A Descriptive and Comparative Grammar of Western Old Japanese [2 volume set, Revised, Updated and Enlarged Second Edition] 9004422811, 9789004422810

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A Descriptive and Comparative Grammar of Western Old Japanese Volume 1

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Handbook of Oriental Studies Handbuch der Orientalistik section five Japan

Edited by R. Kersten

volume 16/1

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ho5

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A Descriptive and Comparative Grammar of Western Old Japanese Revised, Updated and Enlarged 2nd Edition Volume 1

By

Alexander Vovin

LEIDEN | BOSTON

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Cover illustration: A modern Japanese calligraphy for Man’yōshū 5.794. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Vovin, Alexander, author. Title: A descriptive and comparative grammar of Western Old Japanese /  Alexander Vovin. Description: Revised, updated and enlarged second edition. | Leiden ;  Boston : Brill, 2020. | Series: History of Oriental studies, 0921-5239 ;  volume16 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2020023510 (print) | LCCN 2020023511 (ebook) | ISBN  9789004424012 (v. 1 ; hardback) | ISBN 9789004424029 (v. 2 ; hardback) |  ISBN 9789004422117 (hardback) | ISBN 9789004422810 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Japanese language—Grammar, Classical. Classification: LCC PL531 .V68 2020 (print) | LCC PL531 (ebook) | DDC  495.6/7—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020023510 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020023511

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 0921-5239 ISBN 978-90-04-42211-7 (hardback, set) ISBN 978-90-04-42401-2 (hardback, vol. 1) ISBN 978-90-04-42281-0 (e-book) Copyright 2020 by Alexander Vovin. Published by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense, Hotei Publishing, mentis Verlag, Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh and Wilhelm Fink Verlag. Koninklijke Brill NV reserves the right to protect this publication against unauthorized use. Requests for re-use and/or translations must be addressed to Koninklijke Brill NV via brill.com or copyright.com. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

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To Sambi With all my love 賛美に 愛を込めて

∵

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Contents Acknowledgements xiii Preface to the First Edition, Part One xv Preface to the First Edition, Part Two xix Preface to the Second Edition and Acknowledgements xxi Abbreviations xxiv List of Charts xxviii

Chapter 1 Sources and Previous Scholarship 1 Sources 4 2 Previous Scholarship 20

Chapter 2 Script and Phonology 1 Script 28 1.1 Syllabic Script 28 1.2 Rebus Writing 39 2 Phonetics and Phonology 41 2.1 Consonants 41 2.2 Vowels 45 2.3 Pitch Accent 48 2.4 Phonotactics 48 2.5 Morphophonological Processes 54

Chapter 3 Lexicon 1 2 3 4 5

Naturalized Loanwords from Ainu 63 Naturalized Loanwords from Korean 64 Naturalized Loanwords from Old and Middle Chinese 67 Loanwords from Chinese in Poetry 70 Loanwords from Chinese in Prose 72

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Chapter 4 Nominals 1 Nouns 84 1.1 Prefixes 85 1.2 Suffixes 109 2 Pronouns 215 2.1 Morphological Peculiarities of Pronouns 215 2.2 Personal Pronouns 215 2.3 Reflexive Pronoun onǝ/onǝre 259 2.4 Demonstrative Pronouns 261 2.5 Interrogative Pronouns 284 2.6 Collective Pronouns 319 3 Numerals 327 3.1 Cardinal Numerals 328 3.2 Ordinal Numerals 352 3.3 Classifiers 354 3.4 Months of the Year 367

Chapter 5 Adjectives 1 2

3

Uninflected Adjectives 377 1.1 Special Derived Form in -ra 383 1.2 -ka Adjectives  386 Inflected Adjectives 390 2.1 Converb Form -ku  391 2.2 Final Form -si 406 2.3 Attributive Form -ki 411 2.4 Nominalized Form -sa 425 2.5 Gerund -mi 427 2.6 Deverbal Adjectives in -asi 432 Defective Adjectives 435 3.1 Defective Adjective ka- 435 3.2 Defective Adjective sa 437

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Verbs 1

2

3 4

Chapter 6

Verbal Grammatical Categories 446 1.1 Mode 446 1.2 Aspect 446 1.3 Tense 447 1.4 Mood 447 1.5 Voice 447 1.6 Retrospective 447 1.7 Reported Action 447 1.8 Iterative 448 1.9 Predication 448 1.10 Honorification 448 1.11 Politeness 448 Verbal Classes  449 2.1 Consonant Verbs 450 2.2 Vowel Verbs 451 2.3 Irregular Verbs 453 2.4 Defective Verbs  458 Verbal Affixes 504 3.1 Verbal Prefixes 504 3.2 Verbal Suffixes  534 Auxiliaries  804 4.1 Bound Auxiliaries 804 4.2 Lexical Auxiliaries 903

Chapter 7 Adverbs 1 Adverb ita ~ itǝ ‘Very, Extremely’ 997 2 Adverb sǝkǝmba ‘Very’  1000 3 Adverbs paⁿda ~ panapaⁿda ‘Considerably’ 1001 4 Adverbs kǝkǝmba ~ kǝkǝmbaku, kǝkǝⁿda ~ kǝkǝⁿdaku ‘So Much, Extremely’  1002 5 Adverb sapa ‘Many’  1004 6 Adverb taⁿda ‘Only’  1006 7 Adverb mata ‘Again’ 1009

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8 Adverb iya ‘More [and More], Plentifully, Perfectly’ 1013 9 Adverb iyǝyǝ ‘More and More’  1016 10 Adverb masu-masu ‘More and More’ 1017 11 Adverb yumɛ ‘At All’ 1018 12 Adverb imaⁿda ‘Yet, Still’  1020 13 Adverb mǝtǝna ‘In Vain, Aimlessly, For No Reason’ 1023 14 Adverb simba ~ simba-simba ‘Often’  1025 15 Adverb potǝpotǝ ‘Almost’  1026 16 Adverb napo ‘Still, More’  1027 17 Adverb sika ‘Thus, In This Way, So’ 1029 18 Adverb kɛⁿdasi ~ kɛⁿdasiku ‘Probably’ 1031

Chapter 8 Conjunctions 1 Conjunction tǝmǝ ‘Even If, Even Though’ 1037 2 Conjunction mǝnǝ ~ mǝnǝwo ‘Although, But’  1042 3 Conjunction mǝnǝkara ‘Although’ 1047 4 Conjunction mǝnǝyuwe ‘Although, Because’ 1049 5 Conjunction napɛ ‘At the Same Time As, Just As’  1050 6 Conjunction ŋgane ‘So That, in Order to/That’ 1053 7 Conjunction ŋgani ‘Like, As If, So That’ 1055 8 Conjunction karani ‘Just Because, As Soon As’  1057 9 Conjunction toni ‘While, Before’  1060

Chapter 9 Particles 1

2

Focus Particles 1067 1.1 Topic Particle pa 1067 1.2 Focus Particle mǝ 1082 1.3 Focus Particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ 1094 1.4 Focus Particle namo 1104 1.5 Focus Particle kǝsǝ 1109 Interrogative Particles 1118 2.1 Interrogative Particle ya 1118 2.2 Interrogative Particle ka 1127

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3 4

5

xi

Desiderative Particle mǝŋga ~ mǝŋgamǝ 1137 Emphatic Particles 1141 4.1 Emphatic Particle kamǝ 1141 4.2 Emphatic Particle si 1154 4.3 Emphatic Particle mǝ 1162 4.4 Emphatic Particle ya 1166 4.5 Emphatic Particle yǝ 1171 4.6 Emphatic Particle na 1174 4.7 Emphatic Particle wo 1177 Restrictive Particles 1179 5.1 Restrictive Particle nǝmï 1179 5.2 Restrictive Particle ⁿdani 1182 5.3 Restrictive Particle sura ~ sora 1186 5.4 Restrictive Particle sapɛ 1188 5.5 Restrictive Particle mbakari 1192

Chapter 10 Postpositions 1 2 3 4

Postposition ⁿzi ~ ⁿzimənə ‘Like’ 1199 Postposition sambï ‘Like’ 1202 Postposition məkərə ‘Like’ 1204 Postposition pa ‘Every’ 1206

Chapter 11 Interjections 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Interjection iⁿza 1213 Interjection ina 1215 Interjection wo 1217 Interjection ani 1218 Interjection ana 1219 Interjection wasi 1220 Interjection apare 1221 Interjection apare 1223

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Bibliography 1225 Index of Personal Names 1243 Index of Terms 1246 Index of Forms and Constructions 1252 Index of the Examples from the Texts 1262

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Acknowledgements I first thought about writing this book almost a quarter of a century ago when I started to create an electronic database of Old Japanese texts, as it was clear to me that without such a database no thorough study of Old Japanese would be possible nowadays. It was a long and arduous process, requiring careful typing of both Old Japanese original texts in the man’yōgana script and its transliteration. One present and two former graduate students helped as graduate assistants during this long span of time: Patricia Welch (at the University of Michigan), John Bentley, and Kerri Russell (both at the University of Hawaii at Manoa). Many electronic databases featuring some (but not all) Old Japanese texts have appeared in Japan since then, but my students helped me create a unique database that includes practically all Old Japanese texts in phonetic writing. I am grateful for their help, as without it this book would never have been possible. I would like to express my gratitude to two institutions: the Center of Japanese Studies at the University of Hawaii which generously supported my research on Old Japanese grammar with two grants, and the Kokusai Nihon bunka kenkyū sentaa (International Center for the Japanese Studies, Kyoto), where I spent my sabbatical year in 2001–02, when the first draft of the first edition of this book was written. Various parts of this book, or some of the ideas that appear in it, were discussed with a number of colleagues. I am most grateful to Bjarke Frellesvig, with whom I had many discussions on Old Japanese grammar in United States, Japan, and Denmark, and who finally persuaded me of the reality of the category of tense in Old Japanese. Discussions of various Japanese, Ryukyuan, Altaic, Korean and Ainu issues with José Andrés Alonso de la Fuente, Bjarke Frellesvig, Ikegami Jirō,1 Juha Janhunen, Alexandra Jarosz, Itabashi Yoshizō, Karimata Shigehisa, Kazama Shinjirō, Ross King, Kirikae Hideo, Nakagawa Hiroshi, Mehmet Ölmez, Osada Toshiki, Sakiyama Osamu, Leon Serafim, Suda Jun’ichi, Tsumagari Toshiro, John Whitman, and Janick Wrona were extremely helpful. I am also grateful to Stefan Georg, who opened my eyes to the illusory nature of the ‘Altaic’ theory as it is currently enshrined. This recovery of sight resulted in a considerable rewriting of the comparative part of the book, causing about two years’ delay. However, hopefully this delay was for the best. As always, I am grateful to late Samuel E. Martin for his constant feedback on many 1  Japanese and other East Asian names are given in this book in the traditional order: family name first, given name last.

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Acknowledgements

issues. It is the greatest pleasure for a teacher to receive feedback from former students who have now become independent scholars: John Bentley, Blaine Erickson, Hino Sukenari, Marc Miyake, and Shimabukuro Moriyo are now valuable colleagues who helped me in various ways. Needless to say, I alone am responsible for any mistakes or shortcomings in this book. Several generations of graduate students who took my seminar in Old Japanese at the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa and then at the École des hautes études en sciences sociales deserve special mention: James Baskind, John Bentley, Blaine Erickson, Timothy Harris, Hino Sukenari, Steven Ikier, Kao Hsiang-Tai, Linda Lanz, Younès M’Ghari, William Matsuda, Marc Miyake, Matthew McNicoll, Matthias Nyitrai, Kerri Russell, and Shimabukuro Moriyo. Their questions and inquisitive minds led to the improvement of many topics presented here. My foremost gratitude goes to Irene Jager of Brill, who was a very patient and wise guide for me throughout the process of the work on the manuscript of this grammar. Last, but not least, my gratitude goes to members of my family: my late mother Svetlana, my wife, Sambi, who helped me in many ways, our son Jacob Tomotatsu, and our daughter Marie Alexandra who helped simply by behaving well. This book is dedicated to Sambi.

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Preface to the First Edition, Part One This book represents the first volume of the Descriptive and Comparative Grammar of Western Old Japanese. The first volume covers the phonology, writing system, lexicon, and nominal parts of speech. The second volume, includes chapters on adjectives, verbs, adverbs, particles, and conjunctions, as well as a comprehensive index for both volumes. I decided to split the publication into two volumes for three major reasons. First, as the reader can see, the first volume already has 400 pages, and the second volume will be twice as long. Producing a 1,200-page grammar in one volume is not only technically challenging, but it also creates a number of inconveniences for the reader who will have to handle such a heavy brick. Second, previous scholarship concentrated heavily on the verbal system; as a result Old Japanese nominals were neglected and not sufficiently described. I hope to rectify this unbalanced situation with this volume as well as present a number of innovative ideas. Third, and most importantly, in the process of my teaching Old Japanese over the last ten years at the University of Hawaii at Manoa, I found that the lack of an up-to-date Old Japanese grammar creates a serious obstacle for graduate students who want to learn the language and start reading Old Japanese texts on their own. From this point of view, publishing the first volume at an earlier date rather than delaying it until the second volume becomes available offers at least a partial solution to the problem. There is a wide misconception that Old Japanese of the Asuka–Nara periods and Classical Japanese of the Heian period are essentially one and the same language. This is not true, since the differences between Old and Classical (or, better: Middle) Japanese are very significant. These differences are found in all levels of the language—in its phonology, lexicon, morphology, and syntax. Quite a number of grammatical forms used in Old Japanese did not survive into the later language, and a great number of Middle Japanese forms are late innovations not found in Old Japanese. In addition, certain forms, common for both periods, frequently have different functions. All this demonstrates that a person who is going to read and analyze Old Japanese texts just armed with knowledge of Classical Japanese will fare no better than a person who tries to read Old English texts through the prism of Middle English. One must also keep in mind that Old Japanese and Middle Japanese are based on two geographically close and in some respects similar dialects: the dialect of the Yamato plain for Old Japanese and the dialect of Heian-kyō (Kyoto) for

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Middle Japanese, both belonging to Central Japonic. Nevertheless, these are two different dialects, and there is no direct continuity between them. Finally, Old Japanese texts offer evidence for yet another different language: Eastern Old Japanese, which belongs to a completely different dialect group. This grammar deals predominantly with the description of Western Old Japanese from the Yamato plain. The data from Eastern Old Japanese are used only for comparative purposes, thus the reader will not find here a description of any Eastern Old Japanese facts that have no counterparts in Western Old Japanese. Besides Eastern Old Japanese, I also used comparative data from different temporal and geographical varieties of the Ryukyuan language group. A word of caution is in order: besides being a descriptive grammar of Western Old Japanese, this book is also a comparative grammar of Western Old Japanese, but it is not a comparative grammar of the Japonic language family. As the reader will see on several occasions, there are certain differences between early and late Western Old Japanese. Roughly speaking, the tentative boundary between these two varieties is somewhere in the late 740s or early 750s, although there are exceptions. For example, MYS 15 includes poems traditionally dated between 736–741 and is better defined as a text written in late Western Old Japanese. Besides Japonic data, I offered in some cases possible external etymologies for Western Old Japanese morphological markers. This involves data from the ‘Altaic’ languages (Turkic, Mongolic, Tungusic, and Korean), but sometimes I also used data from Austronesian and Ainu. I do not think that the Japonic language family is a member of the ‘Altaic’ language family in the genetic sense (although a remote genetic relationship cannot be denied or disproved), but I think that it is most certainly a member of the ‘Altaic’ Sprachbund, with most intimate ties to Korean. As the reader will find on more than one occasion, there are interesting morphological parallels between Western Old Japanese and Korean which are not found in Eastern Old Japanese and Ryukyuan. I believe that these parallels represent early loans from some variety of Old Korean, possibly the language of Paekche, into Western Old Japanese. There are also possible parallels between Western Old Japanese and other ‘Altaic’ languages, which, in my opinion also represent traces of ancient contacts. In addition, there are few cases when Western Old Japanese has likely parallels in Ainu or Austronesian, which I believe also presents evidence of contact. A few words about the presentation of the examples are in order. Examples from Western and Eastern Old Japanese texts are given in four lines: the first line provides the original spelling, the second the transliteration with morpheme breaks, the third glosses, and the fourth the English translation. The same is applicable to the examples from Old Ryukyuan and Old Korean texts.

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Upper case letters in the second line render the semantographic spelling, and lower case letters the phonetic one. I opted for transliteration rather than transcription for the following reasons. First, although it is believed that the orthographic distinction between kō-rui 毛 /mwo/ and otsu-rui 母 /mø/ in Western Old Japanese is preserved only in the Kojiki, it has been convincingly demonstrated recently that it also at least statistically survives into some later texts (Bentley 1997, 2002). Thus, I transliterate 毛 as /mwo/ and 母 as /mø/ in all Old Japanese texts. Second, it is presumed that Eastern Old Japanese had only five phonemic vowels: /a/, /u/, /i/, /o/, and /e/. However, Eastern Old Japanese texts are written in the Western Old Japanese orthography, which differentiated seven vowels /a/, /u/, /i/, /ï/, /o/, /´/, /e/, and a diphthong /´y/. As a result, EOJ vowel /i/ is spelled as WOJ /i/ or /ï/, EOJ /o/ as WOJ /o/ or /´/, and EOJ /e/ as /e/ or /´y/. It might seem that these variations could be ignored, and transcription uniformly rendering those as /i/, /o/, and /e/ would be less confusing. However, there is a problem. While EOJ /e/ is indeed spelled as WOJ /e/ or /´y/ with almost the same frequency, there is a clear tendency for a frequent variation of other vowel spellings only in certain syllables. One has also to keep in mind that Eastern Old Japanese is a dialect continuum, which was not homogeneous and could be roughly divided into three areas. The study of spelling variation within these areas has not been done so far. Therefore, unifying the transcription of Eastern Old Japanese may be a premature enterprise: we simply cannot throw out the baby with the bathwater. Thus, transliteration, a more conservative approach, is preferable for the time being. An even more spectacular case involves Old Ryukyuan. It is generally believed that proto-Ryukyuan vowels *o and *e in Old Ryukyuan merged with *u and *i respectively, as they have done in the modern Shuri dialect. Therefore, the tendency is to transcribe Old Ryukyuan syllables spelled with kana /Co/ and /Ce/ syllables as /Cu/ and / Ci/ respectively. However, some Old Ryukyuan spellings may be very indicative and reflect the stage before the merger (Serafim, p.c.). Thus, for example, the Old Ryukyuan word for ‘dew’ is spelled predominantly as tuyo, not tuyu, and the former is supported by dialect comparative evidence, which points to PR *tuyo, not *tuyu. Therefore, before a thorough study of Old Ryukyuan spellings is done, transliteration is also preferable. Textual examples from other languages that include various modern Ryukyuan languages and dialects, and ‘Altaic’ languages are given in three lines: the first line provides transcription with morpheme breaks, the second glosses, and the third gives the English translation. Transcription rather than transliteration seemed to be a better solution here, because the data largely came either from modern languages without a writing system, or from old languages with an established practice of transcription. Whenever possible,

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I tried to preserve the transcription from original sources, but in certain cases I opted for simplification and unification. For example, I used /y/ for the palatal voiced glide throughout, replacing the IPA [j] that some sources on Ryukyuan and ‘Altaic’ employed. When discussing the Eastern Old Japanese data, I frequently employ the reference to three different regions in the Eastern Old Japanese linguistic area: Region A, Region B, and Region C (Hino 2003: 197–201). The provinces are divided as follows: Region A—Simotuke, Kamitufusa; Region B—Hitati, Simotufusa, Kamituke, Musasi, Sagami, Suruga; and Region C—Sinano, Tofotafumi. The division into three regions is due to the fact that Eastern Old Japanese represented a dialect continuum rather than a single language. Region C was the one that was most influenced by Western Old Japanese; Region A was the least, with Region B representing the intermediate stage. Alexander Vovin

Hawaii, December 2004

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Preface to the First Edition, Part Two This book represents the second part of the Descriptive and Comparative Grammar of Western Old Japanese. The first part covered the phonology, writing system, lexicon, and nominal parts of speech. The second part includes chapters on adjectives, verbs, adverbs, conjunctions, particles, and postpositions, as well as comprehensive indexes for both volumes. As already mentioned in the acknowledgements, several important technical developments happened between the publication of the first part and the completion of the second part. As a result, a number of modifications and expansions were introduced into the second part that need to be mentioned here. First, with the availability of the Man’yōshū CD-ROM (Kinoshita 2001), a new index to the Man’yōshū (Kinoshita et al. 2003) which is far superior to an older index to the Man’yōshū (Masamune 1974), and Sven Osterkamp’s Man’yōshū Searcher engine, there was no longer a necessity to treat some volumes of the Man’yōshū as major sources, and others as supplementary. In the second part all text of the Man’yōshū is treated as the major source. Still, when citing textual examples, I normally give preference to the phonetically or partially phonetically written volumes of the Man’yōshū: books 5, 15, 17, 18, 19, and 20. The reader will notice that particularly in chapter six, dedicated to the description of the Western Old Japanese verb, the examples from book 15 of the Man’yōshū are especially frequent. This is due to the fact that MYS 15, in spite of numerous phonetic misspellings found there, is probably the most important Western Old Japanese text as far as the grammatical system is concerned: many forms attested therein are not found anywhere else in the Western Old Japanese corpus. Also, I frequently opted to provide more examples from MYS 15 because it is not dominated by one single poet like, for example, books 17–20 are clearly dominated by Opotömö-nö Yakamöti. Second, before I started to write the second part, I switched over from Macintosh to PC. This gave me access to the Mojikyō map for Mojikyō fonts that was not available for Macintosh four years ago. Consequently, there was no longer the necessity to use substitute characters for the man’yōgana signs that were not easily accessible or altogether lacking in Macintosh. Thus, the second part reproduces Western Old Japanese in its original form, without any substitute characters. If a second edition of this book ever materializes, the appropriate corrections will be made to part one as well.

