2, 4). The epigram is based on a distich by Lucilius (AP 11.257) and there might be a wordplay between the names of the protagonists: Martial’s Hermocrates recalls Hermogenes (Ἑρμογένης), and both evoke the god Hermes (Watson/Watson 2003, 288); perhaps the name Andragoras is a witty variation on Lucilius Διόφαντος (Andr- ‘man’; Dio- ‘God’). ‖ The archetype of the third manuscript family (γ) reads Andragorus (Gr. ᾿Aνδράγορος), which is metrically impossible. ‖ →Hermocrates. Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 357. rms

Andromache 3.76.4; 5.53.2; cf. 2.41.14; 10.90.6; 11.104.14. ‖ ᾿Aνδρομάχη. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Wife of →Hector, daughter-in-law of Priam (→Priamus) and →Hecuba. ‖ Cf. Hom. Il. Andromache gave title to tragedies by Euripides and →Ennius, and was a leading character in other tragedies such as the Troades by →Seneca1. Cf. also Verg. A. 2.456; 3.297; 3.303; 3.319; 3.482; 3.487; Ov. Am. 1.9.35; Ep. 5.107; 8.13; Ars 2.645; 2.709; 3.109, 3.519; Rem. 383; Tr. 1.6.19; 5.14.37; Epic. Drusi. 319. ‖ In three epigrams she is mentioned together with her mother-in-law, Hecuba, twice as paradigms of youth and old age respectively: 3.76.4 is an attack on →Bassus1, who prefers old women to young ones: cum possis Hecaben, non potes Andromachen; 10.90.6 is an attack on →Ligeia, who is rebuked for her sexual desires, which do not become the mater Hectoris but rather his uxor (Andromache is referred to indirectly). In 2.41.14 they are described as grieving and mourning Hector’s death: the epigram is addressed to →Maximina, a toothless woman who Martial advises to have a more serious expression than the wife of Priam and his nurus maior (her name is not mentioned here either); Ov. Ars 3.517– 520 had already highlighted this feature, which made her utterly unattractive in erotic terms (cf. Rem. 383 – 386). For Andromache’s mourning, cf. also Verg. A. 3.301– 305; Prop. 2.20.2 tristius Andromacha?; Sen. Tro. 907– 908 luget Andromacha Hectorem / et Hecuba Priamum. ‖ She is further set as an example in 11.104.14,

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in this case to criticise a prudish wife showing no interest in sex: among the paradigms of ardent wives, Martial cites Hectoreo quotiens sederat uxor equo (again not mentioning her name), which incited their slaves to masturbate behind the door, an allusion to the figura Veneris of the equus Hectoreus described in Ov. Ars 3.777– 778: Parva vehatur equo: quod erat longissima, numquam / Thebais Hectoreo nupta resedit equo (see also Ars 2.645 – 646 and Juv. 6.503 – 504 for Andromacha as a paradigm of the tall woman; for the equus Hectoreus, see →Hector). See also Prop. 2.22a.31; Ov. Am. 1.9.35 Hector ab Andromaches conplexibus ibat ad arma; Ep. 5.107 felix Andromache, certo bene nupta marito!; Ars 2.709 – 710. ‖ Finally, in 5.53.2 Martial launches another attack on →Bassus1, a writer of bad tragedies: he asks him why he writes about →Colchis, →Thyestes, →Niobe or Andromache. ‖ →Hector, →Hecuba, →Priamus. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 449 – 450; Damschen/Heil 2004, 319 – 320 (Hecker); Fusi 2006, 467– 468; Howell 1995, 137– 138; Kay 1985, 280 – 281; LIMC 1.1, s. v. Andromache 1, 767– 774 (Touchefeu-Meynier), 1.2, 617– 622; Mindt 2013a, 511– 512; RE 1.2, s. v. Andromache 1, 2151– 2152 (Wagner); Vallat 2008, 131, 192– 194; Williams 2004, 153 – 154. jfv

Andromeda Sp. 32.10. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ ᾿Aνδρομέδα. ‖ Daughter of Cepheus, king of the Aethiopians, and Cassiepea, who boasted that she (or her daughter, according to other versions) was more beautiful than the Nereids. These complained to Poseidon, who sent a sea monster to ravage the land. Andromeda was chained to a rock and exposed to the monster in order to placate it. She was rescued by Perseus, who married her. ‖ Andronicus, →Ennius and →Accius wrote an Andromeda, following Euripides’ model. The story can be read in Apollod. 2.4.3; Ov. Met. 4.663 – 764 and Hyg. Fab. 64. ‖ Andromeda is mentioned only once, in an epigram about the glory of →Carpophorus, a courageous beast fighter. Martial catalogues a series of mythological monsters or beasts defeated by legendary heroes (the bull of Marathon, the Nemean lion, the Arcadian boar, the Hydra, the Chimaera, the bulls of →Medea and →Pasiphae), ending with the sea monster—aequorei… monstri—from which →Hesione and Andromeda were rescued by →Hercules and Perseus respectively. All these feats are beaten by Carpophorus’ performance in the amphitheatre, since he dominated twenty beasts at the same time. ‖ →Carpophorus, →Hesione. Bibliography: Coleman 2006, 241; LIMC 1.1, s. v. Andromeda 1, 767– 774, 1.2, 622– 642 (Schauenburg); RE 1.2, s. v. Andromeda, 2154– 2159 (Wernicke). rms

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Anna Perenna 4.64.17. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Goddess or water nymph. ‖ Ovid tells several legends about this deity (Fast. 3.523 – 696): he identifies her with Dido’s sister (3.545 – 656) or with an old woman from Bovillae called Anna (3.663 – 674), among other possibilities. According to Frazer (ad Ov. Fast. 3.675 – 696), Anna could be interpreted as a personification of the year (annus) and the eternal (perennis) cycle of regeneration. On the 15th of March, a spring festival was held in her honour, as a celebration of fertility (Ov. Fast. 3.675 – 696; Frazer 1929 ad loc.; see Newlands 1996, on its carnivalesque nature). Cf. Plin. Nat. 35.94; Sil. 8.49 – 201; Macr. 1.12.6; CIL 12.311; 12.342. ‖ In 4.64 Martial describes the view from the villa of →Iulius Martialis in the Ianiculum (present-day Monte Mario); among the many places that can be seen from this privileged enclave is the grove of Anna Perenna: 16 – 17 et quod virgineo cruore gaudet / Annae pomiferum nemus Perennae. The interpretation of virgineo cruore has puzzled commentators, which has led to many conjectures and emendations (see a detailed discussion in Moreno Soldevila 2006, 441– 443 and Nobili 2008, 343 – 354). The possibilities include allusion to sexual licentiousness during the festival, to a (sacrificial) rite, to the Aqua virgo (several conjectures have been suggested in relation to this), to a fruit garden of pomegranates (Ahl 1985, 317) or even to a ritual offering of the first menstruation (Nobili 2008, 354). According to Lamachia (1958, 382), “accoppiamenti amorosi aventi luogo all’aperto, tra il verde de campi (cf. Fast. III 526 et accumbit cum pare quisque suo). Si tratava de un rito magico primitivo secondo il quale il popolo si propiciaba il risveglio della natura a primavera con atti ligati alla lege della simpatia e della homeopatia, tra cui la celebrazione de matrimoni collettivi a contatto con la natura, esequiti con lo scopo di comunicarle attraverso la fecondazione umana e il magico potere irrogatore del sangue verginale, vigore ed energia vigorizante”. ‖ In 1999, during the construction of an underground car park in the district of Parioli, a fountain dedicated to Anna Perenna was discovered, thus dispelling the doubts about the exact location of her grove. For the description of the archaeological site and new research on Anna Perenna, see, among others, Piranomonte 2001; 2002; 2005; 2009. Bibliography: Ahl 1985, 317; Alton 1924; Assman 1905; Immisch 1928; Lamachia 1958; LIMC 1.1, s. v. Anna Perenna, 794– 795 (Arias); Moreno Soldevila 2006, 441– 443; Newlands 1996; Nobili 2008, 343 – 354; Perea 1998; Piranomonte 2001; 2002; 2005; 2009; Piranomonte/Ricci 2009; Porte 1971; Scheid 2003. rms

Annaeus Serenus 7.45.2; 8.81.11. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Friend and relative of →Seneca1, who dedicated Dial. 2, 8 and 9 to him. He was praefectus vigilum under →Nero and died in AD 62 or 63, just before Seneca, after eating poisoned mushrooms (cf. Plin. Nat. 22.96). Seneca mourned him bitterly: cf. Ep. 63.14; Dial. 9.4.1; cf. Tac. Ann. 13.13, about their friend-

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ship. ‖ In 7.45.2 Martial mentions a portrait of →Caesonius Maximus, who accompanied Seneca into exile when he was banished by the emperor →Claudius, comparing this friendship with that of Annaeus Serenus. Epigram 8.81 deals with →Gellia, a woman who loved her jewels more than her own life. She would die if she lost them. The poet concludes that the hand of Annaeus Serenus would be very useful now: 11– 12 Eheu, quam bene nunc, Papiriane, / Annaei faceret manus Sereni! The allusion is enigmatic. Some scholars have thought that Serenus might be a well-known thief (no further evidence supports this) or that Annaeus Serenus was famous for his jewels. According to Colin, as a praefectus vigilum (chief of night police) he was very tough and that is why he is missed by those who fear for their belongings. Manus might mean ‘force’ (Vallat’s interpretation seems faulty). In any case, as Shackleton Bailey remarks, agi videtur de historia nobis incognita. Balland, however, suggests that the poem would be “plûtot présentation épigrammatique d’un fait bien connu des contemporains”, considering that the →Papirianus of the poem is Seneca himself (as a disciple of Papirius Fabianus). Bibliography: Balland 2010, 124– 127; Colin 1955; Daugherty 1992, 235 – 239; Galán Vioque 2002, 285; Lefèvre 2003; PIR 2 A618 (Stein); RE 1.2, s. v. Annaeus 18, 2248 (Rhoden); Seita 1985; Schöffel 2002, 676 – 684; Vallat 2008, 97. jfv

Annianus 6.92.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The cognomen, derived from the gentilicium Annius, is very common (Kajanto 1965, 140; ThLL 2, s. v. Annianus, 106.42– 51 [Otto]). ‖ He only appears once in Martial’s epigrams: he is criticised for drinking a very bad wine (Vatican wine; cf. 10.45.5) in luxurious cups. Curiously enough, an →Annius is criticised in 7.48 for showing food but not letting his guests try it. Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 576 – 577. jfv

Annius 7.48.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Name of a plebeian gens: ThLL 2, s. v. Annius, 106.25 – 41 (Otto). The name is very common: see PIR 2 A626 – 701 for a list of people bearing it. ‖ He appears once in Martial’s epigrams, as a mean patron: he is criticised for inviting many guests to dinners at which the dishes, instead of being placed on the tables, are rushed on trays (volant… lances). Curiously enough, an →Annianus (the name is derived from Annius) has a similarly showy behaviour in a comparable context. Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 301– 303. jfv

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Antaeus 14.48.1; cf. 5.65.3 Libycae… palestrae; Lybis: 9.101.4. ‖ ᾿Aνταῖος. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ A giant, son of Poseidon and Gaia and ruler of Lybia. He was invincible as long as he kept touching his mother (Earth). →Hercules managed to kill him by lifting him from the ground, on his way to the garden of the →Hesperides. ‖ Pi. I. 4.87– 97; D. S. 4.17.4; 4.27.3; Paus. 9.11.6; Apollod. 2.5.11; Pl. Pers. 4; Prop. 3.22.9 – 10; Luc. 4.590 – 591; Ov. Ep. 9.71; Ib. 393 – 395; Luc. 4.588 – 655; Plin. Nat. 5.3.1; Sen. Her. F. 482; Her. O. 24; 1788; 1899; Hyg. Fab. 31; Juv. 3.89; Stat. Theb. 6.893 – 896; Silv. 3.1.157; Sil. 3.40; 3.264; Serv. A. 8.299 Antaeum, filium Terrae, victum luctatione necavit. ‖ The name appears once in Martial’s epigrams, in a description of a kind of ball (the harpastum): allusion is made to the dust of Antaeus (Antaei… pulvere), referring to the famous wrestle with Hercules: cf. Prop. 3.22.9 – 10 luctantum in pulvere signa / Herculis Antaeique. ‖ He is alluded to indirectly twice, both times in connection with the labours of Hercules: 5.65.3 (cf. Stat. Silv. 3.1.157); 9.101.4 (cf. Stat. Theb. 6.894). ‖ →Hercules. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 506; Henriksén 1999, 172 (= 2012, 397– 398); Leary 1996, 104; LIMC 1.1, s. v. Antaios 1, 800 – 811 (Olmos/Balmaseda), 1.2, 648 – 657; RE 1.2, s. v. Antaios 1, 2339 – 2342 (Wernicke). rms

Antenoreus 1.76.2; 4.25.4. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Adjective. Related to Antenor, the legendary founder of Padua. The epithet thus means ‘Paduan’. ‖ Antenor (᾿Aντήνωρ) was one of the two Trojan leaders (the other was →Aeneas) who escaped the Greeks and, according to one version, fled to Italy (cf. Ov. Fast. 4.77– 78): he made his way to the Venetan region and founded Padua (Str. 12.3.8; Liv. 1.1.2– 3; Verg. A. 1.242– 249; Mela 2.60; Sen. Dial. 12.7.6 Antenorem Patavi conditorem; Sil. 8.602– 603). Livius (1.1.1) tells that they had a pact of hospitality with the Greeks and were spared as defenders of peace (cf. Ov. Fast. 4.75 Troianae suasorem Antenora pacis). Other versions make him a traitor (Serv. A. 2.15). In Latin literature he is portrayed as a wise counsellor of Priam (→Priamus; cf. Ov. Ep. 5.93; Met. 13.201). ‖ The adjective was applied by Lucan to the river Timavus (7.194). After Martial it is attested in Silius Italicus (12.214 Antenorea… stirpe). See ThLL 2, s. v. Antenoreus, 152.46 – 49 (Bickel). ‖ Martial uses it in a periphrasis referring to Padua, the homeland of →Flaccus1: 1.76.2 Antenorei spes et alumne laris; he also applies the epithet to a local Faunus (4.25.4). The tone of both epigrams is elevated, loaded with erudite allusions to myth. Bibliography: Brill NP 1, s. v. Antenor, 719 (Sheer); OCD4, s. v. Antenor, 97 (Mynors); Citroni 1975, 242; LIMC 1.1, s. v. Antenor 1, 811– 815 (Davies), 1.2, 657– 658; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 236; RE 1.2, s. v. Antenor 1, 2351– 2352 (Wagner); Watson 2002, 249. rms

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Antiochus 11.84.2,12,16,18. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ ᾿Aντίοχος. ‖ This Greek name is extremely widespread (628 occurrences in LGPN). Solin (1982, 201– 206) records 299 instances in Rome, two thirds of which belong to freedmen and slaves (see also ibid., 1357); cf. ThLL 2.171.36 – 37 (Diehl): in inscriptionibus passim servorum nomen libertorumque cognomen (cf. especially ThLL 2.171.35 – 47). In Juv. 3.98 it is the name of a Greek actor who performs in Rome (Ferguson 1987, 24). ‖ Epigram 11.84 is an invective against the barber (tonsor) Antiochus, whose lack of skill is said to be more dangerous than the self-inflicted mutilations and wounds of the worshippers of →Cybele (3 – 4), the blood baths of the surgeon →Alcon, the punishments of →Prometheus, →Pentheus and →Orpheus (9 – 12), who fear the barber’s weapons more than the homicidal mothers and the raging Maenads (cf. AP 11.191). Many scars (13 stigmata) have been made on the poet’s face by his razor and his hands: 16 Antiochi ferrum est et scelerata manus. One must flee from Antiochus (2 tonsorem fugiat) if he does not want to die by his hands, only fit for shaving 7– 8 inopes Cynicos et Stoica menta / collaque… equina (curiously enough, Antiochus was the name of several Stoic and Cynic philosophers: cf. PIR 2 A742 – 743 [Stein]). Martial links numerous satirical resources: “hyperbole and a taste for the bizarre; parody of epic and the debunking use of myth; structural balance and controlled attack” (Kay 1985, 242). For other tonsores in the epigrams, see 3.74; 6.52 (→Pantagathus); 7.64 (→Cinnamus1); 7.83 (→Eutrapelus); 8.52 (→Thalamus and the unnamed puer tonsor); 11.58. Antiochus need not be a fictitious character. A Marcus Valerius Antiochus tonsor is recorded in CIL 6.474. Bibliography: Ferguson 1987, 24; Kay 1985, 242; RE 1.2, s. v. Antiochos 41, 2491 (Rohden). amc

Antiope 1.92.6. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ ᾿Aντιόπη. ‖ The name is found only once in Martial’s epigrams and does not seem to have been very common in Rome (cf. Solin 1982, 529, to which the fragmentary text of page 208 should be added); cf. CIL 9.6413 and 10.6450 (ThLL 2.171.87– 88: nomen in mythologia graeca diversis puellis inditum, Romanarum mulierum cognomen Corp. 10.6450, quasi praenomen [Bickel]). It was, in fact, the name of several mythical figures, like the daughter of the river Asopus or Nicteus to whom Zeus made love while transformed into a Satyr, fathering the twins Amphion and Zethus, the builders of the walls of Thebes (cf. e. g. Hom. Od. 11.260; Apollod. 3.5.5; 3.10.1); but it was also the name of an Amazon. Cf. ThLL 2.171.81– 172.5 (Bickel). ‖ It is the name of a meretrix in 1.92.6, mentioned together with →Chione, another prostitute. According to Citroni (1975, 288), the names are chosen as typical names of prostitutes (see also Howell 1980, 301). ‖ Martial describes →Mamurianus’ poverty: he is so down-at-heel that he lacks even the cheapest commodities, such as a curtus calix like the ones that can be found in prostitutes’ rooms: 6 nec curtus Chiones Antiopesve calix. A curtus calix was a low-quality cup,

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an ordinary piece of tableware (only the poorest people did not have one: cf. 11.32.4). Also the →Leda2 of 3.82.3 drinks from a broken cup: curtaque Ledae… testa; about this passage Howell (1980, 301) comments: “the emphasis in the latter passage seems to be chiefly on the impurity of the drinking vessel (presumably because of what Leda might have been doing with her mouth). However, the idea shared by the early editors and the authors of the Index Expurgatorius of M. that the reference is to ‘basins or bidets used by prostitutes for washing the privates after connection’ is the purest (or impurest) fantasy”. There might be an allusion to the drinking habits of these prostitutes (the cup is chipped by its frequent use) or even a symbolic hint to their worn vaginas. Bibliography: Howell 1980, 301; Citroni 1975, 288; Vallat 2008, 426. amc

Antistius Rusticus, L. 9.30.1– 2; cf. 4.75. ‖ Historical character. ‖ For the name see RE 1.2, s. v. Antistius, 2545 (Klebs), and →Rusticus. ‖ Husband of Mummia →Nigrina and proconsul of Baetica (between 82– 87, AD 84, according to Syme), suffect consul under Domitian (90) and legatus in Cappadocia until his death in ca. AD 93. A detailed study of his career (preserved in an inscription in Cappadocia) can be found in Stout 1926 and Syme 1983 (= RP 4, 278 – 294). Stout (1926, 47) suggests that he was originally from Hispania; Syme suggests that he may have been from Corduba (1983, 361 and n. 9; cf. Étienne 1994, 243). ‖ CIL 6.27881. ‖ 9.30 is a lament for his death and describes the painful journey of his wife from Cappadocia to Rome carrying his ashes. He had been indirectly alluded to in 4.75, a tribute to his wife for sharing her fortune with him as a token of love. ‖ →Nigrina. Bibliography: Alföldy 1969, 160 – 161; Alföldy/Abascal 2010; Étienne 1994, 243; Henriksén 1998, 160 – 162 (= 2012, 134– 137); Moreno Soldevila 2006, 488; PIR 2 A765 (Groag); RE 1.2, s. v. Antistius 41, 2558 (Rohden); Sherk 1980, 1012– 1014; Stout 1926; Sullivan 1991, 34; Syme 1983 (= RP 4, 278 – 294); Vallat 2008, 80. jfv

Antonius1, Marcus 2.89.5; 3.66.1,5; 4.11.9; 5.69.1; 11.20.3; cf. 4.11.4. ‖ Historical character. ‖ 83 – 30 BC. ‖ For the cognomen Antonius, see RE 1.2, s. v., 1575. ‖ The famous general and politician who was a member of the Second Triumvirate. He was aggressively criticised by →Cicero in his Philippicae. After being defeated in Actium by →Augustus1, he fled to Alexandria, where he and →Cleopatra1, with whom he had a long-standing relationship and twin sons, committed suicide. Plutarch wrote his biography. ‖ Epigram 2.89 is an attack on →Gaurus, who had many vices, such as vomiting after excessive drink-

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ing like Antonius. Cicero in Phil. 2.25.63 tells that, after drinking heavily the night before, Antonius vomited in public while he was presiding over an assembly as magister equitum; Juv. 10.122– 127 suggests that these attacks were the reason why Antonius included Cicero in the first list of outlaws sent to Rome. Cicero was arrested and killed in Formiae. Two epigrams deal with this assassination, ordered by Antonius; they are a harsh attack on him, comparing his deed with the murder of Pompey (→Pompeius1), plotted by →Pothinus by order of the Egyptian king Ptolemy XIII: epigram 3.66 begins with a comparison of the two murders and the two victims, but concludes that Antonius’ motivation was worse than Pothinus’, inasmuch as the latter was obeying his king; in 5.69 Martial affirms that he has no reason to envy Pothinus and that Cicero’s assassination was worse than his proscription (tabula); in line 3 Antonius is called demens and in line 4 allusion is made to the actual murderer, Popillius (impius miles), who was bribed with gold; the poem ends with the conclusion that the assassination was useless in the end, because everyone will speak in his stead: 7– 8 Quid prosunt sacrae pretiosa silentia linguae? / Incipient omnes pro Cicerone loqui. ‖ His feud with Augustus is alluded to in 4.11, an attack on his namesake →Antonius3 Saturninus, who had rebelled against Domitian by proclaiming himself emperor in Germania Superior in AD 88. Martial compares both civil wars, mentioning his alliance and love affair with Cleopatra in line 4 and concluding that Marcus Antonius also succumbed to the Roman army, notwithstanding the fact that he, unlike Antonius Saturninus, was a Caesar. ‖ Finally, epigram 11.20 is addressed to the reader who dislikes outspoken epigrams. Martial offers the example of an erotic epigram written by Augustus (on whose authenticity, see Hallett 1977, 161; Kay 1985, 111– 112): apparently →Fulvia was angry with her husband Antonius for his affair with →Glaphyra, and wanted to take revenge by asking Augustus to make love to her, to what Augustus replied wondering what would happen if →Manius, Antonius’ deputy, asked him to sodomise him. The reason for this allusion to Manius is unknown, but it suggests that he had motives to be angry with Antonius as well. For a detailed analysis of this epigram, see Mattiacci 2014a. ‖ →Antonius3 Saturninus, →Augustus1, →Cicero, →Cleopatra1, →Fulvia, →Glaphyra, →Manius. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 524– 530; Ferguson 1987, 24– 25; Fusi 2006, 421– 426; Howell 1995, 151– 153; Kay 1985, 110 – 114; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 158 – 163; RE 1.2, s. v. Antonius 30, 2595 – 2614 (Groebe); Vallat 2008, 98, 148, 150 – 151, 154; Williams 2004, 268 – 269. jfv

Antonius2 Primus, Marcus 9.99.1,3; 10.23.1– 2; 10.32.3 – 4. ‖ Real character. ‖ Friend of Martial from Toulouse. ‖ He is called Marcus Antonius in 9.99.1; Antonius Primus in 10.23.1– 2; and Marcus Antonius Primus in 10.32.3 – 4. ‖ Friedländer identified him with the Antonius Primus who played an important role in the civil war of AD 69 and who was from Tolosa (Suet. Vit. 18). Tacitus describes him in Hist. 2.86: strenuus manu, sermone promptus, seren-

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dae in alios invidiae artifex, discordiis et seditionibus potens, raptor, largitor, pace pessimus, bello non spernendus. In AD 61 he had been condemned for forging a will (cf. Ann. 14.40), but he later regained his senatorial status and was entrusted with the command of the VII Legio Galbiana in Pannonia. In 69 he sided with Vespasian and won important battles. Housman ruled out this identification, as did Shackleton Bailey in the Index to his Teubner edition (1990) (although he qualified this idea in his Loeb edition, 1993). Henriksén, however, favours the identification. For a detailed account of his career see Ash 1999 and Le Roux 2010, 125 – 127. ‖ According to Le Roux (2010, 126), the name Antonius suggests a right of citizenship obtained by an ancestor serving under Marcus →Antonius1. ‖ Epigram 9.99 is addressed to →Atticus1 and deals with Marcus Antonius, native of Toulouse (quem genuit Pacis alumna Quies) and retired there, who has sent a letter telling how much he enjoys Martial’s poems. Martial then addresses his book and sends it to Antonius in appreciation of his compliment. 10.23 is a birthday poem: Antonius Primus is now 75 and has enjoyed a peaceful life (placido felix aevo). He is said to be a vir bonus (7). Epigram 10.32 is addressed to →Caedicianus and is a description of a picture of Marcus Antonius Primus, which Martial reveres and adorns with flowers. It is a portrait of the old man when he was middle-aged: 3 – 4 talis erat Marcus mediis Antonius annis / primus: in hoc iuvenem se videt ore senex. If the painting could also depict his mores animumque, it would be, according to the poet, the most beautiful picture in the world. ‖ The protagonist of 10.73 is addressed as Marcus and he has been traditionally identified with Marcus Antonius Primus (Shackleton Bailey, however, identifies him with →Severus1). Marcus, who is said to be facundus and doctus, has sent the poet, his namesake, a letter and a luxurious toga, a gift Martial appreciates more for who sent it than for its value. Henriksén (1999, 129 n. 2) notes certain similarities between 9.99 and 10.73 and their addressees: both live away from Rome and are called amicus; in 9.99 the book is called absentis pignus amicitiae and the toga in 10.73.1 is said to be facundi… pignus amici; in both epigrams Martial says that the sender of the present (the book and the toga) is more important than the present itself (9.99.7– 8; 10.73.7– 8). Henriksén seems right to conclude that Antonius had sent the toga to thank Martial for the book of 9.99 and that “these resemblances are intended to couple the two poems” (1998, 160). See also Vallat 2008, 73 – 74. Bibliography: Alföldy 1969, 117– 118; Ash 1999, 147– 165; Balland 2010, 84– 87; Burnand 2006, vol. 2, 149 – 159; Damschen/Heil 2004, 111– 112 (Prestel), 139 (Kreilinger), 266 (Riemann); Dorey 1958; Friedländer 1886, vol 2, 101– 103, 150; Giese 1872, 5 – 6; Henriksén 1999, 159 – 161 (= 2012, 381– 384); Housman 1919 (= 1972, vol. 3, 990 – 991); Le Roux 2010, 125 – 127; Nauta 2002, 64– 65 n. 82; Pailler 2002, 295 – 296; 2016; PIR 2 A866 (Groag); RE 1.2, s. v. Antonius 89, 2635 – 2637 (Rohden); Shotter 1977; Sullivan 1991, 43, 49; Treu 1948; Vallat 2008, 73 – 74. jfv

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Antonius3 Saturninus, L. 4.11.2,9. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Of probable Spanish origin (Étienne 1994, 241), he entered the senatorial class under Vespasian; he was appointed proconsul of Macedonia in 76 – 77 and sent to Judea in ca. AD 80; he was consul suffectus in 82 and governor of Germania Superior in 87– 88. In 88 he provoked a civil war by proclaiming himself emperor with the help of two legions, but the revolt was put down by Aulus Buccius Lappius Maximus, governor of Germania Inferior, and →Norbanus, procurator of Rhaetia, in January 89, before Domitian’s arrival (Suet. Dom. 6.2; 7.3). ‖ Martial wrote an epigram on this event, attacking Saturninus for starting the war: this confrontation is compared to the war against Marcus →Antonius1 and →Cleopatra1, concluding that the other Antonius was vanquished by the Roman army, despite the fact that he, unlike Saturninus, was a Caesar. ‖ According to Martial, he is proud of his name Antonius (for which see Marcus →Antonius1), but ashamed to be Saturninus: 1– 2 Dum nimium vano tumefactus nomine gaudes / et Saturninum te, miser, esse pudet. The reason is unknown: Saturninus, derived from the god Saturn (→Saturnus), was an extremely common name (Kajanto 1965, 18, 20, 54– 55, 58, 76, 113, 213). Moreno Soldevila suggests that there could be a hint at L. Apuleius Saturninus (RE 3.1, s. v. Appuleius 29, 261– 269 [Rhoden]), a tribune (in 103, 100, and 99 BC) who instigated a revolt against the Senate and was eventually defeated. Perhaps the ominous connotations of the name are instead related to the god Saturn: if Domitian is Jupiter on Earth and Jupiter defeated Saturn, Domitian will overcome Saturninus. Bibliography: Favuzzi 2016; Henriksén 1999, 112 (= 2012, 330); Jones 1992, 147; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 158 – 163; Murison 1985, 45 – 46; PIR 2 A874 (Groag); RE 1.1, s. v. Antonius 96, 2637– 2639 (Rohden); Strobel 1986, 204– 205; Sullivan 1991, 34– 35, 133 – 134; Syme 1978; Vallat 2008, 98; Walser 1968, 497– 498. jfv

Antulla 1.114.4; 1.116.3,4. ‖ Real character? ‖ Daugther of →Faenius Telesphorus. ‖ For the name, see Kajanto 1965, 38, 175. ‖ 1.114 is a funerary epigram mourning Antulla, who was buried by her father in a little farm near the one of →Faustinus, addressee of the poem. 1.116 deals with the same topic, but in the form of an epitaph. The land which holds her ashes after her premature death (cito rapta) will not be sold and will also hold her parents’ ashes. Vallat relates the name Antulla with the Greek term ἄνθος (‘flower’), symbolically linked to the mors immatura motif (2008, 588). He also suggests that the names Faenius and Antulla might not refer to real people, but could be a “jeux d’esprit sur l’épitaphe même”. See Larash 2010 for the centrality of this diptych in the closing sequence of book I. ‖ →Faenius Telesphorus. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 346 – 349, 353 – 355; Howell 1980, 342– 344, 347– 348; Larash 2010; RE 1.2, s. v. Antulla, 2643 (Rohden); Vallat 2008, 63. jfv

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Aonides 7.22.2. ‖ →Musae.

Aonius 7.63.4; 12.11.2. ‖ →Musae.

Apelleus 7.84.8; 11.9.2. ‖ ᾿Aπέλλειος. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Adj. Related to Apelles (᾿Aπελλῆς), the renowned Greek painter of the fourth century BC. ‖ Martial uses the term Apelleus twice, both referring in general terms to the art of painting (7.84.8 Apelleum… opus; 11.9.2 Apellea… arte). In the first epigram, Martial sends his friend →Caecilius Secundus a book accompanying a portrait of himself; in the second, the poet describes a portrait of the tragic writer →Memor, so realistic that it seems to bring the playwright back to life: spirat Apellea redditus arte Memor. According to Kay, reference to Apelles “is especially appropriate here because of his legendary realism” (1985, 87). ‖ The adjective is found in Prop. 1.2.22 (Apelleis… tabulis); Stat. Silv. 1.1.100 (Apelleae… cerae); 2.2.64 (Apellei… colores); 5.1.5 (Apelleo… colore). Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 458; Kay 1985, 87; RE 1, s. v. Apelles 13, 2689 – 2692 (Rossbach); Vallat 2008, 162. rms

Aper 10.16.1,2; 11.34.1,4; 12.30.1; 12.70.1,10; cf. 7.59.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For this common cognomen, derived from the name of the animal (aper, ‘boar’), see Kajanto 1965, 86, 325. ‖ The name appears in several satirical epigrams. In 10.16 Aper accidentally kills his rich wife (uxor dotata) with a spear: he is a dowry-hunter. Noticeable is the play between hunting and the meaning of the name, ‘boar’, in a comical role reversal (Galán Vioque 2002, 349). In 11.34 he has bought a hovel next to the house of rich →Maro: he will not have a good dwelling, but at least he will dine well (at his neighbour’s home). According to Kay, Martial uses the name “to hint at the type of person Aper is: the boar was noted for its fierceness (…), which suits the determined dinerout; it was considered a greedy animal (e. g. Ael. NA 5.45); and its living quarters were no doubt similar to Aper’s” (1985, 146). In this epigram there is a further wordplay between the cognomen Aper and the name of another animal, noctua, an owl (see Vallat 2008, 522). In 12.30 Aper is a drunkard. In 12.70 when Aper was poor, he used to criticise those who drank, but now that he is rich, he always returns home drunk from the baths. ‖ In 7.59 Martial plays with the common and the proper noun: →Caecilianus never dines sine apro, that is, he always eats boar (or so he says), but Martial comments that he has a nice dinner guest (bellum convivam).

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Bibliography: Craca 2011, 183; Galán Vioque 2002, 349; Kay 1985, 146; Vallat 2008, 474, 522, 597, 618. rms

Apicius1 2.69.3; 2.89.5; 3.22.1,5; 10.73.3. ‖ Historical character. ‖ ca. 25 BC – ca. AD 39. ‖ Marcus Gavius Apicius, who was renowned for his refinement, lived under →Augustus1 and Tiberius and became the gourmet (gulosus) par excellence (cf. schol. Juv. 4.23 fuit nam exemplum gulae), even in his lifetime (Otto 1890, § 126). He was very wealthy (cf. Juv. 11.2– 3 quid enim maiore cachinno / excipitur volgi quam pauper Apicius). De re coquinaria, a cookery book attributed to him, actually dates from the fourth century AD. Cf. also Tac. Ann. 4.1.3; Plin. Nat. 8. 209; 9.66; 10.3; D. C. 57.19.5. ‖ In three epigrams Apicius appears as a gourmet or a paradigm of luxury: 2.69 is an attack on →Classicus, a parasite who boasts that he accepts dinner invitations unwillingly, when even Apicius, renowned for his lavish dinners (Sen. Ep. 120.19), felt sadder when he dined at home (3). The gibe of 2.89 is against →Gaurus, among whose many vices Martial says he is luxuriosus like Apicius (5). Epigram 10.73 is a letter of gratitude to →Marcus2 (cf. Shackleton Bailey 1993, ad loc.) for the gift of a toga, which →Fabricius would not have wanted to use, but which Apicius and →Maecenas would have loved (Sen. Ep. 120.19 catalogues Fabricius as a paradigm of poverty and Apicius and Maecenas as examples of luxury). Finally, epigram 3.22 deals with his suicide, recorded by Seneca in his Consolatio ad matrem Helvian (Dial. 12.10.8 – 10 cuius exitum nosse operae pretium est… Quanta luxuria erat cui centiens sestertium egestas fuit!). Martial adapts this anecdote to his epigram, addressed to Apicius himself, who poisoned himself when he found out that, after squandering a huge fortune, he had ‘only’ ten million sesterces left. In his conclusion Martial alludes again to his reputation as a gourmet: 5 nihil est tibi gulosius factum. Moreno Soldevila (2016, 296 – 298) argues that the historical Apicius may also be the protagonist of 3.80 (see →Apicius2). Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 266 – 267 (Riemann); Ferguson 1987, 25 – 26; Fusi 2006, 228 – 231; Lindsay 1997, esp. 148 – 153; Moreno Soldevila 2016, 296 – 298; PIR 2 G91 (Stein); RE S7, 204 (Fiehn); Sullivan 1991, 100 – 101; Vallat 2008, 148; Williams 2004, 222– 223, 269. jfv

Apicius2 3.80.1; 7.55.4. ‖ Ficticional character. ‖ In 3.80.2 Apicius is apparently an honorable person, who does not criticise anyone (nulli maledicis); however, rumour has it that he has a bad tongue (3.80.2 lingua… mala), which could be interpreted in relation to gossip or as an accusation of os impurum (Greenwood 1998, 243). Although traditionally considered to be unrelated to →Apicius1, it must be remembered that Martial plays with the terms gula, gulosus, lingua and the like, applied both to eating

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and to oral sex (Greenwood 1998, 245 – 246). A passage from Tacitus’s Annals about the young Sejanus is worth quoting here, inasmuch as rumour and sexual depravity are linked with Apicius: non sine rumore Apicio diviti et prodigo stuprum veno dedisse. See Moreno Soldevila 2016, 296 – 298. ‖ 7.55 is addressed to →Chrestus, who does not repay Martial with presents. He would be glad if he behaved in the same way with others, but, since he sends presents to Apicius, →Lupus2, →Gallus, →Titius and →Caesius, Martial threatens him with irrumatio. According to Galán ad loc., this is a “cumulatio of names representing fictitious characters, to express the idea of ‘everybody’” (2002, 331). Perhaps, allowing for the fact that Chrestus is accused of having os impurum elsewhere, as was Apicius in 3.80, the mention of the latter’s name is far from innocent. ‖ According to Vallat (2008, 509), who links the name with the noun apex, “il est fort possible que le mot fasse allusion à la pointe de la langue”. ‖ →Apicius1. Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 478 – 480; Galán Vioque 2002, 330 – 333; Moreno Soldevila 2016, 296 – 298; Vallat 2008, 509. jfv

Apollinaris 4.86.3; 7.26.1,10; 7.89.2; 10.30.4; 11.15.12; Domitius: 10.12.3. ‖ Historical character. ‖ L. Domitius Apollinaris. ‖ Apollinaris is a theophoric name, derived from →Apollo (Kajanto 1965, 20, 28, 53, 55, 62, 211). ‖ Born in Vercellae, he was governor of Lycia-Pamphylia in AD 93 – 97 and consul suffectus in AD 97. Pliny addresses two letters to him (2.9; 5.6) and refers to his consulate in Ep. 9.13.13. ‖ He is portrayed as a patron and a man of letters. Martial sends him two of his books for critical appraisal and protection (cf. 4.86 and 7.26). In 4.86 he is said to be doctus (3), exactus and eruditus (4), and yet candidus and benignus (5). In 7.26.9 Martial tells the book that he will protect it contra malignos (9). In 11.15, addressed to Apollinaris, Martial defends the lewdness of the book of epigrams—written for the Saturnalia—, contrasting with the decency of his own life. Line 12 consists only of two words, Saturnalicios and Apollinaris, in an evident wordplay with the names of two deities (→Saturnus and Apollo). The symbolic qualities of the name Apollinaris, related to Apollo, intensify his portrayal as a poet (Balland 2010, 213 n. 44) or as a patron of poetry (Kay 1985, 100). ‖ In 7.89 Martial offers him a wreath of roses, probably on the occasion of his wedding (Nauta 2005, 224; Balland 2010, 105). ‖ Martial does not refer directly to his political career, emphasising instead his role as literary patron, but he alludes to his being a very busy man, occupying a burdensome position (Nauta 2002, 159 – 160): 7.26.2 si vacabit—ne molestus accedas; 10.12.5 – 6 ut messe vel una / urbano releves colla perusta iugo; 10.30.26 – 29. In the two epigrams dedicated to him in book 10, allusion is made to his consulate (they were included in the second edition of the book in 98). 10.12 is a propemptikon, a farewell poem, for Apollinaris is heading for Vercellae. He is addressed to as Domitius, but Martial seems to be playing with his name and

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his birth place: Apollineas Vercellas (Balland 2010, 99, also perceives a double wordplay, with a paronomasia in line 3: Domiti, dimitto). PIR 2 has a separate entry for this Domitius (D120), but it is unquestionable that he is the same man (see Syme 1991, 588). In 10.30 Martial describes his luxurious villa at Formiae, whose amenity is enjoyed more by his slaves than by its owner. See Mratschek 2018 for an intertextual account of this character in Pliny and Martial. Bibliography: Balland 1981, 117– 120; 2010, 99 – 105; Damschen/Heil 2004, 78 (Heil), 133 (Kreilinger); Fabbrini 2007, 117– 122; Galán Vioque 2002, 191; Kay 1985, 100; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 527– 528; Mratschek 2018; Nauta 2002, 159 – 161; 2005, 222– 227; Neger 2012, 256; PIR 2 D133 (Groag); RE 5.1, s. v. Domitius 33 (Groag); Sherwin-White 1998, 156 – 157, 495; Syme 1991 (RP 7, 588 – 602); Vallat 2008, 70, 120 – 121, 612; White 1975, 295. rms

Apollineus 6.29.6; 7.22.1; 10.12.1. ‖ Related to →Apollo.

Apollo 2.89.3; 8.6.6; 9.42.1; 9.86.4; 10.21.3; 10.35.20; cf. Apollineus: 6.29.6; 7.22.1; 10.12.1. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ God, son of Jupiter (→Iuppiter) and →Latona, brother of →Diana, born in Delos. He is also known as →Phoebus1. He is represented as a young man, beardless, long-haired, endowed with harmonious beauty. His portrait is that of the ideal ephebe (cf. Ov. Met. 3.420 – 424); his weapon is the bow, his musical instrument the lyre, and his plant is the bay tree; among the animals consecrated to him are swans (cf. Mart. 9.42.2). From the Greek tragedies of the fifth centry onwards he is identified with the Sun. He has manifold functions: he is the god of poetry (generally associated with the Muses), music, prophecy and oracle interpretation. His most famous oracular temple was in Delphi (9.42.4) (whose harbour was Cyrrha, cf. 1.76.11, although Citroni 1975, 244, thinks that it is one of the peaks of Mount Parnassus), at the foot of Mount Parnassus, where the spring of Castalia, considered the source of poetical inspiration (4.14.1; 7.12.10; 7.22.4; 8.66.5; 9.18.8; 12.2.13) was also located (cf. 7.22.4; 9.18.8). In 9.42.1 Martial alludes to the plains of Myrina, a town in southern Aeolia, near Gryneion, where there was “an ancient oracle, a marble temple and a sacred grove” (Henriksén 2012, 183). ‖ Two of the epigrams in which he appears have to do with his association with the Muses: 2.89.3, an attack on the disgusting drunkard →Gaurus, who writes poetry without the Muses and Apollo, that is, without the aid of the patrons of the arts in general and poetry in particular; 9.42 is dedicated to Apollo, so that he can obtain a consulate for →Stella from Domitian; Martial wishes him, in return, to be rich in the fields of Myrina, to enjoy aging swans, to be served by the doctae sorores (the Muses) and also for his priestess in Delphi not to confuse anyone and for the Palace to worship him. Another epigram alludes to his aspect as interpreter of oracles: 10.21.3, an attack on →Sextus2, whose writings are so obscure

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that they do not need a reader but an Apollo. Two further epigrams allude to episodes of his life. 8.6.6 criticises →Euctus, who boasts about the antiquity of his silverware; some of his cups, he says, belonged to →Laomedon, and to get them Apollo built the walls of Troy with his lyre, in allusion to the building of the Trojan walls by Apollo and Poseidon, who were later cheated by Laomedon (according to Hom. Il. 21.441– 457, Apollo tended the flock of Laomedon in Mount Ida; the use of the lyre on the part of Apollo is alluded to in Ov. Ep. 16.181– 182; see Schöffel 2002, 137; Watson 1998, 34 – 35 suggests that Euctus has mixed up two different stories, confusing the building of the walls of Troy with those of Thebes by Amphion, with the help of his lyre, thus undermining his pretended erudition). The other one is 9.84, dealing with the grief of →Silius Italicus for the death of his son. Martial complains to Apollo and he replies that he also had to mourn his own son, →Linus1 (son of his and →Terpsichore’s, killed by →Hercules). Epigram 10.35 deals with the poetess →Sulpicia, whose love poetry is praised, and its conclusion claims that if her husband →Calenus1 had been taken from her, she would not have survived as wife of Jupiter, →Bacchus or Apollo, probably alluding to the god’s beauty and youth. ‖ The adjective Apollineus appears three times: 6.29 is an epicedion of the freedman →Glaucias, whose male adolescent beauty is equated to the god (6 Apollineo… ore). 7.22 deals with the anniversary of Lucan (→Lucanus2), who is said to be vatis Apollinei (1). Finally, in 10.12.1, addressed to Domitius →Apollinaris, who is travelling to Vercellae (present-day Vercelli, in Lombardy), the town is called Apollineas Vercellas, both referring to the local cult of the god but also playing with the name of his friend. ‖ →Circe, →Musae, →Phoebus1. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 78 – 79 (Heil), 106 – 107 (Heil), 147– 148 (Fröhlich); Galán Vioque 2002, 172; Grewing 1997, 225; Henriksén 1998, 202; 1999, 117– 121; 2012, 182– 183, 338; LIMC 2.1, s. v. Apollon, 182– 464 (Simon/Bauchhenss), 2.2, 182– 353; RE 2.1, s. v. Apollon, 2.1.1– 111 (Wernicke); Schöffel 2002, 137; Williams 2004, 268. jfv

Apollodorus 1.61.5. ‖ Real character. ‖ ᾿Aπολλόδωρος. ‖ A most appropriate name for a poet (gift from →Apollo). It is a very common Greek name (recorded 1321 times in LGPN). See also Solin 1982, vol. 1, 23 – 24. ‖ A writer. He appears only once in Martial’s epigrams, in a catalogue of places proud of their native writers (→Catullus1, →Vergilius, →Livius, →Stella, →Flaccus1, →Ovidius1, the →Senecae, →Lucanus2, →Canius, →Decianus and →Licinianus): Apollodorus is applauded by the pluvious Nile (Apollodoro plaudit imbrifer Nilus). There were several famous Apollodori in Antiquity, but none of them identifiable with this one. There is no further information about this character, but it seems likely that he was a Greek poet friend of Martial, like most of the contemporary poets cited in the poem. Friedländer (ad loc.) suggests that he may be a native of Alexandria and have come to Rome to participate in the contest of Greek

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eloquence or poetry of the Agon Capitolinus announced by Domitian in AD 86. There is another occasional mention of a contestant of the Agon Capitolinus, →Collinus in book IV. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 203; Friendländer 1886, vol. 1, 204; Howell 1980, 251; Vallat 2008, 159. jfv

Apollodotus 5.21.1; cf. 5.54. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ ᾿Aπολλόδοτος. ‖ For the compound name, see ThLL 1, s. v. Apollo, 249.26 – 29 (Diehl) and Solin 1982, vol. 1, 23. It is attested 179 times in LGPN. ‖ In 5.21 Apollodotus, a forgetful rhetor, has to write down the names of people so as not mistake them in his greetings. In 5.54 Martial plays with this same idea, but without naming him: meus rhetor. He has greeted →Calpurnius without writing down his name, thus becoming extemporalis, that is, able to extemporise. ‖ Apollodotus is a conjecture by Heinsius and Gronovius, accepted by most editors. The name is not widely used in literature (cf. Pomp. Trog. Hist. Prol. 41, referring to an Indian king), but is attested in inscriptions (CIL 6.4122; 6.18956.61; 12.5686). Manuscripts read Apollodorus, which is metrically impossible because its three inner syllables form a cretic. It is probably a banalisation: Apollodorus is more common and it was the name of a famous rhetor, praeceptor of →Augustus1 (RE 1, s. v. Apollodorus 64, 2886 [Brzoska]). Elsewhere Martial mentions a poet called →Apollodorus (1.61), unrelated to this one. In the humanistic editions the variant Apollonius is also found. Apollonius was also the name of several famous rhetores (cf. RE 1, s. v. Apollonius 84 and 85, 140 – 143 [Brzoska]), but, according to Canobbio, from a paleographical perspective, Apollodorus is nearer to Apollodotus. ‖ According to Vallat (2008, 527), the name “est donc motivé par antiphrasis, et constitue une satire contre les orateurs à contre-emploi, surtout les grecs (…): le don d’Apollon est un fléau”. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 267; Vallat 2008, 527, 603, 618. rms

Aquinus 1.93.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ For the cognomen, with a geographical origin, see Kajanto 1965, 184. ‖ Aquinus, a primipilaris, is mentioned once in a funerary epigram praising the friendship (amicus erat) and comradeship (sacro foedere) of two former centurions with the rank of primus pilus, buried in the same tomb. The first two distichs are tantamount to a funerary inscription, whereas the last one is the inscription itself. Howell suggests that →Fabricius1 succeeded Aquinus, who had died before, in post, because it was unusual that there were two primipili in the same legion. ‖ →Fabricius1.

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Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 290; Howell 1980, 303; PIR 2 A1008 (Stein); RE 2, s. v. Aquinus 4, 1334 (Rohden); Vallat 2008, 49. jfv

Arcanus 8.72.3. ‖ Real character. ‖ The cognomen has probable geographical meaning, being related to Arx, a Volscian town (Kajanto 1965, 181). See also ThLL 2, s. v. Arcanus, 438.35 – 38 (V.). ‖ A magistrate of Narbo (Narbonne). ‖ He is mentioned once in book 8: Martial addresses his book, a gift for his friend (amicus) Arcanus, who returns to Narbo, the capital of Gallia Narbonensis, to be reinstated in his official local post. In the epigram there is an allusion to →Votienus, a fellow countryman and poet. This character could be the father or grandfather of L. Aemilius Arcanus (PIR2 A333 [Groag]), who was military tribune three times (Burnand 2006, vol. 2, 393 – 395). Bibliography: RE 2.1, s. v. Arcanus, 429 (Rohden); Schöffel 2002, 601– 609. jfv

Arcas →Mercurius.

Aretulla 8.32.2. ‖ Real character. ‖ The name is only attested in Martial. According to Balland (2010, 14– 16), the name—rather pseudonym—would be Martial’s own creation, derived from the town of Aretium. ‖ She appears in a beautiful epigram narrating how a dove landed on her lap while she was sitting; Martial interprets this fact as a sign that her brother, who had been banished to Sardinia by Domitian, has been pardoned by the Dominus mundi and is about to come. She is not mentioned elsewhere. Balland suggests that she was the sister of Terentius →Priscus4. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 14– 16; Schöffel 2002, 294– 300. jfv

Argonautae 3.20.11; 3.67.10. ‖ Mythological characters. ‖ ᾿Aργοναῦται. ‖ The sailors of the ship Argo, who travelled with Jason (→Aesonides) in his quest for the Golden Fleece. ‖ Cf. A. R.; V. Fl. ‖ In 3.20.11 →Canius, who wanders all over Rome, walks slowly in the spatia Argonautarum, that is, the Porticus Argonautarum, finished by →Agrippa in 25 BC in the Campus Martius. It was decorated by paintings of this mythical journey (cf. 2.14.6; 11.1.12; D. C. 53.27.1). ‖ 3.67.10 deals with some lazy sailors: Martial says

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they should be called Argonautas instead of nautas. The joke is based on a false etymology of ἀργό- (since Gr. ἀργός means ‘iddle’): argonautae would here be equivalent to pigri nautae (‘idle sailors’); cf. Ar. fr. 558. Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 219, 432; LIMC 2.1, s. v. Argonautai, 591– 599 (Blather), 2.2, 430 – 433; LTUR 4, s. v. Porticus Argonautarum, 118 – 119 (Guidobaldi); Platner/Ashby 1929, 420; Prior 1996, 121– 141; RE 2.1, s. v. Argonautae, 743 – 747 (Jessen); Sullivan 1991, 31. jfv

Argus 14.85.2. ‖ Ἄργος. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ His genealogy has different versions and his most famous feature is that he had many eyes (the number differs), which allowed him to be always awake (he is called πανόπτης, ‘all-seeing’). The most famous story involving Argus is related to Jupiter’s falling in love with →Io, transformed into a heifer to avert Juno’s jealousy; the goddesss asked her husband to give her the heifer and ordered Argus to keep watch on her. Jupiter sent Mercury (→Mercurius) to free her, and he killed Argus; Juno collected his many eyes and with them she adorned the feathers of her favourite bird, the peacock (Ov. Met. 1.568 – 688; 713 – 723). According to Leary, it is possible that Martial followed an ancient version, according to which Argus himself was transformed into a peacock. ‖ He appears once in Martial’s epigrams, in a distich of the Apophoreta describing a Lectus pavoninus, named after the most beautiful bird which now belongs to Juno but used to belong to Argus. ‖ →Iuno. Bibliography: Leary 1996, 143 – 144; RE 2.1, s. v. Argos 19, 791– 795 (Wernicke). jfv

Argynnus 7.15.5. ‖ Real or mythological character. ‖ Ἄργυννος. ‖ Argynnos was a beautiful boy with whom Agamemnon fell in love; fleeing from the king, he dived into the Cephisus river and drowned. Cf. Athen. 13.203d; Prop. 3.7.21– 22. In his honour Agamemnon built a temple of Aphrodite ᾿Aργυννίς or ἐπ’ ᾿Aργύννῳ (᾿Aργυννίς is an epiklesis of the goddess, who was worshipped in Argynnos or Argynnion, Boeotia; cf. RE 2, s. v. ᾿Aργυννίς, 799 [Jessen]). ‖ Solin records six instances of the name in Rome (1982, 462; cf. ThLL 2.559.25 – 34 [Diehl]). ‖ Argynnus appears once in Martial’s epigrams: he is either a slave (puer) of Arruntius →Stella and his wife Violentilla (→Ianthis) or, more likely, a statue placed in their garden-fountain (on the different interpretations, cf. Galán Vioque 2002, 129 – 130). The fountain consisted of a sculptural group of pueri, nymphs and →Hercules (7.50). The confusion between the imaginary and the real seems deliberate: Argynnus, as part of the fountain or as a real puer, is compared to →Hylas1, who like the mythical Argynnus, also drowned. In any case, as

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Galán Vioque (2002, 130) remarks, “the outstanding beauty, whether of a puer or a statue, prompts the poet to make a comparison with the mythological figures of Hylas and Argynnus (…), pueri delicati of proverbial beauty who ended their days submerged in water”. Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 129 – 130, 133; Merli 2013; PIR 2 A1042 (Stein); RE 2 s. v. Argynnus, 799 (Wentzel); Vallat 2008, 66. amc

Arion 8.50.15. ‖ Historical-legendary character. ‖ ᾿Aρίων. ‖ Lyric poet from Methymna, on the Isle of Lesbos. He travelled to Sicily to earn his living with his musical abilities. On his way back, the crew of the ship plotted to rob him, but he asked them to let him sing for the last time. Then he plunged into the sea and was rescued by a dolphin which took him to shore. ‖ Hdt. 1.23; Str. 13.2.4; Luc. DMar.5.1; Ael. NA 2.6; Cic. Tusc. 2.67.4; Hyg. Fab. 194; Prop. 2.26a.17– 18; Verg. Ecl. 8.76; Ov. Fast. 2.79 – 118; Gel. 16.19. ‖ The epigram deals with a dish (phiala) masterfully embossed with the Golden Ram which took →Phrixus to Colchis. Martial compares that ride with the dolphin taking the singer Arion to the shore: 15 – 16 sic Methymnaeo gavisus Arione delphin / languida non tacitum per freta vexit onus. Bibliography: Hooker 1989; RE 2.1, s. v. Arion 5, 836 – 841 (Crusius); Schöffel 2002, 437; Vallat 2008, 158. jfv

Arpinus 10.20.17; cf. Arpi: 4.55.3. ‖ →Cicero.

Arria 1.13.1. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Arria the Elder (Maior, to distinguish her from her daughter, Arria Minor, wife of →Thrasea Paetus) was married to Caecina →Paetus1. Her family is not known, but she was related to →Persius Flaccus, who wrote her biography, and was a friend of Messalina (PIR 2 A1113). ‖ Plin. Ep. 3.16; 6.24.5; D. C. 60.16.5 – 6; Tac. Ann. 16.34; Vita Persii; CIL 10.5920 = ILS 6261. ‖ When her husband was forced to commit suicide for his part in the conspiracy of Arruntius Scribonianus against →Claudius in Dalmatia (AD 42) (cf. Plin. Ep. 3.16; Prob. Persii 8; D. C. 60.16.5), she stabbed herself first and then handed the dagger to her husband saying ‘Paete, non dolet’, which became a memorable phrase recalled by Martial in the epigram describing her suicide. This act, clarissimum Arriae factum (Plin. Ep. 6.24.5), probably became a declamatory topic and “lived on in popular memory” (Sherwin-White 1998, 248; cf. ILS 6261).

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Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 57– 59; Howell 1980, 137– 138; Méthy 2003; PIR 2 A1113 (Groag); RE 2.1, s. v. Arrius 39, 1259 (Rhoden); Raepsaet, FOS 96, 112– 113 with further bibliography; Sherwin-White 1998, 248; Vallat 2008, 151– 152. jfv

Arsacius 9.35.3. ‖ The adjective Arsacius is related to Arsaces, the founder of the Arsacid dynasty. For the details of this epigram, see →Pacorus and →Philomusus. Bibliography: Henriksén 2012, 156; ThLL 2, s. v. Arsacides, 674.30 (Diehl). rms

Artemidorus1 6.77.3. ‖ Real character. ‖ ᾿Aρτεμίδωρος. ‖ Titus Flavius Artemidorus? ‖ The theophoric name Artemidorus is very frequent (Solin 1982, 27– 28 records 68 instances; LGPN records 1320). ‖ Pancratiastes, a παγκράτιον champion in the Ludi Capitolini of AD 86. Some scholars identify this Artemidorus with Titus Flavius Artemidorus of Adana: cf. PIR 2 F221: Artemidori filius, tribu Quirina, civis Adanensis et Antiochensis Syriae, pancratiastes, qui vicit inter alia primo agone Capitolino (a. 86 instituto) t. Neapolitanus IG 14.746 = IGR 1.445 (cf., among others, Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 57, 465 n. 3; Izaac 1961, vol. 1, 265; Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 2, 61; Grewing 1997, 498). From line 3 (tam fortis quam nec cum vinceret) it can be inferred that his subsequent career was not so successful (cf. Friedländer ibid., who uses this allusion for the dating of book 6). There was also an Artemidorus of Tralles (Paus. 6.14.2), winner in the 212 Olympic games (first century AD): cf. RE 2, s. v. Artemidorus 17, 1329 (Kirchner). ‖ The epigram is an attack on →Afer, who boasts about his wealth by being carried on a litter by six porters, when he has no reason for such a means of transport, inasmuch as he is pauper, iuvenis and fortis. Each adjective is related to a well-known exemplum: →Irus, →Parthenopaeus1, and Artemidorus, respectively. Bibliography: Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 57, 465 n. 3; Grewing 1997, 498– 499; Izaac 1961, vol. 1, 265; PIR 2 F221 (Stein); RE 2, s. v. Artemidorus 17, 1329 (Kirchner); Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 2, 61. amc

Artemidorus2 5.40.1; 8.58.1; 9.21.1,4. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For the frequency of the name, see →Artemidorus1. ‖ The name appears in several satirical epigrams, referring to different characters. ‖ In 5.40 he is an unskillful painter, whose failure is explained by his trying to combine two opposing spheres, represented by →Venus and →Minerva: 1 Pinxisti Venerem, colis, Artemidore, Minervam. It is to be noted that the name Artemidorus is derived from another chaste goddess, Artemis, hence Vallat’s remark: “son art

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est victime de son nom” (2008, 528). See 1.102 for a similar theme and 8.1 for another opposition between both goddesses. ‖ In epigram 9.21 Artemidorus is opposed to →Calliodorus: 1– 2 Artemidorus habet puerum, sed vendidit agrum / agrum pro puero Calliodorus habet. Vallat (2008, 528) intreprets the poem as follows: “Chacun délaisse le signifié de son nom pour faire le contraire exact: Calliodore oublie la débauche pour le travail de la terre, tandis qu’Artémidore abandonne la chasteté, qui caractérisait son nom et son attitude, pour s’offrir un mignon”. Martial plays with the symbolic meaning of the names (‘the gift of Artemis’ = chastity / ‘the gift of beauty’ = lust) and their activities: “l’un renonçant aux labours pour l’amour, et vice-versa” (Vallat 2008, 578; see also Giegengack 1969, 68: “The one whose name means the gift of beauty has given the boy to the one belonging to Artemis”). ‖ Finally, in epigram 8.58 Martial suggests a nickname for a certain Artemidorus who wears very thick cloaks: he should be called →Sagaris. ‖ →Calliodorus, →Sagaris. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 388 – 389; Eden 1990, 164; Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 34; Giegengack 1969, 68 – 69; RE 2, s. v. Artemidorus 38, 1335 (Rossbach); Salanitro 1987, 307; Shackleton Bailey 1978, 283; Schöffel 2002, 497– 499; Vallat 2008, 528, 578. amc

Asper 8.51.1,2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The cognomen is related to a moral and social vice: cruelty (cf. Liv. 3.65.4 insectandis patribus unde Aspero etiam inditum est cognomen tribunatum gessit). See Kajanto 1965, 265; ThLL 2, s. v. Asper, 816.32– 62 (Zimmermann). ‖ Asper appears only once in Martial: despite being blind, he is in love with a beautiful woman. According to Shackleton Bailey, Martial implies that Asper loves more (i. e., better) than he sees (‘love is blind’). Bibliography: Schöffel 2002, 444– 446; Shackleton Bailey 1978, 283. jfv

Astyanax 8.6.16; 14.212.2. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ ᾿Aστυάναξ. ‖ Son of →Hector and →Andromache, grandson of Priam (→Priamus). ‖ Epigram 8.16 is an attack on →Euctus, who boasts about the antiquity of his silverware claiming that it belonged to ancient legendary heroes. Martial concludes that he drinks ‘Astyanax’, that is young wine, from Priam’s cups (Watson 1998, 40). Epigram 14.212 describes a dwarf (pumilus): if you see only his head you will deem him a Hector, but if you see his whole body you will think he is an Astyanax. In both cases the name symbolises infancy.

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Bibliography: Leary 1996, 279 – 280; LIMC 2.1, s. v. Astyanax, 929 – 937 (Touchefeu), 2.2, 681– 686; Mindt 2013a, 517– 518; RE 2.2, Astyanax 1, 1866 – 1867 (Wagner); Schöffel 2002, 144– 145; Vallat 2008, 130, 196 – 197, 254– 255. jfv

Asylus 9.103.3. ‖ Real character. ‖ Ἄσυλος. ‖ Asylus is attested as a slave name, like Hierus, although the former is found more often (cf. Solin 1982, 852, who records six instances, and the variants Asyla and Asyllus; ThLL 2.991.32– 43 [Diehl]; LGPN records two occurrences). ‖ In Juv. 6.267 there is a gladiator with this name (cf. PIR 2 A1272 [Stein]; Ferguson 1987, 29). ‖ The Gr. adjective ἄσυλος means ‘safe from violence, inviolate’ (LSJ), and it frequently appears in the set phrase ἱερὸς καὶ ἄσυλος applied to Greek cities: cf PIR 2 A1271, “ἱερὸς καὶ ἄσυλος frequentem esse appellationem multarum urbium graecarum” (cf. DGE, s. v. ἄσυλος: “fig. τὴν παιδείαν… εἶναι ἱερὸν ἄσυλον Lyco 21”). ‖ This young slave is mentioned together with →Hierus, probably his twin, and both are likely to be identified with two slaves of the eques Ti. Claudius Livianus. Their names appear in two inscriptions in Rome. The first one, CIL 6.280: Hierus et / Asylus / Ti. Cl(audi) Liviani / ser(vi) Herculi / d(ono) d(ederunt), was found in the Aventine around 1660 and was published by Raphael Fabretti, who noted the parallelism with Martial’s epigrams without claiming a definite identification, which came later (cf. Hülsen 1889), “pointing to the rarity of the names (…) and the improbability of their occurring twice together without referring to the same individuals” (Henriksén 1999, 189 – 190; 2012, 416 – 417). This identification was reinforced in the 1920s with the discovery of a new inscription (NSA ser. 5.21 [1924], 67): Hierus et Asylus / [T]i. Iulii Aquilini Castricii Saturnin[i] / [C]laudii Liviani, praef(ecti) pr(aetorio), ser(vi) vilici aedem / Herculi Invicto Esychiano d(e) s(uo) fecerunt. In the second, CIL 6.322, now lost, it could be read: Herculi invicto sacrum / M. Claudius Esychus d(ono) d(edit); Henriksén (2012, 417) remarks: “the epithet Esychianus (i. e. Hesychianus) recorded in the inscription on the shrine is derived from M. Claudius Esychus’ cognomen, and it seems reasonable to assume that the shrine stood on the spot where CIL 6.280 and 6.322 were found, near Stazione di Trastevere on the ancient Via Portuensis”. See also Solin 1996, 447. ‖ The poem describes the beauty of the ministri Hierus and Asylus, who are compared to the Dioscuri: 3 Dat faciem Pollux Hiero, dat Castor Asylo. They seem to be twin brothers: 1 Quae nova tam similes genuit tibi Leda ministros? (cf. Henriksén 1999, 189). Their beauty is so outstanding, that they deserve to be compared not just to →Castor1 and →Pollux, but also to their sister Helen (→Helene; 4 atque in utroque nitet Tyndaris ore soror), so that →Paris1 would have chosen these pueri delicati, and not her, if he had met them in Amyclae (5 – 8; cf. Vallat 2008, 129). The owner of the slaves, who is also the addressee of the epigram, is not mentioned by name, the only reference being the tibi in line 1. This is not a unique case: there are other epigrams in which the slave, but not the dominus is mentioned: 6.52 (→Pantagathus), 9.56 (→Spendophorus), 10.66 (→Theopompus). In the

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case of Panthagathus the fact that the owner is not mentioned has led scholars to believe the slave is fictitious (Prinz 1911, 17; Grewing 1997, 351). For other comparisons with Castor and Pollux, see 5.38 (→Calliodorus) and 7.57 (→Achillas). ‖ →Hierus. Bibliografphy: Henriksén 1999, 189 – 191; 2012, 416 – 417; PIR 2 A1271 (Stein); RE 2.2, s. v. Asylos 2, 1886 (Rohden) (and 2.2, s. v. Asyllus, 1580); Solin 1990, 61; Vallat 2008, 129. amc

Atestina 10.93.3. ‖ →Sabina.

Atestinus 3.38.5. ‖ Real or fictional character. ‖ A rare name, apparently derived from Ateste, a Venetan town (Kajanto 1965, 196). It is not recorded in inscriptions. ‖ Atestinus only appears once in Martial’s epigrams: in 3.38. Martial asks →Sextus2 the reasons for his coming to Rome. His interlocutor answers that he wants to devote himself to practising law, but the poet dissuades him by citing the examples of Atestinus and →Civis, two lawyers who never earned the money to pay their rent. His mention as paradigm points to his real existence, but he could also be as fictitious as the addressee of the epigram. Balland (2010, 74) sees in Civis and Atestinus a veiled allusion to C. Vettulenus Civica Cerialis and M. Arrecinus Clemens, but the arguments for this identification do not seem solid enough. ‖ Vallat relates the name with his profession, suggesting a wordplay with the verb attestor and the noun testis; Giegengack (1969, 88) suggests that the name means “the one without a will”. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 74; Fusi 2006, 301– 302; PIR 2 A1283 (Stein); RE 2.2, s. v. Atestinus, 1926 (Rohden); Vallat 2006, 133 – 134; 2008, 525, 576 – 577. jfv

Athamanteus 8.28.19. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ ᾿Aθαμάντειος. ‖ Adj. Related to Athamas (᾿Aθάμας), son of Aeolus. He almost sacrificed his son →Phrixus (together with his daughter →Helle, according to some versions), due to a plot by his second wife Ino against the children of his first wife Nephele. His offspring fled on a golden ram. This story was the theme of several lost tragedies by Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, →Ennius and →Accius. ‖ Apollod. 1.9; Paus. 9.34.5; D. S. 4.47; Ov. Fast. 3.849 – 876; schol. Hom. Il. 7.86; Hyg. Fab. 1– 3. ‖ Martial gives the epithet to the Golden Fleece (Athamanteo… auro), in an epigram about a toga given as a present by a dear friend. Comparing his toga to several rich materials, in lines 19 – 20 he says he prefers it to the Golden Fleece (a similar comparison in Ov. Ars 3.175 – 176). The epithet is found also in Ov. Met. 4.497 and Stat. Silv. 5.3.143. ‖ →Aeolius1, →Helle, →Phrixus.

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Bibliography: LIMC 2.1, s. v. Athamas 1, 950 – 953 (Schwanzar), 2.2, 700 – 701; RE 2.2, s. v. Athamas 2, 1229 – 1233 (Kichner); Schöffel 2002, 274. rms

Athas 4.19.8. ‖ Real character. ‖ Ἄθας. ‖ An athlete, only mentioned here. ‖ The name evokes the common nouns athleta and athlum. Both ThLL (s. v. Athas, 2.1026.67– 69 [Diehl]) and Solin (1982, 954) record a single case apart from this: C. Manneius Athas (CIL 6.21993). ‖ As it happens, for example, with the pancratiastes →Artemidorus1 or the gladiator →Advolans, this athletic figure serves as an exemplum of speed: cursu vincere sive quaeris levem Athan. He is said to be levis (‘swift’). As indicated by Vallat (2008, 126), “Le syntagme vincere quaeris implique qu’Athas soit un modèle à vaincre, presque inapprochable”. Bibliography: Moreno Soldevila 2006, 209; Vallat 2008, 126. amc

Athenagoras 8.41.1,3,4; 9.95.2; 9.95b.2,4. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ ᾿Aθηναγόρας. ‖ A very common Greek name (158 instances in LGPN). Solin (1982, 13) records seven instances in Rome, ranging from senators to a likely freedman. ‖ In 8.41 he is portrayed as a patron or friend who has not sent Martial the usual Saturnalian gifts under the pretext of being sad (note the chiasmus): 1,3 Tristis Athenagoras /… / Athenagoras tristis. The poet suspects his excuse and concludes that it is he who has been made sad by Athenagoras’ meanness. Additionally, the name of the addressee of the poem, →Faustinus, contrasts with the adjective tristis, repeated three times in the epigram. Cf. Schöffel (2002, 368 – 369) on the similarities between 8.41 and Priap. 42.1 laetus Aristagoras natis bene vilicus uvis. ‖ The name further appears in two contiguous epigrams of book 9: 9.95 and 9.95b. As for 9.95, where apparently Alfius and Athenagoras were lovers, but now that the latter is married, the former has been pushed into the background, see →Alfius. Epigram 9.95b was first considered a separate epigram by Scriverius. After having heard about Athenagoras in the previous epigram, a certain →Callistratus interprets that Athenagoras is the true name (nomen verum) of a real person, a friend of his. Martial replies that he does not know who Athenagoras is; but even if he were giving the real name (verum nomen) of Athenagoras (highlighting the concept and playing a mirror game by means of a double chiasmus: nomen– Ath.–Call.–verum//Ath.–verum–Call.–nomen), the one who peccat (4) would be Athenagoras, not the person who denounces him. Henriksén (1999, 150) remarks: “The point would rather be that Athenagoras, while having the same name, also has a behaviour similar enough for him to be confused with the Athenagoras of 9.95, and peccat in line 4 would refer to this behaviour. Martial, on the other hand, cannot have

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committed a fault, since he knows no Athenagoras; instead, the one who has exposed the ‘real’ Athenagoras is the complaining Callistratus”. Note that Callistratus is portrayed as a homosexual in several epigrams and that peccat is a verb usually related to (oral) sex (see cf. 2.50.1; 3.85.2). ‖ →Alfius, →Callistratus. Bibliography: Barwick 1932, 65; Carrington 1954, 127– 128; Crusius 1906, 159 – 160; Dornseiff 1953, 373 – 378; Eden 1994, 685 – 688; Fernández Valverde/Ramírez de Verger 1997 ad loc.; Henriksén 1999, 146 – 150; 2012, 370; Joepgen 1967, 118; Lemaire 1825, 462; Mussehl 1923, 238 – 239; Pastor de Arozena 1991; 1991a; 1993; 1994; 2001; Pertsch 1911, 46; Schnur 1955, 51; Schöffel 2002, 368 – 369; Smyly 1947, 81– 82; Solin 1982, 13; Stowasser 1909, 150; Vallat 2002, 277– 293; 2008, 585 – 588; Watson 1983, 258 – 260. amc

Atilius 9.85.1. ‖ For the name, a widespread plebeian gentilicium (ThLL 2.1172.28 – 1173.77 [Otto]), see Schulze 1904, 151, 440. ‖ Atilius appears once in Martial’s epigrams, as the addressee of a satirical epigram against a ‘mutual friend’ (noster), →Paulus1, a greedy patron who feigns sickness so as not to invite his friends to dinner. Friedländer tentatively suggested that he might be identified with Atilius Crescens (PIR 2 A1300 [Stein]), a friend of Pliny (Ep. 1.9.8; 2.14.2; 6.8; Birley 2000, 24; cf. also White 1975, 297 n. 46), but there are no grounds for this identification. Bibliography: Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 95; Henriksén 1999, 116 (= 2012, 334). rms

Atlans1 9.3.5; 13.2.2; cf. 7.74.6; Atlanticus: 14.89.1. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἄτλας. ‖ A giant, son to the titan Japetus and the Oceanid Asia (or of Clymene), and father, among others, of the nymph Calypso, the Pleiades (including Maia) and the →Hesperides, according to some versions; he was the guardian of the columns that supported the sky, which he later had to hold up himself (Hom. Od. 1.52– 54; Hes. Th. 517– 520), as punishment for having taken part in the rebellion against the titans (according to Hyg. Fab. 150, he was the leader). According to another version (Ov. Met. 4.621– 662), he was transformed into a rock by Perseus with the Gorgon’s head, thus turning into the mountain range in the north of Africa. In the most famous story about Atlas, when →Hercules (great-grandson of Perseus) encountered him in his eleventh labour (the apples of the Hesperides) he had not been petrified yet. ‖ In 9.3.5, a poem praising Domitian, Martial affirms that if he claimed everything he had given to the gods it would be impossible for them to give it back, and Atlas (a metonymy for heaven) should have to declare himself bankrupt (he was extremely rich before his petrification: cf. Ov. Met. 4.635 – 638). 13.2.2 is an attack on a detractor whose causticity Atlas himself would be unable to bear. In 7.74.6 he is mentioned indirectly: the poem is

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dedicated to →Mercurius, his grandson, and he is alluded to as his senior avus (cf. Hor. Carm. 1.10.1 Mercuri, facunde nepos Atlantis); Martial wishes his burden to be light. ‖ Finally the adjective Atlanticus appears in 14.89.1, a present consisting of a citron-wood table which is said to be munera Atlantica, because of the citron trees that grew in northern Africa, specifically on the hillsides of Mount Atlas. Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 425; Henriksén 1998, 69; 2012, 29; Leary 1996, 148 – 149; 2001, 42– 43; LIMC 3.1, s. v. Atlans, 2– 16 (Griño/Olmos/Arce/Balmaseda), 3.2, 6 – 13; RE 2.2, s. v. Atlas 3, 2119 – 2133 (Wernicke). jfv

Atlans2 6.77.7. ‖ Real character? ‖ Ἄτλας. ‖ Although not very frequently, Atlans is found as a personal name in Rome: cf. CIL 6.6211 (a slave from the times of Augustus to Nero), 6.3256d (a pretorian), both recorded by Solin (1982, 463); 9.466.20. See also ThLL 2, s. v. Atlans 1043.82– 83 (Diehl). The mythical referent is Atlas the giant (→Atlans1). In Juvenal 8.32 a dwarf is, ironically, called Atlans: nanum cuiusdam Atlanta vocamus. ‖ In 6.77 →Afer is carried on a lectica by six Cappadocian slaves and Martial advises him to put an end to this ridiculous ostentation, which is compared to a certain Atlans riding a dwarf mule, probably in a spectacle: 7 non aliter monstratur Atlans cum compare ginno (see Grewing ad loc., for the many interpretations and emendations of this passage). The name of the dwarf, if Atlans is to be taken as a dwarf at all, would be as incongruous as the behaviour of Afer. The African connection is noticeable: see →Afer and →Atlans1. Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 500 – 502. amc

Atlanticus 14.89.1. ‖ Related to →Atlans1.

Atrectus 1.117.13. ‖ Real character. ‖ A Gallic name, of Celtic origin (cf. ThLL 2, s. v. Atrectus, 10954.12 [Otto]; Schulze 1904, 181 n. 4; CIL 13.1318; 13.3707; 13.4301; 13.6994; 13.8342; 13.11947; 6.6466; 6.6994; the name is also documented in the Vindolanda tablets: 182 Atrectus cervesarius). The cognomen is not as infrequent as Howell believes (1980, 351). ‖ He appears once in Martial’s epigrams, as the bibliopola (bookseller) who sells them. →Lupercus asks the poet to lend him one of his books; Martial, suspecting that he wants a gift, not a loan, gives him the address of the bookseller Atrectus, from whom he can buy a book for five denarii (17 denaris… quinque). The book-

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shop was located in the Argiletum (9 – 10 Argi nempe soles subire letum: / contra Caesaris est forum taberna; cf. Citroni 1975, 17, 21– 22, 357 and Howell 1980, 108 [map], 109, 350 – 351). This quarter of the city was full of bookshops (cf. 1.2, see →Secundus2; 1.3.1 Argiletanas mavis habitare tabernas; Hor. Ep. 1.20.1– 2. There were other kinds of shops in the area, like shoe shops, hence the name vicus Sandaliarius; cf. 2.17.3; Gel. 18.4.1 in Sandaliario forte apud librarios fuimus). See also Quintus →Pollius Valerianus, →Secundus2, →Tryphon. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 356 – 358; Howell 1980, 348 – 352; PIR 2 1320 (Stein); RE 2.2, s. v. Atrectus, 2138 – 2139 (Dziatzko). amc

Atreus 11.31.1. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ ᾿Aτρεύς. ‖ Son of →Pelops and Hippodamia, brother of →Thyestes, and father of Agamemnon and →Menelaus, the →Atridae. ‖ He had a feud with his brother, who disputed his right to the throne of Mycenae and commited adultery with his wife Aerope. In revenge, Atreus served Thyestes the flesh of the latter’s sons in a meal. ‖ See the sources for this story in →Thyestes. ‖ Martial calls →Caecilius Atreus cucurbitarum, because he cuts pumpkins into pieces, the only ingredient of the dishes he serves to his guests: “Caecilius is an Atreus not only because he cuts the gourds up into small pieces, but also because he does his best to disguise from his guests what they are eating” (Kay 1985, 138). ‖ →Thyestes. Bibliography: Kay 1985, 138; LIMC 3.1, s. v. Atreus, 17– 18 (Boardman); RE 2.2, s. v. Atreus, 2139 – 2144 (Escher); Vallat 2008, 197– 198, 238. rms

Atridae 7.24.5. ‖ Mythological characters. ‖ ᾿Aτρείδαι. ‖ Agamemnon and →Menelaus, sons (or grandsons) of →Atreus, kings of Mycenae (or Argos) and Sparta respectively, leaders of the Greek coalition in the Trojan war. ‖ They are mentioned together only once in Martial’s epigrams: a slanderer trying to cause a rift between Martial and Juvenal (→Iuvenalis) is said to be able to bring into conflict well-matched pairs like →Pylades and →Orestes, →Theseus and →Pirithous, the brothers Anfinomous and Anapius (Siculos brothers), the Atridae or the Dioscuri, →Castor1 and →Pollux. Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 182; Vallat 2008, 136. jfv

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Atropos 10.38.12; 10.44.5. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἄτροπος. ‖ One of the three →Parcae or Fates, who spin and cut the thread of life. ‖ Hes. Th. 218; 905. ‖ Her name means ‘inexorable’, ‘inflexible’. She is not frequently mentioned in Latin literature, except by Martial, Statius (Silv. 3.3.127; 4.4.56; 4.8.19; 5.1.178; Theb. 1.111; 1.328; 3.68; 4.190; 4.601), Silius Italicus (17.120) and in Carm. Bell. Aeg. 56. ‖ Martial alludes to this Parca twice in book 10. In 10.38.12, a poem celebrating the conjugal love of →Calenus1 and →Sulpicia, Martial concludes that if Atropos granted Calenus one single day of his married life, he would prefer it to a long existence. The allusion to Atropos has led scholars to interpret that the wife is dead (e. g. Hallett 1992, 112; Richlin 1992, 128; Parker 1992a, 95 – 96), thus implying the topic of mors immatura (cf. Stat. Silv. 3.3.127 florentesque manu scidit Atropos annos). 10.44 is both a farewell and an invitation to enjoy life (carpe diem) addressed to his friend →Ovidius2: he can postpone the pleasures of life, but Atropos does not stop spinning and the countdown to death continues (5 – 6 gaudia tu differs, at non et stamina differt / Atropos atque omnis scribitur hora tibi). ‖ →Parcae. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 158 (Heil); LIMC 6.1, s. v. Moirai, 636 – 648 (de Angeli), 6.2, 375 – 380; RE 2.2, s. v. Atropos, 2150 – 2152 (Dümmler). rms

Attalus 1.79.1,2,3,4; 2.7.1,5 (var. lect. Attice); 4.34.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A very common Greek name (444 instances in LGPN): see Solin 1996, vol. 2, 248. According to Howell (1980, 284), the name suggests “servile origins (perhaps from Asia minor)”. See also Citroni (1975, 255). ‖ In 1.79 Attalus is a busybody: Martial repeats the vocative Attale, the adverb semper and the verb agis, playing on its different meanings including ‘going to hell’: 4 agas animam. As Howell remarks: “Attale comes near the end of the first three lines, but begins the fourth, to put the reader on his guard for the final punch” (1980, 284). Citroni notes the alliteration of Attale and the verb ago and adds that “forse M. ha in mente la figura di un liberto che si dà da fare per la sua scalata sociale” (Citroni 1975, 255). This is a possible link with epigram 4.34: his dirty worn-out toga, probably the result of his intense activity as a client, is and is not nivea. Apart from this, there is another wordplay in the name of Attalus: Attalus III, King of Pergamon, was famous for his invention of gold embroidery (Attalica vestis), a notion of luxury which clearly contrasts with Attalus’ slovenly toga (Moreno Soldevila 2006, 277– 278). 2.7 is an attack on another meddler (ardalio), but there is a manuscript variant: Attale/Attice. In line 1 the manuscripts of the second and third family (βγ) read Attale (also in the lemma), but the only testimony of the first family (α), R (Vossianum florilegium Leidense), reads Attice. In line 5 α and β read Attice. A plausible explanation of the duplicity in β is offered by Lindsay 1903, 55. Some editors (e. g. Giarratano, Shackleton Bailey) print Attale, since there is a

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clear parallelism with 1.79 (Martial insistently repeats the name and bellus/belle), while others (Lindsay, Williams) prefer Attice, which would imply a play with the stylistic connotations of the name (Vallat 2008, 422) and even an implied criticism of the Greeks, epitomized by Juvenal in 3.75 – 78: quemvis hominem secum attulit ad nos: / grammaticus, rhetor, geometres, pictor, aliptes, / augur, schoenobates, medicus, magus, omnia novit / Graeculus esuriens (cf. Vallat 2008, 485 – 486). ‖ →Atticus1 2. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 255; Howell 1980, 284; Lindsay 1903, 20, 55; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 277– 278; Vallat 2008, 422, 485 – 486; Williams 2004, 46 – 47. rms

Atticilla 12.79.4. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name derives from the gentilicium Atticus (Kajanto 1965, 38, 168). Widely attested in inscriptions, it is not frequent in literature. Martial only has it once. ‖ Atticilla is an avara puella: Martial has given her all kind of presents, but she does not stop asking for more. The epigram ends: 4 quisquis nil negat, Atticilla, fellat (notice the repetition of /t/ the geminated /l/). Is Martial accusing her of practising fellatio or rather comparing his own humiliation to that of the fellator? rms

Atticus1 7.32.1; 9.99.1; cf. 2.7 (var. lect.). ‖ Real character. ‖ The name, meaning ‘Attic’, ‘Athenian’, was very popular in Rome (Kajanto 1965, 45, 203). ‖ The addressee of two epigrams. In 7.32 Martial addresses him as an orator and philosopher, belonging to an eloquent and important family: 1– 4 Attice, facundae renovas qui nomina gentis / nec sinis ingentem conticuisse domum, / te pia Cecropiae comitatur turba Minervae, / te secreta quies, te sophos omnis amat. Unlike other young men, Atticus does not like the Greek exercises of the palaestra, but prefers running near the Aqua Virgo or the Porticus Europae, as has been traditionally interpreted. For Prior (1996, 129), “[t]his interpretation, however, ruins the jest of the poem which depends on a double meaning for the verb ‘curro’. The pun contrasts the literal athletic meaning of the verb, enhanced by the long description of games, with a figurative colloquial usage similar to the verb ‘frequento,’ (…). Martial carefully establishes Atticus’ motionless life of the mind at the onset of the poem, a life so motionless that his only exercise is to ‘run’ with the idle crowd at the baths and the Porticus Europae”. Galán Vioque, however, adheres to the traditional interpretation: “Martial falls back on irony to praise the clearly Roman interests of an individual who has a connection with Greek culture, in contrast to the Greek-style sporting practices of Roman youth” (2002, 226). In any case, the connotations of the name tally with his portrait as an orator and philosopher. ‖ In 9.99 Martial tells Atticus he has received a letter from Marcus →Anto-

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nius2 Primus and sends the latter a book of epigrams. Note that the term quies (7.31.4; 9.99.4) appears in both epigrams, which reinforces the idea that he must be the same person. Friedländer suggested that he might be a relative of Pomponius Atticus, Cicero’s friend. Balland (1998, 60 – 63) suggests that Atticus was a son of Vestinus Atticus and Statilia Messalina, and half-brother of →Iulius Proculus (see also 2010, 137– 144). Pliny mentions a Iulius Atticus in Ep. 1.12.10 (Syme 1968, 148; Sherwin-White 1998, 113), but it is doubtful that he could be Martial’s Atticus. ‖ For the manuscript variants Atticus /Attalus in 2.7 see →Attalus. Bibliography: Balland 1998, 60 – 63; 2010, 137– 144; Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 490; Henriksén 1999, 161 (= 2012, 384); Nauta 2002, 83 n. 65; PIR 2 A1335 (Stein). rms

Atticus2 2.7.1,5 (var. lect.). Cf. Lindsay 1903, 55. ‖ →Attalus, →Atticus1.

Attis 2.86.4; 10.4.3; cf. 5.41.2; 8.46.4; 9.11.6. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἄττις. ‖ Attis was a Phrygian young man loved by →Cybele. In a fit of madness provoked by the goddess, he castrated himself and died (cf. Catul. 63; Ov. Fast. 4.223 – 246). This myth tried to explain why the priests of the Great Mother (Galli) were eunuchs. ‖ In 2.86.4– 5, a poem defending the simplicity of Martial’s epigrams, he blends the mythic story of Attis with metrical technique: Attis, who is called luculentus (‘beautiful’), does not dictate him the effeminate galliambic (the metre of Catullus 63). Epigram 10.4 is an attack on mythological poetry and a defence of the epigram: Attis is mentioned in a catalogue of truculent or unfortunate myths. According tho Hinds, “the mid-section of 10.4 offers effete and effeminate youths as a synecdoche for effete mythological poetry (in contrast, perhaps, to the Priapic robustness of Martialian epigram)” (2007, 178 n. 74). ‖ Attis is alluded to indirectly in three epigrams. In 5.41.2 an effeminate man is compared to the ‘lover of Celaenae’ (concubino mollior Celaenaeo): Celaenae was the ancient capital of Phrygia (the adjective is first found in Martial: cf. also 10.62.9 Marsyas Celaenaeus; 14.204.1 Aera Celaenaeos lugentia matris amores; Stat. Theb. 2.666; Canobbio 2011, 392). In 8.46.4, a poem about the puer →Cestus, Martial says that Cybele would prefer him to a ‘complete Phrygian’ (Phryga… totum), that is, to Attis before his castration. Finally, he is alluded to as Cybeles puer in a eulogy of →Earinus, a favourite eunuch of Domitian (9.11.6). Since Martial cannot include the name of the puer for metrical reasons in his poetry, he also resorts to periphrasis to allude to Attis and →Ganymedes. Besides, Attis was related to springtime and in Rome there was a spring feast related to him: “The introduction of Attis, associated with springtime as well as with castration, is thus ingenious, making it possible to allude not only to the notion of spring in Earinus’ name, but also quite irreproach-

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ably to the fact that he, like Earinus, was a eunuch. Probably Martial, like Statius, felt that such an allusion had to be made but also that extreme caution had to be exercised, as Domitian himself had legislated against castration; there could be no better solution than the introduction of Attis, by which castration could be alluded to under the cloak of springtime” (Henriksén 1998, 95). ‖ →Cybele, →Earinus. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 392; Henriksén 1998, 94– 95; 2012, 60 – 61; LIMC 3.1, s. v. Attis, 22– 44 (Vermaseren/de Boer), 3.2, 15 – 45; RE 2.2, s. v. Attis 1, 2247– 2252 (Cumont); Schöffel 2002, 403 – 404; Williams 2004, 263. rms

Auctus →Pompeius Auctus.

Aufidia 3.70.1. ‖ Fictitious character. ‖ The name, widely attested in inscriptions, is an old plebeian gentilicium (ThLL 2, s. v. Aufidius, 1338.59 – 1339.33 [Otto]). For a comprehensive prosopography of the people bearing this name, see Mathieu 1999. ‖ As a female name it appears only once in Martial’s epigrams: Aufidia is a woman whose ex‐husband, →Scaevinus, is now her lover and whose former lover is now her husband (cf. 1.74). Curiously, there is an Aufidius in the epigrams who is also an adulterer. See →Aufidius Chius. Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 446 – 447; RE 2.2, s. v. Aufidia 46, 2298 (Rohden). jfv

Aufidius Chius 5.61.10. ‖ Real character. ‖ Aufidius is a widespread nomen gentilicium (ThLL 2, s. v. Aufidius, 1338.59 – 1339.33 [Otto]). Chius, also widely attested in inscriptions, denotes origin: from the island of Chios (ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Chios, 397.57– 398.13 [Reisch]). ‖ A jurist, probably contemporary with Martial. ‖ →Marianus, a cuckolded husband, claims that the man who always accompanies his wife (obviously, her lover) is her procurator, and Martial ironically replies that the adulterer is sharper (acrior) than Aufidius of Chios. He apres- as a iuris consultus in the fragmenta Vaticana (77 contra quam Aticilinum respondisse Aufidius Chius refert). Juvenal mentions a famous adulterer named Aufidius: 9.25 notior Aufidio moechus. Although Howell admits that it “would add point to the comparison if the lawyer Aufidius had a reputation for adultery”, he claims that there is no evidence for this identification (1995, 145; cf. PIR 2 A1379, 1382). Canobbio, however, seems to take it for granted and adds that there is also a sexual double entendre in the adjective acer. Ferguson (1987, 30) defines Ju-

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venal’s Aufidius as a “wellknown sexual adventurer, who we cannot identify”: he proposes as candidate Aufidius Umber (PIR 2 A1395) or a descendant of the historian Aufidius Bassus. According to Syme (1955, 56 = RP 1, 275), the name Aufidius is common “in both senses of the term”. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 487; Ferguson 1987, 30; Howell 1995, 145; Mathieu 1999 n. 38; cf. PIR 2 A1379, 1382 (Stein); RE 2.2, s. v. Aufidius 17, 2291– 2292 (Jörs). rms

Augustus1 Sp. 34.1; 9.1.2; cf. 11.3.9 applied to →Nerva. Caesar Augustus: 11.20.1. Caesar: 8.66.10; 10.101.2. Caesareus: 2.59.2. Caesarianus: 10.73.4. ‖ 63 BC – AD 14. ‖ Octavian, the first Roman emperor, adopted by Julius →Caesar1. After his defeat of Marcus →Antonius1 he gained supreme power. In 27 BC he was given the title Augustus (‘venerable’). ‖ He appears as Augustus three times in the epigrams. In Sp. 34.1– 2 Martial refers to the stagnum which was built so that he could offer a naumachia in 2 BC (Coleman 2006, 252): Augusti labor hic fuerat committere classes / et freta navali sollicitare tuba. In 9.1.2 Martial alludes to Augustus giving his name to the month of August: Augustus annis commodabit aestates (Serv. G. 1.43; Liv. Perioch. 134; cf. Mart. 3.93.16; 6.59.8, where Augustus refers to the month). In 11.3.9 the name is applied to →Nerva, but the identification with Octavian is reinforced by the allusion to →Maecenas in the following line: 9 – 10 Cum pia reddiderint Augustum numina terris, / et Maecenatem si tibi, Roma, darent! Both Augustus and Maecenas are paradigmatic figures, the good emperor and the patron of the arts. ‖ Once he is called Caesar Augustus and he is mentioned as the author of an erotic epigram (lascivos… versus) about →Fulvia and Marcus Antonius. Martial quotes the full epigram, for whose authenticity see Kay 1985, 111– 112. See further Hallett 1977 and Mattiacci 2014a. ‖ He is called Caesar twice. In 8.66, an epigram thanking Domitian for the consulate of Silius Decianus, the eldest son of →Silius Italicus, Martial alludes to the fact that Augustus made his son-in-law →Agrippa consul three times (8.66.11) in 37, 28 and 27 BC. Silius must cherish hopes of having three consulates, but shared by him (consul in 68), his eldest son, Silius Decianus (consul in 94), and his youngest one, →Severus2. This wish was not fulfilled, for Severus died soon afterwards. The epigram begins with the dative Augusto, referring to Domitian, who is also called Caesar in line 6, a term which can be equivocal since he is mentioned just after Pompey (→Pompeius1). In 10.101.2 Martial says that the jester →Gabba amused his Caesar: suo… Caesare. ‖ In 2.59.2 the term Caesareum seems to refer to the Mausoleum of Augustus (Williams 2004, 199). ‖ The adjective Caesarianus is applied to Maecenas in 10.73.4: Caesarianus eques. ‖ →Antonius1, →Domitianus, →Fulvia, →Gabba, →Maecenas, →Nerva.

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Bibliography: Hallett 1977; Kay 1985, 111– 112; Mattiacci 2014a; Schöffel 2002, 521; Vallat 2008, 153 – 154; Williams 2004, 199; Wolff 2012. rms

Augustus2 4.27.1; 5.15.1; 5.65.15; 8.epist.; 8.36.11; 8.44.7; 8.66.1; 8.80.7; 8.82.1– 5; 9.3.13; 9.18.7; 9.34.2; 9.79.3. ‖ See →Domitianus.

Augustus3 11.3.9. ‖ See →Nerva.

Aulus →Pudens.

Autolycus 8.59.4. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ ᾿Aυτόλυκος. ‖ Son of Hermes (→Mercurius) and Chione (cf. Ov. Met. 11.301– 315), father of Anticlea and grandfather of Odysseus (→Vlixes), he obtained from his father the ability to steal (Met. 11.313) without ever being discovered, and to change the appearance of his prey (Hyg. Fab. 201). In the Odyssey (19.386 – 466) he led the hunting of the boar who hurt Odysseus’ leg on Mount Parnassus. Οne of the →Argonautae was also named Autolycus. ‖ Hom. Il. 10.267; Od. 19.394; Hes. fr. 64.15, Pl. R. 334b; Apollod. 1.9.16; Paus. 8.4.6; 10.8.8; Serv. A. 2.79. ‖ The only epigram where he appears deals with a one-eyed thief who is said to be more skillful than him. He was a paradigmatic thief: see Otto 1890, § 224; cf. e. g. Pl. Bac. 275; Ov. Met. 11.313 Autolycus furtum ingeniosus ad omne. Bibliography: RE 2.2, s. v. Autolikos 1, 2600 – 2601 (Dümmler); Schöffel 2002, 504; Vallat 2008, 136. jfv

Avitus 1.16.2; 6.84.1,2; 10.96.1,14; 10.102.3; 12.24.9; 12.75.7. Cf. Stertinius Avitus: 9. epist. ‖ Real character. ‖ The cognomen denotes a family relationship (‘grandfather’) and was particularly frequent in Hispania and the Celtic areas (Kajanto 1965, 80, 304). Because of this, and due to some internal evidence in the epigrams, some scholars have wondered whether Martial’s Avitus was a native of Spain (Hernández González 2008, 38; Balland 2010, 234 n. 33). ‖ Traditionally identified with the Lucius Stertinius Avitus mentioned in the prefatory letter of book 9 (see Friedländer ad loc.), this assumption has been questioned by several scholars. In fact, the varying tones of the epi-

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grams in which the name appears makes it difficult to assume that it always refers to the same (real) person. ‖ In 1.16 Martial warns Avitus that not all the epigrams in the book are of the same quality. In 6.84 he is the addressee of an epigram mocking →Philippus2, who is carried on an ostentatious lectica (Octaphoro… portatur, Avite, Philippus). In 10.96 Avitus seems to be a friend to whom Martial addresses a nostalgic poem contrasting the miseries of urban clients with a better life in distant Spain. In 12.24.9 he is mentioned as an intimate friend (conscius) of Martial and →Iuvatus. In 10.102 Martial shares with Avitus a double attack: on a man who has children without having conceived them and on →Gaditanus, who is a poet without writing anything. In 12.75 the poet tells him about his sexual likes: better a slave boy than an uxor dotata. ‖ Howell (1980, 144), contrary to Citroni (1975, 67), follows White in the idea that “this is not always the same man”; by contrast, Baumbach (in Damschen/Heil 2004, 341– 342) identifies the Avitus in book 10 with Stertinius Avitus (see also ibid., 506); Vallat (2008, 70) does not hesitate to identify the Avitus in 10.96, 12.24 and 12.75 with Stertinius Avitus. The most reasonable conclusion seems the one by Henriksén, who argues that “the possibilities of Stertinius also being the Avitus of 1, 16 cannot be ruled out on the basis of the content (…), which is the case also with 12, 24 (…); the sexual innuendo of 10, 102 and 12, 75 offers no argument in either direction, whereas 10, 96 must be directed to a fellow-client, making identification impossible” (1998, 52). ‖ →Stertinius Avitus. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 9, 123, 234 n. 33; Bianconi 2005, 83; Citroni 1975, 67; Damschen/Heil 2004, 341– 342 (Baumbach); Grewing 1997, 541– 542; Henriksén 1998, 52 (= 2012, 7); Hernández González 2008; Howell 1980, 144; 1998, 181; Nauta 2002, 41, 46, 65 n. 83; Sullivan 1991, 18, 42, 49; White 1972, 56 – 57. rms

B Babyrtas 7.87.9. ‖ Real character? ‖ Manuscripts read Labyrtae (β) and Labycae (γ). Νοne of them is attested elsewhere. In this epigram there are other names used once by Martial (→Cronius, →Gadilla), but they are epigraphically attested. Labyrtas is preferred by most editors, although Labycas is the reading accepted by Friedländer, Lindsay and Duff. Cf. Heraeus 1925, 320. Friedrich (1913, 275 – 278) proposed the emendation Babyrtas (which is attested as a name in Greek: cf. Polyb. 4.4.5 ἦν δέ τις κατ᾽ ἐκείνους τοὺς καιροὺς ἄνθρωπος ἀσυρὴς ἐν τῇ Μεσσήνῃ, τῶν ἐξηρμένων τὸν ἄνδρα κατὰ πάντα τρόπον, ὄνομα Βαβύρτας, ᾧ τις εἰ περιέθηκε τὴν καυσίαν καὶ χλαμύδα τοῦ Δωριμάχου, μὴ οἷόν τ᾽ εἶναι διαγινώσκειν). “So ist unser Babyrtas, welcher Name für Labyrtas einzusetzen ist, auch ein redender Name, und da nach dem Wortlaut (Cupidinei… ora) offenbar an ein menschliches Wesen zu denken ist, bezeichnet er einen morio. Ein solcher passt am ersten zu den vorhergenannten monstris” (Friedrich 1913, 276): “ein verwachsener verkrüppelter Mensch mit bildhübschem Gesicht ist sehr wohl denkbar” (ibid., 277). On the Gr. term βαβύρτας, cf. Hesych. Lex. 21 βαβύρτας· ὁ παράμωρος (LSJ refers to the Lat. baburrus; cf. Isid. 10.31 Baburrus, stultus, ineptus). There are four instances of βαβύρτας in LGPN. The names in this epigram are traditionally believed to correspond to real people, except for →Telesilla (8). According to Lieben in RE 12.1.311, it must be inferred that this character must be real too, and he adds: “Wir haben es also mit einem Liebling des Dichters zu tun”. ‖ The epigram describes the love of eight domini for their respective (exotic) pets: if they have the right to show an extravagant liking for these monstra, why should one not love the tender face of Babyrtas: 9 – 10 blanda Cupidinei cur non amet ora Babyrtae, / qui videt haec dominis monstra placere suis? At first sight, the poet seems to be sticking his neck out for the right to love one’s slaves (cf. 5.37) and to be praising the beauty of Babyrtas (cf. e. g. Galán Vioque 2002, 465). Yet, the epigram admits an ironic reading, inasmuch as Babyrtas is subtly included in the list of monstra and equated to animals. As suggested by Friedrich, he could be a deformed or retarded slave with childlike features (that would explain the epithet →Cupidineus). According to Socas (Fernádez/Socas 2004, 202 n. 87), “el epigrama apunta a un caballero innominado aunque reconocible por los lectores a través del feo Labirta”; cf. 3.82.24– 25, where →Zoilus offers the best wine and cups to his moriones. Irony could also be absent if the quis is identified with the poet; Babyrtas could be his own puer: “the likeliest explanation is that Martial’s delicium was an oddity of some sort, possibly a morio” (Watson 2003a, 377). Bibliography: Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 518; Friedrich 1913, 275 – 278; Galán Vioque 2002, 465, 470; Heraeus 1925, 320; RE 12.1, s. v. Labycas, 311 (Lieben); Watson/Watson 2003, 264. amc

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Baccara 6.59.2; 7.92.2,4,6,8,10; 11.74.1,2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name appears only in Martial. It is not Greek. It might be related to the name Baccarus, attested in some inscriptions in northern Africa and southern Spain. ‖ Present in several satirical epigrams. In 6.59 Martial criticises him for his exceedingly ostentatious apparel; in 7.92 Baccara promises everything but gives nothing; in 11.74 he is a reckless man: the Rhaetian (Rhaetus, although β reads Graecus) Baccara had entrusted the healing of his penis to a doctor who is also his rival (in sexual terms). Martial concludes that he will become a Gallus (not an inhabitant of Gallia but an emasculated priest of →Cybele; cf. 3.24.13 – 14). ‖ Vallat relates his name to bacchari, ‘to behave like a bacchante’, for his intemperance and fickleness. Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 487; Grewing 1997, 381; Kay 1985, 228; Vallat 2008, 394, 486. jfv

Bacchicus 7.63.4. ‖ Adj. Related to →Bacchus.

Bacchus Sp. 14.7; 1.76.7; 3.24.2; 4.44.3; 4.82.6; 5.72.1; 5.78.18; 8.26.8; 8.68.4; 10.35.20; 13.23.1; 13.39.1; 13.119.1; 14.107.1; cf. Bacchicus: 7.63.4; Bromius: 4.45.8; 12.98.3; Lyaeus: 1.70.9; 8.50.11; 8.78.2; 9.61.15; 10.20.19; 13.22.1; 13.114.1; 13.118.1. ‖ Διόνυσος. ‖ The god of wine, son of Zeus (→Iuppiter) and →Semele. He was raised by Ino, the wife of Athamas (see →Athamanteus), and later by the nymphs of Mount Nysa. His entourage is formed by Satyri, Sileni and Maenads, possessed by the god. He is usually represented as an effeminate youth, with abundant hair and holding grapes, a cup or the thyrsos in his hand. ‖ Apart from his name, Martial uses two epithets, Bromius (Βρόμιος, ‘the one who roars’, ThLL 2, s. v. Bromius 2204.4– 28 [Ihm.]) and Lyaeus (Λυαῖος, ‘the loosener’), a cult name found only since Hellenistic times, but frequent in Latin poetry (see the details in Leary 2001, 72, Schöffel 2002, 435 and Henriksén 2012, 265). ‖ Bacchus is the god of vineyards and wine, and, consequently, his name is often used metonymically (ThLL 2, s. v. Bacchus, 1665.78 – 1666.38 [Diehl]). In a poem about the devastation of Mount Vesuvius after its eruption in AD 79, Martial claims that Bacchus loved its hillsides more than the hills of Nysa: 4.44.3 haec iuga, quam Nysae colles, plus Bacchus amavit (for the link between Mount Vesuvius and Bacchus, see Moreno Soldevila 2006, 329). In 8.68, a description of a glass protection for vineyards, the grapes are called Bacchi munera (4): cf. Verg. G. 3.526 – 527. For the expression, see Schöffel 2002, 575. In 12.98.3, a poem addressed to the river Baetis (presentday Guadalquivir in Andalusia, Spain), in honour of →Instanius, the new proconsul of Baetica, Bromius is a metonymy for vineyards and →Pallas for olive trees, the most important crops in the area. Bacchus and Pallas are frequently cited together. In

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5.78.17– 18 wine (Bacchus) is said to give an appetite (post haec omnia forte si movebit / Bacchus quam solet esuritionem). Bacchus appears in several epigrams in book 13 (Xenia): in 13.23.1 the mature wine (seni… Baccho) from Setia is compared to the figs of Chios; in 13.119 Bacchus stands for Martial’s wine from his farm in Nomentum. With the name Lyaeus he is further mentioned in three more Xenia: in 13.22 hard-skinned grapes are said to be unsuitable for Lyaeus, that is, useless in winemaking; in 13.114 and 118 the term applies to varieties of wine. Finally, in 14.107 Martial refers to Bacchus and his entourage (the Satyri and a drunken tigress) in a poem about some drinking cups (calathi). For the iconography of Bacchus pouring wine for a tiger to lick, see Leary 1996, 170. As was usual in poetry, Bacchus is mentioned in symposiac contexts, obviously as a metonymy for wine and drinking. In 4.82.6 the best time to read epigrams is at night after moderate drinking: 5 – 6 Sed nec post primum legat haec summumve trientem, / sed sua cum medius proelia Bacchus amat. A similar remark in 10.20.19, where Martial advises his book to approach Pliny at night, cum furit Lyaeus. Bacchus is described as drunk or as a reveller. In 1.70.9 Martial alludes to a shrine of the drunken Bacchus: madidi… Lyaei (for its possible location, see Citroni 1975, 230; Howell 1980, 269 – 270). In 9.61.15 he is said to be a comissator, partying with his companions. ‖ Two epigrams deal with his miraculous birth after the death of →Semele. In Sp. 14 Martial compares it to the birth of a piglet during a venatio in the amphitheatre: 7– 8 quis negat esse satum materno funere Bacchum? / sic genitum numen credite: nata fera est. In 5.72 Martial seems to be criticising a poet who has called Jupiter ‘mother of Bacchus’. ‖ In 8.26 Martial compares a venatio in the amphiteatre to his triumph over India: the emperor’s show exhibits a huge number of tigers whereas the god’s chariot was pulled by only a pair of them: 8 contentus gemina tigride Bacchus erat (for the iconography of Bacchus and the chariot pulled by tigers, see Schöffel 2002, 254– 255). There is a further allusion to his Indian triumph in a similar context in book 8: a description of the spectacles offered by →Stella to celebrate a triumph by Domitian (8.78.2). ‖ Bacchus was also a god of poetic rapture. In 1.76 Bacchus and →Apollo stand for poetic composition whereas →Minerva symbolises law, a more lucrative occupation: 7 Quid possunt hederae Bacchi dare? (for ivy as an attribute of Bacchus, cf. e. g. Prop. 4.1.62; Ov. Met. 6.588 – 589; Fast. 3.767; 6.483; Tr. 1.7.2; wreaths of ivy were a symbol of poetry: see Galán Vioque 2002, 366). In 7.63.4 the wreaths of Bacchus adorn the hair of the Muses (Aoniae Bacchica serta comae) in allusion to →Silius Italicus’ role as a poet. The expression Bacchica serta (alluding to ivy) recalls Ov. Tr. 1.7.2 (meis hederas, Bacchica serta, comis). For the relation between the god and the Muses, see Galán Vioque 2002, 367 (→Musae). In 10.35, a praise of the poetess →Sulpicia, Martial affirms that she would not have lived as the wife of Jupiter or as the lover of Apollo or Bacchus, should her husband →Calenus1 have died before her (20 nec Bacchi nec Apollinis puella): that is, she preferred his love to anything else (cf. Catul. 70). In 4.45, a genethliakon celebrating the birthday of →Burrus, Martial prays to →Phoebus1 for a long life; in return, the poet wishes the god’s hair, a symbol of ephebic beauty, to be always longer than Bromius’ (4.45.7– 8). Bacchus and Apollo are usually mentioned to-

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gether (cf. 10.35.20 and Moreno Soldevila 2006, 339). The name of the god alliterates with the name of the boy: Burrus / Bromie. ‖ Several epigrams allude to rams or kids in relation to the god: cf. Verg. G. 2.380 – 381 Baccho caper omnibus aris / caeditur; 2.395. Epigram 3.24 is a joke about an Etruscan haruspex who, while trying to sacrifice a ram to Bacchus (cf. Verg. G. 2.393 – 396), castrates himself by accident, thus becoming a Gallus (that is, an emasculated priest of →Cybele). Epigram 8.50 is a description of an embossed ram in a phiala: in line 12 Martial addresses Lyaeus and affirms that the god would like the ram to feed on his vines. Finally, in an epigram from the Xenia Martial describes a kid, which has damaged the green god (viridi… Baccho), that is, vines, by gambolling about and eating their leaves, thus deserving to be sacrificed (13.39). According to Leary (2001, 89), “damage to vines by goats was a common problem, and the subject of goats destroying vines and being sacrificed as punishment (…) became a regular literary theme”. Bibliography: Buongiovanni 2012, 117– 118; Canobbio 2011, 540; Galán Vioque 2002, 366 – 367; Henriksén 1999, 60 (= 2012, 265); Howell 1980, 269 – 270; Leary 1996, 170; 2001, 72, 73, 89 – 90, 181, 185; LIMC 3.1, s. v. Dionysos/Bacchus, 540 – 566 (Gasparri), 3.2, 428 – 456; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 329, 338 – 339; RE 3.1, s. v. Bromios 1, 888 – 889 (Jessen); RE 5.1, s. v. Dionysos 2, 1010 – 1046 (Kern); RE 13.2, s. v. Lyaios, 2110 (Kruse); Schöffel 2002, 254– 255, 435, 575, 652– 653. rms

Baeticus 3.77.1,10; 3.81.1,4. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Baeticus is a geographical cognomen, related to Baetica (Kajanto 1965, 198) or the river Baetis (present-day Guadalquivir): cf. Sil. 16.469 – 470 Baeticus: hoc dederat puero cognomen ab amne / Corduba. It is attested as a personal name in inscriptions. ‖ Baeticus appears twice in two satirical epigrams of book 3 related to the motif of os impurum. In 3.77 Martial wonders why he does not like exquisite delicacies and instead devours nauseating food. The poet suspects a secret vice, which is openly stated in 3.81: there Baeticus is a Gallus, that is, a castrated priest of →Cybele (notice the wordplay between terms apparently related to geographical origins; see →Baccara in 11.74 for a similar wordplay); and he is accused of being a cunnilingus. Thus, by eating strong smelling food he intends to hide the characteristic bad breath typical of the cunnilingi (cf. 12.85). Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 469 – 473, 481– 483; Sullivan 1991, 199 – 200; Vallat 2008, 402. jfv

Balbus 2.32.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ The cognomen alludes to a speech disorder such as stuttering or mumbling (Kajanto 1965, 240). It is a very frequent name, cf. PIR 2 B, pp. 350 – 351. ‖ The name appears once in Martial. Balbus seems a real character, but there are no clues for his identification. Epigram 2.32 is an attack on →Ponticus, a feeble and

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servile character, who, despite being the poet’s patron (dominus), does not side with his friend and cliens against his opponents. Martial alludes first to Balbus, with whom he is involved in a legal dispute. According to Williams, the fact that Ponticus does not want to confront him suggests that he might be an important person (like →Licinus, magnus homo, or →Patrobas, libertus Caesaris, who appear afterwards) or that Ponticus was indebted to him. A Q. Iulius Balbus had been consul suffectus in AD 85, approximately a year before the publication of book 2. Bibliography: Vallat 2008, 321; Williams 2004, 125 – 126. jfv

Bassa 1.37.2 (var. lect.); 1.90.1,6; 4.4.12; 4.61.8; 4.87.1,4; 5.45.1– 2; 6.69.1. ‖ For this name of probable Oscan origin, see →Bassus1, and Schulze 1904, 444, 479 – 481, 522; ThLL 2, s. v. Bassus, 1778.29 – 1779.76 (Jacobsohn). ‖ The name appears in various satirical contexts, mainly as the butt of sexual attacks. ‖ In 1.90 she passes for a virtuous woman, a new →Lucretia who has no contact with men, but in actual fact she is a lesbian (fututor), whose prodigiosa Venus (8) has been interpreted as a huge clitoris or as a dildo (ὄλισβος, penis coriaceus; cf. Ar. Lys. 109). The interpretation of the name Bassus, provided by Watson/Watson (2003, 222, on 3.76), may also apply to this Bassa tribas: it might allude to basus, a vulgar form of vas, meaning ‘penis’ (cf. Adams 1982, 41– 43; see also Fusi 2006, 466, who is not persuaded of the validity of this hypothesis). Epigrams 4.4 and 4.87 portray a foul-smelling Bassa: 4.4 is a cumulation of images which suggest stench, leading to an attack on her: 12 mallem quam quod oles olere, Bassa. The reason for her bad smell could be some sexual practices, perhaps os impurum (Moreno Soldevila 2006, 114; cf. 6.69 where she is a fellatrix); however, in 4.87 she is in the habit of farting (4 pedere… solet), a vice she wants to conceal by always carrying a baby whom she can blame for it. Mentioned together with →Caelia, of dubious reputation, in 4.61, both have given expensive jewels to →Mancinus (as a reward for his sexual services?). For a possible wordplay between the names Bassa and Caelia, see Moreno Soldevila 2006, 427. In 5.45 she insists that she is young and pretty, just because she is not (Howell 1995, 130: “Naturally a pretty girl has no need to go around telling everyone that she is a pretty girl”), and in 6.69 she is the wife or lover of a certain →Catullus3, and is accused of being a fellatrix. ‖ Manuscripts differ in 1.37.2: β and γ manuscripts read Bassa, whereas T and R read Basse. Howell (1980, 188) prefers the feminine, “since this form of extravagance seems to have been particularly associated with women”, whereas Citroni (1975, 122) favours the masculine form. The epigram attacks a person who drinks out of glass cups but defecates in a golden chamber pot, a behaviour typical of the parvenu. ‖ →Bassus1.

