A Florentine chansonnier from the time of Lorenzo the Magnificent: Florence, Biblioteca nazionale centrale, MS Banco rari 229, Vol. 2 9780226076393, 9780226076232

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A FLORENTINE CHANSONNIER

FROM THE TIME OF LORENZO THE MAGNIFICENT

| EDWARD E. LOWINSKY Founding Editor

HOWARD MAYER BROWN General Editor

NeeTA een le ee gee ML

Ze agate Li Ke Sey } So AB MG : oe BP sat L \ b ce “By rar oy alee

Aid AN aN AM * “PEN ee .cy oak ree ; AN ; vp Ne ON LE| aLVi 4 Hh] a \ Sa an be a a | | f Bee ~ ~ Pe Gy he \ fs " bis

om ~~ . “i =~ (A atin, a) Ips y a /fianctil — a oe oe ee oe ee a a et

' : v, ee

dande), Byextension, chetermscouldasomemn ig. beg, alg, | music with B flat (sinemenon) or music with B nat- je ee ee te ga

d and e ). By extension, the terms could also mean Dep

them in that way in Musica practica. ° ge ee OB No canon, clef signs the pitchspecify of the circle a a eefp —— butestablish the instructions the Lydian ||| mode and the sinemenon tetrachord, that is, they [=e ee

indicate that the canon should begin on f and in-

clude b flats. As example IV.2 demonstrates, the Example IV.3: The puzzle canon, second version (Hyporesult is a perpetual canon that fits neatly withinan —_‘!ydian mode).

Two other solutions to the puzzle canon can be tiens ultra diapason transcendimus vel descendimus, totiens derived from the instructions given in Florence vocem renovamus,”’ or, in English, whenever we go above 229, both of them more radical by far than exam-

or below thebene octave, we renew the note names.”’ The phrase IV.2 and thmore bl ; in ‘“melodiam modulando”’ recalls, of course, the famous pics 4 les an -J andand thus,IV.3 arguably, definition of music by Cassiodorus: “‘ Musica est ars bene modulandi,”’ translated in Strunk, Source Readings, p. 88, as 14. Seay, ‘‘Florence,” pp. 194-95, prints the canon in this ‘‘Music indeed is the knowledge of apt modulation.”’ For version, but he overlooked the clue about the proper note on futher on the term modulatio, see Margarete Appel, Termi- which to begin. The canon appears also (beginning on the nologie in den mittelalterlichen Musiktraktaten (Bottrop, 1935), correct note) in Robert Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age

pp. 39-40. of Columbus (The Hague, 1960), p. 62; and (after Seay) in

13. On the tetrachords, see, for example, the chart in Besseler and Giilke, Schriftbild der mehrstimmigen Musik, pl. 63. Ramos, Musica practica, p. 10; that in Gafurius, Practica must- Stevenson, pp. 55-63, summarizes Ramos’s career and cae, trans. Miller, p. 24; and Gustave Reese, Music in the achievements. Both Seay and Stevenson insert an alto clef as

Middle Ages (New York, 1940), pp. 22-23. On misin- well as a treble clef into their transcriptions, suggesting that terpretations of the Greek tetrachords, see Haar, “Roger they suppose the Hypolydian version to begin on g, but they

| Caperon,”’ pp. 35-36. offer no explanation for their theory. 18

THE FRONTISPIECE

character with what we know of the acerbic and —_exceeded.'° Theoretically, the canon can be coniconoclastic Bartolome Ramos de Pareja. In its tinued idenfinitely. The voices could conceivably Lydian form, the end of the first segment of the | continue working around the circle of fifths until, canon (example IV.2, m. 4) states the first three | somewhere in the highest reaches of musical space, notes of the sinemenon tetrachord. If the ex- they will return to their original notes. hortation to “lead the Lydian into sinemenon”’ can But the canon has a fourth solution as well, for be interpreted to mean “‘begin in the Lydian mode the directions say that you can either lead the Lydand lead the first segment of the melody into (and _ ian into sinemenon or the Hypolydian into diezeugthrough) the sinemenon tetrachord,” it is not very menon. The highly chromatic version of the canon

far-fetched to suppose that the second segment might merely be transposed from F to C, traversshould begin by completing the tetrachord a, b ing almost the same regions of musical space, but flat, c’, d’. But then the second segment must be __ in different keys. Or just possibly the Hypolydian transposed up a fourth. If the same technique— __ version, which nowhere literally states the diezeugtransposing each successive segment upafourth— = menon tetrachord, might be resolved by analogy is used to complete the melody, it will have been with example IV.4 by transposing all four voices transposed four fourths by the time the first voice up a fourth at the point where the first voice states is ready to begin over again. Thus “‘quatuor quar- __ three of the four notes of the tetrachord, that is, in tas’’ seems to mean four intervals of a fourth as _ the last bar of the initial statement of the subject well as the four quarters into which the melody is (example IV.5, m. 16, lowest voice), though the divided, a usage entirely consistent with Ramos’s melody admittedly lacks the tetrachord’s charac-

practice.” teristic B natural. Unlike the transition between At the point where the second segment of mel- —_ untransposed and transposed segments in the Lyd-

ody, transposed up a fourth, begins, the south ian version—in which the connection is made conwind indicates that the second voice must enter. junctly, the last note of the (conjunct) sinemenon But it cannot come in at the original pitch; it must tetrachord becoming the first note of the next begin a fourth higher. Thus the direction to lead — section—the transition in the Hypolydian version Lydian into sinemenon through four fourths refers _is disjunct (like the diezeugmenon tetrachord itself),

both to the fact that each voice has to be led with the transposed section beginning a step through four fourths by transposing segments of higher than the top note of the preceding segment. the melody, but also to the fact that each voice All the voices do in fact make a very smooth tranmust enter a fourth higher than the preceding one. sition from untransposed to transposed sections, as When the fourth voice enters, it is four fourths example IV.5 clearly demonstrates. The resulting

higher than the first. , chromatic shifts take place much less rapidly than The instructions seem to explain that ‘“‘sweet in the Lydian version, and a genuinely new soluharmony” will be produced withinasingle octave. _ tion results.'’ But this phrase, too, like that describing the “qua- 16. Ramos himself advocated expanding the traditional

tuor quartas,’’ can be reinterpreted. Transposing = gamut; see Musica practica, esp. pp. 43-48; and Lowinsky, each segment up a fourth can easily be conceivedas “Concept of Physical and Musical Space,” pp. 63-64. The renewing 4 melody that was originally presented objection that the highly chromatic version of the puzzle

L: c< canon as given in example IV.4 cannot be performed seems to

within one octave ( renovando dulcem har- me invalid, since such puzzles could simply be intellectual moniam intra diapason’’). But in this version the exercises. Ramos acknowledged that musical space can be canon must start in as low a position as possible, imagined above and below the gamut (see Musica practica, p. and even then it soon exceeds the upper limits of 46). Moreover, if example IV.4 were actually performed, it the gamut as set down by medieval and Renais- would be possible to end the canon in m. 17, say, after the sance theorists. If the first voice enters on F, atone "St voice had gone through four fourths. — below G-gamma ut., asin example IV.4 by the time . 17. Can it be that this fourthitversion less Hypoabrupt— , sweeter’ and smoother—just because is inisthe the fourth voice has stated the complete melody lydian mode, which Ramos associated with the planet Venus, once, the normal gamut will already have been as opposed to the Lydian mode, which he gave to Jupiter (Musica practica, p. 58)? Note, too, that in the Hypolydian 15. Ramos used quarta to mean the interval of a fourth, for version, the transposition up a fourth brings the music into example, in Musica practica , pp. 69-70; and he used the more the Lydian mode, so that example IV.5, mm. 29-32, reads common diatessaron as well. The two words are considered exactly like example IV.2. synonyms in Johannes Tinctoris, Terminorum musicae diffi- For futher on the connection between Venus, Jupiter, the nitorium , translated into English by Car] Parrish (Glencoe and modes, and Florence 229, see chapter VI. Ramos equated

London, 1963), pp. 52-53. both modes and planets with ‘‘Fortuna,”’ possibly significant 19

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RY NS AS A Ay |NS | A A RN AA SS AR OS NA Sn Example IV.4: The puzzle canon, third version (beginning in the Lydian mode).

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Example IV.5: The puzzle canon, fourth version (beginning in the Hypolydian mode).

CHAPTER IV

The introductory canon in Florence 229 ex- — until 1501, and in any case it is not as harmonically plores what is in fact rather more than the charted daring as Ramos’s textless canon.'” Some twenty musical space available to fifteenth-century com- years had to elapse after Josquin’s chanson was posers, and that space is explored in two dimen- __ printed before another composition systematically sions. Not only does the composition encompass __ explored all chromatic notes, Adrian Willaert’s the entire gamut and more, from the lowest tothe Quid non ebrietas .*” It is not a little ironic that the highest possible notes, but it also makes use of all composition that begins this tradition, Ramos’s possible chromatic notes, traversing the complete __textless canon in Florence 229, should transgress circle of fifths. Ramos’s canon for Florence 229 is _ the boundaries of the old musical world in a comthus a fitting symbol for the Monuments of Re- _ position that pays homage to Pythagorean theories naissance Music series, whose covers it adorns, for in its motto.

it reveals itself as the earliest composition in the The frontispiece of Florence 229 has a totally tradition so well charted by Edward E. Lowinsky unified iconographic program. The quotation of avant-garde Renaissance music, in which tradi- from Horace reflects the character of the music. tional frontiers of musical space, as exemplified by |The canon, like Horace’s singer, is difficult to start

Pythagorean notions of tuning and medieval con- since it is a puzzle canon. Again like Horace’s cepts of diatonic modality, were breaking downin singer, the canon is even more difficult to stop an effort to explore a full chromatic compass of — onceit has begun, for it is a perpetual canon. More-

notes.'* over, the circle of music that dominates the page Bartolome Ramos de Pareja, in his one sur- embodies its own meaning, for the notion that the

viving composition, thus takes his rightful placeas = world and music are the same is made palpable by

the originator of this tradition. Josquin’s Fortuna presenting an image of the world, a circle, that d’un gran tempo may have beencomposed earlier, or __ literally consists of music. The world as depicted at about the same time, but it was not published __ on folio III” of Florence 229 is made from musical notes; and the music itself, the puzzle canon, exin view of the later connection between the goddess and presses the idea that the world and music are one, chromatic canons, chronicled in Edward E. Lowinsky, “‘The for it covers the entire universe in two dimensions: Goddess Fortuna in Music,” Musical Quarterly 29 (1943):45 — vertically, in traversing the entire gamut of notes

77; Lowinsky, ‘“‘Matthaeus Greiter’s Fortuna: An Experiment .

in Chromaticism and in Musical Iconography,’’ Musical Quar- from top to bottom, and horizontally, in moduterly 42 (1956):500-519 and 43 (1957):68-85; and Lowinsky, lating throughout the entire circle of fifths. The ‘Secret Chromatic Art Reexamined,”’ in Perspectives in Musi- interplay of ideas evoked in the frontispiece of cology, ed. Barry S. Brook, Edward O. D. Downes, and — Florence 229 is perfectly realized in a combination Sherman van Solkema (New York, 1972), pp. 91-135. of visual and musical imagery. 18. The best summary of Lowinsky’s views may be found in his ‘‘The Musical Avant-Garde of the Renaissance or: The

Peril and Profit of Foresight,” in Art, Science, and History in the 19. See Lowinsky, “Goddess Fortuna.” Renaissance, ed. Charles S. Singleton (Baltimore, 1968), pp. 20. See Lowinsky, “Adrian Willaert’s Chromatic ‘Duo’ 113-62. See also Lowinsky, ‘‘Concept of Physical and Musi- Re-examined,” Tijdschrift voor Muziekwetenschap 18 (1956):

cal Space,” and “‘Music of the Renaissance as Viewed by 1-36; and Lowinsky, “Echoes of Adrian Willaert’s ChroRenaissance Musicans,” in The Renaissance Image of Man and matic ‘Duo’ in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Comthe World, ed. Bernard O’Kelly (Columbus, Ohio, 1966), pp. positions,” in Studies in Music History: Essays for Oliver Strunk ,

129-77. ed. Harold Powers (Princeton, 1968), pp. 183-238.

22

Tubalcain and the Coat of Arms

‘he first composition in Florence 229, whichis the fifteenth century the iconographical tradition by Johannes Martini, is supplied neither with that portrayed him in this way was already long text nor with text incipit, although concordances _ established. Most often he accompanies Lady Mureveal that the poem to which the music was orig- __ sica, traditionally depicted holding a portative orinally set began with the words Tres doulx regart.' gan, a lute, or some other instrument, in pictures The two fully illuminated pages that make up the __ illustrating the seven liberal arts;* in such pictures opening on which this first composition appears, each of the ladies representing one of the arts is

folios IV’—V (pls. HI-IV), form an aesthetic shown with a typical representative of her disciunity. The bright blue background of folio IV’, — pline, Pythagoras with Geometry, Euclid with which contains music for the superiusandapartof Arithmetic, Ptolemy with Astronomy, and Tuthe tenor lettered in gold, contrasts with the red _— balcain with Music. A fresco with this subject, background of folio V, with music for the con- _— painted by Andrea da Firenze in the fourteenth tratenor and the remainder of the tenor, also let- century, decorates the Spanish Chapel in the tered in gold. Almost the same shade of red as Church of Santa Maria Novella in Florence, one of supplies the ground for folio V dominates the color the churches for which the brothers illuminated scheme of the border of folio IV’. And the portrait manuscripts.” And the panels added to the camon folio V is painted principally in the same two

colors. tradition that shows Tubalcain hammering on an anvil is so

The border decorations on both pages are, as we __ strong that a figure would have to be labeled Pythagoras to have seen, rather conventional. The flowers on fo- —- ake such an identification likely (see n. 3 below).

lio IV’ resemble other standard products from the 3. On representations of the seven liberal arts, see Paolo D’ Ancona, “‘Le rappresentazioni allegoriche delle arti liberali workshop of Gherardo and Monte. And the tro- nel trecento e nel rinascimento,” L’Arte 5 (1902):137-55, phies of war and victory and the cow skulls and —_ 21128, 269-89, and 370-85; and also Julius von Schlosser, gems on folio V may be found on various other ‘““Giusto’s Fresken in Padua und die Vorlaufer der Stanza della frontispieces painted by the two brothers. But the Segnatura,” Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des all.

four miniatures that constitute the principal em- Kaiserhauses 17 (1896):13- 100. On Jubal, Tubal, Tubalcain,

. . Pythagoras, and music, pages—the see also Paul E.image Beichner, Medieval bellishments of these ofthe Tubal5

presentative of Music, Jubal or Tubalcain? , Texts and Studies

cain, the coat of arms, the portrait, and the in the History of Mediaeval Education, no. 2 (Notre Dame, cameos—are all of very special interest. Each of Ind., 1954); Martin Staehelin, ‘“‘Pythagoras und Jubal als

them must be discussed in turn. ‘Erfinder’ und ‘Bewahrer’ der Musik,” Neue Ziircher Zeitung , The miniature at the top of folio IV” shows a no. 145 (March, 1972); Judith Cohen, ‘‘Jubal in the Middle man in Turkish dress seated in front of a low wall. Ages,” Yuval: Studies of the Jewish Music Research Centre, ed.

. 1: yo: , Israel Adler and Bathja Bayer, 3 (1974):83-99; and James W.

He is striking an anvil with two hammers while a McKinnon, “Jubal vel Pythagoras, quis sit inventor musibook lies open beside him. The man is Tubalcain, —¢a62,.” Musical Quarterly 64 (1978):1—28.

one of the inventors of music according to Among the many representations of Tucalcain, see, for medieval and Renaissance theorists.” By the end of | example, Dino Formaggio and Carlo Basso, A Book of Miniatures (London, 1960), pl. 16; Paul Schubring, Cassoni, Truhen 1. For details, see chapter XVII: ‘““Notes on the Com- — und Truhenbilder der italienischen Friihrenaissance , 2 vols. (Leip-

positions and Their Texts,’ no. 1. zig, 1915), 2: pls. 63 and 81; D’Ancona, Miniatura fiorentina 2. Anne Bragard, ‘Un manuscrit florentin,”’ pp. 57-58, 2:649, no. 1359; and Chastel, Age of Humanism , pl. 78. suggests that the figure represents Ramos as a new Pythag- On Jean Perréal’s fresco of the liberal arts in the Cathedral oras, offering as her only support for this assertion the fact | of Puy, which may include a portrait of Josquin des Prez as that Ramos was born in Spain and the figure inthe miniature | Tubalcain, see Madeleine Huillet d’Istria, ‘“‘Jean Perréal,’’ Gawears Turkish dress. Whereas her idea is an ingenious one, it zette des Beaux-Arts , 6th ser., 35 (1949):314-44, with English

does not seem very probable. No portraits of Ramos survive translation, pp. 377-86; and also Edward E. Lowinsky, so that comparisons are impossible to make; but there is no “Scholarship in the Renaissance: Music,’’ Renaissance News 16 reason to believe that Ramos’s contribution to the manuscript (1963) :256—57.

extends beyond the opening canon. And the iconographical 4. The fresco is reproduced in Millard Meiss, Painting in 23

CHAPTER V

panile of the Florentine Cathedral by Luca della folio IV“ evokes only generalized connotations—it

) Robbia between 1437 and 1439 include a Tubalcain would be equally appropriate at the beginning of representing music.” Gherardo was thus un- almost any manuscript containing music—the doubtedly familiar with the tradition, although his coat of arms at the bottom of the same page has a Tubalcain does not resemble these other well- very specific meaning, since it belongs to only one known Florentine ones. It even differs from the family. And it furnishes the chief clue to the origiTubalcain who appears on the first page of Berlin) nal owner of Florence 229. In the center of the 78.C.28,-a chansonnier probably decorated by heraldic shield an arm, covered by a yellow sleeve, Gherardo, Monte, or some member oftheir work- holds a dagger. The background is bright blue.

shop in the 1460s.° One golden star appears just above the arm and

Three sons of Lamech are named in Genesis another below. The chief of the field—that is, the 4:21—23: Jabal, Jubal, and Tubal or Tubalcain. In top third of the shield—is intersected by a thin red the Bible Jabal is called the father of those who _ line with four pendants. Very nearly the same coat keep animals, Jubal the father of musicians, and —_ of arms also appears in Cirri’s Blasonario fiorentino , Tubal the father of smiths—the very word “‘Cain’’ a manuscript compiled in 1902 and now housed in means smith. Medieval musical theorists confused the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale in Florence.’ Jubal and Tubal, probably because of the legend The Blasonario reproduces a great many coats of that Pythagoras first discovered the mathematical arms associated with Florence, including the one in proportions of musical intervals while passing a Florence 229. Whereas the shield in the Blasonario blacksmith’s shop, where he noted that when an __lacks the thin red line, the one in Cirri’s Necrologio anvil half the size of another was struck, it madea _fiorentino , a second early twentieth-century manusound exactly an octave higher than the larger script compilation in the Biblioteca Nazionale, in-

one.’ In the medieval mind, Pythagoras thus be- cludes not only the red line but also three came associated with Tubal, father of smiths, and _ fleurs-de-lis. The presence of the arm so promiwith his brother, the musician Jubal; and those _ nently displayed on the heraldic shield turns out to treatises that begin with a list of the inventors of | bea pun. Braccio means “‘arm”’ in Italian, and both music often include one or both of them.” The tra- — of Cirri’s manuscripts attribute the coat of arms to dition persisted into the Renaissance, especially as | Alessandro Bracci, more commonly called Brac-

a pictorial motive; by the late fifteenth century, cesi (1445-1503), Florentine notary, humanist, Tubal had become a conventional figure symbol- _—_ and statesman."

izing music, and hence an appropriate image to Still a third source, closer in time to the prepara-

introduce an anthology of music. tion of Florence 229 than these two twentiethWhereas the image of Tubalcain at the top of | century manuscripts, proves beyond doubt that the coat of arms belonged to Alessandro Braccesi. Florence and Siena after the Black Death (Princeton, 1951), pl. Braccesi’s tombstone still survives, visible in the 95, and discussed there, p. 100; in Pietro Toesca, La Pittura Church of Santa Prassede in Rome, where he was fiorentina del trecento (Florence, 1929), pl. 102; and in Schlosser, buried. Set into one of the pillars of the church, the

“Giusto’s Fresken,” pl. 7. medallions tombstone includes Braccesi’sand coatanother of arms— 5. The della Robbia of Tubalcain ;

done for the campanile by a pupil of Andrea Pisano are re- complete with arm, dagger, and stars, but lacking

produced in Chastel, Age of Humanism, p. 196; D’ Ancona, the line—as well as that of his illustrious grandson,

‘Le rappresentazioni,” p. 227; and Schlosser, “‘Giusto’s Fres- the poet Agnolo Firenzuola, who was abbot of ken,” figs. 13 and 14. 6. See Reidemeister, Chanson-Handschrift 78 C 28, pp. 9. The full title of the Blasonario is: Stemmi gentilizi di_fam-

12-18. iglie, di Podesta di Firenze, segni di chiese, confraternita, arti, po-

7. For the source of this anecdote, see Hermann Abert, Die tenze, gonfaloni, quartieri e sestieri, ecc. estratti da cittadinari, Musikanschauung des Mittelalters und ihre Grundlagen (Halle, prioristi, sepoltuari ed altre diversi codici manoscritti esistenti

1905; reprint ed., Tutzing, 1964), p. 56. nell’Archivio di Stato e nella Biblioteca Nazionale di Firenze. 8. See, for example, Isidore of Seville as quoted in Strunk, 10. On the same page as the coat of arms of Alessandro Source Readings, p. 94. Jacob of Liege (quoted in Strunk, Braccesi, p. 116, there is a coat of arms belonging to another p. 181), mentions Tubalcain as a preflood writer on plain- —_ Braccesi who died in 1604, which is exactly like Alessandro’s, song(!). Guillaume Crétin’s lament on the death of Johannes including the red line, except that it adds three fleurs-de-lis. Ockeghem includes Tubal, ‘‘qui sur marteaux trouvasonset | According to Demetrio Marzi, La Cancelleria della Repubblica accordz,”’ as one of the speakers; see Ernest Thoinan, Déplor- Fiorentina (Rocca S. Casciano, 1910), p. 288, the Braccesi ation de Guillaume Cretin sur le trepas de Jean Okeghem (Paris, family tomb, adorned with the same coat of arms, was built

1864), pp. 28-30. in 1501 in the Church of San Lorenzo in Florence. 24

TUBALCAIN AND THE COAT OF ARMS

Santa Prassede when Alessandro died in 1503. In without a patrimony or any family property, addition, the tombstone commemorates Braccesi and even now my mother lives deprived of

in an epitaph composed by Firenzuola.'! light."

e€etnin r inea racces1 S COat Of arms . . .

th me conventions of hera ery easily “XP an why For an invalid, Rinaldo clearly survived to a ripe in Florence 229 is missing in two of the other ole age, fying betwee " his Seventy second anes

sources. Such stripes with pendants are called Bae eee ees eee ne ows Catasti regularly described him as “‘senza Alchuno

marks of cadency, and they are added toa shield to exercitio né avviamento” (‘without either a prodenote that the bearer of it is an eldest son rather fession or a business”).' than the head of a house. When the head of a house Florence 229 was compiled before 1493, while aes, us eldest hicld at th es the mark ° cadency Alessandro’s father was still living. In view of the sumes his new role; and the new head’s eldest son prominent place given in the manuscript to music

in turn receives the mark of cadency.’* Inother by penn aac, the eh ee isting 7 nore words, the red line is present in Braccesi’s coat of Pee Oe COMUAEY ClOSCNY ASSOC”

arms in Florence 229 because the manuscript was ated with Florence, it seems unlikely that Florence

compiled while Alessandro’s father was still alive. a ia . b 1 P eae isaac arnived - the city an Alessandro Braccesi was in fact the first son born more precise datin will be advanced ee the to his parents.'° Very little is known about his fa- evidence presented thus far indicates that the ther, Rinaldo Braccesi, beyond the fact that he was manuscript was copied, illuminated, and bound in still alive in 1480 and dead by 1493. Inthe former Lo ence between 1485 and 1493." year the Florentine tax records, the Catasto , report Whenever it was prepared, the chansonnier that he was seventy-two years of age. . At the end found its way at some later date, doubtless after

€ Was ea In a letter written to as 1ero : : : -:

orJanuary ae his ote Messandro, IP te tat Braccesi’s death, into the Gaddi collection, a pride’Medici for the loan of 250 ducats of gold in vate forary started bY Angelo ai fanom vad ¥

order to pay the dowry for Alessandro’s second re Bibeenen coma, ane’ preserved and’ expande daughter. The first paragraph of the letter, com- by members of his family duing the next three cenposed in a combination of Italian and Latin, illuminates Braccesi’s early manhood, while at the 15. This excerpt from the letter, printed in Agnoletti, Bracsame time suggesting that his father wasnolonger si, pp. 165-66, reads: ““E male ed aspra cosa nascere da

alive: poveri parenti, nam haud facile emergunt quorum virtutibus obstat res angusta domi. Per questa ragione ho condotto la

It is a harsh and evil thing to be born into a vita insino a qui con molte difficulta ed affanni, pure sempre poor family, for [men] do not rise easily if the mi sono aiutato colla industria, e ho durato continuamente restricted circumstances of home stand in the fatica, alutato dalla casa vostra. Nella mia gioventu coepi way of their worth. For this reason I have lived subire onus familiare, col padre e colla madre infermi e col ; ; ; ; :; maritare due sorelle col mio sudore, senza patrimonia e submy life until now with many difficulties and stantie paterne, et adhuc vivit mater orba luminibus.”’ The troubles, although I have always helped myself complete letter is in Florence, Archivio di Stato, Mediceo

by diligence, and have made a great effort . avanti il Principato, Filza XIX, no. 210. constantly, aided by your relatives [the Medici]. Rinaldo was dead by 1495 beyond any doubt, for in that I began to assume the family burden in my year Alessandro paid the taxes on the family property. See youth, with a sick father and mother and with Florence, Archivio di Stato, Decima della Repubblica, 47 (S. two sisters to marry off by my own labor, Giovanni, Lion d’Oro, 1495 although labeled 1498). 16. See Agnoletti, Braccesi, p. 15.

11. The epitaph is printed in Bice Agnoletti, Alessandro 17. See Frank A. D’Accone, “‘Heinrich Isaac in Florence: Braccesi, Contributo alla storia dell’umanesimo e della poesia volgare New and Unpublished Documents,” Musical Quarterly 49

(Florence, 1901), p. 201. (1963):465.

12. See Heather Child, Heraldic Design (London, 1965), p. 18. It is perhaps significant that Monte di Giovanni went

108. to Braccesi for his professional advice as a notary in drawing 13. See Agnoletti, Braccesi, p. 13. up a contract for the sale of some property in 1490. The only

14. Florence, Archivio di Stato, Catasto 1017 (S. Giovanni, reference to Monte in the nine volumes of Braccesi’s notarial Lion d’Oro, 1480), f. 419. Iam grateful to Dr. Gino Corti for records occurs in Florence, Archivio di Stato, Protocolli nolooking up this and the following references for me and for __ tarili di Alessandro Braccesi, B. 2322 (1489-91), f. 103. advising me about various matters concerning the Braccesi There are no references in these volumes to Monte’s brother,

family. Gherardo. 25

CHAPTER V

turies.'” In 1755 Gasparo Gaddi sold his family’s nally from the library of Alessandro Braccesi, two books to the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and they volumes of Braccesi’s own Latin poetry, and Florwere divided among the Biblioteca Laurenziana, ence 229, which sold for 9 lire. Apparently, then, the Archivio di Palazzo, and the Biblioteca Mag- __ the chansonnier, prepared in Florence, has never liabecchiana, which later became the Biblioteca left that city, unless it accompanied its original Nazionale Centrale. Included among the items in owner onsome of his journeys during his lifetime. the sales catalog*® were three manuscripts origi- §£. ————

8 C P 6 di Stato, Archivio della Reggenza, Busta 55, Fasc. 724 and

19. On the Gaddi library and its sale in 1755, see Domenico 725. The two volumes of poetry are listed as Cod. 410 and Fava, La Biblioteco Nazionale Centrale di Firenze e le sue insigni Cod. 666, and Florence 229 as Cod. 1024, a number which is

raccolte (Milan, 1939), pp. 35-39. pasted to the inside front cover of the manuscript (see chapter 20. The manuscript sales catalog is in Florence, Archivio II, n. 4).

26

The Medallions

Als with the frontispiece with its image of platform and holds in one hand what appears to be

the world, the three medallions a l’antique a reed. The most distinctive feature of this central which form the bas-de-page of folio V help us to figure is the fact that his robe is raised, without evoke the intellectual milieu in which Florence 229 visible means, almost to his waist, exposing his was compiled. The large central medallion is genitals. This characteristic pose identifies him as

flanked by two smaller ones, each dominated bya _ _ Priapus, the god of fertility and protector of garsingle figure (pl. XVIII). The seated, draped god- _ dens. Since Priapus is sometimes said to be the son dess pictured on the right side of the page holdsin — of Venus and Jupiter,’ the iconographic scheme of one hand several arrows that seem to belonginthe _ the bas-de-page is clear: Priapus as the central figsheath held by the small winged boy standing be- _—ure is shown both with his parents and his wor-

side her. Since the boy is obviously Cupid, the _ shipers. goddess must be Venus, an idea confirmed by var- Manuscripts prepared for Florentine humanists ious Roman coins which show her and hersonin were frequently decorated with images derived this or asimilar pose.' In like manner, ancient coins from ancient artifacts, reliefs, medals, plaquettes, aid in identifying the seated, draped god onthe left cameos, or other gems. Very often illuminators side of the page as Jupiter in his guise as leader of | copied originals which were a part of the magvictorious armies, since he holds a small Nike in __ nificent collection formed by the Medici family. In his outstretched palm.* We have seen that Bar- _ addition to fulfilling a primary function as embeltolome Ramos de Pareja identified Venus with the lishment, these objects also served as propaganda, Hypolydian and Jupiter with the Lydian mode— advertising the wealth and cultural sophistication the two modes of the circle canon on folio IIJ’—so of Lorenzo the Magnificent and his native city.’ In the presence of these two gods on folio V makes 3. See, for example, the statues of Priapus reproduced in another connection that binds together the icono- Otto Jahn, ‘“‘Priapos,” Jahrbiicher des Vereins von Altergraphical elements of the prefatory material in thumsfreuden im Rheinlande 27 (1859):45-62 and pls. 2-3;

Florence 229. Richard Payne Knight, “‘A Discourse on the Worship of PriThe larger central medallion contains three fig- apus (1786), “‘ in Sexual Symbolism, introduction by Ashley

ures. In the left foreground, a naked bearded man Montagu (New York, 1966), pl. 5; and Thomas Wright, sits at the base of a tree, resting on his staff and Symbolism, pl. 11 looking contemplatively at the ground. On the The most complete discussion of Priapus is in Hans Herter, right, a draped bearded man offers a bouquet of De Priapo, Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorflowers to the central figure, who stands ona small arbeiten, vol. 23 (Giessen, 1932). For examples of Priapus

; a, . “The Worship of the Generative Powers (1866),”’ in Sexual holding a reed, see there pp. 200-201. On the characteristic

1. For a brief description of the ways in which Venus is pose with raised robe, see there pp. 8 and 192-93. normally portrayed on Roman coins, see Max Bernhart, An ancient marble relief with a poem attributed to Tibullus Handbuch zur Miinzkunde der romischen Kaiserzeit, 2 vols. and including an image of the god with his robe raised was (Halle, 1926), 1:52. For examples of Cupid standing before known to Bernardo Bembo, Venetian ambassador to FlorVenus, who holds an apple and scepter or a patera and scepter ence at the time of Lorenzo the Magnificent and a friend of rather than arrows, see Harold Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Braccesi. For a description of the monument, see Carmelo Empire in the British Museum, 6 vols. (London, 1923-62), 4:578 Cali, Studi su i Priapea e le loro imitazioni in latino e in volgare

(and pl. 77.12), 5:28 (and pl. 6.16), 434 (and pl. 68.5), and 537 (Catania, 1894), pp. 35 and 74-76.

(and pl. 86.2). 4. The father of Priapus was more commonly thought to

2. See Bernhart, Miinzkunde 1:47—48, and Harold Mat- be Bacchus (see Herter, De Priapo, pp. 62—64), but other tingly, Roman Coins (London, 1928), p. 159, for brief descrip- gods, including Jupiter, were sometimes credited with his

tions of the ways in which Jupiter is normally portrayed on parentage (ibid., pp. 64-65). On the genealogy of Priapus Roman coins. For examples of Jupiter Victor, see Bernhart, and the parenthood of Jupiter, see also Vincenzo Cartari, Miinzkunde 2: pl. 35.9; Mattingly, Roman Coins, pl. XL.14; Imagini delli dei degl’antichi (Venice: Nicolo Pezzana, 1674), and Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire 3:69 (and pl. 14.2), p. 326.

77.6), and so on. 86-90.

281 (and pl. 52.16), 324 (and pls. 59.19-20), 406 (and pl. 5. See Chastel, Art et Humanisme a Florence pp. 47-52 and

2/

CHAPTER VI

view of this common practice of Florentine minia- | known contemporary literary reference to him apturists, and since Gherardo di Giovanni was in _ peared in Francesco Colonna’s bizarre allegory on close contact with Lorenzo, the medallionsinFlor- love, the Hypnerotomachia Poliphili, written about ence 229 might have been copied from Greek, or 1467 and circulated in manuscript for several decmore probably Roman, coins, cameos, or pla- _ades before its publication in 1499.° But the sacriquettes that belonged to the Medicis; but none of fice of an ass to Priapus, discussed in the volume the studies of their collections list such objects, and illustrated with a Bacchanalian scene centered albeit the inventories are incomplete and often do —_ around an altar adorned with an ithyphallic herma,

not describe each item in great detail.° has very little relationship with the more bucolic Seeking a specific meaning for the scene is diffi- _ floral offering pictured in Florence 229.

cult since relatively few images of Priapus or The ceremony described in Colonna’s Hypreferences to him appear in late fifteenth-century — nerotomachia Poliphili refers instead to the story re-

Florentine art and literature. Sometimes writers lated in Virgil’s Fasti of how Priapus’ conquest of refer to him in passing as the guardian of gardens, anymph, either Lotis or Vesta, after a drunken the recipient of the first produce from fields, but | outdoor feast, was interrupted by the braying of an nevertheless a figure of fun not only because ofhis —_ ass belonging to Silenus.” Thus an ass, the animal

sexual prowess but also because he traditionally that humiliated the god, was sacrificed to him by functioned as a scarecrow.’ Perhaps the best- his worshipers. Alessandro Braccesi and his circle 6. Gennaro Pesce, ‘““Gemme medicee del Museo Nazionale would have been familiar with Ovid's Fasti ? for it di Napoli,” Rivista del R. Istituto d’Archeologia e storia dell’arte 5 was the subject of lectures by Angelo Poliziano at (1935):85, lists “‘uno cammeo legato in oro con 3 figure et uno the Studio fiorentino . '° And they would also have albero di relievo,’’ valued at fior. 60; and ‘‘uno chammeo leghato in oro, entrovi 3 fighure ch’escono di una selva da pp. 293 and 320; and Naldo Naldi, Epigrammaton liber, ed. rovescio intagliato bronchone et rose,”’ valued at fior. 100, Alexander Perosa, Bibliotheca scriptorum medii recentisque but Pesce identifies them tentatively with existing cameos, aevorum, no. 12 (Budapest, 1943), p. 10. and in any case the descriptions are not very detailed. F.A. Pietro Bembo’s poem, “Priapus,”’ printed in Petri Bembi David and Francois-Valentin Mulot, Museum de Florence, ou patritii veneti, scriptoris omnium politissimi disertissimique, collection des pierres gravees, statues, médailles et peintures, qui se quaecunque usquam prodierunt, opera, in unum corpus collecta trouvent a Florence, principalement dans le Cabinet du Grand-Duc (Basel, 1556) 3:137-—40, was not written until 1514.

de Toscane (Paris, 1787), pl. LXV, 2, shows two figures in- 8. The first edition, by Aldus Manutius of Venice in 1499, cluding a naked youth seated beneath a tree who resembles is reprinted in a facsimile edition by George D. Painter (Lonthe youth on the left side of the medallion in Florence 229, but don, 1963). The sacrifice to Priapus is reproduced there,

the onyx depicts two fauns and not a Priapus. fol.m 6. The first French edition, Le songe de Poliphile (Paris: Nothing resembling the medallions in Florence 229 is Jaques Kerver, 1546), with woodcuts attributed to Jean Goulisted, described, or reproduced in Eugene Mintz, ‘‘Les col- jon, has been reprinted in a facsimile edition by Albert-Marie lections d’antiquités de Laurent le Magnifique,’ Revue arche- Schmidt (Paris, 1963). The more elegantly executed French ologique, n.s., 38 (1879):242-—50, and 40 (1880):257-59; woodcut of the sacrifice is reproduced there, fol. M3. A parMiintz, Les Précurseurs de la Renaissance (Paris, 1882), pp. tial English translation of the work appears in Andrew Lang, 183-97; Muntz, Les Collections des Médicis au XVe siecle (Ap- ed., The Strife of Love in A Dream (London, 1890). See also pendice aux Précurseurs de la Renaissance) (Paris, 1888); I. B. Arthur M. Hind, An Introduction to a History of Woodcut , 2 vols. Supino, I] Medagliere Mediceo nel R. Museo Nazionale di Firenze (London, 1935) 2:489; and Albert Ilg, Uber den kunsthistorischen (secoli XV—XVI) (Florence, 1899); Emil Jaeschke, Die Antike Werth der Hypnerotomachia Poliphili (Vienna, 1872). in der florentiner Malerei des Quattrocento (Strasbourg, 1900); On sacrifices to Priapus, see also Fritz Saxl, ‘“‘Pagan Sacri-

Walter Holzhausen, ‘‘Studien zum Schatz des Lorenzo il fice in the Italian Renaissance,’’ Journal of the Warburg Institute Magnifico im Palazzo Pitti,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen 2 (1938 — 39) :361-63.

Institutes in Florenz 3 (1929-—32):104-—31; Antonio Morassi, 9. The story is told about Lotis in Ovid’s Fasti, translated Art Treasures of the Medici (Greenwich, Conn., 1963); and II by Sir James George Frazer, The Loeb Classical Library Tesoro di Lorenzo il Magnifico. Catalogo della Mostra. Palazzo (Cambridge, Mass., 1931), pp. 29-33 (Fasti I, ll. 392-440); Medici Riccardi. Firenze 1972, vol. 1: Le gemme, ed. N. Dacos, and about Vesta, ibid., pp. 343-45 (Fasti VI, ll. 319-48). For A. Giuliano, and U. Pannuti (Florence, 1973), and vol. 2: 1 a discussion of a painting showing the scene, see Edgar Wind,

vasi, ed. Detlef Heikamp (Florence, 1974). Bellini’s Feast of the Gods, A Study in Venetian Humanism (CamOn Lorenzo the Magnificent as a collector and on his col- bridge, Mass., 1948), esp. pp. 27-35. For another explalections, see also Chastel, Art et Humanisme a Florence, pp. nation of the reason why an ass is sacrificed to Priapus, see 11-82. On Medici patronage earlier in the century, see E. H. David and Mulot, Museum de Florence , p. 95. Silenus riding an

Gombrich, “The Early Medici as Patrons of Art,” in Norm ass is one of the characters mentioned in Lorenzo the Magand Form. Studies in the Art of the Renaissance, 3d ed., 2 vols. nificent’s carnival song, Quant’é bella giovinezza, printed in

(London, 1978) 1:35-—57. Lorenzo de’ Medici il Magnifico, Tutte le opere: Scritti giocosi

7. For passing references to Priapus in the literature of the (Milan, 1958), pp. 153-54. Renaissance, see, for example, Cali, Priapea, pp. 31ff. and 10. See Aby Warburg, ‘‘Sandro Botticellis ‘“Geburt der Ve95-96; Angelo Poliziano, Prose volgari inedite e poesie latine e nus’ und ‘Frithling’,”’ in his Gesammelte Schriften (Leipzig and greche edite e inedite, ed. Isidoro del Lungo (Florence, 1867), Berlin, 1932) 1:34-—35.

28

THE MEDALLIONS

known the Priapeia, the series of short poems that Ad Laurentium Emporianum Hortorum comprises a part of the so-called Virgilian Appen- Cultorem

dix."! Hortorum celebris fuerit quam gloria But none of these sources, not the Hypneroto- quondam .

; ; hortus,

machia Poliphili, Ovid’s Fasti, nor the Priapeia, il- Hesperidum, satis hoc fabula prisca docet; lustrates the scene in Florence 229. Nor does the At modo maius habet nomen Theanensius

presence of Priapus in the coat ofcomposuisse arms of the Ac-ferunt, .; . , Quem te, Laurenti,

cademia Ortolana in Piacenza, an academy that Qui vacuum late fama iam personat orbem, was dissolved in 1544 by order of the clergy be- Pulsat et aetherei sydera celsa poli. cause of the scandalous behavior of its members, Laurenti, quae te cum gloria certa sequatur give a clue to the specific meaning of the illustra- Auctorem titulis afficiatque novis, tions made in Florence some fifty years earlier. At Non miror, veteris quod sis oblitus amici the end of the fifteenth century the few academies Et quod sis factus turgidus inde nimis. that existed had not yet formalized their corporate Nam, cum fingendis tantum tibi nomen in

structures and supplied themselves with emblems hortis . _

and pseudonyms as they were later to do. And the Quaesieris, laus sit tantaque parta tibi, | Accademia Platonica, the first and only such or- Cumue datus custos illis sis fidus, et uni ganization in Florence at the time, is not known to S; Sit quoque servandi credita cura tibi, , have taken special notice of the licentious god.'” isque Priapo etiam multo membrosior ipso—

; P ; 5° Es, Laurens, etenim mentula totus iners—

Nor is__ theputo key toiam the meaning the medallions Te puto ;— sanctumofnumen partesque Priapi

to be found in either of the two poems by Braccesi Hellespontiaci sumere velle dei. himself that mention Priapus. The first of these is Et iam te positum video cum falce saligna a riddle giving instructions for folding a cloth into Furaces horto pellere quasque manus, an obscene shape, of little interest for our pur- Ac te divinos cerno quoque poscere honores, poses." But the second is intriguing enough to de- Utque tibi in templis rudat asellus iners:

serve quotation in full:"* Quod siquando deum numerum cumulaveris, OTO

11. For example, Niccolé Michelozzi, one of Braccesi’s Sis memor ut nostrae, dexter, amicitiae. close friends, read the Priapeia in 1464-65 according to della

Torre, Storia dell’ Accademia Platonica, p. 717. The three poems To Lorenzo of Empoli, cultivator of gardens from the Priapeia attributed to Virgil are published in his

Works, ed. and translated by H. Rushton Fairclough, The How celebrated was the glory of the HesLoeb Classical Library (Cambridge, Mass., 1918) 2:480-—85. perides gardens Once, The most recent edition of the complete Priapeia is in Egnatius the old fable sufficiently teaches; Cazzaniga, ed., Carmina Ludicra Romanorum (Turin, 1959); see but now the Theanensean garden also Lucianus Mueller, ed., Catulli Tibulli Propertii Carmina which they say that you, Lorenzo, have cre(Leipzig, 1910), and F. Vollmer, ed., Poetae Latini Minores , ated, has a greater name, vol. II (1923). For a brief overview of the history of the [the garden|] which now makes the empty Carmina Priapea , and for information about various commen- world resound far and wide with fame, taries on them, see Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum: and strikes the lofty stars of airy heaven. Mediaeval and Renaissance Latin Translations and Commentaries, Lorenzo, since such sure glory follows you ed. F. Edward Cranz and Paul Oskar Kristeller, vol. 4 (Wash- and presents you li.e., the founder] with new

ington, D. C., 1980):423—50. , aa For Braccesi’s judgment on the Virgilian Appendix, see titles,

Paul Oskar Kristeller, ““An Unknown Correspondence of I am not surprised that you have forgotten old Alessandro Braccesi with Niccolo Michelozzi, Naldo Naldi, friends, Bartolommeo Scala, and Other Humanists (1470-1472) in and that you have become excessively swollen Ms. Bodl. Auct. F. 2. 17,’ in Classical, Mediaeval and Renais- from this. sance Studies in Honor of Berthold Louis Ullman, ed. Charles For, since you have gained sO great a name

Henderson, Jr., 2 vols. (Rome, 1964), 2:349. for yourself fashioning gardens,

12. On the Accademia Ortolana of Piacenza, see Michele and such great praise be won for you, Maylender, Storia delle Accademie a’ Italia, 5 vols. (Bologna, and since you are given a faithful guardian for 1926-30), 4:146-49; Strunk, and Alfred Einstein, The Italian them Madrigal, trans. Alexander H. Krappe, Roger H. Sessions, and also to vou alone be the trusted care of

and Oliver Strunk, 3 vols. (Princeton, 1949), 1:194. . y

13. The standard history of the Accademia Platonica is keeping them

della Torre, Storia dell’Accademia Platonica . and you are even more well-endowed than 14. Alexandri Braccii Carmina, ed. Alexander Perosa (Flor- Priapus himself—

ence, 1944), pp. 128-29. but indeed, Lorenzo, you are a totally idle 15. Ibid., p. 90. The translation is mine. organ— 29

CHAPTER VI

, I imagine that you will now wish to take on cember 1473,'” when Forteguerri died, and thus

the holy divinity most likely has no connection with the medallions

and the role of Priapus, god of the Helles- in the anthology of chansons prepared some

pont. . . twenty years later.

And ce you now set up with a willow Yet another series of fifteenth-century Flor-

. -? recently been di honors identified one of Donatello’s statues as an image of

driving from the garden all thieving hands entine works of art in which Priapus figures has

and also I perceive that you will ask for divine. ry b discussed by Erika Simon, who so that the lazy ass will bray at you in the the lascivious god.*’ She finds him, too, among the

y tap . Pp pag

temple: putti who decorate Goliath’s helmet in Donatello’s

but if. ever you increase the number of the statue of David, and on the base of the Same sculp-

gods, I pray tor’s Judith and Holofernes, and she suggests that friendship. vices of pride and lust, superbia and luxuria , as op-

that you, fortunate man, be mindful of our Priapus is there intended to represent the pagan

In view of the ironic, bantering tone of this curi- posed tO the Christian virtues of humility and ous poem, Braccesi must have been an intimate chastity, humilitas and continentia . This explanation friend of the dedicatee, and his warning against the of the god’s presence im Donatello s works applies pitfalls of power, idleness, and arrogance is thus as well to the neoclassical medallion, almost iden-

couched in terms of friendly remonstrance, lest tical with the one 1 Florence 229, which shows Lorenzo in his newly found fame neglect his old Priapus being worshiped in an outdoor shrine and

friends. But who is this Lorenzo, who seems to be wie ete on one of me Liblion av . the entirely unkown to historians of Empoli'’ and does Orvin Esa ter, now in the i 1oteca caicea-

not figure in any of the studies of Lorenzo the Laurenziana in Florence, a manuscript illuminated, Magnificent and his circle? Doubtless he is the like Florence 22), by Monte and Gherardo di Giosame ‘‘Laurentius de Empulo, presbyter,” who Vanni (pl. X).“ Here, too, the three pagan cameos wrote to Lorenzo the Magnificent in March 1473, that decorate the upper margin of the page may to warn him of threats against his life.'’ The iden- well be intended as contrast to the main illustratity of this Lorenzo of Empoli with the hero of tion, a humble David kneeling nD Prayer. Braccesi’s poem is confirmed by the fact that the q The same scene of paps standing beside a ae

’ ’ 22 :

letter was written in Viterbo at the residence of the anked Dy TWO worshipers appears, FOO, In one ©

cardinal of Teano. at that time Niccold For- the great central doors of Saint Peter’s in Rome,

teguerri, a well-known diplomat and philanthro- doors which were cast in bronze between 1433 and pist Originally fom Pistoia. which is. like Em- 1445 by the Florentine sculptor and architectural poli near Florence Forteguerri had been since theorist Antonio di Piero Averlino, called Fil1458 cardinal of Teano, a small town in the Cam- arete. In the panel showing the martyrdom of pagna, as well as a member of the papal hierarchy Saint Peter, Filarete portrayed a Roman emperor in Rome.’* Thus Braccesi’s reference to the creator watching the spectacle while sitting in a palace of a “‘Theanensean garden” almost certainly al- decorated with putti. One of these pagan ornaludes to the appointment of his otherwise un- ments (pl. XIX) corresponds almost exactly with known and obscure friend to the entourage of the the medallion m Florence 229 and seems tO have cardinal, perhaps as librarian or secretary. The the same meaning as the decorations in Donatello’s poem then must have been written before De- 19. Perosa, Braccii Carmina, p. x, dates the manuscript in

which the poem appears about 1477. 20. Erika Simon, “‘Der sogennante Atys-amorino des Do16. He is not mentioned, for example, in Luigi Lazzeri, natello,”’ in Donatello e il suo tempo, Atti dell’VIII Convegno Storia di Empoli (Empoli, 1873), nor in Odoardo H. Giglhioh, Internazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento (Florence, 1966), pp.

Empoli artistica (Florence, 1906). 331-51.

17. The letter is in Florence, Archivio di Stato, Archivio 21. See chapter III, n.13 for a bibliography of discussions

Mediceo avanti il Principato, Filza XXIX, no. 220. of the manuscript. 18. On Forteguerri, see Enciclopedia Italiana (Milan, 1932) 22. The doors are described in detail in Bruno Sauer, “‘Die 15:728; Gaetano Beani, Niccolo Forteguerri, Cardinale di Teano, Randreliefe an Filarete’s Bronzethtir von St. Peter,’’ Repernotizie storiche (Pistoia, 1891); Sebastiano Ciampi, Memorie di torium fir Kunstwissenschaft 20 (1897):1-22. The entire door Niccold Forteguerri istitutore del Liceo e del Collegio Forteguerri di and the panel showing the martyrdom of Saint Peter are Pistoia nel secolo XV (Pisa, 1813); and Quinto Santoli, II cardi- reproduced in Genesio Turcio, La Basilica di S. Pietro (Flor-

nale Forteguerri (Pistoia, 1926). None of these sources, how- ence, 1946), pp. 212-13. And the detail showing Priapus

ever, mentions Lorenzo. appears in Simon, ‘“‘Atys-amorino,” pl. LXXVIII, fig. 12. 30

THE MEDALLIONS

works: the proud and lusty Priapus, a suitable god ‘‘All you, young and old, rich and poor, who have to adorn the palace of aRomanemperor, contrasts an instrument like that of Priapus, come vist our sharply with the humble, martyred Peter. Priapus, | convent where you will be well treated by us.”’ then, seems regularly to signify pride and lust in This passage from Filarete may be the very one late fifteenth-century Florentine works of art. which Gherardo and Monte di Giovanni wished to But the key to the specific meaning of the three illustrate, for it is the only late fifteenth-century medallions in Florence 229 would seem to be an- _ Florentine source to stress Priapus’ parents, albeit other work by Filarete, his treatise on architecture Filarete names Bacchus rather than Jupiter as fawritten in Milan between 1461 and 1464.*° In this _ ther.”° The idea is, in any case, not improbable, for treatise, Filarete describes an ideal city and pro- the treatise was known in Florence at that time; the poses that each shop be decorated with images ap- _ best surviving manuscript of it was a presentation propriate to the goods sold there. Thus, he writes, | copy made for Piero de’ Medici shortly before over the doors of brothels, or Houses of Viceashe 1465.*° Thus Priapus appears with his parents and calls them, artists ought to place an image of Pri- his worshipers in Florence 229 not merely as a apus, the creator of human idleness and lascivi- guardian of gardens—in this case of a florilegium

ousness, along with his parents, Bacchus and musicum—but more specifically as a protector of Venus. Each of them is to be shown speaking cer- _ profane pleasures. Priapus may well be the emtain words.** Perhaps those of Venus are the most bodiment of superbia and luxuria, buthis patronage appropriate to introduce the music of Florence 229: is highly appropriate for an anthology of secular 23. The treatise is reproduced in facsimile and translated in songs devoted mostly to the praise of love. John R. Spencer, ed., Filarete’s Treatise on Architecture, 2 vols.

(New Haven, 1965). It is also printed and translated into ee German in Wolfgang von Oettingen, ed., Antonio Averlino (1945):14, points out that this passage is the “‘first mention of

Filarete’s Tractat tiber die Baukunst, Quellenschriften fir a painting of Venus in a Renaissance setting.” Kunstgeschichte and Kunsttechnik, n.s., vol. 3 (Vienna, 25. The illuminators may have been instructed to substi-

1890). tute Jupiter for Bacchus simply to relate the medallions to the

24. Spencer, Filarete’s Treatise 1:231 and 253-54. The circle canon on folio IJ‘, which contains music in modes

translation is Spencer’s. E. H. Gombrich, “‘Botticelli’s Myth- appropriate to Venus and Jupiter, as we have seen. ologies,”’ Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 8 26. Spencer, Filarete’s Treatise |:xvii.

31

VI The First Owner of the Manuscript: Alessandro Braccesi [i Renaissance can be characterized as an age come as a notary and a city official was sufficient when men of ability could more easily rise in _ for him to afford to buy some property.’ society than ever before, then Alessando Braccesi However, the peak of his career as a public ser(1445-1503) was a typical man of his time. Ano- vant came in 1491 or 1492, when he was appointed tary, humanist, poet, secretary of the Chancery of | ambassador to Siena, where he stayed until 1494, the Florentine Republic, and ambassador during after the death of Lorenzo the Magnificent and some of the city’s most difficult years, Braccesi during the reign of Piero de’ Medici. Perhaps as a rose from the obscurity of a poor family toa posi- __ result of the revolution of 1494 Braccesi was temtion of high respect within the city government. _ porarily suspended from office, but he was soon As a young man he probably attended the univer- _ reinstated and sent first to Perugia and then to sity in his native city, the famous Studio fiorentino, | Lucca. Braccesi’s ability to cope with the tangled where he may have studied humane letters, which = web of Tuscan diplomacy at the end of the fif would explain his local reputation as a Latin stylist | teenth century impressed the Signoria favorably and a connoisseur of Greek, as well as law, which — enough that they sent him to Rome in 1497 to be prepared him for his professional career as ano- the cheif negotiator for Florence in their battle tary.’ In any case, by the time he was in his early with Pope Alexander VI over Girolamo Savtwenties, in 1467, he had become a full-fledged — onarola. Although Braccesi had been a loyal friend notaio , for his first book of records dates from that to the Medici family during the lifetime of Lorenzo year, and documents regularly refer to him as the Magnificent—and indeed, Alessandro owed “Ser” Alessandro, the normal title for a notary. _ Lorenzo a debt of gratitude for his advancements His record books filled up slowly, although he was in public office—he was apparently completely elected to a number of minor temporary officesin _ disillusioned by Piero de’ Medici’s concessions to the Florentine government from 1467 on, and he —_ Charles VIII in 1494, those concessions that so inseems to have worked for the city in some capac- _censed the Florentine people that Piero was forced ity, perhaps as an apprentice, as early as 1465. As to flee his native city. During his years in Rome,

time passed he was chosen for ever more re- _ Braccesi considered Piero an enemy. Perhaps his sponsible offices—from 1480 on he was almostal- disappointment with the Medici coincided with ways in public service—and finally in 1483 he was his conversion to the beliefs of Savonarola, for he elected to a permanent position in the second pleaded the friar’s cause eloquently in the papal chancery. The decade between about 1475 and court, and only asked to be recalled to Florence 1485 must have been his happiest and most care- when it was clear that the fight was lost. In the free. He had married about 1474, by 1480 his fam- _ reaction against Savonarola after the friar was ily had already grown to include four of the eight burned at the stake in 1498, Braccesi was dismissed

children that he eventually fathered, and his in- from his position as secretary to the second 1. On Braccesi’s life, see Agnoletti, Braccesi; Kristeller, chancery and his place was taken by Niccolo Ma“An Unknown Correspondence of Alessandro Braccesi,” chiavelli, whose fate some years later was to be pp. 311-64; Alison Brown, Bartolomeo Scala, 1430-1497, Chancellor of Florence, The Humanist as Bureaucrat (Princeton, 2. Agnoletti discusses Braccesi’s life to 1480 in Braccesi , pp.

1979), esp. pp. 97, 121, 124, 139-40, 179, 187, 188, and 204; 1—96 and his life from 1480 to 1491, pp. 135-48. On pp. and the bibliography listed in Mario Emilio Cosenza, Bio- 94-95 she makes the point that Braccesi may have felt ecographical and Bibliographical Dictionary of the Italian Humanists nomic pressures about 1480 with so many children and also and of the World of Classical Scholarship in Italy, 1300-1800: sick parents to care for. Some of Agnoletti’s dates are mod-

(Boston, 1962) 1:695-98. ified in Marzi, Cancelleria, pp. 251 and 259. On Braccesi’s Agnoletti discusses Braccesi’s university studies in Braccesi , election in 1480 as chancellor of the magistracy for foreign

pp. 16-17 and 28, and the evidence that he knew Greek as policy, the Otto di Pratica, see Brown, Bartolomeo Scala, p. well as Latin on p. 139. On his knowledge of Greek, see also 97. Braccesi’s nine volumes of records as a notary are preKristeller ““An Unknown Correspondence of Alessandro served in Florence, Archivio di Stato, Protocolli notarili di Al-

Braccesi,”’ p. 316. essandro Braccesi, MSS B. 2317-25. 32

THE FIRST OWNER OF THE MANUSCRIPT

exactly the same. After four years of exile from time when he sent his volume to Sassetti, he was public office, however, Braccesi once more was already associated with the Accademia Platonica, asked to serve his city. In 1502 the Signoria sent but, although he was a good friend of Marsilio him again to be their ambassador in Rome, buthe __Ficino, the academy’s guiding spirit, Braccesi died there one year later before his mission was seems not to have been influenced by nor indeed

accomplished. ° even interested in Platonic philosophy.’ Braccesi’s

Braccesi’s achievements as a city official and Italian poetry, much of it on the subject of love and statesman were made at the expense of his literary some of it patterned on Petrarchan models, incareer, for he wrote almost nothing but dispatches _—_ cludes canzoni, sestine , capitoli, some two hundred to his government after his forty-sixth birthday in —_ burlesque sonnets and about fifty serious ones, and

1491. Apparently, public service took too muchof four canti carnascialeschi.’ In addition, he wrote his time. His collection of Latin elegies, the Latin epigrams and epistles in verse and in prose, Amorum libellus, consisting mostly of love poems _ mostly to his friends. They included many of the addressed to an unidentified Flora and modeled on intellectual leaders of fifteenth-century Florence:

Christoforo Landino’s Xandra, was probably his Piero Soderini, Christoforo Landino, Marsilio earliest work; it may have been finished as early as _ Ficino, Angelo Poliziano, Naldus Naldius, 1468.° He dedicated a fair copy of itin manuscript Ugolino Verino, Niccolo Michelozzi, and Berto Francesco Sassetti, one of Florence’s leading nardo Bembo, the Venetian ambassador to Florbankers and art patrons. He explained that he was ence, among others. Most of these poems were too timid to dedicate it to Lorenzo the Mag- probably composed during the 1470s and 1480s. nificent, although by 1487 he was bold enough to _ His celebration of the Medici gardens at Careggi, send a revised version of the anthology to Guid- _ for example, written at the instigation of Bembo, obaldo di Montefeltro, duke of Urbino.’ At the — can be dated about 1475.* Toward the end of the 3. On Braccesi’s later life, from the time he became an 1470s he finished his free translation from Latin ambassador in Siena until his death in 1503, see Agnoletti, The third part of this manuscript contains a collection of Braccesi pp. 149-206. Kristeller, ““An Unknown Correspon- epigrams dedicated to Lorenzo the Magnificent. The official dence of Alessandro Braccesi,”’ p. 313, dates Braccesi’s ap- dedication copy to Guidobaldo is now in the Vatican Library pointment as ambassador to Siena 1492, after the death of | as MS Urb. lat. 741; another copy is in the Biblioteca LauLorenzo; Agnoletti cites letters suggesting that he took up his renziana with the call number MS Plut. XLI, n.41. On the post sometime between July and September 1491. According chronology and relationships of these manuscripts to each

to Marzi, Cancelleria, p. 243, members of the chancery were other, see Perosa, “Storia di un libro di poesie latine often appointed ambassadors, and served as private intel- dell’umanista fiorentino Alessandro Braccesi,”’ La Bibliofilia ligence agents for the Medici as well as communicating di- 45 (1943):138-85. Some additions to the list of Braccesi’s rectly with the Signoria. Marzi, Cancelleria, pp. 263 and 268, manuscripts may be found in Perosa, ‘‘Miscellanea di reports that Braccesi was dismissed from his post for a filologia umanistica II,” La Rinascita 3 (1940):143-49.

month, between November and December 1494, just after 6. Braccesi’s connection with the Accademia Platonica is. Piero de’ Medici’s flight out of Florence. On the relationship discussed in Agnoletti, Braccesi, pp. 91-93, and in della between adherents of Savonarola, those of the Medici, and Torre, Storia dell’Accademia Platonica, p. 656. On the Acthe various other political factions in Florence during the last cademia, see also André Chastel, Marsile Ficin et l’art (Geneva, decade of the fifteenth century, see Nicolai Rubinstein, “‘Pol- 1954), pp. 7-15.

itics and Constitution in Florence at the End of the Fifteenth 7. Braccesi’s Italian poetry is discussed, and many examCentury,” in Italian Renaissance Studies , ed. E. F. Jacob (Lon- ples printed, in Agnoletti, Braccesi, pp. 43-90. The four canti

don, 1960), pp. 148-83. carnascialeschi are printed in Anton Francesco Grazzini (‘‘Il

4. Braccesi’s literary works, as well as his life, are dis- Lasca’’), Tutti i trionfi, carri, mascherate o canti carnascialeschi , ed. cussed in Agnoletti, Braccesi. All of Braccesi’s Latin poetry is Rinaldo Bracci, 2 vols., 2d ed. (Cosmopoli, 1750), 2:548—55.

published in Perosa, Braccii Carmina, which includes a com- One of the four appears also in Charles S. Singleton, ed., plete list of the manuscript sources. The Amorum libellus ap- Canti carnascialeschi del Rinascimento (Bari, 1936), p. 216. On

pears there, pp. 1-62. Some of the manuscripts containing the burlesque poems, see Giovanni Zannoni, “‘Relazione.. . Braccesi’s poems and letters are listed in Paul Oskar Kris- a S. E. il Ministro su di un codice di rime del secolo XV,”’ teller, Iter Italicum, 2 vols. (London and Leiden, 1963-67), Bollettino Ufficiale del Ministero dell’Istruzione Pubblica, Anno 1:66, 70f., 98, 102, 106, 109, 115, 129f, 134, 137, 175, 213, XXII, vol. 1 (1895):397—407. According to Kristeller, ‘‘An 216, 222, 225, and 233; and 2:53, 109-11, 127, 176, 385, 515, Unknown Correspondence of Alessandro Braccesi,” p. 312,

517, 519, 561, and 572. the manuscript Zannoni described is now in the Vatican liOn the Amorum libellus , its date, and its literary tradition, brary as MS Vat. lat. 10681.

see Agnoletti, Braccesi, pp. 19-42. Its manuscript sources are 8. On Braccesi’s Latin epigrams and epistles, see Ag-

discussed there, p. 28f. noletti, Braccesi, pp. 97-120 and 142-46. Those in verse are

3. Sassetti’s copy—Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, MS printed in Perosa, Braccii Carmina, pp. 63-99. The poem on Plut. XLI, n.40—is described in Perosa, Braccii Carmina, pp. the Medicean garden is printed in Perosa, pp. 75-77, and x~—x1i. Braccesi’s timidity is mentioned in Agnoletti, p. 39. discussed by Agnoletti, pp. 104-5. 33

. Cantus \ 5 CN eR ee ET Oe "eg ——— —e“g VY Ee eee i ep aTe ee| "gs — e—p CHAPTER VII

Tenor f ‘ fN

1.Quel che sub -| ia - ce al bendel-j l'in - tel - | let - to Tan - to men

2. Fe --j -li te - ei tem mi-par-| se-ritejen fe -- lii Quan - ci, Il-savi 3. E tan vol - te- pi, il cor da- no te in

Po Se2D” 6 a NSA SS ET ES CNAESA eS as ON a OEaOsoa Oe A A aa CsRS i oP oc a Or(OU Be Se ie ¢)* 65 5 | » 5g5{|5[|p fn

ciel, non stel-le, o lu - na Non ha for - zao po - ter so - pra eco ~ lu Oo - gni co-sa por- ta__.._ Se - co, sprez- zan - do gem -me,o- roe ar - gen tu - na o ciel dis - por - re Non pud_ del tuo vo - ler piu che tu vo -

a a a a a ee ee ee

i A ES EY SOREN SONS ONS RNR USSR ROO SNE SRS SOS RARE OSU (OS SS 5

Re Ra ce ee Lo |,» | Pt i Che vindel - cesuo sé per__ | suri- pe -j| ra econ-| - re al-| tru-- -- to. i. to, EMa sol per | man glia: fa' che | sa tuo- |vo -|le --reé | la lor | voten - - glia.

ES eee ee eee eee OE EEE EEE OOOO a

8 ito, Che vindel - ce su -ripe-|ra al -- ten tru -- --to. i. E sol. suosésaper - | per - |}manrecon

SN i en SS eee glia: Ma fa' che'l | tuo vo -|le -reé | la lor vo - - glia.

Dn KT SS ES LE SEES RE ST «ES DY = OS 9A XS sao SAR SOY o> EOS GR — ES (ES vd SD

i Che vin - ce sé per__._—sSu“ --—~«spe --~—séska - realtru - -- ---to. i. to, E sol del suo sa per ri man. _ con-_ ten glia: Ma fa' che'l tuo vo - le -reé la_i.__ lor vo - - - - glia.

° . e . - ° ° ° . ° . 11 ode

10 ; ; .

into Italian of Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini’s Storiadi | musical setting (example VII.1)... And Marsilio due amanti.° Braccessi’s last literary work, atrans- | Ficino connects Braccesi with music when he lation into Italian of Le guerre civili ed esterne dei writes that he sang Alessandro’s poems to the acRomani by Appianus Alexandrinus, probably from |= companiment of his cithara immediately after hav-

Pier Candido Decembrio’s Latin translation rather th h ‘einal Greek leted by 1491 11. The anonymous musical setting a 3 appears in Floran the origina ree ’ was completed by ’ ence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Banco Rari 230

the year that his peripatetic career as ambassador = (Mag]. XIX, 141), fol. 130’- 131, where the first strophe of

began. the text is placed benath the superius only. The text in exam-

All four of Alessandro Braccesi’s canti car- ple VII.1 follows Singleton, Canti carnascialeschi, p. 216, nascialeschi were conceived as poems for music, rather than that given in the musical manuscript. The poem

1: can be translated as follows: even though only one survives complete its . so much the less to 1. He who submitswith to reason submits 9. Braccesi’s translation is discussed in Agnoletti, Braccest, fortune. And he is not subject to good and evil where virtue pp. 121-34. Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 2094, is a reigns. Neither heaven nor the stars nor the moon has force

copy of the translation dedicated to Lorenzo, son of Pier or power over the man who conquers himself in order to Francesco de’ Medici and nephew of Lorenzo the Mag- surpass Others. nificent. A bibliography of editions of this translation appears 2. The wise man takes his share of happy, wretched and in Aeneas Sylvius, Eurialus and Lukrezia iibersetzt von Octovien de unhappy times without distress. He uses honest and just Saint-Gelais nebst Bruchstiicken der Anthitus-Ubersetzung, ed. judgments for the good; and evil does not carry him away. Elise Ricter (Halle, 1914), p. vi. See also Giovanni Zannoni, He carries everything with him, disdaining gems, gold and

‘Per la Storia d’una storia d’amore,”’ La Cultura, Anno IX, silver, and resting content only in his knowledge.

vol. 11 (1890):85-92. 3. Our heart goes out [to things] as many times as it 10. On Braccesi’s translation of Appianus, see D. Gravino, wanders in its various thoughts. It returns when you wish; Del volgarizzamento di Appiano di Alessandro Braccesi (Rome, and that which you yourself wish no one can take away.

1899). The work is discussed in Agnoletti, Braccesi, pp. Neither fortune nor heaven can dispose of your will more

138-41. than you allow; your will should be their will. (continued) 35

CHAPTER VII

ing received them, to the applause of the Alessandro Braccesi, this humanist with catho) spectators.'° Ficino probably improvised semi- lic tastes, may actually be portrayed in the miniadeclamatory melodies to Latin verses while play- _ ture that decorates the top of folio V in Florence ing chords on a lira da braccio; this was the practice 229 (pl. XX). Scholars have thought that Johannes

that he called Orphic singing to the lyre, and he = Martini, the composer whose music appears on regarded his invention of it as one of the wonders __ that page, is the subject of the portrait, '* but the of his age.'* Beyond these meager facts—that likelihood is much greater that the miniature is in Braccesi wrote a few poems meant to be set to fact meant to be Braccesi. It is true that far more music, and that Ficino sang some of his Latin __ portraits included as a part of the introductory illuverses—nothing whatsoever is known of Brac- minations in late fifteenth-century Florentine cesi’s musical tastes nor of his interest in the sub- |= manuscripts depict the author of the work rather

ject, except for what can be inferred from the than the owner of the volume.'” Yet enough existence of Florence 229. Certainly the choice of | manuscripts of the time do show the man who compositions in the manuscript does not reflectin | commissioned the work or the one to whom it was any way the importance of music in Ficino’s phi- _— dedicated so that the appearance of Alessandro losophy or the interests of fifteenth-century intel- | Braccesi in Florence 229 cannot be considered un-

lectuals in the ancient world. The music in usual. Sometimes the author is seen presenting his Florence 229 is almost entirely by Franco-Flemish manuscript to the dedicatee'® so that both owner composers setting courtly French texts. Itisironic and author are portrayed. But there are examples

that Florence 229 was assembled for a late as well where the dedicatee appears alone’’ or fifteenth-century Florentine humanist, for it con- __ where the portrait simply denotes ownership.'® tains “Gothic” music almost exclusively, by for- | Examples of the latter sort, however, are quite eign composers whose music was as yet virtually rare, and usually occur in volumes that were origi-

untouched by the new neoclassical thought. nally prepared for the very greatest libraries, like the one assembled by Matthias Corvin, for examVatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Lat. 10681, ple. If the portrait in Florence 229 is intended to fol. 73, contains a sonnet by Braccesi on Nenciozza mia. A represent Alessandro Braccesi, the implication is setting of a similar poem by Japart appears in Florence 229 as quite strong that the manuscript was dedicated to

no. oo, ,letter . him, that it was, in other words, a gift to him from 12.103. Ficino’s is printed in Perosa, Braccii Carmina , pp.

1:673. more fully below.

150-51, and in Ficino, Opera (Basel: Henricus Petrus, 1561), someone else, a hypothesis that will be explored

13. Ficino and the lira are discussed in della Torre, Storia When late fifteenth-century Florentine manudell’Accademia Platonica, p. 789, who mentions his letter to scripts contain works by more than one person, Braccesi; and in D. P. Walker, “Orpheus the Theologian and he. initial portrait is often of the first author repreRenaissance Platonists,”’ Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld : 19 Institutes 16 (1953):100—103; and Walker, ‘“‘Le chant orphique sented in the volume, “an argument that would de Marsile Ficin,” Musique et poésie au XVIe siecle, ed. Jean strengthen the case for Martini as the subject of the Jacquot (Paris, 1954), pp. 17-33; but see esp. pp. 19-20. The = miniature in Florence 229. But portraits are not relationship between what Ficino calls Orphic singing to the common in anthologies containing lyric poems or lyre and earlier improvisatory practices on the lira da braccio other short works,”° like the chansons in this colwhich see Emanuel Winternitz, “Lira MGG lection. and there seems to be no compelling rea8(on[1960]: cols. 935-54) has yet todabebraccio,’” investigated. ’ Ficino’s claims for the novelty of this sort of improvisation are made in a letter of 1492 ‘“‘Al Eccellente Fisico et Astron- 14. See, forexample, Reese, Music in the Renaissance , pl. III,

omo, M. Pauolo di Middelburg,” called “Lode del suo opp. p. 222; and Finscher, ‘‘Johannes Martini,’””» MGG 8 secolo, come di oro, per gli ingegni che produce d’oro,”’ (1960): cols. 1724-26. printed in Tomo secondo de le lettere di Marsilio Ficino tradotte in 15. See, for example, the list of illuminated fifteenthlingua toscana per M. Felice Figliucci Senese (Venice: Gabriel century Florentine manuscripts in D’Ancona, Miniatura fiGiolito de Ferrari, 1548), fol. 188, in which he says: ‘“[ Qjuesto orentina , vol. 2. secolo, come aureo, le dissipline liberali quasi estinte in luce 16. See, for example, ibid., 2:442 (no. 853), 449 (no. 877), ha ridutte, la Gramatica, la Poesia, l’Oratoria, la Pittura, la 618 (no. 1268), 665 (no. 1395), and 676 (no. 1404). Scultura, la Architettura, la Musica, l’antico modo di cantare 17. See, for example, ibid, 2:617 (no. 1267) and 694 (no.

i versi a la Lira, come gia fece Orfeo, e questo si fu in Fi- 1425). orenza....’’ (‘{In] this century, like a Golden Age, the liberal 18. See, for example, ibid., 2:564 (no. 1109). arts, almost extinct, have been brought to light again, gram- 19. See, for example, ibid., 2:489 (no. 981), 585 (no. 1165), mar, poetry, oratory, painting, sculpture, architecture, mu- 587 (no. 1172), and 616 (no. 1263). sic, [and] the ancient technique of singing verses to the lyre, 20. No portrait appears, for example, in the manuscripts as Orpheus did; and this has been done in Florence.”’) cited ibid., 2:445 (no. 863), 457 (no. 903), and 564 (no. 1108). 36

THE FIRST OWNER OF THE MANUSCRIPT

son to explain Martini’s presence there. Whileheis known portraits of Gilles Binchois and Josquin des given a prominent position in the manuscript—his Prez, both men are wearing hats that resemble turcompositions have the place of honor at the begin- bans, with one end hanging down to the shoulning, and he is one of the best-represented com-___ der.” In the well-known miniature that pictures posers—this prominence is exaggerated by the fact Dufay and Binchois together, both composers that so few chansonniers of the time contain music _ wear plain robes and close-fitting caps; Binchois by him. There is no evidence that Martini wasever seems to have a short cape around his shoulders in Florence, let alone that he was a friend orevena and Dufay some cloth on one shoulder that might

favorite composer of Braccesi.*' be a hood, signifying that they held academic de-

The portrait (pls. 1V and XX) showsa man with _ grees.*’ But no fifteenth-century painting known copious hair flowing out from beneath a round to me includes musicians wearing the kind of hood cap. He is dressed in a blue robe which probably | shown in the miniature in Florence 229. Nor do has fullsleeves; the two lengths ofredclotharound _ fifteenth-century paintings traditionally depict his neck appear to be a kind of stole. He is shown — composers in the act of writing. Either their porin the act of writing. The maninthe portraitisnot traits are likenesses of their heads and shoulders, or wearing ecclesiastical robes, and yet Johannes _ else they sing, play, hold an instrument, or carry a Martini was almost certainly a cleric.** Paintings of | book of music.** Famous composers doubtless co-

fifteenth-century musicians singing from choir- pied their own music into part books on occasion, books during liturgical services usually showthem but they would not have wanted to be portrayed dressed in monks’ robes*’ or with white surplices | while performing such a menial task. And they over their plain robes, either with bare heads, often | would not have composed with pen and ink, writrevealing tonsures, or else wearing very close- ing their music directly into the kind of volume fitting black or red caps.** Not all clerics were re- | shown in the miniature.

quired to have tonsures, but I know of no Writing, on the other hand, is one of the most fifteenth-century musicians who are represented — characteristic parts of a notary’s job, and a portrait with hair as long as that in the miniature in Flor- of Braccesi showing him in the act of writing is

ence 229. Some musicians are pictured in plain doubly appropriate since he was a notary whose robes and wear caps of various sizes.*° In the well- _ reputation in Florence was based in large part on 21. Johannes Martini’s brother spent some time in Flor- his literary works, his poems, letters, and transence, according to Frank A. D’Accone, “The Singers of San lations. Moreover, the stole, which probably IS Giovanni in Florence During the 15th Century,’’ Journal of the meant to represent a hood rather like a present-day American Musicological Society 14 (1961):339, but Johannes does academic hood, seems to have been a distinctive not appear in any archival notices yet discovered. | am grate-

ful to Frank A. D’Accone for discussing this matter with me. Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, MS fonds fr. 22532, reThe sources of Johannes Martini’s secular music are listed produced in Wangermée, Musique flamande, pl. 12. in Finscher, ‘‘Johannes Martini,” and in Karp, ‘“The Secular 26. The portrait of Binchois is reproduced and discussed in

Works of Johannes Martini,”’ pp. 455-56. Erwin Panofsky, “‘Who is Jan van Eyck’s ‘Tymotheos’?,”’ 22. On ecclesiastical costume in the fourteenth and fif- —_ Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institues 12 (1949):80-90; teenth centuries, see Leandro Ozzola, II Vestiario italiano dal — and reproduced in Wangermée, Musique flamande, pl. 42.

1500 al 1550 (Rome, 1940), pp. 203-4; and Rosita Levi Pi- The portrait of Josquin is reproduced in Helmuth Osthoff, setzsky, Storia del costume in Italia, 5 vols. (Milan, 1964-69), = Josquin Desprez, 2 vols. (Tutzing, 1962-65), 1: pl. 1; Wan-

2:201—9 and 489-98. germée, Musique flamande, pl. 82; and on the spine of Josquin On the evidence that Martini was a priest, see Finscher, des Prez, ed. Edward E. Lowinsky and Bonnie J. Blackburn

“Johannes Martini.” (London, 1976). On portraits of Josquin, see also Edward E.

23. See, for example, the title page of the 1512 Venetian Lowinsky, “Scholarship in the Renaissance: Music,” p. 256. edition of Franchino Gafori, Practica musicae, reproduced in 27. See Ozzola, Vestiario, p. 137. The portrait of Dufay Wangermée, Musique flamande, pl. 15; and the miniature in and Binchois together appears in a manuscript of Martin Le Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, MS fonds fr. 1537, fol. 58°, Franc’s Champion des dames (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, showing Johannes Ockeghem and his singers, repdocued in MS fonds fr. 12476, fol. 98, dated 1451), reproduced in Georg Wangermee, Musique flamande, pl. 19, and in MGG 9 (1961): Kinsky, A History of Music in Pictures (London, 1930), pl. 54:1;

pl. 117. Karl Michael Komma, Musikgeschichte in Bildern (Stuttgart,

24. See the miniature, probably by a pupil of Jean le Tav- 1961), pl. 148; Panofsky, ‘‘Tymotheos,”’ pl. 29d; Reese, Music ernier, in Brussels, Bibliotheque royale de Belgique, MS in the Renaissance, pl. Ill, opp. p. 222; and Wangermée, Musi9092, fol. 92, reproduced in Wangermée, Musique flamande , que flamande, pl. 23 pl. 18; and the miniature from the Tres riches heures de Jean de 28. Aside from the portraits cited above, see also the Hans France, duc de Berry (Chantilly, Musée Condé, MS 1284, fol. Memling portrait of Gilles Joye, reproduced in Wangermée,

158), reproduced in Wangermee, pl. 27. Musique flamande, pl. 43, and in Fr. van Molle, Identification 25. See, for example, the miniature by Jehan de Niziéresin —_—d’un portrait de Gilles Joye attribué a Memling (Brussels, 1960).

37

CHAPTER VII

feature of the official dress for notaries and other (1445-1523) and presumed to be of Alessandro men of law in the late fifteenth century (see pl. | Braccesi now hangs in the Uffizi Gallery in FlorXXI]); it may well have been an official badge of — ence, where it was transferred from the collections

office.*” The man in the portrait isshownintheact of the Grand Dukes of Tuscany (pl. XXI). It of writing because he is a poetandanotary;andhe shows a youth about fifteen years old. The paintis shown wearing a stole or hood because he isa __ ing has been assigned various dates by art historiman of law. In short, both the costume and the ans; most of them think that it was painted in the pose seem to characterize very wella notary with 1480s or 1490s, but it may have been finished as literary talents, and not at all wella composer who _ early as 1474.°° Even if it were painted in 1474, was also a cleric. The portraitis much more aptto however, the subject can scarcely be Alessandro depict Alessandro Braccessi than Johannes Mar- _ Bracessi, for he was already in his twenty-ninth

tin. year then, much too old to be the youth depicted

The task of deciding whether the miniature in by Perugino. In 1892 Giovanni Morelli, who was Florence 229 is a better likeness of one or the other the first historian to attribute the painting to Perman, always a difficult problem fraught with am- —_—ugino, had already doubted the identification of

biguities, is complicated in this case because no the subject on the grounds of chronology; he portrait of Johannes Martini is known to exist.*” _ pointed out, too, that the selection of Braccesi was There are, on the other hand, four possible por- _ purely arbitrary and had been based on general imtraits of Alessandro Braccesi: a painting attributed — pressions.*” Both Morelli’s attribution of the to Pietro Perugino; an engraving in a volume de- _ painting to Perugino and his arguments against a scribing the ceilings of the corridors in the Uffizi _ positive identification of the subject have been ac-

Gallery in Florence as they looked in the sev- cepted by most art historians, although the paintenteenth century; a painting that decorates the Uf- _ ing is still occasionally referred to as a presumed fizi corridor ceiling today; and an engraving inthe portrait of Braccesi.°* But until new evidence second edition of Il Lasca’s anthology of canti car- comes to light, the Perugino portrait cannot be

nascialeschi, published in 1750.” considered an authenticated portrait of the FlorThe painting attributed to Pietro Perugino — entine humanist.

_ - In the last quarter of the sixteenth century, dur-

. 29. See Ozzola, Vestiario ,p. 137. Pl. 19, a miniature show- ing the reign of Grand Duke Frencesco I de’ Meding a Bolognese notary, is from Bologna, Museo Civico, MS _ .. . 95, fol. 4”, dated between 1474 and 1482, and reproduced in ici (1574-87), the ceilings of the east corridor of Levi Pisetsky, Storia del costume 2: pl. 164. Ibid., pl. 64, re- | the Uffizi Gallery were painted. In the middle of produced from a Brescian manuscript dated 1471, shows a the following century, during the 1650s, Prince judge wearing a similar hood. See also the figures in the Leopold de’ Medici, brother of Ferdinand IJ, grand foreground of the drawing by Lazzaro Sebastiani, reproduced duke from 1621 to 1670, conceived the idea of

in Abbigliamento e Costume nella pittura italiana: Rinascimento , . ,

intro. by Ferruccia Cappi Bentivegna (Rome, 1962), p. xviii. decorating the west corridor of the Uffizi as well, See also the frontispiece for the copy of Gregory’s Dia-

logues, illuminated by Gherardo and Monte di Giovanni and

reproduced in Csapodi and Gardonyi, Bibliotheca Corviniana , 32. The painting is listed in Roberto Salvini, The Uffizi pl. XX XVIII in which Gregory’s ideas are apparently being Gallery (Florence, 1962), p. 48; and reproduced in Tutta la copied down by ascribe ina blue gownandaredcap, looking _pittura del Perugino, ed. Ettore Camesasca (Milan, 1959), pl. very much like the portrait in Florence 229. The question of 76. Previous discussions of the painting are summarized portraits is not dealt with in Francesco Barberi, I] Frontespizio there, pp. 64-65. Among other places, the painting is briefly nel libro italiano del quattrocento e del cinquecento , 2 vols. (Milan, discussed and reproduced in Adolfo Venturi, Storia dell’arte

1969). italiana (Milan, 1913) 7/2:491-—92 and fig. 371; and in Rai-

30. For a discussion of the difficulty of iconography as an mond van Marle, The Development of the Italian Schools of exact science, and a demonstration of the possibilities of such Painting (The Hague, 1933) 14:340 and fig. 219.

identification, see Edward E. Lowinsky, ‘Problems in 33. Giovanni Morelli (Ivan Lermolieff), Italian Painters , Adrian Willaert’s Iconography,”’ in Aspects of Medieval and transl. Constance J. Ffoulkes (London, 1892), p. 101. Morelli

Renaissance Music, pp. 576-94. discusses the copy of the Uffizi painting which hangs in 31. The portrait marked ‘‘Braccius” in the portrait col- Rome, Galleria Borghese.

lection of Archduke Ferdinand II, formerly in Schloss Am- 34. For example, in Bernard Berenson, Italian Pictures of the bras and now in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna, Renaissance: Central Italian and North Italian Schools, 3 vols. as Painting Tafel D, no. 63, is not of Alessandro Braccesi, (London, 1968) 1:327. Alberto Riccoboni, “‘Perugino o Ferbut of the condottiere, Braccio da Montone (died 1424). See rarese?,’’ Emporium 115 (1952):205—8, attributes the painting

Friederich Kenner, “Die Portratsammlung des Erzherzogs to Lorenzo Costa. Salvini, Uffizi Gallery, p. 48, writes that Ferdinand von Tirol,’ Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Samm- the subject is “‘possibly to be identified as Alessandro Brac-

lungen des all. Kaiserhauses 18 (1897):205—7. cesi.”’ 38

THE FIRST OWNER OF THE MANUSCRIPT

with portraits of famous Florentines.°’ Leopold doubt that the likeness painted on the Uffizi ceiling asked his librarian and gentiluomo di camera, Count during the 1660s or 1670s by an unknown artist Ferdinando del Maestro, to choose appropriate was actually copied from a now lost original presubjects for these ceiling paintings, and work be- served by one of Alessandro’s descendants. Nevergan on them in 1658. Cosimo Ulivelli, Angiolo theless, this must be considered the most authentic Gori, Jacopo Chiavistelli, Giuseppe Masini, and portrait of Alessandro Braccesi hitherto known to the younger Giuseppe Tonelli were among the art- _—_ exist, even though it was painted more than 150 ists commissioned for the project.*° Unfor- _ years after his death, since itis clear that Panciatichi tunately, del Maestro died at the age of thirty-six took all possible care to locate and copy contemin 1665, before the work was completed.*’ Leo- porary likenesses. Unfortunately, the last twelve pold then invited Lorenzo Panciatichi to continue bays of the Uffizi west corridor, including the one the job of choosing distinguished Florentines and — with famous secretaries to the Republic, were definding their likenesses. Panciatichi carried out his _—stroyed by fire on 12 August 1762. And so this assignment until 1676, when he went mad and _ seventeenth-century portrait survives only in an threw himself into a well, whereupon the project engraving copied from the original and published was finished under the supervision of Alessandro by Ignazio Orsini about 1750.”

Segni during the last years of the 1670s.”° By 1779 the west corridor of the Uffizi had alAmong these famous Florentines appeared a ready been repainted by Giuseppe del Moro, Giuportrait of Alessandro Braccesi (pl. XXII). The iano Traballesi, and Giuseppe Terreni.“’ These most illustrious secretaries of the Chancery during _eighteenth-century artists probably worked from

the time of the Florentine Republic comprise the the Orsini engravings, for the new portrait of subject matter of the eighteenth bay of the west — Braccesi, the one that still decorates the Uffizi corcorridor.*” Leonardo Bruni, Poggio Bracciolini, _ridor (pl. XXIV), resembles the original in many Coluccio Salutati, and Niccolo Machiavelli are all ways. Although the eighteenth-century version pictured there along with Braccessi. Lorenzo Pan- _— changes details of costume and removes some of ciatichi was apparently the man responsbile forde- the subject’s physical blemishes—the cast in the

ciding on the composition of this bay, for his left eye of the seventeenth-century subject is comwritings include copious notes about these paint- _ pletely removed in the later version—nevertheless ings, biographical information about the secre- the pose is the same, the cap and the way in which taries to be represented, and suggestions about the the hair is dressed are similar, and the most striking locations of authentic likenesses.*” He writes thata characteristic of the subject’s face, his enormous portrait of Alessandro Bracci [sic] “‘sara in casa il nose, remains his most identifiable feature, alsignor Filippo Bracci.’’*' His wording suggests though it has been straightened and improved by

that he was not positive that such a painting the later artist. It may be, then, that the portrait of existed; when he is certain he invariably states Alessandro Braccesi that decorates the ceiling of where the portrait can be found, using the wordé the Uffizi is an eighteenth-century copy of a rather than sara. Thus there is some justifiable | seventeenth-century copy of a possible original painting preserved by one of the subject’s de35. See Giuseppe Bencivenni gia Pelli, Saggio istorico della scendants.

