A Grammar of Fa d’Ambô 9783110766264, 9783110438024

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Tjerk Hagemeijer, Philippe Maurer-Cecchini, Armando Zamora Segorbe A Grammar of Fa d’Ambô

Mouton Grammar Library

Edited by Georg Bossong Bernard Comrie Patience L. Epps Irina Nikolaeva

Volume 81

Tjerk Hagemeijer, Philippe Maurer-Cecchini, Armando Zamora Segorbe

A Grammar of Fa d’Ambô

The research contained in this work was supported by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT).

ISBN 978-3-11-043802-4 ISSN 0933-7636 Library of Congress Control Number: 2020941477 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2020 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com

Acknowledgements We are truly grateful to all those who have in one way or another contributed to this work. A short field trip to Bioko and Annobón in 2011, funded by the International Portuguese Language Institute (IILP), allowed co-author Armando Zamora Segorbe, Ana Lívia Agostinho, and Alfredo Christofoletti to carry out the audio recordings of Fa d’Ambô that we used for this book project. The preparation of the searchable Fa d’Ambô corpus at the Centre of Linguistics of the University of Lisbon (CLUL), launched in 2014, greatly benefited from the expertise of corpus and computational linguists Amália Mendes, Iris Hendrickx, and Michel Généreux. The Portuguese Foundation of Science and Technology (FCT) provided funding for the following projects which contributed to the development of this book: The origins and development of creole societies in the Gulf of Guinea: An interdisciplinary study (PTDC/CLE-LIN/111494/2009) and FCT’s strategic funding (UID/LIN/00214/2013) made available by CLUL’s research group Grammar & Resources (formerly Anagrama). We thank Julie Miess and Angelika Hermann at De Gruyter for their support during the different stages of the book process. The manuscript was substantially improved by the suggestions of an anonymous reviewer and by the careful English revision carried out by Frazer Roberts and Parth Bhatt. We are of course greatly indebted to the storytellers whose stories are included in the book, Esther Zamora, Donato Zamora, and Zonkin Matxia Kitxi Faaxa, as well as to all the Annobonese speakers who magnanimously contributed to the larger corpus and the data we use in this monograph. Dezu-paga.

Lisbon, June 2020 Tjerk Hagemeijer, Philippe Maurer-Cecchini, and Armando Zamora Segorbe

Contents List of abbreviations � xi List of tables � xii 1 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6

Introduction � 1 Annobón and Fa d’Ambô � 1 Sociolinguistic overview � 3 Previous work on Fa d’Ambô � 3 Variation in Fa d’Ambô � 4 Linguistic corpus � 4 Examples in the grammar � 5

2 2.1 2.2 2.2.1 2.2.2 2.2.3 2.2.4 2.3 2.4 2.4.1 2.4.2 2.4.3 2.4.4

Phonology � 7 Shape of the words � 7 Segmental units � 8 Vowels � 8 Consonants � 10 Glides and diphthongs � 13 Syllable structure � 14 Spelling conventions � 15 Tone � 16 Nouns � 16 Verbs � 19 Minimal pairs � 19 Tone sandhi � 21

3 3.1 3.2 3.2.1 3.2.2 3.3

Morphological processes � 23 Reduplication � 23 Derivation � 26 Deverbal derivation � 27 Denominal derivation � 30 Fusion � 30

4 4.1 4.1.1 4.1.2 4.1.3 4.1.4 4.1.5 4.1.6 4.2

The noun phrase � 33 The noun � 34 Gender � 34 Number � 35 Diminutive and augmentative � 38 Determiners and corresponding pronouns � 41 Bare nouns and noun phrases � 66 The adjective � 68 Modifying noun phrases and prepositional phrases � 76

viii � Contents

4.3 4.4 4.4.1 4.4.2 4.4.3 4.4.4 4.4.5 4.4.6 4.4.7 4.4.8 4.4.9 4.4.10 4.5 4.5.1 4.5.2 4.5.3 4.5.4 4.6 4.7 4.8 5 5.1 5.1.1 5.1.2 5.1.3 5.1.4 5.1.5 5.1.6 5.1.7 5.1.8 5.1.9 5.1.10 5.1.11 5.1.12 5.1.13 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.7.1 5.7.2

Modifying verb phrases � 78 Relative clauses � 78 Introduction � 78 Subjects � 81 Direct and indirect objects � 82 Benefactives � 82 Locatives � 82 Temporal adjuncts � 84 Comitative adjuncts � 85 Instrumental adjuncts � 85 Possessors � 86 The relativiser pa � 87 Personal pronouns � 87 Forms and functions � 87 Boundedness of singular subject pronouns � 94 The conjoining of personal pronouns � 95 Absence of expletive pronouns � 96 The conjoining of noun phrases � 98 The noun phrase-final particle � 99 The structure of the noun phrase � 100 The verb phrase � 103 Tense, aspect, and mood markers � 104 The functions of Ø � 106 The functions of kha � 108 The functions of sakha/skha/ska � 115 The functions of skee/skhee/kee � 117 The functions of bi � 120 The functions of ta � 122 The functions of the combinations of bi with other TAM markers � 122 The functions of kha sakha � 123 The functions of kha ta � 124 The functions of skhee/kee kha � 124 The functions of la and sa � 124 The functions of la and sa with other TAM markers � 127 Summary of the functions of TAM markers � 128 Nominal predicates � 130 Verbs denoting possession and existence � 132 Positional verbs � 134 Modal verbs � 136 Complements � 138 Serial verb constructions � 144 Benefactive � 145 Motion and location � 146

Contents � ix

5.7.3 5.7.4 5.7.5 5.7.6 5.7.7 5.7.8 5.8 5.8.1 5.8.2 5.8.3 5.8.4 5.8.5 5.9 5.9.1 5.9.2 5.9.3 5.9.4 5.9.5 5.9.6 5.9.7

Instrumental � 152 Comitative � 154 Completive � 154 Durative � 155 Resultative � 155 Degree � 156 Negation � 157 Sentence negation � 157 The final negation marker � 159 Expletive negation � 161 Negative concord � 163 Constituent negation � 163 Non-clausal adjuncts � 164 Place � 165 Time � 167 Manner, means, and instrument � 170 Degree � 172 Focus � 173 Cause � 174 Other � 174

6 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.4.1 6.4.2 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.8 6.8.1 6.8.2 6.8.3 6.8.4

Simple sentences � 177 Order of arguments � 177 Focalisation � 178 Topicalisation � 182 Interrogatives � 185 Content questions � 185 Polar questions � 188 Imperatives and hortatives � 190 Exclamatives and interjections � 193 Vocatives � 196 Voice � 197 Reflexives � 197 Reciprocal � 200 Causative � 201 Passive � 201

7 7.1 7.2 7.2.1 7.2.2 7.2.3 7.2.4 7.2.5

Complex sentences � 205 Argument clauses � 205 Adjunct clauses � 209 Temporal clauses � 209 Conditional clauses � 213 Causal clauses � 214 Purposive clauses � 215 Concessive clauses � 217

x � Contents

7.2.6 7.3 7.3.1 7.3.2 7.3.3 7.3.4 7.3.5 7.4

Comparative and manner clauses � 217 Coordinate clauses � 218 The coordinator se � 220 The coordinator ku � 221 The coordinator pa � 223 The coordinator a � 224 Negative coordination � 225 Verb phrase and sentence-final particles � 225

8 8.1 8.2

Ideophones and onomatopoeia � 229 Ideophones � 229 Onomatopoeia � 232

9 9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4

Texts � 233 Soya Ton Tublan � 233 Dôtôl kula pe mun ôyô � 235 Memol’, m’na d’Êlê � 242 Soya Xinggil � 266

10

Fa d’Ambô – English word list � 307

11

English – Fa d’Ambô word list � 325

Appendix: Story in the four Gulf of Guinea creoles � 337 References � 344 Index � 346

Audio materials: The Fa d’Ambô audio files corresponding to the recordings of the transcribed texts (Chapter 9) and tone spectrograms (Figures 2-15 in sections 2.4.1, 2.4.2, 2.4.3) can be accessed at the following webpage: https://www.degruyter.com/view/title/510975

List of abbreviations 1 2 3 adj. adv. art. AUGM BEN COMP

conj. CONN COORD COP CORR DEGR DEM DER

det. DIM EPIST EXIST EXCL

f. FOC FUT GEN GNR HAB HORT IDEO

indef. INTENS INTERJ

interr. IPFV ITER

k.o.

first person second person third person adjective adverb article augmentative benefactive complementiser conjunction connector coordinator copula correlative degree demonstrative derivational suffix determiner diminutive epistemic existential exclamative feminine focus future genitive generic habitual hortative ideophone indefinite intensifier interjection interrogative imperfective iterative kind of

lit. m. MOD

n. NARR NEG

num. NS OBL ONOM PCL

pers. PFV PL PN POSS PRF PST PTCP

prep. PRS PRST PROG

pron. PURP

quant. RED REFL REL REP SG SLM TAM TN

v. VOC

literally masculine modal noun narrative negation numeral non-specific pronoun obligation onomatopoeia particle personal perfective aspect plural proper noun possessive perfect past participle preposition present presentational progressive pronoun purposive quantifier reduplication reflexive relativiser repetitive singular sociolinguistically marked tense, aspect, and mood toponym verb vocative

List of tables Table 1: Oral vowels � 8 Table 2: Oral vowel minimal pairs � 8 Table 3: Nasal vowels � 10 Table 4: Consonants � 10 Table 5: Consonant minimal pairs � 12 Table 6: Correspondences between spelling and IPA � 15 Table 7: Sociolinguistically unmarked possessive determiners � 51 Table 8: Possessive determiners, the preposition dji/d, and the genitive suffix -e � 51 Table 9: Sociolinguistically marked possessive determiners � 52 Table 10: Possessive pronouns � 53 Table 11: Cardinal numerals � 58 Table 12: Personal pronouns � 87 Table 13: Structure of the noun phrase I � 100 Table 14: Structure of the noun phrase II � 101 Table 15: Forms of the affirmative perfect marker � 124 Table 16: Functions of Ø and kha with the three lexical aspects � 128 Table 17: Functions of the tense, aspect, and mood markers � 129 Table 18: Ideophones modifying adjectives � 229 Table 19: Ideophones modifying participles � 230 Table 20: Ideophones modifying verbs � 231

1 Introduction 1.1

Annobón and Fa d’Ambô

Fa d’Ambô, which literally means ‘speech of Annobón’ (from the Portuguese fala de Ano Bom), is a Portuguese-related creole language originally spoken on the small and remote volcanic island of Annobón in the Gulf of Guinea (West Africa).

Figure 1: Map of the Gulf of Guinea (Michaelis et al. 2013: 50).

The uninhabited island of Annobón was discovered by the Portuguese in the second half of the 15th century. It is believed that this occurred on a New Year’s day, which inspired the name Ano Bom ‘good year’, and in 1503 it was donated by royal decree to its first capitão-donatário (provincial commander), Jorge de Melo. Despite the presence of a few dwellers in the early 16th century, the island was claimed to be deserted in 1543. Settlement on a permanent basis must have taken place slightly later, since the historical records mention that in 1565 the island was inhabited by a white man and some slaves who were planting cotton (Caldeira, ms.). These first inhabitants arrived from the neighbouring island of São Tomé, where the sugar economy was blossoming. Due to its small size (17 km2) and, consequently, its limited economic relevance, the population of Annobón quickly developed into a self-sufficient community in charge of the island. Historical documents from the late 16th and 17th centuries describe the population’s hostility towards outsiders (Wulf 2014), which highlights their relatively autonomous status. The island’s contact with the outside world was essentially limited to passing vessels in search of fresh water and supplies and the occasional appearance of European traders or clergymen. The history of Annobón entered a new chapter as a consequence of the Treaty of El Pardo, celebrated in 1778, when Portugal ceded Annobón, as well as the larger island of Fernando Po (Bioko) and a strip of continental Africa, Rio Muni, to Spain.

2 � Introduction

Since 1968, when independence from Spain was proclaimed, these territories became part of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea. Fa d’Ambô is generally accepted to be one of the four Gulf of Guinea creoles, a young genetic unit which further includes Angolar and Santome, spoken on the island of São Tomé, as well as Lung’Ie (Principense), spoken on the island of Príncipe (e.g. Ferraz 1979, 1987; Hagemeijer 2011; Maurer 1995, 2009). The linguistic connection between Fa d’Ambô and its sister creoles, especially Santome, was noticed from early on. Matos (1842: 107), for example, writes that ‘(…) o dialecto da Ilha de Anno Bom é o mesmo que o de S. Thomé, mas com uma pronunciação gutural semelhante á dos Árabes.’ [the dialect of the island of Annobón is the same as the one from São Tomé, but with a guttural pronunciation similar to that of the Arabs]. The ‘guttural pronunciation’ is a credible reference to Fa d’Ambô’s distinctive fricative velar /x/, which is absent from its sister creoles. Despite their shared origin and substantial lexical and grammatical similarities, the contemporary Gulf of Guinea creoles are not mutually intelligible. This lack of intelligibility derives from the fact that speciation from the initial contact language (which became known as Santome) occurred at different points in time and in different population movements, followed by a lesser or greater degree of isolation, leading to the diachronic development of a number of distinctive lexical and grammatical features. In the domain of the African lexicon, for instance, Angolar exhibits many words of Bantu origin, mostly from Kimbundu (Maurer 1992, 1995), whereas Lung’Ie shows a strong Edoid influence (Maurer 2009). While Fa d’Ambô, similarly to Santome, exhibits a more balanced Bantu and Edoid lexical influence (Ferraz 1979; Granda 1985, Ch. XI), it also displays African-derived items that are apparently not shared with its sister languages, but whose etymology must still be determined. Apart from some lexical items that are different altogether, the independent development of each creole means that certain cognates of a given Gulf of Guinea creole are not easily recognizable by native speakers of the other creoles because their phonetic forms differ substantially. An example of a cognate of Portuguese origin in all four Gulf of Guinea creole languages is the word for ‘house’, derived from the historical variant /kas/ of Portuguese casa (e.g. Rougé 2004: 102), which developed into ke in Santome, kaxi in Lung’Ie, kai in Angolar, and khay~khadji in Fa d’Ambô. An example of a cognate word of African origin is the word for ‘body’, derived from the Edo egbe (e.g. Ferraz 1979: 95), which became ubwê in Santome, igbê in Lung’Ie, ôngê in Angolar, and ôgê in Fa d’Ambô. In addition to these lexical and phonological differences, the Gulf of Guinea creoles also exhibit cases of different diachronic syntactic properties, such as the word order of numerals and quantifiers with respect to the head noun or somewhat distinct patterns of sentence negation (e.g. Hagemeijer 2011, 2015).

Previous work on Fa d’Ambô � 3

1.2

Sociolinguistic overview

Fa d’Ambô is spoken by an estimated 6,600 people (Ethnologue 2018), most of whom live in Annobón and Bioko, the island where the country’s capital Malabo is situated. Fa d’Ambô speakers also speak Spanish, the primary official language of Equatorial Guinea, and many are also proficient in Pichi, an English-based creole spoken on Bioko (Yakpo 2009), which fulfills the role of lingua franca. Both of these languages have left imprints on Fa d’Ambô, most notably, but not exclusively, in the lexical domain (Zamora Segorbe 2009: 103-6). In his sociolinguistic research, de Granda (1985, Ch. 7) identifies factors that may threaten Fa d’Ambô’s continuity, such as the fragmentation of the small speech community, language contact on Bioko, and the social division between age groups. These concerns were expressed during a period in which Annobón was still a relatively isolated island, a situation that has undergone significant changes since the inauguration of a harbour and an airport in 2010 and since access to radio, television, and telecommunications has become more widespread. Nowadays, the younger generations of Annobonese in Malabo often use Pichi for communication amongst each other. This English-based creole thrives as the informal lingua franca, the language of the streets, commerce, and markets of Bioko, and should therefore be considered Fa d’Ambô’s direct competitor in the informal sphere (Hagemeijer & Zamora Segorbe 2016). Annobonese who return to their home island often continue to speak Pichi. In addition to the threats presented above, so far Equatorial Guinea has failed to develop or implement effective language policies to protect its minority languages, despite the fact that they are acknowledged in article 4 of the Constitution. The fact that the Annobonese generally have a low social status and are typically excluded from decision-making positions also makes it more difficult to raise the status of the language. In summary, while Fa d’Ambô is currently not considered an endangered language (cf. UNESCO, Ethnologue), it is possible to identify a number of threats to its vitality.

1.3

Previous work on Fa d’Ambô

The arrival of the Claretian mission at the end of the 19th century resulted in the first descriptions of the language. The oldest known study of Fa d’Ambô is an article written by Schuchardt (1888), who obtained his data through correspondence with father Isidro Vila, a Claretian missionary stationed on Annobón between 1885 and 1893. Vila himself published his brief sketch of the language in 1891. A more extensive early description of Fa d’Ambô is Barrena’s (1957) posthumously published grammar. Between 1892 and his death in 1925, Barrena, also a Claretian missionary, spent most of his time living on the island.

4 � Introduction

Since the second half of the 20th century, Fa d’Ambô has been the object of an increasing number of (socio)linguistic studies, namely Valkhoff (1966), Ferraz (1976), de Granda (1985; 1986), Post (1992, 1994, 1995, 1997, 1998, 2013), Zamora Segorbe (2009, 2010), Silveira et al. (2013), and Hagemeijer & Zamora Segorbe (2016). Zamora Segorbe (2010) is the first and only extensive descriptive grammar of Fa d’Ambô, written in Spanish.

1.4

Variation in Fa d’Ambô

The factors we identified in § 1.2 as a potential threat to the future of the language are also the locus of language variation. We agree with Post (1998) that, given the small and socially homogenous speech community, there is no relevant evidence for dialectal variation. The differences between Annobón and Bioko appear to be mainly age and group-driven. Younger speakers, especially men in search of work and opportunities, often migrate to Bioko, where they become exposed to the multilingual environment of the capital. Elderly speakers, on the other hand, often live or move back to Annobón, speaking more conservative varieties which are not generally accessible to the younger age groups due to the organisation of the speakers in groups of age and social prestige. Another putative source of variation is the survival of a liturgical speech variety which remained closer to Portuguese. Schuchardt (1888) and Zamora Lóboch (1962) provide a few samples of this ceremonial variety that is cultivated by the group of sanggiitan ‘sacristans’, the menviva ‘widows’, and the mesti-skola ‘person who passes on the ritual knowledge’. It is quite likely that some of the unexpected features found in Fa d’Ambô, especially in comparison with its sister creoles, may bear a more direct relation with this specific language use. An example of such a feature can be found in the address forms used toward speakers that are younger or of socially lower status (e.g. § 4.1.4.3). Moreover, the archaic flavour of certain features described in Zamora Segorbe (2010), such as instances of number and gender marking, may also be reminiscent of a certain diachronic fluidity and hybridisation between the creole and crystallised ceremonial varieties.

1.5

Linguistic corpus

The primary data source of this grammar are audio and video recordings collected during a short field trip to Bioko and Annobón funded by the Instituto Internacional da Língua Portuguesa (IILP), a branch of the Comunidade de Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP), in 2011. Armand Zamora Segorbe, the co-author of this grammar, was the local team member during this trip and made additional recordings in 2012. The collected spoken data, which consist mostly of folk stories and conversations, were

Examples in the grammar � 5

later transcribed by Armando Zamora Segorbe for the project The origins and development of creole societies in the Gulf of Guinea: An interdisciplinary study (PTDC/CLELIN/111494/2009), funded by the Portuguese Foundation of Science and Technology and hosted by the Centre of Linguistics of the University of Lisbon (CLUL) from April 2011 to September 2014. The spoken data and the adaptation of a small number of written sources, in particular the Cancionero oral annobonés (Lêdjam 2008a), were used to build a searchable electronic corpus of Fa d’Ambô (Hagemeijer et al. 2014), which contains roughly 50,000 tokens. The texts included in Chapter 8 constitute a subsection of this corpus and underwent additional refinement and revision of the original transcriptions. The corpus data were complemented by elicited data, which were provided by our co-author and native speaker Armando Zamora Segorbe and native speakers whom he consulted.

1.6

Examples in the grammar

The examples used in the chapters of this grammar were adapted to the spelling system presented in Chapter 2. The examples may have four different types of indication: reference to the line number(s) of our text corpus in Chapter 9; the reference ‘online corpus’, which means the example was drawn and adapted from the larger online corpus available at http://alfclul.clul.ul.pt/CQPweb/fadambo/ and described in Hagemeijer et al. (2014a, b); reference to the source of published data in the previous work referred to in § 1.3 above, in particular Zamora Segorbe (2010); the absence of any of these references means that the example was produced by co-author Armando Zamora Segorbe or elicited by him with his consultants.

2 Phonology 2.1

Shape of the words

Many words in Fa d’Ambô have at least two forms: a long and a short form. The long form occurs in isolation and in a sentence-final position, whereas the short form or forms occur in all other contexts. Examples are /balɛa/ vs. /bala/ ‘whale’, /paɲia/ or /paɲi/ vs. /paɲa/ ‘pregnancy’, or /poxodol/ vs. /poxodo/: […] ê da khonta ku pôkhôdôl ‘[…] he met a person.’ (lines 266f.) vs. Pôkhôdô n’ten kha gaavu p’ê ta ê moso. ‘It is not nice for people to be alone.’ (lines 301f.). Therefore, it is only possible to define the tonal patterns of the short form of these words if it is the final vowel that is deleted in the contextual form. In the case of ‘whale’ it is /bàlá/. Furthermore, there are many anticipatory assimilation processes and shortenings in combination with an adjacent segment. An example is /ŋge/ ‘person’, which in our corpus has five realisations: (1) /ŋge/ in zwen nggê f ‘nobody’ (line 76), (2) /ŋ/ in se ng tu ‘then they all’ (lines 63f.) or ng se ‘this person’ (lines 980f.), (3) /ŋe/ in nan ngê nen se ‘these persons’ (line 60), (4) /ŋgi/ in nggi xi ‘that person’ (line 44), and (5) /ŋgu/ in nggu tu ‘everybody’, lit. ‘person all’ (line 144). These examples show that there are assimilation processes with both consonants and vowels. Another example of vowel assimilation is bo or bô instead of ba in bo fundu ‘go to the ground’ (line 462), bo môlê ‘go and die’ (line 496), or bô khô ô ‘go with eye’ (line 547). In (1), two short forms of the verb lolo ‘let fall’ (here used metaphorically) occur, namely l’ before a vowel and lo before a consonant. (1)

[…]

ku when

pê completely

nggu person

tuu all

l’ let.fall

ôman arm

pê, completely

lo let.fall

bôkhô mouth

[…].

‘[… ] when everybody got depressed and couldn’t say a word […].’ (lines 884f.)

(2) shows some sandhi phenomena within a single sentence, whereby (2a) gives the long form of the words and (2b) the contextual ones. (2)

a. b.

Ondola honour

sa COP.PRS

khwa thing

ku REL

nggê person

tudu all

mêlêsê. merit

Ondoa sa kha k ngu tud mêlêsê. ‘Respect is something that everybody deserves.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 156)

8 � Phonology

A further example shows how the complementiser pa produces a geminate [bː] when preceding the second-person singular pronoun bo: /m gɔŋgɔ pa bɔ be/ ‘I want that you see [it]’ → /m gɔŋgɔ bːɔ be/.

2.2

Segmental units

2.2.1 Vowels Fa d’Ambô has oral and nasal vowels. There are seven oral vowels which can be short or long (Table 1). Table 1: Oral vowels front close

central

back

i / iː ( /)

u / uː ( / )

close-mid

e / eː ( / )

o / oː ( / )

open-mid

ɛ / ɛː ( / )

ɔ / ɔː ( / )

open

a / aː ( / )

The minimal pairs in Table 2 illustrate the phonological status of the seven short vowels. Table 2: Oral vowel minimal pairs /a/

vs.

/ɛ/

/válá/

‘bar, stick’

vs.

/vɛ́lá/

/a/

vs.

/i/

/máŋgá/

‘sleeve; branch’

vs.

/míŋgá/ ‘female friend’

‘sail’

/a/

vs.

/ɔ/

/xálá/

‘face’

vs.

/xɔ́lá/

‘tie’

/a/

vs.

/u/

/ma/

‘take’

vs.

/mu/

‘1SG’

/e/

vs.

/i/

/le/

‘read’

vs.

/li/

‘laugh’

/e/

vs.

/u/

/ke/

‘look like, resemble’

vs.

/ku/

‘with’

/ɛ/

vs.

/ɔ/

/vɛ́lá/

‘sail’

vs.

/vɔ́lá/

‘piano’

/i/

vs.

/ɔ/

/bi/

‘come’

vs.

/bɔ/

‘you (sg.)’

/o/

vs.

/ɔ/

/gólá/

‘gold’

vs.

/gɔ́lá/

ʻneckʼ

/ɔ/

vs.

/u/

/gɔ́lá/

ʻneckʼ

vs.

/gúlá/

‘gluttony’

Segmental units � 9

The vowels i and u are often voiceless, especially after /l/ (Xinggil vs. Xinggili ‘the name of a character in a traditional story’). When an i is located between two consonants and the first one is an m or an l, the i may be dropped and m and l become the syllabic m̩ () and l̩ (), as in mina ‘child’ → m’na (line 103) and liba → l’ba ‘top’ (line 821). In a sentence-final position, or in suspensive intonation, l may become long if the last vowel of the word is elided. In (3), the third occurrence of Lavôlô is reduced to Lavôl’, i.e. with a long l ([lː]). Whether the lengthened l’ has to be considered syllabic or not must be left to further studies. (3)

[…]

se CONN

Lavôl’, Lavôlô

ten sa start

se CONN

Lavôl, Lavôlô

Lavô Lavôlô

se

ten sa start

CONN

tuuka change

se

a

CONN

NS

Lavôl, Lavôlô mo take

se CONN

S’pela Supela

ten sa start […].

‘[…] they kept praying Lavôlô for a long time, then Lavôlô was replaced by the prayer called Supela […].’ (lines 900f.)

Long vowels tend to be shortened in discourse, therefore it is difficult to find minimal pairs opposing long vowels to short ones in spontaneous speech. But the following verbal minimal pairs can be mentioned: fuga ‘stay, remain’ vs. fuuga ‘play’, kêêsê ‘grow’ vs. kêsê ‘forget’, khôôzê ‘repair’ vs. khôzê ‘sew’, or muta ‘change’ vs. muuta ‘fine (punishment)’. In other syntactic categories we find madu ‘taken’ vs. maadu ‘tied’, pata ‘duck’ vs. paata ‘cockroach’, or dentxi ‘tooth’ vs. deentxi ‘in front of’.1 A further issue is whether the long vowels are to be considered long vowels or whether they constitute a sequence of two vowels. The second hypothesis is probably the correct one, because there are examples of sequences of two identical vowels which have different tones, as khôôsô ‘fruit stone’ in (4). (4)

Khôôsô kha pêndê. xòósó xá pèndè fruit stone HAB get.lost ‘Fruit stones usually get lost.’

It is not clear whether there are long nasal vowels. Those that could be considered as such only occur word-finally and might be followed by an /n/. We will therefore leave it to further studies to decide whether or not there are long nasals The seven short nasal vowels are listed in Table 3.

�� 1 Long vowels generally result from the dropping of a Portuguese liquid consonant, in an onset or coda position.

10 � Phonology

Table 3: Nasal vowels front close

central

back

ĩ ()

ũ ()

close-mid

ẽ ()

õ ()

open-mid

ɛ̃ ()

ɔ̃ ()

open

ã ( [aʃi]) and before other vowels, they depalatalise (Portuguese cheiro > [selu]). This is, however, not the case with Portuguese words that contain /ʒ/. These words depalatalise, not only before /e/, /o/, and /u/ (Portuguese já > /za/ ‘already’, gente > /zẽʧi/ ‘people’, joelho > /ozo/ ‘knee’, juntar > /zũta/ ‘gather’),3 but also before /i/, at least generally, as the following examples show: dialectal Portuguese jinela~jenela > /zinal/ ʻwindowʼ, Portuguese gigante > /zĩŋgãtxi/ ‘giant’, imaginar > /mazna/ ‘think, imagine’. In our corpus, there is only one instance of [ʒi] (and of ʒ in general): /xoːʒidu/ ‘cooked’, which alternates with /kuʤidu/. The three syllabic consonants are m’, n’, and l’, (see also § 2.2.1 above): m’nsa ‘show’, n’zela ‘palm branch stick’, and l’ma ‘animal, spirit’. An example of m’ occurs in (5). (5)

Kê nggê sʼ ala? – Amʼ. there what person COP.PRS 1SG ʻWho is there? – Me.ʼ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 180-81)

Table 5 offers consonant minimal pairs.

�� 2 In /xùlà/ ‘swear’, the verb is clearly a borrowing from the Spanish jurar [xu'rar]; Portuguese jurar [ʒu'rar] would yield /zùlà/. 3 No examples have been found for /zɛ/ or /zɔ/ deriving from the Portuguese /ʒɛ/ or /ʒɔ/. This does not mean that /zɛ/ and /zɔ/ do not exist in Fa d’Ambô.

12 � Phonology

Table 5: Consonant minimal pairs b

vs.

f

/bɛ́sá/

‘blessing’

vs. /fɛ́sá/

‘party’

b

vs.

g

/bɔ́lá/

‘ball’

vs. /gɔ́lá/

‘neck’

b

vs.

x

/bálá/

‘ball, rifle

vs. /xálá/

‘face’

b

vs.

l

/bíʤí/

‘esparto grass’

vs. /líʤí/

‘disgusting’

b

vs.

p

/bàlá/

‘whale’

vs. /pàlá/

‘city’

b

vs.

t

/bɛ́sá/

‘blessing’

vs. /tɛ́sá/

‘tin, can’

b

vs.

ʧ

/bùskà/

‘provoke’

vs. /ʧùskà/

‘crop, cut hair shortly’

b

vs.

v

/bálá/

‘ball, rifle’

vs. /válá/

‘bar, stick’

d

vs.

k

/dèsè/

‘go down’

vs. /kèsè/

‘forget’

d

vs.

l

/dàdàlá̰/

‘sweet-toothed’

vs. /làdàla̰/́

‘thief’

d

vs.

ŋ

/dànà/

‘damage’

vs. /ŋànà/

‘win’

d

vs.

s

/dèsè/

‘go down’

vs. /sèsè/

‘brand, tattoo’

d

vs.

t

/ódú/

‘strong’

vs. /ótú/

‘eight’

/sàːdà/

‘settle, pay off’

vs. /sàːtà/

‘jump’

d

vs.

ʧ

/dèvè/

‘have to’

vs. /ʧèvè/

‘dare’

d

vs.

z

/dúdá/

‘doubt’

vs. /zúdá/

‘help’

ʤ vs.

v

/ʤígá/

‘jigger flea’

vs. /vígá/

‘beam’

f

vs.

x

/fòfò/4

‘blow’

vs. [xòxò]

‘crack (a nut), knock at a door’

f

vs.

m /fúndú/

‘deep’

vs. /múndú/

‘world’

f

vs.

s

/fa/

‘speak’

vs. /sa/

‘roast’

f

vs.

t

/fɛ́sá/

‘party’

vs. /tɛ́sá/

‘tin, can’

g

vs.

k

[gùstà]

‘like’

vs. /kùstà/

‘cost

g

vs.

t

/gɛ́lá/

‘war’

vs. /tɛ́lá/

‘land’

g

vs.

l

/gálú/

‘cock’

vs. /lálú/

‘grater’

g

vs.

m [xàlgádú]

‘charged’

vs. [xàlmádú]

‘sweaty’

g

vs.

s

/gálú/

‘cock’

vs. /sálú/

‘salt’

g

vs.

v

/gɛ́lá/

‘war’

vs. /vɛ́lá/

‘sail’

g

vs.

z

/gálú/

‘cock’

vs. /zálú/

‘drink’

k

vs.

l

[fùkà]

‘drown, strangle’

vs. /fùlà/

‘make holes’

k

vs.

s

[kùlà]

‘heal’

vs. /sùlà/

‘cry’

k

vs.

t

[kɛ́sá]

‘displeasure’

vs. /tɛ́sá/

‘tin, can’

k

vs.

v

[kìyádú]

‘brought up’

vs. /vìyádú/

‘suffering from a hernia’

k

vs.

z

[kùlùmɛ́nʧí] ‘k.o. disease’

x

vs.

m /mòlè/

‘die’

vs. [xòlè]

‘run’

x

vs.

s

[sùlà]

‘cry’

vs. [xùlà]

‘swear’

x

vs.

v

[xálá]

‘face’

vs. /válá/

‘bar, stick’

x

vs.

l

[xàbɛ̀là]

‘break’

vs. /làbɛ̀là/

‘work, gnaw’

�� 4 /fùlà/ vs. [xùlà] would be an alternative.

vs. /zùlùmɛ́nʧí/ ‘perversion’

Segmental units � 13

l

vs.

ʤ /li/

‘laugh’

vs.

/ʤi/

‘of’

l

vs.

m /látú/

‘moment’

vs.

/mátú/

‘cultivated field’

l

vs.

p

/líkú/

‘rich’

vs.

/píkú/

‘peak (of a mountain)’

l

vs.

s

/lálú/

‘grater’

vs.

/sálú/

‘salt’

l

vs.

ʃ

/lìnà/

‘urinate’

vs.

/ʃìnà/

‘teach’

l

vs.

t

/lòʧíːgá/

‘nettle’

vs.

/tòʧíːgá/

‘turtle, tortoise’

l

vs.

z

/lálú/

‘grater’

vs.

/zálú/

‘drink’

m vs.

n

/mèsè/

‘rock, swing’

vs.

/nèsè/

‘be born’

m vs.

p

/mású/

‘docile, tame’

vs.

/pású/

‘step’

m vs.

ʃ

/mìnà/

‘mine’

vs.

/ʃìnà/

‘teach’

m vs.

ʧ

/mílú/

‘corn’

vs.

/ʧílú/

‘shot’

n

vs.

t

/ana/

‘where?’

vs.

/ata/

‘until’

ɲ

vs.

s

/dáɲú/

‘damage’

vs.

/dású/

‘piece’

p

vs.

x

/pálmà/

‘palm tree’

vs.

[xálmà]

‘calm’

p

vs.

z

/pìzà/

‘weigh’

vs.

/vìzà/

‘rape’

s

vs.

t

/ásá/

‘handle’

vs.

/ata/

‘until’

s

vs.

v

/sáːtù/

‘jump (n.)’

vs.

/váːtù/

‘restless’

s

vs.

z

/sálú/

‘salt’

vs.

/zálú/

‘drink’

/làsán/

‘prayer’

vs.

/làzán/

‘information’

ʃ

vs.

ʧ

/fɔ́ːʃì/

‘strength’

vs.

/fɔ́ːʧì/

‘obstinacy’

t

vs.

z

/ata/

‘until’

vs.

/ázá/

‘wing’

[r] occurs sporadically as an allomorph of [l] in tubran ‘shark’ (instead of tublan) and in Spanish loan words which are not integrated phonetically, as in abrase ‘hug him’ (line 425), or in a song (lines 109ff.) which seems to be a mixture of Fa d’Ambô, Santome, and Portuguese, as in kabra ‘goat’ (Santome kabla, Portuguese cabra) or prôkô ‘pig’ (Santome plôkô, Portuguese porco).

2.2.3 Glides and diphthongs Fa d’Ambô possesses two oral glides, /j/ () and /w/ (), as well as the nasal glide /ȷ̃/ (). Although there are no minimal pairs that oppose the nasal glide /ȷ̃/ to the palatal consonant /ɲ/ (), they are clearly different sounds: inha ‘nail’ vs. pañia ‘pregnancy’. Diphthongs are not frequent in our corpus. There are 12 rising and 2 falling diphthongs.

14 � Phonology

ya yɛ yo yu wa wɛ̃ we wo ȷ̃a ȷ̃ã ȷ̃i ȷ̃u ay oy

/sɔ-ya/ /pɔ-sɔ-yɛ/ /kho-lo-yo/ /fe-yu/ /zu-wa/ /z-wɛ̃/ /a-gwê-tê/ /gwo-va/ /i- ȷ̃a/ /pi- ȷ̃ã/ /ŋa- ȷ̃i/ /zu- ȷ̃u/ /pay/ /bok-oy/

‘story’ ‘poison’ ‘crown’ ‘ugly’ ‘throw’ ‘no’ ‘greeting in traditional story telling’ ‘guava’ ‘nail’ ‘kind of tree’ ‘big’ ‘June’ ‘father’ ‘palm wine container’

2.2.4 Syllable structure Fa d’Ambô has a tendency towards open syllables. However, since the language has voiceless vowels and since these tend to disappear, a coda may occur, also word internally. Nasal consonants that do not nasalise the preceding vowel may also form a coda, and, of course, glides too form codas. Long vowels are frequent. Since Fa d’Ambô possesses long vowels, diphthongs, and vowels in hiatus, long vowels will be marked as Vː (but see § 2.2.1, p. 8), diphthongs as VV, and vowels in hiatus as V-V in order to distinguish them. The most frequent word structures consist of one, two, or three syllables in noncompound and non-reduplicated words, although our corpus does exhibit one word with seven syllables, as shown below. V VV VCV VCVCV VCCVCVCV CV CVC CVCV CVːCV CVCCV CVCVCV CVCVV CVCVCVCV CVCVCVCVCVCVCV

a ôô Êm-bô ô-gô-gô al-ma-se-na pa pay kha-dji buu-du tu-blan fô-mô-zô kha-sô-a tôn-dô-lôn-dji ta-li-ga-da-ma-fo-no

‘impersonal subject pronoun’ ‘eye’ ‘Annobon’ ‘pot’ ‘warehouse’ ‘in order to’ ‘father’ ‘house’ ‘stone’ ‘shark’ ‘beautiful’ ‘female dog’ ‘chirimoya’ ‘telegraph’

Spelling conventions � 15

2.3

Spelling conventions

The spelling conventions used for Fa d’Ambô are based on Maurer’s (1995, 2009) proposals for Angolar and Lung’Ie, as well as the unified spelling conventions officialised for Angolar, Lung’Ie, and Santome in 2013 (Decree-law 19/2013, published in the Official Gazette of São Tomé and Príncipe no. 102, from 14/08/2014). There are, however, some differences. Fa d’Ambô possesses three sounds that the other Gulf of Guinea creoles do not possess: • •

• •

[x] which is an allophone of [k]. [x] is represented by ; [ŋ] which occurs not only before [g] but also before vowels. Therefore [ŋ] cannot be considered an allophone of /n/ before /g/, and there is, at least phonetically, an opposition between [ŋ] and [ŋg], represented by vs. ; the nasal glide [ȷ͂] as opposed to [ɲ], represented by vs. ; , , and represent syllabic /m/, /n/, and /ŋ/. Furthermore, represents either syllabic /l/ or a syllabic lengthened /lː/ in a final position. In other cases, the apostrophe indicates deletion of a vowel.

Table 6 shows how the IPA symbols are represented by the graphemes used in this book. Long vowels are represented by two identical vowels. Table 6: Correspondences between spelling and IPA Spelling

IPA

Spelling

IPA

a

a

n

n

an

ã

n’

n̩

b

b

ng

ŋ

d

d

nh

j̃

dj

ʤ

ñ

ɲ

ê / ên

e/ẽ

ô / ôn

o/õ

e / en

ɛ / ɛ̃

o / on

ɔ / ɔn

f

f

p

p

g

g

s

s

i

i

t

t

j

ʒ

tx

ʧ

k

k

u / un

u/ũ

kh

x

v

v

l

l

w

w

l’

l̩

x

ʃ

m

m

y

j

m’

m̩

z

z

16 � Phonology

2.4

Tone

The aim of this section is to show that Fa d’Ambô makes tonal distinctions, but not to offer a thorough analysis of its tonology and tonetics. According to our analysis, Fa d’Ambô possesses a two-tone system (high and low) which exhibits different sandhi phenomena. Tone will not be indicated in the examples and in the texts, but in the word list, tone will be given where it has been possible to analyse it.

2.4.1 Nouns To determine a maximum of tonal contrasts with nouns, a frame with the habitual marker kha or with the progressive marker skha proved useful. As mentioned in § 2.1, only the short forms of the nouns can be determined for tone, since the long forms only occur sentence-finally or in isolation. Another difficulty ensues from the fact that some vowels are voiceless: in these cases, it is also impossible to determine the tones unless a native speaker is willing or able to whistle the tones.

2.4.1.1 Monosyllabic nouns In the corpus, monosyllabic nouns display a high tone, as in dô ‘pain’. It is only among monosyllabic subject pronouns that high and low tonal differences have been identified.5

180 150 120 90 60

Figure 2: H H LL Dô kha khaba. ‘Pain ends.’

Among the monosyllabic subject pronouns, the first and third-person singular show a low tone, whereas the second-person singular and first-person plural show a high �� 5 The audio files corresponding to the tone spectrograms in Figures 2 to 15 can be accessed at the following webpage: https://www.degruyter.com/view/title/510975.

Tone � 17

tone in the kha-frame. Figures 3 and 4 show the third-person singular and the firstperson plural pronouns.

180

180

150

150

120

120

90

90

60

60

Figure 3: L H LL Ê kha bêbê. ‘He drinks.’

Figure 4: H H LL Non kha bêbê. ‘We drink.’

However, if the word that follows the pronouns starts with a low tone, the low tone of the pronoun changes to a high tone, which is exemplified by Figure 5. Here, the thirdperson singular pronoun is realised as i.

180 150 120 90 60

Figure 5: H LL I bêbê. ‘(S)he drank.’

This change of pitch is due to a rule that precludes a low-tone word from being followed by another low tone word or by a word that starts with a low tone (see also § 2.4.4, below p. 21).

2.4.1.2 Disyllabic nouns Disyllabic nouns show the four logical tone melodies that a two-tone system displays: HH, HL, LH, and LL. These four tonal melodies occur in the frame with the habitual marker kha or the progressive marker skha, which have a high tone when followed by a disyllabic verb which has two simple low tones or whose first syllable consists of

18 � Phonology

two identical low tones, as in kêê-sê ‘grow’. Remember that these verbs are also pronounced with two simple low tones (as in kê-sê ‘grow’).6

180

180

150

150

120

120

90

90

60

60

Figure 6: HH H LL Bala kha pêndê. ‘The rifles get lost.’

Figure 7: HL H LL-L Balba kha kêêsê. ‘The beard grows.’

180

180

150

150

120

120

90

90

60

60

Figure 8: LL H LL Alê kha pêndê. ‘The king loses his way.’

Figure 9: LH H LL Bôntan kha pêndê. ‘The buttons get lost.’

In a frame which only consists of the bare disyllabic verb – the verb having thus a past perfective reading – only three tonal melodies occur: HH, HL, and LH. The disyllabic nouns which have LL in the kha-frame are realised as LH in the frame with the bare verb, as in Alê pêndê [LH LL9] ‘The King lost his way’.

2.4.1.3 Trisyllabic nouns Out of the eight possible tonal patterns that trisyllabic nouns may exhibit in the khaor the ska-frame, six have been identified up to now: HHL, HLL, LLL, LLH, LHL, and LHH. The tonal patterns HHH and HLH have not yet been found among nouns, but the tonal pattern HLH occurs in the personal pronoun nam’sê [HLH] ‘you (pl.)’, with the syllabic consonant . Some examples are: �� 6 kêsê also means ‘forget’.

Tone � 19

HHL HLL LLL LLH LHL LHH

kóntíkì ‘tuna fish of less than 10 kg’, ómóxò ‘armpit’ ébòɲì ‘ebony’, ínfìɲì ‘k.o. fish’ àbàdà ‘figue’, kùnkùnù ‘flea’, àbìlì ‘April’ xàdàlán ‘container’, làdàlán ‘thief’ àbwélà ‘grandmother’ àlédé ‘web’, xòxónʤó ‘coconut’

2.4.2 Verbs Most disyllabic verbs show an LL (or LːL) tonal melody in the kha-frame (see figures and examples in § 2.4.1 above, as well as (6)). However, there are some verbs, among them mendu ‘be afraid of, fear’, that exhibit a HH tonal melody. In such cases, kha surfaces with a low tone (7). (6)

Alê kha pêndê LL H LL king HAB lose ‘The king loses pigs.’

pôôkô. HHL pig

(7)

Alê kha mendu LL L HH king HAB fear ‘The king fears pigs.’

pôôkô. HHL pig

2.4.3 Minimal pairs The three minimal pairs presented in Figures 10 and 11 all contrast LL with HH words. The first pair, gêgê ‘affection’ vs. ‘kind of tree’, contrasts two nouns. The second pair, djiga ‘sand flea’ vs. ‘wild’, contrasts a noun and an attributive adjective, and the last pair, kulu ‘be raw’ vs. ‘be dark’, contrasts two qualificative verbs.

20 � Phonology

180

180

150

150

120

120

90

90

60

60

Figure 11: HH H LL Gêgê kha pêndê. ‘The gêgê (k.o. tree) disappears.’

Figure 10: LL H LL Gêgê kha pêndê. ‘Affection gets lost.’

200

200

170

170

140

140

110

110

80

80

Figure 12: LH HH H LL L’má djígá skhá khòlè. ‘The animal with sand fleas is running.’

Figure 13: LH LL H LL L’má djìgà skhá khòlè. ‘The wild animal is running.’

200

200

170

170

140

140

110

110

80

80

Figure 14: L H LL HH Khò sé kùlù múntú. ‘This is very raw.’

Figure 15: H L HH HH Khó sè kúlú múntú. ‘This is very dark.’

Some more examples are banda [HH] ‘side’ vs. banda [LH] ‘flag’, lima [HH] ‘spirit of death’ vs. lima [LH] ‘animal’, ôgô [HH] ‘enclosure for pigs and goats’ vs. ôgô [LL] ‘jungle’, and paatu [LLH] ‘dish’ vs. paatu [HHL] ‘bird’. In some cases, tonal melodies may differentiate verbs from their corresponding nouns: besa [LL] ‘bless’ vs. besa [HH] ‘blessing’, faata [LLL] ‘lack respect for’ vs. faata

Tone � 21

[HHH] ‘lack (n)’, kesa [LL] ‘complain’ vs. kesa [HH] ‘displeasure, trouble’, khalga [LL] ‘carry’ vs. khalga [HL] ‘load (n)’, sela [HH] ‘saw (v) vs. sela [HH] ‘saw (n)’, zuda [LL] ‘help’ (v) vs. zuda [HH] ‘help (n)’, and zunta [LL] ‘gather’ vs. zunta [HH] ‘gathering’. In other cases, the verb/noun distinction affects words that are not related, as in fuuta [LLL] ‘steal’ vs. fuuta [LHH] ‘fruit’, khama [LL] ‘burn’ vs. khama [HH] ‘bed’, and ola [LL] ‘pray’ vs. ola [HH] ‘hour’.

2.4.4 Tone sandhi As seen above, Fa d’Ambô does not allow for sequences of low tones across word boundaries. However, what causes a subjacent low tone to surface as a high tone must still be established. To illustrate the problems, let’s take the verb sunzu ‘dirty, insult’. In the kha-frame, it occurs as LL: (8)

Mun kha sunzu bo. L H LL H 1SG HAB dirty 2SG ‘I usually insult you.’

In the frame with the zero-marked verb, sunzu also occurs as LL, but mun ‘1SG’, which occurs as L in the kha-frame, occurs as H in this frame: (9)

Mun sunzu bo. H LL H 1SG dirty 2SG ‘I insulted you.’

In the following example, sunzu occurs between two low tones and it occurs as HH. (10)

Ê sunzu khamiza L HH LHH 3SG dirty shirt ‘He dirtied my shirt.’

mu. H POSS.1SG

It would appear that the tone that follows the verb determines the tones of the preceding elements. In (9), the high tone of bo allows the verb to remain LL, but the subject pronoun mun gets a high tone to avoid a sequence of two low tone words. In (10), it is the low tone of khamiza that obliges the verb to surface with high tones, but it allows the subject pronoun ê to remain low. However, if the realisations of khô se ‘thing DEM’ in Figures 14 and 15 are compared, the comparison seems to indicate that certain sequences of high tone words are also excluded. In Figure 14, the realisation of khô se as L H parallels the realisation

22 � Phonology

of alê ‘king’ in Alê pêndê ‘The King lost his way’ as LH LL, where the second low tone of alê is realised as a high tone before the low tone verb. But why is the tone of khô in Figure 15 realised as a high tone? It might be that khô exhibits polar tonal behaviour, taking the opposite tone of the word that follows it. Now, if it really were the case that sequences of low tone words are excluded, why does alê in (7) not raise its second low tone, thus allowing a sequence of two low tone words (alê ‘king’ and habitual marker kha)? The answer to these and many other questions must be left to a thorough analysis of the tonology and tonetics of Fa d’Ambô.

3 Morphological processes 3.1

Reduplication

In this section, reduplications that have intensifying or similar functions and lexicalised reduplications will be covered. Other types of reduplications will be presented in § 8.1, p. 229, on ideophones. Reduplications may be total or partial. Partially reduplicated words may undergo some changes in shape. Some words may only be totally reduplicated, such as pakhana ‘pimple’: pakhana-pakhana vs. *pa-pakhana or *pakha-pakhana. Others may only be partially reduplicated: vê-vêdji ‘intense green’ and ga-gaavu ‘very nice’ vs. *vêdji-vêdji and *gaavu-gaavu (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 203). The following three examples illustrate one totally and two partially reduplicated adjectives, wherein (13) shows an adjective whose first part has undergone change. (11)

[…]

a NS

nen

xi

PL

DEM

ba go

de give.3SG

khatigu punishment

xi

a

kha

DEM

NS

GENER

da give

ngg’ person

ôd-ôdu. RED~strong

[…] they gave him a punishment they give to very strong people. (lines 386f.) (12)

[…]

(13)

pixi fundu lame-lamadu fish bottom RED~appreciated ‘very appreciated fish from the bottom of the sea’

bo kha bê deke baabêê xi-xizu. 2SG HAB see COMP doctor RED~outstanding ‘[…] one could see that he was an outstanding doctor.’

The following syntactic categories can undergo reduplication: nouns (15 and 16), nouns used as prepositions (17), nouns used adverbially (18), adjectives used attributively (11, 12, and 14), as adverbs (19 and 20), adverbs (21), verbs (22), the predemonstrative plural marker nen (15; see § 4.1.2, p. 36), and numerals (see § 4.1.4.5, p. 61-62). With men ‘woman’ and pe ‘man’, the reduplication refers not to a very feminine or masculine person, but to an important person, and with tadji ‘afternoon, early evening’ (18), the reduplication means ‘around’ (see Spanish hacia la tarde, lit. ‘around the early evening’). Except for the cases just mentioned, reduplication has an intensifying function.

24 � Morphological processes

(14)

[…]

(15)

[…]

(16)

kha fê-fê dê skho subili. thing RED~ugly POSS.3SG PROG go.up ‘[…] the dreadful things he was doing were increasing.’ (line 640) Pa Kolokotxe ku … utuu nan pa-pe Mr PN and other PL RED~man ‘[…] Mr Kolokotxe and … other important men […].’ (452f.)

nen-nen RED~PL

[…].

xi DEM

khalga saku-saku dji djêlu pê lomba. carry RED~sack GEN money put back ‘Luiz carried a lot of sacks of money on his back.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 214) Luiz PN

(17)

Yôkhô cave

dôs, two

têêx, three

khatul four

untu-untulu RED~interior

zugu-zuguu RED~thicket.GEN

khambali tamarind

sai […] DEM.PCL ‘[There were] two, three, four caves far into the thicket of the tamarinds […].’ (lines 615f.) (18)

tee-taadji, RED~afternoon

Bam, well khasa head

khadji... house

banda around

Sanggiitan Sanggiitan

la o’clock

sêxi..., SIX

non 1PL

skê FUT

fê make

ku with

Gêêza-Ngain. Main.Chrch

ʻWell, in the afternoon, around six o’clock, we will head for the house of the Sanggiitan of the Main Church.’ (lines 937f.) (19)

ba Lizbôa. Se a ten ba fêê ga-gaavu […]. go TN CONN NS EPIST go do RED~good ‘Then they returned to Lisbon and enjoyed a good life […].’ (lines 443f.) Se

a

tan

CONN

NS

REP

(20)

[…]

(21)

Pintxuu ban tan da kulu-kulu […]. beware 2SG.NEG REP get.up RED~early ‘Don’t you dare get up very early […].’ (line 895)

(22)

Non bai, non ba nda-nda […]. 1PL go.PCL 1PL go RED~walk ‘Let’s go, let’s go for a walk.’ (line 744)

m kêlê fa..., bo bê pape se gavu-gavu […]. 1SG believe COMP 2SG see RED~man DEM RED~well ‘[…] I believe that you have seen this man very well […].’ (lines 992f.)

It seems that reduplicated colour adjectives do not have any function; i.e. they have the same meaning as their non-reduplicated forms. (23)

Ê 3SG

bixi dress

petu-petu, RED~black

dê

xi.

POSS.3SG

DEM

dêkê although

ê 3SG

kêsê… forget

ê 3SG

ska PROG

dwa mourn

m’na child

‘She was dressed in black although she had forgotten ... she was mourning her lost son.’ (lines 419ff.)

Reduplication � 25

The following reduplications are examples of lexicalised reduplications. Most of them are not semantically transparent. bababa7 bagabaga fekelefekele fenefene finggifinggi gudugudu khankhan kholokholo khôkhôsô koykoy kusukusu monggomonggo nggondonggondo patapata (da patapata) txeketxeke txietxie yagayaga zuguzugu (24)

‘obvious(ly)’ ‘broad, wide, strong’ ‘slim’ ‘drizzle’ ‘be humiliated’ ‘tumult’ ‘gravel’ ‘dynamic, fearless’ ‘neck and nape’ ‘kind of bird’ ‘residue from palm oil preparation’ ‘very young (child, plant)’ ‘somersaults’ ‘to crawl’ ‘slim and very active’ ‘nimble’ ‘clumsy’ ‘thicket’

ye bababababa. here obviously ‘It is very obvious that Toñi is here.’ Toñi

sa

PN

COP

(25)

Khô se bo faa e sa thing DEM 2SG say PCL COP ‘What you have said is very obvious.’

(26)

Namase atu fekelefekele. boy tall slim ‘The boy is tall and slim.’

(27)

Awa skha fê fenefene. water PROG do drizzle ‘It is drizzling.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 539)

(28)

Zwan

bababababa obvious

muntu. very

gwa finggifinggi. remain humillated ‘Zwan remained humiliated.’ PN

(29)

(30)

ala, se gudugudu da. there CONN tumult give ‘They were there, and then the tumult began.’ A

sa

NP

COP.PST

Lala se gaaga khanhan beach DEM be.rich.in gravel ‘There is too much gravel on this beach.’

muntu. much

�� 7 As examples (24) and (25) show, the syllable ba may be reduplicated more than three times.

26 � Morphological processes

(31)

bla nggondonggondo lapa open somersault cliff ‘Ze fell down the cliff doing somersaults.’ Ze PN

ba go

basu. down

Reduplications functioning as predicative adjectives behave like qualificative verbs. An example is bagabaga ‘be strong’. (32)

Nggi xi gôôdô bagabaga. person DEM be.fat be.strong ‘This person is fat and strong.’

(33)

Nggi xi bagabaga person DEM be.strong ‘This person is very strong.’

(34)

Nggi xi bi bagabaga. person DEM PST be.strong ‘This person was strong.’

maxi. much

The lexicalised reduplication monggomonggo ‘very young’ can be used attributively (35a) or predicatively (35b), but in this case it does not function as a qualificative verb since the presence of the copula is obligatory. In (35c), monggomonggo is nominalised. (35)

3.2

monggomonggo. very.young

a.

Ë sa mina 3SG COP child ‘She is a baby.’

b.

Mina se sa monggomonggo. child DEM COP very.young ‘This is a newborn baby.’

c.

Monggomonggo dêli na skha young.age POSS.3SG NEG PROG ‘His young age doesn’t allow him to speak.’

leg’e let.3SG

faa speak

fa. NEG

Derivation

Derived words may maintain their original shape, such as khaza ‘get married’ → khaza-mentu ‘wedding’, but they also might suffer some alterations, such as ola ‘pray’ → la-san ‘prayer’.

Derivation � 27

3.2.1 Deverbal derivation 3.2.1.1 Past participle 3.2.1.1.1 Functions of the past participle The most productive of the deverbal derivational morphemes is the suffix -du, which functions as a past participle. It is used attributively (36), predicatively (with an obligatory copula) (37-39), adverbially (referring not to the verb, but to the subject of the sentence) (40), in dynamic passive constructions with the TAM marker la (41), and can be nominalised (42). (36)

[…]

(37)

Ximafan amu, m Ø kêlê like 1SG 1SG PRS believe ‘In my opinion, this machine is broken.’

fa

Veyu old

sai

bi

sa

DEM.PCL

PST

COP

(38)

ku beega s’khodu […]. with stomach dry.PTCP ‘[…] with an empty stomach […].’ (line 559)

khay house

dji of

men AUGM

mayn woman

COMP

makina machine

se

sa

DEM

COP

danadu. break.PTCP

kubilidu cover.PTCP

ku with

sin. zinc ‘The old house of that elderly woman was covered with zinc.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 197) (39)

Laanza tudu vla bôbidu tatata. orange all become ripen.PTCP IDEO ‘The oranges have all become very ripe.’

(40)

Se, CONN

masê young.man

fômôzô handsome

se

ten

DEM

EPIST

dêsê go.down

fo come.from

navin, ship

bixidu-bixidu. RED~dress.PTCP ‘Then this handsome young man came out of the boat, all dressed up.’ (lines 423f.) (41)

(42)

Zwan

la

PN

PRF

swadu. weep.over.PTCP ‘Zwan has been wept over.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 279) pizadu budubudu dji bafitu weigh.PTCP IDEO of table ‘the heavyness of the table’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 249)

If the semantics of the past participle of a particular verb does not correspond to the semantics of the verb, it is treated like a qualificative verb and takes Ø or an overt TAM marker. An example is pizadu ‘heavy’ or tiividu ‘cheeky’, derived from piza ‘weigh’ and from têêvê ‘dare’.

28 � Morphological processes

(43)

Lavulu se bi pizadu budubudu ximafan wan book DEM PST weight.PTCP IDEO like a ‘This book was very heavy, like a stone.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 277)

(44)

Se

bo fa8 nape ten kha... txiividu CONN 2SG COMP man EPIST GNR cheeky.PTCP ‘You know that men are very cheeky.’ (lines 142f.)

budu. stone

n’tu. very

3.2.1.1.2 Forms of the past participle Verbs ending in -a, -e, -o, and -u are suffixed with -du, whereas verbs ending in -ê, -i, and -ô receive the suffix -idu. Regular forms of the past participle undergo regular sound changes. Verbs ending in -a and having a or an in their stem lose their or and lengthen the -a of the stem, and verbs that have the ending -idu undergo palatalisation (bat-ê ‘beat’ → batx-idu) or defricativisation (khôkh-ô ‘crack’ → khôkidu). Some examples are: baya mala tabaya ximya

‘dance’ ‘tie’ ‘work’ ‘sew’

baadu maadu tabaadu ximaadu

fene m’ve ze

‘splash’ ‘abort’ ‘be acid’

fenedu m’vedu zedu ‘acid’

batê kê kêêsê khôndê khônôsê lê mêsê mêtê

‘beat’ ‘fall’ ‘grow’ ‘hide’ ‘know’ ‘read’ ‘want’ ‘put’

batxidu kidu kêêxidu khôndjidu khônôxidu/khônxidu lidu mêxidu mêtxidu / mitxidu (l. 970)

bi pindji

‘come’ ‘ask to do’

bidu pindjidu

fofo khokholo pono

‘blow’ ‘cut a piece’ ‘fall’

fofodu khokhoodu ponodu

khôkhô

‘crack’

khôkidu

fugu

‘stir earth (hens)’ fugudu

�� 8 In this sentence, the complementiser occurs without the verb sêê ‘to know’.

Derivation � 29

Some irregular forms are: kebela kêsê mia pêndê poofya pya sêbê sêbê

‘break’ ‘forget’ ‘get wet’ ‘lose’ ‘insist’ ‘look’ ‘know’ ‘rain’

kebaadu kixidu madu pindjidu puufadu padu sabidu xibidu

3.2.1.2 Other deverbal derivational morphemes Adnominal suffixes are -dôl/-dô, -(i)da, -du, -mentu, and -san (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 125, 131, 136). -dôl/-dô derives an actor noun from a verb: baya ‘dance’ → baadô ‘dancer’, gôvena ‘govern’ → gôven(a)dô ‘governor’, ximya ‘sow’ → ximaadô ‘sower’. (45)

lambaladô dji djizgalasa se sakha sufili montxi. remember.DER GEN accident DEM PROG suffer much ‘Those who remember this misfortune are suffering a lot.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 203) Nan PL

-mentu derives an action noun from a verb: batxiza ‘baptise’ → batxizamentu ‘baptism’, khaba ‘end’ → khabamentu ‘end’, khaza ‘marry’ → khazamentu ‘wedding’, livila ‘liberate’ → livilamentu ‘liberation’, mazna ‘think, imagine’ → maznamentu ‘thought’, nêsê ‘be born’ → nêsêmentu ‘birth’, pensa ‘think’ → pensamentu ‘thought’. Like -mentu, -san derives action nouns from the verb: bêtê ‘sprout, appear’ bêtêsan ‘sprouting, appearance’, golo ‘digʼ → golosan ʻdigging; investigationʼ, kiya ‘raise, take care’ → kiyasan ‘action of raising, of taking care’, mazna ‘think, imagine’ → maznasan ‘imagination’, ola ‘pray’ → lasan prayer. However, the noun maasan ‘wickedness’ is not derived from a verb, but from an adjective (mal or maw ‘bad’) (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 136). (46)

Bêtêsan dji Khandjia somba mu. appear.DER GEN PN astonish 1SG ʻThe apparition of Khandjia astonished me.ʼ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 141)

A further adnominal derivational suffix is -(i)da: gaba ‘praise, flatter’ → gabaida ‘flattery’, lankha ‘tear off’ → lankhada ‘action of tearing off’. In the case of baxida ‘humbleness’, the noun is derived from the qualificative verb baxi ‘(be) humble’.

30 � Morphological processes

(47)

kha tele Baxida dê sa be.humble.DER POSS.3SG COP thing country.GEN ‘His humbleness is something superhuman.ʼ

soya.9 story

3.2.2 Denominal derivation The suffix -ê/-êlu derives nouns from nouns and refers to professions, with some phonological changes or not: sapatu ‘shoe’ → sapatêlu ‘shoemaker’, fitxisu ‘sorcery’ → fitxisela ‘witch’ and fitxiselu ‘sorcerer’, balba ‘beard’ → baabêlu ‘doctor’, omali ‘sea’ → maliêlu ‘sailor’. The suffix –(l)ôzô derives adjectives which express the quality inherent to the noun from which it is derived: bisku ‘viscosity’ → biskôzô ‘viscous’, mbo ‘mould’ → mbolôzô ‘mouldy’, pôdê ‘power’ → pôdêlôzô ‘mighty’.

3.2.2.1 Reduplicated nouns as adjectives Reduplication of certain nouns leads to adjectives referring to the quality of the corresponding nouns: fañia ‘flour’ → fañia-fañia ‘floury’, khobo ‘cavern’ → khobo-khobo ‘cavernous’, lama ‘branch’ → lam-lama ‘leafy’, lamu ‘branch’ → lam-lamu ‘leafy’, mangga ‘branch’ → mangga-mangga ‘canopy’, opo ‘dust’ → opo-opo ‘dusty’, pakhana ‘pimple’ pakhana-pankhana ‘pimply’, sebu ‘fat’ → sebu-sebu ‘fatty, greasy’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 214). (48)

khala pakhana-pakhana face RED~pimple ‘a pimply face’

(49)

awa sebu-sebu water RED~fat ‘greasy water’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 214)

3.3

Fusion

Fusion occurs with nouns and verbs. With nouns, fusion occurs with personal pronouns and with the genitive. The genitive will be described in § 4.2, below p. 76. Verbs may fuse with an object pronoun.

�� 9 The metaphorical meaning of tele soya ‘country of story’ is ‘fantasy, something unreal, something that does not exist’.

Fusion � 31

First- and second-person singular subject pronouns undergo fusion with the negation marker na, whereby mun + na → man or men and bo + na → ban (50 and 52). Mun also fuses with the purposive marker pa, yielding pen (51). (50)

(51)

Men sêê lazan i non ske da 1SG.NEG know story DEM 1PL FUT tell ‘I don’t know what we will tell your father.’ (lines 179f.) “Pues, well bo 2SG

man 1SG.NEG max’ more

tan

suku have

REP

fa

zwan no

pe father

pen

kha thing

fa say

PURP.1SG

bo. POSS.2SG

n 1SG

ga IPFV

fa say

[…].

NEG.PCL

‘Well, there is nothing I can tell you any more […].’ (lines 681f.) (52)

Ban bê dêkê khô 2SG.NEG see COMP thing ‘Don’t you see that this is my death?’ (line 98)

se

sô

DEM

COP

môô death

fa?” NEG

Fused verb forms occur with the first-person singular object pronoun with verbs ending in -a, whereby the fused form may have en or een as its last syllable. da mu lega mu manda mu pasa mu ta mu vla mu xina mu (53)

‘give me’ ‘leave me’ ‘order me’ ‘pass me’ ‘put me’ ‘turn me’ ‘show me’

→ → → → → → →

den (or deen) legen manden pasen ten vlen xinen

ôdjie se ome teen today FOC sea put.1SG ‘Then today the sea has thrown me on land.’ (lines 569f.) […]

se

CONN

san ground

tela land

sai. DEM.PCL

The third-person singular object pronoun also forms a unit with the preceding verb, such as da + li → de ‘give her’ (line 402), mata li → mate ‘kill him’ (line 211), sama li → s’me ‘call her’ (line 339), pongota + li → pongote ‘ask him’ (line 594).

4 The noun phrase The head of a noun phrase is either a noun or a pronoun. It may be modified by a determiner (54), an adjective (55), a past participle (56), a prepositional phrase (57 and 58), a genitive construction (59), a verb phrase (60), or a relative clause (61). The relativiser ku is not obligatory (see § 4.4, below p. 78). (54)

khay sai house DEM.PCL ‘this house’

(55)

an khay a house ‘a big house’

(56)

alôsô kudjidu rice boil.PP ‘boiled rice’

(57)

pêêdê dji khadji wall of house ‘the wall of the house’

(58)

wan khasôô ku a dog with ‘a dog with big ears’

(59)

pêêdêê khadji wall.GEN house ‘the wall of the house’

(60)

Khwô se kha limpa dentxi. thing DEM thing clean tooth ‘This is something for cleaning teeth.’

(61)

maa xi (ku) bi man DEM (REL) come ‘the man who came yesterday’

ngaandji big

ola ear

ngaandji big

onte yesterday

34 � The noun phrase

4.1

The noun

4.1.1 Gender10 The noun is invariable and there is no grammatical gender distinction. In some cases, natural gender is distinguished lexically. (62)

masebu ome/omu nome pay/pe alê galu

‘man’ ‘man, husband’ ‘boy, young man’ ‘father’ ‘king’ ‘rooster’

mosa/moso miele/mie namiele/namie mayn/men laya ngganhia /ngganha

‘woman’ ‘woman, wife’ ‘girl, young woman’ ‘mother’ ‘queen’ ‘hen’

In rare cases, especially with kinship terms, the Portuguese endings –a (f.) vs. –o (m.) have been maintained, as in sogola ‘mother-in-law, daughter-in-law, sister-in-law’ vs. sogolo ‘father-in-law, son-in-law, brother-in-law’, or fiyu ‘son’ vs. fiya ‘daughter’. Agentive deverbal nouns (which can also be used as adjectives, see below p. 68) can be marked for natural gender, such as nganadôlô/nganadô (m.) vs. nganadôla/nganadôa (f.) ‘winner’ (< ngana ‘to win’) (adapted from Zamora Segorbe 2010: 201). This distinction belongs to a lect that is more influenced by Spanish. However, usually the form which corresponds to the masculine form is used independently of natural gender. (63)

a.

Nganadôa dji kopa sa Monkha. winner.F of cup COP Monkha ‘The winner of the cup is Monica.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 203)

b.

Nganadô dji kopa sa Monkha. winner of cup COP Monkha ‘The winner of the cup is Monica.’

Natural gender of certain humans and animals is differentiated by naapay ‘male’ and naamayn ‘female’, which follow the noun. (64)

mina/m’na naapay namen mu naapay nunzwa naapay gatu naapay ôbôô naapay khabaa lônggô naapay galu pata

‘my son’ ‘my brother’ ‘male adolescent’ ‘male cat’ ‘bull’ ‘billy goat’ ‘drake’

mina/m’na naamayn namen mu naamayn nunzwa naamayn gatu naamayn ôbôô naamayn khabaa lônggô naamayn pata naamayn

�� 10 Barrena (1957: 24-25), Zamora Segorbe (2010: 158-163).

‘my daughter’ ‘my sister’ ‘female adolescent’ ‘female cat’ ‘cow’ ‘goat’ ‘duck’

The noun � 35

Instead of khabaa lônggô naapay (lit. ‘goat long male’), bodji or bodji khabaa ‘billy goat’ may be used. Namen mu naapay and namen mu naamayn refer to siblings on the mother’s side; for siblings on the father’s side nape mu naapay ‘brother on my father’s side’ and nape mu naamayn ‘sister on my father’s side’ are used.11 In the case of mina naamayn ‘daughter’, it is also possible to say mina mie(le), but mina ome instead of mina naapay is not acceptable. Mina mie(le) is the only case where mie(le) ‘woman’ denotes natural gender. In order to distinguish ‘my daughter’ from ‘the child of my wife’, the possessor must be marked either by the insertion of the preposition dji ‘of’ or by the lengthening of the vowel of the possessed (genitive construction). (65)

a.

b.

Ise

mu.

DEM

mina mie child woman ‘This is my daughter.’

POSS.1SG

mina dji mie mu. child of wife POSS.1SG ‘This is the daughter of my wife.’ Ise

DEM

c.

minaa mie mu. child.GEN wife POSS.1SG ‘This is the daugher of my wife.’ Ise

DEM

4.1.2 Number The noun is not marked for singular, but there are two strategies that mark the additive plural of the noun: (i) nan is preposed to the noun, and (ii) the noun receives the prefix z-.12 Nan is used exclusively with human nouns, or in certain cases with animate nouns, and z- only occurs on certain nouns, human or not, that start with a vowel. This entails that inanimate nouns may never be marked for plural if they start with a consonant. Note that z- is far less frequent than nan; native speakers of Fa d’Ambô may not even know this strategy.

�� 11 Name and nape mean ‘sister’ and ‘brother’, whereas naamayn and naapay mean ‘female’ and ‘male’. Naamayn and naapay probably derive from m’na dji > m’naa may ‘child.GEN mother’ and m’na dji > m’naa pay ‘child.GEN father’, where lengthening indicates the genitive construction. 12 The nominal plural markers nan and nen are very similar to the third-person plural pronoun ineyn; in the other Gulf of Guinea creoles, the nominal plural marker and the third-person plural pronoun are identical (Santome (i)nen, Angolar ane/ene, Lung’Ie ina/ine). The prefix z- derives from the Portuguese plural articles as ‘f.pl’ and os ‘m.pl’, which are realised as [ɐz] and [uz] before vowel. Some examples of z- are alu/zalu ‘halo’, ankha/zankha ‘buttock/s’, atxi/zatxi ‘art/s’, ope/zopi ‘foot/feet’, ubêlê/zubêlê ‘udder/udders’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 150, 165, 168); see also examples (69) and (70).

36 � The noun phrase

(66)

(67)

(68)

txigêzu fê neyn an pesa maaaaaaatxi Portuguese do 3PL a lot suffering ‘[…] and then the Portuguese caused them a lot of suffering.’ (lines 485f.) […]

se

nan

CONN

PL

Êêê,

nan

EXCL

PL

nom’ a, pa mata young.man PCL HORT kill ‘Hey, you guys, let’s kill this shark.’ (lines 8f.)

tublan shark

[…].

sai. DEM.PCL

Nan

khasô skha paa onunya. dog PROG bark moon ‘The dogs are barking at the moon.’ PL

(69)

(70)

deentxi dji z-omʼ… s’ ineyn… batxiza nunza in.front of PL-man FOC 3PL baptise boy ‘Listen! They baptised the boy right in front of these men.’ (lines 581f.) […]

waya,

sai.

EXCL

DEM

z-aba d ôpa gwôva say PL-branch GEN tree guava DEM ‘the branches of this guava tree’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 168)

The plural marker nen pluralises demonstrative determiners like se and xi, but not the noun (see § 4.1.4.2 below). When a human noun is modified by a demonstrative, the plural is usually marked twice: once on the noun (nan) and once on the demonstrative (nen), although prenominal nan can be omitted. (71)

a.

b.

Se

nan

CONN

PL

[…]. pa nen se fa mu xi man PL DEM tell 1SG so ‘These men spoke to me in the following way […].’ (line 473) pa nen se faa m xi: […]. man PL DEM tell 1SG so ‘These men spoke to me in the following way […].’ Se

CONN

The absence of nen in example (71) produces an ungrammatical structure. c.

*Se nan pe se faa mu xi: […].

In this example pe ‘man’ is marked for plural, but the demonstrative se has a singular reference. When a noun is marked by z-, the demonstrative must also be marked for plural: z-alma nen xi ‘PL soul PL DEM’ ‘these souls’ vs. *z-alma xi. Inanimate nouns can only be indirectly marked for plural if they are modified by a demonstrative (except if they are marked by z-). (72)

[…] pê put

dasu piece bate boat

djendja banana

pi unripe

nen-nen RED~PL

xi

ku

DEM

REL

mêtê put

[…].

‘[…] all the unripe bananas they had put into the canoe […].’ (lines 510f.)

The noun � 37

Nan also functions as a marker of the associative plural: nan Pedulu ‘Peter and his family/ friends/group’. When nan pluralises a last name, the noun phrase refers to the family members. (73)

Se

sa

nan

FOC

COP

PL

khata… se sa kʼ a khʼ san… group DEM COP REL NS HAB call ‘This is the group … that is called the Faustinos.’ (lines 988f.)

Faustino. Faustino

With numerals, nan may (74) or may not (75) occur if the noun is introduced for the first time into discourse, i.e. if its referent is not known to the hearer. (74)

[…]

ta when

ineyn 3PL

mayn woman

dôsu, two

nggê person

a

kha

NS

IPFV

xiga arrive

an one

basu lower.part

nggê person sama call

a

kha

NS

IPFV

Khada,

se

TPN

FOC

sama call

nan

bi come

Fiip, Fiip

PL

se and

an one

Fililipie. Fililipie

‘[…] when they arrived at the lower part of Khada, two women arrived, one was called Fiip and the other Fililipie.’ (online corpus) (75)

Mina boy m 1SG

dôsu two khônsê know

khadji house

mu.

Nan

COP

POSS.1SG

PL

nen 3PL

fêê make

xinku five

sa

anu year

mina boy

dôsu two

nen

sai,

PL

DEM

za. already

‘Two boys are at my place. I have already known these boys for five years.’

However, if the noun phrase is definite, the presence of nan is obligatory. In the second occurrence of mina dôsu in (75) and in nan pay dô-dôsu in (76), the noun phrase is overtly marked for definiteness by the demonstrative determiner se/sai. (76)

a.

b.

pay dôsu nen-nen sai ma kuzu man two RED~PL DEM.PCL take thing ‘[…] And then these two men took their belongings […].’ (lines 573f.) […]

se …

nan

CONN

PL

[…].

* Se pe dô-dôsu nen se ma kuzu.

In (77), in spite of the fact that the referents of the noun phrase have not been introduced into the text yet, nan is obligatory. The reason is probably that the group of ‘important men’ is one of the topics of the narration since the beginning. (77)

a.

b.

pe ngan-ngan dôs sêê man RED~big two go.out ‘[…] two very important men went out […].’ (line 536) […]

se

nan

FOC

PL

* se pe nge-ngaandji dôsu sêê

[…].

38 � The noun phrase

If a quantifier like sapa ‘a lot of’ determines the noun, the prenominal nan may or may not occur. This is only possible with human nouns, since non-human nouns cannot be pluralised. (78)

Sapa a.lot

pôlôxia policeman

taave problem

f, NEG

ê 3SG

nen

se

kha

s’

PL

DEM

MOD

COP

kha HAB

ala, there

ê 3SG

na

sa

NEG

COP

txinka. go.up

‘Even if a lot of policemen were there, he wouldn’t care, he would go up.’ (upublished oral corpus) (79)

Sapa nan maa nen se tudu sa taaxi a.lot PL man PL DEM all COP behind ‘All these people stood behind her.’ (online corpus)

dêli. POSS.3SG

4.1.3 Diminutive and augmentative The diminutive is formed with the prefix na-, which is derived from mina ‘child’, as in nakhadji ‘a small house’ or napôkhôdôlô ‘a short person’. The prefix na- not only refers to size but also to a low noise. (80)

M têndê wan nafaa d 1SG hear a DIM.voice GEN ‘I heard the low noise of the creek.’

awa. water

The question arises as to whether na- has to be considered a prefix or a clitic. What is clear is that no element may intervene between na- and the modified noun. In reduplications, na- is only repeated when it is lexicalised: nape-nape ‘many siblings’ on the one hand, and nan nakhobo-khobolo ‘the little snakes’ vs. *nan nakhobo-nakhobolo on the other. The fact that na- is not repeated in non-lexicalised reduplications can be interpreted in two ways. Either it could mean that in this case is one element that intervenes between na- and the modified noun, namely the (partial) reduplication of the noun, here khobo-. In this instance, na- must be considered a clitic. Or, the fact that na- is not repeated in such cases could be taken as an argument for considering reduplications as single lexical entries, and in this case, na- has to be considered a prefix. An argument that corroborates the hypothesis that na- is a prefix is the behaviour of the past participle suffix –du. When a participle is reduplicated, the suffix is not repeated, as in pi-pidu (< pê ‘to put’) ‘one put next to the other’, with *pidu-pidu not being grammatical.

The noun � 39

(81)

Banda tuu sa pi-pidu van atia. flag all COP RED~put above flagpole ‘The flags are all in a row at the top of their flagpoles.’

There are some cases where, instead of na-, a construction with mina/m’na or m’ne is used to form a diminutive. (82)

Wan a

m’na

se

a

ten

sa

CONN

NS

EPIST

COP

DIM

khadji, house

[…]

sê FOC.3SG

khai house.PCL

ku… and kha HAB

Sanggiitan Sanggiitan

ma take

m’v’da problem

Gêza church xi

Nganhi [...] main […].

DEM

‘A little house […] that’s where Xinggili and the Sanggiitan of the Main Church [...] [lived]; they were at home with the normal everyday problems […].’ (lines 585ff.) (83)

non tan txya an m’ne kusan […]. 1PL REP take.out a child.GEN heart ‘[…] so we can take its small heart out too […]’ (lines 229f.) […]

po

COMP

This means that the starting point of the grammaticalisation of the diminutive -na, namely the noun mina or m’na ‘child’, is still used in the language. M’na as a diminutive marker retains another nominal property: if it modifies a noun which is not used as a quantifier, it may take the genitive form as in example 84a), which is not the case with the prefix na-, as shown in (84b and c). (84)

a.

an m’ne a DIM.GEN ‘a little heart’

kuusan heart

b.

an nakuusan a DIM.heart ‘a little heart’

c.

*an nekuusan a DIM.GEN.heart ‘a little heart’

kitxi small

kitxi small kitxi small

If m’na modifies a noun used as a quantifier like fi ‘thread; a little bit’, m’na may not take the genitive form. (85)

a.

an m’na fi vin a DIM bit wine ‘a little bit of wine’

b.

*an m’ne fi a DIM.GEN bit ‘a little bit of wine’

vin wine

40 � The noun phrase

c.

an nafi vin a DIM.bit wine ‘a little bit of wine’

There is one case where the opposition between m’na and na- is distinctive: m’na mie mu means either ‘my wife’ or ‘my daughter’, whereas namie mu means either ‘my little wife’ or ‘my little daughter’. In some cases, the diminutive na- has an emotional function, either affectionate or disdainful. The occurrences of na- in (86) are all affectionate, whereas in (87), naexpresses disdain. (86)

[…] bi venir

lai

a

sakha

PRESENT

IPL

PROG

e,

ta

pa

sa

PCL

OBL

COMP

COP

namo DIM.woman

sai,

fo can

l 3SG

bi come

fêê make

pê allow

DEM.PCL

e

f.

PCL

NEG

pakê because

pê PURP.3SG

dêkê… COMP

mase young.man

namase DIM.man

gavu good

nafômôzôô DIM.beauty.GEN

khaza marry

ku… with

xi

ku

skhee

DEM

REL

FUT

pa PURP

bi come

namo DIM.woman

kha

sa

MOD

COP

nggi person

sʼ DEM

tê have an NS.NEG

xi DEM

‘[…] as a matter of fact, they were there thinking that the young man who would come should be a young man with a good character for him to get the young woman, because the beauty of this young woman does not allow her to marry just anybody.’ (lines 41ff.) (87)

Txya nakhabe se fo khaasa. take.off DIM.hair DEM come.from head ‘Get this ridiculous hairstyle off your head.’

The most usual augmentatives are formed with men (dji) ‘mother (of)’, pe (dji) ‘father (of)’, ôkhô ‘calabash’, or taba dji ‘a board of’. Taba dji is also realised as tabaa (or alternatively as tabee), where it is the lengthening of the last vowel that indicates the genitive relationship (see § 4.2, below p. 76). (88)

wan men khadji, wan pe khadji, wan tabaa khadji wan men lavulu, wan tabaa lavulu wan pe masebu, wan tabaa masebu wan tabaa ôpa, wan pe ôpa, wan men ôpa wan men pixi, wan pe pixi, wan tabaa pixi

‘a big house’ ‘a huge book’ ‘a strong man’ ‘a huge tree’ ‘an enormous fish’

There are some restrictions on the distribution of these augmentatives, especially regarding men ‘mother’ and pe ‘father’, which cannot modify nouns referring to the opposite natural gender, as for instance in *wan men masebu ‘a huge man’.

The noun � 41

With men and pe, the genitive preposition d is not very frequent, but it may occur before a vowel, as in men d’ôkhô ‘enormous calabash’ or wan pe d’ôpa ‘a huge tree’. Furthermore, whilst pe may modify khadji ‘house’, it may not, for instance, modify lavulu ‘book’. This needs further research. All these augmentatives may co-occur, except for men, which cannot co-occur with pe: wan taba men ôkhô pixi / khadji / pôkhôdôlô ‘an enormous fish / house / person’, wan men ôkhô pôkhôdôlô ‘a huge person’. A further example is: (89)

Se

taba

CONN

nunza sai sa l’ba pe young.man DEM.PCL COP top AUGM ‘The boy was on top of the huge lili.’ (lines 874f.)

AUGM

lili k.o.tree

sai. DEM.PCL

The noun khaasa ‘head’ may also function as an augmentative, but it must always cooccur with another augmentative: wan ôkhô khaasa pixi ‘an enormous fish’. There are more specific augmentatives. An example is djalmenta (possibly related to lamenta ‘tool’) whose use is restricted to stabbing weapons such as knives or swords. (90)

ê mêtê men djalmenta fakha se pê […]. 3SG put AUGM AUGM knife DEM put ‘[…] he had stabbed this huge knife [into the supposed woman] […].’ (line 983) […]

Another example is lanxa ‘boat’: (91)

dʼ an lanxa pañi. give a AUGM pregnancy ‘[…] and made her pregnant.’ (line 664) […]

sêê

CONN.3SG

Lanxa has a wider range of uses than djalmenta: lanxa d’aa-bôkha ‘a lot of phlegm’, lit. ‘boat of mouth water’, lanxa d’ope ‘enormous feet’, but lanxa is not as common as men or pe.

4.1.4 Determiners and corresponding pronouns Some determiners precede the noun and some follow it. The possible combinations of the determiners which follow the noun with each other and the combinations of these determiners with other elements, like adjectives and prepositional phrases, are summarily addressed in § 4.8, below p. 100.

42 � The noun phrase

4.1.4.1 The indefinite article Fa d’Ambô has no definite articles, but the numeral wan/an ‘one’ is used as a singular indefinite article. (92)

ôxi a kote tublan sai, se xig’ wan nome. when NS slice shark DEM.PCL CORR arrive a young.man ‘When they had sliced open the shark, a young man came out [of the shark].’ (lines 11f.) Se

CONN

Indefinite plural human nouns always need a quantifier like almidu dji ‘some’ or an indefinite determiner like zugwan (dji) ‘some’, which obligatorily combine with the plural marker nan. (93) illustrates indefinite human nouns in the subject position and (94) in the object position. (93)

(94)

a.

Almidu dji nan nggê some GEN PL people ‘Some people got home.’

b.

*Nggê la xiga khay. people PRF arrive house ‘Some people got home.’

a.

M bê zugwan 1SG see some ‘I saw some men.’

b.

/

la PRF

almiduu some.GEN

xiga arrive

nan PL

khay. house

masebu. man

*M bê masebu.

In contrast, with animate and inanimate nouns, the presence of a quantifier or an indefinite determiner is obligatory in the subject position, but not in the object position if an indefinite plural meaning is intended. (95 and 96) illustrate animate and human nouns in the subject position, and (97 and 98) animate and inanimate nouns in the object position. Note that (95b and 96b) are not grammatical with the intended quantificational meaning. (95)

(96)

a.

Uzwan paatu skha vaa matu. some bird PROG fly field ‘Some birds are flying in the fields.’

b.

*

a.

Almiduu nan masebu some.GEN PL man ‘Some men arrived at home.’

b.

*

Paatu skha vaa matu. bird PROG fly field ‘Some birds are flying in the fields.’

Nan

xiga arrive

masebu xiga khadji. man arrive home ‘Some men arrived at home.’ PL

khadji. house

The noun � 43

(97)

(98)

paatu. bird

a.

M bê 1SG see ‘I saw birds.’

b.

M bê zugwan 1SG see some ‘I saw some birds.’

a.

M bê khadji. 1SG see house ‘I saw houses.’

b.

M bê zugwan 1SG see some ‘I saw some houses.’

paatu. bird

khadji. house

When an inanimate noun in the subject position is bare, it may have a singular as well as a plural reference, but in both cases the reference is definite, i.e. known to the speaker and hearer. In this sense (95b) would be grammatical if the intended meaning were ‘The bird/birds is/are flying in the fields.’ Another example is (99). (99)

Khalaxi khabela. glass break ‘The glass broke.’ / ‘The glasses broke.’

4.1.4.2 Demonstrative determiners and pronouns The demonstrative determiners are se (sai in final position; see (100) which contains both forms in their respective syntactic position), xi, sala, and xiki, all of which have contracted forms. Se has several functions. If it is used in a speech act situation, it functions as a proximal demonstrative. When two entities that are near the speaker or the hearer are pointed at, se/sai is used in both cases. (100)

Lavuu se tankê lavuu book PROX.DEM look.like book ‘This book looks like that book.’

sai. PROX.DEM.PCL

Se fulfills not only deictic, but also anaphoric functions and as such is very frequent in the texts. (101)

[…] ma take

se

a

CONN

IPL

bi come

mat’ kill

Palea

an a

tublan. shark

Tublan shark

se

se

a

DEM

FOC

IPL

[…].

PLN

‘[…] and [they] killed a shark. And this shark they brought to Palea […].’ (lines 10f.)

44 � The noun phrase

(102)

mose se faa nan. man DEM say no ‘[…] but the doctor still said no.’ (line 92) […]

se

CONN

Since se has not only deictic but also anaphoric functions, the question arises as to whether it is grammaticalising into a definite article. Apart from anaphoric functions, a definite article is usually used for generic reference and in associative contexts. In both cases, Fa d’Ambô uses bare noun phrases (see § 4.1.5, below p. 66); therefore, we do not consider se a definite article. The allomorphs of se are due either to elision or to assimilation to the vowel of the following word: • •

kêsê se ku ê skha kêsê (grow DEM REL PROG grow) ‘while he was growing’  kêsê s’ k’ ê skha kêsê (line 599). fakha se pê (knife DEM put)  fakha sê pê (line 975)

The allomorph sa/a of sai (allomorph of se in final position) belongs to the speech of younger people (103). (103)

fê khô a. do thing DEM ‘And they were doing that over and over again.’ (line 335) Se

a

skha

CONN

NS

PROG

The demonstrative determiner xi always refers to referents that are not in sight. In most cases, xi marks the end of a noun phrase13 which is modified by a relative clause. (104)

Nam’sê 2PL

na

nen-nen RED~PL

xi

NEG

DEM

sêê know [ku] [REL]

fa

dêkê

COMP

COMP

sa

untu inside

COP

mu 1SG d GEN

se

sa

FOC

COP

omee sea

tublan shark

xiôô ruler.GEN tuu all

faa? NEG.PCL

‘Don’t you know that I am the one who is the ruler of each and every shark of all the seas, without exception?’ (lines 14f.) (105)

(106)

Nam’sê bo m’nsaa mun khame xi 2PL go show 1SG place DEM ‘Show me the place where the king is.’ (lines 78f.)

Pa Mr

Xi’ Sir

khame xi k’ ê kha djuuni. place DEM REL 3SG HAB sleep ‘[…] that is the place where he used to sleep.’ (lines 643f.) […]

se

sa

FOC

COP

�� 13 Only a few elements may be located after xi, cf. examples (72) and (73) below.

Alê King

sa. COP

The noun � 45

In (107), xi does not precede a relative clause, and it could be replaced by se without any change in meaning. (107)

a.

S’

ôdje djia se bo m’nsaa today day FOC 2SG show ‘Today you’ve shown me this.’ (line 206) CONN

b.

m 1SG

khô thing

xi. DEM

S’ôdje djia se bo m’nsaa m khô se.

The difference between se and xi is not always straightforward, as (107) shows. But it seems that, since xi is often used as a noun phrase-final (or prefinal) element before a relative clause, superficially similar sentences (108a and b) may be interpreted differently. (108)

a.

nggi xi ma bi person DEM take come ‘the person who brought it’

b.

Nggê se ma bi. person DEM take come ‘This person brought it.’

Of course, in (108a), the relativiser ku could be inserted after xi: nggi xi ku ma bi ‘idem’, but not in (108b). Furthermore, a sentence like *Lavuu xi tankê lavuu se ‘This book is like that book’ (see 100) is incomplete; tankê lavuu se should be interpreted as a relative clause modifying lavuu, as in (109). (109)

Lavuu xi tankê lavuu se sa liba book DEM look.like book DEM COP top ‘The book that looks like this book is on the bed.’

khama. bed

The two allomorphs of xi are due to elision: i and x, as in khame i ‘the/this place’ (line 130) and matxi x ‘the/this suffering’ (line 493). Sala may or may not be used in speech act situations. In a speech act situation, se is used to refer to an entity which is located near to the speaker and hearer, whereas sala is used to refer to an entity that is located further away, as (110) shows. In this case, se functions as a proximal and sala as a distal demonstrative. (110)

Lavuu sala tankê lavuu sai. book DIST.DEM look.like book PROX.DEM.PCL ‘The book over there is like this book here.’

The comparison can also be implicit, as in (111), where sala refers to the world of the dead as opposed to the world of the living, which is not mentioned overtly.

46 � The noun phrase

(111)

M’ 1SG ben side

ba go

san ground

ba go

djuuni, sleep

se

m’ 1SG

CONN

sa

mundu... world

COP

veedadji truth

sala […]. DEM

‘I went to sleep and I was in the real world of the other side [i.e. of the dead or of the dreams] […].’ (lines 805f.)

Whereas se in a speech act situation refers to an entity that is in sight, sala does not have to do so. The exact meaning of sala is ‘the other one at a certain distance, in sight or not’. Outside a speech act situation sala is not correlated with se (112). (112)

[…]

ê 3SG

kha MOD

kha

tokha run.into

MOD

ma take

ê 3SG

kha MOD

nunza boy kum eat

sal’ DEM

ê 3SG

k’ with

kha MOD

paatu dish

da give

bo 2SG

kum food

dêli, POSS.3SG

pakhada beating

ê 3SG

pê put

l’ba […]. top ‘[…] if he runs into a boy with a dish of food, he will take it and eat it, and, in addition to it, he will even give this person a beating […].’ (lines 818ff.)

Sala has a short form sa, as in wan almiada […] ope sai, wan ope sa ‘one pillow at this foot and another at that foot’ (online corpus). Xiki/xki is parallel to sala in that it implies distance, but in contrast to sala it never refers to an entity in sight. Imagine the following situation: A needs a pen and B gives one to him. After a while A gives the pen back to B. After another while A needs the pen again and B gives him one, but not the same one as before. A reacts as in (113). (113)

No, deen ixki. no give.1SG DEM ‘No, give me the other one (i.e. the one he got first).’

In a correlative construction with wan ‘one’, the meaning of xki is ‘the other’. (114)

Se CONN

ôxi when

wan one

nggê person

san ground

ku with

Ope leg

Deege-deegadu RED~thin

môlidu die.PTCP gola throat

pindjaadu hang.PTCP labentadu, cut.PTCP

bê see

nan

namen brother

dê

PL

pê put

van, top

nggê person

xki

sa

DEM

COP.PRS

POSS.3SG

dô-dôsu RED~two

[…].

‘When Ope Deege-Deegadu saw his two brothers, one dead, hung on top [of the tree] and the other on the ground with his throat cut […].’ (online corpus)

The noun � 47

The construction xki … sala (or isala if it is a pronoun) fulfills the same function as wan … xki (115). (115)

S’

ê 3SG

CONN

kumu; eat

kha ITER

s’

ê 3SG

CONN

kumu eat

a go

mangga branch

kha ITER

a go

xki

s’

DEM

CONN

isala

s’

DEM

CONN

ê 3SG ê 3SG

kha ITER

kha ITER

paan take

paan take

kha ITER

kha ITER

moso. just

‘He would climb on one branch, take [an orange/oranges] and eat [it/them], he would climb on another branch, take [an orange/oranges] and just eat [it/them].’ (online corpus)

The correlative construction ixki … ixki is used for reciprocal voice (116). (116)

[…]

se CORR

nggi person

xki

paa look

nggi person

ixki

nggi person

DEM

DEM

fêxyaal soldier

ixki DEM

paa look

nggi person

ixki,

se

DEM

CONN

ixki. DEM

‘[…] the two soldiers looked at each other.’ (lines 218f.)

As mentioned in § 4.1.2, p. 36, in a plural noun phrase the demonstrative determiner must be marked for plural. In case of the non-human nouns, the demonstrative must be modified by the predemonstrative nen; human nouns are modified by the prenominal nan as well as by the predemonstrative nen, whereby the prenominal nan may also be omitted. The predemonstrative nen may also be reduplicated, as the following examples show. (117)

[…]

dasu piece

pi unripe

nen-nen RED~PL

xi

ku

DEM

REL

mêtê put

pê put

[…].

bate canoe (118)

djendja banana

‘[…] all the unripe bananas they had put into the canoe […].’ (lines 510f.) Se nan pa nen-nen se, wan tadji, tempu kezun, and PL man RED~PL DEM one afternoon time Lent non 1PL

bi

sa

Vidji-Nganhi.

PST

COP

TN

se CORR

‘All these men, one afternoon during Lent, we were at the Vidjil-Ngaandji.’ (lines 455ff.)

If two nouns are conjoined, only the last noun is modified by the plural marker nen and the demonstrative.

48 � The noun phrase

(119)

kaderno ku lapis nen sai notebook and pencil PL DEM.PCL ‘these notebooks and pencils’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 369)

If the noun is modified by an adjective, se or sala must follow the adjective to form a noun phrase; if se follows the noun, the adjective has a predicative function, or, in other words, it functions as a qualificative verb. (120)

kuusu kitxi se/sala/xki cross small DEM ‘this/that small cross’

(121)

Kuusu se/sala/xki kitxi. cross DEM be.small ‘This/That cross is small.’

In contrast, xi must follow the noun to form a noun phrase, but if xi follows the adjective, it must be followed by a relative clause. (122)

kuusu xi kitxi cross DEM small ‘the small cross’

(123)

kuusu kitxi xi m bê cross small DEM 1SG see ‘the small cross I saw yesterday’

onte yesterday

The translation of ‘The cross is small’ is Kuusu kitxi, or as in example (121), but never *Kuusu xi kitxi. Numerals and possessive determiners precede demonstratives, as illustrated in (124a and b) and (124c and d) respectively. (124)

a.

Se

nan

xki

CONN

PL

nggê xinku nen person five PL ‘Then those five people came home.’

DEM

b.

{…] nan nggê xinku nen se, sala, xi […].

c.

Ê 3SG m’na child

bixi dress

petu-petu, RED-black

dê

xi.

POSS.3SG

DEM

dêkê although

ê 3SG

bi come

kêsê… forget

khai. house.PCL

ê 3SG

ska PROG

dwa mourn

‘She was dressed in black although she had forgotten ... she was mourning her lost son.’ (lines 419ff.) d.

[…] m'na dê se/sala/xki

The noun � 49

This also holds if the possessor is a noun (125). If, however, the possessed noun fakha in (125) is followed by a demonstrative determiner, as in (126), the whole structure gets a different syntactic interpretation, where fakha nen se functions as the head of a direct object relative clause. (125)

Fakha Pedulu nen se knife PN PL DEM ‘Pedulu’s knives got lost.’

(126)

fakha nen se Pedulu knife PL DEM PN ‘the knives Pedulu lost’

pêndê. loose pêndê loose

Moso ‘only’ and men ‘self, exactly’ follow demonstratives, also in cases where xi is located before a relative clause (127). (127)

(128)

khô xi moso mu thing DEM only 1SG ‘This is the only thing I want.’ (lines 95f.) Se

sa

FOC

COP

nggo like

khôl. with.3SG

faa li khô xi men. tell 3SG thing DEM exactly ‘They told him exactly the same thing again.’ (online corpus) A

tan

NP

REP

The demonstrative determiner tili ‘such’, which occurs rarely in the corpus, precedes the noun and refers to a quality of the referent of the noun it modifies. (129)

M sa tili m’na xi, se, men tê khamada 1SG COP DEM boy so CONN 1SG.NEG have friend ‘I am the kind of child that doesn’t have friends […].’ (line 272)

fa

[…].

NEG

To sum up the functional difference between the determiners se, xi, sala, and xki, it can be stated that se and sala may be used for referents that are in sight, but also for referents that are not in sight; in contrast, xi and xki may only be used for referents that are not in sight. The demonstrative pronouns consist of the demonstrative determiners modified by the prefix i-: ise, ixi, isala, and ixki. Their functions parallel those of the demonstrative determiners. Only in constructions with the copula is the form ise reduced to se (130). (130)

Waya,

se

ten

sa

EXCL

DEM

EPIST

COP

swa xi namoo se story DEM DIM.woman DEM ‘Well, this is is the story of the young woman […].’ (line 112)

[…].

50 � The noun phrase

In example (131), the interrogative kê ‘which’ and the demonstrative pronoun ise are contracted to [ksɛ], and in (132), kê and the demonstrative ixi are contracted to [ki]. (131)

K’ se sa? what DEM COP ‘What was this?’ (lines 959f.)