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Third, I have introduced two minor changes into my transcriptional conventions. First, due to the same switch to PC, long vowels in modern Japanese are no longer written with an accent circumflex mark, but with a macron over the vowel (that was extremely difficult to type on the Macintosh). Thus, for example, in the second part the reader will see Man’yōshū and not Man’yôshû as in the first part. Second, the otsu-rui vowel /o₂/ that was spelled as ø in part one is transcribed as ö in part two. This is due to feedback received from some colleagues who suggested that ø looks too alien to Japanologists. Since, while I am using Yale transliteration for Old Japanese, I was and am still reluctant to use its notation o̱ for the otsu-rui vowel /o₂/, I opted for a compromise and borrowed ö from the traditional transliteration of Old Japanese. I hope that my readers will view these changes only as minor inconveniences. Fourth, over the years that this book was written my understanding and/or analysis of some Western Old Japanese expressions and passages has changed. This resulted, on some (although not numerous) occasions, in discrepancies between chapter four in the first part and the following chapters in the second part. To give an example, I used to understand the expression pyitö kuni ‘land/province of other people’ as consisting of the numeral pyitö ‘one’ and kuni ‘land, province.’ Now I prefer to analyze it as consisting of pyitö ‘person’ and kuni ‘land.’ The overall meaning of the expression does not change, but the analysis does. Rather than preserving the uniformity with the first part and repeating the erroneous analysis, I opted for the discrepancy and the correction of what I believe was a mistake. Fifth, the reader will undoubtedly notice the paucity of examples from the Norito in the second part as compared to the Senmyō. There are three main reasons for what may seem to be a neglect, partially outlined in 1.1. The Norito is a heterogeneous text, and the sixteen oldest Norito representing Western Old Japanese and not Middle Japanese are comparatively short as compared to the Senmyō. The text of Norito also uses much more semantographic writing as compared to the Senmyō, therefore it is not as valuable as the latter. Finally, there is already a grammar of Norito in English (Bentley 2001), and I was reluctant to duplicate his work. Thus, the examples from Norito were used only if a point in question could not be illustrated by any other Western Old Japanese texts. Alexander Vovin

Honolulu, October 2007

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Preface to the Second Edition and Acknowledgements The first question that needs to be answered is: “Why the second edition?” The response to this question is multilayered. First, the first edition (Vovin 2005, 2009) was in two volumes because of the small format of the page used at the Global Oriental, the publisher for the first edition. Second, the second volume of the first edition was printed with the minimal number of copies, so it was almost immediately sold out, and almost for ten years only the electronic copy was available. Third, the second volume (2009) has special ADDITIONS chapter that contains supplemental information for the first volume (2005). This made the usage of the grammar more difficult and cumbersome. Fourth, and most importantly, there have been new developments in the scholarship on Old Japanese within last ten years which need to be reflected. The next question is: “How is the second edition different from the first except the proper incorporation of the ADDITIONS chapter?” The response is also multilayered. First, the comparative part of the grammar is greatly reduced. In the early 21th century there still was a necessity to argue against the “Altaic” hypothesis of the origins of the Japonic language family. Since this hypothesis is no longer taken seriously except by some truly faithful from the Moscow Nostratic school and Max Planck institute in Jena, there is really no need to use trees for the unnecessary discussion. In short, the comparative part has been reduced to the discussion of the internal Japonic data, Eastern Old Japanese and Ryukyuan. The only exception when any external data are discussed is made for loans from Ainu, Chinese and Korean. Also, it was becoming gradually clear in recent years that Japonic is an intrusive language family in the maritime North-East Asia, and that it probably has its ultimate Urheimat in Southern China and/or Northern South-East Asia. Japonic is not related to any of the language families found there, but it probably was for a quite long time in contact with some of the language families that are found in this region. Second, the Eastern Old Japanese comparisons were revised considerably, mostly in the sense what texts can be taken as Eastern Old Japanese and which one cannot. The basis for this decision are two volumes of my translation of the Man’yōshū books fourteen and twenty that are currently our main source of information on Eastern Old Japanese (Vovin 2012, 2013).

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Preface to the Second Edition and Acknowledgements

Third, the romanization of Old Japanese was completely changed in such a way that it would reflect with the maximum accuracy the actual phonetics (to the extent we can know it) with the maximum accuracy. This was done mostly for the benefit of the colleagues and students who have not had a chance to study the history of the Japanese language, which is a prerequisite to understand phonologically oriented transcriptions. A single example will be sufficient: Old Japanese prenasalized voiced obstruents are most commonly transcribed as plain voiced b, d, g, z, but in this grammar the prenasalization is indicated by superscript m, ⁿ, and ŋ: mb, ⁿd, ŋg, and ⁿz. Fourth, in spite of the reductions mentioned above, I also made important additions to Chapters 7, 8, 9, and 10, that were overlooked in the first edition. I have also added a new Chapter 11 on interjections. Thus, the grammar is still almost 1,000 pages long, but it is the nature of the Old Japanese language itself that is to blame for the grammar’s size. Fifth, some technical changes were made as well. The term ‘infinitive’ that is very misleading for Old Japanese was replaced with ‘converb.’ The notation of different types of particles that were lumped together as PT (= particle) in the textual examples of the first edition was subdivided into focus, interrogative, desiderative, emphatic, and restrictive particles. The numerical notation of the Man’yōshū poems was changed from ‘MYS I: 1’ to ‘MYS 1.1’ in order to make it uniform with my translation of this anthology (Vovin 2009b–2018). In early 2014 after a quarter of the century spent at three different American universities I made an important decision to move to France for the remainder of my professional life. I can now dedicate much more time to my research while training Ph.D. students in Old Japanese, Manchu, and Middle Mongolian. It seems that in every country of my residence I am able to make longlasting friendships. Not everyone from the following list comes from or lives in France, and only few people among those are professional colleagues or students. But certainly all of them made my new life more enjoyable and fruitful: Irène Tamba, Ross Bender, Augustin de Benoist, Elena Perekhvalskaya, Bjarke Frellesvig, John Whitman, William McClure, Dieter Maue, Mehmet Ölmez, Étienne de la Vaissière, Pierre Marson, Redouane Djamouri, Christiane Babiak, Sami Saleh, Vladimir Bokarius, Alexei Egorov, Juha Janhunen, Maria Chiara Migliore, D. Zayabaatar, Wu Ying-zhe (Oyunch), Laurent Sagart, Guillaume Jacques, Guillaume Carré, Anton Antonov, Michelle Abud, Takubo Yukinori, Osada Toshiki, Suda Jun’ichi, Anna Bugaeva and my three current PhD students: Gao Hsiang-Tai (Baatar), Younès M’Ghari and Etienne Baudel. I would also like to offer my thanks to several institutions that graciously supported my research: National Institute of the Japanese Language and

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Preface to the Second Edition and Acknowledgements

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Linguistics (NINJAL), Ecole des hautes études en sciences socials (EHESS), European Research Council (ERC), and Mongolian Government. My special thanks go to my editors at Brill: Irene Jager and Patricia Radder. Last, but not least, my gratitude goes to members of my family that is now found in three countries: France, Japan, and Russia—my parents-in-law Ishisaki Tetsuo and Ishisaki Fukiko, my wife Sambi, and my three children: Lesha (Alexei), Yasha (Jacob), and Masha (Marie). This edition is dedicated to Sambi. Alexander Vovin

Poligny, Seine-et-Marne, August 23, 2019

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Abbreviations Languages CR EMC EOJ LHC LMC MdJ MJ MK OC OJ OK OR OT PAN PJ PK PM PR PT PTu WM WOJ



Classical Ryukyuan Early Middle Chinese Eastern Old Japanese Late Han Chinese Late Middle Chinese Modern Japanese Middle Japanese Middle Korean Old Chinese Old Japanese Old Korean Old Ryukyuan Old Turkic proto-Austronesian proto-Japonic proto-Korean proto-Mongolic proto-Ryukyuan proto-Turkic proto-Tungusic Written Mongolian Western Old Japanese

Texts and Sources

Japonic

BS Bussoku seki no uta, 753 AD GGJEG Gangōji engi, 747 AD GSWKS Goshūi wakashū, 1087 AD FK Fudoki kayō, ca. 737 AD JDB Jidai betsu kokugo dai jiten (Omodaka 1967) KGU Kagura uta, 8–9th centuries KJK Kojiki, 712 AD KK Kojiki kayō, 712 AD MYS Man’yōshū, ca. 759 AD Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

Abbreviations

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NK Nihonshoki kayō, 720 AD NR Nihon ryōiki, early 9th century NS1 Nihonshoki, 720 AD NSK2 Nihonshoki, 720 AD NT Norito, 7–9th centuries OM Ochikubo monogatari, 10th century OS Omoro sōshi, 16–17th centuries RK Ryūka, 17–19th centuries RKJ Okinawa go jiten SM Senmyō, 7–8th centuries SNK Shoku nihongi kayō SSI Shōsōin documents, 7–8th centuries TN Tosa nikki, 935 CE TS Jōgū Shōtoku höō teisetsu, 7th century

Korean KKK HK Nung PT SP YP WS



Kumkang kyeng samka hay, 1482 AD Hyangka, 6–10th centuries Nungem kyeng enhay, 1461 AD Pak thongsa, 1515 AD Sekpo sangcel, 1449 AD Yongpi ethyenka, 1447 AD Welin sekpo, 1459 AD

Grammar and Literary Terms

ADJ Adjectivizer ADV Adverbilizer AFFIR Affirmative ASSER Assertive ATTR Attributive BEN Benefactive CAUS Causative CL Classifier COM Comitative 1  Cited according to Kuroita Katsumi and Matuyama Jirō (ed.) 1965–66. 2  Cited according to Sakamoto Tarō; Ienaga Saburō, Inoue Mitsusada, Ōno Susumu (eds.) 1965–67.

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xxvi

Abbreviations

COMP Comparative CON Conjunctive gerund CONC Concessive gerund COND Conditional gerund CONJ Conjunction CONJC Conjectural CONT Continuative CONV Converb COOP Cooperative COOR Coordinative gerund COP Copula DAT Dative DEB Debitive DES Desiderative DIR Directive DLF Directive-locative focus DP Desiderative particle DV Defective verb EMPH Emphatic EP Emphatic particle EV Evidential EXCL Exclamation, Exclamative FIN Final verbal form FP Focus particle GEN Genitive HON Honorific HORT Hortative HUM Humble IF Interrogative form IP Interrogative particle INF Infinitive INT Intensive INTL Intentional INTER Interjection LOC Locative MDL Modulator MK Makura-kotoba (Pillow word) MOD Modality NEG Negative

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Abbreviations

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NML Nominalizer NOM Nominative OSM Oblique stem marker PAST Past tense PEJ Pejorative PERF Perfective POL Polite POSS Possessive POT Potential PREF Prefix PRES Present tense PRET Preterite PREV Preverb PROG Progressive PT Particle RA Reported action REC Reciprocal-cooperative RETR Retrospective RP Restrictive particle SUB Subordinative gerund SUBJ Subjunctive SUF Suffix SUP Suppositional TENT Tentative TERM Terminative TF Transitivity flipper TOP Topic TRANSF Transferential gerund VOL Voluntative

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Charts 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33

Major differences between various systems of transcription 27 Man’yōgana signs in varieties A and B 30 WOJ consonants 41 Distribution of LMC signs with voiced *pɦ for syllables with intervocalic /p/ in the first 100 songs of the Nihonshoki kayō 43 Western Old Japanese vocalism 45 Lexical doublets in Western Old Japanese 65 Reflexes of um-/uⁿ - in WOJ, EOJ, MJ and Shuri 68 Allomorphs of the ablative case marker in Western Old Japanese 184 Distribution of the first person pronouns wa- and a- in the early and late OJ texts 217 First person pronoun wa/ware in combination with case markers 219 The paradigm of Shuri first singular pronoun waa/waN 227 Shuri nominals in combination with a topic particle ya 228 Personal pronoun a/are in combination with case markers 239 Second person pronoun na/nare in combination with case markers Demonstrative pronouns 262 Proximal demonstrative pronoun kǝ/kǝre 263 Combination of numerals with classifier -ka ‘day’ 363 Combination of numerals with the classifier -ka ‘day’ in Ryukyuan 365 Numeral roots and irregular forms for the count of days 365 Archetypes for the count of days 366 Native names for lunar months in Old Japanese and Middle Japanese 369 Classes of inflected adjectives in Western Old Japanese 390 Main inflectional forms of consonant verbs 451 Main inflectional forms of vowel verbs 452 Main inflectional forms of strong vowel verbs 454 Main inflectional forms of kǝ- ‘to come’ 455 Main inflectional forms of se- ~ -sǝ ‘to do’ 456 Main inflectional forms of r-irregular verbs 457 Main inflectional forms of n-irregular verbs 458 Inflectional forms of defective verbs 459 Distribution of the allomorphs of the final predication suffix 538 Combinations of the final predication suffixes -u and -i with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 539 Distribution of the allomorphs of the attributive suffix 550

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Charts 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55

xxix

Combinations of the attributive suffixes -uru and -u with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 551 Attributive forms in Shuri 569 Attributive forms in Old Ryukyuan 571 Distribution of the allomorphs of the evidential suffix 573 Combinations of the evidential suffixes -ure and -ɛ ~ -e with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 573 Combinations of the imperative suffixes -e ~ -ǝ with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 584 Combinations of the extended imperative -yǝ with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 593 Combinations of the negative imperative -una with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 596 Final predication and negative imperative forms in the Shuri dialect 598 Combinations of the desiderative -(a)na with other suffixes and bound auxiliaries 599 Combinations of the subjunctive suffix -(a)masi with other suffixes and bound auxiliaries 606 Combinations of the suppositional suffix -urasi ~ -asi with other suffixes and bound auxiliaries 611 Combinations of the negative tentative suffix –aⁿzi ~ -ⁿzi with other suffixes and bound auxiliaries 617 Combinations of the negative potential suffix -umasiⁿzi with other suffixes and bound auxiliaries 622 Combinations of the exclamative -umǝ with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 627 Combinations of the converb -i with other suffixes and bound auxiliaries 631 Combinations of the negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u with following bound auxiliaries 646 Combinations of the conditional converb -(a)mba with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 655 Combinations of the conjunctive converb -mba with preceding evidential forms of suffixes and bound auxiliaries 664 Combinations of the conjunctive converb -ndǝ[mǝ] with preceding evidential forms of suffixes and bound auxiliaries 673 Combinations of the nominalizer -(a)ku with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 688 Combinations of the negative suffix -(a)n- ~ -(a)ⁿz- with following suffixes 702

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xxx 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79

Charts Combinations of the negative suffix -(a)n- ~ -(a)ⁿz- with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 702 Combinations of the tentative suffix -am- ~ -m- with following suffixes 714 Combinations of the tentative suffix -am- ~ -m- with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 714 Combinations of the tentative suffix -(u)ram- with following suffixes 730 Combinations of the tentative suffix -uram- ~ -ram- with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 731 Combinations of the iterative suffix -ap- ~ -ǝp- with following suffixes 739 Morphophonological variations of the passive suffix 746 Combinations of the passive suffix -aye- ~ -raye- ~ -ye- with following suffixes and auxiliaries 747 Animacy of the agent and the patient in Western Old Japanese passive constructions 750 Combinations of the passive suffix -are- with following suffixes and auxiliaries 756 Combinations of the honorific suffix -as- with following suffixes 759 Combinations of the honorific converb -as-i- with following bound auxiliaries 760 Morphophonological variations of the causative suffix -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ- 771 Combinations of the causative suffix -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ- with following suffixes and bound auxiliaries 772 Morphophonological variations of the causative suffix -as- ~ -(a)se- 777 Combinations of the causative suffix -as- ~(a)se- with following suffixes and bound auxiliaries 778 Combinations of the debitive suffix –umbɛ- ~ -mbɛ- with following suffixes 785 Combinations of the debitive suffix –umbɛ- ~ -mbɛ- with preceding suffixes 786 Combinations of the progressive suffix -er- with following suffixes and bound auxiliaries 793 Combinations of the progressive suffix -er- with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 793 Combinations of the subordinative converb -te with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 805 Combinations of the coordinative converb -tutu with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 819 Combinations of the past auxiliaries -ki, -si, and -sika with following suffixes 827 Combinations of the past auxiliaries -ki, -si, and -sika with the verbs kǝ- ‘to come’ and se- ‘to do’ 828

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Charts 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106

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Combinations of the past final -ki with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 829 Combinations of the past attributive -si with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 829 Combinations of the past evidential -sika with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries 830 Combinations of the perfective -n- with preceding suffixes in their converb form 845 Combinations of the perfective -n- with following suffixes and bound auxiliaries 845 Combinations of the perfective -te- with preceding suffixes in their converb form 856 Combinations of the perfective -te- with following suffixes and bound auxiliaries 857 Combinations of the perfective-progressive -tar- with preceding suffixes in their converb form 866 Combinations of the perfective-progressive -tar- with following suffixes and bound auxiliaries 867 Combinations of the retrospective -ker- with preceding suffixes and auxiliaries in their converb form 879 Combinations of the retrospective -ker- with following suffixes 880 Combinations of the potential -kate- with following suffixes 889 Combinations of the negative potential -kane- with preceding converbs 894 Combinations of the negative potential -kane- with following suffixes and auxiliaries 894 Combinations of the benefactive -kǝse- with preceding converbs 899 Combinations of the benefactive -kǝse- with following suffixes 899 Combinations of the honorific tamap- with preceding converbs 903 Combinations of the honorific wos- with following suffixes 917 Combinations of the honorific kikǝs- with following suffixes and auxiliaries 919 Combinations of the reported action auxiliary nar- with following suffixes 947 Combinations of the topic particle pa with preceding morphemes 1067 Combinations of the topic particle pa with following particles 1068 Combinations of the focus particle mǝ with preceding morphemes 1082 Combinations of the focus particle mǝ with following particles 1083 Statistics for the focus particle sǝ ~ nzǝ in the earliest texts 1094 Combinations of the focus particle sǝ ~ nzǝ with preceding morphemes 1095 Combinations of the focus particle namo with preceding morphemes 1105

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Charts

107 Combinations of the focus particle kǝsǝ with preceding morphemes 1110 108 Combinations of the focus particle kǝsǝ with the following particles 1110 109 Combinations of the interrogative particle ya with different verbal forms of final predication 1118 110 Combinations of the emphatic particle si with preceding morphemes 1154 111 Combinations of the emphatic particle si with following particles 1155 112 Combinations of the emphatic particle mǝ with other particles 1162 113 Combinations of the emphatic particle ya with other particles 1167

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chapter 1 Sources and Previous Scholarship

∵

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Contents of Chapter 1 Chapter 1 Sources and Previous Scholarship 4 1 Sources 4 2 Previous Scholarship 20

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Section 1

Sources This book is predominantly based on Asuka (592–710 CE) and Nara (710–794 CE) periods literary texts written completely or almost completely phonographically in man’yōgana syllabic signs (see Chapter 2 for details), with the exception of the Senmyō and Norito, which have few elements written phonographically. Nevertheless, these two texts were used extensively in this study, as they are the only representatives of Old Japanese prose. Other texts that are written either completely logographically, or just partially phonographically were also consulted. However, I only used these sources occasionally as supplemental materials. Supplemental sources were consulted only in cases where the described grammatical forms were either not present at all in major sources or their attestation in major sources was limited and/or insufficient for descriptive purposes. All of the major sources listed below were digitized between 1993–1999 both in their romanization and man’yōgana forms, constituting the second largest database of phonographically written Old Japanese texts available electronically.1 Major sources are as follows (in chronological order): 1) The Kojiki kayō [The Songs of the Kojiki] (古事記歌謡, KK)—112 poems (113 in an alternative count) from the Kojiki [The Records of Ancient Matters] (古事記), written completely phonographically. The narrative text itself is written in hentai kanbun—Classical Chinese that is influenced considerably by Japanese, and even includes some elements, completely alien to Chinese, such as, e.g., the character 坐 used to indicate the Old Japanese honorific auxiliary -[i]mas-. Besides the above-mentioned poems, the text of the Kojiki includes a great number of personal names, place names, and even nonproper nouns recorded phonographically. However, this material is more of an interest to a lexicographer, and since the present monograph centers on Old Japanese morphosyntax rather than on Old Japanese vocabulary, for the most part it has been left out. The Kojiki text was edited by Ō-no Yasumaro on the orders of Empress Genmei (661–721 CE, ruled in 707–715 CE) in 711 CE and took its final shape in 712 CE, the third year of the Nara period. However, Ō-no Yasumaro’s work was based on the corpus of the Teiō hitsugi [The Imperial 1  Oxford-NINJAL electronic corpus of Old Japanese that appeared since then (Frellesvig 2009) is overall bigger as it includes many logographically written texts, but it presents no glossing.