Real Galleria di Firenze, 2 vols. (Florence, 1779) 1:266—27. The fourth presumed portrait of Braccesi also

36. Ignazio Orsini, ed., Azioni gloriose degli uomini illustri

fiorentini espresse co’ loro ritratti nelle volte della Real Galleria di dates from the eighteenth century. In 1750 Rinaldo

Toscana (N.p., n.d.), gives the date when the work started, Bracci, apparently no relation of our subject, writand names the painters. The engravings inthe Orsinivolume ing under the name of Neri del Boccia, issued a were done by Giuseppe Menabuoni, P. A. Pazzi, and Do- second edition of Tutti i trionfi, carri, mascherate o

menico Maria Manni. oe canti carnascialeschi andati per Firenze dal tempo del

. See Lorenzo Panciatichi, Scritti vari, ed. Cesare Guasti — \

x ecnavenni Real Galleria di Firenze, 1:227- _.; Magnifico Lorenzo de’ Medici fino all’anno 1559 (2

(Florence, 1856), p. xxxiv. vols., Cosmopoli, 1750), originally published in 39. This bay is described in Giuseppe Bianchi, Ragguaglio | 1559 by the Florentine poet and playwright Anton delle antichita e rarita che si conservano nella Galleria Mediceo- Francesco Grazzini, called I] Lasca. In the preface Imperiale di Firenze (Florence, 1759) 1:28, but Bianchi fails to

mention several of the secretaries pictured, including Brac- 42. The fire is described in Bencivenni, Real Galleria di cesi. The Braccesi portrait is reproduced in Orsini, Azioni Firenze 1:404. Although the Orsini volume is not dated, Ben-

gloriose, pl. XXVI. civenni implies that it was published about 1750, or in any 40. Panciatichi, Scritti vari, p. 155. case before the fire. 41. Ibid. 43. Bencivenni, Real Galleria di Firenze 1:425. 39

CHAPTER VII

to his revised and expanded second edition, Bracci _ portrait must be discounted altogether as a likeness writes that he has added portraits of each of the — of Alessandro Braccesi. The best test, therefore, of poets in the anthology, forty-three in all. He has the authenticity of the miniature in Florence 229 is

had these portraits made, he writes, from en- a comparison of it with the Orsini engraving. Algravings found in printed books, from medals cast though such a comparison cannot by itself be in bronze, and from paintings in private and public — conclusive—the engraving was made, after all, collections in Florence.*” But in spite of the effort long after the death of the subject—the two like-

and expense that he claims was involved, these nesses share many features in common. As we portraits are not very good likenesses. The en- have seen, the Orsini engraving emphasizes Bracgravers have modernized costumes in some cases _ cesi’s large, flat nose and the cast in his left eye, and have altered the features of the subjects sothat both of them peculiarities which may also be found

they would scarcely have been recognizable to inthe manuscript’s miniature portrait. In addition, their contemporaries. Lorenzo de’ Mediciasheap- _ both pictures show the subject with heavy-lidded pears in Bracci’s edition (pl. XXV), for example, eyes, rather full and slightly pouted lips, and a barely resembles any of the portraits composed fleshy, round face. In short, the likenesses in the

during his life-time by painters who actually knew two sources are strikingly similar. The comhim.*” The most obvious source in eighteenth- _ parison of the Orsini engraving with the miniature century Florence for a portrait of Alessandro Brac- _—_in Florence 229, along with the evidence that the cesi would have been the painting on the ceiling of | costume and pose of the miniature show a notary, the Uffizi corridor, and Bracci may have had that all point overwhelmingly to the conclusion that copied for his edition (pl. XXVI).“° The major dif- | the miniature portrays Alessandro Braccesi, the ference between the two is the fact that Braccesi’s_ _—_ original owner of the manuscript, rather than Johead faced left in the painting and right in the en- hannes Martini, the composer whose music apgraving. But a careless engraver may have made __ pears on that page. And the miniature in Florence his copy directly from the painting, with the result 229 thus becomes the only portrait of Braccesi that the figure was reversed whenit was printed. A known to have been made while he was still alive. mirror image of the Bracci engraving (pl. XXVII), | That he was the owner of the manuscript, rather possibly closer to the artist’s original intentions, than one of the authors of its contents, suggests resembles the 1750 Orsini engraving in manyim- that Florence 229 was a presentation copy, given

portant respects. The cap and hair are similar in him as a gift. both, and the subject’s nose dominates his features If Florence 229 was not commissioned by Bracin both, although Bracci’s engraver has straight- _—_cesi himself but given him by some wealthy pa-

ened and otherwise improved it. Most telling, tron, that circumstrance would resolve one however, is the fact that the reversal of the en- difficulty about acknowledging Braccesi as the graved image reveals the cast in Braccesi’s lefteye, | manuscript’s first owner which would otherwise which points slightly inward, and which is com- _ be impossible to explain. Braccesi was a self-made

mon to both portraits. man who never amassed a great fortune. His intel-

Thus the Orsini engraving or its original would __ lectual powers and his skill as a bureaucrat and a appear to be the source both for the eighteenth- —_ statesman earned him what fame he possessed, and century painting that still decorates the Uffizi cor-. gained him entrée into the great houses of Florridor and for the Bracci engraving. The Perugino —ence. On more than one occasion he complained 44. Bracci’s words, in Grazzini, Trionfi, carri, |:xvi, are: about lack of money.’ When he had fair copies of “parte de ‘ quali[portraits] ho fatti copiare da quelli altre volte | his own works prepared for presentation to imincisi, e in varj libri collocati; alcuni dalle loro Medaglie di portant people, they were elegantly but compara-

bronzo gettate; molti dall'insegne Galleria di Firenze; ed altri tively simply written, without any of the

da diversi particolari Muséi, esistenti in quella Citta; lo che mi

€ costato una indicabil fatica, e dispendio.”’ extravagant and expensive decoration found in 45. Compare pl. XXIII, taken from the Bracci edition, Florence 229."" It is unlikely, therefore, that he l:lxii, with the portraits of Lorenzo reproduced in Enrico Barfucci, Lorenzo de’ Medici e¢ la societa artistica del suo tempo 47. See Agnolett, Braccesi, pp. 14-15, 165-66, 168-70,

(Florence, 1964), frontispiece, pls. 1, 14, 42, 99, 106, 107, and 196-97. 110, and 113. See also the medals illustrated in G. F. Hill and 48. Florence, Biblioteca Medicea-Laurenziana, Cod. PI. Graham Pollard, Renaissance Medals from the Samuel H. Kress XLI. 40, dedicated by Braccesi to Francesco Sassetti; Vatican, Collection at the National Gallery of Art (London, 1967), pls. 252 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Urb. lat. 741, containing

obv., 253 obv., 257, and 271. the copy of the Amorum libellus dedicated to Duke Guidobaldo 46. The portrait appears in Grazzini, Trionfi, carri 2:549. of Urbino in 1487; and Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS

40

THE FIRST OWNER OF THE MANUSCRIPT

would have been able to afford such an expensive the chansons which appear in the volume, Adieu luxury as this chansonnier. If he did make a great —Florens la Yolye (no. 146), and Adieu, adieu la seigfinancial sacrifice in order to buy the manuscript, it norie (no. 114) would have been especially apt to

is curious that no other evidence of an over- commemorate Braccesi’s departure for Siena.” whelming passion for music survives. But if the | Moreover, as we have seen, ambassadors from chansonnier had been given to him by some _ Florence during the late fifteenth century held a wealthy patron, all of these anomalies disappear. position of special trust with the ruling family; The occasion for the presentation of such a they usually reported not only to the Signoria but manuscript to Braccesi is not likely to have been _also separately to the Medicis as well.*” And Brachis election as secretary of the chancery in 1483, for | cesi owed much of his good fortune to the conwe have seen that the manuscript was probably not tinued patronage of the Medicis, a patronage written so early, before Isaac had established his | which ended only after Lorenzo’s death in 1492.

reputation as the leading composer of Florence. Even though no concrete evidence can be The next significant event in Braccesi’s public ca-_ —— presented in support of the theory, then, it seems

reer was his appointment as ambassador about quite possible that Florence 229 was given to Brac1491. This appointment was the peak ofhis career, | cesiby some wealthy patron, and quite possibly by and began a new stage in his life: among other _— one of the Medici family, perhaps even by Lorenzo things, he was forced by circumstances toabandon _ the Magnificent himself. An elaborate gift to mark his literary pursuits. No other moment of his life the beginning of a diplomatic career would have would have been as appropriate for the pres- been a fitting token of the esteem which Lorenzo entation of so extravagant a gift. Certainly, twoof had for Alessandro Braccesi, as well as a reward for

—— ___. . . a the diplomat’s continuing loyalty to Florence’s

2094, containing Braccesi’s translation of the Storia di due most powerful family.

amanti dedicated to Lorenzo, son of Pier Francesco de’ Medici

and nephew to Lorenzo the Magnificent, are all parchment manuscripts with illuminated and title pages, but in an alto- 49. The presence of these two chansons cannot, however,

gether simpler style than that of Florence 229. be considered strong evidence that the manuscript was preCurt F. Buhler, The Fifteenth-Century Book (Philadelphia, pared as a gift upon Braccesi’s appointment, for they occupy 1960), p. 19, estimates that a typical vellum manuscript of the no prominent place in the manuscript. Moreover, the incipit fifteenth century, in finished form and bound, cost between of no. 114 appears simply as Adieu adieu in Florence 229, and seven and ten ducats, equalling a month’s wages for the aver- the only surviving text fragment continues: ‘‘Adieu, adieu la age official at the Neapolitan court. On p. 101, he states that seignorie, Adieu a tout ceulx de Brucelles.”’ the average private library of the fifteenth century contained That a bureaucrat in late fifteenth-century Florence might between fifteen and twenty volumes, mostly manuscripts. receive so splendid a gift is suggested by the career of BarThe cost of Florence 229 might be estimated by means of tolomeo Scala, chancellor of Florence when Braccesi first the price list of 1476 from Gherardo’s and Monte’s shop, entered public service. Brown, Bartolomeo Scala, p. 224, reprinted in Martini, Cartolaio fiorentino , pp. 45—50, save that it ports that Scala received a rent-free house in Via Larga from does not give enough specifications, and in any case has no Piero de’ Medici in 1466.

price for copying music. 50. See n. 3 above.

41

The Choice of Composers

() ne important aspect of Florence 229 can be _—_ Since he was the leading composer in his adopted

explained by supposing that Lorenzo de’ city, his music could justifiably occupy a con-

Medici or some member of his family gave it to —_ spicuous position in a manuscript prepared there

Alessandro Braccesi: the reason why a poet and during his lifetime. Florence 229 is thus an esnotary with little money possessed such a sump- ___ pecially important source for Isaac’s secular music.

tuous manuscript. Even so, Florence 229 is ex- No such close ties link Florence with Johannes traordinarily elegant for a gift toa humble citizen, | Martini. Perhaps he never even visited the city, even for one who had just been appointed anam- although his brother did spend some time there.’ bassador, and whose personal loyalty to the Med- By 1473 Johannes was employed as ‘‘cantadore icis therefore needed to be reinforced in every pos- | compositore”’ in the newly organized chapel choir sible way; the chansonnier is more fit for a king of ErcoleI, duke of Ferrara.’ In 1474 he left Ferrara than a commoner. Moreover, the theory that Flor- _ briefly to sing with that well-known group of disence 229 was a gift does not account for the fact tinguished composers who formed the choir at the that it was bound before being completely fin- court of Galeazzo Maria Sforza in Milan. As many

ished. And, most important, the theory does not as five of the composers represented in Florence help to explain the unusual order in which the 229 had been called to Milan: Martini, Loyset Opening nineteen compositions are presented, Compére, Gaspar van Weerbecke, Alexander with music by Johannes Martini regularly alternat- | Agricola, and Josquin des Prez.* But Martini soon ing with music by Heinrich Isaac. Heinrich Isaac’s prominent place in the manu- music back to Ferrara in 1484. At the end of that year he script can be attributed to his eminence in Flor- returned to Ferrara, but he was back in Florence again in ; 1488-90, and again sent music to Ferrara. He is an obvious ence. By the early 1490s, when the chansonnier conduit for music from Florence to Ferrara, and also for was probably compiled, Isaac was easily the most —gnusic coming the other way. distinguished composer working in the city. He 2. See D’Accone, “The Singers of San Giovanni,”’ p. 339. had arrived late in 1484 or early in 1485 and had The “‘Martino, cantore in San Giovanni,” listed there (p. 336) joined the cathedral chorus, the singers of San Gio- as a singer at the Santissima Annunziata in 1485, is not apt to

; be by Johannes Martini; but Martini couldalso conceivably one of vanni, July the 1485. Eventually heJannes sang at the .in. }be ‘ —— musicians named mentioned Frank A.

Baptistery and at the Santissima Annunziata, like D’Accone, “A Documentary History of Music at the Flormany of the other singers of San Giovanni; and he entine Cathedral and Baptistery During the Fifteenth Cenmay have tutored the Medici children, including tury,’ Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1960, p. 194. Giovanni, who was later to be elected pope as Leo On Piero Martini, Johannes’s brother, see there p. 204. JoX. Isaac evidently liked Florence, for he married a hannes had as well a second musical brother, Thomas.

: ae: ; Professor Lockwood has kindly pointed out to me that

Florentine and lived for much of his life in the city, Martini is also known to have traveled to Rome both in 1487

even after the Medicis were expelled in 1494. and 1488, to negotiate with Papal authorities about his benefices. During those trips, he may well have passed through

1. D’Accone, ‘‘Heinrich Isaac in Florence,”’ pp. 464-83, Florence. furnishes details about Isaac’s connections with Florence. For 3. For the most recent summaries of Martini’s life, includ~ a brief survey of Isaac’s life, see also Picker, Chanson Albums , ing references to earlier studies and much new information, p. 45; and Martin Staehelin, Die Messen Heinrich Isaacs , 3 vols. see John Gray Brawley, Jr., ““The Magnificats, Hymns, Mo(Bern and Stuttgart, 1977) 1:17-22. Staehelin, 2:18—19 and tets, and Secular Compositions of Johannes Martini,” 2 vols.,

56—59, reviews what information exists about Isaac’s con- Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1968; Martini, Secular nections with Ferrara; it seems likely that Isaac had at least —_ Pieces, ed. Evans, pp. vii—xxvi; and especially Lewis Lock~

visited the city in the 1480s. wood, ‘Music at Ferrara in the Period of Ercole I d’Este,”’ Professor Lewis Lockwood of Harvard University has Studi musicali 1 (1972):117—20; and Lockwood, “‘Josquin at

kindly pointed out to me that the Ferarese court chapel was _—_- Ferrara; New Discoveries and Letters,”’ in Josquin des Prez , ed.

dismantled between 1482 and 1484 as a result of their war | Lowinsky and Blackburn, esp. pp. 106-7. with Venice, and that one important figure in the chapel, 4. Lists of singers at the Sforza court in 1474 and 1475 have Cornelius di Lorenzo of Antwerp, went to Florence. He sent been published in Claudio Sartori, “‘Josquin des Prés cantore 42

THE CHOICE OF COMPOSERS

returned to Ferrara and he stayed at the court there concerning Martini’s activities at the Ferrarese for more than twenty years until his death some court suggest that he was sent from time to time by time between October 1497 and May 1498. Mar- the duke on missions to various other cities in tini’s prominent place in Florence 229 is altogether _ Italy, as well as to other countries. Lewis Lockexceptional, for his fame was relatively limitedand = wood has discovered, for example, that Johannes his music did not have the widespread distribution Martini, along with the virtuoso lutenist Pieaccorded that of many northern composers work- __trobono, and several other musicians, accom-

ing in Italy at the time. He is well represented in panied the eight-year-old Ippolito d’Este to Rome 2856, a chansonnier prepared in Ferraraasa Hungary when he was named archbishop of wedding gift for his pupil, Isabella d’Este, between _Esztergom in 1487.’ And in 1489 Beatrice of Araher betrothal in 1480 and her marriage in 1490 to — gon, daughter of King Ferdinand of Naples and Francesco Gonzaga, duke of Mantua.’ That manu- _—_— wife of Matthias Corvin, king of Hungary, rescript and Florence 229 constitute the main sources quested Martini’s help in recruiting for her chapel for Martini’s secular music. And they were both in Budapest the services of Paul Hofhaimer, then compiled at a time when the composer was em- __ organist at the court of Duke Sigismund of Aus-

ployed by Duke Ercole I of Ferrara. tria.” Beatrice exchanged several letters on the subIn view of Martini’s relative obscurity, the pres- ject with her brother-in-law, Duke Ercole I. Her ence of his music at the beginning of Florence 229 Italian organist, Maestro Daniele, had died in in direct competition, as it were, with the better- 1489. She wrote to Ercole to ask that he allow known Isaac would seem to require an expla- Johannes Martini to go to Austria to discuss the nation. If Martini were one of Braccesi’s favorite terms of her offer with Hofhaimer. She must have composers, if Braccesi had been an envoy to Fer- known and trusted Martini. Otherwise she could rara, or if Martini had been active in Florence, the — scarcely have been certain that he was a friend of attention paid him in the chansonnier would be —Hofhaimer; and she clearly felt that Martini could

understandable. But no circumstantial or docu- plead her cause more efficaciously than anyone mentary evidence can be brought forward to es- else. In any case, Ercole agreed to send Martini, tablish any of those statements as true or even but he may never have gone. Sigismund abdicated likely. Instead, we must look more closely at Mar- in March 1490 in favor of Maximilian, and Mattini’s lifein Ferrara for some clue. Asidefromafew — thias Corvin died in April. Beatrice’s plans must

letters that clarify Martini’s position as the music have had to be laid aside. Paul Hofhaimer reteacher of Isabella d’Este,°the principaldocuments mained in Austria. If these letters can be used as evidence that Beadel Duomo di Milano (1459- 1472),”” Annales musicologiques 4

(1956):64—66. See also Emilio Motta, ‘‘Musici alla corte degli Magnificat e Messe, ed. Benvenuto Disertori (Milan, 1964), Sforza,” Archivio storico lombardo , 2d ser., 14 (1887):526-—27. pp. i-ii1 and ix; and Martini, Secular Pieces, ed. Evans, pp. On Weerbecke’s life see Gerhard Croll, ‘““Gaspar van Weer- ix—x and xxv. beke, An Outline of His Life and Works,”’ Musica Disciplina 6 On the possibility that Martini came to Ferrara from Con-

(1952):67-—81; and Picker, Chanson Albums, p. 42. stance, and that he was the Dom Martinus ‘‘de Alemania’’ On Josquin’s life, see Osthoff, Josquin Desprez, 1:3— 100; Duke Ercole I d’Este requested from the bishop of Constance

and various essays, especially those by Herbert Kellman, in 1471, see Manfred Schuler, ““Beziehungen zwischen der Lewis Lockwood, Edward E. Lowinsky, and Jeremy Noble, Konstanzer Domkantorei und der Hofkapelle des Herzogs in Josquin des Prez , ed. Lowinsky and Blackburn. The lives of Ercole I. von Ferrara,’’ Analecta musicologica 15 (1975):15—20.

the other composers listed in this paragraph are discussed in 7. Lewis Lockwood, “‘Pietrobono and the Instrumental

the following pages. Tradition at Ferrara,” Rivista italiana di musicologia 10

5. On Rome 2856, see Arthur S. Wolff, ‘““The Chansonnier (1975):128-—29. On the trip to Hungary, see also A. Morselli, Biblioteca Casanatense 2856, Its History, Purpose and Mu- ‘Ippolito I d’Este e il suo primo viaggio in Ungheria,”’ Atti e sic,” 2 vols., Ph.D. dissertation, North Texas State Univer- memorie dell’ Accademia di Scienze Lettere ed Arti di Modena, ser.

sity, 1970. A preliminary inventory of the music, with a 5, vol. 15 (1957):216. number of errors, appears in José Llorens, “‘E]l Codice Casa- 8. See Otto Gombosi, “Vita musicale alla Corte di Re natense 2856 identificado como el Cancionero de Isabella Mattia,’’ Corvina 17 (1929):7-8; Emile Haraszti, ‘“‘Pierre d’Este (Ferrara), esposa de Francesco Gonzaga (Mantua),”’ Bono, luthiste de Matthias Corvin,” Revue de musicologie 31

Anuario Musical 20 (1965):161-—78. (1949):73-—85; Haraszti,, ‘Les musiciens de Matthias Corvin 6. See Luigi Francesco Valdrighi, ‘Capella, concerti e mu- et de Beatrice d’Aragon,” in La musique instrumentale de la siche di casa d’ Este (dal sec. XV al XVIID),”’ Atti e memorie delle Renaissance , ed. Jean Jacquot (Paris, 1955), pp. 45-46; and RR. Deputazioni di storia patria per le provincie Modenesi e Par- Martini, Secular Pieces, ed. Evans, pp. 1x and xxvi. The letters

mensi, 3d ser., 2 (1883):451; Antonio Bertolotti, Musici alla are reprinted by Evans and in Ludwig Fokovi, “Musik und corte dei Gonzaga in Mantova dal secolo XV al XVIII (1890; musikalische Verhaltnisse in Ungarn am Hofe von Matthias reprint ed., Bologna, 1969), pp. 14 and 16; Johannes Martini, Corvin,” Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch 15 (1900):14-16.

43

CHAPTER VII

trice of Aragon knew Martini’s music—perhaps the Florentine workshop of Attavante degli Atshe had come to appreciate it when he had visited tavanti, he patronized other scribes and illuBudapest in 1487, although she may have heard it minators as well, including Gherardo and Monte even earlier—then the prominent place given to _—_di Giovanni, an especially apt choice—given Ghe-

his compositions in Florence 229 might indicate rardo’s musical activities—for an anthology of that the chansonnier was originally intended for polyphony. When Corvin died, more than 150 orthe Hungarian king’s library. Matthias might have ders for manuscripts were still outstanding in Florcommissioned the manuscript himself, or Lorenzo entine workshops, and Lorenzo de’ Medici bought

or some other Florentine may have intended to many of them.'’ Unfortunately, there is no depresent it to him. In either case, the unusual order tailed inventory of Matthias’s orders or of Loof the opening nineteen compositions becomes renzo’s gigantic purchase. Some of these uncomprehensible; music by Beatrice’s trusted en- finished manuscripts went to the Biblioteca voy alternates with music by Florence’s leading | Medicea-Laurenziana;'* one of them might well composer. Sucha conjecture also explains why the _ have been given to a trusted civil servant. In the manuscript is so elegantly decorated; it was infact absence of any concrete proof, such a theory must intended for a king even though it was first owned _—_ remain highly conjectural. But it is at least plauby acommoner. Moreover, it was bound before it sible since it explains the opening contest between was completely finished, because the king died in two otherwise unrelated composers, and since it 1490, and the scribe and illuminators ceased their fits the known chronology of the situation: Mat-

work abruptly. thias Corvin died in April 1490'° and Alessandro The idea that Florence 229 was meant for Cor- _—_ Braccesi left Florence for Siena after July but vin’s court 1s not improbable. Matthias was oneof before September 1491, if Agnoletti is to be

the most avid and lavish book collectors of the late believed. "° fifteenth century.” Even Lorenzo de’ Medici and Federigo de Montefeltro, duke of Urbino, are al- Corvina (Parma, 1781). On Bartolommeo della Fonte, see leged to have claimed that Matthias was theexam- _ Stefano Caroti and Stefano Zamponi, Lo Scrittoio di Bartolomeo

ple they followed in setting up their own — Fonzio, umanista fiorentino (Milan, [ca. 1974)). libraries. 10 The Hungarian king increased the pace 13. On the fate of Corvin’s library after his death and the of his collecting dramatically in the years between cisposition of the watinished manuscrprs, Sec (sapod', oor 1485 and his death in 1490. Orders for the king's cessor, made s rather feeble and ultimately unsuccessful books were placed with workshops in Buda and attempt to recover some of the books from Florence. His Vienna, but especially in Florence; Csapodi, the correspondence is reproduced in L. Bernat Kumorovitz, “‘II. most recent bibliographer of the Bibliotheca Cor- Ulaszlo levélvaltasa Firenzével a Matyas halala utan ottrekedt viniana, even writes of the library’s ‘“‘basically | Corvinak igyeben,” Magyar Konyvszemle 72 (1956):294— 96. Florentine orientation.’’'' It was in charge of two On the manuscripts acquired by Lorenzo, see Csapodi, . . . Corvinian Library , p. 57; Hevesy, Matthias Corvin, pp. 38-39 Florentine humanists, Taddeo Ugoletto and his as- and 52-53; and Chastel, Art et humanisme a Florence, p. 87. sistant for a time, Bartolommeo della Fonte, al- The notion that Lorenzo and Corvin might have exchanged though they were by no means the only links in the presents 1s suggested by Niccolo Machiavelli, History of Florlively interchange of books, ideas, and people that — ence and of the Affairs of Italy , ed. and transl. Felix Gilbert (New

took place between the king’s court and Flor- York, 1960), p. 406, who points out that Corvin had a high 12 ; regard for Lorenzo’s skill, prudence, and fortune and that the ence. “ And while Corvin seems to have favored Hungarian king “gave him many proofs of his regard.” 9. On the king’s library, see Berkovits, Matthias Corvin; 14. Fora list of Corvin manuscripts in the Biblioteca MedCsapodi, Corvinian Library; Csapodi and Gardonyi, Bibli- icea~Laurenziana, see Csapodi, Corvinian Library, pp. otheca Corviniana; Alfonz Lengyel, “The Library of the Hu- = 480-81; and Hevesy, Matthias Corvin, pp. 64-65. Many can

manist King Mathias Corvinus of Hungary,’ Fifteenth no longer be identified because all trace of their intended Century Studies 1 (1978):141—47; and the studies cited there destination was removed when they came into the possession

and in the following notes. The information in this paragraph of the Medicis; see Edit Hoffmann, ‘“‘Der kitinstlerische

comes mostly from Csapodi, Corvinian Library . Schmuck der Corvin-Codices,’ Belvedere 8 (Aug.-Dec. 10. The humanist Bartolommeo della Fonte quoted Lo- 1925):138. renzo in his Epistolarium libri and Galeotto Marzio quoted 15. Wilhelm Fraknoi, Mathias Corvin, Konig von Ungarn. Federigo in the preface to his De incognitis vulgo. Both pas- 1458-1490 (Freiburg im Bresigau, 1891), p. 270. sages are given in Csapodi, Corvinian Library , pp. 28-29. 16. Agnoletti, Braccesi, pp. 149-50, cites letters support-

11. Csapodi, Corvinian Library , p. 47. ing the idea that Braccesi left Florence for Siena between July 12. On Ugoleto’s career in Hungary, see Csapodi, Cor- and September in 1491. Kristeller, ““An Unknown Correvinian Library , pp. 48—49, and the still standard Ireneo Affo, spondence of Alessandro Braccesi,” p. 313, dates Braccesi’s Memorie di Taddeo Ugoleto Parmigiano, bibliotecario di Mattia appointment after Lorenzo’s death in April 1492.

44

THE CHOICE OF COMPOSERS

There 1s little point in asking whether the manu- Unfortunately, so little is known about the perscript was commissioned in Budapest, perhaps sonnel of Corvin’s chapel that the musical preferwith the request that Martini’s music, especially ences of his court must be mostly inferred from treasured since his visit there in 1487, be given _ circumstantial evidence.*” The musical tastes of prominence or whether it had been intended from _ Beatrice of Aragon must have been similar to those the first as a present to the king by some rich and of the duke and duchess of Ferrara, for all three of

powerful Florentine like Lorenzo de’ Medici. Per- them grew up together at the court of Naples.”! haps Beatrice herself had a hand in selecting the Beatrice and her sister Eleanor, later duchess of composers or the compositions to be represented Ferrara, were both daughters of King Ferdinand in the anthology; she is known to have taken a = and Ercole d’Este was sent from Ferrara after his much more active role than her husband in or- father’s death to spend his youth in Naples. All ganizing and maintaining the musical resources of _ three were interested in music; Beatrice, for examthe court.'’ Perhaps the volume was intended tobe __ ple, probably studied with Johannes Tinctoris, the

the principal source of secular music to entertain famous theorist and perhaps the most disher and her Italian companions in her northern tinguished musician at her father’s court.” Perkins outpost. It may even be that Johannes Tinctoris, | even conjectures that Tinctoris compiled the Melher music teacher in Naples and just possibly her lon chansonnier, now at Yale University, for Beachapel master in Budapest, may havehadahandin _ trice as a farewell gift before she left Naples for planning and editing Florence 229.'* But such Buda in 1476.” fruitless speculation can only be resolved by the ings,’ for a discussion of the variant readings in the two discovery of further documents that will illu- manuscripts. Rome 2856, Isabella d’Este’s chansonnier, is minate the circumstances surrounding the prepa- somewhat unusual for its time in that it reveals the active ration or ultimate destination of the volume. One intervention of an editor, perhaps the Don Alessandro Signo-

who is mentioned in a notice listing payment for a song thing seems certain, The. rello manuscript wasinbook ‘a la‘““Chansonnier vif ; duced ; ce ; ; ook ‘‘a lathough. pifaresca,”” reproduced Wolff,

prepared in Florence from Florentine sources, Biblioteca Casanatense 2856” 1:29. Wolff believes the notice since its readings coincide much more closely with refers to Rome 2856, which thus contains chansons arranged other manuscripts prepared in that city than with for wind band, or perhaps simply for the instrumental musi-

manuscripts prepared, for example, in Ferrara, _“ians at the courts of Mantua and Ferrara. . where, presumably, the most reliable versions of , Aside from Martini, the composers represented in Florence L85 , ; 229 who were active in Ferrara in the late fifteenth and early Martini’s secular pieces circulated under the sixteenth centuries include Johannes Japart, Josquin, Jacob

watchful eye of the composer himself. Obrecht, and Johannes Verbonnet-Ghiselin; see Lockwood,

17. See, for example, Albert de Berzeviczy, Béatrice ‘““Music at Ferrara,” pp. 117-22. d’Aragon, reine de Hongrie (1457-1508) , 2 vols. (Paris 1911), 20. On music at Corvin’s court, see, in addition to the 1:264—67; and the letters from Beatrice printed in Fok6vi, works cited in n.8, Karl Weinmann, Johatines Tinctoris ‘“Musikalische Verhdltnisse in Ungarn,”’ pp. 14-16. (1445-1511) und sein unbekannte Traktat “‘De inventione et usu No volumes of polyphonic music are listed as belonging to musicae’”’ (Tutzing, 1961), pp. 9-10; Jolan Balogh, A miiveszet

Beatrice in Csaba Csapodi, ‘“‘La Biblioteca di Beatrice Matyas kiraly udvaraban (Die Kunst am Hofe des Konigs Matd’Aragona, moglie di Mattia Corvino,”’ in Italia ed Ungheria. thias), 2 vols. (Budapest, 1966) 1:684—89; and Balogh, Die Dieci secoli di rapporti letterari, ed. M. Horanyi and T. Klanic- Anfange der Renaissance in Ungarn. Matthias Corvin und die Kunst

zay (Budapest, 1967) pp. 113-33, but Csapodi is concerned (Graz, 1975), pp. 48-49. to identify extant manuscripts from their coats of arms; no 21. Berzeviczy, Beatrice d’Aragon 1:16-17.

inventory of Beatrice’s books survives. 22. As seems clear from the fact that Tinctoris dedicated a 18. On the possibility that Tinctoris was for a time chapel- motet—O virgo miserere mei in the Mellon Chansonnier—and master in Budapest, see Berzeviczy, Béatrice d’Aragon 1:265 three treatises to her. See Edmond de Coussemaker, Scriptoand 317; and Gombosi, “‘Corte di Re Mattia,” pp. 12-14. rum de musica medii aevi nova series, 4 vols. (1864-76; reprint

Berzeviczy’s view is plausibly challenged in Perkins and ed., Hildesheim, 1963), 4:46, 117, and 191. The dedications Garey, Mellon Chansonnier 1:18—19, who believe, however, to his Tractatus de regulari valore notarum and Complexus effec-

that Tinctoris may have had some official connection with tuum musices were most recently printed in Johannes TincBeatrice’s court. In an unpublished term paper for Princeton toris, Opera theoretica, ed. Albert Seay (American Institute of University, Paula M. Higgins postulates that Tinctoris may Musicology, 1975), 1:125 and 2:165-—66. The dedication to have been at least partly responsible for planning the contents Terminorum musicae diffinitorium is printed in Latin and English of Florence 229, but that hypothesis, however tempting, can- in Tinctoris, Dictionary of Musical Terms, transl. Carl Parrish

not be supported by any evidence. Certainly the musical (Glencoe and London, 1963), pp. 2—5. Tinctoris mentioned readings in Florence 229 are different enough from those in Beatrice in two other treatises; see Reese, Music in the RenaisNew Haven Mellon to make it implausible that they were sance, p. 139. On Ercole as a patron of music, see Lockwood,

both copied from the same exemplars. I am grateful to Miss “Music at Ferrara.”’ Higgins for sharing her work on Florence 229 with me. 23. See Perkins and Garey, Mellon Chansonnier 1:17-—20 and 19. See chapter XIII, ‘“‘Related Sources and Variant Read- 28-32. 45

CHAPTER VII

. If a Florentine editor were asked, either by the | worked at the Burgundian court in the 1460s.”° king of Hungary or by a rich and powerful Flor- | Dusart served at the Cathedral of Cambrai from at entine like Lorenzo de’ Medici, to compile an an- least 1455 to 1467, when he moved first to Vathology of chansons for the court at Budapest, he —_lenciennes and eventually to Paris, where his presmight well have selected compositions by im- — ence was recorded in the 1480s.’’ Samples of music

portant local composers, like Isaac, along with = ——— . . /

works suitable for an Este princess, which would ting of a popular melody —with almost literal repetitions of : the accompanying voices cach time a phrase of the borrowed presumably have been equally appropriate for tune repcats—is not likely to have been composed by Josquin

Beatrice of Aragon. In this respect, the similarities des Prez. between Florence 229 and Rome 2856, the chan- 26. Three chansons are attributed to Basin in fifteenth-

sonnier prepared as a betrothal gift for Isabella century manuscripts: Madame, faytes moy savoir (Florence 229, d’Este, are striking. In the first place, more than 50 no. 220); Nos amys, vous vous abusés (Berlin 78 C 28, vol. 36";

a Escorial IV a 24, fol.manuscript 124°; New Haven, fol. .79”, of the 117 compositions initthe Este also here itMellon, is attribute : fol. 34 where is attributed to A. Basin; Washington Laborde,

appear in Florence 229.°" Even more telling is the 67 ‘, and, arranged for keyboard, in Buxheim, no. 245); and fact that the choice of composers and the relative Vien avante morte dolente (attributed to Morton in Perugia 431, share of the contents given each of them are quite _ fol. 70”, and to Basin in Rome 2856, fol. 64").

similar in both sources. In both the composers Two musicians named Basin—Adrien and Pierre— with the largest number of works are Johannes workcd at the Burgundian court in the 1460s, according to

_ é Jeanne Marix, Histoire de la musique et des musiciens de la cour de

Martini, Alexander Agricola, and Antoine Bus- Bourgogne sous le regne de Philippe le Beau (1420-1467) (Strasnois. Only the adopted Florentine, Isaac, is absent _bourg, 1939), pp. 260-62. Georges van Doorslaer, “La Chafrom the Ferrarese anthology. In both manuscripts pelle musicale de Philippe le Beau,” Revue belge d’archéologie et

a number of the same Franco-Flemish com- d’histoire de l’art 4(1934):23 and 26-29, offers details about the posers—Hayne van Ghizeghem, Caron, Loyset life of Pierre. Since New Haven, Mellon attributes Nos amys

Comper n des Pr h hiselin dit to A. Basin,” itGhise seems Pierre more likely pere, Josquin des Prez, Johannes La, that Adrien rather than lerre wrote Madame, faytes moy savoir. See David N. Fallows,

Verbonnet, and Jannes Japart—are each repre- “Robert Morton’s Songs: A Study of Styles in the Midsented by a handful of compositions. And in both Fifteenth Century,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Calimanuscripts a number of the same composers— fornia, Berkeley, 1978, pp. 328-43, for arguments favoring Basin, Robert Morton, Jacob Obrecht, Bosfrin, Adrien Basin rather than Morton as the composer of Vien Colinet de Lannoy, Johannes Dusart, and Gilles avante ; Allan Atlas, On the Neapolitan Provenance of the

Manuscript Perugia, Biblioteca Comunale Augusta, 431 (G

Joye—are each represented by one or two com- 49) » afysica Disciplina 31 (1977):60 and 86-87, supports the positions. Music by three of these men is known attribution to Morton on the basis of the manuscript eviprincipally through Rome 2856 and Florence 229. dence. Reinhard Strohm, ‘‘Die Missa super “Nos amis’ von Bosfrin’s Et trop penser (no. 196), Dusart’s Rose Johannes Tinctoris,’”’ Die Musikforschung - 32 (1979):34—35, playsant (no. 219), and Basin’s Madame, faytes moy also believes it more likely that Adrien rather than Pierre was savoir (no. 220) all appear in both sources. No in- the composer in question. formation about Bosfrin’s career has yet been dis- cathedrale de Cambrai (Lille, 1880, reprint ed., 1972), p. 82; covered,” while archival notices reveal that Basin Michel Brenet, Les Musiciens de la Sainte-Chapelle du Palais

a , ‘ 27. On Dusart, see Jules Houdoy, Histoire artistique de la (Paris, 1910), p. 38; Ludwig Finscher, Loyset Compere (c.

24. On Rome 2856, see n.5 above. For a list of concor- 1450-1518). Life and Works (American Institute of Musidances with Florence 229, sce under ‘‘Rome 2856” in chapter cology, 1964), p. 15; and Craig Wright, “Dufay at Cambrai,”

XVI: “List of Sources with Sigla or Short Titles.”’ Journal of the American Musicological Society 28 (1975):205-6. In the unpublished term paper cited in n.18 above, Paula Wright identifics Jean du Sart, active in Cambrai in the 1450s M. Higgins points out that the shop of Gherardo and Monte and 1460s, with Johannes de Sarto, who is known to have di Giovanni employed a Ferrarese scribe, Sigismundo Sig- sung in the chapel of Albert II, king of the Romans, in the

ismundis. See D’Ancona, Miniatura fiorentina, pp. 692 and 1430s. But Sarto’s half-dozen compositions in earlier

700. fifteenth-century manuscripts (such as that in Aosta and Moreover, Gherardo (or a close follower) illuminated a Bologna Q 15) differ markedly in musical style from Rose

book of hours for Isabella d’Este. It is described and several — playsant. The two lower voices of Sarto’s motets, O quam pages illustrated in Livres précieux provenant des bibliotheques mirabilis (printed in Guido Adler and Oswald Koller, eds., Louis Cartier... , Arpad Plesch et divers amateurs, Auction Sechs Trienter Codices, Erster Auswahl, Denkmaler der TonCatalogue of Sotheby Parke Bernet Monaco S. A., 28 No- kunst in Oesterreich, Jahrgang 7 [Vicnna, 1900; reprint ed., vember 1979, lot 1296. Its present whereabouts are un- 1959], pp. 215-17) and Verbum Patris (printed in Charles van

known. den Borren, ed., Polyphonia Sacra , revised ed. [London, 1962], 25. Wolff, ““Chansonnier Biblioteca Casanatense 2856” no. 47) cross frequently and move more slowly than the

1:72-—86, reads the name as “‘Bossrin” and advances uncon- _ superius, which is built in short phrases filled with the mevincing arguments, mostly ctymological, for supposing it to lodic clichés of an earlier generation. The contratenor of Rose be a variant of “‘Josquin.”’ So unassuming a polyphonic set- —pplaysant stays consistently beneath the tenor; the two lower 46

THE CHOICE OF COMPOSERS

by all three exist only in these two Italian chan- | composers are interspersed with compositions by sonniers and in one or two other sources.** In others. While the appearance of Agricola and Busshort, the choice and distribution of composers in _nois in Florence 229 is not surprising (they were these two manuscripts are remarkably similar; the | among the best-known composers of their time), number of concordances between the two is ex- Agricola, like Isaac, might be said to represent

traordinarily high; and the presence in both Florence’s interests in the chansonnier, making sources of several works by almost completely un- — Busnois the counterpart of Martini in this secondknown composers is too striking to be considered = ary contest and thus a favorite of Beatrice. To a

coincidental. All of these signs suggest that the lesser extent than Isaac, Agricola was associated Florentine scribe gave to his chansonnier a partly — with Florence.*’ He, too, married a Florentine, and Ferrarese character, since in all likelihood the pref- in 1474 Duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza of Milan, Agerences of the Estes were similar to those of Bea- __ricola’s employer at the time, recommended him trice of Aragon in Budapest. The ways in which — to Lorenzo de’ Medici. Several years before that, in Florence 229 resembles Rome 2856 while differing 1471, Agricola had had indirect contact with the from other Florentine sources support the conjec- | Hungarian court, for he had asked Sforza to recture that Braccesi’s chansonnier was originally | ommend his brother-in-law, ‘‘Pietro da Viena ex

prepared for the Hungarian court. alamania’’ to Matthias Corvin. After spending Immediately after the initial contest between sometime atthe Fench court in the 1480s, Agricola Isaac and Martini, which serves as a sort of over- _ returned to Florence once more in 1491, but perture to the miscellany that follows, a relatively haps after Florence 229 had already been copied.

short lyric motet of the sort that often opens a He left Florence in 1492, visiting Naples briefly chansonnier appears in Florence 229. This dedica- _ before taking up service again at the French court. tory work, Virgo dei trono digna (no. 20) apostro- In 1500 he entered the Burgundian court chapel phizing the Virgin Mary as patron of musicians, is and died in Spain in 1506 while traveling with it.

one of the two extant motets composed by Jo- Antoine Busnois, on the other hand, spent the hannes Tinctoris, who was, as we have seen, Bea- greater part of his career in the service of the Burtrice’s teacher.”” While his fame as a theorist re- | gundian dukes.”' If he ever traveled to Italy, which sounded throughout Europe, asa COMPOST he is 30. On Agricola’s life, see Muller, ““Agricola,’’ MGG 1

not an altogether familiar figure in fifteenth- (949 51).158-60: Picker, Chanson Albums, pp. 40-41: century chansonniers. Therefore, the presence of — D'accone, “The Singers of San Giovanni,” p. 344; his motet in Florence 229 may be due to his con- —D’Accone, ‘(Documentary History,” pp. 209, 227, and 230;

nection with Hungary’s queen. Edward R. Lerner, ““The ‘German’ Works of Alexander Ag-

; . cola, pects 0 , pp :

The fascicles of Florence 229 immediately fol- ricola,”’ Musical Quarterly 46 (1960):56— 66; Martin Picker, “A

lowi he initial d Tinctoris’s motet Letter of Charles VII of France Concerning Alexander AgriOwing the initial contest an tors la,” Aspects of Medieval and Renaissatice Music . 665-72; emphasize chansons by Alexander Agricola and and Allan W. Atlas, ‘‘Alexander Agricola and Ferrante I of Antoine Busnois. Unlike the section devoted to Naples,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 30 music by Isaac and Martini, this later sectionisnot —_(1977):313-19. Atlas reports on the short visit Agricola made SO tightly organized. Chansons by its two chief to Naples in 1492, and on his later relations with Naples and

ee with the French Court.

voices more closely approach the superius in their motion; The Jannes Agricola to whom Florence 229 attributes Dat and the melodic phrases in all the voices are longer and less ie my lijden (no. 22) may be a relative of Alexander, or the cliché-ridden. If Dusart was, in fact, the composer of Rose attribution may be a slip of the pen confusing Jannes Martini

playsant —and not Caron, to whom the chanson is attributed and Alexander Agricola. If Jannes Agricola did exist, it would in Rome 2856—then the Jean du Sart of Cambrai is not likely be tempting to identify him as Alexander’s son and the author

to have been the same man as the carlier Sarto. of the marginal note reading ‘‘Pater meus Agricola” in Flor28. See chapter XVII, ‘‘Notes on the Compositions and ence 121, fol. 40. He may have been the Jannes Agricola,

Their Texts,” nos. 196, 219, and 220. however, who served as a singer at ’s~-Hertogenbosch every 29. On the life of Tinctoris, see Charles van den Borren, year from 1486 through 1493, according to Albert Smijers, “Tinctoris,” Biographie nationale belge (Brussels, 1926-29), “De Ilustre Lieve Vrouwe Brouderschap te *s-Hertogenvol. 24, p. 311; Heinrich Hiischen, “‘Tinctoris,"”» MGG 13 bosch,” Tijdschrift der Vereeniging voor Nederlandsche Muzick(1966):418—25; and Weinmann, Johannes Tinctoris, pp. 14-26. geschiedenis 13 (1932):190—202. In 1495 (Smiyers, p. 208) he is

Virgo dei trono digna and Tinctoris’s other motet O virgo described as ‘‘voertijts ons senger.”’ Lowe this reference to the miserere mei both appear in the Mellon Chansonnier; see Man- _ kindness of Norma K. Baker. fred Bukofzer, “An Unknown Chansonnier of the 15th Cen- 31. Busnois died in 1492 as rector cantoriae at St. Sauveur in

tury (The Mellon Chanssonier),’ Musical Quarterly 28 Bruges. On his life, see August Vander Meersch, “‘Busnois,”’ (1942):17, and Perkins and Garey, Mellon Chansonnier , nos. 19 Biographie nationale belge (Brussels, 1866-1944), vol. 3, pp.

and 57. O virgo is dedicated there to Beatrice. 208-210; Doorslaer, ‘““Chapelle musicale,” pp. 24-28; G. 47

CHAPTER VIII

; seems not altogether unlikely in view ofhis several preserved in Italian sources.*’ One of Tinctoris’s settings of Italian poems and the wide dissem- treatises, De inventione et usu musicae , opens with a

ination of his music in manuscript anthologies letter to Johannes Stokhem, another composer compiled south of the Alps, no documentary evi- — with chansons in Florence 229.** At the time when dence has yet been produced to establish the length Tinctoris wrote the dedication, Stokhem was emof his stay or his destination.** That Beatrice of — ployed in Budapest as a musician at Corvin’s court;

Aragon may have known and prized his music is the letter makes clear that the composer and the suggested by the high regard that Tinctorishadfor theorist had met in the past, when both were in him. The theorist praised Busnois’s work, repeat- Liége.*” By 1487, that is, a few years before Floredly quoted his music in treatises, and even dedi- — ence 229 was probably copied, Stokhem had left cated one of them jointly to Busnois and Johannes __ Budapest to sing in the papal chapel in Rome. *° In

Ockeghem.*” the treatise dedicated to Stokhem, Tinctoris also

In fact, a number of the composers in Florence mentioned that he was once master of the choir229 are those singled out for special praise by Tinc- boys at the Cathedral of Chartres, *' where he may

toris. In his Proportionale dedicated to King Fer- have met Gilles Mureau, the composer of one dinand of Naples, for example, he named chansonin Florence 229, who spent all of his career Ockeghem, Busnois, Regis, and Caronasthelead- there, but Tinctoris would certainly not have ing composers of his time.** All of them except known Antoine Brumel, who served at Chartres Ockeghem have compositions in Florence 229.*° long after the theorist had left. * Johannes Regis—who served for a time as Dufay’s secretary in Cambrai—was one of those northern 37. On Caron, see James Thomson, “The Works of ; Caron: A Study in Fifteenth-Century Style,’ Ph.D. dis-

composers who seem have sought their . ; 36 sertation, Newnever YorktoUniversity, 1959; and. ae Thomson, An

fortune in Italy,” while Caron, about whom al- Introduction to Philippe (?) Caron (Brooklyn, 1964), where the most nothing is known, may have spent most of conflicting evidence about whether Caron’s first name was his career in the south after finishing his education _—_Jean, Firmin, or Philippe is examined. Wright, “Dufay at in Cambrai, since almost all ofhis extant works are | Cambrai,” p. 205, proposes that the composer may have been

ee the Jean Caron who served as petit vicaire in Cambrai from Thibault, ““Busnois,’””» MGG 2 (1952): cols. 515-20; Cath- 1455 through 1458.

erine Brooks, “Antoine Busnois as a Composer of Chan- 38. Tinctoris’s incompletely preserved treatise is printed sons,’ Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1951; and with an extensive introduction in Weinmann, Johannes Tinc-

Brooks, “Antoine Busnois, Chanson Composer,’ pp. toris. Stokhem is discussed there, pp. 8—10, and the dedica111-35. On Busnois’s relationship with Cambrai, see tory letter printed on pp. 27~28. An English translation of a

Wright, ‘““Dufay at Cambrai,” pp. 208-9. part of the treatise, omitting the information about Stokhem, 32. Thibault, ‘““Busnois,” suggests that Busnois went to appears in Anthony Baines, “‘Fifteenth-century Instruments Italy for a time. See also Howard Mayer Brown, “‘The Trans- in Tinctoris’s De Inventione et usu musicae ,’’ The Galpin Society formation of the Chanson at the End of the Fifteenth Cen- —_ Journal 3 (1950):19—26.

tury,” International Musicological Society. Report of the Tenth On the possibility that Tinctoris visisted Hungary, see Congress, Ljublijana 1967, ed. Dragotin Cvetko (Cassel, Perkins and Garey, Mellon Chansonnier, 1:18-19.

1970), pp. 90-91. 39. On Stokhem in Budapest, see Weinmann, Johannes For reasons of chronology, he cannot have been the An- Tinctoris, pp. 8-10. On Stokhem and Tinctoris in Liége, see

tonio Guidati who worked in Savoy and Milan in the 1450s, Antoine Auda, La musique et les musiciens de l’ancien pays de 1460s, and 1470s, as is sometimes claimed; see Marie-Thérése Liege (Brussels, 1930), pp. 73—75 and 88-91.

Bouquet, “La Cappella musicale dei Duchi di Savoia dal 1450 40. On Stokhem’s two-month stay in Florence en route to al 1500,” Rivista italiana di musicologia 3 (1968):256—57. the papal chapel in 1486, see D’Accone, ‘“‘Documentary His33. The Liber de natura et proprietate tonorum , most recently tory,” p. 205, and D’Accone, ‘‘Some Neglected Composers

published in Tinctoris, Opera theoretica, ed. Seay, 1:65—104; in the Florentine Chapels, ca. 1475-1525,” Viator 1 and in English translation by Seay (Colorado Springs, 1976). (1970):271—73. On Stokhem in Rome, see Franz Xaver Ha34. See Tinctoris, Opera theoretica ed. Seay, vol. 2a and, for berl, “Die romische ‘schola cantorum’ und die papstlichen

English translations, Strunk, Source Readings, p. 199, and Kapellsanger bis zur Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts,”’ Seay, ““The Proportionale musices of Johannes Tinctoris,”’ Jour- Vierteljahrsschrift fir Musikwissenschaft 3 (1887):244.

nal of Music Theory 1 (1957):22—75. 41. Weinmann, Johannes Tinctoris, p. 34.

35. Unless Malheur me bat (no. 11) is actually by Oc- 42. André Pirro, “‘Gilles Mureau, chanoine de Chartres,”’ keghem, to whom it is attributed in the Odhecaton. For a Festschrift fur Johannes Wolf, (Berlin, 1929), pp. 163-67. Pirro,

discussion of the conflicting attributions, see chapter X. ‘Jean Cornuel, vicaire 4 Cambrai,’’ Revue de musicologie 7 36. On Regis, see Cornelis W. H. Lindenburg, Het leven (1926):194, cites a ““Moreau”’ at Cambrai whose salary was ende werken van Johannes Regis (Amsterdam, 1939); Lin- cut because he was not fluent enough at reading music super denburg, “‘Regis,”” MGG 11 (1963):134-36; and Wright, librum .

“Dufay at Cambrai,” p. 197. The earliest record of Brumel lists him as a priest and singer 48

THE CHOICE OF COMPOSERS

Tinctoris, too, was among the many musicians received his musical education there if his early with music in Florence 229 who were either motet, Omnium bonorum plena, listing so many of trained at the Cathedral of Cambrai or who had the cathedral’s composers, including some quite some direct contact with the musicalestablishment — obscure, is any indication that he had had personal

there during their careers. Tinctoris sang at Cam- contact with them.*’ Among the composers he brai for a time in the 1460s, where he must have named are many with chansons in Florence met Guillaume Dufay, represented in Florence 229 229-—-Dufay, Dusart, Busnois, Caron, Tinctoris,

by a single chanson, and where he may have Josquin, Hémart, and Regis—although he inknown Antoine Busnois, who probably visited the cluded as well some—Georget de Brelles, Occathedral a number of times during that decade.*” keghem, Corbet, Faugues, and Molinet— whose We have already seen that both Caron and Dusart music is not included in the anthology. were associated with Cambrai, and Alexander Ag- It may be that Florence 229 contains such a ricola had sung there during the 1470s.** After | heavy concentration of music by the composers of serving as a petit vicaire in 1468, Jean Fresneau Cambrai simply because its cathedral had one of moved to the French royal chapel in 1470; later he the principal schools, turning out singers and com-

served for a time in the chapel of Galeazzo Maria posers who worked everywhere in western EuSforza in Milan and eventually he became procureur —_ rope.** But it is also possible that the influence of

for the canons at St. Martin de Tours (where Oc- | Cambraiin the manuscript is to be explained either keghem was treasurer) while at the same time _ because its editor knew that Beatrice of Aragon’s holding a position at Chartres.*’ Jean Hémart, Ja~ | musical tastes had been heavily influenced by cob Obrecht, and Johannes Regis all spent some Tinctoris, with his close associations with the catime at Cambrai, *°and Loyset Compére may have _ thedral’s musicians, or because a musician of Cambrai was directly involved in the compilation of the at the Cathedral of Chartres in 1483. Subsequently he served manuscript. Who else, for example, would have at the Cathedral of Laon, Notre-Dame in Paris, and in the

employ of the duke of Sora, Sigismundo Cantelmi in Lyons, ee before eventually moving to Ferrara, presumably during the Nederlandsche Muziekgeschiedenis 12 (1928):78-80. A_ brief first decade of the sixteenth century. On Brumel’s life, see summary of Obrecht’s life appears in Picker, Chanson AIEdmond vander Straeten, La musique aux Pays-Bas avant le bums, p. 46; see also Bain Murray, “New Light on Jacob

XIXe siecle, reprint ed., 8 vols. in 4 (New York, 1969), Obrecht’s Development—a Biographical Study,” Musical 6:94—103; André Pirro, ‘““Dokumente tiber Antoine Brumel, Quarterly 43 (1957):500-—516; Murray, “Jacob Obrecht’s Con-

Louis van Pullaer, und Crispin van Stappen,” Zeitschrift fur nection with the Church of Our Lady in Antwerp,”’ Revue Musikwissenschaft 11 (1928—29):349-—53; Joseph Schmidt- belge de musicologie 11 (1957):125—33; L. G. van Hoorn, Jacob Gorg, ‘““Brumel,’”” MGG 2 (1952): col. 400; and Lloyd Biggle, Obrecht (The Hague, 1968); and Norma K. Baker, “‘An Un-

“The Masses of Antoine Brumel,’’ 2 vols., Ph.D. dis- numbered Manuscript of Polyphony in the Archives of the

sertation, Universtiy of Michigan, 1953. Cathedral of Segovia, Its Provenance and History,”” Ph.D. 43. See Wright, ‘“‘Dufay at Cambrai,” esp. p. 221(for Tinc- dissertation, University of Maryland, 1978, pp. 110-24, who toris’s service there) and pp. 208-9 (on Busnois’s presumed presents an up-to-date summary of what is known of Ob-

Visits). recht’s life. On Obrecht’s stay in Ferrara in 1487, see Lock-

44. Vladimir Fédorov, ‘“‘Cambrai,’””» MGG 2 (1952):704, wood, “‘Music at Ferrara,” pp. 119-20; and Lockwood, where the dates of Agricola’s stay are mistakenly given as ‘‘Josquin at Ferrara,”’ p. 118. For a recent report on Obrecht

1775-76 rather than 1475-76. source studies, see Martin Staehelin, ““Obrechtiana,” Tijd-

45. On Fresneau, see Nanie Bridgman, ‘‘Fresneau,’’ MGG schrift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis 25

4 (1955):926—27; Francois Lesure, ‘““Some Minor French — (1975):1-37. Composers of the 16th Century,” in Aspects of Medieval and On Regis, see n.35 above. Renaissance Music, ed. La Rue, pp. 540-41; Stephen Bonime, 47. The motet is printed, among other places, in Loyset ‘Anne de Bretagne (1477-1514) and Music. An Archival Compere, Opera Omnia , ed. Ludwig Finscher, vol. 4 (AmerStudy,’’ Ph.D. dissertation, Bryn Mawr College, 1975, pp. ican Institute of Musicology, 1961), pp. 32-38. An English

29 and 49-50; Wright, ‘“‘Dufay at Cambrai,’ pp. 206-7; translation of the text of the secunda pars appears in Reese, Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:63; and Edward E. Lowinsky, “As- Music in the Renaissance , p. 227. On the life of Compére and canio Sforza’s Life: A Key to Josquin’s Biography and an Aid his connection with Cambrai, see Finscher, Compére, pp. to the Chronology of His Works,”’ in Josquin des Prez, ed. 13-24. On Ercole d’Este’s regard for Compére’s music, see Lowinsky and Blackburn, pp. 40-41. Lowinsky documents Lockwood, “‘Music at Ferrara,” pp. 115-16. On Compére’s

Fresneau’s presence in the chapel at Milan. service at the ducal chapel in Milan, see Lowinsky, “‘Ascanio 46. On Jean Hémart or Heniart, see Houdoy, Cambrai, p. Sforza’s Life,” pp. 38-42.

82, and Finscher, Compere, p. 15. 48. On the connection between Corvin’s court and CamOn Obrecht (and also Hemart) in Cambrai, see André brai, see Gombosi, “Corte di Re Mattia,” p. 10; and Pirro, Pirro, ““Obrecht 4 Cambrai,” Tijdschrift der Vereeniging voor ‘Jean Cornuel,” pp. 200-201.

49

CHAPTER VII

known the chanson Se je fay (no. 72), admittedly © noy, whohad been sent from Ferrara by his teacher

added to the anthology with only the incipit of | Johannes Martini to sing for Martini’s pupil, Iswhat may have been a contrafactum of the original abella d’Este, in Mantua after her marriage in 1490, poem celebrating the visit of Robert Morton and left her service without permission to accompany

Hayne van Ghizeghem to the French city.” Agricola to Florence in 1491.°** Lannoy eventually While the connection between Cambrai and married the sister of Isaac’s Florentine wife and Florence 229 may seem surprising, itis only natu- died in Florence.’? Johannes Ghiselin dit Verral that a number of the composers whose music bonnet came to Florence in 1492, perhaps afters appears in the chansonnier had workedin Florence Florence 229 had already been assembled, apparor at least visited the city before 1491. Apart from __ ently from Ferrara.”*°® And Ser Vergilius sang at the Isaac and Agricola, they include Pietrequin, Rubi- —_ cathedral in Florence during the first decade of the

net, Vincenet, and possibly Japart. Vincenet had sixteenth century.”’ been in Florence prior to 1468, according to a letter In addition to the composers who were alive written in that year which mentions his past activ- when Florence 229 was compiled, many of whom ity there in passing.”’ A ‘“‘Rubinetto Francioso”’ can be linked, as we have seen, with Florence or sang at the Santissima Annunziata in 1482.°' And = with a Cambrai-Naples-Ferrara-Budapest axis, Pierre Bonnel dit Pietrequin sang at both San- the chansonnier also contains compositions by tissima Annunziata and in the cathedral beginning men who had been dead for a decade or more by in 1490.°* Several musicians named Jannes were the time it was finished. Guillaume Dufay, for employed in Florence in the 1480s and 1490s, and example, whose most notable connection with one of them may well have been Jannes Japart, Florence was surely his motet composed for the who was, however, much more closely associated dedication of the cathedral, had died in 1474.°° A with Milan and Ferrara, where he worked from handful of compositions in the manuscript were 1477 to at least 1479.°* Moreover, Colinet de Lan- —_ written by members of the Burgundian court who 49. On Hayne’s possible connection with Cambrai, see belonged to Dufay’s generation. Hayne van Ghi-

Marix, Histoire . . . de la cour de Bourgogne, pp. 205-7. zeghem, an inveterate favorite in almost all 50. The letter is cited in D’Accone, “‘The Singers of San

Giovanni,” p. 324. Vander Straeten, Musique aux Pays-Bas 54. On Lannoy, see Bertolotti, Musici alla corte dei Gon4:31, cites a ‘‘Vannella, moglia del q® Vincinet, cantor fo del zaga, p. 16; Pietro Canal, ‘“‘Della Musica in Mantova,”’ MemoS. R.”’ For a summary of Vincenet’s life and works and a rie del R. Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Letter ed Arti 21 (1879):663;

review of the difficulties of deciding whether the Johannes D’Accone, “‘The Singers of San Giovanni,” p. 344; Vincenet, priest, who sang in the papal choir in Rome be- D’Accone, “‘Documentary History,” pp. 208-9, 227, 231, tween 1425 and 1429 was the same as the Neapolitan singer 247, and 256; and Lowinsky, “‘Ascanio Sforza’s Life,” pp. recently dead in 1479, see the preface to The Collected Works of | 40-42. Lannoy’s letter of apology to Isabella, written in

Vincenet, ed. Bertran E. Davis (Madison, Wis., 1978). 1499, is reproduced in Claudio Gallico, “‘Josquin nell’ archi51. See D’Accone, ““The Singers of San Giovanni,” p. 332; vio Gonzaga,” Rivista italiana di musicologia 6 (1971):210.

D’Accone, “Documentary History,” pp. 194 and 256; and 55. On Lannoy’s marriage, see D’Accone, “Heinrich Isaac D’Accone, “‘Some Neglected Composers,” pp. 271—73. 1am in Florence,” p. 469. On his death in Florence, see D’ Accone,

grateful to Professor D’Accone for advice about Florentine ‘Documentary History,” p. 256. Guillaume Crétin, in his musicians. A ‘‘Frater Rubinectus Franciosus,”’ perhaps a dif- lament on the death of Johannes Ockeghem (died 1497), in-

ferent composer, is listed in the Florentine Cathedral chapel cluded Lannoy among the musicians who welcomed Occhoir in 1506, according to D’Accone, “Documentary His- = keghem into heaven, suggesting that Lannoy was dead by

tory,” p. 256. 1497; see Thoinan, Déploration de Guillaume Cretin, p. 33.

52. On Pietrequin Bonnel, see D’Accone, “‘The Singers of 56. On Ghiselin, see Clytus Gottwald, ‘Johannes

San Giovanni,” pp. 342-46; Bouquet, “Cappella musicale | Ghiselin—Janne Verbonnet. Some Traces of His Life, “* Mudei Duchi di Savoia,” pp. 247-48 and 283; D’Accone, “‘Some sica Disciplina 15 (1961):105-11; Gottwald, Johannes GhiselinNeglected Composers,” pp. 271-73; Martin Staehelin, Johannes Verbonnet (Wiesbaden, 1962); Bertolotti, Musici alla ‘Pierre de la Rue in Italien,” Archiv fiir Musikwissenschaft 27 corte dei Gonzaga, p. 16; D’Accone, ““The Singers of San Gio-

(1970): 131-34; Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:113-15; Bonime, vanni,”’ p. 345; D’Accone, “Documentary History,” pp. ‘““Anne de Bretagne,” pp. 8, 26, and 107; and Joshua Rifkin, 209-10 and 230-31; and Lockwood, .“‘Josquin at Ferrara,”’ ‘Pietrequin Bonnel,”’ pp. 284-96. See also Fran¢gois Lesure, pp. 107-9. “Pietrequin,’” MGG 10 (1962):1269, who lists a Guillaume 57. On Ser Vergilius (or Virgilius) see D’Accone, “‘Docu-

Pietrequin, almost certainly a different muscian, in Paris in mentary History,” pp. 256-57; and D’Accone, “Some Ne-

1502-3 and in Bordeaux from 1517 to 1528. glected Composers,” pp. 278-84. Ser Vergilius is listed as an 53. On Florentine musicians named Jannes, see D’Accone, alto in the chapel of the Florentine Cathedral beginning in

“Documentary History,” p. 194. On Japart in Milan and 1507. Ferrara, see Lockwood, “Music at Ferrara,” p. 119; Lock- 58. See, for example, Charles van den Borren, Guillaume ‘ wood, ‘“‘Josquin at Ferrara,’’ p. 107; and Lowinsky, ‘‘Ascanio = Dufay: son importance dans l’evolution de la musique au XVe siecle

Sforza’s Life,” pp. 40-42. (Brussels, 1925). 50

THE CHOICE OF COMPOSERS

fifteenth-century chansonniers, died after 1472, al- Fifteenth-century composers traveled extenthough he may have been considerably younger sively and exchanged apparently excellent posithan Dufay;°” the Englishman, Robert Morton, tions with a rapidity and ease reminiscent of died after 1476;°° Gilles Joye in 1483 or 1484;°' and twentieth-century American professors. Their Dufay’s secretary, Regis, in 1485.°* Vincenet, too, | music consequently had wide distribution in most

was probably a contemporary of these older of the major cities of western Europe. Nevermen.°” Seven composers whose works appear in __ theless, the composers who were included in FlorFlorence 229 are otherwise completely unknown. — ence 229 had closer ties with Beatrice of Aragon No information whatsoever has survived to illu- _ than with Alessandro Braccesi, especially some of minate the figures of Jacob Barle, Bosfrin, Pierre those given prominent places in the manuscript,

Congiet, Petrus Eline, De Planquard, Johannes like Johannes Martini, Johannes Tinctoris, and

Joye, and Phillipet de Pres.*" Antoine Busnois, and some of those who are oth59. On Hayne’s death date, see, for example, Picker, er wise almost completely unknown, like Bostrin, Chanson Albums, pp. 43-44, or Marix, Histoire... de la cour Basin, and Dusart. If no positive proof can be of-

de Bourgogne, pp. 205-9. fered in support of the theory that Florence 229 60. On Morton’s death date, see Marix, Histoire. . . de la was Originally intended for the library of Matthias cour de Bourgogne , pp. 209-11; Peter Gilke, “Morton,” MGG Corvin, king of Hungary, at least the conjecture 9 (1961):613— 14; and Fallows, “Robert Morton's Songs,” has been shown to bea plausible possibility. It clar-

pp. 274-87. Plat possibilty. *t Cla

61. On Gilles Joye, see Marix, Histoire. . . de la cour de ifies aspects of the early history of the manuscript Bourgogne, p. 213. Johannes Joye, to whom the Segovia Chan- that would otherwise be puzzling by helping to sonnier attributes J’ay bien nori (no. 46), wasa much younger explain how much a superbly illuminated antholcomposer than Gilles to judge from the style of this one ogy came to belong to the relatively humble Alchanson. Nothing whatsoever is known about him; perhaps essandro Braccesi. he was related to Gilles.

62. See n.36 above. life. See Tom R. Ward, “‘Another Mass by Obrecht?,”’ Tijd-

Davis. (1977):102-8.

63. On Vincenet, see the preface to his Complete Works, ed. schrift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis 27

64. On Johannes Joye, see n.61 above. On Bosfrin, see Petrus Eline was probably a Netherlander, since his only

n.25 above. Phillipet de Pres, to whom Je ne serai plus (no. known works—aside from the single unattributed piece in 234) is attributed in the Seville Chansonnier, may have been Florence 229—appear in Segovia with Flemish incipits; see a relative of Josquin, but no information survives about his Baker, ‘“‘An Unnumbered Manuscript,” p. 109.

51

Part Two: MUSIC AND POETRY IN

Courtly Poetry and Popular Poetry

Poorer 229 supplies at least one complete those provided with titles or incipits only and stanza of poetry for thirty-nine of its 268 com- _—_‘ those with no identification whatsoever, do not positions and incomplete texts for three others. In differ radically in style from the others. Some of most cases the words are written under the top __ them, it is true, may have been composed without voice only, but sometimes they appear undertwo, any text in mind as genuine instrumental music, a three, or even four voices.’ The majority of the — possibility that will be discussed below. But the compositions (139) have text incipits only. As majority were almost certainly intended as settings many as eighty-seven compositions in Florence _ of lyric poetry. Most of the textless compositions 229, however, lack even incipits or titles, letalone in Florence 229, then, probably set the same kinds complete texts. Concordances with other sources _ of texts as are listed in table [X.1 and with approxhave identified forty-four of these compositions in imately the same frequency. Because the form and some way, but the precise nature of the remaining style of each composition are dependent on the forty-three must be determined on the basis of in- | form and character of the poem that the composer

ternal stylistic evidence alone.’ chose to set, some of the otherwise unidentified

Complete or partial texts can be recovered for | compositions can at least tentatively be classified as 143 of the manuscript’s 268 compositions. Table — rondeaux, virelais, or polyphonic arrangements of IX.1 shows the various categories into whichthey popular poetry. Table [X.2 shows the categories

are divided. The remaining 125 compositions, into which the textless compositions of Florence 1. The thirty-two compositions supplied with complete 229 can most probably be divided.” text under one voice are nos. 8, 23, 26, 37, 48, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 67, 68, 70, 71, 84, 86, 104, 109, 129, 152, 161, 177, 3. Decisions about individual pieces are discussed and de206, 219, 220, 221, 236, 258, 261, and 264. The single com- fended in the following chapters, which deal with the charac-

position with complete text under two voices is no. 151. The teristic musical settings of each poetic type and with the two compositions with complete text under three voices are pieces by each composer. Quite aside from the necessarily nos. 65 and 202. The six compositions with text under all four tentative nature of table IX.2, the tables obscure the nature of voices are nos. 117, 149 (partial text under all voices), 150, the contents of Florence 229 in at least one significant way.

171, 173 (partial text under all voices), and 183. One com- They list as rondeaux and bergerettes some compositions position, no. 259, has incomplete text under a single voice, which are apparently instrumental arrangements of wellthe superius. Of the forty-two compositions with partial or known chansons, such as Isaac’s version of J’ay pris amours complete text, all but seven have French words. The seven (no. 8), in which an ostinato based on the head motive domnon-French compositions include one Latin text (Si dedero, inates the contratenor; the various arrangements of J’ay pris no. 68), and six Italian texts (no. 53, 150, 151, 171, 173, and amours and De tous biens plaine (nos. 177, 178, and 179) in

259). which fast moving voices or canonic voices are set beneath a 2. These forty-three textless and otherwise unidentified cantus prius factus; Japart’s arrangement of J’ay pris amours (no. compositions are: no. 9 (by Martini), 18 (by Isaac), 34, 35, 73, 152) in which the superius of the chanson is stated in retro78, 87, 91, 107 (by Rubinet), 123, 124, 135, 139 (by Martini), grade motion in the bassus; and Coda di volpe (no. 194), which 140 (by Isaac), 159, 160, 165 (by Martini), 172 (by Isaac), 175, seems to be an instrumental “‘fantasia’’ on the chanson Aime 185, 189, 195, 200 (by Martini), 201 (by Rubinet), 210 (by qui vouldra .

Obrecht), 218 (by Martini), 299, 230 (by Isaac), 231, 233, The original form of Martini’s compositions, and es239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 249 (by Isaac), 251 (by pecially nos. 1, 3, 5, and 7, are especially problematic; they

Isaac), 253 ( by Isaac), 262 (by Rubinet), and 265. are analyzed in more detail in chapter X. 52

COURTLY POETRY AND POPULAR POETRY

TABLE IX.1 COMPOSITIONS IN FLORENCE 229 TABLE IX.2 PROBABLE FORMS OF THE TEXTLESS

RONDEAUX RONDEAUX 71 WITH COMPLETE OR PARTIAL TEXTS COMPOSITIONS OF FLORENCE 229

Rondeaux quatrains 36 (Nos. 1 (?), 3 (2), 5 (2), 7 (2), 11, 14, 15, 17, 25, 30,

(Nos. 8, 21, 23, 26, 37, 39, 42, 48, 50, 54, 63, 33, 34, 35, 40, 41, 45, 47, 58, 59, 61, 76, 78, 87, 89, 72, 77, 79, 81, 100, 102, 113, 114, 134, 147, 152, 90, 91, 93, 94, 95, 99, 101, 111, 112, 115, 119, 120, 154, 177, 178, 179, 186, 197, 198, 202, 220, 234, 121, 123, 133, 135, 136, 138, 144, 160, 185, 187,

237, 247, 248, and 266) 189, 190, 194, 195, 199, 200, 204, 205, 209, 211, Rondeaux cinquains 44 212, 227, 231 (?), 232, 233, 235 (2), 238, 239, 240, (Nos. 6, 19, 24, 31, 32, 36, 43, 49, 51, 52, 55, 56, 241, 244, 249, 256, 265, and 268)

60, 64, 67, 70, 74, 80, 833, 88, 96, 97, 104, 118, RONDEAUX WITH CANTUS FIRMI 2 122, 129, 130, 153, 163(?), 188, 206, 208, 219, (Nos. 62 and 182)

221, 225, 226, 236, 254, 257, 258, 260, 261, 263, BERCERETTES 4

and 264) with (Nos.cantus 28, 38, 207, and 222) TEXTS 11 Rondeaux firmi 4 POPULAR

(Nos. 117, 157, 158, and 184) (Nos. 128, 146, 159, 164, 165, 167, 169, 172, 176, BERGERETTES 181, and 250) Courtly bergerettes 9 UNIDENTIFIED FRENCH TEXTS 2

and 255) FLEMISH TEXTS 4 (Nos. 57, 84, 125, 127, 174, 191, 223, 228, (Nos. 27 and 193)

(No. 44) LATIN TEXTS 1

Bergerette with cantus firmus 1 (Nos. 22, 131, 213, and 214)

Popular bergerettes 3 (No. 126) (Nos. 148, 149, and 224) UNIDENTIFIED PIECES (MANY OF THEM MOST PROBABLY

POPULAR FRENCH POEMS (OTHER THAN BERGERETTES) 15 CONCEIVED FOR INSTRUMENTS) 30

(Nos. 2, 4, 46, 65, 85, 86, 98, 108, 116, 145, 161, (Nos. 9, 12, 13, 18, 73, 82, 105, 106, 107, 124, 132,

162, 168, 183, and 196) 137, 139, 140, 175, 192, 201, 203, 210, 218, 229, COURTLY FRENCH POEMS NOT IN A FORME FIXE 4 230, 242, 243, 245, 246, 251, 253, 262, and 267)

(Nos. 29[quatrain], 75, 92[quatrain], and 109 Total 125

UNIDENTIFIED FRENCH TEXTS 2 , ; (Nos. 71 [RONDEAU QUATRAINY and 110) in the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries re~ [ quatrain])

ITALIAN TEXTS 7 lied for their texts chiefly on three fixed poetic (Nos. 53, 103, 151, 171, 173, 180, and 259) forms, the ballade, the rondeau, and the virelai. QUODLIBET 1 But by the middle of the fifteenth century, the bal-

(No. 150) lade had almost completely disappeared from muFLEMISH TEXTS 4 ‘cal d th £ tly set form of (Nos. 66, 69, 156, and 170 [macaronic?]) sical sources an e most frequently set form o GERMAN TEXT 1 virelai, that with one stanza, the so-called ber-

(No. 166) gerette , was used much less frequently than before.”

MASS MOVEMENTS 8 The rondeau, therefore, reigned supreme as the (Nos. 10, 16, 141, 142, 143, 215, 216, and 217) principal sort of courtly lyric poem suitable for OTHER TFATIN veal * musical setting. The presence of eighty-four ron-

(Nos. 20, 68, 155, and 252)wit4text, edandwith 41 Total 143 eaux supphed approximately

SSK VENtLY-three without, in Florence 229 thus gives The forms of the compositions in Florence 229 “, an excellent rina ro se cos ne salient are typical for a secular manuscript prepared in the ; othe lag oe © ey century in che. MUSIC last quarter of the fifteenth century. The vast pre- Foor tne tater Oi Loh sor reed nd me Lee we ponderance of compositions for which some text ° cede nueab w ‘ heidien ron b enabics Us can be recovered—118 out of 143—are French ‘0 StUCy anumber of subsidiary types, bergerettes,

chansons, and the greatest number of chansons are suggested in chapter XII; and no. 109 may in fact be a resettings of rondeaux. * Composers of secular music sponce to no. 29). Two of these chansons (nos. 29 and 110) appear only with incipits in Florence 229, the other two (nos.

4. Settings of texts in languages other than French and 71 and 109) with garbled text.

contrafacta, are examined in chapter XII. The only other chansons neither in a forme fixe nor unSeveral texts survive only in such a corrupt state that it has ambiguously ‘“‘popular” in Florence 229 are nos. 75 and 92, not been possible to reconstruct or translate them, or to set the latter apparently a third quatrain setting and the former them to the music in Florence 229. It is not even possible to evidently an unusual poem consisting of five lines of twelve guess the original poetic form of nos. 71 and 110. Nos. 29 and syllables each. 109 seem both to be quatrains (unless they were originally 5. See, for example, Reese, Music in the Renaissance, pp. settings of the Latin text that appears in Glougauer, an idea 14-15 and 97-102. 53

like. , CHAPTER IX

cantus-firmus chansons, the newly developing or at least that they will not love another, as in popular arrangements, Italian canzoni, and the no. 50:

In subject matter, the courtly rondeaux and ber- y un bon du cuer sans aultre amet gerettes are as conventional as their rhyme scheme ous Teust 2 Die doulce seur,

, puissez aultre amer.

and metric patterns are stereotyped. Almost all Oue oe ne ue ge lene. seu

these French poems deal with love. The poets offer praises of the beauty and virtue of their beloved § Many of the poems could be addressed to any lady lady, they lament her coldness and indifference, or of the fifteenth century. It is not a repertory filled

they declare their love in the hope of receiving | with passionate and individual expressions of persome reward in return. The poetry is peopled with sonal love.

allegorical personifications—of Hope, Danger, In many poems the poet laments the coldness Love, Harm, and Fortune—familiar from the Ro- —_ and indifference of his belle dame sans merci (no. 36:

man de la Rose and the literature it spawned.” And = ““Ma bouche plaint les pleurs de ma pensee. . . / like the poets of the thirteenth and fourteenth cen- — Puis que celle ma loyaulté mesprise, / Et par rituries, these late fifteenth-century versifiers were gueur mercy a deschassee’’). Occasionally, the threatened by evildoers, the mesdisans, the flat- | poet rebukes his lady in sharper terms. She is deviterers, the envious, and the slanderers who threat- _— ous or deceitful (no. 54: “‘Son maintien est le plus ened their happiness and the fulfillment of their | rusé / Que oncques en mon vivant je vis’’), or she

love. distributes her favors to anyone who asks for them The poet does not single out for praise those (no. 77: “‘trop vous entretenés / Messire Chascun et qualities unique to his own lady. Instead, he son page’’). In some poems the course of true love

praises her in general terms: she is beautiful (no. is stayed by the falsely jealous (no. 224: “‘Ces faulx 80: ‘“‘sus toutes emportés le renom / d’estre du _jalloux, hellas, je les haix tant!”’), the flatterers (no. monde la tres plus belle dame’’); she has a good _81: “Nous ne saurions plus vivre ainsi, / Aus flatreputation (no. 67: ‘‘Vostre bruit et vostre grant | eurs n’avons aliance’’), or, in more general terms, fame / Me fait vous amer plus que fame’’); she is _—_ those mesdisans who are more traitorous than the knowledgeable (no. 84: “‘vous estes en tout art si Antichrist (no. 55: ““D’aucunes gens plus traittres aprise’’); she is loyal (no. 127: “‘Sa leaulté n’est | qu’Antecrix’’). point commune’’). She is, in short, full of virtues, Women are the principal subject matter of most

although they are mostly unspecified (no. 177: of these French poems. And some of them were ‘De tous biens plaine est ma maistresse’’). Indeed, either written by women or at least represent the some poets claim there is no one alive who could =woman’s point of view and reveal their side of the name the virtues of his lady (no. 127: ‘Il n’est bou- established conventions regarding love and manche qui sceust souffire / Loer le pire / Dez parfaiz ners. Aside from the four popular songs in Florbiens qui sont en elle,” and again, no. 84: “Il n’est | ence 229 intended for women, there are as well vivant, tant soit scavant ou saige,/ Ou habundant — eight courtly poems, and seven of them offer the en eloquent langaige, / Qui votz vertus sceut a same view of love as in the men’s songs, but from demi louer’’). Some poets simply declare their love the woman’s point of view.’ Je suis venue vers mon and express the hope that their lady will give them 7. Two of the popular songs, nos. 4 and 66, are chansons de

a sign of recognition, as in no. 44: mal mariées , expressing the laments of a young girl married to Que vous, ma dame, je le jure, an old man; no. 85 is a narrative May song that has survived N’est ne sera de moy servie: only incompletely; and in no. 86 the poet curses envy and

q ser ? friend.

Et tant qu’aura vostre serf vie jealousy which have prevented her from making a new Garde n’avez qu'il se parjure, The seven courtly songs for women are nos. 29, 52, 60, 64,

6. On the relationship between chanson poetry and the 88, 125, 129, and 202. Some of the other chansons in Florence Roman de la Rose, see George M. Jones, ““The ‘First’ Chan- 229 are ambiguous in their reference to gender and could well sonnier of the Biblioteca Raccardiana, Codex 2794: A Study have been intended either for men or for women. See for

in the Method of Editing 15th-Century Music,” 2 vols., example the notes to no. 174 in chapter XVII: “‘Notes on the Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1971, 1:26-40. Composistions and Their Texts.” On fifteenth-century lyric poetry, see Daniel Poirion, Le Po- For a more detailed discussion of the role of women musiete et le Prince: l’évolution du lyrisme courtois de Guillaume de cians in fifteenth-century Italy, see Howard Mayer Brown, Machaut a Charles d’Orleans (Paris, 1965); Paul Zumthor, Le “Women as Musicians in Fifteenth-Century Italy,” in Women Masque et la lumiere: La poetique des grands rhétoriqueurs (Paris, Making Music, ed. Jane Bowers and Judith Tick (Berkeley and

1978), and the bibliographies of previous studies cited there. Los Angeles: University of California Press, forthcoming). 54

COURTLY POETRY AND POPULAR POETRY

amy (no. 29) seems to bea simple quatrain express-_ _ legal or alchemical imagery.'” And some reflect a

ing a woman’s love, although the textissocorrupt slightly more earthy esprit gaulois, but without that the precise meaning can no longer be deter- abandoning their elegant turns of phrase that remined. The single bergerette (no. 125) expresses veal them as courtly rather than popular poets.’ regret that the lover is absent. Two of the six ron- —_ But few of the poems deal with subjects other than deaux (nos. 52 and 88) are declarations oflovesim- love. The poet bids farewell to Brussels—and esilar to those written by men. In the former, the _ pecially to the women of Brussels—in Adieu, adieu poet writes that she will be loyal and grant her Ia seignorie (no. 114) and a disillusioned courtier friend even more than is due a lady’s servant; ifhe | conjures up an ideal world far from the wiles and returns her love, he will achieve great fame. No. intrigues of court in Cent mille escus (no. 70). But 88, Ung plus que tous c’est mon confort, while offering clichés appear more often than unexpected or strong assurances of the woman poet’s affections, striking imagery. And linguistic tricks, like paralexpresses the secret nature of true love, a theme tel constructions, series of paradoxes and puns,

commonly found in romantic poetry of the late substitute for the vivid expression of emotion.” Middle Ages. Whatever the poet may appear to Rondeaux and courtly bergerettes, with their believe and whomever she publicly supports, she | conventional language and sentiments and their has nevertheless given her true love to one man __ stereotyped techniques and forms, are an appromore than all others. The death of her lover in- priate poetic genre for the courtier and the poetspires the poet of no. 60, Seule a par moy en chambre — aster 1n an age when versifying was a necessary bien paree to thoughts of suicide in one of the most social accomplishment. In short, these chansons moving poems in the collection; and the poet of _ reflect the artificial and waning conventions of no. 129, Je ne me puis vivre a mon ayse,isunhappily courtly love in a highly elaborate and formal involved with the wrong man, since she hates the courtly society.'* The lover’s only goal must be to one she should kiss and loves the one she should serve his lady. Love must be kept secret from the displease. In no. 64, C’est mal sercheé vostre avantage , world. The enemies of love are enumerated in earthe woman poet rejects the advances of amantoo __ lier medieval terms. The only ingredient from the old for such nonsense, a reaction slightly sharp and __ older traditions of courtly love missing from these

coarse for so refined a repertory. archaizing poems is the vision of the ennobling Only one of the rondeaux, no. 202, Mes que se fut 10. No. 43 uses legal imagery and nos. 63 and 100 alchemsecretement , seems to introduce a wholly new tone —_jga] terms. into the collection. It reveals an independence and 11. See, for example, nos. 202 (a woman’s song), 248, 254, a playfulness on the part of women that may signal and 261, the last a macaronic poem with Latin rhyme words.

the beginning of more nearly equal social re- 12. See, for example, the puns in no. 157, the parallel lationships, but probably merely proves the extent constructions in nos. 37 and 51, and the series of parallel ; . , paradoxes in no. 24. Marcel Frangon, Poemes de Transition to which these poems were divorced from social (Cambridge, Mass. and Paris, 1938), pp. 40-58, lists the reality. The poet’s rather coy admission that she principal categories of sentiments expressed in the purely would not refuse aman one or two attemps onher _literary poems. virtue, although she would not tolerate more, not 13. There has been extensive debate in recent years over only implies an acceptance of sexual license on the the nature of medieval “‘courtly love” and several scholars, , 4: led by D. W. Robertson, have even attacked the validity of Part of women quite at odds with the prevailing the term. For a succinct statement of his views, see his essay, double standard, but also reflects a light-hearted “The Concept of Courtly Love as an Impediment to the attitude towards love inimical to the serious, con- Understanding of Medieval Texts,” in The Meaning of Courtly strained, and formal tone of most of the courtly — Love, ed. F. X. Newman (Albany, N. Y., 1968), pp. 1-18.

poetry of the period. The debate is summarized in Roger Boase, The Origin and

, extensive bibliography.

A few of the poems in Florence 229 invoke the Meaning of Courtly Love (Manchester, 1977, who provides an

goddess Fortuna." Some of the poets borrow terms On the principal characteristics of courtly love, as seen by derived from courtly rituals like tournaments, or various writers from the sixteenth century on, see Boase, call up Cupid, the god of love. Some make use of Origin and Meaning, pp. 5-53. John Stevens, Medieval Romance (London, 1973), p. 34, for example, finds four “‘prin-

8. See, for example, nos. 51 and 127. On the tradition of cipal motifs which characterize the experience of romantic secular music inspired by the goddess Fortuna, see also Low- love” in the Middle Ages and also in subsequent times: “‘love

insky, ‘‘Goddess Fortuna,” and Lowinsky, ‘‘Matthaeus derives from sudden illumination; it is essentially private, and

Greiter’s Fortuna .”’ must be kept a secret from the world; it is intensified by 9. See, for example, nos. 8, 37, and 220, all chansons based frustration and difficulty; it lifts the lovers on to a new level

on emblems or devises. No 23 invokes Cupid. of being.”’ 55

CHAPTER IX

. possiblity of love. Apparently love had its own _ they describe a number of different kinds, all folrewards in the fifteenth century—presumably lowing the repetition scheme AB aA ab AB, but physical love and to a lesser degree personal = with refrains of two to six lines, and lines of one to fame—for no others are cited by the poets. At best —_ twelve syllables, they suggest that octo- and decathey can have meant to establish ideal behavior for — syllabic rondeaux quatrains or cinquains, that is, those

amorous courtiers and their ladies, but more with refrains of four or five lines, are the ones norprobably the poems reflect a facet of the play ele- = mally reserved for musical compositions. Molinet ment in a culture that still organized tournaments —__ writes of the rondeau cinquain that “‘ceste maniere and jousts to celebrate weddings, and provided de rondeler sert aux chansons de musique,”’'® and personified allegorical traits and characters from § Baudet Herenc, author of Le Doctrinal de la seconde mythological or ancient times or from exoticlands _ rhétorique, from the first half of the fifteenth cen-

to entertain guests at banquets. The distance be- tury, describes “plusieur rondeaulx doubles et tween the grandiose sentiments of courtly service simples, que l’on fait pour mettre en chant.’’'’ to a lady and social reality can perhaps best be These theoretical statements accurately reflect the judged by contrasting the high-flown rhetoric of — practice of composers, for almost all the rondeaux French chansons with the very down-to-earth — in Florence 229 are in fact quatrains or cinquains, evaluations the Florentine widow Alessandra — with octo- or decasyllabic lines.