(132)

K’ i sa dji which DEM COP GEN ‘What is your problem?’

bo? 2SG

The last example shows that the demonstrative pronouns may be modified by the interrogative determiner kê ‘which’. A special case is when wan/an ‘one, a’ combines with isai, isala, or ixki. It then functions as an indefinite pronoun meaning ‘something else’. (133)

ê kha bi ku an ixki s’ ineyn kha kumu. 3SG HAB come with a DEM CONN 3PL HAB eat ‘And he’d come back with something else and they’d eat it.’ (lines 262f.) S’

CONN

The meaning of this construction can also be ‘one of these’ or ‘one of those’; a combination of wan/an with ixi is not possible because what follows wan ixi would automatically be interpreted as a relative clause, in the sense of ‘one who’. The pronoun ixi may function as the antecedent of a relative sentence (134) and is also used to pronominalise adjectives (135). (134)

Nggonggo pleasure da give

bo 2SG

xi DEM

m 1SG

xiii like.this.PCL

su COP

ku with

bo 2SG

ya,

se

sa

ixi

PCL

FOC

COP

DEM

m 1SG

ske FUT

[…].

‘The pleasure to be with you is what I will give you […].’ (lines 321f.) (135)

Ixi

vêdji se sa dji mu. green FOC COP.PRS POSS 1SG ‘The green one is mine [not another].’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 202) DEM

The other demonstrative pronouns (ise, isala, ixki) cannot be used for this function. The plural of the demonstrative pronouns is formed by inserting the plural marker nen between the prefix i- and the determiners: inense/inensai, inenxi, inensala, inenxki. The functions of the pronouns parallel those of the determiners. (136)

Inense se mu gusta maxi ku DEM.PROX.PL FOC 1SG like more than ‘These are the ones I like more than theirs.’

dji GEN

dineyn. POSS.3PL

The noun � 51

(137)

Inenxi non bê onte sa DEM.DIST.PL 1PL see yesterday COP.PRS ‘Those we saw yesterday are better than these.’

gavu good

maxi more

ku than

inensai. DEM.PROX.PL

4.1.4.3 Possessive determiners and pronouns Most possessive determiners follow the noun. Fa d’Ambô possesses two sets of possessives: sociolinguistically unmarked and sociolinguistically marked possessives. The sociolinguistically unmarked possessive determiners are listed in Table 7. Table 7: Sociolinguistically unmarked possessive determiners khadji mun/mu/mi/m

‘my house’

khadji non

‘our house’

khadji bo

‘your (sg.) house’

khadji naminsêdji / nam’sêdji

‘your (pl.) house’

khadji dêl

‘her/his house’

khadji neyn, dineyn, dineñi

‘their house’

The possessive determiners of the third-person singular and plural are originally prepositional phrases formed with the genitive preposition dji/d. This might have been true for the other persons as well. In the case of nam’sêdji ‘you (pl.)’, the use of dji is optional; in the case of bo, non, nam’sêdji, and neyn it is possible to mark the possessed noun with the genitive particle. Table 8 illustrates all the possibilities with the noun tela ‘country, land’. Table 8: Possessive determiners, the preposition dji/d, and the genitive suffix -e 1SG

tela mu

*tela dji mu

*tele mu

2SG

tela bo

*tela dji bo

tele bo

3SG

tela dêl

*tela dji dêl

*tele dêl

1PL

tela non

*tela dji non

tele non

2PL

tela nam’sêdji

tela dji nam’sêdji

tele nam’sêdji

3PL

tela dineyn

tela dj’ineyn

tele neyn

In the following examples, bo ‘your (sg.)’ is preceded by nouns that are marked for genitive (khe vs. kha ‘thing’, m’ne vs. m’na ‘child’; see the contrast between tela mu ‘my country’ vs. tele bo ‘your country’ in 139).

52 � The noun phrase

(138)

“Ô oh ku with

mina-mie daughter

d GEN

m’ne child.GEN

Êlê, king

bam, go.IMP.1PL

ma take

khe thing.GEN

bo, POSS.2SG

bo 2SG

be go

bo. POSS.2SG

‘Oh princess, let’s go. Take your belongings and leave with your child.’ (lines 232f.) (139)

“Nam’sê… 2PL têndê understand

kha IPFV

têndê understand

fe sound

fe sound

tele country.GEN

tela country

mu?” POSS.1SG

“Ee, yes

non 1PL

kha PRS

bo.” POSS.2SG

‘ “Do you … understand my language?” “Yes, we understand the language of your country.” ’ (lines 268f.)

The usual possessive forms of the first-person singular are mu or mun, depending on the speakers’ choice. The form mi is very rare. (140)

(141)

Memen se men lady DEM mother ‘Dear lady […].’ (line 310)

mi

a […].

POSS.1SG

PCL

M’na mi ya, m suku tempu peen child POSS.1SG VOC 1SG have time PURP.1SG ‘My son, I have time to listen [to you].’ (lines 426f.)

têndê.” listen

The second-person singular and plural possess two forms, tô and txi. These forms belong to a formal style and are used when addressing people of lower social standing or of young(er) age. Tô is also used among people of the same social standing (Table 9). Table 9: Sociolinguistically marked possessive determiners tô khai

‘your (sg.) house’

higher  lower / older  younger / horizontal

khai txi

‘your (sg.) house’

higher  lower / older  younger

In our corpus, only tô (example 142) occurs. (142)

da pe tô lazan.” give father POSS.2SG.SLM information ‘So I can inform your father.’ (line 677) (mother  child) […]

pen

PURP.1SG

(143)

khai men tô house mother POSS.2SG.SLM ‘the house of your mother’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 199)

The noun � 53

Tô and txi may be modified by the (human) plural marker nan to form an associative plural, as in kha nan tô/txi ‘your house and that of your family’. This construction is only used in a formal conversation, therefore *kha nan bo is not possible. This also holds for other pronouns: *kha nan êli. In older Fa d’Ambô, suwô or suwa occurred for the third-person singular, either pre- or postnominal, as in khadji suwa or suwa khadji ‘her/his house’. For the first- and second-person plural, the form nostulu ‘our’ and vostulu ‘your’ occured, which were applied to persons of a higher social standing, as in vostulu xyôlô / xyôlô vostulu ‘your (pl.) master’. There existed also the forms noso ‘our’ and voso ‘your’; nowadays, they only occur in fixed expressions, as in noso pay ‘our father’, which refers to an Annobonese leader, and padêlê noso ‘our father’, which refers to God. The form butuu/butulu ‘your (pl.)’ is also obsolete; it was used when addressing people of a lower or the same social status. If a noun is modified by a possessive determiner as well as by other determiners, the possessive always follows the noun. (144)

Fakha bo/dineyn nen knife POSS.2SG/3PL PL ‘Your/Their knives got lost.’

se DEM

pêndê. lose

If the noun is modified by an adjective, the possessive follows the adjective (145). (145)

Sapatu ngaandji mu nen sai, shoe big POSS.1SG PL DEM.PCL ‘It is with my big shoes that I will go [there].’

se FOC

m 1SG

skee FUT

ma take

bai. go

Possessive pronouns are a combination of the genitive preposition dji or of kha ‘thing’ with possessive determiners (Table 10). Table 10: Possessive pronouns dji mu / kha mu

‘mine’

dji non / kha non

‘our’

dji bo / kha bo

‘yours’

dji namsêdji / kha namsêdji

‘yours’

dji dêli / dji dê / kha dêli / kha dê

‘her/his/its’

djineyn / dji dineyn / kha dineyn

‘their’

These pronouns are only used in a non-predicative function. (146)

Dji mu sa peetu, dji bo of 1SG COP near of 2SG ‘Mine is nearby, yours is far away.’

sa COP

paatadu. far

54 � The noun phrase

(147)

Kha dê se m thing POSS.3SG FOC 1SG ‘It is his that I have taken.’

ma. take

In a predicative function, it is not the possessive pronoun that is used, but the subject noun is repeated in the predicate, followed by the possessive determiner. (148)

Khadji se khadji house DEM house ‘This house is yours.’

bo. POSS.2SG

Examples like (149) and (150) are considered as being odd, whereby (150), with the copula, seems more acceptable than (149). (149)

(150)

*/? Khadji se dji house DEM GEN ‘This house is yours.’

bo.

*/? Khadji se sa house DEM COP ‘This house is yours.’

khadji house

POSS.2SG

bo. POSS.2SG

In that case the possessive combines with a demonstrative, the possessive precedes the demonstrative. (151)

khadji mu se house POSS.1SG DEM ‘this house of mine’

4.1.4.4 Quantifiers Most quantifiers precede the noun: almidu ‘some’, bagi ‘a lot’, gaavina ‘a lot of’ (for non-liquids)’, kada ‘every’, kha ‘a little bit (lit. ‘thing’)’, khadalan ‘a lot of (for liquids; lit. ‘very big cauldron’), loda ‘a lot’, meetu ‘a part of’, montxi/môi ‘a lot’, pesa ‘a lot’, pono ‘only’, sapa ‘a lot’, todo ‘all’, zugunhu/zugwan/zwan ‘some’. The quantifiers that follow the noun are moso ‘only’ and tudu/tuu ‘all’, and batantxi ‘a lot’ may precede or follow the noun (168). Some of the prenominal quantifying determiners possess nominal properties, in the sense that they might be modified by the numeral an/wan ‘one’ (158, 162, 164) or by the genitive preposition dji, as in gaavina dji nggê ‘a lot of people’ or khadalan d’awa ‘a lot of water’ (see also 152a). The genitive relationship is also realised by lengthening the last vowel of the quantifier (152b and 159) or by changing the last vowel from -a to -e (156). The numeral and the genitive preposition may co-occur in wan montxi/môi dji nggê ‘a lot of people’.

The noun � 55

(152)

a.

M bê almidu 1SG see some ‘I saw some men.’

dji

nan

GEN

PL

masebu. man

M bê almiduu nan masebu. 1SG see some.GEN PL man ‘I saw some men.’ […] ineyn teen fêê bagi gaavu dineyn 3PL EPIST do lot good POSS.3PL ‘[…] they enjoyed a very good life […].’ (lines 444f.) b.

(153)

(154)

Kada lavuu tê xyôl dêl. every book have owner POSS.3SG Every book has its owner. (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 231)

(155)

Deen kha d awa. give.1SG thing GEN water ‘Give me a little bit of water.’

(156)

Kum ke khaani. eat.IMP thing.GEN meat Eat a little bit of meat. (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 230)

(157)

[…]

(158)

(159)

[…].

[…]. khu loda masan dêli with lot wickedness POSS.3SG ‘[…] he and the lot of wickedness in him […].’ (lines 632f.) Ê ku an loda maasan dêli. 3SG with a lot evil POSS.3SG ‘He and the lot of evil in him.’ […] skha PROG

kha HAB

zwan no

nggê person

pê… put

lodaa lot.GEN

ma take

e

f.

PCL

NEG

xi…

na

INTENS

NEG

khalga load

sêê know

khame place

x’

k’

DEM

REL

ê 3SG

ê 3SG

skha,

k’

PROG

REL

nen

xi

k’

PL

DEM

REL

ê 3SG

‘[…] nobody at all knew where he was hiding all the things he would steal.’ (lines 653ff.) (160)

mêêtu nan mosa part PL woman ‘a part of the women’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 229)

(161)

[…]

k’ REL

ma take

ê 3SG

khamaa place

kha HAB

pôv’ people

mêtê put ai PCL

pesa lot

khalga load

nen-nen RED~PL

xi

k’

DEM

REL

ê 3SG

skha HAB

pê. put

‘ […] where he used to put a lot of loads he took from the people’s place.’ (lines 620f.)

56 � The noun phrase

(162)

[…]. An pesa nan nggê tela khansa a lot PL person country get.tired ‘A lot of people of that country got tired […].’ (line 494)

(163)

Sapa lot

pôlôxia policeman

taave problem (164)

f,

ê 3SG

NEG

nen

se

kha

s’

PL

DEM

MOD

COP

kha HAB

ala, there

ê 3SG

na

sa

NEG

COP

txinka. go.up

‘Even if a lot of policemen were there, he wouldn’t care, he would go up.’ (online corpus) Mun bi ska daantxi pakê kha txiipa mu, todo kha 1SG PST PROG be.ill because thing belly POSS.1SG all thing tudu all bêbê drink

mun 1SG

kha

kumu eat

HAB

wan a

sapa lot

se

na

skha

CONN

NEG

PROG

fêê do

fu,

se

NEG

CONN

mun 1SG

kha HAB

mindjian. medicine

‘I was ill because of my stomach; whatever I ate would not help me, and I drank a lot of medicine.’ (online corpus) (165)

zugwan nan some PL ‘some women’

mina woman

‘Only’ can be realised by the prenominal pono or by the postnominal moso. In (166), both occur in the same noun phrase. (166)

[…]

sêê CONN.3SG

dêli poss.3SG

ku with

piza push

bate canoe

pono only

m’nape DIM.man

ta put

p’ put xi DEM

awa, water

moso only

so COP

ku with

men woman

kho with

neñ 3PL

khadji house ay. PCL

‘[…] and then he pushed the canoe into the sea, with his wife and with the only son they had. (lines 501ff.) (167)

Zwan pono nggê na fo ba khame i no single person NEG can go place DEM ‘No one could go to the place where the girl was.’ (lines 130f.)

namoo DIM.girl

se

sa.

DEM

COP

As mentioned above, batantxi ‘a lot’ may precede or follow the noun. (168)

a.

Txigêzu fêê neyn batantxi matxili. Portuguese do 3PL lot suffering ‘The Portuguese caused them a lot of suffering.’

b.

Txigêzu fêê neyn matxili batantxi.

Regarding the Fa d’Ambô synonyms for ‘all’, todo precedes the noun (169) and tudu/tuu is located at the end of the noun phrase (169-171), i.e. also after a relative clause (169 and 172).

The noun � 57

(169)

Todo all

zunta meeting

ô or

kha thing

nova news

nen

‘i

k’

a

skee

PL

DEM

REL

NS

FUT

da give

tudu […]. all ‘For all the meetings or news, in order to be informed […].’ (lines 863f.) (170)

(171)

khalga ña khadji soga tuu pêndê beza. load firewood house.GEN mother-in-law all lose already ‘[…] the loads of firewood for the house of the mother-in-law were already lost. (line 713) […] Djizu se sa nggi xi sa ngaandji… non tudu. Jesus FOC COP person DEM COP great 1PL all ‘[…] Jesus is always the greatest of all of us.’ (lines 982f.) […]

As shown in (169) and (172), the quantifiers todo and tudu may co-occur; in this case, the construction is emphatic. Note that in (172) tudu is located after the relative clause. (172)

[…]

se

a

CONN

NS

Êmbô Annobón

ten also

fa call

todo all

baabe doctor

nen

xi

ten

sa

PL

DEM

EPIST

COP

dantu in

tudu […]. all

‘[…] they said to all the doctors who were in Annobón, without exception […].’ (lines 51f.)

Todo cannot be used as a pronoun, unlike tudu. Tudu, however, can only be used as a pronoun if it refers anaphorically to an already mentioned referent, i.e. only if it is an elliptic construction. (173)

Tudu pêndê. all lose ‘Everything got lost.’

(174)

M kumpa tudu. b. *M kumpa 1SG buy all 1SG buy ‘I bought everything.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 242)

b.

*Todo all

pêndê. lose todo. all

The indefinite determiner uzwan ‘some’ precedes the plural marker nan (175). (175)

[…]

ê 3SG

da bump

khonta against

ku COMP

uzwan some

nan PL

nome DIM.man

ska PROG

fêê make

navin. boat ‘[…] he ran into some young people who were playing “boats” [a traditional game].’

58 � The noun phrase

4.1.4.5 Numerals There is only one form for the numerals from one to ten. From eleven to ninety, the Annobonese forms compete with African (e.g. Bantu) calques or Spanish forms. The cardinal numerals are presented in Table 11. Table 11: Cardinal numerals 1 unhu / unha (wan, an)

40 dexi khatulu / khwalenta

2 dôsu

50 dexi xinku / xinkenta

3 têêxi

60 dexi sêxi / sesenta / sênchi

4 khatulu

70 dexi seta / setenta

5 xinku

80 dexi ôtu / ochenta

6 sêxi

90 dexi novu / novinta

7 seta

100 sentu, syen

8 ôtu

101 sentu unhu /ku unhu /khunhu

9 novi

181 sentu ochenta unhu

10 dexi

200 sentu dôsu / dôsentu

11 an dexi ku unhu ~ s’unhu / onze

205 sentu dôsu ku xinku

12 an dexi ku dôs ~ sa dôs / dôze

300 sentu têêxi / tresientos

13 an dexi ku têêxi / teleze

400 kwatusentu

14 an dexi ku khatulu / khatoloze

500 kinhentu

15 an dexi ku xinku / kinze

600 sêysentu

16 an dexi ku sêxi / djisêxi

700 setxisentu

17 an dexi ku sete / djisete

800 wêtusentu

18 an dexi ku ôtu / djizôtu

900 novesentu

19 an dexi ku novi / djiznove

1’000 mili, miledji

20 dexi dôsu / vinta

1’280 mili duzentu i wêtenta

21 dexi dôsu ku unhu / vinta unhu 22 dexi dôsu ku dôsu / vinta dôsu 30 dexi têêxi / txilinta

2’000 dôsu mili / miledji dôs, dôs miledji 100’000 sen mili 1'000’000 (an) mion

The numeral unha/unhu ‘one’ is used in counting or as a pronoun, whereas wan or an is used as a determiner which always precedes the noun. (176)

a.

b.

M suku wan / an khadji. 1SG have one house ‘I have a house.’ *M suku khadji wan. 1SG have house one ‘I have a house.’

The noun � 59

(177)

M suku 1SG have ‘I have one.’

unha / unhu. one

Wan/an is also used as an indefinite article (see § 4.1.4.1, p. 42). Furthermore, it is used as ‘approximatively’ in combination with time indications. (178)

Ta da wan la xinku ku mêê […]. when arrive one o’clock five with half ‘When it was approximately half past five […].’ (lines 534f.)

In other contexts, zugwan or valadji, both ‘some’, are used: M bê zugwan pixi xinku ‘I saw approximately five fish’ or M kumpa valadji sentu djaana ‘I bought around one hundred bananas’. *M bê wan pixi xinku is not grammatical. In certain cases, an/wan ‘one’ may also function as an indefinite determiner meaning ‘some’. (179)

Bo 2SG an… a

sê know kumu, food

fa COMP

an a

ôxi when

navin ship

kha HAB

bi, come

se CORR

bo 2SG

kha HAB

bê see

khô... . thing

‘You know that when a ship arrives there is some … food and other things … .’ (lines 417ff.)

The numerals from two to nine usually follow the noun, but, less commonly, they may also precede it. (180)

a.

M suku khadji 1SG have house ‘I have nine houses.’

novu. nine

b.

M suku novu 1SG have nine ‘I have nine houses.’

khadji. house

The following example was spontaneously produced: (181)

S’ and

ineyn 3PL

djuun sleep

wan one

nôtxi, night

s’ and

ineyn 3PL

djuun sleep

nôt’ night

têêxi. three

s’ and

ineyn 3PL

djuun sleep

nôtxi night

dôsu… two

‘And then they slept one night, then they slept two nights, three nights.’ (lines 505f.)

With the noun anu ‘year’, the numeral always precedes the noun.

60 � The noun phrase

(182)

Da arrive sêxi six

djia day anu, year

se DEM

se CONN

nggê person

xi

nggi person

xi

DEM

DEM

ngaandji big kitxi small

tê have

ôtu eight

khatulu four

anu. year

anu, year

dji GEN

metadji middle

‘At that time the eldest was eight years old, the second six years, and the youngest four years.’ (online corpus)

The numeral dexi ‘ten’ may precede or follow the noun, but if it precedes it, it must be modified by wan/an ‘one’. (183)

a.

N suku an 1SG have one ‘I have ten hens.’

dexi ten

b.

N suku ngganha 1SG have hen ‘I have ten hens.’

ngganha. hen dexi. ten

If the noun starts with a vowel, the genitive preposition is obligatory: an dexi d’anu ‘ten years’ vs. *an dexi anu; if it starts with a consonant, dji is optional, as in an dexi (dji) mina ‘ten children’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 239). From eleven to nineteen, the tens precede the noun and the units follow it if the original Fa d’Ambô numeral is used. The noun is modified by the genitive preposition di if the noun starts with a vowel. (184)

M suku an dexi 1SG have one ten ‘I have twelve hens.’

(185)

[…]

ngganha hen

ku with

dôsu. two

tempu xi m bi s’ku an dexi time DEM 1SG PST have one ten ‘[…] at that time, I was sixteen years old […].’ (line 466)

d GEN

anu year

ku with

sêxi […]. six

From twenty-one onwards, the second numeral of the compound numeral (as in dexi dôsu ‘twenty’) must follow the noun (186a). In other words, only dexi ‘ten’ may precede the noun. Bare tens may not show this construction if the more Portuguese- or Spanish-based numerals are used (187b). (186)

a.

dexi khay dôsu ku dôsu ten house two with two ‘22 houses’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 240)

b.

*vinta pêsôa ku xinku ’25 people’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 240)

The noun � 61

Further examples are sentu pulvu ku novi ‘109 octopuses’ or sentu wan dexi khabala ku novi ‘119 goats’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 241). The numbers from 11 onwards that are Portuguese- or Spanish-derived may precede or follow the noun. The prenominal position, which reflects superstrate syntax, is felt as the more usual one. (187)

a.

M suku onze khadji. 1SG have eleven house ‘I have eleven houses.’

b.

M suku khadji onze. 1SG have house eleven ‘I have eleven houses.’

Cardinal numerals can be reduplicated. The reduplicated numeral may precede or follow the noun. In general, the reduplication is total; only dôsu ‘two’ may be partially reduplicated (dô-dôsu). Regarding ‘one’, both the pronoun (unhu/unha) and the determiner (wan/an) may be reduplicated without a change in meaning. (188)

a.

M 1SG

ximaa unhu-unhu bana pê been sow RED~one plantain put side ‘I sowed the plantains over there one by one.’

b.

M ximaa bana unhu-unhu pê been sala.

c.

M xima bana wan-wan pê been sala.

d.

M ximaa wan-wan bana pê been sala.

sala. DEM

From the numeral two onwards, the reduplication has either a distributive meaning (‘x each’) or it emphasises the amount of referents (‘the x of them’). When the meaning is distributive, the prenominal determiner khada ‘each’ may be used instead of the reduplicated numeral. (189)

a.

M da nan m’na nen sai djanga 1SG give PL child PL DEM.PCL banana ‘I gave each of the children two bananas.’ (online corpus)

b.

M 1SG

da give

khada each

m’na child

nen

sai

PL

DEM.PCL

djanga banana

dô-dôsu. RED~two dôsu. two

Examples (190-192) illustrate the two functions of the reduplication with têêxi ‘three’. (190)

Ineyn têêxi-têêxi bai. 3PL RED~three leave ‘The three of them left.’

62 � The noun phrase

(191)

(192)

mina têêxi-têêxi ma faa se fa mama […]. child RED~three take word CONN tell mother ‘And the children – the three of them – began to speak and told their mother […].’ (online corpus) Se

nan

CONN

PL

Da khada nggê lavulu têêxi-têêxi. give each person book RED~three ‘Give everybody three books each.’

In comparison to the non-reduplicated numeral (194), the reduplicated numeral is ambiguous (193). (193)

N da nan nggê khatulu nen se 1SG give PL person four PL DEM ‘I gave these four people three books each.’ / ‘I gave all three books [I had] to these four people.’

(194)

N da nan nggê khatulu 1SG give PL person four ‘I gave three books to these four people.’

nen

se

PL

DEM

lavuu book

têêxi-têêxi. RED~three

lavuu book

têêxi. three

There is, however, a syntactic problem. It seems unclear whether the reduplicated numerals form a unit with the noun that they are supposed to be modifying, at least in its function ‘x by x’. This is best seen with the numeral ‘one’, since this is the only numeral which precedes the noun. Now, if (188) is considered, it appears that, on the one hand, the numeral wan/an may follow the noun, and, on the other hand, that the pronominal forms unhu/unha may be used. Our conclusion is that if the reduplicated numeral has a distributive meaning, corresponding to the English ‘each’, i.e. if the Fa d’Ambô reduplicated numeral is equivalent to a construction with khada, it is adnominal, and if not, i.e. if the reduplicated numeral means ‘one by one’ or ‘three by three’ etc., it is adverbal. There are different strategies to form ordinal numerals. From one to three, the ordinal numerals derived from Portuguese or Spanish are used: piimêlu/-a ‘first’, senggundu/-a ‘second’, têlêsêlu/-a ‘third’. The numeral ‘last’ is rendered by khabamentu ‘end’, followed by the genitive preposition dji or by the equivalent lengthening of the last vowel of khabamentu. (195)

Ôdjie sa djia khabamentuu today COP day end.GEN Today is my last day of work.

taaba work

mu. POSS.1SG

The noun � 63

(196)

Mu sa khabamentu dji fila 1SG COP end GEN row ‘I am the last one of the third row.’

têlêsêla. third.F

From four onwards, either the Spanish-derived ordinals or two original Fa d’Ambô constructions involving a relative clause with the verb fêê ‘make, do’ are used: • •

fêê + ordinal numeral (197 and 198) fêê + repetition of the antecedent noun + ordinal numeral (199)

(197)

Ba khadji xi fêê xinku. go house DEM make five ‘Go to the fifth house.’ (lit. ‘Go to the house that has made five.’)

(198)

Sêê CONN.3SG

fêê make

panha take dôsu, two

unyu, one

sêê CONN.3SG

sêê CONN.3SG

tan also

kumu. eat kumu, eat

Sêê

panha take

CONN.3SG

têêxi three

sêê CONN.3SG

ixi DEM

kumu. eat

‘Then he took one [orange] and ate it. Then he took the second one and also ate it, and he took the third one and ate it.’ (online corpus) (199)

Ba khadji xi fêê go house DEM make ‘Go to the eleventh house.’

um one

dexi ten

khadji house

ku and

unhu. one

Both constructions are used, although there is a tendency not to use repetition of the noun in the relative clause (197). If the sentence has no present reference (we interpret fêê as Ø fêê ‘PFV make’, i.e. ‘has made’), but does, for example, have a future reference, there is no relative clause involved (200). (200)

Dji non se sakhee fêê ôtu. of 1PL DEM FUT make eight ‘Ours will be the eight.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 199)

A further strategy that is not used very often is to use the cardinal number instead of the ordinal number (201). (201)

“Nam’n sai, sa dja têêx ku bo ske DIM.child DEM.PCL COP day three REL 2SG PROG ‘Boy, this is the third day that you come here.’ (line 293)

e come

ya. here

64 � The noun phrase

4.1.4.6 Indefinite determiners and pronouns Most indefinite pronouns are a combination of an/wan ‘a’ and nggê ‘person’ or kha ‘thing’. Negative indefinite pronouns are formed by (u)zwan/zwen ‘some’, nggê ‘person’, or kha ‘thing’ and the negation markers na … f. A further pronoun that usually is subsumed under indefinites is utulu ‘other’. In contrast to the other indefinite pronouns, utulu has specific referents. (202)

Ê 3SG

kha

p’ Put

ôluya, outside

MOD

tokha run.into ê 3SG

an a kha MOD

nggê person

sênd’ spread

ligi pick.up

bai. go.PCL

an a

men

popoton traditional.clothing

AUGM

‘If he ran into somebody who had put a huge traditional clothing outside, he would steal it.’ (lines 657f.) (203)

Wan kha la paseen […]one thing PRF pass.1SG ‘Something has passed in front of me.’ (line 549)

(204)

Zu

(205)

(206)

ngê na sê khame xi… k’ ê kha… khôndê perno NEG know place DEM REL 3SG HAB hide son ‘Nobody knew where he would hide [what he would steal].’ (lines 603f.) I na skê fê zwan kha 3SG NEG FUT do no thing ‘He wouldn’t do anything at all.’ (line 623)

put

NEG

NEG

pa

COMP

(207)

f.

f.

zwan bate xi na ba no canoe INTENS NEG go ‘[…] and that no canoe should go to sea.’ (lines 751f.) […]

pê

l’ba top

d GEN

ome sea

f. NEG

ê tan pali utulu mina. 3SG also give.birth other child ‘[…] and she gave birth to another child.’ (online corpus) […]

s’

CONN

The indefinite utulu ‘other’ is located before the plural marker nan. (208)

utu nan pape nen-nen other PL RED~man RED~PL ‘[…] other important men […].’ (line 452) […]

xi

[…].

DEM

4.1.4.7 Interrogative determiners and pronouns There are two interrogative determiners, kê ‘which’ and khantu/khwantu ‘how many’. Khantu may be preceded by kê ‘which’ and followed by the genitive preposition dji.

The noun � 65

(209)

Kê lavuu bo nggo? which book 2SG want ‘Which book do you want?’

(210)

a.

Khantu djaana bo kumu? how.many banana 2SG eat ‘How many bananas did you eat?’

b.

Kê khantu djaana bo which how.many banana 2SG ‘How many bananas did you eat?’

kumu? eat

(211)

Khantu dji nggê bo bê ala pamasedu? how.many of person 2SG see there morning ‘How many people did you see there in the morning?’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 189)

(212)

Kê nan nggê s’ ala? what PL person COP.PRS there ‘Who is there?’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 185)

It is also possible to use the relativiser ku after the interrogative element, although this is not very frequent. (213)

Khantu djaana ku bo how.many banana REL 2SG ‘How many bananas did you eat?’

kumu? eat

The following interrogative pronouns are nouns that are optionally modified by kê ‘what’: [kê] nggê [ku] [kê] nan nggê [ku] [kê] kha/kuzu [ku] [kê] gola [ku] [kê] dja / djia [ku] [kê] khamaa [ku] [kê] ama [ku] / [kê] khama [ku] [kê] kha fêê [ku] [kê] khantu [ku]

‘who (singular)’ (lit. ‘what person’) ‘who (plural)’ (lit. ‘what persons’) ‘what (lit. ‘what thing’)’ ‘when’ (probably derived from ola ‘hour’, lit. ‘what hour’) ‘when’ (lit. ‘what day’) ‘where (lit. ‘what place’) ‘how’ ‘why’ (lit. ‘what thing made [that]’) ‘how many’

(214)

[Kê] ama [ku] non skêê what how REL 1PL FUT ‘How are we going to do this?’

(215)

[Kê] khantu djaana [ku] what how.many banana REL ‘How many bananas did you eat?’

fêê? do bo 2SG

kun? eat

66 � The noun phrase

The only interrogative pronoun that cannot be combined with kê ‘what’ or with ku ‘REL’ is komo ‘how’. This is probably due to the fact that it is a recent loan from Spanish, where these combinations are not possible either. In echo questions, the interrogative may occur at the end of the sentence. (216)

Mu 1SG

sakha

a go

PROG

kê What

Palea. Palea

–

Wo mi êê! EXCL

Bo 2SG

sakha PROG

a go

Pala Palea

ba go

fêê do

kuzu? thing

ʻ“I am going to Palea!” “Heavens! You are going to Palea in order to do what?”ʼ

In (216), the speaker is surprised and wants to support his surprise, which is also expressed by the exclamation, with the special position of the interrogative. For further examples of interrogative pronouns, see § 6.4.1, below p. 185.

4.1.5 Bare nouns and noun phrases When a noun is a proper noun (Pedulu ‘Peter’) or a title (Pa Xi’ Âlê ‘your Majesty the King’), a noun with a unique referent (solo ‘sun’) (217), or if the noun refers to an indefinite mass noun (awa ‘water’), the noun is usually not specified by a determiner. This also holds for generic reference (218-220). (217)

Ôôxi hour.DEM so sun

la PRF

so sun

kha HAB

sêê, go.out

se

a

kh’

FOC

IMPERS

HAB

sê know

fa COMP

sêêi. go.out.PCL

‘It is only when the sun rises that one knows that the sun has risen.’ (lines 514f.) (218)

a.

Khasôl tê ope dog have foot ʽDogs have four feet.ʼ

b.

*Nan PL

khasôl dog

tê have

khatul. four ope foot

khatul. four

(219)

Khavalu ngee max ku khabala. horse be.big more than goat ‘Horses are bigger than goats.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 503)

(220)

[…]

pôkê ôô se pôkhôdô kha ma fêê kuzu. because eye FOC person GNR take make thing ‘[…] because it is with the eyes that one undertakes something.’ (lines 70f.)

The noun � 67

In an associative context, the noun is left bare. In such a context, the referent has not been mentioned before, but it is identifiable because of an association with a previously mentioned referent or with the extralinguistic context. If somebody is hanging up a picture, this person may say to another person: (221)

Den matelu. give.1SG hammer ‘Give me the hammer.’

Although the hammer wasn’t mentioned before, it is associated with the act of hanging up a picture. However, if matelu ‘hammer’ is modified by e.g. a relative clause, it must be modified by a demonstrative. (222)

Den matelu se sa sala. give.1SG hammer DEM COP living.room ‘Give me the hammer that is in the living room.’

In a narration, the human subject of a sentence may be left bare if it has been mentioned before (223). The reference can only be singular. (223)

mase bi. young.man come ‘Then the young man came.’ Se

CONN

Out of context, the reference of an unmarked inanimate noun in the subject position may be singular or plural, however it is always definite. (224)

Khalaxi khabela. glass break ‘The glass / The glasses broke.’ / *‘Some glasses broke.’

In the object position, the unmarked inanimate noun may have a definite or an indefinite reference, depending on the context. (225)

M khabaa khalaxi. 1SG break glass ‘I broke the glass / the glasses / glasses.’

68 � The noun phrase

4.1.6 The adjective 4.1.6.1 Introduction Like nouns, adjective are not marked for gender or number. There are, however, some exceptions, like fôômôzô ‘beautiful’, which has an optional feminine form fôômôza. It is possible to say moo fôômôzô or moo fôômôza ‘beautiful woman.’ Other cases are limpa ‘clean’ and fantxida ‘elegant’. (226)

namosa limpa, fantxida ku mayn pali […]. DIM.girl clean elegant REL mother give.birth ‘Tenzula, a clean and elegant girl, to whom her mother gave birth […].’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 197f.) Tenzua, PN

Some deverbal adjectives (also used as nouns, see § 3.2.1, p. 34) optionally show natural gender distinction, such as nganadôl(ô) (m.) vs. nganadôla/nganadôa (f.) ‘winner’ (< ngana ‘to win’) (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 201). Adjectives are used attributively and predicatively. If they are used predicatively, they behave either like stative verbs or like adjectives that refer to a temporary state. Predicative adjectives will be treated in § 4.1.6.5 below. Some adjectives are used in adverbial functions and they may also refer to the physical or mental state of the subject of the sentence (227). (227)

Ê fo taaba bi khansadu / gaavu. 3SG come.from work come tired / content ‘He came back from work tired / content.’

Generally speaking, the attributive adjective follows the noun, as in khaasa ngaandji ‘big head’. In a few exceptional cases, the adjective may precede or follow the noun. If it follows the noun, it functions as a qualificative adjective; if it precedes it, it marks disdain: an pe veyu ‘an old man’, an ve pay ‘a useless man’ (Zamora 2010: 208) (see also 228). (228)

Veyu khay dji men mayn sai bi sa kubilidu ku sin. old house of AUGM woman DEM PST cop cover.PTCP with zinc ‘The decrepit house of that elderly woman was covered with zinc.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 197)

Some adjectives may be used as nouns without any derivational morphology, such as gaavu or fôômôzô, both ‘beautiful’.

The noun � 69

(229)

(230)

ôdjie ku n’tan suku gaavi lubel e f. today REL NEG.REP have beauty.GEN river PCL NEG ‘It was not like it is today since the river no longer has the qualities of a beautiful river any more.’ (line 909) Na

s’

NEG

COP

ku fômôzô dêli with beauty POSS.3SG […] with her beauty […]. (line 126) […]

[…].

Some attributive and predicative adjectives can be modified by ideophones (231). (231)

Lubaa se sa seku khôlôkhôlô. River DEM COP dry IDEO ‘This river is [presently] completely dry.’

Ideophones will be treated in more detail in § 8.1, below p. 229.

4.1.6.2 Intensifiers of the adjective Since predicative adjectives behave more like verbs, only intensifiers of attributive adjectives will be treated here. The adverb muntu ‘very’ follows the adjective. (232)

M ta men bo pê tempu lônggô 1SG throw mother POSS.2SG put time long ‘I left your mother a very long time ago.’ (lines 408f.)

muntu. very

Reduplication of the adjective also has an intensifying function. (233)

Kha ga-gaavu, kha paata-paatadu. thing RED~nice thing RED~different ‘Something very tasty, something very different.’ (online corpus)

(234)

[…]

pe ngan-ngan dôs sêê […]. man RED~big two go.out ‘[…] two very important men went out […].’ (line 536) se

nan

FOC

PL

4.1.6.3 Degrees of comparison of the adjective The comparative of equality is formed with or without tan ‘as’ preceding the adjective and with xima(fan) introducing the standard of comparison. The presence or absence of tan does not entail any semantic difference. Remember that predicatively used adjectives behave like verbs (no copula is used in (235 and 236), and in (237) the future marker skee modifies ngandji ‘be big’).

70 � The noun phrase

(235)

Khadji mu ngaandji house POSS.1SG be.big ‘My house is as big as yours.’

xima(fan) as

dji

bo. 2SG

GEN

(236)

Pixi se tan ngaandji ximafan isala. fish DEM as be.big as DEM ‘This fish is as big as that one.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 205)

(237)

Khay mun skee ngen house POSS.1SG FUT be.big ‘My house will be as big as yours.’

xima as

dji of

bo. 2SG

The negated comparative of equality corresponds to a comparative of superiority of the antonym of the compared adjective. (238)

Khay um na ngaandji ximafan dji bo f. house POSS.1SG NEG be.big as GEN 2SG NEG ‘My house is not as big as yours.’ = ‘My house is smaller than yours.’

Another way of forming the comparison of equality is using tantu komo as a marker of the standard of comparison. (239)

Khay mun ngen tantu komo House POSS.1SG be.big as ‘My house is as big as yours.’

dji GEN

bo. 2SG

This construction seems to be a borrowing from Spanish, although with a different syntax. The Spanish equivalent of (239) is Mi casa es tan grande como la tuya.’ The comparative of superiority is formed with maxi ku ‘more than’ or pasa ‘surpass’ (with or without the genitive preposition dji) introducing the standard of comparison. (240)

Khadji mu ngen maxi house POSS.1SG be.big more ‘My house is bigger than yours.’

ku than

dji GEN

(241)

Bo atu maxi khomu. 2SG be.tall more than.1SG ‘You are taller than I am.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 503)

(242)

Khadji mu ngen pasa house POSS.1SG be.big surpass ‘My house is bigger than yours.’

(243)

Ê gôdô pasa 3SG be.fat surpass ‘He is fatter than I am.’

mu. 1SG

dji GEN

bo. 2SG

bo. 2SG

The noun � 71

The superlative without the standard of comparison is formed with maxi ‘more’ following the adjective. If the standard of comparison is mentioned, there are two constructions: (a) the standard is introduced by ku ‘as’ and may be modified by the prenominal todo or by or the postnominal tudu, or by both (see § 4.1.4.4, p. 56-57), or (b) the standard is introduced by dantulu ‘within’. (244)

Khadji mu se house POSS.1SG DEM ‘My house is the biggest.’

(245)

a.

maxi. more

ngaandji be.big

kitxi maxi ku ineyn be.small more than 3PL ‘This one is the smallest of all of them.’

tudu. all

kitxi maxi ku todo be.small more than all ‘This one is the smallest of all of them.’

inenh. 3PL

kitxi maxi ku todo be.small more than all ‘This one is the smallest of all of them.’

inenh 3PL

Ise

DEM

b.

Ise

DEM

c.

Ise

DEM

(246)

[…]

(247)

Ise

tudu. all

Djizu se sa nggi xi sa ngaandji… Jesus FOC COP person DEM COP big ‘[…] Jesus is always the greatest … of all of us.’ (lines 982f.) kitxi maxi dantuu be.small more within ‘This is the smallest of all of them.’

ineyn 3PL

DEM

non 1PL

tudu. all

[tudu]. all

4.1.6.4 The conjoining of adjectives Most often, adjectives are conjoined without any linking element, as in (248). (248)

M bê um moo se 1SG see a girl DEM ‘I saw a tall and beautiful girl.’

atu tall

Ø

fôômôzô. beautiful

It is, however, possible to link two adjectives with ku ‘with, and’, which is considered to be used mostly by older people. (249)

M bê an moo atu ku 1SG see a girl tall with ‘I saw a tall and beautiful girl.’

fôômôzô. beautiful

72 � The noun phrase

4.1.6.5 Adjectives as stative verbs Predicatively used adjectives behave like stative verbs in that they are modified by Ø for the non-habitual present reference and in that they can also take overt TAM markers. An example is fômôzô ‘be beautiful’. (250)

Mina-mie se Ø fômôzô. girl DEM PFV be.beautiful ‘This young woman is beautiful.’

(251)

Mina-mie se kha fômôzô ta k’ ê girl DEM HAB be.beautiful when REL 3SG ‘This young woman looks beautiful when she paints her lips.’

(252)

Namen ten kha fômôzô xi? woman EPIST GNR be.beautiful so ‘How can a woman be so pretty?’ (line 147)

(253)

Mina-mie se sakha fômôzô. girl DEM PROG be.beautiful ‘This young woman is getting beautiful.’

(254)

Mina-mie se la fômôzô (beza). girl DEM PRF be.beautiful already ‘This young woman has already become beautiful.’

(255)

Mina-mie se bi fômôzô. girl DEM PST be.beautiful ‘This young woman was / had been beautiful [at that time].’

kha HAB

pinta paint

ôlabô. lip

The combination bi kha and bi sakha may also modify fômôzô in the same context as in (250 and 251), with bi adding a past meaning to the examples. Furthermore, as in other cases, kha skha combines habitual with progressive meaning. (256)

Nunza se kha skha ngaandji. boy DEM HAB PROG be.big ʻThis young boy is growing constantly.’

The following examples illustrate the difference between Ø and kha. With mass nouns like nevi ‘snow’, kha refers to the habitual and Ø to an inherent property. (257)

Nevi snow vla become

kha HAB

baanku, be.white

mandji but

bo 2SG

kha MOD

pope, step.3SG

ê 3SG

peetu. be.black

‘Snow is usually white, but if you step on it, it may become black.’

kha MOD

fo can

The noun � 73

(258)

Nevi Ø baanku. snow PFV be.white ‘Snow is white.’

With count nouns like pigmeo ‘Pygmy’, Ø also refers to an inherent property of the noun, but the noun must be definite. In (259) it is nen se ‘these’ that makes the noun phrase definite. For a generic reference, which requires a bare noun, kha must be used. (259)

Pigmeo nen se Ø pygmy PL DEM PFV ‘These pygmies are short.’

(260)

Pigmeo kha kuutu. pygmy GNR be.short ‘Pygmies are short.’

kuutu. be.short

Other adjectives in our corpus that behave like baanku ‘white’, fômôôzô ‘beautiful’, kuutu ‘short’, and ngaandji ‘be big’ are atu ‘be tall’, fiiyu ‘be cold’, goosu ‘be fat’, menemene ‘be sweet’, vêêdji ‘be green’, and tuya ‘be sour’. These qualificative words may cooccur with the copula, but in this case they are adjectives, not stative verbs, and can only refer to temporary states. (261)

Ôpa se vêêdji. tree DEM be.green ‘This tree is green.’

(262)

Ôpa se sa vêêdji. tree DEM COP green ‘This tree is [currently] green [because its leaves have grown].’

(263)

Laanza se bi sa mene-mene. orange DEM PST COP sweet ‘This orange was sweet [at that moment].’

(264)

Mina mie se sa fôômôzô pakê ê Ø child woman DEM COP beautiful because 3SG PFV ‘This young woman is beautiful because she painted her lips.’

pinta paint

ôlabô. lip

A sentence which contains the copula may also refer to an inherent property of the subject that is restricted in some way. Compare: (265)

Zwan

Ø

PN

PFV

ôdu. be.strong ‘Zwan is strong.’

74 � The noun phrase

(266)

(267)

Zwan

skha

PN

PROG

ôdu. be.strong ‘Zwan is becoming strong.’ Zwan

sa

PN

COP

ôdu ku strong with ‘Zwan is an excellent student.’

studu study

dêl. POSS.3SG

The uses of the copula match the uses of the Ibero-Romance copula estar (in contrast to the copula ser) which generally refers to temporary qualities, to locatives, and to inherent qualities that have a restricted reference. Some of the qualificative words treated in this section may also be used attributively if a suitable context is available. (268)

Liman kha tuya. lemon GNR be.sour ‘Lemons are sour.’

(269)

Liman tuya se sa l’ba lemon sour DEM COP on ‘The sour lemon is on the table.’

meza. table

Negation (270), interrogation (271), and pa-clauses (272 and 273) do not trigger the use of the copula. (270)

Ê 3SG

ten

Ø

EPIST

PFV

ngaandji be.big tan also

ku with

den give.1SG

ngaandji be.big

ku with

maasan wickedness lazan information

maasan wickedness

pe father

ô or

ê 3SG

na NEG

Ø PFV

dê

fô,

ise

POSS.3SG

NEG.PCL

DEM

an NS.NEG

f. NEG

‘Whether he grew with or without the wickedness of his father, this I was not informed about.’ (271)

Nggê se kuutu? person DEM be.short ‘Is this a short person?’

(272)

Man nggo pa bo Ø 1SG.NEG want COMP 2SG MOD ‘I don’t want you to become fat.’

(273)

Man nggo pa bo skha 1SG.NEG want COMP 2SG PROG ‘I don’t want you to be becoming fat.’

goosu be.fat goosu be.fat

f. NEG

f. NEG

The noun � 75

Furthermore, qualificative verbs behave in the same way as other verbs in focus constructions, i.e. verbal adjectives and verbs are left-dislocated and marked by the focus marker se, and leave a copy in the background clause. (274)

(275)

Djuuni se ê sleep FOC 3SG ‘He is sleeping.’ Fôômôzô se be.beautiful FOC ‘She is beautiful.’

djuuni. sleep

skha PROG

fômôzô. be.beautiful

ê 3SG

In contrast, adjectives like deda ‘sour’ which cannot function as qualificative verbs leave no overt trace in the background clause, but the copula must be present. (276)

Deda se laanza sour FOC orange ‘This orange is sour.’

se

sa.

DEM

COP

In at least one case, the copula must be used with qualificative words. This is the case with superlative constructions (227). (277)

Djizu se sa ngaandji non Jesus FOC COP big 1PL ‘Jesus is the greatest of all of us.’14

tudu. all

If the copula were deleted, ngaandji would be interpreted as a causative verb (278). (278)

Djizu se ngaandji non tudu. Jesus FOC make.big 1PL all ‘Jesus is the one who made all of us great.’

As with attributive adjectives, qualificative verbs can be modified by muntu. (279)

m’na-mie se fômôzô girl DEM be.pretty ‘This girl was very pretty.’ (line 120) Se

CONN

muntu very

[...].

Furthermore, a serial-like construction with the verb pasa ‘surpass’ is used to modify qualificative verbs.

�� 14 A spontaneous production of this construction can be found in lines 980-81.

76 � The noun phrase

(280)

Bo goosu pasa. 2SG be.fat surpass ‘You are too fat.’

In exclamative sentences, the structure qualificative verb + wan + nominalised qualificative verb is used to form an elative (or absolute superlative). (281)

Ê ôdu wan 3SG be.strong one ‘He is very strong!’

ôdu! strong

There are some qualificative words that cannot function as stative verbs, such as deda ‘sour’, faa ‘yellow, orange’, or mumu ‘dumb’. The following examples illustrate the uses of deda. It is not possible to say (282)

*Laanza se skha Orange DEM PROG ‘This orange is sour.’

deda. sour

Deda can be used attributively (283), and if it is used predicatively, the copula must occur (284). (283)

(284)

4.2

Man nggo ku laanza 1SG.NEG like with orange ‘I don’t like sour oranges.’ Laanza se sa orange DEM COP ‘This orange is sour.’

deda sour

f. NEG

deda. sour

Modifying noun phrases and prepositional phrases

Modifying noun phrases may be introduced by the genitive preposition dji (before consonant) or d (before vowel) ‘of’, which can be assimilated to the modified noun in different ways. The most common strategy, however, is to lengthen the last vowel of the modified noun. There is no functional difference between the use of the preposition or the lengthening of the last vowel (285). Some nouns that end in -a lengthen the vowel, other nouns that end in -a change the final vowel to -e (-a + dji  ai  e) as in soye pê dê (line 178) (also soya dji pe dê) ‘the story of his father’; nasal vowel [ã] becomes [ɛ̃:], as in veen tôl (line 148) (also van dji tôl) ‘top of the tower’.

Modifying noun phrases and prepositional phrases � 77

(285)

liba dji meza meza dji Zwan meza d Eva zêtê dji Zwan khadji dji Mesti Skola xiô dji tublan budu dji Zwan tôfu dji m’na-mie

‘(on) top of the table’ ‘John’s table’ ‘Eva’s table’ ‘John’s oil’ ‘the house of the Mesti Skola’ ‘the ruler of the sharks’ ‘John’s stone’ ‘the robustness of the girl’

       

libaa meza mezaa Zwan mezaa Eva zêtêê Zwan khadjii Mes Skol (l. 579) xiôô tublan (line 15) buduu Zwan tôfuu m’na mie (line 40)

Nouns that end in consonants are treated differently. The noun vidjil, for instance, loses the final -l and lengthens the -i: vidjii Palea (also vidjil dji Palea) ‘the vidjil of Palea’, whereas pel gets an -i, as in peli tômbôlô ‘the drums’ skin’ (line 27) (also pel dji tômbôlô). The lengthening of the vowel of the modified noun is also found in quantifiers like almidu ‘some’, as in almiduu nggê (also almidu dji nggê) ‘some people’, and the modifier of the noun may also be a personal pronoun, as in tele non (line 164) (also tela dji non ) ‘our country’ (lit. ‘the country of us’). There are also nouns that cannot form the genitive, for instance ope ‘foot’. John’s foot is translated ope Zwan, without any change. The preposition dji or its functionally equivalent genitive vowel are excluded from constructions where the modifying noun gains a metaphoric meaning (286). (286)

a.

khala taba b. *khala dji taba15 face table face GEN table ‘inexpressive face’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 213)

In current speech, the lengthening of vowels, be it genitive or not, is not necessarily observed. Nouns that only lengthen their vowel without further changes might surface with their modifying noun as two nouns in juxtaposition. Reduplicated nouns that modify nouns always follow the noun (287). (287)

ôpa lamu-lamu tree RED~branch ‘a leafy tree’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 214)

If the reduplicated noun starts with a vowel, the modified noun must be followed by the genitive particle, or the equivalent genitive vowel must be used. (288)

khama-ngay d opo-opo / kama-nge place-big GEN RED~dust place-big.GEN ‘a dusty road’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 213)

opo-opo RED~dust

�� 15 If the meaning ‘the face of the table’ were intended, the expression would be grammatical.

78 � The noun phrase

4.3

Modifying verb phrases

Verbs or verb phrases modifying a noun or a noun phrase are rare. In our corpus, there are examples where the verb may be headed by the subordinator pa ‘in order to’ (289) or bare (299). (289)

ta kʼ ê dʼ anu pa when REL 3SG give year PURP ‘Well, when she reached the age of marriage […].’ (lines 47f.) Waya, EXCL

khaza […]. marry

The habitual marker kha may occur in verb phrases that modify a noun. An example is nan ngê kha skêêvê [PL person HAB write] ‘the writers’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 373), i.e. a kind of compound noun. Notice that kha skêêvê is not a relative clause, since neither xi nor ku may occur. A similar case is found in (290). (290)

[…]. manmen se nan men faa ku limʼ woman DEM PL woman speak with spirit ʻ[…] this woman was [one of] the women that speak with the spirits […].ʼ (lines 726f.) […]

In this example, nan men faa ku limʼ refers to women with special qualities, who in the Spanish of Annobon are called soñadoras ʻfemale dreamersʼ and who have the ability to speak with the spirits while they are dreaming. It would be possible to use a relative clause, as in (291), but then the sentence would not refer to the soñadoras, but to any woman that speaks with the spirits. (291)

4.4

Manmen se nan men ku kha faa ku woman DEM PL woman REL HAB speak with ʻThis woman was [one of] the women that speak with the spirits.ʼ

limʼ […]. spirit

Relative clauses

4.4.1 Introduction Fa d’Ambô has two relativisers, ku and pa. Ku is the most widely used relativiser and is mostly preceded by the demonstrative xi, sometimes by the demonstrative se. The relativiser ku is often omitted, the demonstratives less so. Consequently, there are four different strategies for forming relative clauses: (a) with xi and ku, (b) with xi, (c) with ku, and (d) without xi and ku. (292)

a.

Man sêê khame xi kʼ 1SG.NEG know place DEM REL ʻI donʼt know the place where he comes from.ʼ

ê 3SG

fo come.from

f. NEG

Relative clauses � 79

b. c. d.

Man 1SG.NEG

sêê know

khame place

xi

Man 1SG.NEG

sêê know

khama place

kʼ

Man 1SG.NEG

sêê know

khama place

ê 3SG

fo come.from

f.

ê 3SG

fo come.from

f.

REL

ê 3SG

fo come.from

DEM

NEG

NEG

f. NEG

A spontaneously produced example of a relative clause without a demonstrative and a relativiser is (293a). (293)

a.

b. c. d.

[…]

man sêê nggê ___ m’nsaa l ala 1SG.NEG know person REL show 3SG there ʻ[…] I don’t know who showed him that place […].ʼ (lines 619f.) […] […] […]

man 1SG.NEG

sêê know

nggê person

xi

man 1SG.NEG

sêê know

nggê person

ku

man 1SG.NEG

sêê know

nggê person

f

m’nsaa show

l 3SG

ala there

f

m’nsaa show

l 3SG

ala there

f

REL

xi

ku

DEM

REL

DEM

m’nsaa show

l 3SG

[…].

NEG

[…].

NEG

[…].

NEG

ala there

f. NEG

If the antecedent of the relative clause is marked for indefiniteness, e.g. by the indefinite article, xi is precluded (294). (294)

a.

Ê 3SG

kha

ê 3SG

kha

MOD

MOD

tokha run.into

an a

mayn woman

___ REL

ta put

pixi fish

dê POSS.3SG

solo, sun

ligi. pick.up

ʻIf he ran into a woman who had put her fish out in the sun [in order to dry it], he would steal it.ʼ (lines 601f.) b.

c.

Ê 3SG

kha

ê 3SG

kha

*Ê 3SG

kha

solo, sun

MOD

MOD

MOD

ê 3SG

tokha run.into

an a

mayn woman

ku

an a

mayn woman

xi

[ku]

DEM

REL

REL

ta put

pixi fish

dê POSS.3SG

solo, sun

ligi. pick.up tokha run.into kha MOD

ta put

pixi fish

dê POSS.3SG

ligi. pick.up

The demonstratives are also precluded if the relative clause refers to a first or a second person since they are intrinsically definite.

80 � The noun phrase

(295)

a.

b.

Mu sa nggê [ku] 1SG COP person REL ‘I am a frightened person.’ *Mu 1SG

sa COP

nggê person

kha HAB

mendu be.afraid

xi

[ku]

kha

DEM

REL

HAB

kuza. thing

mendu be.afraid

kuza. thing

If two relative clauses modify the same antecedent (gian se in 296), the first ku may not occur, but those which follow are obligatory. (296)

M 1SG

skee

txya… take.off

FUT

ku

sa

REL

COP

khe… thing.GEN

gian necklace dantu… in

se

___

sô

DEM

REL

COP

familia family

khômu with.1SG

gotxi neck

[…].

mu POSS.1SG

‘I will take off this necklace I wear and that belongs to my family […].’ (lines 164f.)

Post (2013: 87) claims that “[t]he [relative] clause may be introduced by the demonstrative -syi [= xi] at the head, the complement[iser] ku, by both of these, or by Ø”. It is not correct that xi is located at the head of the relative clause. In our opinion, xi is located at the end of the antecedent. There are two arguments in favour of our hypothesis. Firstly, not only xi, but also se may mark the end of the noun phrase that corresponds to the antecedent (297). (297)

Nggi person

se DEM

[ku] [REL]

fêê do

khô thing

se

e

ta

pʼ

DEM

PCL

OBL

COMP

ê 3SG

môô die

fol. Completely ‘The person who did this must die.’ (lines 377f.)

Secondly, and more importantly, if two or more relative clauses modify the same antecedent, it is only ku and not xi that is repeated (298); in the case of (296), xi or ku do not occur, but the second relative clause is headed by ku. (298)

[…] kʼ REL

se

sa

FOC

COP

ê 3SG

kha HAB

khame place fê make

xi

k’

DEM

REL

masan wickedness

ê 3SG

kha HAB

kudji cook

kum meal

dêli,

xi

POSS.3SG

DEM

dêl’. POSS.3SG

ʽ[…] this is the place where he used to cook his meals, where he used to carry out his evil acts.ʼ (lines 830f.)

If there is no specific antecedent, it is either khô (which sometimes is reduced to ô) or the demonstrative pronoun ixi that occupies the place of the antecedent.

Relative clauses � 81

(299)

a.

b.

Na

se

sa

f.

NEG

FOC

COP

ô/khô xi bo fa onte thing DEM 2SG say yesterday ʻThis is not what you said yesterday.ʼ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 183)

NEG

Ixi

[…]. ôôboda fa p’ ineyn mêtê non pê Bubi say COMP 3PL put 1PL put ‘Those things the Bubi said they should put us in […]. ʼ (lines 718f.) DEM

In (300), it seems that the storyteller of Xinggil extracts an adjunct out of the relative clause and locates it between the antecedent and the relativiser ku: (300)

[…]

ineyn 3PL

k’ REL

kêtê-kêtê RED~young

[…]

lolo go.down ma take

khame place

fê make

se DEM

lala beach

ôdjie… today

fentê show.off

ku…

nan

REL

PL

mase man

[…].

‘[…] when these men were going down to the place which nowadays young men […] converted in a beach where they would show off […].’ (lines 543ff.)

However, since he makes a pause after ôdje and ku, it is more probable that this is not a case of extraction out of the relative clause, but of looking for the right words.

4.4.2 Subjects Subjects usually do not leave an overt trace in the relative clause. (301)

moo xi [ku] bi onte woman DEM REL come yesterday ‘the woman who came yesterday’

(302)

M bê mase xi deen lavuu atonte. 1SG see boy DEM give.1SG book few.day ‘I saw the boy who gave me a book a few days ago.’

However, in order to avoid referential ambiguity, a subject may be used, as in (303). (303)

Ta when

Ma-Khosan… PN

tela… country ê 3SG

sa COP

sama call

l’, 3SG

khay house

lanta enter san call

sêxi six Pa Mr

mêdji, month Sanggiitan Sanggiitan

dêl

ai,

POSS.3SG

PCL

ku and

se

nan

FOC

PL

Gêza church

pe man Ngandji main

nga-ngaandji RED~big x’

k’

DEM

REL

Mesti Skola. Mesti Skola

‘When Ma-Khosan was in her sixth month, the important men of the country called her, called the Sanggiitan of the Main Church, of the house where Xinggili lived, as well as the Mesti Skola.’ (lines 690ff.)

82 � The noun phrase

In this sentence, ê ‘he’ refers to the main character of the story, in this case to Xinggil, and not to Pa Sanggiitan Gêza Ngandji, which precedes the relative clause. However, the possessive dêl refers to the Sanggiitan.

4.4.3 Direct and indirect objects Direct and indirect objects leave no overt trace in the relative clause. (304)

mase xi [ku] mu boy DEM REL 1SG ‘the boy I saw yesterday’

(305)

M bê mase xi ku bo da 1SG see boy DEM REL 2SG give ‘Do you know the boy you gave a book to?’

bê see

onte yesterday wan a

lavulu. book

4.4.4 Benefactives Benefactives are formed with the serial verb da ‘give’,16 which remains in the relative clause. A resumptive pronoun cannot be used with the benefactive da (307b). (306)

Bo khônsê nggê xi moo se kha taaba 2SG know person DEM man DEM PROG work ‘Do you know the person this young man is working for?’

da? give

(307)

a.

kha

b.

Bo khônsê nan nggê nen se moo se 2SG know PL person PL DEM man DEM ‘Do you know the people this young man is working for?’

PROG

taaba work

da? give

*Bo khônsê nggê xi moo se kha taaba da li?

4.4.5 Locatives Locatives do not allow for a resumptive prepositional phrase in the relative clause. (308)

Pedulu ba khamê xi bitxil tudu kha p’ Pedulu go place DEM bird all HAB put ‘Pedulu went to the place where all the birds lay their eggs.’

ovu. egg

�� 16 Since in Fa d’Ambô preposition stranding without an overt trace is not possible, da does not pattern as a preposition in examples (306 and 307). See also § 5.7.1, below, p. 145.

Relative clauses � 83

(309)

Se

sʼ

CONN

COP

ôxi when

khʼ

a

skha

REL

NS

PROG

a IPL

a go

ma take

mata kill

Memol Memoli

l 3SG

ope-mata scaffold

fo come.from

xi DEM

[…].

ai PCL

‘At this point, they took Memoli away from the scaffold where they were going to kill him […].’ (lines 400f.) (310)

[…]

a

de give.3SG

NS

ê 3SG

bi come

ai, here

khama place kʼ

ê 3SG

REL

dê

imafan as

POSS.3SG

taba work

ku with

xiôô lord.GEN

pê father

tela country

dê

se

kʼ

DEM

REL

tempu time

POSS.3SG

long [...]. long ‘[…] gave him his righteous place as a lord of the country where he had come to and where he worked with his father for a long time […].’ (lines 402ff.) (311)

Man sêê khama k’ ê 1SG.NEG know place REL 3SG ‘I don’t know where he comes from.’

fo come.from

f. NEG

When serial fo and locative serial pê are used, they remain in the relative clause. (312)

(313)

(314)

fo come.from

Khobo xi ê txya m’na se hole DEM 3SG take.out child DEM ‘The hole out of which he took the child is over there.’ Se

sa

khamê xi kiineyn place DEM REL.3PL ‘This is the place where they hide.’

skha

CONN

COP

PROG

a.

Ê khôndê lavuu dê 3SG hide book POSS.3SG ‘He hid his book behind the door.’

pê put

b.

Man 1SG.NEG pê put

sêê know

khamê place

xi

ê 3SG

DEM

ala. there

COP

pê. put

khôndê hide taaxi behind

sa

poto. door

khôndê hide

lavuu book

dê POSS.3SG

f. NEG

‘I don’t know where he hid his book.’

When the locative adjunct includes a purposive meaning, the relativiser pa is used. (315)

[…]

s’ CONN

pʼ REL.PURP

ê 3SG ê 3SG

ten EPIST

djuuni sleep

de give.3SG

khame place.GEN

khotxian room

[…].

‘[…] and gave him a room where he could sleep […].’ (lines 138f.)

khame place

xi DEM

84 � The noun phrase

4.4.6 Temporal adjuncts Temporal adjuncts leave no overt trace in the relative clause. (316)

Ôxi alê lanta, se laya lantela. when king get.up FOC queen enter ‘It was when the king got up that the queen entered.’

(317)

Ôxi kʼ ê tê pañia ai when REL 3SG have pregnancy PCL ‘When she became pregnant […].’ (line 374)

(318)

Dê day

i

bo 2SG

mêtê put

DEM

bo 2SG pê put

kha FUT

pali give.birth

namʼna DIM.child

[…].

mina, child

se

bo 2SG

ma take

gian necklace

se DEM

gotxi. neck

DEM

ʻWhen you give birth, you take this necklace and put it around the child’s neck.’ (l. 166f.)

The question arises as to whether the temporal antecedents of the relative clauses have grammaticalised into subordinating conjunctions. This is specially the case for ta ʻwhenʼ, which cannot be followed by a demonstrative (*ta xi or *ta se), but which can be followed (319) or not (320) by the relativiser ku. Furthermore, it has not been possible to establish the meaning or the etymology of ta (but see fn. 37 on p. 209). Therefore we consider ta to be a subordinating conjunction in spite of the fact that it may optionally be followed by the relativiser ku. (319)

Waya, EXCL

ta when

dê

ma Take

POSS.3SG

k’ REL

ê 3SG

d’ arrive

anu year

pa PURP

khaza, marry

se... CONN

pê father

daantxi. illness

ʻWell, when she reached the age of marriage, her father became ill.ʼ (lines 47f.) (320)

Ta ê ba veen tôli, s’ ê when 3SG go height.GEN towe CORR 3SG ʻWhen he arrived at the top, he said […].ʼ (line 146)

faa […]. say

But the case of ô xi ʻhour DEMʼ and dêê/dê xi ʻday DEMʼ is not straightforward. The form of ‘hour’ is ola (or ora, the hispanicised form), but in combination with xi it becomes ô xi in all contexts (see 321). In the case of ʻdayʼ, the forms are dja or djia according to its syntactic position, but in combination with xi it becomes dêê or dê in all contexts (see 322). (321)

bi ô xi come hour DEM ʻJohn didnʼt come at that time.ʼ Zwan

na

f.

PN

NEG

NEG

Relative clauses � 85

(322)

Se

sa

CONN

COP

nggonggo love

bi come

tokh’ touch

xi

n 1SG

DEM

nggonggo love

ku with

bo 2SG

fo since

dêê day

xi… DEM

ôdjai. now

‘And it is this love that I have for you ever since… until now.’ (lines 438f.)

We therefore consider ô and dêê nominal antecedents of a relative clause, and not more or less grammaticalised subordinating conjunctions.

4.4.7 Comitative adjuncts Comitative adjuncts need a resumptive comitative prepositional phrase in the relative clause which must agree in number with its antecedent. (323)

(324)

Moo xi [ku] bo skha fuga khôli girl DEM REL 2SG PROG play with.3SG ‘The girl with whom you are playing is my sister.’ a.

Nan PL

moso girl

têêxi three

ai

sa

PCL

COP.PRS

namen sister

nen

se

PL

DEM

bo 2SG

sa COP.PRS

skha PROG

namen sister kô with

fuga play

mu. POSS.1SG

inenh 3PL

mu. POSS.1SG

‘The three girls you are playing with are my sisters.’ b.

* Nan moso têêxi nen se bo skha fuga khôli ay sa nan namen mu.

c.

* Nan moso têêxi nen se bo skha fuga ___ ay sa nan namen mu.

4.4.8 Instrumental adjuncts Instrumental adjuncts require the serial verb ma ‘take’, the preposition ku, or leave no overt trace in the relative clause. (325)

a.

Kê what

khama place

fakha knife

xi DEM

ken REL.1SG

kha HAB

ma take

txya extract

vin wine

sa? COP

‘Where is the knife with which I usually extract palm wine?’ b.

Kê what

khama place

kôli with.3SG

sa? COP

fakha knife

xi DEM

ken REL.1SG

kha HAB

txya extract

vin wine

palma palm

palma palm

86 � The noun phrase

c.

Kê what ___

khama place

fakha knife

xi DEM

ken REL.1SG

kha HAB

txya extract

vin wine

palma palm

sa? COP

If the antecedent is plural, the instrumental preposition must agree in number with its antecedent. (326)

a.

Kê what

khama place

khô with

neyn 3PL

fakha knife

dôsu two

nen

xi

PL

DEM

ken REL.1SG

kha HAB

txya extract

vin wine

sa? COP

‘Where are the two knives with which I usually extract palm wine?’ b.

*Kê khama fakha dôsu nen xi ken kha txya vin khôli sa?

4.4.9 Possessors Possessors in the subject position are formed with the possessive determiner that obligatorily modifies the possessed entity and that must agree in number with its antecedent if the antecedent is a human noun. (327)

a.

Moo man

xi DEM

namen brother

dê POSS.3SG

bi come

onte yesterday

kha HAB

ta stay

khadji house

sai. DEM.PCL

‘The man whose brother arrived yesterday stays in that house.’ b.

* moo xi namen dê ___ bi onte

c.

* nan moso têêxi nen xi ku namen dê bi onte

d.

Nan moso têêxi nen xi ku namen dineyn bi onte ta khadji sai. ‘The three men whose brother arrived yesterday stay in that house.’

This is also the case with possessors that are not in the subject position. In (328), the possessive determiner modifies a locative noun. (328)

Kha MOD

faa tell

pa, look ê 3SG

memen lady nggo want

xi DEM

khônsê know

n 1SG

ga PROG

a go

khay house

dêl

a,

POSS.3SG

PCL

bo. 2SG

‘Look, the lady whose place I’m going to told me she wants to meet you.’

ê 3SG

Personal pronouns � 87

With inanimate nouns, the resumptive prepositional phrase is not obligatory. If it occurs, it must agree in number with the antecedent. (329)

a.

Khadji têêxi nen xi zinee khabaa e house three PL DEM window break PCL ‘The three houses the window of which broke are big.’

b.

Khadji têêxi nen xi zinee dineyn khabaa house three PL DEM window POSS.3PL break ‘The three houses f which the window broke are big.’

ngaandji. be.big e PCL

ngaandji. be.big

* Khadji têêxi nen xi zinali dê khabaa e ngaandji.

c.

4.4.10 The relativiser pa The relativiser pa retains the purposive meaning of its etymology (< Portuguese para ‘in order to’). An example is (315) above; a further example is (330). (330)

4.5

Man suku zwan kha xi 1SG.NEG have no thing DEM ʻThere is nothing I could give you.ʼ

peen REL.PURP.1SG

da give

bo 2SG

f. NEG

Personal pronouns

4.5.1 Forms and functions There are three sets of personal pronouns, which are shown in Table 12. Table 12: Personal pronouns subject

object

unbound

1SG

mu, mun, m, n, ma, mi

mu, mun, m

amu, ami

2SG

bo

bo

bo

2SG SLM

tô, txi, butulu, butuu, tê

tô, txi, butulu

atô, atxi

3SG

ê, i

li, l, êl, êlê, êli, ê, e

êlê, êli

1PL

non [nos(o)]

non

non

2PL

naminsêdji, nam’sêdji, nam’sê

naminsêdji, nam’sêdji, nam’sê

naminsêdji

2PL SLM

butulu, butuu [vos(o])

butulu, butuu

butulu, butuu

3PL

ineyn, êneyn, ineñi

ineyn, neyn

ineyn, êneyn

NON-SPECIFIC

a

88 � The noun phrase

These pronouns differ partially from each other: subject and object clitics, which are more or less bound to the verb, and unbound pronouns that occur in isolation or as objects of prepositions. The pronouns nos(o) and vos(o) are no longer used. They occur only in prayers said by traditional priests, the sanggiitan.

4.5.1.1 First-person singular Mu, mun, and m as subject and object pronouns are in free variation. The pronoun n occurs only before the allomorph of the habitual marker kha, which is ga, and the future/immediate future marker khee, which is gee. (331)

N ga lêê lavuu 1SG HAB read book ‘I read books every night.’

(332)

N gee lêê lavuu nôtxi tudu. 1SG FUT read book night all ‘I am going to / I’ll read books every night.’

nôtxi night

tudu. all

The form ma only occurs in the following construction: (333)

ma ê! 1SG EXCL ‘Oh my God!’ Ô

EXCL

In this construction, except for the first-person singular pronoun, all pronouns correspond to the unbound pronouns (suggested by the form êli in the third-person singular): Ô bo ê!, Ô êl ê!, Ô non ê, Ô namsêdji ê!, Ô ineyn ê! The form mi only occurs in combination with the perfect marker le/e or in some exclamations. (334)

Mi e kumu. 1SG PERF eat ‘I have eaten.’

(335)

[…]

a ma ê, khô se skha fê mi oh 1SG PCL thing DEM PROGR do 1SG ‘[…] oh my goodness, what have I got into!’ (lines 177f.)

ô! EXCL

If in order to topicalise the first-person singular the unbound pronoun amu is used, the subject clitic does not have to be repeated in the clause.

Personal pronouns � 89

(336)

a.

b.

Amu, ontoo ___ na sa 1SG not.yet 1SG NEG PRF ‘As for me, I haven’t left home yet.’

sêê leave

Amu, ontoo man sa sêê 1SG not.yet 1SG.NEG PRF leave ‘As for me, I haven’t left home yet.’

fo come.from fo come.from

khadji house khadji house

f. NEG

f. NEG

The unbound pronoun of the first-person singular ami belongs to the speech of elder people. Fused first-person singular forms are frequent. With the negation marker na they take the form man or men; with the preposition pa they are realised pen/peen, and with the relativiser ku they take the form ken/keen. Furthermore, fused forms exist with verbs and the object pronoun of the third-person singular; examples of these forms are listed in § 4.5.1.3, below p. 92. (337)

(338)

Mêên sê khamê xi keen 1SG.NEG know place DEM REL.1SG ‘I don’t know where I am.’ (lines 570f.) […]

sa

f.

COP

NEG

pen

da pe bo lazan give father POSS.2SG information ‘[…] so I can inform your father.’ (lines 676f.)

[…].

PURP.1SG

4.5.1.2 Second-person singular Vila (1891: 11 and fn. 1) mentions the forms bo (which he writes vo) and atxi, while noting that atxi is only used with children and that it would be an insult to use atxi with adults. Nowadays atxi belongs to the speech of older people. The honorific pronoun tê, derived from the Spanish usted, is only used in the imperative sentence Tê manda!, lit. ‘Give orders!’, as a polite answer when somebody is called. Imperatives like *Tê bêbê! ‘Drink!’ are not accepted. Tô and txi are sociolinguistically marked. The same holds for the identical possessive determiners, namely that both are used for higher to lower social relationships and for older to younger age, with tô also being used for horizontal social relationships (see Zamora Segorbe 2010: 182). An older person might utter the following sentence: (339)

txi sê k’ ngê ê 2SG know with person 3SG / 2SG ‘Do you really know whom you are speaking to?’ Ô

skha

EXCL

PROG

fa speak

khôli? with.3SG

In this sentence both txi and ê refer to the same person (i.e. the hearer); by using txi and ê the speaker insists on the social distance between him and the hearer.

90 � The noun phrase

In the following example, both bo and tô are used; the speaker is a sanggiitan and the hearer is the central figure Xinggil. In this case, the sanggiitan is both older and of a higher social ranking than Xinggil. (340)

[…] bê…, see

a and po PURP

bo 2SG non 1SG

kha

sa

MOD

COP

pesua person

kiitan, Christian

sêê go.out

bi, come

po PURP

non 1PL

tô.” 2SG

bê… see

‘And if you are a real person, come out of there, so we can see ..., so we can see … you.’ (lines 552f.)

The second-person singular personal pronoun bo ‘you’ is also used as a generic pronoun (341).

(341)

[…] kha MOD

ê 3SG ma take

kha MOD

ê 3SG

tokha run.into kha MOD

nunza boy

kum eat

ê 3SG

sal’ DEM

kha MOD

k’ with da give

paatu dish bo 2SG

kum food

dêli,

ê 3SG

POSS.3SG

pakhada beating

pê put

l’ba […]. top ‘[…] if he runs into a boy with a dish of food, he will take it and eat it, and, in addition to it, he will even give this person a beating […].’ (lines 818ff.)

Another use of bo where it does not refer to a second-person singular occurs in (342), where it refers to a third-person singular. The use of bo here is to express surprise, in this case the surprise of finding the king’s daughter with a baby. (342)

Ta when

a

m’na Child

monggo-mongg’

NS

IDEO

ba go

da give

veen height.GEN

tôl, tower

s’

a

CORR

NS

tokhô find

bo 2SG/3SG

ku with

ôman. arm

‘When they arrived at the top of the tower, they found her with a baby in her arms.’ (lines 201f.)

Butulu (actually a second-person plural pronoun) is or was used by older people to address younger people, to put some distance between speaker and hearer, or to address a person of higher social prestige. Nowadays its use is very rare (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 186). In order to address a person of the same age or older with respect, one uses papa/paa for men and mama/maa for women.

Personal pronouns � 91

In earlier times, paa or maa and the title as well as the sociolinguistically marked personal pronoun butulu were used in order to address a person of respect. (343)

Paa Sanggiitan a, butuu Mr Sanggiitan voc 2SG.SLM ‘Sir, you have lost your umbrella.’

la PRF

pêndê lose

bôdan-soo umbrella

butulu. POSS.2SG.SLM

Nowadays, a person can be addressed respectfully by using their title and then continuing with bo ‘you (sg.)’. (344)

Paa Sanggiitan a, bo la Mr Sanggiitan voc 2SG PRF ‘Sir, you have lost your umbrella.’

pêndê lose

bôdan-soo umbrella

bo. POSS.2SG

4.5.1.3 Third-person singular pronoun The third-person singular object pronouns display a relatively wide range of forms. Some verbs use either the pronoun li/l or êl/ê (both derived from unbound pronoun êli ‘she, he, it’), a form that fuses with the verb, or the contextual form (cf. § 2.1), or two of these possibilities. Many verbs ending in -a take either l or replace their final -a with -e (-a + li  *ai  e). Some examples are kula  kula l or kule ‘heal 3SG’, ma ‘take’  ma l or me ‘take 3SG’, mata  mata l or mate ‘kill 3SG’ or sokha  sokha l or sokhe ‘dry 3SG’. Other verbs ending in -a take their contextual form, which consists of stem alterations. Either the last consonant is deleted (in most cases l, y/I, or tx), or this consonant is deleted and the preceding vowel either disappears or is assimilated by the last vowel. Examples are kumpla  kumpaa l ‘buy.3SG’ (*kumple), sombola  sombaa l ‘surprise 3SG’, limia  limaa l ‘name 3SG’, sêya  saa l ‘carry 3SG’, txila  txaa l ‘extract 3SG’, or otxia  otaa l ‘sight 3SG’. Verbs ending in -i and -u lose their final vowel (the verbs in -ili lose this ending) and take the pronoun êl or ê. Examples are bixi  bix’êl or bix’ê ‘dress 3SG’, mindji  mindj’êl or mindj’ê ‘measure 3SG’, kubili  kub’êl ‘cover 3sg’, kumu  kum’êl or kum’ê ‘eat 3SG’, or mendu  mend’êl or mend’ê ‘fear 3SG’. Verbs ending in -o use either l or a fused form where -o is replaced by -e (probably through anology with the verbs ending in -a). Some examples are bolo  bolo l or bole ‘rub 3SG’, or lolo  lolo l or lole ‘lick 3SG’. Verbs ending in -ô take l or drop the object pronoun: bôbô ʽcarry on oneʼs backʼ  bôbô l or bôbô ʽcarry.3SGʼ The object pronouns of the third-person singular are treated differently according to whether they refer to human or to inanimate nouns. With human nouns, they appear as described above, but with inanimate nouns, they do not occur.

92 � The noun phrase

(345)

(346)

(347)

a.

Entonses êneyn ma ___ bay? so 3PL take 3SG go ‘So, did they bring it?’ (inanimate) (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 495)

b.

Entonses êneyn me bay? so 3PL take. 3SG go ‘So, did they bring her/him?’ (human) (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 495)

a.

Bi p’ o bi ma ___ . come PURP 2SG come take 3SG ‘Come and take it.’ (inanimate) (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 514)

b.

Bi p’ o bi ma li. come PURP 2SG come take 3SG ‘Come and take her/him.’ (human) (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 514)

a.

Mandji, bo bê ___ ? but 3PL see 3SG ‘But did you see it?’ (inanimate) (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 517) Mandji, bo bê li? But 3PL see 3SG ‘But did you see her/him?’ (human) (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 517)

b.

4.5.1.4 Second-person plural pronoun Vila (1891: 11, fn. 2) mentions the forms butul and nam’sêdji (written vutul and namesseix) and notes that butul is only used with children; for adults, only nam’sêdji may be used. Nowadays butulu as a second-person plural pronoun is only used by older people in order to address younger people, especially children. (348)

Butuu sêê kê khwa s’ isai? 2PL know what thing COP DEM ‘Do you (pl.) know what this is?’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 252)

4.5.1.5 Third-person plural pronoun The most frequent form of the third-person plural pronoun is ineyn; however, if ineyn is focalised, it is realised as ineñi (349). (349)

Ineñi 3PL dêê day

se

sa

nan

FOC

COP

PL

alê, king

se

sa

nan

FOC

COP

PL

gôvendô governor

tela country

x. DEM

ʽIt was the sanggiitan who were the kings, the governors of the country at that time.ʼ (lines 861f.)

Personal pronouns � 93

4.5.1.6 The non-specific personal pronoun a The personal pronoun a only functions as a subject pronoun; it is not dedicated to a specific person. It has non-referential as well as referential functions. When used nonreferentially, it functions as a generic pronoun. (350)

Tublan, a na kha kun tublan xi shark NS NEG HAB eat shark so ‘Shark, this is not the way to eat sharks.’ (lines 17f.)

f. NEG

In the following example, the reference of a is not generic, and it does not refer to a specific person either. It is parallel to a passive construction where the speaker or writer does not want the actor to be mentioned. (351)

[…]

pa PURP

da give

Pa Mr

bi come Xiʼ Sir

waa see

kha thing

a

kha

NS

MOD

fo can

fê do

[…]

Alê. king

[…] to come and see what could be done […] for the king.ʼ (lines 59f.)

When a refers to a specific person, this person may be a third-person singular (352) or plural (353), or a first-person plural (354). Reference to a third-person plural is very frequent in our corpus. (352)

Ta… when

man-men lady

fo come.out

sunyan dream

se

kha

DEM

HAB

khôl’ with.PCL

faa speak

ku with

l’m’ spirit

ai, PCL

k’ when

a NS

[…].

‘When the woman who used to speak with the spirits, when she awoke from her dreams with them […].’ (lines 776f.) (353)

Se

nan

CONN

PL

a

ten

IPL

EPIST

fêxyaal soldier bʼ go

untu in

dôsu two

nen

sai

ten

PL

DEM

EPIST

ma take

moo girl

sai

se

DEM

CONN

me-matu. RED-woods

ʽThe two soldiers took the girl and went to the woods.ʼ (lines 212f.) (354)

Bo bê, pê dê faa pa a 2SG see father POSS.3SG tell COMP NS ʽYou see, her father told us to kill you.ʼ (line 385)

mata kill

bo 2SG

fol. completely

With the negation marker na, a fused form an [ã] is used. (355)

An kha skha da khama f. NS.NEG ITER PROG find place NEG ʽIt wasn’t possible to find the place [where they were going].ʼ (line 105)

94 � The noun phrase

4.5.1.7 The personal pronoun maya/maa The pronoun maya/maa is used for first-person pronoun and for the first-and thirdperson possessive. As a personal pronoun, it emphasises or topicalises the first person. (356)

Maya, Mene Xandana, se fa khô sai. 1SG.EMPH PN FOC say thing DEM.PCL ʽIt is I, Mene Xandana, who said this.ʼ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 182)

(357)

Maya na kha fêê khôô 1SG.EMPH NEG FOC say thing ʽAs for me, I never do such things.ʼ Ban bê maya f. 2SG.NEG see 1SG NEG ʽYou didnʼt see me.ʼ

(358)

nen

se

f.

PL

DEM

NEG

As a possessive determiner, maya/maa emphasises possession: pe maaya ʽmy fatherʼ, vs. pe mun ʽmy fatherʼ. In the following example the possessive maya refers to the daughter of the parents, Ma-Khosan. (359)

pe maya fa men maa xi: […]. father POSS.3SG say mother POSS.3SG so ‘The husband spoke to the wife in the following way: […].’ (line 667) Se…

CONN

4.5.1.8 Fused and non-fused forms with prepositions There are not many true prepositions in Fa dʼAmbô; many relational words are nouns and are therefore modified by possessive determiners. Such a case is the locative word liba ʽtopʼ, which means ʽon, on top ofʼ if it is modified by a possessive determiner: liba mu ʽon meʼ, liba d êli ʽon her/himʼ. Some prepositions, such as sen ʽwithoutʼ, polo ʽforʼ, or sêkundun ʽaccording toʼ, require the unbound pronouns: polʼ amu ʽfor meʼ, sen amu ʽwithout meʼ, sen êl(i) ʽwithout her/himʼ, or sêkundun amu ʽin my opinionʼ, sêkundun êli ʽaccording to himʼ. Only ku ʽwithʼ shows a fused form with the first- and third-person singular as well as with the third-person plural pronouns: khôm ʽwith meʼ, ku bo ʽwith you (sg.)ʼ khôli (< ku êli) or khôô ʽwith her/himʼ, ku non ʽwith usʼ, ku/khu namʼsêdji, ʽwith you (pl.)ʼ, khôneyn (< ku ineyn) or khu inenh ʽwith themʼ.

4.5.2 Boundedness of singular subject pronouns In Fa d’Ambô, only first-person singular and third-person singular bound subject pronouns differ from the corresponding unbound pronouns (m/mu/mun/n vs. amu/amʼ

Personal pronouns � 95

and ê vs. êli). The bound subject pronouns cannot stand alone and cannot be modified by men ʽselfʼ. (360)

(361)

(362)

a.

Kê nggê sʼ ala? – Amu / Amʼ. what person COP.PRS there 1SG ʻWho is there? – Me.ʼ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 180-81)

b.

Kê nggê sʼ ala? – *Mu. what person COP.PRS there 1SG ʻWho is there? – Me.ʼ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 180-81)

a.

Kê nggê khôlê? what person run ʻWho ran? – (S)he.’

– Êl(i). 3SG

b.

Kê nggê khôlê? what person run ʻWho ran? – (S)he.’ Amu men se fêê. 1SG self FOC do ʻItʼs me who did it.’

– *Ê. 3SG

a.

b.

*Mu men se 1SG self FOC ʻItʼs me who did it.’

fêê. do

But with moso ʽonlyʼ, both unbound and bound pronouns may be used: amu moso or mun/mu/m moso ʽonly meʼ and êli moso or ê moso ʽonly sheʼ, as in example (363). (363)

Ê moso na se 3SG only NEG FOC ‘Only she didn’t come.’

bi come

f. NEG

This means that the personal pronouns mun/mu/m and ê are not completely bound.

4.5.3 The conjoining of personal pronouns Personal pronouns are conjoined by ku, which also functions as a comitative-instrumental preposition. (364)

Fo from

ôdje today

ske

sa

FUT

COP

ba go

khabamentu end

dja day

tudu, all

bo 2SG

khôm with.1SG

ya. here

ʽFrom today until the end of days, you and I will live here.ʼ (lines 323f.)

se FOC

96 � The noun phrase

(365)

Mun khôô peza. 1SG with.3SG fight ʽI fought with him.ʼ

4.5.4 Absence of expletive pronouns In contrast to Santome (Hagemeijer 2007: 19), Angolar (Maurer 1995: 61), and Lung’Ie (Maurer 2009: 58-59), Fa d’Ambô possesses no expletive subject pronoun. The subject position is left empty. The following examples illustrate cases where an expletive pronoun should or could occur in the other Gulf of Guinea creoles, where it corresponds to the third-person singular pronoun. (366)

(367)

(368)

(369)

(370)

a.

Xiga ola kumu za. arrive hour eat already ‘It’s already time to eat.’

b.

*Ê xiga ola kumu za.

a.

Keda wan djaana soso/moso. be.left one banan only ‘There is only one banana left.’

b.

* Ê keeda wan djaana soso/moso.

a.

Gua wan djaana be.left one banana ‘Only one banana is left.’

b.

* Ê gua wan djaana soso.

a.

Ta da p’masedu […]. when give morning ‘When the morning arrived […].’ (line 892)

b.

*Ta ê da pam’sedu […].

a.

Na

soso. only

suku zugwan nggê ku kha have no person REL HAB ‘There is nobody who would pass over there.’ NEG

(371)

(372)

b.

*Ê na suku zugwan nggê ku kha pasa ala f.

a.

Kêkha awa sakee da it.seems water FUT.go give ‘It seems that it is going to rain.’

b.

*Ê kêkha awa sakee da.

a.

Bi

palêsê mu fa makina se sa seem 1SG COMP machine DEM COP ‘It seemed to me that this machine was broken.’ PST

b.

pasa pass

*Ê bi palese mu fa makina se sa danadu.

ala there

f. NEG

danadu. break.PTCP

Personal pronouns � 97

(373)

(374)

a.

Fêê mu faata make 1SG lack ‘I need a knife.’

b.

*Ê fêê mu faata fakha.

a.

Tankê kha ê sa nwan ôdjay. seem thing 3SG COP moon today ‘It seems that he has his head in the clouds today.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 433)

b.

*Ê tankê kha ê sa nuan ôdjay.

fakha. knife

Meteorological expressions often consist of an overt subject referring to the meteorological phenomenon, as in (375). But if there is no overt subject, the use of an expletive pronoun is precluded (378). (375)

Tavada skha storm PROG ‘It is storming.’

(376)

Onte awa da yesterday water give ‘Yesterday it rained a lot.’

montxi. much

(377)

Onte awa sêbê yesterday water rain ‘Yesterday it rained a lot.’

montxi. much

(378)

a.

Tê / Saku wan sapaa have have a lot.GEN ‘There is a lot of lightning.’

b.

* Ê tê / Ê saku wan sapaa / wan pesaa santababla.

a.

Saku wan sapa Have a lot ‘It’s very windy.’

(379)

(380)

da. give

d GEN

wan a

oventu. wind

b.

*Ê saku wan sapaa d’oventu.

a.

Ôdjie sakha fêê today PROG do ‘Today it’s very hot.’

b.

*Ôdjie ê sakha fêê wan sapaa kêntxi.

wan a

/

sapaa lot.GEN

kêntxi. heat

pesaa lot.GEN

santababla. lightning

98 � The noun phrase

4.6

The conjoining of noun phrases

Ku ‘with, and’ also conjoins full noun phrases. If more than two noun phrases are conjoined, either all the following noun phrases are marked by ku, or only the last one is (382a and b). (381)

Ê ku men dê sa dêntu yôkhô ala […]. 3SG and mother POSS.3SG COP inside cave there ‘He and his mother were there in the cave […].’ (online corpus)

(382)

a.

Pôkhô, khabala ku pata sakha kumi. pig goat and duck PROG eat ‘The pigs, the goats and the ducks are eating.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 166)

Pôkhô ku khabala ku pata sakha pig and goat and duck PROG ‘The pigs, the goats and the ducks are eating.’ M bê Pudul ku Malia. 1SG see PN POSS.3SG PN ‘I saw Pudul and Mali.’ b.

(383)

kumi. eat

If two identical nouns that are modified by a prepositional phrase are conjoined, the noun is not repeated. (384)

Panu dji khaminza ku dji khaasan sa kêkê. cloth GEN shirt and GEN trousers COP similar ‘The cloth of the shirt and the cloth of the trousers are similar.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 428)

Further noun phrase conjunctions are ô ‘or’, and ni … ni or ñi … ñi ‘neither … nor, both’. (385)

[…]

pa

nggu person

COMP

tu all

b’ come

k’ with

galafan damijohn

ô or

ôkhô calabash

vin wine

[…].

neñi POSS.3PL

‘[…] everybody should come with their damijohn or wine calabash […].’ (lines 754f.) (386)

Ni neither

khadji house

x’

k’

DEM

REL

nggê person

xi…

na

DEM

NEG

sêê know

khalga load

nen

xi

k’

PL

DEM

REL

ê 3SG

COP

ni nor

x’

k’

DEM

REL

sa,

khame place ê 3SG

skha,

k’

PROG

REL

main mother

ê 3SG

ê 3SG

ni nor skha PROG

kha HAB

pai, father.PCL pê… put

ma take

zwan no

lodaa lot.GEN

e

f.

PCL

NEG

‘In the house where he stayed, neither the woman nor the man [of that house], nobody at all knew where he was hiding all the things he would steal.’ (lines 652ff.)

The noun phrase-final particle � 99

(387)

4.7

Man bê ñi bo ñi nan ngê nen se 1SG.NEG see neither 2SG nor PL person PL DEM ‘I saw neither you nor those people.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 347)

f. NEG

The noun phrase-final particle

In many cases, the end of a noun phrase is indicated by the particle ai (388) in the sentence-final position, which can take the form e (389) if it is not in the sentencefinal position. Furthermore, (389) shows that, as had been said, the particle is located at the end of the noun phrase, including a relative clause, but before the negation marker f and other sentence-final particles. (388)

[…]

se CONN

a NS

mat’ kill

todo all

pôvu people

khomesa start

kumu, eat

kuuu with

dusu piece

tublan shark

xi DEM

ai. PCL

‘[…] then everybody started to eat [bananas], with pieces of the shark that had been killed.ʼ (lines 25f.) (389)

Ala, bo kha bê khamê se fêê xi e there 2SG PROG see place DEM make so PCL ‘Do you see the place over there which has this form?’ (line 919)

fa?” INTERR

According to context, the noun phrase-final particle can be realised as a (390), ya (example 391), or -I (392 and 393). These particles are pronounced with a higher pitch if the sentence is not finished, and on a lower pitch if the sentence ends with the noun phrase. In the case of a word ending in -l, or if l corresponds to the third-person object pronoun, this l may be pronounced with a longer duration (395) and also with a higher or lower pitch according to its position in the sentence. (390)

Ôxi when

tela country

navin Ship

la

non

a

kha

POSS.1PL

NS

HAB

xiga arrive

PRF

san ground

da give

khô thing

sa

a,

sa

fa

DEM

PCL

COP

COMP

bela. already

ʽWhen in our country a ship is announced, it means that the ship has already arrived.ʼ (lines 412f.) (391)

Nggonggo pleasure da give

bo 2SG

xi DEM

m 1SG

su COP

ku with

bo 2SG

ya,

se

sa

ixi

PCL

FOC

COP

DEM

[…].

ʽThe pleasure to be with you is what I will give you […].ʼ (lines 321f.)

m 1SG

ske FUT

100 � The noun phrase

(392)

Nome sa-i, a kha same Young.man DEM-PCL NS IPFV call.3SG ‘This boy they called Ton Tublan.’ (lines 4f.)

(393)

[…]

nggu person

neñi, POSS.3PL.PCL

tu all

bi come

pa

djun’ sleep

COMP

kʼ with

galafan damijohn

bôkhô-poto… mouth-door

Ton Ton

Tublan. shark

ô or

ôkhô calabash

vin wine

[…].

ʽ[…] everybody should come with their damijohn or wine calabash, they should sleep at the doorway […].ʼ (lines 754f.) (394)

Khô thing

xi…,

l’ma spirit

i,

ku

PCL

REL

DEM

todo all

fa word l’ma spirit

xi

ku

DEM

REL

fa tell

manmen woman

x’

k’

DEM

REL

fa speak

ku with

[…].

li 3SG

‘[…] the things [they executed], all the words that the woman who spoke with the spirits, that the spirits told her […].ʼ (lines 945f.) (395)

Tak’ when l’ 3SG.PCL

a NS

sugudj’ pour

aa-benta holy-water

pê put

l’, 3SG.PCL

k’ when

a NS

batxiza baptise

[…].

ʽWhen they had poured holy water on him, when they had baptised him […].ʼ (lines 592f.)

The noun phrase-final particle seems to have a certain focalisation function; however, further analyses will be necessary to elucidate its exact functions.

4.8

The structure of the noun phrase

Tables 13 and 14 show the syntactic structure of the noun phrase. Table 13: Structure of the noun phrase I 1

2

3

4

5

6

7

wan, utulu, uzwan

quantifiers

nan

NOUN

adjective

mod. of the adj.

poss. det.

indefinite determiner interrogative determiner

The structure of the noun phrase � 101

Table 14: Structure of the noun phrase II 8 numeral

9

10

11

12

13

nen dem. det. prepositional phrase relative clause

noun phrase-final particle

This does not mean that every available position may be combined with another. For example, indefinite determiners may not combine with quantifiers (for obvious semantic reasons). A constructed example showing all positions with the exception of positions 1, 2, 3, and 6 is as follows: (396)

khadji house 4

ngaandji big 5

ku

bo 2SG

REL

12

mun POSS.1SG

7 skha PROG

bê see

dôsu two 8 ala there

nen

se

dji

PL

DEM

GEN

9

10

11

pala city

i PCL

13

ʽthe two big houses of mine in the city that you are seeing thereʼ

The following example illustrates positions 1, 2, and 3: (397)

[…]. An pesa nan nggê tela khansa a lot PL person country get.tired 1 2 3 4 5 ‘A lot of people of that country got tired […].’ (line 494)

5 The verb phrase The elements that occur in the verb phrase appear in the following order: • • • • • •

the adverb ontoo ‘up to nowʼ, which follows the subject and precedes the negation marker na17; the preverbal negation marker na, which precedes tan ʻrepetitiveʼ and ten/teen ʽalso; epistemic markerʼ; tan ʽrepetitiveʼ and ten ʽalso; epistemic markerʼ, which precede the tense, aspect, and mood markers; TAM markers, which precede the verb; the verb; the arguments and adjuncts of the verb, which follow the verb.

As mentioned, the only adverb in the corpus that precedes the negation marker na is ontoo ‘up to now’. (398)

Xya mu ontoo na sa wife POSS.1SG up.to.now NEG NEG.PRF ‘Up to now my wife hasn’t arrived yet.’

xiga arrive

f. NEG

The two elements tan ʻrepetitiveʼ and ten ʻalso; epistemic markerʼ precede the TAM markers. (399)

Khwô thing

xi

k’

a

DEM

REL

NS

fê do

neyn 3PL

tan

skha

REP

PROG

fê make

nan PL

pepe grandfather

dêli,

se

a

POSS.3SG

FOC

NS

men. self

‘What they had done to his grandparents, that is exactly what they were doing to them.’ (lines 487f.) (400)

Bo 2SG an... A Se CONN

sê know kumu, food moo girl

fa COMP

ôxi when

an a

khô... . thing

se DEM

ten also

navin ship

kha

bi, come

Se

nggu person

HAB

CONN

bi

sa

PST

COP

tu all

se CORR

ten EPIST

bo 2SG

kha

ba go

lalea. beach

HAB

bê see

lalea. beach

‘You know that when a ship arrives there is some … food and other things … . So everybody went to the beach. His mother was also on the beach.’ (lines 417ff.)

�� 17 The second part of the negation, f or fa, is not verb-phrase-final, but sentence-final (see § 5.8.2, below p. 159).

104 � The verb phrase

(401)

Sê CONN

ê 3SG

ten

kha

EPIST

HAB

to live

k’ with

pê father

dê, POSS.3SG

ku with

men mother

[…].

dêlê POSS.3SG.PCL

‘She lived with her father and her mother.’ (lines 40f.)

When these two elements combine with the negation marker na, they follow it to give natan or n’tan meaning ʻnot any moreʼ and naten or n’ten ʻnot yetʼ or ‘not either’. This difference is best exemplified by (404) vs. (405). As (402, 404, and 405) show, they precede the TAM markers, as in the examples above. (402)

(403)

(404)

(405)

5.1

n’tan kha fê khô NEG.REP MOD make thing ‘Listen, Mene, don’t do these things any more!’ Mene

a,

nen

se

f.

PN

VOC

PL

DEM

NEG

khama nʼten su kulu place NEG.yet COP dark ‘Well, it is not yet dark.ʼ (lines 548f.) Êwa,

f.

EXCL

NEG

Ê natan kha kum pix 3SG NEG.REP HAB eat fish ‘He doesn’t eat fish any more.’

f.