© Alexander Vovin, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004422810_002

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Sources and Previous Scholarship

5

Genealogies] (帝王日継) and the Sendai Kuji [Ancient Traditions] (先代旧辞), which Emperor Tenmu (d. 686 CE, ruled 673–686 CE) ordered Hieda-no Are to recite from his/her2 memory. It is quite possible that other historical sources of the seventh century, no longer extant today, such as the Tennōki [The History of the Imperial Family] (天皇記), the Kokuki [The History of the State] (国記), and the Hongi [The Official History] (本記) were used, too. All Kojiki poems are written completely phonographically, without a single use of a logogram. The language is very archaic, judging from both the spelling system and grammar. Certain grammatical forms and vocabulary items are difficult to explain, so abundant differences in commentaries and explanations exist. There are numerous modern editions with commentaries of the whole Kojiki text as well as of the texts of poems alone. The Nihon koten bungaku taikei [Series of the Japanese Classical Literature] from the Iwanami publishing house include both Tsuchihashi Yutaka’s edition and commentary of the poems texts themselves (Tsuchihashi 1957) and Kurano Kenji’s edition and commentary of the whole Kojiki text (Kurano 1958). Tsuchihasi has also published later a more extended commentary on the Kojiki poems (Tsuchihashi 1972). The Nihon koten bungaku zenshū [A Complete Collection of Japanese Classical Literature] from the Shōgakukan publishing company has Ogihara Asao’s commentary of the Kojiki text (Ogihara and Kōnosu 1973). Another comprehensive edition of the entire Kojiki text is found in the Nihon shisō taikei [Series on Japanese Thought] from the Iwanami publishing house (Aoki, Ishimoda, Kobayashi, and Saeki 1982). One more detailed commentary on the texts of the poems is by Aiso Teizō (Aiso 1962). Finally, the fundamental Kojiki taikei (Series on Kojiki) has to be mentioned: it includes an edition of the text with commentaries (Kurano 1957), as well as detailed indexes (Takagi and Toyama 1974a, 1977), and an edition of the text tailored to indexes (Takagi and Toyama 1974b). As mentioned earlier, the various commentators of the Kojiki text disagree on the song count: Tsuchihashi and Aoki et al. recognize 112 songs, while Ogihara, Kurano, and Aiso count 113. The different count starts pretty early in the text: Ogihara, Kurano and Aiso count the KK 3 in Tsuchihashi and Aoki’s count as two poems, so Tsuchihashi and Aoki’s KK 4 becomes KK 5 in Ogihara, Kurano and Aoki’s editions, etc. I have followed Tsuchihashi and Aoki et al.’s count of 112 poems. In most, but not all cases, I also followed Tsuchihashi in his interpretation of the Kojiki poems. There are numerous cases, especially when it comes to obscure 2  It is not known for sure whether Hieda-no Are was male or female, but since the female name Areko is attested in the Mino province census, the first option is much more likely.

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6

Chapter 1

passages and words, when I opted for interpretations based on other commentaries mentioned above or even used my own solutions. This critical approach has been adopted not only for the Kojiki kayō text but also for the other Old Japanese texts as well. Although such an approach may be seen as eclectic by some, in my opinion it constitutes the only possible option, if one wants to get the most pertinent information on the language of the period, rather than to blindly follow a single commentator. 2) Four poems from the Jōgū Shōtoku hōō teisetsu [A Biography of Prince Shōtoku, King of the Law] (上宮聖徳法王帝説, TS). The Jōgū Shōtoku hōō teisetsu is a biography of the prince Shōtoku Taishi. The author is unknown. It is believed to have been compiled in the beginning or the middle of the Heian period, but it is undoubtedly based on the materials from the second part of the seventh century. The text itself is written in kanbun (Japanese version of Classical Chinese), but there are four poems and many personal names written phonographically in Old Japanese. Judging by the consistency of spellings (there is no confusion between kō-rui /mwo/ and otsu-rui /mǝ/), the poems are likely to belong to Asuka period. The Jōgū Shōtoku hōō teisetsu is published with extensive commentaries in the Shōtoku Taishi shū by Ienaga Saburō and Tsukishima Hiroshi (Ienaga, Fujieda, Hayashima, and Tsukishima 1975) in the Nihon shisō taikei series. 3) The Nihonshoki kayō [The Songs of the Nihonshoki] (日本書紀歌謡, NK)—128 poems from the Nihonshoki [The Annals of Japan] (日本書紀), written completely phonographically. The narrative portions of this text, in contrast to the Kojiki are written in standard Classical Chinese. Similar to the Kojiki, a great number of personal and place names are also written phonographically, although the number of non-proper nouns recorded is significantly less than in the Kojiki. Similar to the same kind of materials in the Kojiki, this material is more of interest to a lexicographer, and since the present monograph centers on Old Japanese morphosyntax rather than on Old Japanese vocabulary, for the most part it has been left out. The chief compiler of the Nihonshoki is believed to be prince Toneri (676?–735 CE), the third son of Emperor Tenmu, who finished the compilation of this work with his companions, including Ō-no Yasumaro, the compiler of the Kojiki, in 720 CE. A significant number of poems recorded in the Nihonshoki overlap with those from the Kojiki. However, since the Nihonshoki mostly uses a different type of spelling system than the Kojiki and other Old Japanese texts, it is actually a blessing rather than a curse for a linguist who wants to reconstruct Old Japanese phonology. Both Mori (1991) and Miyake (1999, 2003) utilized this fact to a considerable advantage in their works. The grammar of the language used in the Nihonshoki is as archaic as

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Sources and Previous Scholarship

7

that in the Kojiki, but the spelling system in all probability reflects the phonology of the early Nara period rather than the Asuka period. There are numerous modern editions with commentaries of the entire Nihonshoki text as well as of the texts of poems alone. The Nihon koten bungaku taikei [Series of Japanese Classical Literature] from the Iwanami publishing house include both Tsuchihashi Yutaka’s edition and commentary of the poems texts themselves (Tsuchihashi 1957) and Sakamoto Tarō, Ienaga Saburō, Inoue Mitsusada, and Ōno Susumu’s edition and commentary of the entire Nihonshoki text (Sakamoto et al. 1965–67). Tsuchihashi has also published a more extended commentary on the Nihonshoki poems (Tsuchihashi 1976). The Nihon koten bungaku zenshū [A Complete Collection of Japanese Classical Literature] from the Shōgakukan publishing house has Kōnosu Hayao’s commentary of the Nihonshoki poems texts (Ogihara and Kōnosu 1973). One more detailed commentary on the texts of the Nihonshoki poems is by Aiso Teizō (Aiso 1962). An important edition without commentaries of the entire Nihonshoki text, which shows textual differences from different variants, is that by Kuroita Katsumi and Maruyama Jirō (1965–66). In most, but not all cases, I followed Tsuchihashi’s commentaries (Tsuchihashi 1957, 1976) in his interpretations of the Nihonshoki poems. There are numerous cases, especially those that contained obscure passages and words, when I opted for interpretations based on the other commentaries mentioned earlier or devised my own solutions. 4) The Fudoki kayō [The Songs of Fudoki] (風土記歌謡, FK) contains twenty poems. The Fudoki [Gazetteers] (風土記) are geographical descriptions of Old Japanese provinces compiled between 713 and 737 CE, on the orders of Empress Genmei in 713 CE. Only the Izumo fudoki (出雲風土記), the description of the Izumo province is preserved in full; somewhat less complete are the Hitachi fudoki (常陸風土記) and the Harima fudoki (播磨風土記), descriptions of Hitachi province in Kantō and Harima province in Kinki. Even less well preserved are the Hizen fudoki (肥前風土記) and the Bungo fudoki (豊後風土記), the descriptions of Hizen and Bungo provinces in Kyūshū. Descriptions of all other provinces survived only in fragments, if at all. The text of the Fudoki is written in kanbun, but it contains a significant number of personal names and place names written phonographically in addition to the aforementioned poems. Among the twenty poems, nine belong to the Hitachi fudoki. Although not universally recognized, it appears that among the nine poems from the Hitachi fudoki six (FK 2, FK 3, FK 5, FK 7, FK 8, and FK 9) are written in the Eastern Old Japanese, which should come as no surprise, since Hitachi province is located in the Azuma region. On the other hand, it is surprising that

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8

Chapter 1

the seven other poems from Hitachi have no apparent Eastern Old Japanese features. This might suggest that the compilers of the Hitachi Fudoki did some editing. There are several modern editions of the Fudoki texts as well as of its poems. The main edition I relied on was Tsuchihashi’s edition of the poems with his commentary (Tsuchihashi 1957), but other editions were also consulted: Kōnosu’s edition of the Fudoki poems (Ogihara and Kōnosu 1973) and Akimoto Kichirō’s edition of the whole Fudoki text (Akimoto 1958). 5) The Man’yōshū [Anthology of Myriad Leaves] (万葉集) is the largest Japanese poetic anthology, consisting of 4,516 poems. The Man’yōshū is believed to be compiled chiefly by Ōtomo-no Yakamochi (717?–785 CE), a midand late-Nara period politician and poet, sometime in or soon after 759 CE.3 Although the Man’yōshū, which consists of twenty volumes (maki, 巻), is the largest extant Old Japanese text, it is also the most heterogeneous in a linguistic sense. It includes the texts written both phonographically, partially phonographically, and almost non-phonographically. Some parts of the Man’yōshū are written not in the standard Western Old Japanese dialect of the capital Nara and the surrounding areas, but in the Eastern Old Japanese dialect of the Kantō and Southern Chūbu (at that time known as Azuma) areas (considerable parts of the volumes 14 and 20). Chronologically, the Man’yōshū includes poems composed from the late sixth century, if not earlier, to 759 CE. The present study relies heavily on volumes 5, 15, 17, 18, and 20, which reflect Western Old Japanese recorded phonographically or almost completely phonographically, as well as on volumes 14 and 20, where Eastern Old Japanese has been recorded phonographically. In spite of this heavy emphasis on phonographically written texts, other volumes have not been neglected either, and a substantial number of examples from these volumes is provided as well. The heterogeneous nature of the Man’yōshū text, as well as its sheer volume, calls for a brief description of each individual volume in this anthology. MYS 1 (#1–#84) includes eighty-four miscellaneous poems (zōka, 雑歌),4 arranged in chronological order. Tradition attributes the poems of MYS 1 from the 3  The last poem in the Man’yōshū, MYS 20.4516, was composed by Ōtomo-no Yakamochi at the New Year’s banquet in 759 CE. 4  Miscellaneous poems (zōka) represent poems composed on occasions of royal trips, banquets, journeys, nature, miscellaneous objects, etc. The classification of poetic genres in the Man’yōshū is based largely on the Chinese model, but at many times it turns out to be difficult to squeeze Japanese poetry into the Procrustean bed of the Chinese one. Quite frequently, the Chinese genre classification is violated, or even outright replaced with a more appropriate Japanese one, as, e.g., mondōka ‘question and answer poems’ alien to the Chinese poetic system.

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rule of Emperor Yūryaku (雄略, 457–473 CE) to the Nara period (710–784 CE), but most likely the earliest specimens do not predate the early seventh century. There are different authors in this volume, but there is quite a significant percentage of poems written by or attributed to emperors and empresses. This volume exhibits predominantly mixed logographic and phonographic spelling, although quite a few songs are written with very few phonographic elements at all, or, just the opposite include quite a good portion of phonographic writing. My own electronic database of Old Japanese texts includes only MYS 5, 14, 15, 17, 18, and 20, which constitute the major sources for this grammar. MYS 1 was used as a supplemental source for this grammar, but I did not digitize it myself nor any of the other remaining volumes of the Man’yōshū. However, now an electronic version of it is available on a new Man’yōshū CD-ROM (Kinoshita 2001). MYS 2 (#85–#234) includes 150 poems of love and affection (sōmon, 相聞)5 and elegies (banka, 挽歌),6 also arranged in chronological order. Tradition attributes the poems of MYS 2 from the rule of Emperor Nintoku (仁徳, 313–393 CE) to the 715 CE, but most likely the earliest specimens do not predate the early seventh century, either. The poems were composed by various authors. The spelling is largely logographic, with a few phonographic elements, normally indicating particles or (more seldom) other grammatical elements. MYS 2 was used as a supplemental source for this grammar. MYS 3 (#235–#483) includes 249 poems in the genres of zōka, banka, and allegorical poems (hiyuka, 比喩歌). Not arranged in chronological order, but according to tradition the poems range from the end of the sixth century to 748 CE. As is the case with the two previous volumes, the earliest poems are unlikely to be earlier than the early seventh century. The poems were composed by various authors. The spelling is largely logographic, with few phonographic elements. The spelling system is very close to the one employed in MYS 2, although some grammatical elements appear to be spelled phonographically more frequently than in MYS 2. MYS 3 was used as a supplemental source for this grammar. MYS 4 (#484–#792) includes 309 poems in the sōmon genre, arranged chronologically according to the tradition from the rule of Emperor Nintoku (仁徳, 313–393 CE) to the 748 CE, but most likely the earliest specimens do not predate early seventh century, either. The poems were composed by various authors. The spelling system is identical with MYS 3. MYS 4 was used as a supplemental source for this grammar. 5  Besides the usual love songs, poems of love and affection (sōmon) also include poems on friendship and relationship between sovereign and retainer. 6  Elegies (banka) are poems on death, parting, sorrow, and absence from the capital.

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MYS 5 (#793–#906) includes 114 poems that are considered to be traditionally in the zōka genre, although some of them can be definitely classified as banka, since they deal with death and sorrow. All the poems in this volume were composed between 724 and 734 CE, which represents a much greater chronological homogeneity in comparison with MYS 1–4. Most of the poems in this volume belong to Yamanoue-no Okura (山上憶良, 660–733 CE), one of the greatest Man’yōshū poets, who was possibly a Korean from Kudara (Paekche), or at least a descendant of Kudara immigrants to Japan. Yamanoue-no Okura is also a well known outstanding scholar of the Chinese classics and Buddhism. The spelling system in this volume is predominantly phonographic, with rather few exceptions. In addition, the spelling system appears to reflect early Western Old Japanese, as demonstrated by Bentley 1997. The same can be said about its overall grammatical features. Together with the Kojiki kayō, Jōgū Shōtoku hōō teisetsu, Nihonshoki kayō, and Fudoki kayō, it constitutes one of the sources on early Western Old Japanese.7 MYS 5 was used as a major source for this grammar and was fully digitized. MYS 6 (#907–#1067) includes 161 poems in the sōmon genre. All of these poems date from 723–744 CE, representing a just slightly less tight chronological frame than MYS 5. The poems were composed by various authors. The spelling system is mostly logographic, being identical to the one employed in MYS 2 and MYS 4. MYS 6 was used as a supplemental source for this grammar. MYS 7 (#1068–#1417) includes 350 poems written in the sōmon genre. Most of the poems in this volume have no dates, but they are usually believed to be from the first part of the eighth century. The poems were composed by various authors. The spelling system is mostly logographic. Mizushima Yoshiharu believes that poem #1265 in this volume is a Sakimori poem (Mizushima 2003: 863). However, the poem in question is written almost completely in logographic script; therefore it is impossible to define whether it represents an Eastern Old Japanese text. MYS 7 was used as a supplemental source for this grammar. MYS 8 (#1418–#1663) includes 246 poems in the zōka and sōmon genres. Similar to MYS 7, most of the poems in this volume have no dates, but they are believed to be from the late seventh–early eighth centuries. The poems were composed by various authors. The spelling system is mostly logographic. MYS 8 was used as a supplemental source for this grammar.

7  Although it has become fashionable recently to speak of early and late Western Old Japanese, most likely the differences we see here are between two dialects: Asuka and Nara. Chronologically, of course, the Asuka dialect is attested earlier than the Nara dialect.

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MYS 9 (#1664–#1811) includes 148 poems in the zōka, sōmon, and banka genres. The poems in the zōka genre date up to 729 CE, and the rest are undated, but probably no poems are earlier than the late seventh century. The poems were composed by various authors. The spelling system is mostly logographic. MYS 9 was used as a supplemental source for this grammar. MYS 10 (#1822–#2350) includes 539 poems in the zōka and sōmon genres tailored to the four seasons. These poems are traditionally believed to be from the end of the seventh century, but it is also possible that some of them were composed in the eighth. The poems were composed by various authors. The spelling system is mostly logographic. MYS 10 was used as a supplemental source for this grammar. By the number of the poems included, this is the largest volume in the Man’yōshū. MYS 11 (#2351–#2840) includes 490 poems: 477 anonymous poems in the sōmon genre without dates and thirteen poems in the hiyuka genre from the late seventh–early eighth centuries. The poems were composed by various authors. The spelling system is mostly logographic. MYS 11 was used as a supplemental source for this grammar. MYS 12 (#2841–#3220) includes 380 poems in the sōmon genre. This general classification is violated though, as this volume includes also poems on travel and parting, which are not normally classified as sōmon. In addition, another genre of ‘question and answer poems’ (mondōka, 問答歌)8 is included in this volume, which does not fit into traditional Chinese classification of poetry. Dates are unknown, but most likely these poems are from the late seventh– early eighth centuries. The poems were composed by various authors. The spelling system is mostly logographic. MYS 12 was used as a supplemental source for this grammar. MYS 13 (#3221–#3347) includes 127 poems in the sōmon, zōka, mondōka, hiyuka, and banka genres. None of the poems is dated, but probably none is later than the end of the seventh century. The poems were composed by various authors. The spelling system is mostly logographic. MYS 13 was used as a supplemental source for this grammar. MYS 14 (#3348–#3577) includes 230 poems in zōka, sōmon, hiyuka, and banka genres. The majority of these poems are written in the Eastern Old Japanese (Azuma) dialect. The modern descendant of Eastern Old Japanese survives only in the Hachijō and Aogashima islands; everywhere else in the Kantō region it has been replaced by a variety of Central Japanese. Thus, Eastern Old Japanese poems from MYS 14 along with the sakimori (border guards) poems 8  Question and answer poems (mondōka) are paired poems, where person A asks a question with a poem, and person B replies to this question also with a poem.

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in MYS 20 are a unique source for knowing the non-Central Japanese dialect in the shape it was attested in the eighth century. The poems in this volume are all anonymous and are undated, but at the same time in slightly less than half of the poems there is an indication from which province in the East (吾妻/ 東国, Azuma) a poem comes from. Technically speaking, MYS 14 also includes five poems (#3567–#3571) composed by border guards. With a very few marginal exceptions the spelling system is entirely phonographic. MYS 14 is the major source for comparative data from Eastern Old Japanese used in this grammar, and it was fully digitized. It must be noted though, that a number of poems in MYS 14 look like they are written in flawless Western Old Japanese. MYS 15 (#3578–#3785) includes 208 poems in different genres. Among them, 145 poems belong to members of diplomatic mission to the Silla kingdom (新羅, Shiragi) in 736 CE. The remaining sixty-three poems represent the poetic exchange between Nakatomi-no Yakamori (中臣宅守) and his beloved Sano-no otogami-no wotome (狭野弟上娘子), which was probably composed before 741 CE,9 while he was in exile in Echizen (越前) province. Nineteen poems are composed by Sano-no otogami-no wotome and forty-four by Nakatomi-no Yakamori. The spelling is predominantly phonographic, but in a few occasions logographic spelling is used. MYS 15 is a major source for this grammar, and it was fully digitized. The language of MYS 15 is best defined as late Western Old Japanese. MYS 16 (#3786–#3889) includes 104 poems in a subvariety of the zōka genre: miscellaneous poems on occasion (有由縁雑歌, yoshi aru zōka). None of the poems is dated, but probably none is earlier than the eighth century. The poems were composed by various authors. The spelling system is mixed phonographic-logographic. MYS 16 was used as a supplemental source for this grammar. MYS 17 (#3890–#4031) includes 142 poems with unspecified genres. All poems in this volume were either composed or collected by Ōtomo-no Yakamochi (大伴家持) during 730–748 CE. It is believed that Ōtomo-no Yakamochi (717?–785 CE), the son of another Man’yōshū poet, Ōtomo-no Tabito (大伴 旅人, 665–731 CE) was the chief compiler of the whole Man’yōshū anthology, and he is also known as one of the best Man’yōshū poets himself. Similar to Yamanoue-no Okura and other Man’yōshū poets, he combined his poetic 9  The date of 741 CE is somewhat tentative. The name of Nakatomi-no Yakamori does not appear among those who were subject to the great amnesty in the sixth month of 741 CE, but it is suggested that he was pardoned before that, in the spring of 741 CE. More than twenty years later, Nakatomi-no Yakamori was making more or less a successful career at the court, as he was promoted from the sixth rank to the lower fifth rank in 763 CE.

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activities with political career, although in the latter he was not as successful as Ōtomo-no Tabito. Throughout his life he had to struggle with the declining fortunes of the Ōtomo clan, one of the greatest aristocratic families of the Asuka period, whose role in the Nara period greatly diminished. Ōtomo-no Yakamochi spent five years (746–751 CE) as the governor of Etchū (越中) province, and he returned to Nara in 751 CE with the title of junior counselor (少納言, shōnagon), corresponding to the junior fifth court rank—quite low for the scion of a famous and noble family. Only in 783 CE, two years before his death, was he promoted to middle counselor (中納言, chūnagon), a title corresponding to the third court rank. The spelling system in this volume is predominantly phonographic, although logographic spelling is also used. MYS 17 is a major source for this grammar, and it was fully digitized. The language of MYS 17 is best defined as late Western Old Japanese. MYS 18 (#4032–#4138) includes 107 poems with unspecified genres. All poems in this volume were either composed or collected by Ōtomo-no Yakamochi during 748–750 CE, while he was the governor of Etchū province. The spelling system is predominantly phonographic, although logographic spelling is also used. MYS 18 is a major source for this grammar, and it was fully digitized. The language of MYS 18 is best defined as late Western Old Japanese. MYS 19 (#4139–#4292) includes 154 poems with unspecified genres. Most are composed by Ōtomo-no Yakamochi (103 poems), and the rest of the poems, collected by Ōtomo-no Yakamochi belong to different authors. The poems were composed or collected between 750–753 CE, but the distinct peculiarity of this volume is that it includes a number of rather old poems, the oldest being from the end of the seventh century (#4260). Overall, however, the language of this volume is best defined as late Western Old Japanese. The spelling system of MYS 19 is somewhat unique: for the most part it is mostly logographic, but at the same time there are quite long sequences in many poems written phonographically. Due to this peculiarity, although MYS 19 was digitized, it is still used in this grammar as a supplemental and not a major source. MYS 20 (#4293–#4516) includes 224 poems with unspecified genres. Like the three previous volumes, the poems in MYS 20 are either collected or composed by Ōtomo-no Yakamochi in 753–759 CE. However, in contrast to the previous volume, MYS 19, the poems in MYS 20 are mostly collected. 101 poems, less than half of all the poems included in MYS 20 (#4321–#4359, #4363–#4394, and #4401–#4407, #4413–#4436) were composed by border guards (sakimori) in Eastern Old Japanese.10 Together with the poems from MYS 14 they 10  Since there are sometimes different points of view whether a given poem is a Sakimori poem, I followed (Mizushima 1996) in making a determination.

