A grammar sketch of Shuar (Shivaroan/ Chicham): With a focus on the verb phrase

Citation preview

By: George Michel Saad

Research Master Language & Communication MA thesis to obtain the title of Master of Arts 21/08/2014 Supervised by: Pieter C. Muysken & Simeon Floyd

Cover illustration: 'Emerging from the Jungle': painting by Susan Cohen Thompson © Reproduced by permission from Susan Cohen Thompson from http://www.art-connects-nature.com. Layout and design: Marie Saad

Dedicated to my mother, father, Therese, Marie, Samir & Roy,

1 | Acknowledgements

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Table of Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................... vi Symbols and Abbreviations ............................................................................................................... x 1

Introduction ................................................................................................................. 6 1.1

Linguistic Profile .................................................................................................................... 7

1.2

Jivaroan (aka Chicham) Languages ................................................................................... 8

1.2.1 1.3

Contact Situation ...............................................................................................................10

1.4

Fieldwork Methodology .................................................................................................... 12

1.4.1

Field Sites ....................................................................................................................... 12

1.4.2

Data Collection .............................................................................................................. 12

1.4.3

Data Analysis .................................................................................................................14

1.5 2

Organization of the Thesis ...............................................................................................14

Grammar Sketch........................................................................................................................16 2.1

Typological Profile .............................................................................................................16

2.2

Notes on Phonology ..........................................................................................................19

2.2.1

Phoneme Inventory .......................................................................................................19

2.2.2

Vowel Elision ................................................................................................................ 22

2.2.3

Metathesis and Underlying Forms .............................................................................. 25

2.2.4

Palatalization ............................................................................................................ 27

2.2.5

Phonological Differences to Aguaruna ....................................................................... 28

2.3

3

Autodenomination ......................................................................................................... 9

Word Classes..................................................................................................................... 30

2.3.1

Verbs .............................................................................................................................. 30

2.3.2

Nouns ............................................................................................................................ 32

2.3.3

Adjectives ...................................................................................................................... 32

2.3.4

Adverbs .......................................................................................................................... 37

2.3.5

Sound-Symbolism......................................................................................................... 38

2.3.6

Conjunctions ................................................................................................................. 39

The Noun Phrase .......................................................................................................................41 3.1

Pronouns ............................................................................................................................41

3.1.1

Personal Pronouns........................................................................................................ 42

3.1.2

Articles........................................................................................................................... 43

3.2

Demonstratives ................................................................................................................. 44

ii | Acknowledgements

3.3 3.3.1

Possessor nouns ............................................................................................................ 45

3.3.2

Possessed Nouns ........................................................................................................... 49

3.4

Case Marking .................................................................................................................... 50

3.4.1

Accusative Case ............................................................................................................ 50

3.4.2

Comitative/Instrumental Case .................................................................................... 53

3.4.3

Locative Case ................................................................................................................ 56

3.4.4

Ablative Case ............................................................................................................. 58

3.4.5

Allative Case .................................................................................................................. 58

3.4.6

Vocative Case ............................................................................................................ 59

3.5

Nominalization ................................................................................................................. 60

3.5.1

-iniu Nominalizer.......................................................................................................... 60

3.5.2

-tiniu Future Nominalizer .............................................................................................61

3.5.3

-taĩ Nominalizer............................................................................................................ 62

3.6

4

Possession ......................................................................................................................... 45

Relativization .................................................................................................................... 63

3.6.1

Relativization using -u ................................................................................................. 63

3.6.2

Relativization using -mau ............................................................................................ 64

3.6.3

Relativization using -na ............................................................................................... 66

The Finite Verb ......................................................................................................................... 69 4.1

Derivational vs. Inflectional Morphology ....................................................................... 70

4.2

Person Marking ................................................................................................................. 71

4.2.1 4.3

Subject Marking ............................................................................................................. 71 Tense ................................................................................................................................. 73

4.3.1

Present Tense ................................................................................................................ 73

4.3.2

Past Tense ..................................................................................................................... 73

4.3.3

Future Tense ................................................................................................................. 76

4.4

Aspect ................................................................................................................................ 78

4.4.1

Imperfective .................................................................................................................. 79

4.4.2

Perfective/Aktionsart ............................................................................................... 79

4.5

Mood/ Modality ................................................................................................................ 84

4.5.1

Declarative .................................................................................................................... 84

4.5.2

Polar Interrogative .................................................................................................... 85

4.5.3

Uncertainty ................................................................................................................... 86

4.5.4

Speculative ................................................................................................................ 87 3 | Acknowledgements

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

5

4.5.5

Certainty ........................................................................................................................ 87

4.5.6

Imperative ................................................................................................................. 87

4.6

Negation ............................................................................................................................ 94

4.7

Reciprocals ........................................................................................................................ 96

4.8

Reflexives........................................................................................................................... 97

4.9

Causatives ......................................................................................................................... 97

4.10

Applicatives ....................................................................................................................... 99

4.11

Copula and Existential a- ............................................................................................... 100

4.12

Object Marking ................................................................................................................ 102

4.12.1

First Person Singular Object Marking .................................................................... 103

4.12.2

First Person Plural Object Marking ........................................................................104

4.12.3

Second Person Plural Object Marking .................................................................. 108

4.12.4

Second Person Singular Object Marking .............................................................. 109

The Subordinate Verb ..............................................................................................................112 5.1 5.1.1

Typological Considerations ........................................................................................ 116

5.1.2

Same-Subject Switch Reference Marking .................................................................. 116

5.1.3

Different-Subject Switch Reference Marking ............................................................ 125

5.2

Subordinating Morphology ............................................................................................. 131

5.2.1

Repetitive -kawa ........................................................................................................... 131

5.2.2

Conditional -ka ............................................................................................................. 131

5.2.3

Concessive -sha ............................................................................................................ 132

5.2.4

Intentional -tasa & -tah tusa .................................................................................. 133

5.2.5

Frustrative -tah tukama .............................................................................................. 135

5.3

Non-Subject Argument Marking on Subordinate Verbs .............................................. 141

5.3.1

Reciprocal Marking on Subordinate Clauses ............................................................. 141

5.3.2

Object to Subject Switch Reference Marker .............................................................. 142

5.3.3

Indexation on Subordinate Clauses ........................................................................... 143

5.3.4

Obligatory Finite Verb Object Marking ..................................................................... 147

5.4

6

Switch Reference Marking .............................................................................................. 114

Clause chaining................................................................................................................ 147

5.4.1

Combining several subjects ........................................................................................ 147

5.4.2

Bridging Constructions .......................................................................................... 149

Complex Predicates ................................................................................................................. 152

iv | Acknowledgements

6.1

7

Habitual Constructions ................................................................................................... 153

6.1.1

NOMINALIZER -iniu + COPULA ............................................................................... 153

6.1.2

Verb stem + Verb 'to Go' ............................................................................................. 157

6.2

Perfective Past Tense Using Auxiliary............................................................................ 161

6.3

Deontic Constructions .................................................................................................... 163

6.4

Normative ........................................................................................................................ 165

Concluding Remarks ............................................................................................................... 170 7.1

Unresolved Areas ............................................................................................................. 170

7.2

Future Comparative Work ...............................................................................................171

7.2.1

Shuar and Aguaruna .................................................................................................... 172

7.2.2

Structural Similarities with Quechua and Surrounding languages ......................... 173

7.3

Final Words...................................................................................................................... 175

References ........................................................................................................................................ 176

5 | Acknowledgements

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Acknowledgements August 18, 2013, almost a whole year ago, I was sitting on a turbulent bus that had left the holy Baños, and was doing a stop-over in Puyo before making its way to Macas. Feeling alone, and hovering over my hefty backpack, video recorder, tripod, and research kit, in a bus where everyone and everything bounced up and down. I eyed every incoming passenger frantically, desperately seeking to find the first speaker of this mysterious language I was sent to study. As we descended deeper into the wilderness, the passenger's skin complexions grew darker, their eyes smaller, and their language more mysterious. I grew more excited. Yet alas, my attempts to eavesdrop were thwarted yet again by the Mestizo sitting next to me who showed a lot of interest, perhaps too much interest in what I was doing there. His one response to everything I would say was an elongated,'Claaaaaaaaaaaro…'. Our estimated time of arrival seemed to have been discarded with the sun that had just fallen yet the bus was still rumbling aggressively through this pristine virgin of a naturescape. 'What was I even doing here, I wondered, as I zoomed in and out of a bus sleep; a warm escape. I was embarking on a dream, I reminded myself, a dream which I had assembled over the years. I woke as the bus took a quick turn and realized I was on my way to that dream. When I heard Shuar for the first time, I felt lost - and that's exactly how I wanted to feel. Today, August 21, 2014, I understand the structure of the language a bit better, though I have been deprived of speaking practice. Someday however, I will return to use these tools to transition from analyst/descriptivist to speaker and participant of the language. Someday. There were many kind souls who helped make sure that the dream I was having that day was done on the bus to Macas on not in my bed in Nijmegen. I would first like to acknowledge my family. I am completely indebted to my Dad and Therese for showing such incredible persistence and trust in what I had set out to do, even though at times they must have been confused as to where I was heading with all this. Also, if it weren t your tireless working and financial support, I would clearly not have been able to realize this dream of mine. I hope to show that it was all worthwhile. Thank you so much for all the support, on every level. I would also like to thank my dear grandmother, who has always shown great care, love, and insight. Then there's my dear sister, Marie. Marie stayed up all night trying to design the perfect cover for this thesis, showing exactly the distance shed travel to make things run smoothly, showing a sibling bond which can withstand a tornado. Then, I'd like to thank my twin brother Samir and little brother, Roy who offered support with their kind hearts. Then of course there is my dearest Wanda. Though we are not physically together today, you remain the true gem of inspiration. You were with me for 3/4 of the journey, yet the amount of love, support, and care you've shown is beyond belief. It was the thought of you that offered me a warm haven on my first very first night in the jungle after a 10 hour canoe ride, where local relations turned hostile and threatened to jeopardize the whole fieldtrip. I would like to particularly single out my supervisors, Pieter Muysken and Simeon Floyd. Right from my first class with Pieter, it became clear that I was interesting in many of the same topics. Pieter's classes made it clear to me that multilingualism, language contact and descriptive linguistics were my main areas of interest. He led by example in showing that it was possible to work on all these different fields and tie them together. I will always look up to him for that. When I decided that I wanted to do fieldwork in the Amazon, it was Pieter who suggested working on Shuar. It was Pieter who saw potential in me and supported my fieldtrip vi | Acknowledgements

to Ecuador (thanks to the Languages in Contact in South America project). This fieldtrip opened so many doors for me academically, professionally, and personally and I hope to one day be able to return the favor to the next generation. I would like to thank Pieter for all his guidance and helpful discussions to help make this thesis a reality. I am completely indebted to him for all the support he's shown, from start to finish. I started working with Simeon by helping out with data archiving. His enthusiasm for South American languages certainly rubbed off me. Simeon was always around for advice. He consistently went out of his way to make sure I received useful feedback on this thesis, in addition to proposals, applications, and the like. In addition, he offered me so many practical tips on practically every area of conducting fieldwork. He was always happy to discuss issues of areality and help me with unclear analyses. His comments were always insightful and forced me to work on my critical thinking and writing skills. It was a great pleasure learning from such a sharp and inspired thinker, and I look forward to future collaboration. The LOT School at Leiden in January 2013 was the turning point and so several people deserve mention. I had taken a class by Willem Adelaar, thinking it would be useful learning more about the comparative method. I ended it, dead set on doing fieldwork in South America. I then met Gareth O'Neill, a true academic and selfless man, who offered an incredible amount of support and advice on guiding me to find my passion in (field) linguistics. Martin Kohlberger, it was Martin's story about Martine Bruil's duende experience in Siona territory that really got me fascinated with the Ecuadorian Amazon and then of course his own wild stories about working with the Shiwiar. Martin helped me immensely throughout, teaching me some Jivaroan grammar in the early stages and constantly engaging in fruitful discussions about tough Jivaroan-related issues. He was of particular help in the phonology section, where he painstakingly took the time to explain Jivaroan phonology to me. He opened my eyes to several intriguing phenomena and also put me in touch with other academics working in the field, offering excellent logistical and academic support. I look forward to more collaborative work. Martine Bruil's duende experience was not her only source of inspiration. She was also always around for advice and useful tips on doing fieldwork in Ecuador. Then of course, I am indebted to the two living Jivaroanist legends, Simon Overall, Maurizio Gnerre, both of whom have offered so much in considerable ways. Although, I have not met Simon yet (at the time of writing) his work on Aguaruna remains the biggest contribution to this thesis (as seen by the amount of citations). Without it, this thesis would be severely lacking in many aspects. It was his exhaustive work on Aguaruna that allowed me to undertake my fieldtrip for the time frame I had and understand Shuar grammar at a decent level. In addition, Simon provided excellent discussions on complex matters and opened my eyes to a number of fascinating phenomena in Jivaroan grammar. When it comes to Maurizio Gnerre, there is probably not a single non-Shuar person on this Earth who knows more about the Shuar than Maurizio. A man of great tales, endless stamina, profound curiosity, he epitomizes the homo universalis. Maurizio has been a huge help in my advancement in Jivaroan studies. He invited me to present some work from this thesis at the Italo-Americana conference in Procida and introduced me to some key figures in the field. Maurizio has been a huge inspiration to me as an academic and as a person. In Procida, I'd like to thank Kate Bellamy, Rick van Gijn, Pier Marco Bertinetto, Bernhard Hurch for giving me valuable feedback on my talk. 7 | Acknowledgements

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Nijmegen: Joshua Birchall. Josh gave me some gave me great advice, ranging from identifying adjuncts to dealing with the prospect of shitting blood. He gave me great practical advice and reminded me that I would also have to play doctor while in the field. I also benefited hugely from discussions with Luis Miguel. There are a number of people at the Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, Nijmegen who deserve special appraisal. First up is Nick Enfield, who hired me as an assistant, putting me in daily contact with a host of fieldworks who I saw as role-models. Nick also helped me immensely with bureaucratic issues and insured that I had the proper equipment when ready to leave. It was Nick who encouraged me to set up a meeting with Pieter Muysken to ask him whether he could help me arrange a fieldtrip to the Amazon. He was also always available for advice on fieldwork and one tip I'll never forget was 'Be prepared to be bored and always remember your purpose, no matter what.'Asifa Majid was always available for advice on fieldwork and enthusiastically helped me carry out a number of questionnaires in the field, offering tips on how to go about eliciting smell terms. Then there's Mark Dingemanse, one of the great young linguists who serves as a role model to the even younger aspiring linguists. Mark taught me a lot of practical tricks on how to organize data and was always available for a chat on fieldwork-related matters or ideophone research. Then of course there is the great Harald Hammarström who epitomizes the universal fieldworker the true explorer of language diversity and perhaps the grammar collector's only serious attempt to enter the Guinness book of records. Harald helped get through with the SAILS questionnaire, and was a loyal friend during my quest for the completion of this thesis. I am also indebted to the friendly, smiling, and positive nature of Paul Hömke, Ewelina Wnuk and Giovanni Rossi, who consistently encouraged me to pursue my passion for doing fieldwork. Elisabeth Norcliffe and Lila San Roque also lent their time in helping me conceptualize complex morphosyntactic matters and offering encouraging support. And of course, one can never exclude Gunter Senft, Also, I'd like to thank the Technical group at the Max Planck Institute for providing me with top quality equipment, without which my data collection would have severely suffered. Special thanks go to Alex Dukers, who persisted with me with great patience, offering me the time to carry out my research with the right tools. I'd also like to thank Alex Koenig for helping me set up my online corpus. A special word of praise goes to Pieter Seuren, who may not have been too involved in this fieldtrip, but who oversaw my development as a linguist. A truly inspirational man, whose wit and sense of humor defy his years, Pieter passed on his wisdom and support, leading by example. I offer my gratitude to Ad Backus, who has shown such painstaking support over the last three years. He has done everything for his students, and played a huge role in helping me get through this work. I would also like to thank Graham Hancock, whose meaningful email exchanges, and enlightening talks inspired me to think beyond mainstream views of archaeology and other disciplines. In addition, I have to offer some words of thanks to Gregory Tsentsak, who put me in touch with native speakers and gave me excellent advice on practical advice for working with the Shuar. I look forward to meeting him in person. I would also like to thank Connie Dickinson, who was very welcoming at the prospect of me working on Shuar and offered tips on some intriguing areas of investigation. In addition, I'd like to thank Susan Thompson, for showing enthusiasm in my thesis and allowing me to use one of her paintings of the Shuar as a front cover.

viii | Acknowledgements

In Ecuador, I'd like to thank Juancar, Lucila, and Patricio who showed great warmth and hospitality. And then I'd like to thank my Spanish teachers, who taught me so much about Ecuador and indigenous people; effectively flattening the Spanish learning curve. Margarita, Then I'd like to thank Ricardo, who invited me over for Guayusa tea to help me track all the remaining missionaries who had worked with the Shuar. Our visit to the missionary home eventually led me to quest to find Padre Siro Pellizaro. Padre Siro opened his home to me - but not to Jefferson Perez, the dog - and shared many insights about the Shuar language. His dictionary has been an immense help to me, and without it, my analysis would have been significantly more limited. One person who deserved special attention is the lovely Margarita. It would not do her justice to simply list a few lines about her, but I will do so anyway. Margarita was one of my biggest influences in Ecuador, as she had been visiting the Shuar for over 30 years. One of the most powerful people I have ever met, she epitomizes true strength and showed great balance in her dealings with the Shuar. She opened her house to me, let me stay in a beautiful sanctuary which was once inhabited by a Shuar lady. Working on the balcony with a view of the Cordillera de Cutucú was something I'll never forget. In addition, she introduced me to a large number of Shuar people, who helped me immensely with my work. Thanks go out to Janina, for being kind enough to get me in contact with my first ever Shuar consultant. Who would have thought at an internet café 'Cyber' would be the place to find Shuar speakers. In the field itself, none of this work would have been possible was it not for the hard work and collaboration of all my Shuar friends, Angel Tseremp, Jempe Juwa, Adriano Wisum, Robinson Chumpí, Florencio Chumpí, Edison Chumpí, Ernesto Chumpí, Mariano Chumpi, and Adriano Wisum. I'd to like to reserve a special word for Angel Tseremp who is the person I spent most of my time with while in Ecuador. He was also the first Shuar person I'd met, flooding me with all my first impressions on the language and the people. A stout, loyal, and kind-hearted man, with a precious chuckle, we had our ups and downs - yet, we managed to get some great work done and establish a strong bond as well. Also, Jempe Juwa was probably one of the most significant contributors to this thesis. Being one of the primary transcriber and translated, he put in effortless shifts, and produced work of the highest quality. He was also always available to answer questions over the internet and has helped me immensely in getting a grip on the language. Adriano Wisum also offered me great insights into the language and was also always available for consultation. Then there's Robinson Chumpí, the bravest, most level-headed, and wisest man of his age I have ever had the pleasure of meeting. Our adventures in the wild, me failing at fishing, and the tobacco night all taught me a lot about humanity. You were a welcoming, peaceful, and insightful corridor into the mysteries of the Shuar.'Kakarmajastá'. My dear Shuar friends, I promise to come visit you someday. I have to genuinely acknowledge the Language and Communication research masters at Radboud University Nijmegen, and the Stichting Nijmeegs Universitair Fonds (SNUF), in particular, for supporting me financially with this research. The people in charge showed great support and helped me arrange my funding in a very smooth manner. It was a sign that they value young researchers and are willing to invest in them. I will always feel privileged to have been in such an environment. And last but not least, there was the support I received from my friends. It was great to see the dear Aziz (Azizi Aziz) before leaving. He tried to ensure I went there with all the right 9 | Acknowledgements

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

equipment and blessings. And then there's Simone and Maarten who along with Peter helped sort out some issues at home which were beyond my control. Throughout the writing process, they offered great encouragement. And finally I'd like to thank Emma for saving me from my last minuteness. I can probably write a thesis acknowledging everyone who deserves some form of mention, but this thesis is about the Shuar language, Shuar Chicham, so let's get to it! But before we cut to the chase, a disclaimer is in order: Despite all the collaboration, any error in this thesis is my own.

Symbols and Abbreviations In most cases, the symbols used in this thesis are almost identical to Overall (2007). 1, 2, 3 first person, second person, third person. 1>2 etc.

first person subject/second

person object etc. A

subject of transitive verb

A/S>O/E etc. role in marked clause > role in controlling clause ABL

ablative

ACC

accusative

ACTNR

action nominaliser

ADD

additive

Adj

adjective

ALL

allative

ANA

anaphoric pronoun

APPL

applicative

APPR

apprehensive

ATT

attenuative Aktionsart

ATTRIB

attributive

CAUS

causative

CNTR.EXP

counter-expectation

COMIT

comitative

x | Symbols and Abbreviations

COMP

comparative

COND

conditional

COP

copula

DECL

declarative

DEM

demonstrative pronoun

DIM

diminutive

DIST.PAST

distant past

DISTRIB

distributive

DS

different subject

DST

distal demonstrative

DSTNC

distance Aktionsart

DUR

durative

FOC

focus

FRUST

frustrative

FUT

future

GEN

genitive

HIAF

high affectedness Aktionsart

HORT

hortative

IFUT

immediate future

IMP

imperative

IMPFV

imperfective

RECIP

reciprocal

INSTR

instrumental

REC.PAST

recent past

INT

interrogative

REDUP

reduplicated material

INTENS

intensifier

REFL

reflexive

INTENT

intentional

REM.PAST

remote past

INTS

intensive Aktionsart

REPET

repetitive

ITER

iterative

RESTR

restrictive

JUSS

jussive

S

subject of intransitive verb

LOAF

low affectedness Aktionsart

SAP

speech act participant

LOC

locative

SBD

non-temporal subordinator

NEG

negative

SEQ

sequential

NON.A/S:NR non-subject nominalizer

SG

singular

NORM

normative

SIM

simultaneous

NP

noun phrase

SIMIL

similative

NR

subject nominaliser

Sp.

Spanish

O

direct object

SS

same subject

OBJ

object (O/E)

SYM

sound-symbolic word

PAST

past tense

TAG

tag question marker

PERT

pertensive

TERM

terminative

PFV

perfective

transferred

PL

plural

TRF Aktionsart

PLUR

pluractional Aktionsart

UNCERT

uncertainty

POL.INT

polar interrogative

VOC

vocative

POSS

possessive

VR

verbaliser

POT

potential

PROHIB

prohibitive

PRX

proximal demonstrative

action

5 | Symbols and Abbreviations

1 Introduction "The key to growth is the introduction of higher dimensions of consciousness into our awareness." Lao Tzu "Where the westward-drifting cloud cover of the upper Amazon basin collides with the eastern cordillera of the Ecuadorian Andes, cold rivulets cascade into the misty forests to form swift, growing streams descending towards the Atlantic Ocean, a continent away. Where the mountain waterfalls give way to rapids, the country of the untsuri Shuara, the Jivaro, begins; and where the rapids finally end in placid meandering rivers, so does their homeland" -

Harner (1972:12)

The Shuar people of the Upper Amazon are one of the best studied ethnic groups in South American Anthropology and Ethnobotany. Often admired by Western peoples for their sacred practices of shrinking heads or their practice of shamanism, propelled through the use of visionary plants, the Shuar have not escaped the attention of anthropologists, adventurers, and early film makers. The Shuar treasure their language and knowledge highly often casting a suspicious eye at the admirer. I had the honor and privilege of being allowed to conduct fieldwork with some members, which proved a rewarding endeavor. Even though there has been much ethnographic research, it is perhaps striking that there is no modern reference grammar of Shuar. What follows is a thesis which seeks to give their language, Shuar Chicham, a more solid basis in the linguistic literature. This chapter will introduce the Shuar to the reader, although a proper, ceremonial Shuar introduction would involve shouting, suspicion, and tension; outside the scope of this thesis. It will allow the reader to situate the Shuar and

their language in a broader context. It will also elaborate on the methodology used during fieldwork. Pɨŋkɨr Auhsatárum! 'Read well'!

1.1

Linguistic Profile

Shuar is a Jivaroan language spoken in Southern and South-Eastern Ecuador, in the provinces of Zamora-Chinchipe, Morona-Santiago, and Pastaza. It is spoken by 80,000 people1, making it one of the languages with the highest number of speakers in the Amazon Basin. Shuar forms part of the Jivaroan language family, although speakers prefer the terms Chicham (Shuar: 'language/word(s)') family or Aents (Shuar: 'people') family or simply Aents Chicham. Speakers reject the term Jivaro, a derogatory term associated with being savage. The first recorded signs of contact with the Shuar were when the Inca Huayna-Capac attempted to conquer them. He was duly subdued, and when after the Spaniards overthrew the Incas, they too attempted to conquer the Shuar, but to little avail. Periods of trade, warfare, and missionary incursions followed, and today about 45,000 Shuar have some sort of proficiency in Spanish, with a majority of them Catholic or Protestant, yet adhering to local systems of belief. In the northern Shuar country, in the province of Pastaza, there are Shuar/Quechua communities that possibly also speak Spanish, in addition to Shuar and Pastaza Quechua. It is clear that there is strong Quechuan influence on Shuar, in the form of loans words and to a lesser extent some grammatical constructions and morphemes. In addition to loans, there are a number of areal grammatical features (both Northern Andean and Western Amazonian - see discussion in section 2.1). The most notable ones are switch reference marking, suffixing morphology, the forms of the causatives, and contrastive nasalization, to name but a few. The five Jivaroan languages are very similar to each other and share a number of signature features. They all have nominative-accusative alignment. They are all both head and dependent marking, with a fair amount of case-marking. They all have complex verb indexation with respect to person marking, although this is an area where variation exists -with Shuar showing the most complex paradigms. Switch reference marking is also very elaborate and complex, with subordination as a key strategy for coordination, clause chaining and logical relations. There are a wide variety of nominalizers which, at least in Shuar, when combined with auxiliary verbs, form complex or multi-verb predicates. And of course, the Jivaroan languages are almost entirely suffixing, except for a prefixed causative. The latter seems to be an areal feature of Western Amazonia (Payne 2001). There is also a fairly large incidence of sound symbolic words (although this is only briefly elaborated upon in this thesis). The verb is by far the most complex word class, followed by the noun. Nominal morphology lacks gender and number distinctions. Adjectives behave extremely noun-like but can still be identified as a unique word class. There is also a small class of adverbs, in addition to a number of particles and sound symbolic words. One of the biggest problems Jivaroanists are faced with is that of complex morphophonological processes that shade underlying forms of affixes and homophonous affixes, sometimes even in the same paradigm. Glosses will always include underlying forms. 1

http://www.eluniverso.com/2011/09/20/1/1363/poblacion-ecuatoriana.html

7|1

Introduction

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Furthermore, while the Jivaroan languages are better classified as a cluster of ethnolinguistic dialects (Gnerre 2009), there are certainly areas of structural variation. This thesis discusses some of these differences throughout, and summarizes them in Chapter 7. I focus on Aguaruna there, which is both the best studied Jivaroan language and the most distantly related to Shuar.

1.2

Jivaroan (aka Chicham) Languages

As noted, Shuar belongs to the Jivaroan language family, a family isolate which includes four other languages; Achuar, Shiwiar, Huambisa, and Aguaruna. The figure below shows their geographic distribution, although it groups Shiwiar and Achuar as one language. Today, they are recognized by speakers and linguists alike as distinct languages.

Figure 1 The Jivaroan languages (Gnerre 2009)

All five languages seem mutually intelligible (Gnerre 2009), with Aguaruna showing the greatest variation. Concerning the use of the term Jivaroan, it must be stressed that Shuar speakers categorically reject this term, as is associated with the meaning of 'savage' and so the Shuar find this term to be largely derogative. The term is widespread across Latin America, ranging from meanings like 'runaway dog' in the Dominican Republic (Farage & Curbelo 1998), to 'indigenous people' in Colombia, Brazil, and Venezuela (Gnerre 2009), and to 'unconquerable indigenous person' (Farage & Curbelo 1998). Despite this, the name persists in the academic world, consistently referring to the language and people as Xibaros, Jibaros, Jivaroans (eg. Stirling 1938; Karsten 1935; Harner, 1972; Wise and many more). The term Jivaro 8|1

Introduction

dates back to the 16th century, and corresponds to the term for people, Shuar or Shiwar. The /ʃ/ > /h/, /x/ is a result of a sound shift in Spanish, now rendering the two terms unrelated in the ears of speakers, who are bitterly opposed to the term. This phonetic variation can actually still be perceived in Shuar. It must also be pointed out that the amongst all the ethnolinguistic groups mentioned above, it is the Shuar who are most vocal about their discontent with the term, as both the Aguaruna and Shiwiar seem to accept it more (Overall, pc; Kohlberger pc). Another term which has been proposed for the language family is Chicham, which means language, or words. The name Aents has also been proposed and means 'people' in all of the languages in the family (see Gnerre 2013). Concerning other relatives of the family, it has been suggested that the extinct Palta language was of Jivaroan origin, largely due to four words that seem like cognates, and some toponyms ending in -numa, -nama (see Taylor & Descola 1981; Adelaar with Muysken 2004; Gnerre 1975). The extinct language Malacato has also been proposed to be a relative (Adelaar with Muysken 2004). Of the existing languages, it seems like Aguaruna is the most distantly related to Shuar.The main differences arephonological and lexical, although a few morpho-syntactic differences are also attested in this thesis. Probably the closest language to Shuar is Huambisa or Wampis Shuar, which is generally considered to be similar to the Shuar spoken in Peru. Achuar and Shiwiar show some lexical differences, and it seems that there is some vowel alternation and differences in prosody. Seeing as though the languages are so similar, it will be important, wherever possible, to indicate differences, especially with Aguaruna, which is the most distantly related, living relative and which has received a considerable amount of documentation and description (see Overall 2007; Overall 2011; Overall 2014). In all fairness, large parts of this thesis were inspired, if not guided, by Overall (2007) and this work would certainly not have made possible without the contributions, both through dialogue and publication by other Jivaroanists2. 1.2.1 Autodenomination The Shuar refer to themselves as Shuar or in a Spanish speaking context as Los Shuar (as opposed to Los Shuaras). The term can also be used with the Speech Act Participant suffix -ti, (see Overall 2007:213) Shuarti, meaning 'we, Shuar'. The term Shuar has also been extended to mean indigenous people, but also people in general. It can also refer to families or clans. This is contrasted to the term apach which is used to refer to mestizos or non-indigenous Ecuadoreans (usually of mixed ethnicity). Apach can also mean grandfather, and is derived from apa-uchi (father-DIM) 'Little father'. It is unclear to me why the Shuar chose this specific term to name non-indigenous Ecuadoreans. Further, the term inkis is used to refer to gringos or non-Ecuadorean foreigners. This is clearly derived from the Spanish term ingles meaning English. The language is known as Shuar Chicham, meaning Shuar word(s), Shuar dialogue, or Shuar language. The term chicham is probably derived from the the root chicha- to speak , and the NON SUBJECT NOMINALIZER mau, yielding: 'that which is spoken', although now it seems like these two morphemes have become fossilized.

2

Gnerre, Overall, Kohlberger, Pelizzarro

9|1

Introduction

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

The other Jivaroan tribes are referred to by their specific tribe name, resembling the English and Spanish denominations. So the Achuar are referred to as Achuar, the Shiwiar as Shiwiar, the Huambisa, as Wampis Shuar, and the Aguaruna as Awajun [awahun]. When it comes to non-Jivaroan peoples, the Shuar seem to use the standard Ecuadorean names: Tsachila, Kichwa (Alana), Kayapas, and Kantuash (Candoshi). This is how far my data allow me to generalize at this point.

1.3

Contact Situation

According to Stirling (1938), the Xibaros first appear in history when they were 'first' contacted by the Inca, who sought to conquer them. The Xibaros only had to wait about 20 years until they were contacted again; although this time, their unwelcome visitors took on a very different form in both appearance and language. Specifically, it was in 1548/49 that evidences of the Spanish Conquest reached the lush jungles of the Xibaros (Stirling 1938), although some accounts even point to the first contact coming in 1534 (Adelaar with Muysken 2004; Mueller 2011). In any case Captain Hernando de Benevante was one of the first Spaniards to get in contact with the Xibaros, attemting to march through Xibaro territory. In fact, he even passed by the Palta people, who are generally thought to be of Jivaroan origin (Gnerre ) and the Malacatos, who he claims had similar speech to that of the Xibaros (as is also attested in Adelaar with Muysken 2004). De Benevante had this to say about his very first encounter with a Xibaro: "I asked the man to tell me about the country and to explain where his chief was, to which he answered, why would I like to know? and that his chief was very powerful, and that if he captured me and the others he would probably kill us and drink with our heads and would probably sprinkle the roads with our bones; in such a manner that he did not desire to admit the truth of anything to me. I tell Your Highness truthfully that these people are the most insolent that I have seen in all the time that I have been exploring in the conquest of the Indies. Having seen that he did not wish to divulge anything nor to answer truthfully what I asked him, I attempted to see if he might talk because of fear and was as successful as before." Cited in Stirling (1938:6)

This is but one of many accounts that describes them as being 'warlike' or 'savage' (see Up de Graff 1923; Karsten 1935; Beuchat & Rivet 1909). While they all portray this image of them, a few actually consider that their behavior and attitude was a response to the prospect of captivity or surrender of control (Rubenstein 2002). In any case, despite these initial hiccups, for the next few decades, some Spaniards managed to forge trade relations with some Shuar, while other Jivaros remained hostile to them (Harner 1973:18; Rubenstein 2002:25). The Spaniards mostly traded tools for labour in the mines (Rubenstein 2002:25). As contact increased, the Spaniards became more aware of the presence of gold in Jivaroan territory. This culminated in one of the most brutal yet cunning highlights of Spanish-Shuar history, the socalled Jivaro Revolt (Sterling 1939). What follows here is an abridged account by Velasco (cited in Harner 1972:18-21). After the Shuar were ordered to pay a tax to the Governor of Macas in the form of excessive gold dust, instead of objecting or retaliating, the Shuar chief Quirruba assembled a large army of clans groups (some of which were normally enemies) and silently 10 | 1

Introduction

planned an ambush on the Governor upon his arrival in the town of Logroño. Quirruba, staying true to his word of delivering as much gold as one could muster, arrived with his 20,000 troops, carry tons of gold. They then eliminated everyone in sight, save for the greedy Governor who they tied up. After stripping him down naked and amusing themselves with him, they cracked open his mouth with a bone, and poured liters of melting gold down his throat. They poured and poured, asking him whether he had had enough gold, to which his bowels responded with a fatal explosion. According to Rubenstein (2002), the Shuar and 'Euro-Americans ' (i.e. white European settlers) avoided each other for the next 250 years, especially as the Jivaroans continued to be hostile to them, in the unlikely case of brief contact. This even resulted in several failed attempts at missionization in the second part of the eighteenth century (Harner 1972:26). After periods of relative isolation and consequent warfare, by the mid-nineteenth century, peaceful trade relations were established between the Shuar and their neighbors from Macas (p.27). Machetes, shotguns, and gunpower were traded in for pigs, tsantsas (shrunken heads), and labor in the fields. Then there were several failed attempts at missionarization at the turn of the twentieth century. In the mid twentieth century, as more and more colonos settled around the area of Macas and Mendez, the Shuar west of the Cordillera de Cutucú were in regular contact with Spanish-speaking people (p.34). Police and government officials began to impose more of their laws on the Shuar, and missions became a lot more widespread and accepted. As a result, Kroeger & Freedman (1984:8) distinguish three types of Shuar zones: 1) The Shuar to the West of the Cordillera, living in towns such as Macas and Sucúa, with frequent contact with Spanish. 2) The Shuar to the East of the Cordillera, in the centros around the missions, with frequent contact with Protestant and Catholic missions and 3) The Shuar deep into the Ecuadorian Oriente with little or no contact with Spanish speaking people (cited in Mueller 2011). It has been reported that Jivaroan languages may have been spoken along the Northern Peruvian/Southern Ecuadorean coastline (Taylor & Descola 1981; Whitten 1975). While Gnerre (1975) suggests that Jivaroan could have been spoken in the highlands of the province of Loja in Ecudaor, Adelaar with Muysken (2004:433) claim that the Jivaroan groups 'have a long and complex history of interactions with the highland cultures', with highland Jivaroans having been Incanized (p.418). Muysken (2000) also suggests that Ecuadorian Amazonian varieties of Quechua may be pidgins, with Shuar as one of the substrates. Whitten (1975) suggests that Jivaroan was spoken as the lingua franca in the Ecuadorian Andes, linking highland and lowland people before it was replaced by Quechuan. There are several strong areal effects, shared with Ecuadorean Quechua and other Ecuadorean languages. Contact with Amazonian varieties of Ecuadorian Quechua is still ongoing today, in the more northern communities, located in the province of Pastaza. In these communities, bior trilingualism involving Shuar, Quechua, and Spanish is certainly not uncommon, resulting from exogamous practices. According to Whitten (1975:44), this intermarriage has a time depth of at least 240 years. Another form of contact, in addition to and related to exogamy, is trade, especially with Canelos Quechuan speaking people. The Achuar, for example, have been established crucial trading routes for trading powerful curare poison, used for blowguns. Whitten (1975:49). Amongst the women, there is also exchange in the domain of pottery making and trading, where Canelos Quechuan women are renowned for producing high quality pottery., with Whitten (1975:49) even citing this as an important factor for inter11 | 1

Introduction

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

marriage. It is also common for Shuar shamans to seek apprenticeship with Canelos Quechuan shamans further to the north (Harner 1972), and this means that several shamanic chants and anɨnt (magic songs) incorporate Quechuan loans (fieldnotes; Rubenstein 2002). Some Shuar shamans are likely to use the Quechuan word Ayahuasca for the hallucinogenic brew, which they use, although many prefer the Shuar natɨm, whereas some Canelo shamans are likely to use the Shuar word for magical, invisible darts tsintsaca (cf. Shuar tsɨntsak) and so on. How this knowledge and use of the language transcends to other members of the population, who are guided through 'knowledge quests' by shamans is a fascinating, yet unexplored area of research. We know for a fact that there are numerous Quechua loans in the Jivaroan languages (see Overall 2007) and some Jivaroan loans in the Ecuadorean Quechuan languages (for e.g. Otavalo Quechua ñamor from Shuar nampɨr, Adelaar with Muysken 2004). In addition, there are fauna and flora borrowings from Cariban, Tupi-Guaraní, and Kahuapanan languages (Kohlberger p.c.). Furthermore, as listed above, there are a number of areal features shared by neighbouring languages. Gnerre has suggested that the Jivaroan languages may be related to the Aymara family or have at least been exposed to heavy contact (2009). Moreover, there is also evidence to suggest heavy contact with Amazonian peoples further East as an explanation for all the shared discourse forms and processes, such as ceremonial dialogue, shamanic speech, ceremonial greetings and so on (Beier et al. 2002). Of course, nowadays, there is heavy contact with Spanish; about 65,000 of the speakers are bilingual. There is also some evidence to suggest that certain constructions are being borrowed from Spanish. In any case, while detailing the exact scenarios of contact and elaborating on shared features falls outside of this grammar sketch, wherever data permit, some suggestions and hypotheses are put forth.

1.4

Fieldwork Methodology

1.4.1 Field Sites The fieldwork for this thesis was undertaken in the province of Morona-Santiago, Ecuador, for a period of just over 8 weeks in August-mid October 2013. The bulk of elicitation work was done with informants in the province capital city of Macas. Further, several one-day trips were made to nearby communities (or Shuar centros), namely San Vicente, Grand Esperanza, Tsutsuntsa, Sucua, which were accessible by bus. Larger trips to San José (On the river Kusuim, a tribunary of the larger river Kankaim) and Chumpí (on a tribunary of Rio Mangosiza, in the area of Miasal) were accessed by taking a bus to the port of Kashpaim and then going upstream with a canoe. About 90 % of the data used in this thesis was collected during trips to these communities. 1.4.2 Data Collection The data for this project was collected in the form of video and audio recordings as well as elicitation. The equipment was provided by the Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, Nijmegen, the Netherlands and included a JVC video camera, GY-HM100U. In total, fifteen hours of audio and video data were collected. Of this, four hours and thirteen minutes were transcribed and translated with the help of four different consultants. This was the data used 12 | 1

Introduction

for this thesis. In most cases, after transcribing the speech in Shuar, consultants provided both a tier of literal word for word translations in additional to a sentence level, pragmatic translation. Further, it must be noted that while some texts were transcribed and translated in the field, several others were done by consultants when I had returned to the Netherlands. In addition to natural speech, elicitation of paradigms, and other sentences was done, especially at the early stages. The last set of data was collected by having two questionnaires translated from Spanish to Shuar. 1.4.2.1 Genres Several different genres were collected and analyzed. Of these, spontaneous speech, narratives, interviews, and elicitation stimuli sets were the genres transcribed and translated. Spontaneous speech was recorded by informing participants that I would like to record them having everyday conversations, so that I can learn how to communicate about everyday things. Usually a video camera was set up in the background. A voice recorder was used where video was inappropriate (e.g. at the community of Chumpí). Several narratives were also recorded, whereby the speaker was telling a story/tale/myth directly to the camera. In these instances, no other audience, except for myself, was present. Further, in what I term 'narrative dialogues', an informant and an older speaker are present. The informant is then interviewing the older participant about a particular topic. The last genre involves video recordings of informants responding to elicitation stimuli sets, produced at the Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics (see http://fieldmanuals.mpi.nl). In particular, two video sets were used. The first was the Reciprocals Small Set (Evans et al. 2004) and the second was the Put stimuli (Bowerman et al. 2004). For both sets, consultants were asked to watch the video stimuli and then describe what they saw in Shuar. More details on the instructions can be found in the respective publications. For the Put Stimuli set, only one participant (male) was tested, whereas for the Reciprocals Small set, three (two females and one male) were tested. In addition to video and audio recordings, the Grammar of Perception questionnaire (Norcliffe et al2013) and Dahl's Questionnaire on Tense, Aspect, and Mode (1985), were administered. These were first translated from English to Spanish by (Ecuadorian and Bolivian) Spanish native speakers, respectively. 1.4.2.2 The Shuar Corpus The raw data collected has all been archived in The Language Archive at the Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, Nijmegen and can be found at https://corpus1.mpi.nl/qfs1/mediaarchive/lac_data/Shuar/Saad/Corpusstructure/Saad.imdi or by visiting https://corpus1.mpi.nl > MPI Corpora > Language and Cognition > Southamerica > Shuar > Saad. All necessary metadata was filled in, including the locations and descriptions of the recordings. Most of the examples used for this thesis have been taken out of a recording of natural speech. When this is the case, the name will be listed in the top right along with a time code, indicating the exact time of the sentence uttered. This will allow the reader to trace any example from the corpus. Any example listed without a time-code has been elicited. 1.4.2.3 Consultants A total of 5 native speaker informants were consulted during elicitation, transcription, and translation of video and audio data. In the field, informants were reimbursed with an hourly 13 | 1

Introduction

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

wage, which also included a meal. Transcription and translation done from abroad and sent to me was billed at a fixed rate. This included Shuar transcription, a literal word-for-word translation in Spanish and a pragmatic sentence-level translation in Spanish. All informants were literate in both Shuar and Spanish and had completed high school. One of the informants was a primary school Shuar teacher, whereas another is currently enrolled at a university, and has had years of experience working with linguists and anthropologists. The other three boast other jobs. Ages ranged between 20 to 45 and all consultants were male, as accessibility to female consultants presented certain socio-cultural restrictions. During some elicitation sessions, however, wives did accompany the informants, which allowed for the possibility of multiple insights. 1.4.2.4 Ethics All participants involved in this research gave their consent. Informants all signed written documents allowing the data collected to be used in papers, conferences, seminars, and teaching materials. Further, where larger groups were consulted, a leader of the group took charge and signed the form on behalf of the family. Most of the data can be accessed by requesting permission. Only two of the videos recorded, however, are unavailable to the general public, as access is subject to permission granted by the speaker. Where requested, anonymity is ensured. 1.4.3 Data Analysis Glossing was done preliminarily in the field with the help of consultants. It was then carried out more systematically upon return to the Netherlands with the help of several key sources on the Jivaroan languages (Overall 2007; Pellizaro and Nawech 2005; Turner 1992; Turner 1958; Gnerre 2009; Walker n/a; Fast et al 1985; amongst others) and elicitation online with two consultants who had internet access.