Ê naten kha kum 3SG NEG.yet HAB eat ‘He doesn’t eat fish either.’

f.

pix fish

NEG

NEG

Tense, aspect, and mood markers

The verb is either zero-marked or marked by the following five TAM markers: kha (allomorph ga after m or n ‘I’), sakha ~ skha, sakhee ~ skhee ~ kee, la (and its negated counterpart sa), bi, and ta. Possible combinations are la kha, la skhee, la bi (and its negative counterpart bi sa), kha skha, bi skha, bi kha, bi kha skha, bi ta, and bi skhee. Lexical aspect plays a certain role regarding the distribution of the TAM markers, which especially concerns the temporal and aspectual reference of stative verbs. The stative verbs that refer to present situations when they are modified by Ø will be referred to as type-A statives, and the stative verbs that refer to past perfective situations when modified by Ø will be called type-B statives. In contrast to other Ibero-Romance-related creoles, there are only two type-B stative verbs in our corpus, namely ta ‘stay, live’ and sama in the sense of ‘be called’. If the verb ta is modified by kha in the present tense (or past tense if the context is clearly past), it has a permanent-state interpretation (example 406), but if it is modified by the progressive marker skha, it has a temporary-state interpretation (407). If ta is modified by Ø, it has a past-perfective interpretation (408 and 409).

Tense, aspect, and mood markers � 105

(406)

Zwan

kha

PN

PRS

ta Malabo. live PLN ‘Zwan lives in Malabo.’ (permanent state, present tense)

(407)

Dja nen sai m skha ta Malabo. Day PL DEM.PCL 1SG PROG live PLN ‘These days I’m staying in Malabo.’ (temporary state, present tense)

(408)

Zwan

Ø

PN

PFV

(409)

ta Malabo. live PLN ‘Zwan stayed in Malabo.’ (past perfective) Ê Ø ta Ambô têêxi mêdji. 3SG PFV stay PLN three month ʽShe stayed in Anobón for three months.ʼ (past perfective)

However, the difference between skha ta and kha ta does not always match the opposition between permanent and temporary state. (410) and (411) refer to the same situation, which is a permanent state; in (410), skha emphasises the duration of the situation, which is also highlighted by the repetition of the verb phrase. (410)

(411)

Se

skha

CONN

namo se ten skha ta, DIM.girl DEM EPIST PROG live ʽAnd she continued staying there.ʼ (line 131)

PROG

ta. live

ê ten kha ta vaan tôl. 3SG EPIST HAB stay top tower ʽAnd she remained in the upper part of the tower.ʼ (line 127) […]

s’

CONN

The verb sama meaning ‘call somebody’ functions like an action verb, but in the sense of ‘be called’, it functions like a type-B stative. In Fa d’Ambô it is constructed differently from other Portuguese-related creole languages. In Lung’Ie, ‘I am called Zwan’ is N ka sama Zwan (1SG IPFV call Zwan) (Maurer 2009: 73) or in Papiamentu Mi Ø yama Wan (1SG PRS Wan) (personal knowledge), i.e. with a personal pronoun in subject position. In Fa d’Ambô, the subject of sama is the non-specific personal pronoun a. (412)

a.

b.

A

kha

Zwan.

NS

PRS

sama mu call 1SG ‘My name is Zwan.’

PN

*

M 1SG

ga PRS

sama call

Zwan. PN

(412b) is of course correct if the intended meaning is ʽI call Zwan [every day]ʼ.

106 � The verb phrase

5.1.1 The functions of Ø With dynamic verbs, the zero-marked verb fulfills aspectual as well as modal functions: Ø expresses perfective aspect, and when used modally, Ø refers to non-factive events. Furthermore, it is synonymous with the past marker bi if the context is identifiable as past. With type-A stative verbs, Ø functions as a present tense marker. In our corpus, the following verbs belong to this group: balê ‘be worth’, gonggo/nggo ‘want, love’, gusta ʽlikeʼ, kê(ê)/tankê(ê) ‘resemble, seem’, kêlê ‘believe’, khônôsê ‘know’, kuuta ‘cost’, mêsê ‘love’, mazna ‘think’, mêêsê/mêlêsê ‘merit’, palêsê ‘seem’, podji/po/ padji/ fo ‘can’, sa ‘be’, saku ‘have’, sêbê ‘know’, sintxi ʽfeelʼ, tê ‘have’, and na xyêdê f ‘not be worth’. (413)

Bo Ø kê modoya. 2SG PRS seem sad ‘You look sad.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 431)

(414)

Ximafan amu, m Ø kêlê like 1SG 1SG PRS believe ‘In my opinion, this machine is broken.’

(415)

(416)

Mun Ø mazna fa 1SG PRS think COMP ‘I believe this is not OK.’

fa COMP

makina machine

se

sa

DEM

COP

gaavu well

khô thing

sê

na

sa

DEM

NEG

COP

Lavuu se na Ø xyêdê book DEM NEG PRS be.worth ‘This book isn’t worth anything.’

f.

danadu. break.PTCP

f. NEG

NEG

It could be that Ø for present reference with type-A statives is functionally the same as Ø for past perfective with dynamic verbs, in the sense that for these stative verbs it is only possible to have a present interpretation through mentioning that they have entered the state (inchoative function of the past perfective marker). As a matter of fact, some Bantu languages use the perfect tense to refer to present states (see ApiCS feature 51 in Maurer 2013a: 200ff. as well as Chatelain 1888-98: 26, 34 for Kimbundu), but since Fa d’Ambô has no overt morphology in these cases, it is not possible to find arguments that favour or dismiss this hypothesis. When the verb kuuta ‘cost’ is modified by Ø, it has either a present or a past perfective interpretation, according to the context. This means that it either functions as a type-A stative verb or as a dynamic verb. (417)

Khantu lavuu se Ø kuuta? How.much book DEM PRS/PFV cost ‘How much does this book cost?’ / ‘How much did this book cost?’

Tense, aspect, and mood markers � 107

If the sentence is pronounced in a bookshop, it usually has a present reference, and if someone who has bought a book is asked, it has a past perfective meaning. In this case Ø is synonymous with the past marker bi (Khantu lavuu se bi kuuta?). With the type-B stative ta ʻstay, liveʼ (see 408 and 409) and dynamic verbs, Ø functions as past perfective marker, with a past-before-present (418) or past-beforepast meaning (419). The discursive function of past-before-present is to refer to storyline events (420). (418)

Wan tela se soya Ø folo. a country FOC story PVF come.from.PCL ʽOnce upon a time (lit. ‘A story came from a country’).ʼ (see line 117)

(419)

[…]

(420)

sêê

Ø

CONN.3SG

PFV

bê an taba tubran see a AUGM shark ‘[…] and he saw an enormous shark ʼ. (line 8) Kha thing

d

awa water

GEN

xi

ku

Ø

DEM

REL

PFV

neñi, POSS.3PL.PCL

mêtê put

pê put

dasu piece

bate canoe

[…].

djendja banana

pi unripe

nen-nen RED~PL

[…].

‘The little water they had, all the unripe bananas they had put into the canoe […].’ (lines 510f.)

In subordinate clauses, Ø occurs in object and purposive clauses headed by pa and in clauses that are headed by an obligatory or non-obligatory combination of an element with pa, such as anta kha fêê pa ‘before’ (lit. ‘before it happens that’), kha fêê (pa) or kha manda pa ʽif onlyʼ, and beenga (pa) ‘even if’. In these cases, Ø refers to non-factive events. (421)

ê nggo peen Ø m’ 3SG want COMP.1SG MOD take ʻAnd she wants me to take you to her.ʼ (lines 298f.) […]

s’

CONN

(422)

(423)

M skha gada pa bo 1SG PROG wait PURP 2SG ʻI am waiting for you to come.ʼ Ama, nanny têndê... hear

khama how fe sound

non 1PL

skêê

Ø MOD

FUT

fêê… do

swaa crying.GEN

m’na? child

bo 2SG

ba go

da give

l. 3SG

bi. come pa PURP

pe father

m

na

Ø

POSS.1SG

NEG

MOD

ʻNanny, what should we do so my father doesn’t hear the baby crying?ʼ (lines 186f.)

108 � The verb phrase

(424)

Anta before

“Fala! speak pen

Ø

PURP.1SG

MOD

kha

fê happen

MOD

da give

pe father

pa

pe father

COMP

bo

bo

Ø

POSS.2SG

MOD

[…].

lazan information

POSS.2SG

sêbê, know

ʻSpeak! Before your father gets to know it, so I can inform your father.ʼ (lines 675ff.) (425)

Beenga (pa) êneyn Ø khôlê, êneyn sakhe yengea even.if COMP 3PL MOD run 3PL FUT arrive ʻEven if they ran, they would arrive late.ʼ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 345)

(426)

Kha fê pa Puduu Ø if.only PN MOD ʻIf only Puduu had died!ʼ

tadji. late

môlê! die

In relative clauses, the zero-marked verb also refers to a non-factive event. In (427), nggi xi [ku] Ø bi means literally ʻwhoever comesʼ. (427)

[…]

pakê because

pê PURP.3SG

nafômôzôô DIM.beauty.GEN

khaza marry

ku… with

namo DIM.woman

kha

sa

MOD

COP

nggi person

s’ DEM

an NS. NEG

xi

Ø

DEM

MOD

fo can bi come

pê allow

l 3SG

ê

f.

PCL

NEG

ʻ[…] because the beauty of this young woman does not allow her to marry … just anybody.ʼ (lines 43ff.) (428)

[…]

nggi person

dê give.3SG

khô thing

xi

teen

kha

DEM

EPIST

MOD

i DEM

nggi person

bl’ open

ôyʼ eye

xʼ

Ø

DEM

MOD

pindjʼ ask

ei, PCL

êli 3SG

ê 3SG

skêê FUT

[…].

‘[…] the person who would open his eyes [whoever it be], he would give him whatever he asks him […].’ (lines 85ff.)

In this sentence, kha in kha ble ôy’ ei fulfills the same function as Ø.

5.1.2 The functions of kha Kha has temporal and modal functions. It has an allomorph ga when preceded by m or n ‘first-person singular’. (429)

M/N ga lêê lavuu 1SG HAB read book ‘I read books every night.’

nôtxi night

tudu. all

Tense, aspect, and mood markers � 109

The most frequent function of kha that occurs in our corpus is to express habituality. In (429), the reference is present, but if the context is clearly past, kha may also refer to past habitual (430). (430)

[…]

sêê

Ø

CONN.3SG

PFV

aa-saga salt water

kha HAB

fo come.from

gada keep

todo all

khamêê place kha thing

xiii

alê king

DEM

dê POSS.3SG

d GEN

tudu […]. all

‘[…] and left from the place where the king kept all his belongings […].’ (lines 21f.)

Similar to the habitual is the iterative function. In this case, the repetition of the action takes place within a limited period of time which cannot be considered a habit. (431)

Mes Skol kha da dji dê ba pê, ê kha khansa […]. Mesti Skola ITER give GEN POSS.3SG go leave 3SG ITER tire ‘The Mesti Skola would say his part of the prayer and stop, he would get tired […].’ (lines 910f.)

Kha also refers to generic situations with dynamic verbs (example 432) as well as with type-A statives (433 and 434) and adjectives that behave like qualificative verbs (435), which both take Ø for the present reference. (432)

Ta when

bidon container

se

kha

CORR

GNR

bi come

se

kha

DEM

GNR

se

kha

CONN

GNR

venta approach da hit

fo come.from

bo 2SG

l’ba top

ku with

fooxi, force

gotxi […]. neck

‘When this container falls down with force, it comes down and hits your neck […].’ (lines 388ff.) (433)

ê Ta kha sa nam’na, sʼ khʼ sʼ ope when GNR COP DIM.child CORR 3SG GNR COP foot ‘When they are children, they are close to their mother.’ (lines 258f.)

(434)

Namina kha kêê nan pe DIM.child GNR resemble PL father ‘Children [usually] resemble their parents.’

(435)

Namen ten kha fômôzô xi? woman EPIST GNR be.pretty so ‘How can a woman be so pretty?’ (line 147)

mayn. mother

dineyn. POSS.3PL

As mentioned in § 5.1 above, only two stative verbs are modified by kha but not by Ø for present tense reference, namely ta ‘live, stay, remain’ and sama ‘be called’. In some types of subordinate clauses, kha may fulfill other functions. In temporal clauses, kha refers to a future (436 and 437) or future-in-the-past situation (438).

110 � The verb phrase

(436)

Dê day

i

bo 2SG

kha

DEM

pali give.birth

bo 2SG

mêtê put

pê put

namʼna DIM.child

FUT

mina, child

se

bo 2SG

ma take

gian necklace

se DEM

gotxi. neck

DEM

‘When you give birth, you take this necklace and put it around the child’s neck.’ (lines 166f.) (437)

(438)

Amaa, ta bo kha xiga, non tomorrow when 2SG FUT arrive 1PL ʽTomorrow, when you arrive, we are going to eat.ʽ Khôlê run

kha

a go

FUT

sai

san call

DEM.PCL

fêê make

pôvu people

an one

sumanu, week

kha FUT

a go

se

nan

CORR

PL

kum. eat pa man

nen-nen RED~PL

Vidji-Ngaandji […]. PLN

ʽAfter one week these men called the people to the place called Vidjil Ngaandji […].ʼ (lines 853ff.)

In (438), kha as a future marker is embedded in a special construction meaning ‘after’, literally meaning ‘run going to make’. When kha refers to future situations, the marker skhee may be used instead (see § 5.1.10, below p. 124). Together with the adverb bela/beza ‘already’, kha refers to an anterior future. (439)

Taadji, afternoon men Mother

pen for.1SG

se

lolo go.down

FOC

bi, come

ôy when

bo 2SG

kha FUT

fa speak

ku with

bela. already

bo POSS.2SG

ʽIn the afternoon, it is me who will go, after you have already spoken to your mother.ʼ (lines 414f.)

A further function of kha is to highlight an action, similar to a narrative present in some European languages. In this case, kha parallels Ø in its function as a perfective aspect marker. This function of kha is very rare; in our texts, it occurs only once (440). (440)

Se… CONN

mayn woman

sêê know

lazan story

kha NARR

i DEM

faa say non 1PL

l: 3SG ske FUT

“Ô oh da tell

ma 1SG pe father

ê! EXCL

Ma take

kusan. heart

Men 1SG.NEG

bo. POSS.2SG

ʽAnd the woman said to her: “Oh my goodness! Take it easy. I don’t know what we will tell your father.” ʼ (lines 178ff.)

The combination of the verb kha with bay ʻgoʼ, realised as kee or gee, refers to an immediate future.

Tense, aspect, and mood markers � 111

(441)

M gee lêê lavuu nôtxi 1SG PRS.go read book night ‘I’m going to read books every night.’

(442)

Khô i non kee fêê thing DEM 1PL PRS.go do ‘What we are going to do now?’

tudu. all ôsexi? now

In very rare cases, kha is used in main clauses as a synonym of the progressive skha (443). (443)

“Ala, bo kha bê khamê se fêê xi e fa?” there 2SG PROG see place DEM make so PCL INTERR “Do you see the place over there which has this form?” “Yes.” (line 919)

“Ee.” yes

In subordinate clauses, especially in relative and conditional clauses, kha fulfills modal functions. In main clauses or relative clauses, kha may refer to a non-asserted referent which in English may be rendered by ‘whoever’, ‘whatever’, ‘whenever’, and so on. (444)

[…] l 3SG

pakê because

nafômôzôô DIM.beauty.GEN

pê

khaza marry

PURP.3SG

ku… with

namo DIM.woman kha

sa

MOD

COP

sʼ

an

DEM

NP

nggi person

fo can

xi DEM

pê allow

bi come

ê

f.

PCL

NEG

ʻ[…] because the beauty of this young woman does not allow her to marry… just anybody.’ (lines 43f.) (445)

Kha

sʼ

MOD

COP

lazan information

khô thing

i

k’

a

DEM

REL

NS

bê see

ai,

pa

PCL

COMP

da give

pôv’ people

tu all

[…].

ʻWhatever you see, you will inform everybody […].’ (lines 764f.) (446)

[…]

xi

teen

kha

DEM

EPIST

MOD

nggi person

xʼ

nggi person

khô thing

i DEM

DEM

pindjʼ ask

bl’ open êli 3SG

ôyʼ eye

ei, PCL

ê 3SG

skêê FUT

dê give.3SG

[…].

‘[…] the person who would open his eyes [whoever it be], he would give him whatever he asks him […].’ (lines 85ff.) (447)

Nggi person tan REP

xi

kha

DEM

MOD

vlame give.back

da give

tokha find

saku bag

mu, POSS.1SG

fêê do

m 1SG

favôlô favour

p’ê COMP.3SG

mu. 1SG

‘The person who finds [Whoever finds] my bag, please do me the favour and give it back to me.’

112 � The verb phrase

(448)

[…]

pa PURP

Pa Mr

Xi’ Sir

bi come

waa see

kha thing

a

kha

NS

MOD

fo can

fê do

[…]

da give

Alê. king

‘[…] for them to come and see what [= whatever] could be done […] for the king.’ (line 69)

The English conjunction ‘before’ is rendered in Fa d’Ambô by a complex construction which implies kha: anta kha fêê pa ‘before it happens that’. (449)

Fala! Anta kha fêê pa speak before MOD happen COMP ‘Speak! Before your father gets to know it.’

pe father

bo

Ø

POSS.2SG

MOD

sêbê. know

In a speech act situation, kha modifying the verb fo/foo ʽcanʼ may express a polite request (450 and 451). Without the verb fo, kha may also function as an imperative, which, as a directive speech act, is stronger than the construction with fo (452 and 453). (450)

Bo kha fo toma ma men bo bi da 2SG MOD can do.favour take mother POSS.2SG come give ʽCould you do me the favour of bringing me your mother?ʼ (lines 294f.)

(451)

Non kha foo bai? 1PL HAB can go.PCL ʽCan we go?ʼ (line 299)

(452)

Ôô,

san

kha

a!

EXCL

EXCL

MOD

PCL

(453)

pa kha xigodu look thing happen.PTCP ‘Hey, people, look what happened!’ (lines 658f.) Bo 2SG xi so

kha MOD

pa COMP

faa tell fêê do

telʼ country xi so

pa COMP

e,

kha thing

INTERJ

fêê do

skee FUT

fêê happen

xi so

mun? 1SG

pa COMP

fêê do

xi. so

‘You will tell the people that it will happen this way, so they should do this and that.’ (lines 728ff.)

In conditional clauses kha functions as the marker of conditionality in the protasis. Hypothetical conditional sentences, i.e. those sentences posited by the speaker as a possibility that is not based on experience, may use the subordinator si ‘if’ in the protasis. If the protasis precedes the apodosis, si is optative (454a), but if the protasis follows the apodosis, si is obligatory (454b). In the apodosis of hypothetical conditional sentences, either the future marker skee (454 and 455) or the imperative (456) is used.

Tense, aspect, and mood markers � 113

(454)

a.

b.

(455)

(456)

(Si) M ga tê djêlu, if 1SG MOD have money ‘If I have money, I’ll go on a trip.’

m 1SG

M skee sêê ba vaadji 1SG FUT go.out go trip ‘I’ll go on a trip if I have money.’

si if

Awa kha da ôdjay, no water MOD fall today 1PL ‘If it rains today, we won’t go out.’ “Sun, Sir po PURP

a and non 1PL

bo 2SG bê…, see

kha

sa

MOD

COP

po PURP

skee

m 1SG

na

skêê

NEG

MOD

non 1SG

pesua person bê… see

sêê go.out

FUT

ga MOD

sê go.out

ba go

tê have

vaadji. trip djêlu. money

f. NEG

sêê go.out

kiitan, Christian

bi, come,

tô.” 2SG.SLM

‘And if you are a real person, come out of there, so we can see ..., so we can see … you.’ (lines 552f.)

If the conditional sentence contains the conjunction ô ‘or’, modal kha is best translated by ʽwhetherʼ, as in (457). (457)

Kha

sa

f.

MOD

COP

NEG

makina sai ô isala, na sa taave machine DEM.PCL or DEM NEG COP problem ‘Whether it is this machine or the other one, that’s no problem.’

If the hypothesis is based on experience, kha is used in both the protasis and the apodosis (458 and 459). (458)

[…]

bo 2SG

nggêdji foreigner

kha MOD

bê see.3SG

khaboñi fishing boat

moso, only

bo 2SG

khʼ MOD

sê know

fa

kha

COMP

HAB

pa… see

a. PCL

‘[…] if you just look at him, you recognise that he looks like … a white man from a foreign fishing boat.ʼ (lines 987f.) (459)

Ê 3SG kha MOD

kha MOD

tokha run.into

an a

mayn woman

ta put

pixi fish

dê POSS.3SG

solo, sun

ê 3SG

ligi. pick.up

ʻIf he ran into a woman who had put her fish out in the sun [in order to dry it], he would steal it.ʼ (lines 601f.)

In verb chains, kha may modify the second verb, fulfilling the function of the progressive aspect. This function occurs especially with inchoative verbs like khomesa ‘start’ or pono ‘fall’ as the first verb.

114 � The verb phrase

(460)

Ta da djia, sʼ ê Ø khomesa kha when give day CORR 3SG PFV start PROG ‘One day, he [the boy] started to follow a voice…’ (lines 259f.)

(461)

Ta when kha

da give a go

PROG

wan approximately la o’clock

sêx six

la o’clock

taadji afternoon

xinku five

ku with

lêê follow

fala… voice

Ø

mêê, half

[…].

pono fall

PFV

[…].

‘When it was approximately half past five, almost six o’clock in the afternoon […].’ (lines 534ff.) (462)

[…]. Non kee gwô x’pê kha pa khô xi… sa 1PL FUT leave simply PROG look thing DEM COP ‘We will leave [it] simply as it is and see what happens […].’ (lines 701f.)

(463)

[…]

kʼ a Ø ma kha bi khadji, ê bi when NS PFV start PROG come home 3SG come ‘[…] when they set out to go home, Xinggili arrived home.’ (lines 885f.)

khadji […]. home

Another case implies two verbs of movement where the first verb usually refers to a punctual situation, like lanta ‘enter’.18 (464)

(465)

A

Ø

NS

PFV

lanta untul me-me ngee kha enter in RED-woods big PROG ‘They entered the deep forest and kept going.’ (line 216) Se CONN

’

ngai Big

moo girl

se DEM

kha PROG

ku and

m’na child

bay. go

dê

teen

Ø

POSS.3SG

EPIST

PFV

ma take

me-me RED-woods

bay. go

‘The princess and her child went into the deep forest and started walking.’ (lines 239f.)

But there are also examples with movement verbs that refer to a durative situation, such as e.g. venta ʽmove rapidlyʼ. In such cases, Ø has an inchoative meaning. (466)

Oxi when

zudê devil

se

Ø

DEM

PFV

venta move.rapidly

kha PROG

bi, come

ê 3SG

zuga throw

an a

vvvvvvve. Feeling.of.wind ‘When this devil ran over [lit. ʽstarted coming over rapidlyʼ] to the people, they got a cold feeling of the wind.’ (lines 957f.)

�� 18 This construction corresponds to APiCS feature 53 ‘Aspect change in verb chains’ (Maurer 2013a: 208ff.) and had not yet been reported for Fa d’Ambô.

Tense, aspect, and mood markers � 115

When a verb that is marked by the progressive ska/skha is repeated several times, the repetitions may be marked by kha. (467)

Se

a

ska

CONN

NS

PROG

bay, kha bay, kha go PROG go PROG ‘They kept on going and going […].’ (line 214)

bay, go

kha PROG

bay go

[…].

In verb chains with the copula or the verb saku ‘have’, kha has either a habitual or a progressive function. (468)

ineyn […]. sʼ e kha ma mavida 3PL COP here HAB take difficulty ‘They were experiencing a life of many, many difficulties […].’ (lines 255f.) S’

CONN

(469)

Se CONN

d GEN

sʼ

non 1PL

COP

ala there

kha PROG

tusan sit

kha

paa look.at

PROG

kulêntxi tide

omali […]. sea

‘We were there, sitting and observing the movement of the waves […].’ (lines 457f.) (470)

[…] ôtu … eight

m 1SG be go

bi PST

sʼku have

dentxi, forward

an one kha PROG

dexi ten xina learn

d GEN

anu year

khalêla career

ku with

nan PL

sêxi … six

Mes Mesti

kha

a go

PROG

Skol Skola

[…].

‘[…] I was sixteen years old … eighteen years … or even older, and I was studying to become a Mesti Skola […].’ (lines 466f.)

5.1.3 The functions of sakha/skha/ska Sakha functions as a present progressive marker and, if the context is clearly past, as past progressive marker. (471)

Kha skha fêê nam’sêdji? thing PROG do 2PL ‘What is the matter with you?’ (line 17)

(472)

[…]

ineyn na sêê khame x’ k’ ineyn skha 3PL NEG know place DEM REL 3PL PROG ‘[…] they didn’t even know where they were going.’ (lines 509f.)

be go

f. NEG

In a negated sentence, skha can refer to a habitual situation; in this case, the use of skha instead of kha intensifies the negation.

116 � The verb phrase

(473)

(474)

khadji x’ k’ ê sa ê na skha a motu house DEM REL 3SG COP 3SG NEG HAB go field ‘[…] in the house where he lived he wouldn’t go [to help] in the fields.’ (lines 622f.) […]

M skha mazna fa ê na tan skha bi 1SG PROG think COMP 3SG NEG any.more PROG come ‘I’m thinking that he won’t come any more.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 290)

f. NEG

f. NEG

The marker skha may also have an immediate future function, especially with verbs denoting a punctual situation. (475)

M skha khwa bo. 1SG PROG fetch 2SG ‘I am going to fetch you.’

The same is true with the verb bay ‘go’. (476)

Tak’ ê ska a pali, s’ ê faa: when 3SG PROG go give.birth CORR 3SG say ‘When she was going to give birth, she said: […].’ (lines 185f.)

[…].

In the following example skha modifies the verb ta ‘live’, which normally is marked by kha. Here, skha emphasises the duration of the state, together with the repetition of the sentence. (477)

Se

a

ska

se

a

ska

CONN

NP

PROG

ta, se a ska ta, live CONN NP PROG live ‘And they continued to live together […].’ (lines 326f.)

CONN

PL

PROG

ta live

[…].

The verb kêlê ‘believe’ does not take skha for present (or past imperfective) reference; however, in the following example, skha emphasises the importance of the situation: the king really believes that he had got his daughter’s heart, whereas in fact he had got the heart of a small animal instead. (478)

Êli ska kêlê fa kuusan m’na dêl. 3SG PROG believe COMP heart child POSS.3SG ‘He was convinced that it was his daughter’s heart.’

This holds also for other stative verbs like mêlêsê ‘merit’. (479)

Mene

sakha

PN

PROG

mêlêsê pa ladalan lanta l khadji. merit COMP thief enter 3SG house ‘Mene really deserves that the thieves enter his house.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 285)

Tense, aspect, and mood markers � 117

The progressive marker also occurs in optative sentences, when the situation the verb refers to has a current present reference. (480)

Kha

na

skha

MOD

fê pa khai mun do PURP house POSS.1SG ‘Let’s hope my house is not burning!’

NEG

PROG

khama burn

f! NEG

The same holds for its use in hypothetical conditional clauses. (481)

Kha

pa

MOD

PURP

awa skha da, water PROG give ‘If it’s raining [now], we won’t go out.’

non 1PL

na

skêê

NEG

FUT

sêe go.out

f. NEG

5.1.4 The functions of skee/skhee/kee The future marker has several allomorphs: sakhe (< sakha bay ‘PROG go’), skhee, skee, and kee, which has an allomorph gee after the first-person pronoun m ‘I’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 287). The mid-open is assimilated to a closed when followed by a word containing . In contrast to the other three Gulf of Guinea creoles, Fa d’Ambô does not use ka/kha as a future marker, but the form kee (< kha bay ‘FUT go’) and its allomorph gee constitute a trace of this marker. The following examples illustrate the use of sakhe and its allomorphs when referring to a future situation. With temporal subordinate clauses, the future marker is used both in the subordinate and the main clause. If the context is clear, skee may also refer to a future-in-the-past situation. (482)

Ta when non 1PL

pe father tudu all

bo

skê

POSS.2SG

FUT

têndê hear

khô thing

se

e,

DEM

PCL

ske

ê 3SG

FUT

mata kill

[…].

‘When your father hears about this, he will kill all of us […].’ (lines 180f.) (483)

Ôxi m’na skhe sêê, m’na ske When child FUT come.out child FUT ‘When the baby arrives, it will cry.’ (lines 187f.)

(484)

Ngê Person

ta

patu dish

balu. clay

PST

kumi eat

dêntu in

khokhwa skin

sula. cry

djangana banana

kee FUT

kumu eat

ku with

‘People who used to eat out of banana skins will eat out of earthenware.’ (Zamora Lóboch 1962: 29)

118 � The verb phrase

(485)

N skee gad’ e ba 1SG FUT wait 3SG go ‘I will wait for him until he comes.’

tokha touch

ôxi hour

skee

ê 3SG

bi. come

FUT

The future marker combines with all verbal aspects; in the following example, it modifies the stative verb kêlê ‘believe’. (486)

moo nen xi na bê fa, sê sakhee kêlê woman PL DEM NEG see NEG FOC FUT believe ‘It is the women who didn’t see it that will believe you.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 175) Nan PL

bo. 2SG

The following example shows that the future marker is also used as marker of the future-in-the-past. (487)

khô xi Pa Met skee da thing DEM Father Lord FUT give ‘[…] whatever God would give them […].’ (line 539) […]

neyñ 3PL

ai […]. PCL

The future marker also refers to an immediate future, in the present (488) or in the past (489). (488)

A… a kha non skê fêê? Umm and what 1PL FUT do ‘And what are we going to do?’ (line 222)

(489)

[…]

se

a

ten

CONN

NS

EPIST

skhee

fêê… do

FUT

Pa Mr

Xi’ Sir

fêê happen Alê King

dêkê

a

skee

COMP

NP

FUT

uzwan no

kha thing

pê put

d’ give

xi. so

ôô eye

A NP

n’tan not.any.more

dê

f.

POSS.1SG

NEG

‘Then it was decided to leave things as they were. They were not going to do anything for the king’s eyes any more.’ (lines 66f.)

Depending on the context, antecedents of relative clauses sometimes do not refer to specific, known entities when the verb of the relative clause is modified by the future marker, a function which is also fulfilled by kha (see above, p. 108) and Ø (see above, p. 106). (490)

[…] skhêê FUT

lai

a

sakha

PRESENT

NS

PROG

fêê think

dêkê…

bi come

e,

ta

pa

sa

PCL

OBL

COMP

COP

COMP

mase young.man

namase DIM.man

gavu good

xi

ku

DEM

REL

[…].

‘[…] as a matter of fact, they were there thinking that the young man who would come [i.e. whoever it be] should be a young man with a good character […].’ (lines 41f.)

Tense, aspect, and mood markers � 119

(491)

[…]

ama tomorrow

ô or

wan a

ai

[…].

p’

ineyn 3PL

PURP

khô thing

txigala, k.o.fish

bo go xi DEM

Pala Paamitu… PLN

Pa Father

ba go skee

Met Lord

FUT

khwa catch

an a

da give

neyñ 3PL

bongga, k.o. fish

PCL

‘[…] that the next day they would go to Pala Paamitu in order to catch a bongga or a txigala, whatever God would give them […].’ (lines 537ff.)

Present counterfactual conditional sentences are formed with kha pa sa kha ‘thing PURP COP thing’ or kha pa ‘thing PURP’ and with the Ø-marked verb in the protasis and the future skee in the apodosis (492), whereas past counterfactuals have the modal marker kha in the apodosis (493). (492)

Kha thing ba Go

pa

sa

PURP

COP

kha thing

m 1SG

Ø MOD

tê have

djêlu, money

skee

m 1G

FUT

sêê go.out

vaadji. trip

‘If I had money, I would go on a trip.’ (493)

Kha peen Ø saku djêlu, m ga Thing PURP.1SG MOD have money 1SG MOD ‘If I had had money, I would have gone on this trip.’

fêê make

vaadji trip

say. DEM.PCL

The difference between present, past, and future conditional sentences does not have to be marked by the use of the tense, aspect, and modal markers, but by context. In (494), the temporal adverbs provide the temporal interpretation of the sentence. (494)

Ôdje / today skêê FUT

Onte / yesterday sêê go.out

Amaa tomorrow

kha thing

pa PURP

awa water

Ø MOD

da, give

non 1PL

na NEG

f. NEG

‘If it rained today/tomorrow, we won’t go out.’ / ‘If it had rained yesterday, we would not have gone out.ʼ

But the past marker bi may optionally be used both in the protasis (instead of Ø) and the apodosis in the case of past counterfactual conditional sentences. (495)

Kha pa sa kha if

mu 1SG

kumpa buy

môtô. car

wan a

bi PST

tê have

djêlu, money

‘If I had had money, I would have bought a car.ʼ

mu 1PL

bi

skee

PST

MOD

120 � The verb phrase

In the same vein, the future marker skhee may be used in both the protasis (instead of Ø) and the apodosis with future counterfactual conditional sentences. (496)

Kha pa sa kha if wan a

mu 1SG

skhee FUT

tê have

djêlu, money

skee

mu 1PL

MOD

kumpa buy

na

skhêê

NEG

MOD

môtô. car

‘If I had money [tomorrow], I would buy a car.’ (497)

Kha pa sa kha awa skhee da amaa, if rain MOD fall tomorrow ‘If it rained tomorrow, we wouldn’t go out.’

non 1PL

sêê go.out

f. NEG

With benga pa ‘even if’, skhee occurs in the apodosis. (498)

Benga pa so skha fia, non skhee even COMP sun PROG shine 1PL MOD ‘Even if the sun were shining, we would feel cold.’

po can

sintxi feel

fiw. cold

5.1.5 The functions of bi Bi is a past marker which refers to the imperfective or perfective past with stative verbs, and with dynamic verbs to the past-before-past, and, less frequently, to the past-before-present. If the context is clearly past, the use of bi is optional. 19 (499)

[…]

wan one

tadji, afternoon

Vidji-Nganhi. Vidjil-Ngaandji

Non….. 1PL

tempu time bi PST

kezun, Lent txyaman finish

se CORR

fêê do

non 1PL

bi PST

pilaga daily.work

sa COP

beza. already

‘[…] one afternoon during Lent, we were at the Vidjil-Ngaandji. We had already done our daily work.’ (lines 456f.) (imperfective past of a stative verb and past-before-past of a dynamic verb) (500)

Bo bi sêbê? 2SG PST know ‘Did you know?’ (lines 221f.) (imperfective past of a stative verb)

(501)

Ê bi ta Êmbô têêxi mêdji. 3SG PST stay PLN three month ‘She stayed in Annobón for three months.’ (perfective past of a stative verb)

�� 19 Bi is arguably derived either from Portuguese havia or Spanish había, both ‘had’ (third-person singular imperfect of the verb haver/haber ‘have’).

Tense, aspect, and mood markers � 121

(502)

(503)

Zwan

bi

PN

PST

kêê pê d’êli, ôsexi resemble father POSS.3SG nowadays ‘Zwan used to resemble his father; nowadays he doesn’t.’ Ê na Ø bi f pakê 3SG NEG PFV come NEG because ‘She didn’t come because she couldn’t come.ʼ

e 3SG

nan. not

na

bi

NEG

PST

padji can

f. NEG

The following example shows that bi may also mark the inchoative past of a stative verb. (504)

khôlê pôkê ê bi mendu khasô run because 3SG PST be.afraid dog ‘Tanzul ran away because she got afraid of that dog.’ Tanzul

sala.

PN

DEM

In (499), the past-before-past reading of bi is reinforced by the adverb beza ‘already’. However, the presence of beza is not obligatory in order to trigger this reading, as the following example shows. (505)

Se CONN

soya story d GEN

fa say

faa words

xi;

xi

ku…

DEM

REL

l’ma soul

ala sand

DEM

san ground

ôsexi now bi PST

manmen RED~woman de give.3SG

sai

skee

DEM.PCL

FUT

da give

bi come

da… give

lazan, information

l’ba top

tel’. country

‘Then [that woman] said the following words. [Storyteller speaking] Now this woman was going to tell what … the spirits had informed her about, in order to inform … the people of Annobon.’ (lines 793ff.)

Bi may also be used for past-before-present situations (506), which are usually expressed by the zero-marked verb. (506)

Khantu lavuu se bi how.much book DEM PST ‘How much did this book cost?’

kuuta? cost

However, bi is never used for storyline events; in such cases the zero-marked verb is used.

122 � The verb phrase

5.1.6 The functions of ta Ta marks past progressive and past habitual and may optionally be modified by the past marker bi; in such cases, the marking of the past is redundant. In the following example, ta is once modified by bi (bi ta nda) and once not (ta lambaa). (507)

Se

s’

FOC

COP

tompi time

Ma-Fidel’,

k’

PN

REL

xi…

k’

a

DEM

REL

NP

ineyn 3PL

ta PST.PROG

Ambô

t’

Ambô

Ambô,

PLN

COP.PST

PLN

PLN

fumad’ swollen

da arrive

pali give.birth

lamba remember ku when

Ma-Khosan d’Ana PN

pixi fish

bala whale

ku and

tela country

nein. POSS.3PL

bi

ta

PST

PST.HAB

nd’ go

Dêêxi then Ambô PLN

Lala Ponto […]. PLN

‘That was at the time when Ma-Khosan d’Ana and Ma-Fidel were born,when these two women were remembering the fish of their country, at the time Annobón [still] was the old Annobón, when the whales were still visiting Annobón, surfacing at Lala Ponto […].’ (lines 887ff.) (508)

Êneyn ta sua ku moga. 3PL PST.PROG cry with feeling ‘They were crying with feeling.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 295)

The fact that ta can only have a past reference is proven by its incompatibility with adverbs like osexi ‘now’, which refer to the present. (509)

*Osexi now

non 1PL

ta PST.PROG

kumu. eat

5.1.7 The functions of the combinations of bi with other TAM markers Bi kha gives a past meaning to kha. In our corpus, only past habitual examples occur. (510)

Me-Mai

se

bi

kha

PN

DEM

PST

HAB

dêê day

faa talk

ku with

Alê king

d of

a-saaga… salt-water

tompi time.GEN

xi. DEM

‘Those days, this Me-Mai used to talk with the King of the Sea.’ (lines 797f.)

Bi sakha fulfills the function of past progressive. There is no spontaneously produced example in our corpus, because past progressive is usually expressed by ta or bi ta (see § 5.1.6 above).

Tense, aspect, and mood markers � 123

(511)

Dêêxi ken bi skha ta Malabo, wan day REL.1SG PST PROG live PLN one ‘When I was living in Malabo, something happened.’

kha thing

bi

ineyn 3PL

bi

kha

PST

HAB

PST

fêê. do

Bi kha skha is used for past habitual progressive. (512)

[…] day

nan

skha

a go

PROG

PL

pe man

nge-ngan RED~big

t’ catch

ankhal’, crab

d

Ambô,

GEN

PLN

ineyn 3PL

kha HAB

ta when be go

ku with

n’zel’ traditional.torch

[…].

‘[…] the very important men of Annobón, when they would go catching crabs, they would go with a traditional torch […].’ (lines 531ff.)

Bi may also combine with ta (§ 5.1.6 above) and la (§ 5.1.12 below). As noted in § 5.1.5, the use of bi is optional, which also holds for the cases treated in this section.

5.1.8 The functions of kha sakha Kha sakha combines the functions of habitual/iterative and progressive or of generic and progressive. (513)

Dêê day

xi…

Ambô,

nan

DEM

PLN

PL

kha

skha

HAB

PROG

a go

t’ catch

pe man ankhal’, crab

nge-ngan RED~big ineyn 3PL

kha HAB

d

Ambô,

GEN

PLN

be go

ku with

ta when

ineyn 3PL

n’zel’. traditional.torch

‘At that time in Annobón the very important men of Annobón, when they would go catching crabs, they would go with a traditional torch.’ (lines 531ff.) (progressive habitual) (514)

An kha skha da khama f. NP.NEG ITER PROG give place NEG ‘It wasn’t possible to find the place [where they were going].’ (line 105) (progressive iterative)

(515)

[…] ta when

ta when

pôkhôdô person

kha

sa

HAB

COP

kha

skha

GENER

PROG

nam’na DIM.child

ngee be.big

n’tan NEG.REP

kha

s’

HAB

COP

f. NEG

‘[…] when people grow up they are not like children any more.’ (lines 257ff.) (progressive generic)

imafan like

124 � The verb phrase

5.1.9 The functions of kha ta Kha ta combines the functions of kha with past progressive. There is only one example in the corpus which combines habitual with past progressive. (516)

[…]

tadamen since

vaatu be.hectic

k’ that

ê 3SG

s’ku have

masan wickedness

ôgê, body

ê 3SG

kha

ta

HAB

PST.PROG

moso. only

‘Since he was full of evil, he was always being wild.’ (lines 886f.)

5.1.10 The functions of skhee/kee kha Skhee/kee kha combines future with habitual. In (517), skhee could be used instead of kee without change of meaning. A kê nggamba non kee kha ma fêê zêtê? and what recipient 1PL FUT HAB take make oil ‘And what kind of recipient are we going to use in order to prepare palm oil?’ (lines 715f.)

(517)

5.1.11 The functions of la and sa The marker la has an allomorph e that is obligatory with the first-person singular pronoun and optative with the plural personal pronouns. Note that in combination with e the first-person singular pronoun is realised mi, not mu/m. Table 15: Forms of the affirmative perfect marker mi e

V

non

la/e V

bo la V

namsê la/e V

ê

ineyn

la V

la/e V

La functions as a marker of the perfect or the pluperfect in affirmative sentences, i.e. as a perfective aspect marker that relates the situation of the verb to the present or to a reference point in the past. It may modify stative and dynamic verbs. (518)

Mi e sêê fa bo bi za. 1SG PRF.1SG know COMP 2SG come already ‘I have just noticed that you have [already] come.’

Tense, aspect, and mood markers � 125

(519)

(520)

(521)

Ê la daantxi pamase 3SG PRF be.ill morning ‘He’s got ill this morning.’ Zwan

la

PN

PRF

sai. DEM.PCL

kêê pe dê look.like father POSS.3SG ‘Zwan already looks like his father.’ “Kutô…! INTERJ

ten yet

su

b’ see

an a

ê 3SG

Ø

Sun, Sir

COP

PFV

bo 2SG

kulu dark

f.

kha thing

ku

Ø

REL

PFV

do give

non 1PL

k’ REL

Sun Sir

“Noay, not.at.all

Wan one

NEG

nunza… boy bê see

bê?” see

la PRF

mun.” POSS.1SG paseen, pass.1SG

khôlê run

lô

ê 3SG

za. already

pê put

khama place

INTERJ

mi 1SG

paseen pass.1SG

khôndê hide

PRF

“Êwa,

n’ NEG

e PRF.1SG

ôô eye

k’

xi…, so

taaxi… behind

REL

lapa rock

ya.” here

‘ “My goodness! Did you see that?” “No, not at all, Sir.” “Well, it is not yet dark. Something has passed in front of me. I have seen a boy who ran rapidly and suddenly passed in front of me, who saw us and who has hidden behind the rock here.” ’ (lines 548ff.)

In (521) the three verbs marked by la/e, namely pasa ‘pass’, bê ‘see’, and khôndê ‘hide’, are relevant to the speaker’s surprise, whereas the other verbs da khôlê pasa ‘run rapidly and pass’ and bê ‘see’, are not. However, all five verbs refer to storyline events. In the following example, the verb modified by la refers to a past-before-past situation: (522)

[…]

ta

a

tan

CORR

NP

REP

Uuuuu!” ONOM

Navin ship

la PRF

ba go

palma, palm.tree

se…

a

CONN

APH

têndê: hear

“Uuuuu! ONOM

nkhôla. anchor

ʻ[…] they went to the palm trees again and heard: “Uuuhuu! Uuuhuu!” A ship had anchored.ʼ (lines 336f.)

In (523), la occurs in a sentence with a generic reference: (523)

Ôôxi hour.DEM la PRF

so sun

kha HAB

sêê, go.out

se

a

kh’

FOC

IMPERS

HAB

sê know

fa COMP

so sun

sêêi. go.out.PCL

‘It is only when the sun rises that one knows that the sun has risen.’ (lines 514f.)

In passive constructions la modifies past participles (cf. § 6.8.4, below p. 201).

126 � The verb phrase

La does not only occur as a perfective marker; in the form bela ‘already’ it is also a synonym of za ‘already’ as in beza ‘already’ (< bay za ‘go already’). In contrast to saku/suku ‘have’ (< sa ku ‘be with’), laku means ‘already have’ (see § 5.3, below p. 132), and the meaning of ‘already’ is also present in la kha ‘already doing’ (see § 5.1.12, below p. 127). Furthermore, la occurs in the presentationals ilai ‘here is’, m le a, amia ‘here I am’, and lea le-lea ‘here is’. Therefore, the question arises as to whether la really is a tense-aspect marker (whose etymology is Spanish (e)l ha ‘he has’, and he ‘I have’ for la’s allomorph e), or whether it is a temporal adverb (synonym of za ‘already’). Examples like (521) show that la can be used for storyline events where the adverbial meaning of ‘already’ is totally absent, but which are relevant to the speaker’s present (in contrast to the zero-marked verbs). Furthermore, la precedes some of the elements it refers to (TAM markers like bi and kha) and the preposition ku ‘with’ in laku ‘already have’; it only follows be ‘go’ in bela ‘already’, but, in contrast to za, it cannot stand alone. (524)

nggu tuu la baga bo matu za person all PRF spread.out go field already ‘[…] everybody had already left for the fields […].’ (lines 646f.)

a.

[…]

b.

*[…]

nggu

tuu

la

baga

bo

matu

[…].

la […].

In our opinion, these facts show that la has not yet completely grammaticalised into a tense-aspect marker, and that it cannot be considered a temporal adverb either. With sa (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 280), the meaning of ‘not yet’ is present in most cases. (525)

Man sa lanta fa. 1SG.NEG PRF get.up NEG ʻI haven’t got up yet.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 280)

(526)

Babla

na

sa

PN

NEG

PRF

(527)

têndôman de f. applaud give.3SG NEG ‘Babla hasn’t applauded him yet.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 280) Bamu, well peen PURP.1SG

onto… still fo can

pe father

mu

na

sa

POSS.1SG

NEG

PRF

manda command

untu in

tele country.GEN

den give.1SG

khalga responsability

non

f.

POSS.1PL

NEG

ʻWell, my father still hasn’t given me responsabilities to be able to command our country.ʼ (lines 159ff.)

The difference between sa and the zero-marked verb lies in the expectation the speaker has regarding the situation that the verb refers to.

Tense, aspect, and mood markers � 127

(528)

a.

Zwan Zwan

na

sa

NEG

PRF

bi come

f

bi come

f

NEG

pakê because

ê 3SG

saku have

khaasa head

pakê because

ê 3SG

saku have

khaasa head

duadu. ache.PTCP b.

Zwan Zwan

na

Ø

NEG

PFV

NEG

duadu. ache.PTCP ‘Zwan hasn’t come because he has a headache.’

With the zero-marked verb, the expectation is that Zwan will not come any more; with sa, there is still the possibility of Zwan coming. When the two perfect markers la and sa combine with bi, bi follows la but precedes sa. (529)

(530)

Zwana

la

bi

PN

PRF

PST

kumi pixi. eat fish ‘Zwana had eaten fish.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 270) Man bi sa 1SG.NEG PST PRF.NEG ‘I hadn’t eaten yet.’

kumu eat

f. NEG

5.1.12 The functions of la and sa with other TAM markers La and sa may combine with kha, bi, and kee, whereby kha takes over the functions of the progressive skha. With kha (progressive or habitual), la can be translated by ‘already’ and sa by ‘not yet’. (531)

“Pa Xi’ Alê a, mi e kha bai…, Ma Xi’ Alê.” Mr Sir king VOC 1SG PRF HAB go Mrs Madam king ‘Your Majesty the King and the Queen, I’m [already] leaving.’ (lines 170f.)

(532)

Ma-Khosan d’Ana

la

kha

PN

PRF

PROG

(533)

(534)

kêêsê… . grow ‘Ma-Khosan[‘s belly] kept on growing … .’ (line 684) Ê na sa kha 3SG NEG PRF.NEG PROG ‘She is not growing yet.’ a.

Bo skha bi. 2SG PROG come ‘You are coming.’

kêêsê grow

f. NEG

128 � The verb phrase

b.

(535)

Bo la skha bi. 2SG PRF PROG come ‘You are already coming.’

A ilai, beega sokhadu la kee txya nggê alma za. and PRST stomach dry.PTCP PRF FUT extract person soul already ‘And look, hunger [lit. ‘empty stomach’] is [already] going to take away the soul from all the people.’

5.1.13 Summary of the functions of TAM markers The system formed by preverbal marker that s Fa d’Ambô displays is characterised by tense, aspect, and mood. Tense marking by bi is not obligatory if the linguistic or extralinguistic context is clear, which makes the system look more aspectual than temporal-aspectual in real usage. When TAM markers combine, la and sa precede the other TAM markers (with one exception: bi sa), bi precedes the other markers except for la, skhee precedes kha, and kha precedes skha. As mentioned in § 5, lexical aspect or aktionsart plays a certain role regarding the functions of the TAM markers. This concerns the zero-marked verb and kha, as Table 16 shows. Table 16: Functions of Ø and kha with the three lexical aspects Ø

kha

type-A statives

simple present

habitual present

type-B statives

past perfective

simple present habitual present

dynamic verbs

past perfective

habitual present

Not all verbs that refer to semantically stative events behave like type-A or type-B statives. An example is the experiencer verb mendu ‘be afraid of’, which behaves like a transitive action verb since it can be modified by all TAM markers. (536)

M Ø mendu bo. 1SG PFV be.afraid 2SG ‘I was afraid of you.’ (Spanish Te tuve miedo, in the simple past perfective.)

(537)

M skha mendu bo. 1SG PROG be.afraid 2SG ‘I’m afraid of you (right now).’

Tense, aspect, and mood markers � 129

(538)

Ola tudu vêdji xi m kha always 1SG HAB ‘I am always afraid of you.’

(539)

Mi e mendu 1SG PRF be.afraid ‘I have been afraid of you.’

(540)

M bi kha / skha mendu bo. 1SG PST HAB / PROG be.afraid 2SG ‘I was afraid of you.’ (Spanish Te tenía miedo, in the imperfect)

mendu be.afraid

bo. 2SG

bo. 2SG

Table 17 lists the most frequent functions of the tense, aspect, and mood markers. Since bi is not obligatory, all the markers may have a past reading according to context. An example is skha, which may have a past progressive meaning if the context is clearly past. These past functions will not be listed in Table 17. Table 17: Functions of the tense, aspect, and mood markers

Ø

lexical aspect

tense/aspect

type-A statives

present tense

type-B statives dynamic verbs

past perfective past-before-past perfective

all

kha/ga

skha

mood

counterfactual non-factive events (relative and pa-clauses)

all

present habitual, iterative, generic

type-B statives

present tense

all

future (temporal clauses)

dynamic verbs

present or past progressive (second verb in a verb chain)

present counterfactual

all

non-asserted referents (relative clauses)

dynamic verbs

polite request

all

conditional

dynamic verbs

present progressive

dynamic verbs

intensification of habituality (negated sentences)

punctual + bay ‘go’

immediate future

dynamic verbs

progressive counterfactual

progressive conditional

130 � The verb phrase

skhee

lexical aspect

tense/aspect

mood

all

future

counterfactual

all bi

non-asserted referents (relative clauses)

type-A statives

past imperfective or perfective inchoative past

dynamic verbs

past-before-past past perfective [≠storyline events]

ta

dynamic verbs

past progressive past habitual

bi kha

all

past habitual

bi skha

dynamic verbs

past progressive

kha skha

dynamic verbs

present habitual/generic progressive

kha ta

dynamic verbs

past progressive

skhee kha

all

future habitual

la

all (affirmative)

present perfect

sa

all (negated)

present perfect

la bi/bi sa all

5.2

conditional

past perfect

Nominal predicates

The copula takes the form sa for present reference; for explicit past reference, sa is modified by the past marker bi. Besides bi sa, the past copula may take the form ta, which can optionally be modified by bi (543) (see also § 5.1.6, p. 122). (541)

Dêêx bi s’ tompi… ôga bal’. that.time PST COP time pot clay ‘It was at the time when they had clay pots.’ (line 829)

(542)

Dêêxi Ambô t’ Ambô Ambô […]. when PLN COP.PST PLN PLN ‘[…] at the time Annobón [still] was the old Annobón […].’ (line 889)

(543)

[…]

dêêxi luba d A-Bôbô bi ta luba d then river GEN PLN PST PST.COP river GEN ‘At that time the river A-Bôbô still was the river A-Bôbô.’ (lines 908f.)

A-Bôbô. PLN

With nouns, the copula is obligatory in most cases, and if it is obligatory, it is so in all environments (affirmative and negated declarative sentences, interrogative sentences, pa-clauses).

Nominal predicates � 131

(544)

a. b.

Zwan *Zwan

sa Ø

(545)

a. b.

Zwan *Zwan

na na

sa Ø

PN

NEG

COP

baabêlu. baabêlu. PN COP doctor ‘Zwan is a doctor.’ baabê baabê doctor

f. f. NEG

‘Zwan is not a doctor.’ (546)

a. b.

Zwan *Zwan

(547)

a. b.

Man nggo pa Zwan sa *Man nggo pa Zwan Ø 1SG.NEG want COMP PN COP ‘I don’t want Zwan to be a doctor.’

sa Ø

baabêlu? baabêlu? PN COP doctor ‘Is Zwan a doctor?’ baabê baabê doctor

f. f. NEG

However, in some cases no copula intervenes. This is the case with possessives: (548)

Khadji se Ø khadji bo. house DEM COP house POSS.2SG ‘This house is yours / your house.’

As has been shown in § 4.1.6.5, predicative adjectives behave like verbs if they refer to permanent states. If they refer to temporary states, the copula is used. The difference between temporary and permanent state can be illustrated by gaavu ‘be nice, beautiful’. (549)

Khadji bo sa gaavu. house POSS.2SG COP nice ‘Your house is in a good state.’

(550)

Khadji bo Ø house POSS.2SG PFV ‘Your house is nice.’

gaavu. be.nice

As noted in § 4.1.6.5, there are some adjectives that do not behave like qualificative verbs and therefore need the copula. The possibility of using the copula with adjectives is restricted by the properties of the extralinguistic world. In this vein it is not possible to say *Khadji bo sa ngaandji ‘Your house is (momentarily) big’. The predicatively used past participle (-du) always requires the presence of the copula.

132 � The verb phrase

(551)

a. b.

M sa tovesadu *M Ø tovesadu 1SG COP lay.PTCP ‘I am lying on the bed.’

l’ba l’ba top

khama. khama. bed

In the following pair of examples, if the copula is missing, the participial phrase is interpreted as a modifier of the noun. (552)

a.

b.

Fuuta se sa bôbidu fruit DEM COP ripen.PTCP ‘This fruit is very ripe.’ fuuta se bôbidu fruit DEM ripen.PTCP ‘this very ripe fruit’

rerere. IDEO

rerere IDEO

As a locative copula, sa must always occur. (553) illustrates the use of the copula with a locative function in a declarative sentence, and (554) in an interrogative sentence. sa Ø

khadji. khadji. PN COP house ‘Mene is at home.’

(553)

a. b.

(554)

Khama m’n xi skha where child DEM PROG ‘Where is the child who is ill?’

Mene *Mene

daantxi be.ill

e

sa?

PCL

COP

The copula vla ‘become’ refers to changes of state. (555)

[…] l’ba top

dêê day

xi

d

omali […]. sea

GEN

DEM

êli 3SG

vla become

ngaanhi big

bebela, already

sêê CORR.3SG

ba go

da arrive

‘[…] when he was already grown up, he sailed out to sea […].’ (lines 6ff.)

5.3

Verbs denoting possession and existence

The most common verb denoting possession and existence is saku/suku, derived from sa ku ‘be with’, but tê is also used in both functions. (556)

Ê suku bidjiga ôgê. 3SG have wart body ‘He had warts on his body.’ (line 850)

Verbs denoting possession and existence � 133

(557)

Na

sa

NEG

COP

non

ôdjiedja nowadays ku with

POSS.1PL

envedadji, in.fact

pe father

non POSS.1PL

ku

san ground

COMP

n’tan NEG.any.more

tela country tê have

men mother

kun food

e

f.

PCL

NEG

‘[At that time], it was definitely not like nowadays that in our country there is no food any more.’ (lines 836f.) (558)

Waya, well sa COP

se

dantu in

CONN

mumu, dumb

khay house

na

kha

NEG

HAB

d

Êlê king

GEN

faa speak

faa word

bi

sakh’

PST

EXIST

an a

namoso DIM.girl

f. NEG

‘Look, at the King’s place there was a girl who was dumb, she couldn’t speak.’ (lines 363f.) (559)

[…] tê EXIST

ku

nan

REL

PL

zwan no

ngê person kha thing

khay house

pa PURP

fê do

d GEN

êlê king

bê see

dêkê COMP

n’tan NEG.any more

fu. NEG

‘[…] until the people of the king’s palace realised that there wasn’t anything more to do.’ (lines 64f.)

The grammaticalisation path that leads from sa ‘be’ + ku ‘with’ to saku ‘have’ is not yet completed, since, as the following example shows, locative adverbs like ala ‘there’ may intervene between sa ‘be’ and ku ‘with’. (560)

Ê sa ala kh’ ôgôgô…, ê na sokh 3SG COP there with pot 3SG NEG have ʻWhether he had [cooking] pots there or not.ʼ (lines 827f.)

ôga pot

f

ô.

NEG

PCL

The combination of la with ku, laku, means ‘already have’. (561)

anu… ê laku… an dexi d year 3SG already.have one ten GEN ‘[…] he was already … ten years … old.’ (lines 591f.) […]

beza. already

Saku may also be shortened to sa. (562)

M sa lavuu 1SG have book ‘I have two books.’

dos. two

Existential constructions are either formed with the locative noun in a subject position and with the verbs suku or tê, or with the locative copula sa and the locative in a predicative position.

134 � The verb phrase

(563)

(564)

5.4

Makêtê suku / tê pixi? Na, makêtê na tê market have have fish no market NEG have ʻIs there any fish at the market? No, there is no fish at the market.ʼ

pixi fish

f. NEG

Wan sapa sodadji sa palea. a lot soldier COP city ʻThere are lots of soldiers in the city.ʼ

Positional verbs

Fa d’Ambô posesses the following positional verbs: kuya ‘crouch’, ta mindjaadu ‘get up, stand’ (lit. ‘put got.up’), tovesa ‘lie, lie down’, and tuusan ‘sit, sit down’, which only display the same behaviour to a certain extent. The verbs tovesa ‘to lie (down)’ and kuya ‘to crouch’ behave in the same way. They may be modified by the future marker skhee, the past marker bi, and the past perfective marker Ø if they refer to the action of lying down and crouching. For the result of the action, a construction involving the copula must be used. The following examples illustrate the behaviour of the verb tovesa ‘lie, lie down’. (565)

pê M skhee tovesa put 1SG FUT lie.down ‘I will lie down on the bed.’

(566)

Bo 2SG

liba top

khama. bed

bi

pê tovesa liba khama. lie.down put top bed ‘You had laid down on the bed.’

PST

(567)

pê Non Ø tovesa 1PL PFV lie.down put ‘We lay down on the bed.’

(568)

(pê) Ê sa / bi sa tovesadu (put) 3SG COP PST COP lie.PTCP ‘She is/was/had been lying on the bed.’

liba top

khama. bed liba top

khama. bed

The verb tuusan means ‘sit down’ or ‘sit’ according to its tense and aspect marker; it corresponds etymologically to ta ‘put’ + usan (san in modern Fa d’Ambô) ‘ground’. The perfective markers (including future) trigger the dynamic meaning of sitting down, and the imperfective markers trigger the stative meaning of being sat. The past marker bi, however, may trigger both interpretations according to the context. (569)

Mun Ø tuusan. 1SG PFV sit.down ‘I sat down.’ / ‘I am sitting.’

Positional verbs � 135

(570)

Alê

skha

KING

PROG

tuusan. sit ‘The king is sitting.’

(571)

N ga tuusan. 1SG HAB sit ‘I usually sit.’

(572)

M bi tuusan. 1SG PST sit.down ‘I sat down.’ / ‘I had sat down.’ / ‘I was sitting.’

(573)

Mun skee tuusan. 1SG FUT sit.down ‘I’ll sit down.’

A progressive meaning is also realised by kha if tuusan corresponds to the second verb in a verb chain. In our corpus, this is the case with s’ala ‘be there’. (574)

Se

kha

CONN

Pa Zan Matê Ma-Miñinu bi s’ ala… Mr PN PST COP there ‘Mr Zan Matê Ma-Miñinu was sitting there […].’ (lines 877f.)

PROG

tusan […]. sit

In order to get a static reading of tuusan, it is also possible to use a construction involving the copula sa modified by the past participle -du (575 and 576). (575)

Ê sadu tuusan. 3SG COP.PTCP sit.down ‘He is sitting.’ / ‘He sits.’

(576)

Ê bi sadu tuusan. 3SG PST COP.PTCP sit.down ‘He sat.’ / ‘He was sitting.’ / ‘He had been sitting.’

The impossibility of tuusan gaining the ending of the past participle is contrary to Santome, Angolar, and Lung’Ie, where it is the positional verb which gains the ending to give a stative reading. (577)

Santome Angolar Lung’Ie

Ê sa tasondu. Ê tha tathoru. Ê sa tusandu. 3SG COP sit.PTCP ‘She is sitting.’

The impossibility of tuusan getting the ending of the past participle is probably due to the fact that its etymology is still transparent in Fa d’Ambô. As san (or usan) is a noun, it cannot acquire a participle ending.

136 � The verb phrase

A similar case is the verb mindja, which means ‘stay, remain (in a certain place)’. To express ‘stand (up)’, mindja also uses a construction involving ta ‘put’: ta mindjadu ‘get up, stand up’. However, unlike tuusan, which results from a verb+noun construction (cf. above), mindja is a plain verb, and therefore its past participle mindjadu must be used. For the resultative meaning (‘be standing’), a construction with the copula and tadu (580) as well as without tadu (581) is used. (578)

Ta mindjadu! put stay.PTCP ‘Get up!’

(579)

M skha ta 1SG PROG put ‘I am getting up.’

(580)

Ê sa tadu mindjadu. 3SG COP put.PTCP stay.PTCP ‘He stands/is standing.’

(581)

Ê sa mindjadu. 3SG COP stay.PTCP ‘He stands/is standing.’

5.5

mindjadu. stay.PTCP

Modal verbs

Modal verbs and constructions are po/fo/podji/padji ‘can’, ta pa ‘ought to, should’, nggo ‘want’, and sê/sêê ‘know, be able’. The verb po/fo and its allomorphs can fulfill different modal functions: participant-external possibility (ontic possibility, 582), physical participant-internal ability (ontic possibility, 583), and permission or prohibition (deontic possibility, 584 and 585). (582)

Tel’ country pôkhôdô person

n’tan not.any.more kha HAB

ma take

fo can fê do

be go

dentxi ahead

fa, NEG

pôkê because

ôô eye

se FOC

kuzu. thing

‘The country cannot go forward any more because it is with the eyes that one undertakes something.’ (lines 69ff.) (participal external possibility)

(582) illustrates participant-external (im)possibility, because the king of the country is blind and cannot govern the country. (583)

M po gaga wan khalga 1SG can carry a load ‘I can carry a load of fifty-two kilos.’

xinkenta fifty

dôsu two

kilo. kilo

Modal verbs � 137

(584)

Ôdjie bo po ba sine. today 2SG can go movies ‘Today you are allowed to go to the movies.’

(585)

Pê father na NEG

dê

kha

POSS.3SG

HAB

fo can

ba go

khame place

pê put i DEM

fêxyaali soldier namoo DIM.girl

tudu. all

Zwan no

se

sa.

DEM

COP

pono single

nggê person

‘Her father put all the soldiers [to watch her]. No one could go to the place where the girl was.’ (lines 129ff.)

Internal mental ability, i.e. ability which implies a previous learning process, is expressed by the verb sêê ‘know’. (586)

Mu sêê 1SG know ‘I can write.’

skêvê. write

Obligation is expressed by ta pa or sta pa. The presence of the subordinator pa triggers the use of the zero-marked verb in the subordinate clause. (587)

(588)

Sta

pa

OBL

COMP

bo Ø lêê lavuu say. 2SG MOD read book DEM ‘You should read this book.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 440) M se ta pen Ø ma khame 1SG FOC OBL COMP.1SG MOD take palace.GEN ‘It is I who must occupy the throne.’ (lines 311f.)

d GEN

Êlê. king

Epistemic probability is expressed either by the future marker skee with nominal predicates or by skee skha with verbal predicates referring to a current situation. Another possibility is to use ta pa. (589)

Ôsexi Mala skee sa pakê. now PN FUT COP park ‘Now Mala should be in the park.’

(590)

Ôsexi Mala skee skha tabaya. now PN FUT PROG work ‘Now Mala should be working.’

(591)

Ôsexi ta pa Mala sa now OBL COMPL PN COP ‘Now Mala should be in the park.’

(592)

Ôsexi ta pa Mala skha now OBL COMPL PN PROG ‘Now Mala should be working.’

pakê. park tabaya. work

138 � The verb phrase

Volition is expressed by nggo (pa with object clauses, ki with nouns). (593)

“Khamaada, friend l: 3SG

“Na

Se

sa

DEM

COP

NEG

kha thing den give.1SG khô thing

nggo want

bo 2SG zwan no xi DEM

pên

kha thing

moso only

da give

COMP.1SG

f. NEG

mu 1SG

Den give. 1SG

nggo like

bo? ” 2SG

S’ CONN

m’na-mie daughter

ê 3SG

faa say

bo. POSS.2SG

khôl.” with.3SG

‘ “My friend, what do you want me to give you?” The doctor said: “Don’t give me anything. Give me your daughter. This is the only thing I want.” ’ (lines 93ff.)

5.6

Complements

At most, verbs in Fa d’Ambô select two complements. They may lack internal arguments altogether, as illustrated by the weather predicate sêbê ‘rain’ in (594) and the intransitive djuuni ‘sleep’ in (595), or select one or two complements, as shown by pêndê ‘lose’ in (596) and da ‘give, tell’ in (597). (594)

sêbê rain ‘It is raining.’ Skha

PROGR

(595)

Nggu tu sku djuuni. person all PROGR sleep ‘Everybody was sleeping.’ (line 144)

(596)

Ta da dôs’ anu... se... moso pêndê when give two year CORR girl lose ‘After two years, the girl became pregnant.’ (lines 154f.)

(597)

M da nam’sê soya tubalan. 1SG give 2PL story shark ‘I have told you the story of the shark.’ (lines 31f.)

mêdji. month

Although selected arguments are generally expressed as noun phrases, as in examples (596 and 597), they can also occur as prepositional phrases (598), verb phrases (599), and complementiser phrases (600). (598)

(599)

Mentan nggo ku zwen 1SG.NEG.REP want with no ‘I never want anybody else.’ (line 367)

nggê person

maxi more

ta tela pê lôôôndji. throw country put far ‘[...] and left the kingdom far behind.’ (lines 215f.) [...]

se

a

CONN

NS

fu. NEG

Complements � 139

(600)

Pepe xi non khôns’ fa a kh’ san Nggaaix man DEM 1PL know COMP NS HAB call PN ‘This man we know that he is called Nggaaix [...]’ (line 990)

ai

[...].

PCL

Motion verbs such as ba ‘go’, bi ‘come’, and txinka ‘go up, climb’ can be used intransitively or express goal or source complements overtly, as shown in (601-603). (601)

Ta da wan dja, s’ a tan ba palma when give a day CORR NS REP go palm.tree ‘One day, they went to the palm trees again [...].’ (lines 335f.)

(602)

Bo bê, pe mu bi Êmbô khômu. 2SG see father POSS.1SG come Annobón with.1SG ‘You see, my father came to Annobón with me.’ (lines 430f.)

(603)

Ê kha be nôtxi s’ ê kha txinka palma 3SG HAB go night CONN 3SG HAB climb palm.tree ‘He would leave at night, climb palm trees […].’ (lines 329f.)

[...].

[...].

Nominals indicating location, such as liba ‘top, above’, untul ‘in, inside’, and bôsu ‘under’, in (604-606), may also function as complements. These nominals are further discussed in § 5.9.1 below on locative adjuncts. (604)

ê kha sêê tax’. 3SG HAB go.out behind ‘[...] and [he would] sodomise [them].’ (line 633) [...]

s’

CONN

(605)

bi wan lanxa, s’ ê lanta come a rowboat CONN 3SG enter ‘A rowboat arrived and he went aboard.’ (lines 344f.) Se

CONN

(606)

Bana, plantain d GEN

khôkhôndjô coconut

nen-nen RED~PL

k’

a

kha

REL

NS

HAB

untul in pê put

lanxa rowboat

sai. DEM.PCL

bôsu under

aa-paya... […]. eaves

‘The plantains, the coconuts people put under the eaves … [...].’ (lines 817f.)

The verb of directed motion ‘go’ stands out due to the fact that it exhibits two basic forms, ba and be, which are found in complementary distribution. The form ba (and its allomorphs bo, bô, bê) occurs when it selects an argument, which can either be a locative noun (607 and 608) or a verb phrase (609). (607)

ba khay. go house ‘[...] and they went to the house.’ (line 308f.) [...]

s’

a

CONN

NS

140 � The verb phrase

(608)

wan dja, se ba l’ba buudu [...]. one day CONN go top stone ‘One day [the mother] climbed on top of a stone [ ...].’ (lines 3f.) Se

CONN

(609)

Tak’ ê ba da, s’ ê ba fê wan taba, an when 3SG go give CORR 3SG go do a work a ‘When he arrived to do some work, he went to do some work […].’ (line 135)

sivisu […]. work

Example (608) further confirms that the locative nominals described in (604-606) above are complements of the verb. In all other environments, i.e. with adjuncts and in the absence of lexical material following the verb, allomorphs be and its long form bay occur, which is illustrated in (610-615). (610)

Ê kha be nôtxi [...]. 3SG HAB go night ‘He would leave at night [...].’ (lines 329f.)

(611)

[...]. Ineyn kha be ku n’zel’ 3PL HAB go with traditional.torch ‘[…] they would go with a traditional torch [...].’ ( lines 532f.)

(612)

Mamen se n’tan be f ô. woman DEM NEG.REP go NEG PCL ‘That woman didn’t go [there].’ (lines 858f.)

(613)

[...]

ma khe bo bo be ku m’ne take thing.GEN POSS.2SG 2SG go with child.GEN ‘[...] take your belongings and leave with your child.’ (lines 232f.)

(614)

Dja ska bay, dja ska bai day PROG go day PROG go.PCL ‘The days were going by.’ (lines 249f.)

(615)

[...]

bo. POSS.2SG

[…].

ê ê kha ma, s’ 3SG HAB take CONN 3SG ‘[...] he would take them and leave.’ (lines 651f.) s’

kha

CONN

HAB

be go

dêl’. of.3SG

These distributional properties of ba and be~bay are therefore similar to those found in sister languages Santome and Angolar (Hagemeijer 2004; Maurer 1995). However, unlike Santome, extracting a locative such as Feendjapo ‘Bioko’ in (616) from its canonical object position does not trigger a change in verb form in Fa d’Ambô. (616)

____ Feendjapo se bo ba Bioko FOC 2SG go ‘It was to Bioko you went yesterday.’

onte. yesterday

Comitatives, such as ku khamada ‘with a friend’ in (617) or pronominalised forms, such as khôlô in (618), are the only type of constituents able to occur between the

Complements � 141

motion verb and its locative complement. In the presence of the locative (Feendjapo), even though it is not adjacent to the verb, the verb form does not necessarily undergo a change, as compared to the presence of a comitative (ku m’ne bo) without the locative in (613) above, where the bay~be form is required. (617)

Bo ba ku khamada 2SG go with friend ‘You went with a friend to Bioko.’

(618)

[...]

Feendjapo. Bioko.

Noxan ten ba khôlô. Lord EPIST go with.3SG.PCL ‘[...] and the Lord stood by her.’ (line 193) se

CONN

In addition to the transitivisation of motion verbs, a small number of intransitive verbs can be transitivised by adding a cognate object, as exemplified by baya~baa ‘dance’, khanta ‘sing’, in (619 and 620). (619)

onte Ê tan baa baa d’ 3SG REP dance dance GEN yesterday ‘(S)he danced the same dance as yesterday.’

(620)

Bo khanta khanta. 2SG sing song ‘You sang a song.’

me. same

The internal arguments of ditransitive verbs are often expressed in the form of double object constructions containing two noun phrases corresponding to an indirect and a direct object. In these cases, the nominal or pronominal indirect object corresponds to the source (621 and 622) or the recipient (623) and precedes the direct object in the linear order. (621)

[...]

(622)

Bo ma nggê se djêlu. 2SG take person DEM money ‘You received money from that person.’ / ‘You stole money from that person.’

(623)

Kê nggê da what person give ‘Who gave you a book?’

ê kha ma txaa nggê fitxisu. 3SG HAB take extract person spell ‘[... ] she would extract spells from people.’ (lines 802f.)

bo 2SG

lavulu? book

The indirect object in these constructions generally has the semantic feature [+human], but [-human] arguments are also allowed if they metonymically represent a human entity, such as bibliotekha ‘library’ in (624).

142 � The verb phrase

(624)

M da bibliotekha wan lavulu. 1SG give library a book ‘I gave the library a book.’ / ‘I donated a book to the library.’

Furthermore, double object constructions also occur in constructions which show an intricate relation between the verb and its theme argument, often involving certain (light) verbs, for example da ‘ to give’ and fê(ê) ‘do’, as in da peedan ‘forgive’, da pañia ‘make pregnant’, and fê (zwan) mal ‘do (no) harm’, in (625-627). (625)

M da nan nggê 1SG give PL people ‘I forgave these people.’

nen

se

PL

DEM

(626)

Alê da laya pañia. king give queen pregnancy ‘The king made the queen pregnant.’

(627)

S’

ê… n’ ten sa fê non 3SG NEG EPIST PRF do 1PL ‘She has never done us any harm.’ (lines 224f.) CONN

peedan. forgiveness

zwan no

mal harm

e PCL

za already

f. NEG

In cases of inalienable possession involving body part relations, double object constructions are commonly used, as illustrated in (628 and 629). (628)

Zwan kabaa Mala baasu. Zwan break PN arm ‘Zwan broke Mala’s arm.’

(629)

Dôtôl kula pe mun ôyô. doctor heal father POSS.3SG eye ‘The doctor healed my father’s eyes.’ (title of a traditional story, cf. § 9.2)

Note, however, that other types of inalienable structures, such as part-whole relations, cannot occur in the form of double object constructions (630b), requiring a standard genitive construction instead (630a). (630)

a.

Ê 3SG

khabaa/limpa break/clean

poto door

b.

*Ê 3SG

khabaa/limpa break/clean

khadji house

(dji) (of)

khadji. house

poto. door

‘S/he broke/cleaned the door of the house.’

More rarely, dative arguments are introduced by the preposition a ‘to’, as shown in (631). In these cases, the indirect object is required to follow the direct object. These a-constructions have not been attested in the other Gulf of Guinea creoles.

Complements � 143

(631)

Se

skha

FOC

PROG

da... give

sai,

a

DEM.PCL

DAT

nasoya DIM.story

kh’maada friend

onda respect

kutum’ habit

non, POSS.1PL

a… DAT

san ground

tela country

netuu grandchild.GEN

Pa Mr

Tu Suntu... Lobotxi. PN

‘I am the one who is going to tell a little story out of respect to the habits of [our] country to our friend, to … the grandchild of Mr Tudu Santu Lobotxi, right?’ (lines 447ff.)

Example (632) below exhibits an exceptional case of a double object construction in which the theme precedes the recipient. The normal word order (da zwan nggê minamie se) or the more atypical structure with a (m’na-mie se a zwan nggê) are the standard alternatives. It is not clear what motivates this structure. (632)

[…]

se CONN

zwan no

pê father

nggê person

pa PURP

dê

faa say

POSS.3SG

zwen no

ê 3SG

nggê person

na

padji can

NEG

tê have

imafan as

da give

m’na-mie girl

moso wife

dê

se DEM

POSS.3SG

[…].

fu NEG.PCL

‘[…] her father told her [his wife] she couldn’t give the girl to anybody, so that nobody could marry her […]’ (lines 120ff.)

In addition to da, other verbs, such as fuuta ‘steal’, a source construction, may also license a double object construction and the corresponding a-construction. (633)

a.

Nan PL

b.

Nan PL

nggê people nggê people

nen

se

PL

DEM

nen

se

PL

DEM

fuuta steal

Armando Armando

fuuta steal

wan a

wan a lavuu book

lavulu. book a from

Armando. Armando

‘These people stole a book from Armando.’

Non-argumental source constructions can also be introduced by ôman ‘hand, from’. (634)

Nan

nggê nen se kumpaa wan people PL DEM buy a ‘These people bought a book from him.’ PL

lavu book

ôman hand

dêli. POSS

The verb pê ‘put’ may also head a double object construction. In these cases, the theme argument (bôkôy, kusan nen se ala) precedes the goal argument (san, ala) in (635) and (636) respectively.

144 � The verb phrase

(635)

ê pê bôkôy san. 3SG put palm.wine.container ground ‘[...] he put down the palm wine container.’ (line 344) [...]

s’

CONN

(636)

ê… pê kusan nen se ala, s’ 3SG put heart PL DEM there CONN ‘And he put the hearts in there and stored it.’ (lines 244f.) S’

CONN

ê 3SG

gada. store

In addition to the cases described above, we identified a few instances of selected arguments introduced by the preposition ku ‘with’ that are part of ditransitive constructions. (637)

Mu txya nggê ku 1SG throw people with ‘I threw stones at that person.’

(638)

Pudul da m’na ku Pudul give child with ‘Pudul beat up the child.’

buudu. stone kuzu. thing

In (638), ku kuzu (or its reduced form ku kha) forms a semilexicalised chunk with the verb da to yield the meaning ‘beat up’ and appears to be particularly common in resultative serial verb constructions (cf. § 5.7.7), which is illustrated in (639). (639)

Noay, Sun, an fo do kʼ kha mata f. not.at.all Mr NS.NEG can give with thing kill NEG ‘Not at all, my friends, one cannot kill [somebody] by any means.’ (lines 696f.)

Finally, with some verbs of transfer, in particular manda ‘send’ and skêêvê ‘write’, which do not accept the double object construction described above, an additional recipient can be added to the structure by using a serial-like construction (cf. § 5.7.2, below p. 149) with ba da ‘to’. (640)

a.

M 1SG

skee FUT

manda send

khata letter

ba go

da give

men mother

mu. POSS.1SG

‘I will write letters to my mother.’ b.

5.7

*M 1SG

skee FUT

manda send

men mother

mu POSS.1SG

khata. letter

Serial verb constructions

This section discusses a syntactically and semantically heterogeneous group of constructions involving verb sequences which are often labelled serial verb constructions or verb serialisation in the literature. In these sequences, certain verbs modify other

Serial verb constructions � 145

verbs or verb phrases. While most of these verbs follow the verb (phrase) they modifiy, in some cases they precede it. We will discuss these constructions according to their main semantic contribution (benefactive, motion, instrumental, comitative, completive, resultative, and degree). Serial verb constructions in Fa d’Ambô were previously described in Post (1992).

5.7.1 Benefactive The benefactive type is often labelled “give-serial” in the literature on verb serialisation, due to the fact that the item which introduces the beneficiary has the same phonetic shape as the main verb with the meaning ‘give’. Similarly to the other three Gulf of Guinea creoles, the item that introduces the beneficiary in these constructions is da or its reduced form d’ when it precedes vowel-initial complements. The constituent introduced by benefactive da is an adjunct with respect to the verb phrase it modifies. (641)

(642)

txya suku d ulôsô da take.out sack GEN rice BEN ‘Then they took out a sack of rice for him.’ (lines 89f.) Se

a

CONN

NS

[...]

kha

pa khô xi m ma look thing DEM 1SG take ‘[…] look what I’ve brought for you.’ (line 284) MOD

l. 3SG

bi come

da BEN

bo 2SG

a. PCL

In alternative to da, the preposition pala~pa~p’ ‘for’ may also be used (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 313), but we did not find this usage in our spoken corpus. (643)

M skee skêêvê khata da/pala men 1SG will write letter BEN mother ‘I will write a letter on behalf of/for my mother.’

mu. POSS.1SG

Da lacks the properties of a fully-fledged verb and shows affinities to prepositions. This is confirmed by a property that characterises PPs, namely the possibility of fronting the benefactive constituent introduced by da (644). (644)

Da

men mu se m skee skêêvê mother POSS.1SG FOC 1SG will write ‘It is for/on behalf of my mother that I will write letters.’ BEN

khata. letter

Unlike verbs, benefactive da cannot receive preverbal TAM marking. If da is marked for aspect, as in (645), the structure reads as a (covert) coordination structure where da functions as a main verb of transfer (‘give’) and not as a benefactive argument.

146 � The verb phrase

(645)

M kha kumpaa pixi kha da bo. 1SG HAB buy fish HAB BEN 2SG ‘I (repeatedly) buy fish and give it to you.’ / *‘I repeatedly buy fish for you.’

On the other hand, da also exhibits a few properties that are not in line with prepositions. Similarly to verbs, da can be stranded without any additional lexical material, as shown in (646), where its complement men mu is fronted; true prepositions cannot be stranded in this fashion, since they require an additional pronoun corresponding to 3sg, as shown by the contrast between (647a and b). (646)

(647)

Men mu se m skee skêêvê mother POSS.1SG FOC 1SG will write ‘It is my mother who I will write a letter (to).’ a.

Kê kha bo poota pixi what thing 2SG cut fish ‘What did you cut the fish with.’

b.

*Kê what

kha thing

bo 2SG

poota cut

pixi fish

khata letter

da. BEN

khôl? with.3SG ku? with

Question-answer pairs in (648) also show that the speakers still analyse da as a verb, since true prepositions, such as pala, may introduce the beneficiary in the answer. The use of da, as an alternative, is considered odd. (648)

a.

b.

Kê nggê bo kumpaa what person 2SG buy ‘Who did you buy fish for? Pala/??Da BEN

pixi fish

da? BEN

non. 1PL

For us.’

In summary, the benefactive da exhibits hybrid properties that relate both to verbs and prepositions. Further uses of the serial da are discussed in the next section.

5.7.2 Motion and location Serial verb constructions involving motion and its goal or source are highly productive in Fa d’Ambô and typically consist of a transitive or intransitive motion verb which is followed by a small set of directed motion or locative verbs, such as pê ‘put, in, to(ward)’, bay ‘go to(wards)’, bi ‘come to, to’, to(ward)’, fol ‘come from, from’, vla ‘turn, towards’, and da ‘to’, illustrated in (649-655).

Serial verb constructions � 147

(649)

(650)

(651)

ineyn sugudj’ a-benta pê nunza 3PL pour holy-water put boy ‘[...] and they poured holy-water on the boy [...].’ (lines 583f.) [...]

s’

sai

CONN

DEM.PCL

pê se kha txinka put CONN GNR lift.up ‘They lift it [a container] up.’ (lines 387f.) Se

a

kha

CONN

NS

GNR

ba go

[...].

liba. top

da van lapa Kêputxin, pa me txinka. reach top cliff TN PURP take.3SG go.up ‘[...] in order to reach the top of Kêputxin, they should take him up.’ (line 844) […]

pa

PURP

(652)

[...]. Ta ome zugwe bi tela when sea throw.3SG come land ‘When the sea threw him on land [...]’ (line 528)

(653)

Pintxu ban tan da kulu-kulu bo vaa fo beware 2SG.NEG REP get.up RED~early 2SG escape come.from ‘Don’t you dare get up very early and escape from home!’ (lines 895f.)

(654)

[…]

(655)

[…]

khai. home

ineyn ma saku ku bôndêlê vla me-matu. 3PL take bag and backpack turn RED~woods ‘[…] they took the bag and backpack toward the woods.’ (online corpus) ê ten kêê da san 3SG EPIST fall hit ground ‘[…] he fell down and died.’ ‘[…] he fell to his death.’ (online corpus)

môlê. die

The difference between pê, which focuses on the endpoint of the event, and directed motion verbs, such as ba, which emphasise the movement towards the endpoint, can be observed more clearly in the following examples. (656)

Bo zuga budu ba ômal. 2SG throw stone go sea ‘You threw the stone towards the sea.’

(657)

Bo zuga budu pê ômal. 2SG throw stone put sea ‘You threw the stone into the sea.’

Directed motion verbs such as bay ‘go to(wards)’, bi ‘come to, to’, dêsê ‘go down, down’, subili ‘go up, up’, lantela~lanta ‘enter, inside (of)’, sêê ‘leave, out (of)’, pasa ‘overtake’, and ludjila~ludjia ‘encircle, around’ can be used intransitively as the second verb in these constructions, as illustrated in (658-661) below. (658)

[...]. tubran se khôlê bai shark DEM run go.PCL ‘And then this man-shark ran away [...].’ (line 19) Se

CONN

148 � The verb phrase

(659)

Ê khôlê lantela. 3SG run enter ‘He ran inside.’ (movement from the outside to the inside)

(660)

Tonyi khôlê pasen Tonyi run overtake.1SG ‘Tonyi ran past me on the road.’

(661)

M nda ludjia khadji. 1SG walk encircle house ‘I walked around the house.’

khama-ngaandji. road

While the examples above deal with motion to or from a physical location, example (662) shows that the modifying verb phrase may also express a temporal relation with the preceding verb phrase. Here, the use of the two main verbs of directed motion lends a durational aspect to the event. (662)

[...]

sʼ CONN

s’ CONN

ineyn 3PL

ineyn 3PL

fa say

fa speak

faa word

neñi

sʼ

POSS.3PL.PCL

CONN

ineyn 3PL

fa speak

be, go

bi… . come

‘[…] and talked about their matters, for a long time.’ (lines 698f.)

Example (663) shows that structures with pê may also be used without the presence of a motion feature. (663)

kham’nza se poto-poto pê l ôgê shirt DEM RED~wear.out put 3SG body ‘[…] the shirt had already worn out on her body [...].’ (line 251) [...]

bela already

[...].

Constructions with pê cannot be selected by the very same verb, as shown in (664a), which is arguably the consequence of a constraint that prevents the repetition of these verbs in a single construction. The grammatical alternatives are presented in (664b and c). (664)

a.

*Mina-mie girl

pê put

b.

Mina-mie girl

lig’ lift.up

c.

Mina-mie girl

pê put

ope foot ope foot ope foot

pê put pê put l’ba top

‘The girl put her feet on the table.’

l’ba top l’ba top bafitu. table

bafitu. table bafitu. table

Serial verb constructions � 149

With certain verbs such as skêêvê ‘write’ and manda ‘send’, ba (da) and bi (da) may introduce a [+human] recipient (665). If the endpoint is a location, ba is used (666). (665)

(666)

M skee manda/skêêvê khata 1SG FUT send/write letter ‘I will send/write a letter to my mother.’

ba go

da

M skee manda/skêêvê khata 1SG FUT send/write letter ‘I will send/write a letter to Bioko.’

ba go

Feendjapo Bioko

men mother

BEN

mu. POSS.1SG

The verb phrase headed by the second verb in the constructions shows different degrees of semantic and syntactic dependency or integration with respect to the verb phrase it modifies. In examples like (667 and 668), the constituent introduced by ba and pê are adjuncts modifying an intransitive and a monotransitive verb respectively. (667)

ê khôlê (ba 3SG run go ‘He ran (to Palea).’ (lines 341) Se

CONN

(668)

Palea). Palea

fê nafugaaaan dineyn (pê n’tu…. bate make DIM.fire POSS.3PL put in canoe ‘[…] (they) made a little fire in their boat [...].’ (lines 512f.) [...]

dineñi) POSS.3PL

[...].

In examples (669-671), on the other hand, the constituent introduced by pê ‘put’ is part of the argument structure of the ditransitive ta ‘put’, sugudji ‘pour’, and mête ‘put’, verbs which require both a theme and a goal argument. (669)

(670)

ta tela pê lôôôndji. put country put far ‘[…] and left the kingdom far behind.’ (lines 215f.) [...]

se

a

CONN

NS

ineyn sugudj’ a-benta 3PL pour holy-water ‘[...] and poured holy-water on him.’ (lines 583f.) [...]

pê put

s’

CONN

(671)

nunza boy

sai. DEM.PCL

bo ma gian se bo mêtê pê nam’na 2SG take necklace DEM 2SG put put DIM.child ‘[…] you take this necklace and put it around the child’s neck.’ (line 167) [...]

se DEM

gotxi. neck

Derived participle forms, such as mitxidu in (672), from mêtê ‘put’ (cf. § 3.2.1.1.2), may also select a locative argument. (672)

[…]

a NS

djana banana

tokho touch

men

djalmenta

AUGM

AUGM

fakha knife

se

sa

DEM

COP

mitxidu put.PTCP

sai. DEM.PCL

‘[…] they found this enormous knife stuck in the banana trunk.’ (lines 971f.)

pê... put

tôl trunk

150 � The verb phrase

As in the case of da in the previous section, verbs in the second position of motion constructions tend to lack certain syntactic properties typically associated with verbs, especially in comparison with their use as main verbs. The uses of pê without an overt subject in (673b), as a response to the question in (673a), is an indication of its nonverbal nature, since verbs would require an overt subject. Example (674), on the other hand, shows that pê is able to receive aspect marking in order to obtain an iterative reading.20 Therefore it can be concluded that serial pê exhibits hybrid grammatical properties. (673)

(674)

a.

Khama bo fê kum pê? where 2SG make food put ‘Where did you store the food?

b.

Pê khadji. put house At home.’

Bo kha fê kum kha pê khadji. 2SG HAB make food HAB put house ‘You habitually/repeatedly store food at home.’

Not surprisingly, certain sequences of verbs of motion and location are prone to the formation of semantic and syntactic chunks. This is illustrated by cases such as ma ba ‘take’ (lit. ‘take go’), ma bi ‘bring’ (lit. ‘take come’), ligi bay ‘steal’ (lit: ‘take go’), lega pê ‘abandon’ (lit. ‘leave put’), loma pê ‘clean up’ (lit. ‘clean put’), sêndê pê ‘spread out’ (lit. ‘spread put’), and so on. (675)

(676)

Bo kha fo toma ma men bo bi 2SG MOD can do.favour take mother POSS.2SG come ‘Could you do me the favour of bringing me your mother?’ (lines 294f.) ma Memol ba khay d Êlê take PN go house GEN king ‘They took him to the King’s palace […].’ (lines 382f.) Se

a

CONN

NS

da BEN

mun? 1SG

[...].

We also find instances of chunks that have grammaticalised even further, as shown by the fixed nature of ta pê in (677 and 678), heading the modifying verb phrase. (677)

ineyn piza bate ta p’ awa bi 3PL push canoe put put sea come ‘[…] and they pushed their canoe into the high sea […].’ (lines 494f.) [...]

s’

CONN

ome sea

lagu [...]. high

�� 20 Note that aspect marking on the first verb does not automatically trigger or require aspect marking on the second verb.

Serial verb constructions � 151

(678)

vla nunza se ta turn boy DEM put ‘[…] and put the boy in front of them.’ (lines 574f.) [...]

pê put

se

CONN

dentx. front

Serialising idiom chunks or metaphoric uses involving a fixed object also occur, as in the following examples.21 (679)

(680)

bate vla bôkh’ kubili. canoe turn mouth cover ‘[…] it was at the island called Têxi Maabana’where the canoe capsized.’ (line 521) […]

[…]

Ie Têxi Mabana,

se

TN

FOC

se CONN

oventu wind

fôfô blow

be go

benda side

dêêtu right

se CONN

fôfô blow

be go

benda side

skeedji. left ‘[…] then they didn’t speak about it any more.’ (lines 683f.) (681)

tê ôman b’ ôsê throw arm go sky ‘bring happiness’ (line 176)

Our corpus further exhibits several instances where the core verbs of directed motion, ba and bi, introduce purposive clauses when preceded by a verb phrase indicating directed motion. In (682), the purposive ba is preceded by the standard directed motion verb ba, whereas in (683) bi is preceded by serial verb construction venta fol, indicating source. (682)

nggu tu ba khay ba fêê dixyamentu neyn. person all go home go do business POSS.3PL ‘[…] everybody went home and went about minding their own business.’ (lines 936f.) […]

se

CONN

(683)

Tak’ when ê 3SG

ê 3SG

ba go

venta approach

da, arrive

s’ CORR

fol come.from

ê 3SG benda side

ba go liba top

fê do

wan a

bi come

taba, work

an a

sivisu work

fêê […]. do

‘When he arrived to do some work, he went to do some work that had him travel from another country […].’ (lines 135f.)

�� 21 It is not fully clear why the form be occurs in (680), since locative nominals such as benda typically trigger ba (cf. discussion in § 5.1).

152 � The verb phrase

5.7.3 Instrumental Instrumental serials are introduced by a take-verb, which is prototypically ma ‘take’ but may also involve other verbs such as ligi (684-689).22 (684)

[...]

(685)

A kê nggamba non kee kha ma fê zêtê? and what recipient 1PL FUT HAB take make oil ‘And what kind of recipient are we going to use in order to prepare palm oil?’ (lines 715f.)

(686)

Tudjia, khambaabu se a kha ma kubii khay. before wild.cane FOC NS HAB take cover house ‘Before, they used to cover houses with wild cane.’ (online corpus)

(687)

[…]

(688)

Se

ten

CONN

EPIST

(689)

pôkê ôô se pôkhôdô kha ma fê kuzu. because eye FOC person HAB take do thing ‘[...] because it is with the eyes that one undertakes something.’ (lines 70f.)

talig’damanfono xi… non kha ma san pôvi communication.machine DEM 1PL HAB take call people.PCL ‘[...] the instrument with which we used to call the population [...].’ (line 785)

[…].

ligi ôman da. lift hand hit ‘And struck him with his hand.’ (online corpus) ligi ope da san [...]. lift foot hit ground ‘[...] stamp your feet [...].’ (online corpus) […]

In examples (684-686), ôô, nggamba, and khambaabu function as the (extracted) arguments of the verb ma, whereas ligi ôman and ligi ope in (687 and 688) function as the instrument of da ‘strike, hit’. Instruments can also be expressed by non-serial constituents headed by the preposition ku ‘with, by’, which may be used for instruments and means (690 and 691) (see. § 5.9.3, below p. 170). (690)

Ê mata pôkhô ku fakha. 3SG kill pig with knife ‘He killed the pig with a knife.’

(691)

Ê b’ Ambô ku batelu. 3SG go Annobón with canoe ‘He went to Annobón by canoe.’

�� 22 Here we move away from Post’s (1992: 164) claim that instrumental take-serials do not occur in Fa d’Ambô.

Serial verb constructions � 153

While instruments have an equivalent serial construction (692), this is less obvious in the case of means, where the preferred reading is a goal reading (693). (692)

Ê ma fakha mata pôkhô. 3SG take knife kill pig ‘He killed the pig with a knife.’ / ‘He took the knife and killed the pig.’

(693)

Ê ma bate b’ Ambô. 3SG take canoe go Annobón ‘He took the canoe to Annobón (for instance on a ship).’ ??‘He went to Annobón by canoe.’

Argument extraction is considered a classic test that can be used to distinguish these serialising constructions from asyndetic coordination structures. The examples in (684-686) and in (694 and 695) show that the argument of the verbs in these constructions readily undergo extraction. (694)

Non ma bôsôwa bali khadji. 1PL take broom sweep house ‘We swept the house with a broom.’ ‘We took the broom and swept the house.’

(695)

Khadji se non ma bôsôwa house FOC 1PL take broom ‘It was the house we swept with a broom.’

bali. sweep

Note, however, that there is a thin line separating cases of verbal sequences without any conjoining material from cases with an overt clause linker, in particular se (cf. § 7.3.1, below p. 220), since the verb phrase headed by ma in (696 and 697) is the instrument of the predicate of the se-clause. (696)

(697)

Mu ma ope se 3SG take foot CONN ‘I went to his house on foot.’

mu 3SG

ba go

khay house

dêl. POSS.3SG

ê ma fadôpa s’ ê fê wan nakhay. 3SG take leave CONN 3SG make a DIM.house ‘He took leaves and built a small house.’ / ‘He built a small house with leaves.’ (online corpus) S’

CONN

The presence of an overt connector (se) and a repeated subject (mu, ê) show that these structures are distinct from standard serial verb constructions, which typically lack repeated subjects and connectors. On the other hand, there is an undeniable tight semantic relation between both clauses, especially in (696), where ma ope cannot be interpreted literally as ‘take foot’. While verbs in second position typically show signs of grammaticalisation towards other categories, such as prepositions or adverbs, the

154 � The verb phrase

‘take’-verb, due to its occurrence in the first position, retains its verbal properties because TAM marking, negation, and overt subjects precede this verb. Nevertheless, some of the examples above show that there is some degree of semantic bleaching of the ‘take’-verb, especially in the case of ligi, since it does not retain its literal meaning.

5.7.4 Comitative The verbs zunta ‘gather’ and lêê ‘follow, accompany’ may both occur as the first verb in serialising comitative constructions expressing accompaniment or togetherness. (698)

Ineyn zunta kum 3PL gather eat ‘They ate rice together.’

(699)

M’na mie lêê non girl accompany 1PL ‘The girl accompanied us home.’

alôsô. rice ba go

khadji. home

5.7.5 Completive Fa d’Ambô exhibits serial-type constructions with pê, khaba, fol, and ta to express the notion of completion of an event, as shown in (700-704). (700)

Ta pôvu zunta pê ala [...]. when people gather put there ‘When the people had come together there [...].’ (line 870)

(701)

[...]

ku ala se soya and there FOC story ‘[…] and here her story ends.’ (line 115)

dê

ten

POSS.3SG

EPIST

(702)

Ineyn faa khaba. 3SG talk finish ‘They are done talking.’ (i.e, there is nothing left to say)

(703)

Bo bê, pê dê fa pa a 2SG see father POSS.3SG tell COMP NS ‘You see, her father told us to kill you.’ (lines 385f.) Mala dedu dê poota ta. Mala finger POSS.3SG cut off ‘Mala’s finger got cut off.’

(704)

khaba end

mata kill

bo 2SG

pê. completely

fol. completely

The highlighted elements in these constructions lack verbal properties and are therefore best analysed as adverbs even though these forms are historically derived from

Serial verb constructions � 155

Portuguese verb forms, except for fol(o), which is derived from the Portuguese preposition fora ‘out (of), outside’ (Maurer 2009: 218).

5.7.6 Durative Fa d’Ambô exhibits a specific construction with the verb tusan, which literally means ‘sit down’, to express the duration of an event, as shown in (107 and 108). This construction only functions with the perfective interpretation of tusan. If TAM marked, tusan will keep its literal meaning. (705)

Mu tusan se mu 1SG sit.down CONN 1SG ‘I saw the whole soccer match.’