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constitute a major source on Eastern Old Japanese. However, the volume 20 of the Man’yōshū is linguistically split: poems #4293–#4320, #4360–#4362, #4395–#4400, #4408–#4412, #4433–#4435 and #4437–#4516 are written in late Western Old Japanese, while poems #4321–#4359, #4363–#4394, #4401–#4407, #4413–#4432, and #4436 are in Eastern Old Japanese. Therefore, MYS 20 is used as a major source for this grammar in two respects: poems written in Western Old Japanese constitute the basis for the main part of this grammar, concentrating on Western Old Japanese, and poems in Eastern Old Japanese are the major source for comparative data from Eastern Old Japanese. MYS 20 was fully digitized. Annotating in detail all modern editions of the Man’yōshū with commentaries will undoubtedly require a full monograph treatment, roughly comparable in size to the present book. Therefore, only major editions relevant to this study will be discussed below. The main editions I relied on are by Takagi Ichinosuke, Gomi Tomohide, and Ōno Susumu in the Nihon koten bungaku taikei (Takagi et al. 1957–62), Kojima Noriyuki, Kinoshita Masatoshi, and Satake Akihiro’s edition in the Nihon koten bungaku zenshū (Kojima et al. 1971–75); Nakanishi Susumu’s edition (Nakanishi 1984), more readily available today in paperback (Nakanishi 1978–83),11 and the twenty-two-volume edition by Omodaka Hisataka (Omodaka 1984), including a separate volume on each of the Man’yōshū’s maki, an index volume, and a volume with the original text (本文, honbun). I also occasionally consulted another multivolume edition of the Man’yōshū by Tsuchiya Fumiaki (Tsuchiya 1976–77), although in many respects it is inferior to the one done by Omodaka. Recently, a new edition by Satake Akihiro, Yamada Hideo, Ōtani Masao, and Yamazaki Yoshiyuki appeared in the Shin Nihon koten bungaku taikei series (Satake et al. 1999–2003). There are also several editions presenting only parts of the Man’yōshū written in Eastern Old Japanese: MYS 14 and border guards’ poems from MYS 20. Mizushima Yoshiharu’s edition of MYS 14 together with indexes is one of the best publications the Japanese philological tradition ever produced: it combines photocopies of all manuscript variants of the original text, Mizushima’s readings with commentaries, and all imaginable indexes (Mizushima 1984a). Almost equally superb is Mizushima 2003 edition of border guards’ poems (although no facsimiles are provided). Somewhat less detailed but still very useful is Mizushima Yoshiharu’s edition of both MYS 14 and the border guards’ poems from MYS 20 (much fewer indexes are provided) (Mizushima 1996 (1972)). 11  The paperback edition also has another important advantage: it includes the Man’yōshū jiten [The Man’yōshū encyclopedia] by the same author, which is not included in the hardback edition.

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Hoshino Yukihiko’s edition of the border guards’ poems conveniently combines many of the old commentaries on them (Hoshino 1976). To a certain extent, I also consulted Jan L. Pierson’s edition and translation of the Man’yōshū (Pierson 1929–1966). Although this monumental publication remains the only complete English translation, it is seriously dated in many respects. Any work on such an enormous text as the Man’yōshū is impossible without appropriate indexes. Besides the aforementioned 1984 index by Omodaka, I also extensively used Masamune Atsuo’s two-volume index (Masamune 1974) and the index to the poetic lines in the Man’yōshū (Hiyoshi 1992). The Man’yōshū jiten [Man’yōshū encyclopedia] by Sasaki Nobutsuna has also proven to be very useful (Sasaki 1983). Finally, when the first volume of this work was close to completion, I obtained a new CD-ROM edition of the Man’yōshū by Kinoshita Masatoshi (Kinoshita 2001), and Man’yōshū sakuin by Koten sakuin kakōkai (2003) based on it, which were also very helpful. 6) The Bussoku seki no uta or Bussoku seki ka [Poems about the stone with footprints of the Buddha] (仏足石歌) contains twenty-one poems, preserved as an inscription on a stone now in the possession of the Yakushiji temple in Nara. Poems #11 and #21 have multiple lacunae, and poem #12 is also damaged in two places. The exact date of the inscription is believed to be the same as on the adjacent stone depicting the footprints of Buddha, which was engraved on the request of prince Chinu (智奴王) in 753 CE (Tsuchihashi 1957: 7). Chinu was probably the author of these poems. The spelling system is completely phonographic. The poems were used as a major source for this study and they are completely digitized. The language of the poems is late Western Old Japanese. The edition of the Bussoku seki no uta I used is Tsuchihashi Yutaka’s edition in the Nihon koten bungaku taikei series (Tsuchihashi 1957). There is also Roy A. Miller’s critical edition (Miller 1975), but it is plagued with so many philological mistakes and inconsistencies aggravated by unjustified ad hominem attacks that most of the references made to it in the present study are of a critical nature. 7) The Shoku Nihongi kayō [Poems from the ‘Sequence to the Annals of Japan’] (続日本紀歌謡) contains eight poems from the Shoku Nihongi [Sequence to the Annals of Japan] (続日本紀). The Shoku Nihongi was compiled by Sugano-no Mamichi (菅野真道) and others in 797 CE. It comprises forty volumes (maki), and describes events from 697 to 791 CE. The poems themselves range from 738 CE to the reign of Emperor Kōnin (光仁, 770–781 CE), clearly representing late Western Old Japanese. The spelling is phonographic. The poems were used as a major source and are fully digitized.

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The editions of the Shoku Nihongi kayō I used are Tsuchihashi Yutaka’s edition in the Nihon koten bungaku taikei series (Tsuchihashi 1957) and Kōnosu Hayao’s edition in the Nihon koten bungaku zenshū (Ogihara and Kōnosu 1973). Also, there is a recent edition of the complete Shoku Nihongi text in five volumes in Shin Nihon koten bungaku taikei series (Aoki et al. 1989–98), by Aoki Kazuo, Inaoka Kōji, Sasayama Haruo, and Shirafuji Noriyuki, accompanied by a separate volume with an index and chronological charts by Sasayama Haruo and Yoshimura Takehiko (Sasayama and Yoshimura 2000), which was also consulted. 8) The Senmyō or Mikotonori [Imperial edicts] (宣命) contains sixty-two edicts recorded in the Shoku Nihongi and one more edict on the vow to the Asuka temple, which was discovered among the Gangōji temple documents. The earliest edict is from 697 CE and the latest one is dated by 789 CE. In spite of the fact that most of the edicts except the first eight are dated from 742 CE, they probably represent mostly early Western Old Japanese, since the language appears to be quite archaic in many respects. The archaic nature of the language is probably due to the ritual role of the imperial edicts. The spelling is predominantly logographic, with only some grammatical elements and proper names spelled phonographically. Nevertheless, the Senmyō text was treated as a major source for this study, because it is the only Old Japanese text written in prose that is quite homogeneous, and recorded quite early in contrast to another Old Japanese text, Norito [Liturgies] that is less homogeneous and was not recorded until the tenth century. The text of the Senmyō was fully digitized. I used two editions of the Senmyō: Kaneko Takeo’s edition with extensive commentaries (Kaneko 1989) and Kitagawa Kazuhide’s edition without commentaries but with several comprehensive indexes and with indication of textual variants (Kitagawa 1982), which perfectly complement each other. In addition, the full edition of the Shoku Nihongi text (Aoki et al. 1989–98) was also consulted. 9) The Norito [Liturgies] (祝詞) is a heterogeneous text, where the first fifteen liturgies found in volume eight of the Engishiki [Ceremonies of the Engi years] (延喜式) reflect pre-750 Western Old Japanese, and others from this volume were written after this date, possibly even in early Heian period (Bentley 2001: 25–26). One more Norito that appears to be ancient (Bentley 2001: 26) is found in volume sixteen of the Engishiki. The Norito uses the same type of mixed logographic-phonographic script as the Senmyō. The Norito was used as a supplemental source for this grammar, for two reasons. First, the combined text of the sixteen Norito that can be dated safely as Old Japanese is relatively short,

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and there is much longer text of the Senmyō that also represents prose. Second, there is a detailed grammar of these sixteen Norito in English (Bentley 2001). I mostly relied on Bentley’s critical text (Bentley 2001: 264–273), but in addition I also consulted Takeda Yūkichi’s critical edition (Takeda 1974). 10) The Nihon ryōiki or Nihon reiiki [Japanese tales of wonders] (日本霊 異記) is a collection of stories and legends with a didactic Buddhist flavor in three volumes (maki). It was compiled by the Yakushiji temple monk Keikai (景戒) in the beginning of the Heian period and includes stories up to the 824 CE, which is usually believed to be the year of its compilation. The Nihon ryōiki is a text written in kanbun, but it contains invaluable lexical material and also occasional phrases and sentences written phonographically in Old Japanese. The Nihon ryōiki Old Japanese fragments represent late Western Old Japanese, and the text was used as a supplemental source for this study. I used Endō Yoshimoto and Kasuga Kazuo’s critical edition of the Nihon ryōiki in the Nihon koten bungaku taikei series (Endō and Kasuga 1967). 11) The Kagura uta [Songs for the Sacred Shintō dances] (神楽歌)—102 songs, preserved in the man’yōgana writing, probably dating from the eighth to the ninth centuries.12 The language of these poems is somewhat mixed: it contains obvious innovations alongside apparent archaisms, so it is difficult to classify it as either early or late Western Old Japanese. Due to its heterogeneous nature, the Kagura uta were used as a supplemental source for the present study. I used Konishi Jin’ichi’s critical edition of the Kagura uta in the Nihon koten bungaku taikei series (Konishi 1957). 12) The Shōsōin documents, the documents dating from the seventh to the eighth centuries preserved in the Shōsōin (正倉院) imperial repository in Nara. Similar to the Nihon ryōiki, most documents are written in kanbun, and have only lexical data, occasional phrases or sentences written phonographically in the man’yōgana script. Therefore, the Shōsōin documents were used as a supplemental source for this study. To the best of my knowledge, there is no annotated edition of the Shōsōin documents. I used the multivolume photocopy edition prepared by the Imperial Household Agency (宮内庁) (Kunaichō 1990). Since this is not just a descriptive grammar, a brief outline of the texts written in languages other than Eastern Old Japanese, which are used as a source 12  Seven more are known in the later kana writing: seven are preserved in the Kokin wakashū poetic anthology (921 CE) and two more in the Utsuho monogatari (early tenth century), but these clearly represent Middle and not Old Japanese.

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18

Chapter 1

for comparison with Western Old Japanese is in order. First, and foremost it certainly involves the sister language of Old Japanese, the Ryukyuan language. I extensively used data from both Old Ryukyuan and modern Ryukyuan dialects. The data for the latter are taken from various published sources, which are mentioned in the body of the grammar. For Old Ryukyuan, the data come from the following two sources: 13) The Omoro sōshi [Omoro Records] (おもろさうし)—1,554 poems in Old Ryukyuan, mostly reflecting the variety spoken in and around the capital city of Shuri (首里), but also possibly reflecting to a certain extent the dialects of the outer islands. The poems were recorded in the sixteenth–seventeenth centuries. Many of them have an apparent sacral nature. The poems are recorded in a pseudo-phonographic variety of the hiragana script, exhibiting very strong influence on spellings from the mainland Japanese, with very few logographic signs present. The mainland influence makes the deciphering of the proper Old Ryukyuan phonographic properties based on the Omoro sōshi a very cumbersome and unreliable business, although recently Serafim proposed some interesting insights (see preface for details). Nevertheless, the morphosyntactic structure of the language is reflected quite well even in this imperfect script, and since the morphosyntax of Old Japanese is the primary object of this study, the Omoro sōshi was used as a major comparative source. I used two modern critical editions of the Omoro sōshi: Hokama Shuzen and Saigō Nobutsuna’s edition in the Nihon shisō taikei series (Hokama and Saigō 1972), and Hokama Shuzen’s recent critical edition accompanied with translation into modern Japanese (Hokama 2000). 14) The Ryūka [Ryukyuan Songs] (琉歌)—5,100 poems from the eighteenth to the nineteenth centuries. The poems are recorded in the same cumbersome hiragana script, but with a higher percentage of logographic writing. Similar to the Omoro sōshi, it is a good source on Middle Ryukyuan morphosyntax, but not so much on its phonology. I used Shimizu Akira’s edition of the Ryūka (Shimizu 1994), which includes romanization and translation into modern Japanese. In addition, the critical edition by Shimabukuro Seibin and Onaga Toshio (Shimabukuro and Onaga 1968) was also used. Also, a number of texts written in Korean were consulted. 15) The Hyangka [Songs of the Motherland] (郷歌), twenty-six poems from the sixth to the tenth centuries. There are fourteen Hyangka poems from the sixth to the eighth centuries, recorded in the historical-mythological source

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Sources and Previous Scholarship

19

Samkwuk yusa [Events Remaining from the Three Kingdoms] (三国遺事) compiled by monk Ilyen (一然) in 1283 CE, eleven recorded in the Kyunye cen [Biography of Kyunye] (均如伝, 1079 CE), attributed to the tenth-century Korean monk Kyunye, and one preserved in the Kolye sa [Koryo history] (高麗史, fourteenth century), representing a poem from the tenth century. I used Kim Wancin’s and Yu Changkyun’s editions of the Hyangka (Kim 1980), (Yu 1996). 16) The Yongpi echenka [Songs of the Dragons Flying in the Sky] (龍飛御 天歌), the first text written in hankul, the newly invented Korean alphabet, in 1447 CE. It is a long poem in 125 stanzas. Many archaic features of the language, not found in even slightly later texts, are preserved in this text. I used the edition with commentary by Kim Sangek (Kim 1983) and the facsimile edition from the Academy of Korean Studies (Hankwukhak yenkwuwen 1988.6). 17) The Sekpo sangcel [Buddha jataka stories] (釈譜詳節), compiled by prince Swuyang (首陽) (future king Seycwo (世祖)) in 1449 CE on occasion of queen Swohen’s (昭憲) death. I used the facsimile edition from the Academy of Korean Studies (Hankwukhak yenkwuwen 1988.3). 18) The Welin sekpo [Welin chen kang ci kwok and Sekpo sangcel combined] (月印釈譜), a combined edition of the Sekpo sangcel and Welin chen kang ci kwok [A Song for the Moon Reflected in One Thousand Rivers] (月印千江 之曲, 1449 CE) done by a group of Confucian scholars on the orders of King Seycwo in 1459 CE. I used Kang Kyusen’s facsimile edition with commentary of volumes 1–2 (Kang 1998), Kim Yengpay’s facsimile edition with commentary of volumes 7–10 (Kim 1993, 1994) and Cang Seykyeng’s facsimile edition with commentary of volumes 17–18 (Cang 1995). 19) Kumkang kyeng samka hay [An Explanation of the Diamond Sutra by Three Scholars] (金剛經三家解), an annotated edition and translation into Korean of the Diamond Sutra, published in 1482 CE. I used the facsimile edition from the Hankul Society (Hankul hakhoy 1960–61).

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Section 2

Previous Scholarship The best studied aspect of Western Old Japanese, both inside and outside Japan, is its phonology. Numerous monographs, dissertations, and articles have been written on Old Japanese phonology, such as Arisaka (1932, 1955), Hashimoto (1938, 1950, 1966), Pierson (1929), Yoshitake (1934), Ōno (1953), Mabuchi (1957), Lange (1973), Unger (1977), Whitman (1985), Martin (1987), Mori (1991), Morishige (1993), Bentley (1997), Miyake (1999, 2003). I will not discuss in detail the previous work on Old Japanese phonology here, as the present work centers on the morphosyntax of Western Old Japanese. Interested readers can find a wonderful and most up-to-date discussion of all previous scholarship in the field of Western Old Japanese phonology in Marc Miyake’s dissertation (Miyake 1999: 90–129), or his book (Miyake 2003: 43–65). In contrast to the research on Western Old Japanese phonology, there are very few general descriptions of the Western Old Japanese language grammar published even in Japanese. Surprisingly enough, none of these descriptions is complete. The main and the most detailed of them is Yamada Yoshio’s grammar, first published in 1912, which since underwent several enlarged and corrected editions and many reprints (Yamada 1954). This grammar is accessible only to the people who have mastered Classical Japanese, as it is written in bungo. It is quite detailed, but nevertheless it is not complete: several areas of Old Japanese morphosyntax are not treated at all, for example, there is no discussion of numerals. In addition, Yamada’s grammar does not really differentiate between Western and Eastern Old Japanese, treating them as if they were data from the same language, although he dedicates a special chapter in his grammar on the special ‘grammar usage’ of Eastern Old Japanese. Besides Yamada’s grammar, which in spite of its shortcomings remains the most authoritative treatment of Western Old Japanese grammar to date, there are also several much shorter works. Saeki Umetomo’s first grammar of Old Japanese Jōko no kokugo (Saeki 1933), limited to just 117 pages, is best defined as a sketch of Old Japanese. A later version of the same book appeared under a different title Nara jidai no kokugo (Saeki 1950), which has since undergone several new enlarged and improved editions. It can be used as a very good introduction to Old Japanese, but nevertheless it still remains too sketchy in many details. The recent Old Japanese grammar by Shirafuji Noriyuki (Shirafuji 1987), also suffers from incompleteness: there is no treatment of nouns, pronouns, and numerals in his grammar. However, Shirafuji’s grammar is a welcome

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Sources and Previous Scholarship

21

development in many aspects, such as, for example, the verbal system, and it is more detailed than Saeki’s grammar in the areas it describes. There is only one general grammatical sketch of Old Japanese written in a Western language (Syromiatnikov 1972). There are also several studies of various aspects of Old Japanese grammar that do not represent systematic grammars, such as Mabuchi Kazuo’s two books on Old Japanese, treating separate issues of phonology, lexicon, and morphosyntax (Mabuchi 1972, 1999), and two monographs by Saeki Umetomo dealing with some phonological, morphological, or even textual aspects of Old Japanese texts (Saeki 1963, 1965). In addition, there are several monographlength treatments of the language of particular Old Japanese texts (Kotani 1986; Iwai 1981; Matsuo 1978; Bentley 2001); or of particular parts of grammar (Yoshida 1973; Wada 1994). The grammatical description of Eastern Old Japanese actually fared much better than that of Western Old Japanese: there are three comprehensive monographs on the subject. Hōjō Tadao’s monograph (Hōjō 1966) is predominantly on script and phonology, although it does include a grammatical description as well. A slightly shorter description by Fukuda Yoshisuke (Fukuda 1965) has a more balanced presentation of phonology and grammar, although Hōjō’s study is much more detailed regarding phonology. A more recent study of Eastern Old Japanese with a balanced presentation of phonology and grammar is that of Mizushima Yoshiharu (Mizushima 1984b). This wonderful study is also supported with accurate statistical analysis. In addition, there are also a number of studies on particular grammar topics that do not differentiate between the Asuka–Nara period language and Heian period language, e.g. (Nakanishi 1996), lumping them together as kodaigo (古代語) ‘Old [Japanese] language,’ in opposition to the terminology that differentiates these two: jōdaigo (上代語) ‘Old Japanese’ and chūkogo (中古語) ‘late Old Japanese.’ While there are certain commonalities between these two periods, in my opinion they do represent two different historical stages of the Japanese language, corresponding to Old and Middle Japanese. Therefore, these kinds of studies were consulted minimally, since they are anachronistic, confusing two different periods of language history. Needless to say, there are hundreds of articles published on various aspects of Western Old Japanese grammar. It is neither possible nor necessary to mention them all in this introductory chapter; the reader will find references to some of them throughout the text and in the bibliography.

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chapter 2 Script and Phonology

∵

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Contents of Chapter 2 Chapter 2 Script and Phonology 26 1 Script 28 1.1 Syllabic Script 28 1.2 Rebus Writing 39 2 Phonetics and Phonology 41 2.1 Consonants 41 2.1.1 Labials 42 2.1.2 Dentals 43 2.1.3 Palatals 44 2.1.4 Velars 45 2.2 Vowels 45 2.2.1 Back Vowels 46 2.2.2 Central Vowels 46 2.2.3 Front Vowels 47 2.3 Pitch Accent 48 2.4 Phonotactics 48 2.5 Morphophonological Processes 54 2.5.1 Contraction 55 2.5.2 Monophthongization 56 2.5.3 Nasalization 57 2.5.4 *-r- Loss 58

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This chapter presents a brief outline of Old Japanese script and phonology. I tried to concentrate here on a concise presentation of a state-of-art understanding of both Old Japanese script and phonology to the extent it is necessary for those whose primary goal is learning the Western Old Japanese language and desiring a better understanding of Western Old Japanese texts. Meanwhile, I avoided a detailed treatment of some controversial questions that are predominantly of interest to the specialists in Japanese historical phonology, since dealing with these questions merits its own monograph. Those readers who are interested in a deeper treatment of Old Japanese graphemics and phonetics are referred to an excellent recent monograph by Marc Miyake (2003). I followed Miyake’s solutions for many of the controversial questions the reader is going to see below. For the second edition of this grammar I used a new system for rendering Old Japanese data throughout this book with two exceptions. This system is even more phonetic than any of the previous ones I used, because the targeted auditorium for this book should not be limited to Japanologists, rather, should also include general linguists. It would not be fair to ask general linguists to study the history of the Japanese language in order to be able to understand the system of transcription. Thus, for example the historians of the Japanese language are well aware of the fact that OJ consonants romanized as b, d, g, and z are in fact prenasalized as mb, ⁿd, ŋg and ⁿz. But this is largely unknown by general linguists as well as by Japanologists engaged in the study of other disciplines. Ditto for the vowel /ǝ/ that is normally transcribed by /o/, sometimes with diacritics. I provide below a chart demonstrating the major differences between various systems of transcription. Note that in the current system of romanization the neutralizations of vowels i X ï = i, e X ɛ = e, and o X ǝ = o, are written as kō-vowels i, e, and o for two reasons: a) the first two i X ï = i and e X ɛ = e are found after dentals, w, r, and y, and the third one after labials and w, therefore they are all predictable; b) although ɛ and ǝ (but not ï) are much more frequent in Western Old Japanese than e and o, the result of neutralization found in the Heian period (794–1192 AD) went along with less frequent e and o for the reasons unknown to us, even though we can speculate that the vowels that are found after neutralization are less exotic and more plain than the more frequent ones. The complete Western Old Japanese syllabary will be provided below in Chart 2 in section 1.1.

