A history of journalism and communication in China 9781138855090, 113885509X

Citation preview

A History of Journalism and Communication in China

From a modern perspective, journalism is highly relevant to modern society, along with the emergence of mass printing system and professionalisation. This book, however, expands the meaning of journalism and views it as a social process. It will not only explore the roots and development of Chinese journalism and communication but also demonstrate how Chinese journalism and communication interact and struggle with social culture and politics. Arranged in chronological order mainly, this book examines the initial development of Chinese journalism in ancient times, which from then manifested strong political attributes. After the Opium War in 1840, missionaries and businessmen from the West started to set up newspapers and periodicals in China, which brought about the birth of China’s modern journalism industry. Then China’s private newspapers and political party’s press are studied, which are closely linked with political revolutions and have a far-reaching impact on modern Chinese society. What happened to Chinese journalism and communication after the founding of People’s Republic of China in 1949? This book reviews the newspaper reforms, and studies the great negative impacts brought by “Cultural Revolution”. Noteworthy news phenomena after the reform and opening-up are also covered. This book will appeal to scholars and students in journalism, communication and Chinese studies. Readers interested in Chinese society and modern Chinese history will also be attracted by it. Yunze Zhao is Associate Professor and Associate Dean in School of Journalism and Communication, Renmin University of China. His research interests include history of Chinese journalism and communication, new media and so on. Ping Sun is Assistant Professor in the Institute of Journalism and Communication, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. Her research focus lies in new media and history of Chinese communication.

Chinese Perspectives on Journalism and Communication Series Editor: Wenshan Jia is Professor of Communication at Renmin University of China and Chapman University

With the increasing impact of China on global affairs, Chinese perspectives on journalism and communication are growing in global demand. This series focuses on theory and research-oriented scholarship on journalism and communication broadly defined from Chinese perspectives, aided by a variety of methods, and informed by indigenous, interdisciplinary, intercultural or global approaches. Titles in this series currently include: A History of Journalism and Communication in China Yunze Zhao, Ping Sun Propaganda Concept, Utterance, and Legitimation Hailong Liu Cyber Nationalism in China Hailong Liu ed. Immersive Communication: The Communication Paradigm of the Third Media Age Qin Li

For more information, please visit www.routledge.com/Chinese-Perspectives-onJournalism-and-Communication-Series/book-series/CPJC

A History of Journalism and Communication in China

Yunze Zhao Ping Sun

First published in English 2018 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2018 Yunze Zhao and Ping Sun The right of Yunze Zhao and Ping Sun to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Published in Chinese by China Renmin University Press, 2012 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN: 978-1-138-85509-0 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-72055-5 (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by Apex CoVantage, LLC

Contents

List of figures

vi

Introduction

1

1

The communication mechanism in ancient China

4

2

The birth of the modern journalism industry in China

22

3

China’s private newspapers and periodicals

40

4

The development of Chinese political party’s press

66

5

The reform and development of journalism in the new China

97

6

Journalism in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

112

7

Conclusion

152

Postscript References Index

159 160 164

Figures

2.1 4.1 5.1 7.1

Liang Fa Li Dazhao Guan Guangmei The social stratification that the communication system relied on in ancient China

36 81 106 153

Introduction

Only when people are familiar with the past can they grasp the present and make plans for the future. A History of Journalism and Communication in China is a modest attempt to explore the roots of Chinese journalism and its development. From a modern perspective, the concept of a journalism industry is highly relevant to modern society, along with the emergence of mass printing systems and professionalization. This book, however, expands the meaning of journalism, viewing it from an extended historical perspective in a Chinese context. In other words, journalism in this book is not only a term that describes news collecting, writing, editing, and commenting but also a social process, which actively interacts with political, social, and cultural contexts in different periods of Chinese history. We argue that understanding the history of Chinese journalism is of vital importance. It not only helps us gain an overview of how Chinese newspapers and communication mechanisms have developed but also pushes the reader to reconsider the relationship between journalism and its historical context in different times of China. Chinese journalism can never be fully understood without taking corresponding sociopolitical structures and forces into consideration. Known as the only one among the world’s four ancient civilizations still in existence, the development of China’s journalism and communication provides us with a unique reference to broaden our understanding of the social dynamics of journalism worldwide. As early as 1900 B.C., communication activities already existed in China. From its initial development, Chinese journalism manifested strong political attributes. For instance, the earliest collection of news resources was to help the ruler know his people better (called caifeng in ancient China, 采风). In the following feudal periods, the political system became the underlying backbone of Chinese journalism and its development. The earliest newspaper Di Bao in ancient China was an official publication, which was mainly used to deliver imperial decrees or official memoranda. The readership of ancient newspapers was limited among the ruling class, such as the imperial institutions, officials, and intellectuals. Official newspapers, therefore, maintained their dominance from the very beginning. Communication and journalism have played active roles in enhancing imperial power. Paradoxically however, they have also served an important function in social collaboration and emancipation. This can be seen in the prevalence of their

2

Introduction

counterpart, unofficial tabloids, as well as the enlightening role modern newspapers have played in advocating for liberation, science, democracy, and independence. In other words, the history of Chinese journalism becomes more interesting when it displays the struggle between journalism and authority. When China was colonized by foreign countries, modern newspapers and their journalists became a bridge to disseminate knowledge and enhance communication between China and the West. At the same time, newspapers also became a tool for China’s independence. The modern newspaper industry in China came to reflect China’s role during the process of modernity: journalists talked about freedom and democracy and advocated reports being independent, objective, and fair. Ta Kung Pao was one of these cases. It emerged as an outstanding newspaper known for its “Four Nos Policy” (sibu fangzhen, including “no party affiliation, no political endorsement, no self-promotion, and no ignorance”). The four doctrines indicate Ta Kung Pao’s pursuit for being objective and professional. This book also presents cases of the outstanding journalists and classic works in Chinese history. In ancient China, there were officials who were responsible for recording the life of the emperors. Some of the officials were brave enough to record the bad habits, mistakes, or inappropriate behaviors of emperors and confronted the conflicts between themselves and the rulers. These officials are not journalists in the classic definition, but their spirit inspired people throughout time and space and paved a solid path for journalists following in their footsteps to stand up and speak out. By the dawn of the modern era, Chinese journalists were not afraid to express their opinions. As newspapers, magazines, and the press flourished, some of the journalists even led movements of public criticism, especially when the government was corrupt or when China was on the verge of war. Not until the late nineteenth century was journalism accepted as a “decent” occupation, even though most of the scholar–officials and intellectuals actively participated in journalism and communication activities. The ideology “he who excels in learning should become a politician” (xueeryou zeshi), in ancient China, maintained such a strong influence on modern scholars that they would become journalists only when they could not find a way into politics. There were, however, many intellectuals who failed in the imperial examination and joined the ranks of journalists in modern China. This group of people greatly influenced the social development of modern China, even to this day. These aim-to-be politicians saw the problems of the government and tried to provoke social challenges through newspapers and the press. We also think that learning the history of Chinese journalism is an important way to learn from our outstanding journalists, who have never lacked the courage to challenge authority or promote social change. For example, as a journalist who used to study in the United States, Xu Baohuang became the first person in China to open a journalism class in a university. His book Journalism (1919) was the first that specialized in journalism. Another example is Shao Piaoping, who surrendered his life to uncover the dark side of warlord Zhang Zuolin. As a talented writer and photographer who excelled in reporting social problems, Shao was called the

Introduction 3 “all-rounder of news”. His support for students’ social movements and social revolutions was legendary. Similarly, you will also find many classic works in the history of Chinese journalism, for example, the “Three Color Report” (sanse baodao). In 1987, after the Daxinganling inferno, four reporters from China Youth Daily (Zhongguo Qingnian Bao) – Lei Shoumai, Li Zhongwei, Ye Yan, and Jia Yonggan – rushed to the front line to conduct in-depth interviews and subsequently wrote three in-depth reports called Red Warning, Black Chant and Green Sadness, which are considered to be classic Chinese in-depth reports. Red Warning cut into institutional problems that caused the fire. The article depicted “a female magistrate who is a fanatical communist”. It also reflected upon flaws of the system including the “endless meeting”. Black Chant reflected on the nature of humanity. During the outbreak of the disaster, there were unsung heroes who saved others regardless of personal safety – for example, PLA (People’s liberation Army of China) soldiers who fought against the fire and the thief who helped a household to put out the fire – and also some sycophants who did not forget to fawn over their leaders. Green Sadness was written from the perspective of environmental protection to reveal the reason for this disaster. After the fire, many people were most concerned about whether or not they could afford to buy a big closet instead of dealing with the ecological problems. These three in-depth reports, each from a different perspective, revealed the profound underlying causes of the fire. At the time, they caused a great sensation. These three reports are still towering classics today no matter the reporting perspective or writing method. There is no doubt that the study of the history of Chinese journalism is an interesting and fulfilling journey. The study of Chinese journalism represents a long journey across time and space. Following our guide, readers will move from slave society, where journalism and communication were still in their very beginning, to feudal society, when imperial power and its official newspaper maintained their dominance. Readers will also visit the newspapers and journalists in modern China, when China was defined as a semi-feudal and semi-colonial society, where newspapers struggled for independence and were also a bridge to spread Western knowledge. The journey will end in socialist China, where, under the guidance of the Chinese Community Party, newspapers and the press have contributed to great social and economic benefits. This book will not talk about journalism and communication activities in isolation but will reveal a more complicated map that demonstrates how journalism interacts with social culture and politics. It will show that despite being forcefully controlled and managed, journalism has fought back to become a powerful tool for the enlightenment in Chinese society. This study is supported by funding for building world-class universities (disciplines) of Renmin University of China.

1

The communication mechanism in ancient China

With a history of more than 5,000 years, Chinese civilization is characterized by its continuity and cohesion. For the ancient emperors, however, maintaining such a vast empire was a huge challenge. Although freedom of speech was prohibited in some periods of imperial dynasties, the communication mechanism throughout history was manifested as mutual and interactive. In the Chinese ancient classic Guo Yu, there is a saying: “It will cause more harm to stop the free flow of people’s thoughts than to stop the rivers (fangminzhikou, shengyufangchuan)”. This idiom highlights the importance for authorities to pay attention to public opinion. As a consequence, many up-down communication channels were built. During the dynasties Xia, Shang, and Western Zhou, emperors established the caifeng system, sending officials and scholars to visit the ordinary people to collect rumors, opinions, and thoughts. Until the Tang Dynasty, this method became the embryonic form of China’s earliest newspaper. From the Tang Dynasty, ancient China formed a unique newspaper system, which mainly functioned as the bridge between the royal power and its citizens. Ancient citizens also developed varied ways to deliver information, express opinions, and participate in public discussions. Through assembly, association, protests, or the writing of poems and the printing tabloids, ordinary citizens built counter-hierarchal communication channels in imperial China. This chapter focuses on communication mechanisms between the imperial power and the ordinary people in ancient China. In chronological order, this chapter talks about how the ruling groups collected and disseminated information and how the ordinary people expressed and formed public opinion movements. Communication methods such as caifeng, poems, newspapers, tabloids, remonstrations, and the Qingyi movement are discussed.

Collecting folk songs (caifeng) According to the records of the Zuozhuan, there was a system especially for collecting people’s opinions during ancient times.1 This system was called Wangguancaishi or Wangguancaifeng, literally meaning “officials collect the poems”. In the Xia, Shang, and Zhou periods, the emperor sent officials to the countryside to collect folk songs and poems. These officials were known as qiuren,

The communication mechanism in ancient China 5 and they were responsible for communications. The qiuren represented a bridge between the emperor and his citizens. The qiuren had two key duties. First, they disseminated imperial decrees to the ordinary people. Second, they were responsible for collecting citizens’ political opinions to submit them to the emperor. In the Spring and Autumn Period (Chunqiushiqi), this caishi activity was institutionalized. According to the records of a series of bamboo slips in the Warring States period (Zhanguoshiqi), Confucius made a holistic record of the poems in his time (Liu & Liu, 1957). In the Zuozhuan, it says that “(there were people) holding wooden Duo, patrolling the street and asking for opinions”.2 It was thought that the songs, nursery rhymes, and poems collected in the caifeng contained important information for the authorities. First, it was helpful for the emperor to know his people and their customs, culture, and life. It was believed that the rules and social regulations in different regions and places should correspond with one’s specific lifestyle and cultures. Through the information collected in the caifeng, the authorities could rule the people better. Second, it was useful for the emperor to know people’s political opinions. The ruler of the Zhou Dynasty drew lessons from the Xia and paid particular attention to its people’s opinions. Thus, the rulers of that time transformed the core ideology of power from a God-oriented focus to a people-oriented focus. During the Zhou Dynasty, the officials sent to carry out caifeng duties were called xingren (also called qiuren, translated as “mobile people”). The xingren were also divided into different levels including daxingren, xiaoxingren, and xingfu. Another related group was the youxuan. One of the important tasks for the youxuan was to collect poems. There were various kinds of methods employed in the collection of poems. Taking an organizational communication perspective, poem collection can be divided into horizontal and vertical axes. The vertical axis includes caishi and xianshi. The vertical axis refers to a top-down process in which the officials collected the poems from the ordinary people, whereas xianshi refers to a bottom-up process whereby the ordinary people or the aristocracy gave their poems to the emperors. The horizontal axis included chenshi and chengshi, referring to mutual communication among countries, officials, or intellectuals through poems. After a year’s caifeng, the youxuan was responsible for filing, categorizing, and editing all the collected folk songs, dialects, and customs into books to be submitted to the emperor. The Zhou emperor could then understand his country by virtue of the collected information. In the Classic of Poetry (Shijing), the section Guofeng was mainly comprised of poems collected from everyday folk.3 Some of the poems were collected by youxuan and put to music. The following is an excerpt from the most famous poem, Shuoshu (translated as “Large Rat”). Large rat, large rat, Eat no more millet we grow! Three years you have grown fat; No care for us you show. We’ll leave you now, I swear,

6

The communication mechanism in ancient China For a happier land, A happier land where We may have a free hand. Large rat, large rat, Eat no more wheat we grow! Three years you have grown fat; No kindness for us you show. We’ll leave you now, I swear, We’ll leave the land of our birth For a happy state where We can get what we’re worth.

The poem was collected in the Zhou period in the state of Wei. During the period of Wei, where slavery was prevalent, ordinary people were exploited harshly by the slaveholders. This poem showed the tensions between the two groups. The poem compares the slaveholder to a large rat, depicting a vivid image of his greed and ruthlessness. Meanwhile, sentences like “We’ll leave you now, I swear, for a happier land” also indicate slaves’ hatred of their current conditions and their potential for social change. The collection of public opinions, however, was not novel to this era. Dating back to the period in Chinese mythology, shanggushidai, there were many accounts taking note of their people’s opinions. According to the historical works Guanzi•Huangongwen, Huainanzi•Zhushuxun, and Fanjinrenming, the three sovereigns and five emperors (Sanhuang Wudi) and other tribe leaders showed great concern for the opinions of ordinary people. For example, one of the five emperors, Yao, put a drum in the imperial court and encouraged his people to pound it to get attention and then state their opinions to him. Similarly, Shun set wooden boards along his main traffic routes to make sure people could write their opinions and suggestions for him.4 The drum and the wooden boards represented methods for public opinion expression in the Chinese mythological period. During the Xia Dynasty, the Emperor Yu set five different instruments in front of his palace to encourage people to express their opinions. The five instruments were called Zhong (a bell), Gu (a drum), Duo, Qin, and Tao. The caifeng system began to decline at the end of the Spring and Autumn Period. During the reign of Emperor Qin Shihuang, public criticism was heavily regulated. Any political opinions and suggestions were regarded as malicious criticisms of the emperor, and people who gave them were severely punished. Although this led to the decrease of criticism on the surface, mocking songs continued to be sung among the folk for a long period of time. Some believed that the caifeng system in the period of Chinese mythology had extended to the Qin Dynasty and evolved into the Yuefu during the Han Dynasty. Yuefu literally means “Music Bureau”, originally referring to the imperial governmental organization in charge of collecting or writing lyrics. Yuefu also refers to poems that were composed in a folk song style by the “Music Bureau”. This was similar to the caifeng system in Xia, Shang,

The communication mechanism in ancient China 7 and Zhou Dynasties. In addition to the lyrics composed by Yuefu members, officials in Yuefu also collected many folk songs and played them to the rulers, with many of them indicating the everyday lives and suffering of the common people, due to military service and wars.

Literature and communication Known as the oldest continuous writing system in the world, Chinese written script played important roles in ancient communication. The Tang poetry, the Song Ci, and the Yuan Opera are among the best examples. Many ideas and public opinions were delivered through these literary works. Tang poetry represents one of the most prosperous cultures in ancient China. There are more than 3,600 well-documented poets, and 55,000 poems, which contain a large number of comments and opinions on critical social events. During the Tang Dynasty, poets liked to send and copy poems to and with each other, through which they expressed their points of view. Among them, the “wall poem” (also called Tibi) was the most common type: a poet wrote his/her poem on the wall and made it public. Usually the walls were located in gathering places, such as hotels, bridge pillars, wine shops, temples, and station kiosks. As one Chinese poet said, “When a person arrived at one station, he/she would find the previous wall poem first (meidaoyitingxianxiama, xunqiangraozhumijunshi)” (Xu, 2000). In ancient China, poetry was not only a kind of literature but also a form of communication. This was especially true during the Tang Dynasty, when the work of poetry reached its peak. Within this context, a large number of citizens devoted themselves to the creation and dissemination of poetry, from the emperor to the ordinary people and from scholars to officials. In addition to oral communication, other media used for disseminating literature during the Tang Dynasty included scrolls, monuments, walls, Di Bao, Jian, rubbings, woodblock printing papers, and ceramics. These methods were fully utilized by the people of Tang to make sure Tang poetry would be inherited and that it maintained its function in news delivery and social communication. For example, the relevant records of An-Shi Rebellion in the Tang Dynasty can be found in not only The Old Tang History Book (Jiutangshu) and New Tang History Book (Xintangshu) but also within the Tang poems.5 The prominent Chinese poet Du Fu wrote a poem called “Recapture of the Regions North and South of the Yellow River” (Wen Guanjun Shoufu Henan Hebei) (Xu, 2000). The poem delivered the news that the imperial army had finally defeated the rebels. In the poem, Du expressed his excited mood when he heard that the Northern Gate had been recaptured and the 7-year An-Shi Rebellion was over. Recapture of the Regions North and South of the Yellow River It said the Northern Gate is recaptured of late; When the new reach my ears, my gown is wet with tears. Staring at my wife’s face, of grief I find no trace; Rolling up my verse books, my joy like madness looks.

8

The communication mechanism in ancient China Though I am white-haired, still I’d sing and drink my fill. With verdure springs aglow, it’s time we homeward go. We shall sail all the way through Three Gorges in a day. Going down to Xiangyang, we’ll come up to Luoyang.

This poem was written in the spring of 763 A.D. According to Zizhi Tongjian and Tangji, in the first month of 763, the traitor Shi Chaoyi failed and hanged himself. His man Li Huaixian cut Shi’s head off to signify surrender. Thus, the An-Shi Rebellion came to an end. At that time Du Fu and his wife were stuck in Zizhou, Sichuan, where they had lived a vagabond life for a long time. He wrote this poem when he heard the news. In the poem, the author delivered the news and expressed his fervent anticipation and infinite joy at the end of the rebellion in the tone of an ordinary person. News could be delivered through literature especially by ancient classical texts. However, the style was different from modern news. Ancient texts were short and refined. Sentences were modified to correspond to the rhyme. With the complexity in writing, the audience was required to take a longer time to deepen their understanding of the literature. Poetry in ancient dynasties was also used as a way for interpersonal communication. For example, the emperor and his officials might write poems to each other for political discussion, whereas some poets could write poems for each other to show their respect and admiration. Some people might write poems for their hometowns as well. One particular lyrical Song Ci, written by a general during the Song Dynasty, Yuefei, illustrates the use of literature to convey political opinions. This poem was called Man Jiang Hong•Nufachongguan (Tang, 1965). Man Jiang Hong refers to the title of a set of lyrical poems, which share the same pattern, whereas Nufachongguan is the particular title for this poem. The following is the content of the lyrical poem in English: My wrath bristles through my helmet, the rain stops as I stand by the rail; I look up towards the sky and let loose a passionate roar. At the age of 30, my deeds are nothing but dust; my journey has taken me more than 8,000 li. So do not sit by idly, for young men will grow old in regret. The Humiliation of Jingkang still lingers; when will the pain of the emperor’s subjects ever end? Let us ride our chariots through the Helan Pass! There we shall feast on barbarian flesh and drink the blood of the Xiongnu. Let us begin anew to recover our old empire before paying tribute to the emperor.6 This lyrical poem is infectious, with Yuefei vowing to serve the country with his life. It is also a typical work that embodies the author’s political opinions and suggestions. Through this poem, Yuefei stated his anger for the Jingkang Incident and issued his desire to fight with Jin and take back their capital. During the Yuan Dynasty, the Chinese play Dou E Yuan is the most representative of a critique in its era. Dou E Yuan can be translated to The Injustice to Dou E. The play is a Yuan opera written by Guan Hanqing. It tells a story of a woman

The communication mechanism in ancient China 9 called Dou E, who was tortured and forced to confess to a murder that was committed by other people. The classical sentences in this opera illustrate the key message that the kind are always suffering and struggling, whereas the evil enjoy abundance and happiness. Through this opera, Guan Hanqing successfully created the character Dou E and made her the representative of the lower class – a kind and diligent women in ancient China. The opera also highlighted the unfairness, darkness, and chaos of the Yuan Dynasty. Hidden in the opera is Guan’s critique of the authorities and advocating for collective action.

Media for communication Newspapers in ancient China The discovery of ancient newspapers The prototype of ancient Chinese newspapers is the Dunhuang Jinzouyuanzhuang, which was found in Shazhou (an ancient place in northwestern China), Tang Dynasty. The two residual documents were found in the Dunhuang Mogao Grottoes in 1900. During the Tang Dynasty, the central government set a place called Jinzouyuan as its capital, where local governors (or jiedushi) could set their offices. The officers and the local governors who were nominated in Jinzouyuan were called Jinzouguan. The Jinzouguan were responsible for sending the latest messages of the emperor to their jiedushi. The Dunhuang Jinzouyuanzhuang is a two-page letter that Shazhou Jinzouguan sent to his Guiyi Army Jiedushi (a regional government from 848–1036 A.D. in Tang Dynasty) during the period of Emperor Xizong. Since the ancient Shazhou belonged to what is now Dunhuang city, and they were discovered in the Dunhuang Mogao Grottoes, these two historical documents were named after Dunhuang. This discovery has great importance because it not only provides direct proof that there were newspapers in the Tang Dynasty but also establishes China as the first country in the world to have newspapers. These two documents, however, are not kept in China. One manuscript is in the British Library in London, England. Being 97 cm long and 28.5 cm wide, its appearance is similar to contemporary white rice paper but is rather tough. The text is written from right to left, top to bottom, using Chinese ink brushes. The other manuscript is stored in the National Library of Paris, France. Another piece of evidence comes from the historical writing of Sun Qiao, known as an essayist and the student of writer Han Yu. During the period of Emperor Xuanzong, Sun obtained dozens of sheets of written materials in Xiang and Han area (Hubei Province today, 襄汉地区), which were unbound and without any title or inscription. These written materials are not coherent but are filed by days. Most of the contents was related to the daily activities of the emperor as well as the records for the prime minister (in feudal China) and other officials. Sun compared these unbound pages with the Buddhist classics Kaiyuan Lu of that time and found that the contents of these documents overlapped. Sun then recorded this matter and

10

The communication mechanism in ancient China

named it Reading Kaiyuan Zabao (Kaiyuan Zabao means some unbound pages from the Kaiyuan era) (Fang, 1996). The origin of China’s first newspaper is quite controversial; some scholars maintain that it originated from the Zhou Dynasty. Others believe it was from the Han Dynasty. Neither of them, however, has displayed any physical proof. Sun Qiao’s record of Reading the Kaiyuan Zabao provided further evidence for the conclusion that in the ancient Tang Dynasty, China already had its own newspaper (Fang, 1996). Official newspapers in ancient dynasties During the Han Dynasty, the local administrative agencies began to set up their own offices in the capital. These offices were originally called Di and were later renamed Shangduliuhouyuan or Shangdudiwuliuhouyuan. In the year 777 (Emperor Daizong’s time) they were renamed Shangduzhijinzouyuan, or Jinzouyuan (as explained in the previous section) for short. Sometimes they were also referred to as Liudi or Di. By the time of the Song Dynasty, the central government reformed Jinzouyuan to Du Jinzouyuan, which was an institution responsible for the dissemination of the “official newspaper” (Guanbao), which was also called Di Bao. Di Bao was the official newspaper, which was released by the central government during the Song Dynasty. The aforementioned Du Jinzouyuan was responsible for Di Bao’s publishing. Its main contents included the emperor’s decrees, daily life, the appointment and removal of officials, as well as ministerial memorials, military information, and penalties. Di Bao’s salient features were rooted in Song’s feudal system. First, different from the previous conceptualization of a newspaper, Di Bao spoke for the government. In other words, it was a way that the central government used to deliver orders and rules to its provinces. It was, however, very different from the enduring official dispatch system (Guanwenshu zhidu) that issued imperial orders and regulations from time to time. During the Song Dynasty, Di Bao had become an important media for local officials receiving information from the royal power. Second, the distribution was changed from irregular to periodic. Although the periodicity was often subject to change – sometimes as “daily”, sometimes as “every five days”, and sometimes as “monthly” – it was basically scheduled to the date. With the regularization of Di Bao, there was an increasing amount of information and strengthening timeliness of the news. As a consequence, the readership of Di Bao gradually extended to the central government officials, local officials at all levels, and the vast array of intellectuals and scholars (Shidafu). Drawing lessons from usurpation and revolts of warlords, the Northern Song Dynasty applied measures to reorganize its forces and strengthen its royal power. The news system became an important part of this process. In the year 999 (the Emperor Zhenzong’s time), Song implemented newspaper censorship, called Dingben. Dingben literally means “finalized the paper”. When the Jinzouguan finished drafting the newspaper, it was delivered to the Bureau of Military Affairs

The communication mechanism in ancient China 11 (Shumiyuan, one of the central government agencies that took control of the military forces) or to the prime minister for checking. After being checked, the Jinzouguan sent the final version of Di Bao to their local governors. Through this system, the central government controlled the communication channel between local governors and their Jinzouguan. This is possibly the earliest news censorship in China and can be regarded as one of the measures that the emperor employed to reinforce centralization. The following Dynasty, Yuan, failed to have an official newspaper or a national distribution system in its short ruling time. During the Ming Dynasty, Emperor Taizu Zhu Yuanzhang abolished the prime ministerial system, which had until then endured thousands of years in Chinese history. This action further enforced his imperial power. The practice of censorship remained; however, the supervisor of the newspaper became the emperor himself. Upon drafting each edition, the officials filed, edited, and delivered the newspaper to the emperor. The emperor then marked the papers using the cinnabar to show his permission for printing. Because the cinnabar was red, the system was also called “Marking Red” (pihong). In addition, social news appeared in Ming’s official newspaper. According to Ming Renwenji (a historical document records the events in Ming), people had seen reports of strange affairs or unusual phenomenon from Di Bao (Fang,1996). For example, some read news on Di Bao saying that a woman had given birth to a weird baby who had one eye, one ear and four teeth or a two-neck cow that had four eyes, four ears, and two mouths. In Ming, the official newspaper became even more prevalent, and some local officials began to pay for the newspaper (Fang, 2009). In the following section, we are going to mention three important newspapers in the Ming Dynasty. They are The Urgent (Jixuanbao), Wanli Dichao, and Tianbian Dichao. For a long time, the ancient newspaper was copied by hand. According to Ming’s philologist Gu Yanwu, the printed Di Bao was not available until the year 1638 (the 11th year of the Emperor Chongzhen). According to Chinese historian Yin Yungong, most of the Di Bao was still copied by hand after 1638 due to the high expense for printing, whereas only the highly valued news was printed using advanced woodblock printing (Diaoban Yinshua) during that time (Yin, 1989).7 Stored in the National Library of Beijing, The Urgent is the earliest existing printed newspaper in China. It was published in the year 1580 (the eighth year of Wanli, during the period of Emperor Shenzong) and maintained a history of more than 400 years. The paper and print quality, however, were not high, indicating that it was printed in haste. The stored piece is currently the only original newspaper from the Ming Dynasty and is also the earliest newspaper that was preserved in China. The brochure is 24.6 cm long and 14.4 cm wide, six pages in total, and is covered by a yellow paper with a black box printed header, containing “The Urgent” and “April” inside. The main body of the paper is divided into four columns, starting with words saying that the Ministry of Personnel had nominated some officials. Then it was followed by the names, places of origin, and titles

12

The communication mechanism in ancient China

of 162 newly nominated officials. Different from the official Di Bao, there is no publishing unit or name on it, implying that besides Di Bao, the civil publishing houses also produced other kinds of newspapers. Thus, it is unknown whether The Urgent was released separately or as an attachment to the Di Bao. Wanli Dichao is a copy of Ming’s Di Bao. As a total piece of 32 pages, it was copied in accordance with the time. There are no names of the copiers on them, but handwriting analysis has determined that more than one person participated in the manuscript’s creation. The publication of Wanli Dichao ran from 1573 (the first year of the Emperor Shenzong) to 1617 (the 45th year of the Emperor Shenzong), for a total of 45 years. According to rough estimation, Wanli Dichao has a total of 452,700 words, of which the largest piece is the one from the 36th year of the Emperor Shenzong, amounting to more than 38,000 words, whereas the least is from the third year of the Emperor Shenzong period, with only 600 words. The contents of Wanli Dichao are diverse. It contains important social events such as military conflicts, natural phenomena such as solar eclipses, fires, earthquakes, and weather changes such as lightning and storms. There are also special events that draw particular attention. For example, it was found that in the year 1589, a lower level official from Dali Temple (Dalisi) called Luo Yuren wrote to the emperor, criticizing him for his indulgence in wine and women. Due to the loose censorial control of the time, this article was fortunately copied and stored by official historian and it can be seen in historical documentarians later. The copiers also made some changes to the newspaper. They abridged some of the content but added abstracts, notes, and reasons for selective copying. Sometimes copiers put together news of the same event and edited them into a whole story. For instance, there was a social event about a person called Lou Foxian. The report consisted of the background, process, and result. First, it introduced Lou Foxian, who used to be a stonemason but converted to Buddhism and became an advocate, persuading people to eat vegetarian food and do good things. Then, the body of the text described how Lou Foxian and his disciples, who sought to enlighten the emperor, went to the royal city, broke into the forbidden areas, and were arrested. The account also mentioned the report from the Eastern Deport (Dongchang) and the decree from the emperor to arrest this group of people.8 Finally, the account ended with Lou Foxian being executed and his disciples being punished. Although somewhat macabre, this account serves as a fine example of the integration of news into the publication. According to the research of Taiwan scholars, Wanli Dichao was created at the end of the Ming Dynasty, and it helped us to trace the original Di Bao. These copies are rich in content and strong in continuity. They not only represent precious historical data for further research on Di Bao in the Ming Dynasty but also firsthand information on the history of the Ming Dynasty. Unfortunately, there remains no indication of the identities of either the author of the original Di Bao or its copiers. No names were left in these pieces. Tianbian Dichao is a specialized Di Bao, which reported the weather change (Tianbian) on May 6, 1626 (the sixth year of Tianqi, during the period of Emperor Xizong). The so-called Tianbian refers to a large explosion in the south area of

The communication mechanism in ancient China 13 Beijing, affecting nearly a hundred miles across the city. This piece is about 2,000 words, beginning with the following narrative (Fang, 2005): On the morning of May 6th, year Bingyin, the sky was bright and clean.9 Suddenly, there were roaring sound coming from the northeast, with grey smoke filling the air and shaking houses. It was like the sky had collapsed, and the night had fallen. From the Shunchengmen Street to the Ministry of Penalty Street (xingbujie), the explosion had decimated an area of approximately two square kilometers. Thousands of houses had collapsed, and hundreds of people were killed. In Wanggong Factory, bodies were piled together, while the smell of death hung in the air. Debris was everywhere, and all traces of the original buildings were erased. There were survivors in the city, but their houses were shattered. People fled onto the streets, and the whole city was in chaos. The elephant house collapsed, and all the elephants fled. Visible even from a great distance, the smoke was heavy. Later it was revealed that the explosion was due to a fire in the powder factory. The officials started to arrest the individuals responsible, however, many of them were injured. It was a really a terrifying catastrophe. After this passage, the news described the moment when the explosion happened, the reactions of various institutions, as well as ominous signs 10 days before the explosion. There were vivid descriptions on the scene, such as “the injured people were naked” and “on the Chang’an Street, there were heads and noses falling through the smoke. Large timbers were lifted into the air and were found in Miyun [a county of Beijing]. The stone lion weighing thousands of kilograms flew out of Shunchengmen Street”. This report covered the time span of nearly a month and reported on an affected area of 600 or 700 square kilometers. It also involved many institutions and different levels of people: for example, the emperor, Qintianjian, the general officials from a variety of departments, the local governor, limu, mengshi, neishi, eunuchs, miaozhu, Taoist priests, barefoot monks, patrol soldiers, servants, carriers, and people who sold coffins.10 It is evident that the reporter must have done comprehensive interviews and investigations when writing the news. Thus, the publication is valuable for studying the news during the Ming period. With the increasing needs of the literati and the public, Baofang Jingbao appeared at the end of the Ming Dynasty. It was not an official newspaper because it did not have its own news and editorials. The newspaper was divided into three parts: government documents (Gongwenchao), the imperial decrees, and officials’ memorials. Most of its readers were officials and scholars, and thus, it can be seen as a replica of Di Bao. During the Qing Dynasty, the power of the emperor reached its peak. Production of the newspaper was under the total control of the central government. The process of issuing the official newspaper was very similar to the process during the Ming Dynasty. It required several different stages before being approved for publication. These stages included the Administrative Department (zhengtongshisi),

14

The communication mechanism in ancient China

the Six Branches, and the Titang.11 The main task of the Administrative Department was to collect the officials’ memoranda and deliver them to the emperor. The Six Branches were responsible for copying and issuing the decrees of the emperor and delivering the memoranda of officials, with imperial decrees taking priority. Titang was responsible for collating the official newspaper. The official in Titang was called Titangguan, and they were responsible for sending the decrees and memoranda to their local governors (Fang, 1996). Through making a review of the history of ancient China’s newspapers, it is evident that compared with the modern newspaper, neither the official nor the private copy had editorials or comments. These publications also barely contained information originating from ordinary people. Therefore, it is impossible to take public opinion into consideration. Unofficial tabloids The following section will discuss another type of newspaper – tabloids. In Chinese, what is commonly known as a tabloid newspaper today is also called Xiaobao, which literally means small, temporary newspapers. Compared with the official newspapers, these tabloids are rich in both content and type and are considered as the counterparts of official newspapers. In the Northern Song Dynasty, after the establishment of the Du Jinzouyuan, which was the institution responsible for the dissemination of the official newspaper Di Bao, the private tabloid appeared as its counterpart. As early as the time of Emperor Zhenzong and the Renzong period (from year 998 to year 1062), there were tabloids circulating in the capital Kaifeng.12 During the Emperor Huizong and Qinzong period (from year 1101 to year 1127), tabloid publication gradually formed into an industry. The circulation of tabloids was, however, forbidden by the imperial court. From the Northern Song Dynasty to the Southern Song Dynasty, the punishment for collating a tabloid became more and more heavy. The tabloids survived, however, and even thrived during the Southern Song Dynasty. In Song Huiyao Jigao, tabloids are also mentioned in the Emperor Guangzong period (1190–1194).13 The existence of tabloids has been recorded in numerous ancient literature sources. For example, some mentioned that tabloids were sold at the market, with the publishers being intellectuals who had mastered the art of printing. There were printed tabloids, containing rich content that was mostly concerned with royal decrees or officials’ memoranda. Most tabloids of the Song Dynasty, however, were copied by hand. This kind of tabloid was relatively short, with its main content being comprised of political or military information. Compared with the official newspaper, the tabloid was published more regularly and reliably. For tabloids, time is the first priority. To attract readers, sometimes tabloids even released the news before any official statements were made. Those tabloids hired people who specialized as information collectors, and in some sense, this group of people also represent the earliest group of “journalists”. Thus the timeliness of these tabloids won them a wide range of readers, from all

The communication mechanism in ancient China 15 levels of officials to the general intellectuals and from the royal family members to people who were concerned about the imperial court affairs. The increased demand made the producers of the tabloid quite productive, through which they made “substantial gains”. The reliability of the news, however, was sometimes questionable. To make money, tabloids also copied rumors or made up stories of their own (Fang, 1996). Besides decrees or officials’ memoranda, the tabloids also reported the news that the official newspapers did not mention, including both news reports and comments. Sometimes tabloids contained comments criticizing the imperial court or advocating for collective movements. The inclusion of such dissenting voices partly explains the reason why they were forbidden by the authorities. The existence of the tabloid, however, was quite meaningful, as it not only provided the alternative source of information for officials and ordinary people but also broke the dominance of the Di Bao and made the news circulation in ancient China more dynamic. During the Yuan Dynasty, even though there was no official newspaper, journalism and communication activities still proliferated. There was a kind of tabloid called Xiaoben, which literally referred to a “small brochure”. The Xiaoben can be considered as the continuation of the Xiaobao during the Song era. The key difference between Xiaoben and Xiaobao was that Xiaoben was made using woodblock printing, which was the latest printing system at that time. During the Qing Dynasty, the control of tabloids became more stringent. In 1726 (the fourth year of Emperor Yong Zheng) He Yuen and Shao Nanshan were executed for tabloid production. Tabloids were like sparks that ignited passions in the long history of Chinese feudal societies, even if they were not powerful enough to influence public opinion to a significant degree. In a system centered on imperial power, the structure and opportunity for public debate was weak, and as a consequence, it was impossible for tabloids to represent the public in a meaningful way. Communication tools In addition to newspapers, the ancient Chinese also developed different forms of media to deliver information, like the Lubu, the bang, the poster (Jietie), the Flag (Qibao), the Board (Paibao), the Xiwen, and the Zhuchou. These forms functioned as media for the government to disseminate regulations and information, whereas some were also used by dissidents and citizens to express their public opinions. The Lubu was first seen during the Han Dynasty and was widely used in the Wei, Jin, Sui, Tang, and other historical periods. The Lubu was comprised of official documents that become public without having been censored. At the very beginning, the Lubu was used in military communication, especially for disseminating the victories of war. The Lubu was written on materials made of silk, hung on poles, and carried by soldiers who rode fast horses to disseminate the news. According to the records of The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons (Wenxin Diaolong), sometimes people regarded the Lubu as Xiwen because they had similar functions in communication.14 Xiwen (檄文) first appeared in the

16

The communication mechanism in ancient China

Warring period, with its main function being military use. During the period of the Six Dynasties (222–589), Xiwen and Lubu developed in different directions. Xiwen was mainly used for prewar condemnation, whereas Lubu was used to disseminate military victories. During war times like the Northern Wei Dynasty, the Lubu became a popular media for propaganda. During the Sui Dynasty, the Lubu was further developed. It became a form of etiquette to promote national prestige and morality. This undoubtedly improved the status of the Lubu in political affairs. According to the records of Suishu·Liyizhi, the emperor ordered Niu Hong and Pei Zheng to promote the Lubu etiquette. After defeating Chen, the emperor announced the victory using the Lubu. According to the records of Wulitongkao, there were 23 kinds of military etiquette, of which Lubu was used in the seventh. There were detailed descriptions of the Lubu etiquette according to the record of New Book of Tang (Volume 16, Liyue 6), which was published during the Song Dynasty. The basic situation was that officials of all ranks came to the court with formal dress. The vice minister of the military department announced the beginning, and the head of Zhongshu System read the content of the Lubu loudly. Then officials danced and bowed.15 From these historical materials, it is evident that in the Sui and Tang Dynasties, Xuan Lubu became part of political etiquette and a necessary means to show national authority. As a new form of releasing news, it was used in the late Ming and early Qing Dynasty, but with the development of other media forms, the role of the Lubu decreased. The bang was a means of news dissemination created by the government. Usually, the bang was used to publish decrees and other urgent regulations, official memorials, and reward and penalty affairs. During wartime, the bang was used to publicize military and political news in a timely manner to the public. The materials used in making the bang were usually stone, wood, and paper. According to the records of Zhouli• Tianguanzhongzai, the bang was hung high on the door of the palace. After 10 days, it was removed by officials. During wars in the periods of the Three Kingdoms, the Western and Eastern Jin, and the Southern and Northern Dynasties, the postal system was significantly improved. In the Sui and Tang Dynasties, the application of the bang involved all aspects of people’s lives. Many examples can be found in ancient books in which the government announced news to its citizens with the bang. One of the best examples was the imperial examination system established in the Sui and Tang Dynasties. The imperial examination became an important way for intellectuals to pursue official careers. Therefore, the bang of the imperial examinations would attract the attention of all walks of life. The candidate who attained high marks in the imperial exams would be shown on bang within 12 days. Bang were issued by the central authorities: some were published by the emperor, some by official departments, and some by local officials. During the Tang Dynasty, the bang became an important means of communication to announce the policies and popularize the laws. Bang was most widely used during the Song Dynasty. The poster was a propaganda tool that appeared in the Ming rebel army. It was similar to leaflets or fliers in contemporary society. Its main function was to publish political propaganda against the Ming Dynasty, propagate the insurrectionary

The communication mechanism in ancient China 17 army’s policy, and publish lists of corrupt officials and tyrants. In the late Ming Dynasty, the poster was flexibly used in the peasant army uprising. Some of the victories of Li Zicheng and Zhang Xianzhong were delivered by the poster. Li and Zhang also use the poster to announce policies, list corrupt officials, and encourage people to lodge complaints against them. They also used the poster to show the crimes of their enemies. The Flag and the Board were also widely used by the late Ming rebel army. The Flag originated from the Lubu. It was written by hand and was delivered by people who rode horses before or after the enemies entering the area. News such as military victories, slogans, and urgent policies were written on the Flag. The Board was a wooden newsletter. There were no uniform standards for the shape or size of the Board, but its contents and functions were similar to those of the Flag.

Remonstrance The previous sections are mainly about up-down communication. In other words, the information flow usually came from the imperial power and reached others in a downward direction. The remonstrance we are going to discuss here highlights its bottom-up way in communication. In ancient China, remonstrance was called Jian, Jianyan, or Jinjian. This refers to the act of officials presenting their opinions to the emperor. This was a bold action because officials risked offending the emperor. In the Analects of Confucius, Confucius mentioned how the tyrant Emperor Zhou treated his three remonstrators: he expelled Weizi, enslaved Jizi, and killed Bigan.16 The earliest records of remonstrance can be traced back to the Xia and Shang Dynasties. In the Spring and Autumn Period, remonstrance had formed its own culture, during which there were many examples. From Qin to Tang, the culture of remonstrance had achieved its peak, but before that, there was a widespread story about remonstration, which was called Zouji Feng Qiwang Najian. This tells the story of a person called Zou Ji, who later persuaded Emperor Qi to widely recruit opinions and suggestions from officials and ordinary people based on his own experience. During the reign of the Emperor Taizong, there was a famous remonstrator called Wei Zheng, who was known as making sharp remonstrance. He dared to face the dispute and never gave up even when the Emperor Taizong lost his temper. Wei Zheng appears in many stories with Emperor Taizong concerning remonstration. One classic story is called Taizong and the Harrier (Taizong Huaiyao) (Liu, 1957). The story about Taizong and the harrier can be seen in SuiTang Jiahua written by Liu Song during the Tang Dynasty. According to this book, Tang Taizong loved playing with birds. One day he found a harrier that was unusually beautiful, with the most striking feathers. He liked it so much that he played with it on his hand. When Wei Zheng came from a distance, Taizong hurriedly hid the bird in his clothes. Wei Zheng knew that Taizong had hidden the bird but did not mention it. He took the opportunity to tell Taizong stories about the ancient emperors who

18

The communication mechanism in ancient China

eventually lost the country due to their craving for comfort and enjoyment. He persuaded the Emperor Taizong that the wise emperor should take this as a warning. Wei continued to talk about this endlessly and did not want to stop. The harrier in Taizong’s clothes was almost suffocated. Taizong was worried about it, but he respected Wei Zheng and did not want to interrupt his words. Wei Zheng did not stop, and the bird eventually died. As the ruler of the country, although Taizong had supreme power, there were still some well-known remonstrators he respected. According to historical records, Wei had admonished more than 200 affairs to Emperor Taizong in 17 years. These included political, economic, cultural, and diplomatic affairs, emperor’s behaviors, and some other aspects. According to Jiutangshu, when Wei Zheng died, Tang Taizong burst into tears, saying, “If other people were the mirror to discipline yourself, then I have lost the most important mirror in my life”.17 The mutual trust between Taizong and Wei Zheng contributed to the economic prosperity and social stability of the Tang Dynasty. Before conducting remonstrance, ancient officials needed to be fully aware of the events. The main channel of obtaining ideas and opinions was from the scholars (menshi) they kept in their houses. Menshi were knowledgeable people who could provide remonstrators with effective and feasible information. In other words, they were the think tank of the remonstrator. In addition, to make good remonstrance, officials also participated in public debating, civil inspections, and historical readings to gain more information. According to history, we can divide remonstrance into the following categories: remonstrance through poem, remonstrance based on history, oblique remonstrance, anti-remonstrance, death remonstrance, and military remonstrance. Remonstrance by poem or based on history is a more euphemistic approach. To conduct remonstrance, officials wrote their opinions through song or historical records. Oblique remonstrance had the same effect. Rather than directly touch upon the question, officials usually used oblique manners to state their opinions or suggestions. Antiremonstrance refers to a strategic way of attracting the attention of the emperor by providing counterpoints or negative opinions. By doing this, the emperor may accept good advice as a result. Death remonstrance, literally speaking, is to conduct remonstrance that may get oneself killed. Because the remonstrance may encounter great resistance or may offend the rulers, officials risked their lives before the remonstrance. Military remonstrance involved the use of force to make the emperor take the advice (Qiu, 1991). For example, the remonstrance was conducted through mutiny or military force. From the Song Dynasty onward, however, with the continuous strengthening of the imperial power, remonstrance gradually declined.

The Qingyi movement Qingyi literally means “pure discussion” and, in ancient China, referred to a series of political activities, such as public debates, discussions, or criticism from the elite. The tradition of Qingyi can be traced back to the Spring and Autumn Periods. One of these debating places for intellectuals and politicians was called Xiangxiao.

The communication mechanism in ancient China 19 Literally translated as “rural school”, it was a public place in Zheng for scholars to get together to learn about and discuss political affairs.18 According to the record of Zuozhuan, there were regular gatherings in Xiangxiao where political affairs were discussed. Some officials suggested that Xiangxiao should be destroyed; however, the prime minister of Zheng Zichan believed that Xiangxiao was a valuable public space for the ruling class to reflect on his leadership and to correct his mistakes. Rather than banning Xiangxiao activities, Zichan encouraged intellectuals and scholars to get together and air their political opinions. Qingyi dates at least to the Han Dynasty (202 B.C.– 220 A.D.). In the Eastern Han Dynasty, the imperial relatives and eunuchs formed their own parties to compete for power. The imperial court was, therefore, undermined due to the secret fights and competition. To oppose this kind of political corruption, the scholars from Taixue gathered together in the capital and launched the Qingyi movement. Taixuesheng from Taixue rallied in public to discuss, debate, and criticize political figures and affairs. They discussed and gave comments to politicians, scholars, and literati. They made compliments about the talented people and criticized the power struggles between the imperial relatives and eunuchs. In Taixue, there were 30,000 students who were active in political discussion and participation.19 The elites showed great interest in Qingyi because the comments and opinions could promote one’s career. Soon Qingyi gained momentum and became a national movement among the elites. It also dealt the eunuch forces in the Eastern Han Dynasty a heavy blow. During the time of Emperor Huan in the Eastern Han Dynasty, there were numerous peasant revolts. Students in Taixue believed that eunuchs controlling the royal power were the main reason for the decline of the dynasty. To save the regime of Eastern Han, the students in Taixue attempted to fight against the forces of the eunuchs by Qingyi. During the Qingyi movement, scholar–officials like Li Ying, Chen Fan and Wang Chang were widely respected and admired by the students of Taixue. In 165, Chen Fan became the Taiwei, and Li Ying served as Silijiaowei (an important position in the imperial court). Both of them were dissatisfied with the eunuchs. After Li Ying became the Silijiaowei, a report spread that Zhang Shuo, the brother of the eunuch Zhang Rang, was implicated in corruption and extortion. Li Ying planned to investigate Zhang Shuo, but Zhang fled to Luoyang, hiding in his brother’s home. Li went to Zhang Rang’s home, found Zhang Shuo in the hollow wall, and arrested him. Zhang Rang found a court official to plead on behalf his brother; however, Li had scrutinized the case clearly, and Zhang Shuo was sentenced to death. Zhang Rang was angry and cried out to Emperor Huan. Emperor Huan knew that Zhang Shuo was definitely guilty, so he did not punish Li Ying. After that, Li’s reputation grew substantially. During the Southern Song Dynasty, Taixuesheng actively participated in political debates. According to historical records, when the Jingkang Incident happened, Chen Dong and other Taixuesheng (university students in Taixue) wrote to the emperor, asking him to punish the traitors. When Song moved its capital to Linan (a city called Hangzhou currently in Zhejiang Province), Taixuesheng stated their opinions and participated in political discussions even more directly. According to Mingyidaifanglu, the discussions and comments from the scholars were sharp and

20

The communication mechanism in ancient China

bold, and sometimes they criticized the imperial power directly (Huang, 2009).20 It greatly affected the decisions of the ruler. The Qingyi movement lasted for about 100 years after the Southern Song Dynasty. In the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties, Qingyi was relaunched by a group of scholars who were out of the power center, called Donglindang. At that time, Qingyi was also called the Donglin movement. It was established in 1604 by Gu Xiancheng, who was dismissed from his official position and returned to his hometown. Gao Panlong was a scholar in that time. Together, they restored the Donglin Academy, which was established during the Song Dynasty, and started to give lectures on state affairs and political figures, expressing their dissatisfaction with the incapable bureaucracy at that time. It soon became a center for dissent and was exterminated. However, the Donglin movement had an influential effect on the political life in late imperial China and was a remarkable movement for “public opinion” (Qiu, 1991).

Notes 1 The Zuozhuan, which is also translated as Commentary of Zuo, is an ancient Chinese narrative history for Spring and Autumn Period (Chunqiushiqi). It has 30 chapters, covers a period from 722 to 468 B.C., and focuses mainly on political, diplomatic, and military affairs from that era. 2 The Duo is a percussion instrument made by copper in ancient China. Duo was prevalent in in Spring and Autumn Period and the Han Dynasty. 3 The Classic of Poetry, or Shijing, is the oldest collection of Chinese poetry. It has 305 works covering a period from the eleventh to seventh centuries B.C. 4 Guanzi•Huangongwen is one of the essays from the Guanzi, an ancient Chinese political and philosophical text that documents the main thoughts and ideas of politician Guanzi, who was the prime minister to Duke Huan of Qi (Qihuangong). Duke Huan of Qi was one of the “Five Hegemons” in the Spring and Autumn Periods in ancient China (770–221 B.C.). Huainanzi•Zhushuxun is one of the essays from the Huainanzi, which is an ancient Chinese text consisting of a collection of essays. It was written by Liu An, the king of Huainan before 139 B.C. The work blends a series scholarly streams and concepts in that time, such as Daoist, Confucianist, and Legalist concepts, and so on. Fanjinrenming is a historical work by Sun Chu, a writer in the Xijin Dynasty. 5 The An-Shi Rebellion was devastating and significantly weakened the Tang Dynasty. The rebellion was from December 755 to February 763. It began when General An Lushan declared himself emperor in Northern China and established Yan Dynasty. The rebellion lasted for a period of three emperors before it was quashed, and it marked the collapse of the Tang Dynasty. 6 Li is an ancient Chinese measurement of distance, and it equals half a kilometer. Here 8,000 li is a metaphor that means a long distance. The Humiliation of Jingkang refers to the Jingkang Incident, which took place in year 1127. The Jeuchen-led Jin Dynasty conquered Song’s capital Bianjing (the city Kaifeng in current Henan Province, China) and captured Song’s Emperor Qinzong and his father Huizong. And it was marked as a humiliating event in Song’s history. Hulu and Xiongnu here refer to Jin’s army. 7 Woodblock printing was a technique used to print text, images, and patterns in textiles or papers. The technique originates from China and can be traced back to 220 A.D. 8 The Eastern Depot (Dongchang) was a spy and secret police agency in the Ming Dynasty created by the Emperor Yongle. It was then run by eunuchs to collect secrets and informational messages for the ruler.

The communication mechanism in ancient China 21 9 Bingyin refers to one of the 60 years in Chinese sexagenary cycle, which is used by ancient Chinese people as a method of recording days. It first appears in the oracle bones in the Shang Dynasty. The system consists the Ten Heavenly Stems (including jia, yi, bing, ding, wu, ji, geng, xin, ren, and gui) and the Twelve Earthly Branches (zi, chou, ying, mao, chen, si, wu, wei, shen, you, xu, and hai). Ancient Chinese people by combining the Ten Heavenly Stems and the Twelve Earthly Branches record the years. And now it still plays a critical role in Chinese astrology and fortune telling. 10 Qintianjian is an ancient official responsible for astronomical observation. Limu refers to a low-level civil official in Ming. Mengshi refers to teachers in ancient China. Miaozhu refers to people who do assisting jobs in temples. 11 The Six Branches is a central agency in the Qing Dynasty. The six branches are responsible for different social services regarding human resources, residential registration, social etiquette, military affairs, penalties, transportation, and so on. Titang is an official in Qing responsible for military communication. 12 Kaifeng is a city in Henan Province, China. 13 Song Huiyao Jigao is a work on the Song Dynasty in ancient China compiled by Xu Song, a historian in Qing Dynasty. 14 The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons (Wenxin Diaolong) is an influential work by Liu Xie. Dating back to the fifth century, the contents consist of 50 chapters based on the principles of numerology and divination found in I Ching (Yijing). It was a work on Chinese literary aesthetics, and Liu Xie’s remarkable notion in this work is that affections are literally the medium of literature and language merely the product. 15 The vice minister of the Department of Military (Bingbu Shilang) is equivalent to the deputy minister of the Department of Defences. It was first set in the third year of Daye in the Sui Dynasty (607), belonging to the Department of Military in Six Branches. It was responsible for the selection and appointment of the national military, military books, armaments, and orders. 16 WeiZi, JiZi and Bi Gan are “the three men of virtue” in the Shang Dynasty. Among them, Bi Gan served as the prime minister of tyrant Zhou. When they conducted remonstrance, Emperor Zhou was annoyed by their advice and punished them. 17 The Old Book of Tang (Jiutangshu) is the first historical work about the Tang Dynasty. The book was compiled during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period, comprising 200 chapters. It is one work of the Twenty-Four Histories (Ershisishi). 18 Zheng is one of the contender states in the Warring States period and was located in current Henan Province, China. 19 Taixue, which is also called the Imperial Academy, was the highest rank of educational institution in Han and is responsible for providing the imperial court high-quality bureaucrats. It can be seen as the earliest form of university. The students in Taixue can be called Taixuesheng. 20 Mingyidaifanglu is a historical work by Chinese historian Huang Zongxi in the Qing Dynasty. It comprises 21 works and advocates for democracy and freedom.

2

The birth of the modern journalism industry in China

After the Opium War, the closed door of China was broken. A large number of industrial products were sold to China, and missionaries and businessmen from the West started to set up newspapers and periodicals. As a result, the era of modern newspapers in China began. Newspapers could be divided, according to language and function, into Chinese religious newspapers, foreign commercial newspapers, and Chinese commercial newspapers. Among them, some newspapers and periodicals had far-reaching influence on the development of modern society in China, such as the Shun Pao and A Review of the Times. At the same time, with the opening of inland trading ports, China’s newspaper center gradually shifted from Hongkong to Shanghai. Objectively speaking, the activities of setting up newspapers by businessmen and missionaries from the West promoted the development of modern newspaper in China, which also cultured the first modern Chinese journalists. This cannot, however, conceal the essence of the Western invasion of China, namely, to deepen the colonial aggression against China through the dissemination of Western ideology and values.

The beginning of modern newspaper industry The Christian missions in China In the early Qing Dynasty, Western missionaries attempted to use newspapers to preach. The development of Christianity in China, however, can be traced back more than 1,000 years. The earliest record of the introduction of Christianity into China was in the year 635 (the ninth year of the Emperor Taizong of Tang). The existing historical materials documented the arrival of a Syrian monk called Arroban in Chang’an (current Xi’an city, in Shaanxi Province). The ideas Arroban had brought to China were known as Nestorianism (Jingjiao or the Church of the East). The Church of the East in China introduced a large number of concepts from Buddhism. In 845, Emperor Wuzong banned the spread of Buddhism, Nestorianism, and other religions due to his belief in Taoism. Due to the great differences between the Eastern and Western cultures and the monotheistic beliefs emphasized by the Christian doctrines, Christianity

Birth of the modern journalism industry in China 23 encountered many difficulties before it gained popularity in China. This fact pushed missionaries to use more practical strategies to spread Christianity. The Christian Church began to combine Confucianism with Christianity. The missionaries started to wear Chinese clothing, learn Confucian doctrine, and speak Chinese. This adaptation helped missionaries gain access to more people. During the Yuan Dynasty, Christianity was introduced into China again. In 1289, the Franciscans (one of the factions of the Catholic Church) came to China to preach. The Franciscans recruited a significant number of Mongols and Semus into the church in Beijing and Quanzhou to promote competition against Nestorians.1 During the Jiajing period of the Ming Dynasty, many Jesuit missionaries came to China. The most notable person was Matteo Ricci (Li Madou), who came to China in 1583 with another Jesuit priest, Luo Mingjian. Ricci successfully met the emperor in Beijing. As a master of astronomy, mathematics, and Confucian culture, Ricci established a good reputation among the literati and also paved the way for other missionaries to follow. Foreign newspapers in China From the early nineteenth century, Western people began the newspaper industry in China. These Westerners subsequently incorporated the operation of the newspaper industry as an element of their colonization of Chinese territory. Westerners were involved in the newspaper industry in China for more than a century until the founding of the People’s Republic of China. Generally speaking, the development of foreign newspapers in modern China can be described with three primary characteristics. First, the spread of newspapers began from the coast and moved inland. During the reign of the Qing Dynasty, newspapers run by Western people were strictly forbidden. As a consequence, the missionaries could only establish newspapers and periodicals with some concessions away from the Chinese mainland, such as Malaysia and Singapore. Due to the signing of the Treaty of Nanking (Nanjingtiaoyue), British people were allowed to reside and evangelize in cities and towns in Guangdong, Fuzhou, Xiamen, Ningbo, and Shanghai.2 As a result, many missionaries came to China through these five ports. This new wave of missionaries began to run newspapers, build churches, and conduct religious activities in China. By the 1890s, the British had established a modern newspaper network, which was centered on big cities such as Shanghai, Guangzhou, Wuhan, Tianjin, Hong Kong, and Macao. Second, to attract Chinese readers, foreign newspapers localized their content and format. To lessen the great cultural differences between China and Western countries, Christian missionaries tried to combine the Christian doctrines with Chinese traditional culture, such as Confucian and Mencius ideology. For example, they printed a newspaper in the form of a Chinese traditional thread-bound book. Some newspapers also used traditional Chinese mottos. Third, with the increasing numbers of newspapers in China, the content changed dramatically. At the very beginning, newspapers were used primarily to explain

24

Birth of the modern journalism industry in China

Christian doctrines or introduce the Bible. As these publications broadened their readership, the newspapers started to add more content in news reports, business, finance, shipping schedules, historical accounts, and many other aspects. In particular, newspapers started to report and comment on political affairs and issues.