(706)

Mu tusan se mu de 1SG sit.down CONN 1SG tell.3SG ‘I told him all the details of the matter.’

wa watch

fuuga play lazan information

bola. ball khô thing

sai. DEM

Moreover, negating the tusan construction requires the use of subordinator pa instead of se. (707)

Man tusan pen mu 1SG.NEG sit.down PURP.1SG 1SG ‘I didn’t see the whole soccer match.’

wa watch

fuuga play

bola. ball

f. NEG

While these examples cannot be considered true serialising constructions because of the presence of a clause-linker se (cf. § 7.3.1.) and repeated subjects (here mu), they do show the same intricate relationship between both clauses that we also found in certain instrumental constructions (§ 5.7.3 above, p. 152).

5.7.7 Resultative In resultative serial verb constructions, the second verb phrase denotes the result of an event described in the first verb phrase. (708)

ê ten kêê da san 3SG EPIST fall hit ground ‘He fell to his death.’ (online corpus) Se

CONN

(709)

Ôpa kêêsê vla ngaandji. tree grow become big ‘The tree grew into a big tree.’

môlê. die

156 � The verb phrase

(710)

ê kha do k’ 3SG HAB hit with ‘[...] and beat it to death [...]’ (lines 635f.) [...]

s’

CONN

kha thing

mata [...] kill

In examples (708 and 709), the change of state is experienced by the subject, whereas in (710) it is the (null) object of do ‘hit’ which undergoes the change of state. Do k’ kha (da ku kha) is a fixed expression with the meaning ‘beat up’, where kha functions as a dummy object.

5.7.8 Degree In this section we address the constructions based on pasa ‘than, very’, which is etymologically derived from the Portuguese verb passar meaning ‘pass, to surpass’: (711)

[...]

(712)

Pudu lônggô pasa Maluku. Pudu be.tall than Maluku ‘Pudu is taller than Maluku.’

(713)

Pudu ngaai pasa Maluku. Pudu be.tall more Maluku ‘Pudu is taller than Maluku.’

mandji ineyn kha ngaandji pasa [...]. but 3PL HAB be.big very ‘[...] but they are usually very big [...].’ (online corpus)

These constructions cannot be considered true serial verb constructions, since pasa lacks verbal properties and fulfills both the role of a degree adverb and a comparative conjunction. In fact, pasa in (712) can be readily replaced by maxi ku (or maxi kê), in (714 and 715). (714)

Pudu lônggô maxi ku Pudu be.tall more than ‘Pudu is taller than Maluku.’

(715)

Feendjapo ngaai maxi ku Bioko be.big more than ‘Bioko is bigger than Annobón.’

Maluku. Maluku Êmbô. Annobón

Finally, the verb mindji ‘measure’ can also be used for comparative purposes in the sense of competition. (716)

Bo mindji khôlê ku Anton. 2SG measure run with Anton ‘You had a running race with Anton.’

Negation � 157

In conclusion, these sections on verb serialisation have shown that several constructions that are traditionally classified as serial verb constructions include several types of semantic modification of the main predicate. In particular, the head of the modifying predicate is generally defective from a syntactic and/or semantic point of view, which includes the use of items with the phonetic shape of a verb that lack verbal properties altogether.

5.8

Negation

5.8.1 Sentence negation Standard sentence negation in Fa d’Ambô consists of a discontinuous pattern with two negation markers, namely the preverbal negation marker na and final marker f.23 (717)

I na skê fê zwan kha 3SG NEG PROG.go do no thing ‘He wouldn’t do anything at all.’ (line 623)

f. NEG

The preverbal negation marker na typically precedes the verb and its TAM markers, whereas the final marker f occurs in clause- or sentence-final position, following complements and most non-clausal adjuncts, such as adverbs and PPs. (718)

Tublan, a na kha kun tublan shark NS NEG HAB eat shark ‘This is not the way you eat sharks.’ (lines 17f.)

xi so

f. NEG

On the other hand, final particles, such as ôô and ê in the following examples, may occur to the right of the final negation marker (cf. § 5.8.2 below). (719)

de, i kun ôô…, ê na kun f ôô [...]. give.3SG 3SG eat or 3SG NEG eat NEG PCL ‘They gave him [food], he would eat [it] or he wouldn’t eat [it] [...].’ (lines 644f.) A

NS

(720)

ôi Pa Xi’ Alê na suku now Mr Sir King NEG have ‘And now that the king couldnʼt see.’ (lines 67f.) Waya, EXCL

ôô eye

f’ê. NEG.PCL

First- and second-person singular and the non-specific pronoun typically fuse with the preverbal negation marker, yielding, respectively, the forms man~men (m(u)+na), ban (bo+na), and an (a+na). �� 23 Previous descriptions of negation in Fa d’Ambô are Post (1997) and Zamora Segorbe (2010).

158 � The verb phrase

(721)

[...]. Men ten skha fêê zwan kha f 1SG.NEG EPIST PROG do no thing NEG ‘I’m not doing anything around here anyway [...].’ (line 300)

Contraction is compulsory in main clauses involving first-person singular and nonspecific a, as shown by the contrast between (722a and b) and (722c), whereas secondperson singular and all other nouns in (723) can be separated from the negation marker by an adverb such as ontola~onto ‘yet’. (722)

a.

b.

c. (723)

Onto man sa sêê yet 1SG.NEG PRF leave ‘I haven’t left the house yet.’ Onto an sa sêê yet NS.NEG PRF leave ‘They haven’t left the house yet.’ *Mu /*A

onto

na

fo come.from fo come.from

sa

sêê

khadji house fo

bo/ê/non/naminsê/ineyn onto na sa sêê 2SG/3SG/1PL/2PL/3PL yet NEG PRF leave ‘You/(s)he/we/you/they haven’t left the house yet.’

f.

khadji house

NEG

f. NEG

khadji fo come.from

f. khadji house

f. NEG

In embedded contexts, however, the contraction of first-person singular and na is optional if the first-person singular pronoun is able to contract with a preceding complementiser. The form pen in (724b) results from the contraction between pa and firstperson singular and may therefore inhibit the contraction of mu na > man in (724a). (724)

a. b.

Bo 2SG

nggo want

pa

Bo 2SG

nggo want

pen

COMP

COMP.1SG

man 1SG.NEG

be go

na 1SG.NEG

be go

f. NEG

f. NEG

‘You don’t want me to go.’

The preverbal negation marker na also contracts with the repetitive marker tan (cf. p. 103-104) to give the form natan~n’tan ‘not any more’ (725). This fuses with first-person singular and second-person singular in the way described above (726). (725)

Mamen se n’tan be f ô. woman DEM NEG.REP go NEG PCL ‘That woman didn’t go there.’ (lines 858f.)

(726)

Fo ôdje, mentan tê m’na f. since today 1SG.NEG.REP have child NEG ‘From now on, I don’t have a daughter any more.’ (line 209)

Negation � 159

The preverbal negation marker may also contract with adverb ten and yield the form n’ten ‘not yet’, as illustrated in (727). (727)

Êwa, khama n’ten sa kulu listen place NEG.yet be dark ‘Well, it is not yet dark.’ (line 548f.)

f. NEG

5.8.2 The final negation marker With respect to the final marker, it should first be noted that f exhibits an additional long form fa, which is typically used to indicate that speech will continue, i.e. when there is no discourse break following the negation marker (728).24 This is arguably a case of contraction of f and the particle a, which can also be observed in interrogatives, as in (729). The form fa (or wa) also occurs in yes/no questions, which will be addressed in § 6.4.2, below p. 188. (728)

Ôô eye

pe father

na

kha

NEG

HAB

m

na

kha

POSS.1SG

NEG

HAB

a go

bosu down

a go

fa,

liba top

ôô eye

NEG

pe father

m POSS.1SG

f. NEG

‘My fatherʼs eyes do not see anything at all.’ (lit. ‘they don’t go up, they don’t go down’).’ (lines 49f.) (729)

Ban bê dêkê khô se sô 2SG.NEG see COMP thing DEM COP ‘Don’t you see that this is my death?’ (line 98)

môô death

fa? NEG

The distribution of the final negation marker f in complex sentences is contingent on the clausal architecture. The final negation marker occurs to the right of complement clauses that are selected by a negated main clause, as illustrated by (730), where the complementiser fa ‘that’ introduces the subordinate clause. (730)

[...]

non 1PL

m’na-namen daughter

na NEG

sê know

fa COMP

Pa Mr

Xi’ Sir

Alê king

suk’ have

wan a

pono single

f. NEG

‘[…] we didn’t know that His Majesty had a daughter.’ (lines 220f.)

�� 24 The final negation marker is similar to the final negation marker found in the other three Gulf of Guinea creoles (fa, wa), but there is no certainty with respect to its etymology (cf. Güldemann & Hagemeijer 2019 for discussion)

160 � The verb phrase

Note that na…f negates the whole predicate but not the assertion contained in the subordinate clause. To negate this assertion, the presence of an additional preverbal negation marker (na) in the subordinate clause is required. In this case, the final marker f is only instantiated once, as in (731).25 (731)

Non 1PL

na NEG

m’na-namen daughter

sê know

fa COMP

Pa Mr

Xi’ Sir

Alê king

na

suk’ have

NEG

wan a

pono single

f. NEG

‘We didn’t know that His Majesty didn’t have a daughter.’ (based on lines 220f.)

The position of clausal adjuncts with respect to negation depends on the nature of the adjuncts: lower attached adjuncts, in particular verb-phrase adjuncts (732), occur to the left of the negation, whereas sentence-level adjuncts, for instance the causal clause in (733) and the adversative clause in (734), occur independently of the discontinuous negation pattern. (732)

(733)

Zwan na kum pimê za Zwan NEG eat first then ‘Zwan didn’t eat before drinking.’ Pê father pê father

deli... POSS.3SG dê

na NEG

sêê know

p’ COMP

zwan no

ê 3SG kha thing

bêbê drink

f.

f,

pakê because

NEG

NEG

soye story.GEN

[...].

POSS.3SG

‘His father didn’t know anything, because in her father’s mind […].’ (lines 174f.) (734)

Se CONN

pixi-gula, k.o. fish

man 1SG.NEG

tê have

f, NEG

mandji but

ineyn 3PL

kha HAB

ngaandji be.big

pasa. very ‘This fish, I don’t have, but they grow huge.’ (online corpus)

The syntactic distribution of spatio-temporal and causal adjuncts introduced by ata ‘until’, dezde ‘since, from’, and pôlômô/dakhantu ‘because of’ in negative clauses deserves special attention, since their occurrence to the right or the left of the final negation marker f yields distinct readings related to the scope of negation according to the following elicited data, as follows from the contrast between the a. and b. examples of (735 and 736). �� 25 Post (1997: 300) mentions that the final negation marker can be doubled, yielding the form fuf, if both the main and the subordinate clause are negated. This doubling strategy, however, did not occur in our data and was not confirmed by our informants.

Negation � 161

(735)

(736)

a.

Ê na skhee djuuni f ata amanhan. 3SG NEG FUT sleep NEG until tomorrow ‘He will not sleep until tomorrow.’ (he is awake and will not sleep)

b.

Ê na skhee djuuni ata amaa f. 3SG NEG FUT sleep until tomorrow NEG ‘He will not sleep until tomorrow.’ (he is sleeping but will not continue to do so)

a.

Ê na djuuni f dakhantu toomenta. 3SG NEG sleep NEG because noise ‘He didn’t sleep because of the noise.’ (the noise is the reason why).

b.

Ê na djuuni dakhantu toomenta f. 3SG NEG sleep because noise NEG ‘He didn’t sleep, but it was not because of the noise.’

The final negation marker f fails to occur in certain environments, as first noted by Post (1997: 308), who provides several examples of negative purposive clauses introduced by pa ‘so that, for’. This is confirmed by our data, as shown in (737). (737)

têê kha bixê baanku, pa na de ôô têndê. also MOD dress. 3SG white PURP NEG give.3SG eye understand ‘They should also dress him in white, so that he doesn’t understand [what they are going to do].’ (lines 840f.) A

NS

In contexts that imply a warning or suggestion, as in the following example introduced by pintxu, the final negation marker also fails to occur. (738)

Pintxu ban tan da kulu-kulu bo vaa fo beware 2SG.NEG REP get.up RED~early 2SG escape come.from ‘Don’t you dare get up very early and escape from home!’ (lines 895f.)

khai. home

5.8.3 Expletive negation The following are examples of expletive negation, i.e. cases of standard discontinuous negation without a negative meaning in a complement clause in the presence of certain lexical elements with negative import, such as proibidu ‘forbidden’ and mendu ‘fear’ (739 and 740). Although final f was produced in (739), our main consultant considers the construction more adequate without this item. (739)

Ôdje today

sa

tan

da give

REP

COP

proibidu forbidden nam’na DIM.child

pa

nan

COMP

PL

pakhada beating

m’na child

na NEG

ba go

skola school

pa COMP

(f). NEG

‘Nowadays it is forbidden that children go to school and that a child gets beaten [by the teacher].’ (online corpus)

162 � The verb phrase

(740)

M 1SG

sa COP

ku with

mendu fear

pa

ê 3SG

COMP

na NEG

da give

mu 1SG

pakhada. beating

‘I’m afraid that he will beat me up.’

The following examples of exclamative or emphatic negation are also instances of expletive negation, since they are not associated with negation but rather with extreme quantity or degree (of fish, happiness, and love). (741)

Ise

na

sa…

DEM

NEG

COP

lame-lamadu RED~appreciated

pis-saa wahoo

f,

ise

na

sa

NEG

DEM

NEG

COP

pixi fish

fundu bottom

f. NEG

‘There were lots of wahoos, lots of fish from the bottom of the sea which are very appreciated. (lines 459f.) (742)

Ta when

pay father

ligila happiness

dêsê go.down

bi, come

se

na

ten

sa

CORR

NEG

EPIST

COP

ke some

f. NEG

‘When his father disembarked, there was nothing but happiness.’ (lines 432f.) (743)

(744)

Ô ma ê, na se sa ta nggonggo oh 1SG EXCL NEG DEM COP DEGR love ‘Oh my goodness, this goes beyond love […].’ (lines 439f.)

fa

Na

se

s’

ta

fa.

NEG

FOC

COP

DEGR

NEG.PCL

nam’na-mie fômôzô DIM.girl be.pretty ‘Usually little girls are not that beautiful.’ (lines 39f.)

[...].

NEG

Rhetorical questions with exclamative content, which occur with the preverbal na and the long final form fa or wa, as in (745 and 746), also constitute a type of expletive negation. (745)

M’na na skha swa fa? child NEG PROG cry NEG ‘Isn’t this a baby crying?’ (line 199)

(746)

Men faa bo fa/wa? 1SG.NEG tell 2SG PCL ‘Didn’t I tell you so?’ / ‘I told you!’ / ‘What did I tell you!’

For further discussion of final particles, we refer the reader to § 6.4.2, below p. 188, § 6.6, below p. 193, and § 7.4, below p. 225.

Negation � 163

5.8.4 Negative concord Fa d’Ambô is a negative concord language in the sense that negative words, which are typically zwen~zwan nggê ‘nobody’ and zwen~zwan kha ‘nothing’ in the subject and object position, require the presence of the standard negation markers.26 This is shown in (747 and 748). (747)

[...] fu

zwen no

ngê person

n’tan NEG.REP

sêê know

soya story

dê

pa

POSS.3SG

PURP

da tell

[...].

NEG

‘[...] there is nobody any more who knows her story in order to tell it [...].’ (lines 114f.) (748)

Na

den zwan kha f. give.1SG no thing NEG ‘Don’t give me anything.’ (line 94) NEG

Negative words require the presence of f in isolated contexts, such as question-answer pairs in (749 and 750). (749)

(750)

Kê nggê fêê taba what person do work ‘Who did that job? Nobody.’ Kê kha ineyn fêê? what thing 3PL do ‘What did they do? Nothing.’

say? DEM

Uzwan no

Uzwan no

nggê person

kha thing

f. NEG

f. NEG

Note that in the absence of f in the answer in (749 and 750) the meaning changes to ‘someone’ (uzwan nggê) and ‘somebody’ (uzwan kuza, the long form of kha) respectively. Since these expressions only acquire a negative interpretation in the scope of sentential negation, they may therefore be considered polarity items.

5.8.5 Constituent negation When isolated noun phrases are negated for contrastive purposes (cf. also 749 and 750 above), only the final marker f occurs with non-verbal constituents (751). In these cases, no and na can also be used, but require a discourse break (752).

�� 26 The form fu used by some speakers is a variant of fa.

164 � The verb phrase

(751)

(752)

f.

M kumpaa pixi, lavul 1SG buy fish book ‘I bought fish, not the book.’

NEG

Lavulu, no/na. book NEG ‘Not the book.’

Negated verbal constituents, on the other hand, require the discontinuous negation pattern, as in (753). (753)

M kumu; man 1SG eat 1SG.NEG ‘I ate; I didn’t drink.’

f.

bêbê drink

NEG

Negative coordination of nominal structures is established by ni…ni (cf. § 4.6, p. 98) and requires the presence of na…f if the complex noun phrase occurs in a complete sentence structure, as shown below. (754)

Ni neither

khadji house

x’

k’

DEM

REL

zwan no

nggê person

xi…

na

INTENS

NEG

lodaa lot.GEN

khalga load

nen

xi

k’

PL

DEM

REL

ê 3SG

sa, COP

sêê know ê 3SG

ni nor

main, mother.PCL

khame place

x’

k’

DEM

REL

skha,

k’

PROG

REL

ê 3SG

ni nor ê 3SG kha HAB

pai, father.PCL skha

pê… put

PROG

ma take

e PCL

f. NEG

‘In the house where he stayed, neither the woman nor the man [of that house], nobody at all knew where he was hiding all the things he would steal.’ (lines 652ff.)

If the complex noun phrase occurs in isolation, for example as an answer to a question, no additional negation markers occur. (755)

Ni ome ni miele. neither man nor woman ‘Neither the man nor the woman.’

Negative clausal coordination structures will be discussed in § 7.3.5.

5.9

Non-clausal adjuncts

This section deals with non-clausal constituents that contribute to the meaning of the predicate or clause but do not represent participants in the situation or in the event

Non-clausal adjuncts � 165

described by the verb encompassing the following broad semantic notions: place, time, manner, degree, focus, and cause. As such, it covers simple adverbs and nonclausal periphrastic adverbials. Functional items that are traditionally described as adverbs, such as negation, interrogatives, or clause-linking adverbs, as well as adjunct clauses (cf. § 7.2, below p. 209), are discussed elsewhere in this grammar. Since Fa d’Ambô lacks morphological strategies to derive adverbs from other categories, the class of items that qualifies as a separate, morphosyntactic category of adverbs is rather small. As a rule of thumb, the syntactic distribution of adverbs and adverbials is considerably restricted due to the language’s isolating typology and its extended preverbal functional domain of negation and TAM markers, which is largely opaque to intervening material. Moreover, in the postverbal domain, adverbial material cannot intervene between the verb and its complement(s). With the exception of focalising adverbs, the items discussed below are therefore typically stacked in clause-initial or -final position, depending on their modifying properties.

5.9.1 Place With respect to the location of core structures, there are two standard deictic locatives, namely ala ‘there’ (756) and yay ‘here’ and its contextual variants: ya~ay~ai~i~ye~e (757). (756)

(757)

Ala, bo kha bê khamê se fêê xi e there 2SG PROG see place DEM make so PCL ‘Do you see the place over there which has this form?’ (line 919)

fa? INTERR

Ye non skha ta non moso. here 1PL PROG stay 1PL alone ‘We’re staying on our own here.’ (lines 300f.)

Categorially, these items can be treated as nominals, since they commonly occur in an argument position, in particular as the predicate of copula constructions (758) (see § 5.2, below p. 130) and as the complement of transitive verbs of location or motion, for instance da ‘reach, arrive’ (759). Ala ‘there’, in particular, occurs with directed motion verb ba ‘go’, which was shown to select (nominal) locative arguments (see § 5.6, p. 139-141). (758)

Non sa yai n’tu mêdji mayu [...]. 1PL COP here in month May ‘We were at the end of May [...].’ (line 507)

(759)

Ta a kha da ala, pa piza l’. when NS FUT reach there PURP push 3SG ‘When they reach that point, they should push him.’ (line 845)

166 � The verb phrase

The function of locative adjuncts is further fulfilled by standard locative noun phrases, as illustrated by tela non ‘(in) our country’. (760)

Ôxi tela non a kha da khô when country POSS.1PL NS HAB give thing ‘When in our country a ship is announced […].’ (line 412)

[...].

sa

a

DEM

PCL

A third type of adjuncts of place consist of a closed class of nominals with locative content, which are exemplified in (761 and 762): (761)

Mete middle pê put

khadji house

bo

se

POSS.2SG

FOC

bo 2SG

kh’

fê make

HAB

khôla crown

budu stone

xi […] so

‘In the middle of the house, one would make a circle of stones layed out like this […].’ (lines 963f.) (762)

Waya, se dantu khay d Êlê bi sakh’ look CONN in house GEN king PST EXIST ‘Look, at the King’s palace there was a girl [...].’ (lines 363f.)

an a

namoso [...]. DIM.girl

In addition to mete ‘middle’ and dantulu ‘inside’ and its phonetic variants, the following items also belong to this class: basu~bosu~bôsu ‘under, down, below, lower part’, banda~benda ‘side, next to’, deentxi~dentxi ‘front, in front of, ahead’, liba~lib~l’ba~l‘baa ‘above, on top of, upper part’, lomadu ‘next to’, lôndji ‘far (away)’, ôyô~ôô ‘eye, around’, petu ‘close (by)’, taaxi~tax~tai ‘behind’, vaan~van ‘top, height’. The fact that these forms with locative content are nominals can be argued on the following grounds: they typically have a nominal meaning (in addition to a locative meaning); they can be used intransitively (763); some forms, like nouns, select a genitive structure, such as benda dji ‘side, next to’ in (764) or exhibit specific fused morphological forms to express N+genitive (vaan>veen; lomadu>lome, cf. § 4.2, below p. 76); finally, these items can occur as locative complements (765) (see. § 5.6, p. 139). (763)

bo go

dentxi… ahead

Se

a

CONN

NS

san… call

Palian Voto […].

piimê first

kuusu cross

xi

k’

a

kha

DEM

REL

NS

HAB

TN

‘Then they went on to the first cross, which is called Palian Voto [...].’ (lines 865f.) (764)

Benda dji liba palakhaxanu […]. side of top cemetery ‘Next to the upper part of the cemetery […].’ (lines 612f.)

san… call

Non-clausal adjuncts � 167

(765)

do bixi kuuta kha pê ôô palma. because clothes cut HAB put eye palm.tree ‘[… ] because of the clothes of protection he would put around his palm trees.’ (line 851) [...]

The only true preposition that heads locative adjuncts seems to be asta~ata~ate ‘until’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 322-323), but a few (partially) grammaticalised serial verb related items, namely fo, ba, and bi, occur in ‘from...until’ spatial/temporal constructions (cf. § 5.7.2 above). (766)

Khôlê asta ala. run until there ‘Run over there!’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 322)

(767)

Ineyn khôlê fo me-matu ba/bi 3PL run from woods go/come ‘They ran from the woods to the beach.’

tokha until

lalea. beach

5.9.2 Time Examples (768 and 769) show different strategies that are used to broadly contribute temporal information to core structures. Example (768) contains a temporal adverb ôdje ‘today’, (769) a noun phrase tadji ‘(in) the afternoon’, (770) a complex nominal expression tumpi taxi ala beza ‘going back to those days, back in those days’, and (771) a prepositional phrase fo dêê xi ‘ever since’. (768)

Pe bo fa po non da bo father POSS.2SG tell COMP 1PL give 2SG ‘Your father told us to kill you today.’ (lines 234f.)

(769)

[...]. Taadji, pen se lolo bi afternoon for.1SG FOC go.down come ‘In the afternoon, it is me who will go [...].’ (line 414)

(770)

[...]. Tumpi taaxi ala beza, dê xi na sa mavida f time.GEN back there already day DEM NEG COP suffering NEG ‘Going back to those days – those days we didn’t have to endure suffering here [...].’ (lines 454f.)

(771)

Se

sa

CONN

COP

xi

nggonggo love

xi DEM

n 1SG

nggonggo love

ku with

ku with

kha thing

bo 2SG

[...].

DEM

‘And it is this love that I have for you ever since [...].’ (lines 438f.)

mata kill

fo since

dêê day

ôdje. today

168 � The verb phrase

Time-related adverbs in our corpus, which here also includes items related to aspect and frequency, include the following: ôsexi ‘today’, ôdjai~ôdjay~ôdje~ôdjie ‘today’, ôdjiedja ‘today, nowadays’, amanhan~amaa~ama ‘tomorrow’, ama-pasa ‘the day after tomorrow’, onte ‘yesterday’, atonte ‘the day before yesterday’, ôxi ‘now’, ole ‘now’, ôxiôxi ‘right now, suddenly’, ôximen ‘simultaneously, at the same time’, mazugadu~muzugadu ‘early in the morning’, pamasedu~p’masedu~p’mase~p’maa~ pama~mase ‘early in the morning, at daybreak’, agola~gola ‘now’ olatuvê~olotuvê ‘always’, kulu ‘early’, taadji ‘late’, bela~bebela, beza, za ‘already’, antola~anto~onto ‘still, yet’, alola~olola ‘subsequently’. Repetitive marker tan ‘again’, mentioned in § 5.8.1, also forms part of this class. Verb-phrase adverbs, such as bela ‘already’ in (772), occur in a clause-final position, whereas clause-level adverbs, such as amaa ‘tomorrow’, ôdje ‘today’, or ôsexi ‘now’, in (773 and 774) may occupy the initial and final position. (772)

[….]

(773)

[…]. Ama non skha a bôvê tela tomorrow 1PL PROG go visit country ‘[…] tomorrow we will visit the country [...].’ (line 894)

(774)

Khô non kee fê ôsexi? thing 1PL PROG do now ‘What are we going to do now?’ (line 164)

navin la xiga san bela. ship PRF arrive ground already ‘[…] the ship has already arrived.’ (line 413)

Temporal-aspectual adverb ontola~onto ‘still, yet’ is exceptional in this respect, because in addition to its usual occurrence in peripheral positions (775a and b), this form may also occur between the subject and the preverbal negation marker (775c). (775)

a.

Onto, yet

xia wife mu

na

mu

na

sa

POSS.1SG

NEG

PRF

b.

Xia

sa

xiga

c.

Xia mu onto na sa ‘My wife hasn’t arrived yet.’

xiga arrive

ontola

f.

xiga

f.

f. NEG

While most of the items listed above cannot occur in an argument position, there are a few exceptions, such as pamasedu (and variants), that may also occur as nouns in the subject and the object position. In the subject position, it occurs frequently with the verb bla. (776)

Ta pama ske bla…, when morning FUT open ‘When the morning comes ...’ (line 763)

Non-clausal adjuncts � 169

(777)

Ta da wan… pamasedu dja subudu when arrive one morning day Saturday ‘Then on one Saturday morning [...].’ (line 518)

[...].

Ordinal numerals, such as pimêêlu ‘first’, are used as adverbs expressing temporal order. (778)

Bo se ska a san pimêêlu […]. 2SG FOC PROG go land first ‘You are going on land first […].’ (line 411)

There are only a few items that can be considered temporal prepositions, in particular fo ‘since’ and ata ‘until’. (779)

Fo ôdje, mentan tê m’na f. since today 1SG.NEG.REP have child NEG ‘From now on, I don’t have a daughter any more.’ (line 209)

(780)

Ê skhee djuuni ata amayan. 3SG FUT sleep until tomorrow ‘(S)he will sleep until tomorrow.’

Fo also heads time-delimiting adjuncts, as illustrated in the following examples: (781)

Fo since

ôdje today

sa

ya. here

COP

ba go

khabamentu end

dja day

tudu, all

bo 2SG

khôm with.1SG

se

ske

FOC

FUT

‘From today until the end of days, you and I will live here.’ (lines 323f.) (782)

[...] tokh’ touch

ineyn 3PL

teen EPIST

fêê do

bagi much

gavu good

dineyn POSS.3PL

fo from

dê day

xi DEM

bi come

ôdjai […]. today.PCL

‘[…] they enjoyed a very good life from that day on up to now […].’ (lines 444f.)

Although these structures are reminiscent of serialising structures, where the use of verbal items such as fo, ba, and bi is common in source and goal constructions (cf. § 5.7.2, below p. 146), these items lack verbal properties in the constructions above. For instance, they may occur in isolation and cannot be preceded by TAM markers, as shown by bi t’khô ôdjay ‘up to now’ in (783).

170 � The verb phrase

(783)

[…]

a NS

n’tan NEG.REP

bê see

Pa Mr

Xinggil PN

kh’ with

ôô eye

f. NEG

Bi come

t’khô touch

ôdjay. today ‘[…] nobody saw Mr Xinggili again. Up to now.’ (lines 976f.)

Instead of ba/bi tokha, true prepositions ata~asta~ate ‘until’ can also be used in these constructions, without a change in meaning. (784)

Fo ôdje ata amayan. since today until tomorrow ‘From today until tomorrow.’

5.9.3 Manner, means, and instrument The examples below show different strategies to express manner, means, and instrument. Example (785) contains a manner adverb gaavu ‘well’,27 (786 and 787) the manner PPs ku kusaan betu ‘gladfully’ and ku m’na monggomongg’ ôman ‘with a baby in her arms’, (788) a construction with amea ‘like, in the form of’, followed by the prepositional phrase ku an djalmenta fakha ‘with a huge knife’, and (789) shows that repeated instances of the verb may also yield a manner reading. Examples (790 and 792) further show that there are instances of manner readings that result from the lexicalisation of the verb and additional lexical material, as illustrated by the expressions djun fôgô ‘burn slowly’ (lit: sleep fire), d’a-saago kh’olem ‘row strongly’ (lit: hit the salt water with an oar’), and do khôlê ‘run rapidly’ (lit: give a run). Finally, the lengthening of the adverb xi, which normally conveys the meaning ‘so, like this’, in (792), constitutes an additional strategy. Here it triggers a manner reading of suddenty. (785)

Alê ten me gaavu [...]. king EPIST take.3SG well ‘The King received him very well […].’ (line 137) [...] khôôzê kha pê kha fê taba fulfill thing put HAB do work ‘[...] gladly fulfilling his duties.’ (lines 362f.) S’

CONN

(786)

(787)

ku with

kuusan heart

tokhô bo ku m’na monggomongg’ find 2SG with child very.young ‘[...] they found her with a baby in her arms.’ (lines 201f.) [...]

s’

a

CORR

NS

�� 27 Note that the adverb gaavu ‘well’ is derived from its adjectival use.

betu. open ôman. arm

Non-clausal adjuncts � 171

(788)

[…]

i 3SG

xkee FUT

amea like

bi come

zudê… devil

ku with

an a

djalmenta AUGM

fakha [...]. knife ‘He will come like a devil with a huge knife [...].’ (lines 765f.) (789)

ê… ten sa fe khôlê, khôlê, 3SG start run run ‘[...] and [he] started to run fast.’ (lines 340f.) […]

khôlê. run

s’

CONN

(790)

[…]

(791)

[…]

(792)

pinhan, okhaku, ña nen-nen xi kha djun ku… k.o.tree k.o.tree firewood RED~PL DEM GNR sleep with ‘[...] the pinhan, okhaku, tamarind – these burn away very slowly.’ (lines 965f.) d’ aa-saago give water-salt ‘[…] he rowed strongly [...].’ (lines 503f.) [...]

se

ten

sa

CONN

EPIST

COP

PRF.1SG

b’ see

mi 1SG

e

an A

nunza… boy

kh’ with

ku REL

fôgô. fire

olem’ [...]. oar

do give

khôlê run

paseen pass.1SG

ôô eye

[...].

xi… INTENS

‘[…] I have seen a boy who ran rapidly and suddenly passed in front of me [...].’ (lines 549f.)

Other examples of simple manner adverbs are moso~moo ‘only, alone, just’, dandjian~dandjin ‘quickly, fast’, (ku) venta ‘fast’, despasu, lentu, molemole, kêtêkêtê ‘slowly’, axi~xi ‘like this, this way, so’. In addition, adjuncts of manner, means, and instrument typically form prepositional phrases introduced by preposition ku. (793)

Ta bidon se kha venta fo when container DEM GNR approach come.from ‘When this container falls down with force […].’ (lines 388f.)

(794)

Se

nunza se teen sêê bi boy DEM EPIST come.out come ‘And the boy came out, full of fear [...].’ (lines 553f.) CONN

ku with

(795)

Ê be ku 3SG go with ‘He went by canoe.’

(796)

M bi mazna fa Mene skee sama 1 SG PST think COMP PN FUT call ‘I thought that Mene would phone Mala.’ (online corpus)

(797)

a

NS

ku with

fooxi [...]. force

mendu [...]. fear

batelu. canoe

n’tan bê Pa Xinggil kh’ NEG.REP see Mr Xinggili with ‘[...] nobody saw Mr Xinggili again.’ (lines 976f.) […]

l’ba top

ôô eye

Mala PN

f. NEG

ku with

telefono phone

172 � The verb phrase

5.9.4 Degree The following verb-phrase adverbs in our corpus express degree: muntu~m’ntu ‘very’, montxi ‘many, much, a lot’, montxi muntu ‘much, a lot’, maxi~max ‘more, dêêtu ‘right’, xi ‘so’, men~meyn ‘exactly’, pê ‘completely’, fol ‘completely’. While these adverbs usually occur in a clause-final position, they can be followed by certain types of functional material, in particular discourse and (final) negation particles (cf. 800) or by other adverbs, as in (806), where pê modifies khaba and is followed by gavu. (798)

[...]

(799)

S’

kha

CONN

HAB

lii laugh

montxi much

muntu very

(800)

muntu. very

pokê bo fômôzô deen because 2SG be.pretty give.1SG ‘[…] you are very pretty to me.’ (lines 149f.) ê ten fa mu p’ en 3SG EPIST tell 1SG COMP 1SG ‘And he told me to laugh a lot [...].’ (online corpus) Man 1SG.NEG

ten

bi

EPIST

PST

khônsê know

Ambô Annobón

montxi [...]. a.lot e

f.

PCL

NEG

‘I didn’t get to know Annobón very much.’ (online corpus) (801)

Zulumentxi dê skha bê fê perversion POSS.3SG PROG go ugly ‘His perversion was getting worse.’ (line 628)

(802)

Se

nan

CONN

PL

n’tê completely

pa man

nen

se

PL

DEM

lele completely

khant’ sing

Av Ave

max. more Mala Maria

mazugadu, morning

gaavu. well

‘These men sang the whole “Ave Maria of the morning” very well.’ (lines 954f.) (803)

Namen ten kha fômôzô xi? woman EPIST GNR be.pretty so ‘How can a woman be so pretty?’ (line 147)

(804)

[...]

s’

ineyn tan lêê non 3PL REP follow 1PL ‘[...] they followed us until right there.’ (line 561) CONN

(805)

(806)

(807)

[…]

ala se soya dê there FOC story POSS.3SG ‘[…] and here her story ends.’ (line 115)

bi come

ku

ten

COORD

EPIST

meyn. exactly khaba finish

pê. completely

khaba... Lavôô pê gavu […]. finish Lavôlô completely well ‘[...] and there they finished the Lavôlô prayer completely [...].’ (lines 935f.) […]

se

a

CONN

NS

Nggi se fêê khô se e ta person DEM do thing DEM PCL OBL ‘The person who did this must die.’ (lines 377f.)

p’ COMP

ê 3SG

môô die

fol. completely

Non-clausal adjuncts � 173

Reduplication constitutes another strategy to obtain a degree reading, as shown by gaavu-gaavu in the following example. (808)

Pepe man

se, DEM

m 1SG

gaavu-gaavu; RED~well

kêlê believe

fa...,

bo 2SG

COMP

bê see

pape man

se DEM

[…].

‘This man, I believe that you have seen this man very well […].’ (lines 992f.)

5.9.5 Focus In addition to the standard focus marker se, which is discussed in § 6.2, below p. 178, we identified the following focalising adverbs in our data: moso ‘only, just, alone’, ten~têê ‘also’, batokha/asta ‘even’, ni ‘neither (...nor), men ‘exactly’. (809)

pala nome, envedadji, bo kha bê moso […]. give.birth boy really 2SG MOD see only ‘She gave birth to a boy, and really, if you just look at him [...].’ (line 987) Se

CONN

(810)

moo se ten bi sa lalea. girl DEM also PST COP beach ‘His mother was also on the beach.’ (line 419) Se

CONN

(811)

{Batokha/Asta} Mene, nggê tud sakha li mu. even Mene people all PROG laugh 1SG ‘Even Mene, everybody is making fun of me. (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 323)

(812)

Ni neither zwan no

khadji house nggê person

x’

k’

DEM

REL

ê 3SG

xi…

na

INTENS

NEG

ni nor

sa, COP

main, mother.PCL

ni nor

pai, father.PCL

sêê […]. know

‘In the house where he stayed, neither the woman nor the man [of that house] nobody at all knew [...].’ (lines 652f.) (813)

S’ CONN

fêê do

ineyn 3PL neyn 3PL

nda, walk khô thing

s’ CONN

xi DEM

ineyn 3PL

ba go

Khabu Vêêdji,

se

a

tan

TN

CONN

NS

REP

men. exactly

‘Then they left and went to Cape Verde, where the Portuguese did exactly the same to them.’ (lines 486f.)

In these examples, moso fuctions as a restrictive focus particle; ten, pa se, batokha/asta are additive focus particles; ni is an additive negative focaliser; and items such as men (~meyn) are anaphorically used focalising adverbs. In the case of the

174 � The verb phrase

focalisers moso, ten, and men, the focused constituent (e.g. noun phrase or verb phrase) occurs to the left, whereas the other particles take scope to the right.

5.9.6 Cause Among the other non-clausal adjuncts in our corpus, we identified constructions of reason and cause, which are typically introduced by da, dakhantu, and pol ‘because of’. Note that the latter form was not attested in our spoken corpus. (814)

[...]

wan a

mavida bad.life

mayn woman

kh’ and

am a

pai man.PCL

fo… come.from

Santumi TN

da because

[...].

‘[...] a woman and a man arrived from São Tomé because of their bad life [...]..’ (lines 476f.) (815)

Ôsexi mu kha taabaa dakhantu Fa d’Ambô moso. now 1SG HAB work because Fa d’Ambô only ‘At this moment I only work because of Fa d’Ambô.’ (online corpus)

(816)

Mi e lantadu dakhantu êl. 1SG PRF get.up.PCTP because 3SG ‘I got up because of him.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 280)

(817)

Ê bagala pol mendu. 3SG flee because fear ‘He fled out of fear.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 342)

5.9.7 Other We also found the following adverbs of probability, which occur in a sentence-initial position: kênggê, tivye ‘perhaps’.

(818)

kênggê m ma pañia beza. perhaps 1SG take pregnancy already ‘So perhaps I am already pregnant.’ (line 679) Se

CONN

(819)

tivye, tan fo sku utu nova maxi… . maybe REP can have other news more ‘[…] maybe there would be more problems… .’ (line 857) […]

Adverbs of affirmation and negation, which normally have propositional content, exhibit different forms: xen, ees, ee ‘yes’; noay, nan, na, no ‘no’.

Non-clausal adjuncts � 175

(820)

Ala, bo kha bê khamê se fêê xi e fa? there 2SG PROG see place DEM make so PCL INTERR ‘Do you see the place over there which has this form? Yes.’ (line 919)

(821)

Bo bi sêbê? Na. 2SG PST know no ‘Did you know? No.’ (lines 221f.)

(822)

S’

Ee. yes

ê faa nan. 3SG say no ‘But he said no.’ (line 90) CONN

The adverb of affirmation xen is used in formal contexts, whereas ees and ee are normally used between peers in informal situations.

6 Simple sentences 6.1

Order of arguments

Fa d’Ambô is an SVO language. Subjects of both transitive and intransitive verbs occur in the preverbal position and require overt realisation. Since the verb and arguments lack overt morphological marking, there is no overt agreement marking between subject or object arguments and the verb. With a small number of one-place predicates, however, the argument corresponding to the subject may occur in postverbal position, as illustrated in (823-826). (823)

Fuuga nggê dôsu. remain person two ‘Two people remained.’

(824)

Se

bi wan lanxa, s’ ê lanta come a rowboat CONN 3SG enter ‘A rowboat arrived and he went aboard.’ (lines 344f.) CONN

(825)

sakh’ an mayn se sakh’ exist a mother CONN exist ‘[…] there were a mother and a father.’ (lines 117f.) […]

se

an a

pay. father

sai,

se

DEM.PCL

CORR

xig’ arrive

CONN

(826)

Se CONN

ôxi when

a NS

kote slice

tublan shark

untul in

lanxa rowboat

sai. DEM.PCL

wan a

nome. young.man ‘When they had sliced open the shark, a young man came out [of the shark].’ (lines 11f.)

Postverbal subjects do not trigger the presence of expletive pronouns in the preverbal position (see § 4.5.4, p. 96, on null expletives). The ordering of internal arguments in ditransitive constructions is treated in § 5.6, p. 141-144, whereas the argument structure of serial verb constructions is described in § 5.7 above, p. 144. Non-clausal adjuncts or simplex adverbs, described in § 5.9, below p. 164, were shown to occur typically in clause-initial or clause-final positions, often depending on their modifying properties, and do not occur between the TAM markers and the verb nor between the verb and its complement(s). Clausal adverbs, such as amanhan~amaa~ama ‘tomorrow’ (827) or ôdje ‘today’ (828) can generally be stacked in clause-initial and -final positions, whereas temporal-aspectual adverbs such as bela ‘already’ (829) are restricted to the final position of the verb phrase.

178 � Simple sentences

(827)

Ama non skha a bôvê tela, pa non ba tomorrow 1PL PROG go visit country PURP 1PL go ‘[…] tomorrow we will visit the country and walk around.’ (line 894)

(828)

Pe bo fa po non da father POSS.2SG tell COMP 1PL give ‘Your father told us to kill you today.’ (lines 234f.)

(829)

[...]

bo 2SG

ku with

kham’nza se poto-poto pê l ôgê shirt DEM RED~wear.out put 3SG body ‘[...] the shirt had already worn out on her body [...].’ (line 251)

nda-nda. RED~walk

kha thing bela already

mata kill

ôdje. today

[...].

Only a very small number of adverbs, such as the aspectual ontola~onto ‘yet’ (830), the epistemic ten~teen (831) and the inclusive adverb ten~têê ‘also’ (832), may occur in more internal positions in the preverbal domain, more specifically between the subject and the negation or TAM complex, but never within this functional domain (see § 5, p. 103, § 5.8.1, p. 157-158, and § 5.9.2, p. 168). (830)

Bo onto na sa sêê 2SG yet NEG PRF leave ‘You haven’t left the house yet.’

fo come.from

khadji house

f. NEG

(831)

Tak’ a fêê tôli, s’ ê ten ma m’na-mie when NS make tower CORR 3SG EPIST take daughter ‘When the tower was finished, he took his daughter ….’ (lines 123f.)

(832)

A

dê ... POSS.3SG

têê kha bixê baanku […]. also MOD dress. 3SG white ‘They should also dress him in white [...].’ (line 840) NS

6.2

Focalisation

This section describes structures that involve the focus marker se, which is typically used for identificational focus, as in example (833), where the focused pronoun indicates that it is this person (I) and not somebody else who has the right to the throne. (833)

Memen lady

se

m’na-mie girl

khadji house

d GEN

DEM

men mother d GEN

mi

a,

POSS.1SG

VOC

Êlê. king

M 1SG

agwêt, riddle

alôs, rice

se

ta

pen

FOC

OBL

COMP.1SG

m 1SG ma take

sa COP

khame place

Êlê. king

‘Dear lady, here it goes. I am a girl from the King’s palace. It is I who must occupy the throne. (lines 310ff.)

Focalisation � 179

The fronted constituents in these constructions can be arguments or adjuncts, as illustrated by focusing of subject (834), direct and indirect objects (835 and 836), instrumental (837), verbs (838), and locative (839 and 840) and temporal (841) adjuncts. (834)

Bo se ___ ska a san pimêêlu [....]. 2SG FOC PROG go land first ‘You are going on land first [...].’ (lines 411)

(835)

Tublan se se a ma ___ bi shark DEM FOC NS take come ‘And this shark they brought to Palea [...].’ (lines 10f.)

(836)

Piskadô se nan nape nen fisherman FOC PL man PL ‘These men gave a boat to the fisherman.’

(837)

[...]

(838)

Saata se mu saata, jump FOC 1SG jump ‘I was jumping, not running.’

(839)

se

Palea […]. TN

da give

DEM

___

batelu. canoe

pôkê ôô se pôkhôdô kha ma ___ fê because eye FOC person HAB take do ‘[...] because it is with the eyes that one undertakes something.’ (lines 70f.)

Mete middle

khadji house

man NEG.1SG

bo

se

POSS.2SG

FOC

bo 2SG

khôlê run kh’ HAB

kuzu. thing

f. NEG

fê make

khôla crown

budu stone

pê put

xi [...]. so ‘In the middle of the house, one would make a circle of stones layed out like this […].’ (lines 963f.) (840)

(841)

[…]

Ie Têxi Mabana,

se

TN

FOC

bate vla bôkh’ kubili. canoe turn mouth cover ‘[…] It was at the island called Têxi Maabana where the canoe capsized.’ (line 521) ôdje dje se m bi mete d today day FOC 1SG come middle of ‘[...] now I am suffering in the middle of nowhere.’ (lines 317f.) [...]

ôla street

bi come

môlê. die

Focus constructions can also occur in subordinate clauses, as shown in (842 and 843), where first-person singular pronoun mu is focused. In the latter example, it occurs in its contracted form (pa mu > peen). (842)

Nam’sê 2PL

na

nen-nen RED~PL

xi

sa

DEM

COP

NEG

sêê know

fa

dêkê

COMP

COMP

untu inside

d GEN

mu 1SG omee sea

se

sa

FOC

COP

tuu all

xiôô ruler.GEN

tublan shark

faa? NEG.PCL

‘Don’t you know that I am the one who is the ruler of each and every shark of all the seas, without exception?’ (lines 14f.)

180 � Simple sentences

(843)

Amea way medu husband

se DEM

bo 2SG

fômôz’ be.pretty

bo,

pa

POSS.2SG

COMP

bo 2SG

e...

ta

PCL

OBL

sa COP

mie wife

peen COMP.1SG

m

se

sa

FOC

COP

[…].

POSS.1SG

‘You are so pretty that I must become your husband and you my wife […].’ (lines 148f.)

Focused constituents can also be extracted from subordinate clauses, as shown by the following elicited examples of an embedded subject (844) and an embedded object (845). The extracted embedded subject in (844) can leave a gap in the extraction site or be coindexed with an overt pronoun (here third-person singular ê). Focusing of non-prepositioned objects creates a gap, as illustrated by examples (835-837) above and (845) below. (844)

(845)

Tublan se piskadô faa dêkê (ê) shark FOC fisherman say COMP 3SG ‘It’s the shark the fisherman said that ate his friend.’ Tublan shark

se FOC

piskadô fisherman

faa say

dêkê

ê 3SG

COMP

kum eat mata kill

khamada friend ____

dêli. POSS.3SG

mete middle

d’ of

omali. sea ‘It’s the shark the fisherman said that he killed in the middle of the sea.’

Since Fa d’Ambô does not allow for pied-piping of prepositions, extracting the argument of PPs leads to preposition stranding with an overt trace. In the following examples, the focused constituents amu moso ‘only I’ (846) and mina-mie ‘the girl’ (847) leave a third-person singular trace that has cliticised on the preposition (ku êl(i) > khôl). The first of these two examples further shows that there is no person agreement between the focused constituent (first-person singular) and the trace (third-person singular). Number agreement occurs with focused human constituents (848), but not with non-human constituents (849). Note that the absence of agreement in the latter case is distinct from the relativisation of prepositional phrases (§ 4.4.7 and 4.4.8, p. 85-86), where number agreement is always observed. (846)

Amu moso se sa nape xi 1SG alone FOC COP.PRS man DEM ‘I am the only man you like.’ (online corpus)

(847)

Mina-mie se bo girl FOC 2SG ‘It’s the girl you like.’

(848)

Nan

se

se

PL

DEM

FOC

mina-mie nen girl PL ‘It’s those girls you like.’

nggo like

bo 2SG

nggo like

khôl. with.3SG

khôl. with.3SG bo 2SG

nggo like

khineyn. with.3PL

Focalisation � 181

(849)

Khô nen se se thing PL DEM FOC ‘It’s those things you like.’

bo 2SG

khôl. with.3SG

nggo like

When the focused constituent is negated, the negation marker na precedes the focus marker se, as illustrated in (850 and 851). When the background clause is negated, the negation marker follows the focus marker (852). (850)

(851)

(852)

Ng se na se sa mo xi bo da paña” person DEM NEG FOC COP woman DEM 2SG give pregnancy ‘This person is definitively not the woman you made pregnant?’ (lines 980f.) Nomu dineyn nggê tudu na se sêbê name POSS.3PL people all NEG FOC know ‘Not everybody knows their names.’ (online corpus) Bo se na kum 2SG FOC NEG eat ‘You didn’t eat fish.’

pixi fish

f? NEG

fa. NEG

f. NEG

We entertain the hypothesis that the focus marker se originated from the demonstrative se (cf. § 4.1.4.2, below p. 44), which in turn is arguably derived from sa+ai (COP+here)28 and from a larger structure whereby a copula construction embeds a relative clause, as shown in the following examples. (853)

Xinggil’, Xinggili nam’ name

se

sa

DEM

COP

nom name

xi…

k’

DEM

REL

ê 3SG

da indicate

fa

sa

COMP

COP

dêli. POSS.3SG

‘Mr. Xinggili [this] was the name he said was his name. (lines 596f.) (854)

[...]

ê 3SG

sa

xi

k’

DEM

REL

ê 3SG

COP

khadji house kha HAB

Sanggiitan Sanggiitan

Gêza church

Ngaandji, main

se

sa

DEM

COP

khame place

djuuni. sleep

‘[...] he lived in the house of the Sanggiitan of the Main Church, that is the place where he used to sleep.’ (lines 642ff.)

This diachronic hypothesis would explain why Fa d’Ambô still exhibits focus constructions such as (840) above, p. 179, in which the focus marker is not in the same prosodic domain as the focused constituent. Examples like (855) further show that

�� 28 In other words, sa ai > sai~say > se. Note that the forms se, say, sai are still used as demonstratives.

182 � Simple sentences

these structures show resemblances to clefts (this is the group > it is this group) and might be treated as such in some cases. (855)

Se

pala give.birth

CONN

sê know

nome, boy

envedadji, in.fact

fa

kha

COMP

HAB

se

sa

k’

a

kh’

DEM

COP

REL

NS

HAB

khata... kind

pa... see

bo 2SG

nggêdji foreigner

kha

bê see

MOD

moso, only

khabôñi fishing.boat san... call

nan PL

bo 2SG

kh’ MOD

a.

Se

sa

PCL

DEM

COP

Faustino. Faustino

‘She gave birth to a boy, and really, if you just look at him, you recognise that he looks like a white man from a foreign fishing boat. This is the group … that is called the Faustinos.’ (lines 987ff.)

6.3

Topicalisation

Topicalised constituents occur in the left periphery of the clause without any overt morphological marking and represent information that is already known in discourse. Our corpus data show that in the argument position the topic is coindexed with a pronoun whose number (singular or plural) is coreferential with the topic, as shown by the object- and subject-bound topics in (856 and 857), with a gap (858 - 861), or, less commonly, with a constituent that is identical to the topic (862 and 863). (856)

Nome young.man Tublan,

sai,

a

kha

DEM.PCL

NS

IPFV

i 3SG

PN

same call.3SG

Ton

Tublan.

Se

Ton

PN

PN

CONN

PN

[...].

bai go.PCL

‘This boy they called Ton Tublan. And then Ton Tublan, he left [...].’ (lines 4f.) (857)

[…] khô thing

nggi person i DEM

xi

teen

kha

DEM

EPIST

MOD

nggi person

x’ DEM

pindj’ ask

bl’ open êli 3SG

ôy’ eye

ei, PCL

ê 3SG

skêê FUT

dê give.3SG

[...].

‘[…] the person who would open his eyes, he would give him whatever he asks him [...].’ (lines 85ff.) (858)

___ Tublan, a kh’ kum’ ku djandja pii. shark NS HAB eat with banana unripe ‘Sharks you eat with [cooked] unripe bananas.’ (lines 18f.)

(859)

Soya Lodan sai, ___ na kha khaba story Lodan DEM NEG HAB end ‘The story of Lodan doesn’t end.’ (online corpus)

fa. NEG

Topicalisation � 183

(860)

Galafa bottle xki DEM

zêtê oil ta put

xi DEM

sol sun

ô or

ai, PCL

galafan demijohn ê 3SG

kho MOD

zêtê oil

xi DEM

speeta, spy

ê 3SG

manmen woman kha

xki

ô or

DEM

ma ___, take

MOD

pape man

ê 3SG

kha MOD

____

ligi bay. pick.up leave ‘A bottle of oil or a demijohn of oil that a women or a man put in the sun, he would spy, he would take it, he would steal it.’ (lines 609ff.) (861)

Men AUGM

pa bunch

poota ___, cut

ê 3SG

baan plantain kha HAB

x’

k’

DEM

REL

mo ___ take

ê 3SG bo go

k’ HAB

n’tu in

bê see

ai, PCL

ê 3SG

kha HAB

yôkhô [...]. cave

‘The big bunches of plantains he would see, he would cut them, he would take them and go into the cave [...]. (lines 640ff.) (862)

(863)

Tublan, a na kha kun tublan shark NS NEG HAB eat shark ‘Sharks one does not eat this way.’ (lines 17f.)

xi so

f. NEG

Pepe se, m kêlê fa..., bo bê pape se gavu-gavu […]. man DEM 1SG believe COMP 2SG see man DEM RED~well ‘This man, I believe that you have seen this man very well […].’ (lines 992f.)

Topics may be associated with a subordinate domain, as illustrated in (864). (864)

Pôkhôdô n’ ten kha gaavu p’ person NEG EPIST GNR be.nice COMP ‘ It’s not nice for people to be alone.’ (lines 301f.)

ê 3SG

ta live

ê 3SG

moso. alone

Inspection of the examples above suggests that animacy plays a role with respect to the base position that the topics are linked to: non-human topics leave a gap, whereas human topics trigger a pronoun in the base position. However, elicitation tests show a slightly more nuanced picture, since human topics linked to the subject position can be linked to an optional pronoun (865 and 866), whereas non-human subjects (867 and 868) cannot be doubled by pronouns. (865)

Pudulu, (ê) skhee kumpaa Pudulu 3SG FUT buy ‘As for Pudulu, he will buy fish.’

(866)

Amu, (mu) kha kumpaa 1SG 1SG HAB buy ‘As for me, I usually buy fish.’

pixi. fish pixi. fish

184 � Simple sentences

(867)

Buudu, *ê/*ineyn skha bla stone 3SG/3PL PROG turn ‘The stones, they are rolling down.’

(868)

Ngatu, *ê/*ineyn vla fo cat 3SG/3PL turn come.from ‘The cats, they are rolling down.’

fo come.from

vaan. height

vaan. height

Object-related topic patterns also show differences based on animacy. In particular, human topics require the presence of a direct object pronoun (869 and 870). With recipients, however, the pronoun becomes optional (871). (869)

Zwan,

mu bê l/*Ø onte. 1SG see 3SG yesterday ‘As for Zwan, I saw him yesterday.’ PN

(870)

Nan

nggê nen sala, mu bê neyn/*Ø people PL DEM 1SG see 3PL ‘As for those people, I saw them yesterday.’ PL

(871)

Malia,

Pudul

PN

PN

onte. yesterday

da/de ampan. give/give.3SG bread ‘As for Malia, Pudul gave (her) bread.’

In the case of non-human objects, on the other hand, different patterns emerge. In general, there is a preference for bare topics not to be doubled by a pronoun, as in (872), whereas topics that exhibit overt number information or refer to animates are more prone to be doubled by a pronoun (873-876). (872)

Meza, mu kumpaa Ø/*l onte. table 1SG buy 3SG yesterday ‘As for the table, I bought it yesterday.’

(873)

Meza sai, mu kumpaa (l) table DEM.PCL 1SG buy 3SG ‘As for the table, I bought it yesterday.’

(874)

Meza nen sai, mu kumpaa (neyn) table PL DEM.PCL 1SG buy 3PL ‘As for the tables, I bought (them) yesterday.’

(875)

ineyn. Ampan dôsu, Mala poota/poot’ 3PL bread two PN cut/cut ‘As for the two pieces of bread, Mala sliced them.’

(876)

Pôôkhô, ineyn mata/mate ku fakha. pig 3PL kill/kill.3SG with knife ‘As for the pig, they killed (it) with a knife.’

onte. yesterday onte. yesterday

Interrogatives � 185

6.4

Interrogatives

6.4.1 Content questions Content questions in Fa d’Ambô require a fronted monomorphemic or bimorphemic question word, as shown in the following examples, and are characterised by a final falling intonation. (877)

Kê nggê da bo pañia? what person give 2SG pregnancy ‘Who made you pregnant?’ (lines 202f.)

(878)

Kha m skêê fêê? thing 1SG FUT do ‘What shall I do?’ (lines 95f.)

(879)

Khama bo ka pali kê kuza? where 2SG NARR give.birth what thing.PCL ‘Where were you giving birth? To what?’ (lines 203f.)

(880)

Kha fê non skee mata bo? thing do 1PL FUT kill 2SG ‘Why should we kill you?’ (lines 236f.)

(881)

{Ola/dja} bo kum {hour/day} 2SG eat ‘When did you eat fish?’

(882)

Khama non fo fêê, p’ ê na têndê? how 1PL can do PURP 3SG NEG hear ‘What should we do, so he doesn’t hear the baby?’ (lines 188f.)

pixi? fish

The occurrence of kê, as in (877) above, optionally precedes most standard interrogative nouns such as nggê ‘person, who’, kha ‘thing, what’, khama ‘place, where’, ola ‘hour, when’, djia~dja ‘day, when’, or kha fê ‘why’, but is obligatory in discourselinked interrogatives, as in (883-887) below. (883)

Kê/*Ø moo se sa? what girl DEM COP ‘Who is she?’ (line 142)

(884)

Ô ma ê, kê/*Ø lazan m skee oh 1SG EXCL what story 1SG FUT ‘Oh my goodness, what shall I say?’ (line 350)

(885)

Kê/*Ø nan nggê sa ala? what PL person be there ‘Which persons are there?’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 533)

da? tell

186 � Simple sentences

(886)

Kê/*Ø khantu anu a kha ma khomesa kha what how.many year NS HAB take start PROG ‘At what age do they start to integrate age groups?’ (online corpus)

(887)

(K’)/*Ø is se dji bo? which DEM COP GEN 2SG ‘What is your problem?’ (line 554)

fêê do

dadji? age.group

Example (888) shows that in copula clauses kê may occur independently, i.e. without an accompanying nominal. (888)

Kê ise sa? what DEM be ‘What is this?’ (online corpus)

With the standard interrogative nouns whose initial consonant is velar, the interrogative kê is often phonetically reduced to a weak realisation of the velar k or to a slight lengthening of the initial consonant of the following interrogative noun. In both its uses, as ‘where’ and ‘how’, the interrogative khama, in (879) and (882) above, may reduce to ama by the same process.29 Fronting of the interrogative noun can optionally be accompanied by complementiser/relativiser ku, as in (889 and 890). (889)

Kê kha ku non sa ye kha what thing REL 1PL COP here PROG ‘What are we doing here?’ (online corpus)

(890)

[…]

kê what

bo 2SG.POSS

khama place

ku REL

butu 2SG

kha HAB

fêê? do

txia take

aloda a.lot.of

likesa richness

dji GEN

kumi food

fol? come.from

‘[...] where do you obtain such a wealth of food from?’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 545)

Based on our data, there appears to be no difference with respect to interrogatives linked to the argument (e.g. kê kha ‘what’) or the adjunct (e.g. kê khama ‘where’) position. The presence of ku can be explained by the fact that these constructions were historically derived from relative constructions, given the nominal status of the interrogatives. Note, however, that we found only a limited number of instances of this use

�� 29 Note that the two uses of khama are derived form different sources, namely the middle/classic Portuguese coma ‘how’ and caminho ‘way’.

Interrogatives � 187

of ku in our spoken data, which appears to parallel the fact that relativisers are also frequently absent from relative clauses (cf. § 4.4.1, p. 78).30 Interrogative constituents may also occur independently (cf. 891) or in a clausefinal position (cf. 892), where they typically function as echo questions. These can be used as a request to repeat or to express disbelief or surprise or to insist upon previous discourse. In these cases, following the observations made in Chapter 2, the contextual variants, i.e. the long forms, of the clause-initial constituent occur. (891)

[…]

(892)

Bo sakha a Pala ba 2SG PROG go TN go ‘You are going to Pala to do what?’

kê khamia /*khama? what place ‘[...] where to?’ (line 290) fêê do

kê what

kuzu/kuza/*kh(w)a? thing

Like the other three Gulf of Guinea creoles, Fa d’Ambô also exhibits the form bô, a question marker of place which occurs in the sentence-final position and exclusively interrogates noun phrases (including pronouns). (893)

Bo bô? 2SG where ‘Where are you?’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 103)

(894)

Nan

m’na-namen bo daughter POSS.2SG ‘Where are your daughters?’ PL

bô? where

Despite its unusual syntax and semantics when compared to standard interrogatives, bô is an invariable item, i.e., it cannot be marked for tense or aspect and only has present reference.31 Locative interrogatives used for fully-fledged sentences with a predicate require the use of (kê) khama, as detailed in the contrast between (895) and (896). (895)

(896)

Khama nan m’na-namen where PL daughter ‘Where were your daughters?’ *Nan PL

m’na-namen daughter

bo

bi

POSS.2SG

PST

sa? be

sa be

bô? where

bo

bi

POSS.2SG

PST

�� 30 In the sister creole Santome, for example, the use of ku in interrogative constructions is far more widespread and largely obligatory in relative clauses. 31 This item is also found in the other Gulf of Guinea creoles (Maurer 1995, 2009; Hagemeijer 2011) and is derived from the Edo final-interrogative particle vboo [ʋoo] (Agheyisi 1986; Melzian 1937).

188 � Simple sentences

Interrogatives leave a gap in the extraction site in main clauses (cf. examples above) and also in subordinate clauses (897 and 898). Extractions of prepositioned objects leave a resumptive pronoun, as shown in (899), which matches the behaviour described for relative clauses (cf. § 4.4.7 under p. 85) and focus constructions (cf. § 6.2, p. 178). (897)

Kê nggê bo sêê fa what person 2SG know COMP ‘Who do you know that went to Palea?’

___

ba go

(898)

Khamaada, kha bo nggo pên friend thing 2SG want COMP.1SG ‘My friend, what do you want me to give you?’ (lines 93f.)

(899)

Kê nggê bo sêê what person 2SG know ‘Who do you know I talked to?’

fa COMP

mu 1SG

faa go

Palea? TN

da give

bo 2SG

___?

khôl? with.3SG

Finally, the following examples show that content questions also occur as indirect interrogatives in the object position, where they preserve the same structure as the direct interrogatives above. (900)

Mêên sê khamê xi keen 1SG.NEG know place DEM REL.1SG ‘I don’t know where I am.’ (lines 570f.)

(901)

[...]

(902)

Se

sa

f.

COP

NEG

man sêê nggê m’saa l ala f 1SG.NEG know person show 3SG there NEG ‘[...] I don’t know who showed him that place [...].’ (lines 619f.)

[...].

ê pongota non kê mindjida kha ku pasa 3SG ask 1PL what measure thing REL happen ‘Then he asked us how many things had happened to us.’ (online corpus) CONN

non. 1PL

6.4.2 Polar questions Yes/no questions in Fa d’Ambô display the same word order as declaratives, but are distinguished by rising intonation (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 107-109, 534, 536). (903)

(904)

Nam’sê... kha têndê fe 2PL PRS understand sound.GEN ‘Do you understand my language?’ (line 268)

tela country

Bo têndê mu? Ees. Bo ma? Ee. 2SG understand 1SG yes 2SG take yes ‘Did you understand? Yes. You understood? Yes.’ (line 168)

mu? POSS.1SG

Interrogatives � 189

(905)

Bo bi sêbê? Na. 2SG PST know no ‘Did you know? No.’ (lines 221f.)

Unlike content questions, yes/no questions may be accompanied by final particles that express the presuppositions and expectations of the speaker with respect to the event and the knowledge of the addressee (see also § 7.4, below p. 225). The particle a can be considered the pragmatically unmarked particle, whereas fa, wa, and ê often exhibit a rhetorical and/or emphatic function (see also. § 6.5, below p. 190, and § 6.6, below p. 193). Wa and fa display rising intonation, whereas a, ê, and ô are characterised by falling intonation. (906)

(907)

A khalga say ke tê zugwan and load DEM FUT have no ‘And does this load have an owner?’ (online corpus)

nggê person

a? PCL

se

khô se khaba, se lazan khaba thing DEM finish CONN story finish ‘[...] when this ended, isn’t this also the end of the story?’ (lines 30f.)

wa?

CONN

PCL

(908)

Ala, bo kha bê khamê se fêê xi e fa? there 2SG PROG see place DEM make so PCL PCL ‘Do you see the place over there which has this form? Yes.’ (line 919)

Ee. yes

(909)

Bo têndê ê? 2SG understand PCL ‘Is that ok?’ (lit. ‘Did you understand?’) (line 231)

(910)

Bo skha kum pixi 2SG PROG eat fish ‘Are you eating the fish?’

[...]

ô? PCL

While wa, and especially fa, occur in negative contexts (911 and 912), a cannot (913). (911)

M’na na skha swa fa? child NEG PROG cry NEG ‘Isn’t this a baby crying?’ (line 199)

(912)

Bo na sêê khwa sa mesti skola wa? 2SG NEG know thing be mesti skola PCL ‘Don’t you know what a mesti skola is?’ (online corpus)

(913)

Bo na fê 2SG NEG do ‘Didn’t you do that?’

kho thing

se

fa/wa/*a?

DEM

PCL

While it is tempting to consider fa is the result of the contraction of the final negation marker f and the interrogative particle a, this is not compatible with high tone

190 � Simple sentences

patterns. The form fa appears to be the result of the contraction of the final negation marker f and a high-tone prosodic boundary particle a (cf. § 7.4, below p. 225). The following example, where faa occurs, corroborates this hypothesis, since it exhibits a high-low tone pattern, suggesting that we are dealing with a prosodic boundary particle followed by the interrogative a with falling intonation (fáà). (914)

Nam’sê 2PL

na NEG

sêê know

nen-nen RED~PL

xi

sa

DEM

COP

fa

dêkê

COMP

COMP

untu inside

mu 1SG

d GEN

se

sa

FOC

COP

omee sea

xiôô ruler.GEN

tublan shark

faa? NEG.PCL

tuu all

‘Don’t you know that I am the one who is the ruler of each and every shark of all the seas, without exception?’ (lines 14f.)

These final particles occur in a peripheral sentence-final position, as shown in (914) above. The evidence that they do not compete for the exact same syntactic slot as the standard final negation marker f is shown in (915), where the hearer is directly addressed by the speaker, who expresses his surprise with respect to the content of the negative clause, showing that the final negation marker occurs at a more sentenceinternal level than the final pragmatic particles. (915)

6.5

Pudulu, man bê khô se f Pudulu 1SG.NEG see thing DEM NEG ‘Pudulu, can you believe that I haven’t found it?’

fa/wa? PCL

Imperatives and hortatives

The standard strategy to form imperatives consists of the bare verb, which can be followed by it(s) complement(s). (916)

Bay! go ‘Go!’

(917)

Bamu, well ngganhia hen

Sun, Sir

mata kill

khatul, four

men... AUGM

xinku, five

sêx, six

galu rooster kudji cook

pata duck ku with

têêx, three bana, plantain

mata kill

galu rooster

yam […]. yam

‘Well, Sir, kill three fat drakes, kill four, five, six roosters, cook them with plantains, yams [...].’ (lines 949f.)

Imperatives insisting on an ongoing action are preceded by the aspect marker kha, as in (918).

Imperatives and hortatives � 191

(918)

Kha

kum ampan! eat bread ‘Keep on eating the bread!’ / ‘Get used to eating bread.’ MOD

To form the imperative corresponding to second-person plural, the bare verb can be preceded by second-person plural pronoun namsê~naminsê or the non-specific pronoun a. The use of pronouns naminsê and a in (919 and 920) mainly reflects a difference in illocutionary force. The use of the former pronoun has stronger imperative force than the latter. (919)

(920)

Nam’sê xia saku 2PL fill bag ‘(You) fill that bag!’ (pl.)

say! DEM

A

xia saku say! fill bag DEM ‘(You) fill that bag!’ (pl.) NS

The hortative is formed with the first-person plural pronoun non, which can also occur with the modal marker kha. (921)

(922)

(923)

Non, non bay. 1PL 1PL go ‘Let’s go.’ (line 302) Non khôlê, nan masebu! 1PL MOD go home ‘Let’s run, boys!’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 272) Non bai, non ba nda-nda. 1PL go.PCL 1PL go RED~walk ‘Let’s go, let’s go for a walk.’ (line 744)

Similarly to the other Gulf of Guinea creoles, Fa d’Ambô also exhibits the special hortative form bamu, which may occur with the first-person plural pronoun non.32 (924)

(Non) bamu. 1PL let’s.go ‘Let’s go!’

While bamu may select for an nominal argument (925), it does not allow verbal complements (926).

�� 32 Note, however, that the most common use of bamu is as a discourse marker meaning ‘well, ...’.

192 � Simple sentences

(925)

(926)

Bamu lalea! let’s.go beach ‘Let’s go the beach!’ (online corpus) *Bamu let’s.go

kumu! eat

Yet another strategy that characterises hortative structures found in our data is the use of pa, as in the following examples. (927)

(928)

nom’ a, pa mata young.man PCL HORT kill ‘Hey, you guys, let’s kill this shark.’ (lines 8f.) Êêê,

nan

EXCL

PL

tublan shark

sai. DEM.PCL

Bam Sun pa vla khai. well Sir HORT return home.PCL ‘Well, Sir, let’s go back home.’ (line 932)

Prohibitives based on imperative constructions exhibit the structure na…f. (929)

(930)

Na

f!

NEG

kum pixi eat fish ‘Don’t eat fish!’

NEG

Nam’sê na 2PL NEG ‘Don’t eat fish!’

kum eat

pixi fish

f! NEG

In the case of the hortatives with bamu and pa described above, the prohibitive counterpart requires the additional presence of the first-person plural pronoun non, as shown in (931 and 932). (931)

(932)

Non na bamu 1PL NEG let’s.go ‘Let’s not go!’

f! NEG

nom’ a, pa young.man PCL HORT ‘You guys, let’s not kill this shark.’ Nan PL

non 1PL

na NEG

mata kill

tublan shark

se

f.

DEM

NEG

Constructions introduced by pintxu~puntxu(d) ‘beware’, which precedes an affirmative or negative clause that can be optionally introduced by the complementiser pa, in (933 and 934), also fall within the domain of prohibitives. This item conveys a warning.

Exclamatives and interjections � 193

(933)

Puntxu pa bo na faata nggê. beware COMP 2SG NEG lack.respect.for people ‘Don’t treat people disrespectfully.’ (online corpus)

(934)

Pintxu ban tan da kulu-kulu bo vaa fo beware 2SG.NEG REP get.up RED~early 2SG escape come.from ‘Don’t you dare get up very early and escape from home.’ (lines 895f.)

khai. home

Final pragmatic particles can also be present in the different types of imperatives discussed above, as shown in (935-937). In these examples fa, wa, and ô are a spur to action. The use of ô in this context may imply a warning because of an imminent threat or danger. (935)

(936)

(937)

6.6

Khôlê run ‘Run!’

fa! PCL

Naminsê 2PL ‘Run!’ Khôlê run ‘Run!’

khôlê run

wa! PCL

ô! PCL

Exclamatives and interjections

In addition to prosodic marking, exclamatives are commonly introduced by an initial a and accompanied by a final ê, as shown in (938-940). The final particles ô and ê, accompanied by clause-initial interjections (941 and 942), are also employed to convey exclamative meaning. (938)

A

kha m nggonggo khôl ê, thing 1SG love with.3SG PCL ‘How I love to fish!’ / ‘What I love to do is to fish!’ EXCL

(939)

(940)

(941)

A

ê!

EXCL

PCL

moso fômôzô girl pretty ‘What a pretty girl!’ A

ê!

EXCL

PCL

ligili joy ‘What a joy!’

piska! fish

[…] khô Ô m’ ê, se skha fê oh 1SG EXCL thing DEM PROGR do ‘Oh my goodness, […] what have I got into!’ (lines 177f.)

mi 1SG

ô! EXCL

194 � Simple sentences

(942)

Ôô,

san

kha

a!

EXCL

EXCL

MOD

PCL

pa kha xigodu look thing arrive.PTCP ‘Hey, people, look what happened!’ (line 658f.)

It can be argued that (941 and 942) are clauses with an elided structure (‘what a pretty girl she is’; ‘what a joy it is’). The use of final particles, such as fa, wa and ê (on their own), also convey exclamative meaning (943 and 944).33 The first of these two examples, which also functions as a rhetorical question, shows the fine line between clause types (rhetorical interrogative and exclamative). (943)

Men faa bo fa/wa! 1SG.NEG tell 2SG PCL ‘Didn’t I tell you so!’ / ‘I told you!’

(944)

(Kê) kha montxi-montxi what thing RED~many ‘There is still so much to do!’

gwa remain

pa

ten

PURP

EPIST

fêê, do

ê! PCL

The remainder of this section focusses on interjections, i.e. items that do not combine with other words in integrated syntactic constructions, which have an expressive function, and lack propositional meaning. The data below are from our corpus, but we refer the reader to Zamora Segorbe (2010: 361-364) for additional examples of interjections and discussion. Among the particularly common interjections we find kidalê, which comes in several reduced shapes – kidê(ê), k’dê(ê), kialê, kit(ê), k(i)dô, k(u)dô, kutô34, and possibly also kii and dêê –, and expresses a wide range of emotions, such as (unpleasant) surprise, despair, disappointment, or threat; waya~wa and potentially related êwa ‘look, listen, hey…’, which draws the attention of the hearer toward the speaker; ô ma ê~ô mi ê, with similar functions to kidêlê. Note that interjections frequently cluster together or occur with additional exclamative material. (945)

(946)

Kdêê...

san,

kha

EXCL

EXCL

MOD

pa kha look thing ‘Oh God!, look what happened!’ (line 634)

xigodu arrive.PTCP

a! EXCL

Kutô…!

Sun, bo bê? Sir 2SG see ‘My goodness! Did you see that?’ (line 548) EXCL

�� 33 Post (1997: 307-8) provides a few exclamative sentences, one with f and two with fa. However, our informants only accept fa, never f, in exclamatives. 34 The case of kidô and kudô are arguably contractions of reduced forms of kidalê and the final particle ô. In sister creole Santome, for instance, interjection kidalê ô is widely used with similar meaning and is derived from the archaic Portuguese interjection aqui-del-rei, used as a call for help.

Exclamatives and interjections � 195

(947)

Dêê!

Bo fa xi?” 2SG say so ‘Jesus! Did you say so?’ (line 551) EXCL

(948)

Se,

kidêê,

bêgêê!

CONN

EXCL

EXCL

‘Jesus! Shit! (online corpus) (949)

Dê...,

khakha

ê

sanababitxi!

EXCL

EXCL

PCL

EXCL

‘Shit! What a son of a bitch!’ (line 931) (950)

(951)

agwêt’ alôsô, se nova be se nova agwêtê, alôsô and news go and news ‘Listen! The news was spread around the whole country.’ (line 496) Oh,

waya,

EXCL

EXCL

bi. come

Wa,

kha nam’sê fêê? thing 2PL do ‘Hey, what do you think you are doing?’ (lines 13f.) EXCL

(952)

(953)

Êwa,

f.

EXCL

NEG

khama n’ten su kulu place NEG.yet COP dark ‘Well, it is not yet dark. (lines 548f.)

Ô

ma e! M skha bê 1SG PCL 1SG PROG see ‘Goodness gracious, I can see!’ (lines 83f.) EXCL

(954)

kuzu. thing

Takuy, khabokha! Na nega pekadu bo fa. silence shut.up NEG deny sin POSS.2SG NEG ‘Silence, shut up! Don’t deny your sin.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 362)

Not surprisingly, vowel lengthening is a common discourse strategy employed with interjections. Example (959), which is pragmatically a desiderative, shows internal lengthening of the stressed syllable. (955)

“Kêêê!

Men bo? mother POSS.2SG ‘What! Your mother?’ (line 282) EXCL

(956)

(957)

Ôô,

San,

a!

EXCL

EXCL

PCL

pa kha xigodu look thing happen.PTCP ‘Oh, look what has happened!’ (line 644) Ii,

[…]. Mest, na s’ku zwan kha pa fa Mesti NEG EXIST no thing REL say ‘Listen, Mesti, there is nothing that is said [...]. (lines 700f.) EXCL

(958)

Êêê,

nan

EXCL

PL

nom’ a, pa young.man VOC HORT ‘Hey, let’s kill this shark.” (lines 8f.)

mata kill

tublan shark

sai. DEM.PCL

196 � Simple sentences

(959)

6.7

Khabiôôôkhô,

pa

EXCL

PURP

an navin ma bo ba ta. a ship take 2SG go away ‘Hopefully a ship takes you away.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 361)

Vocatives

In addition to zero marking (960) followed by a discourse break, there are several particles that exert vocative fuctions, namely a, ya, ê, and ô, which are exemplified in (961-966). The forms a and ya are arguably related and are by far the most frequent in our data set. While a, ya, and ê follow the vocative constituent, ô precedes it. In all cases, there is a discourse break, or a suspension, following the vocative constituent. (960)

Khamaada, kha bo nggo pên da friend thing 2SG want COMP.1SG give ‘My friend, what do you want me to give you?’ (lines 92f.)

(961)

Memen lady

se

khadji house

d

men mother

DEM

GEN

mi

a,

POSS.1SG

VOC

agwêt, alôs, agwêtê alôsô

bo? 2SG

m 1SG

sa COP

m’na-mie girl

Êlê. king

‘Dear lady, here it goes. I am a girl from the King’s palace.’ (lines 310f.) (962)

Nan PL

se CONN

khamada friend nunza boy

mu

a,

nan

POSS.1SG

VOC

PL

se

skha

DEM

PROG

kiya grow.up

name brother

mu

a,

POSS.1SG

VOC

agwêt’alôsô, agwêtê alôsô

[…].

‘My friends, my ladies, this boy was growing up.’ (lines 588f.) (963)

Mama ya, soya se m ske mommy VOC story FOC 1SG FUT ‘Mother, I will tell you a story.’ (line 426)

(964)

Baabê ya bi, baabê ya doctor VOC come doctor VOC ‘Listen, doctors, you all come.’ (line 52)

(965)

Mama ê, papa ê, na tê kha pa mommy VOC daddy VOC NEG have thing COMP ‘Mummy, daddy, there is nothing to eat.’ (online corpus)

(966)

da tell

bo. 2SG

bi. come

Ô

ten

VOC

moo sai, kha fêê bo girl DEM.PCL thing make 2SG ‘Oh girl, why are you so pretty?’ (lines 146f.)

EPIST

kumu eat

fômôzô be.pretty

fa […]. NEG

xi? so

In addition to the examples above, vocatives may also receive double marking, in which case the initial particle ô can combine with any of the other particles following

Voice � 197

the vocative constituent. Note that the particle ô following the vocative constituent is commonly lengthened when there is a distance between speaker and addressee or when the addressee is out of sight. The other vocative particles cannot be lengthened. (967)

Ô VOC

dadji age.group

fêê make

dadji age.group

ô, VOC

mu 1SG

fo since

kêlê believe

fa

a

kha

COMP

NS

HAB

khomesa start

kha HAB

namina. DIM.child

‘Oh colleague of the same age, I believe that age groups start forming from childhood.’ (online corpus) (968)

(969)

Ô

Ma Pudul d’A-Ngaandji

a,

VOC

PN

VOC

Ô

Armando

a/ya/ê/ô, [...].

VOC

PN

VOC

Djizu [...]. Jesus ‘Oh Ma Pudul d’A-Ngaandji, Jesus [...].’ (online corpus)

‘Oh Armando, [...].’

6.8

Voice

6.8.1 Reflexives There is only one dedicated reflexive pronoun, xi, which is only used with third persons and, it seems, only as a complement of the benefactive da ‘give’. (970)

mazna kha tudu da xi, ekseptu môlê. imagine thing all BEN REFL except die ‘Antonha imagined everything for her, except death.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 183) Antonha PN

(971)

Ineyn kumpaa kha tuu da xi. 3PL buy thing all BEN REFL ‘They bought everything for themselves.’

With second and third persons, the normal object pronouns must be used. (972)

Mun/Bo mazna kha tudu da mu/bo men, ekseptu 1SG/2SG imagine thing all BEN 1SG/2SG self except ‘I/You imagined everything for myself/yourself, except death.’

môlê. die

In most cases, reflexivity is expressed by a detransitivisation process (valency reduction) of the transitive verb, or by ôgê ‘body’ in the object position, with or without modification by a possessive determiner and men ‘self’. The behaviour of verbs appears to be idiosyncratic. With verbs like laba ‘wash’, all three strategies are possible.

198 � Simple sentences

(973)

a.

Ineyn laba ___ . 3PL wash ‘They washed.’

b.

Ineyn lab’ ôgê. 3PL wash body ‘They washed.’

c.

Ineyn lab’ ôgê 3PL wash body ‘They washed.’

dineyn POSS.3PL

(men). self

With laba ‘wash’, there is no semantic difference between the construction with or without ôgê. But with djiskhansa ‘rest’, the construction without ôgê means ‘rest’ and with ôgê ‘relax’. (974)

Mu sakha a 1SG PROG go ‘I’m going to rest.’

(975)

Mu sakha a djiskhansa 1SG PROG go rest ‘I’m going to relax.’

djiskhansa. rest ôgê body

(mu). POSS.1SG

With mata ‘kill’, the strategy involving deletion of the direct object is not possible; the construction with ôgê means ‘get tired’ and the one with ôgê + possessive ‘commit suicide’. (976)

Ê mat’ ôgê. 3SG kill body ‘She got tired.’

(977)

Ê mat’ ôgê dêli. 3SG kill body POSS.3SG ‘She committed suicide.’

With khôndê ‘hide’, it is not possible to use ôgê: Ê khôndê. ‘S/he hid.’, but not *Ê khôndê ôgê. It is, however, possible to use ôgê dêli ‘her/his body’ with a different meaning: (978)

Ê khôndê ôgê dêli. 3SG hide body POSS.3SG ‘He didn’t show up.’ / ‘He slipped away.’

In other cases, ôgê + possessive is obligatory in order to form the reflexive voice, such as with fili ‘hurt’:

Voice � 199

(979)

(980)

a.

M fili ôgê 1SG hurt body ‘I hurt myself.’

b.

*M fili mun. 1SG hurt 1SG ‘*I hurt me.’

c.

*M fili. 1SG hurt ‘*I hurt.’

mun. POSS.1SG

Mu bê ôgê mun 1SG see body POSS.1SG ‘I saw myself in the mirror.’

supê. mirror

In (980) it is possible to omit the possessive, but then the sentence becomes ambiguous: ‘I saw myself in the mirror.’ or ‘I saw a body in the mirror.’ With mendu ‘be afraid’, the reflexive construction with ôgê + possessive can be interpreted in two ways: either reflexive or ‘possessive + body’. (981)

M skha mendu ôgê mu. 1SG PROG be.afraid body POSS.1SG ‘I’m afraid of myself.’ / ‘I am afraid of my body.’

When there is ambiguity between a reflexive and a literal interpretation of ôgê ‘body’, men ‘self’ may be used to disambiguate the sentence, so that it can only be interpreted as reflexive, as is the case with faa ku ‘speak to’. (982)

(983)

Ê faa kh’ ôgê 3SG speak with body ‘He spoke to himself.’

dê POSS.3SG

men. self

Ê faa kh’ ôgê dê. 3SG speak with body POSS.3SG ‘He spoke to himself.’ / ‘He spoke to his/her [i.e. somebody else’s] body (or corpse).’

Reflexive constructions with object pronouns or object pronouns followed by men ‘self’ are not grammatical. (984)

*Bo skha mendu bo 2SG PROG be.afraid 2SG ‘You are afraid of yourself.’

(men). self

200 � Simple sentences

Reflexives of the indirect object with the strategies presented up to now do not exist in Fa d’Ambô. Instead, the benefactive da ‘give’ + personal pronoun + men ‘self’ or da + ôgê (+ men ‘self’) is used. (985)

Bo kumpaa lavuu se da 2SG buy book DEM give ‘You bought this book for yourself.’

bo 2SG

men. self

6.8.2 Reciprocal The reciprocal voice is derived from a construction involving wan nggê .... wan nggê ʻone ... the otherʼ, as in the following example. (986)

Ineyn tudu, wan nggê kha pasa wan nggê ku dôsu anu. 3PL all one person HAB surpass one person with two year ‘There is a difference of two years between each of the three of them [lit. all of them].ʼ

In the reciprocal voice, the subject and the object (or a prepositional phrase if the verb governs a preposition) are realised as wan nggê ‘one person’; the object of the verb and of a preposition may also be realised as nggê xiki ‘that person’. If the participants of the situation are mentioned, they occur in the left periphery of the sentence, as in (987 and 988). (987)

(988)

Ineyn dô-dôsu, wan nggê 3PL RED~two one person ‘They wanted to kill each other.’

bi

Ineyn dô-dôsu, wan nggê 3PL RED~two one person ‘They wanted to kill each other.’

bi

PST

PST

nggo want

mata kill

nggi person

nggo want

mata kill

wan one

xki. DEM nggê. PERSON

Note that (988) is unambiguous, whereas (987) also means ‘Of these two persons, one wanted to kill another person.’ (989)

Wan nggê da wan one person give one ‘They greeted each other.’

(990)

Ineyn wan nggê 3PL one person ‘They love each other.’

(991)

Mala ku Pedulu wan nggê Mala with Pedulu one person ‘Mala and Pedulu love each other.’

nggê person

gonggo love

kh’ with

mantenha. greeting an one

nggê. person

gonggo love

kh’ with

an one

nggê. person

Voice � 201

(992)

(993)

Mala ku Pedulu wan nggê Mala with Pedulu one person ‘Mala and Pedulu love each other.’ Nggonggo pleasure ske FUT

da give

en a

nggê person

xi DEM

bo 2SG

m 1SG

su

ku with

COP

xiii, like.this.PCL

pe until

gonggo love

bo 2SG en a

ku with

nggê person

ya,

se

sa

ixi

PCL

FOC

COP

DEM

nggê person

sê leave

xiki. DEM

m 1SG

fo come.from

ôman. arm

‘The pleasure to be with you is what I will give you, until one has to let go of the other.’ (lines 321ff.)

6.8.3 Causative The causative voice is formed with the verb fêê ‘do, make’. If the transformation of the patient is intended, then the serial verb construction vla … fêê ‘turn … make’ must be used. (994)

Mase se fêê li man DEM make 3SG ‘This man made her cry.’

(995)

M fê li khônd’ ampan. 1SG make 3SG hide bread ‘I made him hide the bread.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 447)

(996)

Fitxisee vla Pedulu fêê lubela. sorcerer turn Pedulu make river ‘The sorcerer turned Pedulu into a river.’

sula. cry

6.8.4 Passive Fa d’Ambô has no special passive morpheme or auxiliary, but it is possible to express dynamic passives with the past participle, which can be modified by the perfect marker la ‘alone’. If la’s counterpart sa, used in perfective negative sentences (cf. § 5.1.11, p. 124), or other TAM markers are involved, the copula sa must be used. The agent may be indicated by a noun phrase (pa sai ‘this man’, 997a) or by a prepositional phrase (polo pa sai ‘by this man’, 997b). (997)

a.

m’na mie se la danadu fesan … pa sai. child woman DEM PRF damage.PTCP aspect man DEM.PCL ʻ[…] this young woman’s appearance has been damaged [by] that man.ʼ (line 695) […]

202 � Simple sentences

b.

Mina mie se la danadu fesan polo pa child woman DEM PRF damage.PTCP aspect by man ʻThis young woman’s appearance has been damaged by this man.ʼ

sai. DEM.PCL

As insinuated above, if la is used, the copula sa is precluded. (998)

*Mina mie se la sa danadu fesan. child woman DEM PRF COP damage.PTCP aspect ʻThis young woman’s appearance has been damaged.ʼ

But if other TAM markers occur, sa is obligatory. (999)

(1000)

(1001)

Ontoo ê na sa sa danadu fesan up.to.now 3SG NEG NEG.PRF COP damage.PTCP aspect ʻUp to now her appearance has not yet been damaged by this man.ʼ Damian

la

bi

sa

PN

PRF

PST

COP

pe man

se

f.

DEM

NEG

mundadu pol wan khasôla. bite.PTCP by a bitch ‘Damian has been bitten by a bitch.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 328) Mina mie se sakhee sa danadu fesan. child woman DEM FUT COP damage.PTPCP aspect ʻThis child’s appearance will be / is going to be damaged.’

If in a passive construction the agent is not mentioned, it may have a static passive reading besides the dynamic reading. (1002)

Mina mie se la danadu child woman DEM PRF damage.PTCP ʻThis child’s appearance is damaged.ʼ

fesan. aspect

Another possibility to introduce the agent of the passive construction is the preposition dakhantu ‘because of’. (1003)

Alba bi sa khamadu dakhantu sol. grass PST COP burn.PTCP because sun ʻThe grass has been burnt by the sun.ʼ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 464)

There is another construction that is similar to the reflexive construction where the direct object is deleted. In the passive construction, it is the subject (i.e. the agent) that is deleted, and the direct object (i.e. the patient) is promoted to the subject position. In the case of ‘cut one’s finger’ and similarly affected body-parts, the active sentence implies that the subject cut his or her finger intentionally, whereas in the passive sentence the action happened unintentionally.

Voice � 203

(1004)

d Ê poota dêdu ôman. 3SG cut finger GEN hand ‘S/he cut his finger.’ (intentionally)

(1005)

d Dêdu ôman dêl poota. finger GEN hand POSS.3SG cut ‘Her/His finger got cut.’ (unintentionally)

Other examples of deletion of the agent and promotion of the direct object to subject position are: (1006)

Pixi skha sokha solo. fish PROG dry sun ‘The fish are drying in the sun.’

(1007)

Lubaa se sokha. river DEM dry ‘This river dried out.’

A further strategy to avoid mentioning the agent is the use of the impersonal pronoun a. As the following example shows, the construction with a is equivalent to the omission strategy. (1008)

a.

A

fula ôô dô-dôsu. pierce eye RED~two ‘Both eyes were pierced.’ NS

b.

Ôô dô-dôsu fula. eye RED~two pierce ‘Both eyes were pierced.’

7 Complex sentences 7.1

Argument clauses

Subject clauses in Fa d’Ambô are obligatorily headed by the complementiser pa (1009). (1009)

a.

b.

Pa

nan

nggê tud sêbê person all know ‘It’s good that everybody knows.’

sa

COMP

PL

COP

*Nan

nggê person

gaavu. good

PL

tud all

sêbê know

sa COP

gaavu. good

When a subject clause is extraposed to the sentence-final position, it does not trigger an expletive in the initial position, as illustrated for an affirmative (1010) and a negative sentence (1011) (see also § 4.5.4, below p. 96). (1010)

Ø/*ê sa gaavu pa nan 3SG COP good COMP PL ‘It is good that everybody knows.’

nggê person

tud all

sêbê. know

(1011)

Ø/*ê na ten kha gaavu p’ pôkhôdô 3SG NEG EPIST GNR be.nice COMP person ‘ It’s not nice for people to be alone.’ (cf. lines 301f.)

ta live

ê 3SG

moso alone

f. NEG

Complement clauses are introduced by the following complementisers: fa, dêkê, fa dêkê, pa, ximen, ixi~xi, as exemplified in (1012-1016). In addition, null complementisers also occur (1017). (1012)

(1013)

(1014)

an sêê fa nunza posoye sai NS.NEG know COMP boy poison DEM.PCL ‘Oh, they didn’t know that this poisonous boy [...].’ (lines 870f.) Wa,

se

EXCL

CONN

Ban bê dêkê khô se sô 2SG.NEG see COMP thing DEM COP ‘Don’t you see that this is my death?’ (line 98) Nam’sê 2PL

na NEG

sêê know

nen-nen RED~PL

xi

sa

DEM

COP

fa

dêkê

COMP

COMP

untu inside

d GEN

môô death

fa?

se

sa

FOC

COP

mu 1SG omee sea

tuu all

[…].

NEG

xiôô ruler.GEN

tublan shark

fa? NEG.PCL

‘Don’t you know that I am the one who is the ruler of each and every shark of all the seas, without exception?’ (lines 14f.)

206 � Complex sentences

(1015)

Khamaada, kha bo nggo pên da friend thing 2SG want COMP.1SG give ‘My friend, what do you want me to give you?’ (lines 93f.)

(1016)

Mêên sê ximen… onto m su Santumi [...]. 1SG.NEG know whether yet 1SG COP TN ‘I still don’t know whether I still am in São Tomé [...].’ (line 571)

(1017)

Mu pongota bo xi bo skee 1SG ask 2SG if 2SG FUT ‘I asked you whether you would come.’

(1018)

Pe m fa m Ø pêpê dê fa father POSS.1SG tell 1SG grandfather POSS.3SG tell ‘My father told me that his grandfather told him [...].’ (lines 475f.)

bo? 2SG

bi. come l 3SG

[...].

The subordinator fa occurs with declarative verbs (e.g. da lazan ‘inform’, kundji ‘answer’), verbs of auditive perception (e.g. têndê ‘hear’), and verbs of mental activity (e.g. sêê ‘know’, khônsê ‘know’, kêlê ‘believe’, lambela ‘remember’, pê ‘suppose’, tokha ‘find out’). (1019)

(1020)

Pepe xi non khôns’ fa a kh’ san man DEM 1PL know COMP NS HAB call ‘This man we know that he is called Nggaaix [...].’ (line 990) […]

Nggaaix

ai

PN

PCL

[…].

Pepe se, m kêlê fa..., bo bê pape se gavu-gavu […]. man DEM 1SG believe COMP 2SG see man DEM RED~well ‘This man, I believe that you have seen this man very well.’ (lines 992f.)

The use of dêkê, on the other hand, is first mentioned in Zamora Segorbe (2010: 354355), who related it to the Spanish phenomenon of dequeísmo35 and argues that it has become a typical construction in the language. In fact, our corpus displays quite a few occurrences of dêkê with verbs like bê ‘see’, faa ‘say’, da lazan ‘inform’ or sêê ‘know’. Particularly in the case of bê ‘see’, we found predominantly occurrences of dêkê. It is therefore plausible that there is an ongoing change that increasingly privileges dêkê. The complex complementiser fa dêkê, as in (1014) above, occurs only marginally and in our data only with the verb sêê ‘know’. The complementiser pa, on the other hand, occurs typically with volitional and directive verbs, such as nggo ‘want’ (cf. 1015 above), pindji ‘ask, request’, fa ‘tell, order’, gaavu ‘be nice’, manda ‘order’, and pêtêpê ‘insist’.

�� 35 The label dequeísmo has been used in Spanish linguistics to refer to cases where the standard subordinating complementiser que is (incorrectly) preceded by de, as in me dijo de que … ‘(s)he told me that’.

Argument clauses � 207

(1021)

[...] da give

komo since l 3SG

ê 3SG

pindji ask

pa COMP

txya take.out

kusan heart

pa

ma take

COMP

ba go

[…].

‘[…] since he asked (us) to take her heart out and bring it to him […].’ (lines 227f.) (1022)

(1023)

Men faa pa bo ba khwa 1SG.NEG tell COMP 2SG go fetch ‘I didn’t tell you to fetch anything.’ (online corpus)

zugwan no

kha thing

f. NEG

manda pa bla... khame kum dêl. order COMP open place eat POSS.3SG ‘[...] and [the king] ordered that the place where he stored his food be opened.’ (line 89) [...]

sêê

CONN.3SG

(1024)

non skha pêtêpê pa nova se 1PL PROG insist COMP news DEM ‘We should insist that this problem be solved [...].’ (lines 856f.) Pa

COMP

ba go

djiskhansa […]. rest

Differently from the fa/dêkê constructions above, the subject of the subordinate paclause may not be overtly realised. This happens, albeit on a limited scale in our data, when it is licensed by the previous context. For example, the understood subject of txya ‘take out’ in (1021) above refers back to the soldiers who are speaking in the first person about the order they received from the king to remove his daughter’s heart. The null subject, corresponding to non ‘we’ in the subordinate clause, is therefore coreferent with the null object (non ‘us’) of pindji ‘ask’, which is licensed discursively. The clause embedded by manda pa ‘order that’ in (1023), on the other hand, has an impersonal reading and can therefore be subjectless. Some verbs selecting a clausal domain headed by pa, such as nggo ‘want’ and manda ‘order’, may also select non-finite verb phrases. In the case of nggo, the selected verb phrase requires subject control (1025), whereas manda requires object control, which can be an overt object, like tudu in (1026), or an arbitrary, non-overt object (1027). (1025)

(1026)

Mu nggo bê men bo. Mu nggo sêê 1SG want see mother POSS.2SG 1SG want know I want to see your mother. I want to know your mother. (lines 293f.) [...]

se CONN

manda order

tudu all

bi come

Fenandjapo TN

bi come

men mother

bo.

ye here

taaba work

POSS.2SG

kakaw. cacao ‘[…] and sent everybody to Fernando Pó to come work here on the cacao plantations.’ (online corpus)

208 � Complex sentences

(1027)

ê manda fêê wan tôlu. 3SG order build a tower ‘Therefore he ordered the construction of a tower.’ (lines 122f.) […]

s’

CONN

The complementiser iximen expresses doubt and is restricted to negative sentences with sêê ‘know’ as in (1016) above. Verbs of request such as pongota in (1017) above select ixi~xi. Finally, null complementisers in our data are restricted to cases of omission of fa or dêkê when the the matrix verb is fa~faa ‘say’. The presence or absence of the complementiser is optional in the cases analysed. (1028)

[…]

se

pê father

CONN

se DEM

zwan no

dê POSS.3SG

nggê person

Ø

faa say

ê 3SG

na NEG

padji can

da give

m’na-mie girl

[…].

‘Her father told her [his wife] she couldn’t give the girl to anybody […].’ (lines 120f.) (1029)

Ø a faa kh’ same… Xinggil, say NS PRS call.3SG PN ‘[...] he said that he was called Xinggili, Xinggili.’ (line 595) [...]

sêê

Xinggil.

CONN.3SG

PN

Fa d’Ambô exhibits several strategies to introduce direct discourse. Often the strategy involves the speech verb fa~faa ‘say’ (1030), which can be accompanied by xi ‘so’ (1031) or by fala ‘say’ (1032). Other speech-related verbs, such as kundji ‘answer’ in (1033), are also found in these constructions. (1030)

[…]

faa: say

sêê CONN.3SG

Alê King

“Nam’sê 2PL

bo go

m’nsaa show

mun 1SG

khame place

xi DEM

Pa Mr

Xi’ Sir

sa.” COP

‘Then he said: “Show me the place where the king is.” (lines 78f.) (1031)

Se… CONN

pe father

maya POSS.3SG

fa say

Ma-Khosan

se

kha

PN

COP.here

PROG

men mother tuka change

maa POSS.3SG

xi: so

“Ten-Zul, PN

fesan.” aspect

‘The husband spoke to the wife in the following way: “Ten-Zul, Ma-Khosan’s appearance is damaged.” (lines 667ff.) (1032)

Se CONN

nam’sê 2PL

nome young.man

sai DEM.PCL

khomes’ begin

kha PROG

faa say

fala: word

“Wa, EXCL

kha thing

fêê? do

‘And this young man started to speak: “Hey, what do you think you are doing?” (lines 12ff.)