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Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 410 – 411; Citroni 1975, 281– 282; Grewing 1997, 447– 449; Howell 1980, 115, 130, 188; 1995, 130; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 114– 121, 427, 534– 536; Vallat 2008, 408; L. Watson 2003, 8 – 9; Watson/Watson 2003, 317. amc

Bassus1 1.37.2; 3.76.1; 5.23.1,7; 5.53.2; 6.69.2 (var. lect.); 8.10.1; 9.100.2,6; 12.97.4,11. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The adjective bassus, semantically close to crassus, is of probable Oscan origin, like the cognomina Bassus, Bassa, Bassius, Bassia (cf. Ernout/Meillet, s. v.; cf. Schulze 1904, 350, 423). Bassus is a common and widespread name in Rome (cf. ThLL 2, s. v. Bassus, 1778.29 – 1779.76 [Jacobsohn]; Galán Vioque 2002, 505 – 506). ‖ Scholars have traditionally differentiated between a fictional Bassus and a real one (→Bassus2), although both the unity and the real existence of the latter could be questioned. Rohden (RE 3.1, s. v. Bassus 6, 107) believes the Bassus of 3.47, 3.58, 5.23, 5.53, 7.96 and 8.10 (without any allusion to the other appearances of the name) to be a contemporary tragic poet. In any case, this Bassus appears in varied satirical contexts: Vallat (2008, 409 – 411) catalogues him among the “types complexes”, criticised for both their sexual and social behaviour. ‖ In several epigrams he is attacked for his showy attitude, typical of the parvenu. In 1.37 he drinks out of glass cups but uses a golden chamber pot: 1– 2 Ventris onus misero… excipis auro, / Basse, bibis vitro. Although most editors print Basse here, Howell (1980, 188) prefers to read Bassa (the reading of β and γ), “since this form of extravagance seems to have been particularly associated with women”. Citroni (1975, 122) favours the masculine form, present in manuscripts T and R. See also →Bassa. He is censured twice in relation to clothes. In 5.23 he is in the theatre trying to pass himself off as a member of a higher social class by wearing ostentatious clothes (green, a symbol of the equestrian status, and purple, of the senatorial class). In 8.10 he has made a good deal buying some expensive cloaks for which he has no intention of paying. In 9.100 he is a demanding patron: the client is not satisfied with the compensation he receives, three denarii (almost twice as much as the common sportula, consisting of one hundred quadrantes = one denarius and 9 asses) for his services. With that amount he could not even buy his worn-out toga: 5 trita… togula… vilisque vetusque. The description of the threadbare toga, but owned by him (nobis), recalls 2.58.2 sed mea sunt and 3.36.9 toga tritaque meaque. There is a hint at the toga as a symbol of citizenship, despite its poor quality: as worn-out as it may be, the toga (that is, being an ingenuus) cannot be bought by social climbers. In any case, as noted by Shackleton Bailey (1993, vol. 2, 319): “The toga symbolizes client service, which M. implies is in his case worth more than Bassus is offering”. ‖ In 3.76 his mentula demens is more attracted to old hags than to beautiful young women: 2 nec formosa tibi sed moritura placet. He is portrayed then as a captator or even as a pedico turned into a fututor of old ladies due to financial difficulties, like →Charidemus2 (11.87) or →Sabellus (6.33). Notice that the Bassus of 9.100 often pays visits to widows (4 ad viduas tecum plus

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minus ire decem) and the one in 12.97 is fonder of his male slaves than of his young and beautiful wife, whom he has married for the money. According to Watson/Watson (2003, 222), the name in 3.76 recalls basus, the vulgar form of vas, with the sexual meaning of ‘penis’ (cf. Adams 1982, 41– 43); contra Fusi 2006, 466. His sexual likes and dislikes are epitomised by →Hecuba and →Andromache, which link this Bassus with the protagonist of 5.53, a poetaster fond of mythical themes, including Andromache. Bassus’ works are of such a poor quality that they only deserve destruction: 3 – 4 Materia est… tuis aptissima chartis / Deucalion vel… Phaethon (the mythological figures stand for water and fire). Finally, in 12.97 he prefers to have sex with his pueri delicati than with his own wife, despite her being a puella (1), dives, nobilis, erudita, casta (3). After tiring himself out with them, when he goes to bed she finds his mentula languid and cannot arouse it by any means. Yet, he has bought his slaves with her dowry; therefore, she has bought his mentula and he is obliged to satisfy her: 11 non est haec tua, Basse: vendidisti. ‖ In 6.69.2 Bassi is the varia lectio of γ, whereas β reads Bassae, for which see Grewing 1997, 449. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 281; Citroni 1975, 122; Fusi 2006, 466; Galán Vioque 2002, 505 – 506; Henriksén 1999, 164– 165 (= 2012, 368); Howell 1980, 188; 1995, 104– 105, 137– 138; RE 3.1 s. v. Bassus 6, 107 (Rohden); Schöffel 2002, 162– 163; Vallat 2008, 394, 411; Watson/Watson 2003, 222. amc

Bassus2 3.47.5,15; 3.58.1; 7.96.1. ‖ Real character? ‖ For the name, see →Bassus1. ‖ Friedländer (1886, vol. 1, 305) identified the father of the deceased Urbicus of 7.96 (→Vrbicus2) with the Bassus of book 3 (3.47, 3.58), a suggestion endorsed by Fusi (2006, 340) and Canobbio (2011, 281). However, one might wonder whether identification is necessary and whether the Bassus of 3 is a real person and a friend of Martial’s (Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 3, 343, considers him a fictitious character). ‖ In book 3 Bassus’ villa is the counterpoint of →Faustinus’ fertile land. In 3.47, addressed to Faustinus, Bassus’ cart is full of food (plena… raeda), but he does not drive from the countryside to the city to sell it, but rather the contrary: he has bought in the marketplace what his barren land does not produce. In 3.58 the fertile villa, the genuine land (5 rure vero) of Faustinus is compared to the wasteland of Bassus, his pictam… villam (49), which only produces a famem mundam (45) and does not deserve to be called rus: Rus hoc vocari debet, an domus longe? (51). The tone of the criticism is hardly suitable for a common friend, and Bassus must be here either an invented character or a pseudonym. ‖ The Bassus of 7.96 could be a real person, probably a father who has outlived his baby son Urbicus (Garrido-Hory 1981, 66, wonders whether Urbicus could be Bassus’ slave), and Shackleton Bailey in his index nominum (vid. supra) differentiates this from the other occurrences of the name. He need not be, however, a friend of Martial’s as suggested by Galán Vioque. Maltby (2006, 163) points to a link-

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ing device between the name Bassus and the basiationes of →Linus2 in the preceding epigram (7.95.17– 18). ‖ →Faustinus, →Vrbicus2. Bibliography: Fabbrini 2007, 109 – 116; Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 305; Fusi 2006, 340; Galán Vioque 2002, 505 – 506; PIR 2 B84 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 115. amc

Βellona 12.57.11. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ From bellum (‘war’). Roman goddess of war. She had no flamen and no festival in the Roman calendar, although she seems to be an old deity. Her first temple was vowed by Appius Claudius Caecus in 296 BC and built shortly afterwards in the Campus Martius near the Circus Flaminius, outside the pomoerium of Rome (see L. Chiotti in LTUR 1, 190 – 193). This temple played a symbolic role in the declarations of war. Later Bellona was identified with several deities, especially with the Greek war-goddess →Enyo, and with the Cappadocian Mother-Goddess Ma. Her priests are called Bellonarii in the scholia to Horace (RE 3.1, s. v. Bellonarii, 257 [Aust.]). ‖ Cf. Plu. Sull. 9.7.457c; Tib. 1.6.43 – 54; Juv. 4.123 – 124 ut fanaticus oestro / percussus, Bellona, tuo; 6.511– 516 ecce furentis / Bellonae matrisque deum chorus intrat et ingens / semivir, obsceno facies reverenda minori, / mollia qui rapta secuit genitalia testa / iam pridem, cui rauca cohors, cui tympana cedunt / plebeia et Phrygia vestitur bucca tiara; Apul. Met. 8.25; 8.27– 29; 11.5; Lact. Div. Inst. 1.21.16. ‖ In a long poem about the inconveniences of the Urbs, Martial alludes to the turba… entheata Bellonae, the Bellonarii, the frenzied (and noisy) priests of the goddess with their unrelenting worship, similar to the priests of →Cybele. Bibliography: Brill NP 2, s. v. Bellona, 589 – 590 (Graf); 8, s. v. Ma, 49 – 51 (Gordon); LIMC 3.1, s. v. Bellona, 92– 93 (Cahn), 3.2, 71– 72; OCD4, s. v. Bellona (Rose/North); RE 3.1, s. v. Bellona, 254– 257 (Aust.). rms

Bithynicus 2.26.3; 6.50.5; 9.8.1,3; 12.78.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Βιθυνικός. ‖ The adjective Bithynicus means ‘related to/native of Bithynia’, a region of Asia minor (ThLL 2.2018.80 – 2019.67 [Hey]). It is not frequently used as a cognomen (cf. Grewing 1997, 347; it is also used as an agnomen: cf. e. g. Cic. Fam. 16.23.1; Brut. 240). It was a cognomen of the gens Pompeia (RE 3.1, s. v. Bithynicus, 542 [Klebs]). Solin (1982, 602) records several instances of the name. The Greek Βιθυνικός is recorded ten times in LGPN. Juvenal addresses his Satire 15 to a Volusius Bithynicus (15.1). See Ferguson 1987, 245. ‖ Bithynicus frequently appears in chrematistic contexts. He is a captator in 2.26 and 9.8, and he has financial difficulties in 6.50. In 2.26 he courts a sick woman, →Naevia, so that he can become her heir when she dies. Yet, it is he who is deceived, since she is only pretending to be sick: 4 erras: blanditur Naevia, non moritur. As a captator he appears again in 9.8: he invested a fortune (2 annua… milia sena dabas) in his vic-

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tim, →Fabius, who has bequeathed him nothing in the end (cf. 7.66, where Fabius has left →Labienus a very small inheritance). Martial mockingly concludes that Bithynicus has become Fabius’ only heir, because the deceased has not left anything to anyone and at least Bithynicus will save a lot of money every year: 4 annua legavit milia sena tibi. Henriksén (2012, 49) suggests that the name may evoke wealth, adducing Man. 4.761 Bithynia dives. In 6.50 Martial advises him not to follow the example of →Telesinus if he wants to become rich (5 vis fieri dives, Bithynice?): Telesinus used to be pauper, but now he is wealthy after becoming acquainted not with puros… amicos (1), but with obscenos… cinaedos (3). As often happens in satirical epigrams, richness can be obtained by shameful means (cf. Grewing 1997, 343). Finally, in 12.78 Martial claims that he has never written anything against Bithynicus, who does not believe it and asks the poet to swear it: 2 iurare iubes? In the last hemistich Martial introduces the reader into legal grounds, as explained by Shackleton Bailey (1993, vol. 3, 157): “A plaintiff was entitled by Roman law to challenge the defendant to take an oath as to the justice of his own case, refusal being treated as tantamount to an admission of the plaintiff’s claim. Thus a debtor must deny the debt or pay it. M. ironically pretends to regard himself as owing Bithynicus the offensive epigram which the latter accuses him of having written (and would really like him to write? Cf. 5.60)”. Bithynicus may be one of those characters who want to be the protagonists of an epigram at any cost. Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 343, 347; Henriksén 1998, 85 – 86; 2012, 49; Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 3, 157; Vallat 2008, 407, 422; Williams 2004, 106. amc

Bitias 8.6.13. ‖ Literary character. ‖ A Tyrian nobleman, to whom →Dido first passed the patera after the libation in the famous scene of the welcoming dinner for Aeneas (Verg. A. 1.738). According to Servius (ad loc.), Bitias classis Punicae fuit praefectus. There is another Bitias in the Aeneid, a Trojan warrior, albeit unrelated to this one (for the homonymy, see Saunders 1940, 545 – 546). ‖ This erudite allusion appears in the epigram about →Euctus, who boasts about the antiquity of his silverware. He claims that he owns the patera Dido used on that occasion: 13 – 14 hac propinavit Bitiae pulcherrima Dido in patera, / Phrygio cum data cena viro est. Martial makes fun of his pretentiousness and ignorance: “Euctus’ pomposity is, however, deflated by having him mistakenly view Dido’s epic banquet in terms of a contemporary Roman dinner party (…). Euctus’ anachronistic interpretation of Virgil serves to debunk his arrogance” (Watson 1998, 38 – 39). ‖ For Virgil’s influence on Martial, see →Vergilius. ‖ →Aeneas, →Dido, →Euctus. Bibliography: RE 3.1. s. v. Bitias 2, 544 (Niese); Schöffel 2002, 143; Watson 1998, 38 – 39. rms

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Blaesianum 8.38.13. ‖ A ceremony in honour of →Blaesus.

Blaesus 8.38.10; cf. Blaesianum: 8.38.13. ‖ Real character. ‖ Stat. Silv. 2.1.191,201– 207; 2.3.76 – 77 hoc, quae te sub teste situm fugitura tacentem / ardua magnamimi revirescet gloria Blaesi. ‖ A deceased friend of Atedius →Melior. ‖ The name originally means ‘stammerer’ (Kajanto 1965, 240), yet the connotations do not seem to be relevant in this context. ‖ Martial’s 8.38 is a homage poem: Melior honours his deceased friend Blaesus by making a donation to a collegium scribarum for the celebration of his dies natalis, thus instituting a Blaesianum (sacrum). Statius also pays homage to Melior’s friend. In his epicedion for →Glaucias (Silv. 2.1), the puer delicatus meets Blaesus in the underworld. The child recognises him, for he was used to seeing his portrait at Melior’s home, but Blaesus does not know him and thinks he is one of his grandchildren. According to Van Dam (1984, 166), at the time of Glaucias’ death Blaesus must have been dead for twelve years. Blaesus was of high birth (Stat. Silv. 2.1.19 generosi… Blaesi), was married and had children; he may have been a poet or a connoisseur like Melior. He has been identified with Velleius Blaesus (PIR 2 B137; Plin. Ep. 2.20.7; see Sherwin-White 1998, 203). Syme suspects a connection between Velleius Blaesus and P. Sallustius Blaesus, consul suffectus in AD 89, who could also be the Sallustius Lucullus, governor of Britain, put to death by Domitian (Suet. Dom. 10.2). See Syme 1958, 648; 1979, 297– 298; 1980, 42– 49. If, as Van Dam suggests, Blaesus had died before AD 80, it seems “too early (…) to be still topical when Pliny wrote” (Nauta 2002, 314). Nauta, following Hardie (1983, 66 – 67), favours an identification with Junius Blaesus, a partisan of Vitellius killed in AD 69. Bibliography: Giegengack 1969, 70; Nauta 2002, 314– 315; PIR 2 B137 (Stein); RE 3.1, s v. Blaesus 3, 556 (Henze); Schöffel 2002, 344, 352; Sherwin-White 1998, 203; Vallat 2008, 78; Van Dam 1984, 166, 334; Vessey 1986, 2773 – 2782; White 1975, 275. rms

Briseis 11.43.9. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Βρισηίς. ‖ Daughter of Briseus. She became the concubine of →Achilles, after being taken in Lyrnesus during the siege of Troy. Agamemnon took her in compensation for his giving Chryseis back to her father, but he later restored her. ‖ Hom. Il. 1.184; 1.323; 1.336; 1.392; 2.689 – 691; 9.106; 19.60; 19.296. She was also called Hippodameia or Lyrnesis (Ov. Ars 2.403; 2.711; Tr. 4.1.15; Sen. Ag. 186). ‖ The love affair between Achilles and Briseis was a recurrent motif in amatory poetry: Prop. 2.8.35; 2.9a.9; 2.20.1; 2.22a.29 e complexu Briseidos iret Achilles; Hor. Carm. 2.4.3 – 4 serva Briseis niveo colore / movit Achillem; Ov. Am. 1.9.33 ardet in abducta Briseide magnus Achilles; 2.8.11 Thessalus ancillae facie Briseidos arsit;

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Ars 2.403; 2.711– 716 (on Achilles’ masturbating her); 3.189; Rem. 777, 783; Tr. 2.1.373; 4.1.15; Stat. Silv. 4.4.35. She is also the protagonist of one of Ovid’s Heroides (Ep. 3). ‖ Briseis is mentioned once by Martial, in a catalogue of mythological exempla of bisexuality (11.43). A husband is caught by his wife practising anal sex with his slave and she complains that he could also have anal intercourse with her; but he replies that pedicatio is preferable with young men, offering the examples of →Ganymedes, →Hylas1, →Hyacinthus1 and →Patroclus, loved by gods and heroes who also had sex with women. In lines 9 – 10 Martial says that Achilles preferred Patroclus to Briseis for pedicatio: Briseïs multum quamvis aversa iaceret, / Aeacidae propior levis amicus erat. ‖ →Achilles. Bibliography: RE 3.1, s. v. Briseis, 856– 857 (Escher); LIMC 3.1, s. v. Briseis, 157– 167 (Kossatz-Deissmann), 3.2, 133 – 139; Vallat 2008, 134. rms

Bromius 4.45.8; 12.98.3. ‖ →Bacchus.

Bruttianus 4.23.5. ‖ Real character. ‖ Bruttianus is an ethnic name (Kajanto 1965, 50, 142). Balland thinks it could be a (real or poetical) derivative of Bruttius. Bruttianus must be a real person or a pseudonym. Pliny mentions a Lustricius Bruttianus (Ep. 6.22). ‖ A writer of Greek epigrams. Martial imagines a literary contest between →Callimachus and Bruttianus. The Muse →Thalia hesitates about who should be the winner, but Callimachus himself gives the first prize to Bruttianus, as Martial would do if he decided to write epigrams in Latin as well. ‖ Manuscripts of the β family read Bruttiano, whereas those of the γ family read Brutiano. According to Balland (1998, 51– 53), he is identifiable with →Cerrinius (8.18), and both with C. Bruttius Praesens (PIR 2 B161; Syme 1988, 563 – 578), the recipient of Plin. Ep. 7.3 (see Sherwin-White 1998, 404). Bibliography: Balland 1998, 51– 53; Duret 1986, 3220; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 229 – 230; Neger 2012, 77– 81; PIR 2 B155 (Stein); RE 3.1, s. v. Brutianus 1, 906 (Henze); Sullivan 1991, 60. rms

Brutus1 8.30.2; 10.39.1; 11.5.9; 11.16.10 (bis); 11.44.1. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Lucius Iunius Brutus. One of the two first consuls of Rome in 509 BC, after causing the overthrow of king Tarquinius Superbus due to the rape and suicide of →Lucretia. ‖ Liv. 1.58 – 60. ‖ Since he was the first consul, he is mentioned as a symbol of antiquity: 8.30 deals with a spectacle based on the story of →Mucius Scaevola, which was

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most popular in the times of Brutus (temporibus Bruti); 10.39 is an attack on the old →Lesbia2, who claims to have been born during the consulate of Brutus (1 consule Bruto), although Martial asserts it was before that; 11.44 deals with a childless old man (also born when Brutus was consul: 1 Bruto consule), who is warned about a legacy-hunter. ‖ Epigram 11.16 warns the prudish reader not to go on reading the book, although everyone will read it to the end. Even Lucretia—paradigm of chastity—flushes when Brutus catches her reading the book: Martial asks him to leave the room so that she can continue reading. ‖ Finally, 11.5 praises the emperor →Nerva: even Brutus would be happy to have him as a leader (9 te duce gaudebit Brutus). Here Brutus could refer both to Lucius Iunius Brutus and, more precisely, to Marcus Iunius Brutus (→Brutus2), although Kay believes that the former is more likely. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 160 – 161 (Fiers); Kay 1985, 70, 103, 166; Mastrocinque 1988; RE Suppl. 5, s. v. Iunius 46a, 356– 369 (Schur); Schöffel 2002, 283 – 284; Vallat 2008, 140. jfv

Brutus2 1.42.1; 2.77.4; 5.51.5; 9.50.5; 11.5.9; 11.104.18; 14.171.tit.,2. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Marcus Iunius Brutus. The most famous assassin of →Caesar1. In the Civil War he fought on the side of Pompey (→Pompeius1), but after the defeat in Pharsalus he was pardoned by Caesar, who made him praetor in 44 BC; attracted by Cassius, he took part in the conspiracy against Caesar and in his assassination; he went into exile in Greece and committed suicide after the Battle of Philippi; he was married to →Porcia, daughter of →Cato2, who influenced his republican ideas. He was renowned as an orator (→Cicero named his Brutus after him and dedicated the Orator to him). ‖ In 1.42.1 he is mentioned as the husband of Porcia, who killed herself when she knew about his death. He is also cited along with her in 11.104.18, in a catalogue of illustrious characters whose virtuous wives (cf. Sen. fr. [Haase p.79]) allowed pedicatio. In 2.77.4 and 9.50.5 Martial refers to a sculpture of a boy by the artist Strongylion (cf. Plin. Nat. 34.82; probably an Athenian of the 5th-4th century BC), which he was very fond of, as is asserted in 14.171 (some critics believe that allusion is made to a real boy, not a statue). In 5.51.5 he is mentioned together with Cicero and Cato, when describing the gravis vultus adopted by a lawyer who did not greet anybody. The Brutus of 11.5.9 need not be identified with →Brutus1, the first consul of Rome: there Martial affirms that Brutus would be glad to be under the emperor →Nerva, thus alluding to his being an opponent and assassin of Caesar. However, Kay (1985, 70) thinks that the elder is more likely. ‖ →Porcia. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 439; Citroni 1975, 136 – 137; Henriksén 1999, 20; 2012, 222; Howell 1980, 199 – 200; 1995, 136; Kay 1985, 70, 281– 282; Leary 2001, 232– 233; RE 10.1, s. v. Iunius 53, 973 – 1020 (Gelzer); Williams 2004, 242– 243. jfv

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Bucco 11.76.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name, widely attested in inscriptions, apparently denotes loquacity (Kajanto 1965, 63, 268), because it is related to the noun bucca. Otto (ThLL 2, s. v. Bucco, 2229.35 – 44) suggests a Celtic origin and relates it to bucco (a ‘fathead’, OLD, s. v.). See Kay (1985, 231– 231) on the pejorative connotations of the names ending in –o/io. It was the name of a stock charater in the Atellana: “It is usually taken for granted that Bucco is connected with bucca, and that the characteristic feature of this type would be large cheeks—whether these denote stupidity, talkativeness or gluttony” (Beare 1939, 46). Lapini, after a detailed analysis of this comic type and its literary predecents, concludes: “il nostro Bucco non sarebbe dunque una maschera statica (…) egli poteva forse diventare, di volta in volta, un contaballe, un testardo, un goloso, e la sua idiozia poteva illuminarsi di astuzia grotesca e farsesca” (1992, 100). ‖ Bucco is a debtor, who will not repay the usurer →Paetus3 two hundred thousand sesterces. For that reason Paetus wants the poet to repay him a lesser loan (ten thousand), to which he replies: 3 – 4 ne noceant, oro, mihi non mea crimina: tu qui / bis centena potes perdere, perde decem. Kay considers Bucco, meaning something like ‘garrulous’, an appropriate name for someone who will not “repay a debt”. There is a further wordplay in these names related to parts of the face: the ‘cheeky’ and doubtful debtor Bucco and the ‘squinting’ moneylender Paetus. Bibliography: Kay 1985, 231– 232; Lapini 1992; Vallat 2008, 377. amc

Burrus 4.45.4; 5.6.6. ‖ Real character. ‖ Πύρρος. ‖ Tiberius Claudius Burrus. ‖ For the name, see ThLL 2.2252.45 – 2253.4 (Otto). It is reminiscent of Pyrrhus, the son of →Achilles, but also of historical and political figures, such as Sextus Afranius Burrus, prefect of the praetorian guard during the reigns of →Claudius and →Nero. See Vallat 2008, 100. ‖ Son of →Parthenius, Domitian’s cubicularius. In 4.45 Martial celebrates Burrus’ fifth birthday, on which occasion his father makes an offering to →Apollo, “to whom (as patron of song) he might well be devoted” (Howell 1995, 82). Epigram 5.6 is dedicated to Parthenius, who is asked to pass the book to Domitian, as an intermediary; his son is mentioned in a catalogue of good wishes compensating for the favour: 6 sic Burrus cito sentiat parentem (Burrus must have been six or seven years old by then). This is not the only child Martial praises as a compliment to his father: see →Regulus. It is believed that this Claudius Burrus became the owner of Horace’s villa in Licenza (see Frischer 2010, 86). ‖ →Parthenius. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 122; Howell 1995, 82; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 336; PIR 2 B176 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 100; RE 3.1, s. v. Burrus, 1070 (Henze). amc

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Byblis 10.35.7. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Βυβλίς. ‖ A descendant of Minos, she fell in love with her twin brother Caunus, who fled away once she declared her incestuous love to him. According to Ovid’s version, when she was about to commit suicide, she was transformed into a spring. ‖ Ov. Met. 9.450 – 665. ‖ Ovid sets her as an example of illicit love (Met. 9.454 Byblis in exemplo est, ut ament concessa puellae) and inmoderate desire (furiosa libido: Ars 1.283 – 284 Byblida quid referam, vetito quae fratris amore / arsit et est laqueo fortiter ulta nefas?). ‖ In a poem about the poetess →Sulpicia, who writes about castos… et pios amores (10.35.4), Martial offers several mythical examples of monstruous loves: he mentions the madness of Medea (5 Colchidos… furorem, cf. →Colchis), the meal of →Thyestes, and the existence of →Scylla2. All these examples share the background of unnatural family relations: Medea killed her sons, Thyestes had an incestuous relationship with his daughter Pelopea (who conspired with →Atreus to kill his sons), and Scylla, being in love with Minos, betrayed her father Nisus (Ov. Met. 8.90 suasit amor facinus). Also Ovid mentions Byblis and Thyestes together in Ib. 357– 359. The Greek accusative Byblida is also found in Ov. Met. 9.453; 9.467; 9.643; Ars 1.283. ‖ →Colchis, →Scylla2, →Sulpicia, →Thyestes. Bibliography: Buongiovanni 2012, 149 – 151; Damschen/Heil 2004, 147 (Fröhlich); Nagle 1983; RE 3.1, s. v. Byblis 4, 1098 – 1099 (Hoefer). rms

C Cacus 5.65.6. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Giant, son of Vulcan (→Vulcanus), who lived on the Aventine hill and stole livestock from →Hercules, who had in turn stolen it from Geryon; to achieve this feat, Cacus made the animals walk backwards (non rectas; cf. Prop. 4.9.12); Hercules discovered the ruse and killed him (Verg. A. 184 – 275; Liv. 1.7.4– 7; Ov. Fast. 1.543 – 586). ‖ The epigram on which he appears is addressed to the Emperor Domitian (→Domitianus), whose spectacles in the amphitheatre Martial considers to be superior to some of Hercules’ deeds, including the slaying of Cacus. ‖ →Hercules. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 507– 508; Howell 1995, 149; RE, 3.1, s. v. Cacus, 1165 – 1169 (Wissowa). jfv

Cadmeus 6.11.7. ‖ →Cadmus.

Cadmus 2.43.7; 10.87.10; Cadmeus: 6.11.7. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Κάδμος. ‖ Son of →Agenor, king of Tyre, and brother of →Europe; he founded Thebes, in Boeotia: when he was searching for her sister, abducted by Zeus, the oracle of Delphi ordered him to follow a special cow and build a town in the place where it laid down to rest. ‖ Apollod. 3.1.1; 3.4.1– 2; 3.5.4. ‖ He is mentioned in two epigrams, but not in relation to Thebes (as was usual, cf. Vallat 2008, 274), but to Tyre, the kingdom of his father, and its famous purple-dyed cloaks (lacernas), a sign of wealth (cf. Prop. 3.13.7 et Tyros ostrinos praebet Cadmea colores). 2.43.7 is an attack on →Candidus, generous in name only, but mean in actual fact; Martial contrasts his few possessions with Candidus’ abundant assets, among which there are some Agenoreas Cadmi terra lacernas. In 10.87.10 →Restitutus, a famous lawyer, receives many birthday gifts, including some Cadmi municipes lacernas. ‖ The adjective Cadmeus appears once in a similar context: in 6.11.7, addressed to →Marcus1, who is dressed by the Cadmea Tyros, whereas his client is dressed by the pinguis Gallia, in allusion to the different qualities, material and prices of their respective outfits. Bibliography: Buongiovanni 2012, 332– 333; Damschen/Heil 2004, 310 – 311 (Scherf); Grewing 1997, 132; RE 10.2, s. v. Kadmos 4, 1460 – 1472 (Latte); ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Cadmus, 9.39 – 10.69 (Otto); Vallat 2008, 168, 274; Williams 2004, 159. jfv

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110624755-004

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Caecilianus 1.20.2; 1.65.2,4 (var. lect. Laetilianus); 1.73.2 (var. lect. Maecilianus); 2.37.11; 2.71.1,6; 2.78.2; 4.15.2 (var. lect. Maecilianus); 4.51.1,6; 6.5.2,4; 6.35.2,6; 6.88.2 (var. lect. Sosibianus); 7.59.1,2; 8.67.2,6,10; 9.70.6,10 (var. lect. Maecilianus); 11.42.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Caecilianus is a very widespread cognomen, especially frequent in Africa (Kajanto 1965, 18, 35, 142; cf. ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Caecilianus, 14.30 – 70 [Otto]). ‖ The name is a recurrent butt of criticism in Martial’s epigrams, in a variety of satirical contexts. Howell suggests that perhaps Martial liked the name “for its convenience and sonority” (1980, 153), about which Williams (2004, 141) agrees. ‖ Caecilianus is rebuked for his failing to comply with the norms of social exchange, and hence portrayed as an antisocial and parasitical type. He often breaks the principles of reciprocity, because he is always willing to profit by doing nothing in return. In 2.37, once invited to dinner, he hoards as much food as possible, provoking the poetic voice’s scolding: 11 Cras te, Caeciliane, non vocavi. He is also pictured as an inveterate and untimely parasite in 8.67, who comes so early to dinner that Martial advises him to come for breakfast (perhaps suggesting that he could come to the salutatio as a client), whereas in 7.59 he is further depicted as a glutton (see →Aper). Being the host, he acts meanly, as in 1.20, where he eats alone without offering anything to his guests (1.20.1– 2 turba spectante vocata / solus boletos, Caeciliane, voras; see 7.59, where he is a paradigm of the μονοσιτία). In 2.78 the poet also complains, subtly and humorously, of his meanness: Caecilianus’ warm baths are so cool that they could be used as a refrigerator. In 6.88 he is a haughty patron who will deny the sportula to a client who has greeted him by his name instead of the complimentary domine. The varia lectio Sosibiane of β in this epigram is easily explained as an interpolation of 1.81 (see Grewing 1997, 562– 563). ‖ He sometimes appears in chrematistic epigrams dealing with denied loans: in 4.15 the poetic persona refuses to lend Caecilianus one thousand sesterces: non habeo. Caecilianus does not take the hint and tries otherwise, eventually being accused of stupidity. In 6.15 he is an unwilling lender who suspects he will not be repaid. Martial then replies: ideo, Caeciliane, rogo. The situation is the same, but with a reversal of roles, which, according to Moreno Soldevila 2004, could reinforce the validity of the reading Caecilianus of α and β against the variant Maeciliane of manuscript E (γ reads the wrong Meciciliane), preferred by Shackleton Bailey. However, the name Maecilianus, rare but attested in inscriptions (e. g. CIL 6.4124; Kajanto 1965, 149) would be the lectio difficilior. In 4.51, where Caecilianus has no varia lectio, he shows contradictory behaviour: when he was poor he was ostentatiously carried on a luxurious litter, and now that he is rich, he goes on foot. He has become a miser, who conceals his wealth so as not to have to share it. ‖ In 1.73 Caecilianus is a cuckolded husband that has encouraged adultery. For this epigram, Postgate (1908, 262– 263) defended Maeciliane, the reading of T, in the light of Catul. 113, where there is a promiscuous Maecilia. Schneidewin and Shackleton Bailey chose Maeciliane, whereas Heraeus, Citroni and Howell considered that Maeciliane is probably a better option. In 2.71, whenever Martial recites his poetry, Caecilianus reads the poems of →Marsus and →Catullus1 as though

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they were of inferior quality, but “he is reading from Marsus and Catullus not to pay Martial a compliment but rather so that the latter’s verse may suffer by comparison” (Williams 2004, 227); Martial, put in an awkward position, prefers Caecilianus to read his own, which obviously are worse. In 6.35 Caecilianus is a loquacious lawyer. He seems to be an orator also in 9.70, where he invokes →Cicero to criticise the moral decay of his contemporaries. Martial counterattacks: it is his own moral behaviour that defiles the present (9.70.1– 10 Non nostri faciunt tibi quod tua tempora sordent, / sed faciunt mores, Caeciliane, tui). Henriksén suggests that, for want of other arguments, the alliteration between Caecilianus and Catilina (9.70.2) would tip the balance in favour of the reading Caeciliane of Tγ against the Maeciliane of β, printed by Schneidewin in his first edition and Shackleton Bailey (Henriksén 2012, 293). Finally, in 11.42 he wants the poet to write lively epigrams but he proposes sorrowful subject matters: Vivida cum poscas epigrammata, mortua ponis / lemmata. Quid fieri, Caeciliane, potest? Kay (1985, 161) believes this Caecilianus to be real, though unidentifiable, but this is an unnecesary conjecture. Note that epigram 2.71 also dealt with poetry. Caecilianus is the lectio facilior in 1.65, for which see →Laetilianus. ‖ As regards the possible meaningful use of the name, there might be a wordplay between caecus and Caecilianus, as in the case of →Caecilius (cf. Vallat 2008, 487, commenting on 4.15 and 4.51, where he perceives an allusion to Fortuna being blind, caeca). ‖ →Laetilianus, →Maecilianus. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 74, 263; Grewing 1997, 101, 562– 563; Henriksén 2012, 293; Howell 1980, 153, 260, 275 – 276; Kay 1985, 161; Lindsay 1903, 20 – 21; Maaz 1992, 80 – 81; Moreno Soldevila 2004; 2006, 187– 188; Postgate 1908, 262– 263; Vallat 2008, 487– 488; Williams 2004, 141, 227. rms

Caecilius 1.41.1,15; 2.72.6,8; 11.31.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name, a derivative from Caecus (Cic. Inv. 2.28), is highly common. See Schulze (1904, 75, 454, 579) and ThLL Onom. 2.12.28 – 13.72 (Otto). ‖ In 1.41 Caecilius considers himself urbanus, but he is far from refined. In 11.31 he serves only pumpkins, although he offers them in elaborate dishes. Martial makes fun of him, for he tries to appear elegant when in fact he is mean: 20 – 21 hoc lautum vocat, hoc putat venustum, / unum ponere ferculis tot assem. Kay (1985, 138) suggests that he “has something of the Trimalchio in him with his gleeful delight in the rather pointless culinary exercises he carries out: such is the reaction of the typical exhibitionist parvenu”. In 2.72 Caecilius has slapped →Postumus in a dinner party (or rather has ‘irrumated’ him as rumour has it). ‖ Vallat (2008, 486 – 487) explains the connotations of the name as a derivative of caecus: in 1.41 the recurrence of the phrase tibi videris points to his intellectual blindness. ‖ This seemingly fictional character is not identifiable with the →Caecilius Secundus in 7.84 (Galán Vioque 2002, 456).

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Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 129; Howell 1980, 192; Kay 1985, 138; Stanley 2014, 199 – 202; Williams 2004, 230; Vallat 2008, 486 – 487. rms

Caecilius Secundus 7.84.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ For the meaning and frequency of his names, see →Caecilius and →Secundus1. ‖ Martial sends a poem (a book?) and a portrait of himself to Caecilius Secundus, a dear friend (5 caro… sodali) stationed in the Danubian region. Galán Vioque (2002, 455) identifies him with →Secundus1 and states that he is not to be identified with →Plinius Caecilius Secundus, who is not known to have “taken part in the Thracian or Sarmatian campaigns”. He is not to be identified either with →Caecilius, the protagonist of several satirical epigrams. Bibliography: Howell 1995, 162; Galán Vioque 2002, 455; PIR 2 C81 (Stein); RE 3.1, s. v. Caecilius 114, 1232– 1233 (Münzer); Vallat 2008, 63. rms

Caedicianus 1.118.2 (var. lect. Deciliane); 8.52.5; 10.32.2; 10.84.2. ‖ Real or fictional character. ‖ For the name, a derivative of Caedicius, see Kajanto 1965, 142, 181. In Latin literature it is only attested in Martial, but there are a few epigraphical testimonies (ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Caedicius, 19.24– 32 [Otto]). ‖ Nauta (2002, 47) suspects that the name is fictional, since it appears twice as an “isolated vocative” and twice in a “closely related auxiliary function, as belonging to the person who asks the question that sets the epigram in motion” (cf. Schöffel 2002, 451, Scherf in Damschen/Heil 2004, 300). Groag in RE affirms that the name is chosen arbitrarily. He is the addressee, never the protagonist, of several epigrams, although Larash (2010, 48 – 49) suggests that he is “the target of the joke” in 1.118. ‖ In 1.118, the last epigram of book 1, Martial answers Caedicianus, who has apparently asked for more epigrams, that one hundred is more than enough. In 8.52 he is the addressee of a joke involving the poet’s barber (tonsor) and a certain →Rufus1. 10.32 is a reported dialogue between Caecidianus and Martial, describing a portrait of Marcus →Antonius2 Primus. In 10.84 Martial addresses him a joke about →Afer and the reason why he does not want to go to bed. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 360; Damschen/Heil 2004, 300 (Scherf); Howell 1980, 353; Larash 2010, 48 – 49; Nauta 2002, 47; RE 3.1, s. v. Caedicianus 1, 1245 (Groag); Schöffel 2002, 451. rms

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Caelia 4.61.8; 6.67.1,2 (var. lect. Gellia); 7.30.1; 11.75.2,8. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ For the name Caelia, see ThLL Onom. 2.24.74– 26.44 (Otto). ‖ In 4.61 boastful →Mancinus swears that →Bassa and Caelia have given him expensive jewels, a remark that undermines his reputation due to the gender role reversal and the negative implications of the names of his female friends elsewhere (see Moreno Soldevila ad loc. for a possible wordplay on the names). In the rest of the epigrams in which Caelia appears she is portrayed as a nymphomaniac fond of eunuchs (6.67), slaves (11.75) and foreigners (7.30). Vallat’s idea that the name bears the sexual connotations of the verb caelo seems somewhat fanciful. Tromaras (2004) has suggested an identification between the Spatale mentioned by Quintilianus (Inst. 8.5.17,19) and this character, who could be a Caelia Spatale (CIL 6.20940). In 6.67 only MS T reads Caelia, the option of most editors, whereas β has Gelia, which is wrong, and γ Gellia, chosen by Izaac and Lindsay. According to Grewing, →Gellia might have been influenced by →Gellianus in the preceding epigram (6.66.3), but it is not an impossible reading. ‖ →Gellia, →Spatale. Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 215; Grewing 1997, 437; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 427; Panciera 2002, 255; Tromaras 2004; Vallat 2008, 509 – 510. rms

Caelius 7.39.4,9. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Caelius is the name of a Roman gens and also one of the seven hills of Rome. ‖ The name appears once in Martial’s epigrams: Caelius is a client, who, tired of performing his duties towards his patrons, feigns a gout attack (podagra) until the illness becomes real. Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 258 – 261; RE 3.1, s. v. Caelius 3, 1254 (Groag). jfv

Caerellia 4.20.1; 4.63.1. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ Caerellia is a frequent name (ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Caerellius, 33.13 – 69 [Otto]). The Caerellii were a plebeian family. The most famous Caerellia was an acquaintance of Cicero’s (Fam. 13.72; Att. 12.51; 15.1; 15.26; cf. RE 3.1, s. v. Caerellia 10, 1284 [Münzer]). ‖ The name appears only in book 4, where it apparently refers to two different women (RE 3.1, s. v. Caerellia 11, 1284 [Stein]). In 4.20 Caerellia is a pupa, a desirable young woman, who wants to be deemed older than she is, whereas →Gellia, who is old, wants to look younger. In 4.63 Caerellia is a mater who has drowned in lake Lucrine. “Parece difícil que el poeta hubiera querido lamentar la muerte de un personaje real e incluyera en el mismo libro un ataque contra un personaje ficticio homónimo. Habría que concluir, en buena lógica, que se trata de un nombre elegido al azar, para el relato ingenioso

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de un acontecimiento que, si bien podría estar basado en un hecho real, el poeta ha modelado con otros fines bien distintos” (Moreno Soldevila 2005, 61). Vallat (2008, 520) considers that the name evokes the adjective caerulea and the substantive caerula, the sea, the cause of her death (following Giegengack 1969, 74– 75). However, his tentative suggestion that in 4.20 the name evokes cera is feeble. Bibliography: Giegengack 1969, 74– 75; Moreno Soldevila 2005; 2006, 212, 433; PIR 2 C163 (Stein); RE 3.1, s. v. Caerellia 11, 1284 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 520; Watson/Watson 2003, 223. rms

Caesar1 Caesar: 1.117.10; 6.32.5; 9.61.19; 11.5.11; cf. 9.70.3. Caesarianus: 9.61.6; 11.5.14. Iulius: 10.62.7; 12.32.1. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Iulius Caesar. ‖ Julius Caesar, the famous general, politician and historian. ‖ 100 – 44 BC. ‖ He appears tangentially, except in 9.61.19. Epigram 6.32 deals with the death of the emperor →Otho. Martial praises his suicide and considers it superior to that of →Cato2, who was perhaps better than him and even Caesar (5) in life but not at the time of his death. Epigram 9.61 deals with a plane tree (arbor magni Caesaris, described as Caesariana in line 6), planted by Caesar in a villa in Corduba, in Baetica, when he lodged there probably during the civil war (45 BC); the exact location of the house is unknown, but the pastoral milieu suggests that it was outside the town. Epigram 11.5 praises →Nerva: Pompey (→Pompeius1) and Caesar, as an ordinary citizen (privatus), would love him as their leader (11), and Cato would become Caesarianus (14). In 9.70.3 he and Pompey are alluded to indirectly: →Caecilianus claims ‘o mores! o tempora!’, like Cicero in the times of the revolt of →Catilina and the civil war between gener atque socer, that is, Pompey and Caesar (the wording recalls Catul. 29.24 socer generque, perdidistis omnia). In 1.117.10 there is an allusion to the Forum Caesaris (LTUR 2, s. v. Forum Iulium, 299 – 306 [Morselli]), although, according to Citroni, it is possible that the reference is to the Forum of →Nerva, under construction already in the times of Domitian (LTUR 2, s. v. Forum Nervae, 307– 311 [Bauer/Morselli]). Finally, the adjective Iulius alludes twice to July, named after Caesar: 10.62.7 (mensis) and 12.32.1 (kalendae). Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 357; Grewing 1997, 234– 239; Henriksén 1999, 58 – 62, 81; 2012, 259; Howell 1980, 350 – 351; Kay 1985, 70 – 71; Platner/Ashby 1929, 226; RE 10.1, s. v. Iulius 131, 186 – 275 (Klotz). jfv

Caesar2 8.66.10; 10.101.2; 11.20.1. ‖ See →Augustus1.

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Caesar3 Sp. 2.11; Sp. 3.1; Sp. 6.3; Sp. 7.2; Sp. 8.3; Sp. 11.1; Sp. 19.3; Sp. 20.1; Sp. 23.2; Sp. 24.2; Sp. 28.2; Sp. 32.3,11; Sp. 32.1; Sp. 33.3,7; Sp. 34.3; Sp. 35.2. Caesareus: Sp. 34.10 (see →Caesareus1). ‖ The Caesar of the Liber spectaculorum has traditionally been identified with the emperor Titus, although this has been recently questioned. Buttrey 2007 has argued that the Liber spectaculorum must be dated in 83 – 85, in which case the Caesar mentioned there must be Domitian. For a full discussion on the subject, see Coleman 2006, xlv – lxiv. ‖ →Titus1, →Domitianus. rms

Caesar4 1.4.1; 1.14.1; 1.22.6; 1.78.10; 1.89.6; 2.2.4; 2.32.4; 2.91.1; 3.95,5 (Caesar uterque); 4.1.1; 4.3.2; 4.27.6; 5.1.2; 5.19.1,15; 5.63.5; 5.65.7; 6.1.5; 6.2.3; 6.34.6; 6.64.15; 6.80.1; 6.87.1; 7.1.3; 7.5.1; 7.6.2,8; 7.7.7; 7.8.9; 7.60.7– 8; 7.99.4; 8.11.7; 8.21.2,11; 8.24.3; 8.26.5; 8.36.1; 8.49.5; 8.56.3 – 4; 8.65.4; 8.66.6; 8.78.15; 8.80.2; 9.3.1; 9.7.10; 9.12.8; 9.18.1; 9.20.9; 9.31.1,9; 9.36.3,9; 9.42.7; 9.64.1; 9.65.2; 9.83.1; 9.84.2; 9.91.2; 9.93.4; 9.101.1; 11.7.3,4; 13.127; 14.73; 14.179. Caesar Augustus Germanicus Dacicus: 8 epist.; Caesareus: 1.6.3; 3.95.11; 8.30.1; 10.28.5 (see →Nerva); 13.109.1 (→Caesareus1). Caesarianus: 8.1.4 (Pallas Caesariana); 9.79.8 (→Caesarianus1). ‖ →Domitianus.

Caesar5 10.60.1; 11.5.1; 12.4.4. Caesareus: 10.28.5(?) (see →Caesareus1). Caesarianus: 11.5.14 (see →Caesarianus1). ‖ →Nerva.

Caesar6 10.6.5; 12.8.10; 12.9.1; 12.65.6. Caesar Traianus: 10.34.1. ‖ →Traianus.

Caesar7 4.3.8. Cf. 9.86.7– 8. ‖ Real character. ‖ A son of Domitian and Domitia, who died in infancy. Martial describes a snowfall during a spectacle and interprets that it has been sent by the deified child. He was born during Domitian’s second consulate in AD 73 (Suet. Dom. 3.1) and died very young, before AD 83 (Desnier 1979). He was soon deified, like other members of the imperial family (Stat. Silv. 1.1.74; 1.1.97; 4.3.139; Sil. 3.626 – 629). He is represented on coins with the inscription Divus Caesar, sitting naked on the globe, surrounded by seven stars (Clauss 1999, 121– 122). Desnier interprets that the seven stars are the septem Triones, whereas the child is equated with Arcturus, of the constellation Boötes, into which the son of Jupiter and Callisto was transformed, further emphasizing the identification of Domitian with the god.

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Jupiter and Domitian are openly compared in this sense in 9.86.7– 8, a consolatory poem addressed to →Silius Italicus: both Jupiter and his earthly alter ego mourned a son. ‖ The phrase pueri Caesaris can mean both ‘Caesar’s son’ and ‘boy-Caesar’. According to Desnier (1979, 63 – 64), the title Caesar indicates that he had been appointed as Domitian’s successor. ‖ →Domitianus, →Iuppiter. Bibliography: Desnier 1979; Henriksén 1999, 120; 2012, 339; McIntyre 2013, esp. 229 – 231; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 113. rms

Caesar uterque 3.95.5; 9.97.5. ‖ Martial assures that the Ius trium liberorum was bestowed to him by two emperors. Although it has been maintained that they were Vespasian and Titus, from 2.91 and 92 it is clear that one of the Caesars was Domitian, so that the other must have been Titus. ‖ →Caesares, →Domitianus, →Titus1, →Vespasianus. Bibliography: Daube 1976, 145 – 147; Fusi 2006, 540; Henriksén 1999, 156; 2012, 378 – 379. rms

Caesares 1.101.2. ‖ In an epicedion for →Demetrius, Martial’s scribe, the poet calls him manus… nota Caesaribus, referring to the copies of poems copied by him and sent to the emperors, probably Titus and Domitian. ‖ →Caesar uterque, →Domitianus, →Titus1. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 309; Howell 1980, 316. rms

Caesareus1 Adj. Belonging to Caesar. ‖ In Martial the adjective refers to several emperors (Augustus, Titus, Domitian and Nerva): see the references in →Caesareus2 3 4 5. It was first used by Ovid (Fast. 1.282) and is only to be found in poetry (ThLL Onom. 2.29.63 – 40.6 [Otto]). See more details in Coleman 2006, 11. Bibliography: Coleman 2006, 11; Fusi 2006, 593; Schöffel 2002, 283. rms

Caesareus2 2.59.2. ‖ See →Caesareus1 and →Augustus1.

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Caesareus3 Sp. 1.7; 14.1. ‖ See →Caesareus1 and →Titus1.

Caesareus4 1.6.3; 3.95.11; 8.30.1; 13.109.1. ‖ See →Caesareus1 and →Domitianus.

Caesareus5 10.28.5. ‖ See →Caesareus1 and →Nerva.

Caesarianus1 Adj. Belonging or related to Caesar. ‖ In Martial the adjective refers to Julius →Caesar1 and some of the emperors, mainly →Augustus1, →Domitianus and indirectly →Nerva: see the references in →Caesarianus2 3 4 5. ‖ Martial is one of the authors who use the adjective most frequently, but for the Bellum Africanum, and he is the first who uses it not only in allusion to Julius Caesar and Augustus, but also to the reigning emperor (see Henriksén 1999, 104). Bibliography: Henriksén 1999, 104 (= 2012, 320). rms

Caesarianus2 9.61.6; 11.5.14. ‖ See →Caesarianus1 and →Caesar1.

Caesarianus3 10.73.4. ‖ See →Caesarianus1 and → Augustus1.

Caesarianus4 8.1.4; 9.79.8. ‖ See →Caesarianus1 and →Domitianus.

Caesarianus5 11.5.14. ‖ See →Caesarianus1 and →Nerva.

Caesius 7.55.5. ‖ Fictional character ‖ Caesius is a relatively frequent name (ThLL. Onom. 2.49.73 – 53.26 [Otto]). ‖ The name appears in a list of friends with whom →Chrestus

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exchanges gifts, together with →Apicius2, →Lupus2, →Gallus and →Titius, a “cumulatio of names representing fictitious characters to express the idea of everybody” (Galán Vioque 2002, 331). According to Galán, as he appears in a list of invented names, this Caesius is not to be identified with →Caesius Sabinus, a friend of Martial’s, who features at the end of this same book (7.97). Vallat (2008, 520) thinks that there is a sexual hint in the use of the name Caesius, due to the relation of the colour green with the cinaedi; it is true that the epigram entails an accusation of oral sex and a menacing irrumatio, but caesius does not mean exactly ‘green’, but ‘having grey or grey-blue eyes’, and this eye-colour does not seem to have sexual implications. ‖ →Caesius Sabinus. Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 331; Vallat 2008, 520. rms

Caesius Sabinus, C. 7.97.1; 9.58.1; 9.60.5; 11.8.14; 11.17.2. ‖ Real character. ‖ A friend of Martial’s. ‖ CIL 11.6489 – 6493; 6499; ILS 9234a b c d. ‖ In 7.97 Martial sends his book to Caesius Sabinus (this is the only time Martial gives both his nomen and cognomen), a native of Sassina (Sarsina), Umbria, and fellow countryman of Aulus →Pudens (1– 3 Nosti si bene Caesium, libelle, / montanae decus Vmbriae Sabinum, / Auli municipem mei Pudentis). Martial portrays him as a busy man who has an interest in poetry (5 – 6 instent mille licet premantque curae / nostris carminibus tamen vacabit), as his patronage of →Turnus proves (7– 8). Sabinus will contribute to the glory and fame of the book (9 – 13). There is another →Caesius in book 7, but he is apparently fictional. In 9.58 Caesius Sabinus has built a temple to the nymph of a lake in his hometown, and Martial offers his work to her (Henriksén 1999, 41), paying homage to his friend. “Caesius Sabinus’ building activities at Sassina are recorded in five fragmentary inscriptions (CIL 11, 6489 – 6493; 6499), four of which concern dedications to Jupiter, Apollo, Minerva and the Dei publici respectively” (Henriksén 1999, 42). In 9.60 Martial offers him a wreath of roses. Epigrams 58 and 60 form a pair (see Garthwaite’s interesting remarks [1998, 175]). Kay believes that, despite Groag’s opinion that the →Sabinus of 11.8 and 11.17 is fictional (RE 3.1, s. v. Sabinus 29, 1316), he is to be identified as Caesius Sabinus. 11.8 is a sensual description of the fragrance of an unnamed puer delicatus; whereas in 11.17 Martial tells Sabinus that his book is not exclusively nocturnal, that is, erotic. Henriksén thinks that if the Sabinus of book 11 is to be identified with Caesius Sabinus “then the erotic allusions of these epigrams would argue for some intimacy between him and the poet, but the same allusions may also suggest that the name is in fact fictitious, as the use of the name Sabinus, which has a ring of moral sternness to it (…), would be quite humorous in such a context”. It is not unlikely, in any case, that the poet played with the connotations of the name, even if he referred to a real person: Cicero had done the same in Fam. 15.20.1. The commentators have overlooked the fact that the tone of

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7.97.10 – 12 is certaintly light-hearted: Sabinus will grant the book access to both serious and relaxed environments (11– 12 te convivia, te forum sonabit / aedes compita porticus tabernae); the expression frequens amator clearly refers to Sabinus’ love of Martial’s poetry, but its literal implications are not to be discarded and would testify to their close friendship. Another possible link between the Sabini of books 9 and 11 is the garland (corona) of 9.60 and 11.8.10. ‖ → Sabinus. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 28 – 30; Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 522; Galán Vioque 2002, 511– 512; Garthwaite 1998, 173 – 175; Giese 1872, 106; Henriksén 1999, 42; 2012, 244– 247, 256 – 257; Kay 1985, 86, 104– 105; Nauta 2002, 131; PIR 2 C205 (Stein); RE 3.1, s. v. Caesius 29, 1316 – 1327 (Groag); Pailler 2002, 298 n. 34; Vallat 2008, 71. rms

Caesonia 9.39.3. ‖ Real character. ‖ For the name, see Schulze 1904, 136. One of its most famous bearers was Caligula’s second wife, Milonia Caesonia, who was killed with him in AD 41. ‖ She is mentioned once, as the wife of →Rufus2. The epigram consists of the celebration of Caesonia’s birthday, on the same date as Domitian’s (24 October; cf. →Domitianus). ‖ Manuscripts of the β family read Celonia and Shackleton Bailey (app.) conjectures Ceionia. Agosti (2006) believes her to be the daughter of →Caesonius Maximus and the wife of →Instanius Rufus. According to Balland (2010, 27– 28), Caesonia must have been related to the imperial family. He also ventures an identification with →Sempronia (2010, 71– 72). Bibliography: Agosti 2006; Balland 2010, 27– 28, 71– 72; Henriksén 1998, 192– 193 (= 2012, 170 – 172); PIR 2 C214 (Stein); RE 3.1, s. v. Caesonia 12, 1318 (Groag); Vallat 2008, 76. jfv

Caesonius Maximus 7.44.1; 7.45.3. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Friend of →Seneca1 (cf. Ep. 87.2). Cf. Tac. Ann. 15.71, where he is called Caesennius Maximus. ‖ He accompanied the philosopher to Corsica when he was banished by the emperor →Claudius (accused of adultery with Julia Livilla); Caesonius was himself accompanied by his friend Quintus →Ovidius2 to another exile in Sicily (7.44.5 aequora per Scyllae, per Siculas undas), when he was condemned by →Nero (7.44.3 hunc Nero damnavit; 7.45.11 comes exuli Neronis); Martial compares both friendships: 7.44.9 – 10 fuisse / illi te, Senecae quod fuit ille suo. This event is only known through Martial. ‖ The two epigrams in which he appears are dedicated to Quintus Ovidius and accompany a present consisting of a portrait of Caesonius Maximus. He is mentioned together with →Annaeus Serenus (7.45.2). ‖ According to Agosti (2006), he might be the father of →Caesonia and the father-in-law of →Instanius Rufus. ‖ →Ovidius2.

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Bibliography: Agosti 2006; Balland 2010, 15, 67, 90; Galán Vioque 2002, 278 – 288; Kleijwegt 1998, 267– 269; PIR 2 C172 (Groag); RE 3.1 s. v. Caesennius 7, 1307 (Groag). jfv

Caieta →Aeneas.

Caietanus 8.37.1,4. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name Caietanus derives from the town of Caieta, named after the nutrix of →Aeneas (cf. Verg. A. 7.1– 2; Mart. 10.30.8; cf. RE 3.1, s. v. Caieta, 1323 [Rossbach] and RE 3.1, s. v. Caietae portus, 1323 – 1324 [Hülsen]). Kajanto (1965, 181) records two instances: CIL 4.1690 and 10.3114 (a freedman). Cf. also ThLL Onom. 2.60.70 – 78 and 80 (Otto). ‖ The name appears once in a chrematistic epigram. The moneylender →Polycharmus gives the promissory notes (tabellae) back to his debtor Caietanus instead of granting him the new loan he has asked for, and he considers himself generous for this. For similar epigrams where a sum of money is compared to a higher quantity, cf. 9.102 (→Phoebus2), 11.76. (→Paetus3, →Bucco). ‖ →Polycharmus. Bibliography: RE 3.1, s. v. Caietanus, 1324 (Groag); Schöffel 2002, 340. amc

Calenus1 10.35.21; 10.38.1,9. ‖ Real character? ‖ The name Calenus derives from the town of Cales (Kajanto 1965, 191). ‖ Cf. also Sidon. Carm. 9.261– 262. ‖ The husband of →Sulpicia. He is otherwise unknown (Duret 1986, 3219 – 3220, believes him to be fictitious). He might have been a patron of Martial together with his wife Sulpicia (Sullivan 1991, 49; although Hemelrijk 2004, 328 n. 68, believes that he alone was the patron). Balland (2010, 132– 134) suggests that Calenus may be a pseudonym and hypothesises an identification with the satirical poet →Turnus. ‖ →Sulpicia. Bibliography: Buongiovanni 2012, 180 – 181; Damschen/Heil 2004, 147– 148 (Fröhlich), 157– 158 (Heil); Duret 1986, 3218 – 3222; Hemelrijk 2004, 161; PIR 2 C220 (Stein); RE 3.1, s. v. Calenus 2, 1351 (Stein). jfv

Calenus2 1.99.3,17. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For the name, see →Calenus1. ‖ Epigram 1.99 criticises a certain Calenus, who was generous when he was poor, but became mean after re-

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ceiving four inheritances. Martial wishes him to become even richer, so that he starves to death. Vallat suggests a wordplay with the Greek καλός. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 300; Howell 1980, 310; RE 3.1, s. v. Calenus 2, 1351 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 588. jfv

Callimachus 4.23.4; 10.4.12. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Καλλίμαχος. ‖ Callimachus of Cyrene, Greek poet and scholar of the 3rd century BC. According to Suidas, he wrote more than eight books, but among his extant works there are only six hymns, around sixty epigrams and some fragments (including a selection of the prose Paradoxa, fr. 407). Among his most famous works were the miscellaneous Aetia, whose leitmotif was the mythical ‘origins’ of cults, rituals, cities, etc., and the Hecale. He also wrote iambi, lyric poetry and elegies. ‖ Propertius calls himself the Roman Callimachus (4.1a.64) and Quintilian regards him as the greatest exponent of Greek elegy (Inst. 10.1.58 elegiam… cuius princeps habetur Callimachus; cf. e. g. Hor. Ep. 2.2.100; Stat. Silv. 1.2.253). Ovid sets him as a paradigm of sophistication (Ov. Am. 2.4.19) and a love poet par excellence (Ars 3.329; Rem. 759). For his role as an epigrammatist, see Ferguson 1970. ‖ Martial mentions Callimachus both as an excellent epigrammatist and as the author of the Aetia. In 4.23 there is an imaginary contest between the poet of Cyrene and →Bruttianus, a writer of Greek epigrams (the idea of a contest is also implicit in the name, literally meaning ‘fighting nobly’). While →Thalia hesitates over who should be the winner, Callimachus himself (who was, according to Martial, “the epigrammatist” among the Greeks [Ferguson 1970, 80]) gives the first prize to Bruttianus. Comparisons between poets and Callimachus are not an innovation by Martial: cf. e. g. Ov. Pont. 4.16.32; Plin. Ep. 4.3.4; and vid. supra. Epigram 10.4 is a defence of the epigram, as real-life poetry against mythological verse. The addressee, →Mamurra, does not want to read about his own habits. Martial recomends that he read the Aetia of Callimachus. ‖ →Bruttianus, →Mamurra. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 52– 53 (Damschen); Mindt 2013a, 542– 549; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 228 – 229; Neger 2012, 77– 87; 2014, 331– 333; RE Suppl. 5, 386 – 452 (Herter); Vallat 2008, 158, 161; Watson/Watson 2003, 99. jfv

Calliodorus 5.38.1,2,7,8,10; 6.44.1,6; 9.21.2,4; 10.11.2; 10.31.2,6. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Calliodorus has the appearance of being a Greek name, but is unattested elsewhere; it seems a variant of Καλλίδωρος (Calidorus, like a character in Plautus’ Pseudolus), also infrequent in Greek (three examples in LGPN), likely chosen for metrical reasons. ‖ In four of the five occurrences of the name in the epigrams, it is related to money, for

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which Vallat suggests that he may be one of the enriched freedmen competing in wealth with Roman citizens. ‖ In 5.38.6 Martial attacks Calliodorus, who has the census of an eques but has to share it with his brother who competes with him for a seat in the theatre: Martial ironically recommends that he should conduct himself like →Castor1. In 6.44 Calliodorus, when he is invited to dinner, makes jokes and derides everyone in order to seem funny; Martial threatens to reveal something about him which will result in no one wanting to drink a toast to him (that is, Martial accuses him of having os impurum). Epigram 9.21 is addressed to →Auctus, and tells an anecdote about →Artemidorus2, who has exchanged some land for a puer delicatus with Calliodorus. Martial wonders which one has really benefitted from the bargain, since now Artemidorus loves (amat) and Calliodorus ploughs (arat). Gaselee, followed by Henriksén, suggested reading arat instead of amat in order to highlight the ambivalence of the verb (‘to plough’, but also a synonym of futuere, pedicare) and the noun ager (= cunnus, culus) (see Adams 1982, 24, 84, 113, 154; Montero Cartelle 1991, 38 – 40); on this same motif, see 12.16; 12.33. For the connotations of the name in this context, see →Artemidorus2. In 10.11 Calliodorus is always talking about →Theseus, →Pirithous and →Pylades, legendary examples of friendship, but Martial replies that he does not match up to them; Calliodorus then assures that he makes presents to his friends, and Martial answers that Pylades never gave a gift to his friend →Orestes, because whoever gives presents, no matter how many, more often says no (perhaps, as Vallat suggests [2008, 408], there is a sexual innuendo here). In 10.31 Calliodorus is a gulosus who has sold a slave in order to have a feast consisting of a four-pound red mullet: Martial concludes that he has not eaten a fish, but a man. ‖ →Artemidorus2. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 375 – 378; Damschen/Heil 2004, 75 – 76 (Heinz), 136 – 137 (Fröhlich); Gaselee 1921, 104– 105; Grewing 1997, 310 – 313; Henriksén 1998; 124– 125; 2012, 93; Howell 1995, 124– 125; RE 10.2, s. v. Kalliodoros, 1653 (Stein); Vallat 2006, 132– 133; 2008, 181, 408, 577– 578. jfv

Calliope 4.31.8; 9.86.6. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Καλλιόπη. ‖ The most important of the Muses (→Musae), according to Hesiod (Th. 80), daughter of Zeus and Mnemosyne. Her name means beautifully-voiced and she was the muse of epic poetry. She was the mother of →Orpheus. ‖ Epigram 4.31 is addressed to →Hippodame, who wants to be sung in Martial’s poetry; her name, however, is not favoured by the sisters’ spring (i. e., the Muses) and cannot be uttered by →Melpomene, →Polyhymnia or the pia Calliope along with →Phoebus1 (8); Martial advises her to adopt a name more pleasant to the Muses. The adjective pia has a strong religious component and seems to be the antithesis of the meaning of Hippodame. ‖ Epigram 9.86 is dedicated to →Silius Italicus, who mourns his prematurely deceased son →Severus2. Martial complains to the Pierian flock (the Muses) and to Phoebus; the god replies that

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he also had to mourn his son →Linus1 (killed by →Hercules), and turning towards his sister Calliope he adds: Tu quoque vulnus habes, alluding to her son Orpheus, dismembered by the Thracian women. According to Henriksén (2012, 338), Martial must be following the older tradition that made Orpheus son of Oeagrus, not of →Apollo. ‖ →Musae. Bibliography: Henriksén 1999, 119 – 120 (= 2012, 338); Moreno Soldevila 2006, 264– 267; RE 10.2, s. v. Kalliope, 1654– 1655 (Weicker); Ruiz de Elvira 1982, 73 – 75. jfv

Callistratus 5.13.1; 9.95b.1,3; 12.35.1,3; 12.42.1; 12.80.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Καλλίστρατος. ‖ The name is derived from καλλιστρατεύω (‘win glory in war’, LSJ) and recalls other names formed with καλός in the Epigrams: →Calliodorus, →Callistus. Howell (1995, 90) highlights the ambiguous nature of the name: “the point here is that it is both Greek and grand-sounding”. It is a very common Greek name: LGPN records 503 instances (61 of Καλλιστράτη). Cf. RE 10.2, s. v. Kallistratos, 1730 – 1749; ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Callistratus, 95.57– 96.19 (Reisch); Solin 1982, 93 – 94. ‖ He is a sexual and a social type. In 5.13 he is a parvenu. He boasts of being an eques, like the poet: 9 hoc ego tuque sumus. However the poet contrasts himself with Callistratus: Martial has moderate economic means (1 sum… semperque fui… pauper), but he is a well-known eques and not of humble birth (2 non obscurus nec male notus eques) enjoying universal literary fame (3 toto legor orbe…), whereas Callistratus’ portrait dwells only on his wealth (5 – 8, 6 libertinas… opes). Callistratus is rich, and an eques, but of lowly origins, unknown merits and dubious reputation, hence Martial’s concluding remark: 9 – 10 sed quod sum, non potes esse: / tu quod es, e populo quilibet esse potest. In 9.95b, the sequel of 9.95, Callistratus interprets that in the preceding poem Martial has attacked a friend of his called →Athenagoras. Martial denies the fact that he was alluding to an existing person with that name, but if the real namesake of his fictional Athenagoras shows a similar behaviour, it is not Martial’s fault. According to Henriksén (1999, 150), it is Callistratus himself who has exposed his friend while trying to defend him (see →Alfius and →Athenagoras). Elsewhere he is attacked for his sexual licentiousness. In 12.35 he tells the poet about his sexual likes, as though they were close friends, but Martial unmasks him: whoever confesses he is being sodomised is trying to hide even more shameful behaviour (os impurum): 4 quisquis narrat talia, plura tacet. In 12.42 he is a cinaedus of manly appearance (barbatus), who marries the rigidus →Afer in such a traditional ceremony that Martial asks Rome itself whether the ‘bride’ is also expected to bear a child: 6 expectas numquid ut et pariat? Cf. 1.24. Shackleton Bailey (1993, vol. 3, 124) mentions the wedding between →Nero and →Pythagoras2 (cf. Tac. Ann. 15.37). Vallat (2008, 473 – 474) sees a wordplay between the names, one African and one Greek: “le scandale mis en scène serait provoqué par deux étrangers (un Grec, un Africain) venus pervertir Rome de leurs

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moeurs”. Finally, in 12.80 he is incapable of recognising true virtue: he praises everyone so as not to praise good people. Martial concludes with the maxim: 2 Cui malus est nemo, quis bonus esse potest? ‖ Vallat suggests two meanings of the name, one related to στρατός as a synonym of δῆμος (2008, 533; cf. 5.13.10 e populo; 12.801 omnes) and a bilingual wordplay with καλός and stratus (2008, 581; Callistratus would be the man “à la belle couche” in 12.35), two not very convincing interpretations according to Canobbio (2011, 184). ‖ →Afer, →Athenagoras. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 184; Giegengack 1969, 108; Howell 1995, 90 – 91; Henriksén 1999, 149 – 150; 2012, 372; RE 10.2, s. v. Kallistratos 35, 1737 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 407, 533, 581. amc

Callistus 5.64.1, 8.67.5. ‖ Real or fictional character? ‖ Κάλλιστος. ‖ A very frequent Greek name (124 instances in LGPN), extremely widespread in Rome (Solin 1982, 607– 675). As the superlative of καλός, the name means ‘the most beautiful’. Cf. ThLL Onom. 2.96.20 – 97.22 (Reisch): cogn. vir. maxime ut videtur libertorum et servorum (with the variants: Calistus, Calestus, Callestus, Calixtus; and derivatives: Callistianus, Callistinus). Among the most famous bearers of the name is Julius Callistus, a freedman of Caligula who also played an important role under the reign of Claudius (cf. Sen. Ep. 47.9). ‖ The name is most appropriate for a puer delicatus. He appears twice as a minister. In 5.64 a melancholic Martial asks Callistus and →Alcimus2 (whose name evokes vigour and strength) to serve him wine, in an invitation to enjoy life due to the proximity of death. In 8.67 →Caecilianus comes early to dinner, and the slaves of his host have to prepare everything in a hurry: 5 – 6 Curre, age, et illotos revoca, Calliste, ministros; / sternantur lecti: Caeciliane, sede. Although many scholars have supposed this Callistus to be a fictional character due to the significant name (e. g. Howell 1995, 147; Citroni 1975, 274), Canobbio seems right to remark that there are no arguments to indicate that Callistus was not real: “Callistus, poi, è chiamato all’opera dal poeta stesso in 8.67.5 e, quanto al loro coinvolgimento nello stesso contesto simposiale, si può ricordare che una coppia di ministri i cui nomi si richiamano a vicenda, Hierus (‘Sacro’) e Asylus (‘Santo’), è presente anche in 9.103.3” (2011, 497). As for 8.67, Schöffel ad loc. notes the contrast between the name Callistus and the illotos… ministros. ‖ →Alcimus2. Bibliografphy: Canobbio 2011, 497; Citroni 1975, 274; Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 39; Howell 1995, 147; RE 10.2, s. v. Kallistos, 1730 (Stein); Schöffel 2002, 567; Sullivan 1991, 164 n. 59; Vallat 2008, 47. amc

Calpetanus 6.94.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For this nomen gentilicium, see Schulze 1904, 138 n. 6; ThLL Onom. 2.100.58 – 101.4 (Reisch). ‖ Calpetanus only appears once in Martial’s epi-

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grams: he is the butt of a satirical attack for the ostentation of the gold tableware he uses for dinner, which is not his own, but borrowed (for a similar theme cf. 2.58). Curiously, Calpetanus was the name of a family of potters living under the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian, dating back to Tiberian times (CIL 15.302). ‖ Editors since Heraeus print Calpetanus. Before him the reading of the β family Calpetianus was preferred. Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 590 – 591. jfv

Calpurnius 5.54.2. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ Calpurnius is a very common plebeian name (ThLL Onom. 2.101.32– 105.49 [Reisch]). ‖ A forgetful rhetor, probably the →Apollodotus of 5.21, has become extemporalis: he has greeted Calpurnius without writing his name. According to Canobbio ad loc., the fact that Calpurnius is a common name, despite not being used by Martial elsewhere, “rende ancora più divertente il Witz sul retore dalla memoria corta”. However, the joke might also imply a real person. For this hypothesis, see →Crassus1. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 454; Vallat 2008, 253 – 254. rms

Calvinus 7.90.3. ‖ Real character? ‖ The cognomen derives from Calvus, a name originally denoting baldness (Kajanto 1965, 235). ‖ He appears once, as a bad poet. Martial defends himself from the criticism that he writes inconsistently, claiming that Calvinus and →Vmber write homogeneous books of poetry (aequales… libros), that is, bad poetry: 4 aequalis liber est… qui malus est. The poet Calvinus is not attested elsewhere. Juvenal addresses a Calvinus in his thirteenth satire (cf. Ferguson 1987, 43 – 44), but identification with this poet would be “pure conjecture” (Galán Vioque 2002, 483). ‖ There are several manuscript variants for the name: Calvinus is the reading of β and γ, although not unanimously (Calvinos A, Culvinus V), whereas manuscript T reads Calvianus. Schneidewin in his second edition (1853) conjectured Cluvienus, identifying him with a poet mentioned by Juvenal in 1.80 (PIR 2 C1201 [Stein]). This conjecture, metrically sound although unnecessary, was also accepted by Gilbert. In any case, Kajanto records the name Cluvianus (144), but not Cluvienus. For the name Cluvienus in Juvenal, see McKay 1958; Baldwin 1972 and Ferguson 1987, 63 – 64. Bibliography: Ferguson 1987, 63 – 64; Galán Vioque 2002, 483. rms

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Calvus 14.196 tit. ‖ Historical character. ‖ The cognomen derives from a physical trait, baldness (Kajanto 1965, 235). ‖ This Calvus has been traditionally identified with C. Licinius Calvus, politician, orator and neoteric poet, a friend of →Catullus1. ‖ 82– ca. 47 BC. ‖ He appears in an epigram of the Apophoreta, consisting of a papyrus copy (charta) of De aquae frigidae usu by Calvus, a work otherwise unknown. Bibliography: Leary 1996, 261– 264; RE 13.1, s. v. Licinius 113, 428 – 435 (Münzer); Vallat 2008, 159. jfv

Camenae 2.6.16; 4.14.10; 6.47.4; 7.68.1; 8.66.2; 12.94.5. ‖ Mythological characters. ‖ Originally Latin water nymphs, they were soon identified with the Muses by the Romans (Andr. Od. fr. 1 Virum mihi, Camena, insece versutum). →Egeria was one of them. A shrine was dedicated to them near the Porta Capena, on the foot of Mount Caelius, where there was a cave and a spring. The place was embellished, but Juv. 3.1– 30 describes the abandonment of the area in his times. The etymology is uncertain: cf. Var. L. 7.3.26 – 27. ‖ 2.6 criticises →Severus1, who gets bored with his epigrams and soon looks for the end of the book; he does the same when he has to go to Bovillae (some 18 km away) and stops to rest at the temple of the Camenae (ad Camenas), just after exiting the walls of Rome. ‖ In most of the epigrams they are identifiable with the Muses. In 8.66, an epigram dealing with the consulate of the son of the poet and politician →Silius Italicus, Martial asks them to offer incense and sacrifices to the emperor for this appointment (2); in 6.47.4 Camena is in the singular: Martial has contracted an infection by drinking the water of a fountain in →Stella’s house, and asks the nymph of that fountain to attend the sacrifice for his recovery, whether she is sent by the wife of →Numa1 (→Egeria) or as Camenarum de grege nona; some have identified her with →Calliope or Egeria herself, and others with →Thalia, the Muse of the epigram, but she must be Erato, the Muse of elegy, for Stella was an elegiac poet (Shackleton Bailey). Nona has to be understood as ‘one of the nine’, not as ‘the ninth’, who was traditionally Urania. Camenae can be a metonymy for poetry— and especially for the epigram—as in 4.14, where Martial asks Silius Italicus to set aside epic poetry and devote some time to his Camenae; and in 7.68, addressed to →Instanius Rufus, Martial advises him not to recommend his epigrams (Camenas) to his father-in-law, who is a man of traditional tastes. Finally, 12.94 is an attack on →Tucca, a copycat: when the poet started writing lyric poetry (Camenis Calabris), Tucca did the same. Allusion is here made to →Horatius3. ‖ →Musae. Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 393; Grewing 1997, 327– 328; LTUR 1, s. v. Camenae, Camenarum fons et lucus, 216 (Rodríguez Almeida); Moreno Soldevila 2006, 182– 183; RE 3.1, s. v. Camenae, 1427– 1428 (Aust); Shackleton Bailey 1978, 279 – 280; Schöffel 2002, 556 – 557; Williams 2004, 43 – 44. jfv

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Camilli 1.24.3; 9.27.6 ‖ Generic plural for M. Furius Camillus. ‖ →Camillus.

Camillus 11.5.7; cf. 1.24.3; 9.27.6. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Camillus, of probable Etruscan origin, was the family cognomen of the Furii, its most famous bearer being M. Furius Camillus. ‖ Marcus Furius Camillus was a Roman statesman (tribune, interrex, dictator) and general living in the first half of the 4th century BC. In 396 he conquered the Etruscan city of Veii. He vanquished the Falisci and defeated the Galli who had taken Rome (387– 386). ‖ Livius calls him maximus imperatorum omnium (5.23.1) and Romulus ac parens patriae conditorque alter urbis (5.49.7). He became one of the paradigms of ancient virtue: Cic. Cael. 39; Hor. Carm. 1.12.42; Ep. 1.1.64; Luc. 7.358; Liv. 22.14.9; Juv. 2.154; Stat. Silv. 5.2.53 – 54; Grat. 321 (see Otto 1890, 68, s. v. Camillus; Litchfield 1914, 31). ‖ In 1.24.3 and 9.27.6 Martial compares a hypocritical homosexual to him. In both passages he is mentioned together with →Curius, both in the plural form: cf. e. g. Cic. Cael. 17.39 Camillos, Fabricios, Curios; Sest. 68.143; Pis. 24.58; Hor. Carm. 1.12.41– 42; Ep. 1.1.64 Curiis et… Camillis; Lucan. 6.785 – 786; 7.358 Curios… Camillos; Sil. 13.722– 723; Juv. 2.153 – 154. For the generic plural, cf. Henriksén 1998, 146 and Vallat 2008, 144, 145 – 147. ‖ In 11.5.7 the poet recalls his being invictus pro libertate to praise →Nerva. For Martial’s use of historical exempla see Nordh 1954. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 84– 85; Ferguson 1987, 44– 45; Henriksén 1998, 146; 2012, 118; Howell 1980, 159 – 160; Kay 1985, 69 – 70; RE 7.1, s. v. Furius 44, 324– 348 (Münzer); Vallat 2008, 142. jfv

Camonius Rufus 6.85.1,5,10; 9.74.1; 9.76.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ Rufus is one of the oldest and most venerated cognomina of the Roman aristocracy (almost exclusive of ingenui, very infrequent among slaves). It alludes to a physical trait, red hair (Kajanto 1965, 26, 30, 64, 65, 121, 134, 229). For the nomen gentilicium Camonius, see Schulze 1904, 140, 352, and ThLL Onom. 2.123.35 – 39 (Jacobsohn). ‖ A friend of Martial’s. It has been traditionally believed that Martial met Camonius during his stay at Forum Cornelii in 87. His family was native of the region, as is attested by several inscriptions in which the name Camonius appears (CIL 11.5813; 11.5847; 11.6081.62– 52); he was from Bononia (6.85.5) and admired Martial’s work (6.85.9 – 10). Epigram 6.85 is a lament for his premature death (brevis aetas) in Cappadocia, when he was in his twenties (Alphaei quinta praemia); Martial calls him amicus (2) and himself maestus amicus (11). Epigrams 9.74 and 9.76 deal with a portrait of Camonius Rufus as a child. The first one serves as an introduction to 9.76. 9.74 poses the enigma of why his father wanted to keep a portrait of Camonius as a child but not as a young man. 9.76 deals with the

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same painting and is an epitaph: Martial wants to offer a maior imago, that is, a portrait of the young Camonius to complete his picture as a child. Henriksén believes that Martial wrote about Camonius five years after his death probably due to the fact that he visited his father during a journey to Bononia and was moved by seeing the portrait at his house. It must be remembered that the death of another friend in Cappadocia (→Antistius Rusticus) is lamented in this same book. ‖ Sullivan identified the →Rufus1 of 3.82, 3.94 and 3.97 with Camonius Rufus (1991, 31). ‖ →Rufus1. Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 543 – 552; Henriksén 1999, 91– 92, 97– 98; 2012, 305 – 306, 311– 312; Nauta 2002, 41, 104; Neger 2012, 129 – 132; PIR 2 C371 (Stein); RE 3.1, s. v. Camonius, 1433 (Groag); Shackleton Bailey 1989, 141– 142; Sullivan 1991, 31, 157; Vallat 2008, 49 – 51; White 1974a, 41. jfv

Canace 11.91.1. ‖ Real character? ‖ Κανάκη. ‖ In myth, Canace, daughter of Aeolus and Enarete, fell in love with her brother Macareus. As a personal name, it is not very widespread in Rome. Solin (1982, 552) records two further instances: CIL 6.14318 (a slave of the first century AD) and Cordia Canache (NSA 1923, 378), apart from CIL 6.29829. Cf. RΕ 10.2, s. v. Kanake, 1853 – 1855, esp. p. 1855 (Stein); ThLL Onom. 2.131.29 – 36 (Jacobsohn). ‖ The name appears once, in an epitaph for a little girl, daughter of →Aeolis. Curiously enough, in literature Aeolis is used as an epithet of Canace (Ov. Ep. 11.5). Vallat aptly summarises the etymological play between the names: “Fille d’Éole dans la mythologie, la voici fille d’Aeolis chez Martial: la parenté onomastique des personnages est flagrante” (2008, 42). Canace died at seven (2 ultima cui parvae septima venit hiems) of a horrible decease: 5 tristius est leto leti genus, 5 – 6 horrida… lues. It is remarkable that in the preceding epigram Martial quotes the oldest known Latin epitaph, the one dedicated by →Lucilius to his slave →Metrophanes, another victim of mors immatura (the line was transmitted also by Donatus; cf. Lucil. 580 M): Lucili columella hic situ Metrophanes (Mart. 11.90.4). According to Kay (1985, 254), “Canace’s epitaph is placed immediately afterwards to contrast modern sophistication and polish with ancient ineptitude”. ‖ →Aeolis, →Metrophanes. Bibliography: Izaac 1961, vol. 2.2, 287; Kay 1985, 254– 255; RΕ 10.2, s. v. Kanake, 1855 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 41– 42. amc

Candidus 2.24.6,8; 2.43.1,16; 3.26.1,6; 3.46.12; 12.38.6. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Candidus is a very common name (Kajanto 1965, 227). Candidus means ‘white’, ‘radiant’ and is a cognomen derived from the colour of the hair or skin (Kajanto 1965, 64). ‖ In Martial’s epigrams Candidus is depicted basically as an insensitive and mean patron, and secondarily as a cuckolded husband. Much attention is paid to his own words: in 2.28 he

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promises to support Martial in hard times, but is not willing to do so when he has a stroke of luck and becomes very rich (depending on punctuation, the interpretation can be different: “Martial makes stirring promises to Candidus and then observes that the latter does not reciprocate” [Williams 2004, 99]); in 2.43 he repeats the motto that friends share everything, but Martial stresses their radically different lifestyles; in 3.26 he boasts about the exclusivity of his richness and personal qualities, but in the final joke Martial reveals that the only thing he shares is his wife; 3.43 is a dialogue between Candidus and his client Martial, who prefers to send a freedman in his stead. In 12.38 Candidus is apparently the addressee of an attack on a cinaedus, an unnamed man who usually accompanies Candidus’ wife: Martial tries to reassure him focusing on his rival’s effeminacy, but his final remark ‘non futuit’, placed just after the name Candidus (‘good-natured’, ‘innocent’, OLD, s. v. 8), turns into a gibe against him. ‖ According to Vallat, Martial plays with two meanings of the name: the idea of naivety and the notion of wealth and prosperity (2008, 488, 504– 505). Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 248; Vallat 2008, 400 – 401, 472, 488; Williams 2004, 101. rms

Canius Rufus 1.61.9; 1.69.2; 3.20.1,21; 3.64.6; 7.69.1; 7.87.2; 10.48.5. ‖ Real character. ‖ Rufus is one of the most ancient and venerable cognomina of the Roman nobility (almost exclusive of ingenui, rare among slaves), and is very widespread; originally it is a name derived from a physical trait, red hair, and is one of the most popular names under this category (Kajanto 1965, 26, 30, 64, 65, 121, 134, 229). For the name Canius, see Schulze 1904, 144 and ThLL Onom. 2.138.62– 139.21 (Jacobsohn). ‖ Canius Rufus was a friend of Martial’s (3.20.1), from Gades (present-day Cádiz, in Andalusia, Spain), writer of different genres, like historical writings about the reign of →Claudius and →Nero, fables in the manner of →Phaedrus, elegy, epic poetry, tragedies (3.20.2– 7); his conversation enchanted everyone (3.64) and he had a jovial character (1.69; 3.20). He was friend or client of the brothers Cn. Domitius →Lucanus1 and Cn. Domitius →Tullus (3.20.17), and, according to 7.69, his wife could be →Theophila (a pseudonym?). Three verses quoted by Prisc. Gramm. 2.237– 239 (K.) were wrongly attributed to him. ‖ 1.61 is a catalogue of places proud of their native writers (→Apollodorus, →Catullus1, →Vergilius, →Livius, →Stella, →Flaccus1, →Ovidius1, the →Senecae, →Lucanus2, →Decianus and →Licinianus): Gades is fond of its Canius: 9 gaudent iocosae Canio suo Gades. Cádiz is still renowned today for its inhabitants’ sense of humour. Epigram 1.69 is addressed to →Maximus: the town of Tarentum, where there used to be a statue of a laughing →Pan, now shows a statue of Canius (who is always laughing) in his stead; the poem might have been composed to mark the occasion of a visit by Canius to that place, but Jocelyn (1981, 280) believes that this is another Canius living in Tarentum and resembling Pan in something more than his facial expression. In 3.20 Martial asks the Muse (→Musae) what his (meus) Canius is doing, wondering

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whether he is writing one of the literary genres quoted above (2– 7); telling jokes in the schola poetarum (8 – 9); or leisurely walking in the Porticus templi, the Porticus Argonautarum or the Porticus Europae (10 – 14); bathing in the Thermae of →Titus1 or →Agrippa or in the baths of →Tigillinus (15 – 16); enjoying the farms of Tullus or Lucanus (17), or the country house of →Pollio (18); or sailing in lake Lucrine in warm Baiae (19 – 20). The Muse replies: ‘Vis scire quid agat Canius tuus? Ridet’; Lorenz (2006, 321) thinks that Martial does not present Canius as a constant writer but as an amateurish one. In 3.64 Martial addresses →Cassianus, and assures that Ulysses (→Vlixes), who was able to pass the Sirens by, could not do the same when Canius is telling his stories (fabulantem). Epigram 7.69 is addressed to Canius himself and deals with →Theophila, a docta puella who could be Canius’ fiancée (tibi promissa), although it has also been claimed that it could be a literary work. Epigram 7.87 is a catalogue of exotic pets and their owners: Canius is said to enjoy a tristis Aethiops (2), which, rather than a black slave (something not unusual), could be a “rare type of black fish only mentioned by Agatharcides of Cnidos” (Galán Vioque 2002, 109). Galán Vioque believes that this Canius is a fictitious character, but this is far from certain (note that →Flaccus1, a real friend of Martial’s, is also mentioned here and in 10.48.5). Martial might be playing with the paradox of Canius’ jovial nature and the sombre aspect of the pet (tristi) he enjoys (fruitur). Finally, 10.48 is a dinner invitation to some friends of Martial’s including Canius (the other guests are →Stella, →Nepos, →Iulius Cerialis, and Flaccus). Cartault (1903, 111) claims that the →Rufus1 of 4.13.1 and 4.82.1 could be the same character. Bibliography: Bardon 1952, 221; Buongiovanni 2012, 255 – 256; Carratello 1964; Cartault 1903, 111; Citroni 1975, 204, 223 – 224; Damschen/Heil 2004, 190 – 191 (Kropp); Dolç 1953, 87– 90; Duret 1986, 3228 – 3232; Elter 1908, 472– 475; Fusi 2006, 207– 208, 413 – 415; Galán Vioque 2002, 109, 395 – 396, 467; Howell 1980, 252, 265; Jocelyn 1981, 279 – 280; Lorenz 2006; Mindt 2013, 220 – 222; Neger 2012, 195 – 205; PIR 2 C397 (Stein); RE 3.2, s. v. Canius, 1483 (Groag); Sullivan 1991, 19 – 20; Vallat 2008, 67– 68. jfv

Cantharus 9.9.1; 11.45.8. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Κάνθαρος. ‖ The name is recorded eleven times in LGPN (vols. 1, 2a, 3a), but is rare in Latin literature (cf. Plin. Nat. 34.85). See ThLL Onom. 2.146.26 – 30 (Jacobsohn). The femenine Canthara (Gr. Κανϑάϱα) is found in comedy (see ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Canthara, 146.11– 15 [Jacobsohn]): Pl. Epid. 507; Ter. An. 769; Ad. 353. For the use and meaning of the name in Greek comedy, see Schmidt 1902, 181. ‖ Κάνθαρος is a polysemic word in Greek: the two relevant meanings in these contexts are ‘a sort of drinking cup with large handles’ and ‘a dung-beetle’ (LSJ s. v. II and I). ‖ In 9.9.1 Cantharus is as fond of getting dinner invitations as of criticising his hosts. Martial advises him to appear less aggressive: one cannot be outspoken (liber) and a glutton (gulosus). Henriksén suggests that the connotations of drunkenness are relevant to the meaning of this epigram and also sees a wordplay between the name Cantharus and the adjective liber in line 4, since this kind of drink-

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ing vessel was commonly associated with the god →Bacchus in art and literature (cf. Macr. 5.21.16 scyphus Herculis poculum est, ita ut Liberi patris cantharus) and Liber was one of the commonest advocations of the god. Vallat sees a different wordplay between the terms clamas, maledicis and minaris and the veb cantare (2008, 581). ‖ In 11.45 Cantharus is extremely discreet in his sexual encounters, which arises Martial’s suspicions that he is a fellator or cunnilingus. Kay relates the name in this context with the dung-beetle, given the connection between the pedicatio and excretion (he also notes that in Ason. Epigr. 77.10 [Peiper] a pedicator is predicted to become a dung-beetle in his next reincarnation). Vallat objects that Cantharus is not a pedicator. However, there is a relationship between os impurum and koprophilia (see Sapsford 2012, 157). Moreno Soldevila 2015 proposes a joint interpretation of both epigrams. Bibliography: Henriksén 1998, 87; 2012, 51; Kay 1985, 168; Moreno Soldevila 2015; RE 10.2, s. v. Kantharos 2, 1884 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 533 – 534; 581. rms

Canus1 1.80.1– 2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ This very common name was originally related to a physical trait, white hair. See Kajanto 1965, 223. The adjective canus is further related to old age and can also mean ‘old’, ‘venerable’ (cf. e. g. Ov. Fast. 4.339 or Mart. 1.15.2 canaque iura). Cf. ThLL Onom. 2.149.41– 150.9 (Otto). ‖ Canus dies suddenly, disappointed at having received a single sportula: Sportula, Cane, tibi suprema nocte petita est. / Occidit puto te, Cane, quod una fuit. Either Canus was offering the services of a client when he was dying or he was pretending to be dying so as to obtain a higher sportula and died, in actual fact, after his failure. According to Citroni, “l’epigr. non sembra suonare come una denuncia di una situazione insostenibile per i clientes, ma invece come un attacco un po’ crudele contro chi non sa mantenersi nei limiti imposti dalla sua condizione” (1975, 257). Vallat interprets that he is an old man, and perceives a wordplay with suprema and occidit. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 256 – 257; Howell 1980, 284– 285; RE 3.2, s. v. Canus 2, 1501 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 479, 598, 600. amc

Canus2 4.5.8; 10.3.8. ‖ Historical character. ‖ For the name, see →Canus1. ‖ A famous musician (tibicen, choraules, αὐλητής), admired, among others, by Galba: Suet. Galb. 12.3; Plu. Galb. 16.1. Plutarch cites him as an example of people who really enjoy their profession (An seni respublica gerenda sit 5.786c). Cf. Philostr. VA. 5.21. ‖ He appears in two epigrams. 4.5 is addressed to →Fabianus, a poor and honest man, unaware of the devious means by which one can prosper in Rome: among the things he will not be

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able to do is applaud the musicians Canus and →Glaphyrus. Despite their wealth and recognition, musicians were as ill-reputed as actors, gladiators and the like. In Martial’s epigrams, names related to spectacle entertainments are usually paired up in a single line (cf. e. g. →Latinus and →Panniculus, →Triumphus and →Myrinus, →Priscus1 and →Verus, →Gabba and →Tettius Caballus or →Capitolinus, →Masclion and →Ninus…). Epigram 10.3 deals with a plagiarist, whose vain attempts to make Martial’s poems pass as his own are compared to a parrot trying to imitate a quail (7 voce ut loquatur psittacus coturnicis) or a bagpiper willing to become a Canus, the tibicen par excellence: 8 et concupiscat esse Canus ascaules? ‖ There could be a pun with the verb cano (‘to sing’, but also ‘to play an instrument; cf. καναχέω, καναχή). Heil (in Damschen/Heil 2004, 47) sees a wordplay between Canus and some other colour terms in 10.3 (nigra, alba, gemmeus, etc.). ‖ →Glaphyrus. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 47 (Heil); Moreno Soldevila 2006, 126 – 127; PIR 2 C401 (Stein); RE 3.2, s. v. Canus 1, 1501 (Stein). amc

Capitolinus 10.101.3. ‖ Real character. ‖ Capitolinus is a cognomen related to a geographical feature (see Kajanto 1965, 183). The adjective Capitolinus means ‘pertaining or related to the Capitolium’ (cf. 5.5.7; 6.10.8; 9.3.7; 12.21.6; 12.48.12); Jupiter’s epithet derives from his temple on this hill (→Iuppiter: cf. 5.63.6; 10.51.13). Manlius gained this name for his descendants by repelling the attack of the Gauls on the Capitolium (cf. Liv. 5.31; Juv. 2.145). For the name, see also ThLL Onom. 2.166.29 – 168.5 (Reisch), esp. 2.167.37– 39. ‖ The scurra Capitolinus, a jester in Trajan’s court, otherwise unknown, is compared to the old jester of Augustan times →Gabba: if the latter returned from the dead and if someone heard them both joking (3 – 4 qui Capitolinum pariter Gabbamque iocantes / audierit), Gabba would be considered rusticus compared to Capitolinus. People related to the world of spectacle are usually mentioned in pairs in Martial’s epigrams (see →Canus2). For Martial comparing himself with court jesters, see →Gabba. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 356– 357; PIR 2 C414 (Stein); RE 3.2, s. v. Capitolinus 1, 1530 (Groag); Vallat 2008, 93. amc

Carpophorus Sp. 17(15).2; Sp. 26(22).8; Sp. 32(28,27).1. ‖ Real character. ‖ Καρποφόρος. ‖ Names deriving from Καρπ- are very widespread in Greece under the Roman Empire; Carpophorus is often found in inscriptions also in Italy and occasionally in the western provinces, with spelling variations (cf. ThLL Onom. 2.207.60: Carphoforus, Carpofhoro, Carphophori, Carphorus, Carpopori, Calboforus; Solin 1982, vol. 2, 910). There are 44

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instances of the name in LGPN. It is recorded as the name of a gladiator in CIL 6.631 Carpophorus mur(millo) vet(eranus). The name means ‘fruit-bearing’ (Ferguson 1987, 46, commenting on the homonymous actor of Juv. 6.199). According to Coleman (2006, 141), “it seems likely that the metaphorical meaning of καρποφορέω (‘to bear fruit’ in a moral sense: for Judaeo-Christian usages see LSJ and BDAG) inspired Martial to cast his compliments both here [17] and at Spect. 32 in the form of an aretalogy”. The Latin equivalent is frugifer (Kajanto 1965, 285). Both the Latin and the Greek forms of this adjective refer to a god whose cult is similar to that of Saturn (→Saturnus) and Pluto (cf. ThLL Onom. 2.207.65 [Reisch], quoting Cod. Iust. 4.12.3 Carpophorus deus paganorum graece, quem Latini frugifer dixerunt), or the Egyptian Osiris, and it is applied to divinities related to life and fertility, especially goddesses like Demeter (cf. Adler in RE 10.2, s. v. Karpophoros 1, 2008: “Verschiedene kaiserliche Damen tragen im Kult den Namen K., wohl eine Weiterentwicklung ähnlichen Kults als Demeter”). ‖ According to Stein (RE 10.2, s. v. Karpophoros 2, 2008), there are two different Carpophori in the Liber spectaculorum, a gladiator (epigrams 17 and 26) and a bestiarius (32), but this distinction is unfounded. Carpophorus is a beast fighter, and, together with →Myrinus and →Triumphus (Sp. 23), and →Priscus1 and →Verus (Sp. 31), “one of the few named ‘stars’ in this collection” (Coleman 2006, 140). He is compared to →Hercules and other heroes who fought against beasts and monsters (→Meleagros, →Theseus, Belerophon, Jason or Perseus, Sp. 32), and surpasses them, since the myths of the past are outdone by the spectacles offered by the emperor in the arena: Sp. 17.1– 2 Summa tuae, Meleagre, fuit quae gloria famae, / quanta est Carpophori portio, fusus aper!; 32.1 Saecula Carpophorum, Caesar, si prisca tulissent… In Sp. 17 he kills a bear (3 – 4), a lion (5 – 6), a pardus (7), and perhaps other animals, since there seem to be some missing lines after line 7 (Coleman 2006, 143); in Sp. 26 the protagonist is a rhinoceros, whose ability to charge at other animals is compared to Carpophorus’ skill with the javelin (see the discussion on the cohesion of this epigram in Shackleton Bailey 1990 and 1993, ad. loc.; Coleman 2006, 187– 188; Della Corte 1986, 59); in Sp. 32 he is said to surpass the mythical heroes of the past, inasmuch as he is able to defeat twenty beasts at the same time: 11– 12 Herculeae laudis numeretur gloria: plus est / bis denas pariter perdomuisse feras. One may wonder whether the spectacle described by Martial entailed the representation of all the myths mentioned in the epigram: this would redound to the advantage of the emperor, who would thus be able to fulfil the impossible expressed by means of the subjunctive: 9 Si vetus… revocetur fabula… In that case, perhaps →Pasiphae, →Hesione, →Andromeda, →Colchis, as well as the Meleagros of Sp. 17, could be included in the catalogue of the characters condemned to capital punishment in the guise of mythical figures, like →Daedalus2 or →Alcides2. Carpophorus is said to still be young in Sp. 26.8 adhuc teneri… Carpophori! Some scholars have identified the unnamed fighter of 5.65.12, who is also compared to Hercules, with Carpophorus, who would still be active almost a decade later (Coleman 2006, 141– 2, quoting Dau 1887, 32; Canobbio 2011, 509), but this would imply an improbably long career for a bestiarius (cf. Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 155). For the possible sculptural representation of Carpophorus in

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the Templum Divi Vespasiani at the Forum Romanum (today in the Tabularium of the Capitoline Museums), see Rodríguez Almeida 1994, 197– 203, and Coleman’s discussion (2006, 105 – 106, 108). Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 509; Coleman 2006, 105 – 106, 108, 140 – 143, 187– 188; Dau 1887, 32; Della Corte 1986, 59; Ferguson 1987, 46; Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 155; Howell 1980, 115; PIR 2 C444 (Stein); RE 10.2, s. v. Karpophoros 2, 2008 (Stein); Rodríguez Almeida 1994, 197– 203. amc

Carpus1 6.39.19. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Κάρπος. ‖ A widespread Greek name (178 instances in LGPN). It recalls καρπός, meaning ‘fruit’ (an appropriate name for a vilicus, cf. Grewing 1997, 285; Vallat 2008, 84, 547), ‘hand’ or ‘wrist’ (cf. Hom. Il. 24.671; Od. 24.398; cf. Lommatzsch 1897, 303 – 304, on Petr. 36.6 – 8). It was a common name for slaves and freedmen (cf. Solin 1982, vol. 2, 1111– 1113; ThLL Onom. 2.208.23 – 68; Lommatzsch 1897, 303), also in compounds. ‖ In the Cena Trimalchionis (Petr. 36.6 – 8) there is a Carpus, a slave whose task is to carve meat. ‖ In Martial’s epigrams it is the name of a vilicus: →Marulla, the adulterous wife of →Cinna2, has given him seven children, though fathered by slaves and humiliores. The proofs of Marulla’s adulterous crimes are the ethnic features of her sons and daughters, who look like their real fathers: 5 materna produnt capitibus suis furta. Carpus’ daughter is rufa, a physical trait which not only betrays her mother’s adultery, but also bears negative connotations. Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 284– 285; Lommatzsch 1897, 303 – 304; RE 10.2, s. v. Karpos 1, 2008 (Stein); Vallat 2006, 127; 2008, 84, 547. amc

Carpus2 7.74.7. ‖ Real character. ‖ For the frequency and meaning of the name, see →Carpus1. ‖ Husband of →Norbana. He appears once in a poem celebrating his wedding anniversary with Norbana at the Ides of May. The poem is a hymn to Mercury (→Mercurius), after whose mother (Maia) the month of May was named. It has been suggested that the poem was commissioned by Norbana and that her husband could have been a lawyer or a tradesman, since Mercurius was the patron of both activities. Carpo is the varia lectio of the γ family. Manuscripts of the β family and old editions read caro, which could be unsterstood as a proper noun (Carus) or as an adjective (coniuge caro, her dear husband). In some other poems praising conjugal love, the name of the husband is not mentioned, which could reinforce the idea that the husband is not named here either: →Nigrina (4.75.1 marito, 3 coniuge, 4 viro), →Claudia3 Rufina 11.53 (11.53.5 sancto marito 7 coniuge… uno). ‖ Vallat suggests that the name is related here to the Gr. καρπός (‘fruit’).

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Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 420 – 426; PIR 2 C446 (Stein); RE 10.2, s. v. Karpos 1, 2008 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 84, 547. jfv

Carus1 9.23.2; 9.24.5. ‖ Real character. ‖ A poet, winner of the Alban games (AD 94?). ‖ The cognomen, very widespread, means ‘dear’ (Kajanto 1965, 284). ‖ This otherwise unknown poet is mentioned in two contiguous epigrams of book 9 dealing with a bust of the emperor Domitian (→Domitianus). In 9.23 Martial hails Carus as winner of the Alban games (a poetry contest dedicated to →Minerva) and asks him where the award (a golden olive wreath) has ended up: the wreath has ‘miraculously’ put itself on the emperor’s bust. Epigram 9.24 is an ekphrasis of the same bust, which is compared with →Phidias statue of Zeus in Olympia. Martial concludes that it is so masterfully sculpted that it must be the work of Minerva herself. Nothing else is known about this poet and it is impossible to know in which year he won the Alban games. According to Henriksén (2012, 101), Carus might be a slave or a freedman of Domitian: “although by no means certain, the description of Domitian as dominus in both pieces (23. 3 and 24. 6) may point in that direction”. He adds that he could have been manumitted and become a T. Flavius Carus. In that case, there would be an implied wordplay in the first line of 9.23 (1 O cui virgineo contigit flavescere auro), where flavescere is related to the golden wreath but would also humorously hint at his becoming a Flavius (Henriksén 2012, 101 n. 5). ‖ Friedländer related this Carus to a purported Carus in 7.74.7 and 9.54.5. However, caro might be the lectio facilior in 7.74.7, perhaps influenced by the preceding word coniuge (coniuge caro), and need not even be a proper name (γ has the varia lectio Carpo, →Carpus2). In 9.54.5 most manuscripts except T (Care) read cara: there is no allusion to a man called Carus but to the festival of the Caristia (see Henriksén 2012, 223). ‖ Some scholars have identified this character with his namesakes →Carus2 and →Carus3. For the details, see →Carus3. Bibliography: Henriksén 1998, 132; 2012, 101; Mindt 2013, 232; PIR 2 C456 (Stein); RE 3.2, s. v. Carus 2, 1632 (Groag); Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 61; Vallat 2008, 86. rms

Carus2 10.77.1. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ For the meaning and frequency of the name, see →Carus1. ‖ In a satirical epigram about an unnamed quack, Martial affirms that the worst thing Carus has ever done is die of a sudden fever: he should have been kept alive (in order to be tortured by his physician and die a more horrible death). Vallat suggests a wordplay with the meaning of Carus (“cher ami”) or with the Greek κάρος (‘numbness’). Carus has also been identified with the medico in

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line 4 (e. g. Groag in RE), but this would undoubtedly spoil the joke. ‖ Some scholars have identified this character with his namesakes →Carus1 and →Carus3. For the details, see →Carus3. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 279 (Baumwach); RE 3.2 s. v. Carus 2, 1632 (Groag); Vallat 2008, 588. rms

Carus3 12.25.5. ‖ Real character. ‖ Mettius Carus. ‖ For the name Mettius, see Schulze 1904, 463. For Carus, see →Carus1. ‖ A delator, that is, a prosecutor (Powell 2010, 241) of Domitian’s times. He prosecuted Herennius Senecio in AD 93 and gave information about Pliny the Younger (Ep. 7.27.14). Cf. Plin. Ep. 1.5.3; 7.19.5; Tac. Agr. 45.1; Juv. 1.36 (and schol.); Sidon. Epist. 5.7.3. ‖ This man has been identified with Carus1 and →Carus2 by some scholars (Sherwin-White 1998, 96; Ferguson 1987, 46; not by Henriksén 2012, 101). Ferguson doubts it on the grounds that Martial is “very gentle to him” in 9.23 – 24. If, however, they were the same person, the explanation for this change of attitude could be easily found: book 9 was written under Domitian and book 10 (the second edition) and 12 under the Antonines. The scholiast to Juvenal says that he was a dwarf and a freedman of →Nero, although no credit is usually given to this. It is believed that Trajan’s slave Corinthus Mettianus (ILS 1824) was a former slave of Mettius Carus. ‖ Epigram 12.25 criticises a certain →Telesinus, supposedly a patron, who is unwilling to lend money to his client without a guarantee (sine pignore). If the client leaves his little estate (agellus) as a surety, then Telesinus will lend money to him. Martial then suggests that, since Telesinus trusts the agellus more than its owner, the agellus should do the client’s duties, supporting him if the delator Carus prosecutes him, and accompanying him into exile if he is banished: 5 – 6 Ecce, reum Carus te detulit: adsit agellus. / Exilii comitem quaeris: agellus eat. Delations and subsequent banishments were frequent in the Domitianic era and apparently Trajan put an end to them, sending informers themselves into exile: cf. e. g. Tac. Agr. 45; Plin. Pan. 34– 36. By the time Martial wrote this epigram Carus would have been dead or disgraced, clearly fair game for attacks as the ancient literary testimonies suggest. It is, besides, ironic that a delator is named Carus: certainly not a ‘dear’ person to the unjustly accused. Bibliography: Birley 2000, 72; Craca 2011, 178; Ferguson 1987, 46 – 47; PIR 2 M562 (Petersen); Powell 2010, 241; RE 15.2, s. v. Mettius 7, 1499 (Stein); Rutledge 2001, 245 – 246; Sherwin-White 1998, 96. rms

Cascellius 7.9.1; 10.56.3. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ Cascellius is a widespread name, related to Casca, Cascus, Cascius, Casconia (see Schulze 1904, 353; ThLL Onom. 2.224.33 –

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225.5 [Jacobsohn]). Its most famous bearer was a renowned iuris consultus, Aulus Cascellius, a contemporary of Cicero (cf. e. g. Hor. Ars 371; RE 3.2, s. v. Cascellius 4, 1634 – 1637 [Jörs]). ‖ The name appears twice in Martial’s epigrams in totally different contexts, belonging to separate characters. ‖ In 7.9 Cascellius is a sixty-year-old man, who is ingeniosus but who has not become disertus yet, despite his age. Martial suggests that it is very late for him to learn to be eloquent: 2 quando disertus erit? Probably his portrait evokes that of the causidicus, especially because the name recalls the aforementioned famous lawyer (Galán Vioque 2002, 91). There might be a further wordplay: cascus is an Oscan term for vetus (Var. L. 7.28 cascum significat vetus) and Cascellius is an old man. ‖ In 10.56.3 Cascellius is a dentist (chirurgus dentarius), one of the few physicians with a Roman name in the epigrams (the quacks mentioned by Martial are usually Greek): 3 eximit aut reficit dentem Cascellius aegrum. He is mentioned in a list of medical specialists (→Hyginus, →Fannius, →Eros2 and →Hermes), none of whom could repair the client’s worn-out body after accompanying his patron →Gallus: 8 qui sanet ruptos dic mihi, Galle, quis est? Friedländer, Vallat (2008, 94) and Rücker (in Damschen/Heil 2004, 213) consider the doctors in this catalogue to be real people. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 213 (Rücker); Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 374 (index by Frobeen); Galán Vioque 2002, 91; PIR 2 C458 (Stein) RE 3.2, s. v. Cascellius 2, 1634– 1637 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 94. amc

Cassianus 3.64.5. ‖ Real character? ‖ The name, derived from Cassius, is very common (Kajanto 1965, 144). ‖ A friend of Martial and →Canius, or, less likely, a fictional addresee of an epigram about the latter. He is not mentioned elsewhere. ‖ The alliteration between Cassiane and Canium (6) is noticeable. Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 414; PIR 2 C469 (Stein). rms

Castalis 4.14.1; 9.18.8. ‖ →Apollo, →Musae.

Castalius 7.12.10; 7.22.4; 8.66.5; 12.2.13. ‖ →Apollo, →Musae.

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Castor1 1.70.3; 5.38.6 (cf. 5.38.9); 7.57.1; 8.21.6; 9.51.8; 9.103.3; 10.51.2 (cf. 7.24.6). ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Κάστωρ. ‖ One of the twin sons of →Leda1, brothers of Helen of Troy (→Helene), also called Dioscuri (Διόσκουροι). For more details, see →Lacones. ‖ In four epigrams Castor and Pollux appear together, as was usual (ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Castor, 243.55 – 244.16 [Reisch]): in 5.38 Martial attacks →Calliodorus, whose brother is disputing with him his seat in the theatre, and advises him to be like Castor; 7.57 is an attack on →Gabinia, who has changed →Achillas in her own interests, alluding to the alternation of both brothers (see →Lacones); the same allusion is made in 9.51.8 (→Lucanus1); in 9.103.3 Martial compares two twins, →Hierus and →Asylus, to them. In 1.70.3 his Temple is mentioned, together with the Temple of →Vesta and the house of the Vestals, in the book’s way to the house of →Iulius Proculus. Finally, in 8.21.6 Martial refers to the constellation Gemini (astrum Ledaeum), with an allusion to his horse Cyllarus; 10.51.2 also refers to the constellation with the expression alternum Castora. ‖ →Helene, →Lacones, →Leda1. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 380 – 383; Citroni 1975, 226 – 227; Galán Vioque 2002, 339 – 341; Henriksén 1999, 24; 2012, 226; Howell 1980, 266 – 267; LIMC 3.1, s. v. Dioskouroi, 567– 635 (Gury), 3.2, 456 – 502; LTUR 1, s. v. Castor, Aedes, Templum, 242– 245 (Nielsen); Platner/Ashby 1929, 102– 105, 557– 559; RE 5.1, s. v. Dioskuren, 1087– 1123 (Bethe); Schöffel 2002, 227– 229. jfv

Castor2 7.98.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Castor is originally a Greek name (see his mythological namesake →Castor1), particularly frequent in Rome among slaves and freedmen (ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Castor, 245.4– 245.58 [Reisch]). ‖ He appears once in an epigram consisting of a single line accusing him of being a compulsive buyer who will have to sell everything when he is ruined: Omnia, Castor, emis: sic fiet, ut omnia vendas. Perhaps there is a pun on the aedes Castoris, in the Forum, a place of business transactions (cf. e. g. Sen. Dial. 2.13.4). Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 515; Vallat 2008, 427. jfv

Castricus 6.43.1,6; 6.68.4; 7.4.1; 7.37.1,8; 7.42.2. ‖ A real character. ‖ The name is very rare. It is found in Martial and in late inscriptions (ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Castricus, 247.37– 40 [Reisch]). ‖ A rich patron and friend of Martial’s. He appears in several epigrams of books 6 and 7. In 6.43 Martial compares his leisure time in Nomentum with Castricus’ luxurious vacation in Baiae. In 6.68 Martial laments the death of the puer →Eutychus, his favourite slave, who has drowned in Baiae. In 7.4.1 and 7.37.1,8 he

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is the addressee of a criticism of others: a joke about →Oppianus, who devotes himself to poetry due to his paleness, and an attack on a quaestor who decrees a death penalty whenever he wipes his nose. Finally, in 7.42 Martial sends him some epigrams for the Saturnalia, as Castricus (a poet himself, cf. 6.68.6) also did, and jokes about their poor quality. Martial compares him in jest to →Alcinous. Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 65 – 67, 252– 254, 272– 275; Grewing 1997, 305 – 310, 437– 447; Mindt 2013, 128 – 129, 223 – 225; Nauta 2002, 68 – 69; PIR 2 C545 (Stein); RE 3.2, s. v. Castricus, 1777 (Groag); Sullivan 1991, 37; Vallat 2008, 77– 78. jfv

Catacissus 9.93.3. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ The name, unattested elsewhere, means ‘ivy-wreathed’ (cf. Anacr. 41.5) and is most appropriate in the context of the symposium, inasmuch as ivy is associated with the god of wine, →Bacchus (cf. e. g. 1.76.7 Quid possunt hederae Bacchi dare?; h. Hom. 26.1 Κισσοκόμην Διόνυσον; Verg. G. 2.258; Ov. Fast. 3.767 hedera est gratissima Baccho). Catacisse is a conjecture by Heraeus: manuscripts of the β family read calacisse and those of the γ family read galacisse. ‖ Catacissus is a minister, mentioned once in the context of toast-drinking and the bibere ad numerum motif, involving in this case the letters of different names of the emperor: Caesar, Domitianus and Germanicus. Martial asks for six cyathi of wine and proposes a riddle to the puer: 3 – 4 Nunc mihi dic, quis erit cui te, Catacisse, deorum / sex iubeo cyathos fundere? ‘Caesar erit’. Then Catacissus is asked to crown the poet’s head with a garland of ten roses, as many as the letters in Domitianus, and give him ten kisses, the number of the letters in Germanicus or Sarmaticus (Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 100): cf. 14.170 and →Germanicus. Other instances of the motif of bibere ad numerum in 1.71 (→Laevia, →Iustina, →Lycas, →Lyde, →Ida), 8.50.21– 22 (→Cestus and →Instanius Rufus), 11.36.7– 8 (→Hypnus and →Iulius Proculus), 14.170. Cf. e. g. Pl. Pers. 771; Ov. Fast. 3.532. This custom allows the poet to allude to the names of his dedicatees without mentioning them directly. Bibliography: Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 100; Henriksén 1999, 141– 142; 2012, 362– 363. amc

Catianus 6.46.2. ‖ Real character? ‖ Catianus is a derivative from Catius (ThLL Onom. 2.265.77– 266.6 [Reisch]); cf. Kajanto 1965, 144, who records 12 instances and the variants Cattianus, Cattianilla etc. As a name it is particularly frequent in Gallia Cisalpina and Narbonensis. ‖ Catianus seems to be an auriga of the blue team: Vapulat adsidue veneti quadriga flagello / nec currit: magnam rem, Catiane, facit. According to Birt (1930, 307), allusion is made to a horse which stops to defecate; Eden (1999, 580) explains

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that the race is fixed by its organizers, who have given the charioteer slower horses or have bribed him. Grewing wonders whether the name could be linked with the cacare implicit in the first interpretation. In any case, Catianus need not be identified with the auriga (or the horse), for he could simply be the recipient of the anecdote or “isolated vocative”. Bibliography: Birt 1930, 307; Eden 1999, 580; Grewing 1997, 322– 323; PIR 2 C549 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 85, 318. amc

Catilina 5.69.4; 9.70.2. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Lucius Sergius Catilina. ‖ D. 62 BC. ‖ Roman politician, he was praetor in 68, governor of Africa in 67– 66; after being defeated in the elections for consul in 63 and 62, he conspired to seize power. He was denounced by →Cicero, who pronounced his famous Catilinariae against him. He had to flee from Rome and was finally defeated and killed. The event is recounted by Sallust in his De coniuratione Catilinae. ‖ The two epigrams in which he appears have to do with this historical fact. 5.69 is a harsh attack on Marcus →Antonius1, who decreed Cicero’s death: in line 4 Martial affirms that not even Catilina would have committed such a crime (Catilina nefas); he would have killed Cicero, as the latter expressly denounced (Cic. Cat. 1.11 me… interficere voluisti; 15 tu me… interficere conatus es) and as was narrated by Sallust (Cat. 27.2,4 si prius Ciceronem oppressisset; 28.1– 3 Ciceronem… confedere), but not with such brutality. In 9.70.2 Martial criticises →Caecilianus, who yearns for the past. Martial refers here to the times of Cicero, when Catilina was hatching his sacrilegum… nefas. It is noticeable that in both epigrams Martial uses the same expression, Catilina nefas, at the end of the line. ‖ “It was Roman commonplace that Catiline was public enemy number one” (Ferguson 1987, 49). Cf. Verg. A. 8.668 and Juv. 14.41. See further Henriksén 2012, 292– 293 for this proverbial use. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 528; Ferguson 1987, 48 – 49; Henriksén 1999, 81; 2012, 292– 293; Howell 1995, 152; RE 2 A.2, s. v. Sergius 22, 1692– 1711 (Gelzer). jfv

Cato1 Marcus Porcius Cato ‘Censorius’. The leading political and literary figure of the second century BC, famous for his defence of traditional morality. ‖ 234– 149 BC. ‖ Martial frequently alludes to Cato, but in some cases it is undiscernable whether he refers to Cato the Censor or his great-grandson Cato of Utica. For a detailed account, see →Cato2. Bibliography: Julhe 2008; RE 22.1, s. v. Porcius 9, 108 – 165 (Helm). jfv

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Cato2 1.epist.(bis); 1.8.1; 1.78.9; 2.89.2; 5.51.5; 6.32.5; 9.28.3; 11.2.1; 5.14; 5.15.1; 5.39.15; 12.3.8 (cf. 1.42.4; 9.27.14; 10.20.21). ‖ Historical character. ‖ Marcus Porcius Cato ‘Uticensis’. ‖ 95 – 46 BC. ‖ Great-grandson of →Cato1 (Censorius), he was a Roman statesman with an important longstanding political activity: he was quaestor, tribunus and senator. He opposed →Caesar1 and supported Pompey (→Pompeius1) in the civil war. He committed suicide in Utica so as not to accept Caesar’s forgiveness. He was famous for his proverbial puritanism and as a paradigm of Roman virtus. ‖ A group of epigrams allude to his puritanism. In 1 epist. Martial advises him not no enter the theatre, only apt for the adept to the Ludi Florales (see →Flora) (he recalls an anecdote told by V. Max. 2.10.8), and calls him severus; a similar warning is made in 11.2.1– 4: triste supercilium durique severa Catonis / frons … /… ite foras, where he is called tetricus. Martial also mentions Cato with the opposite intention: in 9.28.3 he states that, had he lived, he would have watched the actor →Latinus; in 11.15.1 Cato’s wife can read other epigrams by Martial, but not the ones in this book (Kay remarks that both this Cato and his great-grandfather Marcus Porcius Cato ‘Censorius’ had two wives each, all of them of great moral reputation, so that there is no knowing to whom Martial exactly refers; contrarily, Julhe (2008, 413), believes that allusion is made to Licinia, the first wife of the elder Cato); and in 10.20.21 Martial claims that even rigidi Catones can read his book at night in a festive atmosphere. In 11.39.15 the poetic persona compares his old paedagogus →Charidemus3 to Cato due to his moral control. In 12.3.8 it is Terentius →Priscus4 who is compared to Cato: if Cato had been hilaris, Priscus would have had his mores. In 9.27.14 the expression Catoniana lingua is used to attack a shameful homosexual who constantly vindicates ancient morality, but uses his lingua for deviant sexual practices. Finally, in 5.51.5 Martial refers to the gravis vultus adopted by a lawyer who does not greet back to anybody: comparison is made with Cato (Howell thinks, however, that allusion is made to Cato ‘Censorius’), →Cicero and →Brutus1. Except for the anecdote of the Ludi Florales, in the rest of the passages presenting him as a paradigm of morality, both Cato of Utica and Cato the Censor could be understood. In fact, according to Julhe (2008, 409), “les deux Catons resteront toujours indissociables, comme symbole de la permanence des valeurs romaines au fil des siècles”. Vallat (2008, 144– 145) identifies the Cato of 10.20.21, 11.2.1– 2 and 11.39.15 with the elder. For the proverbiality of Cato’s morality, see Otto 1890, § 358, s. v. Cato, with plenty of literary examples. ‖ Another group of epigrams refer to the well-known suicide of Cato Uticensis. 1.42.4, without quoting his name, says that he inspired his daughter →Porcia. Another three epigrams are attacks on the Stoic theory of suicide, a burning topic in the 1st century AD: in 1.8.1 Martial cites the suicides of Cato and →Thrasea Paetus to praise →Decianus, who, being a Stoic, was not in favour of it; in 1.78.9 and 6.32.5 he praises the suicides of →Festus and the emperor →Otho, who killed themselves in quite different circumstances, when they had lost everything. ‖ Martial alludes to his opposition to →Caesar1 (cf. Sen. Dial. 2.2.2) in 11.5.14, with the intention of praising the emperor →Nerva: Cato would be his supporter (Caesarianus), if he were alive. Finally, in 2.89.2 refer-

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ence is made to his vitium of late-night partying and drinking (cf. Plu. Cat. Min. 6; Cic. Sen. 46; Hor. Carm. 3.21.11– 12; Sen. Dial. 9.17; Plin. Ep. 3.12.2– 3). Henriksén thinks that Martial might refer here to Marcus Porcius Cato ‘Censorius’. Bibliography: Buongiovanni 2012, 120 – 121; Canobbio 2011, 439 – 440; Citroni 1975, 11, 43 – 44, 138, 249 – 251; Damschen/Heil 2004, 104 (Niehl); Henriksén 1998, 149; 2012, 121– 122; Howell 1980, 100, 201; 1995, 136; Julhe 2008; Kay 1985, 60, 70, 98 – 99; RE 22.1, s. v. Porcius 16, 168 – 213 (Gross); Vallat 2008, 144– 145; Williams 2004, 268. jfv

Catones 10.20.21. ‖ More than a generalising plural, Catones could allude both to Cato Censorius and Cato Uticencis, paradigms of traditional morality. See the details in →Cato2. jfv

Catonianus 9.27.14. ‖ Rererring to →Cato2.