1.5

Organization of the Thesis

The thesis provides a general sketch of Shuar grammar in the following chapter, introducing the readier to Shuar phonology before introducing the word classes. Chapter 3 will discuss the noun phrase, with special emphasis on case and nominalization, relevant for later discussions involving the verb phrase. The main focus of this thesis is the most complex word class, namely the verb and so three chapters are dedicated to this class. The chapters are all meant to be incremental, moving from basic morphology in chapter 4 to more complex multi-verb constructions in chapter 6. Specifically, finite verb morphology is discussed in chapter 4, discussing tense, aspect, mood, valency-changing morphology, and object marking. Chapter 5 deals with subordinate verb morphology, shedding light on the elaborate switch reference system and discussing a number of other non-finite verb forms, such as complement clauses (some of which formally resemble subordinate verbs). Chapters 4 and 5 provide a thorough background to equip the reader to Chapter 6. Chapter 6 deals with multi-verb constructions which are assembled to express various types of ASPECT and MODALITY which are not expressible synthetically. This chapter also shows some intriguing avenues of variation with respect to Aguaruna. Chapter 7 offers some concluding remarks, summarizing areas of the thesis that may have been problematic and proposing relevant topics to pursue for future research. Relevant to this is an upgrade to a more comparative approach. One of the main conclusions is that with new data emerging on Jivaroan (e.g. Kohlberger, in prep.) to 14 | 1

Introduction

complement earlier work (Overall 2007; 2009; 2014a; 2014b; Gnerre 2009; Turner 1992; and many more), there are fertile grounds for conducting comparative work within the family - to pinpoint areas of variation, which are already beginning to emerge. In addition, with so much contact having taken place at least for the last few centuries, it is also worthwhile to pursue an areal study of the surrounding languages in the region to address questions of language maintenance and shift and broader questions concerning areality and typology in South America (O'Connor & Muysken 2014).

15 | 1

Introduction

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

2 Grammar Sketch "Grammar, which knows how to control even kings" -Molière

This chapter sketches out the main features of Shuar grammar, so as to give some background to the reader, before tackling the more complex topics focused on in this thesis in the Verb Phrase chapters. The chapter consists of three main parts. It starts with a brief discussion of the typological profile of Shuar (Section 2.1). This is then followed by a sketch of the Phonology (Section2.2). Finally, in section 2.3, world classes are briefly listed, setting the scene for the next chapters by introducing the noun and verb phrase, but also discussing other classes such as adjectives, adverbs, conjunctions, particles, and sound-symbolic words.

2.1

Typological Profile

The Jivaroan languages sit on transitional zone between the traditionally defined Andean and Amazonian linguistic regions. Many researchers believe that the Jivaroan groups inhabited areas east of where they are today (Taylor & Descola 1981). That is to say, they inhabited the highlands and possibly even the Northern Peruvian, Southern Ecuadorian coasts. Then several centuries ago, they must have been pushed west towards the Amazonian lowlands, which is where they reside today.

16 | Grammar Sketch

Typologically, they share features from both highland and lowland languages. If we consider Dixon & Aikhenvald's (1999) feature list for Amazonian languages the relevant ones for Shuar are as follows: a)

Shuar is polysynthetic and dependent marking; agglutinating with some fusion.

b)

There is contrastive nasalization and the high unrounded central vowel ɨ is part of the vowel inventory

e)

Possession: The word order is possessor possessed. Possession is marked on both the possessor and the possessed noun, although a survey of this feature in the South American Indigenous Language Structures (SAILS) database reveals that the languages spoken in the Andes have a much higher tendency to mark possession on the possessed noun than do languages in the Amazon, (Muysken et al 2014).

In addition to these features, one peculiarity about Shuar grammar is that, despite being entirely suffixing - a predominant Andean feature (Dixon & Aikhenvald's 1999; Adelaar with Muysken 2004) - there is one unproductive prefix, the CAUSATIVE, i.e., only a handful of verbs can be marked by it. This is usually in the form of V- as in the following: (1)

(2)

hɨatahi hɨ-a-ta-hi arrive.PFV-IFUT-1PL:DECL 'We will arrive'

[SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_1081255]

ɨhɨtahi ɨ-hɨ-ta-hi CAUS-arrive.PFV-IFUT-1PL:DECL 'We will bring him/her/it/them (Lit. 'We will make him/her/it/them arrive) ' (fieldnotes)

The verb ɨhɨ- is always translated as 'make arrive' or 'take down'. In this example, the prefixed causative ɨ- clearly takes on the form of the following vowel, although most of time, the form of the type of vowel is not predictable. Regardless, the prefixed causatives which have appeared in my corpus are a- ɨ- i- , i.e. all vowels except for back vowels. Payne (1990:78) lists this prefixing vowel causative to be a key feature of Western Amazonian languages, notably amongst Maipuran [Arawakan], Harakmbet, and Arauán languages. In addition, she mentions another causative which seems to be predominant in the region, notably /mV/. She cites cognate forms (prefixes and suffixes) in Tupían, Arawakan, Cariban languages, as well as some isolates like Yurakaré. In addition, this same suffix has been found in Shipibo-Conibo, a Panoan language (Valenzuela 2002). Payne also claims that the Aguaruna form -miti could also be cognate. Overall (2007) gives the form -miti(ka) for Aguaruna, and this is the exact same suffix that appears in my corpus and so this may also be an areal feature. While a more detailed discussion of the causatives in Shuar is restricted to section Error! eference source not found., the key here is that this may have been due to contact with 17 | Grammar Sketch

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Amazonian languages although an in-depth study of contact on the basis of causatives or any other syntactic features falls outside the scope of this thesis. A brief attempt is made, however, to situate Shuar based on a number of syntactic features which have recently been found to correlate with areality (Birchall 2014). To continue the discussion of geographic regions, the Andean vs. Amazonian dichotomy is certainly not unproblematic (Birchall 2014; Adelaar 2008; Payne 2001). If we are to follow Birchall's latest linguistic-geographic classification (2014), then, geographically speaking, Shuar sits at the crossroads of three linguistic regions: Northern Andes, Central Andes, and Western Amazonia as shown in the figure below:

Figure 2: Map of Major Geographic Regions (taken from Birchall 2014:230)

In terms of typological features as defined by Birchall (2014:213), Shuar also fits into all three regions. Consider the criteria below:   

Northern Andes: Both case and indexation together as argument marking strategies Central Andes: The ability to index RECIPIENT in ditransitive clauses, verbally marked applicative constructions and subject-object-verb constituent orders Western Amazonia: Both case and indexation together as argument marking strategies, marked neutral case marking patterns in ditransitive clauses and morphologically distinct indirect causative constructions

18 | Grammar Sketch

2.2 Notes on Phonology Although a thorough sketch on the phonology of Shuar is beyond the scope of this thesis, a brief attempt is made to discuss the phoneme inventory and explain certain phonological processes which will inform the discussion of morphosyntax later on. 2.2.1

Phoneme Inventory

2.2.1.1 Consonants Shuar has 16 phonemic consonants many of which are voiceless. There is some optional postnasal voicing, but this is phonetic, rather than phonemic. Table 1 Consonant Inventory

Bilabial Plosive P Affricate Fricative Nasal m Flap Approximant w

Dental t

Alveolar ts s

n

ɾ

Palatoalveolar Velar k tʃ ʃ ɲ ŋ

Glottal ʔ h

J

In this thesis, /tʃ/ will be represented by the graphemes and /ʃ/ with the graphemes , and /ɾ/ with the grapheme and /j/ by the grapheme . Palatalized consonants will be indicated with the addition of , for example [kʲa]  . Furthermore, the following consonants have the following triggered by progressive palatalization (see section on palatalization for examples):

/t/  [tʲ], [c], [kʲ], [ʔ]

/p/  [pj]

/k/  [kʲ], [c], [tʲ] /h/  [ç]

/s/  [sʲ], [ʃ]

/w/  [ʋ], [m]  [ɲ]

The only allophone listed here which is not a result of palatalization is the glottal stop [ʔ]. Turner (1958:5) who was working with the Macuma dialect, mentions the glottal stop /ʔ/ as an allophone to /t/ when it appears 'in word final position following /i/ or /ɨ/', such as in the following (p.6): (3) /pɨŋkɨrkàiʔ/ pɨŋkɨr-ka-it good-POL.INT-COP:3SG 19 | Grammar Sketch

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

'Is it good?' In my own data, different speakers produce either outcome produces a /t/ instead of a /ʔ/: (4) Speaker 1: wa.rĩnts'.kaiʔ/ warĩ-ts-ka-it what-NEG-POL.INT-COP:3SG 'What's it called?'

[SHGS2013_09_08S2_Reciprocals_1_F_225885]

(5) Speaker 2: wa.rĩnts'.kait warĩ-ts-ka-it what-NEG-POL.INT-COP:3SG 'What's it called?'

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_3511005]

Of course, it could also be possible that they are in free variation, as is the case in Aguaruna where both forms can appear (Overall 2007:25). Further, as is also the case in Aguaruna (Overall 2007), there are a few interjections that make use of the /ʔ/ glottal stop, such as: (6) /haʔã/ yes Another important feature to mention is the optional post-nasal voicing3 that occurs when a consonant follows a nasal. Therefore, we get words like the following: (7) ['uːnt.rĩ] or ['uːnd.rĩ] u:ntrĩ uunt-rĩ elder-PERT:1PL/3 'Elder(s)' (8) ['pɨŋ.kɨr] or ['pɨŋ.gɨr] /pɨŋ'.kɨr/ 'good' 2.2.1.2 Vowels In terms of the vowel inventory, there are four principal vowels.

3

In Shiwiar, post-nasal voicing is mandatory (Kohlberger pc).

20 | Grammar Sketch

Table 2 Vowel Inventory (adapted from Overall 2007)

Oral

high

Nasal

Front

Central

Back

Front

Central

Back

I

ɨ

u

ĩ

ɨ

ũ

low

a

ã

There is contrastive nasalization. Compare the following: (9) [Um.'ar.hei] Umarhai Uma-r-ha-i Drink-PLUR:PFV-1SG-DECL 'I've just drunk (it)' (10) [Um.'ar. ĩ] Umar- ãĩ Sibling.of.opposite.sex-PERT:1SG-COMIT 'With my sister' Nasality is becoming less and less widespread amongst speakers. That is, it is often difficult to identify for both the linguist and the native speaker but there are some other cues to show that an underlying feature is nasalized, such as the following: (11) ['u:nt.ɾiɲ.kja] uunt-ɾĩ-kia elder-PERT:1PL/3-FOC 'Our/their/his/her elder' In this example, the /ɾi/ surfaces as a [ɾiɲ] before /k/ and so it becomes clear that the underlying representation is nasal, even if this may not always be audible in the form without the FOCALIZER -kia [u:ntɾi]. 2.2.1.2.1 Diphthongs Shuar has a number of diphthongs, including /ai/ and /au/, such as in the example given above: (12) [Um.'ar.hei] /Um.'ar.hai/ Uma-r-ha-i Drink-PLUR:PFV-1SG-DECL 21 | Grammar Sketch

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

'I've just drunk (it)' Additionally, these diphthongs may also become reduced and result in /ai/  [e] and /au/  [o], such as the following: (13) [pi.'so] /pi.'sa.u/ pisa-u escape.IMPFV-AG.NR 'Escaped' There are also instances when, when /ai/, instead of being produced as the dipthong [ei, instead] becomes reduced to /e:/, such as in: (14) [pu.'ha.he:] /pu.'ha.hai/ puha-ha-i live.IMPFV-1SG-DECL 'I live'

2.2.1.2.2 Positional Allophony Similarly to Aguaruna (Overall 2007:43), the vowels /i/ and /u/ become glides [j] and [w] in intervocalic position. They are thus transcribed as glides in their surface forms and as vowels in their underlying form: (15) /hɨa aiti/ hɨa-ĩ-ait-i home-LOC-COP-3SG:DECL 'It's in the house' (16) /nuwaiti/ nu-ait-i ANA-COP-3SG:DECL 'It's

that one'

However, unlike Aguaruna, the glide [ɰ] does not exist in Shuar (see discussion in section on Phonological differences with Aguaruna) 2.2.2 Vowel Elision One of the most frequent phonological processes is that of vowel elision. In this respect, there are many similarities with Aguaruna, so most of what has been described for Aguaruna applies to Shuar as well. It will be important to highlight these processes to shed light on the transcriptions in the later parts of the thesis. Like Aguaruna, there are three processes of vowel elision: apocope, syncope, and diphthong reduction. One crucial point to make is that during transcriptions the underlying forms, in addition to the morpho-syntactic surface forms are given. How do we unravel the underlying forms? They appear in certain phonological contexts, but not in others. For example, in order to understand the full, underlying form of 22 | Grammar Sketch

the NON AGENTIVE NOMINALIZER, -mau, we need to look at both examples as the first one shows the surface form [mu]: (17)

[auhmatsamu] auhmat-sa-mau converse-PFV:ATT-NON.A/S:NR 'Narrative(s) (lit. That which is told)'

[SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_4178]

How do we know the underlying form is -mau? Well, if we look at the next example, which contains the same word but then with an additional PERTENSIVE suffix rĩ, we see the full surface form [mau]: (18)

auhmatsamaurĩ auhmat-sa-mau-rĩ converse-PFV:ATT-NON.A/S:NR-PERT:3/1PL His/Her/Their/Our Narratives (lit. That which is told)

There are also scenarios where either of the nucleus of disyllabic suffix undergoes vowel elision. If we take the AGENTIVE NOMINALIZER -iniu, this is often the case, as the next examples show. Therefore, although we often do not see the full form appear, we can deduce that its full form is -iniu. (19)

a.

[Uwishin] Uwish-iniu curse/heal-AG.NR 'Shaman'

b.

[Uwishniuka] Uwish-iniu-ka curse/heal-AG.NR-FOC 'Shaman'

So, we see the suffix surfacing as [in] in a. and as [niu] in b, suggesting that the underlying form contains both nuclei and is thus -iniu. See section 2.2.4 for discussion on metathesis. 2.2.2.1 Apocope Apocope, as cited in Overall (2007:60), 'operates first, eliding the nucleus of a final light (CV) syllable'. It is extremely widespread: (20)

/nu.ni.'kjat/ nuni-kia-ti do.thus-INTS:PFV-JUSS 'May he do that'

[SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_1376250]

So, here we see that the JUSSIVE -ti is reduced to -t. Another example is: (21)

[Na.'ku.ɾak] nakura-kũ 23 | Grammar Sketch

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

play.IMPFV-SIM+3:SS 'W ile playing…'

[SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_1376250]

Here, we see -kũ surface as [k] and there are many similar examples. In addition, there are several suffixes which, due to constructional specification, are immune to apocope, such as the IMPERATIVE -ta. This could be related to the fact that the JUSSIVE -ti is marked in the same paradigm and since it can undergo apocope, would thus be ambiguous. In the first example, the [ta] takes on main stress, but even in the second where it falls on the second syllable, the ta is never elided. (22)

(23)

[su.ɾus.'ta] su-ru-sa-ta converse-1SG.OBJ-ATT-IMP 'give it to me!' [u.'maɾ.ta] uma-ra-ta drink-PLUR-IMP 'Drink!'

[SHGS2013_09_14_Reciprocals_F_3_143785]

[SHGS2013_08_23S5_PubTalk_51490]

2.2.2.2 Syncope The reader may have noticed another instance of vowel elision in example (22). This type of vowel elision involves syncope, which according to Overall (2007:60) 'elides the third and every alternate nucleus of light syllables'. So in the previous example, what would have been the third, light syllable /.sa/ loses its nucleus. (24)

[a.'sa .t ĩ] asa- ataĩ COP+PFV:SEQ-1/3:DS

'Being…' We see here that what would have been the third syllable /ma/ loses its nucleus and becomes incorporated into the preceding syllable. 2.2.2.3 Diphthong Reduction Diphthong reduction is also one of the vowel elision processes. A typical process involves the nominalizer -inu which when combined with a root ending in an /a/ leads to /ai/  [i] such as the following: (25)

[na.'ha.nin] nahana-iniu make-AG.NR 'maker'

We see that the cluster /ai/ in -a-iniu becomes reduced to in. The elision of -u is a result of apocope.

24 | Grammar Sketch

2.2.3 Metathesis and Underlying Forms Several scholars have argued that metathesis is a prominent phonological process in the Jivaroan languages (Walker; Karsten 1935; Turner 1958; Juank 1982, cited in Adelaar with Muysken 2004:435). Overall (2007:73) convincingly shows that for Aguaruna, this is simply a misrepresentation of the fact that two adjacent vowels have the same underlying form, and that in fact the vowel elision processes are simply at play. This is due to diachronic processes which have rendered the surface forms from looking quite different from their underlying form. Using an Aguaruna example listed in Overall (2007:74), we can prove that what looks like metathesis is actually processes of vowel elision. This is illustrated in the following: (26)

a.

[kuhántʃam]

b.

[kuhántʃman]

kuhantʃama

kuhantʃama-na

possu

possum-ACC

Here, where previous scholars would argue that that the final [a] in [kuhántʃman] is a result of metathesis from the /a/ of the ACCUSATIVE /na/, Overall argues that /a/ is simply part of the underlying form of kuhantʃama. It just so happens that both morphemes kuhantʃama and -na end in -a and with vowel elision processes, they get elided. A quick way to test this is by looking at morphemes whose vowels have different underlying forms. (27)

a.

[ɲi.ça.'maɲʃ] nihiamanchi manioc.beer 'Chicha'

b.

[ɲi.çam.tʃin] nihiamanchi-na manioc.beer-ACC 'Chicha'

So, in line with what Overall (2007) argues, it is the underlying form of the word nihiamanchi which actually contains word-final -i, as opposed to the -i being added. How can we prove that this is the case and that metathesis is not at play? If metathesis was taking place here we would expect [ɲi.çam.tʃan] instead of [ɲi.çam.tʃin], that is, with the /a/ from /na/ moving in front of the /n/. Instead, an /i/ surfaces. The only logical explanation is that it is part of the underlying form. Walker (n/a) explains this type of scenario as metathesis where the 'syllable does not always retain the same vowel' (p.8), which does not seem to lend too much support to the case of metathesis. Furthermore, if we look at what happens when speakers express the ITERATIVE on numerals, which involves suppression of apocope and a shift of stress and pitch accent to the final syllable which is normally unstressed and elided, it becomes clear that there is an underlying representation. (28)

a.

[tʃi.'kɪ.tʃɪk] chikichiki one 'One'

b.

[tʃi.kɪtʃ.'kji 'aiʃ. aŋ] chikichiki aishmaŋ one+ITER man 'One man (lit. one time a man)' 25 | Grammar Sketch

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

We know that ITERATIVE is denoted by a shift in pitch accent based on its behaviour on the other two native numerals (29)

a.

[' ĩ . ar] i iara two 'Two'

[ ĩ . a.'ra nu.'wa] ĩ iará nuwa two+ITER woman 'two women (lit. two times a woman)'

(30)

a.

[mɨ.'nein] mɨnaintiu three 'three'

b.

b.

[mɨ.neiɲ.'tju na.'wɨ] mɨnaintiu nawɨ three+ITER ten 'thirty (lit. three times ten)'

So it becomes clear that no new suffix is added (aided by a process of vowel harmony for example). The explanation here is that words have underlying forms which may only arise in certain contexts and this is what may explain earlier claims of metathesis. However, in light of all this evidence, it may also be wise to point out some counter-evidence to this claim, and thus fuel support for the presence of metathesis. The claim here is that, as a process, metathesis may indeed exist in Shuar, but it is much less widespread than claimed to be by earlier sources. Let's look at the following examples of 'metathesis' taken from Juank 1982:10 and cited in Adelaar with Muysken 2004:435): (31)

a.

['u:ntruʃa] u:nt-ru-ʃa 'Also my elder'

b.

['u:ntur] u:nt-ru 'My elder'

If we were to take the position stated above that the [u] in (26b.) is part of the underlying form of /u:ntu/ and this not a symptom of metathesis, our analysis would be erroneous, since we know that the underlying form is in fact u:nta as it sometimes appears in this way in spontaneous speech. Its cognate is also the same in Aguaruna: mu:nta (Overall 2007:171). So the real question is: what can account for the presence of this [u]? There are two explanations: either the PERTENSIVE:1SG marker is -uru in which case the second [u] is elided. Or, metathesis is at play. Since, we do not have any evidence for the first claim, it may be tempting to go for the latter claim. As a final note, morphophonology in the Jivaroan languages is an area that is not fully understood, and certainly requires a great deal of more work in the future. For the purposes of this sketch, this is as far as we can go.

26 | Grammar Sketch

2.2.4 Palatalization A very prominent process in both Shuar and Shiwiar, but not Aguaruna, is palatalization (Kohlberger pc), more specifically progressive palatalization. This is to say, whenever a consonant is preceded by a nucleus containing /i/, the consonant becomes palatalized, either taking on /j/ segment or fusing to become fully palatalized as is the case with /hj/  [ç]. An alternative explanation would be to say that a new segment [j] is added as opposed to simply palatalising the consonant, in which case a /j/ would be preferred to a /Cj/, although in this thesis, I consider the first option to be more applicable. A list of the palatalized variants is repeated below:

/t/  [tʲ], [c], [kʲ]

/p/  [pj]

/k/  [kʲ], [c], [tʲ] /h/  [ç]

/s/  [sʲ], [ʃ]

/w/  [ʋ], [m]  [ɲ]

Compare the two examples, which both take on the FOCALIZER -ka. (32)

[á.mɨ.ka] /á.mɨ.ka/ amɨ-ka 2SG-FOC

'You' (33)

['ʋi.kja] /wí.kja/ wi-kia 1SG-FOC

'I' So, we see in the first example that the syllable preceding the added suffix -ka has an /ɨ/, so the added suffix retains its original, unpalatalized form. This is not the case in the second example, where the preceding syllable contains an /i/, thus triggering progressive palatalization of the /ka/ yielding /kja/. Also notice the diacritic below the [i], used to indicate that the vowel is raised further. This palatalization process does not take place in Aguaruna, as we can see in the next example taken from Overall 2007:47): (34)

[ßí.ka] /ui-ka/ wi-ka 1SG-FOC

27 | Grammar Sketch

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

'I' Notice that the /ka/ does not undergo palatalization as a result of the preceding /i/. In the next example, we see an instance where the alveolar nasal /n/, becomes fully palatalized into /ɲ/ in the first example and additionally where the /h/ becomes palatalized into a /ç/. (35)

['ʋi.ɲa] /'wi.ɲa/ wi-nia 1SG-ACC

'My/me' (36)

[ɲi.ça.'maɲʃ] /ɲi.hja.'maɲtʃ/ nihiamanch 'manioc beer'

(37)

[ʋi.ɲi.'tja] /wi.ɲi.tjá/ wini-tia come.PFV-IMP 'Come!'

Furthermore, there are cases where the /i/ is elided, but even in these instances, progressive assimilation does take place, as evidenced by the following syllable, which includes a palatalized /kj/. In this example, the underlying, phonemic form /ɾi/, and not the surface, phonetic form [ɾ] is key to this process: (38)

['ma:ɾ.kja] /'ma:.ɾi.kja/ Ma-á-ri-kia kill-HIAF:PFV-1PL:SS-COND ')f we would kill…'

2.2.5 Phonological Differences to Aguaruna One of the main phonological differences between Aguaruna and the other Jivaroan languages (including Shuar) is that is that Jivaroan [ɾ] > [h], [ŋ]. Compare the following examples (all taken from Overall (2007:32): (39)

a.

Shuar [ara] 'sow seeds'

b.

Marañón Aguaruna [ãha] 'sow seeds'

(40)

a.

Shuar [pɨŋkɨr] 'good'

b.

Marañón Aguaruna [pɨŋkɨŋ] 'good'

28 | Grammar Sketch

(41)

a.

Shuar [utʃirtin] 'parent'

b.

Marañón Aguaruna [utʃiŋtin] 'parent'

The rules derived from these examples can be expressed as follows4: Shuar

Aguaruna

[VɾV]

[

[ɾC], [ɾ#]

[ŋC], [ŋ#].

]

Another marked difference is the (bidirectional nasal spreading that occurs in Aguaruna. (42)

[tũwiyã] tu-ĩ-ia where-LOC-ABL 'from where?'

T e ĩ is spreading its nasality both left and right and this is certainly not the case for Shuar where in general nasalization seems to be less predominantly both phonetically and phonemically. Another exclusive Aguaruna feature is denasalization, which occurs when the 'nasal consonants /m,n/ are partially or fully denasalized in non-nasal environments, that is a following sequence of contiguous oral vowels and sonorants that is not followed by a nasal consonant' (Overall 2007:52-53), such as the following: a. /míʃu/ → [bíʃu]~[mbíʃu] cat b. /nɨka/ → [dɨk a]~[ndɨka] know In Shuar the respective phonetic forms would be identical to the phonemic form: /míʃu/ and /nɨka/ so this does not occur at all in Shuar, nor in the other Jivaroan languages, as far as we know. Another marked difference is absence of the glide [ɰ] in Shuar and the presence of it in Aguaruna. Compare the following (taken from Overall 2007:31): (43)

a.

Shuar [hɨã] 'house'

Marañón Aguaruna [hɨɰa] 'house'

Also, as mentioned in the section on palatalization, Aguaruna does not undergo progressive palatalization in the same way that Shuar does.

4

Overall (2007:32) claims that he transcribes /r/ in this way as a result of a lack of reliable field data. My field data suggests a /ɾ/, but I've kept his original examples and only implemented this in the rules.

29 | Grammar Sketch

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

2.3 Word Classes Of all the word classes, verbal morphology seems to be the most readily identifiable. This is followed by nominal morphology. Adjectives can behave strikingly similar to nouns and have thus sometimes been called a subclass of nouns, at least in Shiwiar (Kohlberger, in prep.). Overall (2007) provides some syntactic tests to identify adjectives, and classify them as a distinct word class of their own. Furthermore, Shuar also makes use of a number of soundsymbolic words. In additions, there are a number of important discourse particles which are only briefly discussed. 2.3.1 Verbs Verbs are by far the most complex word class in the Jivaroan languages. They are mostly suffixing, except for a prefixing causative. There are several levels of derivational and inflectional morphology. Verbs have object marking suffixes, and are marked for tense, aspect, and mood/modality. There is no formal, grammaticalized evidentiality system in Shuar nor in other Jivaroan languages (Overall 2007). Similar to Quechuan languages (e.g. Adelaar with Muysken 2004; Muysken 2011), subordinate verbs - which are distinct from nominalized verbs - are very frequently used. Further they are tied to a main verb using switch reference markers. Shuar makes use of an extensive switch reference marking system, more elaborate than a simple, canonical SAME. SUBJECT / DIFFERENT SUBJECT marker (see Chapter 0 on the Subordinate Clause). There are several different types of NOMINALIZERS in Shuar, many of which allow, when used in certain constructions, the verb to retain some verbal properties. Other multi-verb constructions are also common, adding ASPECTUAL information which is not expressed through the given set of affixes and using periphrasis to mark ASPECT in a construction which may not be expressible using an affix. These are discussed extensively in Chapter 6 on Complex Predicates. 2.3.1.1 Verb Classes So far, it does not seem like there are specific semantic verb classes with their own set of syntactic properties. Instead, verbs can be classified according to which applicative/object marking suffix they take on. There are two APPLICATIVES: -tu- and -ru- with allomorphs /tɨ/and /rɨ/. The two seem to be in complementary distribution and there does not seem to be any semantic distinction between them. Hence, following in the tradition of other Jivaroanists (Overall 2007; Kohlberger in prep.), we will classify verbs according to this distinction. One should note that these suffixes are identical in form (and thus potential diachronically related) to the 1st person object marker. That is to say, a so-called 'tu' verb would mark the APPLICATIVE using -tu but it would also mark a 1SINGULAR.OBJECT using this very same suffix. Often, it is clear from context whether the suffix is functioning as an object marker or an applicative. In the scenario where both an applicative and an object marker are used, the first suffix will be tu and the second one -ru. Consider the following table, which is almost identical to that in Overall (2007:319), except for the /r/ > /h/ sound change there.

30 | Grammar Sketch

Verb class

APPLICATIVE

1SG.OBJ

APPL-1SG.OBJ

1

-ru

-ru

-ru-tu

2

-tu

-tu

-tu-ru

At this point, it is still unclear why this -tu/-ru distinction exists, as semantically they are identical. See the following example (note that 3rd person objects are null marked): (44)

(45)

Surustá Su-ru-sa-ta Give-1SG.OBJ-ATT-IMP 'Give (it to) me'

[SHGS2013_08_23S5_PubTalk_45031]

Tsupírkata tsupi-ru-ka-ta cut-APPL-INTS:PFV-IMP 'Cut (it) for him'

[SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_686765]

So, in the first example, we see that -ru is used as a 1SINGULAR.OBJECT marker. In this case, and actually most of the time with ditransitive verbs it marks the indirect object. Whereas, in the next example, it is used as an APPLICATIVE marker. The APPLICATIVE adds a BENEFACTIVE reading to a third person object, which is null-marked (see section 4.10 on APPLICATIVES). 2.3.1.2 Finite Verbs Finite verbs always head the verb phrase, by serving as the pivot from which subordinate verbs are tied to using switch reference markers. Finite verbs carry person marking, mood/modality, tense, and aspect information which is usually, but not always, shared by subordinate verbs. There is no grammaticalized evidential system, as defined by Aikhenvald (2004), although in Aguaruna, it seems as though the AGENTIVE NOMINALIZER -u, also present in Shuar, functions as a non-first hand information marker. As of yet, this does not seem to be the case in Shuar. 2.3.1.3 Subordinate Verbs Subordinate verbs are by far the most common type of verb found in the Jivaroan languages. They vastly outnumber finite (matrix) verbs in a larger corpus. They are always marked for switch reference, and have their own person marking paradigms. Both same-subject and different-subject paradigms can be marked on Non-temporal, Simultaneous, Sequential subordinate clauses, but different subject paradigms can also be marked on Imperfective subordinate clauses. Furthermore, one can argue that they are slightly more noun-like than finite verbs, with certain suffixes speculated to have risen from nominal morphology, FOCALIZER, ADDITIVE, LOCATIVE (Overall 2007; Gnerre pc). In any case, here is a brief comparison between a subordinate verb and a finite verb: (46)

a.

Subordinate Verb Nɨkaár Nɨka-a-ri 31 | Grammar Sketch

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

b.

Know-PFV:SEQ-1PL:SS 'After (we) knowing...'

[SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_58541]

Finite Verb Nɨkahi Nɨka -hi Know.IMPFV -1PL:DECL 'We know.'

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_436993]

Here, we clearly see the differences in person marking with the subordinate verb marking FIRST PERSON PLURAL using the suffix -ri, whereas the finite verb uses the marker -hi. We will leave the discussion about ASPECT for a section 5.1, but what we can say here is that while in principle PERFECTIVE and IMPERFECTIVE can be marked on both subordinate verbs and finite verbs, there are certain small differences in how ASPECT is carried out. 2.3.2 Nouns Nouns are the second most prominent word-class. Nominal morphology is discussed in more detail in Chapter 3. There is no noun classification/gender system. Further, Shuar has no means to formally express NUMBER on a noun. In this case, adjectives and quantifiers may be In terms of possession, nouns are also characterized by an inalienable vs. alienable distinction. Also, any given noun can have 3 distinct PERTENSIVE markers. That is to say, a noun will have a PERTENSIVE marker for FIRST PERSON SINGULAR, SECOND PERSON SINGULAR, and everything else. The term PERTENSIVE is used following Overall (2007) to mark possession on the possessed noun. The term is used to avoid the confusion of possessed vs possessor. Furthermore, there are no articles in Shuar, but sometimes DEFINITENESS may be expressed using the FOCALIZER -ka or using the 3.POSSESSIVE/PERSONAL pronoun ɲĩ. Shuar has six cases: ACCUSATIVE, LOCATIVE, ABLATIVE, ALLATIVE, VOCATIVE, COMITATIVE.

2.3.3 Adjectives Shuar, like the Quechuan languages (Floyd 2011), has a distinct adjectives word class which closely resembles the noun. Thus Shuar, like Ecuadorian Quechua, can be said to have 'nouny adjectivals' (Wetzer 1995). According to Krasnoukhova (2012:135), this seems to be a tendency amongst languages spoken in the Andes. The 'weakness of a class of adjectives' is said to also be a possible areal feature of Amazonia (Payne 2001 cited in Overall 2007). Overall (2007:138) argues rather convincingly for Aguaruna that, although adjectives look strikingly similar to nouns, there are some subtle differences. This also seems to be the case in Shuar. We shall review some of his diagnostics. In principle, nouns and adjectives share much of the same morphology but there is a tendency for a small portion of class-specific morphology to be assigned to either class. In addition, one of the main semantic differences lies in the distinction between nouns as referring words and adjectives as modifying words (p.138). In any case, Overall (2007:141) shows the following spectrum:

32 | Grammar Sketch

Table 3 Adjectives vs. Nouns Spectrum

Lower Higher Possibility of:

More adjective-like

Less adjective-like

1. Appearing in headless NP 2. Taking pertensive marking

First let's look at an example where adjectives appear very noun-like, where they seemingly take on case-marking: (47)

Shuar múkusa apách manzanan funda mukusanám ɨnkɨayi mukúsa Black

apá-uchi father-DIM

manzana-na apple-ACC

[funda mukusa]-náma [bag black]-LOC

ɨnkɨ-ia-yi insert-REM.PAST:3SG:DECL 'A black man put an apple into a black bag (Lit. A black Mestizo).' Now let's take a look at ACCUSATIVE case marking for Aguaruna where a similar thing happens. (48)

Aguaruna útʃi píipitʃin sããsã [ utʃi

piipitʃi-na ]

saã-sã

[ child

smallAdj-ACC ]

take-ATT:SEQ+3:SS

aving taken t e s all c ildren… However, in these cases, case is not marked on the adjective, as the Aguaruna example would suggest, but is instead marked on the last part of the NP, where the adjective so happens to follow the noun in constituent order, as the brackets in the Shuar example show. As of yet, I have not encountered examples where adjectives stand alone and take case marking. In addition, some words can be used as both nouns and adjectives, which is also a main source of confusion. These words include:

33 | Grammar Sketch

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

uunta:

'Big'

&

'Elder'

Uchi(chi)(ch)

'Small(DIM)(DIM)'

&

'Child'

nua

'Female'

&

'Woman'

'Male'

&

'Male'

Ais

aŋ

Only nouns can head an NP, whereas both nouns and adjectives modify one. Adjectives can only appear in headless NPs if they the noun in question has already been introduced in discourse (Overall 2007:142). This is to say, if one takes a clause in isolation - disregarding previous discourse, it may seem as though adjectives and nouns are one class, and this problem of ignoring ellipsis in grammatical analysis has been highlighted by Floyd (2011). The following example illustrates this. It is taken from a fragment where the speaker is describing a person wearing black: (49)

mukusa ɨntsaruhãi mukusa ɨntsa-ra-u-hãi black get.dressed-PLUR:PFV-AG.NR-COMIT 'With the (person) wearing the black one' [SHGS2013_09_11_Reciprocals_2_M_266595]

Now, while it seems like this color term is heading an NP, ie. that mukusa 'black' is formally a noun, if we look at this clause in discourse, we see that in fact, it is modifying an ellipsed NP, pushi 'clothes', as in the following (the arrows indicate that the noun pushi 'clothes' is essentially the head of both NPs: NP

(50)

ADJ ADJ [pushi [puhu ɨntsaru]] tura nuya [mukusa ɨntsaruhãi]] [pushi puhu ɨntsa-ra-u] tura clothes white get.dressed-PLUR:PFV-AG.NR and nuya then

[mukusa black

ɨntsa-ra-u-hãi] get.dressed-PLUR:PFV-AG.NR-COMIT

'The one wearing white clothes and then with the one wearing black (clothes)' [SHGS2013_09_11_Reciprocals_2_M_266595] This is related to what Floyd (2011:59) calls "Pragmatic constraints [where] speakers will seek a recoverable anaphoric referent", in this case pushi 'the clothes'. Overall (2007) also points out that color terms are not easily combined with PERTENSIVE 5 suffixes in Aguaruna, whereas all nouns can take PERTENSIVE morphology . Consider the

following:

5

In Shuar, both Possessor and Possessed are marked. PERTENSIVE is used here, following Overall (2007), to

refer to the marking of the Possessed.

34 | Grammar Sketch

(51)

(52)

ter inalrĩ uchichich terminal-rĩ terminal-PERT:1PL/3 'His tiny little terminal'

uchi-uchi-uchi small-DIM-DIM [SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_breakfast_163665]

winia umar uchichich wi-nia uma-ru uchi-uchi-uchi 1SG-ACC/GEN sibling.of.opposite.sex-PERT:1SG small-DIM-DIM 'My baby brother' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_789380]

In both these cases, the head of the NP, the noun, takes on PERTENSIVE morphology, whereas the adjective modifies the noun. Furthermore, in these example the adjective typically follows the noun in constituent order, showing that the general preferred constituent order is NOUN-ADJECTIVE. (53)

(54)

(55)

(56)

(57)

(58)

pushi puhu clothes white 'white clothes'

[SHGS2013_09_11_Reciprocals_2_M_266595]

kaya uunt stone big 'big stone'

[SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_324615]

numi uunt tree big 'big tree'

[SHGS2013_09_21_Put_1_M_424033]

nua woman 'fat woman'

apu fat

ais aŋ man 'fat man'

nuíram fat

[SHGS2013_09_21_Put_1_M_29885]

namak uchichich namak uchi-uchi-uchi fish small-DIM-DIM 'Tiny, little fish'

[SHGS2013_09_21_Put_1_M_304847]

[SHGS2013_08_23S1B_GUide_House_274255]

inkis nua 'female foreigner/ foreign woman' [SHGS2013_09_21_Put_1_M_72335]

35 | Grammar Sketch

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

However, we also have examples where the adjective precedes the noun, and in all these examples, the noun is human. At the same time, as we just saw in the examples above, human nouns can also precede the adjective as in aishmaŋ nuíram 'man - fat'. (59)

(60)

(61)

(62)

puhu aɨnts white person 'white person' mukusa apach black mestizo 'black person' chikich aɨnts other person 'other person' uunt wɨa big priest 'big priest'

[SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1308215]

[SHGS2013_09_21_Put_1_M_363915]

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_407030]

[SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_230435]

At this point it is still not clear whether being HUMAN is the only motivation for this constituent order and this is an area for future investigation. In addition, there is another important diagnostic, which Overall mentions (2007:143-144), namely that of gradation. He cites Dixon (p.143) in claiming that, as properties are gradable, gradation is a common criterion for 'distinguishing adjectives from other word classes' (Dixon 2004a:26). Floyd (2011:59) makes a similar claim by saying that "adjectives and adverbs can be specified for degree through reduplication or with degree words, while nouns cannot". In Aguaruna, gradation can be carried out using the adverb ʃiiha meaning 'very' when

modifying a verb, 'very' when modifying the adverb6 sɨntʃi 'strongly', and also 'very' when modifying an adjective. Here is an example of the latter usage (p.145) in an attributive clause: (63)

húka ʃíiŋ s’ta utʃi [ hu-ka ] [ ʃiiha [ PRX-FOC ] [ very t is is very s ort

sutahutʃi-i ] short-COP:3:DECL ]

In Shuar, its counterpart, though not cognate, would be ti. The cognate form would be shiram, which means 'pretty' and 'beautiful'. The next example is a simple attributive clause, whereby the COPULA -it- is affixed unto the adjective pɨŋkɨra 'good'. Note that the COPULA always affixes onto an adjective/noun/nominalized verb in equative/attributive clauses in the present tense (see4.11)

6

Adverbs are a separate class, and are discussed in the following section.

36 | Grammar Sketch

(64)

(65)

auka ti pɨŋkɨraiti au-ka ti DST-FOC very 'She is very good' ti uuntaiti ti uunta-it-i very big- COP-3SG:DECL 'He's very big'

pɨŋkɨra-it-i good-COP-3SG:DECL [SHGS2013_08_23S5_PubTalk_371720]

[SHGS2013_08_23S5_PubTalk_109543]

In all three cases, because ti and ʃiiha are marking gradation on the words uunta 'big', pɨŋkɨra 'good' and sutahutʃi 'short', these words must be adjectives as opposed to nouns. 2.3.4 Adverbs Adverbs form a small word class in the Jivaroan languages (Overall 2007). They can modify verbs, adjectives, and predicates and can express manner, time, and location. Overall (2007:168) mentions a sub-class of verbal adverbs which take on subordinate verb morphology but can never be conjugated as finite verbs. The following Shuar example is one such case: (66)

Jorge, aantram kuntuts ɨnɨntaimsaip J aantra-mɨ kuntuts ɨnɨntaim-sa-i-pa J in.vain-2SG sad feel-ATT:PFV-APPR-PROHIB 'George, don't feel sad in vain' [SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_Breakfast_335010]

The adverb 'in vain', takes on subordinate verb morphology, namely the 2SG marker -mɨ. Note that only a sub-class of adverbs can take on such verbal marking. Furthermore, in Aguaruna, some location and time adverbs can take on the DIMINUTIVE -uchi or the FOCALIZER -ka (Overall 2007:168). In Shuar, these suffixes are not limited to only time and location adverbs, but also to manner: (67)

pɨŋkɨrach uumrúkar pɨŋkɨra-uchi uu-ma-ru-ka-r good-DIM hide-REFL-APPL-PFV:SEQ-3PL:SS 'hiding themselves well...' [SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_135555]

(68)

wárik nampɨ wɨnawai wari-ka nampɨ wɨ-ina-wa-i fast-FOC get.drunk go-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'They usually get drunk quickly' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1810335]

In addition, there are also intensifiers such as the word ti, which always takes on a very high pitch, and means 'very'. It modifies adjectives and adverbs, as the word ʃiiha does in Aguaruna (Overall 2007:119), and so is often used in attributive clauses:

37 | Grammar Sketch

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(69)

(70)

ti pɨŋkɨraiti ti pɨŋkɨra-it-i very good-COP-3SG:DECL 'It is very good'

[SHGS2013_08_23S1B_GUide_House_241178]

ɨnta ɲĩsha uuntaiti ti nukap ɨnta ɲĩ-sha uunta-it-i ti nukap well 3-ADD big-COP-3SG:DECL very much 'Well, he too is big, very much so' [SHGS2013_08_23S5_PubTalk_111087]

In the last example, ti modifies nukap, which in turn modifies the adjective uunta 'big'. Nukap is a frequently used adverb which either modifies nouns or verbs. (71)

nukap maár nukap ma-a-r a lot kill-PFV:SEQ-1PL:SS ' we killing a lot….

Then, there is another intensifier imia 'a lot/much', which modifies nouns and usually follows them in word order, as in the following: (72)

bateria imia battery INTENS 'Much battery'

[SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_breakfast_210770]

Now, we move on to the time and location adverbs, which are quite prominent as in the following: (73)

u ui tukɨ matsámniuka hu [ u-ĩ] [tukɨ] PRX [PRX-LOC] [always] 'Those that always live here'

matsám-niu-ka live-AG.NR-FOC

In this example, we see both a time adverb tukɨ 'always' (which is often pronounced with a very high pitch on the [tu]) and a location adverb ĩ here'. 2.3.5 Sound-Symbolism There is also a set of sound-symbolic words or ideophones. The Jivaroan languages are generally well known for their ideophones (Descola 1994; Overall 2007), with many bird names also taking on the sound of their perceived song, or call (see Berlin 1994 for Huambisa). In addition to bird names, there are a number of conventionalized, onomatopoeic representations of animal calls (Overall 2007:171) used during hunting, and strolling through the jungle (fieldnotes). Unfortunately, there is no room to elaborate on any of these calls. Overall (2007:172) divides them into two groups: onomatopoeic words that often involve reduplication and are lexicalized, and one-word units that are more integrated into the phonology. In any case, many of these items function as manner adverbs. 38 | Grammar Sketch

(74)

sutarach tsat tsat tsupirar sutara-uchi tsat tsat tsupi-ra-r short-DIM SYM SYM chop.up-PFV:SEQ-1PL:SS 'chopping (them) up in short slices' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1623335]

(75)

chikichka wíniawai mut mut chikich-ka win-ia-wa-i other-FOC come-IMPFV-3-DECL 'Another one is arriving, slowly, slowly'.