Macinghi negli Strozzi gave of her exiled son’s Aside from the handful of texts that survive in

prospective brides. '* corrupt form, only a very few rondeaux in Flor-

A number of fifteenth-century treatises offerin- | ence 229 display exceptional metrical structures. In struction in writing verse by describing all of the — two (nos. 55 and 122), short lines of four syllables

meters, rhymes, and verse forms currently infash- interrupt the lines of normal length. These soion. Jean Molinet, for example, in his L’Art de rhet- _—_ called rondeaux layes were only rarely set to muorique , first published in 1493 by Antoine Vérardin sic, '* and in fact one of them, En attendant la grace de Paris, promised to explain to his readers an im- 16. Langlois, Recueil d’arts , p. 230. Normally the four lines

pressive number of poetic techniques: of refrain in a rondeau quatrain rhyme abba; the five lines of

; - ; Le refrain in a rondeau cinquain rhyme aabba.

lignes doublettes, vers siZains , septains, witains, I have adopted the convention of considering lines with a alexandrins et rime batelee, rime brisice, rime feminine rhyme to have eight or ten syllables even though enchayennée, rime a double queue et forme de there is a final mute -e making lines that actually have nine or complainte amoureuse, rondeaulx simples eleven syllables. On counting the syllables of French poetry, d’une, de deux, de trois, de quatre et de cing sil- see L. E. Kastner, A History of French Versification (Oxford, labes, rondeaux jumeaux et rondeaux doubles, 1903), espcially chap. 2: ‘The Counting of Syllables,” pp.

simples virelais, doubles virelais et respons, fa- 4—38. .

tras simples et fatras doubles, balade com- | 17. Langlois, Recueil d’arts, p. 189. The attitudes of Momune, balade baladant, balade fatrisie, simple linet and Herenc contrast with that of Eustache Deschamps, lay, lay renforchiét, chant royal, serventois who “was the first to write a detailed prose treatise on French

7° ’ 15 ’ ’ versification”’ (Patterson, French Poetic Theory, 1:87). Des-

riqueraque ct baguenaude. champs’s L’Art de dictier (1392), published in his Oeuvres But Molinet and other rhétoriqueurs mention mu- —mpleétes, ed. Gaston Raynaud, vol. 7 (Paris, 1891), pp. ; ; ; ; 266-92, considered poetry “‘musique naturelle’ (as opposed sic only in connection with the rondeau and the to ‘“‘musique artificielle,” or music as we think of it); he

virelai. Indeed, they single out but one kind of therefore did not make clear which poetic forms were most rondeau as suitable for musical setting. Whereas apt for musical setting. 18. No rondeaux layés, for example, are included in Gilles

14. See, for example, Alessandra Macinghi negli Strozzi, Binchois, Chansons, ed. Wolfgang Rehm, Musikalische Lettere di una gentildonna fiorentina del secolo XV ai figliuoli esuli, Denkmialer II (Mainz, 1957); or Guillaume Dufay, Opera

ed. Cesare Guasti (Florence, 1877), pp. 463-68. Omnia, ed. Heinrich Besseler (American Institute of Musi15. Reprinted in Ernest Langlois, Recueil d’arts de second cology, 1964), vol. 6: ““Cantiones’’; and none is listed among rhétorique (Paris, 1902), pp. 214—52. The quotation appears on Busnois’s chansons in Catherine Brooks, “Antoine Busnois, p. 215. On the attribution of this treatise to Molinet, and the Chanson Composer,”’ pp. 124-27, although Je ne fay plus, je possibility that it may actually have been written by Henri de ne dis ne escripts , no. 55 in Florence 229, is attributed to Bus-

Croy, see Langlois, pp. Ivi—Ixviii. nois (as well as to Gilles Mureau). Edward Lerner in his For a survey of treatises on French poetic theory, see also edition of Alexander Agricola, Opera Omnia (American InstiWarner Forrest Patterson, Three Centuries of French Poetic The- tute of Musicology, 1970), vol. 5: ““Cantiones, Musica Instru-

ory. A Critical History of the Chief Arts of Poetry in France mentalis, Opera Dubia,”’ includes no rondeaux layés (he (1328-1630), 2 vols. (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1935), especially gives En attendant only as a rondeau cinquain), and only one vol. 1, part 1, chap. 5: “The Grands Rhétoriqueurs,”’ pp. bergerette layee, A la mignonne de Fortune (no. 127 in Florence

129-75. 229). Another bergerctte by Agricola, Je n’ay duel que de vos 56

COURTLY POETRY AND POPULAR POETRY

ma dame (no. 122), composed by Alexander Agri- Most musicologists have assumed that the music cola, seems to have been revised at some point, of fifteenth-century rondeaux ought to be repeated evidently to bring it up to date. Agricola’s setting according to the scheme AB aA ab AB, even made its earliest appearance with textasarondeau though musical manuscripts normally set at most layé in the Laborde Chansonnier, now in Wash- only the refrain beneath the music and furnish at ington; when it was copied into London20 A XVI, — most only a word or two of the refrain when it it had already been transformed into a more con- _ recurs with the additional stanzas, which were ventional rondeau cinquain, with eight syllablesin | sometimes included in the manuscripts separately

each line. | from the music. But Knud Jeppesen has already

The metric scheme of both rondeauxin Florence pointed out in his introduction to the Copenhagen 229, which consist entirely of lines shorter than Chansonnier that the repetition scheme of the ron-

eight syllables (no. 85 with five and no. 184 with —_deau was devised in the thirteenth century and unsix), reinforces the buoyant, joyous quality of the | derwent drastic transformation in the course of the poets’ declarations of love for their ladies. One of — succeeding centuries.*’ Literary scholars seem to the two, Mon mignault musequin (no. 184), set by __ be convinced that the purely literary rondeaux in Antoine Busnois, is in any case not a simple ron- the later fifteenth century do not repeat the whole

deau setting but a combinative chanson in which _ refrain but only the first few words, the renthe courtly poem sung in the top voice is accom- _trement.*' Jeppesen was emboldened by the flexpanied by a cantus firmus derived from a popular 20. See Jeppesen, Kopenhagener Chansonnier, pp. xliiimonophonic melody and presented in quasicanon __ xliv. in two of the lower voices. Such cantus firmus 21. On the curtailed refrain, see, for example, Kastner, chansons, as we shall see, often posed special prob- History of French Versification , pp. 252—55, and Frangon, Po-

lems and demanded special musical solutions. 19 emes de Transition, pp. 75-76. Christine de Pisan, at the be-

ginning of the fifteenth century, was the first important poet

Amours nous traitte honnestement (no. 117), for exam- to use shortened refrains. A succinct summary of the problem

ple, another cantus-firmus chanson by Busnois, is _ of knowing how long the refrain of a poetic rondeau was the only rondeau in Florence 229 with a refrain __ intended to be appears in Nigel Wilkins, “The Structure of shorter than four lines; the courtly poem sung by Ballades, Rondeaux and Virelais in Froissart and in Christine the top voice has but a two-line refrain. Quite un- de Pisan, French Studies 23 (1969) :337-—48. Wilkins believes, ; ; , however, that literary editors should learn from the musical usually, repeat signs are written into Florence 229 settings that complete refrains are normally necessary. His at the end of m. 11 of the transcription. The two- case is strengthened by the fact that Charles d’Orléans, in the line refrain fits the first eleven measures of the su- fair copy of his works that he prepared for himself, was perius comfortably. When the music repeats, the careful to indicate complete refrains at the ends of the first third and fourth lines of the poem must therefore couplets of those rondeaux he called ‘““chansons”’ (and thus be sung to the same music. Since the first four alines presumablyofWrote for musical setting), although these . chansons” rentrement a single line ends each poem.inIn his of a rondeau follow the repetition scheme AB aA, purely literary rondeaux, on the other hand, Charles apparthe same text is set to different phrases of music. In ently wrote truncated refrains both in the middles and at the

fact, since the remainder of the rondeau fits the rest ends of poems; compare the ‘chansons’ in Charles of the superius, the refrain may have been sung to d’Orleans, Poésies, ed. Champion, 1:204-57 and the ron-

different music each time it recurs. deaux in the same edition, 2:291-544. Howard Garey, in ‘The Fifteenth Century Rondeau as Aleatory Polytext,”’ Le

__ moyen francais 5 (1980):193—236, and ‘‘Music and the Chanviegna (Florence 229, no. 174) has short lines in the couplets sons and Rondeaux of Charles d’Orléans,” Encomia (to be in some sources. A third bergerette with some shorter lines, published) advances the view that the rondeau, although a Ha qu’il m’ennuye (Florence 229, no. 125) ts attributedinsome fixed form, may well have been recited or sung in a variety sources to Agricola, although Lerner, who publishes it as no. of ways: with complete refrain, with truncated retrain, and so 73, supports an attribution to Jean Fresneau. There are two on. lam grateful to Professor Garey for allowing me to read “popular” songs in Florence 229 (nos. 46 and 148) with some _his article before publication. shorter lincs, and one chanson with an unusual structure (no. The only theoretical statement I have been able to find that 75), which may alternate lines of eight and four syllables. On explains the shortened refrain or retitrement appears in the

all these chansons, sec the notes in chapter XVII. anonymous L’Art et Science de rhétorique, published in LanOn the meaning of the word layé, sec Langlois, Recueil glois, Receuil d’arts, pp. 265-426. Langlois dates the treatise

d’arts, p. 449. about 1524 or 1525. On p. 287, the anonymous author ex19. On combinative chansons, sec Maria Rika Maniates, panded on Molinet’s definition of the rondeau double, among ‘“‘Combinative Chansons in the Dijon Chansonnier,” Jourmal other ways by stating that ‘‘des quelz l'un, qui est fait de huyt of the American Musicological Society 23 (1970):238-81; and sillabes, rentre de toute la premiere ligne, et l'autre, qui est de

Maria Rika Maniates, ‘“Combinative Chansons in the Es- dix... sillabes, se rentre seullement par les quatre premieres corial Chansonnicr,”’ Musica Disciplina 29 (1975):61—125. sillabes qui chéent en masculin . .. , et en cing si la cheute 57

CHAPTER IX

ibility of the later rondeau scheme—and by the _ edge, only one musical setting of a rondeau from difficulty of making a smooth transition back to the late fifteenth or early sixteenth century explicthe beginning of a composition froma disguisedor __itly calls for a shortened refrain, and it is a chanson

overlapped medial cadence—to suggest that exceptional in several respects. The unstudied fifteenth-century musicians may on occasion have _ sixteenth-century French chansonnier in the treated rondeaux as simple strophic forms, repeat- University library of Uppsala—Uppsala 76a— ing the entire composition four times by setting contains two chansons by Agricola: his widely disthe first half of the refrain when it recurs in the _ tributed polyphonic arrangement of the Flemish middle of the scheme to the second half ofthe mu- popular melody, In mijnen sin (Florence 229, no.

sic:*” 66), anonymous in Uppsala 76a and supplied with Music AB AB AB AB one of the French poems with which it was someText AB aA ab AB times associated, Le second jour d avril courtoys; and also an otherwise unknown setting of a rondeau by

This scheme still presupposed, of course, acom- _— Pierre d’Anché, seigneur de La Brosse, one of plete statement of the intermediate and final re- _ those aristocratic rhétoriqueurs who seems to have frain; and it can be applied only with difficulty to | been associated with the most interesting literary setting of rondeaux cinquains, in which the two circles of his day. D’Anché’s rondeau, Gardez vous halves of the composition are unequally divided, bien de ce fauveau (example IX.1), called a rondel three lines of text occurring before the medial ca- joyeux d’ung gaudisseur amant —‘‘a joyous rondeau dence and only two after. But the principal objec- — by a boisterous lover’”—in La Chasse et le depart tion to Jeppesen’s proposal was that it necessitated — d’amours,, one of the printed literary anthologies in

underlaying the same text to different phrases of | which it appears, ostensibly warns against a danmusic, which seemed illogical although it is pre- | gerous young horse—by implication, of course, cisely the procedure which apparently is called for the poet’s high-spirited lady or perhaps love in no. 117. Amours nous traitte honnestement suggests _itself—hardly a poem typical of the artificial and

that fifteenth-century musicians did occasionally slightly effete tradition of courtly rondeaux, but set poems in fixed forms to through-composed not without its parallels in Florence 229, and apmusic, and so this objection can be withdrawn, at —_ parently characteristic of this bluff and soldierly least conjecturally. Moreover, such strophic per- _ poetaster.*” formances of rondeaux would have been especially 23. On Pierre d’Anché (or Danche), see Droz and Piaget, apt, as we shall see, in those cases where the Jardin de Plaisance 2:252—54, who list the sources of the text courtly poem in a forme fixe was combined with a for Gardez vous bien (including the autograph manuscript of popular poem in some other form; repeating the _ the poems of Charles d’Orléans, in which d’Anché’s poem music four times would allow both texts to unfold —_ appears at the very end, and thus possibly as a later addition

without destroying the structure of either. apparently signed by the author). The poem is printed in

. , Charles d’Orleans, Poésies , ed. Champion, 2:595. The text in

The truth 1S that we know very little about the example IX.1 follows Champion’s version, except that line 8 precise ways in which chansons were performed mn reads there: ‘““Et combien qu’il foit bon et beau.” In Uppsala the fifteenth century, and it is entirely possible 76a, the poem reads as follows in the superius (labeled ‘‘althat, like some purely literary rondeaux, some tus’’), and with minor orthographical variants in the other

musical settings employed only an abbreviated = voles: rentrement instead of the full refrain. To my knowl- Gardez voz bien de ce fauveau, C’est une dangereuse beste:

vient en feminin.” (‘“‘Of those [rondeaux], one [kind], which Arsoir me donna par la teste consists of eight syllables, repeats its whole first line, and the Tant qu’il me rompit tout le cerveau. other [kind], which consists of ten syllables, repeats only the Il est ferré tout de nouveau first four syllables if the line ending is masculine, and five Et rue comme la tempeste:

syllables if 1t 6 feminine.”) . ; Gardez vous bien de ce fauveau. 22. Some indirect corroboration for strophic per-

formances of rondeaux comes from fifteenth- and sixteenth- Combien qu’il soyt tresbon et beau century Italian laude sung to the melodies of French rondeaux. Doulx au brider, fort doulx et honeste, Whereas two of the laude published in Laude spirituali di Feo Ung chescung je vous admoneste Belcari.. . edi altri (Florence, 1863), pp. 7 and 30, with French Que ne le prenés sans eau: timbres, preserve the rhyme scheme of the rondeau, seven Gardez vous bien de ce fauveau. others—those on pp. 33, 35, 46, 56, 83-84, 103, and 228—are simple strophic poems, with the same pattern of (Note that the version in Uppsala contains one syllable too

rhymes for each strophe. many in ll. 4 and 9, and one too few in I. 11.) (Cont. p. 60) 58

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COMPOSITIONS WITH NON-FRENCH TEXTS OR INCIPITS AND THOSE WITHOUT TEXT

de deul (no. 16), the Et incarnatus, Pleni, and Bene- ment, but one written in a style which the late dictus from Weerbecke’s Missa O Venus bant (nos. __ fifteenth-century musician who assembled the an-

141, 142, and 143), and the Benedictus, Plenisunt thology though appropiate for instrumental percaeli, and Qui tollis from Brumel’s Missa Ut re mi formance. fa sol la (nos. 215, 216, and 217), all appear in Flor- Besides the five Mass movements, two other exence 229 without any sort of identification.°? The cerpts from larger liturgical works, both compresence of these movements along with the Latin posed for four voices, also appear in the mancontrafacta in Florence 229 emphasizes the uni- — uscript. Weerbecke’s Anima mea liquefacta est (no. formity of style in late fifteenth-century music. 155), a Song of Solomon motet, is the fourth of a

With the addition of an appropriate new text, cycle of eight motets comprisng a “‘substitute chansons could serve as sacred music; and those Mass,’’ Missa Ave mundi Domina in Milan 2269, one Mass movements composed without cantus fir- of the manuscripts at Milan Cathedral compiled by mus areindistinguishable from secular pieces when =‘ Franchino Gafori about 1490. Since such cycles are

both are deprived of their words. specifically associated with the Milanese liturgy,” That such compositions, when they were ex- Weerbecke’s was probably composed during the tracted from larger works and placed without their 1470s while he was a member of the ducal chapel words in large manuscript anthologies containing there. And Isaac’s Ad te clamamus (no. 252) is a part chiefly secular music, should have been intended __ of his setting of the Marian antiphon Salve Regina.

for liturgical use seems most unlikely. Indeed, If the isolated Mass movements in Florence 229 even the notion that Alessandro Braccesi and his | were meant to be played on harps, recorders, fidfriends sang the original sacred words when they _ dles, and other sorts of instruments, then perhaps performed these pieces ina thoroughly secular mi- these other two liturgical excerpts as well were lieu does not seem altogether plausible.°* More included in the manuscript for the same reason.

probably, textless two- and three-voiced Mass Certainly Isaac’s quartet is easily transferable to movements, which appear in secular anthologies instruments, and indeed, it has already been pubdetached from complete Mass settings, were in- _ lished in sucha version in the composer’s complete

tended primarily for instrumental performance. secular works. Weerbecke’s motet, on the other Late fifteenth- and sixteenth-century anthologies hand, does not lend itself well to instrumental perof textless music apparently compiled for use by formance for the composer seems to have taken instumentalists invariably include a large number __ great pains to devise music that closely reflects the of such movements, and the first volume of music _ text; the word “‘vocavi’”’ and the phrase “‘nunciate for instrumental ensemble ever to be published, _dilecto meo,”’ for example, are separated from the the Musica duorum of Eustachius de’ Macionibus _ rest of the piece by fermatas and set syllabically in

Romanus, printed in 1521, contans duos writtenin simple chordal style. The composer, in other imitation of this practice of performing liturgical | words, wished to dramatize those sections of text, excerpts on instruments.’ Thus the common us- and performing the motet on instruments and age of the period suggests that the five movements omitting the words altogether would subvert the in Florence 229 that were excerpted from Masses composer’s intention, for the listener could not were included in the manuscript for the con- know why the musical fabric was suddenly intervenience of instrumentalists. Before its source was __ rupted by sections in a contrasting style. Since inknown, Isaac’s Benedictus (no. 10) wasthoughtby dividual sections of motetti missales were performed various scholars to be an instrumental carmina be- separately, Anima mea liquefacta est was probably cause of its style;”° like its four companion piecesin _ included in Florence 229 because its text makes it Florence 229, however, it is in facta Mass move- appropriate for performance in a secular context

a and not because its style suggested instrumental script that are as yet unidentified also come from polyphonic performance. . 53. Perhaps, then, some of the textless pieces in the manu-

settings of movements from the Mass Ordinary. At least one other motet, Virgo dei throno digna . 54. But see chapter XV, n.5 for the possibility that Isaac’s (no. 20), by Johannes Tinctoris, would seem to Benedictus (no. 10) was performed by solo voice and lute in have been included in the manuscript for the same the early sixteenth century. 55. This point is discussed at greater length in the intro- 57. On this practice, see Thomas L. Noblitt, ““The Moretti duction to Eustachio Romano. Musica Duorum, ed. David, missales of the Late Fifteenth Century,” Ph.D. dissertation,

Lowinsky, and Brown, pp. 43-44. University of Texas, 1962; and Noblitt, ‘““The Ambrosian 56. See, for example, Reese, Music in the Renaissance, p. Motetti Missales Repertory,’ Musica Disciplina 22 (1968):

212; and Hewitt, Odhecaton, pp. 74-75. 77-103. Weerbecke was again in Milan from 1489 to 1495. 139

CHAPTER XII

reason. This setting of an invocation to the Virgin cords in 1507, more than a decade after Florence Mary as the protector of musicians stands ina po- 229 was compiled.” sition of honor in the manuscript as the first com- In short, most of the compositions in Florence positon following the opening “contest” between — 229 associated with a Latin text appear there for Isaac and Martini. Like similarly placed song mo- __ one of three reasons. Latin contrafacta were added to

tets in other fifteenth-century chansonniers, it fit- | chansons and other kinds of music in order to en-

tingly introduces the wealth of secular material large the repertoire of sacred compositions, althat follows, especially since its style resembles though in one case the procedure may have been

that of a chanson in every respect. reversed, with a motet later sung to French words. Agricola’s Si dedero (no. 60), one of the most Some excerpts from larger liturgical works, and widely distributed of all late fifteenth-century — especially those movements of Masses that were compositons, may be a third motet included in written for two or three voices without a cantus Florence 229 because of its suitability for secular _ firmus, seemed to fifteenth-century musicians esoccasions. But it, too, isinasense anexcerptfrom _ pecially suitable for instrumental performance and a larger work, for it paraphrases the verse of the —_ were included in secular anthologies for that reashort responsory, In pace, the same chant as that son. And a few genuine motets, especially those used by Josquin as a cantus firmus in Que vous ma- __ written in the style of chansons on texts appropridame | In pace (no. 44). Some scholars have sug- _ate for secular use, found their way into the large gested, on stylistic grounds alone, thatit may have — miscellaneous chansonniers of the time. been thought especially suitable for instrumental performance, a fact that might explain its wide dis- COMPOSITIONS PRESERVED WITHOUT TEXT

semination in secular manuscripts.” AND INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC

Two other compositions in the manuscript seem After all of the compositions in Florence 229 to be associated with Latin texts. Jacobus Barle’s with French, Latin, German, Spanish, Italian, and

Moyses (no. 132) has already been mentioned Flemish texts, incipits, or titles have been acbriefly. The second, Nec mihi nec tibi (no. 267), is | counted for, as well as those textless pieces that preserved without any identification in Florence seem to have been conceived as settings of some 229 and with the incipit Helas in Perugia 431. The identifiable text or type of text, there still remain a various sources that include it attribute it either to | number of compositions probably conceived as inObrecht or to Virgilius, and some omit the third — strumental carmina and some that elude neat classivoice, the contratenor. The text, from I Kings _ fication. In addition to the textless compositions 3:26, consists of the sentence spoken by the false by Martini, Isaac, and Rubinet already discussed— mother in the story of the judgment of Solomon: — many of them probably instrumental by original “Let it be neither mine nor thine, but divide it.’’ | intention—fifteen compositions of uncertain charThis sentence is too short to be underlaid tothe 100 — acter are included in Florence 229, eight of them measures of music. Perhaps the incipit refers sim- — (nos. 239—46) grouped together toward the end of ply to the musical process: the principal thematic — the manuscript.°’ One of them (no. 210) is attrib-

material, consisting largely of sequences, is not uted to Obrecht, and another, although anonygiven chiefly to the superius or to the tenor, butis |= mous, is identified as Tarsis (no. 82), but the divided imitatively more or less equally between remaining thirteen are supplied neither with text the two. Or perhaps, as Atlas plausibly suggests, | incipits nor with composers’ names. None of them the Latin tag explains that both composers had __fits the formal scheme of settings of rondeaux or a hand in the composition of the piece; perhaps __ virelais, and none seems to be a polyphonic arObrecht wrote two of the voices and the minor rangement of a popular monophonic melody. Florentine composer, Ser Virgilius, added the con- Only one composition in this group employs an tratenor.”’ The presence of Nec mihi nec tibiin Flor- — obvious cantus prius factus, that by Obrecht (no. ence 229 may indicate that Virgilius was in Flor- _—- 210), the top voice of which states a theme entirely

ence long before any known documents record his . oD 60. D’Accone, “Documentary History, pp. 256-57.

presence there. He first turns up in the city’s re- 61. Nos. 73, 82. (Tarsis), 124, 175, 210. (by Obrecht), 229, 231, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, and 58. See Hewitt, Odhecaton, p. 60; and Picker, Chanson 246. Sce chapter XIn.51 for the suggestion that six of these—

Albums, p. 94. nos. 124, 231, 239, 240, 241, and 244—might conceivably 59. See Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:131-33. have been intended as settings of rondeaux. 140

COMPOSITIONS WITH NON-FRENCH TEXTS OR INCIPITS AND THOSE WITHOUT TEXT

in long notes. This presumably borrowed melody — of two-voiced counterpoint; the top voice of no. more closely resembles a basse-dance tenor than a 215, for example, rests so much of the time that it plainchant or a popular tune.” Fifteenth-century could scarcely accommodate the full text of a roncomposers presented such tenors in rhythmically | deau refrain. Some, like no. 240, contain too many undifferentiated long notes when they used them phrases for rondeaux quatrains or cinquains, and as cantus firmi, but they normally placed them in the rondeau sixain was seldom set to music. Those an inner voice and not in the superius, and in any _ that comprise the proper number of phrases do not case the melody does not appear in any ofthe dance have the correct proportions for rondeaux. The treatises of the time. That Obrecht intended this _ first half of a rondeau refrain could be fitted to the setting of an unknown cantus prius factus for instru- _ first forty measures of no. 245, for example, a secments is suggested by its style. The short, concise, _ tion that does in fact end with a signum congruentiae ;

syncopated motives which are tossed back and but only one phrase follows the sign, not enough forth between the lower two voices are seldom music for the remainder of a refrain. And just as formed into longer melodic lines; rather, they are none of these compostions can be adapted to a rontransposed, placed in sequences, or merely stated _deau, none includes the separate second section of by each voice in turn while the other rests, tech- | music characteristic of the virelai or bergerette. niques more suited to an instrumental fantasia than Some of these compostions may well have set to a sung performance of a lyric poem. A second Latin texts. They could be song motets or even composition that may have been intended for in- | Mass movements or other excerpts from longer struments is no. 175, notated for two voices but sacred works. And some might have been conwith indications that the tenor is to be derived ceived with text, for instrumental performance. canonically from the bassus, andthe superius from But only the discovery of further concordances the altus. The double canon that results resembles —_ will reveal their true character. Josquin’s Recordans de my signora®’ not only in its The possibility that some of these unidentified

melodic material, but also because its opening compositions might have been written originally themes return at the end to create an ABA form. for instruments raises once again the question of Special features, like cantus firmi, canons, and _ the distinguishing attributes of instrumental music repeated material which helped ustodeterminethe between 1460 and 1490. We have already seen that original character of nos. 175 and 210, are entirely —_ fifteenth-century musicians seemed to think that absent from the remaining thirteen compositions certain kinds of vocal music were especially adapt-

in this group. They are all composed in typical able to instruments. And we have noted the imlater fifteenth-century style, with a superius-tenor possibility of establishing fixed criteria for structural framework and a less smoothly melodic separating instrumental from vocal music; the contratenor. All of the voices arenewly devised, or | composers themselves were just beginning to at least none differs from its fellows so much that make such distinctions and they doubtless did not it can be singled out as a cantus prius factus. Insome — yet think in terms of two mutually exclusive of the pieces the voices are more closely integrated — styles. Nevertheless, a summary of the kinds of with one another by means of imitation than in music found in Florence 299 most likely intended others. Andin some the top voice dominates more _ for instruments may be useful in clarifying our nocompletely than in others. In short, one would be _ tions about the role of instruments in the fifteenth tempted to say that these fifteen compositions all — century.** And, if the manuscript in fact contains a reveal the characteristic traits of the Burgundian __ representative sampling of the music of its time, chanson if we had not already seen that the style of — this review of our previous conclusions will at the all genres of the time was remarkably uniform. In — same time offer a brief survey of the principal sorts any case, none of these pieces seems to be a ron- _ of late fifteenth-century instrumental music.

deau setting. Some, like no. 82, are too short; and Those few pieces in Florence 229 that use as others, like no. 229, are too long. Some have a __ structural voice a vocally conceived melody from texture that is very fragmentary with a great deal a chanson and set against it one or more melodic 62. Compare Obrecht’s supcrius, for example, with the lines filled with fast-running passages, fragmen-

tenors listed in Crane, Materials for the Study of the Fifteenth .

Century Basse Dance. 64. On fifteenth-century instrumental music, see also 63. Josquin des Prez, Werken: Wereldlijke Werken, vol. 4, Kimper Musica strumentale (an Italian translation of Studien

pp. 9-10. zur instrumentalen Ensemblemusik ). 141

CHAPTER XII

. tary motives, and so on, comprise the group of | might not be recognized as instrumental carmina if pieces most certainly conceived for instruments. _ their titles were missing, for they do not differ De Planquard’s arrangement of De tous biens plaine | enough from vocal pieces to enable the listener to (no. 178) and both Isaac’s and Martini’s versions of distinguish the one kind from the other on stylistic J’ay pris amours (no. 8 and 179), for example, can _— grounds alone. scarcely have been intended as anything but instru- A third category of instrumental music in Flormental fantasias on well-known chansons. By — ence 229 comprises the examples of vocal music,

analogy, then, some of the pieces with Italian and especially Mass movements and excerpts from texts, especially those based on formulaic cantus larger sacred works, that seem to have been infirmi taken from strambotti, like Nenciogga mia (no. — cluded in the manuscript because their style made 103), Fortuna d’un gran tempo (no. 151), and La tor- — themespecially suitable for performance by instrutorella (no. 173), may also have been conceived as_ _—— ments. These pieces share stylistic traits with those elaborated arrangements ona given melody rather in the second category, save that the latter were in

than as straightforward settings of a text. the first place composed with texts in mind. Thus A second category of instrumental music in _ the conclusion that they were particularly apt for Florence 229 comprises those pieces, notably the instruments must be made on the grounds of comgroup called Martinella (nos. 13, 45, 137, 192, and mon usage—similar vocal pieces appear in col203) and Isaac’s La morra (no. 12), that are identi- lections prepared for instrumentalists—rather fied by a title rather than the first line of a text. It than for purely musical reasons.

may well be that these are the first “‘character The fourth and final category of instrumental pieces” ever composed, written tohonorindividu- = music in Florence 229 includes those few pieces als, if in fact the title Martinella refers to Johannes without any textual identification whose style Martini and La morra to Ludovico il Moro. While makes them seem more appropriate for instruthis group of compositions shares certain stylistic | ments than voices. French lyric poems or other traits with the first group, especially a predilection sorts of texts could only be set to these pieces with for constructive devices like sequence and clearly _ the greatest difficulty. Reasons have already been

defined motivic structures, these carmina differ given for including in this group four comfrom the others in being freely composed, appar- _ positions by Isaac (nos. 18, 140, 230, and 253) and

ently entirely without borrowed material. It one (no. 139) by Martini. But clearly the criteria should be pointed out, too, thateventhoughthese _ for establishing this category must be applied with textless pieces can be seen with hindsight to be special care, and conclusions, never certain, must self-sufficient abstract musical compositions, they | be advanced gingerly and with due reservations.

142

Part Three: ANALYTICAL AND EDITORIAL PROBLEMS

XI Related Sources and Variant Readings

MM“ than a hundred fifteenth- and six- Completely absent from table XIII.1 are those teenth-century manuscripts and over ‘‘central’’ Burgundian or northern French manu-

thirty early printed books contain music related to — scripts—Copenhagen 291, Dijon 517, Washington that in Florence 229. Many of these sources share Laborde, Wolfenbiittel 287, and so on—that pre-

only a handful of compositions with Braccesi’s an- sumably contain the mainstream of fifteenththology. But a few sources include a substantial century chansons played and sung in French and number of concordances. This latter group forms Burgundian courtly circles. Missing, too, from a loosely knit family of related anthologies, pre- | among the principal concordant sources are those serving a more or less unified repertoire of music. | chansonniers prepared in various French-speaking

Table XIII.1 lists the sixteen sources that have courts: Brussels 11239, copied in Savoy; the later more than a dozen pieces in common with Flor- and Burgundian Brussels 228; Paris 1597, which

ence 229.’ was assembled for one of the dukes of Lorraine; and the various manuscripts emanating from the TABLE XIII.1 SOURCES WITH MORE THAN A DOZEN circles around the French royal court, such as

_____CONCORDANCES WITH FLORENCE 229° Cambridge 1760, London Harley 5242, and Paris

NUMBER OF 2245—all of which reveal the repertoire of secular

52 Rome 2856 we ;

CONCORDANCES SIGLUM OR SHORT TITLE OF SOURCE music in favor north of the Alps. Only one manu-

53 Vatican C. G. XII, 27 script in table XIII.1, London 20 A XVI, belongs

49 Florence 178 to the French tradition, and it shares with Florence 45 Sevile 5-I-43 229 mostly chansons by Alexander Agricola, who

40 Paris 15123 lived in Florence for an extended period, and 7 34 Petrucci 1501 Odhecaton whose works, like those by Busnois, are in any

JS Segovia case to be found both in northern European and 30 Verona DCCLVII Italian sources, so great, apparent] their in-

24 Bologna Q 16 » SO gtcat, apparently, was their in 4 Bologna Q 17 _ ternational reputation. Indeed, that segment of the 21 Florence 2794

20 Copenhagen 1848 disseminated in Italy. Berlin 40021, a German manuscript, 18 Glogauer shares ten compositions with Florence 229 (on the re17 Bologna Q 18 lationship between the two sources, see Just, Mensuralkodex [5 London 20 A XVI Mus. ms. 40021, pp. 125-28, who, however, mentions only

4 Petrucci 1504° Canti C six of the ten concordances). Capetown Grey, an Italian and

possibly a Florentine manuscript, includes eleven concordances with Florence 229, as do Egenolff[c. 1535]'* Lieder and

1. On the origins of these and the other manuscripts dis- Formschneider 1538” Trium vocum carmina , two late antholocussed in the following paragraphs, see chapter XVI: “‘List of gies printed in Germany. And Florence 27, an Italian manu-

Sources with Sigla or Short Titles.”’ script closely related to Capetown Grey, and also WashAdding manuscripts with ten to twelve concordances ington Laborde, one of the ‘central’? Burgundian chanwould expand table XIII.1 by six sources, obscuring the ex- sonniers, both include twelve concordances with Florence tent to which Florence 229 contains the repertory of chansons 229. 143

CHAPTER XIII

secular repertoire which Florence 229 has in com- We have already seen that Rome 2856, prepared mon with the northern manuscripts consists inthe in Ferrara for Isabella d’Este, may have had close main of chansons that became international favor- _ historical ties with Florence 229, and that some of

. ites and thus appear in manuscripts from every _ the pieces in the Glogauer Liederbuch, compiled in country of western Europe. Hayne van Ghizeg- | Germany about 1480, may have been brought to hem’s Ales Regret (no. 225), for example, is pre- | Florence by the composer Rubinet. Some of the served in twenty-five sources, French, Italian, | other manuscripts in table XIII.1 are less closely German, and English. Thus it would appear that __ related to Florence 229, but they nevertheless form the secular music by some composers—Hayne, a part of the same family of manuscripts. Seville

Agricola, and Busnois, for example—was per- 5-I-43, Verona DCCLVII, Bologna Q 16, and formed everywhere in Europe, whereas other Bologna Q 18 were all written in Italy, and Flormusicians—important ones like Martinias wellas ence 2794, although it seems to have been comlesser ones like Caron and Japart—enjoyed some- __ piled originally in France, or at least by a French

what more local reputations; their chansons are scribe, has many additions in an Italian hand, so found almost exclusively in manuscripts written in that it, too, must have found its way south—

Italy. probably to Florence—fairly early in its history.

Florence 229, together with most of the other And, finally, all of these manuscripts share their sources listed in table XIII.1, preserves this second repertoire with two of the three great anthologies great corpus of chansons, those composed, or at published by Ottaviano Petruca, the Odhecaton least performed and appreciated, in fifteenth- and CantiC (Canti B contains a slightly more modcentury Italy. The majority of the sources listedin ern repertoire which showed the way for future table XIII.1, were produced south of the Alps, and developments). Petrucci’s volumes are both a be-

while their contents overlap with those of the ginning and an end. They open the long and disnorthern manuscripts, they do seem to contain a __ tinguished history of music printing, but they are distinctly different repertoire. The six sources among the last of the great chansonniers, the series with the most concordances are certainly Italianin of miscellanies that includes Florence 229, which origin, and indeed, three of the six are specifically | brought together for Italian audiences an interFlorentine, like Florence 229. Vatican C. G. XIII, national selection of all that was considered best in 27 was probably compiled for Giuliano de’ Medici, the secular music of the time.”

duke of Nemours, between about 1492 and 1494;° Allan Atlas has recently investigated the reand we have seen that Paris 15123 was probably lationships among Italian chansonniers of the fifilluminated in the same Florentine workshop, run _ teenth and early sixteenth centuries by studying by Gherardo and Monte di Giovanni, that deco- _the variant readings for the same compositions rated Florence 229. Florence 178, too, must have given in the various manuscripts. Working on the been written in the same city about the same time, hypothesis that one manuscript is more or less even though the evidence in favor of that sug- _ closely related to another “‘as its ratio of significant gestion is entirely circumstantial.” An altogether agreements to significant disagreements is larger simpler manuscript than the other three—it has or smaller,”’® he has determined that individual

neither miniatures nor other marks that could compositions copied into several sources at about identify its original owner—Florence 178 never- the same time and in the same city tend to contain theless preserves largely the same repertoire, andit strikingly fewer variants than compositions copied closes with Pietrequin’s farewell to his adopted into sources compiled at different times and places. city, Adieu Florens la yolye (no. 146 in Florence — Evidently scribes and editors in each place had ac-

229). cess to closely related exemplars. Atlas has used his 2. See Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:23-—32. A second chan- technique to clarify the date and provenance of a sonnier owned by Giuliano de’ Medici, Cortona 95-96 and number of Italian chansonniers not hitherto so Paris 1817, apparently dates from the second decade of the closely identified. He has argued persuasively, for sixteenth century, and does not include many concordances 4. The only manuscripts listed in table XIII.1 that seem

with Florence 229. neither to be Italian nor to be directly related to Florence 229 3. There is no reason to suppose that Florence 178 be- in some way are Copenhagen 1848, apparently from Lyons, longed originally to the Medici family, as suggested in Ost- and Segovia, which is Spanish. hoff, Josquin Desprez 2:160. On Florence 178, see also Atlas, 5. Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:48. His method of relating

Cappella Giulia 1:247. sources to one another is set out there, pp. 39-48. His concluBologna Q 17 scems also to have been compiled in Florence sions about particular manuscripts are summarized on pp.

in the 1490s; sce Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:236-37. 233-58. 144

RELATED SOURCES AND VARIANT READINGS

example, that Bologna Q 16 and Seville 5-I-43 doubtless needs to be employed in the preparation were both compiled in southern Italy, and proba- _— of editions of the complete works of particular bly in Naples, because of their close relationships | composers. Since the principal aim of the Monuto each other and to a group of anthologies known ments of Renaissance Music, however, is to offer to have been prepared either in Spain (such as Se- _ special readings of individual sources—and thus in govia) or in Naples or its vicinity (such as Mon- _—_ some sense to counteract deficienceis and subjectecassino 871 N and New Haven Mellon). Andhe __ tive interpretations apparently inherent in the sort has been able to demonstrate the contribution Ne- —_ of conflated versions that inevitably appear in ediapolitan musicians made to Florentine sources, es- tions of complete works—stemmatic recension pecially those compiled in the 1470s and early seems not to have a place in preparing the music 1480s. Atlas has pointed out, too, that the variant published in this series. In any case, in an edition readings in Bologna Q 18, Rome 2856, and Verona _ containing 268 individual pieces, there can scarcely DCCLVII all resemble one another more closely | be room in the introduction for extended disthan they do those in the Florentine manuscripts. cussion of the relationship of the principal sources Evidently, all three anthologies were compiled in for each composition. On the other hand, this edinorthern Italy, and they are related to the sources _ tion does provide material for a closer study of the Ottaviano Petrucci drew upon when he prepared _ transmission of the music, offering the readings of

his printed anthologies in the early years of the a single important source and providing a com-

sixteenth century. pilation, in footnotes, of the principal variants Atlas’s method of grouping manuscripts into from the other sources, in accordance with the polfamilies on the basis of variant readings has not _icies and guidelines of earlier volumes in the

only refined our knowledge of the date and prove- _ series.’

nance of a number of sources, but also opened the Since the Monuments of Renaissance Music way to more detailed studies of variants by such presents a single source—and claims to elucidate means as stemmatic recension—a technique long thereby the special qualities of particular readknown by literary scholars but which has hardly ings—it has not been thought necessary to list yet begun to be adopted by musicologists—in an every variant in a special critical commentary. Ineffort to know more precisely the stages through stead, the musically most important variants are which individual compositions passed between indicated in footnotes in an effort to clarify the their original conception and their appearance ina _ nature of the readings in Florence 229 and, by exprinted or manuscript source, sometimes years af- —_ tension, its relationship to the other manuscripts. ter they were written. ° Stemmatic recension, however, was devised and is best suited to reveal the 7. See especially Lowinsky, Medici Codex, Monuments of original version of a work, or a version as close tO Commentary,” pp. 87-88.

a . . Renaissance Music, vol. 3: “‘Historical Introduction and

the original as we can come after several centuries. Ido not mean to suggest either that editing from one source In musical studies therefore, it is a technique that is better than editing from many, or even that one sort is more desirably “objective” than the other. In my opinion, both 6. The standard exposition of stemmatics in classical phi- kinds of editions are necessary and desirable. Clearly, the lology is Paul Maas, Textual Criticism , translated by Barbara “special readings” of a single manuscript may include patent Flower (Oxford, 1958). See also Martin L. West, Textual errors and willfull changes introduced by a scribe, as well as Criticism and Editorial Technique applicable to Greek and Latin better readings and corrections of previous errors. Moreover,

texts (Stuttgart, 1973). the editor of a single source transfers his primary allegiance, On the application of stemmatics to music, see Franz as it were, from the composer to the scribe. On the other

Krautwurst, ‘““Grundsatzliches zu einer Filiation geistlicher hand, the readings of a single source are more ‘‘objective’’ in Musikhandschriften der Reformationszeit,’’ Kongress-Bericht that they do show the form in which the music was actually Koln 1958 (Cassel, 1959), pp. 166-69; Heinrich Isaac, Mes- disseminated about the time it was written, as opposed to a sen, ed. Herbert Birtner and Martin Staehelin, Musikalische conflated version that may never have actually existed, no Denkmaler 7 (Mainz, 1970); Just, Mensuralkodex Mus. ms. matter how perceptive the editor’s reconstruction of a partly 40021; Lothar Hoffmann-Erbrecht, ‘“‘Problems in the inter- hypothetical original. Moreover both sorts of editing obvidependence of Josquin Sources,” in Josquin des Prez, ed. Low- ously require trained editorial judgment and a degree of subinsky and Blackburn, pp. 285-93; and the works cited in _jective interpretation. The goal of absolute objectivity seems Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:41. Margaret Bent, ““Some Criteria to me a chimera; I certainly do not mean to condemn confor Establishing Relationships Between Sources of Late- flated editions because they are subject to the interpretation of medieval Polyphony,” in Music in Medieval and Early Modern an individual editor, but I do mean to counteract the impres-

Europe, ed. Jain Fenlon (Cambridge, 1981), pp. 295-318, sion often given that stemmatic recension, as a ‘“‘scientific presents useful general guidelines for applying principles of tool,” will entirely eliminate subjectivity from the editorial

stemmatic recension to music of an earlier period. process. 145

CHAPTER XIII

Therefore variants that do not significantly alter | some other musician, the intervention of a later

) the reading in Florence 229 are omitted. Differ- | hand was not an uncommon phenomenon at the ences in ligatures and the presence or absence of — time. This editorial process—whether practiced minor color, varied cadential formulas, single notes by the composer or someone else—should be broken up into smaller values on the same pitch, or —_ viewed as operating along a continuum from the

short notes combined into larger values, intervals | most casual changes made by a scribe unintenfilled in by stepwise motion in one source but not tionally —for his orthographic convenience, or to in others, poorer readings, wrong notes and other _—make the details of the composition he was copy-

mistakes in the concordant sources, and acci- ing correspond to his own idiosyncratic view of dentals absent from the other sources but present — such compositional clichés as cadential formulas— in Florence 229 are left unrecorded in the foot- __ to the extensive recomposition of a piece by some notes, save in a few exceptional instances where — other composer, such as Heinrich Isaac’s fundathe editor’s interpretation of the music is affected mental revision of Caron’s Helas que poura devenir by some detail in another source. While the place- | (compare nos. 6 and 206 in this edition). Even ment of ligatures and the breaking up of long and _— though a scribe who made but a single small the consolidation of short notes do, it is true, affect change from the exemplar he used can be said to the way 1n which the text was sung, I have felt that have made an editorial decision, it is nevertheless the detailed comparison of the versions in Florence possible to distinguish between minor scribal al229 with those in other sources should properly be __terations and the more extensive and radical re-

treated as a separate study. visions made either by the composer after his Thus only the most important musical variants _ original version had already been circulated or by

appear in the footnotes at the bottom of the pages some other musician who presumably wished of the edition. All deviations from the readings _ either to ‘‘improve’’ the reading he found or to given in Florence 229 are listed. Mistakes in the adapt it to some local set of conditions. manuscript are corrected in the main text and the The footnotes in this edition clearly reveal the original reading given in a footnote. Musically su- _ latter type of activity: the active intervention by perior readings from other sources, andany exten- scribes and editors into the dissemination of the sive alterations to the pitches as given in Florence | composer’s original musical ideas. Thus the scribe 229, as well as additional accidentals inserted into of Verona DCCLVII or someone close to him the concordant sources, are all indicated in the | changed two passages in Isaac’s La morra (see no. notes. I have also noted variants found in a large 12, notes 3 and 4), presumably because he saw that number of sources in order to highlight the charac- a sequence could begin in the first passage a few ter of Florence 229 and facilitate its evalutation asa —_— notes earlier than the composer had intended, and

source for particular compositions or for the in the second passage because he saw that the seworks of particular composers. In view ofthe large |= quence could be continued for several notes more. number of compositions in the manuscript, ex- _—_ But the scribe’s emendation was not taken up by

plicit and extended commentary on individual any other musicians, and so it remains an isolated

variants has been kept to a bare minimum. variant in a single manuscript. The two emenIn spite of the undeniable disadvantage of not — dations to Isaac’s Benedictus (no. 10) indicated in the

listing, controlling and evaluating every single — edition in nn. 2 and 9, on the other hand, were variant reading—an ideal, it should be noted, taken up, after they were first made by some now which is in practice more followed in the breach unknown scribe or editor, in a group of manuthan the observance—the policy of the Monu- _ scripts, all of them compiled in Germanic or cenments of Renaissance Music has several clear ad- tral European countries, whose scribes evidently vantages. First and foremost, the reader’s attention | worked from a closely related set of exemplars. is called to those variants that most drastically af- The variants in Agricola’s J’ai beau huer (no. 21) fect the musical text; they are not lost in asea of | present a much more complicated situtation. The

relatively unimportant details. Moreover, the footnotes to the edition contain the most imtechnique of listing only the more important vari- portant information for determining the reants reveals clearly the kinds of editorial revision lationship of the manuscripts preserving the late fifteenth-century music underwent in the — chanson to one another, and hence the clues to years following its composition. Althoughitissel- | discovering how many editorial hands intervened. dom if ever possible to determine whetheracom- ‘The absence of significant variant readings in Sepostion was revised by its composer or edited by _— govia suggests that its scribe worked from an ex146

RELATED SOURCES AND VARIANT READINGS

emplar close to that used by the scribe of Florence same thing in a different way, Bologna Q 16 pre229. The various manuscripts and printed books __ serves the nonsyncopated reading of the superius containing J’ai beau huer offer differing versions of | inmm. 14-17 and for that reason should probably the medial cadence (elucidated in n.3 of the edi- —_ be grouped with Florence 2794, even though the tion) and of the superius in mm. 14-17 (elucidated scribe of Bologna Q 16 preserved a version of the in n.2 of the edition). Note 3 clearly reveals that | medial cadence found only in one other manuthere were three different versions of the medial script, Florence 178, and his version of the superius

cadence in circulation: that in Florence 229 and in mm. 38—50 (set out in n.5 of the edition) is Segovia, that in Florence 2794, TurinI.27, Verona _ slightly different from that in all the other sources.

DCCLVII, Zwickau 78, 3 and Petruca 1501 Od- The reading of Florence 178 resembles that in hecaton, and that in Bologna Q 16 and Florence Bologna Q 16 at the medial cadence, but its scribe 178. Note 2 shows that the reading of the superius —_ followed Florence 229 in presenting a syncopated

in mm. 14—17 divides the manuscripts into two _ version of the superius in mm. 14—17; and the principal groups, depending on whether the me- __ scribe of Turin I. 27 copied down the syncopated lodic line is syncopated or not, with Florence 178, — superius as in Florence 229, but the medial cadence

Segovia, and Turin I. 27 presenting the version of as it appears in Florence 2794. The situation outFlorence 229, and the remaining sources offering a _ lined above, and given in the footnotes to the edi-

version without syncopation. tion, can be represented graphically by either of Since the groupings of manuscripts are slightly | the two stemmata in figures XIII.1 and XIII.2.” different for the two principal variants, the dis- | Such stemmata reveal the difficulties of establishsemination of versions of J’ai beau huer cannothave ing relationships among manuscripts compiled

been altogether straightforward. Clearly the at roughly the same time within a relatively

scribes of Florence 229 and Segovia used the same _

or closely related exemplars to make their copies, | 9. The two stemmata have been constructed by first mak, ing simplified graphs based on the possible combinations of and the scribes of Florence 2749 and Verona sources preserving the principal variants, and then expanding DCCLVII and the printer of the Odhecaton all had them. The sources preserving the three principal variants of access to a slightly different reading of the same the medial cadence may be labeled A (Florence 229 and Sepiece, disseminated in a second set of closely re- —_ govia), B (Florence 2794, Turin I. 27, Verona DCCLVII, lated exemplars. What the footnotes to the edition Zwickau 78, 3, and the Odhecaton ), and C (Bologna Q 16 and

; oo. ; ; Florence sources preserving the two 78, principal do not reveal is that178). theThe version in Zwickau 3 isvari./ ants of the superius, mm. 14-17, may be labeled X (Florence

so close to that in the Odhecaton that the manuscript 178, Florence 229, Segovia, and Turin I. 27) and Y (Bologna must have been copied from the printed volume. —_Q 16, Florence 2794, Verona DCCLVII, Zwickau 78, 3, and

But the footnotes do show that the scribes of — the Odhecaton). Possible combinations of these constellations Bologna Q 16, Florence 178 and Turin I. 27 either are then AX (Florence 229 and Segovia), BX (Turin I. 27), CX

borrowed d ] ts f tsome of exem(Florence 178), 2794, Verona DCCLVII, elements from one setBY ofZwickau e(Florence 78, 3, and the Odhecaton), and CY (Bologna Q 16).

plars and some from the other set, or else they had Simplified graphs can then show their relationship to one access to yet different exemplars that combined another in a logical manner:

readings from both versions. That is, the three eo

sources display ‘‘contamination.”* To say the 1. AX CY BY 8. On the concept of contamination, see Maas, Textial CN Criticism, pp. 3 and 7-9, and West, Textual Criticism, pp. Vo

12-13 and 35-37. BN

On contamination in musical sources, see also Bent, “Some Criteria,’” who makes the point that in musical or sources, apparent contamination may often have come about

through the superimposition of a variant or correction from 2, AX CX BX

another source upon a version originally copied from a single | |

source. She also correctly stresses the fact that the relationship CY ——— BY of one source to another totally dependent on it should never be taken for granted. In principle, at least, it is possible that | These simplified graphs were then expanded, the first to make the Odhecaton was based on the same ecarlier exemplar to figure XIII.1, the second to make figure XIII.2. It will be seen which the scribe of Zwickau 78, 3 might have had access— that the second is simpler and more elegant in showing only

and therefore their places in both stemmata should be — one case of contamination and in ranking the sources more reversed—although in this case that hypothesis is not only clearly in hierarchical fashion. I am grateful to Jeffrey Dean for highly unlikely but also irrelevant for the establishment of — discussing these stemmata with me and for proposing figure

any readings. XIII.2. 147

CHAPTER XIII

oe FIGURE XHI.1 STEMMA I FOR J'AI BEAU HUER (NO. 21) BY ALEXANDER AGRICOLA A

a eo>*N E Bologna Q 16 F Segovia Florence 229 Florence 178 Florence Verona Odhecaton 2794 DCCLVII

_ ‘Turin I. 27 Zwickau 78, 3 FIGURE XIII.2 STEMMA II FOR J’AI BEAU HUER (NO. 21) BY ALEXANDER AGRICOLA A

Segovia Florence 229 E ao D Florence 178 Turin I. 27 F

) Bologna Q 16 Florence Verona2794Odhecaton DCCLVII

— Zwickau 78, 3

small area, and where contamination is so prev- _ clear that two principal versions circulated, that

alent. Nevertheless, similar stemmata could be some readings borrow from both, and that the constructed for almost all the chansons in Florence variant found in the superius at the end of the chan-

229 preserved in more than two or three sources, son in Bologna Q 16 alone is apt to be a late reand could serve as an aid in preparing editions ar- vision and not a version sanctioned by the guably closer to the composer’s original concep- composer. In sum, while arguments based on a tion than those made without a closely reasoned comparison and evaluation of the variant readings evaluation of the variant readings. To be sure, edi- are doubtless valuable and necessary in detertors basing their work on such stemmata willhave mining ultimately the version of any composition to rely on information extraneous to the graphs —_ presumably closest to the composer’s conception, about the date and provenance ofeach manuscript. | such arguemnts are inevitably speculative and subIn the case of J’ai beau huer, forexample,itcouldbe ject to varying interpretations. There is therefore a argued that Florence 2794, a manuscript begun by __ need for editions offering the readings of individa French scribe, possibly in the 1480s, may pre- _—_ ual sources, which are indubitably historically serve the version closest to that conceived by Agri- = “‘correct,”’ even if they do not invariably offer the cola, who was working in northern Europe at the _— “‘best possible’ version of every composition, or time, even though it appears toward the bottom of — even a version close to that conceived by the comfigure XIII.2. Or it could be argued that Florence poser. And, moreover, they can serve as important 229, copied in Florence at about the same time that — sources of information in the continuing atttempt Agricola worked there, preserves the version he to understand as precisely as we can the intentions thought of as final. In any case, the stemmata make __ of fifteenth-century composers. 148

RELATED SOURCES AND VARIANT READINGS

The footnotes to this edition not only give those | competing versions of Busnois’s Ung plus que tous editorial emendations either restricted to a single (no. 52), found as a rondeau quatrain in New Hascribe or editor or toa group of related scribes, and ven Mellon, and in a revised, longer version in those emendations that lead to more complicated Florence 229, Paris 15123, and Seville 5-I-43, and questions of contamination and competing ver- so on. And finally, this edition includes some insions, they also reveal the more active intervention — stances of one composer reworking completely the

of those editors who seem to have been intent to composition of another composer, such as Isaac’s improve the composer’s original version. Thus radical recomposition of Caron’s Helas, que pourra Florence 229 offers the most widely disseminated _devenir mon cueur (nos. 6 and 206); the various arversion of Martini’s Malheur me bat (no. 11), but rangements of Martini’s Martinella (nos. 13, 45, notes 2 and 9 in the edition show the major re- 137, 192, and 203); the widely divergent versions visions made by the scribe of Vatican C. G. XIII, — of Petrus Congiet’s Madame helas (no. 120), with a 27. Similarly, footnotes enable the readerto recon- radically different contratenor in Paris 15123; and struct the three versions of Martini’s La Martinella the anonymous “‘parody”’ of Busnois’s On a grant (no. 13) found in the various sources; the shorter mal par trop amer , which appears as On est bien malversion of Martini’s Des biens d’amours (no. 19) ade par amer trop in Florence 229 (no. 183, with found in Capetown Grey and Florence 27; the — Busnois’s setting given as no. 183a).

149

XIV Modes and Conflicting Signatures

he compositions in Florence 229 give every — with a7-—6 suspension in the top voice) expands to

indication of having been composed within —an octave, or when a third between those voices the modal system as it was applied to polyphonic contracts to a unison. music and described by Johannes Tinctoris, Pietro In almost all the compositions in Florence 229, Aron, Heinrich Glareanus, Gioseffo Zarlino and _ the tenor does in fact set out the mode more clearly numerous other theorists of the sixteenth century. | than the other voices; the music follows the preAll these writers claimed that the mode of acom- scriptions of the theorists remarkably closely. And position is to be determined chiefly by the range the division of the modal octave into its central and final of the tenor, as well as by the species of fifth and complementary fourth is usually carefully fifths and fourths the tenor outlines, that is, by the coordinated with the phrase structure. There are, notes emphasized in its melodic line (the phrasis, to | of course, as many ways to elaborate the basic borrow Glareanus’s term). The central fifth ap- | schemeas there are chansons. Like binary or sonata pears above its complementary fourthifthe mode — allegro form, the manner of setting out the modal is plagal and below if it is authentic; thus the final — octave in the tenor is a clear and simple process of the mode occurs at the bottom of the tenor’s —_ capable of infinite variation; in the work of the best range in authentic modes and in the middle in pla- |= composers, the music unfolds so smoothly and gal. Normally, each phrase in a chanson is clearly __ naturally that the controlling plan appears to grow articulated by a cadence, most often reached when from the requirements of the particular musical a sixth between tenor and superius (in many cases — material. Basin’s Madame, faytes moy savoir (no. 220) is an | 1. Johannes Tinctoris, Liber de natura et proprictate tonorum , especially obvious and simple example of the way

in his Opera Theoretica , ed. Seay, vol. 1 and in English trans- Gifiteenth-cent dalit tes in the chanlation by Seay, 2d ed. (Colorado Springs, 1976); Pictro Aron, irteen century modality operates 1 © chan

Trattato della natura et cognitione di tutti gli tuoni di canto figurato son. The first phrase sets out the central fifth, g to

(Venice, 1525), fascimile edition by Willem Elders d’, of the G-Hypodorian octave, d to d’, and the (Joachimsthal, 1966), and in partial English translation in Ol- tenor cadences on g, the final of the mode. The iver Strunk, Source Readings, pp. 205-18; Heinrich Glar- second phrase (mm. 15-25) fills in the octave by eanus, Dodecachordon (Basel, 1547), in English translation by stressing the outer limits of the complementary cology, 1965); and Gioseffo Zarlino, Istitutioni harmontche fourth, d to g, with the tenor cadencing on the low (Venice, 1558), fascimile published by Broude Brothers d. The third phrase (mm. 27-39) returns to the

Clement A. Miller, 2 vols. (American Institute of Musi- , .

(New York, 1965), fascimile of the 1573 ed. published by the central fifth but the tenor cadences on the high d’, Gregg Press (Ridgewood, New Jersey, 1966), and partIVon and the last phrase once again outlines the central modes in English translation in Vered Cohen, “Zarlino on fifth, but with excursions further afield, and the Modes: An Annotated, Indexed Translation, with Introduction and Commentary, of Part IV of Le Istitutioni har- tenor eventually comes CO rest on the final, 5: A moniche ,” Ph.D. dissertation, City University of New York, similar simple scheme underlies Gilles Joye’s Ce

1977. qu’on fait a catimini (no. 261) while Hayne van Ghi-

My exposition of the modality of the music in Florence 229 zeghem’s Amours, Amours, trop me fiers de tes dars Owcs much to Meier, Die Tonarten . Among other studics of (no. 264), is only slightly more complex, with the modality in fiftecnth- and sixteenth-century music, sec also third phrase of the rondeau cinquain (mm. 29-37)

Lucie Balmer, Tonsystem and Kirchentone bei Johannes Tinctoris .

(Bern and Leipzig, 1935), pp. 119-281; Leo Treitler, “Tone | CMCOMpassing the entire modal octave. While the Systems in the Secular Works of Guillaume Dufay,” Journal chansons of Agricola, Busnois, and the slightly of the American Musicological Society 18 (1965):131-69; Peter later composers tend to elaborate the modal tenor Bergquist, ‘‘Modc and Polyphony Around 1500, Theory and slightly less directly, they, too, follow the same Practice,” Music Forum | (1967):99-161; Susan McClary, general process of setting out the modal octave, Works of Monteverdi,” Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard Univer- segment by scgment, in the tenor. In Busnois’s sity, 1976; and Perkins and Garey, Mellon Chansonnier Mon seul et celé souvenir (no. 49), for example, the

“The Transition from Modal to Tonal Organization in the . _

2:24—50. first phrase of the tenor of the G-Hypodorian ron150

MODES AND CONFLICTING SIGNATURES

deau cinquain circles around g, the second phrase — expands to an octave (in mm. 14, 40, and the end),

establishes the lower fourth and the third phrase in two cases with a 7—6 suspension in the upper the central fifth. After the medial cadence, the voice. As often happens in this repertory, the imfourth phrase of the tenor gradually descends portant medial cadence in this chanson does not through the entire modal octave, and the last consist of a standard perfect cadence on the fifth phrase returns to the central fifth. Andinthe same degree but rather of what might be called a decepcomposer’s Ung plus que tous est en mon souvenir (no. tive Phrygian cadence, with tenor and superius ca-

52), also in G-Hypodorian, the tenor comestorest dencing on Ain mm. 27-28 while the contratenor at the medial cadence ona, thatis, notononeofthe (not given in example XIV.1) waits to clarify the notes that identifies the divisions of the G- _ resolution to D until m. 29. There are as well other Hypodorian octave (albeit the A is ‘‘harmonized”’ cadences in the chanson between tenor and superbya D triad). Moreover, the following phrase goes _ius, but most of them are passing or evaded in out of the G-Hypodorian octave altogether, mov- some way. The cadence in mm. 11-12 is not final ing instead within the octave fto f’ subdivided by since the superius moves up to resolve on the third b flat, on which the tenor comes to rest at the ca- above the tenor rather than down to the unison, dence. After this excursion out of the mode, Bus- the cadence in m. 25 lacks its resolution in the nois’s last phrase returns to the central octave and tenor, and that in m. 34 its resolution in the super-

emphasizes its three identifying divisions, d, g, ius. and d’. Thus some chansons make excursions out- Thus Hypodorian mode is clearly defined in the side the modal octave just before or after the me- tenor of D’un bon du cueur, which exceeds the dial cadence and return to home base for the final | mode-defining octave by only two notes at the top

phrase. of its range. The superius covers the same musical

The anonymous setting of the rondeau quatrain, territory, but an octave higher. It does not emphaD’un bon du cueur (no. 50), demonstrates unusually — size the mode-defining fifth and fourth quite so clearly the way in which the tenor can project the _ clearly as the tenor, and its range extends below as mode and yet leave at appropriate places the nar-_ _— well as above the central octave. The range of the row confines of the bipartite division of the central | contratenor, on the other hand, though no greater modal octave. Example XIV.1 presents eachofthe than that of the superius, encompasses both the four phrases of the composition, both superiusand authentic and the plagal form of the G mode. Such tenor. A reduction of the tenor, made by omitting relationships among voices, while not at all unornamental and passing notes and placed beneath — usual in Florence 229, are by no means the only each phrase shows in outline the structure of the — standard disposition of voice ranges for chansons

line. Thus, in the first phrase, the music first | 1m the manuscript. However consistent and contraverses the lower fourth of the octave dtod’in ventional these chansons are in some respects, they a somewhat circuitous manner through thefourth, donot follow a single pattern in the way the ranges b flat to f and the fifth a to d, and then in more ' of the voices relate to one another, and hence the straightforward fashion it establishes the central | way modality is projected in the composition as a fifth d‘to g, revealing the chanson to beina plagal = whole. Sixteenth-century theorists—such as Glarmode, Hypodorian on G. The second phrase cen- —_ eanus and Zarlino—described the typical four-part ters around d’, and the third phrase, after reestab- _ texture of their time as consisting of a tenor and lishing the central fifth, cadences onthelowd. The — superius setting out the mode-defining fifths and

fourth phrase recapitulates the musical space fourths, though an octave apart, while the altus presented in the first phrase, arranging it, how- and bassus, likewise an octave apart, outline the ever, somewhat more compactly, so that the cae- complementary mode, plagal if the other voices sura separates the lower fourth from the central are authentic or vice versea.” Fifteenth-century fifth. Such a disposition of modal space—with the | composers of chansons seem not to have adopted first and last phrases establishing the central octave 2. See Glareanus, Dodecachordon, book III, chap. 13 (Miller and cadencing on the final, and the middle two translation, 2:247— 48); and Zarlino, Istitutiont, part 1V, chap.

cadencing either on the fifth scale degree (that is, | 31 (Cohen translation, pp. 202-7). on the dominant) or some other modal degree—is Tinctoris, De natura, chap. 24 (Seay translation, pp. 24-25; by no means unusual in settings of rondeaux qua- and Aron, Trattato , chap. 2 (Strunk translation, p. 209), both state unequivocally that the mode of a polyphonic com-

trains. position is to be judged by its tenor. For further information At the end of three of the four phrases, the music on voice ranges as they relate to modes, see also Meier, Die cadences when a sixth between tenor and superius — Tonarten, pp. 36-74. 151]

4a 0 ns

f) v.77: = ~ HTS ry 3 Ee ASN ISIS me, =7 #8 i? >a Oo— H+20 D Eeff 7ee oe ae

, —O — 10 v Cd a 5 EE)rRTE a— ed 2 y(AH | Gs|{ieee ff|__|o___ |_ id Ss ee “5s2?De Ee.| =a| CHAPTER XIV

Te ee eee eee ee Oa

war, ee TrRrRr«*rrrerPerne—=< ee 8

eT a = A)

8

(a ee ee ee ee ee ae ee 8

8

25

f } Im ae2enacn a Te es 1 f = ‘ 1 » 35 --——e 1 40 A r 7 b oo se eS es a eT ey gd ge ee Te eT ee EE Fe OT Te Tl ES 2 ES PS p 9 RES i? NH L) A) , — ee 45 — t_50 og etosoe et —— se ee a ee Ca ee ee eee Oe ee 8

a TT LL

NS ee p)SSN nS.“a BL, J

8

a —— 7? ee ee oe ee oe rs oo 8

8

i’ a ad eS OE #, ESlena! OS SE aa a ee ee eed

_\ | ognee a ee—t egfda —) ee oe

= NO=a eo an ©———————___--— SEASONS RSSNRNSNSOIR. ARSON & 8

8

Example XIV.1: D’un bon du cueur (no. 50), anonymous, su-

perius and tenor, with a reduction of the tenor.

any such consistent usage. Instead, they chose one fourth or an octave and a fifth, taking in both the of several possibilities. In the first place, the ranges authentic and the plagal forms of the mode. of the outer voices do not always correspond to a In the second place, the outer voices do not all single conventional pattern. Whereas many voices __ relate to the fundamental mode-defining tenor in in the chansons in Florence 229 exceed the range of | the same ways. In many chansons in Florence 229,

the mode-defining octave by only anote ortwoat the contratenor sets out the mode complementary one or both extremes—and hence the modal iden- to that in the tenor—plagal when the tenor is autity of the voice is never in doubt—in others the _ thentic and vice versa—but a significant minority

range of each voice extends to an octave and a of compositions are constructed with the con152

MODES AND CONFLICTING SIGNATURES

tratenor in the same range, and hence in the same _ tains the mode upon which it is based’”””—the func-

mode, as the tenor. The superius parts, on the tion of the contratenor in late fifteenth-century other hand, seem to be divided among those that — secular music in clarifying, at the very least, the

share the same form of the mode as the tenor, nature of cadences, seems beyond doubt. The though an octave higher, those that projectacom- structure of a typical contratenor, like that of a plementary form of the mode, and those in which _ typical tenor, is coordinated with the overall the large range encompasses both the plagal and __ phrase structure of each composition. Just as the authentic forms. In the nine settings of rondeaux __ tenor gives the music modal coherence, so the concinquains, for example, attributed to Anthoine _ tratenor adds harmonic coherence. Modal analysis Busnois in at least one source, all but one of the and an awareness of chords, far from being anticontratenors outline a mode complementary to __ thetical, are complementary, two aspects of a sinthat in the tenor; in the one exception, the con- _— gle phenomenon.” tratenor mingles both forms against a plagal octave By the second half of the fifteenth century, comin the tenor. The superius parts in these nine chan- _ posers normally cadenced with a V-I progression, sons, on the other hand, exceed the range ofa sin- _—_ often with a 4—3 suspension in one of the upper

gle form of the mode in three cases, present voices, and a preparatory chord or chords that complementary modes in five cases, and duplicate | might be described anachronistically as fulfilling

the modal arrangement of the tenor an octave something like a subdominant function, even higher only once.’ By contrast, two of the four — though such triads are often built on the lowered settings of rondeaux cinquains by Alexander Agri- seventh degree of the scale.’ Most of the cadences cola in Florence 229 present complementary con- _in Florence 229 are of this or a related type: V-VI, tratenors and two, like contratenors; and three of — [V-I, or I-V.* Cadential formulas common earlier

the four rondeaux offer complementary superius .

parts and only one a like superius.* 5. See Aron, Trattato , chap. 2, translated in Strunk, Source

? ; ; ; Readings, p. 209; and Zarlino, Istitutioni, part HI, chap. 58,

Contrapuntal combinations in this repertory translated by Guy A. Marco and Claude Palisca in Zarlino, cannot have been entirely fortuitous; the tradi- The Art of Counterpoint (New Haven and London, 1968), pp. tional ways in which all voices approach a cadence, 179-80. for example, can hardly have been coincidental. On the bass as the most important voice (“la piu degna Whether or not the composers hada vocabulary to parte’), sce Silvestro Ganassi, Regola Rubertina (Venice, ; ; ; 1542), facsimile edition, Bologna, 1970, chap. 2, translated deal with harmonic progressions, a system of into English by Daphne and Stephen Silvester after Hildechords parallel with the technique of projecting a marie Peter’s German translation (Berlin-Lichterfelde, 1972), mode horizontally did grow up in the fifteenth p. 14, and into German in Wolfgang Eggers, Die ‘“‘Regola century. Whereas some explanation of this process Rubertina’’ des Silvestro Ganassi, Venedig 1542-43. Eine Gambegan to be suggested in print only in the sixteenth benschule des 16. Jahrhunderts 2 vols. (Cassel, 1974), 1:23-24.

; , Ganassi wrote that the bass is the voice ‘“‘che da la forma a in

century—witness the change from Aron’s state- “‘is consonantie”’ (which ‘is intervals”’ the bast ae . nantie”’ (which the basis of all

ment that the tenor is the part that holds and com- the Silvesters’ translation). See also Glareanus, Dodecachordon

prehends the whole concentus of the harmony’ to (1547), part II], chap. xiii, who wrote of the bass that ‘‘all Zarlino’s claim that the bass is “‘the foundation of — voices lean on it as on a support, for where this voice is less the harmony” whereas the tenor “‘is the part that firm inthe harmony, all the remaining voices will then appear

governs and regulates the composition and main- one unable to possess any dignity” (Miller’s translation, 3. Innos. 49, 52, 55, 56, 70, 74, 96, and 221 the contratenor 6. On chords in fifteenth-century polyphony, sce also Edis in the complementary form of the mode; in no. 60 the ward E. Lowinsky, Tonality and Atonality in Sixteenth Century contratenor spans an octave and a fifth, against the Hypo- Music (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961), chaps. | and 2; Berg-

mixolydian octave, D to D, in the tenor. quist, ““Mode and Polyphony,” pp. 115-17; Don Randel, In nos. 49, 52, and 60, the superius combines plagal and ‘Emerging Triadic Tonality in the Fifteenth Century,”? Musiauthentic forms of the mode; in nos. 56, 70, 74, 96, and 221, cal Quarterly 57 (1971):73—86; and Benito V. Rivera, ‘‘Harthe superius presents the complementary form of the mode; monic Theory in Musical Treatises of the Late Fifteenth and and in no. 55 it duplicate the tenor’s arrangement an octave Early Sixteenth Centuries,’ Spectrum 1 (1979):80—95. For an

higher. opposing view of the function of cadences, see Leeman L. 4. In nos. 64 and 67, the contratenor presents the form of | Perkins, “Mode and Structure in the Masses of Josquin,”’

the mode complementary to that in the tenor; in nos. 122 and Journal of the American Musicological Society 26 (1 973): esp. 195.

254, contratenor and tenor move in the same range and have 7. On cadence structures in the fifteenth century, see Ed-

the same mode. ward E. Lowinsky, ‘‘The Function of Conflicting Signa-

In nos. 67, 122, and 254, the superius offers the com- tures,’ pp. 227-60. plementary form of the mode, and in no. 64, it moves in the 8. No fifteenth- or sixteenth-century theorist, to my same mode as the tenor, though an octave higher. knowledge, explains V-VI, IV-I, or I-V cadences in anything 153

CHAPTER XIV

: TABLE XIV.1 DISTRIBUTION OF MODES IN FLORENCE 229 TOTAL NUMBER

MODE FINAL KEY SIGNATURE OF PIECES IDENTIFICATION OF PIECES

Dorian D — 22 Nos. 3, 31, 54, 66, 76, 85, 86, 148, 152, 161, 166, 169, 171, 185, 203, 210, 224, 228, 241, 243, 251, and 265

D Partial 7 Nos. 19, 62, 80, 174, 186, 201, and 238 G 1 flat 41 Nos. 10, 12, 25, 27, 30, 42, 53, 55, 65, 69, 73, 83, 97, 124, 129, 131, 132, 140, 146, 149, 151, 156, 157, 158, 162, 170, 176, 184, 196, 199, 202, 208, 209, 213, 231, 232, 237, 249, 253, 254, and 262

G 3 Nos. 2, 259, and 267 C Partial 2 flats 1 No. 258

Hypodorian D — 6 Nos. 89, 90, 92, 96, 165, and 234 D Partial 1 No. 198 G 1 flat 67 Nos. 4, 13, 20, 21, 24, 26, 28, . 29, 32, 38, 39, 40, 43, 45, 46, 49, 50, 52, 56, 57, 63, 74, 75, 78, 84, 99, 100, 101, 106, 109,

111, 114, 120, 133, 134, 137, . 144, 154, 155, 167, 177, 178, 190, 191, 197, 200, 211, 214, 215, 218, 220, 221, 222, 223, 229, 230, 235, 239, 240, 242, 245, 246, 247, 252, 256, 261, and 264

G Partial 4 Nos. 116, 117, 168, and 250 C 2 flats 4 Nos. 51, 236, 257, and 266

Phrygian Nos: 11andand A —E4— Nos.214, 15, 23, 19336 . A Partial 2 Nos. 112 and 227

LydianF 1Fflat— 1 No. 61 12 Nos. 6, 41, 58, 103, 136, 153,

180, 181, 187, 207, 233, and 248

F Partial : 11 Nos. 34, 48, 79, 122, 125, 159, 182, 206, 212, 219, and 226 C Partial 3 Nos. 35, 70, B flat 1 flat 1 No. 195and 71

Hypolydian F — 2 Nos. 127 and 160 F 1 flat 6 Nos. 9, 47, 59, 104, 147, and 164

F Partial 1 Nos. No. 225 C Partial 1 188260 G — 2 Nos. 244 and B flat 1 flat 2 Nos. 121 and 145

Mixolydian G — 6 Nos. 18, 22, 107, 175, 192, and 216

G 119102 and 141 C Partial 1 flat2 1Nos. No.

| C Partial 1 No. 33

Hypomixolydian G — 11 Nos. 17, 37, 64, 68, 72, 87, 98, 128, 142, 143, and 194

G 60110 and 82 C Partial Partial2 Nos. 1 No.

C 2 flats 1 No. 108

Aeolian A — 2 Nos. 105 and 205

154 |

MODES AND CONFLICTING SIGNATURES

TABLE XIV.1 (continued) TOTAL NUMBER

MODE FINAL KEY SIGNATURE OF PIECES IDENTIFICATION OF PIECES

Hypoaeolian A — 4 Nos. 8, 118, 123, and 179

Ionian C — 8 Nos. 1, 67, 81, 113, 115, 163, 173, and 268

Hypoionian C — 23 Nos. 5, 7, 16, 44, 77, 88, 91, 93, 94, 95, 126, 130, 135, 138, 139, 150, 172, 183, 189, 204, 217, 255, and 263

in the century—V-I progressions with an octave More than half of the pieces in Florence 229 can leap in the contratenor and VII°-I progressions be described as Dorian or Hypodorian, ending on

with or without an under-third melodic deco- D (with no signature or a partial signature), G ration—do occur, but so sporadically and irregu- (with a signature of one flat in some or all voices),

larly that their presence only rarely serves to or C (with a signature of two flats). Aron would separate earlier from later compositions in the presumably have agreed with my assessment of manuscript. In many cases the VII*-I progression most of these pieces, although Glareanus argued indicates that the cadence is intended to be less fi- | that compositions with D as final and a flat in the nal, since it occurs on a subsidiary scale degree or — signature should actually be considered as transin a musical context demanding immediate con- _ posed Aeolian.’°

tinuation. Although the tenors in these Dorian compo-

Table XIV.1 lists the mode of each piecein Flor- sitions usually exceed the central modal octave by ence 229, using the criteria for modal classification no more than a step or two above or below, not set down by late fifteenth- and early sixteenth- infrequently they encompass either more or less century theorists. The mode of most of the com- __ than the space required to identify the mode. Tincpositions can be identified without difficulty, and _ toris went to great lengths to distinguish the ways most seem to reflect in their structure the principal in which modes can be said to be perfect (perfectus ) features of the modal system, although some few —_ when the tenor encompasses only the modal ocpieces display the sorts of ambiguities understood __tave, imperfect (imperfectus) when the tenor falls

and discussed by writers of the time. Compositions on A and C, for example, presented spe- 282-91 and elsewhere, also uses the terms Aeolian and Jonian

cial problems to musicians before Glareanus wrote for music before Glareanus. his Dodecachordon ; they did not always agree in St. Gall 463, Aegidius Tschudi’s songbook, from the circle their interpretation of these pieces or about other of Heinrich Glareanus, gives the following modal designadetails of modal theory. Tinctoris and Aron are the tions for compositions also found in Florence 229: nos. 2, earliest major theorists to treat mode in poly- Gall 463, nos. 20 and 155 as Hypodorian (no. 20 is also dephony; and their treatises were written closer than scribed as Hypodorian in Munich 322-325), no. 68 as Hypoany others to the time when Florence 229 was mixolydian, and no. 44 as Hypoionian. These assessments compiled. Therefore, I have followed their outline agree with those in table XIV.1. On Tschudi’s identiof polyphonic modality in most respects. But I fications, see Donald G. Loach, “ Aegidius Tschud’s Songhave been inconsistent in adopting Glareanus’s ter- 00K (St. Gall MS 463): A Humanistic Document from the

. . . . 148, and 158 in Florence 229 are described as Dorian in St.

; pling, ; . Circle of Heinrich Glarean,” 2 vols., Ph.D. dissertation, Uni-

minology to describe most of the pieces ending on versity of California, Berkeley, 1969, 1:214—46. A or Cas Aeolian or Ionian, for reasons which will 10. Aron, Trattato, chap. 4, classified pieces with D final become clear in the course of the following pages.” and a flat signature as Dorian or Hypodorian. Glareanus, Dodecachordon , book IH, chap. 13 (Miller translation, 2:253),

—__—__ including examples 42 and 43, explained them as Aeolian (or like these terms. Aron, Trattato, chaps. 4-7, includes exam- as Hypoaeolian presumably). Tinctoris, De natura, chap. 46 ples of plagal cadences that serve as codas to perfect cadences. listed Dorian on G and C among transposed modes, but he 9. I have used the terms Dorian, Phrygian, Lydian, and did not mention modes on D with a flat signature. Mixolydian consistently, even though theorists more usually I have tentatively listed Florence 229, no. 185, which sur-

referred to modes by number. vives only incompletely, as D-Dorian, an assessment that Peter Bergquist, ‘““The Theoretical Writings of Pietro might need to be changed once the superius and complete Aron,” Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1964, pp. tenor are discovered. 155

CHAPTER XIV

, short of the modal octave, or more than perfect | Hypodorian modes present any difficulties of (plusquam perfectus) when it combines both the au- modal assignment. Busnois’s Amours nous traitte thentic and plagal forms of the modal octave (in — honnestement | Je m’en voy (no. 117), classified in which case it is said to be in tonus mixtus). More- _ table XIV.1 as G-Hypodorian, is built over a quasi

over, Tinctoris explained how imperfect and canon based on a popular melody with a range of more-than-perfect modes should be named.''The a fifth. The two quasi-canonic voices together chief criterion, according to him, for juding traverse the Hypodorian rather than the Dorian whether a more-than-perfect tenor (that is, one in octave. On the other hand, no. 210, a textless comtonus mixtus ) should be called after its authentic or —_ position by Obrecht, is listed in table XIV.1 as in

its plagal part, is simply how often the notes go D-Dorian rather than Hypodorian mode, simply above or below the central fifth. In practice thereis _ because its final is D, and neither its superius, pre-

seldom any difficulty in deciding which form of | sumably a precomposed cantus firmus in unmodal octave should take precedence, forthetenor differentiated long notes, nor its two wide-ranging usually exceeds its range very seldom and then “‘instrumental’’ voices below clearly set out a sinonly in those places where the composer might — gle modal octave; once its cantus prius factus has been normally be expected to offer some variety. Thus __ identified, its modal identity may also be clarified. the tenors of Se brief je puys ma dame voir (no. 74) —_‘Japart’s setting of J’ay pris amours (no. 152) is also and Hayne’s Se une fois recouvrir joie (no. 134) ex- _ identified in table XIV.1 as D-Dorian in spite of ceed the G-Hypodorian octave only once, when the fact that its cantus prius factus, a superius line they touch high g’ in the phrase immediately pre- taken from another chanson and presented retroceding the medial cadence, and the anonymous __ grade and transposed down a twelfth, clearly outtextless piece, no. 246, stays clearly in the G- __ lines the Hypodorian octave, as does Japart’s own Hypodorian mode until its final phrase when it — superius. But the two inner voices set out the au-

briefly touches high g’ before descending to its thentic modal octave, and the conventional mefinal cadence. Only rarely does the mode seem _lodic formulas at important cadences occur consistruly mixed, as in Jean Hémart’s Pour mieulx valoiy tently in the tenor and the superius.'’ Thus I have (no. 209), where the tenor alternates so consis- ignored the cantus firmus in judging the mode."° tently between plagal and authentic forms of the Similarly, the anonymous setting of Le serviteur G-Dorian mode that neither appears to predom- _—hault guerdonné (no. 258) has been assigned to the

inate. Following Tinctoris’s advice that in such C-Dorian mode in table XIV.1, even though its cases the mode should be called authentic, since the — cantus prius factus , stated in the top voice, outlines

‘‘authentic is more exalted than the plagal,”'* I the C-Hypodorian mode, and even though its have listed Pour mieulx valoir asa pieceinG-Dorian tenor exceeds the range of the Dorian octave: it is in table XIV.1.'° For similar reasons, Ihave listed — plusquam perfectus .'’ as Dorian rather than Hypodorian all those pieces —most of them based on popular melodies that 15. Note, though, that no. 152 is one of the few comhave a restricted range—in which the tenor falls positions in Florence 229 where the superius and tenor do not short of presenting the entire modal octave, and combine to make self-sufficient two-voiced counterpoint. In restricts itself, for the most part, to emphasizing several passages, a structural fourth appears between the two

14 voices, needing the lower voice to complete the harmony the central fifth of the mode. satisfactorily.

. Only a few of the compositions in Dorian or 16. But see Aron, Trattato, chap. 2, who pointed out that

the canto fermo determines the mode, even if it is in some voice

11. Tinctoris, De natura, chaps. 22-44. other than the tenor. Presumably, though, Aron referrred in

12. Ibid., chap. 23. the first place to plainchant used as scaffolding for polyphonic 13. The following Dorian compositions in Florence 229 music. have more-than-perfect tenors: nos. 30, 73, 76, 83, 129, 131, 17. Similarly, Tinctoris (De natura, chap. 24) identified the 208, 209, 231, 243, and 262. The following Hypodorian com- superius of the setting of Le serviteur possibly by Busnois positions in Florence 229 have more-than-perfect tenors: nos. (printed, among other places, in Hewitt, Odhecaton , no. 35) as

74, 109, 134, 197, 246, 257, and 258. irregular second (that is, Hypodorian) mode, although he 14. The following Dorian compositions in Florence 229 pointed out that the mode of the tenor, and hence of the have tenors that fall short of presenting the entire modal composition as a whole, is irregular first, that is, Dorian. octave: nos. 62, 65, 69, 105, 124, 148, 151, 156, 157, 158, 162, (Busnois’s superius is the voice borrowed in Florence 229, no.

170, 184, 196, 202, 254, and 259. No. 250 is the only Hypo- 258). dorian composition in Florence 229 with an imperfect tenor. Aron, Trattato , chap. 4, classified Japart’s Helas, qu’elle est a All of these compositions use precomposed popular melodies mon gre (no. 148) as in first (that is, Dorian) mode, the only

except for nos. 105, 124, 202, and 254. Dorian piece from Florence 229 cited by the theorist. 156

MODES AND CONFLICTING SIGNATURES

Agricola’s Par ung jour de matinée (no. 116), listed , 5

A ES RENNES (OUND in table XIV.1 as. aSF chanson in G-Hypodorian 6 7? mode, is one fewcomfortably compositionswithin in the the manua a eee script not to of fitthe at all modal a ee system. In the first place, its tenor falls short of 9° (= @=——— or or setting out the modal octave and does not clearly

' emphasize either the final or the confinal of the , 13 15

mode. In the second place, its partial signature has ae ee es ee eee the effect of (for leaving a number B naturals a ae upper voices example in theof tenor, mm. pyinopthe 2 eg ig ae fe 16—21), a circumstance that significantly weakens SS SS ee the force of the mode.. And third and most im-

portant, its recurring formulaic harmonic pro- Example XIV.3: Closely related harmonic progressions. gression suggests thatit may have been an attempt 4: Par ung jour, mm. 1-5. to combine Netherlandish counterpoint with Ital- B- Pa” #"g Jour, mm. 13-18.

ian chordal formulas.'* The second and the last

phrases (see mm. 6— 11, 26-33, 34-37, and ary points of destination. Their composers, in 38—42) seem to be built around a Dorian harmonic other words, avoided laying great stress on the formula, presented in its simplest form asexample = fan scale degree, B, lest they create melodic and XIV.2. And some of the other phrases in the chan- contrapuntal awkwardnesses with the tritone B to son seem to be based on the closely related har- F. Even the four pieces cadencing on A, nos. 14, monic progressions shown in example XIV.3. 15, 23, and 193, can easily be justified as belonging unambiguously to the Phrygian mode. In three of

, 6 10 the four, the tenor and superius considered to6 oe gether manifestly set out the modal octave associaCeeee with the Phrygian mode But on E, cadence on Seated Se appropriate scale degrees. theand music is ‘‘har5 —— Or ef monized”’ by a contratenor that leads the poly-

ef] ff phony toward A as the final goal.*’ In short, the yoo ee central modal octave has not been transposed from nn aa E to A. It remains firmly anchored between e and

e’. Evenharmonic the lastformula cadence falls on ;E; if superius and Example XIV.2:. .G-Dorian from Agricola’s Par ung jour (no. 116), mm. 611. tenor alone are considered; only the contratenor, taking on an important function in the deter-

mination of the tonality, identifies the final soIfthe Dorian and Hypodorian pieces present few nority as grounded on A. problems of modal classification, it is more diffi- Difficulties of classification arise, however, cult to know precisely which pieces should be de- — when considering pieces in which the superius and scribed as Phrygian. The two lamenting chansons — tenor—and not just the contratenor—cadence on

cadencing on E, nos. 11 and 36, are perfectly A. Aron wrote that they can be assigned to the straightforward examples of the mode. Aroneven first, second, third, fourth, or fifth (that is, Docites one of them, Martini’s Malheur me bat (no. rian, Phrygian, or Lydian) modes. He appears to 11), as a model of Phrygian polyphony.’ And mean that those compositions in which the tenor both exhibit the characteristics associated with stresses A and E should be assigned to the Phrygian Phrygian polyphony, especially their insistenceon modes, those stressing A and D to the Dorian C, and toa slightly lesser extent G or A, as secondchaps. 14 and 19 (Miller translation, 1:148, 2:254—55, and 18. For a more detailed discussion of chordal formulas in 258-59) and Zarlino, Istitutioni, part IV, chaps. 20 and 21 Italian music, see Lowinsky, Tonality and Atonality , esp. chap. (Cohen translation, pp. 138-50).

1. 20. On harmonized Phrygian cadences, see Lowinsky,

19. Aron, Trattato, chap. 5. On the tendency for pieces in ‘The Function of Conflicting Signatures,” pp. 245-46. The the Phrygian (and Hypophrygian) modes to stress C and A, exception in this group of Phrygian pieces, no. 23, is analyzed see Glareanus, Dodecachordon, book II, chap. 18 and book III, briefly in n.23 below. 157

CHAPTER XIV

, modes.*' In both cases, then, he referred to un- A similar difficulty arises in classifying pieces transposed modes with irregular finals. Tinctoris | with C as final and no key signature. Evidently, did not explain how he would classify such com- __ theorists of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth positions. And Glareanus suggested that most centuries did not agree about what they should be compositions with finals on A were considered to called. Tinctoris included such pieces among his be in Dorian mode, transposed upa fifth, beforehe — transposed Lydian examples, the mode to which invented the Aeolian mode.” But if table XIV.1. | Glareanus’s contemporaries also thought they bewere to lump together all pieces witha finalon A, — longed.” Aron, on the other hand, assigned such either as transposed Dorian pieces, following Glar- | compositions to the seventh or eighth (that 1s, eanus, or divided between the untransposed Do- Mixolydian) modes, transposed a fourth higher rian and Phrygian categories, as Aronsuggested, it than normal.*’ Rather than deciding arbitrarily would obscure the very real differences between — which transposed modal category best fits the muthose compositions in Florence 229 in which the _ sic, I have anachronistically adopted Glareanus’s tenor clearly marks offthe Phrygian octave, etoe’, new terminology and assigned these pieces to the even though the “‘tonic” (in the contratenor) ison Ionian and Hypoionian modes.*’ A, and those transposed pieces genuinely “‘in A,”’ with a central octave a to a’ or (if the mode is pla- 25. Tinctoris, De natura , chap. 48, gave examples of chant gal) e to e’ (with cadences between superius and on C with no signature as models of the fifth and sixth irreg-

54 ular (that is, transposed Lydian and Hypolydian) modes.

tenor on A). Therefore, L have adopted Glar- Glareanus claimed that musicians of his time considered such eanus’s terminology and assigned some of the A pieces to be Lydian; sec his Dodecachordon , book I, chap. 20 pieces in Florence 229 to the one and some to the — (Miller translation, 1:153—55). other mode, in order to express the genuine dis- 26. See Aron, Trattato, chap. 7. He assigned Je cuide se ce tinction between the musical process in the two _ ‘emps me dure (Florence 229, no. 93) to the eighth (Hypo-

sorts of compositions.”* mixolydian) mode, and Compere’s Mes pensées (no. 130) to the seventh (Mixolydian) mode. Both have a final on C and arc listed in table XIV.1 as cxamples of the Ionian mode.

21. Aron, Trattato, chaps. 4,5, and 6. My interpretation of The only composition Aron cited as an example of fifth his meaning agrecs with that in Bergquist, “Theoretical Writ- | (Lydian) mode on C is Obrecht’s Si sumpsero (Werken 6:175)

ings,” pp. 282-91. in which the tenor sets out the modal octave f to f’ but ca-

22. Glarcanus, Dodecachordon book I, chap. 17 and book — dences on C. Thus it is an example of what I would call Ill, chap. 13 (Miller translation, 1:142-—48 and 2:247-54). untransposed Lydian with an irregular final on C.

23. No. 23 is ambiguous modally even following these Further indication that there was doubt among fifteenthguidelines. At the final cadence, the superius and tenor reach — century musicians about the modal identity of pieces on C A and the contratenor has an octave leap ending on E. Thus — comes from the kinds of transpositions found in sources conit differs significantly from the Phrygian pieces “in A” in cordant with Florence 229. Two compositions with C as final which the superius and tenor operate in the ce to e’ Phrygian in some manuscripts—Agricola’s Vostre hault bruit (no. 67) octave and come to rest on an E harmonizcd by an A in the and the anonymous Coda di volpe (no. 194)—appear in others

contratenor. On the other hand, the first important cadence on G, whercas two compositions, Faites moy (no. 94) and in no. 23 falls on E (in m. 9) and the medial cadence on G, Madame, trop vous mesprenés (no. 263), appear on C in Florence untypical for “‘Acolian”’ (that is, transposed Dorian) pieces on 229 and on F in other sources. The only truly exceptional

A. Thus I have included the chanson among the A-Phrygian transposition among the sources concordant with Florence pieces, cven though some might prefer to consider it Acolian 229 occurs in the latter chanson, Charles the Bold’s Madame,

(or transposed Dorian). trop vous mesprenés (no. 263), in which all but two of the

24. The anonymous textless composition, no. 123, is clas- sources give the chanson on C. Hradec Kralové Specialnik sificd as Hypoacolian in table XIV.1 because its tenor — presents it down a fifth on F, whercas Trent 89 transposes it traverses the octave c to e’ (exceeding it only by one step to A; evidently the scribe of Trent 89 supposed it to be in a below and a minor third above). But the phrasis of the tenor _—_ different mode.

places little emphasis on E and A; the composition is unusu- Most of the other pieces transposed in onc or more sources

ally diffuse modally. involve the Dorian mode. Thus Busnois’s Une _filleresse I have listed both the anonymous Tout (no. 112) and Notres d’estouppes (no. 62) has D as final in Florence 229 (and a flat in

assouemen (no. 227), attributed to Agricola and to Fresneau, as the contratenor only) and G as final in Canti C (with a flat in the Phrygian mode on A, because both have a signature of signature in cach voicc), and Josquin’s Adieu mes amours (no. one flat in the contratenor. Since B flats play no important 158) has G as final in Florence 229 and all but one other source role in either picce, and, indecd, the first and last important (with a signature of one flat in cach voicc) but D as final in cadences in both seem to require B naturals, I can only con- Munich 1516. And the anonymous Se mon servise (no. 266) is clude that the flat signature appears in the music chiefly to in C-Dorian mode in Florence 229 (with a signature of two identify as Phrygian what might othcrwise be mistaken for flats) but in G-Dorian (with a signature of one flat) in Paris Acolian (or transposed Dorian). Vatican C. G. XIII, 27 even 15123. has a flat in the signature of the tenor, an accidental that must 27. Like Agricola’s Par ung jour, Obrecht’s La tortorella (no. be cancelled in performance in various prominent passages, 173) does not fit comforably into any modal category, doubt-

such as the opening phrase. less because it is based on an Italian strambotto formula. 158

MODES AND CONFLICTING SIGNATURES

If pieces on C without key signature are placed =G-Hypolydian, nos. 244 and 260, both have tenors in a separate category, then the majority of Lydian that outline the modal octave c to c’ even though or Hypolydian compositions in Florence 229 have they cadence on G. These seem to be compositions regular finals on F, with no signatures or with one __ in transposed Lydian mode, as though on C, but flat in some or all voices, one of the anomalies in with irregular finals on G, a category not specifi-

the modal system, which writers on music of the cally singled out, so far as I know, by any late time justify not on solid theoretical grounds butas __ fifteenth- or early sixteenth-century theorist. simple expediency. Since many of the Bs in F- These two groups of chansons, therefore, are analLydian compositions need to be lowered to avoid —_ ogous to the Phrygian pieces ‘‘in E”’ but with an tritones, putting a flat in the signature was seento irregular final A. They are different from the one be merely a practical convenience.** Only three of transposed Lydian chanson on C , the anonymous the 268 compositions in Florence 229 have their — Tel fait semblant (no. 188), with final on C and a finals on B flat, that is, based on a Lydian octave tenor that marks off the octave, g to g’.

transposed a fourth higher than normal pitch.*” With the exception of the two G-Lydian pieces, Two groups of Lydian pieces in Florence 229, most of the compositions in Florence 229 cadenhowever, do need explanation and justification. cing on G and lacking a key signature fit comThree pieces in table XIV.1, nos. 35, 70, and 71, fortably into the Mixolydian or Hypomixolydian are described as in C-Lydian mode with partial | modes.*’ And the four compositions on C with signatures. In each case, the tenor of these pieces one or more flats as key signature listed in table outlines the modal octave, fto f’, and emphasizes, XIV.1 as Mixolydian or Hypomixolydian pieces in the course of its melodic line, c’ as wellasfand also seem to conform to the procedures of those f". In short, the pieces are in untransposed Lydian modes transposed a fourth higher than their normode but with an irregular ending on c’.*” Simi- mal positions.*’ A notable exception is Colinet de larly, the two pieces described in table XIV.1 as = Lannoy’s Cela sans plus (no. 98). The phrasis of its

a tenor seems to divide the modal octave g to g atc. Obrecht’s polyphonic arrangement stresses A (sce especially The B flats required in the other sources but not in the I-V-I-V progression in mm. 9-12 and 32-35), and moves Florence 229 suggest that it is based on a transtoC only for the cadences in the middle and at the end of the posed Mixolydian (rather than a transposed Lyd-

composition. Faute de mieux , | have classified it in table XIV. 1 .

as an Ionian composition. ian) octave, but with an irregular final on g rather 28. Tinctoris, De natura, chap. 8, stated that the flat is than c. Similarly, Japart’s arrangement of Cela sans necessary either to make perfect concords or to avoid the plus (no. 108) appears to set out the Hypomixtritone, that is, that the signed flat cnabled composers to —_ olydian octave C toc, witha signature of two flats evade forbidden intervals both harmonically and mclodi- and a significant division at F, even though Japart cally. Aron, Trattato , chap. 6, wrote much the same thing, has changed some of the intervals of the pre-

and stressed thatcomposed the flat signature changehe thebased identityhis 1: ;comof the mode. songdidonnotwhich Aron, Trattato , chap. 6, cited Hayne’s A I’audience (no. 104) position. Thus Japart’s Cela sans plus, too, can be and Busnois’s Je ne demande autre de gré (no. 147) as examples analyzed as a transposed Hypomixolydian com-

of the sixth (Hypolydian) mode, and Caron’s Helas que poura position, but with an irregular final on c rather devenir (no. 206) as an example of the fifth (Lydian) mode. than f.