Catulla 8.54.3. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A female diminutive of Cato (Kajanto 1965, 250). ‖ Juvenal uses the name in 2.49 and 10.322. ‖ In 8.54 Martial affirms that Catulla is formosissima but vilissima, and wishes her to be less formosa or more pudica. Wiman (followed by Shackleton Bailey) conjectures durissima instead of vilissima and prefers minus (the reading of Tγ) to magis. However, these lines recall Catullus 72.6: es vilior et levior, about →Lesbia1, with whom La Fleur identifies Catulla. Notice that Catullus described Lesbia also as formosa (86.5). The epigram is reminiscent of Catullus 49, which may reinforce this interpretation. Bibliography: Ferguson 1987, 50 – 51; La Fleur 1974; RE 3.2, s. v. Catullus 7, 1796 (Groag); Schöffel 2002, 466 – 469; Vallat 2008, 353 – 355, 488; Wiman 1925. jfv

Catullianus 11.6.14. ‖ →Catullus1.

Catullus1 1.epist.; 1.7.3,4; 1.109.1; 2.71.3; 4.14.13; 5.5.6; 6.34.7; 7.14.3; 7.99.7; 8.73.8; 10.78.16; 10.103.5; 11.6.16; 12.44.5; 12.59.3; 12.83.4; 14.77.1; 14.100.1; 14.152.1; 14.195.tit.,1; cf. 1.61.1. Catullia-

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nus: 11.6.14. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Gaius Valerius Catullus. The famous neoteric poet, born in Verona. ‖ 84– 54 BC. ‖ Martial considers Catullus his model par excellence, together with other poets such as →Marsus, →Pedo and →Gaetulicus, just from the prefatory letter of his first book, where he defends the inoffensive nature of his epigrams and justifies their licentious language: sic scribit Catullus, sic Marsus, sic Pedo, sic Gaetulicus. However, he had previously assured that he had respected even the people of humble origins in his poetry, unlike the ancient authors (antiquis auctoribus), who criticised people by name. This may be an allusion to Catullus himself, who had no qualms about attacking Pompey (→Pompeius1), →Caesar1 or →Cicero openly and sometimes mercilessly. This is also reflected in 12.83.4, on →Fabianus, who used to make fun of other people’s hernias with the sharpness of the two Catulli until he got one himself. Martial must be alluding to this Catullus and to the mime-writer Valerius →Catullus2 (Vallat 2008, 266). Catullus is further mentioned as a model throughout Martial’s books: 2.71 is addressed to →Caecilianus, who, whenever Martial recites his poetry, reads the poems of Marsus and Catullus as though they were of inferior quality; Martial, apparently pleased, prefers Caecilianus to read his own; 5.5 is dedicated to →Sextus1, to whom Martial commends his books asking him to place them close to those by Pedo, Marsus and Catullus in Domitian’s library; in 7.99 he asks →Crispinus to recommend his book to the emperor, by telling him that he is not much inferior to Marsus or the doctus Catullus; and finally, in 10.78, addressed to →Macer1, who is going to Dalmatia as a governor while Martial goes back to Bilbilis, he asks him to consider him inferior only to Catullus: 16 uno tibi sim minor Catullo; this is the only epigram in which the Veronan poet appears alone as a model. Martial calls him doctus (a usual epithet for poets: 1.61; 7.99; 8.73; 14.100; 14.152), tener (qualifying him as a love poet by contrast to epic poets: 4.14; 7.14), argutus (6.34), tenuis (10.103) and lepidus (12.44). ‖ Martial refers several times to the famous passer of Catullus: “Passerem presumably refers to a collection of an unknown number of Catullus’ poems” (Swann 1994, 26). These poems had been subject to an erotic interpretation since antiquity (Genovese 1974; Giangrande 1975; contra Jocelyn 1980). On the sense of passer in Martial’s work, see Pitcher 1982; Nadeau 1984; Salanitro 2002, 571– 573. Epigram 1.7 is addressed to →Maximus and deals with a work of →Stella, the elegiac poet and friend of Martial’s, entitled Columba (‘dove’): Martial considers Stella’s Columba superior to Catullus’ Passer (Catul. 2). The first line of the poem is an imitation of Catul. 2.1 (Passer, deliciae meae puellae; cf. 1.7.1 Stellae delicium mei Columba), whereas the final lines are based on the end of Catul. 49 (49.6 – 7 tanto pessimus omnium poeta / quanto tu optimus omnium patronus; cf. 1.7.4– 5 tanto Stella meus tuo Catullo / quanto passere maior est columba). According to Nadeau (1984, 862), the end of the epigram contains an erotic double entendre. Epigram 1.109 is a portrait of →Publius’ dog, which is said to be naughtier than Catullus’ sparrow (passere nequior Catulli). In 4.14 Martial asks →Silius Italicus to read his poems in a relaxed mood during the Saturnalia and the poem ends with an anachronistic fantasy: 13 – 14 sic forsan tener ausus est Catullus / magno mittere Passerem Maroni. 7.14 is addressed to Aulus (→Pudens) and deals with a puella

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mourning her puer delicatus: her grief surpasses that of →Lesbia1’s weeping for her passer in Catul. 3 (the allusion to the mentula of the boy in the final line is in keeping with the erotic interpretation of the passer poems). Epigram 11.6 is a Saturnalian poem: Martial asks →Dindymus to give him Catullan kisses, and promises him to give him a passerem Catulli, if he gives him as many as Catullus said (basia mille). The interpretation is multilayered: it can refer to a pet given as a gift (cf. 13.61– 78), to the erotic poems of Catullus (Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 171) or be an allusion to the male member and the pedicatio (Kay 1985, 75 – 76; Shackleton Bailey 1985, 84). Finally, 14.77 is one of the Apophoreta consisting of an ivory birdcage, where a bird (the word passer is not mentioned) like the one loved by Lesbia could live: Si tibi talis erit qualem dilecta Catullo / Lesbia plorabat, hic habitare potest. ‖ Lesbia is the protagonist of several epigrams, like 14.77 and 7.14 (vid. supra). The many kisses Catullus asked for in poems 5 and 7 are also alluded to in 6.34, where Martial invites the young and beautiful →Diadumenus to give him more than Lesbia gave the ingenious Catullus, because those, despite being numerous, could be counted; he wants countless kisses. This motif is used again in a comic context, when Martial criticises the Roman inevitable basiatores who give more kisses than Lesbia to Catullus (12.59.3). Lesbia appears as the inspiration of the doctus Catullus in 8.73.8, addressed to →Instanius Rufus; and in 12.44.5, dedicated to the elegiac poet →Vnicus, Martial assures that she could have loved him along with the lepidus Catullus. ‖ A last group of epigrams have to do with his hometown, Verona. In 1.7 Martial considers Stella better than Catullus, and does not care if Verona hears of it (1.7.2). In 10.103 Martial announces to his fellow countrymen of Bilbilis that he is returning home, asking them to be proud of him, for Verona does not owe more to the tenuis Catullus and would like Martial to be its native: 5 – 6 nec sua plus debet tenui Verona Catullo / meque velit dici non minus illa suum. Catullus is Verona’s pride and joy in 1.61.1, where he is not mentioned by name, in a catalogue of places proud of their native writers: Verona docti sillybos amat vatis. The following line centers on Virgil and Mantua (1.61.2). A copy of Catullus’ work is the gift described in 14.195: Tantum magna suo debet Verona Catullo, / quantum parva suo Mantua Vergilio. Both Catullus and Virgil are mentioned together with their respective birthplaces, the sizes of which are inversely proportionate to the magnitude of their works. Considering the books described in 14.183 – 196, the one of 14.195 could be a copy of his complete works in parchment, although it could also be a copy of part of his poetry in a papyrus roll. Finally, Catullus appears in two indirect allusions to Verona in the Apophoreta (docti tibi terra Catulli, 14.100.1; 14.152.1). 14.100, on a clay cup (panaca), says that whoever knows Catullus’ land will have drunk Rhaetian wines from it, alluding to the vicinity of Rhaetia and Verona; epigram 14.152 deals with a woollen piece of cloth (gausapum quadratum) coming from the land of →Helicaon, whereas the land of Catullus sends bedspreads (lodices, cf. 14.148). ‖ →Lesbia1, →Vergilius. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 114; Canobbio 2011, 112– 114; Citroni 1975, 3 – 12, 40 – 43, 202, 331– 336; Damschen/Heil 2004, 266 – 267 (Riemann), 362– 364 (Damschen); Galán Vioque 2002, 121– 123, 518 –

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519; Grewing 1997, 251– 252; Howell 1980, 95 – 101, 121– 124, 250 – 251, 333 – 336; 1995, 81; Kay 1985, 75 – 76; Leary 1996, 135– 136, 161– 162, 215, 260 – 261; Lorenz 2007; Mindt 2013, 131– 161; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 184– 186; Neger 2012, 54– 73; Offermann 1980; RE 7 A.2, s. v. Valerius 123, 2353 – 2410 (Schuster); Schöffel 2002, 616 – 617; Skinner 2007; Sullivan 1991, 95 – 100; Swann 1994; 1998; Vallat 2008, 156 – 157, 170 – 171, 228, 266; Williams 2004, 226 – 228. jfv

Catullus2 5.30.3. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Valerius Catullus. ‖ Mime writer of the times of Caligula. If he is to be identified with the writer mentioned by Suetonius in Cal. 36.1, he belonged to a consular family and was raped by the emperor. Two of his works are known, entitled Phasma and Laureolus (Juv. 8.185 – 188 consumptis opibus vocem, Damasippe, locasti / sipario, clamosum ageres ut Phasma Catulli. / Laureolum velox etiam bene Lentulus egit, / iudice me dignus vera cruce). Juvenal describes him as urbanus (13.111). Sp. 9 describes an amphitheatre spectacle including a capital punishment based on his play →Laureolus (the story of a bandit condemned to crucifixion), which was first staged on 24 January AD 41, a few hours before the assassination of Caligula (Suet. Cal. 57.4). Flavius Josephus probably refers to this in AJ 19.94. The popularity of his mimes reached the times of Tertullian (Adv. Val. 14.4). ‖ He appears once in the Epigrams in 5.30.3: Martial asks the poet →Varro to read his poems in the Saturnalia and not to be distracted by the dramatic work (scaena) of the facundus Catullus or by elegy. ‖ Vallat (2008, 266) believes that the expression duo Catulli of 12.83.4 refers both to this author and to →Catullus1. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 321– 322; Coleman 2006, 82– 84; Duret 1986, 3222 – 3225; Howell 1995, 114; PIR 2 C581 (Stein); RE 3.2, s. v. Catullus 2, 1796 (Skutsch); Vallat 2008, 160, 266. jfv

Catullus3 6.69.1; 12.73. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For the name, a diminutive of Cato, see Kajanto 1965, 128, 250. ‖ This seemingly fictional character, unidentifiable with the writers →Catullus1 and →Catullus2, appears in two satirical epigrams. In 6.69 his mistress →Bassa surprisingly drinks water, as does her daughter. The implication could be that both practise fellatio on Catullus. In 12.73 Catullus claims that he has named the poet as his heir, but the latter will not believe it until he sees it written (in a will). Vallat suggests that there might be a second reading implying poetic legacy, rather than pecuniary, thus pointing to →Catullus1. ‖ In 4.87.1 Catulle is a varia lectio of Fabulle in manuscript T, perhaps influenced by the fact that the female protagonist of this epigram is also Bassa. ‖ →Bassa.

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Bibliography: Ferguson 1987, 52; Grewing 1997, 449; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 524; Newman 1990, 199 n. 88; RE 3.2, s. v. Catullus 1, 1796 (Groag); Vallat 2008, 322– 323. rms

Catulus 5.10.6. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Quintus Lutatius Catulus. ‖ 149 – 87 BC. ‖ Poet and politician. Consul in 102 BC, defeater of the Cimbri in 101, he committed suicide when Marius and Cinna took Rome. He was also a writer of epigrams, two of which are preserved (transmitted by Gel. 19.9.14 and Cic. N.D. 1.79). ‖ He is mentioned in a single epigram, addressed to →Regulus and dealing with the craze of despising the new and valuing only the old, just like the old people who praise the vilia templa Catuli. This refers to the most important temple of Rome, dedicated to Jupiter Capitolinus (→Iuppiter), built on the Capitolium by Tarquinius Priscus; it burnt down in 83 BC and was rebuilt by Quintus Lutatius Catulus (as was attested in an inscription; cf. V. Max. 6.9.5 nomenque eius in Capitolino fastigio fulgeret), probably with simple building materials (vilia), which contrasted with those employed by Domitian (→Domitianus) in a new reconstruction in AD 82, after the fires of AD 69 and 80. Ovid noticed that same contrast in Ars 3.113 – 116. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 164– 165; Howell 1995, 87; Platner/Ashby 1929, 297– 302; RE 13.2, s. v. Lutatius 8, 2082– 2094 (Münzer). jfv

Cecropius 1.25.3; 1.39.3; 1.53.10; 4.23.6; 5.2.8; 6.34.4; 7.32.3; 7.69.2; 9.12.2; 10.33.2; 11.42.4; 13.24.1; 13.105.2. ‖ Κεκρόπιος. ‖ Adj. Related to Cecrops (Κέκροψ), mythical king of Athens. It is a standard poetical synonym for ‘Athenian’ (ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Cecrops, 292.5 – 45 [Reisch]). ‖ “M. lo usa 13 volte, in genere in passi di tono elevato, o per creare un’enfasi scherzosa” (Citroni 1975, 87). ‖ It is first used in 1.25.3, alluding to Athens: Cecropiae… arces (cf. Ov. Met. 6.70; Priap. 75.4) ‖ The term is frequently applied to bees, honey and the like (6.34.4 Cecropio monte vagantur apes; 9.12.2 Cecropiae… apes; 11.42.4 Cecropiae… api; 13.24.1 Cecropio… melle; 13.105.2 Cecropios… favos), referring to the honey produced on Mount Hymettus (Grewing 1997, 249; Henriksén 1998, 94; 2012, 59 – 60; Kay 1985, 162; Leary 2001, 74); cf. Verg. G. 4.177 Cecropias… apes. ‖ Due to the symbolic link between honey and poetry (Kay 1985, 161– 162), Martial also uses Cecropius in images of poetical inspiration: 7.69.2 Cuius Cecropia pectora dote madent (or philosophy, see →Theophila; Galán Vioque 2002, 396 – 397); 4.23.6 Cecropio… lepore (on →Bruttianus, a writer of Greek epigrams). ‖ The epithet is also applied to →Minerva, whose Greek equivalent Pallas was the patron goddess of Athens: 1.39.3 Cecropiae… Latiaeque Minervae; 5.2.8 Cecropia… puella; 7.32.3 Cecropiae… Minerva; cf. Luc. 6.306. ‖ There are two further poetical allusions: in

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1.53.10 Cecropias.. querellas refers to the song of the nightingale, alluding to the tale of the Athenians →Procne and →Philomela, whereas in 10.33.2 (Cecropium superas qui bonitate senem), Cecropius senex has been thought to refer to →Epicurus (Damschen/Heil 2004, 141) or →Socrates (Canobbio 2011, 90). ‖ →Minerva. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 90; Citroni 1975, 87, 126; Damschen/Heil 2004, 141 (Schramm); Galán Vioque 2002, 228 – 229, 396 – 397; Grewing 1997, 249; Kay 1985, 162; Leary 2001, 74; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 230; Vallat 2008, 296. rms

Celaenaeus 5.41.2; 14.204.1. ‖ →Attis.

Celer1 1.63.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Celer is a common cognomen alluding to physical qualities (Kajanto 1965, 66, 248; ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Celer, 299.61– 302.5 [Reisch]). ‖ Celer appears only here as an unbeareable recitator or plagiarist, unidentifiable with a real character. He is not to be confused with →Celer2. The connotations of the name are similar to those of →Velox in the same book. The adjective celer may also allude to quickness of mind (ThLL 2, s. v. celer, 750.71– 751.3 [Burger]): if Celer is a plagiator, he is really ‘swift’ in composing poetry. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 209; Howell 1980, 258. jfv

Celer2 7.52.1,2. ‖ Real character. ‖ For the name, see →Celer1. ‖ Legatus of Hispania Citerior. He has been identified as M. Maecius Celer (PIR 2 M52), consul in AD 101 with Q. Servaeus Innocens. Cf. Stat. Silv. 3.2. Statius describes Maecius Celer as splendidissimum et mihi iucundissimum iuvenem Maecium Celerem (Silv. 3. pr.). White (1975, 297), however, identifies him with the Celer of Plin. Ep. 7.17, and both with the Caecilius Celer of Plin. Ep. 1.5.8. For Pliny’s Celer, see Sherwin-White 1998, 97. ‖ In the only epigram in which he appears, Martial addresses →Pompeius2 Auctus and expresses his joy at knowing that he reads his poetry to Celer. Galán Vioque (ad loc.) infers that Martial did not know Celer personally nor ventured to address him in an epigram directly, but sought his patronage through a common friend. Bibliography: Alföldy 1969, 76 – 78; Curchin 1990, 211 n. 764; Galán Vioque 2002, 317; Nauta 2002, 213, 237, 292– 293; PIR 2 C620 (Groag); RE 14.1, s. v. Maecius, 234– 235 (Fluss); Vallat 2008, 81; White 1972, 45; 1975, 297. jfv

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Cephalus 11.69.5. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Κέφαλος. ‖ Son of Deion and Diomede, husband of Procris, whom he killed by accident on a hunt. ‖ Cf. Ov. Ars 3.687– 746; Met. 7.685 – 862; Hyg. Fab. 189; Apollod. 1.9.4, 2.4.7, 3.14.3; 3.15.1; Eratosth. Cat. 32; Serv. A. 6.445; Paus. 1.37.6. ‖ He is mentioned in an epitaph for the dog Lydia, owned by Martial’s friend →Dexter, killed by a boar while hunting; Martial compares the event with the death of famous dogs, like Cephalus’ Laelaps, of Cretan breed (Dictaea… de gente), a present given by Jupiter to Europa, and by her to her son Minos, by him to Procris and by her to her husband. Aurora (lucifera dea) fell in love with Cephalus and took him to heaven (cf. Ov. Ep. 4.93 – 96; 15.37; Ars 3.84– 85); Martial changes the traditional myth by making the dog follow his owner to heaven, whereas, according to the most widespread version, it was turned into a rock and then into a star (Apollod. 2.4.7; Hyg. Astr. 2.35.1). Bibliography: Hejduk 2011; Kay 1985, 217– 218; LIMC 6.1, s. v. Kephalos, 1– 6 (Simantoni-Bournia), 6.2, 6 – 8; RE 11.1, s. v. Kephalos 1, 217– 221 (Schwenn); Vallat 2008, 138. jfv

Cerdo 3.16.1,4,6; 3.59.1; 3.99.1. ‖ Κέρδος, Κέρδων. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ The name refers to the Gr. κέρδος (‘profit’, ‘gain’); the Lat. common noun cerdo means ‘artisan’ and, by extension, ‘humble people’ (cf. Pers. 4.51 respue quod non es; tollat sua munera cerdo; schol. Pers. 4.51 per cerdonem plebeiam turbam significat. Ita populus dictus, ἀπὸ τοῦ κέρδους, id est a lucro; Juv. 4.153 – 154 sed periit postquam cerdonibus esse timendus / coeperat; 8.181– 182 quae / turpia cerdoni, Volesos Brutumque decebunt?; schol. Juv. 4.153 cerdo est proprie turpis lucri cupidus; 8.181– 182 cerdoni. graece dixit turpem vulgarem lucri cupidum; CGL V 653, 34 cerdones: pauperes infimi; 494, 27 certones [sic]: vulgares). The ambiguity of the term is also present in the Gr. κερδῷος, an epithet of →Apollo and Hermes, meaning ‘bringing gain’, but also ‘fox-like’, ‘wily’ (LSJ, s. v. κερδῷος; RE 11.1, s. v. Kerdoos, 285 [Adler]). Cf. also LSJ, s. v. κερδαίνω (‘to make profit’), κερδαλέος -α -ος (“of persons and their arts, crafty, cunning […] b. esp. of the fox”); ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Cerdonius 336.3 – 4 (Reisch). Κέρδων is attested as a name of slaves and artisans (cf. RE 11.1, s. v. Kerdon, 285 [Sieveking]: “Steinschneider, erst neuerdings bekannt geworden durch die Signatur Κέρδων ἐπόει auf einer Paste des Münchner Münzkabinettes”; cf. also Ps. Demosthenes 53.19 τὸν μὲν γὰρ Κέρδωνα; Sandys/Paley 1910 ad loc.: “Κέρδων is a slave-name expressive of knavish cunning [cf. ἡ κερδώ, ‘the wily one,’ i. e. ‘the fox’]”; cf. Fusi 2006, 189 – 190, who quotes a fragment [P.S.I. 99] attributed to Menander’s Encheiridion as well as Herodas 6.48 and 7, where Κέρδων is a σκυτεύς, a shoemaker). There are 119 examples in LGPN. In Rome the name is also extremely frequent, especially among slaves and freedmen (Solin 1996, 578 – 579; cf. e. g. CIL 6.44; 6.200; 6.4327; 6.36245; 4.6867; 4.6868; 4.6869; 4.6871; cf. ThLL Onom. 2.335.26 – 84 [Reisch]). ‖ A

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fable by Novius was entitled Bubulcus Cerdo. In Petr. 60.8 it is the name of one of the Lares of Trimalchio: Aiebat autem unum Cerdonem, alterum Felicionem, tertium Lucrionem vocari. In Apul. Met. 2.13 Cerdo is the name of a negotiator. Cf. also Just. Dig. 38.1.42 Cerdonem servum meum manumitti volo. ‖ Cerdo appears three times in book 3: he is a former shoemaker who has become a rich man. In 3.16 Martial highlights his lowly origins. He is wealthy enough to organise gladiatorial games (1 Das gladiatores), but he is just the kinglet of cobblers (1 sutorum regule; on the pejorative connotations of the diminutive, see Fusi 2006, 190). Martial plays with the tools of the shoemaker and with proverbial expressions involving leather (4 corio ludere… tuo; 5 lusisti corio; 6 in pellicula… tenere tua), symbolising the material of his work but also that one has to stick to the behaviour appropriate to one’s humble birth (cf. Otto 1890, 272, s. v. pellis, alluding to the fable of The Ass in the Lion’s Skin; Fusi [2006, 192– 193] suggests that allusion is made to the fable of The Frog and the Ox: cf. 10.79.9; Babr. 28; Phaed. 1.24; Hor. Sat. 2.3.314– 320; Petr. 74.13). Pliny (Nat. 35.36) also relates an anecdote involving Apelles and the criticism of a shoemaker: ne supra crepidam sutor iudicaret, quod et ipsum in proverbium abiit (cf. Otto 1890, 98, s. v. crepida; Herrero Llorente 1985, 233; Fusi 2006, 192– 193). The saying is still used: “Zapatero, a tus zapatos”, “Schuster, bleib bei deinen Leisten”, “the cobbler should stick to his last”, etc. Cf. also Ov. Tr. 3.4.25 – 26; Hor. Sat. 1.6.21– 22; Sen. Ep. 9.13. Cerdo is, thus, closer to the gladiators he hired than to the readers, despite his attempt to conceal it: 2 quodque tibi tribuit subula, sica rapit. Cf. Fusi (2006, 191): “La menzione deglo strumenti di lavoro del sutor e del gladiator, disposti a chiasmo con i verbi (tribuit subula sica rapit) serve a Marziale per evidenziare la spregevolezza del personaggio, che trae le sue ricchezze da uno strumento umile e le dissipa con uno strumento di morte. –rapit: nel verbo è insita una condanna morale per un tale uso del denaro”. For the debate as to whether Cerdo is here a proper or a common noun, see Fusi 2006, 189 – 190 (with further bibliography) and Vallat 2008, 474– 475. ‖ In 3.59 Martial extends his attack to other parvenus who have amassed a fortune thanks to their humble crafts. In this case, it is not only the shoemaker Cerdo who offers a spectacle in Bononia, but also a fuller (fullo) in Mutina. Martial then concludes with the question: 2 nunc ubi copo dabit? The obvious answer is Ravenna (cf. 3.57), but it may be interpreted that anyone can do it anywhere. Individuals were not allowed to offer gladiatorial munera, but apparently it was permitted in the provinces (cf. Fusi 2006, 395). Both the fuller and the cobbler appear in 12.59.6 – 7 hinc instat tibi textor, inde fullo, / hinc sutor modo pelle basiata. ‖ Epigram 3.99 closes this short cycle dedicated to the sutor Cerdo with a response to his angry reaction to the previous poems in the book: 1 Irasci nostro non debes… libello. With the excuse ars tua, non vita est carmine laesa meo (2) Martial advises the reader to distinguish between the type and the real person (cf. 10.33.10 parcere personis, dicere de vitiis). This well-intentioned apology is, however, undermined in the final line of the epigram, where Martial resumes the themes of 3.16 and 3.59, attacking those who adopt an inappropriate way of life and exemplifying this with the munera gladiatoria: 3 – 4 Cur ludere nobis / non liceat, licuit si iugulare tibi? Vallat (2008, 402– 403)

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believes that Cerdo evokes a real character and that an anecdote during Martial’s stay in Forum Cornelii could have inspired him to write this cycle. Bibliography: Fitzgerald 2007, 15 – 17; Fusi 2006, 188 – 193, 395, 549; Giegengack 1969, 122 – 124; PIR 2 C662 (Stein); RE 11.1, s. v. Kerdo, 284– 285 (Gunning); Vallat 2008, 402– 403, 474– 475. amc

Ceres 3.58.6; 10.103.8; 13.47.1. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ The Roman goddess of agriculture. Her cult in Italy is very old (there was a flamen Cerialis). She was identified with the Greek goddess Demeter (Δημήτηρ). Her feast, the Cerialia, was celebrated on 19 April. ‖ As was usual in poetry, Ceres appears in Martial’s epigrams as a metonymy for cereal (ThLL Onom. 3, s. v. Ceres, 342.63 – 343.6 [Reisch]) or bread (3.343.6 – 18). In 3.58 Ceres represents the fertility of →Faustinus’ land, rich in cereal crops. In 13.47 the panes Picentini, soaked in milk and honey, are called Picentina Ceres. The only mention of the goddess and her cult appears in 10.103, where Martial reminds his fellow countrymen that they have been offering rustica liba in his absence for thirtyfour years. As an agricultural deity, she was offered the first fruit: Ov. Fast. 2.520; Met. 8.274. ‖ →Proserpina. Bibliography: Brill NP 3, s. v. Ceres, 158 – 163 (Graf); Fusi 2006, 380; LIMC 4.1 add., s. v. Demeter/Ceres, 894– 908 (De Angeli), 4.2, 599 – 611; Leary 2001, 99; RE 3.2, s. v. Ceres, 1970 – 1979 (Wissowa). rms

Cerialis →Iulius Cerialis.

Cerrinius 8.18.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ Cerrinius is a Roman gentilicium of Oscan origin, a theonym related to →Ceres. It is well-attested in literature and in inscriptions, especially from Pompei. ‖ Cerrinius is mentioned once in Martial’s epigrams, as a writer of epigrams who does not want to publish them out of respect for his friend Martial. If his poems were known to the public, he would be considered equal to or better than him: 1– 4 Si tua, Cerrini, promas epigrammata vulgo, / vel mecum possis vel prior ipse legi: / sed tibi tantus inest veteris respectus amici / carior ut mea sit quam tua fama tibi. He is then compared to Virgil, who did not want to compete with his friends Horace and Varius so as not outshine them (see →Vergilius, →Horatius3, →Varius). Martial presents himself as an old friend (3), although in the final distich it is suggested that Cerrinius is his patron, who gives him the best present one may wish for: 9 – 10 aurum et opes et rura frequens donabit amicus: / qui velit ingenio cedere rarus erit. Balland (1998, 51– 53) suggested that the →Bruttianus of 4.23, a writer of Greek epigrams

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who could outdo Martial if he wrote in Latin as well, and this Cerrinius might be the same person, and proposed an identification with C. Bruttius Praesens (Syme 1988, 563 – 578). Balland suggests that Cerrinius could also be a pseudonym. For the manuscript variants, see Schöffel ad loc. ‖ →Bruttianus. Bibliography: Balland 1998; Duret 1986, 3220; McGill 2013, 373 – 374; Mindt 2013, 225 – 226; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 229 – 230; Neger 2012, 79 – 83; PIR 2 C677 (Stein); RE 3.2, s. v. Cerrinius 2, 1986 (Groag); Schöffel 2002, 211. rms

Cerylus 1.67. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ Kηρύλος. ‖ Very rare name (cf. Kajanto 1965, 227: Caeruleus). See ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Cerylus, 352.59 – 60 (Reisch); ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Cerulus, 351.81– 84 (Reisch); Solin 1982, vol. 2, 1050. ‖ The κηρύλος is a fabulous sea bird, identified with the halcyon (Ael. N.A. 5.48 ἀλκυόνα δὲ καὶ κηρύλον; Arist. HA 593b12; Plin. Nat. 10.89 – 92) and the common kingfisher. In Ar. Av. 300 the barber Sporgilos is called κειρύλος… ὄρνις, in a wordplay with the bird name, slightly altered to recall the verb κείρω, ‘shave’, ‘crop’. ‖ The rarity of the name leads us to believe that there might be a link between this and the Cerylus ridiculed by Vespasian (Suet. Vesp. 23.1 et de Cerylo liberto, qui dives admodum ob subterfugiendum quandoque ius fisci ingenuum se et Lachetem mutato nomine coeperat ferre: ὦ Λάχης, Λάχης, / ἐπὰν ἀποθάνῃς, αὖθις ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔσει / σὺ Κηρύλος; cf. Giegengack 1969, 105; RE 3.1, s. v. Cerulus, 1994 [Stein]). Some critics believe that book 1 may contain epigrams composed before Domitian’s ascension, so that reference to the historical character is not unlikely here (cf. Friedländer ad loc.; for this and other opinions, cf. Howell 1980, 262 and Citroni 1975, 218). The epigram has been variously interpreted—depending on the different textual variants proposed—, but the point is clearly the polysemy of the term liber: if Cerylus accuses Martial of being too liber, that is, ‘impertinent’, ‘brazen’, ‘taking too many liberties’, the poet counterattacks with the same term meaning ‘free’: this man may be free but not ingenuus (for the different interpretations on this epigram, see Citroni 1975, 218 – 219; Griffith 1982, 174). The theme of this epigram inevitably links this Cerylus with the one recorded by Suetonius, whom Martial would have had in mind (cf. Vallat 2008, 323: “la mimésis s’effectue contre un référent qui se méprend sur son statut social et essaie d’en imposer”). Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 217– 219; Eden 1988, 119 – 120; Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 208 – 209; Griffith 1982, 174; Howell 1980, 262– 263; PIR 2 C685 (Stein); RE 3.1, s. v. Cerulus, 1994 (Stein); Salanitro 1991, 4– 6; Vallat 2008, 323. amc

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Cestus 1.92.1,3; 8.46.2; 8.50(51).18,19. ‖ Real character? ‖ κεστός. ‖ The name is rarely used in literature, but sufficiently attested in inscriptions (cf. ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Cestus, 356.3 – 18 [Schwering], and the variant Cestius; Solin 1982, vol. 3, 1148). It seems to allude to →Venus and her girdle, cestos (cf. 6.13.8 a te Iuno petat ceston et ipsa Venus; 14.206.2 ceston de Veneris sinu calentem; 14.207.1 Sume Cytheriaco medicatum nectare ceston), thus being appropriate for a puer delicatus; but Martial also plays with castus (cf. 8.46.2 Ceste puer, puero castior Hippolyto; Schöffel 2002, 399); it might also evoke gymnastics (Fernández/Socas 2004, 80). ‖ The name appears three times in the epigrams, referring to one or two slaves. According to Howell, Citroni and Shackleton Bailey, among others, there are two distinct characters of that name, a fictitious one (1.92) and a real one (8.46; 8.50; probably a slave of →Instanius Rufus). If the Cestus of book 1 (published in 85 – 86) and the one of book 8 (published in 94) were the same real person, the puer would now be eight or nine years older; they could also be the same fictitious character, so that the time passed would not be a problem (but would the reader remember the first Cestus?: cf. Schöffel 2002, 399); the best option could be to distinguish between the one in 1.92 (probably fictitious) and the one in 8.46 and 8.50 (probably real), but this is no more than a hypothesis (cf. Schöffel ibid.: “ist methodisch unsauber: Zumindest 8.46 lässt sich mühelos auch als literarisch motivierte Fiktion erklären”). ‖ In 1.92 Cestus, a puer of the poetic persona, complains that the pauper →Mamurianus molests him sexually: 1– 2 Saepe mihi queritur non siccis Cestus ocellis, / tangi se digito, Mamuriane, tuo (on the euphemistic value of tango and the meaning of the expression tangere digito, cf. Jocelyn 1981, 281– 282; Eden 1989, 120 – 122; Citroni 1975, 237). Howell (1980, 300) and Citroni (1975, 286) believe that this Cestus, unlike the one in 8.46 and 8.50, is a fictitious character, the name chosen for its erotic meaning (vid. supra), but there are no weighty arguments to deny the possibility of his being one of the poet’s real slaves (or less likely belonging to Instanius Rufus), despite the fact that Mamurianus could be fictitious or a pseudonym. In any case, Cestus—whether invented or real —is a slave of the poet, who owns him and consequently can ironically offer him to Mamurianus: 3 totum tibi Ceston habeto. Likewise, Mamurianus is so poor that he cannot afford such a luxurious item. He is the protagonist of the epigram and his harassment of Cestus is simply the excuse that triggers the long attack on him. ‖ The Cestus of 8.46 is praised for his beauty and modesty: 1 quanta… probitas, tanta… infantia formae; he is comparable to →Hippolytus in chastity (2) and →Ganymedes in beauty (5 – 6); →Diana (3) and →Cybele (4) would like to have him. Yet he is real, hence the final distich addressed to the puella who will make him a man and the wife who will marry him: 7– 8 Felix, quae tenerum vexabit sponsa maritum / et quae te faciet prima puella virum. The name reappears four epigrams later, in 8.50, where a superb cup (phiala) is described (1– 16), a work worthy of →Mys or →Myron (1), and hence requiring the best of wines (17 digno… nectare) and being filled by the hands of the best of slaves, the beautiful Cestus (18 – 19 non grege de domini, sed tua, Ceste, manus; / Ceste, decus mensae, misce Setina…). Then, Martial pro-

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poses a toast (bibere ad numerum) to Instanius Rufus, the author of the gift: 22 auctor enim tanti muneris ille mihi. Is the munus simply the cup, or does it also include the cupbearer? Here, he could be both Martial’s or Rufus’ slave, but 8.46 is rather to be understood as an indirect praise to Rufus through a description of his puer. Fusi (2014– 2015) argues that in 8.73, addressed to Instanius Rufus, Martial indirectly asks his patron to give him the puer Cestus as a present. ‖ →Instanius Rufus, →Mamurianus. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 286 – 287; Eden 1989, 120 – 122; Fernández/Socas 2004, 80; Fusi 2014– 2015; Howell 1980, 299 – 300; Jocelyn 1981, 281– 282; PIR 2 C697 (Stein); RE 3.2, s. v. Cestus, 2012 (Stein); Schöffel 2002, 399; Vallat 2008, 556. amc

Chaeremon 11.56.1. ‖ Χαιρήμων. ‖ Fictional or historical character. ‖ For the name, see ThLL Onom. 2.362.33 – 51 (Reisch). LGPN records 66 instances. ‖ Friedländer (1886, vol. 2, 195) notes that this character is reminiscent of Chaeremon, a renowned Stoic scholar, tutor of →Nero, who wrote a history of Egypt (Hier. adv. Iovin. 2.13; Rufin. Hist. 6.19.8; Aug. Civ. 10.11; Cassiod. Ios. c. Ap. 1.288), of which some fragments have been preserved (cf. FGH 3.618 Jacoby). He was son of Leonidas, one of the ambassadors sent by the Alexandrinians to →Claudius in AD 41. Cf. PIR 2 C706 (Ex eo nomen finxisse videtur Martial. 11, 56, 1 [Chaeremon stoice], nam legatum Alexandrinorum circa a. 96 vixisse nequaquam credibile est); RE 3.2, s. v. Chairemon 7, 2025 – 2027 (Schwartz); and Kay (1985, 192): “M. also intends it as a recognisable Stoic appellation (…). M. is using the name as a label rather than making a point about an individual”. He also suggests that the stem chair– (χαίρω) contrasts with the poor life of this wretched man (contra Vallat 2008, 120). Vallat (2008, 88) suggests that perhaps Martial is addressing the historical character: “pourquoi en pas les identifier? Certes, cet individu devait être mort, mais les anciens en s’embarrassent pas pour interpeller les disparus (…): pourquoi n’aurait-il pas entendu, ou connu par ouï-dire, les discours de Chaeremon, qui en lui auraient pas plu, tant ils s’élogient de son propre idéal de vie?” (cf. Van der Horst 1984, ix and Moreno Soldevila 2016, 298). ‖ Charaemon is a Stoic philosopher (1 Chaeremon Stoice) who boasts about not fearing death. Martial undermines his virtue by describing in detail his extreme poverty; were he a rich man, he would not despise life as he does; and if he were a true Stoic, he would not be willing to die, but would endure his hapless existence: rebus in angustis facile est contemnere vitam: / fortiter ille facit qui miser esse potest (15 – 16). Bibliography: Kay 1985, 191– 193; Moreno Soldevila 2016, 298; PIR 2 C706 (Stein); RE 3.2, s. v. Chairemon 4, 2024– 2025 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 87– 88, 120; Van der Horst 1984. amc

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Chaerestratus 5.25.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Χαιρέστρατος. ‖ It is a very common Greek name (LGPN records 88 instances), but it is not recorded by Solin 1982. Name used in comedy (cf. e. g. Pl. As. 865; Cic. S. Rosc. 46; schol. Pers. 5.162; see ThLL Onom. 2.362.60 – 65 [Reisch]). It is also found in a catalogue of actors (CIA 4.2.977e; cf. RE 3.2, s. v. Chairestratos 1, 2029 [Kirchner]). The Greek name suggests that its bearer is a freedman (Howell 1995, 109; Canobbio 2011, 295). ‖ He appears once in Martial’s epigrams, in a poem about the lex Roscia theatralis, a recurrent motif in book 5 (5.8; 5.14; 5.23; 5.27; 5.35; 5.38; 5.41; cf. Howell 1995, 84; Rawson 1991; Canobbio 2002; 2011, 142– 145). Chaerestratus does not have the 400,000 sesterces (1 Quadringenta tibi non sunt, Chaerestrate) needed for equestrian status and, consequently, for a seat in the first fourteen rows in the theatre. Line 1 ends with surge, the first of a series of imperatives which follow after the second assertion (2 Leitus ecce venit: sta, fuge, curre, late): Chaerestratus has to leave the seat he is illegally occupying in a rush if he does not want to be shown up when →Leitus, dissignator theatralis, makes him stand up. After this initial distich, Martial attacks the rich patrons who do not help their poor clients (3 – 4 ecquis, io…? / ecquis, io…?) and prefer to spend large sums of money on extravagances such as the saffron sprayed over the stage (7– 8) or a statue of →Scorpus and his horse (9 – 10). Howell (1995, 109) remarks that “it is broad-minded of Martial to suggest that a freedman deserves equestrian status”, although Martial does not take pity on Chaerestratus, but rather makes fun of him, making the reader smile as would the audience around him in the theatre. In any case, as Canobbio (2011, 295) observes, if Chaerestratus is a freedman he would also lack the second requisite for the prohedria, the ingenuitas. Martial rather takes advantage of this anecdote to compare his own work to spectacles, criticising the wealthy who prefer to spend their riches ostentatiously, thus missing the opportunity to achieve undying fame by Martial praising them in an epigram (5 – 6, 11– 12). Cf. 4.67 (and Moreno Soldevila 2006, 463 – 466), where Scorpus is also mentioned in a similar context. ‖ Martial might be playing with the meaning of χαίρω and στρατός (cf. →Charidemus1): Chaerestratus would be the ‘laughing stock of the people’, a name that fits in with the episode described. The name also recalls →Callistratus, rich man of lowly origins, protagonist of an epigram in the same book (5.13). ‖ →Leitus. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 295; Giegengack 1969, 107– 108; Howell 1995, 108 – 109. amc

Charidemus1 1.43.14. ‖ Χαρίδημος. ‖ Real character? ‖ A very common Greek name (cf. ThLL Onom. 2.376 [Reisch]; e. g. CIL 6.14716, 12.5701.63, etc.; LGPN records 154 instances). Martial uses other personal names derived from χάρις: →Charinus (6.37.2), →Charisianus (6.24.1; 11.88.2). Charidemus is a compound of χάρις and δῆμος: cf. Howell 1980, 206: “Perhaps M. uses the name because of its etymology (‘one who pleases the peo-

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ple’–appropriate for a victim at the games)”; hence Kay’s translation “Mr. Pleasantthe-People” (1985, 249); Grewing 1997, 232– 233; Vallat 2008, 556 – 557. Cf. the antiphrasis in 11.39 and 6.81.1 (iratus… populo). According to Friedländer (1886, vol. 1, 192), he was a criminal condemned to be executed in the arena by a boar (damnatus ad bestias), probably at the beginning of Domitian’s reign (cf. RE 3.2, s. v. Charidemos 6, 2138 [Stein]). Citroni (1975, 144) defends the real existence of this convicted criminal, whose doom became famous (he is reminiscent of →Laureolus). Howell (1980, 206), on the contrary, suggests that he may be a fictional character, because if it referred to a real episode, “the reference would soon cease to be topical, and readers outside Rome would in any case be unlikely to understand it”. See also Howell’s etymological interpretation. ‖ →Mancinus serves his sixty guests only one boar, so tiny that even a dwarf could kill it (9 – 10 qualisque necari / a non armato pumilione potest). The dinner is so unsatisfactory that Martial strikes back with the aper to wish the host ill fate: 13 – 14 ponatur tibi nullus aper post talia facta, / sed tu ponaris cui Charidemus apro. The epigram could be read in the light of 2.14. Other possibilities include that Charidemus was a bestiarius and a dwarf, like the pumilio mentioned in 1.43.10, or, if the traditional interpretation prevails, that he was condemned to a mythological execution (of the type described by Coleman 1990) based on the hunting of the Calydonian boar. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 144; Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 192; Grewing 1997, 232– 233; Howell 1980, 43 – 44; Kay 1985, 249; PIR 2 C711 (Stein); RE 3.2, s. v. Charidemos 6, 2138 (Stein). amc

Charidemus2 6.31.1; 6.56.2,6; 6.81.1,3; 11.87.4. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For the origin and meaning of the name, see →Charidemus1. ‖ The name of various characters of deviant sexuality: “Bref, le nom est indissociablement lié à divers travers sexuels qui poussent cependant le lecteur à s’attendre au pire chaque fois qu’il le lit” (Vallat 2008, 407). See →Charinus for a similar sexual type. ‖ In 6.31 he is a cuckold who tolerates (1 scis… ipse sinisque) his wife’s adultery with her doctor. Martial concludes: 2 vis sine febre mori, which could mean that he could die of unnatural causes (sine febre), that is, poisoned by his rival (equated with the poisoner, as is in other passages with the gladiator or the gravedigger); or contrarily, it could be interpreted that he tolerates the infidelity precisely to avoid such a death (if sine febre is understood as “without that symptom caused by the poison”; cf. Vallat 2008, 556). In 6.56 Martial suggests that he depilates his whole body to look like a pathicus or cinaedus, implying that he is something worse, that is, a fellator or cunnilingus. He is also accused of os impurum in 6.81: he corrupts the waters of the bath where he washes his face (Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 454 thinks that he is a cunnilingus, cf. 6.56). The name is used here in antiphrasis, as line 1 shows: iratus tamquam populo, Charideme, lavaris (iratus… populo is the antithesis of Χάρις-δῆμος; cf. Grewing 1997, 523; Vallat 2008,

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557). In 11.87 he is a pedico with financial trouble, forced to become a fututor of old women and a captator (cf. →Sabellus in 6.33; AP 11.65; Luc. Rh. Pr. 24; Juv. 1.37– 39; Kay 1985, 248). The following epigram (11.88) contains another name derived from Χάρις: →Charisianus (also in 6.24.1). Bibliography: Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 454; Grewing 1997, 230 – 233, 365 – 366, 522– 523; Kay 1985, 248 – 249; Vallat 2008, 556 – 557. amc

Charidemus3 11.39.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For the frequency and meaning of the name, see →Charidemus1. Like in 6.81, it is a clear example of antiphrasis (“a typically Greek name for the paedagogus, ironic in that he is anything but ‘pleasing’ to his charge”, Kay 1985, 154). ‖ In 11.39 the poetic persona addresses his paedagogus, who hyperbolically escorts him in middle age, criticising his moral and sexual behaviour. “Usually slaves or freedmen, they were constantly in the presence of their charges, not merely accompanying them to school and even giving them additional tuition, but also regulating their general behaviour (cf. Suet. Nero 36.2; Sen. Ep. 94.8) and escorting them to the baths and theatre (cf. Suet. Aug. 44.2)” (Kay 1985, 154). Obviously, the epigram need not be interpreted in autobiographical terms, and so the character could be invented. It must be kept in mind that in the same book Martial censures a Charidemus in sexual terms, which could be seen as an amusing twist (→Charidemus2). Bibliography: Kay 1985, 153– 154; RE 3.2, s. v. Charidemos 6, 2138 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 557. amc

Charinus 1.77.1– 6; 4.39.10; 5.39.2,4,9; 6.37.2; 7.34.2; 8.61.1; 11.59.1; 12.89.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Χαρῖνος. ‖ This Greek name, derived from χάρις, is very widespread (120 instances in LGPN; see also Solin 1982, vol. 3, 1298; 1996, vol. 2, 582). It is a stock name for the adulescens in the palliata (Pl. Mer.; Ps.; López López 1991, 62– 63; Ter. An.). It is also widely used by Lucian (RE 3.2, s. v. Charinos 7 [Stein]). ‖ In the epigrams Charinus is a sexual pervert, a showy parvenu, or both (Moreno Soldevila 2006, 292: “luxurious ostentation and pretentiousness are equated […] with sexual depravation”; Grewing 1997: 264: “Die sexuellen Gedichte wiesen dann darauf hin, wie Charinus zu Geld gekommen ist”). ‖ In 1.77 he is portrayed as a shameless cunnilingus (Jocelyn 1985, 41– 42); in 4.39 the attack is double: he is accused of extravagant ostentation and of os impurum (Moreno Soldevila 2006, 292– 298); in 6.37 he is an impenitent sodomite, cinaedus (cf. 7.34.10). In 5.39 Charinus represents “la figura topica del liberto arrichito” (Canobbio 2011, 384). In this case, he is constantly deceiving legacy-hunters, making them believe that he is dying: he is a captator of captatores. In

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8.61 Charinus is envious not of Martial’s literary success but of the fact that he has a suburban country estate and travels there with his own mules (3 – 7). Martial wishes him to lose everything and to have only his suburbanum and his mules. Absurd ostentation of richness is the theme of 11.59, where he always wears six rings on each finger: “Charinus is ostentatiously rich, so much so that he will not part with his rings—the symbol of his wealth—for even a moment; he has no ring case because he has no intention of taking his rings off” (Kay 1985, 200). In 7.34 he is said to be the worst of men (2 vir pessimus omnium), and thus compared to →Nero. In 12.89 he seems to be ridiculed for his baldness, which he tries to conceal. ‖ As regards the implications of the name, the stem chari– (χάρις = ‘sexual joy’) is also present in the names of other exponents of sexual deviations: →Charidemus (6.81; 11.87); →Charisianus (11.88). The Greek term also means ‘grace’, ‘favour’, ‘reward’, ‘remuneration’, nuances underlying the jokes on wealth and ostentation. Vallat (2008, 582) perceives a wordplay between Charinus and carus in 5.89. Canobbio (2011, 385) suggests that here the name “si presta in realtà maggiormente a essere letto alla maniera plautina, cf. Pseud. 736 non Charinus mihi hic quidem, sed Copiast dove il poeta comico gioca sull’assonanza tra Charinus, pronunciato in forma deaspirata, e il verbo careo (…). Il nostro Charinus, in efetti, sembra tutt’altro che carente dal punto di vista economico, se è vero, che viene preso di mira dai cacciatori di eredità”. In this sense, two further nuances can be added: the topic of the stingy rich who lives a miserly life (cf. e.g. Cic. Par. 6.51) and the ostentation of non-existent wealth (cf. some of the interpretations given to 11.59 in Kay ad loc.). ‖ Some of the epigrams in which Charinus appears are based on paradox: 1.77.6 et tamen pallet; 4.30.9 – 19 miror / quare non habeas, Charine, purum; 6.37.5 culum non habet, est tamen cinaedus. Metaphorical references to skin colour are also recurrent: 1.77.1– 5 Charinus et tamen pallet; 6 cunnum Charinus lingit et tamen pallet; 8.61.1 livet Charinus. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 384– 385; Citroni 1975, 247; Galán Vioque 2002, 240; Grewing 1997, 264; Howell 1980, 281; Kay 1985, 201; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 298; RE 3.2, s. v. Charinos 7, 2143 – 2144 (Stein); Schöffel 2002, 515 – 516; Vallat 2008, 557– 558, 581. rms

Charisianus 6.24.1; 11.88.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ There is some epigraphic evidence of the name, but in literature it is not used elsewhere (ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Charisianus 377.81– 84 [Reisch]). The name would be a derivative of Charisius, (for Charisius, see Solin 1982, vol. 3, 1298; 1996, vol. 2, 582). Shackleton Bailey defends the reading Carisianus, since the form Carisius is well-documented (ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Carisius, 194.52– 195.6 [Jacobson]; Kajanto 1965, 143). See Grewing 1997, 192. Vallat, following Giegengack (1969, 82), believes that the name is derived from χάρις. The spelling Ch- would, in fact, link this character with others beginning with Chari– who are the butt of sexual satire (like →Charinus). ‖ In 6.24.1 there is nobody more wanton than he, who wears

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the toga in the Saturnalia (during these festivities, social rules were reversed and the toga was replaced by other garments such as the synthesis). The implication could be that he cannot afford to change his clothes. Vallat (who prefers Charisianus) is inclined to think that if he does not wear the toga virilis outside the Saturnalia, he reveals his effeminacy, as epigram 11.88 makes clear: he claims that he has not been able to practice pedicatio for a while and, when asked about the reason, he replies that he has diarrhoea, thus revealing that he is a passive homosexual. Bibliography: Giegengack 1969, 82; Grewing 1997, 192; Kay 1985, 249; RE 3.2, s. v. Charisianos, 2146 (Groag); Shackleton Bailey 1989, 137; Vallat 2008, 558 – 559. jfv

Charmenion 10.65.2,15. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Χαρμενίων. ‖ The name (attested once in LGPN, vol. 3a) is related to χάρμα (‘joy’), a synonym for χάρις. Cf. other names beginning with Chari–: →Charidemus1 2 3, →Charinus, →Charisianus. ‖ Charmenion, a proud Corinthian (1– 2 Cum te municipem Corinthiorum / iactes), insists in calling Martial, a Celtiberian, ‘brother’ (3 – 4 cur frater tibi dicor, ex Hiberis / et Celtis genitus Tagique civis?). Martial then contrasts their appearance: Charmenion is fond of depilation and makeup (6 tu flexa nitidus coma vagaris; 8 levis dropace tu cotidiano) and he speaks feebly (10 os blaesum tibi debilisque lingua est). In lines 12– 13 Charmenion is compared to a dove and a gazelle (while Martial equates himself with an eagle and a lion: see Richlin 1992a, 137 and Obermayer 1998, 248 for the implied threat of irrumatio and anal penetration in these lines). Martial asserts his own masculinity, depicting Charmenion as effeminate. In view of all this, Martial asks him to stop calling him ‘brother’ unless he wants to be called ‘sister’: 14– 15 quare desine me vocare fratrem, / ne te, Charmenion, vocem sororem. According to Vallat, he is effeminate even through his name, since it is imposible to know the length of the /o/ in -ion: “si la voyelle est longue, comme on l’attend, le nom est masculin; mais si elle est brève, la terminaison -iŏn est typique des neutres grecs à référent féminin, si fréquent chez les courtisanes: Charmenion serait efféminé jusque dans son nom” (2008, 559). Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 242– 243 (Baumbach); Obermayer 1998, 247– 248; Richlin 1992a, 136 – 137; Vallat 2008, 426, 559, 602. rms

Charopinus 5.50.1,6. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Χαροπῖνος. ‖ Ιt is a well-attested Greek name (38 instances in LGPN), although rare in Rome (attested in CIL 6.7603 [see Solin 1982, 524] and 14.3745; see also 10.6047 for the variant Caropinus). Cf. ThLL Onom. 2.381.63 – 66 (Sigwart). ‖ Charopinus is a parasite who gets really aggressive if he does not get a

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dinner invitation from the poetic persona. Canobbio (2011, 433) hints at a possible interpretation of the speaking name by relating it to χαροπός (LSJ, s. v. 2 “of eyes, flashing”), because his eyes would light up on seeing food (cf. 7 observare culinam); Vallat (2008, 534), however, interprets it in relation to πίνω or, more likely, πεινάω: ‘the one who likes drinking and eating’ (contra Canobbio 2011, 434). Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 433 – 436; Howell 1995, 135; Vallat 2008, 534– 535. jfv

Chimerinos 9.13.2. ‖ Fictitious name. ‖ Χειμερινός. ‖ In an epigram cycle about Domitian’s favourite →Earinus, whose name is metrically impossible for the epigrams, Martial plays with the different forms the name would have depending on the Greek names of the seasons (Earinus is derived from the Greek name for spring): in this case, were he named after the winter (bruma), he would be called Chimerinos, Gr. χειμερινός, derived form χεῖμα. ‖ →Earinus, →Oporinos, →Therinos. Bibliography: Henriksén 1998, 102– 103 (= 2012, 69 – 70). jfv

Chione 1.34.7; 1.92.6; 3.30.4; 3.34.2; 3.83.2; 3.87.1; 3.97.1; 11.60.1,2,7,11,12. ‖ Χιόνη. ‖ This Greek name derives from χιών (‘snow’). It works as a type name, and the reader would identify her as a prostitute (cf. Juv. 3.134– 136 at tu, / cum tibi vestiti facies scorti placet, haeres / et dubitas alta Chionen deducere sella; RE 3.2, s. v. Chione 9, 2284 (Stein): “Typischer Name für ein schamloses Weib”; Giegengack 1969, 33). There were several heroines with the same name: the daughter of Boreas and Oreithyia; of river Nilus and Callirroe; of king Daedalion; or, according to one version, the mother of →Priapus. The name is frequently attested in inscriptions (cf. ThLL Onom. 2.397.20 – 37 [Reisch]; see Solin 1982, 558, 597). LGPN records only 17 instances. ‖ Chione appears in several satirical epigrams of books 1, 3 and 11, mainly as a prostitute and more specifically as a fellatrix. In an attack on the exhibitionistic →Lesbia2 (1.34) Martial contrasts her with →Ias and Chione, prostitutes of the worst kind who conceal their activities (8 abscondunt spurcas et monumenta lupas). These belonged to the worst class of prostitutes, those who worked among the tombs (3.93.15 bustuarias moechas; Juv. 6.365 flava ruinosi lupa… sepulchri; cf. Howell 1980, 181). Compared to Lesbia, they are chaste: a Chione saltem vel ab Iade disce pudorem (7). In 1.92 Martial depicts the poverty of →Mamurianus, who lacks everything, even the cheapest assets, such as a curtus calix like the one that can be found in the room of the prostitutes Chione or →Antiope: 6 nec curtus Chiones Antiopesve calix. As in 1.34.7 (Ias) and 11.60 (→Phlogis), Chione is mentioned in the same line, together with another

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prostitute. In book 3 there is a cycle dedicated to Chione (3.30; 3.34; 3.83; 3.87; 3.97). In 3.30 she is linked again with an extremely poor man, →Gargilianus, who has no money to pay her: 4 unde vir es Chiones? (even though prostitutes’ prices could be very low: cf. 1.103.10; 2.53.7; 9.4.1– 2; CIL 4.1969 add. p. 213; 4024; 4592; 5408; although they could also be very high, depending on the level of the prostitute: cf. 7.10.3; 10.75.1; →Leda2 in 2.63; cf. Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 226, on 1.103.10 asse Venus; RE 15.1, s. v. meretrix, 1025 – 1027 [Schneider]; Fusi 2006, 267). As in 11.60, the Chione in 3.34 is said to be frigid (a wordplay with the connotations of coldness implicit in her name). Paradoxically she is dark-skinned (nigra): that is why she is and is not ‘like snow’: 2 frigida es et nigra es: non es et es Chione (cf. →Lycoris1, characterized as nigra or fusca in 1.72, 4.62 and 7.13). In 3.83 →Cordus insists that Martial should write shorter epigrams and the poet responds by composing the shortest possible one (non potui brevius), un “epigramma nell’epigramma” (Merli 1996, 220): 2 fac mihi quod Chione. Inasmuch as the last word in the preceding epigram is fellat (3.82.33), it is not difficult to guess what Chione’s specialty is: fellatio. This is corroborated by 3.87 and 3.97. In 3.87 she is said to have never had vaginal intercourse (1– 2 narrat te rumor, Chione, numquam esse fututam / atque nihil cunno purius esse tuo); apparently Martial implies that she is as pure as the connotations of her name (‘snow’; Vallat 2008, 570), but concludes that she should cover her os impurum with her underwear: 4 transfer subligar in faciem (cf. Fusi 2006, 508, who points to the similarity with 4.84). Epigram 3.97 closes the cycle with a metaliterary play: Martial asks →Rufus1 not to show his book to Chione, because she could take revenge: 2 carmine laesa meo est: laedere et illa potest. Martial plays with two senses of laedere: Chione is hurt (laesa) emotionally, (cf. 3.99.2; 5.15.2; 7.12.3; 10.5.1– 2; and e. g. Ter. Eu. 2.6.18; Hor. S. 1.4.78, 2.1.21,67; Ov. Tr. 4.1.30), whereas Martial may be physically hurt, since she can mordere fellando (cf. Fusi 2006, 546 – 547; Verdière 1969, 106; cf. Lucr. 4.1080 et dentes inlidunt saepe labellis). Shackleton Bailey (1993, vol. 1, 273) suspects, however, a different type of revenge: “As by kissing or using the same bath”. In this epigram there is a third laesus: Rufus, whose lover is “revealed” as a fellatrix. In 11.60 Martial contrasts Chione (χιών, frigida; cf. 3.34) and Phlogis (φλόξ, flagrans): Chione is pulchrior (2), but cold (7 non sentit), she remains impassive like a statue (8 absentem marmoreamve), doing nothing to arouse her partner (7– 8 opus nec vocibus ullis / adiuvat; like →Aegle in 11.81, she neither arouses nor gets aroused); Phlogis, on the contrary, is ardent and insatiable (2 ulcus habet), but she is not as attractive as Chione: the poet would like to combine their qualities: 11– 12 hoc quod habet Chione corpus faceretis haberet / ut Phlogis, et Chione quod Phlogis ulcus habet. ‖ →Antiope, →Cordus, →Gargilianus, →Ias, →Lesbia2, →Mamurianus, →Phlogis, →Rufus1. Bibliography: Buchheit 1962a, 255 – 256; Citroni 1975, 114; Ferguson 1987, 55; Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 226; Fusi 2006, 266 – 267, 285 – 286, 498, 508, 546 – 547; Giegengack 1969, 33; Howell 1980, 181; Kay

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1985, 201– 203; Merli 1996, 220; RE 3.2, s. v. Chione 9, 2284 (Stein); Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 1, 273; Vallat 2008, 453, 569 – 570, 573; Verdière 1969, 106; Watson 2009. amc

Chloe 3.53.5; 4.28.1; 9.15.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Χλόη. ‖ A Greek name (19 instances in LGPN), attested in inscriptions in Rome and used in literature by Horace and Martial. See ThLL Onom. 2.401.19 – 45 (Schwering) and Solin 1982, 1109. ‖ The name appears three times in Martial, in different satirical contexts. In 3.53 the speaker, after going over the different parts of her body, assures that he could live without her whole self, in a poem recalling Catul. 86 contrario sensu. In 4.28 Chloe gives the young (tenero) →Lupercus the typical presents that an avara puella demands from her lover; it could be inferred, then, that Chloe is an old or unattractive woman; Martial concludes that Lupercus is going to make her nudam, not ‘naked’ but rather ‘penniless’. Moreno Soldevila suggests a further wordplay between tenero and Chloe, inasmuch as χλόη means ‘fresh grass’. According to Henriksén, “the combined information of these two epigrams would perhaps suggest a femme fatale entangling young boys” (2012, 74 n. 7). Finally, in 9.15.2 Martial tells that the scelerata Chloe has engraved the inscription “I did it” (se fecisse) on the tombstones of her seven husbands: “Naturally, what Chloe means is that she has built the tombs for her husbands, but Martial, reading between the lines, hints at a totally different interpretation (…), namely that Chloe has taken the lives of her seven husbands” (2012, 74). ‖ The name appears in Hor. Carm. 1.23, 3.7, 3.9 and 3.26, perhaps as a generic name for an elusive (1.23.2 pavidam) or arrogant woman (3.26.12 arrogantem). Vallat (2008, 378) believes that “il semble que Martial dialogue avec cette figure horatienne”. Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 363 – 364; Henriksén 1998, 106 – 107; 2012, 74; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 247– 252; Porter 1985; Vallat 2008, 378 – 379, 573 – 574. jfv

Chrestilla 8.43.1. ‖ Fictitional character. ‖ The name is derived from →Chrestus: ThLL Onom. 2.407.9 – 13 (Schwering). See Solin 1982, vol. 2, 934. ‖ Epigram 8.43 deals with →Fabius and Chrestilla, who bury their spouses one after the other: Martial (suspecting them) recommends they marry each other so that they will die at the same time. Vallat relates her name with χρηστή (‘good’). ‖ Martial uses other similar names: →Chrestillus, →Chrestina and →Chrestus. Bibliography: Schöffel 2002, 373 – 378; Vallat 2008, 535. jfv

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Chrestillus 11.90.7. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name is derived from →Chrestus: ThLL Onom. 2.407.9 – 13 (Schwering). See Solin 1996, vol. 2, 471. ‖ The name appears once in Martial: he is criticised for believing that ancient writers are better than contemporary ones. He believes, for instance, that a line from →Lucilius is more valuable than the epic poems of Homer (→Homerus) and he reads →Ennius, →Accius or →Pacuvius in astonishment. The poem ends with a veiled accusation of os impurum. For a comparable situation involving a similar name, see 9.27. There might be a wordplay with χρηστής (‘debtor’/’creditor’) or χρηστός, ‘good’. ‖ Martial uses other similar names: →Chrestilla, →Chrestina and →Chrestus. Bibliography: Kay 1985, 252; Vallat 2008, 559 – 560. jfv

Chrestina 2.31.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name derives from →Chrestus (cf. 7.55; 9.27); χρηστός means ‘useful’, ‘efective’, ‘good’: cf. →Chrestilla (8.43.1) and →Chrestillus (11.90). The name is well attested in inscriptions. Cf. ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Chrestinus, 407.14– 22 (Schwering); Solin 1982, vol. 2, 934. ‖ The poetic persona talks boastfully with his friend →Marianus about his sexual encounters with Chrestina (1 Saepe ego Chrestinam futui, as Williams [2004, 123] remarks, “this blunt opening sentence recalls some of the first-person graffiti scratched on the walls of Pompeii, Rome, Ostia, and elsewhere”); the speaker replies to his interlocutor’s question (1 det quam bene quaeris?) with an apparently simple remark: 2 supra quod fieri nil, Mariane, potest, which has been given various interpretations, one of them based on the double meaning of supra portraying her as a fellatrix (cf. Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 254; Williams 2004, 122, 124). Vallat (2008, 560) sees a wordplay between Chrestina and bene. Bibliography: Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 254; Vallat 2008, 560; Williams 2004, 122 – 124. amc

Chrestus 7.55.1; 9.27.1,14. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Χρῆστος/Χρηστός. ‖ The name is recorded 226 times in LGPN. Cf. ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Chrestus, 407.48 – 408.84 (Schwering); Solin 1982, vol. 2, 929 – 931; 1996, vol. 2, 470. Martial also uses the derivatives →Chrestilla, →Chrestillus, →Chrestina. ‖ In 7.55 Chrestus is a patron who does not send gifts to Martial, although he is generous to others. Martial menaces him with irrumatio (not performed by him but by a Jew). This threat fits in well with his portrait in 9.27, where Chrestus is a hypocritical moralizer, who is always talking about the ‘hairy’ (pilosi) examples of ancient virtue (→Curii, →Camilli, →Quintii, →Numae,

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→Anci), but is fond of depilation himself and, worse still, a fellator: 13 – 14 et pudet fari / Catoniana, Chreste, quod facis lingua. There is a similar attack on a →Chrestillus in 11.90. According to Henriksén (2012, 117), the name is “particularly suitable for a philosopher, being derived from the adjective χρηστός, meaning ‘good, honest, worthy, trusty’, etc.”. Additionally, in 7.55 there might also be a wordplay with χρηστής (‘debtor’/‘creditor’). Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 330; Greenwood 1998, 244– 245; Henriksén 1998, 145; 2012, 117; Vallat 2008, 559 – 560. rms

Cicero 2.89.4; 3.38.3; 4.16.5; 5.51.5; 5.56.5; 5.69.2,8; 7.63.6; 9.70.1; 11.48.2,4; 14.188; cf. 3.66. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Marcus Tullius Cicero. ‖ 106 – 43 BC. ‖ The famous orator, lawyer, politician and prolific writer. ‖ Cicero is one of the most frequently mentioned historical figures in Martial. On three occasions (4.16.5; 5.51.5; 9.70.1) he is referred to as Tullius. ‖ Three epigrams deal with his works: in one of the Apophoreta (14.188), Martial describes a copy of Cicero’s writings on parchment, a book with which you can tour longas vias; according to Leary, it must have been a single volume of his extensive oeuvre; 2.89 is an invective against →Gaurus, who had many defects and vitia, among them being as bad a versifier as Cicero. In fact, Cicero wrote a number of poems, but ever since antiquity he has been reputed as an unsuccessful poet. Quintilian (Inst. 11.1.24) offers two examples (in carminibus utinam pepercisset), such as the trivial and cacophonic line o fortunatam natam me consule Romam, that Juvenal ridiculed in 10.122– 127. The last epigram dealing with his literary side is Mart. 9.70.1, an attack on →Caecilianus, who longs for the past and cites (in the wrong order, see Henriksén 2012, 292 for the metrical reasons) the famous o tempora! o mores! of Cicero (Ver. 2.4.56; Catil. 1.2.1; Dom. 137; Deiot. 31.1; cf. Quint. Inst. 9.2.26; Sen. Suas. 6.3.8). ‖ In five epigrams he is the orator par excellence, and by extension the best lawyer: 3.38 is addressed to →Sextus2, who has just arrived in Rome to try his luck; his projects include becoming a more eloquent (disertior) defendant than Cicero; Martial discourages him, for in Rome there is no place for honest arts; 4.16 is an attack on →Gallus, who is accused of having an inappropriate relationship with his stepmother, a crime of which he could not be acquitted, even if the magnus Cicero returned from the dead; in 5.51 Martial tells →Rufus1 about a bad-mannered lawyer who gives himself airs by assuming a countenance sterner than that of →Cato2, Tullius and →Brutus1; 5.56 is addressed to →Lupus2, who is concerned about his son’s education; Martial recommends that he avoid the grammarians and rhetoricians and forget about the books of Virgil (→Vergilius) or Cicero, because they are not profitable; finally, 7.63 deals with →Silius Italicus, who was first a lawyer and then a poet: he did not devote himself to poetry before completing the work of the ‘great’ Cicero; Galán Vioque believes that opus refers to his literary work. ‖ Two epi-

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grams deal with his death (see Pierini 2003). After the formation of the Second Triumvirate, →Antonius1 included his name in the first list of proscriptions sent to Rome; Cicero was arrested in his villa of Formiae on 7 December 43 when he was apparently trying to escape by sea, and killed by Popillius Laenas, whom he had previously defended; his head and his right hand were cut off and displayed on the Rostra (cf. Plu. Cic. 47– 49). For Cicero’s death, see Wright 2001. The two epigrams are a harsh attack on Marcus Antonius, instigator of the assassination, which is compared to the death of Pompey (→Pompeius1), killed by →Pothinus by order of the Egyptian King Ptolemy XIII. In 5.69 Martial says that the murder of Cicero was worse than his banishment (tabula); in line 3 he calls Antonius demens; in line 4 he alludes to the actual murderer, Popillius (impius miles), claiming that he did it for money; after calling Cicero linguae sacrae, the poem ends with the conclusion that the murder had no effect, because everyone will speak in Cicero’s stead: 8 incipient omnes pro Cicerone loqui. In 3.66 his name is not mentioned, but line 2 alludes to the fact that both Cicero and Pompey were beheaded. After calling Cicero caput of the Roman eloquence, Martial concludes that Antonius’ motives (hatred) were worse than Pothinus’, who simply obeyed his king. Both murders were common rhetorical topics in schools. ‖ Epigram 11.48 deals with a circumstance after his death: Silius Italicus owns an estate which had belonged to the facundus Cicero, who, according to Kay, had seven farms: namely, in Tusculum, the most famous, in Arpinum, his native land, and in Formiae, Cumae, Antium, Pompeii and Astura; given that Silius retired to Campania, this must be the one of Cumae. ‖ There are two further indirect allusions under the name of Arpi (and the adjective Arpinus), a town in Apulia used instead of Arpinum, his native town: 4.55.3 is a laus Hispaniae dedicated to Lucius (→Licinianus), who is asked not to let Mount Caius and the river Tagus (present-day Moncayo and Tajo) be inferior to the eloquent Arpi (disertis Arpis, generally interpreted to mean Arpinis); in 10.20 Martial sends his book to →Plinius, asking it not to disturb him when he is composing a work that posterity will compare to chartis Arpinis, that is, forensic speeches— now lost—like Cicero’s. Pliny was in fact an admirer of Cicero, so that this is the best compliment Martial could have paid him. ‖ →Antonius1, Marcus. Bibliography: Buongiovanni 2012, 113 – 115; Canobbio 2011, 439 – 440, 463; Ferguson 1987, 56 – 58; Fusi 2006, 300; Galán Vioque 2002, 369; Henriksén 1999, 81; 2012, 291; Howell 1995, 136, 139, 151– 153; Kay 1985, 174– 175; Leary 1996, 252– 253; Mindt 2013, 31– 69; 2014, 70 – 83; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 192; Pierini 2003; RE 7.A1, s. v. Tullius 29, 827– 1274 (Büchner); Vallat 2008, 148, 150, 155, 280; Williams 2004, 268; Wright 2001. jfv

Cilix 6.72.2,6. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Κίλιξ. ‖ Cilix designates the inhabitant of Cilicia, as in 7.95.3. The Cilicians are mentioned already by Homer: their king Eetion was the father of →Andromache (Il. 6.397,415). Cilix, son of →Agenor, stopped there when he was searching in vain for Europa (→Europe), and he gave his name to the region,

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whose foundation was disputed by the foreseer Mopsus (cf. e. g. Hdn. 7.91; RE 11.1, 390 – 391 [Geisau]). Pirates sheltered by its steep coasts, so that Rome had to create the province of Cilicia (ca. 102– 101 BC) in order to stop them. Pompey vanquished them in 67 BC (cf. e. g. Luc. 3.228 itque Cilix iusta, iam non pirata, carina; on the foundation of the province, see D’Ors 2001, 200). Cilicians were traditionally identified with pillage and piracy, hence the triple kappa mentioned in the Suda: κ324 τρία κάππα κάκιστα· Καππαδοκία, Κρήτη καὶ Κιλικία (cf. Str. 14.5.6; Tac. Ann. 12.55.1; Juv. 8.94 piratae Cilicum). ‖ As a personal name, Cilix is well attested in inscriptions (Solin 1982, vol. 1, 607; 1996, 373; cf. e. g. CIL 6.22277), although it is more often an adjective denoting geographical origin. It is also found in literature: cf. e. g. Plin. Nat. 7.198; Hyg. Fab. 178.4; Cic. Fam. 3.1.2 (libertus); Juv. 4.121 (gladiator) sic pugnas Cilicis laudabat; Hor. S. 2.6.44. Cf. ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Cilices, 435.8 – 439.5 (Reisch). ‖ In 6.72 Cilix is probably a proper name (cf. Grewing 1997, 472), but this is unlikely in 7.95.13 tonsor… cilix (tonsor is here the sheepshearer; for the Cilician tonsura, see Var. R. 2.11.12; Galán Vioque 2002, 501). 6.72 is an epigram inspired by Priapic poetry (cf. Grewing 1997, 469 – 471, who distinguishes it from the rest of Priapea in book 6 [6.16; 6.49; 6.73] and defines it as “Anti-Priapeum” and “un-martialisch”). It presents a huge empty garden protected by a marble →Priapus (4 marmoreum… Priapum), instead of the more common wooden statues of the god. Cilix, fur notae… rapacitatis (1), sneaks in with the intention of compilare… hortum (2), but he finds nothing to steal, except the Priapus: 6 ipsum subripuit Cilix Priapum. The joke of the epigram seems to lie in the fact that the stolen object was precisely the guardian of the garden; Priapus loses his active function and becomes a useless object (cf. Grewing 1997, 469). However, there might be a sexual double entendre: perhaps Cilix entered the garden knowing exactly what it contained, just to steal the Priapus. Line 5 (dum non vult vacua manu redire) is the perfect excuse. Thus, Cilix’s rapacitas could also be interpreted as his being a cinaedus. Cilix is, in any case, an appropriate name for a thief. ‖ →Priapus. Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 501; Grewing 1997, 472; RE 11.1, s. v. Kilix 2, 391 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 421– 424; Willenberg 1973, 338 – 339. amc

Cinna1 10.21.4. ‖ Historical character. ‖ C. Helvius Cinna. ‖ Probably born in Brescia, he was a neoteric poet, influenced by Parthenius of Nicaea, who had been taken from Bithynia to Rome after the war against →Mithridates. He had been in Bithynia before, accompanying his friend →Catullus1, a great admirer of his works. According to Catullus (Catul. 95), he wrote an epyllion entitled Zmyrna (on the incestuous relationship between Zmyrna, or Myrrha, as Ovid calls her [Met. 10.298 – 502], and her father); it took him nine years to write it (Quint. Inst. 10.4.4); considered an obscure and long work, already in times of →Augustus1 it was the subject of a commentary by L. Crassicius

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(Suet. Gram. 19); Hyginus also commented on a propemptikon he wrote for Asinius Pollio when he was leaving for Greece. He also wrote light poems in various metres. Aulus Gellius (19.9.7) considered his poems to be inlepida. In 44 he was tribune, and during →Caesar1’s funeral he was lynched by the mob, which mistook him for L. Cornelius Cinna, a partisan of the assassins (V. Max. 9.9.1; Suet. Jul. 85.1). ‖ He appears once in the epigrams, in an attack on →Sextus2, a writer of unintelligible works who, according to Martial, would deem Cinna as superior to Virgil (who mentions him in Ecl. 9.35). ‖ →Vergilius. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 106 – 107 (Heil); Kubiak 1981, 296 – 297; Morgan 1990, 558 – 559; RE 8.1, s. v. Helvius 8, 226 – 228 (Sktusch); Sullivan 1991, 74– 75; Vallat 2008, 161; Wiseman 1974, 44– 46. jfv

Cinna2 1.89.1,6; 2.53.5; 3.9.1; 3.61.1,2; 5.57.1; 5.76.4; 6.39.1; 7.33.2,4; 7.43.1,2,3,4; 8.7.1,2,4; 8.19.1; 12.27.1,2; 12.64.2; cf. 6.17.1,2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A name of probable Etruscan origin (Kajanto 1965, 106 – 107). ‖ The name appears very frequently in Martial’s epigrams, in different satirical contexts, usually representing annoying characters or common citizens. ‖ In 1.89 he is a gossip, who always whispers in ears even when he praises the emperor. Martial addresses 2.53 to →Maximus, advising him on how to be a free person: he has to stop considering money the most important thing and has to scorn the tableware of the miseri Cinna (he must be pitied because he is a victim of luxury). In 3.9.1 he is said to write poems against Martial, but nobody reads them (according to Fusi, it is likely that the choice of the name here has to do with the poet →Cinna1). The Cinna in 3.61 is always asking Martial for things, telling him that they are nothing; if they are nothing, replies the poet, he denies him nothing. In 5.57 he is so stupid that he does not notice that Martial calls him dominus in jest. In 5.76 he is a poor man who has become immune to hunger by means of inanition, like king →Mithridates did with poison. In 6.3 he is a cuckold who has not fathered any of his seven children. In 7.33 he wears a dirty toga and clean shoes (the opposite of what was normal, given the mud in the streets) and Martial asks him why he conceals his shoes with the toga. In 7.43 he is a mean patron who Martial asks for a loan, but he neither gives nor denies it. In 8.7 he is a phlegmatic orator who asks for four clepsydras. In 8.19 he wants to seem what he really is: poor. In 12.27 he is a drunkard who is not served the same wine as other guests (due to his heavy drinking). In 12.64 Cinna’s most beautiful slave is his cook: Martial calls him a glutton, with a double entendre. Finally, in 6.17 a parvenu wants to conceal his low origins by changing his name →Cinnamus1, common among slaves, for the more aristocratic name Cinna, usual in the gens Cornelia; Martial considers it a barbarismus, and compares the change to a →Furius calling himself Fur (‘thief’).

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Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 467– 469, 552– 553; Citroni 1975, 279; Fusi 2006, 165 – 167, 400; Galán Vioque 2002, 236 – 238, 276 – 377; Grewing 1997, 160 – 161, 277; Howell 1980, 297; Schöffel 2002, 147; Vallat 2008, 408, 526; Williams 2004, 185. jfv

Cinnamus1 6.17.1; 6.64.26; 7.64.4,10. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ Κίνναμος. ‖ The Latin term cinnamum or cinnamon comes from the Greek κίνναμον, ‘cinnamon’, “highly appreciated in antiquity due to its aromatic properties” (Moreno Soldevila 2006, 170). Kajanto (1965, 88 – 89) catalogues this cognomen among those formed by metonymy from plant names, specifically those having positive connotations (89: “a general impression of ‘sweetness’ may have actuated the choice”, cf. Pl. Cur. 100). He records 71 instances, 11 belonging to slaves or freedmen (1965, 335; Solin [1996, 160 – 161] also records it as a slave name). There are also some derivatives: Cinnamio, Cinnamis, Cinnamius. Cf. ThLL Onom. 2.449.77– 450.31 [Reisch]); Grewing 1997, 160 – 161. As for the Greek Κίνναμος, there are 13 instances recorded in LGPN. ‖ Cinnamus was the name of Trimalchio’s dispensator (Petr. 30). ‖ The closeness of the trades of barber and doctor allows for the grouping together of the occurrences of the name in Martial’s epigrams, as does Vallat (2008, 95): “Apparentés aux médecins par leur travail, les barbiers et les parfumeurs le sont aussi par leurs noms, grecs par principe: Cinnamus (6.64; peut-être 7.64), dont le nom évoque ‘le cinname’, un parfum, ainsi qu’une origine orientale: une fois encore, on ne sait si le nom a précédé –prédestiné?– le métier du référent, ou s’il est dû, a posteriori, à son occupation”. See Grewing 1997, 423. In epigrams 6.17 and 7.64 Cinnamus is a social climber. ‖ The name first appears in a wordplay: in 6.17 Cinnamus wants to be called “Cinna” (1 Cinnam, Cinname, te iubes vocari), since his name has connotations of lowly origins, whereas Cinna is a well-known aristocratic cognomen (“zumeist der gens Cornelia”, Grewing 1997, 160). Like many other parvenus and freedmen in the epigrams, Cinnamus aims at erasing all traces of his past, but it is the pretence itself that is mocked by Martial, by means of a simile illustrating how ridiculous his strategy, the detractio syllabae, could be: 3 – 4 tu si Furius ante dictus esses, / fur ista ratione dicereris. “Vielleicht impliziert auch gerade das Furius-Beispiel, bei dem letzlich durch Analogieschluβ Cinna und Fur gleichgesetzt werden, wie Cinnamus zu Geld und Freiheit gelangt ist” (Grewing 1997, 162, who offers other examples of wordplay with fur). Cf. Sullivan 1991, 90. ‖ In 6.64.26 he is a surgeon, specialized in removing stigmata, the marks branded on animals, slaves and criminals (cf. 10.56.6, where →Eros2 is a chirurgus with the same medical specialisation: tristia saxorum stigmata delet Eros). In this epigram Martial deprecates an unnamed critic who writes verses against him: 22– 26 audes praeterea, quos nullus noverit, in me / scribere versiculos miseras et perdere chartas. / At si quid nostrae tibi bilis inusserit ardor, / vivet et haerebit totoque legetur in orbe, / stigmata nec vafra delebit Cinnamus arte. The stigma is used here in a figurative sense (the damage on reputation that can be inflicted by epigrams), as in

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12.61.11, where →Ligurra both wishes to and fears being named by Martial (frons haec stigmate non meo notanda est). See Grewing 1997, 422. ‖ Epigram 7.64 is addressed to a renowned barber (1 tonsor notissimus) who enters the equestrian rank thanks to the generosity of his lover (2 dominae munere factus eques); after the wedding he leaves Rome, fleeing from the Forum (see the possible interpretations in Galán Vioque 2002, 374– 375), and moves to Sicily, where, instead of enjoying a new leisure life, he becomes tired of doing nothing (6 infelix et fugitiva quies), and after rejecting other possible ocuppations, he becomes again what he used to be: 10 quod superest, iterum, Cinname, tonsor eris. For a similar reflection on social mobility, see →Cyperus. According to Galán Vioque, who relates this Cinnamus to the one in 6.17, Martial might be alluding to a real case (cf. Juv. 1.25 – 26 patricios omnis opibus cum provocet unus / quo tondente gravis iuveni mihi barba sonabat; 10.225 – 226 percurram citius quot villas possideat nunc / quo tondente gravis iuveni mihi barba sonabat), perhaps under a pseudonym (2002, 373). A different interpretation in Schneider 2001a. Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 373 – 375; Giegengack 1969, 22– 24, 104– 105; Grewing 1997, 160 – 162, 422– 423; Henriksén 1999, 139 (= 2012, 359); PIR 2 C738 (Stein); RE 11.1, s. v. Kinnamos 1, 482 (Waissbach); Schneider 2001a; Vallat 2008, 95, 526. amc

Cinnamus2 9.92.8. ‖ Κίνναμος. ‖ Real character? ‖ For the name, see →Cinnamus1. ‖ Epigram 9.92 compares the lives of a free and wealthy man (→Gaius) and his slave (→Condylus), to conclude that the latter is preferable. Among the inconveniences of freedom (1 quae mala sint domini) are the worries that keep one awake at night (4), the servitudes of clientela (5 – 6), debts (7– 8), the gout, hangovers, and sexual perversions inherent to a dissolute way of life. The moneylenders that torment him are Cinnamus and →Phoebus2: 7– 8 ‘Quod debes, Gai, redde’ inquit Phoebus et illinc / Cinnamus: hoc dicit, Condyle, nemo tibi. As Henriksén (1999, 139) remarks, they may be “wealthy freedmen, to the greater ignominy, we may suppose, of Gaius” (and refers to another Greek usurer, →Philetus, in 2.44.8). Notice the alliteration between Cinnamus and Condyle. ‖ →Condylus, →Gaius, →Phoebus2. Bibliography: Henriksén 1999, 139; 2012, 359; RE 11.1, s. v. Kinnamos 1, 482 (Waissbach). amc

Circe 8.36.10; 10.30.8; cf. 5.1.5 filia Solis. ‖ Κίρκη. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Sorceress, daugther of the Sun and Perse (or Hecate), who kept Ulysses (→Vlixes) on the Island of Aeaea for a year (Hom. Od. 10.135 – 574; Ov. Met. 14.1– 74, 308 – 415). ‖ She is mentioned twice as a metonymy for Circeii (11.7.4), Mons Circeus (present-day Circeo), a

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promontory on the Tyrrhenian coast (Ov. Met. 14.348 nomine dicta suo Circaea arva). 8.36 describes Domitian’s palace, the pinnacle of which is said to be bathed in sunlight (→Phoebus1), even before his daughter sees the Sun’s face (10): Mons Circeus was said to be the first place to receive sunlight, and Domitian had a villa there; however, Canobbio thinks Martial could be referring to Circe herself, not to this geographical feature. 10.30 is a praise of the coast of Formiae, preferred by Martial to other famous holiday places, such as the blanda Circe (8). Finally, 5.1 is addressed to Domitian, whom he sends his book to, no matter in which of his villas in Latium he is, among which Circe (Circeii) is indirectly mentioned: filia Solis. The expression filia Solis is also found in Verg. A. 7.11; Pl. Epid. 604; Ov. Rem. 276; Met. 14.33, 346. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 71; Damschen/Heil 2004, 133 – 134 (Kreilinger); Howell 1995, 78; RE 3.2, s. v. Circeii, Circeius mons, 2565 – 2567 (Hülsen), 11.1, s. v. Kirke, 501– 505 (Bethe); Schöffel 2002, 335 – 336; Vallat 2008, 279. jfv

Civis 3.38.5. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ Civis is a name denoting social origin (‘citizen’, ‘freeborn’): cf. Kajanto 1965, 81– 82, 314. The name, also spelt Cives, is attested in inscriptions (ThLL Onom. 2.465.62– 70 [Sigwart]). ‖ Civis only appears once in Martial’s epigrams, namely as a lawyer: in 3.38 Martial asks →Sextus2 the reasons for his coming to Rome. His interlocutor answers that he wants to devote himself to practising law, but the poet dissuades him by citing the examples of →Atestinus and Civis, two lawyers who never earned enough to pay their rent. His mention as a paradigm points to his real existence, but this is uncertain. ‖ The name Civis contrasts both with peregrinus and with servus / verna and implies in this case citizen activity par excellence. Giegengack (1969, 88) suggests a wordplay between both lawyers, “the citizen” and “the one without a will”. Balland (2010, 74) sees in Civis and Atestinus a veiled allusion to C. Vettulenus Civica Cerialis and M. Arrecinus Clemens, but the arguments for this identification do not seem solid. ‖ →Atestinus. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 74; Fusi 2006, 301– 302; Giegengack 1969, 88; PIR 2 C742 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 525. jfv

Cladius →Cladus.

Cladus 2.57.7. ‖ Cladius? ‖ Κλάδος. ‖ Real character? ‖ Cladi is an emendation by Salmasius, accepted unanimously by modern editors. Manuscripts of the β family read Gladi, an

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unattested name, those of the γ family read Claudi, which does not fit metrically in the verse. See Williams (2004, 196) for the possibility of Cladi being the genitive of Cladus and Cladius. Both names are attested in inscriptions (ThLL, Onom. 2, s. v. Cladius, 466.44– 60; s. v. Cladus, 2.466.65 – 467.5 [Reisch]). There are 21 instances of the Greek name Κλάδος in LGPN; for the name in Rome, see Solin 1982, 1353 – 1354. It is characteristic of slaves and freedmen (cf. ThLL Onom. 2.466.65 – 467.5 [Reisch]; Solin 1996, 525). ‖ Cladus is the name of a usurer, appearing once in an attack on an unnamed character (1 hic quem videtis…), who parades his wealth, but in actual fact has to pawn his ring in order to buy a dinner: 7– 8 oppigneravit modo modo ad Cladi mensam / vix octo nummis anulum, unde cenaret. Other moneylenders with Greek names, probably wealthy freedmen, are →Cinnamus2 (9.92.8), →Phoebus2 (9.92.7), →Philetus (2.44.8). Williams (2004, 193) suggests a thematic similarity with 2.74 (with →Favius and →Fuficulenus as likely moneylenders). Bibliography: PIR 2 C744 (Stein); RE 3.2, s. v. Clad(i)us; 2625 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 96; Williams 2004, 193, 196. amc

Claranus 10.21.2. ‖ Real character. ‖ The cognomen derives from Clarus; it is a name related to fame (Kajanto 1965, 107– 108, 278). ‖ A grammarian. He could be the same one mentioned by Ausonius (Epist. 17.24 [Green]) and Porphyrio (Hor. S. 2.3.83). It has also been supposed that he was a fellow student of →Seneca1 (Ep. 66.1– 5). ‖ He appears once in Martial’s epigrams. The epigram is an attack on →Sextus2, who writes obscure and unintelligible poetry that can only be understood by literary critics such as Claranus or →Modestus. Martial concludes that what his writings really need is an →Apollo; that is, an interpreter of oracles. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 106 – 107 (Heil); PIR 2 C746 (Stein); RE 3.2, s. v. Claranus 2, 2627 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 87. jfv

Classicus 2.69.1,2,5,7; 2.86.6; 12.47.2. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ The name derives from a type of soldier, but can also mean “of the highest class” (Kajanto 1965, 319; cf. also ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Classicus, 470.80 – 471.17 [Reisch]). ‖ In 2.69 Classicus affirms that he accepts dinner invitations unwillingly. When →Melior invites him, Martial challenges him to refuse if he is a man. In 2.86.6 and 12.47 Classicus expresses his literary ideas: whereas, in the former, Martial defends the simplicity of his poetry (non sum, Classice, tam malus poeta), in the latter Classicus criticises the poets →Gallus and →Lupercus, but they do sell their poetry. ‖ There are no definitive arguments to conclude whether Classicus was a real man or a fictional character. The invitation

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of Melior, a real character, does not necessarily imply that this Classicus was not invented by Martial (cf. the allusion to →Selius in 2.69.6). Also Gallus and Lupercus seem to be fictional in most of their occurrences. ‖ Vallat (2008, 488 – 490) explores different possible meanings of the name. In 2.86 (and 12.47) he wonders whether the sense “auteur classique” is already perceptible here (this meaning is not clearly found until later in Latin). He also brings up the noun classicum: “Classicus fait le fanfaron, le glorieux, le creux, en tout point égal à une trompette sonnant la charge de la vanité” (p. 490). Bibliography: RE 3.2, s. v. Classicus 1, 2630 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 488 – 490; Williams 2004, 223. rms

Claudia1 5.78.31; 8.60.2. ‖ Real character? ‖ A very widespread name (ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Claudius, 472.75 – 481.11 [Reisch]). ‖ Claudia is a real woman, at least in 5.78, although identification is not possible. In a dinner invitation addressed to →Toranius, Martial promises that he will sit next to her. ‖ 8.60 is a hyperbolic description of a tall woman, who would be as tall as the Palatine Colossus (a huge statue of →Nero) were she a foot and a half shorter. Martial might be playing with the connotations of the name (evoking lameness, see Schöffel 2002, 513) and the term sesquipes, a compound of pes. A further implicit wordplay would also entail the emperors Nero and →Claudius. ‖ Two more women in the epigrams are called Claudia: →Claudia2 Peregrina and →Claudia3 Rufina. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 569; Howell 1995, 161; Schöffel 2002, 513; Vallat 2008, 426. rms

Claudia2 Peregrina 4.13.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ For the name, see →Claudia1. Peregrinus/-a is a common cognomen, primarily denoting a geographical origin (Kajanto 1965, 81, 313). The combination Claudia Peregrina is found in CIL 6.15536. ‖ Wife of Aulus →Pudens, whose wedding is celebrated in 4.13. The name Peregrina, which may be interpreted as a proper noun or as an adjective, may indicate that she is a foreigner, which, according to some scholars, suggests an identification with →Claudia3 Rufina (11.53), from Britannia (see e. g. Vallat 2008, 55, 521). However, the name was “so very common that traces of appropriate use are hard to find” (Kajanto 1965, 81). Epigram 11.53 also praises a marriage and has similar good wishes for a woman and her husband. However, the name Claudia was very common and since neither Claudia Peregrina nor Claudia Rufina are known from elsewhere, their identification is no more than an attractive hypothesis (Kay 1985, 186). Pierce (1931– 1932) identified Claudia and Pudens

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with two characters in Saint Paul’s Second Epistle to Timothy (4.21), but this identification, though likely, is also uncertain. ‖ →Claudia3 Rufina, →Pudens. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 105; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 167; Pierce 1931– 1932; PIR 2 C1113 (Stein); RE 3.2, s. v. Claudius 433, 2898 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 55, 521. rms

Claudia3 Rufina 11.53.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ For the name, see →Claudia1. Rufina is a widespread cognomen denoting a physical trait, red hair (Kajanto 1965, 229), especially appropriate for a woman from Britannia (Kay 1985, 186). The combination Claudia Rufina is frequently attested in inscriptions (e. g. CIL 3.8177; 8.4378; 8.5149; 14.3657). ‖ An identification with the →Claudia2 Peregrina of 4.13 is very attractive (see e. g. Vallat 2008, 55, 521), but impossible to ascertain, since all the information we have about these women comes from these two epigrams of Martial. In 11.53 she is praised for her Roman morals, despite her Romano-British origins. She is very young, but has already given her husband (whose name is not mentioned) a child, and the poet wishes they have three children and that she always be a univira. Balland (2010, 104– 105) suggests that the unnamed husband could be the →Iulius Cerialis of the preceding epigram (11.52). ‖ →Claudia2 Peregrina. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 104– 105, 134– 135; Kay 1985, 186; PIR 2 C1118 (Stein); RE 3.2, s. v. Claudius 437, 2900 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 55, 521. rms

Claudia (Porticus) Sp. 2.9. ‖ Adj. Related to →Claudius. ‖ The Porticus of Claudius probably surrounded the Temple of Claudius, whose construction was started by Agrippina on Mount Caelius to honour the memory of her deified husband (Suet. Vesp. 9.1). The porticus was within the bounds of the Domus Aurea. The temple was destroyed as a result of the restoration works on the Claudian aqueduct. ‖ This topographical landmark is mentioned in a poem describing the Flavian constructions that had replaced Nero’s Domus Aurea. Bibliography: Platner/Ashby 1929, 120 – 121; Coleman 2006, 34; LTUR 1, s. v. Claudius, Divus, Templum, 277– 278 (Buzzetti). jfv

Claudiani 3.20.3. ‖ Adj. Related to →Claudius. ‖ Claudianus means related to the gens Claudia, and more specifically to the emperor Claudius. ‖ In a poem about →Canius Rufus,

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Martial wonders whether, among other occupations, he is writing the acta of the Claudian times, probably meaning historiography. Fusi remarks that Martial refers here only to the times of Claudius, refuting Schubert (Studien zum Nerobild in der lateinischen Dichtung der Antike [1998], 294 n. 20), who said that allusion was made here to the times of Tiberius and Claudius, skipping Gaius. The phrase temporum… Claudianorum appears also in Tac. Ann. 14.11.2; Hist. 5.12.2 referring to Claudius’ times. Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 211– 212. jfv

Claudius 1.20.4. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Roman emperor (10 BC – AD 54). ‖ Suet. Claud. 44.2 tells that emperor Claudius died from poison—according to one version of the events—after eating a poisonous mushroom that Agrippina had offered him (he loved mushrooms). Cf. Tac. Ann. 12.67, D. C. 60.35, Plin. Nat. 22.92 and Juv. 5.147– 148, 6.620 – 623. For an updated review of the question and the possible causes of his death (a toxic fungus rather than a poisoned one), see Aveline 2004. ‖ In 1.20 Martial wishes this fate on →Caecilianus, a mean host who devours mushrooms alone while his guests simply watch. ‖ →Claudiani, →Drusi. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 75 – 76; Howell 1980, 153– 154. jfv

Clemens 10.93.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ The name, denoting a trait of character, was relatively common, especially among slaves and freedmen (Kajanto 1965, 66, 68 – 69, 263). ‖ He only appears once in Martial’s epigrams: Clemens is travelling to the Venetian region and Martial asks him to take his yet unpublished book to →Sabina. The relationship between Clemens and Sabina is unkonwn (Stein in PIR 2 C1135 suggests that he seems to be her husband; see also Sullivan 1991, 49; contra Balland 2010, 73). Several attempts at identification have been made: see Balland 2010, 73 – 80 and Bucchi 2001. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 73 – 80; Bucchi 2001; PIR 2 C1135 (Stein); RE 4.1, s. v. Clemens 2, 10 (Groag); Sullivan 1991, 49; Vallat 2008, 72. rms

Cleopatra1 4.59.5; cf. 4.11.4. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Κλεοπάτρα. ‖ The famous queen of Egypt, lover of →Caesar1, with whom she had a son, and of Marcus →Antonius1, with

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whom she had twins. After the defeat at Actium and the capture of Alexandria she committed suicide with the bite of an asp (cf. Suet. Aug. 17.4 perisse morsu aspidis putabatur), although other historians speak of other reptiles. ‖ 69 – 30 BC. ‖ 4.59 deals with a viper caught in an amber drop: the poem ends with an allusion to Cleopatra’s death and the famous mausoleum in which she was buried together with Marcus Antonius, which was finished by →Augustus1. In an epigram in the same book, an attack on →Antonius3 Saturninus, who instigated a civil war by proclaiming himself emperor in Germania Superior in AD 88, Martial compares him to Marcus Antonius and Cleopatra, who is referred to indirectly as Phariae coniugis (Verg. A. 8.688 Aegyptia coniunx); the adjective Pharia means ‘related to Pharos’, an island near Alexandria, usually a poetic metonym for Egypt. ‖ →Antonius1, Marcus. Bibliography: Becher 1966; Ferguson 1987, 60 – 62; Moreno Soldevila 2003; 2006, 158 – 163, 415 – 419; RE 11.1, s. v. Kleopatra 20, 750 – 781 (Stähelin); Vallat 2008, 151, 317, 325. jfv

Cleopatra2 4.22.3. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Κλεοπάτρα. ‖ Name of a famous queen of Egypt (→Cleopatra1), frequently attested in Rome, especially among slaves and freedwomen (Solin 1982, vol. 1, 215 – 217). ‖ A young bride who escapes from her husband and dives into a lake. The poetic persona gets aroused by the vision and plunges into the lake as well, but only gets some stolen kisses from the maid. For the interpetation of this epigram, see Moreno Soldevila 2003. ‖ The name Cleopatra only appears in book 4, once alludig to the famous queen of Egypt (→Cleopatra1) and here to an imagined girl. However, the symbolic connotations attached to the name, suggesting luxury and wantonness (Becher 1966, 146 – 150), are not to be discarded. Cleopatra was also the name of several mythological and historical characters, including a concubine of →Claudius’ (Tac. Ann. 11.30; D. C. 60.31.4). Bibliography: Moreno Soldevila 2003; 2006, 221; RE 11.1, s. v. Kleopatra 30, 789 (Stein). rms

Clytus 4.9.2; 8.64.1,12,18. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Κλύτος. ‖ The Greek adjective κλυτός means ‘renowned’, ‘glorious’. ‖ Clytus was the name of several minor mythological characters (RE 11.1, s. v. Klytos, 896 – 897; ThLL Onom. 2.513.9 – 25 [Schwering]). Cf. also Kleitos in RE 11.1, and Grimal 1981, 111: Κλεῖτος, an extraordinarily handsome man, kidnapped and immortalised by Eos. The name is attested in inscriptions (Solin 1982, vol. 2, 899, records five instances). ‖ The name appears twice in Martial’s epigrams. In 4.9 he is the lover of →Labulla, who has left her husband and squandered her fortune with Clytus. She is told ἔχεις ἀσώτως (3), that is, “you are a lost case” or “there

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is no cure for your illness”, in a wordplay with the name of her father →Sotas, a physician. Vallat (2008, 535) suggests that Labulla has left her husband for “le premier amant qui passait” or, alternatively, “elle a quitté son mari pour une celebrité (…), comme l’Eppia de Juvénal (6.82– 113)”. The Clytus in 8.64 celebrates his birthday eight times a year, so as to receive many gifts: 1– 2 Vt poscas, Clyte, munus exigasque, / uno nasceris octiens in anno; consequently, despite being young, he seems an old man due to his many birthdays, older than Priam (→Priamus) or →Nestor1 (14), paradigms of longevity. According to Vallat (2008, 535), in the final line of the poem there is an opposition between natum te… nec semel putabo and Clytus, denying the fame implicit in the name. ‖ →Labulla, →Sotas. Bibliography: Giegengack 1969, 69; Grimal 1981, 111 s. v. Clito (Κλεῖτος); Moreno Soldevila 2006, 150; RE 11.1, s. v. Klytos 7, 897 (Stein); Schöffel 2002, 531; Vallat 2008, 535. amc

Colchis (Medea) Sp. 32.7; 5.53.1; 10.4.2; 10.35.5. Cf. 3.58.16; 12.57.17. ‖ Κολχηΐς. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Medea, the famous sorceress, daughter of Aeëtes, king of Colchis. She betrayed her father to help Jason obtain the Golden Fleece, then eloped with him and killed her own brother Apsyrtus in their flight. When Jason abandoned her for Creusa, the daughter of King Creon of Corinth, she killed Creon, Creusa, and her own children in revenge, and fled to Athens. ‖ In Greek literature her deeds are the theme of Euripides’ Medea and Apollonius Rhodius’ Argonautica. In Rome, her story is recalled by Ovid (Met. 7 and Ep. 12), whose tragedy Medea is lost, as well as by Seneca and Valerius Flaccus. Ennius also wrote a Medea. ‖ The epithet Colchis referring to Medea is widespread in poetry (ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Colchi, 529.80 – 530.16 [Reisch]): cf. E. Med. 131– 133 ἔκλυον δὲ βοὰν / τᾶς δυστάνου / Κολχίδος; Hor. Ep. 16.56 neque impudica Colchis intulit pedem. “Martial refers to Medea exclusively by this toponymic, whose short second syllable is metrically convenient” (Coleman 2006, 240). ‖ In Sp. 32 Martial compares →Carpophorus’ exploits with mythical feats: line 7 recalls Jason’s ploughing with fire-breathing, brazen-footed bulls with the help of Medea (cf. Ov. Met. 7.100 – 119). It could also be thought that this allusion to Medea and other mythical figures (→Andromeda, →Hesione, →Pasiphae, →Hercules) transcends the world of fantasy and legend and materializes in the arena, as the spectacular background for Carpophorus’ exploits. In this case, this Colchis could be an actress, a bestiaria or a damnata ad bestias (cf. Sp. 7[6] y 8[6b]). ‖ Medea is mentioned under the name Colchis again in epigrams about literature. In 5.53.1, in an attack on a poetaster, she appears together with →Thyestes, →Niobe, and →Andromache: →Bassus1’ mythological poetry deserves the fate of →Deucalion or →Phaethon, that is, destruction by water or fire. In 10.4.2 she is mentioned in a catalogue of mythical characters (→Oedipus, Thyestes, →Scylla2, →Hylas1, →Parthenopaeus1, →Attis, →Endymion, →Icarus, →Hermaphroditus): these are monstra (2) and vana…

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miserae ludibria chartae (7), whereas the epigrams deal with real life (10 hoc lege, quod possit dicere vita ‘Meum est’). Martial uses here a generic plural for both Medea and Scylla. Epigram 10.35 praises the poetry of →Sulpicia: she neither writes about Medea’s frenzy (5 non haec Colchidos adserit furorem) nor narrates the meal of Thyestes (6), nor believes that Scylla or →Byblis ever existed (7), but teaches castos et pios amores / lusus, delicias facetiasque (8 – 9). Medea’s fits of madness (furor), referring both to her infatuation with Jason and to her unnatural crime, are a widespread theme: Sen. Med. 52; 386; 392; 406; 852; 909; 930; Ov. Met. 7.10; V. Fl. 6.667; 7.154; 7.510. ‖ There are two further indirect allusions to Medea: in 3.58.16 Martial mentions the inhabitants of Colchis (impiorum… Colchorum), who are called impious because of her (Fusi 2006, 384), and in 12.57.17 the adjective Colchus is applied to the rhombus, a magical instrument. ‖ →Aesonides. Bibliography: Buongiovanni 2012, 143 – 144; Canobbio 2011, 447; Coleman 2006, 240 – 241; Fusi 2006, 384; LIMC 6.1, s. v. Medeia, 386 – 398 (Schmidt), 6.2, 194– 202; RE 15.1, s. v. Medeia, 29 – 65 (Lesky); Vallat 2008, 268. amc-rms

Collinus 4.20.3; 4.54.3. ‖ Real character. ‖ For the name, derived from collis, see ThLL Onom. 2.533.79 – 85 (Reisch). ‖ He is the addressee of a satirical epigram on two women, →Caerellia and →Gellia (4.20), and a carpe diem poem (4.54). He is not mentioned outside book 4. ‖ He was a winner in the Agon Capitolinus of AD 86: 4.54.1– 2 O cui Tarpeias licuit contingere quercus / et meritas prima cingere fronde comas. As this contest was not exclusively literary, he need not be a poet: he could be a musician or an athlete. Bibliography: Mindt 2013, 232; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 384; PIR 2 C1258 (Stein); RE 4.1, s. v. Collinus, 481 (Stein); Sullivan 1991, 34; White 1998, 85 n. 3. rms

Condylus 5.78.30; 9.92.2,6,8,11. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ κόνδυλος. ‖ The Greek κόνδυλος means ‘knucklebone’ and it is rare as a proper noun (the only certain instance being Mart. 9.92). The variant Condulus is attested (CAG 59.2). Friedländer and Heraeus consider it a common noun in 5.78.30 (cf. ThLL 4, s. v. condylus, 165.25 – 29 [L.]). For this confusion, see further Vallat (2008, 547) and Canobbio (2011, 568). ‖ The name appears twice in Martial’s epigrams, probably referring to two distinct characters, one real and one fictitious. Howell (1995, 161) suggests that the Condylus of 5.78.30 was perhaps a slave musician of the poet’s, his name being “obviously appropriate for a tibia-player”, “and so perhaps the slave advised by him not to seek his freedom at 9.92”. Garrido-Hory (1981, 58) and Sullivan (1991, 164 n. 59) also suggest that the Con-

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dylus in 9.92 could also be a slave of Martial’s, who may hide under the pseudonym Gaius, but this is, as Henriksén argues, unnecessary (cf. Henriksén 1999, 137; 2012, 357; cf. Canobbio 2011, 568). ‖ Epigram 5.78 is a vocatio ad cenam addressed to →Toranius. Among the many frugal pleasures that the poet offers is the music of this young (parvi) tibicen: 30 parvi tibia Condyli sonabit. In 9.92 Martial advises Condylus, who laments being a slave, not to seek freedom. Martial catalogues the many inconveniences of his master’s life, compared to Condylus’ benefits: 1 quae mala sint domini, quae servi commoda. His master, Gaius, does not enjoy his comfortable bed because he cannot sleep for worrying (4 pervigil in pluma Gaius ecce iacet), whereas Condylus sleeps the sleep of the dead on his humble tegeticula (3); Gaius has to perform the salutatio matutina very early in the morning (5 – 6); he is plagued by debts (7– 8); he suffers from gout, traditionally associated with excesses (9 – 10), and he would rather endure the physical punishment of lashes; he vomits due to his hangovers after all-night partying and, most humiliatingly, has to practise cunnilingus. Cf. Hor. S. 2.7; Ep. 1.16.63. Henriksén (2012, 358) claims that Condylus is a fictitious character in 9.92 and that Martial may have chosen the name because it suggests “thinness” (2012, 358). ‖ →Gaius. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 568; Garrido-Hory 1981, 58; Giegengack 1969, 89 – 90; Henriksén 1999, 137– 140; 2012, 357– 358; Howell 1995, 161; Sullivan 1991, 164 (and n. 59); Vallat 2008, 426, 527– 528. amc

Coracinus 4.43.1,4,11; 6.55.4. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Κορακῖνος. ‖ The name, derived from Corax, is attested in inscriptions: CIL 10.2428; 10.4924; see ThLL Onom. 2.590.5 – 8 (Reisch). Solin (1982, vol. 2, 1050) records a Coracina. ‖ In 4.43 Martial swears that he has not called him cinaedus, just to reveal a worse insult at the end of the epigram: cunnilingus. The repetition of the name, which alliterates both with cinaedum and cunnilingum, reinforces the verbal abuse. In 6.55 Coracinus smells of perfume, which arouses suspicions that he practises oral sex: 5 malo quam bene olere nil olere. ‖ There is a multilayered wordplay in the name Coracinus (Tiozzo 1988). First, it seems to be related to κόραξ (lat. corvus), ‘crow’, an animal traditionally thought of as a paradigm of obscenity (cf. Juv. 2.63; cf. Otto 1890, 95 s. v. corvus 2). Martial presents the crows as fellatores, following the traditional belief that these birds copulated through their mouths: 14.74.1 Corve salutator, quare fellator haberis? (Leary 1996, 133). According to Moreno Soldevila (2006, 326), corvi and cunnilingi are traditionally portrayed as talkative and as carrion-eating. Tiozzo also points to a false etymology of the homograph fish name, coracinus (Mart. 13.85; ThLL 4, s. v. coracinus, 942.9 – 16 [L.]), as a further source of humour (Athen. Deip. 6.309a διὰ τὸ διηνεκῶς τὰς κόρας κινεῖν), based on the polysemy of κόρας (‘eye-pupils’, ‘girls’) κινεῖν (‘move’, ‘excite’; Grewing adds further testimonies on the confusing meaning of κόρας in Greek). Noticeable is the fact that κινεῖν is etymologically related to cinaedus as well. A further wordplay is

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interwoven in 6.55: Coracinus is said to be niger (smeared with perfume) and coracĭnus means ‘black as a crow’ (ThLL 4, s. v. 942.1– 8 [L.]; cf. Vitr. 8.3.14). The crow was proverbial for its black colour: cf. Petr. 43; Apul. Met. 2.9; Otto 1890, 95 s. v. corvus 1. Bibliography: Giegengack 1969, 85 – 86; Grewing 1997, 364– 365; Lorenz 2004, 271; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 321; RE 4.1, s. v. Coracinus, 1217 (Stein); Tiozzo 1988; Vallat 2008, 561, 574. rms

Coranus 4.37.1; 9.98.3. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For the name, derived from the town Cora, see Kajanto 1965, 181. ‖ Coranus is attested in satirical writings in the context of legacy-hunting: both in Horace (S. 2.5.57; 2.5.64; Becher 1932, 958) and in Juvenal (16.54) Coranus is a captatus, although the anecdote told by Horace is rather obscure. “A Coranus is also mentioned by Pliny (nat. 11, 244), and there is some epigraphic evidence of the name (see TLL suppl., s. v. 590, 48 ff.)” (Henriksén 1999, 158). ‖ In 4.37 Coranus is one of the many debtors of the mean →Afer (together with →Mancinus, →Titius, →Albinus, →Sabinus1 and →Serranus). The tedious enumeration of Afer’s debtors is reinforced by the assonance (–inus, –anus). Noteworthy also is the alliteration centum Coranus. The same sequence is repeated in 9.98.3, although in a different context: Coranus is an innkeeper who mixes too much water with the wine he serves (a traditional joke); he is the only one happy with the rains which have ruined the wine harvest, because he has collected one hundred amphoras (of water!): centum Coranus amphoras aquae fecit. Henriksén (2012, 381) believes that “there might be some point, in the geographical difference” between Cora, south-east of Rome, and Nomentum, north-east. ‖ The varia lectio →Coracinus of γ in 4.37 is explained by the proximity of the same name in 4.43. Bibliography: Ferguson 1987, 64– 65; Henriksén 1999, 158; 2012, 382; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 286; RE 4.1, s. v. Coranus 3, 1217 (Stein). rms

Cordus1 2.57.4; 5.23.8; 5.26.1. ‖ Real character? ‖ Cordus means ‘late’, ‘out of season’ (cf. e. g. Var. R. 2.1.19; Plin. Nat. 8.187); Quint. Inst. 1.4.25 catalogues this name among those formed ex casu nascentium: hic Agrippa et Opiter et Cordus et Postumus erunt. Kajanto (1965, 73) classifies it together with the cognomina pertaining to birth circumstances, although it is an uncertain case, “for it may also be an ancient praenomen”. It is a very widespread name (cf. ThLL Onom. 2.595.75 – 596.50 [Reisch]; Kajanto 1965, 73, 295; see also the variants Cordulus, Cordulo, Cordius, gr. Κόρδος recorded in ThLL Onom. 1.595.77). ‖ Cf. Juv. 1.2 (an epic poet); 3.203 – 208 (a pauper), var. lect. Codrus (see Canobbio 2011, 284). ‖ Scholars have traditionally interpreted that the Cordus in book 2 and 5 is a real character (see Frobeen’s index nominum in Fried-

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länder 1886), probably under a pseudonym, whereas the one in book 3 has generally been thought to be fictitious (see →Cordus2). Cf. Howell 1995, 105 (apropos of 5.23): “Cordus was probably a real person, for the Publius described as meus at II 57, 3 was certainly real (cf. I 109), and Cordus is similarly called meus here. (However, the Cordus of III 15 must be fictitious. At III 83 he could be the real one)”; Canobbio (2011, 284 ad 5.23): “sembra tratarsi di un personaggio reale (meus), mentre fittizio è in genere considerato il Cordus deriso in 3.15 e 3.83”; and Williams (2004, 194): “Friedländer thus distinguished between a wealthy real man and a poor fictional character (…). Alternatively, Cordus may have been a pseudonym for a real man or else an entirely fictional character whom Martial resurrects in Book V. Compare the case of Selius (2.11.1, 2.69.6)”. ‖ In 2.57, 5.23 and 5.26 Cordus seems to be an acquaintance of the poet. Epigram 2.57 is addressed to an unnamed arrogant man who is bankrupt but flaunts his (nonexistent) wealth: 1– 4 Hic… / amethystinatus media qui secat Saepta, / quem non lacernis Publius meus vincit, / non ipse Cordus alpha paenulatorum. Martial compares the target of his attack to →Publius, who wears elegant lacernae, and Cordus, the alpha paenulatorum. The paenula was a thick, impermeable cloak of wool or leather worn as protection from the cold and rain by people of any kind, from workers and slaves exposed to the elements, to members of the upper classes in bad weather conditions or when travelling (cf. Marquardt 1886, 564– 565; Canobbio 2011, 302): “Cordus must have worn a particularly splendid specimen” (Howell 1995, 110). Canobbio (2011, 301) believes that the expression is an oxymoron. In 5.23 Cordus appears in a similar context: Martial makes fun of →Bassus1, who tries to pass for an eques and a senator by wearing expensive clothes; there are no cloaks of 400,000 sesterces; if so, Cordus would be the first to have a horse, that is, he would have equestrian status (cf. Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 401). Epigram 5.26 echoes the indignation of Cordus: 3 si forte bilem movit hic tibi versus; cf. Howell (1995, 110): “It appears that Cordus (assuming that he was a real person) took offence at what (granted Martial’s fixed principle of not attacking real people by name) must have been intended as no more than a mild joke, and Martial here makes it clear that no offence was intended by turning the joke against himself”: 4 dicas licebit beta me togatorum. The self-irony is, however, duplicitous, inasmuch as the toga is the symbol of the client, but also of the ingenuus (Salanitro 2005, 74; Canobbio 2011, 301): rather than appeasing the indignant Cordus, Martial seems to be adding fuel to the flames, hitting a raw nerve. Three years have elapsed since the publication of book 2, but Martial resumes those words as if they had been written recently: 5.26.2 nuper. As Williams (2004, 129) remarks, “the cases of Galla (2.25.1), Phoebus (2.35.2), Cordus (2.57.4), Ponticus (2.82.1), and Cosconius (2.77.1), contradict Shackleton Bailey’s assertion that ‘as a rule’ no identities are maintained across book boundaries”. ‖ The humanistic variant Codrus (see a detailed account in Canobbio 2011, 284) was accepted by Schneidewin in his editio maior (Grimae 1842), but he discarded it in favour of Cordus in his editio minor (Lipsiae 1853).