(76)

mut

mut

SYM

SYM

[SHGS2013_08_23S5_Pub_talk_451255]

pákɨ miniaknais amikmáyi pákɨ miniak-nai-s amik-ma-a-i SYM hug-RECIP-SBD+3:SS friend-VR- LOAF:PFV-3:DECL 'A man greeted a woman by hugging her tightly (lit. making the sound pákɨ) [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1623335]

Based on this usage, the /pákɨ/ ideopohone refers to the sound extracted from patting something or someone. It seems to have its counterpart in Aguaruna, /pákɨt/, meaning, "solid hitting solid" (Overall 2007:172), although there exists another similar ideophone used for "slapping with the hand" /piípi/. There is also a similar ideophone in Pastaza Quechua /pak/ which is used to describe the sound of impact when objects fall to the ground (Nuckolls 2010). 2.3.6 Conjunctions Shuar, like Aguaruna, has no real conjunctions. Subordinate strategies are used to express clausal relations (see Chapter 5 on The Subordinate Verb). To list several items, the COMITATIVE -hãi is used. Sometimes, the particle tura is also used (possibly derived from the verb 'to say' tu-). It is translated as 'and', 'but', and 'so'. The word turasha (the same word plus the UNCERTAINTY marker -sha) is used for the word 'but' to contrast two arguments, such as in the following case: (77)

Yamaikia nu yahauchiti turasha hakachuithai Yamai-kia nu yahauch-iti Today-FOC ANA bad-COP-3:DECL turasha ha-ka-ch-u-it-ha-i but die-FOC:PFV-NEG-PFV.NR-COP-1SG-DECL 'It's really bad today, but I haven't died'

Overall (2007:509) states that the Aguaruna cognate tuhã is 'not always strictly contrastive and there is some semantic overlap with consequence linkage', which explains why it is sometimes translated as 'so'. As there is no conjunction for the word 'or', bilingual speakers sometimes insert the Spanish conjunction o 'or' to contrast two arguments, as in the following:

39 | Grammar Sketch

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(78)

Ma uc ir kupiniak ataĩnkia, a o untka taĩnkia Ma uchir kupinia-ka- ataĩ-kia, So son-PERT:1SG break-PFV:SEQ-1/3:DS-COND ma so 'So, if

o or

munt-ka- taĩ-kia dislocate-PFV:SEQ-1/3:DS-COND

y c ild breaks so et ing , or if e dislocates so et ing …'

Overall (2007:510) discusses how the conjunction atsa 'no' is used in disjunctive coordination in Aguaruna questions, but more data is needed to see whether this is also the case for Shuar.

40 | Grammar Sketch

3 The Noun Phrase "Theater is a verb before it is noun, an act before it is a place." Martha Graham Although the focus of this thesis is on the verb phrase, this sketch of the noun phrase will introduce important elements of Shuar grammar such as case-marking, demonstratives, and nominalization which are crucial for the analysis of the verb phrase. A great deal of nominal morphology can also be affixed on demonstratives and adjectives. In terms of a general profile of the noun phrase, there is no gender system in Shuar, and nouns are not marked for number either. Adjectives are generally similar to nouns, with some fine grained areas of distinction. In terms of possession, there is an inalienable/alienable distinction. Further, there are no articles but pro- and adnominal demonstratives are very common. Finally, with regards to argument marking, first and second person arguments are indexed on the verb, whereas third person arguments or adjuncts are expressed using an NP, but may be dropped. This chapter discusses 3.1 Pronouns, 3.2 Demonstratives, 3.3 Other Nominal Suffixes, 3.4 Possession, 3.5 Focus, and 3.6 Case Marking.

3.1

Pronouns

Shuar is a pro-drop language, so subject arguments and 3rd person object arguments may be omitted, if retrievable from context.

41 | The Noun Phrase

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

3.1.1 Personal Pronouns The personal pronouns are given in the table below: Table 4 Personal Pronouns

Person

Singular

Plural

1

wi

íĩ

2

amɨ

atum nĩi, au

3

In most cases, these pronouns are rather straightforward. The 2PL pronoun atum is probably the surface form of the underlying atumi (see the discussion in section on possessive pronouns). Furthermore, native speakers insist that nĩi and au are both used as 3rd person pronouns, with no difference amongst them. Strictly speaking, Au is a DISTAL demonstrative. I have witnessed, however, a tendency to use nĩi for 3rd person singular and au for 3rd person plural, but in general they are used interchangeably. Also, it must be noted that these pronouns barely ever appear unmarked. Either they are dropped, or appear with some nominal morphology. For example, in a corpus of 4 hours and 13 minutes of transcribed and translated text, the bare 1st person form wi appears only four times. In contrast, the form wikia (wi-kia '1SG- FOCALIZER') appears fifty times followed by wisha (wi-sha 1SG-ADDITIVE; eleven times). When arguments are introduced for the first time and are different from those of the preceding finite verb in person and number, they are topicalized by the FOCALIZER -ka, as in the following: (79)

Akupturkar iayi. Tura nuĩ ka e, wikia tukɨ shuar asan Akup-tu-ru-ka-ara-mia-yi. Send-APPL-1SG.OBJ-INTS-PL-DIST.PST-3:DECL. Tura But

nu-ĩ ANA-LOC

kamɨ, then/so

wi-kia tukɨ shuar asa-n 1SG-FOC always Shuar COP:SBD-1SG:SS

'They sent me (to Kusuim), but so, as I'm always Shuar....' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_646320]

42 | The Noun Phrase

(80)

Ma apach turutɨakuish, ma wikia shuar asan mɨtɨkaithai. Ma apach tu-ru-tɨ-a-ku-ĩ-sh, Then Mestizo say-APPL-1SG.OBJ-IMPFV-SIM-1/3:DS-CONCESS ma Then

wi-kia 1SG-FOC

Shuar Shuar

asa-n COP:PFV:SEQ-1SG:SS

mɨtɨka-it-ha-i. same-COP-1SG.DECL

'So, even if the Mestizo told me so, I, being Shuar, am the same. '[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_897380] 3.1.2 Articles Shuar, like the other Jivaroan languages, has no true articles. However, it seems as though, very rarely, the third person pronoun nĩĩ, which is both a PERSONAL and POSSESSIVE pronoun, is used as a definite article in the same way that el is used in Spanish as both a THIRD PERSON SINGULAR pronoun and a definite determiner. (81)

nĩĩ uunt 3 big 'The elder'

[SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_58541]

This type of construction is somewhat rare - it has only ever appeared once during a narrative. Further, if we look at earlier sources, e.g. Karsten (1935), we do see this type of construction being used, where it is in fact listed as a definite article: (82)

nĩĩ páŋgi 3 snake ? 'The snake'

(Karsten 1935:384)

During my experience with elicitation, eliciting a definite NP in Spanish (eg. el varon 'the man') would often get the construction nĩĩ ais maŋ in Shuar. It is true that the above translation would be glossed as la serpiente 'FEM.DEF serpent' using a feminine determiner and not the masculine one el, which is homophonous. However, we must be cautious of Karsten's linguistic and ethnographic data, as Harner (1972:2) is quick to critize the reliability of his predecessor's methodology7. Gnerre (1986:329) also points out that Karsten transcribed many myths from dictation and sometimes used non-native speakers, hinting that his data could be biased by its unnaturalistic setting.

7

"In time it became evident that the erratic quality of information supplied by both anthropologists [including Sterling] derived in part from their reliance on white men as interpreters. Karsten depended almost exclusively on Macabeos, the Mestizo inhabitants of the village of Macas, for his communication with Indian informants. He also relied on them for second-hand information on Jívaro culture, as I ascertained by talking to Macabeos who had worked for him. I also found that Macabeos had misconceptions of Jívaro culture which they believed in so strongly that they were willing to argue with Indians about the latter's own relations." (Harner 1972:2)

43 | The Noun Phrase

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

3.2 Demonstratives There are three types of demonstratives in Shuar: PROXIMAL, DISTAL, and ANAPHORIC. Overall (2007) cites an additional demonstrative for Aguaruna, namely the MEDIAL demonstrative, but so far this has not come up in my Shuar data. Table 5 Demonstratives

Demonstrative

Demonstrative - LOCATIVE

PROXIMAL

Hu

hu-ĩ

DISTAL

Au

a-ĩ

ANAPHORIC

Nu

nu-ĩ

There is one interesting point to make about the DISTAL form, when combined with the LOCATIVE. If we look at the other DEMOSNTRATIVES, we see that they simply add the -ĩ suffix whereas the DISTAL form au drops the /u/ so that we get aĩ. This process does not take place in Aguaruna, where the LOCATIVE form is awĩ (au-ĩ (Overall 2007:157). The explanation for this could be contact related - as the Spanish adverb allí, which is almost a direct translation of the Shuar aĩ, may have encouraged speakers to merge the two forms: (83)

aĩ pu us ɨka a-ĩ puhu-sa-mɨ-ka DST-LOC live/stay-SBD-2SG:SS-COND ')f you are t ere…' [SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_964710]

Adnomial demonstratives are positioned after the noun and often carry case marking: (84)

Nuwa nuna wakɨrahai Nuwa nu-na Woman ANA-ACC 'I want that woman.'

wakɨra-ha-i want.IMPFV-1SG-DECL [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_tales_131115]

Notice the ANAPHORIC DEMOSNTRATIVE nu following the noun nuwa and taking on ACCUSATIVE case marking (see further discussion on section 3.4.1 ACCUSATIVE CASE). Demonstratives can also appear pronominally. Another interesting aspect about demonstratives is that, when combined with the COMITATIVE - ãĩ, they can take on a negation marker, which is usually found on verbs. It is always translated as o sino, in Spanish: (85)

Nu ãĩnc uka Nu- ãĩ-chu-ka ANA-COMIT-NEG-COND

'Or otherwize/ or perhaps. Lit. if not with that' [SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_141095]

44 | The Noun Phrase

3.3

Possession

Shuar is both head and dependent marking. The word order is always Possesser - Possessed both of which are marked. The possessor noun is marked using suppression of apocope. The possessed noun, on the other hand, is marked by a suffix or a stem change and can also stand alone, as its morphology indicates the possessor as well. On the other hand, Following Overall (2007), we will use the term PERTENSIVE to refer to the marker of the possessed noun. We use the term GENITIVE to describe the marking on the possessor noun. Below, we show how this marking is historically related to the ACCUSATIVE (based on Overall 2007 an applicable to Shuar). Further, possession in Shuar differentiates alienable from inalienable possession syntactically, perhaps less so semantically. Another important distinction to make is that nouns possessed by 1SG take on different suffixes to those possessed by 2SG, which in turn are different to everything else. Hence, there are usually 3 PERTENSIVE markers per noun. 3.3.1 Possessor nouns Possessor nouns are marked phonetically by a suppression of apocope, as shown on the word Shuara in the following two examples: (86)

Shuara nihiamchirinkia Shuara nihiamãchi-rĩ-kia Shuara+GEN manioc.beer-PERT:1pl/3-FOC 'Shuar Chicha' [SHGS2013_08_23S5_PubTalk_199125]

(87)

S uara pu utaĩrĩ Shuara puhu-taĩ-rĩ Shuara+GEN live/stay-NON.A/S.:NR-PERT:1PL:3 'Shuar customs/ways of life' [SHGS2013_08_22_hunting_narrative_178490]

The surface form usually appears as Shuar ['ʃwaɾ], but when it functions as a possessor, suppression of apocope is carried out to get the underlying form Shuara ['ʃwa.ɾa]. Note that the underlying form also appears when marked for ACCUSATIVE: (88)

['ʃwa.ɾan] shuaran shuara-na Shuar-ACC

The same can be observed for other possessed nouns, as in following, which describes the word for beer, using the Shuar word for manioc beer nihiamãchi, combined with the word apachi which literally means little father and grandfather, but which is the common term to describe non-indigenous Ecuadorians of mixed descent, Mestizos: (89)

apachi nihiamchiri apa-chi father-DIM colonizer/mestizo 'Beer'

nihiamãchi-rĩ manioc.beer-PERT:1pl/3 chicha [SHGS2013_08_23S5_PubTalk_196975]

45 | The Noun Phrase

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

The term for colonizers or mestizos is usually apach [a.'patʃ] with the final /i/ undergoing apocope. In this example, we clearly see the DIMINUTIVE suffix surfacing in its full form -chi due to suppression of apocope. The next example shows a similar case of suppression of apocope, but for the inanimate noun kanusa. Kanús is glossed as 'big river' in Pellizaro & Nawech (2005:262), derived from the word kanu 'canoe', but is glossed in the three tokens that it appears in my corpus as 'territory'. In addition, Overall (2007) glosses it as the Santiago River. In any case, the key point here is that the entry appears as kanús in Pellizaro & Nawech (2005:262) because of its surface form. Notice here that the possessor noun is suppresses apocope to get the underlying form /kanusa/. (90)

kanúsa pakarin kanusa paka-rĩ-ĩ big.river+GEN plane- PERT:1pl/3-LOC 'In the flat part of the big river/territory' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_25545]

(91)

Himpíkti hɨɨn puhamɨ Himpikiti hɨɨ- ĩ H house:PERT:1PL/3-LOC 'You are staying at Himpikit's house'

puha-mɨ live/stay.IMPFV-2:DECL (fieldnotes)

In the last example, the name, normally surfacing as [himpikit] now surfaces as [himpikti], once again using suppression of apocope to mark the GENITIVE. 3.3.1.1 Possessive Pronouns The possessive pronouns are shown in table 3. Possessive pronouns in Shuar are almost identical to personal pronouns, except for the 1st person possessive, which marks the GENITIVE with the ACCUSATIVE -na. Also the 2PL possessive marking has an additional -i compared to the personal pronoun atum. This is also linked to suppression of apocope, highlighting the fact that atumi may be the underlying form. Because possessed nouns make use of PERTENSIVE markers, these pronouns are optional. Table 6 Possessive Pronouns

1SG

Winia

2SG

amɨ

3

Ni

1PL

Ii

2PL

atumi

46 | The Noun Phrase

(92)

a.

winia

apa-r 1SG-ACC father-PERT:1SG 'My father'

b.

apa-r father-PERT:1SG '(my) Father

The PERTENSIVE marker -r already suggests FIRST PERSON SINGULAR position and so the winia is not mandatory but is used for emphasis. 3.3.1.2 Historical Speculation Overall (2007) puts forth a convincing claim to describe the rize of the GENITIVE marker, linking it to the ACCUSATIVE marker -na, or rather, suggesting that the GENITIVE was marked by the ACCUSATIVE. I will provide evidence that this is potentially also true for Shuar. As we have seen above, most often the GENITIVE reveals itself in the form of suppression of apocope, but for the 1sg possessive pronoun it can be broken down into wi-nia '1SG-ACC'. Furthermore, if we look at other Jivaroan languages, like Aguaruna, we see that the GENITIVE form of the 1PL pronoun is also marked with the ACCUSATIVE, /íina/ whereas it is not in Shuar /íi/ as in: (93)

(94)

Aguaruna íina nuwɨutʃí i aĩ íi-na nuwɨ-utʃí- ĩ- aĩ 1PL-ACC woman:PERT-DIM-PERT:1PL/3-COMIT 'With our (little) wives'

Overall (2007:579)

Shuar ii nuari aĩs ii

nua-rĩ- aĩ-sh 1PL+GEN woman-PERT:1PL/3-COMIT 'With our wives' [SHGS2013_08_23S1B_Guide_House_113970] There seems to be a link between the ACCUSATIVE and marking possession (which is why I gloss ii in (13) as a 1PL_GENITIVE marker). We also see that the two languages have diverged in this respect, at least highlighting that at some point this was a relevant marker in either language. Now, let's delve deeper into the Shuar case. If we look at the accusative form of the word Shuar 'people/Shuar', we get Shuaran, as in the following: (95)

tusar shuaran tu-sa-r say-SBD-3PL:SS 'By telling people…'

shuara-na people/Shuar-ACC

The form /Shuaran/ appears in the full form of the root, i.e. we get /shuaran/ and not */shuarna/, which means that there is suppression of apocope on the nominal root, but there is apocope on the /a/ of the ACCUSATIVE marker -na. In any case, for the sake of this discussion, let us focus on the form of the nominal root. If we look at the GENITIVE form, we get shuara which could potentially be a relic of the ACCUSATIVE form shuaran. To support this claim, we need only to look at a synchronic phenomenon, where variation in production and perception of the ACCUSATIVE marking -na is 47 | The Noun Phrase

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

widespread (fieldnotes; Gnerre pc). This has been evident throughout transcriptions in my corpus, where consultants either transcribe a word with the ACCUSATIVE -na, where it is very inaudible, or where both speakers and consultants leave it out, where syntactically speaking, one might expect it. I had two consultants transcribe the same piece of text, and the following variation appeared: (96)

a. Transcriber 1 shuara ayampra shuara people/Shuar+ACC 'Defending people...'

ayamp-rã defend-PFV:SEQ+3:SS

b. Transcriber 2 shuaran shuara-na people/Shuar-ACC 'Defending people...'

ayamra ayam-rã defend-PFV:SEQ+3:SS

While there may be a tendency for subordinate clauses to be more 'loose' when it comes to marking the ACCUSATIVE, this variation may be very widespread in other contexts as well. In fact, in only three minutes of speech, this variation with the ACCUSATIVE appears several times, clearly showing that the ACCUSATIVE marker is undergoing change, and that even when it is dropped, the underlying form of the noun appears so that we get /shuara/ and not /shuar/. This element is crucial to this argument, as seem to have three forms: Unmarked surface form /shuar/

ACCUSATIVE

surface form

/shuaran/

ACCUSATIVE/GENETIVE surface

form

/shuara/

The first form appears in contexts where ACCUSATIVE marking is strictly forbidden, e.g. for a NOMINAL argument. The second and third option can both be interpreted as ACCUSATIVE and are at the heart of the variation. There is also a more general tendency for nasal consonants to be dropped in Shuar and in Aguaruna (Overall, pc). In addition, ACCUSATIVE marking may sometimes also be optional in other Ecuadorian languages, when the case relations are otherwise clear (Floyd, p.c.) Taking all of this into consideration, it could be that GENETIVE marking through the suppression of apocope is simply a remnant of an older system where the ACCUSATIVE marker na was the default marker for possession.8

8

I want to thank Simon Overall who discussed this hypothesis with me for Aguaruna, which then opened my eyes to the same phenomenon in Shua. I would also like to thank Maurizio Gnerre for highlighting the relevance of analyzing two of the same transcriptions done by different people.

48 | The Noun Phrase

3.3.2 Possessed Nouns As seen in the table above, possessed nouns are marked with a PERTENSIVE suffix which indicates whether the possessor is 1sg, 2sg, or other. Overall (2007:199) suggests two classes of possessed nouns: 1) Vowel changing and 2) suffixing, which correspond to inalienable and alienable possession respectively. Most body parts and kinship terms are inalienably possessed. This is exactly the same for Shuar and can be summed up in the following table: Table 7 PERTENSIVE markers (adapted from Overall 2007:199) MARKER PERSON

VOWEL-CHANGING CLASS

SUFFIXING CLASS

Inalienable possession

Alienable possesion

-r

-ru

1SG 2 Vowel change in root

1PL/3

-mɨ

-rumɨ

Nasality of final vowel

-rĩ

There are 2 paradigms, alienable and inalienable possession. Table 8 Inalienable & Alienable Possession

Possessor

Inalienable Possession

Alienable Possession

1SG

Winia hɨar

Winia uuntur

2SG

1PL, 2PL, 3

Wi-nia

hɨa-r

Wi-nia

uunta-ru

1SG-ACC

house-PERT:1SG

1SG-ACC

elder- PERT:1SG

'My house'

'My

elder'

Amɨ hɨɨm

Amɨ uuntrum

Amɨ

hɨɨ-m

Amɨ

2SG+GEN

house:PERT-2SG

2SG+GEN

uunta-rum elder-PERT:2SG

'Your house'

'Your elder'

)i atu i nĩĩ ɨɨ

)i atu i nĩĩ uuntrĩ

)i atu i nĩĩ 1PL/2PL/3

ɨɨ house:PERT:1PL/2PL/3

'Our/Your/his/her/their house'

)i atu i nĩĩ

uunta-rĩ

1PL/2PL/3

elder-PERT:1PL/2PL/3

'Our/Your/his/her/their elder'

49 | The Noun Phrase

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Most body parts and kinship terms are inalienably possessed, although there are exceptions, as shown in the table above, where a noun like hɨa 'house' is alienably possessed and a kinship noun like uunta 'elder' is alienably possessed. Below, is another example of an inalienable noun Earth/Territory/South, where he unmarked term is nunka. (97)

(98)

Shuara nunkɨ Shuara+GEN 'Shuar territory' ii a ikrĩ ii 1PL+GEN

Earth-PERT:3/1PL

amik-rĩ friend- PERT:3/1PL

[SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1832465]

[SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1752671]

3.4 Case Marking Shuar, like its other Jivaroan counterparts, has nominative/accusative alignment. In addition, there are several other oblique cases: -COMITATIVE/instrumental and locative. Allative and ablative cases also exist and must be joined by a locative suffix, except when combined with demonstratives. Pronomial arguments can be dropped in the subject/agent position and in the object position when they are third person arguments (Object marking is discussed further in the Chapter 5: Finite Verbs). 3.4.1 Accusative Case The accusative case is marked with the suffixes: -na and marks the direct object/patient of a transitive phrase (P) and the recipient of a ditransitive phrase (R). The interesting thing about Jivaroan languages is that 'there is not a complete overlap between syntactic accusative case and morphological accusative marking' (Overall 215:2007). What this means is that accusative case marking is not exclusively governed by its syntactic role with respect to the verb, but also the person and number of the subject, a very rare feature in the languages of the world (Gnerre 2009). In other words, objects only take accusative marking if the subject is first person, singular or third person (singular and plural). This type of patterning has led researchers such as Gnerre (p.c.) to claim that the role of addressee is crucial in influencing aspects of grammar. That is, whenever the addressee is part of the subject, the object is unmarked (2sg, 2pl, 1pl). This can be summed up in the following table.

50 | The Noun Phrase

Table 9 Accusative Alignment

AGENT

Object ADDRESSEE takes on ACCUSATIVE included

1SG

Yes

Example

ãwãn iyahai

No

'I see a dog-ACC' 3

Yes

ãwãn iyawai

No

ãwã iiniawai

'He/she/it sees a dog-ACC'/ 'they see a dog-ACC' 1PL

No

Sometimes

ãwã iyahi 'We see a dog-ø

2

No

Yes

ãwã iyamɨ/ ãwã iyarmɨ 'You (pl.) see a dog-ø'

Gnerre may be perhaps too conservative when he states that 1PL is necessarily inclusive (2009:15-16). My data suggests that there is no inclusive/non-inclusive distinction, which is why I've added 'sometimes' to the ADDRESSEE column. In addition to these elicited example, some example from spontaneous speech are provide below Consier first the following examples where the subject is 1SG and 3 respectively. (99)

nuna tukɨ nɨkámiahai nu-na tukɨ ANA-ACC always 'I always knew that.'

nɨka-mia-ha-i know.PFV-DIST.PAST-1SG-DECL [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_883470]

So, we clearly see that a 1sg actor forces the marked 3 object, in this case represented by the ANAPHORIC demonstrative nu-, to take on accusative marking. In the next example, we have third person agent ais maŋ 'man' acting on an overt third person object nua-na 'woman-ACC', hence the object is marked for ACCUSATIVE (100)

ais aŋ nuan pakɨ miniakas amikmayi ais aŋ [nua-na pakɨ man [woman-ACC SYM miniaka-sã hug-SBD+3SG:SS

amik-ma-a-i] friend- VR-HIAF:PFV-3SG:DECL]

'A man greeted a woman by hugging her tightly (Lit. by hugging her (with the sound) [pak])' [SHGS2013_09_11_Reciprocals_2_M_180703] 51 | The Noun Phrase

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Notice here that the 3SG subject forces the 3SG object to take accusative marking. Also important to note is that nua-na is the object of both verbs. That is, the woman is being hugged and being greeted. Compare this to the absence of accusative marking in the following sentences, which have 2 and 1pl subjects acting on 3sg objects. (101)

nanturam ikiatsata tawai nantu-ram-ø ikia-ta-sa-ta ta-wa-i moon-PERT:2SG-ACC lend-1SG.OBJ -ATT-IMP say.IMPFV-3-DECL ' "Lend me your watch", he says.' [SHGS2013_09_11_Reciprocals_2_M_211323]

(102)

iish namak ihiuyahi ii-sh namak-ø 1PL-ADD fish-ACC 'We too harpooned the fish as well'

ihiu-ia -hi stab-REM.PAST-1PL:DECL [SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_58541]

So, we see here that the objects nanturam '(your) watch' and namak (fish) do not take on ACCUSATIVE marking. The ACCUSATIVE can also be marked on proper nouns, as in: (103)

hurhin achikiarai hurhi-na achi-kia-ra-ĩ George-ACC grab-INTS-PL-3:PFV:DECL 'They've just grabbed George.' [SHGS2013_08_23S5_Pubtalk_441576]

As mentioned on the section on POSSESSION, it is possible that the ACCUSATIVE was used to mark the GENITIVE. What was also mentioned was that there is much variation amongst speakers as to whether nouns should be marked for ACCUSATIVE. Finally, recall that the final nucleus of a noun stem is often realized with the addition of the ACCUSATIVE (shuar vs. shuaran). This phonological process is also an element of variation. Consider the following: (104)

a.

Speaker 1: takatna taka-ta-na work- AC.NR-ACC 'work' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1493523]

b.

Speaker 2: takatan taka-ta-na work-AC.NR-ACC 'work' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1536360]

Here, we see both verbs taka 'to work' getting nominalized using the ACTION NOMINALIZER -ta. They differ, however, in their choice of vowel elision, with speaker 1 opting for syncope and speaker 2 of apocope. 52 | The Noun Phrase

3.4.1.1 Accusative Case with Demonstratives. The accusative case is often marked on demonstratives, and in a determiner phrase, will take on the ACCUSATIVE marking, whereas the noun will not. (105)

Nuwa nuna wakɨrahai Nuwa nu-na Woman ANA-ACC 'I want that woman.'

wakɨra-ha-i want-1SG-DECL [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_tales_131115]

If the noun is also marked, it is considered to be part of another adjunct, such as: (106)

tusar shuaran nuna tu-sa-r shuara-na say-SBD-3PL:SS people-ACC 'Telling that to people'

nu-na ANA-ACC [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1034345]

not 'Telling those people'

3.4.1.2 Accusative Case Marking in Ditransitive Clauses In ditransitive verbs, such as the verb su- give , both undergoer and recipient take on case marking rendering constituent order as crucial in determining roles. (107)

yatsurun nankin suahai yatsu-ru-n nanki-n su-a-ha-i brother-PERT.1SG-ACC spear-ACC give-IMPFV-1SG-DECL 'I give my brother a spear/ I give a spear to my brother.'

Compare this clause above to the following, below, which is judged as incorrect by native speakers. (108)

?nankin yatsurun suahai nankin yatsurun suahai spear-ACC brother-PERT.1SG-ACC give-IMPFV-1SG-DECL 'I give the spear my brother/ I give my brother to the spear'

[fieldnotes]

3.4.2 Comitative/Instrumental Case The COMITATIVE/INSTRUMENTAL case is denoted with the suffix - ãĩ. The difference between Aguaruna and Shuar here is that, while both languages use - ãĩ to express the COMITATIVE, Shuar also uses this suffix to express the INSTRUMENTAL, whereas Aguaruna has a distinct INSTRUMENTAL marker -i (Overall 2007). As there are no real conjunctions, the COMITATIVE can be used to join adjuncts, as the next example shows:

53 | The Noun Phrase

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(109)

pushi puhu entsaru tura nuya mukusa ɨntsaruhai pushi puhu ɨntsar-u clothes white get.dressed-REL

so/but

nu-i-ia ANA-LOC-ABL

ɨntsar-u- ãĩ get.dressed-REL-COMIT

mukusa black 'The

tura

one

wearing

white

and

the

one

wearing

black'

[SHGS2013_09_11_Reciprocals_2_M_266595]

Further, it has been suggested by Overall that for Aguaruna, COMITATIVE NPs are oblique, and so they do not influence number marking of the verb. See the example below: (110)

ína nuwá ãĩ taátta ai mi-na nuwa- aĩ ta-a-tata-ha-i 1SG-ACC wife-COMIT come-HIAF:PFV-FUT-1SG-DECL ) will co e back wit y wife (Overall 2007:221)

He claims that examples like these appear in his corpus and thus contradicts earlier claims that suggest that COMITATIVE NPs can be treated as adjuncts and thus influence the number marking on the verb. While this is generally true for Shuar, there are exceptions, as in the following: (111)

(112)

ais aŋ nua aĩ c ic ainiawai aishman nua- aĩ man woman-COMIT 'A man and a woman are talking.'

chicha-inia-wa-i speak-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL [SHGS2013_09_11_Reciprocals_2_M_ 204160]

C ikic ki Ais aŋ nua ãĩ wainniaikiar. Chikichiki Ais aŋ nua- ãĩ One+ITER man woman-COMIT 'One man and a woman, looking at eachother...'

wain-niai-kia-r see-RECIP-PFV:SEQ-3PL:SS

We see in both examples that there is plural marking on the verbs (marked in bold). It is also clear (from the stimuli shown on which these responses are based) and from the numeral chikichki 'one' in (30) that there is only one man present, meaning that the -COMITATIVE ad unct nua ãĩ is, in essence, responsible for t e plural arking. However, we also see constructions, where the -COMITATIVE adjunct is not treated as part of the subject, as in the following:

54 | The Noun Phrase

(113)

a ikru u kas i winia nuar ai amik-ru friend-PERT:1SG

hu PRX.DEM

aria aĩ

kashi morning

acas pujusan amikmahme nua-r- aĩ woman-PERT:1SG-

wi-nia 1SG-GEN

COMIT

maria- aĩ Maria-COMIT

macas Macas

puhu-sa-n stay/live-SBD-1SG:SS

amik-ma-hamɨ friend-VR-1SG>2.SG

'My Friend, on this morning, I'm staying in Macas, with my wife, Maria, and I greet you.' [fieldnotes] Here we clearly see that that the COMITATIVE argument is oblique, as the subject marking on the finite hamɨ) and subordinate clause (-n) suggest 1st person, singular. On closer inspection, therefore, it seems like the lexical properties of the verb itself will determine whether the clause with -COMITATIVE marking is an adjunct or an argument. I've also had cases where both nouns, modifying one NP, take on the COMITATIVE: (114)

winia nuar aĩ Maria aĩ Wi-nia nua-ru- aĩ 1SG-GEN woman-PERT:1SG-COMIT 'With my wife, Maria'

Maria- aĩ Maria-COMIT

This could appear as ambiguous, as the -COMITATIVE can also be used as a conjunction, yielding the reading 'I'm here with my wife and with Maria'. It is clear here that the speaker knows that the addressee (myself) is aware that his wife is called Maria so the ambiguity seems to be sorted out using context and real world knowledge. Still, it is unclear what may be motivating this usage. 3.4.2.1 Other Uses The - ãĩ suffix, in addition to marking the COMITATIVE or INSTRUMENTAL, can also mark MANNER as Juank (1982:36) and Overall (2007) point out: (115)

Shuar Chamhay9 Shuar Chicham-hay Shuar language-IS 'In the Shuar language'

This usage is widespread across my data as well and is often used by speakers to flag codeswitch, as in the following, where Spanish is referred to as Apach(ur) chicham: (116)

9

Apac ur c ic a a ãĩnkia, visiones. Apach-ur chichama- ãĩ-kia, visiones Mestizo-PERT:1SG language-COMIT-FOC Visions 'In Spanish, visions.' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1754985]

Note that the word for language chicham often gets reduced to cham

55 | The Noun Phrase

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

3.4.3 Locative Case There are three LOCATIVE case markers, -numa, -nama, -ĩ. It is unclear what the distinction is between these; however, their base differs. Demonstratives and possessed nouns are marked with -ĩ. Everything else is marked with either -nama or -numa. The difference seems to be phonological rather than morphological, as is the case for -ĩ.. It has been claimed that several toponyms exist which end in -num and -nam in the land where the extinct Palta people resided. This has led scholars such as Gnerre (1975) to suggest a common Jivaroan origin, whereas Torero (1993a) suggests this could be related to the word namaka 'fis ', w ic in Aguaruna supposedly also eans river cited in Adelaar wit Muysken 2004). In any case, there could be a relationship between the two. The LOCATIVE is also an important case marker as it is often needed to mark sub-locative cases such as ABLATIVE and ALLATIVE. (117)

Nui Mor nana Nu-ĩ Morona-nama ANA-LOC Morona-LOC 'There in Morona'

(118)

Nayantsanam Nayantsa-nama Nayantsa-LOC 'In Nayants'

Here, both a borrowed and indigenous proper name take on the -nama suffix. The next three examples, the first of which involves the relativizing non subject/agent NOMINALIZER also take it (more discussion on this NOMINALIZER is following in the section on relativization). (119)

10

wɨámunam wɨ-a-mau-nama go-HIAF:PFV-NON.A/S:NR-LOC ' At t e place w ere e went…'

[SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_100960]

(120)

Irutkamunam, naanam, Kusuim. Irut-ka-mau-nama, naa-nam, Kusuim Reunite- INTS:PFV-NON.A/S:NR-LOC HESIT-LOC Kusuim 'In the community, in um Kusuim' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_266170]

(121)

Hu naa ahanmasha10 Hu naa aha-nama-sha. PRX HESIT field-LOC-ADD ' So, in the field as well ...' [SHGS2013_09_S3_Chicha_Making_Tale_3314]

We know from other examples that the LOCATIVE form for aha is -nam cf ahanam

56 | The Noun Phrase

It is interesting to note that in both of the last examples, the HESITATION utterance na- is used. This marker has probably rizen through the word for "name", naa (Gnerre, pc). In any case, it looks as though naa can take on case marker, as shown by the LOCATIVE marker -nam suffixed to it. Also, in the last example we see the form the locative surface as /nma/ due to vowel elision. The next few examples will seek to identify the contexts in which this happens. However, verbs relativized with this suffix can also take the -numa LOCATIVE, as in the following: (122)

íi iwiákmanum ii iwia-ka-mau-num 1PL+GEN raize-INTS:PFV-NON.A/S:NR-LOC 'In our upbringing' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_2043155]

(123)

íi auhmatmánumka o iiámunmanka ii

auhma-tɨ-mau-num-ka converse-APPL- NON.A/S:NR-LOC-FOC

1PL+GEN

o or

'In

ii-a-mau-nama-ka see-IMPFV- NON.A/S:NR-LOC-FOC our

dialogue

or

in

our

observation'

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_3544315]

So, as we see from examples (120) and (123), whether [num], [nam], or [nma] surfaces seems to depend on the elision behaviour of the NON.AGENT/SUBJECT:NOMINALIZER -mau. When we get diphthong reduction and it surfaces as [ma], we get [num] and when it surfaces as [mu], we get [nam] or [nma]. Below are some more example of nouns (i.e. not relativized verbs) with the LOCATIVE. (124)

(125)

Kaya uuntnum Kaya uunta-numa stone big-LOC 'In the big stone'

[SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_327443]

Achuarnum Achuara-numa Achuara-LOC 'Where the Achuar are'

For demonstratives and possessed and proper nouns, the LOCATIVE is marked using the suffixĩ as in the following:

57 | The Noun Phrase

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(126)

ɨɨ uĩ cuartorui áwai ɨɨ hu-ĩ Yes PRX-LOC

cuarto-ru- ĩ room-PERT:1SG-LOC

á-wa-i EXT-3-DECL

'Yes, it (a spear) exists here, in my room' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_3432843] So, we see that both the demonstrative and the possessed noun ake on the LOCATIVE form -ĩ. Also, if combined with a preceding nasalized vowel, we get the form [n] as in:

(127)

kanúsa pakarin kanusa paka-rĩ-ĩ big.river+GEN plane- PERT:1pl/3-LOC 'In the flat part of the big river/territory' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_25545]

3.4.4 Ablative Case The ablative marker is always combined with the locative suffix. Its basic role is 'to indicate movement away from some location' (Mathews 2007). It is denoted by the suffix: -ia and so often appears as either -numia, -nmaya, or - a (128)

Achuarnumia sumamiayi Achuara-num-ia suma-mia-hi Achuara-LOC-ABL buy.IMPFV-DST.PST-1PL:DECL 'we were buying from the Achuar (lit. from where the Achuar (were))' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1552815]

(129)

(130)

tu ã tu-ĩ-ia where-LOC-ABL 'From where?'

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1543645]

Ainiá a-ĩ-ia DST-LOC-ABL

'From there'

3.4.5 Allative Case The ALLATIVE case, like the ablative, must be combined with a locative case-marker except when the ALLATIVE case is described as 'expressing the meaning of motion 'to' or 'towards' a place (Crystal 2011). Most of the examples of the ALLATIVE in my corpus come from demonstratives, and all but two/three come with nouns:

58 | The Noun Phrase

(131)

nu Pumpuisnumani wɨnã, nuĩ nɨkas, áiyaiti shuar chicham. Nu ANA

Pumpuis-numa-ni Pumpuis-LOC-ALL

á-i-ait-i DST-LOC-COP-3:DECL

wɨ-nã, go-PFV:SEQ+3:SS shuar Shuar

nu- ĩ ANA-LOC

nɨkas, really

chicham language

'Having gone to Pumpuis, there really, there is the Shuar language' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_528992]

(132)

pɨŋkɨrnumani hikin timiayi pɨŋkɨra-numa-ni hi-kĩ ti-mia-yi good-LOC-ALL take-PFV:SEQ+3:SS say.LOAF-DIST.PAST-3:DECL 'He took it to where it was good, he said.' [SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_901230]

The ALLATIVE suffix has a lot more in common with demonstratives, and possibly takes on a slightly different meaning; i.e. a somewhat more general one compared to its meaning when attached to nouns. When marked on demonstratives, the LOCATIVE is not necessary. It also seems as though whenever these markers have appeared with demonstratives, they are accompanied by emphatic referential gestures. See the next examples: (133)

huní huní wɨkámaha (up and down swinging hand gesture) hu-ni hu-ni wɨka-ma-ha PRX-ALL PRX-ALL walk.IMPFV-REC.PAST-CNT.EXP 'He was walking like this (up-down-left-right)' [SHGS2013_10_06S3_Breakfast_1308036]

(134)

chikich huní ɨntsa wɨa. (river-moving gesture) chikich hu-ní ɨntsa wɨ-a. Other PRX-ALL water/river go-PFV:SEQ+3:SS 'Another river going through here...' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_tales_1856384]

(135)

Nuní wɨ (emphatic directional gesture). Nu-ni wɨ ANA-ALL go.PFV:SEQ+3:SS 'Going through there'

[SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_tales_1861478]

3.4.6 Vocative Case The vocative is often given by the suffix –a, which becomes the syllable on which pitch accent falls. Overall claims that, for Aguaruna, only proper nouns take on VOCATIVE case marking, although as we shall see in the next two examples, this is not necessarily the case for Shuar: (136)

ɨɨ puháhai yatsuruá ɨɨ puha-ha-i yatsu-ru-a yes live/stay+IMPFV-1SG-DECL brother-PERT:1SG-VOC 'Yes, I am (here), oh brother (of mine)' 59 | The Noun Phrase

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(137)

3.5

ãwã á yãwã-a dog-VOC 'Dog!'

[SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_Breakfast_159599]

Nominalization

There are two agentive nominalizers in Shuar: -u, iniu. The difference between the two is that u is marked on aspectualized verbs, whereas -inu is marked on unmarked verb stems. Further, there is also a future nominalizer tiniu which combines the agentive nominalizer iniu with the immediate future tense marker -ta. The subject nominalizer inu can also combine with the potential ma to get -min 'one who can verb'. In addition, we also find the non-subject nominalizer -taĩ, which nominalizes an accusative argument or a locative adjunct. 3.5.1 -iniu Nominalizer This nominalizer features in several different parts of Shuar grammar. Formally a nominalizer, it can also be used with the immediate future suffix or the potential suffix. In addition, it is frequently used in conjunction with the past tense form of the existential verb a-. This type of usage are discussed in Chapter 6 on Complex Predicates A case of complete nominalization occurs in the following examples, where verbs are converted to nouns, which can take on nominal morphology. (138)

a.

b.

Uwishin Uwish-iniu Bless/cure-AG.NR 'Shaman/Curer/Witch'

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1793720]

Uwishniuka Uwish-iniu-ka Bless/cure-AG.NR-FOC 'Shaman/Curer/Witch '[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1793720]

In both instances, there is vowel elision. In (55a) there is apocope and this is normally how nominalized forms appear. In (55b) there is syncope, so the [iu] surfaces, but not the initial [i]. In any case, the meaning is quite transparent: the verb uwish is becoming deverbalized and thus takes on a habitual nominalized sense. Some forms have become more lexicalized and the productivity of this suffix is a topic that requires further investigation. In any case, notice here how in b., after the nominalization has taken place, nominal morphology, i.e. the FOCALIZER

-ka is affixed onto the newly produced noun.

It can also take on verbal morphology, but, of course, before the nominalization has taken place.

The

most

60 | The Noun Phrase

typical

suffix

added

is

-karata,

which

may

glossed

as

UNSPECIFIED.HUMAN.OBJECT. (see

Chapter 4 on Object Marker for discussion). The reading then

becomes: one who does VERB to people/us'. (139)

unuikiartin unui-kiarata-iniu teach-UNSP.HUM.OBJ-AG.NR 'A teacher (Lit. One who teaches us')

(140)

tsuakratniusha tsua-karata-iniu-sha, cure- UNSP.HUM.OBJ -AG.NR-ADD ''A curer/shaman as well (Lit. A curer of us)' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1840530]

The exact same process takes place in Aguaruna, although Overall's (2007) glossing of kahata (cognate to -karata) of 1PLURAL.OBJECT seems perhaps a bit too restrictive for Shuar, as this suffix is used to refer to UNSPECIFIED GENERIC FIRST PERSON PLURAL (see 4.12.1.4). 3.5.2 -tiniu Future Nominalizer The Future Nominalizer is found in many components of Shuar sentence structure. In its prototypical sense, it is used to denote 'a person/object that will verb'. It seemingly consists of the IMMEDIATE FUTURE marker ta- and the AGENTIVE NOMINALIZER-iniu but the two are now no longer decomposable (Overall 2007). It also always appears with a PERFECTIVE suffix. (141)

(142)

hakatin ha-ka-tiniu die-PFV:INTS-FUT+NR 'Those who are going to die' Nahanamu mukunatin Naha-na-mau make-PFV-NON.A/S.NR 'A cigarette (lit.

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_2379428]

muku-na-tin suck-PFV-FUT+NR A manufactured

item

that

will

suck'

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_2508578]

Perhaps this type of usage of this marker is more widespread in Aguaruna, because it seems quite rare in Shuar. More often than not, it functions as a complement of other verbs (especially the verb 'to know'). This is probably why it has been defined as the INFINITIVE by scholars such as Turner (1992) Consider how it is glossed in Turner (1992): (143)

Uchi(n) unuinartin iturchataiti Uchi- (n) unuina-r-tin iturchat-ait-i Child-ACC teach-PFV-INF Difficult-COP-3 'The teaching of a child is difficult/It is difficult to teach a child'11 (Turner 1992)

11

'El enseñar al niño es dificil/ Es dificil enseñar al niño'

61 | The Noun Phrase

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

We can see here how it may have something resembling an INFINITIVE reading when used alongside the copula in attributive declarative phrases. Below is an example from my own data: (144)

Mas iniu s uara pu utaĩrĩ ti pɨŋkɨraiti nɨkaátin Mashi-niu All-POSS

shuara Shuara+GEN

ti pɨŋkɨra-it-i very good-COP-3:DECL 'It is good to

puhu-taĩ-rĩ live/stay-NON.A/S:NR-PERT:3/1PL nɨka-a-tin know-PFV:HIAF-FUT+NR know everything about

Shuar

culture.'