The process of foreigners running newspapers in China Chinese religious newspaper The first Chinese newspaper produced by Western missionaries was the Chinese Monthly Magazine. The Chinese Monthly Magazine was created by Protestant missionary Robert Morrison for the purpose of Christian evangelization. While serving in the London Missionary Society, Morrison mastered Cantonese and Mandarin, which laid a good foundation for his Christian propaganda and newspaper operations in China. On August 5 1815, Morrison and his aide, William Milne, established the first modern Chinese press in Malacca, Malaysia. In 1813, Milne was sent by Morrison to visit South Pacific Islands and found that Malacca was an ideal place to establish a newspaper because it was an area in which many Chinese people were living. In 1815, Milne set up the Ying Wa College, a publishing house, as well as the Chinese Monthly Magazine.3 As its name indicated, the Chinese Monthly Magazine was published every month and was printed using the engraved wood method. The magazine’s main purpose was to preach Christian doctrines, followed by preaching ethics and introducing scientific knowledge like astronomy. To conduct missionary activities and attract readers, the magazine created the “Confucius plus Jesus” model, which combined Christian doctrines with Confusion ideology. After it had attracted more readers, the newspaper added more columns, introducing countries in different parts of the world and commenting on public affairs. With vivid writing and readable content, the Chinese Monthly Magazine represented the start of the modern Chinese newspaper. On August 1, 1833, the Eastern Western Monthly Magazine was founded by Karl Gützlaff (Guo Shili) in Guangzhou. This was the first modern Chinese newspaper published in China. Although it was a religious newspaper, its contents also included news and essays on political, economic, scientific, and cultural issues. Rather than advocating Christian doctrines, the newspaper allocated more space to political affairs and editorials. In January 1834, the Eastern Western Monthly Magazine published an article titled “A Simple Explanation on Journalism” (Xinwenzhiluelun). This was the first article on journalism in a modern Chinese newspaper. With a total of 331 words, the article introduced the origins of news, the freedom of the press, and the basic conditions of publication in Western countries. In October 1838, the newspaper suspended its publication. Karl Gützlaff was the editor of the Eastern Western Monthly Magazine from 1833 to1837. Born in Pyritz, Pomerania, Karl Gützlaff was one of the first Protestant missionaries in Bangkok, Thailand, Korea, and China. In 1826, he was sent to Java by the Netherlands Missionary Society, and there, he learned Chinese.

Birth of the modern journalism industry in China 25 In 1831, Karl Gützlaff became the translator of the British East India Company. During that time, he started to visit Chinese coastal ports, promote Christian ideology, and conduct opium trafficking. Gützlaff translated the Bible into Chinese and also wrote many books about China, such as A Sketch of Chinese History, Ancient and Modern (Zhongguo Shilue), China Opened (Kaifang Zhongguo), and Journal of Three Voyages along the Coast of China. In addition to preaching, Gützlaff also played an active role in the UK’s colonization of China. Following Morrison, he became the chief translator of the Chief Superintendent of the Trade of British Subjects in China in 1835. During the Opium War, Gützlaff visited Dinghai, Ningbo, Shanghai, Zhenjiang, and other places with the British army and was nominated as the magistrate of conquered Dinghai by the British army. In October 1838, Walter Henry Medhurst founded the monthly newspaper Geguoxiaoxi (News of Countries) in Guangzhou. With three to eight pages in each issue, the newspaper was printed by the Lianshizhi.4 Geguoxiaoxi’s main contents were similar to that of the Eastern Western Monthly Magazine; however, there was no longer any religion-related content. Geguoxiaoxi became a complete publication on news, business, aviation, geography, and historical knowledge. In May 1839, the period just prior to the Opium War, Geguoxiaoxi ceased its publication as the British businessmen and missionaries left Guangzhou. In the 1850s, Chinese newspapers appeared in Hong Kong in large numbers, of which the earliest was the Chinese Serial (Xiaer Guanzhen). This was the first Chinese newspaper that utilized letterpress printing. Chinese Serial was established on August 1, 1853, by Walter Henry Medhurst, who also acted as its first editor. Like Geguoxiaoxi, its main content was news reports. It supported the British colonization in China and published a large number of articles on Western civilization. During the Taiping Rebellion (Taipingtianguo Yundong), Chinese Serial published detailed reports.5 In 1855, the newspaper added a supplement called Bugaopian (The Notice), which was the first Chinese newspaper that charged for advertising. In addition, the newspaper also published both English and Chinese catalogues. Other than in Hong Kong, Chinese Serial was also sold to the trade ports in Mainland China. In May 1856, Chinese Serial ceased its publication after a total of 33 editions. In addition to Hong Kong, foreigners also established newspapers in Shanghai, which was also one of the earliest trade ports allocated in the Treaty of Nanking. In January 1857, Liuhe Congtan was established in Shanghai, where it became the first modern Chinese newspaper. Liuhe Congtan was established by the London Missionary Society Press (Mohai Shuguan), with Alexander Wylie as editor. Its main contents included religion, scientific knowledge, and business and news reports. Wang Tao, who was known as the earliest Chinese newspaper runner, attended its editing activities. At the beginning, Alexander Wylie intended to distribute the newspaper to the five opening ports and even the inland, but the circulation of the newspaper was not large, and it only lasted for about a year before it ceased publication. Alexander Wylie was a famous Sinologist at that time, and he made an important contribution to the Eastward Dissemination of the Western Learning Movement.6

26

Birth of the modern journalism industry in China

Being enthusiastic about Chinese culture, he collected a large amount of Chinese classical literature, with a total of 20,000 different categories of literature. In 1867, he published the Notes on Chinese Literature (Zhongguowenxianlu) in Shanghai, introducing more than 2,000 classical Chinese works, including literature, mathematics, medicine, science, and technology. This paper had a great impact on society at that time. From the second Opium War to 1894, missionaries published more than 10 Chinese newspapers. Among them, the most famous was A Review of the Times (Wanguogongbao). In total, A Review of the Times was published for 34 years and attracted a wide Chinese readership. On September 5, 1868, American Methodist missionary Reverend Young John Allen (Lin Yuezhi) of Georgia founded The Church News in Shanghai. This newspaper was published by the American Presbyterian Mission Press. In the editor’s opening statement of The Church News, Young John Allen stated that the aim of the newspaper was to spread the news to all Chinese who lived thousands of miles away. The Church News published articles concerning Christian doctrine as well as letters from Christians. It also introduced scientific knowledge, foreign history, and geographical knowledge. The Church News was published once a week, with a circulation of about 700 copies. On September 5, 1874, The Church News changed its name to A Review of the Times (Wanguogongbao) in its 301st issue. The reason given in the renamed first edition was as follows: Wanguo is to project an image of communication among Chinese and Western countries. The new title indicated the close business activities between Chinese and Western merchants. Gong implies making a fair judgement to the Sino-Western relations. The main reason for the renaming of the paper was to attract more readers beyond a primarily Christian readership and to achieve a wider social influence. After the renaming, A Review of the Times became a nonreligious newspaper. It ceased its publication in 1883 after a publication of 750 issues. In February 1889, A Review of the Times was reopened and became the official newspaper of the Christian Literature Society for China. At the same time, it changed to a monthly publication, still edited by Young John Allen. Foreign missionaries such as Timothy Richard and William Alexander Parsons also participated in the editing. During the Sino-Japanese War, it had a sale of 4,000 copies per issue. In December 1907, upon the death of Young John Allen in Shanghai, A Review of the Times also ceased its publication. As the founder and editor of A Review of the Times, Young John Allen (Lin Yuezhi) was a famous foreign newspaper proprietor in modern Chinese history. During his 47 years’ residence in China, Young John Allen (Lin Yuezhi) ran newspapers, established schools, and did a large amount of translating work, all of which had a great impact on Chinese history. Born in Georgia, in the United States, Young John Allen was raised by his aunt. During his first stay in Shanghai, the Civil War in the United States broke out, and his funding was cut off. To make a living, Young John Allen taught English at Guangfangyanguan in the morning, did translating work at the Jiangnan Manufacturing Bureau, and edited the newspaper at night. On Sundays, he went to preach.

Birth of the modern journalism industry in China 27 In 1882, Young John Allen founded the Anglo-Chinese College in Shanghai to train local people for the Chinese modernization. The Anglo-Chinese College enrolled more than 400 students in its first intake, which was a big success because even the famous St. John’s University only had 70 to 80 students at the time.7 In 1900, the Methodist Episcopal Church decided to merge the Buffington Institute, Kung Hang School, and the Anglo-Chinese College, expanded them, and formed a new university, the Dongwu University (now the Suzhou University), which was located in Tiancizhuang, Suzhou.8 Young John Allen became the chair of the university board, and David L. Anderson became the principal. The main building of the university was named Lintang (Lin was the Chinese family name of Young John Allen). The Anglo-Chinese College’s original building became the second affiliated high school of Dongwu University. In 1892, Young John Allen established a female private school called the McTyeire school, which was opened in the western area of the Muer Church (Muer Tang).9 Most of the students came from rich families in Shanghai. The main work of Young John Allen included Women in All Lands (Quanqiuwudazhou Nvsu Tongkao), YinduLiying Shier Yishuo (translated as The Twelve Advantages of India to Be Colonized by the UK), and Zhongdong Zhanji Benmo (translated as The Sino-Japanese War). In Zhongdong Zhanji Benmo, Young John Allen criticized China’s shortcomings in its military and political systems. This criticism produced a tremendous impact among intellectuals. As one of the foremost specialists of China, Young John Allen was received by President Theodore Roosevelt and was referred to as one of “the people who seeded in China” (Fang, 1992, p. 29). From 1874 to 1907, A Review of the Times reached a wide variety of readers and generated great influence on modern Chinese intellectuals. A Review of the Times was regarded as “the reservoir of Western culture and new knowledge”. For example, Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, leaders in the Gongcheshangshu movement, were readers of A Review of the Times. Kang even participated in its writing competitions in 1894. In Xixue Shumubiao (translated as A List of the Western Work), Liang stated that A Review of the Times was one of the best publications produced by the Christian Literature Society for China (Guangxuehui). Sun Yat-sen, the foremost pioneer of the Republic of China, submitted his Shang Li Hongzhang Shu (translated to A Letter to Li Hongzhang) to A Review of the Times for publication. In the work Yige Muyanger de Zishu (translated to Narrations of a Shepherd), Yu Youren, an educator and politician in the Republic of China, expressed that he started to know the world by reading copies of A Review of the Times borrowed from others. Lin Yutang, the famous Chinese writer in the 1900s, claimed that through reading A Review of the Times, Young John Allen became his idol and brought great meaning to his life. Even the emperor of Japan and his members of the cabinet were active readers of A Review of the Times. They read the newspaper delivered from the Japanese consulate in Shanghai every month. In addition to the newspapers mentioned here, foreign missionaries also set up specialized newspapers for different purposes. The Chinese Scientific Magazine (Gezhi Huibian) was the first Chinese journal in science. It was founded by John

28

Birth of the modern journalism industry in China

Fryer in February 1876. At the beginning of its foundation, The Chinese Scientific Magazine was published through Shun Pao Press. It is possible, therefore, to find valuable reports from The Chinese Scientific Magazine in the early issues of Shun Pao, which included a series of book reviews and statements from the editor in chief, John Fryer. Yiwenlu was the first Chinese Christian journal in modern China and was edited by Li Di, who was regarded as the first Chinese editor in chief in modern China. Most of the content in Yiwenlu was physical sciences knowledge, mainly related to acoustics, thermodynamics, optics, morphology, and electromagnetics. On August 17, 1898, Yiwenlu merged with Gezhi Xinbao and was renamed as Yiwen Gezhi Huibian. Shengxinbao was a religious newspaper that was created in June 1887 in Ciyou Road, Shanghai.10 It was published on the first of each month, and the main content was Christian doctrine and political news. Shengxinbao discontinued its publication in May 1949, when the people’s liberation army occupied Shanghai. There were also some early children’s newspapers at that time, such as Chengdu Photorial (Chengdu Hubao) and Children Monthly (Xiaohai Yuebao). It is difficult to understand the development of religious newspapers without taking modern China’s colonized position into consideration. The military victory of the Western countries and their unfair treaties helped open the ports and inland areas of China step by step. With the persistent work of the missionaries, many Chinese newspapers were established from south to north and from coastal areas to the inland. With the changing social conditions in China, the main content of the newspapers expanded from the original Christian doctrines to more comprehensive contents including news, finance, history, geography, and science. It is also noteworthy that that these Chinese newspapers actively got involved in the discussion of Chinese political and developmental paths, producing quite influential social effects. Foreign commercial newspapers Since the 1920s, foreign newspapers were the first set up in Guangzhou as it was the only place where foreigners were allowed to reside and trade before the Opium War. On November 8, 1827, Canton Register (Guangzhou Jilubao), which was known as China’s first English-language newspaper, was established in Guangzhou. The newspaper was printed every two weeks. It advocated a tough policy toward China and defended the UK during the opium trade. In the 1830s, a number of English newspapers were established in Guangzhou. Founded in September 1835, Guangzhou Weekly was one of the most influential among these papers. The newspaper showed particular concern for social issues in China. Most of the content in the Macao Newsprint (Aomen Xinwenzhi) during the campaign to supress opium came from Guangzhou Weekly.11 Chinese Repository (previously was also called Macao Monthly) was another influential newspaper in Guangzhou. It was established by a missionary called Elijah Coleman Bridgman (Bi Zhiwen), from the American Board of Commissioners to Foreign Missions, in May 1832. During the Opium War, Chinese Repository

Birth of the modern journalism industry in China 29 moved to Macao and Hong Kong and then moved back to Guangzhou in 1845. In 1833, Samuel Williams (Wei Sanwei) joined Elijah Coleman Bridgman in editing and publishing the newspaper. From 1847, Samuel Williams replaced Elijah Coleman Bridgman and became the editor in chief of Chinese Repository. Readers of this newspaper were mainly Western missionaries and businessmen who resided in China, but it also included other foreigners who were interested in China as well as Chinese people who could read English. The content of Chinese Repository was mainly about social, cultural, geographical, and other information related to China. Chinese Repository had a great impact on Westerners who wanted to understand China. In February 1851, Chinese Repository ceased publication. As one of the first gateways as well as trade ports to foreigners, the publication industry in Macao also experienced great success during its early development. Abelha da China (Mifeng Huabao) was founded on September 12 1822, the first newspaper to be published in Macao. It was printed every week and was published every Thursday. The newspaper was printed in Portuguese, and the main readers were the Portuguese who resided in Macao. Abelha da China was established by the chair of the Macao Council Artur Tamagnini de Sousa Barbosa and a doctor named Jose da Almeida Carvalho e Silva. As the official paper of the Macao Council, Abelha da China reported political changes in Macao and Portugal and published letters from the Macao Parliament as well as the Qing government’s response to political issues. Abelha da China also covered international news and port schedules. On December 26 1823, Abelha da China ceased publication after a total of 67 issues. After the first Opium War, Hong Kong was colonized by the United Kingdom. It then became a new base for foreigners to establish newspapers other than Macao and Guangzhou. The first newspaper to begin printing in this period was Hong Kong Gazette, which was founded in 1841. As more ports and cities opened to foreigners, their commercial newspapers missionaries got the chance to go to big cities like Shanghai. The first English-language newspaper in Shanghai was the North China Herald (Beihua Jiebao). It was established by the British businessman Henry Shearman on August 3rd 1850. It was then published by the British-run press agency in Shanghai. Its main contents included prices of goods, shipping schedules, news, judicial events, and social affairs. Most of its readers were British people residing in Shanghai. As the official newspaper of the British Embassy, it defended the interests of the UK in China. From 1856, the North China Herald began to publish a supplement called Daily Shipping News, later renamed as Daily Shipping and Commercial News. In November 1861, the British-founded press agency created the first modern Chinese newspaper Shanghai Xinbao. On June 1, 1864, Shanghai Xinbao was renamed as the North China Daily News, which became a daily newspaper. The North China Herald then became a supplement of the North China Daily News. Henry Shearman was the chief writer of the newspaper. In addition, there were various kinds of newspapers flourishing in Shanghai. From 1860 to 1894, there were more than 30 types of English newspapers in Shanghai, with most of them being commercial newspapers. For example,

30

Birth of the modern journalism industry in China

Shanghai Daily was the first daily newspaper in Shanghai and Zhongguozhiyou, the first evening newspaper in Shanghai. Other than English-language newspapers, there were also French-language newspapers, like Shanghai News, Jinbu, and Shanghai Xinshi; German-language newspapers like Dewen Xinbao; and Japaneselanguage newspapers like Shanghai Xinbao. The effect of other foreign-language newspapers remained rather limited, however, because English speakers remained in a dominant position in Shanghai. These foreign-language newspapers provided foreign communities with efficient platforms to communicate information and exchange ideas related to religious, political, and commercial issues in China. After the first Opium War, the British businessmen and missionaries gradually opened the market in China. The commercial newspapers they established not only provided them a significant amount of knowledge in understanding China but also valuable information in terms of goods prices, shipping, and advertisements. In particular, these newspapers actively participated in the discussion of China’s political affairs after the Second Opium War. For example, Zhongguozhiyou made systematic reports on the Taiping Rebellion. The China Mail also once published articles to support the Guangzhou rebellion. In this sense, these newspapers helped promote Western countries’ positions and further facilitate their colonization throughout modern China (Fang, 1992). Chinese commercial newspapers Chinese business newspapers first appeared in Hong Kong in the 1840s. As one of the first ports to be opened after the Treaty of Nanking in 1841, trade and business had made Hong Kong one of the most prosperous areas in China. The rapid development of the commercial economy prompted the emergence of Chinese commercial newspapers. The earliest of these was called Xianggang Chuantou Huojiazhi, which was founded in 1857 as a supplement of the Daily Press. In 1865, it was renamed Chinese and Foreign Gazette. It was printed on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays. The main content included business, shipping schedules, and advertisements. The newspaper was also reprinted in Japan in the form of a booklet and was named as The Official Hong Kong News (Guanban Xianggang Xinwen). The contents were translated into Japanese and were issued in Japan. The most noteworthy characteristic of the Chinese and Foreign Gazette was its printing format. Rather than using the format of the thread-bound Chinese books, this newspaper was printed on separate pages. The cover of the previous book-style newspapers disappeared, and the name of the newspaper was printed at the top of the first page in a horizontal layout. Decorated with bold lace, the header took on a sense of sobriety. The contents were still printed in a vertical form without punctuation. With each column divided by straight lines, there were four columns on one page. The entire newspaper was about 4,000 words in total and was printed by duplex coping. The change in format marked a significant development in terms of newspaper printing in Chinese history. This change provided readers with a new

Birth of the modern journalism industry in China 31 visual impression and reading experience, making the newspaper easier to read and circulate. From then on, newspapers emerged from the traditional book-style magazine as they started to employ distinct typesetting. The first pages of the Chinese and Foreign Gazette were mainly news. The routine newspaper notice was in the upper right corner. Below the notice were the news columns. For each issue, there were at least one or two pieces of news, with some editions containing up to five or six. The news items were short, with only tens of words or some as long as a few hundred words. All of the news articles had no title. Other than that, the paper contained information on shipping schedules, cargos, sales, and the opium market in Hong Kong. The second page was business, shipping, and different kinds of advertising. Because most of the content of the second page was about advertising information, the layout was somewhat similar to today’s newspapers. The second page presented basic classified advertisements, with each one parted by horizontal lines. The categories, however, were not fixed on the page. For example, advertising concerning shipping could also appear on other pages. In the advertisement column, some of the shipping advertisements were grouped together, but this was not always the case. In addition, some of the advertisements had short titles, like “going to San Francisco”, “shipping letting”, “Chinese medicines sales”, “Hong Kong Letters Academy” and the like. The sense of fixed layout was not fully established at that time, possibly due to the limited technology in typesetting and printing (Fang, 2002). As the representative of China’s early economic newspapers, the Chinese and Foreign Gazette vigorously developed its advertising business and became a pioneer among economic newspapers. It also set a good development model for the later famous Shun Pao and other economic newspapers. Whereas the newspaper provided the beneficial service of publishing a large number of advertisements, it also founded the news column to publish current social affairs and events. By combining news with advertisements, the Chinese and Foreign Gazette went beyond the pure advertising newspaper and became a newspaper in the real sense. In terms of news writing, the Chinese and Foreign Gazette paid great attention to hot topics. Although there was no theoretical guidance on news reporting and writing, the newspaper tried to make tracking reports of specific social events and applied writing styles such as reports, features, and commentaries to target the whole story. Its writing emphasized traditional historical narratives, with the content being concise, fluent, and objective. It also focused on specific details. The comments were usually bold and poignant (Zhuo, 2002). With the expansion of the foreign colonial forces, the center of newspaper operations gradually transferred from Hong Kong to Shanghai. Because most Shanghai residents were Chinese, foreign language newspapers did not account for a large market share. With the large number of foreign goods flowing into China after the Opium Wars, it was urgent for foreign businessmen to open up the market in Shanghai. As a consequence, these businessmen started to set up Chinese newspapers and periodicals. Among them, Shun Pao, Zilin Hubao, and Xinwenbao were the most famous.

32

Birth of the modern journalism industry in China

In November 1861, the North China Herald founded the first Chinese newspaper in Shanghai, which was called Shanghai Xinbao. The first editor was M. F. Wood. This paper was funded by a British press in Shanghai and was printed every week. From May 1862, it was changed to three times per week. In July 1872, Shanghai Xinbao became a daily newspaper. In its opening statement, the newspaper claimed that it would cover a wide range of information including military information, economic situations, political affairs and discussions, shipping schedules, and social news.

Characters of modern newspapers The foundation of modern newspapers After the Opium Wars, the domestic market, including the Chinese newspaper market, was gradually opened to foreign investors. Being a semi-feudal and semicolonial country, China’s openness to Western countries had greatly influenced the development of the modern newspaper industry. In the following section, the characteristics of China’s modern newspaper industry will be analyzed. First, modern Chinese newspapers were started by foreign missionaries. Since the Song Dynasty, private newspapers known as tabloids (or Xiaobao) had begun to emerge in China. The Qing Dynasty government, however, implemented a policy of isolationism (Biguan Suoguo),12 putting strict restrictions on the publication of newspapers. This policy eliminated the emerging capitalism that was budding during the time of the Ming Dynasty. After the Opium Wars, China was forced to open to Western countries. To preach and expand business, foreign missionaries brought modern newspaper management to China and started to establish new newspapers. Second, it was acknowledged that the missionaries’ newspaper publications had made great contributions to the Eastward Dissemination of Western Learning Movement (Xixue Dongjian). In modern China, there have been two major movements of Eastward Dissemination of Western Learning. The missionaries brought modern newspaper ideas, printing and publishing techniques, and many other management methods to China, which helped lay the foundation for the development of China’s modern newspaper industry. The first Eastward Dissemination of Western Learning Movement lasted for more than 200 years, beginning with missionary Matteo Ricci’s visit to China. During the Ming Dynasty, Western science and technology developed considerably, whereas conversely, China lagged further and further behind. When European missionaries came to China to preach, they also brought Western science and technology. Many missionaries and Chinese were also involved in translating Western scientific works. In 1605, Lee Matteo wrote a book called Qiankun Tiyi, which was highly praised by the Siku Quanshu compilers. They described Matteo’s work as “the first introduction of Western learning in China”. During the first Eastward Dissemination of Western Learning Movement, however, only a small number of scholar–bureaucrats were involved in the dissemination of

Birth of the modern journalism industry in China 33 astronomy, mathematics, and cartography. Thus, the social impact it generated was limited. The second Eastward Dissemination of Western Learning Movement began in the middle of the nineteenth century, when Protestantism arrived in China and missionaries started to preach. Compared with the first movement, the impact of the second movement was more extensive and dynamic. Generally speaking, foreign missionaries made great contributions to both movements in terms of the following points. First, a large number of Western works were translated into Chinese. Throughout the 200 years between the Ming and Qing dynasties, missionaries in the Society of Jesus translated 473 types of Western books; among them, a total of 251 were religious books. From the year 1811, when Morrison published his first book in Chinese, to 1911, when the Qing Dynasty ended, 2,219 Western works were translated and published. In particular from 1900 to 1911, a total of 1,590 Western works were translated, accounting for 69.8 percent of the total translations in the late Qing Dynasty. The substantial number of translated works generated a great impact, sometimes even being referred to as a “miracle”. As a large amount of translated works had been published, knowledge concerning politics, education, science, technology, and art in Western countries were systematically introduced to China. Second, the missionaries helped disseminate Western science and social science in China. In particular, the introduction of Western political, economic, and cultural systems generated a tremendous impact on China. For a long time, the Qing government had adopted a closed-door policy, prohibiting international trade and missionary activities and hindering the exchange between China and Western countries. As a result of the Opium War, Western countries broke China’s isolationism, and they were able to disseminate Western culture. With the publication of Chinese Monthly Magazine (Chashisu Meiyue Tongjizhuan), foreign-run newspapers introduced Western natural science, such as the eclipse, solar eclipse, and the Earth’s movement to its readers. Following the rise of the Self-Strengthening Movement (Yangwu Yundong), many production techniques such as steelmaking, papermaking, and industrial textile manufacturing technology were also introduced to China. Meanwhile, scientific and technological inventions such as ships, electric lights, and the telegraph were also brought into China, which significantly changed the lives of modern Chinese. From the 1870s, foreign newspapers began to introduce Western political, economic, and legal systems, which shook the established feudal social structure in China. Ideas such as freedom, democracy, and fraternity were beginning to be understood by the Chinese people. The translation of Western works also significantly influenced many Chinese intellectuals. Based on Western works, Chinese intellectuals began to reflect on the domestic political and economic system and proposed important enlightenment concepts such as self-improvement and learning from Western countries. Third, the foreign publication industry helped cultivate a large amount of talent for the Chinese newspaper industry. After the Opium Wars, foreign newspapers

34

Birth of the modern journalism industry in China

gained the right to publish newspapers in China. To make the newspapers localized, they employed Chinese intellectuals as their assistants. Through working with foreign newspaper proprietors, Chinese scholars gradually mastered news practices such as interviewing, news writing, and editing as well as media management, printing, advertising, and circulation. In this sense, foreign missionaries helped cultivate the first batch of journalists in modern China. For example, Liang Fa, who was known as the first Chinese missionary, was also the first Chinese person to participate in running a modern newspaper. Liang Fa had been involved in the foundation of Chinese Monthly Magazine and Eastern Western Monthly Magazine and was mainly responsible for newspaper printing and publication (Li, 2009). Wang Hanxi, who served as the manager of a foreign newspaper, quickly acquired the requisite knowledge and skills of foreign newspaper business and management. He then created The News (Xinwenbao) and became the general manager. As a result of his management, The News even exceeded Shun Pao in sales and became the earliest Chinese newspaper to gain economic independence. Some well-known journalists in modern China such as Wang Tao, Qian Xinbo, Cai Erkang, He Guisheng, and Gao Taichi were all involved in foreign newspapers’ writing and editing. Finally, the Western publishing industry laid the foundation for the Chinese newspaper industry in regard to capital, technology, and equipment. For example, foreign missionaries spread advanced printing methods, such as lithography and lead printing, throughout China. Hong Kong’s Yinghua College (Yinghua Shuyuan) was the first institution to utilize Chinese printing. At that time, the Chinese movable type printing in Yinghua College was famous around the world. Famous people and institutions such as the imperial envoy of the Russian czar, the Paris Institute (Bali Xuehui), the government of Singapore, the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, the governors of Guangdong and Guangxi, Shanghai Daotai, and the prime minister of the Qing government all bought Chinese cast from Yinghua College. Unfortunately, however, the effects of the foreign newspaper industry were not completely harmless to Chinese society. For all of the advanced Western technology and ideas brought to China, the Western-founded publications also represented a form of cultural invasion, which deepened the colonialization of China. Despite the ostensible purpose of Western missionaries in China to spread the Christian message, it is, however, also undeniable that Western missionaries supported the invasion of China by founding newspapers and magazines. For Western missionaries, the aim was to preach. When the first Protestant missionary, Morrison, came to China, his initial work was to translate the Bible and compile the English dictionary to assist his missionary activity. At that time, most of the foreign newspapers advocated war and the use of force against China. Some missionaries were even actively involved in the invasion efforts. For example, the German missionary Karl Gützlaff served as a guide for the British army during the Opium Wars, even becoming the local chief executive in Zhoushan when the British army took control. McDowell, the editor of the Chinese Monthly Magazine, was a translator for the British army and also served as director of the Shanghai Municipal Bureau of Industry (Shanghai Gongbuju Dongshihui).

Birth of the modern journalism industry in China 35 Although Western newspapers in China had promoted the development of China’s modern press industry, their contribution was based on the aggressive economic and social invasion of China. Through newspapers, Western nations successfully propagated their ideology and religions throughout China. The emergence of Chinese newspaper proprietors From the 1850s onward, some developed areas with developed newspaper industries, such as Hong Kong and Shanghai, attracted many Chinese who worked in newspaper writing and editing. Most of these individuals were traditional scholars who had failed in the imperial exams. In their contact with foreign newspapers, these traditional literati gradually mastered the methods of running newspapers and realized the importance of modern newspapers. However, being influenced by traditional ideology of “he who excels in learning can be an official” (Xueeryou zeshi), many intellectuals did not regard newspaper running as a lifelong career in the 1850s. Traditional intellectuals were still substantially affected by the imperial examinations and regarded politics as their first choice. Working for a newspaper was regarded as unreliable and precarious. Many intellectuals saw the newspaper industry as their last choice. As a consequence, Liang Fa as well as other early Chinese newspaper editors were not regarded as professional baoren (people who worked in the newspaper industry and regarded it as a career); nevertheless, these traditional literati did make great contributions to the emergence of the modern Chinese newspaper industry. In The History of Chinese Newspaper (Zhongguo Baoxue Shi), Ge Gongzhen described the printing and issuing work that Liang Fa had done in the Chinese Monthly Magazine. He mentioned Liang as “China’s first Protestant missionary, as well as the first Chinese person who worked in newspaper industry” (Li, 2009). In 1815, missionary William Milne hired Liang Fa as a lettering worker. Liang, who had attended private school (Sishu) for four years in China, followed William to Malacca, where he started his work in engraving and lettering. According to Alexander Wylie’s recording in Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese: Giving a List of Their Publications, and Obituary Notices of the Deceased, With Copious Indexes (Laihua Chuanjiaoshi Jiniance), in addition to his lettering work, Liang also published preaching articles in the Chinese Monthly Magazine, using the pen names Xueshan and Xueshan Jushi (Li, 2009). During this time, the Qing government strictly limited evangelization in China. As a consequence, newspapers founded by the London Missionary Society like the Chinese Monthly Magazine, Monthly Magazine, and Tianxia Xinwen were difficult to publish in Mainland China. To circulate the newspapers, Liang and other Chinese had to carry newspapers by hand and pass through customs when they traveled back to the mainland. Thus Liang played a core role in assisting missionaries to run newspapers in terms of printing and issuing. In helping the missionaries to print a large number of books and religious newspapers, Liang became interested in Christianity. In 1815, he was baptized and became a Christian. In 1822, he was approved by the London Missionary Society

36

Birth of the modern journalism industry in China

Figure 2.1 Liang Fa

to be the first Chinese missionary. From that time on, Liang was responsible for the missionary activities in Guangzhou and Macao. Most of his activities were involved in founding schools and circulating religious books. Liang also wrote a book, Revelation of the World (Quanshi Liangyan), to introduce Christian doctrines. His book greatly influenced the failed imperial examinee Hong Xiuquan from Guangzhou, who then converted to Christianity and launched the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom Movement. In the book The Biography of Liang Fa, James McEwen recorded Liang’s opposition to the opium trade and his efforts to stop the war between Britain and China. Liang wrote a book titled Yapian Sugaiwen (A Quick Banning on Opium) to persuade Chinese people to quit the use of opium (Li, 2009). Liang believed that opium was harmful to Chinese people and should be banned. Liang’s advocacy even predated that of Lin Zexu. In 1839, Liang met Lin Zexu in Guangzhou and submitted his work titled Yapian Sugaiwen to Lin Zexu. In addition, Liang also tried to prevent Britain from declaring war on China. Realizing the war was inevitable, Liang approached John Robert Morrison, the son of Robert Morrison, who was the British director in Guangzhou, to warn him that the war could affect missionary activities in China. At that time, however, Liang was a fugitive of the Qing Dynasty. As an individual who had little power, Liang could not stop the outbreak of war. Throughout his life, Liang remained a devout Christian with deeply held

Birth of the modern journalism industry in China 37 convictions. His contribution was, however, far beyond the scope of his faith, extending as far as the modern newspaper industry and cultural exchanges. As the Opium Wars ended with the defeat of China, the British forcibly opened the Chinese market. An ever-increasing number of general and religious newspapers and periodicals were launched in Chinese cities, which were forced to open to Western countries. In addition, the increasing decay of imperial examinations in the Qing Dynasty forced more traditional literati out of work. It was understandable, therefore, why there was a shift of profession among many scholars from the traditional education to the newspaper industry. The influx of foreign immigrants and the prosperity of trade in the treaty ports led many mainland cities to thrive. With the formation and growth of modern cities, fields such as posting, telecommunications, administration, and law provided many occupations for traditional scholars. Some scholars chose the newspaper industry because it not only helped them express their opinions toward society but also provided them a new chance to develop their intellectual careers. The first group of baoren was adventurous and contributed to the beginning of the modern Chinese newspaper industry. In Hong Kong, Chinese intellectuals and overseas students participated in a number of major Chinese newspapers. For example, Huang Sheng was the early editor of the Chinese and Foreign Gazette in Hong Kong (Xianggang Zhongwai Xinbao); Wang Tao was the editor in chief of Jinshi Bianlu and was the editor of Liuhe Congtan in Shanghai; Chen Aiting and his son presided over The Chinese Mail; Shen Yugui assisted Young John Allen to edit Wan Guo Gong Bao; and Li Duo was the editor of Yi Wen Lu. Among the private newspapers, Dong Mingfu served as the editor of Shanghai Xinbao; Jiang Zhixiang, He Guisheng, and Qian Xinbo served as chief writers in Shun Pao; Cai Erkang was the chief writer of Zilin Hubao and Xinwenbao. As the first batch of baoren to enter the modern newspapers industry, however, few accepted Western culture and education fully. Many still held the expectation of getting involved in politics. For example, Jiang Zhixiang, Qian Xinbo, He Guisheng, and Cai Erkang all participated in the imperial exams when they were working in the newspaper industry. Some regarded their newspaper work as a springboard for their political careers. Once they succeeded in the imperial examination, they would leave the newspaper without hesitation. In 1878, Chen Aiting was appointed as the consul general by the Qing government. He then left the Hong Kong press immediately. Similarly, in 1884, Jiang Zhixiang left Shun Pao after he successfully completed the imperial examinations. Meanwhile, baoren had to confront pressures from traditional society. For traditional Chinese scholars, participating in the imperial examinations was still their main pursuit, whereas working for the newspaper was their last choice. In the early time of the newspaper industry, most newspapers were run by foreigners, with Chinese scholars who worked for them being suspected of betraying their country. With the increase of remuneration, baoren started to build their reputation and social status. In 1878, Shun Pao started a remuneration system to pay for scholars’ articles that had been published in the newspaper. In the beginning, the method of remuneration system conflicted with the traditional ideology of “one should be

38

Birth of the modern journalism industry in China

guilty of selling his articles” (maiwenweichi). As modern newspapers became popular, people started to accept the remuneration system, and even officials started to write articles in exchange for compensation. The remuneration system in the late Qing Dynasty increased the income of baoren and also helped increase their social status. Although many baoren maintained no sense of belonging to the press, the role they played in the early newspaper industry cannot be ignored. In the beginning, Chinese editors revised articles according to the missionaries’ editorial policies. Before long, however, baoren began to revise works, publish articles, make comments, and become the chief writers. In Wan Guo Gong Bao, Shen Yugui published a total of 300 articles (Yang, 2008). As the chief editor, he also used many articles by Wang Tao. When Shun Pao was founded, the foreign directors even handed the entire management to Chinese editors. Thus Chinese baoren made great contributions to the foundation of the modern newspaper industry.

Notes 1 Semu refers to the people who come from Central and West Asia in the Yuan Dynasty. It was one of the four castes in Yuan. 2 The Treaty of Nanking was signed between the United Government and the Qing Dynasty after the First Opium War (1839–1842). Due to Chinese military defeat, the Qing government signed the treaty with UK. The mains terms were that Qing consent to open five treaty ports, pay 6 million silver dollars to the UK, and make Hong Kong a crown colony. 3 Ying Wa College was first established by Morrison and Wilne in 1815 in Malacca, Malaysia. In 1843, the college moved to Hong Kong. At the very beginning, the aim of the college was to let missionaries learn Chinese culture and help in the diffusion of Christianity. Today, however, it has become a boy’s secondary school in Hong Kong. 4 Lianshizhi is a kind of qualified paper made from bamboo in the Jiangxi and Fujian Provinces. 5 The Taiping Rebellion was a massive civil war in China that was led by Hong Xiuquan, who claimed himself as the younger brother of Jesus Christ. The war lasted from 1850 to 1864, with the aim to overthrow the Manchu-led Qing Dynasty and build the Heavenly Kingdom of Peace (Taiping Tianguo). It started from Guangxi Province, spread to provinces like Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui, Jiangxi, and Hubei, and was regarded as the biggest rebellion in the Qing Dynasty. 6 The Eastward Dissemination of Western Learning refers to a movement that Chinese people, especially intellectuals who learned from the Western countries in the late Qing Dynasty and the Republic of China (Zhonghua Minguo). The movement had five aims, namely, knowing the world, seeking to become strong and rich, saving the country, democratic revolution, and enlightenment through science. Through translating Western works, publishing books, running newspapers, and other ways of disseminating Western cultures, the movement had a big effect on all work of life in modern China. 7 St. John’s University (SJU) was a university funded by American missionaries in Shanghai. Founded in 1879, it was regarded as one of the most prestigious universities in China in that time. In 1952, the Communist government closed it. After that, its board of governors moved to Hong Kong and founded the Chung Chi College in the Chinese University of Hong Kong. 8 The Methodist Episcopal Church was the first Methodist denomination that was founded in the United States in the early nineteenth century. It was the largest Protestant

Birth of the modern journalism industry in China 39

9 10 11

12

denomination. The Buffington Institute, Kung Hang School, and the Anglo-Chinese College were all schools established by its missionaries. The Muer Church (Muer Tang) was the first Protestant church in Shanghai that was established by the Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States. Gezhi Xinbao was the first Chinese newspaper established by Chinese during the Hundred Days’ Reform. Being a newspaper on science and technology, Gezhi Xinbao made contributions to science and technology communication in modern China. Aomen Xinwenzhi was an informal newspaper created by Lin Zexu, who led the campaign to supress the opium trade in the late Qing Dynasty. To know more about the opium trades of the Western countries, Lin made people collect foreign newspapers in Macao and translated them into Chinese. Most of the newspapers were made by hand and were sent to the officials in Guangdong for reference. The Qing Dynasty applied isolationism, which is also called “the closed-door policy” (Biguan Suoguo). Qing closed customs and stopped international trade agreements to avoid being drawn into international disputes. However, this isolation also resulted in backwardness and weakness as well as failure in the following Opium War.

3

China’s private newspapers and periodicals

The origins of Chinese private newspapers can be traced back to Xiaobao, which originated in the Song Dynasty. With its unique characteristics, Xiaobao became a channel for ordinary people to express their opinions. With the intensification of centralization, however, the Chinese press was severely suppressed. After the First Opium War, a large number of foreign missionaries came to China, bringing the beginning of the modern age of the Chinese press. In the early years of the republic, the peak of the new newspaper establishment was reached. At this time, there were newspapers such as Shun Pao and Ta Kung Pao, which had far-reaching impact on modern Chinese society. These papers formed a microcosm of modern social development.

The outline of the private newspaper The private newspaper in ancient China In the first chapter, Xiaobao (unofficial tabloids), which was the main folk newspaper in ancient China, was discussed. Xiaobao was created during the Northern Song Dynasty and became prevalent in the Southern Song Dynasty. Till the end of the Northern Song Dynasty, Xiaobao remained as a complement to the official newspaper. During the period of Emperor Huizong, circulation of Xiaobao was wide spread. Compared with official papers, Xiaobao did not have a specialized publishing system. The earliest record of Xiaobao was in Song Huiyao Jigao (see Chapter1, Note 7), which showed that Xiaobao was an alternative to official newspapers. Xiaobao attracted people by releasing news such as the appointment and removal of officials, courtiers’ memorials of the throne, military drills and deployments, and anecdotes in the court. Some individuals made a living by selling news to the publishing house of Xiaobao during the Song Dynasty. A continuous source of news was the major reason why Xiaobao achieved such long-lasting popularity. In the Southern Song Dynasty, the officials in Jinzouyuan (the institution was set up in the capital to receive local officials and convey decrees and documents – it was set up from the Han Dynasty to the abolition of the Yuan Dynasty, and the organization began sending irregular newsletters to the local government in the Tang Dynasty and

China’s private newspapers/periodicals 41 issued official unified newspapers from the Song Dynasty) tried to make private copies of official newspapers by using small pieces of paper. The news they collected was often spread before the official papers were released. After this period, other government officials such as diplomats and judges also participated in making copies of official newspapers. They no longer did this solely as a personal pursuit but connected with people who were keen to write down the information and make copies. This led to a period of time when people were selling, circulating, and buying Xiaobao in the streets. As Song Huiyao Jigao recorded, to make money, some people even made up stories in Kaifeng during the Northern Song Dynasty. The reputation of Xiaobao decreased, and in the Southern Song Dynasty, to survive, these unofficial newspapers invited officials to become their guarantors.12 In Lin’an (the capital of the Southern Song Dynasty), there were stores specialized for selling Xiaobao. Folk newspapers in the Ming and Qing Dynasties In the middle and late Ming Dynasty, folk news activities in Beijing increased. Folk news houses, private newspapers, and specialized sellers appeared. Usually managers of news houses hired a group of Baozi to work for the news houses. Baozi were a group of people who were responsible for the delivery and notification of specific messages and news. With the help of Baozi, news houses could circulate the news and sell their newspapers. The news of education was an important part of newspapers in the Ming Dynasty. People were particularly concerned about the imperial examination results, especially during the period of provincial examination (xiangshi) and metropolitan examinations (huishi). Identifying this public interest, folk news houses made Baozi deliver the news of the examination results and then immediately released the information. The examination news release not only met the demands of the people but also improved the living quality of Baozi. Upon gaining power, the Qing rulers inherited the reporting system of the Ming Dynasty. In the period of Emperor Yongzheng and Emperor Qianlong, Junjichu3 began to take charge of the publication of the official newspaper. The emperor’s decrees and memorials were delivered from Junjichu to the Grand Secretariat (neige) and then to Yamen – the administration offices of the central institutions. Usually Yamen would copy or execute the files to subordinate departments. At the same time, the local officials who resided in Beijing would copy and spread the news to their local governors through the Yam (yizhan).4 After the Opium Wars, as the situation in China and abroad changed rapidly, there was an urgent increase in news and information among scholars and bureaucrats. The printing of the official newspapers, however, still remained in handwriting, a method that could not meet the increasing demands. The court did not establish printing houses to print Di Bao (the official newspaper), but it did not prohibit reprinting or copying the contents of the newspaper either. With the increasing demand for news from the literati and the public, Jingbao, which was published by folk printing houses, appeared in the late Ming Dynasty. Jingbao had

42

China’s private newspapers/periodicals

the same content of the official newspaper, but it was not authorized or confirmed by the government. As early as the beginning of the Qing Dynasty, there were official clerks in Beijing making a living through copying official newspapers and selling their news. This can be regarded as the origin of the folk newspaper Jingbao. The news copying and selling activities were, however, banned in Emperor Yongzheng’s period. In the middle of the period of Emperor Qianlong, the court lifted the ban and allowed people to copy and sell news from official newspapers. Benefiting from the policy, folk news houses reemerged and began to flourish. Titang was the official institution responsible for the publication and delivery of the official newspaper during the Qing Dynasty. At that time, the emperor’s decrees and memorials released from Liuke 5 were circulated throughout the entire state by Titang (Fang, 2009, p. 50). Most people who later ran folk news houses were previous staff of Titang. Working in Titang, these individuals built their own social networks and experience in terms of running newspapers. Relying on the close relationship with the government, they could copy and deliver authorized news either from the grand secretariat or Titang. When the circulation of the newspapers grew larger, this group of people began to move away from Titang. They created folk news houses and, subsequently, the news houses of Jingbao, which would generate an enormous amount of money. As mentioned in Chapter 1, the contents of Jingbao from folk news houses mainly included government documents (or Gongmenchao), emperor’s decrees, and memorials. Gongmenchao introduced the court’s major political activities, most of which were related to the emperor. The information of Gongmenchao was complex, but the text was simple, often using single sentences to report information. The emperor’s decrees mainly included rewards, appointments, and removals. Memorials (Zouzhang or Zhangzou) were submitted by Yamens in Beijing and the governors of the provinces. Jingbao could hardly be described as a creative work. It was written without any punctuation or title. Other than Jingbao, folk newspapers also included private newspapers, Yuanmenchao, which were run by provincial capitals and important cities. Yuanmenchao was a kind of local newspaper managed by people who were familiar with officialdom. It mainly covered news of local governments. During the Qing Dynasty, Jinbao and Yuanmenchao became two important channels for local people to obtain access to politics and imperial information. Being open to the public, Jingbao not only expanded its social influence but also provided important news materials for modern newspapers that were created by foreigners. For example, when Shun Pao was first printed in 1872, the staff could hardly report major domestic news by themselves. Thus, they had to use a quarter of the pages of Shun Pao to reprint the contents of Jingbao, which became the main source of domestic news. With the gradual rise of modern newspapers, however, the production and communication of news was expanding, which in turn, reduced the contents of Jingbao and other private folk newspapers. As the Qing Dynasty perished, Jingbao also faded into history.

China’s private newspapers/periodicals 43

Running newspapers on their own Lin Zexu’s translation activities of foreign newspapers In the early nineteenth century, British businessmen forced their way into the Chinese market using the opium trade. Along with the increasing trade activities, in the 1930s British and American businessmen in Guangzhou founded many English-language newspapers. These papers not only provided commercial information but also discussed British and American diplomatic policies toward China. At this time, Lin Zexu, an official from the Qing government who was responsible for the prohibition of opium, was aware of the intelligence value of foreign newspapers. When he went to Guangzhou to suppress the opium trade, he also organized individuals who were proficient in English to translate foreign newspapers into Chinese. Translating the newspapers helped Chinese people understand the effects of the anti-opium policy on the attitudes of British people and the actions they were intending to take in response. The translated manuscripts were scattered at first but were then brought together into a book, later named Macao Newsprint (Aomen Xinwenzhi). The articles were mainly translated from Guangzhou Weekly and The Canton Register from July 1838 to November 1839. Both of these newspapers were published in Macao. In a letter to Yi Liang, another Qing’s official, Lin Zexu clearly expressed his purpose for newspaper translation: “the contents (of foreign newspapers) were not absolutely true to believe, but through these newspapers we could get access to the situation in Anglo-American countries (qizhong poduo wangyu, buneng juyiweizhen, buguo jieyi caifang yuqing er)” (Yang, 1985, p. 46). Macao Newsprint was not in a strict sense, a genuine newspaper. It was not open for sale but was only circulated within the court. The content included only news from foreign newspapers about anti-opium action and Qing military actions. The contents it had translated included the situation of opium production in India and its trafficking to China, records on how the British and American opium traders bribed officials in the Qing Dynasty, the anti-opium measures of the Qing government, the confiscation of opium, and the comments on Lin Zexu ‘s opium prohibition. Based on Macao Newsprint, Lin Zexu sorted the scattered materials by topic and compiled them into the Macao Monthly (Aomen Yuebao), which mainly included the geographical and historical introduction of Britain, the United States, India, Bangladesh, Russia, Afghanistan, and other countries; the reactions of these countries to China’s opium prohibition; and comments on China’s social status, the tea trades, and military affairs from foreign newspapers and magazines. Other than Macao Newsprint and Macao Monthly, Lin Zexu also organized the translation of The Chinese, The Law of Nations, The Iniquities of the Opium Trade With China, and The Encyclopedia of Geography. In October 1840, in retaliation for Lin’s prohibition of opium, the British attacked Dinghai and Tianjin. This caused the imperial court to panic. As a result, the Qing government dismissed Lin Zexu. The translation of Macao Newsprint and Macao Monthly were forced to stop as a consequence.

44

China’s private newspapers/periodicals

Hong Rengan and A New Treatise on Political Counsel (Zizheng Xinpian) Hong Rengan was the leader of the late Taiping Rebellion. His work A New Treatise on Political Counsel (Zizheng Xinpian) formed the political agenda of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom (Jian & Zheng, 1979). Hong Rengan had been living in Hong Kong for six years. His extensive exposure to Western society and the opportunities to read modern newspapers like Chinese Serial made him realize the importance of the news. He proposed a series of suggestions to encourage the development of journalism in A New Treatise on Political Counsel. A New Treatise on Political Counsel contained the following set of aims: to establish news organizations, to print newspapers, to set up journalist teams in provinces (xing gesheng xinwenguan), to allow the commercialization of news (zhunmai xinwenpian), to give journalists freedom (bushou zhongguan jiezhi), to emphasize the professional ethics of journalists (xingpin chengshi bue), and to underscore the authenticity of the news. In addition, he also clarified the social function of news in serving politics. For this reason, many scholars named Hong Rengan the first man who proposed the theory of news in China. In Hong’s discussion on journalism and news, the primary emphasis was its moral education of citizens. Hong believed that the educational function of newspapers was complementary to the implementation of laws. According to Hong, matters relating to ethics, discipline, and education should be written in law, whereas social rules and principles, which were obeyed by most people, should be taught through news and journalism. It was, therefore, vital to set up news houses. Hong believed that through newspapers, the law could be demonstrated, good and evil could be differentiated, morals could be implemented, and loyalty and filial piety behaviors could be commended (zhaofalv, bieshane, lilianchi, and biaozhongxiao). Through this process, people would be encouraged to supervise each other, their ability and virtue would gradually increase, and the social atmosphere would also improve. In essence, Hong’s news proposals revolved around serving the political aims of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom (Fang, 1992). In August 1873, Ai Xiaomei founded Zhaowen Xinbao in Hankou, Hubei. Zhaowen Xinbao was the first modern newspaper founded by Chinese people. The content was mostly anecdotes and poetry essays. The quality of Zhaowen Xinbao was generally low, and it contained many typographical errors. Zhaowen Xinbao was at first published every day and, later, every five days. The paper did not meet with great success, however, and was subsequently closed after only less than one year’s publication. Wang Tao and his thoughts of news Wang Tao was one of the earliest newsmen in modern China. After the Opium Wars, Wang Tao realized the importance of learning from the West to achieve reform and self-improvement. He helped build the press, actively translated Western works, and used the press to advocate social reform and change. Wang Tao advocated free speech and the important role of running newspapers.

China’s private newspapers/periodicals 45 Wang Tao, whose former name was Wang Libin, was born in 1828. When he was 18 years old, he achieved first place in the local imperial examination. Later, he renamed himself Wang Han. In 1849, Wang Tao was invited by the British missionary Walter Henry Medhurst to be a Chinese editor of the London Missionary Society Press (Mohai Shuguan), which was attached to the North China Daily News (Zilin Xibao) in Shanghai. During that time, Wang Tao helped Medhurst translate the Bible and cooperated with British missionaries such as Joseph Edkins and Alexander Wylie to compile books such as Western Scientific Theory and Gravity (Gezhi xixue tiyao). In 1857, he helped publish the earliest Chinese magazine in Shanghai – Shanghai Serial – and began his career in newspapers and journalism. From 1862 to 1884, Wang Tao traveled to Western countries twice, during which time he had been greatly impressed by Western civilization. This positive impression of Western society led him to deviate from the traditional Chinese literati and become a progressive activist who enthusiastically advocated for learning from the West and making social change. When living in Hong Kong, Wang Tao assisted James Legge, the headmaster of Ying Wa College, and other British missionaries to translate the traditional Chinese classics The Four Books and Five Classics into English. From 1863, Wang Tao completed the translation of Book of Documents (Shangshu), The Book of Songs (Shijing), and Tso Chuan (Zuozhuan). In 1865, Wang Tao was recruited as the editor of The Hong Kong News (Jinshi Bianlu). In addition, he was also the chief writer of The Chinese Mail (Huazi Ribao). In 1872, James Legge retired in Hong Kong. Before returning to the United Kingdom, Legge sold the printing house of London Missionary Society in Hong Kong to Wang Tao and Huang Sheng at a price of 10,000 silver coins. Wang and Huang took the printing house and renamed it the China Printing Administration (Zhonghua Yinwu Zongju). On February 4, 1874, Wang and Huang founded the Universal Circulating Herald (Xunhuan Ribao), which was regarded as China’s first political newspaper. In the title of the paper, “circulating” refers to the ideal that “everything is cyclic and people should make unremitting efforts to improve themselves” (tiandao xunhuan, ziqiang buxi) (Yang and Zhang, 2011). Wang Tao had served as the chief writer of the Universal Circulating Herald for 10 years. The aim of the Universal Circulating Herald was to learn from others and to make China strong enough to resist foreign invasions. The Universal Circulating Herald was committed to the dissemination of Western knowledge, the promotion of Western natural and social sciences, the offering of reflections on world trends and changes, and advocating for social change and reform. The contract for the sale of printing equipment by the London Missionary Society required that because Sunday was, in the Christian tradition, a day set aside for attending church services, no one should use the machine on that day. As a consequence, Universal Circulating Herald was published every Monday to Saturday. The subscription fee was $5 HKD per year. Wang Tao expressed his ideas toward the chief writer of a newspaper in his article “The Increasing Popularity of Newspapers in China” (Lun ribao jianxingyu

46

China’s private newspapers/periodicals

zhongtu) (1998). He implied that in Western countries, the chief writer of daily newspapers should be chosen carefully. A man without great talent could not serve the position. The chief writer must write objectively and fairly. Wang took the British newspaper The Times as an example, indicating that its high profile and excellent reputation was attributable to its qualified writers. Universal Circulating Herald was mainly divided into three sections: news, advertising, and politics. The news section included domestic news, local news, and business information. The advertising mainly came from local business and some shipping companies. The politics section was mainly written by Wang Tao and was known for its sharpness and deep insight. From 1874 to 1884, Wang Tao published more than 1,000 political editorials in the Universal Circulating Herald. Within the editorials, Wang Tao commented on political affairs and advocated for political reform and social change. Some of the famous editorials were compiled into a book titled Taoyuan Wenlu Waibian, which was published in 1883. Taoyuan Wenlu Waibian was the earliest newspaper editorial collection in China. Wang Tao’s political arguments not only inherited but also extended the tradition of Chinese ancient essay writing. By using short and simple sentences, his writing broke the limitations of the ancient eight-legged essay. Usually the article provided incisive arguments and directly pointed out the problems of the Qing government. Wang’s writing did not rigidly adhere to grammatical rules and fixed formats but mixed slang and colloquial expressions to make articles easier to understand. Wang’s writing was later termed “newspaper writing” (baozhang wenti) and became a special writing style for newspapers. Wang Tao’s key principles for news publishing were as follows: he advocated for political transformation through newspapers. He believed that the newspaper could make public opinion known to the superior; meanwhile, he maintained that newspaper publication could also serve to exchange information between China and other countries. He called for freedom of speech, appealing to the court to encourage private newspapers and public opinions on current events. Wang believed that the commenter should not be condemned and authorities should be sensitive to warnings and suggestions. When it came to writing, Wang believed that the style of the newspaper should be straightforward and accurate and that the writers should be knowledgeable and display qualifications including sublime virtue, objectivity, and fairness.

Shun Pao and Ta Kung Pao The establishment and the development of the modern press in China had accompanied the tide of learning from the West. Newspapers were not the only way to disseminate information and news at that time, but they did become a powerful weapon of modern insightful people to advocate social reform and change. In modern China, the most two famous newspapers were Shun Pao and Ta Kung Pao. The following passages will provide a review of the development of these two papers and offer insight into the modern history of Chinese journalism.