© Alexander Vovin, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004422810_003

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27

 Script and Phonology chart 1

Major differences between various systems of transcription

Vovin 3a

Vovin 2

Vovin 1

Traditional

Yale

Miller– Mathias

Frellesvig– Whitman

o ǝ i ï e ɛ mb ⁿd ŋg ⁿz

ô ö î ï ê ë mb ⁿd ŋg ⁿz

wo ö yi iy ye ey Np Nt Nk Ns

o ö i ï e ë b d g z

wo o̲ yi iy ye ey b d g z

ô ö î ï ê ë b d g z

wo o i iy ye e b d g z

a Vovin 3 is used in the latest volumes of the Man’yōshū translation and in this edition of the Old Japanese grammar. Vovin 1 is used in the first edition of the Old Japanese grammar and in the earliest volumes of the Man’yōshū translation. Vovin 2 is used in all other volumes of the Man’yōshū translation.

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Section 1

Script There are several writing systems used in Western Old Japanese texts. Most of our major sources are written in either completely phonographic syllabic script usually called man’yōgana (萬葉仮名), or in a mixed logographicphonographic script, where Chinese characters can be used either logographically or phonographically. There are two varieties of the mixed script: one where both logograms and phonograms are written in the same size and the one where phonograms are written in the smaller size than the logograms. The second variety is called Senmyōgaki ‘Senmyō writing’ (宣命書), and as the name suggests, it is used in the Senmyō and also in the Norito. Other texts with mixed script use the first type with the logograms and phonograms of the same size. A number of poems in the Man’yōshū are written exclusively with logograms so that the text represents a Chinese rather than a Japanese text, where scribes attempted to sinicize the script as much as possible, rendering even Japanese grammatical elements with their approximate Chinese equivalents. For example, OJ mi-ⁿz-u ‘see-NEG-FIN’ can be written as MC 不見 [put kEnʰ] ‘NEG see,’ with the negative particle preceding the verb unlike OJ, where negative suffix follows the verbal stem. With the exception of Senmyōgaki, which seems to be restricted to the Senmyō, Norito, and one poem in the Shoku Nihongi kayō (SNK 8), there are, of course, all imaginable combinations of phonographic, mixed logographic-phonographic and ‘pure’ logographic scripts, where both ‘sinicization’ and density of logograms varies to a considerable degree. In some rare cases it may be difficult to draw exact boundary between phonographic and logographic usage. For example, the word umɛ ‘plum blossom’ is frequently written as uMƐ (宇梅) (MYS 843, 3904, 3906, etc.), where the second character is simultaneously a phonogram for syllable /mɛ/ and a logogram ‘plum tree.’ Finally, there are different types of rebus writing that are occasionally used in the Man’yōshū. 1.1 Syllabic Script The man’yōgana syllabic script is represented by two types: ongana and kungana. Ongana employs Japanicized EMC or LMC (and sometimes even LHC) readings of the characters for phonographic values of the syllables, e.g., EMC 加 [kaɨ] ‘add’ is used as a syllabic sign with the reading /ka/. There are two varieties of ongana: variety A, based on EMC readings of the Chinese characters, and variety B, based on LMC readings. Variety A is the dominant one:

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SCRIPT AND PHONOLOGY

29

it is used in all OJ texts except the Nihonshoki, and the variety B is limited to the Nihonshoki.1 There are good reasons to believe that variety A was originally borrowed from similar systems of writing adopted on the Korean peninsula (Kim 1983; Bentley 2001b). Thus, the character readings of variety A are not directly based on EMC readings, but are conditioned by a Korean intermediary. Meanwhile, variety B appears to be modeled directly on LMC readings, although, of course, the same syllabic principle of writing underlies both varieties. There is a significant overlap between varieties A and B, since they share a number of signs. However, other signs remain specific, reflecting the differences between EMC and LMC. Different phonetic mergers within each variety represent the major difference between varieties A and B. Thus, variety A often uses the same signs for syllables containing initial voiceless obstruents /C/ and prenasalized voiced /ᶰC/,2 keeping the nasal sonorants /m/ and /n/ transcribed in a different way. On the other hand, variety B frequently employs the same signs for syllables with prenasalized voiced obstruents and nasal sonorants, keeping voiceless obstruents distinct. Kungana employs the Japanese readings of the characters for their phonographic values irrespective of their meanings. For example, character 田 ‘rice field’ (Japanese reading /ta/) and character 名 ‘name’ (Japanese reading /na/) are used to write syllables [ta] and [na] respectively. Overall, in predominantly phonographic texts kungana is used much more rarely than ongana both quantitatively and qualitatively. It is more typical for the Man’yōshū than for any other OJ texts, but even in the Man’yōshū it is comparatively infrequent with the exception of books written in the mixed logographic-phonographic script. Very few of these kungana signs are included into Omodaka et al. (1967), Osterkamp (2011), and Bentley (2016). Admittedly, some of these graphs are extremely rare, appearing only once or twice in the whole anthology, but so are some of the monosyllabic ongana included in Omodaka et al. (1967) and Bentley (2016). In addition, not every possible syllable has a corresponding kungana, while ongana exists for all syllables with a minor exception of syllable [ⁿzo] in variety B. The rare usage of kungana is especially noticeable for the most syllables that contain prenasalized obstruent initials [mb], [ⁿd], [ŋg], [ⁿz], as well as flap [r]. As with all early syllabic scripts, the polyphonic principle is largely at work in man’yōgana. The polyphonic principle manifests itself in two facts: a) a 1  There is a theory that the Nihonshoki’s ongana itself includes two varieties, alpha and beta (Mori 1991). However, I agree with Miyake that there are very significant arguments against this theory (Miyake 2003: 57–60). 2  This manifests itself primarily in the inconsistent spelling of the syllables with prenasalized consonants, which may be spelt as if they were voiceless. The reverse (that is, spelling of syllables with voiceless consonants as if they were prenasalized) is less frequent.

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30

Chapter 2

syllable can normally be written with more than one written signs; b) a written sign can have different phonographic values. The polyphonic principle is well illustrated by the chart of the man’yōgana signs below. Thus, for example, the syllable /ka/ can be transcribed by the ongana signs 加 迦 可 賀 訶 珂 箇 架 嘉 甲 甘 敢 in variety A and by ongana signs 加 迦 可 賀 訶 河 箇 伽 舸 歌 軻 柯 介 甲 甘 in variety B. Not every given syllable has so many possibilities, but cases when only one or two signs are used, like in the case of the syllable /ⁿze/ written with only one character 是 in variety A and with only two characters 筮 噬 in variety B, are quite rare. A number of the man’yōgana signs are disyllabic, that is, they transcribe not one syllable but two. Since there were no syllable final consonants in Old Japanese, some of the Chinese characters that had readings with final consonants were provided with an extra vowel after the consonant. In some of cases, it is an echo vowel, like, for example, MC 壱 /it/ transcribing OJ sequence /iti/, but in the other cases the second vowel may be unpredictable, for example, MC 因 /in/ transcribing OJ sequence /ina/. Care must be taken, since a number of disyllabic signs can be also used as monosyllabic, thus, for example, MC 南 / nam/ can render both OJ monosyllable /na/ and a disyllabic sequence /nami/. Overall, however, disyllabic graphemes are used infrequently. They mostly appear in transcriptions of proper nouns, and sometimes in the texts written predominantly with logograms. Their usage in mostly phonographically written texts is quite close to non-existent. It is also necessary to note that some (but not all) characters are used both as ongana and kungana. For example, character 田 ‘rice field’ may function as ongana for syllable [ⁿde] and as kungana for syllable [ta], or character 世 is used as ongana for syllable [se] and kungana for syllable [yǝ]. Below, I present a chart that includes syllabic signs from both varieties. chart 2

Man’yōgana signs in varieties A and B

Transcription

Variety A

Variety B

a

ongana: 阿 安 kungana: 足 吾 鳴呼 disyllabic ongana: 英 [aŋga] disyllabic kungana: 赤 [aka] 金 [aki] 朝 [asa] 相 [api] [apu] [ara] 荒 [ara] 在 [ari, aru] trisyllabic kungana: 茜, 茜草 [akane]

ongana: 阿 安 婀 鞅 kungana: 足 吾

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31

SCRIPT AND PHONOLOGY chart 2

Man’yōgana signs in varieties A and B (cont.)

Transcription

Variety A

Variety B

i

ongana: 伊 夷 以 怡 異 移 因 印 壱 已 kungana: 射 五十 馬声 disyllabic ongana: 因 [ina] 印 [ina] 壱 [iti] 盤 [ipa] disyllabic kungana: 勇 [isa] 乞 [iⁿde] 五百 [ipo] ongana: 于 汙 宇 有 羽 烏 雲 kungana: 氐 菟 卯 得 disyllabic ongana: 雲 [una] 鬱 [utu] disyllabic kungana: 打 [uti] 敲 [uti] 浦 [ura] ongana: 衣 愛 依 kungana: 得 榎 荏 ongana: 意 於 応 乙 憶 飫 disyllabic ongana: 乙 [otu] 邑 [opi, opu, opo] disyllabic kungana: 忍 [osi] ongana: 加 迦 可 賀 珂 箇 架 嘉 甲 甘 敢 kungana: 鹿 香 蚊 芳 歟 所 disyllabic ongana: 甘 [kamu] 敢 [kamu] 漢 [kani] 干 [kani] 葛 [katu] 甲 [kapi] 香 [kaŋgu] 高 [kaŋgu] 各 [kaku] 閑 [kana] disyllabic kungana: 借 [kasi] 方 [kata] 鴨 [kamo] 辛 [kara] 柄 [kara] 韓 [kara] trisyllabic kungana: 限 [kaŋgiru] ongana: 支 伎 吉 岐 棄 枳 企 芡 kungana: 寸 杵 來

ongana: 伊 以 怡 異

u

e o

ka

ki

kï

ongana: 紀 幾 貴 奇 騎a 綺 寄 記 kungana: 城 木 樹

易因壱

kungana: 胆 disyllabic ongana: 因[ina] 壱 [iti] ongana: 于 汙 宇 羽 紆 禹 kungana: 鵜 菟 disyllabic ongana: 鬱 [utu] ongana: 愛 哀 埃 ongana: 意 於 淤 乙 憶飫

disyllabic ongana: 乙 [otu] 磤 [onǝ] ongana: 加 迦 可 哿 賀 訶河箇伽舸歌軻柯 介甲甘 kungana: 髪 鹿 香 蚊 disyllabic ongana: 甘 [kamu] 甲 [kapi] 香 [kaŋgu] 覚 [kaku]

ongana: 吉 岐 棄 枳 企 耆祇祁

kungana: 寸 杵 ongana: 紀 幾 奇 基 機 己既気

kungana: 城 木 樹 黄

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32 chart 2

Chapter 2 Man’yōgana signs in varieties A and B (cont.)

Transcription

Variety A

Variety B

ku

ongana: 久 玖 口 群 苦 丘 九 鳩 君 kungana: 來 國 disyllabic ongana: 君 [kuni] disyllabic kungana: 草 [kusa] 國 [kuni]

ongana: 久 玖 句 苦 倶 区

ke

kɛ

ongana: 祁 家 計 鶏 介 奚 谿 価 係 結 kungana: 異 disyllabic ongana: 兼 [kemu] 監 [kemu] 険 [kemu] ongana: 氣 既 kungana: 毛 食 飼 消

ko

ongana: 古 故 庫 祜 姑 孤 枯 kungana: 子 兒 籠小 粉

kǝ

ongana: 己 許 巨 居 去 虚 忌 興 kungana: 木 disyllabic ongana: 金 [kǝmu] 今 [kǝmu] 近 [kǝnǝ] 乞 [kǝti] 興 [kǝŋgǝ] disyllabic kungana: 乞 [kǝsǝ] 言 [kǝtǝ] 來 [kǝrǝ] ongana: 何 我 賀 河 蛾 disyllabic kungana: 金 [ŋgane] 柄 [ŋgara] ongana: 藝 芸 祇 岐 伎 ongana: 疑 宜 義 ongana: 具 遇 求 隅 群 disyllabic ongana: 群 [ŋguni/ŋguri] disyllabic kungana: 晩 [ŋgura] ongana: 牙 雅 夏 ongana: 義 宜 㝵 ongana: 胡 呉 候 後 虞 吾 kungana: 籠

ŋga ŋgi ŋgï

ŋgu

ŋge　 ŋgɛ　 ŋgo

勾矩絇衢寠訓履 kungana: 來

disyllabic ongana: 訓 [kuni] 菊 [kuku] ongana: 祁 家 計 鶏 稽 啓

ongana: 氣 居 該 戒 階 開 慨凱穊愷 kungana: 毛 食 笥 ongana: 古 故 庫 姑 孤 固顧 kungana: 子 児 籠 小 ongana: 許 巨 居 去 虚 挙莒拠渠興 kungana: 木

disyllabic ongana: 興 [kǝŋgǝ]

ongana: 我 賀 餓 峨 俄 鵝 ongana: 藝 芸 伎 儀 蟻 𡺸 ongana: 疑 擬 ongana: 具 遇 愚 虞 群 disyllabic ongana: 群 [ŋguni/ŋguri] ongana: 霓 ongana: 㝵 礙 皚 ongana: 胡 呉 吾 誤 悟 娯

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33

SCRIPT AND PHONOLOGY chart 2

Man’yōgana signs in varieties A and B (cont.)

Transcription

Variety A

Variety B

ŋgǝ

ongana: 其 期 碁 凝 ongana: 佐 沙 作 左 者 柴 紗 草 匝 讃

ongana: 語 御 馭 ongana: 佐 沙 作 左 瑳 磋

散尺積

舎差匝讃尺 kungana: 狭

sa

si

kungana: 狭 猨 羅 disyllabic ongana: 三 [samu] 雜 [sapa] [sapi] 障 [apa] [api] [apu] 匝 [sapi] 颯 [sapu] 讃 [sanu] 散 [sani] 薩 [sati] [satu] 相 [saŋga] [saŋgu] 尺 [saka] 作 [saka] [saku] 積 [saka] disyllabic kungana: 坂 [saka] 前 [saki] 辟 [saki] 樂 [sasa]b 刺 [sasu] 澤 [sapa] 禁 [sapɛ] 去 [sari] 核 [sane] ongana: 斯 志 之 師 紫 新 四 子 思 司 芝 詩旨寺時指此至次死偲事詞信 kungana: 爲 磯 disyllabic ongana: 信 [sina] 鍾 [siŋgu] 色 [siki/sikǝ] 餝 [sika] 式 [siki] 拭 [siki] 叔

su

se

so

[siku] disyllabic kungana: 及 [siki/siku] 科 [sina] 小竹 [sino] 塩 [sipo] 嶋 [sima] ongana: 湏 須 周 酒 洲 珠 数 kungana: 酢 簀 栖 渚 爲 disyllabic ongana: 駿 [suru] 宿 [suka] [suku] disyllabic kungana: 次 [suki] 隅 [sumi] 墨 [sumi] ongana: 勢 世 西 斉 kungana: 瀬 湍 背 脊 迫 disyllabic ongana: 瞻 [semi] ongana: 蘇 宗 祖 素 kungana: 十 麻 disyllabic kungana: 虚 [sora]

disyllabic ongana: 匝 [sapi] 戔 [sanǝ] 讃 [sanu] 薩 [sati, satu] 相 [saŋga, saŋgu] 尺 [saka]

ongana: 斯 志 之 師 紫 新 四子思司資茲芝詩 旨寺時指絁矢始尸 試伺璽辞嗣施洎信 kungana: 為 磯 disyllabic ongana: 信 [sina] 色 [siki, sikǝ]

ongana: 須 周 酒 洲 主 素秀輸殊蒭 kungana: 酢 簀 樔 disyllabic ongana: 駿 [suru] 宿 [suka, suku] ongana: 勢 世 西 斉 栖 細 制是剤

kungana: 瀬 湍 背 ongana: 蘇 素 泝 kungana: 十 麻

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34 chart 2

Chapter 2 Man’yōgana signs in varieties A and B (cont.)

Transcription

Variety A

Variety B

sǝ

ongana: 曾 所 僧 増 則 kungana: 衣 背 其 苑

ongana: 曾 所 増 則 贈

ⁿza

ongana: 射 蔵 邪 社 謝 座 disyllabic kungana: 坂 [ⁿzaka]

ⁿzi

ongana: 自 士 慈 尽 時 寺 仕

諸層賊

kungana: 衣 襲 ongana: 社 蔵 装 奘 disyllabic ongana: 蹔 [ⁿzami] ongana: 自 士 慈 尽 貳 児尓珥餌耳茸 kungana: 下

ⁿzu ⁿze ⁿzo　 ⁿzǝ　 ta

ti

tu

ongana: 受 授 聚 殊 洲c ongana: 是 ongana: 俗 ongana: 叙 序 賊d ongana: 多 太 他 丹 kungana: 田 手 disyllabic ongana: 丹 [tani] 塔 [tapu] 但 [tani] [taⁿdi] 當 [taŋgi] disyllabic kungana: 妙 [tapɛ] 玉 [tama] 垂 [taru] ongana: 知 智 恥 陳 珍 遲 kungana: 道 千 乳 路 血 茅 disyllabic ongana: 珍 [tinu]

ongana: 都 豆 通 追 川 kungana: 津 齋 disyllabic ongana: 筑 [tuki, tuku] 對 [tusi] disyllabic kungana: 爪 [tuma] 妻 [tuma, ⁿduma] 嬬 [tuma]e 積 [tumi] 列 [tura] 鶴 [turu]

disyllabic ongana: 甚 [ⁿzimu] ongana: 受 孺 儒 ongana: 筮 噬 ongana: — ongana: 叙 序 鐏 茹 鋤 ongana: 多 大 陁 柂 哆 駄党丹

kungana: 田 手 disyllabic ongana: 丹 [tani] 但 [tani, taⁿdi] 當 [taŋgi] ongana: 知 智 致 挃 笞 池馳珍直 kungana: 道 千 乳 路 血茅

disyllabic ongana: 直 [tiki] ongana: 都 豆 頭 菟 途 屠 突徒覩図 kungana: 津

disyllabic ongana: 筑 [tuki, tuku] 竹 [tuku]

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35

SCRIPT AND PHONOLOGY chart 2

Man’yōgana signs in varieties A and B (cont.)

Transcription

Variety A

Variety B

te

ongana: 弖 氐 提 天 帝 底 堤 代 kungana: 手 価 直煑 disyllabic ongana: 点 [temu] ongana: 刀 斗 都 土 度 kungana: 戸 門 利 礪 速

ongana: 弖 氐 提 帝 底 堤

to

tǝ

ⁿda

ⁿdi ⁿdu ⁿde ⁿdo ⁿdǝ na

ni

nu ne

ongana: 止 等 登 騰 得 kungana: 鳥 十 跡 迹 常 disyllabic ongana: 徳 [tǝkǝ] 得 [tǝkǝ] disyllabic kungana: 友 [tǝmǝ] ongana: 陁 太 大 disyllabic ongana: 弾 [ⁿdani] disyllabic kungana: 谷 [ⁿdani] ongana: 遲 治 地 ongana: 豆 頭 都 disyllabic ongana: 附 [ⁿduki] 曇 [ⁿdumi] ongana: 提 弖 代 田 低 泥 埿 ongana: 度 渡 土 ongana: 杼 騰 藤 特 ongana: 那 奈 寧 難 南 kungana: 名 魚 中 菜 七 莫 disyllabic ongana: 南 [nami, namu] 難 [nani] disyllabic kungana: 成 [nasu] 梨 [nasi] 夏 [natu] 波 [nami] 雙 [nami/namï] 楢 [nara]f trisyllabic kungana: 長柄 [naŋgara] ongana: 爾 迩 仁 日 二 而 尼 耳 人 柔 kungana: 丹 荷 似 煮 煑 disyllabic kungana: 柔 [niki] 熟 [niki]g ongana: 奴 怒 努 濃 農 kungana: 沼 宿 寝 渟 ongana: 尼 禰 泥 埿 年 kungana: 根 宿 disyllabic ongana: 念 [nemu]

諦題代

kungana: 手 ongana: 刀 斗 都 土 度 覩 妬杜図屠塗徒渡 kungana: 戸 聡 門 礪 ongana: 等 㔁 騰 苔 台 藤 kungana: 鳥 跡 迹 disyllabic: 徳 [toku] 得 [tǝkǝ] ongana: 陁 太 大 騨 娜 襄儴

ongana: 遅 治 膩 尼 泥 ongana: 豆 頭 逗 図 弩 砮 disyllabic: 曇 [ⁿdumi] ongana: 提 泥 埿 耐 弟 涅 ongana: 度 渡 奴 怒 ongana: 杼 騰 耐 廼 ongana: 那 奈 乃 儺 娜 難 kungana: 名 魚 中 disyllabic ongana: 冉 [nami] 難 [nani] 諾 [naki]

ongana: 爾 儞 迩 仁 珥 貳 kungana: 丹 瓊 ongana: 奴 怒 努 濃 農 kungana: 渟 ongana: 尼 禰 泥 埿 涅 kungana: 根

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36 chart 2

Chapter 2 Man’yōgana signs in varieties A and B (cont.)