[SHGS2013_08_22_hunting_narrative_178490]

Here, we also see the verb nɨkaatin used as an infinitive. Furthermore, another frequent use is as a complement to the verb 'to know' as in the following: (145)

Pushi ɨntsartin nɨkatsrumɨ Pushi ɨntsa-ra-tiniu nɨka-tsu-ru-mɨ Clothes get.dressed-PFV:PLUR-FUT+NR know-NEG-PL-2:DECL 'You don't know how to put on clothes' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1155330]

(146)

chichaktiniash nɨkamiah chicha-ka-tiniu-ash nɨka-mia-h speak-INTS.PFV-FUT+NR-ADD know-DIST.PAST-1SG 'I knew how to speak as well' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1438582]

Most examples of this suffix in my corpus come in constructions like these. However, there are also other examples, where the nominalized noun is marked with this suffix in the absence of another verb - and still retains an INFINITIVE like reading: (147)

ihiutin au ihiu-tin au poke.PFV-FUT+NR DST 'To poke that' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1412055]

3.5.3 -taĩ Nominalizer This marker can be placed on both intransitive and (di)transitive verbs and functions as a NON.AGENT/SUBJECT:NOMINALIZER. It nominalizes either the object argument of the verb or the manner or location adjunct. Let's first look at a transitive verb: (195)

Eladio yurumtainrikia Eladio+GEN yu-ru-ma-taĩ-rĩ-kia Eladio+GEN eat-APPL-REFL- NON.A/S:NR - PERT:1PL/3-FOC 'Eladio's food' [SHGS2013_10_06S3_Breakfast_1552260]

The verb to eat 'yu' is often accompanied by the APPLICATIVE and REFLEXIVE to yield the meaning of 'eat for one's benefit'. Notice that these two suffixes are still part of verbal 62 | The Noun Phrase

morphology. The suffixes that come after the NON AGENT/SUBJECT NOMINALIZER - taĩ are part of nominal morphology (PERTENSIVE -rĩ and FOCALIZER-kia). The resulting nominalization is the OBJECT of the verb 'to eat', food. Now, if let's look at the intransitive verb puhu-: (196)

Shuara pu utaĩrĩ Shuara puhu-taĩ-rĩ Shuara+GEN live/stay - NON.A/S:NR - PERT:1PL/3 'Shuar customs/ways of life' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_3482090]

Here, we clearly see that the root -puhu has been nominalized. As it's an intransitive verb, the nominalized argument is one of manner. However, it can yield other arguments, like locative ones, highlighting its flexibility and productivity. (197)

nĩi pu utaĩrĩ pu ’s nĩi puhu-taĩ-rĩ puhu-sã 3SG+GEN live/stay-NON.A/S:NR-PERT:1PL/3 live/stay-SBD:3SG:SS 'Being at his home...' [SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_1381803]

Here we see that the word is nominalized, resulting in a locative argument. This is also seen in the following: (198)

k’nkui ia ãyáttaĩrĩ kúnkuimia mãyát-taĩ-rĩ turtle/car+GEN breathe-NON.A/S:NR- PERT:1PL/3 'Exhaust pipe (Lit. Where the car breathes from') [SHGS_2013_09_21_Put_1_M_1211610]

3.6 Relativization The Jivaroan languages also have 2 distinct NOMINALIZERS -u and –mau, which are used to form relative clauses (Overall 2014:7). Both of them are affixed to verbs which are marked for aspect, either PERFECTIVE or IMPERFECTIVE. (Recall that -iniu and taĩ were affixed on an unmarked stem). As such, the relationship between nominalization, tense, and aspect becomes a lot clearer with these NOMINALIZERS, whereas the other ones generally denote habitual properties. Furthermore, they can be combined with the COPULA to form multi-verb constructions, but this will be elaborated upon in Chapter 6. This section discusses three strategies for RELATIVIZATION. In addition, there is a nother marker -na, which is positioned in the MODALITY/MOOD slot of the verb. This can sometime combine with DEMONSTRATIVES, which are used enclitically, a process similar to that in Aguaruna (Overall 2007). In all these cases, RELATIVIZATION is carried out post-nominally. 3.6.1 Relativization using -u The Agent Nominalizer -u is affixed to stems marked with aspect, as in the following, where ɨntsa-r-u (get.dressed-PLUR:PFV-AG.NR) is relativized. [pushi puhu ɨntsaru] tura nuya [mukusa ɨntsaruhãi].

63 | The Noun Phrase

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(148)

pushi puhu entsaru tura nuya mukusa entsaruhai puhu ɨntsa-ra-u] white get.dressed-PLUR:PFV-AG.NR

[pushi clothes nuya then

[mukusa black

tura and

ɨntsa-ra-u-hãi] get.dressed-PLUR:PFV-AG.NR-COMIT

'The one wearing white clothes and then with the one wearing black (clothes)' [SHGS2013_09_11_Reciprocals_2_M_266595] The reading of the first relative clause is 'The one wearing white clothes'. Notice that for the second relativization, nominal morphology (the COMITATIVE case marker) is affixed -hãi. Furthermore, this nominalizer is also frequently sandwiched between the NEGATION marker tsu and the FOCALIZER -ka, as in the following: (149)

(150)

chichainiatsuk chicha-inia-tsu-u-ka speak-PL:IMPFV-NEG-REL-FOC 'Wit out t e speaking…'

[SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1066885]

ais aŋ ãis tsanitsuk aishma-hãi-sh tsani-tsu-u-k. man-COMIT-ADD have.sex.IMPFV-NEG-REL-FOC 'Without having sex with men as well'

3.6.2 Relativization using -mau Similar to the -taĩ NOMINALIZER, the NOMINALIZER -mau is used for nonsubject/agent adjuncts. Only in this case, it creates relative clauses and is marked on verbs which are marked for ASPECT. It typically takes on the direct object of transitive clauses and intransitive clauses and locative arguments for intransitive clauses. Notice the diphthong reduction occurring in /mau/  [mu] (151)

Aɨnts panki yuámu Aɨnts panki Person boa 'The people eaten by a boa'

[SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_1352810]

yu-á-mau eat-HIAF:PFV-NON.A/S:REL

Here, we see a nice case of relativization, where both actor and undergoer are present. One can see that there is a set word order pattern here and a lack of accusative case marking on either aents or panki. Relativized arguments can also take on case marking, such as ACCUSATIVE, LOCATIVE, or COMITATIVE. In the next example, both the NP and the relativized NP take on ACCUSATIVE marking -na:

64 | The Noun Phrase

(152)

Nuan nuatkamun Nua-na nuat-ka-mau-na Woman-ACC man.marry.woman-INTS:PFV-PFV.NON.AG.NR 'The married woman/ The woman who is married'

The next example shows the frequently used LOCATIVE -nama affixed onto the relativized clause to get the meaning 'where the big river flows': (153)

Kashpaim nuí arakani entsa uunt wɨamunam Kashpaim nu-ĩ araka-ni ɨntsa uunt wɨ-a-mu-nama. Kashpaim ANA-LOC North-ALL water big go-IMPFV-NON.A/S:REL-LOC 'To the North of Kashpaim, where the big river flows' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1901970]

(154)

Ánis winia irutkamuruin Ánis wi-nia irut-ka-mau-ru-ĩ Like.this 1SG-GEN reunite-INTS:PFV-PFV.NON.AG.NR-PERT:1SG-LOC 'Like this, in my community' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_743149]

(155)

Wish umaruithai wɨnɨ ãĩ na anamu. Wi-sh uma-ra-u-it-hãi 1SG-ADD drink-PLUR:PFV-REL-COP-COMIT

[wɨnɨ-hãi [mouth+PERT:1PL/3-COMIT

nahana-mau] make/do.PFV-NON.A/S:REL] 'I've also drunk it, the one which is done with the mouth (referring to manioc beer, produced by female saliva)' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_3185454] There are also instances where the relativized argument takes on accusative case as in the following example:: (156)

Ii uuntri auhmatsamun auhmatsatahai Ii uunt-rĩ auhmat-sa-mau-n 1PL+GEN big-PERT:1PL/3 converse-ATT- NON.A/S:NR-ACC auhma-t-sa-ta-ha-i converse-APPL-ATT-IFUT-1SG-DECL 'I'm going to talk about what my ancestors have discussed' [SHGS2013_09_05S2_4178]

While we see the relativized verb auhmatsamun taking on ACCUSATIVE marking -na here, it seems as though there may be some variation as to whether it is used. Consultants may omit it from transcription, even when it is clearly audible - and expected syntactically. This can be seen in the next example:

65 | The Noun Phrase

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(157)

Nĩĩ ɨamu nahanã Nĩĩ hɨ-a-mau 3SG arrive-PFV:HIAF-NON.A/S:NR 'He, arriving… lit. aking is arrival… '

naha-nã do/make-PFV:SEQ+3:SS

When listening to this example over and over again, the ACCUSATIVE -na was always very audible, such that we get the expected form /hɨamun/ with the ACCUSATIVE. This discrepancy may reflect variation in the marking of ACCUSATIVE with the suffix -na as mentioned in section 3.4.1. While ACCUSATIVE may pattern irregularly, other types of case marking are more standardized. In the next example, we will see this NOMINALIZER used with a LOCATIVE suffix, to indicate a place where the verb is carried out. (158)

Nu nankikmamunam Nu nankikma-mau-nam ANA fish.using.rod- NON.A/S:REL-LOC 'At that place where fish is caught '[SHGS2013_08_22_Narrative_Narrative_166930]

As the locative suffix can take on an ALLATIVE suffix, it is also possible to get this NOMINALIZER with a LOCATIVE and an ALLATIVE suffix as in the following: (159)

Ma tsankun mushutkamunmania. [SHGS2013_09_07S!_Bilingual_Education_2542290] Ma tsanku-na mushut-ka-mau-numa-nia. Then tabacco-ACC snort-INTS-NON.A/S:NR-LOC-ALL 'Then, until/after having snorted tabacco...'

Here, it seems like the combination of the LOCATIVE and the ALLATIVE suffix provide a more temporal reading, rather than a locational one. 3.6.3 Relativization using -na There is another strategy for relativization, which involves using the suffix -na in the modality slot of the verb. There is a similar construction in Aguaruna (Overall 2007:257-260) which uses DEMONSTRATIVES as clitics to mark RELATIVIZATION yet the form for these Shuar constructions differs slightly, although there are some constructions which use DEMONSTRATIVES in addition to the -na suffix. First, let's take a look at RELATIVIZATION using the -na:

(160)

winia irutkamurin takakmahna nuinkia chichak wi-nia

irut-ka-mau-rĩ-ĩ unite-INTS:PFV-NON.A/S:NR-PERT:3SG-LOC

1SG-ACC

nu-ĩ-kia ANA-LOC-FOC

chicha-kũ speak.IMPFV-SIM+3:SS

'Talking

my

about

community,

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_3330095]

66 | The Noun Phrase

where/in

takakma-ha-n work.IMPFV-1SG-REL

which

I

work'

(161)

ii nunkɨn, ii pu a nia nuĩ. [ii nunkɨ-ĩ] ii puha-hi-nia nu-ĩ [1PL+GEN land:PERT:3/1pl-LOC] 1PL live.IMPFV-1PL-AG.NR ANA-LOC 'In our land, where we live' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_3558342]

Notice the temporal adverbs nu-ĩ meaning 'there', which are used to add to the locative sense of the relativized verb. In both these examples, a LOCATIVE clause is introduced first. Then a relativized verb is added, with this temporal adverb, which is crucial in establishing anaphora between the LOCATIVE adjunct and the relativized verb. Now see the next examples: (162)

(163)

hu Kusuim tuiniana hu Kusuim tu-inia-na PRX Kusuim say-PL:IMPFV-REL 'This Kusui , w ic t ey talk about…'

[SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_270330]

Yamai puhahnia hu aintsank matsatainian Yamai Today

puha-hi-nia live/stay.IMPFV-1PL-REL

aintsan-k same.way-RESTR

ju PRX

matsata-inia-na dwell-PL:IMPFV-REL

'Just as we live here today, they dwelled in this same way' [SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_12440]

In this example, both verbs are relativized puhahnia and matsatainian. (164)

ii sumahnia áinis, atumsha hunia shuartirmesha nahankarum . ii suma-hi-nia áinis 1PL buy.IMPFV-1PL-REL like.this atum-sha 2PL-ADD

u-ĩ-ia PRX-LOC-ABL

Shuara-ti-rumɨ-sha Shuara-SAP-2PL-ADD

nahan-ka-rum make-INTS:PFV-2PL:DECL

'You, as Shuar from here, have made them just the way we buy them' Notice from the last two examples what the role of the adverbial clauses ainis, aintsank (which are formally nouns) is and mean 'the same way' or 'like this'. They mark a relation between the relativized clause and the upcoming clause. Unlike the first two examples that first introduced a LOCATIVE adjunct and used a RELATIVIZER and temporal adverb to relativize the clause, these examples use the RELATIVSER plus this adverbial clause to mark the given relation (sameness in this case). The next example

67 | The Noun Phrase

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(165)

iista nua nu sechanua wahainiana ii-sa-ta nua nu secha_nua waha-inia-na look-PFV:ATT-IMP woman ANA blue.bird_woman stand-PL:IMPFV-REL 12 'Look at those women, those blue women (who are) standing (there)'. [SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_1120113]

A very common verb which is relativized is the COPULA, and in the example below it is combined with a POSSESSIVE marker: (166)

hanki ainiana kɨnkun hanki a-inia-na kɨnku-nu thorn COP-PL:IMPFV-REL guadua-POSS 'Thorns which are of the guadua bamboo stem' [SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_437485]

The word-order here seems to depart from post-nominal nature of RELATIVIZATION, but kɨnkun may have been added as an afterthought. (167)

yuca mama ainiana yuca mama a-inia-na manioc (Sp.) manioc COP-PL:IMPF-REL 'Yuca, which is 'mama' (in Shuar)' [SHGS2013_08_23S1B_GUide_House_16848]

There is also a strategy for RELATIVIZATION which involves the use of DEMONSTRATIVES as

clitics. This process is described in further detail in Overall (2007) for Aguaruna. The following example is taken from a fragment where the speaker is listing two groups: (168)

Na shuar, kichwa ainiananu Na shuar kichwa a-inia-na=nu HESIT Shuar Quechua COP-PL:IMPFC-REL=DEMREL 'Um, the Shuar, the Quechua (speaking people)… (lit. those that are Quechua)'

The literal translation would be 'those that are Quechua', which is probably a more marked way of bringing this NP into the fore.

12

These women are meant to be beautiful mythical beings that attracted the demon Iwia to the heveans (Pellizaro & Nawech 2005)

68 | The Noun Phrase

4 The Finite Verb "No finite point has meaning without an infinite reference point."

- Jean-Paul Sartre There is hint of irony derived from this quote by Jean-Paul Sartre when applied to Shuar grammar. In Shuar grammar, it is precisely non-finite points (or clauses) which are meaningless without a finite reference point. This is the first of three chapters which deals with the Shuar verbs, by far the most complex of the word classes. This chapter starts off with the finite verb. Chapter 5 investigates the subordinate verb and Chapter 7 takes on complex predicates, which also includes nominalized and relativized verbs. Following Overall (2014:312), the term 'finite' is used to describe these verbs, which are 'inflected for the full range of verbal grammatical categories'. These verbs can also be described as 'main verbs', heading matrix clauses. In Shuar narratives, subordinate verbs greatly outnumber main verbs. There is a very clear distinction between main verbs and subordinate verbs. As Santo Tomás noted in the very first grammatical description of Quechua 69 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

in 1560, South American languages make little use of conjunctions, instead relying heavily on subordinate verbs (van Gijn et al 2011:07). Shuar, like Quechuan languages (Adelaar with Muysken 2004), makes a distinction between subordinate and finite verbs. Sentences can only have a maximum of one main verb, whereas they can have a number of subordinate verbs tied to the matrix clause which are often (although not always) positioned before the main verb. Subordinate verbs display clear morphology denoting relationships to the main verb and sometimes with respect to other subordinate or relativized verbs in more complex predicates. Further, for sentences with multiple predicates, i.e. with several subordinate clauses and one main clause, there is iconicity with respect to the ordering of verbs and the ordering of events. This complex type of clause chaining is discussed in Chapter 5. Chapter 4 concerns itself with the morphology of the finite verb, which in itself is quite distinct from subordinate verbs especially in its person marking. However, quite a number of suffixes are shared by both verb classes and these will become more apparent in the next two chapters. Chapter 4 deals with 12 sections in particular: 1. Derivational vs. Inflectional Morphology, 2. Person Marking, 3. Tense 4. Aspect, 5. Mood/Modality, 6. Negation 7. Reciprocals 8 Reflexives, 9. Causatives, 10. Applicatives, 11. Copula and Existential a-, 12. Object Marking.

4.1 Derivational vs. Inflectional Morphology Following Overall (2007), we can make a rough distinction between Level I derivational morphology on the one hand (slots A to H) and Level II inflectional morphology on the other (I to L) (see table 6 below). Table 10 Level I slots: Derivational Morphology (Adapted from Overall 2007:287)

Slot A

B

CAUSATIVE

CAUSATIVE

C

APPLICATIVE

Root -mitikia

V-

-tu/tɨ, ru/rɨ

D

E

REFLEXIVE / RECIPROCAL -ma/-nai

F

G

OBJECT/ SUBJECT -tu, ru, tama, rama, ma

H ASPECT

ASPECT (PERFECTIVE, IMPERFECTIVE)

NEGATIVE -tsu/cha

(PERFECTIVE PLURAL) -ara

Table 11 Level II slots: Inflectional Morphology (Adapted from Overall 2007:329)

I

J

K

SUBJECT

OBJECT

-ha, -Ø,

-m ,rum, hi

TENSE

L MOOD/ MODALITY

Derivational morphology alters the semantics or valency of the verb. Both finite and subordinate verbs share level I morphology. Inflectional, level II morphology is productive and 70 | The Finite Verb

obligatory despite tense and mood/modality carrying the possibility of being null-marked. In addition, despite being class changing, NOMINALIZERS are considered inflectional due to their productivity. Further, a word of caution concerning this line-up: there is certainly some overlap in the slots, and in certain constructions the slots get muddled up. For example, when the RECENT.PAST marker -ma and the POLAR.INTERROGATIVE -ka are present, they exchange positions. Further, sometimes, ASPECT (slot F) and OBJECT marking (slot E) interchange positions, possibly due to morphophonological reasons, but it is currently unclear when exactly this happens.

4.2 Person Marking Person marking is certainly one of the more complex elements of the verb phrase, with some variation in the Jivaroan language family. Unlike Ecuadorean varieties of Quechua which have lost many of their object marking affixes (Muysken 2011), in Shuar, both subject 13/agent and object are marked on the finite verb synthetically. Objects may also additionally be marked periphrastically, using pronouns. Subject marking is discussed in section 5.1.1, whereas object marking, which seems to be rather complex and makes use of a hierarchy system, is discussed at the end of the chapter in 4.12. 4.2.1 Subject Marking Subject marking with no object marking is rather straightforward. It is listed in the following table:

13

There is no distinction between S and A in Shuar in verb marking.

71 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Table 12 Subject Marking

1SG

Non past tense

Present-tense - IMPERFECTIVE

Past tense

-ha-

[Chicháhai]

-ha-

Chicha-ha-i Speak.IMPFV-1SG-DECL 'I speak/ I am speaking' 2SG

-mɨ

[chichámɨ]

-mɨ

Chicha-mɨ Speak.IMPFV-2:DECL 'You speak/ You are speaking' 3SG

-wa-/ -ĩ

[chicháwai]

-yi

Chicha-wa-i Speak.IMPFV-3-DECL 'He speaks/ He is speaking' 1PL

-hi

[Chicháhi]

-hi

Chicha-hi Speak.IMPFV-3-DECL 'We speak/ We are speaking' 2PL

-rumɨ

[Chichármɨ]

rumɨ

Chicha-ru-mɨ Speak.IMPFV-PL-2:DECL 'You speak/ You are speaking' 3PL

-iniawa-/-araĩ

[chicháíniawai] chicha-inia-wa-i Speak-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'They speak/ They are speaking'

72 | The Finite Verb

-ara…yi

There are two forms for THIRD PERSON, one for PERFECTIVE verbs and one for IMPERFECTIVE verbs. These are discussed further in the section on ASPECT. Another important point to mention is that it seems as though there is some phonological variation with the FIRST PERSON PLURAL marker -hi which sometimes surfaces as /ʃi/ as in the following: (169)

umakur puhashi um-a-ku-r drink-IMPFV-SIM-1PL:SS 'We are drinking.

puha-shi stay/live.IMPFV-1PL:DECL [SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_breakfast_224355]

4.3 Tense Shuar, like its Jivaroan relatives, has a three way tense system. The present tense is unmarked, while the past and future tenses have specific affixes, which also distinguish time depth. In addition to these synthetic mechanisms, there a number of periphrastic ways of expressing the past and the future. Most of these are discussed in Chapter 6. 4.3.1 Present Tense The present tense is unmarked and occurs with the IMPERFECTIVE marker -a and -inia. (170)

wɨahai wɨ-a-ha-i go-IMPFV-1SG-DECL 'I go/I'm going'

(171)

wakɨruiniawai wakɨru-inia-wa-i want- PL:IMPFV - 3- DECL 'they want'

[SHGS2013_08_23S1B_GUide_House_60605]

As we shall see in the next section, adding a PERFECTIVE suffix indicates that the event has just happened, demoting it to the very recent past. 4.3.2 Past Tense In general there are three synthetic past tense markers, used to mark RECENT PAST, DISTANT PAST, plus the PRESENT PERFECTIVE construction - marked with a PERFECTIVE suffix in the PRESENT tense - which describes an action which has just happened. All of these four tools for marking past tense, except remote past, involve the use of PERFECTIVE stems. PROGRESSIVE and IMPERFECTIVE aspect can be marked using periphrastic constructions (discussed in chapter 6). Aguaruna has an additional time-depth, namely that of intermediate past; yet no such data could be found for Shuar so far, although it is still possible that it exists. 4.3.2.1 Perfective To describe an event that has just happened, speakers will simply use a PERFECTIVE, aktionsart suffix with the present tense.

73 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(172)

C ic asaraĩ Chicha-sa-ara-ĩ Speak-PFV-PL-PFV:3:DECL 'They've just spoken.'

[SHGS2013_09_14_Reciprocals_F_3_176993]

So, in this example we see the PERFECTIVE suffix -sa used in the present tense. This form appeared in an experiment where participants had to watch 10~15 second clips on reciprocal actions and immediately describe what was going on. The speaker here interpreted the action as having just happened and described it accordingly. One thing to note here is that, as mentioned above, the third person PERFECTIVE forms are slightly different from IMPERFECTIVE third person forms. Whenever a PERFECTIVE suffix is used, THIRD PERSON is marked by -ĩ as opposed to -wa. Furthermore, the suffix -ara functions as a pluralizer. Compare the example above to a verb marked with the IMPERFECTIVE: (173)

chichainiawai chicha-inia-wa-i speak-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'they speak/ they are speaking'

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_3707910]

We see here that THIRD PERSON is denoted by the suffix -wa, whereas the PLURALIZER (fused with the IMPERFECTIVE) is given by the suffix -inia. 4.3.2.2 Recent Past The recent past is marked by the suffix -ma and denotes actions that have happened earlier in the day or a few days ago. It is often accompanied by a PERFECTIVE suffix and a temporal adverb such as yamai 'recently/today/ now'. (174)

yamai nukap nampɨkmahai yamai nukap nampɨ-ka-ma-ha-i Now/recently a lot get.drunk/feast/dance-PFV:INTS-REC.PAST-1SG-DECL 'These days, I've gotten drunk a lot.' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1686560]

(175)

yamaiptaku nahanamhi yama-ip-taku Now/recently-?-partly 'We made it recently-ish.'

nahana-ma-hi make.PFV-REC.PAST-1PL:DECL

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_3285815]

It is unclear what the -ip suffix is doing. The suffix -taku. is used for gradation - meaning 'partly' - and is similar to the English suffix -ish (Overall 2007:147). In any case, we see the RECENT PAST in combination with the adverb yamaiptaku. The next example is clearly marked for PERFECTIVE, and thus third person marking is done using the suffix - ĩ as opposed to -wa. We know from real-life knowledge that the act of sleeping took place the night before.

74 | The Finite Verb

(176)

n’s a wárik kanar áĩ nu-sha wari-ka ANA-ADD fast-FOC 'He, too, slept quickly.'

kana-ra-ma-ĩ sleep-PFV:PLUR-REC.PAST-3:PFV:DECL

[SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_Breakfast_215835]

4.3.2.3 Distant Past The DISTANT PAST marker is -mia. It denotes a period of remoteness which ranges from a few months to a few years. The next example is uttered by a speaker who is at least forty years old, and is referring to her childhood which must have been at least 30 years ago. (177)

wísh uchích asánt núna túkɨ nɨkámiahai wí-sh 1SG-ADD

nu-na ANA-ACC

uchi-chi child-DIM

a-sa-n

tukɨ always

nɨka-a-mia-ha-i know-PFV:HIAF-DIST.PAST-1SG-DECL

COP-PFV:SEQ-1SG:SS

'When I too was a child, I always knew that.' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_883470]

(178)

uhuk uwi amukmiasha wikia uhuk uwi amu-ka-mia-sha wi-kia six year finish-INTS-DIST.PAST-UNCERT+1SG 1SG-FOC 'I had finished (from there) in six years.' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_912915]

(179)

níinkia mash shuar chichaman chicharmiayi níĩ-kia mash shuar chichama-na chicha-ara-mia-yi 3-FOC all Shuar language-ACC speak.PFV-PL-DIST.PAST-3:DECL 'They all used to speak Shuar.' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_2021390]

All these examples are marked for PERFECTIVE and refer to events which took place several decades ago. The following is taken from a story where the speaker is talking about the healing powers of the visionary plant Brugmansia suaveolens, 'angel's trumpet/datura' describing a situation where he had almost died. (180)

winia surusarmiayi wi-nia su-ru-sa-ara-mia-yi 1SG-ACC give-1SG.OBJ-ATT-PL-DST.PST-3:DECL '(That's why) they had given it to me.' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_2155560]

This is story is also refers to an event taken from the speaker's earlier years, although it is not clear exactly when.

75 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

4.3.2.4 Remote Past The REMOTE PAST is marked by the suffix -ia. It denotes a period of remoteness which ranges from a few years, to a few decades. It also evokes a habitual sense. Overall (2007:343-4) also claims that this form is used 'to set the scene'. The following example is taken from a story about how the narrator's father would teach him how to fish: (181)

nu nɨkaár iish namák ihiúyahi nu nɨka-á-r ii-sh namak ihiu-ia-hi ANA know-PFV:SEQ-1PL:SS 1PL-ADD fish+ACC stab-REM.PAST-1PL:DECL 'After knowing that, we too would harpoon the fish.' [SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_58541]

We know that the stabbing, takes place after the 'knowing', due to logical reasoning and morphosyntactic cues such as the PERFECTIVE:SEQUENTIAL marker on nɨkaár (see chapter 5 on Sequential marking in Subordinate Verbs). The next example makes use of the temporal adverb yaunchuka '(in the) past' and also seems to have a scope of a several decades. (182)

Yaunchuka colegionmaka, atsuyayi shuar chicham. Yaunchu-ka colegio-nama-ka, . Past-FOC college-LOC-FOC atsu-ia-yi EXT:NEG-REM.PAST-3:DECL 'In

Shuar chicham Shuar language

the past, there was no Shuar in college.'[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_521584]

Finally, all of these various tense and aspect markers also have specific uses when used in combination with one another. Speakers have a plethora of different morphemes and constructions to choose from. In spite of all this, discourse organization, foregrounding and backgrounding using all the tools available for tense and aspect is an area needs further investigation. 4.3.3 Future Tense There are two types of future tense markers: an IMMEDIATE.FUTURE -ta and a regular FUTURE -tata. IMMEDIATE.FUTURE always takes on an PERFECTIVE marker an denotes an action that is about to happen. (183)

áuhmatsatahai auhma-t-sa-ta-ha-i converse-APPL- PFV: ATT-IFUT-1SG-DECL 'I'm about to discuss' [SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_3983]

76 | The Finite Verb

(184)

(185)

hɨátahi hɨ-á-ta-hi arrive-PFV:HIAF-IFUT-1PL:DECL 'we are about to arrive'

[SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_1081255]

takastawai taka-sa-ta-wa-i work-PFV:ATT-IFUT-3-DECL 'I'm about to work'

(Walker n/a)

(186)

Mariano wakátahanta Mariano wak-a-ta-hanta Mariano go.up-PFV:HIAF-IFUT-CERT+3SG 'Mariano is definitely going up.' [SHGS2013_10_06S3_Breakfast_1399365]

(187)

Winitiawai Wini-tia-wa-i come.PFV-3-DECL 'he's about to come'

(188)

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_2118380]

aĩ puhutamɨ a-ĩ

puhu-ta-mɨ DST-LOC live/stay-IFUT-2SG:DECL 'You will be there' (189)

(190)

awakatamɨ auka awa-ka-ta-mɨ au-ka surprise-PFV:INTS-IFUT.2SG:DECL 'You are going to scare it.'

[SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_964710]

[SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_breakfast_103875]

nuatkatamɨ nuat-ka-ta-mɨ man.marry.woman-PFV:INTS-IFUT.2SG:DECL 'You are going to marry them'

[SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_1120113]

The IMMEDIATE.FUTURE is apparently not compatible with third person plural (Walker n/a) in declarative clauses, but is with all the other forms. This is not the case in Aguaruna, where this marker is only compatible with first person singular in declarative clauses (Overall 2007:248). The IMPERATIVE -ta, seems to be very much related to the IMMEDIATE FUTURE marker -ta. The directionality is unclear but it seems as though this marker is derived from the speech verb ta(Overall 2007). In addition, when Shuar speakers speak Spanish, they often use the FUTURE, as opposed to the Spanish IMPERATIVE, to mark the IMPERATIVE. An example of this includes: Estarás, which is a leave-taking formula clearly calqued from the Shuar puhu-sa-ta [stay/liveATT:PFV-IMP] 'live!' or 'remain!' Another example is tomarás, calqued from the Shuar uma-ra-ta [drink-PLUR:PFV-IMP] 'drink!'.

77 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

In addition to the IMMEDIATE FUTURE marker, there is another FUTURE marker which Overall (2007:355) labels the DEFINITE FUTURE -tata. This occurs when the speaker has a time frame in mind. (191)

amɨ hasta domíngo puhuttamɨapi amɨ hasta domingo puhu-tata-mɨ-api 2SG until Sunday live/stay-FUT-2-TAG14 'You're going to be there until Sunday, right?' [SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_breakfast_542040]

The temporal clause hasta domingo ensures this time frame is set. In the next example, we also see adverbial clauses contribute to the knowledge of the time frame in which it takes place. (192)

wari wɨtathi huinianka wari wɨ-tata-hi hu-ĩ-ia-ka fast go-FUT-1PL:DECL PRX-LOC-ABL-FOC 'We will leave from here, quickly.' [SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_breakfast_169455]

Here, one can argue that there is some sort of temporal adverbial clause and locative adverbial clause so perhaps this motivates the usage of the FUTURE marker. In the following example, there is no explicit reference to a specific time frame, although in this case there is the PERFECTIVE marker -sa. (193)

wɨkasashtatui wɨka-sa-sh-tata-wai walk-PFV:ATT-NEG-FUT-3-DECL 'He will not walk.' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_3318595]

It is still unclear what the role of the PERFECTIVE marker is in this clause. Perhaps it is adding more lexical aspect to the semantics of the verb, rather than grammatical aspect (see next section).

4.4 Aspect Aspect in the Jivaroan languages is a complex area where there seems to be some disagreement in the literature (cf. Kohlberger 2014). In general, there is a clear distinction between PERFECTIVE and IMPERFECTIVE markers. While readily established in Shiwiar (Kohlberger 2014) and Aguaruna (Overall 2007), it is unclear what the exact status of the DURATIVE is in Shuar, and so it is left out of this sketch. This section deals with synthetic ASPECT markers, as marked on finite verb, thus focusing on and IMPERFECTIVE suffixes. ASPECT marking is also more elaborate in the subordinate verb class and is discussed in Chapter 5. Furthermore, Shuar has a number of more complex multi-verb predicates to express other types of ASPECT, such as the HABITUAL. These periphrastic constructions are discussed in Chaper 6 on Complex Predicates.

IMPERFECTIVE

14

TAG: Tag question

78 | The Finite Verb

4.4.1 Imperfective The IMPERFECTIVE is marked by the suffix -inia for third person plural and -a for everything else. In line with Comrie (1978:24), it makes explicit reference to the "internal temporal structure of a situation, viewing a situation from within". In Shuar, the IMPERFECTIVE signals either a generic or ongoing action, as in the following: (194)

chichawai chicha-wa-i speak.IMPFV-3-DECL ' e speaks e is speaking

(195)

chichainiwai chicha-inia-wa-i speak-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 't ey speak t ey are speaking

(196)

wɨahai wɨ-a-ha-i go-IMPFV-1SG-DECL 'I go/ I am going'

Notice that for for the first two examples the root chicha is glossed as speak.IMPFV whereas for the last example, the root the IMPERFECTIVE is affixed onto the root wɨ-a 'go-IMPFV'. This is due to the fact that wɨ- is monosyllabic, whereas chicha- is disyllabic. Note that the unmarked root is also chicha- but it is clear from context and from a lack of PERFECTIVE marking that the aspect is IMPERFECTIVE. Some disyllabic roots that end in /u/ replace the /u/ with an -a. Compare the following, where a. is marked for IMPERFECTIVE and b. for PERFECTIVE: (197)

a

puhusta puhu-sa-ta live/stay-PFV-IMP 'stay!'

b.

puhahai puha-ha-i live/stay.IMPFV-1SG-DECL 'I live'

We see that the stem of the verb is puhu and then changes to puha with the addition of the IMPERFECTIVE. As far as I can tell, this suffix does not appear with any PAST tenses, nor does it appear with tenses. It seems to be restricted to the PRESENT tense.

FUTURE

4.4.2 Perfective/Aktionsart There are at least six different PERFECTIVE markers in the Jivaroan languages, each of which also distributed across different aktionsart (Overall 2007). Aspect in the Jivaroan languages is 79 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

certainly an area that requires further investigation and so an attempt is made here to sketch out what can be derived from the given data - yet it must be stressed that this section is rather tentative. In addition, this section describes the synthetic means of describing ASPECT. There are also other strategies which involve multi-verb constructions, but these are discussed at a later stage in chapter 6. There has been some disagreement in the literature as to whether the PERFECTIVE is inherent to the verb stem or whether it is marked by one of the suffixes which are also spread across the various aktionsart (Overall 2007; Larson 1963). Here, we assume that these (at least 6) suffixes mark the PERFECTIVE, following Larson (1963), Gnerre (2009), and Kohlberger (in prep.) In any case, the PERFECTIVE suffixes, as laid out by Overall (2007) are listed in the following table: Table 13 Jivaroan Aspect markers (adapted from Overall 2007:291)

PERFECTIVE suffixes PERFECTIVE

IMPERFECTIVE

Gloss

Meaning

-sa

ATTENUATIVE

attenuative or diminutive

-ka

INTENSIVE

intensive effort by A/S

-ra

PLURACTIONAL15

plural action (iterative), or involving liquid – distributed? complex actions?

-ni

LOW AFFECTEDNESS

no change of state for O or location of S

-(ɨ)a16

HIGH AFFECTEDNESS

change of state of O or location of S

-ki

TRANSFERRED ACTION

associated change of location

suffix

-a

Most verbs mark the PERFECTIVE with only one of these suffixes; which is why we assume that they are lexically conditioned. But some verbs mark the PERFECTIVE with more than one, with a slight change in semantics. It is not clear to what extent these meaning alter the semantics of the verb. In some cases, they seem to do so more than others. It is unfortunately outside the scope of this thesis to examine all these cases, but what follows here are a few examples that show how using a different one of the different PERFECTIVE suffix can slightly alter the semantics. Some of these cases will be described below: Further, a word of caution is in order. It is also unclear to what extent these suffixes are productive.

15

The PLURACTIONAL suffix is glosses as PLUR and is not not be confused with the PLURAL gloss PL One may have noticed the resemblance of this marker to the IMPERFECTIVE. The difference here lies in the prosody as this syllable is accent always falls on the PERFECTIVE marker, essentially disambiguating it from the IMPERFECTIVE one. 16

80 | The Finite Verb

Seeing as though the PERFECTIVE represents the opposition to the IMPERFECTIVE (Comrie 1976), let us first look at a verb marked for IMPERFECTIVE: (198)

chichainiawai chicha-inia-wa-i speak-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'They're speaking/ they speak.'

Recall from the previous section that adding a PERFECTIVE suffix when the verb is unmarked for tense (i.e. when it is in the present tense) gives the verb a past tense reading, referring to an event that has just happened. In the next example, the PERFECTIVE suffix -sa is used, which also denotes ATTENUATIVE aktionart: (199)

Chichasarai Chicha-sa-ara-i Speak-PFV:ATT-PL-PFV:3:DECL 'They've just spoken.'

[SHGS2013_09_14_Reciprocals_F_3_176993]

This suffix gives the verb a PERFECTIVE reading. It indicates that the subject has been involved in the act of speaking, which has now come to end. The focus here is not on a 'completed' action (with emphasis on the termination of the situation), but in a 'complete' action (with equal emphasis of beginning, middle, and end) (Comrie 1978:18). The ATTENUATIVE suffix -sa also contributes semantic information. This suffix is used to reduce the impact of the verb, so the semantic alternation suggests that the 'speaking' was done in a reduced and soft manner or perhaps for a short period of time. This is contrasted with the addition of the INTENSIVE PERFECTIVE marker -ka, which derives a new semantic verb: 'speaking forcefully': (200)

chichakarai chicha-ka-ara-i Speak-PFV:INTS-PL-PFV:3:DECL 'They've just given a speech/ they've just spoken forcefully.' (fieldnotes)

We see here that, while the PERFECTIVE reading has remained the same, the semantics of the verb have been altered, such that a new verb is derived, that of 'giving a speech' or 'speaking forcefully'. Also notice that the -ka suffix is glossed as PFV:INTS 'PERFECTIVE:INTENSIVE'. This is the convention we adopt for this thesis.17 Sometimes, when a verb is marked for DISTANT PAST tense or falls within the imperative mood it is possible for a root to be marked for the PERFECTIVE without taking on one of these suffixes. It is unclear whether this is a productive strategy of marking the PERFECTIVE without adding additional semantic information. It isn't even fully clear to what extent these suffixes alter the semantics at all.

17

This section describes ASPECT marking in finite verbs. ASPECT can also be marked on subordinate verbs and this will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 5. Note that these PERFECTIVE .markers function as SEQUENTIAL markers on subordinate verbs, ordering events into sequence. As such it will be denoted as PFV:SEQ in subordinate clauses.

81 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(201)

Nuka winia uuntur José Saké unuitiurmiayi winiaka Nu-ka wi-nia uunt-ur José Saké ANA-FOC 1SG-GEN elder-PERT:1SG José Saké unui-tiu-ru-mia-yi teach.PFV-APPL-1SG.OBJ-DIST.PAST-3:DECL

wi-nia-ka 1SG-ACC-FOC '

My father, José Saké, that that to me (for my benefit) [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_445805]

(202)

nakurútai nakuru-tai play.PFV-HORT 'let's play'

[SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1465240]

In both these examples, the verb stems are marked for PERFECTIVE and there is no PERFECTIVE suffix spread across aktionsart. As a general note, these PERFECTIVE suffixes are highly complex and have undergone significant changes in their semantic and syntactic functions. It is now clear that they serve somewhat different functions depending on whether they are marked on main or subordinate verbs. When marked on subordinate clauses, they mark the verb as taking place in a sequence - emphasizing that the event has started and come to an end before the start of the following clause (see sections 5.1.2.2 & 5.1.3.3 for a discussion on how they are used in sequential subordinate clauses) . These suffixes are also always mandatory when using the IMMEDIATE FUTURE, as in the following: (203)

awakatamɨ auka awa-ka-ta-mɨ au-ka surprise-PFV:INTS-IFUT.2SG:DECL DST-FOC 'You are going to scare it.' [SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_breakfast_103875]

In general, these suffixes occur in semi-conventionalized combinations with verb roots but the full extent of their productivity is not well understood. Sometimes, speakers may select from a set of two markers, while other times there are restrictions on which suffixes can be used. Further, there are instances where tense or modality motivate the use of a given aktionsart suffix. For example, in the IMPERATIVE mood, the ATTENUATIVE -sa is often used to soften the request - more so than it would be used in another tense or modality, or at least so it seems. A corpus study would shed light on this. Speakers usually translate a verb, marked with the ATTENUATIVE in the IMPERATIVE as con cariño 'with cuteness'. Walker (n/a) glosses -sa as 'a little, for a short time'.: (204)

Umasta Uma-sa-ta Drink-PFV:ATT-IMP '(Please) Drink./ Just drink. / Have a sip.'

82 | The Finite Verb

(205)

Umarta Uma-ra-ta Drink-PFV:PLUR-IMP 'Drink!

[SHGS2013_08_23S5_PubTalk_51490]

The first example clearly shows that the action has been reduced or softened in some way, by using -sa. The second example makes use of the PLURACTIONAL -ra which according to Overall (2007:294) marks 'liquid and/or repeated action'. Gnerre (2007) also describes this suffix in this way. This is the default PERFECTIVE marker for the verb 'to drink'. Furthermore, Turner (1992) gives a number of additional PERFECTIVE suffixes, not mentioned in Overall (2007) namely: a. -ñi/ña: b. -ni/na: c. -u:

DESTRUCTIVE CLOSE PROXIMITY FAR PROXIMITY

He does not give any examples, but the first two may be related to the LOW.AFFECTEDNESS suffix -ni. Walker also gives the -u form, and glosses it as 'go to (go and)'. I have two examples of this marker used with the the stem ii- 'to see' which derive the verb 'go (over) to see'. The first example is used with the IMMEDIATE FUTURE marker -ta which corresponds to this definition: (206)

Iyuthai Ii-u-t-ha-i see- PFV:DSTNC-IFUT-1SG-DECL 'I'm going to go over and see.'

[SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_821220]

The second is used in a PERFECTIVE construction that uses a COPULA as an auxiliary (these constructions are discussed in chapter 6: Complex Predicates) (207)

Tunanka kamɨ, iyuchuithai nuinkia Tuna-na-ka kamɨ ii-u-chu-it-ha-i nu-ĩ-kia waterfall-ACC-FOC so, see-PFV:DSTNC-COP-1SG-DECL ANA-LOC-FOC 'So, the waterfall, I haven't gone there to see it' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1908120]

These examples are indicative of the use of the COPULA and the PERFECTIVE. Also the combination of the verb ii- 'to see' and the PERFECTIVE -u- derive the meaning 'had not gone over to see' Furthermore, consultants once produced the following sentences : (208)

Nakautahai Naka-u-ta-ha-i wait-PFV:DSTNC-IFUT-1SG-DECL 'I'm going to wait for him (to surprise him).'

(fieldnotes)

83 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(209)

Mautahai ma-u-ta-ha-i kill-PFV:DSTNC-IFUT-1SG-DECL 'I'm going to kill him (at a far location).'

(fieldnotes)

These verbs certainly imply 'distance' and their semantics, though perhaps less so with nakautahai. This expression was described to me as a typical remark during hunting. In any case, this marker seems to be used quite sparingly and when it is, it seems to be used with the IMMEDIATE FUTURE. Its semantics are, however, clearer in mautahai, especially if we can contrast it with the following: (210)

mastahai ma-sa-ta-ha-i kill-PFV:ATT-IFUT-1SG-DECL 'I'm about to kill it/him/her (here).'

(fieldnotes)

This PERFECTIVE marker, the ATTENUATIVE, implies that the action of 'killing' will be done at a proximal location, or rather it implies that the act of killing does not necessarily require a large amount of effort in going out to hunt and look for prey. In any case, there seems to be a link between these suffixes and tense. However, it is still unclear whether the scope of the action is reduced or whether the time frame or distance to the event is reduced and this highlights a vagueness about these suffixes, as also pointed out by Overall (2007). Some of the other suffixes are even more vague. Future research can certainly shed light on their productivity and inter-relationships with tense and modality, in addition to examining the intricate link between lexical and semantic aspect.