China’s private newspapers/periodicals 47 The creation of Shun Pao Shun Pao is one of the longest-running and most influential newspapers in modern China. In the second chapter, Shun Pao was mentioned in the context of modern commercial newspapers. In this section, the discussion will focus on the development process of the paper as well as its social effect. The history of Shun Pao can be divided into four stages: creation, acquisition, development in Shi Liangcai’s period, and its eventual suspension. Shun Pao in its funding phase Shun Pao was founded by the British businessman Ernest Major. In 1862, Major and his brother came to Shanghai, engaged in the tea and cloth business, and opened the Kiangsu Chemical Works (Jiangsu Yaoshuichang). In 1871, Major founded the newspaper Shun Pao. There are different views on why Major founded Shun Pao. The first is that Major wanted to have a business shift. The second is that because his Kiangsu Chemical Works business was booming, Major used the spare money for the newspaper. Major also invited his friends C. Woodward, B. Pryer, and J. Mackillop to participate in running the paper. Each of them contributed 400 tael (or yinliang) for a total of 1,600 taels.6 Major was responsible for the overall operation of Shun Pao. Shun Pao was founded in April 30, 1872. At first, it was printed every two days and became a daily newspaper after the fifth issue. Shun Pao did not issue on Sundays. The newspaper was single sided with eight sections for each issue. Unlike The Chinese Shipping List & Advertiser, which mainly relied on Westerners, Shun Pao was almost entirely operated by Chinese people. After Shun Pao was founded, intellectuals and scholars were invited to become writers. Shun Pao abandoned Western religious articles and advocated the thoughts of Confucius and Mencius to meet the taste of Chinese readers. The paper was also devoted to uncovering social problems and published a number of editorials on critical social issues. The layout of Shun Pao was divided into four parts: news, commentary, literature, and supplements and advertising. This format laid the basic structure for later Chinese newspapers. At that time, Shun Pao was as cheap as eight coins (bawen tongqian, a very cheap price at that time).7 In addition to Shanghai, Shun Pao was also issued in Hangzhou. With the increasing sales, the newspaper also expanded to other cities. This movement gradually increased its sales. Several factors contributed to the success of Shun Pao. First, Shun Pao paid attention to political articles. It claimed that the contents the newspaper reported should be relevant to the people’s livelihoods, meaning that article topics ranged from the national economy to the sufferings of people (shangguan huangchao jingji, xiazhi xiaomin jiase zhiku). Second, Shun Pao took note of the authenticity of the news. In the 1860s and 1870s, Japan invaded Taiwan. To further uncover the truth, Major sent journalists to Taiwan for interviews and fieldwork. Shun Pao subsequently published a specific vivid article called “Taiwan Military Record”

48

China’s private newspapers/periodicals

(Taiwan Junshi Shilu), which generated substantial publicity. Third, Shun Pao focused on social life. It launched a series of reports on the injustice of Yang Naiwu.8 Because the trial process was long and complicated, Shun Pao had been tracking the social events for nearly four years. With the formalization of Shun Pao, the reports for the case became more standardized. In Yang Naiwu’s case, Shun Pao not only copied related news from Jingbao, such as the emperor’s decrees, memorials, and other documents, but it also published more than 40 commentaries, reports, and petitions. The reporting of Shun Pao displayed the objectivity of the media and helped it gain a reputation of fairness. The report on Yang Naiwu’s case was the earliest and longest continuous coverage in a modern Chinese paper at the time. Fourth, Shun Pao attached importance to supplements. It widely called for works of literature and art from society, especially the readable Zhuzhici.9 The publication of Chinese literature and classics met the interest and needs of scholars and citizens and won over many readers. In addition to the regular issue, Shun Pao also published a variety of journals and founded several literary magazines. It issued the earliest literary periodicals Ying Huan Suo Ji in China and, later, also published Si Ming Suo Ji and Huan Yu Suo Ji. At the same time, Shun Pao also published vernacular newspapers. In 1876, Min Pao was created. It was the earliest vernacular newspaper in China. In 1877, Shun Pao published a pictorial called the Ying Huan Pictorial. In 1884, it published Dianshizhai Pictorial. Shun Pao also published The Completed Collection of Graphs and Writings of Ancient and Modern Times (Gujin Tushu Jicheng), which was composed of 1,628 books from both ancient and modern China. From its foundation, Shun Pao attached great importance to its management. To promote its circulation, Shun Pao made efforts to found sales offices, set up delivering systems, and sell newspapers in the streets. It also provided favorable policies to readers. People could take the newspaper first and pay the subscription fee at the end of the month. Meanwhile, Shun Pao also made efforts to attract advertisers. It set preferential prices for Chinese and gave rebates to advertising recruiters in larger towns. Shun Pao had achieved the purpose of making money. By 1889, the total assets of Shun Pao, Kiangsu Chemical Works, and Soup Works had amounted to 300,000 taels. These three institutions composed the Major Bros. Ltd., with total assets of more than 180 times the start-up capital. Shun Pao acquired by the Chinese In 1909, Major returned home. The Hall of Shun Pao was purchased by Xi Yufu, who thus became the first Chinese person to own a newspaper hall. From that point on, Shun Pao pioneered the practice of Chinese-owned and operated newspaper publication. Xi Yufu, also named Zipei, was born in Zhujiajiao, Shanghai. His ancestral home was Dongting Dongshan, a village that belonged to Wuxian town in Jiangsu Province. He was a comprador during the late Qing period. His brother was Xi Yuqi, also named Zimei. The brothers were both proficient in English. In 1872, Major founded Shun Pao in Shanghai, and Xi Yuqi was selected as the manager. At that time, provinces in China organized donations for drought and

China’s private newspapers/periodicals 49 floods. The hall of Shun Pao served as the donation gathering office. Xi Yuqi took charge of tens of thousands of taels and gained a reputation as a good financial manager. Later, Xi Yuqi became ill and recommended his brother Xi Yufu as the manager before he died. Yufu was then selected as the manager of Shun Pao, subsequently demonstrating that he was as earnest as his brother. Shi Liangcai and Shun Pao In 1912, due to poor management, Xi Yufu sold all of the shares of Shun Pao to five men – Shi Liangcai, Zhang Jian, Ying Dehong, Zhao Fengchang, and Chen Leng. Shi Liangcai was the general manager. Chen Leng became the chief editor, whereas Xi Yufu remained the manager. In 1915, Zhang Jian sold his share to Shi, who then became the sole owner of Shun Pao. After fully taking over the business of Shun Pao, Shi appointed Zhang Zhuping as the manager. Zhang set up a section devoted to advertisements promotion and newspaper promotion in the hall and vigorously expanded the business of advertising and marketing. By 1916, the annual circulation of Shun Pao had reached more than 20,000 copies. In 1918, Shi spent more than 70 million silver coins to build a new newspaper hall. He also purchased advanced printing equipment from abroad, such as new newspaper printers and copperplate-making machines. Those actions made Shun Pao the premier newspaper in hardware facilities in China. With its increasing efficiency in printing, the profits of Shun Pao had risen year by year. By 1922, the 50th anniversary of the publication of Shun Pao, its circulation had exceeded 50,000 copies. It became the largest daily in Shanghai and even the whole of China. At that time, political forces were competing with each other, and the political situation was relatively uncertain in China. To avoid unnecessary trouble, Shun Pao had to take a conservative stance in news reporting. For sensitive topics, Shun Pao tried to offer fewer comments or even avoid comments altogether. As a Chinese newspaper, however, Shun Pao did not hide its patriotic position. During the May 4th Movement, Shun Pao, together with Xinwen Bao, The China Times, and another seven major newspapers, declared disapproval of Japanese commercials. These papers also refused to use the Chinese manuscripts from Japanese-run news agencies such as Eastern News Agency (Dongfang Tongxun She) and Kyodo News. Shi Liangcai cherished talented people and their manuscripts, and there were some anecdotes about him. According to Biography Literature (Zhuanji Wenxue), Shun Pao supplements set up another column named “Spring and Autumn”, which was edited by Zhou Shijuan. To promote knowledge and culture to readers, a number of well-known writers were invited to contribute their articles to the newspaper. To show respect to the writers, Shun Pao sent staff to their homes and paid the remunerations. The remuneration could be as high as 10 yuan per 1,000 words, which was equivalent to a Dan of rice.10 It was specifically agreed by Shi that Shun Pao paid 30 yuan per 1,000 words for Lu Xun’s article.11 This was very high at the time. It was said that Shi could not help shaking hands when he paid the remuneration to Lu Xun. Shi was a hardworking and frugal man. It was hard for him to

50

China’s private newspapers/periodicals

imagine that one article could cost him six Dan of rice. Even so, Shi maintained the high remunerations for he knew that Lu Xun’s article had its own unique value for the majority of readers. Shi’s favor toward good articles won him a good reputation among writers, scholars, and intellectuals. With their help, the circulation of Shun Pao exponentially increased. In 1929, Shun Pao experienced a business crisis due to personnel changes. Shi then appointed Yunhe as the chief editor and Ma Yinliang as the manager, preparing for the reform of the newspaper. In January 1931, Shi set up the general management office, which was responsible for publishing all the issues in Shun Pao. Shi served as general manager and director of the general management office. He also invited Huang Yanpei, Tao Xingzhi, Ge Gongzhen, and other democrats to participate in the upcoming reform. On November 30, 1932, Shun Pao published The Declaration About Innovation Plans of Shun Pao on Its Sixtieth Anniversary (Shenbao Liushi Zhounian Gexin Jihua Xuanyan), proposing its reform in 12 aspects, especially in news and advertising arrangements, communications domestically and abroad, and its supplement. The effect of this reform was remarkable, especially in its supplement Free Talk (Ziyou tan; see Chapter 2). In addition to its daily issues, Shun Pao was also actively involved in public culture. From 1932 to 1933, Shun Pao set up a series of cultural and educational institutions such as circulation libraries, women’s tutorial schools, and news correspondence schools. It also published books and periodicals such as Shun Pao Monthly (Shenbao Yuekan), Yearbook of Shun Pao (Shenbao Nianjian), Shun Pao Series (Shenbao Congshu), and New Map of the Republic of China (Zhonghua Minguo Xinditu). After the Mukden Incident (Jiuyiba Shibian), the Kuomintang (KMT) introduced the anti-counteraction policy, maintaining a passive attitude toward Japan’s invasion. Shun Pao vehemently criticized the KMT’s weak behavior, which greatly displeased the government. In August 1932, Chiang Kai-shek ordered the ban of Shun Pao deliveries. Chiang’s ban greatly affected the market of Shun Pao in other cities. As a nationwide newspaper, its circulation areas outside the Shanghai International Settlement area mainly relied on post offices for the delivery of the paper. As a compromise, Shi had to negotiate with the government. He agreed to dismiss famous writers Tao Xingzhi, Huang Yanpei, and others but refused to accept the KMT government’s condition of “sending a director to the newspaper from the KMT Central Propaganda Department” (Pang, 2012). After a period of 35 days, the government announced the lifting of the ban and restored the delivery of Shun Pao. In a meeting with Chiang Kai-shek, Chiang threatened that there were 1 million people in his army; however, Shi replied by saying there were 1 million readers of Shun Pao. Shi paid great attention to his personal safety. During his recuperation from a stomach disease, he lived with his wife and children in a villa called Qiushui (Qiushui Shanzhuang Bieshu) in Hangzhou, which he had built himself. Shi also acquired a bullet-proof car and hired private bodyguards. On November 13, 1934, after staying in Hangzhou for more than a month, Shi decided to go back to Shanghai. Shi changed the original plan to return to Shanghai the next day and set off at noon.

China’s private newspapers/periodicals 51 Approximately half way through the journey, Shi’s car encountered another car, displaying the license “Beijing No.72”, apparently under “maintenance” and blocking the road. Seeing Shi’s car arrive, the occupants of the other car first motioned that Shi’s car should slow down, then pulled out guns, and shot the tires of Shi’s car. There were six people in the car: Jin Cai (the driver), Shi Yonggeng (Shi’s son), and his classmate Deng Zuxun in the front with Shi, his wife, and his wife’s niece in the back. The driver and Deng were shot dead first. The murderers mistook Deng for Shi’s bodyguard, so killed him first. The driver was a planted agent of the murderers, but he was also killed to prevent discovery of the conspiracy. Under a hail of bullets, the living rushed to escape from the car. Mrs. Shi and her niece immediately fell to the ground and were injured. Shi Liangcai and his son fled separately. The murderer mistook Shi Yonggeng for Shi Liangcai. Three men pursued Shi Yonggeng closely, firing more than 20 bullets, but failed to find their mark. Shi Yonggeng was good at long-distance running in school, and it helped him escape from being killed. Panicked and tired, Shi moved slowly and hid himself in a small, dry pond. Unfortunately, he was found by one of the murderers, Zhao Lijun. Zhao shouted, “He’s here!”, and released a succession of shots. One bullet hit Shi’s head, killing him instantly. Another assassin fired several shots to make sure Shi was dead. The assailants then changed the false license “Beijing No.72” to the correct license and fled by car. After the escape, Shi Yonggeng called people from the vicinity and rushed to the scene after the gunfire ceased. He borrowed a truck and transported the bodies of his father and others back to Hangzhou. Many reasons contributed to Shi’s death. The main reason was that Shun Pao advocated fighting against Japan’s invasion, contradicting Chiang Kai-shek’s policy, which was characterized as “Resisting Foreign Aggression After Stabilizing the Country” (Rangwai bixian annei).12 Shi was also involved in the Shanghai Independence Movement when he served as the president of the Shanghai Senate, which threatened the authority of the KMT. The murder of Shi was long planned. Before taking action, the murderers investigated the location of the assassination and colluded with Shi’s driver Jin Cai. The assassination was well planned, paying attention to both Shi’s whereabouts and the details of how the action would be carried out. After Shi died, the murderers also made up different rumors and stories to cover up their real motivation. After the death of Shi, Chiang Kai-shek sent a telegram of condolence to Shi’s family and also issued a reward for the capture of the murderers. It was only relatively recently that historical materials revealed that the death of Shi was a political assassination, which was planned by Dai Li and Zhao Lijun, subordinates of Chiang. From 1934 to 1949 In November 1937, Japan took control of Shanghai, and the Japanese attempted to control Shun Pao. Shun Pao refused to be censored by the Japanese and ceased its publication on December 14, 1937. In January 1938 and March 1938, the

52

China’s private newspapers/periodicals

Hankou edition and the Hong Kong edition were reopened, but the Hankou edition was stopped in July, and the Hong Kong edition ceased operation in July 1939. On October 10, 1938, an American businessman in the Shanghai Concession reopened Shun Pao. On December 8, 1941, the Japanese invaded the Shanghai International Concession, and Shun Pao was once again suspended. A week later, Shun Pao started to publish under threat of the Japanese and was completely controlled by the reporting department of the Japanese army. After victory in the Anti-Japanese War, the KMT government retook Shun Pao and confiscated its equipment by claiming that Shun Pao relied on the Japanese during the war. The KMT government set up a management committee directed by Pan Gongzhan, one of the KMT Central Club members, to “guide” Shun Pao. On December 22, 1945, Shun Pao was reopened. Pan Gongzhan served as the director; Chen Xunshu was the general manager and chief editor. From that point on, Shun Pao was completely controlled by the Central Club of KMT. In May 1946, the KMT government forced Shi Yonggeng to sell 51 percent of the shares to them, making Shun Pao a half official and half commercial newspaper. This completely changed the civilian nature of Shun Pao, which had lasted for 74 years. The KMT government also reorganized Shun Pao’s board of directors and organization. The government appointed Du Yuesheng as chair of the board, Chen Leng as the issuer, Pan Gongzhan as the president and chief writer, and Chen Xunshu as the general manager and chief editor. Shi Yonggeng became the vice chair. On May 25, 1949, the People’s Liberation Army took over the south bank of the Suzhou River in Shanghai. The Communist Party of China (CPC) appointed a working group to the office of Shun Pao, ceasing its publication. On May 27, Shun Pao announced that its operations would cease after the publication of issue No. 25599. The next day, the newspaper of Eastern China of the CPC Central Committee and the Shanghai Municipal Committee, Liberation Daily (Jiefang Ribao), published its first issue on the original site of Shun Pao. Having lasted for 77 years, from foundation to shuttering, Shun Pao had a great impact on China’s modern society. Shun Pao recorded China’s complex development process since the late Qing Dynasty, for which it was known as the encyclopedia of Chinese modern history. It also held an important position in the study of Chinese journalism and social history. Shun Pao created a lot of “firsts”, including the first newspaper using the vernacular and punctuation, the first newspaper sending war correspondents to the battlefields, the first newspaper publishing a special edition, and the first newspaper using telecommunications to disseminate news. The developing process of Ta Kung Pao The development of China’s private newspapers can be traced back as early as the 1870s, when Chinese people began to run modern newspapers on their own. At that time, however, the social influence of private newspapers was far less than the newspapers and magazines founded by foreigners and missionaries in China. Under the impetus of the Bourgeois Reform Movement (Weixin Bianfa) in the late nineteenth century and the bourgeois revolutionaries at the beginning

China’s private newspapers/periodicals 53 of the twentieth century, the private newspapers and periodicals gained momentum and became an important force pushing social reforms. Soon they replaced the foreign press and became the leading media of domestic public opinions. The victory of the Revolution of 1911 (Xinhai Geming), which overthrew the feudal Qing Dynasty, also allowed private newspapers to thrive. During the period of the Republic of China (1912–1945), famous private newspapers such as Ta Kung Pao appeared. As an influential newspaper in modern Chinese history, Ta Kung Pao was the longest-published Chinese newspaper in China. In the course of its history, Ta Kung Pao went through several different management modes, being owned by the state, officials, the political party, and foreign businessmen. Among them, Ta Kung Pao reached its peak when it was run privately. “Private Owned” was distinct from “State Owned”, “the Official Owned”, “Party Owned”, and even “Foreign-Capital Owned”. It not only emphasized independence of management but also claimed its clear boundaries from official funds or foreign capital. Through nearly 100 years’ development, Ta Kung Pao went through highs and lows, embodying the history of private newspapers in modern China. In 1900, the Eight-Power Allied Forces invaded China, and Empress Dowager Cixi fled west. Prior to this, the New Deal reform had been brewing in the Qing government. On Cixi’s journey west, the court issued decrees to improve political reforms. In July, the court advocated for reforms again, arguing that to resolve the crisis of Qing, both the empress Cixi and her people had the responsibility to work hard, to join the army, and to treat the country’s affairs as their own. Subsequently, the Empress Cixi issued another decree. By the name of Emperor Guangxu, she asked the officials to speak out problems directly and frankly, such as the emperor’s faults, political rules’ shortcomings, and the livelihood of the people. After a period of preparation, on January 26, 1901, the New Deal was issued by the Qing court. The edict stated plainly that changes must be made. The Qing government would learn from foreign countries to resolve its weaknesses, with previous mistakes becoming a reference for future work. An important proposal in the New Deal was lifting the ban on newspapers and free speech. In this case, reformism became active. Many monarchist and royalist newspapers were created. In this period, the main newspapers were Jinghua Daily, Dongfang Magazine, Shibao, Shishi Xinbao, Zhenglun, Guofeng, Yubei Lixian Gongbao, and Guomin Gongbao. Ta Kung Pao was also founded at that time. Ta Kung Pao was founded in the turbulent latter period of the Qing Dynasty. From a chronological perspective, Ta Kung Pao can be divided into four stages. In the first stage (1902–1916), Ta Kung Pao was managed by the famous educator, Ying Lianzhi. Ta Kung Pao was a newspaper that advocated reformist ideas, and it supported a political system of constitutional monarchy. It was known for being outspoken and serious. Ta Kung Pao dared to expose social problems and became a famous newspaper in the north area of China. In the second stage (1916–1925), Ta Kung Pao was taken over by Wang Zhilong. During this period, the paper grew close to the Anhui Clique and maintained a pro-Japanese bias.13 In the third stage (1926–1949), Ta Kung Pao was taken over by the Xin Ji Company. In 1926, it was

54

China’s private newspapers/periodicals

comanaged by Wu Dingchang, Hu Zhengzhi, and Zhang Jiluan and became a national newspaper. Wu, Hu, and Zhang put forward the famous policy of “no party affiliation, no political endorsement, no self-promotion, no ignorance” (budang, busi, bumai, bumang). In the fourth stage (1949–present), Ta Kung Pao became a communist newspaper under the leadership of the CPC. At present, the Hong Kong version of Ta Kung Pao is still in issue. Currently, it is the longestpublished Chinese language newspaper in China. Ying Lianzhi and Ta Kung Pao Ta Kung Pao was founded in Tianjin on June 17, 1902. Ying Lianzhi (also named Yinghua) served as the manager. At that time, the mission of Ta Kung Pao was to enhance wisdom and morality, resist Western academic influence, expand people’s horizons, and serve the public (kaifengqi, youminzhi, yibi ouxi xueshu, and qi wotongbao congming). Affected by the social atmosphere at that time, Ta Kung Pao’s contents mainly related to social reform. The paper openly opposed feudal autocracy and the invasion of foreign countries and advocated for constitutional monarchy. Ta Kung Pao was first published in book style. It devoted a full page to the vertical setting of type and was divided into two columns, upper and lower. There was a blank space between the two columns, and the columns were framed. With this kind of format, Ta Kung Pao could be bound into a book after being folded. Ta Kung Pao attached great importance to opinion and editorial articles. It was known for being outspoken. In his article Research of Comments on Ta Kung Pao Before the Revolution of 1911, He Bingran argued that the outspokenness of Ta Kung Pao embodied the increasing intensification of social conflicts. According to He, the boldness of Ta Kung Pao not only indicated the weakening of the Qing Dynasty but also inspired the burgeoning bourgeoisie, who demanded the Hundred Days’ Reform. Ta Kung Pao also fought against Yuan Shikai for 10 years.14 Because of the outspokenness of Ta Kung Pao, it was widely welcomed by readers and reached up to 5,000 copies sold monthly in its earlier period. On the second day of publication, Ta Kung Pao fiercely criticized the corrupt government headed by Empress Cixi and its valueless reforms. On the fifth day of publication, the article “Benefits of Returning Power to the Emperor” (Lun Guizheng zhi Li) was published, which directly criticized the Empress Cixi’s appropriation of political power (Fang, 2004). In 1901, the Qing government implemented the so-called New Deal. Ta Kung Pao distributed a denunciation of this titular reform. Ta Kung Pao pointed out that what the New Deal advocated was only a shallow acquisition of knowledge from the West while ignoring their fundamental legal and political systems. Ta Kung Pao also reported the news about Shen Jin, the first journalist to be killed for reporting on the Qing government. Shen Jin participated in the Hundred Days’ Reform. When the reform failed, he became a revolutionary and served as a journalist. In 1903, Shen Jin was arrested after exposing the inside story of a treaty signed by the Qing government and Russia. On July 31, the

China’s private newspapers/periodicals 55 Empress Cixi had Shen Jin executed. Ta Kung Pao reported the whole process of Shen Jin, from arrest to execution. The detailed content caused great concern in Chinese society. The following is an excerpt from the report on Shen Jin from Ta Kung Pao (Editor, 1903): The first report on July 21, 1903 On July 17, 1903, Prince Su arrested three people in Hu Fang Qiao following the emperor’s order. Their names and the reasons why they were arrested will be released after a clear investigation. On June the 8th of Chinese lunar calendar, Shen Jin was executed in Beijing. We obtained four chapters of his poems before his death, and two of them are as follows: “I am in prison and one day I will be executed. Many of my friends bled on the execution ground. But I will be with other loyal people all the time.” (Yuzhong tiesuo chu langdang, Xuanwu menqian gan beitang. Caishi guren liuxuedi, Wuzhong liushi gongaoxiang.) “I am thirty-one years old and my reputation is of no value to me now. The rise and fall of this country has nothing to do with me, my soul will fly to heaven.” (Jinnian sanshi you yisui, yingde fuming buzhiqian. Congci xingwang doubuguan, linghun guiqu lezhutian.) On September 14th It is said that since Shen Jin was executed by the government, the Empress dowager Cixi expressed her regret when the ministers’ wives visited her and talked about the injustice of Shen Jin. She also ordered officials to “arrest the illegal as soon as possible but do not hurt the innocent, and do not let people lose confidence in the government.” Recently the government is quite cautious. There is no unreasonable enforcement. Probably Qing is afraid of the complaints from foreign countries in Beijing. On September 16th When Shen Jin was beaten by the stick, his bones were broken but no he did not shout. After that the officer thought he was dead. Unexpectedly, he spoke: “Why I am still alive? Hang me with a rope.” At that time, it is also said that one official advised the Empress dowager Cixi to lessen the punishment since her birthday was coming. Thus the Empress dowager changed Shen’s penalties to being beaten to death. The official originally aimed to keep the life of Shen Jin. After the Empress dowager changed the order, he didn’t dare to oppose her. What a pity! Ta Kung Pao also paid close attention to people’s fight against Western expansion into China. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Chinese people launched

56

China’s private newspapers/periodicals

fierce struggles with the Qing government and imperialist countries with regard to the ownership of minerals and railways. In 1904, a railway protection movement broke out to resist Qing’s plan to transfer the control of railways to a foreign bank. In response to the struggle, Ta Kung Pao reported the movement in detail and expressed its support. The founder of Ta Kung Pao was Ying Lianzhi. He was also known as Yinghua. He was born in a banner family in Beijing on November 23, 1867. His Chinese surname was Yu, so he also had the name Yu Yinghua. His family was poor when he was young, which meant that he did not receive a formal education but instead joined the army. In 1888, he became a devout Catholic and learned to speak French. In March 1900, Ying Lianzhi came to Yunnan to serve in the Consulate General of the Republic of France in Mengzi.15 Due to frequent cases involving French missionaries, Ying returned to Tianjin with the consul in July. In April 1901, Chai Tianchong, the manager of the St. Louis Church (Zi Zhu-lin Church) in Tianjin, proposed to raise funds to run a newspaper. He invited Ying Lianzhi to work together on the project. Thus, Ying came to participate in the creation of Ta Kung Pao. Ying Lianzhi did three important things in his life. First, he founded Ta Kung Pao. Second, he proposed the establishment of Fu Jen Catholic University in Beijing. Third, he founded the Xiangshan orphanage. During the establishment of Ta Kung Pao, Ying Lianzhi was the general manager and was responsible for compiling work. He advocated reform, criticized the current situation in the country, and was not afraid of the authorities. As manager, Ying wrote the editorial for Ta Kung Pao every day. Running Ta Kung Pao was Ying’s highest priority. Ying possessed his own perspective of how news should be presented in the paper. First, he thought the newspaper was a powerful tool to improve people’s wisdom. In a few days after Ta Kung Pao was founded, Ying wrote two easy-to-understand vernacular essays in the “Attachment” column to state the advantages of reading newspapers. Ying believed that the reasons for China being poor and weak were partly due to low literacy and ignorance of newspapers. Ying also highlighted that there were a lot of newspaper halls in foreign countries and that newspapers had wide community readership. Ying described the benefits of reading newspapers as not only an improvement of general knowledge but also the creation of a good social atmosphere. Second, Ying agreed that as a gathering place for public opinion, the newspaper should play a positive role in uncovering social problems. Ying believed that newspapers had the responsibility of supervising the government in both of its domestic and internal policies. Ying encouraged the newspaper to have “national thought” (guojia sixiang). According to Ying, What is national thought? It means newspapers should speak for the government when it comes to the issue of sovereignty. Newspapers should not only discuss the problems of the country, but also help to express the voice of the country in international communication. Newspapers represent the image of a country, they must stand by their country. (Tang, 2010)

China’s private newspapers/periodicals 57 Third, Ying believed that modern newspapers should use more vernacular words. This should not only be reflected in the slogans but also be put into action. As the pioneer of the vernacular, Ying began to write vernacular articles in 1902. Although most of the articles in Ta Kung Pao still used classical Chinese at that time, the newspaper also published a vernacular article “To Abolish Foot-Binding” in its “Attachment” section. Finally, Ying Lianzhi spoke for freedom of the press and opposed any lawsuit designed for the purpose of suppressing speech. In response to the suppressive rules that the Qing government had implemented, such as to set strict press law and to rectify people’s knowledge, Ying sharply pointed out the purpose of the Qing government. He argued that first, Qing did not aim to expand but to prohibit the public’s knowledge. Second, they did not aim to clarify affairs but to confuse the people. Third, the government did not respect public opinion but tried to manipulate it. Wu Lin discussed Ying Lianzhi in the preface of Ye Shi Ji, and he remarked that Ying Lianzhi was a patriotic man. He had great talent. He was admired by people.16 Unfortunately, he could not achieve his ambition. So he founded Ta Kung Pao in Tianjin. As a newspaper editor, he wanted to gain power from God: he could comment on the gains and losses of the government, reflect on the hardships of the people’s livelihoods, and show concern about social problems. Being the leader of Ta Kung Pao for 10 years became Ying’s most glorious period throughout his life. In this decade, Ying adhered to the principles he mentioned in the preface of Ta Kung Pao—“Do not be self-centered; serve the public selflessly” (wangji zhi weida, wushi zhi weigong)—which was firmly confirmed and obeyed by the successors of Ta Kung Pao from one generation to the next. Ta Kung Pao was founded after the Hundred Days’ Reform in 1898, when the Qing government began to implement the New Deal and relax the prohibition of newspapers and speech. This was also the time that China’s private journalism began to find its way. This period was also a time when Chinese people had a great desire for change and reform. By advocating for social changes, Ta Kung Pao generated great social influence. Other newspapers at this time also promoted changes and reform ideas, such as Su Bao, Jinghua Shibao, Dongfang Zazhi, Shibao, and many others. “Speaking out” did not just belong to Ta Kung Pao. A large number of newspapers, like Jinghua Ribao, Subao, Dajiangbao, Shenzhou Ribao, and serial newspapers Shusanmin were also famous for their sharp criticism.17 In this period, the ideal of the private newspaper was to advocate for reform and to uncover darkness. To avoid the severe censorship of the Qing government, the newspapers had to “hang a foreign flag” (guayangqi) to survive. The term “hang a foreign flag” means to publish the newspaper under the names of foreign businessmen because newspapers run by foreigners were free from being censored. Ta Kung Pao used this strategy as well. Ta Kung Pao in period of Wang Zhilong In September 1916, Ying Lianzhi sold Ta Kung Pao to Wang Zhilong. As a businessman, Wang was politically biased toward the Anfu School of northern

58

China’s private newspapers/periodicals

government and Japan.18 After Yuan Shikai died in 1916, Li Yuanhong became the president. In support of Xu Shuzheng, Ni Sichong and the original shareholder Wang Zhilong invested 30,000 yuan to buy all the shares of Ta Kung Pao. This caused a great decrease in its circulation. In 1920, Ta Kung Pao printed only dozens of copies and stopped publication on November 27, 1925. Ying Lianzhi ceased to preside over the editorial work as early as 1912. But before 1916, however, Ta Kung Pao was still able to maintain the tradition of being outspoken. After Wang took the newspaper in October 1916, he hired Hu Zhengzhi, who had experience of running a newspaper, as the editor and manager. After Hu became the manager, he started to reform the newspaper. On November 10, 1916, a month after Hu Zhengzhi took office, Ta Kung Pao changed its format from a book type into a wide-column type. The two vertical columns were divided into four, then six, and even eight columns. Font size was also adjusted. Hu changed the contents to different font sizes and made the layout more readable. The sales of Ta Kung Pao subsequently began to increase once again. During the New Culture Movement (Xin Wenhua Yundong), Ta Kung Pao published many important articles on big social events, such as the Zhang Xun Restoration and the May Fourth Movement.19 Hu resigned his position as manager after he finished the report of the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. In September 1923, Wang Zhilong died in the Kanto earthquake in Japan, and the Anfu School was also defeated in the following year during the clique wars. As a consequence, Ta Kung Pao was forced to stop its publication on November 27, 1925. Throughout the almost one-century evolution of Ta Kung Pao, the time during which Wang controlled the newspaper was the time when it had the least democracy and independence. With plutocrats in control of its economic status, Ta Kung Pao had to increase its coverage on warlords and their controlling banks. In some content, it showed Ta Kung Pao’s tendency toward a pro-Japanese and pro-warlord stance. Ta Kung Pao was not able to adhere to its fair and objective reporting values, which Ying had mentioned before, and consequently, it lost most of its readers. At this time, Chinese private newspapers had been surviving in a very complex political environment. Between 1916 and 1925, the Northern warlords controlled most of the cities in China. In the southern part of China, the national government, which was located in Guangzhou, opposed the warlords’ influence. Meanwhile, there were also progressive revolutionary forces and foreign forces in Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, and other big cities. As for the press, the Northern warlords often controlled, purchased, or suppressed many publications. Zhang Zongchang, a Shandong warlord, once convened journalists and publicly announced that newspapers and magazines should only demonstrate positive images of him, and anyone who acted against this rule would be prosecuted under military law. To avoid being punished, many newspapers became the mouthpieces of political forces. Some political parties and groups even published their own newspapers. Examples of politically controlled papers were Chenbao in Beijing, Shishi Xinbao in Shanghai, Xingshi of the nationalists, and Guomin Xinbao of the KMT in Beijing. At this time, Ta Kung Pao also accepted allowance from the Anfu School. Shanghai had become a very dangerous place for journalists. People who dared to

China’s private newspapers/periodicals 59 fight against the warlords were often brutally persecuted, such as the famous journalists Shao Piaoping and Lin Baishui. On the morning of April 26, 1926, Shao Piaoping was killed by the warlord Zhang Zuolin because he dared to expose the brutality of the warlords. When Shao Piaoping died, he was only 40 years old. Although his life was short, he had received many titles, which were well remembered by people: Shao was the first journalist with the title of the commissioner in the history of Chinese journalism. He was the first person to establish a news compilation and translation agency in China. He was also the founder of modern Chinese journalism in the twentieth century. Shao founded Jingbao and devoted himself to cultivating journalist talent. Shao Piaoping wrote many excellent political essays and news comments in his 14-year journalism career. The essays collected in Selections from Shao Piaoping (Shao Piaoping Xuanji) numbered as many as 300, with a total of around 500,000 words. From a young, amateur correspondent to his heroic death, Shao’s pursuit of journalism never changed. As a consequence to his dedication, Shao became one of the most important individuals in modern Chinese journalism. Lin Baishui was another pioneer of modern Chinese journalism. In 1901 he served as the chief writer of Hangzhou Baihuabao. In the same winter, he went to Shanghai, established the Chinese Society of Education (Zhongguo Jiaoyu Xuehui) with Cai Yuanpei, and organized patriotic activities. Later, he went to Japan to learn law and journalism in Waseda University, and joined the Revolutionary League (Tongmeng Hui). After returning to China, he served as the director of the Legal Bureau in the Fujian Military Government (Fujian Junzhengfu), the secretary of the Beijing Grand Presidential Palace, and a member in the House of Representatives. In the spring of 1921, Lin founded Xinshehuibao in Beijing. He used Baishui (literally meaning “clear water”) as his pen name and published political articles to expose the scandals of warlords and politicians. In 1922, the newspaper was closed. Lin Baishui was imprisoned for three months. After he was released from prison, he changed the name Xinshehuibao to Shehuiribao and once again began to publish. In October 1923, Lin Baishui went to jail again because of the publication of an article that exposed Cao Kun’s bribery scandal during the presidential election. The newspaper was closed again. On August, 6, 1926, Lin Baishui was arrested and killed by Zhang Zongchang, the leader of the Fengtian clique, due to his repeated criticism in editorials about Zhang. Ta Kung Pao in period of Xin Ji Company In 1926, Wu Dingchang, Hu Zhengzhi, and Zhang Jialuan founded the Xin Ji Company and bought all shares of Ta Kung Pao. Wu supported the company by investment, whereas Hu and Zhang took a share of the responsibility of running the company. They cohosted Ta Kung Pao within the Xin Ji Company. As a businessman, Wu believed that political capital had three key points – the bank, the newspaper, and the school. Not a single one of these conditions could be dispensed with. Wu was very interested in running the newspaper. Wu believed that the only way to be successful was to maintain independent funds, talent, and joint efforts.

60

China’s private newspapers/periodicals

Hu Zhengzhi brought his staff of Guowen News Agency and Guowen Zhoubao on as the staff of Ta Kung Pao. Zhang Jialuan served as the editor. To run the newspaper more efficiently, they formulated five principles: 1 2 3 4

5

The funds were raised by Wu Dingchang himself and would not be raised in any other way. In the following three years, the three funders should concentrate on the newspaper exclusively and would not take any other paid position. Hu Zhengzhi and Zhang Jiluan would share the company share by laboring. At the end of each year, the newspaper would give them an equal share. Wu served as the principal of the newspaper, Hu as manager and deputy editor, and Zhang as the chief editor and deputy manager. The three would form the social events assessment committee (sheping weiyuanhui) to study current affairs, to decide proposals, and to take turns to write the editorials. Zhang was responsible for the newspaper revising. When they had divergent opinions, the minority would obey the majority. When the three had different opinions, respectively, Zhang would make the decision.

In the following passage, the three’s newspaper careers will be introduced. Hu Zhengzhi served as editor in Shanghai Dagonghe Ribao from 1913, when he began his newspaper career. In September 1916, he entered Ta Kung Pao (in Wang Zhilong period), where he was the manager and chief editor. In 1919, Hu was sent to the Paris Peace Conference on behalf of Ta Kung Pao, at which time he became the only Chinese journalist who was in Paris. After his return, he opened a new column in Ta Kung Pao to introduce Western cultures and ideas. In 1920, the Anhui Clique was defeated in the Zhili-Anhui War. Because Ta Kung Pao was a proAnhui Clique newspaper at that time, it also experienced great loss. Hu then resigned from Ta Kung Pao and worked for Xinshehui Bao, which was founded by Lin Baishui. In 1921, Hu Zhengzhi founded the Guowen News Agency, and in 1924, he founded Guowen Xinbao. After the establishment of Ta Kung Pao, Hu was responsible for both administrative affairs and newspaper editing. Hu proved extremely capable in running newspapers. He had his own opinion in newspaper editing, management, and operation and subsequently gained a reputation as a capable journalist. Zhang had been active in the field of modern Chinese newspapers for more than 10 years. In 1911 Zhang returned to China and participated in the publishing of Minlibao, founded by Yu Youren, in Shanghai. In 1913, he co-organized Beijing Minlibao with other newspaper proprietors, which was later closed by the Yuan Shikai government. He was then arrested and imprisoned. After his release, Hu Zhengzhi invited Zhang to serve as the Japanese translator of Dagonghe Ribao. In 1915, Zhang cofounded the newspaper Minxin Ribao, which was known for its critique of President Yuan Shikai. Zhang was the chief editor. In 1916, Xinwenbao hired Zhang as a special correspondent in Beijing. When Zhonghuaxinbao was founded, Zhang was invited to become the chief editor. As a result of uncovering Prime Minister Duan

China’s private newspapers/periodicals 61 Qirui’s treacherous behaviors, Zhang was imprisoned again. After his release, he was invited to become the chief editor in Zhonghuaxinbao in Shanghai. On September 1, 1926, the new Ta Kung Pao in the Xin Ji Company was founded. Zhang published an article “Our Fellows’ Interest” (Benshe Tongren zhi Zhiqu) in its first issue. Zhang put forward the Four Nos Policy (sibu fangzhen), which was “no party affiliation, no political endorsement, no selfpromotion, no ignorance” (budang, busi, bumai, bumang), which became the motto of Ta Kung Pao. It emphasized its freedom from political and partisan bias as a folk newspaper. The Four Nos Policy was a comprehensive guiding rule of running a newspaper and underscored Ta Kung Pao’s political position, management principles, and writing style. The proposal of the policy was based on years of experience and lessons of the three men and touched upon the key problems of Chinese newspapers at that time. Zhang explained his understanding toward the Four Nos Policy: “No party affiliation” meant that the newspaper would only express its views like other citizens, with no prejudice or bias. It would promote goodness and oppose evil. “No political endorsement” meant Ta Kung Pao would not accept any political subsidies or support. The words of Ta Kung Pao were only guided by intelligence and knowledge, which would never be bought off. “No self-promotion” meant that people working for the newspaper would keep their loyalty to the newspaper. It would remain open to the whole society and become the mouthpiece of the public. “No ignorance” meant the newspaper would not evaluate things relying on others’ opinions nor argue against things without knowing the facts. Prior to the enactment of this policy, Ta Kung Pao kept a circulation of only 2,000 copies. After they proposed the Four Nos Policy, the circulation rose to 6,000 copies in May 1927. Advertising revenue also rose from 200 yuan per month to more than 1,000 yuan. The amount of business settlement rose from losing 4,000 yuan per month to maintaining a balance. Five years later, the circulation reached to more than 50,000 copies. In 1936 it exceeded 100,000 copies, becoming the premier newspaper and public opinion center in China. Ta Kung Pao exclusively released two major news events: Chinese reunification in 1928 and Zhang Xueliang’s support of Chiang Kai-shek’s entry into the central plains in the later stage of the Civil War. Xinji Ta Kung Pao carried out drastic reforms in its news business: 1

2

It changed the layout of the newspaper. To highlight important news, Ta Kung Pao put important articles in a conspicuous position and made the headlines eye-catching, sometimes also adding pictures. Attention was also paid to the arrangement of news with different lengths and varied types in different sizes and fonts. In the content, Ta Kung Pao emphasized both news and opinion. In terms of news reporting, it was famous for accuracy and timeliness. The editorials were known as being direct, accurate, and highly related to political and social affairs. Ta Kung Pao encouraged intellectuals to express their opinions on social issues and created an important public space in modern China.

62

China’s private newspapers/periodicals

3

Xinji Ta Kung Pao paid attention to its supplements. During that time, there were more than 40 kinds of professional supplements under Ta Kung Pao. Among them, the longest and the most influential one was “Small Park” (Xiaogongyuan). This was a comprehensive supplement that was famous for its literature works.

In December 1935, Wu Dingchang was invited to serve as the minister of the Industry and Commerce Department and resigned from Ta Kung Pao. Due to the increasing political tensions in Beijing and Tianjin, Ta Kung Pao began to develop southward. On April 1, 1936, Ta Kung Pao settled in Wang Ping Street, Shanghai, beginning its Shanghai edition. After the Marco Polo Bridge Incident20, Tianjin and Shanghai were occupied by Japan. Ta Kung Pao advocated for collective resistance and refused to surrender. As a result, the Tianjin version was closed on August 5, 1937, with its Shanghai version ceasing production on December 14. Although confronting many of difficulties, Ta Kung Pao did not stop is development. From September 18, 1937, to October 17, 1938, Zhang set up Ta Kung Pao Hankou version with Cao Gubing and Wang Yunsheng. From December 1, 1938, to August 4, 1952, Zhang helped set up Ta Kung Pao Chongqing edition. From August 13, 1938, to December 13, 1941, Hu founded Ta Kung Pao Hong Kong edition with Jin Chengfu, Xu Zhucheng, and others. From March 15, 1941, to September 12, 1944, Hu founded Ta Kung Pao Guilin version. During the period of the Anti-Japanese War, Ta Kung Pao had to move from one place to another, causing serious loss to its business. Due to reasonable management, however, it still made great progress in establishing its local versions. With the Chongqing edition, Hong Kong edition, and Guilin edition issuing at the same time, Ta Kung Pao had achieved the social influence that others could barely conceive. In April 1941, Ta Kung Pao Chung King received a letter from the Missouri School of Journalism in the United States. The letter awarded Ta Kung Pao the title of best foreign newspaper. It stated, Ta Kung Pao had a long history and it could represent the Chinese newspapers. . . . During the battle time, its domestic and international reports were rich and essential. Its brave and sharp social commentaries had a huge impact on public opinions. . . . The history of Ta Kung Pao since its creation is shining in the history of modern China. This was the first time a Chinese newspaper had won the Missouri Honor Medal for Best Newspaper.21 On the same day, Chongqing press held a grand rally to celebrate. Ta Kung Pao published an article “Our Fellows’ Claim” (Benshe Tongren de Shengming), summarizing its experience as political involvement and newspaper management. On February 2, 1943, Ta Kung Pao Chongqing edition published an editorial (see “Chongqing, Think of Central Plains” [Kan Chongqing, Nian Zhongyuan]. It condemned the extravagant life of the rich in Chongqing. This article irritated the KMT government, and Ta Kung Pao was compelled to suspend its issue for three days.

China’s private newspapers/periodicals 63 After the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, Ta Kung Pao proceeded to resume its suspended local edition. On November 1 and December 1 in 1945, Shanghai edition and Tianjin edition were republished. On New Year’s Day in 1946, Ta Kung Pao set up its chief management office in Shanghai. The general management office was chaired by Hu Zhengzhi. On March 15, 1948, the Hong Kong edition was resumed. The Hong Kong edition called for peace and opposed the Civil War. During the War of Liberation, Ta Kung Pao published the editorial “The Liberals’ Belief” (Ziyou Zhuyizhe de Xinnian), proposing China take “the third way”, but this idea attracted attacks from both the KMT and the Communists, and it put Ta Kung Pao in an embarrassing position. Wang Yunsheng then left Shanghai and went to Hong Kong to preside over the Ta Kung Pao Hong Kong edition. On November 10, the Hong Kong edition published an article “Peace Is Impossible” (Heping Wuwang), and it began to the change its position, becoming a left-wing newspaper. After the foundation of PRC After 1949, Ta Kung Pao continued to publish in Hong Kong under the leadership of the Hong Kong and Macao Working Committee. It joined the left-wing field with Hong Kong Commercial Daily and Wenhui Daily, which were supported by Chinese investors. On January 15, 1949, the People’s Liberation Army controlled Tianjin. Its Tianjin version was reorganized into Progress Daily (Jinbu Ribao). On April 14, Hu Zhengzhi, the general manager of Ta Kung Pao died in Shanghai. On May 25, the Liberation Army took control of Shanghai. Wang Yunsheng and other staff of Ta Kung Pao then went to Shanghai. On June 17, the Shanghai edition published an article “The Declaration of Ta Kung Pao’ New Life” (Dagongbao Xinsheng Xuanyan) and declared that the newspaper was now owned by the people. On November 30, the Liberation Army took Chongqing. The Chongqing edition was allowed to continue its issue. It ceased its publication, however, on August 4, 1952. On this basis, the CPC Chongqing Municipal Committee founded Chongqing Daily, which was the party newspaper of Chongqing. On January 1, 1953, the Shanghai edition moved northward and incorporated with Progress Daily, becoming the nationwide Ta Kung Pao. The newspaper subsequently moved to Beijing in September 1956 and started its publication on October 1. According to the planned economy model, Ta Kung Pao was responsible for finance reporting. Being a folk newspaper, Ta Kung Pao held clear standpoints and attitudes on essential political events, providing important historical data for modern Chinese development. During the Great Cultural Revolution, Ta Kung Pao ceased publication on September 14, 1966, and was renamed as Qianjinbao; however, this renamed paper only lasted for 103 days. Looking back on the development of Ta Kung Pao, its development was closely related to historical stages in modern China. From the beginning of its establishment, the paper advocated constitutional improvement and freedom of speech, which opposed Yuan Shikai. In the second stage, it became the mouthpiece of warlords. The position of the paper then changed from being independent to

64

China’s private newspapers/periodicals

supporting Chiang Kai-shek. Later it shifted from advocating the “third way” to supporting the leadership of the CPC. The development process of Ta Kung Pao not only reflects the struggle of private Chinese newspapers but also represents a shining example of modern Chinese journalism.

Notes 1 To show the reliability of the Xiaobao, publishers tried to find officials and make them guarantors of the newspaper. Usually the official guarantor had to make sure that all the news and other published contents in Xiaobao were real. Disobeying the rules would result in punishment of the guarantor. 2 Xiangshi and Huishi were two kinds of exams in the Chinese imperial examinations, which were known as a civil service examination system in ancient China to select officials for the state bureaucracy. Xiangshi was held by the local government, and Huishi was held by the central government. Until 1905, Xiangshi and Huishi were the main paths for citizens to be chosen to work for the state bureaucracy. 3 Junjichu was also called the Grand Council, which was an important policy-making institution in the Qing Dynasty. Established in 1733 by the Emperor Yongzheng, Junjichu gradually replaced the Grand Secretariats (neige) and played a more important role in military, bureaucratic, and social affairs. 4 The Yam is also called Yizhan, which is a supply station for messengers and postmen. During the Yuan Dynasty, Yizhan was widely employed for letters and news delivery. The Yam was a place to give food, shelter, and spare horses for messengers. 5 Liuke refer to the six administrative broads of the central government. Liuke were responsible for official candidate selection (li), revenue and economy (hu), ceremony and etiquette (li), war and military (bing), law and punishment (xing), as well as laboring and working (gong), respectively. 6 Tael is also called Chinese tale or liang; it refers to a weight measure in ancient Chinese currency. In ancient China, there were different weighting standards of tael, which mainly depended on the region or type of trade. In general the silver tael weighed around 40 grams (1.3 oz.). Usually these traditional Chinese silver sycees (银锭的复数) were not denominated or made by a central mint, and their value was determined by their weight. 7 Cash (wen) was a currency denomination used in imperial China. It was the chief unit of currency in China and could be used to denominate both coins and paper money. In the currency system, cash (or wen) is a small measure, and eight Chinese cash was a cheap price for a piece of newspaper. 8 The case of Yang Naiwu was one of the four most famous unjust cases at the end of the Qing Dynasty. During the year of Emperor Tongzhi, Yang and a woman whose last name was Gebi were suspected of adultery; Yang was then arrested and tortured to “confess” to the crime he had not committed. The case raised high publicity at that time, and eventually Yang and Gebi’s innocence were eventually proven. 9 Zhuzhici was a form of poetry in ancient China that originated from the folk songs in the southwestern region of China. In the Tang Dynasty, a poet called Yuxi Liu transformed folk songs into a kind of poem style, creating the so-called zhuzhici. Most of the zhuzhici were rich in ethnic and humanistic characteristics. 10 Dan is a kind of unit of weight measurement in ancient China. Each Dan is almost equivalent to 75 kilograms. 11 Lu Xun, was a famous writer, editor, and translator in modern Chinese literature. Lu Xun was the pen name of Zhou Shuren. Writing in both Vernacular Chinese and Classical Chinese, Lu Xun’s writing style was famous for being sharp, incisive, and poignant. 12 “Resisting Foreign Aggression After Stabilizing the Country” (rangwai bixian annei) was a policy introduced by Chiang Kai-shek on July 23, 1931. It delivered Chiang’s

China’s private newspapers/periodicals 65

13

14

15 16 17 18 19

20

21

intention to wipe out the Communist Party first and then deal with Japan’s invasion. Here “annei” means destroy the Communist Party, and “rangwai” means tackle the Japanese invaders. Chiang’s policy was suspended after the Xi’an Incident. The Anhui clique was founded by Duan Qirui, who was also born in Anhui Province. It was one of many cliques and factions that were separate from the Beijing clique during the warlord era in the Republic of China. Because the Anhui clique was founded very early, its political proposition was much more complicated than other warlord rivals. Yuan Shikai was one of the favorite politicians of Empress Cixi. He was famous for his influence during the late Qing Dynasty. He helped Qing’s last emperor to abdicate and became the first formal president of the Republic of China. He subsequently helped restore the monarchy, but this only lasted for a short time. Mengzi is a city in Yunan Province that is located in the southwest of China. Ye Shi Ji is a book written by Qian Zhongshu, a famous writer in modern China. The book is mainly about Qian’s comments on poems in Imperial China. Shusanmin refers to three newspapers founded by Yu Youren. They were Minhu Ribao, Minyu Ribao, and Minli Bao. Because all of the three newspapers’ titles started with “min” (meaning ‘people’), it was called shusanmin (“three people’s newspaper”). Anfu School was a political group attached to the Anhui clique. It was founded by Wang Yitang, Wang Yinchuan in Anfu Hutong in the year of 1918. The group was quite active till 1920, when the Anhui clique was defeated in a fight with the Zhixi clique. Zhang Xun Restoration refers to the attempts of several of Qing’s officials to restore the imperial system in July 1917. It was led by General Zhang Xun, whose army controlled Beijing. He reinstated Qing’s last emperor, Puyi, to the throne; however, the restoration only lasted from July 1 to July 12 and was overthrown by republican troops. The May Fourth Movement refers to an anti-imperialist student movement that happened in Beijing on May 4, 1919. It mainly protested against the weak response of the Chinese government toward the Treaty of Versailles. The Marco Polo Bridge Incident (Lugouqiao Shibian) was a battle between China and Japan. It also marked the beginning of the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945). On the night of July 7, 1937, the Japanese army conducted military exercises outside the town of Wanping, about 10 miles from Beijing. The Japanese army asked to enter Wanping to search for Kikujiro, a soldier who was claimed missing in that exercises. When the Chinese refused, Japan started the battle and ultimately took control of the Beijing and Tianjin area. The Missouri Honor Medal is a high honor in the field of the press. Prior to this, only Asahi Shimbun in Japan and The Times of India received this award in Asia.

4

The development of Chinese political party’s press

The development of the newspaper industry has always been closely linked with the political revolutions in the history of China. Sun Yat-sen, known as the father of the democratic revolution, once publicly declared, “[T]he success of a revolution depends on the power of the press”. He believed that “the quickest way to gain the success of a revolution is to expend 90 percent of energy on publicity and 10 percent on force” (Sun Yat-sen, 1981, p. 568). Indeed, China’s political party newspapers have contributed greatly to China’s revolution.

The newspaper practice of reformers During the Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895), China’s defeat greatly deepened the crisis of the Chinese nation but awakened many Chinese people who had been trapped in the feudal system for centuries. The voice of social reformers was growing. The Gongche Shangshu Movement led by Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao formed the prelude of the Reform Movement.1 Under the impetus of the Reform Movement (Weixin Yundong) of 1898, many newspapers and magazines were founded, with many individuals writing books and delivering opinions. The process of reformers founding the press in modern China can be divided into three periods: the first period was 1895 to 1896, The Globe (Wanguo Gongbao), Chinese and Foreign Record (Zhongwai Jiwen), and Qiangxue Bao; the second period was 1896 to 1899, represented by Current Affairs (Shiwu Bao), Xiang Series (Xiang Bao), Latest News (Xinzhi Bao), Women and Study (Nvxue Bao), Agriculture (Nongxue Bao), and Arithmetic (Suanxue Bao); the third period was 1900 to 1912, which focused on the debate between revolutionaries’ The China Discussion (Qingyi Bao) and reformers’ Xinmin Congbao. Before the founding of the Republic of China, there were two peaks in the establishment of modern newspapers and periodicals in China: the first climax was from 1896 to 1898. At that time more than 70 newspapers were set up. The second climax was from the Wuchang Uprising, which fired the first shot against the feudal imperial (October 1911), to the establishment of the Republic of China (January 1912). During that time, the freedom of public comment greatly developed. More than 500 kinds of newspapers were founded at that time. Reformers’ newspapers began from the first peak and end to the second.