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Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 284; Ferguson 1987, 66; Fusi 2006, 186, 497; Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 400 – 401; Howell 1995, 105, 110; PIR 2 C1291 (Stein); RE 4.1, s. v. Cordus 1, 1224 (Skutsch); Vallat 2008, 114; Williams 2004, 129, 194. amc

Cordus2 3.15.1, 3.83.1.‖ Fictional character. ‖ For the frequency and meaning of the name, see →Cordus1. ‖ Unlike Cordus1, the Cordus in book 3 is believed to be a fictional character (see Fusi 2006, 186), although Howell (1995, 105) suggests that the one of 3.83 could be identified with Cordus1, considered a real man. ‖ In 3.15 Cordus is a caecus amator, a man that blindly believes in his beloved. The joke of the epigram lies in the double meaning of credere (‘to loan money’, ‘to trust’) and in the financial situation of the pauper Cordus: “La narratio del v. 1 induce a pensare a un ricco che presta denaro. Da qui scaturisce il quesito di un interlocutore fittizio (cum sit tam pauper, quomodo?), che consente al poeta l’arguzia conclusiva: Cordo ama ciecamente e dunque crede, ha fiducia completa in ciò che gli dice la sua innamorata” (Fusi 2006, 186). Notice the alliteration, almost paronomasia, of credit and Cordo (as in the following epigram, where the soundplay involves the same verb, crede, and a similar name, →Cerdo). In 3.83 Cordus advises Martial to write shorter epigrams (note that the preceding epigram is 33 lines long), and the poet replies with an epigram within the epigram (Merli 1996, 220; Fusi 2006, 497), addressed to his critic: 2 ‘Fac mihi quod Chione’: non potui brevius. There may be a link between this Cordus and the one in 3.15, who was in love and trusted his lover (credit), perhaps a →Chione that did not merit such credit and charged him for her ‘love’. In that case, the affront in 3.83 would be even greater, since Martial would not only be insulting Cordus with a threat of irrumatio (Fusi 2006, 497– 498), but also remembering—or revealing— that his mistress is a meretrix, a fellatrix (note that the last word of the preceding epigram is fellat, which casts light on Chione’s activities). ‖ →Chione, →Cordus1. Bibliografphy: Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 400 – 401; Fusi 2006, 186, 497– 498; Howell 1995, 105; Merli 1996, 220; RE 4.1, s. v. Cordus 1, 1224 (Skutsch). amc

Coresus 6.39.21. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A rare name, used only by Martial in literature, and seldom attested in inscriptions: cf. CIL 4.4997 (fellator); 13.7753 (son of a vexillarius) (ThLL Onom. 2.598.3 – 5 [Reisch]). The name could refer to the town of Koressos/-ia, one of the two most important cities on the isle of Keos, Κέως (cf. Stillwell et al. 1976 s. v. Κέως: “Koressia [originally Koressos, another Prehellenic name]”; Plin. Nat. 4.62) or, rather, to Κόρη, Persephone, Demeter’s daughter (cf. Grewing 1997, 286). Vallat relates the name to Ephesus and the cult of Artemis (2008, 341– 342). ‖ →Marulla has given her husband →Cinna2 seven children, but he is not their father: they have all

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been conceived by slaves and other humiliores (→Carpus1, →Crotus, →Cyrtas, →Dama, →Lygdus, →Pannychus, →Santra2). And she would have borne him more children if Coresus and →Dindymus were not eunuchs: 20 – 21 Iam Niobidarum grex tibi foret plenus / si spado Coresus Dindymusque non esset. Some eunuchs could retain their sexual ability but not their reproductive capacity, inasmuch as emasculation consisted in the cutting of testicles, not of the penis (cf. 6.67, where →Pannychus, the lover of →Caelia, wonders why all her slaves are eunuchs: 2 Vult futui Caelia nec parere). ‖ →Dindymus, →Marulla. Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 286; RE 4.1, s. v. Coresus, 1226 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 341– 342. amc

Corinna 5.10.10; 8.73.10; 12.44.6. ‖ Literary character. ‖ Ovidii domina. ‖ Corinna is the name Ovid gives his mistress in Amores (Tr. 4.10.60 nomine non vero dicta Corinna mihi). Corinna is not likely to be a real character, but a pseudonym (Laguna 2011a, 344). Green (1982, 274) suggests that she could be Ovid’s first wife. ‖ Corinna appears in three poems about literature. Epigram 5.10 deals with the little esteem enjoyed by living poets, who later receive posthumous fame: among other examples, Martial affirms that only Corinna knew Ovid, which is not true. 8.73 is another literary epigram on the reasons to write poetry. Martial offers a catalogue of renowned poets and their respective loves who inspired their poetry; among others, he lists Ovid (indirectly: Paeligni) and Virgil (→Vergilius), whom he would equal si qua Corinna mihi, si quis Alexis erit. Here Schöffel identifies Corinna with elegy and Alexis with bucolic poetry. Ovid himself said that Corinna was his source of inspiration: Am. 3.12.16 ingenium movit sola Corinna meum. Finally, 12.44 is addressed to →Vnicus, a writer of love poems and relative of Martial’s, whom he praises by telling him that she (qualified as blanda) would follow him after Ovid. ‖ →Ovidius1. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 168 – 169; Green 1982, 274; Howell 1995, 87; Sabot 1976; Schöffel 2002, 618; Vallat 2008, 222. jfv

Cornelia 11.104.17. ‖ Historical character. ‖ For the name, see →Cornelius1. ‖ Daugther of P. Cornelius →Scipio Africanus, wife of Tiberius Sempronius →Gracchus and mother of the famous Gracchi. ‖ Epigram 11.104 is addressed to a prudish wife, who, among other things, denies her husband the practice of anal sex. Like other mythological and historical examples, Cornelia (a paradigm of pudicitia; cf. Sen. fr. [Haase p. 79]) is said to have let her husband do it. Juvenal presents her as an example of the undesirable

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wife: 6.67– 69 malo Venustinam quam te, Cornelia, mater Gracchorum, / si cum magnis virtutibus adfers / grande supercilium. Bibliography: Kay 1985, 281– 282; RE 4.1, Cornelius 407, 1592– 1595 (Münzer); Sullivan 1991, 192. jfv

Cornelius1 1.35.3. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ Cornelius is an extremely widespread nomen gentilicium (ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Cornelius, 608.9 – 642.2 [Sigwart]). ‖ A critic or friend of Martial’s, complaining that he writes versus… parum severos. He may also be a fictitious addressee (Stein in RE; Howell 1980, 183). ‖ This character is not to be identified with other namesakes in the epigrams: the Cornelius Fuscus of 6.76 (→Fuscus2) and the Cornelius Palma of 12.9 (→Palma), let alone the Augustan poet →Cornelius3 Gallus. Citroni simply states: “Non è identificabile” (1975, 115). Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 115; Howell 1980, 183; RE 4.1, s. v. Cornelius 9, 1251 (Stein). rms

Cornelius2 Fuscus →Fuscus2.

Cornelius3 Gallus 8.73.6. ‖ Historical character. ‖ C. Cornelius Gallus. ‖ Elegiac poet (ca. 69 – 26 BC). ‖ A leading political figure, partisan of →Augustus1, who named him prefect of Egypt. He was later forced to commit suicide. He wrote four books of love elegies, addressed to Volumnia Cytheris, under the pseudonym →Lycoris2. Only ten lines survive (Anderson/Parsons/Nisbet 1979). He is considered the first elegiac poet, who, following the path of →Catullus1, set the typical pattern of the Roman love elegy. Virgil’s tenth Eclogue is a consolation to Gallus, suffering for the abandonment of Lycoris, and it apparently echoes his love poetry. According to Ovid, →Tibullus was the successor of Gallus (Tr. 4.10.53); Quintilian (Inst. 10.1.93) regards him as durior than →Propertius and Tibullus. ‖ Cf. also CIL 3.14147 = ILS 8995; AE 1964, 255. ‖ Martial mentions Cornelius Gallus only once, in a poem addressed to →Instanius Rufus. Martial dwells on the theme of love as the only inspiration for good poetry, offering as proof a catalogue of love poets and their respective inspirational beloveds: Propertius and →Cynthia, Gallus and Lycoris, Tibullus and →Nemesis, Catullus and →Lesbia1, Ovid and →Corinna, Virgil and →Alexis1 (see →Ovidius1 and →Vergilius). The beautiful Lycoris is said to be the ingenium of Gallus: ingeniun Galli pulchra Lycoris erat. The inclusion of Gallus in a catalogue of poets is an established motif in

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Roman elegy: cf. Prop. 2.34.91– 92; Ov. Am. 1.15.30 et sua cum Gallo nota Lycoris erit; Tr. 2.455 non fuit opprobrio celebrasse Lycorida Gallo. ‖ →Lycoris2. Bibliography: Courtney 1993, 259 – 270; Luck 1993, 54– 59; Nicastri 1984; OCD4, 378 – 379 (Courtney); PIR 2 C1369 (Stein); RE 4.1, s. v. Cornelius 164, 1342– 1350 (Stein-Skutsch); Schöffel 2002, 615; Vallat 2008, 159. rms

Cornelius4 Palma →Palma.

Cosconia 11.55.5. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ For the name, see →Cosconius. ‖ Wife of Urbicus. Martial warns him against the legacy-hunter →Lupus2, who persistently persuades him to have a child. The poet advises Urbicus to announce that his wife Cosconia is pregnant, in order to get rid of his captator. ‖ →Vrbicus1 Bibliography: Kay 1985, 189 – 190; PIR 2 C1527 (Stein); RE 4.2, s. v. Cosconius 16, 1670 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 69. jfv

Cosconius 2.77.1,8; 3.69.7. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ Cosconius is a plebeian gentilicium: see ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Cosconius, 663.10 – 664.28 (Schwering). ‖ He appears in two epigrams on literary matters, as a critic and bad poet. 2.77 deals with the length of epigrams; Cosconius criticises Martial for writing long epigrams, and the poet strikes back: 2.77.7– 8 Non sunt longa quibus nihil est quod demere possis, / sed tu, Cosconi, disticha longa facis. In epigram 3.69 Cosconius is attacked for being a dull poet who writes chaste poems (nulla est mentula) suitable for children, whereas Martial’s, more risqué (mea luxuria pagina nulla vacat), are intended for a different audience. According to Williams (2004, 241), there are no definite arguments in favour of or against considering him a real or fictitious character. However, Martial may have chosen the name because of his namesake the grammarian: Var. L. 6.36,89; Suet. Poet. 11.82 (RE 4.1, s. v. Cosconius 11, 1669 – 1670 [Goetz]). Cf. →Palaemon. Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 442– 445; PIR 2 C1523 (Stein); RE 4.1, s. v. Cosconius 2, 1667 (Stein); Williams 2004, 240 – 244. jfv

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Cosmianum 11.15.6; 12.55.7. ‖ See →Cosmus1.

Cosmianus 3.82.26. ‖ See →Cosmus1.

Cosmicus 7.41.1. ‖ See →Cosmus1.

Cosmus1 1.87.2; 3.55.1; 9.26.2; 11.8.9; 11.18.9; 11.49(50).6; 12.65.4; 14.59.2; 14.110.1; 14.146.1. Cf. Cosmianum: 11.15.6; 12.55.7; Cosmianus: 3.82.26; Cosmicus: 7.41.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ Κόσμος. ‖ The name is extremely common and typical of slaves and freedmen: Cf. RE 11. 2.1498 – 1499; e. g. CIL 6.455; 6.5202; 6.5203; 9.2438; 13.10021.54; 15.7443; Suet. Aug. 67.1; ThLL Onom. 2.665.84– 666.64 (Schwering); Solin 1982, 1118 – 1119. The Greek equivalent Κόσμος is recorded 76 times in LGPN. ‖ Cf. Juv. 8.85 – 86 cenet licet ostrea centum / Gaurana et Cosmi toto mergatur aeno; Petr. 18 affer nobis, inquit, alabastrum Cosmiani. ‖ A famous perfumer, contemporary with Martial. Kay (1985, 85) has suggested that Cosmus might have been a trade name; whereas Bowie (quoted by Leary 1996, 118) thought that perhaps there were several generations of perfumers with that name; Ball (1907) interpreted the many allusions to him in Martial’s epigrams as part of an advertising campaing (see also Dalby 2000, 199: it “occurs over and over again in Martial’s epigrams like a commercial break”). Cosmus appears frequently in the Epigrams as a proverbial figure, the perfumer par excellence: cf. 9.26, where Martial compares sending epigrams to →Nerva (1 carmina mittere Nervae) to giving perfumes to Cosmus (2 pallida donabit glaucina, Cosme, tibi). His products were held in high esteem, and are mentioned as symbols of luxury, particularly valued by women and, hence, suitable love tokens: 11.49(50).6 profertur Cosmi nunc mihi siccus onyx; 12.65.4 utrumne Cosmi, Nicerotis an libram (see →Phyllis); in 14.110.1 a bottle which had contained a perfume by Cosmus (and which stills keeps his name: servat quae nomina Cosmi) is offered as an ampulla potaria, the height of luxury. In 11.8.9 his perfumes are mentioned to describe the fragrance of his puer’s kisses (12 hoc fragrant pueri basia mane mei): 9 quod Cosmi redolent alabastra. 11.18 is a cumulatio describing the ridiculous rus that →Lupus2 has given the poet, whose only crop is Cosmi folium piperve crudum: the folium Cosmi was one of the plants used to make the perfume called foliatum (Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 3, 27: “The foliatum or nardinum was a compound of nard, myrrh, and other aromatic herbs; cf. Pliny NH 13.15”); cf. 14.146.1 Cosmi folio. In 14.59.2 his products are mentioned as women’s perfumes (delicias Cosmi vos redolete, nurus) in contrast to those used by men (1 Balsama… unguenta virorum). Cosmus is also referred to in satirical contexts, in attacks on

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women who try to conceal defects: →Fescennia takes pastillos Cosmi to mitigate her fetid breath (1.87.2); →Gellia makes excessive use of perfumes: 3.55.1 Quod quacumque venis Cosmum migrare putamus. From his name derive the adjectives Cosmianus and Cosmicus and the noun Cosmianum: “les parfumers Cosmus (…) et Niceros (…), fort présents, et dont les noms étaient assez notoires pour donner lieu à des adjectifs onomastiques” (Vallat 2008, 95). The ostentatious →Zoilus appears Cosmianis… fuscus ampullis (3.82.26). Stein (RE 11. 2.1499) wonders whether the cosmicus of 7.41 (Cosmicus esse tibi, Semproni Tucca, videris: / cosmica, Semproni, tam mala quam bona sunt) should be related to Cosmus, whereas Shackleton Bailey (1978, 281) believes so and adds that Martial also plays with κοσμικός, which “means ‘citizen of the world’, like Socrates (Cic. Tusc. 5.108), whereas cosmica has two meanings: ‘worldly things’ and ‘products of Cosmus’”. Galán Vioque sees an obscene wordplay, inasmuch as those having os impurum try to conceal their bad breath with perfumes (2002, 270). Finally, Cosmianum means the ‘unguent of Cosmus’ (Vallat 2008, 287). In 11.15 the new Saturnalian book (11– 12 versus hos tamen esse tu memento / Saturnalicios) is said to be nequior omnibus libellis, / qui vino madeat nec erubescat / pingui sordidus esse Cosmiano (4– 6), a wording that recalls the attack on Zoilus (3.82.26 – 28 et Cosmianis ipse fuscus ampullis / non erubescit): in the carnavalesque atmosphere of the Saturnalia the book should not be ashamed to be anointed with Cosmian perfume. Finally, →Aegle sells her kisses at a high price (a pound of Cosmian perfume): 12.55.7 aut libram petit illa Cosmiani. ‖ Although traditionally interpreted as a fictional character, Moreno Soldevila (2006, 376) suggests that the addressee of 4.53, an attack on an unnamed Cynic, should be identified with the famous perfumer, since “his profession and even his name (Gr. Κόσμος) contrast with the Cynic’s dishevelled appearance”. Martial could be also playing with the philosophical connotations of the name in an epigram against a philosopher. See also Rodríguez Almeida (1985 – 1986), who argues that Cosmus’ store would have been located near the penetralia nostrae / Pallados (4.53.1– 2). Bibliography: Ball 1907; Citroni 1975, 270; Fusi 2006, 367; Henriksén 1998, 141; 2012, 112– 113; Howell 1980, 292; Kay 1985, 85; Leary 1996, 118; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 376; PIR 2 C1533 (Stein); RE 11.2, s. v. Kosmos 2, 1499 (Stein); Shackleton Bailey 1978, 281; 1993, vol. 2, 111; Vallat 2008, 95, 287. amc

Cosmus2 4.53.1,8. ‖ See →Cosmus1.

Cotilus 2.70.2; 3.63.1,13,14. ‖ Ficticional character. ‖ Κωτίλος. ‖ The Greek adjective means ‘chattering’, ‘babbling’, and is attested once in LGPN as a personal name. Solin (1982, vol. 2, 713) records two further instances of the name in inscriptions, plus a

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Cotile and a Cotilo. ‖ Cotilus appears twice in Martial’s epigrams as a man too worried about appearances. In 2.70 he is criticised for not wanting anyone to wash before him in the baths, because he does not want to bathe in the semen of others (3). Martial lets him bathe first, but advises him to wash his penis before his mouth, thus accusing him of os impurum. ‖ In 3.63 Cotilus has a reputation for being a bellus homo. Martial asks him the meaning of that expression and Cotilus gives a long reply (ll. 2– 12), describing a supposedly refined behaviour which is in actual fact effeminate, superficial and vacuous, having only a veneer of elegance. Martial concludes that being a bellus homo is a very complicated thing. For this same topic, cf. 1.9; 2.7; 12.39. Curiously enough in book 1 there is another bellus homo, whose name begins similarly: →Cotta1. Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 405 – 412; RE 11.2., s. v. Kotilos, 1528 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 535 – 536; Williams 2004, 225 – 226. jfv

Cotta1 1.9.1– 2; 1.23.1,3; 10.14.10; 10.49.4; 10.88.1; 12.87.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Κόττας. ‖ A widespread name, likely of Etruscan origin (Etruscan nomenclature especially influenced the cognomina of republican and senatorial aristocracy; cf. Kajanto 1965, 105 – 106, on the cognomina ending in -a, suffix with pejorative connotations and debated origins). Cf. ThLL Onom. 2.673.2– 675.7 (Reisch) and Schulze 1904, 354. ‖ The Cotta of 1.9 wants to appear as an elegant and important man (bellus, magnus), but Martial takes the wind out of his sails by remarking that a bellus homo is a pusillus one (cf. →Cotilus). As Howell remarks (1980, 128), “of five in ILS Index four are senatorial, the other a rich benefactor”, which might explain the use of the name in 1.9: “its bearer might tend to have pretensions”. In 1.23 Cotta has never invited the speaker to dinner, although he invites everyone in the baths. Martial unmasks him again: 4 iam scio me nudum displicuisse tibi. In 10.14 Cotta has a luxurious way of life, which does not prevent him from suffering love sickness, but instead quite the opposite: 10 Vis dicam male sit cur tibi, Cotta? Bene est (cf. Catul. 51.13). And in 10.49 he plays the mean unscrupulous patron, drinking excellent wine from luxurious glasses and offering his guest a rough wine from a golden cup, to which Martial replies: 5 Quisquam plumbea vina vis in auro? ‖ The interpretation of epigram 10.88 has been much debated: Omnes persequeris praetorum, Cotta, libellos: / accipis et ceras. Officiosus homo es. Friedländer (ad loc.) refers to this epigram as follows: “Ein bei jeder Interpunktion völlig unverständliches Epigramm”. Here Cotta is, according to Shackleton Bailey (1978, 288, contra Lieben 1930, 458 – 459), a pragmaticus branded as officiosus, who only receives wax tablets as a reward for his hard work. According to Hessen (in Damschen/Heil 2004, 313 – 314), this Cotta would be a captator, and the cerae his reward (accipis et ceras), “wenn nicht Testamente (…), so doch wahrscheinlich Abschriften davon oder Zusicherungen”, inasmuch as taking care of the praetors’

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libelli, he would become better acquainted with them. Salanitro (1983, 75 – 76) suggests that there is a sexual allusion in the term officiosus. This would fit in with his portrait in book 1 as a pusillus homo. ‖ In 12.87 he is a pauper or a richman who has come down in the world, whose careless slave (pedisequus) has twice lost his dominus’ sandals: Cotta—homo sagax et astutus (4)—has the brilliant idea of going to dinner barefoot (6 excalceatus), from then on, so as not to lose his footwear any more. Obviously, it is the other way round: he has no money to buy sandals and has made up a convenient explanation. As in book 1, Cotta wants to keep up appearances. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 47– 49, 81– 82; Damschen/Heil 2004, 84– 86 (Rücker), 193 – 194 (Vogelmann‐Werner), 313 – 314 (Hessen); Howell 1980, 127– 128, 157– 158; RE 4.2, s. v. Cotta 2, 1677 (Stein); Salanitro 1983, 75 – 76; Vallat 2008, 408 n. 15. amc

Cotta2 6.70.2. ‖ Real character? ‖ For the name, see →Cotta1. ‖ Howell, Citroni and Grewing, among others, think that the sexagenarian Cotta of 6.70.2 is a real character: he enjoys perfect health because he has avoided doctors. See for instance Grewing (1997, 451): “Wahrscheinlich ist, daβ der Cotta hier (bes. wegen seiner positiven exemplarischen Funktion) real ist”. Stein in (PIR 2 C1546) seems to mix him up with →Cotta1, calling him impudicum. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 47; Grewing 1997, 451; Howell 1980, 128; PIR 2 C1546 (Stein); RE 4.2, s. v. Cotta 2, 1677 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 69. amc

Cotta3 10.64.6. ‖ In 10.64, a poem addressed to Argentaria →Polla1, Lucan’s widow and Martial’s patroness (he calls her regina… Polla), Martial quotes a line by the epic poet, who also wrote, as Martial remarks, in a saucier style: 6 si nec pedicor, Cotta, quid hic facio? This has been identified with Aurelius Cotta (Tac. Ann. 13.34; Juv. 5.109). ‖ The name appears three more times in book 10, as the target of social criticism (→Cotta1). ‖ →Lucanus2. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 239 – 240 (Schuler); PIR 2 A1486 (Groag); RE 4.2, s. v. Cotta 4, 1677 (Stein). amc

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Crassus1 5.21.1. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ Crassus is a common cognomen, originally meaning ‘fat’ (Kajanto 1965, 244). ‖ He appears once in Martial’s epigrams. The rhetor →Apollodotus was unable to remember any name; he used to mistake →Decimus for →Quintus and Crassus for →Macer: 1– 2 Quintum pro Decimo, pro Crasso, Regule, Macrum / ante salutabat rhetor Apollodotus. As Canobbio observes, the names are displayed chiastically (the correct ones inside, and the wrong outside) and Apollodotus not only mistakes the name, but also “diminishes” their bearers, in this case by making a “fat man” (Crasso) a “thin man” (Macrum). ‖ Considering the fact that Martial plays with the same topic of the forgetful rhetor again in 5.54, the name of the greeted person being Calpurnius, and that the addressee of the joke in 5.21 is →Regulus, this Crassus and →Calpurnius might be the same real person, perhaps the Calpurnius Crassus who was consul in ca. 87 (RE 3.1, s. v. Calpurnius 32, 1370 [Groag] (=PIR 2 C259)? Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 266; Vallat 2008, 524– 525. rms

Crassus2 11.5.12. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Marcus Licinius Crassus. ‖ Ca. 115 – 53 BC. ‖ A general and politician who was praetor (73), consul (70 and 55), censor (65) and member of the First Triumvirate (59) with →Caesar1 and Pompey (→Pompeius1); his wealth became proverbial (Otto 1890, s. v. Crassus, § 457). ‖ He is once mentioned in 11.5.12, as a paradigm of wealth in an epigram in praise of the emperor →Nerva: Martial says Crassus would offer him all his riches. Bibliography: Kay 1985, 71; Marshall 1976; RE 13.1, s. v. Licinius 68, 295 – 331 (Gelzer); Vallat 2008, 149. jfv

Creticus 7.90.4. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ The name derives from Creta (ThLL Onom. 2.714.16 [Reisch]). There is a causidicus called Creticus in Juvenal’s second satire (2.67, 2.78). The name also appears in his satire about nobility (8.38). There it might refer to a descendant of Q. Caecilius Metellus Creticus (→Metellus), who celebrated a triumph over Crete in 62 BC (Courtney 1980, 132– 133; Ferguson 1987, 71); but, according to Ferguson, “[t]he family was extinct by Juvenal’s times” (see also Galán Vioque 2002, 482). For the Caecilii Metelli Cretici, see RE 3.1, s. v. Caecilius 87 (Münzer), 88, 89, 90 (Groag), pp. 1210 – 1212 and their family tree (ibid. p. 1230). The scholiast of Juv. 2.67 explains: hoc nomine vel quemlibet nobilem significant vel Iulium Creticum, qui sub Caesaribus inlustres causas egit. Ferguson believes it could be a true reference and provides several inscriptions where the combination of names can be found. For

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this Iulius Creticus, see PIR 2 I285. According to Potter (1934, 41), in 8.38 Juvenal instead refers to Marcus Antonius Creticus (RE 1.2, s. v. Antonius 29, 2594– 2595 [Klebs]), “who was called Creticus in derision”. ‖ Creticus only appears once in Martial, as the addressee of an epigram in which the poet defends himself from the accusation of writing uneven books: he criticises the poets →Calvinus and →Vmber, who write homogeneous books, that is, bad books. The addressee is only mentioned in the last line. According to Galán (ad loc.), “Martial may be using it to play with its etymological meaning, since creticus is in fact the name of an unequal metrical foot”. Bibliography: Courtney 1980, 132– 133; Ferguson 1987, 71; Galán Vioque 2002, 482; PIR 2 C1578 (Groag). rms

Crispi 12.36.9. ‖ →Crispus2.

Crispinus 7.99.1; 8.48.1,4. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Κρισπῖνος. ‖ The name alludes to “curly hair” (Kajanto 1965, 223). It is extremely frequent: cf. ThLL Onom. 2.718.37– 722.15 (Reisch). ‖ Crispinus was a member of the court of Domitian, of Egyptian origins and unknown function, but with access to the emperor. Cf. PIR 2 C1586 (Stein): Crispinus, Aegyptius ex infima plebe (…), servus ut videtur. According to Galán Vioque (2002, 516), he “wielded influence during Domitian’s reign but fell into disgrace along with him”. Rudd/Courtney (1982, 37) believe that “Crispinus was doubtless a prosperous businessman, which explains how he was a prominent eques and a member of Domitian’s privy council”. Crispinus and his wealth are mentioned in the overture of Juvenal’s satires: this Egyptian, a foreigner of lowly origins, made it to the top of the imperial palace, winning a position of trust within it, becoming a symbol of Rome’s debasement for Juvenal and a further reason for writing satires: 1.26 – 30 cum pars Niliacae plebis, cum verna Canopi / Crispinus Tyrias umero revocante lacernas / ventilet aestivum digitis sudantibus aurum, / nec sufferre queat maioris pondera gemmae, / difficile est saturam non scribere… He reappears in Satire 4 (Ecce iterum Crispinus…), where he is described as purpureus magni… scurra Palati, / iam princeps equitum (4.31– 32). Since Crispinus is only mentioned by Martial and Juvenal (and the latter’s scholiasts), Jones concludes that “further speculation is pointless, but the least violence is done to the ancient literary evidence if we see in him one of the standard figures of any court–the ruler’s personal friend, with a ready wit, meant to entertain and amuse” (1992, 70). ‖ Martial dedicates to him the last poem of book 7, trusting him with the book and asking him to sing the poet’s praises before the Emperor: dicere de nobis, ut lector candidus, aude: / ‘temporibus praestat non nihil iste tuis, / nec Marso nimium minor est doctoque Catullo’ (5 – 7). Martial alludes to his re-

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lationship with Domitian (1 Sic placidum videas semper, Crispine, Tonantem) and his Egyptian origin (2 nec te Roma minus quam tua Memphis amet). One might wonder whether Martial is playing with the physical appearance of Crispinus (‘frizzy-haired’) and the expression lector candidus: obviously candidus refers to good intentions—in this sense it is applied to readers and critics (cf. e. g. 4.86 and Moreno Soldevila 2006, 529)—, but it also denotes white skin, which contrasts with an Egyptian’s racial features (cf. 4.42.5 – 6 Sit nive candidior: namque in Mareotide fusca / pulchrior est quanto rarior iste color; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 312– 313). Martial addresses other men of the court as intermediaries: cf. →Euphemus, →Parthenius. In 8.48 someone has stolen Crispinus’ purple cloak (1 Tyriam… abollam) after he took it off to wear the toga. It is the personified abolla itself that asks to be returned to its owner, since, being a luxurious item, it does not suit anyone: 4– 6 non hoc Crispinus te, sed abolla rogat. / non quicumque capit saturatas murice vestes / nec nisi deliciis convenit iste color. Martial advises the thief to steal the toga instead if he wants to go unnoticed. This must be interpreted as a subtle criticism against Crispinus: the toga, symbol of the citizen, does not suit him—the luxurious Tyrian purple looks better on him—, but it does suit the anonymous, yet ingenuus, thief. Juvenal 1.27 alludes to his Tyrias… lacernas, now openly criticising him. ‖ →Domitianus. Bibliography: Baldwin 1979; Ferguson 1987, 72– 73; Galán Vioque 2002, 516; Jones 1992, 69 – 70; Nauta 2002, 66 – 67, 344; PIR 2 1586 (Stein); RE 4.2, s. v. Crispinus 5; 1720 – 1721, 5 (Stein); Schöffel 2002, 410 – 412; Vassileiou 1984, 27– 68; Vallat 2008, 83, 612; White 1974, 377– 382. amc

Crispus1 5.32.1; 10.15.2,10. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A very widespread Roman cognomen, originally meaning ‘curly-haired’ (Kajanto 1965, 223). ‖ The name appears in two satirical epigrams, but in other contexts it also refers to several historical characters, →Crispus2, →Crispus3 and →Sallustius. ‖ The unidentified, probably fictitious, Crispus of 5.32 is a greedy man who has disinherited his wife. In 10.15 Crispus, despite his overwhelming wealth, is also a mean patron, who gives nothing to the client-poet. The poet bitingly concludes: 9 – 10 Nil aliud video, quo te credamus amicum, / quam quod me coram pedere, Crispe, soles. The name Crispus applied to a mean patron is ironic, since the historical →Crispus2 is set as a paradigm of the generous wealthy patron. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 330; Salanitro 1987, 305 – 307. rms

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Crispus2 4.54.7; 12.36.9. ‖ Historical character. ‖ In 4.54 Crispus is mentioned as a paradigm of wealth (divitior Crispo), together with other famous men and their outstanding virtues (→Thrasea, →Melior); in 12.36.9 he appears (in the plural form) in a catalogue of model patrons from the past, together with the →Pisones, →Senecae and →Memmii: et Crispos mihi redde, sed priores. Several identifications have been proposed: the most likely is L. Iunius Q. Vibius Crispus, an influential (and controversial) figure in the reigns of Nero, Vitellius, Vespasian and Domitian. He was suffect consul in AD 61, curator aquarum (?), proconsul of Africa, suffect consul again in 74, legatus pro praetore of Hispania Citerior and consul suffectus for the third time under Domitian, probably in 83. He was a renowned orator. Cf. Plin. Nat. 19.4; Tac. Ann. 14.28.2; Hist. 2.10.1 Vibius Crispus pecunia potentia ingenio inter claros magis quem inter bonos; 4.41; 4.43; Dial. 8.1; Suet. Dom. 3.1; schol. Juv. 4.81; D. C. 64.2.3; Quint. Inst. 10.1.119. Other indentifications have been proposed, namely C. Sallustius Crispus Passienus (PIR 2 P146 [Petersen]; cf. Mart. 10.2.9; Suet. Nero 6.3; →Crispus3), and the historian →Sallustius. It is also possible that the plural in 12.36.9 refers to several men of the same family and Martial makes it clear that he is referring to characters from the past, which casts doubt on the identification with Vibius Crispus, who had lived until Domitian’s time. Perhaps Martial refers here to Sallust and his adoptive descendants C. Sallustius Crispus (PIR 2 S87 [Heil]), who was patron of Horace (→Horatius3) and Crinagoras, and C. Sallustius Crispus Passienus (→Crispus3). ‖ →Crispus1, →Crispus3, →Crispus4. Bibliography: Ferguson 1987, 73 – 74; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 386; PIR1 V379; PIR 2 I847 (Petersen); RE 8 A.2, s. v. Vibius 28, 1968 – 1970 (Helm); Rutledge 2001, 278 – 282; Vallat 2008, 75 – 76. rms

Crispus3 10.2.10. ‖ Historical character. ‖ C. Sallustius Crispus Passienus. ‖ For the cognomen, see →Crispus1. ‖ Consul in AD 27 and 44 and proconsul in Asia in 42– 43; he was married to Domitia, great-niece of →Augustus1, from whom he divorced by →Claudius’ request to marry his niece Agrippina, thus becoming the adoptive father of →Nero, who inherited many of his riches; he died in AD 47, apparently poisoned by his wife. There was a statue of him riding on a chariot on his tomb (Suet. Nero 6.3; Tac. Ann. 6.20.1; Plin. Nat. 16.242; Quint. Inst. 6.1.50, 3.74). ‖ He appears in 10.2.10, a poem asking the reading public to be benevolent to a book which was hastily edited and later corrected for a second edition. Martial adds that his book will still survive when the horses of Crispus’ tomb are dilapidated. It has been suggested that the generalising plural Crispi in 12.36.9 could also allude to this character. See →Crispus2.

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Bibliography: Barret 1996, 84– 86; Damschen/Heil 2004, 42– 44 (Heil); PIR 2 P146 (Heil); RE 18.4, s. v. Passienus, C. Sallustius Crispus, 2097– 2098 (Hanslik); Vallat 2008, 152. jfv

Crispus4 14.191.2. ‖ →Sallustius.

Criton 11.60.6. ‖ Real character. ‖ Κρίτων. ‖ A very common Greek name (LGPN records 223 instances of Κρίτων); cf. ThLL Onom. 2.726.40 – 63 (Reisch); Solin 1982, 252. The name recalls κρείττων, the comparative of κρατύς, ‘powerful’ (it also refers specifically to the power to control passions); cf. Buchheit 1962a, 256: “ut Phlogis (φλόξ, flagrans) et Chione (χιών, frigida) sicut nomina dicentia quae dicuntur percipienda sunt, ita et Criton et Hygia. Nam ulcus Phlogis (…) ulcus est eius modi, ut non Hygia (i. e. medicina) sed Criton (i. e. κρείττων) sanare possit”. ‖ Friedländer (1886, vol. 2, 197) suggests that this could be a real physician; “könnte ein (vielleicht als Ehebrecher bekannter) Arzt (Criton, Arzt Trajans SG I 114,9), Hygia eine Ärztin gewesen sein” (cf. Dolderer 1933, 27; Gal. 12.445 – 446 [Kühn]). There was a famous homonymous doctor, Titus Statilius Criton, specialized in sexual maladies, who worked in the court of Trajan, hence “it is a not unreasonable assumption that he was already well known in 96 AD. Yet there is no need to see a direct reference to him: he rather represents the genus of male doctor as Chairemon represents the genus of Stoic” (Kay 1985, 202– 203; RE 11.2, s. v. Kriton 5, 1934– 1935 [Jakoby], 11.2, s. v. Kriton 7, 1938 [Kind]). ‖ →Phlogis suffers from sexual itching (ulcus), a disease that cannot be cured by →Hygia, but only by Criton, since what she needs is not a medica, but a medicus, or rather a man and not medicine (since Hygia, a personification of Health, could be a medica in particular, any medica or medicine in general): 5 – 6 ulcus habet quod habere suam vult quisque puellam, / quod sanare Criton, non quod Hygia potest. A similar situation is described in 11.71, where the hysterical →Leda2 asks for the only medicine that can cure her: 11.71.1– 2 Hystericam vetulo se dixerat esse marito / et queritur futui Leda necesse sibi; her old husband accedes to her desperate prayers and the medici intervene to heal her sexual malady: 11.71.7– 8 Protinus accedunt medici medicaeque recedunt / tollunturque pedes. O medicina gravis! ‖ Criton is a nomen dicens: κρείττων, ‘the most powerful’, contrasts with those who are incapable of soothing the insatiable Leda or Phlogis. ‖ →Hygia, →Phlogis. Bibliography: Buchheit 1962a, 255 – 256; Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 197; Kay 1985, 202– 203; PIR 2 S823 (Wachtel); RE 11.2, s. v. Kriton 5, 1934– 1935 (Jakoby), 11.2, s. v. Kriton 7, 1938 (Kind); Vallat 2008, 95. amc

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Croesus 5.39.8; 11.5.4. ‖ Κροῖσος. ‖ Historical character. ‖ The famous last king of Lydia, proverbially rich (cf. Catul. 115.3; Hor. Ep. 1.11.2; Prop. 3.18.28; Ov. Pont. 4.3.37; Plin. Nat. 33.51; Stat. Silv. 1.3.105; Juv. 14.328; Otto 1890, s. v. Croesus, § 460). ‖ 595 – ca. 546 BC. ‖ Croesus is twice mentioned as a paradigm of wealth. 5.39 is an attack on →Charinus, who was always changing his will. Whenever he did so, the poet sent him a present: even if he were richer than Croesus, Martial concludes in line 8, he would be now as ruined as the beggar →Irus (cf. Prop. 3.5.17 Lydus Dulichio non distat Croesus ab Iro; Ov. Tr. 3.7.42 Irus et est subito, qui modo Croesus erat); 11.5.4 is in praise of the emperor →Nerva, who, being richer than Croesus (Croesos, generalising plural), still maintains the morals of the poor →Numa1. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 386 – 387; Howell 1995, 126; Kay 1985, 69; RE Suppl. 5, s. v. Kroisos, 455 – 472 (Weissbach); Vallat 2008, 128, 133, 213. jfv

Cronius 7.87.4. ‖ Real character? ‖ The name, of Greek origin (Κρόνιος, Χρόνιος) and also spelt Chronius, is related to Cronos (ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Cronius, 417.18 – 27 [Schwering]); 731.5; 731.41– 53 [Reisch]). There are thirteen instances of Κρόνιος and five of Χρόνιος in LGPN. Solin (1982, vol. 2, 1037) records five instances of Chronius (plus two of Chronia), and three examples of Cronius (vol. 1, 264), including Martial’s. ‖ Epigram 7.87 itemizes the exotic (and ugly) pets of friends and acquaintances of Martial’s, among whom is Cronius, who loves a cercopithecus (a kind of monkey) similar to him (there seems to be a wordplay between similem and simia): “The implication here is that the man was as ugly as his pet” (McDermott 1936, 154). Martial seems to be playing with the notion that pets look like their owners. ‖ Manuscripts of the γ family read Chronius, which is more frequently found in inscriptions. Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 467– 468; PIR 2 C1599 (Stein); RE 11.2, s. v. Kronios 2, 1978 (Stein). jfv

Crotus 6.39.19. ‖ Κρότος. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name is attested as a slave name in CIL 3.5663 and 6.9339 (Solin 1982, 498). Cf. ThLL Onom. 2.733.24– 28 (Reisch), regarding it as a name of probable Celtic origin. Gr. Κρότος means ‘rattling noise’, ‘applause’, and the like (cf. crotalum, κρόταλον), thus being appropriate for a musician. ‖ →Marulla has given seven children to her husband →Cinna2, but he is not their father: they have all been fathered by slaves and other humiliores: →Carpus1, →Coresus, →Cyrtas, →Dama, →Lygdus, →Pannychus, →Santra2. The daughters of Carpus and Crotus are particularly recognizable, due to their physical traits: 18 – 19 Duae sorores,

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illa nigra et haec rufa, / Croti choraulae vilicique sunt Carpi. One is black and the other red-haired, both features having negative connotations (cf. e. g. →Lycoris1). The girl’s coloured skin betrays not only Marulla’s adultery but also her humble origin, since black was considered a color servilis (cf. Cic. Pis. 1.1). Cf. Juv. 6.599 – 601 esses / Aethiopis fortasse pater, mox decolor heres / impleret tabulas numquam tibi mane videndus. Crotus is a flute player (choraules, χοραύλης), an ill-reputed profession. Martial is, additionally, not very fond of flute players: 9.77.5 – 6 quod optimum sit quaeritis convivium? / in quo choraules non erit. ‖ →Marulla, →Cinna2. Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 284– 285; RE 11.2, s. v. Krotos, 2018 (Stein); Vallat 2006, 127; 2008, 547. amc

Cupidineus 7.87.9. ‖ Adj. Related to →Cupido.

Cupido 6.13.6; 9.56.2. Amor: 8.50.13. Cupidines: 9.11.9; 11.13.6. Cupidineus: 7.87.9. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἔρως. ‖ The ever-present Roman god of love and sex, son of →Venus. ‖ Despite his prominence in Latin literature and the prevalence of the erotic in the epigrams, Cupid is not a predominant figure in Martial’s work. He is twice addressed in complimentary poems dedicated to other characters (6.13.6; 9.56.2); he features in two descriptions of works of art (6.13; 8.50); and is mentioned in the plural together with Venus (9.11.9; 11.13.6). For the plural, see Kay (1985, 97) and, especially, Bellido Díaz (2011, 119 – 120). The adjective Cupidineus is used in the description of a puer delicatus or morio (7.87.9, →Babyrtas). ‖ Epigram 6.13 is an ekphrasis of a statue of →Iulia2, who is portrayed as Venus playing with her girdle, which is said to have been taken from Cupid’s neck (6 quem rapuit collo, parve Cupido, tuo). See Grewing 1997, 153. Epigram 9.56 is dedicated to →Spendophorus, who is accompanying his master to Libya: in line 2 Martial addresses Cupido and asks him to prepare the weapons he will give the boy (quae puero dones tela, Cupido, para), an allusion to the militia amoris motif (for Cupid’s weapons—the bow and arrows—and their metaphorical use, see Bellido 2011, 122– 123). ‖ Epigram 8.50 is a long ekphrasis of an engraved golden phiala, depicting a ram mounted by the winged Cupid playing a flute: 8.50.13 – 14 terga premit pecudis geminis Amor aureus alis, / Palladius tenero lotos ab ore sonat (see LIMC 3.1, 984 – 985, 996, 1009 – 1010). For the interchangeability of the names Cupido and Amor, despite their different connotations, see Bellido 2011, 119 – 120, and for his representation with wings, cf. ibid., 123. Schöffel (2002, 435) explains that aureus can both be an epithet of the god and refer to the material of the cup, and that Amor is equally ambiguous, for it can allude to Cupid or to a “Putto/Amorette” (cf. e. g. Prop. 3.1.11; Stat. Silv. 1.2.54; Apul. Met. 10.32.1). ‖ The plural Cupidines appears twice in the epigrams, in the Catullan phrase Veneres Cupidinesque (Catul.

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3.1; 13.12). In 9.11, on the name of →Earinus, Martial assures that the Venuses and the Cupids echo his name throughout the Parrhasian Palace. On the one hand, Venus and Cupid are mentioned because of their relation to spring and love; on the other, the Catullan intertext of 3.1 (mourning for the passer) hints at an elegant allusion to the eunuch’s lost virility (Henriksén 1998, 96 – 97; 2012, 62– 63). In the epitaph for the actor →Paris2 (11.13), Martial affirms that all the Venuses and the Cupids are buried in his tomb with him. Kay (1985, 97) suggests that the plural “emphasizes the grief” and that there may be an allusion to “Paris’ acting talents”, since love was usually the theme of pantomimes. However, it must be remembered that Paris had been condemned to death by Domitian more than a decade earlier, accused of adultery with his wife Domitia Longina, and that book 11 was published under Trajan. Bearing in mind the Catullan intertext again and the erotic implications of the passer poems, Martial might be playing with this idea: it is not that Venus and Cupid mourn for Paris, it is rather that they were killed with him, perhaps hinting at Domitian’s stern morality and cruelty. ‖ In 7.87 Martial describes a puer delicatus, →Babyrtas, as Cupidineus. Galán Vioque interprets the adjective as ‘delightful’, ‘attractive’, a meaning only attested here. The adjective is infrequent, and it literally means ‘related to Cupid’ (ThLL Onom. 2.750.16 – 23 [Schwering]): cf. Culex 409 igne Cupidineo; Ov. Rem. 157 Cupidineas… sagittas (cf. Claud. 10.71); Tr. 4.10.65 Cupidineis… telis. Apart from beauty and sexual attraction, it could further suggest youth. Note that Babyrtas is compared to exotic pets, which is not very complimentary if the boy is beautiful, but rather suggests the opposite. ‖ →Venus. Bibliography: Bellido 2011; Galán Vioque 2002, 470; Grewing 1997, 143; Henriksén 1998, 96 – 97; 2012, 62– 63; Kay 1985, 97; LIMC 3.1, s. v. Eros/Cupido, 952– 1048 (Blanc/Gury), 2.2, 678 – 727; RE 4.2, s. v. Cupido, 1759 (Aust); Schöffel 2002, 435. rms

Curiatius 4.60.3. ‖ Real character? ‖ For the name, derived from Curius and very widespread, see Schulze (1904, 286) and ThLL Onom. 2.756.12 – 757.40 (Schwering). ‖ A man drowned in Tibur. This anecdote triggers a reflection on the inevitability of death: 5 – 6 Nullo fata loco possis excludere: cum mors / venerit, in medio Tibure Sardinia est. This epigram is very close to another on a drowned woman (→Caerellia: 4.63). ‖ Herrmann (1939; 1965, 848 – 850) proposed an identification between this Curiatius and →Maternus (1.96; 2.74; 10.37) and of both with the Curiatius Maternus of the Dialogus de oratoribus (PIR 2 C1604 [Stein]; Duret 1986, 320 – 3212; this identification is accepted by Balland 2010, 178 n. 57). The main obstacle for this hypothesis is the fact that Maternus is the addressee of an epigram in book 10. Herrmann argues that 10.37 might have been written long before publication, but he does not prove it definitively. If the Maternus of the Dialogus is to be identified with M. Cornelius Nigrinus Curiatius Maternus of Liria (Spain), as Barnes (1981) suggests, then the Curia-

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tius of 4.60 must be an altogether different person, if he existed at all. Kolosowa (2000) identifies Maternus with the aforementioned character from Hispania. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 178 n. 57; Herrmann 1939; 1965, 848 – 850; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 421; PIR 2 C1603 (Stein); RE 4.2, s. v. Curiatius 2, 1831 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 99. rms

Curii 1.24.3; 7.58.7; 9.27.6; 9.28.4. ‖ Generic plural for →Curius.

Curius 6.64.2; 7.68.4; 11.16.6; 11.104.2 (cf. 1.24.3; 7.58.7; 9.27.6; 9.28.4). ‖ Historical character. ‖ Manius Curius Dentatus was consul four times between 290 and 274 BC; he defeated the Samnites and Pyrrhus, among others. His severity, wisdom, frugality, integrity and modesty made him a paradigm of ancient virtue (V. Max. 4.3.5 exactissima norma Romanae frugalitatis idemque fortitudinis perfectissimum specimen): cf. Cic. Pis. 24.58; Sest. 68.143; Cael. 17.39; Sen. 54; Amic. 18; Parad. 12; 50; Hor. Carm. 1.12.41; Ep. 1.1.64; Luc. 6.785 – 786; 7.358; 10.152; Juv. 2.3; Quint. Inst. 7.2.38; Apul. Apol. 17.8 (Otto 1890, 102, s. v. Curius; Litchfield 1914, 30). ‖ Martial contrasts his handsome unkempt appearance with several shameful homosexuals: in 1.24.3 he is said to have incomptis capillis and triste supercilium; in 7.58.7 he looks hirsutum, dura rusticitate trucem (Martial also uses here the exemplum of →Fabius); and in 9.27.6 he is said to be pilosus, as also were →Camillus, →Quintius, →Numa1 and →Ancus; he appears again with Fabius in an attack on a detractor of Martial’s (also a homosexual) in 6.64; in this latter passage, in order to highlight his rustic character, Martial tells that Curius’ wife gave birth under a holm oak as the labour surprised her while she was bringing her husband lunch, while he was ploughing (6.64.2– 3). In line 3 manuscripts read hirsuta (referring to his wife) but editors prefer hirsuto (see Grewing ad loc.). His unkempt hair recalls Hor. Carm. 1.12.42 incomptis Curius capillis. Juvenal also cited Curius when alluding to hypocritical libertines: 2.3 qui Curios simulant et Bacchanalia vivunt. See →Camillus for further passages where they appear together. ‖ He is mentioned along with →Fabricius2 several times: in 9.28.4 Martial alludes to their gravitas, which the actor →Latinus could have been able to mitigate; in 11.16.6 he is also said to be gravis; both appear again in 7.68.4 as examples of people who do not enjoy epigrams but prefer serious poetry (seria). For their sternness, cf. Luc. 10.152 Fabricios Curiosque graves. Fabricius and Curius are frequently remembered together in Latin literature: cf. e. g. Cic. Pis. 24.58; Sest. 68.143; Cael. 17.39; Parad. 12; Amic. 18; 28; Hor. Carm. 1.12.40 – 41; Luc. 10.152 (supra); Juv. 2.153 – 154; Quint. Inst. 7.2.38; 12.2.30; Apul. Apol. 10.6. According to Vallat (2008, 144), “l’évolution des référents en exempla est fort bien illustrée par le couple Curius-Fabricius: à force d’être cités ensemble, ils se confondent et renvoient à la même image de l’an-

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cienne vertu. Ce ne sont plus tant les référents dans leur individualité qui intéressent Martial que le symbole qu’ils représent”. ‖ In 11.104.2 Martial presents him (together with Numa and →Tatius) as a counterpoint to his own sexual freedom. ‖ For the generic plural (1.24.3; 7.58.7; 9.27.6; 9.28.4), cf. e. g. Cic. Pis. 24.58; Sest. 68.143; Cael. 17.39; Hor. Ep. 1.1.64; Luc. 6.786; 7.358; 10.152; Juv. 2.3. See also Vallat 2008, 144, 145 – 147. ‖ For Martial’s use of historical exempla, see North 1954. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 84– 85; Ferguson 1987, 76; Forni 1953; Galán Vioque 2002, 394; Grewing 1997, 408; Henriksén 1998, 146 (= 2012, 118); Howell 1980, 159 – 160; Kay 1985, 103; Otto 1890, 102 s. v. Curius; Vallat 2008, 143 – 144. jfv

Curvii 5.28.3. Cf. 1.36; 3.20.17; 8.75.15; 9.51. ‖ Historical characters. ‖ The brothers Cn. Domitius Lucanus and Cn. Domitius Tullus, natural sons of Sextus Curvius, who was prosecuted and condemned by Domitius Afer, who adopted them. Upon his death in AD 59, they inherited his fortune. Tullus increased their wealth, by attracting and deluding captatores. Wealthy and influential, they enjoyed parallel political careers. ‖ Plin. Ep. 8.18; CIL 11.5210; 11.5211. ‖ In 5.28.3 Martial praises the brothers’ pietas in an attack on →Mamercus, who criticises everyone regardless of their virtues. They appear in a catalogue of contemporary characters (→Nervae, →Rusones, →Macri, →Maurici, →Reguli, →Pauli; note that in most of theses cases the plural form has a paradigmatic function, despite referring to single characters, whereas the plural fratres Curvios is obviously not a generalising plural; see Vallat 2008, 125). Their fraternal love was already praised in 1.36, where they were compared to →Castor1 and →Pollux, a simile that is resumed in 9.51, on the death of Lucanus, the elder brother. They are mentioned again in 3.20.17, as friends or patrons of →Canius Rufus, who could be enjoying their hospitality; the Lucanus addressed in 8.75 is probably identifiable with the elder brother. ‖ Curvios was a brilliant emendation by Friedländer: manuscripts read the metrically unfitting Curios. ‖ See more details in →Lucanus1 and →Tullus. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 30; Birley 2000, 57; Canobbio 2011, 309; Citroni 1975, 119 – 120; Howell 1980, 185 – 186; 1995, 112; Fusi 2006, 222– 223; Henriksén 2012, 224; Nauta 2002, 64, 92, 151 n. 25; PIR 2 D152 and 167 (Groag); Sherwin-White 1998, 468 – 469; Syme 1985b (= RP 5, 521– 545); Vallat 2008, 79; 126; White 1972, 87– 89. jfv

Cybele 1.70.10; 3.81.6; 3.91.2; 7.73.3; 8.46.4; 8.53.14; 9.2.13; 9.11.6; 9.39.2; 13.25; 13.64; cf. Dindymene: 8.81.1. ‖ Κυβέλη. ‖ The Great-mother of Anatolia, a goddess of fertility. Her cult is related to →Attis, the Phrygian youth who castrated himself (cf. Catul. 63; Ov. Fast. 4.223 – 246). Identified with Demeter and Rhea in Greece, her cult was officially

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brought to Rome in 205 – 204 BC. She had a temple on the Palatine and was served by castrated priests, the Galli. ‖ Martial refers to Cybele mainly in association with her emasculated priests. In 3.81 →Baeticus is a Gallus and a cunnilingus, so Martial suggests “castrating” his head (6 sacra tamen Cybeles decipis: ore vir es). In 3.91.2 a group of Galli is called the “half-man flock of Cybele” (Semiviro Cybeles… grege). In 9.2 Martial disapproves of a patron who conducts himself meanly with his friends, but generously with his lover. In the final distich Martial suggests that Cybele should castrate him instead of the wretched Galli: 13 – 14 I nunc et miseros, Cybele, praecide cinaedos: / haec erat, haec cultris mentula digna tuis. Epigram 13.64 deals with capons (capones), and Martial wittily concludes that the castrated cock deserves to be Cybele’s bird: Succumbit sterili frustra gallina marito. / Hunc matris Cybeles esse decebat avem. Martial obviously puns on gallina marito and gallus (a rooster / a castrated priest). ‖ Her temple on the Palatine is alluded to in 7.73 (Platner/Ashby 1929, 324– 325; Richardson 1992, 279 – 282; LTUR 3, s. v. Magna Mater, Aedes, 207– 209; for the possibility that it refers to another temple on the Aventine, see Galán Vioque 2002, 417). →Maximus, a patron of the poet, has several houses in different locations, from which he can contemplate some of the most important temples of Rome (those of Cybele and →Vesta and those dedicated to →Iuppiter), and Martial does not know where he has to go in order to greet him in the morning. The temple of Cybele is called viduae Cybeles… sacraria (for vidua meaning sine viro, in allusion to Attis, see Galán Vioque 2002, 417). In 1.70.10 allusion is made to a Cybeles picto… Corybante tholus, a cupola of Cybele with fresco-paintings of her priests: according to Citroni (1975, 230 – 231) and Howell (1980, 270), this is not to be identified with the Palatine temple, but Rodríguez Almeida does not hesitate about the identification (LTUR vol. 1, s. v. Cybeles tholus, 338: “Denominazione di Marziale (1.70.10) per la aedes Palatina di Magna Mater”). ‖ Attis is twice referred to indirectly in relation to her: in 8.46.4 →Cestus, a beautiful and chaste puer delicatus, is compared to him (te Cybele totum mallet habere Phryga), and in 9.11.6 it is said that Attis would have liked to have been called →Earinus, like Domitian’s eunuch (quo mallet Cybeles puer vocari; see Henriksén 2012, 60 – 61). ‖ Epigram 9.39 celebrates the birthday of →Caesonia, on the same day as Domitian’s (24 October). This day is compared to the birth of Jupiter: Cybele would have wanted to give birth to him on that day (2 optasset Cybele qua peperisse Iovem). Here the goddess is equivalent to Rhea, the mother of Zeus (Henriksén 2012, 172). “Allusion to Cybele (the mother of Jupiter) draws attention to Domitian’s mother, Flavia Domitilla” (Henriksén 2012, 171). ‖ Her chariot was pulled by lions (Catul. 63.76; Ov. Met. 10.704; LIMC 8.1, suppl., 758 – 760): hence Martial compares a lion in an amphitheatrical spectacle to them in 8.53.14 (A Cybeles numquid venerat ille iugo?). ‖ Finally, in 13.25 some pine nuts (nices pineae) are said to be her fruits (1 Poma sumus Cybeles): the pine was related to her (Phaed. 3.17.4; Sen. Tro. 72 pinus matri sacra Cybebae), because Attis died under a pine tree or was transformed into one (Ov. Met. 104 – 105; Serv. A. 9.115). She is called Dindymene (Δινδυμήνη) in 8.81.1 (Hor. Carm. 1.16.5; Nisbet/Hubbard 1970, 206), since Dindymon was the name of a mount (actually two, now Kapi Dagh and Murat Dagh) related to the

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cult of the goddess (cf. Catul. 35.14 Dindymi dominam; 63.13 Dindymenae; 91 domina Dindymi; Verg. A. 9.618; 10.252; Col. 10.1.1.220; Ov. Met. 4.234; 249; Sil. 17.20 – 21; Serv. A. 9.614). In this epigram, →Gellia does not swear by Cybele or other divinities typically worshipped by women, but by her pearls. ‖ Cybele is referred to as mater (ThLL 8, s. v. Mater, 442.2– 70 [Bulhart]) on three occasions. In 3.47.2 (Phrygiumque Matris Almo qua lavat ferrum), Martial alludes to a rite celebrated on March 27 in the river Almo, consisting of the purification of a statue of the goddess and the instruments of her cult (Fusi 2006, 341). In 5.41.3 Martial compared →Didymus to a castrated priest of the matris entheae (see Canobbio 2011, 393 – 394 for the meaning of this expression); and in 14.204 (Cymbala), Martial alludes to her mourning for Attis (1 Aera Celaenaeos lugentia matris amores). ‖ →Attis. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 393 – 394; Fusi 2006, 341, 481– 482; Galán Vioque 2002, 417– 418 (with further bibliography); Grillot 1912; Henriksén 2012, 26 – 27, 60 – 61, 171– 172; Lane 1996; Leary 2001, 74– 75, 118; LIMC 8.1, suppl., s. v. Kybele, 744– 766 (Simon), 8.2, 506 – 519; LTUR 3, s. v. Magna Mater, Aedes, 206 – 208 (Pensabene); RE 11.2, s. v. Kybele 1, 2250 – 2298 (Schwenn); Schöffel 2002, 463; 678 – 679. rms

Cyclops 7.38.2. ‖ See →Polyphemus1.

Cydas 10.83.8. ‖ Real character. ‖ Κύδας. ‖ For the name, see ThLL Onom. 2.784.65 – 72 (Reisch). LGPN records 12 instances. It was the name of several Cretan historical characters (Cic. Phil. 5.13; Liv. 33.3.10; 44.13.9; 44.24.9; Plb. 22.15; 29.6). Eden (1989, 123) suggests a possible meaning related to κῦδος, ‘renown’, ‘glory’ (cf. Decus). The name is not attested in inscriptions (Solin 1982, 1289, records only this instance by Martial). ‖ Epigram 10.83 describes →Marinus’ unsuccesful attempts to conceal his baldness by combing his remaining long hairs, a trick undone by the wind: 4– 6 sed moti redeunt iubente vento / reddunturque sibi caputque nudum / cirris grandibus hinc et inde cingunt (cf. 2.41.9 – 10). His ridiculous appearance—a bald head flanked by long mops of hair—is compared to the image of →Hermeros (presumably renowned for his baldness; cf. Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 156) flanked by →Spendophorus and →Telesphorus, two pueri delicati, and hence, capillati: 7– 8 inter Spendophorum Telesphorumque / Cydae stare putabis Hermerotem. The sole mention of these names as the terms of comparison means that they were sufficiently well-known to the audience. It has been debated who this Hermeros was and what his relationship to Cydas was: Friedländer suggested that Hermeros could be his son or slave or that the latter was an artist, author of a portrait of the former. Izaac (in the Index des noms propres of his edition) resumes the idea that Cydas could be the author of a statue of Hermeros (cf. Plin. Nat. 36.33; Petronius also mentions Hermeros as a deco-

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ration for a cup in 52.3). Eden (1989, 123), on the other hand, suggests that Cydas and Hermeros could be a lanista and a gladiator respectively. ‖ →Hermeros, →Marinus, →Spendophorus, →Telesphorus. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 297 (Fröhlich); Eden 1989, 123 – 124; Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 156; RE 11.2, s.v Kydas, 2302. amc

Cynthia 8.73.5; 14.189.1. ‖ Literary or real character. Pseudonym. ‖ Poetic mistress of →Propertius. ‖ It is argued whether she was a literary character (Wyke 1987, 41) or the pseudonym conceals a real person, as already believed by ancient readers (Ov. Ars 3.536 Cynthia nomen habet); even Apuleius transmits her real name (Apol. 10.3 Propertium, qui Cynthiam dicat, Hostiam dissimulet); she was probably a luxury courtesan. The name is related to →Apollo, the god of poetry who was born on Mount Cynthus. ‖ 8.73 is addressed to →Instanius Rufus: Martial affirms that poetic inspiration comes from real love, and among the exempla of famous elegiac poets, he cites Propertius, adding that Cynthia made him a poet. In one of his Apophoreta (14.189), Martial describes Propertius’ first book (Monobyblos in the manuscripts), which its author entitled Cynthia, following the ancient tradition of naming books of love poetry after the poet’s beloved. ‖ →Propertius. Bibliography: Ferguson 1987, 77; Hallett 1992; Laguna Mariscal 2011a, 344; Leary 1996, 253 – 254; Schöffel 2002, 614– 615; Vallat 2008, 159 – 160; Wyke 1987. jfv

Cyparissus 13.96.1. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Κυπάρισσος. ‖ Son of Telephus, he was a handsome youth loved by →Apollo (or →Silvanus, according to Servius, G. 1.20), who accidentally killed his pet stag. Distressed, the boy asked the gods to let him be forever in mourning and was transformed into a cypress, which became a symbol of mourning and the tree of graveyards (Ov. Met. 10.106 – 142; Serv. A. 3.64; 6.380; G. 1.20). ‖ Cyparissus is mentioned once, in one of the Xenia consisting of a stag (cervus): Martial wonders whether it belongs to Cyparissus or to →Silvia. Bibliography: Leary 2001, 158 – 159; LIMC 6.1, s. v. Kyparissos, 165 – 166 (Gisler), 6.2, 77; RE 12.1, s. v. Kyparissos, 51 (Tambornino); Vallat 2008, 138. jfv

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Cyperus 8.16.1– 4. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Κύπειρος. ‖ A rare name, only attested here and in CIL 4.5777 (ThLL Onom. 2.794.50 – 52 [Reisch] quotes the variants Cypaerus, Cyphaerus, Cypherus); see Solin 1982, 1094 (s. v. Cypaerus, six instances). Schöffel (ad loc.) mentions a Cyparus recorded in CIL 6.7.5.6359. There are four instances of Κύπειρος in LGPN. ‖ Cyperus, a former baker (pistor), has prospered and now earns a fortune as a lawyer (1– 2 pistor… fueras… causas nunc agis), but he squanders his earnings: 5 et panem facis et facis farinam, “i. e. you dissipate your earnings, as grain is reduced to the dust of flour” (Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 2, 172 n. b). This sententious remark entails a reflection upon social mobility: no matter how life seems to have changed Cyperus, he cannot stop being what he used to be: 4 a pistore, Cypere, non recedis. A similar case is that of →Cinnamus1 in 7.64. As for the meaning of the name, according to Schöffel, it recalls κύπειρος, κύπερος or κύπειρον, “allesamt Pflanzenbezeichnungen für das aromatisch duftende, binsenartige Zypergras. Hier dient er wohl in erster Linie als Ethnikon, um den gesellschaftlichen Hintergrund (Freigelassener?) zu verdeutlichen, von dem aus der Bäcker sich zum Anwalt emporgearbeitet hat” (2002, 203). Bibliography: Schöffel 2002, 203; Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 2, 172 n. b; RE 12.1, s. v. Kyperos, 52 (Stein). amc

Cyrtas 6.39.17. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Κύρτος. ‖ Manuscripts read girte (β) and cirtae (γ). Cyrtas is not attested elsewhere (ThLL Onom. 2, s. v. Cyrta, 808.60 – 61 [Reisch]). It could recall κύρτος, ‘curved’, ‘arched’, alluding to the physical deformity of the hunchbacked jester (cf. Grewing 1997, 284; Vallat 2008, 548). Κύρτος is attested twice in LGPN. ‖ →Marulla has given seven children to her husband →Cinna2, but he is not their father: they have all been conceived by slaves and other humiliores (→Carpus1, →Coresus, →Crotus, →Dama, →Lygdus, →Pannychus, →Santra2). The physical traits of Marulla’s children betray her adulteries and the identity of their respective fathers; in this case: 15 – 17 Hunc vero acuto capite et auribus longis, / quae sic moventur ut solent asellorum, / quis morionis filium negat Cyrtae? Cf. 12.93, where →Labulla exchanges kisses with her lover through her morio (‘fool’), openly deriding her cuckolded husband (who becomes, like Cinna, the real fool: 7 quanto morio maior est maritus!). Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 283 – 284; Vallat 2008, 548; 2006, 128. amc

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Cytherea 9.12.4; 11.81.6; cf. Cythereius: 8.45.7; Cytheriacus: 2.47.2; 14.207.1. ‖ Name of →Venus. ‖ Κυθέρεια. ‖ The epithet was traditionally related to the Isle of Cythera, sacred to Venus. See Morgan 1978 for its etymology. Cytherea or Cythereia is a very widespread name for Venus both in Greek and Latin literature (Bellido 2011a, 437; Schöffel 2002, 397). ‖ Martial uses this epithet and its derivatives in several erotic contexts. Epigram 9.12 focuses on the name →Earinus, which is metrically impossible to insert in an epigram. It is a name that Venus (Cytherea) enjoys to embroider with her needle. The allusion to Venus is explained by her relation to springtime (see →Earinus). In 11.81 Cytherea appears in a humourous context: →Aegle, who is in bed with an old man and an effeminate at the same time, asks the goddess to make the one a youngster and the other a man. ‖ In 8.45.7 the epithet Cythereius is applied to Cyprus, where Venus had an important temple. The rarer adjective Cytheriacus (cf. Ov. Fast. 4.15) is used twice: in 2.47 Martial describes the effeminate →Gallus as “smoother than Venus’ conch shells”. According to Williams (2004, 172), the allusion could be to the myth of the birth of Venus (cf. Pl. Rud. 704; Prop. 3.13.6; [Tib.] 3.3.34; Stat. Silv. 1.2.118; 3.4.5; Bellido 2011a, 438) or to the female genitalia. In 14.207 Martial describes a girdle (cestos) comparing it to the girdle of Venus (cf. 6.13.8), suffused with the nectar of the Cytherea (Cytheriaco… nectare). ‖ →Venus. Bibliography: Bellido 2011a; Henriksén 1998, 171– 172; Leary 1996, 275; Morgan 1978; Schöffel 2002, 397; Williams 2004, 171– 172. rms

Cythereius 8.45.7. ‖ Adj. Related to →Cytherea.

Cytheriacus 2.47.2; 14.207. ‖ Adj. Related to →Cytherea.

D Dacicus 8, epist. ‖ →Domitianus.

Daedalus1 4.49.5. Cf. Sp. 10.1. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Δαίδαλος. ‖ Legendary inventor, designer of the labyrinth for king Minos, where he was imprisoned together with his son →Icarus. In order to escape, he made wings of wax and feathers for himself and his son, but Icarus flew too near the Sun, the wax melted and he drowned in the sea. Daedalus fled safely to Sicily. ‖ Ov. Ars 2.35 – 96; Met. 8.183 – 235; see also Apollod. 3.1.4; 3.15.8; Pl. Men. 97; X. Mem. 4.2.33; Paus. 9.11.4– 5; D. S. 4.77.9; Hyg. Fab. 40; Serv. A. 6.14. ‖ In an attack on bombastic mythological poetry, Martial catalogues the myths of →Tereus, →Thyestes, Daedalus and →Polyphemus1: aut puero liquidas aptantem Daedalon alas. The story of Daedalus and Icarus is also alluded to in a similar context in book 10: 10.4.5 exutusve puer pinnis labentibus? According to Hinds (2007, 138), “it is not immediately obvious why either Daedalus or the pastoral Polyphemus belong alongside the monstruous Tereus and Thyestes, in this epigram’s disparaging catalogue of mythological inflatedness or bombast (7 procul omnis vesica; cf. 8 tumet), and perhaps the explanation in each case is Ovidian: the flight of Daedalus and Icarus as the site of extravagant mythological digression in the otherwise practical Ars Amatoria and/or the problematization in Ars versus Metamorphoses of elegiac versus epic poetics”. Notice the Sicilian link beween the pair Daedalus / Polyphemus. ‖ In Sp. 10.1 →Daedalus2 is the name given to a damnatus ad bestias. Bibliography: Hinds 2007, 138; LIMC 3.1, s. v. Daidalos et Ikaros, 313 – 321 (Nyenhuis), 3.2, 237– 242; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 360; RE 4.2, s. v. Daidalos 1, 1994– 2006 (Robert). rms

Daedalus2 Sp. 10.1. ‖ Real character under a fictional name. ‖ Δαίδαλος. ‖ Although the name is attested in Rome for slaves (cf. Solin 1982, 468), it is likely that the damnatus of this epigram was disguised as the famous legendary artifex in an execution performed as a mythological spectacle (Coleman 1990). The choice of the name is full of macabre irony: if Daedalus was the resourceful hero par excellence (Otto 1890, s. v. Daedalus), this poor man can do nothing to escape from a bear. Since Daedalus was also a paradigm of boldness and temerity, who exceeded human limits with unfortunate results (cf. e. g. Hor. Carm. 1.3.34– 35; Ov. Tr. 3.4.21– 26; Sen. Oed. 899 – 910), this was a suitable motif for a capital punishment (Moreno Soldevila 2016a). Trimalchio boasted about his ingenium in naming his cook Daedalus: Petr. 70.2 et ideo ingenio meo imhttps://doi.org/10.1515/9783110624755-005

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positum est illi nomen bellissimum, nam Daedalus vocatur. In the case of Sp. 10, if the performance of the myth was a real spectacle, the choice of the name was not the poet’s, but the promoter’s. Suet. Ner. 12 describes a similar entertainment involving Daedalus’ son: Icarus primo statim conatu iuxta cubiculum eius decidit ipsumque cruore respersit. For the innovation of the bear, cf. Carratello 1965, 131: “Il particolare παρ᾽ ἱστορίαν della morte di Dedalo, come altre innovazioni analogue, si può spiegare tenendo presenti le varie esigenze dello spettacolo, in cui, tra l’altro, non doveva dispiacere, talvolta, una novità”. For a detailed account of this epigram, see Coleman 2006, 97– 100. ‖ →Daedalus1. Bibliography: Carratello 1965, 131; Coleman 1990, 63; 2006, 97– 100; Ehrman 1987; Moreno Soldevila 2016a. amc

Dama 6.39.11; 12.17.10. ‖ Δαμᾶs. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ “A typical slave-name” (OLD). This Greek name is very frequently attested in inscriptions as nomen of slaves and cognomen of freedmen (cf. ThLL Onom. 3.22.20 – 62 [Reisch]; line 51 records its only likely instance belonging to an ingenuus: CIL 10.3914 L. Mettio Cn. f. -ae; Solin 1982, vol. 3, 1281, records 68 examples in Rome, of which at least 37 belong to slaves and freedmen). LGPN records 180 instances of Δαμᾶs. ‖ The name is often used by literary authors as a type name: cf. e. g. Hor. S. 1.6.38; 2.5.18 utne tegam spurco Damae latus?; 2.5.101; 2.7.54; Petr. 41; schol. Hor. S. 1.6.38 Damma nomine ignobilis et sim; 2.7.54 Dama autem servile nomen est; Papin. Dig. 3.3.66 Stichum vel Damam (cf. ThLL Onom. 3.22.9 – 20). “Der Name als Platzhalter für einen beliebigen Sklaven gehört also zum Repertoire der Satire” (Grewing 1997, 281). ‖ The name first appears in a catalogue (6.39): →Marulla has borne her husband →Cinna2 seven children, but he is not their father. They have all been conceived by slaves and other humiliores, and their physical traits reveal the identity of their respective real fathers. In this case, the lippus (the one with watery eyes) is the son of the baker Dama: 10 – 11 Pistoris esse tertium quis ignorat, / quicumque lippum novit et videt Damam? Cf. Pers. 5.76 – 81, where another Dama is also said to be lippus. See also →Carpus1, →Crotus, →Cyrtas, →Lygdus, →Pannychus, →Santra2, as well as →Coresus and →Dindymus. ‖ In 12.17.10 Dama is mentioned as a paradigm of the miserly. The wealthy →Laetinus lives a luxurious life and for that reason the fever (personified: Febris) does not abandon him. The fever is carried on a litter, goes to the baths, eats succulent dinners, drinks the best wines, enjoys parties circumfusa rosis (7) and sleeps on feathers and purple. The epigram ends: 9 – 10 Cum recubet pulchre, cum tan bene vivat apud te, / ad Damam potius vis tua febris eat? Dama is thus the opposite of Laetinus, that is, a very poor man. The name may have been chosen because it is typical of slaves (Craca 2011, 127). According to Vallat (2008, 380), it could recall the Greek δῆμος or the city of Damascus.

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Bibliography: Craca 2011, 127; Grewing 1997, 281; RE 4.2, s. v. Dama, 2026 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 380. amc

Danae 14.175.tit.,1. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Δανάη. ‖ Daughter of Acrisius, king of Argos. Zeus fell in love with her, but Acrisius, warned by an oracle that he would be killed by his daughter’s son, had enclosed her in a bronze chamber. The god fell on her transformed into a shower of gold, and fathered Perseus. ‖ Apollod. 2.4.1; Hyg. Fab. 63; cf. Prop. 2.20.10,12; 2.32.59; Hor. Carm. 3.16.1; Ov. Am. 2.19.27– 28; 3.4.21; Ars 3.415; Met. 4.611; Petr. 126.18; 137.9. ‖ She appears in a single epigram of the Apophoreta, consisting of a painting of Danae (Danae picta), although Leary (ad loc.) believes that it could also be a coloured statue; if it were a painting, it could have been a copy of the one by Artemon (Plin. Nat. 35.139). Martial asks Jupiter (→Iuppiter) why she received money (pretium)—the shower of gold—, if →Leda1 gave herself to him for free. Accepit pretium suggests that Danae could have asked for compensation. She was, in fact, a mythic paradigm of the avara puella: cf. Hor. Carm. 3.16.1– 8; Ov. Am. 3.8.29 – 30; see Traver Vera 1996. Martial uses the expression Iovis imber in 9.18.8, but this probably does not refer to the myth of Danae (Henriksén 2012, 85). ‖ →Iuppiter. Bibliography: Leary 1996, 236 – 237; LIMC 3.1, s. v. Danae, 325 – 337 (Maffre), 3.2, 243 – 249; RE 4.2, s. v. Danae, 2084– 2087 (Escher); Traver Vera 1996. jfv

Daphne 11.43.7. Cf. 4.45.5. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Δάφνη. ‖ Nymph, daughter of the river Peneus, in the valley of Tempe in Tessaly, with whom →Apollo fell in love as a result of Cupid’s vengeance. Cupid (→Cupido) also made her reject love in general, and particularly the love of Apollo. When she was fleeing from him, she was transformed into a bay tree, which became Apollo’s tree. ‖ Ov. Met. 1.452– 567; Hyg. Fab. 203. ‖ She is mentioned once, in 11.43. The epigram is the response of a husband to his jealous wife, who, having surprised him with a boy, argues that he could have also anal sex with her. The husband answers that anal sex is preferable with a puer, and exemplifies it with a catalogue of bisexual gods and heroes, including →Phoebus1, who loved both Daphne and →Hyacinthus1: 11.43.7– 8 Torquebat Phoebum Daphne fugitiva: sed illas / Oebalius flammas iussit abire puer. Cf., in a different context, Verg. Ecl. 3.62– 63 et me Phoebus amat; Phoebo sua semper apud me / munera sunt, lauri et suave rubens hyacinthus; Serv. ad loc. ‖ She is indirectly alluded to in 4.45.5: sic te tua diligat arbor (cf. Ov. Met. 1.557– 558; Fast. 3.139; see Moreno Soldevila 2006, 337). The poem, celebrating the birthday of →Burrus, is a votive epigram to Apollo. ‖ →Apollo, →Hyacinthus1, →Phoebus1.

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Bibliography: Kay 1985, 164; LIMC 3.1, s. v. Daphne, 344– 367 (Kahil), 3.2, 255 – 260; RE 4.2, s. v. Daphne, 2138 – 2140 (Waser); Moreno Soldevila 2006, 337; Vallat 2008, 134. jfv

Daphnis 3.5.6. ‖ Δάφνις. ‖ Real character? ‖ For the name, see ThLL Onom. 3.40.3– 53 (Reisch); Solin 1982, vol. 2, 1085. ‖ Former owner of the house of →Iulius Martialis. Nothing else is known about him. ‖ Epigram 3.5 is addressed to the book itself: Martial gives it directions to find Iulius Martialis’ house in Rome, which had belonged to Daphnis. It was located in the Via Tecta, a street of the Campus Martius that connected the area of the Via Flaminia with the Tarentum. It is also mentioned in 8.75.2. Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 141– 142; LTUR 2, s. v. Domus: Iulius Martialis, 122 (Rodríguez Almeida); PIR2 D8 (Stein); Platner/Ashby 1929, 568. jfv

Dasius1 2.52.1. ‖ Real character? ‖ Δάσιος. ‖ The name is the Latin form of a Messapian or Illiric name of the south of Italy (cf. RE 4.2, s. v. Dasius, 2218 [Münzer]; ThLL Onom. 3.54.31 [Reisch]; Williams 2004, 182). For the name, see ThLL Onom. 3.54.31– 55.12 (Schulze 1904, 39, 44– 45). LGPN records nine instances of Δάσιος. Kajanto (1965) records a Dasio (p. 164), as well as a Dasianus and a Dasimianus (p. 164). The name is attested in inscriptions for freedmen (cf. e. g. CIL 6.6372) and slaves (Solin 1996, 613). ‖ Manager (conductor) or doorman of some baths. He is mentioned in 2.52 as the one who charges the entrance to the baths (1 loturos… numerare): he asks the mammosa →Spatale for three times the normal price (2 pro tribus), because she has to pay for herself and her two huge breasts. Bibliography: RE 4.2, s. v. Dasius 3, 2219 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 96; Williams 2004, 182 amc

Dasius2 6.70.6. ‖ Real character. ‖ For the name, see →Dasius1. ‖ A physician, unknown from other sources. The sexagenarian →Cotta2 has never been ill, so he sends the quacks and physicians packing, including a certain Dasius: 5 – 6 Ostendit digitum, sed impudicum, / Alconti Dasioque Symmachoque. Perhaps it is also hinted that he has always been healthy precisely because he has had nothing to do with doctors. ‖ →Alcon, →Cotta2, →Symmachus.

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Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 453; RE 4.2, s. v. Dasius 3, 2219 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 94. amc

Decianus 1.8.4; 1.24.1; 1.39.8; 1.61.10; 2 epist.; 2.5.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ The cognomen, derived from the gens Decia, is not uncommon (Kajanto 1965, 32; 145). ‖ A friend or patron of Martial’s, from Emerita (Mérida) in Spain (1.16.1). He is unknown from other sources. He appears only in books 1 and 2. Described as an honest man (1.39), and a good old friend (1.39.1– 2); he is also said to be a poet (1.39.3 – 4; 1.61.10), a follower of Stoic ideas although not given to extremes (1.8), as well as a busy lawyer (2.5). His passion for philosophy is also evident in epigram 1.24, an attack on a fake philosopher who conceals his homosexuality under a façade of moral integrity. The complimentary tone of the epigrams in book 1 is absent from book 2: in the letter Martial mockingly presents Decianus as a fussy critic, who scolds the poet for attaching a prologue to a book of epigrams; in epigram 2.5 Martial complains about his never being home (or always being busy) when he visits him. He is never mentioned again. Howell thinks that Martial’s complaint in 2.5 may explain his absence from the rest of his work. Williams (2004: 37) thinks that his complaints in 2.5 are “gentle” and that the final line is “smoothly flattering”. This does not exclude the possibility that Decianus interpreted it in a different way. Citroni ventures that Martial knew Decianus during his first years in Rome, in the circle of →Seneca1, and that he remained his friend and protégé until the publication of book 2. He also tries to explain why Decianus is no longer mentioned afterwards: either he died or he fell from favour after Piso’s conspiracy (see also Sullivan 1991, 16 – 17; see →Pisones). Citroni is inclined to accept the second hypothesis, for if he had died, Martial would have written an epitaph. Williams makes an objection to this: “This hypothesis rests on the questionable assumption that the extant books of epigrams function as a more or less thorough documentation of Martial’s relationships and experiences. If Decianus in fact died, it is not clear that Martial must have composed a eulogy on his friend and included it in the published collection we now have” (2004, 19). Bibliography: Barwick 1958, 293; Blanco Freijeiro 1988; Borgo 2001, 497 n. 1; Citroni 1975, 43; Howell 1980, 125; Nauta 2002, 65, 74 n. 124; PIR 2 D20 (Stein); RE 4.2, s. v. Decianus 1, 2270 (Stein); Sullivan 1991, 16 – 17; Williams 2004, 18 – 19. rms

Decimus 5.21.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A cognomen derived from a praenomen which originally referred to the order of birth (Kajanto 1965, 73 – 75; 172). ‖ The rhetor →Apollodotus was unable to remember any name; he mistook Decimus for →Quintus and →Crassus1 for →Macer2: 1– 2 Quintum pro Decimo, pro Crasso, Regule, Macrum / ante salu-

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tabat rhetor Apollodotus. As Canobbio observes, the names are displayed chiastically (the correct ones inside, and the wrong ones outside). In this case he mistakes the numbers implied in the names, namely a ‘tenth’ (Decimo) for a ‘fifth’ (Quintum). Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 266; Vallat 2008, 524– 525. rms

Degis 5.3.1. ‖ Διῆγις. ‖ Historical character. ‖ D. C. 67.7.2– 3. ‖ Brother of the Dacian king Decebalus, who sent him out to sign a truce with Domitian. Martial uses this event to flatter the emperor. Degis is said to be laetus and attonitus to see Domitian and tells his men that he is more fortunate than his brother: ‘Sors mea quam fratris melior, cui tam prope fas est / cernere, tam longe quem colit ille deum’. ‖ Gilbert conjectured Diegis on the basis of Dio Cassius’ testimony: according to him, “la tradizione abbia normalizato un originario Diegis bisillabo per sinizesi eliminando la /i/ prevocalica” (Canobbio ad loc.). The diphtong /ie/ after a dental consonant is a phonetic particularity of the Dacian language, and hence it is found in many names (Dana 2003, 185). According to Vallat (2008, 97), “soit il exista deux manières de transcrire ce nom barbare, soit Martial a pris des libertés pour le faire entrer das le vers”. ‖ →Domitianus. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 95; Gilbert 1884, 518; PIR2 D86 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 97. rms

Deiphobus 3.85.4. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Δηΐφοβος. ‖ Son of Priam (→Priamus), husband of Helen (→Helene) after the death of →Paris1; he was killed by →Menelaus, who cut off his nose and ears after the conquest of Troy; cf. Verg. A. 6.494– 497. ‖ Cf. Hom. Il. 12.94; 24.251; Apollod. 3.12.5; Hor. Carm. 4.9.22; Sen. Ag. 749. ‖ He is once mentioned in Martial’s epigrams: 3.85 is addressed to a husband who has punished her wife’s lover by mutilating his nose; Martial rebukes him for his stupidity, because his wife’s “Deiphobus”, that is, her lover, still has his mentula. Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 502– 503; LIMC 3.1, s. v. Deiphobus, 362– 367 (Kahil), 3.2, 268– 269; RE 4.2, s. v. Deiphobus 1, 2404– 2406 (Wagner); Vallat 2008, 189, 200. jfv

Demetrius 1.101.3. ‖ Real character. ‖ Δημήτριος. ‖ The name, derived from Demeter, is extremely common among slaves and freedmen (cf. ThLL Onom. 3.96.3 – 99.49 [Wulff]; Solin

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1982, 296, 1372). LGPN records 1838 instances of Δημήτριος. ‖ According to 1.101, Demetrius was a scribe of Martial’s (his handwriting was familiar to the Caesars, see →Caesares), who died in the prime of life (3 viridis) at the age of 19 (4 Quarta tribus lustris addita messis erat). Martial manumitted him on his deathbed, so that he would not descend to the underworld as a slave: 7 cavimus et domini ius omne remisimus aegro. The manumission of slaves on their deathbeds is attested both in literature (cf. e. g. Petr. 65.10; Plin. Ep. 8.16.1) and in inscriptions. Widespread motifs in epitaphs are the grief of the deceased for not having been freed before dying or the regret of the owner for not having manumitted the slave in time: cf. CLE 1117; 1157; 1015; 1331; 434; CIL 5.6710 (cf. Citroni 1975, 307– 308). For the advantages of the manumissio in extremis, see Howell 1980, 315: “apart from the pleasure the dying slave might receive, and the consideration that, on the usual Roman view of life after death, the dead man’s spirit might be cheered by its improved status, there was the further possibility that his relatives might gain by it”. Demetrius’ joy for his reward (9 Sensit deficiens sua praemia) does not save him from death, but at least mitigates the grief of the poet, who boasts about his own generosity: 8 munere dignus erat convaluisse meo (for the comforting effect of manumission on the owners, cf. Plin. Ep. 8.16.1; ILS 7842; AP 7.178; 7.185). As Howell’s remarks (ibid.), “practically speaking, there could only be a very real disadvantage in freeing a dying slave, since he would still have to pay the vicesima, the tax of 5 per cent of his value” (cf. Petr. 65.10), and this kind of manumission was a “striking form of generosity on the part of the master”, but the poet feels that he has fulfilled his slave’s wishes and the latter calls him patronus, not dominus, for the first and last time before dying: 9 – 10 meque patronum / dixit ad inferas liber iturus aquas. ‖ According to Nauta (2002, 53), Demetrius must have been a real person: “Because of the claim that the Caesars had known Demetrius’ handwriting, Martial must be speaking seriously and be referring to his real secretary”. See also Vallat (2008, 40 – 41). In any case, Martial might be playing with the connotations of his name (in Greek ὁι Δημέτρειοι is a euphemistic term for the dead) and with the term liber: “Martial manumitted Demetrius on his death-bed: he went down to Hades a free man, liber. Despite the difference in quantity, it is difficult not to think here of a graphic ambivalence with liber, ‘book’: Demetrius the scribe lives on in Martial’s book, the very book which contains his obituary” (Fowler 1995, 46). ‖ Martial’s scribes must have written copies intended for private circulation (gifts, commissions, etc.), not to be sold, something considered unworthy of a writer (cf. Howell 1980, 168, refuting Birt 1917, 315). ‖ The epigram can be read in the light of 5.34, dedicated to the slave girl →Erotion, another victim of mors immatura, who utters Martial’s name in the shadows of the underworld (8 et nomen blaeso garriat ore meum; see a different interpretation in Gómez Pallarès 2001). The lament of a dominus for his deceased slaves and liberti became a commonplace, although it is difficult not to admit that in many cases it was the response to a real feeling (cf. Veyne 1987, 74– 77). In any case, the feeling of loss must have been stronger when the slave’s job was important to the writer: secretary, scribe, reader, etc. (cf. Cic.

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Att. 1.12.4; Plin. Ep. 5.19; 8.1; CE 219; 403; 1213; 434). Other slaves mourned by Martial are →Alcimus1, →Canace, →Erotion, →Eutychus, →Glaucias, →Hylas2, →Pantagathus. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 306– 311; Fowler 1995, 46; Howell 1980, 315– 317; Manzo 1995, 757– 758; Nauta 2002, 53; PIR 2 D41 (Stein); RE 4.2, s. v. Demetrios 59, 2803 – 2804 (Groag); Vallat 2008, 39 – 41; Wiedeman 1985, 164. amc

Democriti 9.47.1. ‖ Generalising plural for →Democritus.

Democritus 9.47.1. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Δημόκριτος. ‖ Democritus of Abdera (460 – ca. 357 BC). Greek philosopher, father, together with Leucippus, of atomic theory. His ideas influenced →Epicurus and Lucretius. Among other subjects, he also wrote on Ethics. ‖ Martial once mentions him (in the plural Democritos), in an epigram against →Pannychus, a fake philosopher who “preaches rigid morality and yet practises sodomy himself” (Henriksén 2012, 207). The poem begins with the names of the representatives of three different philosophical schools, the atomists, the stoics and the Academy: 9.47.1 Democritos, Zenonas inexplicitosque Platonas, to whom →Pythagoras1 is added later (line 3). The implication is that Pannychus does not have any “direction or stability in his arguments” (Henriksén 2012, 207). Curiously, Latin authors portray Democritus as a “laughing” philosophus, contrasting Heraclitus: cf. e. g. Hor. Ep. 2.1.194; Sen. Dial. 9.15.2; Juv. 10.33 – 34 perpetuo risu pulmonem agitare solebat / Democritus. ‖ →Pannychus, →Plato, →Pythagoras1, →Zeno. Bibliography: Ferguson 1987, 81; Henriksén 2012, 207; RE 5.1, s. v. Demokritos 6, 135– 140 (Wellmann). rms

Dento 5.44.2; 8.31.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The cognomen Dento, derived from dens, originally meant ‘toothy’ (Kajanto 1965, 118 – 119, 238) and is well-attested in inscriptions. ‖ The name appears twice in satirical epigrams. According to Schöffel (2002, 290), “eine gewollte Identität beider Charaktere ist daher unwahrscheinlich”. In 5.44 Dento refuses a dinner invitation from Martial because he has been invited by someone else. Martial compares him to a gnawing dog: the name Dento is, thus, most suitable to him. Vallat and Canobbio see an echo of the typical parasite of the Atellana (→Bucco). Maltby (2006, 162) suggests a link between 5.43.1 (dentes) and the name of the protagonist of the contiguous epigram. In 8.31 Dento, a recently married man, abandons his wife and leaves for Rome in order to ask for the ius trium liberorum.

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This casts doubts on his sexual capacity, for, having a young wife, he could try to father the three children himself. Martial advises him to return to his homeland, if he does not want to find a “fourth child” at home. A similar joke can be found in 9.66 (→Fabullus). Canobbio argues that Martial does not exploit the meaning of the name in 8.31, whereas Vallat (2008, 490) tentatively suggests “un relation avec le parole, à travers des termes comme fateris, petis, quaeris”; however, Schöffel claims that a name suggesting a physical anomaly contributes to the ridicule of its bearer right from the beginning of the epigram. Perhaps, the toothy man from the provinces is reminiscent of Catullus’ Lanuvinus ater atque dentatus (39.13). Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 405– 406; Howell 1995, 129; RE 5.1, s. v. Dento, 222 (Stein); Schöffel 2002, 290; Vallat 2008, 377, 490, 599. rms

Deucalion 5.53.4. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Δευκαλίων. ‖ Son of →Prometheus. When Zeus decided to destroy mankind with a flood, he built a boat and survived along with his wife →Pyrrha, Epimetheus’ daughter. They were advised by an oracle to throw their mother’s bones over their shoulders: after interpreting the oracle, they threw stones, which were transformed into men and women. ‖ Cf. Apollod. 1.7.2– 3; Verg. G. 1.61– 63; Ov. Met. 1.125 – 415; Hyg. Fab. 153; Juv. 1.82– 84; Serv. Ecl. 6.41. The flood is a widespread literary motif: cf. e. g. Prop. 2.33.53 – 54; Ov. Ep. 15.167– 170; Met. 7.355 – 356. ‖ Deucalion appears once in Martial’s epigrams. In an attack on the poetaster →Bassus1, a writer of mythological poetry, whose favourite themes are the sorrowful myths of Medea (→Colchis) and →Thyestes, →Niobe and →Andromache, Martial proposes he write about Deucalion or →Phaethon, metonymically and humorously suggesting that his poetry deserves to be destroyed by water (i. e. washed away with a sponge) or fire: cf. 1.5; 3.100; 9.58.7; Hor. Carm. 1.16.1– 4; Ov. Tr. 4.10.61– 62; Suet. Aug. 85 (see more examples of this motif in Canobbio 2011, 431– 432). The epigram can be related to AP 11.214, where both Deucalion and Phaethon appear as the subject matter of literary works and they suggest the end they deserve (Burnikel 1980, 16 – 18). Both characters are also linked elsewhere: cf. Man. Astr. 4.831– 837; Ov. Fast. 4.793 – 794 vix equidem credo: sunt qui Phaethonta referri / credant et nimias Deucalionis aquas. ‖ →Bassus1, →Phaethon. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 431– 432; Howell 1995, 138; LIMC 3.1, s. v. Deukalion, 384– 385 (Linant de Bellefonds); RE 5.1, s. v. Deukalion, 261– 276 (Tümpel); Vallat 2008, 267, 279, 299. rms

Dexter 7.27.3; 11.69.3. ‖ Real character? ‖ The cognomen is related to mental skills (Kajanto 1965, 250). It is well attested in inscriptions (cf. ThLL Onom. 3.108.17– 33 [Reisch]).‖

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Dexter appears twice in the epigrams as a boar hunter. In 7.27 he has hunted a huge boar and given it to Martial, but as it would need a large amount of expensive condiments, the gift is rejected. Dexter is called meus. Epigram 11.69 is the epitaph of Dexter’s hound Lydia. She speaks in the first person and prides herself on having been killed by a boar. Giegengack (1969, 87) believed that he was a fictional character, due to the connotations of the name, suitable for a hunter, but Martial usually exploits the meaningful names of his friends and patrons (Vallat 2008, 121). Rohden (in RE 1.1, s. v. Afranius 9, 713) identifies this character with the Afranius Dexter of Plin. Ep. 5.13.4; 8.14.12 (Birley 2000, 36). Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 198; Kay 1985, 217; PIR 2 D60 (Stein); RE 6.1, s. v. Dexter 2, 296 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 72– 73, 121. jfv

Diadumenus 3.65.9; 5.46.3; 6.34.1. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ Διαδουμενός. ‖ The Greek name is wellattested both in Greece and Rome: cf. ThLL Onom. 3.123.80 – 124.83 (Reisch); LGPN records 42 instances of Διαδουμενός and 4 of Διαδούμενος. Solin (1982, 858, 1349, 1359) lists 143 examples of the name in Rome. Diadumenus is also recorded as the name of a real puer delicatus: AE 1929, 106 (Barb 1931). The name recalls the famous homonymous statue of the fifth-century sculptor →Polyclitus, of which numerous copies have survived. Pliny (Nat. 34.55) contrasts two of the most famous of Polyclitus’ works, Doryphoros and Diadumenus, which represent masculine and effeminate beauty respectively: Diadumenum fecit molliter iuvenem, centum talentis nobilitatum, idem et Doryphorum viriliter puerum (cf. Bianchi Bandinelli 1938, 9 – 17); cf. Sen. Ep. 65.5 statua ista Doryphoros aut Diadumenos. Cf. ThLL 1.947.12– 13 (Gudeman): qui diadema sibi imponit. ‖ The sculptural reference does not necessarily imply that the character is fictional, inasmuch as it was a widespread custom to name pueri delicati after mythical or literary figures (cf. Sullivan 1991, 164 – 166, 200; contra Howell 1995, 130: “this is not a necessary inference, and the name, despite the fact that it was used for real people […], tends to suggest otherwise”; Fusi 2006, 417, quoting other cases: →Callistus [5.64.1, 8.67.5], →Alexis2 [8.63.1], →Hyacinthus2 [8.63.2], →Hylas3 [11.28.2]; cf. also Grewing 1997, 247). ‖ The name appears in three epigrams of different books (published in a span of four years), which record three apparently consecutive moments of an erotic relationship, a cycle partly based on two poems by →Catullus1 dedicated to Iuventius and, especially, to →Lesbia1 (Grewing 1996). In 3.65 the poet imagines the joy of receiving innumerable kisses from Diadumenus, whose breath is compared to the most delicate fragrances by means of a cumulatio of clauses introduced by quod (a similar cumulatio with the opposite intention in 4.4; cf. also 11.8, with the same theme and structure, but with an anonymous puer: 11.8.12 hoc fragrant pueri basia mane mei). The puer is called saevus (cf. Fusi 2006, 422: “indica nel lessico erotico l’atteggiamento di ripulsa dell’innamorato”) for refusing his dominus

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the desired kisses. The poem ends with a rhetorical question (10 Quid si tota dares illa sine invidia?), which could find an answer in the light of 5.46. In this poem, the poet rejoices in the refusal of his beloved and he only wishes luctantia basia (cf. 4.22.1– 2 luctantia carpsi / basia). Both poems are reminiscent of Catul. 99. On the motif of the “stolen kisses” see Kahn 1967, 609 – 618; Librán Moreno 2011a, 78. Epigram 5.46 develops the trite topic of disdain as an erotic trigger by adding a curious perverse detail: “he actually beats the boy so as to make him angry, and cause him to refuse to let Martial kiss him, so that he will have to beg for permission” (Howell 1995, 131). Epigram 6.34 is based on Catul. 5 and 7, but also on Catul. 48, dedicated to Iuventius. Martial does not ask for as many kisses as Catullus, because they could be counted: 7– 8 Nolo quot arguto dedit exorata Catullo / Lesbia: pauca cupit qui numerare potest. For the motif of the “innumerable kisses”, see Grewing 1997, 244; Librán Moreno 2011a, 78. ‖ Vallat (2008, 548) suggests an interpretation of the name in the light of the Greek verbs διαδέω and διαδίδομι. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 414– 415; Fusi 2006, 417; Grewing 1996; 1997, 242– 247; Howell 1995, 130 – 131; Maltby 2006, 164; Obermayer 1998, 66 – 69; Sullivan 1991, 164– 166, 200; Vallat 2008, 47, 548. amc

Diana Sp. 14.1; Sp. 15.5; 6.64.12; 7.28.1; 7.73.1; 8.46.3; 10.70.7; 11.18.4; 12.18.3; (Phoebi) soror: 4.45.6; 9.34.5; 10.92.9; Trivia: Sp. 1.3; 5.1.2; 6.47.3; 9.64.3. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Goddess. Daughter of Jupiter (→Iuppiter) and →Latona, sister of →Apollo (→Phoebus1). She is the patron goddess of hunting and the woodlands, as well as childbirth, despite her virginity. She is the Roman equivalent of the Greek Ἄρτεμις. ‖ As the goddess of hunting, her name is used metonymically for a venatio (Sp. 14.1 Caesareae… Dianae: i. e. a venatio offered by the emperor; see Coleman 2006, 131). Epigrams 14 and 15 of the Liber spectaculorum deal with a pregnant wild boar which bears a piglet at the moment of dying: the animal is said to have experienced ‘both Dianas’ at the same time, the goddes of hunting and of labour (see →Lucina and Coleman 2006, 136). ‖ Servius Tullius built a temple of Diana on the Aventine, which was thereafter associated with the goddess (Var. L. 5.43; Liv. 1.45.2– 6). In 6.64.12 →Sura is said to be Aventinae vicinus… Dianae (the phrase is taken from Prop. 4.8.29 and probably refers to the temple; see Grewing 1997, 415). For a detailed description of the temple, see Venditelli (LTUR 2, s. v. Diana Aventina, Aedes, 11– 13). The Aventine is twice referred to indirectly as collis Dianae. In 7.73.1 →Maximus is said to have a house there (colle Dianae). Galán Vioque (2002, 416) observes that “in keeping with the subject of this epigram, the goddess Diana was also known by the epithet ‘she of the many dwelling places’”. In 12.18.3 Martial imagines Juvenal (→Iuvenalis) walking in the collem dominae… Dianae. Craca (2011, 132) explains that there were many rich villae on the Aventine, including the private house of Trajan, and that Diana is called montium domina by Catullus (34.10). Martial is probably referring to the Aventine temple in

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10.70.7, where he refers to luciferam… Dianam. Lucifera is the translation of Φωσφόρος, an epithet of Ἄρτεμις (Cic. Nat. 2.68). According to Baumbach (in Damschen/Heil 2004, 257) the epithet suggests “den Beginn der Urkundenbezeugung noch beim Mondeslicht, also vor Tagesanbruch”. The Ides of August, the feast of Diana, are mentioned in 12.67.2: Augustis redit Idibus Diana. Cf. Prop. 2.32.10; Ov. Fast. 3.267– 270; Stat. Silv. 3.1.56,60. ‖ As a virgin goddess, Diana is present in a eulogy of →Cestus, who is compared to the chaste →Hippolytus: Martial assures that she would want the boy for herself and teach him to swim (8.46.3), probably alluding to the myth of Actaeon (Schöffel 2002, 403). ‖ Martial apparently had a shrine dedicated to Diana at his villa in Nomentum: 10.92.8 dominamque sancti virginem deam templi. He calls her sororis… castae in the following line (10.92.9). A nemus Dianae, a grove dedicated to Diana, is also mentioned jokingly in 11.18.4. ‖ She is twice referred to as “Phoebus’ sister”. In 4.45 Martial wishes her unblemished virginity (gaudeat et certa virginitate soror; see Moreno Soldevila 2006, 337). In 9.34 Martial imagines Jupiter reproaching his children (→Mars, →Phoebus1, Diana, →Hercules and →Mercurius) for not having built him a funerary temple as luxurious as the one Domitian built for his deified father, the Templum gentis Flaviae. Diana is referred to as Phoebi… sororem, a common antonomasia (cf. Prop. 2.15.15; Verg. A. 1.329; Ov. Ep. 11.45; Rem. 5.339; Fast. 6.111; Met. 5.330; 15.550; Petr. 109.10.2; Sen. Her. F. 136, 905; Oed. 44; Stat. Theb. 2.237; 8.271; Priap. 1.3; 11.2.8; see Henriksén 1998, 176). In this context, Diana symbolises “Domitian’s moral reforms” (Henriksén 2012, 153), especially the bans on castration and prostitution of children. Furthermore, Domitian was also related to Diana through the promotion of the Ephesian Olympic games (Henriksén ibid.). ‖ According to Galán Vioque (ad loc.), Tiburtinae… Dianae may refer to a cult of the goddess in Tivoli (7.28.1). ‖ Diana is alluded to as Trivia four times, metonymically referring to the famous temples of Artemis at Ephesos (Sp. 1.3) and of Diana Aricina (5.1.2; 6.47.3; 9.64.3). The former was considered one of the wonders of the world, which, according to Martial in Sp. 1.3, was superseded by the Flavian amphitheatre (see Coleman 2006, 7 for further bibliography). However, in the Epigrams, Trivia more often alludes to the temple of Diana Nemorensis at Aricia (present-day Ariccia). See the detailed study of Green 2007. Diana is called Trivia in poetry, but the term is specifically applied to Diana Nemorensis (Verg. A. 7.551,774,778; Prop. 2.32.10; Stat. Silv. 3.1.56,68; Sil. 8.362; see Canobbio 2011, 69 and Henriksén 2012, 272; according to Green 2007, 122, “‘Trivia’ is often used instead of ‘Diana’ when speaking of the goddess in her moon aspect”). In 5.1.2 Domitian is said to have a view of this temple from his Alban villa (hinc Triviam prospicis). In 6.47.3 Martial alludes to the nymph →Egeria (Numae coniunx) and the waters of the caves of Trivia (cf. Verg. A. 7.762– 763; Mart. 10.35.13). Finally, in 9.64.3 Aricia is alluded to as Triviae nemorosa… regna (cf. 13.19.1 nemoralis Aricia). “The priest of the temple was called rex Nemorensis (cf. Stat. Silv. 3. 1. 55 and Suet. Cal. 35. 3), and the area could, thus, as here, be referred to as a regnum (cf. Ov. Ars. 1. 260; Fast. 3.271 with Bömer)” (Henriksén 2012, 272). Aricia is mentioned because 9.64 describes a temple to →Hercules that Domitian had built on the Via Appia, which led there. ‖ →Egeria.

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Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 69; Coleman 2006, 7, 131, 136; Craca 2011, 131– 132; Damschen/Heil 2004, 257 (Baumbach); Galán Vioque 2002, 202, 416; Green 2007; Grewing 1997, 326, 415; Henriksén 1998, 176; 2012, 153 with notes 8– 10, 272; Kay 1985, 106–107; LIMC 2.1, s. v. Artemis/Diana 792– 855 (Bauchhenss), 2.2, 586– 628; LTUR 2, s. v. Diana Aventina, Aedes, 11– 13 (Venditelli); Moreno Soldevila 2006, 337; RE 5.1, s. v. Diana, 325– 338 (Wissowa); 7.A.1, s. v. Trivia, 521– 522 (Ehlers); Schöffel 2002, 403. rms

Diaulus 1.30.1; 1.47.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Δίαυλος. ‖ The term diaulos (δίαυλος) means: “a double course or course of two laps (in racing)” (OLD; cf. the translation of J. W. Duff, Studies in Honour of E.K. Rand, 1938, 89, quoted by Howell 1980, 170: “Dr. Doublecourse, who exchanged the profession of healing for that of funeral undertaker – the same thing in the end!”). According to Howell, the name does not appear in Latin except in these two epigrams, but Citroni alludes to a Latin inscription (perharps CIL 6.15724, quoted in ThLL Onom. 3.138.60), where it appears as a cognomen: P(ublius) Clodius P(ubli) l(ibertus) Diaulus. Cf. ThLL Onom. 3.138.60 – 62 (Reisch) and Solin 1982, 1181. In Greek it is equally rare (cf. CIG 1.931 = A. Conze, Die Attischen Grabreliefs I, 1893, n. 626); AP 12.162.3 (Gow and Page keep Διαύλου [MS], but Wilamowitz preferred Διύλλου). ‖ He is an undertaker (vispillo), formerly a physician (chirurgus, clinicus, medicus), who despite the apparent change of profession keeps doing the same job: burying people. According to Citroni (1975, 100), the name may refer to the “duplice, ma in realtà sempre identica attività del personaggio”. The same theme is found in 8.74, where an ophthalmologist has turned into a gladiator. The Greek name reveals a historical fact: that most of the physicians in Rome were Greek slaves and freedmen (cf. Plin. Nat. 29.17; Juv. 3.76 – 78; Scarborough 1969, 111 and 1993, 22– 29). Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 99 – 101; Giegengack 1969, 38; Howell 1980, 169 – 170; NP 4.368– 369 (W.D.); Vallat 2008, 536 – 537. amc

Dido 8.6.13. ‖ Literary character. ‖ Queen of Carthage, who took →Aeneas in and fell in love with him. Her story is told in Verg. A. 1 and 4. Cf. also Ov. Ep. 7. ‖ →Euctus, boasting about the antiquity of his silverware, claims that he has the patera Dido used in a toast to →Bitias during a banquet given in Aeneas’ honour: 13 – 14 hac propinavit Bitiae pulcherrima Dido in patera, / Phrygio cum data cena viro est, paraphrasing Verg. A. 1.738. For Euctus’ misinterpretation of Virgil’s passage and the effect it produces, see →Bitias. Martial calls her pulcherrima, a Virgilian epithet: cf. Verg. A. 1.496 pulcherrima Dido; 4.60. ‖ For Virgil’s influence on Martial, see →Vergilius. ‖ →Aeneas, →Bitias, →Euctus.