4.5 Mood/ Modality Like many South American languages (Mueller 2013), in most cases at least, Shuar marks mood or modality in the slot following tense or aspect. There are scenarios though, where the modality marker precedes the tense marker. This section discusses a handful of MOOD/MODALITY suffixes, although a full elaboration of all the markers falls outside the scope of this thesis. In addition to these modality paradigms, there are several periphrastic strategies to express the deontic modality which are discussed, albeit in Chapter 6. Also, there are some scenarios where the modality slot is null marked. Content questions are amongst these. Another situation is when MODALITY is marked on nouns, adjectives or demonstratives. In this case, they are not always marked on the verb, but sometimes are. 4.5.1 Declarative The DECLARATIVE is marked by the suffix -i as in the following: (211)

wɨahai wɨ-a-ha-i go-IMPFV-1SG-DECL 'I'm going/ I go'

84 | The Finite Verb

We see here that is affixed to the the FIRST PERSON SINGULAR marker -ha. With the SECOND PERSON and FIRST PERSON PLURAL forms, it is fused with the person markers, such as the following: (212)

wɨamɨ wɨ-a-mɨ go-IMPFV-2SG+DECL 'you're going/ you go'

(213)

wɨahi wɨ-a-hi go-IMPFV-1PL+DECL 'we're going/ we go'

The evidence for fusion here is that when other mood/modality markers are added to these person marking forms, we get the forms -mɨ and -hi. It can appear with any tense or aspect, but is sometimes fused with many markers, such as in the second example where it fuses with the SECOND PERSON marker and in the third example where it fuses with the THIRD PERSON PERFECTIVE marker. (214)

kanar áĩ kana-ra-ma-ĩ sleep-PFV:PLUR-REC.PAST-3:PFV:DECL 'he slept' [SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_Breakfast_215835]

4.5.2 Polar Interrogative The POLAR.INTERROGATIVE is marked by the suffix -ka and can either be placed in the mood slot of a finite verb, or at the end of an adjacent NP. (215)

awak a-wa-ka EXT-3-POL.INT

'Does it exist?'

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_3234720]

In COPULA constructions, it is always placed in the slot before the actual COPULA. (216)

pɨŋkɨr-ka-it good-POL.INT-COP:3SG 'Is it good?'

(Turner 1958:05)

It can also be marked on either the noun, adjective, or verb as in the following: (217)

a.

pɨŋkɨr puhamɨk pɨŋkɨr puha-mɨ-ka Good live/stay-2-POL.INT 'Are you good?'

85 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(218)

b.

pɨŋkɨrak puham pɨŋkɨra-ka good-POL.INT 'Are you good?'

puha-m live/stay-2

The POLAR.INTERROGATIVE suffix -ka is usually marked on the verb in the modality slot. When a noun or adjective is present as in (), then it can be marked on the noun/adjective leaving the modality slot for verb empty, like the next example. (219)

mamunchak taa? mamu-na-cha-ka taa insect-ACC-NEG.POL.INT say.IMPFV+3SG 'Didn't he say insects' [SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_breakfast_70360]

Here there is no modality marking on the verb taa but instead, we see the POLAR.INTERROGATIVE marker -ka marked on the noun. 4.5.3 Uncertainty The UNCERTAINTY marker is the suffix -sha and seems to be marking both INTERROGATION and SPECULATION. Like the POLAR INTERROGATIVE -ka, it may also be affixed on nouns. The difference may lie in the fact that, while these clearly express a lack of knowledge of the speaker, it doesn t pressure t e addressee for an infor ation-providing answer like other interrogatives might (Floyd p.c.). Below is an example of the UNCERTAINTY marker used on the verb - evoking both an INTEROGATIVE and a SPECULATIVE reading: (220)

íistasa wakɨrawásh íi-sa-tasã wakɨra-wá-sh see-SBD-INTENT+3SG:SS want.IMPFV-3-UNCERT 'Does he perhaps want to see it?' [SHGS2013_08_231B_Guide_House_86905]

In the next example, the UNCERTAINTY marker is marked on two NPs nush and Nunkuisha in a CONTENT INTERROGATIVE clause, which makes use of the content word warĩ mp 'what': (221)

Nus warĩ piait Nunkuis a? Nu-sha warĩ p-iait ANA-UNCERT what-COP+3SG 'T at…w at is Nunkui?'

Nunkui-sha Nunkui-UNCERT

Here, it is marked in a content question clause and both NPs get marked with the UNCERTAINTY suffix. In the following, it is also marked on an NP in a content interrogative clause: (222)

nush urukamtai nu-sha ANA-UNCERT

'Why that?'

86 | The Finite Verb

urukamtai why [SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_88828]

4.5.4 Speculative The SPECULATIVE, given by the suffix, -tai, is used in NON INTERROGATIVE clauses. (223)

Chichahtai Chicha-h-tai Speak-1-SPEC Maybe I'm speaking/ I might be speaking18 (Pellizaro & Nawech 2005)

4.5.5

Certainty CERTAINTY is marked by -hanta. In my recordings, this suffix is a lot more common in conversations than it is in narratives, for example. (224)

(225)

ɨsahanta ɨsa-hanta burn.IMPFV-CERT+3SG 'It's undoubtedly burning!'

[SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_breakfast_327285]

atsa ɨanta nish wininiahanta atsa ɨanta niĩ-sh wini-inia-hanta no of.course 3-ADD come-PL:IMPFV-CERT+3 'No, of course, they are coming as well.' [SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_breakfast_433525]

The second example is even accompanied by the particle ɨanta meaning 'right', or 'of course', but the marker ion its own serves the function of enlisting CERTAINTY. 4.5.6 Imperative In this thesis, we shall refer to the IMPERATIVE as referring to a) a modality and b) the SECOND PERSON form of this modality. It useful to define the system in this way because in subsequent sections we shall see that this modality is combined frequently with the verb 'to say', to create different kinds of complements, many of which express INTENTIONALITY. This section will discuss these markers, give examples of them and then introduce the complement clauses that are created through their usage with speech verbs. The last sub-section (4.5.6.5) is closely linked to sub-section 5.2.2 and 5.2.3 and may require some background in subordinating morphology (see Chapter 5). They are treated as a class.

18

Sp. Talvez estoy hablando

87 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Table 14 Imperative Modality Markers IMPERATIVE

modality Marker

IMPERATIVE

2SG

-ta

(2)

2PL

-ta-rum

JUSSIVE

3SG

-ti

(3)

3PL

-ara-ti

1SG:

-tah

1DUAL

-tai

1PL

-ara-tai

1DUAL

-mi

1PL

-ara-mi

HORTATIVE (1)

4.5.6.1 Imperative (2nd Person) Shuar, like Aguaruna, has a (familiar) IMPERATIVE. The unmarked imperative suffix is -ta. It is often accompanied by an aktionsart/perfective suffix, which gives the command some sort of aspectual reading. Strangely enough, IMPERFECTIVE cannot be marked on it. The most common type of aktionsart suffix used with the imperative is the ATTENUATIVE -sa, which functions to soften the request and make it more polite. Compare the two: (226)

Umasta Uma-sa-ta Drink-ATT:PFV-IMP '(Please) Drink./ Just drink. / Have a sip.'

(227)

Umarta Uma-ra-ta Drink-PLUR:PFV-IMP 'Drink!

Further, a familiar imperative exists, which is often directed towards children, marked by the suffix -kia.This form also often takes on the ATTENUATIVE.

88 | The Finite Verb

(228)

aniaskia ania-sa-kia ask-ATT:PFV-FAM.IMP 'ask him'

[SHGS2013_08_23S5_PubTalk_329380]

Additionally, one may also encounter the suffix -sia, which appears to have merged from sakia (Overall 2007). (229)

nuu nuu

iisia ii-sia ANA see-ATT:PFV+FAM.IMP 'Look at that.'

[SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_breakfast_433525]

While it is unclear where the -kia suffix must have originated from, Overall (2007:365) suggests that IMPERATIVE -ta originates from the IMMEDIATE FUTURE -ta. 4.5.6.2 Hortative There seem to be two unrelated HORTATIVE markers: -tai and -mi. As of yet, the distinction between -tai and -mi is not well understood, but it could be that the -tai form, derived from the IMMEDIATE FUTURE refers to an event that is about to take place, whereas the -mi form is used when a later time reference is in mind. In the following, we have two instances of the same verb, but with the two separate HORTATIVE markers, -mi and -tai. (230)

(231)

nakurúsmi nakuru-sa-mi play-ATT:PFV-HORT 'let's play' nakurútai nakuru-tai play.PFV-HORT 'let's play'

[SHGS2013_08_23S5_Pubtalk_227075]

[SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1465240]

What we do see is that there is ATTENUATIVE PERFECTIVE suffix, -sa, in the -mi construction, whereas the root in the second one is marked for PERFECTIVE without any explicit PERFECTIVE suffix19. In any case, there is no clear evidence of a distinction, although native speakers insist on one. Regardless, they both share a handful of properties. Both generally imply SPEAKER + 1 ADDRESSEE (hence the term DUAL above - following Guillame's classification for the HORTATIVE in Cavineña) with the option of extending the action to more than one addressee. So, in the first example below, wɨtai most often refers to SPEAKER + 1 ADRESSEE, but it can also refer to more ADRESSEES. To make it explicit that other participants are involved, the PLURALIZER -ara- can also be added. For these reasons, both are glossed as HORT as opposed to HORT.DUAL. 19

We know that the root is marked for PERFECTIVE because the IMPERATIVE mood is mandatorily marked for either PERFECTIVE or DURATIVE aspect (which is not discussed in this thesis). If no explicit PERFECTIVE is

used, then we know that the stem is inherently PERFECTIVE .as it is not marked for the IMPERFECTIVE.

89 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(232)

(233)

wɨtai wɨ-tai go.PFV-HORT 'Let's go! often SPEAKER + 1 ADRESSEE)

(fieldnotes)

wɨartai wɨ-ara-tai go.PFV-PL-HORT 'Let's all go!'

(fieldnotes)

The request is made more explicitly plural with the PLURALIZER -ara. But as we shall see from some conversational data below, the PLURALIZER need not necessarily be present to include an addressee group of more than one person: (234)

ya aikia s uar c ic a aĩ as c ic aktai yamai-kia shuar chicham- aĩ mash chicha-ka-tai today-FOC Shuar language-COMIT all speak-INTS:PFV-HORT 'Today, let's all speak Shuar.' [SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_breakfast_28718]

Here, the adverb mash 'all' and the real life knowledge that the speaker is addressing a group of at least five people clearly demonstrates this. The SINGULAR HORTATIVE is given by the suffix -tah (Turner 1992; Walker n/a) and is probably derived from the IMPERATIVE/IMMEDIATE FUTURE -ta and the FIRST PERSON SINGULAR marker -ha. As we shall see in the section below, many of these forms in the IMPERATIVE mood appear in (INTENTIONAL) constructions that include the verb 'to say'. This tendency is probably even greater amongst the SINGULAR HORTATIVE, which appears in this construction in all instances in my corpus: (235)

nankamaktah tusan nankama-ka-ta-h tu-sa-n pass.through/approve-PFV:INTS-IMP-1SG say-SBD-1SG:SS ')n order to approve it…' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_352118]

The literal translation here would be ' (me) saying, "May I approve it" '. We shall elaborate on these constructions in the final sub-section of the Imperative section. 4.5.6.3 Jussive The JUSSIVE is marked by the suffix -ti, indicating third person, imperative. (236)

Nĩi íisti nuĩ Nĩi íi-sa-ti 3 see-ATT:PFV-JUSS 'May he look there.'

nu-ĩ ANA-LOC [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_tales_1008740]

As these constructions are marked with PERFECTIVE suffixes (or have PERFECTIVE stems), the PLURALIZER is also -ara. It also seems like there is a clearer divide than there is in the

90 | The Finite Verb

paradigm with respect to number. An unmarked -ti refers to 3SG in surusat, and the PLURALIZER -ara marks plurality, in tiarat (see examples):

HORTATIVE

(237)

(238)

surusat su-ru-sa-ti give-1PL.OBJ-PFV:ATT-JUSS 'May he give me'

[SHGS2013_08_23S5_PubTalk_257400]

Wikia nɨkas shuaraithai tiarat Wi-kia nɨkas shuara-it-hai ti-ara-ti 1SG-FOC really shuara-COP-1SG:DECL say.LOAF:PFV-PL-JUSS 'May they say that they are really Shuar'

Notice that in both examples, the /i/ in -ti undergoes apocope. Also notice how quoted speech is used to express complement clauses. There are more complex manouvres for conducting complementation with IMPERATIVES, and these are introduced in sub-section 4.5.6.5 and elaborated upon further on in this thesis. 4.5.6.4 Negative Imperatives - Apprehensive Negation in the IMPERATIVE modality is marked using the APPREHENSIVE -i20, following the Jivaroan tradition (Overall 2007). For second person, the PROHIBITIVE -pa is added, alongside the APPREHENSIVE -i. For third person, the 3:PROHIBITIVE -n is added, alongside the APPREHENSIVE -i. First person uses the suffix -h (from other modalities). This is summed up in the following table: Table 15 APPREHENSIVE marked with negative IMPERATIVE paradigm

SECOND PERSON

THIRD PERSON

Singular

Plural

-i-pa

-i-rupa

-APP-2SG.PROH

-APP-2PL.PROH

-i-n -APP-3.PROH

FIRST PERSON

-i-h -APP-1

The APPREHENSIVE occupies the slot before the person marking slot. The next example uses the APPREHENSIVE and the PROHIBITIVE as it is marking second person:

20

As far as I've seen, the APPREHENSIVE -i is only used in the IMPERATIVE modality to mark NEGATION.

91 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(239)

iniumkaip inium-ka-i-pa woman.marry.man-INTS:PFV-APPR-2.PROHIB 'Don't marry him' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_tales_468785]

The next example uses the APPREHENSIVE -i and FIRST PERSON marking -h. (240)

unuukaih unuu-ka-i-hi be.mistaken.INTS:PFV-APPR-1 'Let's not be mistaken'

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_709045]

)t would see as t oug context deter ines w et er it s a SINGULAR or PLURAL reading. The next example is SINGULAR: (241)

hakaih ha-ka-i-h die-INTS:PFV-APP-1 'May I not die!'

The next example uses the APPREHENSIVE -i and THIRD PERSON PROHIBITIVE marking -n: (242)

amaintiukain amain-tiu-ka-i-n follow-1SG.OBJ-INTS:PFV-APPR-3.PROHIB 'May he not follow me'

[SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_445910]

4.5.6.5 Complement clauses Involving Imperatives + Verb 'to say' While the IMPERATIVE mood is used for commands, it is often also combined with the verb 'to say' to get complement clauses and is used quite often to construct more complex clauses. (243)

"nakurúsmi" táwai nakuru-sa-mi ta-wa-i play-ATT:PFV-HORT say.IMPFV-3-DECL 'He is telling you to play together

(lit.

"Let's

play",

he

says')

[SHGS2013_08_23S5_Pubtalk_227075]

(244)

wɨti tusar wɨ-ti go.PFV-IMP 'Telling him

tu-sa-r say-SBD-3PL:SS to leave' (Lit.

saying,

'may

he

leave')

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_2727828]

Often, the combination of speech verb and IMPERATIVE can also create an INTENTIONAL meaning, and is used to derive PURPOSE clauses, as in the following:

92 | The Finite Verb

(245)

"paánt antúrnaikiarmi" túsar paant antu-ru-nai-kia-ara-mi tu-sa-r clear hear-APPL-RECIP-INTS:PFV-PL-HORT say-SBD-3PL:SS 'So t at we understand eac ot er clearly… lit. t ey were saying," lets understand each other more clearly" '[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_709045]

(246)

Ihiarmakiar, kakaram ati tusar Ihiarma-kia-r, kakaram fast-PFV:SEQ-3PL:SS strong 'Fasting, so t at

a-ti COP-JUSS

e

can

tu-sa-r say-SBD-3PL:SS beco e

strong…'

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1576675]

These constructions can also be used as complements for the verb 'to want': (247)

(248)

(249)

(250)

(251)

takasta tusan wakɨrahai taka-sa-ta tu-sa-n work-ATT:PFV-IMP say-SBD-1SG:SS 'I want you to work'

wakɨra-ha-i want.IMPFV-1SG-DECL (Walker n/a:131)

takasta tusam wakɨramɨ taka-sa-ta tu-sa-mɨ work-ATT:PFV-IMP say-SBD-2SG:SS 'You want me to work'

wakɨra-mɨ want.IMPFV-2SG-DECL (Walker n/a:131)

takasti tusã wakɨrawai taka-sa-ti tu-sã work-ATT:PFV-JUSS say-SBD+3:SS 'He wants him (another) to work'

wakɨra-wa-i want.IMPFV-3 -DECL (Walker n/a:131)

takastah tusã wakɨrawai taka-sa-tah tu-sã work-ATT:PFV-1SG.HORT say-SBD+3:SS 'He wants (himself) to work'

wakɨra-wa-i want.IMPFV-3 -DECL (Walker n/a:131)

takastah tusam wakɨramɨ taka-sa-tah work-ATT:PFV-1SG.HORT 'You want to work'

wakɨra-mɨ want.IMPFV-2SG-DECL (Walker n/a:131)

tu-sa-mɨ say-SBD-2SG:SS

The last two examples in particular seem to reflect a more stable pattern that has given rise to new constructions, such as the subordinating INTENTIONAL suffix -tasa. See section 5.2.2) for discussion.

93 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Further, while often the verb in the IMPERATIVE mood will be accompanied by the verb 'to say' and the SUBORDINATOR -sa, as in the last examples, this is not necessarily the case, as in the following: (252)

tsuamartah takur tsuama-ra-tah ta-ku-r cure-PFV:PLUR-SG.HORT say.IMPFV-SIM-1PL:SS 'When we want to cure it….(lit. while we were saying, 'let me cure it')'

In the next one, we have yet another usage of this type of construction. (253)

Kamɨ pɨŋkɨraiti kakarta tahamɨ. [Kamɨ pɨŋkɨra-it-i] [kaka-ra-ta ta-hamɨ] [So good-COP-3SG:DECL] [be.strong.PLUR:PFV-IMP say.IMPFV-1SG>2SG] 'I'm telling you that it's good that you strengthen yourself (lit. it is good, "be strong" I tell you.'

In this example, both independent clauses 1) Kamɨ pɨŋkɨraiti 'so, it is good' and 2) kakarta tahamɨ 'be strong, I tell you' seem to be linked using the construction that includes the speech verb tahamɨ and the IMPERATIVE modality kakarta. While this construction seems to be in the process of grammaticalization, we see that units can still be placed in between the IMPERATIVE mood marker and the speech verb as in: (254)

awakmaktah wish tusan awakma-k-tah wi-sha tu-sa-n win-PFV:INTS-1SG-HORT 1SG-ADD say-SBD-1SG:SS 'In order to win, ) too…,' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1509795]

Here, we see the pronoun wishinterposed. The reason this point is brought up is because, as this construction is becoming more conventionalized, one would expect few units to come in between, and yet we see an intervening pronoun. In any case, there is some evidence to suggest that this construction it is responsible for the formation of the INTENTIONAL suffix tasa which is marked on subordinate verbs (Turner 1992). As a result, adding this marker to the subordinate verb, in this case, awakma- 'to win' would create the same meaning. Further discussion of these processes can be found in sections 5.2.2 and 5.2.3.

4.6 Negation Similar Aguaruna, there are three NEGATION suffixes used in three distinct contexts. There seems to be a discrepancy in Overall's (2007:481) selection criteria when compared to p.324, with the -tsu listed as both the marker for future tense and remote past. There is evidence in Aguaruna (Overall 2007:324) and Shuar that this marker can be used in the future tense. The following list is the definite one for Shuar: 1)

-tsu is used in the present tense, remote past, and relative clauses

2)

-cha is used elsewhere

3)

-i is used in the IMPERATIVE modality to mark APPREHENSIVE

94 | The Finite Verb

The first example is unmarked for tense, implying PRESENT tense: (255)

Pɨnkɨ nɨkatshai Pɨŋkɨ nɨka-tsu-ha-i nothing know.IMPFV-NEG-1SG-DECL 'I don't know anything' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1278335]

The next two are marked for FUTURE tense and so take on the -cha marker: (256)

pɨŋkɨr puhuschatamɨ pɨŋkɨr puhu-sa-cha-ta-mɨ good live/stay-ATT:PFV-NEG-IFUT-2SG:DECL 'You will not live/be well' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_477270]

(257)

Amaschatahai ama-sa-cha-ta-ha-i give-ATT.PFV-NEG-IM.FUT-1SG-DECL 'I will not give (something to someone)' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_139618]

In this example, yuchatainti takes on a -cha instead of a -tsu even though the COPULA is in the present tense. It is unclear exactly why this may be, but the NORMATIVE reading derived from the yuchatainti construction may be setting this off (Floyd, p.c.) (see section 6.3 for more details on this construction). (258)

yama namak maárkia yuchatainti yama namak ma-á-ri-kia recent fish kill-1PL:SS-COND 'If we've just killed fish, it is not eaten'

yu-cha-taĩ-t-i eat-NEG-NON.A/S:NR-COP-3SG:DECL [SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_76300]

In the next example, we see -tsu marked on a finite verb in the present tense, whereas the subordinate verb takes on -cha. (259)

Au nahanchakur nɨkatshi Au nahana-cha-ku-r nɨka-tsu-hi DST make.IMPFV-NEG-SIM-1PL:SS know.IMPFV-NEG-1PL:DECL 'We don't know because we didn't make that'

(260)

kamɨ niinki su akc akaĩ? kamɨ niĩ-ki suma-ka-cha-ka-ĩ So 3-RESTR buy-INTS:PFV-NEG-POL.INT-3.PFV 'So, he himself didn't propose?' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_121453]

This suffix has a similar form to the NEGATIVE in Ecuadorean Highland Quechua -chu, and the other form, -tsu, resembles the NEGATIVE in more central varieties of Quechua and perhaps

95 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

even Amazonian Quechua (Floyd, p.c.) leading Adelaar with Muysken (2004) to suggest it may have been borrowed from one language to the other21. Relativized verbs are usually negated by -tsu as in the following, which seems to adhere to a given construction involving the NEGATOR -tsu, NOMINALIZER -u and FOCALIZER -ka: (261)

Ma yurumtsuk kanakur. Ma yu-ru-m-tsu-u-k kana-ku-r Then/so eat-APPL-REFL-NEG-REL-FOC sleep.IMPFV-SIM-1PL:SS So, when we sleep without eating... [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_2535550]

The APPREHENSIVE -i is the marker of NEGATION in the IMPERATIVE modality (used with the and negative JUSSIVE/HORTATIVE) and can not be used in other contexts (see 4.5.6.3 for more examples). PROHIBITIVE,

(262)

iniumkaip inium-ka-i-pa woman.marry.man-INTS:PFV-APPR-PROHIB 'Don't marry him'

(263)

unuukaih unuu-ka-i-hi be.mistaken.INTS:PFV-APPR-1PL 'Let's not be mistaken' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_709045]

4.7 Reciprocals The reciprocal suffix is -nai. As it is a slot I suffix, it can feature on both main and subordinate verbs (discussed further in section 5.3.2). (264)

Himiara nua wainniaikiar miniaknais amikmanainiarai. Himiar-a nua wain-niai-kia-r Two-ITER woman see-RECIP-INTS:SEQ-3PL:SS miniak-nai-s amik-ma-nai-ni-ara-i. hug-RECIP-SBD friend-VR-RECIP-HIAF:PFV-PL-PFV:3:DECL 'Two women saw each other and then greeted each other by hugging (each other)' [SHGS2013_09_14_Reciprocals_F_3_53225]

In addition, it can also be used with a HUMAN.UNSPECIFIED.OBJECT marker -kiart-. In the following example, this marker refers to a first person plural object, which it often, but not always does. (265)

21

pɨŋkɨr anturnaikiartin. pɨŋker antu-r-nai-kiarta-iniu

These markers are the same in the other Jivaroan languages as far as we know.

96 | The Finite Verb

Good listen-APPL -RECIP-1PL.OBJ-AG.NR 'So that we hear each other well' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_400175]

(266)

nuatnaikiarta nuĩ nuat-nai-kiarata nu-ĩ man.marry.woman-RECIP-UNSP.1PL.OBJ ANA-LOC 'Marrying eac ot er…'[SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_tales_407169]

We see the same in the last example, yet it is unclear what person marking is assigned to the verb.

4.8 Reflexives The REFLEXIVE is marked by the suffix -ma. The REFLEXIVE can also appear with a CAUSATIVE as in the following: (267)

kamɨ ya nunash ɨwɨkamsata kamɨ ya nu-na-sh so who ANA-ACC-UNCERT 'So, who will drive this (canoe)?'

ɨ-wɨka-ma-sa-ta CAUS-walk-REFL-ATT.PFV-IM.FUT [SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_breakfast_250235]

In this example, a father is wondering which of his sons will drive the canoe, and uses the verb to walk, with a CAUSATIVE prefix ɨ- and the REFLEXIVE to get a meaning of who will cause this canoe to walk by itself. Further, it has a tendency to appear with the APPLCATIVE, in the slot either before or after it. It is often used before the APPLCATIVE in the verb yu- 'to eat', as in: (268)

Yurumáthai Yu-ru-ma-a-ta-ha-i eat-APPL-REFL-HIAF:PFV-I.FUT-1-DECL 'I'm about to eat (for my benefit)'

(fieldnotes)

It can also be marked after the APPLICATIVE, as in the following: (269)

ɨŋkɨmtuamiá ɨŋkɨ-ma-tu-a-mia insert-REFL-APPL-HIAF:PFV-DIST.PAST+3 "he has entered (lit. he inserted himself (for his benefit)"

[SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_153355]

4.9 Causatives There are two types of causatives in the Jivaroan languages, a prefixing CAUSATIVE denoted by a vowel V- and a suffixing CAUSATIVE, indicated by the suffix -mitikia. The forms of both of these CAUSATIVES are found in neighbouring languages (see section 2.1). The prefixing causative is much more widespread, whereas I have fewer examples in my corpus of the suffixing CAUSATIVE. An interesting question is whether these two are in complementary distribution. It 97 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

is also still unclear whether there is a semantic, direct vs. indirect distinction between them. Some early evidence might suggest so, but we have too little data to say for sure. In any case, it is certainly true that some verbs can take either form - although they are unproductive. (270)

A-íhia CAUS-fast 'cause to fast'22

(Pelizzaro & Nauwech 2005:176)

This form has also appeared in spontaneous speech: (271)

aihtuáwar a-ihia-tu-a-war CAUS-fast-1SG.OBJ-PFV:SEQ-3PL:SS 'After causing me to fast'

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_2167900]

I also have examples of the suffixing CAUSATIVE used on the same verb, as in the following: (272)

Ihiarmamtikiáwar Ihiarma-mitikia-a-war Fast - CAUS - PFV:SEQ - 3PL:SS 'Causing (them) to fast....'

[SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_22640]

It is unclear what the distinction between these two examples is concerning causation. In any case, it is also noticeable that the roots of the verb 'to fast' differ in these two examples. This is a complex verb which is related to the verb 'to defecate' ihiatma- and it is unclear what the function of the additional -rma is doing and why it is use with the suffixing construction and not with the prefixed one. The next example also shows the suffixing CAUSATIVE. (273)

Nuatmamtikiarmia timiaha. Nuat-mamtikia-r-mia man.marry.woman-CAUS-PLU:PFV-DIST.PAST 'He said that they made him get married'

ti-mia-ha. say-DIST.PAST-CNTR.EXP+3SG:DECL

The prefixed CAUSATIVE is a lot more common: (274)

kamɨ ya nunash ɨwɨkamsata? kamɨ ya nu-na-sh ɨ-wɨka-ma-sa-ta23 so who ANA-ACC-UNCERT CAUS-walk-REFL-ATT:PFV-IFUT So, who is going to drive that (canoe)? [SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_breakfast_250235]

In this example. the verb ɨwɨkamsata combines the CAUSATIVE suffix ɨ- with the REFLEXIVE -ma to get the meaning 'cause the canoe to walk (run) on its own). In general, there is no phonological rule to determine which vowels get assigned as CAUSATIVES. This seems to be 22 23

'hacer ayunar' The verb ɨwɨkamsa- can also mean 'to give birth'.

98 | The Finite Verb

done on a word for word basis (Overall 2007). In addition, there is also some variation within words themselves; some speakers will use one vowel, while others will use another. For example, the dictionary entry for the verb to 'cause to walk' is listed using the CAUSATIVES ɨand a- as in: (275)

a.

ɨwɨkák ɨ-wɨká-ka CAUS-walk-INTS:PFV 'cause to walk'

b.

awɨkák a-wɨká-ka CAUS-walk-INTS:PFV 'cause to walk'

There does not seem to be any difference in meaning and this simply seems to reflect some speaker variation.

4.10 Applicatives Following other Jivaroanists24, the term APPLICATIVE is used to describe a valency changing suffix. Payne (1997) describes an APPLICATIVE as a: 'valence increasing operation that brings a peripheral participant into the centre stage by making it into a direct object.' (cited in Kohlberger 2013). Birchall (2014:162) defines an applicative construction as 'promoting a new participant into a non-subject argument role in which it could not otherwise be expressed in this way by the base verbal form'. Applicatives in Jivaroan usually promote direct objects, indirect objects, or LOCATIVE arguments (Kohlberger, in prep.). There are two applicative suffixes -ru and -tu which are both in complementary distribution. They also include allomorphs -rɨ and -tɨ. Recall in section 2.3.1.1 on verb classes that one can divide verbs into -tu and -ru verb classes, which are lexically conditioned. Also recall the following table, which displays the 1SINGULAR.OBJECT marker which is clearly historically related and synchronically homophonous: Verb class

APPL

1SG.OBJ

APPL-1SG.OBJ

1

-ru

-ru

-ru-tu

2

-tu

-tu

-tu-ru

We see from the table that if either one of the APPLICATIVE or 1SINGULAR.OBJECT suffixes is present, it is not entirely clear per se which suffix is being activated. However, this is mostly settled by context. Further, when both are present, we get -tu-ru or -ru-tu. The diachronic

24

Simon Overall & Martin Kohlberger

99 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

relationship between APPLICATIVES and OBJECT MARKERS is an important one, yet falls outside the scope of this thesis (for more details see Overall 2007:324; Kohlberger 2013). Applicatives are used to increase the valency by one, often adding an accusative or locative argument. They are also used to express the malefactive or benefactive. This is especially true when other object markers are present, like in the next example, where a 2SINGULAR.OBJECT is present. (276)

Turasha nawɨk winitramainiawai Tura-sha nawɨ-k wini-tu-rama-inia-wa-i But-ADD foot+PERT:1PL/3-RESTR come-APPL-3>1PL/2-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'But they're coming for you by foot/ But they're following you by foot'

[SHGS2013_2013_10_06S3_Breakfast_71363]

In this example, the APPLICATIVE -tu- has increases the valency of the intransitive verb wini- 'to come', and adds a BENEFACTIVE reading. The verb then takes on object marking morphology, namely the complex object marker -rama, which, when combined with third person marking (-iniawai) implies a 3PL>2 configuration, with the meaning 'to come for you' or as translated by the consultant 'to follow you'. We also sometimes get the allomorphs - tɨ or -rɨ, as in the following. (277)

kurikia nu matsatɨawai kuri-kia nu-ĩ gold-FOC ANA-LOC 'Gold exists there'

matsa-tɨ-a-wa-i live-APPL-IMPFV-3-DECL [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_3532765]

In this example, the promoted argument is the LOCATIVE argument nu

4.11 Copula and Existential aIn Shuar, there is a clear distinction between EXISTENTIAL- and COPULA25- which seem to overlap at some point. Although this hints at a historical relationship, they are synchronically distinct in the Jivaroan languages (Overall 2007). One of the main distinctions is that, in the PRESENT tense, the COPULA is marked as an affix attached to an NP (except in THIRD PERSON PLURAL PRESENT TENSE).

(278)

25

Shuáraiti Shuara-it-i Shuar-COP-3:DECL 'He is Shuar'

The COPULA in Pastaza Quechua also takes on the form -a, as opposed to other varieties which have the form -ka (Nuckolls

1996:285). This is probably due to general weaking [ga] > [ka] > [a] (Muysken, pc), but it could well be that multilingualism has augmented this change.

100 | The Finite Verb

(279)

Shuar áwai Shuara a-wa-i Shuar EXT-3-DECL 'There is a Shuar person'

Furthermore, while in Aguaruna, there seems to be a PLURAL form of the EXISTENTIAL aya- as given in the next example, this does not seem to be the case in Shuar: (280)

a.

b.

Aguaruna [EXISTENTIAL] Ukúm kuwáʃat ayáwai Ukumpi kuwaʃata [blackfly many] 'There are many butterflies'

aya-wa-i exist:PL-3-DECL (Overall 2007:166)

Aguaruna [COPULA] áiʃ aŋ áinawai aiʃ aŋku a-ina-wa-i man COP-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL t ey are en

(Overall 2007:139)

In Shuar, the form áiniawai can be used for either the EXISTENTIAL or the COPULA (note that the accent is always on the first /a/). (281)

nankamas maikiua áiniawai. nankamas maikiua however.many.kinds datura 'Many different kinds

a-inia-wa-i EXT-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL

of

datura

exist.'

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_2340925]

In the next example, we see an instance of self-repair, where the speaker pluralizes the COPULAR clause, going from -aiti [COP-3:DECL] to ainiawai [COP-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL] (282)

Auka kankapaiti, kankap áiniawai natɨmka Au-ka DST-FOC

kankapa-it-i, vine-COP-3SG:DECL

kankap a-inia-wa-i natem-ka vines COP-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL ayahuasca-FOC 'It's a vine, they are vines, Ayahuasca.' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1618890]

This suggests it is also part of the same paradigm and that self-repair was to adjust to the inherent plurality in the subject, going from the singular -aiti to the plural áiniawai. Below, we have another example:

101 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(283)

c iŋkikia tonto ainiawai c iŋki-kia tonto bird-FOC silly 'The birds are silly'

a-inia-wa-i COP-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL [SHGS2013_10_06S3_Breakfast_585053]

The COPULA is used as an auxiliary in more complex constructions, which are discussed in chapter 6. I have no examples in my corpus exhibiting RECENT PAST or FUTURE constructions using the COPULA, although I do have tokens of DISTANT PAST and REMOTE PAST, which feature as auxiliaries in HABITUAL constructions, elaborated upon in Chapter 6. (284)

ɨamin armiayi ɨam-iniu a-ara-miayi hunt-AG.NR COP- PL-DIST.PAST:3:DECL 'They used to hunt '[SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_13525]

Note that the COPULA seems to have an irregular form when marked in the present tense. In the REMOTE PAST and DISTANT PAST tense, notice that it takes on regular morphology. I also have no data of the EXISTENTIAL being used in PAST TENSES. However, I do have an example of the counterpart of the EXISTENTIAL, the NEGATIVE EXISTENTIAL: (285)

Yaunchuka colegionmaka, atsuyayi shuar chicham. Yaunchu-ka Past-FOC

colegio-nama-ka, college-LOC-FOC

atsu-ia-yi EXT:NEG-REM.PAST-3:DECL 'In

.

Shuar chicham Shuar language

the past, there was no Shuar (language) at high school.'

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_521584]

4.12 Object Marking Object marking is a highly complex area of Shuar grammar that shows some variation with respect to the other Jivaroan languages. OBJECT marking and APPLICATIVE marking have probably developed from a similar source, yet are now distinct. Third person objects are never overtly marked, so they will not be discussed in this section, which deals primarily with indexation. Further, there seems to be a hierarchy at place, which can roughly be described as: 1SG < 2SG < 3 < 1PL/2PL This departs from the hierarchy proposed for Aguaruna, where third person arguments are ranked lowest 1SG < 2SG < 1PL/2PL < 3 (Overall 2007:411). Objects can be marked in the following three slots:

102 | The Finite Verb

Table 16 Slots used for Object marking B D

A

FI

SLOT E SUBJECT/OBJECT

Root

SLOT J

SLOT K

SUBJECT/ OBJECT

OBJECT

L

The different configurations are all given in table 9. Note that these forms also have allomorphs which were not listed here in the table, due to space. However, we get the following variation -ru/-tu > -rɨ/-tɨ, -rama/-tama > ramɨ/-tamɨ and karata > karatu. T e dots '…' are used to indicate t at t ere are non-object marking slots in that are situated in between. The next subsections will address all the markers in detail: Table 17 Object Marking Configurations

SUBJECT

1SG.OBJECT

OBJECT

2SG.OBJECT

1PL.OBJECT

2PL.OBJECT

1SG -ha-mɨ

-ha-rumɨ

2SG ru/ tu...mɨ

-karata…

ɨ

3SG ru/ tu...wai

rama/tama...wai

rama/tama...hi

rama/tama...rumɨ

1PL h-rumɨ

rama/tama...mɨ

2PL

ru/tu...rumɨ

3Pl

ru/ tu...iniawai/ arahi

karata...rumɨ rama/tama...iniawai/a rai

rama/tama...iniahi /arahi

rama/tama...rumɨ

4.12.1 First Person Singular Object Marking First person singular objects are marked using -tu/-ru regardless of which subject is carrying out the action. So, first person singular objects are always marked in Slot E, where Slot J takes on regular subject marker.

103 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Configuration

SUBJECT > 1SG.OBJECT

Root

SLOT E

SLOT J

SLOT K

SUBJECT/OBJECT

SUBJECT/ OBJECT

OBJECT

-ru/-tu

SUBJECT

Ø

SUBJECT VERB 'me'

In the next example we see a case of THIRD PERSON SINGULAR SUBJECT -yi acting on a FIRST PERSON SINGULAR SUBJECT -ru. (286)

hurukmíayi hu-ru-ka-mia-yi take-1SG.OBJ-PFV:INTS-DIST.PAST-3:DECL 'He had taken me' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_859462]

(287)

nantu surusta nantu su-ru-sa-ta moon give-1SG.OBJ-PFV:ATT-IMP 'Give me the watch' [SHGS2013_09_14_Reciprocals_F_3_143785]

As they are homophonous with the APPLICATIVE, it is usually context that helps disambiguate the two. In the next example, the APPLICATIVE and the 1SINGULAR.OBJECT marker feature together: (288)

turutmiayi apar tu-ru-tu-mia-yi apa-r say.PFV-APPL-1SG.OBJ-DIST.PAST-3:DECL father-PERT:1SG 'He told me, my dad (lit. he said it to my benefit)' [SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_76300]

So here, -ru functions as an APPLICATIVE, whereas -tu functions as a FIRST PERSON SINGULAR OBEJCT marker In addition, a first person pronoun marked for ACCUSATIVE may be used. Most of the time, this is accompanied by object marking. According to Pelizzarro (p.c.), this is an effect of the heavy contact with Spanish, calqueing the construction a mi, me dió 'to me he gave it'. (289)

winia surusarmiayi wi-nia su-ru-sa-ara-mia-yi 1SG-ACC give-1SG.OBJ-PFV:ATT-PL-DIST.PST-3:DECL 'They had given it to me' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_2155560]

4.12.2 First Person Plural Object Marking First person plural marking is very peculiar in Shuar, and has somehow diverged from Shiwiar and Aguaruna. The paradigms are given in the table below:

104 | The Finite Verb

Configuration

2SG>1PL.OBJ

SLOT E

SLOT J

SLOT K

Root

SUBJECT/OBJECT

SUBJECT/ OBJECT

OBJECT

Root

-karata

-mɨ

Ø

UNSP.1PL.OBJ

2SG.SUB

-karata

-rumɨ

UNSP.1PL.OBJ

2PL.SUB

-tama/-rama

-hi

'You VERB us' 2PL>1PL.OBJ

Root

'You (pl). VERB us' 3>1PL.OBJ

Root

'He/she/it/they VERB us'

Ø

Ø

1PL.SUB

Notice the form karata for second person subjects. We will get back to this marker in more detail in section 4.12.1.4, but for now let's look at a few configurations involving second person subjects: (290)

(291)

iikratmɨ ii-karata-mɨ see-UNSP.1PL.OBJ-2:DECL 'You see us'

(fieldnotes)

iikratrumɨ ii-karata-rumɨ see-UNSP.1PL.OBJ-2PL:DECL 'You (pl.) see us'

(fieldnotes)

The UNSPECIFIED 1PLURAL OBJECT -karata is the only possible first person object marker available when the subject is second person, but as we shall see in the section dedicated to it, this is not the case for third person subjects. Let's turn our attention to the third configuration, which includes third person subject acting on first person plural marker (3>1PL.OBJ). This is certainly a curious configuration as it marks the object (1PL) in the subject slot J. Let's first look at two examples of third person subject marking. Recall that to pluralize the third person subject in the imperfective, one can add -inia PLURAL:IMPERFECTIVE, to get: (292)

a.

iiawai ii-a-wa-i see-IMPFV-3-DECL 'He/she sees'

b.

iiniawai ii-inia-wa-i see-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'They see'

105 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

The intriguing element of the (3>1PL.OBJ). configuration is the choice of slots. Let's first look at a simple construction, marked for first person plural subject: (293)

iiahi ii-a-hi see-IMPFV-1PL:DECL 'We see'

To get the (3>1PL.OBJ) configuration, the suffix -tama/-rama is added in combination with –hi, which is normally a subject marker, situated in the SUBJECT slot J, but which is functioning here as an object marker. Compare Error! Reference source not found.and Error! ference source not found.. (294)

a.

iirmahi ii-rama-hi see.IMPFV-3>1PL/2-1PL:DECL 'He sees us'

b.

iirmainiahi ii-rama-inia-hi see-3>1PL/2-1PL:IMPFV-1PL:DECL 'They see us'

This evidence suggests that the -rama suffix may be functioning as an INVERSE marker. Below is another example: (295)

ɨnkɨtmamiah ɨnkɨ-tama-mia-hi insert.PFV-3>1PL/2-DIST.PAST-1PL:DECL 'He had enrolled us'

[SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_63250]

A similar configuration is found in 3>2PL, discussed below. It must be pointed out that this configuration is not found in either Aguaruna or Shiwiar. 4.12.2.1 Unspecified Human Plural Object Marker Shuar possesses another object marker, karata/karatu which in many ways looks like a prototypical first person plural object marker. As we saw in the in first person plural object marking paradigm, this is the only possible form available for use when there is a second person subject acting on a first person plural object (2>1PL). However, in the configuration involving a third person subject acting on a first person object (3>1PL), there are two options available, and as we shall we see, there are subtle differences between them. The main distinction, it seems is that karata/karatu are used for generic, unspecified FIRST PERSON PLURAL OBJECTS, whereas the other markers just listed are used when the speaker has a a specific FIRST PERSON PLURAL OBJECT. Because of this distinction, it may be more appropriate, to label this one as an UNSPECIFIED 1PLURAL OBJECT or even, marker for reasons that we will go into now. First, let's look at a few uses of the marker in standard discourse:

106 | The Finite Verb

(296)

yahauchka yahauch nahankartawai yahauch-ka yahauch nahana-karata-a-wa-i bad-FOC bad do-UNSP.1PL.OBJ-3-IMPFV-DECL 'The evil one does harm (to us)'

(297)

nuna aí hintinkratuiniawai nu-na a-í

hintin-karatu-inia-wa-i ANA-ACC DST-LOC teach-UNSP.1PL.OBJ-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'They teach that (to us/to people) over there' This example would suggest that the verb to teach is formally ditransitive, taking on the 3.OBJECT nuna 'that' and an UNSPECIFIED 1PLURAL OBJECT -karatu. In both examples, the object refers to a generic us as Overall (2007:461) would call it, as opposed to a specific us. This is also shown in nominalizations which also make use of this OBJECT marker: (298)

unuikiartin unui-kiarata-iniu teach- UNSP.1PL.OBJ - NR 'teacher (lit. one who teaches us)' [SHGS2013_09_06SS1_Mother_Tales_1426890]

Now, to compare its use with that of the other more specific 1PLURAL OBJECT marker, let's look at two examples, which make use of both. The object here may be a generic us or simply an unspecified human object. The 1PLURAL OBJECT markers we saw above, on the other hand, denote a clearly marked form that specifies the 1pl. object. (299)

a.

iirmainiahi ii-rama-inia-hi See-3>1PL/2-PL:IMPFV-1PL:DECL 'They see us (specific referent in mind)'

b.

Iikratainiawai ii-karata-inia-wa-i See-UNSP.HUM.OBJ-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'They see us (generic us)'

There is a slight semantic difference between them in the sense that the object of a. refers to the speaker and another known (set of) participant(s). On the other hand, b. refers to the object of a general crowd, in which the speaker may be a part of. Syntactically, there are also distinctions, as we shall see below, using examples with overt NP objects taking on ACCUSATIVE marking. (300)

a.

iin iirmainiahi ii-nia Ii-rama-inia-hi 1PL-ACC See-3>1PL/2-PL:IMPFV-1PL:DECL 'They see us!'

107 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

b.

*iin iikratainiawai ii-nia ii-karata-inia-wa-i 1PL-ACC See-UNSP.HUM.OBJ-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'They see us!'

c.

iikratainiawai See-UNSP.HUM.OBJ-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'They see us!'