Transcription

Variety A

Variety B

no

ongana: 努 怒 弩 奴 kungana: 野 ongana: 乃 能 kungana: 荷 笶 箆 之h ongana: 波 播 幡 芳 婆 破 方 防 八 房 半 皤 薄 伴 泊 叵 盤i kungana: 羽 葉 歯 者 翔 disyllabic ongana: 盤 [pani] disyllabic kungana: 旗 [paⁿda] 花 [pana] ongana: 比 卑 必 臂 嬪 賔 kungana: 日 檜 氷 disyllabic kungana: 引 [pikï]j 櫃 [pitu] ongana: 非 斐 悲 飛 kungana: 火 干 乾

ongana: 努 怒 奴 弩 kungana: 野 ongana: 能 廼 kungana: 荷 ongana: 波 播 幡 芳 婆 破

nǝ pa

pi

pï

pu

pe

pɛ

po

mba mbi mbï　 mbu

皤簸巴絆泮 kungana: 羽 葉 歯

disyllabic ongana: 博 [paka] ongana: 比 卑 必 臂 毘 毗譬避

kungana: 日 檜 氷 ongana: 斐 肥 悲 飛 被 彼 秘妃費

kungana: 火 熯 簸 ongana: 布 不 敷 甫 賦 府

ongana: 布 不 敷 府 賦 否 負 福 kungana: 經 歴 disyllabic ongana: 粉 [puni] 福 [puku] disyllabic kungana: 盖 [puta] ongana: 平 弊 霸 幣 敝 陛 遍 返 反 弁 kungana: 部 辺 重 隔 disyllabic ongana: 伯 [peki] ongana: 閇 倍 拝 kungana: 戸 躪 綜 經

符輔赴浮 kungana: 經 歴 乾

ongana: 平 弊 霸 幣 陛 蔽鞞𧯿

kungana: 部 辺 重 ongana: 閇 倍 沛 陪 背 杯俳珮

kungana: 戸 綜 ongana: 富 保 朋 倍 褒 裒

ongana: 保 富 宝 朋 倍 抱 方 凡 品 kungana: 帆 穂 太k disyllabic ongana: 凡 [pomu] 品 [pomu] ongana: 婆 伐 ongana: 毘 毗 鼻 妣 婢 豐l ongana: 備 肥 ongana: 夫 父 部 扶 disyllabic kungana: 吹 [mbuki] 振 [mbuki]

陪報袍譜品 kungana: 帆 穂 火 disyllabic: 品 [pomu] 法 [popu] ongana: 婆 麼 魔 磨 縻 ongana: 鼻 弥 弭 寐 ongana: 備 媚 眉 縻 ongana: 夫 父 部 矛 歩 騖

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37

SCRIPT AND PHONOLOGY chart 2

Man’yōgana signs in varieties A and B (cont.)

Transcription

Variety A

Variety B

mbe mbɛ　 mbo ma

ongana: 辨 便 別 ongana: 倍 ongana: 煩 ongana: 麻 磨 万 萬 馬 末 満 摩 kungana: 眞 間 目 信 鬼 disyllabic ongana: 望 [maŋga] [maŋgu] 莫 [] 幕 [] disyllabic kungana: 儲 [makɛ] 設 [makɛ] 松 [matu]m 圓 [mato] trisyllabic kungana: 相 [masani]n ongana: 弥 美 民 kungana: 三 御 見 水 参 視 disyllabic ongana: 敏 [minu] ongana: 微 未 味 尾 kungana: 身 実 箕 ongana: 牟 武 无 模 務 無 謀 鵡 儛 kungana: 六 disyllabic ongana: 目 [muku] disyllabic kungana: 村 [mura] ongana: 賣 咩 馬 面 kungana: 女 婦 disyllabic kungana: 食 [mesi] [mese] ongana: 米 梅 迷 昧 晩 kungana: 目 眼 ongana: 毛 ongana: 母 disyllabic kungana: 圓 [mǝrǝ] 諸 [mǝrǝ] ongana: 茂 文 聞 忘 蒙 畝 問 門 勿 木 物 kungana: 裳 藻 哭 喪 裙 disyllabic ongana: 物 [moti] disyllabic kungana: 成 [mori] ongana: 夜 移 陽 耶 益 野 楊 也 kungana: 屋 八 矢 disyllabic kungana: 山 [yama]

ongana: 謎 ongana: 倍 陪 毎 謎 ongana: 煩 ongana: 麻 磨 万 馬 麼 満

mi

mï mu

me

mɛ mo　 mǝ mo

ya

魔摩莽

kungana: 真 間 目 disyllabic ongana: 望 [maŋga, maŋgu]

ongana: 弥 美 瀰 湄 弭 寐 kungana: 三 御 見 水 参 ongana: 微 未 味 kungana: 身 実 ongana: 牟 武 模 務 霧 夢茂

kungana: 六 ongana: 賣 咩 謎 迷 綿 kungana: 女 ongana: 梅 迷 昧 毎 妹 kungana: 目 眼 ongana: — ongana: — ongana: 毛 母 茂 望 暮 謀 慕梅謨悶墓 kungana: 裳

ongana: 夜 移 陽 耶 溪 益 野椰揶

kungana: 屋 八 矢 箭

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38 chart 2

Chapter 2 Man’yōgana signs in varieties A and B (cont.)

Transcription

Variety A

Variety B

yu

ongana: 由 喩 遊 油 kungana: 弓 湯

ongana: 由 喩 愈 瑜 臾

ye

胃踰

kungana: 弓 湯 ongana: 延 曳 遙 kungana: 兄 江 枝 吉 ongana: 用 庸 kungana: 夜 ongana: 余 与 予 餘 預 誉 kungana: 世 吉

ri

ongana: 延 叡 曳 遙 要 kungana: 兄 江 枝 吉 ongana: 用 欲 容 kungana: 夜 ongana: 余 与 予 餘 誉 kungana: 世 吉 四 代 齒o disyllabic kungana: 縦 [yǝsi]p ongana: 羅 良 浪 楽 kungana: 等 disyllabic ongana: 藍 [ramu] 濫 [ramu] 覧 [ramu] 臘 [rapu] 楽 [raku] 落 [raku] ongana: 理 利 里 隣

ru

ongana: 留 流 類

ongana: 留 流 瑠 屢 盧

re

ongana: 禮 礼 例 列 烈 連 disyllabic ongana: 廉 [remu] ongana: 漏 路 ongana: 呂 侶 里 ongana: 和 丸 kungana: 輪 disyllabic ongana: 丸 [wani] disyllabic kungana: 渡 [wata] ongana: 爲 位 謂 kungana: 井 猪 居

ongana: 禮 例 黎 戻

yo yǝ

ra

ongana: 羅 囉 岱 良 楽 邏禮蘿

disyllabic ongana: 楽 [raku] ongana: 理 利 里 梨 離 挌隈 蘆楼漏婁

ro rǝ　 wa

wi

we wo

ongana: 惠 廻 慧 佪 kungana: 画 座 咲 ongana: 乎 袁 烏 遠 怨 呼 越 kungana: 小 尾 少 麻 男 雄 緒 綬 𠮧 disyllabic ongana: 越 [woti] [wotǝ] disyllabic kungana: 處 [wotǝ]

ongana: 漏 盧 楼 婁 魯 露 ongana: 呂 侶 慮 盧 稜 ongana: 和 倭 涴 kungana: 輪

ongana: 韋 為 位 威 萎 委偉

kungana: 井 猪 居 ongana: 惠 廻 慧 衛 隈 穢 ongana: 乎 遠 曰 鳴 塢 弘惋越

kungana: 小 尾 少 麻 男雄

disyllabic ongana: 越 [woti] Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

SCRIPT AND PHONOLOGY

39

a Attested only twice in the Man’yōshū, both times in the place name Akï in 1.45 and 1.46 (Bent­ley 2016: 152). b Attested only in place names. c In place names only. d The phonogram 賊 as a sign for /ⁿzǝ/ is attested only in the Man’yōshū (Omodaka et al. 1967: 896). However, it appears as a phonogram in the Man’yōshū just once, in the word kiⁿzǝ (伎賊) ‘last night’ (MYS 2.150). This is the only phonographic attestation of this word in the Western Old Japanese part of the Man’yōshū. Interestingly enough, Omodaka et al. transcribe this word in the same poem as kisǝ in the entry on kisǝ ‘last night’ (1967: 241). In addition, the same word is attested in Eastern Old Japanese four times in 14.3505, 14.3522, 14.3550, and 14.3563 written as 伎曾 /kisǝ/ with a voiceless /s/. Thus, I believe that the phonogram 賊 was read /sǝ/ and I think that this word should be read as kisǝ in Western Old Japanese as well. e It is a rare phonogram in the Man’yōshū, occurring only once with certainty (1.50), and possibly in one other case. f It is used seven times in the Man’yōshū, all of them except one (12.3166), for writing place name Nara. g Strictly speaking, this is a kungana of Korean origin, without a lexical attestation in OJ, cf. OK nik- ‘to be hot,’ ‘to ripen.’ h Used only as a kungana for the attributive form n-ö of the copula n- or the comparative case marker -nö. i Bentley’s saying that “This graph appears several times in Man’yōshū” (2016: 274) is an overstatement, as it appears in this major OJ text only three times (1.22, 6.933, 11.2522). As a matter of fact, the only unambiguous example of 盤 used for pa can be found in 6.933. In 1.22 it clearly stands for ipa, and it is more likely that in 11.2522 it renders pani, and not pa. j Used to write pikï in asi pikï. k Contraction from opo ‘great.’ Attested in MYS 13.3309 and 19.4211. l Attested in MYS 19.4290. m This is a rare phonogram in the Man’yōshū, which is used as a kungana for matu ‘waits’ in 1.73, 13.3258, 13.3324, and possibly in a couple other less clear cases. n It occurs only once in the Man’yōshū (11.2507). o Listed in Bentley (2016: 533), but only as a kungana in 11.2773. Its usage as a quasi-logographic phonogram in 1.10 is not mentioned. p Attested in MYS 2.138.

1.2

Rebus Writing

There are different types of rebus writing occurring predominantly in the Man’yōshū. Rebus writing is comparatively rare, and many examples of it are unique due to its playful and/or associative nature. A student of Old Japanese should not go to the trouble of memorizing rebus writing because of its very infrequent usage. In addition, all types of rebus writing are unsystematic, and only with some difficulty can one devise a classification system of it, as done, for example in (Seeley 1991: 51–52), which I follow here also using Seeley’s examples.

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40

Chapter 2

(1) Rebus writing based on Chinese usage: for example, characters 金風 in MYS 1700 are read not as *kane kaze ‘metal wind’ but as aki kaze ‘autumn wind,’ reflecting that MC 金風 [kim puwŋʰ] means ‘autumn wind,’ due to the association of metal as one of Five Elements with autumn. In MYS 10.1844 characters 朝烏 are read not *asaŋgarasu ‘morning raven’ but as asapi ‘morning sun,’ reflecting that in Chinese mythology the raven can symbolize the sun. (2) Rebus writing based on purely semantic links: for example, the character 寒 ‘be cold’ is used to write puyu ‘winter’ (MYS 10.1844, MYS 10.1884) and the character 暖 ‘be warm’ is used to write paru ‘spring’ (MYS 3.336, MYS 10.1884). (3) Rebus writing based on double semantic association: for example, characters 少熱 ‘a little hot’ evoke Japanese nuru- ‘be lukewarm,’ and are used to write the homonymous attributive form of the perfective marker -n-uru in MYS 11.2579. (4) Erudite rebuses: for example, the sequence tesi representing a combination of perfective -te- with past tense attributive -si could be written as 大王 (MYS 7.1321) or 羲之 (MYS 3.394, MYS 4.664, MYS 7.1324). There was a word tesi ‘calligrapher’ in Old Japanese (< te ‘hand’ + si ‘master’). Here the rebus is based on the association with the name of the famous Chinese calligrapher, Wang Xizhi (王羲之, 303(?)–361(?) CE), who was also used to be referred to as 大王 ‘the greater Wang’ in opposition to his seventh son Wang Xianzhi (344–388 CE) who was referred to as 小王 ‘the lesser Wang.’ (5) Rebus writing based on double semantic-phonographic association: for example, numeral 八十一 ‘eighty-one’ for 九九 /kuku/ ‘nine nines’ in 八十一里 /kukur-i/, a converb of kukur- ‘to tie up’ (MYS 3330); or numeral 十六 ‘sixteen’ for 四四 /sisi/ ‘four fours’ for writing homophonous sisi ‘boar’ (MYS 3.239, MYS 6.926, MYS 13.3278). (6) Rebus writing based on graphic association, for example 山上復有山 ‘on the top of a mountain there is again a mountain’ (MYS 9.1787). This character sequence represents the verb iⁿde- ‘to go out,’ written logographically as 出, the shape that resembles two signs for ‘mountain’ (山) one placed on the top of the other. There is one more variety of rebus writing that Seely does not mention, although potentially it can be viewed as a peculiar subclass of case 5). In this variety double semantic-phonographic association is used just to indicate one particular syllable. For example, characters 馬声 ‘horse voice’ are used to write syllable /i/, apparently by association with inanak- ‘to neigh’ (Omodaka et al. 1967: 891).

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Section 2

Phonetics and Phonology On the basis of the syllabic script system described above it is possible to devise the following description of the Western Old Japanese phonetic and phonological systems. As mentioned above, the description below largely follows (Miyake 2003). 2.1 Consonants Cross-linguistically, the consonantal system of Western Old Japanese appears to be quite poor as it only includes thirteen consonants. Nevertheless, it is very interesting typologically, since voiceless stops and fricatives contrast not with plain voiced stops and fricatives, but with prenasalized voiced stops and fricatives. The prenasalized series is secondary; historically it developed from NC [-voice] (nasal + voiceless consonant) clusters, thus mb < *n+p, ⁿd < *n+t, ŋg < *n+k, and ⁿz < *n+s. The consonantal system of Western Old Japanese can be represented in the following chart: chart 3

WOJ consonants

voiceless stops voiced prenasalized stops nasals voiceless fricatives voiced prenasalized fricatives glides flap

Labials

Dentals

p mb m

t ⁿd n s ⁿz

w

r

Palatals

Velars k

ŋg

y

None of the consonants can occur in the word-final or even syllable final position, although it is possible that some representatives of the educated class were able to pronounce /p/, /t/, /k/, /m/, and /n/ in the coda position in loanwords from Chinese. The evidence for this fact during Asuka and Nara periods is rather moot and controversial, and should not entertain us here, simply

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because most of our sources are poetic texts and poetry was kept more or less free of foreign loans until at least the twelfth century (see chapter 3 for details). In native vocabulary only /p/, /t/, /k/, /m/, /n/, /s/, /w/, and /y/ can occur wordinitially. /mb/, /ⁿd/, /ŋg/ and /r/ appear morpheme-initially, but cannot stand in the word-initial position in native vocabulary. This limitation does not stand for loanword phonology, where /mb/, /ⁿd/, /ŋg/ and /r/ can be used in wordinitial position. A description of the consonants follows. 2.1.1 Labials /p/: bilabial voiceless stop. Miyake demonstrated beyond any reasonable doubt that this Western Old Japanese consonant was indeed a voiceless unaspirated stop [p] and not a bilabial fricative [ɸ] as it was frequently believed before (Miyake 2003: 164–166). /p/ occurs before all vowels, although the distinction between kō-rui vowel /o/ and otsu-rui vowel3 /ǝ/ after /p/ is more or less reliably preserved only in the Kojiki kayō (Bentley 1997). Examples: papa ‘mother,’ pï ‘fire,’ apu ‘meets,’ pi ‘the sun,’ po ‘ear of the grain,’ ipe ‘house.’ It has been repeatedly suggested before that Western Old Japanese voiceless obstruents in the intervocalic position might have been realized as phonetically voiced (Wenck 1959: 238ff; Frellesvig 1995: 66). Several years ago, a similar proposal that WOJ /p/ was pronounced as [b] in the intervocalic position was also put forward (Hamano 2000; Unger 2003). Both Hamano and Unger believe that this scenario better explains why in Middle Japanese /p/ > /w/ in intervocalic position; thus they posit the development p > b > w. The idea (certainly inspired by phonotactics in Korean) is imaginative, but I am afraid it is incorrect, because it is contradicted by the data. First, there is evidence to the contrary from the man’yōgana script itself. Since variety A does not differentiate clearly between /p/ and /mb/, our only bet is to analyze the data from variety B, where the distinction between /p/ and /mb/ is consistent. Miyake and I counted all occurrences of the transcription of intervocalic /p/ in the first 100 poems from the Nihonshoki kayō. There were 155 cases when syllables with intervocalic WOJ /p/ were transcribed by LMC signs with voiceless *p or *ph, and only sixty cases when they were transcribed with LMC voiced *pɦ. Among the latter we could see a very skewed distribution:

3  See the section on vowels for distinction between kō-rui and otsu-rui vowels.

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Distribution of LMC signs with voiced *pɦ for syllables with intervocalic /p/ in the first 100 songs of the Nihonshoki kayō

pa

pi

pï

pu

pe

pɛ

po

3

2

1

6

7

19

20

Thus, one can see that the distribution of LMC signs with initial *pɦ is heavily skewed towards /pɛ/ and /po/ syllables. I doubt that /pɛ/ and /po/ were selectively pronounced as /bɛ/ and /bo/. Rather, statistically it demonstrates that there is overwhelming evidence that intervocalic /p/ was not voiced, and that the skewed distribution may have a better explanation as general preferences of scribes for certain signs transcribing /pɛ/ and /po/. Second, the Hamano-Unger hypothesis is also contradicted by Old Japanese loanwords in Ainu. In Ainu intervocalic stops are realized as voiced or half-voiced, so if the OJ sipo ‘salt’ was actually pronounced as [sibo] as Hamano and Unger believe, one would expect that Ainu would borrow it as *sipo [sibo/siBo]. As a matter of fact, Ainu borrowed OJ sipo as sippo, clearly showing that the intervocalic consonant there was voiceless. /mb/: voiced prenasalized labial stop [mb]. /mb/ occurs before any vowel only in the word-medial position in native vocabulary, but the distinction between kō-rui vowel /o/ and otsu-rui vowel /ǝ/ after /mb/ is neutralized. Examples: yukɛmba ‘when/because one goes,’ tambi ‘travel,’ tǝmbu ‘flies,’ Unembï ‘Unembï (p.n.),’ sirinumbɛsi ‘must have known,’ sumbe ‘way, method,’ tumbo ‘jar.’ /m/: voiced nasal sonorant labial stop [m]. /m/ occurs before any vowel, but the distinction between kō-rui vowel /o/ and otsu-rui vowel /ǝ/ after /m/ reliably can be shown only for the Kojiki kayō and statistically for some early texts in the Man’yōshū (Bentley 1997). In Late Old Japanese texts the distinction is neutralized. Examples: mamɛ ‘bean,’ umi ‘sea,’ mune ‘breast,’ me ‘woman,’ mɛ ‘eye,’ momo ‘hundred,’ mǝnǝ ‘thing.’ /w/: voiced labial glide [w], possibly labio-velar [ɰ]. Traditionally it is believed that it does not occur before vowel /u/ (but see the section 2.4 on Phonotactics below), and in addition all kō-otsu vowel distinctions are neutralized after /w/. Examples: ware ‘I, we,’ wi ‘well,’ wemu ‘smiles,’ wotǝkǝ ‘man, male,’ awo ‘blue, green,’ awa ‘foam,’ nawi ‘earthquake,’ kǝwe ‘voice.’ 2.1.2 Dentals /t/: voiceless dental stop [t]. /t/ occurs before all vowels, but the distinction between kō-rui vowels /i/, /e/ and otsu-rui vowels /ï/, /ɛ/ are neutralized after

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/t/. Examples: tare ‘who,’ ti ‘blood,’ te ‘hand,’ to ‘door,’ tǝku ‘unties,’ atǝ ‘footstep,’ ita ‘board,’ otu ‘falls,’ tati ‘long sword,’ mato ‘aim.’ /ⁿd/: voiced prenasalized dental stop [ⁿd]. /ⁿd/ occurs before any vowel only in the word-medial position in native vocabulary, but the distinctions between kō-rui vowels /i/, /e/ and otsu-rui vowels /ï/, /ɛ/ are neutralized after /ⁿd/. Examples: taⁿda ‘direct,’ kaⁿdo ‘gate,’ kaⁿdi ‘rudder,’ tǝⁿdǝmu ‘makes one stay,’ taⁿdu ‘crane.’ /n/: voiced nasal sonorant dental stop [n]. /n/ occurs before any vowel, but the distinctions between kō-rui vowels /i/, /e/ and otsu-rui vowels /ï/, /ɛ/ are neutralized after /n/. Examples: nana ‘seven,’ numa ‘marsh,’ ana ‘hole,’ yǝmanu ‘[one who] does not compose,’ ne ‘sound,’ kane ‘metal,’ sirani ‘not knowing,’ nipi ‘new,’ no ‘field,’ sino ‘a type of bamboo grass,’ nǝru ‘says, declares,’ mǝnǝ ‘thing.’ /s/: voiceless dental fricative [s] with a possible palatal allophone [ɕ] before vowels /i/ and /e/ (Miyake 2003: 183). /s/ occurs before any vowel, but the distinctions between kō-rui vowels /i/, /e/ and otsu-rui vowels /ï/, /ɛ/ are neutralized after /s/. Examples: saru ‘monkey,’ sika ‘deer,’ su ‘does,’ se ‘elder brother, beloved,’ sora ‘sky,’ sǝsǝku ‘pours,’ asa ‘morning,’ asi ‘foot, leg,’ tǝse ‘year (classifier),’ osu ‘pushes,’ asǝmi ‘courtier,’ kǝsǝ, focus particle. /ⁿz/: voiced prenasalized dental fricative [ⁿz] with possible palatal allophones [ᶮj] and [ᶮʑ] before front vowels (Miyake 2003: 186). /ⁿz/ occurs before any vowel only in the word-medial position in native vocabulary, but the distinctions between kō-rui vowels /i/, /e/ and otsu-rui vowels /ï/, /ɛ/ are neutralized after /ⁿz/. In addition, /ⁿz/ before vowel /o/ is attested only in the Man’yōshū, and in one of the Shōsōin documents and only in one word: kaⁿzopu ‘counts,’ e.g., pi-wo kaⁿzopɛ-tutu ‘counting days’ (MYS 5.890). Examples: anᶻaru ‘rots (of a fish meat),’ araⁿzi ‘probably does not exist,’ kaⁿze ‘wind,’ miⁿzu ‘does not see,’ kǝⁿzǝ ‘last year,’ kaⁿzopu ‘counts.’ /r/: flap [|]. /r/ occurs before any vowel only in the word-medial position in native vocabulary, but the distinctions between kō-rui vowels /i/, /e/ and otsurui vowels /ï/, /ɛ/ are neutralized after /r/. Examples: sora ‘sky,’ tǝri ‘bird,’ paru ‘spring,’ kǝre ‘this,’ kǝkǝrǝ ‘heart,’ kuro ‘black.’ 2.1.3 Palatals /y/: palatal glide [j]. /y/ does not occur in front of high vowel /ï/, and the kō-otsu distinction between vowels /e/ and /ɛ/ is neutralized after /y/. Examples: ya ‘arrow,’ yumi ‘bow,’ ye ‘branch,’ yu ‘hot water,’ yo ‘night,’ yǝ ‘world,’ ayameŋgusa ‘iris,’ ayu ‘sweetfish,’ koyu ‘crosses,’ tuyǝ ‘strong,’ to-yo ‘from the door.’