The following Lydian compositions in Florence 229 have Both Busnois’s Seule 4 par moy (no. 60) and the tenors that significantly excced the range of the central modal , ; octave: nos. 103, 115, 125, 153, 187, 219, 226, and 268. The | AOnymous Tarsis (no. 82) partake of both Mix-

following Hypolydian compositions have tenors that exceed olydian and transposed G-Dorian modes. Or the range of the modal octave: nos. 59, 104, 121, 127, 147, rather, Tarsis seems to begin as an Ionian (or trans160, 164, 225, and 260. Although the tenor of the anonymous posed Lydian) piece on C, emphasizing in its tenor Sans si sans (no. 136) extends only a sixth, from C to a, I have

classified it as Lydian in table XIV.1, since the tenor and 31. Agricola’s Si dedero (no. 68) is the only example from contratenor together traverse the authentic modal octave. Florence 229 of the eighth (Hypomixolydian) mode cited in The anonymous Vilana, che sa’tu far? (no. 227) is listed as Aron, Trattato, chap. 7. Lydian in table XIV.1 even though its tenor, evidently based The tenors of nos. 175 and 192, both classified as Mix-

on a precomposed popular song, is imperfect. olydian, and nos. 142 and 143, both classified as Hypo29. [have analyzed the anonymous ortuna trop (no. 121) as mixolydian, exceed the range of the modal octave to a Hypolydian on B flat even though the tenor descends to the significant degree. low B flat as its second note, the only place in the chanson, 32. Like Tarsis, the anonymous Coda di volpe (no. 194) however, where the tenor exceeds the Hypolydian modal delays establishing the Hypomixolydian octave in its tenor

octave by morc than a step. until the last several phrases of the composition. And Agri30. As in Aron’s interpretation of Obrecht’s Si sumpsero cola’s Guarde vostre visage (no. 33), like the anonymous no.

cited in n.26 above. 123 (cited in n.24 above) is unusually diffuse modally. 159

CHAPTER XIV

. the octave c to c’, divided by g; but its last two Table XIV.1 also makes clear the extent to phrases move squarely into the Hypomixolydian which conflicting signatures appear in Florence mode, setting out first the lower fourth, d to g 229. Thirty-nine compositions—thirty-one with

(mm. 14-18) and then the central fifth (mm. three voices and eight with four—have flats in 19-25). Both compositions have a signature of | some but not all voices. The scribe of Florence 229 one flat in the contratenor only, a conflicting sig- | seems to have been fairly consistent in his use of

nature that adds B flats not only to the lowest conflicting signatures. Fourteen of the threesounding line but also to higher voices in several voiced compositions have a flat in the contratenor passages. Nevertheless, they have both been classi- —_ but not in the other voices,”* thirteen have a flat in

fied as G-Hypomixolydian compositions because both tenor and contratenor but not in the superB naturals seem to predominate, especially at the ius,’ and four have a flat in the tenor but not in the beginnings and ends of both pieces, thus evidently —_ other voices.*® The two largest categories of com-

controlling the character of the modes.” positions with conflicting signatures are the LydThe modal system, quite complicated as it was _ ian pieces on F with one flat in both tenor and applied to late fifteenth-century secular poly- — contratenor but none in the superius—ten pieces in phony, does seem, in fact, to control the way in all—and the five Dorian pieces on D with a flat in which composers shaped their tenors, and hence __ the contratenor but none in the other voices. the system determined the way compositions were The practice of Florence 229’s scribe, especially written from the tenors outward. But quite aside _—in these two largest categories, seems to confirm from the pieces like Agricola’s Par ung jour and ~Lowinsky’s theory that conflicting signatures Obrecht’s La tortorella, which seem to have been _ were in the first place a practical convenience, a strongly influenced by preexistent chordal formu- — convention that grew up to accommodate the nor-

las, the contratenor parts in all of these com- mal harmonic structure in particular contexts, as positions have an important function in clarifying | Lowinsky demonstrates by singling out for attenharmonies, especially at cadences; in some pas- __ tion typical cadential formulas.°’ Conflicting sigsages they already show evident signs of being considered as full-fledged harmonic More- i” The Dut fourteen Florence win5nat : : basses. in the contratenor not compositions in the other ivoices are229 nos. >

over, the modal system was considerably simpler 4 ‘gg 112, 116, 119, 141, 186, 188, 201, 227, and 238. In ao practice than in theory, since the largely unwrit- no. 141, the flat does not appear in the signature of the conten tradition of adding accidentals not indicated in tratenor at the beginning of the composition, and it drops out the manuscript sources obscured differences inin- _ before the end. That is, it is a “floating signature” to borrow tervallic relationships among the various modes. aterm from Edward L. Kottick, ‘‘Flats, Modality, and Musica Table XIV.1 reveals the overwhelming prepon- Ficta in Some Early Renaissance Chansons,”’ Journal of Music

derance £0; ‘n the Dori Lvdiand d Theory 12 35. (1968):264— 80. S in Fl 299 with a flat; of pieces in thedDorian Lydian modes The thirteen compositions

. . : posiuons in Fiorence Wil a flat in

and the percentage of pieces in those two modes both tenor and contratenor, but not in the superius, are nos. can be increased even further by considering those —_ 34, 48, 70, 79, 110, 122, 125, 206, 212, 219, 225, 226, and 267.

in the Aeolian mode to be transposed Dorian and 36. The four compositions in Florence 229 with a flat in the those in the Ionian, Lydian. Secular music of the tenor but not in the other voices are nos. 35, 71, 198, and 259. late fifteenth century came closer to the simpler Each of the eight four-voiced compositions with conflicting division of later times into two modes, major and 468, 174 (with “floating signature”), 182, and 250, is dis-

to. . ; signatures, nos. 2, 62, 117, 159 (with ‘“‘floating signature’),

minor, than any theorist of the time can have cussed in the following pages.

known. Conflicting signatures and also full signatures normally involve only flats in this period. Sharps appear in the signa33. The classfication of Weerbecke’s Et incarnatus est from tures of only two pieces in Florence 229, the Pleni and Qui his Missa O Venus bant (no. 141) as G-Mixolydian was gov- tollis of Brumel’s Missa Ut re mi fa sol la (nos. 216 and 217). erned by similar reasons and by its relationship with the other They are evidently “cautionary signatures,”’ inserted to alert movements of Weerbecke’s Mass included in Florence 229 as the performer that the Mass sections are in Mixolydian (no. nos. 142 and 143, even though it has a signature of one flat in 216) and Hypoionian (no. 217) modes, rather than the G-

its contratenor from mm. 13-49. Hypodorian mode of the Benedictus from the same Mass,

The anonymous La plus (no. 119), on the other hand, has copied into Florence 229 as no. 215. For one scholar’s view of been classified as Mixolydian because it sets out the Mix- cautionary accidentals later in the sixteenth century, see Don olydian octave c to c’ (with B flat) and cadences irregularly Harran, ““New Evidence for Musica Ficta: The Cautionary

on g. Sign,’ Journal of the American Musicological Society 29 (1976):

Both nos. 119 and the anonymous textless composition, 77-98. no. 87, might also be considered in Aron’s category of Phry- 37. See Edward E. Lowinsky, ‘“‘The Function of Con-

gian pieces on G, described in his Trattato, chap. 5. flicting Signatures,” pp. 227-60. See also Richard Hoppin, 160

MODES AND CONFLICTING SIGNATURES

natures signal musical situations where some in any way harmonically or melodically from voices regularly need flats and others donot. Inthe those that lack a key signature, and the Lydian F-Lydian pieces, for example, the leading tone in __ pieces with conflicting signatures do not appear to cadences on C normally appears in the top voice. _ differ in any way from those that have a flat in each Therefore, the absence of a flat in the signature of | voice. Conflicting signatures, although used conthe superius reflects the way music sounded in per- __sistently in certain kinds of musical situations, formance, and relieves the performer from having seem to have been added arbitrarily, at the whim of to decide to raise the leading tone in a number of the scribe. cases. Tinctoris explained the flat signature in Lyd- Conflicting signatures in some of the remaining ian pieces, in any case, in terms of practical con- compositions— those neither in D-Dorian nor in venience, as a way of automatically avoiding tri- | F-Lydian—can be explained as signaling modal tones both harmonically and melodically.** Leav- _ transposition. Thus in some of the chansons based ing out the flat in the top voice merely refines his | on precomposed popular songs in which the scafprecept to take realistic account of musical de- _ folding voices appear in canon or quasi canon, the mands, even though the practice raised Aron’s ire voice transposed a fourth above its normal pitch 1s since it is irrational and without theoretical justifi- | marked with a flat in its signature, in much the cation.”’ In like manner, as Lowinsky has shown, | same way any piece in a transposed mode gains a B flats are more often needed in the lowest voice of _ flat in its signature. In Busnois’s Amours nous traitte pieces in D-Dorian than the higher voices.*” In this honnestement | Je m’en voys (no. 117), for example,

situation, too, conflicting signatures have greater the higher of the two quasi-canonic voices, like the

practical than theoretical meaning. superius and contratenor II and, indeed, the piece Whereas conflicting signatures are used, when as a whole, is in G-Dorian mode, witha key signathey are applied at all, consistently in situations ture of one flat. But the lowest voice, marked tenor where one or more voices do not regularly require in the manuscript, sings the precomposed song in a flat, the scribe of Florence 229 seems not to have —-untransposed D-Dorian; for that reason it lacks a made a distinction between those F-Lydian pieces flat in its signature. And Isaac’s Et je boi d’autant where naturals are more frequently required inthe (no. 250) has a conflicting signature for precisely top voice and those that do not need them, or be- _ the same reason: the upper canonic voice lacks a tween those D-Dorian pieces in which a B flat is __ flat since it states the precomposed melody in unfrequently sung in the contratenor and those that transposed D-Dorian, whereas the lower canonic avoid Bs in that voice. In short, the Dorian pieces _ tenor sings the same melody in Dorian transposed with conflicting signatures do not appear to differ to G with one flat in the signature. *' Two pieces in A-Phrygian, nos. 112 and 227, may well have a flat

“Partial Signatures and Musica Ficta in Some Early in the contratenor simply to aid and confirm the 15th-Century Sources,”’ Journal of the American Muscological identification of the mode; otherwise it is difficult Society 6 (1953):197-215; Lowinsky, ‘‘Conflicting Views on | to know why the scribe included the flat, especially Conflicting Signatures,” ibid. 7 (1954):181-204; and Hop- __ since the lowest voice in both compositions has no

pin, “Conflicting Signatures Reviewed,” ibid. 9 (1956): crucially important stressed Bs.** Similarly, Agri-

27117. oy.Hughes’s . . cola’s Guarde vostre visage (no. key 33) may havea flat in Andrew discussion of conflicting signatures, ; in his Manuscript Accidentals: Ficta in Focus, 1350-1450 (Amer- the contratenor and not in the upper voices, and ican Institute of Musicology, 1972), does not contradict the Caron’s Se doulx penser (no. 110) a flat in both tenor evidence of Florence 229, but his remarks apply to an earlier and contratenor but not in the superius, to make

and stylistically different repertory. clear that they are both in the C-Mixolydian mode; 38. Tinctoris, De natura , chap. 8. The anonymous textless the anonymous La plus (no. 119) may have a flat in

four-voiced composition, no. 250, in F-Lydian mode, has a flat in the signature of the contratenor only in the first stave 41. See also the conflicting signatures in the quasi-canonic

of Florence 229. parts in Busnois’s On a grant mal (no. 183a). By extension, 39. Aron, Tratatto , chap. 3, and also his Toscanello in Musica then, the borrowed material in Busnois’s Bor: me larim bom bom

(3rd ed., Venice, 1539), fasc. ed. by Georg Frey (Cassel, (no. 182) and the anonymous O Pulisina quando ti maritasti (no.

1970), ‘“‘Aggiunta,”’ fol. 12, and in English translation by 259) is signaled by a flat signature and in Busnois’s Une Peter Bergquist, 3 vols. (Colorado Springs, 1970), 3:23-24. _filleresse d’estouppes (no. 62) by the absence of a flat. On con40. Lowinsky, ‘“‘The Function of Conflicting Signatures,” flicting signatures as an indication of transposition, see Lowp. 250. Agricola’s four-voiced setting of the bergerette Je nay insky, ‘“Goddess Fortuna,” p. 50. duel que de vos viegna (no. 174) is thus a typical Dorian piece 42. Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:64, agrees that the flat in Agriwith a flat in its lowest voice; in its second half the scribe of cola’s or Fresnau’s Notres assouemen (no. 227) indicates modal

Florence 229 has added a flat in the signature of each voice. transposition. 161

CHAPTER XIV

Its contratenor to aid in identifying its mode as __ practical than theoretical significance comes from C-Mixolydian with an irregular finalonG;andthe —astudy of the variants found in sources concordant

four Lydian or Hypolydian pieces with various with Florence 229. Late fifteenth- and early partial signatures, nos. 35, 70, 71, and 188, may __ sixteenth-century scribes evidently did not regard have gained their key signatures in aneffort toclar- signatures as an essential part of the composer’s

ify their modal character. conception which they had therefore to preserve

Some conflicting signatures, on the other hand, —_ zealously when they copied his piece. Some comseem to reflect quite simply the composer’s desire —_ positions appear in various manuscripts in closely for a particular combination of accidentals. It may __ related readings but supplied with different signawell be that Busnois in Seule a par moy (no. 60) and _ tures; some compositions appear in various manuthe anonymous composer of Tarsis (no. 82) wished scripts in widely divergent readings but supplied to have an unusually large number of B flats inthe — with the same signatures; and a few compositions

bottom voice of their compositions in G-Mix- in Florence 229 are supplied with a different signa-

olydian, and Obrecht and Virgilius in their Nec ture in almost every manuscript that contains mihi, nec tibi (no. 267) wished to includeso many B them. naturals in the top voice of their piece in G-Dorian Some of the variants in signatures seem to reflect for purely aesthetic reasons, quite apart from the- _— genuine disagreement either about the mode of a oretical considerations or conventional practical piece or about the accidentals appropriate in a parinstructions to the performer. And other pieces in ticular musical situation. The scribes of Florence Florence 229 seem to have conflicting signatures 229 and Bologna Q 17 must have supposed that simply because of the carelessness of the scribe. | Agricola’s Dat ic my lyden (no. 22) was in the GIsaac’s He logierons (no. 2), forexample,isanormal Mixolydian mode. At any rate, the piece is not four-part piece in the G-Dorian mode. The super- provided with a key signature in those manuius requires a number of flats, including onethatis scripts, although it has a flat in each voice in Sethe cadential destination between the top voiceand =govia, whose copyist evidently regarded it as in the tenor. All other sources include a flat in the | G-Dorian. In spite of the number of flats added to signature of all voices, but the scribe of Florence individual notes in Florence 229, the composition 229 omitted the flat signature in the superius. In can almostas easily be interpreted in Mixolydian as this case, the conflicting signature hasno apparent in Dorian mode. On the other hand, a number of meaning, although the scribe may have intended __tritones would disfigure both the harmony and the something no longer clear to us, since he did pre- melody of Isaac’s Benedictus (no. 10) if it were cisely the same thing once more inthe manuscript, performed with few or no flats. The Mass movewhen he omitted the flat from the top voice of | ment seems unambiguously to be in the G-Dorian Compéere’s four-voiced Ung franc archier (no. 168), | mode, and most of the many scribes who copied

also in G-Dorian mode.“ the piece agreed, for a B flat is supplied in the sig-

Tinctoris’s rationalization of flat signatures in nature of each voice in almost all the sources, and Lydian compositions as a practical means ofavoid- —_ two scribes even added a second flat in the coning tritones, and Aron’s diatribe against many (but _ _tratenor, since, as we have seen, the lowest voice not all) conflicting signatures as “‘neither permis- | often requires an additional accidental in the lowsible nor suitable’’”* suggest that signatures in gen- _—_ est voice. The scribe of Zwickau 78, 3, however, eral, and conflicting signatures in particular, had § must have supposed the Benedictus to be in Mixlittle theoretical justification beyond identifying | olydian mode, since he failed to include any flats in modal transposition. Adding flats tosome butnot akey signature. And similarly, the scribe of Gloall voices helped composers, or perhaps merely gauer must have thought Busnois’s Chi dit on benescribes, to accommodate the music they were con- _ dicite (no. 56) to be Mixolydian, since he omitted a

cerned with to conventional harmonic structures, key signature, whereas the other five scribes or they signaled modal transposition or simply | whose copies of the chanson survive opted for the clarified a composer’s intentions in those pieces Dorian mode and included a flat as signature in where he wished to add unusual accidentals. Fur- each voice; one of them, the scribe of Trent 89, ther evidence that conflicting signatures had more — even added a second flat to the contratenor. 43. Note that the Odhecaton includes a second flat in the Most of the variant signatures, however, do not contratenor of Ung franc archier to signal the fairly systematic so much signal Benulne disagreement over the transposition of the musical material of the tenor up a fourth. mode of a piece or about the important accidentals

44. Translated in Strunk, Source Readings, p. 211. as they offer an alternative solution to the same set 162

MODES AND CONFLICTING SIGNATURES

of problems. As we have seen, thereseemstobeno many pieces is already conveniently available in way to tell why the scribe of Florence 229 chose, Allan Atlas’s study of the Cappella Giulia Chanfor example, to supply some F-Lydian pieces with _sonnier, I have chosen to include in table XIV.2 a flat in each voice and some with a conflicting only those compositions that appear both in Florsignature, omitting the flat in the superius. In both ence 229 and in Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, and that are groups of F-Lydian pieces there are an approxi- _ provided with different key signatures in at least mately equal number of cadences on C with the one concordant source. That is, I have omitted leading tone in the top voice. Similarly, a com- from table XIV.2 all pieces found in both manuparison of the conflicting signatures in sources scripts that are provided with the same complete or concordant with Florence 229 reveals that there is conflicting signature in all sources. For each comno way to explain most of the disagreements about position, table XIV.2 provides under letter A a signatures in the sources except by supposing that summary of all the key signatures in all sources, individual scribes followed their own idiosyncratic and under letter B a condensed summary of Atlas’s conventions in this regard, even when they copied conclusions about its manuscript tradition. From most other features of a composition quite care- table XIV.2 it is easy to see what whereas closely

fully. related readings sometimes have the same signa-

Certainly there is no significant correlation be- _ tures, variants in the key signatures are invariably tween variant key signatures inconcordant sources independent of other kinds of agreements and disand the amount of agreement over other aspects of agreements among the sources. Examples like Aga composition, as table XIV.1 demonstrates.*” ricola’s Si dedero (no. 68), Busnois’s or Caron’s Rather than providing information about every Cent mille escus (no. 70), and Agricola’s Je n’ay duel composition in Florence 229 that appears insome __ (no. 174), in which a piece is provided with four or other source with a different key signature— five different key signatures in the sources demoninformation easy enough to assemble from the _ strate especially effectively the almost complete footnotes to individual pieces in this edition— lack of correspondence between variant signatures table XIV.2 offers a sample of such information, and other kinds of variants. Many if not most conand the disagreements about signatures are related _ flicting signatures, then, must have resulted from to the manuscript tradition for each piece. Since independent decisions made by individual scribes. information about the manuscript tradition of | They evidently wrote flats in the signature of some

45. Table XIV.2 gives signatures for the beginnings of but not all VOICES because they hoped thereby to compositions, but in some cases the signatures change in the make their versions more useful to performers, or course of a piece. See, for example, the detailed tables of the | because they wished to clarify what they supposed conflicting signatures in Agricola’s A la mignonne de Fortune to be the mode of a piece or the intentions of the (no. 127) in Jones, ““The ‘First’ Chansonnier of the Biblioteca composer. We have seen that the scribe of Florence Riccardiana”’ 1:186; Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:230 (with the 229 was relatively consistent in the way he used

superius of Florence 2794 incorrectly described as lacking a . Y y

flat); and Litterick, ‘‘The Manuscript Royal 20.A.XVI of the conflicting signatures. Further studies May well British Library,” p. 121. Jones, pp. 175-96, offers anexten- | Show that other scribes were equally consistent in sive discussion of conflicting signatures in the chanson reper- _ the decisions they made. But in any case, variants

tory of the late fifteenth century. among key signatures are not “‘significant”’ in the | Litterick’s claim (on p. 125) that it was against the estab- sense in which Atlas uses that word to mean dislished practice of the fifteenth century to raise B flats to B naturals is so extensively violated in her own transcriptions— agreements among sources that reveal their reand would require such inconsistent treatment of, say, ca- lationship to one another.” dences on C in F-Lydian pieces with a flat signature—that it Adding a flat to a signature, as opposed to flat-

can safely be ignored. See also the passages in Escorial ting individual notes in the course of a comIV.a.24, a fifteenth-century manuscript unusually copiously position, changes the details of musica ficta 47 In supplied with accidentals, in which a sharp raises a B flat to Busnois’s Chi dit on benedicite (no. 56) a number of Chansonnier El] Escorial MS. [V.a.24,” 2 vols., Ph.D. dis- passing Or relatively unimportant Es will be left as

a B natural (for example, in Martha Knight Hanen, ‘The .

sertation, University of Chicago, 1973, vol. 2, no. 25,m.4; | naturals in the contratenor of the version in Florno. 57, m. 6; no. 60, m. 2; no. 68, m. 22; and no. 70, m.27). ence 229 with a single B flat in the signature, In addition, El] Escorial uses a sharp as cautionary accidental whereas they will automatically be lowered to E to prevent a B natural from being lowered in a number of cases; and a raised B is strongly implied in other passages, 46. See Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:45—47.

such as those where an under-third cadence on D in a part 47. A point made, too, in Kottick, ‘Flats, Modality and with a signature of one flat has been supplied with a sharp Musica ficta,’’ who also presents a list of compositions with

before the C. variant signatures in concordant sources. 163

CHAPTER XIV

: AND OTHER SOURCES

TABLE XIV.2 CONFLICTING SIGNATURES IN COMPOSITIONS FOUND IN FLORENCE229, VATICAN C. G. XIII, 27

2. He logierons (Isaac) G-Dorian A. Florence 229: 4bbb All other sources: bbbb

B. Atlas (Cappella Giulia 1:94-95) describes a single main manuscript tradition with one “‘slightly distinct sub-tradition”’ that does not affect Florence 229.

10. Benedictus (Isaac) G-Dorian A. Florence 229 and most other sources: bbb Zwickau 78,3: 4h4

B. Atlas (1:126-27) describes three subgroups within a main manuscript tradition. The first includes Florence 229 and Zwickau 78,3. The second contains only manuscripts with a signature like that in Florence 229. The third includes Berlin 40021, Ulm 23774 and two manuscripts with signatures as in Florence 229.

12. La morra (Isaac) G-Dorian A. Florence 229 and most other sources: bbb Leipzig 1494 and St. Gall 462: bb4 Florence 27: bb2b

B. Atlas (1:187-88) does not include information about the relationship of the manuscripts to each other.

13.A.Martinella (Martini) G-Hypodorian Florence 229 and most other sources: bbb Glogauer: bb&4

B. Atlas (1:89-92) describes two families of manuscripts, the second with two subgroups. Glogauer is one of the manuscripts in the first subgroup of the second family.

19. Les biens (Martini) D-Dorian A. Florence 229: 44floating b All other sources: 444

B. Atlas (1:100-102) describes two families, the first with two subgroups. Florence 229 is one of four manuscripts in the second family.

33. Guarde vostre visage (Agricola) C-Mixolydian A. Florence 229: 44b Vatican C. G. XIII, 27: b44 B. Atlas (1:89) describes both manuscripts as belonging to the same manuscript tradition, although there are some divergences in their readings.

48. A.Vous n’aves point (Caron) F-Lydian Florence 229 and most other sources: 4bb Bologna Q 16: 444

B. Atlas (1:99) describes one main tradition and divides it into several subgroups. Bologna Q 16 is one of three manuscripts in a different subgroup from Florence 229.

51. Fortune per ta crualté (Vincenet) C-Hypodorian A. Florence 229 and most other sources: 2b 2b 2b Glogauer: 2bb 2b Perugia 431: b 2b Eb only

B. Atlas (1:95-96) describes two manuscript traditions. Florence 229, Glogauer, and Perugia 431 all belong to the main tradition.

55. Je ne fay plus (Busnois or Mureau) G-Dorian A. Florence 229 and most other sources: bbb: Paris 2245 and Vatican C. G. XIII, 27: 4bb Florence 176 and Paris 15123: bb 2b Florence 121: 2b 2b 2b

B. Atlas (1:73-74) does not give information about the relationship among the manuscripts. 164

MODES AND CONFLICTING SIGNATURES

TABLE XIV.2 (continued)

68. A.SiFlorence dedero (Agricola) G-Hypomixolydian 229 and many other sources: 444 Florence 178, Rome 2856, Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, and Verona DCCLVII: bab Barcelona 454: 44 Eb only (plus fourth voice with flat) Florence 2356: bhh Florence 2794: bbé

B. Atlas (1:78-79) describes two manuscript traditions. The first tradition includes Florence 178, Florence 229, Florence 2356, Florence 2794, Vatican C. G. XIII, 27 and Verona DCCLVII. The second includes Rome 2856 as well as manuscripts which agree with Florence 229.

69. O Venus bant (Agricola) G-Dorian A. Florence 229, Florence 178, and Vatican C. G. XIII, 27: bbb Segovia: 44b

B. Atlas (1:65) gives no information about the relationship among the manuscripts.

70. Cent mille escus (Busnois or Caron) C-Lydina A. Florence 229 and other sources: 4bb Bologna Q 16: 4k4b

Paris 15123: bb Petrucc Canti C: bhb B. Atlas (1:97—98) describes two main families of manuscripts,

the first divided into two subgroups. Family 1, subgroup a includes Bologna Q 16 and four manuscripts with signatures like those in Florence 229. Family 1, subgroup 6 includes Florence 229, Petrucci Canti C and two other manuscripts with signatures like those in Florence 229. The second main family includes Paris 15123 and another manuscript with a signature like that in Florence 229.

71. O vie fortunée (Caron) C-Lydian A. Florence 229, Seville 5-I-43, and Vatican C. G. XIII, 27: 4b& Glogauer and Rome 2856: 444 Paris 15123: 44b

B. Atlas (1:228-29) describes three families of manuscripts. The first includes Florence 229, Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, and Paris 15123. The second includes Glogauer and Rome 2856, and the third includes Seville 5-I-43.

81.A.Se je fais bien (Agricola) C-Ionian Florence 229, Florence 178, and Florence 2794: hh Vatican C. G. CII, 27: thb B. Atlas (1:172—73) describes two subgroups in the main tradition. The first includes Florence 178 and Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, and the second includes Florence 229 and Florence 2974.

84. Il n’est vivant (Agricola) G-Hypodorian A. Florence 229, Copenhagen 1848, Florence 178, Paris 1597, and Rome 2856: bbb

London 20 A XVI: bb 2b Vatican C. G. XIII, 27: bb4

B. Atlas (1:186) claims that none of the sources 1s dependent on the same parent source.

94. Faites moy (anon.) C-Ionian A. Florence 229 and Vatican C. G. XIII, 27: 444 Verona DCCLVII (on F): 44b

B. Atlas (1:202) describes a single manuscript tradition.

97. Le despourveu (Caron) G-Dorian A. Florence 229 and most other sources: bbb Glogauer: b44

165

CHAPTER XIV

TABLE XIV.2_ (continued)

B. Atlas (1:93-94) describes a single manuscript tradition with two subgroups. Glogauer belongs to the same subgroup as Florence 229.

98. Cela sans plus (Colinet de Lannoy) G-Hypomixolydian A. Florence 229 and most other sources: 4h4 Bologna Q 16 and Rome 2856: bbb Washington Wolffheim: b 44

Petrucci Canti B:444 (plus fourth voice with flat) B. Atlas (1:181) gives no information about the relationship among manuscripts.

122. En attendant la grace (Agricola) F-Lydian A. Florence 229, Florence 178, Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, and Verona DCCLVI: 4bb Florence 121: bbb

London 20 A XVI and Washington Laborde: 4hb Rome 2856: 444

B. Atlas (1:143) describes a single manuscript tradition, with one subgroup consisting solely of Florence 229.

127. A la mignonne de Fortune (Agricola) F-Hypolydian A. Florence 229, Berlin 40021, and Vatican C. G. XIII, 27: 444 (Vatican has a flat in contratenor from m. 57 on) London 20 A XVI: 44b (with a flat in tenor from m. 103 on) Florence 2794 and Turin I.27: bbb (Turin drops the flat in superius at m. 43, and the flats in tenor and contratenor after m. 70) B. Atlas (1:230) describes a single manuscript tradition with a subgroup consisting of Florence 229 and Vatican C. G. XIII, 27. For further discussion of the conflicting signatures in this piece, see n.45 above.

137. Martinella (anon.) G-Hypodorian A. Florence 229 and most other sources: bbb Vatican C. G. XIII, 27: bbé

B. Atlas (1:160-63) gives no information about the relationship among manuscripts.

149. Maudit soit (Isaac) G-Dorian A. Florence 229, Florence 107°* and Vatican C. G. XIII, 27: bbbb Munich 328-331 and Viennaa 18810: bbb 2 b

B. Atlas (1:61) gives no information about the relationship among manuscripts.

174.A. Florence Jen’ay duel (Agricola) D-Dorian 229, Bologna Q 17, Brussels 11239, Cortona, Rome 2856, Verona DCCLVII, and Petrucci Odhecaton : 444b (bbbbin secunda pars )

Florence 2794, London 20 A XVI, Regensburg, and Segovia: hook

Vatican C. G. XIII, 27: bbb Florence 178: b4b4

B. Atlas (1:103-5) describes three subgroups. The first includes Florence 2794, London 20 A XVI, and Rome 2856. The second includes two subgroups, with Florence 178 and Florence 229 in the second. The third includes two subgroups, with Regensburg, Segovia, and Verona DCCLVII in the first and Brussels 11239, Cortona, and Petrucci Odhecaton in the second.

206. A.Helas que poura devenir (Caron) F-Lydian Florence 229 and most other sources: 4bb Glogauer: 444 Trent 89: 44b Verona DCCLVII: bbb Washington Laborde: 4b&

166

MODES AND CONFLICTING SIGNATURES

TABLE XIV.2 (continued)

B. Atlas (1:146~48) describes two families of manuscripts. The first is subdivided into three subgroups, with Washington Laborde and two others in the first, Glogauer and one other in the second, and Florence 229, Trent 89, and five others in the third. The second family includes Verona DCCLVII and five other manuscripts.

225.A. Florence Ales229,Regret (Hayne) F-Hypolydian Florence 107°%, Florence 2356, Rome 2856, Turin I. 27, Washington Laborde, and Zwickau 78,3: bb London 20 A XVI: 4b4

All other sources (including Brussels 11239, Florence 2794, Segovia, and Vatican C. G. XIII, 27): bbb B. Atlas (1:81-82) repeats Picker’s claim that Washington Laborde, Brussels 11239, Florence 2794, and Segovia are closely related, and Atlas adds that Florence 229 and Vatican C. G. XII, 27 are Closely related.

260. De vous servir (Hayne and Fresneau) G-Hypolydian A. Florence 229 and four other sources: 444 Florence 2356 and Florence 2794: 4b4

B. Atlas (1:182) describes three subgroups, including one with Florence 229 and Florence 2794, and another with Florence 2356 and two other manuscripts.

264.A.Amours, Amours (Hayne) G-Hypodorian Florence 229 and most other sources: bbb Florence 2794: bb 26 (floating) Glogauer: bb4 Trent 89: 44k

Washington Laborde: 4b 2 B. Atlas (1:212-13) describes a main manuscript tradition involving Washington Laborde and manuscripts with a signature like that in Florence 229.

267. Nec mihi, nec tibi (Obrecht and Virgilius) G-Dorian A. Florence 229: 4bb Segovia: 444

Hradec Kralove: bb4 Turin I. 27 (@ 2): bb

Vatican C. G. XII, 27: 4b4 B. Atlas (1:131—33) describes a single manuscript tradition with Vatican C. G. XIII, 27 offering slightly divergent readings.

flat if the chanson is performed from the versionin cepted, in which a B flat appears in the signature of

Trent 89, with a signature of two flats in the con- each voice, or whether one of the three variant tratenor. Similarly, the version of Tinctoris’s versions is preferred, that of Paris 2245 and VatHellas le bon temps que j’avoie (no. 198)in D-Dorian, ican C. G. XIII, 27, in which no flat is given to the

which appears in Florence 229 with a flat in the superius, that of Florence 176 and Paris 15123, in tenor but not in the other voices, is bound to be — which two flats appear in the signature of the conperformed with more B flats and E flatsthanifthe —tratenor and one flat in each of the other voices, or version of the Odhecaton and Florence 27 is used, in that of Florence 121 in which each voice has a sigwhich no voice is given a flat signature. And pass- nature of two flats. Similar examples from Floring notes as well as more important structural ence 229 can easily be found. The footnotes to indinotes will be inflected differently in Busnois’s or vidual pieces in the edition include information Mureau’s Je ne fay plus (no. 55), a G-Dorian ron- _—_ about all the variants in key signatures in all condeau setting, depending on whether the version of | cordant sources.

Florence 229 and the majority of sources is ac-

167

XV

Text Underlay

Ir a series explicitly designed “‘to offer the great = perius parts are missing from the partial inmonuments of Renaissance music ina formas tabulations; they were evidently intended to be close to their original versions as possible,’’’ it | sung either from memory or from some other seems at first glance contradictory to provide texts written source.” The tablature offers lute accomfor the majority of compositions in Florence 229, — paniments to many frottole and other native Italian since most of them were either supplied merely — forms, to a handful of chansons, and even to the with a poetic incipit or were entirely deprived of | Benedictus from Isaac’s Missa Quant j’ay au cor identification when they were copied into the an- _— (Florence 229, no. 10). Clearly, then, even Mass

thology. And yet, as Edward E. Lowinsky has movements were occasionally sung to the lute, alwritten about Helen Hewitt’s edition of CantiB, | thoughsuch compositions were probably added to ‘‘wherever important additions can be made with- _— anthologies like Florence 229 primarily because

out detriment to the main goal—a decisive they were especially apt for instruments. qualification—there is no good reason why they But whereas it is obvious that the texts ought to

should not be made.’”’ be added to the music in a modern edition of Flor-

Moreover, there is some reason to believe that ence 229, it is by no means clear how the comFrench chansons, with their texts, were known posers originally intended the poems to be sung, or and performed in late fifteenth-century Italy, even | even whether they had one invariable solution in though most of the manuscript anthologies com- mind when they composed a piece. Like earlier piled south of the Alps omit the words necessary — chansons, those in Florence 229 seem not to reflect for a complete performance of the compositions. _ the details of the prosody of their poems or their A few poems were even copied into Florence 229 content. Word painting occurs but rarely. Since and the other Italian chansonniers, albeit oftenina each line of text almost invariably contains only form garbled by the Italian scribes, who had butan _ eight or ten syllables,” while each phrase of music imperfect knowledge of foreign languages.”Some consists of many more notes, the melodic lines are manuscripts used in Italy were apparently pre- _ necessarily so melismatic that the composers’s inpared in France—Florence 2794, for example, — tentions with regard to text underlay are often amwhich is, like many French sources, meticulously — biguous, to say the least. provided with texts—but found their way south of Only one anonymous theorist from the fifteenth the Alps at an early date.* And afew manuscripts century wrote about the conventions singers and

offer other sorts of corroborative evidence that composers followed in adding syllables to the

chansons were sung in Italy. The lute tablature . | 8

owned by G. Thibault, for example, and probably 5. G. Thibault, Un mamuscrit italien pour luth des pre- 4: . miéres années du XVIe siecle,” in Le Luth et sa musique, ed. copied in Italy during the first decade of the six- Jean Jacquot (Paris, 1968), pp. 43-76, describe the manuteenth century, includes lute accompaniments to script, lists the pieces it contains, and offers some charactervocal music—tenor and contratenor parts written istic samples of the music in it, including arrangements for in tablature—along with dances, ricercares, and Jute and voice of Hayne van Ghizeghem’s Amours, Amours, intabulations of complete compositions. The su- trop me fiers de tes dars (Florence 229, no. 264) and Je ne fay plus

ne je ne dis ne escrips (Florence 229, no. 55) either by Busnois

1. Edward E. Lowinsky, Introduction to Hewitt, Canti B, or by Gilles Mureau. Since Mme. Thibault’s death, the

p-v. manuscript has come into the possession of the Bibliotheque

2. Ibid. Nationale in Paris.

3. These points are covered more fully in chapter IX, 6. I have adopted the convention of considering lines with where a list of pieces supplied with text in Florence 229 is a feminine rhyme to have cight or ten syllables even though

given. the final mute -e is sounded when sung, and thus the lines 4. On the possibility that Florence 2794 may have reached actually have nine or eleven syllables. On counting the Florence early in its history, see Jones, “The ‘First’ Chan- syllables of French poctry, see Kastner, History of French sonnier of the Biblioteca Riccardiana,”’ 1:3-17; and Rifkin, Versification, esp. chap. 2 “The Counting of Syllables,”

“Pietrequin Bonnel,” pp. 288-89. pp. 4-38. 168

TEXT UNDERLAY

notes in the musical sources, although he failed to | Stocker’s testimony is especially valuable since he give a series of clear-cut guidelines to follow.’The makes explicit the distinction between pratice be-

treatises of Lanfranco (1533), Zarlino(1558), and fore and after Willaert’s innovations at midStocker (ca. 1570)—ably examined by Harran, century, even though Stocker wrote some eighty Lowinsky, and others—do reveal that a common __ years after Florence 229 was compiled. practice for joining words to music was established We can claim with some justification, I think,

early in the sixteenth century.” (Elsewhere, Ihave that performing musicians during the sixteenth tried to demonstrate that Lanfranco’s rules can be century had agreed-upon techniques for adding shown to apply to a repertory of chansons dating texts to music even though the manuscripts them-

back as far as the beginning of the century.’) selves were not clear in this regard, and that the

8 — practice changed only gradually in the course of Writing on Text Underlay (c. 1440),” Acta musicologica 50 ; (1978):217—40. tary and obvious rules—that a syllable must be 7. See Don Harran, “In Pursuit of Origins: The Earliest the century. Even then, many of the more elemen-

8. Giovanni Maria Lanfranco, Scintille di musica (Brescia, given to a note at the beginning ofa phrase, that the 1533) has been published in facsimile in the series Biblioteca _ last syllable of a line normally coincided with the Musica Bononiensis, Sez. H, N. 15 (Bologna, 1970), and —_Jast note of a phrase, that only one syllable should

translated into English with an extensive commentary in Bar- be sung to a ligature, and so on—stayed the

bara Lee, “‘Giovanni Maria Lanfranco’s Scintille di musica and 0 Tadeed. j he techn; ftext

Its Relation to 16th-Century Music Theory,” Ph.D. dis- same. iMndace » 1 many wayst © ec nique OF EX sertation, Cornell University, 1961. On Lanfranco’s rules of underlay remained relatively uniform between text underlay, see Don Harran, “New Light on the Question ee of Text Underlay Prior to Zarlino,” Acta musicologica 45 franco did not deal primarily with French chansons. He did,

(1973):24-56. however, include a few exccptions to his rules, exceptions Gioseffo Zarlino’s well-known rules of text underlay ap- that he wrote applied specifically to chansons, and these do,

pear in his Istitutioni harmoniche (Venice, 1558), book IV, chap. in fact, take account of the most important situations where

33. Zarlino’s chapter is translated into English in Strunk, text underlay in the chansons differs from that in other Source Readings, pp. 259-61; and in Cohen, “Zarlino on genres. Neither Zarlino nor Stocker explicitly stated whether

Mode,” pp. 214-19. A convenient summary of his rules their rules applied to texts in all languages, although they appears in Reese, Music in the Renaissance, p. 378. doubtless had Latin and Italian in mind. Gaspar Stocker’s manuscript treatise, in the Biblioteca Na- Lanfranco almost certainly formulated his rules in order to cional of Madrid, is described and Stocker’s rules elucidated teach choirboys prevailing conventions for singing texts to in Edward E. Lowinsky, “‘A Treatise on Text Underlay by a music already composed. Zarlino seems to have intended his German Disciple of Francisco de Salinas,” in Festschrift Hein- rules for both composers and performers, while Stocker adrich Besseler (Leipzip, 1962), pp. 231-51. See also Lowinsky’s dressed the singer primarily and not the composer. extensive discussion of text underlay in the first volume of his 10. Harran, “New Light,” p. 33, points out that carlier edition of The Medici Codex , 3:90~-107; and his remarks on theorists “‘had postulated the structural correlation of text and

text underlay in the chanson repertory in Hewitt, ed., Canti music.” On p. 35, Harran notes that Martin Agricola in his

B, pp. v-viii. Musica Figuralis Deudsch, published in Wittenberg in 1532, See also Nicola Vicentino’s “‘Regola universale di porre le observed that a single syllable should be sung to a ligature; parole sotto alle note” in his L’Antica musica ridotta alla moderna indeed, Agricola attributed the invention of the ligature to the

prattica (Rome, 1555), facsimile ed. by Edward E. Lowinsky need for clarifying the placement of syllables. And on p. 49, (Cassel, 1959), fol. 87. Vicentino’s example is reproduced and Harran cites Franchino Gaffurius as the first theorist to state discussed in Lowinsky, ““Treatise on Text Underlay,” p. 242, (in his Practica musicae of 1496) that long syllables belong with

Jones, “‘The ‘First’ Chansonnier of the Biblioteca Ric- long notes and short syllables with short notes, albeit Gafcardiana”’ 1:208—9, and Harran, ‘‘Vicentino and His Rules of — furius was attempting to stimulate humanistic settings of

Text Underlay,” Musical Quarterly 59 (1973):620-32. Latin verse. On text underlay in the chanson repertory of the late fif- It may be, however, that the conventions for adding words teenth and early sixteenth centuries, see Jones, ‘The ‘First’ to music differed considerably in the earlier fifteenth century Chansonnier of the Biblioteca Riccardiana,” 1:197-335, and — from those described here. See van den Borren, Polyphonia Jay Rahn, ‘‘Text Underlay in French Monophonic Song ca. Sacra, p. 1, who briefly summarizes his impressions of the 1500,’ Current Musicology 24 (1977):63—79. The popular conclusions to be drawn from a study of the oblique dotted

monophonic song repertory, being mostly syllabic, poses lines connecting words and notes in Oxford, Bodlcian Lifewer problems than the repertory of courtly songs, with brary, MS Canonici misc. 213, a study that nceds to be under-

which | deal in this chapter. taken systematically.

9. See Howard Mayer Brown, ‘‘Words and Music in Early Harran, “In Pursuit of Origins,” pp. 220 and 228, reveals Sixteenth-Century Chansons: Text Underlay in Florence, that the ligature rule dates back to the fifteenth century. On Biblioteca del Conservatorio, MS Basevi 2442,’’ in Quel- text underlay in Dufay’s chansons, sce Leeman L. Perkins, lenstudien zur Musik der Renaissance I: Formen und Probleme der “Toward a Rational Approach to Text Placement in the SecUberlieferung mehrstimmiger Musik im Zeitalter Josquins Desprez , ular Music of Dufay’s Time,” in Papers Read at the Dufay

ed. Ludwig Finscher, Wolfenbiitteler Forschunger, vol. 6 = Quincentenary Conference, Brooklyn College, December 6-7,

(Munich, 1981):97-142. In that essay, I point out that Lan- 1974, ed. Allan W. Atlas (New York, 1976), pp. 102-14. 169

CHAPTER XV

1533 and 1570, even though the style of the music _ pert the third word (written ‘‘pere” in the manand the attitude of the composer toward the union __uscipt) seems to begin the continuation of the first of words and music both changed. It would be —_ musical phrase after the initial rest, and ‘“‘guerdon”’ extraordinary to suppose that principles demon- __ spills over beneath the second full phrase. Morestrably valid for most of the sixteenth century were over, the second “‘pert’’ (or “‘part”’ as the manu-

invented out of whole cloth when they were set script reads), seems to be set beneath the last note down for the first time by an obscure and pro- __ of the first stave, although the parallel construction vincial music master, writing an elementary text- of both music and poetry strongly suggests that book for choirboys in 1533. And indeed, the brief —_ that note should be sung to ‘‘qui,”’ written beneath

statement about text underlay by the anonymous _ the beginning of the next staff. The third and fifteenth-century writer discovered by Harran fourth lines of text seem to be spaced more or less proves that some of Lanfranco’s rules were oper- evenly beneath the notes. ative as early as the fifteenth century. We must French and Burgundian chansonniers offer, in begin with the assumption that text was sung to _ general, no more help than the Italian manuscripts. the chansons in Florence 229 in a way compatible | Acomparison, for example, of the superius of Cent to a greater or lesser degree with later practice. We mille escus (no. 70) as it appears in Dijon 517, Flormust, in short, use the later rules as a hypothetical ence 229, Paris 15123, Paris Rothschild 2973, and basis for our speculative interpretations, but with Wolfenbiittel 287 (pls. XXX—XXXIV) shows all due caution, and with the clear understanding clearly that the scribes of those five manuscripts that new theoretical evidence may come tolightto —_ did not agree on where particular words should be

modify or even change our understanding of the written beneath the notes—they had, in other

conventions. words, no strong sense either of the composer’s A careful examination of Florence 229 and other intentions or of a single tradition that dictated chansonniers of the period reveals that the manu- _— the way the chanson was meant to be sung—al-

scripts themselves give us some help in under- though all five make clear, in varying degrees, standing which lines of text were to be sung to __ where the phrases begin, even if we cannot always which phrases of music, but almost no help in de- —_ take them completely literally.'’ Doubtless, some termining precisely which syllables were to be _ scribes were more particular or more careful than placed beneath which notes. Scribes, whether Bur- _ others. The first scribe in Washington Laborde, for

gundian, French, or Italian, wrote the words be- example, almost always took pains to start a new neath the music so that they fit in a loose way, but __line of poetry at the beginning ofa staff, wherever

without regard to details. Even the notion thatthe =a new musical phrase begins there, too, a promanuscripts reveal where a new line of text begins cedure not uncommon among late fifteenthcannot be applied altogether literally; it, too, must century scribes. He was often also painstaking be interpreted to some extent. Thus in Je suis enough to place the last syllable of a poetic line d’ Alemagne (Florence 229, no. 161)—where the vo- __ beneath the last note of a musical phrase, wherever cal writing in the superius is much more syllabic the last note began a new staff. In Helas m’amour ma than usual—the scribe quickly ran outofspace and __ tresparfete amye (pl. XX XV), for example, the last

so the words stay out of synchronization with the syllable of the first line, the “‘e’”’ of ‘‘amye,”’ has music for most of the composition (compare the _ been carefully written beneath the first note of the edition with pl. XXVIII). At least, I presume that — second staff. That is, the scribe may have gone out no one would advocate speaking the last phrase of — of his way to detach the syllable from the word to text after the music has stopped. The more usual — which it belongs in order to indicate the correct procedure in Florence 229, however, is exem- texting at the beginning of each new staff; since the plified by the anonymous Sa painne pert (no.37 and —_C 1s the last note of a phrase, it would follow that pl. X XIX). While it is true that Florence 229 leaves __ the scribe supposed the last syllable of a line ought little doubt that the four lines of Sa painne pert begin 11. As Harran, “In Pursuit of Origins,” p. 227-32, points new phrases in mm. 1, 8, 18, and 28, the parallel out, the anonymous fifteenth-century theorists who wrote on construction of the first three lines is not revealed text underlay admonishes singers to follow the instructions in in the manuscript. Many fifteenth-century scribes the written parts, which presumably correspond with the made some attempt to show the separation of each composer’s intentions. The theorist S remarks strongly imply line into two parts when a caesura occurs. Even the words werc to be sung. On the other hand, though, even the man who copied the words into Florence 229 fol- musical examples in the brief treatise do not make clear where lowed this practice on occasion. But in Sa painne individual syllables were to be sung under the notes.

_—- that composers had particular intentions about where the 170

TEXT UNDERLAY

to be sung to the last note of a phrase. Ifhe could A tousjours mais (no. 80, mm. 11-21 and 22-30), be shown to follow that convention consistently, it for example, both begin with a series of semiwould be an important piece of evidence that late | breves separated from their continuations by rests. fifteenth-century composers intended their music It is almost impossible to conceive that “‘Car sus to be sung that way. Unfortunately, however, toutes” and “‘D’estre du monde”’ could be sung in while the scribe of the Laborde Chansonnier seems any other way than as indicated in example to indicate that he supposed the last syllable of a XV.1.'* And those two mottoes give us courage to line to go beneath the last note ofa phrasein many _ trust our instincts and recognize that the remaining instances, he is not consistent in that practice. So __ phrases in the chanson follow the same principles: that argument—or even that category ofargument each has a simple motto beginning and a longer

—can scarcely ever be made on the basis of late and more florid continuation. Moreover, in view fifteenth-century manuscript evidence. In the ab- _ of the repeated notes at the beginning of the comsence then, of sufficient contemporary theoretical position, it is difficult to imagine the superius, exposition or consistent scribal practice, the per- mm. 1-3, being sung differently from the version plexed editor of late fifteenth-century chansons is given in example XV.2; and in view of the pattern left with the necessity of devising a technique of | of slow motto (consisting mostly of semibreves) text underlay based partly on what arguments can _ plus faster continuations, the beginning of the fifth be made from internal evidence—what the styleof phrase (example XV.3), too, offers little choice the music and the nature of the poetry appear to about how the syllables ought to be disposed. The

demand—and partly on the sixteenth-century fourth phrase, on the other hand, is constructed rules, presuming that procedures in the late fif- differently from the others. Instead of a syllabic teenth century were not altogether different from motto based almost entirely on semibreves, it

those twenty or thirty years later. opens (example XV.4) with a slower melodic line Fifteenth-century writers on poetic theory stated that in ten-syllable lines a caesura normally

occured after the fourth syllable.'* In the musical i a ees ee ee etme eae

settings of ten-syllable lines that appear in Florence Car cus tou - tes em - por-tés le 229, a relatively short and concise motive or

motto, moving in relatively long notes, almost in- 22 25 variably begins all or most phrases; in many cases ——_—

the motto is separated from its continuation by a Dies - tre du mon - de rest or by a cadence formula. The correspon- Example XV.1: A tousjours mais (no. 80), anonymous, superdence appears too regularly and is too consistentin —iusm, mm. 11-16 and 22-24.

Florence 229 to be written off'as coincidence. Most 5 phrases in Florence 229 that set lines of ten syllables can easily be divided into two parts. The conclu- a a a a ae

sion is well-nigh inescapable that these motto be- “ tous “jours mais vous puis don ~ ner———_—_

ginnings set the first four syllables—up to the

caesura—and the melodic continuation was re- i— a

served for the remainder of the text. ; le nom, The second and third phrases of the anonymous Example XV.2: A tousjours mais (80), anonymous, superius, mm. 1-10. 12. On the caesura in decasyllabic lines, see Ernest Langlois, Recueil d’arts, pp. Ixxxv—Ixxxvii and pp. 237 Jcan Mo- 14. The line beginning “D’estre du monde” has a so-called linet), 261 (anonymous Traité de Rhétorique) and 266-69 ‘epic caesura,”’ that is a pause “‘preceded by a final unclidable (anonymous L’Art et Science de Rhétorique). For a historical feminine syllable which does not count in the number of overview of attitudes toward the caesura, see Kastner, History syllables making up the line” (quoted from Kastner, History

of French Versification pp. 82-106. of French Versification , p. 84). Thus, since the line ““D’estre du The division of musical phrases to correspond with the monde la tres plus belle dame” also ends with a feminine division of poetic lines is also suggested in Richard Wexler, syllable, it actually contains twelve syllables, although it 1s “The Complete Works of Johannes Prioris,” Ph.D. dis- treated as having ten, according to the convention mentioned

sertation, New York University, 1974, p. 48. in n.6 above. According to Kastner, p. 85 , the epic caesura 13. The following courtly chansons in Florence 229 consist occurred but rarely in the works of fifteenth-century poets. wholly or in part of decasyllabic lines: nos. 19, 21, 23, 24, 31, For further information, see Patterson, French Poetic Theory 36, 37, 52, 55, 57, 60, 79, 80, 84, 92, 130, 149, 153, 168, 219, 1:198-—201. For a fifteenth-century prohibition against the

221, 224, 225, 226, 247, 255, and 264. epic caesura, sce Langlois, Recueil d’arts, pp. Ixxxvi-Ixxxvil. 171

41 45 B : : CHAPTER XV

4 ut precisely where in each phrase, . f—_— —_____+—__f fpthen, ; ?should ? ——— a a ee ee ee ae ee ee the long melisma occur? Lanfranco tells us that

Et quant e when there are more notes than o syllables, the extra 4 moy, c'est mon pi . . . , | notes should be assigned to the penultimate sylExample XV.3: A tousjours mais (no. 80), anonymous, superius, m. 41-45. lable and the last note at the cadence to the final

WP Ce . . . Car pour __ tel - - - - le . . . . .

syllable. Zarlino modified that rule by adding the

pn 31 p-———————————— #35 qualification that the melisma may fall on the pe-

syllable only when it is long. Although nd — ed ¢ they were devisednultimate with Latin (or Italian) texts in j | mind, these rules seem to coincide in one signifiExample XV.4:; A tousjours mais (no. 80), anonymous, super- ‘th th ; la h dv. Th

ius, mm. 31—35. cant respect with theories of French prosody. The

meter of French poetry is reckoned according to

. the number of syllables per line, not the accent clearly separated from the two faster-moving seg- _ pattern. But modern literary historians agree that

ments that follow by a cadence formula (mm. throughout most of its history poetic French, like 34—35). In the fourth phrase, then, the placement _ the spoken language, is accented at the end, on the of the cadence tells the singer where to mark the final syllable when the rhyme is masculine (as in caesura, and the ligature in mm. 32-34 indicates “A tousjours mais vous puis donner le ném”), and

the beginning of the three-note melisma on the on the penultimate syllable when the rhyme is

first syllable of “telle. | feminine (as in ““D’estre du monde la tres plus belle In all but the fourth phrase of A tousjours mais, dame’’); the other accents in a line are disposed

the music continues after the motto beginning freely.'° Thus it would seem logical in singing with a series of semibreves. In view of the pattern —_ these poems to place the melisma normally on the

seems only natural to continue placing new syl- ing and on the next-to-last accented syllable—norlables under successive semibreves, reserving the mally the antepenultimate syllable—in lines with a melisma for the last several syllables, and for the — masculine rhyme. Such a procedure can easily be latter part of the musical phrase, which, in any applied to A tousjours mais , for example, to produce case, MOVES at a significantly faster pace. The hy- satisfactory musical results. The first phrase is espothesis that syllables should be placed more or _ pecially clear since the semibreves stop—and faster less syllabically at the beginning of each phrase on motion begins—on the antepenultimate syllable of

all the longer notes, seems at any rate to be the masculine line, as example XV.2 indicates. strongly implied by the disposition of phrases in — And in some phrases, such as the third in Stoksuch chansons as A tousjours mais, Stokhem’s Ha hem’s Ha traistre Amours (example XV.5), the distraistre Amours (no. 23) and the anonymous Moyns _ position of repeated notes on the same pitch is such

ay repoz (no. 24), and, indeed, in almost every that there is scarcely any choice about the way in phrase of each of the chansons setting ten-syllable = which the syllables must be fit most conveniently lines in Florence 229. And that convention seems

to be implied, too, in the sixteenth-century rules, a even though they do not quite explicitly state it. 15 posers that “‘all minims and notes larger than a minim receive a syllable” (Lowinsky, pp. 241-42), although he did make 15. On Lanfranco’s rule that “‘when there are not enough the point that this practice is one that distinguishes ‘‘modern”’

[notes to sustain repetitions], then one stays on the penul- from older composers. timate syllable until one reaches the cadence or the last note 16. See Kastner, History of French Versification, p. 1. Like to be sung, giving it the last syllable of the text,’’ and Zar- lines of verse, individual words in French are stressed on the lino’s observation that ‘after having adapted to the notes to last syllable if the ending is masculine and on the penultimate be sung all the syllables. . . [the] penultimate syllable may be if the ending is feminine. Fuller discussions of accent in

set to serveral smaller notes . . . provided the same penul- French poetry appear in Gaston Paris, Etude sur le role de timate syllable is long and not short,’’ see Harran, “New Vaccent latin dans la langue francaise (Paris, 1862), pp. 13-15, Light,”’ p. 44, whose translations I quote here. On the equiv- —_ who points out that Théodore de Béze in the sixteenth cen-

alent rule in Stocker’s treatise, see Lowinsky, “‘Treatise on tury was the first theorist to write about accent; and Charles

Text Underlay,” pp. 238-29. Thurot, De la prononciation frangaise depuis le commencement du As for the syllabic settings of slower-moving motto begin- XVe siéle d’aprés les temoignages des grammariens, 2 vols. (Paris,

nings, Harran, ‘““New Light,” p. 35, would paraphrase Lan- 1881-83), 2:727-42. franco’s second rule as requiring that “‘all notes larger than a For discussions of accent in modern French poetry, see Jean semiminim carry their own syllables.” Stocker gave as his | Mazaleyrat, Eléments de métrique francaise (Paris, 1974), and the first optional rule for modern (that is, post-Willaert) com- —_— works cited there.

172

TEXT UNDERLAY

to the notes; the assumption that repeated notes are — cueur sans aultre amer (no. 50), for example, are sep-

sung to new syllables dictates the solution givenin arated from their continuation by rests. And in a example XV.5, with syllabic declamation at the | number of other chansons with octosyllabic lines, beginning and with the longest melisma on the motto beginnings more or less clearly divide many penultimate syllable of a feminine line.'’ In sum, of the phrases into two halves (for example, no. 48, the practice of placing the melisma that occurs to- _ first and second phrases; no. 49, first phrase; no.

ward the end of virtually every phrase in late 51, first, third, and fourth phrases, and so on.) fifteenth-century chansons on the penultimate or © Even when motto beginnings do not so clearly antepenultimate syllable—and the practice of separate the first four syllables of a line from its making the final syllable of each line coincide with — continuation (as in nos. 39, 42, 54, 63, and so on), the last note of a phrase—seems, at the very least, | most phrases open with longer, slower notes and neither to be incompatible with the rules of French pick up speed toward the end. In short, using the poetry as explained by various fifteenth-century | convention for setting ten-syllable lines as para-

commentators nor to contradict the manuscript digm for the entire repertory of courtly French evidence, altogether unclear in this respect. More- — poems associated with the music of Florence 229 over, such a practice does seem to coincide well _—_ produces versions of the chansons that equally well with the musical style of this repertory andit gives follow the dictates of fifteenth-century literary to Lanfranco’s and Zarlino’s rules a more urgent theory and later musical practice, while at the same point than they have when appliedto more syllabic time appearing to illuminate the character of the

and text-oriented music that was being written music itself. when the two theorists were alive and working. Indeed, the application of these few rules—of

u observing the way in which the poetic caesura is reflected in the music and of placing the longest

IS FS melisma in each phrase according to the accent patJe ten des - pie - te, toy_——_—__—_—__ terns of the French language—not only produces for the most part highly satisfactory musical re-

Se ee ee re i te sults, but also suggests that most phrases of music et ta puis-san - - ee, in this repertory were conceived following a single

Example XV.5; Ha traistre Amours (no. 23), Stokhem, super- general principle." The beginnings of each poetic

ius, mm. 11-19. line were meant to be declaimed more or less syl-

labically, and the musical phrase then broadens out If the musical settings of ten-syllable lines reflect | into a long melisma in which the notes move faster an attitude of the composers toward their text, as] | as they approach the cadence. Thus the music does believe they do, then they reveal that phrases often reflect, albeit in a rather general way and without begin with more or less syllabic declamation be- —_ concern for smaller details, the prosody of the text.

fore broadening out into a melisma toward the Some chansons have so many notes in comend. The articulation of the caesura at the end of — parison with the number of syllables in each poetic

the fourth syllable allows, too, the composer to _ line that composers must have intended single construct a bipartite phrase in which a shorter — words, clauses, or even whole lines of texts to be melisma occurs on the second or third syllable ofa | repeated. That conclusion is supported by the sets

line. Fifteenth-century writers on poetry do not of rules provided by Lanfranco, Zarlino, and allow a caesura in lines of eight syllables, and yeta | Stocker, and almost all modern editors of fifnumber of chansons in Florence 229 that set these — teenth-century chansons seem to agree.'” But the shorter lines consist of phrases with a motto beginning and a broader continuation. The first few | 18. Ido not mean to suggest that all com posers represented

, , in Florence 229 constructed their phrases in exactly the same

notes of each phrase in the anonymous D’un bon du way. The variants individual composers preferred are often a 17. I have set the same syllables to a note repeated on the hallmark of their style, and thus a subject for further study; same pitch in this edition only where the first is an ornamental to a limited extent the subject is discussed here in chapters X

repeating note before the beat (that is, an anticipation), as in and XI. Agricola’s J’ai beau huer (no. 21)., mm. 13, 20, 23, and 42. 19. On Lanfranco’s and Zarlino’s rules for text repetition, Similar examples abound in Florence 229. This scems to be see Harran, “New Light,” pp. 43-44. On Stocker’s guide-

the situation Stocker had in mind in making an exception to lines, see Lowinsky, “Treatise on Test Underlay,” pp. his fourth obligatory rule that repeated notes on the same 241—43. For a fuller discussion of text repetition, see Jones, pitch each receive a syllable; see Lowinsky, ‘“‘Treatise on Text “The ‘First’ Chansonnier of Biblioteca Riccardiana,” p.

Underlay,” p. 237. 232-72. 173

CHAPTER XV

manuscripts themselves almost never indicate text The last phrase of this same chanson (example repetition. The scribe of Florence 229, forexam- XV.7) illustrates the second situation where text ple, did not repeat so much asasingle wordinany repetition seems most regularly to be called for: in of the courtly French poems he wrote into the an- _ cases where repeated notes on the same pitch use thology in such garbled form. Andthe other chan- up all the syllables, leaving a section of music still sonniers of the period—French and Burgundianas — unaccounted for. Working backwards, the second well as Italian—only very rarely offer a passage in _ part of the phrase, after the rest, requires at least

which the same poetic line appears beneath two _five syllables and probably six (four for the redifferent (though usually musically related) frag- peated Gs, one for the final note and probably a ments of melody. Typically, for instance, the sixth for the first note).*' But that leaves only two scribe of Florence 2794 noted only two places syllables for mm. 49-54, and the repeated D in m. where such repetition was evidently supposed to 51 would demand that the second of the two syloccur, both included evidently for rhetorical em- _ lables fall in the middle rather than the end of a

phasis. *” phrase. In short, the musically more convincing Three standard musical situations seem to de- __ solution sets the entire line to mm. 49—54 and remand text repetition in the chansons in Florence __ peats a part of it for the extension after the rest.

229. In the first place, some phrases, separated by , 50 rests from the remainder of the composition, are not supplied with text in any manuscript source, or re a a ae else the text that is supplied does not seem to suf- Wa > taYs me que de Ten ~ dre Ta fice for these “‘extra’’ sections of music. The sec- A po

ond phrase of Agricola’s Vostre hault bruit (no. 67),

illustrated in example XV.6 for instance, includes - - me, ne que de

a four-bar extension (mm. 23-26), echoing the , — _ _ 60

- ren-dre_i l'a - - - me.

end of the music immediately preceding it. Florence 229, the only manuscript to provide text for

the composition, spreads the words more or less . . . - ; Example XV.7: Vostre hault bruit (no. 67), Agricola, superius,

evenly under all the notes; it offers no help in de- mam. 49_60. ciding how to sing the poem. If the phrase were seen as an exceptionally long beginning followed The third situation where the nature of the muby a short continuation, the text might be set as ‘1 sic appears to demand text repetition occurs in

example XV.6, line B, taking advantage ofa possi- those places where the penultimate or anteble caesura after “Me fait vous amer’’ and fore- penultimate syllable is sung to a melisma so long or going repetition altogether. But that solution has — SS ———————————— —— in example XV. 15, mm. 29-30, the final syllable of

A. A qui jlay - the line falls on the semibreve before the two semiB. A qui jay - me mieulx @ = com ~- plai - minims. And in fact the chanson includes a number

, 40 of examples of this rhythmic figure, all but one

fe See A ee handled in this to the. recommen9 :oo EL HE ETedition A SEaccording W AON ..

- - ~ - me mieulxX @ouw . . .

, cul a7dations of the sixteenth-century theorists. Only the . re, a qui j'ay - first seemed to require exceptional treatment, since

a aT a ‘cc 9 . .

the alternative solutions, given as example XV.15, _— ! lines B and‘ C, would both place stress on the unI accented syllable ‘‘que,”’ taking it from the accented com Pal a com -plai 7 OTe. syllables. But, as we have already seen in example

Example XV.13: Pensez y se le povez faire (no. 42), Mureau, XV.12, the musical context often demands that a

° a , , a eae : ——

superius, mm. 35—43. new syllable be given to the last note of this figure,

wo frE= ti + ee ee ee

so the solution proposed for the beginning of Busillustrated in example XV.14. This edition offers nois’s Ung plus que tous can be matched in a score of the first version—and thus presents anexceptional other passages in Florence 229.

treatment of the single semiminims—because it , , , repetition of the rhythmic motive to which the ce a rr ee second half of the line is set. A. Ung______ queque tous B. Ung_iiplus plus

draws attention to the cadence in m. 60 and to the Seen Seaeetaees Sa os Sees ee eee SS

rh 55 r—— b- C. Ung ——séplus__ CC qe oe os

pest de tat A rhb 4 t rhb lt 4 —______ est en mon sou - bien ain - si des - em -pa- ré - - - - "4 = q 10

p) ny 60Seb RR £— — ~naeve ‘A RYbSOU

- nir, Au - quel pour rien__

v, J es ee Be ee ee

mm. 54-63. h 20 t —— a a . _ . - - - - - - nir

Example XV.14: Seule a par moy (no. 60), Busnois, superius, —_———- wi me puist ad - -

3. When two seminimins follow a minim or a e —e —_—* a a

29 P, : =

dotted minim, or two minims follow a semibreve veoum™™ or a dotted single syllable should p- Ss — ae 4 E= sung to all semibreve, three notesaand to the longer notebe that a ae+ a aSpa follows. But sometimes the two semiminims or De loy - aul-té__-_+===——S=sn-maa'is ee

syllable.” nl a ae . nen fal = dray3sn ~ , ; 1Us . 1-30. minims will take another syllable and sometimes , | 30 i

the longer note following will also take another

Such rhythmic figures appear at a number of |

cadences They may well be precisely the situations Example XV.15: Ung plus que tous (no. 52), Busnois, super-

Lanfranco described when he wrote that in cases 9? ™™

where the final syllable cannot be placed on the last del Ps b ¢ Zarli

note, it is assigned to a suitable note preceding it. The guidelines offered by Lanfranco, Zarlino, Thus at the end of the first half of Busnois’s Ung and Stocker thus seem to address the problems that arise with shorter note values when one attempts 29. For Lanfranco’s and Zarlino’s versions of this rulc, see to add text to the music in Florence 229. And when

Harran, ‘‘New Light,’ p. 40-42. For Stocker’s version, sec their advice is followed, the placement of ligaLowinsky, “Treatise on Text Underlay,” p. 239. tures—even in a source like Florence 229 where so 178

TEXT UNDERLAY

many of the poems to which the music was origi- have been supplied with text for two reasons. In nally set are lacking—often gives substantial aidin the first place, the tenor often supplies additional devising a musically acceptable solution. Thus in information about the way in which the text ought example XV.15, the first of the two ligatures tells to be set to the music. The tenor often adds ligaus where to begin the principal melisma of the — tures not in the superius, or has a slightly less ornaphrase, and the second ligature warns ustosingthe | mented and hence clearer phrase structure, or its second syllable of the third phrase on two notes. cadences reveal more obviously where the phrases Indeed, in all of the examples givenin this chapter, | end. If the hypothesis is correct that like music the relatively few ligatures in the superius parts should be sung to like text, then putting together

almost always change what would have seemed what the tenor reveals with what appears in the the correct text underlay had the ligatures not been _ superius often helps in determining the best way to present. Indeed, in countless passages throughout _fit the poetry to the notes. Second, it seemed more Florence 229, ligatures warn the singer to placethe helpful to those who will use these volumes to final syllable before the last note in a phrase (for include a full text with instructions that it could be example, in nos. 23, mm. 45, and in the tenor of __ left out, rather than to omit the text and advise the no. 48, mm. 10—11 and 22—23). Or else ligatures reader that it could be added; thus the full texts prevent the singer from cadencing too soon or in _ have normally been added to the tenor parts partly some other way direct performers toareading that —_ to reveal more fully the musical construction of the

might not otherwise be evident.” principal structural voice, and partly as a conMy decision normally to add text to both the — venience to musicians who may wish to perform tenor and superius parts of the chansons in Flor- _—_ the compositions in this way. ence 229 is not intended to suggest that the tenor In sum, the way in which the words are set to the and superius parts were always sung—or that con- music in this edition depends to some extent on my

tratenor parts were never sung—although the interpretatation of the character of the music: tenor so often imitates the superius in this reper-_ | which notes make up the motto beginning, pretory and so often has a well-shaped melodic line cisely where the faster motion signaling a melisma revealing careful planning of contours on the part — begins, which melismas are so long or so clearly of the composer, that one or the other voices, and articulated that they need to be subdivided by text sometimes both, may well have been performed __ repetition, where musical relationships are so sigby singers quite regularly.*' Rather, both voices nificantly close that they demand repetition of like segments of poetry. These criteria must be defined at least partly in quite subjective terms; they can30. Needless to say, the ligatures in Florence 229 are not not be reduced to a set of rules that can be mechanexactly like those in the other sources. As Lowinsky writes in ically applied to whichever chanson in_ this ishing difference in the treatment of ligatures in various repertory 1s performed or edited. But the truth is

the introduction to The Medici Codex, p. 107: ‘‘The aston- ; ; sources does not reflect a state of arbitrariness and notational that no fifteenth-century evidence survives to offer

anarchy ... but rather the flux and diversity of contemporary ‘objective proof” (problematic and misleading attitudes toward the problem of text setting.”’ For a full dis- term!) of the way composers intended these comcussion of the role of ligatures in the chanson repertory, sce positions to be sung. Indeed, the very absence of

Jones, ‘The ‘First’ more Chansonnier of the Biblioteca Ric. , a cercardiana,” 1:273-95. detailed explanations may well imply 31. I have added text to all voices of those compositions tain freedom tolerated by composers, or at least appearing in that form in Florence 229 (that is, nos. 65, 117, ee

150, 171, 173, 183, and 202); to all the sacred pieces in Flor- “The Text Underlay in Early Fifteenth-Century Musical ence 229 (nos. 10, 16, 20, 141, 142, 143, 155, 215, 216, 217, Manuscripts,”’ in Essays itt Musicology in Honor of Dragan Plaand 252); and to a few additional compositions (nos. 44, 129, menac on his 70th Birthday , ed. Gustave Reese and Robert J.

130, 157, 166, 168, 174, and 180) which are based on cantus Snow (Pittsburgh, 1969), pp. 245-51; and Craig Wright, firmi; or in which the lowest voices seem to be unusually well “Performance Practices and Pedagogy at the Cathedral of suited to be sung and were, in fact, supplied with text in at Cambrai, 1475-1550,” Corigress Report, International Must-

least one manuscript. cological Society, Berkeley, California, 1977 (Cassel, 1981), pp. On the diverse performing forces found in fifteenth- 643-49. century works of art showing secular music being per- For the view that scribes added text only to those voices formed, see Howard Mayer Brown, “Instruments and intended for singing, see Louise Litterick, “On the PerVoices in the Fifteenth-Century Chanson,” in) Currett formance of Franco-Netherlandish Secular Music of the Late Thoughts in Musicology , ed. John W. Grubbs (Austin and Lon- Fifteenth Century,” Early Music 8 (1980):474—-85. Litterick don, 1976), pp. 89— 137. On the likclihood that textless voices argues that most Italian chansonniers, including Florence

were sometimes intended to be sung, sce Gilbert Reaney, 229, were intended for use by instrumentalists. 179

CHAPTER XV

practiced by performers.** Gaspar Stocker seemed Thus some of the guidelines Stocker provided to allude to the difficulties and ambiguities of sing- | were obligatory; some were optional. Almost ing late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century mu- _ none of the chansons in Florence 229 are so com-

sic when he wrote: posed that the poetry which they were intended to

A wanderer . . . faces less risk of losing his way, accompany fits comfortably and logically in only if there is one path only whose tracks he can fol- one way. Almost every reader of this volume will low. But where there are many roads, the travel- | Wish to change one or another detail in almost ler is bound to go astray, unless chance or reason every composition, and some readers will doubtaid him. In the older compositions, the singer has less wish to challenge the basic assumptions I have

many roads to choose from. tried to set out in this chapter, for even the most

a . oo general principles on which my interpretations are 227-32. Harran argues persuasively that the anonymous : , 32. On this point, see Harran, “In Pursuit of Origins,”’ pp. based depend on a complex amalgamation of the fifteenth-century theorist assumed composers had specific in- manuscript evidence, the commentaries of later tentions. But manuscript evidence almost never reveals them writers on music, and especially on a consideration

clearly and unambiguously. of the nature of the music itself.

180

Part Four: THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR CONCORDANCES XVI

List of Sources with Sigla or Short Titles

T' following list includes all the manuscripts ferred to the recently published volumes of the (section A), early printed books (section B), = Census-Catalogue of Manuscript Sources of Renaissance

and modern publications (section C) that contain Polyphony, 1400-1550 (American Institutute of compositions from Florence 229 or that are re- Musicology, 1979-82), where more details can be ferred to in the notes on the compositions andtheir found. Nor have I referred to the splendid brief texts. The sigla or short titles preceding the fuller | descriptions of manuscripts found in Jeppesen, titles are used throughout the introduction as well —‘Frottola 2, and Staehelin, Messen... Isaacs 1, unless

as in the notes that follow, wherever a source is no fuller description exists, or unless they contain

mentioned. information not found elsewhere, although those At the end of each entry, all the pieces included — two volumes have helped me enormously in prein Florence 229 are listed; if a number is preceded _ paring these brief descriptions. In short, I have by “‘see,”’ the piece is not found in the source, but __ tried to send the reader to the latest studies, most of

the manuscript is cited in the note on that com- which, in any case, refer to earlier work. position. Thus Berlin 40021 has nine concordances The books printed before 1600 (section B) are with Florence 229, and it is mentioned as well in listed by composer, editor, or publisher, followed the commentary to no. 234. (This distinctionisnot — by the date of publication and a short title. The maintained for the volumes listed in section C.) — superscript numbers after the publishing date are The manuscripts are listed alphabetically by the taken from Recueils imprimés: XVIe—XVUe siécles city in which they are found—save for the Bux- _— (Répertoire International des Sources Musicales), edited

heim Organ Book and the Glogauer Song Book by Francois Lesure (Munich, 1960), referred to as (cited as ‘‘Buxheim”’ and “‘Glogauer’’)—-followed RISM. After the siglum, a fuller title is given for by an abbreviation of the shelf mark or (asin the — each volume, along with a single bibliographical

case of Washington Laborde, Paris Thibault Ni- reference (or at most two) to a modern study velle, and a few others) an abbreviation of the | where a complete list of the contents of each early name by which the volume has commonly been _ book can be found. If modern editions or facsimile called. There follows a brief description ofthe con- __ reprints of complete early books exist, these, too, tents of each manuscript and anestimate ofits date are cited. Bibliographical details about modern and provenance. These descriptions are based on __ publications cited with their short titles only in the current published studies, which are still to some _ notes on individual compositions may be found in extent the subject of scholarly debate and thus of | section C, “Modern Publications.’ The entries changing opinion. I have provided a partial bibli- _in section C are listed alphabetically by author or ography of studies where more details about the __ editor. sources can be found, but I have not attempted a In a few of the notes on individual compositions complete bibliography for each manuscript. In (for example, those for nos. 41, 44, 66, 103, 126, general, for example, I have avoided citing the of- | and so on), books and studies, many of them in ten very useful summary descriptions of manu- some field other than music, are cited in their enscripts found in editions of the complete works of _ tirety and are hence not included among the Josquin, Obrecht, and others, and I have not re- _—_ sources listed by sigla or short titles. 181

CHAPTER XVI

A. MANUSCRIPTS partbook, and that of his son, Basilius Amerbach, in the

ANNABERG 1248 superius and altus partbooks. The date 1535 and various See DRESDEN 1/D/505 dates between 1544 and 1546 are written into the manuscript. Contents and description in Richter, “Katalog,” BARCELONA 454 pp. 54-58. Barcelona, Biblioteca Central, MS M. 454 Florence 229, no. 168.

The manuscript is briefly described and the contents listed in Higinio Angles, ed., La musica en la Corte de los BERLIN 78. B. 17 (poetry only) Reyes Catolicos: Polifonia religiosa 1, Monumentos de la Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, MS 78. B. 17 (Hamilton Musica Espanola 1 (Madrid, 1941), 112-15. According 674) to Angles, the manuscript was compiled by various A poetic anthology probably compiled between about scribes at various times during the late fifteenth and early 1463 and 1475 for Admiral Louis Malet de Graville, one sixteenth centuries. The dates 1525, 1530, 1532, 1534, of the advisers of King Louis XI. The manuscript 1S and 1535 are written into the manuscript, whichincludes called Die Liederhandschrift des Cardinals de Rohan after Masses, Magnificats, motets, and other sacred as well as Cardinal Armand Gaston Maximilien de Rohan, who secular music by Spaniards—among them Juan de An- owned it in the eighteenth century. Modern edition and chieta, Francisco de Penalosa, and Pedro de Escobar— _ description in Lépelmann, Liederhandschrift des Cardinals and also by Franco-Flemish composers such as Fevin, de Rohan.

Mouton, Weerbecke, Josquin, and others. Florence 229, nos. 6, 39, 70, 79, 97, 177, 188, 191, 197,

Florence 229, nos. 68 and 155. 234, and 236.

BASEL 32 BERLIN 78. C. 28

Basel, Universitatsbibliothek, k. k. II. 32 Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, MS 78. C. 28 The unique copy of Canzoni nove con alcune scelte di varii | A chansonnier compiled in Florence about 1465 or 1466,

libri di canto (Rome: Andrea Antico, 1510 = RISM 1510) perhaps for the wedding of Margherita Castellani and has the incipit of the superius of Florence 229, no. 10, _ Bernardino Niccolini, whose families’ coats of arms ap-

written on a blank page. pear in the manuscript, according to Peter Reidemeister,

Florence 229, no. 10. Die Chanson-Handschrift 78 C 28 des Berliner Kupferstichkabinetts. Studien zur Form der Chanson im 15. BASEL F. IX. 22 Jahrhundert (Munich, 1973), who describes the collection Basel, Universitatsbibliothek, MS F. IX. 22 and lists its contents. His conclusions about the date and

Keyboard tablature containing intabulations of sacred provenance rest on the coats of arms and on the fact that and secular vocal music as well as abstract instrumental the illuminations are almost certainly the work of Ghepieces and dances, compiled for the Swiss humanist rardo and Monte di Giovanni, the Florentine artists who

Bonifacius Amerbach by Johannes Kotter, Johannes also decorated Florence 229. Allan Atlas, “La proWeck, and others between about 1512/13 and 1532. venienza del manoscirtto Berlin 78. C. 28: Firenzo o Modern edition and complete description in Marx, Napoli?,”’ Rivista italiana di musicologia 13 (1978):10—29,

Tabulaturen , who cites previous studies. argues that the manuscript was compiled in Naples and Florence 229, nos. 10, 12, 13, 44, 68, and 158. then decorated in Florence. Florence 229, see no. 258. BASEL F. X. 1-4

Basel, Universitatsbibliothek, MSS F. X. 1-4 BERLIN 40021 Four part books copied in the sixteenth century, con- _ Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Mus. taining mostly German Lieder. The dates 1522~24 ap- — ms. 40021 (olim Z. 21) pear in the manuscript. Lothar Hoffmann-Erbrecht, A miscellany containing both sacred and secular music Thomas Stoltzer: Leben und Schaffen (Cassel, 1964), dates = predominantly by German and Netherlandish comit ca. 1540. Contents and description in Julius Richter, posers, Berlin 40021 was compiled by numerous scribes “Katalog der Musik-Sammlung auf der Universitats- beginning as early as about 1485; it may include several Bibliothek in Basel (Schweiz),” Beilage zu den Mo- pages in the hand of Heinrich Isaac. The manuscript was natsheften fur Musikgeschichte 23 (1891):43—54. For other —_ bound in Leipzig about 1500. For a detailed description

references, see Hewitt, Canti B, p. 10. of its provenance and contents, see Martin Just, Der

Florence 229, no. 157. Mensuralkodex Mus. ms. 40021 der Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz Berlin, 2 vols. (Tutzing, 1975). On

BASEL F. X. 5-9 the manuscript’s relationship with Florence 229, see Basel, Universitatsbibliothek, MSS F. X. 5-9 there 1:125-—28. Just is preparing an edition of the manuFive part books containing mostly German Lieder and __ script for the series Das Erbe deutscher Musik . Support for

motets, at one time owned by the Swiss humanist, an earlier view that the manuscript was owned by Ernst, Bonifacius Amerbach. His name appears in the tenor bishop of Halberstadt and copied in Torgau, is given in 182

SOURCES WITH SIGLA OR SHORT TITLES

the review of Just’s book by Tom R. Ward in Journal of were added later, probably in the 1490s. A list of conthe American Musicological Society 30 (1977):524-31. tents is given in Edward Pease, ““A Report on Codex Q Florence 229, nos. 10, 19, 93, 127, 141, 142, 143, 182, 16 of the Civico Museo Bibliografico Musicale .. .

and 252; and see no. 234. Bologna,”’ Musica Disciplina 20 (1966):57-94. On the

provenance and date of the manuscript, see also Pease,

BERLIN 40026 “A Re-Examination of the Caccia Found in Bologna, Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Mus. Civico Museo, Codex Q 16,” Musica Disciplina 22 ms. 40026 (1968) :231-—34; Sarah Fuller, ““Additional Notes on the An anthology in German keyboard tablature containing 15th-Century Chansonnier Bologna Q 16,” Musica Disintabulations of sacred and secular music and some ab- _—iplina 23 (1969):81-103; Knud Jeppesen, La Frottola

stract instrumental pieces and dances, compiled by 2:10-16; and Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:235-36. Leonhard Kleber in Pforzheim betwcen about 1521 and Florence 229, nos. 11, 13, 19, 21, 37, 48, 51, 59, 68, 70,

1524. For studies of the manuscript, see Hans Low- 95, 98, 99, 110, 113, 199, 206, 212, 219, 220, 222, 228, enfeld, Leonhard Kleber und sein Tabulaturbuch (Berlin, 263, and 264; and sce no. 120.

1897), and Karin Kotterba, “Die Orgeltabulatur des Leonhard Kleber. Ein Beitrag zur Orgelmusik des ersten BOLOGNA Q 17

Halfte des sechzehnten Jahrhunderts,” Ph.D. dis- | Bologna, Civico museo bibliografico musicale, MS Q

sertation, Universitat Freiburg 1. Br., 1958. 17

Florence 229, no. 55. ° On the reasons for supposing Bologna Q 17, which contains mostly French chansons, to have been com-

BERLIN 40098 piled in or near Florence in the 1490s, see Atlas, Cappella See GLOGAUER. Giulia 1:236—37. For a brief description and list of its contents, see Richard Wexler, ‘‘Newly Identified Works

BERLIN 40632 by Bartolomeo deghi Organi in the MS Bologna Q 17,”

- . , an ;

Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Mus. fount the American Musicological Society 23 (1970):

ie anne in lute tabl a Florence 229, nos. 2, 22, 23, 41, 43, 44, 47, 55, 63, 68, D anenology in Nerman lute tablature contaming I-98, 116, 130, 145, 156, 157, 158, 163, 164, 174, 202, 225, tabulations of sacred and secular music as well as instru- 947. and 26() mental compositions, compiled about 1575. The manuscript is briefly described and previous studies cited in

Wolfgang Boetticher, Handschriftlich tiberlieferte Lauten- BOLOGNA @ 18 4: . und Gitarrentabulaturen des 15. bis 18. Jahrhundert, RISM ro ogna Civico musco bibliografico musicale, MS Q

8 Moe oe pp. 97-98. A miscellany, containing compositions with Italian, French, and Latin texts or incipits, Bologna Q 18 is briefly described and its contents listed in Luigi Torchi,

BOLOGNA A 29 ‘“T Monumenti dell’antica musica francese a Bologna,” Bologna, Archivio Musicale di San Petronio, MS A. Rivista musicale italiana 13 (1906):502—3. See also Knud

XXIX Jeppesen, ed., Die mehrstimmige italienische Laude um 1500 A choirbook containing Masses and motets copied in (Leipzig, 1935), pp. Ixiii-Ixiv, and Jeppesen, La frottola , Bologna before 1527 by Giovanni Spataro, the choir- 2:1). Jeppesen dates the manuscript early in the sixteenth master at San Petronio. The manuscript is described and century, and Atlas, Cappella Giulia, 1:237, conjectures its contents listed in Frank P. Tirro, ““Giovanni Spataro’s that it was compiled in northern Italy, perhaps in ManChoirbooks in the Archive of San Petronio in Bologna,” tua. 2 vols., Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, Florence 229, nos. 10, 11, 12, 19, 23, 51, 56, 68, 93, 97, 1974, 1:37—67. See also Edward E. Lowinsky, The Med- 19, 145, 147, 158, 206, 208, and 252; and see no. 173. ici Codex of 1518 (Chicago and London, 1968) 3:115.

Florence 229, no. 16. BOLOGNA 596

Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria, MS 596.HH.2*

BOLOGNA Q 16 A fragment of music used in the binding of a later book, Bologna, Civico museo bibliografico musicale, MS Q probably compiled in the fifteenth century, and contain-

16 ing an example of tablature presumably for the lute (“La

A miscellany containing many chansons, but also secu- = mano a la viola’); a complete intabulation of the two lar compositions with Italian and Spanish texts or inci- —_ lower voices with the discantus in staff notation of Vinpits and some sacred music, Bologna Q 16 was com- __ cenet’s Fortune per ta crualté (Florence 229, no. 51); and piled, probably in Naples but possibly in Rome, in the — an example of keyboard tablature. The most complete 1480s. The main scribe, Dominicus (?) Marsilius, signed description of the fragment appears in David Fallows, the table of contents dated 1487. Some compositions ‘“‘15th-Century Tablatures for Plucked Instruments: A 183

CHAPTER XVI

, Summary, a Revision and a Suggestion,”’ Lute Society modern notation in Das Buxheimer Orgelbuch , Das Erbe

Journal 19 (1977):7-33. deutscher Musik, vols. 37-39 (Cassel, 1958-59). See

Florence 229, no. 51. also Eileen Southern, The Buxheim Organ Book (Brook-

lyn, 1963), who describes the manuscript and lists its BOLOGNA 2573 contents. Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria, MS 2573 Florence 229, see no. 51. A manuscript possibly dating from about 1475 contain-

ing nine treatises by Johannes Tinctoris and opening CAMBRAI 18 with his motet Virgo dei throno digna. See Edward E. Cambrai, Bibliotheque de la ville, MS 18 (20) Lowinsky, “Conflicting Views on Conflicting Signa- A choirbook, containing chiefly Masses, compiled tures,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 7 probably in the Netherlands in the first third of the (1954):194, and Tinctoris, Opera Theoretica, ed. Albert sixteenth century. Its contents are listed in E. de CousSeay, 2 vols. (American Institute of Musicology, 1975), semaker, Notice sur les collections musicales de la Bibli-

1:10-11. otheque de Cambrai (Paris, 1843), pp. 107-19; and in Florence 229, , no. 20. Josquin des Prez, Werken, ed. Albert Smijers, Missen ,

vol. 3: “Missa Gaudeamus”’ (Amsterdam, 1927), pp. vi BRUSSELS II. 270 and viii.

Brussels, Bibliothéque royale de Belgique, MS II. 270 Florence 229, , no. 16. An anthology of religious poems, refrains and sayings, Latin hymns, and musical settings of religious songs in CAPETOWN GREY

Dutch and Latin. The main corpus, including the music, Capetown, South African Public Library, MS Grey was compiled about 1500, according to Fred. Lyna, 3.b.12 ‘Een teruggevonden handschrift (Brussel, Ms. I]. | Choirbook containing sacred and secular music, includ270), Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsche Taal- en Letterkunde ing a number of laude and sacred contrafacta of chansons,

43 (1924) :289— 323, who describes the manuscript and compiled about 1500 in Italy—either in the north (Palists its contents. It is also briefly described in Bernard dua, Mantua, Ferrara, or Modena) or in Florence— Huys, ed., De Grégoire le Grand a Stockhausen (Brussels, _ probably for a Benedictine monastery. For a description

1966), pp. 30-31. of the manuscript and a list of its contents, see Giulio

Florence 229, no. 66. Cattin, ‘Nuova fonte italiana della polifonia intorno al 1500 (MS Cape Town, Grey, 3. b. 12), Acta muBRUSSELS IV. 90 sicologica 45 (1973):165—221, and Cattin, ‘“Tradizione e

See TOURNAI tendenze innovatrica’ nella normati e nella pratica liturgico-musicale della Congregazione di S. Giustina,”

BRUSSELS 228 Benedictina 17 (1970):254¢f. The unique pieces and the Brussels, Bibliothéque royale de Belgique, MS 228 laude are published in a modern edition in Cattin, ed., Prepared for Marguerite of Austria in Brussels or Mech- Italian Laude and Latin Unica in MS Capetown, Grey 3. b.

lin between 1516 and 1523. Some additions were made 14 (American Institute of Musicology, 1977). to the manuscript after 1519. Modern edition and com- Florence 229, nos. 16, 19, 27, 51, 57, 66, 93, 113, 138, plete description in Martin Picker, The Chanson Albums 163, and 220. of Marguerite of Austria (Berkeley and Los Angeles,

1965), who cites previous studies. CHICAGO CAPIROLA Florence 229, nos. 155 and 174. Chicago, Newberry Library, MS 107501

Anthology of sacred and secular compositions, dances,

BRUSSELS 11239 and abstract instrumental music arranged for solo lute, Brussels, Bibliothéque royale de Belgique, MS 11239 in Italian lute tablature. Compiled for the Venetian luPrepared about 1500, possibly in Savoy, the chansonnier __tenist Vincenzo Capirola about 1517. Modern edition once belonged to Marguerite of Austria. Modern edition and complete description in Otto Gombosi, ed., Comand complete description in Picker, Chanson Albums. positione di Meser Vincenzo Capirola. Lute-Book (circa Florence 229, nos. 44, 68, and 225; and see no. 65. 1517) (Neuilly sur Seine, 1955). See also Boetticher, Lauten- und Gitarrentabulaturen , pp. 79-80.

BUXHEIM Florence 229, nos. 68, 215, and 225. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cim. 352b A collection of keyboard music copied in Munich during © COPENHAGEN 291°

the decade 1465-75, containing intabulations of sacred | Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibliotek, MS Thott 291° and secular music, abstract instrumental pieces, and in- =A chansonnier probably compiled in France or Burstructions for improvising at the keyboard. A facsimile | gundy ca. 1470-80. A few pieces are added in later edition was made by Bertha Antonia Wallner (Cassel, hands. Modern edition and complete description in 1955), who also transcribed the entire collection into Knud Jeppesen, Der Kopenhagener Chansonnier (Co184

SOURCES WITH SIGLA OR SHORT TITLES

penhagen and Leipzig, 1927; reprint with new remarks dem Jahre 1548,” Zeitschrift fiir Musikwissenschaft 2 by Jeppesen, New York, 1965). See also Geneviéve Thi- —_ (1919/20):206-12. A thematic index is included in bault and Eugénie Droz, ‘Le Chansonnier de la Bibli- —_ Jachimecki, Tabulatura organowa z biblioteki klasztoru Sw. othéeque Royale de Copenhague,”’ Revue de musicologie 8 | Ducha w Krakowie zr. 1548, Krakauer Akademiebericht

(1927):12—35. der phil. Klasse, vol. 53 (Cracow, 1913). The manuFlorence 229, no. 228; and see no. 177. script was destroyed in World War II. A copy of the

microfilm deposited in Isham Memorial Library, Har-

COPENHAGEN 1848 vard University, is available from the Deutsche Musik-

1848 Florence 229, no. 10.

Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibliotek, MS Ny. kgl. S. 2°. geschichtliche Archiv in Cassel. A large anthology of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century

DIJON 517 sacred and secular music, written in various hands, - ae as a babl led in F ‘bly in L a th Dijon, Bibliotheque municipale, probably compiled in France, possibly in Lyons in theMS ; 4:517

A chansonnier probably compiled in Flanders Burfirst quarter; of the sixteenth century Jeppesen, Ko-with oror;some . or gundy, but possibly(see in France, ca. 1470-75,

penhagener , 1965 ed., p. i1). For a description ,its ; ,con; ; 6Chansonnier ; latersee additions. The manuscript is musikdescribed and of2 the manuscript, Henrik Glahn, “Et fransk , 6 . ; 2 > tents listed in Stephen Morelot, “Notice sur un man-

handskrift fra begyndelsen af det 16.arhundrede,”’ Fund ; . pe

uscrit de musique ancinne,’’ Mémoires de la Commission og Forskning 5-6 (1958—59):90—109; and Dragande Pla-laJCote-d’Or ae , a. ay 4 « , 6 ¥3 ; es Antiquites du Departement menac, “‘A Postscript to “The “Second” Chansonnier of , a. eres (1856):133-—60, withAnnales a musicalmusicologiques appendix of.twenty-four the Biblioteca Ricardiana’,’’ 4 (1956):261 —62 pages (published separately as De la musique au XVe

Florence 229, nos. 12, 24, 32, 39, 43, 54, 55, 64, 66, 68, Pa ores. - manuscrit de la plothegue de aon 84, 88, 125, 186, 202, 208, 225, 237, 247, and 260; and tS sand’ in Jeppesen, Kopenhagener Chan-

see nos. 4 and 113. sonnier, pp. xxiv—xxxvi. Modern edition of fols. 1-56 in E. Droz, Y. Rokseth, and G. Thibault, eds., Trois

9 ; chansonniers francais du XVe siécle (Paris, 1927; reprint

CORTONA 95— 96 | PARIS 1817 ed., New York, 1978). Facsimile edition of the entire

1817 (tenor) ae » ; ; ;

Cortona, Biblioteca comunale, MSS 95-96 (altus, su- . dD PI Brookl d.).§ jus); Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, MS nouv. acq. fr manuscript, ed. Oragan F’amenac (Brooklyn, n.d.). See

perius), Ee also Edward Barret, ““The Dijon Chansonnier: Contents, Forms, Transcriptions,’’ M.A. thesis, University An incomplete set of partbooks (the bass is wanting), of Louisville. 1964 containing music with French, Latin, and Italian texts, Florence 229 nos. 50. 57. 70. 72.79. 184. 197. 206. and

probably prepared for Giuliano de’ Medici, duke of Ne- 998: and see nos 13 "157 183 and 258. a

mours, between 1514 and 1516. Fora refutation of views ,

to the contrary expressed in Liliana Pannella, ““Le com- —s prgspe_n 1/D/505

posizioni profane di una raccolta fiorentina del Cin- — Dresden, Sichsische Landesbibliothek, MS Mus. quecento,”’ Rivista italiana di musicologia 3 (1968):6, see = 4//505 (lim Annaberg, Bibliothek der St. AnAtlas, Cappella Giulia 1:241, who cites previous studies nenkirche, MS 1248) of the manuscript and reports the unconfirmed rumor — Choirbook written in Annaberg between about 1510 that the bass partbook survives in a library in Madrid. and 1530. Contents and description in Thomas L. NobThe texts have been edited after Cortona 95-96 in Ro- —jitt, « Manuscript Mus. 1/D/505 of the Sichsiche Landolfo Renier, ‘‘Un mazzetto di poesie musicali francesi,” ——_desbibliothek Dresden,” Archiv fiir Musikwissenschaft 30 in Miscellanea di filologia e linguistica: In memoria di Napo- (1973):275-310. See also Wolfram Steude, Die Musik-

leone Caix e Ugo Angelo Canello (Florence, 1886), PP- — sammelhandschriften des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts in der 271-88; and after Paris 1817, in Gustav Grober, Zu Sdachsischen Landesbibliothek zu Dresden (Wilhelmshaven,

den | Liederbtichern von Cortona,” Zeitschrift fur ro- 1974), pp. 221-33. A modern edition of the manuscript

manische Philologie 11 (1887):371—404. is being prepared by Jiirgen Kindermann for the series

Florence 229, nos. 2, 145, 150, and 174. Das Erbe deutscher Musik. Florence 229, no. 252.