So, we clearly see that if there is an overt NP, in this case ii-nia '1PL- ACC', only the first construction is accepted, as the mechanics of indexation evoke specificity. On the other hand, as we see in b., an overt NP cannot be accompanied by with the more generic marker -karata. Instead, c. is what speakers would consider to be natural - evoking a sense of a generic 'us' or 'us people'. The same can be observed for the next example, which also contains an overt NP, this time in the form of two nouns, wi-nia tura yatsuru-na '1SG-ACC and my.brother-ACC'. Once again, speakers only accept a. (301)

a.

winia tura yatsurun turamɨnahi wi-nia tura yatsu-ru-na 1SG-ACC and brother-PERT.1SG-ACC 'They tell my brother and me'

b. *winia tura yasurun tukartuiniawai Wi-nia tura yasu-ru-na 1SG-ACC and brother-PERT.1SG-ACC 'They tell my brother and me'

tu-ramɨ-ɨna-hi say-3>1PL/2-PL:IMPFV-1PL:DECL (fieldnotes)

tu-kartu-inia-wa-i say-UNSP.HUM.OBJ-:IMPFV-1PL:DECL (fieldnotes)

Consultants themselves also often point out that the -rama/-tama…hi form is used when specifically referring to first person plural and that the -karta form was use more generally, yielding a generic 'us'. However, much more work is necessary to fully understand the scope, origin, and diachronic development of these two forms. 4.12.3 Second Person Plural Object Marking The second person plural object markers are always marked using the suffix -rumɨ which is positioned after the previous person marker possibly indicating its position at the lowest end of the hierarchy.

108 | The Finite Verb

Table 18 Second Person Plural Object Marking SLOT E

SLOT J

SLOT K

Root

SUBJECT/OBJECT

SUBJECT/ OBJECT

OBJECT

Root

Ø

-ha

-rumɨ

Configuration

1SG.SUB> 2SG.OBJ

1SG.SUB

'I VERB you (pl)' 1PL>2SG.OBJ

Root

Ø

h-

-rumɨ

Root

-tama/-rama

-rumɨ

Ø

'We VERB you (pl)' 3>2SG.OBJ 'He/she/they VERB you (pl)'

2PL.SUB

(302)

Warik ikiursahrumɨ Wari-ka ikiur-sa-ha-rumɨ quick-FOC keep-PFV:ATT-1SG-2PL:DECL 'I kept you (pl) quickly.' [SHGS2013_10_06S3_Breakfast_1585007]

(303)

amikmahrumɨ amik-ma-a-h-rumɨ friend-VR-IMPFV-1PL-2PL:DECL 'We are greeting you (pl).'

These two examples show that 2PLURAL. OBJECT is marked in slot K, i.e. after the subject marking. Furthermore, the third person subject acting on a second person plural object configuration (3>2PL) shows many similarities to the (3>1PL) configuration in that either tama/-rama is used in slot E, and the object marker is placed in slot J which is normally a subject marking slot. (304)

iirmarmɨ ii-rama-rumɨ see-3>1PL/2-2PL:DECL '(e sees you pl .

Again, this may be indicative of an inverse function taking place. At this point, however, we can only speculate and so future work should try to unravel the system further, perhaps shedding light on the origin of this -rama/-tama suffix which clearly seems related to the APPLICATIVE. 4.12.4 Second Person Singular Object Marking Second person singular object marking is slightly more complex and can be summarised in the following table: 109 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Table 19 Second Person Singular Object Marking

Configuration

1SG.SUB> 2SG.OBJ

Root

Root

SLOT E

SLOT J

SLOT K

SUBJECT/OBJE CT

SUBJECT/ OBJECT

OBJECT

Ø

-ha

mɨ

1SG.SUB

2SG.OBJ

'I VERB you' 1PL>2SG.OBJ

Root

'We VERB you' 3>2SG.OBJ

Root

'He/she/they VERB you'

-ma

-hi

2SG.OBJ

1PL.SUB

-tama/-rama

-wa/-ĩ

3>1PL/2

3.SUB

Ø

Notice how the hierarchy comes into play. Since SECOND PERSON is ranked lower than FIRST PERSON, it features after the FIRST PERSON marker -ha: (305)

anɨahmɨ anɨ-a-ha-mɨ love-IMPFV-1SG.SUBJ-2SG.OBJ 'I love you'

In contrast, SECOND PERSON SINGULAR is ranked higher than FIRST PERSON PLURAL and THIRD PERSON, so they are marked afterwards: (306)

"winitia" turamɨawai wini-tia tu-ramɨ-a-wa-i come.PFV-IMP say-3>2/1PL-IMPFV-3-DECL 'He is telling you to come' [SHGS2013_08_23S5_Pubtalk_227075]

This example uses the complex OBJECT marker -ramɨ, which indexes a THIRD PERSON SUBJECT acting on either a FIRST PERSON PLURAL OBJECT or a SECOND PERSON OBJECT (3>1PL/2). The choice of which OBJECT it takes on depends on the marking in the SUBJECT slot (slot J). For a SECOND PERSON SINGULAR OBJECT, the SUBJECT slot takes on THIRD PERSON marking -wai, adhering to the hierarchy. The next example uses an APPLICATIVE, to get the meaning: 'They are walking to your detriment (or they are following you)'.

110 | The Finite Verb

(307)

Turasha nawɨk winitramainiawai Tura-sha nawɨ-k wini-tu-rama-inia-wa-i But-ADD foot-RESTR come-APPL-3>2/1PL-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'But they're coming for you by foot/ But they're following you by foot'

[SHGS2013_2013_10_06S3_Breakfast_71363]

Here the combination of the APPLICATIVE -tu and the 3>2/1PL OBJECT marker -rama, in combination with the THIRD PERSON SUBJECT marker -wa indicate the configuration of THIRD PERSON SUBJECT acting on a MALEFACTIVE SECOND PERSON SINGULAR OBJECT. Note that the MALEFACTIVE reading is derived from context. Now, in the next example, we see that the SECOND PERSON OBJECT marker -ma is used with FIRST PERSON PLURAL SUBJECT marking -hi. (308)

iimhi ii-ma-hi see-2SG.OBJ-1PL.DECL 'We see you'

is ranked higher than FIRST PERSON PLURAL, so this explains the configuration. The bizarre element about this construction is that we get the suffix -ma on its own, instead of -tama-/ -rama-, suggesting that tama-/ -rama- may be decomposable, or at least were at some stage. In Aguaruna, this construction does not exist, and what we get instead is the portmanteau suffix - himɨ, which denotes three types of configurations: 1PL>2SG, 1PL>2PL, 1SG>2PL (Overall 2007:317). Also, the -ma suffix in Aguaruna surfaces as -pa and can be used interchangeably with the more complex object markers in slot E.

SECOND PERSON SINGULAR

In light of this variation, some Shuar consultants also gave the - himɨ suffix (decomposable as hi-mɨ 1PL-2SG.OBJ), instead of -ma..hi as in the following: (309)

yu iŋkia ɨ yu iŋ-kia-hi-mɨ thank/bless-PFV:INTS-1PL-2SG.OBJ 'We've thanked you'

It is not clear what may be motivating this usage, but in any case, much more work is required to understand the diachronic processes that have lead to this synchronic variation.

111 | The Finite Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

5 The Subordinate Verb "Unless one is inordinately fond of subordination, one is always at war." - Philip Roth

The quote above ironically applies to the first impressions that Spanish, and in particular Santo Tomas, had when they encountered the language of the Incas (van Gijn et al 2011). Subordinate verbs are by far the most common type of verb in the Jivaroan languages. In narratives, for example, they greatly outnumber finite verbs. They are always distinct from finite verbs as they have their own person marking paradigms and are always marked for switch reference with respect to the finite verb. This is to say, while many languages (such as Quechuan languages) have a SAME.SUBJECT or DIFFERENT.SUBJECT suffix indexed on the subordinate verb, Shuar has entire (SS or DS) subordinate verb person marking paradigms, making the system quite elaborate and complex. Subordinate verbs in Shuar are always easily identifiable; despite claims in the literature that subordination as a topic is quite difficult to define (van Gijn et al 2011). The question of why these types of verbs are classified as subordinate is an easy one for the descriptive linguist. If we take van Gijn et al's definition of subordination (p. 3- 5), we see that these types of verbs, marked for switch reference display 'grammatical dependency' with their host, finite verb and most of the time cannot stand alone. This definition is also consistent with Haiman & Munro (1983), who state that the clause marked with switch reference is always subordinate (or 112 | The Subordinate Verb

coordinate) to the 'reference clause' (finite clause). In the Jivaroan languages, subordinate verbs are formally tied to a host, finite verb with which they often share mood and sometimes aspect. The table below presents the main differences between finite and subordinate verbs in the Jivaroan languages. Table 20 Comparison of categories marked on finite and subordinate verb forms (taken from Overall 379:2007)

MOOD/MODALITY TENSE ASPECT PERSON SS/DS CONDITIONAL/CONCESSIVE

FINITE Yes Yes Yes Yes (distinct paradigm) -

SUBORDINATE Some Yes (distinct paradigm) Yes Yes

SAME.SUBJECT and DIFFERENT.SUBJECT subordinate

clauses are treated separately in sections 5.1.2 and 5.1.3 respectively. After these paradigms have been introduced, a number of other markers are discussed, markers that show dependency and aspectual relations.

Subordinate verbs play a salient role in determining temporal, aspectual relationships across clauses and they are often used for reference tracking and clause chaining (Overall 2007; Overall 2011; Overall 2014). They are generally not marked for mood or tense; they share the same properties as their matrix clause. It has often been claimed that, amongst Amazonian languages, subordinate clauses typically involve nominalized verbs (Dixon & Aikhenvald 1999). In Shuar, what Jivaroanists define as subordinate verbs (cf. Overall 2007) are quite distinct synchronically from nominalized verbs and even relativized verbs, although they may have been historically related. Nominalized and relativized multi-verb constructions, which allow the verb to retain many of its verbal properties, are widespread as well but there is little overlap between them and subordinate verbs. One main difference between subordinate verbs and relativized verbs is that relativized verbs can modify NPs, ie they can take on a large set of 'very nominal' marking such as ACCUSATIVE, PERTENSIVE, and VOCATIVE suffixes (Overall 2007:379). These types of predicates are discussed in detail in chapter 6 (complex predicates). Most of the time, subordinate verbs occur before the finite verb, although this is not always the case. When it comes to describing a series of events in chronological order there is a certain iconicity to be followed. The events will be discussed in the right order using subordinate predicates marked with aspect (sequentionality and dependency relations). The final event will be expressed with a finite verb. Thus, in sequential clauses, with a clear series of events, it is fairly straightforward which verbs will be selected as subordinate and which one as the finite verb. However, in a more complex web of events, with different agents participating, and different series of events happening in different orders, perhaps caused by other events, the question of which verbs get selected as subordinate and which ones as finite is certainly an empirical and tricky one. From what my data shows, subordinate clauses are tied to main clauses across a given utterance or turn. However, investigating how this works in conversation is certainly an area 113 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

that requires further study (see Hammond, 2014 for a similar study in Whitesands). One study which has offered a glimpse at how SR would pattern in conversation, albeit only minimally, shows that 'in Mparntwe Arrernte (Australia), a participant may 'interject, add to, or question the statement of another participant' using a subordinate clause tied to the other participant's matrix clause (Wilkins 1988:115). This is still an unexplored area within Jivaroan grammar. This chapter will proceed as follows: First, switch reference marking will be discussed in Section 5.1.3.4, with the various same-subject and different subject paradigms elaborated upon in the sections within. The next section will discuss other types of subordinating morphology. Both these sections describe morphology that is unique to the subordinate verb class. After the groundwork has been set, section 5.3 moves on to more complex topics that involve nonsubject marking on subordinate verbs, showing how some morphemes (some of which are shared with finite verbs) interact with subordinating morphology. And finally 5.4 discusses clause chaining.

5.1 Switch Reference Marking Traditionally, canonical switch reference has been defined as an, "inflectional category of the verb, which indicates whether or not its subject is identical with the subject of some other verb" (Haiman & Munro 1983). Switch reference in Shuar is highly elaborate, with subordinate verbs having their own SS and DS paradigms with temporal, and aspectual distinctions. In addition to marking SAME.SUBJECT or DIFFERENT.SUBJECT, there are three types of subordinate clauses: non-temporal, simultaneous, sequential. Perhaps only Panoan languages have more elaborate systems in the region. The full paradigms are given in table xx, showing distinctions between finite verbs and the three types of subordinate verbs. They are discussed in the following sub-sections in detail.

114 | The Subordinate Verb

Table 21 Person Marking Paradigms: Finite Verbs vs. Subordinate Verbs

Perso n & Main Numb verbs er

Subordinate Verbs

Non-Temporal

Simultaneous (-ku)

Sequential

SS (-sa)

DS

SS

DS

SS

DS

1SG

-ha

-sa-n

-

-ku-n

-ku-ĩ

PFV-n

PFVmataĩ

2SG

-mɨ

-sa-mɨ

-

-ku-mɨ

-ku-mi-n

PFV-mɨ

PFV-mi-n

3SG

-wa yi ĩ

-sã

-taĩ

-kũ

ku-ĩ

PFV-~

PFVmataĩ

1PL

-hi

-sa-r(i)

-

-ku-r(i)

-ku-ri-n

PFV-r(i)

PFV-ri-n

2PL

-rumɨ

-sa-rumɨ

-

ku-rumɨ

-ku-rumi-n

PFV-rumɨ

PFVrumi-n

3PL

-iniawa/ara-ĩ

-sa-war/-r

-taĩ

-inia-ku

-inia-ku-ĩ

PFV-war/r

PFV-aramataĩ

115 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

5.1.1 Typological Considerations Switch reference has been shown to be very prominent in the Northern Andean region (Floyd & Norcliffe 2013) as evidenced by the figure below. Table 22 Switch Reference Marking in the North Andean region (Curnow 1998:341 with notes from Floyd & Norcliffe 2013)

As we can see, many of the languages spoken in this Sprachbund, including all the Quechuan and Barbacoan languages have switch reference systems. In addition, Tupían, Panoan, and Tacanan languages, as well as some isolates like Cofán and Yurakaré have switch reference systems (van Gijn 2012). According to van Gijn (p.124), the prominence of these systems in this area can be attributed to borrowing of 'design features' and to their processing advantages amongst oral, non-literate societies. 5.1.2 Same-Subject Switch Reference Marking The role of these suffixes is to indicate that the subordinate verb has the same suffix as the finite verb. A look at table xx below shows clearly that there is no one SAME SUBJECT marker, but instead an entire person marking paradigm which clearly shows which subject is the same across clauses. This section investigates the same-subject person marking paradigm which is by far the most elaborate of the subordinate verb paradigms. 5.1.2.1 Simultaneous Same Subject Simultaneous same subject clauses are marked by the SIMULTANEOUS suffix -ku. These types of clauses imply that the action is taking place at the same time as the action of the finite verb. In addition, the subordinate verbs are marked for IMPERFECTIVE with the suffix -a. This means that the actions are going on as in the following, which is elicited from a video task on reciprocals:

116 | The Subordinate Verb

(310)

ĩ iará nua iniaknaík a ik anainiawai ĩ iara nua miniak-naí-a-kũ two+ITER woman hug-RECIP-IMPFV-SIM+3:SS as

amik-ma-nai-inia-wa-i friend-VR-RECIP-PL:IMPFV-3DECL

'Two women, while hugging one another, greet each other' [SHGS2013_09_11_Reciprocals_2_M_41420]

We can see from this example, that the act of hugging is simultaneous to the act of greeting which is also marked with the IMPERFECTIVE -inia. This suggests that both actions are ongoing at the same time. In the next example, the finite verb is marked with a PERFECTIVE suffix -kia. (311)

iiakun aitkiahmɨ ii-a-ku-n ai-tu-kia-hmɨ see-IMPFV-1SG:SS do.the.same-APPL-PFV-1SG>2SG 'While looking, I did the same for you'

Here, the 1SG subject performed the action of 'doing the same' while the action of looking is ongoing. Now let's look at a situation with multiple cases of the SIMULTANEOUS suffix: (312)

Nu Iwia huak ushumak puhús waitiak táwai Nu ANA

Iwia Iwia

hu-a-kũ ushu-ma-a-kũ stay-IMPFV-SIM+3SG:SS meat.lust-VR-IMPFV-SIM+3SG:SS

puhu-sã stay/live-SBD+3SG:SS

wait-ia-kũ suffer-IMPFV-SIM+3SG:SS

tá-wa-i say+IMPFV-3-DECL

'That Iwia, staying, craving meat, suffering, he claims' [SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_1158275] In this example there are three subordinate verbs marked with the SIMULTANEOUS, as all three actions (staying, craving meat, and suffering are taking place simultaneously). Also notice the use of the verb puhus, which is not marked using the SIMULTANEOUS suffix but is marked using the NON TEMPORAL SUBORDINATOR -sa. The verb puhu-, as we shall we below is often used in conjunction with other subordinate, simultaneous verbs as an auxiliary, adding a marked progressive aspect. In this case, it is used with the verb ushumak meaning 'to crave meat'. Constructions which use the SIMULTANEOUS marker -ku and the verb puhu- are very common indeed. It may even be the case that the progressive construction in Spanish (estar + stemando/iendo) is being calqued into Shuar, using this SIMULTANEOUS marker -ku + the verb puhu(to live/stay/dwell, often translated using the Spanish verb estar-). Consider first a regular usage of the verb puhu(313)

pɨŋkɨr aĩ pu awai pɨŋkɨr a-ĩ good DST-LOC 'She is good there'

puha-wa-i live/stay+IMPFV-3-DECL [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_999363]

117 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

In Spanish, this would be translated as Está buena allí. This verb has many shades of meaning, and as we shall we below is used here as an auxiliary - as it no longer necessarily implies two predicates, but instead seems to modify the aspect of the verb it follows: (314)

(315)

umakur puhashi um-a-ku-r drink-IMPFV-SIM-1PL:SS 'We are drinking.

puh-a-shi stay/live-IMPFV-1PL:DECL [SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_breakfast_224355]

Nakurak puhawai Naku-r-a-k Play-APPL-IMPFV-SIM+3SG:SS 'She is playing'

puha-wa-i live/stay.IMPFV-3-DECL [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_999363]

As shown in example (312), it can also be used as in auxiliary in subordinate clauses, as in the following: (316)

ɨamak puhãka ɨam-a-kũ puhã-ka hunt-IMPFV-SIM+3SG:SS stay/live.IMPFV+3SG:SS-COND 'If he is hunting...' [SHGS2013_09_06S3_Chicha_Making_Tale_898485]

In these examples, the presence of the auxiliary puhu- as a marker of progressive aspect during a simultaneous action is even more evident. (317)

Nuĩ ɨntsamak puhus, "ahakramɨ" tuu wɨã timiayi [Nu-ĩ ɨntsa-ma-kũ puhu-sã], ANA-LOC carry-REFL-SIM+3SG:SS live/stay-SBD+3SG:SS ["a-ha-ka-ra-mɨ" CAUS-die-PFV:SEQ-1SG.OBJ-2:DECL

tuu say

wɨ-ã] go-PFV:SEQ

ti-mia-yi say:PFV-DIST.PAST-

3:DECL

'While carrying himself, he used to say, "you're killing me", he said.' It can also be used in even more complex constructions, which combine the verb stem and the verb to go to get a habitual reading. In the next example, it would seem that there is a combination of habitual and progressive:

118 | The Subordinate Verb

(318)

niinkia ni ia c i aink u uiniak pu ũ wɨarmaha. niĩ-kia nihiamãchi- aĩ-k umu-inia-kũ 3-FOC manioc.beer-COMIT-RESTR drink-PL:IMPFV-SIM puhu stay/live

wɨ-a-r-ma-ha go-IMPFV-PL-REC.PST-3:PL.CNTR.EXP

T ey used to spend t eir ti e drinking only chicha It is unclear to what extent word order plays a role in this construction. In the majority of cases, the auxiliary puhu- follows the verb. In the next example, it precedes it. Consider the following: (319)

C ikic ki ais aŋ nua aĩ pu usar au Chikichiki ais aŋ nua aĩ One+ITER man woman-COMIT

atɨnak puhusar live/stay-SBD

auhmatɨnak

'A man and a woman are (there), talking' Or 'A man and a woman are talking...' This progressive construction is also found in Aguaruna (Overall 2007:333): (320)

maakun puhahai maa-ku-n bathe+IMPFV-SIM-1SG:SS 'I am bathing'.

puha-ha-i live+IMPFV-1SG-DECL

Whether this is a direct result of contact with Spanish is of course difficult to decipher. However, what I can say is that speakers do tend to align the verbs estar and puhu and this also results in novel Shuar greetings such as: (321)

pɨŋkɨrak puham pɨŋkɨra-k puha-m good-POL.INT live/stay-2 'Are you good? Sp. Estás bien?'

In any case, further work is needed to study the effects of bilingualism on Shuar. 5.1.2.2 Sequential Same Subject To mark sequentionality, the various PERFECTIVE suffixes (sa, ra, ka, ki, a, ini) are used. There is an iconicity involved in the sense that verbs marked with PERFECTIVE suffixes are ordered in a linear manner, as in the following:

119 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(322) Ma tsapakar, pɨŋkɨr tsakakar nuyanka nɨrɨnawai. Ma 1[tsapa-ka-r], 2[pɨŋkɨr Then 1[be.born-PFV:SEQ-1PL:SS] 2[good nu-ĩ-ia-ka

3[nɨrɨ-ɨna-wa-i]

ANA-LOC-ABL-FOC

3[bear.fuit-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL]

tsaka-ka-r] grow-PFV:SEQ-1PL:SS]

'Then, they are born, they grow well, and from then on, they bear fruit.' [SHGS2013_09_06S3_Chicha_Making_Tales_406740]

Examples like these clearly show a sequential relationship amongst the three clauses. First, the seeds are planted, then they grow well, and finally they bear fruit. Notice that these perfective suffixes (in this case the PERFECTIVE -ka), do mark sequentiality but may also be used with temporal particles such as ma ' then' and/or nuyanka 'from then on'. In the next example, the PERFECTIVE:SEQUENTIAL suffix is given by -a ,which is also evident by its syllable stress and the salience of pitch accent. (323)

Ihiarmám umarta Ihiarma-a-m uma-ra-ta Fast-PFV:SEQ-2SG:SS drink-PFV:PLUR-IMP 'After having fasted, drink!' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_2431761]

5.1.2.3 Same subject non-temporal Subordinator -sa Following Overall (2007), the term 'non-temporal subordinator' is used to describe this suffix. It simply signals a non-temporal relationship between finite and subordinate verb. The relationship is usually derived from context, as in the following: (324)

ĩ iara nua ĩ iar-a two-ITER

iniaknais a ik anainiaraĩ. [SHGS2013_09_14_Reciprocals_F_3_53225] nua woman

miniak-nai-sã hug-RECIP-SBD+3:SS

amikma-nai-ni-ara-ĩ greet-RECIP-PFV.LOAF-3.PFV:DECL

'Two women just greeted each other by hugging one another. (325)

timiai puhusam, uchi unuiniamɨ. timiai puhu-sa-mɨ, uchi unuinia-mɨ far live/stay-SBD-2SG:SS child teach+IMPFV-2:DECL 'Being far away there, you teach children' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_17555]

In example (324), the subordinated verb behaves much like a manner adverb, as it describes the manner in which the women greeted each other, ie. 'by hugging'. The -sã is nasalized because it is also functioning as a THIRD PERSON SAME SUBJECT person marker (all the subordinate clause person markers are elaborated upon below). With the other example, it would seem like the relationship is more causal. It must be pointed out that this suffix is in competition with the PERFECTIVE:SEQUENTIAL suffix -sa which signals a sequential relationship 120 | The Subordinate Verb

to the other clauses. While generally speaking they can be clearly teased apart, there are instances of ambiguity. 5.1.2.4 Same-Subject Person Marking Now that we've covered the different markers and strategies for expressing the different types of same subject subordinate clauses, it is now time to discuss the various person marking paradigms in details. These are shown in the table below: Table 23: Same Subject Subordinate Clause Marking in Shuar

PERSON

SINGULAR

PLURAL

1

-n

-ri:

2

-mɨ

-rum:

3

nasalisation of stem-final vowel

-war/-r:

A comparison with the SAME.SUBJECT markers in Aguaruna reveals that the loss of /r/ in Aguaruna has caused the three plural markers to look quite different in form to those in Shuar. Table 24 Same Subject Subodrinate Clause Marking in Aguaruna (Overall 2007:391)

PERSON

SINGULAR

PLURAL

1

-nu

suppression of apocope / -i

2

-mɨ

3

nasalisation of stem-final vowel

To compensate for this loss of transparency in the plural domain, Aguaruna speakers may add the -ina 'plural imperfective' for both third person and first person (Overall 2007). In Shuar, the (-inia) is used mostly for third person plural imperfective. All 6 paradigms are discussed in detail in the following subsections: 5.1.2.4.1 First Person Singular First person singular is marked with the suffix -n. (326) wiki pɨnke wichik, ihiarmán umarmahai wi-ki pɨnke wi-chi-k [ihiarma-á-n 1SG-RESTR good 1SG-DIM-RESTR [fast-PFV:SEQ-1SG:SS 'Just me, all alone, after having fasted, I had drunk' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_2303285]

uma-r-mia-ha-i] drink-PFV-DIST.PAST-1SG-DECL]

121 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

In the example above, the speaker is describing a situation where he had to fast in order to drink ayahuasca (Shuar natɨm). Notice the gloss of the subordinate verb ihiarmá-n [fast.PFV:SEQ-1SG:SS]. The accent falls on the ultimate -a, suggesting that it is a PERFECTIVE and thus a SEQUENTIAL marker. In subordinate verbs, PERFECTIVE markers indicate that the event took place before the next verb in sequence (see section xx for a detailed discussion on SEQUENTIAL markers]. The verb also takes on a first person singular same subject marker, as it is coindexed to the main verb umarmahai [drink-PFV-REC.PAST-1SG-DECL], which is also first person singular. Example (327) provides a similar scenario: (327)

hintián iniayahai hintia-á-n iniai-a-ha-i teach-PFV:SEQ-1SG:SS leave-IMPFV-1SG-DECL 'After having taught, I leave it at this. [SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_193205]

5.1.2.4.2 Second Person Singular The second person singular same subject marker is given by -mɨ. (328)

ihiarmám umarta ihiarma-á-mɨ uma-r-ta fast-PFV:SEQ-2SG:SS drink-PFV.PLUR-IMP 'After having fasted, drink (it)!' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_2431761]

Here, the 2SG:SS marker -m, is coindexed to a verb in the imperative. Once again, the PERFECTIVE suffix -a is used, with accent falling on it, signalling SEQUENTIONALITY. Thus, we get a sequential reading. There is supression of apocope, hence we get ihiarmám, instead of ihiarmámɨ. This is not the case, when the CONDITIONAL -ka is attached to the subordinate clause, as in the following: (329)

aí puhusmɨka pampartatmɨ a-i puhu-s-mɨ-ka DST-LOC live-SBD-2SG:SS-COND 'If you live there, you will reproduce'

pampa-r-tat-mɨ reproduce-PFV-FUT-2:DECL [SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_964710]

Notice the similarity between this suffix and the 2SG suffix in finite clauses -mɨ. The same applies for the 2PL:SAME.SUBJECT marker, -rum and the 2PL marker in finite clauses, -rumɨ. Second person is the only area of the grammar that is consistently marked with the suffix -m (the same applies to the PERTENSIVE:2SG suffix [rum/ram]) 26. 5.1.2.4.3 Third Person Singular Third person singular is marked by nasalisation of the final vowel, or apocope. (330)

"Amaschatahai" tusã "ama-s-cha-ta-ha-i" Give-PFV.ATT-NEG-IFUT-1SG-DECL Saying, "I'm not going [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_139618]

26

I thank Martin Kohlberger for pointing this out

122 | The Subordinate Verb

to

tu-sã say-SBD+3SG:SS give (her)

(to

you)".

Here, we see that the /a/ of the SUBORDINATOR -sa has been nasalized. While speakers can generally identify nasalisation, it is becoming increasingly less common, or more difficult to identify. Further, with other suffixes attached to the root, phonological processes, such apocope yield the following: (331)

Wekas Weka-sã Walk-SBD+3:SS 'Walking...'

[SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_66218]

The underlying form is a nasalized -sã, SUBORDINATING suffix. The next example shows nasalisation on the PERFECTIVE suffix -a, which denotes sequentionality and third person singular same subject marking. (332)

[taã uĩ] [kanusa pakarĩn tsakaruiti] winia aparka ta-ã ju-ĩ kanusa paka-rĩ-ĩ arrive-PFV+3:SG:SS PRX-LOC Territory+GEN plane-PERT:3/1PL-LOC tsaka-ra-u-it-i grow-PFV-REL-COP-3SG:DECL

wi-nia

'After

grew

arriving

here,

apa-ru-ka father-PERT:1SG-FOC

1SG-GEN

he

up

in

the

flat

plane,

my

father'

[SHGS2013_0906S1_Mother_Tales_39328]

5.1.2.4.4 First Person Plural The FIRST PERSON PLURAL, SAME SUBJECT marker is given by the suffix -r. (333)

íisar isha nu nɨkaár iish namak ihiuyahi íi-sa-r i-sha nu see-PFV:SEQ-1PL:SS 1PL-ADD ANA ii-sh 1PL-ADD 'Observing

namak fish and

then

nɨka-á-r know-PFV:SEQ-1PL:SS

ihiu-ia-hi stab-REM.PAST-1PL:DECL knowing

that,

we

too

harpooned

fish'

[SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_58541]

Here, we see that the -r suffix corresponds with the 1PL marking of the finite verb ihiuyahi. The 1PL:SS suffix (-r) also occurs with a different construction, namely that of a periphrastic passive or normative (see section xx for more elaborate discussion), as in the following: (334)

yama namak maárkia yuchatainti yama namak ma-á-r-kia recent fish kill-PFV:SEQ1PL:SS-COND

yu-cha-taĩ-it-i eat-NEG-

NON.A/S:NR-COP-3SG:DECL

'If

we've

recently

killed

fish,

it

is

not

eaten'

[SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_76300]

123 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

5.1.2.4.5 Second Person Plural The SECOND PERSON PLURAL SAME SUBJECT marker is -rumɨ. Notice again the similarity between this form and the SECOND PERSON PLURAL form in finite verbs which is also -rumɨ. (335)

Ihiarmárum wɨmarmɨ Ihiarma-á-rum wɨ-ma-rmɨ Fast-PFV:SEQ-2PL:SS go-REC.PAST-2PL:DECL 'After having fasted, you (pl.) left'

5.1.2.4.6 Third Person Plural The THIRD PERSON PLURAL SAME SUBJECT marker is given by the suffixes -war, -r, or nasalisation/apocope (as is the case with THIRD PERSON SINGULAR). The following example contains examples from all: (336)

Auka mai nuak apapɨnaikiar tsɨkɨnki hɨawar wakɨtainiak aininiawai Au-ka DST-FOC

mai both

tsɨkɨn-kĩ run-PFV:SEQ+3:SS

nua-k woman-FOC

apapɨ-nai-kia-r follow-RECIP-PFV:SEQ-1PL:SS

hɨ-á-war arrive-PFV:SS

wakɨta-inia-ku walk-PL:IMPFV-SIM

ain-inia-wa-i do-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL

'Both those women followed each other, then ran, then arrived, walking throughout.' [SHGS2013_09_08S2_Reciprocals_1_F_327703] In this example, three verbs are marked with PERFECTIVE, SEQUENTIAL markers, indicating a sequence of events, and one verb wakɨt- 'to walk' is marked with the simultaneous marker -ku. Interesting to note is that this example exhibits the numerous ways that third person plural is marked on subordinate verbs. The first verb apapɨ-nai-kia-r 'after following one another' is marked with the marker -r. The second verb tsɨkɨn-kĩ is simply marked by nasalisation of the final stem. The third verb hɨ-á-war is marked by the suffix -war and finally the fourth verb waketa-inia-k is marked using the PLURAL.IMPERFECTIVE 'inia'. (337)

nuna iis ayamkartuiniawai nu-na ii-sã ayam-kartu-inia-wa-i ANA-ACC see-SBD+3:SS salvage-UNSPC.HUM.OBJ-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'Seeing that, they salvage us'

Here we see the subordinate verb ii-' to see' agree in person with the finite verb. Further distinctions are drawn with respect to whether the relationship between the subordinate verb and matrix clause is sequential, simultaneous, and non-temporal. Example shows the most basic example, only marked for canonical switch reference. Table 18 in the beginning of section 5.1 shows the full paradigm for person marking for same subject subordinate clauses.

124 | The Subordinate Verb

(338)

ihiarmáwar ɨamin armiayi. ihiarma-a-war ɨam-in a-ara-mia-yi fast-PFV:SEQ-3PL:SS hunt-NR COP-PL-DIST.PAST-3PL:DECL ' After having fasting, they used to hunt '[SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_13525]

Furthermore, notice that for 3PL:SS, the suffix can either take up the form -war or -r. The -r form would be homophonous with the 1PL:SS marker. Therefore, should this form appear, it can only be distinguished syntactically by the marking of the matrix verb. In addition 3rd person plural can also be marked by nasalization or by apocope, as in the following example, where the SUBORDINATING suffix -sa, whose underlying form would include a nasalized /a/ as in -sã but which surfaces as -s in wɨkas: (339)

Ukunmash wɨkas niish auhmatainiawai Ukunama-sh wɨka-sã nii-sh auhma-ta-inia-wa-i Afterwards-ADD walk-SBD+3:SS 3-ADD converse-APPL-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'Afterwards as well, walking, he too converses.' [SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_1495163]

5.1.3 Different-Subject Switch Reference Marking The role of the Different-Subject markers is to indicate that the subject of the given clause is different to that of the controlling, finite clause. There are 4 types of different subject clauses, which use a variety of different markers. One curious point to mention is that third person and first person singular always have identical DIFFERENT.SUBJECT markers. This is - mataĩ in sequential clauses and - ĩ in imperfective and simultaneous clauses. Further, the person markers for second person and first person plural are the same in the DIFFERENT.SUBJECT paradigms as those in the SAME.SUBJECT paradigms. To distinguish the two, the DIFFERENT.SUBJECT marker -n is added to signal different subject. Shuar, similar to Aguaruna has four types of different subject clauses, compared to only 3 in the same subject paradigms. The additional type consists of the IMPERFECTIVE subordinate clauses, which is unattested in same subject clauses. 5.1.3.1 Simultaneous Different Subject Clauses The SIMULTANEOUS marker for both same subject and different subject clauses is -ku. The table below shows the paradigms for the verb chicha- 'to speak'. The SIMULTANEOUS marker is always accompanied by the IMPERFECTIVE.

125 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Person

Singular

Plural

1

[c ic akuĩ]

[chichakrin]

chicha-ku-ĩ

chicha-ku-ri-n

Speak.IMPFV -SIM-1SG/3:DS

Speak.IMPFV-SIM-1PL-DS

[chichakmin]

[chichakrumin]

chicha-ku-mi-n

chicha-ku-rumi-n

Speak.IMPFV-SIM-2-DS

Speak.IMPFV-SIM-2PL-DS

[c ic akuĩ]

[c ic ainiakuĩ]27

chicha-ku-ĩ

chicha-inia-ku-ĩ

Speak.IMPFV-SIM-1SG/3:DS

speak-PL:IMPFV-SIM-1SG/3:DS

2

3

These forms are similar to the ones in Aguaruna displayed in Overall (2007), bearing in mind the phonological changes. These forms are also similar to the ones laid out for Shuar in Turner (1992) except that Turner does not include the -inia- PL.IMPERFECTIVE suffix in the 3PL paradigm. Once again the marker for 1SG and 3 person is the same, namely the -ĩ. (340)

nuĩ kuniakuĩ na ak utsanɨawai nu-ĩ kunia-ku-ĩ namak utsa-nɨa-wa-i ANA-LOC river.dry.up.IMPFV-SIM-1/3:DS fish fall.out-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'While the river dries up there, the fish fall out'

[SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_117375]

Different-subject subordinate clauses often occur with CONDITIONAL markers and somewhat less so with CONCESSIVE markers as shown below: (341)

ĩi aɨ ãĩ c ic akrinkia kuntuts a au ar iayi [ĩi aɨ- ãĩ chicha-ku-ri-n-kia] 1PL+GEN friend-COMIT speak.IMPFV-SIM-1PL-DS-COND kuntuts sad

aha-u do-NR

a-ara-mia-yi COP.PFV-PL-DIST.PAST-3:DECL

'If we would speak to our friends (in Spanish), they would get very sad' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1962075]

27

Recall that the IMPERFECTIVE marker for THIRD PERSON PLURAL is given by the suffix -inia, whereas everywhere else it is marked on the stem (e.g. chicha 'speak.IMPFV)

126 | The Subordinate Verb

(342)

"Auhsakumniasha amaschatahai" tusã "Auhsa-ku-m-ni-asha Converse.IMPFV-SIM-2-DS-CONCESS

ama-s-cha-ta-ha-i" give-ATT-NEG-IFUT-1SG-DECL

tu-sã say-SBD:3SG:SS 'Saying, "Even if you've conversed with her, I'm not going to give her (to you)' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_139618]

(343)

Nihiamanch atsakuinkia, warink iish, iish umartah. Nihiamanch atsa-ku-ĩ-kia, Manioc.beer Not.exist-SIM-3:DS-COND warĩ-k what-RESTR

ii-sh

ii-sh

1PL-ADD

1PL-ADD

)f t ere s no

anioc beer, w at will we drink?

uma-r-ta-h drink-PFV:PLUR-FUT-1PL

Different subject markers are in general less common than same subject markers. Further, as noted in table (xx), there are roughly 6 person marking suffixes; one for every combination of person and number. Different subject markers on the other hand are not as elaborate and often, the 1SG:DS marker will be the same as the 3:DS marker. The suffix for 1SG/3:DS is often given by -ĩ, which in spite of its similarity in form to the locative marker -ĩ may have been historically related (Overall 2007; Overall 2014). The form for 1PL/2:DS, on the other hand is n. Notice again how these two groups pattern [1SG/3 and 1PL/2]. This grouping bears striking similarity to the two groups distinguished in section which show split alignment. ie. If a 1SG/3 subject acts on an object, the object takes on accusative case marker -n(a), whereas if a 1PL/2 subjects acts on an object, the object is not marked with the -n(a) suffix 5.1.3.2

Imperfective Different Subject Clauses IMPERFECTIVE different subject clauses represent an action which is ongoing and performed by a different actor to that of the main verb. While this type of clause does not appear too often in my corpus, elicited work suggests it does exist. The following forms have been taken from Pellizzaro & Náwech (2005:64).

127 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Tabela 1 Different-Subject Imperfective Clauses (adapted from Pellizzaro & Náwech (2005:64))

Person

Singular

Plural

1

[c ic áĩ]

[chichárin]

chicha-ĩ

chicha-ri-n

Speak.IMPFV-1SG/3:DS

Speak.IMPFV-1PL-DS

[chichámin]

[chichárumin]

chicha-mi-n

chicha-rumi-n

Speak.IMPFV-2SG-DS

Speak.IMPFV-SIM-2PL-DS

[c ic áĩ]

[chichaíniaĩ]

chicha-ĩ

chicha-inia-ĩ

Speak.IMPFV-1SG/3:DS

speak-PL:IMPFV-1SG/3:DS

2

3

(344)

C ic áĩ u a ai C ic áĩ umahai Speak.IMPFV-SIM-1SG/3:DS drink-IMPFV-1:SG-DECL 'While he was speaking, I was drinking' (fieldnotes)

(345)

Ma arantu wɨnatsuĩ Ma aran-tu wɨ-ina-tsu-ĩ Then respect-APPL go-IMPFV-NEG-1SG/3:DS 'They would not respect them' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1331260]

The last example comes from a fragment where the speaker discusses how children today do not respect their elders as much as they did in the past. The verb inflected for DIFFERENT SUBJECT is wɨnats ĩ 'they did not go' which forms a single predicate expressing HABITUAL aspect (this construction is discussed in detail in section 6.2). The construction uses the PLURAL IMPERFECTIVE form -ina and the DIFFERENT SUBJECT marker -ĩ. It must be pointed out that it is still not a hundred percent clear what the distinction is between IMPERFECTIVE clauses and SIMULTANEOUS clauses. Native speakers hint that IMPERFECTIVE clauses are better translated using the Spanish word mientras 'while, during' whereas SIMULTANEOUS clauses using the Spanish word cuando 'when'. The challenging part here is that both SIMULTANEOUS and IMPERFECTIVE different subejct clauses are marked using IMPERFECTIVE markers. Moreover, the translations given in Turner (1992) further exasperate this ambiguity:

128 | The Subordinate Verb

(346)

Shuar (Turner 1992) Ii takaakrin Ii taka-a-krin 1PL work-IMPFV-SIM+1PL:DS28 'While we were working...'29

While this may go against some native speakers' intuitions, the fact that Turner does not list finite verbs in his examples may also be problematic. ASPECT may very well be a relevant point to consider. The following example may explain this neatly. (347)

Chikichki ais aŋ nuahãi puhusar auhmatɨnak, nantu surusta takui susayi. C ikic iki ais aŋ nuahãi One-ITER man woman-COMIT puhusar live/stay-SBD-1PL

auhma-tɨ-ina-ku converse-APPL-PL:IMPFV-SIM

nantu su-ru-sa-ta moon give-1SG.OBJ-PFV:ATT-IMP takuĩ susayi. say.IMPFV-SIM-1/3:DS ' While a man and a woman were conversing, she said to him," give me the watch". Then he gave it to her. [SHGS2013_09_14_Reciprocals_F_3_143785]

One potential hypothesis to explain why this type of subordinate clause exists in the DIFFERENT.SUBJECT paradigm and not in the SAME.SUBJECT paradigm is that it may just be possible that the SAME.SUBEJCT counterpart is carried out using a periphrastic cosntruction: the SIMULTANEOUS marker + the auxiliary verb puhu-, as we saw in section 5.1.2.1. Further, as has been suggested by Overall (2007), imperfective, different-subject clauses might have originated by adding the LOCATIVE -ĩ to an imperfective verb. 5.1.3.3 Sequential Different Subject Clauses Different subject sequential clauses are marked by a PERFECTIVE suffix, as is the case in same subject clauses but this time also with a specific DIFFERENT SUBJECT marker as well. Again, a key point about the PERFECTIVE:SEQUENTIAL marker is that it signals that verb marked with it happened at an earlier stage than the upcoming verb. For FIRST PERSON SINGULAR and THIRD PERSON, the DIFFERENT SUBJECT marker is given by -mataĩ. For THIRD PERSON PLURAL the perfective PLURALIZER -ara is added as in the following:

28

The morpheme hyphenation is taken directly from Turner (1992). The glosses are mine, although they correspond heavily with what Turner has written. 29 Mientras nosotros trabajabamos...

129 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(348)

Ma nua tsakarar atãĩ. Uunt arar ataĩnkia Ma Then

tsaka-ra-ara- ataĩ grow-PFV:SEQ-PL--1/3:DS:SEQ

nua woman

Uunt-ma-ra-ara- ataĩ-kia Elder-VR-PFV:SEQ-PL-1/3:DS:SEQ-COND 'Then after the women grow, if they grow old...' (349)

uunt intinrata tãĩ is na ak i iuya i uunta elder

hintin-ra-ta- atãĩ teach-PFV:SEQ-1SG.OBJ-1/3:DS

ii-sh

namak fish

1PL-ADD

ihiu-ia-hi stab-REM.PAST-1PL:DECL

'After the elder had taught me, we too harpooned the fish' [SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_58541]

In both examples, the -mataĩ suffix indexes a third person subject which is different to the subject of the matrix clause. There are also sequential readings in both examples. In the first, there is the woman growing1 and then growing old2 and in the second examples there is the act of the elder teaching1 and then the act of 1PL poking2 5.1.3.4 Non-temporal different-subject clauses Overall (2007:394) states that the different subject counterpart to the non-temporal samesubject subordinator -sa, is -taĩ, used in the following: (350)

uchín tsɨɰáŋ itkatãĩ tupikáu [ uchi-na tsɨɰahu-mitika-taĩ ] tupika-a-u [child-ACC cry:PL-CAUS-SBD:1/3:DS ] run-IMPFV-REL w en t e devil ade t e c ildren cry, t eir fat er ca e running (Overall 2007:398)

Overall (p.403) claims that -taĩ may have originated as a NOMINALIZER, which in turn made use of an of the LOCATIVE form -ĩ. With the data at hand, it is still unclear whether -taĩ has developed in the same way in Shuar as it has in Aguaruna. It is certainly used with the speech verb tu- to get the clause tutaĩ. It could well be that this is a fixed expression, and so it is unclear whether this suffix is productive - as it only ever appears with the verb 'to say'. This means that it may have evolved into a fixed expression, used only with this verb. This is clearly not the case in Aguaruna, where it can be affixed to other verbs as well. In my Shuar corpus, there are 12 attested uses of tutaĩ, also translated as 'when they said' or sometimes as 'when it is said'.