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Bibliography: LIMC 8.1, Suppl., s. v. Dido, 559 – 562 (Simon), 8.2, 356– 357; RE 5.1, s. v. Dido, 426 – 433 (Rossbach); Schöffel 2002, 143; Vallat 2008, 166; Watson 1998, 38 – 39. rms

Didymus 3.31.6; 5.41.8; 12.43.3. ‖ Δίδυμος. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ The adjective δίδυμος means ‘double’, ‘twofold’, ‘twin’. In the plural it also designates the testicles (cf. AP 5.105; 5.126). It was also a personal name: LGPN records 71 instances of Δίδυμος and six of Διδύμων. It is also widely attested in Rome (Solin 1982, vol. 2, 940 – 941); Cf. ThLL Onom. 3.148.13 – 149.33 (Gudeman). It was a nickname for Thomas the Apostle (cf. ThLL Onom. 3.148.65 [Gudeman]) and the name of a prolific writer of the times of →Augustus1, quo nemo plura scripsit (Quint. Inst. 1.8.20; cf. Sen. Ep. 88.37, who says he wrote 4,000 books; cf. RE 5.1, s. v. Didymos 8, 445 – 472 [Cohn]). ‖ The name appears in three different contexts in Martial’s epigrams, namely as a rich man, as a parvenu and, probably, as the owner of a brothel (or a writer of erotica?). ‖ Epigram 3.31 is addressed to the wealthy →Rufinus, who is advised not to be arrogant: 5– 6 fastidire tamen noli, Rufine, minores: / plus habuit Didymus, plus Philomelus habet. Dydimus and →Philomelus are cited as proverbial examples of richmen who have amassed their fortunes by devious means (cf. Philomelus in 4.5, who is contrasted with →Fabianus, vir bonus: 10 numquam sic Philomelus eris; see Fusi 2006, 273 ad 3.31.6: “la formulazione del verso implica che i due personaggi, probabilmente liberti, avessero conseguito grandi ricchezze con mezzi non commendevoli”). According to Friedländer (1886, vol. 1, 299), Didymus and Philomelus could be freedmen and usurers. The past tense habuit applied to Didymus suggests that he was already dead when Martial wrote the epigram (Fusi 2006, 273) or that he had squandered his riches (plus Philomelus habet shows that Philomelus is still alive and rich; the temporal contrast hints at the instability of fortune and works as a warning for Rufinus). ‖ Curiously, Didymus reappears in 5.41: he conducts himself arrogantly with the underprivileged: 6 et pumicata pauperes manu monstras (cf. 3.31.5 minores). He is just another example of the ostentation and depravity of the parvenu: a castrate and an effeminate (1 spadone… eviratior; 2 concubino mollior Celaenaeo; 6 pumicata… manu, a sign of effeminacy: cf. Canobbio 2011, 395), he boasts incessantly about his newly-acquired equestrian rank (4– 5 theatra loqueris et gradus et edicta / trabeasque et Idus fibulasque censusque; cf. Canobbio 2011, 394). Martial questions the legitimacy of his seat in the rows reserved for the equites and of his being an eques: 7– 8 sedere in equitum liceat an tibi scamnis / videbo, Didyme; but it is absolutely clear that he could never sit in the places reserved for the married men among the plebs: 8 non licet maritorum (according to an edict of Augustus: cf. Suet. Aug. 44.2 maritis e plebe propius ordines assignavit; which was probably renewed by Domitian: cf. Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 411; cf. Juv. 1.22, where the poet is outraged by the fact that eunuchs are getting married in Rome). Thus, in lines 7– 8 the poet plays the role of →Oceanus2 or →Leitus, dissignatores theatrales, by making Didymus sit in the appropriate place, away from the rows reserved for the equestrians and even the mar-

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ried men of the plebs. As with other similar characters, Martial links a dubious sexual reputation with wealth. The irony of his name noticeably alludes to the anatomical part a eunuch lacks: his testicles (5.41.1 spadone… eviratior; cf. Howell 1995, 128; Vallat 2008, 561– 562). ‖ The Didymus of 12.43.1– 4 has been traditionally thought to be a leno, the owner of a brothel: Facundos mihi de libidinosis / legisti nimium, Sabelle, versus, / quales nec Didymi sciunt puellae / nec molles Elephantidos libelli. He seems a well-known real character, like the one in 3.31.6, because he is cited as an example. They could even be the same person (Vallat 2008, 96), because Martial catalogues the leno (4.5.3) among the lucrative professions. However, since he is cited in the context of erotic poetry and alongside a famous pornographer (→Elephantis), he may be a writer as well, probably the prolific one →Seneca1 mentions (vid. supra): see Janka 2002, 188; Neger 2012, 206 n. 386. Didymi is the lectio of the β family, whereas γ reads Didymae. In that case, she could be a madam or an erotic writer. Didyma was the name given by the Greeks to Gades: could Didymae… puellae be an allusion to the puellae Gaditanae who danced and sang risqué songs? Cf. Mart. 3.63.5; 14.203; Juv. 11.162– 165. ‖ The variant Dindymus is metrically impossible (Canobbio 2011, 396); for Didymos (L), cf. Fusi 2006, 273 – 274. ‖ →Philomelus. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 390 – 396; Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 299, 1.411; Fusi 2006, 273– 274; Howell 1995, 126 – 128; Obermayer 1998, 238; PIR2 D84– 85 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 561– 562. amc

Dindymene 8.81.1. ‖ →Cybele.

Dindymus 5.83.2; 6.39.21; 10.42.6; 11.6.11; 11.81.1; 12.75.4. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Δίνδυμος. ‖ The name is only attested in Martial’s epigrams, except for the Dindyma of CIL 4.4101. It alludes to the Δίνδυμον ὄρος, a mount associated with the cult of →Cybele, also known as Dindymene. It is thus a suitable name for eunuchs and effeminates, inasmuch as as it evokes the goddess’ castrated priests, the Galli (cf. Howell 1995, 164; Vallat 2008, 48). It could also suggest the beauty of →Attis, being hence appropriate for a puer delicatus. Cf. ThLL Onom. 3.154.58 – 155.19 (Sigwart). ‖ The name features in homoerotic contexts or referring to eunuchs. ‖ He appears as a puer delicatus in several epigrams reminiscent of those dedicated to →Diadumenus. Epigram 5.83 is based on the motif of the difficult hunt, which is all the more pleasurable if the prey puts up resistance: 1– 2 insequeris, fugio; fugis, insequor… / velle tuum nolo, Dindyme, nolle volo (cf. 1.57; 4.42.11; Ov. Am. 2.19.36; or the cycle of Diadumenus: 3.65.9, 5.46.3, 6.34.1; Howell 1995, 164). Epigram 10.42, a poem about kissing, describes the down of the beardless puer, the beard being a sign of virility. 11.6 is a symposiac poem: “after establishing his Saturnalian right to write obscenely, M. adds a drinking

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poem” (Kay 1985, 72). Dindymus is here a minister, who is asked to pour abundant wine: 9 – 11 misce dimidios, puer, trientes, / quales Pythagoras dabat Neroni, / misce, Dindyme, sed frequentiores. The fact that Martial compares him with the eunuch →Pythagoras2 does not necessarily imply that Dindymus must be a eunuch, but this adds to the connotations of the name (vid. supra); Martial asks him for many kisses (14 da nunc basia) and promises to give him the Catullan passer (Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 3, 9 n. e: “with an obscene double sense here, but that is M.’s contribution”; Kay 1985, 75; see →Catullus1): according to Williams (2010, 281), “Dindymus is the mountain sacred to Cybele, and it features in Catullus’s lament of the self-castrated Attis (c. 63.91). The passerem Catulli is what anyone called Dindymus might be expected, on the evidence of Catullus 63, to lack (and therefore need?)”. Finally, in 12.75.4 Martial catalogues a group of pueri delicati with different characteristics: he is cited alongside →Hypnus. Both are effeminate, but Hypnus does not want to be a puer and Dindymus does not want to be mollis. Cf. →Amphion for a detailed explanation of this epigram. ‖ The name is used in several satirical poems referring to a eunuch. In epigram 6.39 →Marulla is a reoffending adulteress, who has borne her husband seven illegitimate children. These would have been more if →Coresus and Dindymus were not eunuchs: 20 – 21 Iam Niobidarum grex tibi foret plenus / si spado Coresus Dindymusque non esset. Some eunuchs could preserve their sexual, though not their reproductive, capacity (cf. 6.67, where →Pannychus, the lover of →Caelia, wonders why all her slaves are eunuchs: 2 Vult futui Caelia nec parere; Juv. 6.366 – 368; Watson/Watson 2003, 239). 11.81 describes a ridiculous scene: the spado Dindymus and an unnamed old man try to arouse the beautiful but frigid →Aegle, who prays to →Venus for a miraculous solution: 6 hunc iuvenem facias, hunc, Cytherea, virum. ‖ →Attis, →Cybele, →Diadumenus. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 588; Damschen/Heil 2004, 168 – 169; Giegengack 1969, 129; Grewing 1997, 287; Howell 1995, 163 – 164; Kay 1985, 74; Obermayer 1998, 69 – 73; Parroni 1991; PIR 2 D67 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 48, 341– 342; Watson/Watson 2003, 239. amc

Diodorus1 1.98.1; 10.27.1,4. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Διόδωρος. ‖ A very common Greek name, meaning ‘gift of Zeus’. LGPN records 833 instances. See also Solin 1982, 38 – 39 and ThLL Onom. 3.164.5 – 165.34 (Reisch). ‖ In 1.98 he is the typical avarus litigator: he suffers from podagra, but due to his meanness (2 nil patrono porrigit) the poet offers a different diagnosis: 2 haec cheragra est. For a similar wordplay, see AP 12.243 (cf. Howell 1980, 309). Gout is typically associated with luxury and excess (9.92.9 – 10; cf. e. g. Juv. 13.96 – 97 pauper locupletem optare podagram / nec dubitet Ladas; Catul. 71; Hor. S. 2.7.15 – 16). In 10.27 he is a nobody, a parvenu. He invites important people to his birthdays and is generous with the sportula (3 et tua tricenos largitur sportula nummos; cf. Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 2, 349 n. c), but nobody thinks he has ever

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been born (4 nemo tamen natum te, Diodore, putat), a proverbial expression to look down on someone (Otto 1890, 238); cf. 8.64.18 natum te, Clyte, nec semel putabo (→Clytus); 11.65.6 sescentis hodie, cras mihi natus eris; 4.83.4 nec quisquam liber nec tibi natus homo est). Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 299; Damschen/Heil 2004, 123 – 124 (Raschle); Howell 1980, 309; Vallat 2008, 528 – 529. amc

Diodorus2 9.40.1,8. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Διόδωρος. ‖ For the frequency and meaning of the name, see →Diodorus1. ‖ An Egyptian poet, bound for Rome in order to take part in the Capitoline games of AD 94. Some scholars have considered him a real person (cf. e. g. Frobeen, in Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 375: “Alexandrinischer Dichter”; Heraeus; Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 3, 352 [“fictitious?”]; Howell 1980, 309; contra Henriksén 1998, 195; 2012, 174). Martial may have chosen the name because there had been several Greek poets named Diodorus, the closer example being a citharoedus defeated by →Nero in AD 67 (D. C. 63.8.4) and later rewarded by Vespasian with 200,000 sesterces (Suet. Vesp. 19.1): PIR 2 D95 (Stein) (Henriksén 2012, 174). In any case, “perhaps the present epigram is a manifestation of an urge to ridicule the Graeculi flooding the Capitoline games of 94” (Henriksén 1998, 194). ‖ The epigram deals with a poet who leaves Pharos (= Egypt) and sets sail for Rome in order to take part in the ludi Capitolini. His wife, the puella simplex →Philaenis, makes an original vow for his safe return: 3 – 5 Vovit pro reditu viri Philaenis, / illam lingeret ut puella simplex, / quam castae quoque diligunt Sabinae. He is shipwrecked and has to swim back home, where he will enjoy the promised fellatio: 8 ad votum Diodorus enatavit. The poem ends with the mocking comment: 10 – 11 hoc in litore si puella votum / fecisset mea, protinus redissem (that is, the poet would not have set sail: cf. Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 2, 267 n. f). “The aim of the epigram is presumably to poke fun at Greek ‘professional poets’, who travelled from festival to festival (…) to advertise their talents and hopefully gain prizes, viz. money in the minor festivals, in the major also crowns and honour” (Henriksén 1998, 193 – 194 = 2012, 173). Diodorus’ name (‘gift of Zeus’) is most suitable for a contestant in a game in the honour of Jupiter. ‖ →Philaenis. Bibliography: Henriksén 1998, 193 – 195 (2012, 173 – 175); Howell 1980, 309; Vallat 2008, 86. amc

Diomedeus 13.93.1. ‖ Adj. Related to Diomedes (Διομήδης). ‖ Διομήδειος. ‖ Diomedes, son of Tydeus, was the king of Argos and a famous warrior. He took part in the Trojan war,

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where he exchanged his weapons with →Glaucus and won the footrace in the funerary games in the honour of →Achilles. ‖ In the Epigrams, he is not mentioned in relation to any of these events, but to his birthplace, Aetolia. The epigram describes a boar (aper), which is compared to the boar of Calydon, in Aetolia, hunted in the fields of Diomedes (cf. 7.27.1– 2; 13.41.2): Qui Diomedeis metuendus saetiger agris / Aetola cecidit cuspide, talis erat. For the adjective, see ThLL Onom. 3, s. v. Diomedes, 171.75 – 172.10 (Wulff). ‖ →Glaucus. Bibliography: Leary 2001, 154– 156; Mindt 2013a, 516; RE, 5.1, s. v. Diomedes 1, 815 – 826 (Bethe); Vallat 2008, 168 n. 231. jfv

Dis 9.29.2; 11.5.13; 12.32.6. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ The god of the underworld, equated with Pluto / Hades: Cic. Nat. 2.66 Diti patri…, qui dives, ut apud Graecos Πλούτων. ‖ Dis is mentioned three times in relation to death. In 9.92.2 the old →Philaenis is said to have been rapta… ad infernas… Ditis aquas. The phrase is not common in Latin poetry (cf. [Tib.] 3.1.28). In 11.5.13 the underworld is referred to as infernis… Ditis … umbris (cf. Sen. Phoen. 234 umbras Ditis aeternas; Ag. 1; Her. O. 459; Med. 741 opacam Ditis umbrosi domum; Luc. 6.433 umbrarum Ditisque fidem). In 12.32.6 Martial compares →Vacerra’s wife, mother, and sister with the Furies, emerged from the night of Dis: Furias putavi nocte Ditis emersas. Bibliography: Craca 2011, 209; Henriksén 1998, 156; 2012, 156; LIMC 3.1, s. v. Dis Pater, 644 (Belloni); RE 21.1, s. v. Pluton, 990 – 1026, esp. 1005 (Wüst). rms

Domitianus 8.epist.; 9.1.2. Augustus: 4.27.1; 5.15.1; 5.65.15; 8.epist.; 8.36.11; 8.44.7; 8.66.1; 8.80.7; 8.82.1– 5; 9.3.13; 9.18.7; 9.34.2; 9.79.3. Caesar: 1.4.1; 1.14.1; 1.22.6; 1.78.10; 1.89.6; 2.2.4; 2.32.4; 2.91.1; 3.95,5 (Caesar uterque); 4.1.1; 4.3.2; 4.27.6; 5.1.2; 5.6.3; 5.19.1,15; 5.63.5; 5.65.7; 6.1.5; 6.2.3; 6.34.6; 6.64.15; 6.80.1; 6.87.1; 7.1.3; 7.5.1; 7.6.2,8; 7.7.7; 7.8.9; 7.60.7– 8; 7.99.4; 8.11.7; 8.21.2,11; 8.24.3; 8.26.5; 8.36.1; 8.49.5; 8.56.3 – 4; 8.65.4; 8.66.6; 8.78.15; 8.80.2; 9.3.1; 9.7.10; 9.12.8; 9.18.1; 9.20.9; 9.31.1,9; 9.36.3,9; 9.42.7; 9.64.1; 9.65.2; 9.83.1; 9.84.2; 9.91.2; 9.93.4; 9.101.1; 11.7.3,4; 13.127; 14.73; 14.179. Caesar Augustus Germanicus Dacicus: 8.epist.; Caesareus: 1.6.3; 3.95.11; 8.30.1; 13.109.1 (→Caesareus1). Caesarianus: 8.1.4 (Pallas Caesariana); 9.79.8 (→Caesarianus1). Iuppiter: 4.8.12; 5.6.9; 6.10.4; 7.74.10; 8.15.2; 9.24.3; 9.28.10; 9.36.2; 9.86.8; 9.91.2; 14.1.2. Germanicus: 5.2.6; 5.3.1; 5.19.17; 7.61.3; 8.epist.; 8.4.3; 8.26.3; 8.39.3; 8.53.15; 8.65.11; 13.4; cf. 2.2.3; 9.93.6; cf. 9.1. Tonans: 6.10.9 nostri… Tonantis; 7.56.5 nostro… Tonante; 7.99.1 placidum… Tonantem; 9.39.1 Palatino… Tonanti; 9.65.1 Latio… Tonanti; 9.86.7 Palatinum… Tonantem. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Titus Flavius Domitianus. ‖ AD 51– 96. ‖ Son of the emperor Vespasian (→Vespasia-

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nus). During his father’s campaign against Vitellius, he remained in Rome; he managed to escape from the Capitol and was hailed as Caesar by the Flavian army after Vitellius’ death, although power was soon transferred to his father. He held several important posts under his brother →Titus1, until he succeeded him in AD 81. During his reign he legislated on morals (he named himself censor perpetuus), promoted festivals in honour of Jupiter (the Agon Capitolinus) and →Minerva (the Alban games), and celebrated the Secular Games; he built or restored many public buildings and temples. He campaigned in person on the Rhine and the Danube; of special note was his campaign against the Chatti (82– 83) and the Dacians (85 – 86); he signed a truce with Decebalus, the Dacian king, in AD 89. His relationship with the Senate was not smooth, and increasing opposition led to failed conspiracies and rebellions (see →Antonius3 Saturninus) and to his eventual assassination in September 96. The Senate decreed his damnatio memoriae. The literary sources offer a contradictory testimony, ranging from the flattering portrait of Statius and Martial, to the dark account of Pliny the Younger and Tacitus, dictated by “the mechanics of predecessor denigration” (Charles 2002). Cf. also Suet. Dom.; D. C. 67. ‖ In book 1 Domitian is alluded to in two different contexts, as a likely reader of the epigrams, and as a promoter of amphitheatrical spectacles imbued with his clementia. In fact, Martial dedicates his poetry to Domitian from book 1 onwards, although indirectly at first: in 1.4 the emperor is addressed as a god and as a censor of morals, and asked to relax his grave countenance (2 terrarum dominum pone supercilium), if he happens to come across his books. He should read them in the same mood as he watches the mimes of →Thymele and →Latinus, since life and literature are separate realms: 7– 8 Innocuos censura potest permittere lusus: / lasciva est nobis pagina, vita proba. For the expression terrarum dominum (also used in 7.5.5 and 8.2.6), usually applied to gods but also to conquerors, see Citroni 1975, 31, Galán Vioque 2002, 71, and Schöffel 2002, 93 – 94. Other similar forms of address to Domitian include rerum certa salus, terrarum gloria (2.91.1), rerum felix tutela salusque (5.1.7), summe mundi rector et parens orbis (7.7.5), summe ducum (6.83.2), Ausonium… ducem (8.21.10). The harelion cycle of book 1 (a spectacle involving tamed lions and hares which escape unharmed) reflects both the emperor’s godlike power and his clementia: 1.14.5 – 6 unde potest avidus captae leo parcere praedae? / Sed tamen esse tuus dicitur: ergo potest; 1.22.5 – 6 Praeda canum lepus est, vastos non implet hiatus / non timeat Dacus Caesaris arma puer. In 1.6 this show is compared to the rape of Ganymede (→Ganymedes) by Jupiter’s eagle, thus being one of the first examples in which Domitian is equated to the god (if we exclude the Liber spectaculorum, where the identity of →Caesar3 is debated: see →Titus1): 5 – 6 Quae maiora putas miracula? summus utrisque / auctor adest: haec sunt Caesaris, illa Iovis. Domitian is often praised through his friends and collaborators: in 1.70 Martial extols →Festus’ suicide, an act braver than that of →Cato2, since he was Caesar’s friend, not his opponent (1.78.10). ‖ In book 2 Domitian’s presence is not prominent yet either: in 2.2 Martial compares the name Germanicus (cf. Canobbio 2011, 87– 89 and Galán Vioque 2002, 356 with further bibliography), adopted for leading a campaign against the Chatti and the Dacians (AD 83;

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Strobel 1986; Jones 1992, 128 – 131), to other titles such as Creticus and Africanus (see Knox 2006), and assures that Domitian’s triumph is greater than Titus’ conquest of Jerusalem, a flattering hyperbole (Williams 2004, 27; cf. Suet. Dom. 6.1; Tac. Agr. 39). In 2.91 Martial asks the emperor for the ius trium liberorum in reward for his poetry, and in 2.92 he confirms that the petition has been granted. This same motif is resumed in 3.95 and 9.97, although there Martial affirms that he has been granted this prerogative twice: 3.95.5 – 6 Praemia laudato tribuit mihi Caesar uterque / natorumque dedit iura paterna trium; 9.97.5 – 6 tribuit… Caesar uterque / ius mihi natorum. Although it has been claimed that Caesar uterque refers to Vespasian and Titus, epigrams 2.91 and 92 make it clear that one of the Caesars was Domitian, so that the other must have been Titus (Daube 1976, 145 – 147; Fusi 2006, 540; Williams 2004, 279; Henriksén 1999, 156; 2012, 378 – 379). According to Williams (2004, 279), epigrams 2.91 and 2.92 “do not refer to an actual petition recently submitted to the emperor (…), but rather advertise to the readership a privilege earlier received and at the same time offer public praise of the emperor for his generosity (…). While it may well be true that the privilege was granted as a reward for Martial’s poetry, this would have been Titus’ motivation—perhaps as a reward for the Liber de spectaculis celebrating the Colosseum that he had brought to completion—rather than Domitian’s, who would have confirmed it automatically”. ‖ In book 4 the number of epigrams dedicated to the emperor increases considerably (see Moreno Soldevila 2006, 3 for a brief summary). Epigram 4.1 celebrates the emperor’s birthday, a date more sacred than Jupiter’s own birthday: 1– 2 Caesaris alma dies et luce sacratior illa / conscia Dictaeum qua tulit Ida Iovem (cf. 9.39.1– 2). Martial combines the eulogy of Domitian as a promoter of poetic and artistic festivals with a hyperbolical wish for long life: Martial wishes that he could celebrate the Alban Games (→Minerva), the Agon Capitolinus (→Iuppiter) and the Ludi Saeculares many times (for the wishes for long life addressed to the emperor, see Canobbio 2011, 121 with further bibliography). In 4.3 Martial interprets that a snowfall during a spectacle has been sent by Domitian’s dead and deified son (see the details in →Caesar7). In epigram 4.8 Martial sends the book to Domitian through →Euphemus: the book should be read at night, during the comissatio; the dinner parties held by the emperor are compared to Jupiter’s banquets on Olympus, and at the end of the epigram, Domitian is directly called Jupiter: 4.8.11– 12 gressu timet ire licenti / ad matutinum nostra Thalia Iovem. In 4.27 Martial reaffirms himself and scorns his envious critics, while boldly asking the emperor for more favours. Domitian is indirectly present in other epigrams, such as 4.11, where Martial anticipates the defeat of →Antonius3 Saturninus, or 4.30, on Domitian’s sacred fish. In 4.74 (forming a pair with 4.35), Martial describes an antelope fight in the amphitheatre. The spectacle is so gruesome that he asks the emperor to let his dogs loose, so that the antelopes can survive. ‖ From book 5 onwards the number of imperial epigrams increases exponentially until book 9. Book 5 is dedicated to Domitian: after cataloguing his many Italian villas, Martial asks him simply to accept the book, not to read it (5.1). In the following epigram (5.2), Martial announces that this book, dedicated to the emperor, lacks the erotic tone of his pre-

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vious collections. This one is intended to be read by Domitian together with his Cecropia puella, Minerva, his favourite goddess. In 5.3 Martial addresses the emperor as Germanicus, in relation to his Dacian campaign (Canobbio 2011, 87– 89). According to Dio Cassius (67.7.2– 3), the Dacian king Decebalus sent his brother →Degis to sign a truce with Domitian, and Martial takes advantage of this event to eulogise the emperor: Degis is said to be laetus and attonitus to see Domitian—overtly presented as a god—, and tells his men that he is more fortunate than his brother: ‘Sors mea quam fratris melior, cui tam prope fas est / cernere, tam longe quem colit ille deum’. In 5.5 Martial offers the collection to the emperor through his librarian →Sextus1, who is asked to place the book next to an epic poem composed by Domitian (5.5.6 – 7 with Canobbio 2011, 73). In 5.6 Martial approaches Domitian through another intermediary, his freedman →Parthenius, who is familiar with the emperor and knows his moods; he need not do anything, since it is the emperor himself who will ask for the book. In this epigram Domitian is equated to Jupiter (5.6.9 – 11), and in 5.65 he is considered better than →Hercules: his amphitheatrical spectacles are said to surpass the hero’s exploits; consequently, Domitian will also be deified by the gods, but only after a long life: 5.65.15 – 16 Pro meritis caelum tantis, Auguste, dederunt / Alcidae cito di, sed tibi sero dabunt. Epigram 5.19 is in open praise of Domitian’s reign, which is said to be the best period ever: Martial praises him for his triumphs and the temples built or reconstructed by him, for his warlike nature and for the freedom of his time; yet, there is a contemporary vice that sullies his reign: the decline of patronage. Since there are no generous patrons, Martial asks the emperor himself to be his protector, and he imagines him smiling at the fact that the poet has a vested interest in praising him. For his role as a literary patron, see Nauta 2002, 327– 440. ‖ Martial sends book 6 to →Iulius Martialis, asking him to improve it so that it can approach the emperor with less anxiety (6.1). Martial focuses on Domitian’s moral legislation, especially on the Lex Iulia de adulteriis coercendis and the ban on castration (6.2). In 6.34 Martial compares the number of kisses he wants from →Diadumenus to the shouting and applause heard in the theatre when Domitian appears (for the implied comparison of the emperor with the sun, see Grewing 1997, 250). In 6.64, an attack on an unnamed rival, Martial boasts that powerful patrons read his poetry, including →Silius Italicus, →Regulus and →Sura, as well as the emperor, despite the great responsibility he carries on his shoulders: 6.64.14– 15 Ipse etiam tanto dominus sub pondere rerum / non dedignatur bis terque revolvere Caesar. Epigram 6.80 deals with a garland of roses sent to the emperor from Egypt in winter (cf. 13.127), in spite of the fact that Italy abounds with these flowers: Martial rounds off the poem by asking Egypt to send crops, not roses, to Rome. The final epigram of the Xenia offers a winter rose garland to the emperor as well, a likely allusion to the Saturnalian book of epigrams (Leary 2001, 194). Another two epigrams in book 6 focus on Domitian as a god, as the one to be asked for benefits: in 6.10 Jupiter himself replies to Martial that he should not ask him for money, but the other Jupiter instead, the one who gave him temples. Yet, Domitian does not give the poet anything, and Martial nonetheless praises him for his placid countenance; Minerva (9 nostri… con-

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scia virgo Tonantis) rebukes the poet for thinking that Domitian has denied him his petition: 12 ‘Quae nondum data sunt, stulte, negata putas?’ The last epigram addressed to Domitian in book 6 resumes this idea and combines both good wishes for the emperor and a petition for the poet himself (6.87). ‖ Books 7, 8 and 9 share a common motif: the Second Pannonian War (Henriksén 2002; 2012, 22– 24). Book 7 opens with the offering of a cuirass: 7.1 is a votive epigram, focusing on the warlike and godlike nature of the emperor; the cuirass is said to belong to the belligera Minerva, and to be dreaded even by Medusa; when Domitian wears it, it will no longer be a simple cuirass, but the aegis, an attribute of both Jupiter and Minerva (Galán Vioque 2002, 48 – 54; cf. 14.179). The same theme is developed in the following epigram (7.2), where the cuirass, compared to the shield of →Mars, accompanies Domitian (1 domini; 5 sacrum… pectus; 6 nostri… dei; 8 ducem), who will soon wear the palmata toga (that is, the garment of triumph). Epigram 7.5 deals with Rome’s longing for its emperor (1– 2 desiderium… populi patrumque /… et Latiae gaudia vera togae), who is on the battlefront: Rome envies its enemy, since it is the barbarians that both dread and enjoy the emperor. Domitian is again called deus (3) and terrarum dominus (5). The following epigram echoes a rumour announcing the emperor’s return and anticipates Rome’s joy and the celebration of a public triumph (7.6). In 7.7 Martial keeps focusing on Rome’s longing for the emperor, but in a more light-hearted way: the Romans are so worried by Domitian’s return that at the Circus they don’t care which horse is racing (an adynaton, given the popularity of chariot racing in Rome). Domitian is called summe mundi rector et parens orbis (5). The opening cycle of book 7 is rounded off by a transitional epigram (7.8), which resumes the wish for Domitian’s triumphant return and makes way for his iocos levioraque carmina (9), since jokes were characteristic both of the triumph and of Martial’s books. Epigram 7.56 is addressed to →Rabirius, the architect of Domitian’s palace, and redounds to the emperor’s praise: if Pisa (i. e. Olympia) wanted to build a temple for Jupiter, it would have to borrow Rabirius’ hand from Rome’s “Jupiter” (4 a nostro… Tonante). Epigram 7.60 is a prayer to Jupiter (1 Tarpeiae venerande rector aula), who is considered a god because he protects the emperor (2 quem salvo duce credimus Tonantem): Martial does not pray for himself but for Domitian; his own petitions are addressed to the emperor, who is thus equated to the gods: 7– 8 Te pro Caesare debeo rogare: / pro me debeo Caesarem rogare. Epigram 7.61 deals with an edict from Domitian regulating the shops, which previously occupied most of the public space in a messy way: 10 Nunc Roma est, nuper magna taberna fuit. Domitian is further alluded to as Jupiter in 7.74, a hymn to →Mercurius in praise of →Norbana and her husband: in the final line (10), Martial presents himself as a devotee of Jupiter (i. e. Domitian). “Martial plays with the reference to Mercury as faithful servant of Jupiter to express his own steadfast loyalty to the earthly Jupiter, Domitian” (Galán Vioque 2002, 429). The last poem of book 7 presents the book to Domitian through another intermediary, →Crispinus, one of the influential imperial freedmen. Martial wants him to recommend his poetry to Domitian, who usually enjoys his epigrams (4 namque solent sacra Caesaris aure frui) and who is overtly portrayed as a god

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(1 placidum… Tonantem; 8 deo). ‖ Book 8 begins with a prefatory letter dedicated to Domitian, who is addressed as Domitianus Caesar Augustus Germanicus Dacicus. Since the book is dedicated to the sacred figure of the emperor, Martial abandons here the usual wanton tone of his epigrams (illis non permisi tam lascive loqui quam solent). In 8.1 the book is told to adapt its speech to its holy recipient; consequently, the naked →Venus is told to give way to Pallas (Minerva), a virgin goddess especially worshipped by Domitian (8.1.4 Pallas Caesariana). Some epigrams deal with his campaign against the Sarmatians: 8.11 deals the people’s joy for his triumph and return, which is wished for in 8.21; in that epigram, addressed to the morning star, Domitian is equated with the sun: 11– 12 Iam, Caesar, vel nocte veni: stent astra licebit, / non deerit populo te veniente dies. In 8.15 the people of Rome offer incense for the return of ‘their’ Jupiter (Domitian) and receive the congiarium, whereas the emperor offers the gods a bay tree branch in a private celebration of his triumph, a symbolic gesture praised by Martial. The distribution of gifts and donations is also the theme of 8.56, where Martial affirms that people do not love the emperor for his praemia, but his praemia because they come from him. Some epigrams focus on amphitheatre spectacles offered as a celebration of his triumph: 8.26, on the tigers of a venatio, where Domitian is compared to →Bacchus; 8.30, on a damnatio staged as the punishment of →Mucius Scaevola; 8.53, describing an impressive lion, which Martial imagines has been sent from the constellation Leo by Domitian’s deified brother and father; 8.78, on the munificence of these spectacles, organised by Martial’s friend →Stella, and the many gifts offered to the spectators (although the best present is to have the emperor as a spectator). In epigram 8.49 Martial compares Domitian’s celebration of his victory to Jupiter’s banquet after defeating the giants. Domitian’s constructions are also praised in this book: his impressive palace (8.36), the temple of Fortuna Redux and a triumphal arch (8.65); an equestrian statue of the emperor is alluded to tangentially in 8.44.7 (colosson Augusti). The palace reappears in 8.39, as the appropriate place for his godlike dinner parties: Martial hopes Domitian does not become Jupiter’s guest anytime soon (a wish for longevity), but invites Jupiter himself to the emperor’s palace. For a similar wish, cf. 13.4 (Leary 2001, 48 – 49). Martial combines both spectacles and public works in 8.80, a eulogy of Domitian for preserving the traditions while constructing a new Rome: 7 sic dum nova condis, revocas, Auguste, priora. A further recurrent topic of this book is Domitian’s comparison to Jupiter and the poet’s role in his deification. Thus, in 8.24 Martial tells Domitian not to consider him bold, should he ask for some compensation for his poetry, since by making prayers to the emperor, he makes him a god. In 8.66 Martial asks the Muses to offer incense for Domitian, who has appointed →Silius Italicus’ elder son consul. In 8.4, on the nuncupatio votorum, not only do the people offer incense for Domitian (called Germanicus), but also the gods themselves. In the last epigram of the book, Martial asks him for literary patronage, comparing his books to the petitions of others, and concluding that he deserves not only olive and bay wreaths, symbols of his triumphs, but also ivy wreaths, symbolising poetry. ‖ Finally, book 9 is the most overtly Domitianic collection. It must be remembered that

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book 10 was published in 95 and, in a second edition with substantial changes, in AD 98: it is to be inferred that the presence of Domitianic motifs, which had progressively increased in books 7– 9 (Holzberg 2002, 136, defines these books as “Kaisertriade”), must have been even greater in the first edition of book 10. Book 9 opens with a celebration of the newly finished Templum gentis Flaviae, a leitmotif in the book (Henriksén 2012, 11– 14). In the first line, Martial mentions Janus (→Ianus), Domitian and →Augustus1, who gave their names to January, October and August respectively. Domitian, in fact, changed the names of September and October to Germanicus and Domitianus (Suet. Dom. 13.3; Mart. 9.1.4 Germanicarum… Kalendarum; Scott 1936, 158 – 165; Henriksén 2012, 15), but these months regained their previous names after his assassination. This is the only instance of the use of the name Domitianus in Martial’s poetry (for its prosody and the metre chosen for this epigram, the cholliambic, see Henriksén 2012, 14– 15). The Templum gentis Flaviae reappears in 9.20: it was built in the place where Domitian had spent his childhood and it is compared to the birthplaces of the Sun and Jupiter; but whereas the latter was protected by the Curetes, Domitian was protected by Jupiter’s thunderbolt and aegis. Epigram 9.34 is a comic twist on the same topic: Jupiter is angry at his own children for not having built him as grandiose a mausoleum as the one Domitian made for his own father. Domitian is thus equated to Mars, →Apollo, →Diana, Hercules and Mercury: “Mars represents the emperor as victorious commander, Apollo alludes to his literary interests and implies a comparison with the Sun, Diana is presumably an image of his interest in and legislation on matters of morality, Hercules, as usual, is the prime model of the victorious hero, and finally, the comparison with Mercury is a transfer, on the model of Horace, of the Hellenistic βασιλεὺς σωτηρ bringing laws and culture to men, perhaps also representing an interest in trade and economic matters” (Henriksén 2012, 150; see also 151– 154). Domitian is also mentioned in connection to his freedman →Earinus, who is given a prominent place in this book: in 9.12.7– 8 the allusion to Domitian’s home (Caesaris… domo) refers both to the palace and the Templum gentis Flaviae, a possible hint at Earinus’ deification, according to Henriksén (2012, 69). Also related to Earinus is 9.36, a similar poem to 9.34. There Ganymede complains to Jupiter that Domitian has allowed Earinus to cut off his hair (3 ‘quod tuus, ecce, suo Caesar permisit ephebo’) and wants his master to do the same. Jupiter replies that his Caesar (9 Caesar… noster) has one thousand beautiful pueri, and that his magnificent palace can hardly accomodate so many heavenly boys, whereas he, Jupiter, has only a single cupbearer. At the opening of the book, Martial humorously refers to Domitian’s role as builder and restorer of temples (9.3): if the gods had to pay him for all their new or newly restored temples, they would go bankrupt. The list of temples and deities includes Jupiter and his temples on the Capitol (as well as the Agon Capitolinus), Juno and her temple on the Capitol and the restoration of the one dedicated to Juno Moneta, and the temple of Castor and Pollux (→Lacones) in the Forum Romanum (Henriksén 2012, 28). This humorous view of Domitian’s relationship with the gods is resumed in 9.91, where Martial claims that, were he invited to dinner by Domitian and Jupiter at the same time,

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he would decline the heavenly Jupiter’s invitation in favour of his earthly alter ego: 5 – 6 ‘Quaerite qui malit fieri conviva Tonantis: / me meus in terris Iuppiter ecce tenet.’ In 9.18 Martial asks the emperor for water supply from the Marcia aqueduct: if he grants it, the poet will consider this water as the Castalian spring or as the rain from Jupiter. The allusion to the Muses and the use of the name Augustus reinforce Domitian’s portrait as patron of poets. Epigrams 23 and 24 deal with a bust of the emperor and the prize of the Alban games (dedicated to Minerva), won by a certain →Carus2: the olive wreath has placed itself “miraculously” on the statue’s undefeated head. The portrait is compared to Jupiter himself, but with a milder countenance: 9.24.3 – 4 haec mundi facies, haec sunt Iovis ora sereni: / sic tonat ille deus cum sine nube tonat (cf. 9.65.1, on another statue of the emperor, called Latio… Tonanti). Epigram 9.28 further develops Domitian’s portrayal as Jupiter. Intended to be placed on the base of a statue of the mime actor →Latinus, the poem is written in the first person. Latinus claims that his own morals have nothing to do with the bawdy roles he plays; otherwise, he would never have been favoured by Domitian, who, like a god, can see inside people’s minds. At the end of the poem, Latinus agrees to be called parasite of →Phoebus1, as long as Rome remembers he is a servant of Jupiter (i. e. Domitian). Epigram 9.31 forms part of the cycle about the Pannonian War (vid. supra): it is an ekphrasis of the picture of a goose, promised and sacrificed to Mars by →Velius for the safe return of Domitian from the battlefront. When the victim was sacrificed and the entrails inspected, eight coins were found inside the animal, the number of months of Domitian’s absence from Rome. “In this way, the goose had showed, by silver instead of blood, that the offering was pleasing to Mars, but above all that there was no more need of bloodshed” (Henriksén 2012, 138). Another collaborator of Domitian, →Norbanus, who helped him repress the revolt of Antonius Saturninus, is the protagonist of 9.84. Epigram 9.39 is a birthday poem dedicated to →Caesonia, who was born on the same day as Domitian (24 October): “the epigram is more of an adulatory piece to the emperor in the guise of a birthday poem for Caesonia”, like the poems on Carus and Latinus (Henriksén 2012, 170). There, Domitian is again called Jupiter (Palatino… Tonanti; cf. 9.86.7; 9.65 – 1 Latio… Tonanti) and his mother, Flavia Domitilla, is subtly equated with →Cybele, identified with the Greek Rhea (Henriksén 2012, 171– 172). Epigram 9.42 is a prayer to →Apollo, so that he may intercede with Domitian (bonus… Caesar) on his behalf in order to get a consulship for Stella. Three epigrams equate Domitian to Hercules (Henriksén 2012, xxviii – xxx): epigrams 9.64– 65 deal with a temple and a statue of the hero bearing the features of Domitian (see the details in →Hercules); 9.101 is an aretology of the emperor, whose deeds outdo Hercules’ labours. The catalogue of his exploits include his (historically insignificant) role in the defeat of Vitellius (13 – 16; cf. 5.5.6 – 7 with Canobbio 2011, 73) and his campaigns against the Sarmatians (17– 18), as well as his reluctancy to celebrate triumphs (19 – 20), the building and restoration of temples (21), his moral reforms, his bringing peace, the deification of his family and the institution of the Agon Capitolinus in honour of Jupiter. The poem concludes that it is not enough for Domitian to be sculpted as Hercules; he should be portrayed as Jupiter: 24 Tarpeio deus hic

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commodet ora patri. In 9.83 Martial praises the spectacles given by the emperor (vid. supra), but in a humorous way: “Domitian’s games are marvellous to behold, it is true, but their true merit is that they keep everybody off the streets—thus also the reciting poets” (Henriksén 2012, 327). Epigram 9.79 focuses on the familia Caesaris, whose attitude reflects Domitian’s character. In 9.86 Martial mourns →Severus2, the son of Silius Italicus, and when he complains to Apollo, the god replies that both Jupiter (Tarpeium… Tonantem) and Domitian (Palatinum… Tonantem) also lost their sons. In 9.93 Martial toasts Domitian, asking →Catacissus to serve him as many cups as the letters in Caesar; he also asks for a garland of ten roses and for ten kisses, the same number as the letters in Domitianus and Germanicus. ‖ Domitian’s Alban villa (Darwall-Smith 1994), mentioned in 5.1 (supra), is also present in 13.109, a poem which deals with Alban wine and compares Domitian to →Iulus (Leary 2001, 174– 175). The first poem of the Apophoreta portrays Domitian (nostrum… Iovem) wearing the pilleum during the Saturnalia (Leary 1996, 52). 14.73 deals with an autodidact parrot which has taught itself to salute the emperor. Epigram 14.179 describes a silver statue of Minerva lacking the aegis, which is said to be worn by the emperor (cf. 7.1). ‖ In 11.7, written after Domitian’s assassination, Martial mentions his villas as places for adultery (Kay 1985, 77), quite a different view from his previous praise of the emperor’s morals and moral legislation. ‖ The emperor also features in satirical epigrams on the vices of others. In 1.89 →Cinna2 is so much in the habit of wispering in ears, that he even does so when he praises the emperor, which should be done openly. In 2.34 the butt of criticism is →Ponticus, a patron of the poet who does not dare to fall out with influential people like →Patrobas, one of the emperor’s freedmen (4 libertum Caesaris). Martial mentions Domitian and Jupiter together in formulaic blessing, addressed to this same Ponticus (5.63.5). ‖ Apart from the official titles Caesar, Augustus, and Germanicus, Domitian is often adressed as dominus. It is not an official title, but a form of address favoured by the emperor himself (cf. 10.72.8): Martial uses it very frequently (2.92.4; 4,67.4; 6,64,14; 7.2.1; 7.12.1; 8.epist. 1; 8.1.1; 8.31.3; 8.82.2; 9.20.2; 9.23.3; 9.24.6; 9.79.8; 9.84.2; 10.72.8; 14.53.1; cf. 4.28.5; see Canobbio 2011, 85 – 87; Grewing 1997, 416 – 417; Henriksén 1998, 119 – 121; Schöffel 2002, 59 – 61; Dickie 2002, 94– 99), together with the variants dominus terrarum (1.4.2; 7.5.5; 8.2.6) and dominus mundi (8.32.6). Apart from Iuppiter and Tonans, Domitian is also called deus (4.1.10; 5.5.2; 7.2.6; 7.5.3; 7.8.2; 7.40.2; 7.99.8; 8.2.6; 8.82.3; 9.28.8; 9.65.2; 9.93.8; 9.101.24; 13.74.2; Canobbio 2011, 99 – 100). In 10.72, dedicated to Trajan, Martial assures that he will no longer call an emperor dominus et deus: 3 Dicturus dominum deumque non sum. Martial occasionaly uses the epithet maximus (5.19.1; 6.64.1; Canobbio 2011, 240 with further bibliography) and the title princeps (5.19.6; 6.4.1; 8.15.8; 9.5.2; 12.3.11; Canobbio 2011, 243 with further bibliography). After his death he is called durus princeps (12.3.11) and superbus rex (12.15.4– 5). See Vallat 2005a for the appellations of Domitian related to Jupiter (119 – 122), Hercules (122– 123) and →Nero (123 – 125). ‖ →Hercules, →Iulia2, →Iuppiter, →Minerva.

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Bibliography: Agosti 2003; Barwick 1958, 284–295; Bönisch-Meyer et al. 2014; Canobbio 2011, 68– 69, 87–89, 92– 100, 120 – 121, 124–126, 202– 203, 237– 252, 494; Coleman 1986; Citroni 1975, 31, 37, 39, 60 – 61, 80; Clauss 1999, 119 – 132; Fears 1981, 74– 80; Galán Vioque 2002, 48–62, 68– 78, 82–83, 86– 90, 334– 338, 351–353, 356, 429, 516– 517, 520; Fusi 2006, 540; Galimberti 2016; Garthwaithe 1978; 1990; 1993; 1998; Girard 1981; Grewing 1997, 72– 73, 81– 83, 125– 126, 416– 417, 558– 560; Gsell 1894; Henriksén 2012, xxii – xxviii, 11– 15, 69, 85, 87– 92, 99 – 105, 125– 126, 150 – 154, 160 –162; 171– 172, 185, 271– 278, 317–320, 339 – 341; 353– 356, 360 – 363; Hofmann 1983; Howell 1980, 4– 5, 113– 114, 121, 157; Johnson 1997; Jones 1979, 1992 (=1993), 1994; Kay 1985, 77– 709; Leary 1996, 52, 132, 241–242; 2001, 48– 49, 174– 174; Leberl 2004; Lorenz 2002; 2003; Martin 1986; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 95– 97, 103, 242– 246; Nauta 2002, 327– 440; Neger 2012, 312– 321; Pitcher 1990; PIR2 F259 (Stein); RE 6.2, s. v. Flavius 77, 2541– 2596 (Weynand); Schöffel 2002, 57– 61, 85– 86, 120, 191– 200, 222– 223, 239 – 240, 249 – 256, 354– 357, 384, 427– 422, 488 –490, 541– 563, 556– 559, 662, 673– 674, 685– 692; Scott 1933, 1936; Southern 1997; Spisak 1999; Strobel 1986; Szelest 1974; Vallat 2005a; Waters 1964; Watson/Watson 2003, 9 – 12; Williams 2004, 27, 279; Wolff 2012. rms

Domitius 10.12.3. ‖ →Apollinaris.

Drusi 8.52.3. ‖ Probably, the emperors →Claudius (Tiberius Claudius Drusus; cf. Juv. 3.238; Suet. Claud. 2.1; ThLL Onom. 3, s. v. Drusus, 258.73 – 75 [Leumann]) and →Nero (who took the name Claudius Caesar Drusus Germanicus after his adoption by Claudius; cf. ThLL Onom. 3, s. v. Drusus, 259.8 – 16). ‖ Martial refers to →Thalamus, a famous barber of Nero, who had had to cope with the beards of the Drusi. Bibliography: Ferguson 1987, 87– 88; Schöffel 2002, 450. jfv

Dulichius 11.69.8. ‖ Δουλιχιεύς. ‖ →Vlixes.

E Earinus 9.11.13. Cf. 9.12; 9.13; 9.16; 9.17; 9.36. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Ἐαρῖνος. ‖ T. Flavius Earinus. ‖ The name Ἐαρῖνος or Ἐάρινος derives from the adjective ἐαρινός, ‘of spring’ (cf. 9.11.1– 2; 9.12.1; 9.13; 9.16.4 qui signat tempora verna suo) and is not uncommon (Solin 1982, 1033 records 13 instances in Rome). It is appropriate for a puer delicatus, for it suggests beauty and youth. ‖ Stat. Silv. 3.4; D. C. 67.2.3. For the parallelisms between Martial and Statius, see Henriksén 1997, esp. 291– 294. ‖ A eunuch, freedman of Domitian. On his manumission he received the name (T.?) Flavius Earinus (cf. Stat. Silv. 3.4 capilli Flavi Earini; Henriksén 1997, 289: “having obtained the nomen gentilicium, and certainly also the praenomen, of his former master, keeping his own name as a cognomen”; cf. also Henriksén 1997, 294 for the possible date of his manumission, probably in late AD 94). He was a native of Pergamum (cf. 9.17.1– 4). He was castrated (although, according to Stat. Silv. 3.4.70, the operation took place haud ullo concussum vulnere corpus, which suggests castration of the θλιβίας type, contra Henriksén 1997, 284 in the light of the allusion to →Attis), and sent to Rome in early infancy. At Domitian’s palace he was a minister. When his long hair was cut, signalling the arrival of mature age (not of virility, since he was a eunuch), he offered it to the temple of Asclepius in his native town (cf. Henriksén 1997, 287– 288: “Earinus […] would probably, like Encolpos, have exercised a certain influence on his master and thus obtained what he wanted most of all, the permission to cut his hair, to offer it to Aesculapius as a reduced version of the impossible depositio barbae, to be recognised as an adult and, finally, also to receive his manumission”). See →Pergameus. According to Henriksén (1997, 287), “it is most likely that he was castrated in 81– 83 at the age of 3 – 5, and that he was 16 – 18 years old at the time of the hair‐offering in 94”. ‖ Martial dedicates a cycle of book 9 to Earinus, a name which, having four short syllables, is metrically impossible to insert in Martial’s epigrams: 11– 12 versu dicere non rudi volebam: / sed tu syllaba contumax rebellas. The name is present only in 9.11, although with the spelling Eiarinos (εἰαρινός), after the fashion of Greek poets to whom est nihil negatum (14), unlike the Romans (17 qui Musas colimus severiores). Martial takes advantage of the metrical difficulty and plays with the indirect allusions to Earinus and to spring: 1– 2 Nomen cum violis rosisque natum, / quo pars optima nominatur anni; he is equated to honey (3), to the nest of the Phoenix (4), to nectar (5), to Attis and Ganymede (→Ganymedes) (6 – 7)… His name reverberates in the recently built Palace of Domitian, and is repeated by →Venus and Cupid (→Cupido): 8 – 9 quod si Parrhasia sones in aula, / respondent Veneres Cupidinesque. Epigram 9.12 is a continuation of 9.11, resorting to a cumulatio of proverbial and mythical motifs; 9.13 dedicates its first three lines to the different names Earinus would have, had he been named after the other seasons, autumn, winter, and summer (→Oporinos, →Chimerinos, →Therinos), and resorts to a riddle, instead of the metrically impossible name Earinus; 9.16, 9.17 and 9.36 deal with the votive offering of his treshttps://doi.org/10.1515/9783110624755-006

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ses, signalling his coming of age. In 9.36 it is Ganymede himself who asks Jupiter for the grace that Domitian has conceded to Earinus: the offering of his hair and his becoming a vir. On this cycle, see Henriksén 1998, 16 – 19, who refutes the theses of Barwick 1958 and Garthwaite 1993 (see also Garthwaite 1978, 63). According to Sullivan (1991, 145), “Martial is putting on a show of sympathy to Earinus and implying that it was his talents and beauty which had overcome his disabilities: had he been born later, he would not have suffered that indignity”. Domitian had prohibited castration around 82– 83; (cf. 9.56, 9.7; Suet. Dom. 7.1, 8.3; cf. Gsell 1894, 84). Cf. Henriksén (1997, 284), who focuses on “Statius’ anxiety to emphasise that the castration of Earinus took place before Domitian legislated against castration (…), that is, before 86/87 at the very latest”. The castration of Earinus and the presence of →Latinus in the court of Domitian do not seem to tally with Domitian’s moral measures and his portrait as a pudicus princeps (9.5). This paradox is toned down by Statius (Silv. 3.4.65 ff.) in the case of Earinus and by Martial as regards Latinus (1.4; 9.28, cf. 3.86; 13.2). See Henriksén 1998, 150. For the motif of hair offering, see →Encolpus. ‖ →Attis, →Chimerinos, →Ganymedes, →Oporinus, →Pergameus, →Therinos. Bibliography: Barwick 1958, 297; Henriksén 1997; 1998, 16 – 19, 93, 98, 150; 2012, 52– 57; Hofmann 1990; PIR 2 F262 (Stein); RE 6.2, s. v. Flavius Earinus, 2597 (Stein); Sullivan 1991, 145; Vallat 2006, 126; White 1975, 288 – 291. amc

Egeria 10.35.13; 10.68.6; cf. 6.47.3 Numae coniunx. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ An Italic deity worshipped together with →Diana Nemorensis (or Trivia) in Aricia. King →Numa1 used to meet her in a grove from which a spring flowed. She was said to be his wife and counsellor. The waters were consecrated to her. ‖ Liv. 1.19.5 simulat sibi cum dea Egeria congressus nocturnos esse; 1.21.3 Camenis eum lucum sacravit, quod earum ibi concilia cum coniuge sua Egeria essent. Cf. Enn. Ann. 2.113; Verg. A. 7.763 (Serv. ad loc. Egeriae lucis nympha in Aricino nemore, quam amicam suam Numa esse fingebat ad firmandam legum suarum auctoritatem); 7.775; Ov. Am. 2.17.18 Egeriam iusto concubuisse Numae; Met. 15.547; Fast. 3.274– 275 Egeria est quae praebet aquas, dea grata Camenis: / illa Numae coniunx consiliumque fuit; Quint. Inst. 2.4.19; Stat. Silv. 1.3.76 haec domus Egeriae nemoralem abiungere Phoeben; V. Fl. 2.304 nemus Egeriae; Juv. 3.17 in vallem Egeriae descendimus et speluncas; Sil. 4.367; 4.380; [Sulp.] Stat. 67– 68 nam laureta Numae fontisque habitamus eosdem / et comite Egeria ridemus inania coepta. ‖ Egeria is mentioned twice in book 10, representing the traditional values of Roman women. ‖ Epigram 10.35 is dedicated to the poetess →Sulpicia, whose poetry is compared to the amorous pursuits of Egeria in the wet cave of Numa: 13 – 14 Tales Egeriae iocos fuisse / udo crediderim Numae sub antro. ‖ 10.68 disapproves of →Laelia, who, despite being Roman to the core, a fellow country-woman of →Hersilia and Egeria, is always sweet-talking in Greek, like a courtesan. ‖ Finally, she is mentioned indirectly

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in 6.47.3 as Numae coniunx. In this poem, Martial has contracted an infection by drinking from a fountain at →Stella’s house. Martial asks its nymph to attend the thanksgiving sacrifice for his recovery, whether she is sent by the wife of Numa from the caves of Trivia (Triviae antris), that is, from Aricia, or she comes as one of the Muses. ‖ →Diana, →Musae, →Sulpicia. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 147– 148 (Fröhlich), 251– 252 (Hecker); Grewing 1997, 326– 327; LTUR 1, s. v. Camenae, Camenarum fons et lucus, 216 (Rodríguez Almeida); RE 5.2, s. v. Egeria, 1980 – 1981 (Samter); Vallat 2008, 140 – 141. jfv

Elephantis 12.43.4. ‖ Historical character. ‖ ᾿Ελεφαντίς. ‖ Greek writer, author of an illustrated erotic manual, from the late first century BC. ‖ Priap. 4 Obscenas rigido deo tabellas / dicans ex Elephantidos libellis / dat donum Lalage rogatque, temptes, / si pictas opus edat ad figuras; Suet. Tib. 43.2 Cubicula plurifariam disposita tabellis ac sigillis lascivissimarum picturarum et figurarum adornavit librisque Elephantidis instruxit, ne cui in opera edenda exemplar impe[t]ratae schemae deesset; Tatianus, ad Graec. 34.3; Suda s. v. ᾿Aστυάνασσα. According to Martos Montiel (2006, 225 n. 36), “El nombre de esta escritora (…) se refiere a la isla de Elefantina en el Nilo, cerca de Asuán, y tiene todas las trazas de ser un nombre ficticio (similar a los típicos ‘Hetärennamen’ […]), ideado para evocar el mundo de lujo y placeres del Egipto grecorromano”. ‖ Epigram 12.43 reproves →Sabellus for writing erotic poems more explicit than the molles libelli written by Elephantis. Bibliography: De Martino 1996; Flemming 2007; Forberg 1906, 21– 22; Krenkel 1985; Mindt 2013a, 539 – 540; Parker 1992; Plant 2004, 118; RE 5.2, s. v. Elephantis 3, 2324– 2325 (Crusius); Sullivan 1991, 110; Vallat 2008, 159. jfv

Elpenor 11.82.3. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ ᾿Ελπήνωρ. ‖ One of Odysseus’ men. He climbed drunk to the roof of →Circe’s house and fell asleep. Startled by noise, he woke up, fell down and broke his neck. ‖ Hom. Od. 10.552 – 560; 11.51; 12.10; Paus. 10.29.8. Cf. Hyg. Fab. 125; Ov. Tr. 3.4.19 – 20 at miser Elpenor tecto delapsus ab alto / occurrit regi debilis umbra suo; Ib. 485 – 486 Neve gradus adeas Elpenore cautius altos / vimque feras vini quo tulit ille modo; Serv. A. 6.107. ‖ Epigram 11.82 narrates an accident →Philostratus had on returning home drunk from a night party: he almost got killed by falling down the stairs imitating Elpenor.

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Bibliography: Fernández Valverde 2001, 57– 58; Kay 1985, 240 – 241; LIMC 3.1, s. v. Elpenor, 721– 722 (Touchefeu); RE 5.2, s. v. Elpenor, 2453 (Hoefer); Vallat 2008, 137. jfv

Encolpus 1.31.2; 5.48.2. ‖ Real character. ‖ Ἔγκολπος, ἐγκόλπιος. ‖ The name is related to ἐγκολπίζω (‘form a bay’, ‘go into or follow the bay’, ‘inject into the vagina’, LSJ; cf. also ἐγκολπίζομαι: ‘embrace’), with erotic connotations pertaining to the puer delicatus. Both Citroni and Howell refute Maass’ thesis (1925, 447) that the name of the Petronian character alludes to his impotence: “bezeugt das durch Priap über ihn verhängte Unvermögen auch seinerseits im Namen, der unter den Römern in der Form Encolpus nicht selten begegnet”. According to Canobbio (2011, 421), “un nome greco come Encolpos è certo adatto per uno schiavo e in particular modo per un puer delicatus laddove si interpreti la sua derivazione (ἐν + κόλπος i. e. sinus) nel senso di ‘colui che è tenuto nel seno’, non della madre però (tale doveva essere el senso originario dell’apellativo), bensì del amante”. Howell (1980, 173; 1995, 132) thinks that it could be a nickname his owner would have given to the boy, although he affirms that it is a well-attested real name. In fact, it is very common in Rome, abounding in epigraphy with the variants Encolpus, Encolpius, Encolphius (cf. Solin 1982, 564– 565, 1360). Pliny had a lector, slave or freedman, named Encolpius (cf. Ep. 8.1.2; Sherwin-White 1998, 448). ‖ A slave (puer delicatus) of Aulus →Pudens. Both epigrams dwell on the offering of the boy’s hair, promised to →Phoebus1 in 1.31 with the hope that Aulus Pudens could become primipilus (cf. Howell 1980, 175, who suspects that Pudens wanted to retire after becoming primipilus so as to spend more time in Rome with his lover). The hair of the domini centurionis amor (1.31.2) has been cut by the time of book 5: secuit… capillos (5.48.1). The cutting off of the hair signalled the end of childhood and the beginning of adulthood (originally this rite entailed the offering of the whole self to the god, because the strength of men was believed to reside in their hair: cf. e. g. Hom. Il. 23.135 – 153; Judges 16; Catul. 66; Juv. 12.81– 82; RE 7.2, s. v. Haaropfer, 2015 – 2019 [Sommer]). This explains Pudens’ worry, echoed by Martial in the final distichs, and the wish to postpone virilitas: 1.31.7– 8 utque tuis longum dominusque puerque fruantur / muneribus, tonsum fac cito, sero virum; 5.48.7– 8 sed tu ne propera –brevibus ne crede capillis– / tardaque pro tanto munere, barba, veni. The coming of virilitas entails “l’abbandono della loro specifica funzione” of delicatus (Citroni 1975, 105; see also Howell 1980, 172, who adds: “Hence the eagerness of the boys to cut it off, e. g. 12.18.24– 25: dispensat pueris rogatque longos / levis ponere vilicus capillos; also 12.84”). It may be deduced that in 1.31 Encolpus was 12 or 13 years old and in 5.48 he would be 17 or 18, so that “it would not in fact be the cutting off of the hair that would alter his relationship with Pudens, but the onset of manhood, because of the general assumption in the ancient world that, whereas a sexual relationship with an immature male was perfectly natural and blameless (…), a relationship with a mature male would suggest

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a passive role, which was reprehensible” (Howell 1995, 132). If boys used to have long hair in Rome (cf. e. g. 9.29.7; 10.62.2; Pers. 1.29), it was the more so a distinctive feature of the pueri delicati, who were also called capillati (cf. 2.57.5; 3.58.30 – 31; Petr. 27.1; 29.3; 57.9; 63.3; 70.8), comati (12.70.9, 12.97.4), criniti (12.49.1; Sen. Ep. 119.14). When Martial mentions a short-haired slave (tonsus), this is felt and expressed as an exception. Hair offering is the theme of the poems dedicated to →Earinus (9.16; 9.17; 9.36; Stat. Silv. 3.4). ‖ →Pudens. Bibliografphy: Canobbio 2011, 421; Citroni 1975, 102– 108; Eden 2001a, 583; Howell 1980, 171– 175; 1995, 131– 133; Maass 1925, 447; PIR2 E60 (Stein); RE 5.2, s. v. Enkolpos, 2580 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 54– 55, 170, 319, 426. amc

Endymion 10.4.4. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἐνδυμίων. ‖ A beautiful young man who the Moon (Selene, Luna) fell in love with. He was eternally asleep on Mount Latmus. ‖ Hes. Frg. 245, 260; Apollod. 1.7.5; A. R. 4.57– 58; Hyg. Fab. 271; Paus. 5.1.4; Pl. Phd. 72c; Cic. Fin. 5.20(55) Itaque, ne si iucundissimis quidem nos somniis usuros putemus, Endymionis somnum nobis velimus dari, idque si accidat, mortis instar putemus; Tusc. 1.38(92) Endymion vero, si fabulas audire volumus, ut nescio quando in Latmo obdormivit, qui est mons Cariae, nondum, opinor, est experrectus; Prop. 2.15.15 – 16; Ov. Ars 3.83 Latmius Endymion non est tibi, Luna, rubori; Ep. 18.61– 66; Petr. 132.1; Plin. Nat. 2.43; Mela 1.86 Latmium montem, Endymionis a Luna, ut ferunt, adamati fabula nobilem; Serv. A. 3.391; Luc. DDeor. 19; Auson. Cup. Cruc. 40 – 42 qualis per Latmia saxa / Endymioneos solita adfectare sopores, / cum face et astrigero diademate Luna bicornis. ‖ He is catalogued in an attack on mythological poetry, together with Medea (→Colchis), →Oedipus, →Thyestes, →Scylla2, and some other paradigms of handsome youths: →Hylas1, →Parthenopaeus1, →Attis, →Icarus, →Hermaphroditus. All these stories are monstra (2) and vana… miserae ludibria chartae (7), whereas epigrams deal with real life (10 hoc lege, quod possit dicere vita ‘Meum est’). Juvenal makes an ironically metaphorical use of the name in 10.318; cf. also in this same sense Apul. Met. 1.12. He was also used as an archetypal example of the sleepyhead (vid. supra): Varro wrote a satire entitled Endymiones. The epithet dormitor is a hapax in Latin literature (for other words with the suffix –tor, meaning “a habitual practitioner of an action”, see Watson 2002, 243 – 244). Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 51 (Damschen); LIMC 3.1, s. v. Endymion, 726– 742 (Gabelmann), 3– 2, 551– 561; RE 5.2, s. v. Endymion, 2557– 2560 (Bethe); OCD4, s. v. Endymion, 506 (Griffiths); Otto 1890, 125, § 600; Vallat 2008, 166. rms

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Ennius 5.10.7. ‖ Historical character. ‖ 239 – 169 B.C. ‖ Quintus Ennius. ‖ The father of Roman poetry (Prop. 3.3.6 pater Ennius): Hor. Ep. 2.1.50 Ennius, et sapiens et fortis et alter Homerus. Beside tragedies, comedies and other poetic genres, he wrote an epic poem, the Annales, covering from the fall of Troy to the capture of Ambracia in 18 books. The work became a school text for generations and Ennius was still revered in Martial’s times (cf. Quint. Inst. 10.88 Ennium sicut sacros vetustate lucos adoremus), despite his archaic style (Ov. Am. 1.15.19; Tr. 2.424; Stat. Silv. 2.7.75). ‖ In a poem about posthumous fame, Martial catalogues several well-known writers: Maro (→Vergilius), Homer (→Homerus), →Menander and Naso (→Ovidius1). When Virgil was alive, Ennius was read: Ennius est lectus salvo tibi, Roma, Marone. Note that the greatest Roman epic writers are placed at both ends of the line, the older at the beginning and the more recent at the end. ‖ In a poem disapproving of a certain →Chrestillus, who only admires the veteres poetas, Martial quotes a line by Ennius (terrai frugiferai) and catalogues him together with →Accius and →Pacuvius: 11.90.5 – 6 Attonitusque legis ‘terraï frugiferaï,’ / Accius et quidquid Pacuviusque vomunt. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 166; Fusi 2000, 316; Howell 1995, 87; Kay 1985, 252; Salanitro 1991, 19; Skutsch 1968; Vallat 2008, 263– 264. rms

Entellus 8.68.2. ‖ Historical character. ‖ ῎Εντελλος. ‖ A rare name, derived from a literary character. Solin (1982, 561; 1996, 358) records three instances in Rome belonging to freedmen. In Virgil’s Aeneid he is a Sicilian hero: 5.387,389,437,443,446,462; cf. Hyg. Fab. 273. ‖ Secretary (a libellis) of Domitian. Like →Parthenius, he also took part in Domitian’s assassination in AD 96 (D. C. 67.15.1; Jones 1992, 193 – 194). ‖ According to Stein (RE 5.2, 649), “Wahrscheinlich zuerst sein Sklave war der spätere Freigelassene des Kaisers Traian, M. Ulpius Aug(usti) lib(ertus) Cladus Entellianus, CIL 6.29154” (cf. also Solin 1982, 1360). Weaver (1994, 471) identifies him with the Entellus of CIL 15.7282. ‖ Epigram 8.68 describes the greenhouse gardens of Entellus, which surpass those of →Alcinous: 1– 2 Qui Corcyraei vidit pomaria regis, / rus, Entelle, tuae praeferet ille domus (cf. 7.42.6; 10.94.1– 2; 12.31.9 – 10; 13.3). According to Vallat (2008, 121), there may be a wordplay between the name (the Greek verb ἐντέλλω, means ‘command’) and the iubetur of 8.68.10. Martial mentions other freedmen of the imperial house: →Crispinus, →Euphemus, →Parthenius, →Sigerus. Bibliography: Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 40; Jones 1992, 61– 63, 193 – 194; Nauta 2002, 67; PIR 2 E66 (Stein); RE 5.2, s. v. Entellus 3, 649 (Stein); Schöffel 2002, 572; Vallat 2008, 121; Weaver 1994, 471. amc

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Enyo Sp. 27.3; 6.32.1. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἐνυώ. ‖ Greek goddess of war, belonging to Ares’ entourage (Il. 5.572). She is identified with the Roman →Bellona. ‖ In Latin literature she appears especially from Ovid onwards (Ov. Ep. 15.139 furialis Enyo): Luc. 1.687 tristis Enyo; Petr. 120.1.62 feralis Enyo; V. Fl. 4.604; Stat. Theb. 5.155 Martia… Enyo; 8.656; 11.84; Sil. 10.202– 3 Enyo… saeva. ‖ Enӯō always occupies the final position of the hexameter. ‖ In Sp. 27.3 navalis Enyo alludes metonymically to a naumachia (Coleman 2006, 200). In 6.32.1 she is cited in relation to the civil war between →Otho and Vitellius. ‖ →Bellona. Bibliography: Coleman 2006, 200; Grewing 1997, 236; LIMC 3.1, s. v. Enyo, 746 – 747 (Gais), 3.2 562; RE 6.1, s. v. Enyo 1, 2654– 2655 (Waser). rms

*Epicurus Cf. 7.69.3; 10.33.2. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Ἐπίκουρος. ‖ Ca. 341– 270 BC. ‖ The famous Greek philosopher. Born on the island of Samos, he founded a school of philosophy in Athens. His ideas are rooted in →Democritus’ atomism, and they later influenced Lucretius. ‖ Epicurus is not mentioned by name in the epigrams, but indirectly on two occasions. Epigram 7.69, addressed to →Canius, deals with →Theophila, who could be admitted in the Athenian garden of the great old man (3 hanc sibi iure petat magni senis Atticus hortus), a metaphor for his philosophical school (cf. Cic. Att. 12.23.2; N. D. 1.93; Prop. 3.21.26; Juv. 14.319). Izaac ad loc. suggests that this could allude to →Plato, but this is unlikely. Epigram 10.33 is dedicated to →Munatius Gallus, who is said to be more kindhearted than the Cecropium senem. This seems to refer to Epicurus (Damschen/Heil 2004, 141) or to Socrates (Canobbio 2011, 90; cf. Friedländer ad loc., quoting Juv. 13.185 dulcique senex vicinus Hymetto). ‖ On the influence of Epicurean philosophy on Martial, see Heilmann 1984. ‖ →Cecropius. Bibliography: Carratello 1964, 128; Damschen/Heil 2004, 141– 142 (Schramm); Ferguson 1987, 89 – 90; Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 509; vol. 2, 127; Galán Vioque 2002, 397– 398; Heilmann 1984; RE 6.1, s. v. Epikuros 4, 133 – 155 (Arnim). jfv

Erigone 11.69.4. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἠριγόνη. ‖ Daughter of Icarius. Dionysus rewarded Icarius for his hospitality with a wineskin and told him to offer it to his neighbours. He poured wine for some shepherds, who got drunk and, thinking that he had poisoned them, killed him and abandoned his body. Erigone found the corpse with the help of his faithful dog Maera. She hanged herself and was transformed into the constellation Virgo, whereas Icarius was transformed into Bootes, and Maera into the Canicula. Erigone became a paradigm of filial love (Ov. Met. 10.451 Eri-

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goneque pio sacrata parentis amore). ‖ Apollod. 3.14.7; Hyg. Astr. 2.4; Hyg. Fab. 130; Stat. Theb. 11.644 – 647; Serv. G. 1.33; 2.389. Eratosthenes wrote a poem on the subject (see Rosokoki 1995). ‖ In an epitaph for →Dexter’s hound, Lydia, it is compared to several mythical dogs, those of Icarius, →Cephalus and Ulysses (→Vlixes). Having Lydia, Dexter would not wish to have Erigone’s faithful dog. Bibliography: Kay 1985, 217; LIMC 3.1, s. v. Erigone I, 823– 824 (Pochmarski), 3.2, 594; RE 6.1, s. v. Erigone 2, 451–452 (Escher); RE 14.1, s. v. Maira 4, 605 (Kolf). rms

Eros1 7.10.1; 10.80.1,5. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ ῎Ερως. ‖ The name of the Greek god of love was very widespread among slaves and freedmen in Rome (Solin 1982, 328 – 335; 1631). See also LGPN with 278 records. ‖ It appears three times in the epigrams. In 7.10 and 10.80 Eros seems to be fictional, whereas the physician of 10.56 has been thought to be real (→Eros2). ‖ Epigram 7.10 reproves →Olus for censuring everyone, including the cinaedus Eros who is cited alongside the fellator →Linus2. The first distich (1– 2 Pedicatur Eros, fellat Linus: Ole, quid ad te / de cute quid faciant ille vel ille sua?) and the repetition of the phrase quid ad te? imply that Olus may also be sexually reprehensible. In 10.80 Eros is a poor man, who wanders around the market stalls in the Saepta and cries on seeing the goods he cannot afford. Unlike the hypocrites who try to conceal their disappointment, he shows his frustration openly: 5 – 6 quam multi faciunt quod Eros, sed lumine sicco! / Pars maior lacrimas ridet et intus habet. On the last line, see Housman (1972, 729) and Shackleton Bailey (1989, 144). ῎Ερως means ‘desire’ and is thus an appropriate name for a poor man who cannot afford what he covets. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 213 (Rücker); Galán Vioque 2002, 95; Vallat 2008, 562. amc

Eros2 10.56.6. ‖ Real character? ‖ ῎Ερως. ‖ For the name, see →Eros1. ‖ He appears in a catalogue of practitioners (for this epigram, see →Cascellius). Specifically, he devotes himself to plastic surgery: 6 tristia saxorum stigmata delet Eros (cf. 6.64.26, →Cinnamus1). Frobeen (in Friedländer’s index) and Vallat considered him a real character. It could also be a type name, epigraphically attested for various physicians all over the empire: cf. e. g. CIL 6.8901 (the physician of Augustus’ daughter Julia, see Kudlien 1986, 106; cf. Kajanto 1965, 110); 6.9568; 11.3946; 11.540. Bibliografphy: Damschen/Heil 2004, 213 (Rücker); Kudlien 1986, 106; PIR 2 E88 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 94. amc

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Erotion 5.34.3, 5.37.14, 10.61.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ Ἐρώτιον. ‖ Diminutive of ῎Ερος, the god of love. It also means ‘charming, sweet child’ (LSJ; cf. Aristaenet. 1.19). As Howell remarks (1995, 117), slave names derived from ῎Ερος are abundant in Rome, but the index of CIL 6 only has one Erotion, probably a freedman (CIL 6.17801). The name is also attested in CIL 9.1858; 13.2234; 15.7425. In CIL 2.557 Erotio is attested as a female name. Erotium is a typical name for a courtesan in the Palliata (Pl. Men. 173 nunc ad amicam deferetur hanc meretricem Erotium; 182; 300; 351; 524; 674; 675; Turpil. 187; Giegengack 1969, 115), but it is also attested epigraphically (ILLRP 914). Cf. Solin 1982, 337. LGPN records 19 instances of Ἐρώτιον. ‖ Erotion is a slave girl of Martial’s, born at his house (5.37.20 vernula), prematurely deceased (before she was six) and mourned by the poet. Bell (1984) suggests that she may have been Martial’s daughter, her mother a slave on his Nomentan farm, whereas Watson (1992) believes her to be a puella delicata. ‖ In 5.34 Martial commends the soul of Erotion to his parents →Fronto3 and →Flaccilla (Mantke 1967 suggested that they were hers), also dead, in a conventional but moving epitaph (Fernández/Socas 2004, 160). The poet’s affection for the girl is resumed in 5.37, where →Paetus3 rebukes him for being sad for a slave: 18 et esse tristem me meus vetat Paetus. Paetus claims that he should have more reasons to be sad, because he has lost a notam, superbam, nobilem, locupletem wife, but still survives, to which Martial replies: 23 – 24 Quid esse nostro fortius potest Paeto? / ducentiens accepit et tamen vivit. Years after her death, Martial publishes 10.61, an epitaph “which may well have been inscribed on her actual tomb” (Howell ibid.; cf. 6 lapis iste), or a literary farewell before returning to Hispania. If in book 5 Martial commended her soul to his parents, now he commends her tomb to the new owner of his farm. ‖ →Flaccilla, →Fronto3, →Paetus3. Bibliography: Bell 1984; Canobbio 2011, 340 – 341; Damschen/Heil 2004, 230 (Rinnenberg); Giegengack 1969, 115; Gómez Pallarès 2001; Howell 1995, 117– 118; Kenney 1964; Lloyd 1953; Mantke 1967; Pérez Vega 2002; PIR 2 E91 (Stein); RE 6.1, s. v. Erotion, 548 (Stein); Thévenaz 2002; Vallat 2008, 42– 45, 562. amc

Eryx 2.84.4; 5.65.4. ‖ Ἔρυξ. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Son of →Venus and Neptunus (or Butes), king of Sicily, killed by →Hercules in a fight (on his being a wrestler, see Verg. A. 5.402– 403 and Ov. Met. 5.195 – 197). He was buried on the mountain which bears his name (present-day Erice), above Drepana (now Trapani), in the west of Sicily. ‖ Herod. 5.43; Hyg. Fab. 260; Serv. A. 1.570. ‖ Epigram 5.65 is a eulogy of the emperor Domitian (→Domitianus) for his spectacles, compared by Martial to the exploits of Hercules, among which the fight with Eryx is catalogued: 5 et gravis in Siculo pulvere fusus Eryx (cf. Verg. A. 5.412– 414). ‖ Epigram 2.84 is an attack on →Sertorius, who is branded as a cunnilingus. In the first distich, Martial resorts to

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an etiological explanation of Philoctetes’ homosexuality (→Poeantius): he was transformed into a passive homosexual by Venus for killing her protegé →Paris1. In the same way, Sertorius, a Sicilian, may have received an even worse punishment (i. e., being a cunnilingus) for having killed her son Eryx. For the textual problem of the final line, see Williams 2004, 257. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 507; Howell 1995, 148 – 149; LIMC 4.1, s. v. Eryx, 22 (Cahn/Krauskopf); RE 6.1, s. v. Eryx 2, 604– 606 (Tümpel); Williams 2004, 255 – 257; 2010, 222. jfv

Etruscus 6.42.1; 6.83.1,7; 7.40.8. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Claudius Etruscus. ‖ For the name Etruscus, see Kajanto 1965, 188. ‖ Wealthy patron of Martial and Statius. He was the son of a major figure in the imperial administration during the first century AD, who is alluded to indirectly in two epigrams (6.83; 7.40). His name is not known with certainty (Tiberius Claudius?, Tiberius Iulius?) and he had an unusual career: a manumitted slave, freed by Tiberius, he came to be in charge of the imperial treasury (procurator a rationibus) under →Nero or Vespasian (→Vespasianus, who gave him the equestrian rank). For unknown reasons he was banished to Campania by Domitian (82– 83), who pardoned him at the intercession of Claudius Etruscus, who had accompanied him into exile. He died in 92. His wife (Tettia?) Etrusca had died earlier (7.40.3 – 5). ‖ Epigram 6.83 is addressed to Domitian in appreciation for having pardoned his father and allowed him to return from exile. Epigram 7.40 is an epitaph for his father, ille senex Augusta notus in aula (1), who is said to have endured both Jupiters pectore non humili (2). Buried with his wife, who had died in her prime, he is said to have lived for almost ninety years (prope ter senas vixit Olympiadas), although his son mourns him as if he had died prematurely. Statius dedicated Silv. 3.3 to him on the same occasion. ‖ Epigram 6.42 is a long praise of the private baths of Claudius Etruscus: Martial tells →Oppianus that, if he does not bathe in them, he will die without knowing what it is to have a bath; after more than twenty lines the poet realizes that his interlocutor is not listening to him and he concludes: 24 Inlotus morieris, Oppiane. The thermae Etrusci were probably located on the Quirinal (for the problem of their location see LTUR 1, 158). Stat. Silv. 1.5 also deals with these baths. ‖ Henriksén (2012, 307– 308) suggests that the Etruscan name →Tucca in 9.75 could be an allusion to Claudius Etruscus. Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 263; Grewing 1997, 292– 305; Henriksén 2012, 307– 309; Holtsmark 1973; LTUR 1, s. v. Balneum Claudii Etrusci, 158 (Rodríguez Almeida); Nauta 2002, 229 – 233; Platner/ Ashby 1929, 69; RE 3.2, s. v. Claudius 143, 2719 – 2720 (Stein); Richardson 1992, 386; Vallat 2008, 80, 425; Weaver 1965; 1972, 284– 294; White 1975, 275 – 279. jfv

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Euclides 5.35.2. ‖ Ευκλείδης. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ “A rare Greek name, which sounds grandiose, but is presumably chosen for the meaning it suggests: ‘well locked-up’” (Howell 1995, 119). The name is formed by εὖ and κλειδής (‘key’). It is well-attested among the privileged classes in Attica (cf. Kirchner 1901, e. g. 5672, 5674, 5680). LGPN records 144 instances. Cf. Solin 1982, 240. Martial mentions other names formed with εὖ (cf. →Eulogus, →Euphemus, →Eutrapelus, →Eutychus). ‖ Euclides is a false eques, who, neatly dressed (2 coccinatus), boasts about his farm production (1– 3 De Patrensibus fundis / ducena clamat… / Corinthioque plura de suburbano) and his hyperbolically noble descent (4 longumque pulchra stemma repetit a Leda), but is not able to deceive the shrewd usher →Leitus, who makes him sit in the appropriate rows (not those reserved for the equestrians): 5 et suscitanti Leito reluctatur. The epigram falls into two halves: in lines 1– 4 the character brags about his (false) social position, and in lines 5 – 9 the truth is revealed. To top it all, a key (like the one implicit in his name) falls from his sinus: 7– 8 cecidit repente magna de sinu clavis / numquam… nequior fuit clavis. The key may reveal his job: he is a porter. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 350; Giegengack 1969, 39 – 40; Howell 1995, 118 – 119; Vallat 2006, 135; 2008, 20, 548 – 549. amc

Euctus 8.6.1 (var. lect. Aucti); 11.28.1. ‖ Εὖκτος. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The Greek adjective εὐκτός means ‘wished for, desired’; “a good appellation (…) for a doctor, it also suggests his Greek origins, and nearly all doctors were Greek” (Kay 1985, 134). LGPN records five instances. In Rome it is attested in inscriptions. Solin (1982, 868) catalogues three instances (and four of the fem. Eucte, 1982, 868 – 869), to which AE 1985, 314 should be added: Euctus publicus / Petelinorum / vilicus vixit / an(nos) XXIIII. In Latin literature it is only attested in Liv. 44.43.5. ‖ In 8.6.1 Euctus “is accustomed to ruin the enjoyment of his invited dinner guests, first by haranguing them at length on the mythical pedigree of his embossed silvercups, and then, ironically, by serving wine of recent vintage in these supposedly ancient vessels” (Watson 1998, 30): 16 in Priami calathis Astyanacta bibes. The epigram is based on the incongruity between “the high-flown and pompous style of Euctus’ discourse and the ignorance on literary matters which he displays at every turn” (Watson 1998, 34). ‖ In 11.28 he is a physician. →Nasica has raped →Hylas3 in a fit of madness (phreneticus), but the latter is so attractive that Nasica was not crazy after all: 2 Hic, puto, sanus erat. The genitive medici… Eucti seems to suggest a dominus / servus relationship between him and Hylas, but it apparently could also apply to Nasica, who could be his assistant and, thus, have easy access to the boy. However, Nasica is not a slave-name, which could then confirm that he is Euctus’ patient. In that case, the assistant is Hylas, Euctus being bold to take such a boy for that task. ‖ Euctus is preferable to

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the varia lectio Auctus, because being a Greek name it serves both the characterisation of a doctor and a parvenu (Watson 1998, 30 – 31), although Auctus, preferred by Lindsay and other editors, in 8.6 would also be meaningful (Schöffel 2002, 130). ‖ →Hylas3, →Nasica. Bibliography: Kay 1985, 134; Schöffel 2002, 130; Vallat 2008, 166, 537; Watson 1998. amc

Euhadne 4.75.5. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Εὐάδνη. ‖ Also spelt Euadne. ‖ Wife of Capaneus, one of the Seven against Thebes. She threw herself onto her dead husband’s pyre: Hyg. Fab. 243.2; Serv. A. 6.447; cf. Prop. 1.15.21– 22 coniugis Euadne miseros elata per ignes / occidit, Argivae fama pudicitiae; 3.13.24 fida Euadne; Ov. Ars 3.21– 22; Tr. 4.3.64; 5.5.54; 5.14.38; Pont. 3.1.111– 2; Epic. Drusi 321; Stat. Theb. 12.126; 12.800; A. L. (Riese) 273.9. See also E. Supp. 984 – 985; Apollod. 3.7.1; Q. S. 10.481; Ael. NA 6.25. ‖ Martial compares →Nigrina’s proof of conjugal love with Euhadne’s and →Alcestis’ suicides. Alcestis and Euhadne are frequently mentioned together with →Penelope in catalogues of devoted wives: cf. Ov. Tr. 5.14.35 – 40; Pont. 3.1.106 – 112. ‖ →Alcestis, →Nigrina. Bibliography: Moreno Soldevila 2006, 491; RE 6,1, s. v. Euadne 2 (Escher), 818; Vallat 2008, 133. rms

Eulogus 6.8.5. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Εὔλογος. ‖ The Greek name, a compound of εὖ and λόγος, is very suitable for a praeco (cf. Grewing 1997, 114). Solin (1982, 705) records six instances in Rome; LGPN has ten occurrences of Εὔλογος. There are other names formed with εὖ in the epigrams (cf. →Euclides, →Euphemus, →Eutrapelus, →Eutychus), as well as other cognomina related with speech (cf. →Bucco, →Gargilianus, →Gargilius, →Garricus). ‖ A girl has many suitors (1– 2 Praetores duo, quattuor tribuni, / septem causidici, decem poetae), but her old father does not hesitate to marry her to Eulogus, the praeco (auctioneer, towncrier): 5 praeconi dedit Eulogo puellam. Elsewhere Martial catalogues this among the artes pecuniosae (5.56.8 – 11 artes discere vult pecuniosas? / fac discat citharoedus aut choraules; / si duri puer ingeni videtur, / praeconem facias vel architectum; cf. Grewing 1997, 114). Martial plays with the verb dare: does the old man give her daughter to the auctioneer to sell her by auction to the highest bidder, or does he give her in matrimonium? Probably the joke lies in the ambiguity. Considering the fact that another praeco sells prostitutes in 6.66 (Famae non nimium bonae puellam, / quales in media sedent Subura, / vendebat modo praeco Gellianus), the old father behaves like a leno and the final remark

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(6 Dic, numquid fatue, Severe, fecit?) places him on the same level as the leno maritus of 1.73.4 (ingeniosus homo est). Bibliography: Giegengack 1969, 88 – 89; Grewing 1997, 114– 115; RE 6.1, s. v. Eulogos, 1072 (Stein); Vallat 2006, 127; 2008, 549 – 550. amc

Euphemus 4.8.7. ‖ Real character. ‖ Εὔφημος. ‖ Εὔφημος is derived from φημί and is used mainly in religious contexts with the meaning ‘abstaining from inauspicious words’, ‘religiously silent’. It also means ‘softening’, ‘fair-spoken’, ‘fair-sounding’, ‘auspicious’, and ‘laudatory’ (LSJ). All these meanings are appropriate for the name of a slave of Domitian’s. It is also an epithet of Zeus (RE 6.1, 1168 [Escher]). It is a widespread name: LGPN records 123 instances; Solin (1982, 711– 712) lists 74. ‖ Euphemus is once mentioned in 4.8, where Martial describes Domitian’s banquet as the appropriate time for offering his poetry. Euphemus has traditionally been considered a tricliniarcha (PIR2 E118), a “kind of maître” (Moreno Soldevila 2006, 138): 7– 8 Hora libellorum decuma est, Eupheme, meorum, / temperat ambrosias cum tua cura dapes. According to Moreno Soldevila (2006, 14), “his name also suggests that he has a good voice, and for that reason he could be an ideal intermediary, who would receive and read Martial’s poetry” (perhaps also a lector?); noticeable also are the religious connotations matching Domitian’s portrait as Jupiter (12), and Euphemus’ ultimate equation to Ganymede (→Ganymedes; see Moreno Soldevila 2006, 144– 145). See →Domitianus, →Iuppiter. ‖ Other men of the court of Domitian mentioned as intermediaries in the epigrams are →Crispinus, →Parthenius, →Sextus1, →Sigerus. See Nauta 2002, 345 – 349, for imperial freedmen as “brokers”. Bibliography: Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 339; Giegengack 1969, 58 – 59; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 138, 144; PIR 2 E118 (Stein); RE 6.1, s. v. Euphemos 11, 1170 (Stein); Vallat 2006, 125. amc

Europe Sp. 19.1; 2.14.3,5,15; 3.20.12; 14.180; cf. 7.32.12; 11.1.11. ‖ Εὐρώπα, Εὐρώπη. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Daughter of →Agenor, king of Tyre, and sister of →Cadmus. Carried off to Crete by Jupiter (→Iuppiter) in the form of a bull or by a bull sent by him, she gave birth to Minos, Rhadamanthus and, according to some versions of the myth, also Sarpedon. ‖ Ov. Met. 2.836 – 875; Fast. 5.603 – 620; Hyg. Fab. 178.1; Apollod. 3.1; D. S. 5.78.1. ‖ In Sp. 19.1 Martial compares the bull of an amphitheatrical spectacle with the one who carried Europa over the sea: Vexerat Europen fraterna per aequora taurus. 14.180 describes a painting (or a painted statue) of her famous rape: Martial compares this love affair of Jupiter with the one with →Io, who was transformed into a cow. Both stories are related to the sign of Taurus (Ov. Fast. 5.603 – 620). ‖ Several

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epigrams refer to a representation of the rape of Europa adorning a public meeting place, perhaps a portico, for it is sometimes catalogued with similar constructions, or a garden (Castagnoli 1950, 70 – 71; Lugli 1961, 13; Russo, LTUR 4, 121). This place is only mentioned with that name by Martial. It is doubtful whether the rape of Europa was a painting (Friedländer) or a sculpture group (Sullivan 1991, 152; Fusi 2006, 220) and its exact location is unknown (some scholars have identified it with the Porticus Vipsania, also called Porticus Pollae: see Prior 1996, 124– 125; for the different possibilities discussed by scholars, see Russo, cit.). Martial catalogues this place together with other leisure spaces. It was suitable for a nice walk, or just for sitting in the sun, among its box-trees (2.14.15 Europes… buxeta; 3.20.12 – 14 an delicatae sole rursus Europae / inter tepentes post meridiem buxos / sedet ambulatve liber acribus curis?). The place is indirectly referred to in 7.32.12 ubi Sidonio taurus amore calet (Sidonius refers to Tyre—the heat could jokingly allude to the warmth of the place as well as to Jupiter’s passion—and in 11.1.11 (Agenoris puella, cf. Ov. Met. 2.858 Agenore nata), where it is mentioned together with the Porticus of Pompey, ideal places for an idle crowd (10 turbam … otiosorem). ‖ As regards the form of the name Europe, Martial seems to prefer the latinized Europa for the continent (5.74.1), and the Greek for the heroine. ‖ →Agenor. Bibliography: Castagnoli 1950, 70 – 71; Coleman 2006, 154; Fusi 2006, 219 – 220; Galán Vioque 2002, 234– 235; Kay 1985, 55– 56; Leary 1996, 243; LIMC 4.1, s. v. Europe 1, 76– 92 (Robertson), 4.2, 32– 48; LTUR 4, s. v. Porticus Europae, 121– 122 with further bibliography (Russo); Lugli 1961, 12– 13; Prior 1996, 125– 129; RE 6, s. v. Europa 1, 1287– 1298 (Escher); Vallat 2008, 135, 250, 275, 294. rms

Eurydice Sp. 25.2; 14.165.1. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Εὐρυδίκη. ‖ A nymph, of uncertain ancestry. The wife of →Orpheus. Shortly after their wedding, Eurydice was bitten by a snake and died. Orpheus went down to the underworld and, thanks to his music, convinced Pluto and →Proserpina to let her go with him, on condition that he did not turn back to watch her until they reached the world of the living. However, Orpheus turned back and lost her forever. The story first appeared in E. Alc. 357– 362, but her name was not mentioned. The most detailed accounts of the myth are Verg. G. 4.454– 527; Culex 268 – 295; Ov. Met. 10.8 – 85; 11.1– 66; Apollod. 1.3.2; Hyg. Fab. 164; Sen. Her. F. 569 – 589; Her. O. 1079 – 1089. ‖ Eurydice twice appears in the epigrams, in relation to her husband. Epigram 14.165 is an Apophoretum describing a cithara, the instrument with which the poet (vates) regained his wife: Reddidit Eurydicen vati: sed perdidit ipse, / dum sibi non credit nec patienter amat. Cf. Verg. G. 4.464,471– 472; Ov. Met. 10.16 pulsisque ad carmina nervis; 10.40 nervosque ad verba moventem). For the other epigram, Sp. 25.2, see →Orpheus.

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Bibliography: Bowra 1952; Coleman 2006, 182– 185; Leary 1996, 226 – 227; LIMC 4.1, s. v. Eurydice, 98 – 100 (Schwarz), 4.2, 32– 48; RE 6.1, s. v. Eurydike 1, 1322– 1325 (Kern); Vallat 2008, 137. jfv

Eurystheus 9.65.7. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Εὐρυσθεύς. ‖ Son of Sthenelus and King of Tiryns, in the Argolid, born before →Hercules, whose birth was wilfully delayed by Hera so that her protégé became king (cf. Hom. Il. 19.95 – 133; Ov. Met. 9.292– 323). He imposed the hero the famous twelve labours. ‖ He is once mentioned in an epigram describing a statue of Hercules with the features of Domitian. Martial hyperbolically affirms that, if the hero had resembled the emperor before, he would not have been subjugated by the Argolicus Tyrannus (cf. Luc. 9.367), but the other way round: 5 – 7 Argolico famulum non te servire tyranno / vidissent gentes saevaque regna pati, / sed tu iussisses Eurysthea. ‖ →Hercules. Bibliography: Henriksén 1999, 69 – 70 (= 2012, 275 – 276); LIMC 8.1, Suppl., s. v. Eurystheus, 580 (Oakley); RE 6.1, s. v. Eurystheus, 1354– 1356 (Gaertringen); Vallat 2008, 138. jfv

Eutrapelus 7.83.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Εὐτράπελος. ‖ The Greek adjective ἐυτραπέλος means ‘easily turning or changing’, ‘nimble’, ‘dexterous’, ‘witty’ or even ‘tricky’ (LSJ; cf. Giegengack 1969, 39: “well-turning or changing, but extended it comes to mean dexterous or nimble”). Solin (1982, 709) records seventeen instances, eight of which surely belong to slaves and freedmen. There are other names in the epigrams formed with εὖ (cf. →Euclides, →Euphemus, →Eulogus, →Eutychus). Cicero plays with the name of his friend P. Volumnius Eutrapelus: Fam. 7.32.1 deinde εὐτραπελία litterarum fecit, ut intellegerem tuas esse (cf. Hor. Ep. 1.18.31– 36). ‖ Eutrapelus is a skillful barber, so meticulous that when he finishes shaving →Lupercus, he has grown a new beard. Lupercus, on the other hand, seems to be a hairy type (cf. lupus), whose beard grows rapidly and incessantly. Eutrapelus’ neverending task is similar to one of the infernal punishments (like those imposed on →Tantalus, →Sisyphus, etc.) or he is not as ‘dexterous’ as his name suggests (Vallat 2008, 550). Additionally, it could be interpreted that Lupercus is so obsessively worried about his own physical appearance that he makes the barber take too long to shave him, so long that the beard grows again, or that there is a sexual innuendo (cf. 8.52, on the puer tonsor the speaker lends to →Rufus1 and the interpretation of Watson 2006, 283 – 284). ‖ For other tonsores in Martial, see 3.74; 6.52 (→Pantagathus); 7.64 (→Cinnamus1); 8.52 (→Thalamus and an unnamed puer tonsor); 11.58; 11.84 (→Antiochus). ‖ →Lupercus.

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Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 453 – 454; Giegengack 1969, 39; RE 6.1, s. v. Eutrapelos, 1519 (Stein); Vallat 2006, 125; 2008, 550, 598. amc

Eutychus 6.68.4. ‖ Real character. ‖ Εὔτυχος. ‖ A very common Greek name (474 instances in LGPN), also extremely popular for slaves in Rome (Solin 1982, 801– 806, recording 336 instances, 1362). The name is also well-attested in literature (cf. e. g. Pl. Mer.; see Grewing 1997, 441). It means ‘fortunate’ (cf. εὐτυχής, ἐυτυχία). ‖ He is a puer delicatus whose premature death in Baiae (6.68.3 inter Baianas raptus puer occidit undas) is lamented. He is said to have been →Castricus’ dulce latus (4), his curarum socius blandumque levamen (5), his amor (6), his →Alexis1 (Castricus, who is a vates, is thus complimentarily equated to Virgil). Martial compares Eutychus with two handsome mythical boys loved by nymphs, →Hylas1 and →Hermaphroditus, and imagines that the nymphs have preferred him and, hence, drowned him. He rounds off the poem with a twist on the funerary formula STTL: 12 Sit, precor, et tellus mitis et unda tibi. The name is appropriate for a beautiful puer delicatus, but ironically not for his death (cf. →Glaucias, another victim of mors immatura, who is said to be 6.28.7 decore felix). ‖ →Castricus. Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 440 – 441; PIR 2 E135 (Stein); RE 6.1, s. v. Eutychos 5, 1536 (Stein); Vallat 2006, 129; 2008, 77– 78. amc

F Fabianus 3.36.2,7,9; 4.5.2; 4.24.1; 12.83.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Fabianus is a widespread name derived from the gens Fabia (Kajanto 1965, 146), a venerable patrician gens (Fabii and Curii are frequently cited as paradigms of the mos maiorum; cf. Grewing 1997, 408; Galán Vioque 2002, 347, on 6.64.1– 2 and 7.58.7 respectively; see →Fabii). ‖ Fabianus appears in several satirical contexts. Unlike other names, Fabianus does not correspond to a single type. In 4.5 he is a good man, vir bonus et pauper linguaque et pectore verus (1), who arrives in Rome unaware of the devious and degrading means by which one can prosper there: his mores do not allow him to become a leno or a comissator (3), a praeco (4), an adulterer (5), a fututor of vetulae (6), an intriguing courtesan (7), a member of a claque (8). When asked how he is going to make a living, he replies: Homo certus, fidus amicus (9). Fabianus is thus one of those characters who come to Rome looking for an opportunity (cf. e.g. →Aemilianus in 5.81). The name of this vir bonus is very appropriate (vid. supra and cf. Moreno Soldevila 2006, 123). ‖ In 3.36 Fabianus has been a patron of the poet for thirty years (7 per triginta… Decembres), but still considers him a novus amicus (1) or tiro (8, a ‘recruit’), a military term which leads to the final question: 9 – 10 hoc merui, Fabiane, toga tritaque meaque, / ut nondum credas me meruisse rudem? (for the proverbial use of rudis, cf. Otto 1890, 303; Fusi [2006, 295] remarks that the metaphor likens the client’s experience to the gladiator’s). In 4.24 he is the addressee of an invective against →Lycoris1, a vetula who has ‘buried’ all her friends (for a comparable joke involving a man with a similar name, see →Fabius). Finally, in 12.83 he is a man who used to laugh at the hernias of other people at the baths (1 derisor… hirnearum), until he discovered his own and stopped laughing: 5 – 6 in thermis subito Neronianis / vidit se miser et tacere coepit. Note that one of the client’s duties about which the poet complained in 3.36 was accompanying him to the thermae: 5 – 6 Lassus ut in thermas decuma vel serius hora / te sequar Agrippae, cum laver ipse Titi. Could this be read as a belated vengeance? Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 290 – 295; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 122 – 123; RE 6.2, s. v. Fabianus 2, 1737 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 394. amc

Fabii 6.64.1; 7.58.7. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus (consul 322, 310, 308, 297, 295 BC) or his grandson or greatgrandson Q. Fabius Maximus Cunctator (consul 233, 228, 215 BC, dictator after the defeat of Trasimenus in 217), both regarded as paradigms of Roman morality and integrity. ‖ Martial cites the Fabii twice in the plural; it could be a generalising plural or simply an allusion to the whole family or its main representatives quoted above. In 6.64.1 Martial deprecates a detractor of his, https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110624755-007

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who is despised for his lowly origins: nec rigida Fabiorum gente creatus. The allusion to the Fabii also casts doubts on the unnamed rival’s morality. In 7.58 Martial finds fault with →Galla, who has married seven effeminate men. She is somehow exonerated, since it is hard to find a virile man in Rome; even if she could find one keen on talking about the Fabii and the Curii, examples of Roman virtue, that would not guarantee that he would not be a cinaedus (cf. →Cantharus, →Chrestus): 10 Difficile est vero nubere, Galla, viro. ‖ →Curius. Bibliography: Ferguson 1987, 93 – 94; Galán Vioque 2002, 347; Grewing 1997, 408; Lichtfield 1914, 30 – 31; RE 6.2, s. v. Fabius 114, 1800 – 1811, s. v. Fabius 116, 1814– 1830 (Münzer); Vallat 2008, 143; Watson/Watson 2003, 87. jfv

Fabius 7.66.1; 8.43.1; 9.8.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Fabius is the name of a Roman gens. Cf. →Fabii. ‖ He is mentioned in three epigrams dealing with death and legacies. In 7.66 Fabius has named →Labienus as his sole heir, but the latter assures that he deserves more (he had probably spent more on gifts as a captator or had been subjected to sexual humiliation). Epigram 8.43 deals with Fabius and →Chrestilla, who bury their respective spouses one after the other. Martial, suspecting that they had killed them, recommends that they should marry one another. Finally, in 9.8 Fabius has left nothing to →Bithynicus in his will, despite the fact that the latter used to give him an annual gift of 6,000 sesterces. Martial asks him to stop complaining: he will earn 6,000 each year (because he will not have to spend them once Fabius is dead). Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 380 – 381; Henriksén 1998, 85 – 86; 2012, 49 – 50; RE 6.2, s. v. Fabius 9, 1744 (Stein); Schöffel 2002, 373 – 378; Vallat 2008, 505, 510 – 511. jfv

Fabricii 9.28.4. ‖ →Fabricius2.

Fabricius1 1.93.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ Fabricius is the name of a Roman gens. Cf. →Fabricius2. ‖ He appears once in a funerary epigram together with →Aquinus. Martial praises the friendship (amicus erat) and comradeship (sacro foedere) of these centurions with the rank of primipilares, who are buried in the same tomb. Howell suggests that Fabricius succeeded Aquinus in the post, since it was not usual to have more than one primus pilus in the same legion. ‖ →Aquinus.

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Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 290; Howell 1980, 303; RE 6.2, s. v. Fabricius 1, 1930 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 49. jfv

Fabricius2 7.68.4; 9.28.4; 10.73.3; 11.2.2; 11.5.8; 11.16.6. Fabricii: 9.28.4. ‖ Historical character. ‖ C. Fabricius Luscinus. ‖ Roman general, consul in 282 and 278 BC and censor in 275, he played a leading role in the war against Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, who he defeated at Beneventum in 275. He was regarded as a paradigm of ancient Roman virtues such as gravity, integrity, frugality and poverty (Otto 1890, 129, s. v. Fabricius). ‖ He always appears as an exemplum, three times cited along with →Curius. In 7.64 Martial advises his friend →Instanius Rufus not to recommend his books to his father-in-law: yet, if they meet with his approval, he will read them to Curius and Fabricius (8). In 9.28 →Latinus, speaking in the first person, claims that he made the graves Curii and Fabricii (generalising plural) laugh; 11.16 advises stern readers to refrain from reading the book, because it would sexually arouse them even if they were more graves than Curius and Fabricius. Epigram 11.2 has a similar intent, namely to deter circumspect readers from reading the book: among them Martial includes the daughter of Fabricius (2 filia aratoris Fabricii), who due to her poverty received her dowry from the senate (V. Max. 4.4.10; Apul. Apol. 18). He appears as a paradigm of poverty and frugality in 10.73.3: Martial writes to →Severus1 about a luxurious toga he has received as a gift; Fabricius would not wear it, unlike →Apicius1 and →Maecenas, who were given to luxury. Finally, 11.5 is a eulogy of the emperor →Nerva: in line 8 Martial affirms that Fabricius would accept gold from him, alluding to the historical anecdote that he rejected a bribe from Pyrrhus (Plu. Pyrrh. 20; Sen. Ep. 120.6). ‖ See →Curius for other passages where they are cited together. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 266– 267 (Riemann); Galán Vioque 2002, 394; Henriksén 1998, 152; 2012, 125; Kay 1985, 60, 70, 103; Morello 2018, 311, 315– 316; Otto 1890, 129, s. v. Fabricius; RE 6.2, s. v. Fabricius 9, 1931– 1938 (Münzer); Vallat 2008, 144. jfv

Fabulla 1.64.3; 2.41.11; 4.81.1,4; 6.12.2; 8.33.17; 8.79.5. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Diminutive of Fabia (cf. Schulze 1904, 461; Grewing 1997, 135; Schöffel 2002, 664). A common cognomen (Kajanto 1965, 170; Ferguson 1987, 94: “the name Fabullus and Fabulla are found in the gens Valeria and gens Fabia”). ‖ In literature it is only used by Martial and Juv. 2.68 moecha Fabulla, where she is a “woman of low sexual morality, not otherwise known” (Ferguson 1987, 94). ‖ Fabulla appears in several satirical contexts, mostly as a vetula who tries to conceal her age by means of wigs, makeup and other tricks (although the character does not confine to a single type: cf. Vallat 2008, 492). In 1.64 she ruins her charms when she boasts about them (Citroni refers

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to the similar case of →Bassa in 5.45); she is apparently beautiful, unlike the vetula of 2.41, 6.12, 8.33 and 8.79 (according to Schöffel 2002, 664: “die Fabulla von Mart. 1.64 geradezu als Gegenbild konzipiert ist”). It could be conjectured that Martial alludes to her vain attempts to pass herself off as younger (cf. 4.20 and Moreno Soldevila 2006, 509). In 4.81 Fabulla has taken literally Martial’s complaint of 4.71 (where he reprimanded easy girls) and now she rejects her lover. The poet rebukes her again, defending the happy medium: 5 negare iussi, pernegare non iussi (cf. Ov. Ars 3.475 – 476). Moreno Soldevila (2006, 509) sees an ironic touch in the use of puellarum in line 2 in view of her overall portrayal as a vetula. In fact, in 2.41.11 and 8.33.17 Martial adduces the exemplum of this cretata Fabulla, as a paradigm of concealment of physical defects (creta was not used exclusively to give skin a paler hue, “sondern wohl auch zum Überdecken von Falten”, Schöffel 2002, 313). In 6.12 she wears a wig (cf. 12.23.1). In 8.79 she always surrounds herself with older and uglier friends, because she wants to look better in contrast: sic formosa, Fabulla, sic puella es (5; cf. Moreno Soldevila 2006, 233, who adduces this as one of the possible explanations to epigram 4.24; →Lycoris1). It is rather ironic that the name of the vetula should be a diminutive. ‖ In 1.64 and 8.79 “il nome sarà stato scelto anche per il gioco fonico con bella e puella” (Citroni 1975, 210, who refers to 12.39, with a similar wordplay between →Sabellus and bellus; Howell 1980, 258 refers to 4.71). According to Vallat (2008, 491), “Fabullus et ses dérivés n’en sont pas moins des noms signifiants analogiques en relation avec fabula (…): on trouve dans les épigrammes concernées une idée de mensonge ou de dissimulation”. For the manuscript variants Fabulla / Labulla, see Grewing 1997, 135. ‖ →Labulla. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 210; Ferguson 1987, 94– 95; Fitzgerald 2007, 166– 167, 172, 180 – 181; Grewing 1997, 135; Howell 1980, 258; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 509; Schöffel 2002, 313– 314, 663– 665; Vallat 2008, 491– 492; Williams 2004, 153. amc

Fabullinus 12.51.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A rare cognomen, derived from →Fabullus (Kajanto 1965, 170). It is attested only in CIL 6.29683. ‖ This seemingly fictional character is presented as a common friend of →Aulus and Martial. He is a good man (homo bonus), who is always deceived. This epigram could be related to 4.5, whose protagonist, bearing a similar name (→Fabianus), is also a naïve man described as vir bonus et pauper linguaque et pectore verus. Vallat (2008, 491) suggests a wordplay with fabula, as in the cases of Fabullus and →Fabulla. Bibliography: RE 6.2, s. v. Fabullinus, 1944 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 491. rms

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Fabullus 3.12.4; 4.87.1 (var. lect. Catullus); 5.35.8; 6.72.3; 9.66.2; 11.35.4; 12.20.1; 12.22.2; 12.85.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A widespread name, derived from →Fabius (see Kajanto 1965, 170 and Schulze 1904, 176, 461 n. 4). ‖ He is either the butt of satirical epigrams or the interlocutor of invectives against others. The Fabullus in 3.12, 4.87, 9.66, 11.35 and 12.85 has traditionally been regarded as a fictitious character, whereas the one in 5.35, 6.72, 12.20 and 12.22 has been thought of as a real friend of Martial’s (Canobbio 2011, 352; cf. Kay’s categorical remark: “M. certainly had a benefactor of this name” [1985, 148]). Nevertheless, the addressee of a satirical epigram need not be a real character (see Nauta’s remarks on the “isolated vocative” [2002, 45 – 47], or Vallat [2008, 412] about the role of the “témoin”). Doubts about the fictionality of the Fabullus of 3.12 and 11.35 have been cast by Kay (ibid.), Grewing (1997, 472) and Henriksén (1999, 72): “Martial apparently had a friend of this name (….), to whom the dinner-complaints of 3, 12 and 11, 35 were perhaps also directed, depending on whether the poet was close enough to Fabullus for the latter not to be offended by such poems”. Fusi (2006, 176) tips the balance in favour of the fictitious nature of the Fabullus of the dinner poems, due to the intertextual play with Catullus’ poem 13, an invitation to dinner in which the poet offers his friend perfume quod tu cum olfacies, deos rogabis, / totum ut te faciant, Fabulle, nasum (13 – 14), vid. infra. ‖ In 3.12 Fabullus is a mean host who serves nothing to his guests, but presents them with a perfume. The final conclusion is devastating: 4– 5 qui non cenat et unguitur, Fabulle, / hic vere mihi mortuus videtur. The theme of the invitation to dinner reappears in 11.35. Fabullus invites three hundred guests, all of them unkown to Martial, and the poet declines the invitation: 4 solus ceno, Fabulle, non libenter. Among three hundred people the poet knows no one: perhaps the implication is that Fabullus’ acquaintancies are of ill repute or belong to the lower classes. In 4.87 Martial criticises →Bassa for her farting habit, and, in passing, her lover Fabullus for his bad taste. Watson/Watson (2003, 316) suggest that this epigram is also a parodic version of Catullus 13. According to them, Martial might as well be playing with the term faba, which is well known for provoking intestinal gas. ‖ In 9.66 Fabullus’ plea for the ius trium liberorum when he has a beautiful and faithful young wife reveals his sexual impotence: 3 – 4 quod petis a nostro supplex dominoque deoque / tu dabis ipse tibi, si potes arrigere. The portrait of the impotent is indirectly resumed in 12.85, where Fabullus is accused of being a cunnilingus. ‖ As the addressee of satirical epigrams, he appears in attacks against a parvenu, →Euclides (5.35), against a burglar, →Cilix, who stole a huge marble →Priapus (6.72), against the incestuous →Themison (12.20) and the one-eyed →Philaenis (12.22). ‖ Vallat (2008, 591) feebly relates the name with fabula and the idea of “dissimulation”. ‖ In 4.87 manuscript T reads Catulle (perhaps influenced by 6.69.1 Non miror, quod potat aquam tua Bassa, Catulle), whereas the lemma of the epigram in that manuscript and the rest of the tradition read Fabulle. See →Catullus3.