CRACOW S. SPIRITUS

Cracow, Bibliotheca St. Spiritus, MS without call num- ESCORIAL IV. A. 24

ber (olim Warsaw, Polinski Collection, MS 564) E] Escorial, Biblioteca del Monasterio, MS IV. a. 24 Anthology in German organ tablature, compiled in A chansonnier, probably compiled in Naples in the Poland—perhaps in Cracow—about 1548, and contain- —- 1460s or early 1470s. It may have been acquired by Don

ing intabulations of Mass movements, motets, secular | Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, Spanish statesman, in Italy

music with German, Polish, French, and Italian incipits, early in the sixteenth century, whence it came to El preambles, and compositions without text or title. The | Escorial. The manuscript is described and its contents manuscript is described and its contents listed in Zdzis- listed in Brigitte Trautman Kultzen, ““Der Codex Eslaw Jachimecki, “Eine polnische Orgeltabulatur aus corial IV. a. 24,” Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat Ham185

CHAPTER XVI

burg, 1956; Eileen Southern, ‘“E] Escorial, Monastery FLORENCE 121

Library, Ms. IV. a. 24,” Musica Disciplina 23 (1969): Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Magl. 41—79; and Martha Kight Hanen, ‘“The Chansonnier El XIX, 121 Escorial, MS. IV. a. 24,” 2 vols., Ph.D. dissertation, Along with canti carnascialeschi and other secular music Universitytranscription of Chicago, 1973. dissertation also __—with Italian texts incipits, rmorence 121Itincludes some includes of allHanen’s the music in the manuscript | chansons andorother kinds of music. was probably

into modern notation. Southern has published a modern — compiled in Florence during the first decades of the six-

edition of the anonymous pieces (American Institute of | teenth century; at one time early in its history it beMusicology, 1981). See also Jeppesen, La frottola longed to Marietta, daughter of Francesco Pugi, as an

2:18-—23. inscription on one of its preliminary pages reveals. The Nino Pirrotta, “Su alcuni testi italiani di composizioni —_ contents are listed in Becherini, Catalogo, no. 52, pp. polifoniche quattrocentesche,” Testimonianze, studi e 52-54. See also Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:245, and Jeppericerche in onore di Guido M. Gatti (1892-1973) (Bologna, sen, Frottola 2:52—53.

1973), pp. 133-57, casts doubt on the Neapolitan prov- Florence 229, nos. 19, 23, 55, 65, 116, 122, and 196; enance of the manuscript on the basis of the northern _and see nos. 46, 170, and 249. Italian linguistic forms found in the Italian texts; he dates

the manuscript 1470-80. FLORENCE 164-167

Florence 229, see no. 258. Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MSS Magl. XIX, 164-167

FLORENCE 27 _.,, Four part books containing secular music with Italian

Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Panciatichi 44 ench texts or incipits, and motets, Florence

27 , 164—167 was probably compiled in Florence between Anthology of sacred and secular music, COMP iled early about 1515 and 1525. The contents are listed in Beche-

in the sixteenth century, possibly in Florence or else- rini, Catalogo, no. 67, pp. 69-71; and in Liliana Panwhere in Tuscany according to Jepp ©Sens Frottola nella, “‘Le composizioni profane di una raccolta fioren2:37— 42, who offers some corrections to the list of con= tina del cinquecento,”’ Rivista italiana di musicologia 3 tents given in B franca B echerini, Catalogo dei manoscritt (1968):3—47, who describes the collection in some demusicali della Biblioteca Nazionale di Firenze (Cassel, tail. For other information on its provenance and dating, 1959), no. 94, pp. 118-22. Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:252, see the studies cited in Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:246.

argues that Florence 27 was more likely to have been Florence 229, nos. 171 and 173. compiled in northern Italy, perhaps in Mantua. Florence 229, nos. 6, 10, 12, 19, 68, 113, 148, 170, 198, FLORENCE 1%

206, 225, and 252. Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Magl.

FLORENCE 1078S XIX, 176

Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Magl. chansonnier probably compiled in Florence in the

XIX, 107%* second half of the 1470s or early 1480s, according to An anthology probably compiled in Florence between Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:246—47. According to Joshua about 1505 and 1513 and containing music with French, Rifkin, ‘Scribal Concordances for Some Renaissance Latin, Spanish, and Italian texts or incipits. The contents Manuscripts in F lorentine Libraries,” Journal of the Amerare listed in Becherini, Catalogo, no. 40, pp. 42-44; see at Musicological Society 26 (1973):318, the man who also Jeppesen, Frottola 2:58—59, and Atlas, Cappella Giu- wrote the last two pieces into Florence 176 was the main

lia 1-243. scribe of Florence 2356. The contents of Florence 176 are Florence 229, nos. 2, 10, 12, 148, 149, 156, 157, 158, listed in Becherini, Catalogo, no. 69, pp. 72-75. See also

and 225: and see no. 68. Becherini, “‘Autori minori nel codice fiorentino Mag.

XIX, 176,” Revue belge de Musicologie 4 (1950):19—31.

FLORENCE 117 Florence 229, nos. 26, 49, 55, 98, and 199.

XIX, 117 FLORENCE 178 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Magl.

An anthology containing chiefly French chansons and Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Magl. secular pieces with Italian texts or incipits. Atlas, Cap- XIX, 178 pella Giulia 1:244—45, conjectures that it may have been A chansonnier probably compiled in Florence in the compiled by various scribes—the main one1513-15 a pene early 1490s, are accoreing Atlas, rappel Giulia 1:247. man—working in Florence between about an contents listed intoBecherini, Catalogo, no. 70,Its pp. about 1518, although the French scribe may have begun 75-77. his work as early as 1505. Wexler, “Prioris,” pp. Florence 229, nos. 2, 5, 12, 16, 19, 21, 23, 25, 27, 43, 220-23, conjectures that the manuscript may have been 44, 46, 55, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 79, 81, 84, 86, begun in France and later taken to Italy. Its contents are 98, 113, 122, 125, 128, 130, 138, 145, 146, 148, 152, 155,

listed in Becherini, Catalogo, no. 51, pp. 51-52. 156, 157, 158, 169, 170, 174, 196, 202, 208, 225, 254, and

Florence 229, no. 225; and see no. 66. 255. 186

SOURCES WITH SIGLA OR SHORT TITLES

FLORENCE 337 FLORENCE 2442 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS B. R. 337 Florence, Biblioteca del Conservatorio Luigi Cherubini,

(Palat. 1178) MS Basevi 2442

A bass part book probably compiled in Florence in the = Three part books (the fourth, the bass, is missing) confirst two decades of the sixteenth century. See Jeppesen, taining French chansons, probably compiled as a gift for Frottola 2:43—45, who offers a number of additions and __ the Florentine Filippo Strozzi between about 1518 and

corrections to the list of contents given in Becherini, 1527. See Howard Mayer Brown, “Chansons for the

Catalogo, no. 91, pp. 109-11. Pleasure of a Florentine Patrician,” Aspects of Medieval Florence 229, no. 171. and Renaissance Music, ed. Jan La Rue (New York, 1966), pp. 56-66; and Brown, “The Music of the Strozzi

FLORENCE 1040 (poetry only) Chansonnier,”’ Acta musicologica 40 (1968):115—29. Iam Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Strozzi- preparing a modern edition of the chansonnier.

Magliabecchiana VII, 1040 Florence 229, see nos. 4 and 157. A miscellany including on fols. 48-57 poems in French and Italian apparently copied by an Italian early in the FLORENCE 2794

fifteenth The French poems areRiccardiana, published in — ;MS ; , 7 i century. , Florence, Biblioteca

2794

Austin Stickney, ‘Chansons frangaises tirées d’un ms. An antholoev containing chansons and some com-

de Florence,” Romania 8 (1879):73—92, and Rudolf Me- _. By i’ ses ; positions with Latin text, compiled by8 a

number of yer, “Franzosische Lieder aus der Florentiner Hand- ,was . ; proba; . . _ scribes. The main portion of the manuscript schrift Strozzi-Magliabecchiana Cl. VII. 1040,” in Bei- bl ; aE haps in the 1480 1490

hefte zur Zeitschrift fur romanische Philologie, no. 8 (Halle y written in France, perhaps in the » or »

87, NO. although Heinrich Besseler in the introduction to Du107). fay, Opera Omnia 6:20, speculates thatthat it itmay datefrom fi Florence 229. see no. 157 ay, Opera Omnia 6:20, speculates may date

, as early as the 1460s, and Louise Litterick, ‘““The Manu-

FLORENCE 2356 script Royal 20.A.XVI of the N British Library,” Ph.D. ion, Universi . 66-7

Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, Codex 2356 dissertation, New York University, 1976, PP 66 6,

. aor probably . makescompiled an elaborate and not convincing case A chansonnier thealtogether oe ; _ for supposing itintoFlorence have in been completed by 1488 and 1480s, according to Atlas, Cappella Giuliaby1:256. Jeppe.. . . draws taken to Florence Pietrequin Bonnel. George M. sen, Frottola;2:54—57, attention to the notice dated Ge we 3— , ; ; Jones, “The ‘First’ Chansonnier of the Biblioteca Ric-

1541 on fol. 94, stating that Jeronimo di Monopoli from ; ; -

. cardiana, A Study Borgo San Lorenzo either Codex copied2794: some or all inofthe theMethod book of 3 ,Editing . 15th-Century Music,” 2 vols., Ph.D. dissertation, New

or composed the piece on fol. 94, andYork thatUniversity, the Florentine iara description ; oo: of the 1972, includes notary, Andrea Sardelli, also wrote some parts of it. The , ; , _——ismanuscript, a list of its contents concordances, manuscript described and its contents listed inwith Dragan ae - ;modern and «ce ; , ; Laas a transcription of all compositions into noPlamenac, ‘““The ‘Second’ Chansonnier of theand Biblioteca ; ,chronology ; . tation. On the scribes internal of Riccardiana (Codex 2356),” Annales musicologiques 2 ; 7 eT oer . the me a manuscript, see Rifkin, ‘‘Scribal Concordances,”’ pp. (1954):105—87, and ‘‘Postscript” 4 (1956):261—65. See 318-19 “sep: ;

ree —19 and 326; and Rifkin, ‘‘Pietrequin Bonnel and

also Rifkin, “Scribal Concordances,” p. 318. Ms. 2794 of the Biblioteca Riccardiana,” Journal of the Florence 229, nos. 26, 55, 68, 90, 110, 163, 169, 225, American Musicolovical Society 29 (197 84 96

4 260 merican229, Musicological Society 29 (1976):284—-96. mee Florence nos. 21, 43, 55, 66, 68, 77, 80, 81, 117, 127, 130, 157, 158, 174, 225, 228, 247, 248, 255, 260, and

FLORENCE 2439 ae 264; and see nos. 113, 138, and 153. Florence, Biblioteca del Conservatorio ‘“‘L. Cherubini, MS 2439 (Fondo Basevi)

A chansonnier copied in the Netherlands, probably for | GLOGAUER

an Italian recipient, between 1506 and 1514, and more Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, Mus. MS 40098 likely about 1508; see Kellman, ‘‘Josquin and the (missing since 1945) Courts,” p. 211. The coat of arms in the manuscript A set of three part books containing German Lieder and resembles that of the Agostini family of Pisa, but does | compositions with Latin texts and including a number of not match it exactly. See also Martin Staehelin, ““Quel- | French chansons copied into the manuscript without

lenkundliche Beitrage zum Werk von Johannes text or with Latin contrafacta, the Glogauer Liederbuch Ghiselin-Verbonnet,”’ Archiv fiir Musikwissenschaft 24 | was probably compiled after 1470—and most likely (1967):120—32. Paul G. Newton, ‘“‘Florence, Biblioteca about 1480—in Glogau in Silesia. The manuscript is del Conservatorio di Musica Luigi Cherubini, Manu- described in Heribert Ringmann, “Das Glogauer Liedscript Basevi 2439: Critical Edition and Commentary,”’ erbuch (um 1480),” Zeitschrift fiir Musikwissenschaft 15 Ph.D. dissertation, North Texas State University, 1968, (1932/33):49—60, and much of it is published in a moddescribes the manuscript and transcribes its contents into ern edition in Ringmann and Klapper, Glogauer Lied-

Pp g Pp &

modern notation. erbuch. See also Walter Salmen, “‘Glogauer Liederbuch,”’

Florence 229, see no. 171. MGG, and Hans-Jiirgen Feurich, Die deutschen weltlichen 187

CHAPTER XVI

Lieder der Glogauer Handschrift (ca. 1470) (Wiesbaden, century. See Cerny, “Soupis,” p. 52, no. 24 and pp.

1973). 159-97, and Martin Staehelin, “Obrechtiana,” TijdFlorence 229, nos. 13, 20, 29, 49, 51, 56, 70, 71, 97, schrift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziek109, 126, 134, 194, 198, 206, 264, 265, and 266. geschedenis 25 (1975):10-11. Florence 229, no. 6.

GREIFSWALD E” 133

Greifswald, Universitatsbibliothek, MSS BW 640-641 JENA 31

(olim E® 133) Jena, Universitatsbibliothek, MS 31

Only the superius and bassus survive of the original set = A choirbook containing Mass settings compiled in the

of four part books written as a manuscript appendix to first quarter of the sixteenth century, for use by the Symphoniae jucundae (Wittenberg: Georg Rhaw, 1538 = Kursachsische Hofkapelle and at All Saints Church in RISM 1538°), probably by Joannes Soldeke, the minister | Wittenberg. See Karl E. Roediger, Die geistlichen Musikwho owned the volumes until his death in 1588. See — handschriften der Universitats-Bibliothek Jena, 2 vols. (Jena, Isaac, Weltliche Werke, p. 172, and Dragan Plamenac, (Jena, 1935), 2:74; and Robert E. Gerken, ““The Poly‘Music Libraries in Eastern Europe: A Visitinthe Sum- phonic Cycles of the Proper of the Mass in the Trent mer of 1961 (pt. II),’’ Music Library Association Notes 19 | Codex 88 and Jena Choirbooks 30 and 35,” Ph.D. dis-

(1962):412—-13. sertation, Indiana University, 1969.

Florence 229, no. 68. Florence 229, no. 10.

HEILBRONN X. 2 LEIPZIG 1494

Heilbronn, Stadtarchiv, Musiksammlung, MS X. 2 Leipzig, Universitats-Bibliothek, MS 1494 A single bass part book (from an original set of three) A choirbook containing Masses, Mass movements, inwritten as a manuscript appendix to a copy of RISM troits, sequences, antiphons, hymns, Magnificats, and 15412: Trium vocum cantiones centum (Nuremberg: Pe- sacred and secular songs in German, compiled before treius, 1541). The volume contains motets and secular 1504 (the year it was bound) for Magister Nikolaus music with German, French, and Italian incipits. In part Apel, professor of philosophy (from 1507) and official of itis apparently a copy of the lost bass part book of RISM the University of Leipzig. The manuscript 1S published [ca. 1535]'*: [Lieder zu 3 & 4 Stimmen] [Frankfurt am in a modern edition in Gerber, Der Mensuralkodex des Main: Egenolff, ca. 1535]. See Martin Staehelin, “Zum Nikolaus Apel, who includes references to earlier studies.

Egenolff-Diskantband der Bibliotheque Nationale in Florence 229, nos. 12, 141, and 219. Paris,” Archiv fiir Musikwissenschaft 23 (1966):93-109, who gives a list of its contents and cites previous studies. LILLE 402 (poetry only)

Florence 229, nos. 6, 10, and 12; and see no. 14. Lille, Bibliothéque municipale, MS 402 Six hundred rondeaux compiled during the first half of

HRADEC KRALOVE SPECIALNIK the sixteenth century, mostly from the reign of Louis Hradec Kralové, Krajské Muzeum Vy¥chodnich Cech, XII. It is possible that the manuscript was compiled for

Codex Specialnik (MS II.A.7) Anne de Graville, daughter of Louis de Graville, about An anthology of Mass movements, motets, and some 1510. The first 544 poems appear also in the so-called music with Czech texts, probably copied in Bohemiain Manuscript of Jean de Saxe in Dresden. The Lille MS 1s the first half of the sixteenth century. For further infor- published in a modern edition in Frangon, Poémes de mation, see Dobroslav Orel, Potatky Umélého Vicehlasu __ transition.

v Cechach (Bratislava, 1922); Orel, “Stilarten der Mehr- Florence 229, nos. 19, 52, and 60. stimmigkeit des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts in BOhmen,”’ Studien zur Musikgeschichte, Festschrift fir Guido Adler LONDON 20 A XVI zum 75. Geburtstag (Vienna/Leipzig, 1930), pp. 87-91; — London, British Library, MS Royal 20.A.XVI and Jaromir Cerny, “‘Soupis hudebnich rukopist Muzea A chansonnier compiled in the 1480s or 1490s for Louis v Hradci Kralove,” Miscellanea Musicologica 19 (Prague, d’ Orléans (later King Louis XII) and illuminated by Jean

1966): p. 40, no. 7, and pp. 142—59. Colombe or more probably by a member of his workFlorence 229, nos. 141, 142, 143, and 267. shop, according to Louise Litterick, ““The Manuscript Royal 20.A.XVI of the British Library,’ Ph.D. dis-

HRADEC KRALOVE II A 20 sertation, New York University, 1976, who describes Hradec Kralové, Krajskeé Muzeum Vychodnich Cech, the manuscript, lists its contents with concordances, and

MS II. A. 20 includes transcriptions into modern notation of all the A single part book (apparently from an original set of | compositions in the anthology. Some of the poems are three) containing bass, tenor, and superius parts of published in a modern edition with English translations Masses, Mass propers, motets, and some secular music, in Wallis, Anonymous French Verse, pp. 139-43. compiled in Bohemia in the first half of the sixteenth Florence 229, nos. 44, 63, 64, 77, 84, 100, 116, 122, century, with some additions from the second half of the 127, 130, 174, 224, 225, 247, and 255. 188

SOURCES WITH SIGLA OR SHORT TITLES

LONDON ADD. 31922 LUCCA CODEX

London, British Library, MS Add. 31922 Lucca, Archivio di Stato, MS 184 (Mancini Codex) A songbook probably compiled during the second dec- _A fragmentary anthology of Italian ballate and madrigals ade of the sixteenth century in the circle of the English and also French chansons, compiled possibly in or near royal court. The manuscript is described and its contents Lucca in the first third of the fifteenth century. The published in a modern edition in Stevens, Music at the fragments are described and the contents listed with con-

Court of Henry VIII. cordances in Nino Pirrotta and Ettore Li Gotti, ‘“‘I] Co-

Florence 229, nos. 10 and 225. dice di Lucca,” Musica Disciplina 3 (1949):119-—39; 4 (1950):111-—52; and 5 (1951):115—42, where earlier stud-

les are cited.

LONDON ADD. 35087 Florence 229, see no. 53.

London, British Library, MS Add. 35087 A chansonnier probably compiled about 1505 in the Netherlands, perhaps for Jerome Lauweryn (d. 1509), ip aN 2267 treasurer to Philippe le Beau, duke of Burgundy. The — Milan, Archivio della Fabbrica del Duomo, MS 2267 manuscript is described, its contents listed with concor- (Librone 3) dances, and the compositions with French, Italian, and = Choirbook containing Masses, Mass movements, moLatin texts are transcribed in modern notation in Wil- _tets, and other sacred music, copied under the superliam McMurty, “The British Museum Manuscript vision of Franchinus Gafurius in Milan about 1500. See Additional 35087: A Transcription of the French, Italian, nud Jeppesen, ‘‘Die 3 Gafurius-Kodizes der Fabbrica and Latin Compositions with Concordances and Com- — del Duomo,” Acta musicologica 3 (1931):14—28. Its con-

mentary,’ Ph.D. dissertation, North Texas State Uni- tents are listed in Claudio Sartori, La Cappella musicale versity, 1967. The songs with Flemish texts have been — ge] Duomo di Milano. Catalogo delle musiche dell’ Archivio

published in modern edition in Wolf, Oud-Nederlandsche (Milan, 1957), pp. 50-53; and a partial modern edition Liederen. McMurty is preparing an anthology of chan- _ of the music was published in the series Archivium Mu-

sons from the manuscript. sices Metropolitanum Mediolanense (Milan, 1960ff). See Florence 229, nos. 64, 156, and 202; and see no. 66. also Sartori, “‘I] Quarto Codice di Gaffurio non é del tutto scomparso,”’ in Collectanea Historiae Musica 1 (Florence, 1953):25-—44.

LONDON HARLEY 9242 Florence 229, see no. 70.

London, British Library, MS Harley 5242

A chansonnier compiled for Francoise de Foix, cousin of Anne of Brittany, wife of Jean de Laval-Montmorency

_ y (Librone 2)

and mistress of King Francis I and possibly earlier of MILAN 2208 . Charles de Bourbon, Connétable of France, who ma Milan, Archivio della Fabbrica del Duomo, MS 2268

have commissioned the manuscript as a present to her hoirbook ‘ning M M | 4 between about 1509 and 1514. Paule Chaillon, “Le (POTPOOK containing Masses, Mass movements, an

» Pp oo , ;

Chansonnier de Frangoise (MS 5242, British Museum),”’ motets, COP ied under the supervision of Franc hinus ¢ Revue de musicologie 36 (1953):1—31, describes the manu- Gafurius 0 Milan | about 1500. See Jeppesen, Die 3

; sieand . Gafurius-K odizes.”’ Its contents are listed oe in Sartori, La script gives a list of its contents with concordances. On its date, see Litterick, ‘Manuscript Royal musicale del Duomo di Milano. Catalogo, PP. Ppa yCappella 20. A.XVIL” p. 45. 47-50; and partial modern edition of the music was Florence 229. see nos. 66 and 224. published in the series Archivium Musices Metropolitanum

, Mediolanense (Milan, 1960ff). Florence 229, nos. 10 and 16.

LONDON LANSDOWNE 380 (poetry only)

London, British Library, MS Lansdowne 380 An anthology of poems, prayers, and other texts, in- | MILAN 2269 cluding many poems by Charles d’Orléans and a sec- = Milan, Archivio della Fabbrica del Duomo, MS 2269 tion, beginning on fol. 224, of ‘““Chancons, Rondeaulx, (Librone 1) Carolles, Laiz. Et virelaiz.” (sic). It was apparently com- — Choirbook containing Masses and motets copied under piled in France in the late fifteenth century, but found its —_ the supervision of Franchinus Gafurius in Milan about way to England early in the sixteenth century. See Char- —- 1490. See Jeppesen, ‘‘Die 3 Gafurius-Kodizes.”’ Its con-

les d’Orléans, Poésies, ed. Pierre Champion, 2 vols. tents are listed in Sartori, La Cappella musicale del Duomo (Paris, 1971), 1:xxi. Some of the poems are published in di Milano. Catalogo, pp. 43-47; and a partial modern a modern edition with English translations in Wallis, | edition of the music was published in the series Archi-

Anonymous French Verse, pp. 112-38. vium Musices Metropolitanum Mediolanense (Milan,

258. Florence 229, no. 155.

Florence 229, nos. 8, 39, 70, 118, 152, 179, 257, and 1960ff). See also Sartori, “I] Quarto Codice.”’ 189

CHAPTER XVI

MODENA 456 MUNICH 718

: Modena, Biblioteca Estense, MS a.M.1,13 (lat. 456) Munich, Universitatsbibliothek, MS 4° Cod. ms. 718 Choirbook containing Mass settings by Dufay, Martini, An anthology in German tablature for the lute and the Vincenet, Weerbecke, and others, dating from the last —_ viol containing dances and instrumental arrangemnets of

quarter of the fifteenth century, probably from about sacred and secular music, compiled by Jérg Weltzell, 1480. It may have been copied for Duke ErcoleI d’Este |= who may have been a student at the University of Inat Ferrara. Its contents are listed in Pio Lodi, Catalogo golstadt. The dates 1523 and 1524 appear in the manudelle Opere Musicali . . . , Citta di Modena, R. Biblioteca script. It is briefly described in Boetticher, Lauten- und Estense, Bollettino dell’Associazione dei MusicologiItal- Gitarrentabulaturen, pp. 226—27, and its contents listed in

logue, 2:167-68. pp. 55-62. Florence 229, nos. 141, 142, and 143. Florence 229, no. 10.

lani, series 8 (Parma, 1923), pp. 17— 18. See Census Cata- Gottwald, Musikhandschriften der Universitatsbibliothek,

MUNICH 1516

MONTECASSINO 871 N | Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Mus. MS 1516 Montecassino, Archivio della Badia, Cod. 871 N Four part books containing chansons, Lieder, Latin An anthology of sacred and secular music, compiled in pieces, and dances, probably compiled in southern Geror near Nap les, possibly for the Benedictine monastery —_ many between about 1530 and 1550. Bruce A. Whisler, of Sant Angelo Palantano in Gaeta. The manuscript was“ Nfunich, Mus. Ms. 1516: A Critical Edition,” Ph.D. probably compiled about 1480, but it contains as well dissertation, University of Rochester, 1974, includes a some later additions. It is described and its contents —_ description of the manuscript, a list of its contents, and listed m Isabel Pope and Masakata Kanazawa, The Mu- 4 transcription of all compositions into modern nosical Manuscript Montecassino N 879 [sic],’ Anuario Mu- tation. sical 19 (1964): 123-53, who cite previous studies. See Florence 229, no. 158: and see no. 46. also Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:248. A modern edition of the entire manuscript appears in Pope and Kanazawa, MUNICH 3154 ec The Musical Manuscript Montecassino 871. A Nea- Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Mus. MS 3154

politan Repertory of Sacred and Secular Music of the Late ce ; Fifteenth Century (Oxford, 1978). ( Codex des Magister Nikolaus Leopold von InnsFlorence 229, nos. 130, 263, and 264; and see no, 258, ruck”) An anthology of Masses, Mass movements, liturgical music, and other compositions with Latin text, and

_ some German songs, compiled in Innsbruck between

Munich, Univessititsbibl othek, 8° Cod. ms. 322-325 about 1466 ane 1511. The manuscript is described ane s A set of four part books containing chiefly motets, com- contents listed in ‘Thomas L. Noblitt, “Das Chor uc piled for Heinrich Glareanus by “Martinus Besardos in des Nikolaus Leopold (Minchen, Staatsbibliothek,

1527. Its contents are listed in Clytus Gottwald, Die Mus. Ms. 3154): Repertorium,” Archiv Sir MusikMusikhandschriften der Universitatsbibliothek Miinchen wissenschaft 26 Naan ang tie dates oF iis com

(Wiesbaden, 1968), pp. 70-75, who lists previous stud- — PUaUOn suggested in Nobhtt, Mie Daticrung der randies. See also Mille Heinrich Glarean, Dodecachordon 1:29. schrift Mus. ms. 3154 der Staatsbibliothek Miinchen,”

Florence 229, no. 20. Die Musikforschung 27 (1974):36—56. Noblitt is preparing a modern edition of the entire manuscript for the series Das Erbe deutscher Musik.

MUNICH 328-331 Florence 229, no. 68. Munich, Universitatsbibliothek, 8° Cod. ms. 328-331 Four part books from an original set of five, containing ©§= NEW HAVEN MELLON

chiefly German Lieder, plus some instrumental carmina | New Haven, Connecticut, Yale University, Beinecke and French chansons, compiled after 1523 in Munich by = Rare Book and Manuscript Library, MS 91 (“Mellon Lukas Wagenrieder, the scribe who may also have com- — Chansonnier’’) piled Vienna 18810, according to Martin Bente, Neue | A chansonnier compiled about 1475 in Naples. Johannes Wege der Quellenkritik und die Biographie Ludwig Senfls | Tinctoris may have had the manuscript prepared for

(Wiesbaden, 1968), pp. 255-64. The manuscript is Beatrice of Aragon. A preliminary report on its contents briefly described and its contents listed in Gottwald, | appears in Manfred F. Bukofzer, ‘“An Unknown ChanMusikhandschriften der Universitatsbibliothek, pp. 83-97, — sonnier of the 15th Century (the Mellon Chansonnier),”’

and concordances for all the compositions are given in Musical Quarterly 28 (1942):14—49. A modern edition of Don Smithers, “A Textual-Musical Inventory and Con- __ the entire manuscript is published as The Mellon Chan-

cordance of Munich University MS 328-331,” R. M. — sonnier, ed. Leeman L. Perkins and Howard Garey, 2

A. Research Chronicle 8 (1970):34-—89. vols. (New Haven and London, 1979).

Florence 229, nos. 146 and 149. Florence 229, nos. 20, 51, 52, 75, 236, 261, and 266. 190

SOURCES WITH SIGLA OR SHORT TITLES

OXFORD 8° F 3 (poetry only) dre de l’Empereur: Ancien fonds, 5 vols. (Paris, 1866-92), Oxford, Taylor Institution, MS 8° F 3 (olim Arch. I. d. 1:299.

22) Florence 229, nos. 84 and 236.

A collection of 330 anonymous rondeaux, written in a humanist script of the first half of the sixteenth century. PARIS 1817

The manuscript is described and some of its contents See CORTONA 95-96 published in a modern edition in Kathleen Chesney, More Poémes de Transition (Oxford: Blackwell, 1965). PARIS 2245

Florence 229, nos. 19, 60, and 226. Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, MS fonds fr. 2245 A chansonnier compiled for Louis d’Orléans (later King

PARIS 676 Louis XII), possibly by his singer Jehan de Crespieres, Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, Fonds du Conservatoire, called Crespinet, probably in the 1490s. On its dating

Département de la musique, Rés. Vm’ 676 and especially on the confusion between the call number An anthology including motets, Magnificats, laude, frot- 1496 which appears on fol. 1 and the date of rom tole, and chansons compiled in northern Italy (perhaps pilation, see Litterick, “Manuscript Royal 20.A.XVI, Ferrara) in October 1502. Nanie Bridgman, “Un man- _—— PP: 40— 43. See also Jeppesen, Kop enhagener Chansonnier ,

uscrit italien du début du XVle siécle a la Bibliothéque P. xxi. Its contents are described and the music in It nationale,” Anneles musicologiques 1 (1953):177—267 transcribed into modern notation in Hugh M. B IT (with supplementary information in Annales 4 [1956] ingham, Jr., A Transcription into Modern Notation of 259-60), includes a description of the manuscript anda 4? Chansonnier (Fonds Frangais 2245) of the Duke of list of its contents with concordances and musical inci- Orleans, with Commentary and Concordances,”” Maspits. See also Jeppesen, Frottola 2:34—86 and Lewis Lock- "S thesis, North Texas State College, 1955. wood, “‘Music at Ferrara in the Period of Ercole I Florence 229, nos. 55, 66, 125, and 225. d’Este,”” Studi musicali 1 (1972):115. A facsimile edition PARIS 4379

. Panne? 20 ne 10, Dee 93 Dy. 206, and 252. Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, MS nouv. acq. fr. 4379 A miscellany including four separate collections. The

PARIS 1597 first forty-two folios were once a part of Seville 5-I-43 Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, MS fonds fr. 1597 (see there for furth er information). All comp osi1ons A chansonnier compiled about 1500-1508, probably for found - us tthe, are referred fs erong zon as René II de Vaudemont, duke of Lorraine, or for his son common as Hong tney ee Part or vnc tee ne Antoine. Clifford M. Shipp, “A Chansonnier of the collection of secular music with French and Italian texts Dukes of Lorraine: The Paris Manuscript fonds frangais ‘5 briefly described h Wolf Ceschichte d ,

; ne , second section, fols. 43-60”, an early fifteenth-century

1597,”’ Ph.D. dissertation, North Texas State College, I ue LN oe ven Ieee 5 _ 1 me

1960, includes a description of the manuscript, a list of 1 904). 1 on 1k The third a i , f Ie 61 i PZB) its contents, and a transcription of all compositions into a3 oa FEE ENTE SECON, TOS: 8 > CONS

. ains tenors from polyphonic compositions. It is briefly

mooern notation. 4 described and the contents listed in Heinrich Besseler,

255 orence 229, nos. 44, 68, 84, 125, 150, 224, 225, an “Neue Quellen des 14. und beginnenden 15. Jahrhunderts,”’ Archiv fiir Musikwissenschaft 7 (1925):233. The

PARIS 1719 (poetry only) fourth section, fols. han 92, rom late fifteenth century, contains sacred andthe secular music.

Paris, Bibliothéque nationale, MS fonds fr. 1719 Florence 229, no. 49, and see no. 8 and entries under A poetic anthology from the late fifteenth or early six- Seville 5-I-43.

teenth century, copied by several hands. It is described and partly reprinted in Schwob, Parnasse satyrique; see PARIS 9346 also Jean Robertet, Oeuvres, ed. Margaret Zsuppan (Ge- Paris, Bibliothéque nationale, MS fonds fr. 9346 (‘‘Le

neva, 1970), pp. 30-31. Manuscrit de Bayeux’’)

Florence 229, nos. 43, 55, 57, 63, 64, 77, 84, 100, 122, A collection of monophonic ‘“‘popular” songs, copied in 125, 127, 129, 153, 174, 208, 225, 228, 237, 247, 258, — France toward the end of the fifteenth or at the begin-

260, and 264; and see nos. 90, 134, and 167. ning of the sixteenth century. The manuscript is published in a modern edition in Gérold, Manuscrit de Bay-

PARIS 1722 (poetry only) eux. The poetry only had previously been published in Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, MS fonds fr. 1722 Armand Gasté, ed., Chansons normandes du XVe siécle A sixteenth-century poetic anthology with the ex libris (Caen, 1866). See also Gustave Reese and Theodore “Vers et poésies de Marguerite d’Orléans, Duchesse Karp, ““Monophony in a Group of Renaissance Chand’Alengon, Soeur du Roy Frangois Premier.”’ It is briefly sonniers,’’ Journal of the American Musicological Society 5 described in Bibliothéque Impériale, Département des —_ (1952):4—15. Manuscrits: Catalogue des manuscrits frangais publié par or- Florence 229, see nos. 14, 65, 128, 158, 169, and 224. 191

CHAPTER XVI

PARIS 12744 lute (fols. 12-25) and partly as lute accompaniments

: Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, MS fonds fr. 12744 (fols. 36-55"), compiled in northern Italy, perhaps in

A collection of monophonic “popular’’ songs, copied in Venice, at the beginning of the sixteenth century. The France toward the end of the fifteenth or at the begin- manuscript is described and its contents listed in G. Thining of the sixteenth century. The manuscript is pub- —_ bault, “Un manuscrit italien pour luth des premiéres lished in a modern edition in Paris-Gevaert, Chansons. années du XVIe siécle,” Le Luth et sa musique, ed. Jean The virelais (poetry only) are also published in Elisabeth — Jacquot (Paris, 1958), pp. 43-76. See also Boetticher, Heldt, ed., Franzdsische Virelais aus dem 15. Jahrhundert — [quten- und Gitarrentabulatur, pp. 228-29. (Halle/Saale, 1916). See also Reese and Karp, “Mono- Florence 229, nos. 10, 12, 55, and 264. phony.” Florence 229, see nos. 46, 58, 66, 92, 128, 145, 148, PARIS, THIBAULT NIVELLE

161, and 196. Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, MS without number (olim Paris, G. Thibault Collection)

PARIS 15123 A chansonnier, probably copied in France in the last Paris, Bibliothéque nationale, MS fonds fr. 15123 (“Le _ third of the fifteenth century, and possibly in the 1460s.

Manuscrit Pixérécourt’’) It is called the Nivelle de la Chaussée Chansonnier after A chansonnier probably compiled in Florence and deco- one of its former owners, Pierre-Claude Nivelle de la rated by Gherardo and Monte di Giovanni. Atlas, Cap- Chaussée (1692-1754), a wealthy French literary figure. pella Guilia 1:255, dates the manuscript before 1484 be- It is briefly described in Catalogue of valuable printed cause it contains no music by Heinrich Isaac, Florence’s books, illuminated manuscripts etc. which will be sold by auc-

most distinguished composer, who arrived in the city tion by Messrs. Sotheby (London, 6—8 March 1939), Lot

that year. The manuscript is described, and its contents 3584. transcribed into modern notation, in Edward Joseph Florence 229, nos. 79 and 125. Pease, ‘An Edition of the Pixerécourt Manuscript,” 3 vols., Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1959. PAVIA 362 Pease cites previous studies. Twelve compositions from Pavia, Biblioteca universitaria, Codex Aldini 362 the manuscript are published in Pease, Music from the Anthology of French and Italian songs that once bePixérécourt Manuscript (Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1960). longed to the noble Rabbia family of Cuneo, probably Florence 229, nos. 13, 26, 29, 37, 48, 49, 51, 52,53,55, | compiled in the early 1470s or late 1460s in Savoy. The 56, 57, 58, 60, 61, 70, 71, 74, 75, 92, 97, 109, 110, 117, manuscript is described and its texts printed in modern 120, 130, 134, 147, 154, 163, 206, 219, 220, 221, 222, edition in Antonio Restori, “Un codice musicale pa223, 261, 263, 264, and 266; and see nos. 10, 16, and 161. vese,” Zeitschrift fiir romanische Philologie 18 (1894): 381-401. See also Jeppesen, Frottola 2:89. Henrietta

PARIS ROTHSCHILD 2973 Schavran, “The Manuscript Pavia, Biblioteca Univer-

Paris, Bibliothéque nationale, Henri de Rothschild Col- sitaria, Codice Aldini 362: A Study of Song Traditions

lection, MS 2973 in Italy Circa 1440-1480,” 2 vols., Ph.D. dissertation, Called the ‘“Chansonnier Cordiforme”’ because the vol- New York University, 1978, includes a modern edition ume itself is in the form ofa heart, Paris Rothschild 2973 of the entire manuscript. was copied in Savoy in the 1470s for Jean de Montchenu, Florence 229, see no. 258. a soldier and priest (later bishop of Viviers) serving as vicar-general and councillor to Jean-Louis of Savoy, PERUGIA 431 bishop of Geneva. The manuscript is described and its | Perugia, Biblioteca Comunale Augusta, MS 431 (olim contents transcribed into modern notation in Edward L. G.20) Kottick, ‘““The Music of the Chansonnier Cordiforme: Anthology of sacred and secular music compiled in Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, Rothschild 2973,” 2 Naples or its surroundings, probably in the mid-1480s, vols., Ph.D. dissertation, University of North Carolina, according to Allan Atlas, “On the Neapolitan Prove1962. See also Kottick, ‘“‘The Chansonnier Cordi- nance of the Manuscript Perugia, Biblioteca Comunale forme,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 20 Augusta, 431 (G 20), Musica Disciplina 31 (1977):45— (1967):10—27, and Kottick, ed., The Unica in the Chan- 105, who lists previous studies of the manuscript and sonnier Cordiforme (American Institute of Musicology, provides a list of contents and concordances. In the 1967). A modern edition of the manuscript is being pre- Mid-sixteenth century, the manuscript was owned by

pared by David Fallows. Raffaele Sozi (Socies), merchant, chronicler, and ama-

Florence 229, nos. 36, 51, 57, 70, and 102; and see nos. teur musician, who made some additions. The manu-

67 and 258. script is described, its contents listed, and the secular Italian music transcribed into modern notation in Mi-

PARIS, THIBAULT LUTE chael A. Hernon, “Perugia MS 431 (G 20). A Study of Paris, Bibliothéque nationale, MS without number (olim the Secular Italian Pieces,’’ Ph.D. dissertation, George

Paris, G. Thibault Collection) Peabody College for Teachers, 1972.

An anthology in Italian lute tablature of motets, frottole, Florence 229, nos. 19, 51, 70, 90, 138, 206, 263, 264, chansons, ricercari, and dances arranged partly for solo and 267; and see no. 122. 192

SOURCES WITH SIGLA OR SHORT TITLES

PORTO The manuscript is described and its contents listed

Porto, Biblioteca Municipal, MS 714 (though with errors) in José M. Llorens, “El Codice An anthology containing several theoretical treatises and — Casanatense 2.856 identificado como el Cancionero de

a small collection of French and Italian songs. The Isabella d’Este (Ferrara), esposa de Francesco Gonzaga manuscript is briefly described and its contents listed in (Mantua),”” Anuario Musical 20 (1965):161—78. The Gerhard Moldenhauer, “Nachweis 4lterer franzés. manuscript is studied in greater detail and its contents Handschriften in portugesischen Bibliotheken,” Archiv transcribed into modern notation in Arthur S. Wolff, fiir das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen 151 ‘The Chansonnier Biblioteca Casanatense 2856, Its His(1927):75—76. Nino Pirrotta suggested that it originated tory, Purpose, and Music,” 2 vols. Ph.D. dissertation, in Ferrara in the 1440s in ““T'wo Anglo-Italian Pieces in North Texas State University, 1970. Wolff, 1:29-32, the Manuscript Porto 714,” in Speculum Musicae. Fest- suggests that Rome 2856 may have been the manuscript gabe fir Heinrich Husmann zum 60. Geburtstag (Munich, of polyphonic compositions a la pifaresca —that is, ar-

1970), pp. 253-61. See also Bernhard Meier, “Die ranged for shawm band, or, perhaps more accurately, Handschrift Porto 714 als Quelle zur Tonartenlehre des for the players of wind instruments in Ferrarese or Man15. Jahrhunderts,” Musica Disciplina 7 (1953):175-97; — tuan service—copied by Don Alessandro Signorello, Lewis Lockwood, “Dufay and Ferrara,” in Papers Read which Ercole I d’Este ordered to be decorated by Andrea at the Dufay Quincentenary Conference, Brooklyn College, delle Vieze.

December 6-7, 1974, ed. Allan W. Atlas (Brooklyn, Florence 229, nos. 3, 5,7, 11, 13, 15, 17, 19, 29, 43, 44, 1976), pp. 6-8; and David Fallows, “Robertus de 45, 60, 64, 66, 67, 68, 70, 71, 74, 84, 90, 93, 96, 97, 98, Anglia and the Oporto Song Collection” (forthcoming), 109, 113, 122, 134, 137, 144, 145, 147, 154, 157, 158, who suggests that the manuscript was compiled about 174, 196, 197, 202, 203, 205, 206, 219, 220, 225, 228,

1460. 236, 248, 264, and 268. Florence 229, see no. 258.

ST. GALL 461

REGENSBURG AR 940/41 _ St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, Cod. 461 Regensburg, Bischéfliche Zentralbibliothek, MSS A. R. An anthology of motets and French, Italian, and Flemish

940/41 songs, owned by the St. Gall organist, Fridolin Sicher,

Five part books containing Masses, Mass movements, and dated 1545, although it was probably compiled earliturgical music, and other compositions with Latin — jjey, possibly in Flanders or Italy. The manuscript is texts, secular music with German, French, and Italian described and its contents listed in Arnold Geering, ‘‘Die texts, and instrumental music. The anthology was com- — Wokalmusik in der Schweiz zur Zeit der Reformation,” piled by Wolfgang Kiiffer in Wittenberg between 1557 seh weizerisches Jahrbuch fir Musikwissenschaft 6 (1933), and 1559, and some additions were made to the manu- Beilage 11, pp. 235—36 (and see also pp. 90 and 188). On script in Heidelberg and Regensburg within a few years Sicher, his life, and the other manuscripts he owned or of 155 . The manuscript is described and its contents copied, see Walter Robert Nef, ““Der St. Galler Organist listed in Wilfried Brennecke, Die Handschrift A. R. Fridolin Sicher und seine Orgeltabulatur,” Schweize940/41 der Proske-Bibliothek zu Regensburg: Ein Beitrag zur ys. po. Jahrbuch fiir Musikwissenschaft 7 (1938): esp. Musikgeschichte in zweiten Drittel des 16. Jahrhunderts 140-41. Giesbert, Ein altes Spielbuch, is a modern pet-

(Cassel: Barenreiter, 1953). forming edition of the complete manuscript.

Florence 229, no. 10. Florence 229, nos. 11, 103, 115, and 184.

REGENSBURG C 120 ST. GALL 462

, Pp » hymns, _.

Teens Dare: Bischofliche Zentralbibliothek, C. 120 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, nthology containing Masses,MSMass movements, mo-Cod. : 462 tets, antiphones, hymns, and secular music with French Compiled by the Swiss cleric Johannes Heer of Glarus and German texts, probably compiled in southern Ger- between about 1510 and 1530. Modem edition and com

re . plete description in Geering and Triimpy, Liederbuch.

many or the Tirol in the second or third decades of the FI 399 10. 12. 55. 66. 68. 158. and 248 sixteenth century. It once belonged to an otherwise un- onence » nos. 10, 12, 55, 66, 68, 158, an known Peter Pernner. The manuscript is briefly described in Franz Krautwurst, ‘“‘Pernner-Kodex,’’ MGG ST. GALL 463 10 (1962):1075—76. See also Staehelin, Messen Heinrich St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, Cod. 463

Isaacs 1:XXXVi— XXXVII. Two part books (discantus and altus) bound together, Florence 229, nos. 157, 158, and 174; and seenos.7and _ from an original set of four, containing compositions

149. with Latin, German, French, and Italian texts, compiled by the Swiss soldier, statesman, and chronicler Aegidius

ROME 2856 Tschudi (1505-72), probably about 1540. Tschudi was

Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Cod. 2856 a student of the theorist Heinrich Glareanus; as a result

A chansonnier compiled for Isabella d’Este, possibly for of Glareanus’s influence, Tschudi identified the modes her betrothal in 1480 or within a few years of that event. of many pieces in St. Gall 463. The manuscript is de193

CHAPTER XVI

scribed and its contents listed in Geering, “‘Vokalmusik SEVILLE 5-I-43/PARIS 4379

in der Schweiz,” Beilage 9, pp. 227-32 (and see also pp. Seville, Catedral metropolitano, Biblioteca capitular y 91-92). It is studied in greater detail and the unica and =Colombina, MS 5-I-43 otherwise unavailable compositions transcribed into A chansonnier compiled about 1480 or slightly later, modern notation in Donald G. Loach, ‘“‘Aegidius probably in Naples according to Atlas, Cappella Giulia Tschudi’s Songbook (St. Gall MS 463): A Humanistic —-1:257. It was purchased by Fernando Colon, son of Document from the Circle of Heinrich Glarean,” 2 Christopher Columbus, in Rome in 1515. In the nine-

vols., Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, teenth century, forty-two folios were stolen from Se-

Berkeley, 1969. ville 5-I-43; they now form the first section of Paris 4379

Florence 229, nos. 2, 12, 20, 44, 68, 148, 155, and 158; (see there for further information). All compositions

and see nos. 4 and 170. now found in Paris 4379 but originally a part of Seville

5-I-43 are referred to throughout this edition as in Seville

5-I-43. The manuscript is described and its contents

ST. GALL 530 listed in Dragan Plamenac, “‘A Reconstruction of the St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, Cod. 530 French Chansonnier in the Biblioteca Colombina, Se-

An anthology in German keyboard tablature containing ville,” Musical Quarterly 37 (195 1):501—42; and 38 intabulations of sacred and secular vocal music and com- _—(1992):85—117 and 245—77. A facsimile of the reconpositions conceived for solo keyboard, compiled by the structed chansonnier has been published by Planemac as Swiss organist Fridolin Sicher between about 1512 and Facsimile Reproduction of the Manuscripts Sevilla 5-I-43 and

about 1521, with a later addition dated 1531. The manu- Paris n. a. fr. 4379 (Pt. I) (Brooklyn, 1962). A transcrip-

script is described and its contents listed in Nef, ‘‘St. tion of the contents of the reconstructed chansonnier Galler Organist Fridolin Sicher”; Hans Joachim Marx, | ™to modern notation appears in Alice Anne Moerk, “Neues zur Tabulatur-Handschrift St. Gallen, Stifts- “The Seville Chansonnier: An Edition of Sevilla 5-I-43 bibliothek, Cod. 530,” Archiv fiir Musikwissenschaft 37 & Paris N. A. FR. 4379 (PT. 1),” 2 vols., Ph.D. dis(1980):264-91; and Thomas Warburton, “Fridolin S¢rtation, West Virginia University, 1971. Sicher’s Tablature: A Guide to Keyboard Performance Florence 229, nos. 13, 28, 45, 48, 50, 51, 52, 55, 56, 57, of Vocal Music,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of 61, 63, 64, 70, 71, 74, 90, 92, 95, 96, 97, 98, 114, 134, Michigan, 1969. Marx and Warburton are preparing a 145, 147, 167, 169, 180, 181, 186, 188, 191, 194, 197,

modern edition of the entire anthology. 198, 205, 206, 220, 221, 228, 234, 261, 264, and 266; and Florence 229, nos. 2, 6, 12, 68, 103, 108, 129, 158, 168, See nos. 8, 103, and 258. 170, and 174; and see no. 183. STUTTGART I, 39

SEGOVIA mus. fol. I, 39 .

Stuttgart, Wiurttembergische Landesbibliothek, Cod.

Segovia, Archivo Capitular de la Catedral, MS without An anthology of motets, Passions, and other sacred mu-

number sic prepared for the Wiirttembergische Hofkapelle about An anthology containing Masses, Mass movements 1550. The manuscript is described and its contents listed

;Magnificats, ; ’ in Clytus Gottwald, Die Handschriften Wiirttembergmotets, antiphons, hymns, anddersecular ;i , — ischen Landesbibliothek Stuttgart: Codices musici I4s (Wies-

.between 1 4, aden, ), pp. 69-70. 1498 and 1501. Norma K. Baker, ‘“‘A Fifteenth- 7 music with Flemish, French, and Spanish texts or inci- baden. 1964 _

pits, compiled in Spain probably for Isabelle of Castille Florence 229. no. 252

Century Manuscript from the Segovia Cathedral,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Maryland, 1978, in- STUTTGART I, 47

cludes a description of the manuscript, a list of its Stuttgart, Wutrttembergische Landesbibliothek, Cod.

contents, and a transcription of all compositions into | ™us. fol. I, 47

modern notation. Her study supersedes the two earlier 2 anthology of motets, Masses, and other sacred music articles by Higini Anglés, “Die spanische Liedkunst im | Prepared for the Wirttembergische Hofkapelle about 15. und am Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts,” Theodor 1507. The manuscript is described and its contents listed Kroyer-Festschrift (Regensburg, 1933), pp. 67-68, and 12 Gottwald, Handschriften . . . Stuttgart, pp. 81-82. ‘‘Un manuscrit inconnu avec polyphonie du XVe siécle Florence 229, nos. 215, 216, and 217. conserve a la cathedrale de Segovie (Espagne),”’ Acta musicologica 8 (1936):6—17. The manuscript has been | TOURNAI 94/BRUSSELS IV 90 published in facsimile as Cancionero de la Catedral de Se- | Tournai, Bibliotheque de la Ville, MS 94 (Tenor); Brus-

govia by Ramon Perales de la Cal (Segovia, 1977). sels, Bibliotheque royale de Belgique, MS IV 90 (superFlorence 229. nos, 6, 10, 12, 13, 14, 16, 21, 22, 27, 44, 1us) 46, 55, 66, 68, 69, 105, 126, 131, 132, 133, 144, 147, 156, Two part books from an original set of four, containing 170, 174, 198, 206, 208, 225, 247, 252, 264, and 267; and music with Flemish, French, and Latin texts, compiled

see no. 51. probably in Bruges in 1511 (the date appears in an initial 194

SOURCES WITH SIGLA OR SHORT TITLES

of the Tournai part, fol. 21). The manuscript is de- and its contents listed in Luigi Alberto Villanis, “Alcuni scribed and the contents listed in Charles van den Bor- —_codici manoscritti di musica del secolo XVI posseduti ren, “Inventaires des manuscrits de musique poly- dalla Biblioteca Nazionale di Torino,”’ Atti del congresso phonique qui se trouvent en Belgique,” Acta musicologica internazionale di scienze storiche. Roma, 1-9 aprile 1903 8 6 (1934):119-21. See also A. Wilbaux, Catalogue de la (1905):319-—60, who publishes the complete poetic texts

Bibliotheque de la ville de Tournai (Tournai, 1860) from the manuscript. 1:35—37; Amaury Louys de la Grange, “L’Album de Florence 229, nos. 10, 21, 55, 127, 208, 225, and 267; musique du XVe siecle du musée de Tournai,”’ Annales and see no. 113. de la Societe d’Archéologie de Bruxelles 8 (1894):114—19; Adolphe Hocquet, L’Album de la Bibliotheque de Tournai yp ng 937A8BCP

(1511) (Tournai and Paris, 1935), pp. 25-30; Reese and Uj, Bibliothek der Von Schermar’schen FamilienKarp, “Monophony,” pp. 4-15; and Huys, De Grégoire stiftung, MS 237 a—d le Grand a Stockhausen, pp. 34-34. The volumes were — Four part books dated 1551 in the altus and tenor books,

bound by Louis Bloc, a bookbinder active in Bruges — containing motets and other sacred music and secular

from 1484 to 1529, according to Luc Indestege, music with French, Flemish, and Italian texts, probably “Schmuckformen auf flamischen Einbanden im aus- compiled in Germany. The manuscript is briefly degehenden Mittelalter: Beschiftete Rankenplatter,” Gut- scribed in Jeppesen, Kopenhagener Chansonnier, p. Ixxiii,

enberg Jahrbuch (1958):271~—87. who reads the date as 1557.

Florence 229, nos. 157 and 225. Florence 229, no. 10.

TRENT 8? Loa: UPPSALA 76A

Trent, Castello del Buon Consiglio, Codex 89 Uppsala, Universitetsbiblioteket, Vok. mus. hdskr. 76a

Probably compiled between 1459 and about 1472—75 An anthology containing principally chansons, but also for Johann Hinderbach, bishop of Trent from 1465 to BY CONAN Prinerpary , some sacred music with Latin text, probably begun in 1486, by Johannes Wiser, rector of the cathedral school France during the last decades of the if h in Trent 1459-65 and chaplain to Hinderbach after 1470. qu. wanuscript has not been described in the music

. . .; ; g the last decades of the fifteenth century.

On the date and provenance of Trent 89 and 91, logical 1; P _ cological literature. I amTrent now preparing a study of ;it.

; ; —- see no. 169.

see Adler and Koller, Trienter Codices 7:xili— xxi; Rudolf Florence 229, nos. 66, 130, 206, 208, 225, and 264: and

Wolkan, “Die Heimat der Trienter Musikhandschriften,” Studien zur Musikwissenschaft 8 (1921):5—8;

Hellmut Federhofer, “‘Trienter Codices,”” MGG 13: 668-73; Louis E. Gottlieb, ““The Cyclic Masses of Trent | UPPSALA 76E

Codex 89,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cali- Uppsala, Universitetsbiblioteket, Vok. mus. hdskr. 76e fornia, Berkeley, 1958; and Gary Spilstedt, ‘““Toward the A single discantus part book containing Mass OrdiGenesis of the Trent Codices: New Directions and New _ aries, probably copied in East Germany in the second Findings,’ Studies in Music from the University of Western half of the sixteenth century. The manuscript is briefly Ontario 1 (1976):55-70. Partial modern edition and mentioned in Robert Stevenson, “The Toledo Manuindex in Adler, Koller et al., Trienter Codices. Facsimiles | Script Polyphonic Choirbooks and some other Lost or of Trent 89 and 91 are published in Rome: Bibliopola, Little Known Flemish Sources,’’ Fontes Artis Musicae

1969—70. (1973):91. The volume appears to be a manuscript copy Florence 229, nos. 13, 49, 56, 75, 166, 194, 206, 263, of the superius part of the Petrucci printed volumes cited and 264. in this edition as Isaac 1506 Misse and Weerbecke 1507 Misse.

TRENT 91 Florence 229, nos. 10, 16, 141, 142, and 143. Trent, Castello del Buon Consiglio, Codex 91 Like Trent 89, much of Trent 91 was compiled by Jo- = VATICAN 11953 hannes Wiser between 1459 and 1475 forJohann Hinder- —- Vatican City, Biblioteca Ap. Vaticana, Codicetto Vat. bach, although it also includes music added at some later __ lat. 11953

date. See Trent 89 for further information. Bass part book only from an anthology containing prin-

Florence 229, no. 13. cipally motets and secular music with French, German, and Italian incipits, compiled during the first decade of

TURIN I. 27 the sixteenth century, according to Raffaele Casimiri, Turin, Biblioteca nazionale, Riserva musicale MS I. 27 “Canzoni e motetti dei sec. XV— XVI,” Note d’ Archivio

(olim MS qm. III. 59) per la storia musicale 14 (1937):145—60, who describes the An anthology containing sacred music and some chan- — manuscript and lists its contents. See also Charles van

sons, compiled in northern Italy, perhaps Piedmont, den Borren, “A proposito del codicetto Vat. lat. 11953,” about 1500. At one time, according to an inscription on — Note d’Archivio 16 (1939):17-— 18.

fol. 40, it was in Brescia. The manuscript is described Florence 229, no. 157. 195

CHAPTER XVI

VATICAN C. G. XIII, 27 VATICAN C. S. 45

Cod. XIII, 27 Cod. 45

Vatican City, Biblioteca Ap. Vaticana, Cappella Giulia, Vatican City, Biblioteca Ap. Vaticana, Cappella Sistina,

A chansonnier compiled in Florence between about 1492 —_A collection of Masses, Mass movements, and motets and about 1494, probably for Giuliano de’ Medici, duke — compiled in Rome for use by the papal chapel, probably

of Nemours. The manuscript is described, its contents before 1527. Sherr, ‘Papal Chapel,” pp. 283-86, argues listed, and a selection of pieces from it transcribed into that some parts of the manuscript were copied as early modern notation in Allan Atlas, The Cappella Giulia as about 1507. The manuscript is briefly described and

Chansonnier, 2 vols. (Brooklyn, 1975-76). its contents listed in Llorens, Capellae Sixtinae Codices Florence 229, nos. 2, 6, 10, 11, 12, 13, 19, 23, 25, 33, musicis, pp. 92-94. 44, 46, 47, 48, 51, 54, 55, 65, 68, 69, 70, 71, 77, 81, 84, Florence 229, nos. 215, 216, and 217. 89, 93, 94, 97, 98, 113, 122, 127, 130, 137, 145, 148, 149,

152, 157, 158, 163, 173, 174, 202, 206, 225, 227, 247, VATICAN C.S. 51

254, 260, 264, and 267. _ Vatican City, Biblioteca Ap. Vaticana, Cappella Sistina,

Cod. 15 — - ;

Cod. 51 A collection of Masses and Mass movements compiled

VATICAN ©. S. 15 _ in Rome for use by the papal chapel during the reign of

Vatican City, Biblioteca Ap. Vaticana, Cappella Sistina, Innocent VIII (1484-92), according to Llorens, Capellae

The manuscript is divided into three parts: a hymn cv- Sixtinae Codices musics, pp. 103-5, who briefly de-

anUscript IS Civice Parts: a hy y scribes the manuscript and lists its contents.

cle, a cycle of Magnificats arranged by mode, and a Florence 229, nos. 141, 142, and 143. collection of motets. It was compiled in Rome between

about 1492 and 1501, according to Richard J. Sherr, VATICAN SMM 26 “The Papal Chapel ca. 1492-1513 and its Polyphonic Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS 26 Sources,” Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University, (Rome, Santa Maria Maggiore, MS JJ. Ill. 4). 1975, pp. 204—15, who also points out that some of the A choirbook containing chiefly Masses by Francoheraldry in the manuscript suggests it was prepared in — Netherlandish composers and divided into two major connection with Charles VIII's visit to Rome in 1495. sections, one dating from about 1520 and the other conThe manuscript 1s briefly described and its contents taining music added to the anthology at intervals up to listed in José M. Llorens, Capellae Sixtinae Codices musicis about 1550. Barton Hudson, “A Neglected Source of notis instructi sive manu scripti sive praelo excussi (Vatican Renaissance Polyphony: Rome, Santa Maria Maggiore

City, 1960), pp. 21-29. JJ. Wl. 4,” Acta musicologica 48 (1976):166—80, who deFlorence 229, see no. 70. scribes the collection and lists its contents, conjectures that it was compiled in Rome by French scribes.

VATICAN C. S. 35 Florence 229, nos. 142 and 143.

Cod. 35 VERONA DCCLVII A collection of Masses, Mass movements, motets, and Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare, Cod. DCCLVI Vatican City, Biblioteca Ap. Vaticana, Cappella Sistina,

antiphons, compiled in Rome for use by the papal An anthology of compositions mostly without texts or chapel. The main part of the manuscript dates from the ‘Cipits, many of them identifiable through concorreign of Innocent VIII (1484-92), but some of it dates dances as French chansons oF ftalian he, re o bout from the reign of Alexander VI (1492-1503). The SCtipt was probably compued in northern italy about manuscript is described briefly and its contents listed in 1900 or slightly earlier. Some of the pleces have been Llorens, Capellae Sixtinae Codices musicis, pp. 69-72. See identified in Albert Smijers, “Vijtiende en zestiende

also Sherr, “Papal Chapel,” p. 194. eeuwsche Muziekhandschriften in Italie met werken van

Florence 229, no. 10. Nederlandsche Componisten,”’ Tijdschrift der Vereeniging

voor Nederlandsche Muziekgeschiedenis 14 (1935):178. See also Giuseppe Turrini, I] Patrimonio musicale della Biblio-

VATICAN C. S. 41 teca Capitolare di Verona dal sec. XV al XIX (Verona, Vatican City, Biblioteca Ap. Vaticana, Cappella Sistina, 1952), p. 7.

Cod. 41 Florence 229, nos. 3, 5, 6, 7, 10, 12, 13, 20, 21, 43, 51,

An anthology containing Masses and Mass movements, 64, 67, 68, 70, 90, 93, 94, 97, 122, 138, 139, 152, 163, copied in Rome between about 1482 and 1507, accord- 174, 188, 191, 206, 221, and 225. ing to Sherr, “Papal Chapel,” pp. 223-26, who points out that some of the heraldry in the manuscript relates it © VIENNA 11883

to Charles VIII’s visit to Rome in 1495. The manuscript Vienna, Oesterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. is briefly described and its contents listed in Llorens, 11883 Capellae Sixtinae Codices musicis, pp. 81-83. A choirbook containing Masses, Mass movements, and

Florence 229, see no. 128. antiphons compiled in the Netherlands during the first 196

Y, partly by & g SOURCES WITH SIGLA OR SHORT TITLES

third of the sixteenth century, partly by the Netherlands A choirbook containing Masses, motets, Magnificats, court scribe, Petrus Alamire. See Herbert Kellman, and hymns copied in Silesia or Bohemia about 1500. For ‘‘Josquin and the Courts of the Netherlands and France: a description of the manuscript and its contents, see Fritz The Evidence of the Sources,”’ in Josquin des Prez, ed. Feldmann, Der Codex Mf. 2016 des Musikalischen Instituts Edward E. Lowinsky and Bonnie J. Blackburn (Lon- _bei der Universitat Breslau, 2 vols. (Breslau, 1932); Felddon, 1976), pp. 201 and 209. See also Leopold Nowak, —= mann, Musik und Musikpflege im mittelalterlichen Schlesien

‘Die Musikhandschriften aus Fuggerschem Besitz in der (Breslau, 1937), pp. 142—48; and Feldmann, “‘Alte und

Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek,” in Die Os- neue Probleme um Cod. 2016 des Musikalischen Institerreichische Nationalbibliothek. Festschrift . . . Josef Bick tuts bei der Universitat Breslau,” in Festschrift Max

(Vienna, 1948), pp. 505-15. Schneider zum achtzigsten Geburtstage (Leipzig, 1955), pp.

Florence 229, no. 10. 49-66.

Florence 229, nos. 10, 13, 16, 44, 113, 141, 142, 143, VIENNA 18688 155, and 252. Vienna, Oesterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 18688

A thol nG lute tablature added to H WASHINGTON LABORDE

Be nO ate Adee” Fans Washington, of Congress, MS M2.;1.ofL25 Case Judenkiinig, Ainboschone kunstlicheLibrary underweisung (Vienna,

1523), containing intabulations of sacred and secular A chansonnier compiled by various scribes in France, or music as well as instrumental music. The anthology was more likely Burgundy, between about 1475-85 and the owned at one time by Stephan Craus from Ebenfurt. end of the fifteenth century. For a description of the The manuscript is briefly described in Kurt Dorfmiiller, The Lathe ane al ist of its SP Denon see pen E C ush,

- ° ; o ; 56-79.

Studien zur Lautenmusik in der ersten Halfte des 16. Jahrhun- © Pe ADOREE NANSONTNET, — & GP EWS read Oy Members of

derts (Tutzing, 1967), pp. 40-41, and some com- the American Musicological Society for 1940 (1946), pp.

positions from the manuscript are included in Adolf 9 97. 122. 130. 202. 206. 225. 228

Koczirz, ed., Osterreichische Lautenmusik im XVI. Jahr- Florence 229, nos. 975 7 IND OLE ORL OEY ES hundert, Denkmaler der Tonkunst in O6gsterreich 236, 248, 260, and 264; and see nos. 16, 113, 147, and XVIII/2 (Vienna, 1911). Its contents are listed in Josef 761. Mantuani, Tabulae codicum manu scriptorum praeter Graecos et orientales in Bibliotheca Palatina Vindobonensi, 11 WASHINGTON WOLFFHEIM

vols. (Vienna, 1864-1912), vol. 10: Codicum musicorum Washington, Library of Congress, MS M2. 1. M6 Case Pars II, pp. 177-78. See also Boetticher, Lauten- und = A manuscript containing chansons, motets (and origi-

Gitarrentabulaturen, p. 352. nally frottole), copied about 1500 (with some later addi-

Florence 229, no. 10. tions) in Florence, according to Martin Staehelin, ‘‘Eine

florentiner Musik-Handschrift aus der Zeit um 1500,”

VIENNA 18810 . _ Schweizer Beitrage zur Musikwissenschaft 1 (1972):55-81,

Vienna, Oesterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. who describes the manuscript, lists its contents, and

18810 points out that it was once a part of London, British

Five part books containing motets, secular music with Library, MS Egerton 3051. French, German, and Italian texts or incipits, and some Florence 229, nos. 10, 23, 44, 55, 98, 105, 155, and 158. textless pieces, compiled in Munich at the Hofkapelle between about 1524 and 1533. According to Martin WERTHEIM 6

B ti le Bi - . ; , ;

ente, Neue Wege der Quellenkritik und die Biograp hie Lud Wertheim am Main, Lowenstein-Wertheim-Gemein-

wig Senfls”(Wiesbaden, 1968), Archiv, pp. 264-68, Musikalien the scribe was . 4:no. schaftliches

6 .; ; Lukas Wagenrieder (who also wrote Munich 328-331), , . ; An anthology in German lute tablature compiled about although that conclusion may be indefensible. The con; gg Egenolff, , 1530,are according to Martin Staehelin, ““Zum tents of the manuscript listed in Mantuani, Tabulae tae a . ,; ; oo Diskantband der Bibliothéque Nationale in Paris,’”’-— Arcodicum manu scriptorum 10:219—24. The manuscript is ops 4s Toy . chiv fir Musikwissenschaft 23 (1966):97.

described and the unpublished pieces transcribed into Florence 229. nos. 12 and 158

modern notation in John D. Robinson, “‘Vienna, Na- Orenice ; an : tionalbibliothek Manuscript 18810: A Transcription of

the Unpublished Pieces with Comments on Per- WITTENBERG 40411048

formance Practices in Early Sixteenth-Century Ger- Wittenberg, Lutherhalle, MS S. 40411048 many,” D.M.A. thesis, Stanford University, 1975. Tenor part book containing sacred and secular music Florence 229. nos. 146 and 149: and see no. 69. with German or Latin texts or incipits, written as a manuscript appendix to the tenor part book of Johann

WARSAW 2016 Walther, Geystliche gesangk Buchleyn (Wittenberg, 1524).

Warszawa, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, Rps. mus. 58 See Deutsches Musikgeschichtliches Archiv Kassel, Katalog (olim Breslau, Musikalisches Institut bei der Universitat, der Filmsammlung, vol. 3, no. 2 (Cassel, 1978), p. 83.

Cod. Mf. 2016) Florence 229, see no. 66. 197

CHAPTER XVI

WOLFENBUTTEL 287 Chasse et depart (poetry only) Wolfenbittel, Herzog August Bibliothek, MS extravag. La chasse et le départ d’amours . . . composée par Reverend

287 pere en dieu messire Octovien de Saint Gelaiz . . . et par noble A chansonnier compiled in Burgundy or, more proba- homme Blaise d’Auriol. Paris: widow of Jean Trepperel bly, in northern France, between about 1480 and 1490 and Yehan Jehannot, n.d. §{ Index in Frédéric Lachevre, according to Jeppesen, Kopenhagener Chansonnier, pp. Bibliographie des recueils collectifs de poesies du XVIe siecle

XXiv—xxvi, but possibly as early as the early 1470s. (Paris, 1922), who lists various editions. The copy conFlorence 229, nos. 70, 206, 234, and 263; and see nos. sulted for this edition was the undated edition in Ox-

8, 258, and 261. ford, Bodleian Library, Douce Collection S 218.

Florence 229, nos. 39, 64, 77, 129, 177, 254, 260, and

ZURICH, Z. XI. 301 264. Zurich, Zentralbibliothek, MS Z. XI. 301

Keyboard tablature probably compiled by the Swiss — Drusina 1556 Tabulatura schoolmaster, Clemens Hér, between about 1535 and Benedikt de Drusina, Tabulatura. Frankfurt: J. Eichorn, 1540. Modern edition and complete description in = 1556. 4 Index in Howard Mayer Brown, Instrumental

Marx, Tabulaturen, 2. Music Printed Before 1600. A Bibliography (Cambridge,

Florence 229, see no. 171. Mass., 1965), pp. 169-71. Florence 229, no. 158.

ZWICKAU 78, 3

Zwickau, Ratsschulbibliothek, MS LX XVIII, 3 Egenolff [ca. 1535]'4 Lieder Three part books containing textless pieces. The anthol- [Lieder zu 3 & 4 Stimmen]. Frankfurt am Main: C. EgeO8Y belonged to Stephen Roth (who died in 1546), town nol ff, ca. 1535 (superius only). | Index in Nanie Bridg-

clerk of Zwickau, who may have copied it himself. Itis man, “Christian Egenolff, imprimeur de musique (a described and its contents listed in Reinhard Vollhardt, propos du recueil Res. Vm.7 504 de la Bibliotheque na“Bibliographic der Musik-Werke in der Ratsschul- tionale de Paris),” Annales musicologiques 3 (1955): bibliothek zu Zwickau,” Beilage zu den Monatshefte fir 77-177; and see also Martin Stachelin, “Zum Egenolff-

Musikgeschichte 25-28 (1893 —96):28 -30. . Diskantband der Bibliothéque nationale in Paris,” Florence 229, nos. 6, 10, 12, 21, 43, 130, 198, and 225. Archiv fiir Musikwissenschaft 23 (1966):93— 109.

Florence 229, nos. 6, 10, 11, 12, 21, 23, 43, 98, 158,

B. BOOKS PRINTED BEFORE 1600 225, and 255; and see nos. 14 and 45. Antico 1520° Chansons 4 troys

Chansons 4 troys. Venice: A. Antico and L. A. Giunta, | Formschneider 1538’ Trium vocum carmina 1520. § Index in Lawrence F. Bernstein, “‘La Courone et Trium vocum carmina a diversis musicis composita. Nurfleur des chansons a troys: A Mirror of the French Chanson — emberg: H. Formschneider, 1538. {| Index in Brown, in Italy in the Years between Ottaviano Petrucci and — Instrumental Music, pp. 59-62. Antonio Gardano,”’ Journal of the American Musicological Florence 229, nos. 5,6, 10, 11, 12, 13, 19, 68, 130, 137,

Society 25 (1973):9- 12. and 225. Florence 229, see no. 4.

Gerle 1533° Tabulatur

Antico 1536! La Courone et fleur Hans Gerle, Tabulatur auff die Laudten. Nuremberg: H. La courone et fleur des chansons 4 troys. Venice: A. Antico Formschneider, 1533. 4 Index in Brown, Instrumental

(and A. dell’ Abbate), 1536. {| Index in Bernstein, “La Music, pp. 42-43.

Courone et fleur,” pp. 61— 68. Florence 229, nos. 158 and 225. Florence 229, see no. 85. Giunta [ca. 1530]' Fortuna I

Attaingnant 1535° Vingt et six chansons Libro primo de la fortuna A. |Venice: Giunta?, n.d.] Vingt et six chansons musicales a quatre parties. Paris: P. Florence 229, see no. 46. Attaingnant, 1535. {| Index in Daniel Heartz, Pierre Attaingant, Royal Printer of Music (Berkeley and Los An- — Heckel 1562** Lautten Buch

geles, 1969), pp. 274-75. Wolff Heckel, Lautten Buch. Strasbourg: C. Miller, Florence 229, see no. 202. 1562. Index in Brown, Instrumental Music, pp. 196-99. Florence 229, no. 10. Brumel 1503 Misse

[Misse] Brumel. Venice: O. Petrucci, 1503. 4 Index in Isaac 1506 Misse Claudio Sartori, Bibliografia delle opere musicali stampate Heinrich Isaac, Misse. Venice: O. Petrucci, 1506. § Index

da Ottaviano Petrucci (Florence 1948), pp. 61-63. in Sartori, Petrucci, pp. 115-16.

Florence 229, nos. 215, 216, and 217. Florence 229, nos. 10 and 16. 198

SOURCES WITH SIGLA OR SHORT TITLES

Newsidler 1536'? Lautenbuch I Rondeaux en nombre 350 (poetry only) Hans Newsidler, Ein newgeordnet kiinstlich Lautenbuch. | Rondeaux en nombre troys cens cinquante. Paris: J. Sainct Nuremberg: J. Petreius, 1536. Index in Brown, Instru- — Denys, n.d. 9 Index in Lachévre, Bibliographie des recueils mental Music, pp. 50-53. Facsimile edition, Neuss, 1974. _collectifs, who lists various editions. The copy consulted

Florence 229, nos. 10, 12, and 158. for this edition is in Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, Rés. Ye. 1401.

Newsidler 1536'° Lautenbuch II Florence 229, nos. 19 and 238. Hans Newsidler, Der ander Theil des Lautenbuchs. Nuremberg: J. Petreius, 1536. § Index in Brown, Instrumen- Schlick 1512? Tabulaturen

tal Music, pp. 53-55. Facsimile edition, Neuss, 1976. Arnolt Schlick, Tabulaturen etlicher Lobgesang und Lidlein

Florence 229, nos. 23, 68, 130, and 158. uff die Orgel und Lauten. Mainz: Peter Sch6ffer, 1512. Index in Brown, Instrumental Music, pp. 21-22. Fac-

Petrucci 1501 Odhecaton simile edition, Hamburg, 1957 (2d ed.).

Harmonice musices Odhecaton A. Venice: ©. Petrucci, Florence 229, no. 156. 1501. | Modern edition: Hewitt, Odhecaton. Facsimile edition, New York, 1973. See also Stanley Boorman, Schéffer 1513* Quinguagena carminum ‘The ‘First’ Edition of the Odhecaton A,” Journal of the Quinquagena carmina. Mainz: P. Schéffer, 1513. {| See American Musicological Society 30 (1977):183—207. Walter Senn, “Das Sammelwerk ‘Quinquagena CarFlorence 229, nos. 2, 6, 10, 11, 12, 21, 23, 43, 51, 55, mina’ aus der Offizin Peter Schéffer d. J.,” Acta musi64, 68, 93, 103, 104, 108, 130, 147, 148, 154, 156, 157, cologica 35 (1964):183—85. 158, 164, 168, 170, 174, 184, 198, 202, 206, 224, 225, and Florence 229, nos. 98, 152, and 255. 264; and see no. 120. S’ensuyvent plusieurs belles chansons (poetry only)

Petrucci 1502' Motetti A S’ensuyvent plusieurs belles chansons nouvelles. Paris: [A. Motetti A. numero trentatre. Venice: O. Petrucci, 1502. Lotrian], 1535. 4 Index in Jeffery, Chanson Verse

Index in Sartori, Petrucci, pp. 44-46. 2:127—40.

Florence 229, no. 20. Florence 229, no. 168.

Petrucci 1502” Canti B Spinacino 1507° Intabulatura I Canti B. numero cinquanta B. Venice: O. Petrucci, 1502. Francesco Spinacino, Intabulatura de lauto libro { Modern edition: Hewitt, Canti B. Facsimile edition, primo. Venice: O. Petrucci, 1507. § Index in Brown,

New York, 1976. Instrumental Music, pp. 12-13. Modern edition in Henry

Florence 229, nos. 98, 152, and 255. L. Schmidt III, “The First Printed Lute Books: Francesco Spinacino’s Intabulatura de Lauto, Libro primo and

Petrucci 1504° Canti C Libro secondo (Venice: Petrucci, 1507),” 2 vols., Ph.D. Canti C. N° cento cinquanta. Venice: O. Petrucci, 1504. dissertation, University of North Carolina, 1969.

Index in Sartori, Petrucci, pp. 69-74. Florence 229, nos. 10, 12, 51, 55, 97, and 158. Florence 229, nos. 1, 44, 62, 70, 97, 102, 145, 153, 161,

162, 173, 180, 182, and 219; and see nos. 46 and 103. Spinacino 1507° Intabulatura II Francesco Spinacino, Intabulatura de lauto, Libro secondo.

Petrucci 1505° Frottole IV Venice: O. Petrucci, 1507. 4] Index in Brown, InstrumenStrambotti, ode, frottole, sonetti. Et modo de cantar versi latini tal Music, pp. 13—14. Modern edition in Schmidt, ‘First ecapituli. Libro quarto. Venice: O. Petrucci, 1505. {| Mod- Printed Lute Books.”’

ern edition: Schwartz, Frottole I und IV. Florence 229, nos. 2, 11, 23, 44, 68, 70, 81, 93, 127,

Florence 229, see no. 171. 147, and 264.

Petrucci 1507* Frottole VIII Toulouze, L’art et instruction Frottole libro ottavo. Venice: ©. Petrucci, 1507. 4 Index in Michel Toulouze, Sensuit lart et instruction de bien dancer.

Sartori, Petrucci, pp. 121-23. Paris, n.d. {| Index in Brown, Instrumental Music, pp.

Florence 229, see no. 171. 9—10. Facsimile edition, London, 1936. Florence 229, see no. 15.

Petrucci 1509° Frottole LX

Frottole libro nono. Venice: O. Petrucci, 1509. {| Index in Venegas de Henestrosa 1557 Libro de cifra

Sartori, Petrucci, pp. 143-45. Luis Venegas de Henestrosa, Libro de cifra nueva para Florence 229, see no. 171. tecla, harpa, y vihuela. Alcala: J. de Brocar, 1557. Index

, in Brown, Instrumental Music, pp. 174-77. Modern edi-

Rhaw 1542° Tricinia tion in Monumentos de la Musica Espatiola, ed. Higinio Tricinia. Wittenberg: G. Rhaw, 1542. Anglés, vol. 2 (Barcelona, 1944).

Florence 229, no. 44. Florence 229, see no. 11. 199

CHAPTER XVI

Vergier d’onneur (poetry only) Besseler, Heinrich, ed. Capella. Meisterwerke mittelalterLe vergier d’onneur . . . faictes et composées par... Octovien _licher Musik, 1 (Cassel, 1950).

de Saint Gelais . . . et par Maistre Andry de la Vigne. Paris, Florence 229, no. 44. n.d. | The copy consulted for this edition is in Oxford,

Bodleian Library, Douce O 168. Besseler, Heinrich. “‘Falsche Autornamen in den HandFlorence 229, nos. 88, 234, and 236; and see no. 136. schriften Strassburg (Vitry) und Montecassino (Dufay),”’ Acta musicologica 10 (1968):201—3.

Weerbecke 1507 Misse Florence 229, nos. 257 and 258.

Gaspar van Weerbecke, Misse Gaspar. Venice: O. Petrucci, 1507. {| Index in Sartori, Petrucci, pp. 117-18. Boer, Coenraad L. W. Chansonvormen op het einde van de

Florence 229, nos. 141, 142, and 143. XVde Eeuw (Amsterdam, 1938). Florence 229, nos. 64, 130, 148, 154, and 184. C. MODERN PUBLICATIONS

Adler, Guido; Koller, Oswald, et al., eds. Sechs Trienter Brawley, John G., Jr. “The Magnificats, Hymns, MoCodices, Denkmiler der Tonkunst in Osterreich, Years tets, and Secular Compositions of Johannes Martini,” 2 7, 11/1, 19/1, 27/1, 31, and 40 (1900-1933; reprint ed., vols., Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1968.

Graz, 1959-60). Florence 229, no. 203. Florence 229, nos. 13, 49, 56, 166, 206, 257, 258, and

264. Brown, Howard Mayer. Music in the French Secular Theater, 1400-1550 (Cambridge, Mass., 1963). Agricola, Alexander. Opera Omnia, ed. Edward R. Ler- Florence 229, nos. 8, 85, 98, 118, 128, 152, 157, 161,

ner, 5 vols. (American Institute of Musicology, 177, and 225. 1961-70). Florence 229, nos. 11, 21, 27, 32, 33, 39, 44, 63, 64, 65, Brown, Howard Mayer, ed. Theatrical Chansons of the

66, 67, 68, 69, 79, 81, 84, 86, 113, 116, 122, 125, 127, Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries (Cambridge,

128, 174, 224, 227, 247, 248, 254, and 255. Mass., 1963).

Florence 229, nos. 161 and 162.

Ambros, August. Geschichte der Musik, 5 vols., 3d ed.

(Leipzig, 1887-1911). Brown, Howard Mayer. “The Transformation of the Florence 229, nos. 18, 29, 70, 140, 150, 158, 170, 171, Chanson at the End of the Fifteenth Century,’’ Pro172, and 173. ceedings of the International Musicological Society, Ljubljana — 1967 (Cassel, 1970), pp. 78-94. Aron, Pietro. Trattato della natura et cognitione di tutti gli Florence 229, no. 29.

tuoni di canto figurato (Venice, 1525); facsimile edition by

Willem Elders (Joachimsthal and Utrecht, 1966). Brumel, Antoine. Opera Omnia, ed. Barton Hudson, 6

Florence 229, no. 96. vols. (American Institute of Musicology, 1969-72).

Florence 229, nos. 92, 174, 215, 216, and 217. Atlas, Allan. The Cappella Giulia Chansonnier (Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, C. G. XIII.27), 2 vols. | Caron, Philippe (?). Les Oeuvres complétes, ed. James

(Brooklyn, 1975-76). Thomson, 2 vols. (Brooklyn, 1971-76).

Florence 229, nos. 11, 19, 25, 36, 44, 46, 47, 48, 54, 69, Florence 229, nos. 48, 70, 71, 74, 75, 90, 96, 97, 110, 71, 77, 89, 94, 134, 137, 163, 202, 257, 258, and 267. 163, 205, 206, and 219.

Bancel, E. M., ed. Cent quarante cing rondeaux Cattin, Giulio. “‘Canti, Canzoni a ballo e danze nelle

d’amours (Paris, 1875). Maccheronee di Teofilo Folengo,” Rivista italiana di mu-

Florence 229, no. 90. sicologia 10 (1975):180-215.

Florence 229, nos. 12, 145, 150, 173, and 177. Becherini, Bianca. “‘Alcuni canti dell’ ‘Odhecaton’ e del

codice florentino 2794,” Bulletin de I’Institut historique | Cattin, Giulio. “Nuova fonte italiana della polifonia in-

belge de Rome 22 (1942—43):327—50. torno al 1500 (Ms. Cape Town, Grey 3. b. 12),”’ Acta

Florence 229, nos. 157 and 225. musicologica 45 (1973):165—221.

Florence 229, nos. 16, 19, and 66. Becherini, Bianca. ““Tre Incatenature del Codice fiorentino Magl. XIX. 164—65- 66-67,” in Collectanea His- | Charles d’Orléans. Poésies, ed. Pierre Champion, 2 vols.

toriae Musicae 1 (1953):79- 96. (Paris, 1971). Florence 229, no. 173. Florence 229, nos. 39 and 254.

Bernoulli, Eduard. Aus Liederbiichern der Humanistenzeit Chesney, Kathleen. More Poémes de Transition (Oxford,

(Leipzig, 1910; reprint ed., Wiesbaden, 1973). 1965).

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Clemens non Papa, Jacobus. Opera Omnia, ed. Karel Ph. Funck, Heinz, ed. Deutsche Lieder des 15. Jahrhunderts aus Bernet Kempers and Chris Maas, 21 vols. (American _fremden Quellen, Das Chorwerk, vol. 45 (Wolfenbiittel,

Institute of Musicology, 1951-76). 1937).

Florence 229, nos. 213 and 256. Florence 229, no. 166.

Compéere, Loyset. Opera Omnia, ed. Ludwig Finscher, 5 Gasté, Armand. Chansons normandes du XVe siecle (Caen,

vols. (American Institute of Musicology, 1958-72). 1866). Florence 229, nos. 43, 113, 115, 130, 133, 155, 168, Florence 229, no. 65. 171, 202, and 208.

Geering, Armold, and Triimpy, Hans, eds. Das LiedD’Accone, Frank A. “Some Neglected Composers in erbuch des Johannes Heer von Glarus, Schweizerische Muthe Florentine Chapels, ca. 1475-1525,” Viator 1 (1970): sikdenkmiler, vol. 5 (Basel, 1967).

263-88. Florence 229, nos. 10, 12, 55, 66, 68, 158, and 248. Florence 229, no. 267.

Gerber, Rudolf, ed. Der Mensuralkodex des Nikolaus Davison, Archibald T., and Apel, Willi, eds. Historical Apel, Das Erbe deutscher Musik, Reichsdenkmale, vols. Anthology of Music (Cambridge, Mass., 1946), vol. 1. 32-33 (Cassel, 1956-60).

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Disertori, Benvenuto. Le Frottole per canto e liuto in- Gerold, Thédore, ed. Le Manuscrit de Bayeux; texte et tabulate da Franciscus Bossinensis, Istituzioni e monumenti musique d’un recueil de chansons du XVe siécle (Strasbourg,

dell’arte musicale italiana, n.s., vol. 3 (Milan, 1964). 1921).

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Droz, Eugénie, and Piaget, Arthur, eds. Le Jardin de Ciesnee rea bes Foidolint Sider) 2 wok #s Maine

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_ . ; Glarean, Heinrich. Dodecachordon, trans. Clement A.

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Droz, Eugénie; Rokseth, Yvonne; and Thibault, Gene- Gombosi, Otto, ed. Compositione di meser Vincenzo Cavieve, eds. Trois chansonniers francais du XVe siécle (Paris, pirola (Neuilly-sur-Seine, 1955).

1927). Florence 229, nos. 68, 215, and 225. Florence 229, nos. 8, 50, 152, and 197.

Gombosi, Otto. Jacob Obrecht. Eine stilkritische Studie Dufay, Guillaume. Opera Omnia, ed. Heinrich Besseler, — (Leipzig, 1925).

6 vols. (American Institute of Musicology, 1947-64). Florence 229, nos. 26, 198, 205, and 225. Florence 229, nos. 26, 67, 257, and 258. Haberkamp, Gertraut. Die weltliche Vokalmusik in SpaEngel, Hans, ed. Das mehrstimmige Lied des 16. Jahrhun- nien um 1500 (Tutzing, 1968).

derts in Italien, Frankreich. und England (Cologne, n.d.). Florence 229, nos. 202 and 212. Florence 229, no. 206.

Hayne van Ghizeghem. Opera Omnia, ed. Barton HudFallows, David N. ‘“‘Robert Morton’s Songs: A Study of son (American Institute of Musicology, 1977).

Styles in the Mid-Fifteenth Century,” Ph.D. dis- Florence 229, nos. 29, 104, 109, 134, 177, 225, 260, and sertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1978. 264.

Florence 229, nos. 90 and 263. |

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Francon, Marcel, ed. Albums poétiques de Marguerite edition of the literary texts by Isabel Pope (Cambridge,

d’Autriche (Cambridge, Mass., 1934). Mass., 1942; 2d ed., 1946; reprint ed., New York, Florence 229, nos. 44, 68, 155, 174, and 225. 1978).

Florence 229, nos. 2, 6, 8, 10, 11, 12, 21, 23, 43, 51, 55,

Francon, Marcel, ed. Poémes de Transition (XVe—XVIe 64, 65, 68, 69, 93, 103, 104, 108, 118, 130, 147, 148, 151,

siécles) (Cambridge, Mass., 1938). 152, 154, 156, 157, 158, 164, 168, 170, 174, 177, 184, Florence 229, nos. 19, 52, 60, and 90. 198, 202, 206, 224, 225, 257, 258, and 264. 201

CHAPTER XVI

Hewitt, Helen, ed. Oftaviano Petrucci, Canti B numero Birthday Offering to Gustave Reese, ed. Jan LaRue et al. cinquanta, with introduction by Edward E. Lowinsky, (New York, 1966), pp. 455-73. texts edited by Morton W. Briggs and translated by Florence 229, no. 13. Norman B. Spector, Monuments of Renaissance Music,

vol. 2 (Chicago and London, 1967). Kiesewetter, Raphael. Die Verdienste der Niederlander um Florence 229, nos. 4, 93, 98, 152, and 255. die Tonkunst (Amsterdam, 1829). Florence 229, no. 182. Hoffmann von Fallersleben. Antwerpener Liederbuch vom Jahre 1544, Horae Belgicae, vol. 11 (Hannover, 1855). —_ La Fage, J. Adrien L. de. Essais de diphthérographie musi-

Florence 229, nos. 66 and 69. cale, 2 vols. (Paris, 1864).

Florence 229, nos. 145, 158, and 197.

Hoffmann von Fallersleben. Niederlandische geistliche

Lieder des XV. Jahrhunderts (Hannover, 1854). Lenaerts, René B. Het Nederlands polifonies lied in de

Florence 229, no. 131. zestiende eeuaw (Mecheln, 1933).

Florence 229, nos. 66, 69, and 156.

Isaac, Heinrich. Weltliche Werke, ed. Johannes Wolf, Denkmailer der Tonkunst in Oesterreich, Years 14/1 and Leroux de Lincy, Adrien Jean Victor, eds. Recueil de

16/1 (1907-9; reprint ed., Graz, 1959). chants historiques francais depuis le XIle jusqu’au XVIIe Florence 229, nos. 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, 13, 14, 16, 18,19, siecle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1841-42). 68, 129, 138, 140, 149, 150, 156, 158, 172, 192, 230, 249, Florence 229, no. 168. 250, 251, 252, 253, and 257. Lesure, Francois. ‘‘Danses et chansons 4 dancer au début

Isaac, Heinrich. Messe, ed. Fabio Fano, Archivium Mu- du XVIe siecle,” Recueil de travaux offert a M. Clovis sices Metropolitanum Mediolanense, vol. 10 (Milan, Brunel (Paris, 1955), pp. 176-84.

1962). Florence 229, nos. 55, 122, 145, and 206. Florence 229, nos. 10 and 16.

Litterick, Louise. ““The Manuscript Royal 20.A.XVI of

Janequin, Clément. Chansons polyphoniques, ed. A. Till- the British Library,” Ph.D. dissertation, New York man Merritt and Francois Lesure, 4 vols. (Monaco, University, 1976.

1965-66). Florence 229, nos. 77, 100, and 224. Florence 229, no. 202.