Adjunct clauses � 209

(1033)

Se CONN

m’ POSS.1SG

nunzwa boy

se

ku and

pe father

DEM

kundji answer

xi: so

neyn 3PL

m’ POSS.1SG

sêê leave

“M’ 1SG

ku and

fo… come.from

men mother

Anggola [...].” TN

‘The boy answered them in the following way: “I and my mother and my father left Angola [...].” (lines 554ff.)

Yet another strategy to introduce direct discourse consists of the simple use of the connector se (1034) or se accompanied by the identification of the speaker (1035). These cases suggest that we are dealing with cases of omission of a speech verb. (1034)

“Ô hey

mina.” boy

“Ee.” yes

“Ê what

m’na boy

xi, like.this

se,

men 1SG.NEG

CONN

nggê person tê have

sa COP

bo?” 2SG

khamada friend

Se: CONN

fa

“M 1SG

sa

tili

COP

DEM

[...].”

NEG

“Hey boy.” “Yes.” “Who are you?” He replied: “I am the kind of child that doesn’t have friends [...].” (lines 271f.) (1035)

ê ten bla. Se Pa Xi’ Alê: “Ô ma e!” 3SG EPIST open CONN Mr Sir king EXCL 1SG PCL ‘[…] and the eyes opened. Then the King [said]: “Goodness gracious!” (lines 83f.) S’

CONN

7.2

Adjunct clauses

7.2.1 Temporal clauses In our data we found the following elements introducing temporal clauses: ta~taku ‘when, after’, ôxi~ôy~ôôxi~ôô (ku) ‘when’, dêê xi~dê xi~dê i (ku) ‘when’, kwando ‘when’, fon dêê xi ‘since’, fondja ‘since’36, anta kha fêê (pa) ‘before’, and za (pa) ‘after’.37 The use of these forms is illustrated in the following examples. Note that ta (long

�� 36 Fon is arguably related to folo~fo used in (serial) source constructions (cf. § 5.7.2), but it is not clear what motivates the nasality in this form. 37 Cf. also Zamora Segorbe (2010: 528-29). Several of the listed items are derived from nominals, in particular dêe xi ‘day+DEM’, ôxi ‘hour+DEM’. The highly common form ta~taku ‘when, after’ is possibly a grammaticalisation of the (nominal) preposition taaxi. Barrena (1957: 79, 81) lists taixi as ‘behind’ and both ta and taixi as ‘after, when’ together with the forms deixi, oixi (cf. above), etc. The temporal use of taaxi is still attested: (i)

Taaxi be za, Embô behind go already Annobón ‘In the past, Annobón was fertile.’

bi

sa

PST

COP

bôyô. fertile

210 � Complex sentences

form taku) is the most common temporal conjunction in our data set. We did not find any temporal restrictions on the use of these forms. (1036)

Ta kha sa nam’na, s’ ê kh’ s’ ope when GNR COP DIM.child CORR 3SG GNR COP close.to ‘When they are children, they are close to their mother.’ (lines 258f.)

(1037)

Ta when

da arrive

novu nine

mêdji, month

se

m’n’ child

CORR

mie female

se... DEM

mayn. mother

ôzôô knee

ba go

[…].

san ground

‘After nine months, the young woman gave birth […].’ (lines 985f.) (1038)

Taku when

nakhamada DIM.friend

khô thing

xi

dê

fêê, happen

DEM

bi come

POSS.3SG

se

ku

ten sa fe start

CONN

bi come

COORD

kha PROG

da, give

se

swa cry

kha

tokha find

CORR

a go

PROG

khay. casa

‘When his friend arrived [at the beach] and saw what had happened, he started to cry and went home.’ (lines 346ff.) (1039)

Ôxi m’na skhe sêê, m’na ske when child FUT come.out child FUT ‘When the baby arrives, it will cry.’ (lines 187f.)

(1040)

[...] wan a

ku…

a

kha

REL

NS

HAB

sanggiitan sanggiitan

ma take

san call

todo all

sula. cry

nan

sanggiitan sanggiitan

PL

kwando when

tuu all

môlê. die

‘[...] which we used to call all the sanggiitan when a sanggiitan died.’ (lines 786f.) (1041)

Se CONN

namoo DIM.woman

bê see

dêkê

DEM

COMP

fo since […]

se

ba [...].

a

na

kha

da

fa

go

NS

NEG

ITER

give

NEG

dêê day

xi

k’a

skha

DEM

REL.NS

PROG

‘Then the young woman saw that since the day they were leaving, the other people wouldn’t find the place [...].’ (lines 107f) (1042)

[...]

(1043)

Wa,

fondja m teen be, men ten kêsê since 1SG leave.1SG go 1SG.NEG EPIST forget ‘[...] since I left you, I haven’t forgotten you [...].’ (line 437)

EXCL

kintafela, Thursday

sêê come.out

anta before

fo… come.from

kha MOD

kulêntxi current

fêê... happen

d GEN

ome sea

pa PURP

pimê first

va show

khasa head

bo 2SG

[...].

lam’ ray bi come

so sun l’ba […]. top

‘Well, Thursday, before … the first rays of the sun come out from the current of the sea [... ].’ (lines 831ff.)

Adjunct clauses � 211

(1044)

Khôlê run

kha

sai

san call

a go

FUT

DEM.PCL

fêê make

pôvu people

an one

sumanu, week

Vidji-Ngaandji

pa

TN

PURP

se

nan

CORR

PL

ba go

da give

pa man

nen-nen RED~PL

pôvu people

lazan … . information ‘After one week these men called the people to the place called Vidji-Ngaandji in order to inform them … .’ (lines 853ff.)

Main clauses following the temporal clause are more often than not headed by the connector se, which functions here as a correlative marker, as is the case in (1036 and 1038) and (1044) above and (1045 and 1047) below. Other functions of the connector se are discussed in § 7.3.1, below p. 220. (1045)

Ta when pêndê loose

da give

dôs’ two

se...

anu... year s’

mêdji, month

moso girl

CORR

ê 3SG

CORR

pêndê loose

mêdji. month

Ta when

ê 3SG

faa [...]. say

‘After two years, the girl became pregnant. When she became pregnant, she said [...].’ (lines 154ff.) (1046)

Se

nan

CONN

PL

se CORR

non 1PL

pa man

nen-nen RED~PL

bi

sa

PST

COP

se, DEM

wan one

tadji, afternoon

tempu time

kezun, Lent

Vidji-Nganhi. Vidjil-Ngandji

‘All these men, one afternoon during Lent, we were at the Vidjil-Ngaandji.’ (lines 455ff.) (1047)

Se CONN

ôxi when

a

kote slice

NS

tublan shark

sai,

se

DEM.PCL

CORR

xig’ arrived

wan a

nome. young.man ‘When they had sliced open the shark, a young man came out [of the shark].’ (lines 11f.)

Although the dependent clause usually occurs in the first position, it may also occur in other embedded positions (1048-1050), except for consecutive temporal clauses introduced by za (pa), which always follow the main clause (1051 and 1052). (1048)

Dêê day ineyn 3PL

xi… DEM

Ambô, Annobón

kha

skha

HAB

PROG

a go

nan PL

pe man

t’ catch

nge-ngan RED~big

ankhal’, crab

ineyn 3PL

d GEN

kha HAB

Ambô, Annobón be go

ta when

[…].

‘At that time in Annobón the very important men of Annobón, when they would go catching crabs, they would go […].’ (lines 531ff.)

212 � Complex sentences

(1049)

Bo 2SG

sê know

an... a

ôxi when

fa COMP

navin ship

kha

bi, come

HAB

se CORR

bo 2SG

kha

bê see

HAB

kumu […]. food

‘You know that when a ship arrives there is some food [...].’ (lines 417f.) (1050)

Kintafel’, Thursday kha MOD

ama-pasa day.after.tomorrow

fêê happen

pa

m’na child

COMP

n’tan not.any.more mie female

fuga remain

se

ôzô knee

DEM

lôndji long ba go

anta before

f NEG

san ground

[…].

‘Thursday, the day after tomorrow, it won’t last long before this young woman will give birth [...].’ (lines 737ff.) (1051)

(1052)

M kum za 1SG eat then ‘I ate and then drank.’ Mu 1SG

kêlê believe

anu year

za then

pen

fa

na

COMP

NEG

pa

ba go

COMP

bêbê. drink

COMP.1SG

fêê do

fêê do

faata need

kha think

pa

sa

COMP

COP

dadji age.group

ku with

vinta twenty

xinku five

f. NEG

‘I believe that there is no need to be twenty-five years old to start to get involved with people of your age.’ (online corpus)

The following structures express simultaneousness of events. In (1053), this is obtained by a nominalised verb copy (kêsê) that heads a relative clause, whereas in (1054) it is the preposition dantu that heads the proportional construction. (1053)

[...]

se CONN

skha PROG

kêsê growing

kêsê grow

k’ with

s’

k’

DEM

REL

pôzôl’, poison

ê 3SG

zulumentxi, perversion

skha PROG

kêsê grow

masan, wickedness

ai,

s’

PCL

CORR

n’tu interior

d GEN

ê 3SG ôgê body

dêl’. POSS.3SG

‘[...] and while he was growing, he was growing with poison, perversion, and wickedness in his heart.’ (lines 599ff.) (1054)

Dantu in

sua crying

boya emerge

wam a

se, DEM

dantu in

sua cry

se, DEM

an one

dja day

nen

se

ten

PL

DEM

EPIST

pay. man

‘While they were crying, one of those days a man emerged.’ (lines 73f.)

Adjunct clauses � 213

7.2.2 Conditional clauses Conditional clauses may be introduced by a conjunction, such as si in (1056), or lack any specific marking (1055) (cf. Zamora Segorbe 2010: 519-522). (1055)

Bo kha nggo bê mu, bi khay mu. 2SG MOD want see 1SG come house 1SG ‘If you want to see me, come to my place.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 519)

(1056)

Si bo kha nggo bê mu, bi khay mu. if 2SG MOD want see 1SG come house 1SG ‘If you want to see me, come to my place.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 519)

Despite the small number of examples, both types occur in our spontaneous data. (1057)

Ê 3SG kha MOD

kha MOD

tokha run.into

an a

mayn woman

ta put

pixi fish

dê POSS.3SG

solo, sun

ê 3SG

ligi. steal

‘If he ran into a woman who had put her fish out in the sun [in order to dry it], he would steal it.’ (lines 601f.) (1058)

Si bo na kha pongota f, a na if 2SG NEG MOD ask NEG NS NEG ‘If you don’t ask, they won’t tell you.’ (online corpus)

skee FUT

faa tell

bo 2SG

f. NEG

These examples show that in hypothetical conditionals the modal marker kha and, optionally, the conjunction si, in the protasis are crucial to the conditional interpretation. In the apodosis, on the other hand, we typically find another instance of the modal kha and the modal/future skhee~skee. Counterfactual conditionals are introduced by the complex conjunction kha pa sa kha pa~kha pa~kha, which can be optionally preceded by si ‘if’ and, differently from the hypothetical conditionals above, lack the presence of the modal kha in the apodosis.38 (1059)

Kha thing sa COP

pa

sa

PURP

COP

kha thing

pa

Andêlê

PURP

PN

djuni, sleep

ê 3SG

skhee

bi

FUT

PST

djiskhansadu. rested

‘Had Andêlê slept, he wouldn’t be tired.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 520)

�� 38 TAM marking of conditionals is described in further detail in § 5.1.1 - 5.1.4, below p. 106.

214 � Complex sentences

(1060)

Kha thing gol goal

pa

bo 2SG

PURP

fuuga play

bolo ball

sai,

na

DEM.PCL

NEG

bi come

skee

lanta enter

FUT

f. NEG

‘If you had played this ball, it wouldn’t have been a goal.’

Generally, there are no restrictions on the ordering of the protasis and the apodosis, even though our data typically display the order protasis-apodosis.

7.2.3 Causal clauses Reason clauses are headed by the following elements: pôke~pakê ‘because’, da ‘because (of)’, dakhantu (pa) ‘because (of)’, axi ‘since, as’, komo ‘since, as, because’, tadamen ku ‘since, as’, tadaxi ku ‘since, as’. Axi, komo, tadamen ku, and tadaxi ku head causal clauses that precede the main clause, whereas the remaining items typically head causal clauses following the main clause. (1061)

Ilai, so

axi since

nan

sa

namen brother

ineyn 3PL

PL

COP

mina child

dôs two

nen PL

tu all

kha HAB

ta live

zuntadu join.PCTP

bela, already

bela. already

‘So, since the two boys were living together, they had already become brothers.’ (lines 327f.) (1062)

[…] se DEM

ilai, So

komo as

poto-poto RED~wear.out

ê 3SG pê put

sê leave

kh’ with

an one

pono single

l 3SG

ôgê body

bela, already

kham’nza, shirt

dêkê... since

dja day

kham’nza shirt lônggô. long

‘So, as she had left with only one shirt, the shirt had already worn out on her body a long time ago.’ (lines 250ff.) (1063)

[…]

tadamen since

vaatu be.hectic

k’ REL

ê 3SG

s’ku have

masan wickedness

ôgê, body

ê 3SG

moso. only

‘Since he was full of evil, he was always being wild.’ (lines 886f.) (1064)

[…]. Tadaxi ku ê na bi fa, since REL 3SG NEG come NEG ‘Since he didn’t come, [...].’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 518)

kha

ta

HAB

PST.PROG

Adjunct clauses � 215

(1065)

Bo 2SG

se

ska

FOC

PROG

navin ship

a go

san land

pôkê because

pimêêlu, first

ile

a

PRESENT

NS

da give

uuuh ONOM

bela. already

‘You are going on land first, because they have already announced the ship.’ (lines 411f.) (1066)

Zwan ba khadji, dakhantu Zwan go house because ‘Zwan went home because Mala was ill.’

Mala Mala

skha

daantxi. be.ill

PROG

Note that the forms da and dakhantu also head tenseless adjuncts, which are referred in § 5.9.6, p. 174.

7.2.4 Purposive clauses Purposive clauses are introduced by the subordinator pa (1067 and 1068), the most common form, or its long form pala (1069), valadji pa (1070), ba~bo (1071), bi (1072), and di (1073), which in the contexts below all mean ‘in order to, so (that), for’. The forms ba~bo and bi, which correspond to the verbs ‘go’ and ‘come’, are used only with the same directional verbs, i.e. ba...ba (1071) and bi...bi (1072) (cf. § 5.7.2, on p. 151); the form d(i) is best analysed as a complementiser that introduces final relative clauses (1073). (1067)

Ama, nanny

khama how

fe sound.GEN

non 1PL

skêê

fêê… do

FUT

swaa crying.GEN

pa PURP

pe father

m

na

POSS.1SG

NEG

têndê... hear

m’na? child

‘Nanny, what should we do so my father doesn’t hear the baby crying?’ (lines 186f.) (1068)

(1069)

Ma khe bo pa bo bai ku m’ne take thing.GEN POSS.2SG PURP 2SG go with child.GEN ‘Take your belongings and leave with your child.’ (line 237f.)

bo.

[…]

pe father

se CONN

mu POSS.1SG

m 1SG manden order.1SG

s’ COP

e here

bi…, come

kh’ PROG

pala PURP

fê do

xivixu work

bi come

fêê do

nen

xi

PL

DEM

POSS.2SG

ô. PCL

‘I am here doing work my father ordered me to come … come and do.’ (lines 162ff.) (1070)

[…]. valadji pa na pali so.that PURP NEG give.birth ‘[...], so that she could not give birth [...].’ (line 768.) […],

216 � Complex sentences

(1071)

M’na-mie woman motxi death

sai, DEM.PCL

pesa lot

pôvu people

nen-nen RED~PL

xi...

ba go

DEM

bo go

ala there

ludjia mourn

sai [...]. DEM.PCL

‘As for Xinggili’s wife, a lot of people went there in order to mourn her dead body [...].’ (lines 955f.) (1072)

(1073)

M bi ye bi khwa... ame 1SG come here come fetch way ‘I came here to find something to do.’ (lines 370f.) Pudul

d

PN

PURP

da Mala pixi give PN PURP ‘Pudul gave Mala fish for her to eat.’

xi

peen PURP.1SG

DEM

ê 3SG

fêê. do

kumu. eat

Except for the serialising directional constructions with ba~bo and bi, which can never take (overt) subjects, the subject of purposive clauses may be optionally deleted if coreferent with the subject or the object of the main clause, as illustrated in (10741077) below. (1074)

Waya, look mata kill

ineyni 3PL

ta when mo girl

sai

da arrive

khama place

me-me RED~woods

ngaai big

sai...

pa

DEM

PURP

Øi

[...].

DEM

‘Look, when they arrived in the deep forest to kill the princess [...].’ (lines 216f.) (1075)

[…]

nan PL

pa

Øi

PURP

m’na child fêê make

mie female an a

dôsui two

dasu piece

ê… eh

a

skha

NS

PROG

mla grind

mandjokho manioc

landavela […]. k.o. tart

‘[...] two girls, grinding manioc in order to prepare a piece of landavela [...].’ (lines 723f.) (1076)

A NS

têê also

kha MOD

bixêi dress. 3SG

baanku, white

pa

Øi

PURP

na

de give.3SG

NEG

ôô eye

têndê. understand ‘They should also dress him in white, so that he doesn’t understand [what they are going to do].’ (lines 840f.) (1077)

[...]

pa PURP

p’ PURP

ineyn 3PL

nunza young.person tên also

sê know

nen-nen RED~PL nova news

xi DEM

saii, DEM.PCL

fo come.from pa PURP

Øi

tai behind na NEG

skha PROG

be go

pêndê. lose

‘[...] so that the new generations also get to know this news, so that it doesn’t get lost.’ (lines 706ff.)

Adjunct clauses � 217

The absence of an overt pronoun may also yield an arbitrary reference. In (1078) below, it can either be Pudul or an arbitrary person who is going to prepare food.’ (1078)

kumpa pixi pa buy fish PURP ‘Pudul bought fish to prepare food.’ Pudul

Ø

fê make

PN

kumu. food

7.2.5 Concessive clauses Concessive clauses are discussed in Zamora Segorbe (2010: 515-518), who provides several examples of concessive clauses headed by beenga (pa), which also occur in our data set: (1079)

Pokê because

ñi nor

vunte, desire

beenga even.if

natan not.any more

pa

non 1PL

COMP

skee

fêê do

FUT

tan REP

fêê do

khô thing

xi DEM

da give

non 1PL

f. NEG

‘Because even if we do again whatever we want to do, we won’t be able to achieve it any more.’ (online corpus)

In our spoken data, we were not able to find instances of the other elements introducing these clauses, but we did find the following concessive uses of dêkê (1080) and pa se (1081). The form dêkê as a complementiser was addressed in § 7.1, below p. 206. (1080)

Ê 3SG

bixi dress

peetu-peetu, RED~black

dê

xi.

POSS.3SG

DEM

dêkê although

ê 3SG

kêsê… forget

ê 3SG

ska PROG

dwa mourn

m’na child

‘She was dressed in black although she had forgotten ... she was mourning her lost son.’ (lines 419ff.) (1081)

Zwen no

nggê person

se

fa,

DEM

NEG

ku with

xi,

pa

se

DEM

CONC

DEGR

fômôzô beauty

dêli

kitxi, be.young

na NEG

fo can

bê see

namo DIM.girl

[…].

POSS.3SG

‘Nobody, not even the youngest, could see the girl with her beauty […].’ (lines 124ff.)

7.2.6 Comparative and manner clauses Comparative and manner clauses in our data can be introduced by forma~foma~fom (1082), imafan~ tximafan (1083 and 1084), amea (1085), and tximafan amea (1086).

218 � Complex sentences

(1082)

Bo

bê,

non

na

fo...

de

ku

kha

mata

fom’

e

2SG

see

1PL

NEG

can

give.3SG

with

thing

kill

way

DEM

dê

skha

POSS.3SG

PROG

faa tell

pê father

f. NEG

‘Well, we can’t kill her the way her father her father told us to do.’ (lines 222ff.) (1083)

[…]

k’

a

COORD

NS

se

k’

DEM

REL

ê 3SG

de give.3SG bi come

khama place

ai here.PCL

dê POSS.3SG

imafan as

xiôô lord.GEN

tela country

[...].

‘[…] and gave him his righteous place as a lord of the country where he had come to and where he worked with his father [...].’ (lines 402f.) (1084)

Ôsexi sa imafan... kha... bo se tan zunta now COP as.if thing 2SG FOC REP bring.together ‘Now, it’s as if you brought us together again.’ (line 410)

(1085)

Dêê day

xi DEM

blad’ open.PTCP

Ambô Annobón

na

bi

sa

NEG

PST

COP

ee

f.

PCL

NEG

bla… open

amea like

se

sa

DEM

COP

non. 1PL

‘At that time Annobón was not that open as it is [now].’ (lines 598f.) (1086)

[…] pe man

se

a

kh’

CONN

NS

GNR

kha

fê make

HAB

fê make

pê put

ala, there

pê put

n’tu in

vidjil vidjil

fugan stove

txim’fan such

amea way

se

nan

FOC

PL

ai. PCL

‘[...] and they would put it there, the same way as these men make a stove in the vidjil.’ (lines 967f.)

Example (1084) is a manner clause expressing counterfactuality (cf. § 5.1.4, p. 119120). Differently from counterfactuals, however, counterfactual manner clauses do not require the presence of the mood marker kha.

7.3

Coordinate clauses

Fa d’Ambô exhibits several strategies to coordinate clauses. A first, a broad distinction can be made between coordinate structures that lack conjunctions and structures where a conjunction is present. The former type may consist of an enumeration of sequences of events by juxtaposition (1087) or instances of asyndetic coordination (1088-1090), with a short pause between the events when the subject is repeated. Same-subject coordination with tense and aspect marking, such as kha and la in (1090 and 1091), do not require the subject to occur in both conjuncts.

Coordinate clauses � 219

(1087)

Ê 3SG

kha

bê see

kha

bai, go.PCL

MOD

MOD

ôkhô… calabash

an a

ê 3SG

vin wine

pay man

kho

skha

speta, spy

MOD

sai,

ê 3SG

ê 3SG

DEM.PCL

txya extract

PROG

vin wine

kha

be, go

MOD

kha

ma take

MOD

palma… palm ê 3SG

kha MOD

vaan, top

ê 3SG

txya remove

bay. go

‘If he saw a man extracting palm wine high up in the tree, he would go, he would spy, he would go and remove the calabash of palm wine, he would steal it.’ (lines 606ff.) (1088)

Bo kum(u) bo 2SG eat 2SG ‘You ate and drank.’

(1089)

Zwan

bebê. drink

kum(u) Pudul bebê. eat PN drink ‘Zwan ate and Pudul drank.’ PN

(1090)

(1091)

Zwan

kha

kha

PN

HAB

kum(u) eat ‘Zwan eats and drinks.’

HAB

bebê. drink

Zwan la kum(u) la 2SG PRF eat PRF ‘Zwan has eaten and drunk.’

bebê. drink

Otherwise, coordinate structures typically require the use of overt conjunctions, namely se ‘and, then, but’ (1092), ku ‘ and, with’ (1093), a ‘and’ (1094), the disjunctive ô ‘or’ (1095), the adversative mandji ‘but’ (1096), or the negative ni ‘nor’ (1097). These structures will be further discussed in § 7.3.1 – 7.3.5 below. (1092)

Se…

taku when

CONN

manda order d GEN

nomosê DIM.man

pa

bla... open

COMP

ulôsô rice

ga-gaavu RED~good

da BEN

tu all

l. 3SG

da give

sê… DEM

khame place

sêê

DEM

CORR.3SG

khô thing

kum eat

dêl.

Se

a

POSS.3SG

CONN

NS

Se

a

CONN

NS

Sêê CONN.3SG

l 3SG

se,

fêê do

faa say

sêê CONN.3SG

nan. no faa say

sêê

be go

CONN.3SG

txya take.out bla open

suku sack kha thing

nan. no

‘Then … when the doctor did all this, the king went and ordered that the place where he stored his food be opened. Then they took out a sack of rice for the doctor. But he said no. Then they opened all the good things and offered them to him, but he said no.’ (lines 88ff) (1093)

Pues, well bo 2SG

man 1SG.NEG max’ more

tan also fa…, NEG.PCL

suku have ku and

zwan no envedadji really

kha thing

pen

se

sa

FOC

COP

PURP.1SG

fa say

khô thing

n 1SG

ga IPFV

i

sa.

DEM

COP

fa say

‘Well, there is nothing I can tell you any more, and that’s how things are.’ (lines 681ff.)

220 � Complex sentences

(1094)

[...]

s’

ê 3SG

CONN

ôxi when

k’

ê 3SG

REL

see be.here fêê make

men, self

w’ one

s’ CONN

an year

ê 3SG

fêê make

w’ one

a and

an, year

[...].

ai PCL

‘He was there; one year passed, and now that one year had passed [...].’ (lines 590f.) (1095)

[...]

ê ske mata non tudu ô an kha skê 3SG FUT kill 1PL all or a thing FUT ‘[...] he will kill all of us or something will happen to us.’ (lines 181ff.)

fê do

(1096)

[…]

ê 3SG

ta stay

ê 3SG i, PCL

kha HAB

mo take

mandji but

bo go ê 3SG

n’tu in sa

yôkhô cave

khome place

khadji house

COP

x’

k’

DEM

REL

Sanggiitan Sanggiitan

Gêza church

non. 1PL kha HAB

Ngaandji […]. main

‘[...] he would take them and go into the cave where he used to stay, but he lived in the house of the Sanggiitan of the Main Church […].’ (lines 641ff.) (1097)

Pa COMP

f, NEG

dêê day ni neither

xʼ,

pa

DEM

COMP

pa COMP

tela, country zwan no

pa COMP

bate canoe

zwan no

nggê person

xi

na

INTENS

NEG

ba go

na NEG

l’ba top

ba go d GEN

motu field ome sea

f. NEG

‘They should tell the people that that day, nobody should go to the fields, and that no canoe should go to sea.’ (lines 750ff.)

7.3.1 The coordinator se In the domain of clause linking, se clearly stands out, not only because it is highly productive but also because of its range of functions. The main difference between instances of asyndetic coordination, as in (1088-1091), and the counterpart with se in (1098-1101) is related to the temporal relation between the events: the absence of se implies greater simultaneity and less alternation between the events, whereas its presence increases the autonomy of the connected events. (1098)

Bo kum(u) se 2SG eat CONN ‘You ate and drank.’

(1099)

Zwan

bo 2SG

bebê. drink

kum(u) se Pudul eat CONN PN ‘Zwan ate and Pudul drank.’ PN

(1100)

bebê. drink

Zwan

kha

se

kha

PN

HAB

CONN

HAB

kum(u) eat ‘Zwan eats and drinks.’

bebê. drink

Coordinate clauses � 221

(1101)

kum(u) se eat CONN ‘Zwan has eaten and drunk.’ Zwan

la

la

PN

PRF

PRF

bebê. drink

The conjunction se also exhibits a correlative use, heading each conjunct in instances of clausal coordination (1102-1104). (1102)

Wan a

tela country

se

sakh’

CONN

EXIST

se FOC

an a

soya story

folo. come.from.PCL

Se

sakh’

CONN

EXIST

an a

mayn mother

pay. father

‘Once upon a time, there were a mother and a father.’ (lines 117f.) (1103)

Mandji but zwan no

se CONN

non 1PL

pia observe

se CONN

non 1PL

bê see

dêkê COMP

bo 2SG

na NEG

fê do

non 1PL

mal. bad

‘But we have thought about this and concluded that you haven’t done us any harm.’ (lines 235f.) (1104)

agwêt’ alôsô, se nova be se nova agwêtê, alôsô and news go and news ‘Listen! The news was spread around the whole country.’ (line 496) Oh,

waya,

EXCL

EXCL

bi. come

A further correlative use of se occurs in temporal constructions, where se will often head the main clause (1105). For additional examples, see § 7.2.1, below p. 211. (1105)

Ta kha sa nam’na, s’ ê kh’ s’ ope when GNR COP DIM.child CORR 3SG GNR COP close.to ‘When they are children, they are close to their mother.’ (lines 258f.)

mayn. mother

7.3.2 The coordinator ku Coordination with ku in the domain of sentence and clausal coordination is not only much more restricted and less widespread than the use of the standard coordinator se but, differently from se, also requires a syntactic trigger in the previous discourse, which explains the ungrammaticality of (1106 and 1107). (1106)

Zwan kum pixi se/*ku Mala Zwan eat fish CONN Malia ‘Zwan ate fish and Malia drank wine.’

(1107)

Se

bêbê drink

vin. wine

Zwan kum pixi se/*ku Mala bêbê Zwan eat fish CONN Malia drink ‘(And/Then) Zwan ate fish and Malia drank wine.’ COORD

vin. wine

222 � Complex sentences

In particular, the occurrence of ku as a coordinating element is licensed by the overt or covert presence of the very same element in the structure of the preceding clause. In our data set, temporal, interrogative, and relative constructions may exhibit this pattern. Examples (1108 and 1109) show that the short form of the temporal taku, ta, and ôxi ku ‘when’, respectively, activate the coordinating functions of ku;39 in (1110), it is arguably the underlying interrogative form kha fê ku (lit. ‘thing do + REL) that licenses the coordination with ku (cf. § 6.4.1 on the optional status of ku in content questions); finally, in (1111 and 1112) it is an instance of the relativiser ku that triggers a coordinated sequence. (1108)

T’ when

ê 3SG

venta, approach

ske

deet’ lift.up

FUT

ku

ku

ôô, eye

COORD

navin… ship

lanxa rowboat

ku

venta, approach

COORD

venta... . approach

COORD

‘When she lifted up her eyes and saw the ship … the rowboat was getting closer and closer … .’ (lines 421f.) (1109)

Ôxik’ when

en 1SG

tômbô drum

Llave,

ken

PN

COORD.1SG

kha

fo come.from

HAB

gêêza, church

ken

kha

COORD.1SG

HAB

nan

dadji age.group

ba dance

PL

têndê hear

fa sound

[...].

‘When I come from church, and hear the sounds of Llave’s drums, and start to dance with my age group [...].’ (adapted from Lêdjam 2008: 30) (1110)

Ô oh

nam’n DIM.child

kum food

b’ go

sai,

kha thing

DEM

ku

ôman hand

COORD

fê do

bo 2SG

bo 2SG

skha

kum eat

PROG

khôndê hide

ku COORD

bo 2SG

ma take

pê? put

‘Boy, why are you eating and why are you taking a piece of food and hiding it in your hand?’ (lines 278f.) (1111)

Se

s’

CONN

COP

a

skha

NS

PROG

Alê king

ôxi when a go a

COORD

NS

k’

DEM

REL

ê 3SG

NS

mata kill

k’

se

a

bi come

ma take l 3SG

Memol

fo come.from

PN

ai,

k’

PCL

COORD

de give.3SG ai here.PCL

khama place

a NS

dê POSS.3SG

ope-mata scaffold

me take.3SG imafan as

ba go

xi

kh’

DEM

REL

khêdji house

xiôô lord.GEN

tela country

[...].

‘At this point, they took Memoli away from the scaffold where they were going to kill him and they took him to the King’s palace and gave him his righteous place as a lord of the country where he had come to [...].’ (lines 400ff.)

�� 39 In essence, it is the historical relativiser ku in taku and ôxik(u) that is repeated and hereby acquires a coordinating function.

Coordinate clauses � 223

(1112)

S’

ê 3SG

CONN

ten sa fe start

ku and

khô thing

k’

ê 3SG

COORD

kha Ø (REL)

xi DEM

na

môô die

NEG

de tell.3SG

PROG

fêê happen

soye story. GEN l 3SG

lazan story

pê father

dê POSS.3SG

ku

bi

ta

pa

COORD

PST

OBL

COMP

mate kill.3SG

f. NEG

‘So he started to tell her the amazing story of his father and what had happened to him and that they were going to kill him but he didn’t die.’ (lines 427ff.)

The following example shows that occurrences of nominal coordination with ku (cf. § 4.6, below p. 98) may also activate instances of clausal coordination with the same element. (1113)

Ku

pê father

COORD

tan REP

ba go

khô and.3SG

dê POSS.3SG

lanta enter

dantu in

navin boat

an,

k’

PCL

COORD

ineyn 3PL

Êmbô. TN

‘And he and his father entered the boat, and they returned to Annobón.’ (lines 406f.)

7.3.3 The coordinator pa The subordinator pa may also fulfill the role of a clausal coordinator. The following excerpt of one of the stories shows that both the complementiser pa, selected by pindji ‘ask’, and the purposive po (allomorph of pa) take on the role of coordinating conjunctions. (1114)

[...] da give

komo since

pa

pindji ask

po

l; 3SG

txya, take.out

ê 3SG

non 1PL

PURP

an other.one

txya take.out

COMP

txya take.out

po COORD

ten

txya

an

m’ne

EPIST

take.out

a

DIM.GEN

non 1PL

kusan heart

kuusan heart tan

kusan, heart

ma take

COORD

dêli,

po

POSS.3SG

COORD

khwa fetch

REP

pa

an a

l’ma animal

ba go

non 1PL po PURP

tan REP

non 1PL

po

non

ma

ba

de

COORD

1PL

take

go

give.3SG

[...].

‘[...] since he asked to take her heart out and bring it to him; in order to take her heart out and to take the other one [of the baby] out, let’s fetch another animal so we can take its small heart out too, and bring it to him [...].’ (lines 227ff.)

224 � Complex sentences

7.3.4 The coordinator a The coordinator a ‘and’ connects sentences. Although it can generally be replaced by se, its use is far more limited. In our data, a occurs mainly in two types of contexts: it precedes temporal conjunctions or expressions, such as ôxi ‘when’ (cf. 1094, p. 220) and utu djia ‘the other day’ (1115) and commonly precedes interrogative marker kê (1116 and 1117). The latter example reads as a rhetorical question. We also found an instance of this item heading a polar question (1118) and one case where it introduced a conditional clause (1119). Since exclamatives can also be headed by a (cf. § 6.6, below p. 193), further research is required to determine the role of illocutionary force and irrealis with respect to the use of a in these constructions. (1115)

Se

ligila happiness

CONN

utu other

djia, day

ku and

khôlidu run.PTCP

fesa party dja day

ten

labenta explode

EPIST

san floor

A and

khay. house

bay [...]. go

‘And happiness and festivity broke out in the house. And the following days [...].’ (online corpus) (1116)

Khamba rope

pixi fish.GEN

beza, already

dôsu piece

A and

kê what

khadji house.GEN

pixokho k.o. tart nggamba recipient

soga mother-in-law

djia day

khadji house.GEN

sogaa mother-in-law

non 1PL

kee

kha

FUT

HAB

ma take

subu Saturday

tu all

pêndê lose

beza. already

tu all fê make

pêndê lose

zêtê? oil

‘Saturday’s fish for the house of the mother-in-law was already lost, the piece of tart for the house of the mother-in-law, all these things were lost. And what kind of recipient are we going to use in order to prepare palm oil?’ (lines 714ff.) (1117)

A kê kha non skêê and what thing 1PL FUT ‘And what will we do?’ (online corpus)

(1118)

A khalga say ke tê zugwan and load DEM FUT have no ‘And does this load have an owner?’ (online corpus)

(1119)

“Dêê! EXCL

Bo 2SG

kiitan, Christian

fa say sêê go.out

xi?” so bi, come

fêê? do

“Xen.” yes

“Sun, Sir

a and

po

non 1PL

bê…, see

PURP

nggê person bo 2SG po PURP

a? PCL

kha

sa

MOD

COP

non 1PL

bê… see

pesua person tô.” 2SG.SLM

‘Jesus! Did you say so? Yes. And if you are a real person, come out of there so we can see … you.’ (lines 551ff.)

Verb phrase and sentence-final particles � 225

7.3.5 Negative coordination Negative clausal coordination structures are operated by the pair na…ni, as shown in the example taken from the corpus in (1097) on p. 220 above. The type of negative coordination determines whether each conjunct is independently negated with the discontinuous pattern na…f. Verb-phrase coordination does not trigger two independent instances of the discontinuous patterns (1120), whereas clause-level coordination requires this pattern to be repeated in each conjunct, as shown in (1121 and 1122). Moreover, it follows from the examples that the subject is not repeated (as a pronoun) in the second conjunct of instances of verb-phrase coordination, whereas clause-level coordination requires an overt subject in both conjuncts. (1120)

(1121)

(1122)

Zwan na kumu pixi ni Zwan NEG eat fish nor ‘Zwan neither ate fish nor drank water.’

awa water

f.

Zwan na ba lala f(a) ni Mala Wan NEG go beach NEG NEG Mala ‘Zwan didn’t go to the beach nor did Mala go to the party.’

na

Pudul na kum f ni Pudul NEG eat NEG nor ‘Pudul neither ate nor drank.’

bêbê drink

ê 3SG

na NEG

bêbê drink

NEG

NEG

ba go

fesa party

f. NEG

f. NEG

Note also that the conjunction se may optionally occur in instances of clause-level coordination (1123). (1123)

7.4

Ni Pudul na kum nor Pudul NEG eat ‘Pudul neither ate nor drank.’

f

se

NEG

CONN

ni nor

ê 3SG

na NEG

bêbê drink

f. NEG

Verb phrase and sentence-final particles

Fa d’Ambô exhibits several verb phrase- or sentence-final particles which are used for specific functions. Broadly, two types can be distinguished. The first type of particle consists of a special marking of a high boundary tone that occurs at the end of a prosodic phrase and indicates simultaneously that the utterance will continue. This particle was already addressed in § 4.7, below 99, where it was shown to exhibit a noun phrase-delimiting function. The second type consists of the pragmatic particles that were already addressed in specific contexts (cf. § 6.4.2 to 6.7 above, p. 188-197), namely a, ê, fa, ô, wa, as well as xiii. Examples of additional uses of these particles will be provided below.

226 � Complex sentences

The first type, the boundary particles, always occurs in the form of a vowel, which is i in most cases. The examples in (1124 and 1125) show that this particle targets different morphosyntactic categories, such as verbs and nouns, and that it targets the long form of words, which are bay, and tôli respectively. The particle exhibits a high tone and is followed by a (short) pause before the speech continues. Since se (§ 7.3.1, below p. 220) is a highly productive clause linker, a large number of these particles in our data are followed by this item. Note, however, that the high boundary tone is not obligatory when there is a discourse break. (1124)

(1125)

bai, se a mat’ go.PCL CONN NS kill ‘So they went and killed a shark.’ (lines 9f.) Se

a

CONN

NS

Tak’ when

a NS

tôli, tower.PCL

fêê make

s’ CORR

ê 3SG

an a ten EPIST

tublan. shark ma take

m’na-mie daughter

[...].

dê POSS.3SG

‘When the tower was finished, he took his daughter […].’ (lines 123f.)

In a few cases the high tone particle occurs in the form of a different vowel, such as a (fa) and o (folo) in (1126 and 1127), which are arguably regular long forms of fo(l) and f. (1126)

(1127)

nam’na-mie fômôzô fa. DIM.girl be.pretty NEG.PCL ‘Usually little girls are not that beautiful. She [...].’ (lines 39f.) Na

se

s’

ta

Sê

NEG

DEM

COP

DEGR

CONN

Wan tela se soya folo, nan namen a country FOC story come.from.PCL PL woman ‘The story comes from a country, my ladies […].’ (line 34)

ê 3SG

mu

[…].

[...].

POSS.1SG

Given the high number of occurrences of the form i at the boundary of prosodic phrases, in particular bai ‘to go’ and the demonstrative sai (see also § 4.7, below p. 99) further analyses should determine whether items ending in the diphthong ay have an underlying phonological form ai, where each vowel bears tone. If so, this might lead to the hypothesis that particle i is merely the manifestation of the long form in these cases and that there is no need to postulate a separate particle. In the remainder of this section, we will briefly discuss a few additional uses of the pragmatic particles that were not described in previous sections. One such case concerns the final particles fa and wa, which may also have a consequential function (1128).

Verb phrase and sentence-final particles � 227

(1128)

Maseb’ young.man ku

a...

non 1PL

COORD

khô thing

VOC

skha

fê do

PROG

xi DEM

xi, like.this

non 1PL

s’ COP

ku

non 1PL

COORD

e here

kha

fê do

HAB

skha

fê do

PROG

xi, like.this

xi like.this

e... . PCL

Mi e pêêndê mêdji fa/wa. 1SG PRF lose month PCL ‘Young man, what we have been doing here all this time... . I’m pregnant.’ (lines 156ff.)

The low tone particle a presents an additional demonstrative use to indicate that the object or person is within eye sight (1129 and 1130). (1129)

Se CONN

pala give.birth

sê know

nome, boy

fa

kha

COMP

HAB

envedadji, really

pa... see

bo 2SG

nggêdji foreigner

kha MOD

bê see

khabôñi fishing.boat

moso, only

bo 2SG

kh’ MOD

a. PCL

‘She gave birth to a boy, and really, if you just look at him, you recognise that he looks like a white man from a foreign fishing boat.’ (lines 987f.) (1130)

paa tela a. look land PCL ‘Look at the land.’ (line 519) Kha

MOD

The low tone final particle ô is also used in assertive contexts, where it expresses commitment to the truth condition of the proposition, as illustrated in (1131-1133). (1131)

(1132)

(1133)

A ilai, mayn la pongota m’na-mie dê zo and PRESENT mother PRF ask daughter POSS.3SG already ‘It turned out that the mother had already asked her daughter.’ (lines 670f.) Se

a

ba Vidjil’. Mamen se n’tan be go TN woman DEM NEG.REP go ‘So they went to Vidjil. That woman didn’t go there.’ (lines 858f.)

f

ô.

CONN

NS

NEG

PCL

[…]

pe father

se CONN

manden order.1SG

m 1SG bi… come

s’ COP

pala PURP

e here

kh’ PROG

bi come

fê do fêê do

xivixu work

nen

xi

PL

DEM

ô. PCL

m’ POSS.1SG

ô. PCL

‘I am here doing work my father ordered me to come … come and do.’ (lines 162ff.)

The particle ê was shown to be particularly productive in exclamative and interjective contexts, but it is also used to draw the attention of the hearer to what is being said, as illustrated in (1134 and 1135).

228 � Complex sentences

(1134)

Tak’ when

a

pindji ask

nan

NS

khansa, tire ngê person

PL

se

a

CORR

NS

fêê decide

dêkê

ta

pa

teen

COMP

OBL

COMP

EPIST

nen

x’

s’

Santumi,

nan

PL

DEM

COP

TN

PL

xi

sa

Feendjapo,

nan

DEM

COP

TN

PL

ngê person

so

tu all

COP

ngê person

khame place

nen PL

n’tu inside

ê;

mundʼ world

PCL

‘When they got tired, they decided that they should ask the people of São Tomé, the people who live in Fernando Pó, those people who live everywhere in the world;’ (lines 56ff.) (1135)

Waya,

ôi now

EXCL

skhê FUT

Pa Mr

fê do

p’ PURP

Xi’ Sir

Alê King ê… 3SG

fê do

na NEG

suku have

pa PURP

ôô eye

tela country

f’ê. NEG.PCL

skha PROG

Khama how be go

ê 3SG

dn’txi? ahead

‘And now that the king couldnʼt see. What was he going to do for the king…, for the country to go forward?’ (lines 67ff.)

The last particle under discussion is xiii. This high tone particle is distinct from the other particles because of its vowel lengthening and signals the duration or intensification of an event (1136-1138). (1136)

Ta ê ba Pala, s’ ê khôlê xiii s’ ê… ba when 3SG go TN CORR 3SG run INTENS CORR 3SG go ‘And when he arrived at Palea, he ran until he arrived at the beach.’ (lines 341f.)

(1137)

Se CONN

khô thing

i DEM

moo girl

se

ska

DEM

PROG

fê, do

kha PROG

fê, do

kha PROG

fê, do

lale. beach

kha PROG

fê do

xiii. INTENS

‘And the girl was acting this way all the time.’ (lines 372f.) (1138)

fa polova Lavô xiiiiii. say prayer Lavôlô INTENS ‘Then they were saying the prayer called Lavôlô during a long time.’ (lines 951f.) Se

a

skha

CONN

NS

PROG

Clearly, additional research in several interacting grammar domains is required to further uncover the fine-grained properties of the different types of particles discussed in this grammar.

8 Ideophones and onomatopoeia 8.1

Ideophones

Ideophones in Fa d’Ambô are similar to reduplications in that they consist of repeated syllables, but in contrast to reduplications, they usually lack a lexical base. There are some exceptions: pilingitu lack repeated syllables, and budu-budu (budu ‘stone’), kulu-kulu (kulu ‘dark’), and fene-fene (fene ‘splash’) do have a lexical base. The number of repeated syllables is either one or two. The number of times a particular syllable is repeated depends on the speaker’s intention. Most commonly, monosyllabic ideophones are repeated three times and disyllabic ideophones twice. The ideophones of Fa d’Ambô modify adjectives, participles, nouns, and verbs, and follow the words they modify. Their semantic function is typically to intensify the item they modify. Most ideophones occurring in our corpus modify adjectives. Tables 18 – 20 offer a list of Fa d’Ambô ideophones. Table 18: Ideophones modifying adjectives baanku

pepepe

‘white’

bôbô

tetete or tatata

‘red’

deegadu

ngenengene

‘thin, slender’

fiiyu

dondondon

‘cold’

goosu

budu-budu

‘fat’

kêntxi

vuvuvu

‘hot’

kitxi

pilingitu

‘small’

kulu

bababa

‘raw, very young, not well cooked’

kuutu

kunukunu

‘short (of persons and objects)’

leve

kelekele

‘light (of books, tables)’

limpu

pepepe

‘clean’

lizu

khalakhala / khankhankhan

‘hard’

lônggô

vonovono

‘long, tall’

mole

potopoto

‘smooth’ (of cloth or very thin paper), flabby’

n’têlu

lelele

intact, not spoiled, not damaged; brand new’

ôdu

khokhokho

‘strong, hard, in good health’

peetu

kulukulu

‘black’

pi

khalakhala

ʻunripeʼ

seku

khôlôkhôlô

‘dry’

ve

txokhotxokho

‘old’

230 � Ideophones and onomatopoeia

The predicative adjectives modified by ideophones show the same behaviour as the adjectives that are not modified by ideophones. This means that, on the one hand, they can function as adjectives referring to temporary states, in which case they must be modified by the copula. (1139)

Lubaa se sa seku khôlôkhôlô. river DEM COP dry IDEO ‘[Currently,] this river is completely dry.’

(1140)

Môtô se sa n’têê lelele. car DEM COP entire IDEO ‘[Currently,] this car is perfectly intact.’

If, on the other hand, the adjectives refer to permanent states, they behave like qualificative verbs and must be modified either by zero40 or by an overt TAM marker. (1141)

Lubaa se Ø seku khôlôkhôlô. river DEM PFV be.dry IDEO ‘This river dried out completely.’

(1142)

Môtô se Ø n’têê car DEM PFV entire ‘This car is perfectly intact.’

(1143)

lelele. IDEO

Lubaa se kha seku khôlôkhôlô. river DEM HAB dry IDEO ‘This river usually is completely dry.’

Tables 19 and 20 respectively list ideophones that modify participles and verbs. Table 19: Ideophones modifying participles bôbidu / bibidu

tetete or rerere

‘ripe’

folodu

lalala

‘slippery’

khabadu

piepiepie

‘finished, achieved’

kuyadu

kukuku

‘be squatting, be coiled (in bed)’

maadu

potopoto

‘wet’

mindjadu

nggôlônggôlô

‘stand (upright or very quiet)’

pizadu

budubudu

‘heavy’

sokhaadu

khôlôkhôlô

‘dried, dry’

tezadu

tantantan

‘taut’

�� 40 For the function of zero with qualificative and stative verbs in general, see § 5.1.1 and 4.1.6.5.

Ideophones � 231

Table 20: Ideophones modifying verbs bê

bababa

‘see very clearly’

dêdê

ngannganngan

‘shine’

dêdê

djidjidji

‘be spicy’

khabokho

pipi

‘shut up, remain quiet’

khôlê

gidigidi

‘run’

sêbê

fenefene

‘drizzle’

têmê

gidigidi

‘tremble’

venta

vivivi

‘walk rapidly’

vôa

papapa

‘flutter rapidly’

Regarding fenefene, which modifies the verb sêbê ‘rain’, the forms fene or fene-fene may stand alone as a verb meaning ‘drizzle’, whereby the reduplicated form has the same meaning as the simple form. In our corpus, there is only one example of an ideophone modifying a noun: zuguzugu in matu zuguzugu ‘thick forest’. Among the forty ideophones listed in Tables 18-20, there are only three which are semantically transparent, namely budu-budu (budu ‘stone’), kulu-kulu (kulu ‘dark’), and fene-fene (fene ‘splash’ or ‘drizzle’), i.e. those which have a lexical base.41 (1144)

Ê pizadu budu-budu ximaa onkholo. 3SG heavy IDEO like anchor ‘He is very heavy, like an anchor.’ (Zamora Segorbe 2010: 206)

Ideophones, such as ganganngan in (1145), must be adjacent to the word they modify. (1145)

a.

Solu sakha dêdê ngannganngang. sun PROG shine IDEO ‘The sun is shining very hard.’

b.

*Solu sakha ngannganngan.

But some ideophones may be used as a noun, such as budu-budu. (1146)

fêê / da budubudu make / give IDEO ‘Don’t make a fuss.’

Na

fa.

NEG

NEG

�� 41 For an example of kulu-kulu as a reduplication meaning ‘very early in the morning’, see Chapter 9, line 895.

232 � Ideophones and onomatopoeia

8.2

Onomatopoeia

In our corpus, there are not many cases of onomatopoeias, the function of which is to imitate a sound, i.e. an element of the physical world. In (1147), bakekekekeke imitates bursting out of laughing, in (1148) uuuh imitates the sound of a ship announcing its arrival, in (1149) xyaa imitates the opening of the king’s eye when his blindness was healed, and in (1150), iiiiiiiii imitates the crying of a baby. (1147)

(1148)

lii bakekekekeke. laugh ONOM ‘And then Toñi burst out laughing.’ Se

Toñi

CONN

PN

Bo 2SG navin ship

se

ska

FOC

PROG

a go

san land

pimêêlu, first

pokê because

ile

a

PRESENT

NS

da give

uuuh ONOM

bela. already

‘You are going on land first, because they have already announced the ship.’ (lines 411f.) (1149)

[…]

se

Pa Xi’ Alê ten da “xyaa!” Mr Sir King EPIST give ONOM ‘[…] one could hear a little crack like this: “Shaaa!” ’ (lines 82f.) CONN

(1150)

Ta when

ê 3SG

fe sound.GEN

pali give.birth swe crying.GEN

nome boy

se,

se

DEM

CORR

m’na

iiiiiiiii.

DIM

ONOM

nome boy

se

iiiiiiiii...

DEM

ONOM

‘After giving birth, the boy cried...weeehhh, the baby cried... weeehhh.’ (lines 194f.)

The item bòmbòbòmbò has the form of a reduplication (see § 3.1, below p. 23); however, it is best considered onomatopoeia because it imitates the sound the water makes when it comes out of the fountain. (1151)

Pumpa sai kha fe bòmbòbòmbò. fountain DEM.PCL HAB do ONOM ‘The water of this fountain gushes out.’

Buf-m’buf is the name of a mythological animal of Annobón, and at the same time, an onomatopoeia, it imitates this animal’s way of walking. In this case, the name for the animal is derived from onomatopoeia.

9 Texts The four traditional stories of this chapter represent about 50 minutes of spoken language. The stories were recorded in Annobón and Malabo by Armando Zamora Segorbe in 2011 and 2012. The three storytellers, of which one is female and two are male, were between 28 and 67 years of age when the recordings were made. In the transcription, we have tried to remain as close as possible to the spoken language, which means that our transcriptions are more phonetic than phonological. The audio recordings corresponding to the texts in this chapter can be accessed at the following webpage: https://www.degruyter.com/view/title/510975.

9.1

Soya Ton Tublan The story of Ton Tublan (male storyteller, born 1945, recorded 2012 in Annobón by Armando Zamora Segorbe) duration ~ 1’30’’

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

Storyteller:

Agwêtê!

Public:

Alôsô!

Wan pay ku an main. A a father and a mother NS A father and a mother. They stayed at home

s’ COP

khadji, s’ a s’ khadji. Se wan house CONN NS COP house CONN one for a long time. One day [the mother] climbed on top buudu, se a pal’ wan nome. stone CONN NS give.birth a young.man of a stone and she gave birth to a boy. This boy they same Ton Tublan. Se Ton call.3SG Ton shark CONN PN called Ton Tublan. And then Ton Tublan, he left,

khadji, house

s’

a

s’

CONN

NS

COP

dja, day

se

ba go

Nome young.man

kha

Tublan,

IPFV

PN

be, sêê be, sêê go CONN.3SG go CONN.3SG and time went by, and when

be, go

sêê CONN.3SG

êli vla ngaanhi bebela, 3SG become big already he was already grown up, he sailed out to

CONN

be, go

xi

sêê

DEM

CORR.3SG

i 3SG

CONN.3SG

ba go

sai,

a

DEM.PCL

NS

bai, go.PCL

sêê

da arrive

l’ba top

be, go l’ba top

sêê CONN.3SG

dêê day d GEN

234 � Texts

8

9

omali, sêê bê an taba tubran, sêê sea.PCL CONN.3SG see a AUGM shark CONN.3SG sea, and he saw an enormous shark. Then he said: “Hey, nan

nom’ a, pa mata tublan young.man PCL HORT kill shark you guys, let’s kill this shark.” So they went

sai.” Se DEM.PCL CONN

PL

10

11

faa: say

mat’ an tublan. Tublan se kill a shark shark DEM and killed a shark. And this shark they brought to

“Êêê, EXCL

a NS

bai, go.PCL bi come

se

a

se

a

CONN

NS

FOC

NS

ma take

kote slice

kote. slice

Palea,

se

a

TN

CONN

NS

kote slice Palea, and they sliced it up.

kote slice

kote slice

kote slice

kote slice

Se CONN

12

ôxi a kote tublan sai, se xig’ wan nome. Se when NS slice shark DEM.PCL CORR arrive a young.man CONN When they had sliced open the shark, a young man came out [of the shark]. And

13

nome sai khomes’ kha faa fala: “Wa, young.man DEM.PCL begin PROG say word EXCL this young man started to speak: “Hey, what do you think you are

14

fêê? Nam’sê na sêê fa dêkê mu se sa xiôô tublan do 2PL NEG know COMP COMP 1SG FOC COP ruler.GEN shark doing? Don’t you know that I am the one who is the ruler of each and every shark

15

nen-nen xi sa untu d omee RED~PL DEM COP inside GEN sea of all the seas, without exception? And this shark

16

sai,

nam’sê bai, se nam’sê 2PL go.PCL CONN 2PL you went and killed, and you have right now DEM.PCL

17

18

19

tuu all

mata kill

faa? NEG.PCL tublan, shark

kha thing

Se

kha

NEG

HAB

tublan shark

CONN

se

ôsexi now

CONN

khomesa kha kumu tubran. Kha skha fêê nam’sêdji? start PROG eat shark thing PROG do 2PL started eating the shark. What is the matter with you? Shark, na

nam’sê 2PL

kun tublan xi f. Tublan, a kh’ kum’ eat shark so NEG shark NS HAB eat this is not the way to eat shark. Shark you eat with [cooked] unripe

nam’sê 2PL

Tublan, shark ku with

pi.” Se tubran se khôlê bai, sêê tan ba unripe CONN shark DEM run go.PCL CONN.3SG REP go bananas.” And then this man-shark42 ran away and went back again into

untu inside

omali, sêê bai, sêê be, sêê be, sêê be, sea.PCL CONN.3SG go.PCL CONN.3SG go CONN.3SG go CONN.3SG go the sea. He ran for some time [to the kingʼs undersea dwelling where he kept all his

21

sêê

be, sêê be, sêê fo go CONN.3SG go CONN.3SG come.from belongings] 43 and left from the place where the king

khamêê place

xiii DEM

NS

djandja banana

20

CONN.3SG

a

alê king

�� 42 The young man who came out of the shark was himself a shark: the ruler of the sharks. 43 The going to the king's place is not expressed overtly but presupposed by the storyteller.

d GEN

Dôtôl kula pe mun ôyô � 235

22

d

aa-saga kha gada salt water HAB keep kept all his belongings and GEN

todo all

kha thing

dê

tudu, all

POSS.3SG

s’

ê 3SG

CONN

23

bi ku an, wan ngga djana pi. Se ngga djaana come with a a bunch banana unripe CONN bunch banana came back with a, a bunch of unripe bananas. And this bunch of unripe bananas

24

pi sai, se a bai, unripe DEM.PCL CONN NS go.PCL they went and cooked, and they gave it

se

a

CONN

NS

kudji, cook

se

a

CONN

NS

kuuu with

dusu piece

25

todo pôvi, se todo pôvu khomesa kumu, all people.PCL CONN all people start eat to everybody, then everybody started to eat [bananas], with pieces

26

tublan xi a mat’ ai. Se ôxi a shark DEM NS kill PCL CONN when NS of the shark that had been killed. And after they had eaten up

27

nen-nen se tudu, se ten sa faa peli tômbôlô. RED~PL DEM all CONN EPIST COP sound skin.GEN drum everything, [one could hear] the sound of the drums’ skin for a long time. They

28

29

30

kumu eat

da tômbôô, se a kumu, se a baya, give drum CONN NS give CONN NS dance played drums, and they ate, and they danced and danced se

a

a

CONN

NS

baya, se a baya. Se ôxi dance CONN NS dance CONN when for a long time. And when they finished dancing, when all

NS

se

a

CONN

NS

se

baa dance

todo pôv tudu a fêê fesa, se all people all NS make party CONN these people had had their party, when this ended, isn't this also CONN

31

khaba, se lazan khaba wa? Mu khaba bebela. finish CONN story finish PCL 1SG finish already the end of the story? I have already finished. I have told you

32

soya tubalan. story shark the story of the shark.

9.2

todo all

khô thing A NS

baya, dance khaba, finish

khô thing M 1SG

da give

da give

se DEM

nam’sê 2PL

Dôtôl kula pe mun ôyô The doctor healed my father’s eyes (female storyteller, born 1983, recorded 2012 in Malabo by Armando Zamora Segorbe) duration ~ 4’20’’

33

Storyteller: Public:

Agwêt’ Alôsô

236 � Texts

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35

36

37

38

39

40

Wan tela se soya folo, a country FOC story come.from.PCL The story comes from a country, my ladies,

nan

namen woman

PL

mu,

se

POSS.1SG

FOC

sakh’

sai

sakh’

EXIST

an pai kha… an main. Dantu tela a man and a woman.PCL in country where there was a man and… a woman. In this country there were

DEM.PCL

EXIST

an Pa Xi’ Alê ku a Mr Sir King and a king and his wife. The king and

mie wife

dêli.

Se

POSS.3SG

CONN

Pa Mr

Xi’ Sir

Alê King

ku and

mie dêl kha kum, kha bêbê, kha kum, kha woman POSS.3SG HAB eat HAB drink HAB eat HAB the queen were there for a long time [lit. ʻthey used to eat and drinkʼ],

bêbê drink

kha

kum, kha bêbê, se a bʼ lʼba budu eat HAB drink CONN NS go top rock then the queen went on top of a stone and gave birth to

sʼ

a

CONN

NS

an tôfuu m’na-mie. Na a robustness.GEN girl NEG a healthy girl. Usually little girls are not

se

s’

ta

FOC

COP

DEGR

fômôzô fa. Sê ê ten beautiful NEG.PCL CONN 3SG EPIST that beautiful. She lived with her father

kha

to live

HAB

HAB

pal give.birth

nam’na-mie DIM.girl

kʼ with

pê father

dê, POSS.3SG

41

ku men dêlê, lai a sakha fêê dêkê… mase and mother POSS.3SG.PCL PRST NS PROG think COMP young.man and her mother. And, as a matter of fact, they were there thinking that the young man

42

xi

ku

skhêê

pa

DEM

REL

FUT

PURP

43

44

45

bi e, ta pa sa namase gavu come PCL OBL COMP COP DIM.man good who would come should be a young man with a good character for him to bi tê namo sai, pakê nafômôzôô come have DIM.woman DEM.PCL because DIM.beauty.GEN get the young woman, because the beauty of this young woman an fo pê l pê NS. NEG can allow 3SG PURP.3SG does not allow her to marry … just bi ê f. S’ ineyn ten come PCL NEG CONN 3PL EPIST anybody. So they were there, they were

namo DIM.woman

khaza marry

ku… with

kha

sa

MOD

COP

sê

ye, here

s’

COP

DEM

nggi person

ineyn 3PL

CONN

s’

xi DEM

ten

sê

EPIST

COP

46

ye, kha ma mavida, kha ma mavida, se namo se here PROG take suffering PROG take trouble CONN DIM.woman DEM there, living their normal way of life [i.e. a life full of suffering]. Then the young woman

47

ten

k’

EPIST

REL

48

da… anu pa khaza. Waya, ta reach year PURP marry EXCL when reached marrying age. Well, when she reached the age pa

khaza, se... pê dê ma marry CONN father POSS.3SG take of marriage, her father became ill. An eye illness. PURP

ê 3SG

daantxi. illness

d’ give Daantxi illness

anu year ôyô eye

Dôtôl kula pe mun ôyô � 237

49

ɁuyɁuyɁuy.

“Ôô pe m na kha eye father POSS.1SG NEG HAB Terrible! “My fatherʼs eyes do not see anything at all

a go

EXCL

50

51

liba top

fa,

m

na

kha

sa

POSS.1SG

NEG

HAB

a bosu f.” Sʼ axi ten go down NEG CONN since EPIST [lit. ‘they don’t see up, they don’t see down’].” And since he was

COP

Xi’ Alê se a ten fa todo Sir King CONN NS EPIST tell all the king, they said to all the doctors who were

baabe doctor

pe father

Pa Mr

nen

xi

ten

sa

PL

DEM

EPIST

COP

52

dantu Êmbô tudu: “Baabê ya bi, baabê ya in TN all doctor VOC come doctor VOC in Annobón, without exception: “Listen, doctors, you all come.”

53

Se

baabê tu kha bi sakha fê m’ndjan doctor all ITER come PROG make remedy Then all the doctors would prepare their remedies and CONN

54

ôô eye

NEG.PCL

bi.” come

neyn POSS.3SG

se CONN

kha

bay se na kha limpa f. Se baabê kh’ fê go CONN NEG ITER clean NEG CONN doctor ITER make then leave,but those remedies did not help. And all the doctors were there, preparing ITER

55

56

m’ndjan dineyn se kha bay, se na kha l’mpa remedy POSS.3PL CONN ITER go CONN NEG ITER clean their remedies and then would leave, but [again], they didn’t help. Then

f.

Se

NEG

CONN

a

khansa. Tak’ a khansa, se a fêê dêkê ta pa tire when NS tire CONN NS decide COMP OBL COMP everybody got tired [of this]. When they got tired, they decided that they should NS

57

58

59

teen

s’

Santumi,

nan

EPIST

pindji nan ngê nen x’ ask PL person PL DEM ask the people of São Tomé, the people

COP

TN

PL

xi

sa

Feendjapo,

nan

DEM

COP

TN

PL

ngê so tu khame n’tu person COP all place inside who live in Fernando Pó, those people who live everywhere in the world; pa

61

baabêlu, doctor

Xi’ Alê. Waya, se dantu nan Sir king EXCL CONN in PL king. Wow! Of all these people, everybody

ngê person

nen

se,

se

PL

DEM

FOC

tu ten sa fe kha bi, s’ a all start ITER come CONN NS started to come, and they treated the king,

kha

têndê45 treat

62

se

na

kha

CONN

NEG

ITER

ITER

fêê fa. Se ng tu ska do NEG CONN person all PROG but it didn’t help. Then they all were preparing their remedies

ku with fê make

nen PL

mundʼ world

bi waa kha a kha fo fê da come see thing NS MOD can do BEN to come and see what could be done for the doctors44 – for the COMP

60

ngê person

da give

ê; PCL

Pa Mr

nggê person

alê king limedji remedy

�� 44 This is a mistake that the narrator corrects. 45 This part of the text is unintelligible and has therefore been reconstructed in order to make sense.

238 � Texts

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64

65

66

67

68

69

dineyn, se ng tu skha POSS.3PL CONN person all PROG and all were preparing their remedies,

fêê make

limedji remedy

dinen, POSS.3SG

tu skha fê limedji dineyn all PROG make remedy POSS.3SG again and again, until the people of the

xiii,

ku

nan

INTENS

REL

PL

êlê bê dêkê n’tan tê zwan kha king see COMP NEG.REP EXIST no thing king’s palace realised that there wasn’t anything more to do.

se CONN

ngê person

d

pa

GEN

REL

khay house

fê do

fu, NEG

se

a

teen

skhee

CONN

NS

EPIST

fê dêkê a skee pê xi. A n’tan make COMP NS FUT put so NS NEG.REP Then it was decided to leave things as they were. They were not going to

FUT

fêê… Pa Xi’ Alê uzwan kha do Mr Sir King no thing do anything for the king’s eyes any more.

d’ give

ôô eye

dê

f.

Waya,

POSS.3SG

NEG

EXCL

ôi Pa Xi’ Alê na suku ôô f’ê. Khama now Mr Sir King NEG have eye NEG.PCL how And now that the king couldnʼt see. What was he going to do p’

ê… fê pa tela skha be dn’txi? 3SG do PURP country PROG go ahead for the king…, for the country to go forward? The country

ê 3SG

Tel’ country

PURP

skhê46

n’tan NEG.REP

fo be dentxi fa, pôkê ôô se pôkhôdô kha ma can go ahead NEG because eye FOC person HAB take cannot go forward any more because it is with the eyes that one undertakes

71

kuzu. Se nan ngê tela tudu ten sa fe thing CONN PL person country all start something. Then all the people of the country began to cry.

73

74

“Ô ma e! Khô se fêê oh 1SG PCL thing DEM happen “Poor me, what happened to the king

Pa Mr

Xi’ King

kha f!”48 Dantu sua se, dantu thing NEG in cry DEM in is terrible!” While they were crying, one of those days na

sa

NEG

COP

nen

se

ten

PL

DEM

EPIST

boya wam pay. emerge a man a man emerged. An outstanding doctor,

Wan a

kha PROG

Alê King sua cry

baabêê doctor

e, PCL

se, DEM

fê do

FUT

70

72

ng person

fê do

sua47: cry khô thing

se DEM

an one

dja day

xi-xizu RED~outstanding

�� 46 The storyteller says fê, which makes no sense here. 47 The construction teen sa fe kha + verb seems odd. According to Zamora Segorbe only the bare verb is allowed in this construction: Se nan nggê tela tudu teen sa fe sua. ‘And the people from the whole country started to cry.’ The presence of kha in the sentence under consideration may be due to the calquing of the synonymous structure khomesa kha sula ‘start to cry’. 48 In this sentence, the negation corresponds to a strong affirmation.

Dôtôl kula pe mun ôyô � 239

75

fayeza,49 bo kho bê dêkê baabê xi-xizu. fresh.air 2SG HAB see COMP doctor RED~outstanding one could see that he was an outstanding doctor. When this doctor

76

se

bi, sêê na kha lii come CONN.3SG NEG HAB laugh came, he wouldn’t laugh with anybody, DEM

77

78

ku with

na

kha

kha

NEG

HAB

fa ku zwen nggê fa, sʼ talk with no person NEG CONN he wouldn’t talk to anybody, he would remain alone.

PRS

Kha

t’ êli moso, sêê faa: stay 3SG alone CONN.3SG say He would remain alone. Then he said: “Show me

“Nam’sê 2PL

CONT

79

80

81

82

83

84

zwen no

Ta when

nggê person

fa,

se

NEG

CONN

t’ stay

êli 3SG

bo go

bôndêlê bundle

txya wan m’djin. Se i txya take.out a remedy CONN 3SG take.out took out a remedy. He took out this remedy, and just ê ta pê Pa Xi’ Alê ôô, 3SG put put Mr Sir King eye by putting it on the king’s eyes one could hear

m’ndjan, remedy

k’

se

REL

CONN

Pa Mr

mun 1SG

khame place sêê

CONN.3SG

se

moso alone

CONN

ten

da “xyaa!” S’ ê ten bla. Se Pa Xi’ Alê: give ONOM CONN 3SG EPIST open CONN Mr Sir king a little crack like this: “Shaaa!”51 and the eyes opened. Then the King [said]:

“Ô

e!

Xi’ Sir

skêê

M ska bê kuzu. M skha bê kuzu. Kha 1SG PROG see thing 1SG PROG see thing thing “Goodness gracious, I can see! I can see! What am I going to give

m 1SG

86

xi

teen

kha

DEM

EPIST

MOD

nggi x’ pindj’ êli, ê person DEM ask 3SG 3SG he asks him, without hesitation.

na

skee

NEG

FUT

paa look

l’ba top

ni nor

EPIST

FUT

bo?” Pakê Pa Xi’ Alê faa anta kha fêê pa… 2SG because Mr Sir King say before MOD happen PURP you?” Because the king said before everything happened that … the person khô thing

xi50 so

ma 1SG

EXCL

85

dê give.3SG

DEM

POSS.3SG

Alê King

bl’ ôy’ ei, ê skêê open eye PCL 3SG FUT who would open his eyes, he would give him whatever

xi

dêli,

PCL

87

moso. alone

m’nsaa show

khame xi Pa Xi’ Alê sa.” Se a me ba place DEM Mr Sir King COP CONN NS take.3SG go the place where the king is.” So they brought him to the place where Pa Xi’ Alê sa, sêê ba n’tu Mr Sir King COP CONN.3SG go in the king was, and he looked into his bundle and

baabê doctor

da give

nggi person

i DEM

bosu down

�� 49 Should be fiyeza ʻfresh airʼ, which makes no sense here. 50 moso xi ku + relative clause is a construction that corresponds roughly to ʻjust by doing somethingʼ. 51 Shaa imitates the sound the eyes made when they were opened.

240 � Texts

88

89

90

fa,

se,

NEG

ê skee da. Se… taku nomosê sê… fêê khô 3SG FUT give CONN when DIM.man DEM do thing [Whatever he asks him] he would give him. Then … when the doctor did all this,

DEM

sêê

Se

CORR.3SG

CONN

be sêê manda pa bla... khame kum dêl. go CONN.3SG order COMP open place eat POSS.3SG the king went and ordered that the place where he stored his food be opened. Then a

txya suku d ulôsô da l. Sʼ ê take.out sack GEN rice BEN 3SG CONN 3SG they took out a sack of rice for the doctor. But he said no. Then

faa say

NS

91

92

93

95

96

bla kha ga-gaavu tu da l sêê faa nan. Se open thing RED~good all BEN 3SG CONN.3SG say no CONN they opened all the good things and offered them to him, but he said no. Then they

a NS

teen sa fe kha txya kha tuu dê, se mose start ITER take.out thing all give.3SG CONN man started to take out everything for him, but the doctor still said no. Se

Pa Xiʼ Alê faa l: “Khamaada, kha Mr Sir King say 3SG friend thing Then the king said to him: “My friend, what do you want me

bo 2SG

da bo?” Sʼ ê faa l: “Na den give 2SG CONN 3SG say 3SG NEG give.1SG to give you?” The doctor said: “Don’t give me anything. Den m’na-mie bo. Se sa khô give. 1SG daughter POSS.2SG DEM COP thing Give me your daughter. This is the only thing I want.” khôl.”52 Se Pa Xi’ Alê paa with.3SG CONN Mr Sir King look Then the king felt a little bit uncomfortable.

liba top

zwan no xi DEM

sêê CONN.3SG

98

xi

so

sô

DEM

COP

COP

101

S’

se

sa

CONN

êli, s’ ê fa l: “Khamaada, 3SG CONN 3SG say 3SG friend Then he said to him: “My friend, that’s the agreement

DEM

COP

non da. Den m’na-mie bo.” 1PL give give.1SG daughter POSS.2SG we made. Give me your daughter.” Then the king

Se CONN

Pa Mr

Xi’ Sir

a-d’ôô ku sua ku kha tuu, s’ ê ma tear and crying and thing all CONN 3SG take shed tears, he cried, and all that. Then he handed over his daughter

faa say

DEM

nggo want

COMP.1SG

f. NEG

mu 1SG

nggo like

baasu. down

pono only

nan. no

pên

kha thing

paa look bo 2SG

khom? Ban bê dêkê khô se with.1SG 2SG.NEG see COMP thing DEM who lives with me? Don’t you see that this is my death?”

se

moso only

m skêê fêê? Khama fêê m skee da 1SG FUT do how happen 1SG FUT give “What shall I do? How could I give you my only daughter

100

CONN

NS

97

99

Se

a

CONN

94

nan. no

“Kha thing

m’na-mie daughter

môô death

fa?” NEG

lazan agreement Alê King m’na-mie daughter

�� 52 This sentence was not entirely clear, so it has been adjusted to fit into the context.

xi DEM

ku with dêlê, POSS.3SG

Dôtôl kula pe mun ôyô � 241

102

103

104

105

s’

sêê

CONN

ê da l. Sêê da li se ten s’ fee … 3SG give 3SG CONN.3SG give 3SG CONN start to him. He handed her over to him and started ... . The doctor …

CONN.3SG

ten

se

EPIST

ma m’na sêê bay. Se m’na-mie take child CONN.3SG go CONN daughter then he left with the king’s daughter. Then the two

DEM

se

ska

DEM

PROG

bay, se a ska go CONN NS PROG were travelling, they were travelling.

bay, go

se

a

ska

CONN

NS

PROG

ku and

mase man

bay, go

bay. An kha skha da khama f. Se go NS.NEG ITER PROG find place NEG CONN It wasn’t possible to find the place [where they were going]. And they were

se CONN

a

ska

a

skha

NS

PROG

NS

PROG

106

bay, se a skha bay, se an kha da khama f. go CONN NS PROG go CONN NS.NEG ITER find place NEG travelling for a long time, and it wasn’t possible to find the place [where they were going].

107

Se

k’a

skha

CONN

REL.NS

PROG

108

109

namoo se bê dêkê fo dêê xi DIM.woman DEM see COMP since day DEM Then the young woman saw that since the day they were leaving, a

na

kha

NS

NEG

ITER

ba, go

da fa, se namoo se ten txya khanta. give NEG CONN DIM.woman DEM EPIST extract song the other people wouldn’t find the place where they were going, so she composed a song. khanta xi k’ê txya kha faa: “Dôtôli53 kula pe song DEM REL.3SG extract HAB say doctor cure father The song she composed has the following lyrics: “The doctor healed my fathers’ Se

CONN

110

mu

ôyô / a de kabra ê na eye NS give.3SG goat 3SG NEG eyes, they gave him a goat but he didn’t want it. They POSS.1SG

111

de proko ê na mêsê fa. / Ê give.3SG pig 3SG NEG want NEG 3SG gave him a pig, he didn’t want it. / He wanted the girl

112

d

mêsê want mêsê want

fa.

mwala woman

Alê ôô… .” Waya, se ten sa swa xi King ôô EXCL DEM EPIST COP story DEM of the king’s palace … .” Well, this is the story of the young woman GEN

113

114

kha

sa

DUR

COP

untuu me-me kha swa fo in RED~bushes PROG cry since who has been in the bushes crying since that day up to

/

A

NEG

dji of

khadji house

namoo DIM.woman

dêxiii day.DEM.PCL

ôdjai ku zwen ngê n’tan sêê soya dê today and no person NEG.REP know story POSS.3SG now and there is nobody any more who knows her story in order

NS

bi come

se DEM

tôkhô until

pa PURP

�� 53 This song contains some words that are clearly from Santome, such as mêsê ‘want’ (Fa d’Ambô nggo) or mwala ‘woman’ (Fa d’Ambô moso), as well as some words that are reminiscent of this language, such as kabra ‘goat’ (Santome kabla) or prôkô ‘pig’ (Santome plôkô).

242 � Texts

115

da fu, ku ala se soya tell NEG and there FOC story to tell it, and here her story ends.

9.3

dê

ten

POSS.3SG

EPIST

khaba end

pê. completely

Memol’, m’na d’Êlê Memoli, the King’s son (female storyteller, born 1983, recorded 2011 in Malabo by Armando Zamora Segorbe) duration ~ 16’20’’

116

117

118

119

Storyteller:

Agwêt!

Public:

Alôs!

Wan tela se soya folo, a country FOC story come.from.PCL Once upon a time, there were a mother and

se

sakh’

CONN

EXIST

an a

se

sakh’

kha

CONN

EXIST

an pay. Kha kum, kha bêbê, kha kum, a father HAB eat HAB eat HAB eat and a father. They ate and drank, they ate and drank [time went by].

HAB

S’

ineyn ba l’ba buudu s’ ineyn pala, 3PL go top stone CONN 3PL give.birth Then they went on top of a stone and [the woman] gave birth to a girl.

an a

CONN

120

121

122

123

124

mayn mother

Se

se

CONN

m’na-mie se fômôzô muntu, girl DEM be.pretty very This girl was very pretty. Her father told her

CONN

pê father

ê na padji da m’na-mie se zwan nggê 3SG NEG can give girl DEM no person [his wife] she couldn’t give the girl to anybody, so that nobody nggê tê imafan moso dê fu, person have as wife POSS.3SG NEG.PCL could marry her. Therefore he ordered the construction

wan tôlu. Tak’ a fêê tôli, s’ ê a tower when NS make tower.PCL CORR 3SG of a tower. When the tower was finished, he took his daughter dê

s’

s’

POSS.3SG

CONN

ê ba vêên tôl 3SG go top.GEN tower and went on top of the tower and left her there.

CONN

125

nggê xi, pa se kitxi, na person DEM COMP DEGR be.young NEG Nobody, not even the youngest, could see the girl

126

se

fa,

DEM

NEG

ku fômôzô dêli, with beauty POSS.3SG.PCL with her beauty, happiness, and

ku and

fo can

ê 3SG

CONN

ten EPIST

ê 3SG bê see

ligila happiness

faa say

POSS.3SG

zwen no

PURP

s’

m’na-mie. girl

dê

pa

pê. put

bêbê. eat

manda order ma take

m’na-mie daughter

Zwen no

namo DIM.girl dêli, POSS.3SG

fêê build

ku and

Memol’, m’na d’Êlê � 243

127

gale54 dêli, s’ ê ten kha ta elegance POSS.3SG.PCL CONN 3SG EPIST HAB stay elegance. And she remained in the upper part of the tower.

vaan top

tôl. tower

128

pê dê ku men dê sa ye, kha father POSS.3SG and mother POSS.3SG COP here HAB Her father and mother went on with their lives, they ate and drank,

kum, eat

129

kha

kha

HAB

HAB

pê put

130

131

132

133

bêbê, kha kum, kha bêbê. Pê dê drink HAB eat HAB drink father POSS.3SG they ate and drank [time went by]. Her father put all the soldiers tudu. Zwan pono nggê na fo ba all no single person NEG can go [to watch her]. No one could go to the place where the girl se

sa.55

Se

ten

skha

DEM

COP

CONN

EPIST

PROG

namo se DIM.girl DEM was. And she continued staying there. Waya, nan namen mi look PL brother POSS.1SG Look, brothers and sisters, one day

ai,56

ta when

khame place ta, live

wan... masê fômôzô... an naprinsipe57 a young.man handsome a DIM.prince a handsome young man, a prince from another country,

wan a

se

CONN

134

ê ba da... Alê se non skha 3SG go arrive king DEM 1PL PROG arrived before the king we are talking about.

fa talk

kha thing

135

Tak’ ê ba da, s’ ê ba fê wan when 3SG go arrive CORR 3SG go do a When he arrived to do some work, he went to do some work

136

ê venta fol bende liba bi 3SG approach come.out side.GEN top come that had him travel from another country and he

fêê, do

fêxyaali soldier namoo DIM.girl

DEM

ta. live

PROG

wan a

CONN

i

skha

da arrive

VOC

Se

djia, day tela, country

dêl

a.

POSS.3SG

PCL

taba, work s’ CONN

an a

s’ CONN

sivisu work

ê 3SG

ten EPIST

137

ba da khay Alê. S’ Alê ten me gaavu, ku go arrive house king CONN king EPIST take.3SG well with arrived at the King’s palace. The King received him very well, in a friendly way

kusan heart

138

ku kha tudu s’ ê and thing all CONN 3SG and all that, and gave him a room

khame58 place

ten EPIST

de give.3SG

khame place.GEN

khotxian room

�� 54 The e indicates the genitive marker (gala+GEN), but the expected form in this context is gala. 55 Although the speaker didn’t produce the final negation marker f, it is expected to occur in this position. It is not clear whether the lengthening of a is related to the absence of the final negation marker, since lengthening in a final position is a generalised process. 56 The use of ai as a vocative, instead of a, is unexpected in this context. 57 In this case, na is lengthened and followed by a prosodic break. 58 Here the ending of khame is conditioned by the demonstrative which follows it and is therefore not the contraction of place+genitive.

244 � Texts

139

140

141

xi

p’

DEM

PURP

ê djuuni, s’ ê 3SG sleep CONN 3SG where he could sleep. And he fell asleep.

sa fe start

kha

an dja nôtxi, s’ ê ska djuun, a day night CORR 3SG PROG sleep One night, when he was sleeping,59 he went out

s’

143

ê 3SG

CONN

k’

ê deet’ ô ba vaan s’ ê 3SG put eye go up CONN 3SG and looked up and saw the girl. “Oh my goodness,

bê see

COORD

142

djuuni. sleep

PROG

Ta when

da arrive

sêê leave

b’ go

ôla street

namoo DIM.girl

sa.

“Khê!

DEM

EXCL

fa60

A

moso fômôz ê! Kê moo se girl pretty EXCL what girl DEM what a beautiful girl! Who is she?” You know that

sa?”

Se

EXCL

COP

CONN

bo 2SG

nape ten kha... txiividu n’tu. S’ man EPIST GNR cheeky. PTCP very CONN men are very cheeky. So he waited for the moment

ê… 3SG

gaad’ wait

ôxi hour.DEM

ku

txinka, climb.up

COMP

REL

144

nggu tu bo djuuni. Nggu tu sku djuuni. S’ person all go sleep person all PROGR sleep CONN everybody went to sleep. Everybody was sleeping. So he climbed

ê 3SG

145

s’

veen top.GEN

ê txinka, s’ 3SG climb.up CONN all the way up the high tower. CONN

146

147

148

149

150

151

ê 3SG

txinka, climb.up

Ta ê ba veen tôli, when 3SG go height.GEN tower.PCL When he arrived at the top, he said: “Oh girl,

s’

ê 3SG

CONN

s’

ê 3SG

CORR

kha fêê bo ten fômôzô xi? Namen thing make 2SG EPIST be.pretty so woman why are you so pretty? How can a woman be so pretty? Amea se bo fômôz’ e... ta peen way DEM 2SG be.pretty PCL OBL COMP.1SG You are so pretty that I must become your husband bo,

pa

POSS.2SG

COMP

bo sa mie m; 2SG COP wife POSS.1SG and you my wife; you are very pretty to me. muntu. Men fo ta bo pê very 1SG.NEG can throw 2SG put I can’t just leave you like this.” Ah, and then

faa: say

“Ô

kha

EPIST

GNR

se

sa

FOC

COP

bo 2SG f. NEG

fômôzô be.pretty Ah, ah

khomesa. Amm, kha a khai nôtxi, ê kha start Umm, HAB go house night 3SG HAB they started. Uhm, he’d go home at night and he’d come... . They se

kha

EPIST

COP.here

PROG

fêê do

khô thing

se,

kha

DEM

HAB

fêê do

khô thing

continued to do this �� 59 Here the part of the sequence corresponding to waking up is missing. 60 The complementiser occurs without the verb sêê ‘to know’.

DEM

xi? so

medu husband

ten

ten

sai,

fômôzô be.pretty

EPIST

152

tôlu. tower

moo girl

VOC

ten

pokê because xiê like.this

ba go

s’

deen give.1SG

CONN

ineyn 3PL

bi... . come

Ineyn 3PL

se,

kha

DEM

HAB

fêê do

Memol’, m’na d’Êlê � 245

153

khô se, se da un an. Kha fêê khô thing DEM CONN give one year HAB do thing [to see each other] and a year went by. They continued to do this

se,

kha

DEM

HAB

154

khô se, kha fêê khô se, se thing DEM HAB do thing DEM CONN [to see each other] and two years went by. After

an. year

Ta when

155

dôs’ anu... se... moso pêndê mêdji. Ta ê pêndê two year CORR girl loose month when 3SG loose two years, the girl became pregnant. When she became pregnant,

156

157

158

159

160

161

162

163

164

da give

dôs’ two

ê faa... masee se ôxi ê tan bi: 3SG say young.man DEM when 3SG REP come she said to the young man when he came back: “Young man, khô xi non s’ e thing DEM 1PL COP here what we have been doing here

kha

xi, ku non skha like.this COORD 1PL PROG all this time... . I’m pregnant.”

fê do

wa.”

Se

PCL

CONN

HAB

fê do

xi, like.this

xi like.this

Mi 1SG

na

sa

POSS.1SG

NEG

NEG.PRF

167

a... VOC

fê do

PROG

pêndê lose

mêdji month

onto... still

pe father

PRF

fo can

manda command

untu tele non f. Se, in country.GEN POSS.1PL NEG CONN our country. And since he hasn’t given me

na

sa

NEG

PRF

den give.1SG

axi as

khalga fa, onto mu sa nam’na, responsability NEG still 1SG COP DIM.child responsabilities yet, I’m still a child. I am here doing

ê 3SG se

m’ 1SG

CONN

fê xivixu nen xi pe m’ manden do work PL DEM father POSS.1SG order.1SG work my father ordered me to come … come and do.

Khô non kee f‘ ôsexi? M skee txya... thing 1PL PROG do now 1SG FUT take.off What are we going to do now? I will take off this necklace sô

khômu gotxi ku sa khe... dantu... with.1SG neck REL COP thing.GEN in I wear and that belongs to my family, to the belongings khe khey pe mu. thing.GEN house father POSS.1SG of my grandparents. When you give birth,

Dê day

i DEM

mina, bo ma gian se bo mêtê pê child 2SG take necklace DEM 2SG put put you take this necklace and put it around the child’s neck.

s’ COP

bi… come

ô.

DEM

166

CORR

den khalga, pen give.1SG responsabilities PURP.1SG still hasn’t given me any responsabilities to be able to command

PCL

165

s’

skha

e

mase se faa: “Moo sai! Bamu, young.man DEM say girl DEM.PCL well The young man said to her: “Oh my goodness, girl! Well, my father mu

mêdji, month

non 1PL

COORD

PCL

da arrive

“Maseb’ young.man

ku

e... .

fêê do

pala COMP

gian necklace

familia family

bo 2SG

e here

kha FUT

nam’na DIM.child

kh’ PROG

bi come

fêê do

se DEM

mu,

dantu in

POSS.1SG

pali give.birth se DEM

gotxi. neck

246 � Texts

168

169

170

Bo têndê mu?” “Ees.” “Bo ma?” “Ee.” 2SG understand 1SG yes 2SG take yes Did you understand?” “Yes.” “You understood?” “Yes.”

S’

ten

S’

EPIST

CONN

ê 3SG

bai s’ ê txya gian. go.PCL CONN 3SG take.off necklace He took off the necklace and gave it to the girl s’

ê ten lolo, s’ ê ten 3SG EPIST go.down CONN 3SG EPIST and then went down. He said: “Your Majesty the King

fa: say

CONN

171

172

mi e kha bai... Ma 1SG PRF PROG go.PCL Mrs and the Queen, I’m leaving.” He

Xi’ Madam

ma kha dê, s’ ê take thing POSS.3SG CONN 3SG took his belongings and went back to

tan

Alê.” king ba go

REP

S’

pañia; pañia, pañia,... pregnancy pregnancy pregnancy further. Her father didn’t know

177

178

Xi’ Sir

Alê king

a, VOC

EPIST

bo go

ten sa fe start

kia develop

Pê father

dêli... POSS.3SG

dê

sa

fa...

p’

POSS.3SG

COP

COMP

COMP

pê father

na NEG

ê sê tê ôman b’ ôsê. Pañia, pañia, 3SG FOC throw arm go sky pregnancy pregnancy she who will bring happiness. She carried on with her pregnancy.

pañia... pregnancy

mo xi kha fê lazan dê: “Ô m’ woman DEM HAB take care POSS.3SG oh 1SG The woman who looked after her said: “Oh my goodness,

ô, oh

ê,

khô se skha fê mi ô! thing DEM PROGR do 1SG EXCL what have I got into! What are we going to do?” PCL

Kha what

ê, EXCL

non 1PL

skêê

a oh fêê?” do

FUT

179

mayn kha faa l: “Ô ma ê! Ma kusan. Men woman NARR say 3SG oh 1SG EXCL take heart 1SG.NEG And the woman said to her: “Oh my goodness! Take it easy. I don’t know

180

lazan i non ske da pe story DEM 1PL FUT tell father what we will tell your father. When he

181

DEM.PCL

ten

POSS.3SG

174

176

sai,

dê

tokho pê dêl. Waya, se namo se meet father POSS.3SG look CONN DIM.girl DEM his father’s country. Look, then this girlʼs pregnancy developed

zwan kha f, pakê soye no thing NEG because story.GEN anything, because in her father’s mind, it is

mo girl

ê… 3SG

CONN

173

175

da give

“Pa Mr

tela country

pañia ... . pregnancy

ê, 3SG

CONN

têndê khô se e, ê ske hear thing DEM PCL 3SG FUT hears about this, he will kill all of us or

�� 61 The final negation marker f is not realised.

bo. 61 POSS.2SG mata kill

non 1PL

Ta when tudu all

pe father ô or

sêê know

Se CONN

ma 1SG Se... CONN

sêê know

bo

skê

POSS.2SG

FUT

an a

Memol’, m’na d’Êlê � 247

182

183

kha skê fê non.” Waya, s’ ineyn thing FUT do 1PL look CONN 3PL something will happen to us.” Look, they went on s’

ineyn 3PL

CONN

ten

s’

EPIST

COP

ie, here

kha HAB

fê do

ten

s’

EPIST

COP

khô thing

ie, here

se,

kha

DEM

HAB

fê do

khô thing

and on 184

185

186

se.

Se

a

ten

DEM

CONN

NS

EPIST

da novu mêdji. Novu arrive nine month nine like this. Nine months had gone by. At nine months the girl ta

p’

OBL

COMP

mêdji, month

i ba lo budu p’ ê pali. 3SG go top stone PURP 3SG give.birth had to go on top of a stone to give birth. When she was

Tak’ when

a pali, s’ ê faa: “Ama, khama go give.birth CORR 3SG say nanny how going to give birth, she said: “Nanny, what should we do so

skêê

non 1PL

187

pe m na têndê... fe swaa father POSS.1SG NEG hear sound.GEN crying.GEN my father doesn’t hear the baby crying? When the baby

188

skhe

sêê, m’na ske sula. Khama come.out child FUT cry how arrives, it will cry. What should we do, so he FUT

189

190

191

mo girl

non 1PL

fo can

fê… do

pa

DEM

PURP

ten

txinka ba climb.up go went up to assist her. EPIST

lʼba top

se

teen

CONN

EPIST

ba go

ama nanny

fêê take

lazan care

dêl. POSS.3SG

Ten sa fe kha pali khôl, pali khôl, pali start PROG give.birth with.3SG give.birth with.3SG give.birth She [the girl] started to give birth with her help. She started to give birth

193

khôl, se Noxan ten ba khôlô. S’ with.3SG CONN Lord EPIST go with.3SG.PCL CONN with her help, and the Lord stood by her. She went on top of

ê 3SG

194

budu s’ ê pal’ an nome. Ta stone CONN 3SG give.birth a boy when a stone and gave birth to a boy. After giving birth,

pali give.birth

195

se,

se

DEM

CORR

196

nome se iiiiiiiii... fe boy DEM ONOM sound.GEN the boy cried ... weeehhh, the baby cried ... weeehhh. Ô ma ê, ô ma ê! Se a oh 1SG EXCL oh 1SG EXCL CONN NS Oh my goodness! They were doing everything to

swe crying.GEN skha PROG

fê do

non 1PL

moso young.woman

192

ê 3SG

PURP

ê 3SG

PURP

xi

CORR

pa

p’

NEG

se

PROG

m’na child

na

fêê.” Ta teen da djia pali, do when EPIST arrive day give.birth On the day of giving birth, only the nanny of the girl

ska

Ôxi when

fêê, do

têndê? Se ama faa: “Non skee khwa ame hear CONN nanny say 1PL FUT find way doesn’t hear the baby?” Her nanny said to her: We will find a way.

DEM

ê 3SG

FUT

m’na? child

se

ba go

m’na child kha thing

l’ba top nome boy iiiiiiiii. ONOM

tu all

pa PURP

248 � Texts

197

m’na khabôkhô. Se m’na na skha khabôkhô f. child be.quiet CONN child NEG PROG be.quiet NEG keep the baby quiet but the baby wasn’t being quiet. Her father

198 dê

bosu se: “Kii...!? Nam’n down CONN EXCL DIM.child was down there: “What!? Is it a child I am hearing POSS.3SG

199

e

wa?

PCL

PCL

sa

se

COP

FOC

fe mina. S’ sound.GEN child CONN the crying of a baby.” They ran PROG

202

a

ten

NS

EPIST

khôlê run

skha

ku m’na monggomongg’ ôman. “Moo with child IDEO arm girl with a baby in her arms. “My girl! Who made you

sai!

204

ka

k with

a

CORR

NS

pañi? pregnancy

208

209

da give

Khama where

ten sa fe start

wa.

ôman hand

“Bo se m ma bi mundu pa 2SG FOC 1SG take come world PURP instantaneously. “I brought you to the world to bring

tên throw

fa.

S’

PCL

CONN

khô thing

ôdje djia se bo m’nsaa today day FOC 2SG show happiness. Today you’ve shown me this. You

m 1SG

namen na gaav f. Se bo bê, wô63 woman NEG be.nice NEG CONN 2SG see thing women aren’t nice. You see, what happened is a big shame deen m’ntu fa”, s’ ê sam give.1SG very PCL CONN 3SG call to me and ...” He called his soldiers: “Take

sodadji soldier

xi. DEM

se DEM

dêl: POSS.3SG

bo62 2SG

tokhô find

pali kê kuza?” Se pê dê give.birth what thing.PCL CONN father POSS.3SG did you give birth? To what?” And her father started crying PCL

m’na child

ba go

nggê person

NARR

207

“Ees, yes

basu down

s’

Kê what

DEM.PCL

pañi? Fo kê dja bo t’ pregnancy from what day 2SG COP.PST pregnant? Since when were you pregnant? Where

206

têndê hear

PROG

fo come.from

liba. Ta a ba da veen tôl, up when NS go arrive height.GEN tower up. When they arrived at the top of the tower, they found her

203

205

pê father

CONN

M’na na skha swa fa?” S’ ê faa l: child NEG PROG cry NEG CONN 3SG say 3SG right now? Isn’t this a baby crying?” She [the queen] said to him: “Yes,

200 ska...

201

m 1SG

Se

bo 2SG bo 2SG

swaa crying

b’ go

ôsê sky

Nam’sê 2PL

fê do

fê shame

“Nam’sê 2PL

m’mo sai. Fo ôdje, mentan tê m’na f. girl DEM.PCL since today 1SG.NEG.REP have child NEG this woman away. From now on, I don’t have a daughter any more. This girl

ma take Mo girl

se DEM

�� 62 The use of 2sg instead of 3sg in this part of the narrative conveys the idea of something surprising, i.e. the fact that the king found out that his daughter had a child. 63 As in other contexts, the speaker does not produce the initial fricative (khwô).

Memol’, m’na d’Êlê � 249

210

ku m’na dê, nam’sê me b’ untu me-me and child POSS.3SG 2PL take.3SG go in RED~woods and her baby, take them [her] and bring them [her] to the deep forest,

211

unt’ ôgô me-matu, pa nam’sê in jungle RED~woods PURP 2PL to the jungle and kill her and her son.

212

dêl.

Se

nan

POSS.3SG

CONN

PL

213

214

215

Nam’sê têndê?” “Ees.” 2PL understand yes Understood?” “Yes.” The two soldiers ma moo take girl took the girl and went to the

mate kill.3SG

fo completely

ten

sai

se

a

ten

DEM.PCL

EPIST

DEM.PCL

CONN

NS

EPIST

bay, go

kha

me-matu. Se a ska RED~woods CONN NS PROG woods. They kept on going bay, se go CONN and going and left the kingdom

bay, go

kha PROG

se

a

ska

a

ska...

se

a

CONN

NS

PROG

NS

PROG

CONN

NS

217

ta ineyn da khama me-me when 3PL arrive place RED~woods when they arrived in the deep forest to kill

ngaai big

mo sai, se nggi xki girl DEM.PCL CORR person DEM the princess, the two soldiers looked at

ixki

tela country bay. go

sai... DEM.PCL

Waya, look

pa PURP

se CONN

fêê do

non? 1PL

220

Fondia non sʼ untu khay Alê kha taba e, non na since 1PL COP in house king PROG work PCL 1PL NEG The whole time we have been working at the palace of the King, we didn’t know

sê know

221

fa

nggi ixki paa nggi ixki. “Khamada, person DEM look person DEM friend each other. “My friend, what did the girl do to us?

Pa Xi’ Alê suk’ wan pono Mr Sir king have a single that His Majesty had a daughter. Did you

223

224

sêbê?” “Na.” “A... a kha non skê fêê?” know no umm... and what 1PL FUT do know?” “No.” “And what are we going to do? Well, we can’t fo... de ku kha mata can give.3SG with thing kill kill her the way her father told us to do.

fom’ way

f.

S’

sa

NEG

CONN

PRF

fê do

ê… n’ ten 3SG NEG EPIST She has never done us any harm.

mo girl

m’na-namen daughter

COMP

222

kha what

e DEM

non 1PL

pê father zwan no

nggi person

mataaa kill

DEM

DEM

paa look

bay, go

PROG

ixki,

219

fêxyaal soldier

PL

kha

ta throw

pê lôôôndji. A lanta untul me-me ngee kha put far NS enter in RED~woods big PROG far behind. They entered the deep forest and kept going. Look,

nen

untu in

bay, go

PROG

m’na child

dôsu two

b’ go

216

218

ku and

fêxyaal soldier

sai

ngaay big

se DEM

f.

Bo 2SG

NEG

“Bo 2SG

PST

non 1PL

na

dê

skha

POSS.3SG

PROG

faa tell

mal harm

bê, see

bi

e PCL

NEG

za already

250 � Texts

225

f.