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Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 352; Craca 2011, 142; Fusi 2006, 175 – 176; Grewing 1997, 472; Henriksén 1999, 72; 2012, 280; Kay 1985, 148; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 534– 535; Vallat 2008, 411– 412; Watson/ Watson 2003, 316. rms

Faenius Telesphorus 1.114.1; 1.116.2 ‖ Real character. ‖ For the name Faenius, see Schulze 1904, 186. Τελεσφόρος (meaning ‘bringing fulfilment’ or ‘bearing fruit in due time’) is a widespread Greek name in Rome (Solin 1982, 363 – 366). It appears three more times (10.83.7; 11.26.1; 11.58.1) as the name of a puer delicatus. See →Telesphorus. ‖ Father of →Antulla. According to Howell (1980, 343), following PIR, this could be identified with the L. Faenius Telesphorus of CIL 14.3762, dating from the mid-first century and found near Tibur. The location where the inscription was found may indicate the place of the graveyard described by Martial, near Ponte Lucano. Exactly the same name is also documented for an unguentarius from Lyon (CIL 6.9998), see Wierschowski 2001, 70 – 71. ‖ Epigram 1.114 is addressed to →Faustinus: it is a mourning poem telling him that his neighbour Faenius Telesphorus has buried his daughter Antulla on a farm adjoining his; she has died victim of mors immatura, as is told in epigram 1.116, properly an epitaph. The land, Martial assures, will not be sold and will also receive her parents’ ashes. According to Vallat, Faenius is a talking name (‘hay’), suitable for the bucolic nature of these epigrams (see also →Antulla, and the meaning of Telesphorus above). He suggests that the names Faenius and Antulla might not refer to real people, but could be a “jeux d’esprit sur l’épitaphe même”. ‖ →Antulla. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 58; Citroni 1975, 346– 349, 353– 355; Howell 1980, 342– 344, 347–348; PIR2 F103 (Stein); RE 6.2, s. v. Faenius 2, 1965 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 63, 522–523, 588. jfv

Fannius1 2.80.1. ‖ Historical character? ‖ Fannius is a plebeian nomen gentilicium. ‖ The name Fannius appears twice in the epigrams, and it belongs to two apparently unrelated characters. ‖ In 2.80 Martial recalls the paradoxical death of Fannius, who committed suicide when fleeing from certain death at the hands of the enemy, “an incident that may or may not have really occurred”, according to Williams (2004, 247). Frobeen (in the index nominum of Friedländer’s edition) catalogued him and →Fannius2 as real characters. Friedländer’s identification with Fannius Caepio, who conspired against →Augustus1 and was executed by Tiberius (cf. PIR 2 F117 [Groag]) has been strongly refuted (Williams 2004, 248 – 249; Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 1, 191 n. b; Watson/ Watson 2003, 329: “Perhaps M. is confusing Fannius with Cestius, who fled after being proscribed and who, on seeing armed centurions approaching with the

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heads of those fugitives who had already been caught and executed, killed himself in terror of suffering the same fate”). ‖ →Fannius2. Bibliography: PIR 2 F114 (Stein); RE 6.2, s. v. Fannius 4, 1987 (Stein); Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 1, 191 n. b; Vallat 2008, 99; Watson/Watson 2003, 329; Williams 2004, 248 – 249; 2011, 85. amc

Fannius2 10.56.5. ‖ Real character? ‖ For the name, see →Fannius1. ‖ He has traditionally been considered a real character, contemporary with Martial (cf. e. g. Frobeen’s index in Friedländer 1886 and Vallat 2008, 94). Cf. PIR 2 F115 (Stein). He appears in a catalogue of doctors and their specialisations in 10.56 (see the details in →Cascellius). He is a surgeon, who takes out a suppurating uvula: 5 non secat et tollit stillantem Fannius uvam (Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 2, 377 n. b remarks: “how he would do that without cutting is not clear; hence Alan Ker’s proposal insecat or consecat”; cf. Ker 1950, 21). ‖ →Cascellius. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 213 (Rücker); Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 374 (Frobeen); PIR 2 F115 (Stein); RE 6.2, s. v. Fannius 4, 1987 (Stein); Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 2, 377 n. b; Vallat 2008, 94. amc

Faustinus 1.25.1; 1.114.1; 3.2.6; 3.25.2; 3.39.1; 3.47.5; 3.58.1; 4.10.7; 4.57.3; 5.32.1; 5.36.1; 5.71.5; 6.7.1; 6.53.3; 6.61.1; 7.12.1; 7.80.3; 8.41.3; 10.51.5. ‖ Real character. ‖ A common cognomen, derived from Faustus (Kajanto 1965, 272). Martial seems to be playing with the favourable connotations of the name in some contexts (Schöffel 2002, 367; Vallat 2008, 122). ‖ Patron of Martial’s. The poet dedicates several books to him, asking both for protection against his critics (3.2; 7.12) and critical appraisal (4.10). Faustinus seems to be very close to Domitian (7.12), perhaps a member of his family (vid. infra; see →Domitianus). He was a poet himself (Duret 1986, 3226). In 1.25 Martial encourages him to publish his writings, and in 6.61 he shares his criticism on the style of →Pompullus with him. He is the addressee of many poems in which Martial criticises others: 3.25 (on the rhetor →Sabineius), 3.39 (on the one-eyed →Lycoris1), 3.47 (on →Bassus2), 5.32 (on →Crispus1), 6.7 (on →Telesilla), 6.53 (on →Hermocrates) and 8.41 (on →Athenagoras). In 5.36 Martial tells Faustinus about an unnamed patron who does not repay the poet for his laudatory epigrams. According to Canobbio, this might be interpreted as an exemplum cavendum. Epigram 1.114 is an epitaph for →Antulla, daughter of →Faenius Telesphorus, a neighbour of Faustinus (perhaps in Tibur; see Balland 2010, 58). In 7.80 Martial asks him to send his book to →Marcellinus, traditionally thought to be his son, although this is far from certain. Faustinus must have been well-off, since Martial mentions and describes many of his villae all over Italy. According to Fusi (2006, 57– 60), he probably lodged the poet

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during his stay in Gallia Cisalpina in AD 87. Epigram 3.58 is a fifty-line description of his productive farm in Baiae (Fabbrini 2007, 59 – 116; according to Balland, Baiana might be the name of the villa, not an adjective pertaining to its location). In 4.57 Martial says he is in Baiae, but, since it is too hot there, asks his friend to invite him to the cooler Tibur. Even cooler than Tibur is Trebula, a small neighbouring locality where Faustinus apparently had another villa (Canobbio 2011, 535 – 536). Tibur is also alluded to in 7.81.12. In 10.51 Martial presents his friend Faustinus as tired of his life in Rome and willing to enjoy his farm in Anxur (the villa might have been called Ravenna; see Balland 2010, 53). Damon (1997, 162 n. 37) suggested that Frontine might be read instead of Faustine in 10.51.5, but see Nauta 2002, 16 n. 98 and König 2018, 253. →Frontinus’ villas in Baiae and Anxur are mentioned in 10.58. ‖ Faustinus has been identified with Cn. Minicius Faustinus (PIR 2 M 609 [Petersen]), suffect consul in AD 91 (Citroni 1975, 85 – 86; Nauta 2002, 67; Fusi 2006, 115). Although there have been attempts to identify him with the author of an epigram found in Tiberius’ grotto in Sperlonga (Iacopi 1963, 42– 45), this has been refuted (Citroni 1975, 86; Nauta 2002, 67– 68; Fusi 2006, 115). Balland, however, considers him to be the author of the famous epigram of Sperlonga (2010, 44– 48) and of the Ilias Latina, and identifies him with Q. Petillius Cerialis Caesius Rufus, Domitian’s brother-in-law (→Domitianus). This might explain why Faustinus is no longer mentioned after the publication of book 10. In that case, perhaps he might be identified with some of the unidentified Rufi who are frequently addressed in the epigrams (→Rufus1). Bibliography: Balland 2010, 39 – 65; Barwick 1958, 295– 296; Canobbio 2011, 330 – 331, 354, 435– 436; Citroni 1980, 85– 86; Fabbrini 2007, 59 – 116; Fusi 2006, 114– 115; Galán Vioque 2002, 105, 442; Grewing 1907, 108– 109; Howell 1980, 161– 162; 342– 343; Mindt 2013, 230 –231; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 157, 409; Nauta 2002, 67– 68, 161– 163; PIR2 F127 (Stein); RE 6.2, s. v. Faustinus 4, 2087– 2088 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 62– 63, 122. rms

Faustus1 11.64.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Faustus is a very common cognomen, belonging to the category of wish-names (Kajanto 1965, 29 – 30, 72– 73, 172). ‖ This character, apparently distinct from →Faustus2, only appears once in a satirical epigram. He writes letters (supposedly with erotic content) to many girls, but none of them ever writes back. Despite his name, he is an unfortunate lover. Bibliography: Kay 1985, 210; RE 6.2, s. v. Faustus 3, 2091 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 492. rms

Faustus2 2.14.11. ‖ Real character. ‖ For the meaning and frequency of the name, see →Faustus1, apparently a different character. ‖ He is a balneator, the owner or builder of some bal-

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nea. They are mentioned in the same line as the baths of →Fortunatus (note the semantic similarity of the names), and in the following one those of →Gryllus and →Lupus1 are cited. These could be the balnea quattuor of 5.70.4, as Rodríguez Almeida suggests (LTUR 1, 162– 163), each of them associated with a circus faction: “Il poeta allude ad una zona popolare che ricorre in altri suoi versi in cui si parla di quattro piccoli stabilimenti termali a buon mercato del Campo Marzio sudoccidentale” (162). In 2.14 the cenipeta →Selius does not leave a single spot of Rome unexplored (intemptatum) in his quest for a dinner invitation, not even the aforementioned baths: 11– 12 Nec Fortunati spernit nec balnea Fausti / nec Grylli tenebras Aeoliamque Lupi. “The joke is partly on the quality of the dinner Selius could expect from the users of such dingy baths” (Fagan 1999, 21). It is hyperbolically supposed that he bathes in all of them, as well as in the thermae of →Titus1, →Agrippa and →Nero: 13 nam thermis iterum ternis iterumque lavatur. “Becoming increasingly desperate, Selius visits unappealing private baths which, it is implied, the more discriminating would shun” (Watson/Watson 2003, 158). ‖ →Fortunatus, →Gryllus, →Lupus1, →Selius. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 533; Fagan 1999, 20 –21; PIR2 F132 (Stein); RE 6.2, s. v. Faustus 3, 2091 (Stein); LTUR 1, s. v. Balnea quattuor, 162– 163 (Rodríguez Almeida); Vallat 2008, 122, 492; Watson/Watson 2003, 158, 161–162; Williams 2004, 73. amc

Faventinus 2.74.8. ‖ Real character? ‖ According to Kajanto (1965, 113 and 196), this belongs to the type of cognomen formed with the suffix –inus/na derived from appellatives, although it seems that this name derives from Faventia, a town in Gallia Cisalpina, or perhaps from the present participle of favens (ibid., 116, on Faventius: “Schwab argues that the forms in –ius/–ia originated from present participles which corresponded to older feminine forms in –ia, cf. town names Faventia etc.”). The name is wellattested in inscriptions (Kajanto ibid.; Williams 2004, 235). ‖ Epigram 2.74 disapproves of →Saufeius, who walks proudly with a procession of togati (1 cinctum togatis post et ante). Martial asks →Maternus not to envy him (4 invidere nolito), because they are not his true friends, but false companions, bought with the money lent by Faventinus and →Fuficulenus: 6 – 7 Hos illi amicos et greges togatorum / Fuficulenus praestat et Faventinus. As Williams (2004, 233) remarks, it is impossible to understand the poem if we do not know who these characters were: “Our understanding of the joke depends on the identity of these two men, whom Martial never names again. The context clearly suggests that they were moneylenders”. The companions could also be clients of Saufeius, who would have to borrow money to pay them the sportula (cf. Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 274). Furthermore, Williams (2004, 235) suggests that the poem could be linked with 2.57 and that “the image of the apparently successful Saufeius surrounded by his clients may have inspired Juvenal’s wry description of what people look for in a lawyer: not their ability but their wealthy appearance”

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(cf. Juv. 7.141– 143). A quite different interpretation is that of Balland (2010, 110 – 111), who suggests that Fuficulenus and Faventinus are not moneylenders but pseudonyms of two lawyers, rivals of →Regulus, who is also mentioned in the epigram: he suggests an identification of Faventinus with →Silius Italicus and of Fuficulenus with Ti. Catius Caesius Fronto (see →Fronto1). ‖ →Fuficulenus, →Saufeius. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 110 – 111; Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 274; PIR 2 F20 (Stein); RE 6.2, s. v. Faventinus 1, 2053 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 96, 425; Williams 2004, 233 – 235. amc

Fescennia 1.87.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A very rare name, attested only here and in CIL 14.1016 (cf. Schulze 1904, 80, 559). ‖ Fescennia is a drunkard who tries to conceal her bad breath with the perfumed pastilles of →Cosmus1 (2 pastillos Cosmi), but this just makes things worse: 5 – 6 Quid quod olet gravius mixtum diapasmate virus / atque duplex animae longius exit odor? (cf. 10.83.11). The poet recommends that she simply get drunk: 8 sis ebria simpliciter (cf. 3.42.3; 6.7.6; 10.83.9; 11.7.13 – 14). Due to the parallelism between this epigram and 5.4, Howell (1980, 291) infers that Fescennia could be a prostitute, as the ebria →Myrtale. Vallat suggests a pun on Fescennium and the Fescennini versus. ‖ →Acerra, →Myrtale. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 269 – 271; Giegengack 1969, 104; Howell 1980, 291; RE 6.2, s. v. Fescennia, 2222 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 342– 343. amc

Festus 1.78.4. ‖ Historical character. ‖ A widespread cognomen, originally meaning ‘joyous’, ‘merry’ (Kajanto 1965, 28, 62, 221). ‖ Probably to be identified with C. Calpetanus Rantius Quirinalis Valerius Festus (Friedländer ad loc.), who had been propraetor of Africa (69 – 70 AD; cf. Tac. Hist. 2.98, where he appears as commander of the third legion), suffect consul (71), pontifex and imperial legate in Pannonia (73) and Hispania (79 – 80). C. Chicorius (in E. Norden, Agnostos Theos, Stuttgart, 337 ff.) claimed that he was proconsul of Asia (81– 82) and the addressee of letter 58 of Apollonius of Tyana, basing his identification of this character with Martial’s on the fact that he is the only known senator with the cognomen Festus in the first century AD. Voisin (1987, 271– 272) confirms this identification through an analysis of the epigraphic information, whereas Griffin (1986, 201– 202 n. 16) proposes as further arguments the fact that death by sword was probably “felt to be the appropriate method for soldiers and commanders” and that Pliny (Ep. 3.7.12) and Tacitus (Hist. 4.49) portray him in negative terms, probably because of his good relation to Domitian (→Domitianus). Cf. also CIL 5.531; 5.2477; 2.4838. ‖ He appears in an epigram dealing with his suicide. He suffered from an illness (probably cancer) that affected his face. Mar-

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tial praises his fortitude and the means of his suicide, not by poison or starvation, but with a morte Romana, that is, with the sword. He is considered better than →Cato2, because Festus was a friend of the emperor’s. Bibliography: Alföldy 1969, 21– 22; Citroni 1975, 249; Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 214; Griffin 1986, 201– 202 n. 16; Howell 1980, 282; RE 3.1, s. v. Calpetanus 2, 1363– 1364 (Groag); Sullivan 1991, 168; Vallat 2008, 99, 149 – 150; Voisin 1987, 271–272. jfv

Fidentinus 1.29.1; 1.38.1; 1.53.1; 1.72.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A rare cognomen (Kajanto 1965, 196, 257). Of the nine instances of Fidentinus and Fidentina recorded in EDCS, eight are from Hispania. ‖ A plagiarist. Fidentinus is accused of plagiarising Martial’s poems in several epigrams of his first book, which form a cycle. The unnamed plagiarist of 1.52 (plagiario) and 1.66 (meorum fur avare librorum) may also be identified with him (Barwick 1958, 308 – 309). In 1.29 Fidentinus is said to recite Martial’s poems as if they were his own. Martial would be willing to send him his poems for free, if only he is willing to acknowledge their real authorship; but as he is not, at least he should pay for them. He is also a very bad recitator (1.38). In 1.53 Fidentinus’ real work (only one page) is so different from Martial’s (which he tries to pass off as his own ouvre) that his theft becomes evident. In the final epigram of this cycle (1.72), Fidentinus is compared to the vetulae →Aegle and →Lycoris, who try to appear young with fake teeth and makeup. ‖ According to Citroni, the name “probabilmente è scelto per alludere alla sfrontatezza del personaggio (Barwick, “Philologus” 102 [1958], p. 308) o, per contrasto, alla sua mancanza di fides” (1975, 97; see also Giegengack 1969, 55). Vallat also explains the double motivation for the use of this name: although it is an adjective derived from the town of Fidentia, it is clearly suggestive of fides and fidus: the name “exprime la fidélité paradoxale du plagiaire à son modèle”, but at the same time “le nom se comprend également par antiphrase ironique: le voleur (fur) trompe Martial et son public, et déroge ainsi au principe de déontologie contenu dans fides. Ainsi Fidentinus est-il à la fois fidèle et infidèle” (2008, 492– 493). To this must be added that the vocative Fidentine is usually the penultimate word preceding a reference to Martial’s work (libellos 1.29.1; libellus 1.38.1; libellis 1.53.1). Besides, in 1.29.1 there is an alliterative play with fama: it is to be noted that fides is in some contexts a synonym for fama (OLD, s. v. fides 5: ‘good name’, ‘credit’). This whole cycle is, all in all, about reputation and prestige. Bibliography: Barwick 1958, 308 – 309; Citroni 1980, 97; Fitzgerald 2007, 91– 94; Giegengack 1969, 55 – 58; Howell 1980, 168; McGill 2012, 74– 112; RE 6.2, s. v. Fidentinus, 2279 (Stein); Rimell 2008, 43 – 47; Spahlinger 2004; Vallat 2008, 375, 395 – 396, 425, 492, 598. rms

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Flaccilla 5.34.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ The name Flaccilla, derived from Flaccus, is attested in the Tarraconensis (Dolç 1953, 54; Kajanto 1965, 240; Bell 1984, 23; Sullivan 1991, 2 n. 7). ‖ Probably, the mother of Martial and the wife of →Fronto3. Martial commends to his deceased parents the soul of his five-year-old slave →Erotion, who has died prematurely. For the arguments refuting the idea that Fronto and Flaccilla were Erotion’s parents, see →Fronto3. Martial addresses her as genetrix, a very poetic term, and calls them both veteres patronos (5.34.7). ‖ →Erotion, →Fronto3. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 124; Bell 1984, 23; Canobbio 2011, 337– 338; Howell 1995, 117; PIR2 F169 (Stein); Sullivan 1991, 2 (and n. 7); Syme 1958, 618; Thévenaz 2002, 179 n. 30; Vallat 2008, 38– 39; Watson/Watson 2003, 343 – 344. jfv

Flaccus1 1.57.1; 1.59.4; 1.61.4; 1.76.2; 1.98.1; 4.42.8; 4.49.1; 7.82.4; 7.87.1; 8.45.1,7; 8.55.5; 9.33.1; 9.55.2,8; 9.90.10; 10.48.5; 11.27.1; 11.80.3,5; 11.95.2; 11.98.1; 11.100.1; 11.101.1– 2; 12.74.5,10. ‖ Real character. ‖ A very common cognomen (Kajanto 1965, 240). ‖ A friend of Martial’s. According to Pitcher (1984), the Flaccus of all these epigrams is always the same person: a friend and patron of the poet. This idea is defended by other critics: Cartault 1903; Stein (RE 6.2, s. v. Flaccus 6); PIR 2 F170 (with doubts about 1.98; 7.82; 9.33; 9.95; and 9.98); White 1972, 113 – 118; 1975, 297 n. 46; Kay 1985, 130; Howell 1980, 242; Sullivan 1991, 19; Kleijwegt 1998, 262; Henriksén 1998, 172; Vallat 2008, 68 – 69; Rühl 2015, 96 – 101. Citroni groups some appearances of the name (1975, 196, 202– 203) without adopting a definite position. Friedländer (ad 1.57) and Barwick (1958, 298) consider that the Flaccus of 1.61 and 1.76, a poet from Padua, is a different person. White (1972, 113 – 118; 1975, 297 n. 46) suggests he might be Calpurnius Flaccus (see also Balland 2010, 120 – 123; Henriksén 1998, 172; 1999, 131; Howell 1980, 242; Kay 1985, 130): cf. Plin. Ep. 5.2. Parker’s idea that he could be a relative of Martial’s seems unfounded (2000, 456 n. 10). Balland (2010, 121) suggests that he might have had Tarraconensian origins, and that Padua might have been his “adoptive” homeland, due to his relationship with →Stella. ‖ Pitcher sketches a coherent portrait of Flaccus: a friend of →Stella’s (1.61; 9.55; Henriksén 1999, 34; 10.48) who could have introduced him to Martial. At the beginning, Flaccus—a native of Padua—is presented as a young man interested in poetry (1.61; 1.76). Martial addresses him in literary poems (4.49; 8.55). See also Duret 1986, 3226. Flaccus was wealthy (12.74) and well-positioned in the social pyramid, but the flippant tone of the epigrams (1.59; 11.80) proves that they were close friends (Nauta 2002, 61). This intimacy is evident in erotic epigrams (1.57; 4.42; 7.82; 9.33; 9.90; 11.27; 11.100; 11.101). ‖ There is a hint of Flaccus’ career in 8.45 and 9.90: he held a lengthy senatorial office in Cyprus, a praetorian province (he must have been proconsul, legate or quaestor). According to Henriksén (1999, 130 – 131), this may help to identify Flaccus with the Cal-

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purnius Flaccus of Plin. Ep. 5.2. However, according to Sherwin-White (1966, 316), Calpurnius Flaccus “may have Spanish origins”, which hinders any identification of the Flaccus in these epigrams with the Paduan Flaccus of 1.61 an 1.76 (contra Balland 2010, 121). ‖ Kay (1985, 130) suggests a sexual wordplay in 11.27.1 (ferreus es si stare tibi potest mentula, Flacce): “Mr. Flaccid” (against this meaning of flaccus see Parker 2000). In 8.55.5 the juxtaposition Flacce, Marones clearly evokes the poet Horace (Schöffel 2002, 472, 475; Watson/Watson 2003, 127; →Horatius3), as does the joke of 9.33: Audieris in quo, Flacce, balneo plausum, / Maronis illic esse mentulam scito. See Henriksén 2012, 148 – 149, Holzberg 2011 and Heil 2013. ‖ →Stella. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 120 –123; Barwick 1958, 298–299; Buongiovanni 2012, 257– 258; Cartault 1903, 106–107; Citroni 1975, 196, 202–203; Duret 1986, 3226; Galán Vioque 2002, 449; Heil 2013, 112; Henriksén 1998, 172; 1999, 34, 130 –131; 2012, 148; Howell 1980, 242; Kay 1985, 130; Mindt 2013, 209–217; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 310 –311; Nauta 2002, 46, 59–61, 78–79, 83, 92; Parker 2000; PIR2 F170 (Stein); Pitcher 1984; RE 6.2, s. v. Flaccus 6 (Stein); Rühl 2015, 96–101; Schöffel 2002, 392, 472, 475; Sergi 1988; Syme 1983b, 118 (= RP 4, 390 and n. 107); Vallat 2008, 68–69; White 1972, 113–118; 1975, 297 n. 46. rms

Flaccus2 1.107.4; 8.18.5; 12.3.1. ‖ Q. Horatius Flaccus. ‖ See →Horatius3.

Flavus 10.104.1,12. ‖ Real character. ‖ The cognomen, denoting blond hair, is very widespread, and well-attested in Hispania (Kajanto 1965, 18, 37, 64, 227). ‖ A friend of Martial’s, from Bilbilis. They may have been old friends and have spent some time together in Rome. He appears in the last epigram of book 10, a propemptikon: Martial sends his book with his friend (noster) Flavus to Spain, before the poet’s own definitive return to Bilbilis, probably in AD 98. Martial asks the book to greet his old friends and to remind Flavus to buy a little estate for him. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 367– 368 (Niehl); Dolç 1953, 103 – 104; PIR 2 F452 (Stein); RE 6.2, s. v. Flavus 4, 2740 (Stein); Sullivan 1991, 183, 218; Vallat 2008, 56 – 57. jfv

Flora 1.epist.v.1; 5.22.4; 6.27.1; 6.80.5; 10.92.11; cf. 1.epist. (Florales); 1.35.8 (Floralia). ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Italian goddess of flowering, blosoming and spring. Her cult in Rome was old (she had a Flamen Floralis): her feast, the Floralia, was celebrated from 28 April to early May since 238 BC. The Ludi Florales, held annually in her honour since 173 BC, included the representation of bawdy mimi. ‖ In the prefatory epistle of book 1, Martial affirms that his epigrams are written for those who watch the

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Florales: Epigrammata illis scribuntur qui solent spectare Florales. Then he alludes to an anecdote about M. Porcius Cato, recorded by Valerius Maximus and Seneca: V. Max. 2.10.8 Eodem ludos Florales, quos Messius aedilis faciebat, spectante populus ut mimae nudarentur postulare erubuit. quod cum ex Favonio amicissimo sibi una sedente cognosset, discessit e theatro, ne praesentia sua spectaculi consuetudinem impediret; Sen. Ep. 97.8 Catonem inquam illum quo sedente populus negatur permisisse sibi postulare Florales iocos nudandarum meretricum (see →Cato2). The epistle closes with an epigram on Cato’s leaving the theatre during the iocosae dulce… sacrum Florae (v. 1; cf. Ov. Fast. 5.183 ludis celebranda iocosis). The allusions to the Floralia and to the striptease of the mimae suggest both the popularity of Martial’s epigrams and their inherent risqué nature. A similar use of the Floralia in a defence of his poetry is found in 1.35.8. ‖ In 5.22.4 and 6.27.1 Flora refers to a Temple of Flora on the Quirinal (Vitr. 7.9.4), where Martial lived (Platner/Ashby 1929, 210; LTUR 2, 254 [F. Coarelli]; see Canobbio 2011, 274). ‖ She appears as the goddess of flowers in 6.80.5: odorae gratia Florae. In 10.92 Martial commends his country estate to a friend (or rather its new owner), including his bay trees, where Flora fled from →Priapus: 11– 12 et delicatae laureum nemus Florae, / in quod Priapo persequente confugit. This tale is not found elsewhere in literature: Ovid tells the story of Chloris who, pursued by Zephyrus (not Priapus), changed into Flora (Ov. Fast 5.183 – 378). Martial’s story may be an invention (linking two gods of fertility) or a recollection of a local myth: “Dabei muss es sich um eine Lokalsage oder eine Erfindung des Dichters handeln, denn nur an dieser Stelle werden die beiden Gottheiten miteinander in Verbindung gebracht” (Damschen/Heil 2004, 329). It is less likely that Martial has mistaken Chloris for Lotis, another fleeing nymph, pursued by Priapus (Ov. Met. 9.340 – 348; Fast. 1.391– 440: see O’Connor 1998, 198 – 199). ‖ In 5.22.4 Martial calls her rustica, for she is a country goddess (Canobbio 2011, 274), whereas in 10.92.11 she is said to be delicata. ‖ →Cato2. Bibliography: Brill NP 5, 466 (Graf); Canobbio 2011, 274; Citroni 1975, 11– 12; Damschen/Heil 2004, 329 (Albrecht); Gaffney 1976; Garthwaite 2001, 71– 72; Grewing 1997, 518; Howell 1980, 100 – 101; LIMC 4.1, s. v. Flora, 137– 139 (Hošek), 4.2, 70; O’Connor 1998, 198 – 199; RE 6.2, s. v. Flora 1, 2747– 2749 (Wissowa). rms

Fortunatus 2.4.11. ‖ Real character. ‖ A widespread wish-name, meaning ‘lucky’ (Kajanto 1965, 72, 273). ‖ His baths are catalogued together with those of →Faustus2 →Gryllus and →Lupus1. See the details in →Faustus2. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 533; Fagan 1999, 20 –21; LTUR 1, s. v. Balnea quattuor, 162– 163 (Rodríguez Almeida); PIR 2 F482 (Stein); RE 7.1, s. v. Fortunatus 4, 55 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 122, 492; Watson/Watson 2003, 158, 161–162; Williams 2004, 73. amc

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Frontinus 10.48.20; 10.58.1. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Sextus Iulius Frontinus. ‖ The cognomen was originally related to a physical trait (a broad forehead), like Fronto (Kajanto 1965, 236). ‖ A politician, general and writer of the time, and friend of Martial’s. Probably a native of southern Gaul, he was urban praetor in AD 70; he helped to suppress the revolt of Julius Civilis; he was consul in 72 or 73; governor of Britannia (73/74– 77); he probably accompanied Domitian during his campaigns in 82– 83 (→Domitianus); he was appointed proconsul of Asia in 86. Under →Nerva he was curator aquarum (97). Under Trajan, he was suffect consul in AD 98 and ordinary consul in 100. He died in 103– 104. He wrote two technical treatises: Stratagemata, on military tactics, written under Domitian, and De aquis urbis Romae, on the water supply in Rome. According to Pliny, he was one of the most important figures of his time (Ep. 5.1). See König 2018 for the “connections and possible cross-fertilisations between Martial and Frontinus” (259). ‖ Epigram 10.48 deals with a dinner Martial is preparing for some friends: the meal will be served with a six-year-old Nomentan wine in the consulate of Frontinus (for the ambiguity see Housman 1907, 252– 253, and König 2018, 242). Epigram 10.58 is addressed to Frontinus himself, and contrasts their busy lives in the Urbs with the peace both enjoyed in Anxur and Baiae, sharing literary activities. Martial may not be the best of clients, but he loves him all the same: 13– 14 Per veneranda mihi Musarum sacra, per omnes / iuro deos: et non officiosus amo. ‖ According to Balland (2010, 112– 114), →Fronto1 must also be identified with Frontinus. ‖ Damon (1997, 162, n. 37) suggested that Frontine could perhaps be read instead of Faustine in 10.51.5, but see Nauta 2002, 16 n. 98, and König 2018, 253. ‖ →Faustinus, →Fronto1. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 112– 114; Birley 2000, 64– 65; Damschen/Heil 2004, 190 – 191 (Kropp), 221– 222 (Faust); König 2018; Nauta 2002, 55– 56; PIR2 I322 (Petersen); RE 10.1, s. v. Iulius 243, 591– 606 (Kappelmacher), suppl. 14, 208– 209; Vallat 2008, 74; Ward Perkins 1937. jfv

Fronto1 1.55.2. ‖ Real character. ‖ The cognomen, originally meaning ‘having a broad forehead’, was very common (Kajanto 1965, 236). ‖ A patron who Martial explains his ideal of life to. The frequency of the name and the lack of any other personal information hinders any identification. Martial calls him clarum militiae togaeque decus: this suggests that he was a senator, “since the alternation of important army posts with forensic activity at home in Rome was typical of the senatorial cursus” (White 1972, 53 – 54). Stein (RE 7.1, s. v. Fronto 9, 112) suggested that he could be the same Fronto of Juv. 1.12 (PIR 2 F389). Later (PIR 2 F386 and 388) he proposed an identification with Fronto, the consular of Trajan’s age who wrote on tactics (Aelian. Tact. 1.2; see also Balland 2010, 112). Several contemporary senators bearing this cognomen have been proposed: Sextus Octavius Fronto (consul in 86; PIR 2 O35), Quintus Pactumeius Fronto (cos. 80; PIR 2 P38), Titus Catius Caesius Fronto (cos. 96; PIR 2

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C194) or Gaius Caristanius Fronto (cos. 90; PIR 2 C423). Sherwin-White (ad Plin. Ep. 2.11.3) states that Catius Fronto “may well be Martial’s patron”. According to Ferguson (1987, 97), the Fronto of Juv. 1.12, “a rich man with a garden shaded with trees and a marble colonnade used for public recitals” is perhaps “T. Catius Caesius Fronto, a patron of Martial”. However, Groag in PIR 2 C194 remarks that it is not clear that Catius Fronto should be identified with Martial’s patron or with the writer on tactics and refutes the identification with the Fronto of Juvenal. According to Nauta, this epigram might well be a frustrated attempt to win this character’s patronage, since he is not mentioned afterwards, although he is not the only patron who is addressed only once (2002, 76 n. 136). Balland, however, has refuted all the other possibilities and has argued that Fronto and →Frontinus are the same person, due, among other arguments, to the parallelism between 1.55 and 10.58 (2010, 112– 114). ‖ →Frontinus. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 112; Citroni 1975, 184– 185; Howell 1980, 237; PIR 2 F386, F388 (Stein); RE 7.1, s. v. Fronto 9, 112 (Stein); Sherwin-White 1998, 170; Vallat 2008, 58. jfv

Fronto2 14.106.2. ‖ Historical character. ‖ For the frequency and meaning of the name, see →Fronto1. ‖ Stoic (or Cynic) philosopher. Nothing else is known of him. Martial says that he looked for cold water with a clay jar. According to Vallat, the name is reminiscent of the term frons, which suggests severity, a trait of Stoic philosophers. Thus “le nome expliciterait alors le caractère” (2008, 525). Bibliography: Leary 2001, 169; PIR 2 F487 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 87, 525. jfv

Fronto3 5.34.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ For the frequency and meaning of the name see →Fronto1. ‖ Probably Valerius Fronto, the deceased father of Martial, to whose soul he commends the five-year-old slave →Erotion, who has died prematurely. The old idea that he and →Flaccilla were the parents of the little girl (most recently maintained by Mantke 1967) has been aptly refuted: “their names are unlikely ones for slaves, and it would be a little odd to call her own parents her patroni (…): the whole point is that Martial asks his own parents, who presumably have never seen Erotion, to look after her” (Howell 1995, 117; see also Thévenaz 2002, 179 n. 30; Vallat 2008, 38 – 39; Canobbio 2011, 337). Martial calls them veteres patronos in line 7. Both his name and his wife’s, →Flaccilla, are well attested in the Tarraconensis. Fronto was a cognomen of the gens Valeria. ‖ →Erotion, →Flaccilla.

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Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 337– 338; Howell 1995, 117; Sullivan 1991, 2 (and n. 7); Thévenaz 2002, 179 n. 30; Vallat 2008, 38 – 39; Watson/Watson 2003, 343 – 344. jfv

Fuficulenus 2.74.8. ‖ Real character? ‖ Some manuscripts read Fusiculenus, but Fuficulenus is wellattested in inscriptions: CIL 6.975; 6.7494; 6.18619; 6.18621; AE 1980, 188. Cf. Schulze 1904, 171 n. 1. ‖ According to Martial, those who accompany →Saufeius are not his own friends, but clients (Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 274) bought with the money lent by →Faventinus and Fuficulenus: 6 – 7 Hos illi amicos et greges togatorum / Fuficulenus praestat et Faventinus. Balland (2010, 110 – 111) suggests that they are not moneylenders, but pseudonyms of two lawyers, rivals of →Regulus: he suggests an identification of Faventinus with →Silius Italicus and of Fuficulenus with Ti. Catius Caesius Fronto (see →Fronto1). For further information about this epigram and this pair of characters, see →Faventinus. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 110 – 111; Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 274; PIR 2 F499 (Stein); RE 7.1, s. v. Fuficulenus, 200 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 96; Williams 2004, 233 – 235. amc

Fulvia 11.20.4,5. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Ca. 70 – 40 BC. ‖ Third wife of Marcus →Antonius1, with whom she had three children. She had previously been married to P. Clodius Pulcher and C. Scribonius Curio. She took an active part in politics, in support of her third husband, especially in the proscriptions, through which she got rich (Cicero attacked her harshly without naming her in his Philippicae; in 6.2.4 he calls her mulieri avarissimae). In late 41 she tried to bring her husband and →Augustus1 into conflict over the settlement of the veterans of Philippi, with the help of →Manius, Antonius’ deputy. She helped Lucius, Antonius’ brother, in the siege of Perusia. Augustus captured her, but let her flee to Greece, where she reunited with her husband, who was dissapointed with her. She died shortly afterwards. Veleius Paterculus describes her as nihil muliebre praeter corpus gerens (2.74.3). ‖ Epigram 11.20 is addressed to the readers who dislike Martial’s lewd epigrams: he sets as an example an erotic epigram (lascivos… versus) about Fulvia and Antonius written by Augustus (for its authenticity, see Hallett 1977 and Kay 1985, 111– 112). Here Fulvia is angry at her husband for having slept with →Glaphyra. She wants to take revenge by asking Augustus to sleep with her, and he replies: 4– 5 quid si me Manius oret / pedicem, faciam? The reason for this allusion to Manius is unknown, although it may be inferred that he also had a feud with Antonius. She insists: ‘aut futue, aut pugnemus’ ait (7). Augustus assures that he values his mentula more than his life and prefers to fight (7– 8 quid, quod mihi

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vita / carior est ipsa mentula? Signa canant!). This poem must be read in the context of the Perusian siege (Kay ad loc.; Weir 2007, 67– 82). ‖ →Antonius1, Marcus. Bibliography: Delia 1991; Hallett 1977; 2015; Kay 1985, 110 – 114; PIR2 F593 (Groag); RE 7.1, s. v. Fulvius 113, 281– 284 (Münzer); Vallat 2008, 154; Weir 2007. jfv

Furius 6.17.3 – 4. ‖ Fictional name. ‖ Furius is a nomen gentilicium. ‖ Martial uses the wordplay Furius / Fur, in order to mock Cinna, who has changed his original name, Cinnamus, by means of a detractio syllabae, in order to conceal his servile origins: 3 – 4 tu si Furius ante dictus esses, / fur ista ratione dicereris. “Vielleicht impliziert auch gerade das Furius-Beispiel, bei dem letzlich durch Analogieschluβ Cinna und Fur gleichgesetzt werden, wie Cinnamus zu Geld und Freiheit gelangt ist” (Grewing 1997, 162). ‖ →Cinna2, →Cinnamus1. Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 162; Sullivan 1991, 90; Vallat 2008, 525 – 526. amc

Fuscus1 1.54.1; 7.28.3,10. ‖ Real character. ‖ Fuscus is a very common cognomen related to skin colour (Kajanto 1965, 228). ‖ A lawyer and patron of Martial’s. It is possible, but not definite, that the Fuscus of these two epigrams is the same person. The Fuscus in 1.54 is unlikely to be the Cornelius Fuscus of 6.76 (→Fuscus2); since Cornelius Fuscus died in 87, he cannot be the Fuscus of 7.28. Sherwin-White (1998, 386) suggests an identification with Pedanius Fuscus Salinator (PIR 2 P199 [Wachtel]), from Barcino, father of the Cn. Pedanius Fuscus Salinator mentioned by Pliny in Ep. 6.26.1 (PIR 2 P200 [Wachtel]; see also Syme RP 4, 107), who was consul around 84 and proconsul of Asia in 98/99 (White 1975, 297 n. 46; Nauta 2002, 64). In any case, the cognomen is so common that any identification remains uncertain. It must be noted that Juvenal satirises a lawyer called Fuscus in 16.46. ‖ In 1.54 Martial asks Fuscus to be his ‘friend’: the tone of the epigram clearly suggests a client-patron relationship (Citroni 1975, 182). Fuscus’ status is highlighted by the fact that he has plenty of such amici. In 7.28 Fuscus is also a wealthy man, who has olive groves and vineyards, apart from being a successful lawyer with good relations with the imperial house. Martial sends him a book of epigrams as a Saturnalian present, asking for his critical opinion: 8 exige, sed certa, quod legis aure iocos. Bibliography: Citroni 1975; Ferguson 1987, 98; Howell 1980, 235–236; Galán Vioque 2002, 202; Nauta 2002, 64, 74 n. 124; PIR2 F599 (Stein); RE 7.1, s. v. Fuscus 3– 4, 406 (Stein); Sherwin-White 1998, 386; Syme 1982– 1983, 255 (= RP 4, 107). rms

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Fuscus2 6.76. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Cornelius Fuscus. ‖ For the names, see →Cornelius1 and →Fuscus1. ‖ According to Tacitus, he had relinquished his senatorial status in his youth (Hist. 2.86 prima iuventa quietis cupidine senatorium ordinem exuerat). Having brought his town (not Pompeii, according to Syme 1937; contra Colin 1956a) to Galba’s side, he was named procurator of Illyricum in reward (AD 68); afterwards he sided with M. →Antonius2 Primus to invade Italy. He was praetorian prefect under Domitian (Suet. Dom. 6.1), who sent him to fight the Dacians (→Domitianus). He was killed in that campaign in AD 87 (D. C. 67.6). ‖ Juv. 4.111– 112; Tac. Hist. 2.86.3; 3.42.1; 4.4.2; Suet. Dom. 6.1; Eutr. 7.23.4; D. C. 67.6.5; 68.9.3. ‖ Epigram 6.76 is an epitaph: he is said to have been sacri lateris custos Martisque togati (2), that is, prefect of the guard, and to have been entrusted with Domitian’s military camps (2 credita cui summi castra fuere ducis). Martial concludes that his spectre haunts the land where he is buried in Dacia: 4– 6 Non timet hostiles iam lapis iste minas; / grande iugum domita Dacus cervice recepit, / et famulum victrix possidet umbra nemus. Bibliography: Colin 1956a; Ferguson 1987, 98; Grewing 1997, 488– 489; Hill 1927; PIR2 C1365 (Stein); RE 4.1, s. v. Cornelius 158, 1340 – 1342 (Stein); Syme 1937; Vallat 2008, 99. rms

G Gabba 1.41.16; 10.101.2– 4. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Γάββα, sem. Gib’a. ‖ The name is seldom attested in inscriptions: CIL 8.23399. ‖ A famous jester (verna, scurra, γελωτοποιός) of →Maecenas’ circle. ‖ Although he lived in the times of →Augustus1 (cf. PIR 2 G1), Citroni (1975, 135) reminds us that “gli scoli Veronesi ad l. [referring to Juv. 5.4] mettono Gabba in rapporto con Tiberio”; according to Buecheler (1899, 2), domesticus scurra Gabba fuit Caesari, non Augusto cui plerique eum adsignant…, licet etiam ultra mortem Caesaris vixerit. Like many other jesters, mimos ac ridicularios, he may have come from Syria: abhorret Gabbae vocabulum a graeco latinoque sermone, quam ob rem hominem ex ea regione provenisse conieci quae plurimos mimos ac ridicularios per antiqua oppida sparsit Romamque misit, ex Syria, idque eo puto confirmari quod cum civitates nomine Gabbae ibi fuerunt tum vir Iudaeus Γάββα appellatur in ‘I Paralipomenon 2, 49’ (Buecheler). Manuscripts of Martial’s and other sources record the following variants: Galba, Γάλβα, Γάλβας, Γάρβα, Κάββα, Κάββας (cf. the refutation of Buecheler 1899, 1– 3; PIR 2 G1). In any case, these variants refer to the same person (cf. Citroni 1975, 135). ‖ Plu. Mor. 726a καὶ Γάλβα τοῦ παρὰ Καίσαρι γελωτοποιοῦ χάριεν ἀπεμνημόνευσεν; Mor. 759 f-760a (an anecdote about Gabba and Maecenas). Quintilian collects some of his jokes in Inst. 6.3 and describes his humour as lascivum et hilare (6.3.27). Like many other characters related to entertainment, he usually appears with a partner or rival, both in Juv. 5.3 – 4 (si potes illa pati quae nec Sarmentus iniquas / Caesaris ad mensas nec vilis Gabba tulisset), and in Martial, who mentions him with →Tettius Caballus (1.41) and →Capitolinus (10.101). ‖ Gabba twice appears in the epigrams. In 1.41 Martial derides →Caecilius, who considers himself elegant (urbanus), when he really is as coarse as a jester (verna, scurra) or as the populace, whose humour is characterised by shamelessness (vernilitas). He is thus unfavourably compared to Gabba and Tettius Caballus. Gabba was already dead when 10.101 was published (AD 98), so that Martial can imagine him coming back from the dead: in an imaginary contest with Capitolinus, Trajan’s jester, the latter would win (Gabba is called rusticus). Heil (in Damschen/Heil 2004, 356) suggests a certain parallelism between Gabba and Martial: “der—wie Henriksén, 31– 32 mit Hinweis auf IX34, IX36 und IX83 betont hat—nicht nur die Rolle des ‘court poet’, sondern auch die des ‘court jester’ zu spielen wusste” (cf. →Latinus, for the parallelism the poet establishes between himself and mime actors). ‖ →Capitolinus, →Tettius Caballus. Bibliografphy: Buecheler 1899, 2; Citroni 1975, 135; Damschen/Heil 2004, 356 (Heil); Ferguson 1987, 99; Howell 1980, 198; PIR 2 G1 (Groag/Stein); RE 7.1, s. v. Gabba, 418 – 419 (Maas); Vallat 2008, 153. amc

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Gabinia 7.57.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name derives from Gabinus, inhabitant of Gabii, an old town in Latium (Kajanto 1965, 182; Schulze 1904, 108, 533). Widely attested. ‖ Patroness (and lover) of →Achillas. In a satirical epigram dealing with social mobility Martial makes fun of a certain Achillas who, having been a boxer (→Pollux), has turned into an eques (→Castor1). For the sexual innuendo, see →Achillas. According to Galán Vioque, Martial has chosen “an unambiguously Roman name, and one belonging to the nobility. Gabinius is the name of a Roman gens, one of whose most prominent members was A. Gabinius, consul in 58 BC and supporter of Caesar” (2002, 341). Martial might be joking with the names of these two lovers, both with historical connotations related to Pompey (→Pompeius1): the Lex Gabinia gave him full powers to fight the pirates and Achillas was one of his assassins. Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 341; PIR2 G11 (Groag/Petersen). rms

Gadilla 7.87.7. ‖ Real character? ‖ A rare name. It is attested in an inscription in Lusitania (Hispania Epigraphica, record 23102). ‖ In a catalogue of owners of extravagant pets, Martial mentions Gadilla, who likes to carry a cold snake around her neck: si gelidum collo nectit Gadilla draconem. Gadilla is the reading of β (with variants), accepted by Giarratano and Shackleton Bailey (with cruces), while the γ family reads glacia. Editors’ corrections are manifold: Gratilla (Scriverius), Glaucilla (Heinsius, Schneidewin, Gilbert, Lindsay, Duff, Watson/Watson), Gladilla (Friedländer), Cadilla (Heraeus, Izaac), Claudilla (Friedrich 1913, 273 – 274). See Galán Vioque ad loc. for more details. According to this scholar, Gadilla “is dubious because it is attested only here and the length of the first syllable is not clear” (2002, 469). Among the conjectures, Gratilla is the best attested in inscriptions; Glaucilla (CIL 2.14.1037), Cadilla (CIL 2.971) and Gadilla (vid. supra) are attested once each, whereas Gladilla is not found in inscriptions. The other female name in this catalogue is also subject to manuscript variants: →Telesilla, →Telesina. Other characters in this epigram are real friends or acquaintances of Martial’s. Balland (1998, 57) suggested that Gadilla could be a pseudonym of Domitia Paulina, the mother of Hadrian, born in Gades. Another possible emendation could be Fadilla: Arria Fadilla was the daughter of Cn. Arrius Antoninus and wife first to T. Aurelius Fulvus (cos. 89) and later to P. Julius Lupus (who, according to Balland 1998, 46 – 49, is the Lupus mentioned in 10.48.6, →Lupus3). Since Gadilla is attested elsewhere, there is no no need to emend it, although the view of Watson/Watson (2003, 263) is highly suggestive: they defend Glaucilla because “it would forge another connection between pet and owner: the epithet γλαυκός is applied to snakes in Greek”.

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Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 469; PIR2 C5 (Stein); Watson/Watson 2003, 263. rms

Gaditanus 10.102.3. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name means ‘from Gades’. It could be both a personal name or an ethnical adjective (Vallat). As a cognomen it is attested in inscriptions, especially in Baetica. ‖ He appears once in book 10: →Avitus wonders how it is possible that →Philinus, who has never had sex, is now a father; Martial replies that he should ask Gaditanus, who, despite writing nothing, is a poet. He is, thus, a plagiarist (and, possibly, the lover of Philinus’ wife). Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 359 – 360 (Hecker); Vallat 2008, 474. jfv

Gaetulicus 1. epist. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Gaetulicus. ‖ Prominent politician, consul in AD 26 and governor of Germania Superior in 30 – 39 until he was forced to commit suicide, when Emperor Caligula allegedly discovered a conspiracy to murder him in Moguntiacum (D. C. 59.22.5; Suet. Claud. 9). He belonged to a consular family. His agnomen, Gaetulicus, goes back to his father’s victory over the Gaetuli in AD 6 (Sullivan 1991, 99; for the name, see also Kajanto 1965, 206). ‖ He is remembered as a writer of erotic poems: Plin. Ep. 5.3.5; Sidon. Carm. 9.259; Epist. 2.10.6 (an allusion to his mistress Caesennia); but he also wrote a historical epic on Germanicus’ campaigns: Probus (Verg. G. 1.227) quotes three lines from one of his poems entitled De Britannis (Courtney 1993, 345 – 346). “He may have written a historical work (Suet. Cal. 8.1)” (Howell 1980, 99). Some epigrams of the Greek Anthology are attibuted to Gaetulicus, but his identification with Lentulus Gaetulicus is controversial (see Malcovati 1923; Howell 1980, 99 – 100; Page 1981, 49 – 51). Nisbet (2003, 198) remarks: “We have no indications outside the Anthology that he ever wrote in Greek, but this doesn’t mean that he can’t have run off the odd epigram for fun”. ‖ Martial mentions him only once: in the prefatory letter of book 1, together with Catullus, Domitius Marsus and Albinovanus Pedo. ‖ →Catullus1, →Marsus, →Pedo. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 10; Courtney 1993, 345 – 346; Duret 1986, 3171– 3175; Howell 1980, 99 – 100; Malcovati 1923; Mindt 2013, 141–142; Nisbet 2003, 183, 197– 199; Page 1981, 49 – 60; PIR 2 C1390 (Groag); RE 4.1, s. v. Cornelius 220, 1384– 1386 (Stein); Sullivan 1991, 99 – 100. rms

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Gaius 2.30.6; 5.14.5; 9.92.4,5,7,10,12; 10.17.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ “The name Gaius is so common in Latin that it may be ‘used for any chance person, like Tom, Dick, and Harry’ (OLD, s. v. Gaius c)” (Williams 2004, 121; cf. also Kajanto 1965, 172). ‖ The name appears in four satirical epigrams. In 2.30 Gaius is a mean patron, who instead of lending Martial some money, advises him to become a lawyer like himself. His stinginess is also the theme of 10.17: he promises many things but gives nothing. In 9.92 Gaius is a Roman citizen, whose way of life should not be envied by his slave →Condylus: his wealth does not let him sleep quietly, he has to perform the morning salutatio, he has many creditors who want their money back, he suffers from gout, he vomits after partying and, worst of all, is a cunnilingus. In 5.14.5 the name is used in a generalising sense (→Nanneius sits between Gaius and →Lucius2 in the theatre). As Canobbio ad loc. explains, “nella prattica giuridica romana Gaius Seius e Lucius Titius erano nomi di comodo utilizzati per dare concretezza ai casi generici”. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 197; Henriksén 1999, 138; 2012, 358; Howell 1995, 92; Vallat 2008, 394, 408, 426; Williams 2004, 121– 122. rms

Galaesus 11.22.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Galaesus is a hydronym, the name of a river near Tarentum (cf. 2.43.3; 4.28.3; 5.37.2; 8.28.4; 12.63.3; Liv. 25.11.8; Hor. Carm. 2.6.10 – 11 dulce pellitis ovibus Galaesi / flumen). Virgil uses the same name for a hero in the Aeneid (cf. 7.735; 7.755; cf. RE 7.1, 513 [Rossbach]: “Vergil hat diese Gestalt wahrscheinlich selbst erfunden und ihr den Namen des von ihm [Georg. 4.126] erwähnten Küstenflusses bei Tarent gegeben”; Macrob. Sat. 4.4.3). It is attested in inscriptions as a personal name. It was the name of a freedman of (L. Arruntius Furius) Camillus (Scribonianus) (cf. RE 7.1, 513 – 514 [Stein]; PIR1 G9 [Dessau] and PIR 2 G23 [Stein]). ‖ Epigram 11.22 reproves an unnamed man for masturbating his pueri delicati: 1– 4 Mollia quod nivei duro teris ore Galaesi / basia, quod nudo cum Ganymede iaces, / –quis negat?– hoc nimium est. Sed sit satis: inguina saltem / parce fututrici sollicitare manu. Cf. Kay 1985, 118: “M. does not claim that sodomy is a sin (in the sense that it advances manhood and makes boys unattractive), but that excitement of the boy’s genitals is: the anus belongs to men, the penis to women”. ‖ The name is suitable for a puer delicatus, who is said to be niveus, since it recalls γάλα (‘milk’) and the whiteness of the wool produced in the region of the river Galaesus, which was much appreciated (cf. 2.43.3 te Lacedaemonio velat toga lota Galaeso; 4.28.3 et lotam tepido togam Galaeso; 5.37.2 agna Galaesi mollior Phalanthini; 8.28.3– 4 Apula Ledaei tibi floruit herba Phalanthi, / qua saturat Calabris culta Galaesus aquis?; 12.63.3 albi quae superas oves Galaesi). See Paschalis 2008, 8. But the name adds further connotations, since Tarentum was associated “with general luxuria and immorality” (cf. Kay 1985, 119; Otto 1890, 340 – 341; Hor. S. 2.4.34 molle Tarentum; Juv. 6.296 – 297). The river Galaesus is described as niger

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(Verg. G. 4.126) or umbrosus (2.34.67), contrasting with the niveus character of this epigram (Vallat 2008, 344). Finally, the mollia basia of Galaesus evoke the down (lanugo: cf. 10.42) of the puer and anticipates the barba of line 8. Bibliography: Kay 1985, 118 – 119; Pavanello 1994, 172– 173; Vallat 2008, 343 – 344, 366, 574. amc

Galatea1 Sp. 34.4. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Γαλάτεια. ‖ A Nereid, daughter of →Nereus and Doris. According to Ov. Met. 13.750 – 897, she was in love with Acis and loved by the Cyclops →Polyphemus1. ‖ She is mentioned once, in a poem describing a naumachia offered by the emperor (→Caesar3), which surpassed those offered by →Augustus1. To highlight its spectacularity, Martial affirms that several sea deities, including Galatea, were captivated by the show. Bibliography: Coleman 2006, 253– 254; LIMC 5.1, s. v. Galateia, 1000 – 1005 (Montón Subías), 5.2, 628– 631; RE 7.1, s. v. Galateia 1, 517– 518 (Weicker). jfv

Galatea2 8.55.17. ‖ Literary character. ‖ Γαλάτεια. ‖ A shepherdess featuring in Vergil’s Eclogae: in 1.30 – 31 she is an avara puella loved by →Tityrus, whereas in 3.64,72 she is a lasciva puella who tantalises Damoetas. For the meaning of the name, see Paschalis 2008. ‖ In an epigram lamenting the contemporary decline of literary patronage, Martial recalls →Maecenas’ patronage of Virgil, who made him forget about Galatea and →Thestylis (that is, bucolic poetry), and devote himself to writing the Aeneid. ‖ →Vergilius. Bibliography: Schöffel 2002, 482– 483; Vallat 2008, 156, 376. jfv

Galla 2.25.1– 2; 2.34.2; 3.51.2,4; 3.54.1– 2; 3.90.1– 2; 4.38.1– 2; 4.58.1– 2; 5.84.8,12; 7.18.4; 7.58.1,10; 9.4.1,4; 9.37.2; 9.78.1– 2; 10.75.1,14; 10.95.1; 11.19.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Originally a geographical name, Galla, the feminine of →Gallus, is remarkably widespread (Kajanto 1965, 45, 48, 51, 195). ‖ It recurrently appears in several satirical contexts, especially in relation to her sexual behaviour (meretrix, vetula libidinosa, evasive lover). She features in almost every book of Martial (from book 2 to 11), and she is portrayed with coherent traits, appearing as a widely exploited single character or type (cf. Williams 2004, 129: “the cases of Galla [2.25.1], Phoebus [2.35.2], Cordus [2.57.4], Ponticus [2.82.1], and Cosconius [2.77.1] contradict Shackleton Bailey’s assertion that ‘as a

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rule’ no identities are maintained across book boundaries”). She is a vetula in 2.34, 9.37, and 10.75; a hypocritical widow in 4.58 (cf. 9.78, where she is a poisoner who has buried seven husbands); an evasive lover who never makes up her mind about giving herself to the poetic persona, being thus rebuked by Martial in the role of a magister amoris (2.25; 3.51; 3.54; 3.90; 4.38; 5.84); she is also lectured about her clamosus cunnus in 7.18 or about her lack of skill in choosing a husband in 7.58, whereas in 2.34 she spends her money on a lover. She appears as a prostitute and fellatrix in 9.4, 10.95 (and perhaps 11.19). In 9.4 the butt of the attack is →Aeschylus, a cunnilingus, and she is paid for her silence. Henriksén (2012, 36) distinguishes between a “a girl (a concubine?) high in the affection of the speaker, who constantly complains that she does not keep her promises and never gives him that for which he is begging” (epigrams in books 2– 4, and perhaps also 5.84), and “those who more or less clearly seem to be prostitutes”. ‖ In a series of epigrams (2.25; 3.51; 3.54; 3.90; 4.38; 5.84) Martial plays with the antithetic pairs dare / negare, promittere / non dare, with sexual and financial implications (cf. Montero Cartelle 1991, 203 – 206). In 2.25 she never fulfills her promises: 1 das numquam, semper promittis. In 3.51 she arouses the poet (2 Nuda placebo magis), but does not want to bathe with him, and Martial wonders: 4 numquid, Galla, times ne tibi non placeam? (cf. Fusi 2006, 359 – 360: “L’interrogativa finale sorprende il lettore […]. La domanda, posta per assurdo, mostra chiaramente che Galla è una prostituta, il cui gusto estetico non è rilevante, e insinua il sospetto che il reale motivo per cui sfugge al poeta sia il desiderio di nascondere qualche difetto fisico”). In 3.54 dare is linked with the pecuniary (1 dare non possim quod poscis), and the poem has a conclusion similar to 2.25: Galla offers her services at such a high price that it would simply be easier to refuse the poet. In 3.90 she is still undecided: 1– 2 Vult, non vult dare Galla mihi (…) vult et non vult (cf. Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 1, 267 n.; Fusi 2006, 514, who resumes the interpretation of Calderini: Galla deformis erat volebatque futui a Martiale sed nihil dare volebat. Deformes autem fututorem pretio concilient necesse est; cf. 3.54). In 4.38 Martial scolds Galla and teaches her about the difficult balance between dare and negare in the game of love and disdain: 1– 2 nega… / sed noli nimium… negare diu (Moreno Soldevila 2006, 290). The final poem of book 5 (5.84) is a complaint to Galla for not having sent the poet a Saturnalian present (7– 8 nec munuscula parva nec minora / misisti mihi, Galla, quam solebas). The poet threatens to reciprocate at the Matronalia, by giving her nothing in return: 12 tunc reddam tibi, Galla, quod dedisti (cf. Canobbio 2011, 589). ‖ Apart from the epigrams where a physical defect is suspected (vid. supra), both 2.34.3 and 9.37.7 portray her as a vetula by means of allusion to her canus cunnus. In the first poem, she has bought the slave →Phileros at an exorbitant price to satisfy her sexual cravings, while her three children starve: she is equated with →Pontia1, who poisoned her own children (cf. 4.43.5, 6.75; Juv. 6.638; in 9.78 Galla kills her husbands). In 9.37 she seems to be a decrepit prostitute who has to pay to placate her furor Veneris; she tries to attract the speaker wearing makeup, but all to no avail: 9 – 10 promittis sescenta tamen; sed mentula surda est, / et sit lusca licet, te tamen illa videt (cf. Henriksén 1998, 185 – 186). A similar situation is presented in 10.75, where she begins by asking the poet for a high

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amount of money (1– 2 milia viginti quondam me Galla poposcit / et, fateor, magno non erat illa nimis), and ends up, after a long process of degradation, offering herself for free, and paying into the bargain: 14 dat gratis, ultro dat mihi Galla: nego. It is now the poet who refuses. ‖ In 4.58 she does not shed a single tear for her dead husband (see the different interpretations of this poem in Moreno Soldevila 2006, 413 – 414). In 9.78 she has buried seven husbands (the implication is that she has killed them), until she finds →Picentinus, perhaps her definitive partner (for a similar situation see →Fabius and →Chrestilla in 8.34; cf. Henriksén 1999, 101; and 9.15, where →Chloe has also buried seven spouses). This poem must also be related to 2.34 (where she is compared to a poisoner), and 7.58, where she has wed six or seven husbands, all of the of dubious virility (Vallat suggests that the name Galla evokes the Galli, eunuchs [2008, 424]). Note as well that the Phileros in 10.43 has buried seven wives (Phileros is the name of her slave or gigolo in 2.34 and Martial wishes her to become his perpetuam… amicam). In 7.18 she has a clamosus cunnus, the “materialization of the universal commonplace of the vagina dentata, the term denoting the traditional male fear in the presence of the female genital organs” (Galán Vioque 2002, 144)—the explanation could be much simpler: she suffers from vaginal flatulence—; despite her beauty, the noise demoralises her partner: 12 cum sonat hic, cui non mentula mensque cadit? In 10.95 both her husband and her lover deny the paternity of her child, because they have not “fucked” her (the hint is that they have had oral sex with her, or that there is a third man involved). Epigram 11.19 could be read as a coda to the “cycle” of Galla: Quaeris cur nolim te ducere, Galla? Diserta es. / Saepe soloecismum mentula nostra facit. Cf. Kay (1985, 109 – 110) and Montero Cartelle: “si solecismo es el mal uso de una forma de la lengua, Marcial se refiere al mal uso de la manera habitual de usar la verga, para otro tipo de relaciones sexuales que las que le son propias” (Moreno Soldevila 2004– 2005, vol. 2, 135 n. 75). ‖ →Phileros. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 591– 592; Ferguson 1987, 101; Fusi 2006, 359 – 360, 365, 514; Galán Vioque 2002, 144– 145, 343; Henriksén 1998, 74– 75, 185 – 186; 1999, 101; 2012, 36; Kay 1985, 109 – 110; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 290; Vallat 2008, 407, 424, 426, 511; Williams 2004, 103, 129. amc

Gallicus 8.22.1,2; 8.76.5,8. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ For the name, related to Gaul, see Kajanto 1965, 195. ‖ This seemingly fictional character appears in only two epigrams of book 8, playing the role of the mean patron (Balland 2010, 61, however, suggests an identification with the late Rutilius Gallicus). In 8.22 he invites Martial to dine on boar meat, but serves him pork. In 8.76 he wants to know Martial’s opinion about his poetry and his forensic speeches, but is unwilling to hear a sincere opinion. ‖ Vallat relates this name to →Gallus and →Galla, both characterised by a “naïveté peu commune”. Additionally, in 8.22 Martial could be punning on the name Gal-

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licus and gallus (cock), in a wordplay with the animals he serves (aprum, porcum). For a comparable pun in a dinner epigram, see →Aper. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 61; RE 7.1, s. v. Gallicus 2, 669 (Stein); Schöffel 2002, 233; Vallat 2008, 424. rms

Gallus1 1.108.5,8; 2.47.2; 2.56.1; 3.27.2,4; 3.92,1,2; 4.16.1,4,8; 7.55.5; 10.56.1,8; 10.82.8; 12.47.1; cf. 3.73.3 (var. lect.). ‖ Fictional character? ‖ A widespread name with a geographical origin (Kajanto 1965, 45, 48, 51, 195). ‖ Recurrent in satirical epigrams, a unique type is not distinguishable. Some epigrams focus on social exchange: in 1.108 he is a patron who lives too far away for Martial to perform the morning salutatio; in 3.27 he never invites the poet back to dinner; in 7.55.5 Gallus appears in a list of friends to who →Chrestus returns their presents (according to Galán Vioque, this is a “cumulatio of names representing fictitious characters, to express the idea of ‘everybody’” [2002, 331]). The insensitive patron is back in 10.56 and 10.82; the latter resumes the client’s complaint (already expressed in 1.108) that his sufferings and efforts are degrading and futile, since they torture the client and do not benefit the patron. Howell (1980, 329 – 330) points to a possible identification of the Gallus of 1.108, 10.56 and 10.82 with a real person, the →Munatius Gallus of 10.33: “It seems conceivable that the Gallus of I.108, X.56 and X.82 is also Munatius Gallus, although the difference in tone between X.33 and the other two poems in that book (which, although not positively rude, are not notably polite) is perhaps too great to permit identification”. See also Citroni (1975, 328 – 329), who points to the fact that the protagonists of 1.108 and 10.56 live in totally different districts of the Urbs. ‖ In 12.47 a certain Gallus and a →Lupercus appear as successful writers, criticised by →Classicus. The structure of the poem recalls 14.194, dealing with the poet Lucan (→Lucanus2), which hints at the possibility that the cited poets could be real in this epigram, but this is by no means conclusive. ‖ Some other epigrams focus on sexual matters. In 2.47 Martial warns the effeminate Gallus not to fall into the clutches of a famous adulterer, as her husband will not take revenge in the traditional way (anal rape): “The conclusion is that Gallus, if caught, will be ‘irrumated’ by the husband (compelled to perform fellatio) and thereby placed in a role represented elsewhere in Martial and other texts as being even more demeaning than that of being anally penetrated” (Williams 2004, 170). In 2.56 he is a cuckolded husband: Gallus is an official in North Africa whose wife is suspected of abusing her position. Playing on two different meanings of dare, “Martial ends up refuting one charge in order to impugn something worse: she is free with her sexual favors, with non-Romans at that” (Williams 2004, 191). In 3.92 the theme of adultery reappears, but this time it is the speaker’s wife who asks him to allow her to have a single lover, and Gallus is simply the addressee of the epigram. In 4.16 he has a long-standing incestuous relationship with his step-mother. ‖

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It must be remembered that the Galli were the emasculated priests of Cybele (cf. 2.45.2; 3.24.13; 3.81.1,5; 5.41.3; 11.74.2; 14.204.2). In fact, in 2.47 Williams points to a “pun on gallus, a castrated priest of the mother goddess, or on Gallus in the sense of ‘inhabitant of Gaul’; see 11.74 for a combination of both” (2004, 172); cf. also Vallat 2008, 424. This may apply to other epigrams, like 2.56. Here Williams (2004, 191) notes a curious parallel with 2.25 where →Galla and a wordplay with dare are also present. ‖ Galle is a manuscript variant of Phoebe in 3.73.3, most likely a gloss (Fusi 2006, 456). See →Phoebus2. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 328– 329; Ferguson 1987, 102; Galán Vioque 2002, 331; Howell 1980, 329 –330; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 191; Vallat 2008, 392, 410, 424, 511; Williams 2004, 170, 172. rms

Gallus2 →Cornelius Gallus.

Gallus3 →Munatius Gallus.

Ganymedeus 7.50.4; 8.39.4; 8.46.5; 9.16.6. ‖ →Ganymedes.

Ganymedes 2.43.14; 5.55.4; 7.74.4; 9.22.12; 9.25.8; 9.73.6; 9.103.8; 10.66.8; 11.22.2; 11.26.6; 11.43.4; 11.104.20; 13.108.2. Ganymedeus: 7.50.4; 8.39.4; 8.46.5; 9.16.6. Cf. 1.6.1; 9.11.7. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Γανυμήδης. ‖ Son of Tros and Callirhoe, who Jupiter (→Iuppiter) fell in love with; abducted from Mount Ida by Jupiter’s eagle (with variants: in the Iliad by the gods, and in Theoc. 20.41, Prop. 2.30.30 and Ov. Met. 10.155 – 161 by Jupiter transformed into his eagle), he was taken to heaven where he became Jupiter’s cupbearer; according to Hom. Il. 20.233, he was κάλλιστος ἀνθρώπων; he became a paradigm of homosexual relationships between adults and youngsters, apart from the puer delicatus par excellence. ‖ Hom. Il. 20.231– 235; Theoc. 15.124; Verg. A. 5.252– 255; Ov. Met. 10.155 – 161. ‖ Ganymedes always appears in the same metrical position as the penultimate word of the pentametre. ‖ Two epigrams deal with his abduction by the eagle (cf. AP 12.67). Epigram 1.6 describes an amphitheatrical spectacle in which tame lions are playing with hares without hurting them; Martial compares them to the eagle which gently took the boy (puerum) in its talons; epigram 5.55 is a dialogue between the poet and Jupiter’s eagle, the epigram probably being an ekphrasis (on the iconography of the rape, cf. Canobbio 2011, 455 – 456 and Howell

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1980, 119 – 121). ‖ Beautiful slaves are usually compared to Ganymede. In 9.22 Martial tells →Pastor that he does not want to be rich so that he can buy a slave (ministro) whom he would not exchange for the mythical cupbearer (12). In 9.25 →Afer is annoyed at the fact that his guests stare at his handsome waiter (mollem ministrum) →Hyllus: among other examples, Martial adduces in line 8 that Mercury (→Mercurius) could frolic with Ganymede (without incurring Jupiter’s wrath). Epigram 9.103 praises the twin slaves (ministros) →Hierus and →Asylus, so handsome that, had they existed when the famous judgement of Paris took place, →Paris1 would have taken them as gemino Ganymede instead of →Helene. In 10.66 the beautiful →Theopompus works as a cook instead of as a wine waiter, and Martial concludes that, if this is the destiny of handsome youths, Jupiter should employ Ganymede as a cook from now on. In 1.26 Martial wants to seduce the beautiful puer →Telesphorus, who could give him more pleasure than Ganymede gave to Jupiter. ‖ Another group of epigrams deals with him as a homosexual partner (the first allusion dates back to Thgn. 1345 – 1346). Epigram 2.43 is addressed to →Candidus, who claims that friends have everything in common; however, Martial reproaches him, among other things, for having slaves that rival the Iliaco cinaedo (13, Iliaco alludes to his Trojan origin and cinaedo is an irreverent reference according to Williams 2004, 160), whereas he, who does not have a “Ganymede”, has to resort to masturbation (14). Epigram 7.74 is a prayer to Mercury on behalf of →Norbana and →Carpus2: in return, Martial wishes the god success both in heterosexual and homosexual love, each represented by →Venus and Ganymede. 9.73 attacks a cobbler who has become rich and now enjoys, among other things, the “Ganymede” who had belonged to his former master. In 11.43.4 he is catalogued in a list of mythical or historical characters who, having a female partner, also had anal sex with boys: the epigram is a reply to an angry wife who wants her husband to practise pedicatio on her, not on his pueri. Epigram 11.104 is addressed to a prudish wife who does not allow her husband to have anal sex with her, and Martial assures that Juno had played the role of Ganymede before the abduction of the Dardanio ministro (19, another allusion to his Trojan origin). The addressee of 11.22 is rebuked for sleeping with a naked Ganymede and masturbating him. ‖ Finally, two epigrams deal with his role as a cupbearer. 13.108 is one of the Xenia consisting of mulsum, which deserved to be prepared by Ganymede. In 9.11.7 he would like to bear the name of the eunuch →Earinus (Ganymede is, like Earinus, referred to indirectly: qui pocula temperat Tonanti). ‖ Apart from the adjectives cited above (Dardanius in 11.104.19 and Iliacus in 2.43.13), others related to Ganymede appear in different contexts: Ganymedeus (7.50.4 choros, a group of cupbearers; 8.39.4 manus, Domitian is said to deserve wines prepared by the hand of Ganymede; 8.46.5 lectus, on the beautiful puer →Cestus, a deserving successor to Ganymede’s bed; 9.16.6 comae, on the hair of Earinus); Idaeus, alluding to Mount Ida (10.98.2 cinaedo, on a minister whose owner does not want him to be looked at, as in 9.25); Iliacus (3.39.1 ministro, on the one-eyed →Lycoris who has fallen in love with a puer similar to Ganymede); Phrygius, a common epithet meaning ‘Trojan’ (12.15.7 ministro) and Phryx (9.36.2 puer, another comparison to Earinus; 10.20.9, on a statue of Jupiter’s eagle). ‖ →Iuno, →Iuppiter.

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Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 458 – 459; Citroni 1975, 37; Corsaro 1973, 179 – 180; Damschen/Heil 2004, 103 (Niehl), 245 – 246 (Heil), 347 (Kropp); Fusi 2006, 308; Galán Vioque 2002, 307– 308, 423 – 424; Henriksén 1998, 95 – 96, 138 – 139, 181; 1999, 89; 2012, 61, 109 – 110, 160 – 163; Howell 1980, 119 – 121; 1995, 138 – 139; Kay 1985, 129, 164; Leary 2001, 172– 173; LIMC 4.1, s. v. Ganymedes, 154– 170 (Sichtermann), 4.2, 72– 96; RE 7.1, s. v. Ganymedes 1, 737– 749 (Friedländer); Schöffel 2002, 357, 404– 405; Vallat 2008, 129, 134, 200 – 201, 281; Williams 2004, 160 – 161. jfv

Gargilianus 3.30.2; 3.74.2,6; 4.56.2,8; 7.65.2,4; 8.13.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name, a derivative of →Gargilius (cf. 3.96), is not very common (CIL records five instances of Gargilianus and one of Gargiliana; cf. Kajanto 1965, 147). ‖ Gargilianus appears in several satirical contexts. In 3.30 he is a poor client whose income has been diminished by the abolition of the sportula (on this theme, see cf. e. g. 3.7; 3.14; 3.60; 4.26; 4.68; 6.88; 7.86; 8.42; 8.49.10; 9.85; 10.27.3; 10.70.13 – 14; 10.74.4; 10.75.11; Suet. Dom. 7.1; Nero 16.2). The poet insistently wonders how he can afford his modest assets (see the anaphora unde…?): a cheap toga (3 togula: cf. 4.26.4; 5.22.11; 6.50.2; 9.100.5; and see Fusi 2006, 266), the rent of a dark room (3 fuscae pensio cellae; Fusi ibid.: “Il sostantivo cella… è associato all’idea di povertà in Marziale: cf. 7.20.21, 8.14.15, 9.73.3 – 4, e Giovenale: 7.27– 28”; for the cella pauperis, see →Olus), the ticket for the baths (4 quadrans), and the expense of being the lover of →Chione (4 unde vir es Chiones). He has no profession, which arouses the suspicion of the poet; however, this kind of suspicion is usually related to a luxurious, not a miserly, life. Perhaps it is suggested that Gargilianus is one of those mean characters who feigns poverty so as to give nothing to their friends, but who spends everything on their meretrician lovers: cf. 9.2.1 Pauper amicitiae cum sis, Lupe, non es amicae. Since Chione is clearly a prostitute, it might also be suggested that he is a procurer, a leno, one of the most disreputable professions. In 3.74 he is very fond of depilation, a sign of effeminacy, and indecorously exhibits his bald head. Martial concludes: 6 hoc fieri cunno, Gargiliane, solet, perhaps implying that he is a fellator (cf. Fusi 2006, 458 – 459). Note that the Gargilius of 3.96 is also accused of os impurum. In 4.56 Gargilianus is a captator who considers himself generous because he sends gifts to old men and women. Martial accuses him of being the most disgusting of men (3 sordidius nihil est, nihil est te spurcius uno). 7.65 is a critique of the judicial system, which is typically slow and inefficient (cf. Galán Vioque 2002, 377): Gargilianus has been involved in a single lawsuit for no less than twenty years. Finally, in 8.13 he is a mango, a dealer of slaves, who has sold one to the poet at an exobitant price (1 viginti milibus emi; cf. 11.38.2 pretium… grave). He is now dissatisfied with his purchase, because he bought the slave thinking that he was a fool (morio), but has discovered that he is not (2 sapit). A buyer had the right to exchange the goods—in this case, the slaves—if they had a vitium or morbus, especially in the case of mental disorders (cf. Dig. 21.1.4.3; Schöffel 2002, 183). Here Martial reverses the expected complaint: a purcharser would normally complain about having bought a nullus or morio, not the

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other way round. The morio turns out to be smart, and it is the buyer that is revealed instead as a fool (Schöffel 2002, 181). For a similar situation, cf. 11.38. Curiously, Gargilianus always occupies the same position in the pentameter (Galán Vioque 2002, 37). Giegengack (1969, 67) relates the name to garrio and garrulans: “This may be insupportable etymologically, but Martial intends the name to invoke this association, and uses it for name of a babbler, or one whose tongue is uncontrolled”. For other cognomina referring to loquacity (Bucco, Clamosus/sa, Garrulus), see Kajanto 1965, 268 – 269 and cf. →Bucco, →Garricus; referring to eloquence, see →Eulogus, →Euphemus). ‖ →Chione. Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 264– 266, 458 – 459; Galán Vioque 2002, 37; Giegengack 1969, 67; Schöffel 2002, 181– 183; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 402; RE 7.1, s. v. Gargilianus, 760 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 408 n. 15. amc

Gargilius 3.96.3. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For the name, see Schulze 1904, 172, 454. ‖ It appears only once, in a satirical epigram, but Martial uses the derivative →Gargilianus elsewhere. Gargilius boasts about his sexual feats as a moechus et fututor, but he is actually a cunnilingus; Martial warns him that he will not stand hearing more of his bragging and will resort to irrumatio. Giegengack and Pavanello relate the name to the verb garrio; whereas Vallat suggests a pun on the Greek γαργαρεών, ‘uvula’, and by extension ‘throat’, ‘mouth’. Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 545; Giegengack 1969, 67; Pavanello 1994, 168– 169; Vallat 2008, 589. jfv

Garricus 9.48.1,11; 11.105.1,2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name is very rare—in literature it is only used in Martial’s epigrams (Schulze 1904, 451)—, which has led to some confusion in the manuscript tradition (vid. infra). The name, however, is attested in inscriptions, although spelt Garicus (CIL 2.801; 8.4978). ‖ In 9.48 Garricus swore that Martial would inherit a quarter of his fortune so that the poet, playing the role of the captator, began to try to increase his hopes by sending him continual presents, including a huge boar. However, Garricus invites everyone but the poet to dine on it. Martial concludes that he should not expect the promised legacy either. In 11.104 Garricus plays the ungrateful friend who now sends a quarter of the gift he used to send. In both epigrams the vocative Garrice is juxtaposed with a noun denoting quantity: 9.48.1 Garrice, quartae (11 de quadrante tuo quid sperem, Garrice?); 11.105.1 quadrantem, Garrice (see Pavanello 1994, 170 n. 39); 11.105.2 semissem, Garrice. ‖ The name recalls garrire (Pavanello 1994, 169 – 170), “to talk nonsense”. ‖ In 9.48 Garrice is found in β and T (the lemma of T has Carrice), as well as in the lemma of γ (which reads Gallice

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in lines 1 and 11). Gallice could be an interpolation influenced by 8.22, whose protagonist, →Gallicus, invites Martial to dine on boar meat. In 11.105 Garrice is found in γ and the lemma of T, whereas Carice is transmitted by T and β. For the more widespread name Caricus (Carius), see ThLL, Onom. 2.189.4– 10 (Jacobsohn). Bibliography: Garthwaite 1998, 166; Giegengack 1969, 73– 74; Henriksén 1999, 11 (= 2012, 211); Kay 1985, 284; Pavanello 1994, 169– 170; RE 7.1, s. v. Garricus, 768 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 493. rms

Gaurus 2.89.2; 4.67.1; 5.82.1,2,4; 8.27.1; 9.50.1,6. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Γαῦρος. ‖ Gaurus is a Greek name, which suggests that its bearer could be a freedman. LGPN records 26 instances; Solin (1982, 779) records five instances in Rome. Its meaning implies ‘haughtiness’, as has been noted by most scholars and commentators. Others have hinted at a connection with an Italian geographical feature, Mount Gaurus. Valerius Maximus mentions a eunuch of the name (9.2). ‖ Probably, a fictitious character. The name usually appears in satirical contexts, and it is difficult to give a unitary reading of all the appearances, but Garthwaite (1998, 168 – 169) offers a coherent portrait. Some scholars have tried to identify this character with the poet Statius (vid. infra). ‖ In 2.89 Martial presents a catalogue of the vices Gaurus shares with some well-known characters of the past: he likes late-night drinking like →Cato2; he writes poetry with little inspiration like →Cicero; he is in the habit of vomiting like →Antonius1 and of living luxuriously like →Apicius1. In the final line he is accused of being a fellator and is challenged to produce a similar predecessor: 6 quod fellas, vitium, dic mihi, cuius habes? ‖ In 4.67.1 Gaurus is said to be pauper: he asks a praetor, his patron, for one hundred thousand sesterces, so that he can become an eques, but the praetor refuses to comply alleging that he has to give a higher amount to the charioteers →Scorpus and →Thallus. Watson/Watson ad loc. suggest that there might be a pun on the Greek verb γαυριᾶν, a term suitable for horses. ‖ In 5.82 Gaurus is a patron who does not fulfil his promises of financial help (Martial calls him pusillus homo), whereas in 8.27 he is a wealthy old man hounded by captatores. 9.50 is a bitter attack on an epic poet, a practitioner of mythological poetry, who has accused Martial of having an ingenium… pusillum for writing epigrams (cf. Garthwaite 1998, 167). According to Henriksén (ad loc.), this Gaurus is not to be related to the rest of the occurrences of the name, although he admits that this might be reminiscent of 2.89, whose protagonist is said to write poetry Musis et Apolline nullo. There is also an echo between the ingenium… pusillum of 9.50.1 and the pussillus homo of 5.82.4. Henriksén considers that Statius is likely to be the poet hiding behind the pseudonym Gaurus in 9.50: according to Friedländer (1886, vol. 2, 77), Martial might have chosen the name because there is a mountain called Gaurus in Campania, precisely where Statius came from (contra Canobbio 2008a, 187– 188 n. 46; 2011, 585). For the possible feud between both poets in AD 94 see Henriksén 1999, 18 and, more recently, 2012, 218 – 221.

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Bibliography: Canobbio 2008a, 187– 188 n. 46 (with more bibliographical references); 2011, 385; Citroni 1968, 296 n. 25; Garthwaite 1998, 167–170; Henriksén 1999, 18– 19; 2012, 218– 221; Howell 1995, 163; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 464; RE 7.1, s. v. Gaurus, 878 (Stein); Schöffel 2002, 258; Sullivan 1991, 73 n. 32; Vallat 2006, 129; 2008, 344– 345, 373, 537– 538; Watson/Watson 2003, 165, 240; Williams 2004, 268. rms

Gellia 1.33.1,3; 3.55.3; 4.20.2; 5.17.3,4; 5.29.1,4; 6.90.1; 8.81.4 (var. lect. Gallia); cf. 6.67 (var. lect.). ‖ A common name, although not widely used in literature. Apart from the epigrams, it only appears in the Historia Augusta, specifically in a quotation of Martial 5.29 (Vit. Alex. Sev. 38.2). Its male counterpart, →Gellius, also features in satirical contexts. ‖ This female name frequently appears in satirical epigrams in varied contexts. In 1.33 she is criticised for mourning her deceased father only when there are witnesses around, thus being accused of insensibility and hypocrisy. In another group of epigrams she is portrayed as a vetula. She is rebuked for her excessive use of perfumes (3.55) and pearls (8.81)—a cliché of the tradition of invective against old women (cf. Pl. Mos. 272– 292). In 4.20 she is rebuked for boasting about being young despite her old age: 2 pupam se dicit Gellia, cum sit anus. Martial calls her putidula, probably a wordplay with pupa and vetula. Other epigrams attack her for what she says: in 5.17 it is her proud boast that she has noble ancestry (1 dum proavos atavosque refers et nomina magna; cf. →Euclides), and she claims that she will not marry anyone but a senator—apparently scorning the equestrian status of the speaker (2 dum tibi noster eques sordida condicio est)—, but she has married a cistiberus, a low-rank officer (Canobbio 2011, 223). A fictional relationship between the poetic persona and Gellia is also apparent in 5.29: she sends Martial a hare, a dish that purportedly enhances beauty, and the poet maliciously concludes that she has never eaten hare, thus pointing to her ugliness and simplicity. Finally, in 6.90 she is an adulterer, but, as she has only one lover, Martial says that she is married to two. Grewing (1997, 571) wonders whether there is a relationship between this Gellia and the Gallus of 3.92, an epigram on exactly the same theme. In 6.67, where most editors print →Caelia, a reading of the first family (α), β reads Gelia and γ Gellia. ‖ Vallat relates the name to the verb gelo, suggesting the coldness of the vetula (cf. 14.147.2 quid prodest si te congelat uxor anus?). He further suggests a relation between this meaning and death in 1.33 and the pearls in 8.81, but this seems rather farfetched. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 223; Fusi 2006, 366– 367; Grewing 1997, 437, 571; Howell 1980, 178; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 213; Schöffel 2002, 677; Vallat 2008, 412, 480, 494. rms

Gellianus 6.66.3. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For the name, a derivative of →Gellius, see Kajanto (1965, 147). ‖ Gellianus is an auctioneer who tries to sell an ill-reputed woman:

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1– 3 Famae non nimium bonae puellam, / quales in media sedent Subura, / vendebat modo praeco Gellianus. As the auction comes to a standstill at a low price (4 parvo pretio), he tries to convince the buyers that the puella is pura (5) and kisses her repeatedly (7) in order to prove it, while she pretends to be reluctant. As a result, even the best bidder withdraws (9 Sescentos modo qui dabat, negavit). “Aunque vendedor y mercancía están de acuerdo, el truco publicitario no funciona porque el negrero tiene fama de felador o cunilingo” (Fernández/Socas 2004, 181 n. 66). The name might be motivated by the Catullan Gellius, a fellator (Catul. 80). Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 433. amc

Gellius 9.46.1,6; 9.80.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For the name, see →Gellia. ‖ Gellius appears in two satirical epigrams of book 9. In 9.46 he tells his friends the excuse that he is building, without stating what (aedificat), so as not to help them financially. In 9.80 Gellius, esuriens pauper, has married a wealthy old hag, and now Gellius “feeds on her wife and fucks her” (Henriksén 2012, 321), with a sexual double entendre implying cunnilinctio (Watson/Watson 2003, 285 – 286). Bibliography: Henriksén 1998, 218– 219 (= 2012, 205); 1999, 104– 105; 2012, 321; RE 7.1, s. v. Gellius 9, 1000 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 480; Watson/Watson 2003, 285 –286. jfv

Gemellus 1.10.1 (var. lect. Venustus). ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A well-attested cognomen derived primarily from the circumstances of birth (cf. Kajanto 1965, 295; cf. also Venustus and its derivatives, Kajanto 1965, 283). ‖ Gemellus adopts the pose of the exclusus amator, but he is a captator seeking the fortune of →Maronilla. The epigram ends with an ἀπροσδόκητον, with a single, definitive word: 4 tussit, symptom of Maronilla’s illness and proof of the sinister intentions of Gemellus. ‖ Vallat considers Gemellus a synonym of δίδυμος, cf. Lat. colei, ‘testicles’ (cf. Vallat 2008, 561– 562, on →Didymus): thus “Gemellus, qui, en soi, ne véhicule pas de connotation sexuelle, en revêt sous l’influence de son équivalent grec: c’est donc un hellénisme sémantique” (2008, 579). Perhaps a too sophisticated interpretation. Cf. Adams (1982, 68) for the metaphorical use of gemini (calque of δίδυμοι) and CIL 6.37391, where two brothers are called Gemellus and Didymus. On the other hand, the name could allude to the double nature of this character and his unmentionable motives. ‖ Manuscripts read Gemellus and Venustus. For this variant, cf. Howell (1980, 129 – 130), who refutes Lindsay’s idea that Venustus is a pseudonym of a real character named Gemellus; and Citroni 1975, 50: “Il personaggio di questo epigr. è Gemellus, e questo nome può essere stato interpretato come

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un aggettivo (‘gemello di bellus’) e glossato venustus (…) che la variante venustus possa essere in relazione con bellus dell’epigr. prec. mi sembra un’ipotesi molto interessante, che riduce notevolmente la probabilità di una variante d’autore”. ‖ →Maronilla. Bibliografphy: Citroni 1975, 50; Howell 1980, 128 – 129; RE 7.1, s. v. Gemellus 8, 1023 (Stein); Lindsay 1903, 21; Vallat 2006, 136; 2008, 579. amc

Germanicus 5.2.7; 5.19.17; 7.61.3; 8 epist.; 8.4.3; 8.26.3; 8.39.3; 8.53.15; 8.65.11; 13.4.1. ‖ →Domitianus.

Glaphyra 11.20.3. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Γλαφύρα. ‖ For the connotations of the name, see →Glaphyrus. ‖ Mistress of Marcus →Antonius1; mother of Archelaus of Cappadocia; Antonius, seduced by her beauty, put him in the throne (D. C. 49.32; App. BC 5.7). ‖ In an epigram addressed to readers who dislike risqué epigrams, Martial quotes an epigram by →Augustus1 (for the question of its authenticity, see Kay 1985, 111– 112). →Fulvia, Antony’s wife, infuriated by the fact that her husband is bedding Glaphyra, wants to take revenge and asks Augustus to have sex with her. ‖ →Antonius1, →Augustus1 , →Fulvia. Bibliography: Kay 1985, 110 – 114; PIR2 G176 (Groag/Stein); RE 7.1, s. v. Glaphyra, 1381 (Willrich); Vallat 2008, 153. jfv

Glaphyrus 4.5.8. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Γλάφυρος. ‖ The Greek adjective γλαφυρός means ‘refined’, ‘elegant’, an appropriate name for a musician. LGPN records seven instances of the Greek name, whereas Solin (1982, 701– 702) has eight occurrences in Rome. ‖ Apparently Glaphyrus was the name of several generations of musicians (Ferguson 1987, 103). One of them is celebrated in AP 9.517, an epigram by Antipater of Thessalonica (times of Augustus); see also AP 9.166. The fact that he is mentioned along with →Canus2, a well-known musician, suggests that the Glaphyrus of 4.5.8 was famous too. Cf. PIR 2 G177; RE Suppl. 3, s. v. Glaphyros, 784 (Stein): “Wahrscheinlich nach diesem [the one of AP 9.517] gab sich, damaliger Sitte folgend, ein anderer Musiker G., den Iuven. 6.77 und Martial 4.5.8 unter Zither- und Flötenspielern nennen, der also wohl in der Zeit Domitians lebte, diesen Namen als Künstlerpseudonym, vgl. Friedländer SG II8 639 = II6 627. Wohl identisch mit dem erstgenannten ist Ti. Claudius Glaphyrus, choraules Actionica et Sebastonica, CIL 6.10120”. ‖ Glaphyrus is cited by Juv. 6.76 – 77 together with other musicians: accipis uxorem de qua citharoedus

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Echion / aut Glaphyrus fiat pater Ambrosiusque choraules. This passage deals with the passion of noble Roman women for actors, musicians and gladiators. ‖ →Fabianus is a good man who intends to lead an honest life in Rome, but he is not a person who can applaud Canus or Glaphyrus: “Canus and Glaphyrus are the total opposite to Fabianus, successful models of vice” (Moreno Soldevila 2006, 127). For Martial’s dislike of musicians, cf. 9.77.5 – 6 quod optimum sit quaeritis convivium? / in quo choraules non erit. ‖ →Canus2. Bibliography: Ferguson 1987, 103; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 126 – 127; PIR 2 G177 (Groag/Stein); RE Suppl. 3, s. v. Glaphyros, 784 (Stein). amc

Glaucias 6.28.4; 6.29.4. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Γλαυκίας. ‖ Ca. AD 78 – 90. ‖ A very common Greek name (LGPN records 221 instances), also widespread in Rome and often attested for slaves and freemen (cf. e. g. CIL 6.44.1/7; 6.21491; 6.24618; 10.3790). See Solin 1982, 691. ‖ A freedman of Atedius →Melior, a wealthy patron of Statius and Martial. Glaucias’ premature death is mourned by both poets. Statius dedicates his second book of Silvae to Melior, its first poem being an epicedium Glauciae, offered as some verba medentia (2.1.5). His presentation indicates that he had known the puer personally: Primum enim habet Glauciam nostrum. The epicedium, a poem of 234 lines, completes the information provided by Martial: he is a verna (2.1.72– 81), libertus (2.1.136 sola verecundo deerat praetexta decori), but not manumitted in extremis (2.1.77– 78 carus uterque parens atque in tua gaudia liber, / ne querere genus); his sister and parents outlived him (2.1.233 – 234 desolatamque sororem… miseros… parentes); and he was mourned by a crowd: 2.1.175 – 176 plebs cuncta nefas et praevia flerunt / agmina… ‖ Epigram 6.28 is a conventional epitaph. Glaucias’ name is postponed to the fourth line, and he is introduced through his master (1 Libertus Melioris ille notus). Martial also highlights the public grief (2 tota qui cecidit dolente Roma), his tender age and the fact that he was his patron’s deliciae (3). His burial place is located at the Via Flaminia (6.28.4– 5 hoc sub marmore Glaucias humatus / iuncto Flaminiae iacet sepulchro; cf. Stat. Silv. 2.1.176; Grewing 1997, 216). He is described as chaste and ingenious: 6 – 7 Castus moribus, integer pudore, / velox ingenio, decore felix. He was twelve years old when he died (8 – 9 bis senis modo messibus peractis / vix unum puer applicabat annum; Stat. Silv. 2.1.124– 125 Herculeos annis aequare labores / coeperat adsurgens, sed adhuc infantia iuxta). Grewing (1997, 218 – 219), following Van Dam, maintains that he was twelve, unlike other scholars who believed that he was already thirteen (cf. e. g. Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 442; RE Suppl. 3, 785 [Stein]; PIR 2 G178). Epigram 6.29 is an epicedium. Again the boy’s name is not introduced until line 4. He is said to be verna, born at his master’s house, and worthy of his sacred love (1– 2 Non de plebe domus nec avarae verna catastae, / sed domini sancto dignus amore puer); he was freed before he was able to

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appreciate his master’s generosity, that is, in early infancy (3 – 4 Munera cum posset nondum sentire patroni, / Glaucia libertus iam Melioris erat). As Grewing remarks, the fact that Atedius Melior changes from domini into patronus from one line to the next “zeichnet die schnelle Entwicklung der Zuneigung nach, den Weg des Glaucias vom verna zum libertus”. His beauty and his mores are praised in lines 5 – 6. The poem ends with a sententious remark on the brevity of life, especially that of loved ones: 7– 8 Inmodicis brevis est aetas et rara senectus. / Quidquid ames, cupias non placuisse nimis. ‖ →Melior. Bibliography: Asso 2010; Bernstein 2005; Grewing 1997, 215 – 225; PIR 2 G178 (Groag/Stein); RE Suppl. 3, 785 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 78, 426; White 1975, 274– 275. amc

Glaucus 9.94.3. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Γλαῦκος. ‖ Chief of the Lycians in the War of Troy, who exchanged his golden weapons with Diomedes for bronze ones before fighting with him (Hom. Il. 6.234– 236). ‖ Cic. Att. 6.1.22; Hor. S. 1.7.16 – 17; Plin. Nat. 33.7; Plin. Ep. 5.2.2; Gell. 2.23.7; Porph. ad Hor. S. 1.7.16 – 17. Otto 1890, s. v. Chrysius, 82– 83. ‖ He appears as an exemplum in an epigram against →Hippocrates, who asks for sweet wine in exchange for a bitter drink; then Martial addresses Glaucus: not even he, who exchanged χρύσεα for χάλκεα would have acted so foolishly. ‖ →Diomedeus. Bibliography: Henriksén 1999, 144– 145 (= 2012, 365); LIMC 4.1, s. v. Glaukos 5, 275 (Vollkommer); Mindt 2013a, 516; RE 7.1, s. v. Glaukos, 1413 – 1414 (Weicker); Vallat 2008, 138. jfv

Glycera1 6.40.2; 11.40.1,6. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Γλυκέρα. ‖ Derived from the adjective γλυκερός (‘sweet’), it is an appropriate name for a courtesan. Several hetaerae bore that name, such as the lover of →Praxiteles or, purportedly, →Menander (see →Glycera2). LGPN records 61 instances; besides, Solin catalogues 44 occurrences of the name in Rome, popular with slaves and freedwomen (1982, 873 – 874; cf. pp. 872– 877 for other names derived from γλυκύς). Cf. Auson. Epigr. 19.1 [Green] Laidas et Glyceras, lascivae nomina famae. ‖ Glycera is a character in Horace’s Odes: 1.19.5 urit me Glycerae nitor; 1.30.3; 1.33.2 inmitis Glycerae; 3.19.28 me lentus Glycerae torret amor meae (Nisbet/ Hubbard 1970, 240). ‖ The name appears twice in the epigrams. In 6.40 she is the current lover of the speaker and is contrasted with his former mistress, →Lycoris1 (Glycera and Lycoris appear together in Hor. Carm. 1.33). The poet reserves the present tense for the young Glycera (potest, volo) and the past for the presumably vetula Lycoris (potuit, volui). Yet, the passage of time is relentless (4 tempora quid faciunt!), and, whereas Lycoris will never again be like Glycera, Glycera will be like Lycoris

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one day (3 Haec erit hoc quod tu: tu non potes esse quod haec est); thus, love is not forever and the final remark (4 hanc volo, te volui) has a temporal limit in itself. According to Grewing (1997, 287), the names suggest that they are prostitutes and the verb has sexual implications. Giegengack (1969, 118) notices the phonetic closeness of both names: “Here again sound is important, for Lycoris is closest in sound to Glycera, the one who is associated with sweetness”. In 11.40 she is the lover of →Lupercus, who has not ‘fucked’ her for a whole month (3 toto sibi mense non fututam); when he tries to explain the reasons (6 Glycerae dolere dentes) he inadvertently lets slip out that what he calls fututio is, in fact, irrumatio (cf. Adams 1982, 122; Kay 1985, 157). Vallat relates Martial’s Glycera to her Horacian model (2008, 380 – 381) and suggests that the connotations of her name (‘sweet’) could have something to do with her toothache (2008, 563). ‖ →Glycera2, →Lupercus, →Lycoris1. Bibliography: Giegengack 1969, 118; Grewing 1997, 287– 289; Kay 1985, 157; RE suppl. 3, s. v. Glykera 2 (Stein); Ullman 1915, 27– 28; 1916, 62– 63; Vallat 2008, 380 – 381, 389, 563. amc

Glycera2 14.187.2 ‖ Literary character. ‖ Γλυκέρα. ‖ For the name, see →Glycera1. ‖ Since antiquity it had been believed, perhaps wrongly, that Menander had a lover called Glycera (Athen. Deipn. 585-d; AP 5.218; Körte 1919; Lesky 1968, 675 – 676), but in this epigram the names Glycera and Thais probably refer to the titles of two of his plays. The lemma of 14.187 presents a play by Menander, Thais, who is said to be his first “love”, before Glycera. This has received several interpretations: either the young author might have disdained a real lover in order to devote himself to writing (Leary 1996, 252: “His work was his mistress”); or Thais was the protagonist’s beloved, and Glycera was the real mistress of the writer (cf. Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 3, 300 n. b). Martial might be playing with the names of his literary characters as though they were real lovers of the poet, as in the case of →Galatea2 and →Thestylis (see 8.55.17– 18 and →Vergilius). See further, Fernández Valverde 2001 and Iversen 2011, 186 – 187. ‖ In 6.40 there is a comparable contrast between two lovers, one of them called Glycera (see →Glycera1). ‖ →Glycera1, →Menander, →Thais. Bibliography: Iversen 2011, 186 – 187; Körte 1919; Leary 1996, 252; Lesky 1968, 675 – 676; Mindt 2013a, 525 – 529; RE 15, s. v. Menandros, 11– 12 (Körte); RE suppl. 3, s. v. Glykera 4 (Stähelin); Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 3, 300 n. b; Vallat 2008, 158. amc

Glyptus 2.45.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Γλύπτος. ‖ The name is recorded in inscriptions (Solin 1982, 1173– 1174; 1996, 545). There are eight instances in LGPN. ‖ He appears once in a satirical epigram, as an impotent who has cut off his penis (or circumcised himself,

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according to a less likely interpretation): Martial concludes that there was no need for that, since he was already a Gallus, that is, a castrated priest of →Cybele. Vallat relates the name to the Greek verb γλύφω (‘carve’, ‘cut out’), cf. praecisa est and ferro. Manuscript R reads Gillus instead of Glyptus. Bibliography: Vallat 2008, 563; Williams 2004, 164– 166. jfv

Gongylion 3.84.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A diminutive of the Greek Γογγύλος, which is recorded seven times in LGPN. It is not attested in Latin inscriptions. ‖ The name appears in a single epigram. Martial asks Gongylion what his moecha tells him; by moecha he means his lingua, not his puella. Shackleton Bailey interpreted moecha as uxoris tuae amatrix, whereas Fusi believes that it refers to his lover and that he is rebuked for his os impurum (cf. 11.61.1 lingua maritus, moechus ore Nanneius). On the other hand, Eden thinks that Gongylion is a woman, a diminutive of Γογγύλα; the moecha would not be “a competing paelex, but she is herself her own rival”, because she practises fellatio. Mindt (2013a, 538) relates the name to →Sappho’s Gongula (Γογγύλα) and interprets that Martial might be referring to a “lesbische Freundin”. There are manuscript variants: Congylion, Congilion, Goncylium, etc. For a similar name related to os impurum, see →Gargilius. Bibliography: Eden 1999, 579; Fusi 2006, 499 – 500; Mindt 2013a, 538; Shackleton Bailey 1989, 134. jfv

Gracchus 11.104.17. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. Husband of →Cornelia and father of the famous Gracchi; he was tribune, aedile, praetor and proconsul in Hispania, censor and consul (177 and 163 BC). ‖ 11.104 is addressed to a prudish wife who does not allow her husband to have anal sex with her, something which Cornelia, who is cited in a list of mythological and historical characters, allowed her husband Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. Bibliography: Kay 1985, 281– 282; RE 2 A.2, s. v. Sempronius 53, 1403 – 1409 (Münzer). jfv

Gratiana 4.39.6. ‖ Adj. Related to Gratius. ‖ Silverware made by Gratius? In epigram 4.39 Martial attacks →Charinus, who boasts about his silver and is attacked for having os impurum. He claims to have works by →Myron, →Praxiteles, →Scopas →Phidias and

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→Mentor, as well as authentic Gratiana: cf. Plin. Nat. 33.139 Vasa ex argento (…) Furniana, nunc Clodiana, nunc Gratiana. Bibliography: Moreno Soldevila 2006, 296; Vallat 2008, 99, 287. rms

Gryllus 1.59.3; 2.14.12. ‖ Real character. ‖ Γρύλλος. ‖ Lat. gryllus means both ‘cricket’ (or ‘grasshopper’) and ‘cartoon’, like Gr. γρύλλος (cf. OLD and LSJ s. v.; γρῦλος means ‘pig’, ‘swineherd’). Γρύλλος, ‘cartoon’, also refers to an Egyptian dance and its dancers, and could be used as a nickname, meaning something like ‘clown’ (DGE, s. v.). Isid. 12.3.8 explains the onomatopoeic nature of the common noun: gryllus nomen a sono vocis habet. As a personal name, it is not attested elsewhere in Latin (cf. Solin 1982, 1046; PIR 2 G229 [Groag/Stein]; Fagan 1999, 365). However, there is epigraphical evidence of Grillus, all from Africa (cf. CIL 8.4150; 8.26893; AE 2009, 1751; ILAfr 174, 18) and Grullus, from Brescia (cf. CIL 5.4175; 5.4462; 5.4587; 5.4694). Yet, there are eight instances of the name in LGPN. A son of Xenophon, dead in the Battle of Mantinea, was named Gryllus and gave his name to a lost treatise by Aristotle, cited by Quint. Inst. 2.17.14. For other namesakes, see DGE, s. v. Γρύλλος. ‖ He appears twice, as the owner of a balneum and both times linked with another bath of the same category, that of →Lupus1. In 2.14 the baths of →Faustus2 and →Fortunatus are also catalogued with them. Vallat (2008, 475 – 476) thinks about the possibility that these names, belonging to “la sphère des noms de notoriété”, can allude not to the owners of the balnea, but to the animal insignia by which they were metonymically known: “un loup, un cochonnet ou un grillon, ne voilà-t-il pas de belles enseignes pour des bains?”. However, these kinds of establishments were usually known by the names of their owners or builders (cf. 2.14.11; 11.52.4; 14.60.2, although Vallat discusses all these passages; Juv. 7.233; Williams 2004, 72– 73), “or else the original founders” (Watson/Watson 2003, 161). The balnea of Gryllus and Lupus were located near the Campus Martius (cf. Fagan 1999, 365), and are described as unpleasant places. Gryllus’ is said to be dark: 1.59.3 tenebrosaque balnea Grylli; 2.14.12 nec Grylli tenebras. It contrasts with the light thermae of →Claudius Etruscus, described in 6.42 (esp. 8 – 10). For this theme, see also Sen. Ep. 86.8. According to Howell (1980, 247), “the bath is dark presumably because it is a small, poor, private establishment. These were often hemmed in by other buildings”. It is, in fact, possible that these baths were frequented by the poorest people and that their low quality was proverbial (Fagan 1999, 21). This place also contrasts with the thermae of the luxurious Baiae (cf. Howell 1980, 245 – 246) in 1.59: it is better to go to Rome’s lowest-class baths than to stay in the unaffordable Baiae. The baths mentioned in 2.14 could be the balnea quattuor of 5.70.4; for the details of this epigram and 2.14, see →Faustus2. ‖ →Faustus2, →Fortunatus, →Lupus1.

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Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 198; Fagan 1999, 20 – 21; Howell 1980, 247– 248; LTUR 1, 162– 163 (Rodríguez Almeida); PIR2 G229 (Groag/Stein); Prior 1996, 137; Sullivan 1991, 151– 153; Vallat 2008, 475– 476; Watson/ Watson 2003, 158– 159, 161– 162; Williams 2004, 72– 73. amc

H Hamillus →Amillus.

Hannibal 4.14.4; 9.43.9; 13.73.1; cf. 6.19.6. ‖ Historical character. ‖ The famous Carthaginian general who fought against Rome in the Second Punic War (247– 183 BC). ‖ He is first mentioned in 4.14.4, a poem addressed to →Silius Italicus, author of an epic poem on the Punic War (Punica). Silius is said to write about Hannibal’s perfidious cunning (perfidos astus; cf. 6.19.6 periuria Punici furores, an echo of Liv. 21.1.4 perfidia plus quam Punica; see Otto 1890, s. v. Hannibal 1, Punicus 1). Epigram 9.43 deals with a statuette of →Hercules and catalogues its successive historical owners, including Hannibal, who swore his famous oath of hatred towards the Romans on it (Liv. 21.1.1; 35.19.3; Sil. 2.426 – 428; Polyb. 3.11.5 – 7); cf. Stat. Silv. 4.6.76 – 84, on his ownership of the statuette. Finally, in the Xenia, epigram 13.73 describes guinea fowls (Numidicae): although they came from his homeland, Hannibal never ate them (Numidia stretched along the North African coast, including the Carthaginian territory). According to Leary, who follows Gilbert, the implication may be that these were a delicacy unfit for a barbarian’s taste; in any case, the Numidicae were first known in Rome after the Carthaginian defeat. Bibliography: Henriksén 1998, 209 –210; 2012, 195; Leary 2001, 130 – 131; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 179 – 180; RE 7.2, s. v. Hannibal 2, 2328– 2351 (Lenschau); Vallat 2008, 27, 145. jfv

Hebe 9.65.13. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἥβη. ‖ Goddess. A personification of youth, daughter of Zeus and Hera. After the deification of →Hercules and his reconciliation with his step-mother, she married the hero. She is usually portrayed as a cupbearer of the gods. ‖ Hom. Il. 4.2; 5.722; 5.905; Od. 11.601– 604; Hes. Th. 922; 950; Paus. 2.13.3; Str. 8.6.24; Apollod. 1.3.1; Catul. 68.116 Hebe nec longa virginitate foret; Prop. 1.13.23 – 24; Ov. Met. 9.400 Iunonia… Hebe; V. Fl. 8.231 iam vacat et fessum Iunonia sustinet Hebe; Stat. Silv. 3.1.27. ‖ Hercules’ reconciliation with Juno and his marriage with Hebe is recalled in an epigram about a statue of the hero with the features of Domitian (9.65): 13 nunc tibi Iuno favet, nunc te tua diligit Hebe. The line is reminiscent of the pseudo-Senecan Octavia: 210 – 212 deus Alcides possidet Heben / nec Iunonis iam timet iras, / cuius gener est qui fuit hostis. ‖ →Domitianus, →Hercules, →Iuno.

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110624755-009

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Bibliography: Henriksén 1999, 71; 2012, 278; LIMC 4.1, s. v. Hebe, 458 – 464 (Laurens), 4.2, 275 – 278; OCD4, s. v. Hebe, 649 (Parker); RE 7.2, s. v. Hebe, 2579 – 2583 (Eitrem). rms

Hecabe →Hecuba.

Hector 10.90.6; 14.212.1; Hectoreus: 6.71.4; 11.104.14. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἕκτωρ. ‖ Hero of the Trojan War, son of Priam (→Priamus), king of Troy, and →Hecuba, husband of →Andromache and father of →Astyanax. He killed →Patroclus and was killed by →Achilles, who dragged his body around the Trojan walls until his corpse was ransomed by Priam. ‖ Cf. Hom. Il. ‖ Martial alludes to this epic hero in satirical or comic contexts, which provokes an incongruous effect. Epigram 10.90 is an attack on an old hag who depilates her pubic hair: Martial remarks that this is more suitable for Hector’s wife than for his mother, in an indirect allusion to Andromache and Hecuba as examples of the attractive young woman and the unattractive old one (the indirect reference to Hecuba recalls Priap. 12.1 quaedam iunior Hectoris parente). In 14.212 Martial describes a dwarf: if you see his head, you might think he is Hector, but if you see him standing, you might think he is Astyanax, Hector’s baby (according to Leary, Martial plays with Hector’s prayer to Zeus that his son should become a better warrior than he was: cf. Hom. Il. 6.476 – 481). ‖ In Latin literature the adjective Hectoreus (Ἑκτόρεος) is used mainly (although not exclusively) in epic and tragedy, in the harsh context of the Trojan War: cf. Verg. A. 1.273; 2.543; 3.304; 5.190; 5.634; Hor. Carm. 3.3.28; Prop. 2.8.32; 4.6.38; Ov. Ep. 1.13; 3.126; Met. 12.67; 13.7; 13.275; Ib. 564; Pont. 4.7.42; Sen. Tr. 369; 415; 528; 1087; Ag. 657; Luc. 9.977; Stat. Silv. 2.1.44; Ach. 1.88; 2.50; Sil. 2.343; 14.205. However, Martial makes use of the adjective in erotic epigrams. In 6.71, when describing →Telethusa’s sex appeal, Martial affirms that she could have aroused (sollicitare) king Priam (Hecubae… maritum) during his son’s funeral (ad Hectoreos… rogos). In 11.104.14 the expression equus Hectoreus alludes to a sexual position (mulier equitans) with the woman on top, ‘riding on the man’ (a reversal of Ov. Ars 3.777– 778 quod erat longissima, numquam / Thebais Hectoreo nupta resedit equo; see Gibson 2003, 393). Martial plays here with another passage of Ovid’s Ars, in which Hector and Andromache are seen together in bed: 2.709 – 710 fecit in Andromache prius hoc fortissimus Hector, / nec solum bellis utilis ille fuit (see Hinds 1998, 130 – 133). ‖ →Andromache, →Astyanax, →Hecuba, →Priamus. Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 467; Kay 1985, 280; Leary 1996, 279 – 280; LIMC 4.1, s. v. Hektor, 482– 498 (Touchefeu), 4.2, 283 – 291; Mindt 2013a, 517– 518; RE 7.2, s. v. Hektor 1, 2806 – 2818 (Heckenbach); Vallat 2008, 168. rms

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Hectoreus 6.71.4; 11.104.14. ‖ Adj. Related to →Hector.

Hecuba, Hecabe 3.32.3; 3.76.4; 6.71.4; cf. 2.41.14; 10.90.6. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἑκάβη. ‖ Queen of Troy, wife of Priam (→Priamus), mother of →Hector, →Paris1, and →Deiphobus, mother-in-law of →Andromache, grandmother of →Astyanax. After the fall of Troy, she became the booty of Ulysses (→Vlixes); but, according to another version, she left with her son Helenus and was finally transformed into a dog (E. Hec. 1265 – 1273; Ov. Met. 13.565 – 571); according to Sen. Ag. 705 – 709, her metamorphosis took place during the siege of Troy, after the death of Priam. ‖ She is alluded to in three epigrams with her daughter-in-law, Andromache, in two of them as paradigms of old age and youth respectively. Epigram 3.76 disapproves of →Bassus1, who prefers old women to young ones (4 cum possis Hecaben, non potes Andromachen). In 10.90.6 (where she is not cited by name) old →Ligeia is rebuked for her sexual cravings, which do not become the mater Hectoris but rather her uxor. In 2.41 the toothless →Maximina is advised not to laugh, but to adopt a sterner countenance than those of Priam’s wife and her nurus maior (14). The cause of her grief is mentioned in 6.71.4: the epigram deals with →Telethusa, a girl so wanton that she could arouse Hecuba’s husband (Hecubae maritum) during his son’s funeral. Finally, there is an allusion to her transformation into a dog (3.32.3); Martial tells →Matrinia, a decrepit woman, that he could have sex with an old hag, but not with a corpse like her, and sets Hecuba as an exemplum: he could bed her provided that she has not turned into a dog yet (si nondum erit illa canis). ‖ →Andromache, →Hector, →Priamus. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 319 – 320 (Hecker); Fusi 2006, 275– 280, 467– 468; Grewing 1997, 466 – 467; LIMC 4.1, s. v. Hekabe, 473 – 481 (Laurens), 4.2, 280 – 283; Mindt 2013a, 512– 514; RE 7.2, s. v. Hekabe 1, 2652– 2662 (Sittig); Vallat 2008, 131, 192– 194; Williams 2004, 153– 154. jfv

Hedylis →Hedylus.

Hedylus 1.46.1,4; 4.52.1; 9.57.1,13. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Ἡδύλος. ‖ A diminutive of ἡδύς (‘pleasant’), it is recorded as a personal name in Rome (Solin 1982, 878 records five instances). LGPN records 49 occurrences. Giegengack (1969, 83) explains the name as follows: “Like the Tele-names, ‘Little Pleasure’ promises satisfaction. He is consistenly a cinaedus, and it is his desirability for the pleasure he brings which is important”. Howell (1980, 209) remarks: “although a real name (…), it clearly

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had dubious overtones: at Pl. Pseud. 188, Hedylium is an amica, and at AP V.133 (Maecius) Hedylion is a hetaera. The Hedyle at Petr. 113.3 (? Lichas’ wife) seems to have been no better than she should be”. Henriksén renders it as “Sweetie” (2012, 242). ‖ The name appears three times in Martial’s epigrams, always related to passive homosexuality: “les référents, fictifs à chaque fois, n’ont pas de relation entre eux, sinon leur nom, qui trahit le même vice” (Vallat 2008, 564). In 1.46 Hedylus seems to be a puer delicatus of the speaker, who complains about his tendency to rush sex: 4 Hedyle, si properas, dic mihi, ne properem. In 4.52 Hedylus is a cinaedus, who is mocked by means of a wordplay with the terms ficus, caper and caprificus (cf. Moreno Soldevila 2006, 369 – 372; Buchheit 1960; Adams 1982, 113), alluding to the haemorrhoids that could be caused by horse-riding and anal penetration (cf. 6.49.10 – 11; 14.86). Epigram 9.57 catalogues ten worn-out objects (2– 11), all compared to Hedylus’ lacernae (1 nil est tritius Hedyli lacernis), just to conclude that there is something more worn-out, namely, his ass: 12– 13 res una est tamen–ipse non negabit–, / culus tritior Hedyli lacernis. According to Henriksén (1999, 38), this Hedylus seems to be one of those fake moralisers, recurrently rebuked by Martial: he wears the typical dishevelled clothes of philosophers, but behaves unbecomingly. ‖ Bentley (ad Hor. Carm. 3.23.2) proposed the emendation Hedylis in 1.46, considering that the context required a woman’s name. Howell (1980, 209 – 210) comments: “It is true that the epigram might seem to have more point if applied to heterosexual intercourse (…). However, there is no MS authority for the change, and the name Hedylis seems to be quite unattested. In any case, the learned authors of the Index Expurgatorius of Martial (p. 2) appear to find nothing odd in applying the idea to homosexual intercourse”. Shackleton Bailey (1989, 131– 132), however, defends Bentley’s reading: “Hedylis is supposed to be unattested. It can be found in CIL 10.4613. It belongs with Hedylē and Hedylio as Thalamis with Thalamē and Thalamio” (132). Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 150; Eden 1999, 578 – 579; 2001, 319 – 320; Giegengack 1969, 83 – 84; Henriksén 1999, 38 – 39; 2012, 242; Howell 1980, 209 – 210; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 369 – 372; Shackleton Bailey 1989, 131– 132; Vallat 2008, 563 – 564. amc

Helene 1.62.6; 9.103.7; cf. 9.103.4 (Tyndaris… soror); 12.52.6 (Tyndaris); 14.56.1 (Lacedaemoniae… amicae; Leary 1996, 218). ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἑλένη. ‖ Daughter of Zeus and →Leda1, wife of →Menelaus and lover of →Paris1. Her abduction was the mythical cause of the Trojan War. ‖ Hom. Il. 3.46.49; 3.433 – 435; Ov. Ep. 16; Cf. Lucr. 1.464; Verg. A. 2.569; Prop. 2.32.32; 3.8.32; Ov. Met. 15.233. ‖ In 1.62.6 she is presented as a paradigm of adultery, in contrast with →Penelope’s faithfulness. As Howell remarks, she was “not proverbial for the unfaithful wife” (1980, 256). What she was proverbial for is her captivating beauty (Henriksén 1999, 191), as in 9.103.3, where she is associated with the beauty of her brothers →Castor1 and →Pollux (see also

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→Lacones). They are all outshone by →Hierus and →Asylus, twin pueri delicati. She is further alluded to in 12.52.6, where she is said to be surprised at →Sempronia’s abduction by →Rufus3 (et stupet ad raptus Tyndaris ipsa tuos). She is called Tyndaris, since Tyndareus was Leda’s husband. ‖ →Leda1, →Paris1, →Menelaus. Bibliography: Henriksén 1999, 191; 2012, 421– 422; Howell 1980, 256; LIMC 4.1, s. v. Helene, 498– 572 (Krauskopf), 4.2, 291– 358; RE 7.2, s. v. Helene 3, 2824– 2835 (Bethe). rms

Heliades 4.59.1; 9.12.6. ‖ Mythological characters. ‖ Ἡλιάδες. ‖ The daughters of the Sun (Helios, →Phoebus1). ‖ While mourning for their deceased brother →Phaethon, they were transformed into trees and their tears into amber-drops. ‖ A. R. 4.595 – 611; Verg. A. 10.189 (Serv. ad. loc.); Ov. Met. 2.340 – 366; Hyg. Fab. 154; Plin. Nat. 37.31; Stat. Silv. 4.3.86 Heliadum ramos lacrimosaque germina; V. Fl. 5.429 flebant populeae iuvenem Phaethonta sorores. ‖ They are twice mentioned in relation to amber. 4.59 describes a vipera caught in amber while it was creeping on the flentibus Heliadum ramis. In 9.12.6 amber is alluded to as gemma… Heliadum. ‖ →Phaethon. Bibliography: Henriksén 1998, 101; 2012, 68; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 416; RE 7.2, s. v. Heliadai, 2849 – 2852 (Malten). rms

Helicaon 10.93.1; cf. 14.152.2. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ ῾Ελικάων. ‖ A Trojan, son of →Antenor, wounded in the Trojan siege and saved by Ulysses (→Vlixes); he accompanied his father to the north of Italy (Paus. 10.26.8). ‖ Epigram 10.93 is addressed to →Clemens, who is travelling to the coast of Helicaon, that is, to the Venetan region, where Patavium, founded by Antenor, was located (cf. Verg. A. 1.247– 248). The adjective Helicaonius, only found in Martial, appears in 14.152.2: this Apophoretum describes a piece of woollen cloth (Gausapum quadratum) from the Helicaonia regione, that is, the aforementioned area of northern Italy. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 332– 333 (Scherf); Leary 1996, 215; LIMC 4.1, s. v. Helikaon, 572 (Davies); RE 7.2, s. v. Helikaon 1, 2855 (Weicker); Vallat 2008, 167, 168 n. jfv

Helicaonius 14.152.2. ‖ Adj. Related to →Helicaon.

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Helius 5.24.5. ‖ Real character. ‖ Ἥλιος. ‖ This Greek theonym is widely attested in Rome. Solin (1982, 368 – 370) records 131 instances. ‖ Robert (1940, 119 n. 65.8; and 298 n. 5) records an inscription in which a Ἥλιος is catalogued among other defeated gladiators. Versnel (1974, 367) comments that in that list of names, “only two are those of real gods, and the remarkable fact is that there are the same ones that appear in our poem [i. e. Hermes and Helius]”. ‖ Helius is a gladiator, featuring in an epigram praising the champion →Hermes1 (see the details in →Advolans). Versnel suggests that the end of the epigram ironically reveals that Hermes does not actually exist; yet, it is to be thought that Advolans and Hermes may well be real and wellknown gladiators. For the allusion to the Sun, see Versnel 1974, 382; Canobbio 2011, 285; Howell 1995, 106: “In hymns, gods are sometimes said to be so great that even the Sun must give way to them”. In this case, a gladiator bearing the name of a god who takes the souls of mortals to the dark underworld, defeats a rival who bears the name of the Sun-god. ‖ →Advolans, →Hermes1. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 285 – 287; Howell 1995, 106; Matz 1990; PIR 2 H56 (Petersen); Vallat 2008, 90; Versnel 1974, 367– 368, 382. amc

Helle 9.71.7; cf. 8.50.10 soror. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἕλλη. ‖ Daughter of Athamas and Nephele, granddaughter of Aeolus and sister of →Phrixus. She escaped with her brother from their father and step-mother Ino, riding on a golden ram. Phrixus arrived safely in Colchis, but she fell off into the sea and drowned, giving her name to the Hellespont. The ram was sacrificed to Zeus and, as a reward, it was transformed into a constellation. ‖ Ov. Fast. 3.849 – 876; Hyg. Fab. 2 – 3. Cf. also e. g. A. Pers. 69 – 70; Prop. 2.26.5 – 6; 3.22.5; Ov. Ars 3.175 – 176; Met. 11.195; Fast. 4.715; Tr. 1.10.15; 3.12.3; Sen. Ep. 80.7; Thy. 851; Tro. 1034; Luc. 4.56; 9.956; V. Fl. 1.50; 1.167; 1.281– 282; 1.425; 1.537; 2.588; 3.7; Stat. Silv. 4.3.57; Ach. 1.20. For further sources of the story, see →Athamanteus and →Phrixus. ‖ In a poem exalting the friendship between a lion and a ram, the latter is compared to the constellation of the Ram (Aries) by means of a periphrasis: portitor Helles. The same phrase was already used by Columella (10.155) and Lucan (4.57): cf. V. Fl 1.425 vectorem… Helles. Fusi (2014, 42– 48) defends the reading proditor Helles. The ram with the Golden Fleece is further mentioned by Martial alongside Phrixus (6.3.6; 8.28.20; 10.51.1, as a constellation; 14.211), Phrixus and Helle (8.50.9 – 10), or Phixus and Athamans (8.28.19 – 20). In 8.50 Martial describes a ram-shaped carved cup: Phrixus’ sister would have preferred to ride this ram. The ironic touch is evident, since the mythical animal let her fall into the sea: cf. Ov. Tr. 3.12.3 inpositamque sibi qui non bene pertulit Hellen. ‖ →Aeolius, →Athamanteus, →Phrixus.