Lépelmann, Martin, ed. Die Liederhandschrift des CardiJeffery, Brian, ed. Chanson Verse of the Early Renaissance, "4!s de Rohan (XV. Jahr.), Publikationen der Gesellschaft

2 vols. (London, 1971—76). fiir romanische Literatur, vol. 44 (Géttingen, 1923).

Florence 229, nos. 24, 158, 168, and 181. Florence 229, nos. 8, 16, 39, 58, 70, 79, 97, 177, 188, 191, 197, 206, 220, 234, 236, 254, and 258.

Jeppesen, Knud, ° d. Der Kop enhagener Chansonnier (Co- Lowinsky, Edward E. “The Goddess Fortuna in Mu-

penhagen and Leipzig, 1927; reprint with new remarks 2 ;

by Jeppesen, New York, 1965). } sic,’ Musical Quarterly 29 (1943):45—77.

Florence 229, nos. 177 and 228. Florence 229, no. 151.

Jeppesen, Knud, “Venetian Folk-Songs of the Renais- | Maldeghem, R.-J. van, ed. Trésor musical, 29 vols. sance,” Papers Read at the International Congress of Musi- (1856-93; reprint ed., Vaduz, 1965). cology Held at New York... 1939 (New York, 1944), pp. Florence 229, nos. 68, 174, and 225.

229, no. 180. Maniates, Maria Rika. ‘““Combinative Chansons in the Dion Chansonnier,”’ Journal of the American Musicological

Josquin des Prés. Werken, ed. Albert Smijers, Myroslaw Society 23 (1970):228—81.

Antonowytsch et al. (Amsterdam, 1921-69). Florence 229, no. 183. Florence 229, nos. 11, 44, 126, 145, 158, 169, 171, and 225. Maniates, Maria Rika. “Mannerist Compositions in

Franco-Flemish Polyphony.” Musical Quarterly 52 Just, Martin. Der Mensuralkodex Mus. ms. 40021 der (1966):17—36. Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz Berlin, 2 vols. Florence 229, no. 181.

(Tutzing, 1975). . |

Florence 229, no. 19. Marix, Jeanne, ed. Les Musiciens de la cour de Bourgogne au XVe siecle (1420-1467) (Paris, 1937).

Karp, Theodore. ‘“The Secular Works of Johannes Mar- Florence 229, nos. 29, 72, 90, 104, 109, 134, 236, and tini,” in Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music, A 260. 202

SOURCES WITH SIGLA OR SHORT TITLES

Martini, Johannes. Magnificat e messe, ed., Benvenuto _Pannella, Liliana. ‘““L’Incatenatura ‘Donna di dentro dalla

Disertori, Archivium Musices Metropolitanum Me- tua casa’ di H. Ysaac,” Lares 23 (1957):10-38 and 24

diolanense, vol. 12 (Milan, 1964). (1958):61-—85.

Florence 229, no. 103. Florence 229, nos. 150 and 151.

Martini, Johannes. Secular Pieces, ed. Edward G. Evans, Paris, Gaston, ed Chansons du XVe siecle, with music

Jr. (Madison, Wis., 1975). transcribed into modern notation by Auguste Gevaert Florence 229, nos. 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 11, 13, 15, 17, 19, 45, (Paris, 1875). 99, 103, 126, 137, 139, 144, 151, 165, 179, 200, 203, 218, Florence 229, nos. 46, 58, 66, 92, 128, 145, 148, 161,

and 268. and 196.

Marx, Hans Joachim, ed. Tabulaturen des XVI. Jahrhun- Pease, Edward, ed. Music from the Pixérécourt Manuscript

derts, 2 vols., Schweizerische Musikdenkmaler, vols. (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1960).

6—7 (Basel, 1967-70). Florence 229, nos. 120, 220, and 263. Florence 229, nos. 10, 12, 13, 44, 68, 158, and 171.

_ ; - Perkins, Leeman, and Garey, Howard, eds. The Mellon

McMurtry, William M. “The British Museum Manu- — Chansonnier (New Haven), 2 vols. (New Haven and script Additional 35087: A Transcription of the French, = London, 1979). Italian, and Latin Compositions with Concordance and Florence 229, nos. 20, 51, 52, 75, 236, 261, and 266. Commentary,” Ph.D. dissertation, North Texas State

University, 1967. Picker, Martin. The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Aus-

Florence 229, no. 66. tria (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1965).

FLorence 229, nos. 44, 65, 68, 155, 174, and 225.

Meyer, Paul. “‘Role de chansons a danser du XVIe

secorence ie 23 227, Be aa Pirrotta, Nino, ed. The Music of Fourteenth-Century Italy, nos. 53 and 145. 5 vols. (American Institute of Musicology, 1954-64). Fl 229, no. 53.

Meyer, Rudolf. ““Franz6sische Lieder aus der Florentiner OneNE LEAS

Handschrift Strozzi-Magliabecchiana Cl. Vil. 1040, Plamenac, Dragan. “Autour d’Ockeghem,” La Revue

, Florence 229, no. 10.

Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fiir romanische Philologie, no. 8 val 98)-2

(Halle, 1907) musicale 9 (1928):26—47. Florence 229, see no. 157.

Mincoff-Marriage, Elizabeth. Souterliedekens (The Plamenac, Dragan. “A Reconstruction of the Frnech

Hague, 1922). Chansonnier in the Biblioteca Colombina, Seville,’’ Mu-

Florence 229, nos. 69 and 256. sical Quarterly 37 (1951):501—42, and 38 (1952):85—117 and 245-77.

Novati, Francesco. “‘Contributo alla storia della lirica Florence 229, nos. 194, 234, and 261. musicale italiana popolare e popolareggiante dei secoli XV, XVI, XVII,” in Scritti varii di erudizione e di critica Plamenac, Dragan. “The ‘Second’ Chansonnier of the

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Florence 229, nos. 150, 151, and 171. cologiques 2 (1954):105-87. Florence 229, no. 169.

Obrecht, Jacob. Werken, ed. Johannes Wolf, 7 vols.

(Amsterdam, 1912—21). Pope, Isabel, and Kanazawa, Masakata, eds. The Musical Florence 229, nos. 11, 13, 43, 68, 98, 147, 157, 158, — Manuscript Montecassino 871. A Neapolitan Repertory of

170, 173, and 210. Sacred and Secular Music of the Late Fifteenth Century (Ox-

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Fl 229, . 11 and 147. .

Obrecht, Jacob. Opera Omnia, ed. Albert Smijers, Mar- Florence 229. nos. 130. 258. 263. and 264.

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Ockeghem, Johannes. Collected Works, ed. Dragan Pla- Music (The Odhecaton),"” Musical Quarterly 20 (1934):

menac York, 1947-_39-76. ). >no. 25. Florence(New 229, no. 14. Florence 229,

Oxford History of Music. Sir Henry Hadow, ed. 7 vols. Regis, Johannes. Opera Omnia, ed. Cornelis Linden-

(Oxford, 1902-34). burg, 2 vols. (American Institute of Musicology, 1956). Florence 229, nos. 29 and 70. Florence 229, no. 102. 203

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. Reidemeister, Peter. Die Chanson-Handschrift 78 C 28 des Torrefranca, Fausto. I] Segreto del Quattrocento (Milan, Berliner Kupferstichkabinetts. Studien zur Form der Chanson 1939).

im 15. Jahrhundert (Munich, 1973). Florence 229, nos. 151, 157, 158, and 206. Florence 229, no. 257.

Tross, Edwin, ed. Cent cing rondeaulx d’amour (Paris, Ringmann, Heribert, and Klapper, Joseph, ed. Das Glo- 1863). gauer Liederbuch, Das Erbe deutscher Musik, Reichs- Florence 229, no. 31. denkmale, vols. 4 and 8 (Cassel, 1936-37). Florence 229, nos. 13, 51, 70, 71, 97, 126, 134, 194, Vaqueras, Bertrand. Opera Omnia, ed. Richard Sherr

198, 206, 264, and 266. (American Institute of Musicology, 1978). Florence 229, no. 50.

Rubsamen, Walter H. ‘From Frottola to Madrigal: The

Changing Pattern of Secular Italian Vocal Music,” Vellekoop, K.; Wagenaar-Nolthenius, H.; Gerritsen, Chanson and Madrigal, 1480-1530, ed. James Haar W. P.; and Hemmes-Hoogstadt, A. C., eds. Het An-

(Cambridge, Mass., 1964), pp. 51-87. twerps Liedboek, 2 vols. (Amsterdam, 1972).

Florence 229, nos. 53 and 173. Florence 229, nos. 66 and 69.

Schering, Arnold, ed. Geschichte der Musik in Beispielen Villanis, Luigi Alberto. ‘‘Alcuni codici manoscritti di

(Leipzig, 1931). musica del secolo XVI posseduti dalla Biblioteca NaFlorence 229, nos. 103 and 192. zionale di Torino,” Atti del congresso internazionale di sci-

enze storiche. Roma, 1—9 aprile 1903 8 (1905):319-60. Schwob, Marcel, ed. Le Parnasse satyrique au quinzieme Florence 229, nos. 21, 55, 127, 208, and 225. siécle (Paris, 1905).

Florence 229, nos. 129, 208, and 261. Vincenet. The Collected Works, ed. Bertran E. Davis (Madison, Wis., 1978).

Smiyers, Albert, ed. Van Ockeghem tot Sweelinck, 7 vols. Florence 229, no. 51. : (Amsterdam, 1939-56).

Florence 229, nos. 150, 158, 182, and 219. Wallis, N. Hardy, trans. and ed. Anonymous French Verse: An Anthology of Fifteenth-Century Poems Collected Staehelin, Martin. ““Obrechtiana,” Tijdschrift van de Ver- —_from Manuscripts in the British Museum (London, 1929).

eniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis 25 (1975): Florence 229, nos. 70, 130, and 225.

1-37.

Florence 229, 13 and 43. Wallner, Bertha Antonia, ed. Das Buxheimer Orgelbuch, 3 vols. Das Erbe deutscher Musik, vols. 37—39 (Cassel,

Staehelin, Martin. Die Messen Heirich Isaacs, 3 vols. 1958-59).

(Bern and Stuttgart, 1977). Florence 229, no. 51. Florence 229, nos. 10 and 16.

| Weckerlin, Jean-Baptiste, ed. L’Ancienne Chanson popuStevens, John, ed. Music at the Court of Henry VII, Mu- _Iaire en France (Paris, 1887).

sica Britannica, vol. 18 (2d rev. ed., London, 1969). Florence 229, no. 168. Florence 229, nos. 10 and 225. Weerbecke, Gaspar van. Messe e mottetti, ed. Giampiero

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(American Institute of Musicology, 1976). (Leipzig, 1913; reprint ed., Hildesheim, 1963).

Florence 229, no. 20. Florence 229, no. 98. 204

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Wolff, Arthur S. “The Chansonnier Biblioteca Casa~ Wright, Craig. ““Dufay at Cambrai: Discoveries and Renatense 2856, Its History, Purpose, and Music,” 2 vols., _ visions,”” Journal of the American Musicological Society 28 Ph.D. dissertation, North Texas State University, 1970. — (1975):175—229.

Florence 229, nos. 44, 66, 68, 98, 157, 158, 196, 203, Florence 229, no. 205. 206, and 225.

205

XVI Notes on the Compositions and Their Texts

I: the following section, each composition in publications in book form, exceptionally a few Florence 229 is listed along with its concor- older editions and a few in periodical articles are dances, modern editions, a summary of com- also cited if they furnish readings not otherwise positions related to it, and a brief statement about _ easily available. Almost all the Ph.D. dissertations its form or the genre to which it belongs. The text — that include transcriptions into modern notation

that the music sets is also given in its entirety, deal with particular manuscripts. Only a few— along with a list of sources in which the poem ap- such as Catherine Brooks’s on Antoine Busnois pears, the variants they record, and a verse trans- (New York University, 1951) and John G. Braw-

lation into English. ley, Jr.’s on Johannes Martini (Yale University, The title or text incipit for each piece and the 1968)—have as their principal subject individual composer’s name are printed exactly asin Florence | composers. All dissertations on particular manu229, with emendations and additions from other scripts can easily be found, since they are cited in

sources supplied in brackets. (Disputed attri- the summary descriptions of each manuscript in butions are omitted from the heading if they are — chapter XVI.

improbable, as for no. 2, although they are of The list of related compositions only excepcourse included with the lists of concordances.) In tionally includes references to Masses based on addition, the number of voices in each com- chansons and similar borrowing procedures from position is listed, along with the folio numbers on __ one genre to another. For the most part, the list is which it is written in the manuscript, and the dis- __ restricted to citing chansons and other secular

position of text or incipit, if any, among the compositions related in one way or another to a

voices. similar sort of piece (such as Isaac’s reworking of

The list of concordances follows approximately | Caron’s Helas, que devera mon cuer, nos. 6 and 206 in the same format as in Helen Hewitt’s edition of — this edition, or the various versions of Martinella Petrucci’s Canti B in this same series. Each manu- _ listed in the commentary to no. 13), and to identiscript or early printed book is indicated by its sig- _ fications of monophonic melodies used as the basis lum or short title; the folio or page number where _ of polyphonic arrangements. Wherever possible, I each piece appears is given, as wellasthe composer __ have cited fuller lists of related compositions, such as he is named in the source and some indication of as those that appear in Helen Hewitt’s editions of the disposition of text or incipits, ifany. Folioand — the Odhecaton and Canti B, my Music in the French page numbers are cited after the latest published = Secular Theater, 1400-1550, or Arthur S. Wolff's inventory of each manuscript (for example, Pla- _—_ dissertation on Rome 2856. menac’s numbering of pieces in Seville 5-I-43/Paris Since the size of Florence 229 precluded ex4379, Atlas’s foliation of Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, tended commentary on individual pieces, I have

and so on), or, ifno inventory exists, byoneofthe briefly stated the type of composition each is. sets of numbers entered in the manuscript (the | Commentary on many of the pieces can be found modern Arabic numbers in Dijon 517, for exam- _—in part two above on music and poetry in Florence ple, even though “10” is written twice and thus 229. Many of the decisions about the genre of some

throws the whole sequence out almost from the of the textless and otherwise unidentified combeginning). A separate list ofintabulations follows positions and about the resolution of conflicting

the concordances for vocal versions. attributions are explained and defended in those The list of modern editions omits, perhapsirra- _ earlier chapters.

tionally, transcriptions found in dissertations, The full text is given in the version set beneath which are thus not considered formal publications, — the music in this edition. Biblical references in nos.

as well as most older and most “practical, per- 44, 68, 155, and 267 are to the King James transforming” editions. Although my intention has _ lation. The French texts have been established by been to include only more or less modern scholarly Dr. Brian Jeffery, to whom I am deeply grateful 206

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

for his work and for his generous advice about Godefroy: F. Godefroy, Dictionnaire de l’ancienne many matters. In establishing the texts, Dr. Jeffery langue francaise, 10 vols. (Paris, 1881-1902). has preferred Florence 229, but if, for instance, that Huguet: E. Huguet, Dictionnaire de la langue franmanuscript gives the refrain of a rondeau in cor- _— gaise du seizieme siécle (Paris, 1925-67).

rupt form and the whole of the rondeau is found in Tobler-Lommatzsch: A. Tobler and E. Lompurer form elsewhere, he has adopted the version matzsch, Altfranzdsische Worterbuch (Berlin, from the other source and given that of Florence 1925- ). 229 in a note. Notes record the most significant Finally, rhymed translations, wherever possivariants in the other sources of the text, translate ble, have been supplied with unfailing invenobscure passages, and explain emendations. On __ tiveness and wit by Dr. Max Knight, who has tried

his editorial principles, Dr. Jeffery writes: to preserve the metric scheme as well as the rhymes Each poem is edited from a single source, and and meaning for each poem. Since occasional free-

the text of that source is reproduced exactly doms in translating the literal meaning of the save for the conventional orthographical changes | Words have been tolerated, and to help performers

listed below. Obvious errors are corrected who need to know what each word means, literal without note; but all other changes from the prose translations—almost all of them made by chosen source are listed in the notes, with the Brian Jeffery—have been added in parentheses aforiginal reading and the reason for the change. ter the rhymed translations. Of his work, Dr. All other known sources have been consulted, Knight writes:

and all variants of any significance in them are i recorded in the notes. Merely orthographical The obscurities of some lines in the poems

variants in them are not noted. and the stringent technical requirements of

We have distinguished between u and », i meter and eightfold rhymes made an occasional and j; added the accent on 4, /d, oi and final +: conjectural poetic-license rendering inevitable. added cedillas where needed; and resolved ab- The humor and freshness of some poems may breviations. The punctuation, indentation, capi- seem overshadowed by the large number of talization, and line-numbering are editorial. morbidly sentimental, even trite (by modern Quotation marks are added for reported speech standards) poems, an impression perhaps and in dialogues. My and mi in the sense of strengthened by the repetitiveness of content ‘“‘me’’ have been left, but distinguished as m’y or and of rhymes that sometimes are no more m’i when that seems to be their meaning. S than jingles. I can only hope that some color and ¢ are often indifferently used before e andi shows through the fog and that an overall (for example, ce can stand for se), and in such feeling for the nature of these fascinating chan-

cases they have been distinguished. sons has been conveyed. Refrains appear in roman type when they

are repeated. In rondeaux and bergerettes, the 1 [Tres doulx regart] Jannes Martini 3v. f.

form of the repetition of the refrain has been Hi’-1 Without text.

standardized. All words and expressions are ex- CONCORDANCE: Petrucci 1504° Canti C, f. 114",

plained that no longer exist in modern anon. Fourth si placet voice added; incipit in all French. Thus, if a word or expression is not ex- voices. plained, it may be taken that it is to be found MODERN EDITION: Martini, Secular Pieces, pp. 73-75

in a medium-sized French dictionary such as (version a 4 after Canti C) and 77-78 (version a 3 Harrap’s Shorter French and English Dictionary, after Florence 229). edited by J. E. Mansion. The word may, of TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably originally a setting

course, be disguised by unfamiliar orthogra- of a French poem, possibly a rondeau. phy; thus, soubmis is not explained because it ex-

ists in modern French as soumis; and deul is 2 He logierons [nous seans, hostesse] Henricus not explained because it exists in modern Frnech Yzac 4v. f. 1Y-2 Incipit in S and CTI.

as deuil. CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 17, f. 61°, Yzac. 4: ; ‘‘Helogerons nous ceens lotesse.”” Incipit in all

In compiling his notes, Dr. Jeffery consulted the voices. { Cortona 95-96. Paris 1817, 0. 33, following dictionaries, which are sometimes cited anon. CT I wanting: incipit “Elogeron nous seans

in the notes: hostesse”’ in S and CT J; partial text in T.

Cotgrave: Randle Cotgrave, A Dictionarie of the Florence 107°*, f. 13”, anon. Incipit ‘“Eloyeronos” French and English Tongues (London, 1611) (fac- in S. {| Florence 178, f. 41°, Yzac. Incipit simile ed., Columbia, S. C., 1950, and Menston, ‘‘Helongeron” in S. § St. Gall 463, no. 179,

Yorkshire, 1968). anon. S, CT I only, with incipit; in the margin: 207

CHAPTER XVII

‘““Dorius.”” 4 Vatican C. G. XII, 27, f. 32”, line 5 he wrote sade for fade; and so we have felt Ysach. Incipit ‘““Hellogaron cesa lotesse”’ in S. {| justified in amending rade to sade in line 6 on the

Petrucci 1501 Odhecaton, f. 45’, anon. ‘‘He analogy of Copenhagen 1848 (see below).

logerons nous.”’ Incipit in all voices. 8. maridade: a Provengal form for marieée. nom:

INTABULATIONS: St. Gall 530, no. 119, Alexander. Florence 2442 reads non. Arranged for solo keyboard. { Spinacino 1507° The text is taken from the tenor part book of Florence Intabulatura, 2:f. 24”, anon. Arranged for solo lute. 2442, no. 34, where it is associated with a setting a 4

MODERN EDITIONS: Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 40. { by Loyset Compére of the same monophonic mel-

Isaac, Weltliche Werke, p. 76. ody. (Line 6 is from S$; the three part books differ

RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See Hewitt, Odhecaton, only in minor orthographic details.) These eight lines

concordances to no. 40. are followed by another eight, different structurally,

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a setting of a and apparently taken from another song and inpopular, monophonic melody. Attribution of the tended for humorous effect:

chanson to Agricola, as stated in St. Gall 530, Et ou la trouverroye,

seems improbable, but he may have made the 10 Le femme au petit con? don don intabulation. scairoye. TEXT: Et Trouver celles nedela Paris

E logeron nous seans, hostesse, Disent qu’il Pont petit. E logeron nous seans ou non? Pardieu, g’i bousteroye

This fragment of text is taken from Paris 1817. 15 Ung chariot branslant dedens TRANSLATION: Et ma lance qui ploye. Will you, innkeeper, put us up, 12. celles: Florence 2442 reads celle; altered for the

will you, or won’t you, put us up? sake of the sense. 13. il: i. e., “elles.” qu'il

ont: Florence 2442 reads qu’il ont. Altered for the

3 [Tant que Dieu voldra] Jannes Martini 3v. f. sake of the sense. 14. g’i bousteroye: | would thrust.

2°—-3 Without text. The first eight lines from Florence 2442, which have

CONCORDANCES: Rome 2856, f. 97’, Jo. Martini. been added to the music in Florence 229, may be Incipit in all voices. | Verona DCCLVII, f. 10’, translated as follows:

anon. Without text. My father gave me to a spouse

MODERN EDITION: Martini, Secular Pieces, pp. 66—67 whose whiskers are all gray.

(after Rome 2856). I’m fifteen and a half, the youngest of fraus,

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably originally a setting and such geezers just turn me away.

of a French poem, possibly a rondeau. He is my despair, and I am so fair,

4 Mon pere m’a doné mari Henricus Yzac 4 and love is my game.

v. f. 3-4 Incipitin S and CT I. ‘“Tll-matched”’ is my name.

CONCORDANCES: None. (My father has given me a husband who has a gray MODERN EDITION: Isaac, Weltliche Werke, p. 96. beard growing. I am only fifteen and a half; such an RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See Hewitt, Canti B, old man does not please me. He is so boring, and I

commentary to no. 41. am so pretty and ready for love: “‘Ill-married”’ is my

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular, name.)

monophonic melody. A slightly different version of the text is in Copenhagen TEXT AND TRANSLATION: 1848, p. 441, where it is associated with an anonyMon pere m’a donne mari mous setting a 3. Again some apparently unrelated A qui la barbe grise poinct. lines are added at the end. This version reads: Je n’ay que quinze ans et demy, Mon pere m’a donné mari Ung tel viellart ne mi plet poinct. A qui la grise barbe point.

5 Il est tant fade, Je n’ay que dix ans et demy,

Et moy tant sade, En mon con de barbe n’est point.

D’amoureuse condition: 5 Il est tant fade “Mal maridade’’ c’est mon nom. Et moy si sade

2. poinct: grows. 4. plet: i. e., “plait,” Pour avoir ung gentil mignon:

pleases. 5. fade: S has sade in error. 6. sade: ““Mal maridade’’ c’est mon nom. ‘““Prettie, neat, spruce, fine, compt, minion, quaint”’

(Cotgrave). This line is missing from T. S and A Ne plourez plus, Denise, helas, both read rade (“‘quick, swift’’) which is possible but 10 Nous vous marierons.

much less likely than sade. The scribe of Florence Nous vous donrions Gilles, 2442 was demonstrably confused at this point, for in II est bon compagnon. 208

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

8. nom: Copenhagen 1848 reads non. 9. Denise: 5 Se mai il cielo e fati fur benigni Jannes

see no. 64 in this edition. Martini 3v. £.4’-5 Incipit in S and CT.

The first eight lines from Copenhagen 1848 may be CONCORDANCES: Florence 178, f. 65°, Johannes

translated as follows: Martin. Incipit ““Se mai el cielo et fati fur

My father gave me to a spouse benigni” in S. | Rome 2856, f. 119”, Jo. Martini. whose whiskers are all gray. Incipit “‘Je remerchi Dieu” in S and CT. 4 At ten and a half, the youngest of fraus, Verona DCCLVII, f. 11’, anon. Without text. § I’ve no beard on my cunt yet to play. Formschneider 1538? Trium vocum carmina, no. 21,

He is such a clot anon. Without text.

and I am so hot MODERN EDITION: Martini, Secular Pieces, pp. 40-42

for a friend I could claim. (after Rome 2856).

““Tl-matched”’ is my name. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably originally a setting

A third version of the text, in which only the first two of a French poem, possibly a rondeau. lines are the same as in the previous poems, appears

in St. Gall 463, f. 14”, and (with only small ortho- = § ~Helas, que devera mon cuer [= Helas, que pourra

graphic differences) in Antico 1520° Chansons a devenir] Henricus Yzac 3v. f.5’-6 Incipit troys, no. 24. This version of the poem is associated in Sand CT.

with an anonymous setting a 3, musically unrelated = CONCORDANCES: Florence 27, f..138", Isach. Incipit

to the others. In St. Gall 463, it reads: ‘“Helas” in all voices. 9 Heilbronn X.2, no. 31.

Mon pere m’a donné mary Henri. Isaac. CT only, with incipit “Helas.” A qui la barbe grise point. {| Hradec Kralové If A 20, p. 101, H. I. CT only, Mauldit soit il qui l’a nourit, without text. § Segovia, f. 177, Ysaac. Incipit Car de plaisir il n’i a point. ‘‘Elaes”’ in all voices. § Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, f.

II est infame, 5 76”, Ysach. Incipit “Hellas” in S. § Verona

Il me veult blasme; DCCLVI, f. 20’, anon. Without text. § Zwickau

Il est jaleux, comme l’on dit, 78,3, no. 23, Isaac. Without text. § Petrucci 1501 De ce mignon qui va de nuyt. Odhecaton, f. 55°, Yzac. Incipit ““Helas’’ in all 3. qui l’a nourit: from Antico bassus part book. St. voices. § Egenolff[c. 1535]'* Lieder 3: no. 55,

Gall 463 and Antico § read qu’il la nourit. anon. S only, with incipit “Helas.” {| FormThis version may be translated as follows: schneider 1538” Trium vocum carmina, no. 3, anon.

My father gave me to a spouse Without text. (MS note in Jena copy reads: “H.

whose whiskers are all gray. Isac, Helas je suis mary.”’).

Ah, cursed I am, it can’t arouse INTABULATION: St. Gall 530, no. 30, Heinrich Isaac.

a wife who wants to play. Incipit ““Helas.’”’ Arranged for solo keyboard.

This geezer, he MODERN EDITIONS: Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 50. keeps blaming me; { Isaac, Weltliche Werke, p. 75. (Intabulation and even jealous is the wight appears in Nachtrag, p. 234.).

of this young swain who comes at night. RELATED COMPOSITION: Florence 229, no. 206. Of these three texts, we have preferred that of Florence 9 TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

2442. The version of St. Gall 463 and Antico is cinquain; reworking of no. 206.

isolated and late; it is unlikely to be the proper text | TEXT AND TRANSLATION: Isaac probably intended

for Florence 229; and the more obscene version of his music to fit the same rondeau cinquain as Copenhagen 1848 may well not be the original form Florence 229, no. 206, Helas, que pourra devenir, but a variation on it. So we have underlaid the first and I have underlaid the text accordingly. See part of the text of Florence 2442. Only the first eight there for the complete text and translation. lines need to be used, for the music in Florence 229

is not long enough to accommodate or to require 7 Odi prudenzafonte Jannes Martini 3v. f. any extra text such as is given in Florence 2442 and 6°-7 Incipit in S and CT.

Copenhagen 1848. CONCORDANCES: Rome 2856, f. 94", Jo. Martini.

The text is probably the first stanza of a popular song ‘Per faire tousjours.”” Incipit in all voices. of several stanzas, each of which had the final line { Verona DCCLVII, f. 27°, anon. Without text. refrain: ‘Mal maridade”’ ¢’est mon nom. This is sug- = MODERN EDITION: Martini, Secular Pieces, pp. 61-63

gested by a Dutch counterpart, Mijn vader gaf my (after Rome 2856). enen man, which has four stanzas, each ending = TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Possibly originally a setting Meshouwet soe is den name mijn. On the subject, see of a French rondeau. Even though the S of Helen Hewitt, ‘““Malmaridade and Meshouwet,”’ Regensburg C 120, p. 228, Dulce amours, begins

Tijdschrift voor Muziekwetenschap 17 (1951): like the S of O di prudenza fonte, the two

181-91. compositions are fundamentally unrelated. 209

CHAPTER XVII

8 J’ay pris amours 4 ma devise Henricus Yzac 3 The poem is also in Paris 4379, f. 27” (Seville 5-I-43, no.

v. f. 7’-8 Text in S; incipit in CT. 66); London Lansdowne 380, f. 242°; Droz and Pia-

CONCORDANCES: None. get, Jardin de Plaisance, no. 102, f. 71°; and Loe-

MODERN EDITION: Isaac, Weltliche Werke, p. 29. pelmann, Liederhandschrift, no. 470. The refrain is RELATED COMPOSITIONS: Florence 229, nos. 152 and also found at no. 152 below, and the incipit only at

179; see also Brown, Music in the French Secular no. 179 below.

Theater, pp. 233—35, and Hewitt, Odhecaton, pp. TRANSLATION:

139-41. I’ve taken Love as my device

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably an instrumental to give me happiness sublime.

arrangement of the superius of an anonymous I will enjoy this summertime setting of a rondeau quatrain; the setting is if I can win that precious prize.

published in Droz, Rokseth and Thibault, Trois Cyl chansonniers, p. 3. ; Lo TEXT: may be forgiven at this time: ; . ; I’ve taken Love, etc. Whoever thinks this isn’t nice

J’ay pris amours a ma devise

Pour conquerir joieusete. I don’t admit that that’s a vice.

Heureulx serai en ceste esté I don’t have much—this is no crime. Se puis venir a mon emprise. Although it brings no honor, I’m

. toy , convinced I’m right; with my advice: 5 S’il est aulcuns qui m’en desprise, Il, (Ime doittaken estreLove pardonne: taken Love,toetc. oo, have for my I've device, in order be joyful. J ay pris amours, etc. I shall be happy this summer if I can achieve my Il me semble que c’est la guise: aim.

Qui n’a riens, il est debouté If anyone despises me for it, I must forgive him; I have

10 Et n’est de personne honnore; taken Love, etc. ,

N’esse pas droit que je y advise: It seems to me that that is how things are: if you do not

J’ay pris amours, etc. have anything, you are rejected and not honored by 2. conquerir: Florence 229, no. 8, reads conquerit, al- anyone. Am I not right to declare: I have taken

though at no. 152 it reads conquerir. Loepelmann Love, etc.). reads acquerir. 3. esté: not in Florence 229, either

at no. 8 or at no. 152. Supplied from Wolfen- 9 [Textless composition] Jannes Martini 3v. f.

biittel. Jardin de Plaisance reads le temps d’esté instead of Qv_9 en ceste este. 4. Se puis venir: Jardin de Plaisance CONCORDANCES: None. reads se venir puis. Seville 5-I-43 reads S’advenir MODERN EDITION: Martini, Secular Pieces, pp.

puis. Mon emprise: from Paris 4379. Florence 23. 84.

229 at no. 152 reads mon enprise and at no. 8 reads TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Unidentified; perhaps an

moy comprise. Emprise seems to have meant the instrumental piece. same as entreprise but with a feeling of prowess,

derring-do, about it. 5. Loepelmann reads Et 10 [Benedictus from Missa Quant j’ay au s’aucun est qui me desprise. desprise: despises, dis- cor] Henricus Yzac 3v. £9" 10 Without

dains. 6. Jardin de Plaisance reads Pour Dieu, text.

qu'il luy soit pardonne. 8. cest la guise: “that's the CONCORDANCES: (a) As a single movement: Basel

way itis,” “that’s how things go. 9. deboute: 32, f. 43, anon. Beginning of S only. § Bologna excluded, rejected. 10. honnore: Jardin de Plaisance Q 18, £. 63", anon. Fourth voice added (same as

reads prisé. 11. Nresse: 1.e., “Niest-ce.” que other added voices); incipit ‘‘Absque verbis”’ in je y advise: to be read as four syllables. Paris 4379 and S. | Florence 27, f. 17’, Isachina. Fourth voice Seville 5-I-43 are corrupt, reading dont que g’y vise. added (same as other added voices); incipit in In London Lansdowne 380 this line reads N’esse point S. § Florence 107°*, £. 20°, anon. Incipit in S. le droit quant g’y vise: in Jardin de Plaisance, C’est { Heilbronn X.2, no. 9, Isaac. CT only, with doncques droit que cy advise; and in Loepelmann, N’est incipit. § London Add. 31922, f. 3", anon.

ce pas donc droit que g’y vise. Incipit in index; initial B over all voices. { Paris The refrain of this rondeau quatrain is taken from Flor- 676, f. 77’, Isach. Incipit ‘‘Absque verbis”’ in all ence 229, and the remainder from Wolfenbiittel 287, voices. {| Regensburg A. R. 940/41, no. 190,

f. 38’, in which the refrain reads: anon. Incipit in all voices. 4 St. Gall 462, p. 22,

J’ay prins amours a ma devise H. I. Fourth voice added (same as other added Pour conquerir joyeusete. voices); incipit ““Plytzgan”’ in T and “‘Plitzgen”’ Heureux seray en ceste esté at end of CT. 4 Turin [.27, f. 35, Isach. Incipit Se puis venir a mon emprinse. in all voices. { Ulm 237°°, f. 22”, anon. Incipit 210

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

in all voices. § Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, f. 50”, Q 18, f. 73”, anon. “Malur me bat.” Incipit in Ysach. Incipit in S. § Verona DCCLVII, f. 29”, all voices. § Rome 2856, f. 56”, Malcort. anon. Fourth voice added (same as other added ‘“‘Malheure me bat.” Incipit in all voices. § St. voices); without text. 4] Washington Wolffheim, Gall 461, p. 52, Ockenghem. “‘Malor me bat.” f. 88”, anon. Incipit in all voices. § Zwickau Incipit in S and T. { Vatican C. G. XTII,27, f. 78,3, no. 9, Isaac. Without text. § Petrucci 1501 65", Jo. Martini. Incipit ““Malior me bat” in S. Odhecaton, f. 82%, Izac. Incipit in all voices. { Petruca 1501 Odhecaton, f. 68°, Okenghen. {| Egenolff[c. 1535]'* Lieder 3: no. 46, anon. S ‘““Malor me bat.” Incipit in all voices. § Egenolff only, with incipit. { Formschneider 1538? Trium [c. 1535]"* Lieder 3: no. 58, anon. S only, with vocum carmina, no. 30, anon. Without text (MS incipit. {| Formschneider 1538° Trium vocum note in Jena copy gives incipit and names H. Isac carmina, no. 91, anon. Without text; incipit as composer). { (b) As part of a complete Mass: written into Jena copy. Berlin 40021, f. 110’, anon. Text in all voices. INTABULATION: Spinacino 1507° Intabulatura 2: f.

{| Jena 31, f. 47’, anon. Text in all voices. 18’, anon. Arranged for solo lute. {| Milan 2268, f. 150’, Yzach. Text in S, incipit MODERN EDITIONS: Giesbert, Ein altes Spielbuch 2:60

in remaining voices. §] Segovia, f. 52”, Ysaac (after St. Gall 461) § Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. Fourth voice added (same as other added voices); 63. § Josquin, Werken: Missen 8:66 (after

incipit in all voices. | Uppsala 76e, Missae Petrucci). | Martini, Secular Pieces, pp. 53-55 Henrici zac, no. 3. S only with partial text. (after Florence 229). | Obrecht, Werken: Missen { Vatican C. S. 35, f. 34”, Ysaac. Text in all 1:189 (after Petrucci) and 191 (after Formvoices. | Vienna 11883, f. 50’, anon. Text in S, schneider). §| Obrecht, Opera Omnia 1:226 (after

incipit in remaining voices. {| Warsaw 2016, f. Petrucci).

56”, Ysaac. Text in S, incipit in remaining RELATED COMPOSITIONS: The chanson was used as voices. § Isaac 1506 Misse, no. 3, Henricus Izac. the basis for Masses by Agricola (Opera Omnia

Text in all voices. 1:66), Josquin des Prez (Werken: Missen 8),

INTABULATIONS: Basel F. IX. 22, f. 30°, Heinrich Obrecht (Werken 1 and Opera Omnia 1:173) and Isaac. Arranged for solo keyboard. § Berlin Andreas de Silva (see Glareanus, Dodecachordon,

40632, f. 19”, anon. Arranged for Solo lute. ed. Miller, 2:270 and 514). Wolff, ““Chansonnier {| Cracow S. Spiritus, p. 244, anon. Arranged Biblioteca Casanatense 2856,” pp. 250-53, also for solo keyboard. §] Munich 718, f. 136” and f. lists the following versions of the chanson: 150°, anon. T and CT in tablature for viola da Formschneider 1538’ Trium vocum carmina, no. 92 gamba. §] Paris, Thibault Lute, f. 21 and f. 55, (original T supplied with two new voices), no. anon. The first arranged for solo lute; the second 93 (original CT supplied with two new voices), intabulates T and CT only. {| Vienna 18688, f. no. 85 (textual incipit written in, but no 86”, anon. Arranged for solo lute. 4 Spinacino apparent musical relationship), and Tiento sobre 1507° Intabulatura 1: no. 2, Isach. Arranged for Malheur me bat in Venegas de Henestrosa (Brown solo lute. 4 Newsidler 1536’ Lautenbuch 1: no. 1557°), no. 43 (keyboard fantasia on themes

49, anon. Arranged for solo lute. {| Heckel from the chanson).

1562** Lautten Buch, p. 46, anon. Arranged for TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting

two lutes. by either Malcort or Martini. On the attribution,

MODERN EDITIONS: Disertori, Frottole, p. 229 (after see Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:149-55. Spinacino). {| Geering and Triimpy, Liederbuch,

no. 8 (after St. Gall 462). | Hewitt, Odhecaton, 12 [La morra] Henricus Yzac 3v. f.

no. 76. {| Isaac, Messe, p. 66 (after Milan : 11°-12 Without text.

2268). {| Isaac, Weltliche Werke, p. 112. {| Marx, CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 18, f. 72", anon. Title

Tabulaturen, p. 28 (after Basel F. IX. 22) 4 ‘La mora’ in all voices. {| Copenhagen 1848, p. Plamenac, “‘Autour d’Ockegham,” p. 44 (after 412, anon. Title in S. § Florence 27, f. 33”, St. Gall 462). 4 Stevens, Henry VIII, p. 1 (after anon. Title “La mora” in S. § Florence 107%, f.

London Add. 31922). 36%, Izac. Title “‘La mora”’ in S. § Florence 178, TYPE OF COMPOSITION: movement from a parody f. 29’, Enrigus Yzac. Title in S. § Heilbronn

Mass based on Antoine Busnois’s rondeau X.2, no. 14, Isaac. CT only, with title. cinquain, Quant j’ay au cor (Paris 15123, f. 184°). { Leipzig 1494, f. 85°, H.Y. Title above the

See also Staehelin, Messen Isaacs 1:32—33. music. § Leipzig 1494, f. 245”, anon. Text ‘‘Reple tuorum corda fidelium”’ in all voices.

11 [Malheur me bat] Jannes Martini [or Malcort or {| Paris 676, f. 40’, Isach. “‘La morra: Dona

Ockeghem] 3v. f. 10’-11 Without text. gentile.” Incipit in all voices. { St. Gall 462, p. CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 16, f. 22”, anon. 136, Isaac. Fourth voice (CT II) added; incipit “Dieu d’amors.” Incipit in all voices. § Bologna ‘‘O regina (La morra)”’ in S. 4 St. Gall 463, no. 211

CHAPTER XVII

176, Heinricus Isaac. S and CT II only. CT Il as 192: Isaac). {| Martini, Secular Pieces, pp. 47-49

in St. Gall 463. Both voices with title ‘‘La (after Rome 2856). {| Marx, Tabulaturen, p. 26 morra’’; in margin: “Dorius.”” 4 Segovia, f. (after Basel F. IX. 22). §| Ringmann and 175", Ysaac. Incipit ‘‘Elaes”’ in all voices. Klapper, Glogauer Liederbuch 4:62. {| Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, f. 83’, Ysach. Incipit RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See Florence 229, nos. 45,

“Dona gentil” in S. | Verona DCCLVJ, f. 39%, 137, 192 and 203. See also Karp, ‘Secular Works anon. Without text. 9 Zwickau 78, 3, no. 25, of Martini.”? On Martini’s Missa La Martinella, Isaac. Without text §] Petrucci 1501 Odhecaton, f. see chapter X. Jacob Obrecht, in the Credo of 49", Yzac. Title in all voices. § Egenolff[ca. his Missa Schoen lief (Werken: Missen 4:143-60) 1535]'* Lieder 3: no. 34, anon. S only, with used S of no. 13 as a cantus firmus in his B.

title. | Formschneider 1538” Trium vocum Another version of the Credo from the same carmina, no. 29, anon. Without text. Mass, in Munich 3154, f. 240 (Obrecht, Werken: INTABULATIONS: Basel F. [X. 22, f. 32’, Isacius Missen 4:179-—88), uses S of no. 13 as S of a

author. Arranged for solo keyboard. 4] Paris different composition for four voices. On Thibault Lute, f. 14” anon. Title ‘‘Mora’’ above Obrecht’s Mass, see Stachelin, ‘‘Obrechtiana,”’

music; arranged for solo lute. 4 St. Gall 530, no. pp. 25-27. 117, Heinrich Isaac. Arranged for solo key- TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a piece conceived

board {| Wertheim 6, p. 11, Ysaac. ‘“‘Muteta.” for instruments. Attribution of the composition Arranged for solo lute. {| Spinacino 1507” to Isaac is improbable, unless he made the Intabulatura 1: f. 26, anon. Arranged for solo intabulation, or composed the CT in Segovia. lute. | Newsidler 1536'* Lautenbuch 1: f. g3 and

pi’, Isaac. Two versions arranged for solo lute. 14 [My my] Henricus Yzac 3v. f. 13-14

MODERN EDITIONS: Geering and Triimpy, Without text.

Liederbuch, no. 77 (after St. Gall 462). {| Gerber, CONCORDANCE: Segovia, f. 186, Ysaac. Incipit ‘“My

Mensuralkodex .. . Apel 32:113 (after Leipzig my”’ in all voices. 1494, f. 85). | Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 44. J MODERN EDITION: Isaac, Weltliche Werke, p. 122. Isaac, Weltliche Werke, pp. 90, 151-52 (after RELATED COMPOSITIONS: Not related to My my,

Newsidler) and 154 (after Basel F. IX. 22). 4 mon doulx enfant in Paris 9346 (published in Marx, Tabulaturen, p. 30 (after Basel F. IX. 22). Gerold, Manuscrit de Bayeux, no. 93). Not related TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably an instrumental to Mi mi in Egenolff[ca. 1535]'* Lieder 3: no. 30,

piece. On La morra as a dance, see Cattin, by Arnolt Schlick according to Heilbronn X.2. ‘“Canti, Canzoni a ballo e danze,” p. 212. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Possibly a rondeau setting. Like the title of Ockeghem’s Missa Mi mi (Works

13. Martinella Jannes Martini 3v. f. 2:1), the text incipit in Segovia seems to refer to

12’-13 Incipit in S and CT. the descending fifth at the beginning of the

CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 16, f. 93”, anon. Title Contratenor; E is ‘‘mi’’ in the natural hexachord,

‘La martinella”’ in all voices. § Glogauer, no. and A is “‘mi’’ in the soft hexachord. 268, anon. Without text. § Paris 15123, f. 145’,

anon. Title ““La martinella”’ in all voices. { 15 [L’espoir miculx] Jannes Martini 3v. f.

Rome 2856, f. 54”, Jo. Martini. Title “La 14’-15 ‘Without text. Martinelle” in all voices. { Segovia, f. 197”, CONCORDANCE: Rome 2856, f. 87’, Jo. Martini.

Ysaac. Title ‘La Martinella’’ in all voices; CT is Incipit in all voices. different from all other versions. 4 Seville MODERN EDITION: Martini, Secular Pieces, pp. 42—44 5-I-43, no. 5, anon. S, with title, and partial CT (as J’espoir mieulx after Rome 2856). only. § Trent 89, f. 389", Johannes Martini. RELATED COMPOSITION: Not related to the basse

Without text. § Trent 91, f. 257’, anon. Title danse melody L’espoyr, in Toulouze, L’art et ‘‘La martinelle” in S. | Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, instruction, f. B2. f. 29”, Johannes Martini. Title in S. §| Verona TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably. a rondeau setting. DCCLVII, f. 17’, anon. Without text. | Warsaw

2016, f. 113”, anon. Without text. § Form- 16 [Christe eleison from Missa Chargé de deul]

schneider 1538’ Trium vocum carmina, no. 36, Henricus Yzac 3v. f. 15’-16 Without text.

anon. Without text; incipit written in Jena copy. CONCORDANCES: (a) As a single movement:

INTABULATION: Basel F. IX. 22, f. 27", Isacio Captown Grey, f. 102”, anon. ‘““Memento mei compositore. Arranged for solo keyboard. dominc.” Incipit in all voices. {| Florence 178, f. MODERN EDITIONS: Adler, Koller et al., Trienter 92”, Ysac. “‘Amic des que.” Incipit in all Codice, 7:223 (after Trent 89). §] Isaac, Weltliche voices. {| Segovia, f. 179, Ysaac. Incipit ‘‘Vostre Werke, p. 150 (after Basel F. [X.22, erroneously amour” in S. { (b) As part of a complete Mass: said to be an intabulation of Florence 229, no. Bologna A 29, f. 30ff, anon. Now lost, but 212

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

included in the index. 4] Cambrai 18, f. 137’, ‘Les bien amore” in S; in margin: “‘Omnis labor anon. Text in all voices. § Milan 2268, f. 151’, habet finem.”’ | Florence 121, f. 29’, anon. Isach. Text in all voices. {| Uppsala 76 e, Missae Without text. § Florence 178, f. 44’, Jos. Henrici Izac, no. 1. S only, with text. | Warsaw Martin. Incipit “La re’ in S. 9 Perugia 431, f. 2016, f. 13%, anon. Incipit in all voices. §] Isaac 96”, anon. Incipit ““Des biens damoris”’ in S and

1506 Misse, no. 1, Henricus Izac. Text in all T. { Rome 2856, f. 4’, anon. Incipit “De bicns

Voices. damours”’ in all voices. {| Vatican C. G. XIII, MODERN EDITIONS: Isaac, Weltliche Werke, p. 63. 4 27, f. 37%, anon. Incipit “Des biens”’ in S.

Isaac, Messe, p. 76 (after Milan 2268). {| Formschneider 1538’ Trium vocum carmina, no. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: For a more complete list of 77, anon. Without text. parts of Isaac’s Missa Chargé de deul, see MODERN EDITIONS: Atlas, Cappella Giulia 2:25 (after Stachelin, Messen Isaacs 1:30—31. The Mass 1s Vatican C. G. XIII, 27). 9 Isaac, Weltliche Werke, based on an anonymous bergerette a 3 (in Paris 16/1:220 (after Florence 27). | Martini, Secular 15123, f. 61"; Washington, Laborde, f. 70%; and Pieces, pp. 11-12 (after Rome 2856) and 13-15

other sources). | Mm. 1-30 of the bergerette (after Bologna Q 18). tenor are used as cantus firmus in the tenor of RELATED COMPOSITIONS: Apparently not related

Kyrie I; mm. 56 to the end are used as cantus musically either to no. 204 in this edition, firmus in the tenor of Kyrie II. Isaac omits the Lembien d’amours, or to no. 238, De bien. cantus firmus in the Christe, but the point of TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

imitation in no. 16, mm. 32ff, is based on cinquain. The title in Florence 178 derives from thematic material from the bergerette, mm. the solmisation syllables of the first two notes in 38-42, that is, from that section of the the superius. On the Latin contrafacta, see Cattin, bergerette not present in either Kyrie. {| The ‘Nuova fonte italiana,” pp. 217-18; and Just, bergerette text is published in Droz and Piaget, Mensuralkodex Mus. ms. 40021 2:48—50. On the

Jardin de Plaisance, no. 173, f. 78; and possiblity that Isaac revised Martini’s chanson Loepelmann, Liederhandschrift, no. 328. It does not (the version in Capetown Grey and Florence 27),

contain the lines ‘“Amie des que’’ or ‘“‘Vostre see Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:101-2. amour.’ Those incipits, therefore, may refer to A rondeau cinquain beginning “‘Des biens d’amours later contrafacta. On the Latin contrafactum, see quiconques les depart,” attributed on good eviCattin, “Nuova fonte italiana,” pp. 211-12. dence to Jean d’Auton (ca. 1446-1528), historian to Louis XII, may or may not be the poem Martini

17 [Il est tousjours] Jannes Martini 3v. f. set. See chapter IX, p. 67, n. 47, for reasons why

16’-17 Without text. this rondeau is not apt to have been known to

CONCORDANCE: Rome 2856, f. 111%, Jo. Martini. Martini. Therefore, the poem has not been set to

CT and part of T wanting; incipit in S and T. the music in this edition; Jean d’Auton’s words MODERN EDITION: Martini, Secular Pieces, pp. 33-35 could, however, easily be made to fit Martini’s

(after Florence 229). notes. One way this might be done is illustrated

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting. below, with the rondeau refrain set to Martini’s superius.

18 [Textless composition] Henricus Ygac 4v. f. 9 TEXT:

17°—18 Des biens d’amours quiconques les depart,

CONCORDANCES: None. Quant est a moy, j’en ay petite part.

MODERN EDITIONS: Ambros, Geschichte 5:357. ] Fort me desplaist qu’ainsy l’on me charie;

Isaac, Weltliche Werke, p. 123. Vivre en espoir, ce n’est que moquerie;

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Perhaps an instrumental Il n’est pas fol qui d@’heure s’en depart. 5

prec Plus estudie et moins congnois » hip ’ cest vo ? art. ,

var, par 3v. maf.foy, n’est que tromperie depart] Jannes Martini Des ce biens d’amours. etc

19 Les biens[= Des biens d’amours quiconques les * bien mien vient, ce sera sus Ic fart,

18’—-19 Incipit in S. | —_ mo

CONCORDANCES: Berlin 40021, f. 58’, anon. Text Je cuidoys bien qu’on eust en moy regart; 10 ‘‘Ave amator casti consilii”’ in all voices. { Mais je ne suis ny au tiers ni au quart Bologna Q 16, f. 9°, anon. Incipit “Des biens”’ De mon cuider, dont j’ay chere marrie; in all voices. { Bologna Q 18, f. 64", anon. Et touteffois force est que je m’en rie Fourth voice added; incipit ‘{D]es bien damors”’ Et face lieu a quelque aultre coquart

in S. {| Capetown Grey, f. 119”, anon. ““Omnis Des biens d’amours, etc. 15

habet finem labor, in me regula fallit.”” Incipit in 3. charie: appears to mean “‘mocks,”’ “‘makes fun

all voices. § Florence 27, f. 49°, Izach. Incipit of.” 5. d’heure: quickly, promptly. 213

a, 20a fee ee 25 $ b CHAPTER XVII

_——S——— a oP ee

rs 10> 15

Des biens d'a - mours qui - con ~ - ques les _ de - part,

p 30 t (7) og pe Pe a fe te Quant est aA moy,__ j'en ay pe - ti - - - - te part, quant est a

moy, jien ay pe ~ ti - te part, j'en ay. pe -ti - - - te part.__ Fort me des -

Car par frop vous entretenes Paris, Thibault Nivelle, f. 74’, anon. Text in S;

Messire page. ravoices. __. En effait.Chascun etc. incipitetinson remaining

, MODERN EDITION: Agricola, Opera Omnia 5:118

Ne scay quel plaisir y prenez, (after Dijon 517, as a work of doubtful

Maiz ce n’est pas vostre avantage. attribution).

10 Et pour ce, sans perdre langage, TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

Se m’aymez, a moy vous tenez. quatrain.

En effait, etc. TEXT:

1. effait: i.e., “effet.” It appears at line 7 in London Jars de desir, si enflame d’amer 20 A XVI as effaict. reprenes: from reprendre in Que l’eaue de pleurs qui de mes yeulx yssant the sense of “‘reproach.”’ 5. In Paris 1719, the Ne peust estaindre l’embrase vueil qui tant first four words of this line have been crossed out Sentir me fait par sa doulceur amer. 244

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

.;a;

, . EXT:

En ce point suis souvent jusqu’au pasmer 5 TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

Sans m’oser plaindre, en espoir actendant. cinquain, by a composer whose style resembles Jars de desir, etc. that of Busnois.

Fort je me dueil, et ne m’en puis blasmer, t le nom, yy ay A tousjours mais vous puis donner Car ,trop cher la bonté qui m’esprent, , ; ; Car sus toutes emportes le renom Pour qui souffrir martire du suismonde contant la 10 tres , ; , D’estre

Pour une seulle qui de bonté plus est belle mer.dame:

Car pour telle chascun vous tient et clame, Jars de desir, etc. Et quant a moy, c’est4mon 2. pleurs: Paris, Thibault Nivelle reads pleur. y P opinion 5

yssant: Dijon 517 and Paris, Thibault Nivelle, both Je vous suppli, prenes en gré ce don, read yst tant, which is unlikely because of the repeti- Car je ne quiers de vous aultre guerdon

. .; i a of the rhyme. . ;

tion of the word tant at the end of line 3. Pour tous les biens que y prens sus mon ame,

3. Pembrase vueil: this is corrupt and the meaning ob- A tousjours mais, etc.

scure; line 3 is thus not translated below. Dijon Et ie diray. prenant conclusion 10 517 omits l’embrase and reads veul. Paris, Thibault Je AWAY, Pre

, ; ; Que Dieu ne fist tant rayson Nivelle reads l’ambrase veil (?).de TheEnbiens syntaxsans is cor, personne qui onc fust nommeée femme.

rupt. 4. doulceur: Loepelmann reads douleur. Je le maintiens, et sauf de nulle blasme,

‘; ;Peer . Aword tousjours mais, etc. 15 Par celle la. the spellingplus mer ;. 3. mer: tres:i.e., this““mere’’; intensifies belle. 7. guerdon: Emended from the other two sources. 11. Pour Le maintendray par moyen et facon une seulle: Dijon 517 and Paris, Thibault Nivelle read Y Ps y om

(the same in all sources) is conventional, for the sake / reward. 8. que y prens: conjectural reading. 13. sauf: conjectural emendation. Florence The text, a, rondeau is taken frommakes Loe; , , 2794quatrain, reads sans, which no sense. 14. Le: pelmann, Liederhandschrift, no. 468. It is also in Di- Florence 2794 reads et. Altered for the sake of the

sources contain errors. ; _ | TRANSLATION: The text, a rondeau cinquain, is taken from Florence 2794 I’m burning with such love and such desire _ that all the. TRANSLATION: tears that issue from my eyes , Forever I'l] bestow on you this name, jon 517 and Paris, Thibault Nivelle, both of which sense

are not enou aench my firethe because you bear, them all,isthe fame 6 4bh¥toraging re:ravine that to world’s mostabove beautiful due.

I’m burning, etc.

I often feel I’m ready to expire; All men acknowledge this and say so too, I wait, without complaint, for hope to rise. and as for me, I also think the same.

5 I beg you, take in graciousness this poem,

I grieve, with cause, for I will never tire and no rewards from you Pll ever claim to hold SO dear the bliss, to sacrifice other than those my soul received from you.

myself to her, the mother of all bliss, Let me forever, etc. to her inalone, the woman I admire, ,. , And conclusion I will now proclaim:

; . ,;;i,noa lady God-created woman yetasbecame of such excellence you.

I’m burning, etc. (I burn with desire, so inflamed with love that the water

of tears that issues from my eyes cannot extinguish oe I say this, for I know that it is true;

the . . which muchnot makes me feel ; ; Iblaze say .this, andsoI’m afraid ofitsblame.

;without , Let me forever, etc. daring to complain, waiting in hope. |

bitter sweetness.

burn, etc. ; ,

In this I am often onI can the point of swooning ; ; ;matter oer (Forevermore give you this name,; ;for above all others you carry the fame of being the most beau-

tiful lady in the world; for everyone holds and I lament strongly, and I cannot blame myself, for I hold . acknowledges you to be so, and as for me, that is very dear the goodness that has overtaken me, for i opinion [too]. I am; Icontent to suffer martyrdom formyone alone _ | I ask of you no beg you, take this gift favorably, who is the mother of all goodness.forI burn, etc.) ; other reward for all the good things that I receive, by my soul. Forevermore, etc. And I will say, in conclusion, that God never created so

80 [A tousjours mais vous puis donner le many good things in anyone who was ever called nom] Anon. 3v. f. 81°-82 Without text. “‘lady.”’ I maintain this, and without any reproach CONCORDANCE: Florence 2794, f. 48", anon. Text in I will maintain it by all manner of means: Forever-

S; incipit in remaining voices. more, etc.). 245

CHAPTER XVII

81 Se je fais bien[ou mal aussi] Alexander them tell us, in all conscience, whether I do good,

Agricola 3v. f. 82’-83 Incipit in S and CT. etc.).

CONCORDANCES: Florence 178, f. 59”, Alexander.

Incipit ‘‘Se je fais bien” in S. 4 Florence 2794, f. oi 52’, anon. Text in S; incipit in remaining 82 Tarsis Anon. 3v. f. 83’—-84 Incipit in S

voices. | Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, f. 75’, and CT. , Agricola. Incipit “Si fays bien”’ in S. CONCORDANCES: None.

INTABULATION: Spinacino 1507° Intabulatura 2: f. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Unidentified. 41’, anon. Incipit “Si fays viey”’; arranged for

solo lute. 83 Ma perfayte[joye] Anon. 3v. f.

MODERN EDITION: Agricola, Opera Omnia 5:35 (after 84°85 Incipit in S and CT.

Florence 2794). . CONCORDANCES: None.

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

quatrain. Not related musically to Se je fay, , cinquain by a composer whose style resembles

Florence 229, no. 72. that of Busnois. Not related musically to Quelque

TEXT: ee paut que je soie, Florence 229, no. 167, whose

Se je fais bien ou mal AUSSI, incipit is almost identical with the second line of Ce m’est tout ung quant bien y pence. text in no. 83.

Prendre labeur, peine et soussy TEXT:

Ne me prouffite ne m’avance. Ma parfaicte joye,

5 Helas, mon cueur, de dueil transsy, Quelque part que soye, Mourir vous fault de desplaisance, Vostre je me tien; Se je fais bien, etc. Car5 pour nulle rien Ne vous changeroie. Nous ne saurions plus vivre ainsi,

Aus flateurs n’avons aliance. Se vostre n’estote, |

| 10 Qu’on parle a eulx, je vous en pry, Jamais ne pourroye

Et qu’ilz nous dient en conscience Avoir ung seul bien,

Se je fais bien, etc. Ma parfaicte joye, etc.

6. Mourir: Florence 2794 reads Mou- 10 Quant je vous fauldroye,

ourir. 7. Florence 2794 reads Se je fais bien ou Mieulx mourir vouldroye, mal. 9. Aus: Florence 2794 reads Sau. Conjectural Mon dieu terrien, emendation. _flateurs: flatterers; in the tradition Plus vostre que mien of courtly love, the enemies of lovers. 12. Se: Mon cueur vous octroye,

Florence 2794 reads Si. a 15 Ma parfaicte joye, etc.

The text, a rondeau quatrain, is taken from Florence 9 Jardin de Plaisance adds the word je after que; de-

2794. leted for the sake of the meter. 4. rien:

TRANSLATION: thing. 12. Mon dieu terrien: my earthly god. This

Ah, whether right or wrong I do, , phrase is also found in no. 228 in this edition. when I reflect, it’s all the same: The text, a rondeau cinquain, is taken from Droz and my suffring, care, and trouble too, Piaget, Jardin de Plaisance, no. 169, f. 77”. don’t help me, J can’t win that game. TRANSLATION:

Alas, in grief, my heart so true, My perfect delight, in sorrv shame. may I be where I might, youhave ietoindie sorry Ah, ha whether rights eor wrong, etc. and whatever I do, I belong now to you; This kind of life I can’t go through; as you are, you are right. the watchers want to spoil my name. Could I not hold you tight, Please, speak to them, I’m asking you, ll mv life were a plight

let them responsibly proclaim: 7 q y sou. pus . and not worth a thin Ah, whether right or wrong, etc. My perfect delight. etc

(Whether I do good or ill, it’s all one when I think about ¥P ome it. Laboring, suffering trouble and care, don’t I would rather fight

profit or advance me. than not be your knight.

Alas, my heart, stricken with grief, you must die of My goddess, to you

sadness: Whether I do good, etc. my passion is due,

We cannot go on living thus; we have no association your love is my light. with the flatterers. Speak to them, I beg you; let My perfect delight, etc. 246

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

(My perfect joy, wherever I may be I consider myself 1597 reads tout le temps. 9. i.e., “All that I see, yours; for I would not change you for anything. I despise when compared with you.”’ London 20 A If 1 were not yours, I could never have any good thing. XVI reads Tant que j’en voy empres vous je desprise,

My perfect joy, etc. and Paris 1597 Tant que j’en voys envers vous je desprise.

I would rather die than be faithless to you; my earthly —_ The first eleven lines of this bergerette are taken from

god, I yield my heart to you, more yours than Florence 229, and the remainder from London 20

mine. My perfect joy, etc.) A XVI, in which the first eleven lines read as follows:

84 I] n’est vivant tant soit scavant ou saige Hl nest vivant, tant soit savant OM SARE,

Alexander Agricola 3v. f. 85°-87 Ou habondant en eloquent langaige,

Text in S; incipit in CT. Qui voz vertuz sceust a demy loer; CONCORDANCES: Copenhagen 1848, p. 397 (refrain Dieu a voulu en tout tant vous donner only) and p. 408 (ouvert only), Alexandre. Text Que sur toutes emportes Vavantage. in CT on p. 397, and in S on p. 408; incipit in Vostre beaulté a fait de mon cueur prise,

remaining voices. {| Florence 178, f. 11”, Par quoy chascun seule vous ame et prise, Alexander. Incipit in S. { London 20 A XVI, f. Et serviray le sourplus de ma vie. 8”, anon. Text in S; incipit in remaining

voices. § Paris 1597, f. 37’, anon. Text in S and Tant que j’en voy empreés vous je desprise, T; incipit in CT. § Rome 2856, f. 30’, Agricola. Car vous estes en tout art si esprise Incipit in all voices. Refrain only. § Vatican C. Que plus qu’aultre valeés estre servie. G. XIII, 27, f. 82°, Loyset Compere. Incipit The poem also appears in Paris 1719, f. 31, and Paris

‘‘Deenses vivant’ in S. 1722, f. 69°. The first eight lines also appear in

MODERN EDITION: Agricola, Opera Omnia 5:5 (after Copenhagen 1848, and the first eleven in Paris

London 20 A XVI). 1597.

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a bergerette. TRANSLATION:

Attribution of the chanson to Compére is I do not know of anyone so wise,

improbable. whatever language artistry he tries,

TEXT: to praise the many virtues you have shown.

II n’est vivant, tant soit sgavant ou saige, You are so rich in blessings, God has thrown

Ou habundant en eloquent langaige, to you, among all womanhood, the prize. ui votz vertus sceut a demi louer; Dien a voulu en tout tant vous donner My heart is captured by your lovely face, Que sur toutes emportes l’avantaige. 5 I live for you alone, and your embrace,

and all my life I will be at your call. Vostre beaulté a fait de mon cueur prise, Par quoi seule vous ame, sers, et prise, No one I see compares with you in grace,

Et serviray le sourplus de ma vie. and in the arts no other takes your place; you merit to be served above them all.

Tant que je voy apres vous je desprise,

Car vous estes en tout art si aprise 10 So let me, therefore, praise you to the skies Que plus qu’aultre valez estre servie. for no reward but that you recognize

, me as your only loved one, me alone.

Pour ce vous faiz de quant que j'ay hommage, No other saint my heart will ever own. Sans PeqQeeniy On bien, proffit, ne gage, What saint could ever to your image rise? Fors que vueilliez vostre amy mvavoer; There is no one living, however learned or wise, or

A autre sainctabounding ne vueil mon cueur voer, 15 ( h SO ‘ ; owever in eloquent language, who Car qui a ven ung sy plaisant ymage? could even half praise your virtues; God wanted to

Il n’est vivant, etc. give you so much in all respects that you carry the

1. scavant: Copenhagen 1848 reads scachant. advantage over all others.

4. tant: Florence 229 appears to read vent. Altered Your beauty has seized hold of my heart, whereby I

following London 20 A XVI. Copenhagen 1848 love, serve, and value you alone, and shall serve omits the word. Paris 1597 reads Dieu a voulu en you for the rest of my life. vous tant donner. 6. Vostre beaulté: Copenhagen All that I see, I despise when compared with you, for 1848 reads Vostre grant bruit. _fait: Florence 229 you are so skilled in all art that you deserve to be

reads faut. 7. London 20 A XVI reads Par quoy served more than any other. chascun seule vous ame et prise; Paris 1719 and Paris Therefore I pay you homage with all that I have, with1597 similarly. Copenhagen 1848 reads Et chascun jour out demanding anything, profit, or token, except

seulle vous ayme et prise. 8. Et serviray: Co- that you should acknowledge me your loved one; penhagen 1848 reads Elle fera. le sourplus: Paris I do not wish to devote my heart to any other saint, 247

CHAPTER XVII

for who ever saw so pleasing animage? Thereisno —_ TEXT:

one living, etc.). Mauldicte soit envie, Et jaulosye aussi,

a Car se ne fust envie 85 Larouset Anon. 3v. f. 87’—88 Incipit in S Jeusse fait aultre amy.

and CY. 5 Hors de dangier je fusse

CONCORDANCES: None. Couchée aupres de luy; RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See Brown, Music in the Hellas, je suis enclose, French Secular Theater, p. 198 (C'est de la rousée de Seullette sans amy.

may ). 5. de dangier: Florence 229 reads des angiers. Conjec-

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular tural emendation. 6. Couchée: conjectural addi-

monophonic melody. tion for the sake of the meter.

TEXT: , The text, a woman’s song, is taken from Florence 229. La rousé du moys de may TRANSLATION:

M’a gasté ma verde cotte. O curse, let envy end, Par ung mattin my levay, let jealousy be banned. La rouse du moys de may; If envy were to end,

5 En mon jardin m’en entray; I’d have another friend. Dittes vous que je suis sotte? How great the time would pass

La rousé du moys de may that in his arms I’d spend!

M’a gasté ma verde cotte. I am shut in, alas,

1, 4, 7. rousé: dew. The more usual form of the alone, without a friend. word ends in -ée, but the heptasyllabic meter de- (Cursed be envy, and jealousy too, for if it weren’t for mands the form in -é as given in Antico 1536' Cou- envy I’d have got myself another admirer. Free of

rone et fleur. danger I’d be lying in his arms; alas, Iam shut in, The text is taken from Antico 1536' Courone et fleur, alone, without any admirer.). f. 4. This is a woman’s song, as the word sotte shows in line 6. Her verde cotte, a “‘coat of green,”’ 87 [Textless composition] Anon. 3v. f. 89’-90 may indicate joyfulness, as in no. 234 in this edi- CONCORDANCES: None. tion; but her joyfulness, like the coat, was spoiled = [ypE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting

early one May morning. written in the 1470s or 1480s. TRANSLATION:

In the dew of the month of May

I have spoiled my green coat. 88 Ung plus [que tous c'est mon confort] Anon. 3v. £f.90"-91 Incipit in all voices. As I rose one early day, CONCORDANCE: Copenhagen 1848, p. 423, anon. in the dew of the month of May, ‘Ung plus que tous a mon reffort’’. Incipit in all

to the garden I wended my way. VOICES.

Do you call me a silly goat? TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau In the dew of the month of May cinquain by a composer whose style resembles

I havePspoiled my green 229, coat. that Busnois. Not related musically Y ; Florence no. of52, Ung plus que tous est entomon

coat. souvenir.

(The dew of the month of May has spoiled my green , » NS PMS 4 I got up one morning—the dew of the month of May— TEXT: ;

ish? Autre que luy ne face effort The dew, etc.). Pour semblant ne chiere que face,

I went into my garden; do you think that I’m fool- Ung plus que tous c’est mon confort.

° Car je luy ay gardé la place 5 Et garderay jusqu’a la mort.

86 Mauldicte soit envie [Alexander Agricola] 3 ainsi est ; ; v. £. 88°-89 Text in S; incipit in CT. Se es! v Par 007 Tappor

or Ne in s’ensuyt que n’aye en maetc grace Incipit S. Ung plus que tous, MODERN EDITION: Agricola, Opera Omnia 5:49 (after & plus q , CONCORDANCE: Florence 178, f. 58’, Alexander. aucun je donne support,

Florence 229). 10 Soit pres ou loing pour reconfort, monophonic melody. Celuy en qui je me soulasse.

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular C’est mon seul plaisir, mon support,

248

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

De le voir jamais ne suis lasse, TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting Car amours veult qu’aye en mon sort by Morton. Fallows, ““Robert Morton’s Songs,”

Ung plus que tous, etc. 15 pp. 432-62, makes a case for favoring the

The text, a woman’s song in the form of a rondeau attribution to Caron. The rondeau beginning cinquain, is taken from Vergier d’onneur, f£. t5”. “C’est temps perdu de servir sans congnoistre”’

TRANSLATION: > in Paris 1719, f. 22, and other sources (published One is my solace, skip the rest, in Bancel, Cent quarante cing rondeaux d’amours, and no one else need try a test. no. 112, and Francgon, Poémes de Transition, no.

No matter how I may appear, 91), is evidently not the poem intended for this

y , on gresse

I will lend no one else my ear; setting. until I die his place is blessed.

And even should I be impressed 91 [Textless composition] Anon. 3v. f. 93’-94

by others, I won’t have digressed. CONCORDANCES: None. It does not mean he’s not mv dear. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting

7 b h tyle resembles that of

One is my solace, etc. ¥ 2 COMPOSET WHOSE STY Agricola. Let him be far or near my breast,

his cheer and comfort is the best. 92 Vrai dieu d’amours, [je suis en grant tristesse]

I never tire when he is near. Anon. 3v. f. 94°-95 Incipit in all voices.

It is love’s wish: my fate is clear. CONCORDANCES: Paris 15123, f. 147", anon. Text in

One is my solace, etc. S; incipit in remaining voices. { Seville 5-I-43,

(One more than all others is my comfort. Let no one no. 113, anon. Without text.

other than he make any effort [to gain my | TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably the setting of a affections], whatever appearance or expression | simple quatrain and not a rondeau quatrain. The may put on; for I have kept the place for him, and setting shares only its textual incipit with the

shall keep it until I die. popular monophonic melody published in

If it comes about that because of a good relationship I Paris-Gevaert, Chansons, nos. 8 and 123, after give my support to someone, it does not follow Paris 12744, and with its three-part arrangement that I do not have in my graces: one more than all by Antoine Brumel, published in his Opera

others, etc. Omnia 6:104.

Whether far or near for great solace, he is my only TEXT: pleasure, my support, he in whom I comfort my- Vray dieu d’amours, je suis en grant tristesse self. Iam never tired of seeing him, because Love De mes amours, dont je ne puis joyr. wishes that there be in my fate: one more than all Le cuer me fault, et n’ay amor, leesse,

others, etc.). Fors que dangier, torment, et desplaysyr.

1. amours: from Florence 229. Paris 15123 reads

89 Ade yoye[= Adieu joye] Anon. 3v. f. amors. 3. nay: Paris 15123 reads naia.

91°—92 Incipit in all voices. 4. dangier: Paris 15123 reads danguir.

CONCORDANCE: Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, f. 92”, The text is taken from Paris 15123.

anon. Incipit ““Adeu gioye”’ in S. TRANSLATION: MODERN EDITION: Atlas, Cappella Giulia 2:62. Dear god of love, Iam in great distress TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting about my love that’s seeking joy in vain.

written in the 1470s or 1480s. My heart has neither joy nor happiness,

and all I have is misery and pain. 90 C’est temps perdu [d’estre en amours] [Robert | (True god of love, I am in great sadness about my love,

Morton or Caron] 3v. f. 92°-93 Incipit in which is unfulfilled. My heart fails me, and I have

all voices. no love or joy, only danger, torment, and un-

CONCORDANCES: Florence 2356, f. 88%, anon. Incipit happiness.). in S. 4 Perugia 431, f. 71°, Morton. Incipit “Est temps” in S and T. § Rome 2856, f. 50, Caron. 93 Je cuide se ce temps [me dure] Plierre] Congiet

Incipit ‘‘Cest tamps perdu” in S. { Seville [or Johannes Japart] 3v. f. 95-96 Incipit in 5-I-43, no. 117, anon. “‘Cest tempz perdu destre all voices. en amours.”’ Incipit in all voices. { Verona CONCORDANCES: Berlin 40021, f. 226’, anon.

DCCLVIH, f. 64", anon. Without text. Without text. | Bologna Q 18, f. 71’, anon. “‘Je MODERN EDITIONS: Caron, Oeuvres 2:170 (after quide.”” Incipit in all voices. § Capetown Grey, Rome 2856). 4 Marix, Musiciens, p. 95 (after f. 83", anon. Text ‘‘Primum querite regum dei”

Perugia 431). in S and T. Incipit in CT. {| Paris 676, no. 41, 249

CHAPTER XVII

. anon. “Ja cuide.”’ Incipit in all voices. | Rome TEXT:

2856, f. 127%, Jo. Jappart. “Je quido’’. Incipit in Pourtant se mon voloir s’est mis

all voices. 4 Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, f. 54’, Et a servir me suis submis, anon. Incipit ‘Je cuyde”’ in S. {| Verona En lieu que bien m’a volu plaire; DCCLVII, f. 22’, anon. Without text. § Me comment il pour cest affaire Petrucci 1501 Odhecaton, f. 4”, anon. Fourth Des biens d’amours estre desmis.

voice added. “‘Je cuide se ce tamps me dure.” This corrupt text, apparently the refrain of a rondeau

Incipit in all voices. cinquain, is taken from Seville 5-I-43. Since it is

INTABULATION: Spinacino 1507° Intabulatura 2: f. 3, too corrupt to translate, I have not added it to the

anon. Arranged for solo lute. music.

RELATED COMPOSITION: Japart, Je cuide | De tous

biens, in Hewitt, Canti B, no. 31, takes over the 97 La despour [= Le despourveu infortuné]

S of Florence 229, no. 93. Caron 3v. f. 99-100 Incipit in all voices.

MODERN EDITION: Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 2. CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 18, f. 25’, anon. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting Fourth voice added, different from that in Canti

by Congiet. C; incipit “Tanto e lafano” in S. § Glogauer, - no. 201, anon. Without text. § Paris 15123, f.

94 Faites moy ung tout seul plaisir Anon. 3 139”, anon. Text in S; incipit in remaining

v. f. 96"-97 Incipit in all voices. voices.§ Rome 2856, f. 66”, Caron. ‘“‘Tanto

CONCORDANCES: Vatican C.G. AU, 27, f. 93", lafano.” Incipit in all voices. J Seville 5-I43, anon. Incipit ““Fachies moy’ in S. / Verona no. 72, anon. Incipit ‘[L]e despourveu”’ in S and

DCCLVII, f. 65", anon. Without text; T. § Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, f. 31%, anon. Incipit

transposed down a fifth. “Tante laffano” in S. § Verona DCCLVII, f.

MODERN EDITION: Atlas, Cappella Giulia 2:63. 62”, anon. Without text. | Washington Laborde, TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting f. 72%, anon. Text in S; incipit in remaining

written in the 1470s or 1480s. voices.§ Petrucci 1504? Canti C, f. 120’, anon. Fourth voice added, different from that in

95 Jen’en puis plus [se je ne meurs] Anon. 3 Bologna Q 18; incipit in all voices. v. f. 97°-98 Incipit in all voices. INTABULATION: Spinacino 1507° Intabulatura 1: f. 5, CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 16, f. 34", anon. “Te anon. Arranged for solo lute. m’en voys.”’ Incipit in all voices. { Seville MODERN EDITIONS: Caron, Oeuvres 2:179. 5-I-43, no. 52, anon. “Je ne puis plus se je ne Ringmann and Klapper, Glogauer Liederbuch 4:52.

meurs.’’ Incipit in all voices. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting cinquain. by a composer whose style resembles that of TEXT:

Martini. Not related musically to Florence 229, Le despourveu infortuné,

no. 27, Je nem puis. Incessament anvironneé De dueil, de regrez, et de plours,

96 Pourtant se mon voloir [s’est mis] Caron [or Me treuve banny de secours, Antoine Busnois] 3 v. f. 98’-99 Incipit in all 5 Et a tout mal habandonné.

VOICSS ep: Piteusement suis guerdonné CONCORDANCES: f. 89", Caron. “Pouir I a 45 oe,Rome t tant2856, mallement gouverne;

. - . e despourveu,etc.

tant se mon vosoir.”’ Incipit in all voices. { Fortune me fait par ses tours

Seville 5-I-43, no. 104, anon. Text in S; incipit Led P

in remaining voices.

MODERN EDITION: Caron, Oeuvres 2:190. 10 Sur tous je suis mal atourné, TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau Car Espoir m’a le dos tourné; cinquain. Pietro Aron in his Trattato della natura Ainsi va mon fait a rebours; et cognitione di tutti gli tuoni di canto figurato Par raison puis blamer Amours, (Venice, 1525; facs. ed., 1966), f. B2, attributes a Quant en ce point m’a ordonné

chanson Pourtant si mon to Busnois, but he 15 Le despourveu, etc.

describes it as in authentic Dorian mode with a 3. De dueil: Washington Laborde reads Du flat signature. None of the sources of no. 96 dueil. regrez: Paris 15123 reads rigueur. gives it a flat signature, and the chanson is plours: Washington Laborde reads pleurs. Altered clearly written in the Hypodorian mode on D. for the sake of the rhyme, following all other

Thus Aron must refer to a different sources. 6. guerdonneé: rewarded. 7. tant: Jardin composition, and so the attribution of no. 96 to de Plaisance reads si. 8—9. i.e., “Fortune, by

Caron stands unchallenged. her evil turns, makes me Le despourveu, etc.” Jardin de 250

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

Plaisance reads l’a for me, thus changing the sense. with incipit. § Egenolff[ca. 1535]'* Lieder 1: no. Loepelmann reads me. 12. Jardin de Plaisance reads 23, anon. S only, with incipit. Si ay tout brassé au rebours. Loepelmann reads as MODERN EDITIONS: Hewitt, Canti B, no. 16. { Washington Laborde. 14-15. 1e., “.. . when Obrecht, Werken: Wereldlijke Werken, p. 83 (after Love . . . appointed me to be Le despourveu, etc.”’ Rome 2856). {| Wolf, Notationskunde 1:395 (with The text, a rondeau cinquain, is taken from Washing- facsimile from Washington, Wolffheim). ton Laborde. It is also in Droz and Piaget, Jardin de ©§ RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See Florence 229, no. 108,

Plaisance, no. 248, f. 84” and in Loepelmann, Lied- Cela sans plus ne souffi pas. {| See Brown, Music in erhandschrift, no. 622; the refrain only, in corrupt the French Secular Theater, pp. 195-96; Hewitt,

form, in Paris 15123. Canti B, concordances for no. 16, and Wolff, TRANSLATION: ‘““Chansonnier Biblioteca Casanatense 2856” Unfortunate, unhappy me, 1:384-—388.

bedeviled by anxiety TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular and by contrition and by tears! monophonic melody. Attribution of the chanson No help from anywhere appears. to Josquin is improbable.

Abandoned to my misery! TEXT: I am rewarded piteously Cela sans plus et puis hola!

Unfortunate, etc.

and cared for very shabbily, Gente bergiere belle de bon renom,

and Fortune mocks my plight and sneers: Jetés mon cueur hors de vostre prison. Cela sans plus et puis hola!

I’m worse than anyone can see, 1. puis hola: Florence 229 reads plus hola. for Hope has turned her back on me The only text that survives for this composition is the

and Fate abjectly mutineers. corrupt one in Florence 176. It appears to be the

I am distressed and full of fears, first stanza of a chanson a refrain, and has been modand I blame Love who lets me be ernized and regularized in this edition accordingly.

unfortunate, etc. The original version in Florence 176 reads as fol-

(The unfortunate deprived one, incessantly surrounded lows: by grief, regrets, and tears, I find myself shut out Cela sant plus et puis ola

from any succor, and abandoned to all evil. Jenta bregiera bella de bon revom Iam piteously rewarded and very badly cared for; For- Jetés mon cor hors de vous prison

tune by her evil turns makes me the unfortunate Sela sans plus e puis ola.

deprived one, etc. TRANSLATION:

More than anyone else I am badly dealt with, for Hope Enough’s enough, and now goodbye! has turned its back on mss SO mY situation goes Sweet shepherdess, so lovely, known so well,

contrarily along. canheart, with locked reasoninblame Love ,cell— . throw outImy your prison

when he appointed me to be the unfortunate de-

prived one, etc.) enough’s enough, and now goodbye! (Just that—and then, hola!

98 Cela sans plus et plus hola Collinet de Beautiful sweet shepherd girl, of good reputation, Lanoy 3v. f. 100’-101 Incipit in all voices. throw my heart out of your prison. CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 16, f. 50’, anon. Just that—and then, hola!)

Incipit in all voices. {| Bologna Q 17, f. 19”, Colinet de Lannoy. Incipit in all voices. { 99 Helas coment [aves] Jannes Martin’ 3v. f. Florence 176, f. OY-1, anon. Text in S; incipit in 101"-102 Incipit in all voices. CT. § Florence 178, f. 39°, Josquin. Incipit in CONCORDANCE: Bologna Q 16, f. 58”, anon. S. | Rome 2856, f. 152”, Colinet de lannoy. “Hellas coment aves.” Incipit in all voices.

Fourth voice (attributed to Jo. Martini) added, MODERN EDITION: Martini, Secular Pieces, pp. 28

the same one as in Canti B; incipit “Se la sans (after Florence 229) and 30 (after Bologna Q 16). plus” in all voices. Seville 5-I-43, no. 74, TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting. anon. Partial text in S; incipit in remaining

voices. | Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, f. 79°, Colinet. 100 Pour faire [l’arlkymie d’amours] Anon. 3

Incipit in S. §] Washington, Wolffheim, f. 91”, v. f. 102’-103 Incipit in all voices. “par de Lannoy” (in a later hand). Incipit in all CONCORDANCE: London 20 A XVI, f. 13”, anon.

voices. § Petrucci 1502* Canti B, f. 19°, Lannoy. Text in S; incipit in remaining voices. Fourth voice added, same as in Rome 2856; TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

incipit in S and CT. 4 Schéffer 1513° quatrain. Litterick, ““Manuscript Royal 20 A Quinquagena carminum, p. 16, Lannoy. T only, XVI,” pp. 106—10, makes an argument for 251

TEXT: CHAPTER XVII

attributing the chanson to Agricola, and she TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting

compares it with its companion piece C’est trop written in the 1470s or 1480s.

sus amours entrepris, Florence 229, no. 63.

Pour faire Varlkymie d’amours 102 Sill] vous plait que vostre [je] soye Joannes

Il est si peu d’ouvriez parfaiz, Regis 3v. f. 104°— 105 Incipit in all voices. Qu’on y fait trop peu de beaulx faiz CONCORDANCES: Paris, Rothschild 2973, f. 20",

Qui n’y scet bien trouver sez tours. anon. Text in S; text fragments in remaining

voices. § Petrucci 1504° Canti C, f. 118”, anon.

5 Trop y fault alambicz et fours, Fourth voice added; incipit “Si vous playsist”’ Et du charbon plus de cent foys, in all voices. Pour faire, etc. MODERN EDITION: Regis, Opera Omnia 2:62. Et trouve on souvent le rebours TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

Donc on cuide avoir lez biens faicz; quatrain.

10 Brief, ceux sont les plus imparfaitz TEXT: . Qui cuident estre les moinz lourdz, S’il vous plaist que vostre je soye, Pour faire, etc. Pensez que bien vous ameray,

3. trop peu: Paris 1719 reads bien peu. 5. alambicz: Et loyaulment voUs serviray, in alchemy, alembics. In Paris 1719 alembics is Tant que vivray, ou que je soye. crossed out and fornaises written in its place. 6. du 5 Du tout seray remply de joye, charbon plus de cent foys: more than a hundred appli- Et jamais aultre ne querray,

cations of heat, distillations. 11. cuident: London S’il vous plaist, etc.

20 A XVI reads cuide. Altered following Paris 1719 . .

for the sake of the sense and of the meter. moinz: De tous biens auray la montjoye, London 20 A XVI reads mainz. Altered for the Et ne croys que jamais fauldray

sake of the sense. lourdz: clumsy. 10 A vous amer, OU que seray,

12. Omitted in London 20 A XVI. Aultrement je me defferay,

The text, a rondeau quatrain, is taken from London 20 S’il vous plaist, etc. .

A XVI. It appears both there and in Paris 1719, f. 6. querray: future tense from querir, to

29”, next to Florence 229, no. 63, C’est trop sus seek. 8. monfjoye: paragon, highest amours entrepris, both of which use alchemical im- POE 11. je me defferay: I will kill myself.

agery to talk of love. The text is taken from Paris, Rothschild 2973.

TRANSLATION: TRANSLATION:

The alchemy of love is hard. If you accept my loyalty,

Few perfect experts can be found. remember that I love you, and If you don’t know your way around, that I will be at your command all of your efforts are ill-starred. while I still breathe, where’er I'll be.

Ambix and oven one requires I shall be living happily,

and coals to heat a hundred fires. all other women I'll withstand,

The alchemy, etc. if you accept, etc.

And some will find, if not on guard, The greatest joy will be for me, the opposite of what they sought. and never shall my love be banned

In poorest shape are those who thought from anny place, from any land,

they were so wise in this regard. or I will die by my own hand.

The alchemy, etc. . If you accept, etc.

(To practice the alchemy of love there are few perfect (If it pleases you that I should be yours, reflect that I adepts; he who doesn’t know his way around has will love you well and serve you loyally as long as

few successes. I live, wherever I am.

One needs many alembics and ovens, and coal for a I shall be entirely filled with joy, and shall never seek

hundred heatings, to practice, etc. another; if it pleases you, etc. .

And often one finds the opposite of what one thought; I shall have the paragon of all good, and I do not believe

in short, they are the worst at it who think they I shall ever fail to love you, wherever I am, other-

are the least clumsy. To practice, etc.) wise I will kill myself; if it pleases you, etc.).

101 Piteux adieu Anon. 3v. f. 103’—-104 103 Nenciogga mia Jannes Japart 4 v.

Incipit in all voices. f. 105°-106 Incipit in S, CT and T.

CONCORDANCES: None. CONCORDANCES: St. Gall 461, p. 60, Japart. Incipit 252

. . . A (I EE eee eee

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

“Ve mozza mia” in S. 4 Petrucci 1501 pall o——--(? rr Odhecaton, f. 9’, Japart. Incipit in voices. EE INTABULATION: St. Gall 530, no. 89, anon. 8 Ar - do d'a-mo-re, e con-vien- mi can-

. ; El - la non truo- va di bel - le - ze

““Lenziota mia.” Arranged for solo keyboard. clo = gnot ~ tachi’ la sen to ri - cor MODERN EDITIONS: Giesbert, Ein altes Spielbuch 2:70 io so - no sta-tgin ecip- ta e cas(after St. Gall 461). {| Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 7. | Martini, Magnificat e messe, p. 84 (after

Petrucci). || Schering, Beispielen, no. 67 (after a = pe Petru cci) . ee eS ee ee oe a a

RELATED COMPOSITION: Johannes Martini composed 8 ta - - re per u -na da-ma__ a setting of the same cantus prius factus, found in da - - re el cor —mi_bril-la_e—

. . 3 ; pa - ~ re, co - gli: oc-chi git-ta__

Seville 5-I-43, no. 158; and Petrucci 1504° Canti tel - - la e mai non vi -di___

C, f. 101°; modern edition in Martini, Magnificat e messe, p. 86; and Martini, Secular

Pieces, p. .55 Petrucci and—_ with a fragment 5 . (after fps} ——g' ——_F1 —_} gg 9 —_}p/h J of text from Busnois s Je ne fay plus, no. 55 in 2 es aes PT 2.

this edition, added to the second half without 8 che mi strug-ge il co - - ~ re; explanation). On Alessandro Braccesi’s sonnet Fac one “Biss da _ no _ te, on Nenciozza mia, see chapter VII, n.11 above. gnu-na tan-to bel - - - la. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Apparently based on a stambotto related to La Nencia da Barberino, a

. . TEXT AND TRANSLATION: long narrative poem ofLorenzo’ satiricaldeintent ; , ro, ; ; ; Nenciogga mia, Nenciogga balarina, sometimes attributed to Medici, , CheJapart’s bala un passo e mezo e poy the s’inchina. the Magnificent. piece—or rather, ; . 2. un: ; 1. Nenciogga: Seville 5-I-43 reads Lenchioza. fragment of text in Seville 5-I-43 set to ,a a , Seville 5-I-43 reads um. At the end of this line,

Martini’s music—does not quote directly from . . Seville 5-I-43 reads ariva la, omitted here for the sake the poem, although several stanzas begin

‘“Nenciozza mia,” and one praises Nencia’s of the meter.

Pp Pp Pp + 1114 : ¢ iA? . . see .

a , pra The fragment of text is taken from Seville 5-I-43. An abilities as a dancer, using similar language. . unrhymed translation reads as; follows: Lorenzo’s poem, composed of a number of

stanzas of eleven-syllable lines in ottava rima, is My little Nencia, little Nencia the dancer, ublished in his Opera, ed. Attilio Simoni, 2 who dances a passamezzo and then bows.

vols. (Bari: Laterza, 2nd ed., 1939), 2:275-87.

A critical edition of the poem appears in Vito 104 AV audience [Hayne van Ghizeghem] 4 v.

R. Giustiniani, Il Testo della ‘Nencia’ e della f. 106’-108 Text in S; incipit in remaining ‘Beca’ secondo le piu antiche stampe (Florence: voices. Olschki, 1976), who includes references to CONCORDANCE: Petrucci 1501 Odhecaton, f. 98”,

earlier editions. On the authorship and on Hayne. Incipit in all voices.

various related poems, see also André Rochon, MODERN EDITIONS: Hayne, Opera Omnia 1. 9

Le jeunesse de Laurent de Médicis (1449-1478) Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 93. 4 Marix, Musiciens,

(Paris: Les Belles lettres, 1963), pp. 357-434; p. 100 (after Petrucci). Hewitt, Odhecaton, p. 169, and Rubsamen, TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau Literary Sources, p. 21. | Strambotti and narrative cinquain. poems in ottava rima were probably declaimed TEXT-

on occasion to melodic formulas. Presumably, A Vaudience, each stanza of Lorenzo’s poem would have Amans qui vivés en souffrance, stated the formula four times. Thus the first Venés vos requestes donner; stanza of La Nencia da Barberino (in the Amor voelt por vous ordonner

Giustiniani edition, pp. 87—88) might have On fin de jours une alegeance. 5 been sung to its melody in the manner shown 1. This line lacks four syllables. Audience is probably at the top of the next column. (Japart’s cantus the rhyme word and should appear at the end of prius factus has been transposed up an octave and the line, thus: “A . . . audience.” 2. In Florence put into triple meter, as the rhythm of the 229 the word aul appears before amans. Metrically melody suggests, Moreover, the penultimate it does not belong to line 2; probably it is a cor-

note differs from Japart’s version). ruption due to the incompleteness of line

Japart may have intended his composition as an instru- 1. 3. vos: Florence 229 reads vous. Altered for the mental ‘‘fantasia’”” on the formula to which La _ sake of the sense. 5. On: usually stands for Nencia da Barberino may have been sung. ‘‘en le’’, ‘‘dans le,” ‘‘au’”’; and here apparently stands 253

CHAPTER XVII

for “A la.” une: Florence 229 reads on. Altered remainder of the text has been taken from Florfor the sake of the sense. Alegeance: Florence 229 ence 229, no. 98; it appears to be the first stanza reads alegrance, a word not found in Cotgrave, of a chanson a refrain.

Huguet, or Godefroy. TRANSLATION:

The text, apparently the incomplete refrain of a rondeau Just that alone is not enough!

in, is taken fi 229. Step forward throw out my heart, locked in your prison cell— lovers who are in pain. Just that alone is not enough!

TRANSLATION is taken from Florence 229 Sweet shepherdess, so lovely, known so well, State your requests. Don’t hesitate.