Chinese political party’s press 67 The Globe and Qiangxue Society Kang Youwei was a famous Chinese bourgeois reformer who was born in 1858 and died in 1927. In 1888, Kang Youwei, a learned and clever man who failed in the imperial examination, was very depressed. He went to Badaling Great Wall, overlooking the city, and thought about court corruption and the invasion of China by foreign powers. He felt distressed and bitter. On his return to Hainan Assembly Hall, he wrote Shang Qingdi Diyishu (literally, the First Memoranda to the Qing Emperor). Kang then embarked on a career of teaching new knowledge and seeking reform methods. At the beginning of 1895, Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao went to Beijing to take the imperial examination. During this period, Kang and Liang led a group of more than 1,300 candidates from 18 provinces writing the famous “Ten Thousand Word Plea” (Gongche Shangshu). Although the letter ultimately did not reach the hands of Emperor Guangxu, it formed the prelude to the famous Hundred Days’ Reform (Weixin Bianfa).2 Soon after the “Ten Thousand Word Plea”, the results of the civil service examination were published. Kang passed the examination and was appointed the principal of the Labour Ministry. During his time in office, he put forward many proposals, such as setting up newspapers and spreading new knowledge. On August 17, 1895, the Chinese bourgeois reformers founded their first newspaper, The Globe. The newspaper was embossed on wood and published every two days. Only Kang Youwei financially supported it. The readers of The Globe were mainly officials in Beijing, with the newspapers being distributed free by special groups. Every copy carried a lengthy argument to promote political reform. The publication of The Globe, like a tossed stone that raises a thousand ripples, made feudal bureaucrats increasingly anxious. As a consequence, they tried to oppress the newspaper and its founder, Kang Youwei. However, most scholar-officials welcomed the newspaper. Some people feared Kang’s new statements at the beginning, but Kang did not ignore them and argued with them through The Globe. As time passed, support for Kang’s opinions grew. Liang Qichao’s short comments were published in each issue, whereas long comments were published in stages. Up to more than 3,000 copies of the newspaper were delivered in one day. In November 1895, Kang Youwei established Qiangxue Society in Beijing, also known as Qiangxue press, which was the first political group that advocated social reform in public. Later The Globe was renamed Chinese and Foreign Record and became the official newspaper of Qiangxue Society. Liang Qichao and the Current Affairs Liang Qichao was born in 1873 in a landed family associated with the bourgeoisie in Chakeng Village of Xinhui County of Guangdong Province. Liang’s grandfather and father were both feudal literati. Liang studied in the Xuehai School, founded by Ruanyuan, in Guangzhou at the age of 15 and became a first-degree scholar at the age of 17. In 1890, he went to Beijing to take the civil service examination, where he read Yinghuan Ambition (Yinghuan Zhilue) and other books translated by

68

Chinese political party’s press

Jiangnan Manufacturing Department, and where he was initially exposed to Western capitalist culture. In 1891, he studied under Kang Youwei and accepted the impact of reform ideas. In 1895, he helped Kang Youwei launch the “Ten Thousand Word Plea” and organize Qiangxue Society in Beijing.3 Liang’s reform idea was to advocate elite autocracy, which meant the community should be governed by the upper class, who understood politics and mastered great knowledge. He said, Among four hundred million people, no more than fifty million are literate. Among those fifty million people, no more than five million people can understand grammar and write passages. Among those five million people, no more than five thousand can read history and know the ancient and modern events. Among those five thousand people, no more than one hundred people know the origin of politics, consider the truth of being a human being and seek the ways to strengthen our country and benefit our nation. (Liang, 1999, p. 416) The three things that Liang advocated for in the reform movement were launching newspapers to conduct publicity, establishing societies to organize activities, and founding schools to cultivate talent. He brought newspapers into the arena of political activities, creating a precedent for politicians to run a newspaper. Shiwu Bao (or Current Affairs) was published in Shanghai on August 9, 1896. Wang Kangnian was appointed as its manager and Liang Qichao as chief editor (later the chief editors were Mai Menghua, Xu Qin, etc.). Shiwu Bao aimed to reform systems and strengthen the country. It included contents such as Comment, Emperor’s Order, Latest News Outside Beijing, and Newspapers’ Translation Home and Abroad. Liang published important articles like “Law Reform”, whereas other reformers also wrote articles to reveal the increasingly serious national crisis, advocate reform, and criticize the stubborn and conservative forces. Current Affair sold more than 10,000 copies within several months, which had to that point, never happened in Chinese newspaper history. Current Affairs, established by Liang Qichao, was a pioneer of Chinese cultural innovation. In his later life Liang abandoned political affairs and concentrated on academic research. He was so well published that he was regarded as the “new intellectual circle’s Chen She” and became the dean and leader of the academe in the period between old and new academic research. The Current Affairs Writing Style started to take shape when Liang published “Reform Discussion” (Bianfa Tongyi) in Current Affairs and matured in Qingyi Bao in 1898. Liang published articles like “New People” (Xinmin Shuo) and “Young China” (Shaonian Zhongguoshuo), which brought this writing style to its peak. In summary, Liang’s writing style has the following characteristics: first, break the rule of traditional Chinese writing. Liang did not follow rules and regulations of the traditional eight-legged essay (baguwen) in his writing; rather, he made bold use of free writing methods to comment on politics and express his opinions. Second, make writing simple and easy to understand. Liang abandoned difficult

Chinese political party’s press 69 and esoteric vocabularies of traditional classical Chinese and tried to use popular language and foreign languages to analyze problems and reasons with foreign syntax, making articles easy to understand. Third, be clear in logic and sharp in reasoning, moved with plentiful of feeling (tiaoli mingxi, bifeng changdai ganqing). Although Liang’s writing style was free and without constraint, its logic was clear and easy to recognize. The Current Affairs Writing Style made a difference at that time and had a significant impact on subsequent political movements, such as the Revolution of 1911 and the May 4th Movement. Other newspapers by reformers With the development of the Hundred Days’ Reform, the thought of reform gradually won many people’s hearts. Many intelligent people with lofty ideas established newspapers. Emperor Guangxu’s order of allowing civil newspapers, which was issued in Hundred Days’ Reform, also promoted sustainable development of civil newspapers. In addition to the previously mentioned main press, reformers set up newspapers in major cities across the country to publicize the Hundred Days’ Reform. This formed the first peak of newspaper establishment in the history of modern China. The following section will introduce several key publications of the period. Zhixin Bao (The Latest News) The Latest News was an important public opinion base for reformers in southern China. It was founded in Macao on February 22, 1897, with Kang Youwei’s younger brother Kang Guangren appointed as general manager. Its remarks were bold, direct, and comprehensive. It ceased publication on January 20, 1901, representing the reformers’ longest published newspaper in the country. Guowen Bao (National News) National News was the most important public opinion base for reformers in northern China and the reformers’ first daily newspaper. It was set up by Yanfu in Tianjin in 1897. It aimed to convey the government’s orders as well as public opinions and deliver Chinese and foreign affairs, especially foreign affairs.4 Evolution and Ethics (Huxley, 1929), translated by Yan Fu, was published in its supplement National News Compilation. It put forward the law of natural selection and survival of the fittest (wujing tianze, shizhe shengcun), which had a profound influence on modern society. Yan Fu was not only a journal activist but also a famous translator and enlightenment thinker. He made National News a unique newspaper. Compared with other domestic newspapers, National News mainly focused on foreign affairs and was known for its rich news sources. Yan believed that “[i]n order to understand foreign affairs, we have to expatiate on them. In order to expatiate on them, we have to translate newspapers from all around the world” (yu tongzhi waiqing,

70

Chinese political party’s press

bunengbu xiangshu waishi, yu shangshu waishi, bunengbu guangyi geguozhibao) (Yan Fu, 1897). Yan hired, therefore, intelligent people who were proficient in foreign literature to collect and translate foreign newspapers. In December 1897, Yan’s translation of Huxley’s Evolution and Ethics began to be published in National News Compilation, which caused an immediate sensation in academia. This book introduced the theory of evolution and bourgeois sociology theory to Chinese people for the first time, shocking the whole ideological and cultural establishment of China. Xiangxue Xinbao and Xiang Bao In 1897, under the drive of the reformers’ important leaders such as Tan Siton, the Current Affairs School (Shiwu Xuetang) was set up in Hunan. It was one of the primary places for reformers to publicize political reforms in Hunan during the Hundred Days’ Reform. The school depended on offering lectures to publicize new thoughts. The faculty included Tan Sitong, Liang Qichao, and Li Weige. Xiangxue Xinbao was the first newspaper founded by reformers in Hunan. It was launched on April 22, 1897, in Changsha. XunKan, Tang Caichang, and Chen Weiyi were appointed as chief editors. Tang Caichang was a famous political activist and outstanding journalist during the Reform Movement of 1898. He organized the Independence Army in Wuhan and staged an armed uprising, but the plan encountered prior exposure, and Tang was arrested and immediately killed by Zhang Zhidong. Xiang Bao, founded in Changsha on March 7, 1898, was the first daily newspaper in Hunan. The main writers were Tang Caichang and Tan Sitong. Xiang was much more popular and radical than Xiangxue Xinbao. Xiang Bao published a number of political commentaries, slammed the feudal autocratic system, advocated civil rights and equality, and put forward specific proposals of political reform. Tang Sitong was in charge of Xiang Bao. His style name was Fusheng and pseudonym was Zhuangfei. He was a famous political activist and political commentator in the reform movement. During the half year he worked in Xiang Bao, he published 25 comments about politics, economy, culture, education, and other aspects and vigorously publicized the reform movement. His argument was magnificent, emotional, and infectious. The representative was Benevolence (Ren Xue). The years 1895 to 1898 were the peak of Chinese newspaper establishment. Intellectuals all around the country established newspapers and delivered statements one after another. More than 94 kinds of newspapers were set up in 20 cities, among which Shanghai accounted for the most, with the rest being spread more evenly among Zhejiang, Hunan, Guangdong, Jiangsu, Beijing, Sichuan, Tianjin, Macao, Guangxi, Shanxi, Anhui, Jiangxi, and Hong Kong. There were various types of newspapers, including digest newspapers like Integration (Jichengbao), Women (Nvxuebao), and Mengxue Bao aimed at women and children, vernacular newspapers like Yanyi, professional newspapers like Agriculture and Arithmetic, and government organs like Official Bookstore.

Chinese political party’s press 71 The newspapers founded by reformers vigorously promoted reform and actively advocated new thoughts, playing an enlightening role at that time and creating a new trend. Its historical role can be summarized with the following aspects: 1

2

3

4

5

6

It educated readers on patriotic national salvation. Reformers stated the current dangerous situation of being surrounded by strong foreign powers, angrily condemned the powers’ acts, and put forward slogans to build a strong and independent new China. This greatly stimulated the patriotic passion of literati and intellectuals to resist aggression and revitalize China. It educated readers on the enlightenment of bourgeois thought. It used many articles to introduce Western learning and Western society and enthusiastically advocated bourgeois culture so that the thoughts of the majority of intellectuals were liberated. It promoted the development of the reform movement and the realization of the reform. The publicity activities around the community had a great influence on public opinion and received support and aid from many patriotic intellectuals. This greatly benefited the reform movement. It broke feudal rulers’ bans on speech. Starting from The Globe and Current Affairs, founded by Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, reformers set a precedent for civil newspapers, thus breaking the long-term repression of public opinion by the Qing government, thereby creating a new era of Chinese historical speech. It set a precedent for politicians to run a newspaper. Because of reformers, intellectuals who ran newspapers began to participate in the discussion of political reform. They attacked the feudal autocratic system, advocated reform and innovation, and played a role in promoting a series of reforms drawn up by the Qing government. It created a new style of news writing and promoted the development of political writing. Liang Qichao’s free-flowing and emotional political essays characterized the new writing style. It opened a new era of newspaper writing and had a profound impact on writing styles during the latter periods of the Revolution of 1911 and the May 4th Movement.

The newspaper practices of revolutionaries In the late 1900s, revolutionary thought came into being. With the Qing government lingering, the voice of the revolution gradually increased. After the Sino-Japanese War, revolutionary thought gradually replaced reformist thought, becoming the strongest voice of the times. Revolutionaries founded their own press and publicized revolution, advocating the overthrow of the Qing government and the establishment of a democratic republic. At that time, the activities of establishing newspapers were in full swing, such that there was even a proverb saying “a newspaper that is not sealed off is not a good one, while a principal who is not sent to jail is not a good one” (Baoguan bufengmen bushi haobaoguan, zhubi buruyu bushi haozhubi). Following section 4.1, this

72

Chinese political party’s press

section will shift to introduce the revolutionaries and their newspaper practices in modern China. Sun Yat-sen and his newspaper experience It is usually acknowledged that reformers and revolutionaries in modern China both belonged to the bourgeois camp, even if they were distinct from each other in terms of political opinions and social class representation. The former represented the demands of the upper social class and aimed to establish a constitutional monarchy in China, whereas the latter claimed to reflect the interests of the middle and lower class in China and called for a realization of a democratic republic. The reformers advocated a moderate reform in a top-down way, whereas the revolutionaries firmly supported taking bottom-up actions. The disagreement became even more intense at the beginning of the twentieth century, when the reforming idea was gaining momentum and the revolutionary movement was still in its initial stage. The most important representative of the revolutionaries was Sun Yat-sen, who was born into a peasant family on November 12, 1866, in Cuiheng Village, Xiangshan County (now Zhongshan County), Guangdong Province. At the beginning of 1894, Sun Yat-sen drafted a statement to the direct supervisor Li Hongzhang in the Cuiheng village, advocating that the example of Western countries should be followed and that reformation should be conducted to achieve the independence and prosperity of the country.5 Nevertheless, his proposal was not accepted. He subsequently gave up the thought of reform and embarked on the path of bourgeois democratic revolution. In October 1895, Sun Yat-sen and Lu Haodong planned an armed insurrection in Guangzhou and set up a secret organization in Shuang Men Di. They failed. During that period, Sun did not have plans to make publications to advocate for a revolution. It was, however, some matters he encountered afterward that made him determined to set up the revolutionaries’ own newspapers. One of the important things was his arrest in London. After the defeat of the Guangzhou insurrection in 1895, the Qing government offered a reward for the capture of Sun Yat-sen. Sun Yat-sen took a ship from New York to Liverpool and then traveled by train to London on September 30, 1896. On October 11, Sun Yat-sen was trapped by Qing government officers during a visit to church. He subsequently attempted to contact his teacher Kang Deli through channels to request aid. Kang Deli was informed of the news and went with one of Sun’s friends, Meng Sheng, to rescue Sun. They repeatedly went to the London police station and the British Ministry of Foreign Affairs, asking for the intervention of the British government, and also went to the Qing embassy in person, requesting Sun’s release. Their efforts, however, were all in vain. Kang Deli and Meng Sheng then turned to the London Criminal Court and alleged that the Qing government was in violation of the Personal Protection Act, but unfortunately, the judge ignored their allegation. A reporter from The Earth then reported the news that Sun Yat-sen was being detained by the Qing government, igniting a strong reaction among the British community. Strong public opinion forced the British government to carry on negotiations with the Qing embassy.

Chinese political party’s press 73 On October 23, the British prime minister and Foreign Minister Salisbury issued a note to the Qing embassy demanding an immediate release of Sun Yat-sen in accordance with international law and practice. At 4:30 pm, Sun Yat-sen was finally released. Soon after his release, Sun wrote a book in English named Kidnapped in London (Sun, 1969), which was published in the UK and which disclosed the truth of the incident. This incident had a profound influence on both Sun’s life and the course of the revolutionary movement against the Qing government and became a major reason for Sun Yat-sen to found the revolutionary press. Sun Yat-sen then left Europe and moved to Japan for revolutionary publicity. At that time, the royalist faction had already founded the party newspaper in Yokohama, Japan. The earliest was Qingyi Bao founded in 1898, the two purposes of which were to support the resettlement of Emperor Guangxu and to introduce Western bourgeois doctrine. The publicity of Qingyi Bao affected many overseas compatriots, who then withdrew from the Revive China Society and joined the Royal Society. To compete with Qingyi Bao, Sun started his own newspaper activities. Sun Yat-sen chose Hong Kong as a base to set up a newspaper and founded the China Daily (Zhongguo Ribao), which was edited by Chen Shaobai, on January 5, 1900. It was the first government organ established by the Revive China Society and also the earliest newspaper in China that publicized the bourgeois revolution. In its early stages, China Daily publicized patriotism and salvation. Later it vigorously promoted the Three Principles of People (Sanmin Zhuyi).6 In 1913 the newspaper was shut down by Yuan Shikai, but it made a great contribution to the publicity of the revolutionaries’ ideas. The first president of China Daily was Chen Shaobai. In 1898, he went to the Guangzhou Gezhi School, and in the following year he made acquaintance with Sun Yat-sen. At the age of 21, he studied in the Hong Kong Western Medical College. Chen joined the Revive China Society in 1895 and went to Taiwan for the establishment of the Taipei branch in 1897. Under Sun Yat-sen’s order, he went back to Hong Kong in 1900 to found China Daily and publicize the revolution. To publicize the revolution, he also set up drama clubs like Cai Nan Ge, Zhen Tian Sheng, and Zhen Tian Sheng Vernacula. After the establishment of the Chinese Revolutionary League (Tongmenghui), he served as the president of the Hong Kong branch. After the recovery of Guangdong Province, he served as the foreign minister but soon resigned. He retired from politics after the foundation of the Republic of China and died in 1934 in Peking. His works included The Revolution History of Revive China Society (Xingzhonghui Geming Shiyao) and The History Record of Revive China Society (Xingzhonghui Geming Shiyao Bielu). The early content of China Daily exposed the corruption of the Qing government and advocated for civil rights. By introducing the history of the British and French bourgeois revolutions, China Daily praised the democratic republic system and called for people to fight for democracy and freedom. Meanwhile, it also published reporting about anti-imperialist activities of students, the Boxer Rebellion (Yihetuan yundong), and the invasion by the Eight-Nation Alliance (Baguo lianjun).7 During that time, China Daily was not only the base of revolutionaries

74

Chinese political party’s press

to influence public opinions but also their important stronghold to conduct further actions. In this way, it was both the center of public opinion and the pivot of communication. The debate between reformers and revolutionaries In July 1905, Sun Yat-sen arrived in Tokyo, Japan, to discuss the topic of constructing a unified revolutionary party with Huang Xing, Song Jiaoren, Chen Tianhua, and other individuals. On August 20, 1905, the Chinese Revolutionary League was formally established in Tokyo, and 17 provinces’ representatives who attended the meeting elected Sun Yat-sen as the prime minister. The Chinese Revolutionary League was the first unified national bourgeois revolutionary party in China, whose establishment symbolized a new historical period of Chinese democratic revolution. The official organ of the Chinese Revolutionary League was People (Minbao), a monthly newspaper founded in Tokyo on November 26, 1905, including columns such as Editorial, Commentary, Discussion, and Digest. Every issue contained 60,000 to 80,000 words. Sun Yat-sen wrote its foreword, putting forward the famous ideology of the Three People’s Principles: “nationalism, democracy, and livelihood”. This newspaper expounded the momentum of revolutionary activities, enlarged the alliance, and became the center of public opinion. The highest circulation reached 17,000 copies. Editions six through 24 were generally edited by Zhang Taiyan. People ceased publication in February 1910. After the first issue of People, to remove the ideological obstacles and promote the influence of revolutionaries, heated criticism was organized to attack the “home base” of the royalists, which was known as New People, igniting a great debate between these two newspapers on an unprecedented scale. Both sides conducted the debate around the following questions: first, whether or not to start a national revolution, which was the center of debate; second, whether or not to conduct a revolution of civil rights; third, whether or not to implement the nationalization of land and equalization of landownership; and fourth, whether or not the revolution would cause the intervention of imperialism and end up with a fragmented China. The debate lasted for two years from 1905 to 1907. The royalist newspapers that participated in the discussion were Qingyi Bao and New People. Qingyi Bao, the first official newspaper that the royalists issued overseas, was founded in Yokohama on December 23, 1898, and chiefly edited by Liang Qichao. After the 100th issue, the newspaper office suffered a fire and was forced to cease publication. The main content of the newspaper supported imperialism and advocated political reforms. The purpose of founding was to maintain an uncorrupted atmosphere of politics, stimulate the patriotism of Chinese people, enrich people’s knowledge, and cultivate a good relationship between China and Japan. Qingyi Bao made a significant difference during its three years of publication. Because of the ban from the Qing government, it served as a window for reformers to express opinions, which vigorously publicized the thoughts of reform overseas.

Chinese political party’s press 75 At that time, the sales of the newspaper reached 4,000 copies with approximately 40,000 readers. New People (Xinmin Congbao) was founded in Yokohama on February 8, 1902, by reformers. The chief editor was Liang Qichao. The purpose of New People was to enlighten national wisdom and to establish a new nation. It became the main place for advocating social reform. The paper once published a lengthy article titled “New People Statement” (Xinminshuo), which advocated support for the constitutional monarchy. Later however, Liang was affected by the revolutionaries and started to advocate “destruction” and “revolution”. His shift then made some young reformers abandon the paper, although Liang went back to support reform again afterward. The foreword (Fakanci) that Sun Yat-sen published in People was the trigger of the debate. In the first issue, People published two articles. The first was Chen Tianhua’s “China Should Apply Democracy” (LunZhongguo yi gaichuang minzhuzhengti), whereas the second was Wang Jingwei’s “National People” (Minzude guomin), which advocated revolution and social change. In the same issue, Sun Yat-sen criticized Kang and Liang’s proposals of constitutionalism. Seeing this, New People immediately took action and published a series of articles including “Enlightened Absolutism” (Kaimingzhuanzhilun), “Gain and Loss of Racial and Political Revolution” (Shenlun zhongzugeming yu zhengzhigeming zhi deshi), and “Argue Against the Theory of Land National Nationalization” (Bo moubaozhi tudiguoyoulun), written by Liang. Liang was an effective and eloquent author who attracted many readers. In the face of Liang’s attack, the revolutionary party did not compromise. They published Zhang Taiyan’s “Argue Against Kang’s Revolutionary Thoughts” (Bo Kangyouwei lungemingshu) and Zhu Zhixin’s “The Reasons Why the Qing Government Cannot Establish Constitution” (Lun manzhengfu suiyulixian erbuneng) to fight against the royalists, which caused great repercussions. Soon, based on these newspapers, the two sides engaged in an escalating debate on a wide range of topics. At the beginning of the debate, Liang Qichao was very arrogant and often ridiculed the revolutionaries in his articles regarding authors who wrote for People as sensitive youngsters. He thought that they were too emotional and that their articles were theoretically vulnerable. As the debate continued, Liang’s argument was not developed as well as his previous articles. They not only lacked grounds but also made a series of mistakes on cited materials and foreign-language translations. These mistakes were exposed by People. As a consequence, Liang was embarrassed and thus lost readers. After 1906, the contents of New People, a newspaper once very glorious, became very simple. Originally, there were more than 10 columns. After 1906, there were only four columns. Many articles published were unfinished, with a beginning but without an ending. In July 1906, New People asked to cease the debate. This request was rejected by the authors of People. New People made subsequent efforts to revive the paper, but with readership steadily declining, it discontinued publication in November 1907. As People won much more readership, the spirit of democratic revolution became deeply rooted in the minds of Chinese people.

76

Chinese political party’s press

Loyalists and revolutionaries also argued in other regional newspapers: for example, the debate between Hong Kong’s China Daily and Guangzhou’s Linghaibao in 1902; the debate between Subao and Chinese and Foreign Daily News (Zhongwai Ribao) in Shanghai in 1903; the debate between Tanshan Xinbao and New China in Tanxiang Mountain in the end of 1903; the debate between China Daily and Commerce (Shangbao) in Hong Kong in 1904; the debate between Young China Morning News and World Daily News in San Francisco; the debate between Huaxian Xinbao and Qinan Xinbao in Bangkok; the debate between Guanghuabao and Business (Shangwubao) in Rangoon; and the debate between Zhongxing Daily News (Zhongxing Ribao) and Nanyang General Report (Nanyang Zonghuibao) in Singapore. There were several specific reasons why New People failed in the debate. First, compared to the reform road that New People persisted on, the revolutionary road that People insisted on better catered to public demands and needs at that time. Second, People developed opinions on the basis of facts, cited the corruption of the Qing government, and concluded that overthrowing the existing government was the only way to save China; this opinion was quite convincing for many people. Conversely, the reform that New People referred to may have led to social turbulence as well as the interference of imperialism, and some of its advocates were based on conjecture rather than reality. Finally, more than 20 people who participated in the debate were in line with People, whereas only Liang Qichao was on the side of New People, a publication that already lacked the penetration of People. Thus, the failure of the royalists in the debate was inevitable. This debate between these two parties was of great significance. It was the first time that bourgeois revolutionaries fully spread their voice. Revolutionary newspapers prevailed during the debate, which also presaged the success of the revolution. This debate was a fight concerning the fate of China. It started the war between the revolutionary camp and the counter-revolutionary camp and between the ideology of national democratic revolution and that of semi-feudalism and semi-colonialism. Due to the debate, the Three People’s Principles (Sanminzhuyi) became deeply rooted in the hearts of the public and enabled the revolutionary ideology to spread, thus promoting the development of the revolution. The debate also made preparations for the Revolution of 1911 and contributed to the development of the revolutionary press.8 The rise of the revolutionary press Su Bao and the Subao case Around 1903, the power of the revolutionaries increased substantially. Despite the Qing Dynasty’s obstruction, some key members of students who studied in Japan came back to China and founded the revolutionary press in Shanghai and Hangzhou in concert with Hong Kong’s China Daily and the newspapers run by Chinese students in Japan.

Chinese political party’s press 77 In June 1896, Su Bao was founded in Shanghai, the development of which can be divided into three stages. Hu Zhang presided over the first stage, positioning Su Bao as a commercial newspaper. Chen Fan dominated the second stage, aligning Su Bao with the royalists. Chen Fan and Zhang Shizhao, during which time Su Bao turned to advocate the revolution instead of publicizing reforms and royalism, managed the third stage. The occurrence of Su Bao can be traced back to Zou Rong and his book Revolutionary Army (Gemingjun). Zou Rong was born in Ba County of Sichuan Province and was the son of a wealthy businessman. As a revolutionary, Zou refused to take the imperial examination, often expressed contempt for Yao-Shun, and criticized Duke of Zhou as well as Confucius. In 1901, he left Sichuan for Guangfangyan Hall in Shanghai. He went to Tokyo and studied at Tokyo Tongwen College the next year. In February, Liu Chengyu issued a speech against Manchu during the celebration of New Year. Zou responded immediately and cut an official’s braids without asking for his approval. As a consequence, Zou was forced to return to China. In May, Zou initiated the establishment of the Chinese Students League in the hope of gathering support from academia to fight for China’s future. He swore to be brothers with Zhang Taiyan, Zhang Shizhao, and Zhang Ji, among whom he was the youngest. In May 1903, Zou Rong’s book Revolutionary Army was published by Shanghai Datong Publishing House (Shanghai Datong Shuju). Su Bao published relevant articles continuously to vigorously promote this book. Once published, Revolutionary Army immediately attracted national attention and earned wide popularity. Regarded as a Chinese “Declaration of Human Rights” (Renquan Xuanyan), it was reprinted in more than 20 editions and recorded sales of 1.1 million copies, becoming the best seller at that time. Many young people transcribed the book, and its price even reached 10 taels of silver each in some remote areas. The publication of Revolutionary Army had a significant impact, with many influential people speaking highly of it. Sun Yat-sen said that Revolutionary Army was the most intense speech to banish Manchu. Lu Xun said, “There are no words more influential than the concise and straightforward book Revolutionary Army written by Zou Rong, a pioneer of the revolutionaries” (Lu, 1980). The Qing government was greatly angered, with one official, Duan Fang, stating, “The book is aimed at causing chaos and slandering honorable ancestors. It talks about taboos publicly and calls on all people to rebel against the government, which is surely unacceptable by us officials” (Lu Xun, 1980, p. 234). Zhang Taiyan’s article “The Relationship Between Kang Youwei and Emperor Guangxu” (Kangyouwei yu Jueluojunzhi guanxi), published in Su Bao, triggered the Subao case. In his article, Zhang identified the emperor’s name directly, an action that ultimately became the excuse for the Qing government to suppress Su Bao. The Qing government arrested Zhang Taiyan with the help of the concession authorities. When Zou Rong was informed, he voluntarily surrendered himself, and Su Bao was also sealed off soon after. After several sessions, in 1904, the court sentenced Zhang Taiyan to three years in prison, Zou Rong to two years imprisonment, and the permanent closure of Su Bao. Zou was subsequently persecuted to death in prison. Zhang Taiyan went to Japan after being released. This episode

78

Chinese political party’s press

became known as the Subao case and sharpened contradictions between the ideologies of revolution and autocratic governance. At the same time, the Qing government’s suppression caused strong opposition from revolutionaries, and thus, the Qing government was thoroughly discredited (Ding, 2000). The story between Qiu Jin and Chinese Women Qiu Jin was an outstanding woman revolutionary in the Revolution of 1911. She was born in Shanyin (now Shaoxing) of Zhejiang Province and named herself Jianhu Heroine. In April 1904, Qiu Jin went to study in Japan and participated in anti-Qing revolutionary activities. At the end of that year, she returned to China and joined the Restoration Society. In the spring of 1905, she again went to Japan and joined the Chinese Revolutionary League. She was elected to be a senator of the commentary department of the league as well as one of the main masters of the branch in Zhejiang Province. In the spring of 1906, she returned to China to establish Chinese public schools. She also wrote a piece of tanci called Jingwei Stone (Jingweishi) that exposed the darkness of the Qing government and promoted equality between men and women.9 In January 1907, Qiu Jin founded Chinese Women (Zhongguo Nvbao), a newspaper that focused on women’s interests and served the purpose of fighting for women’s rights, independence, and liberation. The newspaper was sealed off after the publication of only two issues. In July 1907, Qiu planned to launch the Anqing Uprising but failed. Due to informants within her inner circle, she was arrested. Despite this betrayal, she remained faithful and unyielding throughout the trial and ultimately died heroically. Yu Youren and his newspaper experience The first newspaper founded by Yu Youren was Chellona Daily (Shenzhou Ribao) in Shanghai in 1907. Chellona Daily was the first modern, large-scale daily founded by the revolutionaries in the period of the Revolution of 1911. The newspaper paid much attention to its writing strategy, attacking the Qing government in a roundabout way. The newspaper reported frequently about the uprising of the revolutionaries and attacked imperialist aggression, becoming an influential newspaper in Shanghai at that time. Until the restoration of Shanghai, Chellona Daily was regarded as a speech organ of the revolutionaries. However, Chellona Daily suffered a fire 80 days after its first issue. Yu was unable to restore it and thus departed. Yang Yulin and others succeeded him. On May 15, 1909, Yu Youren refinanced and founded Min Hu Daily (Minhu Ribao) in the Shanghai concession to expose the corruption of officials. Afterward, Yu was expelled from the concession, with Min Hu Daily only lasting for 92 days. On October 3, 1909, he set up a newspaper once again, called Min Yu Daily (Minyu Ribao), in the Shanghai concession. When Ito Hirobumi was assassinated at the Harbin railway station by the Korean patriot An Chonggen, Min Yu Daily published an article praising An’s acts. This article displeased the Japanese government, and

Chinese political party’s press 79 soon, Min Yu Daily was sealed up on November 19. One year later, Yu Youren founded another newspaper called Min Li Bao on October 11, 1910 in the Shanghai concession. The issue of this newspaper received strong support from Sun Yat-sen. After the foundation of the Provisional Government of the Republic of China, Min Li Bao issued the “Declaration of the Provisional President of the Republic of China” and published other news of the Provisional Government, actually becoming the organ of the Provisional Government. Three newspapers founded by Yu Youren, namely, Min Hu Daily, Min Yu Daily, and Min Li, all used the word “Min” at the beginning and were founded successively, thus known as the “Three Min”. In addition to the newspapers mentioned here, revolutionary newspapers were springing up all over the world. On January 1, 1911, Big River (Dajiangbao) was founded. Zhan Dabei chiefly edited Big River and published two enlightening commentaries called “It Is Peace That Leads to the Perdition of China” (Wangzhongguozhe hepingye) and “Chaos Can Save China” (Daluanzhe jiuzhongguo zhi miaoyaoye). These two commentaries caused great repercussions in Chinese society. Big Han was founded on October 15, 1911 in Wuhan Province and was chiefly edited by Hu Shian. In addition, there were other overseas newspapers founded by students abroad such as Tu Nan Daily (Tunan Ribao) and Zhong Xing Daily (Zhongxing Ribao) in Singapore, People’s Livelihood Daily (Minsheng Ribao) and Freedom Daily (Ziyou Ribao) in Honolulu, Datong Daily and Young China Morning News in San Francisco, China and the USA Daily and Big Han in Vancouver, and People’s Awakening Daily (Minxing Ribao) in Peru, Latin America. The aforementioned newspaper activities of the reformers and revolutionaries in the previous sections indicated that the political nature of the Chinese press was prominent. Since the beginning of the Opium War, China had been suffering from Western aggression and was forced to accept a series of unequal treaties such as cession and indemnity. In that context, reformers and revolutionaries began to create newspapers and advocate for their political opinions. Newspapers also formed a tradition to give voice to political factions or even serve as political tools.

Journalism activities of the CPC The beginning of Communist press Chen Duxiu and New Youth (Xinqingnian) With the development of pluralistic politics and regional politics, China ushered in a period of liberalism. This liberalism coexisted with political and military chaos, which also generated a great influence on journalism. New Youth is one example. Chen Duxiu in Shanghai founded New Youth on September 15, 1915. Chen published the famous newspaper statement “To Youth” (Jinggao qingnian) in the first issue of New Youth. In view of the shackles of the feudal ideology and culture, Chen proposed six requirements to young people: be independent instead of servile, be progressive instead of conservative, be optimistic instead of pessimistic, be global instead of parochial, be pragmatic instead of formalistic, and be

80

Chinese political party’s press

scientific instead of imaginary (Zizhude erfei nulide; Jinbude erfei baoshoude; Jinqude erfei tuiyinde; Shijiede erfei suoguode; Shilide erfei xuwende; Kexuede erfei xiangxiangde). The development of New Youth can be divided into three stages. In the first stage, from September 1915 to December 1917, Chen Duxiu was the main contributor. In the second stage, from January 1918 to May 1920, members in the editorial department chiefly edited New Youth in rotation. In the third stage, from September 1920 to July 1922, New Youth became the organ of the CPC in Shanghai. From its foundation to July 1922, New Youth issued nine volumes in total. Chen Duxiu, the founder, editor, and director of New Youth, identified three guiding principles for the publication of the paper: first, to set its aims and guidelines in different stages of development; second, to propose the principle of launching the ideological and cultural fight; and third, to organize editors, authors, and readers. As the main contributor of New Youth, Chen published more than 100 political commentaries, monographs, and essays. Chen wrote most of the articles in the communication column. It was not easy for Chen to run New Youth. During the seven years of his presidency over New Youth, he was arrested once and received penalties twice. His property was confiscated twice. New Youth became the most famous base of public opinion in the May 4th Movement.10 Chen himself was also admired as “the star of academia” by young people. Chen Duxiu was born in 1879. In 1896, he passed the elementary examination (Xiangshi). In the following year, he went to Nanjing to take the imperial examination at the provincial level but failed. He then turned to support Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao. In 1916, due to Shen Yinmo and Tang Erhe’s recommendation, Cai Yuanpei, the president of Peking University, invited Chen Duxiu to be the director of the arts department of Peking University. In December 1918, Chen Duxiu founded Weekly Commentary (Meizhou Pinglun) with Li Dazhao and other people. In the late period of the May 4th Movement, he began to accept and publicize Marxism. He became one of the key leaders of the Communist Party in the early days. In early 1920, Chen went to Shanghai and initiated the establishment of the CPC. In July 1921, the CPC held its first National Congress, and Chen, despite his absence, was elected as secretary of the Central Bureau. From the first National Congress to the fifth, Chen was elected as a member of the Central Committee, serving successively as secretary of the Central Bureau, chair of the Central Executive Committee, general secretary of the Central Committee, and other leading positions. On June 8, 1919, after a discussion with Li Dazhao (see Figure 4.1), Chen Duxiu drafted the famous “Beijing Citizen’s Declaration” (Beijingshiminxuanyan). On June 1, Chen Duxiu, Deng Chu, and Gao Yihen went to New World Amusement Park (Xinshijie Youyichang) in the south of Beijing to disseminate the declaration and were arrested on the spot. They were eventually released thanks to the efforts of a diverse range of supporters. At that time, people from all walks of life wrote articles in support of Chen Duxiu. Li Xinbai published the short poem “Memorize Chen Duxiu” on Weekly Commentary: “In light of their claims, we the masses suffer/In light of your assertion, they are painful/They do not want to suffer, so you are painful/You suffer for us” ( Li, 1919). The principal of Peking University,

Chinese political party’s press 81

Figure 4.1 Li Dazhao

Cai Yuanpei, publicly announced at the spot of Chen Duxiu’s release, “Peking University is so proud of you!” Li Dazhao presented the poem “Welcome Chen Duxiu to Be Released From Prison”, saying, “We are so glad that you have been released today! Their authority and power finally failed to triumph over truth. Neither prison nor death can make you surrender. Because you support the truth, the truth supports you in return” (Li, 1919). After the inception of New Youth, academia acquired an entirely new look. New Youth criticized old feudal morality, attacked Confucius, supported the restoration of feudalism, and promoted new ideas and a new morality of democracy, freedom, equality, and fraternity. The main contributor of New Youth Yi Shabai wrote a long political argument, “Comment on Confucius” (Kongzipingyi), in Issue No.6 of Volume No.1, becoming its first article attacking Confucianism. Chen Duxiu also published a series of political commentaries in New Youth: “Refute Kang Youwei’s Letter to the President and the Prime Minister” (Bo Kangyouwei ZhiZongliZongtongshu), “Constitution and Confucianism” (Xianfa yu Kongjiao), “The Resurrection of Yuan Shikai” (Yuanshikai Fuhuo), and “Restoration and Confucianism” (Fubi yu Zunkong). Chen used Yuan Shikai’s proclamation of himself as emperor to put forward the theory that “[t]he respect for Confucianism is bound to cause advocacy for the emperor. And the advocacy of the emperor will definitely result in the restoration of feudalism”. New Youth also promoted science and opposed superstition. New Youth advocated a scientific point of view to examine society and life and opposed the worship of idols, blind superstition, subjective assertions, and other performances of ignorance. New Youth published a series of articles, debunked stories of ghosts and related cultural inhibitions, and instead promoted materialistic atheism. These articles frequently included the Theory of No Ghost (Zhuziwuguilun) and the Theory of Idol Sabotage (Ouxiangpohuailun). Finally, New Youth initiated a literary revolution in

82

Chinese political party’s press

favor of new literature instead of establishment texts and the vernacular instead of classical Chinese. On the Improvement of Literature (Wenxue Gailiang Chuyi) by Hushi was the pioneering work of the promotion of the vernacular. He highlighted in the article that “ people should talk about realistic things rather than make a fuss about mythological things”(Hu, 1919). This bold statement became the prelude of the literary revolution. Chen Duxiu put forward three doctrines of the literary revolution in his article “Literary Revolution” (Wenxue Geminglun): first, to demolish aristocratic literature and construct national literature; second, to demolish classical literature and construct realistic literature; and third, to demolish the barbaric literature and develop social literature. He vigorously opposed the old literature that served feudalism and conveyed truth on behalf of saints. From Issue No.1 of Volume No.4, New Youth translated and introduced a large number of foreign masterworks. It successively introduced more than 100 writers’ works from more than 20 countries including, most notably, Russia, France, Britain, Germany, Japan, Norway, the United States, Denmark, and India. In Issue No.6 of Volume No.4, New Youth published “A Special Collection of Ibsen’s Works” (Yibusheng Zhuanhao) and discussed literary theories such as realism that completely exposed people’s lives, and “Human Literature” and “Civilian Literature”, which provided useful nourishment to the development of new literature and also provided powerful arguments to fight against feudalism. In 1918, Li Dazhao published several articles in the press that celebrated the October Revolution, including “The Comparison Between the French Revolution and the Russian Revolution” (Fae Geming zhi Bijiaoguan), “The Victory of the Masses” (Shuminde Shengli), and “The Victory of Bolshevism” (Buershiweikezhuyide Shengli). Li was the first person to accept and publicize the October Revolution in the editorial department of New Youth, pushing the New Cultural Movement to a new stage in its development. On the eve of the May 4th Movement, Li Dazhao compiled Issue No.5 of Volume No.6 into a collection of The Study of Marx (Makesi Yanjiu) and wrote a long thesis, My Marxist View (Wode makesi zhuyiguan), which gave a brief introduction of Marxism and recommended to readers that Marxism was an ideology that would change the world. In 1920, Chen Duxiu returned to Shanghai from Beijing, and New Youth continued its publication in Shanghai. At that time, he compiled Issue No.6 of Volume No.7 into A Collection in Memory of Labor Day (Laodongjie Jinianhao) and published his article “A Worker’s Consciousness” (Laodongzhe de Juewu) and Li Dazhao’s “The History of MAY DAY Movement” (MAY DAY yundongshi). Publicizing the combination of Marxism with the workers’ movement was a milestone for New Youth and represented “a new point of convergence” of the development of the New Culture Movement. At the same time, this convergence also showed that the radical democrats of New Youth gradually turned to be proletarian advocates. The formation of CPC newspapers camp During the late period of the New Culture Movement, with the publicizing of Marxism by many domestic newspapers reaching a new high, the CPC gradually

Chinese political party’s press 83 formed its own group of sympathetic newspapers to promote its founding principles. Among them, the most famous was Weekly Commentary, founded in December 1918 in Beijing. Chiefly edited by Chen Duxiu, it was a small-scale political commentary newspaper, with only four pages every copy. Even so, Weekly Commentary ultimately became one of the most influential newspapers of the May 4th Movement. Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao were its main contributors. Weekly Commentary clearly publicized the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal ideas, advocated the revolutionary axiom, opposed the authorities, and was highly inclined to socialism. From the 26th issue, under the auspices of Hu Shi, it provoked the debate of “Problem and Doctrine” and became a publication that promoted pragmatism. Weekly Commentary vigorously reported the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal, and anti-warlord political affairs, also offering editorial comment on them. It also cooperated with New Youth, supporting the struggle of “advocating new literature and fighting against old literature”. Weekly Commentary played a leading role in public opinion during the May 4th Movement. It was in Weekly Commentary that the term “May 4th Movement” was used for the first time, praising the movement as a “pioneering work” performed by Chinese students and Chinese people. It argued that the spirit of the May 4th Movement was formed by “student sacrifice, social sanction, and national selfdetermination”(Yi, 1919). After the May 4th Movement, under the drive of New Youth and Weekly Commentary, many student newspapers began springing up, with more than 400 publications published in one year alone, among which Xiang River Commentary (Xiangjiang pinglun), chiefly edited by young Mao Zedong, and Tianjin Student Union Newspaper (Tianjin Xuesheng Lianhehuibao), edited by young Zhou Enlai, had the greatest impact. Xiang River Commentary, founded in July 1919 in Changsha, was the official organ of Hunan Student Union, chiefly edited by Mao Zedong. Xiang River Commentary was also a small newspaper with four pages every copy. It focused on statements and commentaries and combined news reports with comments. Its most prominent feature was to present thorough propaganda of anti-imperialist and anti-feudal ideas with the fundamental task of disseminating, studying, and launching global revolutions. During this period, Mao Zedong published a long political commentary “People’s Great Union” (Minzhong de Dalianhe) in Xiang River Commentary. This article summed up the experiences of the Revolution of 1911, the October Revolution and the May 4th Movement. It profoundly expounded the strategic ideas and propositions of “People’s Great Union”. Tianjin Student Union Newspaper was founded in July 1919 and ended in 1920, with a total of more than 100 issues. It was the official organ of the Tianjin Student Union and was chiefly edited by Zhou Enlai. Tianjin Student Union Newspaper had a book-style format. Later, Tianjin Student Union Newspaper was published every three days, sometimes with an extra. Zhou Enlai wrote many commentaries. The newspaper frequently reported on student movements and workers’ strikes and sent correspondents to Shandong Province for special interviews. Tianjin Student Union Newspaper also published extras to support the representatives of

84

Chinese political party’s press

students and common people from Shandong in presenting their petitions in Beijing. Readers praised Tianjin Student Union Newspaper as Tianjin’s “new dawn” and “the top of the student union newspapers in China” (Quanguo de xueshenghui baoguan)(Sui & Zhao, 2016). The first official organ of the CPC was the monthly The Communist Party (Gongchandang). It was a secret journal founded by the Shanghai group of the CPC, aimed at strengthening the publicity and education of communist theory and preparing for the foundation of the party. The editor in chief was Li Da. As the editor in chief of The Communist Party, Li Da made an outstanding contribution. During the early era of the paper, when it was chronically short-staffed, Li would not only carry out a variety of tasks including the solicitation, review, editing, proofreading, and publication, but also writing. As the editor in chief of the first journal of CPC, Li Da made significant achievements. The content of The Communist Party was governed by three key aims: first, to publicize the knowledge of the Communist Party. The paper introduced the knowledge of the Communist Party and published materials about The Third International (Disan guoji) and the international communist movements. It also opened a column called “World News” (Shijie xiaoxi), reporting the news that the Communist Party was founded in other countries. At the same time, it also paid attention to the experience of the communist party of Russia and the introduction of Lenin’s works. Second was to expound on the Chinese revolutionary road and the party’s programs and strategies. The Communist Party criticized the anti-Marxist ideological trends, such as bourgeois reformism and anarchism. It argued that only socialism could save China, strongly criticized the ideological trend of anarchism, cleared obstacles for party building, and systematically dealt with important questions such as “Why should we found the party?” “What kind of party should we build?” and “What should the party do in China?” Finally, it publicized Marxism to the workers, peasants, and soldiers and reported on the development of the domestic workers’ movement. It published a series of articles including “The History of The Communist Party of Russia” (Eguo Gongchandangde Lishi), “The History of Lenin” (Lieningde Lishi), and “To the Workers, Peasants, and Soldiers” (Gao Laobingnong). The foundation of the worker’s press In the second half of 1920, communist groups around the country founded journals one after another such as Labor Circle (Laodongjie) (Shanghai), Labor’s Voice (Laodongyin) (Beijing), and Labor (Laodongzhe) (Guangzhou), which were the first batch of popular journals guided by Marxism aimed at the workers. They publicized Marxism through a great number of attractive articles, expounded on the party’s programs and guidelines, and awakened their workers. The publication of these journals showed that the spread of Marxism began to combine with the workers’ movement. It also served as an opportunity for advanced intellectuals to become engaged in the workers’ movement. Labor Circle was founded by the Shanghai Communist Group on August 15, 1920, and suspended on January 23, 1921. Labor Circle was a weekly, with 32

Chinese political party’s press 85 pages. Its main editors and contributors included Chen Duxiu, Li Hanjun, and Chen Wangdao. Its purpose was to “improve the situation of the working class”. It explained the principles of “labor creates value” and “capitalists exploit the surplus value” in simple words. It used the October Revolution in Soviet Russia as an example to encourage workers to unite and fight to change their status. Labor Circle also reported on the international and domestic workers’ movements, especially the workers’ strikes. Popularity and kindness were key characteristics of this weekly, and thus it employed a more accessible style, such as matching pictures with articles, to engage a less literate audience. Labor’s Voice was founded by the Beijing Communist Group on November 7, 1920, in Beijing and ceased publication on December 5, 1920. It was a weekly paper, and the major editors were Deng Zhongxia and Luo Zhanglong. The journal focused on reflecting the oppressed life of workers and on launching and guiding workers’ strikes and struggles. It once reported in detail on the coal mine gas explosion tragedy in Tangshan and the weaving workers’ riot in Nanjing. Labor was founded by the Guangzhou Communist Group on October 3, 1920, in Guangzhou and suspended on January 2, 1921. It was a weekly, and the founders were Chen Gongbo and Tan Pingshan. The journal presented popular publicity of Marxism-Leninism and stressed the need for workers’ organization. It is worth mentioning that Labor was the first journal that published the Chinese translation of “International Song” with title of “Labor Song”. In July 1920, the communist international working group founded the ChinaRussia News Agency (CRNA) in Shanghai. In May of 1921, it was renamed the Sino-Russian News Agency. The president was Yang Mingzhai. The Sino-Russian News Agency was China’s first proletarian news agency. As it had been stated, its main task was to strengthen the understanding between the Chinese and Russian peoples and introduce Lenin’s revolutionary theories while also introducing the Chinese revolutionary experience to the Russians. CPC’s press in Ruijin The Red China (Hongse Zhonghua) The Red China News Agency (RCNA) was set up on November 7, 1931, in Ruijin, Jiangxi Province. It was the first news agency created by the CPC. On December 11, 1931, The Red China, the official newspaper of the Provisional Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic, was founded. In January 1937, after the CPC finished the Long March and arrived in Yan’an, RCNA changed its name to Xinhua News Agency (Xinhua tongxunshe). Accordingly, The Red China changed its name to New China (Xinzhonghuabao). The Red China was originally a weekly paper and was the official organ of the Provisional Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic. On February 10th, 1933, it turned into the united official organ of the Central Bureau of the CPC in the Soviet Area11, the Provisional Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic, the All-China Federation of Trade Unions, and the Communist Youth League of China. It subsequently began publishing every three days. After its

86

Chinese political party’s press

148th issue, it began to be published every two days. Generally there would be 4 to 8 pages, up to 10 pages, printed by the central printer in the areas controlled by the Communist Party of China. The first chief editor was Zhou Yili. In early 1932, Zhou left RCNA on extended leave due to severe tuberculosis. Later Xiang Ying, Wang Guanlan, Yang Shangkun, Liang Botai, Li Yimang, Qu Qiubai, Ren Zhibin, and some others took responsibility for managing the publication. Initially, there were only two or three staff; however, at its peak, it expanded to more than 10 people. Qu was in charge of RCNA at that time and attached great importance to its publication. He repeatedly put forward guidance, pointing out that the guiding role of The Red China should be strengthened. The Red China published a great deal of information about the victory of the Red Army, the development of the Soviet Area, and the declarations and statements of the Central Committee of the CPC. Its columns included “Editorial”, “News”, “Special”, “Announcements by the Temporary Central Government”, “Soviet Construction”, “Party’s Life”, “News From Central Soviet”, “Workers and Peasants”, “Red Soldier”, “Commando”, “Question and Answer”, “Interpretation of Regulations”, “Red Dictionary”, “Red Horn”, “Hammer”, and “Worker–Peasant Democratic Court”. In addition, it also contained a literary supplement titled “Red Flame”, which specifically published drama, poetry, and novels composed by writers and artists in the revolutionary bases. This newspaper also published comics and charts frequently, and it published a special issue, commemorative issue, or Extra whenever important events occurred or when the Red Army made a crucial victory. The initial circulation of The Red China was 3,000 copies, and the circulation increased to 40 000 to 50 000 copies between 1933 and 1934. It was the largest and most influential newspaper in the central Soviet Area. During the publication period, there were many different “versions” of Red China due to the transfer of the Red Army. From the foundation to the time before the Long March, The Red China published 240 issues in Ruijin, known as the “Ruijin version”. In October 1934, due to the failure of the fifth counter-campaign against “encirclement and suppression”, the main force of the Red Army began the Long March. Most of the newspaper staff followed the large forces and left, leaving a small number of people to continue the publication of The Red China irregularly under the leadership of Qu Qiubai. Soon after, the newspaper was renamed the official organ of the Central Committee of the CPC and the Provisional Central Government Office of the Chinese Soviet Republic and was issued until January 21, 1935, with the 264th issue. As the situation of the CPC worsened, the Central Bureau formally decided to transfer and was forced to stop publication. The issues published during this period were referred to as the “Gannan version”. After the victory of the Central Red Army’s Long March and its arrival in northern Shanxi, The Red China resumed its publication on November 25, 1935, in Wayaobao. Because the party did not know the situation of publication by Qu Qiubai in the Soviet Area, the resumption issue was No.241, following the number before the Long March. On January 25, 1937, it ceased publication with the 324th issue. The issues in this period were known as the “Northern Shanbei version”.

Chinese political party’s press 87 On January 29, 1937, because of changes of the domestic situation and the needs of the second KMT-CPC Cooperation, the Central Committee of the CPC decided to stop the publication of The Red China and turned to publish New China. At this point, the historical mission of The Red China was completed. On February 6, 1937, New China began to be published. As a result of poor conditions, New China used handwriting and mimeograph and thus contained a messy and disorganized layout. The first issue of New China released domestic anti-Japanese news and follow-up matters of the “Xi’an Incident” on the front page. The second page contained Japanese political changes, the Spanish Civil War and other international affairs, as well as news of the Soviet Area. The third page focused on the construction of the Soviet regime and the progress of democracy, with some domestic and international news. The fourth page released the news of local production and living conditions, introduced a column called “Young Voice”, and sometimes also contained domestic and international news. In May 1941, New China released its final issue, being republished as Liberation Daily (Jiefang Ribao) combined with Today’s News (Jinri Xinwen). New China released 230 issues in total under the leadership of Xiang Zhonghua, Li Chuli, and Cao Ruoming. Deng Xiaoping and Red Star (Hongxingbao) On December 11, 1931, Red Star was published in Yangxi Village, Yeping Township, Ruijin City, Jiangxi Province. Red Star was one of the four biggest newspapers during the period of the Second Civil War in the Central Soviet Area, the official organ of the Chinese Workers and Peasants’ Red Army Military Committee and the first central-level newspaper of the People’s Army of China under the leadership of the CPC. Red Star experienced three stages of development in total: from its founding to May 1933, it was edited by Zhang Ruxin and published 35 issues. From August 1933 onward, Deng Xiaoping took up the post of chief editor, relinquishing leadership to Lu Dingyi in January 1935 after the Zunyi meeting. Red Star was originally published every five days with four pages in typographic printing. Later it was published irregularly, every two days at least and every half month at most. In March 1933, it became a 32-mimeographed-paper journal. In August 1933, Red Star also began publishing Red Star Supplement (Hongxing Fukan). Mao Zedong once wrote an important communication story “The Occupation of Ji’an” to sum up the experience with the pen name Ziren for Red Star and inscribed it on August 1, 1934: the enemy has attacked our basic Soviet Area. We must defeat the enemy at all costs. We must use all kinds of firmness, tenacity and persistence to defeat the enemy. We are bound to defeat the enemy at last. The final victory is ours. Long live the heroic Red Army! (Ziren, 1934) During the time that Deng Xiaoping held the post of chief editor, he made bold innovations in Red Star, greatly improving its quality so that it became a first-class

88

Chinese political party’s press

journal of the Red Army together with Red China (Hongse Zhonghua) and Youth Truth (Qingnian Shihua). Deng paid attention to the quality of newspaper. At that time he had very few staff, sometimes even as few as two staff members for an extended period. Deng took care of everything personally, from writing, editing, and proofreading to printing. At the same time, he also devoted great effort to create the characteristics of the newspaper. Red Star not only opened regular columns like “Editorial”, “News”, “Special”, “Front Communication”, and “International Affairs” but also opened entertaining and informative columns like “Party’s Life”, “Lenin Room”, “Red Army’s Life”, “Health Knowledge”, “Club”, and “Folk Song” to enrich the life of workers and peasants. Although the newspaper editors were very few at that time, Red Star had a team of more than 500 correspondents, of which there were 100 key members. Luo Ronghuan, Yuan Guoping, Peng Jialun, Luo Ruiqing, Xiao Hua, Zhang Aiping, Xiang Zhonghua, Zhang Jichun, Shu Tong, and other leading cadres of the Red Army were correspondents of Red Star. There were many correspondents fighting on the battlefield while writing scripts. These scripts were later called “news from fire lines”. The style of Red Star was lively and vivid and was intended to stay close to the lived experiences of the masses. It paid great attention to the use of illustrations in the layout. Comments, news, and other articles were often accompanied with woodcut cartoons or paintings to enhance the paper’s mass appeal. During the three years in Ruijin, Red Star published a number of comics that were lively and popular, especially in the “Folk Song” column. After the Long March began in October 1934, Red China was temporarily suspended, but Red Star continued publication. During the Long March, the staff of Red Star used a pole to carry four iron boxes, with mimeographs, ink, wax paper, steel plates, pens, and some soil paper. These intrepid and committed newsmen followed the army, walking more than 80 miles every day and sometimes up to 180 miles. Correspondents and editors conceived articles on the way and used iron boxes as desks when camping. They began writing, compilation, and engraving under extremely difficult conditions. The lively and vivid publicity reports of Red Star improved the ideological depth, political quality, and cultural level of the Red Army. It also brought the relationship between the army and the people closer and promoted confidence in the Red Army’s counter-campaign against “encirclement and suppression” and ultimate victory of the Long March. Red Star, however, also made mistakes. In the publicity of the fifth counter-campaign against “encirclement and suppression”, it advocated “left” opportunism with obvious ideas of underestimating the enemy, once causing great losses to the revolution. On August 3, 1935, Red Star ceased publication with a cumulative publication of 150 issues. Reference News (Cankao Xiaoxi) One of the key tasks of the Red China News Agency was to listen to the KMT Central News Agency and foreign agencies, read the news of foreign journals, and then edit them into Wireless Material (Wuxiandian Cailiao) and Wireless Daily

Chinese political party’s press 89 News (Wuxiandian Rixun), which would then be sent to the party leaders for reference. This was the predecessor of Reference News. On November 7, 1931, Reference News was founded in Ruijin of Jiangxi Province. During the War of Resistance against Japan and the War of Liberation, Reference News continued to publish. With the continuous development of equipment and personnel, more telecommunications from news agencies all over the world could be received. Before entering Peking (now Beijing), news from more than 30 news agencies could be received. At first only 40 or 50 copies of newspapers every day were circulated to the central authorities. With the continuous development of the CPC, by 1950, its circulation reached 2,000 copies. On March 1, 1957, the daily form of Reference News was born. The layout was four pages. The initial circulation was 400,000 copies. In the next 30 years, Reference News reached all leaders above the county level in China, and the circulation also expanded to more than 400,000 copies. After the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CPC in 1978, Reference News gradually became a more comprehensive newspaper with the support of the CPC. Journalism activities in Yan’an Liberation Daily was the first large-scale official organ of the Central Committee of the CPC published in the revolutionary base. It was the most influential newspaper in the revolutionary base during the War of Resistance against the Japanese in the early days of the War of Liberation. It was tested on May 15, 1941, and officially established on May 16. In the spring of 1941, the Chinese People’s War of Resistance against the Japanese reached its most difficult stage. Mao Zedong and the Central Committee of the CPC showed great foresight. To adjust to the complex strategic situation, they decided to amalgamate New China and News Today and created Liberation Daily. They also closed the newspapers and magazines in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia border area. Then, the Central Committee of the CPC appointed Bogu as the president of the Liberation Daily Agency and president of the Xinhua News Agency. The first page was the international section, the second was the domestic section, the third was the border section, and the fourth sheet was the local section. At the beginning of 1942, Mao Zedong, who supervised the work of the party newspaper and news publicity in person, gradually perceived the weaknesses and deficiencies of Liberation Daily. Some other comrades who were concerned about Liberation Daily also saw some problems. At that time, Shi Zhe, who worked in the Central Office of the Central Committee of the CPC, expressed criticism about the inappropriate proportion of the contents. He believed that international news made up too large of a proportion, whereas reports about domestic situations were less well covered. He therefore wrote a report to Mao Zedong to reflect his views. At the politburo meeting held in late November, Mao Zedong had Shi Zhe’s report read aloud and demanded that those present express their views on the work of Liberation Daily. Mao Zedong then gave important instructions to Liberation Daily combined with conventioneers’ suggestions (Fang, 1992). According to Mao Zedong’s

90

Chinese political party’s press

instructions, in 1942, Liberation Daily published an editorial called “To the Reader” (Zhiduzhe), beginning the process of its revision and establishing the principles of the party newspaper in the history of Chinese journalism. The revision of Liberation Daily originated in the Party Rectification Movement in 1942.12 Bo Gu served as president of Liberation Daily since its establishment. Bo Gu believed that Liberation Daily, as a big newspaper, should focus on the world and not only be confined to the military and civilian activities within the party. Thus, world news was put in a prime position. The first page of the paper was predominately international news, the second was the Far East news, the third was the national news, and the fourth was the news on the Shanxi-Gansu-Ningxia border region as well as a supplement. Mao Zedong criticized the layout of the newspaper on different occasions. Mao argued that Liberation Daily should focus on the publicity of the policies, the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army and border areas of communist party. On March 8, 1942, Mao inscribed the newspaper: “Go Into the Masses, Refuse Empty Talk”. (Mao, 1942)On March 16, the Publicity Department of the Central Committee of the CPC issued “A Notice on the Reformation of the Party Newspaper”, stating that the main task of the newspaper was to publicize the party’s policies, implement the party’s policies, reflect the party’s work, and reflect the life of the people. From Mao’s point of view, Liberation Daily was far from “a real party newspaper”, and so it was imperative that the reform take place. On April 1, 1942, Liberation Daily was revised officially under the guidance of the Central Committee of the CPC. It published “A Notice on the Transformation of the Party Newspaper”, by the Publicity Department of the Central Committee of the CPC, and the editorial named “To the Readers”, which was drafted by Bo Gu and modified by Mao Zedong. This editorial summed up the revision in two key statements: First, it had “not shouldered the responsibility of a real fighting organ of the party”, and second, it had “failed to become a sharp weapon with which the Central Committee was able to spread the party’s routes, implement the party’s policies and organize the masses”. A review then followed: We offered the largest space to international news, but lacked systematic records for the life and struggle of Chinese people and the anti-Japanese bases; we published policies and instructions of the Central Committee, but had led comrades with no clarification; we published a large number of theses and translations but did not use vivid, lively, easy words to explain the urgent problems; we lacked criticism of hostile thoughts, and did not strictly uncover the shortcomings of our work and help in correcting them; for all kinds of mass movements in the border areas, we only recorded some. Today, the layout is presented to the readers in a new pattern, and we would like to take this opportunity to summarize the work of the past ten months and discuss the direction of this newspaper in the future. What is the party newspaper? . . . The elements of a party newspaper are, therefore, as follows. First, it must carry out a strong party spirit. It must not only “stand on the position of a certain social group publicly and frankly

Chinese political party’s press 91 whatever evaluation of the incidents was made”, but also be closely linked to the party’s principles, policies and directions so that the newspaper can be an advocate of achieving all the policies and calls of the party. Second, it must keep close contact with the masses, reflect the mood, life needs and requirements of the masses, record their heroic struggles, reflect their suffering and pain, and express their views. The task of the newspaper is not only to enrich the instruction of the masses, expand their horizons, inspire their consciousness, teach them, and organize them, but also to be their voice and their faithful friend in times of struggles. Third, it must be strongly militant. The party newspaper must be a soldier fighting for the revolutionary policies and routes of the party, and it must offer passionate agitation in light of the current political affairs. The success of agitation depends significantly on the clear and sharp exposure of darkness and corruption, and the attack on conspiracies and attempts that threaten the anti-Japanese solidarity. The newspaper should carry out persistent ideological struggles regularly, publicize the democratic trend of communism and oppose all kinds of counteraction, reversion, darkness and fatuity. At the same time, the newspaper should also be a powerful weapon for self-criticism in our party. The party newspaper should criticize our own mistakes and weaknesses with an honest attitude and help overcome and correct them. Fourth, it must respond to the calls of the party and the government, or promote a variety of mass movements in accordance with the party’s principles. It must follow and guide the movement, specifically help mass movements and the struggles of the workers and peasants. The party newspaper cannot be a negative recorder who records everything, but an active advocate and organizer of all kinds of movements. All in all, we have not been equipped with the necessary qualities of a party newspaper: party spirit, mass foundation, militancy and organization. After reviewing our past work, we think it necessary to make a thorough reform of our work. The purpose of the reform is to enable Liberation Daily to become a real fighting official organ. To achieve this goal, the main link is to carry out the party’s routes, reflect the situation of the masses, strengthen the ideological struggle and help improve the work of the whole party. We should implement the party spirit, mass foundation, militancy and organization of the newspaper in this way! (Bo Gu, 1942) After the revision, Liberation Daily took on an entirely new look: the front page was to reflect the situations of all the Liberated Areas. The second page covered the Shanxi-Gansu-Ningxia border region. The third page covered international news, whereas the fourth page remained a supplement and various monographs. The reports greatly expanded the coverage of the content of the Shanxi-Gansu-Ningxia border region, strengthened the publicity of the party’s routes, principles, and policies, and increased the proportion of news about the war situation. News also predominately covered the anti-Japanese base areas, whose important news hit the headlines in place of the news of Western news agencies.