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Bibliography: Henriksén 1999, 85 (= 2012, 297– 298); LIMC 7.1, 398 – 404, s. v. Phrixos et Helle (Bruneau); RE 2.2, s. v. Athamas 2, 1229 – 1233 (Kichner); RE 8.1, s. v. Helle 2, 159 – 163 (P. Friedländer). rms

Heras 6.78.3. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ Ἥρας. ‖ It is a typical name for physicians (cf. RE 8.1, 529 [Stein]). For instance, there was a well-known Cappadocian doctor with that name, active in Rome in the first century AD (cf. Galen. 13: 338K; RE 8.1, s. v. Heras 4, 529 [Gossen]). For the name in Rome, see Solin 1982, 265 – 266. ‖ In 6.78.3 he is an ophthalmologist who advises →Phryx, who is both luscus and lippus, against drinking: 4 ‘bibas caveto: / vinum si biberis, nihil videbis’. No final conclusion on the fictionality of the name can be reached: “Heras ist entweder ein wirklicher Arzt der Zeit, über den sonst nichts bekannt wäre, oder aber ein fiktiver Name” (Grewing 1997, 507). See →Herodes. Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 507; RE 8.1, s. v. Heras 5, 529 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 94, 425. amc

Hercules 3.47.4; 5.49.13; 9.64.1; 9.101.1; 14.177.tit.; 14.178.tit.; cf. 9.43. Cf. Alcides: Sp. 19(16b).2; 5.65.2,16; 6.68.8; 7.50.5; 9.3.11; 9.25.7; 9.34.6; 9.44.1; 9.64.6; 9.65.1; 9.101.3,11; 14.178.2. Tirynthius: 7.15.3; 11.43.5. Herculeus: Sp. 8.2; Sp. 17.6; Sp. 32.11; 1.12.1; 4.44.6; 4.57.9; 4.62.1; 7.13.3; 8.53.15; 9.101.23. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἡρακλῆς (‘glory of Hera’). ‖ The most famous Greek hero, son of Jupiter (→Iuppiter) and Alcmene. ‖ From the numerous episodes of his life Martial recalls the following: epigram 14.177 deals with his first feat, the strangling of two snakes sent by Juno (→Iuno), jealous of Alcmene, to kill him when he was a baby (Apollod. 2.4.8); his first wife, →Megara is mentioned in 11.43.6; →Eurystheus, who imposed the famous twelve labours on him, appears in 9.65.5 – 7. Of the twelve labours Martial alludes to the following: the Nemean lion (Sp. 8.2, Sp. 17.6; Sp. 32.3; 5.65.2,9; 8.53.15; 9.43.1,13, vid. infra), the Lernaean hydra (Sp. 32.5; 5.65.13 – 14; 9.101.9; 14.177), the Erymanthian boar (Sp. 32.4; 5.65.6; 9.101.6), the Ceryneian hind (9.101.7), the Stymphalian birds (9.101.7– 8), the belt of Hippolyta (9.101.5)—a feat related to this, the freeing of →Hesione, is referred to in Sp. 32.10—, the cattle of Geryon (5.49.11; 5.65.11– 12; 9.101.10)—two exploits related to this are the wrestle with →Eryx (5.65.4) and the episode of →Cacus (5.65.5 – 6)—, the apples of the →Hesperides (9.43.3; 9.101.3), and Cerberus (9.65.12; 9.101.8). Another related episode is the wrestle with →Antaeus, cited in 5.65.3 and 9.101.4. His one-year enslavement to Queen Omphale, decreed by the oracle of Delphi, appears in 9.65.11. His love for Hylas and his loss are alluded to in 6.68, 7.15, 7.50, 9.25 and 11.43 (see the details in →Hylas1). His death and apotheosis are recalled in 9.65.8 – 10,13 (cf. 5.65.1, with the initial opposition of Juno, 5.65.15 – 16, and 9.34.6, a eulogy of Domitian, whose

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Templum gentis Flaviae is envied by Jupiter, surrounded by his offspring, including Hercules). Sp. 19 describes an amphitheatrical spectacle in which Hercules is carried by a bull to heaven, probably a variation on his apotheosis (Coleman 2006, 153 – 154) or a representation of the fight with the Cretan bull (Moreno Soldevila 2012). His reconciliation with Juno and his marriage with →Hebe are cited in 9.65.13. ‖ The most comprehensive poems dealing with Hercules relate him to Domitian: 9.65 and 9.101 dwell on a statue of Domitian in the likeness of the hero, which was erected in a temple of Hercules built by the emperor on the Via Appia (cf. also 9.3.11, dealing with the temple, and 9.64.6, where Alcides maior refers to Domitian, as in 9.101.11, whereas Alcides prior, minor is Hercules); epigram 9.101 concludes that the Herculeum numen is not enough for Domitian, who should be characterised as Jupiter. Epigram 5.65 is another eulogy of Domitian, comparing the spectacles promoted by him in the arena to Hercules’ exploits and foreseeing the emperor’s apotheosis. ‖ Four more epigrams deal with statues of the hero. 9.43 and 44 are devoted to a statuette of Hercules, owned by Novius →Vindex and made by the sculptor →Lysippus. Martial catalogues his successive historical owners (Alexander the Great, →Hannibal, →Sulla); Stat. Silv. 4.tit. calls it Hercules Epitrapezios. In 9.43 Hercules is portrayed sitting on a rock, on the Nemean lion skin, looking up and holding the club in one hand and a goblet of wine in the other. His eyes raised to heaven evoke his replacing Atlas (→Atlans1) by taking the sky upon his shoulders while the giant fetched the golden apples for him from the garden of the →Hesperides; →Molorchus, who lodged the hero at his house is Cleonae, is alluded to in line 13. In 9.44 Martial engages in a conversation with the statuette itself (see the details in →Lysippus). The Apophoretum 14.177 describes a statue of Corinthian bronze with the hero strangling the aforementioned snakes (for the iconography of this episode see Pi. N. 1.33 – 35; Verg. A. 8.288 – 289), which was not a warning to the Lernaean Hydra; 14.178 describes another statue of the hero, contrasting with the preceding one in the quality of the material, clay. Martial tells the prospective recipient of the gift that, if the hero is not ashamed of being called fictilis, he should be happy with the gift as well. According to Leary (1996, 241), this could be a copy of the Hercules fictilis made by Vulca in the times of Tarquinius Superbus (Plin. Nat. 35.157). ‖ Apart from the one of the Via Appia (9.3, 9.64, 9.65 and 101), several temples dedicated to the hero are alluded to in different contexts: in 3.47.4 Martial mentions a shrine near the Porta Capena and the temple of the Via Appia, holding a small statue of the hero, pusilli Herculis fanum; in 5.49 Martial mocks the balding →Labienus, who can be mistaken for three men and is thus advised not to approach the Porticus of →Philippus1, lest he should be confused with Geryon and killed by Hercules: this alludes to the temple called Herculis Musarum Aedes, in the Campus Martius, surrounded by this porticus and holding a statue of Hercules and the Muses (→Musae). The temple had been built by Marcus Fulvius Nobilior after the conquest of Ambracia (189 BC) and rebuilt by Lucius Marcius Philippus in 29 BC. ‖ Several epigrams allude to his cult in Tibur, which is given the epithet Herculeus four times: 1.12.1 (Herculei gelidas Tiburis arces), 4.57.9 (Herculeos colles), 4.62.1 (Tibur Herculeum, cf. Prop. 2.32.5) and 7.13.3 (Herculeos colles). Epigram 4.44 deals with the eruption of Ve-

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suvius, famous for its Herculeo numine (6; cf. Prop. 4.7.82; Ov. Met. 15.47; Sil. 7.50; var. lect. nomine Tβ), an allusion to Herculaneum, which, according to tradition, was founded by the hero (RE 8.1, s. v. Herculaneum, 533 [Gall.]; cf. Ov. Met. 15.711 Herculeam urbem) and was buried by volcanic ash in AD 79. ‖ Apart from the detailed epigrams on Hercules’ labours, the Nemean lion is also mentioned several more times: in Sp. 8.2, dealing with female hunters whose feat is called Herculeum opus; Sp. 17.6, on the venator →Carpophorus, who kills a lion worthy of the hands of Hercules (Herculeas manus; cf. Sp. 32.11, where Carpophorus deserves Herculeae laudis for his exploits). The Nemean lion occurs twice, associated with the constellation Leo (8.53.15 Herculeo ab astro; 4.57.5 monstrum Nemeae). ‖ →Antaeus, →Atlans1, →Cacus, →Carpophorus, →Domitianus, →Eurystheus, →Hebe, →Hesione, →Hesperides, →Hylas1, →Iuno, →Iuppiter, →Megara, →Molorchus. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 430 – 431, 501– 511; Citroni 1975, 55; Coleman 2006, 80 – 81, 144– 145, 153– 154, 242; Darwall-Smith 1996, 133– 140; Fusi 2006, 342; Galán Vioque 2002, 116, 132, 308 – 309; Galinsky 1972; Grewing 1997, 444; Henriksén 1998, 73, 138, 177, 205 – 207, 211– 212; 1999, 65 – 71, 166 – 186; 2012, 73, 108, 154, 187– 191, 197– 199, 271– 275, 389 – 413; Howell 1980, 134; 1995, 134– 135, 148 – 150; Kay 1985, 164; Leary 1996, 239 – 241; LIMC 4.1, s. v. Herakles, 728 – 838 (Boardman/Woodford), 4.2, 444– 559, 5.1, 1– 262 (Balmaseda), 5.2, 6 – 188; Lorenz 2003; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 330 – 331, 411, 430; Platner/Ashby 1929, 255; RE 8.1, s. v. Hercules 1, 550 – 609 (Boehm); Rodríguez Almeida 1986; Schöffel 2002, 463 – 464; Vallat 2005a, 122– 123; 2008, 106, 134, 137– 138, 195 – 196, 270 – 272, 285. jfv

Herculeus Sp. 8.2; 17.6; 32.11; 1.12.1; 4.44.6; 4.57.9; 4.62.1; 7.13.3; 8.53.15; 9.101.23. ‖ →Hercules.

Hermaphroditus 6.68.9; 10.4.6; 14.174.tit.; cf. 10.30.10. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Son of →Venus and →Mercurius (Hermes and Aphrodite in Greek). While he was bathing in a lake, the nymph →Salmacis fell in love with him. She embraced him so tightly that they became a single androgynous being (Ov. Met. 4.288 – 388). ‖ In 6.68.4 Martial mourns the death by drowning of →Eutychus, the favourite puer of →Castricus; Martial imagines that the goddess (dea, that is, Salmacis) is no longer fond of Hermaphroditus and has been attracted to Eutychus, causing his death. Hermaphroditus is here a symbol of youthful beauty, as Vallat suggests. ‖ In a defence of the epigram (10.4), Martial contrasts his genre with effete mythological poetry (Hinds 2007, 178 n. 74): he catalogues several myths as examples, including Hermaphroditus, who hates the waters that love him (10.4.6). ‖ In 10.30.10 Martial links Salmacis’ lake with lake Lucrinus. ‖ Finally, epigram 14.174 describes a marble Hermaphoditus: Masculus intravit fontis: emersit utrumque: / pars est una patris, cetera matris habet. ‖ →Salmacis.

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Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 50 – 53 (Damschen); Grewing 1997, 305 – 310; Leary 1996, 235 – 236; LIMC 5.1, s. v. Hermaphroditos, 268 – 285 (Ajootian), 5.2, 190 – 198; RE 8.1, s. v. Hermaphroditos, 714– 721 (Jessen); Robinson 1999; Vallat 2008, 129. jfv

Hermeros 10.83.8. ‖ Real character. ‖ Ἑρμέρως. ‖ The Hermerotes were hybrid figures of →Cupido and →Mercurius (cf. Plin. Nat. 36.33). The name is recorded 58 times in LGPN and it was also very popular in Rome (Solin 1982, 52– 53 lists 85 instances). ‖ Petr. 52.3 nam Hermerotis pugnas et Petraitis in poculis habeo. ‖ A man renowned for his baldness, probably a famous gladiator. Epigram 10.83 is addressed to →Marinus, who tries to conceal his balding head by combing his remaining tresses over it, a trick undone by the wind. His appearance is compared to the visual effect of a bald man flanked by two capillati: 7– 8 inter Spendophorum Telesphorumque / Cydae stare putabis Hermerotem. For a similar joke, a bald head compared to three people, see →Labienus in 5.49. This Cydae… Hermeros must be a recognisable figure for the reader (Fröhlich, in Damschen/Heil 2004, 297). In Petr. 52.3 Hermeros is cited together with Petraites, in a passage in which Trimalchio shows off his poor erudition while boasting about his tableware: he mixes up mythical and gladiatorial scenes when describing those engraved on his cups, vases, etc. For a comparable case of an ignorant parvenu, see →Euctus. The reader would immediately recognise Trimalchio’s mistake. On the famous gladiator Petraites, cf. CIL 3.14874.1. Eden (1989, 123) proposes an identification with the character mentioned by Trimalchio (“I suggest that M.’s Hermeros was also a gladiator, whose baldness was notorious because he fought with no headgear as a retiarius”), in which case he would have had an unusually long-standing career: “a gladiator who lost his hair before his life must have been a rarity” (ibid.). He also bases his interpretation on a lucerna discovered at Puteoli, dating from the second half of the first century AD, which has Hermeros as the name of a gladiator. In any case, Hermeros need not be the character in Petronius’ novel, since famous names were usually repeated within the same trade: “M.’s Hermeros may belong to the next generation, and his head was perhaps not bald but razor-shaved” (Eden 1989, 124). According to Eden’s interpretation, which refutes the old idea that Hermeros could be a famous statue by a sculptor named Cydas (e. g. Izaac in his index), Cydas might be a lanista. It must be added that Hermes, the name of the god who takes the souls of men to the underworld (ψυχοπομπός), and its derivatives are particularly suitable names for gladiators (see →Hermes1). ‖ →Cydas, →Spendophorus, →Telesphorus. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 297 (Fröhlich); Eden 1989, 123 – 124; RE 8.1, s. v. Hermeros 1, 736 (Stein). amc

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Hermes1 5.24. ‖ Ἑρμῆς. ‖ Real character? ‖ This theonym was extremely popular as a proper name (Solin 1982, 342– 353 records 841 instances, including Herma). It was a suitable name for gladiators, for it conveys the ideas of agility and swiftness, as well as the god’s facet as ψυχοπομπός or ψυχαγωγός, that is, the one who leads the souls of the dead to the underworld (Robert 1940, 124 [67], 147 [109], 171 [162], 298 n. 5; Versnel 1974, 367– 368; Howell 1995, 106; see also →Hermeros). Yet, “in spite of the fact that Hermes was the god of the palaestra (ἐναγώνιος), he was not one of the special gods of the gladiators, unlike Mars, Bellona, Hercules, Nemesis, and even Minerva” (Versnel 1974, 367). Among the names of gladiators collected by Robert 1940, “only two are those of real gods, and the remarkable fact is that these are the same ones that appear in our poem [i. e. Hermes and Helius]” (Versnel 1974, 367). It must be remembered, as Versnell remarks (ibid., n. 10), that “Commodus fought as Mercurius in gladiatorial shows”. Canobbio adds that “ai termine dei combattimenti era proprio un uomo mascerato da Mercurio a sincerarsi della morte dei gladiatori sconfitti toccandoli con un ferro rovente che simboleggiaba il caduceo” (2011, 286). ‖ The anaphoric structure of the epigram (Hermes is the first word of each of its fifteen lines) recalls a lethany or a hymn, but the poem is in fact the parody of a hymn: “it may be read as a panegyric on a gladiator, but at the same time as a (parody of a) hymn to a god” (Versnel 1974, 376; cf. Howell 1995, 105: “the idea was due to his having the name of a god”). Hermes is a champion: his feats are compared to those of →Helius (5) and →Advolans (6), other gladiators who he alone is able to defeat: 5 – 6 sed unum… sed uni… The term unus is resumed at the end of the epigram: 15 et ter unus (cf. Howell 1995, 108: “there is an allusion to the three gladiatorial spheres in which Hermes excels [11– 13], and there is also a connection between the god Hermes and the number three–a connection which, possibly as early as the 2nd century BC, gave rise to his Greek title Trismegistos [thrice greatest]”; as for unus: “frequently used in invocation to the gods […]. Here ter is applied to unus for comic exaggeration, precisely because of the illogicality of doing so. It is probable that Martial is mildly satirising the exaggerated eulogies that must often have been written about gladiators”). ‖ →Advolans, →Helius, →Mercurius. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 286; Howell 1995, 105 – 108; PIR 2 H141 (Petersen); RE 8.1, s. v. Hermes 3, 192 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 89 – 90, 426; Versnel 1974; Watson/Watson 1996, 588 – 591. amc

Hermes2 10.56.7. ‖ Real character? ‖ Ἑρμῆς. ‖ For the name, see →Hermes1. ‖ It is attested in inscriptions as the name of several doctors: cf. CIL 6.9575; 11.742. ‖ In an epigram cataloguing a list of doctors and their specialisations (see →Cascellius2), Hermes is called the “Podalirius of hernias”: 7 enterocelarum fertur Podalirius Hermes. →Podalirius, son of Asclepius, is, like his brother →Machaon, one of the doctors of the Tro-

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jan siege, and are hence considered the physicians par excellence. The comparison is incongruously humorous: a mythical doctor used to the glorious wounds of heroes, and the one who heals vulgar and commnon hernias (enterocele, ἐντεροκήλη). According to Rücker, “Die Namen Eros und Hermes sollen keinen Hinweis auf die entsprechende Gottheit geben; es handelt sich um übliche Sklavennamen” (Damschen/ Heil 2004, 213), but the deadly connotations of the name of a god leading the souls of mortals to the underworld (ψυχοπομπός, ψυχαγωγός) must be ironically suitable for a quack. See also →Hermes1, another man who sends his opponents to death. According to Frobeen (Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 374) and Vallat (2008, 94), among others, he must be a real contemporary doctor. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 213 (Rücker); RE 8.1, s. v. Hermes 5, 192 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 94. amc

Hermione 3.11.4. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Ἑρμιόνη. ‖ A very popular Greek name. LGPN records 107 instances. Solin (1982, 542– 544) catalogues 141 examples in Rome. In mythology, Hermione was the daughter of →Menelaus and →Helene, betrothed to both →Orestes and Neoptolemus. ‖ In 3.8 Martial mocked a man called →Quintus and his one-eyed mistress →Thais2. In 3.11 a certain Quintus has thought that Martial was referring to him and complains to the poet: 2 cur in te factum distichon esse putas? The poet affirms that the name of his girlfriend does not resemble Thais, like, for instance, →Lais (3 Sed simile est aliquid? pro Laide Thaida dixi?), and asks if there is any resemblance between the fictional character Thais and his lover Hermione (4 dic mihi, quid simile est Thais et Hermione?); finally, he acquiesces in changing the name of the man: 5 – 6 tu tamen es Quintus: mutemus nomen amantis: / si non vult Quintus, Thaida Sextus amet. Apparently an apology, the epigram is full of satirical intent (cf. →Cerdo, also in book 3). At the beginning, Martial assures that he is not referring to his interlocutor or his beloved, whose name does not resemble that of Thais at all. The adjective simile is repeated in lines 3 and 4, but whereas in the first line it refers to the phonetic likeness of the names Thais and Lais (cf. Fusi 2006, 173), the second points to a resemblance in another sphere: Quintus’ girlfriend may not be called Thais or Lais, she may not be lusca, but, perhaps, she does resemble Thais or Lais in her sexual behaviour, for these are typical names for prostitutes. By changing the name Quintus into →Sextus2, Martial calls Hermione Thais again and adds a sixth lover to her collection. ‖ →Lais, →Quintus, →Sextus2, →Thais2. Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 173; Giegengack 1969, 115 – 116; Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 1, 208 n. b; Vallat 2008, 405, 426. amc

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Hermocrates 6.53.4. ‖ Ἑρμοκράτης. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A popular Greek name (LGPN records 158 instances), but not very popular in Rome (Solin 1982, 57 lists only eight instances). A compound of Hermes and the noun κράτος, ‘the power of Hermes’ is a suitable name for a quack. It also recalls the name of the famous physician →Hippocrates. ‖ →Andragoras was found dead in the morning, which is strange, for the night before he had happily bathed and partied with his friends. The cause of his sudden death is that he had dreamt of the doctor Hermocrates: 4 in somnis medicum viderat Hermocraten. This poem belongs to invective tradition against doctors: their deadly powers are so strong that the sole mention of their names or just dreaming about them is enough to make their patients worsen and die. ‖ Amongst the sixteen Greek doctor names in the epigrams, there is, besides Hermocrates, a Hermes (→Hermes2). Perhaps the name of the god ψυχοπομπός pertains to the quack who sends his patients to Hell (cf. Grewing 1997, 358, referring to Artem. Onirocr. 4.72). ‖ The addressee of the poem is →Faustinus, perhaps not accidentally, because the connotations of his name contrast with the mournful news. This epigram recalls AP 11.257, where the doctor Hermogenes kills his patient ἐν ὕπνοις (cf. AP 11.114, 124 and 131). Cf. Lessing 1895, 303. ‖ →Andragoras. Bibliography: Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 453; Grewing 1997, 358; Lessing 1895, 303; Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 2, 41 n. a. amc

Hermogenes 12.28(29).1,8,10,12,14,16,18,20 – 22. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Ἑρμογένης. ‖ A widespread Greek name (594 instances in LGPN; see Solin 1982, 54– 56). Hermogenes is a thief of napkins (mappae). His name is most appropriate, since Hermes was the patron god of thieves (cf. Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 3, 110; Vallat 2006, 131); it may also refer to Hermes’ son, →Autolycus, the thief par excellence. For other characters whose names are related to the god, see →Hermeros, →Hermes1 , →Hermes2, →Hermocrates. ‖ He is as skillful as the luscus fur of 8.59, who, amongst other objects, steals napkins (8 et latet in tepido plurima mappa sinu). Hermogenes is compared to →Massa: 1– 2 Hermogenes tantus mapparum,***, fur est / quantus nummorum vix, puto, Massa fuit. Yet, not only does he steal mappae at the convivium, but everywhere: the white handkerchiefs asking for the missio of the gladiator →Myrinus (7– 8) at the amphitheatre; the flag with which the praetor signals the start at the circus; (9 – 10); table linen (11– 14); the canopies of the amphitheatre (15 – 16); the sails of ships (17– 18); the clothes of the worshippers of →Isis (19 – 20). The epigram is based on Catul. 12, a rebuke to Asinius Marrucinus (Fitzgerald 2007, 276). The repetition of Hermogenes in this epigram recalls that of →Hermes1 in 5.24.

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Bibliography: Craca 2011, 186 – 187; Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 234; Grewing 1997, 358; PIR 2 H150 (Petersen); RE 8.1, s. v. Hermogenes 10, 863 (Stein); Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 3, 110; Vallat 2006, 131; 2008, 530 – 531. amc

Herodes 9.96.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Ἡρώδης. ‖ The name is attested in Rome (Solin 1982, 214 records 16 instances). It was the name of a freedman of Atticus (cf. Cic. Att. 6.1.25; Solin 1982, 214), of the king of Judea allied with Marcus →Antonius1 and later with →Augustus1 (cf. Hor. Ep. 2.2.184; Matth. 2.16; PIR 2 H153 [Petersen]), and of a Greek sophist from the times of the Antonines (cf. Gel. 1.2; 9.2). ‖ A physician (clinicus) who robs his patient. This is the only doctor-thief in the epigrams (Henriksén 1999, 151). Herodes has robbed his patient of a trulla, and, when discovered, he tries to defend himself by rebuking the patient: 2 deprensus dixit: ‘Stulte, quid ergo bibis?’. Both his name and his attitude recall →Heras, another doctor who advises his patient, the drunkard →Phryx, against drinking (6.78). Bibliography: Henriksén 1999, 151– 152; Vallat 2008, 95, 425. amc

Hersilia 10.68.6. ‖ Legendary character. ‖ Wife of →Romulus1. ‖ Hersilius is a common Roman gentilicium. ‖ According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Ant. 3.1.2), she was the daughter of Hersilius; according to Plu. Rom. 14.8 – 9, she was the wife of Hostilius or Romulus, with whom she had a son and a daughter; for both writers she was the leader of the Sabine women after the famous rape. Livius (1.11.2; cf. also Ov. Met. 14.829 – 832) does not mention the fact that she was a Sabina, but he says that she was Romulus’ wife. ‖ See also Sil. 13.812; Serv. A. 8.638. ‖ She is mentioned once, in 10.68.6: Martial censures →Laelia, who shows inappropriate behaviour for a respectable Roman woman. She sweet-talks in Greek, despite being a fellow country-woman of Hersilia and →Egeria, wives of legendary kings and paradigms of Roman matronae. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 251– 252 (Hecker); RE 8.1, s. v. Hersilia, 1149 (Otto); Vallat 2008, 140 – 141. jfv

Hesione Sp. 32.10. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἡσιόνη. ‖ Daughter of →Laomedon, king of Troy, who did not want to pay Poseidon for the construction of the Trojan wall. Outraged, the god sent to the city a sea monster, to which Hesione had to be sacrificed, while chained to a rock. She was rescued by Heracles (→Hercules) and married off to Te-

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lamon. ‖ Cf. Hyg. Fab. 31.4; 89; Ov. Met. 11.211– 215; V. Fl. 2.376 – 576; Apollod. 2.5.9; D. S. 4.42.1– 6. Nevius wrote a tragedy entitled Hesione (cf. Gell. 10.25.3). ‖ The heroine only appears in an epigram praising the bestiarius →Carpophorus, and she is mentioned together with →Andromeda. For the “strong parallels” between both stories, see Coleman 2006, 241. See more details in →Andromeda. Bibliography: Coleman 2006, 241; LIMC 8.1, Suppl., s. v. Hesione, 623 – 629 (Oakley), 8.2, 386 – 389; RE 8.1 s. v. Hesione 5, 1240 – 1241 (Weicker). rms

Hesperides Sp. 24.4; 4.64.2. ‖ Ἑσπερίδες. ‖ Mythological characters. ‖ A group of nymphs, daughters of Atlas (→Atlans1) according to a version of the myth, who lived at the western end of the world and, helped by a dragon (10.94.1; 13.37.2), protected a garden of golden apples, a gift from the Earth to Hera on the occasion of her wedding. ‖ E. Hipp. 742– 751; Apollod. 2.5.11; D. S. 4.26; Lucr. 5.32; Verg. A. 4.484 (Serv. ad loc.); Man. 5.16; Plin. Nat. 5.3; Luc. 9.358; Hyg. Fab. pr.39; 30.12; 151.1; Astr. 2.3.1; 2.6.1; 2.15.5; Juv. 14.114. ‖ In Sp. 24.4 Martial compares the scenery of an amphitheatrical spectacle involving →Orpheus to the mythical garden: quale fuisse nemus creditur Hesperidum. According to Coleman (2006, 177– 178), the point of this comparison does not seem to be that the trees were hung with golden apples, but rather “the comparison must hinge on the reputation of the Hesperides themselves as singers” (quoting A. R. 4.136 – 139). In 4.64 Martial describes the villa of →Iulius Martialis, more fertile than the garden of the Hesperides (2 hortis Hesperidum beatiora), a paradigm of wealth and fertility (see also 10.94.1): Ov. Met. 11.113 – 114 aurea messis erat; demptum tenet arbore pomum: / Hesperidas donasse putes; Priap. 16.2 qualibus Hesperidum nobilis hortus erat. Bibliography: Coleman 2006, 177– 178; LIMC 5.1, s. v. Hesperides, 394– 406 (McPhee), 5.2, 287– 291; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 436; RE 8.1, s. v. Hesperides, 1243 – 1248 (Sittig). rms

Hierus 9.103.3. ‖ Real character. ‖ Ἱερός. ‖ The Greek adjective means ‘holy’. See more details in →Asylus. Hierus is attested in inscriptions (AE 1996, 475; CIL 6.449; 10.2761; 15.5259). ‖ A young slave, probably the twin brother of Asylus. Both could be slaves of the eques Ti. Claudius Livianus (cf. Henriksén 1999, 190), who was to become praetorian prefect under Trajan: cf. CIL 6.280. Solin (1996, 447, 448), however, distinguishes this character (second half of the first century) from Livianus’ slave (first half of the second century). Due to their beauty and close resemblance, the ministri Hierus and Asylus are compared to the Dioscuri. See more details about this epigram and its protagonists in →Asylus. ‖ →Asylus, →Castor1, →Pollux.

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Hilarus 6.73.4. ‖ Ἱλαρός. ‖ Real character? ‖ Hilarus, a name denoting a “trait of character” (‘cheerful’), was a very popular name, especially with slaves (Kajanto 1965, 29, 67– 69, 134, 260; cf. Cic. Fam. 13.33.1; Tac. Hist. 2.65.1; see Solin 1996, vol. 1, 71– 75). ‖ He appears only once in Martial’s epigrams, in a Priapeum. Hilarus is a rich land-owner in the Etrurian Ager Caeretanus. Some scholars (Friedländer, Heraeus, Shackleton Bailey) inferred that he was a real character (and a famous one: 3 notissimus), although this is doubted by Grewing, who points to the wordplay between Hilarus and iuga laeta (see also 1998a, 344; Vallat 2008, 538, 599), already observed by Giegengack: “The name of Hilarus, the rich farmer of Caere, constitutes a small, two-line joke in the midst of one of Martial’s Priapeia. He is unimportant for the poem, for he merely owns the land Priapus protects. But this happy, jovial one owns property in the land of fond greeting and his land is itself laeta (…). The adjectives used both for the farmer and for his property, which are respectively ditissimus and laeta, point out the small pun”. In any case, the wordplay does not preclude the real existence of this character, although it is impossible to prove. Pemán (1941) linked this Hilarus with the Baebius Hilarus of an inscription discovered in Jerez de la Frontera (Cádiz, Spain), suggesting that the Caeretani… agri (3) was the “campo jerezano”, renowned for its wines, a fanciful identification aptly rejected by Petersen (PIR 2 H180). Bibliography: Giegengack 1969, 53; Grewing 1997, 477; 1998a, 344; PIR 2 Η180 (Petersen); RE 8.2, s. v. Hilarus 4, 1605 (Stein); Vallat 2006, 131; 2008, 538, 599. amc

Hippocrates 9.94.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Ἱπποκράτης. ‖ Hippocrates of Cos, the renowned Greek doctor of the fifth century BC, whose ethical principles are still in force in present-day medicine (cf. Cic. De Orat. 3.132; RE 8. 2.1801– 1852 [Gossen]), gives his name here to a fictional physician or to physicians in general (see Henriksén 1999, 144 for this kind of antonomasia). Cf. Friedländer 1886, 2.100: “Der Name mag von Aerzten damals zuweilen angenommen worden sein”. This is the only mention of Hippocrates in Latin poetry (Henriksén, ibid.). Yet, Hippocrates is attested as a name in Rome (Solin 1982, 243 records ten instances), and even as a name for doctors: CIL 5.6437; 11.4423. ‖ A certain Hippocrates offers the poet a Santonica virga (‘wormwood’) as a remedy while asking him for mulsum (‘honeyed wine’) in return. That deal would be even worse than the exchange of weapons of →Glaucus and Diomedes. Martial would

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only give him the wine if he mixed it with elleborum (6), a remedy for frenzy. The poem belongs to the traditional invective against doctors and recalls →Herodes (9.96), both a doctor and a thief. Bibliography: Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 100; Henriksén 1999, 144; 2012, 365; RE 8.2, s. v. Hippocrates 12, 1780 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 312, 326, 372, 615. amc

Hippodame 4.31.10. ‖ Ἱπποδάμη. ‖ Fictional character or pseudonym. ‖ Hippodame (attested twice in LGPN) is the reading of α (ippodame T), whereas β and γ read Hippodamus. Most scholars accept that Hippodame is a female name, an alternative to Hippodamia. It is full of mythological references (Hippodamia was the name of Enomaus’ daughter and →Pelops’ wife, as well as of →Pirithous’ wife). It literally means ‘tamer of horses’. Renn (1889, 62), however, defends the masculine. ‖ The protagonist of this poem, most likely a woman, wants to appear in one of Martial’s epigrams at any cost (cf. →Ligurra) and the poet seems to be willing to comply (not without a touch of irony). However, her mater dura gave her a name not dear to the Muses. If she wants to be read in his poetry, she needs to change it: 10 non semper belle dicitur ‘Hippodame’. Several explanations have been given to this epigram. 1) Hippodame conceals a real name which does not fit in Martial’s poetry for metrical reasons. Hirschfeld (1881, 113 – 114) suggested a Latin name, such as Domitia Caballina, and he related this passage to the first line of Persius’ prologue (fons Caballinus). Balland (2010, 22– 24) suggests that the name hidden under Hippodame is Epponina (the Celtic root of the name, Eppo-, also means ‘horse’; the dura mater would be her ‘native country’). She was the wife of the Lingonian nobleman Iulius Sabinus, who revolted against Rome in AD 69; they lived hidden in a cave for nine years—she bore two children there—, until they were discovered and executed by Vespasian in AD 79 (Tac. Hist. 4.67; Plu. Mor. 770d-771e; D. C. 66.16; PIR 2 E81 [Stein]). Balland reinforces this hypothesis by pointing at a connection with the following epigram (4.32), about a bee kept in an amber-drop, which begins et latet et lucet. 2) A sexual joke has also been suggested, implicit in the name Hippodame (note that Martial plays with the connotations of the epithet Hippodamos in 7.57.2). The erotic connotations of the name, suggesting a schema Veneris (equus Hectoreus or mulier equitans: see Moreno Soldevila 2006, 267– 268 for the details), would prevent a chaste Muse like →Calliope from uttering it: 7– 8 quod nec Melpomene, quod nec Polyhymnia possit / nec pia cum Phoebo dicere Calliope. Moreno Soldevila combines this with a metaliterary interpretation: “The protagonist wants to be praised by the poet, but he resorts to the genre limitations of his epigrams: his is a playful Muse and any attempt to write a serious poem with that name would be fruitless”. See also Vallat 2008, 565. ‖ →Musae.

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Bibliography: Balland 2010, 22– 24; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 267– 268; Shackleton Bailey 1989, 135; Vallat 2008, 564– 565. rms

Hippolytus 8.46.2; 14.203.2. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἱππόλυτος. ‖ Son of →Theseus and the Amazon Hippolyta (or Antiope). He worshipped Artemis (→Diana), ignoring Aphrodite (→Venus), who punished him by making his stepmother Phaedra fall in love with him. Rejected, Phaedra accused him of rape, which provoked Theseus’ rage and Hippolytus violent death. ‖ This fatal love was the theme of several tragedies by Sophocles, Euripides and Seneca (Phaedra). The story is also the subject of Hyg. Fab. 47; Ov. Ep. 4; Met. 15.497– 546; Fast. 6.737– 745; Verg. A. 7.765 – 777. ‖ Hippolytus is mentioned twice in Martial’s epigrams as a paradigm of chastity (Otto 1890, 164, § 810; cf. Prop. 2.1.51– 52). In 8.45 the beauty and modesty of the puer →Cestus is compared to several mythical young men: Hippolytus, →Attis and Ganymede (→Ganymedes). Cestus is said to be more chaste than Hippolytus. In 14.203 the sensuality of a puella gaditana could arouse Hippolytus and make him masturbate: 1– 2 ipsum / masturbatorem fecerit Hippolytum. Similar observations in Prop. 4.5.5 docta vel Hippolytum Veneri mollire negantem, about a procuress (lena); Ov. Am. 2.4.32 illic Hippolytum pone, Priapus erit!; Priap. 19.5 – 6 haec sic non modo te, Priape, posset, / privignum quoque sed movere Phaedrae. Bibliography: Leary 1996, 271; LIMC 5.1, s. v. Hippolytos, 445– 464 (Linant de Bellefonds), 5.2, 315–327; OCD4, s. v. Hippolytus, 688– 689 (Seaford); Otto 1890, 164, § 810; RE 8.2 s. v. Hippolytos 1, 1865– 1872 (Eitrem); Schöffel 2002, 402; Vallat 2008, 134– 135, 175. rms

Homerus 14.57.1; 14.183.tit.; 14.184.tit.; Maeonides: 5.10.8; Maeonius: 7.46.2; 11.90.3; 14.183.1. ‖ Ὅμηρος. ‖ The reputed author of the Iliad and the Odyssey. ‖ His name is mentioned three times in the Apophoreta: the first one, 14.57, consists of Myrobalanum, ben-nut oil, not mentioned by Virgil (→Vergilius) or Homer (for metrical reasons); the second one, 14.183, consists of the Batrachomyomachia, a work attributed to Homer in Antiquity (although probably dating from the fifth century BC; Martial is the first Latin author who alludes to this work; cf. also Stat. Silv. 1.pr.); and the third, 14.184, comprises his works (Ilias et Vlixes) on parchment. ‖ He is referred to by means of the epithets Maeonides (Μαιονίδης, 5.10.8) and Maeonius (Μαιόνιος, 7.46.2; 11.90.3; 14.183.1), because, according to tradition, he was born in Maeonia (Μαιονία), an ancient name of Lydia in Asia Minor (Il. 3.401; 18.291) or because his father was called Maeon (Μαίων) of Smyrna. Maeonides appears in 5.10, an epigram addressed to →Regulus dealing with the posthumous fame of poets. Martial assures that his contemporaries

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laughed at him (8 et sua riserunt saecula Maeoniden). Homerus was proverbially poor: cf. Ov. Tr. 4.10.21– 22 saepe pater dixit ‘studium quid inutile temptas? / Maeonides nullas ipse reliquit opes’; according to D. Chr. 47.5, he travelled from town to town and he preferred to beg rather than to return to his (unknown) hometown; afterwards every city claimed to be his native place. This allusion to Homer in a catalogue of poets famous only after their deaths may have been triggered by Ov. Am. 1.15.19 – 20 vivet Maeonides, Tenedos dum stabit et Ide, / dum rapidas Simois in mare volvet aquas, where Homer was inserted in a catalogue of writers. Although the epithet Maeonides is not rare in Latin poetry (Ov. Am. 1.15.9; 3.9.25; Fast. 2.120; Tr. 1.1.47; 2.1.377; 4.10.22; Pers. 6.11; Stat. Silv. 5.3.130,150), the adjective Maeonius is much more common. Martial uses it three times: epigram 7.46 is addressed to →Priscus3, who, when willing to be more eloquent than Homer (2 Maeonio… ore), sends his friend Martial gifts accompanied by poetry; epigram 11.90 disapproves of →Chrestillus, who despises contemporary poetry because he is only fond of archaic Latin poets: he considers a line from →Lucilius to be better than Maeonian poetry (3 Maeonio… carmine; Homer was never considered archaic: Quint. Inst. 10.1.46 – 51); finally, 14.183 consists of a copy of the Batrachomyomachia (vid. supra), which is referred to as Maeonio… carmine (for the phrase, cf. Hor. Carm. 1.6.2; Ov. Pont. 3.3.31). Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 167– 168; Fusi 2000, 317– 318; Galán Vioque 2002, 289 – 290; Howell 1995, 87; Kay 1985, 252; Kirk 1962, 271– 274; Leary 1996, 115, 247– 250; Mindt 2013a, 506 – 525 (esp. 506 – 510, 523 – 525); Neger 2012, 276 – 280; RE 8.2, s. v. Homeros 1, 2188 – 2247 (Witte); Vallat 2008, 263. jfv

Horatii 3.47.3. ‖ Historical characters. ‖ The three Roman brothers who fought the Latin Curiatii, in the war between Rome and Alba Longa in the reign of Tullus Hostilius (Liv. 1.24– 25). Only one of the Roman brothers survived. ‖ In 3.47.3 Martial tells →Faustinus about Bassus’ barren land (→Bassus2). Bassus has to go to the Urbs to buy whatever his land does not produce, and on his way he passes by the Horatiorum sacer campus, the place where the Horatii fought and were buried (cf. Liv. 1.25.14), on the Via Appia, just outside the Porta Capena. Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 342; RE 8.2, s. v. Horatius 2, 2321– 2327 (Münzer); Vallat 2008, 169 n. jfv

Horatius1 4.2.2,6. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ This namesake of the poet Horace (→Horatius3) and the famous →Horatii defies the emperor’s edict at the spectacles by wearing a black cloak, which is whitened up by a “miraculous” snowfall. There is a wordplay

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between the verb spectare (1 spectabat, 6 spectat) and the name, which recalls the Greek verb ὡράω (= spectare). According to Vallat (2008, 590), Horatius is “the one who watches” and “is watched”, “qui se fait remarquer par sa toge noire dans la foule blanche”. For Moreno Soldevila (2006, 105), there are also political implications in the use of the name: “It is strongly—though ironically—reminiscent of the poet Horace: vanquished at Philippi, he ended up singing of Augustus’ grandeur” (contra Canobbio 2008, 231). Bibliography: Canobbio 2008, 231– 232; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 105; Vallat 2006, 134– 135; 2008, 589 – 590. rms

Horatius2 9.41.5. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Father of three Roman brothers who fought against the Curiatii. See →Horatii. ‖ Epigram 9.41 disapproves of →Ponticus (one of those fake moralisers frequently attacked by Martial), who is very fond of masturbation. Martial reproaches him that this way he will never father a child, unlike Horatius, who had triplets. Bibliography: Henriksén 1998, 198 (= 2012, 179). jfv

Horatius3 1.107.4; 8.18.5; 12.3.1; cf. 5.30.2; 12.94.5. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Q. Horatius Flaccus. ‖ 65 – 8 BC. ‖ Poet. The author of Epodes, Sermones, Carmina, Epistulae and Ars Poetica, born in Venusia, Apulia, on 8 December 65 and dead in Rome on 27 November 8 BC. He was recommended to →Maecenas by Virgil (→Vergilius) and →Varius Rufus. ‖ He is mentioned by his cognomen Flaccus—and alongside Virgil—in 1.107, 8.18 and 12.3, as well as indirectly in 5.30 and 12.94. Epigram 1.107 deals with literary patronage and Maecenas is set as a paradigm of the patron of the arts due to his support for the two greatest Augustan poets: 1.107.3 – 4 otia da nobis, sed qualia fecerat olim / Maecenas Flacco Vergilioque suo (cf. Verg. Ecl. 1.6 deus nobis haec otia fecit). In 12.3, addressed to Terentius →Priscus4, Martial affirms that he has been for him what Maecenas was for Horace, Varius and Virgil. Epigram 8.18 is addressed to →Cerrinius, who despite being an excellent epigrammatist, does not publish his poems out of respect for his friend Martial. Cerrinius is compared to Virgil, who did not want to write lyric poetry like Horace or tragedy like Varius. ‖ He is alluded to indirectly in two further passages, by means of his birthplace. Epigram 5.30 is addressed to a poet called →Varro, who is encouraged to give recitations of his poetry, which is said not to be inferior to the lyra Calabra, (2), that is, the poetry of Horace. A similar expression is used again in 12.94.5, an attack on the would-be poet →Tucca, who tries

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different literary genres including the fila lyrae… Calabris exculta Camenis. ‖ For the influence of Horace on Martial, see Donini 1964; Duret 1977; Szelest 1963. ‖ →Maecenas, →Varius, →Vergilius. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 318 – 321; Citroni 1975, 326; Heil 2013, 112; Howell 1980, 327– 328; Mindt 2013, 174–189; Neger 2012, 236–253; RE 8.2, s. v. Horatius 10, 2336 – 2404 (Münzer); Schöffel 2002, 213, 266; Vallat 2008, 160. jfv

Hormus 2.15.2. ‖ Ὅρμος. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ A rare Greek name (a single occurrence in LGPN; Solin 1982, 1182 records four instances in Rome). ‖ He appears in a single epigram, as an arrogant host who does not toast to anybody. Since toasts implied drinking from the same cup, Martial concludes that, far for being haughty, he shows consideration for his guests: the hint is that he has os impurum (other explanations, such as poisoning, have been suggested, but cf. Sen. Ben. 2.21.5 ‘Ego’ inquit ‘ab eo beneficium accipiam, a quo propinationem accepturus non sum?’; Richlin 1993, 550). The Greek name together with his attitude suggest that he is a wealthy freedman (vid. contra Williams ad loc.). Friedländer points at a freedman of Vespasian who was a prominent leader on the Flavian side in AD 69 (Tac. Hist. 3.12.3; 3.28) and was rewarded with equestrian status (Tac. Hist. 4.39.1). This scholar adds that this must be one of Martial’s oldest poems. Williams refutes this for “even if there is a reminiscence of the historical figure, we need not conclude that the poem was composed during or shortly after Vespasian’s reign”. Since, according to Tacitus, the historical character was ill-reputed (3.28) and Martial’s Hormus—though not necessarily identifiable with him—is only mentioned here, perhaps the choice of the name is not arbitrary (see →Apicius2). It must be remembered that accusations of os impurum were not infrequent in the political realm. Giegengack (1969, 41) and Vallat (2008, 539) have tried to explain the meaningful use of the name Hormus, a calque from Greek ὅρμος (‘harbour’, ‘refuge’), in relation with the adverb humane. Bibliography: Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 248; Giegengack 1969, 41; PIR2 H204 (Petersen); RE 8.2 s. v. Hormus (Stein); Vallat 2008, 539; Williams 2004, 77. rms

Hyacinthus1 14.173 tit.; cf. Oebalius: 11.43.8; 14.173.2. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ ῾Υάκινθος. ‖ Spartan youth, son of Amiclas and loved by →Phoebus1, who killed him accidentaly with a disc (Ov. Met. 10.162– 219). ‖ He appears in one of the Apophoreta: in a painting, he averts his eyes from the disc just at the moment of dying. The described painting could be a copy of the one by Nycias (fourth century BC) taken to Rome by Augustus after the capture of Alexandria. Both in this epigram (2) and in 11.43.8 Hyacinthus is

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called Oebalius puer (both times in the same metrical position), after Oebalius, who had been king of Laconia. According to some versions of the myth, he had been also his father (cf. Hyg. Fab. 271.1). In 11.43 he appears in a catalogue of pueri loved by (bisexual) gods and heroes, set as examples by a husband rebuked by his wife for having anal sex with male slaves: Phoebus’ love for the disdainful →Daphne did not prevent him from having sex with this puer. ‖ →Phoebus1. Bibliography: Kay 1985, 164; Leary 1996, 234– 235; LIMC 5.1, s. v. Hyakinthos, 546– 550 (Villard), 5.2, 376– 379; RE 9.1, s. v. Hyacinthus 2, 7–16 (Eitrem); Vallat 2008, 48, 134. jfv

Hyacinthus2 8.63.2. ‖ Real character? ‖ Ὑάκινθος. ‖ The name has mythical echoes: he was a beautiful boy loved by →Apollo and accidentally killed by him (see →Hyacinthus1). His name is even more closely related to pederasty: the singer Thamyrus is said to have been the first man to love another man, Hyacinthus. According to Giegengack (1969, 113), “he is the prototype of the favored boy, perhaps even more than Ganymede”. It is a popular name with slaves in Rome (Solin 1982, 1107– 1108 records 47 instances). ‖ Epigram 8.63 deals with the love of Aulus →Pudens for →Thestylus, →Alexis2 and Hyacinthus, pueri delicati of his poet friends: 1– 2 Thestylon Aulus amat sed nec minus ardet Alexin, / forsitan et nostrum nunc Hyacinthon amat. In the second distich Martial plays with the identification of the pueri with poetical works: 3 – 4 I nunc et dubita, vates an diligat ipsos, / delicias vatum cum meus Aulus amet. It has been suggested that these may be the titles of poems or real pueri of →Voconius Victor, an unnamed poet and Martial. Cf. Vallat 2008, 48: “Martial met en scène, en 8.63, les esclaves des poètes célèbres, tel le légendaire Alexis de Virgile, puis son Hyacinthe: mais qui est-ce? Un vrai esclave, dont il ne parlerait pas ailleurs? Une création littéraire? L’onomastique servile est une matière fort délicate”. Thestylus is a puer of Voconius Victor (cf. 7.29.1– 2), although, according to Schöffel (2002, 527), the name could allude to his poem Thestylis (→Thestylis is a Virgilian character, also mentioned in the epigrams: cf. 8.55.18). →Alexis2 could also be a real puer, not the Virgilian one (although the intertextual allusion is undeniable: cf. →Alexis1), perhaps of the same Victor (cf. Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 2, 210 – 211 n. d; it has also been suggested that it could be understood here as a metonymy for Virgil’s Eclogues: Schöffel 2002, 526 – 527). As for Hyacinthus, who Martial calls noster, he has been thought to be a real slave of Martial’s (Sullivan 1991, 165 n. 59). According to Schöffel (2002, 527), Hyacinthus could be a cipher for homoerotic poetry or for the whole corpus of Martial’s poems. The gist of the poem would reside, according to him (2002, 526 – 527), in the ambiguity: “Die Erwartung des Lesers wird freilich durch das eindeutig erotische Vokabular in eine falsche Richtung gelenkt; das scheinbar unterstellte päderastische Verhältnis entpuppt sich erst im Verlauf des Epigramms als kryptische Umschrei-

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bung für literarische (und persönliche) Wertschätzung”. ‖ →Alexis2, →Hyacinthus1, →Thestylus. Bibliography: Giegengack 1969, 113; Schöffel 2002, 479, 526 – 527; Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 2, 210 – 211 n. d; Sullivan 1991, 164 n. 59; Vallat 2008, 48. amc

Hygia 11.60.6. ‖ Ὑγεία. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Daughter of Asclepius, sister of →Podalirius and →Machaon. A personification of health, she is a member of Asclepius’ entourage, although there are no particular myths related to her. ‖ She appears once, in 11.60. →Phlogis suffers from ulcus, sexual itching, a malady that can be cured by the doctor →Criton, not by Hygia; she does not need a medica, but a medicus, or rather, she does not need medicine, but a man that satisfies her: 5 – 6 ulcus habet quod habere suam vult quisque puellam, / quod sanare Criton, non quod Hygia potest. Cf. →Leda2 in 11.71 and a similar remedy: 11.71.7– 8 Protinus accedunt medici medicaeque recedunt / tollunturque pedes. O medicina gravis! Hygia here could refer to a medica in particular, to any medica or to medicine. Cf. Buchheit (1962a, 256): “Ut Phlogis (φλόξ, flagrans) et Chione (χιών, frigida) sicut nomina dicentia quae dicuntur percipienda sunt, ita et Criton et Hygia. Nam ulcus Phlogis (…) ulcus est eius modi, ut non Hygia (i. e. medicina) sed Criton (i. e. κρείττων) sanare possit”. As Henriksén (1999, 144) remarks (commenting on →Hippocrates), “there is more than one instance of Martial’s using the names of physicians from Greek myth to denote doctors in general; (…) in 11.60.6, where female doctors are referred to by the name of Hygia”. The name is, in fact, extremely popular in Rome (Solin 1982, 361– 363 records 160 instances), “and though no instances are found of female doctors, it would obviously be an appropriate appellation” (Kay 1985, 203). However, CIL 6.4458 does record a Hygia obstetrix. ‖ →Criton, →Leda2, →Phlogis. Bibliography: Buchheit 1962a, 255 – 256; Henriksén 1999, 144; Kay 1985, 202– 203; LIMC 5.1, s. v. Hygieia, 554– 573 (Gočeva), 5.2, 380 – 395; RE 9.1, s. v. Hygieia, 93 – 97 (Tamburino). amc

Hyginus 10.56.4. ‖ Ὑγῖνος. ‖ Real character? ‖ ῾Υγιεινός means ‘healthy’. The name can be related to Ὑγεία (cf. →Hygia), daughter of Asclepius and sister of →Podalirius and →Machaon, whose name is frequently used as a metonymy for medicine itself. It is widespread in Greece (LGPN records 135 instances) and in Rome (Solin 1982, 678 – 680 records 63 instances). It was the name of a physician of Livia’s (CIL 6.8903; cf. Kudlien 1986, 106). ‖ Hyginus appears in a list of doctors and their specialisations. He seems to be a kind of ophthalmologist: 4 infestos oculis uris, Hygine, pilos. According

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to PIR 2 (H239), Frobeen (in Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 374) and Vallat (2008, 94), among others, he is a real character. See the details of this epigram in →Cascellius. Bibliography: Kudlien 1986, 106; PIR 2 H239 (Petersen); Vallat 2008, 94, 122. amc

Hylas1 5.48.5; 6.68.8; 7.15.2; 7.50.8; 9.25.7; 9.65.14; 10.4.3; 11.43.5. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ὕλας. ‖ Son of the king of the Dryopes. →Hercules killed the father and took the son to accompany him on the expedition of the Argonauts. In Mysia Hylas was sent for water and never came back; the water-nymphs fell in love with him and drew him into the water. ‖ A. R. 1.1027– 1239; Theoc. 13; V. Fl. 3.521– 610; Apollod. 1.9.19; Prop. 1.20; Hyg. Fab. 14; Verg. Ecl. 6.43 – 44; Ov. Ars 2.110; 2.191; Juv. 1.164. For further sources and bibliography, see Canobbio 2011, 423 – 424. ‖ Hylas is often mentioned in the epigrams as the favourite of →Hercules, especially in relation with his death by drowning. In 5.48 Martial compares the cutting of →Encolpus’ hair with the rape of Hylas (5 talis raptus Hylas), whereas in 6.68 it is the death of →Eutychus that promps the allusion to Hylas and →Hermaphroditus: 7– 10 Numquid te vitreis nudum lasciva sub undis / vidit et Alcidae nympha remisit Hylan? / an dea femineum iam neglegit Hermaphroditum / amplexu teneri sollicitata viri? Epigrams 7.15 and 7.50 deal with a fountain in →Stella’s house. In 7.15 →Argynnus is compared to Hylas (2 effugit dominam Naida numquid Hylas?), whereas in 7.50.8 a statue of Hercules is said to be watching to prevent the many beautiful boys of the fountain (tam multi… Hylae) from being abducted by the nymphs. Epigram 9.25 describes a statue of Hercules with the facial features of Domitian: should the nymph who raped Hylas see it, she would give him back to the hero (14 nunc te si videat nympha, remittet Hylan). The rape of Hylas features in a list of trite mythological themes in 10.4.3, together with →Icarus, →Parthenopaeus1, →Attis and →Endymion (see Hinds 2007, 138 n. 74). Finally, the homoerotic relationship between the hero and the boy is dealt with in 9.25 and 11.43. In 9.25 →Afer gets angry at the fact that his guests stare at his beautiful minister →Hyllus (the similarity of the names Hyllus and Hylas is noteworthy). As an example, Martial cites Hercules and Hylas: 7 trux erat Alcides, et Hylan spectare licebat. In 11.43 they are both set as an example of a homoerotic couple. A wife complains that her husband has sex with his puer, and he offers a catalogue of mythical and historical exempla of bisexuality: 5 – 6 incurvabat Hylan posito Tirynthius arcu: / tu Megaran credis non habuisse natis? In both epigrams Hylas is cited alongside →Ganymedes. ‖ →Argonautae, →Argynnus, →Encolpus, →Hercules. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 423–424; Damschen/Heil 2004, 51 (Damschen); Galán Vioque 2002, 131– 132 (with further bibliography); Henriksén 1998, 138; 2012, 109; Howell 1995, 133; Hulls 2013; Kay 1985, 164;

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LIMC 5.1, s. v. Hylas, 574– 579 (Oakley), 5.2, 396– 399; RE 9.1, s. v. Hylas 1, 110 – 115 (Sittig); Vallat 2008, 201– 202. rms

Hylas2 3.19.4. ‖ Real character? ‖ Ὕλας. ‖ For the mythical referent of this name, see →Hylas1. ‖ Hylas is well-attested as a proper name in Rome, especially for slaves and freedmen (Solin 1982, 520 – 521 records 49 instances). It was, for instance, the name of a pantomimus from the times of Augustus (PIR 2 H242 [Petersen]; RE 9.1, s. v. Hylas 3, 115 – 116 [Stein]). ‖ In 3.19 the puer Hylas dies unexpectedly, bitten by a snake hidden in the mouth of a statue of a bear. This epigram belongs to the tradition of bizarre deaths (cf. Fusi 2006, 199 – 200). According to Shackleton Bailey, this Hylas could be a real boy (1993, vol. 3, 359). Yet, if the episode were fictional, the name could have been chosen to highlight the pathos of his death (Fusi 2006, 203) and the boy’s beauty (pulcher Hylas). See Vallat (2008, 327– 328). Salanitro (2003, 78 – 80) suggested that the ursa could have fallen in love with the boy, like the nymphs with his mythical name-sake. For the different interpretations of this epigram, see Fusi 2006, 200 – 202. Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 199 – 203; PIR 2 H241 (Petersen); RE 9.1, s. v. Hylas 4, 116 (Stein); Salanitro 2003, 78 – 80; Vallat 2008, 327– 328. amc

Hylas3 8.9.2,4; 11.28.2. ‖ Ὕλας. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For the mythical referent of the name see →Hylas1, and for its frequency in Rome, see →Hylas2. ‖ In 3.19 Hylas could be the name of a real character (→Hylas2), but in 8.9 and 11.28 Hylas seems to be fictional. In 8.9 the name has “una valenza antifrastica” (Fusi 2006, 203): it suggests beauty and youth, but instead of pulcher, Hylas is first lippus, then luscus, and would soon be caecus: 1– 2 nuper… volebat… lippus, 2 luscus vult…, 4 si fuerit caecus, nil tibi solvet Hylas (Vallat 2008, 328). Most scholars interpret that Hylas and →Quintus are a debtor and a creditor; others consider that Quintus is a medicus ocularius and Hylas his patient. For both interpretations, see Schöffel 2002, 156. Hylas appears again in a medical context, as the puer delicatus of →Euctus, a physician (1 medici… Eucti). Hylas is raped by the phreneticus →Nasica: 1– 2 invasit… / et percidit Hylan. The gist of the epigram is that the madman was not so crazy: 2 Hic, puto, sanus erat. Kay (1985, 134) suggests that Hylas was Euctus’ assistant and Nasica his patient. In any case, Nasica’s seizure is comparable to the nymphs’ in the mythical account of the death of →Hylas1 (see Vallat 2008, 327). ‖ →Euctus, →Hyllus, →Nasica, →Quintus.

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Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 203; Kay 1985, 134; PIR2 H241 (Petersen); RE 9.1, s. v. Hylas 4, 116 (Stein); Schöffel 2002, 156 – 160; Vallat 2008, 327– 328. amc

Hyllus 2.51; 2.60.1,4; 4.7.1,5; 9.25.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Ὕλλος. ‖ Hyllus was the name, for instance, of the son of →Hercules and Deianira (RE 9.1, 123 – 124 [Eitrem]) or the nymph Melite (RE 9.1, 124 [Eitrem]). Williams (2004, 180) wonders: “might his appearance as a youth in Sophocles’ Trachiniae have inspired Martial?”. The phrase puer Hylle in 4.7 appears to be taken from Ov. Ep. 9.168. Solin (1982, 521– 522) compiles 20 cases (our puer in p. 522). ‖ Puer delicatus. In 2.60 the puer Hyllus commits adultery with the wife of a military tribune, to whom he might possibly have been enslaved (cf. Garrido-Hory 1981, 59, who thinks of Hyllus as a slave in 2.60, 4.7 and 9.25). Hanging over the daring boy, who it is assumed should only be at risk of being punished as a puer (2 supplicium… puerile, meaning the pedicatio, as in 9.67.3 illud puerile; Henriksén 1999, 74), according to the poet, is the threat of castration. This punishment for adulterers had been abolished by Domitian in the years 82 – 83, but the argument illustrates the grave immorality of the puer: 4 tu quod facis, Hylle, licet? According to 4.7, overnight Hyllus appears to have achieved virilitas (cf. →Encolpus): he who was yesterday a puer justifies today the loss of childhood in order to suddenly deny his love for the poet, who reflects Hyllus’ excuse in the hyperbole of verse 4: o nox quam longa es quae facis una senem! (cf. AP 12.191). This puer Hylle that is repeated in verses 1 and 5 could be a wordplay with puerile and a veiled allusion to pedicatio (cf. Moreno Soldevila 2006, 134; cf. 2.60.2 supplicium… puerile). In 9.25 the jealous →Afer expects his guest Martial not to look at the puer Hyllus as the latter is serving them wine. The poet wonders what is wrong with that: 3 quod scelus est mollem spectare ministrum? The poet justifies this assertion by citing mythological examples of other teneros… ministros (9), →Hylas1 and →Ganymedes (7– 8). ‖ In 2.51 Hyllus is the name of a poor pathicus, who spends his meagre savings on gigolos. Cf. Williams 2004, 179, who also refers to 9.63. Bibliography: Garrido-Hory 1981, 59; Henriksén 1998, 136; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 134; Obermayer 1998, 181, 252; PIR2 H244 (Petersen); RE 9.1, s. v. Hyllus 11, 126 (Stein); Vallat 2008, 565; Williams 2004, 179 – 180, 201. amc

Hypnus 11.36.5; 12.75.2. ‖ Ὕπνος. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ Hypnus (‘sleep’) is attested in Rome as a personal name, especially for slaves (Solin 1982, 447– 448 records 14 instances). ‖ He is mentioned twice as a puer or minister. His is a name “well suited to a dilatory slave; it also has overtones of the decadence often found in wine-servers” (Kay 1985,

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150). Cf. Somnus (1.71.4). In 11.36 Martial asks Hypnus to pour as many cups for him as the letters in the name of Gaius Iulius Proculus (→Iulius Proculus) in order to celebrate his friend’s recovery from an illness: 5 – 6 Hypne, quid expectas, piger? inmortale Falernum / funde. His nomen dicens and the word-play Hypnus–piger, portraying him as “esclave inactif” (Wolff 2008, 96), does not necesarily imply that Hypnus is a fictional character. The fact that he is mentioned together with a real person, a friend of the poet’s, in the crucial circumstance of the latter’s convalescence does not mean either that he was real, but makes it very likely. Balland (2010, 140 – 141) has related the →Somnus in 1.71 and the Hypnus of 11.36, both epigrams on the motif of bibere ad numerum (see also Vallat 2008, 479). Besides, 1.71 follows an epigram addressed to Iulius Proculus, which makes it possible that Somnus (like Hypnus) could be his friend’s slave. Hypnus and Somnus are witty names or nicknames for a minister, alluding to the effect of the wine he serves. ‖ In 12.75.2 Martial catalogues a list of pueri delicati, such as Hypnus, who, like →Dindymus, is effeminate, but he does not want to be a boy (2 invitus puerum fatetur Hypnus). See →Amphion for a detailed account of this poem. ‖ →Somnus. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 140 – 141; Kay 1985, 150; LIMC 8.1 Suppl. 643–645 (Bažant), 8.2, 398–399; PIR2 H245 (Petersen); RE 9.1, s. v. Hypnus, 329 (Stein); Vallat 2006, 124; 2008, 47–48, 479, 539; Wolff 2008, 96. amc

I Ianthis 6.2.1; 7.14.5; 7.15.1; 7.50.1. ‖ Pseudonym. ‖ Poetical name of Violentilla, →Stella’s wife. This pseudonym, probably coined by Martial due to metrical reasons, is derived from the Greek name of the violet (ἴανθος). Yet, as Syme remarks, “her name has nothing floral in its nature. It derives from Violens, an ancient cognomen surviving among Volumnii at Perusia” (RP 4, 385). Stella called her Asteris in his poetry (Stat. Silv. 1.2.197– 198). She is mentioned in book 6, on the occasion of their wedding, which was also the theme of Stat. Silv. 1.2. In 7.14.5 Martial cites a poem by Stella, on the death of his wife’s dove (5– 6 vel Stellae cantata meo quas flevit Ianthis, / cuius in Elysio nigra columba volat). In 7.15 and 7.50 Martial describes a fountain in her house. She is said to be domina and regina (7.50.1). ‖ →Stella. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 117– 120; Galán Vioque 2002, 125; Grewing 1998a, 344; Hemelrijk 2004, 308 n. 138; Merli 2013; Raepsaet, FOS 809; RE 9.1, s. v. Ianthis, 695 (Stein); Sartori 1985; Syme 1983b, 113 – 114 (RP 4, 384– 385); Vallat 2006, 135 – 136; 2008, 66, 574; Watson 1999. rms

Ianus 7.8.5; 8.2.1,8; 8.8.1,6; 8.33.11; 8.66.12; 9.1.1; 10.28.6; 10.41.1; 11.4.6; 12.31.4; 13.27.1. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ The god of gates and beginnings. He gave his name to January (Iani mensis). He had a small shrine in the Forum, the doors of which were closed in times of peace: Liv. 1.19.2 Ianum ad infimum Argiletum indicem pacis bellique fecit, apertus ut in armis esse civitatem, clausus pacatos circa omnes populos significaret; Ov. Fast. 2.1; Luc. 5.5 – 6. He was represented with two faces, looking in opposite directions (Ianus bifrons or Ianus geminus), although the epigrams mention a four-faced Janus (vid. infra). ‖ Since January derives from Janus (9.9.1), his name often alludes to that month (8.33.11; 10.41.1; 12.31.4; 13.27.1), as in 7.8.5, where Martial congratulates December for the news that Domitian is returning from a military campaign, whereas the actual return will take place in January. 8.2 deals with the same motif: Janus, who is described as the father of the Fasti (1 Fastorum genitor parensque), on seeing the victorious emperor, deemed that his two faces were not enough and wished for more (an anticipation of the Ianus quadrifrons, representing the four seasons, that will be alluded to in 10.28) and promised Domitian he would live four times longer than →Nestor1. Martial asks the god to add his own life-span, thus making Domitian immortal. In 8.8 Martial assures that Janus gets more pleasure from the return of the emperor in his month, January, than from all his prerogatives, namely, opening the years, renovating the centuries, being worshipped with incense and vows, by the purpura… felix (and allusion to the Fasti consulares) and all the magistrates (omnis honos): the nuncupatio votorum and the inauguration of magishttps://doi.org/10.1515/9783110624755-010

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trates took place in the Kalends of January (cf. 10.28.2 publica quem primum vota precesque vocant). A joking allusion to this is found in 10.41.1: →Proculeia divorces her old husband (veterem… maritum) in the new month of Janus (mense novo Iani), because he has been appointed praetor and she wishes to avoid the expenses of the post. In epigram 8.66 Martial congratulates →Silius Italicus on the consulate of his elder son and wishes a third consulate for his family (Silius had already been consul), held by his younger son, →Severus2. Martial compares this possibility with the three consulates of Pompey (→Pompeius1) and →Agrippa, and alludes to Janus and the Fasti consulares: 1– 12 Quorum pacificus ter ampliavit / Ianus nomina. Janus is traditionally a peace-bringing god: cf. Hor. Ep. 2.1.255 custodem pacis… Ianus; Ov. Fast. 1.287. In 11.4.5 – 6 Martial invokes Janus together with other gods and sacred objects, on the occasion of →Nerva’s third consulate (qui purpureis iam tertia nomina fastis, / Iane, refers Nervae), asking them to preserve both the emperor and the Senate. Epigram 10.28 is devoted to what seems to be a new temple of Janus quadrifrons in the Forum Transitorium, started by Domitian and inaugurated by Nerva (Taylor/Holland 1952 believe this building to be an arch inscribed with the Fasti consulares). Janus is saluted as Annorum nitidique sator pulcherrime mundi (1), and is asked to keep his doors closed in appreciation of his new building. “It is tempting to interpret Martial’s interest in Janus, god of transitions, in light of the themes and very nature of his tenth book. Revised after Domitian’s assassination for republication under Trajan, the book presents a Janus face, looking both backward and forward, and presiding over a series of transitions and changes – literary, political, architectural: ‘Caesareis… donis’ (‘Caesar’s gifts’) is conveniently ambiguous” (Roman 2010, 12 n. 102). ‖ The January Kalends were celebrated in a similar way to the Saturnalia (Leary 2001, 5): according to 8.33 and 13.27, dates were given as gifts on this day (Leary 2001, 77). ‖ →Domitianus, →Nerva. Bibliography: Craca 2011, 158; Damschen/Heil 2004, 126 (Nuding), 165 (Raschle); Darwall-Smith 1996, 120 – 124; Galán Vioque 2002, 88 – 89; Henriksén 2012, 15; Kay 1985, 87– 88; Leary 2001, 77; LIMC 5.1, s. v. Ianus, 618–623 (Simon), 5.2, 421–422; LTUR 3, s. v. Ianus Geminus, Aedes, 92– 93 (Tortorici); RE 9.1, s. v. Ianus Quadrifrons, 698 (Gall); Roman 2010, 111– 112, 172; Schöffel 2002, 88 – 89, 95; Syme 1979a, esp. 206; Taylor/Holland 1952. rms

Ias 1.34.7 (var. lect. Laide). ‖ ᾿Iάς. ‖ The name means ‘Ionian woman’ or ‘Ionian flower’, i. e., ‘violet’ (cf. LSJ, s. v.; Howell 1980, 181). Not a frequent name in literature, but well‐attested in inscriptions. Solin (1982, 578) records 22 instances; LGPN 14. In this case, the name may have been chosen as a typical name for a prostitute (cf. RE 9.1, 751 [Stein]), or rather because it suggests pudor (vid. infra). ‖ On the text variants, Citroni remarks (1975, 114): “γ presenta la facile corruzione ab (o a) laude. Schryver accoglieva l’emendamento umanistico Laide (per ab laude). Il nome Lais ricorre altrove in M., anche in riferimento alla celebre etera di Corinto”. See →Lais. ‖ In an attack on the exhibitionist →Lesbia2, two prostitutes of the lowest

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class (Ias and →Chione, spurcae lupae) are said to seem virtuous when compared to her. “Il comportamento delle meretrici è portato polemicamente ad esempio di maggiore moralità anche in Iuv. 11,171ss.” (Citroni 1975, 113). There is a clear wordplay based on the colour connotations of the names, Chione, ‘white as snow’, and Ias, ‘purple black’: cf. Verg. Ecl. 10.39 nigrae violae sunt; G. 4.275 violae sublucet purpura nigrae. The contrast between white and purple is a poetical symbol for chastity (Moreno Soldevila 2011d, 139 – 140). ‖ →Chione, →Lais, →Lesbia2. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 113 – 114; Howell 1980, 181. amc

*Iason →Aesonides.

*Icarus Cf. 4.49.5; 10.4.5. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἴκαρος. ‖ The son of →Daedalus1, who fled from Crete using the wings made by his father. He died by drowning when he flew too near the Sun, which melted the wax of his wings. ‖ The most famous accounts of the story in Rome are those by Ovid (Ars 2.35 – 96; Met. 8.183 – 235; see also Apollod. Epit. 1.13; Pl. Men. 97; X. Mem. 4.2.33; Paus. 9.11.4– 5; D. S. 4.77.9; Hyg. Fab. 40; Serv. A. 6.14). ‖ Martial does not mention him by name, but by means of periphrasis in two poems rejecting mythological poetry and defending the epigram. In 4.49.5 (aut puero liquidas aptantem Daedalon alas), his story is catalogued together with those of →Tereus, →Thyestes and →Polyphemus1; in 10.4.5 (exutusve puer pinnis labentibus?), “Icarus and Hermaphroditus complete a sequence of fallen and sexually ambiguous ephebes started by Hylas (3 – 6): i. e. the mid-section of 10.4 offers effete and effeminate youths as a synecdoche for effete mythological poetry (in contrast, perhaps, to the Priapic robustness of Martialian epigram)” (Hinds 2007, 178 n. 74). These periphrases are comparable to Juv. 1.54 mare percussum puero, “where Icarus likewise stands for a hackneyed mythological theme” (Watson/ Watson 2003, 97). Watson (2002, 251– 252) suggests that the choice of vocabulary is an implied attack on Statius. ‖ →Daedalus1. Bibliography: LIMC 3.1, s. v. Daidalos et Ikaros, 313– 321 (Nyenhuis), 3.2, 237– 242; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 360; RE 9.1, s. v. Ikaros 2, 985–989 (Heeg); Watson/Watson 2003, 97– 98. rms

Ida 1.71.2. ‖ Real character? ‖ Ἴδα. ‖ Ida is the name of two mountain chains in Crete and Troy (cf. RE 9.1, s. v. Ida, 858 – 864 [Bürchner]); Ἰδαία designates several nymphs and

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other mythical figures related to those places (cf. RE 9.1, 865 – 866 [Waser-Jessen]; cf. also RE 9.1, s. v. Ide, 880 [Neustadt]). Solin (1982, 639 – 640) catalogues 24 instances of Ide in Rome. It was the name of a freedwoman of the eques Decius Mundus (cf. RE 9.1, s. v. Ida 3, 880 [Stein]; PIR 2 I18 [Petersen]). Ida, like the other four women mentioned in 1.71, does not occur elsewhere in the epigrams. Except for Iustina, all are rare names (Howell 1980, 272). Epigram 1.71 deals with the motif of bibere ad numerum, a kind of toast consisting of drinking as many cups as the letters of the name of the addressee (8.50.21– 26; 9.93.3 – 4; 11.36.7– 8; 14.170; the toast for the beloved is a widespread Hellenistic theme: Citroni 1975, 232– 233). Martial invokes five girlfriends (→Laevia, →Iustina, →Lycas, →Lyde, and Ida), probably prostitutes, and drinks a cup of wine for every letter of their names. After twenty-five cups and since no one has come, he calls →Somnus instead (sleep, the god of sleep, a puer with that name?): 4 et quia nulla venit, tu mihi, Somne, veni; “no doubt after 25 cyathi sleep would come easily” (Howell 1980, 272). ‖ →Iustina, →Lycas, →Laevia, →Lyde, →Somnus. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 232– 233; Howell 1980, 272; RE 9.1, s. v. Ida 3, 864 (Stein). amc

Idaeus 10.98.2. ‖ →Ganymedes.

Ilia 9.41.6. ‖ Legendary character. ‖ Original Latin name (cf. Enn. Ann. 55) of Rhea Silvia, daughter of the king of Alba Numitor, who was a Vestal virgin, and mother of →Romulus1 and →Remus after being raped by the god →Mars according to legend (Liv. 1.3.11– 4.3). ‖ Epigram 9.41 disapproves of →Ponticus, who, despite his philosophical ideas, is a masturbator. Martial advises him that he will not be able to father children, and offers →Horatius2 and Ilia as an example of the contrary, for he fathered triplets and she bore twins, nothing of which would have happened if Horatius and Mars had masturbated instead. She is called casta due to her being a Vestal. Ilia was set as an example by Ovid, in his diatribe against abortion: Ov. Am. 2.14.15 – 16 Ilia si tumido geminos in ventre necasset, / casurus dominae conditor urbis erat. Bibliography: Henriksén 1998, 198 – 199 (= 2012, 179 – 180); RE 9.1, s. v. Ilia 1, 999 – 1000 (Latte), 1 A.1, s. v. Rea Silvia, 341– 345 (Rosenberg). jfv

Iliacus 2.43.13; 3.39.1. ‖ →Ganymedes.

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Inachis 11.47.4. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ →Io, the daugther of Inachus (Ἴναχος) was identified with →Isis, since both were related to Egypt and represented as cows. ‖ In Latin literature, Inachis is applied to Io (cf. Prop. 1.3.20; Ov. Ep. 14.105; Met. 1.611) and to Isis (cf. Prop. 2.33.4; Ov. Ars 3.464; Met. 9.687). ‖ The epithet appears solely in 11.47.4, an attack on →Lattara, who avoids the places frequented by women, including the Inachidos limina, that is, the Temple of Isis (Io did not receive any cult in Rome), in the Campus Martius, near the Temple of Serapis and the Saepta Iulia (Juv. 6.528 – 529), a common rendezvous for trysts (Juv. 6.489 apud Isiacae sacraria lenae; 9.22; cf. Ov. Ars 1.77 Nec fuge linigerae Memphitica templa iuvencae; 3.393 visite turicremas vaccae Memphitidos aras). The temple had been recently restored by Domitian. ‖ →Isis. Bibliography: Darwall-Smith 1996, 139, 145; Kay 1985, 171; LTUR 3, s. v. Iseum et Serapeum in Campo Martio, 107– 109 (Coarelli). jfv

Incitatus 10.76.9; 11.1.16. ‖ Real character. ‖ The name is very appropriate for a charioteer, since it is related to speed and riding (Kajanto 1965, 248; cf. Caes. Gal. 4.12.6 incitato equo se hostibus obtulit). In Suet. Cal. 55.3 it is the name of a horse. ‖ He appears twice in the epigrams. 10.76 deals with the motif of the pauper poeta: →Mevius is a trueborn Roman (2 Civis non Syriaeve Parthiaeve), a verna citizen (= ingenuus) and not one of those nouveaux riches of servile origins who had become equites (3 – 4 nec de Cappadocis eques catastis, / sed de plebe Remi Numaeque verna), a good (5 iucundus, probus, innocens amicus) and cultivated man (6 lingua doctus utraque; cf. Suet. Claud. 42.1 uterque sermo noster), who had chosen the wrong profession: poetry (6 – 7). His poverty is contrasted to the wealth enjoyed by the charioteer Incitatus: 8 – 9 pullo Mevius alget in cucullo, / cocco mulio fulget Incitatus. Martial calls him despectively muleteer (mulio). The epigram resembles 10.74, where Martial contrasts the miseries of a client poet like himself, with the luxury of →Scorpus, another charioteer. Both appear together in 11.1.15 – 16, as common topics for conversation: sed cum sponsio fabulaeque lassae / de Scorpo fuerint et Incitato. The poet is looking for readers for his new book (1 quo tu, quo, liber otiose, tendis…?), and with false modesty (cf. Kay 1985, 52) affirms that →Parthenius will not have time to read it. Perhaps, the book will be read by manus minores (2), two or three hypothetical readers who will turn its pages (13 – 14 duo tresve qui revolvant / nostrarum tineas ineptiarum), far from the imperial palaces and only after having finished his talk about Scorpus and Incitatus (i. e., never?). ‖ →Scorpus. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 276 (Fröhlich); Kay 1985, 56 – 57; RE 9.2, s. v. Incitatus, 1249 (Stein); Syme RP 3, 1063, 1116 – 117 (= 1977); Vallat 2008, 351– 352. amc

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Instanius Rufus 7.68.1; 8.50.21,24; 8.73.1; 12.95.4; 12.98. Cf. 8.52. ‖ Real character. ‖ Manuscripts read Instantius (except for 8.73.1, where β reads Istani and γ stant; and 12.98.5, where Istantius is an emendation by Munro of β instantibus and γ intrantibus). Munro and Shackleton Bailey print Istantius. Lindsay suggested Instanius. Instantius is not epigraphically attested; Istantius is attested in CIL 8.7543; Instanius is more frequently attested: CIL 8.1493; 8.26601; 8.26295; 8.26296. From epigram 8.50.23 – 26 it is clear that the first part of the vocative Instanti Rufe had seven letters: Instanti, having eight, is not a valid reading. Munro (apud Friedländer) suggested the wrong spelling Istanti. However, Instani, attested in inscriptions and having seven letters, is to be preferred (Nauta 2002, 41 n. 13; Alföldy 1969, 164; Merli 1996, 211– 212; Fusi 2014– 2015, 67– 70; contra Schöffel 2002, 441, who argues that the n, not pronounced before s, is not to be reckoned). ‖ In 7.68 Martial advises him not to commend his books to his father-in-law, a serious man. According to Agosti (2006), Instanius Rufus is to be identified with the husband of →Caesonia (9.39; see Henriksén 2012, 171– 172) and his father-in-law could be →Caesonius Maximus. Epigram 8.50 is a long description of a phiala given to Martial by Instanius Rufus. Martial asks the puer →Cestus to pour wine for him and proposes a toast for his friend: if →Telethusa comes, Martial will only drink four cups (one for each letter in Rufe), if she does not, he will drink seven more (one of each letter in Instani). Epigram 8.73 deals with literary patronage and inspiration: Martial asks his friend to give him someone to love if he wants him to write inspired poetry (4 da quod amem). Fusi (2014– 2015) argues that in this poem Martial indirectly asks his patron to give him the puer Cestus as a present. In 12.95 he reads the erotic books of →Mussetius and Martial advises him to read him in the company of his puella (his wife?, his lover?) so as not to have to resort to masturbation. He is the protagonist of the last poem of Martial’s: 12.98, greeting him as a proconsul of Baetica, succeding →Macer1 in the post. ‖ It is possible that some of the occurrences of the name →Rufus1 might correspond to this character. For instance, the Rufus of 8.52 has been identified with Instanius Rufus, mentioned just two epigrams before (8.50). Bibliography: Agosti 2006; Alföldy 1969, 164; Fusi 2014– 2015; Galán Vioque 2002, 392; Heraeus 1925; Howell 1998, 179; Merli 1996, 211– 212; Nauta 2002, 101– 102; PIR2 I27 (Petersen); Schöffel 2002, 441; White 1972, 89 – 92. rms

Io 14.180.2; cf. 2.14.8; cf. →Inachis 11.47.4. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἰώ. ‖ Daughter of Inachus. Jupiter (→Iuppiter) fell in love with her and transformed her into a cow in order to avoid Juno’s jealous wrath (→Iuno). The goddess suspected the cow, asked for her as a gift and commanded →Argus to watch over her. When he was killed by Mercury (→Mercurius), Juno tormented her with a gadfly until Io reached Egypt,

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where she regained her human shape. ‖ Apollod. 2.1.3; Ov. Met. 1.583 – 683,713 – 749. ‖ She was usually identified with →Isis (see also →Inachis). Io is mentioned in 14.180.2. This Apophoretum describes a painting of →Europe. Martial compares both myths, telling Jupiter that he could have transformed himself into a bull when Io was a cow, as he had done to rape Europe. Both women had also been linked by Ovid, in his tale of →Pasiphae: Ov. Ars 1.323 – 324 Et modo se Europen fieri, modo postulat Io, / altera quod bos est, altera vecta bove. Both stories are related to the sign of Taurus (Ov. Fast. 5.603– 620). In 2.14.8 there seems to be an allusion to Io, where maesta iuvenca could refer to the torments she suffered until she reached Egypt, but also to Isis (Williams 2004, 71– 72). Prior (1996, 132– 133), for whom both possibilities are likely, links the wanderings of both characters, Io and Isis, to →Selius’ unrelentless pursuit of dinner invitations. In 11.47.4 the phrase Inachidos limina refers to the Temple of Isis. ‖ →Inachis, →Isis. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 190 – 191 (Kropp); Leary 1996, 243 – 244; LIMC 5.1, s. v. Io, 661– 676 (Yalouris), 5.2.442– 452; Prior 1996, 132– 133; RE 9.2, s. v. Io, 1732– 1743 (Eitrem); Williams 2004, 71– 72. jfv

Iollas 11.41.7. ‖ Ἰόλλας. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A name with bucolic echoes: cf. the homonymous shepherd in Virgil’s Eclogues (Verg. Ecl. 2.57; 3.76 – 79; Giegengack 1969, 120; Kay 1985, 159). For other characters named Iolaos and Iolas, see RE 9.2, 1843 – 1847 (Kroll, Sundwall); PIR 2 I40 (Petersen) Iollas, filius Metrodori (…). ‖ The name is not attested in inscriptions in Rome (Solin 1982, 491). ‖ Martial recalls the death of the swineherd →Amyntas, who died while trying to feed his pigs. This serves as an exemplum of contentment for the puer →Lygdus: 7– 8 Pingues, Lygde, sues habeat vicinus Iollas: / te satis est nobis adnumerare pecus. This vicinus Iollas, like the infelix Amyntas, contributes to create a bucolic atmosphere. See more details in →Amyntas. Bibliography: Giegengack 1969, 120; Kay 1985, 158– 160; RE 9.2, s. v. Iollas 1, 1855 (Gossen); Vallat 2008, 377– 378; 2009, 158– 159. amc

Iris 4.19.10; 12.28.6. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἶρις. ‖ “The messenger of the gods among themselves” (LSJ), especially of Hera, and goddess of the rainbow and of rain: cf. Ov. Met. 1.271 concipit Iris aquas alimentaque nubibus adfert; Sen. Oed. 315 – 316 imbrifera… Iris. ‖ Martial alludes to her twice, as a metonymy for rain. Epigram 4.19 describes an endromis, a kind of cloak suitable for bad weather: the heavy Iris will not overwhelm its wearer with her sudden rain (10 neve gravis subita te premat Iris aqua). In 12.28 →Hermogenes, a napkin-thief, is compared to Iris for his almost

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supernatural swiftness (6 Casuras alte sic rapit Iris aquas). Iris is traditionally represented as winged or with winged boots, thus being an equivalent to Hermes (→Mercurius), the messenger of the gods and the patron god of thieves, from whose name Hermogenes derives. Bibliography: Craca 2011, 188– 189; LIMC 5.1, s. v. Iris, 741– 760 (Kossatz-Deissmann), 5.2, 484–501; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 210; RE 9.2, s. v. Iris 1, 2037–2045 (Weicker); Vallat 2008, 167. rms

Irus 5.39.9; 6.77.1; 12.32.9. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Ἶρος. ‖ The Ithacan beggar ᾿Aρναῖος was nick-named Ἶρος (hence the appellative binominis in Ov. Ib. 417) because he was a telltale: ᾿Aρναῖος δ᾽ ὄνομ᾽ ἔσκε: τὸ γὰρ θέτο πότνια μήτηρ / ἐκ γενετῆς: Ἶρον δὲ νέοι κίκλησκον ἅπαντες, / οὕνεκ᾽ ἀπαγγέλλεσκε κιών, ὅτε πού τις ἀνώγοι (Hom. Od. 18.5 – 7). According to RE 9.2, s. v. Irus 6, 2046 (Eitrem), “so nannte witzig die Jugend auf Ithaka den unverschämten Bettler Arnaios (d. h. der Mann von Arne) (…) gleichsam einen männlichen Iris, der überall mit den kleinen Angelegenheiten der Leute herumlief”. The name is related to Ἶρις (→Iris), messenger of the gods and it soon acquired a proverbial nature (LSJ: “hence, later as appellat., an Irus, i. e. a beggar”): cf. Luc. Nav. 24 οἱ δὲ νῦν πλούσιοι πρὸς ἐμὲ Ἶροι δηλαδὴ ἅπαντες; Ov. Tr. 3.7.42 Irus et est subito, qui modo Croesus erat; Rem. 747 Cur nemo est, Hecalen, nulla est, quae ceperit Iron?; Prop. 3.5.17 Lydus Dulichio non distat Croesus ab Iro; AP 7.67; AP 11.209 κείση δ’ Ἴρῳ ὅμοιος; Cf. Otto 1890, 177. For his portrait, see Hom. Od. 18.1– 7. ‖ Martial mentions him as a paradigm of poverty: in 5.39.8 – 9 he is contrasted with →Croesus, a proverbial richman (Croeso divitior licet fuissem, / Iro pauperior forem, Charine); epigram 6.77 is an attack on →Afer, who is carried on an ostentatious litter, despite his poverty: 1 Cum sis tam pauper quam nec miserabilis Irus; epigram 12.32 makes fun of →Vacerra, who is called Irus tuorum temporum (9). ‖ →Afer, →Croesus, →Vacerra. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 386 – 387; Craca 2011, 211; Grewing 1997, 497– 498; Howell 1995, 126; Mindt 2013a, 515; Otto 1890, 177; RE 9.2, s. v. Iros 1, 2046 (Eitrem). amc

*Isis Cf. 2.14.8; 8.81.2; 10.48.1; 11.47.4 Inachis. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Egyptian goddess, sister and wife of Osiris, represented as a heifer. Her cult spread to the Roman world in the second century BC. She was identified with →Io (cf. Apollod. 2.1.3; Hyg. Fab. 145). ‖ She is not mentioned by name in Martial’s epigrams, but by means of indirect allusions and periphrases. In 2.14 the parasite →Selius wanders all over Rome in pursuit of a dinner invitation; among the places he visits are the Memphitica templa (7 Memphis is a metonymy for Egypt), where he sits on the seats (cathedris) of

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the maesta iuvenca: allusion is made to the Temple of Isis (or to the Temples of Isis and Serapis) in the Campus Martius (LTUR 3, 107– 109 [Coarelli]; see →Inachis). Prior (1996, 133) argues that, given the insistence on works of art in this poem, perhaps here there was a painting of Io’s reception by Isis, similar to one found in Pompeii, although it is also possible that maesta iuvenca refers to the grief of Isis for the death of Osiris. According to this scholar, Selius’ quest all over Rome could be equated to the wanderings of Io and Isis, the former tormented by Juno’s gadfly, the second searching for the dismembered body parts of Osiris. ‖ In epigram 8.81 Martial criticises →Gellia’s obsession with pearls: unlike other women, she does not swear by the ox of the heifer of the Nile (2 nec per Niliacae bovem iuvencae), that is, by Apis, representing Osiris, and his wife Isis, represented by a heifer. ‖ Epigram 10.48 is a vocatio ad cenam: the preparations for the dinner begin when the eighth hour is announced to the heifer of Pharos by her worshippers: 1 Nuntiat octavam Phariae sua turba iuvencae. After noon, the priests of the Temple of Isis used to announce the hour to the goddess, greet her and close the doors. Pharos is used metonymycally for Egypt. Notice that in the three indirect allusions, she is referred to as iuvenca. The expression Pharia iuvenca refers to Isis in Ov. Ars 3.635, to Io in Stat. Theb. 1.254, and to their sincretism in Ov. Fast. 5.619 – 620 hoc alii signum Phariam dixere iuvencam, / quae bos ex homine est, ex bove facta dea. The Temple of Isis is also mentioned in 11.47.4: see →Inachis. ‖ →Inachis, →Io. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 190 – 191 (Kropp); LIMC 5.1, s. v. Isis, 761– 796 (Tihn), 5.2, 501– 526; LTUR 3, s. v. Iseum et Serapeum in Campo Martio, 107– 109 (Coarelli); Merkelbach 1995; Prior 1996, 132– 133; RE 9.2, s. v. Isis 1, 2084– 2132 (Roeder); Schöffel 2002, 670 – 680; Takács 1995; Williams 2004, 71– 72; Witt 1971. jfv

Istantius Rufus →Instanius Rufus.

Ithacus 11.104.15. ‖ Ἴθακος. ‖ →Vlixes.

Itys 5.67.6; 10.51.4. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ ᾿Ίτυς. ‖ Son of →Tereus and →Procne, killed by his mother in revenge for the rape of her sister (see the details of the story in →Philomela). ‖ Prop. 3.10.10; Hyg. Fab. 239; 246; Hor. Carm. 4.12.5 – 6; Ov. Am. 2.6.10; 2.14.29 – 30; 3.12.32; Ep. 15.154– 155; Fast. 4.482; Tr. 2.1.390. ‖ Epigram 5.67 deals with a swallow who did not migrate with its companions to Africa and is killed by then for treason. The poem concludes that it was punished late, because

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it should have been dismembered by its noxia mater, but when Itys was killed, that is, when Procne killed her son to serve him as a meal to her husband. Epigram 10.51 is addressed to →Faustinus and deals with the arrival of spring (see the details in →Philomela). Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 514– 519; Damschen/Heil 2004, 199 – 200 (Schopper); Howell 1995, 150 – 151; RE 9.2, s. v. Itys, 2381 (Kroll); Vallat 2008, 137. jfv

Iuleus Adj. Related to →Iulus.

Iulia1 11.104.18. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Daughter of →Caesar1 and Cornelia, wife of Pompey (→Pompeius1). ‖ Ca. 73 – 54 BC. ‖ Liv. Per. 106.1; Vell. 2.47; Suet. Iul. 27.1. ‖ She was a paradigm of conjugal love (V. Max. 4.6.4). ‖ In 11.104, a husband’s reproach to his too prudish wife, Martial offers several examples from myth and history, including →Cornelia, Julia and →Porcia, who allowed their husbands to practise pedicatio with them (18). Bibliography: Kay 1985, 281– 282; RE 10.1, s. v. Iulius 547, 894– 895 (Münzer); Sullivan 1991, 196. jfv

Iulia2 6.3.6; 6.13.1; 9.1.7. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Flavia Iulia Augusta, daughter of →Titus1 and niece of Domitian. Little is known about her life, apart from the story of her supposed sexual relationship with her uncle Domitian, who, according to post-Domitianic accounts, after having rejected her as a wife, had a quasi-incestuous relationship with her (marriage between uncle and niece had been allowed since the times of →Claudius); he impregnated her and forced her to have an abortion, which apparently caused her death: Suet. Dom. 22.1 Fratris filiam, adhuc virginem oblatam in matrimonium sibi cum devictus Domitiae nuptiis pertinacissime recusasset, non multo post alii conlocatam, corrupit ultro et quidem vivo etiam tum Tito, mox patre ac viro orbatam ardentissime palamque dilexit, ut etiam causa mortis extiterit coactae conceptum a se abigere; Plin. Ep. 4.11.6 Nec minore scelere quam quod ulcisci videbatur, absentem inauditamque damnavit incesti, cum ipse fratris filiam incesto non polluisset solum verum etiam occidisset; nam vidua abortu periit; Pan. 52.3 incesti principis; Juv. 2.32– 33 cum tot abortivis fecundam Iulia vulvam / solveret et patruo similes effunderet offas; D. C. 67.3.2. Yet, according to Vinson (1989, 432– 433), “the allegations of incest and adultery lodged against Domitian and his family are nothing other than

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the commonplaces of political invective which have no foundation in fact and which exist in the literary accounts of the period merely to serve as one element in the rhetorical strategy of comparatio”. According to this scholar, it is chronologically impossible for Domitian to have impregnated his niece and forced her to commit abortion (436 – 437). She probably died in AD 89 and was deified the following year. Later, Domitian placed her ashes in the Templum gentis Flaviae (Suet. Dom. 17.3). Jones (1993, 38) believes that Domitian may have been “genuinely fond of her”; “no doubt she was living in the palace (as other Flavian members may well have been, given the size of the complex) (…). All the rest is standard vituperatio.” ‖ She is twice mentioned in book 6, published after her death and deification, and once in book 9, where Martial dedicates several epigrams to the Templum gentis Flaviae built by Domitian. In 6.3 Martial announces (or, more likely, wishes for) the future birth of a son of Domitian and Domitia. Julia herself, already deceased, will weave the golden thread of his life, which is compared to the Golden Fleece, a wish for longevity and divinity. According to Jones (1993, 39), if Julia had died due to the abortion of a child conceived by Domitian, Martial would never have dared to write such a poem: “Had there been the slightest hint of an affair between emperor and niece, he would hardly have written those lines”. See further Grewing (1997, 84– 86), on the improbability that this epigram should be taken as a veiled criticism of the emperor. Epigram 6.13 is an ekphrasis of a marble statue of Julia, playing with the girdle of →Venus. Martial praises the work for its realism and assures that Venus and Juno (→Iuno) will have to borrow the girdle from her in order to recover the love of →Mars and Jupiter (→Iuppiter). See Grewing (1997, 144– 145) for the identification of Domitia with Juno and Domitian with Jupiter, and the implications for this epigram. According to Lorenz (2002, 161– 162), who aptly relates these two epigrams to 6.21, where Venus and Mars appear as a married couple, Julia is somehow the personification of the Lex Iulia de adulteriis, a recurrent motif in book 6. ‖ The diva Julia is alluded to in 9.1.7, in relation to the Templum gentis Flaviae, where she was buried: 6 – 8 dum voce supplex dumque ture placabit / matrona divae dulce Iuliae numen: / manebit altum Flaviae decus gentis. ‖ →Domitianus. Bibliography: Castritius 1969, 492– 494; Ferguson 1987, 122; Grewing 1997, 84– 86, 136 – 137; Henriksén 2012, 17– 18; Jones 1993, 38 – 30; Lorenz 2002, 156 – 162; PIR 2 F426 (Stein); Raepsaet, FOS n. 371, 323 – 324; Shelton 2013, 302– 304; Townend 1961, 57– 58; Vallat 2008, 101, 112– 113, 612; Vinson 1989. rms

Iulianus 3.25.2. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ A very common name, derived from Iulius (Kajanto 1965, 148). ‖ A lover of hot baths. Heraeus and Shackleton Bailey catalogue him as a fictitious character in their respective indexes. However, he might be a real person, an acquaintance of both →Faustinus and Martial (Friedländer ad loc.), who mentions him in an epigram about the cold rhetor →Sabineius: if Faustinus wanted to cool a

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bath that was too hot even for Iulianus, he should ask Sabineius to bathe in it. Balland (2010, 12) proposes a tentative identification with Tettius Iulianus. ‖ According to Vallat there is a wordplay between the terms alluding to temperature (1 temperari, fervens, 4 refrigerat) and the name Iulianus, derived from Iulius (July, a hot month: cf. 10.62.7). Bibliography: Balland 2010, 12; Fusi 2006, 245; Vallat 2008, 523. rms

Iulius 10.62.7; 12.32.1. ‖ Pertaining to →Caesar1.

Iulius Caesar →Caesar1.

Iulius Cerialis 10.48.5; 11.52.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ Cerialis is a widespread theophoric cognomen, derived from Ceres (Kajanto 1965, 55, 62, 107, 211). ‖ Iulius Cerialis appears in two dinner invitations: in 11.52 (published in 96 AD), where Martial assures him that he will listen to his poetry (a mythical poem on the Giants and perhaps an imitation of Virgil’s Georgics); and in 10.48.5 (published in 98), where he is invited together with →Stella, →Nepos, →Canius, →Flaccus1 and →Lupus3. ‖ See also →Iulius Martialis and →Iulius Rufus. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 87, 101, 207 n. 353; Buongiovanni 2012, 256 – 257; Kay 1985, 182; Nauta 2002, 59 n. 62; PIR 2 I261 (Petersen); Verdière 1988, 315 – 319; White 1975, 271. rms

Iulius Martialis 4.64.1,36; 7.17.12. Martialis: 5.20.1; 6.1.2; 10.47.2; 11.80.5,8. Iulius: 1.15.1; 3.5.4 9.97.1; 12.34.1. Lucius Iulius: 1.107.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ A friend or several friends of Martial’s. Scholars have traditionally interpreted that all these epigrams, with the exception of 1.107, were addressed to the same man, a close friend of Martial’s whose name can be reconstructed as Lucius Iulius Martialis. The Lucius Iulius of 1.107 could be identified with other friends of Martial’s, such as →Iulius Rufus or →Iulius Cerialis (vid. infra). Balland (2010, 24– 27) distinguishes between a Iulius Martialis and a Lucius Iulius (1.15; 1.107; 3.5; 9.97.1; 12.34), suggesting that the former must have been the son of Iulius Sabinus and Epponina. In any case, a unitary reading of most of these epigrams is possible, both because Martial addresses some other friends by either their nomen and cog-

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nomen or both (cf. →Caesius Sabinus, Aulus →Pudens) and because of the echoes among them. ‖ A group of epigrams deals with the carpe diem motif: in 1.15 Iulius (1 O mihi post nullos, Iuli, memorande sodales) is said to be almost sixty years old and Martial advises him to live now; 5.20, a similar epigram, is dedicated to Martialis, who is addressed as care Martialis; 10.47 is a description of Martial’s ideal life dedicated to a iucundissime Martialis. ‖ Martial dedicates several books to him: in 3.5, Martial sends his book to the house of Iulius, adsiduum nomen in ore meo (4), in the Campus Martius; book 6 is sent to Martialis (again called care); and in 7.72, Martial gives Iulius Martialis a copy of books 1– 7, corrected by himself, for the library he had in his villa on Monte Mario, described in 4.64. The Lucius Iulius of 1.107, a poem dealing with literary patronage, need not be the same man: he could be identified with other friends and poets (Howell 1980, 328), such as Iulius Rufus or, better, Iulius Cerialis (there is an allusion to a poetical work similar to Virgil’s Georgica both in 1.107 and in 11.52). ‖ He is presented as a close friend elsewhere: in 9.97 Martial tells him about an unnamed envious rival (1 carissime Iuli); in 11.80 another friend of the poet, →Flaccus1, has invited him to his villa in Baiae and Martial wishes his friend Martialis would go along with him (for the various interpretations given to this epigram, see Kay 1985, 236). Finally, in one of his last published epigrams, 12.34, Martial recalls his thirty-four-year-old friendship in Rome and reflects upon the bitter-sweet nature of any true friendship. ‖ →Iulius Cerialis, →Iulius Rufus. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 24– 26; Canobbio 2011, 254; Citroni 1975, 81– 82; Damschen/Heil 2004, 184 (Damschen); Fabbrini 2007, 1– 57; Fusi 2004, 139; Galán Vioque 2002, 137; Henriksén 2012, 376; Howell 1980, 171– 172; Kay 1985, 238; Moreno Soldevila 435 – 436; Nauta 2002, 72– 73; PIR 2 I411 (Petersen); RE 10.1, s. v. Iulius 343, 672– 674 (Groag); Vallat 2008, 51– 53. rms

Iulius Proculus, C. 1.70.2; 11.36.1,8. ‖ Real character. ‖ A patron of Martial’s. Several identifications have been proposed, but “the name is too common to permit certainty” (Howell). In fact, the combination Iulius Proculus occurs nine times in PIR (PIR 2 I492– 502). White (1972, 69 – 70) tentatively suggested an identification with the Iulius Proculus of PIR 2 I491 or 497. In any case, it is probable, but not definite, that the Proculus of 1.70 is the Gaius Iulius Proculus of 11.36. Balland (2010, 137– 141) identifies him with PIR 2 I497. ‖ In 1.70 Martial sends his personified book to Proculus’ house on the Palatine: 1 vade salutatum pro me, liber. From this epigram we can infer that Proculus is a wealthy man (2 nitidos… lares), probably a senator (14) and surely a patron of Martial’s (1, 17– 18). He is portrayed as an unassuming and generous person (14) with literary interests (15). In 11.36 (a soterion) Martial rejoices for Proculus’ recovery from a serious illness and drinks a toast to him: he drinks as many cups as the letters of his name, five, six and eight: Gaius Iulius Proculus. According to Kay, “the formal tone of both poems suggests that M. was not particularly close to him, as does the

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fact that M. does not address him elsewhere”. Balland (2010, 140 – 141) relates 1.71 (the epigram following the one addressed to Proculus) and 11.36, both on the motif of bibere ad numerum: in the first one Martial drinks a toast to five women and in the second to his friend: in both of them Martial addresses the minister, →Somnus in the first one, →Hypnus in the second. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 137– 141; Citroni 1975, 225; Howell 1980, 266; Kay 1985, 149; PIR2 I500 (Petersen); Vallat 2008, 71– 72; White 1972, 69 – 70. rms

Iulius Rufus 10.99.2. ‖ Real character. ‖ Rufus is one of the oldest and most respected Roman cognomina. It originally referred to a physical trait (red-haired) and is widely attested, mostly among ingenui and seldom among slaves (Kajanto 1965, 26, 29 – 30, 65, 121, 134, 229). ‖ Iulius Rufus appears once in the epigrams, unless he is identifiable with another character named Iulius or →Rufus1. The epigram consists of a single line on a bust of →Socrates: “On a statue or bust of Socrates, who, as everyone knew from Plato, had the face of a Satyr. If Socrates had been a Roman, says Martial, his face would have figured among the Satyr statues of Portico of Octavia (Pliny N.H. 36.39), one of which resembled a certain Julius Rufus” (Shackleton Bailey 1993, vol. 2, 414– 415). Other scholars have maintained that the epigram could allude to a portrait of Iulius Rufus (as ugly as Socrates), featuring on the first page of one of the Saturas written by him (cf. Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 162). In fact, saturis is the reading of γ and of Lf, as well as the choice of all the previous editors, whereas satyris is the reading of PQ. In that case, he would have been a poet, as ascertained in PIR, where it is added that he could have been a son or relative of L. Iulius Rufus. On the other hand, Balland proposes the hypothesis that he could be identified with →Iulius Cerialis. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 106– 107; Damschen/Heil 2004, 350 – 351 (Hessen); PIR2 I528 (Petersen); RE 10.1, s. v. Iulius 442, 793– 794 (Lieben); Shackleton Bailey 1978, 288–289; Vallat 2008, 71. jfv

Iulus 6.3.1; cf. Iuleus: 9.35.9; 101.15; 13.109.2. ‖ Legendary character. ‖ Son of →Aeneas and Creusa, also called Ascanius. He is always mentioned in relation to the emperor Domitian. Epigram 6.3 is dedicated to a future son of Domitian, who would have been named after the Dardanius Iulus: 1 Nascere Dardanio promissum nomen Iulo, cf. Verg. A. 1.288 Iulius, a magno demissum nomen Iulo. Domitian only had a son from Domitia Longina, born in 73. He had died in 81, long before the publication of this epigram. See →Caesar7. Shackleton Bailey (1989, 137) wonders whether Domitian had the intention of calling Iulius (or Iulia) a future son or daughter. Vallat (2008, 105) believes that Dardanius refers to Domitian himself. The adjective Iuleus, first used by Prop.