Love ts ge to lighten ight bien chosi a mon voloir [Hayne van Oe ee ee ithe the 109h J’ay

burdening the days that still remain. Ghizech Antoine B s] 3 ¢

(Lovers who live in suffering, come to the audience and hoes Te vg. i nenos ar make your requests. Love wishes to ordain for a CXE In S; INCIPIE Wn remaining ou a lightening [of burden] at the end of aannee

P , _£. sree ma ONT ,

fyour! days lof your burden] at the end o CONCORDANCES: Glogauer, no. 258, anon. Text

“ “Virgo pudicicie”’ in S, as secunda pars of “O . . , lla maris,”’ contrafactum of “‘Je suis venue,”’

105 108" 109. Ineipit in ; 7 auoinet jv. f no. 29 in this edition. § Paris 15123, f. 125”, CONCORDANCES: Segovia, f. 190”, Yzaac. ‘““Comt Busnoys. Text in S; incipit in remaining

hier.” Incipit in all voices. {| Washington, ll vou, : Rome 2856, f. 41", Haine. Incipit in

Wolffheim, f. 96”, anon. Without text. MODERN EDITIONS. HW O Omni 42 TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Unidentified. Perhaps an fer R 295 6) tM P Mursicion P 111

instrumental composition, more probably by afte Rome 2856). ames ECTS

: None. ;

Rubinet than by Isaac. Not related to Florence ° i. , Florence 229, no. 29, Je suis venue.

229, no. 209, Pour mieulx valoir, by Hémart RELATED COMPOSITION: This is a responce to

106 Je voy F. Rubinet 3v. £. 109-110 Incipit TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a setting of a

‘mall vo; 7 French quatrain by Busnois. It may be, though,

CONCORDANCES. None that the Latin text in Glogauer is the original d the French trafactum, d TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Unidentified. Perhaps an _ 1 . d eh oon OL raf “Tes > ' “

. | composition explored in the section “Latin Texts” o instrumenta p ; chapter XII. we . TEXT:

107 [rextless composition] F. Rubinet 3v. f. J’ai bien chosi a mon voloir

CONCORDANCES: None Est ainsyPour otschavoir fort sans porcestvoir qu’en dis;

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Unidentified. Possibly an Eh mame, et soir cmprise “4

instrumental composition. The text in Florence 229, like that in Paris 15123, is so corrupt that it has not been possible to reconstruct

108 Cela sans plus ne souffi pas Jannes Japart 4 its meaning. It has not been set to the music, and

v. f. 111°-112 Incipit in all voices. ; no translation is offered here. { That the poem

CONCORDANCE: Petrucci 1501 Odhecaton, f. 26°, was a simple quatrain and not a rondeau refrain is

anon. Incipit in ee se suggested by its apparent rhyme scheme, aabb

INTABULATION: St. Ga 930; no. 77, anon. ““Zela (instead of the abba typical for refrains of ronsans plus non susipias.”” Arranged for solo deaux). The chanson to which this is a responce, Je

keyboard. Hewitt. MODERN EDITION: Hewitt Odh ecaton,34 no.suis 24.

venue, no. 29 in this edition, seems to have had , the same rhyme scheme. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular, *

Pp Pp 8

monophonic melody. See Florence 229, no. 98,

Cela sans plus et puis hola. 110 Se doulx penser Caron 3v. f. 113’-114

TEXT: Incipit in all voices.

Cela sans plus ne souffi pas. CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 16, f. 49”, anon. ‘‘Se Gente bergiere belle de bon renom deu pensser.”’ Incipit in all voices. §] Florence Jetés mon cueur hors dePvostre vison 2356, f. 53”,15123, anon. “‘Se deu penser.”’ all voices. § Paris f. 135”, anon.Incipit Textinin

Cela sans plus ne souffi pas. S; incipit in remaining voices.

The refrain appears in S and CT of Florence 229, no. MODERN EDITION: Caron, Oeuvres 2:195. 108 (T and B read merely “Cela sans plus’). The |= TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Unidentified. 254

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

TEXT: De loyauté sont balanceées, Se doulx penser et souvenir Esse bien pour me decepvoir?

Parlant a Milan Si vous faisiez vostre debvoir, 10 Me pois mes desiers J’en seroie de plus avancees. A son vis souvelant Dictes moy, etc. Dont seray et de duel fescons 5 3. ce: from Copenhagen 1848. Florence 2794 has Car onque mes matines soient tout a vous. only -e. 4. exaucees: Cotgrave gives for

1. doulx: from Florence 229. Paris 15123 reads deu. exaulcer: ‘*. . . to lend a gentle eare unto.”’ The text is taken from Paris 15123. Because of the 5. contrepensée: Cotgrave gives for contrepenser: “‘To repeat signs in the music at m. 28, the com- _ thinke otherwise than he hath done; to dislike a thing position seems at first glance to be a setting of a. = which he hath affected, or distrust those whom he bergerette text. But the phrase structure of the hath relyed on.’’ In Florence 2794 it appears as two music does not correspond with usual ber- words (contre pensées), in Copenhagen 1848 as gerettes, and the text in Paris 15123 does not fit — one. 6. This line is taken from Copenhagen any bergerette scheme. It is, in fact, so corrupt 1848. Florence 2794 is corrupt here, reading Pour that it has not been possible to set it under the — tous mieulx avoir car pour voir. mon cas: my affair,

music or to provide a translation. business.

The text, a woman’s song in the form of a rondeau

Le ; correctionsin fromall Copenhagen 1848, p. 137. Incipit voices. .; With ..

M11. Gracieuse fleur Anon. 3v. £ 114-115 quatrain, is taken from Florence 2794, f. 8’, with

minor variants, the poem also appears in Dijon

CONCORDANCES: None. 517, f. 191"; Turin I. 27, f. 18°; and Washington

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably rondeau setting Laborde, f. 109” ly). In all th written in the 1470s ora1480s. meres . non y). (refrai nai mesg man’ scripts, the text is associated with a setting by Loyset Compére (published in Compére, Opera

voices. chanson.

112 Tout Anon. 3v. f. 115-116 Incipit in all Omnia 5:17), musically unrelated to Agricola’s

CONCORDANCES: None. TRANSLATION: TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting Tell me your thoughts, I want to hear

written in the 1470s or 1480s. and learn of all of them, bestow

this grace on me: I want to know and I would fain to lend my ear.

113 Dictes moy toutes [voz pensées] Alexander

Agricola 3v. f. 116’-117 Incipit in all I often sense they're not sincere, voices. but never let my scruples show.

CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 16, f. 25’, anon. Tell me your thoughts, etc.

“Dictes le moy.” Incipit in all voices. Your fickle loyalty, I fear, Capetown Grey, f. 124’, anon. ‘“‘Amice ad quid deceives me: it is come and go. venisti.”’ Text in S; incipit in T; CT wanting. § Do, what you should be doing—oh, Florence 27, f. 15’, Alexan. Agricola. Incipit and my enchantment will be clear. ‘““Amice ad quid venisti” in S. {| Florence 178, Tell me your thoughts, etc. f. 13", Alexander. Incipit ““Dictes moy toutes” (Tell me all your thoughts; I want to know them. Grant in S. { Rome 2856, f. 68”, anon. “Dittes moy.” me this, so that I can lend a favorable ear to them. Incipit in all voices. {| Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, Often I have mistrusted them, for my own sake. Tell

f. 95”, anon. Incipit ‘““Dictes moy toutes”’ in me all your thoughts, etc. S. {| Warsaw 2016, f. 96°, anon. Without text. They are ambivalent in loyalty; is that in order to deMODERN EDITION: Agricola, Opera Omnia 4:64 (after ceive me? If you were doing what you ought to

Florence 27) and 5:24 (after Florence 229). do, I would gain a lot by it. Tell me all your TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau thoughts, etc.). quatrain. TEXT:

; ; pit in all voices. Affin qu’elles soient exaucees. Ge - .

Dictes MOY [OULES VOX PENSCEs, 114 Adieu, adieu [la seignorie] Anon. 3v. f.

Car j’ay desir de les scavoir. 117°—118 Incipit im all voj

Octroyes moy ce bien G00H, CONCORDANCE: Seville 5-I-43, no. 99, anon. Text in S; incipit in remaining voices.

Souvent les ay contrepensées 5 TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau Pour tant mieulx a mon cas pourvoir; quatrain, probably written in the 1470s or

Dictes moy, etc. 1480s. 255

CHAPTER XVII

TEXT: The text is taken from London 20 A XVI. It appears to Adieu, adieu la seignorie, be the first stanza of a narrative strophic chanson. Adieu a tous ceulx de Brucelles, Unfortunately, no further text is known.

Et par expecial a celles TRANSLATION:

yy8

Qui ayment la bource bien gamnye. In the morning one day

2. tous: Seville 5-I-43 reads fout. bad news came my way.

The text, apparently the refrain of a rondeau quatrain, It was in front of my gate,

is taken from Seville 5-I-43. it was at the castle.

TRANSLATION: A messenger came to the door Farewell, farewell, you all combined, saying: “Hey, open the gate!”’

to all in Brussels my farewells, One day in the morning, bad news came. It was in and specially to you, fair belles, front of my gate, at the castle. A messenger who like to get their purses lined. came to the door, saying: ‘Hola, open the (Farewell, farewell the company, farewell all those in gate!’’) Brussels; and especially farewell those ladies who

like their purse well lined.) 117 Amours nous traitte honnestement / Je m’en 115 Ne vous hastem pas Loyset Compére 3 voy Antonius Busnoys Ave f. 120" 121 v. £118"-119 Incipit in alll voices. Text “‘Amours nous traitur [sic] in S and CT CONCORDANCE: St. Gall 461, p. 51, anon. “Adiu Hi, text “Je m'en voy” in Tand CTL

MT ; CONCORDANCES: Florence 2794, f. 25”, anon. Text madame.” Incipit in all voices. aN > S incipit in CT IL text “ , MODERN EDITIONS: Compere, Opera Omnia 5:19 in Ts d CTI P. ; 15103. £ eon an (after St. Gall 461). {1 Giesbert, Ein altes vows ins an oe aris Oe

Spielbuch 2:58. Busnoys. Text Amours in S, incipit in CT

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: S and T of Ne vous hastem IT; text “Je men vois a Tand CTI. ;

;exactly oo TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Settingin of Loyset a rondeau .with a pas begin like the same voices ; , Compére’s Disant adieu 4 ma dame (published in two-line refrain over a cantus firmus that is a

Sere TEXT FOR S and CT II:

Compere, Opera Omnia 5:18). That fact, plus popular monophonic melody. the textual incipit in St. Gall 461, suggests that Amours nous traitte honnestement Ne vous hastem pas is an alternative setting of O iosne nvmphe et debonaire ,

that rondeau quatrain. But each line Devers of the J Yep ; , soy tout nottoirement.

poem can only be made to fit each phrase of Amours nous traitte honnestement

music with difficulty—Ludwig Finscher ; BP , Amours nous traitte honnestement, composition may actually have been intended O iosne nymohe et debonaire

ae _task 5 Etindesja tout bas vrayement attempted the his edition of the chanson Iai (Compére, Opera Omnia 5:19)—and so the Sans nombre offrant joyeulx sallaire, either as an instrumental fantasia based on 1. nous: Paris 15 104 ; e ds vous 3 nottoirement: me adieu or else the setting of some other not in Florence 229, which reads En bruit vers

ones soy. Paris 15123 reads En bruit vers soy no-

116 [Par ung jour de matinée] [Alexander tairement. This line seems corrupt in all verAgricola] 3v. f. 119’-120 Without text. sions, since the meaning remains CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 17, f. 39”, A. obscure. 4. this line, which completes Agricola. “Par un matin.” Incipit in all the rondeau scheme, is present in Florence 2794 voices. §] Florence 121, f. 28”, anon. Incipit in and (in part) in Paris 15123, but not in Flor-

all voices. 4 London 20 A XVI, f. 12”, anon. ence 229. 5. Et desja: omitted in Paris

Text in S; incipit in remaining voices. 15123.

MODERN EDITION: Agricola, Opera Omnia 5:50 (after The text is taken from Florence 2794. It is also in Flor-

London 20 A XVI). ence 229 and Paris 15123. We have preferred to monophonic melody. versions are corrupt and fragmentary, and partly

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular use Florence 2794 partly because the other two

TEXT: because it has been necessary, in any case, to use Par ung jour de matinée Florence 2794 for the text for T and CT I. The Advint mauvaises nouvellez: superius of Florence 229 reads as follows:

C’estoit devant mon huys, Amours no [us] traitur

C’estoit au chasteau. o josne nyphe et debonaire 5 Ung messager vint a la porte, En bruit vers soy Distant: “Hola, ouvrez moy l’uys!” Ja tous bas vrayement

2. mauvaises: London 20 A XVI reads mauvaise. sans no[mJbre offrant joieulx salaire 256

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

amours nous] trait{te] honestement The version in CT II has only minor orthographical

o josne nyphe et debonayre variants.

The version in CT II is equally fragmentary; it adds © TRANSLATION OF TEXT FOR T AND CTI:

“honestement,” for example, at the end of line 1, For a bird but omits the beginning of line 2 and all of line 3. to be heard TRANSLATION OF TEXT FOR S AND CT IL to the woods I was gone. Since the meaning of line 3 remains obscure, it has not Foul mouths say been possible to offer a rhymed translation. In I went that way

prose, the poem means: there to meet Marion.

ove treats q nen estly, h On my track, track, track

young ana gavant nymph. are now shepherds, shepherdesses;

Love treats as honestly. they dance round, round round, And already truly offering then they turn and go back. joyous reward without number, For a bird Love treats us honestly, to be heard O young and gallant nymph. to the woods I was gone.

TEXT FOR T AND CT 1: Foul mouths say

Je m’en vois I went that way Au vert boys there to meet Marion.

Ouir chanter l’oysillon. (I am going to the green wood to hear the bird sing.

Mesdisans The slanderers say I’m going there to meet MarVont disant 5 ion. Que g’y vois pour Marion. Now shepherds and shepherdesses are going there; they Or y vont vont vont make a turn and then away they go. Iam going to the green wood, etc.).

Pastoreaux et pastorellez,

Et y font font font 118 Le serviteur [hault guerdonné] Anon. 3

Ung touret et puis s’en vont. 10 v. f.121’-112 Incipit in § and CT.

Je m’en vois CONCORDANCES: None.

Au vert boys RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See Brown, Music in the Ouir chanter loysillon. French Secular Theater, pp. 254-55, and Hewitt,

Mesdisans Odhecaton, concordances for no. 35. {| Le

Vont disant 15 serviteur is musically unrelated to nos. 257 and Que g’y vois pour Marion. 258 in this edition, both settings of the rondeau

9. y: Florence 229 and Paris 15123 read si. cinquain Le serviteur hault guerdonne. It is also The text, a popular song, is taken from Florence 2794. unrelated musically to no. 138, Serviteur suis, The text is present in Florence 229 and in Paris and no. 153, Serviteur soye. 15123 beneath T and CTI, butin corrupt formin TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

follows: 1480s.

both cases. The tenor of Florence 229 reads as cinquain, probably written in the 1470s or

Je me[n] voy TEXT AND TRANSLATION: For the complete text, —

au vert] bos with variants, and its translation, see no. 258 in Mesdisans musically to the other settings of the poem, it vot disans is by no means certain that this is the correct

oi ca{n|ter losillon this edition. Since no. 118 is not related

q{ue] jy voy por Marion text for the music. Thus this edition should be considered only as one possiblity.

Oir vo[n]t vont vont

pastoraulx & pastourelles 119 Laplus Anon. 3v. f. 122°-123 Incipit in

& si font font folnle S and CT.

1 touret & puis sen vo[n]t CONCORDANCES: None. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting

Je men} voy written in the 1470s or 1480s. au v {ert} bos

oir canter losillon 120 Madame helas Petrus Congiet 3v. f.

Mesdisans 123°-124 Incipit in S.

voln|t disa CONCORDANCE: Paris 15123, f. 191°, anon. Incipit glue] je voy por Marion “Trays amoureulx’”’ in S. 257

CHAPTER XVII

MODERN EDITION: Pease, Pixérécourt, p. 49. soubz. It has been changed for the sake of the meter. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting. Mys dessoubz la lame: executed. 11. Car: from No. 120 is not related musically to Madame London 20 A XVI and Paris 1719. Not in Washing-

helas in Petrucci 1501 Odhecaton, no. 66 ton Laborde, although it is required for the me(attributed to Josquin in the Bologna copy of ter. 13. Jusqu’a: Washington Laborde reads the Petrucci volume and to ‘‘Dux Carlus,”’ Jusques a. Altered for the sake of the me-

presumably Charles the Bold, duke of ter. 14. reclame: calls upon.

Burgundy, in Bologna Q16). The text, a rondeau layé, is taken from Washington Laborde. It is also found in London 20 A XVI and

121 Fortunatrop Anon. 3v. f. Paris 1719, f. 28’, in a different version, in which

124"-125 Incipit in all voices. the short lines are replaced by octosyllables. CONCORDANCES: None. Either can be underlaid to the music.

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting Although one cannot be certain which is the original

written in the 1460s or 1470s. version, it is more likely to have been the version

with short lines, for three reasons: (1) Although

122 [En attendant la grace de ma dame] [Alexander all the sources contain some errors, Washington

Agricola] 3v. f. 125’-126 Without text. Laborde contains fewer than the others and so

CONCORDANCES: Florence 121, f. 27%, anon. Incipit carries rather more weight than they do. (2) The

in S. { Florence 178, f. 25, Alexander lengthened lines and alterations in London 20 A Agricula. Incipit in S. § London 20 A XVI, f. XVI are all either clumsy OF downright non7’, anon. Text in S; incipit in remaining sensical. (3) The rondeau layé was an older form voices. | Rome 2856, f. 9°, Agricola. Incipit in that was going out of favor at the end of the all voices. § Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, £. 61”, fifteenth century. At that date it is much more Agricola. Incipit is S. § Verona DCCLVIL, f. likely that someone should have tried to mod52", anon. Without text. § Washington, ernize a rondeau laye by making all the lines the Laborde, f. 111”, anon. Text in S; incipit in same length, than that he should have made an

remaining voices. ordinary rondeau cinquain into a rondeau layé. London 20 A XVI). XVI, with variants from Paris 1719:

MODERN EDITION: Agricola, Opera Omnia 5:26 (after Here, for comparison, 1s the version from London 20 A

RELATED COMPOSITIONS: Lesure, ‘‘Danses,”’ lists a En actendant la grace de ma dame, basse dance, En attendant la grace de madame as no. Leal seray de corps a de ame,

138, and another, En attendant la grace de ma Et pour ce tant que j ay vivray mignonne, as nos. 73 and 126. § S and T of the Ja nulle autre ne Senpiray anonymous composition a 4 with the Italian > Se Dieu plaist, je n’en airay blasme. incipit Leta speranza mia in Perugia 431, f. 107’, Ne pense personne ne ame begins like Agricola’s En attendant (transposed Que je change celle que j’ame

up a fifth), but continues differently. Ne ja le vouloir n’en aray,

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau En actendant, etc.

cinquain. TEXT: 10 Si prenement je diz: “Je l’ame,”’ En attendant la grace de ma dame, Car j’entens bien que sans diffame

Loial seray de corps et d’ame Aucy cela je deffendray

Tant que vivray; Jusqu’au morir et maintiendray

Ja nulle aultre ne serviray, Que mon cueur souvent la reclame, 5 Aingoys soys mys dessoubz la lame. 15 En actendant, etc. Ne pense personne ne ame 2. Paris 1719 reads Loyal seray de cueur, de corps, et

Que je change celle que j’ame d’ame. 3. j’ay: Paris 1719 reads je. 9. Not

Mais tel seray , in London 20 A XVI. 10. prenement: the original En attendant ete word has been crossed out and replaced in Paris

oo 1719, but both the original and its replacement are il-

10 Si privement je dis: “Je ’ame,”’ legible. Line 11, too, has been illegibly altered. Car j’entens bien que sans diffame 13. maintiendray: Paris 1719 reads soustendray.

Ce soustiendray TRANSLATION:

Jusqu’a mourir, et maintiendray, I'll wait a lifetime undismayed Que mon cueur souvent la reclame. until my lady has displayed

15 En attendant, etc. a sign of grace.

1. This line has two extra syllables in all ver- I’ll never serve another face, sions. 5. dessoubz: Washington Laborde reads and if my neck should get the blade. 258

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXT»

Let no one think that I would trade J’ay des ennuis the love of my belovéd maid. Qui me tourmentent jours et nuis,

Pll wait, etc. ,

I hold my place, Tant que j’en suis toute esperdue. Car je ne puis

in any case, , until my heart’s last call is made. ; ; , ;

So, let me make my accolade: Plaisir avoir, ne n’euz depuis 10

I say, my love will never fade— Que je vous ay perdu de veue.

until lose desir the race,ne Je me way ener’, . ; I; die Neand mon convye,

Pll wait, etc.de Puis que nouvellez mieulx je ne puis avoir 15 a , , Fors voz savoir; (Waiting for my lady’s grace, I shall loyal inestre body Daill ; , ailleurs nebepuis assouvye. and soul as long as I live; I shall never serve an-

other, rather would I suffer execution. Ha, qu’il m’ennuye, etc.

Never let anyone think that I will change her whom I = 4. Mon seul tout: ‘“‘my only all.”’ Paris 2245 reads Mon

love, but I shall be thus waiting for my lady’s | amy, which is unlikely because of the word amez

grace, etc. in the next line; Paris 1597 reads Mon seul. CoIf I say in private “I love her,” I know wellthat without penhagen 1848 reads Mon seul tout. 6. des enblame I shall continue to say that until my death, —nuis: from the other sources. Paris, Thibault Nivelle

and shall maintain it, for my heart often praises is illegible at this point. 10. avoir: from Coher; waiting for my lady’s grace, etc.). penhagen 1848 and Paris 2245. Omitted in Paris, Thibault Nivelle. n’euz: from Copenhagen 1848. Paris, Thibault Nivelle reads nulz; Paris 2245

123 [Textless composition] Anon. 3v. f. reads n’eulx. 11. ay: Paris 2245 reads eu. Co-

126°- 127 penhagen 1848 has ay. 16. D/ailleurs: in any other

CONCORDANCES: None. way. assouvye: satisfied, accomplished. The

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting word is from Paris 2245. Paris, Thibault Nivelle ap-

by a composer whose style resembles that of pears to read esvye. 17. Not in Paris, Thibault

Agricola. Nivelle; supplied from Paris 2245.

The text, a bergerette intended to be sung by a woman,

124 [Textless composition] Anon. 3v. f. is taken from Paris, Thibault Nivelle. The full

127"— 128 text is also in Paris 2245 and Paris 1719, f. 40.

CONCORDANCES: None. Copenhagen 1848 has only the first eleven lines,

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Unidentified. Possibly an and Paris 1597 only the first eight. All four verinstrumental composition by a composer born sions have some errors; but on the evidence avail-

about 1440. able the best text Thibault seems to be that of Paris, Nivelle. TRANSLATION:

125 Ha, [qu’il m’ennuye] [Alexander Agricola or Alas, poor me, Jean Fresneau] 3v. f. 128°—129 Incipit in S how more unhappy can I be

and CT. than being barred from seeing you.

CONCORDANCES: Copenhagen 1848, p. 46, anon. O think of something, dear, to do—

Text in S; incipit in remaining voices. { if you but love me, hear my plea. Florence 178, f. 46’, Alexander. Incipit ““Agnil

mie me” in S. Mm. 40-59 wanting. Paris, See how my plight

Thibault Nivelle, f. 79°, anon. Text in S. 4 is torturing me day and night; Paris 1597, f. 19”, anon. Text in S and T: I fee] abandoned and bereft.

; reer I might, Text in S ry andas T; incipit in CT. ; . ;

incipit in CT. §] Paris 2245, f. 18’, Fresneau. T ; . since you have vanished from my sight, MODERN EDITION: Agricola, Opera Omnia 5:116 I es in th; Id left (after Paris, Thibault Nivelle). no Picastares ty tnas wore are ies TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a bergerette, I cannot see

probably by Fresneau. a wish, a yearning, that would free TEXT: | my heart from wanting to pursue Ha, qu'il m’ennuye, some way of getting word from you— Et que je me treuve esbahyc, without it, there’s no peace for me. De ce que je ne vous puis voir. Mon seul tout, veulliez y pourvoir, Alas, poor me, etc.

Se vous amez moy et ma vye. 5 (Ah, how it distresses me, and how unhappy I am, that 259

CHAPTER XVII

I cannot see you. My only all, see to it, if you love et Saint Quentin —Martini’s composition may

me and my life. originally have been conceived as a chanson,

I have distresses that torment me day and night, so perhaps on a popular monophonic melody. much that I am quite lost. For I can have no pleasure, nor have had since I lost you

to sight. 127 La mignone de fortune [= A la mignonne de

I wish for nothing, nor have any desire, for I can have Fortune] Alexander Agricola 3v. f. nothing better than to have news of you; in no 130°— 132. Incipit in S and CT.

other way can I be satisfied. CONCORDANCES: Berlin 40021, f. 16’, anon. Title

Ah, how it distresses me, etc.). “Trium” in S. Mm. 73-103 wanting. § Flor-

ence 2794, f. 71”, anon. Text ‘“‘La mignonne de

; . fortune” in S; incipit in remaining voices. Mm. 26 oontemeratal | Yoh ae Martini] 3v. £ 73-103 wanting. { London 20 A XVI, f. 3”, CONCORDANCES: Glogauer, no. 257, anon. Incipit ane” Text A la mBNONDS de fortune - S; “Der newe pawir schwantcz” in all voices. § incipit in remaining voices. § Turin I.27, f. 8”, Segovia, f. 172", Johannes Martini. Incipit “O anon. Text in S; incipit in remaining voices.

ontemerata” in all voices Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, f. 114”, anon. Incipit

MODERN EDITIONS: Martini, Secular Pieces, p. 9 La mygnone de fortune a S:

. INTABULATION: (after Florence 229). {| Ringmann and Klapper,

Spinacino 1507° Intabulatura, 2: f. 43”, anon. Arranged for solo lute. Glogauer Liederbuch 4:87. MODERN EDITION: Aericola. O Omnia (aft TYPE OF COMPOSITION: The words “O intemerata” » Agricola, Opera Omnia 5:3 9:5 (after

6 ” , London 20 A XVI).

(“"O matchless one’’) begin one ofSetting the two of a, bergerette.

. . oo. TEXT:

— TYPE prayers to the Virgin Mary mostOF oftenCOMPOSITION: found

preceding the.Hours of the Virgin in books of A la miononne de Fortune

; Sans craindre aucune, significance of the title Der newe pawir ,;

hours; see John Harthan, Books of Hours and O a ne lo 7 f ch Their Owners (London, 1977), pp. 14-15. The MOT GOTO OCT GER ANE CAASCUNE

prayer is notdonne—donc known to have been sung.me On tien the , , — , ie ; J’ay sage

5 Le § cueur souloit schwantcz, see above, p. 128. Onquithe ; estre mien,

anonymous French twelfth-century prayer, its p mu sera yo ,

history, and the various versions in which it CUE TG SCOT PIES AE HESENE-

exists, see Abbé Victor Leroquais, Les livres Car qui en voudroit une eslire d’heures manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Nationale, 2 Ou il n’y eust rien que redire,

vols. (Paris, 1927), 1:xxv; and Dom André 10 Chascun de tire

Wilmart, “La priére O intemerata,’’ in his Y courroit comme a la plus belle. Auteurs spirituels et textes devots du moyen age latin

(Paris, 1932), pp. 474-504. None of the On ne pourroit d’elle trop dire; surviving versions, however, could easily be II n’est bouche qui sceust souffire

accommodated to Martini’s music, which Loer le pire

seems to have been written for five or (if the 15 Dez parfaiz biens qui sont en elle.

phrase in S from m. 41 to the end were Sa valeur croist comme la lune:

divisible six lines of text. § The tertia ry , , 3 into Sa two) leaulté n’est point commune;

pars of Josquin’s motet Vultum tuum depre- On dit: est une cabuntur (Werken: Motetten, no. 24) begins De ce mo. de on plus a de bi ““Intemerata virgo.” It is an antiphon text, set nen Poe @ OE NE to a chant in the Processionale monasticum Tout va si bien

; , 20 Car il n’y a faulte de rien;

(Solesmes, 1893), p. 270. But this text, too, Que de tellez pas n’en est une would not easily fit Martini’s music, which is P

in any case not related to the chant. Martini’s A la mignonne, etc.

music is also not related to O intemerata castitas 1. la mignonne de Fortune: Fortune’s favor-

in the Hartmann Schedel Songbook (Munich, ite. 2. loer: i.e., louer, praise. Paris 1719 reads

Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Mus. Ms. 3232 nommer. 3. Omitted in Paris 1719. 4. Jay [Cgm. 810]), reproduced in facsimile in Das donné: Turin 1.27 reads Je donne. Emendation folLiederbuch des Dr. Hartmann Schedel, ed. Bettina lows Paris 1719. 7. nesune: from Florence 2794, Wackernagel, Das Erbe deutscher Musik, vol. Paris 1719, and Turin 1.27. London 20 A XVI 84 (Cassel, 1978), fol. 16”, { Because of its reads n’est une. Plus que nesune: more than any other general resemblance to Der pawir schwantcz —ac- woman. 9. IL.e., “in whom there should be tually a contrafactum of Rubinet’s Entre Péronne nothing to reproach.” 10. de tire: immediately; 260

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

one after the other. 13. Turin I. 27 reads II MODERN EDITION: Agricola, Opera Omnia 5:57 (after

n'est nul qui y sceust suffire. 19. plus a: Paris 1719 Florence 178). and Turin 1.27 read a plus. 22. est: from Turin RELATED COMPOSITIONS: Based on the same

I. 27. London 20 A XVI reads n’est, in error. melodic material as no. 176 in this edition. The full text of this bergerette is found in London 20 A — Not related musically to Gentilz gallans de France or Gen-

XVI, Turin I. 27 (printed in Villanis, ‘‘Alcuni tilz gallans adventureux in Paris 12744, published in codici’’); and Paris 1719, f. 37. Florence 2794 has Paris-Gevaert, Chansons, nos. 126 and 127. Not only the refrain. The London text has been used related musically to Gentils gallans, compaignons du here; the Turin text is basically the same, with raisin in Paris 9346, published in Gérold, Manuscrit some orthographical differences and variants and de Bayeux, no. 46. Various settings of the latter are

mostly inferior readings. listed in Brown, Music in the French Secular The-

TRANSLATION: ater, p. 221. § The Missa Gentilz gallans de France To Fortune’s darling goes my praise, by Pintelli (Vatican C. S. 41, fols. 2-14) is based

to her alone my eyes I raise, on the first melody in Paris 12744, but its Sanctus

O happy days! and Benedictus use thematic material from Flor-

I gave my heart to her, so she ence 229, nos. 128 and 176.

has now the heart that formerly | TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a setting of a

was part of me, popular monophonic melody.

and her alone it now obeys.

And if you had been asked to find 129 Je ne[me] puis vivre 4a mon ayse Henricus

the one who flawlessly combined Yzac 4v. f. 133’-134 Text in S; incipit in

body and mind, remaining voices.

you'd rush to her as the most fair. CONCORDANCE: Bologna Q 18, f. 32’, anon. Incipit

One cannot say too much that’s kind, “Gaude virgo” in S. a that has defined Isaac. ““Wes gyre.”’ Arranged for solo

no mouth is there, as yet, designed INTABULATION: St. Gall 530, no. 159, Heinrich

the perfect qualities of her. keyboard. MODERN EDITION: Isaac, Weltliche Werke, p. 30. The moon grows in the waxing phase, TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

so grow her worth, her winning ways. cinquain.

Everyone says: TEXT:

Throughout the world you will not see Je ne me puis vivre a mon ayse;

a woman of such modesty Je ne voy chose qui me plaise;

and loyalty, Jay ung mal des aultres le pire,

and no one else deserves such praise. Qui tous les jors croit et empire;

To Fortune’s darling, etc. Je ne scay a qui je complaise. 5 (To Fortune’s favorite, whom one must praise above all Je me courroulce, je m’appaise, others fearlessly, I have given—in which I hold Et en parlant fault que me taise; myself wise—the heart that used to be mine and Je me plains, je ris, je souppire;

which now will be hers, to serve her more than Je ne me puis, etc. For if it were wished to find one in whom there should Je hay ce qu’i fault que je baise; 10 any other lady.

be nothing imperfect, everyone would rush im- Jayme a qui fault que je desplaise;

mediately to her, as to the most beautiful. Je meurs d’ennuy, de dueil, et d’ire, One couldn’t say too much about her; no mouth could Et n’ose ne monstrer ne dire suffice to praise the least of the perfect qualities La moittie de mon gref malaise;

that she has. Je ne me puis, etc. 15

Her worth grows like the moon; her loyalty is uncom- _—‘1. me: omitted from Florence 229. 2. Je: Florence mon; people say: she is the one in the whole world 229 reads Ye. ne: omitted from Florence 229. in whom there is most good, for nothing is lack- _-q#i: Florence 229 reads que. 4. Qui: Florence 229 ing; everything suits her so well that there isnone teads Que. 13. ose: Paris 1719 reads oses.

like her. The refrain of this rondeau cinquain is taken from Flor-

To Fortune’s favorite, etc.). ence 229. The remainder is from Paris 1719, f.

116” (published in Schwob, Parnasse, p. 106), in

128 [Gentil galans}] Alexander Agricola 3v. f. which the refrain reads as follows:

132”’-133 Without text. Je ne me puis veoir a mon aise;

CONCORDANCE: Florence 178, f. 47’, Alexander. Je ne voys chose qui me plaise;

Incipit “Gentil galans”’ in S. J’ay ung mal des autres le pire, 261

CHAPTER XVII

; Qui tous les jours croist et empire; MODERN EDITIONS: Boer, Chansonvormen, p. 60. 4] Je ne scay a qui je complaise. Compére, Opera Omnia 5:37. §] Hewitt, The poem also appears in Chasse et départ, f. x4’. Odhecaton, no. 59. | Pope and Kanazawa,

TRANSLATION: Montecassino, no. 115.

I cannot live my life at ease TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

and I see nothing that could please; cinquain.

I suffer from an evil curse TEXT:

that’s growing daily and gets worse. Mes pensées ne me lessent une heure, I do not know whom I could please. Et sans cesser mon povre cueur labeure

I get all hot and then I freeze, Au tresgref mal 10 il a par netted, En contemplant s’il pourra parvenir

I start to talk and then I cease. 5 Au treshault lieu ou sa dame demeure

My heart despairs, and laughs, and stirs. 4 ,

I cannot live, etc. Dangier y est, qui si fort me court’ seure I hate the one I should appease, Quiil mest vivant qui de 6 It SQEOES

; ; Mes pensees, etc.

Celle mesme ny veult la maintenir. I love the one I should displease. ,

I die of anger, grief, and pain.

I dare not show it or complain 10 Mais je say bien, de ce je vous asseure,

or even hint at my disease. Que de mon vueil je seroye au desseure

I cannot live, etc. Se je y povoye par nul tour parvenir;

(I cannot live at ease; I see nothing that pleases me; I Mais se ensemble ne povons convenir, suffer an evil worse than all others, which every Force sera que pour elle je meure.

day grows and becomes worse; I don’t know 15 Mes pensees, etc.

whom I can please. 2. Et: Florence 2794 reads Mais. 3. Au tresgref I get upset, I calm down, and whenI’mspeakingI have — mal: Florence 2794 reads Aultre que moy, and Wash-

to become silent; I complain, I laugh, I sigh; I ington, Laborde Aultre de moy. par: Washington,

cannot live, etc. Laborde reads pour. 5. treshault: from Florence

I hate what I have to embrace; Ilove the person whom 2794 and Washington, Laborde. London 20 A XVI I am bound to displease; I die of grief, sadness, omits the word, and, in an apparent attempt to reand anger, andI dare not show or speak ofthehalf store the meter, adds (in T and CT only) the word of my grievous suffering; I cannot live, etc.). jamais after pourra in line 4. Paris 1597 reads plaisant. Paris 15123 reads Jamais au lieu instead of Au

treshault lieu. 8. Meaning obscure. 13. ne: 130 Mes penséels [ne me lessent une heure] Loyset London 20 A XVI reads nous. Amended for the sake

Compére 3v. f.a134’-135 in all ofisthe sense. || ; The text, rondeauIncipit cinquain, taken from

London 20 oe A XVI. The refrain only appears in Florence CONCORDANCES: Bol 17, f. 16” i; Compere. 20Nena Q am » Loysetin 2794, 1597, Paris 15123, and Washington, Incipit allParis voices. { Florence

ore . ; 143.

y rT 2: Laborde. The poem was edited from London 20

178, f. 56”, Loyset. Incipit ““Mas penses”’ in A XVI bv Wallis in A French V,

S. { Florence 2794, f. 46", anon. Text in S; Y MANTS ID ANONYMOUS STOCT OSE, Pe

incipit in remaining voices. {| London 20 A ATION. XVI, f. 34", anon. Text in all voices. TRANS ATION:

; My thoughts, an hour, leave. me Montecassino 871 N, without p.not 400,for Loyset Compere. , alone. .; ae ; My heart, delivery, is thrown Withouty text. Incipit at footdespair of page. brought eeanon. into on by memory 1597, oe f. ge 8’, Text{]inParis S;, ;incipit in _

_— y voices. and contemplation will remaining {| Paris 15123, f.whether 169%, he it hich vl isee . her th Compere. Text in S; incipit in remaining me nigh place where my queen sits on Aer throne.

voices. {| Uppsala 76a, f. 22”, anon. Incipit But Danger strikes, and when his face is shown ‘“Mes pensees’”’ in Ss. Vatican C. G. XU, 27, no man can help and I am on my own. f. 94”, anon. Incipit ““Mees mes penses”’ in 5. | She would not want me in such jeopardy. Washington, Laborde, f. 106”, anon. Text in S; My thoughts, etc. incipit in remaining voices. {| Zwickau 78, 3,

no. 19, anon. Without text. §] Petrucci 1501 But I assure you, and it should be known: Odhecaton, f. 64”, Compere. Incipit in all If up to her my poor heart could be flown, voices. §/ Formschneider 1538” Trium vocum the peak of my desire it would be.

carmina, no. 18, anon. Without text. However, if she cannot be with me, INTABULATION: Newsidler 1536'° Lautenbuch 2: no. then I must die without her, all alone.

16, Compere. Arranged for solo lute. My thoughts, etc. 262

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

(My thoughts never leave me alone for a single hour, related to Barbireau’s Se une fois avant que and without ceasing my poor heart labors under mourir, on which see Atlas, Cappella Giulis

the grievous hurt which it has through memory, 1:65-69. in contemplating if it can reach the high place = TEXT:

where its lady lives. Se une fois recouvrir joie

Danger is there, who attacks me so hard that no living Et veoir le fait de mon desir, person can aid me; she herself doesn’t want it. My Jamais home n’eust le plaisir

thoughts, etc. En ce monde ce que j’aroie.

But I know well, of this I assure you, that I would be — 2. fait: accomplishment. at the peak of my desire if I could attain there by —‘_ The text, apparently the refrain of a rondeau quatrain, any means; but if we cannot come together, then is taken from Seville 5-I-43. As it stands, it has no

I must die for her. My thoughts, etc.). main verb. § Beyond the first three words, the

rondeau is not related to the poem beginning Se

131 [Het es al ghedaen] Jacobus Barle [or Heinrich une foys ne dictes ouy in Paris 1719, £. 95.

Isaac] 3v. f. 135-136 Without text. TRANSLATION:

CONCORDANCE: Segovia, f. 183, Ysaac. Incipit “Het If once I had the pleasure

g S easily a, ; ; . the pleasure that I would.)

es al ghedaen” in all voices. of seeing my wishes met,

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Apparently a setting of a no man would ever get Flemish text—although the music would easil such joy without measure.

fit a rondeau—probably by Barle. Hoffmann (If I could once achieve joy and sec the accomplishment

. ; a ays of my desire, never did any man in the world have

von Fallersleben, Niederlandische geistliche Lieder,

p. 42, no. 16, prints a fifteenth-century Flemish song, Ons is gheboren een uutvercoren clein

kindekijn, which was to be sung to the tune of 135 [Textless composition] Anon. 3v. f. Tis al ghedaen mijn oostwert gaen al teghen den 139°— 140 wint, possibly a melody related to no. 131. CONCORDANCES: None. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting

Without text. Isaac.

132 [Moyses] Jacobus Barle 3v. f. 136’—137 by a composer whose style resembles that of CONCORDANCE: Segovia, f. 191, anon. Incipit

“Moyses” in all voices. 136 Sanssisans Anon, 3v. f. 140%-141

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Unidentified; possibly an Incipit in all voices.

instrumental composition. CONCORDANCES: None

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau quatrain

133. Seraige [Loyset Compére] 3v. f. 137’-138 setting written in the 1460s or 1470s. The

Incipit in all voices. music cannot be sct casily to the rondeau

CONCORDANCE: Segovia, f. 190, Loysette Compere. cinquain “‘a Nostre Dame”’ beginning Sans per,

Incipit ‘“Beaulte d’amours”’ in all voices. sans si, sans macule et sans vice, in Vergier MODERN EDITION: Compéere, Opera Omnia 5:12 d’honneur, f. qi”. (after Segovia).

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting. 137 Martinella Anon. 3v. f. 141°-142 Incipit in all voices.

134 Si une foys puis [= Se une fois recouvrir CONCORDANCES: Paris 676, no. 29, anon. Incipit

joie] [Hayne van Ghizeghem] 3v. f. ‘Servitur” in all voices. § Rome 2856, f. 138%,

138°-139 Incipit in all voices. anon. Without text. § Vatican C. G. XIII, 27,

CONCORDANCES: Glogauer, no. 263, anon. Without f. 68", anon. Incipit ‘‘La martinella’”’ in S. The text. § Paris 15123, f. 149%, anon. Incipit ‘Su incipit ““Servitcur” with an attribution to Ysach

men foys puis” in all voices. {] Rome 2856, f. was originally written into the manuscript and 86", Haine. Incipit in all voices. {| Seville subsequently erased (see Atlas, Cappella Giulia

5-I-43, no. 35, anon. Text in S. 1:160-—63). § Formschneider 1538’ Trium vocum

MODERN EDITIONS: Hayne, Opera Omnia, p. 40. carmina, no. 35, anon. Without text. Marix, Musiciens, p. 127 (after Rome 2856). { MODERN EDITIONS: Atlas, Cappella Giulia 2:47. J

Ringmann and Klapper, Glogauer Liederbuch Martini, Secular Pieces, p. 87 (after Rome 2856).

4:57. RELATED COMPOSITIONS: Sce Florence 229, nos. 13,

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondcau 45, 192 and 203.

quatrain. Save for a similar first motive and the TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably an instrumental

first three words of text, Hayne’s music is not composition, a reworking of no. 13. 263

CHAPTER XVII

138 Serviteur suis [Heinrich Isaac] 3v. f. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Mass movement. For other

142’—-143 Incipit in all voices. movements from the same Mass, see nos. 142 CONCORDANCES: Capetown Grey, f. 113%, anon. and 143 in this edition. Florence 229, no. 69, is

Text ““Veruntamen universa vanitas”’ in S; a setting of the popular monophonic melody, incipit in remaining voices. {| Florence 178, f. O Venus bant. 60", anon. Incipit “‘Serviteur suay”’ in S. Perugia 431, f. 101’, Henricus Isahc [sic]. Incipit 142 [Pleni sunt caeli from Missa O Venus bant]

“Je suys mal content” in S. {| Verona [Gaspar van Weerbecke] 3v. f. 146’-147 DCCLVII, f. 16’, anon. Fourth si placet voice Without text.

added; without text. CONCORDANCES (all as part of an incomplete Mass):

MODERN EDITION: Isaac, Weltliche Werke, p. 80 (after Berlin 40021, f. 28”, anon. Text in all voices. §

Perugia 431). Hradec Kralové Specialnik, p. 268, anon. Text

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting, in S. § Modena 456, Mass no. 17, Guaspar

although if the coronas in m. 24 indicate the Warbec. Text in S; incipit in remaining medial cadence, the first half is unusually short. voices. § Uppsala 76 e, Gaspar Mass no. 2. S The composition has no apparent musical only, with text. § Vatican C. S. 51, f. 140”, relationship with Martinella, no. 137 in this Gasparis. Incomplete text in all voices. edition (labeled ‘‘Serviteur”’ in two sources), or Vatican SMM 26, f. 110”, anon. Text in all

with no. 153, Hellas dame (with the incipit voices. 4 Warsaw 2016, f. 128”, anon. Text in

“Serviteur soye” in one source). S and CT; incipit in T. § Weerbecke 1507 Misse, no. 2, Gaspar. Text in S; incipit in

139 [Textless composition] Jannes Martini 3 remaining voices.

v. f. 143°-144 TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Mass movement. For other

CONCORDANCE: Verona DCCLVII, f. 25”, anon. movements from the same Mass, see nos. 141 (‘‘Joannes Battista Martini’ added in a modern and 143 in this edition. Florence 229, no. 69, is hand, along with a reference to Florence 229). a setting of the popular monophonic melody,

Without text. O Venus bant.

MODERN EDITION: Martini, Secular Pieces, p. 89

(after Florence 229). 143 [Benedictus from Missa O Venus bant]) [Gaspar

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Unidentified; probably an van Weerbecke] 3v. f. 147°-148 Without

instrumental composition. text.

CONCORDANCES (all as part of an incomplete Mass):

140 [Textless composition] Henricus Y¢ac 3 Berlin 40021, f. 29”, anon. Text in all voices.

v. f. 144%-145 Hradec Kralové Specialnik, p. 268, anon. Text

CONCORDANCES: None. in S. {| Modena 456, Mass no. 17, Guaspar MODERN EDITIONS: Ambros, Geschichte 5:359. Warbec. Text in S; incipit in remaining

Isaac, Weltliche Werke, p. 117. voices. |] Uppsala 76 e, Gaspar Mass no. 2. S

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Perhaps an instrumental only, with text. § Vatican C. S. 51, f. 141”,

composition. Gasparis. Text in all voices. {| Vatican SMM 26, fol. 112’, anon. Text in all voices. {

141 [Et incarnatus est from Missa O Venus Warsaw 2016, f. 129", anon. Text in S. bant] [Gaspar van Weerbecke] 3v. f. Weerbecke 1507 Misse, no. 2, Gaspar. Text in

145°-146 Without text. S; Incipit in remaining voices.

CONCORDANCES: (a) As a single movement: Leipzig TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Mass movement. For other

1494, f. 165", Vb. Text ‘“‘Respice virgo pura” in movements from the same Mass, see nos. 141 S and T. 4 (b) As part of an incomplete Mass: and 142 in this edition. Florence 229, no. 69, is

Berlin 40021, f. 26’, anon. Incipit in all a setting of the popular monophonic melody, voices. {| Hradec Kralové Specialnik, p. 264, O Venus bant. anon. Text in S. §¢ Modena 456, Mass no. 17,

Guaspar Warbec. Text in S; incipit in 144 [Fuge la morie] Jannes Martini 3v. f.

remaining voices. § Uppsala 76e, Gaspar Mass 148°-149 Without text. |

no. 2. S only, with text. § Vatican C. S. 51, f. CONCORDANCES: Rome 2856, f. 101°, Jo. Martini.

137’, Gasparis. Text in all voices. | Warsaw Incipit “‘“Fuge la morie’’ in all voices. { 2016, f. 125”, anon. Text in S; incipitin T. { Segovia, f. 189", Johannes Martini. Incipit Weerbecke 1507 Misse, no. 2, Gaspar. Text in ‘“Scoen vint”’ in all voices.

all voices. MODERN EDITION: Martini, Secular Pieces, p. 26 33:216. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: While the music would fit a

MODERN EDITION: Gerber, Mensuralkodex . . . Apel (after Rome 2856). 264

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

rondeau, the incipit in Rome 2856 may be a TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular

title rather than the first line of a poem, even monophonic melody. though the music is not canonic (that is, it is TEXT:

not a fuga). On the other hand, the contratenor Une mousse de Bisquaye consists entirely of a series of repeated figures, L’autre jour pres ung moullin and this may be the technique referred to in the Vint a moy sans dire gaire, title. These figures are not related to Isaac’s La Moy hurtant sur mon chemin,

morra (no. 12); but the melodic material of the Blanche comme ung parchemin; 5 upper voices does resemble that in Martinella Je la baisé a mon aise,

(no. 13). Et me dist sans faire noise:

‘“Soaz, soaz, ordonarequin.”’

145 Une mois que de Biscaie [= Une mousse de Je luy dis que de Bisquaye

Bisquaye] Josquin[des Prez] 4v. f. 149’- J’estoys son prochain voisin. 10 150 Incipit in three voices; presence of a ““Mecton nous pres ceste haie,

fourth voice indicated by canon: “‘Quiescit qui En V’ombre soubz cest aubepin,

super me volat / Post me venit qui in punctu La parlerons a butin;

clamat.”’ Faictes toust a ma requeste.’’

CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 17, f. 75’, Josquin. Lors me feist signe de la teste: 15 Three voices; no canon indicated; incipit in all “‘Soaz, soaz, ordonarequin.”’ |

voices. 4] Bologna Q 18, f. 74’, anon. Four ,

anon anting; j .

voices written out; incipit “‘Una musca”’ in all Par mon serment, vecy 1486, voices. § Cortona 95—96, Paris 1817, no. 34, Ce n'est frangoys ne latin!

. CT wanting; other voices written out; Parlez moy aultre langaige,

incipit ““Une”’ in remaining voices. {| Florence Et laissez vostre bisquay On 20 178, f. 16”, Josquin. Incipit “‘Une mosche de Mectons noe besongnes a fin, » bischaye”’ in S. Three voices, with fourth Parlons d amour, JE POUS pre.

indica y canon q p 7 ,

indicated by c : ““Quiescit qui super me Lors me dist, nen doubtez mys volat post venit qui ante me factus est.” { Soaz, soaz, ordonarequin. Rome 2856, f. 85, Josquin de pres. Three Avoir je n’en peuz aultre chose, 25

voices with incipit ““‘Uno mosque de biscayo”’; Par ma foy, a ce matin, fourth voice indicated by canon: “‘Quiescit qui Fors baiser a bouche close

super me volat Venit post me qui in punctu Et la main sur le tetin.

clamat.”’ § Seville 5-I-43, no. 138, anon. Three “Adieu, petit musequin,

voices without text; fourth voice indicated by A Dieu soyez, ma popine.”’ 30

canon: “‘Quiescit qui super me volat Venit post Lors me dit la Bisquayne: me in punctu clamat.”’ § Vatican C. G. XIII, ‘“Soaz, soaz, ordonarequin.”’

27, f. 27’, Josquin. Three voices with incipit 1. mousse: girl. Bisquaye: the Basque coun‘“Una mosque de bisqualla”’; fourth voice try. 3. gaire: i.e., ““gare,”’ look out. indicated by canon: ‘‘Quiescit qui super me 8, etc. ““Soaz, soaz, ordonarequin’’: this refrain is in volat Qui in punctu clamat.”” § Petrucci 1504° Basque. Soaz, soaz may be a variant on the sound Canti C, f. 129’, Josquin. Three voices with used to halt an ox or cow. Ordo may mean “‘plain”’ incipit ‘Una musque de buscgaya’’; fourth or “lowland,” and arekin “‘thing,”’ so ordonarequin voice indicated by canon: ‘“‘Quiescit qui super could perhaps be translated ‘‘you thing from the me volat Venit post me qui in puncto clamat.”’ plains.’ The Basques are proud of being a mounMODERN EDITIONS: Josquin, Werken: Missen 10:119; tain people. The whole line then might mean:

and Wereldlijke Werken 4:5. 4 La Fage, ‘“Whoa, whoa, you nasty lowlander!”’ Or soaz (or

Dipthérographie 2:28. in modern spelling zoaz) might mean “‘go!,”’ a polite RELATED COMPOSITIONS: Josquin’s setting seems to singular imperative form. Ordonarequin may be a

be based on a monophonic melody in Paris contraction of two words, ordu and onarekin, the 12744, f. 5”, published in Paris-Gevaert, former meaning “‘hour,”’ and the latter analyzed as Chansons, no. 7. A basse danse, Une mousque, 1s on (“‘good’’) with the suffix sequence -a (“‘the’’),

listed in Lesure, ‘‘Danses,”’ and another, La -r- (“‘singular‘“‘) and -ekin (‘with’). This might bisquaye, in Meyer, “Role de chansons.”’ See then be a set phrase meaning “‘safely, well and good, also Beatrice Pescerelli, “Una sconsciuta all right, with much pleasure,” in which case the redazione del trattato di danza di Guglielmo Basque girl is politely dismissing her suitor with the ebreo,”’ Rivista italiana di musicologia 9 (1974):50 phrase “Go, go in safety.’ Both interpretations— and 52-53; and Cattin, ‘““Canti, Canzoni a ballo the second kindly furnished me by Professor William

e danze,”’ p. 200. H. Jacobsen, Jr., of the University of Nevada— 265

CHAPTER XVI

contradict that in Robert Stevenson, “‘Josquin in the say.”’ Then she shook her head at me: ‘‘Soaz, Music of Spain and Portugal,”’ in Josquin des Prez, soaz, ordonarequin.”’ ed. Edward E. Lowinsky and Bonnie J. Blackburn ‘On my oath, here’s a strange thing! It’s neither French

(London, 1976), p. 219. See also Jean-Fran¢ois nor Latin. Talk some other language to me, not Bladé, Etudes sur l’origine des Basques (Paris, 1869), pp. your Basque. Let’s get on with things, let’s talk of

263-64; Philippe Veryn, ‘“‘Une réponse,”’ Gure- love, I beg you.” Then she said to me—don’t Herria 1 (1921):326-—27; and Luis Michelena, Textos doubt it—‘‘Soaz, soaz, ordonarequin.”’ arcaicos vascos (Madrid, 1964), pp. 103-4. At lines That morning, by my faith, I couldn’t get anything but 8, 16, and 24, the last word is spelled ordonaregin, and a kiss with closed lips and my hand on her breast.

only at line 32 ordonarequin. 13. a butin: to each “Goodbye, sweetheart, goodbye, my pretty.” other(?). The phrase is usually used in the context of Then the Basque girl said to me: ‘‘Soaz, soaz,

sharing out booty. 29. musequin: a term of en- ordonarequin.’’). dearment. 30. popine: “‘Spruce, neat, briske,

trimme, fine; quaint, nice, daintie, prettie’’ (Cot- 146 Adieu Florens la yolye Pietrequin 4v. f.

grave, “Popin). 150’-151 Incipit in all voices.

The text is taken from Paris 12744. CONCORDANCES: Florence 178, f. 77’, Pietrequin.

TRANSLATION: Incipit ‘“‘Adiu Florens” in S. § Munich

A young Basque damsel 328-331, no. 126, anon. Title ““Carmen in sol”’ by the mill, the other day, in all voices. Without text. {/ Vienna 18810, no. came smack upon me 39, Petri. de la Rue. Title ““Carmen.”’ Without

running into my way. text.

Not a word did she say. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Perhaps a setting of a

I gave her a gentle kiss popular monophonic melody. The attribution but calmly said the miss: to Pierre de La Rue is implausible. ‘“Soaz, soaz, ordonarequin.”’

I said I lived near Basque land, 147 Je ne demande [autre de gré] [Antoine

not very far away. Busnois] 4v. f. 151’-152 Incipit in S, T “By this hedge, in the shade, and B.

at the hawthorn, let us stay CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 18, f. 39”, anon.

and let us have a little parley. Incipit in S. § Paris 15123, f. 153’, Busnoys.

Will you not be mine?” Text in S; incipit in remaining voices. { Rome

With her head she made a sign: 2856, f. 150”, Busnoys. Incipit in all voices. { ‘“Soaz, soaz, ordonarequin.”’ Segovia, f. 112’, Anthonius Busnoys. Incipit in

oe Lo, all voices. 4] Seville 5-I-43, no. 133, anon. Text What is this? Iam completely thrown. in S: incipit in T. | Washineton. Laborde. f

’Tis neither French nor Latin, nay! De “Teen A .TM ASTUNB LON, Laborde, te Textual incipit, but no music. § Petrucci Speak a tongue to me that’s known, 1501 Odhecaton. £. 47". Bu Incivit in all

with your Basque leave me alone. pS USDOYS © ADDIS 1 2 voices.

Do what we should do now. Pray, INTABULATION: Spinacino 1507 Intabulatura 2: f. 9, speak of love to me.

Then she spoke her mind. Said she: anon. Arranged for solo lute. “Soar soar. Of donarequin i. MODERN EDITIONS: Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 42. Obrecht, Opera Omnia 1:65 (after Petrucci). There was nothing I could do Obrecht, Werken: Missen 1: Appendix, p. I

on that morn to my dismay (after Paris 15123).

but just kiss her (mouth closed, too!); TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

my hand on her bosom lay. quatrain. “Little one, adieu, aweigh! TEXT:

God be with you, pretty head!”’ Je ne demande autre de gré

Stull the Basque lass merely said: En lieu mondain ny en richesse “*Soaz, soaz, ordonarequin.”’ Fors d’estre avec vous, ma maistresse, (A girl from the Basque country, the other day, near a En lyeu samblable du degré. mill, came up to me without warning, meeting 1. autre: from Seville 5-I-43. Paris 15123 reads me on my way, white as parchment; I kissed her ame. 2. lieu: from Seville 5-I-43 (which, howat my ease, and she said to me quietly: ““Soaz, ever, reads Ung for En). Paris 15123 reads

soaz, ordonarequin.”’ lies. 3. Fors: Seville 5-I-43 reads O. avec:

I said that I lived very near her Basque country. “Let’s from Seville 5-I-43. Paris 15123 reads aves. go near that hedge, in the shade under the haw- ‘The text, apparently the refrain of a rondeau quatrain,

thorn; there we can talk to each other; do as I is taken from Paris 15123, with corrections from 266

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

Seville 5-I-43. Both versions are corrupt tosome ‘The text, a bergerette, is taken from Paris 12744. The

extent, and, indeed, the poem makes so little meter is irregular, but lincs 4, 6, 8, and 12 seem sense that it is possible to offer here a translation to have six syllables and to be shorter than the

of the first three lines only. others. TRANSLATION: TRANSLATION:

I ask my lady nothing else— How much she pleases me! I only ask to be with you. How much she pleases me!

no worldly riches and ranks will do; To name her, I’m afraid.

Co, I won’t say whom I mean. One day I happily

148 [Hellas, qu’elle est 4 mon gré] [Johannes was strolling on the green—

Japart] 4v. f. 152’-153 Without text. .

CONCORDANCES: Florence 27, f. 64’, Japart. Incipit There in the grass was she,

‘‘Helas que i] est a mon gre” in S and CT IL. 4 my beautiful queen. Florence 107°", f. 12, anon. CT I and CT II She made a daisy chain. only, without text; in index: “Elas que lata Oh God, how well it fit! mon gre’. {| Florence 178, f. 45", anon. Incipit For love, I asked for it

‘“Cheleta mon gre’ in S. St. Gall 463, no. and she gave it to me. 180, Japart. S and CT I only, with incipit; in

margin: “Dorius.” § Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, f. How much she pleases me, etc. 47’, anon. Incipit “Elas queleste a mon gre” in (How much she pleases me, she whom I dare not name!

S. § Petrucci 1501 Odhecaton, f. 32", Japart. How much she pleases me, of whom I dare not

Incipit ““Helas que il est a mon gre”’ in all speak! . .

voices. The other day I went playing, walking on the grass.

Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 30. lived grass.

MODERN EDITIONS: Boer, Chansonvormen, p. 67 § J found the beautiful one in a meadow, on the short-

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular She was making a love-necklace. God, how well it was

monophonic melody in the form of a made! J asked her for it, for love, and she gave it bergerette. The song on which Japart’s setting ro mec. is based appears in Paris 12744, f. 3; it is How much she pleases me, etc.). published in Paris-Gevaert, Chansons, no. 4.

TERN ; ‘ , 149 Maudit soit cil qui trouva jaulosie Henricus Colle rie ic none nowmin! Yoac 4v. f. 153"-154 Text in S; partial . , text In remaining voices. Hellas, quelle est @ MON gre, CONCORDANCES: Florence 107%", f. 18%, anon.

Celle que mouse dire! Incipit ‘““Maudit” in S. 4 Munich 328-331, no.

L’autre jour jouer malloye, 5 118, anon. Title “Carmen in sol” in cach voice. Marchant sur la verdure. Without text. Secunda pars precedes prima pars in

; the manuscript. { Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, f. 5”,

Trouvay la belle en ung pre, Ysach. Incipit in S. § Vienna 18810, no. 46, Sur Verbe qui point dure. Henricus Ysaac. Incipit ““Maudit soyt”’ in all

D’amours faisoit ung chappellet; voices. Secunda pars precedes prima pars in the Vray Dieu, qu’il estoit bien fait! 10 manuscript. § Smithers, “Munich University

Par amour luy demanday, MS 328-331,” R. M. A. Research Chronicle 3

Et elle me loctroye. (1970): 64, is incorrect in listing Regensburg

Hellas, qu’clle est. a, MODERN mon gre, etc. 120 as a source this piece. EDITIONS: Isaac,tor Weltliche Werke, p. 33 and

1,3, 13. Hellas: an exclamation without necessarily also p. 94. any connotation of eric. | la 2 Oe 37 44 TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a bergerette, reads En marchant la verdure, which does not make rEATS Maudit soit cil qui trouva jaulosie

sense. We have added sur for the sake of the Premierement, et qui veult mantenir sense, and deleted En for the sake of the meter. Ses loix et dite of ses commans tenir 11. The sense dictates that the linc read Par amour le Obmis soit il de bonne compagnie.

luy demanday (‘‘l asked her for it, for love’), but

the music cannot be made to accommodate another Je m’esbais comme a tel deableric 5

syllable. 12. 1’: added for the sake of the sense. Homme vivant se peult ou veult tenir. Not in Paris 12744. 13. Not in Paris 12744. 4. obmis: kept out of. 267

CHAPTER XVII

| The text, apparently an incomplete bergerette, is taken | was intended to have a second obscene meaning as

from Florence 229. well. On the meaning of magacrocha, see Pannella,

TRANSLATION: “L’Incatenatura,” pp. 25-38. On Mazzacrocca as a

Curse him who first invented jealousy dance, see Cattin, ‘‘Canti, Canzoni a ballo e danze,”’ and him who still maintains its wicked ways; pp. 197 and 200, and the works cited there. if there is anyone who still obeys 9. Cortona reads: Dammen’ un poco et dammela ben its calls, exclude him from good company. chotta. That one should cater to such devilry In CT: Dammene un pocho di quella magacrocha,

astonishes me more than I can say. Son rose, gigli e fiort.

(Cursed be he who first invented jealousy, and who- Dammene un pocho di quella magacrocha, ever wants to maintain its laws and customs, and Et non me ne dar troppa. keep its commands, let him be shut out of all 2. Cortona reads: Fortuna d’un gran tempo. 4. On

good company. some of the repetitions of this line, Cortona reads:

I’m astonished how any man could, or would want to, | Et dammela ben chotta.

be associated with such devilry.). In T: Fortuna d’un gran tempo mi se’ stata, O gloriosa donna, mia bella.

150 Donna di dentro / Dammene un pocho / Dammene un pocho di quella macacrocha, Fortuna d’un gran tempo MHenricus Y¢ac 4 Dammene un pocho di quella magacrocha. v. f. 154.-156 Text ‘Donna di drento”’ [sic] 2. Cortona reads: Tutta gentile et gratiosa et in S; text “‘Dammene un pocho” in CT and B; bella. 4. di quella magacrocha: Cortona reads et

and text ‘‘Fortuna’”’ in T. dammela ben chotta.

CONCORDANCE: Cortona 95—96, Paris 1817, no. 20, In B: Dammene un pocho di quella macacrocha,

anon. B wanting; text ‘““Donna’’ in S; text Et non me ne dar troppa. ““Dammene’”’ in CT; and text “‘Fortuna’’ in T. Fortuna d’un gran tempo. MODERN EDITIONS: Ambros, Geschichte 5:351 (after Dammene un pocho di quella macacrocha,

Florence 229). § Isaac, Weltliche Werke, p. 35 Et non me ne dar troppa.

(after Florence 229). §] Pannella, The text is taken from Florence 229. It appears also in “L’Incatenatura”’ 24:63 (after Cortona and Cortona 95-96 and Paris 1817. Repetitions of Paris). §] Smijers, Van Ockeghem tot Sweelinck, lines and phrases are abbreviated in the version

p. 191 (after Florence 229). above. They have all been included in the edition

RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See Fortuna d’un gran of the music as they appear in the manuscript. tempo, Florence 229, no. 151. {| See Novati, TRANSLATION: ‘““Contributo,” pp. 921-23, and Pannella, TEXT IN S:

“L’Incatenatura.”’ Lady, the flowers in your dwelling,

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Quodlibet. red roses and lilies white,

TEXT: ah, how lovely they are smelling, In S: Donna di dentro dalla tua casa all hearts are filled with delight. Son rose, gigli e fiort. For a long time, Fortune. Tutto homo che l’annasa “Give me a rose, pray.”

Ne sente ghusto al chore. ‘Precious pearl, just take it away!” 5 Fortuna d’un gran tempo. “Give me a little of that magacrocha, “Dammi una rosa.” give me a little of that magacrocha.”’ “Totela, 0, perla pretiosa.”’ TEXT IN CT: Dammene un pocho di quella macacrocha, Give me a little of that magacrocha. Dammene un pocho di quella magacrocha. There are roses, lilies and flowers. 1. dentro: Florence 229 reads drento; emendation fol- Give me a little of that magacrocha,

lows Cortona. tua: Florence 229 reads tuo; but don’t give me too much of it. emendation follows Cortona. 3. This line, omit- TEXT IN T:

ted from Florence 229, is taken from Cor- For a long time, Fortune, you have been, tona. 5. This line, omitted from Florence 229, is O glorious lady, my beloved. taken from Cortona. 8. pocho: Although some Give me a little of that magacrocha, of the repetitions in Florence 229 read poco, the spell- give me a little of that magacrocha. ing with h has been retained throughout the edi- TEXT IN B: tion. macacrocha: Cortona reads mazacrocha. The Give me a little of that magacrocha,

word seems to mean a long pastry or cake in the but don’t give me too much of it. shape of a stick with a knob at one end. It apparently For a long time, Fortune. meant, too, a shepherd’s staff, and it was the Give me a little of that macacrocha, name of a dance in the sixteenth century; it probably but don’t give me too much of it. 268

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

151. Fortuna d’un gran tempo Jannes Martini 4 MODERN EDITIONS: Disertori, “‘I] manoscritto

v. f. 156’-158 Text in S and T; incipit in 1947-4,” p. 15 (after Petrucci). | Hewitt, Canti remaining voices. B, no. 30. CONCORDANCES: None. RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See Brown, Music in the MODERN EDITION: Martini, Secular Pieces, p. 21 French Secular Theater, pp. 233-35, Hewitt,

(after Florence 229). Odhecaton, concordances for no. 21; and

RELATED COMPOSITIONS: The words and the music Hewitt, Canti B, concordances for nos. 3 and

associated with them are cited in Isaac’s 30. 4 See also Florence 229, nos. 8 and 179. quodlibet Donna di dentro dalla tua casa, no. 150 TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Japart uses the superius of

in this edition. |] See Hewitt, Odhecaton, an anonymous rondeau setting, published concordances for no. 74. § See also Lowinsky, complete in Droz, Rokseth and Thibault, Trois ‘““Goddess Fortuna’’; Novati, ‘“‘Contributo,”’ chansonniers, p. 3. Although this cantus prius

pp. 909-10; Pannella, ‘‘L’Incatenatura’’ factus appears to be the S of the new 23:17-—25; and Torrefranca, Il Segreto, 205-8. composition, Japart’s instructions explain that it TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular is in fact to be transposed down a twelfth and monophonic melody, possibly a strambotto played in retrograde motion, functioning as the

n. 21). TEXT: TEXT: The refrain of the rondeau as it appears under S in (but see Lowinsky, “‘Goddess Fortuna,” p. 64, bassus.

Fortuna d’un gran tempo mi se’ stata Florence 229 reads as follows:

Tanto leggiadra, gratiosa et bella. Jay pris amours a ma devise Solo una gratia t’aggio adimandata, Pour conquerir joieusete

Et a quella mi se’ stata ribella. Heuieulx serai en ceste

Et chi lo vuol sapere, si lo sappia: 5 Se puis venir a mon enprise. In questa terra voglio bene ad una. For the complete, corrected version of the poem and a Un degli sua amanti mi minaccia, translation, see no. 8 in this edition. Since it is not

Credendo ch’io la lasci per paura. likely that the words would have been sung back-

5. voglio: S of Florence 229 reads volea. 8. per: T wards with the cantus prius factus, they have not

of Florence 229 reads pe. been added to the music. The text is taken from Florence 229. The studies cited

above list and describe various other sources 153 Hellas dame [= Serviteur soye de par vous

where fragments of the poem can be found. retenu] [Johannes Stokhem] 4v. f.

TRANSLATION: 159°-160 Incipit in all voices.

A long time, Fortune, thou wert good to me, CONCORDANCE: Petrucci 1504? Canti C, f. 116”, Jo.

wert charming, beautiful, and full of grace. Sthokem. Incipit “‘Serviteur soye”’ in all voices

A single favor I have asked of thee, but CT.

but thou hast not been helpful in my case. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

Pll tell about it all who want to know: cinquain.

One woman lives my heart holds dear. TEXT: One lover threatens me with dire woe, Serviteur soye de par vous retenu, believing I would leave her out of fear. Et a tous poins airay le contenu De mon desir, en soulas et en joye; Car des dames vous estes la montjoye:

152 J’ay pris amours a ma devise Jannes Japart 4 Ce bruit vous est par tout entretenu. 5 v. f. 158’-159 Text in S; incipit in

remaining voices; above S: “Canon: Ne sonites BE

a mese / Lycanosipathon summite’’; in the BT

“‘Antiphrasis baritonat.”’ ; .margin: ¥ . erviteur soye, ctc. Se ee

CONCORDANCES: Florence 178, f. 4°, Japart. Incipit

in S; above S: “‘Antiphrasis baritonat.”’ Se tant de bien il m’estoit advenu 10 Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, f. 59%, Jo. Japart. Que congneusse que fusse devenu

Incipit “‘Je pris amorus”’ in S; above S: “Canon Celuy qui plus de vous amy seroye, Vade retro sathanas.”’ | Verona DCCLVII, f. Je ne sgay rien que tant priser vouldroye; 48’, anon. Without text. Petrucci 1502* Canti Dont vous requier que pour bien cher tenu,

B, f. 33’, Japart. Incipit in B I] and CT; above Serviteur soye, ctc. 15 S: ‘Fit aries piscis in licanosypathon.” 2. diray: 1.¢., “‘auray”’. 3. soulas: solace

Sch6ffer 15134 Quinquagena carminum, p. 30, 4. montjoye: paragon, highest point. 5. Ce: Japart. T only, with incipit “‘Jai pris amours.”’ Florence 2794 reads Se. 6-9. Not in Florence 269

CHAPTER XVII

2794. 11. devenu: Florence 2794 reads denu. Ou propice chose me données, 14. que: in Florence 2794 the second hemistich reads Pour vous declarer la substance. pour bien cher tenu, which lacks a syllable. We have 1. Line 1 in Paris 15123 reads Acordes moy j’ay bien

added the word que, following Paris 1719. pensé. It has been emended following Petrucci 1501 The text, an incomplete rondeau cinquain, is taken | Odhecaton in order to improve the sense, and so that

from Florence 2794, f. 54”, where it is set toa line 1 will rhyme with line 4. 3. After Ou, composition unrelated to Florence 229, no. 153. —_ Paris 15123 adds mi. 4. la: this word has been In Paris 1719, f. 31’, the same text appears, butin added to bring the number of syllables up to the form of a bergerette, four lines being added eight. between lines 5 and 10. This may suggest thatthe | The text, apparently the refrain of a rondeau quatrain, Paris 1719 version is a late attempt to complete an is taken from Paris 15123. incomplete text, but making it into the wrong TRANSLATION:

form—a bergerette instead of a rondeau. Give me what I am thinking, dear.

TRANSLATION: Because you don’t know what I wrote If I were your retainer and you were and do not understand my note,

to let me serve your soul, my heart would stir I spell it out now: Give me cheer!

in joy and solace. I adore in you (Give me what I’m thinking about, since you don’t the finest woman that I ever knew. understand my letter; or [to tell you what it’s all You are the pride of women everywhere. about] give me something that’s favorable.).

BF 155 [Anima mea est] [Gaspar Bn Weerbecke] 4v.liquefacta f. 161’-162 Withoutvan text.

If I were, etc. BF CONCORDANCES: Barcelona 454, f. 130%, anon. {

Brussels 228, f. 47°, anon. Text in all voices. §

If ever the good fortune should occur Florence 178, f. 72’, Gaspar. Incipit in S.

that someone sent by you would come to bear Milan 2269, f. 129", Gaspar. Text in all voices;

the word you chose me as your lover true, as the fourth in a cycle of eight motets forming I don’t know in my bliss what I would do; the substitute Mass Missa Ave mundi domina. § therefore I beg you, hear my fervent prayer. St. Gall 463, no. 102, anon. S and CT only,

If I were, etc. with text; in margin: ‘‘Hypodorius.”’ 4] Warsaw

(May I be retained as your servant, and in every way I 2016, f. 10’, anon. Text in all voices. § shall have the whole of my desire 1n solace and in Washington, Wolffheim, f. 86’, anon. “Anima joy; for of all ladies you are the paragon, that mea dominum.”’ Incipit in all voices. CT and B

reputation is given to you everywhere. are lacking m. 47 to the end. [. . .] May I be retained, etc. MODERN EDITIONS: Picker, Chanson Albums, p. If such good fortune came to me that I knew that I had 358. Weerbecke, Messe e motetti, p. 24.

become the one who would be most beloved by — RELATED COMPOSITION: Weerbecke’s tenor was

you, I don’t know anything that I would value so used as the tenor of Compére’s Plaine d’ennuy | much; wherefore I beg you, being dear to you, Anima mea (published in Compére, Opera

may I be retained, etc.) Omnia, ed. Finscher, 5:6); see Picker, Chanson Albums, p. 142, and, for editions of both

154 Acordés moy [ce que je pense] [Antoine compositions, pp. 358 and 381.

voices. on chant.

Busnois] 4v. f. 160’-161 Incipit in all TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Motet, apparently not based CONCORDANCES: Paris 15123, f. 140’, anon. Text in TEXT AND TRANSLATION:

S; incipit in remaining voices. {] Rome 2856, f. The text is taken from the Song of Solomon (Canticum

148’, Busnoys. “Acordes moy.”’ Incipit in all Canticorum) 5:6-—8, which differs slightly from voices. § Petrucci 1501 Odhecaton, f. 35”, anon. the motet text. In the authorized King James ver‘“Accordes moy ce que je pense’’. Incipit in all sion the passage reads:

voices. My soul failed when[my beloved] spake: I sought him,

MODERN EDITIONS: Boer, Chansonvormen, p. but I could not find him; I called him, but he gave

54. q Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 33. me no answer.

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau The watchmen that went about the city found me, they

quatrain. smote me, they wounded me; the keepers of the TEXT: walls took away my veil from me. Acordés moy ce que je pense, I charge you, O daughters of Jerusalem, if ye find my Pour que mon bilet n’entendes; beloved, that ye tell him, that I am sick of love. 270

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

156 [T’meiskin was jonck] [Heinrich Isaac, Incipit “‘Amours fait molt tant que vestre Johannes Japart or Jacob Obrecht] 4v. f. argent dure” in S; incipit “‘Amours fait moult’’

162”—163 Without text. in CT I; and incipit ““Tant que nostre argent

CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 17, f. 68”, anon. dure” in CT If.

Incipit “De tous in busc”’ in all voices. CONCORDANCES: Basel F. X. 1-4, no. 111, Pirson. Florence 107°", f. 4’, anon, Incipit ‘“‘Detusch in Incipit ““Tant que nostre argent”’ in all busch” in S. {| Florence 178, f. 75%, Japart. voices. {| Bologna Q 17, f. 63’, A. Busnois. Incipit ““De tusche in busche”’ in S. § London Incipit “Amour” in S, T and CT I; text Add. 35087, f. 52”, anon. CT wanting; text ‘“Tant que notre argent dura” in CT II. 4 “T’meiskin was jonck’”’ in remaining voices. § Florence 107°*, f. 7’, anon. Incipit ‘““Amors Segovia, f. 103, Jacobus Hobrecht. Incipit fait moltant’”’ in S. 4 Florence 178, f. 57’, anon. ‘Tmeiskin was jonc’”’in all voices. § Petrucci Incipit ““Amors fait molt” in S. § Florence 1501 Odhecaton, f. 29", anon. (in Bologna copy: 2794, f. 26%, anon. Text “‘Amours fait moult” Isaac). Incipit ‘“Tmeiskin”’ in all voices. in S and incipit in CT I; text “‘Il est de bonne INTABULATION: Schlick 1512” Tabulaturen, p. 68, heure né” in T; and text ““Tant que nostre

Isack. Arranged for solo voice and lute. argent dura” in CT II. 4 Regensburg C 120, MODERN EDITIONS: Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 27. {| p. 214, anon. Incipit ““Tant que nostre argent”’ Isaac, Weltliche Werke, p. 109 (after Petrucci) in all voices. | Rome 2856, f. 158”, Jo. and p. 159 (after Schlick); and 16: 203 (after Jappart. Incipit ““Amours fait mont’’ in S and London 35087). {| Lenaerts, Nederlands polifonies CT I; incipit “Il est de bon heure né”’ in T; lied, Appendix, p. 4 (after Petrucci). {| Wolf, and incipit ““Tant que nostre argent dura’”’ in

25... Liederen, p. 20 (after London Add. CT II. § Tournai 94/Brussels IV, 90, f. 187,

35087). anon. S and T only, S with text ‘‘Amours fait

RELATED COMPOSITION: For a monophonic version moult” and T with text “Il est de bonne

of the same song, beginning Dat meysken is heure né.”” ¥ Vatican 11953, f. 9, anon. CT II jonck, in a sixteenth-century manuscript in only, with incipit ‘““Tant que nostre argent.”’ Leiden (Lakenhal, MS 436, f. 58"), see J. P. N. {| Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, f. 3”, anon. Incipit Land, ““T'wes Liedjes uit de vijftiende eeuw,”’ ‘““Amors fait molt” in S. § Petrucci 1501 Tijdschrift der Vereeniging voor Nederlandsche Odhecaton, f. 33%, anon. Incipit ‘“‘Amor fait

Muziekgeschiedenis 1 (1885):10—15. mult” in S and CT J; incipit “Il est de bonne TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular heure”’ in T; and incipit ‘“‘Tant que nostre

monophonic melody, probably by Obrecht. argent dure” in CT II.

TEXT: MODERN EDITIONS: Becherini, “Alcuni canti,”’ p. T’meiskin was jonck, 340 (after Florence 2794). 4 Hewitt,

Wel van passe, niet te groet. Odhecaton, no. 31. § Obrecht, Werken:

Ic quam gheloepen met eenen spronck; Wereldlijke Werken, p. 99. | Torrefranca, II

Ic custe se an haer roede mont: Segreto, p. 544.

““Scoen lief, ghij compt zo selden.”’ 9 RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See Brown, French Secular

“Eij, ridder,’’ seyt sij, ‘“edel ghenoet, Theater, p. 226; Hewitt, Odhecaton, concor-

Hu liefde quelt mij totter doet.’’ dances for no. 31; and Wolff, ‘““Chansonnier 7. London Add. 35087 adds du after liefde in S. Biblioteca Casanatense 2856” 1:399— 402. The text, apparently the first strophe of a longer poem, TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

is taken from London Add. 35087. In Lenaerts, cinquain over two cantus firmi, which are Nederlands polifonies lied, p. 58, it is published after popular monophonic melodies. Probably by

the London manuscript, but with revisions. Japart. The attribution to Pirson is TRANSLATION: implausible. The girl looked young, TEXT FOR S$ AND CTI:

appealing, not too big, Amours fait moult tant qu’argent dure; so I ran up to her and clung Quant argent fault, amour est dure, to her red mouth and kissed her. Et dit tout franc a son amy:

‘Sweet love, you come so seldom.” “Puis que vostre argent est failly, ‘Ah, knight,” said she, “‘you are good company, Allés querir aultre aventure.”’ 5

but your love is surely killing me.” 1. qu’argent: Brussels IV, 90 reads que nostre argent, which is unlikely for metrical reasons and may re-

157. Amours fait molt /[Il est de bonne heure né] / flect an influence of line 1 of the text for CT Tant que nostre argent dure Jannes Japart IT. 2 est dure: Brussels IV, 90 reads endure,

[or Antoine Busnois] 4 v. f. 163’-164 which does not make good sense. 3. tout franc: 271

CHAPTER XVII

makes less sense. , ; . ae , ; Qui ; Il est de bonne heure né tient sa dame en ung pre

Brussels IV, 90 reads francquez. 5. aultre: from Le conseil est tout pris:

Brussels IV, 90. Florence 2794 reads vostre, which Je ne vous ameray mie.”

This text, like the other two associated with this com- . ,

. ; ; Sur l’erbe jolie. pears in Brussels IV, 90. ‘““Ma tres doulce amie,

position, is taken from Florence 2794. It seems to , 4: be the refrain of a rondeau cinquain. It also ap-

TRANSLATION OF THE TEXT FOR S AND CT I: Je vous aime tant:

While money lasts, all love is fair, Je vous ay servy

when money’s gone, all love looks bare Bien et loiaument.”’

and it says frankly to its friend: “Vous dictes vray, mon amy, : ‘Now that your pelf is at an end, Vous en serez plus joly, go find yourself your next affair.”’ Et moi plus jolie.”’

(Love does a good deal as long as your money lasts. [Il est de bonne heure né

When lacking,sa love is harden and ung says topre or , ; coe:money Quiistient dame

' Sur l’erbe jolie. ] TEXTI] FOR T: Quant ce vint a l’eure est de bonne heure né Que a cheval fut monte, its follower: “Since your money is finished, go ; 4: and look for some other adventure.’’).

Qui tient sa dame en ung pré Son arc en son poing,

Sur l’erbe jolye. Son espéeEnau coste, soupirant lui a dit:

“Ma tresdoulce amye, P amy, , ; ayy evenez, monER bel

‘“‘Mon tres bel amy,

5 Dieu vous doint bon jour! Je seray vostre amye.”

Dieu vous croisse honnour.”’ I] est de bonne heure ne “Par ma foy, mon bel amy, Qui tient sa dame en ung pre

Je suis tout vostre et celuy Sur l’erbe jolie.

10 Qui ne vous faudra mye.” Tournai 94 gives a text nearly the same as the first of the 3. Sur: Florence 2794 reads sus. 9. celuy: Florence three stanzas in Dijon:

2794 reads thus, even though the sense suggests Il est de bonne heure né

that it should read celle. Qui tient s’amye a4 son gré This text, like the other two associated with this Sur herbette jolie.

composition, is taken from Florence 2794. It is “Ma tresdouche amye,

the first stanza of a popular bergerette. A Dieu vous donne bon jour!

version in three stanzas appears with an anony- Qu’avés vous en pensé?

mous composition in Dijon 517, f. 17); a Dite, m’amerés vous?”

variant of the first stanza appears also in Tour- “Par ma foy, mon bel amy, nai 94 / Brussels IV. 90. Another version in Le conseil en est tout pris: three stanzas, related to that in Dijon 517 but Je ne vous aymeray mye.” dating from earlier in the fifteenth century, . TRANSLATION OF TEXT FOR T:

appears in Florence 1040, no. 22 (text only); it How fortunate is he

is published in Stickney, Chansons fran- who has her on a lea, gaises,”” p. 74, and Meyer, FranzOsische upon the grass.

Lieder,” no. 22. The meter is irregular, but on the first four lines of each stanza in all versions G H swectest queen, save that of Florence 1040 seem to have five oo a id Pei d

syllables. MOGs OCAt ATIEDG - oeayour grace increase. . , Itient amsa yours—you Qui dame en ungcan prédepend— .3

The three-stanza version Dijon 517 reads as follows: a; ; Oninmy faith, my dearest friend, I] est de bonne heure né

Sur L’erbe jolie a faithful lass. JON: (He was born in a lucky hour, he who has his lady in a

“Ma tres doulce amie, meadow on the fine grass. Qu’avez en pensé? friend, may God increase your honor! By my

Dieu vous doint bon jour! “My sweet lady, God give you good day!” “My fine

Dictes, m’amez vous?” faith, my fine friend, Iam entirely yours; Iam she

“Par ma foi, mon bel amy, who will never abandon you.’’) 272

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

TEXT FOR CT II: INTABULATIONS: Basel F. IX. 22, f. 40, Isac.

Tant que nostre argent durra Arranged for solo keyboard. § St. Gall 530,

Qui tantost fauldra, no. 112, Josquin despres. Arranged for solo

Nous mesrons joyeuse vie. keyboard. 4 Wertheim 6, p. 9, Josquin. Or est nostre argent failly: Arranged for solo lute. § Spinacino 1507° Adieu, mon amy, 5 Intabulatura 1: no. 18. Arranged for solo lute. {

Adieu, ma tresdoulce amye. Gerle 1533* Tabulatur, no. 31, anon. Arranged

1. durra: Future from durer, to last. Florence 229 for solo lute. § Newsidler 1536'* Lautenbuch 1:

reads dure. 3. mesrons: future from mener, to no. 50, anon. Arranged for solo lute. { lead. 4. Bologna Q 17 reads Mais quant il sera Newsidler 1536'° Lautenbuch 2: no. 31, Joss fahi, and Florence 2442 reads Et quant il sera Quin. Arranged for solo lute. § Drusina 1556” failly. 6. Bologna Q 17 reads Adieu ma joeusse vie. Tabulatura, no. 9, anon. Arranged for solo lute. In Florence 2442, the last word in line 6 reads fille MODERN EDITIONS: Ambros, Geschichte 5:131 (after

in S, amys in T and A. Rome 2856). {| Bernoulli, Aus Liederbiichern, p. This text, like the other two associated with this com- 63 (after St. Gall 462). {| Geering and Triimpy, position, is taken from Florence 2794. It is appar- Liederbuch, no. 46 (after St. Gall 462). ¢ Hewitt, ently a popular song. It appears also in Bologna Q Odhecaton, no. 14. {| Isaac, Weltliche Werke, p. 17 and with a composition by Jacob Obrecht in 135 (after Basel F. IX. 22). §] Josquin, Werken:

Florence 2442, no. 54. Wereldlijke Werken 4:1. {| Lafage,

TRANSLATION OF TEXT FOR CT II: Diphthérographie 2:29. | Marx, Tabulaturen, p.

Ere we're totally bereft, 36 (after Basel F. IX. 22). ( Obrecht, Werken: while there is some money left, Missen 4:38 (after St. Gall 462). 4] Smiers,

we will lead a life of fun. Ockeghem tot Sweelinck, p. 156 (after Petrucci). { But when all the money’s gone, Torrefranca, I] Segreto, p. 540. my friend, we'll run, RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See Hewitt, Odhecaton,

sweet girl, we'll run. concordances for no. 14, and Wolff, ‘““Chan-

(As long as our money lasts, which will be lacking sonnier Biblioteca Casanatense 2856” 1:389-96. soon, we'll lead a joyous life. Now our money is { On an Ave Maria a7, a contrafactum of a finished; goodbye, my friend, goodbye, my setting of the melody Adieu mes amours

sweet lady.’’) attributed to Josquin, see Martin Picker, ‘‘Josquiniana in Some Manuscripts at

158 Adieu mes amours, [on m/’atent] / Adieu mes Piacenza,’ in Josquin des Prez, ed. Edward E. amours, [adieu vous command] Josquin [des Lowinsky and Bonnie J. Blackburn (London,

Prez] 4 v. f. 164°-165 Incipit “‘Adieu mes 1976) pp. 247-55, and Bonnie J. Blackburn,

amours’’ in all voices. ‘‘Josquin’s Chansons: Ignored and Lost

CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 17, f. 59°, Josquin. Sources,”’ Journal of the American Musicological

Incipit in all voices. { Bologna Q 18, f. 78”, Society 29 (1976):51—53. anon. (“Josquin’’ added in a modern hand.). TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau _

Incipit in all voices. {| Florence 107°, f. 9¥, cinquain over a popular monophonic melody in Josquin. Incipit in S. {| Florence 178, f. 48%, the form of a bergerette used as a cantus firmus Josquin Depres. Incipit in S. 4 Florence 2794, f. in T and B. A monophonic version of the cantus 65”, Josequin. Text in S, T and B; incipit in prius factus appears in Paris 9346, f. 82, CT. {| Munich 1516, f. 14, Josquin. Incipit in published in Gérold, Manuscrit de Bayeux, no. all voices. Transposed up a fifth. |] Regensburg 83. 4 It is a matter of conjecture which text or C 120, p. 304, Josquin. Incipit in all voices. { texts should be sung to this piece. It is Rome 2856, f. 153’, Jossim. Incipit in all exceptional to find a bergerette used as a cantus voices. {| St. Gall 462, p. 88, anon. Text in T; firmus. It is even more exceptional that the incipit in remaining voices. {| St. Gall 463, no. upper voices follow the repetition scheme of 177, Josquinus Pratensis. S and CT only, with the bergerette (mm. 1-19 are repeated in m. 40 incipit; in margin: “‘Dorius.”’ {| Vatican C. G. to the end, and mm. 22-27 are repeated in XIII, 27, f. 6’, Josquin. Incipit in S. | Wash- mm. 32—37). Performed as it stands, T and B ington, Wolffheim, f. 84’, anon. (“‘Josquin des complete the bergerette scheme, omitting only Prés” added in a modern hand). Incipit in all the final repetition of the refrain, while S sings voices. §| Petrucci 1501 Odhecaton, f. 16’, merely the refrain of the rondeau. If S were to Josquin. Incipit in all voices. | Egenolff[ca. perform the complete rondeau (necessitating 1535]'* Lieder 1: no. 4, anon. S only, with some adjustment of the texting at the medial

incipit. cadence in m. 40), the bergerette scheme in T 273

CHAPTER XVII

and B would be obscured. See chapter IX for As it comes, so is it spent, and then you repent it later;

the argument that the composition was written isn’t that so? I think so. I see no remedy, for my as a combinative chanson. Nevertheless, since part, but to make this announcement: Farewell

the rondeau text appears in a single source, my love, etc.).

Florence 2794, it is possible that the poem was TEXT FOR T AND B:

associated with the piece after Josquin had Adieu mes amours, adieu vous command, composed it. In any case, we have put only the Adieu je vous dy jusquez au printemps.

refrain of the rondeau beneath S, text which a

can easily be ignored should scholars or Je suis en sousci de quoy je vivray. performers choose to regard the chanson as a La raison pour quoy? Je le vous diray:

Poe monic arrangement of a popular 5 Je nay point d’argent; vivray je du vent,

TEXT FOR S. | Se Vargent du Roy ne vient plus souvent? Adieu mes amours, on m’atent, Adieu mes amours, etc.

Ma boursse n’enffle ne n’etend, 4. This line recalls the well-known chanson Faulte Et brief, je suis en desarroy d’argent, in which occurs the following: “‘Raison Jusquez a ce qu’il plaise au Roy pourquoy? / Las, je la vous diray”’ (text, for example,

5 Me faire avancer du content. in Jeffery, Chanson Verse 1:56). le: Paris 9346

Quant je voy que nul ne m’entent, reads la. 5. Je n’ay point d’argent: from Paris 9346. Ung seul blanc en main il s’entent, Florence 2794 merely repeats Je le vous diray. St.

Qu’il fault dire sans faire effroy: Gall 462 reads Je n’ay plus dargent.

Adieu mes amours, etc. This text, a bergerette, is likewise taken from Florence

a, 2794. It is also in Paris 9346 and St. Gall 462.

10 Ainsi qu'il vient il se despent, ‘TRANSLATION OF TEXT FOR T AND B:

Et puis apres on s en repent; Adieu, my love, I bid you adieu Nrest ce pas, cela je le croy. until next spring, farewell to you. Remede n’y voy, quant a moy, Fors publier ce mot patent: I’m troubled how I will get by.

15 Adieu mes amours, etc. You want to know? I[’ll tell you why:

5. content: 1.e., ““comptant,’’ ready money.

6-9. These lines do not make very good sense and I have no money, what shall I do?

may be corrupt. 8. blanc: a small coin. Live on the breeze till the king comes through? The text, a rondeau cinquain, is taken from Florence Adieu, my love, etc.