92

Chinese political party’s press

Xinhua Daily News (Xinhuaribao) The publication of Xinhua Daily News started from January 1938 and ended in February 1947. It was the only publicly issued part organ of the CPC in the KMTcontrolled area. After the fall of Wuhan in October 1938, it continued to publish in Chongqing. At that time, although the anti-Japanese national united front was established, and KMT and CPC had achieved a second partnership, the authorities of KMT still pursued a negative anti-Japanese and actively anti-communist reactionary policy, clamping down on and even persecuting newspapers of the CPC. Therefore, during the eight years of publication in Chongqing, under the leadership of the CPC South Bureau, Xinhua Daily News had a resolute and tenacious struggle with KMT diehards. First, the KMT diehards used the strategy of “one push, two drag, three buckle” to cut off the paper supply of Xinhua Daily News. In response, Xinhua Daily News strove for the legal rights of paper distribution from KMT authorities, and the KMT conspiracy of strangling the Xinhua Daily News was disclosed in the Chongqing Press Federation. The newspaper itself also expanded its paper sources through buying paper and running small paper mills independently to guarantee the supply. Second, the KMT impeded the issue routes of Xinhua Daily News by controlling post offices and newspaper dealers. Xinhua Daily News broke the KMT blockade by hiring street children to set up a newsboy team, disguising the newspaper as KMT newspapers or neutral publications to be mailed widely and publicly posting newspapers on traffic arteries so that more readers were able to read it. Finally, the KMT enforced adherence to the implementation of the news inspection system, controlling the remarks and news reports of Xinhua Daily News. In response, Xinhua Daily News applied diverse ways to resist the KMT’s censorship. Following the Southern Anhui Incident, the military committee of the KMT declared the revocation of the designation of the New Fourth Army and even slandered the mutiny of the New Fourth Army. After the KMT official press commented on the incident, the timely clarification by the Xinhua Daily News was essential to restore morale. Under the KMT’s close news inspection, Xinhua Daily News avoided the monitoring of inspectors, published Zhou Enlai’s inscription on the Southern Anhui Incident, and revealed its truth to the people in the KMTcontrolled area. In addition to the rejection of inspection, Xinhua Daily News also used unusual tactics such as cutting out sections of newspapers to disclose KMT’s acts of deleting commentary and reports as a protest. The two talks “Talks to the Editors of Jinsui Daily News” (Jinsui Ribao) by Mao Zedong Mao Zedong’s “Talks to the Editors of Jinsui Daily News” was carried out under the backdrop of reports that land reform in Liberated Areas first moved to the right and then to the left. In September, after the Central Committee of the CPC issued

Chinese political party’s press 93 “Land Law Outline in China” (Zhongguo tudifa dagang), the land reform movement of eradicating the feudal exploitation system and distributing fair land was fully developed in Liberated Areas. At the beginning of the movement, however, insufficient attention was paid to the intensification and severity of the land reform. News reports also showed less attention. In this regard, Jinsui Daily News, led by the Jinsui Office of the Central Committee of the CPC, made corrections first and then launched an anti-Kelikong campaign.13 This campaign, launched by Jinsui Daily News, was praised by the Central Committee of the CPC, and thus it gradually extended to other Liberated Areas. During the process of promoting the antiKelikong campaign, however, there was a “left” tendency. Later the central authorities gave instructions, and an inspection of the “left” trend style was developed in news agencies of the Liberated Areas in the spring of 1948. In April 1948, when Mao Zedong and the Central Committee of the CPC left northern Shanxi and passed through the Jinsui area, they received the editors of Jinsui Daily News and held meetings discussing the achievements and problems of previous reports. These talks became known famously as the “Talks to the Editors of Jinsui Daily News”. Most importantly, these talks reinforced the core principles of the party newspaper theory, including the role and the task of the party newspaper, the route and the principles of running a newspaper, and the study and cultivation of journalists. Mao said, “[T]he power of the newspaper is that it can make the party’s route, principles, policies, working tasks and working methods known by the masses in the most rapid and extensive way”. He also mentioned that “the party’s principles and policies should be publicized correctly in the newspaper and the link between the party and the masses should be strengthened through the newspaper” (Li, 2008). Mao also stressed the rules and the principles of running a newspaper. Mao said, “Running a newspaper is just like a revolution, it should be done by everybody, by the whole people as well as the whole party, not by the minority of people”. When talking about the content, he said, “[T]he party newspaper should be vivid, clear, sharp, and unhesitating”. In his talk, he also expressed his opinion on journalists. In order to teach the masses, journalists should learn from the masses in the first place. . . . Journalists can go out and attend a period of mass work or land reform work in turn, so that she or he can learn from the materials reflected from the bottom, and gradually enrich their own practical knowledge so that they can become experienced people. (Mao, 1948, p. 5) “Talks to the North China Press Corps” by Liu Shaoqi In September and October 1948, the Central Committee of the CPC held a training class in Xibaipo of Hebei Province, in which some journalists from North China People’s Daily News Agency and North China Branch of Xinhua News Agency participated. At the beginning of October, Liu Shaoqi delivered a long speech at

94

Chinese political party’s press

the class, later known as the “Talks to the North China Press Corps”. In the speech, Liu Shaoqi clarified the role and task of journalism. First, the newspaper is the important contact bridge between the party and the masses. The masses read newspapers every day and learn the party’s policies from them. Meanwhile, people also rely on journalists to reflect the voices, demands, difficulties, and experiences of the masses. Second, journalists should have four qualities to serve the people: the correct attitude, independent thought, Marxist theoretical accomplishment, and familiarity to the party’s policies. In the journalism activities of the CPC, one of the most important ideas was “running newspapers by politicians” (zhengzhijia banbao). It was originally proposed by Mao Zedong and has become a tradition for the CPC ever since. This practice, however, has evolved over time. Mao Zedong’s idea of “running newspapers by politicians” was intertwined with the revision of People’s Daily. In February 1957, Mao Zedong published a report named “Correctly Handling the Contradictions Among the People” at the Supreme Council of State and in March released another important report named “Speech at the National Publicity Conference of the Communist Party of China”. People’s Daily, however, did not report or comment on these reports in a timely manner. On June 7, 1957, Mao Zedong held a conversation with Hu Qiaomu and Wu Lengxi, who soon took over Deng Tuo’s position as chief editor of People’s Daily.14 Mao Zedong pointed out that “the editorials of a newspaper must be written by people who are familiar with situation of politics”. Mao called this “running newspapers by politicians”. Two years later, during another conversation with Wu Lengxi, Mao Zedong once again put forward his view that “[t]he shortcoming of articles, like no key points and frivolous content should be avoided. Try to find the essence of the problems. . . . News work needs newspapers run by politicians”. Since then, Mao’s proposal has repeatedly appeared in documents, leaders’ speeches, and journalism textbooks of the CPC and in public news and has been continuously elucidated, becoming the “Golden Rule” of news work. In addition to the news agencies and newspapers mentioned, Yan’an Xinhua Radio Station and People’s Daily have also made outstanding contributions to the party’s journalism career. Yan’an Xinhua Radio Station, which began broadcasting on December 30, 1940, was the first radio station founded by the CPC. The radio transmitter was brought by Zhou Enlai from the Soviet Union. On December 30, 1940, the first pilot episode was broadcast in Yan’an with the call sign XNCR. No.9 Troop Unit of No.3 Bureau of the Central Military Commission was responsible for the construction. Without gasoline, it could only be powered by charcoal, and thus, the broadcast was, in the early days, intermittent, with unstable quality and limited listening range. In the spring of 1943, due to the failure of the electronic tube of the radio transmitter, the radio ceased broadcasting. On September 5, 1945, Yan’an Xinhua Radio Station officially resumed broadcasting. With improved technology and power, the station’s coverage not only

Chinese political party’s press 95 included the whole country but also reached San Francisco and Moscow. Yan’an Xinhua Radio Station belonged to Xinhua News Agency’s administrative management, and its scripts were provided by Xinhua News Agency. In March 1947, Yan’an Xinhua Radio Station evacuated from Yan’an together with the Central Committee of the CPC and was reestablished later as the Northern Shanxi Xinhua Radio Station. On June 15, 1948, Jin Cha Yi Daily and People’s Daily combined as the new People’s Daily. It became the official newspaper of the CPC in northern China. On March 15, 1949, People’s Daily moved to Beijing (then Peking). On August 1 in the same year, the Central Committee of the CPC decided to develop People’s Daily into the organ of the Central Committee of the CPC. People’s Daily continues today as a high-quality, serious newspaper and the party newspaper of the Central Committee of the CPC. Since its establishment, there have been 14 different versions. On July 1, 2009, the 13th revision was conducted: 16 pages expanded to 20 pages in workday editions, whereas weekend editions remained at 8 pages. On January 1, 2010, People’s Daily expanded once again. Twenty pages expanded to 24 pages from Monday to Friday, and Saturday and Sunday remained at 8 pages.

Notes 1 Gongche Shangshu was a political movement led by Chinese political candidates during the late Qing Dynasty in China. In 1895, the Qing government signed the unequal Treaty of Shimonoseki with the Japanese government, which stirred patriotic candidates to submit a joint letter to Emperor Guangxu requiring reform and expressing their opposition to the treaty. 2 Hundred Days’ Reform (Weixin Bianfa) was a political reform implemented during June 11 to September 21, 1898. Reformers advised the young Emperor Guangxu to learn from the West, advocating carrying out reform in science, culture, politics, education, and commerce. But the reform was injurious to the interests of some conservatives led by Empress Dowager Cixi. On September 21, 1898, the dowager imprisoned the emperor and killed some of the reformers, putting an end to the shortlived political movement. 3 Kang Youwei (March 19, 1858–March 31, 1927) was a famous political thinker, educator, and reformer in late Qing Dynasty. In 1895, he led more than 1,300 political candidates to sign a joint letter to Emperor Guangxu expressing their opposition to the Treaty of Shimonoseki. After the failure of the movement, he escaped to Japan and continued to advocate a constitutional monarchy but never put it into practice. 4 Yan Fu (January 8, 1854–October 27, 1921) was a Chinese translator and educator. He introduced Western democracy and science to China, including Huxley’s Evolution and Ethics. He proposed the translation standard of “faithfulness, expressiveness, and elegance”, which has influenced Chinese translation to this day. 5 Li Hongzhang (February 15, 1823–November 7, 1901) was a famous minister of the late Qing Dynasty. He advocated learning advanced technology from the West. He was the founder of the Qing Dynasty’s navy. On behalf of the monarch of Qing Dynasty, he signed many unequal treaties with foreign countries. 6 Three Principles of People (Sanmin Zhuyi) is a political philosophy created by Sun Yatsen to make China a free, prosperous, and powerful nation. The three principles are often summarized as nationalism, democracy, and the livelihood of the people. 7 The Boxer Rebellion was a violent uprising that took place in China between 1899 and 1901, during the late Qing Dynasty. It was anti-foreign and anti-Christian. The Militia

96

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

Chinese political party’s press United in Righteousness (Yihetuan), known in English as “Boxers” initiated the uprising. Proto-nationalist sentiments and opposition to imperialist expansion and associated Christian missionary activity also motivated the movement. The Revolution of 1911 overthrew China’s last imperial dynasty (the Qing Dynasty). It was this revolution that established the Republic of China. Because the revolution took place in 1911, the revolution was called Xinhai (Hsin-hai), the year of the Xinhai stembranch in the sexagenary cycle of the Chinese calendar. Jingwei Stone is a tanci written by Qiujin. Tanci is a literary form written in rhyme popular among women writers during the Qing Dynasty. Under the context of advocating equal rights between men and women, Qiujin wrote “Jingwei Stone”, which harshly criticized the old tradition of foot-binding and arranged marriage. It also revealed the darkness of the feudal dynasty. The May 4th Movement was to protest against the Chinese government’s agreement to the Treaty of Versailles. Student participants demonstrated in Beijing on May 4, 1919. According to the treaty, territories in Shandong were given to Japan after the surrender of Germany. Students sparked this anti-imperialist, cultural, and political movement, which marked a shift toward political mobilization and away from cultural activities. From then on, the movement in society had a much stronger populist base. The “Soviet Area” in China means areas in the form of the Soviet regime, led by the Communist Party of China from 1927 to 1937. The first Soviet Area in China was born in November 1927. Pengpai set up the Soviet governments in Guangdong Lufeng and Haifeng County. At the same time, Mao Zedong also established the Soviet county power in Chaling, Hunan. In November 7, 1931, the first National Congress of the Chinese Soviet was held in Ruijin, Jiangxi, and the Chinese Soviet Republic was founded. In September 6, 1937, according to the negotiation agreement between Kuomintang and the Communist Party, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China renamed the government of the Chinese Soviet Republic as the “Shanxi Gansu Ningxia Border Region Government”. At this point, the name of “Soviet Area” in China, lasting for 9 years and 10 months, formally withdrew from the historical stage. Until 1949, the newly established country, led by the Communist Party of China, was named People's Republic of China. The Party Rectification Movement was initiated to remove the influence of Wang Ming’s “leftist” error and correct all kinds of non-proletarian ideology within the party. In May 1941 and February 1942, Mao Zedong published reports called Transform Our Study, Rectify the Party’s Style of Work, and Oppose the Stereotyped Party Writing. He called for the whole party to oppose subjectivism, sectarianism, and the stereotyped party writing to rectify the style of writing. In June of the same year, the Publicity Department of the Central Committee of the CPC issued Instructions on the Campaign of Rectifying Three Bad Styles Within the Whole Party and began the Rectification Movement within the whole party. The anti-Kelikong campaign was initiated in June 1947 by Jinsui Daily to object to news coverage that was inconsistent with the facts. Kelikong is a word transliterated from Russian, which referred to a Russian war journalist good at flattering and making fake news. Jinsui Daily motivated the public to disclose the fake news to uphold the principles of authenticity in journalism. Hu Qiaomu and Wu Lengxi were both contributors to the growth of the official newspaper People’s Daily. After People’s Daily became the official newspaper representing the voice of the central government, Hu Qiaomu was appointed as president of the People’s Daily. He led the reform of People’s Daily as an official newspaper. Wu Lengxi was the leader of the Xinhua News Agency. In 1957, he was appointed to work as an assistant to Hu Qiaomu and later became the editor in chief of People’s Daily.

5

The reform and development of journalism in the new China

Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, China has gradually established a government-run journalism system. The development of journalism has always been closely related to the development of China’s politics and economy. The reform led by People’s Daily in 1956 brought about the genesis of the news industry. Following this reform, however, was media exaggeration – a large number of false reports that flooded newspapers during that period. During the Cultural Revolution1 period, the “Cultural Revolution tabloid” replaced formal reports, ultimately causing great damage to the news industry. After the overthrow of the “gang of four”,2 the media gradually returned to its formal reporting. After the reform and opening-up of China, in-depth reporting appeared as a new reporting style and became an important form of journalism. This chapter will discuss the developmental process of in-depth reporting and its implications.

Newspaper reform from 1949 to 1956 After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the democratic nature of news appeared in China. At that time, the distinctive feature of Chinese journalism was that both party newspapers and nonparty newspapers existed simultaneously, and public newspapers and private newspapers existed simultaneously. Socialism however, was the direction of China’s development, and so establishing a socialist public journalism system was a focus of the news industry in the early years of the new nation. Therefore, as soon as the People’s Republic of China was founded, the Central Committee of the CPC and the Central People’s Government set up a public news network all over the country. Beijing was the center of the network. Based in Beijing, Xinhua News Agency was the center of national news agencies, People’s Daily was the center of public newspapers, and the China National Radio was the center of the public radio network. In addition to the establishment of the news network, with government running as its main body, China also began to carry out the reform of private journalism agencies. Soon after the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the government began to clean up and rectify the work left from old Chinese journalism, beginning with the confiscation of the KMT and its reactionary forces’ organized news organizations, transforming them into private organizations. According to

98

Reform and development of journalism

the statistics of March 1950, there were 58 private newspapers and 34 private radio stations around the country. There were 24 private newspapers in north China, among which 14 were published in Shanghai, such as Ta Kung Pao, Wen Wei Po, Xinmin, English newspaper North China Daily News, and several others. Beijing had only one private newspaper. According to their specific situations, the policies adopted by the private news agencies were as follows: first, the Communist Party and the government would offer economic support initially, according to the policy of taking both public and private interests into consideration. For example, in a telegram from the Central Propaganda Department, it showed its support for Ta Kung Pao: “the government will provide paper (for Ta Kung Pao) as a public investment”. Other big cities also took action to improve the difficult conditions of private newspapers. Second, the principle of freedom of speech and expression would be applied to the reporting activities of private news organizations, but the interests of the people should not be opposed or harmed. Third, news from newspapers and news agencies would be free from the pre-inspection approach. The government should act in good faith to unite and educate private news organizations, to reform news content, and to serve the people. If there was false or inaccurate reporting, private news organizations could correct their reports, and government or party newspapers could criticize inaccurate reports. Those who ignored the provisions and continued to carry out reactionary reporting activities would be punished. In Beijing, the World Journal persisted with its reactionary position, publishing news from the KMT Central News Agency. After a month, the paper was seized and taken over. There were also 33 private commercial radio stations seized by the People’s Government Information Office of Beijing on October 25, 1949, because of “toxins broadcast programs and deceptive advertising”. In addition to reforms by the government, private newspapers encountered many difficulties that were hard to overcome on their own. First, the newspaper business was difficult to adapt to the new situation. The private newspapers had no experience in connecting with social reality or social life. Second, in the minds of readers, the prestige of the party newspaper was far higher than private newspapers. The conditions for private newspapers’ interview activities and information gathering were poor, and it was hard for them to attract advertising as well. Their businesses were hard to maintain. Many newspaper employees chose to leave their work, and in the end, many newspapers closed. According to the new situation, the party and the government turned to merge public and private media, formed public-private partnerships and took other measures to implement the social transformation of private newspapers. In July 1950, Ta Kung Pao took the lead in the implementation of publicprivate partnerships. Then Wen Wei Po and Xinmin Evening News also implemented a public-private partnership. By the end of 1952, all private news agencies had a public-private partnership, with the exception of those that had ceased operations. From that time on, the government gradually returned to private equity, and public-private partnerships would be transformed into public newspapers.

Reform and development of journalism 99 To make sure journalism functioned according to interests of the state, the Communist Party and the government issued a series of policies and regulations on news propaganda in the early days of the People’s Republic of China. On October 19, 1949, the government set up the News General Administration. Hu Qiaomu was the first director, and Fan Changjiang Sa Kongliao served as deputy director. Under the News General Administration, there was one office (General Office), one agency (Xinhua News Agency), three bureaus (Broadcasting Bureau, International News Agency, and Bureau of News Photography), and a school (Beijing News School). In 1954, the press comprehensively studied the Soviet Union’s model of running newspapers. There were, however, many problems in learning. For example, newspapers at first proposed to study the Soviet Union’s Pravda and became “no-error newspapers”. People’s Daily even put forward a slogan “making People’s Daily a newspaper that has no mistakes”. Even if the newspaper was wrong, they refused to make corrections. At that time, they imitated Soviet newspapers. They put editorial comments on the front-page headlines, no matter what the title or topic was. They completely imitated Pravda writing and titling styles, and news writing was mechanical; Pravda did not advertise, so Chinese newspapers did not attach importance to advertising as well; Chinese newspapers did not objectively report on international news either. The socialist countries had only good news; the capitalist countries had only bad news. Content that originated from the enemy was not allowed in the newspaper. On April 28, 1956, Mao Zedong, at the large meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, said that letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend should be the policy of developing science, literature, and art. According to this quotation, the press started to go back to its normal practice and away from the mechanical emulation of the Soviet model. On May 28 and June 19, the chair of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, Liu Shaoqi, had three conversations with staff in the Xinhua News Agency and the Broadcasting Bureau. In his speech, Liu Shaoqi first criticized the mechanistic and comprehensive study of the Soviet model. Liu Shaoqi said, “[In addition to] learning from Itar-Tass news agency, [we] should also learn from the bourgeoisie news agencies. Marx once said, we should accept bourgeois factories, also, we need to accept political experience of the bourgeoisie”. Liu Shaoqi keenly noticed the bourgeois journalists’ working experience, and proposed “to study the bourgeois news agency reporting skills” (Journalism Institute, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (JICASS), 1980, pp. 359–360). Second, Liu Shaoqi proposed that news reports should be objective, fair, true, and comprehensive (later referred to as the eight-character principle). Liu Shaoqi said: When it comes to the Associated Press, Reuters and other foreign news agencies’ news, we should selectively publish them. Some of our newspapers only published international news that favours us, and delete news that criticizes us. I do not think this is appropriate. If Xinhua News Agency wants to become a world first class news agency, the news reported by them must be objective, true, fair, comprehensive, and must have their standpoint. (JICASS, 1980, pp. 359–360)

100

Reform and development of journalism

Moreover, Liu Shaoqi asked the media to serve the readers and believed that journalists should value the idea of change from party media to social media. In April 1956, the editorial department of People’s Daily held a mobilization meeting for news reform, and the revision work started. In mid-May, the editorial department drafted a second report to ask for revision of its content. The report stated that as the situation changed, so should the newspapers’ content. The specific writing style under revolutionary conditions should give way to the more professional journalism writing. The reporting should be timely, accurate, comprehensive, and systematic (Wang Xiaomei, 2009). On May 15, People’s Daily sent the revision report to the CPC Central Committee. After two days, Deng Xiaoping replied, “Liu and Zhou has read, agreed, and returned to Deng Tuo”. On July 1, People’s Daily started its formal revision, which was approved by the CPC Central Committee. The revised editorial of that day summarized the revision in three aspects: first, expand the coverage; second, carry out free discussion; and third, improve the style of writing. After the revision, People’s Daily had a new look, a significant increase in the amount of news, expanded news coverage, improved discussions, a livelier newspaper layout, and stronger supplement and communication work. In June 1957, the struggle against the “right” spread widely. Under those circumstances, People’s Daily returned to the old reporting style before the revision. On the whole, however, the revision of People’s Daily in 1956 was an important news reform in new China’s history. It started an important transitional period of People’s Republic of China, inherited the ‘Party Newspaper Model’ of Liberation Daily, and tried to ‘return to the news-based’ style and develop it, finally, it became the starting point of the third journalism reform in China. (Wang Xiaomei, 2009, p. 18) After the socialist transformation, the country had formed a developmental pattern dominated by socialist newspaper news. At the same time, People’s Daily, Guangming Daily, and Ta Kung Pao dominated the news industry. Guangming Daily, founded on June 16, 1949, by the China Democratic League, later became the national Democratic Party’s coalition mouthpiece. After 1957, it became the intellectual community newspaper under the CPC Central Committee Propaganda Department. Ta Kung Pao, the product of the merger of the original Shanghai Ta Kung Pao and Tianjin Progress (Jin Bu Bao), entered Beijing in October 1956 and started publishing, becoming a national economic newspaper from that point on. In September 1996, Ta Kung Pao ceased publication because of internal rebellion.

Journalism in the Cultural Revolution After the basic completion of the socialist transformation in 1956, China embarked on a new stage of building socialism in an all-round way. From 1957 to 1966,

Reform and development of journalism 101 during the decade before the Cultural Revolution, socialist construction achieved much but also paid a heavy price. During this 10 years, the Rectification Movement3 and “the expansion of anti-rightist struggle” in 1957 and the “anti-rightist campaigns” after the Lushan Conference in 1959 occurred in succession. These political events brought about great negative impacts on China’s journalism. On April 13, 1957, People’s Daily published a long editorial – “On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People” – and some other articles that comprehensively introduced Mao Zedong’s speech. From May 1957, the newspaper viewed the Rectification Movement as an important event to report. In 1958, the national media joined the “Great Leap Forward campaign”4 and reported a series of misrepresented stories. The media started to carry out the principle of “one side high index, the other anti-rightist” to publish false articles such as “Wheat Yield 8,586 kg Per Mu, 130,435 kg of Rice Per Mu, Sweet Potato Yield 251,822 kg Per Mu”. On August 27, 1958, People’s Daily published an article named “How Bold a Person, How Much Production”. At the same time, newspapers reported that people’s communes were good and that communism was within reach. When Wen Hui Po published “Comments on the New Historical Drama, Hai Rui Dismissed From the Office”, which represented the beginning of an attack on liberals in November 1965, the fuse that set off the Cultural Revolution was lit. After that, the CPC Central Committee issued “Five One Six Notification” on May 16, 1966, marking the outbreak of the Cultural Revolution. From May 16, 1966, to October 1976, when the “gang of four” was finally smashed, the Cultural Revolution had a great impact on the whole news industry. In the same way, the news industry was at once under the control of Lin Biao and the Jiang Qing antirevolution group. They used newspapers to preach their personal views, incited ultra-left emotions, conducted media trials, and even completely reversed the truth. Newspapers became a tool for them to interfere with politics. In 1966, the CPC Central Committee falsely criticized the so-called gangs of Peng, Lu, Luo, and Yang. The vice premier of the State Council and minister of Publicity Department of the CPC Central Committee, Lu Dingyi, was overthrown, and the culture and journalistic work under the leadership of the Publicity Department of the CPC Central Committee was totally negated. Many newspapers and other media reprinted Gao Ju’s article “Fired on the Anti-Party, Anti-Socialist Black Line on the Liberation Army Daily” (Jie Fang Jun Bao) and He Ming’s article “Keep Your Eyes Open and Distinguish Between True and False” on May 9, 1966. On the same day, an article that was about 16,000 words, named “Deng Tuo’s ‘Yanshan Night Talk’ Is an Anti-Socialism Talk”, was published. High schools and universities in Beijing stopped classes to read these articles and started to seriously criticize Deng Tuo. Deng Tuo could not stand such insult and committed suicide. The Cultural Revolution started on that day. The CPC Central Committee subsequently issued a notice on the Cultural Revolution, named “Five One Six Notice”. In January 1967, the CPC Central Committee issued a notice named “Notice on the Issue of Newspapers”, which instructed provincial newspapers to stop publishing and start undertaking revolutionary activities. As a result, the number of

102

Reform and development of journalism

newspapers decreased from hundreds to around 40. Newspapers and periodicals, represented by People’s Daily, Liberation Army Daily (Jie Fang Jun Bao), and Red Flag, replaced the national newspapers, the contents of these two newspapers and one periodical being almost identical. On September 1, 1968, the two newspapers and one periodical, People’s Daily, Liberation Army Daily (Jie Fang Jun Bao), and Red Flag magazine, published an article named “Making the News Revolution to the End”, in the name of Chen Boda and Yao Wenyuan. The article completely denied the 17 years’ news work since the foundation of People’s Republic of China slandered the news teams, and praised the seizing of power in the news circle as a great victory of the Cultural Revolution. In January 1967, the CPC Central Committee issued a notice named “Notice on the Issue of Radio” and decided to implement military control of radio stations. As a consequence, radio stations were off the air for a short time. During the Cultural Revolution decade, public opinion was controlled by the two newspapers and one periodical. As for the mainstream newspapers and periodicals, the most fashionable content was Mao Zedong’s quotations. After the beginning of the Cultural Revolution, with the emergence of the Red Guards and rebel organizations, a number of Cultural Revolution tabloids also emerged. These tabloids circulated in schools, institutions, and factories and then gradually spread to the whole society. These tabloids were issued arbitrarily, without a fixed publishing cycle or formal editing agency. Among the Cultural Revolution tabloids, the New Peking University published 200 editions, and the Tsinghua University’s Jinggangshan issued 156 editions. Those were the most influential tabloids across the country at that time. On one hand, those tabloids met people’s desire to understand different circumstances, and on the other, they often published unverified gossip, which confused and disrupted the normal social order. On May 14, 1967, the CPC Central Committee issued the “Opinions on Improving the Propaganda of Newspapers and Periodicals by the Revolutionary Mass Organizations” and put forward restrictions on newspapers and leaflets published by the revolutionary mass organizations. From that time on, with the disintegration and disappearance of mass organizations, the closing of schools, and the youth “going to the mountainous areas and the countryside”5 movement, Cultural Revolution tabloids gradually disappeared. In October 1976, Hua Guofeng, Ye Jianying, Li Xiannian, and Wang Dongxing arrested the “gang of four” and quickly dispatched working groups to the central news institutions such as People’s Daily, Xinhua News Agency, Central Broadcasting Bureau, and Guangming Daily. Under the leadership of the Party Central Committee, journalism gradually returned to the right track.

After the opening-up: the rise of in-depth reporting Overall, after the reform and opening-up, China’s journalism achieved great development. Newspapers, televisions, radios, the Internet, and mobile media all attained great prosperity. Among them, the most noteworthy news phenomenon is the rise of in-depth reports.

Reform and development of journalism 103 The Bohai II event In-depth reporting began with the report of the Bohai II shipwreck. This report also broke the practice of reporting only good things, which was a policy in place since 1957. The Oil Exploration Bureau drilling vessel Bohai II sank during site migration operations in the Bohai Sea on November 25, 1979. Seventy-two people died, and the loss of the ship caused a direct economic loss of more than 3.7 billion yuan. This was the most serious fatal accident since the founding of new China, but it was also a rare fatal accident in the history of the world’s offshore oil exploration. After the accident, to cover the mistake, the leader of the council made the “funeral a happy event”: a grand memorial meeting was held, comrades were recognized as heroes and martyrs, and team Bohai II was renamed “hero drilling team”. The main leader of the Ministry of Oil also attempted to avoid responsibility by “making big things small, making small things nothing”. It was understood that the Bohai II accident occurred as the result of the neglect of safety work for a long time by the Offshore Oil Exploration Bureau as well as a systemic disrespect of objective laws when drilling oil in the offshore area. According to incomplete statistics from 1975 to 1979, the bureau experienced more than 1,043 accidents (more than 30 were large-scale incidents), with the deaths of 105 people, 144 people seriously injured, and an astonishing economic loss. After most accidents, the bureau failed to perform appropriate self-analysis and rectification of practices, ultimately resulting in further disasters. In May 1980, Bo Yibo, in a conversation with the National Federation of Trade Unions and the Workers’ Daily, stated, “ ‘Bohai II’ sank and killed 72 workers. According to the constitution, newspapers should publish this event, however, no one came out to speak fairly, bureaucrats shielded one another, and there is no justice” (Geng & Chen, 2008). On June 11, when hearing the reports on labor protection, Wan Li, the then deputy prime minister, directly expressed his dissatisfaction toward Workers’ Daily, which did not report the Bohai II accident. On July 22, Li said, “It did not reflect workers’ ideological problems, it didn’t talk about the works’ safety problems, I won’t read this kinds of Workers’ Daily” (Geng & Chen, 2008). Wan Li once again referred to the Bohai II incident on June 20; he said Workers’ Daily should speak for the workers and include criticism of the bureaucracy, the leadership of the factory, the leadership of the department, and the leadership of the State Council. People’s Daily and Workers’ Daily both published the news about the sinking of Bohai II. Workers’ Daily reporter Chen Ji and Niu Feng’s article “Bohai II Drilling Vessel Collapse Accident Shows What” talked about the improper behavior of the leadership of the offshore oil exploration bureau in depth: “Bureau leaders did not really care about and care for the workers. They blindly ask the workers to firstly not be afraid of suffering, secondly not be afraid of death” (Geng & Chen, 2008). The news also triggered a wave of anti-bureaucracy across the country, which led to

104

Reform and development of journalism

the first news supervision with sensational effect after the reform and opening-up. This report could also be viewed as the beginning of in-depth reporting in China. People’s Daily published a reporter’s comment titled “From the Bohai Sea Accident on the Leadership of the Ministry of Oil Style” on August 23, criticizing the leadership of the Ministry of Oil and the incorrect measures they took. On August 25, Xinhua News Agency reported the decision of the State Council on handling the Bohai II accident, relieving the oil minister, Song Zhenming, of duty and recording demerits as a punishment to the deputy director of the oil industry, Kang Shien. This report also sparked a nationwide anti-bureaucracy tide and became the model of news supervision by public opinion. “A Track on Graduates” Another group of successful reports was “A Track on Graduates”. Lee Datong was the chief editor of China Youth Daily. When recalling the birth of this group of ideas, Lee stated: In the mid-1980s, the fate of young intellectuals was of great importance to the whole country. At that time, as the director of science, I was naturally very concerned about this topic. But nobody knew what kind of influential reports should be formed, and I felt an inexplicable distress. In 1985, in a train toward the southern part of China, Zhang Jianwei and I once again discussed this topic. In the first half of that year, he did a lot of investigation in Tianjin about this topic. He suddenly put forward “If we can record the graduates’ success track?” I intuitively felt that this might be a proper choice, so I grabbed this subject and started to write letters to ask him to be urgent. We published this group of reports even when some of them were not finished, but published them whenever one report was finished. Maybe because of this pressure, Jianwei successfully and surprisingly finished this group of reports. (Li, 2004) In “A Track on Graduates”, the author put forward a series of problems and elaborated on them in detail. For example: For a sound growth of youth, is adversity or prosperity conducive? Should one adapt to the environment or change the environment? What is the relationship between life and career? What is the relationship between personal growth and the system of society? What is the relationship between personal growth and the reform of country? What is the relationship between personal growth and the leaders of the working organization? What is the relationship between successful graduates and unsuccessful graduates? What is the relationship between young intellectuals and middle-aged intellectuals?, and so forth. It was a successful series of reports that aroused a great response in society. It not only provided the employment prospects for the students who were about to graduate but also compelled government leaders and the whole society to attach importance to undergraduates’ employment issues.

Reform and development of journalism 105 The “Three Color Report” The year 1987 came to be known as the “in-depth reporting year” by the press. In that year, the “Three Color Report” (Red Warning, Black Chant, Green Sad), reported by the China Youth Daily, reinvigorated society. From May 6 to May 25, 1987, the Great Khingan fire occurred, arousing widespread concern in society. Four journalists Lei Shoumai, Li Zhongwei, Ye Yan, and Jia Yong from China Daily Youth went to report on the disaster. After a couple of days on the front lines, they wrote three in-depth reports – “Red Warning”, “Black Chant”, and “Green Sad”. “Red Warning” documented the relationship between humans and society during the great disaster. The report was critical of bureaucrats who were still keen on meetings, discussions, and wrangling, even when the fire was raging, and the female magistrate who said “fire should not be reported, otherwise our support from the upper government would be cancelled”. The report wrote about the red tile-roofed house like a column of shame that belonged to the general of the county. “Black Chant” described people’s destiny and people’s behavior under extreme circumstances during the fire. “Green Sad” talked about the relationship between humans and nature and uncovered the cause of the eco-disaster. Xu Zhuqing, former president and editor of China Youth Daily, still remembered that the night before the publishing of Red Warning, the editor Yang Lang bared his upper body, sweating, and revised the reports. The report said with an enlightened voice that the disaster was not only a natural disaster but was also caused by human error. “We are wrong because of bureaucracy, and our rigid system also makes us bureaucratic, the fire also burnt us to death, although we were not in that fire”. (Lei, Li, Ye & Jia, 1987) The “Three Color Report” achieved high praise from its readers and in press circles. It was not only awarded the National Special Good News Award, but the Chinese Press Institute even opened a seminar to discuss these reports. A letter from a Hubei reader said, “I always thought that our country’s journalists just reported the good things”, but after reading the reports, “I deeply felt that you were indeed the heroes in our era”, A senior editor said the “Three Color Report” marked that Chinese journalists began to return to the news itself and was a milestone in China’s disaster reporting. Today, the “Three Color Report” has become must-read material for journalism students. The professionalism displayed in the “Three Color Report” became a life-pursuing goal for journalism students. The Guan Guangmei phenomenon The discussion on the transformation of the economic system was also an important field in this period. The report on the Guan Guangmei phenomenon in the 1980s was documented in the history of Chinese journalism. From the second half of 1986, Economic Daily News published a number of in-depth reports on economic work and life issues. The Guan Guangmei phenomenon came into being in this context. Economic Daily News published a letter from Guan Guangmei on its front page on June 12, 1987. This letter proposed to discuss the nature of the

106

Reform and development of journalism

Figure 5.1 Guan Guangmei

leasing business. Guan Guangmei, an entrepreneur who had graduated from sixth grade, addressed economic reform on a theoretical level. She said, “In any case I cannot understand: low-profit and corrupting enterprises are usually regarded as socialism, but high profitable ones are called capitalism. Is this really the case?”(Guan, 1987) The day after the letter was published, Economic Daily News began a more than 40-days period of discussion about this social focus: leasing enterprises. In a short time, many people sent letters to Economic Daily News writing about their ideas of leasing businesses, and Guan Guangmei became a spokesperson of reform. There was, however, a bigger background to the discussion. Six months previously, on January 1, 1987, People’s Daily published a new year’s editorial titled “Adhering to the Four Cardinal Principles Is the Fundamental to Improve the Quality of Reform and Opening-Up”, which stated, “To adhere to the four basic principles is to be clearly and unambiguously against bourgeois liberalization”.6 On November 28, the CPC Central Committee issued a notification “Circular on Several Issues Relating to the Current Anti-Bourgeois Liberalization”, which reinforced the view that anti-bourgeois liberalization should not link up with the policy of economic reform and the daily life of the people. During this period, economic thought was still confusing. Some thought that the director responsibility system weakened the party’s leadership and thus returned to the original system. The discussion proposed by Guan Guangmei on the social and economic situation, which was carried out in this social background, reflected the social trend at that time. Also, the discussion itself promoted and encouraged reform in the field of economics. This discussion was aimed at promoting the ideological liberation movement and promoted full thought and public opinion preparation for the convening of the 13th National Congress of the CPC. China Economic Weekly, which was organized by People’s Daily, selected “China’s Reform and Opening-Up 30 Years 100 People” on November 9, 2008. Guan Guangmei was among them. She was selected as “Liaoning Benxi Vegetable

Reform and development of journalism 107 Company Dongming Commercial Group General Manager”. The success of several shops rented helped her win the title of leasing entrepreneur and woman reformer but also led her to become the focus of the “socialism” and “capitalism’ issue”. Public opinion supervision on TV and newspapers In-depth reporting began to enter the field of radio and television during the 1990s. CCTV opened the Focus Report in prime time on April 1, 1994, followed by Oriental Horizon, News Probe and other programs showing the strength of electronic media in in-depth reporting. At the same time, a lot of newspapers were created, many of which pursued in-depth coverage and public opinion. In 1998, the Central People’s Broadcasting Station opened the Newsline program in prime time. This program consisted of the reporters’ live coverage and the hosts’ commentaries, along with a rich news background. This column proclaimed the truth of the news event, showed the right and clear opinion, and opened a new chapter of broadcasting media into in-depth reporting. Newsline led the trend, and many other broadcasts began to follow. During this period, Chinese media in-depth reporting started to conform to the international standard, which dealt with the realities of social development and reported news in a clear and logical way. At the same time, in-depth reporting not only appeared in print media, which was represented by Southern Weekly, but began to make its way into TV programs, some of which received recognition in a very short time. Examples of such success are CCTV’s programs Focus Report and News Probe. These two programs won both a good reputation and high ratings. The purpose of the development of in-depth reporting originally was to compete with the electronic media, but to the surprise of many, television media copied this kind of reporting style, leading to several highlights and breakthroughs in successful in-depth reporting television programs. Throughout the late 1990s and the beginning of the new century, CCTV-related programs and Southern Weekly were viewed as a bridgehead in this unprecedented news supervision movement in China. Newsline from the Central People’s Broadcasting Station represented a new standard of broadcasting public opinion supervision, and the reports on the “fund shady” and “the silver Guangxia trap” by Caijing magazine created the professional journal report “Watergate incident” in China. High-level, in-depth reports disclosed the changes in the news process and helped uncover the complex internal and external relationship of news.

Public opinions and the Internet With the growth and popularity of the Internet, its powerful role in the dissemination of news was increasingly felt nationwide. From 2003 on, the depth of many cases reported on the Internet sparked widespread debate. Despite not being able to write original news, real-time communication on an open Internet platform has become a new support factor for the development of in-depth reporting.

108

Reform and development of journalism

Sun Zhigang case In-depth reporting columns on the Internet, which have many different types, have been widespread for a long time. When some very important news events happened, the competition for in-depth information discovery among main media agencies became fierce. As a result, in-depth reporting gradually became the mainstream of news coverage. Among them, the Sun Zhigang case is the most representative. Before the Sun Zhigang case, to help homeless people and scroungers go back to their hometowns, local Chinese governments had set up asylums. In the process of policy implementation, however, some of the asylum workers did not rescue the weak but even extorted or abused them. According to many large and mediumsized cities’ (Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou) provisions, migrant workers had apply for a temporary residence permit, otherwise, they were regarded as homeless people. The police gave the asylum workers the right to arrest those who did not have a temporary residence permit and repatriate them to their hometowns or lock up them in the asylums. In the implementation process, more often than not, the police observed only unemployed migrant workers, vagrants, beggars, and other vulnerable groups. Before large-scale events in relevant cities, the police often arrested and repatriated them in significant numbers to keep the event safe and make the city more beautiful. Sun Zhigang was born in Hubei Huanggang and graduated from the Wuhan Institute of Technology Department of Art in 2001. He was employed by the Guangzhou City Daqi Clothing Co., Ltd on February 24, 2003. Because he was a newcomer, he did not apply for a temporary residence permit. He went out to a net bar on the evening of March 17, 2003, but failed to take his ID with him. Around 11 pm that night, he was sent to the Huangcun Street police station by the police, who were checking temporary residence permits. At the police station, he made a phone call to his friends and asked them to send his ID and other identity documents to the police station. When his friends arrived at the police station, however, they found that Sun Zhigang had been transferred to an asylum station. His asylum documents said he was a “three-no” person. In fact, Sun had normal housing, legitimate work, and an ID and did not apply for the asylum policy. On March 20, Sun Zhigang was found dead in a hospital. At first, officials insisted his death was due to illness, but upon investigation, Southern Metropolis Daily reporter Chen Feng found that he was beaten to death. In the same year on April 25, Southern Metropolis Daily published “The Death of Sun Zhigang”. As a result, officials had to re-investigate this event because of the huge pressure from public opinion. In the final announcement, they found that Sun was beaten to death by the hospital care workers and patients with whom he had shared the same room. Sun’s death aroused widespread concerns across the country and overseas. Through the Internet and other media, people demanded punishment of the murderers and a review the constitutionality of the policy. Guangzhou City authorities later arrested Qiao Yanqin and other people involved in this case. On June 9 the same year, they released the first verdict. The main culprit Qiao

Reform and development of journalism 109 Yanqin was sentenced to death, the second principal Li Haiying was sentenced to death but suspended it for two years, and the remaining 10 criminals were sentenced to three years to life imprisonment. Six officials were charged with malfeasance and sentenced to one to three years’ imprisonment. On Sun Zhigang’s tombstone, there were two paragraphs: A man has died, all the scoundrels have gotten their punishment. However, the government and the people should take this case as an introspection, keeping in mind the weight of life, the weight of human rights, the weight of democracy, the weight of law, and to protect the people. A person’s death, whether lighter than a piece of leather, or heavier than the Tai mountain. Mr. Zhigang had his ambition before his death, but he didn’t predict that he had to exchange his life for the end of an evil law. Although it was hard to say he was dying for justice, his death was still heavier than the Tai mountain, as for the country, the people, and the law. There were two lines at the bottom of the tombstone: Who paid his life to make progress in Chinese law. A memorable person – Sun Zhigang In today’s society, the Internet has gradually come to play an important role in in-depth reporting. In addition to being able to release facts to society over time, its efficient and large feedback system also plays an important role. With the popularity and development of the Internet, citizens are more and more involved in news reporting from expressing their views to forming public opinion and contributing to the progress and resolution of incidents. Deng Yujiao case On May 10, 2009, in Badong County, Enshi Autonomous Prefecture, Hubei Province, Deng Guida, Huang Dezhi, and Deng Zhongjia went to the town leisure center and consumed alcohol. Huang Dezhi asked the waitress Deng Yujiao to provide “special services”;7 Deng Yujiao refused, and a dispute ensued. Deng Guida took out a pile of money to beat Deng Yujiao’s head, asking Deng Yujiao to provide sex-related services. Deng Yujiao ignored him and tried to leave. But Deng Guida pushed Deng Yujiao onto the sofa. Deng Yujiao struggled to stand up but was pushed down again. She became enraged, stood up, and stabbed Deng Guida’s chest and throat with a knife. Later, Deng Guida died from his wounds. Another of the group was stabbed as well, while one was too afraid to move. After the incident, Deng Yujiao called the police and voluntarily surrendered herself. Deng Yujiao was detained by the police on the charge of intentional murder. The Deng Yujiao case immediately triggered a wave of public opinion on the Internet. Enshi Police Bureau, the Hubei Provincial Public Security Bureau, and the Hubei Provincial Government were alerted as well. Deng Yujiao’s lawyers’

110

Reform and development of journalism

allegations, that this event was sexual assault, met with Internet users’ “martyrs against violence” imagination (Deng Yujiao was a martyr in that she had been charged with murder for simply defending herself from sexual assault). Internet users denounced the death of the cadres as their own fault, and believed that because Deng Yujiao was resisting rape, she was obviously innocent. Public opinion leaned to the side of supporting Deng Yujiao’s innocence, and thus the Badong government suffered unprecedented pressure from public opinion. Today, people’s lifestyles are more varied. Along with this change, attitudes toward sex have changed from “sex imprisonment” to “sexual openness”. It has become increasingly difficult to distinguish sex service from other service fields, especially in bathhouses or pedicure services. In the case of Deng Yujiao, however, Internet opinions surged denouncing the cadres and arguing that the tragedy that befell them was a result of their own actions. Internet users argued that Deng Yujiao was innocent, a position that was almost universally held by all who commented. At 4:55 pm on June 16, Hubei Badong County Court first released its finding that Deng Yujiao acted with the intent to assault but that she would be exempted from criminal penalties. The judgment stated that Deng Yujiao suffered unreasonable assault, insults, and other unlawful infringement from the two officials Deng Guida and Huang Dezhi and that the implementation of the counterattack was defensive in nature, even if beyond necessary limits. Deng Yujiao’s behavior caused death, and thus the judgment of intentional assault was applied. After the incident, Deng Yujiao had voluntarily surrendered to the police and truthfully confessed her crimes. After the forensic examination, Deng Yujiao was diagnosed with a mood disorder (biphasic) and thus was categorized as having “part of (limited) criminal responsibility”. According to the law, the ruling on Deng Yujiao exempted her from criminal penalties. Hangzhou racing case At 8:00 pm on May 7, 2009, in Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province, Tan Zhuo was hit by Hu Bin, who was driving a modified Mitsubishi Lancer Evolution IX. Tan died after admission to the hospital. Witnesses claimed that Tan Zhuo was knocked several meters into the air and then fell heavily 20 meters away. On the same day, the perpetrator Hu Bin had been under criminal detention, but some found that the perpetrators’ QQ (an instant chat software) was still online, leading many Internet users to question whether the perpetrator was arrested in time. On May 8, Hangzhou traffic police held a press conference, referring to the “speed at 70 yards (i.e., 70 km/h)” (that was not breaking the speed limit). This triggered great dissatisfaction in public opinion. During this incident, netizens also acted as investigators. A large number of questions emerged online; posts such as “If 70km/h could hit people 20 meters away” and “There are no Cars in the Heaven” – a letter written by ZJU students. As time went by and Internet users continued to discuss the case, issues gradually became clear. On May 14, Hangzhou police issued the traffic accident case identification report to the media. The report identified that the

Reform and development of journalism 111 accident vehicle, in the section of road where the incident had occurred, had accelerated from 84.1 km/h to 101.2 km/h. On May 15, Hangzhou police asked permission from the procuratorate to arrest Hubin for the crime of traffic accident. They affirmed that Hubin would take full responsibility for that accident. At the same time, Hangzhou police apologized to the public about the previous report’s mistake of publishing the incorrect speed of “70km/h”. In the afternoon of July 20, Hangzhou West Lake District People’s Court conducted a public hearing on the “5.7” traffic accident case and sentenced the defendant, Hu Bin, to three years in prison. With the continuous development and popularity of the Internet, in-depth reporting will continue to develop and innovate.

Notes 1 The Cultural Revolution, in full, the “Proletarian Cultural Revolution”, occurred between May 1966 and October 1976 and was a civil strife launched by Mao Zedong and used by counter-revolutionary groups. It brought serious disaster to the party, the state, and people of all ethnic groups. 2 “Gang of four” refers to the group comprised of Wang Hongwen, Zhang Chunqiao, Jiang Qing, and Yao Wenyuan. This group engaged in sectarian activities and attempted to usurp the party to seize power. The name “gang of four” was first put forward by Mao Zedong in early January 1974, when Jiang Qing and others wanted to criticize Zhou Enlai on the excuse of “criticizing Lin and Kong”. 3 On April 27, 1957, the CPC Central Committee in the People’s Daily issued an article, “On the Rectification Movement Instructions”. This article advocated the “antibureaucracy, anti-sectarianism and anti-subjectivism” Rectification Movement, which aimed to improve the ideological level of Marxism in the whole party, to improve the style, and to meet the needs of socialist transformation and construction. At the end of August 1958, the Rectification Movement ended. 4 The Red Guards were organized during the Chinese Cultural Revolution and mostly comprised young students. The Red Guards were not really national troops but a special student group organization who blindly followed Chairman Mao’s call. The Red Guards were an important force of social unrest. The Red Guards played an important role in the Cultural Revolution, which developed across the whole country. 5 “Go to the mountainous areas and the countryside” was a strategy that the Chinese government adopted to narrow the cultural gap between urban and rural populations. Chairman Mao issued instructions that “rural is a vast world, where the people can do something successful” and “young people should go to the countryside to accept the education of poor and middle peasants”. The Chinese government organized a large number of cities’ “intellectual youth” to leave the city and settle in rural areas to work as laborers. 6 The essence of bourgeois liberalization is to oppose and deny the four basic principles, advocate a comprehensive Westernization, and take the capitalist road. Therefore, liberalization itself is a product of the bourgeoisie, in that there can be no proletarian, socialist liberalization. 7 The so-called special service is different from the conventional service and usually refers to “pornographic services”. Special services are more common in some hotels, Karaoke Television rooms, footwear shops and massage shops.

6

Journalism in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

With their divergent historical paths, Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan have developed different political systems as compared with Mainland China since 1949. Mainland China implemented the socialist system, whereas Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao implemented capitalist systems. The respective development of their journalism also presents a completely different character from the mainland. After the War of Liberation in 1949, the KMT retreated to Taiwan. Their authoritarian control of Taiwan’s news had a tremendous impact, resembling the overt press restrictions of totalitarian states. After the Second World War, however, with social and economic development and media technology progress, Hong Kong and Macao’s journalism has been in a state of competition and prosperity. Hong Kong especially has one of the highest rates of coverage in network and television in the global press.