Non khe lanta untu 1PL MOD enter in Let’s enter the woods to fetch NEG

me-matu, RED~woods

po

kho64 fetch

non 1PL

PURP

226

ngaai... po non mata l’ma sai, po big PURP 1PL kill animal DEM.PCL PURP a large animal and let’s kill this animal, so we can take

227

dêli,

komo ê pindji pa txya kusan since 3SG ask COMP take.out heart its heart out, since he asked to take her heart out and bring it

pa

POSS.3SG

COMP

da l; po non txya kusan dêli, give 3SG PURP 1PL take.out heart POSS.3SG to him; in order to take her heart out and to take

non 1PL

228

non 1PL

wan a

txya take.out

po PURP

l’ma animal kusan heart

ma take tan

ba go txya, take.out

REP

229

an po non tan khwa an l’ma po non tan other.one PURP 1PL REP fetch a animal PURP 1PL EPIST the other one [of the baby] out, let’s fetch another animal so we can take

230

an m’ne kusan, po non ma ba de, fa kuse mina a DIM.GEN heart PURP 1PL take go give.3SG say heart. GEN child its small heart out too, and bring it to him saying: these are the hearts of his daughter

231

dê

lea.

POSS.3SG

PRST

232

233

234

235

236

237

ku... netu dê and grandson POSS.3SG and grandson. Is that ok?” They

Bo 2SG

têndê understand

ten

be s’ ineyn faa: “Ô mina-mie go CONN 3PL say oh daughter left and said: “Oh princess, let’s go. Take

d

EPIST

GEN

khe bo, bo be ku m’ne thing.GEN POSS.2SG 2SG go with child.GEN your belongings and leave with your child. We don’t

bo.

Êlê, rei

�� 64 Allomorph of khwa ‘to fetch’. 65 The final negation marker f is absent in this sentence. 66 The final negation marker f is absent in this sentence.

bai go

CONN

po COMP

pia observe

bê dêkê bo na fê non zwan mal. 66 Kha see COMP 2SG NEG do 1PL no bad thing concluded that you haven’t done us any harm. Why should we mata bo? Ma khe bo pa bo kill 2SG take thing.GEN POSS.2SG PURP 2SG kill you? Take your belongings and leave with your child.

S’

PCL

Non 1PL

mali xi bo fê non.65 Pe bo fa bad DEM 2SG do 1PL father POSS.2SG tell know what harm you have done to us. Your father told us to non 1PL

e?”

bam, go.IMPF.1PL

POSS.2SG

bo ku kha mata ôdje. Mandji se 2SG with thing kill today but CONN kill you today. But we have thought about this and

txya take.out

fê do

ku with

na NEG

ineyn 3PL ma take

sêê know

non 1PL se CONN

non 1PL m’ne child.GEN

da give non 1PL skee FUT

Memol’, m’na d’Êlê � 251

238

bo.

Adôgê nam’sê se ske da nam’sê… khama-ngai luck POSS.2PL FOC FUT give 2PL destiny Your luck is that you will decide about your destiny from now on.

ôsexi. now

POSS.2SG

239

Bay.” Se moo se ku m’na dê teen go CONN girl DEM and child POSS.3SG EPIST Go.” The princess and her child went into the deep forest and

240

ngai kha bay. S’ ineyn ten khwa... big PROG go CONN 3PL EPIST fetch started walking. And they fetched ... those two soldiers

fêxyaal soldier

dôsu two

ten

mata kill

l’ma animal

241

khwa l’ma se, s’ ineyn ten fetch animal DEM CONN 3PL EPIST fetched this animal and killed those two animals. EPIST

242

243

244

245

246

ma take

a

ten

i

NS

EPIST

ma kusan. “Pa Xi’ Alê a, khô take heart Mr Sir king PCL thing They took the hearts. “Your Majesty, what you told us to do,

DEM

sai,

se

lelea.”

Se

a

DEM.PCL

CONN

PRST

CONN

NS

da Pa Xi’ give Mr Sir here it is.” They gave the King [the two hearts]. Then the

Alê. king

nen

se

PL

DEM

dôsu two

bo 2SG

Se

nen PL

faa tell Pa Mr

CONN

non 1PL

Xi’ Sir

Alê ma... an... khe kristal; wan nakha king take a thing.GEN crystal, a DIM.thing King took something made of crystal, something like that. And

khô thing

xi.

S’

DEM

CONN

ê pê kusan nen se ala, s’ ê gada. 3SG put heart PL DEM there CONN 3SG store he put the hearts in there and stored it. He was convinced

Êli 3SG

ska

faa

kusan m’na dêl. Se s’ khô i heart child POSS.3SG CONN COP thing DEM that it was his daughter’s heart. Only for that reason, he kept it

moso only

ê 3SG

pê khai pa... s’ khôl. Se… namoo se put house PURP COP with.3SG CONN DIM.girl DEM in his house, to … have it with him. The girl was wandering

ten

nda walk

COMP

247

me-me RED~woods

248

me-me ku m’na dêl. Tempu ku tempu; RED~woods with child POSS.3SG time and time in the forest with her child. Time went by; the years went by;

249

awa kha da, fa rain HAB fall intense.shining it rained, it was hot. The days were

so sun

250

bay, dja ska bai, ilai, go day PROG go.PCL so going by. So, as she had left with

komo as

251

kham’nza, kham’nza se poto-poto pê l shirt shirt DEM RED~wear.out put 3SG only one shirt, the shirt had already worn out on her body

252

dja lônggô. Se komo khabe dê day long CONN because hair POSS.3SG a long time ago. And because she had beautiful long hair,

se

kha

DEM

HAB

ê 3SG

sê leave

PROG

EPIST

anu year

ôgê body fê do

an one

gaade store.3 SG

ku and

faa. shine.intensely kh’ with

kêlê believe

anu; year

Dja day

ska PROG

pono single

bela, already nakhabe DIM.hair

dêkê... since lônggô, long

252 � Texts

253

se

sa

DEM

COP

khô xi ê kha ma p’ thing DEM 3SG HAB take put she used it to cover herself with it; she looked after

ôgê body

254

m’na dêli, khô i sa khôlô se child POSS.3SG thing DEM COP with.3SG FOC her child, and with the little that she had she made a pair

255

nakhe67 khaasan da m’na dêli. S’ DIM.some trousers BEN child POSS.3SG CONN of simple trousers for her child. They were experiencing

256

257

258

259

260

ma mavida, kha ma mavida, take difficulty HAB take difficulty a life of many, many difficulties... . You know

kha

ê 3SG

fê make

ineyn 3PL

s’

mavida... . difficulty s’

GNR

COP

sa

s’

COP

CORR

ope mayn. T’ ê kha skha ngee... close.to mother when 3SG GNR PROG be.big close to their mother. When they grow up ... One day,

Ta when

kha HAB

fa68

Bo 2SG

imafan like ê 3SG

lazan care

kha thing e here

COP

kha

nam’na f. Ta kha sa nam’na, DIM.child NEG when GNR COP DIM.child children any more. When they are children, they are

fê take

POSS.3SG

ma take

HAB

ta pôkhôdô kha skha ngee n’tan when person GNR PROG be.big NEG.REP that when people grow up they are not like

dêl;

COMP

ta when

kh’

s’

GNR

COP

da arrive

ba me-me, s’ ê s’ ôxi kha bi go RED~woods CORR 3SG COP when HAB come would go into the woods, he’d came back with a guava

262

s’

kh’ with

an a

GNR

djia, day

ê khomesa kha lêê fala… kha sakha lêê… . Ta ê 3SG start PROG follow voice HAB PROG follow when 3SG he [the boy] started to follow a voice … and kept following it ... . Whenever he

261

kha

s’ CORR

kha HAB

gwôva, guava

ineyn kha kumu. S’ ê kha bi ku an ixki s’ 3PL HAB eat CONN 3SG HAB come with a DEM CONN and they [he and his mother] would eat it. And he’d come back with something else and CONN

263

ineyn kha kumu. Ta da 3PL HAB eat when arrive they’d eat it. One day, he was in the

djia day

k’ REL

ê 3SG

264

me-me nggee kha be, s’ ê têndê RED~woods big PROG go CONN 3SG hear deep forest again walking around and heard singing.

265

“Fe khanta? Ô ma ê!, fe sound.GEN song oh 1SG PCL sound.GEN “A song? Oh my goodness, what a beautiful song.”

266

Se,

s’

CONN

CONN

ê… be tak’ ê ba 3SG go when 3SG go So he went [there] and when he arrived he met

da, arrive

tan

s’

REP

COP

untu in

fe sound.GEN khanta song

s’ CORR

ê 3SG

khanta. song

gôdô beautiful

sai.” DEM.PCL

da give

khonta encounter

�� 67 The storyteller said khe but presumably meant to say ke ‘little bit’. 68 The main verb sêê ‘to know’, which selects complementiser fa is missing in this sentence.

Memol’, m’na d’Êlê � 253

267

ku pôkhôdôl. Wan main… ku m’na with person a mother and child a person. A mother and her child. “What!?” “Hello.”

dêl.

“Kii!”

POSS.3SG

EXCL

268

“Manten.” “Nam’sê... kha têndê fe hello 2PL PRS understand sound.GEN “Hello.” “Do you … understand my language?” “Yes,

269

non kha têndê fe tele bo.” “Fadambô?” 1PL PRS understand sound.GEN country POSS.2SG Fadambô? we understand the language of your country.” “Fa d’Ambô?” “Yes.

270

Fadambô.” “Ô ma ê! “Ô m’ ê! A ligili e, ô m’ Fadambô? oh 1SG EXCL oh 1SG EXCL EXCL joy EXCL oh 1SG Fa d’Ambô.” “Oh my goodness! Oh my goodness! What a joy, what a joy! Oh my goodness!

271

ê,

a

PCL

EXCL

272

273

275

276

277

278

mu?” POSS.1SG

ligili e.” “Ô mina.” “Ee.” “Ê69 nggê sa joy EXCL hey boy yes what person COP What a joy, what a joy!” “Hey boy.” “Yes.” “Who are you?” He replied: “M sa tili m’na xi, se, men 1SG COP DEM boy like.this CONN 1SG.NEG “I am the kind of child that doesn’t have friends se…

m bi khwo m’ne bo 1SG come fetch child.GEN POSS.2SG and I came to get your child so he and I would be

tê have

peen PURP.1SG

CONN

274

tela country

“Manten”. hello

khamaada.” “Sa gaavu.”70 Se main ten friend COP good CONN mother EPIST friends.” “That’s fine.” Then the mother said: “You can be khamaade m’na mu.” Se… “Bi tusan friend.GEN child POSS.1SG CONN come sit.down my son’s friend.” And she said: “Let’s sit down and eat.” a

ten

NS

EPIST

de kum. S’ give-3SG food CONN They gave him food. He ate and ate

ê 3SG

kum, food

ê kum, s’ ê ma... utu kum 3SG food CONN 3SG take other food and ate, and he took another piece of food and ôman s’ ê khôndê pê. hand CONN 3SG hide put hid it in his hand. “What!? Boy, why

“Kii!? EXCL

Ô oh

khamada friend

faa: say

non 1PL

PURP

xi

s’

DEM

CONN

nam’n DIM.child

ê 3SG

fa, NEG

fo can

sa

kum.” eat

Se

COP

CONN

s’ CONN

b’ go

sai,

kha thing

DEM.PCL

279

bo skha kum ku bo ma kum b’ ôman ku 2SG PROG eat COORD 2SG take food go hand COORD are you eating and why are you taking a piece of food and hiding it in

280

pê?” “No, khasa mu da men mu.” Se: “Ta put no head POSS.1SG give mother POSS.1SG CONN OBL your hand?” “No, I reminded myself of my mother.” And he said: “I have to

�� 69 The initial stop of kê is not realised. 70 This is said by the mother.

CONN

COP

kum, food

ê 3SG

Se:

sa

“Bo 2SG

pa

CONN

“Ee. yes

bo?” 2SG

khô and.3SG

s’

“Ee, yes

bo 2SG

fê do

khôndê hide peen COMP.1SG

254 � Texts

281

282

283

284

285

286

ma kum peen ten take food PURP.1SG EPIST bring food to my mother. I can’t

ba go

da give

men mother

kumu m moso.”71 “Kêêê! Men bo? eat 1SG alone EXCL mother POSS.2SG eat alone.” “What! Your mother? Fine.” Then he

288

289

290

291

292

293

294

Men 1SG.NEG

POSS.1SG

ê 3SG

ten

swa kum dê p’ ôman s’ ê ba khay. grab food POSS.3SG put hand CONN 3SG go home closed the food in his hand and went home. “Oh my goodness,

“Ô oh

ma 1SG

ê,

mama ê, kha pa khô xi mom VOC MOD look thing DEM Mother, look what I’ve brought for you.”

m 1SG

Se

Sʼ

CONN

CONN

men dê ten kumu. mother POSS.3SG EPIST eat His mother ate and then happily drank water. Ên72

da maasu. Ama, s’ give calm tomorrow CONN And she relaxed. The next day, he went back

Bamu.” fine

ma take

bi come

da

ê 3SG

bêb’ drink

awa water

ê 3SG

tan

be go

REP

fê khô xi men. Ta da an vê, do thing DEM same when give a time to do the very same thing. At some point, his mother

be dja tu ku... m kha s’ go day all REL 1SG HAB COP going every day? I am here and you take

e here

ku

khe bo k’ bo kha thing.GEN POSS.2SG COORD 2SG HAB your things and go ... where to?” And he

be... go

kê what

kusan heart

REL

f. NEG

Khama where

se

PROG

bay.” Ta ê tan be, se memen go when 3SG REP go CORR lady am going.” When he came back, the lady said to him:

DEM

“Nam’n sai, sa dja têêx ku DIM.child DEM.PCL COP day three REL “Boy, this is the third day that you come here. I

bo 2SG

ske PROG

nggo bê men bo. Mu nggo sêê men want see mother POSS.2SG 1SG want know mother want to see your mother. I want to know your mother. Could you

POSS.3SG

skha PROG

ê 3SG

CONN

khama place

faa say

e come

REP

dê

S’

sêê know

kha

tan

ma take

HAB

Mu 1SG

PCL

bo 2SG

kha

khamia?” place

a.”

gaavu. happily

men mother

bo 2SG

EXCL

ê 3SG

CONN

CORR

EPIST

bo 2SG

BEN

s’

se

faa l: “Ô m’na mu, kha skha fêê? tell 3SG Oh child POSS.1SG thing PROG happen told him: “Oh my boy, what is going on? Where are you

faa l: “No, na, na khabaa say 3SG no NEG NEG finish said to her: “Don’t worry. I know where I

S’

fo can

CONN

CONN.3SG

287

mu.

l: 3SG

ya. here

Mu 1SG

POSS.2SG

Bo 2SG

bo.

mu 1SG

�� 71 The final negation marker f is not perceptible but is expected to occur in this context. 72 The expected form is s’ê but the fricative is dropped and the item is nasalised.

kha MOD

Memol’, m’na d’Êlê � 255

295

296

297

298

299

fo toma ma men bo bi can do.favour take mother POSS.2SG come do me the favour of bringing me your mother?” “Yes, mama. M skee me bi.” S’ madam 1SG FUT take.3SG come CONN Madam. I will bring her along.” And he went

da

ê 3SG

ten

a,

POSS.3SG

PCL

ê faa ê nggo khônsê 3SG tell 3SG want know I’m going told me she wants to meet you. And she m’ bo ba da l. Non take 2SG go BEN 3SG 1PL wants me to take you to her. Can we go?” And:

n 1SG

bo, 2SG

peen

kha

COMP.1SG

MOD

fo can

302

303

skha

kha

PROG

ta non moso. Pôkhôdô n’ ten stay 1PL alone person NEG EPIST staying on our own here. It’s not nice for people

GNR

bai? go.PCL

304

305

307

308

gaavu be.nice

p’

ê 3SG

bla turn

m’na child

ineyn 3PL

ba go

ten

dê

ineyn 3PL

bay. go

S’

“Memen sai, memen sa, madam DEM.PCL madam DEM and said: “Hello, Madam.” “Hello. Hey, girl. CONN

306

non 1PL

ê 3SG

Se...:

manten.” hello

Kha fê ban tê khaminza thing do 2SG.NEG have shirt Don’t you have a shirt?” “No, I don’t have

fa?”

DEM.PCL

NEG

ma tapa ôgê dêli. Se, memen take cover body POSS.3SG CONN lady herself. The lady went and they went to the

�� 73 The final negation marker f is absent in this sentence.

COMP

EPIST

CONN

dê

kha

POSS.3SG

PROG

“Manten. hello

sai.

khaminza f.” Vale khabe sai shirt NEG a.lot.of.GEN hair DEM.PCL a shirt.” It is with that lot of hair ... she covered

CONN.3SG

Ye here

CONN

da khame i memen sai ku m’na arrive place DEM lady DEM.PCL and child to the place where this lady and her child were living

Sêê:

CONN

Se

bay, s’ ineyn bay, s’ go CONN 3PL go CONN guided by her child. They kept going. They went

Kii EXCL

“Nan, no

se

sa

FOC

COP

khay house nggo want

se... .

ta ê moso. 73 “Non, non bay.” live 3SG alone 1PL 1PL go to be alone.” “Let’s go.” And she went away, POSS.3SG

a go

ê 3SG

CONN

i 3SG

CONN

PROG

s’

Xen, yes

s’

ga

300 “Xen. Men ten skha fêê zwan kha f, yes 1SG.NEG EPIST PROG do no thing NEG “Yes. I’m not doing anything around here anyway, and ... . We’re 301

“Ee. yes

bai, go.PCL

EPIST

fa men dê: “Kha pa, memen xi say mother POSS.3SG MOD look lady DEM and said to his mother: “Look, the lady to whose place dêl

mun?” 1SG

BEN

se

ten

DEM

EPIST

ta. live moo girl

men 1SG.NEG

khô thing be go

i DEM

tê have ê 3SG

s’

a

CONN

NS

ba go

256 � Texts

309

khay. S’ ê laba l. S’ ê bixi house CONN 3SG wash 3SG CONN 3SG dress house. She washed her and dressed her up. “Now, tell me

310

soye bo.” “Memen se story.GEN POSS.2SG lady DEM your story.” “Dear lady, here it goes.

311

312

313

men mother

ê. 3SG

“Bam’, well

mi

a,

POSS.1SG

VOC

m sa m’na-mie khadji d Êlê. M se 1SG COP girl house GEN king 1SG FOC I am a girl from the King’s palace. It is I who must occupy khame d Êlê. Se Alê faa m, palace.GEN GEN king CONN king tell 1SG the throne. The King told me that I was very pretty, men fo tê ome fa. S’ ê 1SG.NEG can have man NEG CONN 3SG that I couldn’t have a man. So he took me to a high

pen

OBL

COMP.1SG

kh’

men take.1SG

EPIST

tôl. S’ ê ten pê… pen se tê tower CONN 3SG EPIST put PURP.1SG FOC throw tower and left me there so that I would bring happiness.

315

Ta da djia, se venta an namasebu. when arrive day CORR approach a DIM.young.man One day, a young man passed by and it all happened. Se

m pali nam’n sai. 1SG give.birth DIM.child DEM.PCL I gave birth to a boy. If at home I wasn’t CONN

Dantu in

fê zwan kha, 74 ôdje dje se m bi mete do no thing today day FOC 1SG come middle doing anything anyway, now I am suffering in the middle of

318

môlê.” S’ ê faa l: “Bo bê, axi die CONN 3SG say 3SG 2SG see since nowhere.” Then she said to her: “You see, since in the

319

bo

kha

POSS.2SG

HAB

ku men bo ban and mother POSS.2SG 2SG.NEG house of your parents you weren’t doing anything,

untu in fê do

Se,

ôsê. sky kha thing

CONN

d of

ôla street

khadji house

pe father

zwan no

kha thing

ôdje bo sa m’na mu, se yay ban ten skê today 2SG COP child POSS.1SG CONN here 2SG.NEG EPIST FUT today you are my daughter and here you are not going to do anything either.

321

zwan kha f. Nggonggo no thing NEG pleasure The pleasure to be with you

322

ixi

DEM

m 1SG

m ske da bo xiii, 1SG FUT give 2SG like.this.PCL is what I will give you, until one has to let go DEM

su COP

pe until

ku with en a

bo 2SG nggê person

fêê. do

men 1SG.NEG

320

xi

muntu, very vêên height.GEN

b’ go

me, even

317

ma take

ba go

ôman hand

khadji house

alôs, alôsô

fômôzô be.pretty

HAB

314

316

agwêt, agwêtê

ta

m 1SG ten

den tell.1SG

kha HAB

bi come

f, NEG

fê do

ya,

se

sa

PCL

DEM

COP

sê leave

fo come.from

�� 74 The final negation marker f is absent in this sentence, but its occurrence is expected.

Memol’, m’na d’Êlê � 257

323

en nggê ôman. Bo sa m’na mu. a person arm 2SG COP child POSS.1SG of the other. You are my daughter. From today until

324

khabamentu dja tudu, bo khôm se end day all 2SG with.1SG FOC the end of days, you and I will live here.” And she

325

326

327

328

329

330

332

333

334

335

336

ôdje today

ske

sa

FUT

COP

ya.” here

gwa kha ta ku memen sai ku m’na stay PROG live with lady DEM.PCL and child stayed to live with this lady, her child, and her husband. dêl.

Se

a

ska

a

ska

POSS.3SG

CONN

NS

PROG

ta, se live CONN And they continued to live together … .

NS

PROG

ta... . Ilai, axi nan m’na dôs nen live so since PL child two PL So, since the two boys were living together,

tu all

vin-palma. S’ i kha manda nan palm.wine CONN 3SG HAB send PL palm wine. And he would send the two boys. He kha

be nôtxi s’ ê kha go night CONN 3SG HAB would leave at night, climb palm trees,

txinka climb.up

pê... ôkhô75 lʼba, s’ ê kha put calabash up CONN 3SG HAB put the calabash up, and climb down. At

kha

pamasedu, se nan m’na kha khôlê bay morning CORR PL child HAB run go daybreak, the boys would go running and would bring vin ya, se a kha bi, se a wine PCL CONN NS HAB come CONN NS the palm wine home, and then they would eat and

ska PROG

zuntadu join.PCTP

HAB

se

a

ska

a.

DEM

CONN

NS

PROG

fê khô do thing Over and over again. One day, they

DEM

tan

ba palma, ta a tan go palm.tree CORR NS REP went to the palm trees again and heard: REP

ba go

Ta when

da give

palma, palm.tree

HAB

bela, already

txya extract

nen

ai.

PL

DEM.PCL

ê 3SG

kha

kum, eat

Ê 3SG

kho HAB

da... arrive

HAB

ineyn 3PL

bêbê vin. Se a skha fê khô a. Se drink wine CONN NS PROG do thing DEM CONN drink palm wine. And they were doing that over and over again. a,

kha

CONN

CONN

ome man

NS

Ta when

kha

ku and a

s’

s’

EPIST

CONN

dôsu two

palma palm.tree

ten

se

ta live

HAB

lolo. go.down

I 3SG

POSS.3SG

ta, live

m’na child

ba go

deli,

ineyn sa namen bela. Entonsesi, se pai 3PL COP brother already so.PCL CONN husband.PCL they had already become brothers. So her husband used to extract

HAB

331

Fo since

kha

ma take

HAB

se

a

kha

CONN

NS

HAB

a

ska

NS

PROG

wan a

dja, day

se…

a

CONN

NS

fê do

khô thing

s’

a

CORR

NS

têndê: hear

�� 75 Here the storyteller utters a lapsus linguae saying bôkhô ‘mouth’ in the original story.

258 � Texts

337

338

339

“Uuuuu!

Uuuuu!”

ONOM

ONOM

Navin la nkhôla. Se zwen ship PRF anchor CONN no “Uuuhuu! Uuuhuu!” A ship had anchored. Nobody knew

khô xi fêê m’ne... m’ne soya thing DEM happen child.GEN child.GEN story what had happened to the boy of our history, whose

ng person

na

sê know

NEG

non

f,

a

kh’

POSS.1PL

NEG

NS

PRS

s’me Memoli. Se Memol khôlê fo vaan call.3SG PN CONN PN run come.from height name is Memoli. And Memoli ran from the high ground where

ba go

khu and

340 khô xi vin xi k’ ê bi ma, s’ ê… thing DEM wine DEM REL 3SG come take CONN 3SG he was extracting the palm wine that he had been extracting and started 341

342

343

344

345

346

khôlê, khôlê, khôlê. S’ ê khôlê ba run run run CONN 3SG run go to run fast. He ran to Palea. And when he arrived at Pala,

s’

TN

CORR

348

349

350

TN

Ta when

ê khôlê xiii s’ ê… ba lale. 3SG run INTENS CONN 3SG go beach Palea, he ran until he arrived at the beach. He didn’t wait for namen dê fu, ni khamada brother POSS.3SG NEG nor friend his brother, nor his close friend.76 When he

nixidu born. PCTP

lanxa, s’ ê lanta untul lanxa rowboat CONN 3SG enter in rowboat rowboat arrived and he went aboard. The rowboat ten

me ba navin, se take.3SG go ship CONN took him to the ship and the ship left.

navin ship

ê 3SG

ba go gada wait

dê

fu.

S’

POSS.3SG

NEG

CONN

ê 3SG

bi come

wan a

Se CONN

sai.

Se

DEM.PCL

CONN

sêê. leave

lanxa rowboat

Taku when

bi ku bi da, se tokha khô come COORD come arrive CORR find thing When his friend arrived [at the beach] and saw what had happened,

xi

POSS.3SG

DEM

ten sa fe kha swa kha a khay. “Ô ma start PROG cry PROG go casa oh 1SG he started to cry and went home. “Oh my goodness, what shall I

se

ê,

CONN

EXCL

skhe

ê,

FUT

EXCL

fa men mu? Ô ma ê, kê lazan say mother POSS.1SG oh 1SG EXCL what story say to my mother? Oh my goodness, what shall I say? Oh my

kha thing m 1SG

se DEM

nakhamada DIM.friend

dê

fa men nam’n sai? Ô ma say mother DIM.child DEM.PCL oh 1SG say to the boy’s mother? Oh my goodness, what shall I

ten sa fe start

Natan NEG.REP

ba lala, s’ ê pê bôkôy san. go beach CONN 3SG put palm.wine.container ground arrived at the beach, he put down the palm wine container. A

EPIST

347

Palea.

ma take

skee FUT

fêê, happen kha thing m 1SG

m 1SG skhe FUT

da? tell

Ô oh

�� 76 This appears to be a mistake in the narrative, since ‘brother’ and ‘close friend’ in this sentence are actually referring to the same person.

Memol’, m’na d’Êlê � 259

351

352

353

354

355

ma ê, kha m skêê fêê?” Sʼ 1SG EXCL thing 1SG FUT do CONN goodness, what shall I do?” So he went, he went khay, s’ ê ten da lazan house CONN 3SG EPIST tell story home and told what had happened. And men dê swa, mother POSS.3SG cry his mother cried for a

se CONN

swa, se men cry CONN mother long, long time. One day,

men mother

dê

dê

POSS.3SG

POSS.3SG

ê 3SG

khô thing

bai, go.PCL

DEM

swa, cry

POSS.3SG

sula, cry

ba go

fêê. happen

se

da give swa.78 cry

Se CONN

men mother

CONN

ta when

ê bê dêkê na ta p’ ê tan 3SG understand COMP NEG OBL COMP 3SG REP she understood she shouldn’t cry any more. She should

ê 3SG

CONN

kha77 thing

xi

dê

s’

dja, day

se

Ta

p’

OBL

COMP

CORR

356

ê pê xi. Waya, se non ke lega men dêli, 3SG put this.way look CONN 1PL FUT leave mother POSS.3SG leave things as they were. Look, we will leave aside [the story of] his mother,

357

abwela dê sai ku nan grandmother POSS.3SG DEM.PCL and PL his grandmother and everybody from his home

358

pê, po non ba soye completely PURP 1PL go story. GEN to tell Memoli’s story. Memoli went …

359

360

361

nggê person

khey house

s’

TN

CONN

Se

Memol

ten

PN

CONN

PN

EPIST

Memol PN

ê ten bê an... kha patadu. 3SG EPIST find a thing different in Lisbon and found something different. “Oh my goodness!”

“Ô oh

da arrive

ma 1SG

ê!”

Se

khame i a me ba xivi sa khay d place DEM NS take.3SG go work COP house GEN The place where he was put to work was the King’s palace. And he was

363

364

xivi khay d Êlê gaavu, khu work house GEN king well HAB carrying out his duties in the King’s palace,

khôôzê fulfill

kha thing

pê put

ku kuusan betu. Waya, se dantu khay d with heart open look CONN in house GEN gladly fulfilling his duties. Look, at the King’s palace there was an namoso sa mumu, na kha faa a DIM.girl COP dumb NEG PRS speak a girl who was dumb, she couldn’t speak. The girl

faa word

ba... go

ba go

CONN

362

tu all

Memol.

da an tela a kha saan Lizbôa. Se arrive a country NS HAB call TN CONN arrived at a place they call Lisbon. And Memoli arrived Lizbôa,

dineyn POSS.3PL

EXCL

Êlê. king

Skha

fê do

taba work

kha HAB

Êlê king

f.

Se

NEG

CONN

PROG

bi

sakh’

PST

EXIST

namoo DIM.girl

�� 77 The repetition of thing (khô and kha) is a performance error. 78 The final negation marker f is expected to occur in this context, but is not perceptible.

260 � Texts

365

se

bê masee se s’ ê ten see boy DEM CONN 3SG EPIST saw the boy and fell in love with him. “This is DEM

366

367

masee xi. N’tan suk’ utu young.man DEM NEG.REP EXIST other my man. He is the only one. This is the man.

buya. fall.in.love

nggê person

xi.

Mentan nggo ku zwen nggê 1SG.NEG.REP want with no person I never want anybody else. Only this man.” DEM

368

369

“Se

sa

CONN

COP

f.

Se

sa

NEG

CONN

COP

maxi more

fu.

Ome man

NEG

Ô ma ê, se... Memol kha…, ê kha pêtêpê oh 1SG EXCL CONN PN HAB 3SG HAB persecute Oh my Goodness, when … Memoli…, she would follow him. kha...

“Ô ma ê!, moo sa ê, men nggo ku oh 1SG EXCL girl DEM PCL 1SG.NEG want with So he [went]: “Oh my goodness, this girl, I don’t want to get myself

371

372

ôgê mu fu. M bi ye body POSS.1SG NEG 1SG come here into trouble. I came here to find something

bi come

khwa... fetch

fêê. M sa lôndji tela m. Men do 1SG COP far country POSS.1SG 1SG.NEG to do. I’m far away from my country. I don’t want trouble.” Se

mo kh’ faa “zwen nggê f.” Se girl MOD say no person NEG CONN And the girl would say “nobody else”. And the girl was CONN

373

ska

fê, kha fê, kha fê, kha do PROG do PROG do PROG acting this way all the time. In the end she PROG

374

375

376

377

378

fê do

khô thing

xiii. INTENS

tê pañia. Ôxik’ ê tê pañi have pregnancy when 3SG have pregnancy became pregnant. When she became pregnant ...

ame way

nggo want

sai.” DEM.PCL

l, 3SG

s’

xi

ku with

kesa trouble

i

moo girl

se

se

ê 3SG

DEM

p’ COMP

ê 3SG

môô die

fa.” NEG

DEM

FOC

ba...79

sa

dêkê

PCL

PST

COP

COMP

ôxi now

khô thing nggê person

fêê m’ne... paanta-fa dê mal: “Kê nggê? Nggi do child.GEN spokesman POSS.3SG harm what person person did harm to the daughter of the King’s spokesman. “Who? The person who OBL

BEN

peen PURP.1SG

DEM

Alfinal in.the.end

fêê e, Alê ske ma paatxi, p’ ê saan happen PCL king FUT take notice COORD 3SG call happened, the King will find out about it and call the person who

ta

d’

ai...

êli, bi sa m’ne paanta-fe Alê. S’ 3SG PST COP child.GEN spokesman.GEN king CONN she was the daughter of the King’s spokesman. Now that this

fêê khô se e do thing DEM PCL did this must die. This is

ê 3SG

CONN

kesa trouble

HAB

370

masee young.man

fol. completely

�� 79 Here the storyteller should have used the past marker bi instead of ba.

Ê 3SG

se DEM

xi DEM

se DEM

na

suku

NEG

EXIST

Memol’, m’na d’Êlê � 261

379

fuuga f. Ê skêê môlê.” K’ play NEG 3SG FUT die COORD serious. He will die.” And he was doing

ê 3SG

ska

380 fêê, k’ ê ska fê, do COORD 3SG PROG do as follows … . They started to get

se… .

A

skha

CONN

NS

PROG

381

fê do

382

nome, se a skha young.man CONN NS PROG young men and continued

kha

fê do

khwa fetch

PROG

fêê, do

PROG

k’ COORD

kha

khwa fetch

PROG

ô, eye

khwa ô. Se a ba Memoli. “Bo.” fetch eye CONN NS go PN 2SG doing so. They got to Memoli. “You!” They took him

ê 3SG

kha

kha

Se

a

PROG

CONN

NS

PROG

nan PL

khwa fetch

PROG

ska

ô, eye

ma take

Memol PN

383

ba khay d Êlê: “Kha fê bo be80 bo tokho m’na nesentxi go house GEN king thing do 2SG come 2SG find child innocent to the King’s palace. “Why did you come here and get involved with somebody’s innocent

384

dji

nggê, ku ta bo bi person COORD OBL 2SG come girl and then have to make her pregnant?

bo 2SG

bi come

da give

Bo bê, pê dê fa pa 2SG see father POSS.3SG tell COMP You see, her father told us to kill you.” Look,

a

mata kill

bo 2SG

se

a

xi

a

kha

CONN

NS

DEM

NS

HAB

GEN

385

386

387

388

ba de khatigu go give.3SG punishment they gave him a punishment they give to

390

391

392

ôsexi? now

fol.” completely

Waya, look

da give

ngg’ person

ôd-ôdu. Khaatigu sai sa bidon. RED~ strong punishment DEM.PCL COP container very strong people. This punishment is a container that they

nan PL

nen

xi

Se

a

PL

DEM

CONN

NS

kha

pê se kha txinka put CONN GNR lift.up lift up. When this container GNR

389

NS

pañia pregnancy

ba go

liba. top

venta fo l’ba ku fooxi, approach come.from top with force falls down with force, it comes down and hits

Ta when

bidon container

se

kha

CORR

GNR

bo gotxi, se gotxi bo kha poota 2SG neck CONN neck POSS.2SG GNR cut your neck and your neck will be cut off and you die. Se...

a

CONN

NS

bi come

se CONN

bo 2SG

me kha bai, se gian take.3SG PROG go.PCL CORR necklace the necklace he wore around his neck started

khô with.3SG

sô COP

�� 80 The coordination conjunction ku is missing here (...bo be ku bo tokho)

GNR

se

kha

CONN

GNR

GNR

bay go

DEM

kha

DEM

kha

me bai. Tak’ a me take.3SG go.PCL when NS take.3SG They took him away. When they were taking him away, xi

se

k’ when gotxi neck

da hit

môlê. die a

ska

NS

PROG

khomes’ start

262 � Texts

393

394

395

396

kha

Se

PROG

dêdê, se gian khomesa kha dêdê. shine CONN necklace start PROG shine to shine. The necklace started to shine, and His Majesty

CONN

faa: “Ô ma ê! Têpê za, têpê za, say oh 1SG EXCL wait already wait already said: “Oh my goodness! Wait, wait, wait for a moment.”

têpê wait

Pa Mr

Xi’ Sir

za.” already

ê bi s’ ê fala giian. “Ô ma ê, ô 3SG come CONN 3SG touch necklace oh 1SG EXCL oh He came and touched the necklace. “Oh my goodness! Oh my goodness!” ê faa… . Fêêga, fêêga, fêêga... nan nggê... 3SG say rub rub rub PL people And he said … . We rubbed, rubbed … the people ... we cried … CONN

“Kha fêê, Pa Xi’ Alê?” “Memol, m’na d Êlê! Memol, thing do Sir Mr. king PN child GEN king PN “What’s going on, Your Majesty?” “Memoli, the King’s son! Memoli,

398

m’na d Êlê! Memol, m’na d Êlê!” “Pa Xi’ Alê, child GEN king PN child GEN king Sir Mr. king the King’s son! Memoli, the King’s son!” “What, Your Majesty, what did you

399

xi en?” “Memol m’na d Êlê. Memol m’na like.this PCL PN child GEN king PN child say?” “Memoli, the King’s son! Memoli, the King’s son!” “What,

401

402

403

ope-mata xi kh’ a skha a mata l scaffold DEM REL NS PROG go kill 3SG the scaffold where they were going to kill him and they

405

d

Êlê.” king

GEN

k’

a

PCL

COORD

NS

dê

taba work

dê: POSS.3SG

men m ska mata mu. M tan nggo ba sêê mother POSS.1SG PROG kill 1SG 1SG REP want go know to see my mother. I’m dying to see my mother again. I like to know how fêê ku men mu.” Ku do with mother POSS.1SG COORD she is doing.” And he and his father entered

pê father

fa say “Kii, EXCL

imafan as

POSS.3SG

xiôô tela se k’ ê bi ai, k’ ê lord.GEN country DEM REL 3SG come here.PCL REL 3SG a lord of the country where he had come to and where he worked with

PROG

EXCL

fo come.from

me ba khêdji Alê k’ a de khama take.3SG go house king COORD NS give.3SG place took him to the King’s palace and gave him his righteous place as

406 skha

ê!”

bo 2SG

ai,

404 pê dê tempu lông k’ ê fa pê father POSS.3SG time long COORD 3SG say father his father for a long time and he said to his father: “I’m dying

CONN

sula… cry

397

400 Pa Xi’ Alê?” Se s’ ôxi a ma Memol Sir Mr. king CONN COP when NS take PN Your Majesty?” At this point, they took Memoli away from

Sʼ

ma 1SG

Non81 1PL

Sʼ

Alê king

dê POSS.3SG

ku with “Fom hunger

kha thing

khô and.3SG

lanta enter

�� 81 The use of non ‘we’ instead of ineyn ‘they’ in this context is a narrative device to emphatically express the sympathy of the narrator with the emotions of the king and his people.

Memol’, m’na d’Êlê � 263

407

dantu navin an, k’ ineyn tan ba Êmbô. Tak’ in boat PCL COORD 3PL REP go TN when the boat, and they returned to Annobón. When they returned to

408 Êmbô,

s’

ê faa m’na dê: 3SG say child POSS.3SG Annobón, he said to his son: “I left your mother TN

CONN

“M 1SG

ta throw

ineyn 3PL

men mother

409 tempu lônggô muntu. Se lazan dê mentan time long very CONN story POSS.3SG 1SG.NEG.REP a very long time ago. And I don’t recall her story in order to 410

411

412

413

da fu. Ôsexi sa imafan... kha... bo se tell NEG now COP as.if thing 2SG FOC tell it to you. Now, it’s as if you brought us together again.

tan

sa

fa

COP

COMP

da give

HAB

bo

pê put

POSS.2SG

peen PURP.1SG

zunta bring.together

REP

kha

ba go

REP

sêbê know

Bo se ska a san pimêêlu, pokê ile a 2SG FOC PROG go land first because PRST NS You are going on land first, because they have already announced navin bela. Ôxi tela non a ship already when country POSS.1PL NS the ship. When in our country a ship is announced,

tan

da give

non. 1PL

uuuh ONOM

khô thing

sa

a,

DEM

PCL

bo 2SG

se

ska

FOC

PROG

navin la xiga san bela. Asikê, ship PRF arrive ground already therefore it means that the ship has already arrived. Therefore, it’s you who is

414

a san. Taadji, pen se lolo bi, ôy bo kha fa go land afternoon for.1SG FOC go.down come when 2SG FUT speak going on land. In the afternoon, it is me who will go, after you have already spoken

415

ku men bo bela.” Se with mother POSS.2SG already CONN to your mother.” Then Memoli went on land.

Memol

ten

PN

EPIST

ba go

san. ground

Se... CONN

416

ngo to, kutum d Êmbô wa, navin yega. Navin xiga, nggu person all usage GEN TN PCL ship arrive ship arrive person And all the people, a usage of Annobón, the ship has arrived. A ship has arrived,

417

tudu ska a lale, nggu tudu. Bo sê fa ôxi all PROG go beach person all 2SG know COMP when everybody is going to the beach, everybody. You know that when a ship

418

kha

bi, se bo kha bê an... kumu, an come CORR 2SG HAB see a food a arrives there is some … food and other things … . So everybody

khô... . thing

Se

bi

sa

PST

COP

lalea. beach

HAB

419

tu ten ba lalea. Se moo se ten all EPIST go beach CONN girl DEM also went to the beach. His mother was also on the beach. She

CONN

420

bixi petu-petu, dêkê ê kêsê… ê ska dwa dress RED~black although 3SG forget 3SG PROG mourn was dressed in black although she had forgotten ... she was mourning her

421

dê

xi.

POSS.3SG

DEM

T’ ê skê dêêt’ ôô, ku navin… when 3SG FUT lift.up eye COORD ship lost son. When she lifted up her eyes and saw the ship … the rowboat

navin ship nggu person Ê 3SG

m’na child lanxa rowboat

264 � Texts

422

423

424

venta, ku venta, ku venta… . Kii!? approach COORD approach COORD approach EXCL was getting closer and closer. “What!?” She rubbed her eyes.

S’

426

427

428

429

fômôzô handsome

se

ten

be go

ê 3SG

dêsê fo navin, bixidu-bixidu. Sê, go.down come.from ship RED~dress.PTCP CONN came out of the boat, all dressed up. She ran toward her son abrase.82 hug.3SG

S’

“Mama ya, soya se m’ ske da bo.” mommy VOC story FOC 1SG FUT tell 2SG “Mother, I will tell you a story.” She said: “My son,

S’

fala m’na dê s’ grab child POSS.3SG CONN and hugged him. He said to her:

mi

ya,

POSS.1SG

VOC

ê... 3SG

ba go

m suku tempu peen 1SG have time PURP.1SG I have time to listen [to you].” So he started de soye lazan pê tell.3SG story. GEN story father to tell her the amazing story of his father and

CONN

CONN

têndê.” listen

kha

dê

PROG

POSS.3SG

CONN

ê 3SG

faa say

ê 3SG

faa: say

S’ CONN

ku and

s’

ê 3SG

khô thing

ê faa l: “Bo bê, pe 3SG say 3SG 2SG see father Then he said to her: “You see, my father came to Annobón NEG

DEM

l: 3SG “M’na child

ten sa fe start xi DEM

S’

mu

CONN

POSS.1SG

khômu. Pe m’ bi bê bo.” with.1SG father POSS.1SG come see 2SG with me. My father has come to see you.” So, when he

Ilai, so

se... CONN

bi come ta when

432

faa l xi, se pay ten dêsê bi. Ta say 3SG so CORR father EPIST go.down come when told her this, his father disembarked. When his father disembarked,

pay father

433

bi, se na ten sa ke ligila come CORR NEG EPIST COP some happiness there was nothing but happiness.83 “Oh my goodness,

ma 1SG

434

ôô eye

fêê l ku bi ta pa mate k’ ê na môô happen 3SG COORD PST OBL COMP kill.3SG COORD 3SG NEG die what had happened to him and that they were going to kill him but he didn’t die.

430 f.

431

limp’ clean

gaav. “Kii, kê khô se sa?” Se, masê well EXCL what thing DEM COP CONN young.man “What!? What is going on?” Then this handsome young man EPIST

425

ê 3SG

CONN

f. NEG

men mi ê, dê xi bo teen pê, mother POSS.1SG EXCL day DEM 2SG put.1SG put oh my goodness, when you left me, my beloved husband,

“Ô oh

medu... husband

�� 82 This is a loan from Spanish. The Fa d’Ambô form should be baase (hug.3SG). 83 The literal meaning is: there was not just a little bit of happiness.

Êmbô TN

ê 3SG dêsê go.down ê, EXCL

ô oh

gêêze church.GEN

Memol’, m’na d’Êlê � 265

435

436

437

438

439

padji84 mi e, se bo father POSS.1SG VOC CONN 2SG you left me. You abandoned me and

ten

teen throw.1SG

EPIST

legen pê, se bo bay.” let.go.1SG put CONN 2SG go you went away.” “Oh my goodness,

“Ô oh

ma 1SG

e,

fondja m teen be, men since 1SG leave.1SG go 1SG.NEG my dear, since I left you, I haven’t forgotten you, you

ê,

ten

POSS.1SG

VOC

EPIST

ten

s’

sa

EPIST

COP

untu kusan m. Se in heart POSS.1SG CONN stayed in my heart. And it is this love that I

COP

nggonggo ku bo fo dêê xi… bi love with 2SG since day DEM come have for you ever since … until now. Oh my goodness,

nggonggo love tokh’ touch

nggonggo fa, na se love NEG NEG FOC this goes beyond love, this goes beyond happiness… .” NEG

442

443

se

ôdjai. now

Ô oh

ligila happiness

ta

sa

ta

COP

DEGR

COP

DEGR

fa… .”

dêli,

NEG

POSS.3SG

lazan d ineyn ai ku nan care GEN 3PL PCL and PL after them and her family and they

nggê person

khay house

memen lady

dineyn POSS.3PL

lanta navin xi bi Êmbô ai. Se enter ship DEM come TN PCL CONN entered the boat that had come to Annobón. Then they returned to

a

tan

NS

REP

Se

a

ten

teen

CONN

NS

EPIST

EPIST

446 ala se soya there FOC story here I end my story.

m

teen

POSS.1SG

EPIST

xi DEM

khaba finish

bi come

tokh’ touch

xi

fêê take

DEM

CONN

EPIST

dê day

EXCL

se

teen

bagi gavu dineyn fo much good POSS.3PL from from that day on up to now. And

ê,

DEM.PCL

NS

ba fêê ga-gaavu k’ ineyn go do RED~good REL 3PL Lisbon and enjoyed a good life and they enjoyed a very good life

ma 1SG

sai,

a

TN

bô 2SG

n 1SG

DEM

sa

EPIST

bo,85 2SG

kêsê forget xi

ten

men mother

DEM

FOC

Waya, s’ ê ten m’ men look CONN 3SG EPIST take mother Look, Memoli took his mother, the lady who looked

bo 2SG

CONN

se

444 Lizbôa.

445

se

moo girl

EXCL

mi

440 na

441

pê, put

ôdjai, today.PCL

ba go fêê do ku COORD

pê. completely

�� 84 This expression shows the affection she has for him, but does not imply that they are married. 85 Final negation marker f is expected to occur in this context, contrary to fact.

266 � Texts

9.4

Soya Xinggil The story of Xinggili (male storyteller, born 1956, recorded 2012 in Anobón by Armando Zamora Segorbe) duration ~ 30’30’’

447

Zonkin Matxia Kitxi Faaxa Men d’Alamu Ana Ma-Ze.

Se

skha

PN

FOC

PROG

da... nasoya give DIM.story [My name is] Zonkin Matxia Kitxi Faaxa Men d’Alamu Ana Ma-Ze. I am the one who is

448 onda kutum’ san tela sai, a kh’maada non, a… respect habit ground country DEM.PCL DAT friend POSS.1PL DAT going to tell a little story out of respect to the habits of [our] country to our friend, to 449 netuu Pa Tu Suntu... Lobotxi. Ban bê grandchild.GEN Mr PN 2SG.NEG see … the grandchild of Mr Tudu Santu Lobotxi, right? According to 450

nan

pa nen nen xi xinen man PL PL DEM teach.1SG those men who taught me one, two, three, four, PL

451

452

453

unha, one

fa?

Sekundumu according

NEG

dôsu, two

têê, three

xinku, sêxi ai, fa m xi. Ala bi sa Pa five six PCL tell 1SG so there PST COP Mr five, six [i.e. to count] who told me so. There was Mr Mene Gêêza, Pa Kolokotxe ku … utu nan pape nen-nen Mr PN and other PL RED~man RED~PL Mr Kolokotxe and … other important men [who] …, Mr

ku... REL

khatul, four

Mene Gêêza, PN

xi …,

Pa Mr

DEM

Metxe Ma Plal;

ku pape se pono palma… Môl i; pape and man DEM fall palm.tree TN PCL man Metxe Ma Plal; this man [who was a palm wine tapper] fell down from a palm tree in Môl; PN

454

455

456

457

458

se

môlê. Tumpi taaxi ala beza, dê xi DEM die time.GEN back there already day DEM this man died. Going back to those days – those days we didn’t mavida f, ku non bi see suffering NEG REL 1PL PST COP.here have to endure suffering here. All these men,

kha

nen-nen se, wan tadji, tempu RED~PL DEM one afternoon time one afternoon during Lent, we were at the

kezun, Lent

HAB

ma take se CORR

Vidji-Nganhi. Non…… bi txyaman fêê pilaga Vidjil-Ngandji 1PL PST finish do daily.work Vidjil-Ngaandji. We had already done our daily work. We s’

na

sa86

NEG

COP

f.

Se

nan

NEG

CONN

PL

bi

sa

PST

COP

non 1PL

beza. already

Se CONN

pa man

non 1PL

ala kha tusan kha paa kulêntxi d omali, amea there PROG sit PROG look.at tide GEN sea manner were there, sitting and observing the movement of the waves, [observing] how COP

�� 86 The story-teller says kha instead of sa.

Soya Xinggil � 267

Ise

na87

sa…

DEM

NEG

COP

460 pis-saa f, ise na sa pixi fundu lame-lamadu f. wahoo NEG DEM NEG COP fish bottom RED~appreciated NEG wahoos, lots of fish from the bottom of the sea which are very appreciated. We

Non 1PL

459

xi

ome kha a pê bos’ kha a sea PROG go put down PROG go the sea was going back and forth. There were lots of DEM

461

pê put

skha

paa nan pe nen xi fo look.at PL man PL DEM come.from were looking at the men who came back from high sea, from PROG

liba. top

ome sea

laagu high

fo… come.from

462

leega ña bo fundu, k’ ineyn mata pesa pixi neñi. let line go bottom REL 3PL kill lot fish POSS.3PL.PCL having left the fishing line at the bottom [of the sea], who killed a lot of fish.

463

Nggê mata tublan, nggê mata pis-sela, nggê mata…. person kill shark person kill wahoo person kill Some fished a shark, others fished a wahoo, and still others fished a hammerhead

464 potolo…, ngu tu sa lala kh’ fêê pixi k.o. shark person all COP beach PROG make fish shark, all of them were at the beach preparing their fish. Then 465

nan

pa nen se fa m xi: “Mes Toñi.” man PL DEM talk 1SG so PN these men called me: “Mesti Tonhi!” “Yes, Sir?”

“Tê you.SLM

PL

466

467

Ole…, tempu xi m bi s’ku an now time DEM 1SG PST have one Now, at that time, I was sixteen years old …

dexi ten

neyn. POSS.3PL

d

CONN

manda!” order ku and

sêxi … six

a ôtu … be dentxi, kha xina khalêla nan Mes go eight go forward PROG learn career PL Mesti eightteen years … or even older, and I was studying to become a Mesti Skola;

Skol, Skola

GEN

anu year

Se

kha

PROG

468 pakê kha fê? Sa… onda kutum san because thing happen COP honour.GEN habit ground what was the reason for this? It is an honour which, as a habit, 469

tela country

ku

xi

REL

pe men mu se bi sa nan ng nen-nen father mother 1SG FOC PST COP PL person RED~PL our country gave to the father of my mother to be [among] those people

DEM

khalêla nan Mest Skol.88 Nan nggê khont’ Ôpa, career PL Mesti Skola PL person count calendar who studied to become a Mesti Skola. Those who keep track of the Annobonese calendar,89

470 bi

PST

sa

COP

�� 87 The negation corresponds to a strong affirmation. 88 The functions of Mesti Skola and Sanggiitan are inherited from one’s father. 89 According to older Annobonese people, the Annobonese calendar called Ôpa (lit. ‘stick’) was introduced to the Mesti Skola by Portuguese missionaries. The Mesti Skola had to take care of the Ôpa and explain it to the people. The Ôpa is a strong stick made of a tree called pa-bichil, one and a half meter long, with a lot of holes and crosses with the help of which the days and celebrations of the year are determined.

268 � Texts

471

nan

nggê lavulu, nan nggê M’nzele Khôi, nan nggê person book PL person Minzele.GEN Khôy.PCL PL person the learned people, the people who recite the Minzele Khôy [a kind of prayer]; those PL

472

minzele khantadu, nan nggê Minzele S’pina, nan nggê… Dews minzele sing PL person Minzele.GEN Supina PL person Dews who sing the prayers, those who recite the Minzele Supina, those who recite the Dews

473

Zwin, nan… Mest Skol. Se nan pa nen se Zwin PL Mesti Skola CONN PL man PL DEM Zwin, the Mesti Skola. These men spoke to me in the following way:

474

“Mes Toñi.” “Tê manda.” “M skee da bo wan Mesti PN 2SG.SLM order 1SG FUT give 2SG a “Mesti Toñi.” “Yes, Sir!” “I am going to tell you a story ... that occurred

475

taxi ala beza… ku… pasa. Pe m before there already REL occur father POSS.1SG in the olden times. My father told me that his grandfather

fa tell

m 1SG

476

dê

se…

POSS.3SG

FOC

wan a

fa l tompi taaxi ala beza, tell 3SG time.GEN before there already had told him that already many years ago ... a woman

fa speak

m 1SG

nova… news

mayn woman

kh’ am pai fo… Santumi da mavida, faaku, and a man.PCL come.from TN because bad.life hunger and a man arrived from São Tomé because of their bad life, hunger and an

478

bega sokhadu, amea xi matxi nen-nen xi stomach dry manner DEM suffering RED~PL DEM empty stomach, because of the many sufferings the Portuguese had txigêzu bi skha fêê Portuguese come.PLQPF PROG do caused them. Listen, this woman and

neyn. 3PL

Agwêt, alôsô,90 agwêtê, alôso

ku and

nan PL

se FOC

manmen woman

480 se

pape sai piza bate ta p’ awa piineyn man DEM.PCL push canoe put put water PURP.3PL this man pushed a canoe into the water, so that they would either be saved or

sava save

DEM

481

482

483

pineyn môlê. N’nza xi k’ ineyn PURP.3PL die young.man DEM REL 3PL die. The young man they had put into the canoe

mêtê put

pê put

batel canoe

bi

sa

kha

PST

COP

a go

an one

wan... m’na nov’ a child nine was a child of about nine or ten years.

onu, year

pono fall

PROG

anu. Envedadji, kha fê fê ineyn fê year in.fact.PCL thing happen make 3PL do Actually, what caused them to act this way? They acted so

xi? so

tempu time

pêpê grandfather

477

479

xi: so

Ineyn 3PL

ô or

ai PCL

dexi ten fêê do

d GEN

xi so

484 da pulumô fa ê: Ineyn bi sa Anggola, se nan give reason COMP PCL 3PL PST COP TN CONN PL for the following reason: They were in Angola and then the Portuguese arrived, and then the �� 90 This is said by the storyteller in order to attract the attention of the person to whom he tells the story.

Soya Xinggil � 269

485

txigêzu lantela, se nan Portuguese enter CONN PL Portuguese caused them a lot of

txigêzu Portuguese

486 maaaaaaatxi bantantxi. S’ ineyn nda, suffering fairly CONN 3PL go suffering. Then they left and went to Cape Verde, 487

fê do

neyn 3PL

s’ CONN

an a

ineyn 3PL

pesa lot

ba go

fêê neyn khô xi men. Khwô do 3PL thing DEM exactly thing where the Portuguese did exactly the same to them. What they

Khabu Vêêdji, TN

se

a

tan

xi

k’

a

CONN

NS

REP

DEM

REL

NS

488 fê nan pepe dêli, se a tan skha fê neyn make PL grandfather POSS.3SG FOC NS REP PROG do 3PL had done to his grandparents, that is exactly what they were doing to them. 489 S’

ineyn ma kuzu, s’ ineyn bi Santumi. 3PL take thing CONN 3PL come São Tomé They took their belongings and they came to São Tomé. When

Ta when

CONN

490 pe se bi Santumi ku mase dêli, man DEM come TN with son POSS.3SG.PCL this man arrived in São Tomé with his son, then there 491

men. exactly

se

a

tan

CONN

NS

REP

sa

maatxi xi… – nan txigêzu tan ba Santumi – ku suffering DEM PL Portuguese REP go São Tomé REL was exactly the same suffering – the Portuguese had also gone to São Tomé – that COP

492

493

tan

skha

REP

PROG

fê ineyn men. Fêê maatxi, ximafan sêlêvu. Se do 3PL exactly do suffering like slave CONN they were causing them. They caused them suffering as they did to the slaves. And matxi x’ k’ a skha fê neyn, se pape suffering DEM REL NS PROG do 3PL FOC man because of the suffering they were causing them, this man and

se DEM

k’ and

494 mamen se khansa. An pesa nan nggê tela khansa, woman DEM get.tired a lot PL person country get.tired this woman got tired of it. A lot of people of that country got tired, and 495

ineyn piza bate ta p’ awa bi ome 3PL push canoe put put sea come sea they pushed their canoe into the high sea, so they would

lagu, high

p’

be go

se and

bo môlê. Oh, waya, agwêt’ alôsô, se nova go die EXCL EXCL agwêtê, alôsô CONN news die. Listen! The news was spread around the whole country.

497

Se pape se lant’ an muzugadu sêê pan…. and man DEM get.up one dawn CONN.3SG take Then one day this man got up early in the morning, he took breadfruit,

498 ampon, sêê paan djak, sêê bread CONN.3SG take jackfruit CONN.3SG he took jackfruit, ôbê [a kind of plum]; he 499

paan take

ôbê, k.o.fruit

CONN

ineyn 3PL

PURP

496

s’

nova news fulutu fruit

bi. come d GEN

sêê CONN.3SG

paan mea khwô x’ k’ ê padji ai; khôkhôndjô take as.one.goes.along thing DEM REL 3SG can PCL coconut took one after the other the things he could take along; [also] dry coconuts.

270 � Texts

500 sokhadu. S’ ê xya bate khôkôndjô sokhodu, dry.PTCP CONN 3SG fill canoe coconut dry Then he filled the canoe with dry coconuts, with coconuts of the

khôkhôndjô coconut

501

bulu d’awa, khwô xi padji ai, sêê piza bate ta k.o. coconut thing DEM can PCL CONN.3SG push canoe put bulu d’awa type91, the things that he could [take], and then he pushed the canoe

502

p’ awa, ku men khai dêli, put water with woman house POSS.3SG into the sea, with his wife and with the only son

ku with

503

moso so kho neñ ai. Se ten sa only COP with 3PL PCL CONN EPIST COP they had. And then for a long time he rowed strongly, for

504

olem’, se oar CONN a long time

505

ten

sa

EPIST

COP

d’ give

a-saago water-salt

sa

d’ a-sago kh’ olem’. S’ give water-salt with oar CONN he rowed strongly. And then they slept one night, COP

506

s’

s’

CONN

ineyn djuun nôtxi dôsu … 3PL sleep night two then they slept two nights, three nights.

CONN

kh’ with

pono sole

m’nape DIM.man

d’ give

a-saago water-salt

olem’, oar

ineyn 3PL

djuun sleep

se and wan one

xi DEM

kh’ with

ten EPIST

nôtxi, night

ineyn 3PL

djuun sleep

nôt’ night

non 1PL

lanta enter

mêdji month

têêxi. three

507

Non sa yai, n’tu mêdji mayu, pa 1PL COP here in month May PURP We were at the end of May, the beginning of June.

508

Omen lagu x’ k’ ineyn sa ai, ineyn na sê sea high DEM REL 3PL COP PCL 3PL NEG know On the high seas where they were they didn’t even know whether

509

nôtx’ kha kubili, pamase ka b’la fa, ineyn na sêê khame night ITER cover morning ITER open NEG 3PL NEG know place they would survive the next night and the next morning; they didn’t even know where

510

x’

k’

DEM

REL

511

ineyn skha be f. Kha d 3PL PROG go NEG little GEN they were going. The little water they had, all the

awa water

djendja pi nen-nen xi ku mêtê pê banana unripe RED~PL DEM REL put put unripe bananas they had put into the canoe for them to

512

kun khôkhôndjô sokhodu, fulutu d ampon eat coconut dried fruit GEN bread eat dry coconuts and breadfruit; they made a little fire

513

dineyn pê n’tu…. bate dineñi, POSS.3PL put in canoe POSS.3PL in their boat, and then they were on sea

s’ CONN

dineñi; POSS.3PL

ineyn 3PL

ximen whether

neñi, POSS.3PL.PTC bate canoe

s’ COP

zunhu. June

p’ PURP

fê make ome sea

dasu piece ineyn 3PL nafugaaaan DIM.fire kha PROG

�� 91 Kôkôndjô bulu d’awa is a coconut that, when it is shaken, one can hear the water in it.

Soya Xinggil � 271

514

515

bai. Ôôxi so kha sêê, se a kh’ sê fa go.PCL when sun HAB come.out FOC NS HAB know COMP going further. It is only when the sun rises that one knows that the sun sêêi. Ôô so kha d’ awa, s’ come.out.PCL when sun HAB give water FOC has risen. It is only when the sun sets that one knows that

a

kh’

NS

HAB

sêê know

516

so la ba d’ awa. Kha a pê bos’, kha a sun PRF go give water ITER go put south ITER go the sun has set. [They were navigating] from south to north [i.e. aimlessly];

517

oven kha fôfô kha wind ITER blow ITER the wind was blowing in all

518

a go

pê put

bosu, north

oventu wind

pê lib’. Ta da wan… pamasedu put south when arrive one morning directions.92 Then on one Saturday morning, they

kh’ ITER

dja day

so sun

fôfô blow

PRF

fa COMP

pê put

l’ba; north

kha

a go

PROG

subudu Saturday

la

s’

ineyn 3PL

FOC

519

txya... Ambô. Ineyn txya tela. “Kha paa tela a.” Ta take.out Annobón 3PL take.out land MOD look land PCL when made out Annobón. They made out land. “Look at the land!” [they said, surprised.]

520

a

“Kha

NS

MOD

paa tela a”, se da wan tavada sek look land PCL CONN give a storm dry At the moment they said: “Look at the land!”, a dry storm93 came from

fo… come.from

521

lagu; Ie Têxi Mabana, se bate vla bôkh’ kubili. Ta high.sea TN FOC canoe turn mouth cover when the high seas; it was at the island called Têêxi Maabana where the canoe capsized. When

522

bate se vla bôkh’ kubili, canoe DEM turn mouth cover the canoe capsized, the mother and

envedadji, in.fact

se FOC

mayn mother

môlê, die

523

pay môlê. Se n’nza sai, fuga… l’ba khaku father die CONN young.man DEM.PCL stay top hull the father died. But the young man remained on top of the canoe’s hull.

524

Se

batelu. canoe

bi come

tela, land

se

ome zugwe bi sea throw.3SG come then the sea threw him on land,

tela, land

se

se

tela, land

se

CONN

526

CONN

ome zugwe bi tela, se ome zugwe sea throw.3SG come land CONN sea throw.3SG Then the sea threw him on land, then the sea threw him on land, CONN

525

se

ome zugwe bi sea throw.3SG come then the sea threw him on land, CONN

CONN

CONN

ome sea

zugwe throw.3SG

bi come

tela, land

ome sea

zugwe throw.3SG

bi come

tela, land

�� 92 In the mental representation of the people of Annobón, the capital Palea is located to the north (hence up), and the city of San Antonio to the south of the island (hence down). 93 i.e. a storm without rain.

272 � Texts

527

pakê kha fêê? Kulêntxi d omali bi sa tela because thing occur current GEN sea PST COP land because what had occurred? The sea current flowed towards the land.94

528

Wa!

khayadu. run.aground

Ta ome zugwe bi tela, se ope dê when sea throw.3SG come land CORR foot POSS.3SG Look! When the sea threw him on land, he was thrown at the beach called

kê fall

EXCL

529

san Pala... d’Ankhana. Dêêtu bosu Motu Pudu Luza yai, sê ground TN right under TN there FOC Pala … d’Ankhana. Right in the lower part of Matu Pedulu Luzu, there he was

530

dê

kê san. A ilai, ê n’ suk’ fall ground and PRST 3SG NEG have thrown to the ground. And lo and behold! he had nothing on,

kha thing

POSS.3SG

bix’ dress

ôpê foot fa, NEG

531

ê suk’ tapa-labu moso. Dêê xi… Ambô, nan pe nge-ngan 3SG have loincloth only. day DEM TN PL man RED~big except for a loincloth. At that time in Annobón the very important men of

532

d

Ambô,

GEN

TN

ta ineyn kha skha a when 3PL HAB PROG go Annobón, when they would go catching crabs, they

t’ catch

ankhal’, crab

533

be ku n’zel’, pakê kha fêê? Na sug go with traditional.torch because thing occur NEG EXIST would go with a traditional torch. Why was this so? There were no bottles

534

p’

ineyn… fêê tôxida p’ ineyn ba t’ 3PL make torch PURP 3Pl go catch for them to make torches, for them to go and catch crabs. When

ankhala crab

da wan la xinku ku mêê, pono arrive one o’clock five and half fall it was approximately half past five, almost six o’clock

a go

PURP

535

536

537

kha PROG

taadji, se nan pe ngan-ngan dôs sêê, afternoon CORR PL man RED~big two go.out in the afternoon, two very important men went out and said that êy,

ineyn ska a khwa… inha d 3PL PROG go catch nail of they were going to catch crabs95, that the next day INTERJ

ankhala…, crab

ineyn 3PL

kha HAB

galafa, bottle f.

la o’clock s’

sêx six

ineyn 3PL

CONN

ama tomorrow

PURP

ineyn bo Pala Paamitu… ba khwa an bongga, ô wan 3PL go TN go catch a k.o. fish or a they would go to Pala Paamitu in order to catch a bongga or a txigala,

539

khô xi Pa Met skee da neyñ thing DEM Father Lord FUT give 3PL whatever God would give them, for them to come

ai,

p’

PCL

PURP

khe bi… ta pê txiip’. house come put put gut home and eat. When these men were

pa man

nen

se

skha

PL

DEM

PROG

Ta when

nan PL

�� 94 Lit. ʻThe current of the sea had run aground on land.ʼ 95 ‘nail of crabʼ is a metonymy (a part for the whole).

faa say p’

538

540

Ta when

NEG

txigala, k.o.fish

ineyn…. 3PL

bi come

Soya Xinggil � 273

541

bai, nan pe ngen-ngan dôsu nen se skha go.PCL 3PL man RED~big two PL DEM PROG on their way, when these two very important men were going,

542

soku… Pa… Matxya Kole ku Pa Saleet i Makuus, nan pe have Mr PN and Mr PN PL man there were Mr Matxya Kole and Mr Saleet i Makuusu, the very important men

543

nga-ngaandji tel’. Ta nan pa RED~big country when PL man of the country; when these men were going

544

nen-nen RED~PL

ineyn lolo khame se ôdjie… ku… 3PL go.down place DEM today REL down to the place which nowadays young men

nan

bai, go.PCL

ala there

se

skha

DEM

PROG

be… go

mase young.man

PL

k’ REL

kêtê-kêtê RED~small

545

ku nan m’na-mie ma fê lala fentê k’ ineyn kha and PL child-woman take make beach show.off REL 3PL HAB and young women converted in a beach where they would show off, and which they

546

san “Lala Môl” ai, envedadji, k’ ineyn call beach love PCL in.fact REL 3PL call ‘Love Beach’, well, when they went down, when they

547

lolo, go.down

k’

ineyn 3PL

CONN

skha

be men…, s’ ineyn bô khô ô s’ ineyn bê go exactly CORR 3PL go with eye CONN 3PL see were going down, they did so watching around, and then they saw that boy.

nunza boy

sai.

“Kutô…!

“Êwa,

DEM.PCL

EXCL

EXCL

khama place

PROG

548

549

Sun, bo bê?” “Noay, Sun mun.” Sir 2SG see not.at.all Sir POSS.1SG “My goodness! Did you see that?” “No, not at all, Sir”. “Well, it is

n’ten su kulu f. Wan kha la paseen, NEG.yet COP dark NEG one thing PRF pass.1SG not yet dark. Something has passed in front of me. I have seen

mi 1SG

e

550

an nunza… ku do khôlê paseen ôô xi…, k’ ê a boy REL give run pass.1SG eye INTENS REL 3SG a boy who ran rapidly and suddenly passed in front of me, who saw us

551

k’

ê lô khôndê pê taaxi… lapa ya.” “Dêê! 3SG PRF hide put behind rock here EXCL and who has hidden behind the rock here.” “Jesus! Did you say so?” REL

552

“Xen.” “Sun, a bo kha sa pesua yes Sir and 2SG MOD COP person “Yes.” “And if you are a real person, come out of there,

553

po

Se

PURP

CONN

554

555

non bê…, po non bê… tô.” 1PL see PURP 1PL see 2SG.SLM so we can see ..., so we can see … you.” And the boy

sêê bi ku mendu... “K’ come.out come with fear which came out, full of fear. “What is your problem?”

b’ see

PRF.1SG

Bo 2SG

kiitan, Christian

bê see fa say

non 1PL xi?” so

sêê go.out

bi, come

nunza boy

se

teen

DEM

EPIST

bo?” 2SG

is

se

dji

DEM

COP

GEN

nunzwa se kundji neyn xi: “M’ ku men m’ boy DEM answer 3PL so 1SG and mother POSS.1SG The boy answered them in the following way: “I and my mother and

ku and

Se CONN

274 � Texts

556

pe m’ sêê fo… Anggola, bi father POSS.1SG leave come.from Angola come my father left Angola and arrived in São Tomé because of

557

maatxi nen-nen xi nan txigêzu suffering RED~PL DEM PL Portuguese the suffering the Portuguese were causing

Santumi, São Tomé

fê… do

nan

pe non ku nan pepe non, buudan; ise father POSS.1PL and PL grandfather POSS.1PL stick DEM my parents and grandparents there; [they used to hit us with a] stick. This

na

sa

NEG

COP

559

maatxi f, ku beega s’khodu k’ an kha leg’ suffering NEG with stomach dry.PTCP REL NS.NEG HAB let was a terrible suffering, with an empty stomach, when they wouldn’t let

uzwan no

560

nggê kum legudu fa… Ta… non fudji people eat let.PTCP NEG when 1PL flee us eat enough. When we ran away, when we ran, when

561

non bi Santumi, s’ ineyn tan lêê 1PL come São Tomé CORR 3PL REP follow we arrived in São Tomé, they followed us until right there.

562

S’

tan

sa

CONN

REP

COP

558

563

564

565

566

567

568

569

570

sa

ala there

da because

COP

bi, come

non 1PL

x.

Se

ten

sa

a

skha

DEM

CONN

EPIST

COP

NS

PROG

men mun ku pe mun mother POSS.1SG and father POSS.1SG my mother and my father took coconuts, they

pan take

HAB

non 1PL

ineyn tan bi Santumi men, se 3PL REP come São Tomé exactly CONN So they also arrived in São Tomé and the suffering started. matxi x’ k’ suffering DEM REL Thus they inflicted a lot of suffering on us … . Then

kha

khôlê, run

bi come

fê do

khôkhôndjô, coconut

kuta djana, s’ ineyn pan fulutu d’ampon, cut banana CONN 3PL take breadfruit cut bananas, they took breadfruit, and they ... jackfruit,

s’

ku when

meyn. exactly maatxi suffering

non… 1PL s’

se CONN

ineyn… 3PL

CONN

ineyn… 3PL

CONN

PL

djaki… jackfruit

se

a

pô

CONN

NS

mêtê pê batelu ku awa, se non sêê put put canoe with water CONN 1PL leave and they put it into the the canoe, together with water, and then we left, so

PURP

nôn bô môlê... se ôdjie se tavada xi… da 1PL go die CONN today FOC storm DEM arrive we would die. That day when nigth fell, there was a storm that

nôtxi night

vla bate bôkhô kubili se men m’ turn canoe mouth cover CONN mother POSS.1SG turned the canoe upside down, and my mother and my father

m’

pe father

tu môlê, se m se... vada l’ba khaku batelu, all die CONN 1SG FOC go.up top hull canoe both died, and I climbed on top of the hull of the canoe. Then today se

ome teen san tela sai. sea put.1SG ground land DEM.PCL the sea has thrown me on land. I don’t know where FOC

Mêên 1SG.NEG

se

PCL

FOC

POSS.1SG

se CONN

sê know

e

ôdjie today

khamê place

xi DEM

Soya Xinggil � 275

571

572

573

574

575

keen sa f. Mêên sê ximen… onto REL.1SG COP NEG 1SG.NEG know whether yet I am. I still don’t know whether I still am in São Tomé,

m 1SG

su COP

ô mêên sê xi men…, osea mêên or 1SG.NEG know whether exactly that.is 1SG.NEG or I don’t know whether …., well, I have absolutely no idea where

sêê know

ken sa n’tê lele REL.1SG COP completely IDEO I am.” And then these two men

se...

nan

CONN

PL

f.” NEG

Envedadji…, in.fact

nen-nen sai ma kuzu, se vla nunza RED~PL DEM.PCL take thing CONN turn boy took their belongings and put the boy in front of them.

se DEM

khame place pay man

ta throw

suk’ padji f. Nan ng nen xi bi sa have priest NEG PL person PL DEM PST COP in Annobón at that time. Those who were the priests of Annobón

padjil priest

577

d

Ambô

GEN

TN

xi DEM

dôsu two

pê put

dentx. Waya, sekundun ku lavuu skha fala…, Ambô... na front EXCL according REL book PROG say TN NEG Listen! According to what the books say …, there were no [Catholic] priests

576

578

Santumi… São Tomé

bi PST

san ground

dêê xi bi sa Mest Skol’, day DEM PST COP Mesti Skola at that time were the Mesti Skola and the Sanggiitan of the

ku and

Sanggiitan Sanggiitan

Ngaanhi. Se nan pay dôsu nen-nen se… main CONN PL man two RED~PL DEM Main Church. Then these two men took the boy with them

ma take

nunza boy

tela land

Gêêza church

sai, DEM.PCL

579

bi… se a me ba khadjii Mes Skol’. Se come CONN NS take.3SG go house.GEN Mesti Skola CONN and brought him to the house of the Mesti Skola. Then the Mesti Skola

580

san Sanggiitan Gêza Nganhi, pimê balê Met Skol’… ku call Sanggiitan church big first assistant Mesti Skola and called the Sanggiitan of the Main Church, the first assistant of the Mesti Skola and

581

pimê luntan Gêza Ngandji; waya, deentxi dji zom’… s’ first pupil church main EXCL in.front GEN PL.man FOC the first pupil of the Main Church. Listen! They baptised the boy right in front of these men.

582

ineyn… batxiza nunza sai. S’ ineyn 3PL baptise boy DEM.PCL CONN 3PL They baptised this boy. They baptised this boy.

583

batxiza baptise

S’

ineyn batxiza nunza, s’ ineyn sugudj’ 3PL baptise boy CONN 3PL pour Then they baptised the boy and poured holy-water on CONN

Mes Skol’ Mesti Skola

nunza boy

sai. DEM.PCL

a-benta holy-water kadji.. house

pê put

584

nunza sai, se nunza sai ten fuga.. boy DEM.PCL CONN boy DEM.PCL EPIST remain him. Then this boy remained in the house of the Sangiitan

Sanggiitan Sangiitan

585

Gêza Nganhi. Wan m’na khadji, max envedadji, sê church main a DIM house more in.fact FOC.3SG of the Main Church. A little house, but really, that’s where Xinggili, the

ku… and

276 � Texts

586

Sanggiitan Gêza Nganhi, ku mie dêl’, ku m’na-mie Sanggiitan church main and wife POSS.3SG and daughter Sanggiitan of the Main Church with his wife and his daughter [lived];

587

dêli,

se

a

ten

sa

POSS.3SG.PCL

CONN

NS

EPIST

COP

588

589

590

khai kha house.PCL HAB they were at home with the normal everyday problems non tu sa i 1PL all COP here we all have. My friends,

kha PROG

ma. take

se

s’

ê 3SG

ê see men, s’ 3SG be.here exactly CONN He was there; one year passed, and now

khamada friend

PL

name mu a, aguêt’alôsô, brother POSS.1SG VOC aguêtê alôsô my ladies, this boy was growing up. CONN

591

Nan

ma take

nunza boy

CONN

fêê make

ê fêê w’ an ai, ê laku… 3SG make one year PCL 3SG PRF.have that one year had passed, he was already ten years old.

DEM

a,

nan

POSS.1SG

VOC

PL

se

skha

DEM

PROG

an, year

an one

REL

xi...

mu

w’ one

k’

m’v’da problem

kiya, grow.up

a and

dêxi ten

ôxi when

d

anu… year

GEN

592

beza. Tak’ a sugudj’ aa-benta pê l’, k’ a already when NS pour holy-water put 3SG.PCL CORR NS When they had poured holy water on him, when they had baptised him,

593

l’, k’ a de bes’, k’ ê teen……. 3SG.PCL CORR NS give.3SG blessing CORR 3SG EPIST when they had given him the blessing, when he had stayed in

594

tela xim’fan netu fi san tela, k’ a pongote country like grandson son ground country CORR NS ask.3SG the country like other Annobonese people, when they asked for his name,

595

nam’ dêli, sêê faa a kh’ name POSS.3SG CONN.3SG say NS PRS he said that he was called Xinggili, Xinggili. Mr

same… call.3SG

Xinggil.

Xinggil’,

se

sa

xi…

k’

PN

PN

FOC

COP

DEM

REL

596

597

598

599

nom’ name Xinggili was the name he said was his

m’ndja stand

Xinggil,

Xinggil.

PN

PN

ê 3SG

da indicate

nam’ dêli. S’ ê ten se yai, ku pôvu… name POSS.3SG CONN 3SG EPIST COP here with people name. And then he was there, with the whole people [of Annobon]. Dêê xi Ambô na bi sa bla… amea day DEM TN NEG PST COP open like At that time Annobón was not that open as it is [now]. f.

Se

NEG

CONN

nunza se skha boy DEM PROG The boy was growing; and while he

600 skha

kêsê; grow

se CONN

se

sa

DEM

COP

kêsê growing

kêsê ai, s’ ê skha kêsê k’ grow PCL CORR 3SG PROG grow with was growing, he was growing with poison, perversion, PROG

batxiza baptise

Pa Mr

fa

sa

COMP

COP

n’têê whole

lele...

blad’ open.PTCP

ee

s’

k’

DEM

REL

pôzôl’, poison

n’tu in

ê 3SG

zulumentxi, perversion

IDEO

PCL

Soya Xinggil � 277

601

masan, n’tu d ôgê dêl’. Ê wickedness interior GEN body POSS.3SG 3SG and wickedness in his heart. If he ran into a woman

kha

tokha run.into

MOD

an a

mayn woman

602

ta pixi dê solo, ê kha ligi. Ê kha mo put fish POSS.3SG sun 3SG MOD pick.up 3SG HAB take who had put her fish out in the sun [in order to dry it], he would steal it. He would take it

603

bo kum’. Zu ngê na sê go eat no person NEG know and eat it. Nobody knew where he would

khame place

xi…

k’

DEM

REL

604 khôndê pê f. Ê kha tokha an mayn ku hide put NEG 3SG MOD run.into a woman with hide [what he would steal]. If he ran into a woman with a string 605

khôkhôndjô sokhadu dê ng’gasadu pê… coconut dry.PTCP POSS.3SG join.together.PTCP put of dry coconuts which were joined together under the eaves

txya vin palma… vaan97, ê kha extract wine palm top 3SG MOD extracting palm wine high up in the tree, he would go, he would skha

PROG

608 speta ê kha be ê kha txya ôkhô… spy 3SG MOD go 3SG MOD remove calabash spy, he would go and remove the calabash of palm wine, he

xki

speeta, spy

ê 3SG

na

s’

NEG

COP

ôsexi today

ô pape xki ta sol ai, ê kho or man DEM put sun PCL 3SG MOD or a man put in the sun, he would spy, he would take it,

611

612

ê kha ligi bay. Way’ agwêt’ alôsô, 3SG MOD pick.up leave EXCL agwêtê alôsô he would steal it. It is not like nowadays that they

pay man

ê 3SG

DEM.PCL

xi

DEM

an a

sai,

ma bay. Galafa zêtê xi ô galafan zêtê take go bottle oil DEM or demijohn oil would steal it. A bottle of oil or a demijohn of oil that a women MOD

HAB

aa-paya eaves

GEN

bai, go.PCL

609 kha

610

d

bê see

vin wine

kha...

khamba bunch

bosu under

606 khadji dêli, ê kha ligi bay. Ê kha house POSS.3SG.PCL 3SG MOD pick.up go 3SG MOD of her house,96 he would pick them up and leave. If he saw a man 607

ê 3SG

DEM

kho MOD

ê 3SG

manmen woman kha MOD

ma, take

k’

a

REL

NS

bla palakhaxanu…98, ku palakhaxanu sa beetu e f. Benda open cemetery REL cemetery COP open PCL NEG next have opened the area around the cemetery, that the area of the cemetery is open.99 Next to

�� 96 The women used to collect half-dried coconuts and put them in the sun so they could dry completely. 97 Vin palma vaan, lit. ‘palm wine of the topʼ, refers to the palm wine which is tapped on top of the palm tree, in contrast to the vin palma san ʻpalm wine of the groundʼ, which is the palm wine taken from felled palm trees. 98 Pala khaxaanu means lit. ‘the city of the coffins’. 99 The government removed trees, weeds, rocks, and so on, in order to build the harbour of Annobón.

278 � Texts

613

dji liba palakhaxanu, benda dji lib’, piime finkan… of top cemetery next of top first column the upper part of the cemetery, next to the first column of the beam,

614

ala

bi

so

sumatu…

khambali.

Se

bi

there PST COP grove tamarind CONN PST there was a grove of tamarinds, and there was a huge

lal’ga, small.beam

soku

an

pê

EXIST

a

AUGM

615

yôkhô ngaaaandji. Yôkhô dôs, têx, khatul untu-untulu cave big cave two three four RED~interior cave. There were two, three, four caves far into the thicket of the

616

khambali sai, pesa tôndôlôndji, ku nono, tamarind DEM.PCL lot chirimoya and annona tamarinds, there were a lot of chirimoya, annona, plum, and

617

lanza, se sa khame xi, ku nunza sai…, orange DEM COP place DEM REL boy DEM.PCL orange [trees], that is the place where this boy …, in this tight

618

zugu-zugu sai,100 k’ ê kha baga khama RED~thicket DEM.PCL REL 3SG HAB break place thicket, where he used to break the weeds with his hands, where

zugu-zuguu RED~thicket.GEN

ku and

gêgê, k.o. plum

n’tu in

ku and

pesa lot

kh’ with

ôman, hand

619

ê kha baga khama kh’ ôman… – man sêê nggê 3SG HAB break place with hand 1SG.NEG know person he used to break the branches with his hands – I don’t know who showed

620

l ala f – k’ ê kha mêtê 3SG there NEG REL 3SG HAB put him that place – where he used to put a lot of loads

621

622

k’

ai

REL

ê skha ma khamaa pôv’ 3SG HAB take place people he took from the people’s place. This is also

PCL

pesa lot

khalga load

pê. put

Khô thing

nen-nen RED~PL

624

625

626

REL

m’saa show xi DEM

saa… DEM.PCL

se

tan

FOC

REP

su

zulumentxi; khadji x’ k’ ê sa ê na skha a perversion house DEM REL 3SG COP 3SG NEG PROG go very perverse; in the house where he lived he wouldn’t go [to help] in the fields.

motu field

f.

skha

S’

NEG

PROG

COP

623

k’

I na skê fê zwan kha f. Ê 3SG NEG PROG.go do no thing NEG 3SG He wouldn’t do anything at all. He was growing, and then ê lent’ an dexi d anu 3SG enter one ten GEN year he was eleven years old, then he was

kh’ and

unh’ one

dexi d anu ku dôs, ten GEN year and two twelve years old, then he was

ê 3SG

lent’ enter

s’ CONN

s’

kêsêê. grow

CONN

ê 3SG

lent’ enter

an one

dexi ten

d

têêx, s’ ê lent’ an dexi d anu k’ three CONN 3SG enter one ten GEN year and thirteen years old, then he was fourteen years old … . He was

GEN

khotul’… . four

CONN

an one anu year Ê 3sg

ku and skha PROG

�� 100 This part is incomprehensible and has been replaced by zugu-zugu sai, which fits in the context.

Soya Xinggil � 279

627

kêêsê, kuutum dê skha bê fê grow.up habit POSS.3SG PROG go be.ugly growing, and his habits were getting worse and

max.., more

skha

bê go

fê be.ugly

Nunza young.person

mie woman

PROG

628

max. Zulumentxi dê skha bê fê max. more perversion POSS.3SG PROG go ugly more worse. His perversion was getting worse. Whichever girl

629

xi

k’

ai

DEM

REL

PCL

ê kha da khonta khô palasol’101 3SG HAB give against with.3SG time.of.day he met during the time when everybody is working, he would

ê 3SG

kha HAB

630

tê bi, sêê kha viza, ê kha dana fesan... . attract come CONN. 3SG HAB deflower 3SG HAB damage appearance attract her towards himself, he would deflower, he would traumatise her … .

631

Nan

masee kêtê-kêtê nen-nen xi… k’ ê kha bê boy RED~young RED~PL DEM REL 3SG HAB see The young boys [of nine to thirteen years approximately] he would see during PL

632

ai,

dji palaso x’ k’ ê sa i, khu loda masan of part.of.day DEM REL 3SG COP PCL and lot.of wickedness the time when everybody is working when he was there, he and the lot of wickedness PCL

633

dêli,

ê kha tê bi, s’ ê kha sêê 3SG HAB attract come CONN 3SG HAB go.out in him, would attract them towards himself and sodomise them.

tax’. behind

POSS.3SG

634

635

Kdêê...

san,

kha

a!

EXCL

EXCL

MOD

pa kha xigodu look thing arrive.PTCP Oh God!, look what happened! Every drake …

VOC

Galu rooster

pata duck

xi… DEM

k’

ê kha bê palasol ai, ê kha tê bi s’ ê 3SG HAB see part.of.day PCL 3SG HAB take come CONN 3SG he’d see when everybody had gone to work, he would attract it towards himself and REL

636

kha

kha

HAB

do k’ kha mata, sêê give with thing kill CONN.3SG beat it to death, then he would eat it or

HAB

ma…, take

637

zuwa ta p’ aa-saag’ ô… sêê moo se throw put put salt.water or CONN.3SG only FOC just throw it into the sea, or ..., only he knew his perversions

638

maasan x’ k’ ê skha fêê. wickedness DEM REL 3SG PROG do and wicked actions. And he was growing, he

639

Sêê

skha

CONN.3SG

PROG

i 3SG

kun eat

sêê know kêsê, grow

kêsê, maasan skho subili, zulumentxi dê go.up wickedness POSS.3SG go.up perversion POSS.3SG was growing, the wicked things he did were increasing, his perversion was

ô or

i 3SG

zulumentxi… perversion sêê CONN.3SG

skha

skho

PROG

PROG

640 subili, kha fê-fê dê skho subili. Men pa baan go.up thing RED~ugly POSS.3SG PROG go.up AUGM bunch plantain increasing, the dreadful things he was doing were increasing. The big bunches of plantains �� 101 Palasolo is the period of the day when everybody spread out to work, between 7-8 am and 2pm. During this period of time only small children and older people are around.

280 � Texts

641

642

643

x’

k’

kha

DEM

REL

ê k’ bê ai, ê kha poota, ê 3SG HAB see PCL 3SG HAB cut 3SG he would see, he would cut them, he would take them and go

HAB

mo take

bo go

ê 3SG

sa

khadji Sanggiitan Gêza Ngaandji, se sa khame xi k’ house Sanggiitan church main DEM COP place DEM REL in the house of the Sanggiitan of the Main Church, that is the place where he

ê 3SG

n’tu yôkhô khome x’ k’ ê kha in cave place DEM REL 3SG HAB into the cave where he used to stay, but he lived

ta stay

i, PCL

mandji, but

644 kha

djuuni. Ôô, San, pa kha xigodu a!” sleep EXCL EXCL look thing happen.PTCP PCL used to sleep. “Oh, look what has happened!” They gave him [food],

A

kun ôô…, ê na kun f ôô, ê na eat or 3SG NEG eat NEG PCL 3SG NEG he would eat [it] or he wouldn’t eat [it], he wouldn’t care.

taave problem

f.

nggu person

tuu all

HAB

645

COP

sa have

646

Palaso, ôxi kʼ ê sêê fa, axan, bamu, time.of.day when REL 3SG know COMP right well During palasolo, when he knew that, right? well, everybody

647

la

de, give.3SG

NS

i 3SG

NEG

baga bo matu za, s’ ê kha ba khadji spread.out go field already CONN 3SG HAB break house had already left for the fields, he would go to a house [whose fence is] made of PRF

648 n’zela za, s’ ê kha baaga, s’ palm.branch.stick already CONN 3SG HAB break CONN coconut palm branch sticks and would break them and then go, 649

ê 3SG

kha

s’

ê kha ligi men ôkhô faña xi.. k’ 3SG HAB take AUGM calabash manioc.flour DEM REL then he would take a huge calabash [full] of manioc flour that he found

ê 3SG

tokh’ find

kha thing

fê do

CONN

650

khadji al’ ai, men ôkhô zêtê sai, house there PCL AUGM calabash palm.oil DEM.PCL in that house, a huge calabash of palm oil, – why a calabash?

651

l ê? Tela na su galafan f, s’ ê kha 3SG PCL country NEG have damijohn NEG CONN 3SG HAB [At that time] there were no damijohns [in Annobón] – he would take them

652

s’

x’

k’

CONN

DEM

REL

653

654

ê kha be dêl’. Ni khadji 3SG HAB go of.3SG neither house and leave. In the house where he stayed, neither

main, ni pai, zwan nggê xi… na sêê mother.PCL nor father.PCL no person INTENS NEG know the woman nor the man [of that house], nobody at all knew where k’

ê skha pê… 3SG PROG put he was hiding all the things REL

655

pakê because

ê 3SG

k’

lodaa lot.GEN

khalga load

nen

xi

k’

PL

DEM

REL

tokha run.into

an a

ê kha ma e f. Ê kha 3SG HAB take PCL NEG 3SG MOD he would steal. If he ran into someone who had spread REL

bay, go

HAB

ma, take

sa,

ni nor

COP

khame place ê 3SG

x’ DEM

skha, PROG

nggê person

sênd’ spread

Soya Xinggil � 281

656

an djiban nggola p’ ôluya, ê a traditional.clothing exotic put outside 3SG an exotic traditional clothing outside, he would steal it.

kha

ligi pick.up

MOD

bai. go.PCL

657

Ê kha tokha an nggê sênd’ an men popoton 3SG MOD run.into a person spread a AUGM traditional.clothing Iif he ran into somebody who had put a huge traditional clothing

658

ôluya, ê kha ligi bai. “Ôô, San outside 3SG MOD pick.up go.PCL EXCL EXCL outside, he would steal it. “Hey, people, look what

659

kha

662

663

664

Ôô,

san

kha

EXCL

EXCL

MOD

m’na napai…, waya, se…. m’na mie xi… child male.PCL EXCL CONN child woman DEM a young man, well, the girl wo lived with the Sanggiitan

ta put

ku with

COP

khai house

pañi. pregnancy

Ma-Khosan d’Ono

fesan; aspect

khomesa tuka… tuka start change change Ma-Khosan d’Ana’s appearance was changing; her

ê 3SG

sa

fala, sêê dʼ an lanxa take CONN.3SG give a AUGM then he took her and made her pregnant. Then … PN

n’tu in za. already

TN

Gêza Ngaandji khadji ai…, sie102 sa men church main house PCL FOC COP woman of the Main Church, it was she who became his woman; sêê

lanta… enter

San Antoñi Pala

pa kha xiodu a! Tak’ look thing arrive.PTCP PCL when Hey, people, look what happened! When he had become

CONN.3SG

665

kha thing

xigodu a!” A ilai, se mendu… la khomesa arrive.PTCP PCL and PRST CONN fear PRF start happened!” And look here, fear had already started to enter the

660 san tela men non pe non ground country mother POSS.1PL father POSS.1PL country of our mother, our father San Antoñi Pala. 661

pa look

MOD

p’ put

m’ndjadu stand.PTCP Sanggitan Sanggiitan

dêli, POSS.3SG

Se… CONN

se

Ma-Khosan d’Ono

CONN

PN

666

khomesa tuka fesan. “Dê, Ma-Khosan! K’ se m see start change aspect EXCL PN what FOC 1SG COP.here appearance was changing. [Ma-Khosan’s father said:]“My goodness, Ma-Khosan! What is it

667

kha

bê ai?” Se… pe maya fa men maa see PCL CONN father POSS.3SG say mother POSS.3SG that I am seeing here?” The husband spoke to the wife in the following way: PROG

668

669

“Ten-Zul,

Ma-Khosan

se

kha

PN

PN

COP.here

PROG

xi: so

tuka fesan. Fesan Ma-Khosan change aspect aspect PN “Ten-Zul, Ma-Khosan’s appearance is changing. Ma-Khosan’s appearance

sa

kha

COP

danadu. Man se damage.PTCP 1SG.NEG COP.here is damaged. I am here and I am worried

PROG

�� 102 sie is a performance error for se.

bê see

Ma-Khosan PN

k’ with

ôô eye

282 � Texts

670

gaa f.” “Ma-Khosan … .” A ilai, mayn la pongota m’na-mie good NEG PN and PRST mother PRF ask daughter about Ma-Khosan.” “Ma-Khosan … .” It turned out that the mother had already asked her

671

dê

zo ô. “Ma-Khosan!” “Tê manda!” already PCL PN 2SG.SLM order daughter. “Ma-Khosan!” “Yes, father!” “It seems that I

“Tanka it.seems

POSS.3SG

672

673

674

675

676

677

678

679

see

kha

COP.here

PROG

bê bo tôkôdu fesan. Kha fêê?” “Mmm … see 2SG change.PTCP aspect thing occur hmm am seeing you with a changed appearance. What has happened? ” “Hmm … Men sê zwan kha fa…, men 1SG.NEG know no thing NEG 1SG.NEG I don’t know anything, I don’t know anything … mmmm mmmm mmm.” Se hmm hmm hmm CONN hmm.“ So she was muttering,

ten

sa

EPIST

COP

sêê know mmmu, hmmu

fê pa pe bo sêbê, pen happen COMP father POSS.2SG know PURP.1SG your father gets to know it, so I can inform your father.

non sa khadji 1PL COP house with whom we live, he sleeps with me.

kha thing muu hmmu

CONN

pe father

lazan.” information

se…

se

se

kha

PCL

FOC

FOC

COP.here

HAB

dê

tan

POSS.3SG

fa l: “Pues, man say 3SG well 1SG.NEG told her: “Well, there is nothing I can

REP

fa n ga fa say 1SG IPFV say tell you any more, and

bo 2SG

max’ more

khô i sa.” Se ovon khonta…, thing DEM COP CONN wind sing that’s how things are.” Then they didn’t speak

suku have

fa…, NEG.PCL se CONN

zwan no ku and

ile, PRST

Se CONN

kha thing envedadji in.fact

oventu wind

“Pa man

CONN

e

envedadji. in.fact

MOD

Se …

REL

NEG

kha

POSS.2SG

ku

na

NEG

bo

DEM

mu. Se kênggê m ma pañia beza.“ A 1SG CONN perhaps 1SG take pregnancy already and So perhaps I am already pregnant.” And it turned out that the girl

fa …

vla become

Anta before

se

sêê kha sa pañia f know thing COP pregnancy NEG really didn’t know what pregnancy is. Her mother

683

se

da give

lazan, pen da pê tô information PURP.1SG give father POSS.2SG.SLM So I can inform your father.” And then … “The man

DEM

682

zwan no

fê muuu… Se103 men dê faa l: “Fala! make mmm CONN mother POSS.3SG say 3SG speak again and again … Her mother had said to her: “Speak! Before

680 se

681

m 1SG

fôfô blow

djini sleep m’n child men mother pen PURP.1SG

se

sa

DEM

COP

be go

benda side

�� 103 From here on, the storyteller goes back in time to the moment where the mother and daughter had a conversation without the father.

Soya Xinggil � 283

684 dêêtu se fôfô be benda skeedji. Ma-Khosan right CONN blow go side left PN about it any more.104 Ma-Khosan[‘s belly] kept on growing … . 685

686

687

Ma-Khosan

la

kha

PN

PRF

PROG

kêsê… . Na s’ grow NEG COP Ma-Khosan[‘s belly] was growing … . This situation could k’ taax’ f’ô, kha kee ku with back NEG.PCL thing FUT.come with not be changed.105 Ma-Khosan d’Ana[’s belly]

la

kha

PRF

PROG

kha thing

deentxi. forward

kêsê… . grow

kh’

kha

REL

HAB

Ma-Khosan d’Ana

la

PN

PRF

kha

kêêsê. “Ôô… san kha pa kha xigadu a!“ grow EXCL EXCL MOD look thing arrive.PTCP PCL was growing. “Jesus! Look what has happened!” It turned out that that

A and

PROG

688 fulanu, khal vê masan dê Mr.so-and-so every time wickedness POSS.3SG man, his wickedness was increasing constantly, 689

skho

subili. go.up

PROG

skho

PROG

subili. Khal vê masan dê increase every time wickedness POSS.3SG his wickedness was increasing constantly. When

PROG

693

694

695

696

697

PRST

Khal every

subili. increase

vê time

Ta when

Ma-Khosan…

lanta sêxi mêdji, se nan pe nga-ngaandji enter six month CORR PL man RED~big Ma-Khosan was in her sixth month, the important men of the country

tela… country

PN

692

ilai,

maasan dê skho subili … Khal vê maasan dê wickedness POSS.3SG PROG go.up every time wickedness POSS.3SG his wickedness was increasing constantly, his wickedness was increasing constantly,

690 skho

691

a go

sama l’, san Pa Sanggiitan Gêza Ngandji x’ k’ call 3SG call Mr Sanggiitan church main DEM REL called her, called the Sanggiitan of the Main Church, of the house where

ê 3SG

khay dêl ai, ku Mesti Skola. Se a bo Vidjil house POSS.3SG PCL and Mesti Skola CONN NS go TN Xinggili lived, as well as the Mesti Skola. Then they went to the Vidjil, and … “Dêê!

Nan

EXCL

PL

Mase, waya! khô x’ fê man look thing DEM happen “Jesus!, My friends, what happened, … what happened,

xi so

k’ REL

xi ai, m’na mie se la danadu fesan…. so PCL child woman DEM PRF damage.PTCP aspect ah, this young woman’s appearance has been changed [by] that man. Ii …,

nan

EXCL

PL

sa COP

i,

se…

PCL

CONN

fêê happen pa man

masebu, a kha mata nggê…?” “Noay, Sun, man NS HAB kill person impossible Mr Listen, my friends, are we in the to death?” “Not at all, my friends, one fo do kʼ kha mata f.“ Bamʼ! Se nan pe can give with thing kill NEG well CONN PL man cannot kill [somebody] by any means.” Well … these very important men

�� 104 Lit. ‘Then the wind sang, and the wind blew to the right and then to the left.’ 105 Lit. ‘This is not something that goes back; this [only] goes forward.’

sai. DEM.PLC

an NS.NEG nga-ngaandji RED~big

284 � Texts

698

699

tela ba zunta neñi, sʼ ineyn country go meeting POSS.3PL.PCL CONN 3PL had gone to their meeting and talked about their matters, sʼ

ineyn fa be, s’ 3PL speak go CONN for a long time. And then … “Jesus!

ineyn 3PL

CONN

fa speak

bi... . come

700 kha

pa kha xigudu a! Ii, Mest, look thing arrive.PTCP PCL EXCL Mesti Look what happened! Listen, Mesti, there is nothing MOD

701

702

703

704

705

fa say

faa word

neñi POSS.3PL.PCL

Se

“Dê…!