130 | The Subordinate Verb

(351)

au sa ai tutaĩ auh-sa-m-hai converse-ATT:PFV-REC.PAST-1SG-DECL 'When he said, "I spoke to him"...'

tu-taĩ say-SBD?:3DS

(352)

Nuwa nuna wakɨrahai tutaĩ Nuwa nu-na wakɨra-ha-i tu-taĩ Woman ANA-ACC want.IMPFV-1SG-DECL say-SBD?:3DS 'W en t ey say, ') want t at wo an…' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_tales_131115]

(353)

Nu uakũ tutaĩ Nu hu-a-kũ tutaĩ ANA stay-IMPFV-SIM+3:SS say-SBD?:3DS 'That (Iwia (demon)) was staying' it is said'.

We cannot say for sure that this suffix is unique to the speech verb. More Shuar data is needed to fully understand this construction and determine whether -taĩ has evolved in the same way that it has in Aguaruna and whether it can be used on other verbs as well.

5.2 Subordinating Morphology There are a number of suffixes which are unique to subordinate verbs and which do not appear on finite verbs. 5.2.1 Repetitive -kawa Another suffix that only occurs on same subject subordinate verbs is the REPETITIVE which is given by the suffix -kawa and is also accompanied by reduplication of the verb stem, as in the following: (354)

Aɨnts wɨka wɨkakuã táu Aɨnts wɨka wɨka-kawã tá-u Person REDUP walk-REPET+3SG:SS arrive-REL 'The person, walking and walking, arrived'[SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_1352810]

(355)

ha hakuã nu ha

ha-kawã REDUP do-REPET+3SG:SS 'Doing that over and over again'

(356)

nu ANA [SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_476645]

ama, amakua. Ama ama-kawa Give give-REPET+3SG:SS 'Giving and giving' [SHGS2013_09_06S3_Chicha_Making_Tale_902155]

5.2.2 Conditional -ka Like the other markers in section 5.2, the CONDITIONAL -ka is found only on subordinate verbs and never on finite verbs. It occupies the slot after the switch reference marker. 131 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Overall (2007) claims that the Jivaroan CONDITIONAL is probably historically related to the TOPICALISER -ka, which is often used on nouns. According to Gnerre, this -ka suffix still functions as a FOCALISER, the way it does on nouns (pc). That is, a CONDITIONAL reading is derived from a clause as a result of marking it with FOCUS, as is also suggested for other languages by Haiman 1978). Further speculation on the emergence of this marker is outside the scope of this thesis, but what we can say here is that, synchronically, a subordinate clause marked with -ka creates a CONDITIONAL reading with respect to the APODOSIS (Haspelmath et al 2001). The following examples illustrate its usage: (357)

Nihiamanch atsakuinkia, warink iish, iish umartah Nihiamanch atsa-ku-ĩ-kia, Manioc.beer Not.exist-SIM-3:DS-COND warĩ what )f t ere s no

ii-sh

ii-sh

1PL-ADD

1PL-ADD

uma-ra-ta-hi drink-PFV:PLUR-FUT-1PL

anioc beer, w at will we drink?

The CONDITIONAL is used here with a DIFFERENT SUBJECT marker, and the APODOSIS is the main clause warink iish, iish umartah ' What shall we drink?'. While the CONDITIONAL suffix -ka marks a CONDITIONAL clause or PROTASIS, it is unclear exactly how the APODOSIS is marked i.e. whether the subsequent (subordinate clause) is the APODOSIS or whether the controlling main clause is. Perhaps this is determined by context. Consider the following: (358)

ii uuntrinkia ɨamkatsã wakɨruiniakka i iar áawar ɨamin armiayi ii uunt-rĩ-kia 1PL+GEN elder-PERT:3/1PL-FOC [ɨam-ka-tasã [hunt:PFV:SEQ-INTENT+3:SS

wakɨru-inia-kũ-ka] want-PL:IMPFV-SIM+3:SS-COND]

[ihiarma-a-war] [fast-PFV:SEQ-3PL:SS]

[ɨam-iniu [hunt-AG.NR

a-ara-miayi] COP.PFV-PL-DIST.PAST:3:DECL]

'If our elders wanted to hunt, they would fast, and then they used to hunt.' [SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_13525] In this sentence, it seems as though the subsequent subordinate clause i iarm awar is the APODOSIS, as the main clause ɨamin armiayi ' they used to hunt' clearly cannot be. 5.2.3 Concessive -sha The CONCESSIVE suffix -sha is also only marked on subordinate verbs and denotes 'cross clausal contrast'. Once again Overall (2007) posits a historical relationship between this form and the ADDITIVE -sha, marked on the NP.

132 | The Subordinate Verb

(359)

Auhsakumniasha amaschatahai Auh-sa-ku-mi-ni-asha ama-sa-cha-ta-ha-i converse-SIM-2-DS-CONCESS give-PFV:ATT-NEG-IFUT-1SG-DECL Even if you converse, I will not give (it

to

him)",

[SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_139618]

Sometimes the CONCESSIVE clause can even follow the APODOSIS, as in the following: (360)

nu ahampramainia amɨ nuaram ɨhɨs nu ahamp-rama-inia ANA offer-3>2/1PL-PL:IMPFV+3 amɨ

nua-ram

2SG+GEN

woman-PERT:2SG

'They

offer

it

to

you,

ataĩsha

ɨ-hɨ-sh- ataĩ-asha. CAUS-arrive-?30PFV:SEQ-1SG/3:DS-CONCESS even

if

your

wife

doesn't

bring

it'

[SHGS2013_09_06S3_Chicha_Making_Tale_769909]

Here, we see the CONCESSIVE marked on the DIFFERENT SUBJECT clause ɨhɨs mataĩs a and this clause follows the previous one. 5.2.4 Intentional -tasa & -tah tusa Another suffix unique to subordinate verbs is the INTENTIONAL -tasa, which often occurs on the complement of the verb to 'want', signaling intent from the perspective of the subject as in the following: (361)

Marunchi yuátsan wakɨrah Marunchi yu-á-tasa-n wakɨra-ha Fish.sp.+ACC eat-PFV.SEQ-INTENT-1SG:SS want.IMPFV-1SG 'I want to eat camarón.' [SHGS2013_10_06S3_Breakfast_684296]

(362)

ii uuntrinkia ɨamkatsã wakɨruiniakka ii uunt-rĩ-kia ɨam-ka-tasã 1PL+GEN elder-PERT:3/1PL-FOC hunt:PFV:SEQ-INTENT+3:SS wakɨru-inia-kũ-ka want-PL:IMPFV-SIM+3:SS-COND 'If our elders wanted to hunt...'31

[SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_13525]

In both examples, the subordinate clauses triggered by -tasa are followed by the verb to want, as is frequently the case. In the next example, the finite verb, winia- 'to come' is used, but the reading of INTENTIONALITY and GOAL remains.

30

It is unclear what the -sh suffix is doing. It was not entirely audible from the recording, but was transcribed in this way. In any case, it is occupying the slot of the PERFECTIVE marker, so it may be a typo of the PERFECTIVE -sa 31 The past tense reading of the subordinate verb wakeruiniakka. This is past on from the PAST tense of the main verb - which is omitted from the example.

133 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(363)

Mariano winia ikiurutsã winiaha Mariano wi-nia ikiu-ru-tasã winia-ha M 1SG-ACC leave.PFV-1SG.OBJ-INTENT+3SG:SS come.IMPFV-CNTR.EXP+3 'Mariano is coming to leave me'

Turner (1992) gives a similar example (glosses are mine - but correspond to his, which use different terminology for the same meaning): (364)

takak-s-tas-mɨ-k work-ATT-INTENT-2SG:SS-POL.INT 'Did you come to work?32

ta-um arrive-2

It can also appear on subordinate clauses tied to deontic constructions33 (which are discussed in detail in section 6.1.4) to signal INTENTIONALITY. In the following, the INTENTIONAL is marked on the verb umartasã 'in order to drink' and is tied to the main clause which is marked for the DEONTIC: (365)

Natɨm umartasã itiurá iwiaratniut? [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1605554] Natɨm uma-ra-tasã itiurá iwia-ra-tiniu-it Ayahuasca drink-PFV:SEQ-INTENT+3SG:SS how prepare-PFV-APPL-AG:NR-

COP:3SG

'In order to drink Ayahuasca, how should it be prepared?' Deontic constructions are composed of a verb stem, an AGENTIVE NOMINALIZER, a COPULA, and person marking of the agent (see chapter 6 for further discussion of these constructions). In the example above there is no mood/modality marking on the verb iwiaratniut as it occurs in a wh- clause. Turner (1992) suggests that the INTENTIONAL -tasa may be a 'contraction' of the -tah tusaconstruction (SG.HORT say-SBD), which forms a PURPOSE clause (see section 4.5.6). This construction is still in use and it is unclear whether there is a semantic difference between using the INTENTIONAL suffix -tasa and using the construction to form PURPOSE clause, or whether they are both in free variation. What we may be observing is two similar constructions, one of which has become grammaticalized into a subordinating suffix -tasa and the other which is still in the older periphrastic form: -tah tusa. According to Hopper & Traugott (1993:124), this coexistence of forms derived from one another is not uncommon. Note that we saw several of these constructions in the section on Imperatives. Here is another example: (366)

nankamaktah tusan nankama-ka-tah tu-sa-n pass.through/approve-PFV:INTS-SG/HORT say-SBD-1SG:SS ')n order to approve it…(lit. saying, 'let me approve it')' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_352118]

32

Sp. ¿Viniste a trabajar? Deontic constructions are formed by combining a PERFECTIVE suffix with the FUTURE NOMINALIZER tiniu and the COPULA

33

134 | The Subordinate Verb

(367)

Ayamprumaktah tusã Ayamp-ru-ma-ka-tah tu-sã defend-APPL-REFL-INTS:PFV-SG.HORT say-SBD+3:SS 'In order to defend themselves' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1315760]

While the INTENTIONAL -tasa may have arisen from -tah tusa, this is not to say that the periphrastic construction only occurs with the subordinate form of the speech verb tusa (say-SBD). This is certainly the most common usage, but other subordinate forms occur as well, as in the following: (368)

nawatah takurkia nuka nau-a-tah ta-ku-r-kia nu-ka masticate-HIAF:PFV-1SG.HORT say.IMPFV-1PL:SS-COND ANA-FOC ')f we want to asticate t at….(lit. if we say 'may I masticate that'' [SHGS2013_09_06S3_Chicha_Making_Tale_466370]

Here, the SIMULTANEOUS and CONDITIONAL form of the verb 'to say' are used. We see the semantics of the verb 'to say' fading away. It becomes used as one of the markers to mark INTENTIONALITY.

An alternative scenario for the development of the INTENTIONAL suffix -tasa is proposed by Overall (2007) who claims that it has evolved from the DESIDERATIVE -tata, which is available in Aguruna, but which I have not found in Shuar. There is no seemingly no difference in semantics between this and the INTENTIONAL -tasa (which also exists in Aguaruna). The only difference is that the DESIDERATIVE is marked on finite verbs, whereas the INTENTIONAL is marked on subordinate verbs. He gives the following example of the DESIDERATIVE: (369)

yuwátatahai yu-a-tata-ha-i eat-HIAF:PFV-DESID:SG-1SG-DECL 'I want to eat'

(Overall 2007:354)

Overall (2007) shows that Aguaruna has two allomorphs for the INTENTIONAL -tasa and -tatus (used for THIRD PERSON). In Shuar only the -tasa form exists. The claim Overall makes about the development of the INTENTIONAL is that it is 'a phonologically reduced outcome of DESIDERATIVE -tata followed by the NON-TEMPORAL SUBORDINATOR -sa' (p. 355/382). This analysis seems somewhat dubious, as there is no evidence for the DESIDERATIVE in Shuar, suggesting this change took place in Aguaruna too late to be an earlier form of the INTENTIONAL. The evidence is more in favour of Turner (1992) of this being a fused form of the tah tusa construction, which Overall also later agrees with (2009) In any case, what is clear is that there is an intricate link between the IMPERATIVE -ta, the IMMEDIATE FUTURE -ta, and the speech verb tu-/ta which have shaped up new and old constructions. 5.2.5 Frustrative -tah tukama The discussion of the two-unit INTENTIONAL construction, or purpose clause couched in a speech report, should facilitate the explanations given for this section. Also, it is logical to 135 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

introduce the FRUSTRATIVE in Shuar by first discussing the system in Aguaruna whereby the TERMINATIVE is denoted by the suffix -kama and the FRUSTRATIVE by -takama. Overall (2007) defines the TERMINATIVE as used 'to indicate an ongoing action that comes to a punctual conclusion with the action of the controlling verb' (p.384). See example: (370)

- Aguaruna (Overall 2007:384) an’tuk diik a n’na kã ṹkan pɨɨt ɨt sɨkĩ… [ anu-tu-kã ] [dii-kamã ] [ approach-APPLIC-INTS:SEQ+3:SS ] [ look-TERM+3:SS ]

TERMINATIVE

[ nu-na [ ANA-ACC

kãyuka-na agouti-ACC

pɨɨt SYM

ɨ-tsɨkɨ-kĩ ] CAUS-jump-TRF:SEQ+3:SS ]

aving approac ed, on seeing it, aving

ade t e agouti u p…

::

He defines the FRUSTRATIVE as used 'for an action that is simultaneous with that of the main verb and ultimately unsuccessful' (p.384). He adds that that the FRUSTRATIVE 'combines the meaning of INTENTIONAL with the added sense of an unsuccessful action' (p.385): (371)

- Aguaruna (Overall 2007:385) dapín maátakaman awɨɨmámhai [ dapi-na ma-a-takama-nu ] [ awɨɨma-ma-ha-i ] [ snake-ACC kill-HIAF-FRUST-1SG:SS ] [ scare.off:PFV-RECPAST-1SG-DECL ] trying to kill t e snake, ) scared it off FRUSTRATIVE

In this example, the intention of killing the snake was there, yet the action was not completed. In Aguaruna, the FRUSTRATIVE -tukama is historically derived from the TERMINATIVE -kama. However, synchronically, they are two distinct morphemes used to describe these respective categories and both can be used productively, as the examples above show. In Shuar, the situation is a little different. These two suffixes do not exist in the same way per se. Instead of using a subordinating suffix to express the FRUSTRATIVE, there exists a periphrastic two-unit construction, similar to the two-unit Shuar construction used for purpose clauses-tah tusa (discussed in the previous sub-section): Shuar FRUSTRATIVE two-unit construction tah tukama -tah tukama SG.HORT

FRUSTRATIVE

On the other hand, there is neither a suffix nor a construction to express the TERMINATIVE. However, a look at the tukama form suggests that it is probably derived from the speech verb tu- and the TERMINATIVE -kama, which has now become fossilized into the FRUSTRATIVE construction. However, it is only found within the FRUSTRATIVE and is thus no longer productive the way it is in Aguaruna. These differences are summarized in the following table:

136 | The Subordinate Verb

Table 25 The FRUSTRATIVE & TERMINATIVE in Aguaruna & Shuar

Aguaruna

Shuar

Category

Suffix

Notes:

Construction

Notes:

FRUSTRATIVE:

-takama

Productive subordinating suffix added to subordinate verb

-tah tukama

multi-unit construction: -tah added to verb head accompanied by tukama which takes on Switch Reference maring

TERMINATIVE:

-kama

n/a

No longer a productive suffix. Possibly an older suffix, no longer in use, but fossilized in the

Productive subordinating suffix added to subordinate verb

FRUSTRATIVE

Apart from these differences in form, there does not seem to be a difference in semantics between the FRUSTRATIVE in the two languages. Below, we shall we see some Shuar examples and elaborate on their usage. We'll start with some examples that have been listed in other sources, and which are probably elicited and then move on to examples from my own narrative data. The first example is taken from Walker (n/a:131): (372)

takastah tukaman takaschamhai taka-sa-tah tukama-n taka-sa-cha-ma-ha-i work-ATT:PFV-SG.HORT FRUSTR-1SG:SS work-ATT:PFV-NEG-REC.PST-1SG-DECL 'In spite of intending to work, I didn't work'

The -tah unit of the construction - which is glossed as the SINGULAR HORTATIVE - is affixed onto the verb taka- 'to work' whereas the tukama unit takes on the switch reference marker -n to mark FIRST PERSON SINGULAR SAME SUBJECT. The construction at this point takastah tukaman gains an INTENTIONAL, yet FRUSTRATIVE reading, showing intent of carrying out the action, but also hinting at the failure to do so. The main verb, takaschamhai 'I didn't work' then confirms that the previous action has was not carried out. There may even be a tendency for main verbs in these constructions to be marked with a NEGATIVE (Walker n/a). Turner (1992) gives a similar example of the FRUSTRATIVE construction, but glosses the 'tukaman' unit as 'despite'34 (glosses are translated into English from Spanish): (373)

taka-s-tah tukama-n (umi-k-cha-m-ha-i) work-PFV-DESID despite -1SG (complete-PFV-NEG-PAST-1SG-DECL) 'Despite having wanted to work, I did not complete it.'35

The -tah tukama construction is used to signal that the act of working was intended, yet not completed. The verb umikchamhai 'I did not complete it' is also used to explicitly mark that 34 35

Sp. a pesar de Sp. A pesar de haber deseado trabajar, no cumplí

137 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

the intended event was not carried out, but it is listed in brackets - probably signaling its optionality in marking the unfulfilment of the intended event. Notice that Turner glosses the -tah suffix itself as a DESIDERATIVE, which may not be entirely accurate as it is the construction as a whole that instils an INTENTIONAL reading and not simply the -tah suffix. Overall (2007:386) provides a more diachronic account of the glosses: tah tukama -ta-h(a)

tu-kama-

-INTENTIONAL.FUTURE-1SG

say-TERMINATIVE

We see here that the -ta-h(a) form is probably derived from the INTENTIONAL.FUTURE marker ta and the FIRST PERSON SINGULAR marker -ha. As mentioned in the section on IMPERATIVES, there is a historical link between IMPERATIVE marker -ta and the INTENTIONAL FUTURE -ta. Also, tukama has been broken down into ' say-TERMINATIVE' , showing that TERMINATIVE -kama may have once existed as a productive subordinating suffix in Shuar, the way it does in Aguaruna, but has not been fossilized into one of the units of the FRUSTRATIVE construction. While this is a suitable diachronic explanation, for the sake of this analysis I prefer to gloss this construction as the following: Shuar FRUSTRATIVE two-unit construction tah tukama -tah tukama SG.HORT

FRUSTRATIVE

This is because -tah has been grammaticalized into one morpheme expressing the SINGULAR and fits into the IMPERATIVE mood system described in (section 4.5.6). Further, tukama has also been grammaticalized and is no longer decomposable. Let's look at another example:

HORTATIVE

(374)

wãyãtah tukamã, iniaarmiayi wãyã-tah tukamã, iniaa-ra-mia-yi enter.PFV-SG.HORT FRUSTR+3:SS fall-PFV:PLUR-DST.PST-3:DECL 'Trying to get in, he fell. (Some obstacle is implied with the meaning that I won't get in.)" (Walker n/a: 131)

An important point of discussion is the tense of the main verb. In the example just listed, the main verb is marked for PAST tense. In the next example, the main verb is marked for FUTURE tense: (375)

wãyãtah tukaman, iniaartathai wãyã-tah tukama-n, iniaa-ra-tata-ha-i enter.PFV-SG.HORT FRUSTR-1SG:SS fall-PFV:PLUR-FUT-1SG-DECL 'Trying to get in, I'll fall. (Some obstacle is implied with the meaning that I won't get in.)" (Walker n/a: 131)

138 | The Subordinate Verb

Overall (2007:384) suggests that, for Aguaruna, '[FRUSTRATIVE] clauses are logically only compatible with past-tense controlling verbs', with the INTENTIONAL construction sufficient for main verbs marked for future tense. The rationale behind this is that the outcome is not known. This claim would render the example above ungrammatical. Strangely enough, Walker's example, despite appearing in one section, is following by a contradictory section where she states that 'tukaman is not used in the future because you don't know if your intentions will be frustrated or not' (131). This discrepancy can probably be explained by the nature of Walker's data collection; most of her examples seem elicited. The examples I have of the FRUSTRATIVE all come from a narrative about the story of the demon Iwia. They often include a large number of subordinate clauses, embed a number of speech reports, and are told in the narrative modality, often making them difficult to parse. In any case, some examples are portrayed here to give a sense of how this complex construction is used in more natural discourse: (376)

Amayantah tukama amayantah tukama pɨnkɨ tuhinkia timiayi

Amaya-n-tah catch-PFV-SG.HORT pɨnkɨ nothing

tukama FRUSTR+3:SS

amayantah catch-PFV-SG.HORT

tuhin-kia be.unable-PFV:INTS+3SG

'Trying to catc

i , trying to catc

tukama FRUSTR+3:SS

timiayi say.PFV:HIAF-DIST.PAST-3:DECL i … not ing …

e was unable to,

e said'

[SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_531015]

Here we see that the FRUSTRATIVE is used with the verb amaya- ' to catch', signalling the intention and eventual unfulfilment of the event. This is followed by a repetition of this clause, and then by pɨnkɨ 'nothing', and finally by the finite verb tuhinkia.This verb confirms that the action of ' catching was not carried out' and is not marked for mood, because it is embedded within a speech report, as instantiated by the speech verb and narrative modality marker timiayi ' he said'. Perhaps a key question about the FRUSTRATIVE construction is whether, the construction itself, -tah tukama is sufficient for expressing both intentionality and frustrated action - or whether a main clause, which confirms the frustrated action is necessary. The next example reveals a lot about the underlying mechanics of the FRUSTRATIVE, suggesting that the construction itself always indicates to the speaker that the action was not completed, even without a main

clause that confirms the frustrated action. The next example is taken from a narrative monologue, where the speaker poses a question that uses the FRUSTRATIVE. This fragment of the story is about the demon Iwia, who is trying to catch the monkey Tsɨrɨ, who then escapes. The question the narrator poses is," How did [Iwia] try to trap the monkey in order to catch him (yet ultimately fail)? He then answers with an account of how Iwia failed to catch the monkey, i.e. how the monkey escaped. The answer thus elaborates on the frustrated action and not on how the intended action was carried out.

139 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

It is posited here that this is suggests that the FRUSTRATIVE reading is more focal than the INTENTIONAL reading.

(377)

Question: Itiurkanak arenk achiktah tukamã 1[Itiurkanak 1[how

arɨn-kũ] trap.IMPFV-SIM+3:SS]

2[achi-ka-tah

tukamã

catch-INTS:PFV- SG.HORT

FRUSTR+3:SS

]

Q: ' "How did (Iwia) try to trap (the monkey) in order to catch him (to no avail)?/ How did (Iwia) fail in trying to trap (the monkey) in order to catch him?" ' -------------------------------------------------------Answer: na tsɨrɨ wɨak iwia amaintiukain tusa tsuatan akatar tsuatak nahana ikiur wɨa timiayi hanki ainiana kɨnkun [na [well

tsɨrɨ monkey

wɨ-a-kũ] go-IMPFV-SIM+3:SS]

[(iwia [(iwia

amain-tiu-ka-i-n) follow-1SG.OBJ-INTS:PFV-APPR-3.PROHIB)

[tsuata-na [thicket-ACC

aka-ta-rã] advise-APPL-PFV:SEQ+3:SS]

[ikiu-ru [leave-APPL [hanki [thorn

wɨ-a] go-PFV:HIAF+3SG] a-inia-na COP-PL:IMPFV-REL

tu-sã] say-SBD+3:SS]

[tsuata-k nahana-ã] [thicket-RESTR make-PFV+3:SS] ti-mia-yi say.HIAF:PFV-DIST.PAST-3:DECL

kɨnku-nu] guadua-POSS]

A: "Well, while monkey was going - so that Iwia wouldn't follow him consulted nature to [Iwia's] detriment, then made a thicket, and then left it (in his tracks) to [Iwia's] detriment", he said. "Thorns, which are from g ad a…" bamboo stems [SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_437485] This is an elaborate yet complex example that illustrates the underlying FRUSTRATIVE reading of the construction. In addition, there are two other notable features, which are less relevant for this section, but relevant to the thesis as a whole. In terms of reference tracking, the subordinate verbs in the question are marked for THIRD PERSON SAME SUBJECT, and we know from previous discourse and from context that the subject 140 | The Subordinate Verb

of these clauses is Iwia, the demon, who is trying to catch the monkey. The answer, however, uses the monkey as the subject of the upcoming clauses. We see this change of referent taking place with the subject reintroduced into discourse na tsɨrɨ wɨak ' well, while the monkey was going…', so we know t at t e sub ect of the controlling, main verb is the monkey and not Iwia. First, we see the a PURPOSE clause couched in a speech report, iwia amaintiukain tusã which uses the APPREHENSIVE, THIRD PERSON PROHIBITIVE and the speech verb tusã to get the INTENTIONAL reading 'in order for Iwia not to catch him (lit. saying 'May he not catch me'). Also notice that the speech verb tusã is marked for THIRD PERSON SAME SUBJECT, because it is signalling that the intention of ' not wanting Iwia to follow me' is coming from the perspective of the monkey. This example illustrates how perspective taking, and PURPOSE clauses are embedded in the switch reference system. Third, we see that the controlling, main verb timiayi 'he said' is used as way of marking non-firsthand information or reported speech - essentially also marking narrative modality (Overall 2007). According to Gnerre (1986), this is a recent innovation which is an artifact of researcher bias. The narrative is told as a monologue to a video recorder, whereby all main clauses end with a marker of reported speech, signaling a distance to the events. This, according to Gnerre (1986), was not the case in traditional narrative telling, whereby the narrator would engage with the audience and also associate himself with the events. Overall (2007) describes this is marking narrative modality, which explains why the finite verb of the reported speech wɨ-a ' go-PFV:HIAF+3SG' is not marked for mood.

5.3 Non-Subject Argument Marking on Subordinate Verbs This section will look at different types of non-subject argument marking suffixes on subordinate verbs. We have already seen above in the previous chapter how RECIPROCALS, and OBJECT markers are located on the matrix verb. This section will evaluate their relationships on subordinate verbs, with special emphasis on object marking, and how that may interact with matrix clauses. 5.3.1 Reciprocal Marking on Subordinate Clauses In general, the reciprocal suffix -nai can be found on either subordinate clauses or matrix clauses, but it can also be marked on both. In the following example, we see the reciprocal marked on both the subordinate clause and the matrix clause. It must be noted that the subordinate verb also carries the simultaneous switch reference aspect marker -ka. (378)

ĩ iará nua iniaknaík amikmanainiawai ĩ iar-á nua miniak-naí-k amik-ma-nai-inia-wa-i Two-ITER woman hug-RECIP-SIM:3:SS friend-VR-RECIP-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'Two women are greeting each other by hugging (each other) ' [SHGS2013_09_11_Reciprocals_2_M_41420]

Based on this it would seem like ellipsis is not allowed, hence the need for obligatorily marking the suffix on both clauses. (379)

ĩmiara nua kuntunám awatnaíniawai ĩ iar-a nua kuntu-nám

awat-naí-inia-wa-i 141 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Two-ITER woman arm-LOC stick/slap-RECIP-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'Two women are slapping each other on the arm'[SHGS2013_09_11_Reciprocals_2_M_10788] 5.3.2 Object to Subject Switch Reference Marker The suffix -ma is used in the person marking/switch reference slot to indicate that the object of a subordinate clause will function as a subject in the following clause, as is the case in Aguaruna (Overall 2007:405). It is suffix on the verbs susam and sumarkam, respectively. The next example is about a man who has come back to life after having been eaten by a boa. (380)

Ni ia c i na átawar susa

pu ’s nuĩ nĩĩ iwiak arĩ itiur wɨkakamuit

Nihiamãchi Chicha

naha-a-ta-war make-PFV:SEQ-APPL-3PL:SS

nu-ĩ

nĩĩ

ANA-LOC

iwiak a-rĩ itiur 3+GEN life-PERT:3/1PL how

su-sa-ma give-SBD-OBJ>SBJ

puhú-sã stay/live

wɨka-ka-mau-it walk-PFV-NON.A/S:NR-COP

'After they made chicha for him, and giving it to him, with him being there; how did he walk during his life?' [SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_1343965] (381)

Sumarkam nuatkamiah Suma-ru-ka-ma nuat-ka-mia-ha Buy/propose.to-1SG.OBJ-OBJ>SBJ male.marry.woman-INTS.PFV-DIST.PAST-1SG 'After she proposed to me, I married her' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_113528]

In both examples, we see that the object of the verb marked with -ma is the subject of the following verb. Let us start with example (153). There 3 subordinate verbs and 1 finite verb. The first verb nahátawar, is marked for third person plural, same subject (-war 3PL:SS). It is also marked with an APPLICATIVE, denoting the BENEFACTIVE reading of 'making (chicha) for him'. In the narrative, the agent of this verb is the parents of the man who has come back to life. The next verb is susam 'giving it to him' which takes on the object to subject marker -ma. The 3SG.OBJECT or receiver then becomes the subject of the next subordinate verb puhus 'being' and then also the subject of the finite predicate wɨkakamuit, which is marked for third person singular. Another example is given: (382)

Anin ii yamai auhmatɨam chicham nu nahannawai Anin ii yamai auhma-tɨ-a-ma like.this 1PL today converse-APPL-IMPFV- OBJ>SBJ chicham word/information 'Like

nu ANA

nahan-na-wa-i make/form-?36-3-DECL

this, by (our) talking about it today, information forms'

36

It is unclear what the -na suffix is doing. Perhaps this corresponds to what Overall (2007) calls a Place holding suffix.

142 | The Subordinate Verb

Here, the OBJECT of the verb auhmatɨam 'to converse/talk about' is chicham 'words/information'. This then becomes the subject of the verb to nahannawai make/ form. This marker is quite rare, and there are scenarios where this operation is carried out without the use of this marker. In addition, this marker has led early scholars, such as Karsten (1935) to label it a PASSIVE marker. 5.3.3 Indexation on Subordinate Clauses As seen in section (4.12), verb indexation on finite clauses is very complex in the Jivaroan languages generally, and even more so in Shuar. Further, verb indexation on subordinate clauses is even more complex than it is on finite verbs, as it interacts with switch reference markers. This means that indexation rules overrule canonical switch reference, so that on the surface at least it seems like there is mismatching agreement. Let us first start with a straightforward example of first person singular object marking (1SG.OBJ), which is transparent: (383)

nĩĩ uunt intinrata taĩ ish namak ihiuyahi [nĩĩ [3 [ii-sh

namak fish

[1PL-ADD

'After

hintin-ra-ta- ataĩ] teach-PFV:SEQ-1SG.OBJ-1SG/3:DS]

uunt elder

the

elder

ihiu-ia-hi] stab-REM.PST-1PL:DECL] had

taught

me,

we

too

harpooned

the

fish'

[SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_58541]

Here, we see a clear case of first person object marking, -ta, in the verb hintinratamtaĩ, which takes on a third or first person subject, different to that of the main clause, which is first person plural. Notice that the -mataĩ suffix can be either first person singular or third person different subject marker. In this case it is clearly a third person singular suffix as it refers to uunt 'the elder'. First person object marking is rather straightforward. It involves a first person object suffix (either -ru/ra or -tu/ta) in the object slot and uses subject marking in the subject slot. In this case, -ta is used in the object slot and -mataĩ (3:DS) in the subject slot. As seen in section, the configurations can become slightly more complicated, especially when third person subjects are acting on second person or first person plural objects (3>2/1PL). We have examples of both. First consider the following construction of a third person subject acting on a second person object: (384)

Iirmainiawai Ii-rma-inia-wa-i see-3>1PL/2-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'They see you' 143 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

In this case, the subject slot has third person marking -wai, suggesting that the object is indeed second person singular. Recall that the suffix -rama indexes three types of objects: a) first person plural, b) second person singular, c) second person plural. How do speakers know which object is referred to? The ambiguity is resolved based on the marking in the 'subject slot' as shown in the following table. Verb stem

Object slot:

Subject Plural

Subject slot

Object realized

Gloss

Ii

-rama-

see

3 > 2/1PL

Ii

-rama-

-

wai

2SG

'He sees you'

see

3 > 2/1PL

Ii

-rama-

2PL

'He sees you (pl)'

see

3 > 2/1PL

Ii

-rama-

1PL

'He us'

see

3 > 2/1PL

Ii

-rama-

-inia-

wai

2SG

'They see me'

see

3 > 2/1PL

PLURAL:IMPERFECTIVE

3.SUBJECT

Ii

-rama-

-inia-

rum

2PL

'They see you (pl)'

see

3 > 2/1PL

PLURAL:IMPERFECTIVE

2.PLURAL.SUBJECT

Ii

-rama-

-inia-

hi

1PL

'They see us'

see

3 > 2/1PL

PLURAL:IMPERFECTIVE

1PLURAL.SUBJECT

3.SUBJECT

-

rum 2.PLURAL.SUBJECT

-

hi 1PLURAL.SUBJECT

sees

Notice that if we look at the previous example, which is also the first entry in the table, we'll notice that in order to get the configuration of third person subject acting on second person singular object (3 > 2SG), -rama is combined with third person marking -wai. On subordinate verbs, the underlying structure of expressing this configuration is the same, but of course since person marking forms differ in subordinate verbs, the forms are different. The next example illustrates this:

144 | The Subordinate Verb

(385)

Tukɨ tsawan, iirmainiak Tukɨ tsawa-n ii-rama-inia-kũ Always day-ACC see-3>2/1PL-PL:IMPFV-SIM+3:SS 'They are watching you the whole time' [SHGS2013_09_06S3_Chicha_Making_Tale_920400]

Recall that THIRD PERSON, SAME SUBJECT marking is marked through nasalisation of the final vowel, as shown in the second line of glossing of ii-rama-inia-kũ the example. In reduced speech, apocope results in the vowel being dropped. However, iirmainiak is still recognized as being marked for third person. Thus, with the configuration of -r(a)ma + k, we get a the relation of third person acting on second person singular. We also know that the third person subject is plural because it is marked with -inia, the PLURAL.IMPERFECTIVE. We have another example which combines a CAUSATIVE, APPLICATIVE, and the -rama/tama object marker. (386)

ɨamak puhãka ayurtamã ɨam-a-kũ puhã-ka Hunt-IMPFV-SIM+3SG stay/live.IMPFV+3SG:SS-COND

a-yu-ru-tamã CAUS-eat-APPL-

3>2/1PL+3SG:SS

'If he is hunting, he will feed you' [SHGS2013_09_06S3_Chicha_Making_Tale_898485] Let's focus on the verb ayurtamã literally translated as '(him) causing you to eat for your benefit'. There is a CAUSATIVE a- and an APPLICATIVE -ru, in addition to the object suffix -tama. Once again if we take a closer look at the table, similar to the previous example, we see that the presence of this object marker plus third person subject marking, in this case, given by nasalization of the final vowel, yields the configuration: 3>2SG. So far, we have seen how this complex object marker is used with SAME SUBJECTS, which adhere to the rules of switch reference marking and object marking. Now we will move on to a slightly more complex scenario where there is a clash between these paradigms. This involves a third person agent acting on a first person plural object (3 > 1PL). Now, before showing a slightly more complex example let us first look an example of a finite verb with this configuration. Consider first a regular finite verb marked for FIRST PERSON PLURAL with the suffix -hi, as in the following: (387)

ɨnkɨamiahi ɨnkɨ-a-mia-hi insert-PFV-DIST.PAST-1PL:DECL 'We inserted (it/them)'

Now let's look at the 3>1PL configuration. (388)

ɨnkɨtmamiahi ɨnkɨ-tama-mia-hi insert-3>1PL/2-DST.PST-1PL:DECL 'He inserted us'

[SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_63250]

145 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Notice here that the suffix -hi, which in regular clauses marks a FIRST PERSON PLURAL SUBJECT in this slot, is marking a first person plural object in this configuration. The object suffix -tama is glossed as indexing either a first person plural object (1PL.OBJ) or a second person object (2.OBJ). To trigger the FIRST PERSON PLURAL OBJECT, the FIRST PERSON PLURAL SUBJECT marker -hi is inserted. This becomes rather complicated when it occurs on a subordinate verb which is marked for switch reference. Consider the following example, where the subject of the finite clause is first person plural. The sentence is glossed as follows: 'After we would leave from here, if they would talk to us, we'd talk back to them.' So, there are three actions involved: a) 'leave' - 1PLURAL.SUBJECT (subordinate verb) b) 'talk' - 3PLURAL.SUBJECT > 1PLURAL.SUBJECT (subordinate verb) c) 'talk' - 1PLURAL.SUBJECT > 3PLURAL.SUBJECT (finite verb) Since the subject of the finite verb (c) 'talk' is first person plural, an a) and b) are subordinate verbs tied to c) we would expect the following configuration: a) b)

1PL:SAME.SUBJECT 3PL:DIFFERENT.SUBJECT

c) 1PL:DECLARATIVE (finite verb) Instead, we get the following: a) b)

1PL:SAME.SUBJECT 1PL:DIFFERENT.SUBJECT

c) 1PL:DECLARATIVE (finite verb) Now, see the example: (389)

huinkia hinkirkia, enta auhtamainiakrinkia au, chichau armiashi íikia. hu-ĩ-kia hin-ki-r-kia, PRX-LOC-FOC leave-PFV:SEQ-1PL:SS-COND enta then

auh-tama-inia-ku-ri-n-kia au, talk-3>1Pl/2-PL:IMPFV-SIM-1PL-DS-COND DST/3

chicha-u Talk-REL

a-ara-mia-shi COP.PFV-PL-DST.PST-1PL:DECL

1PL Same Subject 3PL subject 1PL object

íi-kia. 1PL-FOC

1PL subject

'After we left from here, if they would be talking to us, we would be talking back to them'. [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_2052958]

So, the curious thing here is the verb auhtamainiakrinkia. This verb has the suffix -tama which signals third person subject and either first person plural object or second person object. In this case, it takes on a first person plural object. If we look at the person marking in the switch reference slot we see the suffixes -ri-n [1PL-DS], signaling a first person plural subject which is different to the subject of the main verb. 146 | The Subordinate Verb

However, if we look at the subject of the main verb, we see that it is in fact also first person plural -shi (1PL). So, in essence, what is happening here is that since a first person plural object is marked in the subject slot in the 3>1PL configuration, it takes on a 1PL switch reference marker, which is only marked for syntactic subject. So speakers know that in the presence of the -tama suffix, the first person plural marker is treated as an object marker and so the switch reference marker -ri-n [1PL-DS] in essence is functioning as a [3PL>1PL-DS]. 5.3.4 Obligatory Finite Verb Object Marking While many subordinate verbs can take on object marking, it seems that there are certain constructions where this is not permitted, probably related to the subordinate verb's status as an auxiliary. Consider the following (390)

a.

a.

ikiastasan wakɨrahme ikia-s-tasa-n lend-PFV.SEQ-INTENT-1SG:SS 'I want to lend (something ) to you'

wakɨra-h-me want-1SG-2SG.OBJ:DECL (fieldnotes)

*ikiastasanme wakarɨhai ikia-s-tasa-n-me wakɨra-ha-i lend-PFV.SEQ-INTENT-1SG:SS-2SG.OBJ want-1SG-DECL 'I want to lend (something ) to you' (fieldnotes)

One possibility is that the INTENTIONAL -tasa forbids object marking because it is serving as a COMPLEMENT clause for the verb 'to want' and so it must be marked on the finite verb. As these examples are rare in my corpus, I was unable to provide more examples.

5.4 Clause chaining Clause chaining is a key aspect of Jivaroan grammar and seems to be quite a prominent strategy amongst South American languages (Adelaar with Muysken 2004; van Gijn 2013; van Gijn et al 2011). The previous sections outlined the morphology used in subordinate clauses. This section incorporates all these suffixes and displays how they are used in discourse. 5.4.1 Combining several subjects The next example is extracted from a biographical account of a man who recounts a time he misbehaved. Specifically, what he says is that when his little brother annoyed him, he hit him, and then the elders made him fast and then gave him some datura to drink.

147 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(391)

Yatsur kahɨrtakuĩ, nuyanka katsu ka taĩ nuĩ ai tuáwar átrar iayi. Yatsu-ru Brother-PERT:1SG

kahɨr-ta-a-ku-ĩ]1 annoy-1SG.OBJ-IMPFV-SIM-1/3:DS

3SG:DIFFERENT SUBJECT

nuyanka then

katsum-ka- ataĩ ]2 slap-PFV:SEQ-1/3:DS

1SG:DIFFERENT SUBJECT

nu-ĩ

a-ih-tu-a-war]3 CAUS-fast-1SG.OBJ-PFV-3PL:SS

ANA-LOC/then

át-ra-r-miayi]4. serve.drink-1SG.OBJ-PL-DIST.PAST-3SG:DECL

3PL:SAME SUBJECT

3PL Finite

verb

'While my brother was annoying me, I slapped him. Then, they made me fast and then offered me to drink (datura)' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_2165670] We see here that there are three active subjects, the brother (3SG), the speaker (1SG), and the elders (3PL). Notice that the DS markers -ĩ and -mataĩ are ambiguous for 1/3 person. In the first clause kahɨrtak ĩ, the subject yatsur is specified and there is 1st person singular object marking -ta to signal a third person subject acting on a first person singular object (3SG>1SG). The SIMULTANEOUS marker -ku is used to indicate that the action of 'annoying' is taking place at the same time as the following action. The second clause kats mkamtaĩ 'I slapped him' is interpreted here as having a 1SG subject, -mataĩ, which is different to that of the finite clause, acting on a 3SG object (which is null marked). It also takes on a PERFECTIVE suffix -ka which suggests a perfective reading of the slapping: While my brother was annoying me, I slapped him. It also suggests a sequential reading of the upcoming sequence i.e. it suggests that the act of slapping happened before the upcoming action. The upcoming action is 'causing me to fast' given by aihtuáwar. Here, we have a 3PL same-subject, given by -war, and a 1SG object, given by -tu. The action is also sequential, i.e. it occurred before the upcoming action. This is represented in the following diagram:

148 | The Subordinate Verb

3SG:DS

1SG:DS

Yatsur kahɨrtakuĩ, SIMULTANEOUS

nuyanka katsu ka taĩ PERFECTIVE:SEQENTIAL

'He was annoying me'

'I hit him'

nuí aihtuawar

PERFECTIVE:SEQENTIAL

'They made me fast'

3PL finite verb

átrarmiayi

TIME

3PL:SS

'They offered me to drink (datura)'

For another elaborate example combining several (DIFFERENT SUBJECT) clauses, see example (426) in section 6.4 on NORMATIVE constructions. 5.4.2 Bridging Constructions The most common bridging construction consists of the subordinate verb tuma asa-, and can be translated as, 'thus being', 'that's why' or 'because SUBJECT said/did that'. This is used in tailhead linkage. This bridging construction not only ties in fragments of speech logically, i.e. by causal relation, but also prematurely indicates whether the subject of the upcoming clause chain will be the same or different to that of its preceding clause chain. In other words, it comes in subordinate form and has the subject of the previous finite verb, but is tied morphologically to the upcoming finite verb. This makes it a very useful strategy for reference tracking (Overall 2014). See the following example, which has the following two sentences: My father taught me that. It is good to know Shuar customs. (392) nuna winia uuntur hintintruawiti. Tuma asa taĩ pɨŋkɨraiti nɨkatin. [nu-na

wi-nia

ANA-ACC

1SG-GEN

uunta-ur hintin-t-ru-a-u-iti]1 elder-PERT:1SG teach-APPL-1SG.OBJ-PFV-REL-COP- d

dsfds

[Tu-ma Say-?

as iniu s uara pu utaĩrĩ ti

3SG:DECL

a-sa- ataĩ COP-PFV:SEQ-1/3:DS

puhu-taĩ-rĩ live-NON.A/S:NR-PERT:1PL/3

ti very

mashi-niu everything-POSS

shuara Shuar

pɨŋkɨr-ait-i good-COP-3SG:DECL

nɨka-tin]2 know-FUT+NR

'My father has taught me that. Because of that, it is good to know all of the Shuar customs' [SHGS2013_08_22_hunting_narrative_178490]

149 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

By adding a DIFFERENT SUBJECT form t ma asamtaĩ, a logical, causal relation is established between the two sentences i.e. 'because my father taught me, it is important to know the customs'. Further, it is marked by a DS marker -mataĩ, which suggests that the subject of the previous clause chain or finite verb hintintruawiti (3SG.SUBJECT winia uuntur 'my father') is different to the subject of the following clause chain or finite verb pɨŋkɨraiti (3SG.SUBJECT s ara p taĩrĩ nɨkatin 'The knowing of Shuar customs') We can even add a third clause chain, which again makes use of a different subject but represents a causal relation: (195) nuna winia uuntur intintruawiti. Tu a asa taĩ pɨŋkɨraiti nɨkatin. tuma asamtai nu atumsha nɨkaátarum

as iniu s uara pu utaĩrĩ ti

[nuna winia uuntur hintintruawiti]1 [Tu a asa taĩ as iniu s uara pu utaĩrĩ ti pɨŋkɨraiti nɨkatin]2 [Tu a asa taĩ nu atumsha nɨkaátarum]3 [nu-na

wi-nia

ANA-ACC

1SG-GEN

uunta-ur hintin-tu-ru-a-u-iti]1 elder-PERT:1SG teach-APPL-1SG.OBJ-PFV-REL-COP- d 3SG:DECL

dsfds

[Tu-ma Say-?

a-sa-mataĩ COP-PFV:SEQ-1/3:DS

puhu-taĩ-rĩ live-NON.A/S:NR-PERT:1PL/3 [Tu-ma Say/do

ti very

mashi-niu everything-POSS

shuara Shuar

pɨŋkɨra-it-i good-COP-3SG:DECL

nɨka-tin]2 know-FUT+NR

a-sa-mataĩ

nu atum-sha

nɨka-á-ta-rum]3

COP-PFV:SEQ-1/3:DS

ANA 2PL-ADD

know-PFV-IFUT-2PL:DECL

'My father has taught me that. Because of that, it is good to know all of the Shuar customs. Because of that, you will also learn that.' [SHGS2013_08_22_hunting_narrative_178490]

Also, to signal a causal relation between the two sentences and indicate that the subjects of the two different matrix, finite clauses are the same this bridging construction can be used with a same subject, as in the following, where the brackets delineate the two sentences, showing that the bridging construction tuma asan is formally part of the second sentence, and hence tied to the matrix verb uhmatɨahai:

150 | The Subordinate Verb

(199)

[Wish huakmakaruithai nuna] [tuma asan nuna uhmatɨahai] [Wi-sh huakma-ka-r-u-it-ha-i nu-na] [1SG-ADD memorize-PFV-APPL-NR-COP-1SG-DECL ANA-ACC] [tuma a-sa-n [Say COP-PFV:SEQ-1SG:SS

nu-na ANA-ACC

uhma-tɨ-a-ha-i] discuss-APPL-IMPFV-1SG-DECL]

I've also memorized that. That's why (Lit. Because I said that) I'm discussing that. [SHGS2013_09_05S2_Iwia_1248250] So, we see that because the subject of both finite clauses is 1SG, tuma asan is used with a 1SG:SS marker -n.