Taiwan’s journalism after 1949 Taiwan’s earliest example of the modern press is the Taiwan House Pamphlet (Taiwanfu Jiaogongbao), founded by missionaries and published in July 12, 1885. After the Sino-Japanese War in 1895, Taiwan was under Japanese control. For a considerable period of time, only Japanese agencies were allowed to report in Taiwan. Until 1945, before the liberation of Taiwan, there was sporadic Chinese newspaper activity, but the Japanese repeatedly suppressed all attempts to publish. After Taiwan’s liberation in 1945, Taiwan newspapers flourished, with the Taiwan’s New Year’s Eve (Taiwan Xinshengbao) being the first Chinese daily newspaper founded. From October 1945 to December 1946, nearly 20 new newspapers were published. By the end of 1948, there were 28 newspapers in Taiwan (Wu, 2010). Taiwan’s journalism has changed dramatically since 1949, from the era of party-controlled media to the era of free media. During the process, the change of the media industry itself was accompanied by the transformation of Taiwan’s political ecology. The reform of the media industry was an important element, and a great promoter, of political change. Over the past 60 years, the development of Taiwan’s journalism can be broadly divided into two stages: the first, KMT control of the media industry stage from 1949 to 1987; and the second, the present free media industry stage since 1988. In the first stage, especially from 1951 to

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 113 1987, newspapers in Taiwan were almost entirely under the strict control of the KMT with the implementation of the “press restrictions” policy. In the second stage, after the “press restrictions” policy was lifted, Taiwan’s media industry developed rapidly. During this stage, Taiwan’s media industry was characterized by the gradual decline of KMT journalism and the rapid development of private journalism, bringing about an era of fierce competition. In January 1988, 21 newspapers were founded. Before 1980, there were no more than 200 magazines published in Taiwan. By 1997, more than 5,600 registered magazines in Taiwan had been registered. From 2001 to 2013, the structure of Taiwan’s journalism continued to change. After the KMT lost its position as a ruling party, the original KMT journalism was gradually reformed into private or public institutions. The establishment of the Taiwan Communications Commission in 2006 marked the beginning of Taiwan’s media supervision authorities’ independence from the executive branch. Market competition intensified after publications such as Apple Daily (Pingguo Ribao) and Next Magazine (Yizhoukan) moved into Taiwan. As a consequence of the introduction of new types of publication into the Taiwan media market, the original Taiwan media content style began to change dramatically, focusing more on meeting popular taste rather than a traditional, formal reporting style. The resulting competition for market share was vicious and resulted in many veteran newspapers being forced to cease publication or transform to remain viable. Thus, Taiwan’s media industry, although gaining freedom, also faced new problems that needed to be resolved. Tortuous development of newspapers in Taiwan KMT’s “press restrictions” from 1949 to 1987 In 1949, the KMT moved the main newspapers to Taiwan, along with a large number of journalists. By 1951, there were 30 newspapers in Taiwan. After the KMT retreated to Taiwan, the “press restrictions” policy, which restricted freedom of speech, was enforced for 39 years. It was not accidental that the KMT enforced a policy of “press restrictions” in Taiwan. The KMT authorities, after retreating to Taiwan, attributed one of the important reasons for their failure to the lack of control of the newspapers, which in their view allowed public opinion to become chaotic and divided. The KMT had tried to control newspapers more strictly in the period of their rule on the mainland but was unable to establish a “legal” and effective control system, especially with strong progressive forces, such as the press publishing the “Refusal Campaign” in 1945, being successful in their efforts to resist KMT control. With the KMT authorities’ failure to defeat the Communists in the mainland inevitable, the KMT began to focus on operating in Taiwan. With the matter of Taiwan’s control being regarded as “settled”, the implementation of more stringent news control policy in Taiwan became a foregone conclusion. In 1949, when Chen Cheng and Chiang Ching-kuo were appointed by Chiang Kai-shek to go to Taiwan to handle government affairs, they began to take

114

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

measures to suppress the press. The first approach was economic control. On June 10, 1951, the Executive Yuan of the National Government of Taiwan proclaimed the “strict restrictions on registration” policy for the new application of future newspapers, magazines, and news agencies, with the excuse that the newspapers and magazines had reached saturation point and thus there was a need to “save paper”. The government also stopped the newsprint rationing system, meaning that many weak economic base tabloids faced significant difficulties in maintaining their livelihood. For this reason, several newspapers closed, such as Success Daily (Chenggong Ribao), Evening News (Liwanbao), Wind (Dafengbao), Justice Daily (Zhengyi Ribao), and North China News (Huabei Xinwen). On April 11, 1952, the announcement was made by administrative order to “stop the registration of newspapers”. The second approach the government used was to force the merger, restructure, or cessation of publication of newspapers, effectively strangling the Ping Daily (Pingyan Ribao), Taipei Evening News (Taibei Wanbao), Tian Nan Daily (Tiannan Ribao), Force Newspaper (Lixingbao), National Newspaper (Guoshengbao), and many other newspapers. After this purge, the authorities were still not satisfied. The government constantly modified the terms of the “presses” and applied “martial law” on the control of journalism, based on the old “laws” and “systems” adopted while governing the mainland. In addition to the two “laws”, the Wartime Chambers Paper Savings (Zhanshi Xinwenyongzhi Jieyuebanfa) was promulgated by the Executive Yuan, and the Taiwan Region Martial Law Publications Control (Taiwandiqu Jieyanshiqi Chubanwu Guanzhibanfa) was issued by the General Commander and other relevant officials (He, 1988). These bans came to be commonly referred to as “press restrictions” by the Taiwan press. For the next 30 years, Taiwan authorities did not approve any new applications for the creation of new newspapers, except on October 10, 1952, with the establishment of the Youth Warrior (Qingnian Zhanshi Bao), later renamed the Youth Daily (Qingnian Ribao), which was sponsored by the General Political Department of the Taiwan Ministry of Defense. In addition to the “strict restrictions on registration”, the so-called press restrictions included “three limits”, which included “limited licenses”, “limited layout” and “limited printing”. On April 21, 1955, Taiwan authorities announced the Wartime Newsprint Savings Approach, ordering all newspaper layouts limited to one and a half sheets. The government was forced by the press to relax this limit and modify the policy many times; however, before the ban was lifted, the limit never exceeded three sheets. Restricted printing meant that KMT authorities could stipulate that each newspaper could be printed only at the printing site of its place of registration. This measure brought a lot of inconvenience to the publication of newspapers in the provinces. From 1952 to 1987, there were 31 newspapers in Taiwan. These 31 newspapers issued 210,000 copies in 1951, increasing to 560,000 copies in the late 1960s. Since then, the circulation has increased year by year. In 1978, the circulation exceeded 2 million copies and increased to 2.5 million in 1982. According to the statistics released by the Information Bureau of the Taiwan Affairs Office, the

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 115 circulation of newspapers in 1987 was 3.7 million copies, equating to one newspaper for every five to six people (Fang, 1992). Among the 31 newspapers, there were 25 daily newspapers and 6 evening papers, two of them being English newspapers and the rest Chinese. Using political background as a standard to classify newspapers, the KMT party, government organs, and military and political organs operated 12 newspapers, such as Central Daily (Zhongyang Ribao), China Daily (Zhonghua Ribao), New Year (Xinshengbao), Taiwan News (Taiwan Xinwenbao), and Taiwan Daily (Taiwanribao). United Daily News (Lianhebao), China Times (Zhongguo Shibao), and other private newspapers had a very close relationship with the KMT, whereas Taiwan’s local people hosted the remaining private newspapers. In the 1950s, Taiwan’s private newspapers experienced great difficulty maintaining operations, with the KMT’s three newspapers, Central Daily News, Taiwan’s New Year, and China Daily, dominating the market. After the turn of the twentieth century, the private newspaper was resurgent. Both United Daily News and China Times reached a circulation of more than 1 million, whereas the official newspaper Central Daily had a circulation of only 550,000. Central Daily was the organ newspaper and belonged to the Central Committee of the KMT. It moved to Taiwan in 1948 and resumed publication in Taipei on March 12, 1949. Taiwan’s Official Newspaper Group, whose core was Central Daily, had directly controlled one-third of the number of newspapers in Taiwan and had become the basic power of the authorities to control public opinion. United Daily News was founded on September 16, 1951, in Taipei with the merger of three newspapers: Wang Tiwu’s National Newspaper (Minzubao), Lin Dingli’s People’s Daily (Renmin Ribao), and Fan Heyan’s Economic Times (Jingji Shibao). The principles of the “joint newspaper” were “objectively reported news”, “independent commentary”, and “loyal service to the public”, always advocating “anti-communism, democracy, unity, progress” perspectives. United Daily News represented and reflected the interests and voices of Taiwan’s big entrepreneurs and consortia. China Times was originally called Credit News (Zhengxin Xinwen), founded in Taipei on October 2, 1950, but changed its name to Credit News Newspaper in 1960 and was later renamed the China Times on September 1, 1968. Independence Evening News (Zili Wanbao), founded on October 10, 1947, in Taipei, was Taiwan’s first evening news issue and had a great impact. The newspaper declared itself as “a paper of non-party and a paper of independency”. Independence Evening News claimed to be fair, objective, and impartial. However, despite its claim to political neutrality, the newspaper often advocated and reflected the views and opinions of Taiwan’s local non-KMT and Tainan consortia. The circulation of Independent Evening News was 120,000 copies, accounting for 73 percent of the market share of Taiwan’s six evening newspapers. In September 1987, the Taiwan authorities allowed the public to travel to the mainland to visit relatives. On the eve of the promulgation of the relevant regulations, Li Yongde and Xu Lu, two special correspondents of the Independent Evening News, traveled through Tokyo to Beijing, Hangzhou, Guangzhou, Xiamen, and other places conducting interviews and causing a great sensation and high circulation.

116

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

Large-scale newspapers in Taiwan, in addition to using news from the Central Agency and other foreign news agencies, generally had special correspondents at the United Nations headquarters as well as in the United States, Britain, Japan, the Federal Republic of Germany, and other countries and regions. To enhance readability, the newspapers offered a wide variety of columns, very few with political colors, with other columns that were presided over by famous people. These celebrity columns were targeted at specific readers’ tastes, paying attention to knowledge and fun and suiting both refined and popular tastes (Fang, 1992). The “press restrictions” policy was a reactionary policy adopted by the KMT government to curb public opinion and restrict freedom of the press.1 However, the development of the KMT monopoly newspaper industry objectively promoted the process of decolonization, national subject status, and the establishment of the main body of Chinese culture in the Taiwan newspaper industry (Wang, 2007). Newspaper’s revival after the lifting of press restrictions In early 1987, after the lifting of martial law and the removal of the party ban, the KMT authorities were forced to consider the abolition of the press restrictions. On December 1 1987, the director of the Information Bureau, Shao Yuming, officially announced that from January 1, 1988, the Taiwan KMT authorities would begin to accept the registration of new newspapers. Newspapers could also be increased to six sheets – 24 pages in total. The Taiwan journalists had made unrelenting efforts to lift the “press restrictions”. On March 4, 1955, the famous journalist Cheng Shewo presented a question in the “Legislative Yuan”: “the Government has encouraged people to increase food production, why did they also do everything possible to bind the increase of the most important spiritual food production?” (He, 1988) In March 1958, there was an important provision in the draft amendment in press law modified by Executive Yuan, which clearly stipulated that the executive authorities had the right to impose “administrative sanctions” and that the registration licenses of newspapers and magazines could be withdrawn at any time in accordance with this law. The implications of this euphemistic term were not lost on journalists, and thus they resisted in the form of groups. Cheng Cangbo, who had served in journalism as a “legislator”, stated in an open conversation, “Some people wanted to bury the freedom of the press, but the freedom of the press could not be buried”. Several “private” newspapers such as United Daily News and Credit News Newspaper (the China Daily predecessor) published a series of editorials directly criticizing the policy. At that time, even scholars who had always supported the “government”, like expert Hu Shi, Samantai, and others, also came out to criticize the authorities, saying that the excessive power of the administration would clamp down the freedom of the press. The Taiwan authorities, however, ignored these criticisms and eventually passed the draft. For decades, the Taiwan press never stopped criticizing the “press restrictions” measures. Despite failing to offer any compelling “excuse” as justification, Taiwan’s “press restrictions” policy was, nevertheless, imposed (He, 1988).

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 117 In 1987, the Taiwan authorities declared that they would lift the “press restrictions” which had been in place for more than 30 years. This move was quite sudden and immediately hit the headlines. On January 21, 1988, the Self-Standing Morning Post (Zili Zaobao) was founded in Taipei, which was the first new newspaper after the lifting of the “press restrictions”. The United Daily News and China Times, two large newspaper groups, published the United Evening News (Lianhe Wanbao) (February 22, 1988) and Evening News (Zhongshi Wanbao) (March 7, 1988), successfully entering the evening news market. On July 12, Cheng Shewo, who was 91years old at the time, founded the Taiwan Li newspaper, achieving his dream. According to the statistics of the Information Bureau of the Executive Yuan, after the lifting of press restrictions, and within a short period of just three months, 33 newspapers were presented to the Taiwan Information Bureau for registration. By the end of 1993, there were 221 registered newspapers, but only 139 were actually issued. By the end of 1997, the registration of newspapers jumped to 334, although only 76 were published regularly. Before the lifting of the press restrictions, Taiwan’s major newspapers had already heard the news and begun preparatory work. From the recruitment of talent reserves to equipment updates, from the re-integration of existing newspapers to the creation of new newspapers, plans were implemented in full swing. First, the development of new newspapers was based on the old newspapers. For example, United Daily News, Economic Daily, and People’s Daily added the Southern Editions. China Times and United Daily News added the Evening News, whereas Self-Standing Morning Post was established on the basis of Independence Evening News (Zili Wanbao). Second, local businesspeople applied to establish new newspapers. From 1988 to 1999, many consortia established newspapers for focusing on the newspapers’ huge advertising profits and influence. Examples include Dacheng Newspaper (Dachengbao), which was supported by the macroconstruction enterprises Pacific Daily (Taipingyang Ribao), which was supported by Southeast Cement and other enterprises, and Liberty Times (Ziyou Shibao), formerly known as Free Daily (Ziyou Shibao), which was supported by the Federal Group. Third, newly formed political parties founded their own newspapers. After the lifting of the ban on political parties, Taiwan reached a climax of the formation of new parties. Thirty-seven new political parties were formed in 1989, and to promote their political opinions, they founded many newspapers. There were two obvious changes in the Taiwan newspaper industry after the lifting of the press restrictions: First, the newspaper market competition began intensify. After the press restrictions were lifted, the newspaper industry suffered strong shocks. The evening newspaper market was the first to be hit, and Mingzu Evening News (Minzu Wanbao) and Dahua Evening News (Dahua Wanbao) ceased publication. United Evening News and Evening News became the new darlings. China Times and United Daily News were two newspapers that had been dominant in the Taiwan press and accounted for more than 80 percent of the total circulation of newspapers and more than 70 percent of advertising revenue. After the lifting of the press restrictions, the advantages of the United Daily News

118

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

newspaper became more obvious. In 1996, United Daily News had an operating income of about 8.9 billion RMB (about US$12,902,664,618) and a surplus of 700 million RMB (about US$101,481,632), whereas the China Times newspaper industry revenue was also approximately 8 billion RMB but with a surplus of only around 20 million. The Liberty Times, which had a large consortium background, was the main competitor of the two newspapers in advertising and distribution markets. From 1988 to 1990, the combined advertising revenue exceeded 50 percent of Taiwan’s newspaper advertising, but by 1997, the total revenue of advertising was 48.7 percent, and the Liberty Times (Ziyou Shibao) reported only one-tenth of the revenue in 1995. In 1997, however, this figure jumped significantly with Free Times capturing 34 percent of the newspaper advertising market. Newspapers operated by the government started to go downhill. The old Central Daily had been dominant in Taiwan for decades, until in the 1960s and 1970s, China Times, United Daily News, and the Central Daily News began to challenge for position. In 1985, Central Daily News ranked fourth in the newspapers that the Taiwan people often read every day. By 1990, however, its position had slipped to ninth, and in 1992 it was eliminated out of the top 10. Second, news reports and remarks gradually became more open. After the lifting of the press restrictions, transparency and openness of the news reports and comments greatly improved. Reporting restrictions gradually loosened, allowing topics, such as Chiang’s father and his son’s private life and performance, which were not allowed to be reported on in the past, now becoming hot news. Criticism and accusation of the authorities gradually increased, and serious social problems became a central focus of newspaper coverage. Thus, exposing the dark side of society was used as a “magic weapon” to compete for readership. The openness of the newspapers in Taiwan was not uniform, but rather, the degree of openness of private newspapers was much higher than party, government, or army newspapers, which were still very conservative. By the turn of the century, the pattern of Taiwan’s newspaper industry had experienced significant changes. From the beginning of the twentieth century to the lifting of press restrictions, competition was not very intense for 90 years. As a result, only two major newspapers in the 1990s, China Times and United Daily News dominated, until the Liberty Times joined the market with strong financial support and quickly became a major newspaper. Thus the market pattern formed a three pillars status. These newspapers had been focusing on political, social, and other major social news. However, in the new century, “Next Media” which was known for the public by its “popular, stimulating” content had become the market leader in Hong Kong. After Next Magazine successfully entered the Taiwan media market, Apple Daily was published in Taiwan. This series of changes had a great impact on Taiwan’s newspaper industry and also completely changed the Taiwan market pattern that had existed for a long time. Apple Daily, officially founded on May 2, 2003, in Taipei, had a strong effect on the market, termed the “Apple shock wave” by Taiwan journalists. Apple Daily attached great importance to social news. Headlines were often related to social

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 119 news, a marked change of style from political affairs headlines such as China Times and United Daily News. In describing the way Apple Daily approached the news-gathering process, Liang (2003, p. 4–6) state: In order to get the first news, grasp the exclusive news, Apple Daily specifically built a “breaking news center”, equipped with more than 100 journalists and more advanced interview equipment. Newspaper asked reporters to use the fastest speed and bring the scene screen or news event to the newsroom. Once important events happened, the reporters would “reach the scene earlier than the police”. According to Slime (2006), the reason Apple Daily was able to succeed in the market competition was not only due to its sharp and “naked” titles but also the professionalism in reporting news. According to a report from the World University published in 2011, on the “2011 media situation list”, Apple Daily ranked as the most popular newspaper for five consecutive years, with a 53.3 percent reading rate, representing a 2.1 percent increase over 2010, and well ahead of the second – Liberty Times, whose reading rate was 31.9 percent. United Daily News and Liberty Times were third and fourth, with reading rates of 20.6 percent and 20.2 percent, respectively. In the general evaluation of indicators, Apple Daily continually achieved the status of “the best quality newspaper” since 2010 and for the first time became “the most just and objective” newspaper in readers’ minds (She & Xu, 2012). This showed that Apple Daily started to turn to a more professional, serious style after its initial introduction. Since the loss of the ruling power in 2000, the KMT party newspaper faced a serious decline. According to Chen and Zhu (2006), In 2002, in the face of the increasingly shrinking advertising market, the Kuomintang’s Central Daily, China Daily, and Taiwan New Year business got into trouble. The initial proposal was to merger the three newspapers and the Central Daily took over the China Daily, Taiwan New Year merged into the “center” finally in 2003. (p. 71) From this point, however, the KMT’s newspaper business continued to deteriorate and ultimately led to the Central Daily officially announcing its suspension on June 1, 2006. The reason why the Central Daily ceased was not simply because the KMT had lost its position as a ruling party. Central Daily, which had moved to Taipei, issued its first edition on March 12, 1949. In the first year of circulation only 32,500 copies were sold, but later with the KMT “press restrictions” policy implementation, and designation as the party newspaper, Central Daily circulation increased year by year, eventually becoming Taiwan’s largest newspaper. However, the status and function of the Central Daily gradually reduced as a result of the development and expansion of other newspapers and the

120

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

liberalization of the “press restrictions” policy by the Taiwan authorities in the late period of the KMT administration. The editor-in-chief of the China Times and the United Daily News were also members of the Standing Committee of Kuomintang, which made it possible for the paper to obtain authoritative information about party and government decisions on Kuomintang and important personnel arrangements. Their news practices were clearly much more commercial than Central Daily News. After the lifting of the press restriction, accompanied by the Liberty Times rise, Central Daily News had been pushed out of the top three. When Apple Daily was founded on May 2, 2003 in Taiwan, the Taiwan newspaper market comprised the ‘one major newspaper (Apple Daily) and three small newspapers (China Daily, Liberty Times, The United Daily News)’ pattern. Central Daily’s market was compressed greatly. (Southern Weekend, 2006) The Taiwan newspaper industry continued to undergo great changes in 2008. Taiwan’s largest media group, which China Daily belonged to – Times Group – changed its master. Want Want Group, owned by the Chua family that made their fortune in the food industry, took over the paper from its founders, the Yuji family. Want Want Group Chair Cai Yanming and his family members spent 2.4 billion RMB buying the operating rights of the Times Group’s holding company. Yu Jianxin, the chair of the Times Group, served as a consultant. Want Want Group took over the media including China Times, Business Times (Gongshang Shibao), China Television Company, Zhongtian TV, Times Weekly (Shibao Zhoukan), and China Time Electronic Newspaper (a network newspaper); however, the Time Press and Times travel agency were not included (Shenzhen Daily, 2006). In addition, Taiwan’s free newspapers were on the rise. Hong Kong Next Media Group established the first free newspaper Shuang Newspaper (Shuangbao), published every Monday to Friday and distributed outside mass rapid transit (MRT) stations.2 According to Chen, In the first half year of 2007, the circulation of the newspaper was about 157,000 copies, in the second half rose to about 176,000. The United Newspaper founded Upaper in March 2007, which became the second free newspaper in Taipei. This also marked the beginning of the free newspaper war began in Taiwan. (Chen, 2008, p. 196) According to Taiwan’s Commercial Department of Commerce statistics, by December 31 2011, Taiwan had 2,210 registered newspapers, as compared with October 2010, when the number of registered newspapers was 2,196. The trend of increasing numbers was clear considering that before January 25, 1999, when the Publication Law was dissolved, there were only 367 newspapers in Taiwan (She & Xu, 2012).

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 121 Ups and downs of Taiwan’s journal Before the Nanjing government retreated to Taiwan, there were fewer than 100 journals. After two years, the number of journals increased to 184, and many people transferred to Taiwan to establish journals because the registration of newspapers was limited. Thus, the journal industry made great progress. By 2011, there were 8,675 magazine publishing agencies in Taiwan (She & Xu, 2012). Political affairs journals were very popular in the twentieth century for about 50 to 60 years. The impact was relatively large, with examples such as Free China (Ziyou Zhongguo), hosted by Hu Shi and Lei Zhen; Chian Week (Zhongguo Yizhou), hosted by Zhang Qiyun; Times and Tide (Shi yu Chao), hosted by Lan Wenzheng; and Civil Constitution (Minli Xianzheng), hosted by Yu Lingyun. In the 1960s, with the gradual stabilization of Taiwan society, the number of journals began to increase. The number of journals was 686 in 1961, reaching 831 in 1966 and 1,288 in 1968. Wenxing Crown (Huangguan), Oriental Magazine (Dongfang Zazhi), Political Commentary (Zhengzhi Pinglun), and other popular journals had a great impact during that time. Wenxing became the most famous journal for its insightful and debatable articles. Founded in November 1957, the magazine remained obscure in its first few years. In November 1961, it published Li Ao’s Old Man and Stick (Laonianren yu Bangzi), an article that triggered a big debate about Chinese and Western culture.3 Thus it became well-known. After that, Wenxing published Li Ao’s Sowers Hu Shi (Bozhongzhe Hushi) and See a Doctor for the People Talking About Chinese and Western culture (Gei Tanzhongxiwenhuaderen Kanbing). These articles brought the debate about Chinese and Western culture to a climax. The articles that objected to Li Ao were published in the Political Comment (Zhengzhi Pinglun), Democratic Comment (Minzhu Pinglun), and World Comment (Shijie Pinglun). In 1965, Li Ao’s article “We Solemnly Declare to the Kuomintang Newspaper” (Women Duiyu Guofadangbao de YanzhengShengming) was published in Wenxing, which displeased the KMT Central Committee. In December the same year, Wenxing was closed down by KMT (Xin, 2000). With the lifting of the ban on magazine registration in March 1979, a group of magazines that did not belong to a political party were born. Formosa Magazine (Meilidao) was the most influential of these. After founding on August 15, 1979, the magazine advocated against one-party dictatorship by the KMT and demanded democracy as a forum for the opposition forces outside the party. The magazine also continued to express its opposition to the KMT, an activity that was regarded as a rare “event magazine” in the Taiwan publishing industry. The magazine published a total of four issues, each setting a new release record, with the second circulation approaching nearly 100,000, whereas the fourth was more than 150,000. On December 10, 1979, opposition people outside the party gathered in Kaohsiung, where thousands of people held demonstrations and speeches under the leadership of Formosa Magazine, clashing with the police and resulting in the arrest of more than 150 protesters. Formosa Magazine was subsequently closed on December 19.

122

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

The number of journals was 1,558 in Taiwan in 1978, 1,600 in 1978, 2.331 in 1982, and reached 2,743 in 1986, until finally there were more than 3,000 before the lifting of press restrictions. These statistics represent journals that were officially registered. After the mid-1990s, foreign magazines began to publish in Taiwan, once again causing a great shock to the local market. There were more than 5,600 magazines registered in Taiwan in 1997. There were 840 magazines with a capital worth of more than NT$5 million. One magazine was canceled every day on average, while at the same time there would be two magazines founded. The prosperity of Taiwan’s journals continued to develop until the economic slowdown in 1990s. As Yan and Wang (2007, p. 133) state: “This trend had changed around 2000. In 2001, 7236 magazines reached the highest peak. As the economic sharp turned down, the journal industry appeared a big recession in 2002, only 3,909 magazines existed, loss of 47.4 percent, almost half”. By 2008, there were about 6,000 magazines in Taiwan. According to Chen (2008), in 2007, the largest sales in Taiwan were fashion magazines, accounting for 28 percent of total magazine sales. In addition to fashion magazines, sales increased for popular science magazines, economic magazines, language learning magazines, news, and culture magazines. Half of the best-selling 20 magazines were fashion themed, including Sweetheart (Tianxin), Swiss (Rui), and Tokyo Yi Fu (Dongjing Yi Fu). Five magazines which had the largest number of readers were about social affairs, financial and entertainment gossip. Nelson’s statistics showed that Next Magazine which belonged to Next Media in Hong Kong was the one that had the largest number of readers, followed by Business Week, TVBS, and Business Today (Chen, 2008). Taiwan’s radio and television after 1949 The cause of broadcasting in Taiwan after 1949 Taiwan’s broadcasting industry began in the late 1920s. Taiwan’s first radio station – Taipei Broadcasting Bureau – was established in 1928. On the eve of the Nanjing government’s move to Taiwan, there were five companies operating a total of 11 radio stations, with a combined transmission output of 125 kilowatts. In 1949, after the KMT government retreated to Taiwan, its broadcaster Central Radio (Zhongyang Guangbo Diantai) moved to Taiwan. In the same year on November 16, to expand radio propaganda, the KMT established the China Broadcasting Corporation (CBC; Zhongguo Guangbo Gongsi). The development of radio broadcasting in Taiwan was rapid in the 1950s. By 1961, except for the original radio station, there were many broadcasters that belonged to the KMT, the army, and other departments and that either resumed or founded new radio stations in Taiwan, such as KMT’s Army (Junzhong), Air Force (Kongjun), Police (Jingcha), Revival (Fuxing), Cubs (Youshi), Education (Jiaoyu), and Civil Defense (Minfang). There were also more than 20 private radio stations, such as PeopleOriented (Minben), People Sound (Minsheng), Zheng Sheng, and Feng Ming. The

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 123 Taiwan authorities stopped applications for new radio stations on the grounds of serious radio wave interference. The original stations could only increase transmission power or add units. By 1989, there were 86 broadcasters operating 186 radio stations, with 391 transmitters, at a total power of 11,766 kilowatts belonging to the military, private owners, and the KMT Party (Bi, 2006). In around 1990, “underground radio”, which referred to radio stations established without the approval of Taiwan authorities, began to emerge. These stations used unopened FM radio frequencies to play homemade programs. According to Bi (2006, p. 73), because the topics underground radio talked about were welcomed by the grassroots, these stations attracted a large number of listeners. In the peak period of 1994, there were more than 200 underground radio stations (Bi, 2006). After lifting the “press restrictions”, the Information Bureau formally accepted the application of new radio stations, becoming known as the “radio open policy” by the Taiwan people. Since then new applications were almost exclusively from private radios, whereas public radio accounted for only a small number (Zhou, 2002). On October 25, 1994, Cheng Sheng Broadcasting (Zhengsheng Guangbotai) obtained a license and formally began its broadcasting. It became the first legally launched radio station after the opening of the radio waves. Chen (2005, p. 18) states: To 2004, Taiwan’s radio stations increased to 178. New and old radios were mainly FM, the new stations with new technology, new ideas, high-quality sound, new program strategy and business invaded other media advertising markets. Despite the increase in radio stations, and the rise of private radio, China Broadcasting Corporation was still the leader of Taiwan’s radio. After entering the new century, with the loss of the KMT ruling party’s status and the great changes in Taiwan’s media industry, CBC advertising revenue shrank dramatically, causing a serious business crisis. The KMT sold the CBC, which had had a long history, to the Rongli investment company that was held by the China Times Group on December 2005. Rongli Company then sold CBC to the former chair of UFO radio, Zhao Shaokang. CBC was Taiwan’s largest radio network. Zhao Shaokang would serve as a chair of the CBC. He claimed that he would create CBC as a public media agency without any political color or partial prejudice in the future. There were a total of 171 radio stations till the fourth quarter in 2011 in Taiwan (She & Xu, 2012). Taiwan TV industry after 1949 Taiwan TV began in the 1960s. In the 30 years since its inception, China Television Company (CTV), Taiwan Television Enterprise (TTV), and Chinese Television System (CTS), three television stations that were actually controlled by the KMT, monopolized the TV industry business. After Taiwan lifted the restrictive

124

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

“press registrations” policy, the legalization of cable television and the establishment of democratic television completely broke the three television stations’ dominance. With the rising demand for “party and government out of the media” at the end of the twentieth century, and the loss of the ruling position of KMT in the early twenty-first century, the trend of privatization and public television became more prominent. Taiwan announced the Cable Television Act (Youxian Dianshi Fa) in 1993, and the Cable TV Group was subsequently established. The non-commercial public television station, which experienced 18 years of hard times, was also officially launched on July 1, 1998. The Taiwan Public Television Group was established formally on July 1, 2006, and became the first and only public media group in Taiwan. The Taiwan TV industry had thus established a coexistence of TV, cable, and satellite commercial television and actively promoted the comprehensive digital television signal. According to Brain magazine data, Taiwan TV advertising volume in 2011 was US$4.2 billion, an increase of 1.64 percent over 2010, and it accounted for 24.34 percent of the total advertising market (She & Xu, 2012). TAIWAN’S WIRELESS TV

At present, there are five wireless TV stations – Taiwan Television Enterprise (TTV), China Television Company (CTV), Chinese Television System (CTS), Formosa Television (FTV), and Public Television Service (PTS) in Taiwan. In the electronic media, the situation in which the KMT has dominated in the past has changed. After 2000, the KMT gradually released the shares of Zhongtian TV Station, China TV Company, and CBC. Previously, TTV, CTV, and CTS monopolized Taiwan’s television industry. Zhongguang Company in cooperation with Nippon Electric Co., Ltd. began broadcasting television in May 1960. Taiwan’s first TV company – Taiwan Television Enterprise was founded in April 1962 and was set up to launch programming on October 10 in the same year. Taiwan Television Enterprise was established by Taiwan Provincial Government, private enterprises, and Japan’s Fuji, Hitachi, Toshiba, and other joint investors. The capital was 30 million RMB (about US$4,349,213) in total with Japan’s four consortiums holding 40 percent of the shares. The Taiwan Provincial Government held 49 percent of shares through its six banks (Hua Nan Bank, Land Bank, Bank of Taiwan, Chang Hwa Bank, Taiwan Cooperative Bank, and First Commercial Bank). Central Daily, CBC and other KMT party businesses also held shares as private identities (Chen, 1989). The CTV began to broadcast in October 31, 1969, and CTS began to broadcast on October 31, 1971. China Television Company was operated by CBC, the province’s private radio and private business joint venture. China Television Company was a commercial television company controlled by the KMT Federation of Trade Unions, whereas CBC held the largest amount of shares, accounting for 50 percent. CTS was operated by the Taiwan National Defense Department, Education Department, and the private enterprises joint venture. Official stocks accounted for the largest proportion of the stock, and the military had the largest number of shares

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 125 in official stocks. It can thus be argued that the military controlled commercial radio. Although the emergence of the two TV companies broke TV’s dominant situation, they were still controlled by the KMT government. Television executives comprised important officials serving in the party, government, and army, and as a result programming reflected the Taiwan authorities’ policies. In the late 1980s, with the adjustment of Taiwan’s industrial structure and the development of the information industry, Taiwan per-capita income reached $7,518, with Taiwan’s TV penetration rate reaching more than one television for each family and the penetration rate of color TV being 96 percent. Facing social diversification and an increasing demand for information from the audience, three TV stations added news times, enhancing timeliness and increasing the amount of information. CTS and TTV launched morning news programs in 1988. CTV broadcast midnight news programs, reporting the latest breaking foreign news. The other three television stations often received or purchased CNN, ABC, NBC, and CBS television programs to increase the amount of information. Because of the large number of US television network programs, however, there formed a socalled “United States was the world” bias awareness in audiences, bringing the professionalism of broadcasters into question. To address this problem, the three television stations strengthened cooperation with Britain, Japan, New Zealand, and Canada. The Taiwan authorities allowed film and television personnel to film and interview in the mainland beginning on April 17, 1989, with three television stations scrambling to the mainland to shoot TV series and special programs. Three television stations broadcast the grand opening of the Beijing Asian Games on September 22, 1990, causing a strong response in the audience. In the late 1980s, satellite TV and cable television experienced a meteoric rise, with three television stations taking significant measures to establish their ascendancy. CTV established a satellite company and added a second station, CTS, launched a second channel, and TTV began to use “Taiwan’s global information network”, transmitting the station’s latest news, entertainment, and meteorological information through their website. In the program production, they also tried to dilute the party background and advertised their independence. Taiwan’s industrial and commercial sector annually spent 20 billion RMB (about US$2,899,475,195) on advertising. Although the satellite TV and cable television stations constituted a considerable threat to the three traditional TV stations, the latter still enjoyed a bigger share of advertising business because they had higher program production standards and higher-quality personnel. The Taiwan legislature passed the Public Television Law (Gonggong Dianshi Fa) on May 31, 1997, with a non-commercial public television station officially launching on July 1, 1998 after 18 years of twists and turns. China Times Media Group acquired the KMT’s three media – China Television Company, CBC, and China Film Company – for NT$5.8 billion. Taiwan Public Radio and Television Group (TBS) was established on July 1, 2006. The members at the time of establishment were CTS, the main channel, CTS, the education and culture channel, CTS, the recreation channel, Public Television Service (Public Television Service Foundation), and Dimo TV (Public Television Service Foundation).

126

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

New members joined on January 1, 2007: Hakka Television Station (set by the Council for Hakka Affairs), Taiwan Indigenous Television (set by the Council of Indigenous Peoples), and Taiwan Macroview Television (set by the Overseas Community Affairs Council). TBS funding sources, in addition to the diminishing amount of government donations, were sourced mainly from corporate sponsorship and personal donations. TBS set up a “public friend” membership system. Members sponsored TBS by donation, and TBS appropriately provided feedback to members when they had suggestions or questions. When TBS held cultural activities related to themes such as culture, education, and disability, members would be invited as volunteers. TBS also had other sources of finance, promoting videotapes, books, data, teaching materialism and by-products related to the PTS program. PTS was the only television station without any government budget or subsidy in TBS, relying entirely on advertising revenue and self-financing. The funds of Hakka Television Station, Taiwan Indigenous Television, and Taiwan Macroview Television were sourced mainly from the government budget by the relevant government units (Council for Hakka Affairs, Council of Indigenous Peoples, Overseas Community Affairs Council) budgets. TAIWAN’S CABLE TV

Hundreds of cable television stations sprang up in Taiwan, including ET, CTI, VL, SET, TVBS, and many others. Although there was a large number, only a few of them were of any significant scale. Taiwan’s cable television was born out of “the fourth station”. In the early 1990s, in addition to the three major television stations, the so-called fourth station was very prosperous in Taipei, Kaohsiung, and other cities. The fourth station refers to those underground cable television stations that were not authorized to connect the cable to the subscriber, use video equipment to play the video programs, or charge fees. These stations were not legally registered, and so there was no channel name, no station number, and even no public site. However, their broadcast signal could appear among other TV channels. These stations came to be colloquially called the fourth station in addition to the three established television stations. They could not be completely banned, however, and the development of hundreds of stations continued, despite the government’s repeated attempts to stop them. Even the Democratic Progressive Party, after the application for radio and television failed, made extensive use of “fourth” propaganda to promote its political ideas. As cable TV has been seen as the future trend of development, CTV began to participate in the investment of the Taiwan Telecom Network Co., Ltd. plan as early as 1988. Taiwan Television (TTV) also invested large sums of money to operate cable television in 1989. In view of the development that cable television could not be stopped, the authorities set up a cable TV ad hoc group to develop cable television law” Taiwan announced the Cable Television Act in August 1993, with 618 “fourth” stations becoming legitimate businesses by the end of the year. After the integration of the market, cable TV groups began to appear. Four communication groups – Hexin Communication Company, Rebar Eastern

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 127 Communication Enterprise Co., Ltd, Qiu Fusheng Era Enternational Company, and Muqiao Communication Company stood out, maintaining control of 62 channels. The total cable TV audience was 3.75 million in 1998. Eastern Multimedia Group accounted for 38 percent, and Hexin accounted for 20 percent. Taiwan’s cable television penetration rate reached 35 percent in the year 2000, and cable TV subscribers reached 4 million. Cable television legalization brought the number of channels of Taiwan TV close to more than 160. In general, 76 channels crowded into cable television systems for broadcast. Hexin Communication Company, Rebar Eastern Communication Enterprise Co., Ltd, and Muqiao Communication Company accounted for 55 channels among them. Three consortiums also implemented “triple play”. Network wireless satellite TVBS implemented a unified quota and block arrangement and even introduced hotel wholesale or restaurant “joint sale” packages. This monopoly situation led to the 54 non-consortium cable television organizations forming the National Cable Television System Independent Alliance, proposing anti-consortium and anti-joint sales, and invited the Information Bureau and Executive Committee Fair Trade Commission to set up the Media Supervision Committee. The anti-monopoly provisions of the newly adopted Cable Radio and Television Law (Youxian Guangbo Dianshi Fa) by the Legislative Yuan limited the vertical and horizontal operating share of the system operators to no more than one-third and no more than one-half of the total number of operators of the same administrative system. Cable TV was reshuffled through market competition, until in 2008, Taiwan had a total 66 cable televisions. The number of cable subscribers in 2007 was about 5 million. Although their popularity increased year by year, growth slowed down by about 60 percent in 2005, 65 percent in 2006, and 67 percent in 2007 (Chen, 2008). TAIWAN’S SATELLITE TV

The Taiwan Information Bureau announced the opening of satellite TV KU channel on November 18, 1988, with Taiwan audiences directly receiving Japanese NHK satellite TV programs. In addition to playing sports and films from around the world, NHK satellite TV also played the American CNN, British BBC, ITV, German and French television programs, as well as Beijing China Central Television’s CCTV news. By the end of 1990, there were 400,000 people watching NHK. In September 1991, STAR TV began broadcasting television programs all day to 2.7 billion people in 38 countries and regions throughout Asia via its Asia-based satellite. In less than one year, Taiwan’s audience reached 1.2 million people, accounting for one-fourth of Taiwan’s total population, including one-third Asian viewers. Because of Taiwan’s full liberalization of the satellite TV market, it was increasingly evident that people in Taiwan were affected by the impact of the international satellite. At present, Taiwan’s satellite audience accounts for about one-third of Taiwan’s overall population. Taiwan is now in an era of information explosion, where wireless television, cable television, and satellite TV coexist and where international, regional, and neighboring satellites cross each other, covering

128

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

Taiwan’s limited sky. This omnidirectional, three-dimensional, crisscrossed television network has greatly increased the people’s choice. TAIWAN’S MOBILE TV AND DIGITAL TV DEVELOPMENT

In recent years, the rapid development of online media squeezed the market space of Taiwan’s television industry. TV advertising has been shrinking from year to year, and in 2007 cable TV and wireless TV advertising volume was down 5.8 percent and 0.7 percent, respectively, compared to 2006. Facing this trend, the Taiwan TV industry staff and the government have taken steps on the development of mobile TV and digital TV as two major initiatives. Mobile TV The National Communications Commission (NNC), which was responsible for communication and broadcasting policy in Taiwan, issued five pilot licenses at the end of 2006. Television stations (mainly five television stations4 in Taiwan as well as a small number of cable television stations), telecom operators, mobile phone manufacturers, and technology companies formed a pilot team and then launched a one-year pilot program. The mobile phone was considered a bearer platform of mobile TV by industry consensus. In 2005, Taiwan established the Mobile TV Industry Seminar, which aimed to promote the development of mobile TV. Mobile phone manufacturers, wireless and cable television stations, radio stations, telecommunications providers, and content manufacturers were thus prompted to build a cross-media cooperation platform. At present, several large 3G operators have introduced fee-based services for television programs over mobile telecommunications networks. Radio stations have also introduced program content into the mobile platform. FTV and technology companies set up Taiwan mobile TV and advertised Taiwan’s first live mobile service. Through real-time video streaming technology, the program is adapted to mobile phone signals and transmitted to phones. The television station offers music, news, sports, and transportation information, with programs on more than 10 channels. Digital TV Taiwan’s five wireless stations had already launched digital channels by 2005 and now have a total of 15. NCC announced the issuance of the second batch of digital wireless TV licenses (4–5 licenses) in 2007. Licensees can broadcast digital HD programs at 600 MHz. NCC held a license hearing in May 2007 with participants. In addition to wireless television stations, there were telecommunications and cable television stations all vying for licenses, so competition was fierce. The NCC survey showed that Taiwan’s cable television digital penetration rate was only 10.75 percent in 2007. The Taiwan News Bureau believed that the main reason for the low rate of digital TV was that TV channel set-top box prices remained high. As a result, the NCC combined license changes and digital promotion when replacing licenses (nine years, one time) for cable television. They

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 129 required the television station to commit to digital establishment and provided users a first-time free set-top box. At the same time, NCC announced in June 2007 that they would withdraw analog signals in 2013 to achieve full digital coverage. Wireless TV would be fully digital in 2010. The popularity of cable television phased through different steps in different regions. The first stage was the Taipei, Tainan, Taichung, and Kaohsiung counties; the second stage was the western region and finally the outlying islands and remote areas. As of December 2016, the total number of cable TV viewers in Taiwan was 95,200,000, with a penetration rate of 60 percent, of which the digital service penetration rate has reached 95.84 percent, and the goal is to complete the comprehensive digitization before the end of 2017. Data indicate that according to the data of subscribers in Taiwan cable TV system, until December 2016, the total number of cable TV households in Taiwan was 5,205,562, the popularity rate was 60.80 percent, the number of subscribers of digital services was 4,988,968, and the popularity rate of digital services was 95.84 percent (Editor, 2017). Taiwan’s news management mechanism Before the lifting of the press restrictions, the Taiwan news management agencies had five systems. The first was the Executive Yuan system of the Information Bureau; the second was the garrison headquarters; the third was the investigation bureau, with the cultural and education groups, divided into books, magazines, records, and other companies; the fourth was the Central Party, that is, the KMT Central Committee on Cultural Work; and the fifth was the intelligence and security units. In these institutions, the most decisive power was the KMT Central Committee on Cultural Work, although others also had their own assignments. Some invested both in public and in secret: some adjudicated according to the “law”, some commanded behind the scenes, and some operated from a front desk. These sub-institutions constituted a secret network that could incriminate any newspaper at any time. As long as they found that there was a recurring theme that differed from the tastes of the authorities, punishments could be imposed ranging from light punishment – such as making some small troubles – to heavy punishment such as prohibition. According to Taiwan newspaper reports, from July 1980 to June 1981, in just Taipei, 453 newspapers suffered punishment for crimes charged by the authorities (He, 1988). There were many laws that related to the control of publications, including martial law, publishing law, obstruction of military law, punishment for rebellion, and prejudice toward the national mobilization of temporary regulations. The first year after the Nanjing government moved to Taiwan, the main use of the June 1949 revision of the National General Mobilization Law (Guojia Zongdongyuan Fa) and Punishment of the Rebellion Ordinance (Chengzhi Panluan Tiaoli) was to control the news. In January 1950, the Taiwan authorities announced martial law in the province, in accordance with the martial law promulgated in 1948, and imposed military control over journalism under martial law. As a supplement to

130

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

martial law, the Taiwan authorities announced the Martial Law During the Newsprint Magazine Book Control Approach (Jieyanqijian Xinwenbaozhi Zazhitushu Guanzhibanfa) in April 1954, followed by the announcement of the Taiwan Region During the Martial Law Publications Management Approach (Taiwandiqu Jieyanqijian Chubanwu Guanlibanfa) in May 1960. These policies outlined a detailed and strict restriction of the content of the press. As early as 1952, Taiwan’s legislative and administrative departments had enacted and promulgated the Publishing Law (Chubanfa), the second chapter of which was devoted to newsprint and magazines. Under this law, there was a provision that in “wartime or in case of chaos or according to the Constitution for the rapid punishment”, government departments could limit the content of newspapers in an orderly way, and it would be punished by law if the news reports affected the morale of people, exposed the difficulties of military life, or did not perform the supply contract that the paper had signed with the military. The relevant press would be “warned”, “fined”, “banned”, “ceased to be issued”, or even threatened with “deregistration”, and the relevant journalists would be sentenced to imprisonment for more than one year or even to death. Since the 1960s, Taiwan’s radio and television business made great progress, with the legislative and administrative departments announcing the Radio and Television Law (Guangbo Dianshi Fa) on January 8, 1976. This law limited radio and television program content that may conceivably cause “damage to national interests or national dignity”, was “contrary to the anti-communist policies or government decrees”, or could “spread rumors of heresy or confusion of audio-visual”. The violators received a fine of up to 100,000 RMB (about US$14,497), a three-day stoppage of the broadcast, of even risked “deregistration”. During the 39 years from 1949, when the Nanjing government moved to Taiwan, to 1988 on the eve of lifting press restrictions, many newspapers and journalists were punished without reason. This period can be described as the “literary prison” era. Independence Evening News, National Newspaper, and Published Paper (Gonglunbao) all suffered from stoppage punishment because the published news angered the authorities. Independence Evening News was punished for 10 months by being forced to stop publishing by KMT authorities in November 1950 because of an article titled “Grass Mountain and Old Man in the Raincoat” (Caoshan Shuaiweng) published in its supplement. In 1979, the Formosa Incident also shocked the whole country. The Formosa Incident is also known as the Kaohsiung Incident. KMT authorities called this violent rebellion the “Kaohsiung violent incident rebellion case”. Formosa Magazine held a demonstration in Kaohsiung to fight for democracy at the time when there were 20,000 people celebrating the United Nations issuance of the World Declaration of Human Rights 31st anniversary. The demonstration turned into a confrontation with police. Taiwan authorities dispatched troops to deal with rallies. This event prompted the process of Taiwan’s democratization. After Taiwan lifted the press restrictions, the authorities abolished the administrative orders and decrees related to martial law. The Taiwan news and

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 131 communication business entered the commercial liberal competition period. However, this did not mean that the authorities had ceased their control over the news media. Rather, it changed the way they controlled the news media: they no longer directly commanded the media but tried to put pressure on its responsible persons. Sometimes the authorities arrested the leader of the private media. In 1988, 17 media chief editors were arrested. After the press restrictions were lifted, the Information Bureau of the Executive Yuan was responsible for the management of journalism rather than the police. Yuan repeatedly stressed that the function of the Information Bureau was first service, followed by communication, and finally management. For comments and news reports, the authorities stressed that the press should “act according to the law”, such as Criminal Law (Xingfa), Special Criminal Law (Tebie Xingfa), National Security Law (Guojia Anquan Fa), Publishing Law, and Radio and Television Law. That was to say that the authorities would deal with the relevant provisions instead of administrative intervention. In addition, the authorities also used the New Ethics (Xinwen Daode Guifan) enacted by the Taiwan News Council and a policy named Eight Norms That Newspapers Should Comply With After Lifting Press Restriction (Jiechubaojinhou Gebao Ying Gongtongzunshou de Batiaoguifan), which was enacted by the Taipei Association and the Taiwan Newspaper Association on the eve of lifting the press restrictions. Since then, the Publication Law, which had been restricting the free development of the press, was also abolished in January 1999. The Publication Law had always been a “bad law” that restricted the free development of the press. In the period of martial law in Taiwan, countless newspapers, periodicals, books, publications, and news agencies were deeply affected. The Publication Law was enacted by the KMT in December 1930. At that time, the KMT government, for the implementation of anti-communist and anti-people reactionary policy, and to maintain the white terror, developed the Publication Law to limit news and publishing freedom.5 After the KMT retreated to Taiwan, to continue to maintain control of the press, they repeatedly amended the Publication Law. It was not until January 1999 that the Publication Law, which lasted for 69 years, was finally abolished under the call of the community in Taiwan. The Taiwan authorities adopted the Organizational Law of the NCC on October 25, 2005, paving the way for the establishment of the NCC. The NCC was formally established as an “independent administrative department of the supervision organ” on March 1, 2006. The NCC was responsible for the review business, which was previously administered by the Information Bureau of the Executive Yuan and the General Administration of Telecommunications of the Ministry of Communications. The review business included the communication supervision policy, the issuance of licenses, the dissemination of content management, the consideration of rate development, arbitration of competitive disputes through technical standards, the maintaining competition order, and the ensuring of consumer rights. NCC members, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the communications professional management of the business, would be strictly objective, neutral, and professional. All members of the NCC were appointed for

132

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

a term of four years and were nominated by the chief executive, appointed by the Legislative Yuan in February. The first chair of the committee was Su Yongqin; the second was Peng Yun, who was appointed on August 1, 2008. In January 2010, Taiwan’s Government organization Re-Engineering Four Law passed the third reading, within which the provisions of the original Executive Yuan Ministry, from 39 “ministries and agencies organs”, was reduced to 29. Among them, the media exposure of the highest administrative agency, Executive Yuan News Bureau, was abolished on May 20, 2012, and reorganized as the Executive Yuan spokesperson room, responsible for public relations, government speech, and so on. The original jurisdiction of the radio and television publishing business was transferred to the Television and Pop Music Industry Bureau and Ministry of Culture, whereas international publicity business was transferred to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and domestic news contact business was transferred to the “Executive Yuan”. The establishment and successful operation of the NCC had profound significance within the history of Taiwan’s media management.

Journalism in Hong Kong Hong Kong is one of the birthplaces of modern Chinese journalism. It is also an important activity base for bourgeois reformists, bourgeois revolutionaries, antiJapanese national newspapers, and the anti-Japanese united front newspapers under the leadership of the CPC. Many Hong Kong newspapers are also facing the mainland and overseas, and the impact is not limited to Hong Kong (Wu, 2010). Hong Kong became a British colony after the Opium Wars, which concluded in 1842 and, before its return to the motherland in 1997, was outside the control of the Chinese government. Coupled with its developed shipping and finance industry, which made it a Sino-Western culture and an intersection of information, Chinese political forces have routinely regarded Hong Kong as a barometer of public opinion. The newspaper industry in Hong Kong From the end of the Pacific War to 2012, the Hong Kong newspaper industry can be divided into three stages: the first stage is from the end of the Pacific War to the late 1960s, the second stage is from the 1970s to the late 1980s, and the third stage is from the 1990s to the present. From the Pacific War to the late 1960s Hong Kong’s journalism gradually recovered after the end of the Second World War and developed throughout the mid-1950s. During this period, due to the different political views of the newspaper owners, the news reports and remarks were also very different. The people of Hong Kong divided the newspapers into three: the left, the moderate, and the right. The so-called left was supported the People’s Republic of China and the CPA. Newspapers in this group included: Ta Kung Pao,

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 133 Wen Wei Po (Wenhuibao), New Evening News (Xinwanbao), and Hong Kong Commercial Daily (Xianggang Shangbao). The newspapers sponsored by the Taiwan KMT and inclined to the KMT, such as the Hong Kong Times (Xianggang Shibao) belonged to the “right” newspapers, whereas the rest were mostly moderate newspapers. Newspapers founded after the liberation, especially in the 1960s, were mostly moderate, and thus, people described the newspaper structure of Hong Kong as “two small ends and a big body”. According to the Hong Kong Annual Report (Xianggang Nianbao) of 1946, there were 14 Chinese newspapers and four English newspapers in Hong Kong. The 14 Chinese newspapers included nine daily newspapers and five evening papers. Occupying the positions of highest influence were the Overseas Chinese Daily (Huaqiao Ribao), Sing Tao Daily (Xingdao Ribao), and Business Daily (Gongshang Ribao). These newspapers were founded in the 1920s and 1930s. At that time the newspaper with the largest sales was Overseas Chinese Daily, with daily sales of 38,000 copies. The four English newspapers were China Post (Zhongguo Youbao), Sunday Herald (Xingqiri Xianqubao), South China Morning Post (Nanhua Zaobao), and the Hong Kong Telegraph (Xianggang Dianxunbao). The South China Morning Post was founded on November 7, 1903, and has ultimately become the longest and most influential paper among Hong Kong’s existing English newspapers. In 1949, the founder of the galaxy newspaper, Hu Wenhu, founded the English newspaper The Standard (Hu Bao). The Standard and the South China Morning Post became the two most famous English newspapers in Hong Kong. In the 1950s, the Hong Kong government strengthened the management of the press and publication business. In 1951, the Regulations on the Administration of Publications on Publications (Kanwuguanli Zonghetiaoli) provided detailed provisions on the publication, distribution, printing, and registration of publications, such as the requirement that the newspaper should pay a deposit of 10,000 RMB (about US$1,449.70) (which had been 3,000 RMB previously) – undoubtedly a great burden for the tabloids. This ordinance was considered to be the most stringent management ordinance in Hong Kong, which significantly limited the development of newspapers. Throughout the 1950s, however, 85 newspapers were still founded; the average of new newspapers in any 12-month period being about eight. Most of these newspapers were shortlived, with only a few newspapers, such as Ming Pao, Xin Bao, and Jing Bao managing to persist in their publication. During this period both left-wing and right-wing newspapers developed. The left-wing newspapers included five key publications: Ta Kung Pao, Wen Wei Po, New Evening News, Jing Bao, and Hong Kong Commercial Daily. Hong Kong Ta Kung Pao, the branch of the mainland’s old Ta Kung Pao, resumed on March 15, 1948. Hong Kong Wen Wei Po was founded on September 9, 1948. New Evening News, the sister newspaper of Ta Kung Pao, was founded on October 5, 1950. Ta Kung Pao was the first piece to publish the serial of Liang Yusheng and Jin Yong’s martial arts novels and, as a result, opened the new era in which Hong Kong newspapers published new martial arts novels. New Evening News sales soared, at one

134

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

point becoming one of the best-selling evening papers. The three newspapers, with their more vivid political attitudes, adhered to the banner of patriotism and democracy and thus became known as the “red newspapers”. Hong Kong Commercial Daily founded in October 1952, and Jing Bao founded on May 5, 1956, belonged to the “side” of patriotic newspapers, which were more neutral and took the popular newspaper line. These papers intended to fight for the middle position of Hong Kong compatriots. The policy of Hong Kong Commercial Daily – to serve the public – saw its sales continue to rise, in its heyday almost equaling Sing Pao’s (Chengbao) circulation, which was the largest at that time. Illustrating the relative position of these two papers was the expression: “Sing Pao and Commercial Daily in pairs”. The united front propaganda work of Jing Bao was very influential in Hong Kong and Taiwan, and among overseas Chinese, and was the only left-wing newspaper that could be read unimpeded in Taiwan at that time. In the 1950s, Hong Kong’s right-wing newspapers were also very competitive. The KMT founded its main mouthpiece, the Hong Kong Times on August 4, 1949. This was also the only party newspaper that the KMT founded outside of the country. Hong Kong Times publicly advocated the “government of the Republic of China” and propagated the “Three People’s Principles” against communism and the Chinese Communist Regime. Business Daily was a newspaper of great importance in Hong Kong before the war. Although it was advertised as an independent business newspaper, it had always been pro-British, pro-Taiwan, and antiCommunist and thus won the support of the KMT clan, who fled from the mainland to Hong Kong. Remarks in Business Daily were often broadcast by Taiwan’s radio stations. Overseas Chinese Daily and Sing Tao Daily formed a tripartite competition with Business Daily. The newspapers published before the 1970s, such as Red and Green Daily (Honglv Ribao), Detachment (Chaoranbao), News Night (Xinwen Yebao), World Daily (Tianxia Ribao), and Zhen Bao were also rightwing newspapers that sold many copies. As the position of the British Hong Kong government was suppression of the left, protection of the right, pro US, and at that time, support for Taiwan, the leftwing newspapers often clashed with the British Hong Kong authorities. The March 1, 1952, incident, the case of Ta Kung Pao, was one example. In December 1951, a fire broke out in the village of Kowloon that caused more than 16,000 people to become victims. Because inhabitants of the area were mostly patriotic and pro-Communist, there was a great deal of suspicion that the fire was a purposeful arson. In retaliation, there arose a large-scale mass movement, with Ta Kung Pao, Wen Wei Po, and New Evening News also expressing their own public opinions of great opposition to the British Hong Kong authorities. The South China branch of the CPC, which was very supportive of this action, decided to send a condolence delegation to Hong Kong to support the victims of the struggle on March 1, 1952. On March 1, the British Hong Kong government ruled a ban on the condolence delegation. When Premier Zhou Enlai was informed of the news, he ordered the relevant departments of Guangdong to intercept the condolence delegation, and not allow them to enter Hong Kong. He then informed the New Evening News to send out the news immediately that the group was no longer

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 135 coming to Hong Kong. The crowds, however, did not know the truth and engaged in a large-scale conflict with the British police. The police shot into the crowd, causing many casualties, and thus the event came to be known as the “3–1” event. The Chinese government protested and issued an editorial in the People’s Daily. Hong Kong’s Ta Kung Pao, Wen Wei Po, and New Evening News reprinted this editorial on the front page and were accused of “inciting the incumbent text”. The leaders of the three newspapers were arrested and sent to the High Court to face trial. Staff of Ta Kung Pao were the first to submit to trial, receiving a six-month suspension of publication of the paper. The manager and publisher Fei Yimin was sentenced to a fine of 4,000 RMB (about US$579.90) or imprisonment for nine months. During the appeal period, the collegial panel suspended the execution of the preliminary order, but Ta Kung Pao had by that time already ceased operations for 12 days. Under negotiations with the Chinese government, the British Hong Kong government received instructions from London to stop the implementation of the Ta Kung Pao’s ruling and the Wen Wei Po and New Evening News allegations. The publication of Ta Kung Pao became the first case in Hong Kong where a newspaper was forced to cease publication under the publishing law. In the spring of 1967, a large-scale worker strike occurred in Hong Kong. To support the workers’ strikes, students and cadres demonstrated every day, and the governor’s house was covered with posters. The conflict between the masses and the government finally developed into a crackdown, and the British Hong Kong government declared martial law. However, under poor guidance from the domestic extreme left line, the struggle escalated into an armed conflict.6 The left-wing newspapers and peripheral newspapers actively cooperated with this anti-British, anti-violence struggle.7 However, the last few peripheral newspapers, Hong Kong Evening News (Xianggang Yebao), New Morning News (Xinwubao), and Tian Feng Daily (Tianfeng Ribao) were sued as having published “fictional news and seditious news”. During the interrogation period, it was claimed that the three newspapers published false reports. Finally, they were ordered to suspend publication. This became another case of newspaper suspension since Ta Kong Pao had been suspended in 1952. The “anti-British and anti-violence” struggle in Hong Kong in 1967 was the most intense struggle between the left-wing forces of Hong Kong and the authorities, such that the Sino-British relations were in an unprecedented state of deterioration, and left-wing newspapers suffered great setbacks. Before the “anti-British and anti-violence struggle”, the left-wing newspaper sales together accounted for about half of Hong Kong Chinese newspaper sales. In the aftermath, however, the left newspaper sales plummeted, from 100,000 down to 10,000 or 20,000 copies as a result of losing credibility and readers (Chen, 1997). In the late 1950s to the mid-1960s, there were a number of comprehensive newspapers in Hong Kong. These were Ming Pao, founded by Zha Liangyong and Shen Baoxin; New Newspaper (Xinbao), funded by Publisher Luo Bin; and Ertiantang Pharmaceutical Wei’s Tian Tian Daily News and Express, backed by Hu Xian. Statistics in 1964 showed on average that per 100 people, 25 had newspapers in Hong Kong, which was second in Asia, only behind Japan. In 1970,

136

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

Hong Kong saw a meteoric rise in media outlets. The number of Chinese and English daily or evening newspapers soared to more than 70. At that time there was a wide range of newspapers in Hong Kong – morning, afternoon, daily, evening, and night newspapers. Newspaper industry in Hong Kong from the late 1970s to the late 1980s In the 1970s, as the Hong Kong economy began to take off, the popular newspapers developed rapidly, and economic newspapers began to appear. In 1977, the total amount of Chinese newspapers increased rapidly to 128, which created a historic record. Hong Kong’s first financial professional Chinese daily newspaper Xin Bao was founded in 1973, during the world economic crisis, when the Hong Kong stock market fell from its peak. Xin Bao claimed that it would monitor the government and the consortiums in Hong Kong’s economic activities and remind the people to cherish their own money and learn to invest. These statements won a great deal of public favor. Another economic newspaper, Far East Economic Daily (Yuandong Jingji Ribao), was not as good as Xin Bao on authority but won the middle and lower readers’ love, garnering a great deal of advertising revenue. In 1976, the Wall Street Journal published the Asian edition in Hong Kong, called Asia Wall Street Journal, which was the first newspaper published by the Wall Street Journal outside the United States, demonstrating its recognition of Hong Kong’s importance in the Asia-Pacific region. Some of the big newspapers also transformed the original economic news for the economic special edition, increasing the content and weight of economic reports. Sing Pao had been the most successful popular newspaper in Hong Kong for more than 20 years, from 1954 to 1977. Its sales had been at the top of the Hong Kong newspaper market, until Oriental Daily (Dongfang Ribao), founded on January 22, 1969, broke its stranglehold on the top position. Oriental Daily noted changes in the structure of the readers in Hong Kong, carefully operating social news, highlighting the local news reports and analysis of Hong Kong and attracting a large number of readers. As a result, its sales rose sharply. Its sales reached more than 200,000 in 1976. It replaced Sing Pao and became the new hegemony for nearly 20 years beginning in 1977. Although the popular newspaper had a lot of sales and a lot of advertising, the actual credibility was not high. Hong Kong also needed a serious, high-quality newspaper, and Ming Pao was one of the main contenders. Ming Pao was founded in 1959, during difficult economic times, and relied heavily on Zha Liangyong (Jin Yong) and Shen Baoxin to keep it going with their painstaking effort. If not for Jin Yong’s martial arts novel series, Ming Pao would most certainly have closed down. The most important feature of Ming Pao was a large number of reports of mainland news. At the start of publication, because of the coverage of the mainland’s exit tide after three years of natural disasters, its sales increased. From 1965, it began to open up a “native” column and published special articles

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 137 in newspapers and periodicals from China’s mainland. During the Cultural Revolution period, Ming Pao opened a “North China” section in the Chinese news version, publishing insider news and propelling the paper into high sales of Chinese newspapers. Some important newspapers such as Financial and Economic Daily (Caijing Ribao), Financial Daily (Jinrong Ribao), Business Daily, Business Evening News (Gongshang Wanbao), Star (Xingbao), Ming Bao Evening News (Mingbao Wanbao), and postwar Hong Kong’s first evening paper Overseas Chinese Evening News (Huaqiao Wanbao) had ceased publication in the late 1980s and 1990s due to economic conditions. Since the 1970s, the Hong Kong Times’s sale began to decline, and its anti-communist and clear political stance made it impossible to gain a foothold in Hong Kong’s business community. The paper was called the Hong Kong Times, but reports on Taiwan accounted for 40 percent of the paper. The paper was actually a newspaper of Taiwan, founded for Taiwan’s KMT. It thus ceased operations in 1991. Coupled with pro-Taiwan’s Business Daily, Business Evening News also ceased publication, and the pattern of “left-moderate-right” of the newspaper industry finally broke. In 1984, China and Britain signed a joint statement on the question of Hong Kong. After five years of drafting the Hong Kong Basic Law, it was promulgated in April 1990, and the principle of “one country, two systems” was proscribed into law. In the beginning of 1984, the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) and the National People’s Congress (NPC) were opened to Hong Kong and Macao journalists.8 In the 1980s and 1990s, a group of journalists traveled between Hong Kong and Beijing. They were called “air flier”. With the return of Hong Kong to China, the newspaper’s “97 News”, “Future News”, and “Basic Law News” had become the hot news and focus of media reports. Hong Kong’s media coverage of the territory’s return in this major historical event – the length of the reports, the large number of reports, the number of people involved in the discussion and their views, and the large proportion of the layout – was unprecedented in Hong Kong news history. Newspaper industry in Hong Kong after 1990s From the late 1980s to the early 1990s, the Hong Kong newspaper industry developed rapidly. In 1994, however, the global paper price rose, and the Hong Kong newspaper industry began to enter a recession. In November 1994, Modern Daily (Xiandai Ribao), which had been operating for just a year, announced its suspension. In January 1995, Overseas Chinese Daily, the oldest paper in Hong Kong, operating for nearly 70 years, also announced its suspension. By the end of 1995, the circulation of entertainment daily TV Daily (Dianshi Ribao), the comprehensive daily newspaper Express (Kuaibao), Hong Kong Joint Newspaper (Xianggang Lianhe Bao), and South China Economic News (Huanan Jingji Xinwen) decreased day by day. In 1995, there were four large magazines in Hong Kong: The Contemporary Journal (Dangdai) of contemporary affairs, the magazine Sunday Weekly (Xingqitian Zhoukan), The Qingxiu Weekly (Qingxiu Zhoukan), and the weekly

138

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

China Times Weekly (Zhongguo Shidai Zhoukan), which all announced their suspension of business one by one due to serious losses. With the increase of survival pressure, the Hong Kong newspaper industry entered into a vicious competition stage in this period and accelerated the “yellow news” trend’s expansion, a poison that has affected the Hong Kong media industry to this day. Businessman Li Zhiying founded Next Magazine in Hong Kong on March 15, 1990, which integrated entertainment, financial investment, celebrity anecdotes, and news in one. It caught the attention of people whose primary concerns were other people’s business and the private lives of celebrities. Soon the magazine market began to turn around in 1993, with the circulation reaching 160,000 copies in 1995. The community repeatedly criticized reporting practices of Next Magazine. The practices of Next Magazine led to the proliferation of the yellow news in Hong Kong. The Oriental Group founded East Weekly (Dongzhoukan), with similar content and style as Next Magazine, in October 1992. Its circulation soon broke through 100,000 copies. In 1995, Li Zhiying again invested hundreds of millions of RMB and on June 20, 1995, founded Apple Daily. Apple Daily was described as “content of the pursuit of sensationalism, digging into others’ privacy, the theme of the sound of dogs, political and economic supplements, all encompassing” (Huang & Yu, 1996). Li Zhiying also vigorously engaged in price reduction strategies to improve market share. Hong Kong Chinese newspapers had been sold at a unified price for many years, and in 1994, were selling at 5 RMB (about US$0.725) each. Apple Daily, however, sold at 2 RMB (about US$0.29) in the first month, at a loss of 60 million RMB (about US$8,698,426) but with an average daily sale of 22 million copies. Five months later, Apple Daily sales reached 310,000 copies. Other major newspapers had to cut prices as well, and a price war broke out within newspaper market. As a result, many newspapers closed down, including the TV Daily, Express, and Hong Kong Joint News. This price war continued until July 1996; when it finally began to settle down, Apple Daily became the big winner in the battle. After the reunification of Hong Kong with China on July 1, 1997, Hong Kong’s media industry entered a new era. In March 1999, the popular newspaper Sun came out, following Apple Daily’s low-cost market strategy, triggering yet another price war. After entering the twenty-first century, the traditional newspaper industry in Hong Kong was impacted by network and free newspapers. Online newspapers and free newspapers began to compete with traditional newspapers for the market. The Internet in Hong Kong developed rapidly after 2000 and soon boasted the highest penetration rate of broadband in the world. “In November 2007, a survey conducted by the Thinking Market Information firm showed that the average use of the Internet of 17 hours per week had grown beyond the 15 hours per week of traditional television media” (Liang, 2008, p. 191). Since then, four online newspapers – Etnet (www.etnet.com.hk), Financial News (www.finet.hk), Stock Market Chase (www. hkstock.com.hk), and South China Morning Post (www.scmp.com) – began operations, with the traditional newspapers also launching their own online versions and network services.