CONN

EXCL

na

s’ku

NEG

EXIST

zwan no

San lady kha thing

pa

kha

REL

fa a kha fê f za… . Non kee gwô x’pê say NS GNR do NEG already 1PL FUT leave simply that is said and that is executed immediately… . We will leave [it] simply as it is

PROG

pa khô xi… sa, khô xi skêê fêê…, look thing DEM COP thing DEM FUT happen and see what happens. What will happen, so that all of us bê amea xi khama ngandji xi kulêntxi see approximately DEM way big DEM current see approximately where the current of the sea [i.e. destiny] bai… ku mʼna mie sai.. ku… n’nza go.PCL and child female DEM.PCL with young.man will lead the young woman and the young man.” Well,

po PURP

d GEN

sai.” DEM.PCL

non 1PL

tuu all

ome sea

skha PROG

Wa…, EXCL

Nan

Man ku Nan Pa, agwêt’ alôsô, sekundun k’ a faa lady and PL gentleman agwêtê alôsô according REL NS tell ladies and gentlemen, listen, I will tell you [the story] according to what we have been told, PL

706

707

708

m se m ten skha 1SG FOC 1SG EPIST PROG so that the new generations fo tai skha come.from behind PROG also get to know this news, pa

na

PURP

NEG

fa… tell be go

non, 1PL

p’ PURP

pa PURP

ineyn 3PL

nunza young.person

tên also

sê know

nen-nen RED~PL

nova news

xi DEM

sai, DEM.PCL

pêndê. Pakê kha fêê? Onda kutum lose because thing happen honour habit so that it doesn’t get lost. Why is this so? The important customs of

san ground

709

tela men non pe non tu pêndê beza. country mother 1PL father poss.1PL all lose already our country, of all our ancestors, were already lost: the khamba

Khamba k.o.rope

710

pêndê, vin-palma van ku makuta dê pêndê, uduma ku get.lost palm wine top and funnel POSS.3SG lose pestle and was lost, the palm wine from the top [of the trees] and its funnel were lost, the pestle and

711

nggaba tu… da taxi, ôga pixyokho tu khaba beza. mortar all arrive back pot k.o.tart all finish already the mortar, all was lost, the pot and the paxyokha do not exist any more.

Soya Xinggil � 285

712

Khalga ña khadji nan babê dja San Damian106 tuu pêndê load firewood house.GEN PL healer day Holy Damian all lose The loads of firewood of the house of the healers of the day of São Damião already were

713

beza, khalga ña khadji soga tuu pêndê beza. already load firewood house.GEN mother-in-law all lose already lost, the loads of firewood for the house of the mother-in-law were already lost.

714

Khamba pixi khadji soga djia subu rope fish.GEN house.GEN mother-in-law day Saturday Saturday’s fish for the house of the mother-in-law was already lost,

715

beza, dôsu pixokho khadji sogaa tu pêndê beza. 107 already piece k.o. tart house.GEN mother-in-law all lose already the piece of tart for the house of the mother-in-law, all these things were lost. And

716

kê nggamba non kee kha ma fê zêtê? Envede, se what recipient 1PL FUT HAB take make oil in.fact CONN what kind of recipient are we going to use in order to prepare palm oil? In reality,

nggu person

717

tudu…, khô xi menmen tela non, ôsexi-ôsexii…, all thing DEM woman country POSS.1PL RED~today.PCL everybody ..., what the women of our country would take today …

ma take

tu all

pêndê lose

kha HAB

A and

718 fê zêtê sa… kanguro.108 Ixi ôôboda109 fa p’ ineyn mêtê non make oil COP “kanguro” DEM Bubi say COMP 3PL put 1PL to prepare palm oil are the “kanguro”.110 Those things the Bubi said they should put us 719

720

721

722

pê…, po non tu lantaa pa non bi Ambô put COMP 1PL all enter PURP 1PL come Annobón in …, for us111 to enter it and come [back] to Annobón. These are

ai.

Se

PCL

CONN

sa

kha

COP

HAB

ma take

nggamba d Ambô ôsexi ku nan men tu recipient GEN Annobón today REL PL woman all the recipients of Annobón which nowadays all women use for preparing fêê zêt. Ban’tan skhee lantaa n’tuu zwan make oil 2SG.NEG.REP FUT enter in no palm oil. You won’t enter a man and a womanʼs house

khadji112 house

mayn khʼ an pay pa bo bê ngamba dôsu, woman and a man PURP 2SG see recipient two and find two or three of these recipients any more; [you won’t see]

d GEN

têêx three

an a fu; NEG

�� 106 Baabê dji San Damian were traditional healers who used to be paid in kind. 107 In former times, the daughter-in-law had the obligation to bring all this food to the house of her parents-in-law. 108 End of the first part of the recording. 109 Ôô-bo-da, lit. ʻyour eyes gaveʼ, is a nickname for the Bubi, because the noun Bubi sounds more or less like bo bê ʻyou sawʼ. 110 Kanguro is the brand of a bucket that is imported into Malabo. 111 i.e. the Anobonese people living on the island of Bioko. According to the storyteller, the Bubi suggested putting all of the Annobonese living in Malabo in kanguros and sending them back to Annobón. 112 An incomprehensible part of the text has been replaced by khadji ‘house’, which seems to be appropriate in this context.

286 � Texts

723

menmen se nan m’na woman CONN PL child a woman, two girls, grinding

mie female

dôsu two

ê… eh

a

skha

NS

PROG

724

mandjokho pa fêê an dasu landavela pa kabe manioc PURP make a piece k.o. tart PURP break.3SG manioc in order to prepare a piece of landavela in order to break it

725

txiipa f. Ta khô se skha fê…, gut NEG when thing DEM PROG happen and eat it. When these things were happening …, when one day

726

se….

ku

CORR

REL

wan mayn ba san ba djuuni – a woman go ground go sleep a woman went to sleep, – this woman was [one of] the

to put

ta when manmen woman

727

men faa ku limʼ, nan men nen xi nan woman speak with spirit PL woman PL DEM PL women that speak with the spirits, the women to whom the spirits

728

kha

mla grind pê put

da arrive

dja day

se

nan

DEM

PL

djifuntu deceased

a tokha…, ku nan djifuntu kha faa l: “Bo kha faa go meet REL PL deceased HAB speak 3SG 2SG MOD tell would go and meet …, to whom their male and female deceased would say: “You will tell HAB

729

730

telʼ e kha skee fêê xi pa fêê country INTERJ thing FUT happen so PURP do the people that it will happen this way, so they should do this

xi so

pa

fêê do

PURP

xi so

fêê xi.” Na sa ôdjiedja ku ligila fantê113 spiitu ku do so NEG COP nowadays REL joy showing. off spirit and and that.” It was not like nowadays that the joy and the showing off of the [ones who pa

PURP

731

masan ku zʼdê lantʼ Ambô e f. Se a fa wickedness and devil enter Annobón PCL NEG CONN NS tell are visited by] the spirits, that the evil and the devil entered Annobón. They told

732

manmen se xi: “Man” “Tê manda” “A …, lady DEM so Lady 2SG.SLM order well that woman: “My Lady.” “Yes?” “Well, you will go and

733

734

735

o da tela lazan; po bo 2SG give country information PURP 2SG inform the people; you will tell the Main Sanggiitan

faa tell

ngaandji ku Met Skolʼ pʼ ineyn khôz’ big and Mesti Skola PURP 3PL preparar and the Mesti Skola to prepare themselves. This boy skee

bo 2SG

kha

sanggiitan sanggiitan ‘gô body

be go

MOD

pê. put

PURP

xi DEM

Nunza boy

khaba tel’. Nunza se skee khaba tela… finish.off country boy DEM FUT finish.off country will do away with this country. This boy will do away with this country… . FUT

pʼ

se DEM

kitan people

�� 113 ligila fantê spiitu ‘the joy and showing off of the spirits’ refers to the joy and the showing off of the people who are visited by the spirits. At the time of the story, the spirits were more selective, they would only visit certain people, but nowadays anyone can say that they are contacted by the spirits. At the time of Xinggili, the ‘soñadoras’ (i.e. the women who are contacted by the spirits while they are dreaming) did not ask for money, but nowadays they do.

Soya Xinggil � 287

nggê.114 Bo kho fa neyn xi… somebody 2SG MOD say 3PL so You will tell them so for them to take the cross of

736 dji

pʼ

GEN

737

ineyn, 3PL

COMP

ma… take

kusu cross

Matê Khatxin’115

ku nan sanggiitan tudu. Kintafel’, ama-pasa with PL sanggiitan all Thursday day.after.tomorrow Matê Khatxina, all the Sanggiitan. Thursday, the day after tomorrow, PN

738

739

n’tan fuga lôndji f anta NEG.REP remain long NEG before it won’t last long before this young woman

kha

fêê happen

MOD

pa

m’na child

COMP

se

ôzô ba san…, ilai, i lôkô ôtu mêdji knee go ground PRST 3SG already.have eigth month will give birth, and lo!, she is already in her eighth month of pregnancy; DEM

740 beza, anta kha fêê pa already before MOD happen COMP before this month ends, before this woman

mêdji month

se

khaba…, end

DEM

mie female paña pregnancy

pa COMP

m’na child

741

mie sê ôzô ba san, pa ma… nan sanggiitan… female DEM knee go ground COMP take PL sanggiitan give birth, [you will] assemble all the Sanggiitan with [the cross of]

742

ku Matê Khatxina, pa nan sanggiitan tu bixi and PN COMP PL sanggiitan all dress Matê Khatxina, so that all the Sanggiitan dress in white …,

banku-banku-banku… RED~white

743

pa

den in.front

mʼ mʼn sai, pa take child DEM.PCL COMP to bring this boy in front of them COMP

vle turn.3SG

ta put

pê put

pa COMP

744

faa li…: “Non bai, non ba nda-nda, po non bô bôôvê tell 3SG 1PL go.PCL 1PL go RED~walk PURP 1PL go scout.out and tell him: “Let’s go, let’s go for a walk. We’ll scout out the country, we’ll sight

745

tela, po non vita tela, po country PURP 1PL sight country PURP the country,we will show you … the country.”

746

Wa,

non 1PL

m’nsaa show

bo… 2SG

ta a kha me k’ a kha when NS MOD take.3SG when NS MOD When they leave with him and they pass the church of

saata jump

gêêza church

Son Zwan… Batxita116 ba dentxi…, pa me San Zwan Batxiita go forward COMP take.3SG San Zwan Batxiita, [tell them that] they should direct him

vla, turn

pa

EXCL

747

bo go

COMP

telʼ.” country

me take.3SG

�� 114 N + dji nggê means ʻsomebody else’s Nʼ. Here, the meaning is that the country does not belong to the inhabitants of Annobón, but to God. 115 Matê Katxina, ‘Mateo Catalina’, is a saint who has certain powers. If they put its cross into the water with a minzele and pronounce a person’s name, this person will have heavy problems or might even die. 116 The full name of the church is Zwan Batxiita d’Abôbô, Abôbô being the name of the creek located in the neighbourhood of the church.

288 � Texts

748

ba van Lapa Kêputxin, pa takh’ a da van Lapa Kêputxin go top TN COMP when NS arrive top TN to the summit of the cliff called Keputxin,when they arrive at the summit of Lapa Kêputxin,

749

ala…, ala pa pize bo bosu…, pa there there COMP push.3SG go down COMP there they should push him down, throw him down

750

bonkho, ku polova M’zêlê… Khôi. Pa dêê xʼ, pa precipice with word.GEN Minzele Khôy.117 COMP day DEM COMP the precipice, with the words of Minzele … Khôy. They should tell the people that that day,

751

tela, pa zwan nggê na ba country COMP no person NEG go nobody should go to the fields, and that no

752

753

bate xi na ba l’ba d canoe INTENS NEG go top GEN canoe should go to sea. When night

motu field

ome sea

f. NEG

nôtxi, pa… nan sanggiitan… ku pôvi… night COMP PL sanggiitan and people.PCL falls, the Sanggiitan … and the people …, everybody …,

blê throw.down.3SG

f,

ni neither

NEG

Ta when pa COMP

bo go

pa

zwan no

COMP

kha

do arrive

MOD

nggu person

tu…, all

nan PL

754

vantêlu, pa nggu tu bi kʼ galafan ô ôkhô wine-tapper COMP person all come with damijohn or calabash the wine-tappers, everybody should come with their damijohn or wine calabash,

755

neñi, pa djun’ bôkhô-poto… khadji… Sanggiitan Gêza Ngandji POSS.3PL COMP sleep mouth-door house Sanggiitan church main they should sleep at the doorway … of the Sanggiitan of the Main Church reciting the prayer

756

ku Lavô xiii, pa p’mase bla, with k.o.prayer INTENS PURP morning open called Lavô, during a long period of time, until it is light.

757

758

759

760

761

Pakê kha fêê? Khô because thing happen thing For what reason? What he was going to do,

x’

k’

DEM

REL

pa PURP

ê 3SG

p’maa morning

skêê

fê do

FUT

pôvu nggitêlu xkêê bê. Oo, ta a kha fê people entire FUT see EXCL when NS MOD happen everybody was going to see it. Well, when this is going to happen; ta khʼ a dô nôtxi, pa a bo Motu Padjil when REL NS arrive night COMP NS go TN when night falls, they should go to Matu Padjil, or to a place k’

a

kha

REL

NS

HAB

bê tôlu djandja i, pa kuta see trunk.GEN banana PCL COMP cut where one can find trunks of banana trees; then they should cut one,

vin wine

khô thing ô or

bla. open

ai, PCL

sai; DEM.PCL

khame place

tôl trunk

xi DEM

djandja banana

dôs, têê, khatul, xinku, sêxi… pa fê… spetula… pesua, ximafan two three four five six COMP make figure person like two, three, four, five, six banana trunks in order to make … the figure … of a person, like

�� 117 Minzele Khôy is a prayer which has the most terrific effect on those people whose names are mentioned in the prayer.

Soya Xinggil � 289

762

an mayn k’ suk’ paña bega ngandji… pa fêê a woman REL have pregnancy belly big.PCL COMP make that of a pregnant woman with her big belly, they should make that figure

763

sai,

a

skê

DEM.PCL

NS

FUT

764

765

pê l’ba khamʼ. Ta pama ske bla…, put top bed when morning FUT open and put it on top of the bed. When the morning comes, one will see bê khô xi skêê fêê. Kha see thing DEM FUT happen MOD what is going to happen. Whatever you see,

s’ COP

khô thing

i

k’

a

DEM

REL

NS

pa

da pôv’ tu lazan; i xkee bi give people all information 3SG FUT come you will inform everybody; Xinggili will come like a devil …

amea like

COMP

766

767

ku an djalmenta fakha…, p’ ê with a AUGM knife PURP 3SG with a huge knife … in order to kill … the woman k’

ê gu ku paña 3SG leave with pregnancy he left heavily pregnant, for the woman REL

768

769

770

771

772

bi… come

bega belly

mata… kill

ngaandj big

mie sê môlê, valadji pa na pali, female DEM die so.that PURP NEG give.birth to die, so that she could not give birth, so that his name dê

na

d

POSS.3SG

NEG

fuga l’ba remain top would not remain in Annobón.

GEN

ala… sand

san… ground

pa… PURP

tela country

San Antoñi Palê. TN

zuge bi, se zugwan netu… tela throw.3SG come CONN no grandchild country blew and threw him [on the beach], nobody on the island liked

se

nô

DEM

NEG

se CONN

nen-nen

‘i

k’

PL

DEM

REL

774

mata nganha dji nggê…, sê nʼnza taaxʼ, dana kill chicken of people creep.up boy back damage killing people’s hens …, taking the boys from behind, raping the ku and

nggô like ê 3SG

fêê: khaba men khazadu khôlôyô118, mata pata dji do break woman marry.PTCP crown kill duck of to do; commiting adultery with married women, killing people’s ducks …,

ê 3SG

m’na child

nam name

PURP

khanta sing

mie kêtê-kêtê nen-nen xi palaso kʼ woman RED~small RED~PL DEM palasolo REL girls with whom he would remain during the palasolo.

PCL

DEM.PCL

PCL

773

775

ai,

sai

ai,

Pakê kê kha fêê? Khama ovon… oven because what thing happen place wind wind Why was this so? [San Antoñi Palea] is the place where the wind

l fa, da pesa kha fê-fê 3SG NEG because lot thing RED~ugly him, because of the many dreadful things he used

bê see

zudê… devil

moo woman

pa…

spetula figure

bê see

skha PROG

nggê…, people

nan PL

neyn 3PL

mʼna child kha HAB

�� 118 Khôlôa here refers to khôlôa dji khazamentu, the traditional wedding crown women wear when they get married. khabaa khôôa means ʻcommit adulteryʼ.

290 � Texts

776

s’

ai.

ai,

COP

PCL

Ta… man-men se kha faa ku l’m’ when lady DEM HAB speak with spirit When … the woman who used to speak with the spirits, when she

PCL

k’ when

777

fo sunyan khôl’, ku nan djifun lʼma-lʼma de come.out dream with.3SG.PCL REL PL deceased RED~spirit give.3SG awoke from her dreams with them, when the deceased spirits came to give her

778

lazan bi da Sanggiitan Gêza Ngandji…, enveedadji message come give Sanggiitan church main in.fact a message for the Sanggiitan of the Main Church, then, really, she

779

san Met Skol. Men sê xi… Pa Kitovi, call Mesti Skola 1SG.NEG know COMP Mr PN called the Mesti Skola. I don’t know whether Mr Kiitovi, Mr

a NS

sʼ

ê

CONN

SG

Pa Mr

780 Ngusalu Mana Bizgaya…,119

envedadji, an den lazan namʼ in.fact NS.NEG give.1SG information name Ngusalu Mana Bizgaya … as a matter of fact, they didn’t give me any information about the PN

781

pape xi…, nan pa nen xi bi sa Sanggitan… Gêza man DEM PL man PL DEM PST COP Sanggiitan church names of the men, of the men who were the Sanggiitan … of the Main Church

782

Ngandji ku Mes Skol tompii dêê xi main and Mesti Skola time.GEN day DEM and the Mesti Skola those days, when this happened.

783

784

785

786

Se

a

CONN

NS

khô thing

se

fêê happen

DEM

da bôdjina…, se a san nan… sanggiitan give large.shell CONN NS call PL sanggiitan Then they blew into the big shell,and they called … all the Sanggiitan. pakê kha fêê? Bôdjina… se sa…, because thing happen large.shell FOC COP Why was this necessary? This shell was, let’s say …,

non 1PL

kee FUT

fa. NEG

tudu, all

fa…, say

talig’damanfono xi… non kha ma san pôvi… communication.machine DEM 1PL HAB take call people.PCL the instrument with which we used to call the population those days

dêê day

xi DEM

Ambô

ta Ambô Ambô, ku… a kha ma san todo nan when TN TN REL NS HAB take call all PL in Annobon, when Annobon [still] was Annobón, which we used to call all the TN

787

788

789

sanggiitan tuu kwando wan sanggiitan môlê. Ole sanggiitan all when a sanggiitan die now sanggiitan when a sanggiitan died. Right now, look, I have one

men…, exactly

khôn ôman.., po non bê. Ta bo kh’ fôfô with.1SG hand PURP 1PL see when 2SG HAB blow in my hands, so we can have a look at it. When you blow where sok’ fulad’ ai…, se fa kha sê ben have hole PCL CONN sound HAB go.out side there is a hole …, there the sound comes out … . Then they

sai…, DEM.PCL

wan one

khame place

lele PRST

se DEM

se

a

CONN

NS

�� 119 Gonzalo Mana Bisga (whose nickname was Págàlù and who probably lived in the 19th century) was considered a prophet by the people of Annobón.

Soya Xinggil � 291

790

sam todo nan sanggiitan tudu, se a ba zunta… khadji... call all PL sanggiitan all CONN NS go meeting house.GEN called all the sanggiitan and they went to the meeting … at the house … of the

791

Sanggiitan... Gêêza-Nganhi. Enveedadji, se… Sanggiitan Main Church in.fact CONN Sanggiitan of the Main Church. And really, all these men

792

a

da give

NS

nen-nen se tu lazan... khô xi… manmen RED~PL DEM all information thing DEM woman were informed … about … what that woman … had been talking

nan

pa man

PL

xi…

kha

DEM

PROG

faa speak

793

ku lʼma i, bi... ku.. da.. pôvu lazan. Se fa faa with soul PCL come and give people information CONN say word with the souls in order to inform … the people. Then [that woman] said the following words.

794

xi;

ôsexi manmen sai skee da soya xi ku… now woman DEM.PCL FUT give story DEM REL [Storyteller speaking] Now this woman was going to tell what … the spirits

l’ma soul

DEM

795

bi

de lazan, bi da… l’ba d ala give.3SG information come reach top GEN sand had informed her about, in order to inform … the people of Annobon. PST

796

Se

manmen se ta mindjadu…, mên sê woman DEM put stand.PTCP 1SG.NEG know The woman stood up …, I don’t know whether it was Me-Mai.

ximen.. whether

CONN

797

san ground

pakê kha fêê? Me-Mai se bi kha faa ku because thing happen PN DEM PST HAB talk with Why is this so? Those days, this Me-Mai used to talk with the King of

798

a-saaga… tompi dêê xi. {Na sa Me-Main…, men…. salt-water time.GEN day DEM NEG COP PN woman the Sea. {I don’t know whether it was the Me-Main…, the woman …,

799

manman-babu xi non bê e f, bitch DEM 1PL see PCL NEG the bitch we saw, not at all. A different woman

800 k’

801

802

803

kh’

NS

HAB

An a

Me-Mai…, PN

Alê king

mayn woman

d GEN

patodu… different

s’me Me-Mai, ku, envedadji, n’tuu lavuu Papa call.3SG Me-May REL in.fact in book Mr who was called Me-Mai, whose story, as a matter of fact, we have seemingly read in Mr REL

a

noay. not.at.all

tel’. country

Kon tankha non têndê soya Kon seem 1PL hear story Kon’s book. This woman had a

se DEM

ala. there

Menmen woman

nôman khook xi, k’ se sô ôman DIM.hand hook DEM and DEM COP hand hand like a hook, and it is with this hand that she would ma txaa nggê fitxisu.} Se manmen take extract person spell CONN woman extract spells from people.} Then this woman started …

se DEM

xi

k’

DEM

REL

se DEM

804 bo tusan… s’ i da pôvu lazan; go sit.down CONN 3SG give people information to inform the people; then she spoke in the following way:

pasa pass sêê CONN.3SG

suku have

an a

ê 3SG

kha

ba go

HAB

san ground

faa speak

xi…: so

292 � Texts

805

“M’ ba san ba djuuni, se m’ sa mundu... 1SG go ground go sleep CONN 1SG COP world “I went to sleep and I was in the real world of the other side

806 sala

807

nan

CONN

PL

ben side

djifunta bi se khomesa deen pakhada, deceased come CONN begin give.1SG blow [i.e. of the dead or of the dreams] and the spirits came and began to beat me,

DEM

se...

veedadji truth

kha

pen

PROG

fê m matxi se faa m’ peen bi… do 1SG suffering CONN tell 1SG COMP.1SG come making me suffer, and then they told me to come in order to call

COMP.1SG

808 Sanggiitan xi Ngaandji ku.. Mes Skol’, pen da Sanggiitan DEM main and Mesti Skola COMP.1SG give the Sanggiitan of the Main Church and the Mesti Skola, in order to

san call

neyn 3PL

809 lazan… faa xi…: “Nunza se ôdjie, k’ ê bi e information speak so boy DEM today REL 3SG come here inform them …, and say the following words …: “This boy who today, who came here 810

nunzela ku an dexi d anu, osea boy with one ten GEN year in.other.words as a ten-year-old boy, this is to say eight years old,

811

an dexi d anu ôdjie k’ one ten GEN year today REL almost ten, who now is already an adult,

812

beza, k’ ê s’ku an dexi already REL 3SG have one ten who is sixteen, almost seventeen years old,

813

ê 3SG d GEN

ta put anu year

ku…. with

ôt’ eight

m’ndjiadu stand.PTPC

pe man

ngan big

ku and

kha

a go

sêxi six

seta, k’ ê da m’na Sanggiitan Gêêza Ngaandji seven REL 3SG give child Sanggiitan church main now that he had made the daughter of the Sanggiitan pregnant,

PROG

pañia pregnancy

nggê120… person

814

nunza se skee khaba tela kitan boy DEM FUT do.away country person this boy will do away with our country by doing

815

fê-fêyu: mata pata di nggê, mata nganha dji nggê…, RED~ugly kill duck GEN people kill chicken GEN person dreadful things: he will kill people’s ducks, kill people’s hens, sodomise

816

nggê taaxi, tôdô khô nen-nen people behind all thing RED~PL boys, everything people put outside,

817

818

dji of

k’

a

kha

REL

NS

HAB

ê kha ligi bai. Bana, khôkhôndjô 3SG HAB pick.up go.PCL plantain coconut he will steal them. The plantains, the coconuts people

onu, year

nen-nen RED~PL

ku with

p’ put

ai, PCL

kha thing sêê come.out

ôla outside

tudu, all

k’

a

kha

REL

NS

HAB

pê bôsu d aa-paya…, tudu, kha fê-fê mo sêê bi put under GEN eaves all thing RED~ugly only FOC.3SG PST put under the eaves, everything, in other words, he will do only very horrible things;

�� 120 Tela kiitan dji nggê: dji nggê means that it belongs to somebody else. Here the narrator could mean that the country does not belong to the people of Annobón, but to God.

Soya Xinggil � 293

819

kha

sal’

HAB

fêê; ê kha tokha nunza make 3SG MOD run.into boy if he runs into a boy with a dish of food,

DEM

k’ with

paatu dish

kum food

dêli, POSS.3SG

820

ê kha ma ê kha kum ê kha da bo pakhada pê 3SG MOD take 3SG MOD eat 3SG MOD give 2SG beating put he will take it and eat it, and, in addition to it, he will even give this person a beating;

821

l’ba; ta men dê top when mother POSS.3SG when his parents come to

822

k’ and

pe father

b’ faa khôli, ê kha yaa come speak with.3SG.PCL 3SG MOD show speak with him, he will show them his behind, take

dê

kha

POSS.3SG

MOD

taaxi behind

da,

ê 3SG

BEN

823

kha dê ê kha bag’ ale. Se tela thing POSS.3SG 3SG MOD break sand CONN country his belongings and run away. So the Annobonese people got tired

824

kholi, sêê khomes’ kha djuun n’tuu with.3SG.PCL CONN.3SG begin HAB sleep in of him. He then started to sleep in the thicket next to

825

l’ba…. palakhaxaanu, men yôkhô nen-nen xi top cemetery AUGM crevice.rock RED~PL DEM the top ofthe cemetery, where there are huge crevices in the rock,

826

827

al’ s’ khame k ê kha mêtê there COP place REL 3SG HAB put this is the place where he used to put all the loads

todo all

kha

f’t’ ee tu pê. {Ê sa steal PCL all completely 3SG COP he would steal. {Whether he had [cooking] pots there

828

829

sokh’ ôga f ô. Dêêx have pot NEG PCL day.DEM or not. It was at the time when they had

na

bi

s’

NEG

PST

COP

khame xi k’ ê kha place DEM REL 3SG HAB this is the place where he used to cook his meals, PCL

se

sa

DEM

COP

kudji cook

833

sa COP

k’

PL

REL

kh’ with

pixokh k.o.cake dêli

xi,

POSS.3SG

DEM

kulêntxi current

va khasa bi show head come no boat should go

xi

na

INTENS

NEG

zwan no

bate boat

ê 3SG

ôga pot

fêê... pa pimê lam’ so sêê fo… happen PURP first ray sun come.out come.from the first rays of the sun come out from … the current of the sea, COMP

ê 3SG

ôgôgô…, pot

fê make kum meal

dji of

REL

ê skha fê masan dêl’.} Wa, kinta-fela, 3SG PROG make wickedness POSS.3SG EXCL Thursday where he used to carry out his evil acts.} Well, Thursday, before …

pa

ma take

MOD

ku

k’

l’ba, top

kha

benda side

REL

832

PURP

nen

tompi... time.GEN

bal’. Ôga b’l’ nen-nen xi… ku a kha ma clay pot clay RED~PL DEM REL NS HAB take clay pots. The clay pots which were used to prepare cakes;

830 ai;

831

khalga load

pa

khansa get.tired

zugu-zugu thicket

ala there

HAB

bi come

anta before

kha

d

ome sea

GEN

sê leave

b’ go

MOD

294 � Texts

834

ome f, pa zwan mayn xi na ba sea NEG COMP no woman DEM NEG go on sea, no woman should go to the fields in order to get121

motu field

f

ba go

NEG

khwa search

835

an gulipi yam’ ô dosu djana pi nguu tuu fêê kun pê a piece yam or piece banana ripe people all make eat put a piece of yam or some ripe bananas so that everybody prepares food in order to store it

836

khadji f. {Na sa ôdjiedja envedadji, ku san house NEG NEG COP nowadays in.fact COMP ground at home. {[At that time], it was definitely not like nowadays that in

837

men non ku pe non mother POSS.1PL and father POSS.1PL our country there is no food any more.}

838

839

Pa

nan

COMP

PL

n’tan NEG.REP

tê have

kun food

sanggitan tu bixi banku-banku…, pa Sangiitan all dress RED~white COMP All the sanggiitan should dress in white, they should take the cross Matê Khatxina…,

pa

PN

COMP

tela country e

f.}

PCL

NEG

ma… take

kusu cross

vla. Pa vla, pa faa xi: go.ahead COMP go.ahead COMP tell so of Matê Khatxina and go ahead. They should go ahead and tell him: “We’ll

840 bay pa bo m’nsa bo tela.” A têê kha bixê go PURP go show you country NS also MOD dress. 3SG go and show you the country.” They should also dress him in white, 841

842

843

na

a

PURP

NEG

de ôô têndê. Ta a kha be k’ give.3SG eye understand when NS MOD go when so that he doesn’t understand [what they are going to do]. After they leave and

NS

da van lapa Kêputxin, k’ a kha a San Zwan, k’ arrive top rock Kêputxin when NS FUT go TN when arrive at the top of the cliff called Kêputxin, after they go to San Zwan, after they munzunya, k’ a kha vla txinka ku lasan kneel.down when NS FUT go.ahead go.up with prayer kneel down, after they go up with prayers until they reach the highest point,

a NS

kha

xiiiiiii,

FUT

INTENS

me take.3SG

txinka. go.up

Ta a kha da ala, pa piza l’. Pa piza li when NS FUT reach there COMP push 3SG COMP push 3SG.PCL When they reach that point, they should push him. They should push him so that

846 ê da san poto-poto, p’ ê… p’ ê 3SG give ground break.in.pieces PURP 3SG PURP 3SG he falls on the ground and breaks into pieces and dies. When he 847

baanku, white

pa

844 agwêt’ alôsô, pa da van lapa Kêputxin, pa agwêtê alôsô PURP reach top cliff TN COMP listen, in order to reach the top of Kêputxin, they should take him up. 845

“Non we

môlê. die

kha

�� 121 This part is incomprehensible and has therefore been replaced by ba khwa an.

PURP

Ta when

môlê, pa ma lasan, pa bi tel’, sumanu… die COMP take prayer COMP come country provided.that dies, they should start a prayer and go back down, so that … when FUT

p’

i 3SG

ta when

Soya Xinggil � 295

848 a

bay, pa nggu tu su s’pat’ khôl’. go COMP person all COP attentive with.3SG they go back down, everybody should watch him. What was the NS

skha

Pakê because

PROG

kha thing

849 fêê? Ê so tukadu sang’. Ê sa… ê sa nggê happen 3SG COP change.PTCP blood 3SG COP 3SG COP person reason for this? [Even] his blood was different[ from ours].122 He was … he was a poisonous 850

posoi. Ê suku bidjiga ôgê. Ê sa poisonous 3SG have wart body 3SG COP person. He had warts on his body. He was arrogant

851

do bixi kuuta kha pê ôô palma. Envedadji, se….. because clothes cut HAB put eye palm.tree in.fact CONN because of the clothes of protection he would put around his palm trees.123 And really,

852

menmen sai... da Sanggiitan Gêza Ngandji ku Mes Skol woman DEM.PCL give Sanggiitan church main and Mesti Skola this woman … informed the Sanggiitan of the Main Church, the Mesti Skola, and

ku and

853

nan

kha

se

PL

FUT

854

sanggiitan lazan. Khôlê sanggiitan information run the other sanggiitan. After one week

a go

ntolantan-meza-posal arrogant

fêê make

an one

sumanu week

nan

pa nen-nen sai san pôvu Vidji-Ngaandji pa man RED~PL DEM.PCL call people TN PURP these men called the people to the place called Vidjil Ngaandji in order to PL

855

856

857

858

859

pôvu lazan…, pakê kha fêê? Kintafela a people information because thing happen Thursday NS inform them … . What was the reason for this? Thursday they would go

skha

puutenx. An men puutenxa pizadu nganh. procession a AUGM pilgrimage heavy big in procession.124A very important procession. We should

Pa

non 1PL

pêtêpê pa nova se ba djiskhansa…; tivye, insist COMP news DEM go rest maybe insist that this problem be solved; maybe there would be more

tan

COMP

REP

nova maxi... . Se a ba Vidjil’. Mamen se news more CONN NS go TN woman DEM problems … . So they went to Vidjil. That woman didn’t go there. ô.

Ê da sanggiitan xi ngaandji ku mes skola 3SG give sanggiitan DEM big and Mesti Skola She had already informed the Main Sanggiitan and the Mesti Skola. PCL

ba go

da give a go

PROG

fo can

CORR

skha PROG

sku have

n’tan NEG.REP

utu other

be go

f NEG

lazan information

�� 122 In the sense that his blood was infected by his wickedness. 123 When a native of Annobón wants to protect one of his/her belongings, like a tree, (s)he binds objects like a snail shells or glass bottles around the tree. By doing this, (s)he is warning thieves that if they steal the tree’s fruit, they will be possessed by witchcraft. 124 A puutenxa is organised in order to ask for something, e.g. after a long period of drought to ask for water. In the case under consideration, the aim is to ask for a solution to the problems Xinggili was causing the people of Annobón.

296 � Texts

860 beza. Pakê kha fêê? Se sa nan padji tela already because thing happen FOC COP PL Father country What was the reason for this? They were the priests of Annobón of that 861

ix’,

sa

nan

DEM

dêê x. Ineñi se sa nan alê, se day DEM 3PL FOC COP PL king FOC time. It was the sanggiitan who were the kings, the governors

COP

PL

tomp’ time

gôvendô governor

862

tela dêê x. Pakê kha fêê, tel’ n’ suku alê country day DEM because thing happen country NEG EXIST king of the country at that time. What was the reason for this? There was no governor in Annobón.

863

f.

‘i

k’

a

skee

NEG

DEM

REL

NS

FUT

a

kha

NS

HAB

bay. go

Todo zunta ô kha nova nen all meeting or thing news PL For all the meetings or news, in order to be informed,

864 tudu, Vidji-Ngandji se s’ khame xi k’ all TN FOC COP place DEM REL it was at Vidjil-Ngaandji that one had to go. It was these 865

866

867

pa nen sai… se sa... nan xiôô… man PL DEM.PCL FOC COP PL owner.GEN men who were the authorities of all the vidjil. Then

todo all

a

bo dentxi… piimê kuusu xi k’ a kha go ahead first cross DEM REL NS HAB they went on to the first cross, which is called Palian Vooto,

vidji vidjil

Nan PL

tudu. all

Se CONN

NS

san… call

sa

k’

a

kha

COP

REL

NS

HAB

kusu x’ kitxi, se a ba… kuusu xi cross DEM small CONN NS go cross DEM this is the small cross, then they went to the cross that is called

Palian Voto,

se

TN

DEM

868 Bomba Kulus, se a bo pimê finkan, k’ a kh’ san Bomba Kulusu CONN NS go main beam REL NS HAB call Bomba Kulusu, then they went to the main beam, which is called Begale, 869

da give

san call

Begale, Begale

se

finkan ‘i sa taaxi k’ a kh’ san Fadjistorra. Envedadji… beam DEM COP behind REL NS HAB call Fadjistorra in.fact and finally they reached the beam which is behind and which is called Fadjistorra. CONN

870 se

pôvu zunta. Ta pôvu zunta pê ala…; wa, se people gather when people gather put there EXCL CONN And then the people came together. When the people had come together there, oh, CONN

871

872

an sêê fa nunza posoye sai… sa l’baa NS.NEG know COMP boy poison DEM.PCL COP top.GEN they didn’t know that this poisonous boy was on top of the huge

ope tree.GEN

kasa

mmmmmm

lili xi… yaa mangga da k.o.tree DEM snap.off branch give tree called lili, a branch of which fell on Mr Zan Batê, AUGM

873

874

Pa Mr

Zan Batê,

AUGM

PN

Pa Zan Batê... Pa Zan Batê pe Abelardo Katxina Mr PN Mr PN father PN Mr Zan Batê, Mr Zan Batê, the father of Abelardo Katxina, Pa Zan Matê Ma-Miñinu. Se nunza sai Mr PN CONN boy DEM.PCL Mr Zan Matê Ma-Miñinu. The boy was on top of the huge

ôkô

sa COP

sai,

mmmmm

DEM.PCL

l’ba top

pe

taba

AUGM

AUGM

Soya Xinggil � 297

875

876

877

878

879

lili sai. {Benda dji liba Vidji-Ngandji se s’ k.o.tree DEM.PCL side GEN top TN FOC COP lili. {Next to the upper part [of the Vidjil-Ngaandji], this is the place khamada non Nanandjô fêê men almasena friend POSS.1PL PN make AUGM warehouse where our friend Nanandjô made his huge warehouse; se

sa

sa.

Se

FOC

COP

khamê xi lili se bi place DEM k.o.tree DEM PST this is125 the place where the lili used to be. Mr

COP

CONN

Zan Matê Ma-Miñinu

bi

s’

se…

PN

PST

COP

ala… kha tusan there PROG sit Zan Matê was sitting there, and then a branch snapped off

CONN

se

de kaba baasu.} Wa, se hit.3SG break arm look CONN and broke his arm.} Look! Now, when the people CONN

880 s’

ala zunta, se komo… amea there meeting CONN since since were there at the meeting, since Xinggili was a boy COP

881

ôxi now

se…,

xi

k’

DEM

REL

tukadu sanggi, s’ ê sa l’ba change.PTCP blood CONN 3SG COP top whose blood was different, he was on top of the lili, and

883

todo khô k’ a skha faa all thing REL NS PROG say he heard everything they were saying

e PTC

sinke zwan nggê sêê fa without.that no person know COMP without anybody noticing that he was there.

tu all

sê FOC

i 3SG

sa COP

884 faa nen-nen xiii tela fala, ku nggu word RED~PL DEM country say when person He heard all the words the people said; when everybody 885

kha

ta

HAB

PST.PROG

vaatu moso. {Se s’ be.hectic only DEM COP was always being wild. {That was at the time when

ta when ê 3SG

PCL

yeya snap.off

pôv’ people

sa

nunza boy

COP

sai,

se

DEM.PCL

CONN

skha

têndê hear

PROG

Se

todo all

CONN

l’ let.fall

masan wickedness

tompi time

ai;

mangga branch

ala. there tuu all

DEM

Pa Mr

pê, lo bôkhô pê, k’ a ma kha completely let.fall mouth completely when NS start PROG got depressed and couldn’t say a word, when they set out to go home,

886 ê bi khadji; tadamen k’ ê s’ku 3SG come home since REL 3SG have Xinggili arrived home. Since he was full of evil, he 887

ê 3SG

se

pê put

DEM

lili k.o.tree

COP

882

se

DEM

sa

khame place

ôman arm bi come

ôgê, body

xi...

k’

a

DEM

REL

NS

khadji, home

ê 3SG pali give.birth

888 Ma-Khosan d’Ana

ku Ma-Fidel’, k’ ineyn ta lamba pixi and PN REL 3PL PST.PROG remember fish Ma-Khosan d’Ana126 and Ma-Fidel were born, when these two women were remembering the PN

�� 125 The part between ai and khamê is incomprehensible; therefore it has been replaced by se sa. 126 This Ma-Khosan d’Ana is not Xinggiliʼs wife, but another woman.

298 � Texts

889 tela nein. Dêêxi Ambô t’ Ambô Ambô, ku bala country POSS.3PL.PCL day.DEM TN COP.PST TN TN when whale fish of their country,127 at the time Annobón [still] was the old Annobón, when the whales 890 bi

nd’ Ambô fumad’ da Lala Ponto, ku navin go TN swollen arrive TN when ship were still visiting Annobón, surfacing at Lala Ponto, when [the crew] of Swiss128 boats PST

891

ta

PST.HAB

Suiz’

kha

TN

HAB

ta… bala san, da pôvu. Khô se bi safa put whale ground BEN people thing DEM PST move.away would offer whales to the population of Annobón [so they would have something to eat].

892

be taxi129 beza}. Ta da p’masedu..., ta da khwatafa go back already when arrive morning when arrive Wednesday This happened a long time ago.} When the morning arrived, when it was Wednesday

893

tadji se a fa l’: “Sun!” “Tê afternoon CONN NS tell 3SG Sir 2SG.SLM afternoon, they told him: “Sir!” “Yes, Sir!” “Well,

manda!” order

894 Ama non skha a bôvê tela, pa tomorrow 1PL PROG go visit country PURP tomorrow we will visit the country and walk around.

non 1PL

“Aaaa. ah

ba go

nda-nda. RED~walk

895 t’ndê?” “Aeeen.” “Pintxu130 ban tan da kulu-kulu bo hear yes beware 2SG.NEG REP get.up RED~early 2SG Do you understand?” “Yes.” “Don’t you dare get up very early and escape 896

897

fo khai.” Ta da la sêxi, se come.from home when give o’clock six. CONN from home!” When it was six o’clock, they … called him

teen...

NS

EPIST

se

a

dji

CONN

NS

de an… djiban, vitxidu give.3SG a traditional.clothing clothing and they gave him a djiban, one of these white clothings,

GEN

898 sai,

ê ten bixi, se... pôvi 3SG EPIST put.on CONN people and he put it on, and then … they went with the people DEM.PCL

899

a

vaa escape sama call

baanku w hite

s’

se

a

ten

CONN

DEM

NS

EPIST

Bo 2SG

li 3SG

nen-nen RED~PL ba go

san Gêêza-Nge, se ten sa Lavôl, se ten sa Lavôl, ground Main.Church CONN start Lavôlô CONN start Lavôlô to the place where the Main Church was. And then the prayer called Lavôlô started.

900 se

ten sa Lavôl, se ten sa start Lavôlô CONN start They kept praying Lavôlô for a long time, CONN

Lavôl, Lavôlô

se CONN

ten sa start

�� 127 This probably means that the two women were remembering their childhood when fish was abundant in Annobón. 128 It is highly improbable that Swiss boats arrived in Annobón. The storyteller must have mixed up Switzerland with another country. 129 The storyteller says dentxi ʻforwardʼ, which is a performance error. 130 Pintxuu is a contraction of pê sintxidu ‘put + attention’.

Soya Xinggil � 299

901

902

903

Lavôl’, se Lavô tuuka se a mo S’pela, se Lavôlô CONN Lavôlô change CONN NS take Supela CONN then Lavôlô was replaced by the prayer called Supela. Then they went on Se

a

se

a

CONN

NS

vla, go.on and on and finally

CONN

NS

vla, go.on

se

a

CONN

NS

ba Santa Mamanana se a m’nzwan ta go TN CONN NS kneel.down put arrived at Santa Mamanana, they kneeled down there. They

vla, go.ahead

ta put

se

a

CONN

NS

se

a

CONN

NS

pê, completely

se

a

se

CONN

NS

vla. Agwêt’ alôsô; ta da patxidu khamia… go.ahead agwêtê alôsô when arrive crossing road Then they went ahead. Listen! When they arrived at the crossing of the road,

CONN

906 a

lolo bo luba... d A-Bôbô. Se a da go.down go river GEN A-Bôbô CONN NS arrive they went down to the river of A-Bôbô. Then they arrived at the forest of NS

907

vla. go.on

NS

pê, completely

904 ba Kuusu Khobo Pixi Nunzwa d'Aô se a m’nzan go TN CONN NS kneel.down went to Kuusu Khobo Pixi Nunzwa d’Aô, kneeled down there. 905

a

me forest

Men-Fôi

se

a

se

PN

CONN

NS

m’nzunha, se a bo... Gêza S’n Zwan kneel.down CONN NS go church PN Men-Fôi and kneeled down. Then they went to the San Zwan church and

CONN

908 a

m’nzunha, {dêêxi luba d A-Bôbô bi ta luba kneel.down day.DEM river GEN A-Bôbô PST PST.COP river kneeled down. {At that time the river A-Bôbô still was the river A-Bôbô.131 NS

d GEN

909 A-Bôbô. Na s’ ôdjie ku n’tan suku gaavi lubel e f.} A-Bôbô NEG COP today REL NEG.REP have beauty.GEN river PCL NEG It was not like it is today since the river no longer has the qualities of a beautiful river 910

911

912

Se

a

CONN

NS

vla txinka. "Olem’, olem’". Mes Skol kha da go.ahead go.up paddle paddle Mesti Skola ITER give any more.} Then they went up and walked for a long time. The Mesti Skola would say dji

dê

GEN

POSS.3SG

ba pê, ê kha khansa; Sanggiitan Gêêza-Ngê go put 3SG ITER tire Sanggiitan Main.Church his part of the prayer and stop, he would get tired; the Sanggiitan of the Main Church kha

kha

ITER

da dji dê ba pê, wan piime luntan give GEN POSS.3SG go put a first Luntan would say his part of the prayer, then a First Luntan would take over,

ITER

ma, take

913

wan sanggiitan... Lavô kha ma, envedadji se a be xiii, se a sanggiitan Lavôlô ITER take in.fact CONN NS go INTENS CONN then a sanggiitan who prays the Lavôlô would take over. Then they walked for certain time,

914

a

txinka, se a tovesa xiiii, ba da van... Lapa Kêputxin. go.up CONN NS cross INTENS go arrive top TN then they went up, then they crossed [the river], which took them a certain time, and then NS

�� 131 Nowadays the river A-Bôbô is dry.

300 � Texts

915

A ilai nan pa nen-nen sai, nan sanggiitan, zwan and PRST PL man RED~PL DEM.PCL PL sanggiitan no they arrived at the top of Lapa Kêputxin. And look, neither these men nor the sanggiitan,

916

nggê, na sêê fa nunzwa se bi person NEG know COMP boy DEM PST nobody knew that that boy was on top of that tree there;

917

todo khô nen k’ a skh’ faa all thing PL REL NS PROG say that he heard everything they were saying.

e PCL

sa

vaan top

COP

tuu all

i 3SG

d

ala; there

GEN

têndê hear

f. NEG

918

Tak’ a da ala, se: “Aah,132 khamaada pia, paa tela. when NS arrive there CONN EXCL friend look look panorama When they arrived there, then: “Well, my friend, look, have a look at the panorama.

919

Ala, bo kha bê khamê se fêê xi e there 2SG PROG see place DEM make so PCL Do you see the place over there which has this form?“ “Yes.” “It’s

920

fa?”

“Ee.” yes

PCL

Budjigêl’;

ala sa... Ponto Khobolo, ala sa van... lapa..., there COP TN there COP top rock.GEN Budjigêl; over there is Ponto Khobol, and there is the top of the rock, ehm, piza l’. Tak’ a pize, push 3SG when NS push.3SG of Bôbô dji Filê.” Then they pushed him. When they pushed him,

COP

ê, ehm

TN

921

“Sa...

Bôbô dji Filê!”

Se

a

sêê

TN

CONN

NS

CONN.3SG

922

txya Sanggiitan Gêza-Ngandji... ku inha d ôman posoi scratch Sanggiitan Main.Church with nail GEN hand poisonous he scratched the Sanggiitan of the Main Church with the poisonous nail of his hand

923

xi

ê so khôl eee, se... bontan 3SG COP with.3SG PCL CONN button that he had, and all the buttons of this manʼs shirt DEM

khamiza shirt

pa man

se...

tuu all

DEM

924

baaga. Tak’ a pize k’ ê fêê kha pôzôi se, break when NS push.3SG when 3SG make thing poison DEM were torn off. When they pushed him, when he did this poisonous thing, when

925

ê ôxi nggo ma pa se ba khôô ku a... “Dedevel, na 3SG now want take man DEM go with.3SG when NS devil NEG he now wanted to take along this man, when … [then the Sanggiitan of the Main Church

926

fêê xi f!” Ku pa se bi kh’ ope taxi, se Sanggiitan..., do so NEG when man DEM come with foot back then sanggiitan said:] “Satan, don’t do this!” When the Sanggiitan stepped back, the Sanggiitan …

927

Mes Skol ten tomento M’nzele Mesti Skola EPIST torment Minzele.GEN retorted with the Minzele Khôy. Then they kept

928

Khôi. Khôy.PCL

fa, se... tak’ a piza li, speak CONN when NS push 3SG praying the Minzele Khôy; when they pushed him, he unfolded

Se

a

CONN

NS

se

a

s’

CONN

NS

CORR

�� 132 The person who talks to Xinggili here is the Sanggiitan of the Main Church.

ê 3SG

k’ when

fa, speak sênd’ extend

Soya Xinggil � 301

929

aza m’segu. “Olem’ ”,133 sêê be laagu Yê-Ngaanhi, wing bat paddle CONN.3SG go high.sea TN bat wings. He flew away over the see, around Yê-Ngaandji, then he

s’

ê 3SG

CONN

930

bê dêl’, s’ i bê dêl’. S’ ê s’pa tela ôi. go POSS.3SG CONN 3SG go POSS.3SG CONN 3SG absorb country eye.PCL went on and on and then disappeard [lit. ‘he absorbed the country through his eyes’].

931

“Dê...,

khakha

ê

sanababitxi!”

EXCL

EXCL

PCL

EXCL

932

“Bam, nan Mest, kha… well PL maestro thing “Shit! What a son of a bitch!” “Well, you Mestis, what… what has been fala?” “Bam Sun pa vla khai.” Se say well Sir COMP return home.PCL CONN decided [to do]?” Well, Sir, let’s go back home.” Then they

nan

pa man

PL

kha thing nen

se

PL

DEM

933

ma polova lasan dineñi, ku polova Lavô dineyn take word prayer POSS.3PL with word Lavôlô POSS.3PL started to say their prayers, with the words of their Lavôlô, completely,

934

agwêt’ alôsô, s’ ineyn ma agwêtê alôsô CONN 3PL take listen! and then they arrived at home.

935

Se

a

CONN

NS

kha thing

s’ CONN

ineyn 3PL

bi come

a NS

gaavu, well

da arrive

khay. home

ba san Gêêza-Ngaandji se a khaba... Lavôô go ground Main.Church CONN NS finish Lavôlô Then they went to the place of the Main Church, and there they finished the Lavôlô

936

pê gavu, se nggu tu ma kuzu... se completely well CONN person all take thing CONN prayer completely, then everybody took their belongings and went

937

khay ba fêê dixyamentu neyn. “Bam, tee-taadji, banda la home go do business POSS.3PL well RED~afternoon around o’clock home and went about minding their own business. “Well, in the afternoon, around

938

sêxi..., non skê fê ku khasa khadji... Sanggiitan Gêza-Ngain.” six 1PL FUT make with head house Sanggiitan Main.Church six o’clock, we will head for the house of the Sanggiitan of the Main Church.”

939

Se

Mes Skol ba khadji, se... ta da Mesti Skola go home CONN when give Then the Mesti Skola went home; when it134 was six o’clock, CONN

940 ineyn djiskhansa gaavu, s’ i ma 3PL rest well CONN 3SG take they rested very well. Then he took his book and 941

lavuu book

la o‘clock

nggu person

sêxi, six

dêli,

s’

POSS.3SG

CONN

khadalan d a-benta dêli, se Sanggiitan container GEN holy.water POSS.3SG CONN Sanggiitan his holy water container. Then the Sanggiitan … of the

Nganhi..., Main

tu all

ba go

s’ CONN

i 3SG

ma take

Gêza Church

�� 133 Olemu ʻpaddleʼ is said by the storyteller. It is a form of expressing motion. 134 Here the chronological order of the events is inverted. First, they arrived at home, then they rested, and at around six o’clock they took their books.

302 � Texts

942

943

Nganhi ma lavu dêl ku khadalan d a-benta Main take book POSS.3SG and container GEN holy.water Main Church took his book and his holy water container, and, ilai, banda la khatu ku mê pono lo around o’clock four and half fall lo! around half past four, almost around five o’clock,

kha PROG

a go

dêli,

a and

POSS.3SG

la o’clock

xinku, five

944 a

kuta tôl’ djana, a fêê s’petula... men paña sê cut trunk banana NS make figure AUGM pregnancy CONN they already had cut a banana trunk and made a puppet of a pregnant [woman having an] NS

945

pê l’ba khama beza. Khô xi..., todo fa xi ku manmen put top bed already thing DEM all word DEM REL woman enormous belly and put it on top of the bed, the things [they executed], all the words that

946

x’

k’

DEM

REL

947

fa ku l’ma i, ku l’ma fa speak with spirit PCL REL spirit tell the woman who spoke with the spirits, that the spirits told her to

li, 3SG

p’ PURP

ê 3SG

bi da... tela lazan. Se ten sô ôkhô vin, come give country information CONN start calebass palm.wine go and inform the whole population. Then they started to bring calebasses with palm wine.

948 dêêxi tê galafaan, kh’mad’? Se ten sô ôkhô day.DEM have demijohn friend CONN start calebass Did we have demijohns at that time, my friend? Then there were more calebasses 949

vin-palma. “Bamu Sun, mata men... galu palm wine well Sir kill AUGM rooster of palm wine. “Well, Sir, kill three fat drakes, kill

pata duck

têêx, three

mata kill

950

galu ngganhia khatul, xinku, sêx, kudji ku bana, rooster hen four five six cook with plantain four, five, six roosters, cook them with plantains, yams, wild yams,

951

d

yam, yam

yam yam

ôgô, kôkô. Bam’, Sun! ” Se a skha fa polova Lavô forest cocoyam OK Sir CONN NS PROG say prayer Lavôlô cocoyams. OK, Sir! [Go and execute!].” Then they were saying the prayer called Lavôlô GEN

952

xiiiiii.

Se

INTENS

CONN

pamasedu Av Malaaa Mazugadu... khanta. Ta da morning Ave Maria Mazugadu sing when arrive during a long time. Then in the morning the prayer called Ave Maria Mazugadu was said.

953

mazugadu..., «Av Mala mazu» kha a kh’ fa la sêxi morning Ave Maria morning thing NS HAB say o’clock six When the morning arrived, Avu Mala mazugadu, this is a prayer which is said between six

954

pono kha a la sêxi fall PROG go o’clock six o’clock and half past six. These men

ku and

mêyu. half

Se

nan

CONN

PL

pa man

955

khant’ Av Mala mazugadu n’tê lele gaavu. sing Ave Maria morning completely completely well sang the whole “Ave Maria of the morning” very well. As for Xinggili’s wife,

956

sai,

pesa pôvu nen-nen xi... ba ala bo lot people RED~PL DEM go there go a lot of people went there in order to mourn her dead body, DEM.PCL

ludjia mourn

nen

se

PL

DEM

M’na-mie woman motxi death

sai, DEM.PCL

Soya Xinggil � 303

957

958

959

tuu sa ala zuntadu pê. Ôxi zudê se venta all COP there gather.PTCP put when devil DEM move.rapidly everybody gathered there. When this devil ran over to the people, bi, ê zuga an vvvvvvve. Se, come 3SG throw a feeling.of.wind CONN they got a cold feeling of the wind. And, listen! was it

kdôô!

i

EXCL

PCL

a and

kha PROG

se CONN

temp’ se k’ a se e, se... tan s’ku vvvvvvvve? weather DEM REL NS COP PCL CONN also have feeling.of.wind normal with such a weather to have this feeling of the wind? What

960 se

ma kha take thing was this? Do not annoy me. It was DEM

sa?

Na

COP

NEG

l’mpa annoy

m 1SG

ôgê body

f.

Se

s’

NEG

DEM

COP

K’ what

961

ôxi k’ ê lanta khadji; so s’petula... ix k’ a fê pê now REL 3SG enter house CONN puppet DEM REL NS make put at that moment that he entered the house; as for the puppet made of banana trunks and

962

l’ba khama ku... djandja i, s’ ê mêt’ an djalmenta top bed with banana PCL CONN 3sg put a AUGM which they had put on the bed, he stabbed it with an enormous knife.

fakha knife

963

pê.

bo

se

bo

POSS.2SG

FOC

2SG

964

965

{Dêêxi

tela

sa

laMete khadji panta?135 put day.DEM country have lamp middle house {Did we have lamps at that time? In the middle of the house, one kh’

A

HAB

fê khôla budu pê xi, se bo kho zunta fôgô. make crown stone put so CONN 2SG HAB gather fire would make a circle of stones layed out like this, then one would light the fire. One

NS

kha

pê pinhan, okhaku... ña nen-nen xi kha put k.o. tree k.o.tree firewood RED~PL DEM HAB would put firewood of different trees which burn away very slowly,136 HAB

966

fôgô: pinhan, okhaku, khambali, ineyn xi kha fire k.o.tree k.o.tree tamarind 3PL DEM GNR like the pinhan, okhaku, tamarind – these burn away very slowly;

967

gêgê..., se a kh’ fê pê ala, txim’fan k.o.tree CONN NS GNR make put there such gêgê …, and they would put it there, the same way as

968

969

pe kha fê fugan pê n’tu vidjil man HAB make stove put in vidjil these men make a stove in the vidjil. That’s how

amea way

ai.

Se

s’

PCL

DEM

COP

djun sleep

ku... with

djun sleep

fôgô; fire

se

nan

FOC

PL

ame like

xi DEM

dêêxi,} nakhadji n’zela wa. Khadji n’zela, taku day.DEM DIM.house coconu.palm.stake PCL house coconut.palm.stake when it was at that time.} A little house made of coconut palm stakes, right? A house of coconut

�� 135 At that time there were no lamps in Annobón; therefore Xinggili didn’t notice that he had not killed his wife, but had instead stabbed a puppet. 136 Lit. ʻwhich sleep with the fireʼ.

304 � Texts

970

971

972

973

mase bla, sokhodu gavu..., la sêx ku mê pono morning open dry.PTCP well o’clock six and half fall palm stakes.137 When morning had definitely arrived, between half past six and

kha

la seta k’ a ba da, se a tokho men o’clock seven when NS go arrive CONN NS touch AUGM seven o’clock, when they arrived at the house, they found this enormous

djalmenta

fakha se sa mitxidu pê... tôl knife DEM COP put.PTCP put trunk knife stuck in … the banana trunk. “Well,

djana banana

sai.

a go

PROG

AUGM

“Tonse well

DEM.PCL

a

fêê ku amea... pesua... namen sa tôkôdu fesan ôtu make with aspect person woman COP change.PTCP aspect eight they had made [it] with the changed appearance of a woman that was in her eighth NS

974

mêdji..., paña... teza beza, ban bê fa?” month pregnancy stretch.out already 2SG.NEG see NEG.PCL month of pregnancy, with a pregnancy in advanced stage, right?” “Mhm.”

975

S’

s’

CONN

CONN

976

ê bi s’ ê mêtê djalmenta fakha sê pê, 3SG COM CONN 3SG put AUGM knife DEM put So he had come and stabbed the puppet with an enormous knife. Then he ma kha dê s’ take thing POSS.3SG CONN disappeared and since then

i 3SG

be go

fo since

dêêx day.DEM

977

n’tan bê Pa Xinggil kh’ ôô f. NEG.REP see Mr Xinggili with eye NEG nobody saw Mr Xinggili again. Ever since. And

978

kha fê l ku pesa zudê dêl’, thing happen 3SG with lot evil POSS.3SG what happened to him who with all his evil was able to fly,

979

“Mhm.” yes

Bi come

se

a

CONN

NS

t’khô touch k’ REL

ê 3SG

ôdjai. today.PCL kha HAB

i 3SG

A and

va, fly

k’

ê kha vla fêê loda kha fê-fê nen k’ 3SG HAB transform make lot thing RED~ugly PL REL who could transform himself [e.g. into a bat] and do all these horrible things he

ê 3SG

REL

980 kha

fê ai; ku z’dê dêl na fo fa axan: do PCL REL devil POSS.3SG NEG can tell so would do, [how come that in spite of all this] his devil was not able to tell him:

“Ng person

se

na

se

sa

f?

DEM

NEG

FOC

COP

NEG

Pakê because

HAB

981

982

983

mo xi bo da paña” woman DEM 2SG give pregnancy “This person is definitively not the woman you made pregnant.”? Why is kha fê? Olotuvê xi Djizu thing happen always DEM Jesus this so? Jesus is always the greatest …

se

sa

FOC

COP

nggi person

xi

sa

DEM

COP

non tudu. Ta k’ ê mêtê men djalmenta fakha se 1PL all when REL 3SG put AUGM AUGM knife DEM of all of us. After he had stabbed this huge knife [into the supposed woman],

�� 137 Khadji n’zela refers to the house where the puppet was lying on the bed.

ngaandji… big pê, put

Soya Xinggil � 305

984 s’

i ma kha dê s’ 3SG take thing POSS.3SG CONN he packed his belongings and left. So he CORR

985

i 3SG

da give

taax’. back

S’

ê 3SG

CONN

bay se lazan khaba, se txinde138 pie. Ta go CONN story end CONN finished IDEO when left and the story has ended. The story of Xinggili has definitively ended. After ten

da arrive

EPIST

986

987

novu mêdji, se m’n’ mie se... ôzô ba nine month CORR child female DEM knee go nine months, the young woman gave birth, she gave birth to a

san, ground

nome. Se pala nome, envedadji, bo kha bê boy CONN give.birth boy in.fact 2SG MOD see boy. She gave birth to a boy, and really, if you just look at him, you

se CORR

moso, only

pala give.birth bo 2SG

kh’ MOD

988 sê fa kha pa... nggêdji khabôñi a. Se sa khata... know COMP HAB look.like foreigner fishing.boat PCL DEM COP kind recognise that he looks like … a white man from a foreign fishing boat. This is the group … 989

se

sa

k’

a

kh’

DEM

COP

REL

NS

HAB

san... nan Faustino. Se sa pepe call PL PN DEM COP grandfather that is called the Faustinos. This boy [i.e. the son of Xinggili] is the grandfather

990 Pa Nggaix’. Pepe xi non khôns’ fa a Mr PN man DEM 1PL know COMP NS of Mr Nggaixi. This man we know that he is called Nggaixi, 991

992

ku

kha

REL

HAB

baa kumbe ku nan mase dance k.o.dance REL PL people who dances the kumbe, who the young people call

kh’

k’tê-k’tê RED~small

Optimus.

994

se

gavu-gavu; se sa pe Paxiku Malomalo, se RED~well CONN COP Mr PN CONN very well; then there is Mr Paxiku Malomalo, Mr Toñi Bôbô,

sa

pe Mr

995

996

se

sa

CONN

COP

pe..., enfin, khata sai. Bo kha Mr well group DEM.PCL 2SG MOD Mr …, well, this family. If you look at the colour of their eyes,

M’s se s’ ê pala woman DEM CONN 3SG give.birth is. So the woman gave birth to a boy, this boy, COP

nome, boy

se and

PCL

same call.3SG

DEM

pa... look

ôô neñi, bo kha bê m’fan sa… tukadu. Se eye POSS.3PL 2SG MOD see how COP different CONN you can see how they are different [from our eyes].139 That’s the way it sa.

ai,

PN

HAB

pape man

COP

Nggaaix

kh’

Pepe se, m kêlê fa..., bo bê man DEM 1SG believe COMP 2SG see Optimus. This man, I believe that you have seen this man PN

993

san call

HAB

nome boy

Toñi Bôbô, Toñi Bôbô

xine sign s’ COP

fêntxidu aspect ame how

xi... DEM

sai, DEM.PCL

�� 138 The element txinde is not analysable; however, the whole sentence se txinde pie means in this context that Xinggili’s story ended definitively, or that nobody received any further news from Xinggili. 139 This Annobonese family is known for having blue eyes.

306 � Texts

997

s’

ê pali, x’ i teen soku nomu tela yai. Ê 3SG give.birth CONN 3SG EPIST have name country here 3SG so she gave birth to him, and he had a name here in Annobón [i.e. he was accepted here]. CONN

998

suku nam tela yai, sekundun nan pa nen se fa have name country here according.to PL man PL DEM tell He had a name in this country, and according to what these men had told me,

999

se

sa...

DEM

COP

nova... Pa Xinggil. news Mr Xinggili this is the story of Mr Xinggili.

mun, 1SG

10Fa d’Ambô – English word list This word list contains around 1,140 items. Where possible, tones of nouns, pronouns, adverbs, and verbs have been indicated as they surface in the kha-frame (see § 2.4.1, below p. 16). Note that verbs (including qualitative verbs) were analysed in contexts without complements. The lexical items are listed according to their long or longest form; the shorter forms are cross-referenced. Exclamative particles, interjections, as well as noun phrase, verb phrase, and sentence-final particles have not been retained in most cases. For examples and discussion of these categories, we refer the reader to § 4.7, § 6.4, and § 7.3. A a [L] non-specific pers. pron. one, we, they (see § 4.5.1.6 p 93) a conj. and a → bay a → sala aa-benta [HH-HH] n. holy water aa-d’ôô [HH-LH] n. tear aa-paya [HH-HH] n. eave of a house aa-saga [HH-LL], aasaago, a-saago n. sea abada [LLL] n. fig abili [LLL] n. April abrasa [LLL] v. hug abwela [LHL] n. grandmother abwelo [LHL] n. grandfather adôgê [HLL] n. luck aen adv. yes agola [LHH], gola adv. now agwêtê expression used by a traditional storyteller when he starts to tell a story in order to catch the attention of the public. The public answers with alôsô.

ai, e, i pcl. noun phrase, verb phrase, and sentence-final particle (see § 4.7, p. 99, and § 7.4, p. 225) ala [LL] adv. there ala → lalea alê, êlê [LL] n. king alêdê [LHH] n. net alfinal [LLH] adv. in the end alka [HL] n. chest. alka motxi coffin alma [HL] n. (pl. also zalma) soul almasena [LLH] n. warehouse almidu dji quant. some aloda [LHH], loda quant. much, a lot alôsô [LHH] n. rice alôsô expression used by the public when the storyteller says agwêtê alu [HH] n. (pl. also zalu) halo am’ → amu ama [HH] n. nanny ama interr.pron. [kê] ama [ku] how ama-pasa adv. the day after tomorrow amanhan [LLL], amaa [LL], ama adv.

tomorrow. Bo ske bi amanhan. ‘You’ll come tomorrow.’ amea [HHH], ame n. way, manner ami → amu ampan [LH], pan n. bread amu, am’ [LL], ami pers. pron. I, me an, en, wan indef.art. a ana interr.pron. where ankha [HH] n. buttock (pl. also zankha) ankhala [HLL] n. crab ankhana [HLL] n. reed anta pa, anta kha fêê pa conj. before antola, anto, ontola, onto, ontoo adv. still, yet, not yet. Bo fêê taabaa bo za? – No, antola. ‘Have you already done your work? – No, not yet.’ Ontoo taaba gwa non. ‘There is still work left for us.’ anu, onu [HH] n. year asa [HH] n. handle asike conj. so that asta prep. 1. until 2. even ata, ate prep. until atia [HHL] n. flagpole

308 � Fa d’Ambô – English word list

atonte [LHH] adv. the day before yesterday, some days ago atu [HL] adj./v. (be) tall atxi [HL] n. (pl. also zatxi) art avyon [LH] n. airplane awa [HH] n. water axi [LL], xi adv. 1. so 2. conj. since axyan, axan, xyan adv. yes, of course aza [HH] n. wing B ba → bay baa → baya baabe, baabê → baabêlu baabêlu, baabe, baabê [LLH] n. traditional healer, doctor baabu [LLL] adj/v. cheeky baadô [LLH] n. dancer baaga [LLL], baga v. break, destroy, spread out. baaga kh’ ôman separate, move away. baaga alea, bag’ alea run, run away (lit. ‘break sand’) baagala [LLLH] v. flee baan → bana baanku [HHL] adj./v. (be) white baasa [LL] v. hug baasu [LHH] n. arm bababa ideo. of kulu ‘raw’ and bê ‘see’ babababa adj./adv. obvious(ly) bafitu [LHH] n. table. Ê pê ope l’ba bafitu. ‘He put his legs on the table.’ baga → baaga bagabaga [LLLL] adj./v. (be) broad, wide, strong bagi [HH] quant. a lot, much bala → balea bala [HH] n. rifle balba [HL] n. beard

balea, bala [LH] n. whale balê [LH] n. assistant of the Mesti Skola balê [HL] v. be worth. Khô se na balê zwan kha f. ‘This isn’t worth anything.’ bali [LL] v. sweep balu, bal [HH] n. clay bamu, bam 1. imp.1pl. let’s 2. interj. well, fine bana, baan [LL] n. plantain banda [HH], ben, been, benda 1. n. side 2. prep. around. banda la sêxi ‘around six o’clock’ banda, bande [LH], bandela n. flag banku [HH] n. bench basu [HH], bosu, bôsu n. lower part; south 2. down 3. basu (dji) under batantxi quant. a lot, fairly batê [Ll] v. beat batelu, bate, batê [LH], batel n. boat, canoe batokha 1. prep. until (< ba ‘go’ + tokha ‘touch’) 2. adv. even batxiza [LLL] v. baptise batxizamentu [LLLHH] n. baptism baxi [HH] v. be humble baxia [LLL] v. humiliate baxida [LHH] n. humbleness bay [H], ba, be, bê, bo, bô v. 1. go. ba san ba djuni go to sleep (lit. ‘go ground go sleep’) 2. directional serial verb baya [LL], baa v. dance bê [L] v. 1. see 2. understand be, bê → bay bêbê [LL] v. drink bebela adv. already beega [LHH] n. stomach

beenga pa conj. even if, although. Beenga pa meedu dê môlê, êntêlêza dê sa khwa pa luva. ‘Although her husband died, her determination must be praised.’ bela → bebela ben, been, benda → banda besa [LL] v. bless besa [HH] n. blessing besan [LH] n. blessing bêtê [LL] v. sprout, appear bêtêsan [LLH] n. sprouting, appearance betu [HL] adj./ptcp. open beza, za adv. already bezu [HH] n. 1. kiss 2. blessing bi [L] v. come bi past tense marker (see § 5.1.5, p. 120) bibliotekha [LLLHH] n. library bidji [HH] n. esparto grass bidjiga [LHH] n. wart bidon [LH] n. container biskôzô adj. viscous bisku [HL] n. viscosity bitxil, bitxi [LH] n. small bird (in contrast to paatu, which refers to birds in general) bixi [LL] v. dress, put on bixi [LL] n. clothes bla [LL] v. 1. open. 2. turn over, push out of, push over bo [H] 1. pers.pron. you (sg.) 2. poss.det. your (sg.) bo, bô → bay bô interrogative marker where is. Mene bô? ‘Where is Mene? bôbô [LL] 1. v. ripen. 2. adj./v. (be) red. Kha nen-nen se kha bôbô. ‘These things are usually red.’ bodji [HH], bodji khabaa n. billy goat

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bôdjina [LHH] n. k.o. large shell bôkha, bôkhô [HH] n. mouth bôkhô-pooto [HH-HHL] n. doorway bôkôy [LH] n. palmwine container bola [HH] n. ball, soccer bolo [LL] v. rub bon [H] n. good bôndêlê [LLL] n. backpack, bundle bongga [HH] n. k.o. fish bôntan [LH] n. button boonkho [LLL], bonkho n. ravine, precipice bôôvê [LLL], bôvê v. investigate, have a look, scout out bôswa [LH] n. broom bosu, bôsu → basu boya [LL] v. emerge bôyô [LL] adj./v. (be) fertile. Matu nen se kha bôyô. ‘Those fields usually are fertile.’ budubudu ideo. of pizadu ‘heavy’, goosu ‘fat’, and gôôdô ‘fat’ buf-m’buf [H-HH] n. mythological animal of Annobón buska [LL] v. provoke buudan [LLH] n. stick buudan-soo [LLH-HH] n. umbrella, parasol buud’ope [HH-LL] n. calf buudu [LHH], budu n. stone butulu, butu, butuu slm. pers. pron. you (sg.) buya [LL] v. 1. entangle 2. be mistaken 3. fall in love D da [L], do 1. v. give. 2. get up 3. arrive, reach. Da dja xi k’ê ta p’ê sêê fo djil. ‘The day arrived when he could get out of prison.’ 4. begin 5.

hit 6. da lazan inform. 7. da taaxi turn one’s back on sb, leave 8. hit prep. because 9. serial verb for (benefactive) daantxi n. illness daantxi v. be ill dadalan [LLH] n. sweettoothed dadji [HH] n. age group dakhantu prep. because of dana [LL] v. damage, break dantu, daantu → dêntulu dañu [HH] n. damage dasu, dusu [HH] n. piece dê → dêlê dê → djia ded → dedu deda [HL] adj. sour dêdê [LL] v. shine dêdê [LL] v. be spicy dedevele [LHHL], dedevel n. the highest devil dedu [HH] n. finger, toe. ded’ ôman finger. ded’ ope toe deegadu [LLHL] adj./v. (be) thin, slender deentxi, den, dentx, dentxi, dn’txi (dji) n. in front of 2. forward, ahead deeta [LLL] v. put upright, straighten dêêtu [HHH] 1. adj. right 2. adv. right deke, dêkê conj. that, although dêlê, dêli, dê, dêl poss. det. his, her, its den → deen den → deentxi dêntulu, dantu, dantuu, dêntu, êntu n. inside 2. in dentx → deentxi dentxi [HH] n. tooth dêsê [LL] v. go down dêvê [LL] v. must, have to

dexi num. ten. dexi dôsu twenty Dezu [HH] n. God dineñi, dineyn, neyn poss.det. their dixiamentu [LLLHH] n. business dô [H] n. pain dôdji [LL] adj. empty. Galafa sa dôdji. ‘The bottle is empty.’ dondondon ideo. of fiiyu ‘cold’ dôsu, dôs num. two dua → duya duda [HH] n. doubt dusu → dasu duya, dua [LL] v. 1. hurt 2. mourn DJ dja → djia djaana → djangandja djaki [HH], djak n. jackfruit djalmenta [LHH] augm. used with sharp instruments used as weapons only. djalmenta fakha ‘a huge knife’ djangandja, djaana, djana, djandja, djanga djangana [LHH], djendja n. banana djêlu, djiê [HH] n. money djendja → djangandja dji prep. of djia, dja [H], dê 1. n. day. Fêê têêxi dja beza k’ê sa yay. ‘He arrived three days ago.’ 2. interr.pron. [kê] dja [ku] when djiban [LH] n. traditional clothing djidjidji ideo. of dêdê ‘be spicy’ djifun → djifuntu djifunta [LHH] n. (f.) deceased

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djifuntu [LHH] n. (m.) deceased djiga [HH] n. jigger flea, sand flea djiga [LL] n. wild animal djili [HH], djil [H] n. jail, prison djini → djuuni djiskhansa [LLL] v. rest djizgalasa [LLHH] n. accident Djizu [LL] n. Jesus djuuni, djini, djuni, djuun v. sleep. djuuni ku fôgô sleep until daybreak. Mu skha djuun mina. ‘I am making the girl sleep.’ ‘I am making love to the girl.’ E ê, i [L] pers. pron. he, she, it e → la e → ai e → yay ê → yê êbôñi [HLL] n. ebony ee, ees adv. yes ekseptu prep. except êlê, êli [HH] pers.pron. he, she êlê → alê en → an enteleza [LLHH] n. endurance, determination êntu → dêntulu enveedadji, envedadji, envede adv. in fact F f, fa, fu final element in standard sentence negation (na...f) fa conj. that faa, fa → fala faa [LL], fa 1. n. intense shining (of the sun) 2. adj. yellow, orange faa [LL] v. shine intensely faa [HH], fe n. 1. word. todo faa ‘all the

words’ 2. voice 3. sound faaku [LLL] n. hunger faata [HHL] n. lack faata [LLL] v. lack respect for fadambô [HHL] n. Fa d’Ambô fadôpa [HLH] n. leaf fakha [HH] n. knife fala [LL], fa, faa v. speak fala [LL] v. touch (l. 395) fala, fa [H] n. voice familya [LHL] n. family faña → fañia fañia [LHH], faña n. manioc flour fañia-fañia [HHH-LHL] adj. floury fantê [LL], fentê v. strut around, show off fantxida [LHH] adj./ptcp. conceited, elegant (f) fantxidu [LHH] adj./ptcp. conceited, elegant (f and m) fe → faa fê → fêyu fêê [LL], fê v. 1. do, make, happen. fê ku khasa to head 2. decide feega [LLL] v. rub fekelefekele [LLLLLL] adj./v. (be) slim fene [LL] v. sprinkle, splash. Filip fene awa ta pê mu. ‘Filip sprinkled me with water.’ fenefene [LLLL] v. 1. sprinkle. 2. drizzle. fenefene n. drizzle fenefene ideo. of sêbê ‘rain’ fentê → fantê fêntxidu [LHH] n. aspect fesa [HH] n. party fesan [LH] n. aspect (of a person) fêxyaali, fêxyaal [LHH] n. soldier fêyu [HL], fê adj./v. (be) ugly, bad. Nan khaa nggi se kha fêyu. ‘This

kind of persons are bad.’ fi quant. a bit fi → fiyu fiiya [LLL] v. shine fiiyu [HHL] adj./v. (be) cold fila [HL] n. row fili [LL] v. hurt finggifinggi [LHLL] v. drizzle finkan [LH] n. vertical beam that supports the horizontal beam called lal’ga used in the construction of the vidjil fisu [HH] n. profession, occupation fitxisela [LLHH] n. witch fitxiselu, fitxisee [LLHH] n. sorcerer fitxisu [LHH], fitxis n. sorcery fiya [HH] n. daughter fiyeza [LHH] n. fresh air fiyu [HH], fi n. son fiyu [LL] n. cold fo → podji fôfô [LL] v. blow folo [LL], fo, fol 1. v. come from. 2. locative serial verb from 3. prep. since. fo bay taaxi since a long time ago 4. adv. completely folodu [HHL] adj. slippery fôlu [HH] n. 1. leisure 2. leaf fôm [H] n. hunger foma [HL] n. form, way, manner fondja conj. since fono [LL] v. show. fono dentxi show one’s teeth when laughing fonodu [LHH] n. circumcised penis (because it shows the glans). A skha fê l fonodu. ‘They are going to circumcise him.’ fooli [LHH] n. flower

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fôômôzô [LLHL] 1. adj./v. (be) beautiful, handsome 2. n. beauty fooxi, foxi [HL] n. strength, force fotxi [HL] n. obstinacy fudji [LL] v. flee fuga → fuuga fugan [LH] n. 1. fire 2. stove fugu [LL] v. stir earth (of hens) fuka [LL] v. drown, strangle fula [LL] v. make holes, pierce fuladu [LHH] n. hole fulanu [LHH] n. Mr. soand-so fulutu [LHH] n. fruit fulutu d ampon [LHH LH] n. breadfruit fuma [LL] v. 1. swell. 2. smoke fish fumadu [LHL] ptcp./adj. swollen fundu [HH] n. ground, bottom (of the sea) fundu [HH] adj./v. (be) deep, complicated. Mundu se fundu muntu. ‘This world is very complicated.’ fuuga [LLL] v. remain fuuga [LLL] n. play fuuta [LHH] n. fruit fuuta [LLL] v. steal G ga → kha gaa → gaavu gaaga [LLL], gaga v. 1. carry 2. be rich in gaavina [LLHH] quant. a lot gaavu, gaa, gavu [HL] 1. adj./v. (be) nice, content 2. adv. well, happily 3. n. beauty gaba [LL] v. flatter, praise gabaida [LLHH] n. flattery gada [LL] v. 1. wait 2. keep, store

gaga → gaaga gagi [HH] n. stuttering gala [HH] n. elegance galafa [LHH] n. bottle galafan [LLH] n. damijohn galan [LH] n. penis. galan fonodu circumcised penis. galan piimpi uncircumcised penis galu [HH] n. cock, rooster gavu → gaavu gee → sakhee gêêza [LLL], gêza n. church gêgê [HH] n. k.o. tree and fruit gêgê [LL] n. affection gela [HH] n. war gêza → gêêza gian → giian gidigidi ideo. of khôlê ‘run’ and têmê ‘tremble’ giian, gian [LH] n. necklace gôdôdji [LLL] adj. naked gol n. goal gola [HH] n. throat gôla [HH] n. gold gola, [kê] gola [ku] interr. pron. when gola → agola golo [LL] v. 1. dig 2. look for, investigate, search golosan [LLH] n. digging, investigation golon [LH] n. gallon gonggo → nggongo gôôdô [HHL] adj./v. 1. (be) fat (only persons). 2. (be) delicious, great, beautiful. Kha gôôd’ê! ‘How delicious!’ (e.g. of a dish). Awa gôôd’ê! ‘The water is delicious!’ goosu [HHL] adj./v. (be) thick, fat (persons and objects) gotxi [HH] n. neck gôvena [LLL] v. govern

gôvenadô [LLLH], gôvendô, gôvôndô [LLH] n. governor gu → gwa gua [LL], gu, gwô v. remain, leave, be left gudugudu [LLLL] n. tumult gula [HH] n. gluttony gulipi [HHL] n. piece gunha [HH] n. needle gusta [LL] v. like gwela [HH] n. cheek gwô → gua gwova [LL] n. guava I i → ai i→ê i → xi i → yay igêl, igêê [LLL] n. lesser noddy (Anous tenuirostris) igiyi [HLL] n. clay ikili, ikii [HLL] n. pad (for carrying a burden) ilai, lai presentational imafan → ximafan inense [HHL], inensala [HHLL], inenxi, inenx [HH], inenxki [HHL] plural of the demonstratives ise, isala, ixi, ixki ineyn [HL], êneyn, ineñi pers.pron. they infiñi [HLL] n. kind of fish inha [HH] n. nail isala [HLL], ise [HL], ixi [HH], ixiki, ixki [HL] dem.pron. this, that (see § 4.1.4.2, p. 44) K kabela [LLL], kabaa, kabe, khabela, kebela v. break kada, khal quant. every kaderno [LHL] n. notebook kakaw [LH] n. cacao kalela [LHH] n. career

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kanguro [LHL] n. brand of a bucket that is imported to Malabo kaxya [LL] v. take up the hem kê [L] v. look like, resemble, seem kê interr.pron. which. kê ama how. kê dja when. kê gola when. kê nggê who (sg.). kê nan nggê who (pl.). kê kha what. kê khamaa where. kê khantu how many. kê kha fêê why kê → kêê kebela → kabelaa keda [LL] v. be left kêê [LL], kê v. fall kêêsê [LLL] v. grow keezun [HHL], kezun n. Lent kêkê [HL] adj./v. (be) similar kêlê [LL] v. believe kelekele ideo. of leve/lee ‘light’ (of objects like books or tables) kênggê adv. perhaps kêntxi [HH] n. heat kêntxi [HH] adj./v. (be) hot kesa [LL] v. complain kesa [HH] n. displeasure, trouble kêsê [LL] v. forget kêtê [LL], k’tê adj./v. small kezun → keezun kiitan [LLH], kitan n. 1. Christian 2. person, people kiiya [LLL] v. develop kili [LL] v. roll up, coil. Khobol sa kili-kilidu san. ‘The snake lays coiled on the ground.’ kilo [HL] n. kilo kintafela [HHHH], kintafa [HHH] n. Thursday kisu [HH] n. chin kitan → kiitan

kitxi [LL] adj./v. (be) small kiya [LL] v. bring up, raise, take care; grow up kiyasan [LLH] n. action of upbringing, of taking care komo 1. interr.pron. how 2. conj. since, because kôntiki [HHL] n. k.o. tuna fish kôôkô [LLL], kôkô n. coco yams kopa [HL] n. cup (competition) kote [LL] v. slice koykoy [LL] n. kind of bird kristal [LH] n. crystal ku 1. relativiser. 2. conj. ku, kha, khu and; when 2. khô, kô, ku prep. with 3. conj. short form of taku when kubili [LLL], kubii v. cover kudji [LL] v. cook kukuku ideo. of kuyadu ‘be squatting, be coiled (in bed)’ kula [LL] v. heal kulêntxi [LHH] n. tide, current (of the sea) kulu [HH] adj./v. (be) dark kulu [LL] adj./v. (be) raw, very young, not well cooked kulukulu [HHHH] 1. n. darkness 2. kulukulu ideo. of peetu ‘black’ kulumentxi [LLHH] n. k.o. disease kumbe [LL] n. k.o. dance kumi → kumu kumpaa, kumpla [LL] v. buy kumu [LL], kum, kun, kumi v. eat kumu, kum, kun [L] n. food kundji [LL] v. answer kunkunu [LLL] n. flea

kunukunu ideo. of kuutu ‘short’ kusan → kuusan kusta [LL] v. cost kusu-kusu [LLHH] n. residue from palm oil preparation. It can be dried and used for making fire. kuusan [LLH], kusan n. heart. khaba kusan worry kuusu [LHH], kusu n. cross kuuta, kuta v. 1. make small incisions. 2 harverst (bananas) kuuta [LLL] v. cost kuutu [HLL] adj./v. (be) short kutum → kuutumi kuutumi, kutum, kuutum [LLH] n. habit kuza, kuzu, kha [H], khô, khwa, ô 1. n. thing. kha menemene candy, caramel. kha d ôlêa earring. kha zuguzugu French fries, bread, and others that are dunked in a sauce. kha fêê why. Kê khwa fêê? ‘Why?’ ‘What happened?’ zugwan kha f nothing. Man kha tokha zugwan kha f. ‘I never find anything.’ 2. interr. pron. [kê] kha [ku] what 3. quant. kha dji little kwando conj. when KH kha quant. a little bit kha, kho habitual and modal marker (see § 5.1.2, p. 108) kha → kuzu khaa → khaata khaaban [LLH] n. charcoal. Khaaban sa kêntxi vuvuvu. ‘The

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charcoal is terribly hot.’ khaañi [HHL] n. meat khaasa [LHH], khasa n. head khaasan [LLH], khasan [LH] n. trousers khaata [LLH], khaa, khata n. group, class, kind khaata [HHL] n. letter khaatigu, khaatxigu [LLHH] n. punishment khaba [LL] v. finish, finish off, end khabaa → khabela khabala, khabaa [HLL] n. goat. khabaa lônggô naapay billy goat. khabaa lônggô naamayn goat khabamentu [LLHH] n. end. khabamentu dji last khabe [LH] n. hair khabela, khabaa → kabela khabôkhô, khabô [LH] v. be quiet, shut up. Kha bôkhô pyepye! ‘Shut up!’ khaboñi, khabôñi [LHH] n. fishing boat khadalan [LLH] 1. n. stoup, container 2. quant. a lot of khadji [HH], khay, khey, khêdji n. house. khadji d alê palace khakha [LL] n. shit khaku [HH] n. hull (of a canoe) khal → kada khala [HH] n. face khalakhala ideo. of lizu ‘hard’ and pi ‘unripe’ khalaxi [LHH] n. cup, glass. Khalaxi se potopoto. ‘This cup broke into thousand pieces.’ khalga [LL] v. carry khalga [HL] n. 1. load 2. responsibility

khalma [HL] n. 1. calm 2. dry season khalmadu [LHH] adj. 1. sweaty 2. calm, relaxed khama [HH] n. bed khama [LL] v. burn khama interr.pron. how khama, khamaa → khamia khama d’ôlôsu n. burnt part of the rice which remains at the bottom of the pan and which people like to eat khamaada [LHHH], khamada, kh’maadaa n. comrade, friend khamba [LL] n. 1. string, bunch. 2. k.o. rope or string which is used to climb palm trees. khamba pixi string used to hang up fish for transportation khambabu [LHH] n. wild cane khambali [LLL] n. tamarind tree khamia, khama [HH], khamaa, khame] 1. n. place. Bo ma khama dêli. ‘You have taken his place. / You replaced him.’ khama ngaandji/ngay way, path, road; destiny 2. interr.pron. [kê] khamaa [ku] where khamiza, khaminza [LHH] n. shirt khankhan [LH] n. gravel khankhankhan ideo. of lizu ‘hard’ khansa [LL] v. get tired khansadu [LHL] adj./ptcp. tired khanta [LL] v. sing khanta [LL] n. song khantu → khwantu khantxiga [LHH] n. song khasa → khaasa khasan [LH] n. kind of shark

khasôa [LHH] n. female dog khasôlô, khasô, khasôô [LHH] n. dog khata → khaata khatul [HL], khotul num. four khavalu [LHH] n. horse khay → khadji khaya v. [LL] run aground khaza [LL] v. get married khazamentu [LLHH] n. wedding khêdji → khadji khee, ke, kee → sakhee khêkha it seems that kho → khwa khô → ku khô → kuzu khobo [HH] n. hole, cavern khobo-khobo [LL-HL] adj. cavernous khobolo, khobo, khoboo [HLL], khobol n. moray eel. khoboo matu snake khôk [H] n. hook khôkhô [LL] v. crack (a nut), knock (at a door) khokhokho ideo. of ôdu ‘strong, hard, in good health’ khokholo [LLL] v. cut a piece khôkhôndjô [LHH] n. coconut. khôkhôndjô sokhadu dry coconut. khôkhôndjô bulu d awa k.o. coconut khokhwa [LL] n. skin khola [HH] n. cola nut khôlê [LL] v. run kholokholo [LLLL] adj. dynamic, fearless khôlôkhôlô ideo. of seku or sokhadu, both ‘dry’ khôlôyô, khôlôa [LHH], khôla [LH] n. crown, wedding crown. khabaa khôlôa commit adultery (lit. ‘break the wedding crown’) khomesa [LLL] v. begin

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khôndê [LL] v. hide khônôsê, khônsê [LL] v. know, get to know, meet. M khônsê Mala Malabo. ‘I got to know Mary in Malabo.’ khonta [LL] v. count khonta → khontola khontola, khonta prep. against. da khonta ku meet somebody khoodo [HHL] n. rope, cable. Khoodo vaa fo makina. ‘The cable came off the computer.’ khôôjidu ptcp. of kudji ‘cook’ khôô-khôsô [LLHH] n. neck and nape khôôsô [LHH] n. fruit stone khôôzê [LLL], khôzê v. 1.repair. khôzê makina pê repair the car. 2. do things carefully. khôzê ôgê prepare oneself khoso [HH] n. shoulder. khoso d ôman elbow. khoso d ope kick khotul → khatul khotxyan [LH] n. room khôzê [LL] v. sew khua [LL], kho v. fetch, find khula [LL] v. swear khwa → kuzu khwantu interr.pron. how many khwatafa [HLH] n. Wednesday L l → li la perfect marker (see § 5.1.11, p. 124) laanta [LLL] v. swim laanza [LLL], lanza n. orange laba [LL] v. wash labela [LLL] v. work, gnaw

labenta [LLL] v. 1. cut 2. explode ladalan [LLH] n. thief lagu → lalugu lai → ilai laku v. already have lala → lalea lalaga [HHL], lal’ga n. horizontal beam that joins two vertical beams, the finkan, in the construction of the vidjil lalala ideo. of folodu ‘slippery’ lalea, lale, lala, ala [LH] n. 1. sand 2. beach lalu [HH] n. grater lalugu, laagu [HHL], lagu 1. n. high sea 2. adj. high, in ome lagu high sea lam-lama [H-HL], lamlamu [H-HL] adj. leafy lama [HH] n. branch lamadu adj. appreciated lambela [LLL], lamba v. remember lamenta [LHH] n. tool landavela [HHLL] n. k.o. tart lamu [HH] n. branch lankha [LL] v. tear off lankhada [LHH] n. action of tearing off lantela [LLL], lanta v. enter, go into lanxa [HH] 1. n. boat, rowboat 2. augmentative lapa [LH] n. cliff, rock lapanta [HLL] n. lamp lapis [HL] n. pencil lasan [LH] n. prayer latu [HH] n. moment lavulu, lavuu [HLL] n. book laya [HH] n. queen lazan [LH] n. 1. information. da lazan inform 2. agreement 3. story 4. fê lazan dji assist sb l’ba → liba lê [L] v. read

lea, lele, lelea presentational lêê [LL] v. follow, accompany lee → leve leega [LLL] v. leave, let leele [LLL] adj./v. (be) flat lega → leega legadu adv. freely lele adv. completely lelele ideo. of n’têlu ‘intact, not spoiled; brand new’ lêtê [HH] n. milk leve [HL], lee adj. /v. (be) light li, lii [LL] v. laugh liba, l’ba [HH] n. top; north. liba dji on top of, on lidji [HL] adj./v. (be) disgusting. Nggi xi lidji muntu. ‘This person is very disgusting.’ ligi [LL] v. pick up, lift, lift up ligila [LLH] n. joy, happiness ligili n. joy likeza [LHH] n. richness liku [HH] adj./v. (be) rich. Nan nggê pezadu kha liku. ‘The important people usually are rich.’ lili [LL] n. k.o. tree with small and round fruits lima, l’ma [LH], lim n. animal lima, l’ma [HH], lim n. soul, spirit of the death limedji, l’medji [LHH] n. remedy limia [LLL], limaa v. name limpa, l’mpa [LL] v. clean. l’mpa wan nggê ôgê annoy sb limpa adj. clean (f.) limpu [HL] adj. clean (f. and m.) lina [LL] v. urinate

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livila [LLL] v. liberate, free livilamentu [LLLHH] n. liberation l’ma → lima l’mpa → limpa lo → lolo loda → aloda lôkê [LL] v. bring to bed. M skha a lôkê mina. ‘I am going to bring the girl to bed.’ lôla [HH] n. turtle-dove lolo [LL], lo v. 1. lick 2. go down 3. let fall. l’ ôman get depressed, lo bôkhô not be able to speak lômba [LL] n. back lôndji adv. far, far away lônggô [HL] adj./v. (be) long, tall lônt’ ôgô defecate (lit. ‘enter the jungle’) lôtxiiga [LHHH] n. nettle lubela, lubel, luba, lubaa [LHH] n. river ludjia [LLL] v. 1. encircle 2. mourn 3. serial verb around ludjila, vidjila [LLL] v. hold a wake over luuntan [LLH], luntan n. pupil (of the Main Church) luva [LL] v. praise M m → mun ma [L], mo v. 1. take. ma wan nggê vla ‘have somebody go in a certain direction’. ma ba take to. ma bi bring 2. start. ma lasan ‘start a prayer’ ma-baabu → manmanbabu maa → mala maa → masebu maa → maya maasan [LLH], masan n. wickedness

maatêlu, maatê [LLH] n. hammer maatxil, matxi [HL] n. suffering makêtê [HLL] n. market makina [HLL] n. machine, car. Makina se sa kha dji nggê. ‘This computer belongs to someone else.’ makuuta [LLLL], makuta n. funnel made of palm leaves mal → mali mala [LL], maa [LL] v. tie mali, mal [H] n. harm maliêlu, maliê [LLH] n. sailor man → men manda [LL] v. order mandji conj. but mandjokho, mandjokha [LLL] n. manioc mangga [HH] n. sleeve, branch manggamangga [HHHH] n. canopy manman-baabu [HHLL], ma-baabu n. bitch, prostitute manmen [HH] n. lady, woman mantenha, mantan [LH], manten n. greeting, hello masan → maasan mase → masebu mase → pamasedu mase kêtêkêtê n. boy or young adult between approximately 14 and 20 years masebu [LHH], mase, mose, mo, moo n. man, young man masu [HH] n. calm masu [HH] adj./v. (be) docile, tame. Khasôô kha masu. ‘Dogs are usually docile.’ mata [LL] v. kill matu, motu [HH] n. cultivated field. matu milu mun ‘my corn field’

matxi → maatxi mavida [LHH], m’v’da n. bad life, problem, difficulty, suffering maw [L] adj. bad maxi adv. much, more. na maxi … fa not any more maya [HH], maa 1. emph.pers. pron. I 2. emph.poss. det. my mayn, men [H] n. 1. mother 2. woman mayu [HH] n. May mazna [LL] v. think, imagine maznamentu [LLHH] n. thought maznasan [LLH] n. thought mazugadu [LLHH], mazu, muzugadu n. early morning, before sunrise, dawn m’bô [LH] n. mould m’bolôzô adj. mouldy mêdji [HH] n. month mee-matu [HH-HH], me, me-me n. forest, bushes mêê → mêyu meedu [LHH] n. husband mêêsê → mêlêsê meetu quant. a part of mêlêsê [LLL], mêsê, mêêsê v. merit melu [HH] n. honey men, man [H] 1. n. woman 2. augmentative men, meyn 1. det. self 2. adv. exactly men → man mendu [HH] v. be afraid of, fear mendu [HH] n. fear menemene [LLLL] adj./v. (be) sweet menmen [HL], memen n. lady, woman mêsê [LL] v. love. M mêsê bo. ‘I love you.’ mêsê [LL] v. rock, swing

316 � Fa d’Ambô – English word list

metadji, mete [LH] n. 1. middle 2. in the middle of mêtê [LL], mêtê pê v. put into mêyu, mêê [HH] num. half meza [HH] n. table mi → mun mia [LL] v. get wet miele, mie [LH] n. woman, wife miledji [LHH], mili num. one thousand milu [HH] n. maize mina, m’na [HH] n. child mindjadu, m’ndjadu ptcp. Ta m’ndjadu! ‘Stand up!’. Mun sa m’ndjadu. ‘I’m standing.’ mindji [LL] v. measure mindjia, mindja [LL], m’ndja v. 1. take residence, stay to live. 2. stay. M’ndja ala! ‘Stay there!’ M skee m’ndja yay. ‘I will stay here.’ / ‘I won’t move from here.’ mindjian, mindjan [LH], m’ndjan, m’djin n. remedy mindjida [LHH] n. measure mingga [HH] n. female friend miñinu [LHH] n. something fragile, delicate, appreciated. Neyxi gaaga khalaxi se ximafan miñinu. ‘Neyxi carried this glass as if it were something fragile.’ minsaa → minsya minsya [LL], minsaa, m’nsa, m’nsaa [LLL], m’saa v. show minzele, m’nzele [LLL] n. k.o. traditional prayer mion num. one million mitxidu ptcp. of mêtê ‘put into’

m’la [LL] v. grind m’mo → mosa m’na → mina m’ndjan → mindjian m’nsa → minsya m’ntu → muntu m’nzele → minzele mo → ma mo → mosa, masebu modoya [HHL] adj. sad moga [HH] n. feeling môi → montxi môlê, môô [LL] v. die monggomonggo [LLLL] 1. adj. very young (child, plant) 2. n. young age montxi, môi adv. much, a lot moo → mosa, masebu moo → moso môô → môlê môô [LL] n. death mootxi [HHL] n. dead person, corpse mosa [HH] m’mo, moso, mo, moo n. girl, young woman mose → masebu moso, moo 1. adj. alone 2. adv. only, just motu → matu môtô [LL] n. car m’segu → musegu mumu [LL] adj. dumb mun, mu, m’ [L], mi, n, ma 1. [L] pers. pron. I 2. poss.det. my munda [LL] v. bite mundu [HH] n. world muntu, m’ntu, n’tu adv. 1. very 2. much munzunha, munzwan [LH] n. genuflection munzunha [LLL], m’nzunha, m’nzwan, m’nzan v. genuflect, kneel down musegu, m’segu [LHH] n. bat muta [LL] v. change muuta [LLL] v. fine muzugadu → mazugadu mve [L] v. abort