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4.6.7, appears in another three epigrams, “in the sense of imperial” (Henriksén 2012, 159): in 9.35 →Philomusus is always reporting news so as to get dinner invitations: for instance, he says who will win the Iuleae olivae (9), the olive-wreaths given as prize at the Alban Games of Domitian (cf. 9.23.5). They are called Iuleae after the villa of Domitian where the ludi took place, located in the ancient town of Alba Longa, founded by Iulus (cf. Liv. 1.3.3). Epigram 9.101 is in praise of Domitian, now worshipped in a temple on the Via Appia with a statue of him in the guise of →Hercules: the phrase Iuleas habenas refers to the reins of the state. Finally, 13.109.2 describes Alban wine (Albanum): the vines are said to be on the Iuleo monte, that is, Mount Albanus, beneath which Iulus founded Alba Longa (Liv. 1.3.3 sub Albano monte). ‖ →Domitianus. Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 88 – 89; Henriksén 1998, 181; 1999, 181; 2012, 159; Leary 2001, 174; RE 10.1, s. v. Iulus, 953 (Kroll); Shackleton Bailey 1989, 136 – 137; Vallat 2008, 105 – 106. jfv

Iuno 6.13.8; 6.21.8; 9.36.6; 9.65.13; 10.63.5; 10.89.1,5,6; 11.43.3; 11.104.20; 14.85.2. Cf. 9.3.9. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ One of the most important Roman deities. She formed part of the Capitoline Triad together with Jupiter (→Iuppiter) and →Minerva. Soon identified with Hera, she was Jupiter’s wife and →Hercules’ step-mother, as well as a protector of women, marriage (Juno Pronuba) and childbirth (Juno →Lucina). She had a temple on the Esquiline and her main festival, the Matronalia, was celebrated on 1 March. ‖ In the epigrams, she first appears in 6.13, an ekphrasis of a statue of Julia, Domitian’s niece (→Iulia2), in the guise of →Venus: Martial assures that both Venus herself and Juno will borrow the girdle from her, in order to regain the love of →Mars and Jupiter respectively, an allusion to Jupiter’s frequent amorous pursuits: 7– 8 ut Martis revocetur amor summique Tonantis, / a te Iuno petat ceston et ipsa Venus. A similar allusion is found in 6.21, an epithalamium written for the wedding of →Stella and Violentilla (→Ianthis), where Venus affirms that Juno would like to have a husband as upright as her faithful Mars: 8 Tam frugi Iuno vellet habere virum. For the comparison of Domitian’s wife (Domitia Longina) to Juno, see Grewing 1997, 144– 145 and 183. ‖ In 9.36 Ganymede asks Jupiter to let him cut his hair off, like →Earinus, and complains that Juno makes fun of him: 6 Iam tua me ridet Iuno vocatque virum. See Henriksén 2012, 162 for further passages portraying Juno as jealous of Ganymede and disapproving of her husband’s relationship with the boy (see also →Ganymedes). The love triangle Juno-Jupiter-Ganymede reappears in 11.43, where an angry wife, jealous of her husband’s pueri, reminds him that she also has buttocks. Martial replies that Juno made the same protest, unsuccessfully: 3 – 4 dixit idem quotiens lascivo Iuno Tonanti! / Ille tamen grandi cum Ganymede iacet. The situation is reversed in 1.104, where Martial rebukes a too prudish wife for not letting him practice pedicatio on her, and, together with other examples taken from history, he affirms that Juno was Jupiter’s “Ganymede” before his arrival at Olympus (30). ‖ Juno is men-

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tioned again in two more epigrams describing statues: in 9.65, an ekphrasis of a statue of Hercules with the features of Domitian, Martial tells the hero that his stepmother will now favour him (13 Nunc tibi Iuno favet): in fact, after his deification, Hercules reconciled with his step-mother and married her daughter →Hebe (Hom. Od. 11.603 – 604). Epigram 10.89 describes a statue of Juno by the Greek artist →Polyclitus, or, more likely, a Roman copy of his chriselephantine statue of Hera in the Heraion of Argos: had the goddess looked like the statue, she would have vanquished Venus and Minerva at the Judgement of Paris (→Paris1); and if Jupiter did not love his Juno, he would love the one by Polyclitus. She is mentioned three more times: in 9.3.9 she is alluded to indirectly (matrona Tonantis; cf. Ov. Met. 2.466; Fast. 6.33) in a catalogue of temples restored by Domitian (probably the Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus, also dedicated to her and Minerva, and the Temple of Iuno Moneta); in 10.63.5 she is cited in relation to childbirth (5 quinque dedit pueros, totidem mihi Iuno puellas) and in 14.85, in relation to her bird, the peacock (cf. Ov. Med. 33; Ars 1.627; Stat. Silv. 2.4.26; see →Argus). ‖ Her feast, the Matronalia, was celebrated on the Kalends of March (5.84.11; 10.24.3), which happens also to be Martial’s birthday: thus, in 10.24.1– 3 Martial boasts that in the Matronalia even women send him presents (when usually they were the ones who received them), and in 10.29 Martial complains to →Sextilianus that, instead of sending him a toga as a birthday present, he buys an expensive night dress for his mistress: 3 – 4 et quam donabas dictis a Marte Kalendis, / de nostra prasina est synthesis empta toga. ‖ →Iuppiter. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 316 (Raschle); Grewing 1997, 144– 145, 183; Henriksén 2012, 31, 162, 278; Leary 1996, 144; LIMC 5.1, s. v. Iuno, 814– 856 (La Rocca), 5.2, 533 – 553; RE 10.1, s. v. Juno 1, 1114– 1125 (Haug). rms

Iuppiter Sp. 19.3; 1.6.6; 4.1.2; 4.3.3; 5.1.8; 5.22.4; 5.55.4; 5.63.6; 6.10.1,3,5; 6.83.4; 7.56.3; 7.60.5; 7.73.4; 8.24.4; 8.39.6; 8.49.4; 8.55.16; 8.80.6; 9.3.14; 9.18.8; 9.20.7; 9.34.1; 9.35.7; 9.39.2; 9.86.8; 9.91.2; 9.101.14,22; 10.66.8; 11.4.3; 11.9.1; 11.26.6; 11.43.3; 11.57.3,4; 11.104.20; 12.15.3,8; 12.77.1,12; 12.90.4; 13.4.1; 14.112.2; 14.207.2. Tonans: 5.55.1; 5.72.1; 6.13.9; 6.83.5; 7.60.2; 8.39.5; 9.3.9; 9.11.7; 9.86.7; 9.91.5; 10.20.9; 10.35.19; 10.51.13; 10.92.5; 11.94.7; 12.15.6; 13.74.1. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Sovereign of the Roman gods, equivalent to the Greek Zeus. He is a meteorological deity, associated with rain, storms and lightning, but his realm also includes political power, symbolised by his sceptre. He is traditionally given the epithets Optimus Maximus (‘the best and greatest’). His most important temple was located on the Capitol, and it was also dedicated to Juno (→Iuno) and →Minerva. These, together with Jupiter, formed the Capitoline Triad, the patron deities of Rome. ‖ Jupiter is most frequently mentioned in the epigrams in relation to the reigning emperor. In Sp. 19.3 the rape of Europa is compared to an amphitheatrical spectacle featuring a damnatus in the guise of →Her-

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cules (see the details in →Europe), and in 1.6 another game is compared to another abduction by an animal sent by Jupiter, his eagle taking Ganymede: 5 – 6 Quae maiora putas miracula? summus utrisque / auctor adest: haec sunt Caesaris, illa Iovis (his relationship to his cupbearer is the theme of several more epigrams: 5.55; 8.55.16; 9.11.7; 10.20.9; 10.66.8; 11.16.6; 11.43.3; 11.104.20; see the details in →Ganymedes). Jupiter appears as the protector of Domitian, who sometimes even surpasses the god. Martial compares Domitian’s birthday to Jupiter’s, who is called Dictaeus (4.4.2), since he was guarded from his father on Mount Dicte in Crete (Lucr. 2.633; Verg. G. 4.152), and who is said to be the son of →Cybele, identified with Rhea, Zeus’ mother (9.39.2). Jupiter is in debt to Domitian and protects him in reward for the restoration of his temples on the Capitol: 5.1.8 sospite quo gratum credimus esse Iovem (cf. 7.60.2 quem salvo duc credimus Tonantem); 9.3.7,14 (where Martial humorously affirms that if the gods had to pay Domitian for all their new or newly restored temples, they would go bankrupt). Domitian restored the Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus (Plu. Publ. 15.3), which was destroyed by the Vitellians (AD 69; cf. 9.101.14), and which later burnt down in AD 80, after being restored by Vespasian; he enlarged the Temple of Iuppiter Custos (7.73.4; Tac. Hist. 3.74; Suet. Dom. 5; LTUR 3, s. v. Iuppiter conservator, 161– 162 [Reusser]); and it has been claimed, perhaps wrongly, that he restored a third temple on the Capitol, that of Iuppiter Tonans (see Henriksén 2012, 29 – 30; LTUR 3, s. v. Iuppiter Tonans, 160). Martial mentions an older temple, a shrine on the Quirinal, antiquus or vetus Iuppiter, the Capitolium vetus (5.22.4, 7.73.4; LTUR 1, 234 [Coarelli]). In 13.74, a poem of the Xenia dealing with geese, Martial recalls a historical event: when the Gauls invaded Rome in 390 BC, a flock of geese raised the alarm and saved the Capitol, but now that the temple has been restored by a god (Domitian), it will no longer be vulnerable (Leary 2001, 131– 132). The Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was one of the most important landmarks in Rome, and thus it appears in a catalogue of places of the Urbs (10.51.13). In order to commemorate its reconstruction, Domitian established a feast in the honour of Jupiter, the Agon Capitolinus, held every four years. It was first celebrated in AD 86 and it is a recurrent motif in Martial’s epigrams: 4.1.2; 9.40.1– 2; 9.101.22; 11.9.1 (RE 3.2, s. v. Capitolia, 1527– 1529 [Wissowa]; Gsell 1894, 122– 125; Coleman 1986, 3097; 2000, 243 – 244; Jones 1992, 100, 103 – 105; 1996, 42– 43; White 1998; Rieger 1999; Caldelli 1993; Canobbio 2011, 73 – 74; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 101; Henriksén 2012, 30 – 31). Domitian and the Capitoline Jupiter are so closely related that Martial even mentions them together in a formulaic blessing (5.63.5 – 6): “la menzione di Giove Capitolino (v. 6) subito dopo quella di Domiziano (v. 5 […]) potrebbe corrispondere a un modulo di bendizione in uso al tempo del poeta come anche essere intessa a sugerire un’assimilazione tra le due figure, un tema cortigiano quanto mai comune in M.” (Canobbio 2011, 494). Jupiter is the patron god of oaths: it is no wonder that Martial is outraged at the false oath on his temples in 11.49.7. ‖ Domitian is most overtly compared to Jupiter in books 7, 8 and 9, especially in relation to his triumphs and building activities (see more details in →Domitianus). Epigram 7.56 is addressed to →Rabirius, the architect of Domitian’s palace, and it redounds to the emperor’s praise: if Pisa (i. e. Olym-

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pia) wanted to build a temple for Jupiter, it would have to borrow Rabirius’ hands from Rome’s “Jupiter” (4 a nostro… Tonante). In 8.49 the emperor’s celebration of a victory over the Sarmatians is compared to the feast Jupiter offered when he defated the giants (Schöffel 2002, 417– 418). The motif of Olympian dinner parties is already present in 8.39, dealing with the emperor’s palace, a poem where Martial wishes that Domitian will not be invited to Jupiter’s dinners (i. e. a wish for long life), and yet he invites Jupiter to Domitian’s palace. In 9.91 Martial resumes this theme, assuring that if he were invited to dinner at the same time by Domitian and Jupiter, he would decline Jupiter’s invitation. In this same context, Domitian’s freedman →Earinus is equated to Jupiter’s cupbearer, Ganymede (9.11.7): in 9.36 the Phrygian boy complains to Jupiter that Domitian has allowed Earinus to cut off his hair and wants his master to do the same. Jupiter replies that Domitian has one thousand beautiful pueri, and that his magnificent palace hardly accomodates so many heavenly boys, whereas he, Jupiter, has a single cupbearer. Other allusions to Jupiter have to do with the Templum gentis Flaviae, another recurrent motif in book 9. The temple, a mausoleum for the Flavian family, was built in the place where Domitian had spent his childhood and it is compared to the birthplaces of the Sun and Jupiter; but whereas the latter was protected by the Curetes, Domitian was protected by Jupiter’s thunderbolt and aegis. Epigram 9.34 is a comic twist on the same topic: Jupiter is angry at his own children for not having built him as grandiose a mausoleum as Domitian has built for his own father (Henriksén 2012, 150 – 151). In 9.86 Martial mourns →Severus2, the son of →Silius Italicus, and when he complains to →Apollo, the god replies that both Jupiter (Tarpeium… Tonantem) and Domitian (Palatinum… Tonantem) also lost their sons (Henriksén 2012, 339 – 141), alluding to →Caesar7 and Sarpedon. Domitian is so often called Jupiter and Tonans (see →Domitianus) and compared to the god to his own advantage (Vallat 2005a, 119 – 122), that it is occassionaly difficult to interpret whether Martial is referring to the emperor or the god, as in 8.80.6 (Schöffel 2002, 674). ‖ In 10.92 Martial alludes to Jupiter in a catalogue of deities he worships in his Nomentan land; and in 11.4.3 he asks the Capitoline Triad to protect the new emperor, →Nerva. In 12.15 allusion is made to his chryselephantine statue in the temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus, to which Trajan donated Domitian’s riches; and epigram 12.77 tells a scatological anecdote, →Aethon’s farting while he was praying to the Capitoline Jupiter, a joke which would have been unbecoming during Domitian’s reign. ‖ Naturally, many epigrams deal with prayers, vows, offerings, and sacrifices, often in relation to Domitian. In 13.4 incense is to be offered to Jupiter so that he delays Domitian’s becoming ruler in the heavenly palace: Serus ut aetheriae Germanicus imperet aulae / utque diu terris da pia tura Iovi (Leary 2001, 49). In 6.10 Martial asks Jupiter for money, and the god replies that the poet should ask the one who gave him temples. Epigram 7.60 establishes a hierarchy: Martial prays to the Capitoline Jupiter for Domitian and to Domitian for himself. He further argues that Domitian should not get tired of petitions, in the same way as Jupiter is never offended by prayers and incense: the supplicant is the one who makes gods (8.24). Sacrifices to Jupiter appear in 11.57 and 12.90: in the first, Martial compares the fact that

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he sends poems to the doctus →Severus1 to making sacrifices to the god, who drinks nectar and ambrosia: 3 – 4 Iuppiter ambrosia satur est et nectare vivit; / nos tamen exta Iovi cruda merumque damus; in 12.90 →Maro2 sacrifices a victim to the god for the recovery of a friend. ‖ Jupiter appears as a meteorological deity, as in 4.3.3, which deals with a snow storm, and 6.83, on the banishment of Claudius →Etruscus’ father. In the first instance, Domitian is said to be indulgent with the god, and in the second, he is said to be more benevolent than Jupiter. As a rain god, he reappears in 9.18.8, where Martial asks Domitian for water supply from the Marcia aqueduct (cf. 14.112), and in 9.35.7 Phario… Iove, as a metonym for imber. ‖ He is also mentioned in relation to his wife Juno, twice in book 6 (see the details in →Iulia2 and →Iuno), as well as in 9.3.9 (matrona Tonantis) and 14.207. In 6.13 and 14.207 Martial echoes Hera’s borrowing of Aphrodite’s girdle to seduce Zeus (Hom. Il. 14.214– 221). For the love triangle formed by Jupiter, Juno and Ganymede, see →Iuno. ‖ Jupiter appears in several epigrams dealing with literature. In 5.72 Martial attacks a mythological poet who has literally called Jupiter ‘mother of →Bacchus’. He uses a reductio ad absurdum: the poetaster could have called →Semele his ‘father’. For the possible target and the meaning of the attack, see Canobbio 2011, 539, and for the sources of this story, see →Semele. Martial here uses the epithet Tonans, most appropriately, since Jupiter burnt her down with his lightning (Ov. Met. 3.298 – 301; Canobbio 2011: 540 – 541). For the epithet Tonans, see also Galán Vioque 2002, 338, 352– 353, and Henrikén 2012, 339 – 341. In 10.35, in praise of the poetess →Sulpicia, Martial affirms that she would not have lived as the wife of Jupiter or as the lover of →Apollo or Bacchus, should her husband →Calenus1 have died before her (19 – 21): that is, she preferred his love to anything else (cf. Catul. 70). ‖ →Domitianus, →Ganymedes, →Iuno. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 73– 74, 274, 455– 457, 494, 540 – 541; Citroni 1975, 35 – 37; Coleman 2006, 154–155; Craca 2011, 117– 118; Darwall-Smith 1996, 104– 115; Fears 1981; Galán Vioque 2002, 338, 352– 353, 418; Grewing 1997, 125–126; Henriksén 2012, 29 – 31, 34, 85, 91– 92, 150 –151, 154, 158, 170, 339 – 341, 406, 413; Howell 1980, 121; Kay 1985, 67, 259; Leary 1996, 175, 275; 2001, 49, 131– 133; LIMC 8.1, s. v. Zeus/Iuppiter, 421– 470 (Canciani/Constantini), 8.2, 268– 311; LTUR 3, s. v. Iuppiter conservator, 161– 162 (Reusser), s. v. Iuppiter Optimus Maximus, 148– 153 (De Angeli), Iuppiter Tonans, 159 – 160 (Gross); Moreno Soldevila 2006, 98, 110; RE 10.1, s. v. Iuppiter, 1126–1146 (Keune); Schöffel 2002, 242– 243, 358, 418– 419, 673– 674; Vallat 2005a, 119 – 122. rms

Iustina 1.71.1. ‖ Real character? ‖ For the name, see →Iustinus. ‖ The five female names mentioned in 1.71 only appear here in Martial. On this poem, dealing with the motif of bibere ad numerum, see →Ida. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 232– 233; Howell 1980, 272; RE 10.2, s. v. Iustina, 1339 (Lieben). amc

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Iustinus 11.65.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A very frequent cognomen, derived from Iustus (‘just’): see Kajanto 1965, 252. ‖ The name appears in a single epigram, dealing with a man (a patron) who used to invite six hundred people to his birthday party, including the poet. Shackleton Bailey suspects a lacuna in the text suggesting a change of attitude from Iustinus towards his client. Now he offers two different birthday parties and Martial concludes: cras mihi natus eris, which scholars have interpreted as “as far as I am concerned, you don’t exist” (cf. 4.83.4 nec tibi natus homo est; see Housman 1972, 731– 732 and Shackleton Bailey 1993 ad loc.). According to Kay (1985, 211), “[t]he overtones of justice are not necessarily sarcastic, since Justinus is going to the trouble of a repeat feast for M.’s benefit”. However, the implication seems to be that the parties differ in quality or that the poet feels ostracised. See Vallat 2008, 494. Bibliography: Kay 1985, 211; RE 10.2, s. v. Iustinus 10, 1332 (Lieben); Vallat 2008, 494. rms

Iuvatus 12.24.4. Or Iubatus. ‖ Real character. ‖ The name is only attested in Martial (Kajanto 1965, 352). ‖ In a poem about a carriage given by →Aelianus, Martial addresses Iuvatus, a friend, telling him that they can speak freely while travelling on it. The familiar words used in this poem hint at a close friendhip (Watson 2002, 253). In this same epigram Martial mentions →Avitus, probably a mutual friend. Some humanistic editions and Duff edit Iubate. Syme (1978a, 600 – 601) also defends Iubatus, a name attested in inscriptions (Kajanto 1965, 222; CIL 2.4403; 8.17359; cf. Iubatianus: 6.9046); the name is attested in the Tarraconensis: CIL 2.4403. Bibliography: Craca 2011, 169 –170; PIR2 I875 (Petersen); RE 10.2, s. v. Iuvatus, 1349 (Lieben); Syme 1978a, 600 –601; Vallat 2008, 69. rms

Iuvenalis 7.24.1; 7.91.1; 12.18.2. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Iuvenalis, a friend of Martial’s, is traditionally identified with Decimus Iunius Iuvenalis, Juvenal, the famous satirist. Little is known about his life, except for the fact that he lived in the last part of the first century and the beginnings of the second century AD (for the sources on Juvenal’s life see Ferguson 1987, 123 – 129). For Martial’s influence on Juvenal, see Colton 1991. ‖ Their friendship is the subject of 7.24, an epigram attacking a slanderer who tries to cause a rift between Martial and his friend (meus). In 7.91 the poet sends him some nuts from his land: he is said to be facundus, an adjective usually related to poets. Epigram 12.18 is addressed to Juvenal himself and deals with the tranquility

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enjoyed by Martial in Bilbilis, which contrasts with the hustle and bustle of Rome. For a fresh interpretation of this poem, see Kelly 2018. Bibliography: Craca 2011, 129; Ferguson 1987, 123 – 129; Galán Vioque 2002, 180 – 184, 484– 486; Kelly 2018; Neger 2012, 253 – 260; RE 10.1, s. v. Iunius 87, 1041– 1050 (Vollmer); Sullivan 1991, 54– 55; Vallat 2008, 57– 58. jfv

L Laberius 6.14.1,4. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For the name, related to a facial feature (lips), see Schulze 1904, 162; 315. ‖ Laberius claims to be able to write eloquent poems (versus… disertos), but does not write any. Martial apparently praises him for refraining from writing poetry, but his praise turns into an attack: Laberius seems to be the typical literary critic with no poetical production and, hence, not authorised to criticise others (see →Laelius). Giegengack (1969, 74) related his purported eloquence with the meaning of the name (‘lippy’). Apart from these connotations, it must be remembered that this Laberius is a namesake of Decimus Laberius, a famous mimographer, contemporary with Caesar. Despite his popular success, Horace—in an ironic understatement—considered him a bad poet: Hor. S. 1.10.5 – 6 nam sic / et Laberi mimos ut pulchra poemata mirer. Bibliography: Gärtner 2007, 244– 246; Giegengack 1969, 74; Grewing 1997, 73; PIR2 L4 (Petersen); RE 12.1, s. v. Laberius 20, 254 (Lieben); Vallat 2008, 494. rms

Labienus 2.62.3,4; 5.49.2; 7.66.1,2; 12.16.1,2,3; 12.33.1,2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Nomen gentilicium of Etruscan origin. ‖ The name appears in several satirical contexts. In 2.62 he is fond of depilation, which casts doubts on his virility. If he depilates himself for his amica, Martial wonders for whom he depilates his culus, that is, he accuses him of sodomy (cf. 6.56; 9.27). In 5.49 the poet mocks his balding head; when seen from above (probably during a spectacle), his bald patch flanked by long hairs looks like three men sitting together. ‖ In 12.16 Labienus sells three little farms in order to buy three boys (cf. 9.21). 12.33 deals with the same topic: he has sold his horti and has bought three pueri. Now he has a fig-tree garden, alluding to the haemorrhoids produced by anal sex (ficus; cf. 1.65). ‖ Finally in 7.66 →Fabius has made him his universal heir, but Labienus complains that he deserved more, probably because he had spent more on his captatio or because he had been subjected to sexual humiliation. Vallat (2008, 511– 512) suggests that his name is related to labia, with obvious sexual connotations. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 429; Craca 2011, 120; Galán Vioque 2002, 380; Howell 1995, 133 – 135; PIR2 L17 (Petersen); RE 12.1, s. v. Labienus 3, 258 (Lieben); Vallat 2008, 130, 406 – 407, 511– 512; Williams 2004, 206 – 208. jfv

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Labulla 4.9.1; 12.93.1. Var. lect. Fabulla. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For the name, used only by Martial, see →Labullus. ‖ In 4.9 she is an adulteress and the daughter of the clinicus →Sotas. She abandons her husband for her lover →Clytus; in 12.93 Labulla has found a way to kiss her lover in front of her husband. According to Vallat, the recurrent allusion to kissing (basiaret… basia… osculis) explains the name Labulla, “the one with big lips” (see also Pavanello 1994, 167– 168). Fabulla is the lectio facilior in both epigrams, whereas the lemma and some manuscripts read Labulla, preferred by Scriverius, Schneidewin (in 4.9), and Heraeus (in 12.3.1). ‖ →Fabulla. Bibliography: Moreno Soldevila 2006, 149 – 150; Pavanello 1994, 167– 168; PIR 2 L22 (Petersen); RE 12.1.307 (Lieben); Vallat 2008, 511– 512. jfv

Labullus 11.24.4,9 (var. lect. Fabullus); 12.36.5. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name is only attested in Martial. See Kajanto 1965, 170; Schulze 1904, 163, 461. ‖ Labullus, most probably fictional, appears in two epigrams about literary patronage. In 11.24 Martial adopts the mask of a complaining client poet: his never-ending client services to Labullus prevent him from writing more poetry. In 12.36 Labullus boasts of being a good patron just because he sends the poet the occasional gift. Martial compares his mean patronage to that of the →Pisones, →Senecae, →Memmii and →Crispi. ‖ Pavanello (1994, 167– 168) suggests an etymological wordplay between →Labulla and labia/labella. The same could apply to Labullus, who is depicted as garrulous in 11.24 (2 garrienti; 3 loqueris). For similar cases, see →Laberius, →Labienus. ‖ In 11.24 γ reads Labulle, whereas β reads Fabulle (→Fabullus is the lectio facilior). There is a similar confusion with the names →Fabulla and →Labulla in Martial (also in Juv. 2.68). Bibliography: Damon 1997, 160 – 161; Kay 1985, 125; Lindsay 1903, 21; PIR2 L21 (Petersen); RE 12.1, s. v. Labullus, 307 (Lieben). rms

Labyrtas 7.87.9 (var. lect. Labycas). ‖ See →Babyrtas.

Lacaena 9.103.2. ‖ →Leda1.

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Lachesis 1.88.9; 4.54.9; 9.86.8; 10.53.3. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Λάχεσις. ‖ One of the three →Parcae or Fates, who spin and cut the thread of life. ‖ Like her sisters, she is usually portrayed as inflexible (she is called dura: Sen. Oed. 986; Stat. Theb. 2.249), unwilling to add a single day to the lot, but this idea is developed in different ways depending on the poetical contexts. Ovid, living in exile, reproaches her for not having given him a shorter life: Tr. 5.10.45– 46 o duram Lachesin, quae tam grave sidus habenti / fila dedit vitae non breviora meae! According to →Seneca1, Lachesis granted →Nero a long life (Apoc. 4.1– 2), while Statius tells his wife that she has taken pity on her and extended his life (Stat. Silv. 3.5.40 – 41 exhausti Lachesis mihi tempora fati, / te tantum miserata dedit). In literature, Lachesis’ spinning is used figuratively for the inmutability of destiny (Sen. Oed. 985– 986) or the remaining life span (Juv. 3.27). ‖ Martial always mentions her in relation to death (and the motifs of its inexorability and mors immatura; cf. Stat. Silv. 2.1.120). In 1.88, a funerary epigram mourning →Alcimus1, Martial alludes to Lachesis in relation to the end of his own life (9 cum mihi supremos Lachesis perneverit annos). 4.54 is an invitation to enjoy life (carpe diem) based on the inexorability of death: regardless of the merits of anyone, she will not add a little more wool to their pensum (9 nil adicit penso Lachesis). 9.86 is a lament for the death of →Severus2, the son of →Silius Italicus: not even the gods, including Jupiter (and Domitian), can do anything to prevent their sons from dying (8 ausa nefas Lachesis laesit utrumque Iovem; see →Iuppiter and →Domitianus). 10.53 is the epitaph of the charioteer →Scorpus, 27 years old: Lachesis, who is called invida, mistook him for an old man because of his numerous victories. ‖ →Parcae. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 205 – 206 (Granobs); Moreno Soldevila 2004; 2006, 387; LIMC 6.1, s. v. Moirai, 636–648 (de Angeli), 6.2, 375–380; RE 12.1, s. v. Lachesis, 341 (Schmidt); Van Der Horst 1943. rms

Lacones Sp. 30.5; 1.36.2; 9.3.11 (cf. 5.38.9; 7.24.6). ‖ Mythological characters. ‖ Epithet. →Castor1 and →Pollux, the Dioscuri, are called Lacones because of their Spartan (Lacedaemonian) origin. ‖ In Greece they were twin sons of Leda, queen of Sparta, and brothers of Helen (→Helene); for the different versions of their conception an birth, see →Leda1. They took part in three heroic exploits: the recovery of Helen, abducted by →Theseus, the quest of the Argonauts (→Argonautae) and the rape of the daughters of Leucippus, Phoebe and Hilaeira. When Castor died and Zeus brought Pollux to Olympus immortalising him, Pollux did not want to be inmortal if this meant that he had to depart from his brother: Zeus conceded that they could spend half their time on Olympus and half in Hades and they became a paradigm of brotherly pietas. They are generally identified with the constellation Gemini. Their cult was introduced in Rome very early: they had a temple in the Forum (better known as the Temple of Castor, cf. 1.70.3), dedicated by the dictator Aulus Postumius after the Battle of Lake

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Regillus against the Latins (499 BC). ‖ In Sp. 30.5 the term refers to the constellation Gemini; according to Coleman, the expression gratum nautis sidus… Laconum alludes to St Elmo’s fire, a good omen. In 1.36.2 reference is made to their being sons of Leda (as well as in 5.38.9 and 7.24.6, genus Ledae) and to their alternate presence in Olympus and Hades. Finally, in 9.3.11 Martial refers to their temple, restored by Domitian (→Domitianus). ‖ →Castor1, →Leda1. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 382– 383; Citroni 1975, 121; Coleman 2006, 215 – 216; Galán Vioque 2002, 182; Henriksén 1998, 73; 2012, 33; Howell 1980, 186 – 187; LIMC 3.1, s. v. Dioskouroi, 567– 635 (Gury), 3.2, 456 – 502; Platner/Ashby 1929, 102– 105; Vallat 2008, 198 – 200. jfv

Ladas 2.86.8; 10.100.5. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Λάδας. ‖ “A famous runner. We know two of that name, both Olympic victors, one of whom died in the very moment of victory, and was portrayed by the great sculptor Myron in a statue which may have been removed to Rome, where his name became proverbial” (Ferguson 1987, 131). Some scholars believe that Martial refers here to a contemporary runner of the same name (e.g. Friedländer ad loc.)—the name is attested in Latin inscriptions—, but Ladas “was clearly proverbial for his swifness” (Williams 2004, 263): cf. Catul. 58b.2 and Otto 1890, 185, s. v. Ladas. For the name in Rome, see Solin 1982, 1289 – 1290. ‖ Cf. Paus. 2.19.7; 3.21.1; AP 16.54. ‖ Ladas is mentioned in two poems defending Martial’s poetry. In 2.86 Martial compares the difficult task of writing metrically complex poems with making the swift Ladas walk over a tightrope (for other interpretations, see Williams ad loc.). Martial here uses the Greek accusative Ladan. In 10.100 the poet defends himself against a plagiarist who mixes his own verses with Martial’s: it is as though he had one leg of Ladas and a wooden leg (5– 6 habeas licebit alterum pedem Ladae, / inepte, frustra crure ligneo curres). Curiously, Ladas seems to have been proverbial in comparisons. Thus, Seneca compares the wiseman to Ladas, who will not boast about being faster than lame or impaired people: Ep. 85.4 Quid si miretur velocitatem suam Ladas ad claudos debilesque respiciens?; Rhet. Her. 4.3 compares those rhetores who hide behind modesty to an Olympian athlete who, instead of running, accuses the ones who do of pretentiousness, and narrates the races of famous runners like Ladas. Juvenal 13.96 sets Ladas as an example that glory does not entail wealth. His scholiast is wrong: L. nomen est cuiusdam pauperrimi. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 354 (Weitz); Ferguson 1987, 131; Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 279; Matthews 2007; Otto 1890, 185; RE 12.1, s. v. Ladas 1 (Lenschau), 2 (Obst), 3 (Lieben), 380 – 381; Williams 2004, 263. rms

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Ladon 10.85.1. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ Λάδων. ‖ Ladon is the name of several rivers, the most famous being the one in Arcadia. The river-god Ladon was the son of →Oceanus1 and →Tethys, and father of →Daphne and Metope (cf. e. g. Hes. Th. 344, 337– 345; Apollod. 3.12.6; Paus. 8.20.1, 8.43.2, 10.7.8; Ov. Met. 1.702; Fast. 5.89). It was also the name of the dragon in the garden of the →Hesperides (RE 12.1, 385 – 395 [Scherling]) and of one of the dogs of Actaeon (cf. Ov. Met. 3.216; RE 12.1, 385 [Meuli]). As a river-name, it is suitable for a sailor (nauta; cf. Giegengack [1969, 113], who remarks that this character “gets his name from his occupation, and perhaps even more specifically from the occasion commemorated in the poem”), and it anticipates the theme of the epigram (Vallat 2008, 368). Vallat (2008, 345) wonders whether his name is related to the river in Arcadia or if it is a case of accidental homonymy. The name is attested in four inscriptions (Solin 1982, 642 records CIL 6.10680, 6.27497, to which CIL 5.8110.274e and 6.26054 must be added). ‖ There are doubts about the fictionality of this characer. According to Dessau in PIR1 L12, Fortasse nomen fictum vel pro ut libuit positum; yet, Lieben (in RE 12.1, 395) believes that he could be a real person: “der Name scheint also nicht willkürlich gewählt zu sein (so Dessau Prosop. imp. Rom. s. v.). Gilbert Ind. nomim. zweifelt, ob mit L. eine wirkliche Person gemeint ist”; Vallat (2008, 346) clarifies Giegengack’s classification of Ladon as a “significant name”: “puisque Ladon est un nom notoire qui, en dehors de Martial, ne désigne rien d’autre que le fleuve, et qu’il n’a aucun sens lexical”, and he explains the choice of the name for metrical and socio-cultural reasons: “il importait en effet que le nom de ce gagne-petit fût grec, car il attestait ainsi son origine populaire et socialement inférieure”. Notice that the following epigram deals with a certain →Laurus (is Martial playing with the fact that the mythical Ladon was the father of Daphne, or is it just a coincidence?). ‖ Ladon is an old skipper (1 senior… Tiberinae nauta carinae), who, on his retirement, gets a little land near the river so dear to him (2 proxima dilectis rura paravit aquis); but the floodings of the river damage his land, so he decides to beach his boat, retired like himself (5 emeritam puppem), as a dike: 6 implevit saxis obposuitque vadis. The poem ends with a paradox, even more striking since the protagonist bears the name of a rivergod: 8 Auxilium domino mersa carina tulit. As Schopper remarks (Damschen/Heil 2004, 303), “Martial lässt es in seiner Wortwahl zum Diener werden, der seinem Herrn zu Hilfe kommt”. Both the sailor and the boat lose their old function. The following epigram also deals with the arrival of old age and its consequences. See →Laurus. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 303 (Schopper); Giegengack 1969, 113; PIR 2 L26 (Petersen); RE 12.1, s. v. Ladon 7, 395 (Lieben); Vallat 2008, 345 – 346, 368. amc

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Laecania 5.43.1; 7.35.3. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Laecanius is the name of a senatorial family from Istria (Tassaux 1982). The name is not “invented”, as Galán Vioque claims (2002, 244), although in Martial’s epigrams it has been chosen for its (false) etymology. ‖ In 5.43 →Thais2 has black teeth and Laecania white teeth: the reason is that the former’s are her own, and the latter’s fake. It has been suggested that there is a pun on λευκός (‘white’), although there might be a sexual innuendo as well: λαικάζειν means scortari (Canobbio ad loc.), or rather fellare (Jocelyn 1980), and the niveos… dentes echo the labella… candidiora nive of Catul. 80.1– 2, a poem accusing Gellius of os impurum. According to Sapsford (2012, 109), this idea is also conveyed by the reminiscence of the fellatrix →Chione in book 3. ‖ Epigram 7.35 censures her prudish behaviour in the mixed baths, where her (Jewish?) slave’s pudenda are covered while other men bathe naked. After ironically calling her matrona, the poet concludes with an ambiguous attack: either she is accused of lesbianism (Galán Vioque ad loc.) or of having sex with her slave (Fagan 2002, 34; Montero 2004, 247 n. 83). Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 401– 403; Galán Vioque 2002, 244– 248; Giegengack 1969, 110; Howell 1995, 128 – 129; PIR 2 L40 (Petersen); RE 12.1, s. v. Laecania, 396 (Lieben); Vallat 2008, 590. jfv

Laelia 5.75.1; 10.68.2,12; 12.23.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Laelius was a Roman gentilicium, its most famous bearer being C. Laelius, consul in 140 BC, a paradigm of wisdom (Lucil. 1236; Hor. S. 2.1.72; Quint. Inst. 12.10.10). There were several renowned women named Laelia, among whom Laelius’ daughter stands out (vid. infra). ‖ Martial uses the name in several satirical epigrams. ‖ In 5.75 Laelia marries →Quintus legis causa and now he can call her his legitimate wife. The inference drawn is that they were already lovers before their marriage. Laelia alliterates with legis and legitimam. Canobbio points at the Romanness of the name (2011, 550). ‖ In 10.68 Laelia is a Roman woman of Etruscan and Arician stock, a casta matrona who nonetheless talks like a Greek prostitute. Martial plays with the names Laelia and →Lais, a famous Corinthian courtesan: 12 non tamen omnino, Laelia, Lais eris. Commentators have pointed to this wordplay and to the Romanness of the name, but have overlooked a possible echo which would add further significance to the name Laelia in this context: Cicero and Quintilian set the historical Laelia, daughter of C. Laelius and mother-in-law of Licinius Crassus as a paradigm of Roman female eloquence (RE 12.1, s. v. Laelius 25, 418 [Münzer]): Cic. Brut. 211 auditus est nobis Laeliae C. f. saepe sermo: ergo illam patris elegantia tinctam vidimus; De orat. 3.45 equidem cum audio socrum meam Laeliam –facilius enim mulieres incorruptam antiquitatem conservant, quod multorum sermonis expertes ea tenent semper, quae prima didicerunt– sed eam sic audio, ut Plautum mihi aut Naevium videar audire; Quint. Inst. 1.1.6 Laelia C. filia reddidisse in loquendo paternam elegantiam dicitur. ‖ In 12.23 Laelia is a vetula (hardly a Mädchen, as suggested by Lieben and Hecker,

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see bibliography), with fake teeth and hair and a single eye, “who is ridiculed primarily for her shameless attempts to conceal the ravages of old age: she has already bought false teeth and a wig, but her missing eye is not so easily replaced!” (Watson 1982, 73). ‖ These epigrams could be related to 3.11, about Quintus and →Hermione. In that epigram, a certain Quintus has been offended by the fact that Martial had mocked a man with the same name who loved a one-eyed woman called →Thais2 (3.8): Martial plays with the similarities of the names Thais and Lais, so different from Hermione, but casting doubts on her morality. Note that Quintus is the husband of Laelia in 5.75, that she is compared to Lais in 10.68.12, and said to be lusca in 12.23. Furthermore, 10.68 and 12.23 are more closely related: in both Martial assures that her behaviour is shameful (10.68.6 pro pudor!; 12.23.1 nec te pudet); and the end of 10.68 (11– 12 Tu licet ediscas totam referasque Corinthon, / non tamen omnino, Laelia, Lais eris) is clarified by 12.23: she will never be a Lais due to her physical appearance. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 550; Damschen/Heil 2004, 251– 252 (Hecker); Howell 1995, 156; RE 12.1, s. v. Laelius 29, 419 (Lieben); Vallat 2008, 427; Watson 1982; 2005, 67 n. 20; Watson/Watson 2003, 227. rms

Laelius 1.91.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For the name, see →Laelia. ‖ Laelius appears once in the epigrams: he is a critic who does not publish his poems. Martial asks him to stop criticising his work or to publish something. For a similar attack, see →Laberius. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 285; Howell 1980, 299; PIR 2 L44 (Petersen); RE 12.1, s. v. Laelius 12, 414 (Lieben). jfv

Laertes 10.67.3. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Λαέρτης. ‖ The father of Odysseus (→Vlixes). ‖ Epigram 10.67 is a harsh attack on →Plutia, an old hag who is hyperbolically compared to mythical longevous characters such as →Pyrrha, →Nestor1, →Niobe, Priam (→Priamus), →Thyestes, and Laertes (senex). He is said to have called Plutia ‘grandmother’. On Laertes’s age, see Hom. Od. 24.211– 234. Cf. also Ov. Ep. 1.98 Laertes senex; 113 – 114. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 248 – 249 (Rinneberg); LIMC 6.1, s. v. Laertes, 181 (TouchefeuMeynier), 6.2, 85; RE 12.1, s. v. Laertes 2, 424– 445 (Lamer); Vallat 2008, 132. jfv

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Laetilianus 1.65.2,4 (var. lect. Caecilianus). ‖ Fictional character. ‖ As a derivative of laetus, it may be considered as one of those “names which imply satisfaction” (Giegengack 1969, 92) applied to hetaerae and pueri delicati (cf. →Laetoria, 6.45). It is a rare cognomen (cf. Kajanto 1965, 148, 261; CIL 2.4989). ‖ Laetilianus criticises Martial for using the plural accusative ficus instead of ficos: 2 dici ficos… iubes. Martial proposes the following disambiguation: he will use ficus for the figs and ficos for Laetilianus’ haemorrhoids, presumably caused by anal sex (4 dicemus ficos, Laetiliane, tuos). For similar wordplay with ficus, cf. 7.71 (6 res mira est, ficos non habet unus ager); 12.33. Martial takes advantage of the arguments of his punctilious detractors in order to build his invectives (cf. e. g. →Cordus2 in 3.83, who insists that Martial should write shorter epigrams and is the subject of the shortest possible epigram: Fac mihi quod Chione). ‖ Some manuscripts read →Caecilianus, which is more frequently used by Martial with variants (it has been suggested that these variants, Maecilianus in 1.73, 4.15 and 9.70, could be traced back to the author: cf. Lindsay 1903, 21 and Heraeus 1925a, 318); it is more likely that the more common Caecilianus has replaced a lectio difficilior Laetilianus, hardly a corruption of Caecilianus and, hence, preferable (cf. Citroni 1975, 213; Howell 1980, 260). Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 213; Heraeus 1925a, 318; Howell 1980, 260; Lindsay 1903, 21. amc

Laetinus 3.43.1; 12.17.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name, derived from laetus, is not found elsewhere in literature, but is well-attested in inscriptions (Kajanto 1965, 261). ‖ In 3.43.1 Laetinus tries to conceal his age by dyeing his hair: Mentiris iuvenem tinctis, Laetine, capillis. But →Proserpina knows the truth and will unmask him. In 12.17 Laetinus complains that his fever has not left him: how will that happen, when, in his company, the personified febris lives in luxury? “Laetinus, though suffering from fever, apparently does not let illness interfere with his enjoyment of mushrooms, oysters, sows’ udders, and wild boar, or with his excessive consumption of suitably fine wines” (D’Arms 2004, 433). There might be an implied criticism: Laetinus is feigning illness to attract captatores, who shower him with attention (cf. →Charinus in 5.39). ‖ Vallat sees a complex motivation for the use of the name Laetinus in 3.43: according to him, it suggests old age by antiphrasis: “Laetinus obéit à son nome en désirant paraître jeune, alors que la mort approche, tandis que le nom même s’oppose à la réalité” (2008, 481). In 12.17 the name suggests wealth (Vallat 2008, 505). Bibliography: Craca 2011, 167; Fusi 2006, 317; PIR2 L64 (Petersen); RE 12.1, s. v. Laetinus, 48 (Lieben); Vallat 2008, 480 –481, 505. rms

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Laetoria 6.45.3. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ For the name, see →Laetorius. ‖ She appears once in the epigrams. Martial attacks her because, complying with the Lex Iulia de adulteriis coercendis, she has married her lover →Lygdus, probably a former slave; Martial affirms that now, being a wife, she will be more shameless than when she was a lover (for a similar theme, cf. 6.26). Perhaps the name echoes that of a certain Laetorius who was accused of adultery in the Senate (Suet. Aug. 5.1). In 2.32.5 the manuscripts of the β family read L(a)etoria instead of →Laronia. Bibliography: Giegengack 1969, 92; Grewing 1997, 319; RE 12.1, s. v. Laetoria, 451 (Lieben); Vallat 2008, 512. jfv

Laetorius 12.29.13. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Name of a Roman family of Etruscan origin. ‖ The name only appears once in Martial’s epigrams (see also the female →Laetoria). This seemingly fictional character is a senator, a patron of the poet, who himself plays the role of client of more powerful people. Martial compares the rewards of both: he is rewarded with an invitation to dinner and Laetorius with the government of a province. According to Vallat and Craca, there is a wordplay with laetus, suggesting Laetorius’ wealth. Bibliography: Craca 2011, 202; PIR2 L65 (Petersen); RE 12.1, s. v. Laetorius 13, 451 (Lieben); Vallat 2008, 505– 506. rms

Laevia 1.71.1. ‖ Real character? ‖ The name is well-attested in inscriptions, and seems to be derived from laevus, like Laevillus, Laevinus/na, Laevinulus (Kajanto 1965, 242– 243). See →Laevina, →Laevinus. ‖ She is mentioned once, in a list of women to whom Martial drinks a toast (see the details in →Ida). None of them is mentioned again by Martial. According to Howell (1980, 272), all the names are rare, except for →Iustina, but this is not the case for →Lyde (65 inscriptions in EDCS) and Laevia (22). Laevia is the first amica to be mentioned, just on the left of the page. A subtle allusion to masturbation is not to be discarded, since the name recalls the laeva manus (9.41.1– 2 laeva… manus; 11.73.4 sinistra; cf. Ov. Ars 2.706 nec manus in lecto laeva iacebit iners) and the speaker drinks for several women who do not arrive in the end. ‖ →Ida. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 232– 233; Howell 1980, 272. amc

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Laevina 1.62.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name, not usual in literature, is found in inscriptions (Kajanto 1965, 243), although seldom in the feminine: cf. CIL 13.553. See →Laevinus (6.9). ‖ A virtuous and faithful wife (casta), who betrays her husband in Baiae. “Il nome Laevina non ricorre altrove, nella forma feminile. Si trata verosimilmente di personaggio fittizio” (Citroni 1975, 206). At the beginning of the epigram she is compared to the legendary Sabinae—paradigms of ancient chastity—and said to be more serious than her own severe husband (2 quamvis tetrico tristior ipsa viro), whereas at the end, after spending some time at Baiae, she is no longer a →Penelope—another exemplum of wifely fidelity—and becomes a Helen (→Helene), that is, an unfaithful wife. ‖ Laevina derives from Laevus, left-handed (Kajanto 1965, 243); the left has negative connotations in Latin (OLD, s. v. laevus 4, ‘unfavourable, unpropitious, adverse’; 4b ‘governed by an ill fate’; 5 ‘baleful, harmful, pernicious’; ThLL 7, s. v. laevus 2.892.40 – 59 [Montefusco]); it must be borne in mind that the left hand suggests the practice of masturbation: Mart. 9.41.1– 2 laeva… manus; 11.73.4 sinistra; cf. Ov. Ars 2.706 nec manus in lecto laeva iacebit iners. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 206; Howell 1980, 254; PIR 2 L70 (Petersen); RE 12.1, s. v. Laevinus 3, 452 (Lieben); Vallat 2008, 467, 495. rms

Laevinus 6.9.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The cognomen is derived from Laevus (Kajanto 1965, 243). Martial also uses the feminine →Laevina. ‖ He appears once: he usually falls asleep at the Theatre of Pompey, and complains about the fact that the usher →Oceanus2 wakes him up. Martial plays with the verb suscitare, which means both ‘to wake up’ and ‘to make stand up’. Laevinus has perhaps sat in a row that does not correspond to his social status (cf. 3.95; 5.23). His falling asleep may be an unsuccessful trick to go unnoticed. For the negative connotations of the name, see →Laevina. Bibliography: Grewing 1997, 116 – 118; PIR 2 L71 (Petersen); RE 12.1, s. v. Laevinus, 452 (Lieben). jfv

Lais 3.11.3; 10.68.12; 11.104.22. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Λαΐς. ‖ Lais was a typical name for prostitutes (cf. Giegengack 1969, 117), its most famous bearer being two famous courtesans from Sicily and Corinth; the latter was the most notorious but they are often confused (cf. RE 12, 513 – 516 [Geyer]). The name thus suggests wantonness (especially Greek wantonness). According to Kay (1985, 282), “a proverb ran ou Korinthos oute Lais”. It was popular in Rome: Solin (1982, 257– 259) records 92 instances. ‖ Cf. e. g. Paus. 2.2.4; Cic. Fam. 8.26.2 ne Aristippus quidem ille Socraticus erubuit, cum esset

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obiectum habere eum Laida (she was the lover of Aristippus: cf. Athen. 12.544b); Ov. Am. 1.5.1 multis Lais amata viris; Prop. 2.6.1– 4; Gell. 1.8; AP 7.218 – 220. ‖ In Martial’s epigrams, Lais is the prostitute par excellence, mentioned three times. For 3.11, see the details in →Hermione: there the poet plays with the paronomasia →Thais2 / Lais (3 Sed simile est aliquid? pro Laide Thaida dixi?), and suggests that →Quintus’ real mistress, Hermione, is as wanton as the famous courtesans evoked. Epigram 10.68 is addressed to →Laelia, a Roman matrona, a fellow countrywoman of →Hersilia and →Egeria, who displays shameless behaviour (she even uses Greek terms of endearment: 5 κύριέ μου, μέλι μου, ψυχή μου), but, despite her efforts, will never be a Lais: 11– 12 tu licet ediscas totam referasque Corinthon, / non tamen omnino, Laelia, Lais eris. Notice the sound play: Laelia / Lais. 11.104 is addressed to a prudish wife: in the first ten lines the sexual likes of the speaker are contrasted with the extreme modesty of his wife; lines 11– 20 are a catalogue of exempla, and the final distich offers two antithetical moral paradigms, linked by alliteration: the chaste →Lucretia and the joie de vivre represented by Lais. The wife can be a Lucretia during the day, but must be a Lais at night: 21– 22 si te delectat gravitas, Lucretia toto / sis licet usque die: Laida nocte volo. ‖ →Hermione, →Laelia, →Lucretia, →Thais2. Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 173; Giegengack 1969, 115 – 117; Kay 1985, 282; RE 12, s. v. Lais, 513 – 516 (Geyer); RE 12.1, s. v. Lais 3, 516 (Lieben); Vallat 2008, 213 – 216, 233. amc

Lalage 2.66.3,5. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Λαλάγη. ‖ The name is attested in inscriptions (Solin 1982, 1242) and in literature. It appears in Horace’s Odes (Carm. 1.22.10,23; 2.5.16) and in Propertius (4.7.45). In both cases Lalage is a nomen dicens: λαλαγέω means ‘babble’, ‘chirp’, λαλέω ‘talk’, ‘chat’, and λαλαγή ‘prattle’ (LSJ). In Hor. Carm. 1.22.23 – 24 she is said to be dulce ridentem… / dulce loquentem. In Prop. 4.7.44– 45 Lalage is punished for having made a plea in →Cynthia’s name (Hutchinson 2006, 180); her hair has been twisted into a rope from which she hangs to be whipped: caeditur et Lalage tortis suspensa capillis, / per nomen quoniamst ausa rogare meum. In Priap. 4 she offers an illustrated pornographic book by →Elephantis to the god and asks him to practise the sexual positions of the manual with her. ‖ The name appears once in Martial’s epigrams. She punishes her ornatrix →Plecusa by hitting her with the mirror on discovering that one of her locks is out of place. Martial wants her to lose her hair. Notice the inversion of Propertius’ elegy, where she was the one punished, and the allusion to the hair. According to Williams (2004, 217), “a bathetically humorous effect is achieved by the use of this lovely name with its poetic associations”. The name is not, as Lieben asserts in RE, “beliebig gewählt[…]”. ‖ →Plecusa. Bibliography: PIR 2 L75 (Petersen); RE 12.1, s. v. Lalage, 535 (Lieben); Vallat 2008, 381– 382; Williams 2004, 216 – 218. jfv

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Lampsacius 11.16.3; 11.51.2. ‖ →Priapus.

Laomedon 11.4.2; cf. Laomedonteus: 8.6.5. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Λαομέδων. ‖ King of Troy, father of Priam (→Priamus); he commissioned Poseidon and →Apollo to build the Trojan walls, but he refused them the promised payment (Ov. Met. 11.194– 220; Hyg. Fab. 89). ‖ In 11.4.2 his name metonymically refers to Troy. In a prayer for →Nerva, Martial invokes the Phrygian sacra laresque, which Aeneas preferred to carry instead of the treasures of Laomedon (rapere arsuras Laomedontis opes, cf. Prop. 2.14.2 cum caderent magnae Laomedontis opes), when he left the city. Epigram 8.6 satirises the ignorant parvenu →Euctus, who is always boasting about the antiquity of his silver tableware: he assures that one of his cups had belonged to the table of Laomedon (5 Laomedontea mensa). The adjective has epic and heroic undertones: cf. e. g. Verg. G. 1.501; A. 5.542; Ov. Met. 11.596; V. Fl. 2.474. See Watson/Watson 2003, 205. Bibliography: Griffin 1986, 541; Kay 1985, 678; RE 12.1, s. v. Laomedon, 747– 755 (Gunning); Schöffel 2002, 135 – 136; Vallat 2008, 133; Watson/Watson 2003, 205. jfv

Laronia 2.32.5. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name is not common, but attested in inscriptions. It also features in Juvenal’s satires, as a woman who “denounces the hypocrisy of the Stoics” (Ferguson 1987, 133). ‖ The epigram is a complaint to →Ponticus, who, despite being the speaker’s patron, never sides with his protégé so as not to upset anyone from whom he can benefit more. One of the examples is Laronia, who does not want to give the poet a borrowed slave back. Laronia is described as orba, dives, anus, vidua, namely, the portrait of the perfect victim for a legacy or dowry-hunter. Ponticus wants to be her heir and that is the reason why he will not support his client against her. Friedländer ad loc. suggests that the name may have been chosen because it recalled a well-known person from Neronian times. Vallat (2008, 495) suggests a pun with latro. La Fleur (1974, 73 n. 4) suggests the reading Latronia in Juv. 2.36. In the manuscripts of the β family she appears as L(a)etoria (→Laetoria). Bibliography: Ferguson 1987, 133; PIR 2 L113 (Petersen); RE 12.1, s. v. Laronius 3, 876 (Lieben); Vallat 2008, 495, 590; Williams 2004, 125 – 126. jfv

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Latinus 1.4.5; 2.72.3; 3.86.3; 5.61.11; 9.28.1; 13.2.3. ‖ Historical character. ‖ For the name, see Kajanto 1965, 180. Gordon (1924, 98 – 99) catalogues it with other names “more often found among the servile part of the community, which attach it closely to GraecoRoman civilisation. Siculus, Campanus, Etruscus, and even Latinus may be genuine ethnica”. ‖ He was a famous actor, derisor and perhaps delator of Domitian. He is the mime actor par excellence. “As with Bathyllus his name was proverbial for acting, and was used in subsequent generations (CIL 14.2408 Aelius Latinus)” (Ferguson 1987, 134; cf. schol. Juv. 4.53, where Marius Maximus calls him archimimus). His name is often used proverbially (sometimes reinforced, as Vallat 2008, 125 notes, by the emphatic ipse: 2.72.3 ipse Latinus). On the proverbial expression Latine loqui, cf. 1.epist.15; Otto 1890, 188. ‖ This famous actor often played the role of cultus adulter, and is usually linked with other mime actors or characters: →Thymele (1.4.5; cf. Juv. 1.36, 6.44,66) and →Panniculus (2.72.3 – 4, 3.86.3, 5.61.11– 12). In the light of Juvenal, Howell (1980, 115) suggests the following scenes: “in the mime referred to at Juv. 8.197, Latinus seems to have appeared as Thymele’s lover who had to hide in a chest to avoid her husband: see Juv. 6.44: quem totiens texit perituri cista Latini. (…) The point of derisorem seems to be that in the mime referred to above Latinus made a fool of the jealous husband Panniculus, subjecting him to such indignities as being slapped on the face (…)”. According to Ferguson (1987, 134), “the scholiast in a wild passage describes Latinus as privy to the adultery of Nero’s wife Messalina: a valueless muddle” (cf. RE 12.1, 937 [Diehl]). He formed a prototypical couple with Panniculus: the rascal (Latinus) and the fooled cuckold who is slapped by his rival (Panniculus). ‖ On his possible role as a delator in Domitian’s court, cf. Juv. 1.33 – 36 post hunc magni delator amici / et cito rapturus de nobilitate comesa / quod superest, quem Massa timet, quem munere palpat / Carus et a trepido Thymele summissa Latino?; Suet. Dom. 15. According to Henriksén (1998, 151; 2012, 123 – 124), there are no arguments to confirm this: it is something that can be inferred from Juvenal, but that the scholiast took for granted (Latinus nequissimus delator); the source cited by the scholiasts is not trustworthy (Marius Maximus). ‖ The epigrams in which Latinus appears can be divided into two groups: 1) those in which Martial equates the epigram with mime (1.4, 3.86, 9.28 and 13.2); 2) those in which Latinus’ slapping is brought up, as an exemplum, to attack other characters (→Postumus and →Marianus are equated with the beaten Panniculus in 2.72 and 5.61). ‖ The addressee of the first group of poems is Domitian: these epigrams are a self-defence (especially 1.4 and 9.28, but also 3.86 and 13.2; cf. 1.epist.); Martial deals with the motif of the vita proba, distinguishing between the work and the life of the poet: 1.4.8 lasciva est nobis pagina, vita proba (the opposite to Sen. Ep. 114.1 talis hominibus fuit oratio qualis vita). The writer of epigrams compares himself to the mime actor (mime was a risqué comic genre), who is said to have lived a moral life: 9.28.5 Sed nihil a nostro sumpsit mea vita theatro. In 3.86, dedicated to a chaste female reader, Martial affirms that his verses are not improbiora (4) than the mimes of Latinus and Panniculus. According to Fusi (2006, 504), “il modello del discorso di Marziale è Ovidio, che si era servito

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del mimo per giustificare la licenziosità dei suoi carmi” (cf. Ov. Tr. 2.497 mimos obscena iocantes; 2.515 imitantes turpia mimos). In 9.28 Latinus speaks in the first person (cf. Vallat 2008, 115, on the few cases in which a dead person speaks directly: →Vrbicus2, →Scorpus and →Paris2). This poem is his epitaph; perhaps the poem was written to accompany a portrait (cf. Fusi 2006, 506; Vallat 2008, 92: “le texte commence comme une épitaphe, mais s’achève tout autrement”). Henriksén (1998, 150) refutes Friedländer’s hypothesis (1886, vol. 2, 64) that the poem may have been written on the occasion of his retirement: “The potui in line 3 shows only that he is no longer active, and the fact that this is Martial’s last mention of Latinus (…) suggests that the poem is not merely honorary, but sepulchral; cf. also the similarity to 10.53, the epitaph of the charioteer Scorpus”. However, Henriksén changes his mind in 2002, 122 and agrees with Friedländer. In 13.2 Martial displays his modesty, by confronting a possible critic of his work; the sharpest critic of his work is Martial himself (7– 8). “M’s point here is that even if the addresse is so discerning [1 nasutus] as to be able to mock the great Latinus himself, he still cannot surpass M’s own criticism of his work” (Leary 2001, 43). Latinus is, thus, a paradigm of mordacity: 3 et possis ipsum tu deridere Latinum (or, as suggested by Canobbio 2011, 488: “deridere Latinum rappresenta l’apice della buffoneria”). For other passages where Martial compares his work with mimi, cf. 1.epist.; 1.35; 8.epist. ‖ According to 2.72, Postumus was slapped in the face like Panniculus in the famous scene: 3 – 4 os tibi percisum quanto non ipse Latinus / vilia Panniculi percutit ora sono; and in 5.61 a certain Marianus deserves to be slapped like the cuckold Panniculus: 11– 12 O quam dignus eras alapis, Mariane, Latini! / Te successurum credo ego Panniculo. ‖ →Panniculus, Thymele. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 487– 488; Citroni 1975, 31– 32; Ferguson 1987, 134; Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 168; vol. 2, 64; Fusi 2006, 506 – 507; Gordon 1924, 98 – 99; Henriksén 1998, 150 – 151; 2012, 122 – 124; Howell 1980, 115; 1995, 145; Leary 2001, 43; PIR 2 L129 (Petersen); RE 12.1, s. v. Latinus 3, 937– 938 (Lieben); Rutledge 2001, 244; Sullivan 1991, 29; Vallat 2008, 92, 115, 125. amc

Latona 9.17.1. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Λητώ. ‖ Goddess. Daughter of Coeus and Phoebe. She was the mother of →Apollo and →Diana. ‖ 9.17, a poem about the offering of →Earinus’ hair to the Temple of Asclepius in Pergamum (→Pergameus), begins with an invocation to the god as Latonae venerande nepos. Asclepius is called grandson of Latona, because he was Apollo’s son. Cf. Stat. Theb. 1.577 sidereum Latonae… nepotem. Henriksén quotes only three intances of Greek equivalents: Hes. fr. 51 Λητοίδης; App. Anth. 4.29.2; 4.52.2 Λητοίδου παῖ. Bibliography: Henriksén 1998, 112; 2012, 79; LIMC 6.1, s. v. Leto, 256– 264 (Kahil/Icard-Gianolio), s. v. Latona 267– 272 (Berger-Doer), 6.2, 138– 139; RE suppl. 5, 555– 576 (Wehrli); Vallat 2008, 168 n. 131. rms

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Lattara 11.47.2,8. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name is unattested elwewhere, either in Greek or Latin. Perhaps it is an invention of Martial or a corruption of the text. Similar names attested in inscriptions are Sattara (e. g. CIL 3.1322) and Battara (CIL 6.9714). Βατταρᾶς is once attested in LGPN. Battara could be linked to βατταρίζω (‘stammer’), βατταρισμός (‘stuttering’), βατταριστής (‘stutterer’). Speech defects or qualities are not infrequently related to the os impurum (cf. →Gargilianus). In any case, it need not be emended, since similar names like Lattaricus are attested (CIL 6.34701; Kay 1985, 171). ‖ In 11.47 Lattara avoids all the places frequented by women: the baths (1– 2), the Porticus of Pompey and the Temple of →Isis (3 – 4), the palaestra (5 – 6). The poet insists that he does it so as not to have sex (2, 4, 6 ne futuat). Is he a mysoginist? No, he is a cunnilingus: 7– 8 Cum sic feminei generis contagia vitet, / cur lingit cunnum Lattara? Ne futuat. ‖ Vallat relates the name both with lateo and latrare (2008, 213), because the os impurum is seen as a doglike activity (CIL 4.8898). Pavanello (1994, 165) suggests a pun on λάπτω (‘lap with the tongue’, LSJ). Bibliography: Kay 1985, 171; Pavanello 1994, 165; PIR2 P131 (Petersen); RE 12.1, s. v. Lattara, 985 (Lieben); Vallat 2008, 513, 591. rms

Laureolus Sp. 9.4. ‖ Literary character. ‖ Laureolus is the title of a mimus, probably written by →Catullus2 (cf. Mart. 5.30.3 facundi… Catulli; Juv. 8.186; 13.111 urbani… Catulli), as well as the name of its protagonist: a bandit condemned to crucifixion. The work was already very popular in the times of Caligula (Suet. Cal. 57 et cum in Laureolo mimo… cruore scaena abundavit; cf. J. AJ 19.94 καὶ γὰρ μῖμος εἰσάγεται, καθ᾽ ὃν σταυροῦται ληφθεὶς ἡγεμών. Cf. Herrmann 1985 on the date of this work), and still in the epoch of Tertullian: Adv. Valentinianos 14 nec habens supervolare Crucem, id est Horon, quia nullum Catulli Laureolum fuerit exercitata. Juvenal criticised Lentulus for having played the part of Laureolus: 8.187– 188 Laureolum velox etiam bene Lentulus egit, / iudice me dignus vera cruce. Laureolus is a diminituve of laureus. Herrmann (1985, 232– 233) has seen parallelisms between this mimus and Christ’s passion (considering it a “mime anti-chrétien”) and believes that the name alludes to the corona derisoria. ‖ This epigram belongs to the category of spectacular executions (→Alcides2), in which the condemned is killed, to the audience’s delight, in the guise of a mythological or literary character (Tert. De spect. 19 ut publicae voluptatis hostiae fiant): cf. PIR 2 L132: Laureolus, mimus, in quo servus eiusdem nominis deprehensus et cruci affixus a feris dilaniabatur (…) sub Domitiano damnatus quidam vice actoris vera in cruce pendens in mimo occiditur (Petersen). For these kinds of executions (“fatal charades”), see Coleman 1990. On this occasion a damnatus represents the part of Laureolus but is really crucified: 4 non falsa pendens in cruce Laureolus (cf. Juv. 8.188 vera cruce). Since crucifixion implies a slow agony that could tire the au-

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dience (Coleman 1990, 65), another torment is added on this occasion: a Caledonian bear that devours his entrails (3 nuda Caledonio sic viscera praebuit urso). Bibliography: Coleman 1990, 64– 65; 2006, 82– 84; Della Corte 1986, 49; Ferguson 1987, 51, 135; Griffith 1962, 259 – 260; Herrmann 1985, 225 – 234; Kajanto 1965, 418 (add.); Kuijper 1964; PIR 2 L132 (Petersen); RE 12.1, s. v. Laureolus, 1016 – 1117 (Diehl). amc

Laurus 2.64.2, 10.86.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name, derived from a plant, the bay tree, is not uncommon (Kajanto 1965, 21, 25, 334). ‖ Since book 10 was published approximately a decade after book 2, it is unlikely that the readers of 10.86 would remember the one in 2.64. However, as Williams remarks (2004, 212), “it may be that Martial resurrected the pseudonym for an aging man, or just possibly that Laurus was a real person”. ‖ The bay tree, sacred to →Apollo, is related to victory (cf. 7.6.10) as well as to eternal youth and poetry, ironic connotations for the circumstances described in 2.64 and 10.86. In both epigrams, the passage of time plays an important role. In 2.65 Laurus does not decide on which career he should pursue, causidicus or rhetor, and time passes relentlessly: 1– 3 Dum modo causidicum, dum te modo rhetora fingis / et non decernis, Laure, quid esse velis, / Peleos et Priami transit et Nestoris aetas. Soon it will be too late: 10 Dum quid sis dubitas, iam potes esse nihil. In 10.86, when he was young, Laurus was the best ball (pila) player (primus lusor), but now that he is old, he only can be the best pila (dummy figure) at the animal shows in the amphitheatre (prima pila): 3 – 4 Sed qui primus erat lusor dum floruit aetas, / nunc postquam desit ludere, prima pila est. The wordplay is based on the double meaning of pila, as a ball and as a drag doll to incite animals in the arena, as well as on the use of the same adjective (primus) in two different, and even opposite, spheres (action and youth contrasting with inactivity and old age; cf. Autrata, in Damschen/Heil 2004, 306); also noticeable is the chiasmus: primus lusor–dum floruit aetas / nunc–prima pila. On the expression prima pila, Williams (2004, 159) explains: “The pila was a dummy figure thrown into the arena to provoke the bull: see Sp. 9.4; 10.86; 14.52.2 with Leary ad loc.; the first one thrown (prima) would be the worst gored”. There is also an evident wordplay with primus pilus or primipilus, “the senior centurion of a legion” (OLD). The gist of the expression prima pila can be that Laurus has hit rock botton in old age (Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 157: “Hier soviel als ‘garnichts werth’”). This poem is a variation on the preceding one, on a retired sailor (10.85). For the underlying relationship between both names, see →Ladon. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 306 (Autrata); Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 157; PIR 2 L134 (Petersen); RE 12.1, s. v. Laurus 2, 1029 (Lieben); Vallat 2008, 495. amc

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Lausus 7.81.2; 7.87.6; 7.88.10. ‖ Real character? ‖ The name has legendary connotations: in the Aeneid he was the son of Mezentius; Lausus was also the name of the son of Numitor (Ov. Fast. 4.54– 55). The name is attested in inscriptions, but not very often (Kajanto 1965, 178): cf. CIL 2.114 (a freedman); 6.26808 (a freedman; see Solin 1996, 29); 9.1880 (a slave); 11.734 (a vilicus) 12.1052; 14.3795. ‖ Lausus only appears in book 7; it may be a pseudonym. PIR 2 L136 links him to a Licinius Lausus (CIL 14.3795) dedicating a tombstone to his son, a native of Hispania Citerior, municipio Saetabi (Játiva, Spain), but the identification could be mere conjecture. ‖ In 7.81 Lausus reproaches Martial for having included thirty bad epigrams in his book and the poet replies that if there are thirty good poems, it is a good book. Is this a remark comparable to 1.16 (→Avitus) or a venomous dart aimed at the critic who is unable to write (→Laberius, →Laelius)? Epigram 9.88 begins by describing Martial’s literary fame in Vienne, and he assures that he prefers this to anything. Yet, he is not deceived by flattery and he will believe Lausus instead. Is Lausus the critic or the one who assures that the poet is read in Vienne, his home-town? According to Shackleton-Bailey (1993, vol. 2, 149): “Evidently a eulogist. But in 7.81 ‘Lausus’ is a carper. The name is probably random in both places, though Lausus of the preceding epigram should be real”. It is unlikely that the Lausus in 7.87 is real and the one in 7.88 fictional or a pseudonym, as well as the fact that Martial may have used the same name at random in three neighbouring epigrams of the same book. Finally, 7.88, addressed to the same Lausus, is a catalogue of pets loved by their owners: Lausus’ favourite pet is a magpie (6 si pica salutatrix tibi, Lause, placet). Apparently, Martial is defending himself from criticism as well. Since Martial plays with the resemblance between owners and pets (cf. e. g. 7.88.4), perhaps the innuendo is that Lausus is a chatterbox. Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 448, 468, 472– 478; PIR 2 L136 (Petersen); RE 12.1, s. v. Lausus 3, 1401 (Lieben); Vallat 2008, 405 – 406. jfv

Leandros Sp. 28(25).1; Sp. 29(25b).1; 14.181. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Λείανδρος. ‖ Leandros swam across the Hellespont every night in order to meet his beloved Hero, who guided him with a lamp. One night the light went out during a storm and Leandros drowned, after which Hero committed suicide. ‖ Verg. G. 3.258; Ov. Ep. 18; 19; Ars 2.249 – 250; Tr. 3.10.41– 42; Serv. G. 3.258; A. 1.207. ‖ Martial has adopted the Greek declension (‐ρος) instead of the commoner -er (Coleman 2006, 206, 209). The name is attested in Rome (Solin 1982, 498 records six instances) but in the Liber spectaculorum, as in some other epigrams dealing with spectacles (→Alcides2, →Daedalus2, →Laureolus, →Mucius Scaevola, →Orpheus, →Pasiphae), the protagonist is unnamed and adopts the name of the mythical figure whose role he plays. ‖ For the dyptich formed by Sp. 28 and 29 (similar to Sp. 4– 5; 18 – 19; 24– 25), see Coleman 2006,

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202– 204. Sp. 28 seems to refer to a real aquatic spectacle which took place in the amphitheatre. In this case, it represents Leandros’ crossing of the Hellespont with an element παρ᾽ ἱστορίαν: his survival. This is said to be possible thanks to the emperor, whose clementia pacifies not only wild animals, but nature itself (in this case, an artificial nature): 2 Caesaris unda fuit. According to Coleman (2006, 204), “the reference to Caearis unda (2) in our epigram makes it incontestable that Leander’s swim was staged as a spectacle” (cf. Della Corte 1986, 60). Coleman (1993, 63) also suggests that there could have been further obstacles hindering Leandros’ swim, this is refuted in Coleman 2006, 205: “but the clemency ascribed to Caesaris unda (2) perhaps suggests, rather, that the dramatic suspense was created by the simulation of a storm whipping up the water”. ‖ In 14.181, one of the Apophoreta, Martial describes a Leandros marmoreus, probably a marble relief. See Leary 1996, 244 – 245. Bibliography: Coleman 1993, 63; 2006, 204– 206, 209; Della Corte 1986, 60; Leary 1996, 244– 245; LIMC 8.1, Suppl., s. v. Hero et Leander, 619 – 623 (Kossatz-Deissmann), 8.2, 383 – 385; Moretti 1992, 62; Prinz 1926, 94 n. 1; RE 8.1, s. v. Hero, 909 – 916 (Sittig); Vallat 2008, 133. amc

Leda1 5.35.4; 5.38.9; 7.24.6; 9.103.1; 14.156.2; 14.175.2; cf. Ledaeus: 1.36.2; 1.53.8; 4.25.5; 4.55.7; 8.21.5; 8.28.3; 8.33.21; cf. Lacaena: 9.103.2. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Λήδα, Λήδη. ‖ Daughter of Thestius—king of Aetolia—, wife of Tyndareus—king of Sparta —, and mother of Clytemnestra, Helen (→Helene), →Castor1 and →Pollux, the Dioscuri (→Lacones). Zeus fell in love and copulated with her while transformed into a swan; according to one version of the myth, she laid an egg from which Helen was born (also Castor and Pollux according to another version). There is another variant of the myth, according to which all or half her children were fathered by Tyndareus, and a third one says Helen and Pollux were fathered by Zeus, and Clytemnestra and Castor by Tyndareus. ‖ Apollod. 3.136; Hyg. Fab. 77. ‖ Most of her occurrences in the epigrams have to do with her offspring. Epigram 5.35 is an attack on a false eques, →Euclides, who boasts about his lineage, assuring that he is a descendant of the (4) pulchra Leda. Leda was proverbially beautiful (Prop. 1.13.29; Ov. Am. 1.10.3; 2.4.42; Ars 3.251). Epigram 9.103 deals with two handsome twins, pueri delicati, →Hierus and →Asylus, who are compared to Castor and Pollux. Martial wonders which nova Leda has given birth to them and which nuda Lacaena (‘Lacedaemonian’, i. e. ‘Spartan woman’) has been seduced by a swan. The swan of Leda is also alluded to in 1.53.8, an attack on the plagiarist →Fidentinus, who mixes the only poem he has written with copied ones, like a crow among Ledaeos olores. The egg laid by Leda is mentioned in 8.33.21, in a hyperbolical description of a tiny and light phiala, given as a present by →Paulus1: the gift is compared, among other things, to the thin tissue that covers the chick inside Leda’s egg (hac cute Ledaeo vestitur pullus in ovo). ‖ Three epigrams deal with Castor and Pollux as paradigms of fraternal love: 5.38 dis-

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approves of →Calliodorus, who quarrels with his brother over a seat in the theatre and is advised to behave like the genus Ledae; 7.24 is directed at a gossip who tries to cause a rift between the poet and Juvenal (→Iuvenalis); the slanderer is said to be able to split up the genus Ledae (6); 1.36.2 is dedicated to the brothers →Curvii who compete with the Lacones Ledaei in brotherly love. ‖ The adjective Ledaeus, meaning ‘descendant of Leda’ or ‘related to Leda’, was applied also to Helen and the Dioscuri, as well as to Castor’s horse, Cyllarus (cf. Stat. Silv. 1.1.53 – 54 Ledaeus… Cyllarus). In 4.25.5 there is an erudite allusion to Cyllarus: the epigram deals with the towns of Altinum and Aquileia, and the river Timavus is given the epithet Ledaeus. According to a version of the myth (4.25.6; 8.28.7– 8), Cyllarus drank from this river during the journey of the Argonauts (→Argonautae). Cyllarus appears again in 8.21.5, which is dedicated to the morning star on the occasion of the return of the emperor: Martial asks the day to hurry up and poetically suggests that it could steal the mythical horse from the astro Ledaeo, that is, the constellation Gemini, identified with Castor and Pollux. In other contexts, Ledaeus means simply ‘Spartan’, like in 4.55.7 or in 8.28.3, where allusion is made to the Ledaei Phalanthini: the Spartan →Phalanthus was the founder of Tarentum. ‖ Leda appears twice in the Apophoreta. Epigram 14.156 describes Tyrian wool, which surpasses Spartan wool, the best in Greece. Martial compares the clothes given by →Paris1 (pastor) to Helen (Lacedaemoniae amicae) with the purple clothes of her mother Leda. Finally, in 14.175, describing a painting of →Danae, the poet wonders why Jupiter gave gold to her while Leda gave herself to him for free. ‖ →Castor1, →Helene, →Lacones, →Pollux. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 351, 382– 383; Citroni 1975, 121; Galán Vioque 2002, 182; Henriksén 1999, 189 – 191; 2012, 418 – 420; Howell 1980, 186 – 187, 234; 1995, 119, 125; Leary 1996, 217– 218; LIMC 6.1, s. v. Leda, 231– 249 (Krauskopf), 6.2, 107– 126; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 237, 392; RE 12.1, s. v. Leda, 1116 – 1125 (Eitrem); Schöffel 2002, 228 – 229, 265 – 266, 316; Vallat 2008, 188, 203 – 204. amc

Leda2 2.63.2; 3.82.3; 4.4.9; 11.61.4; 11.71.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Λήδα, Λήδη. ‖ For the mythical echoes of the name, see →Leda1. ‖ Leda is widely attested in Rome as a female name (Solin 1982, 553 – 554 records 21 instances in the Urbs, but there are many more in the provinces). ‖ It is invariably the name of a prostitute (except for 11.71), a nuance that also pertains to the mythical character (see →Leda1 in 14.175); cf. Williams 2004, 210. In 2.63 →Milichus has paid 100,000 sesterces for Leda: 1– 2 Sola tibi fuerant sestertia, Miliche, centum, / quae tulit e Sacra Leda redempta via. The price is excessive simply for sexual favours (cf. 4.28 and 11.27, where 10,000 sesterces is the amount received by deserving lovers); the amount of 100,000 is the price to buy an excellent slave in 1.58.1, 3.62.1, 7.10.3, 11.70.1 (cf. Garrido-Hory 1981, 108; Williams 2004, 209 – 210). For a comparable situation, cf. →Galla and →Phileros. ‖ Epigram 3.82 is a devastating portrait of →Zoilus, the parvenu par excellence. His dinners are compared to a

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feast among prostitutes of the →Submemmius: 1– 4 Conviva quisquis Zoili potest esse, / Summemmianas cenet inter uxores / curtaque Ledae sobrius bibat testa; / hoc esse levius puriusque contendo. Leda is cited as a type name, denoting a cheap prostitute. Due to the connotations of beauty of the mythical referent, Leda seems a reasonable nom de guerre for a meretrix. Comparing Zoilus to a prostitute of the lower class is similar to the degrading process of mentioning the prostitutes →Ias and →Chione in order to debase →Lesbia2 in 1.34 or →Antiope and Chione in order to deride →Mamurianus in 1.92. Antiope, Chione and Leda are linked with a household item: a chipped cup (curtus… calix, curta… testa), perhaps an image of their poverty (according to Howell 1980, 301, these could be an allusion to “the impurity of the drinking vessel [presumably because of what Leda might have been doing with her mouth]”). Both the subtle allusion to os impurum and the poverty of the prostitute Leda reappear in 4.4, an epigram against the foul-smelling →Bassa: a cumulatio of similes is used to convey her stench, including quod spurcae moriens lucerna Ledae (9). Both the lucerna and the adjective spurca make it clear that she is a prostitute (cf. Moreno Soldevila 2006, 119; cf. 1.34.8, where Ias and Chione are said to be spurcas… lupas). Epigram 11.61 satirises the cunnilingus →Nanneius, who suffers paralysis of his tongue due to an indecens morbus. His mouth is fouler than those of the Submemmius (cf. Kay 1985, 204) and even the obscena Leda prefers to kiss him on the middle (= fellare) than on the mouth: 3 – 5 quem cum fenestra vidit a Suburana / obscena nudum Leda, fornicem cludit / mediumque mavult basiare quam summum (practising fellatio seems preferrable to kissing a mouth which has performed cunnilingus); she even closes her brothel when he is inside, because having such a client would ruin her business (cf. Kay ibid.). Finally, in 11.71 Leda is not a prostitute, but a woman married to an old man. She says she has hysteria, due to long abstinence, and demands the only medicine that can cure her malady: 1– 2 Hystericam vetulo se dixerat esse marito / et queritur futui Leda necesse sibi. The husband accedes to her wishes and then come the doctors: 7– 8 Protinus accedunt medici medicaeque recedunt / tollunturque pedes. O medicina gravis! For a similar theme, cf. →Phlogis. Is this Leda different from the others? Kay (1985, 223) remarks: “often the name of a prostitute in M. (…) Here, since she is married, she is not so in theory, but the name hints she is in practice”. Anyhow, the mythical reference points to the theme of adultery. ‖ →Leda1. Bibliography: Fusi 2006, 488; Garrido-Hory 1981, 108; Kay 1985, 204– 205, 222– 223; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 119; Vallat 2008, 426; Williams 2004, 209 – 210. amc

Leitus 5.8.12; 5.14.11; 5.25.2; 5.35.5. ‖ Real character. ‖ Λήϊτος. Λεῖτος. ‖ The Gr. λειτουργέω means ‘perform public duties’, ‘serve the state’; τό λήϊτον means ‘town-hall’, ‘council-chamber’, which included the dwellings and offices of the magistrates (cf. Hdt. 7.197). Leitus could thus be a nomen dicens; cf. Giegengack 1969, 135: “The

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name of Leitus is itself interesting since it can mean of or belonging to the people, or the public, and is appropriate to his role”; Canobbio 2011, 151: “Plut. qu. Rom. 67 attesta infatti che ancora al suo tempo in molte città greche λῇτον era sinonimo di δημόσιον (cf. anche Esichio s. v. ληιτουργεῖν); pertanto, chi si chiama Leito è come se fosse un pubblico ufficiale per antonomasia”. As a personal name, Leitus is attested in inscriptions (CIL 6.9573; 9.4794; 10.6789; Solin 1982, 499 records four instances). It was the name of a Boeotian hero (cf. Hom. Il. 2.494; 6.35, etc.). ‖ He appears four times as a dissignator theatralis in book 5. Martial mentions another dissignator, →Oceanus2, but unlike him, Leitus only appears in book 5, in some epigrams forming part of a cycle on the Lex Roscia Theatralis (cf. 5.8; 5.14; 5.23; 5.25; 5.27; 5.35; 5.38; 5.41; cf. also 2.29; 3.95; 4.67.1– 4; Suet. Dom. 8.3; Juv. 3.153 – 159). This law was first issued in 67 BC, but had been very recently renewed by an edict of Domitian (probably in AD 89; see →Domitianus). On this law, by which fourteen rows of the theatre were reserved for the equestrians, see Rawson 1991; Canobbio 2002; 2011, 142– 145. The dissignatores were likely imperial freedmen. “Leitus may be a real person, though the etymology of the name (which occurs in Homer) would make it appropriate for a public official” (Howell 1995, 85). ‖ The four epigrams deal with the unmasking of a fake eques, who parades his wealth or boasts about his status, while trying to conceal his true (servile) origin, which is always discovered by the dissignator. Epigram 5.8 is directed at →Phasis. Leitus interrupts his lecture on his status, making him (or rather his ostentatious clothes) abandon the place he has illegally occupied: 10 – 12 haec et talia dum refert supinus, / illas purpureas et arrogantes / iussit surgere Leitus lacernas. In 5.14 →Nanneius tries to evade the dissignatores, by sitting between two seats: 3 – 5 bis excitatus terque transtulit castra, / et inter ipsas paene tertius sellas / … consedit; hiding under a hood (6); and does not let him twist his arm when he is finally expelled from the theatre: 8 – 11 et hinc miser deiectus in viam transit, / subsellioque semifultus extremo / et male receptus altero genu iactat / equiti sedere Leitoque se stare. In 5.25 →Chaerestratus does not have the necessary wealth to be an eques (1 Quadringenta tibi non sunt), but sits in the famous fourteen rows: 1– 2 surge, / Leitus ecce venit: sta, fuge, curre, late. Leitus’ name makes the frauds shake. Finally, 5.35 unmasks →Euclides, with a similar structure: first the character boasts about his lineage (1 dum…) and then his true nature is discovered when the dissignator intervenes (7 cecidit…). In this case, the character does not give way either and struggles with Leitus: 5 et suscitanti Leito reluctatur. ‖ →Chaerestratus, →Euclides, →Nanneius, →Oceanus2, →Phasis. Bibliography: Canobbio 2002; 2011, 150 – 151; Friedländer 1886, vol. 1, 389 – 390; Giegengack 1969, 135; Howell 1995, 85; PIR1 L89 (Dessau); PIR 2 L139 (Petersen); Vallat 2008, 91. amc

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Lesbia1 6.34.8; 7.14.4; 8.73.8; 12.44.5; 12.59.3; 14.77.2. ‖ Pseudonym. ‖ Poetic name of Catullus’ beloved. The name recalls →Sappho of Lesbos; ever since Apul. Apol. 10.3 (Eadem igitur opera accusent C. Catulum, quod Lesbiam pro Clodia nominarit) Lesbia is identified with Clodia, the second of the three daughters of Appius Claudius Pulcher, consul in 79 BC, and sister of P. Clodius Pulcher; she was married to Q. Metellus Celer, praetor in 63, governor of Gallia Cisalpina in 62, consul in 60; he died in 59. After her love affair with Catullus, she may have been the lover of M. Caelius Rufus (82– 43 BC) and have still been alive in 45 BC. In his poems 43 and 86 Catullus makes a descriptio pulchritudinis of her; however, →Cicero portrays her in negative terms in his Pro Caelio, probably due to his hatred of Clodius. Some thirty poems of Catullus have to do with her, directly or indirectly, and describe their love relationship from the initial dazzle to the final disappointment. ‖ She is mentioned in six epigrams. In two of them allusion is made to the passer Catulli, the poems 2 and 3 about her mourning for the death of her pet. Thus, epigram 7.14 is addressed to Aulus →Pudens and deals with his lover’s grief for a slave, which is compared to Lesbia’s tears; epigram 14.77 describes an ivory cage (cavea eborea), which could be the home of a bird like the one mourned by Lesbia, Catullus’ beloved (dilecta). Another two epigrams refer to the innumerable kisses of Catul. 5 and 7: in 6.34.7 the poet asks →Diadumenus for countless kisses, more than Lesbia gave Catullus when he begged for them (exorata); 12.59 deals with the inevitable basiatores who give more kisses than Lesbia to Catullus. Finally, two epigrams have to do with poetry itself. In 8.73, addressed to →Instanius Rufus, Martial assures that love inspires poetry: as examples of this, he offers a list of love poets and their mistresses, including Catullus and Lesbia, his muse (dictavit); epigram 12.44 is dedicated to →Vnicus, an elegiac poet: Martial affirms that Lesbia could have loved him together with Catullus. ‖ →Catullus1. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 522; Deroux 1973; Galán Vioque 2002, 121– 123; Grewing 1997, 251– 252; Holzberg 2001; Leary 1996, 135– 136; Ramage 1984; RE 4.1, s. v. Clodia, 105 – 107 (Münzer); Schöffel 2002, 616 – 617; Skinner 1983; Vallat 2008, 156, 382– 383. jfv

Lesbia2 1.34.1,10; 2.50.1– 2; 5.68.1; 6.23.1; 10.39.1,2; 11.62.1; 11.99.2,8. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name is attested epigraphically (Solin 1982, 585 – 586 records 30 instances). The immediate referent of this name is the pseudonym →Catullus1 gave to his lover Clodia (→Lesbia1), but there are further nuances: λεσβιάζω means ‘do like the Lesbian women… fellare’ (LSJ; cf. RE 12.2, s. v. Lesbische Liebe, 2100 – 2102 [Kroll]; according to Kay [1985, 208], “The ladies of Lesbos were not renowned for homosexuality in the ancient world, but they were noted for their general sexual licence, particularly the practice of fellatio”). Martial takes the name from Catullus, whose Lesbia “specie nel quadro che ne aveva dato Cicerone, poteva ben configurarsi come il tipo della cortigi-

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ana” (Citroni 1975, 112; cf. Giegengack 1969, 117, according to whom Lesbia is one of those type names related to prostitution). Martial distinguishes between the fictional Lesbia of his satirical epigrams and Catullus’ mistress by always mentioning the poet with the latter (cf. Swann 1994, 79: “five of the six poems are addressed to others and the reference to Catullus and Lesbia is used simply as an example”). Cf. Vallat 2008, 383: “Martial s’acharne sur sa vieillesse, sa laideur. Ce n’est plus seulement un dialogue intertextuel avec Catulle, mais aussi une relecture drastique, une opération de démolition. (…) C’est Martial, et non Catulle, qui en fait un type. Dès lors, notre poète, suivant de loin son prédécesseur, peut se permettre toutes les outrances, tous les outrages”. Martial shows no pity to Lesbia, “qui devient monstrueuse. Mais ne respecte-t-il pas le type en l’outrageant?” (ibid., 389). Horace also uses the name for a prostitute in Hor. Epod. 12.17. ‖ In the Epigrams, she is always attacked for her sexual behaviour, although the name does not conform to a single type. Sometimes she is linked to prostitution, but not always; she is sometimes a young woman, and sometimes a vetula libidinosa (cf. Giegengack 1969, 119: “nowhere does she emerge as a distinct individual but always as a type”). The Lesbia of 1.34 is a shameless exhibitionist: the prostitutes of the lowest class are more modest than her (→Ias and →Chione). This epigram, “il più chiaro riferimento, nella letteratura latina, all’esibizionismo dell’atto sessuale” (Citroni 1975, 111), is closely linked with the preceding one, where →Gellia shows off her tears, when true grief is felt sine teste. In 2.50 she is a fellatrix (according to Williams 2004, 178, on this occasion she need not be a meretrix; contra Swann 1994, 78). Epigram 5.68 satirises a Lesbia who is blonder than a German wig. The gist of the poem may be that she excessively dyes her hair (Howell 1995, 151), or that she is balding and wears a wig; or perhaps she is a courtesan (Citroni 1975, 112). Cf. Juvenal’s depiction of Messalina as meretrix Augusta, disguised with a blond wig: 6.120 sed nigrum flavo crinem abscondente galero. In 6.23 she is an aggressive lover (perhaps a vetula), who does not arouse her client. Her caresses and sensual whispering (3 manibus blandis et vocibus) cannot counteract the negative effect of her facies. In 10.39 Lesbia is the summum of old age: she says that she was born during the consulate of →Brutus1, but that is a lie (2 mentiris). Was she born under →Numa1? (2 Nata es, Lesbia, rege Numa?). No: she was modelled by →Prometheus, like the first human beings (4 ficta Prometheo diceris esse luto). In epigram 11.62 Lesbia has to pay for sex: 2 Cum futui vult, numerare solet (cf. 7.75; 10.75; 11.29). Finally, the Lesbia of 11.99 has huge buttocks and piles: 5 – 6 sic constringuntur gemina Symplegade culi / et nimias intrant Cyaneasque natis. It is suggested that she practises anal sex. ‖ →Chione, →Ias. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 522; Citroni 1975, 111– 112; Giegengack 1969, 119; Grewing 1997, 187–189; Howell 1980, 179; 1995, 151; Kay 1985, 134, 208, 268; Sullivan 1991, 246; Swann 1994, 78– 81; Vallat 2008, 382– 383, 389, 566; Williams 2004, 178. amc

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Liber 8.77.1,2; 9.72.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ The name has religious connotations, since Liber or Liber Pater is the Italic god equivalent to Διόνυσος/Bάκχος, and Liber is one of the names of the god of wine (→Bacchus). On the other hand, Kajanto (1965, 280) includes this cognomen among the “wish-names”, and records more than thirty instances in Rome. ‖ Liber seems to be a freedman (Henriksén 1999, 86; Schöffel 2002, 643), a charioteer or a boxer. Traditionally he had been thought to be a boxer, since the phrase Amyclea… corona (9.72.1) was believed to refer to →Pollux (Friedländer ad loc.). This interpretation is followed by Sullivan (1991, 41) and Hofmann (1997, ad loc.), among others. Housman (1907, 248 = 1972, 725 – 726) questioned this: according to him, Amyclaea… corona rather suggests chariot racing (Martial would then be referring to →Castor1, not to Pollux) and 2 quatis… verbera alludes to whipping. Cf. e. g. Shackleton Bailey (1978, 285): “Housman [Papers, pp. 725 f.] showed that Liber was not a boxer but a rider or charioteer. He had evidently won a race at a Greek festival” (cf. 9.72.2 verbera Graia); Henriksén clarifies Housman’s statement and adds the parallel of Verg. G. 3.89 – 90 Amyclaei domitus Pollucis habenis / Cyllarus (1999, 86). Additionally, “the wreath was the ordinary prize at the races” (Henriksén ibid.). The name appears twice in the epigrams: epigram 8.77, “a mildly erotic epigram to a new boxer friend Liber” (Sullivan 1991, 41), is an invitation to enjoy life (carpe diem); in 9.72 Martial rebukes him for not having sent wine together with a meal. In both cases Martial plays with the name of the god of wine (Schöffel 2002, 6439), especially in 9.72.5: atqui digna tuo si nomine munera ferres. Bibliography: Friedländer 1886, vol. 2, 45, 90; Giegengack 1969, 37; Henriksén 1999, 86; 2012, 298 – 299; Hofmann 1997, ad loc.; Housman 1907, 248 (= 1972, 725 – 726); PIR 2 L162 (Petersen); Schöffel 2002, 643; Shackleton Bailey 1978, 285; Sullivan 1991, 41; Vallat 2008, 123. amc

Libitina 8.43.4; 10.97.1. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Italian goddess of funerals. She had a grove on the Esquiline, where funerals were registered and the libitinarii (undertakers) kept their equipment (schol. Hor. S. 2.16.19; Ep. 1.7.6). ‖ Martial mentions her twice, as a metonymy for death and funerals. In 8.43 Martial wishes →Fabius and →Chrestilla, who had buried several spouses each, would marry each other. He prays that →Venus might join them so that a single Libitina may bury them. There might be a hint of the motif of Love and Death (Venus Libitina, Var. L. 6.47: Schöffel 2002, 376), for which see Köves-Zulauf 2004. Libitina is here a metonymy for a feretrum. In 10.9 Libitina stands for the funeral pyre, which is being prepared for the dying →Numa2, who recovers just after naming the poet his heir. Bibliography: Damschen/Heil 2004, 244 (Granobs); LTUR 3, s. v. Libitina, Lucus, 189 – 190 (Coarelli); RE 13.1, s. v. Libitina, 113 – 114 (Latte); Schöffel 2002, 376 – 377. rms

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Lichas 9.65.8. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ A companion of →Hercules; he gave the hero the tunic drenched in the blood of Nessus which ultimately caused his death. Hercules killed him by tossing him into the sea. ‖ Hyg. Fab. 36; Ov. Met. 9.152– 229; Sen. Her. O. 808 – 815; 1460; Serv. A. 8.299. ‖ Epigram 9.65 describes a statue of Domitian with the features of Hercules. He praises Domitian by telling Hercules that, if he had had the emperor’s looks, Lichas would not have dared to give him Nessus’ perfida dona; in line 7 Martial calls him fallax, but actually he was unaware of the deceit (Ov. Met. 9.155 ignaroque Lichae quid tradat). ‖ →Domitianus, →Hercules. Bibliography: Henriksén 1999, 70 (= 2012, 275 – 276); LIMC 6.1, s. v. Lichas, 286 – 288 (Vollkommer); RE 13.1, s. v. Lichas 1, 210 – 211 (Kroll). jfv

Licinianus 1.49.3; 1.61.11; cf. 4.55.1. ‖ Real character. ‖ The name Licinianus, derived from Licinius, was widespread in Spain (Dolç 1953, 83). See Kajanto 1965, 33, 148. ‖ Writer and lawyer, native of Bilbilis, and probably a patron of Martial. ‖ Epigram 1.49 is a farewell poem (Licinianus is retiring to Spain) and in praise of their homeland, which contrasts with the busy and enslaving life in Rome (Görler 1986). Martial calls him vir Celtiberis non tacende gentibus / nostraeque laus Hispaniae (1– 2). From lines 31– 32 Howell deduces that he was a senator, having held at least a quaestorship; he must also have been a distinguished orator (1.49.1– 2; 1.49.35); a connection with →Licinius Sura is apparent from 1.49.40 Sura… tuus. Syme (1958, 791) suggested that Licinianus and Licinius Sura were relatives, although this was refuted by White (1972, 85 – 87). Citroni (1975, 155) is not categorical: “sembra di poter dedurre che Sura era più giovane di Liciniano, forse un suo nipote o comunque un suo protteto”. Epigram 1.61 is a catalogue of writers of whom their native lands are proud: in the final lines (11– 12) Martial affirms that their hometown (nostra… Bilbilis) will praise both of them. The addressee of 4.55, Lucius, has traditionally been identified with the Licinianus of book 1. The laudatory phrase gloria temporum tuorum of line 1 recalls the opening lines of 1.49; besides, both are unusually lengthy epigrams describing his homeland, cataloguing geographical names alien to the Latin language and showing feelings both of pride and nostalgia for his Celtiberian land. Answering White’s objection that they cannot be the same man, for in 4.55 he seems to be an active orator at Rome when he had left for Spain two years earlier, Howell remarks: “it is very difficult not to identify the addressee of IV.55 with that of I.49 (…). IV.55 certainly seems to imply that Lucius came from Bilbilis and although it is conceivable that M. knew two orators from Bilbilis who had made a name for themselves in Rome simultaneously, it does not seem very likely”. He supposes that either Licinianus never got to Spain or that he went back to Rome. In any case, nothing in 4.55 rules out the fact that the poem may have been composed earlier or written for an

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absent friend (cf. the epigrams addressed to M. →Antonius2 Primus). ‖ According to Citroni, an identification with the senator Valerius Licinianus (RE 8.A.1, s. v. Valerius 219)—a famous contemporary praetor, lawyer and senator, banished by Domitian ca. 91 due to a scandal with the Vestal virgins (Plin. Ep. 4.55; cf. Juv. 7.198 and Suet. Dom. 8.4; see Ferguson 1987, 138)—is plausible, but not definite. Howell, however, takes it as certain (he even adds that “the identity of nomina might even suggest a relationship with M.”); see also Griffin 1962, 107; contra Ferguson 1987, 138; Sherwin‐White 1998, 281. Estefanía (1988) tentatively suggested an identification with C. Licinius Mucianus, arguing that the Lucius in 4.55 is a different man, but her arguments are purely conjectural. Balland (2010, 37– 38) identifies the Lucius of 4.55 with Sura. Abascal 2011 suggests an identification of the Licinianus of book 1 with C. Iulius Seneca Licinianus (CIL 2.6150). ‖ →Licinius Sura. Bibliography: Abascal 2011; Balland 2010, 36, 186 n. 224; Citroni 1975, 155 – 156; Dolç 1953, 83; Estefanía 1988; Ferguson 1987, 138; Griffin 1962, 107; Howell 1980, 213 – 214; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 390; Nauta 2002, 65 n. 83; PIR 2 L170 (Petersen); RE 8.A.1, s. v. Valerius 219, 52 (Hanslik); Schulten 1913, 471; Sherwin-White 1998, 281; Sullivan 1991, 18 – 19; Syme 1958, 791; Vallat 2008, 81; White 1972, 85 – 87. jfv

Licinius Sura 1.49.40; 6.64.13; 7.47.1. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Lucius Licinius Sura. ‖ Cf. Plin. Ep. 4.30. Patron of Martial, consul in 97, 102 and 107. According to Platner/Ashby, it is probable that he built the Thermae Suranae on the Aventine hill (D. C. 68.15). ‖ In 1.49.40, a eulogy of life in Hispania addressed to his friend (or relative) →Licinianus, Licinius Sura represents, with his successful career in Rome (Sura laudatur tuus), the contrast with that peaceful life. Martial alludes to his office with the expression lunata nusquam pellis et nusquam toga / olidaeque vestes murice (31– 32), although Howell believes this pertains to Licinianus. In 6.64.13, an attack on a detractor of his poetry, Martial places him among the distinguished characters who value it (like the poet →Silius Italicus or the lawyer →Regulus), and mentions his house, located between the Aventine and the Circus Maximus (LTUR 2, 129 – 130). In 7.47, after calling him doctorum celeberrime virorum, Martial expresses his joy for his recovery after a serious—nearly deadly—illness (in a soterion) and invites him to enjoy life (carpe diem). Balland (2010, 37– 38) identifies the Lucius of 4.55 with Sura. ‖ →Licinianus. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 37– 38; Citroni 1975, 155 – 156, 169; Galán Vioque 2002, 292; Grewing 1997, 414– 415; Howell 1980, 213 – 214; Jones 1970; LTUR 2, s. v. Domus: L. Licinius Sura, 129 – 130 (Rodríguez Almeida); Nauta 2002, 62; PIR 2 L253 (Petersen); Platner/Ashby 1929, 184, 532– 533; RE 13.1, s. v. Licinius 167, 471– 485 (Groag); Syme 1958, 790 – 791; RP 2, 770; RP 3, 981; RP 5, 493; RP 6, 401– 405; Vallat 2008, 81. jfv

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Licinus1 8.3.6. ‖ Historical character. ‖ C. Iulius Licinus. ‖ Kajanto (1965, 236) records numerous testimonies of this name, especially belonging to the senatorial class. The cognomen alludes to a physical trait (cf. the adj. licinus). ‖ There is a homonymous tonsor in Hor. Ars 301. Martial has another Licinus (2.32.2), a magnus homo, whom →Ponticus does not want to offend (cf. Vallat 2008, 366). ‖ He was made a prisoner by →Caesar1 in his campains in Gallia (but cf. schol. Vallae ad Juv. 1.109 ex Germania puer captus) and then manumitted (“under Caesar’s will”, Ferguson 1987, 138); he gained favour with →Augustus1 and was appointed governor of Gallia in 16 – 15 BC (cf. D. C. 54.21.3 ὁ δὲ δὴ Λικίνιος τὸ μὲν ἀρχαῖον Γαλάτης ἦν, ἁλοὺς δὲ ἐς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους καὶ δουλεύσας τῷ Καίσαρι ὑπὸ μὲν ἐκείνου ἠλευθερώθη, ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ Αὐγούστου ἐπίτροπος τῆς Γαλατίας κατέστη; Suet. Aug. 67 Patronus dominusque non minus severus quam facilis et clemens multos libertorum in honore et usu maximo habuit, ut Licinium et Celadum aliosque). He amassed a huge fortune, which became proverbial: cf. e. g. Pers. 2.36 Nunc Licini in campos, nunc Crassi mittit in aedes; schol. Pers. 2.36 Marmoreo Licinus tumulo iacet, at Cato parvo, / Pompeius nullo. Quis putet esse deos?; Sen. Ep. 119.9 quorum nomina cum Crasso Licinoque numerantur; 120.19 Modo Licinum divitiis, Apicium cenis… provocant; Juv. 1.109 ego possideo plus Pallante et Licinis; and especially 14.303 – 308 Tantis parta malis cura maiore metuque / servantur: misera est magni custodia census, / dispositis praedives amis vigilare cohortem / servorum noctu Licinus iubet, attonitus pro / electro signisque suis Phrygiaque columna / atque ebore et lata testudine… (cf. Otto 1890, 193, adding schol. Juv. a.a.O. et dictus est habuisse nummos, quantum milvi volant). He presumably died under Tiberius (cf. schol. Juv. 14.306); his tomb was located ad lapidem secundum viae Salariae (PIR1 L193 [Dessau]; cf. schol. Pers. 2.36), and was renowned for its sumptuousness (it must be borne in mind that Licinus had “made substantial contributions to Augustus’ building programme, including the Basilica Julia”, Ferguson 1987, 138 – 139). On the possibility that Augustus had made him an eques, see Weaver 1972, 282 (according to Stein 1927, 112, Licinus is a cognomen equestre). ‖ Sen. Ap. 6; Suet. Aug. 67.1; schol. Vall. Juv. 1.109; Juv. 14.305 – 306; D. C. 54.21.3,6 – 8; 54.22.1. ‖ In 8.3 Martial compares his work with monuments: 5 – 8 et cum rupta situ Messalae saxa iacebunt / altaque cum Licini marmora pulvis erunt, / me tamen ora legent et secum plurimus hospes / ad patrias sedes carmina nostra feret. →Messalla and Licinus stand for rich and powerful characters of the past, whose fame is superseded by Martial’s poetry: “Der enorme Unterschied in der sozialen Stellung zwischen (beliebtem) Messalla und (gefürchtetem) Licinus verleiht der Aussage darüber hinaus universelle Gültigkeit” (Schöffel 2002, 103). ‖ →Licinus2. Bibliography: Ferguson 1987, 138 – 139; Kajanto 1965, 236; Otto 1890, 193; PIR1 L193 (Dessau); PIR 2 I381 (Petersen); RE 13.1, s. v. Licinus 1, 501– 502 (Stein); Schöffel 2002, 103; Stein 1927, 112; Vallat 2008, 152, 224; Weaver 1972, 217 n. 8, 282. amc

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Licinus2 2.32.2. ‖ Fictional character? ‖ The cognomen alludes to a physical trait, wiry or curly hair (Kajanto 1965, 236). ‖ The epigram is a complaint to →Ponticus, who, despite being the speaker’s patron, never sides with his protégé so as not to upset anyone from whom he can benefit more. One of the examples is Licinus: Martial is involved in a legal dispute against him but Ponticus does not defend his client because Licinus is a magnus homo. According to Williams, Martial may be alluding to →Licinus1. Bibliography: Vallat 2008, 321; Williams 2004, 125 – 126. amc

Ligeia 10.90.1,5,9; 12.7.2. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ There are some doubts about the form of the name. The Greek name Λίγεια is seldom attested (2 instances in LGPN). Ligeia is not attested in inscriptions or outside Martial, but was adopted by Schneidewin and most editors. Manuscripts also read legeia, ligela, ligea or ligia. Ligea is the name of a siren and of a nymph in Verg. G. 4.336, and Vallat suggests that the name may have been chosen for antithesis. Notice that there are other Homeric echoes in 10.90.5 (→Andromache, →Hecuba). ‖ She is portrayed as a vetula, who depilates her pubic hair in 10.90 and in contrast has only three hairs on her head in 12.7. Bibliography: Craca 2011, 87; Damschen/Heil 2004, 319 – 320 (Hecker); PIR 2 L282 (Petersen); RE 13.1, s. v. Ligeia, 523 (Kroll); Vallat 2008, 383 – 384. jfv

Ligurinus 3.44.3; 3.45.2; 3.50.2,10. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ According to Kajanto (1965, 196), it is a geographical name, derived from the region of Liguria. It is attested in inscriptions, but not very frequently. Fusi and Vallat suggest a pun with the Greek λιγυρóς and λιγύς, ‘shrill’ (LSJ), whereas Mulligan (2013) relates it to ligurio, a verb related to cunnilingus (see →Ligurra). The name has Horatian echoes (Hor. Carm. 4.1.33; 4.10.5). ‖ Martial dedicates a cycle of epigrams to him in book 3: he is a poetaster who hunts everyone to recite his poems and even invites his friends to dinner only to read them his books. Everyone avoids him like the plague. He is a similar type to the man criticised by Horace at the end of his Ars (453 ff.) or Petronius’ Eumolpus. Mulligan suspects a worse vice and relates his relentless recitation with oral sex. ‖ →Ligurra. Bibliography: Barwick 1958, 301– 302; Fusi 2006, 320 – 332, 353 – 358; Mulligan 2013; Pavanello 1994, 170 – 172; Vallat 2008, 403 – 405, 591. jfv

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Ligurra 12.61.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ The name is not attested elsewhere (see Schulze 1904, 359). Kajanto (1965, 50, 196) records Ligur and Ligus, a geographical name (from Liguria, in Cisalpine Gaul); Martial mocks a bad poet called →Ligurinus. ‖ Ligurra appears in a single epigram of book 12, surely as a pseudonym: he fears being attacked by Martial in an epigram, but the poet, by means of a praeteritio, affirms that he is not important enough to be the subject of his poetry. He should rather find a drunken toilet poet if he wants to be read (si legi laboras). ‖ The name has tentatively been related to ligur(r)io (‘to lick’), with evident sexual overtones (especially related to os impurum): Giegengack 1969, 86 – 87; Pavanello 1994, 167; see Adams 1982, 140. Ausonius uses the term ligurritor in this sense (see further Martos Montiel 2011a, 117). Although there is nothing in 12.61 to infer that Ligurra is either a cunnilingus or a fellator (see Vallat 2008, 513), there are echoes of 3.44 in this epigram: the allusion to animals in 3.44.6 – 8 (tigris, dipsas, scorpios) and in 12.61.5 – 6 (tauros, leones, papilionibus); and the scatological allusions in 3.44.11 (et legis cacanti) and in 12.61.10 (carmina, quae legunt cacantes). ‖ →Ligurinus. Bibliography: Giegengack 1969, 86– 87; Pavanello 1994, 166– 167; Vallat 2008, 513. rms

Linus1 9.86.4. ‖ Λίνος. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Son of →Apollo. There are several myths about Linus in antiquity. According to one version, he was son of Apollo and Psamathe, daughter of Crotopus, king of Argos, and was exposed and killed by the king’s dogs (Paus. 1.43.7; Stat. Theb. 1.562 – 595). The Argives instituted a cult of Linus and Psamathe, during which a dirge recalling their mournful story was sung. ‖ In an epigram lamenting the death of →Silius Italicus’ son, →Severus2, Apollo himself tries to console the poet, recalling his own grief for his deceased son, together with →Calliope’s mourning for →Orpheus, Jupiter’s for Sarpedon and Domitian’s for his own offspring (see →Iuppiter and →Domitianus). Henriksén points out that when Linus appears in Latin literature as the deceased son of Apollo, “Orpheus usually appears in the same context; thus Ov. Ib. 480 ff. (drawing on the Argive version and mentioning both Crotopus and the dogs); am. 3, 9, 21 ff. (on the death of Tibullus); Stat. silv. 5, 5, 54 ff. (the poem on the death of his adopted son)” (1999, 119). Bibliography: Henriksén 1999, 119; 2012, 377– 378; LIMC 6.1, s. v. Linos, 290 (Boardman), 6.2, 147; RE 13.1, s. v. Linos 1, 716 – 717 (Kroll). rms

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Linus2 1.75.1; 2.38.1,2; 2.54.1; 4.66.1,18; 7.10.1 (var. lect. Pinus); 7.95.4,17; 11.25.2; 12.49.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Λίνος. ‖ The name Linus “is found four times as a cognomen in CIL 6” (Kay 1985, 127). See further examples in Solin 1982, 499. For its mythical referent, see →Linus1. ‖ In Martial’s epigrams “the name serves as a more or less generic butt for insults, with a noticeable tendency towards the sexual and the financial” (Williams 2004, 143). ‖ In 2.38 Linus asks Martial what he gets from his Nomentan state, and Martial replies: te, Line, non video. The reason for the dislike is left unexplained, as in the case of →Sabidius. Perhaps it is simply a spiteful answer to an ill‐intentioned question; Linus needs a loan and Martial wants to get rid of him. A sexual innuendo cannot be discounted either. ‖ Financial jokes: in 1.75 he is a debtor, who will never pay back a loan; in 4.66 Linus, who apparently leads a simple life, has squandered one million sesterces (for the multi-faceted implications of this epigram see Moreno Soldevila ad loc.). ‖ Sexual jokes: in 2.54 Linus’ wife has put a eunuch guardian over him (in a clear reversal of gender roles), since she suspects that he likes being anally penetrated; he is named as a fellator in 7.10.1 (fellat Linus); in 11.25 his formerly hyperactive mentula can not get erect any more and Martial suggests that he will become a cunnilingus (note the assonance between Lino and lingua in line 2: stare Lino desit mentula. Lingua, cave; cf. Kay 1985, 127). He is portrayed as an impenitent and hideous winter basiator in 7.95 (for the implications, see Galán Vioque 2002, 497). ‖ The Linus of 12.49 is a slave who is in charge of →Postumilla’s young slaves and jewels. ‖ In 7.10.1 Linus appears in the same line as →Eros1, another mythological name: cf. →Linus1 (and see Galán Vioque 2002, 95). Bibliography: Galán Vioque 2002, 95; Howell 1980, 277; Kay 1985, 127; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 452– 453; Scherf 2001, 44; Williams 2004, 143, 187. rms

Livius, Titus 1.61.3; 14.190. ‖ Historical character. ‖ Titus Livius. ‖ 59 BC – AD 17. ‖ Historian. The author of Ab urbe condita libri, a history of Rome from its origins until 9 BC, appears twice in the epigrams, once in 1.61.3, in a catalogue of writers of whom their native lands are proud; in the case of Livy, Martial alludes to tellus Aponi, present-day Abano Terme, a city with thermal waters 10 km from Patavium, known in Antiquity as Aquae Patavinae (cf. 6.42.4). From this passage sprang the idea that Livius was born in Aponus, not in Patavium, which is groundless: it is a poetical expression. The second epigram, 14.190, is a present of the Apophoreta consisting of a copy of Livy in membranis, that is, in parchment, in codex form (there Livius is a metonymy for his work); more than an epitome (artatur would then mean “is abridged”) it seems to be a “miniaturisation” (artatur = “is confined” and non totum = “not in its normal complete form”), as suggested by the closeness of similar presents of works by

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Homer (14.184), Virgil (14.186), Cicero (14.188) and, especially, Ovid’s Metamorphoses (14.192). See Leary ad loc. Bibliography: Ascher 1969; Butrica 1983; Citroni 1975, 202; Howell 1980, 251; Leary 2001, 255 – 256; Mindt 2013, 33–35; RE 13.1, s. v. Livius 9, 816 – 8852 (Klotz); Sansone 1981; Vallat 2008, 255. jfv

Lucanus1 1.36.1; 3.20.17; 8.75.15; 9.51.2. (cf. 5.28.3). ‖ Historical character. ‖ Cn. Domitius Lucanus. Brother of Cn. Domitius →Tullus (Martial calls them →Curvii in 5.28.3). Lucanus’ political and military career began with →Nero; he was suffect consul under Vespasian (→Vespasianus), proconsul of Africa under Domitian (→Domitianus) and then legate of his brother in the same province. For his full cursus honorum, see PIR 2 D152 (Groag). ‖ Epigram 1.36 is a laudatory poem in honour of these brothers, patrons of Martial; according to him, they outdo the →Lacones (→Castor1 and →Pollux) in brotherly love; in 9.51.2 this fraternal affection is expressed on the occasion of the death of Lucanus, who cedes his place in Elysium to Tullus. He also figures in 3.30.17 with his brother in a catalogue of the things →Canius Rufus is not doing: he is not enjoying the country estate they own (they seem to have been his patrons as well). Finally, in 8.75.15, after telling the anecdote of a Gallus in Rome, Martial addresses the moral to Lucanus. See more details and bibliography in →Curvii. Bibliography: Canobbio 2011, 309; Citroni 1975, 119 – 120; Fusi 2006, 222– 223; Henriksén 1999, 22– 23; 2012, 224– 225; Howell 1980, 184– 186; Nauta 2002, 64, 92, 151 n. 25; PIR2 D152 (Groag); RE 5.1, s. v. Domitius 65, 1428– 1430 (Kappelmacher); Schöffel 2002, 624; Vallat 2008, 79. jfv

Lucanus2 1.61.7; 7.21.2; 7.22.3; 14.194 tit. (cf. 4.40.2; 7.23; 10.64). ‖ Historical character. ‖ Marcus Annaeus Lucanus. ‖ AD 39 – 65. ‖ Author of De bello civili, also known as Pharsalia, forced by →Nero to commit suicide after the conspiracy of C. Calpurnius Piso (→Pisones). His father, M. Annaeus Mela, was the Younger Seneca’s brother (→Seneca1) and the Elder Seneca’s son (→Seneca2). ‖ Some epigrams allude to this family relationship and to their common birthplace, Corduba (present-day Córdoba, in southern Spain). In 1.61.7 Lucan is mentioned together with the two →Senecae, in a list of writers of whom their native lands are proud: 6 – 7 duosque Senecas unicumque Lucanum / facunda loquitur Corduba. According to Citroni ad loc., Martial plays with the double sense of unicus, both in contraposition with duos and meaning ‘exceptional’. In 4.40.2 Martial refers to the docti Senecae ter numeranda domus, probably alluding to Seneca the Elder, the Younger and Lucan (for other possible interpretations see Moreno Soldevila 2006, 301). ‖ Epigrams 7.21– 23 deal with Lucan’s anniversary (memorabilis, tanta lux) and were probably commissioned by her widow, Argentaria

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→Polla1. 7.21, addressed to her, is an exaltation of Lucan’s birth and a condemnation of Nero, for having decreed his death. In 7.22.3 Martial says that one of his merits is having mixed the waters of the Baetis (present-day Guadalquivir, which runs through Corduba, Córdoba) with the Castalian Spring (Greek inspiration). A pun between lux (a usual term in birthday compositions) and Lucane is not to be discarded in 7.22.2– 3 (cf. 7.23.3). Epigram 7.23 is addressed to →Phoebus1 and does not mention Lucan directly: he is said to be the first after Virgil (→Vergilius) as an epic poet (secunda plectra) and Polla is asked to honour him forever. On this same subject, see the Genethliacon Lucani ad Pollam (Stat. Silv. 2.7). See also Barwick 1958, 296; Buchheit 1961; Tzounakas 2017. ‖ In 10.64 Martial quotes a line supposedly by Lucan ‘si nec pedicor, Cotta, quid hic facio’ (6) to support his petition that Polla should be tolerant of his explicitly sexual poems. Lucan is not mentioned by name either, just indirectly (3 ille tuus vates, Heliconis gloria nostri). ‖ Finally, 14.194 alludes to a gift consisting of an edition of Lucan’s work, probably a codex edition in parchment. The title, Lucanus, is a metonymy for his work, but it also stands for the speaker, since the epigram is presented as a self-defence against some critics’ opinion that he was not a poet (like Quint. Inst. 10.1.90): sunt quidam qui me dicant non esse poetam: / sed qui me vendit bibliopola putat. Martial admired him as a poet, for he calls him vates: 7.22.1 Vatis Apollinei; 10.64.3 (supra). ‖ →Nero, →Polla1, →Seneca1, →Seneca2. Bibliography: Barwick 1958, 296; Castro-Maia 1994, 83 – 85; Citroni 1975, 203; Damschen/Heil 2004, 239 – 240 (R. Schuler); Galán Vioque 2002, 168 – 171, 176 – 179; Herrero Llorente 1959, 21– 22; Howell 1980, 252; Leary 2001, 259 – 260; Mindt 2013, 197–204; Moreno Soldevila 2006, 301; Nauta 2002, 87; Neger 2012, 292– 300; PIR 2 A611 (Stein); RE 1.2, s. v. Annaeus 9, 2226 – 2236 (Marx); Sullivan 1991, 70, 102; Vallat 2008, 160. jfv

Lucensis 1.2.7. ‖ Real character. ‖ Former owner of the freedman Secundus, a bookseller. Lucensis is unknown from other sources (Citroni 1975, 21 “non è identificabile”). According to Howell (1980, 109), the cognomen is not common. It is derived from Luca in N. Etruria (Kajanto 1982, 189). Lucensis is said to be doctus: no surprise that his former slave had an interest in books himself. According to Balland (2010, 113 – 114), Lucensis could be an ethnonym, from Luca or from Lucus Augusti. ‖ →Secundus1. Bibliography: Balland 2010, 113– 114; PIR2 L369 (Petersen). rms

Lucilius 11.90.4; 12.94.7. ‖ Historical character. ‖ C. Lucilius. The famous satirist, perhaps the creator of the Roman satire. He wrote thirty books but only some hundred lines survive. ‖ 180 – ca. 102 BC. ‖ Epigram 11.90 disapproves of →Chrestillus, who considers

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ancient poets better than contemporary ones; for him a line by Lucilius is worthier than the poetry of Maeonia (→Homerus) and he reads →Ennius, →Accius and →Pacuvius in astonishment. Martial quotes a line by Lucilius (4 Lucili columella hic situ’ Metrophanes), passed on by Donatus in his commentary on Ter. Ph. 287; perhaps it was the beginning of book 22. On the same subject, see 5.10: cf. also 9.27. Epigram 12.94 attacks →Tucca, an amateurish poet who tries different genres. Lucilius is referred to there as the satirist par excellence. Bibliography: Kay 1985, 250 – 252; Krenkel 1972, 1240 – 1259; RE 13.2, s. v. Lucilius 4, 1617– 1637 (Kappelmacher); Sullivan 1991, 85 – 90; Vallat 2008, 161, 194– 195. jfv

Lucina Sp. 14.4; Sp. 15.4. ‖ Mythological character. ‖ Goddess. Epithet of Juno as the goddess of birth (Pl. Aul. 692; Ter. An. 473; Ad. 487; Cic. Nat. 2.68; Catul. 34.13– 14; Hor. Epod. 5.5– 6; Liv. 37.3.2; Prop. 4.1.99; Ov. Ep. 20.191– 192; Fast. 3.255– 258; Met. 5.304; Stat. Silv. 1.2.269; cf. Apul. Met. 6.4.3). In poetry, the name is also applied to →Diana (Verg. Ecl. 4.10; Hor. Carm. 3.22.2– 4; Apul. Met. 11.2.2), who is also worshiped in relation to birth, by analogy with the Greek deities Artemis and Ilithya (cf. Catul. 34.13 – 4; Cic. Nat. 2.68; Hor. Saec. 14– 15; and Coleman 2006, 132). ‖ Lucina is mentioned twice, in two epigrams of the Spectacles recording the same event: a pregnant wild boar has a boar piglet while dying after being pierced by a javelin. Lucina is identified with Diana in both passages, indirectly in Sp. 14, in whose first line Dianae alludes metonymically to a venatio offered by the emperor (Coleman 2006, 131), and directly in Sp. 15.5, where the poet speaks of two Dianae (utriusque Dianae; see Coleman 2006, 136). Lucina is usually asked to be mitis, as women in labour prayed to her for help (Ov. Met. 10.510 – 511; Coleman 2006, 132). Here, however, she is said to be ferox because the animal is killed. ‖ →Diana, →Iuno. Bibliography: Coleman 2006, 131– 132, 136; RE 13.2, s. v. Lucina, 1648 – 1651 (Latte). rms

Lucius1 4.55.1. ‖ →Licinianus.

Lucius2 5.14.5. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ Lucius is the most widespread Roman praenomen. ‖ It is used in a generalising sense (→Nanneius, who wants a seat in the ranks reserved for the equites, sits between →Gaius and Lucius in the theatre). As Canobbio ad loc. explains, “nella prattica giuridica romana Gaius Seius e Lucius Titius erano nomi di comodo uti-

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lizzati per dare concretezza ai casi generici”. For other interpretations see Howell 1995, 92. Bibliography: Canobbio 2002, 33; 2011, 197; Howell 1995, 92. rms

Lucius3 Iulius →Iulius Martialis.

Lucretia 1.90.5; 11.16.9; 11.104.21. ‖ Legendary character. ‖ She was the wife of Tarquinius Collatinus and was raped by Sextus Tarquinius, son of the king Tarquinius Superbus; after the rape, she committed suicide and provoked the overthrow of the monarchy, instigated by →Brutus1. ‖ Liv. 1.58 – 59; Ov. Fast. 2.721– 852. ‖ Lucretia became a paradigm of the heroic and chaste Roman woman: V. Max. 6.1.1 Dux Romanae pudicitiae Lucretia. ‖ She appears in the epigrams three times, as a paradigm of chastity. Epigram 1.90 is an attack on the lesbian →Bassa: as she was always surrounded by women, the speaker had wrongly thought that she was a Lucretia. Epigram 11.16 advises circumspect readers to refrain from reading the book, due to the risqué tone of its epigrams; but these will be read by everyone, including →Curius, →Fabricius2 and the girls of Padua, notorious for their strict morality. The poem ends with the anachronistic scene of Lucretia reading the book of epigrams and being surprised by Brutus; at first, she blushes and leaves the book, but Martial asks Brutus to exit the room so that she can keep on reading. Finally, in 11.105 the speaker reproaches his wife for her excessive modesty in their sexual encounters, contrasting with his own likes; if she likes gravitas, she is advised to be a Lucretia during the day, but at night he wants her to be a →Lais, the famous Corinthian prostitute. Bibliography: Citroni 1975, 283; Howell 1980, 298; Kay 1985, 103, 282; RE 13.2, s. v. Lucretius 38, 1692– 1695 (Münzer); Vallat 2008, 213 – 215, 233 – 237. jfv

Lupercus 1.117,1,5,18; 3.75.1,8; 4.28.1,8; 6.6.1; 6.51.1; 7.83.1; 9.87.6; 11.40.1; 12.47.1. ‖ Fictional character. ‖ A very common name (Kajanto 1965, 318). The Luperci were priests who took part in the Lupercalia (Wiseman 1995). ‖ Lupercus is the butt of satirical epigrams which deal mostly, but not exclusively, with the sexual. In most of the epig