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 139 After 2002, three free daily newspapers were founded. Free newspapers became the most direct competitors of traditional newspapers. “More than a dozen traditional newspapers issued the circulation of 1.2 million copies, while three free newspapers reached 1.1 million copies. In particular, three free newspapers accounted for more than half of the newspaper advertising” (Chen, 2007, p. 26). In June 2002, the first free daily newspaper in Hong Kong – City Daily (Dushi Ribao) – was established by Metro International, which was the world’s largest free newspaper group and the parent company of the Metro (Ditiebao). The newspaper, which had a circulation of 300,000, mainly reported international, Hong Kong, and Mainland China news as well as covering travel and entertainment, cartoons, and literary and historical supplements. Shortly after its first publication, the paper reached profitability. Free newspapers had a strong impact on Hong Kong’s traditional press. The free newspaper’s delivery area was not just in subways, but also Hong Kong’s overpasses, streets, estates, bus stations became free newspaper distribution areas. According to Chen (2007, p. 26), The earlier free newspaper was only distributed at the subway station, and it seemed to be two different areas with the toll newspaper, and now free to report “underground” to the “ground”, obviously competing with the toll newspaper. By the first half of 2006, more than a dozen comprehensive newspapers in Hong Kong had felt tremendous pressure to reduce sales. Advertising competition was also increasing, most newspapers average daily advertising decreased by about 10 percent, while the advertising layout of the unit price was declining. By 2011, there were six free newspapers in Hong Kong owned by five different media organizations. They were Headlines Daily, The Standard, City Daily, Am730, and Sunny. The top issue of the Headlines Daily (Toutiao Ribao) and the only English free newspaper The Standard were published by Sing Tao News Corporation. The circulations of the two newspapers were 800,000 and 220,000 copies, respectively, whereas City Daily circulation was about 300,000 copies and Am730 circulation around 38 million copies. Hong Kong Economic Daily published its first free newspaper Sunny (Qingbao) at the end of July 2011, with a circulation of 500,000 copies. The free newspaper market continued to expand, resulting in a huge increasing pressure in the newspaper market. Free newspapers generated great attention in Hong Kong. The short and thin format of free newspapers allowed them to be read easily and quickly. The practicality and convenience of such a format was inviting to readers and allowed the free newspaper market to grow significantly. For example, Headlines Daily had a daily 80 pages, whereas the weekend version was 50 pages. The newspaper was similar to the magazine; the content was very rich, especially in lifestyle sections. There were often free newspaper distribution staff at Hong Kong’s subway stations, bus stops, and cross-street flyovers. The fundamental factor in the release of the free newspaper was that Hong Kong was densely populated, with a large population in a small land area. Free

140

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

newspapers developed and cultivated new newspaper groups. Free newspapers aimed at young people working in the city who were better educated and who had a deeper sense of culture. This demographic had, in the past, mainly obtained their information through the Internet. After several years of effort, however, they began to develop the habit of reading free newspapers. Free newspapers also used their large circulations to promote advertising and to seize the TV advertising market. Free newspaper profits all came from advertising. Because the free newspaper had a larger circulation, it was suitable for daily home and commercial advertising. Compared with TV advertising prices, free newspaper advertising rates were very low, allowing the newspapers to draw advertising market share from TV stations (Zhou & Zeng, 2012). Radio and television industry in Hong Kong Broadcasting in Hong Kong Before 1949, the broadcasting industry in Hong Kong was in era of RTHK. The station began broadcasting radio in June 1928. Ten years later, both Chinese and English were being broadcasted simultaneously. In 1951, the Public Relations Officer of the Hong Kong and British Government Information Service were responsible for managing the station, with funds being provided by the government. Thus, it had long been considered the official mouthpiece. Rediffusion Broadcasting (Lidehusheng), which was the branch of London’s Rediffusion in Hong Kong, began to broadcast cable on March 21, 1949, breaking the monopoly of RTHK. At the beginning, there was a Chinese and English station. The company opened a second Chinese station in July 1956, with Cantonese and Mandarin broadcasts. In 1957, Rediffusion Hong Kong added a cable television station, called Rediffusion Television. Initially a black-and-white television broadcast, with no self-made programs, it only broadcast the European television soundtrack with no Chinese voiceovers. In August 1959, Hong Kong commercial radio began broadcasting and joined the competition with RTHK and Rediffusion. Until 1990, the British Hong Kong government opened bidding for a second commercial radio license. This license would be valid for 12 years and would allow the use of two short wave channels and a medium wave channel. In December, the Metro Radio station became the second commercial radio station and in July 1991 was officially launched. Metro Radio announced that the “wide” broadcast era had ended and that they would be located in a “narrow” broadcast, for a specific audience, rather than design a variety of programs to adapt to different listeners. Metro Radio launched three radio stations – the Song Taiwan, Golden Melody, and the News Station. The Song was a pure music station, aiming at 18- to 25-year-old young people. The News Station was English radio for 24 hours; its objective was to reach Hong Kong’s 600,000 people who used English. Metro Radio released its first audience survey in December 1991, showing that about 30 percent of listeners were Metro’s in Hong Kong.

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 141 After entering the new century, Hong Kong’s radio stations fully expanded into online broadcasting services, and all were committed to expanding from sound broadcasting into new multimedia areas. Since 2000, RTHK has broadcast all six radio channels and all TV programs during prime time live as well as providing online real-time news text. In 2001, it added free online newsletters and provided electronic downloadable versions, which users could browse at any time. By January 2003, the number of visits to RTHK’s online radio station had increased to 8.2 million person-times per day, and all RTHK television production could be viewed online. By 2008, RTHK had a complete range of business units including Radio Department, TV Department, Education Television Department, and New Media Development Group. The government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) announced the use of national standard transmission of digital television in early June 2007. Hong Kong would see two free television stations operating digital terrestrial broadcasting in three phases and, by the end of 2007, providing analog and digital synchronous broadcast. Two free television stations (ATV and TVB) had officially launched 12 different channels of digital TV broadcasts on New Year’s Eve in 2007. By the end of March 2011, the Hong Kong government formally approved three digital sound broadcasting licenses, valid for 12 years. Three licensed agencies offered a total of 13 channels, three in Metro, three in Phoenix Excellence and seven in Hong Kong, together with five reserved for Hong Kong Radio, for a total of 18 channels. The three radio stations had their own strengths. Hong Kong Digital was focused on current affairs, Metro Radio on financial news, and Phoenix Youyue on Mandarin, providing information for both Hong Kong and Mainland China (Liang, 2012). Television in Hong Kong Hong Kong’s earliest television station was the private Asian Television Co., Ltd. (ATV). ATV was established on February 29, 1959, as a cable broadcast company. Hong Kong’s first private wireless television station was Television Broadcasts Limited (TVB), which was officially launched on November 19, 1967. At that time, there was no official television station in Hong Kong. [A]s a public television agency, radio programs produced by Radio Television Hong Kong were arranged for radio and ATV broadcasting, and there was no need to pay the cost of broadcasting. The license granted by the Government to the two free television stations’ rule was detailed. (Bai, 2007, p. 57) In 1966, Hongkong Television Broadcasts obtained the first wireless TV broadcasting license in Hong Kong. The Hong Kong British government issued three licenses for operating new television stations in 1972. In October 1973, Rediffusion, whose patent right had expired, was granted the right to set up radio and

142

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

television broadcasting in the name of Rediffusion TV (Hong Kong) Co., Ltd. (RTV). In December of the same year, RTV also began to broadcast in color, ending the era of black-and-white television in Hong Kong. The 1980s were an important and turbulent era in the rapid development of radio and television in Hong Kong. After the heavy blow to the RTV in the early 1980s, TVB outshone all others in the industry. To develop, RTV changed ownership several times. The Far East Group chair, Qiu Degen, purchased a 50 percent stake in Rediffusion and renamed it Asian TV (ATV) in 1982. Qiu purchased other shares to achieve full control of ATV in 1984. ATV ratings decreased in June 1988, and Qiu had to sell the shares. The two families, led by Zheng Yu-tung and Lin Jian-yue, bought two-third of ATV shares, worth more than HK$400 million. In November of the same year, Qiu was implicated in the Far East Bank fraud case, which was investigated by the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC), leading him to cease participation in the management of ATV. In May of the following year Qiu officially withdrew from ATV. TVB and ATV were equipped with both Chinese and English stations; TVB’s Chinese station was known as Jade Station, whereas the British station was called Pearl Station. ATV’s Chinese station was also called Gold Station, with the British station called Diamond Station. The competition between the two television stations was very intense. At the end of 2002, the Hong Kong government renewed the TV licenses of TVB and ATV for 12 years. Hong Kong Cable Television was launched on October 31, 1993, and licensed as a franchise – the first multichannel paid TV company in Hong Kong. At its establishment, the station had eight program channels, in addition to 24-hour news and sports channels, as well as a movie station and children’s station. News, sports, and movies were its main content, supplemented by documentaries and entertainment. By 1997, cable television had grown to 35 channels, with a total of 380,000 users (Bai, 2007). Hong Kong’s satellite TV began with the Satellite TV Co., Ltd., which was established in 1990 by Hutchison Whampoa Company, officially launched in 1991. Murdoch’s News Group in 1993 invested more than 500 million Hong Kang dollars to buy a 63.6 percent stake in Star Media and later purchased a 34.6 percent stake in July 1995. In 2002, after the success of Star TV in Guangdong (this was the first time the Chinese government allowed foreign television channels through the domestic cable network landing), Murdoch changed the group’s Chinese name to the more eloquent Star Media Group. At its inception, the Star Media Group offered only five channels, including a Chinese TV station, TV sports station, TV world station, TV music station (Channel V), and a TV news channel. Since then, Star Media has developed into (including equity channels) a media group operating more than 30 major channels, such as TV Taiwan, TV film, STAR Movies (Star Theater), STAR World (satellite TV), Star TV, Channel V (now one of the Asia’s largest music television stations), National Geographic Channel, Phoenix TV, and many others. Star Media now offers programs in Chinese, English, and other languages to 54 countries in Asia and Australia, with a total audience of about 300 million people. Phoenix Satellite TV was a Chinese satellite TV station. After 1993, Murdoch took over the satellite TV and split it into the newly established Phoenix Chinese

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 143 station (broadcast in the mainland and Hong Kong radio) and the previous Chinese television station (broadcast only in Taiwan) on March 31, 1996. The company later launched a film station, information station, European station, and a US station. Phoenix TV was one of the overseas media that was less likely to land in China. On June 30, 2000, Phoenix Satellite TV stocks listed on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange GEM. In June 2006, China Mobile (Hong Kong) Group, a wholly owned subsidiary of China Mobile Communications Corporation, invested 1.2 billion HKD to acquire a 19.9 percent stake in Phoenix TV, as the second-largest shareholder. Asia Today, held by Phoenix Satellite TV Chair and Chief Executive Officer Liu Changle, was its largest shareholder, while Star Media ranked third. Phoenix TV now has five channels – Phoenix Chinese station, an information station, a European station, a US station, a film station – and also operates the Phoenix Weekly (Fenghuang Zhoukan) and Phoenix net. The year 2011 was the 15th anniversary of the establishment of Phoenix Satellite TV. The company celebrated this anniversary with the launch of its sixth Hong Kong station. This station was a new 24-hour Cantonese channel, mainly for Hong Kong, Guangdong Province, and other regions of the Cantonese audience. The introduction of satellite TV also made Hong Kong’s broadcasting industry more international. The Hong Kong Administrative Council approved the establishment of satellite television broadcasting services by radio stations in December 1994. The fee-added movie channels were also put into use in May 1994. By the end of 1996, more than 440,000 households in Hong Kong were using satellite television public antenna systems to watch TV and other satellite television programs. There were also seven satellite television broadcasters transmitting programs through the facilities of the Hong Kong International Telecommunications Company Limited, such as Overseas Chinese Entertainment Television Broadcasts Limited, ESPN, Wireless Satellite TV, Reuters, and NBC. The Hong Kong government fully liberalized television broadcasting and ceased to set the ceiling for licensing to increase market competition in 1998. In 2000, to liberalize the pay TV market, the government issued five new pay TV licenses, together with the original cable television and interactive television. There were now seven television stations, providing 149 channels to the public. At this time, the changes in license arrangements ended the history of the Hong Kong cable TV franchise. With the development of technology, digital TV and IPTV (Internet Protocol Television) gained momentum in Hong Kong. Broadband TV was the first IPTV television station in Hong Kong, launched in September 2003, with 172 channels. Broadband TV users reached 920,000, with more than 660,000 paid users. By January 2011, the Hong Kong Business Machines Economic Development Board announced that the coverage of digital terrestrial television broadcasting had reached 90 percent of the population of Hong Kong (Liang, 2012). Hong Kong’s news policy Hong Kong does not have a clear press law. For a long time, the secretary for Home Affairs formulated Hong Kong’s press policy. The government indirectly guided

144

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

public opinion through the Information Services Department to disseminate information to the media, thus creating an interdependent relationship between the government and the media. There was a press section, a public relations section, and a publicity section under the Information Services Department. The press section was responsible for issuing the official news of the British Hong Kong government, providing free press releases and pictures to media for 24 hours every day, printing the Press Releases (Xinwen Gongbao) every day for press organizations, and organizing press conferences to arrange government officials to meet with journalists. The public relations section was responsible for publicity and public relations activities of the government in Hong Kong and overseas. The press section of the Information Services Department improved the relationship among the department, the journalists and the public. The public relations section consisted of a media research group that edited and published an English-language News Summary daily to bring together editorials, important news, and radio and television stations from Chinese newspapers to help the British Hong Kong government gauge public opinion. Hong Kong’s news media organizations were privately owned except for RTHK. These companies competed using a free market principle, but the British Hong Kong government controlled their total number. The British Hong Kong government controlled the total number of radio and television stations through the bidding process, licensing operation, and other measures. For example, the proportion of foreign directives approved by the Hong Kong Executive Council in 1988 was to limit the proportion of foreign investors by requiring Hong Kong permanent residents to control more than 51 percent of the capital of TV-licensed companies. There was also an open inspection agency to examine the broadcasts and decide whether or not to punish them for alleged infractions. In September 1987, the Broadcasting Authority was established to regulate the affairs of wireless television and commercial radio. The Broadcasting Authority did not review the individual programs, and the television programs did not need to be submitted for trial. However, the Complaints Committee handled complaints against the television industry. The authority warned or fined television stations on the recommendation of the Complaints Committee. A total of 903 complaints were filed in 1989, and the authority issued a warning to two television stations 34 times and issued two fines on the recommendation of the committee. Radio and television are obliged to broadcast the government’s public policy in prime time. During the transitional period, the British Hong Kong government revised the Comprehensive Regulations on Publications Management (Kanwuguanli Zonghetiaoli) and withdrew restrictions on the freedom of print media, interviews, and reports. At the same time, Article 27 of the Public Order Ordinance (Gongan Tiaoli) was amended to revoke the clause prohibiting malicious publication of false news. As early as 1988, the British Hong Kong authorities announced the repeal of the provisions of the commonwealth country’s programming that required television stations to broadcast for a certain period of time. After the reunification of Hong Kong, in April 2000, the government of the Hong Kong SAR issued a consultation paper on the Control of Obscene and Indecent Articles Ordinance

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 145 (Yinxie ji Buyawepin Guanzhi Tiaoli) in response to the public’s appeal for the supervision of pornographic publications. It proposed a number of new proposals for the control of pornography. In June 2000, the Legislative Council passed the Broadcast Bill (Guangbo Tiaoli Caoan) to reorganize the previous radio and television regulatory management model and reclassify television agencies. At the end of June 2011, the Hong Kong Legislative Council passed the Communications Authority Bill (Tongxunshiwu Guanliju Tiaoli Caoan). The Hong Kong Communications Administration was formally established on April 1, 2012. The new office merged the functions of the Telecommunications Authority and the Broadcasting Authority. In late August 1999, the Law Reform Commission published a document on the privacy of the media, which criticized some of the news media’s abuses of freedom of the press and proposed the establishment of statutory bodies responsible for handling complaints from the public, conducting investigations, and adjudicating and punishing responsible persons. After extensive discussions, in 2000, the four journalists’ organizations – the Hong Kong Journalists Association, the Hong Kong Photographers’ Association, the Federation of Journalists and the Press Executives Association – drafted the Code of Professional Conduct for Journalists (Xinwen Congyeyuan Zhuanyecaoshou Shouze). At the same time, the Press Council, which was created by the Hong Kong Press Association, was officially established in July 2000 with the participation of 11 newspapers and two journalists’ groups (Liang, 2001). The Press Council was committed to improving the professional conduct of Hong Kong journalists, but the decline in media credibility was still evident in Hong Kong. In 2011, the School of Journalism and Communication in the Chinese University of Hong Kong conducted a survey. The Hong Kong Media Confidence Survey showed that the credibility of the media, including both the traditional and new media, was declining. Out of a possible 10 points, the media only received 6.36 points, and the newspaper credibility score was below the mark of 6. The largest decline in media credibility was the free newspaper, City Daily, from 6.58 in 2009 to 5.67 points in 2010, followed by Hong Kong Broadband (Xianggang Kuandai) and South China Morning Post. The smallest decreases were Hong Kong Commercial Daily and Wen Wei Po. For the electronic media, the eight media rankings were the same, with the highest credibility for Hong Kong radio, 6.95 points; the highest-ranking newspaper was South China Morning Post, with 6.85 points. The Chinese University of Hong Kong believed that the overall decline in credibility had some relation to a general alienation that young people had maintained with traditional media. Some other scholars also believed that it was because media failed readers’ expectations (Liang, 2012, p. 224).

Journalism in Macao Macao is located on the southeast coast of Pearl River Delta. Compared with Mainland China, Macao is very small (25.8 square kilometers) and has a population of 436,800 people. It is one of the world’s most densely populated areas. Macao is an international city. Although its local journalism industry is small,

146

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

Macao’s people can receive worldwide television channels and radios. Hong Kong’s media also cover Macao, leading to poor development in Macao’s local media. The proportion of Macao people watching local TV and listening to local radio is very low. The proportion between viewership of Macao TV shows and Hong Kong programming is about 1:9, whereas the proportion of Macao local radio programs to Hong Kong programs is 3:7. After Macao was handed over to the Chinese government, the proportion of residents watching mainland televisions and listening to mainland radio increased (Liang, 2012, p. 226). In addition, dozens of different Hong Kong newspapers and magazines were delivered to and sold in Macao every day. Newspapers in Macao After 1949, the development of the newspaper industry in Macao was relatively gentle. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Portugal in the late 1970s, the development of the newspaper industry has changed markedly. The number of newspapers has increased, and the content has greatly improved. Since Macao’s return to China on December 20, 1999, with the economic growth and rapid transformation of politics and culture, Macao’s newspaper industry has become more prosperous. At the same time, the Macao government hoped that the media in Macao could move away from the strong influence of Hong Kong’s media, open an independent market, and develop more opportunities for development. Before 1949, Macao had three main Chinese newspapers and one main Portuguese newspaper. Taichung Daily (Dazhongbao) was the oldest Chinese newspaper, founded in 1933. Vakio Daily (Huaqiaobao), which was founded in 1937, was Macao’s version of Hong Kong’s Overseas Chinese Daily News and was separated from it since the middle 1960s. The Shimin Daily (Shimin Ribao), founded in 1944, was a general daily newspaper based on supplemental entertainment. The Portuguese O Clarim (Haojiaobao), founded in the 1940s, was a weekly and was the official newspaper of the Macao Catholic Church. Soon after the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the tabloid New Garden (Xinyuanbao), which supported the new China, was published. This paper was a symposium of the new democratic association of the Macao Patriotic Group. New Garden lasted for eight years and changed from a semi-monthly magazine into a journal, weekly, and finally, on August 15, 1958, into a large daily newspaper, the Macao Daily (Aomen Ribao), with New Garden becoming the newspaper’s comprehensive supplement. In 1963, another Chinese newspaper, Star, was founded, which mainly published local news and entertainment. Another Portuguese newspaper, Macao People (Aomen Renbao), was also founded in 1963. The newspaper also had a weekly Chinese version, which was extracted from the mainland and local Chinese newspapers. In the 1970s, there were not many newspapers in Macao, and only Cheng Pou (Zhengbao), which was originally called Macao Sports Association (Aomen Tiyuhui), published in 1978. It was a weekly magazine, later renamed Sports Daily

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 147 (Tiyu Ribao). All the content was Macao sports news. In 1982, the paper was renamed Cheng Pou, becoming a comprehensive daily newspaper. In 1979, China and Portugal established diplomatic relations. With the two countries reaching an understanding on Macao’s sovereignty, the two sides agreed to negotiate to resolve the issue of Macao’s return to China. This historic change increased the number of Portuguese newspapers by five, plus the original O Clarim and Macao People, reaching a total of seven. These papers were: Macao Evening News (Aomen Wanbao), founded by the native Portuguese on October 18, 1982; Macao Tribune (Aomen Luntanbao), a weekly, founded on October 30, 1982; Macao Business News (Aomen Shangyebao), a weekly, founded on February 17, 1987; Macao (Aomen), a monthly, published in December 1987 by the Macao Government Information Division; and Oriental Express (Dongfang Kuaibao), a weekly, founded on December 16, 1988. In 1982, Macao’s oldest Chinese newspaper, Jornal Taichung Pou (Dazhongbao), published the Portuguese version and thus became the only Portuguese-Chinese newspaper. With Macao’s return to the motherland on December 20, 1999, and the subsequent economic growth and rapid changes in political culture, the Macao newspaper industry also showed unprecedented prosperity. Macao’s population was small, but there were many newspapers in circulation. At end of 2007, Macao had a total of eight Chinese newspapers and six Portuguese newspapers. The former included the Macao Daily, Vakio Daily, Jornal Taichung Pou, Shimin Daily, The Star, Jornal Cheng Pou, Modern Macao Daily (Xiandai Anmen Ribao), and China and Macao Daily (Huaao Ribao). There were also six Chinese weeklies and two Portuguese weeklies. Macao Morning Post (Agora Macao, Aomen Zaobao) was founded on October 28, 2005. It was published every Monday, printed in color, and ranged from 12 to 20 pages each. Macao Commercial Post (Aomen Shangbao) was founded on June 6, 2006. The chief executive of the Macao Special Administrative Region (SAR), Edmund Ho Hau Wah, wrote an inscription for its creation, whereas Ma Wanqi wrote the application for the title. The newspaper was in quarto size with 28 versions and was an economic life newspaper, founded by Macao International Commercial Group, published every Tuesday. In addition, the Macao Progressive Association founded the Jiuding magazine in September 2007, “hoping to build a platform of thought, for the community and to bring a constructive voice”. Among many of the current newspapers in Macao, Macao Daily had the largest circulation and exerted a greater influence than other media outlets. The newspaper claimed daily sales of more than 80,000 copies. Macao Daily was also sold in Zhuhai, Zhongshan, and other coastal cities and was the largest newspaper in the Macao SAR. More than 20 Chinese newspapers in Hong Kong were shipped to Macao every day, which limited the development of Chinese newspapers in Macao. As the geographical location of Hong Kong and Macao is very close, it was convenient for cultural exchange. Many people liked to read Hong Kong’s best-selling newspapers in Macao. In the newspaper market in Macao, Hong Kong’s Apple Daily, Oriental Daily, and The Sun (Taiyangbao), had larger circulations than local newspapers, with more than 30,000 copies sold every day, becoming the largest

148

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

competitors in the Macao newspaper market. The Standard, an English newspaper in Hong Kong, announced its transfer to free release and its distribution network expansion into Macao. By 2011, there were nine Chinese daily newspapers in Macao, with a total circulation of more than 100,000 copies. There were three Portuguese daily newspapers – Ponto Final (Juhaobao), Macao Forum Daily (Aomen Luntan Ribao), Macao Today (Aomen Jinri)) – a Portuguese Weekly O Clarim, and two English daily newspapers, Macao Post (Aomen Youbao) and Macao Daily Times (Aomen Meiri Shibao). Radio and television industry in Macao Macao’s radio and television industry has had more than 60 years of history. The earliest radio station was launched on August 26, 1933. In 1940, the Portuguese Macao authorities officially named it Macao Radio, only playing music and Cantonese opera. Due to a lack of funds, the station closed, but it was reopened in the 1960s. In 1982, Macao Radio set up Telediffusion of Macao Co., Ltd (TDM). TDM was divided into two parts: a Chinese station and a Portuguese station. TDM added new equipment and improved program content. At that time, Macao did not have its own television station, and families with TV sets received Hong Kong television programs. TDM officially launched its own television station, which was owned by the Portuguese government, in Macao on May 13, 1984, thus ending the absence of television in Macao. TDM was one of the major television stations in Macao, playing only 40 hours a week at its inception and covering only the local area. It was difficult to draw new advertisers to the station because of low initial ratings. In its first year of operation, the station lost more than 10 million MOP (Pataca de Macau, Macau currency). As a result of this annual loss, in 1988, TDM received private shares and converted to a private company. The government retained 50.5 percent of the shares and, in July 1990, signed a 15-year franchise contract. Unfortunately however, by the 1990s, TDM was still unable to turn a profit. By 2002, it was almost bankrupt, and so the government had no choice but to buy back most of the shares. At the shareholders’ meeting of October 18, 2002, the government of Macao acquired a total of 49.5 percent of the shares of several shareholders. The Hong Kong SAR government again owned the majority of TDM shares (99.8 percent), with the remaining 0.2 percent owned by other public institutions. With its financial problems temporarily resolved, the storm was also temporarily paused; however, the fundamental problems remained unresolved. In October 2004, Chief Executive Edmund Ho in the International Conference on Public Broadcasting Agencies clearly pointed out that the purpose of TDM was to provide public services in Macao and that TDM had been officially designated as a public broadcaster. In June 2005, the SAR government revised TDM to supplement the Contract for the Granting of Television and Sound Broadcasting (Dianshi yu Guangbo Pigei Hetong) and extended the grant period by 15 years. The operation of broadcasting in Macao was not ideal as the market in Macao was small and it had been dominated by Hong Kong’s broadcasts for a long time.

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 149 With the increasing internationalization of Macao society, the ecology of Macao media also presented a diversified ecology. In addition to providing Chinese and Portuguese programs, TDM also began to offer English programs. In March 2011, TDM’s leadership changed. After the original executive director’s, Chief Executive Officer Jiang Hesheng’s, resignation, Chief Executive Chui Sian appointed Auditor Liang Jinquan as TDM’s managing director and chief executive officer. On July 8, 2000, Macao Cable TV, which was invested in by China, Macao, and Portugal, claimed a net worth of US$68.18 million. Cable TV opened a new period for Macao TV, marking its attempt to diversify. The station was delivered via microwave and provided 40 channels, including Chinese, English, and Portuguese channels for residents and business users, and provided up to 200 channels. The station did not have self-produced programs but broadcast other stations’ programs. It had about 10,000 users after one year’s operation. The biggest problem with cable television was that most residents liked to watch TV from Hong Kong and were accustomed to watching it for free. As a result, people were not willing to pay extra money to watch cable TV. In July 2000, the Macao Satellite TV Asia Station, which was invested in by China, Hong Kong, and Macao, was launched to provide 24-hour comprehensive programming for the Asia Pacific audience. The administrative and control center of the station was located in Macao and had been approved for broadcasting in the mainland. In December 2000, the Macao SAR issued another 15-year license to China Satellite TV Co. Ltd., which planned to provide six satellite TV channels for the entire Asia-Pacific region within three years. Of these six channels, the Macao Science and Technology station opened in December. In 2000, the monthly fee of Macao Cable TV was 168 RMB (about US$24.36) per month and in 2002 was reduced to 138 RMB (about US$20.01). On September 1, 2007, Macao Cable TV set the charge at 168 RMB (about US$24.36). In 2007, the Star Communications Company bought shares in Macao Cable TV. With the new capital injections, Macao Cable TV was responsible for coordination of the “Miss Macao” campaign, which had been closed for 10 years. Since New Year’s Day 2008, Macao Cable TV has provided high-definition services, hoping to attract audiences with the help of technology. In 2010, Macao Cable TV broke even for the first time, and in 2011, it launched a 3-D stereo TV service. In addition, the CCTV-9 Record Channel was established in Macao at the end of March 2011, becoming Macao’s 56th official cable TV channel (Liang, 2012). Macao Lotus TV began broadcasting on October 28, 2002, and was a Chinese television station focused on Macao local information. In 2008, it was approved by the Macao government to become a licensed satellite TV company in Macao. The station launched a live television program called Macao Lecture in 2011, becoming Macao’s first two-way interactive live television program. This program was a one-hour live program, mainly in Cantonese, inviting scholars and social celebrities, such as Lin Yufeng, Liang Yutong, and Lin Yutao as guest hosts as well as other special guests to participate in in-depth discussions about hot social issues. The program also allowed viewers at any time to participate in the discussion and to reflect on social problems of their own concern.

150

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao

The Macao TV Chinese station was launched on March 15, 2004. The station broadcast 24 hours a day. After several years of development, it became a Chinese channel based in Macao, which broadcast Mandarin for Mainland China and Southeast Asia. Its contents included politics, economy, culture, and entertainment. The channel launched using Asia-Pacific satellites, covering more than 60 countries and regions, and was now available for viewing in Macao, Hong Kong, and mainland three-star hotels in addition to Taiwan’s IPTV and some Southeast Asian countries. Macao also had Macao Radio and Green Village Radio. In January 1983, TDM set up a radio station, Macao Radio (Rádio de Macao), to take over the government-managed radio channel. This station became one of the two radio stations in Macao at that time. Green Village Radio was founded in 1950 by a native Portuguese, Dr. Paul. Because the radio was located in a green house, it was called “Green Village Radio”. At first it used only Cantonese and Portuguese to broadcast some music and later also broadcast dog-racing news. Because the station did not talk about politics, there were no self-compiled news programs. The station was closed on December 31, 1994 for technical improvements and later in March 2000 began to rebroadcast. After the rebroadcast, the radio programs were more diversified than ever before, with music, sports, live dog and horse racing, and eight hours of Portuguese radio every week. Media management Prior to reunification, the only government agency concerned with news administration was the Macao Government News Division, which was part of the Secretariat for Transport and Tourism Affairs. This office had limited powers that were mainly for the support of journalism in Macao and for the government’s press relations work. After reunification, the authority in charge of the press was handed to the Information Bureau – directly under the Chief Executive’s Office. The Information Bureau had a secretary and deputy secretary and covered the Department of Public Information, Research, and Publications. Macao’s first secretary of the Information Bureau was Chen Zhiping. The Information Bureau was mainly responsible for the coordination of and research work on social communication, comprehensively reviewing the situation of the news and communication industry in Macao and formulating policies to promote the further development of the news industry in Macao. In response to the lack of competitiveness of the local press industry in Macao, the Information Bureau launched the Encourage Local Newspaper to Enhance Its Competitiveness Program at the end of 2000. The Information Bureau hoped that through the short-term, limited direct subsidy, the Macao newspaper industry would be encouraged to optimize technology, develop professional talent, improve professional qualifications in news communication and organization management, and ensure the existence of social diversity. With the increase in cable and satellite TV channels in Macao, the management of broadcasting services became important. The approval of licenses was directly

Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao 151 under the authority of the Chief Executive’s Office. Content and marketing supervision were the responsibility of the Information Bureau, whereas the Telecommunications and Information Technology Office was responsible for monitoring the use of the frequency spectrum. To attract overseas media to invest in Macao, the SAR government repeatedly stressed the opening of the satellite TV business. As long as the applicant was willing to comply with the law, made good use of the Macao spectrum, and ensured that the content was in compliance with the rules, the license would be approved. This policy would help create job opportunities, increase government revenue, and improve Macao’s international image as well as providing more information to Macao residents. Macao’s news community mainly comprised the Macao Journalists Association jointly established on January 1, 1968, by six major Chinese newspapers (Macao Daily, Vakio Daily, Jornal Taichung Pou, Shimin Daily, The Star, and Jornal Cheng Pou).

Notes 1 The “press restrictions” policy was implemented from 1948 to 1987. The KMT-led Republic of China was an authoritarian state. It exercised strict control of the media. Parties other than the KMT were banned, and media advocating democracy or Taiwan independence were also banned. 2 MRT is the abbreviation of Mass Rapid Transit. It is the subway system in Taiwan, Bangkok, and Singapore. 3 Li Ao is a famous political activist in Taiwan, a nationalist, and an intellectual. He had more than 96 books banned from sale during the press restriction period. Considered by many as one of the most important modern East Asian essayists today, Li Ao, however, is termed by some critics as an intellectual narcissist. He favors reunification with the People’s Republic of China, especially under the “one country, two systems” policy, but he refuses to refer to himself as pro-“Pan-Blue” due to its association with the KMT. 4 Five main stations form the Taiwan Television Networks include CTV, TTV, CTS, FTV, and PTS. 5 White terror refers to the desperate social atmosphere under which the authoritarian social rulers persecuted political dissidents. This term originated during the Paris commune period. 6 Extreme left line refers to people closely following Mao Zedong during the Cultural. Revolution. They supported the revolution and represented the interests of workers and peasants. Their activities during the Cultural Revolution influenced the left wing in Hong Kong to trigger riots. 7 The left wing in the anti-British and anti-violence campaign refers to the workers and students who led the campaign. When the British government took measures to quell the rest, leftist newspapers were banned from publishing, leftist schools were shut down, and many leftist leaders were arrested and detained. 8 The CPPCC is a political advisory body in the People’s Republic of China. Delegates from a range of political parties and organizations are members.

7

Conclusion

China is the only country in the world whose national community, in the political and geographical sense, has a continuous history of more than 5,000 years. Its history of systematic journalism and communication has been longer than 3,000 years. During this history, the communication system has undergone different forms of societies, from the primitive slave societies to feudal dynasties, then to the capitalist society and the contemporary socialist China. Through a history of thousands of years, Chinese societies have generated various media institutions and communication forms. We have traced the history of communication from the oral tradition to the symbolic and cultural formations, including the zenith of Chinese classical literature like Tang poems and Song ci. After China entered into a feudal society, the official newspaper emerged as a new tool to facilitate the empire’s overall administration and bureaucracy. However, those different forms of media and communication systems, either being integrated into the ruling authority or not, has embedded into the overall social processes of constructing the national identity. The history of journalism and communication in China has provided abundant resources and experience for researchers, and it is also our hope that this study could illuminate and enlighten more people.

The development of Chinese journalism and communication distinguishes itself by being a media bridge that links the ruling authority and its citizens In primitive communities, it has been witnessed that public opinion is seen as an important issue for rulers when making political decisions. For instance, the satirical poetry in the Western Zhou Dynasty is an important source of public opinion reflecting the people’s dissatisfied attitude toward authority. Being similar to ancient Greek, the communication in the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring State period of ancient China was dominated by an oral tradition. At that time, a broad range of thoughts and ideas were developed and discussed freely; to a large extent, they acted as critical channels to connect the grassroots to their state by addressing “caring about people” as the critical ethical standard of ruling capability for state rulers. Those ideas and thoughts, which were later called the Hundred Schools of Thought (zhuzibaijia), enhanced the development of public opinions in ancient China.

Conclusion

153

As Emperor Qin Shihuang reunited China in 221 B.C., a centralized monarchy system was finally settled, and in the following 2,000 years, China’s communication system was constituted by the interaction of a top-down and a bottom-up dynamic. Political poems, literature, and the Qingyi movement are examples of how ordinary people and intellectuals expressed their opinions, which ranged from being very tactful to rather direct. Meanwhile, remonstrance, official newspapers, as well as holding court (shangchao, a meeting system between the emperors and the officials in the feudal dynasties) were ways of making sure the state’s governing policies could reach its people and finally stabilize the society. It is noteworthy that the literati (or scholar–officials) in ancient China have played significant roles in bridging the imperial authority and the ordinary people. As a continuous civilization without foreign invasion, the replacement of dynasties in ancient China usually came from grassroots revolutions. Consequently, imperial power remained alert and vigilant toward the civilian class by sometimes deploying policies of suppression and coercion. Then how did the literati become both the bridge and cushion to buffer the antagonism and ensure policies and laws were correctly applied to the people? As most of the literati were intellectuals and scholars, they could issue their displeasure and suggestions to the rulers informally by writing folk songs, poems, and classical works. Meanwhile, being politicians and government officials, they could directly express their opinions through remonstrance and court appearances. The literati, as an important social class, took shape in the Han Dynasty, and gradually the Ruling Class–Literati–Civilians structure came into being (see Figure 7.1). In the Tang and Song Dynasties, more intellectuals and scholars entered the literati class through the implementation of the imperial examination system. Since then, the literati class functioned well as a communication channel between the ruler and the ordinary people, and when it came to the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the freedom of communication of the literati was suppressed by the rulers. The literati’s function as the communication intermediaries came to an end. Throughout the overall history of ancient China, there is a conspicuous regularity that the more active the journalism and communication activities are, the more stable and harmonious the society is and vice versa. This is not hard to understand as the interactions between the ruling class and public opinion can largely affect

Ruling Class Literati Civilians

Figure 7.1 The social stratification that the communication system relied on in ancient China

154

Conclusion

the very foundations the dynasties were built on. As most of the literati were influenced by Confucianism, which addresses caring, courtesy, and love, they would express their opinions when they heard about the hardships of the people. In that sense, the emperor–literati–civilian structure helped the continuous development of ancient China, with the literati acting as a connecting channel.

The Chinese news media has its own tradition of scholars commenting on politics and has been influenced by western journalistic professionalism in modern times In particular, since the Opium War of 1840, the main characters of Chinese newspapers and periodicals have been the salvation of the country, with the trilogy of Chinese people’s pursuit of enlightenment, revolution, and modernization. These historical characters gradually blended into the spirit of Chinese scholar–officials and modern intellectuals and formed a distinctive tradition of “scholars commenting on politics” in the Chinese press. In essence, this tradition can be seen as a constructive mechanism Chinese scholars have developed against the existing political system. Although it is critical, it is not revolutionary, which means it is quite different from the professionalism in Western journalism. In the early nineteenth century, when modern Western journalism was introduced into China, China was a country riddled with domestic trouble and foreign invasion. At that time, the spirit of commenting on politics encouraged a large number of intellectuals to speak up for national salvation. Wang Tao was the first intellectual “to make comments by using newspaper”. He founded the Universal Circulating Herald (Xunhuan Ribao), which was regarded as China’s first political newspaper. As his official career suffered setbacks, Wang Tao turned himself to the press industry to save the country. At the very beginning, Wang Tao recognized the importance of the press, especially the importance of “connecting inside and outside” (tongneiwai). He believed that China’s public opinion should not be manipulated by foreign invaders. In his newspaper, he made clear the voice of China’s reform and self-improvement. Standing on the shoulder of Wang Tao, the next generation of elite intellectuals, represented by Liang Qichao, ran the newspaper and carried forward the tradition of scholars commenting on politics. As the leader of the Reform Movement, Liang Qichao was a famous political commentator of the press. From founding Chinese and Foreign Record (Zhongwai Jiwen), Shiwu Bao (or Current Affairs) and Qingyi Bao to New People (Xinmin Congbao), his writing style became fashionable for a time. As the opinion leader of Chinese media, he had far-reaching influence. Liang Qichao’s reforming ideas of “salvation of the country” ran through his news thoughts, and he regarded the press as the way to save and rejuvenate the country. His core idea is the spirit of “scholars commenting on politics”, which closely followed Wang Tao’s ideas. Liang Qichao proposed that the press has two main duties: one is to guide the nation, and the other is to oversee the government, which contains the influence of Western journalism to some extent. In addition, Liang Qichao believed that the free expression of newspaper agencies is a precondition

Conclusion

155

for taking social responsibility. Thus, he promoted press independence, and this claim is significant progress regarding how people thought of the media in his time. From Wang Tao to Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, some Chinese scholars were shifting to a new identity – the newspaperman. Their followers, Huang Yuansheng, Shao Piaoping, and other newspapermen who had directly received Western news education introduced Western newspaper concepts to China directly. With the accumulation of talent, as well as the introduction of Western news education, the time was ripe for Chinese scholars to found modern political newspapers with independent characters. Xinji Ta Kung Pao is a typical example. It shows how Western news education was introduced to China and learned by Chinese scholars. At the beginning of the twentieth century, modern universities appeared in China, and the American Missouri news education model was successfully transplanted to China. As a cultural ambassador, the dean of School of Journalism at Missouri University, William James, visited China many times. Many Chinese universities, including Yanjing University and Beijing University, actively cooperated with the School of Journalism at Missouri University. They followed the Missouri news education mode and trained the specialists in the field of journalism. Chinese intellectuals pursued reform and national prosperity to save semicolonial China from the humiliation of imperialist control. They hoped to establish a newspaper industry with social responsibility, which was necessary for national modernization. As it was carried out, Western news education helped lay the foundation for the spirit of professional journalism in China. In 1926, Zhang Jiluan, Wu Dingchang, and Hu Zhengzhi established Xin Ji Company and took over Ta kung Pao. In its foreword, Xinji Ta Kung Pao clearly stated a policy of “no party affiliation, no political endorsement, no self-promotion, no ignorance” (budang, busi, bumai, bumang). It means that it pursued an independent existence that is not attached to any political parties and doesn’t accept any political endorsement. At the same time, it upheld public interests and became a social public institution that adhered to the principle of independence and rationality. Although it is still in debate whether Ta Kung Pao really adhered to its claims, the influence of Western professional journalism is an undisputed fact. Chinese journalists were good at practicing Western journalistic professionalism. Hence, in 1941, Ta Kung Pao was awarded the Newspaper Medal by the School of Journalism at Missouri University and was hailed as “making comprehensive international and national reports with fearless and deep comments as well as free and democratic policy”. This award was not only a recognition and reward for its newspaper operations but also recognition of its efforts in sticking to journalistic professionalism. From Wang Tao to Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, and then to Ta Kung Pao newspapermen who put forward the “Four Nos Policy”, we can see that although the Western journalistic professionalism was widely used by Chinese newspapermen, they were run within the framework of “scholars commenting on politics”, which meant the Western journalistic professionalism was a means rather than the end. Comparing the Chinese “scholars commenting on politics” and Western

156

Conclusion

journalistic professionalism, the main difference was that the latter was independent of the government and party, whereas the former was in the operational framework of the government and party.

Journalism in China has reflected the tradition of the “people-based” thought The media communication activities in China were more frequent after entering the slave society of the Xia Dynasty (twenty-first century B.C.), which had both official and folk communication methods. Under the circumstance of undeveloped productive forces, the primary problem for people was how to overcome the challenge of the environment and survive by forming a strong and solid social-political community. Therefore, in some enlightened stage of ancient society, the emperor showed some basic people-based thoughts. Corresponding to this, early media communication activities also presented the political function of “supporting monarchy politics” and “collecting public opinion”. Furthermore, during the process of collecting public opinion, the communication activities of that time led to the establishment of the core value of “loving the people” within monarchy politics. So the functions of the early media communication were based on “supporting monarchy politics” instead of opposing the royal government. These two political functions, “supporting monarchy politics” and “collecting public opinion”, not only based on the need for survival but also became the two most basic political functions of journalism communication. These two political functions have been developing along with the development of mass communication since then. In historical development, when the “despotism” system dominated, “support political affairs” tended to be the main function. When the “democratic” system grew, the function of “collecting public opinion” was more popular. These two frameworks basically established the basic paradigm for the evolution of mass communication in China (Zhao, 2017, p. 40). The collision between the two frameworks of “democracy” and “autocracy” have also left China’s journalism and communication as a manifestation of Confucian “people-based” thought. Among Confucian values, “people-based” thinking is one of the most important ideas. Mencius said, “To a state, the people are the most important thing. The state comes second. The ruler is the least important” (Mencius, 2017, p. 289), which means that the governors should give top priority to people’s interests, care about people’s sentiment, and listen to public opinions. The literati class who followed Confucian thought also took “people-based” thinking as the credo for their own lives. They cherished the sense of responsibility: to worry before the common people worried, to enjoy only after the people can enjoy. When the interests of the people are violated, they can stand out to criticize the unreasonable phenomena and petition the people to reflect their voices. In addition, in Confucianism, there is also a kind of thinking called “virtues in mind and positive in actions” (neisheng waiwang), which means people should first focus on their own inner accomplishments and then promote social progress to achieve the political ideal of “ruling the country and pacifying the land”.

Conclusion

157

In ancient China, Confucian scholars measured and judged the politics in this “virtues in mind and positive in actions” mentality, and when emperors did not conform to the “worthy emperor”, they were fiercely criticized. Under the support of such conviction, the traditional Chinese scholar class formed beyond consciousness in moral philosophy and dared to protest and criticize the politics from a moral standpoint fearlessly. This is why most of the Qiyi movements in ancient China were initiated by literati and scholars. They morally judged people, criticized politics, and formed a public–power balance against imperial power. Also, under the guidance of such ideas, there were many scholars and literati who had the courage to attack the darkness of the court and the corruption of politics in history. Since the majority of the subjects of news and communication activities in China were all literati and scholars in the historical period, the thought of “people-based” in communication activities was also reflected. Not only in ancient China, but also in the Republic of China, and even in modern China, journalism illustrates “people-based” thinking. During the period of the Republic of China, both the poor literati who followed the feudal morality and the new editors who returned from the west all appreciated the feelings of people as one of the noblest pursuits. In contemporary China, the media industry has also shown profound humanistic concern. The development of in-depth coverage in the 1980s and the prosperity of the current online news are accompanied by concern for vulnerable groups and care for people’s livelihoods.

Journalism in China has evolved under the influence of both technology and politics The development of the journalism industry in China is influenced by both technology and politics. It has been observed that the development of technology may influence media formation, which then may further challenge and underlie the existing political system. It is not difficult to understand because new media and technology always bring new ideas and ideologies with them. After the media revolution, the new political system can adapt to the new trend of ideas and drive the new media. In the history of Chinese journalism and communication, this scene has been staged cyclically, enabling media technologies and political systems to promote each other. The earliest large-scale media revolution in China took place in the Qin and Han Dynasties. In the Qin Dynasty, Chinese writing characters were unified, which enabled the media to communicate in a more efficient and widespread way. Therefore, pre-Qin Confucianism was also widely disseminated, but this contradicts the thought of the Legalists School thoughts of the Qin Shihuang (the first emperor of the Qin Dynasty). As a result, books, as an emerging, new medium, suffered greatly. Qin Shihuang practiced the policy of Fenshu kengru, which means to collect and burn all the books that spread Confucianism and bury the Confucian intellectuals alive. However, the atrocities of Qin Shihuang did not stop the development of new media. Instead, those behaviors led to the utter isolation of the government, which lost the affection of the majority of people. The Qin Dynasty

158

Conclusion

was overthrown soon. In the next West-Han Dynasty, books containing Confucianist thoughts became the most important unifying ideological tool of the country, and the government implemented a revolution of “rejecting the other schools of thought and respecting only Confucianism”. This revolution ended with the popularization of books as a new media. Since then, the Confucian classic also became the most widespread and durable printing material in Chinese feudal society. After entering the late Qing Dynasty, the new media represented by modern newspapers and periodicals (the traditional media tool in China was Di Bao) started to challenge the feudal system and became the main tool to propagandize the reformism and revolution of the bourgeois class. During the campaign of Hundred Days’ Reform (the bourgeois reform movement in 1898), China had ushered in the first high tide of establishing modern newspapers and periodicals, and the establishment of modern newspapers and periodicals had reached more than 130. The readership ranged from women and children to adult men. Most newspapers spread the idea of bourgeois reformism. After the failure of the Hundred Days’ Reform, the bourgeois revolution was put on the agenda of history, and the modern press once again became the pioneer in spreading the thoughts of the bourgeois revolution. One of the catchphrases of the press was “a newspaper that is not sealed off is not a good one, while a principal who is not sent to jail is not a good one”. In fact, worldwide, the establishment of modern newspapers and periodicals has also been a process for a bourgeois revolution to win. After entering the Internet era, the evolution of China’s media form is also obviously influenced by technology and politics. Entering the twenty-first century, new media have emerged in China. Social media such as forums, Weibo, and WeChat have shattered traditional media’s monopoly of discourse power, put pressure on the government, and even produced a series of public events. New media on the Internet have created a big challenge to the government’s social governance. Whereas the traditional method of managing media has not affected new media, the government has adopted a new strategy, namely, the strategy of media convergence, which pushes traditional media to develop new media so that the mainstream media can adapt to new online media and develop influence. To a certain extent, this strategy is successful. The current emerging mainstream new media in China have risen and played an important role in the field of social media. Now, the Xinhua News Agency and the People’s Daily have access to hundreds of millions of effective users and are playing an effective guiding role in meeting the needs of mainstream politics. The essence of this phenomenon reflects the process of domestication and anti-domestication of media technology and politics. This kind of “domestication” and “anti-domestication” are essentially the changing of tension between technology and politics, whereas the mutual struggle promotes the rationalization of the structure of human social governance and the continuous evolution of technology.

Postscript

This English manuscript is finally completed. This was our first English book. Although we have studied English for more than 20 years, it is still not easy for us to write in English. The idea to write this book originated from an International Book Fair in 2013, when one of our textbooks caught the fancy of a great Routledge editor. This textbook was a Chinese edition, published by China Renmin University Press, and was specifically designed for network learners. The editor wanted to publish it in an English edition. But when we tried to translate it into English, we found that a great deal more contextual information needed to be added. So, we decided to take this opportunity to rewrite it and add necessary contextual information and our latest research findings to make it more profound. After nearly a five-year struggle, the work was finally completed, and more than 60 percent of the content has been rewritten, and much new research findings have been added. Writing this book means a lot to us. We are happy to share the history of Chinese journalism with readers from all over the world. We also quite enjoyed the English writing journey through all of its challenges and problems. We are very grateful to Chian Renmin University Press and the Routledge editorial team. This book could not be completed and published without their support, guidance, and suggestions. We would like to express our heartfelt thanks to the teachers and students in the School of Journalism and Communication at Renmin University of China for their continued support and assistance in writing this book, with special thanks to Zhang Yanfei, Lin Guangyao, Zhao Guoning, Wang Shuai, Hu Zhixuan, Zhu Yingqi, Wang Mo, and Yang Chao for their kind and generous help in translating and proofreading. Their encouragement and help for our project was the driving force to complete this work. We also want to thank Sophie Karenina for her polish of the work. We hope this book will be useful for readers abroad to understand the history of Chinese journalism and communication.