N na, nô neg. no na-, no- diminutive prefix ña [H] n. firewood ña [H] n. fishing line naamayn adj. female naapay adj. male nam → namu namaase [HHHL], namase n. boy namiele, namie [HLH] n. girl, young woman namen [HH] n. sibling on mother’s side. namen mu naamayn my sister. namen mu naapay my brother nami → namu namina kitxi, nam’na kitxi n. girl of about 5 years naminsêdji, nam’sêdji, nam’sê [HLH] 1. pers.pron. you (pl.) 2. poss.det. your (pl.) namu, nam, nami, nomu [HH] n. name nan nominal plural marker (see § 4.1.2, p. 35) nan adv. no nape [HH] n. 1. man 2. sibling on father’s side. nape mu naapay my brother. nape mu naamayn my sister natan, n’tan adv. not any more naten, n’ten adv. not yet, not either navin [LH] n. ship nda [L] v. walk nega [LL] v. deny nêsê [LL] v. be born nêsêmentu [LLHH] n. birth nesentxi adj. innocent netu [HH] n. grandchild nevi [HH] n. snow nevu [HH] n. nerve neyn → ineñi ng → nggê n’ga [LH] n. bunch

Fa d’Ambô – English word list � 317

ngaandji [HHL], ngaay, ngaai, ngain, ngan, ngaanhi, ngen 1. adj./v. (be) big. 2. v. make big n’gamba → n’gambela n’gambela, n’gamba [LLH] n. recipient, kind of oval mortar used to pound manioc ngana [LL] v. win nganadôla, nganadôa [LLHH] n. female winner nganadôlô, nganadô [LLH] n. male or female winner nganhia, nganha [LH] n. hen ngannganngan ideo. of dêdê ‘shine’ n’gatu [LHH] n. cat n’gêdji [LLL] n. foreigner ngen → ngaandji ngenengene ideo. of deegadu ‘thin, slender’ ngenha [LLL] v. cheat nggasa [LL] v. hook, attach nggê [H], ng, ngê, nggi, nggu 1. n. person. kwa dji nggê something that belongs to someone else. Ngg’ixi kha tokha saku mu, fêê m favôlô p’ê tan vlame da mu. ‘Whoever finds my bag, please give it back to me.’ nggu tu ‘everybody’ 2. interr. pron. [kê] nggê [ku] who (sg.), [kê] nan nggê [ku] who (pl.) nggi → nggê nggitêlu, nggitê [LH], n’têê, n’tê 1. adj. entire, whole 2. completely nggo → nggonggo nggola [LL] adj. exotic nggôlônggôlô ideo. of mindjadu ‘stand (upright or very quiet)’

nggondonggondo [LLLL] n. somersault nggonggo, gonggo [LL], nggo v. 1. like, want. M bi gonggo bê bo. ‘I wanted to see you.’ 2. love. Mun nggo ku bo. ‘I love you.’ nggonggo, gonggo [LL] n. love nggu → nggê nguna [LL] v. rock (a child) ni … ni, ñi … ñi conj. neither … nor nixidu ptcp. of nêsê ‘be born’ nkhôla [LL] v. anchor no, nô neg. no noay neg. not at all nome [HH] n. boy, young man nomi, nomu → namu non [H] 1. pers.pron. we, us 2. poss.det our nono [HH] n. sweetsop nôtxi [HH] n. night nova [HH] n. news novi [HH] num. nine Noxyan [HH] n. Lord n’tan → natan n’têê, n’tê → nggitêlu n’ten → naten n’tu → untulu n’tu → muntu nunzela, n’za, nunza, nunzwa [LH] n. young person, male or female nwan → onunya n’za → nunzela n’zela [LHH], n’zel n. 1. coconut palm stake, which can be cut in the middle in order to use it as a traditional torch 2. stick made of coconut palm branch O ô conj. or ô → kuza ô → ola

ô → ôyô ôbê [LL] n. k.o. fruit ôbôô [LHH] n. ôbôô naapay bull. ôbôô naamayn cow ôdjai, ôdjie, ôdje adv. now, today. ôdjiedja nowadays ôdu [HH] adj./v. (be) strong ôga → ôgôgô ôgê [LL] n. 1. body 2. refl. -self ôgô [LL] n. 1. jungle. 2. shit ôgô [HH] n. enclosure for pigs and goats ôgôgô, ôgwa [LL], ôga n. clay pot ôi → ôôxi okhaku [LHH] n. k.o. tree ôkhô [LL] 1. n. calabash 2. augmentative ola [HH] n. hour ola [LL] v. pray ôla → ôlêa ôla → ôluya ôlabu [LHH] n. lip olatuvê, olotuvê adv. always (< ola tudu vêdji) ole adv. now ôlêa, ôla [LH] n. ear olemu, olem [LH] n. paddle olotuvê → olatuvê ôluya [HHL], ôla adv. outside the house, on the street omali, ome [LH], omee, omen n. sea ôman [LH] n. hand and the whole arm. tê ôman ba ôsê bring happiness (lit. throw arm go sky) ome [HH] (pl. also zome), omu n. man, husband ome → omali ômôkhô [HHL] n. armpit omu → ome ondola, ondua [HHL], onda n. respect, honour

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onkholo [HHL] n. anchor onte [LH] adv. yesterday ontola, onto, ontoo → antola onu → anu ônunya [LLH], ônwa, ônwan n. moon ôô→ ôôxi ôôboda [HHHL] n. nickname for the Bubi ôôxi, ôô, ôx, ôxi, ôy 1. conj. when 2. adv. today (< ola xi ‘that hour’) ôpa [LH] n. tree ope [LL] n. (pl. also zopi) 1. foot and leg up to the knee. 2. close to, next to ope-mata n. scaffold opo [LL] n. dust opo-opo [LH-LL] adj. dusty ôsê [LH] n. sky osea conj. that is, in other words ôsexi adv. now, today otaa → otxia ôtu [HH] num. eight otxia [LLL], otaa v. sight++ oventu [LHH], ovon, oven n. wind ovu [HH] n. egg ôx, ôxi, ôy → ôôxi ôximen adv. simultaneously, at the same time ôxiôxi adv. immediately, right now, suddenly. Khada vê ku ineyn kha kumpa ampan, ineyn kha kun ôxiôxi. ‘Each time they buy bread, they eat it immediately.’ ôy → ôxi ôyô, ô, ôô [HH] n. eye ôzôyô, ôzô, ôzwô [LH] n. knee. ôzwô ba san ‘give birth’ P

pa [H] n. man, Mr pa, po, pô 1. conj. to, in order to 2. prep. for 3. hortative marker pa → pya paa [HH] n. bunch (bana ‘plantain’) paa [LL] v. bark paakê [HHL] n. park paan → paña paanta-fa [LL-H] n. spokesman paata [LLL] n. cockroach paatadu, patodu adj. 1. far 2. different paatu [LLH], patu n. dish paatu [HHL] n. bird (generic term) paatxi [HHL] n. notice. ma paatxi find out padji → podji padjil, padjii [HLL] n. priest paka [LL] v. turn off pakê conj. because pakhada [LHH] n. beating, blow pakhana [HLL] n. pimple pakhana-pakhana [HHLHHL] adj. pimply Pala → Palea pala → pali pala → polo palakhaxaanu, palakhaxanu [LHLHH] n. cemetery palangana, palanggana [LLHH] n. washbasin palasolo, palasol, palasoo [LHHH] n. moment when the adults are at work, between 7 am to 2 pm Palea, Pala [LH] n. 1. Palea, the capital of Annobon 2. city palêsê [LLL] v. it seems that pali, pala [LL] v. give birth palma [HL] n. palm tree palova [LHL] n. word pamasedu, pama, pamase [LLH], p’maa,

p’mase, p’masedu, mase adv. early in the morning, after daybreak. Pamasee sai m bi nggo bê bo. ‘This morning I wanted to see you.’ pan → ampan pan → paña paña [LL], paan v. take pangola [HHL] n. baobab pañia [LHH], paña n. pregnancy panu [HH] n. cloth papapa ideo. of vwa ‘fly’ pape n. man para [LL] v. stop. Para moto! ‘Stop the car!’ pasa [LL] v. 1. pass 2. happen 3. than (in comparisons) pasu [HH] n. step pata [HH] n. duck patapata in da patapata ‘to crowl’ patu → paatu paatxidu [LLHH] n. crossing paxyan [LH] n. hatred, rage paxyokha [LHH] n. cake made with manioc pay, pe [H], pê n. 1. father, man 2. augmentative paya [HH] n. 1. straw. 2. placenta pe, pê → pay pê [L] 1. v. put. 2. locative serial verb. Ê ligi ope pê l’ba bafitu. ‘He put his legs on the table.’ 3. allow 4. adv. completely peedan [LLH] n. forgiveness pêêdê [LHH] n. wall peena [HHL] n. leg from the knee upwards, thigh pêêndê [LLL], pêndê [LL] v. lose, get lost peetu [HHL], petu adj./v. (be) black

Fa d’Ambô – English word list � 319

peetu [HHL] adv. near pekadu [LHH] n. sin peli [HH] n. skin pêndê → pêêndê pensa [LL] v. think pensamentu [LLHH] n. thought pepay, pepe [LL] n. grandfather. nan pepe dêli her/his grandparents pepepe ideo. of baanku ‘white’ pesa [LH] quant. a lot of pesua [LHH] n. person pêtêpê [LLH] v. 1. insist 2. pursue. Cristiano Ronaldo sakha pêtêtê bola. ‘Cristiano Ronaldo is pursuing the ball.’ Puluxya sakha pêtêtê ladalan. ‘The police is pursuing the thief.’ petu → peetu peza [LL] v. fight pi adj. unripe (of bananas) pia [LL], pa v. look piepie ideo. of khabadu ‘finished, achieved’ pigmeo [LHL] n. Pigmy piimêla (f), piimêlu, pimêêlu (m), piimê [LLH], pimê 1. num. first 2. adv. first piimpi adj. not circumcised. I sa piimpi. ‘He is not circumcised.’ piku [HH] n. peak (of a mountain) pilaga [HLL] n. daily work pilingitu ideo. of kitxi ‘small’ pindji [LL] v. ask to do, ask for, request pindjila, pindjia [LLL] v. hang pinhan [LH] n. k.o. tree which produces a red sap pinta [LL] v. paint pintxu, pintxuu, puntxu (< pê sintxidu ‘put

attention’) prohib. beware, don’t pipi ideo. of khabokho ‘shut up, remain quiet’ pis-sela [H-HH], pis-saa [H-HH] n. wahoo piskadô [LLH] n. fisherman pixi [HH] n. fish pixi-gula [HH-HH] n. k.o. fish pixokho [LHH] n. k.o. tart piza [LL] v. 1. push 2. weigh pizadu [HHL] 1. adj. heavy 2. n. heavyness po → podji pôdê [LH] n. power pôdêlôzô [LLHL] adj. mighty poofia [LLLL] v. insist podji [HL], po, padji, fo [H] v. can, be able pôkhôdôlô, pôkhôdô [LLH], pôkhôdôl n. person polo, pala prep. for, because of polonkhon [LLH] n. k.o. traditional malediction polovala [LHHL] n. 1. word 2. prayer pôlôxya [LLH] n. policeman pompoooo [LHLHL] n. religious procession pongota [HLL] v. ask pono [LL] v. fall pono det. only, single poofia [LLLL] v. insist pôôkô [HHL], pôkhô n. pig poota [LLL] v. cut pooto [HHL] n. door popê [LL] v. step on sth popotoona [LLHHH], popoton n. traditional clothing posoye [LHH], posoi n. poison poto [LL] v. break, fall apart, wear out

potolo [LLL] n. k.o. shark potopoto ideo. of mole ‘smooth, flabby’ and maadu ‘wet’ pôvu [HH], pôv n. people pôzôlô [LHH], pôzôi [LHH] n. poison prinsipe [LLH] n. prince proibidu adj. forbidden pulumô [LLH] n. reason pumpa [HH] n. fountain puntxu → pintxu puutenxa [LLHH], puutenx n. 1. pilgrimage. 2. penance pye, pye-pye adv. completely, totally R rerere ideo. of bôbidu ‘ripe’ S sa, sô, su cop. be sa [L] v. roast sa → sala sa negative perfect marker (see p. 126-127) sa fe v. start sa → sala saa → sêya saan → sama saata [LLL] v. jump, pass, wade across saatu [HHL] n. jump saava [LLL], sava v. save safa [LL] v. move away sakha, sokha [LL] v. dry sakhadu [LHL], s’khodu, sokhadu, sokhodu adj. dry sakhee, skhê, skhee, ske, skee, skê, skêê, xkee, xkêê, khee, ke, kee, gee future marker saku, suku [HH] n. sack saku, s’ku, suku v. have sala [HH] n. living room sala, sa, a dem.det. that salu [HH] n. salt sama [LL], sam, saan, san v. call, be called

320 � Fa d’Ambô – English word list

san [H] n. ground, floor, land san → sama sanggi [HH], sang n. blood santababla [LHHL] n. lightning sapa quant. a lot of sapatêlu, sapatê [LLH] n. shoemaker sapatu [LHH] n. shoe se 1. conn. and, and then 2. focus marker se, sê, sô dem.det. this sêbê [LL] v. rain sêbê [LL], sêê v. know sebu [HH] n. fat sebu-sebu [HH-HL] adj. fatty, greasy sêê v. go out. sêê taaxi sodomise sêê → sêbê sêê → sêlu seku [HL] adj./v. (be) dry sêkundumu, sêkundun prep. according to, in somebody’s opinion sela [HH] n. saw sela [LL] v. saw sêla [LL] v. smell sêlêvu [LHH] n. slave sêlu [HH], sêê [HH] n. smell semeda [LLL] v. obey sen prep. without sêndê [LL] v. extend, spread out senggunda [LHL] (f.) num. second senggundu [LHL] (m. and f.) num. second sentu [HH] num. one hundred sêsê [LL] v. brand, tattoo seta [LL] num. seven sêxi [LH] num. six sêya [LL], saa v. carry si conj. if sin [H] n. zinc sine [HL] n. movies sinke conj. without that sintxi [LL] v. feel sintxidu [LHH] n. attention

sivixu → xivixu skê → sakhee skeedji adj. left skêêvê [LLL], skêve v. write skha, skho, sku progressive marker (see § 5.1.3, p. 115) s’khodu → sakhadu skola [HH] n. school s’ku → saku sku → skha so, soo → solo sogola, soga, sogaa [HLL] n. mother-inlaw, daughter-in-law, sister-in-law sogolo, sogua [HLL] n. father-in-law, son-inlaw, brother-in-law sokha → sakha sokhal, sokhwe [LH] n. prepuce. A skha kuute sokhal. ‘They are going to circumcise him.’ solo, so [H] n. sun sombola [LLL], somba, sombaa v. astonish, surprise soodadji [LLHH] n. soldier soso adv. only soya [HH] n. story speeta → speta speetula [LLHH], spetula n. figure spilit, spiitu [LHH] n. spirit sta pa obl. should, must studu [HH] n. study sua → sula subili [LLL] v. go up, increase subu, subudu [HHL] n. Saturday sufili [LLL] v. suffer sugudji [LLL] v. pour suku → saku sula [LL], sua, swa v. cry, weep sumanu [LHH] n. week sumanu conj. provided that

sumatu n. [LHH] grove, place with a number of trees of the same kind. sumatu khambali a place with tamarind trees. sumatu milu corn field sun [H] n. Sir sunhan [LL] v. dream sunzu [LL] v. dirty, insult supa [LL], s’pa v. absorb supe [LH] n. mirror supeta [LLL], speeta, speta v. spy on, keep watch on supetu [LHL] adj. attentive swa v. grab swa → sula T ta past progressive and habitual marker (see § 5.1.6, p. 122) ta, to v. remain, stay, live ta [L] v. put, throw. ta mindjaadu stand up. ta nggê pê leave, abandon ta → tatan ta pa obl. should, must taaba [LLL] n. work taaba → tabaya taadji [HHL], tadji 1. n. afternoon, early evening 2. adv. late taavada, tavada [LLH] n. storm taave [LLH] n. problem taaxi, tai [LL] n. 1. back. Tudu ba taaxi. ‘Everything went up in smoke.’ 2. behind taba [HH] 1. n. board 2. taba dji augmentative tabaya [LLL], taaba v. work tadamen conj. since, being that tadji → taadji tai → taaxi taku conj. when takuy excl. silence!

Fa d’Ambô – English word list � 321

taligadamafono, talig’damanfono [LHLLHLL] n. telephone, telegraph, communication machine tan rep. again. na … tan not any more, no longer tan degr. as (in comparisons) tan → tatan tanka, tankê, tankha v. look like; it seems that tantantan ideo. of tezadu ‘taut’ tapa [LL] v. cover tapa-labu [LL-HH] n. loincloth tatan [HH], ta, tan n. aunt tatata, tetete ideo. of bôbidu ‘red, ripe’ tavada → taavada tê [H] v. get, have tê v. throw têêvê → txêêvê têêxi, têê, têêx num. three tela [HH] n. 1. land, country. 2. the people of Annobon. Bô skhe faa tela. ‘You will tell it to the people of Annobon.’ telefono [LHLL] n. phone têlêsêla (f.) [LLHH] num. third têlêsêlu [LLHH] (m. and f.) num. third têmê [LL] v. tremble tempu, tompi [HH] n. time ten, têê adv. also ten, teen epistemic marker ten d awa n. rainy season ten sa + N v. begin, start ten sa fe + V v. begin (to), start têndê, tên v. 1. hear 2. obey 3. understand. 4. smell. N têndê see

dêli. ‘I smelled his odour.’ 5. treat têndôman [LLH] v. applaud têpê [HL] v. wait tesa [HH] n. tin, can tetete → tatata teza [LL] v. stretch, stretch out tezadu [HHL] ptcp./adj. taut tiividu, txiividu [LLHL] adj./v. (be) cheeky tili det. such-and-such, such tivie adv. maybe tô 1. slm.pers.pron. you (see § 4.5.1.2, p. 89) 2. slm.poss.det. your (sg.) (see § 4.1.4.3, p. 52) to → ta to → ton todo quant. all tôfu [HH] n. robustness tokha [LL], tokho, t’kho v. 1. touch 2. run into, find 3. meet tôkôdu ptcp. of tuuka ‘change’ tôli [HH], tôlu, tôl n. tower tôlu [HH], tôl n. trunk toma [LL] v. do the favour of tômbôlô, tômbô [LH], tômbôô n. drum tomenta → toomenta tomento [LLH] n. torment, noise tompi → tempu ton [H], to n. uncle tôndôlôndji, tôndôlônhi [HHHH] n. chirimoya, custard apple toomenta [LLLL], tomenta, v. torment, torture tôôxida [LLHH] n. torch tôtxiiga [LHHH] n. turtle, tortoise tovesa [LLL] v. cross; lay tua → tuya

tubalan, tublan [LH], tubran n. shark tudu, tu [H], tuu quant. all. Nggê tudu khonosê li beza. ‘Everybody already knows her.’ tusan → tuusan tuuka [LLL], tuka v. 1. change 2. exchange. tuuka ma exchange for (lit. ‘exchange take’) tuusan [LLH], tusan v. sit tuya [LL] adj./v. (be) sour tuya, tua [LL] n. sour taste TX txaa → txya txêêvê, têêvê [LLL] v. dare txeketxeke adj. slim and very active txi poss.det. your (sg.) (see § 4.1.4.3, p. 52) txigala [LHH] n. k.o. fish txigêzu [LHH] n. Portuguese txiinka, txinka [LL] v. go up, climb txiipa [LLL], txiip n. belly, gut txiividu → tiividu txila [LL], txya, txaa v. throw; extract, take out. txy’ oventu fart txilu [HH] n. shot txokhotxokho ideo. of ve ‘old’ txuska [LL] v. crop, cut hair short txya, txaa → txila txyaman [LLH] v. finish txyetxye [LL] adj./v. (be) nimble U ubêlê [HLL] n. (pl. also zubêlê) udder uduma [LHH] n. pestle udumu [LHH] n. mortar unha [HH], unhu num. one

322 � Fa d’Ambô – English word list

untulu, n’tu, untuu [HLL] n. 1. interior, inside 2. in utulu, utu, utuu det. other uzwan → zugunha V vaada [LLL] v. go up vaadji [LLH] n. trip vaan, van [L] n. 1. top 2. above vaantêlu, vaantê [LLH], vantêlu n. palm wine tapper vaatu [HHL] adj./v. (be) hectic, restless vala [HH] n. bar, stick valadji pa conj. so that vale quant. a lot of van → vaan vantêlu → vaantêlu vê [H] n. time. khal vê ‘every time’ veedadji [LLHH] n. truth vêêdji [HHL] adj./v. (be) green vela [HH] n. sail venta [LL] v. move rapidly, approach venta [LL] n. speed, rapidity veyu [HL], ve adj./v. (be) old. Nggê se veyu. ‘This person is old.’ Nggê se sa veyu. ‘This person looks old.’ vidjil, vidji [LH] n. traditional building of gathering and debate vidjila → ludjila viga [HH] n. beam viita [LLL], vita v. sight vimêyu [LHL] adj./v. (be) pale red vin [H] n. wine. vin palma san palm wine (of felled palm trees) (lit. ‘palm wine of the ground’). vin palma vaan palm wine (of not felled palm trees)

(lit. ‘palm wine from the top’) vita → viita vitxidu [LHH] n. clothing vivivi ideo. of venta ‘move rapidly’ viyadu [LHH] adj. suffering from hernia viza [LL] v. 1. rape 2. deflower vla [L] v. 1. become 2. turn, go ahead, go back, return 3. turn into. Ê vla fêê paatu. ‘She turned herself into a bird.’ vlame adv. again, once more. vlame da give back vola → vwola vonovono ideo. of lônggô ‘long, tall’ vooto [HHL] n. walk, drive vunte [LH] n. desire vuvuvu ideo. of kêntxi ‘hot’ vwa [L], vaa [LL] v. fly; escape. vaa ba fly away. vaa bi fly by. vaa da san get out (of an airplane or a ship). vaa fo san get up. vaa folo run away from vwola, vola [HH] n. keybord or bowed instrument W wa, waa → waya wan 1. num. one 2. indef.art. a → an waya [LL], wa, waa v. see, visit X xi refl.pron. (see § 6.8.1, p. 197) xi → axi xia [LH] n. lady, wife xia, xiya [HL] v. fill xibidu ptcp. of sêbê rain xiê adv. like this, so

xiga [LL] v. arrive xiingga [LHH], xinga n. bladder xiki, x’ki dem.det. that ximaa → ximya ximaadô [LLLH] n. sower ximafan, imafan, m’fan 1. prep. like, as. ximafan amu ‘in my opinion’ 2. conj. as if ximen conj. whether ximia [LLL], ximaa v. sow xina [LL] v. teach, show, learn xine [LH] n. sign xinku [HH] num. five xinza [LL] adj./v. (be) grey. Mun suku an lôla xinza-xinza. ‘I have a grey turtle-dove.’ xinzentu adj. grey xiôlô, xiô [LH], xiôl n. 1. authority. Xi’ Arê ‘title given to the King’ 2. owner 3. ruler xivixu [LHH] n. work xiya → xia xizu [HL] adj. outstanding xkêê → sakhee x’ki → xiki x’pê adv. simply xyêdê v. be worth (usually used in negative sentences). Ban xyêdê f’ô. ‘You aren’t worth anything.’ Khô se na xyêdê fa. ‘This isn’t worth anything.’ xyen → axyen Y ya vocative particle ya → yeya yaa [LL] v. show yaa → yay yagayaga [LLLL] adj./v. (be) clumsy. Ê sa wan nggê yagayaga. ‘He is a very clumsy person.’ yamu [HH], yam n. yam yanggea [LLL] v. arrive yay [L], e, ya, ye adv. here ye → yay

Fa d’Ambô – English word list � 323

yê, ê [L] n. islet yega [HL] v. arrive yeya, yaa [HL] v. snap off yôkhô [HH] n. cave (smaller than khobo, more difficult to penetrate) Z za, zo adv. already (→ beza) za pa conj. then zalu [HH] n. drink z’dê → zudê ze [L] v. be acid zedu [HL] adj. acid zêntxi [HH] n. people zêtê [HH] n. palm oil zinali, zinal, zine [LH] n. window

zinggantxi [LHH] n. giant zo → za zoya [LL] v. lull zu → zwan zuda [HH] n. help zuda [LL] v. help zudê [LH], z’dê n. 1. Jew. 2. devil zuga → zugwa zugan → zugunha zugu [LL] adj. 1. wild 2. careless 3. abandoned zugunha, zugwan, zugwen, zugan quant. pron. and det. some zuguzugu [LHLL] n. thicket zugwa [LL], zuga, zuwa v. throw, throw away zugwan, zugwen → zugunha

zulumentxi [LLHH] n. perversion zunhu [HH] n. June zunta [HH] n. meeting, gathering zunta [LL] v. meet, gather, bring together zuntuzuntu n. joint, articulation zuwa → zugwa zwan, zwen, zu quant. no. zwen nggê f nobody

11 English – Fa d’Ambô word list Grammatical morphemes are not listed; tones are only noted where they distinguish two words (minimal pairs). A a INDEF.ART an, en, wan abandon N ta nggê pê abandoned ADJ zugu able ADJ. be able podji, po, padji, fo abort V mve above ADV vaan, van absorb V supa, s’pa accident N djizgalasa accompany V lêê according to PREP sêkundumu, sêkundun achieved ADJ khabadu. IDEO piepie acid ADJ ze, zedu adultery N. commit adultery V khabaa khôlôa affection N gêgê afraid ADJ. be afraid V mendu afternoon N taadji, tadji again ADV vlame. REP tan against PREP khontola, khonta age N. young age monggomonggo. age group dadji agreement N lazan ahead ADV deentxi, den, dentx, dentxi, dn’txi air N fresh air fiyeza airplane N avyon all DET tudu, tu, tuu, todo allow V pê alone ADJ moso, moo already ADV bebela, beza, za, zo also ADV ten, têê although CONJ beenga pa, deke, dêkê always ADV olatuvê, olotuvê anchor N onkholo

anchor V nkhôla and CONJ a, ku, kha, khu, se. and then se animal N lima, l’ma, lim. wild animal djiga. mythological animal of Annobón buf-m’buf annoy V l’mpa wan nggê ôgê answer V kundji appear V bêtê appearance N bêtêsan applaud V têndôman appreciated ADJ lamadu approach V venta April N abili arm N ôman, baasu armpit N ômôkhô around PREP banda, ben, been, benda arrive V da, do, xiga, yanggea, yega art N atxi articulation N zuntuzuntu as PREP tan, ximafan, imafan, m’fan ask V pongota. ask to do, ask for pindji aspect N fesan, fêntxidu assist sb V fê lazan dji assistant of the Mesti Skola N balê astonish V sombola, somba, sombaa attach N nggasa attention N sintxidu attentive ADJ supetu aunt N tatan, ta, tan authority N xiôlô, xiô B back N lômba, taaxi, tai backpack N bôndêlê bad ADJ fêyu, fê, maw

ball N bola banana N djangandja, djaana, djana, djandja, djanga djangana, djendja baobab N pangola baptism N batxizamentu baptise V batxiza bar N vala bark V paa bat N musegu, m’segu be V sa, sô, su beach N lalea, lale, lala, ala beam N 1. viga. 2. finkan vertical beam that supports the horizontal beam called lal’ga used in the construction of the vidjil beard N balba beat V batê beating N pakhada beautiful ADJ fôômôzô, gôôdô beauty N fôômôzô, gaavu, gaa, gavu because CONJ da, do, pakê because of 1. CONJ dakhantu 2. PREP polo, pala become V vla bed N khama. bring to bed V lôkê before CONJ anta pa, anta kha fêê pa begin V khomesa, da, do, ten sa + N, ten sa fe + V behind PREP taaxi, tai believe V kêlê belly N txiipa, txiip bench N banku beware PROHIB pintxu, pintxuu, puntxu

326 � English – Fa d’Ambô word list

big ADJ ngaandji, ngaay, ngaai, ngain, ngan, ngen. make big V ngaandji, ngaay, ngaai, ngain, ngan, ngen billy goat N bodji, bodji khabaa bird (general term) N paatu. small bird bitxil, bitxi. species: koykoy birth N nêsêmentu. give birth ôzwô ba san, pali, pala bit N. a bit QUANT fi. a little bit kha bitch N manman-baabu, ma-baabu bite V munda black ADJ peetu, petu. IDEO kulukulu bladder N xiingga, xinga bless V besa blessing N besa, besan, bezu blood N sanggi, sang blow N pakhada blow V fôfô board N taba boat N batelu, bate, batê, batel, lanxa body N ôgê book N lavulu, lavuu born. be born V nêsê bottle N galafa bottom (of the sea) N fundu boy N namaase, namase, nome. boy or young adult between approximately 14 and 20 years mase kêtêkêtê branch N lama, lamu, mangga brand N sêsê bread N ampan, pan breadfruit N fulutu d ampon break V baaga, baga, dana, kabela, kabaa, kabe, khabela, kebela, poto. break in pieces potopoto

bring V ma bi. bring together zunta. bring up kiya broad ADJ bagabaga broom N bôswa brother N. my brother (on my father’s side) nape mu naapay. my brother (on my mother’s side) namen mu naapay brother-in-law N sogolo, sogua Bubi (nickname) N ôôboda bucket N kanguro building N. traditional building of gathering and debate vidjil, vidji bull N ôbôô naapay bunch N paa, khamba, n’ga bundle N bôndêlê burn N khama bushes N mee-matu, me, me-me business N dixiamentu but CONJ mandji buttock N ankha button N bôntan buy V kumpaa, kumpla C cable N khoodo cacao N kakaw cake made with manioc N paxyokha calabash N ôkhô calf N buud’ope call, be called V sama, sam, saan, san calm ADJ khalmadu calm N khalma, masu can N tesa can V podji, po, padji, fo candy N kha menemene cane N wild cane khambabu canoe N batelu, bate, batê, batel canopy N manggamangga car N makina, môtô caramel N kha menemene career N kalela

careless ADJ zugu carry N khalga carry V gaaga, gaga, sêya, saa cat N n’gatu cave N yôkhô cavern N khobo cavernous ADJ khobokhobo cemetery N palakhaxaanu, palakhaxanu change V muta, tuuka, tuka charcoal N khaaban cheat V ngenha cheek N gwela cheeky ADJ baabu, tiividu, txiividu chest N alka child N mina, m’na chin N kisu chirimoya N tôndôlôndji, tôndôlônhi Christian N kiitan, kitan church N gêêza, gêza circumcised ADJ. not circumcised piimpi city N palea, pala class N khaata, khaa, khata clay N balu, bal, N igiyi clean ADJ limpa (f), limpu (f. and m.) clean V limpa, l’mpa cliff N lapa climb V txiinka, txinka close to PREP ope cloth N panu clothes N bixi clothing N vitxidu. traditional clothing djiban, popotoona, popoton clumsy ADJ yagayaga cock N galu cockroach N paata coco yams N kôôkô, kôkô coconut N khôkhôndjô. dry coconut khôkhôndjô sokhadu coffin N alka motxi coil V kili coiled PTCP. be coiled (in bed) kuyadu. IDEO kukuku

English – Fa d’Ambô word list � 327

cola nut N khola cold ADJ fiiyu. IDEO dondondon cold N fiyu come N bi. come from folo, fo, fol complain V kesa completely ADV folo, fo, fol, lele, nggitêlu, nggitê, n’têê, n’tê, pê, pye, pye-pye complicated ADJ fundu comrade N khamaada, khamada, kh’maadaa conceited ADJ fantxida (f), fantxidu (f and m) container N bidon, khadalan content ADJ gaavu, gaa, gavu cook V kudji cooked PTCP. not well cooked kulu corpse N mootxi cost V kusta, kuuta count V khonta country N tela course N. of course axyan, axan, xyan cover V kubili, kubii, tapa cow N ôbôô naamayn crab N ankhala crack (a nut) V khôkhô crop V txuska cross N kuusu, kusu cross V tovesa crossing N paatxidu crowl V da patapata crown, wedding crown N khôlôyô, khôlôa, khôla cry V sula, sua, swa crystal N kristal cup N khalaxi, kopa (competition) current (of the sea) N kulêntxi custard N tôndôlôndji, tôndôlônhi cut V labenta, poota. cut a piece khokholo. cut hair short txuska D

damage N dañu damage V dana damijohn N galafan dance N. k. o. dance kumbe dance V baya, baa dancer N baadô dare V têêvê, txêvê dark N kulu darkness N kulukulu daughter N fiya daughter-in-law N sogola, soga, sogaa dawn N mazugadu, mazu, muzugadu day N djia, dja, dê. the day before yesterday, some days ago atonte. the day after tomorrow ama-pasa death N môô deceased N djifunta (f.), djifun, djifuntu (m.) decide V fê ku khasa deep ADJ fundu defecate V lônt’ ôgô deflower V viza delicious ADJ gôôdô deny V nega depressed ADJ. get depressed l’ ôman desire N vunte destiny N khama ngaandji, khama ngay destroy V baaga, baga determination N enteleza develop V kiiya devil N zudê, z’dê. the highest devil dedevele, dedevel die V môlê, môô different ADJ paatadu, patodu difficulty N mavida, m’v’da dig V golo digging N golosan dirty V sunzu disease N. k.o. disease kulumentxi disgusting ADJ lidji dish N paatu, patu displeasure N kesa

do V fêê, fê. do things carefully khôzê docile ADJ masu doctor N baabêlu, baabe, baabê dog N khasôlô, khasô, khasôô. female dog khasôa door N pooto doorway N bôkhô-pooto doubt N duda down ADV basu, bosu, bôsu dream V sunhan dress V bixi drink N zalu drink V bêbê drive N vooto drizzle N fenefene drizzle V fenefene, finggifinggi drown V fuka drum N tômbôlô, tômbô, tômbôô dry ADJ sakhadu, s’khodu, sokhadu, sokhodu, seku. IDEO khôlôkhôlô dry V sakha, sokha duck N pata dumb ADJ mumu dust N opo dusty ADJ opo-opo dynamic ADJ kholokholo E ear N ôlêa, ôla earring N kha d ôlêa eat V kumu, kum, kun, kumi eave of a house N aa-paya ebony N êbôñi egg N ovu eight NUM ôtu elbow N khoso d ôman elegance N gala elegant ADJ fantxida (f.), fantxidu (f. and m.) emerge V boya empty ADJ dôdji encircle V ludjia enclosure for pigs and goats N ôgô

328 � English – Fa d’Ambô word list

end N khabamentu. in the end alfinal end V khaba endurance N enteleza entangle V buya enter V lantela, lanta entire ADJ nggitêlu, nggitê, n’têê, n’tê escape V vaa esparto grass N bidji even ADV asta, batokha. even if CONJ beenga pa evening N. early evening taadji, tadji every QUANT kada, khal everybody PRON nggu tu exactly ADV men, meyn except PREP ekseptu exchange V tuuka, tuka exchange for tuuka ma exotic ADJ nggola explode V labenta extend V sêndê extract V txila, txya, txaa eye N ôyô, ô, ôô F Fa d’Ambô N fadambô face N khala fact N. in fact enveedadji, envedadji, envede fairly QUANT batantxi fall V kêê, kê, pono. fall apart V poto family N familya far ADJ paatadu, patodu far, far away ADV lôndji fart V txy’ oventu fat ADJ, goosu, gôôdô. IDEO budubudu (of goosu and gôôdô) fat N sebu father N pay, pe, pê father-in-law N sogolo, sogua fatty ADJ sebu-sebu favour N. do the favour of toma fear N mendu fear V mendu fearless ADJ kholokholo feel V sintxi

feeling N moga female ADJ naamayn fertile ADJ bôyô fetch V khua, kho field N. cultivated field matu, motu fight V peza figue N abada figure N speetula, spetula fill V xia, xiya find V khua, kho, tokha, tokho, t’kho. find out V ma paatxi fine INTERJ bamu, bam fine N muuta finger N dedu, ded’ ôman finish V txyaman, khaba finished ADJ khabadu. IDEO piepie fire N fugan firewood N ña first NUM and ADV piimêla (f.), piimêlu, pimêêlu (f. and m.), piimê, pimê fish N pixi. species: bongga, infiñi, kôntiki, pixigula, txigala fisherman N piskadô fishing boat N khaboñi, khabôñi five NUM xinku flabby ADJ mole. IDEO potopoto flag N banda, bande, bandela flagpole N atia flat ADJ leele flatter V gaba flattery N gabaida flea N kunkunu. jigger, sand flea djiga flee V baagala, fudji floor N san floury ADJ fañia-fañia flower N fooli fly V vwa vaa. IDEO papapa. fly away vaa ba fly away. fly by vaa bi follow V lêê food N kumu, kum, kun foot N ope for PREP polo, pala forbidden ADJ proibidu

force N fooxi, foxi foreigner N n’gêdji forest N mee-matu, me, me-me forget V kêsê forgiveness N peedan form N foma forward ADV deentxi, den, dentx, dentxi, dn’txi (dji) fountain N pumpa four NUM khatul, khotul free V livila freely ADV legadu friend N khamaada, khamada, kh’maadaa. female friend mingga from PREP folo, fo, fol front N. in front of PREP deentxi, den, dentx, dentxi, dn’txi (dji) fruit N fulutu, fuuta. species: gêgê (called safu in regional Portuguese), ôbê fruit stone N. khôôsô funnel N. funnel made of palm leaves makuuta, makuta G gallon N golon gather V zunta gathering N zunta genuflection N munzunha, munzwan get V tê. get out (of an airplane or a ship) vaa da san. get up vaa fo san. get sticky (e.g. rice) potopoto. get up da, do giant N zinggantxi girl N mosa, m’mo, moso, mo, moo, namiele, namie. girl of about 5 years namina kitxi, nam’na kitxi give V da, do. give back vlame da glass N khalaxi gluttony N gula gnaw V labela

English – Fa d’Ambô word list � 329

go V bay, ba, be, bê, bo, bô. go ahead vla. go back V vla. go down dêsê, lolo, lo. go into lantela, lanta. go out sêê. go up subili. go up txiinka, txinka, vaada goal N gol goat N khabala, khabaa. billy goat khabaa lônggô naapay. goat khabaa lônggô naamayn God N Dezu gold N gôla good N bon govern V gôvena governor N gôvenadô, gôvôndô grab V swa grandchild N netu grandfather N abwelo, pepay, pepe grandmother N abwela grandparents N. her/his grandparents nan pepe dêli grater N lalu gravel N khankhan greasy ADJ sebu-sebu great ADJ gôôdô green ADJ vêêdji greeting N mantenha, mantan, manten grey ADJ xinza, xinzentu grind V m’la ground N fundu, san group N khaata, khaa, khata grove N sumatu grow V kêêsê. grow up kiya guava N gwova gut N txiipa, txiip genuflect V munzunha, m’nzunha, m’nzwan, m’nzan H habit N kuutumi, kutum, kuutum hair N khabe

half QUANT mêyu, mêê halo N alu hammer N maatêlu, maatê hand N ôman handle N asa handsome ADJ fôômôzô hang v pindjila, pindjia happen V fêê, fê, pasa happily ADV gaavu, gaa, gavu happiness N ligila hard ADJ lizu. IDEO khalakhala, khankhankhan. ôdu. IDEO khokhokho harm N mali, mal harverst (bananas) V kuuta, kuta hatred N paxyan have V saku, s’ku, suku, tê. already have laku. have to dêvê he PERS.PRON ê, i, êlê, êli head N khaasa, khasa head V fê ku khasa heal V kula healer N baabêlu, baabe, baabê health N. in good health ôdu. IDEO khokhokho hear V têndê, tên heart N kuusan, kusan heat N kêntxi heavy ADJ pizadu. IDEO budubudu heavyness N pizadu hectic ADJ vaatu hello N mantenha, mantan, manten help N zuda help V zuda hen N nganhia, nganha her POSS.DET dêlê, dêli, dê, dêl here ADV yay, e, ya, ye hernia N. suffering from hernia viyadu hide V khôndê high ADJ lalugu, laagu, lagu his POSS.DET dêlê, dêli, dê, dêl hole N fuladu, khobo. make holes fula honey N melu

honour N ondola, ondua, onda hook N khôk, nggasa horse N khavalu hot ADJ kêntxi. IDEO vuvuvu hour N ola house N khadji, khay, khey, khêdji how INTERR.PRON ama, kê ama [ku], khama, komo. how many kê khantu, khwantu hug V abrasa, baasa hull (of a canoe) N khaku humble ADJ baxi humbleness N baxida humiliate N baxia hundred NUM sentu hunger N faaku, fôm hurt V duya, dua, fili husband N meedu, ome, omu I I PERS.PRON mun, mu, m’, mi, n, ma. UNBOUND PERS.PRON amu, am’, ami. EMPH.PERS.PRON maya, maa if CONJ si ill ADJ daantxi illness N daantxi imagine V mazna immediately ADV ôxiôxi in PREP dêntulu, dantu, dantuu, dêntu, êntu, untulu, n’tu, untuu incision N. make small incisions kuuta, kuta increase V subili inform V da lazan information N lazan innocent ADJ nesentxi inside N dêntulu, dantu, dantuu, dêntu, êntu, untulu, n’tu, untuu insist V pêtêpê, poofia instrument N. keyboard or bowed instrument vwola, vola insult V sunzu intact ADV n’têlu. IDEO lelele

330 � English – Fa d’Ambô word list

interior N untulu, n’tu, untuu investigate V bôôvê, bôvê, golo investigation N golosan island N. small island yê, ê it PERS.PRON ê, i its POSS.DET dêlê, dêli, dê, dêl J jackfruit N djaki, djak jail N djili, djil Jesus N Djizu Jew N zudê, z’dê joint N zuntuzuntu joy N ligila, ligili jump N saatu jump V saata June n zunhu jungle N ôgô just ADV moso, moo K keep V gada. keep watch on V supeta, speeta, speta kick N khoso d ope kill V mata kilo N kilo kind N khaata, khaa, khata king N alê, êlê kiss N bezu knee N ôzôyô, ôzô, ôzwô kneel down V munzunha, m’nzunha, m’nzwan, m’nzan knife N fakha knock (at a door) V khôkhô know v sêbê, sêê. know, get to know khônsê, khônôsê L lack N faata lady N manmen, menmen, memen, xia lamp N lapanta land N san, tela last ORD.NUM khabamentu dji

late ADV taadji, tadji laugh V li, lii lay V tovesa leaf N fadôpa, fôlu leafy ADJ lam-lama, lamlamu learn V xina leave V gua, gu, gwô, leega, ta nggê pê left ADJ skeedji left PTCP. be left V gua, gu, gwô, keda leg N. leg up to the knee ope; from the knee upwards peena leisure N fôlu Lent N keezun, kezun let V leega. let fall lolo, lo let’s IMP.1PL bamu, bam letter N khaata liberate V livila liberation N livilamentu library N bibliotekha lick V lolo, lo life N. bad life mavida, m’v’da lift, lift up V ligi light ADJ. leve, lee IDEO kelekele lightning N santababla like PREP ximafan, imafan, m’fan like V gusta, nggonggo, gonggo, nggo like this ADV xiê line N. fishing line ña lip N ôlabu little QUANT kha dji live V ta, to load N khalga loincloth N tapa-labu long ADJ lônggô. IDEO vonovono look N. have a look V bôôvê, bôvê look V pia, pa. look for golo. look like tanka, tankê, tankha, kê Lord N Noxyan lose, get lost V pêêndê, pêndê lot N. a lot ADV montxi, môi. a lot of QUANT aloda, batantxi, bagi,

loda, gaavina, pesa, sapa, khadalan, vale love N nggonggo, gonggo. fall in love buya love V mêsê, nggonggo, gonggo, nggo luck N adôgê lull V zoya M machine N makina. communication machine taligadamafono, talig’damanfono maize N milu make V fêê, fê male ADJ naapay malediction N. traditional malediction polonkhon man N nape, ome, omu, pa, pape, pay, pe, pê. young man nome, masebu, mase, mose, mo, moo manioc N mandjokho, mandjokha. manioc flour fañia, faña manner N amea, ame, foma market N makêtê married ADJ. get married khaza May N mayu maybe ADV tivie me UNBOUND PERS.PRON amu, am’, ami measure N mindjida measure V mindji meat N khaañi meet V khônsê, khônôsê, tokha, tokho, t’kho, zunta. meet somebody da khonta ku meeting N zunta merit V mêlêsê, mêsê, mêêsê middle N metadji, mete. in the middle of PREP metadji, mete mighty ADJ pôdêlôzô milk N lêtê million NUM mion

English – Fa d’Ambô word list � 331

mine V mina mirror N supe mistaken ADJ. be mistaken buya moment N latu money N djêlu, djiê month N mêdji moon N ônunya, ônwa, ônwan moray eel N khobolo, khobo, khoboo, khobol more ADV maxi. not any more na maxi … fa morning N. early morning mazugadu, mazu, muzugadu. early in the morning pamasedu, pama, pamase, p’maa, p’mase, p’masedu, mase mortar N udumu. kind of oval mortar used to pound manioc n’gambela, n’gamba mother N mayn, men mother-in-law N sogola, soga, sogaa mould N m’bô mouldy N m’bolôzô mourn V duya, dua, ludjia mouth N bôkha, bôkhô move V. move away baaga kh’ ôman, safa. move rapidly venta. IDEO vivivi movies N sine Mr N pa Mr. so-and-so N fulanu much ADV maxi, montxi, môi, muntu, m’ntu, n’tu much QUANT aloda, loda, bagi must V dêvê, sta pa, ta pa my POSS.DET mun, mu, m’, mi, n. EMPH.POSS.DET maya, maa N nail N inha naked ADJ gôdôdji name N namu, nam, nami, nomu

name V limia, limaa nanny N ama near ADV peetu neck N gotxi. neck and nape khôô-khôsô necklace N giian, gian needle N gunha neither … nor CONJ ni … ni, ñi … ñi nerve N nevu nettle N lôtxiiga new ADJ. brand new n’têlu news N nova next to PREP ope nice ADJ gaavu, gaa, gavu night N nôtxi nimble ADJ txyetxye nine NUM novi no NEG na, nan, no, nô no QUANT zwan, zwen, zu nobody PRON zwen nggê f noddy N. lesser noddy igêl, igêê noise N tomento north N liba, l’ba not NEG na … f. not at all noay. no longer, not any longer, not any more na … tan natan, n’tan. not either naten, n’ten. not yet ADV naten, n’ten notebook N kaderno nothing QUANT zugwan kha f notice N paatxi now ADV agola, gola, ôdjai, ôdjie, ôdje, ole, ôsexi. right now ADV ôxiôxi nowadays ADV ôdjiedja O obey V semeda, têndê, tên obstinacy N fotxi obvious ADJ, obviously ADV babababa occupation N fisu of PREP dji oil N. palm oil zêtê old ADJ veyu, ve. IDEO txokhotxokho on PREP liba dji

once more ADV vlame one NUM unha, unhu, wan only ADV moso, moo, soso only DET pono open ADJ/PTCP betu open V bla or CONJ ô orange ADJ faa, fa orange N laanza, lanza order N. in order to CONJ pa, po, pô order v manda other DET utulu, utu, utuu our POSS.DET non outside the house ADV ôluya, ôla outstanding ADJ xizu owner N xiôlô, xiô P pad (for carrying a burden) N ikili, ikii paddle N olemu, olem pain N dô paint V pinta palace N khadji d alê palm oil N. residue from preparation kusu-kusu palm tree N palma palmwine container N bôkôy parasol N buudan-soo park N paakê part N. a part of QUANT meetu lower part N basu, bosu, bôsu party N fesa pass V pasa, saata path N khama ngaandji/ngay peak (of a mountain) N piku penance N puutenxa, puutenx pencil N lapis penis N galan. circumcised penis galan fonodu. not circumcised penis galan piimpi people N kiitan, kitan, pôvu, pôv, zêntxi. people of Annobon tela

332 � English – Fa d’Ambô word list

perhaps ADV kênggê person N kiitan, kitan, nggê, ng, ngê, nggi, nggu, pesua, pôkhôdôlô, pôkhôdô, pôkhôdôl. dead person mootxi. young person (m. or f.) nunzela, n’za, nunza, nunzwa perversion N zulumentxi pestle N uduma phone N telefono pick up V ligi piece N dasu, dusu, gulipi pierce V fula pig N pôôkô, pôkhô Pigmy N pigmeo pilgrimage N puutenxa, puutenx pimple N pakhana pimply ADJ pakhanapakhana place N khamia, khama, khamaa, khame placenta N paya plantain N bana, baan play V fuuga poison N posoye, posoi, pôzôlô, pôzôi policeman N pôlôxya Portuguese N txigêzu pot N. clay pot ôgôgô, ôgwa, ôga pour V sugudji power N pôdê praise V gaba, luva pray V ola prayer N lasan, polovala, traditional prayer minzele, m’nzele precipice N boonkho, bonkho pregnancy N pañia, paña prepare oneself V khôzê ôgê prepuce N sokhal, sokhwe priest N padjil, padjii prince N prinsipe prison N djili, djil problem N mavida, m’v’da, taave procession N. religious procession pompoooo profession N fisu

prostitute N manmanbaabu, ma-baabu provided that CONJ sumanu provoke V buska punishment N khaatigu, khaatxigu pupil (of the Main Church) N luuntan, luntan pursue V pêtêpê push V piza. push out of bla. push over bla put V pê, ta. put into mêtê, mêtê pê. put on bixi, put upright deeta Q queen N laya quiet, be V khabôkhô, khabô R rage N paxyan rain V sêbê. IDEO fenefene raise V kiya raising N kiyasan rape V viza rapidity N venta ravine N boonkho, bonkho raw ADJ kulu. IDEO bababa reach V da, do read V lê reason N pulumô recipient N n’gambela, n’gamba red ADJ bôbô, bôbidu. IDEO tatata, tetete. pale red vimêyu reed N ankhana relaxed ADJ khalmadu remain V fuuga, gua, gu, gwô, ta, to. remain quiet khabokho. IDEO pipi remedy N limedji, l’medji, mindjian, mindjan, m’ndjan, m’djin remember V lambela, lamba repair V khôôzê, khôzê, khôzê … pê resemble V kê

residence N. take residence mindjia, mindja, m’ndja respect N ondola, ondua, onda. lack respect for V faata responsibility N khalga rest V djiskhansa restless ADJ vaatu return V vla rice N alôsô. burnt part of the rice which remains at the bottom of the pan khama d’ôlôsu rich ADJ liku. be rich in gaaga, gaga richness N likeza rifle N bala right ADJ and ADV dêêtu ripe ADJ bôbidu. IDEO rerere ripe bôbidu. IDEO tatata, tetete ripen V bôbô river N lubela, lubel, luba, lubaa road N khama ngaandji, khama ngay roast V sa robustness N tôfu rock V nguna, mêsê rock N lapa roll up V kili room N khotxyan. living room sala rooster N galu rope N khoodo row N fila rowboat N lanxa rub V bolo, feega ruler N xiôlô, xiô run V baaga alea, bag’ alea. khôlê. IDEO gidigidi. run aground khaya. run away baaga alea, bag’ alea. run away from vaa folo. run into tokha, tokho, t’kho S sack N saku, suku

English – Fa d’Ambô word list � 333

sad ADJ modoya sail N vela sailor N maliêlu, maliê salt N salu sand N lalea, lale, lala, ala Saturday N subu, subudu save V saava, sava saw N sela saw V sela scaffold N ope-mata school N skola scout out V bôôvê, bôvê sea N aa-saga, aa-saago, a-saago, omali, ome, omee, omen. high sea ome lagu season N. dry season khalma. rainy season ten d’awa second ORD.NUM senggunda (f.), senggundu (m. and f.) see V bê, waya, wa, waa. bababa IDEO of bê. seem V kê. it seems that tanka, tankê, tankha, khêkha, palêsê self DET men, meyn separate V baaga kh’ ôman seven NUM seta sew V khôzê shark N tubalan, tublan, tubran. species: khasan, potolo she PERS.PRON ê, i shell N. k.o. large shell bôdjina shine dêdê shine V dêdê, fiiya. shine intensely faa. ngannganngan IDEO of dêdê shining N intense shining (of the sun) faa, fa ship N navin shirt N khamiza, khaminza shit N khakha, ôgô shoe N sapatu shoemaker N sapatêlu, sapatê short ADJ kuutu. IDEO kunukunu shot N txilu should V sta pa, ta pa

shoulder N khoso show V fono, minsya, minsaa, m’nsa, m’nsaa, m’saa, va, xina, yaa. show off V fantê, fentê shut up khabokho, khabô. IDEO pipi sibling on father’s side N nape sibling on mother’s side N namen side N banda, ben, been, benda sight V otxia, otaa, viita, vita sign N xine silence! EXCL takuy similar ADJ kêkê simply ADV x’pê simultaneously ADV ôximen sin N pekadu since CONJ axi, xi, fondja, komo, tadamen since PREP folo, fo, fol sing V khanta Sir N sun sister N. my sister (on my father’s side) nape mu naamayn. my sister (on my mother’s side) namen mu naamayn sister-in-law N sogola, soga, sogaa sit V tuusan, tusan six NUM sêxi skin N khokhwa, peli sky N ôsê slave N sêlêvu sleep V djuuni, djini, djuni, djuun. sleep until daybreak djuuni ku fôgô. go to sleep ba san ba djuni sleeve N mangga slender ADJ deegadu. IDEO ngenengene slice V kote slim ADJ fekelefekele. slim and very active txeketxeke slippery ADJ folodu. IDEO lalala

small ADJ kêtê, k’tê, kitxi. pilingitu IDEO (of kitxi) smell N sêlu, sêê smell V sêla, têndê, tên smoke fish V fuma smooth mole. IDEO potopoto snake N khoboo matu snap off V yeya, yaa snow N nevi so ADV axi, xi, xiê. so that CONJ asike, valadji pa soccer N bola sodomise V sêê taaxi soldier N fêxyaali, fêxyaal, soodadji some QUANT almidu dji. QUANT.PRON and DET zugunha, zugwan, zugwen, zugan somersault N nggondonggondo something fragile, delicate, appreciated N miñinu son N fiyu, fi song N khanta, khantxiga son-in-law N sogolo, sogua sorcerer N fitxiselu, fitxisee sorcery N fitxisu, fitxis soul N alma, lima, l’m, lim sound N faa, fe sour ADJ deda, tuya. sour taste N tuya, tua south N basu, bosu, bôsu sow V ximia, ximaa sower N ximaadô speak V fala, fa, faa. not be able to speak lo bôkhô speed N venta spicy ADJ dêdê. IDEO djidjidji spirit N spilit, spiitu. spirit of the death lima, l’m, lim splash V fene spoiled ADJ. not spoiled n’têlu spokesman N paanta-fa spread out V baaga, baga, sêndê sprinkle V fene, fenefene sprout V bêtê

334 � English – Fa d’Ambô word list

sprouting N bêtêsan spy on V supeta, speeta, speta squatting GER. be squatting kuyadu. IDEO kukuku stand V sa mindjadu, m’ndjadu. stand up ta m’ndjadu. stand upright or very quiet mindjadu. IDEO nggôlônggôlô start V ma, mo, ten sa + N, ten sa fe + V, sa fe stay v ta, to. stay, stay to live V mindjia, mindja, m’ndja steal V fuuta step N pasu step on sth V popê stick N buudan, vala. stick made of coconut palm branch n’zela, n’zel still ADV antola, anto, ontola, onto, ontoo stir earth (of hens) V fugu stomach N beega stone N buudu, budu stop V para store V gada storm N taavada, tavada story N lazan, soya stoup N khadalan straighten V deeta strangle V fuka straw N paya street N. on the street ôluya, ôla strength N fooxi, foxi stretch, stretch out V teza string N. string which is used to climb on the palm trees khamba. String used to hang up fish in order to transport them khamba pixi strong ADJ bagabaga, ôdu. khokhokho IDEO of ôdu strut around V fantê, fentê study N studu stuttering N gagi such, such-and-such DET tili

suddenly ADV ôxiôxi suffer V sufili suffering N maatxil, matxi, mavida, m’v’da sun N solo, so surprise V sombola, somba, sombaa swear V khula sweaty ADJ khalmadu sweep V bali sweet ADJ menemene sweetsop N nono sweet-toothed ADJ dadalan swell V fuma swim V laanta swing V mêsê swollen ADJ fumadu T table N bafitu, meza take V ma, mo, paña, paan. take care kiya. take out txila, txya, txaa. take to ma ba take up the hem kaxya taking care N kiyasan tall ADJ atu, lônggô. vonovono IDEO of lônggô tamarind tree N khambali tame ADJ masu tapper N. palm wine tapper vaantêlu, vaantê, vantêlu tart n. kind of tart landavela, pixokho tattoo N sêsê taut ADJ tezadu. IDEO tantantan teach V xina tear N aa-d’ôô. tear off lankha tearing off N lankhada telegraph N taligadamafono, talig’damanfono telephone N taligadamafono, talig’damanfono ten NUM dexi that CONJ deke, dêkê, fa that DEM.DET sala, sa, a; xi; xiki, x’ki

that DEM.PRON ise, isala, ixi, ixiki, ixki that REL ku that is CONJ osea their POSS.DET dineñi, dineyn, neyn then CONJ za pa there ADV ala they PERS.PRON ineyn, êneyn, inenh, ineñi thick ADJ goosu thicket N zuguzugu thief N ladalan thigh N peena thin ADJ deegadu. IDEO ngenengene thing N kuza, kuzu, kha, khô, khwa, ô think v mazna, pensa third NUM têlêsêla (f.), têlêsêlu (m. and f.) this DEM.DET se, sê, sô; this DEM.PRON ise thought N maznamentu, maznasan, pensamentu thousand NUM miledji, mili three NUM têêxi, têê, têêx throat N gola throw V ta, tê, txila, txya, txaa. throw away V zugwa, zuga, zuwa Thursday N kintafela, kintafa tide N kulêntxi tie V maa, mala time N 1. tempu, tompi 2. vê. at the same time ôximen tin N tesa tired ADJ khansadu. get tired khansa to CONJ pa, po, pô today ADV ôdjai, ôdjie, ôdje, ôôxi, ôô, ôx, ôxi, ôy, ôsexi toe N dedu, ded’ ope tomorrow ADV amanhan, ama, amaa tool N lamenta tooth N dentxi top N liba, l’ba, vaan, van. on top of PREP liba dji

English – Fa d’Ambô word list � 335

torch N tôôxida. traditional torch made of coconut palm stake n’zela, n’zel torment N tomento torment V toomenta, tomenta tortoise N tôtxiiga torture V toomenta, tomenta totally ADV pye, pye-pye touch V fala touch V tokha, tokho, t’kho tower N tôli, tôlu, tôl treat V têndê, tên tree N ôpa. tree N species: gêgê, lili, okhaku, pinhan tremble V têmê. IDEO gidigidi trip N vaadji trouble N kesa trousers N khaasan, khasan trunk N tôlu, tôl truth N veedadji tumult N gudugudu turn V vla. turn into vla. turn off V paka. turn one’s back on sb da taaxi. turn over bla turtle N tôtxiiga turtle-dove N lôla twenty NUM dexi dôsu two NUM dôsu, dôs U udder N ubêlê ugly ADJ fêyu, fê umbrella N buudan-soo uncle N ton, to under PREP basu, bosu, bôsu (dji) understand V bê, têndê, tên unripe ADJ pi (of bananas). IDEO khalakhala until PREP ata, ate, asta, batokha urinate V lina us PERS.PRON non V

very ADV muntu, m’ntu, n’tu viscosity N bisku viscous ADJ biskôzô visit V waya, wa, waa voice N faa, fe, fala, fa W wade across V saata wahoo N pis-sela, pis-sa wait V gada, têpê wake N. hold a wake over ludjila, vidjila walk N vooto walk V nda wall N pêêdê want V nggonggo, gonggo, nggo war N gela warehouse N almasena wart N bidjiga wash V laba washbasin N palangana, palanggana water N awa. holy water aa-benta way N amea, ame, foma, khama ngaandji/ngay we PERS.PRON non wear out V poto web N alêdê wedding N khazamentu Wednesday N khwatafa week N sumanu weep V sula, sua, swa weigh V piza well ADV gaavu, gaa, gavu well INTERJ bamu, bam wet maadu. IDEO potopoto. get wet mia whale N balea, bala what INTERR.PRON kê kha when CONJ ku, kha, khu, kwando, ôôxi, ôô, ôx, ôxi, ôy, taku when INTERR.PRON [kê] dja [ku], gola, [kê] gola [ku], kê dja where INTERR.PRON ana, [kê] khamaa [ku] where is/are bô whether CONJ ximen which INTERR.PRON kê

which REL ku white baanku. IDEO pepepe who INTERR.PRON kê nggê (sg.). kê nan nggê (pl.) whole ADJ nggitêlu, nggitê, n’têê, n’tê why INTERR.PRON kê kha fêê, kha fêê wickedness N maasan, masan wide ADJ bagabaga wife N miele, mie, xia wild ADJ zugu win V ngana wind N oventu, ovon, oven window N zinali, zinal, zine wine N vin. palm wine vin palma wing N aza winner N. female winner nganadôla, nganadôa. male or female winner nganadôlô, nganadô witch N fitxisela with PREP khô, kô, ku. with him/her/it khôli, khôlô, khôô. with me khôm, khômu without PREP sen without that CONJ sinke woman N manmen, mayn, men, man, menmen, memen, miele, mie. young woman mosa, m’mo, moso, mo, moo, namiele, namie word N faa, fe, palova, polovala. in other words CONJ osea work N taaba, xivixu. daily work pilaga work V labela, tabaya, taaba world N mundu worry V khaba kusan worth ADJ. be worth V balê, not be worth xyêdê write V skêêvê, skêvê Y

336 � English – Fa d’Ambô word list

yam N yamu, yam year N anu, onu yellow ADJ faa, fa yes ADV aen, axyan, axan, xyan, ee, ees yesterday ADV onte yet ADV not yet antola, anto, ontola, onto, ontoo

you (pl.) PERS.PRON naminsêdji, nam’sêdji, nam’sê you (sg.) SLM.PERS. PRON. butulu, butu, butuu, tô you (sg.) PERS.PRON bo young ADJ. very young monggomonggo (child, plant), kulu

your (pl.) POSS.DET naminsêdji, nam’sêdji, nam’sê your (sg.) SLM.POSS.DET tô your (sg.) POSS.DET bo, txi Z zinc N sin

Appendix: Story in the four Gulf of Guinea creoles In order to give an idea of the similarities and the differences between the four genetically related Gulf of Guinea creoles, the Lung’Ie story ‘The mouth that says good things also says bad things’ has been translated into Santome and Angolar (both spoken in São Tomé), as well as into Fa d’Ambô, with the help of native speakers of these three languages. The Lung’Ie, Angolar, and Santome versions have already been published in Maurer (2009: 257-9). The words occurring in the four versions are listed after the text in alphabetic order, where the abbreviation ST refers to Santome, AN to Angolar, LI to Lung’Ie, and FA to Fa d’Ambô. Angolar possesses a sound which the other Gulf of Guinea creoles lack: [θ], which is represented orthographically by . Santome, Angolar, and Lung’Ie, however, do not possess /ŋ/ as a separate phoneme, which is represented by in Fa d’Ambô. In Fa d’Ambô, /ŋg/ is represented by , and in the other three languages by .

Santome Boka ku ka fla ben ka fla mali

Tatalugwa pê poxta ku alê kuma boka ku ka fla ben ka fla mali. So ku sun alê fad’e:

– Ê na ka po sa fa. Kuma ku boka ku ka fla ben ka fla mali ê? – Kê, Sun Alê, boka ku ka fla ben ka fla mali.

So ê kumbina ku sun Alê:

– Amanhan n ga bi pa n da Sun Alê plova kuma boka ku ka fla ben ka fla mali.

Tatalugwa lanta plama, kume mina kwa ku ê tê, xiga palaxu. – Bon. M bi za, pa non fe negoxo. – Yôxi, Sun mu. So ê fla:

Fa d’Ambô Bôkha xi kha faa ben teen kha faa mal

Tôtxiiga poxta kh’ Alê fa bôkha xi kha faa ben teen kha faa mal. Se Pa Xi Alê faa l:

– Khô se na po sa f. Ama fêê ku bôkhô xi kha faa ben teen kha faa mal? – Xyen, Pa Xi Alê, bôkha xi kha faa ben teen kha faa mal.

Sêê kombina ku Pa Xi Alê:

– Amaa m ske bi pen da Pa Xi Alê puuva fa bôkha xi kha faa ben teen kha faa mal.

Pamase Tôtxiiga kun nakha pôsu-pôsu k’ ê sa khôl, sêê xiga khadji d Alê. – Bamu. Mi e xiga ye za pa non fêê nongosu. – Xyen, Sun. Sêê faa:

Têtêuga lata pomonha, m’me txo m’me r’ê, vitxa palaxu. – Aie m bi dha pa no zi nongotho. – E, Thun m. Thô ê fa Alê:

– Mungu n ga bi sina Alê mora ma boka ki ka fa ben ka fa mari.

Thô Têtêuga kumina ki alê:

– Kwa si-e na pô tha wa. M’ma boka ki ka fa ben ka pô fa mari? – Alê, boka ki ka fa ben ka pô fa mari.

Têtêuga zi ũa poxta ki alê m’ma boka ki ka fa ben ka fa mari. Thô alê far’e:

Angolar Boka ki ka fa ben ka fa mari

Pemyan Têtuuga kume minu kwa kwa ki ê tê, xiga palasu. – Ben, n vika za pa non fêê nêgôxyô. – Nhanxi Sun me. So ê fa:

– Amanha n keka pa n da Sun pova ya ubuka ki a fa ben ka fa mali.

Êli ê kumbina ki arê:

– N sa po konkoda fa. Mo ubuka ki a fa ben ka po fa mali a? – Kê, Sun Arê, ubuka ki a fa ben ka fa mali.

Têtuuga pwê poxta ki arê ya ubuka ki a fa ben a fa mali. Êli sun arê f’e:

Lung’Ie Ubuka ki ka fa ben ka fa mali

In the morning Turtle ate some food he had and went to the palace. – OK, I’ve come already for us to settle our bet. – Yes, Sir. Then he said:

Then he agreed to make a bet with the king: – Tomorrow I shall come to give you proof that the mouth that says good things also says bad things.

Turtle made a bet with the king that the mouth that says good things [also] says bad things. The king said to him: – I cannot agree. How can a mouth that says good things say bad things? – Well, King, the mouth that says good things also says bad things.

English The mouth that says good things also says bad things

Ngê tudaxi ku xka pasa ba vida ne plama, inen fla:

Todo nan nggê kha pasa kha a fêê dixyamentu d ineyn pamase tuu kha faa: – Kidê! Kê kha Tôtxiiga tan fêê Pa Xi Alê ai? Tôtxiiga gaga kha muntu. Dezu paga. Ê sa ladalan ngaandji. Pa Xi Alê teen kha fêê khô sai sa fa Tôtxiiga mêlêsê. Ê sa ladalan ngaandji. Leg’e pê, p’ ê môlê.

Alê bi sa khundjidu [dantu mee-matu]. Nan nggê nen-nen xi kha pasa tudu kha be dineyn.

– Yôxi, Sun mu. Alê sama ine xtlividô d’ê, bila Tatalugwa mon pê tlaxi, mala, mala ope tlabesa pê n xtlada n solo.

– Xyen, Sun. Alê san nan xiiva dê, ma Tôtxiga ôman pê taaxi, maa, maa ope pê soo mete khama-ngaandji.

Alê tha kôndêru. Tuu ane ngê si-e ki patha be ne.

Nen ngê tudaxi ku pasa be ne.

Turu ngê ki thêka patha ba tata vira ne pomonha, ane fa: – Kwai?! Kwai ma Têtêuga zi Thun Alê? Têtêuga tha ku ê manha motxi, ê tha futarô motxiru. Dêthu paga. Ê tha futarô motxiru. Thun alê ki zi kwa e tha punda Têtêuga me ki ngolw’e. Têtêuga tha futarô motxi. Deth’e muê bê rê.

– E, Thun m. Alê thama ane ampegaru r’ê, tua mo r’ê pê mema, manha, manha ope tebetha pê mondja katxi tholo.

Angolar – Ben. ThunAlê ta kwa ma Thun ka zi? Thun ka tê m mo, thô Thun ka manha mo pê mema, manha ope pê mondja katxi tholo.

Alê sa kôndêdu.

– Kê?! Kê kwa Tatalugwa fe Sun Alê ê? Ah, Tatalugwa tê manha luma, ê sa ladlon pasa. Dêsu paga. Ê sa ladlon pasa. Sun alê ku fe kwa se sa êlê me so golw’e. Tatalugwa sa ladlon pasa. Leg’e p’ ê môlê.

Santome – Bon. Sun Alê sêbê kwa Sun ka fe? Sun ka pega mu, mala mon pê tlaxi, mala ope pê n xtlada n solo.

Fa d’Ambô – Bamu. Pa Xi Alê sêê khô xi Ê skee fêê? Pa Xi Alê skee ma mun, sêê skee men ôman pê taaxi, maa mun ope, p’ Ê teen pê solo mete khama-ngaandji.

Ine ningê sê tudu pe ki pasa we ki ine.

Arê sa kôndêdu.

Êêê, ningê sê tudu pe ki sa pasa we vida ine pemyan, ine fa: – Kê?! Kwa Têtuuga fêê Sun Arê a? Ah, Têtuuga a podi mutu, ê ladran mutu. Dêsu paga. Ê ladran mutu. Sun Arê ki fêê kusê ê pôkê ê mêrêsê. Têtuuga ladran mutu. Leg’e p’ ê mwê.

– Nhanxi Sun me. Arê sama ine nengu sê vya Têtuuga uman pwê taaxi, gbene, gbene ope tevesa pwê ufi-kumi n’ udêntu usolu.

Lung’Ie – Ben. Sun Arê sêbê kwa Sun ka fêzê? Sun ka pega n, gbene uman pwê taaxi, mara ope pwê n’ ufi-kumi n’ udêntu usolu.

The king was hiding [in the forest]. All the people who passed went away.

– Yes, Sir. The king called his servants and put Turtle’s arms behind his back, tied them together, tied his feet and laid him across the road in the sunshine. Well, all the pople who were passing, going about their morning business said: – Oh! What did Turtle do to the king? Well, Turtle is very tricky. He is a big thief. God may repay him. He is a big thief. If the king did this to him, it’s because he deserves it. Turtle is a big thief. Let him die.

English – Your Majesty, you know what you will do? You will take me, tie my arms behind my back, tie my feet, and put me on the road in the sunshine.

Santome Bon. Ê xiga patxi tadji. Ola kada ngê tlata vida ne xka subli, inen mundya:

– Kê?! Maji kê kwa Tatalugwa tembe ten fe ku sun alê mal’e di moda se ê?! Antawo n glêntu solo! Ê ten pôdja tê pena d’ê. Ni tudu kwa mali ku sun ka fe, a na pô kaxtiga sun axien fa.

So sun Alê xyê fô matu.

Tatalugwa glita: – Sun Alê, Sun bê, Sun têndê: Boka ku ka fla ben na ka fla mali fa?

Alê xyê. Ê nganha poxta, ũa kwatu palaxu. Sun alê ton tleg’e.

Fa d’Ambô Waya. Xiga patxi tadji. Ôxi nggu tuu fo fêê dixyamentu dineyn kha a khadji, ineyn kha da ala kha ta mindjaadu:

– Kêê! Kê kha Tôtxiiga fêê Pa Xi Alê ku ta pa mal foma sai? Ademax basu khaaku soo sai. Pa Xi Alê teen bi fo tê dôô dêl. Kha sa khô xi Tôtxiiga fêê e an fo fêê nggê khô se f.

Se Pa Xi Alê sêê fo meematu.

Tôtxiiga ta kidêlê: – Pa Xi Alê, sêê bê, sêê têndê: Bôkha xi kha faa ben na teen kha faa mal fa?

Se Alê bay. Tôtxiiga ngana poxta, wan paatxi khai d’Alê. Pa Xi Alê ma an paatxi khadji dêli, sêê nteega a Tôtxiiga.

Alê siê. Têtêuga nganha poxta, ũa mbatxi palaxu. Thun Alê tua teg’e.

Têtuuga ngita: – Thun Alê, Thun bê, Thun tô êndê: Boka ki ka fa ben na ka fa mari wa?

Thô thun Alê siê fô matu.

– Kwai?! Kwai ma Têtêuga zi alê ma ê manh’e mora si-e? Anda katxi tholo? Alê pôdja tê pena r’ê. Nê tuu kwa mari ma ngê ka zi, a na ka pô kasig’e asi wa.

Angolar Ben. Ê vitxa ngosi. Olo ma tuu ane ki tata vira ne thêka banda, ane n’dja:

Arê xyê. Ê gan poxta, ukwatu palasu. Sun Arê tan teg’e.

Têtuuga gita: – Sun Arê, Sun vê, Sun têndê: Ubuka ki a fa ben a famali fa?

So Sun Arê xyê n’ umatu.

– Kê?! Maji bê, kwa Têtuuga bê fêê ki Sun Arê gbene li modi sê a? Za na udêntu usolu! Ê bê pudya ka tê pene sê. Ni kwa mali tudu pe ki sun a fêê a sa po kaxtiga sun axi fa.

Lung’Ie Ben. Xiga patxi tadi. Ora kêdê ningê tata di vid’ ine sa subi, ine mundya:

Turtle screamed: – Your Majesty, you have seen, you have heard: Doesn’t the mouth that says good things also say bad things? The king left. Turtle won the bet, part of the palace. The king handed it over to him.

Then the king came out of the forest.

– Oh,what is going on? But now, what did Turtle do to make the king tie him up in this way? And in the sunshine! He should have pity for him. Whatever Turtle did, one cannot punish him in this manner.

English Well. The afternoon arrived. When all the people who had done their morning business were going home, they stopped:

Story in the four Gulf of Guinea creoles � 341

Word list a (LI) 1. question particle 2. reduced form of ka (habitual, future) and sa (progressive) a (FA) 1. dative marker 2. short form of ba ‘go’. ademax (FA) in addition aie (AN) now ala (FA) there alê (ST, AN, FA) king ama (FA) how amaa (FA) tomorrow amanha(n) (LI) tomorrow amanhan (ST) tomorrow ampegaru (AN) servant an, wan (FA) a, one an (FA) fused form of a + na ‘non-specific subject pronoun + negator’ anda (AN) still ane (AN) they; nominal plural marker antawo (ST) still arê (LI) king asi (AN) so axi (ST, LI) so ba (ST, AN) go bamu (FA) well, OK banda (AN) go up; go home basu (FA) under bay, ba, be (FA) go be (ST, AN, FA) go bê (ST, AN, FA) see bê (LI) also ben (AN, LI) good, OK ben (ST, AN) good bê rê (AN) teliciser ben (ST, AN, LI, FA) good things bi (ST, AN, FA) come bi (FA) past marker boka (ST, AN) mouth bôkha (FA) mouth bon (ST) OK d (FA) of da (ST, LI, FA) 1. give 2. arrive dantu (FA) in detha ~ retha (AN) let d’ê (ST) his, her

Dêsu (ST, LI) God Dêthu ~ Rêthu (AN) God Dezu (FA) God dha (AN) already di (ST) of dineyn (FA) their dixyamentu (FA) business dôô (FA) pity e (ST, AN, LI) her, him e (AN) 1. this 2. yes e (FA) perfect tense marker e (FA)  ai ê (ST, AN, LI, FA) 1. he, she, it; 2. (ST, AN, LI) expletive pronoun êlê (ST) he, she, it (unbound) êli (LI) then, and then êndê (AN) hear f (FA) verb phrase negator fa (AN, LI) speak, say, tell fa (LI) verb phrase negator fa (FA) that (comp.) faa (FA) speak, say, tell fada (ST) tell fara (AN) tell fe (ST) do, make fêê (FA) do, make fla (ST) speak fêzê ~ fêê (LI) do, make fo (FA) come from fô (ST, AN) come from foma (FA) form, manner futarô (AN) thief ga (ST, AN) allomorph of ka gaga (FA) carry gan (LI) win gbene (LI) tie gita (LI) shout glêntu (ST) interior; in glita (ST) shout, scream golo (ST) look for, search ie (LI) island ine (LI) nominal plural marker ine(n) ~ ne(n) (ST) they, them; their; nominal plural marker

ka ~ ga (ST, AN) habitual and future marker kada (ST) every kasiga (AN) punish katxi (AN) middle kaxtiga (ST, LI) punish keka (LI) fused form of ka vika ‘future + come’ kê (ST, LI) exclamation of surprise kê (ST, FA) what? kêdê (LI) every kha (FA) 1. thing 2. habitual marker 3. narrative particle khadji, khai (FA) house khaku solo (FA) burning sun khama-ngaandji (FA) road khô (FA) thing khôl (FA) with her/him/it khundjidu (FA) hidden ki (AN) relative pronoun (subject) ki (LI) relativiser ki (AN, LI) with ki (LI) so that kidê, kidêlê (FA) interjection of surprise kombina (FA) agree konkoda (LI) agree kôndê (ST, AN, LI) hide ku (ST, FA) 1. relativiser 2. with ku (ST, AN) so that kuma (ST) 1. complementiser 2. how? kumbina (ST, LI) agree kume (ST, LI) eat kumina (AN) agree kun (FA) eat kusê (LI) this kwa (ST, AN, LI) thing kwai (AN) what? kwatu (ST) part l (FA) him, her ladalan (FA) thief ladlon (ST) thief ladran (LI) thief lanta (ST) get up lata (AN) get up

342 � Story in the four Gulf of Guinea creoles

lega (ST, LI, FA) let li (LI) him/her luma (ST) 1. arrange 2. very lunga (AN) language lunge (LI) language lungwa (ST) language m ~ n (AN) I, me, my m ~ n (ST, AN) I, me m (FA) I, me, my ma (FA) take ma (AN) relative pronoun (nonsubject) maa (FA) tie maji (ST, LI) but mal (FA) bad mal, maa (FA) tie mala (ST) tie mali (ST, LI) bad manha (AN) to tie manha (ST, AN) trick, ruse mara (LI) tie mari (AN) bad matu (ST, AN) forest mbatxi (AN) part me (ST, AN) self me (LI) my mee-matu (FA) forest mema (AN) back; behind men (FA) fused form of ma mu ‘take me’ mêlêsê (FA) deserve mêrêsê (LI) deserve mete (FA) middle mi (FA) I mina (ST) child; diminutive mindjaadu, in ta mindjaadu (FA) stop minu (LI) child; diminutive m’ma (AN) 1. complementiser 2. how? m’me (AN) 1. eat 2. food mo (AN) hand, arm mo (LI) how moda (ST) manner modi (LI) manner mon (ST) hand, arm mondja (AN) street, road mora (AN) manner; how motxi(ru) (AN) much môlê (ST, FA) die mu (ST) my, me

muê (AN) die mun (FA) me mundja (ST) stop mundya (LI) stop mungu (AN) tomorrow muntu (FA) many, much mutu (LI) much mwê (LI) die n (LI) I, me n (ST) locative preposition na (LI) locative preposition na … f (FA) verb phrase negator na … fa (ST) verb phrase negator na … wa (AN) verb phrase negator nakha (FA) little thing nan (FA) nominal plural marker n’dja (AN) stop ne (ST, AN) their negoxo (ST) business, deal nen ~ inen (ST) nen, nen~nen (FA) plural marker of the demonstratives nengu (LI) servant nê (AN) not even nêgôxyô (LI) business, deal ngaandji (FA) big ngana (FA) win nganha (ST, AN) win ngê (ST, AN) person, people nggê (FA) person, people ngita (AN) shout, scream ngolo (AN) look for, search ngosi (AN) afternoon ngola (AN) Angolar ngolo (AN) look for, search nhan/nhan-xi (LI) yes nteega (FA) hand over ni (ST, LI) neither ningê (LI) person, people no (AN) we, us; our no ~ non (LI) we, us; our non (ST, FA) we, us; our nongosu (FA) business, deal

nongotho (AN) business, deal ola (ST) hour; when olo (AN) when ôman (FA) hand, arm ope (ST, AN, LI, FA) foot, leg ora (LI) when ôxi (FA) when pa (ST, AN, LI, FA) in order to paatxi, patxi (FA) part paga (ST, AN, LI, FA) pay palasu (LI) palace palaxu (ST, AN) palace pamase (FA) morning pasa (ST, LI) 1. pass by 2. very pasa (FA) pass by patha (AN) pass by patxi (ST, LI, FA) part pe (LI) ideophone of tudu ‘all’ pê (ST, AN, FA) put pê (FA) completely pega (ST, LI) take pemya(n) (LI) in the morning pen (FA) fused form of pa + m ‘for + me’ pena (ST, AN) pity plama (ST) in the morning plova (ST) proof po (FA) can, be able po ~ podi (LI) can, be able pomonha (AN) in the morning pova (LI) proof poxta (ST, AN, LI) bet pô (ST, AN) can pôdja (ST, AN) could pôkê (LI) because pôsu-pôsu (FA) snacks poxta (FA) make a bet pudya (LI) could punda (AN) because puuva (FA) proof pwê (LI) put r’ê (AN) his, her sa (LI) progressive marker; replaces ka in negated sentences sa (ST, FA) be

Story in the four Gulf of Guinea creoles � 343

sai (FA) fused form of se + noun phrase sentence-final particle sama (ST, LI) call se (ST) this se (FA) and, and then 2. this sê (LI) 1. her/his/its 2. this sêbê (ST, LI) know sêê (FA) leave, come out sêê (FA) fused form of se + ê ‘and she/he’ sêê (FA) know si-e (AN) this siê (AN) go out, leave sina (AN) show ske, skee (FA) future marker so (ku) (ST) then, and then so (ST) focus marker so (LI) then, and then solo (ST) sun solo, soo (FA) sun subi (LI) go up; go home subli (ST) go up; go home sun (ST, LI) man, Sir ta ~ eta (AN) know ta pa (FA) have to taaxi (LI, FA) behind tadi (LI) afternoon tadji (ST, FA) afternoon tan (LI) take tata (AN, LI) treat

tatalugwa (ST) turtle tebetha (AN) lay across teen (FA) also tega (AN, LI) hand over tembe ten, ten (ST) also tevesa (LI) lay across tê (ST, AN, LI, FA) have, hold têndê (ST, LI) hear têtêuga (AN) turtle têtuuga (LI) turtle tha (AN) be tha ku ê (AN) have thêka (AN) progressive marker tholo (AN) sun thô (AN) then, and then thun (AN) man, Sir tlabesa (ST) lay across tlata (ST) treat tlaxi (ST) back; behind tlega (ST) hand over ton (ST) take tô (AN) again todo (FA) all tôtxiiga (FA) turtle, tortoise tua (AN) take tudaxi (ST) all tudu (ST, LI, FA) all turu ~ tuu (AN) all tuu (FA) all txiividu (FA) cheeky txo (AN) little

ũa (ST, AN, LI) one ubuka (LI) mouth udêntu (LI) interior; in ufi-kumi (LI) road ukwatu (LI) part uman (LI) hand, arm umatu (LI) forest usolu (LI) sun vê (LI) see vida (ST, LI) life; problem vika (LI) come vira (AN) life; problem vitxa (AN) arrive vya (LI) turn wan, an (FA) a, one waya (FA) well (discourse particle) we (LI) go we ki sê (LI) leave xi, axi (ST) so xi (FA) that (dem.) xiga (ST, LI, FA) arrive xka (ST) progressive marker xtlada (ST) street, road xtlividô (ST) servant xyê (ST, LI) leave xyen (FA) yes ya (LI) complementiser ye (FA) here yô (ST) yes za (ST, LI) already zi (AN) do, make

References Agheyisi, Rebecca. 1986. 1986. An Edo-English Dictionary. Benin City: Ethiope Publishing Corporation. Barrena, Natalio. 1957. Gramatica anobonesa. Madrid: Consejo de Investigaciones Cientificas. Caldeira, Arlindo. 2008. Tráfico de escravos e conflitualidade. O arquipélago de São Tomé e Príncipe e o reino do Congo durante o século XVI. Ciências & Letras 44, 55-76. Caldeira, Arlindo, 2010. La leyenda de Lodã, o de cómo Rolando, compañero del emperador Carlomagno, defendió la isla de Annobón de una invasión terrible. Oráfrica 6, 89-114. Caldeira, Arlindo. ms. Os portugueses no Golfo da Guiné: primeiros contactos e estratégias iniciais de aproveitamento económico (1471-1520). Ferraz, Luiz Ivens. 1976. The substratum of Annobonese creole. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 7, 37-47. Ferraz, Luiz Ivens. 1979. The creole of São Tomé. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press. Ferraz, Luiz Ivens. 1987a. Portuguese creoles of West Africa and Asia. In Glenn G. Gilbert (ed.), Pidgin and creole languages: Essays in memory of John E. Reinecke, 337–360. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Güldemann, Tom & Tjerk Hagemeijer. 2019. The history of sentence negation in the Gulf of Guinea creoles. Journal of Ibero-Romance Creoles 2, 55-84. Granda, German de. 1985. Estudios de lingüistica afro-romanica. Valladolid: Universidad de Valladodid. Granda, German de. 1986. Retenciones africanas en la fonética del criollo portugués de Annobón. Revista de Filología Románica 4, 111-124. Hagemeijer, Tjerk. 2004. Going in the clause: ba and be in Santome. Journal of Portuguese Linguistics 3:2, 71-95. Hagemeijer, Tjerk. 2011. The Gulf of Guinea creoles: Genetic and typological relations. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 26(1), 111-154. Hagemeijer, Tjerk; Généreux, Michel; Hendrickx, Iris; Pereira, Amália; Tiny, Abigail; Zamora Segorbe, Armando. 2014a. The Gulf of Guinea creole corpora. In N. Calzolari et al. (eds), Proceedings of the he 9th International Conference on Language Resources and Evaluation (LREC), 523-529. Reykjavik: European Language Resources Association. Hagemeijer, Tjerk; Agostinho, Ana Lívia; Christofoletti, Alfredo; Généreux, Michel; Hendrickx, Iris; Mendes, Amália; Zamora Segorbe, Armando. 2014b. Fa d'Ambô corpus. Lisbon: Centro de Linguística da Universidade de Lisboa. Available at: http://alfclul.clul.ul.pt/CQPweb/fadambo/ Hagemeijer, Tjerk. 2015. The Gulf of Guinea creoles: A case-study of syntactic reconstruction. In Carlotta Viti (ed.), Perspectives on historical syntax, 291-316. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Hagemeijer, Tjerk & Armando Zamora Segorbe. 2016. Fa d’Ambô: From past to present. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 239 (May 2016), 193-209. Lêdjam, Nánãy-Menemôl. 2008a. Cancionero oral annobonés. Barcelona: CEIBA Ediciones. Lêdjam, Nánãy-Menemôl. 2008b. Búdjigêl. Sial: Casa de África. Matos, Raimundo José da Cunha. 1842. Corographia histôrica das ilhas de S. Thomé, Principe, Anno Bom e Fernando Pó. Porto: Typographia da Revista.

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Index ability, 137 adjective, 30, 33, 34, 48, 53, 68, 69, 71, 73, 75, 131 as adverbial, 68 attributive, 23, 68, 69, 75 compared, 70 conjoined, 71 predicative, 26, 48, 68, 69, 72, 131, 230 pronominalised, 50 qualificative, 68, 109, 131 reduplicated, 23, 24, 26, 30, 69 verbal, 75 adjunct locative, 139 reason, cause, 174 adverb affirmation, 174 aspectual, 178 clausal, 177 degree, 172 epistemic, 178 focalising, 173 inclusive, 178 manner, 170, 171 negation, 174 probability, 174 reduplicated, 23 simplex, 177 temporal, 167, 168 temporal-aspectual, 168, 177 adversative clause, 160 allomorph, 13, 44, 45, 88, 104, 108, 117, 124, 126, 136, 139, 140, 223 allophone, 15 animacy, 183, 184 anterior future, 110 apodosis, 112, 113, 119, 120, 213, 214

assimilation, 7, 44 associative plural, 37, 53 augmentative, 40, 41 benefactive, 82, 145, 146, 197, 200 beneficiary, 145, 146 causal clause, 160, 214 cleft, 182 clitic, 38 object, 88 subject, 88 coda, 9, 14 cognate object, 141 comitative, 85, 95, 140, 141, 154 comparative, 69, 70, 156 comparative clause, 217 complement, 138 locative, 139, 140 complement clause, 159, 161, 205 complementary distribution, 11, 139 complementiser, 8, 28, 158, 159, 186, 192, 205, 206, 208, 215, 217, 223 complex, 206 null, 205, 208 concessive clause, 217 conditional, 213 sentence, 112, 113, 119, 120 conditional clause, 111, 112, 117, 213, 224 conjunction adversative, 219 coordinate, 219 correlative, 221 disjunctive, 219 negative, 219 temporal, 224 consecutive temporal clause, 211 consonant, 7, 10, 11, 12, 35, 60, 76, 77

deletion, 91 lengthening, 186 liquid, 9 nasal, 10, 14 palatal, 13 prenasalised, 10 reduction, 186 syllabic, 9, 10, 11, 18 content question, 185, 188, 189 coordinate clause, 218 coordination asyndetic, 153, 218, 220 clausal, 223, 225 negative, 164 nominal, 223 verb phrase, 225 copula, 26, 27, 49, 54, 69, 73, 74, 75, 76, 115, 130, 131, 134, 135, 136, 165, 181, 186, 201, 202 change of state, 132 locative, 132, 133 null, 131 temporary state, 131, 230 counterfactual, 119, 120, 213, 218 dative argument, 142 degree, 156, 162, 172, 173 demonstrative, 181, 226 distal, 45 plural, 47 proximal, 43, 45 depalatalisation, 11 desiderative, 195 determiner, 33, 41, 49, 50, 58, 61, 66 demonstrative, 36, 37, 43, 44, 49 indefinite, 42, 57, 59, 101 interrogative, 50, 64

Index � 347

possessive, 48, 51, 52, 53, 54, 86, 89, 94, 197 quantifying, 54 diminutive, 38, 39, 40 diphthongs, 13, 14 direct discourse, 208, 209 direct object, 141, 202, 203 discontinuous negation, 225 discontinuous negation, 160, 161, 164 ditransitive construction, 144 double object construction, 141, 142, 143, 144 durative, 114 echo question, 66, 187 elative, 76 epistemic marker, 103 exclamation, 66, 88 exclamative, 76, 162, 193, 194, 224, 227 expletive, 96, 97, 177, 205 expletive negation, 161, 162 final relative clause, 215 focus, 75, 173, 178, 188 marker, 181 focus marker, 173, 178, 181 focus particle, 173 fusion, 30, 31 future, 109, 110, 112, 117, 118, 119, 120, 134, 137 immediate, 110, 116, 118 future-in-the-past, 109, 117, 118 gender grammatical, 34 natural, 34, 35, 40, 68 generic, 109, 125 genitive, 51, 166 construction, 142 particle, 39 glide, 11, 14 nasal, 13, 15 oral, 13

goal, 139, 143, 146, 149, 153, 169 habitual, 115, 124, 127 future, 124 past, 122 progressive, 122 habituality, 109 hortative, 191, 192 ideophone, 69 imperative, 89, 112, 190, 191, 193 imperfective, 134 past, 116 present, 116 inalienable possession, 142 inchoative, 106, 114 indefinite article, 42, 59, 79 indirect object, 82, 141, 142, 200 instrument, 85, 152, 153, 170, 171 interjection, 193, 194, 195 interjective, 227 interrogative direct, 188 discourse-linked, 185 indirect, 188 intonation falling, 185, 189, 190 rising, 188, 189 suspensive, 9 iterative, 109, 150 locative, 74, 82, 94, 140, 141 adjunct, 166, 167 adverb, 133 argument, 149, 165 complement, 141, 166 deictic, 165 nominals, 151 noun, 139, 140, 166 locative interrogative, 187 long form, 7, 16, 140, 159, 163, 187, 210, 215, 226 manner, 170, 171 manner clause, 217, 218 means, 152, 153, 170, 171

minimal pair, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 19 motion, 146 negation marker, 64, 157, 158, 159, 160, 163, 164, 181 complex, 104 final, 99, 157, 159, 160, 161, 189, 190 fused, 31, 89, 93 preverbal, 103, 157, 158, 159, 168 non-factive, 106, 107, 108 noun animate, 42 bare, 44, 67, 73 conjoined, 47 count, 73 human, 36, 38, 42, 86, 91 inanimate, 35, 36, 42, 43, 67, 87, 91 interrogative, 186 locative, 86, 133 mass, 66, 72 non-human, 47 proper, 66 reduplicated, 77 reduplication, 23, 77 noun phrase, 76, 80 conjoining, 98 structure, 100, 101 nouns interrogative, 185 numeral, 48, 54, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62 cardinal, 58, 61 ordinal, 62, 63, 169 reduplicated, 61, 62 object clause, 138 object control, 207 obligation, 137 onomatopoeia, 232 optative, 112, 117 palatalisation, 11, 28 particle boundary, 190, 226 final, 189, 190 genitive, 51

348 � Index

interrogative, 189 noun phrase-final, 99, 100 pragmatic, 190, 193, 225, 226 sentence-final, 99, 225 vocative, 197 passive, 93, 125, 202 agent of, 202 dynamic, 201 static, 202 past, 104, 109, 122, 124, 134 imperfective, 120 inchoative, 121 perfective, 120 past habitual, 109 past marker, 106, 107, 119, 120, 122, 130, 134 past participle, 27, 28, 125, 131, 135, 136, 201 past perfective, 104, 106, 107, 134 past-before-past, 107, 120, 125 past-before-present, 107, 120, 121 patient, 201, 202 perfect, 127, 201 affirmative, 124 perfective, 106, 110, 124, 126, 134, 155 pied-piping, 180 pluperfect affirmative, 124 plural marker, 42, 50, 53, 57, 64 reduplicated, 23 polar question, 224 possessive, 131 possessor, 35, 49, 86 possibility, 112, 136 prefix, 35, 38, 39 preposition, 35, 85, 88, 89, 94, 126, 142, 144, 145, 146, 152, 167, 170, 171, 180, 200, 202, 212 genitive, 41, 51, 53, 54, 60, 62, 64, 70, 76

instrumental, 86, 95 temporal, 169 preposition stranding, 82, 180 prepositional phrase, 33, 51, 82, 85, 87, 98, 138, 167, 170, 171, 180, 200, 201 present, 104, 106, 107, 109, 117, 122, 124 narrative, 110 presentational, 126 probability, 137 progressive, 111, 113, 115, 117, 127 generic, 123 habitual, 123 iterative, 123 past, 115, 122, 124, 129 present, 115 prohibitive, 192 pronoun bound, 95 conjoining, 95 demonstrative, 49, 50, 80 generic, 90, 93 honorific, 89 impersonal, 203 indefinite, 50, 64 interrogative, 65, 66 non-specific, 105 object, 88, 89, 91 personal, 87, 90, 91 possessive, 54 reflexive, 197 resumptive, 82, 188 subject, 88, 93, 94 subject, fused, 31 unbound, 88, 89, 91, 94, 95 prosodic boundary, 190 domain, 181 marking, 193 phrase, 225, 226 protasis, 112, 113, 119, 120, 213, 214 punctual, 114, 116

purposive, 31, 83, 87, 151, 223 purposive clause, 107, 151, 161, 215, 216 quantifier, 38, 54, 57, 77, 101 question marker of place, 187 reason clause, 214 recipient, 141, 143, 144, 149, 184 reciprocal, 47, 200 reduplication, 23, 25, 26, 30, 38, 61, 69, 173, 229, 231, 232 lexicalised, 25, 26 partial, 23, 61 total, 23, 61 reflexive, 198, 199, 200, 202 relative clause, 33, 44, 45, 48, 49, 50, 56, 57, 63, 67, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 99, 108, 111, 118, 181, 187, 188, 212 relativiser, 45, 65, 78, 81, 83, 84, 87, 186, 187, 222 repetitive, 103 resumptive, 82, 85, 87 rhetorical question, 162, 194, 224 sandhi, 7, 16, 21 serial verb construction, 75, 82, 83, 85, 144, 201, 216 short form, 7, 16, 46, 222 source, 139, 141, 143, 146, 151, 169, 209 state permanent, 104, 105 temporary, 104, 105 subject post-verbal, 177 subject clause, 205 subject control, 207 subordinate clause, 107, 109, 111, 117, 137, 159, 160, 179, 180, 183, 188, 207

Index � 349

suffix, 29, 30, 38 -du, 27, 38 genitive, 51 superlative, 71, 75, 76 syllable, 14, 17, 25, 31, 195, 229 TAM markers, 103, 104, 126, 128, 157, 169, 177, 201, 202 temporal clause, 109, 117, 209, 211 theme, 142, 143, 149 tone, 9, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, 190, 226 boundary, 225, 226 high, 16, 17, 21, 22, 189, 190, 226 low, 16, 17, 19, 21, 22 topic, 182 variation, 4, 88 verb auditive perception, 206 causative, 75, 201 declarative, 206 directed motion, 139, 146, 147, 148, 151, 165 directional, 215 directive, 206 ditransitive, 141, 149

dynamic, 106, 107, 109, 120, 124 existential, 132 experiencer, 128 inchoative, 113 intransitive, 141, 177 location, 150, 165 locative, 146 mental activity, 206 modal, 136 motion, 139, 141, 146, 150, 165 movement, 114 of request, 208 of transfer, 144, 145 positional, 134, 135 possessive, 132 qualificative, 26, 27, 29, 48, 75, 76, 109, 131, 230 reduplicated, 23, 26 speech, 208, 209 stative, 68, 72, 73, 76, 104, 106, 109, 116, 118, 120, 121, 124, 230 stative - type A, 104, 106, 128 stative - type B, 104, 105, 107, 109, 128 transitive, 177

volitional, 206 verb phrase, 33, 78, 103, 105, 138, 139, 145, 148, 149, 150, 151, 153, 155, 177, 207, 225 vocative, 196 volition, 138 vowel, 7, 9, 11, 14, 15, 35, 41, 60, 76, 91, 226 assimilation, 7, 44, 91 deletion, 15 elision, 9 final, 7, 76, 91 genitive, 77 lengthening, 35, 40, 54, 62, 76, 77, 195, 228 long, 9, 14, 15 nasal, 8, 9, 10, 76 oral, 8, 10 short, 8, 9 voiceless, 9 voiceless, 14 voiceless, 16 yes/no questions, 159, 188, 189 zero-marked verb, 21, 104, 106, 108, 121, 126, 127, 128, 137, 230