151 | The Subordinate Verb

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

6 Complex Predicates Life is really simple, b t we insist on making it complicated. ― Confucius In the last two chapters, we looked at the morphology of both finite and subordinate clauses. Attention was paid to TENSE, ASPECT, and MOOD morphology in addition to switch reference marking. The following chapter addresses a number of more complex constructions, which combine various suffixes to express ASPECT or MOOD periphrastically. Many of these constructions combine auxiliaries (the COPULA, or the verb wɨ' 'to go') with NOMINALIZED (or uninflected) forms of the verb. These constructions fit the profile of what Aikhenvald (2011) calls multi-verb constructions as these auxiliaries and lexical verbs form one single predicate. Some of these constructions have also been found in certain varieties of Quechua, both in Ecuador and Peru. There are five constructions which are discussed in this chapter, although there are is a host of other multi-verb constructions in the language which fall outside the scope of this thesis37. Nominalization has been claimed to be a very common subordination strategy in South American languages (van Gijn et al 2011; Dixon & Aikhenvald 1999). Alternatively, nominalized clauses can also function like main clauses, sometimes with auxiliaries (Gildea 2009). In the case of Shuar, it is useful to distinguish between subordinate verbs, which form a class of their own, with their own morphology, and nominalized verbs, which combine with auxiliaries to form finite predicates.

37

Another multiverb construction for marking the PROGRESSIVE was discussed in section 5.1.2.1 which

152 | Complex Predicates

Some languages, such as those from the Cariban family also have a distinction between PERFECTIVE and IMPERFECTIVE NOMINALIZERS (Gildea 2009). Shuar has NOMINALIZERS used with stems marked for aspect (either PERFECTIVE or IMPERFECTIVE) and a different set of NOMINALIZERS used with unmarked stem, usually denoting a HABITUAL sense. A word of caution is in order. All these constructions are treated formally as finite predicates. The constructions discussed in this chaper are listed in the following table: Table 26 Multi-verb Constructions

Lexical verb root

Aspect

Root

Ø

Root

Ø

Root

PERFECTIVE

Root

PERFECTIVE

Root

Ø

Nominalizer AGENTIVE NOMINALIZER -iniu-

Ø AGENTIVE NOMINALIZER

-u-

FUTURE NOMINALIZER

-tiniu

NON AGENT/SUBJECT NOMINALIZER:

-taĩ-

Auxiliary Verb

Person Marking

Reading

Sectio n

COPULA

Agent/Subject

Habitual

5.10.1.1

'to go': wɨ

Agent/Subject

Habitual

5.10.1.2

Present tense form of COPULA

Agent/Subject

Perfective Past

5.10.2

COPULA

Agent/Subject

Deontic

5.10.3

3SG on main predicate - 1PL on subordinate verbs

Normative

5.10.4

Often present tense form of COPULA

This chapter is relevant to both Jivaroan and South-American typology in a number of ways. It presents periphrastic auxiliary constructions which seem to be departing from their analytic nature and becoming increasingly synthetic, thus charts synchronic variation and language change in progress. Further, it could explain earlier processes which led to the rise of certain tense and aspect constructions which are now synthetic. Finally, the Shuar data presents new evidence that different types of grammaticalization of multi-verb constructions in the Jivaroan language might be an area sensitive to variation. A comparative study would shed light on the different grammaticalization processes in both Jivaroan and non-Jivaroan neighbors.

6.1 Habitual Constructions Especially in narratives, marking habitual past is extremely common and is carried out using at least two different multi-verb constructions. As of yet, the distinctions between these are unclear and future research on discourse organization should shed some light on them. In any case, it seems as though both are used throughout. 6.1.1 NOMINALIZER -iniu + COPULA Recall the AGENTIVE.NOMINALIZER -iniu which is affixed on unmarked stems to create a habitual nominalization, formally rendering the newly derived word a noun. This usage seems to have spread to another construction, which nominalizes a verb, but then, in conjunction 153 | Complex Predicates

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

with the COPULA, allows it to retain much of its verbal properties. This creates a habitual past multi-verb construction. This type of usage is much more common than a simple NOMINALIZATION, especially in narratives. Compare the following: (393)

a.

b.

ɨamin ɨam-iniu hunt-AG.NR 'Hunter'

(fieldnotes)

ɨamin armiayi ɨam-iniu a-ara-miayi hunt-AG.NR COP.PFV-PL-DIST.PAST:3:DECL 'They used to hunt '[SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_13525]

We see that in (b), the DISTANT PAST form of the COPULA armiayi is used as an auxiliary to support the nominalized verb carrying the semantic content ɨamin, which on its own simply means 'hunter'. Also note that the COPULA stem is marked for PERFECTIVE, as is the case with verbs marked for DISTAL PAST (see section 4.3.2.3 on the DISTAL PAST). The PERFECTIVE here probably signals that the event has a starting point and an ending point, suggesting it is no longer ongoing - whereas the NOMINALIZER adds HABITUAL aspect. This seems like a contradiction to what Comrie (1976) said about the HABITUAL being a sub-category of the IMERFECTIVE. In any case, the HABITUAL reading is very clear, and the morphology of the auxiliary clearly shows a PERFECTIVE stem. Below we have another example: (394)

(uĩ unuikiartin ar iayi yaunc uka. Hu-ĩ PRX-LOC

unui-kiarata-iniu teach-UNSP.1PL.OBJ- NR

a-ara-miayi COP.PFV- PL-DIST.PAST:3:DECL

yaunchu-ka past-FOC 'In the past, they used to teach (us) here.'

[SHGS2013_09_06S1_1380515]

Examples like these are always translated using the Spanish verb soler or the Spanish IMPERFECTIVE PAST. Both examples exhibit an unmarked stem (ɨam- 'hunt' and unui- 'teach') and add the AGENTIVE.NOMINALIZER -iniu to them. And both use the DISTANT PAST form of the COPULA, armiayi. Also note that unui- (to teach) takes on the UNSPECIFIED.1PLURAL OBJECT kiarata-, which is common for nominalized arguments to denote 'one who VERBs us/people' (see discussion in section 4.12.1.4). What is noteworthy here is that while in situations where the word has become fully nominalized, this object marker is not per se explicitly mentioned in the translation, i.e. mankartin 'killer' is not translated as a 'killer of us/people'. However, in these habitual past constructions, the object marking becomes more explicit, which explains why the last example is translated as 'they used to teach us here'. In fact, there are even examples which have two tokens of the same form unuikiartin with the two aforementioned functions:

154 | Complex Predicates

(395)

Tampurna uráiniar nuĩ na unuikiartin tuntuiniam unuikiartin armiayi. Tampur-na urái-nia-r nu-ĩ na unui-kiarta-iniu drum-ACC open-PFV:SEQ-3PL:SS ANA-LOC HESIT teach-UNSP.1PL.OBJ- NR Tuntui-niam radio-LOC

unui-kiarta-iniu teach-UNSP.1PL.OBJ- AG:NR

a-ara-mia-yi. COP- PL-DIST.PAST:3:DECL

'When they would sound the drums over there, the professors would teach us through the radio.' [SHGS2013_09_06SS1_Mother_Tales_1426890] This example shows that there are clear formal distinctions between this type of construction and a simple NOMINALIZATION and both can be used in tandem. In narratives, this is construction is used with the speech verb ta- to get tiniu armiayi 'they used to say': (396)

Tu a asa taĩ uuntka tiniu armiayi 'chimpi takasairap uuntna' Tuma a-sa-mataĩ uunt-ka ta-iniu Say-? COP-PFV:SEQ-1/3:DS elder-FOC say-AG:NR

a-ara-mia-yi

'chimpi38 Chimpi

uunt-nau' elder-POSS

taka-sa-i-ra-pa touch-ATT:PFV-APPR-PL-2.PROHIB

COP- PL-DIST.PAST:3:DECL

'That's why the elders used to say,"Don't touch the Chimpi of the elder." [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1320765]

I also have some (slightly more) rare cases where the AGENTIVE NOMINALIZER -u is used instead of -iniu, as in the following: (397)

Yaunchu lingüistas tau armiayi, Yaunchu lingüistas ta-u a-ara-mia-yi In.the.past Linguists arrive.IMPFV-AG.NR COP-PL-DIST.PST-3:DECL 'In the past, linguists used to come here' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_285740]

The difference between these markers is that -iniu is affixed on unmarked stems, whereas -u is affixed on stems which encode ASPECT, both PERFECTIVE and IMPERFECTIVE. In the example above tau is marked for IMPERFECTIVE, and it could be that this distinction motivates its use but at this point it may be difficult to offer an informed explanation. In any case, -iniu seems to be more commonly used than -u. Also I have one case, where the REMOTE PAST is used instead of the DISTANT PAST:

38

Traditional Shuar stool carved in the form of a snake, exclusively for the head of the household and based on the myth that Tsunki, the water spirit, took the form of a spiraled snake (Pelizarro & Náwech 2005:389)'

155 | Complex Predicates

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(398)

auhmatin áyayi auhma-tɨ-iniu converse-APPL- AG.NR 'He used to converse.'

a-ia-yi COP-REM.PAST-3:DECL [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1154855]

This is probably just a time-depth distinction, but at least in the data I have, the DISTAL PAST form is more frequent. In the Aguaruna examples shown in Overall (2007), some of these constructions exist as well, but only with the REMOTE PAST and not with DISTAL PAST; However, based on his glosses, it does not appear as though this construction carries the same HABITUAL reading as it does in Shuar. Further, we also see it used in the PRESENT tense to denote GENERIC aspect, as can be seen from the following: (399)

hútikiar takákmasar yainiakiar ii nuaris a takák akrin nĩ ia c i nawawár nĩhiamchin amakratin ainiawai [húti-kia-r [do.this-INTS:SEQ-3PL:SS ii 1PL+GEN

takákma-sa-r work-SBD-3PL:SS

yain-niai-kia-r help-RECIP-INTS:SEQ-3PL:SS

nua-rĩ-sha] takákma-ku-ri-n woman-PERT:1PL/3-ADD] work-SIM-1PL-DS

nau-a-wár ] masticate-PFV:SEQ-3PL:SS]

[nihiamãchi-na [manioc.beer-ACC

[nĩ ia ãc i [manioc.beer ama-karata-in give-1PL.OBJ-AG.NR

a-inia-wa-i] COP- PL:IMPFV-3-DECL] 'Doing this, our wives, working and helping one another out while we work, would masticate the manioc beer and give it to us.' [SHGS2013_08_23S1B_Guide_house_118445] Here, amakratin ainiawai can be translated as 'they would give us' or 'they give us', suggesting a PRESENT tense reading. Transcribers will often use the imperfective form of the Spanish verb soler the IMPERFECTIVE form of the verb itself or the Spanish verb saber 'to know', such as the first example: (400)

kampuniunam kutsakmã wɨkainiati kampuniu-nam kutsakmã wɨka-iniu-at-i wild-LOC dig+3:SS walk- AG.NR-COP-3SG:DECL '(The bird) walks around in the wild, digging (for food) 39' [SHGS2013_08_23S5_PubTalk_162985]

39

Sabe caminar buscando en la monaña

156 | Complex Predicates

(401)

Doctor maikiua tiniu ainiawai. Doctor maikiua tu-iniu a-inia-wa-i Doctor Datura say-AG.NR COP-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'They usually say Doctor Datura/ They usually call it Doctor Datura' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_2349360]

(402)

chikichiki uwi ihiarmin ainiawai chikichiki uwi ihiarm-iniu a-inia-wa-i one year fast-AG.NR COP-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'They usually fast for a whole year' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1908105]

This type of construction can also be found in Salasaca Quechua (in addition to Peruvian varieties as well40), as shown below: (403)

Salasaca Quechua shamuk shamu-k come-AG.NR ) usually co e

kani ka-ni COP-1SG

(Muysken 2011:141)

In addition, this construction also exists in Cha' palaa (Floyd p.c.), begging the question of whether this may be an areal feature. Future research will surely shed light on this. In Aguaruna, a few similar constructions are listed (2007:431-432), but the translations emphasize the derivation of NPs. On further consultation with Overall, it was made clear that these constructions are marking HABITUAL ASPECT in Aguaruna as well. (404)

kanin ayahai kanu-inu a-ia-ha-i sleep-AG:NR COP-REM.PAST-1SG:DECL 'I was the one who slept' (Overall 2007:432)

(405)

hápak sɨntʃi tupikánai [hapa-ka] [sɨntʃi [deer-FOC] [strongly 'the deer is a strong runner'

tupikau-inu-ai] run-AG:NR-COP:3:DECL] (Overall 2007:431)

The first example is probably more accurately glosses as,' I used to sleep' (Overall p.c.).The second example, in particular, with the presence of adverb sɨntʃi-which seems to be modifying the verb - is suggestive that this could be interpreted as 'The deer runs strongly'. 6.1.2 Verb stem + Verb 'to Go' Another very frequent construction involves the use of a verb stem (unmarked for switch reference or ASPECT) + the verb 'to go'. The lexical verb can take on OBJECT marking morphology and APPLICATIVE morphology, but is not marked for switch reference nor for 40

I thank Luis Miguel Rojas Berscia for bringing this to my attention.

157 | Complex Predicates

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

aspect. The verb 'to go' functions here as the auxiliary, losing its central meaning 'to go', is is common amongst auxiliaries (Hopper & Traugott 2003) and adding HABITUAL ASPECT to the lexical verb. The auxiliary can be conjugated in (various time depths of) PAST tense and PRESENT tense, as far as my data shows. Surprisingly, this has not appeared in FUTURE tense constructions, but in PAST and PRESENT constructions. In the example below, the auxiliary verb 'to go' is marked for DISTANT PAST and adds a HABITUAL PAST reading, as shown below: (406)

hinti wɨarmiayi hinti wɨ-ara-mia-yi instruct go.PFV-PL-DIST.PAST-3:DECL 'They used to instruct' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_334200]

(407)

namakan ihiu wɨmiayi namaka-na ihiu wɨ-mia-yi fish-ACC stab go.PFV-DST.PST-3:DECL 'He used to harpoon fish' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1421355]

These constructions are always translated with the Spanish verb soler 'used to', and are clearly distinct in prosody, and morphological marking from subordinate verbs, coupled with the main verb 'to go'. Compare the following: (408)

(409)

Habitual construction ihiarma wɨarmiayi ihiarma-Ø wɨ-ar-miayi fast go.PFV-PL- DIST.PAST:3:DECL 'They used to fast'

[Elicitation]

Subordinate verb (sequential) construction ihiarmaáwar wɨarmiayi ihiarma-a-war wɨ-ar-mia-yi fast-PFV:SEQ-3PL:SS go.PFV-PL- DIST.PAST-:3:DECL 'After having fasted, they left' [Elicitation]

Note that the zero marking is crucial here to ensure the HABITUAL meaning. We see in the second example that by adding subordinate morphology, i.e. the PERFECTIVE suffix -a and the THIRD PERSON PLURAL SAME SUBJECT -war, clearly gives a different reading to the first example, which uses the verb wɨarmiayi as an auxiliary. In the second example, there are clearly two actions taking place, whereas in the first, the verb wɨarmiayi 'to go' is providing aspectual information, and the verb ihiarma 'to fast' semantic content - suggesting one single predicate. Even in subordinate constructions that involve THIRD PERSON SINGULAR ihiarmã, the two would still be uttered as two distinct units. Regarding the distinction between this construction and the one involving the NOMINALIZER iniu + EXISTENTIAL, we do have an instance where a speaker uses the NOMINALIZER -iniu + EXISTENTIAL and then self-repairs himself to use the null marked form + the verb to go:

158 | Complex Predicates

(410)

winia uuntrunsha hintin armiayi, hinti wɨarmiayi. wi-nia uunt-ru-n-sha hinti-iniu 1SG-GEN elder-PERT:1SG-ACC-ADD teach a-ara-mia-yi, COP.PFV-PL-DIST.PAST-3:DECL

hinti teach

wɨ-ara-mia-yi go.PFV-PL-DIST.PAST-3:DECL

'And they used to teach my elder, (they) used to teach him.' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_291776]

This may be indicative of subtle differences between the two, possibly related to back- and fore-grounding, but at this stage it remains unclear. Furthermore, the auxiliary verb 'to go' need not necessarily be marked for DISTANT PAST. It can also take a RECENT PAST ending, used, perhaps not to indicate an incident that has taken place a few days ago, but to situate the event before another one, especially when used with the verb 'to say': (411)

sumákmiah tu wɨmayi suma-ka-mia-h tu wɨ-ma-yi buy-PFV:INTS-DIST.PAST-1SG say go-REC.PAST-3SG 'He used to say that he had proposed' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_212635]

(412)

hakámiayi tu wɨmayi ha-ka-mia-yi tu be.ill-INTS-DIST.PAST-3:DECL say 'He used to say that he had died'

wɨ-ma-yi go-REC.PAST-3SG [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_733465]

We see here that the quoted speech has taken place before the act of speaking, and so this is distinguished by the tense markers: DISTANT PAST for the quoted speech and RECENT PAST for the act of speaking. Note that PERFECTIVE ASPECT obligatorily accompanies synthetic PAST tenses, which explains why we get PERFECTIVE marking on both sumákmiah 'he had proposed'and hakámiayi 'he had died. In any case, it is the act of speaking that was done HABITUALLY. The auxiliary verb can also be conjugated in the PRESENT tense: (413)

Nunisank wikia shuar chichamsha tuke chichá wɨahai. Nuni-sa-n Do.thus-SBD-1SG:SS

wi-kia

tukɨ always

wɨ-a-ha-i. go-IMPFV-1SG-DECL

chicha speak

1SG-FOC

shuar chicham-sha Shuar language-ADD

'Doing like this, I also always speak Shuar' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_903450] This construction, chichá wɨahai, presents a generic present tense reading, perhaps more marked than a simple IMPERFECTIVE PRESENT reading. In addition, while the lexical verb cannot be inflected for TENSE, ASPECT, MOOD, the unmarked stem can also take object marking 159 | Complex Predicates

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

suffixes, such as in the following, where the stem ayam- 'defend' takes on the UNSPECIFIED FIRST PERSON PLURAL OBJECT suffix -karatu: (414)

ayámkartu wɨnawai ayam-karatu defend-UNSP.1PL.OBJECT 'They defend us/the people'

wɨ-ina-wa-i go-PL:IMPFV-3-DECL [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_2023625]

Again, it is not entirely clear what the distinction is between this and a simple IMPERFECTIVE PRESENT construction and whether they are in complementary distribution. Compare the following: (415)

ayamkratuiniawai ayam-karatu-inia-wa-i defend-UNSP.1PL.OBJECT- PL:IMPFV-3-DECL 'They defend us/the people'

(fieldnotes)

Future research will surely shed light on these issues. What is clear is that, prosodically, the lexical verb and auxiliary 'to go' are pronounced as one phonological unit, so there is certainly some phonological evidence to suggest that this construction is on a grammaticalization path from periphrasis to synthesis. This loss of prosodic independence is said to be a key symptom of coalescence, the process of function words becoming glued to related content words (Haspelmath 2011). Sometimes, transcribers will even transcribe them as one unit, as in the following: (416)

Puhuwɨarmaha Puhu-wɨ-ar-ma-ha Stay/live-go-PLUR-REC.PAST-CNTR.EXP41+3PL:DECL 'They used to dwell' [SHGS2013_09_06S3_Chicha_Making_Tale_742625]

This would normally be transcribed as: puhu wɨarmaha. Other times, the constructions are pronounced as one (reduced) unit, yet are transcribed as two: (417)

[nɨ.'kaw.ma.jɪ] nɨka wɨ-ma-yi know go-REC.PAST-3:DECL 'They used to know'

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1252200]

These idiosyncracies, taken together, strongly suggest that a change is underway, departing from its Jivaroan relatives. This construction does not seem to be present in Aguaruna. Aguaruna also uses the verb 'to go' as an auxiliary, but combines it with a subordinate verb marked with the INTENTIONAL. As such, the the ASPECT it adds is not HABITUAL or GENERIC but, rather, INTENTIONAL FUTURE (Overall 2007: 280). See the following:

41

the -ha modal suffix was not discussed in this thesis. It is glossed here as COUNTER EXPECTION.

160 | Complex Predicates

(418)

Aguaruna máitasan wɨɰahai mai-tasa-nu bathe:LOAF-INTENT-1SG:SS ) going to bat e

wɨ-a-ha-i go-IMPFV-1SG-DECL

We see here that this construction is used in much the same way that English and Spanish uses the verb 'to go' to express the INTENTIONAL FUTURE tense. Note that the verb carrying the semantic content máitasan is formally subordinate, taking on the INTENTIONAL -tasa and SAME SUBJECT person marking. It would certainly be worthwhile to investigate the frequency of these constructions in other varieties of Jivaroan, in addition to examining data from the early 70's which has recently become available (Gnerre p.c.; Kohlberger, p.c.). Finally, the last point to make about this construction is that it seems to be making its way into the subordinate verb paradigm. Consider the following: (419)

Ma arantu wɨnatsuĩ Ma aran-tu wɨ-ina-tsu-ĩ Then respect-APPL go-IMPFV-NEG-1SG/3:DS 'They would not respect them' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1331260]

The last example comes from a fragment where the speaker discusses how children today do not respect their elders as much as they did in the past. The verb inflected for DIFFERENT SUBJECT is wɨnats ĩ 'they did not go' which forms a single predicate expressing HABITUAL aspect (this construction is discussed in detail in section 6.2). The construction uses the PLURAL IMPERFECTIVE form -ina and the DIFFERENT SUBJECT marker -ĩ.

In the last two sections, we've looked at two various periphrastic constructions for expressing the HABITUAL. It may be worthwhile to speculate on how these periphrastic constructions arose. We saw in the section on PAST tense (4.3.2) that all the synthetic PAST tenses, except for REMOTE PAST, are obligatorily marked for PERFECTIVE. The construction we just looked at, plus the one we saw in the earlier sub-section, may be a means for speakers to encode NONPERFECTIVE aspect while expressing the PAST tense, which is currently not possible synthetically. We also saw that there is evidence to suggest that the periphrastic construction involving the auxiliary verb 'to go' is undergoing coalescence. These processes of periphrastic constructions being formed and then collapsing into single inflectional formsover time is a widespread phenomenon of grammaticalization, particularly documented for the Romance languages (Hopper & Traugott 2003; Howe 2009).

6.2 Perfective Past Tense Using Auxiliary A common construction in Shuar is the use of the AGENTIVE NOMINALIZER -u combined with a PERFECTIVE, aktionsart suffix and the PRESENT tense form of the COPULA. Recall that the AGENTIVE NOMINALIZER is used with verb stems marked for ASPECT and is thus involved in the construction of RELATIVE CLAUSES, unlike the AGENTIVE NOMINALIZER -iniu. In Aguaruna, Overall claims that this -u is used as an evidential strategy to signal non-firsthand information 161 | Complex Predicates

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(2007; 2008; 2014) and the COPULA may also be omitted. For Shuar, at least for the constructions that do involve a COPULA, it is difficult to see how they signal non-firsthand information, as many of the constructions involve events as experienced by the speaker (ie. 1st person), so it is possible that Aguruna is taking a different path to grammaticalization. The following table gives the blueprint for the Shuar construction: Table 27 Relativized Perfective Past Tense

Verb stem

PERFECTIVE, AKTIONSART

NOMINALIZER

COPULA

Person Marking Agent/Subject MOOD

e.g. Chicha, puhu,

-sa-, -ra-, ka-, -ki-, ini-, -à-, u,

-u-/-chau-

-it-

ha, mɨ, i, hi, rumɨ,

of +

Now, let's look at a few examples: (420)

Turash uwishin nukaphãi Chichasuithai Tura-sha But-ADD

uwish-iniu curse/cure-AG.NR

nukap-hãi a.lot-COMIT

Chicha-sa-u-it-ha-i speak-PFV:ATT-AG:NR-COP-1SGDECL 'But I've spoken with many shamans' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1868925] (421)

Primarianka nuí amukuithai wikia. Primaria-na-ka nu-ĩ Primary.school-ACC-FOC ANA-LOC

amu-ka-u-it-ha-i finish-INTS:PFV-REL-COP-1SG-DECL

wi-kia. 1SG-FOC

'I (have) finished primary school there' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1934740] (422)

ɨɨ, nu Kusui ĩkia, pu usuit ai. ɨɨ nu Kusui -ĩ-kia puhu-sa-u-it-ha-i Yes ANA Kusuim-LOC-FOC live/stay-ATT:PFV -AG.NR-COP-1SG-DECL 'Yes, I've lived in Kusuim' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_677601}

What the construction in these examples seems to signalling is PERFECTIVE aspect, with no reference to a particular time frame - which could distinguish it from other constructions which involve some sort of time reference (such as the RECENT PAST or DISTANT PAST constructions). This can also be used with the NEGATIVE AGENTIVE NOMINALIZER -chau:

162 | Complex Predicates

(423)

Tunanka kamɨ, iyuchuithai nuinkia Tuna-na-ka kamɨ ii-u-chu-it-ha-i nu-ĩ-kia waterfall-ACC-FOC so see-PFV:DSTNC-NEG.AG.NR-COP-1SG-DECL ANA-LOC-FOC

'So, the waterfall, I haven't gone there to see it' [SHGS2013_09_06S1_Mother_Tales_1908120] While the structure of all these constructions is different in Aguaruna, we can see here that the meaning is also different. There is no sign of a non-first-hand knowledge in any of these examples, as the speaker is discussing her own experience.

6.3 Deontic Constructions Papafragou (1998:237) defines DEONTIC modality as being concerned with 'the necessity or possibility of acts performed by morally responsible agents, and thus with obligation and permission'. Overall (2014:5) claims that for Aguaruna, DEONTIC modality 'tends to be expressed through implicature, using POTENTIAL verb forms or IMPERATIVES.' In Shuar, while there is no DEONTIC suffix, there is a periphrastic construction which combines a given set of suffixes. It involves the following underlying structure: Table 28 Deontic Constructions

root

ASPECT

FUTURE.NOMINALIZER

COPULA

Person marking

PERFECTIVE

-tiniu

-(a)it

Person marking of DECLARATIVE agent (in most cases)

Modality Marking

(424)

firma ahasam itiuktiniaitmɨ firma aha-sa-mɨ itiu-ka-tiniu-ait-mɨ signature do-PFV:SEQ-2SG:SS leave-PFV:INTS-FUT+NR-COP-2SG:DECL 'You should leave it, (after having) signed.'

(425)

hintiatniutrumɨ hinti-a-tiniu-ait-rumɨ teach-PFV:HIAF-FUT+NR-COP-2PL:DECL 'You (pl.) have to teach (them).' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_3440915]

(426)

ihiarmastiniaiti ihiarma-sa-tiniu-ait-i fast-PFV:ATT -FUT+NR-COP-3:DECL 'One s ould fast.

[SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_1908105]

This contrasts with the same combination of suffixes in Aguaruna, which are used to express INDEFINITE FUTURE. Compare the following:

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A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

(427)

(428)

Shuar nakástiniaithai naka-sa-tiniu-ait-ha-i wait-PFV:ATT-FUT+NR-COP-1SG-DECL ) ave to wait ) s ould wait

(fieldnotes)

Aguaruna dakástinaithai daka-sa-tinu-aita-ha-i wait-(PFV):ATT-FUT+NR-COP-1SG-DECL ) will wait

(Overall 2007)

Of course, this type of innovation is not surprising and is quite a common feature across the world's languages, especially in the languages of Ecuador (Floyd, p.c.). Further, we get similar constructions in Salasaca Quechua (Muysken 2011), where a NOMINALIZER is combined with the COPULA. See the following: (429)

Salasaca Quechua (Quechuan; Muysken 2011:143) Rina gani Ri-na ga-ni

Go-AG.NR

COP-1

'I have to go.' It also seems like the deontic reading is spreading across the subordinate clause, as in the following example, where a speaker is talking about drinking ayahuasca: (430)

kakaram ahasar íimiartiniati. Kakarama aha-sa-r íimia-ra-tiniu-iat-i. Strong do/make-SBD-1PL:SS have.vision-PFV-FUT+NR-3:DECL 'One has to be strong to have visions' Or 'By being strong, one has to have visions.' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_Bilingual_Education_2237000]

If the finite clause íimiartiniati stood on its own, we probably would have had the reading of 'One should have visions'. It is clear, here, that the addition of the subordinate clause means that the deontic reading spreads to it as well. There is also another curious fact about this construction, namely the SWITCH REFERENCE marking of the subordinate verb. If we look at the person marking of both subordinate verb and main (DEONTIC) verb, we see a mismatch: the subordinate verb ahasar is marked for FIRST PERSON PLURAL SAME SUBJECT -r; whereas, the main verb is marked for FIRST PERSON SINGULAR -i. Notice that this is not the case in the first DEONTIC example we saw, which had SECOND PERSON SINGULAR alignment: (431)

firma ahasam itiuktiniaitmɨ firma aha-sa-mɨ signature do-PFV:SEQ-2SG:SS

164 | Complex Predicates

itiu-ka-tiniu-ait-mɨ leave-PFV:INTS-FUT+NR-COP-2SG:DECL

'You

should

leave

it,

(after

having)

signed.'

[SHGS2013_09_27_Parting_breakfast_560010]

We notice that the subordinate verb ahasam is marked by the SECOND PERSON SAME SUBJECT marker, corresponding to the SUBJECT of the finite verb itiuktiniaitmɨ which is also marked for SECOND PERSON SAME SUBJECT.

Interestingly enough, whenever a DEONTIC construction is marked for THIRD PERSON SINGULAR, as in the example, just mentioned, the subordinate verbs take on FIRST PERSON PLURAL SAME SUBJECT marking. Let's look at another example: (432)

Pɨŋkɨr ɨwɨrar nush arakar itiuktiniaiti Pɨŋkɨr ɨwɨ-ra-r nu-sh good pluck-PFV:SEQ-1PL:SS ANA-ADD

ara-ka-r plant-PFV:SEQ-1PL:SS

itiu-ka-tiniu-ait-i leave-PFV:INTS-FUT+NR-COP-3SG:DECL 'After we pluck (the loose weeds) well, we then plant those (seeds) as well, and (finally) one should leave them (to grow) [SHGS2013_09_06S3_Chicha_Making_Tale_392467] These expressions are often translated in Spanish as hay que ... 'one should', whereas when other person marking is used, as just shown, the DEONTIC constructions are translated from the perspective of the AGENT. So the example above is translated as tienes que dejar firmando 'You should leave it, signed'. So far all the examples from my corpus which end in -tiniaiti '3SG' have subordinate verbs which are marked for FIRST PERSON PLURAL. However, this is not to say that we don't get FIRST PRESON PLURAL marking on the DEONTIC predicate, because we certainly do, so there must be a distinction between constructions ending in -aiti : (433)

wɨkasatniuthi wɨka-sa-tiniu-ait-hi walk-ATT:PFV-FUT+NR-COP-1PL:DECL 'We should walk'

More work is required to understand these distinctions, especially as some of these constructions resemble the NORMATIVE constructions, which are discussed in the upcoming section. Further, as we shall see in the next section, it is not uncommon for such constructions to have finite predicates take on THIRD PERSON SINGULAR marking, where SAME SUBJECT subordinate clauses take on FIRST PERSON PLURAL marking.

6.4 Normative According to Overall (2007:357), the NORMATIVE expresses a 'timeless statement of "how we do things" '. The NORMATIVE construction in Aguaruna is given by the form -taia(mɨ), which 'fuses tense, person, and mood'. In Shuar, it is given by the form -tainti. There are some key similarities and differences between the forms in these two languages.

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First of all, there is the obvious difference in form, taia(mɨ)42 vs. tainti. Second, while the Aguaruna form seems like a fossilized suffix, it appears as though the Shuar form is slightly, though not completely decomposable - it is more transparent. Further, it is not 'timeless' the way it is in Aguaruna. It can be inflected for PAST tense to create a PAST NORMATIVE meaning that no longer holds. These similarities and differences are summed up in the following table: Table 29 Similarities and Differences of the NORMATIVE construction in Aguaruna and Shuar NORMATIVE

in Aguaruna

NORMATIVE

Form

-taia(mɨ)

-tainti

Composition

Unknown (Overall 2007)

-taĩ-t-i

in Shuar

-NON.A/S:NR-COP-3SG:DECL Can

be

inflected

for No

Yes (two examples of REMOTE PAST)

TENSE

Let's now look at the composition of the Shuar NORMATIVE, which can be broken down into: -taĩ

-t-

i

NON AGENT/SUBJECT NOMINALIZER

-COP-

1SG:DECL

Recall from section 3.5.3 that the NON SUBJECT/AGENT NOMINALIZER -taĩ nominalizes the OBJECT of a transitive verb as in the first example43 or the MANNER or LOCATION adjunct of an intransitive verb as in the second example: (434)

(421)

Eladio yurumtainrikia Eladio+GEN yu-ru-ma-taĩ-rĩ-kia Eladio+GEN eat-APPL-REFL- NON.A/S:NR - PERT:1PL/3-FOC 'Eladio's food' [SHGS2013_10_06S3_Breakfast_1552260] pu utaĩrĩ puhu-taĩ-rĩ live-NON.A/S:NR-PERT:3/1PL 'His residence' (lit. a place where he lives)

Now if we combine this NOMINALIZER with the THIRD PERSON SINGULAR form of the COPULA -ti, we get a NORMATIVE construction:

42 43

Overall claims that the difference between the long form taiamɨ and taia is unclear (2007:357)

Note that yu-ru-m (eat-APPLICATIVE-REFLEXIVE) 'eat for one's benefit' seems to be a standard way of describing

the act of eating. '

166 | Complex Predicates

(422)

yurumtainti yu-ru-ma-taĩ-t-i eat-APPL-REFL- NON.A/S:NR-COP-1SG:DECL

'We eat it/ ?it is eaten' [SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_124025] The general sense is 'We eat it', in reference to 'fish'. Morphologically speaking, however, based on this construction in isolation, there is no marker of FIRST PERSON PLURAL. The verb is marked for THIRD PERSON SINGULAR:DECLARATIVE -i, or so it seems. On the surface, this may even seem like a passive-like reading. Taken into a broader context, i.e. with other subordinate forms marked for switch reference, we can get a window into the underlying person marking. So, if we look at the marking of the subordinate verbs, we find that the SAME SUBJECT clauses are marked with the FIRST PERSON PLURAL marker -r: (423)

namak achikiar yurumtainti namak achi-kia-r yu-ru-ma-taĩ-t-i 44 fish+ACC grab-PFV:SEQ-1PL:SS eat-APPL-REFL- NON.A/S:NR-COP-1SG:DECL 'After we've grabbed the fish, we eat it' [SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_124025]

This is strong evidence that the overarching subject of the predicate yurumtainti is 'we' FIRST PERSON PLURAL and not 'the fish'. Further, if we include the preceding clause which has 'the fish' as its subject, we find DIFFERENT SUBJECT marking, suggesting that 'the fish' cannot be the SUBJECT of the yurumtainti predicate: (424)

nuĩ utsanɨakuĩ namak achikiar yurumtainti

ANA-LOC

nu-ĩ

utsa-ina-ku-ĩ enter-PL:IMPFV-SIM-1SG/3:DS

namak fish+ACC45

achi-kia-r grab-PFV:SEQ-1PL:SS

yu-ru-ma-taĩ-t-i eat-APPL-REFL- NON.A/S:NR-COP-1SG:DECL

'As (the fish) enter there, we grab the fish and then we eat it' [SHGS2013_08_22_Hunting_Narrative_124025]

This sentence shows clearly that 'the fish' is not the subject of the main clause yurumtainti as it takes on DIFFERENT SUBJECT marking in the previous clause, whereas clauses marked for FIRST PERSON PLURAL take on SAME SUBJECT marking. Important to note here is that this fragment is coming from a story on how the Shuar catch fish using fish poison, and this is why it is logical to talk about these constructions as NORMATIVE; they describe how things are done.

44

Recall from section that when the subject is FIRST PERSON PLURAL or SECOND PERSON, the object does not take on the ACCUSATIVE marker -na

167 | Complex Predicates

A Grammar Sketch of Shuar

Table 30 Normative construction

Subordinate marking

verb Lexical Verb

FIRST PERSON PLURAL SAME SUBJECT

Unmarked stem

NOMINALIZER

Auxiliary

Person Marking

NON AGENT/SUBJECT NOMINALIZER

COPULA

THIRD PERSON SINGULAR

-taĩ

-r

An important question arises: if this is how the Shuar discuss their own norms, how do they refer to the norms of others?46 While there is no data to answer this question - although this is certainly worth investigating in the future - I have two examples referring to norms that were practiced in the past, but not anymore. This is where TENSE comes in, and this is another area where Shuar may be diverging from Aguaruna, although even here, more data is required to say anything definite. The following example is taken from a fragment where the speaker is telling the interlocutor that, in the past, the youth respected their elders more than they do today. To start off the discussion, let's look at the the main clause, which is a NORMATIVE construction, marked for REMOTE PAST; expressing that the action was normative in those days, but is no longer today: (425)

ɨkɨ taĩ áyayi ɨkɨ -taĩ a-ia-yi sit-NON.A/S:NR COP-REM.PAST-3SG:DECL 'We had to sit/?One had to sit' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_1342565]

Notice again the use of the NON AGENT/SUBJECT NOMINALIZER -taĩ and the COPULA-3SG:DECL marked for REMOTE PAST áyayi47. Further, if we expand the sentence to include subordinate clauses, we get more evidence that the underlying SUBJECT is actually FIRST PERSON PLURAL. If we look at the SAME SUBJECT clause, antukar, we see that is marked for FIRST PERSON PLURAL r, similar to what we saw with construction marked in the present tense. In addition, the other participants in discourse, namely natsamaru 'the youth' and uunt 'the elder' are treated as DIFFERENT SUBJECTS.

46 47

I thank Simeon Floyd for raising this intriguing point. The COPULA is a suffix in the present tense and an unbound morpheme in the other tenses.

168 | Complex Predicates

(426)

ma natsamaru akuinkia uunt chichakuinkia áyatik antukar ɨkɨ taĩ áyayi ma so,

natsamaru youth

a-ku- ĩ -kia EXT-SIM-1SG/3:DS-COND

Uunta elder

c ic a-ku-ĩ-kia speak-SIM-1SG/3-COND

áyatik only

antu-ka-r listen-PFV:SEQ-1PL:SS

ɨkɨ -taĩ sit-NON.A/S:NR

Youth : DS

Elder : DS

1PL : SS

á-ia-yi

NORMATIVE

COP-REM.PAST-3:DECL

'So, if there was a youth there, and the elder would speak, we (one) had to sit and listen' [SHGS2013_09_07S1_1342565] Note that when the speaker says ɨkɨmtaĩ yayi 'we/one had to sit', he is actually referring to himself as a youth, yet treats 'the youth' in the first clause as a DIFFERENT SUBJECT. Note that, technically speaking, it is the 'youth' that normatively used to 'sit and listen', yet in the first clause, 'the youth' is treated as a DIFFERENT SUBJECT We also see the NORMATIVE reading spread to the previous subordinate verb antukar 'listening' so that both the sitting and the listening were normative. Consider also another example that describes how things were (supposed to be) done in the past, but which nowadays is no longer the case: (427)

Áya shuarchamhaink [shichichik pachimprar apachamhai] chichatai ayayi Áya Only

shuar chicham-hãĩ-k [tura Shuar language-COMIT-RESTR [and

apach chicham-hãĩ ] Spanish language-COMIT]

shichichik a.bit

chicha-taĩ speak-NON.A/S:NR

pachimp-ra-r mix-PFV:SEQ-1PL:SS

a-ia-yi COP-REM.PAST-3:DECL

'We had to speak only Shuar, and maybe mix a little Spanish' Here, again we see that the SAME SUBJECT subordinate verb pachimprar is marked for FIRST PERSON PLURAL SAME SUBJECT.

Recall from section that Shuar makes a distinction between SPECIFIED and UNSPECIFIED (or generic) FIRST PERSON PLURAL OBJECTS. It may be that these NORMATIVE constructions are result of this generic FIRST PERSON PLURAL SUBJECT marking. In any case, the FIRST PERSON PLURAL paradigm seems to be sensitive to these distinctions; but this is far as we can speculate.

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7 Concluding Remarks This chapter concludes this thesis by 1) discussing some areas that have been left unexplored or proven problematic and by 2) making a few comparative observations with Aguaruna and certain varieties of Quechua. It ends with calls for ideas on future research.

7.1 Unresolved Areas In this thesis, an attempt was made to sketch out some key features of Shuar grammar. The data collected during my three month fieldtrip has contributed a fair amount to our understanding of Shuar grammar. At the same time, much more work is required to fully unravel some of the more complex topics, some of which we have only touched upon here. As such, several areas still require additional attention. This section will discuss a handful of these unresolved issues, although an exhaustive discussion of them is outside the scope of this thesis. This thesis paid special attention to the Shuar verb, leaving out a number of other word classes. A complex word class not dealt with here is content question words. Some Wh-words utilize verbal morphology and there is some evidence to suggest that they were once verbs, such as the word i-tiu-ra 'how' being derived from the speech verb tu- 'to say' and the PREFIXED CAUSATIVE -i [