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2.1.4 Velars /k/: voiceless velar stop /k/. /k/ occurs before all vowels. Examples: kani ‘crab,’ kiku ‘hears,’ kï ‘tree,’ kepu ‘today,’ kɛ ‘hair,’ ko ‘child,’ kǝkǝrǝ ‘heart,’ aki ‘autumn,’ kake ‘rooster,’ kukï ‘stem,’ pǝtǝkɛ ‘Buddha,’ tako ‘octopus.’ /ŋg/: voiced prenasalized velar stop [ŋg]. /ŋg/ occurs before any vowel only in the word-medial position in native vocabulary. However, there are no cases of /ŋg/ before /e/ in the poetic texts. Examples: aŋgaru ‘rises,’ kiŋgisi ‘pheasant,’ suŋgï ‘cryptomeria,’ kaŋgu ‘smells,’ suŋgɛ ‘sedge,’ aŋgora ‘high seat,’ oŋgǝru ‘behaves arrogantly.’ 2.2 Vowels The prevalent modern view on Western Old Japanese vocalism is that it includes eight vowels, including a, u and six vowels that pair in kō-rui (甲類), or A-type series: i, e, and o; and otsu-rui (乙類), or B-type series: ï, ɛ, and ǝ. Nevertheless, starting from Hattori 1977–1978 various attempts to reduce this number were presented for a long time, the most recent being Miyake theory that the mid-low vowel /ɛ/ was actually [ǝy] (2003: 227–232), thus reducing the number of vowels to seven, and Hayata’s theory arguing for only six vowels in Old Japanese (2017: 53–68). However, none of them is persuasive enough and won general recognition. chart 5

i ɛ

Western Old Japanese vocalism

e

ï [ɨ] ǝ

o

u

a

As one can see, there is really no phonetic motivation behind the division into the kō and otsu series, so these are used as convenient traditional labels only. The only reason for the existence of these terms is the fact that by Middle Japanese, kō-rui and otsu-rui series merged as /i/, /e/, and /o/, leaving only five distinctive vowels in the language: /a/, /u/, /i/, /o/, and /e/. Thus, notions of kō and otsu represent the Western Old Japanese vocalic system viewed from the point of the later language stages. This Middle Japanese vocalic system survived up till now in the Kansai dialects of Central Japanese, and the only

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change that occurred in Tokyo Standard Japanese was the delabialization of /u/ > /ɯ/. A description of the vowels follows. 2.2.1 Back Vowels /u/: high rounded back vowel [u]. It is believed to occur in any position in the word and after all consonants except /w/, but see section 4 on phonotactics below. Examples: u ‘cormorant,’ urupasi ‘beautiful,’ umu ‘gives birth,’ natu ‘summer,’ puyu ‘winter,’ kumo ‘cloud,’ tuŋgu ‘reports,’ tǝmbu ‘flies,’ miⁿdu ‘water.’ /o/: mid rounded back vowel [o]. /o/ occurs only in a postconsonantal position after the following consonants: /p/, /mb/, /m/, /w/, /t/, /ⁿd/, /n/, /s/, /ⁿz/, /r/, /y/, /k/, and /ŋg/. The contrast between /o/ and central mid vowel /ǝ/ after /p/ and /m/ is attested reliably only in the Kojiki (Bentley 1997; Miyake 2003: 262). There is no /o/ : /ǝ/ contrast after /w/ and /mb/, but Miyake demonstrated that phonetically it was /o/ ([o]) and not /ǝ/ ([ǝ]) after /w/ and that there was a free variation between /o/ and /ǝ/ after /mb/ (Miyake 2003: 257–258) (since there is no contrast, combinations w+o and mb+o will be spelled as wo and mbo hereafter). After /ⁿz/ the vowel /o/ is attested only in one word: kaⁿzop- ‘to count.’ Examples: po ‘ear of the grain,’ mo ‘skirt,’ wosa ‘elder,’ to ‘door,’ kaⁿdo ‘gate,’ no ‘field,’ soⁿde ‘sleeve,’ yo ‘night,’ ko ‘child.’ The vowel /o/ is usually believed to have a partially secondary origin in Western Old Japanese, being a monophthongization of proto-Japonic diphthongs *ua and *au. The origins from the diphthong *ua can be supported by an internal evidence, e.g., kaⁿzop- ‘to count’ < *kaⁿzu ap- ‘to put numbers together.’ However, the origin of /o/ from the diphthong *au is much more controversial, since it can be supported only by external evidence, which is for the most part unreliable. In addition, it seems that in a number of cases, especially in the word-final position, WOJ /o/ may represent an original PJ vowel *o, since this is supported by evidence from proto-Ryukyuan, which preserved the contrast between primary high and mid back vowels. This contrast was lost in Western Old Japanese everywhere except in the word-final position, e.g., WOJ muko ‘son-in-law,’ PR *moko ‘id.’ 2.2.2 Central Vowels /a/: low unrounded central vowel [a], although it also might be a back one [ɑ]. Miyake defines it just as a ‘low unrounded’ without specifying whether it is back or central, because the transcriptional evidence is indeed inconclusive regarding its exact phonetic nature (Miyake 2003: 203). /a/ occurs in any position in the word and after all consonants. Examples: aka ‘red,’ maneku ‘many,’ asana-asana ‘every morning, in the mornings,’ wataramasi ‘[one] would cross,’ tatu ‘stands,’ aŋgaru ‘rises,’ saⁿdamu ‘decides, determines,’ pimbari ‘lark.’ Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

SCRIPT AND PHONOLOGY

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/ï/: high central vowel [ɨ]. /ï/ occurs only in a postconsonantal position after the following consonants: /p/, /mb/, /m/, /k/, and /ŋg/. The contrast between /ï/ and the high unrounded front vowel /i/ is not attested after coronals, /w/, and in the initial position. There is good reason to believe on phonetic grounds, as demonstrated by Miyake, that a neutralization of this contrast in initial position as well as after coronals and /w/, customarily written as i in Yale romanization, was phonetically [i] (Miyake 2003: 238–243). Examples: pï ‘fire,’ yǝrǝkǝmbï ‘joy,’ mï ‘body,’ kï ‘tree,’ suŋgï ‘cryptomeria.’ Historically, the vowel /ï/ has a secondary origin in Western Old Japanese. It represents monophthongization of PJ sequences C+y: *uy, *oy or *ǝy. Examples: WOJ tukï ‘moon’ < PJ *tukuy, WOJ kukï ‘stem’ < PJ *kukuy, WOJ kï ‘tree’ < PJ *kǝy, WOJ pï ‘fire’ < *poy. /ǝ/: mid central vowel [ǝ]. In contrast to mid back vowel /o/ it can occur in initial position, because, as demonstrated by Miyake, transcriptional evidence points to /ǝ/ rather than to /o/ in this position (Miyake 2003: 250–251). Since there is no contrast between /ǝ/ and /o/ in this position, I preserve the notation o that is used for the neutralization of this contrast. The vowel /ǝ/ also occurs in medial and/or final postconsonantal position after the following consonants: /p/, /mb/, /m/, /t/, /ⁿd/, /n/, /s/, /ⁿz/, /r/, /y/, /k/, and /ŋg/. The contrast between /o/ and central mid vowel /ǝ/ after /p/ and /m/ is attested reliably only in the Kojiki (Bentley 1997; Miyake 2003: 262). There is no /o/ : /ǝ/ contrast after /w/ and /mb/, but Miyake demonstrated that phonetically it was /o/ ([o]) and not /ǝ/ ([ǝ]) after /w/ and that there was free variation between /o/ and /ǝ/ after / mb/ (since there is no contrast, combinations w+ǝ and mb+ǝ will be spelled as wo and mbo hereafter) (Miyake 2003: 257–258). Examples: pǝsu ‘dries,’ mǝnǝ ‘thing,’ tǝkǝrǝ ‘place,’ kǝkǝ ‘here,’ tǝⁿdǝmu ‘stops, makes stay,’ nǝmboru ‘climbs,’ sǝkǝ ‘bottom,’ kǝⁿzǝ ‘last year,’ marǝ ‘round,’ yǝ ‘world,’ kǝsi ‘waist,’ oŋgǝru ‘behaves arrogantly.’ 2.2.3 Front Vowels /i/: high unrounded front vowel [i]. /i/ occurs in initial and postconsonantal positions after all consonants. There is no contrast between /i/ and /ï/ in initial position and after coronals. There is good reason to believe on phonetic grounds, as demonstrated by Miyake, that a neutralization of this contrast in initial position as well as after coronals and /w/, customarily written as i in Yale romanization, was phonetically [i] = /i/ (Miyake 2003: 238–243). Examples: ima ‘now,’ kikinikeri ‘heard,’ kiŋgisi ‘pheasant,’ wi ‘boar,’ titi ‘father,’ pi ‘the sun,’ mi ‘three,’ pimbiku ‘echoes, reverberates,’ aⁿdi ‘taste.’ /e/: mid-high unrounded front vowel [e]. /e/ occurs in postconsonantal position after all consonants except /ŋg/. There is no contrast between /e/ and /ɛ/ in initial position, after coronals, and after glides /w/ and /y/. Miyake Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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persuasively demonstrated that a neutralization of this contrast (spelled as e in Yale romanization) was realized phonetically as [e] = /e/ after coronals and after glides, but as [ɛ] = /ɛ/ in the initial position (Miyake 2003: 244–250). Examples: kepu ‘today,’ se ‘beloved, elder brother,’ kaⁿze ‘wind,’ te ‘hand,’ soⁿde ‘sleeve,’ ne ‘sound,’ pe ‘side,’ sumbe ‘way, method,’ me ‘woman,’ ye ‘branch,’ sǝre ‘that,’ wemu ‘smiles.’ Historically, the majority of cases of the vowel /e/ have a secondary origin in Western Old Japanese. They represent a monophthongization of PJ dipththong *ia. This, of course, does not apply to all cases where /e/ merged with /ɛ/, because the majority of those have an etymological /ɛ/ and not /e/, and to small number of examples in word-final position, where /e/ reflects primary PJ *e. Examples: WOJ me ‘woman’ < PJ *mia, WOJ pe ‘side’ < PJ *pia, but WOJ kake ‘rooster’ < PJ *kake. /ɛ/: mid-low unrounded front vowel [ɛ]. It occurs in the initial position (see under /e/ above) and in postconsonantal position after velar and labial consonants. Examples: takɛ ‘bamboo,’ kaŋgɛ ‘shadow,’ pɛ- ‘to pass,’ tǝmbɛⁿdǝ ‘although [he] flies,’ amɛ ‘heaven.’ The vowel /ɛ/ has a secondary origin, going back mostly to PJ *ay, very rarely to *ǝy, examples: amɛ ‘heaven’ < *amay, mɛ ‘eye’ < *may, kɛ ‘hair’ < *kay, kaŋgɛ ‘shadow’ *kaŋgay, se ‘back’ < *sǝy (cf. sǝ-muk- ‘to turn one’s back on’). 2.3

Pitch Accent

There is a controversial theory advanced by Takayama that Chinese characters with the Late Middle Chinese even tone (pingsheng, 平聲) were used in the Nihonshoki kayō to transcribe Western Old Japanese syllables with low pitch, while Late Middle Chinese characters with other tones: rising (shangsheng, 上聲), departing (qusheng, 去聲), and entering (rusheng, 入聲) rendered Western Old Japanese syllables with high pitch (Takayama 1981, 1983). Takayama’s theory can be supported only by borderline statistics, since there are too many overlaps to the contrary. Therefore, the present study adopts the conservative attitude to the problem, maintaining that we really do not have reliable evidence on the Western Old Japanese pitch accent system. 2.4 Phonotactics It is traditionally believed that Western Old Japanese had the [V]CVCVCV … phonotactics, at least in the native vocabulary, and that there are only few exceptions to this rule, for example kai ‘oar’ or kui ‘regret’ where we have vowel clusters /ai/ and /ui/. The traditional transcription kai is based on the belief Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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that there were no /yi/ or /wu/ syllables in Western Old Japanese. Nevertheless, this belief presents a significant problem: why does kai ‘oar’ not monophthongize to *kɛ, or contract to *ki as would be expected?4 Before, still sharing this belief, I suggested that kai goes back to earlier *kayi (see this section). Now I would like to revise my previous position, and posit syllables /yi/ and /wu/ for Western Old Japanese itself, and not for pre-Old Japanese. The major evidence for the existence of /yi/ and /wu/ comes from the morphophonology of the Western Old Japanese vowels verbs kǝyi- ‘to lie down,’ oyi‘to age,’ and uwe- ‘to plant.’ Notice that the first two were traditionally transcribed as kǝi- and oi-. But this traditional representation violates the general rule of the Western Old Japanese phonotactics mentioned above and it also raises the same problem as in the case of kai ‘oar’: why do kǝi- and oi- not monophthongize into *kï- and *ï-, or contract into *ki- and *i- respectively? Surely, both monophthongization and contraction are present in the Old Japanese verbal system. For example, kǝ- ‘come’ has the progressive form k-er- < *k-i-ar-, and e- ‘to get’ loses its root altogether in the final or the attributive form: u < *e-u and uru < *e-uru. The case of uwe- ‘to plant’ is even more spectacular. Its attributive form traditionally written as u-uru is attested. But it would be impossible for two identical vowels not to contract into one: examples are plentiful, and the only exceptions occur when a juncture between converb -i and the following auxiliary verb starting with vowel /i/ is present. But it is impossible to posit the juncture between a root and a suffix. Therefore, I believe that the syllable /wu/ was still present and I transcribe consequently this word form as uw-uru. Let me present the actual textual examples before we proceed to further discussion: 1) kǝyi- ‘to lie down’ written phonographically as 許伊 or 己伊: 久佐太袁利志婆刀利志伎提等許自母能宇知許伊布志提

kusa-ⁿ-da-wor-i simba tor-i sik-i-te tǝkǝ ⁿzimǝnǝ uti-kǝyi-pus-i-te grass-?-hand-break-CONV road.side.grass hold-CONV spread-CONV-SUB bed like PREF-lie.down-CONV-lie.prone-CONV-SUB [I] broke off some herbs, and taking some road side grass, [I] spread [it] and lied down on a bed-like [thing]. (MYS 5.886) 宇知奈妣伎登許尓己伊布之

uti-nambik-i tǝkǝ-ni kǝyi-pus-i PREF-stretch.out-CONV bed-LOC lie.down(CONV)-lie.prone-CONV [I] lie down, stretched out on [my] bed. (MYS 17.3969) 4  Cf. ka ~ kɛ ‘day,’ ka ~ kɛ ‘hair’ < *ka-i, and wa-ŋg-imo ‘my beloved,’ wa-ŋg-ipe ‘my house’ < wa-ŋga imo, wa-ŋga ipe. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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2) oyi- ‘to age’ written phonographically as 淤伊 or 意伊: 和加久閇爾韋泥弖麻斯母能淤伊爾祁流加母

waka-ku pɛ n-i wi ne-te-masi mǝnǝ oyi-n-i-ker-u kamǝ young-CONV ? DV-CONV bring(CONV) sleep(CONV)-PERF-SUBJ CONJ age(CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP [I] would have brought [her with me] and have slept [with her] if [she] were young, but [it] turned out that [she] has become old, alas! (KK 93) 意伊豆久安我未

oyi-ⁿduk-u a-ŋga mï age(CONV)-attach-ATTR I-POSS body my body that came close to aging. (MYS 19.4220) 3) The attributive uw-uru of uwe- to plant written phonographically as 宇々流: 比等能宇々流田

pitǝ-nǝ uw-uru TA person-GEN plant-ATTR paddy a paddy that people plant. (MYS 15.3746) Early Middle Chinese and Late Middle Chinese definitely had the contrast *wu : *ʔu and likely also the contrast *yi : *ʔi (Marc Miyake, p.c.). The fact that the characters 伊 and 宇 are respectively EMC and LMC *yi and *wu may further strengthen my point above. Unfortunately, the examples above are written in the variety A of man’yōgana, which was borrowed or at least filtered through a Korean intermediary, as mentioned in 2.1.1. And, as far as we know, the Korean language did not have the contrasts /i/ : /yi/ and /u/ : /wu/ throughout its history.5 Thus, if the scribes in Ancient Japan were trying to adopt a syllabic writing system that did not have these contrasts, we would expect that they may not indicate the contrasts that were present in their own language either. Nevertheless, there is one relevant example written in the variety B of man’yōgana: 俱伊 kuyi ‘regret’ (NK 124), where syllable /yi/ is written with the character 伊 /yi/. In addition, the morphophonological evidence discussed above is not going to disappear either. So far I have established that syllables / yi/ and /wu/ existed in Western Old Japanese in medial position preventing the 5  It remains to see whether the same is true for Old Korean, once we achieve a more accurate decipherment of its texts.

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violation of the phonotactic constraint [V]CVCVCV…. The legitimate question that arises next is whether the existence of syllables /yi/ and /wu/ can also be demonstrated in the initial position. Once again the verbal morphophonology comes to our help. The regular vowel verb wi- ‘to sit, to exist’ (upper bi-grade in traditional classification) has the final form that is traditionally spelled as u and is attested once in the phonographic writing in the man’yōgana gloss in the Nihonshoki: 莵岐于

tuk-i-w-u (my spelling) attach-CONV-sit-FIN [she] sat down. (NS 5.166)6 The Nihonshoki uses variety B of the man’yōgana, and the character 于 has LMC reading *wu. Thus, we find extra evidence for the existence of the syllable /wu/ in Western Old Japanese, this time in the initial position. Let me also note that analyzing the final form of wi- ‘to sit, to exist’ as w-u rather than u shows consistency with the conjugation of other vowel verbs, and also does not leave us stranded with a verbal form that has no root. In addition, there are also interesting doublets like ututu and wotutu ‘reality.’ Examples: 打乍二波更毛不得言

ututu-ni pa SARA N-I mo E-IP-AⁿZI reality-LOC TOP again DV-CONV FP POT-say-NEG/TENT [I] would not be able to say [it] again in reality. (MYS 4.784) 宇豆都仁波安布余志勿奈子

ututu-ni pa ap-u yǝsi mo na-si reality-LOC TOP meet-ATTR chance FP no-FIN There is not even a chance to meet in reality. (MYS 5.807) 久志美多麻伊麻能遠都豆尓多布刀伎呂可儛

kusi mi-tama ima-nǝ wotutu-ni taputo-ki rǝ kamu mysterious HON-stone now-GEN reality-LOC awesome-ATTR DV(ATTR) EP [these] mysterious stones are awesome in the present [day’s] reality! (MYS 5.813) 6  Cited according to Kuroita and Matsuyama 1965–66, vol. 1a.

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宇都追尓之多太尓安良祢婆

ututu-ni si taⁿda n-i ar-an-e-mba reality-LOC EP direct DV-CONV exist-NEG-EV-CON because [it] was not directly in the reality. (MYS 17.3978) 伊尓之敝由伊麻乃乎都豆尓

inisipe-yu ima-nǝ wotutu-ni old.times-ABL now-GEN reality-LOC from old times to the present [day’s] reality. (MYS 17.3985) 伊爾之敞欲伊麻乃乎追通爾奈我佐敞流於夜乃子等毛曾

inisipe-yo ima-nǝ wotutu-ni naŋgas-ap-er-u oya-nǝ KWO-ⁿdǝmo sǝ old.times-ABL now-GEN reality-LOC make.flow-ITER-PROG-ATTR ancestorGEN child-PLUR FP The offspring (lit.: children) of the ancestors who have passed continuously [their glorious names] from old times to the present [day’s] reality. (MYS 18.4094) The form wotutu probably represents a relic of the pre-raised form preserving primary PJ *o. Since the raising of *o > /u/ occurred around 590 AD (Miyake 2003b: 126),7 it is not very likely that initial /w-/ immediately disappeared after that. Thus, it is quite probable that ututu ‘reality’ should be actually transcribed as wututu. A similar case also involves usaŋgi ‘hare’ attested phonographically as 宇佐岐 in the Honzō wamyō (901–923 AD), which at best represents the very late Western Old Japanese attestation. But on the other hand there is EOJ wosaŋgi spelled as 乎佐藝 (MYS 14.3529) that also preserves a pre-raised form. Although here we deal with two different dialects, the case is still quite indicative. Turning now to the problem of the initial /yi-/ in Western Old Japanese, we also have evidence that is based on the following doublets in Western Old Japanese: 7  In a personal communication J. Marshall Unger suggested to me that the raising of midvowels in Pre-Old Japanese must have occurred earlier than 590 AD because if it were around 590 AD then the WOJ tera ‘Buddhist temple’ that certainly entered the language by mid-sixth century would be also raised. I do not think that this argument is valid, because WOJ tera was borrowed from an Old Korean form that was either *tiara or *taira (cf. MK tyèl ‘Buddhist temple’ and see Vovin 2007: 75–77 for a detailed discussion). Neither Pre-OJ *ai or *ia were subject to raising, as we well know, since they resulted in WOJ /ɛ/ and /e/ respectively.