2794. (Farewell my love, farewell I bid you, I say farewell to

TRANSLATION OF TEXT FOR S: you until the spring.

Farewell, my dear love, I must go. I’m troubled about what I shall live on. My purse will not stretch and not grow. Why? I'll tell you: Until 1 happens that the king Ihave no money; shall I live on the breeze, if the king’s

will put in something that will ring, money doesn’t come more often?

my spirits, alas, will be low. Farewell my love, etc.).

And no one pays heed to my woe,

when I have just 4 ha’penny to show. 159 [ Textless composition] Anon. 4v.. f.

So I say, and that’s all that I know: 165°— 166

Farewell, etc. CONCORDANCES: None. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably; a setting of a And. .as itpopular comes it goes, themelody, dough, 5 monophonic and when it’s spent, it is a blow. rs aT used as a cantus irmus in T.

Is there a different thing?

A hope to which I could cling? 160 [Textless composition] Anon. 4v. f.

All that is left for me, is crow: 166°— 167

Farewell, etc. CONCORDANCES: None.

(Farewell my love, they are waiting for me, my purse TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting

neither swells nor stretches; and in short, I’m ina by a composer whose style resembles that of bad state until it pleases the king to give me some Busnois. ready money.

When I see that no one listens to me, that is, when 161 Je suis d’Alemagne [Johannes Stokhem] 4 you’ve only got a halfpenny in your hand, you v. f. 167.-168 Text beginning “‘Je suis delle have to say without making much commotion: magnie”’ in §; incipit “‘Je suis delle magne”’ in

Farewell my love, etc. other voices. 274

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

CONCORDANCE: Petrucci 1504° Canti C, f. 119%, Jo. 162 Je suis d’Alemagne / [Joliettement m’en

Sthokem. Incipit in all voices. vay] Anon. 5v. f. 168-170 Incipit “‘Je

MODERN EDITION: Brown, Theatrical Chansons, no. suis delle magne”’ in all voices.

241. vay.”

41 (after Florence 229). CONCORDANCE: Petrucci 1504° Canti, C, f. 106’,

RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See Florence 229, no. anon. Incipit “Je suy d’Alemaygne”’ in all 162, {| See Brown, French Secular Theater, p. voices but T, which reads “‘Joliettement m’en TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular MODERN EDITION: Brown, Theatrical Chansons, no.

melody. A monophonic version of the melody 42 (after Florence 229). appears in Paris 12744, f. 114’, with incipit Je RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See Florence 229, no. 161. suis trop jeunette; it is published in Paris-Gevaert, TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular

Chansons, no. 22. monophonic melody, using a second such TEXT: | melody as cantus firmus. Je suis d’Alemagne, TEXT AND TRANSLATION: See Florence 229, no. 161. Je parle aleman.

wieng de Bretagne, 163 Madame qui tant[est en mon cuer] Caron 4

reton Dretonan. v. f.170’-172 Incipit in all voices.

J’ay perdu 5 CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 17, f. 29”, anon. CT Mon pere, ma mere, wanting; incipit ““Madamme”’ in remaining Mes soures et mes freres, voices. {| Capetown Grey, f. 111’, anon. CT

remaining voices. {| Florence 2356, f.ee 76’, ; Je—— suis d’Alemagne, le al 10 anon. CT wanting; incipit in T and B. { Paris

Et tous mes parens. wanting. “Nam nulli tacuisse nocet.”’ Incipit in

,....t5C

Je Panic aveman. 15123, f. 136’, anon. CT wanting; text in S,

Je vieng an de ae Bretagne, d incivit j _Vatican, ; Vati C |1.Breton bretonan mm remaining vores C. d’Alemagne: from line 9 of Florence 229. Line 1 . 7 » anon wan iB» ICIP! in S. § Verona DCCLVII, f. 55’, anon.

reads delle magnie. 2, 10. aleman: Florence 229 ;

d Paris 15123 read alman. Altered for the sake of Without text.

ane Sas read’ alma. Mitered tor the sake o MODERN EDITIONS: Atlas, Cappella Giulia 2:66. 4 the meter. 4,12. Breton a Breton kine B A di C KB Caron,bretonan: Oeuvres 2:181 (after Florence 229).

speaking Yreton. According to Wotgrave, a recon TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a setting of a

bretonnant”’ is ‘‘the low Britan [i.e., Breton], who rondeau cinquain

speakes halfe Welsh, halfe Saxon, all barbarously as TEXT: The text, too corrupt to reconstruct opposed to the “Breton, satisfactorily, Gallo, or Gallot,”’ ; .;15123. . It appears only“‘the in Paris

high Britan, who speakes French, but verie cor- reads:

ruptly. Lower Brittany is that part of Brittany in Madamme qui tant est en mon cuer which some Celtic speech survives to thisSiday. , fort plainte . Sans ainluy m’en descouvrir The text, a popular song, is taken fromvaldroie Florence 229. It . , Volontiers vous monstrer

8. mes: Florence 229 reads me. )

is also found with an anonymous chanson in Parisamour L’ oo qui tant vous aye cellet. 15123, f. 114’, where the lower parts also have fragments of the same text.

TRANSLATION: 164 Amoursamours [Antoine Busnois or Johannes Iam from Germany, Japart] 4v. f. 172°- 173 Incipit in all

German is my song. voices.

I am from Brittany, CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 17, f. 67°, A. Busnois.

Breton is my tongue. Incipit in all voices. §/ Petrucci 1501 Odhecaton, f. 25°, Japart. Incipit in all voices. They’re gone— MODERN EDITION: Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 23. my father, my mother. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a setting of a

Sisters and brothers popular monophonic melody by Japart. This and kin I have none. piece is apparently not related musically to no. 264 in this edition, Amours, amours, trop me

from Germany, etc. fiers tes dars (I’m from Iam Germany, I speak German. I’mde from Brittany, a Breton speaking Breton.

I’ve lost my father, my mother, my sisters and my 165 [Textless composition] Jannes Martini 4

brothers, and all my family. v. f. 173°-174

I’m from Germany, etc.). CONCORDANCES: None. 275

CHAPTER XVII

MODERN EDITION: Martini, Secular Pieces, p. 81 by Busnois in Seville 5-I-43, no. 93 (see

(after Florence 229). Florence 229, no. 61).

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a setting of a |

popular monophonic melody, stated in canon 168 Ung franc archier [Loyset Compére] 4v. f.

between the two inner voices. 176°—177 Incipit in all voices.

CONCORDANCES: Basel F. X. 5-9, no. 7, anon. CT

166 [Heya, heya, nun wie sy grollen] Anon. 4 wanting; B incomplete; incipit “Ong franck” in

v. £174"-175 Without text. S, T, and B. 4 Petrucci 1501 Odhecaton, f. 30’,

CONCORDANCE: Trent 89, f. 388”, anon. Text in S Compere. Incipit in all voices.

and T. INTABULATION: St. Gall 530, no. 78, anon. “Nunc

MODERN EDITION: Adler, Koller et al., Trienter franc archier Arsier.’’ Arranged for solo

Codices 11:118 (after Trent 89). {| Funck, keyboard. Deutsche Lieder, no. 8 (after Trent 89). MODERN EDITIONS: Compére, Opera Omnia 5:57. {|

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 28.

monophonic melody. RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See Hewitt, Odhecaton, TEXT: concordances for no. 28. Heya, heya, nun wie sy grollen TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular Dort auf dem Ritten dye geschwollen. monophonic melody. Wie lang sol wir den spot verdollen, TEXT:

Ir ritter und guet knechte? Ung franc taulpin qui sur les champs alloit,

2. Ritten: a mountain near Merano in south Tyrol Et tousjours batre le bon homme vouloit;

noted for its spirelike earth pyramids. Mais on luy dist sans point de demourée

The text, presumably the first stanza of a longer, popu- Qu’il s’en allast tout droit dela les mons.

lar poem, is taken from Trent 89. § Adler and ° Vidagon, vignette sur vignon. Koller, Trienter Codices 7:xvi- XVii, tentatively as- Le franc taulpin se leva au matin; sociate this composition with a rebellion against A son disner fault une fricassée, Georg II (Georg Hack of Themeswald), bishop of De bonnes tripes qui soyent bien empouldrées; Trent from 1444 to 1465. Georg sided with Duke A son souper de la souppe a l’ongnon.

Sigismund, count of Tyrol, and was therefore 10 Vidagon, vignette sur vignon.

strongly opposed by the pro-Italian citizenry of Trent. He was forced to flee Trent in 1448, re- Le franc taulpin ung gris manteau avoit turning only in 1451, after Sigismund came to his Tout enfumé dessoubz la chimenée; aid. When the citizens revolted again in 1463, A son costé une espée enrouillée, Georg fled to Schloss Runkelstein in Bolzano Dedans son pied avoit ung esperon. (Bozen), near the mountain Ritten. Eventually, 15 Vidagon, vignette sur vignon. Sigismund was able to reconcile the bishop and Le franc taulpin ung arc de chesne avoit the citizens, and Georg was invited to return to Tout vermoulu, sa corde renouée, Trent, but he died on the journey back, in 1465. Et ses flesches de papier empanée, Thus the song may date from the years of Georg’s Bruslée au bout par faulte de raillon.

second exile, 1463-65. 20 Vidagon, vignette sur vignon.

TRANSLATION:

Ho, ho how those toughs are jeering Le franc taulpin une jument avoit,

up there on the Ritten spires! Par dessoubz luy ung sac tout plain de paille, How long will we take this sneering Et les estriefz estoient faitz de cordaille, (lying down), you knights and squires? Et la jument avoit ung poullichon. 25 Vidagon, vignette sur vignon.

167 Quelque paut que je soie Anon. 4v. f. Quant je le veis ainsi de blanc armé,

175°-176 Incipit in all voices. Luy demandis s’il alloit a ’armée.

CONCORDANCE: Seville 5-I-43, no. 21, anon. “Ouy,”’ dist il, “pour gaigner la journée, ‘‘Quelque part que soie.”’ Incipit in S, T and B. Et la journée du duc des Bourguignons.”’ TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a setting of a 30 + Vidagon, vignette sur vignon. popular monophonic melody, combined with a 1. franc taulpin. Cotgrave: ‘““Taulpin, franc taulpin. A chant formula. This piece is apparently not trained man, or souldier, made of a husbandman; related musically to no. 83 in this edition, Ma also, a chuffe, boore, swaine, hind.”’ qui sur les perfayte joye, whose second line reads “Quelque champs alloit. Cotgrave: “Se mettre aux champs.

part que soye.” Nor is it likely to have been To brave it in shew, to put the better leg before; to conceived as a setting of Quelque pauvre homme set cocke a hoope, or himselfe out to the utmost; que je soye, a rondeau in Paris 1719, fol. 86", set also, to give himselfe scope, libertie, room 276

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

ynough.”’ 4. Qw’il: the source reads Qui. Al- vicar, and to the curate the key to his house. Viratered for the sake of the sense. les mons: the Alps. gon, etc. The reference is to the Italian wars of the late fif- The franc archer had an arquebus loaded with white

teenth and early sixteenth centuries. 7. disner: gravel; he had a scabbard without a sword, and

lunch. 8, empouldrées: seasoned. 18, slippers on his feet. Viragon, etc.

19. empanée, Brusléee: grammatically, these should The franc archer said to his host: ‘‘God’s blood! God’s

strictly be empanées, Bruslées. 18. empanée: death! I deny God! I kill!’ “Quiet, sir, our geese feathered. 19. raillon. Cotgrave: ‘‘Fer de fleche 4 are moulting”’ [said the host] and appeased him raillon. A short-head; a forked, or barbed head.”’ with an onion soup. Viragon, etc.). 21. franc: the source reads fran. 23. estriefz: 1.e., A third version, with fifteen stanzas, is in Leroux de étriers, stirrups. cordaille: ship’s rope. 24. poul- Lincy, Recueil de Chants Historiques, pp. 272-75, lichon: colt. 26. de blanc armé: martially equipped. from the Chansonnier Maurepas (Paris, Bibli-

The phrase derives from the color of armor. othéque nationale, MS fr. 12616). Of the three, 29. Bourguignons: the final -s is editorial. the 1535 version is the oldest, and affords some The text, a chanson a refrain, is taken from S’Ensuyvent degree of authenticity by its reference to the wars plusieurs belles Chansons nouvelles (Paris, 1535), f. of the dukes of Burgundy in line 29. However, 50°—51. It is published in a modern edition in since it 1s nevertheless comparatively late, it may

Jeffery, Chanson verse 2:230—33. have suffered some corruption. In particular, it

Another version, with three stanzas, is in Weckerlin, refers to “Ung franc taulpin”’ instead of “Ung Chanson populaire, pp. 65-69, after Severin Cor- francarcher’’. §| The earliest versions of this poem

net (1581): probably used the word archer rather than taulpin.

q gee, 7

Un franc archer a la guerre s’en va; Franc taulpin seems to have been a later synonym Testamenta, comme un chrétien doit faire; for franc archer; Polak, pp. 15 and 70 (see below)

Il a laissé sa femme a son vicaire, quotes its use in 1584 and ca. 1524 respectively. ]

A son curé la clé de la maison. The franc archers (“free archers’’) were soldiers Viragon, vignette sur vignon. levied in France in the fifteenth century. A royal

Le .franc edict of 1448 laid that each parish archer unedown arquebuse avoit, . .had . to

Laauelle estoit de sablon blanc charoée provide and equip one archer to serve in case of Et si avoit un foureau sans espée, necessity in time of war. They were free of certain

and taxes: hence the word franc. Soon Encore plus les mules auxobligations talons. Viragon, vignette sur vignon. they were the object of mockery, above all for

their supposed cowardice. A famous dramatic

Le franc archer a son hoste disoit: monologue was composed in the late fifteenth

“Sangoy! morgoy! je renigoy! je tue!” century called the Franc Archier de Baignollet, Bai“Tout beau, monsieur, nos oies sont en mue,”’ gnollet (or Bagnolet) being a suburb of Paris. The

Et l’appaisa d’une souppe a l’ognon. above details are taken from the edition of this

Viragon, vignette sur vignon. work by L. Polak (Paris, 1966). In translation, this version reads: TRANSLATION:

An archer got prepared to go to war. A yokel soldier, a conceited wight, He made a will in case he lost his life: a valiant fellow, said he wished to fight. left to the local parish priest his wife, And so they told the hero right away: and to the curate, keys to his retreat. Go, cross the mountains into Italy!

Lala tootoo, lala lala, tweet tweet. Vidagon, vignette sur vignon.

The archer, ho, an arquebus he bore The yokel soldier rose at daybreak’s light but it was loaded only with white grit; and cooked himself a tasty dejeuner: he had a scabbard but no sword in it, well-seasoned tripe and onion soup, alway, and he wore tender slippers on his feet. and for his supper fancy fricassee.

Lala, etc. Vidagon, etc.

The archer in the inn began to roar: The yokel soldier’s jacket was a sight! ‘“God’s blood, god’s death, I'll lick the world, Under the chimney it had turned all gray.

PU) kill!” The rusty sword he wore was good for play,

still,”’ Vidagon, etc.

“Our geese are molting,”’ said the host, ‘keep his broken spurs were just a joke to see. and gave him onion soup to cool his heat.

Lala, etc. The yokel soldier’s oak bow was a plight,

(A franc archer went off to the war. He made a will, as with knotted cord, worm-eaten wood decay, a good Christian should, leaving his wife to the and paper-feathered arrows gone astray; 277

CHAPTER XVII

no arrowheads—yjust ends burned foolishly. 170 [Meiskin es u cutkin ruw?] Jacobus Obrech 4

Vidagon, etc. v. f. 179-180 Without text.

He thought the mare he rode made him a knight. CONCORDANCES: Florence 27, f. 72", anon. CT and

As stirrups he had ships’ ropes on display i ane combined INFO one Vorce, IncIPIt Y

and as a saddle an old sack of hay. Meskin”’ in all voices. I Florence 178, f. 76’,

Behind his mare, a colt tagged happily. Jacobus Obret. Incipit Adiu adiu “in S. 4 St.

Vidagon, etc. Gall 463. Meskin es hu”’ is listed in the index . but not present in the manuscript. { Segovia, f. I asked, when he showed off his martial might, 134”, Jacobus Hobrecht. Incipit ‘‘Meiskin es u

if he was off to war in this array. cutkin ru” in S, CT and B; incipit ‘““Wat heb

“Ah, yes,” he said, “I am, to win the day dier mo te doene”’ in T. §] Petrucci 1501 in glory for the duke of Burgundy.” Odhecaton, f. 103°, anon. Incipit ““Meskin es hu”

Vidagon, etc. in all voices.

(A free yokel-soldier was putting his best leg forward, INTABULATION: St. Gall 530, no. 103, anon. ‘“‘Mess

and the good fellow always wanted to fight; but kin es hu.” Arranged for solo keyboard. they told him straight away to go right over the = MODERN EDITIONS: Ambros, Geschichte 5:34

mountains. Vidagon, etc. Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 96. 4 Obrecht, Werken: The free yokel-soldier got up in the morning. For his Wereldlijke Werken, p. 1 (after Petrucci) and p. lunch he has to have a fricassée, good tripe that 78 (after St. Gall 530). has been well seasoned; for his supper, onion = typz OF COMPOSITION: Probably a setting of a

soup. Vidagon, etc. popular monophonic melody.

The free yokel-soldier had a gray cloak, allsmoky un- —s-pgx7T. The Flemish text appears only in a version

der the chimney; by his side a rusty sword, on his garbled by an Italian scribe, with an

foot a spur. Vidagon, etc. anonymous piece in Florence 121, f. 1%, which The free yokel-soldier had an oak bow, all worm- uses melodic material similar to that in no. 170. eaten, its cord all knotted, its arrows feathered It reads: ) with paper, and burnt at the end for lack of proper Meschine su chut chiru

arrow-heads. Vidagon, etc. vatebtighi mete done.

The free yokel-soldier had a mare, beneath him a sack Lazemitas tendat bideghu full of straw, and the stirrups were made of ship’s Obien tot morchent moen

rope, and the mare had a colt. Vidagon, etc. Jeso lusaer

When I saw him thus martially equipped, I asked him Jeso daschar if he was going to the army. “Yes,”’ said he, “‘to it asternaer win the day for the duke of Burgundy.” Vi- obie[n] tot morghent moen.

dagon, etc.). Bonnie J. Blackburn, Father René B. Lenaerts and Jaap

169 Hellas madame [Josquin des Prez] 4v. f. van Benthem have reconstructed this Flemish

177’°-179 Incipit in all voices. poem as follows:

CONCORDANCES: Florence 178, f. 43”, Josquin Meiskin es u cutkin raw? Depres. CT wanting; incipit in remaining Wat hebde ghi mee te doene? voices. § Florence 2356, f. 80’, anon. Incipit in Laet se mi tasten, dat bidic u, S. 4 Seville 5-I-43, no. 56, anon. S only, with Op ien tot morghen te noene.

incipit. Ie so luus haer,

MODERN EDITION: Josquin, Werken: Supplement, p. Te so daschaert.

55 (after Florence 229). | Ic tast er naer

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a setting of a Op ien tot morghen’t noene. popular monophonic melody. Plamenac, I am deeply grateful to Dr. Blackburn and Father ‘* ‘Second’ Chansonnier,”’ p. 163, states that Lenaerts for their kindness in allowing me to re‘the melody shows some affinity with Hellas, produce their ingenious solution and translation ma dame que je desire tant in Paris fr. 9346” in advance of publication, and to Jaap van Ben(published in Gérold, Manuscrit de Bayeux, no. them for his emendations. 44), but the resemblance comes about because Obrecht, Werken: Wereldlijke Werken, p. xv, lists a both melodies belong to the same genre rather French and two Dutch poems beginning Adieu,

than because they are variants of a single adieu (or Adiu, adiu). None, however, fits Obmusical idea. The two anonymous settings of recht’s music. Helas madame in Uppsala 76a, f. 23” (a 3) and f. TRANSLATION:

) 278

30” (a 2), are based on melodic material closer ‘““Miss, is your cunt dry [hairy, raw]?”’ than the melody in the Bayeux MS to Josquin’s ‘““What’s that to you?”

model. “Let me touch it, I pray,

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

from now to noon tomorrow. La zombero boro borombetta, The more I grope [literally ‘“‘de-louse’’] her, La zombero boro borombo.

The more a wild man [I become] Scaramella, gallant fella, from now to noon tomorrow.” with his jackboots and his collar.

La zombero, etc. (Scaramella goes to war with his lance and his round

171 Scaramella va alla guerra Josquin[des Prez] 4 shield, Lagombero, etc. Scaramella puts on an

v. £.180"-181 Text in all voices. elegant display with his shoes and his boots,

CONCORDANCES: Florence 164-167, no. 38, anon. Lacombero, etc.). Text in all voices. J Florence 337, f. 40’,

Josquin. B only, with text. 172 [Textless composition] Henricus Ygac 5

MODERN EDITIONS: Ambros, Geschichte 5:134. f v. f. 181°—182

Josquin, Werken: Wereldlijke Werken 5:16. CONCORDANCES: None. RELATED COMPOSITONS: (1) Loyset Compére set the MODERN EDITIONS: Ambros, Geschichte 5:355. {

same melody in an arrangement a 4 in Florence Isaac, Weltliche Werke, p. 121. 2439, f. 16” and Petrucci 1505° Frottole 4: f. 48. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a setting of a

The piece is published in Compére, Opera popular monophonic melody. Omnia 5:65. (2) Fragments of the text and

melody appear in the quodlibet Fortuna dun 173 La tortorella che ¢ semplice uccelletto Jacobus

gran tempo by L. Foghiano - Petrucci 1509 Obrech 4v. f. 182°—-183 Partial text in all

Frottole 9: no. 39. (3) Antonio Stringari da voices.

Padova used “Scaramella” as the refrain p his CONCORDANCES: Florence 164-167, no. 37, anon.

frottola Poich’io son in libertate in Petrucci 1507 Text in all voices. § Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, f.

, , pit in S. etrucci

Frottole 8: no. 31. (4) Novati, ‘‘Contributo,”’ 60", Jacobus Obrech. Incipit in S. J Pet

pp. 910-14, discusses various appearances of 1504? Canti C, f. 90°, Jaco. Obreht. Incipit in the character Scaramella in literary sources. (5) all voices. An anonymous setting of the melody, arranged MODERN EDITIONS: Ambros, Geschichte 5:36 (after

for solo Keyboard, appears in Ziirich é. Al. Florence 229). | Obrecht, Werken: Wereldlijke 301, published in a modern edition in Marx, Werken, p. 43 (after Florence 164—167).

Tabulaturen 2: no. 46. RELATED COMPOSITIONS: An anonymous

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular composition with the incipit La turturella in

monophonic melody. Bologna Q 18, f. 69°, begins with thematic

TEXT:Scaramella material resembling the head motive in va alla guerra Obrecht’s composition. {| A fragment of the

Colla lancia e la rotella, text (with the music associated with it) appears

Lacombero boro borombetta, in the quodlibet beginning Fortuna disperata in

Lagombero boro borombo. Florence 164-167, no. 39, published in Scaramella fa la gala 5 Becherini, ‘“Tre incatenature,” pp. 89-91. On Colla scarpa e la stivala, La tortorella as a dance, see Cattin, “‘Canti,

Lacombero boro borombetta, Canzoni a ballo e danze,”’ p. 196 and the works

Lagombero boro borombo. cited there.

1. All voices of Florence 164—167 read Scaramella fa TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular

la guerra. 3. The Cambridge Italian Dictionary, monophonic melody, possibly a strambotto. ed. Barbara Reynolds (Cambridge, 1962) defines Rubsamen, ‘‘Frottola to Madrigal,” p. 64, zombare as a word in Tuscan dialect meaning “‘to suggests that Obrecht composed his piece in thump; to trounce, to belabour.”’ 5. S of Flor- Ferrara during his visit of 1487-88. ence 164-167 erroneously repeats Scaramella fa la TEXT:

guerra. 6. Colla scarpa: T and B of Florence 229 La tortorella é semplice uccelletto. read Cholla scharpa. S of FLorence 164-167 reads Quando I’a perso la chompagnia cara Con la calza et la stivala; B reads Colla calza, and the Non resta mai di piangere in dilecto,

other voices Colla lancia et la stivala. Sola soletta in acqua di fiumara.

The text is taken from Florence 229. It also appears in ‘1. Florence 229 adds che after La tortorella in all

Florence 164—167, Florence 337 and, in a more voices. Che has been omitted here for the sake of

corrupt version, in Florence 2439. the meter. All the voices of Florence 164—167 read

TRANSLATION: La tortorella el semplice uccelletto. 2. Quando la

Scaramella wears with valor perso: CT I in Florence 229 reads Quanidella a lance and shield, the battler killer. perso. chompagnia: T and CT II in Florence 229 279

CHAPTER XVII

read chompagna; CT I reads compagna. 3. in dilecto: and 474). {| See Hewitt, Odhecaton, concor-

melodiously. 4. in acqua di fiumara: literally “‘in dances for no. 38.

floods of tears.”’ TEXT:

floods of water.’’ Used here apparently to mean “‘in TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a bergerette.

The first two lines of the poem are taken from S$ of Je n’ay dueil que de vous ne viengne; Florence 229; they also appear under all the other Mais quelque mal que je soustiengne, voices in that manuscript. The remaining two Jay trop plus chier vivre en douleur lines are taken from S of Florence 164-167; the Que souffrir que mon povre cueur entire quatrain appears under all the voices in that 5 A ung aultre qu’a vous se tiengne. manuscript. Medieval bestiaries traditionally de- Car Dieu voulut tant vous parfai scribed the widowed turtledove as remaining bd ; OuS PAD AITE faithful to the memory of her dead spouse. See, Quiil west nul riens qui me sceut plaire for example, T. H. White, ed., The Bestiary, A Fors que de voz grans biens lover. Book of Beasts (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, Son plaisir fut de vous complaire

1954), pp. 145-46. 10 Et plus de biens que a nul faire,

TRANSLATION: Dont ung chascun vous doibt amer. The turtledove, what a guileless little bird is he! [Et pour ce, quoy qu’il en adviengne,

When he’s bereaved of a companion dear, | Je vous supply qu’il vous souviengne he mourns without repose and weeps melodi- De moy vostre humble serviteur;

ously; oo 15 Car pour amer vostre douleur,

and lonesome in his loss he sheds a tear. Quelque chose qu’il me surviengne,] Je n’ay dueil, etc. 5. ung: Florence 2794 and Paris 1719 read

174 Je n’ay duel que de vos viegna Alexander une. 6. vous parfaire: Florence 2794 reads pour Agricola 4v. f, 183’-184 Incipit in all vous faire, Cortona por vous faire. 7. Florence 2794

voices. reads Qu’il n est cueur qui n'eust bien affaire, and

CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 17, f. 69”, A. Cortona Que il nest nul qui n'ust trop a . Agricola. Incipit in all voices. {| Brussels 228, f. fae. 8. Florence 2794 reads De vos grans biens 20”. anon. Text in all voices. § Cortona 95-96, a droit louer, and Cortona De vous grant biens a droit

Paris 1817, f. 1, anon. CT II wanting; text in louer. 9. complaire: Florence 2794 reads par-

remaining voices. { Florence 178. f. Ov faire. 10. Florence 2794 reads Et plus en que Alexander. Incipit in S. § Florence 7794 6 9gV d’autres faire, and Cortona Et plus de biens qu’en

Agricola. Text in S; incipit in remaining aultres afaire. 11. amer: from Florence 2794 and voices. 4 London 20 A XVL £. 24”. anon. Text Cortona. Brussels 228 reads louer, which dupli-

in all voices. | Regensburg C 120 P. 308 cates the rhyme of line 8. In Brussels 228, CT and B Aoricola. Incivit in S and CT I { Rome 9856 read Dont chascun vous doibt bien louer. 6- 11. In f. Te" Agricola Incipit in all voices { | London 20 A XVI these lines read:

Segovia, f. 113”, Alexander Agricola. Incipit Car me voulut fant vous parfaire

“Je n’ay deul” in S, CT Land CT II; incipit “Je Qu west gaire

ne demande” in T. Secunda pars (m. 59 to the Qui sceust vos biens trop reclamer. end) wanting. 4 Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, f. 38”, Son plaisir fut tel de vous faire

Agricola. Incipit in S. | Verona DCCLVII, f. Si debonnaire 34”, anon. Without text. 4 Petrucci 1501 Que chascun tent a vous amer.

Odhecaton, f. 42°, Agricola. Incipit in all voices. Paris 1719 is similar except that in line 7 it reads INTABULATION: St. Gall 530, no. 95, Agricola. Qu’il en est a faire. Probably Qu’il est a faire was

Arranged for solo keyboard. meant. 12- 17. Only in Paris 1719. Line 15

MODERN EDITIONS: Agricola, Opera Omnia 5:7 (after makes poor sense.

London 20 A XVI). § Brumel, Opera Omnia The first eleven lines of this bergerette are found in 1:114 (after Petrucci). {| Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. Brussels 228 (published in Frangon, Albums poét38. | Maldeghem, Trésor, Musique profane 21: iques, p. 217), Florence 2794 and Cortona 95—96. nos. 11 and 14 (erroneously printed as two A version in which lines 7 and 10 are each reduced

chansons by Pierre de la Rue). {| Picker, to four syllables appears in London 20 A XVI

Chanson Albums, p. 247. (first eleven lines) and Paris 1719, f. 32 (full text). RELATED COMPOSITIONS: Agricola seems to have For this edition, the text of Brussels 228 has been based his opening motive on Ockeghem’s Je preferred. We also give, in brackets, lines 12—17

nay dueil que je ne suis morte (printed, among from Paris 1719, the only source that contains other places, in Picker, Chanson Albums, pp. 226 them; but since they make poor sense in at least 280

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

one place, since Paris 1719 is a late source, and mean: “‘And so, whatever happens, I beg you to since they do not have the density of the first remember me, your humble servant; for, loving eleven lines, it may well be that they are not the your grief, whatever happens to me [I have no

original form. { The first eleven lines of the grief except from you, etc.].”’ poem are richly ambiguous. It is not certain whether a man is addressing a woman or a 175 [Textless composition] Anon. 4 v. woman a man. The suffering and the profession f. 185"—186 of loyalty in lines 1-5 could apply to either. So CONCORDANCES: None. could the ideas about praise expressed in lines TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Double canon. Only CT 6—11. The pronoun ung in line 5 seems to suggest and B are notated in Florence 229. that a woman is speaking; but in fact it is gram-

matically ambiguous. Two sources (Florence 176 Gentil galans Anon. 4v. f. 186’—187 2794 and Paris 1719) read une, which indicates Incipit in all voices. that in those sources it is aman who is supposed =CONCORDANCES: None. to be speaking. {| Moreover, it is not fanciful to | pEL ATED COMPOSITIONS: See Florence 229, no. 128,

see in this poem a further dimension of ambigu- where various settings of the same melodic ity: a religious one. When the poet speaks in lines material are listed. 6—8 of wishing to do nothing but praisesomeone — Type OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular

created perfect by God, and when he says in line monophonic melody. 10 that everyone should love that person, it is impossible not to think of the human soul wor- 4977 De tous biens plaine est ma maistresse

shiping Christ. Sacred and secular are fused; and Anon. 3v. £. 187°-188 Text in S.

it is appropriate that the poem is foundin Brussels = GoncorpaNces: None. 228, a product of the devotional atmosphere of — per apEp COMPOSITIONS: See no. 178 in this

the court of Margaret of Austria, and a manu- edition. { See also Brown, Music in the French script in which both sacred and apparently secular Secular Theater, pp. 204-6; Hewitt, Odhecaton, pieces are found together. §/ A rondeau quatrain concordances for no. 20; and Hayne, Opera beginning Je n’ay dueil que je ne suis morte was set Omnia, pp. xxxix—xli. For a reference to the

by Johannes Ockeghem (see note above). An- chanson in the macaronic poems of Teofilo : other rondeau quatrain beginning J’en ay le dueil et Folengo, see Cattin, ‘““Canti, Canzoni a ballo e

vous la joye is in Jardin de Plaisance, f. 72%, and danze,” p. 206. elsewhere (see the edition by Droz and Piaget). As type of COMPOSITION: An arrangement of Hayne rondeau cinquain beginning J’en ay dueil qui trop van Ghizeghem’s setting of a rondeau quatrain.

, me tormente is also in the Jardin de Plaisance, f. 120. The anonymous composer has added a new CT

TRANSLATION: beneath Hayne’s S and T. Hayne’s original

I have no grief except from you, chanson is published in Jeppesen, Kopenhagener but anything I’m going through Chansonnier, no. 5; with a fourth voice added,

1S preferable to the pain in Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 20; and both a 3 and of fastening my heart in vain a 4 in Hayne, Opera Omnia, pp. 14 and 16. on someone else, for none will do. TEXT: For God made you his masterpiece; De tous biens plaine est ma maistresse, you have no peer. I’ll never cease Chascun luy doibt tribu d’onneur; to praise your virtues and your worth. | Car assouvie est en valeur Autant que jamais fust deesse.

It was God’s purpose to increase En la veant j’ay tel leesse 5

your virtues and thereby to please Que c’est paradis en mon cueur

yourself and everyone on earth. De tous biens plaine, etc (Ihave no grief that doesn’t come from you. But what- oo ever suffering I undergo, I would rather live in Je n’ay cure d’autre richesse pain than allow my poor heart to attach itself to Si non d’estre son serviteur,

anyone other than you. Et pource qu’il n’est chois meilleur 10

For God desired to make you so perfect that nothing En mon mot porteray sans cesse can please me except to praise your great virtues. De tous biens plaine, etc.

His pleasure was to please you and give you more vir- —. 2. tribu: 1.€., tribut. d’onneur: Florence 229 omits tues than to anyone else, for which everyone is _ the u. 3. assouvie: full, accomplished. Wolf-

bound to love you.). enbtittel 287 reads accomplis. 4. que jamais fust:

Since lines 12-17 are probably not authentic, they are §Wolfenbiittel 287 reads qu’oncques maiz; and Loepel-

not given here in rhymed translation. The lines = mann que fut oncques. 6. en: Loepelmann reads 281

CHAPTER XVII

a. 10. In Wolfenbiittel 287, this line reads Et MODERN EDITION: Martini, Secular Pieces, p. 35 affin q’ung chascun soyt seur; and in Loepelmann Pource (after Florence 229).

motto, device. edition.

doncques pour le meilleur. 11. en mon mot: as my RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See nos. 8 and 152 in this The refrain of this rondeau quatrain is taken from Flor- = TYPE OF COMPOSITION: An arrangement of a

ence 229, and the remainder from Jeppesen, Ko- well-known anonymous setting of a rondeau penhagener Chansonnier, in which the refrain reads: guatrain. Martini has added a canon at the

De tous biens plaine est ma maistresse, minim between CT I and CT II beneath the

Chascun lui doit tribut d’onneur; borrowed S and T.

Car assouvye est en valeur TEXT AND TRANSLATION: See no. 8 in this edition. Autant que jamais fut deesse.

For other versions of the poem, see the list in Hayne,

Opera Omnia, pp. xxxvii-xxxviii, including — 4gg [Vilana, che sa’ tu far?] Anon. 4v. f.

Chasse et départ, f. t3 and Loepelmann, Lied- 190"-191 Without text.

erhandschrift, no. 979. CONCORDANCES: Seville 5-I-43, no. 25, anon. Text

TRANSLATION: . in all voices. 4’ Petrucci 1504° Canti C, f. 109%, All perfect is the love of mine, anon. Incipit in all voices.

devoted tribute is her due. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular All things worth doing she can do; monophonic melody, probably a quodlibet. See for all the world, she is divine. Jeppesen, ‘Venetian Folk-Songs,” pp. 65—66. My eyes, when I behold her, shine, TEXT:

my heart is glad, the skies are blue. In S: “Vilana, che sa’ tu far?”

All perfect, etc. “So filar, e so naspar, So chusir, e so tagiar,

All earthly goods I would resign, ! E so far chazonzelle.” could I as servant kiss her shoe. 5 “Ee? me de quelle.”

No other choice I will pursue. “Non fero, se non ho.” My banner carries the design: Posta, posta, pur ben.

All perfect, etc. Tantara, tantara.

(My lady is full of all good things, everyone owes her De pur susso. the tribute of honor; for she is as accomplishedin 49 Alza la gamba. all worthwhile things as ever was any goddess. Exaudi nos. When I see her I am so happy that in my heart 1s para- Kyrie leyson,

dise. My lady is full, etc. Christe leyson,

I don’t care about any wealth save that of being her Kyrie leyson.

servant, and because there is no better choice, aS 3. : not present in S of Seville 5-I-43; added after

my motto I shall always bear: My lady is full, the example of T. 13-14. These two lines are

etc.). not in § of Seville 5-I-43; they are added after the example of T.

178 De tous bier[s plaine est ma maistresse] De inf. So filar, € $0 naspar,

Planquard 4v. f. 188’-189 Incipit in S, T So chusir, @ so tagiar,

minima.” E so far chachonzelle.

and CT I; CT II indicated by legend: “‘Fuga de So ballar, ¢ so cantar,

CONCORDANCES: None 3 Non fero, se non ho.

RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See no. 177 in this edition Herberine fa farina, TYPE OF COMPOSITION: An arrangement of Hayne El fornaio una gallina.

van Ghizeghem’s setting of a rondeau quatrain. Tantara, tantara. De Planquard has added a canon at the minim De pur susso. in CT I and CT II beneath Hayne’s S and T. 10 Alza la gamba. TEXT AND TRANSLATION: See no. 177 in this Exaudi nos.

edition. Kyrie leyson,

Christe leyson, Kyrie leyson.

179 Jay pris amours [4 ma devise] Jannes 6. fa farina: Seville 5-I-43 reads la farine. Conjectural Martini 4v. f. 189.-190 Incipit in S and T; emendation. 7. fornaio: Seville 5-I-43 reads forCT Il indicated by legend: “‘Canon.1. pre maio.

sequar.””’ The text is taken from Seville 5-I-43. Fragments of text

CONCORDANCES: None. appear in both CT and B. 282

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

TRANSLATION OF TEXT IN S: Busnoys. Incipit ““Coprs digne” in S and CT I; ‘Peasant girl, what can you do?” incipit ““‘Dieu quel mariage” in T and CT II.

”I; can MODERN p. 60 wind EDITIONS: skeins andKiesewetter, I can spin,Verdienste, . .. ; (after Petrucci). {| Smijers, Ockeghem tot

and I can handle needle and pin, Sweelinck, p. 27 (after Petrucci)

and I invent songs beautifully.” OWCETIER Po &E ; TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting “So, please, invent some now for me.” over a cantus firmus consisting of a popular

‘“T won’t, unless I’m paid.” monophonic melody. “Do it, do it, then.” 183, 183A On est bien malade par amer

’ voices.

“Tantara, tantara.”’ trop Anon. 4v. f. 193’-194 Text in all

Get up CONCORDANCES: None.

and raise your legs.” RELATED COMPOSITIONS: Antoine Busnois set the

“Fear, hear.”’ same popular melodic material in a chanson,

7 7 On a grant mal par trop amer | On est trop malade, “Lord, have mercy on us. in Dijon 517, f. 180%, that transforms the text in _Christ, have mercy on us.” S into a rondeau quatrain. Busnois’s setting Lord, have mercy on us.” appears, arranged for solo keyboard, in St. Gall

TRANSLATION OF TEXT IN T: 530, no. 75.

I can wind skeins and I can spin, TYPE OF COMPOSITION: A recomposition—virtually

and I can handle needle and pin, a parody—of Busnois’s setting, possibly by

I can dance and I can sing, Heinrich Isaac or a composer influenced by and I invent songs beautifully. him. Since the two versions are so close,

I won’t, unless I’m paid. Busnois’s chanson is given as no. 183A in this Little herbs make flour, edition (it is also published in a modern edition

the baker a hen. in Maniates, ““‘Combinative Chansons,”’ pp. ‘Tantara, 276-79). Get uptantara. TEXT:

and raise your legs. On est bien malade par amer trop. Hear, hear. Lord, have mercy upon us. Je mi levai un mattinot, Christ, have mercy upon us. M’en entre en un jardinot. Lord, have mercy upon us. On est bien malade par amer trop.

1. amer trop: in S, amer and trop are reversed in line 1

181 Ladurion dure Anon. 4v. f. 191-192 (as they are in the S of Busnois’s chanson). Incipit in all voices; the incipit in S reads: “La Elsewhere—seven times in all—Florence 229 always

durion dure ladurion dure & la dure.”’ reads amer frop. par: Dyon 517 reads pour. os CONCORDANCE: Seville 5-I-43, no. 22, anon. Incipit 3. Dion 517, CT I, reads M’en entray en mon jardinot.

‘“Tadurium dure ladurium dure’”’ in all voices. The text, probably the first strophe of a popular TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular strophic song, is taken from Florence 229. The monophonic melody. ‘La durion dure” was best and most complete version appears in the probably the refrain of a chanson a refrain, and voice labeled Contra (CT J in this edition, though thus related to other similar compositions, such actually the tenor by range and function). Subas Marchez la dureau, ho la dure and De marchons, stantial portions of the text, with some variant la dureau, described in Maniates, ‘“‘Mannerist spellings, appear under each of the other voices. Compositions,” pp. 21ff, or Je my levay par ung Busnois s chanson (no. 183A) uses the same text matin, with refrain ‘‘Da hureho lahay freionion, in the lower three voices; the version set under the

Verse 1:12. TRANSLATION: |

s’a dit Marion,” printed in Jeffery, Chanson notes follows Dion 517 in its variant spellings. One gets in a bad way by loving too much.

; ; ; went into a little garden.

182 Bon me larim bom bom [= Corps digne / Dieu : Bot Hp One MOMUNS» quel mariage] [Antoine Busnois] 4v. f.

192’-193 Incipit in all voices. T reads: One gets in a bad way by loving too much. ‘““Bomme larimbombom.”’ TEXT FOR S OF BUSNOIS’S CHANSON: CONCORDANCES: Berlin 40021, f. 59, Busnois. On a grant mal par trop amer. Without text. § Petrucci 1504° Canti C, f. 105’, Je my levay ung matinot, 283

CHAPTER XVII

M’en entray en ung jardinot, MODERN EDITIONS: Boer, Chansonvormen, p. 56. Mais Dieu scet s’il me fut amer. Giesbert, Ein altes Spielbuch 2:76. § Hewitt,

5 CQuant Odhecaton, no. 17. ar mon cuer se cuida pasmer oy TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of; ;a; rondeau point n’y vit son amyot. Fe oe £

On a grant mal, etc. cinquain over apopular cantus firmus consisting of a monophonic melody.

Male Bouche m’en veult blamer, TEXT FOR S:

Lors que ung rousignol joliot Mon mignault musequin, 10 Me dit franc en son jargonnot Dorelot et poupin, Que mon los n’en peut entamer. Riant et gorgias, On a grant mal, etc. Ne vous verray je pas, 2. my levay: Dijon 517 reads lesseray. 7; 5 Qui estes tant godin? 12. Omitted in Dijon 517.

The text, a rondeau quatrain derived from the popular Je croy bien que nanin. song which serves as cantus firmus, is taken from Or, pour qu’en la fin Dijon 517. 4 Since the music for the refrain of the Je ne perde mes pas,

popular song repeats (mm. 36-46, lower three Mon mignault, etc.

voices, are an almost literal repetition of mm. yo. .

1-10), its form will be obscured if the rondeau is 10 Se J estore ung matin

performed complete, and, moreover, some ad- Tetin 4 retin

m. 202). Jaroie de soulas, |

justment will be needed at the medial cadence (in Couché entre voz bras,

TRANSLATION FOR S$ OF BUSNOIS’S CHANSON: Grant part 4 mon butin.

Too much of love is cruelty. Is Mon mignault, etc. ,

I rose upon a morning clear, 1. musequin: a term of endearment. 2. Dorelot: “A went to my garden in good cheer— darling, dilling, sweet heart . - (Cotgrave).

but, God, what bitter misery! 3. gorgias: Gorgeous, gaudie Lae (Cotgrave). 5. godin: ‘“‘Neat, fine, trimme, spruce, comelie,

My heart beat stopped. I could not see proper, handsome” (Cotgrave). 6. nanin: Dijon my loved one, who was nowhere near. 517 reads namin. Probably nanin is meant: ‘“‘no, not

Too much of love, etc. so, by no means’”’ (Cotgrave).

Foul Mouth tried pinning blame on me; The text, a rondeau cinquain, is taken from Dijon 517.

a nightingale, though, did appear TRANSLATION OF TEXT FOR S:

and in her language told my ear: My beloved divine, no blame at all would fall on me. how you sparkle and shine,

Too much of love, ete. so smiling, so calm—

(One has great grief by loving too much. I got up one won’t you show me your charm, morning; I went into a garden, but, God knows, so lovely, so fine? how bitter it was for me.

Because my heart thought it would swoon when it did I may have to resign, not see its sweetheart there at all. One has great but, at last, to be thine

grief, etc. . and to suffer no harm,

Male Bouche wished to blame me, when a pretty little My beloved, etc. nightingale told me freely in her language that my One day to entwine

reputation wouldbosom not be harmed by it. mine, . your and great grief, etc.). aOne has . to lie in your arm,

184 [Mon mignault musequin / Gracieuse, plaisante what comforting balm!

muniere] Antonius Busnois 4v. f. That is my design!

194°-195 Without text. My beloved, etc.

CONCORDANCES: Dion 517, f. 181”, anon. Text (My darling sweetheart, cute and lovely, smiling and

“Mon mignault” in S and CT II; text gorgeous, shan’t I see you, you who are so pretty? ‘““Gracieuse” in T and CT I. §| St. Gall 461, p. No, I don’t believe I shall. Well, so that in the end I 65, Busnoys. Incipit ““Mon mignault” in S and shan’t lose my trouble, my darling sweetheart,

CT II; incipit ‘“Gracieuse” in T and CTI. 4 etc.

Petrucci 1501 Odhecaton, f. 19”, anon. Incipit If one morning J lay in your arms, breast to breast, I

‘Mon mignault” in S and CT II; incipit would have solace, a good deal of what I want.

‘““Gracieuse”’ in T and CT I. My darling sweetheart, etc). 284

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

TEXT FOR CT I AND T: TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

Gracieuse, plaisante muniere, quatrain by a composer whose style resembles

Hé la mounyere! that of Busnois.

Amoureux suis de vo molin. TEXT: Faictes que je mole au matin, Deul en amours puyt assez nuyre Et vous arez m’amour entiere, 5 Pour occir des cueurs ung milier;

La muniere, et Ja muniere. Il scayt de loing le cop bailler, ay de bon sur la riviere Dont c’est3.ung desloyal conduyre. i , blé 1. puyt: 1.e., “peut.” cop: i.e., ““coup.”’

CoSur la riviere. ay 48. 4 Le veulez tantost moldre affin pennagen reas OPN ,

Que je Vaie de bon matin? 10 The text, apparently the refrain of a rondeau quatrain,

Et Vous arez m’amour entiere is taken from Copenhagen 1348.

; TRANSLATION:

La muniere, et la muniere. Grief in | -< hard h to b

1. plaisante: Dijon 517 reads plaisant; altered for the Lill m ho - ih enous o peels

sake of the meter. 4. Dijon 517 adds Et at the it Kills a thousand hearts; ,

beginning of this line. but when from far Amor shoots his darts, This text, too, a strophic popular poem, is taken from ; that is unfair. ,

Dijon 517. It is underlaid in full to CT I, and in (Grief in love can do harm enough to kill a thousand fragmentary form. with minor variants to T CT hearts; it knows how to strike the blow from afar, II has the incipit “Mon mignault,” but thereafter which is a disloyal way to behave.).

continues with fragments of ‘“‘Gracieuse plaisante _ muniere.” 187 Seje fuse Anon. 3v. f. 202-203 Incipit

TRANSLATION OF TEXT FOR CT I AND T: in all voices.

Delightful, gracious miller-girl, CONCORDANCES: None. .

hey, you, miller-girl! TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting

I am in love with your mill. by a composer born about 1450. Let us have some milling thrill,

and you will have all my love 188 Tel fait semblant [d’estre joyeux] Anon. 3

in the morning, miller-girl. v. f. 203"-204 | Incipit in all voices.

OO CONCORDANCES: Seville 5-I-43, no. 4, anon. “Tel I have good corm by the riverside, fait samblant de esere joeulx.”’ Incipit in all

by the riverside. voices. § Verona DCCLVII, f. 41%, anon.

Will you mill it for me till Without text.

early morning? Ah, you will! TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

And you will have all my love cinquain by a composer whose style resembles

miller-girl, miller-girl. that of Martini.

(Gracious pleasing miller-girl—hey the miller-girl/— — text.

I’m in love with your mill. Let me do some mill- Tel fait semblant d’estre joyeux,

ng in the mormngmiler-p ane you'll have all my rit de lacueur bouche et des yeulx, miuer-girl, iri. A quilove, le Etpovre souppire, I have good corn by the riverside, by the riverside. Will Et a mal plus qu’il n’ose dire; you mill it, so that I can have it early in the morn- Maiz faire Iuy fault pour le mieulx. 5 ing? And you'll have all my love, miller-girl,

miller-girl.) N’est ce pas merveilles d’iceulx Qui ce font? Je respons pour eulx

185 [Textless composition} Anon. [3 v.] f. eu amos oa et me fait dire: 201 CT and partial T only, without text. e1 fait sembDiant, etc.

CONCORDANCES: None. Car il convient, selon les lieux 10 TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting. Ou I’en est, pour les envieux

Moult souvent celer son martire,

186 Seul en amours[= Deul en amours puyt assez Combien que le mal en empire;

all voices. Tel fait semblant, etc. 15

nuyre] Anon. 3v. f. 201’-202 Incipit in Bien ay esprouvé, se m’aist Dieux.

CONCORDANCES: Copenhagen 1848, p. 144, anon. 4. mal plus: Jardin de Plaisance reads plus mal. Text in S; incipit in remaining voices. {| Seville 6. merveilles d’iceulx: Jardin de Plaisance reads mer-

5-I-43, no. 73, anon. Incipit ‘““Seul en amours”’ veille se ceulx. 11. Ven: Jardin de Plaisance reads

in S. on. 14. Bien ay esprouvé: Jardin de Plaisance 285

CHAPTER XVII

reads Je lay esprouvé. aist: subjunctive form from fort amer et bien servir.’’ Incipit in all voices.

aider, to help. Verona DCCLVI, f. 23”, anon. Without text. The text, a rondeau cinquain, is taken from Loepel- | TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a bergerette. mann, Liederhandschrift, no. 512. Itisalsoin Droz = TEXT:

and Piaget, Jardin de Plaisance, no. 113, f. 72’, but Pour fort amer

with an apparent error in line 6, so that Loepel- Et bien servir,

mann has been preferred. Sans desservir, TRANSLATION: Suys pis qu’en mer. He bravely smiles with mouth and eyes,

; 5 Car en tourment pretends he’s happy, but he sighs. Suys i Although his heart in anguish stirs, MYS JOUT €f RAYS, a smiling silence he prefers— Et nullement he does the best he can devise. Morir ne puys.

You ask: Why is this? No surprise Ce dur amer to him who knows—and he replies; 10 Grief a santir,

He does the task that love confers: D’amours martir

He bravely smiles, etc. Me fait clamer.

Because when all the jealous rise, Pour fort amer, etc.

one tries to hide beneath the skies, The text, a bergerette, is taken from Loepelmann,

although whenever this occurs Liederhandschrift, no. 148. Considered by itself one only suffers that much worse. . without the words, the music resembles a ronI went through this, hence I’m so wise. deau more than a bergerette setting. Since the

He bravely smiles, etc. medial cadence (mm. 36—37) occurs on the fifth

(He pretends to be happy, he smiles with his mouth and degree and not the final, for example, it would be his eyes, whose poor heart is sighing; it hurts him impossible to end the refrain (and hence the entire worse than he dares to say; but he has to do the piece) there, as one would expect in a typical ber-

best he can. gerette. Moreover, if each line of the text were set

Isn’t it astonishing that people do this? I can answer for in the normal way to a single phrase of music, the them: Love wishes it, and makes me say: He pre- short poetic lines of four syllables each would

_tends, etc. . produce inordinately long and frequent melis-

For it is very often necessary, because of the jealous mas. Conjecturally, then, the entire bergerette is ones, and depending on where one is, to hide set beneath the available notes, even though as a one’s suffering, even if it hurts more thereby; I result the form of the music does not correspond have experienced it, so help me God. He pre- with the form of the poem, as is usually the case.

tends, etc.). TRANSLATION:

My loving thee

204*— 205 is worse than if

189 [Textless composition] Anon. 3v. f. and serving well

CONCORDANCES: None. I drowned at sea.

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting

by a composer whose style resembles that of Vexed day and night

Martini. On the resemblance of the opening I often try melody to a phrase identified with composi- to flee my plight. tions based on the L’homme armé tune, see yet cannot die.

2 oer ; My loving thee

Lewis Lockwood, “‘Aspects of the ‘L’>homme ,

armé’ Tradition,” Proceedings of the Royal ar

Musical Association 100 (1973—74):119—20. is pain of hell; martyr of love

190 Faulx envieulx et megre face Anon. 3v. f. they're calling me.

205*°— 206 Incipit in all voices. My loving thee, etc.

CONCORDANCES: None. (By loving strongly and serving well without doing TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting any disservice, Iam in a worse state than if I were

written in the 1480s. in the sea.

For I am in torment day and night,

191 [Pour fort amer et bien servir] Anon. 3 v. and am unable to die.

f. 206’—207 Without text. This hard loving, painful to feel, makes people call me CONCORDANCES: Seville 5-I-43, no. 3, anon. “Pour the martyr of love. By loving strongly, etc.). 286

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

192 Martinella Henricus Ycac 3v. f. TEXT:

207°—209 Incipit in all voices. Et trop penser me font amours, dormir ne

CONCORDANCES: None. puis MODERN EDITIONS: Isaac, Weltliche Werke, p. 86. Si je ne voy mes amours toutes les Schering, Beispielen, no. 56. nuytz.

45,OF 137 and 203. le?” Paneeyy J, TYPE COMPOSITION: Probably an instrumental we ae | RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See Florence 229, nos. 13, “Comment parleray je 4 vous, fin franc cueur

piece, a reworking of no. 13. Yous YP arlerez Ben 9 TRON ay doulz. Vous viendrez a la fenestre a la minuyt, 5

193 Je me plains de tant affanné F. Rubinet 3 Quant mon pere dormira, jouvriray V'uys.”’

v. £. 209-210 Incipit in all voices. Et trop penser me font amours, dormir ne

CONCORDANCES: None. puis TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Unidentified. The textual Si je ne voy mes amours toutes les incipit should perhaps be emended to read “‘Je nuytz.

me plains de tant affanner.”’ Afanner or affanner ;

is a frequent form of ahanner, to labor or suffer. Le gallant noblia pas ce qu on luy dist,

De venir a la fenestre a la minuyt. 10

194. Coda divolpe Anon. 3v. f. 210’-211 La fille ne dormoit pas, tantoust Doyst.

sources. puis

Incipit in all voices. The version in Florence Toute nue en sa chemise elle luy ouvrit.

229 is a fourth lower than those in all other Et trop penser me font amours, dormir ne CONCORDANCES: Glogauer, no. 122, anon. Incipit Si je ne voy mes amours toutes les nuytz.

“Der fochs schwantcz’’ in S. § Seville 5-I-43, “M ; .

remaining voices.

no. 98, anon. Without text. § Trent 89, f. 243”, on amy, la nuyt s’en va et le jour vient, 15 anon. Text “Sancta genitrix” in S; incipit in Despartir de noz amours il vous convient.

; Baisons nous, acollons nous, mon amy gent,

MODERN EDITION: Ringmann and Klapper, Glogauer Comme font vrays amoureux secretement.

Liederbuch 4:82. Et trop penser me font amours, dormir ne

RELATED COMPOSITION: Plamenac, “‘Recon- puis

struction” 37:528, identifies no. 194 as a Si je ne voy mes amours toutes les 20 recomposition of the anonymous rondeau nuytz. setting Aime qui vouldra. Both the rondeau and 1. Et: omitted in Paris 12744. 3. je: omitted from

no. 194 are published in Ringmann and the underlay to the music in Paris 12744. Klapper, Glogauer Liederbuch 4:82. 6. j ouvriray l’uys: altered from Paris 12744, which TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Reworking of the rondeau reads je ouvray l’uys. 11. oyst: heard.

setting Aime qui vouldra, perhaps as an 12. nue: altered from Paris 12744, which reads

instrumental fantasia. nuyt. 16. despartir: depart. 17. gent: hand-

some, pleasant, gentle. :

195 [Textless composition] Anon. 3v. f. The text, a chanson a refrain, is taken from Paris 12744,

211%-212 in which the first six lines are underlaid to the

CONCORDANCES: None. music as well as written out separately. {| In Paris TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting 12744, each line has eleven syllables with a caewritten in the 1470s or 1480s. sura after the seventh syllable, which is an un-

. : usual but completely consistent meter. Because

196 Et trop penser ‘[Bosfrin] 3v. f, 212" 213 the meter is so consistent, the first word, Et, in

Incipit in all voices. the incipit in Florence 229 and the other poly-

CONCORDANCES: , lorence 121 > f. 30", anon. Text phonic settings, should probably be deleted since

E tro pansez in T; incipit in remaining — there is no room for it in this metrical scheme; I VOICES. 1 Florence 178, f. 66", anon. Incipit have left it in, however, since the polyphonic ar-

Etropenser in S. { Rome 2856, f. 109°, rangement seems to require it. § In Paris 12744, B ostrin. Incipit in all voices. Wolff, “Chan- the repetition of lines 1—2 is indicated after lines sonnier Biblioteca Casanatense 2856” 1:77—83, 6, 12 and 18. reads the name as “Bossrin’’ and equates it with TRANSLATION:

Josquin. Love causes too much thinking. I can’t find rest

~12744, monophonic melody that appears in Paris oo f. 22° (published in Paris-Gevaert, “Sweetheart, how shall I manage to speak with

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a popular if I can’t have my true love each night as guest

Chansons, no. 30). you?” 287

CHAPTER XVII

“You'll speak enough, my darling, here’s what TEXT:

you do: Ha, que ville et habominable

Come midnight, when you hear then my father Est en amours ung cueur publique

snore, Qui par son attrait chascun picque:

knock at my window, and Ill unlock the door.” Riens n’est, ce croy, plus detestable.

naan er , , Ha, que ville, etc.

Love causes too much thinking, etc. 5 Tel facon est trop reprouchable,

The gallant well remembered what she had said, Puisqu a tromper p lusieurs svaplique. at night tapped on her window at her request.

She heard him, she was waiting awake in bed, Ma dame en a ung bien nuisable, unlocked the door and opened, sweetly undressed. Quasi tout tel en sa pratique;

Love causes too much thinking, etc. 10 Contante estQui Sans point de replique; la veult, dont est miserable. “My love, the night is waning, it’s almost day. Ha, que ville, etc.

;;’h‘

Our night-long love is ending, you must go ’way. The text, a rondeau quatrain, is taken from LoeLet’s kiss and let’s embrace now, before you flee, pelmann, Liederhandschrift, no. 570. The text in

and part in lovers’ fashion, in secrecy.” Dijon 517 reads:

Love causes too much thinking, etc. ‘ on ville et . ominale bli

; Il n’est chose plus detestable.

(Love makes me think too much, I can’t sleep if I don’t me AMOUNTS UNG CHEAT PONIES, see my beloved every night.

“How shall I speak with you, my fine sweetheart?”’ Car le traictié est reprouchable, “You'll speak with me enough, my sweet friend. 5 A decevoir chascun s’aplicque.

Come to my window at midnight; when my fa- A que ville, etc.

ther Ps is asleep, I’ll en open themiserable, door. P Ma dame a ung

Love makes me think, etc. Oui est tout tel en sa pratique The gallant didn’t forget what she told him, to come to “ae ° Prange

; 4: ; ,atDont elle estwasn’t moult vituperable. the window midnight. The girl asleep; ;

opened to him. a. . ,; 10 A que ville, etc.

she heard straightway. Naked shift .. ee ; 1.him et: Dijon 517 reads est.in6,her10. notshe in Dyon

; 517. 7.me ung:think, i.e., a heart. 9. est: not in DiLove makes etc. 7My “ ; love, ; ; jon 517; supplied for the sake ofa refrain the sense.; ; fits the the night is going day coming. , 1: ; Thisand text, a the rondeau with is of three lines, You should leave our lovemaking. Let’s kiss, let’s . embrace, my the gentleRohan love, secretly, as true lovers . . do.” in manuscript. . TRANSLATION: Love makes me think, etc.). oo,

music less well than the rondeau quatrain version

) Ah, God, what vile abomination:

197, 197A [Ha, que ville et habominable] [Antoine a heart that opens up to all Busnois] 3v. f. 213°-214 Without text; but strikes at those who heed its call.

over S: “Trinitas in unitate.” I feel the greatest detestation.

CONCORDANCES: Dion 517, f. 18”, anon en in S; Her conduct is an aberration, incipit in remaining voices. wet S: “Trinus in and it brings many to a fall.

unitate. Over T: “Tenor sons cum Ah, God, what vile abomination, etc. bazitonente et alto.” § Rome 2856, f. 6, Busnoys. Canonic version. S only, without Her shifty heart is a vexation, text. Over S: ‘‘Trinitas in unitate.‘ |] Rome just as we said. She has a gall: 2856, f. 6”, Busnois. Noncanonic version. no one will fight her, big or small. Beneath S: ‘‘Sanse fuga.”” Without text. { Her lovers languish in frustration. Seville 5-I-43, no. 116, Busnois. Incipit “Que Ah, God, what vile abomination, etc.

ville’ in all voices. (Ah, how vile and abominable in love is a public heart,

MODERN EDITIONS: Droz, Rokseth and Thibault, that strikes at everyone by its attractiveness. Trois chansonniers, p. 28 (noncanonic version Nothing, I think, is more detestable. only, after Dijon 517). { Lafage, Diphthéro- Such behavior is most reprehensible, for it sets out to

graphie 2:26 (canonic version only). deceive a number of people. Ah, how vile, etc. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau My lady has a pretty harmful [heart], just like that in its

quatrain, with a superius that can be sung behavior; she’s happy about it without any conseparately as a canon a 3. The canonic version tradiction; whoever wants her is pretty miserable

appears here as 197A. thereby. Ah, how vile, etc.) 288

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

198 Hellas, [le bon temps que j’avoie!] [Johannes TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Unidentified; perhaps an

Tinctoris] 3v. f. 214’-215 Incipit in all instrumental piece.

voices.

CONCORDANCES: Florence 27, f. 47’, Tinctoris. 202 Mes que se fut secretement [Pietrequin or

Incipit “‘Helas’’ in S. 4 Glogauer, no. 269, Loyset Compére] 3 v. f. 218.-219 Text in anon. Without text. 4] Segovia, f. 184, Loysette all voices.

Compere. Incipit ‘“Elaes Abraham” in all CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 17, f. 18”, Pierquin. voices. § Seville 5-I-43, no. 54, anon. Text in Incipit in all voices. § Copenhagen 1848, p-

S. | Zwickau 78, 3, no. 21, anon. Without 130, anon. Text in S; incipit in remaining text. | Petrucci 1501 Odhecaton, f. 57”, Tintoris. voices. § Florence 178, f. 67", Pietraquin.

Incipit ““Helas”’ in all voices. Incipit ‘““Meschin che fuis secretament”’ in S.

MODERN EDITIONS: Gombosi, Obrecht, appendix, London Add. 35087, f. 29”, anon. Text in all

no. 8. § Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 52. J voices. § Rome 2856, f. 140’, anon. Without Ringmann and Klapper, Glogauer Liederbuch text. § Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, f. 46’,

4:63. Petrequin. Fourth si placet voice added; incipit

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau ‘‘Donzella no men culpeys” in S. § Washing-

quatrain. Attribution of the chanson to ton, Laborde, f. 114”, anon. Partial S only,

Compére is improbable. with incipit. § Petrucci 1501 Odhecaton, f. 93, TEXT: Compere. Incipit in S. Helas, le bon temps que j’avoie! MODERN EDITIONS: Compére, Opera Omnia 5:67.

Or m’as tu bien habandonné; Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 87.

Je suis le plus infortuné RELATED COMPOSITIONS: Attaingnant 1535° Vingt et Qui soit en ce monde sans joye. six chansons, f. 16, includes a musically 2. as: Seville 5-I-43 reads a. tu: 1.e., Bon Temps unrelated chanson a 4 by Clément Janequin,

personified. with the same text. Janequin’s chanson is

The text, apparently the refrain of a rondeau quatrain, published in his Chansons polyphoniques 2:161. is taken from Seville 5-I-43. The last five words, | TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

missing in the manuscript, have been supplied by quatrain, probably by Pietrequin. As the incipit

the editor. in Vatican C. G. XIII, 27 suggests, the music

TRANSLATION: may also have been used for a Spanish villancico; Alas, the joyful times I had! see Atlas, Cappella Giulia 1:113—20. For the

But now that you’ve abandoned me Spanish text (beginning ‘‘Sefora non me

life in this world, unhappily, culpeys’’ in some sources) and a musically is wholly woebegone and sad. unrelated setting of it, see Haberkamp, (Alas, the good times that I had! Now you have thor- Vokalmusik in Spanien, p. 131. oughly abandoned me; ]am the most unfortunate TEXT:

man in this world, without joy.). Mes que ce fut secretement, Aulcune fois quant je voldroie,

199 Que serai las fort languir Anon. 3 v. Jamais home n’escondiroie

f. 215-216 Incipit in all voices. Pour un pitit con solament. CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 16, f. 98”, anon. “‘Che : orieroit trop | , 5 seray lasurs.”’ Incipit in all voices. Florence Qui prieroit pC ONBBCEES

oan ° , Mais que ce fut, etc.

176, f. 75”, anon. “Que feray las.” Incipit in all Pour le second je le feroye, voices.

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: probably a rondeau setting Si en vouliez plus largement,

written in the 1470s. Je cuyde que je n’oseroye;

Par Dieu, je m’en adviseroie 10 200 [Textless composition] Jannes Martini 3 v. D’y trouver bon appointement,

f. 216"—217 Mais que ce fut, etc.

CONCORDANCES: None. 1. ce: Florence 229 reads se. 2. Aulcune: Florence MODERN EDITION: Martini, Secular Pieces, p. 79 229 reads Une; amended for the sake of the meter.

(after Florence 229). London Add. 35087 and Copenhagen 1848 have the

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting. same reading as Jardin de Plaisance (except that the T of London Add. 35087 ends voudroye estre).

201 [Textless composition] F. Rubinet 3 v. 3. escondiroie: Florence 229 reads escondroie.

f. 217’-218 Amended following London Add. 35087 and Jardin de

CONCORDANCES: None. Plaisance, for the sake of the meter. Copenhagen 289

CHAPTER XVII

1848 reads m’escondiroit. See modern French ‘‘écon- sonnier Biblioteca Casantense 2856”’ 1:292, duire.”’ 4. con: London Add. 35087 reads cop, suggests that ‘“‘pittzulo”’ means “‘painted,”’ and Copenhagen 1848 copt, and Jardin de Plaisance, coup. refers to the coloration in mm. 47-51. The obscene reading of Florence 229 allows a pun Brawley, ‘Martini’ 1:97, more plausibly on consolament, a word probably supposed to mean suggests that “‘pittzulo”’ is some form of picciolo ‘““consolation,”’ but coup must also have been un- (i.e., piccolo) and was used to differentiate this

derstood, in order to make sense of line 6. Martinella from the longer one. 5. prieroit: Jardin de Plaisance reads priroit. Altered

for the sake of the meter. 9. cuyde: 204 Lembiend’amours Anon. 3v._ f. 220°—221 think. 11. appointement: that which is neces- Incipit in all voices. sary. ‘“‘Fournir 4 l’appointment”’ means (of a man) to CONCORDANCES: None.

perform sexually. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting The refrain of this rondeau quatrain is taken from S of written in the 1480s. Apparently not related Florence 229. In that manuscript all the voices are musically either to no. 19 in this edition, Les supplied with the same text (save that que replaces bien (Des biens d’amours quiconques les depart), or

quant in the second line of T), and all voices sing to no. 238, De bien.

pour un pitit three times. The refrain is also in ; Copenhagen 1848 and London Add. 35087. The 205 Vive Charlois [Caron] 3 v. f, 221-222

remainder of the text is taken from Droz and Incipit in all voices. , ,

Piaget, Jardin de Plaisance, f. 119”, no. 548, in CONCORDANCES: Rome 2850, f. 26", Caron. Incipit

which the first four lines are as follows: Vive carloys” in all voices. { Seville 5-I-43,

Mais que ce fust secretement no. 107, anon. Incipit ‘Vive sarloys”’ in all

En aucun lieu ou je diroye, VOICES.

Jamais ne vous escondiroye MODERN EDITIONS: Caron, Ocuvres 2:200. §

Pour ung petit coup seulement. Gombosi, Obrecht, appendix, no. 2. |

TRANSLATION: TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting. So long as it was done with class, Thomson, Caron, pp. 26—27, conjectures that

discreetly, at the time I chose, the composition was intended for Charles VIII I do not think I would oppose of France, and was perhaps a brass fanfare used a man who makes a little pass. at the king’s coronation in 1483. More likely, especially if Caron were actually the Jean Caron And if a man should be so crass who served as petit vicaire in Cambrai from again—I’d take another dose. 1455 to 1458, as Craig Wright suggests in his So long as it was done, etc. “Dufay at Cambrai,” p. 205, the chanson was But if he wants still more—alas, written in honor of Charles the Bold, duke of I wouldn’t risk it, I suppose; Burgundy, as proposed by G. Thibault in

unless J had prepared all those MGG 2 (1952):860.

good safeguards that a girl has. 206 Helas que poura devenir Caron 3 v.

So long as it was done, etc. f, 222-223 Text in S; incipit in remaining

(So long as it was secretly, and at some time that I voices.

chose, I'd never refuse a man just for the sake of CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 16, f. 129”, anon.

one little con [consolation]. Incipit in all voices. { Bologna Q 18, f. 35%, And if anyone asked persistently, I’d allow it a second anon. Fourth si placet voice added; same as

time too, so long as it was secretly, etc. other added voices. Incipit ‘‘Helasso”’ in S.

If you wanted still more, I don t think I'd dare; by God, Dijon 517, f£. 81", Caron. Text in S; incipit in I'd make sure that everything was provided that T. 9 Florence 27, f. 35%, Caron. Fourth si placet was necessary, so long as it was secretly, etc.) voice added; same as other added voices. Incipit ‘“Helas” in S. { Glogauer, no. 8, anon. Title

203 Martinella [Johannes Martini] 3v. f. 219’- “Der seyden schwantcz”’ in S, and text

220 Incipit in all voices. beginning “‘Ave sidus clarissimum”’ in all

CONCORDANCE: Rome 2856, f. 85”, Jo. Martini. “La voices. §] Paris 676, f. 12’, anon. Incipit in all

martinelle pittzulo.”’ Incipit in all voices. voices. § Paris 15123, f. 33”, anon. Text in S; MODERN EDITION: Martini, Secular Pieces, p. 50 incipit in remaining voices. ] Perugia 431, f.

(after Rome 2856). 69”, anon. Incipit ‘“Helas’’ in S. 4] Rome 2856,

RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See Florence 229, nos. 13, f. 44”, Caron. Incipit “Hellas mon ceur”’ in all

45, 137 and 192. voices. § Segovia, f. 114’, Caron. Incipit

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably an instrumental ‘“Elaes’’ in all voices. Fourth si placet voice

piece, a reworking of no. 13. Wolff, ““Chan- added; same as other added voices. 4 Seville 290

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

5-I-43, no. 49, anon. Incipit “‘Hellas”’ in all A chelle haultaine enprise voices. J Trent 89, f. 416", anon. Without Ou sa volente s’est submise text. {| Uppsala 76a, f. 13”, anon. Text in S. { Pour mieu ho advenir. Vatican C. G. XIII, 27, f. 64”, Caron. Incipit The refrain is also in Paris 15123 and Uppsala 76a, and

‘Hellas’ in S. § Verona DCCLVII, f. 19”, the complete poem in Dijon 517, Wolfenbiittel anon. Without text. Washington, Laborde, f. 287, and Loepelmann, Liederhandschrift, no. 344.

12”, Caron. Text ‘“‘Helas m’amour ma Because the version of Florence 229 is corrupt, I tresparfete amye”’ in S; incipit in remaining have chosen to adopt the version of Dijon 517 voices. §] Wolfenbtittel 287, f. 49", anon. Text throughtout. { Lines 10-14 use legal imagery. in S; incipit in remaining voices. {] Petrucci Desire has summoned the poet’s heart to court; 1501 Odhecaton, f. 15%, Caron. Fourth si placet the heart has no sanctuary (in the legal sense); and voice added; same as other added voices. Incipit the case is already being tried and is subject to

in all voices. Desire’s judgment. {| A second text, a rondeau

MODERN EDITIONS: Adler, Koller et al., Trienter quatrain, is associated with the music in WashCodices 7:248. {| Caron, Oeuvres 2:175. ¥ Engel, ington, Laborde. The poem also appears in Loe-

Mehrstimmige Lied 3:34 (after Petrucci). { pelmann, Liederhandschrift, no. 456, where it Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 13. {| Ringmann and reads: Klapper, Glogauer Liederbuch 4:92. § Helas m’amour, ma tresparfecte amye,

Torrefranca, Il Segreto, p. 554. S’il ne vous plaist estandre vostre grace,

RELATED COMPOSITIONS: See Florence 229, no. 6, Je ne requier heure, temps, lieu, n’espace

for Heinrich Isaac’s reworking of Caron’s De vivre plus, fors en merancolie.

chanson. Helas que vous a faictconvie mon , ae . A iobasse - A dance, ce faire Desir si me

cueur, is listed in Lesure, ‘“‘Danses,”’ no. 122. § Pour le plaisi | See also Wolff, ““Chansonnier Biblioteca our re Piaisit que prens en vostre face; Casanatense 2856” 1:234—38. Helas m amour, etc. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: A setting of a rondeau Vostre beaulté a ma pensée ravye

cinquain. Si griefvement que je ne scay que face; TEXT: Et se Pitié ma grant doleur n’efface, Helas, que pourra devenir En dangier suis que sur piés ne desvie; Mon cueur, s’il ne peut parvenir Helas m’amour, etc.

A celle haultaine entreprise Wolff, ‘““Chansonnier Biblioteca Casanatense 2856” Ou sa voulenté s’est soubmise 1:235, points out that a second rondeau quatrain

| Pour mieulx sur toutes advenir? 5 in Loepelmann, Liederhandschrift, no. 169, Helas,

mon cueur, helas, mon oeil, might be associated with

C est chois sans ailleurs Prevent this music, since the beginning of the poem corre-

Eslicte pour remps adventr, sponds with the text incipit in Rome 2856.

Avoir plaisance a sa devise. TRANSLATION OF HELAS, QUE POURRA DEVENIR:

Helas, etc. Since line 5 is almost certainly corrupt, and the

Or est contraint pour Vadvenir, 10 meaning of lines 6—8 and 12 obscure, I have

Car Desir Va fait convenir not been able to provide a rhymed translation. Qui V’a mis hors de sa franchise; The following translation, partly conjectural,

Et desja la cause est commise conveys what appears to be the meaning:

Pour en juger a4 son plaisir. Alas, what can become Helas, etc. 15 of my heart, if it cannot attain 2. Mon cueur: Wolfenbtittel 287 reads Mon povre that high enterprise

cueur. 3. celle: Loepelmann reads icelle; Uppsala to which it has subjected its will 76a reads A la. 6-8 The sense of these lines, the above all others in the future? same in all sources, is obscure. ; 10. Vadvenir: It is a choice [made] without going back, the article is taken from Wolfenbuttel 287 and Loe- [an enterprise] chosen for future time:

pelmann; not in Dijon 517. 13-14. from to have delight for its device. Wolfenbtttel 287. The reading in Dijon 517: Est a la Alas, etc.

cause c’est soubmise | A excuser pour souvenir does not

make good sense. Loepelmann reads: Et desja sa cause The future [of my heart] is constrained,

est commise | A exercer par souvenir. for Desire has summoned it to appear Florence 229 gives in corrupt form the refrain of this and it has no sanctuary;

rondeau cinquain as follows: and already the case is being tried

Helas que poura devenir mon corps [for Desire] to pass judgment as it wishes.

Si ne pepeult pernir Alas, etc. 291

CHAPTER XVII

207 Pendecose Anon. 3v._ f. 223-224 Incipit 13. de changer cotte: apparently so that he should not ‘‘Pendecose’”’ in S, ‘‘Pendechose”’ in remaining be recognized. voices. Perhaps this should be emended to read The text, a rondeau cinquain, is taken from Turin I. 27,

‘““Peu de chose.”’ with emendations from Paris 1719, f. 116”. The

CONCORDANCES: None. refrain appears also in Uppsala 76a. Both sources

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a bergerette contain some errors. The poem is edited in

setting. Schwob, Parnasse, no. 51, from Paris 1719. 4 The poor rhyme trotte: forte, etc., may suggest that the

208 En attendant [d’avoyr secours] Loyset last part of the poem, from line 6 onwards, was a Compere 3v. f, 225’-226 Incipit in all later addition. {A rondeau quatrain in Droz and

voices. Piaget, Jardin de Plaisance, no. 491, f. 114’, begins

CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 18, f. 91”, anon. anemia de vous secours but thereafter continues

Incipit in all voices. | Copenhagen 1848, p. 356 itterentty. and again on p. 449, anon. Incipit in S. The TRANSLATION: version on p. 356 has bits of the text of the While I am waiting here for her, Mass (“Et in terra pax,”’ and so on), apparently my tears are flowing in despair.

pen trials, written under and around the I have no hope to comfort me.

music. § Florence 178, f. 18°, anon. Incipit in Whoever else may also be S. | Segovia, f. 185”, Loysette Compere. in love, his suffering can’t compare. Incipit in all voices. §] Turin 1.27, f. 13, anon. I come, I go, I run, I tear,

Text in S; incipit in remaining voices. { watch rooms and towers everywhere,

Uppsala 76a, f. 1%, anon. Text in S. waiting for her impatiently.

MODERN EDITIONS: Compére, Opera Omnia 5:20. {| While I am waiting, etc.

neal codici,”” Supplement (after Pin restless like a baited bear, | TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau the crossroads are my spying lair.

cinquain. J am in mud up to my knee.

TEXT: - change my Clothing hurricely En attendant d’avoyr secours eCause I on't want olks to stare. Je ne sostiens que playns et plours; While I am waiting, etc.

y espoyr q

Je n’ay espoyr qui me conforte; (While waiting for help, I experience nothing but la-

Je porte dolleur trop plus forte ments and tears; I have no hope to comfort me;

5 Que nul, tant soyt ravy d’amours. I suffer a pain stronger than anyone, however much in love he may be.

Je voys, je viens, je saulx, je cours, I go, I come, I leap, I run, I keep watch in rooms and

Je faiz le guet en chambres et tours, towers, unceasingly I walk and trot, while

Incessament pietonne et trotte waiting, etc.

En attendant, etc. Ihave no more rest than a bear, I spy at crossroads, I am 10 Je way repos ny plus qu’ung ours, covered in a foot of mud, I have to change my

Vespie par les carrefours, coat because people see me every day, while Je suis crotté d’ung pié de crotte; waiting, etc.)

Je suis contrainct de changer cotte

Pour ce qu’on me voit tous les jours, 209 Pour mieulx valoir [Jean] Hémart 3 v.

15 En attendant, ete. a f. 226’-227 Incipit in all voices.

1. Thus Turin I. 27. But the same manuscript gives CONCORDANCES: None. the repetition of the refrain as En attendant tous jours TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting.

secours, which seems less probable. Paris 1719 and Not related musically to no. 105 in this edition, Uppsala 76a read: En actendant de vous secours, Pour mieulx valoir by F. Rubinet. which is even less probable. 2. que playns et

plours: Paris 1719 reads: ne plains ne plours.

5. “. . . than anyone, however much in love he may 210 [Textless composition] Jacobus Obrech 3 v.

be.”’ 7. chambres: from Paris 1719. Turin [. 27 f. 227°—228

reads chambre. 8. Incessamment: from Paris 1719. CONCORDANCES: None. Turin I. 27 reads Incensanment. et: from Paris MODERN EDITION: Obrecht, Werken: Wereldlijke

1719. Turin I. 27 reads ou. 12. pié: a Werken, p. 50 (after Florence 229).

foot. 13-14. from Paris 1719. Turin I. 27 TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Unidentified; probably reads: Je suis contant de canger cotte | Pour celle que je either an instrumental piece or a Mass section voye tous les jours. Altered for the sake of the sense. with a cantus prius factus in the top voice. 292

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

211 ‘Tenesenchause Anon. 3v._ f. 228%—229 movements from the same Mass, see nos. 216

Incipit in all voices. and 217 in this edition.

CONCORDANCES: None.

Martini. text.

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a rondeau setting 216 [Pleni sunt caeli from Missa Ut re mi fa sol la]

by a composer whose style resembles that of [Antoine Brumel] 3v. f. 233°-234 Without CONCORDANCES (as part of a complete Mass):

212 Nosespant Anon. 3v._ f. 229"—230 Stuttgart I, 47, f. 132”, Anon. Text in all

Incipit in all voices. voices. § Vatican C. S. 45, f. 162’, A. Brumel.

CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 16, f. 96”, anon. Text in all voices. { Brumel 1503 Misse, no. 3, Incipit “‘Nos espante mi partida”’ in all voices. Brumel. Text in all voices. MODERN EDITION: Haberkamp, Vokalmusik in MODERN EDITION: Brumel, Opera omnia 1:58 (after

Spanien, p. 298 (incorrectly labeled “‘No os Brumel 1503 Misse)}. espante...,’’ after Bologna Q 16). TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Mass movement. For other TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Even though the piece movements from the same Mass, see nos. 215 survives only with a Spanish incipit, the phrase and 217 in this edition. structure of the music and its pattern of cadences suggest that it is more likely to have 217 [Qui tollis from Missa Ut re mi fa sol Ia]

been composed as a setting of a rondeau than as [Antoine Brumel] 3 v. f. 234’.-235 Without a setting of a villancico, cancién, or other Spanish text.

poem. CONCORDANCES: Stuttgart I, 47, f. 118”, anon. Text in all voices. | Vatican C. S. 45, f. 153”, A.

213. Ic quam cheredem Anon. 3v. f. 230’—231 Brumel. Text in all voices. 4 Brumel 1503

Incipit in all voices. Misse, no. 3, Brumel. Text in all voices.

CONCORDANCES: None. MODERN EDITION: Brumel, Opera omnia 1:46. (after RELATED COMPOSITION: See Florence 229, no. 214. Brumel 1503 Misse). TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a setting of a TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Mass movement. For other

popular Flemish melody. See, for example, movements from the same Mass, see nos. 215 Clemens non Papa, Opera Omnia 2:46, for a and 216 in this edition. stylistically similar melody, Ick quam ghereden in

een dal, set as a Souterliedeken. Comparison with 218 [Textless composition] Jannes Martini 3 v.

no. 214 in this edition suggests that the f. 235°— 236

borrowed melody appears here in S. CONCORDANCES: None. MODERN EDITION: Martini, Secular Pieces, p. 85

214 Ic quam cheredem Anon. 3v. f. 231°- (after Florence 229).

232 Incipit in all voices; CT reads “Ic quan TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Unidentified; perhaps an

cheredem.”’ instrumental piece or a Mass section.

CONCORDANCES: None.

RELATED COMPOSITION: See Florence 229, no. 213. 219 Rose playsant, adorant comme grant Caron

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a setting of a [or Johannes Dusart or Philipon] 3v. f. popular Flemish melody. Comparison with no. 238’—237 Text in S; incipit in remaining

213 in this edition suggest that the borrowed voices.

melody appears here in T. CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 16, f. 131°, anon. , Incipitin S and T. Leipzig 1494, f. 169%,

215 [Benedictus from Missa Ut re mi fa sol la] anon. Text ‘“‘Ave rex regum ditissime’’ in S and [Antoine Brumel] 3v. f. 232’-233 Without T. { Paris 15123, f. 185’, anon. Incipit in all

text. voices. { Rome 2856, f. 92", Jo. Dusart. Incipit

CONCORDANCES (as part of a complete Mass): in all voices. §] Petrucci 1504° Canti C, f. 121°,

Stuttgart J, 47, f. 135”, anon. Text in all Philipon. Fourth si placet voice added; incipit in

voices. | Vatican C. S. 45, f. 164’, A. Brumel. all voices.

Text in all voices. § Brumel 1503 Misse, no. 3, MODERN EDITIONS: Caron, Oeuvres 2:192. | Gerber,

Brumel. Text in all voices. Mensuralkodex . . . Apel 33:223. 4 Smijers,

INTABULATION: Chicago Capirola, f. 60, Brumel. Ockeghem tot Sweelinck, p. 62 (after Petrucci).

Arranged for solo lute. TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

MODERN EDITIONS: Brumel, Opera omnia 1:59-—60 cinquain.

(after Brumel 1503 Misse). {| Gombosi, TEXT:

Capirola, no. 36. Rose playsant, odorant comme graine,

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Mass movement. For other Secret d’amours et tres noble fontaine, 293

CHAPTER XVII

Prenez regart sur che povre transy train, Ma dame, m’amie, ma commere, in LoepelQui vous servant est sy peu enrichi mann, Liederhandschrift, no. 332, may also be asso5 De riches dons qui sont en vo demayne. ciated with this music, since it corresponds with 1. odorant comme graine: amended from Florence 229, the text incipit in Rome 2856. which reads adorant comme grant. Graine: the seed of TRANSLATION:

a plant, such as mustard seed, linseed, etc. My honored ladyship, please say: 3. Prenez: amended from Florence 229, which What should the words of my motto be? reads Prendez. 4. This line, corrupt in Florence And should the hue of my livery 229, has been conjecturally amended. In Florence be black while I’m waiting, or should it be gray? 229, it appears to read: 9né vous servant est sy puenre- (My lady, tell me what words I should put in my de-

chi. 5. vo: 1.e., “votre.” vice, and whether I should wear gray for the time The text, apparently the refrain of a rondeau cinquain, being or black.) is taken from Florence 229.

TRANSLATION: 221 Faites de moy tout [ce] qui vous plaira O lovely rose, sweet-scented as a grain, Antonius Busnois 3 v._ f. 238’—239 love’s source and secret, never to attain, Text in S; incipit in remaining voices.

O see me poor and half-dead servant who CONCORDANCES: Paris 15123, f. 132”, anon. Text in

has little been enriched, in serving you, S; incipit in remaining voices. 4 Seville 5-I-43, by all the gifts that are in your domain. no. 115, anon. ‘““Amours me tient en son (Pleasing rose, sweet-scented as a seed, the secret of domaine.” Incipit in all voices. § Verona love and most noble fountain, take heed of this DCCLVI, f. 38”, anon. Without text. poor half-dead person, who in serving youis sO =TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau

domain.). TEXT:

little enriched by the rich gifts that are in your cinquain. Faites de moy tout ce qui vous plaira,

220 Madame, faytes moy savoir [Basin] 3 v. Ma seule amour a qui je suis servant; f. 237°-238 Text in S; incipit in remaining . Car sans faillir, tant que seray vivant,

voices. Mon cuer 4 vous tous jours obeyra,

CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 16, f. 67’, anon. S Il a long temps qu’Amor me comanda. Incipit in all voices. § Capetown Grey, f. 116", 1. ce: not in Florence 229. Conjecturally added for anon. Text “Quanto magnus es humilia te” in the sake of the meter. Paris 15123 reads: tout qu’il S; incipit in remaining voices. § Paris 15123, f. Yous plaira. 3. Amended from Florence 229, 93”, anon. Text in S; incipit in remaining which reads Car sans faillies con seray vivant. Paris voices § Rome 2856, f. 24”, Basin. Incipit 15123 also has con seray vivant. 4. obeyra: Florence “Madame m’amie” in all voices. 9 Seville 229 reads oberra. Altered following Paris 15123 for

5-I-43, no. 10, anon. Incipit in all voices. the sake of the meter. . a

MODERN EDITION: Pease, Pixérécourt, p. 37. The text, apparently the refrain of a rondeau cinquain,

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a rondeau is taken from Florence 229. It is also in Paris

quatrain. 15123. In Seville 5-I-43, the music has the incipit TEXT: of a different text, Amours me tient en son domaine. Madame, faytes moy savoir TRANSLATION: Que mos metrai en ma devise; O tell me what to do or where to go. Que sy porterai coulier grise Pll serve you, love, with everything I know. En attendant, ou prendray noir. As long as I'm alive you merely say

2. Que mos: probably stands for “‘Quels mots.” what your command is, and I will obey.

devise: device, in the heraldic sense. Love has ordained this for me long ago.

3. Que: one would expect Et here rather than (Do with me all that you will, my only love, whom I

Que. coulier: i.e., “couleur.” serve; for without fail, as long as J live, my heart The text, probably the refrain of a rondeau quatrain, is will always obey you; Love ordained that to mea taken from Florence 229. It appears also in Paris long time ago.). 15123. 4 Many poems of this period, for example

no. 234 below, speak of the color of the lover’s 222 Bone dame playsant Anon. 3 v. livery. This is a part of the literary formula of the f. 239°—240 Incipit in all voices. lover seen as a feudal servant of the lady andhence © CONCORDANCES: Bologna Q 16, f. 55%, anon.

with a costume appropriate to that role. Green Incipit “Jone dame plaisant et belle’ in all has to do with joy, black with grief. Other colors voices. { Paris 15123, f. 144”, Anon. Incipit “‘Jo are sometimes referred to, but the shades of ne donne” in S and “‘Jo ne dome”’ in remaining

meaning are complex. § Another rondeau qua- voices. 294

NOTES ON THE COMPOSITIONS AND THEIR TEXTS

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Probably a bergerette not even for another day; setting. In view of the text incipits in both I'd rush to Tours, and right away.

than bone (good). re 223 [Combien le joyeulx que je fasse]_ Anon. FO concordant sources, it seems likely that the first

word of the bergerette was jone (young) rather re

3v. f. 240-241 Without text. ss

CONCORDANCE: Paris 15123, f. 72’, anon. Text in S; Although I show a happy face, etc.

Incipit In remaining VOICES. (However much I pretend to be joyful, I have on my

TYPE OF COMPOSITION: Setting of a bergerette. heart a great mass of painful unhappiness, because

TEXT: . . . I am so far from France, in Italy in disfavor.

vainbien joyeuix je fasse, it were ever up to me to leave, I wouldn’t stay here for Y’ai surIe le ceurque une gran Ifmasse

De doloreuse desplasanche, But would gallop off until I was back in Esves-lePour che que suis sy loins de Franche, Moutier in Touraine.

En Ytalie an malle grace. > However much I pretend, etc.) S’il estoit en moy d’en partir,

Je n’i tendroie pas tous jours, 224 C’est vous [= Royne des flours, que je desire

tant] [Alexander Mays que galopper que recours arAgricola] bo , 3v. f. 241’-242 Neen jusques Ave pres de Tours Incipit ““Cest vous”’ in all voices.

, CONCORDANCES: London 20 A XVI, f. 26’, anon.

re 10 Text ““Royne des flours”’ in all voices. | Paris Co 1597, f. 41”, anon. Text ‘“‘Royne dez flours”’ in re S and T; incipit in CT. {| Petrucci 1501 de re Odhecaton, f. 60", Alexander. Incipit ‘“Royne Do, fleurs”’ in all voices. ; ; MODERN EDITIONS: Agricola, Opera Omnia 5:11

; Combien le joyeulx, etc. . 1S (after Paris 1597). |] Hewitt, Odhecaton, no. 55. 1. Combien: Paris 15123 reads Conbien. —_joyeulx: Ser RELATED COMPOSITIONS: Agricola’s chanson is

from CT. S reads yoieulx. que: added the .: ; based on a melody in Paris for 9346, f. 4’, sake of the meter. 5. En Ytalie: Paris 15123 reads ublished in Gérold. Manuscrit de B

Ytalie en. an: 1.€., en. 7. tendroie: Paris PIM ASHE DAZE ONG MAGMUSCHE G6 DAYEUX, DO.

; , ; 4. § Agricola’s chanson is based on the same

15123 reads tenir. Conjectural emendation. tous: melody as the ano ous setti 3 of th Paris 15123 reads tours. 8. recours: Paris 15123 same a in Londen Harke 5545 - 34°