References

Bai, J. (2007). TV industry development perspective of Hong Kong in the past 10 years since its Return. International Press, 7, 57–61. (白净.《回归十年香港电视产业发展 透视》.《国际新闻界》.2007年.第7期.) Bi, F. C. (2006). Great changes in Taiwan’s radio ecology. China Broadcasts, 4, 73–74. (毕 福臣.《台湾广播生态的巨大变化》.《中国广播》.2006年.第4期.) Bo, G. (1942, April 1). To the readers. The Liberation Daily, 1. (博古.《致读者》.《解放 日报》.1942年4月1日.) Chen, B. Q. (2008). A descriptive analysis of Taiwan’s news & communication industry in 2007. In China News Yearbook 2008. Beijing: China News Yearbook Publishing House. (陈贝琼.《台湾2007年新闻传播业概况》.《中国新闻年鉴2008》.2008年) Chen, C. F. (1997). Hong Kong Newspaper. Beijing: The Law Press.60-62. (陈昌凤.《香 港报业纵横》.第60–62页.北京.法律出版社.1997年.) Chen. C. F. (2007). A review of Hong Kong newspapers in the last decade. China Newspaper Industry, 7, 26–28. (陈昌凤.《香港报业十年回眸》.《中国报业》.2007年.第7期.) Chen, D. X. (1915, September 15th). A inform to the Youth. The Youth, 1, 1. (陈独秀.《敬 告青年》.《青年杂志》第一期.1915年.) Chen, D. X. & Zhu, C. Y. (2006). Conflict, expansion and integration: Current Taiwan newspaper market structure and trend. China Newspaper, 6, 70–74. (陈东旭.朱春阳.《 冲突、扩张与融合.当前台湾报业市场格局与走向》.《中国报业》.2006年.第6期.) Chen, F. B. (1989). An overview of the journalism development in Taiwan. China News Yearbook, 47. Beijing: China News Yearbook Publishing House. (陈飞宝.《台湾省新 闻事业发展概况》.《中国新闻年鉴1989》.第47页.) Chen, F. B. (2005). Taiwan’s radio and television transformation. Southeast Communication, 3, 18–22. (陈飞宝.《台湾广播电视的转型》.《东南传播》.2005年.第3期.) Ding, G. L. (2000). A History of Chinese News Industry. Wuhan: Wuhan University Press. (丁淦林.《中国新闻事业史》.武汉:武汉大学出版社.2000年.) Editor. (1903). Series reports of the death of Shen Jin. Ta Kung Pao. July 21, September 14th, September 16th. Editor. (2017). Radio and Television Technology (2017)(Vol. 44). 3. 2017. 121. (编者.《广 播电视技术》.2017年.第3期.第44卷.第121页.) Fang, H. Q. (1992). General History of Chinese Journalism, Volume 1. Beijing: China Renmin University Press. (方汉奇.《中国新闻事业通史·第一卷》.北京:中国人民大 学出版社.1992年.) Fang, H. Q. (1996). General History of Chinese Journalism, Volume 2. Beijing: China Renmin University Press. (方汉奇.《中国新闻事业通史·第二卷》.北京:中国人民大 学出版社.1996年.)

References 161 Fang, H. Q. (2002). History of Chinese News Communication. Beijing: China Renmin University Press. (方汉奇.《中国新闻传播史》.北京:中国人民大学出版社.2002年.) Fang, H. Q. (2004). A-Hundred-Year History of Ta Kung Pao. Beijing: Chian Renmin University Press. (方汉奇.《大公报百年史》.北京:中国人民大学出版社.2004年.) Fang, H. Q. (2005). Newspapers and historical research (Volume 1). News and Writing, 3, 9–10. (方汉奇.《报纸与历史研究(上)》.《新闻与写作》.2005年.第3期.9-10页.) Fang, H. Q. (2009). History of Chinese News Communication. Beijing: China Renmin University Press. (方汉奇.《中国新闻传播史(第二版)》.北京:中国人民大学出版社.2009.) Geng, H. Y. & Chen, W. (2008, November 25th). Investigation of Bohai II Accident. New Beijing News. (耿小勇 陈旺, “渤海二号” 事故追责,《新京报》,2008年11月25日) (Guang, G. M. (1987, June 12). A Letter from Guan Guangmei. Economics Daily. ) (关广 梅. 关广梅来信. 《经济日报》. 1987年6月12日 ) He, Y. M. (1988). A preliminary study on Taiwan’s “press restrictions”. News Research Materials, 1(1), 106–113. (贺越明.《台湾 ”报禁” 来龙去脉初探》.《新闻研究资 料》.1988年.第1期. 106-113页.) Jian, Z. & Zheng, T. T. (1979), A Reference of Chinese History. Beijing: Zhong Hua Press. 179–180. (翦赞,郑天挺.《中国通史参考资料》.北京：中华书局.1979年. 179-180页. ) Huang, X. F. (2009). A Brief Account of the Society in Tang Dynasty-Taixue Students’ National Salvation Movement in the Song Dynasty. Changchun: Jilin Publishing Group. (黄现璠.《唐代社会概略·宋代太学生救国运动》.长春：吉林出版社集团.2009年.) Huang, Y. & Yu, X. (1996). An explorative research about the vicious competition in Hong Kong journalism. International Press, 1, 18–23. (黄煜.俞旭.《恶性竞争下的香 港新闻业》.《国际新闻界》.1996年.第1期.) Hu, S. (1919, September). On the Improvement of Literature. New Youth. (胡适. 《文学改 良刍议》. 《新青年》, 1919年9月.) Huxley, T. H. (1929). Evolution and Ethics and Other Essays. New York and London, D. Appleton, 1929. He, Y. M. (1988). The process of “press restrictions” in Taiwan. Research Materials of Journalism,1. (贺越明.《台湾“报禁”来龙去脉》.《新闻研究资料》,1988年.第1期. Lei, S. M. & Li, W. Z. & Ye, Y. & Jia, Y. (1987, June 24). Red Warning. China Youth News. (雷收麦, 李伟中, 叶研, 贾永. 《红色的警告》.《中国青年报》.1987年6月24日.) Li, D. T. (2004, June 1). A track on graduates: A group of reports discussed on the Train. China Youth News. (李大同. 《大学毕业生成才追踪记――一组在火车上讨论出的 报道》.《中国青年报》. 2004年6月01日.) Li, D. Z. (1919). Welcom Chen Duxiu out of prison. New Youth, 6. (李大钊,《欢迎陈独 秀出狱》,《新青年》,第6卷6号, 1919年.) Li, B. (2008). A Social History Anthology of China News. Beijing: Tsinghua University Press. (李彬.《中国新闻社会史文选》.191-192页.北京:清华大学出版社.2008年.) Li, S. J. (2009). Liang Fa’s role and contributions in modern Chinese newspapers. Journal of Guangdong Education Institute, 4, 52–57. (黎尚健,《论梁发在中国近代报刊中的 作用与贡献》.《广东教育学院院报》.2009年.第4期.) Li, X. B. (1919, June). Memorize Chen Duxiu, Weekly Commentary. 30. (李辛白.怀陈独 秀.《每周评论》, 第30号.1919年6月.) Liang, L. J. (2001). An overview of Hong Kong journalism and communication industry in 2000. China Journalism Yearbook (2001), 136. Beijing: China Journalism Yearbook Press. (梁丽娟.《2000年香港新闻传播事业概览》.《中国新闻年鉴2001》.第136 页.中国新闻年鉴社.2001年.) Liang, L. J. (2008). An overview of Hong Kong journalism and communication industry in 2007. China Journalism Yearbook (2008), 191. Beijing: China Journalism Yearbook

162

References

Press. (梁丽娟.《香港2007年新闻传播业概况》.《中国新闻年鉴2008》.第191 页.中国新闻年鉴社.2008年.) Liang, L. J. (2012). An overview of Hong Kong journalism and communication industry in 2011. China Journalism Yearbook (2012), 224. Beijing: China Journalism Yearbook Press. (梁丽娟.《香港2011年新闻传播业概况》.《中国新闻年鉴2012》.第224 页.中国年鉴出版社.2012年.) Liang, L. R. (2003). The other side of the strait: The development of Taiwan’s newspaper industry. Cradle of Journalists, 11, 4–6. (梁利人.《走进海峡那一边 – 台湾报业发展 管见》.《记者摇篮》.2003年11月.第4-6页.) Liang, Q. C. (1999). Tracing the reason of China’s left-behand. Compiles of Liang Qichao, 416. Beijing Publishing House Group. (梁启超.《梁启超全集·中国积弱溯源论》.北 京出版杜.1999年.第416页.) Liu, S. & Liu, S. (1957). Historical Records of Sui and Tang Dynasties. Beijing: Zhong Hua Press. (刘餗, 刘肃. 隋唐嘉话.北京：中华书局, 1957年.) Lu, X. (1980). Complete Works of Lu Xun(Volume 1). Beijing: People’s Literature Publishing House. (鲁迅.《鲁迅全集》第一卷.人民文学出版社.1980年.) Mao, Z. D. (1942, March 8th). Inscription. Liberation Daily. (毛泽东.《题词》.《解放日 报》, 1942年3月8日.) Mao, Z. D. (1948). A conversation with the editors of Jinsui Daily. News Front (Vol. 1), 5. (毛泽东.《对晋绥日报编辑人员的谈话》.《新闻战线》创刊号.1948年.第5页.) Mencius. (2017). Mencius. Beijing: Zhong Hua Press. 298. (孟子.《孟子》.北京:中华书 局.2017年.第298页.) Pang, R.D. (2011). Shi Liangcai: The Sum of Modern Newspaper Industry. Shanghai: Shanghai Education Press. (庞荣棣.《史量才:现代报业巨子》.上海教育出版社. 2011年.) Qiu, J. B. (1991). The public opinions and admonishment in ancient China. Social Science Front, 4, 169–174. (邱江波.《论舆论与中国古代谏诤》.《社会科学战线》.1991 年.第4期.169-174页.) She, S. M. & Xu, Q. M. (2012). Taiwan 2011 news communication industry overview. China News Yearbook 2012, 1, 229. Beijing: China News Yearbook Publishing House. (佘绍敏, 许清茂.《台湾2011年新闻传播业概况》.《中国新闻年鉴2012》.中国新闻年鉴出 版社.2012年.) Shenzhen Commercial. (2006, November 6). Taiwan’s largest media group Change Master, Wang took over Times Group. Shenzhen Daily. 《台湾最大媒体集团易主 ( 旺旺接手中 时集团》.《深圳商报》.2006年11月6日.) Shi, X. (2006, June 2). Kuomintang party newspaper Central Daily closed: The inevitable fate? Southern Weekend. Retrieved from http://media.people.com.cn/GB/40606/4454522.html 《 ( 国民党党报〈中央日报〉停刊.必然的宿命？》.《南方周末》.2006年6月2日.) Slime. (2006, June 13). Apple Daily in Taiwan to create gossip industry. People’s Network. Retrieved from http://media.people.com.cn/GB/40606/4469338.html (史莱姆.《〈苹 果日报〉在台湾开创八卦产业》.人民网.2006年6月13日.) Sui, J. & Zhao, Y. Z. (2016). The revolutionary newspaper edited by Zhou Enlai: Tianjin student union newspaper. The News. 15, 69–79. (隋洁, 赵云泽.《周恩来主编的革命报 纸——》.《新闻界》, 2016年.第15期, 69-70页.) Sun, Y. (1969). Kidnapped in London. London: China Society. Sun, Y. (1981). Complete Works of Sun, Yat-sen, Volume 8. Beijing: Zhong Hua Press. (孙 中山.《孙中山全集》第8卷.中华书局.1981年.) Tang, G. Z. (1965). The Complete Collection of Songci. Beijing: Zhong Hua Press. (唐圭 璋. (1965). 全宋词 (Vol. 1).中华书局.)

References 163 Tang, Q. (2010). The news thoughts of Ying Lianzhi-the founder of Ta Kung Pao. News World, 8, 170–171. (唐琪.《论〈大公报〉创始人英敛之的新闻思想》.《新闻世 界》.2010年.第8期.) Wang, J. L. (2007). Taiwan newspaper culture hundred years history. Journal of Southwest University for Nationalities (Humanities and Social Sciences Edition), 185(1), 143–147. (王积龙.《台湾报业文化百年历史流变》.《西南民族大学学报》(人文社科 版).2007年.第1期.) Wang, T. (1998). The Increasing Popularity of Newspapers in China. Shanghai Press. (王 韬. 《论日报渐行于中土》.上海书店, 1998年.) Wang, X. M. (2009). A reform that was doomed to fall: A discussion on the Revision of People’s Daily in 1956. Journalism Review, 10, 18–22. (王晓梅 . 《一次注定失败的新 闻改革 – 对1956年人民日报改版夭折的探讨》.《新闻记者》.2009年.第10期.) Wu, T. J. (2010). New History of Chinese Journalism. Shanghai: Fudan University Press. (吴 廷俊.《中国新闻史新修》.上海：复旦大学出版社.2010年.) Xin, G. W. (2000). Taiwan Publishing History. Shijiazhuang: Hebei Education. (辛广伟.《 台湾出版史》.石家庄：河北教育出版社.2000年.) Xu, Y. C. (2000). English Version of 300 Tang Poems. Beijing: Higher Education Press. ( 许渊冲.《汉英对照唐诗三百首》.北京: 高等教育出版社.2000年.) Yan, C. L. & Wang, J. L. (2007). Analysis the Current Situation and Development of Taiwan’s periodical publishing industry. Jinan Journal (Philosophy & Social Science Edition), 6, 131–136, 154. (颜春龙, 王积龙.《试析台湾期刊出版业的现状与发展》.《 暨南学报 (哲学社会科学版) 》.2007年.第6期. 131–136页, 154页.) Yan, F. (1987). The origin of Kuo Wen Pao. Kuo Wen Pao (Vol. 1). (严复.《缘 起》.《国闻报》.1897年.第1期.) Yang, D. C. (2008). Chinese editors and Chinese Globe Magazine. Journal of Hunan University (Social Sciences), 6, 21–26. (杨代春.《华人编辑与〈万国公报〉》.《湖南大 学学报》第6期.2008年.21-26页.) Yang, G. Z. (1985). The Letters of Lin Zexu. Fuzhou: Fujian People’s Publishing House, 45. (杨国帧.《林则徐书柬》.福州:福建人民出版社.45页.1985年.) Yi. (1919, March 9th). The spirit of May 4th movement. Weekly Commentary. (毅.《 “五 四运动” 的精神》.《每周评论》, 1919年3月9日.) Yin, Y. G. (1989). The delivery, distribution and printing of Di Bao in the Ming Dynasty. Journalism & Communication, 4, 106–128. (尹韵公.《论明代邸报的传递、发行和印 刷》.《新闻与传播研究》.1989年.第4期, 106-128页.) Yang, T. C., Zhang, S.W. (Eds), (2011), The Classic Zhou Yi. Beijing: Zhonghua Press. (杨 天才, 张善文 (编者), 《中华经典名著全本全注全译丛书:周易》. 北京：中华书局. 2011年.) Zhao, Y. Z. (2017). Communication as Politics. Beijing: Renmin University of China press. 40. (赵云泽.《作为政治的传播》.北京：中国人民大学出版社.2017年.第40页.) Zhou, B. T. (2002). The fierce competition in the Taiwan press after the press restrictions. Journalism Bimonthly (Fall), 35–37. Zhou, Y. & Zeng, F. J. (2012). Why is Hong Kong Free Newspaper so “hot”? China Journalists, 10, 74–76. (周瑜、曾繁娟.《香港免费报纸为什么如此 ”火” ？》.《中国记 者》.2012年第1期. 74-76页.) Zhuo, N. S. (2002). History of Modern Chinese Newspaper Industry. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press. (卓南生.《中国近代报业发展史》.北京.中国社会科学出版社.2002年.) Ziren. (1934). Inscription. Red Star, 8, 1.(子任. 《题词》. 《红星报》.1934年 8月1日.)

Index

Italic page references indicate figures. Abelha da China (Mifeng Huabao) 29 Ai Xiaomei 44 Analects of Confucius (Confucius) 17 anarchism 84 ancient Chinese communication: bang and 15–17; Board and 15, 17; caifeng and 1, 4–7; Flag and 15, 17; folk newspapers and 41–42; Han Dynasty and 10, 19; literature and 7–9; Lubu and 15–16; as media bridge 153; Ming Dynasty and 11–13, 16–17, 20; Northern Song Dynasty and 10–11, 14; overview 4; poster 15–17; private newspapers in 40–42; Qing Dynasty and 13–15, 20; Qingyi or Qiyi? movement and 18–20; remonstrance and 17–18; social stratification and 153, 153; Song Dynasty and 10, 16; Southern Song Dynasty and 14, 19; Sui Dynasty and 16; tabloids and, unofficial 14–15; Tang Dynasty and 4, 7, 9, 16; Tang poetry and 7; Xia Dynasty and 5–6; Xiwen and 15–16; Yuan Dynasty and 8–9, 11, 15; Zhou Dynasty and 5–6; Zhuchou and 15; see also ancient Chinese newspapers ancient Chinese newspapers: discovery of 9–10; function of 4; official 10–14; unofficial 14–15; see also ancient Chinese communication Anfu School 58 Anglo-Chinese College 27 Anhui Clique 53 An-Shi Rebellion, records of 7–8 anti-domestication of media technology 158 anti-remonstrance 18 Apple Daily (Pingguo Ribao) 113, 118–119, 138, 147

Apple shock wave 118–119 “Argue Against Kang’s Revolutionary Thoughts” (Zhang Taiyan) 75 Arroban (monk) 22 Asian Television Co., Ltd (ATV) 141–142 atheism, materialistic 81–82 authority and journalism, struggle between 2 bang 15–17 Baofang Jingbao 13–14 baoren (newspaper proprietors) 35–38; see also specific name Baozi 41 “Beijing Citizen’s Declaration” (Beijingshiminxuanyan) (Chen Duxiu) 80 Beijing Communist Group 85 Big Han 79 Big River (Dajiangbao) 79 Biography Literature (Zhuanji Wenxue) 49 Biography of Liang Fa, The (McEwen) 36 Black Chant 3, 105 Board (Paibao) 15, 17 Bo Gu 89–90 Bohai II shipwreck reports 103–104 Bourgeois Reform Movement 52–53, 158 Bo Yibo 103 Bridgman, Elijah Coleman 29 Broadcast Bill (Guangbo Tiaoli Caoan) 145 broadcasting see radio; television Buddhism 22 Business Daily (Gongshang Ribao) 33–34, 137 business newspapers 30–32 Cable Radio and Television Law (Youxian Guangbo Dianshi Fa) 127

Index cable television 125–127, 142, 149 Cable Television Act (Youxian Dianshi Fa) 124 Cable TV Group 124 Cai Erkang 34, 37 caifeng (folk songs) 1, 4–7 Caijing magazine 107 Cai Yanming 120 Cai Yuanpei 59, 80–81 Canton Register (Guangzhou Jilubao) 28 CCTV 107 censorship 10–12, 51–52, 57, 92, 113–116 Central Committee of Communist Party of China 87, 89, 95, 97, 101–102 Central Daily (Zhongyang Ribao) 115, 119–120 Central People’s Broadcasting Station 107 Central Radio (Zhongyang Guangbo Diantai) 122 Chellona Daily (Shenzhou Ribao) 78 Chen, D. X. 119–120 Chen Aiting 37 Chen Boda 102 Chen Cheng 113–114 Chen Dong 19 Chen Duxiu 79–83 Chen Fan 19, 77 Chen Feng 108 Cheng Cangbo 116 Chengdu Photorial (Chengdu Hubao) 28 Cheng Pou (Zhengbao) 146–147 Cheng Sheng Broadcasting (Zhengsheng Guangbotai) 123 Cheng Shewo 116–117 Chen Ji 103 Chen Shaobai 73 Chen Tianhua 75 Chen Xunshu 52 Chen Zhiping 150 Chiang Ching-kuo 113–114 Chiang Kai-shek 50–51, 61, 113 Children Monthly (Xiaohai Yuebao) 28 children’s newspapers 28, 70 China Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) 122, 124 China Daily (Zhongguo Ribao) 73–74, 76, 115 China Economic Weekly 106 China Mail, The 30 China Mobile (Hong Kong) Group 143 China Mobile Communications Corporation 143 China National Radio 97

165

China-Russia News Agency (CRNA) 85 “China Should Apply Democracy” (Chen Tianhua) 75 China Television Company (CTV) 123–125 China Times 117–119 China Times (Zhongguo Shibao) 115 China Times Group 120, 123 China Youth Daily (Zhongguo Qingnian Bao) 3, 103, 104–105 Chinese civilization, historic perspective of 4 Chinese journalism: acceptance of, as decent 2; anti-domestication of media technology and politics and 158; censorship and 10–12, 51–52, 57, 92, 113–116; classic works in 3; Communist Party of China and 79–95; Communist press and 79–85; credibility and 135–136, 145; Cultural Revolution and 100–102; defining journalism and 1; domestication of media technology and politics and 158; eight-character principle and 99; foreign newspapers in China and 23–24, 28–30; freedom of press and 2, 24, 44, 57, 61, 113, 116, 131, 144–145, 153–155; historical perspective of 1–3, 152; imperial power and 1–2; in-depth reporting and 3, 97, 102–109, 111; Internet 107–111, 158; journey of 3; as media bridge 152–154; “newspapermen” and 155; other Asian journalism and 112; overview 1–3; people-based thought and 156–157; politics and 2, 97–98, 157–158; radio 94–95, 97, 102; Red China News Agency and 85–88; reformers and, newspaper practices of 66–71; revolutionaries and, newspaper practices of 66, 71–76; revolutionary press and, rise of 76–79; social media 158; technology and 143, 157–158; television 107; traditional Chinese scholars and 154–156; two talks and 92–95; understanding 1–2; “virtues in mind and positive in actions” thinking and 156–157; Western journalistic professionalism and, influence of 154–156; in Yan’an 89–91; see also ancient Chinese communication; Chinese newspapers; modern Chinese journalism; new China and reform of journalism; political party newspapers; private newspapers and periodicals

166

Index

Chinese journalists 2; see also specific name Chinese Monthly Magazine (Chashisu Meiyue Tongjizhuan) 24, 33–35 Chinese mythology (shanggushidai) 6 Chinese newspapers: business 30–32; camp 82–84; children’s 28, 70; commercial 30–32; digest 70; economic 30–32; folk 41–42; foreign commercial and 28–30; government 70; Hong Kongese journalism and 25, 29, 73–74, 76; politicians running 93–94; professional 70; public opinion and 107; religious 24–28; vernacular 70; see also ancient Chinese newspapers; modern Chinese journalism; political party newspapers; private newspapers and periodicals; specific name Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) 137 Chinese Repository (previously Macao Monthly) 28–29 Chinese Revolutionary League (Tongmenghui) 73–74, 78 Chinese scholars, traditional 154–156 Chinese Scientific Magazine, The (Gezhi Huibian) 27–28 Chinese Serial (Xiaer Guanzhen) 25 Chinese Society of Education (Zhongguo Jiaoyu Xuehui) 59 Chinese Television System (CTS) 123–125 Chinese Women (Zhongguo Nvbao) 78 Chongqing Daily 63 Christianity 22–23, 33 Christian Literature Society for China (Guangxuehui) 26–27 Christian missions 22–23, 33 Church News, The 26 City Daily (Dushi Ribao) 139 Cixi (empress dowager) 53–55 Classic of Poetry (Shijing) 5–6 Code of Professional Conduct for Journalists (Xinwen Congveyuan Zhuanyecaoshou Shouze) 145 commercial newspapers 28–32 Communications Authority Bill (Tongxunshiwu Guanliju Tiaoli Caoan) 145 Communist Party, The (Gongchandang) 84 Communist Party of China (CPC): Central Committee of 87, 89, 95, 97, 101–102; Communist Party, The and 84; Communist press and, beginning of 79–82; Cultural Revolution and

63, 100–102; Deng Xiaoping and 87–88; “Five One Six Notification” and 101; journalism activities of 79–95; Kuomintang and 92; Liberation Daily and 89–90; newspapers camp and 82–84; politicians running newspapers and 94; propaganda policies and 99; Rectification Movement and 90, 101; Red China News Agency and 85–88; Red Star and 87–88; Reference News and 88–89; in Ruijin 85–89; Shun Pao and 52; two talks and 92–95; worker’s press and, founding of 84–85; Xinhua Daily News and 92; in Yan’an 89–91 Communist press, beginning of 79–85 comprehensive newspapers 135–136 Comprehensive Regulations on Publications Management (Kanwuguanli Zonghetiaoli) 144 Confucianism 23, 156–157 Confucius 5, 17, 77, 81 Contract for the Granting of Television and Sound Broadcasting (Dianshi yu Guangbo Pigei Hetong) 148 Control of Obscene and Indecent Articles Ordinance (Yinxie ji Buyawepin Guanzhi Tiaoli) 144–145 credibility of media 135–136, 145 Credit News (Zhengxin Xinwen) 115–116 Cultural Revolution 63, 97, 100–102 Current Affairs School (Shiwu Xuetang) 70 Current Affairs Writing Style 68–69 da Almeida Carvalho e Silva, Jose 29 Dagonghe Ribao 60 Daily Shipping News (later Daily Shipping and Commercial News) 29 death remonstrance 18 Deng Chu 80 Deng Guida 109 Deng Tuo 101 “Deng Tuo’s ‘Yanshan Night Talk’ Is an Anti-Socialism Talk” 101 Deng Xiaoping 87–88, 100 Deng Yujiao 109–110 Deng Zuxun 51 de Sousa Barbosa, Artur Tamagnini 29 Diamond Station 142 Di Bao (official newspaper) 1, 10–12, 15, 41, 158 digest newspapers 70 digital television 128–129 Dingben 10–11 domestication of media technology 158

Index Donglin Academy 20 Donglindang 20 Donglin movement 20 Dong Mingfu 37 Dongwu University (now Suzhou University) 27 Dou E Yuan 8 Duan Fang 77 Duan Qirui 60–61 Du Fu 7–8 Du Jinzouyuan 10, 14 Dunhuang Jinzouyuan-zhuang 9 Eastern Western Monthly Magazine 24–25, 34 Eastward Dissemination of Western Learning Movement (Xixue Dongjian) 32–33 Economic Daily News 105–106 economic newspapers 30–32 Edkins, Joseph 45 eight-character principle 99 Eight-Power Allied Forces 53 Encourage Local Newspaper to Enhance Its Competitiveness Program 150 Evolution and Ethics (Huxley) 69–70 Fan Changjiang Sa Kongliao 99 Far East Bank fraud case 142 Far East Economic Daily (Yuandong Jingji Ribao) 136 Fenshu kengru policy 157 “Fired on the Anti-Party, Anti-Socialist Black Line on the Liberation Army Daily” (Jie Fang Jun Bao) (Gao Ju) 101 “Five One Six Notification” 101 Flag (Qibao) 15, 17 Focus Report 107 folk newspapers 41–42 folk songs (caifeng) 4–7 foreign commercial newspapers in China 28–30 foreign newspapers in China 23–24, 28–30 Formosa Magazine (Meilidao) 121, 130 Formosa Television (FTV) 124 Four Nos Policy (sibu fangzhen) 2, 61, 155 Franciscans 23 freedom of press 2, 24, 44, 57, 61, 113, 116, 131, 144–145, 153–155 freedom of speech 4, 33, 46, 63, 66, 73, 81, 98 free newspapers 138–140 free television stations 141

167

Free Times 118 Fryer, John 27–28 gang of four disappearance 102 Gannan version of The Red China 86 Gao Ju 101 Gao Taichi 34 Gao Yihen 80 Ge Gongzhen 35 Geguoxiaoxi (News of Countries) 25 Gezhi Xinbao 28 Globe, The 67 “Golden Rule” of news work 94 Gold Station 142 Gongche Shangshu Movement 66 government documents (Gongmenchao) 42 government newspapers 70; see also political party newspapers graduates reports 104 “Grass Mountain and Old Man in the Raincoat” (Caoshan Shuaiweng) 130 Great Cultural Revolution 63, 97, 100–102 Great Khingan fire reports 105 Green Sadness 3, 105 Guangming Daily 100 Guan Guangmei 105–107, 106 Guangxu (emperor) 53, 69 Guangzhou City Daqi Clothing Co., Ltd 108 Guangzhou Communist Group 85 Guangzhou rebellion 30, 72 Guangzhou Weekly 28 Guangzong (emperor) 14 Guan Hanqing 8–9 Guo Shili 24–25 Guowen Bao (National News) 69–70 Guowen News Agency 60 Guowen Xinbao 60 Guo Yu 4 Gützlaff, Karl 24–25, 34 Gu Yanwu 11 Han Dynasty 10, 19, 153, 157–158 Hangzhou Baihuabao 59 Hangzhou police 110–111 Hangzhou racing case 110–111 He Bingran 54 He Guisheng 34 He Ming 101 Hexin Communication Company 126–127 He Yuen 15 history-based remonstrance 18 History of Chinese Newspaper, The (Zhongguo Baoxue Shi) 35 Ho, Edmund 148

168

Index

Hong Kong Annual Report (Xianggang Nianbao) 133 Hong Kong Commercial Daily (Xianggang Shangbao) 133–134 Hong Kongese journalism: background information 132; Broadcast Bill and 145; Broadcasting Authority and 144; cable television 142; Chinese newspapers and 25, 29, 73–74, 76; closing of newspapers and 138; Code of Professional Conduct for Journalists and 145; commercial newspapers 30; Communications Authority Bill and 145; Complaints Committee and 144; comprehensive newspapers 135–136; Comprehensive Regulations on Publication Management and 144; Control of Obscene and Indecent Articles Ordinance and 144–145; foreign newspapers and 25, 29, 73–74, 76; free newspapers 138–140; Hong Kong Administrative Council and 143; Hong Kong Basic Law and 137; Hong Kong Executive Council and 144; Hong Kong Media Confidence Survey and 145; Independent Commission Against Corruption and 142; Information Services Department and 143–144; journalists’ organizations and 145; Kuomintang and 133–134; magazines 137–138; media credibility and 145; newspaper industry and 132–140; newspapers 30, 132–140; news policy and 143–145; online newspapers 138; political categories of newspapers and 132–133; Press Council and 145; Public Order Ordinance and 144; radio 140–141, 144; Regulations on the Administration of Publications on Publications and 133; satellite television 142–143; television 141–143 Hong Kong Gazette 29 Hong Kong International Telecommunications Company Limited 143 Hong Kong Media Confidence Survey 145 Hong Kong Next Media Group 120 Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) 141 Hong Kong Times (Xianggang Shibao) 133–134, 137 Hong Rengan 44 Huan (emperor) 19 Huang Dezhi 109 Huang Sheng 37, 45

Hu Bin 110–111 Hundred Days’ Reform (Weixin Bianfa) 67, 69, 158; see also Reform Movement Hundred Schools of Thought (zhuzibaijia) 152 Hu Qiaomu 94, 99 Hushi 82 Hu Shi 83, 116, 121 Hu Shian 79 Hutchinson Whampoa Company 142 Hu Zhang 77 Hu Zhengzhi 54, 58–60, 62–63, 155 imperial examination results reports 41 Independence Evening News (Zili Wanbao) 115 Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) 142 in-depth reporting 3, 97, 102–109, 111 interactive television 149 Internet 107–111, 158 Jesuits 23 Jiang Qing 101 Jiang Zhixiang 37 Jia Yong 105 Jia Yonggan 3 Jin Cai 51 Jin Cha Yi Daily 95 Jingbao 41–42, 48, 59, 134 Jinggangshan 102 Jingkang Incident 19 Jin Yong 133, 136 Jinzouyuan or Jinzouguan 9–10 journalism 1–2; see also Chinese journalism; Hong Kongese journalism; Macanese journalism; Taiwanese journalism Journalism (Xu Baohuang) 2 Journal Taichung Pou (Dazhongbao) 147 Junjichu 41 Kang Deli 72 Kang Youwei 27, 66–68 “Keep Your Eyes Open and Distinguish Between True and False” (He Ming) 101 Kidnapped in London (Sun Yat-sen) 73 KMT Central News Agency 88–89, 98 Kung Pao (Jin Yong) 133 Kuomintang (KMT) 50, 52, 92, 112–116, 119, 123–125, 129–130, 133 Labor (Laodongzhe) 84–85 Labor Circle (Laodongjie) 84–85

Index Labor’s Voice (Laodongyin) 84–85 Lan Wezheng 121 Lee Datong 104 Legalist School thinking 157 Legge, James 45 Lei Shoumai 105 Lei Zhen 121 letterpress printing 25 Liang Fa 34, 35–37, 36 Liang Qichao 27, 66–71, 74–76, 154–155 Liang Yusheng 133 Li Ao 121 Li Ao’s Old Man and Stick (Laonianren yu Bangi) 121 Liberation Army Daily (Jie Fang Jun Bao) 102 Liberation Daily 89–90 Liberty Times, The (Ziyou Shibao) 118–119 Li Da 84 Li Dazhao 80–83, 81 Li Di 28 Li Duo 37 Li Haiying 109 Li Madou 23 Lin Baishui 59 Lin Biao 101 Linghaibao 76 Lin Jian-yue 142 Lin Yuezhi (Young John Allen) 26–27, 37 Lin Yutang 27 Lin Zexu 36, 43 “literary prison” era 130 “Literary Revolution” (Wenxue Geminglun) (Chen Duxiu) 82 literature and ancient Chinese communication 7–9 Liu Changle 143 Liuhe Congtan 25 Liu Shaoqi 93–95, 99–100 Liu Song 17 Li Xinbai 80 Li Ying 19 Li Yuanhong 58 Li Zhiying 138 Li Zhongwei 3, 105 Li Zicheng 17 London Missionary Society Press (Mohai Shuguan) 25, 35–36, 45 Lou Foxian 12 Lubu 15–16 Lu Dingyi 101 Luo Bin 135 Luo Mingjian 23

169

Luo Yuren 12 Lu Xun 49–50 Macanese journalism: background information 145–146; cable television 149; Contract for the Granting of Television and Sound Broadcasting and 148; Encourage Local Newspaper to Enhance Its Competitiveness Program and 150; Information Bureau and 150–151; Information Technology Office and 151; Macao Government News Division and 150; Macao Journalists Association and 151; news management and 150–151; newspapers 28–29, 69, 146–148; publication industry in, success of early 29; radio 148; satellite television 150–151; television 148–150; Zhixin Bao and 69 Macao (Aomen) 147 Macao Business News (Aomen Shangyebao) 147 Macao Cable TV 149 Macao Daily (Aomen Ribao) 146–147 Macao Evening News (Aomen Wanbao) 147 Macao Government News Division 150 Macao Journalists Association 151 Macao Lecture 149 Macao Lotus TV 149 Macao Monthly (Aomen Yuebao) 43 Macao Newsprint (Aomen Xinwenzhi) 28, 43 Macao People (Aomen Renbao) 146–147 Macao Radio (Rádio de Macao) 148, 150 Macao Science and Technology station 149 Macao Sports Association (Aomen Tiyuhui) (later renamed Sports Daily) 146 Macao Tribune (Aomen Luntanbao) 147 Macao TV Chinese station 150 Mackillop, J. 47 McDowell 34 McEwen, James 36 McTyeire School 27 magazines 121–122, 137–138; see also specific name Major, Ernest 47 “Making the News Revolution to the End” (Chen Boda and Yao Wenyuan) 102 Man Jiang Hong·Nufachongguan (Yuefei) 8 Mao Zedong 83, 87, 89–90, 92–94, 99, 101–102 “Marking Red” (pihong) system 11 Martial Law 130

170

Index

Martial Law Publications management Approach (Taiwandiqu Jieyanqijin Chubanwu Guanlibanfa) 130 Marx, Karl 99 Marxism 80, 84 Marxism-Leninism 85 mass printing 1 Matteo, Lee 32 May 4th Movement 49, 58, 80, 82–83 Ma Yinliang 50 Medhurst, Walter Henry 25, 45 media bridge 152–154 memorials (Zouzhang or Zhangzou) 42 “Memorize Chen Duxiu” (Li Xinbai) 80 Mencius 156 Meng Sheng 72 menshi (scholars) 18 Metro (Ditiebao) 139 Metro International 139 Metro Radio station 140 military remonstrance 18 Milne, William 24, 35 Ming Dynasty 11–13, 16–17, 20, 32, 41–42 Ming Pao 136–137 Min Hu Daily (Minhu Ribao) 78–79 Min Li Bao 79 Minxin Ribao 60 Missouri School of Journalism awards 62, 155 mobile television 128 modern Chinese journalism: background information 22; beginning of industry and 22–24, 46; children’s newspapers and 28; Chinese commercial newspapers and 30–32; Christian missions and 22–23, 33; foreign commercial newspapers 28–30; foreign newspapers and 23–24, 28–30, 33–34; foundation of modern newspapers and 32–35; Hong Kong as a birthplace of 132; Ming Dynasty and 32; “newspapermen” and 155; newspaper proprietors and, emergence of 35–38; Qing Dynasty and 32–33, 37; religious newspapers 24–28; remuneration system and 37–38; Western journalistic professionalism and 154–156 Modern Daily (Xiandai Ribao) 137 modern society and journalism, importance of 1 Morrison, John Robert 36 Morrison, Robert 24, 33–34, 36 Muqiao Communication Company 127 Murdoch, Rupert 142–143

National Cable Television System Independent Alliance 127 National Communications Commission (NCC) 128–129, 131–132 National General Mobilization Law (Guojia Zongdongyuan Fa) 129 “National People” (Minzude-guomin) (Wang Jingwei) 75 National People’s Congress (NPC) 137 Nestorianism (Jingjiao) 22 New China (Xinzhonghuabao) 85, 87 new China and reform of journalism: background information 97; Bohai II event and 103–104; in Cultural Revolution 100–102; Deng Yujiao and 109–110; Guangming Daily and 100; Guan Guangmei and 105–107, 106; Hangzhou racing case and 110–111; in-depth reporting and 102–109, 111; Internet and public opinions and 107–111; newspapers and public opinion and 107; from 1949 to 1956 97–100; opening-up of country and 102–107; People Daily and 99–101; public opinion and 107–111; Sun Zhigang case and 108–109; Ta Kung Pao and 100; “Three Color Report” and 105; TV and public opinion and 107 New Culture Movement (Xin Wenhua Yundong) 58, 82–83 New Deal 53 New Evening News (Xinwanbao) 133–135 New Fourth Army 92 New Garden (Xinyuanbao) 146 New Peking University 102 New People 74–76 News, The (Xinwenbao) 34 News General Administration 99 Newsline 107 “newspapermen”155 newspaper proprietors (baoren) 35–38; see also specific name newspapers: commercial 28–32; comprehensive 135–136; foreign, in China 23–24, 28–30; free 138–140; in Hong Kong 30, 132–140; in Macao 28–29, 69, 146–148; online 138; political categories of, in Hong Kong 132–133; in Shanghai, foreign 25, 29–30; in Taiwan 113–120; see also ancient Chinese newspapers; Chinese newspapers; specific name newspaper writing (baozhang wenti) 46

Index Newsprint Magazine Book Control Approach (Jieyanqijian Xinwenbaozhi Zazhitushu Guanzhibanfa) 130 News Probe 107 New Treatise on Political Counsel, A (Zizheng Xinpian) (Hong Rengan) 44 New Youth (Xinqingnian) 79–82 Next Magazine (Yizhoukan) 113, 118, 138 Ni Sichong 58 Niu Feng 103 Niu Hong 16 North China Daily News (Zilin Xibao) 29, 45 North China Herald (Beihua Jiebao) 29, 32 Northern Shanbei version of The Red China 86 Northern Song Dynasty 10–11, 14, 40 Notes on Chinese Literature (Zhongguowenxianlu) 26 “Notice on the Issue of Radio” 102 oblique remonstrance 18 O Clarim (Haojiaobao) 146–147 October Revolution 82–83 Official Hong Kong News, The (Guanban Xianggang Xinwen) 30 official newspaper 1, 10–12, 15, 41 Oil Exploration Bureau 103 On the Improvement of Literature (Wenxue Gailiang Chuyi) (Hushi) 82 online newspapers 138 Organizational Law of the NCC 131 Oriental Daily (Dongfang Ribao) 136, 147 Oriental Express (Dongfang Kuaibao) 147 Overseas Chinese Daily (Huaqiao Ribao) 133–134, 137, 146 Overseas Chinese Evening News (Huaqiao Wanbao) 137 Pan Gongzhan 52 Paris Peace Conference report 58, 60 Parsons, William Alexander 26 Party Rectification Movement 90, 101 Paul, Dr. 150 Pei Zheng 16 People (Minbao) 74–76 people-based thought and Chinese journalism 156–157 People’s Daily 95, 97, 99–102, 104, 106, 158 People’s Daily News 94–95 People’s Liberation Army 3, 2, 63

171

People’s Republic of China, founding of 66, 97; see also new China and reform of journalism Personal Protection Act 72 Phoenix Satellite TV 142–143 poem remonstrance 18 poetry collections 1, 4–7 political party newspapers: Chen Duxiu and 79–82; Chongqing Daily 63; Communist press and, beginning of 79–85; Current Affairs Writing Style and 68–69; Deng Xiaoping and 87–88; Globe, The 67; Guowen Bao (National News) 69–70; historical role of 71; Liang Qichao and 67–71; Liberation Daily 89–91; newspapers camp and 82–84; New Youth and 79–82; politicians running newspapers and 94; Qiangxue Society and 67; Qiu Jin and 78; Red China News Agency and 85–87; Red Star and 87–88; Reference News 88–89; reformers and, newspaper practice of 66; revolutionaries and, newspaper practices of 66, 71–76; revolutionary press and, rise of 76–79; SinoJapanese War and 66; Su Bao 76–78; Subao case and 77–78; Sun Yat-sen and 66, 72–75; two talks and 92–95; worker’s press and, foundation of 84–85; Xiang Bao 70; Xiangxue Xinbao 70; Xinhua Daily News 92; Yu Youren and 78–79; Zhixin Bao (Latest News) and 69; see also specific name politicians running newspapers (zhengzhijia banbao) 93–94 politics and Chinese journalism 2, 97–98, 157–158; see also Communist Party of China; political party newspapers poster (Jietie) 15–17 Pravda 99 Press Releases (Xinwen Gongbao) 144 “press restrictions” policy in Taiwan 113–116, 123–124, 130–131 private newspapers and periodicals (Yuanmenchao): in ancient China 40–42; Hong Rengan and 44; Lin Zexu and 43; Ming Dynasty and 41–42; New Treatise on Political Council, A and 44; origins of 40, 52–53; political environment and 58–59; Qing Dynasty and 41–43; Shun Pao and development process of 46; in Taiwan 116; Ta Kung Pao and development process of 46, 52–54;

172

Index

Wang Tao and 44–46; see also Shun Pao; Ta Kung Pao professionalization of journalism 1 professional newspapers 70 propaganda 16–17, 24, 50, 83, 98–100, 102, 122, 126, 134 proprietors, newspaper (baoren) 35–38; see also specific name Protestantism 33 Pryer, B. 47 public opinion 107–111 public opinion collections 1, 4–7 Public Order Ordinance (Gongan Tiaoli) 144 Public Television Law (Gonggong Dianshi Fa) 125 Public Television Service (PTS) 124, 126 Publishing Law (Chubanfa) 130–131 Punishment of the Rebellion Ordinance (Chengzhi Panluan Tiaoli) 129 Qiangxue Society (also Qiangxue press) 67–68 Qiankun Tiyi (Matteo) 32 Qianlong (emperor) 41–42 Qian Xinbo 34, 37 Qiao Yanqin 108–109 Qing Dynasty 13–15, 20, 22, 32–33, 37, 41–43, 53, 157–158 Qing government 57, 71–72, 76, 78 Qingyi Bao 73–75 Qingyi movement 18–20, 157 Qin Shihuang (emperor) 6, 153, 157 Qiu Degen 142 Qiu Fusheng Era Enternational Company 127 Qiu Jin 78 qiuren 4–5 Qu Ziubai 86 radio: in China 94–95, 97, 102; in Hong Kong 140–141, 144; in Macao 148; in Taiwan 122–123; “underground” 123; see also specific station name Radio and Television Law (Guangbo Dianshi Fa) 130 Reading Kaiyuan Zabao (Kaiyuan Zabao) 10 Rebar Eastern Communication Enterprise Co., Ltd 126–127 Rectification Movement 90, 101 Red China, The (Hongse Zhonghua) (now New China) 85–87 Red China News Agency (RCNA) (now Xinhua News Agency) 85–88

Red Flag magazine 102 Rediffusion Broadcasting (Lidehusheng) (RTV) 140–142 Red Star (Hongxingbao) 87–88 Red Star Supplement (Hongxing Fukan) 87 Red Warning 3, 105 Re-Engineering Four Law 132 Reference News (Cankao Xiaoxi) 88–89 “Reform Discussion” (Bianfa Tongyi) 68 Reform Movement (Weixin Yundong): Globe, The and 67; historical perspective of 71; Hundred Days’ Reform and 67, 69; newspaper practices of reformers and 66–71; periods of 66; Qiangxue Society and 67–68; “Reform Discussion” and 68; revolutionary thinkers and 74–76; “Ten Thousand Word Plea” and 67–68; Xiang Bao 70; Xiangxue Xinbao 70; see also new China and reform of journalism; specific reformer Regulations on the Administration of Publications on Publications (Kanwuguanli Zonghetiaoli) 133 “Relationship Between Kang Youwei and Emperor Guangxu” (Zhang Taiyan) 77 religious newspapers 24–28 remonstrance (Jian, Jianyan, or Jinjian) 17–18 remuneration system 37–38 Revelation of the World (Quanshi Liangyan) (Liang Fa) 36 Review of the Times, A (Wanguogongbao) 26–27 Revive China Society 73 Revolutionary Army (Gemingjun) (Zou Rong) 77 revolutionary thinkers: Big Han and 79; Big River and 79; Chellona Daily and 78; China Daily and 73–74, 76; Chinese Revolutionary League and 73–74, 78; Chinese Women and 78; establishment of 71–72; Min Hu Daiy and 78–79; Min Li Bao and 79; New People and 74–76; Qing government’s overthrow and 71, 78; Qiu Jin 78; reformers and, debate between 74–76; revolutionary press and, rise of 76–79; revolutionary thinkers and, newspaper practices of 66, 71–76; student newspapers founded abroad and 79; Su Bao and 76–78; Subao case and 77–78; Sun Yat-sen 66, 72–75, 77; Three People’s Principles and 73–74, 76; Yu Youren 78–79; Zhang Taiyn 74–75, 77–78; see also specific name

Index Revolution of 1911 (Xinhai Geming) 53 Ricci, Matteo 23 Richard, Timothy 26 RTHK 140–141, 144 Samantai 116 satellite television 125, 127–128, 142–143, 150–151 Satellite TV Co., Ltd 142 scientific views 81–82 Selections from Shao Piaoping (Shao Piaoping Xuanji) 59 Self-Standing Morning Post (Zili Zaobao) 117 Self-Strengthening Movement (Yangwu Yundong) 33 Shangai Communist Group 84 Shanghai, foreign newspapers in 25, 29–30 Shanghai Daily 30 Shanghai Datong Publishing House (Shanghai Datong Shuju) 77 Shanghai Serial 45 Shanghai Xinbao (renamed North China Daily News) 29, 32 Shang Qingdi Diyishu (First Memoranda to the Qing Emperor) (Kang Youwei) 67 Shao Nanshan 15 Shao Piaoping 2–3, 59 Shazhou Jinzouguan 9 Shearman, Henry 29 Shehuiribao 59 Shen Baoxin 135–136 Shengxinbao 28 Shen Jin 54–55 Shen Yugui 37–38 Shenzong (emperor) 12 Shi Chaoyi 8 Shi Liangcai 49–51 Shimin Daily (Shimin Ribao) 146 Shiwu Bao (Current Affairs) 68–69 Shi Yonggeng 51–52 Shi Zhe 89 Shuang Newspaper (Shuangbao) 120 Shun (emperor) 6 Shun Pao: Chiang Kai-shek and 50–51; Chinese acquisition of 48–49; Communist Party of China and 52; content of 47–48, 50; “firsts” of 52; founding of 47; funding phase of 47–48; Hankou edition of 51–52; Hong Kong edition of 52; Japanese censorship and 51–52; Kuomintang and 50, 52; layout of 47; legacy of 52; Lu Xun’s article and 49–50; management of 48; May 4th

173

Movement and 49; model for 31; from 1934 to 1949 51–52; private newspaper development process and 46; publishing of magazines by 28, 48; reform of 50; remuneration system of 37–38; reprinting of contents of Jingbao and 42; Shi Liangcai and 49–51; success of 47–48; Xi Yufu and 48–49; Xi Yuqi and 48–49; Yang Naiwu reports and 48 Shun Pao Press 28, 48 Shuoshu (“Large Rat”) 5–6 Sing Pao 136 Sing Tao Daily (Xingdao Ribao) 133–134 Sino-Japanese War 66 Sino-Russian News Agency 85 Slime 119 social media 158 Song Ci 7–8 Song Dynasty 10, 16; see also Northern Song Dynasty; Southern Song Dynasty Song Huiyao Jigao 41 Southern Anhui Incident 92 Southern Metropolis Daily 108 Southern Song Dynasty 14, 19, 40 Southern Weekly 107 Soviet Union model of running newspapers 99 Sports Daily (Tiyu Ribao) 146–147 Standard, The 148 Star Communications Company 148 Star Media 142 STAR TV 127, 142 Su Bao 76–79 Subao case 77–78 Sui Dynasty 16 Sun, The (Taiyangbao) 147 Sun Qiao 9–10 Sun Yat-sen 27, 66, 72–75, 77, 79 Sun Zhigang case 108–109 tabloids, unofficial (Xiaobao) 10–15, 32, 40; see also specific name Taichung Daily (Dazhongbao) 146 Taiping Rebellion (Taipingtianguo Yundong) reports 25, 30, 44 Taiwanese journalism: Apple shock wave and 118–119; cable television 125–127; censorship and 113–116; changes in, after press restrictions 117–118, 120; closings of newspapers and 114; digital television 128–129; evolution of 112; Executive Yuan and 132; General Administration of Telecommunications and 131; Information Bureau of the

174

Index

Taiwan Affairs Office and 114–115, 123, 127, 129, 131; journals 121–122; KMT and 112–116, 119, 123–125, 129–130; “literary prison” era and 130; magazines 121–122; Martial Law and 130; mobile television 128; news management mechanism and 129–132; newspapers 113–120; post1949 112–113; “press restrictions” and 113–116, 123–124, 130–131; private newspapers 116; Publishing or Publications? Law and 130–131; radio 122–123; Radio and Television Law and 130; Re-Engineering Four Law and 132; reform and 112–113; revival of newspapers after press restrictions and 116–120; satellite television 125, 127–128; television 123–129; wireless television 124–126 Taiwan House Pamphlet (Taiwanfu Jiaogongbao) 112 Taiwan Li 117 Taiwan New Year’s Eve (Taiwan Xinshengbao) 112 Taiwan Public Radio and Television Group (TBS) 125–126 Taiwan’s New Year (Xinshengboa) 115 Taiwan Television (TTV) 126 Taiwan Television Enterprise (TTV) 123–125 Taixuesheng 19–20 Taizong (emperor) 17–18 Taizong Huaiyao (Taizong and the Harrier) 17–18 Taizu Zhu Yuanzhang (emperor) 11 Ta Kung Pao: Anfu School and 58; Bourgeois Reform Movement and 52–53; British Hong Kong authorities and, opposition to 134–135; ceasing of publication of 100; Chiang Kai-shek and 61; Chongqing edition and 63; Cixi’s government and, criticism of 54; contents of 53–54, 58; founding of 53, 133; Four Nos Policy and 2, 61, 155; freedom of press and 2, 57; Great Cultural Revolution and 63; Hankou edition suspension and 62; He Bingran and 54; Hong edition of 63; Hu Zhengzhi and 54, 58–60, 62–63; influence of 53; layout of 54, 58; legacy of 63–64; Liang Yusheng’s serial and 133; management of 53–54; May 4th Movement reports and 58; mission of 54; Missouri School of Journalism

award and 62, 155; new China and reform of journalism and 100; Paris Peace Conference report and 58, 60; politics and 54–55, 58–63; post1949 63–64; principles of 60; private newspaper development process and 46, 52–54; public-private partnerships of newspapers and 98; Qing government and, criticism of 57; reforms in news business of 61–62; resumption of suspended editions and 63; Shao Piaoping and 59; Shen Jin reports and 54–55; social influence of 57; “third way” article and 63; Tianjin edition suspension and 63; traditional Chinese scholars and 155; vernacular language and 57; Wang Zhilong and 53, 57–59; Western expansion into China reports and 55–56; Wu Dingchang and 54, 59, 62; Xin Ji Company and 53, 59–63, 155; Ying Lianzhi and 53–58; Zhang Jialuan and 54, 59–62 “Talks to the Editors of Jinsui Daily News” 92–93 “Talks to the North China Press Corps” 93–95 Tang Dynasty 4, 7, 9, 16, 40–41 Tang poetry 7 Tan Siton (also Zhuangfei) 70 Tan Zhuo 110 Taoyuan Wenlu Waibian 46 technology 143, 157–158; see also Internet Telediffusion of Macao Co., Ltd (TDM) 149–150 television: cable 125–127, 142, 149; in China 107; digital 128–129; free stations 141; in Hong Kong 141–143; interactive 149; in Macao 148–150; mobile 128; satellite 125, 127–128, 142–143, 150–151; in Taiwan 123–129; technology and 143; wireless 124–126; see also specific station and company name Television Broadcasts Limited (TVB) 141 “Ten Thousand Word Plea” (Gongche Shangshu) 67–68 Theory of Idol Sabotage (Ouxiangpohuailun) 81 Theory of No Ghost (Zhuziwuguilun) 81 Thinking Market Information 138 Third International (Disan guoji) 84 “Three Color Report” (sanse baodao) 3, 105 Three Principles of People (Sanmin Zhuyi) 73–74, 76, 134

Index tianbian 12–13 Tianbian Dichao 11–13 Tianjin Student Union Newspaper (Tianjin Xuesheng Lianhehuibao) 83–84 Times Group 120, 123 Treaty of Nanking (Nanjingtiaoyue) 23, 30 TV Daily (Dianshi Ribao) 137 two talks 92–95 United Daily News (Lianhebao) 115–119 United Nations 130 Universal Circulating Herald (Xunhuan Ribao) 45–46, 154 unofficial tabloids (Xiaobao) 10–15, 32, 40; see also specific name Urgent, The (Jixuanbao) 11–12 Vakio Daily (Huaqiabao) 146 vernacular newspapers 70 “virtues in mind and positive in actions thinking” (neisheng waiwant) 156–157 Wall Street Journal Asian edition 136 Wang, J. L. 122 Wang Chang 19 Wangguancaishi or Wangguancaifeng 4; see also caifeng (folk songs) Wang Hanxi 34 Wang Jingwei 75 Wang Tao (formerly Wang Libin) 25, 34, 37, 44–46, 154–155 Wan Guo Gong Bao 38 Wang Yunsheng 63 Wang Zhilong 53, 57–59 Wan Li 103 Wanli Dichao 11–12 Want Want Group 120 WeChat 158 Weekly Commentary (Meizhou Pinglun) 80, 83 Weibo 158 Wei Sanwei 29 Wei Zheng 17–18 Wen Hui Po 101 Wen Wei Po 98, 134–135 Wenxing 121 Western journalistic professionalism, influence of 154–156 Williams, Samuel 29 Wireless Daily News (Wuxiandian Rixun) 88–89 Wireless Material (Wuxiandian Cailiao) 88–89 wireless television 124–126

175

Wood, M. F. 32 Woodward, C. 47 Workers’ Daily 103 worker’s press, founding of 84–85 World Declaration of Human Rights 31st anniversary 130 World Journal 98 World University report 119 Wu Dingchang 54, 59, 62, 155 Wu Lengxi 94 Wu Lin 57 Wuzong (emperor) 22 Wylie, Alexander 25–26, 35, 45 Xia Dynasty 5–6, 156 Xiang Bao 70 Xianggang Chuantou Huojiazhi (renamed Chinese and Foreign Gazette) 30–31 Xiang River Commentary (Xiangjiang pinglun) 83 Xiangxiao 18–19 Xiangxue Xinbao 70 Xi’an Incident 87 Xiaobao 10–15, 32, 40; see also specific title Xiaoben 15 Xin Bao 136 xingren 4–5 Xinhua Daily News (Xinhuaribao) (later Shehuiribao) 59–60, 92 Xinhua News Agency 85, 95, 97, 104, 158 Xin Ji Company 53, 155 Xinmin Evening News 98 Xinshehuibao (Xinhua Daily News) (later Shehuiribao) 59–60, 92 Xinwenbao 31 Xiwen 15–16 Xixue Shumubiao (A List of the Western Work) (Liang Qichao) 27 Xi Yufu (also named Zipei) 48–49 Xi Yuqi (also named Zimei) 48–49 XNCR 94–95 Xu Baohuang 2 Xu Shuzheng 58 Xu Zhuqing 105 Yan, C. L. 122 Yan’an’s journalism activities 89–91 Yan’an Xinhua Radio Station 94–95 Yan Fu 69–70 Yang Lang 105 Yang Mingzhai 85 Yang Naiwu 48 Yao (emperor) 6

176

Index

Yao Wenyuan 102 Yapian Sugaiwen (A Quick Banning on Opium) (Liang Fa) 36 Ye Shi Ji (Wu Lin) 57 Ye Yan 3, 105 Yige Muyanger de Zishu (Narrations of a Shepherd) (Yu Youren) 27 Yi Liang 43 Yinghua College (Yinghua Shuyuan) 34 Ying Lianzhi (also named Yinghua) 53–58 Ying Wa College (publishing house) 24, 45 Yin Yungong 11 Yi Shabai 81 Yiwen Gezhi Huibian 28 Yiwenlu 28 Yongzheng (emperor) 41 young intellectuals reports 104 Young John Allen 26–27, 37 Youth Daily (Qingnian Ribao) 114 Youth Warrior (Qingnian Zhanshi Bao) (later renamed Youth Daily) 114 youxuan 5 Yu (emperor) 6 Yuan Dynasty 8–9, 11, 15, 23 Yuan Opera 7–9 Yuefei 8 Yuefu 6–7 Yuji family 120 Yu Lingyun 121 Yunhe 50 Yu Youren 27, 79 Zha Liangyong 133, 135 Zha Liangyong (Jin Yong) 136 Zhan Dabei 79

Zhang Jialuan 54, 59–62, 155 Zhang Jian 49 Zhang Qiyun 121 Zhang Rang 19 Zhang Ruxin 87 Zhang Shizhao 77 Zhang Shuo 19 Zhang Taiyan 74–75, 77–78 Zhang Xianzhong 17 Zhang Zhuping 49 Zhang Zongchnag 59 Zhang Zuolin 2, 59 Zhao Lijun 51 Zhao Shaokang 123 Zhaowen Xinbao 44 Zheng Yu-tung 142 Zhili-Anhui War 60 Zhixin Bao (The Latest News) 69 Zhongdong Zhanji Benmo (Young John Allen) 27 Zhongguohiyou 30 Zhonghuaxinbao 60–61 Zhou (emperor) 17 Zhou Dynasty 5–6 Zhou Enlai 83, 92, 94, 134–135 Zhou Shijuan 49 Zhou Yili 86 Zhuchou 15 Zhu, C. Y. 119 Zhuzhici 48 Zhu Zhixin 75 Zilin Hubao 31 Ziren (pen name for Mao Zedong) 87 Zouji Feng Qiwang Najian 17 Zou Rong 77 Zuozhuan 4–5