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1) yuk- and ik- ‘to go’: 都祢斯良農道乃長手袁久礼々々等伊可尓可由迦牟

tune sir-an-u MITI-nǝ NA ŋGA te-wo kure-kure tǝ ika n-i ka yuk-am-u usual know-NEG-ATTR road-GEN long place-ACC dark-dark DV how DV-CONV IP go-TENT-ATTR How would [I] go along the full length of the road that [I] normally do not know, being in a dark [mood]? (MYS 5.888) 和我勢故波多麻尓母我毛奈手尓麻伎氐見都追由可牟乎於吉氐伊加婆乎思

wa-ŋga se-ko pa tama n-i mǝŋgamo na TE-ni mak-i-te MI-tutu yuk-am-u-wo ok-ite ik-amba wosi I-POSS elder.brother-DIM TOP jade DV-CONV DP EP arm-LOC wrap-CONVSUB look(CONV)-COOR go-TENT-ATTR-ACC leave-CONV-SUB go-COND be.regrettable(FIN) [I] want my elder brother to be a jade! Although [I] would go wrapping [him] around my arm and keep looking at [him], [it] is regrettable if [I] go leaving [him]. (MYS 17.3990) The variant yuk- rules supreme in Western Old Japanese: there are only two examples of ik- attested phonographically and in identical contexts. Nevertheless, ik- does exist and is further amply supported by later Middle Japanese data. 2) yu and i ‘sacred, taboo’: 波毘呂由都麻都婆岐

pa-N-pirǝ yu t-u ma-tumbaki leaf-GEN-broad sacred DV-ATTR INT-camellia a true sacred camellia with broad leaves. (KK 57) 賀美都勢爾伊久比袁宇知斯毛都勢爾麻久比袁宇知

kami-tu se-ni i kupi-wo ut-i simo-tu se-ni ma-kupi-wo ut-i top-GEN/LOC shallow-LOC sacred post-ACC hit-CONV bottom-GEN/LOC shallow-LOC INT-post-ACC hit-CONV in the upper shallows, [they] staked a sacred post, in the lower shallows [they] staked a true post. (KK 90)

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3) Yuki and Iki ‘Iki island’: 柯羅履儞嗚以柯儞輔居等所梅豆羅古枳駄楼武可左履楼以祇能和駄唎嗚梅 豆羅古枳駄楼

kara-kuni-wo ika n-i [i]p-u kǝtǝ sǝ Mɛⁿdurako k-i-tar-u mukasakuru Iki-nǝ watar-i-wo Mɛⁿdurako k-i-tar-u Kara-land-ACC how DV-CONV say-ATTR thing FP Mɛⁿdurako come-CONVPERF/PROG-ATTR (makura kotoba) Iki-GEN cross-NML-ACC Mɛⁿdurako come-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR What to call the land of Kara? Mɛⁿdurako has come; through the crossing of Iki Mɛⁿdurako has come. (NK 99) 到壹岐嶋雪連宅満忽遇鬼病死去之時作歌一首并短歌

One [long] poem and two accompanying tanka envoys composed when Yuki-nǝ muraⁿzi Yakamarǝ upon arrival to Iki island suddenly contracted an evil illness and died. (preface to poems MYS 15.3688–3690) 由吉能安末

Yuki-nǝ ama Yuki-GEN fisherman Fishermen of Yuki island. (MYS 15.3694) In addition, there is a diachronic example of the same alternation: WOJ imɛ ‘dream’ and MJ yume ‘id.’ It is quite possible that Western Old Japanese ik- ‘to go,’ i ‘sacred’ and imɛ ‘dream’ were actually pronounced as /yik-/, /yi/, and / yimɛ/. However, the evidence here is not as conclusive as in the other examples, so I spell these three words in the traditional way. The same applies to ututu ‘reality,’ but in all other cases I introduced new spellings: kayi ‘oar,’ kuyi ‘regret,’ kǝyi- ‘to lie down,’ oyi- ‘to age,’ uw-uru ‘plant-ATTR,’ and w-u ‘sit-FIN.’ Thus, I believe I was able to present some compelling evidence in favor of the fact that the syllables /yi/ and /wu/ probably were present in Western Old Japanese. 2.5

Morphophonological Processes

The morphophonological processes that affect Western Old Japanese due to the phonotactics rule outlined above are contraction, monophthongization, nasalization, and consonant cluster simplification. For the first two processes

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I follow Russell (2003), a new study of contraction and monophthongization, which supercedes an older study by Unger (1993). 2.5.1 Contraction Since Western Old Japanese did not allow vowel clusters, one of the two ways to deal with a vowel cluster when vowels were juxtaposed was to delete one of the vowels. Contraction, therefore, involves a deletion of one of the vowels V₁ or V₂ in a V₁ + V₂ sequence. According to Russell’s study, contraction is triggered when: 1) the morphemic boundary between the following categories of words is lost: – stative verb stem + noun – stative verb converb + verb – auxiliary verb + stative verb – noun + noun – particle + noun – particle + active verb – active verb + active verb 2) monophthongization cannot occur because two vowels that come together do not monophthongize. This is true when the two vowels in question are the same (a+a or i+i), when one of the vowels is already a result of monophthongization (e+a), or there is simply no known vowel that results from monophthongization of a vowel cluster, as is the case with i+u, a+ǝ, ǝ+a, and ǝ+u’ (Russell 2003: 522–523). Russell divides contraction cases into two groups (Russell 2003: 523): Group I: polysyllabic word + monosyllabic word: V₁ + V₂ > V₂ polysyllabic word + polysyllabic word: V₁ + V₂ > V₂ Group II: monosyllabic word + polysyllabic word: V₁ + V₂ > V₁ However, one can see that the division in Group I is artificial because it results in the same kind of contraction. It must be noted that the overwhelming majority of ‘monosyllabic words’ in Group II are just clitics. Therefore, I rewrite Russell’s two groups as: Group I: polysyllabic word + any word: V₁ + V₂ > V₂ Group II: monosyllabic + polysyllabic word: V₁ + V₂ > V₁ Examples for Group I: kanasi-ku+ar- → kanasikar- (MYS 5.793) sad-CONV+exist → is sad (clause) tǝ+ip- → (clause) t-ip- (MYS 5.800) (clause) DV say → (clause) DV-say (NP) n-i+ar- → n-ar- (MYS 5.805)

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(NP) DV-CONV exist → (NP) DV-exist V-i-te+ar- → V+i+tar- (SM 28) V-CONV-SUB exist → V-CONV-PERF/PROG V-aⁿz-u+ar- → V-aⁿz-ar- (MYS 17.3891) V-NEG-CONV exist → NEG-exist apa+umi → apumi (MYS 9.1757) light+sea → fresh water lake ara+iso → ariso (MYS 2.181) rough+rock → jagged rocks kata+uwo → katuwo (MYS 9.1740) hard+fish → katsuo (dried fish) Examples for Group II: (clause) tǝ+ip- → (clause) tǝ-p- (MYS 15.3638) (clause) DV say → (clause) DV-say ko+um- → kom- (KK 71) egg+lay → lay an egg imo-ŋga ipe → imo-ŋga-pe (MYS 5.844) beloved-POSS house → house of one’s beloved kǝkǝrǝ pa omǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝ → kǝkǝrǝ pa mǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝ (KK 51) heart TOP love-EV-CONC → although the heart loves mi+uma → mima (MYS 5.877) PREF(HON)-horse → honorable horse There are, however, notable exceptions to both Group I and II. First, some of the polysyllabic words sometimes retain their last vowel: are omǝp-u → are mǝpu (against the rule for the Group I) (MYS 5.852) I think-FIN → I think Second, the behavior of the possessive case marker ŋga may be unpredictable, cf. the following two examples: wa-ŋga ipe → wa-ŋga pe (as above, according to the rule for the Group II) (MYS 5.837) I-POSS house → my house wa-ŋga ipe → wa-ŋg-ipe (against the rule for the Group II, but according to the rule for the Group I) (NK 21) I-POSS house → my house 2.5.2 Monophthongization Russell proposes the following conditions for monophthongization: 1) a morpheme boundary between the following categories of words is lost: a) auxiliary verb + auxiliary verb, b) noun + verb; 2) a consonant is lost, resulting in vowel + vowel sequence (Russell 2003: 523). Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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The second condition is speculative, because it involves postulating a nonspecified consonant *C (Russell 2003: 531), which cannot be reconstructed by the regular comparative method for proto-Japonic. Consequently, it is ignored in this grammar. Examples of monophthongization with a lost morphemic boundary: V-i-ki+ar- → V-i-ker- (MYS 5.836) V-CONV-PAST+exist → V-CONV-PRET V-i-ki+am- → V-i-kem- (MYS 2.104) V-CONV-PAST-TENT → V-CONV-PAST/TENT V-i-ar- → V-er- (MYS 1.16) V-CONV-exist → V-PROG kaⁿzu+ap- → kaⁿzop- (MYS 5.890) number+join → count naŋga+iki → naŋgɛki (MYS 2.199) long+breath → sigh taka+iti → takɛti (KK 101) high+market → Taketi (place name) opǝ+isi → opïsi (KK 13) big+stone → rock tǝnǝ+iri → toneri (MYS 16.3791) pavilion+entering → retainer situ+ori → sitori (NS: II) weaving pattern+weaving → native weaving pattern 2.5.3 Nasalization Nasalization is a process that occurs when a voiceless obstruent becomes a prenasalized voiced one due to vowel elision between a nasal sonorant (predominantly /n/) and a following voiceless obstruent. Since the rules of Western Old Japanese phonotactics do not allow consonantal clusters, the sequence consisting of a nasal sonorant followed by voiceless obstruent results in a prenasalized voiced obstruent ⁿC. This vowel elision occurs most frequently in genitive case marker -nǝ, but there are also cases when it involves the dative-locative case marker -ni, the comparative case marker -nǝ, and the converb form n-i or the attributive form n-ǝ of the defective verb n-. Examples: sora-ⁿ-di (MYS 15.3694) < *sora-nǝ ti ‘way to Heaven’ (cf. ti-mata ‘road fork’), no-m-biru (KK 43) < no-nǝ piru ‘field garlic,’ taku-m-busuma (KK 5) < taku-nǝ pusuma ‘taku covers,’ mi-na-ŋ-gipa (MYS 20.4462) < mi-na-nǝ kipa ‘riverbank (lit.: edge of the water),’ Yamasirǝ-ŋ-gapa (KK 58) < Yamasirǝ-nǝ kapa ‘Yamasirǝ river,’ ipe-ⁿ-zakar(MYS 5.794) < ipe-ni sakar- ‘to keep distance from home,’ mi-yama-ŋ-gakur-i-te (KK 112) < mi-yama-ni kakur-i-te ‘hiding in the deep mountains,’ miⁿdu-nǝ kaper-an-u-ŋ-gǝtǝ-ku (MYS 15.3625) < miⁿdu-nǝ kaper-an-u n-i kǝtǝ-ku ‘like the Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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water that does not return,’ osu-m-pur-ap-i (KK 2) < *osu n-i pur-ap-i ‘repeatedly pushes and shakes,’ pikǝ-ⁿ-dur-ap-i (KK 2) < *pikǝ n-i tur-ap-i ‘repeatedly pulls and shoves,’ ma-tama-ⁿ-de (KK 3) < ma-tama-nǝ te ‘hands like jewels.’ There is one case of the elision of the last vowel in the root after a nasal: siⁿ-tu ye (KK 100) < simo-tu ye ‘bottom branches.’ This also appears to be the only case when the nasal /m/ and not /n/ is the source of the nasalization. However, in some rare cases the prenasalized forms in compounds reflect not the vowel elision between a nasal and a voiceless obstruent, but indicate that originally the first element of compound ended with a nasal, e.g., wombune ‘small boat’ (KK 52), woⁿ-dani ‘little valley’ (KK 111), woⁿdi ‘old man’ (MYS 17.4014) < woⁿ- ‘small’ + ti ‘father,’ wa-ⁿ-dǝri ‘my bird’ (KK 3), na-ⁿ-dǝri ‘thy bird’ (KK 3), a-ŋ-ko ‘my children’ (NK 8). 2.5.4 *-r- Loss The process of *-r- loss (Whitman’s law) is a residue from the previous stage of the language, no longer active in Western Old Japanese.8 However, it is important to keep in mind, as it affected verbal morphophonology. Whitman argued that *-r- was lost in pre-OJ if the preceding vowel was short, but retained if the preceding vowel was long (Whitman 1985: 190–201). At first glance, this explanation may seem to be circular, because the evidence for pre-OJ vowel length, especially in non-first syllables, is moot, to say the least. However, it turns out that it works in the case of verbal morphophonology if we treat vowels resulting from contraction or monophthongization as long. Thus, pre-OJ *-uro > WOJ -uru,9 attributive, and pre-OJ *-ure > WOJ -ure, evidential, undergo the following developments depending whether they follow consonantal or vowel verbal stems, cf. the following examples involving consonantal verb omǝp- ‘to think, love’ and vowel verb kopï- ‘to love.’ *omǝp-uru → *omǝp-u[r]u → omǝp-u *omǝp-urɛ → *omǝp-u[r]ɛ → omǝp-ɛ *kopï-uro → *kop-ūru → kop-uru *kopï-urɛ → *kop-ūrɛ → kop-ure

8  There seems to be two possible exceptions to this rule, reflected by WOJ kusurisi ~ MJ kususi ‘medicine man,’ and WOJ urutapu ~ MJ utapu ‘to complain’ (no direct phonographic Western Old Japanese attestations of urutapu, the word is usually cited on the basis of later glosses (Omodaka et al. 1967: 137). 9  In Western Old Japanese pre-OJ *o underwent raising to *u, thus pre-OJ *-uro > WOJ -uru.

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chapter 3 Lexicon

∵

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Contents of Chapter 3 Chapter 3 Lexicon 62 1 Naturalized Loanwords from Ainu 63 2 Naturalized Loanwords from Korean 64 3 Naturalized Loanwords from Old and Middle Chinese 67 4 Loanwords from Chinese in Poetry 70 5 Loanwords from Chinese in Prose 72

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As a lexicon of any human language, the lexicon of Western Old Japanese surely consisted of both native vocabulary and loanwords. However, the usage of loanwords was restricted in poetry (although there were some exceptions), and since most of our sources on Western Old Japanese represent poetic texts, we will probably never know the extent to which loanwords were employed in the everyday language of the time. This is especially true since the only prose source that uses loanwords more or less extensively, the Senmyō, has two significant limitations. First, many of the loanwords from Chinese are written in this text logographically by Chinese characters. Second, the vocabulary of the Senmyō is very specific, since it represents imperial edicts. The only other Western Old Japanese prose text, the Norito, is hardly helpful at all. Since it is a collection of the Shintō prayers it cannot be expected to contain a substantial amount of foreign vocabulary. However, there are two major exceptions to this otherwise almost complete absence of loanwords. The first one concerns those loanwords that are frequently labeled ‘prehistoric,’ although not all of them are prehistoric in the true sense of the word. Rather, it involves those borrowings that have already become the flesh and blood of the Old Japanese language, and were no longer perceived as foreign elements. These words, therefore, were treated as an organic part of the native vocabulary, and they were freely used in poetry. There are three recognizable sources of naturalized loanwords: Ainu, Korean, and Chinese. However, there were undoubtedly many more, including languages that were once spoken in the Japanese archipelago. Since Japonic absorbed these languages comparatively early, almost no traces of them remain today. Identification of these potentially foreign elements in Japanese is an exciting, albeit controversial topic, which falls outside of the scope of the present work; therefore, my focus here will be on the immediately identifiable loanwords. The second major exception is due to the usage of Chinese loanwords in the so-called ‘playful poems’ (tawamure-no uta) that are heavily concentrated in volume sixteen of the Man’yōshū (Saeki 1959: 35).

© Alexander Vovin, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004422810_004

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Section 1

Naturalized Loanwords from Ainu Apart from place names, e.g., WOJ Nǝtǝ, a name for the Noto peninsula (< Ainu not ‘cape,’ or noto ‘big cape’), there are very few Ainu loanwords in Western Old Japanese.1 One of them is WOJ kanipa (or possibly kanimba) ‘sakura bark,’ likely a loanword from Ainu karinpa ‘bark of mountain sakura’ (Saeki 1959: 32). Another example is the diminutive prefix wo- < woⁿ- < *bon-, a likely loanword from Ainu pon ‘small’ (see chapter 4, section 1.1.3 for details).

1  But there are plenty of Ainu loans in Eastern Old Japanese, see Vovin 2012: 11–12 and 2013: 13–15.

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Section 2

Naturalized Loanwords from Korean Loanwords from Korean are much more numerous than loanwords from Ainu and they are found in virtually all layers of Western Old Japanese vocabulary, including basic vocabulary. This is contrary to the general belief that most of the loanwords from Korean are limited to Buddhist religious vocabulary. The difficulty of their identification is due to the fact that Western Old Japanese borrowed heavily from now extinct language of the Paekche kingdom, from which only few glosses remain. Nevertheless, the tentative identification of certain ‘native’ Western Old Japanese vocabulary items as Korean loanwords is still possible due to two factors. First, the Old Korean language, the language of the Silla kingdom, is attested much better, with several texts surviving. The Koreanic language of Paekche is related reasonably close to Old Korean. In addition, Middle Korean, which is not quite a direct descendant of Old Korean, but which is based on an Old Korean dialect very close to the Silla language, is attested quite perfectly. Second, a number of Western Old Japanese ‘native’ vocabulary items have parallels in Old and/or Middle Korean, but do not have any cognates either in Eastern Old Japanese or in Ryukyuan. Rather than view them as Koreo-Japonic cognate sets, supporting the genetic relationship of Japonic and Korean, I prefer to identify them as loanwords from some variety of Old Korean (possibly Paekche). If they were genuine Koreo-Japonic cognates, one would expect them to show up in Eastern Old Japanese and/or in Ryukyuan. The very fact that they are absent from the two branches of Japonic that were not in direct contact with ancient languages of the Korean peninsula, speaks in favor of the loanword scenario. Besides, these words usually have semantic doublets in Western Old Japanese. The doublets normally have cognates in Eastern Old Japanese and/or Ryukyuan, but no parallels in Old and/or Middle Korean. The following chart illustrates these two vocabulary layers in Western Old Japanese lexicon. The first word in each pair (indexed with subscript ‘₁’) is apparently native, because it has obvious cognates in Eastern Old Japanese and/or Ryukyuan. The second word in each pair (indexed with subscript ‘₂’) is likely a loanword from Korean, since there are no Eastern Old Japanese and/or Ryukyuan cognates, but there are Korean parallels.

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LEXICON chart 6

Lexical doublets in Western Old Japanese

Father₁ Father₂ mother₁ mother₂ elder brother₁ elder brother₂ head₁ head₂ eye₁ eye₂ snow₁ snow₂ sea₁ sea₂

WOJ

EOJ

Ryuk.

OK

MK

titi kaso papa omo ani se MJ tub/muri -matab mɛ na-mita ‘tear’c yuki MJ na-dared umi wata

titi — papa amo ani se — — mɛ — yoki — umi —

cici — fafa — ?ani — çiburu — *me nada *yoki — *omi —

— kaso (Paekche) — *EME? — ? — EMK mati — *NWUN? — ? — ?

— — — emi — hyenga — mari — nwun — nwun — parar, patah

a Not a Chinese loan, as frequently assumed. Chin. 兄 ‘elder brother’ has MK Sino-Korean reading /hywuyeng/, modern Sino-Korean /hywung/. b Preserved in ya-mata nǝ woroti ‘eight-headed serpent’ (Vovin 2000: 142–143). c Lit.: ‘water-eye,’ and not ‘eye-water’ (Vovin 2010b). d Nadare ‘snowslide, avalanche.’.

Certainly, naturalized Korean loanwords are not limited to basic vocabulary alone. On the contrary, many more are found in cultural vocabulary. Some examples: WOJ tera ‘Buddhist temple,’ borrowed from some Old Korean dialect, probably Paekche: cf. MK tyél ‘id.’ MK form apparently underwent apocope, and WOJ preserves the old form of the word. WOJ pǝtǝkɛ ‘Buddha,’ borrowed from some Old Korean dialect, probably Paekche: cf. MK pwuthye ‘id.’ MK form apparently underwent syncope, resulting from OK *pwutVhye (cf. Manchu fucihi ‘Buddha,’ also borrowed from some OK dialect, probably Parhae). WOJ kusirǝ ‘bracelet made of precious stones’ borrowed from some Old Korean dialect, probably Paekche: cf. MK kwùsúl ‘bead, precious stone.’ WOJ katana ‘single blade sword’ is an apparent compound consisting of kata‘one’ and na ‘blade.’ This compound as such does not present itself in Modern

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Chapter 3

Korean or Middle Korean, but this can be easily explained by the fact that Koreans in recent historical times used only double-blade swords. Although kata- ‘one’ is found in a number of compounds even in modern Japanese, such as kata-miti ‘one way,’ kata-asi ‘one foot,’ kata-ude ‘one arm,’ kata-omoi ‘unreciprocated love,’ kata-oya ‘one parent,’ kata-gawa ‘one side,’ kata-toki ‘single moment,’ etc., it is not a native word. The native vocabulary item is WOJ pitǝ‘one.’ Kata- ‘one’ is an apparent loanword from Korean: although MK has honah (Modern Standard Korean hana) ‘one,’ pre-fifteenth-century Korean materials clearly indicate earlier *xata- with *-t- rather than *-n-: EMK xatun (Kyeylim yusa #19), OK HAtʌn (一等) ‘one’ (Kwangumka 6, 8). WOJ na ‘blade’ < MK nolh [nʌrh] ‘id.,’ cf. native WOJ pa ‘blade.’ WOJ pati ‘bowl for alms.’ The ultimate source for this word is Sanskrit pātra or pātrī ‘bowl,’ but the immediate source is certainly Korean, the word being borrowed from Korean before the lenition -t- > -r- took place, cf. MK pal [par] ‘bowl for alms’ < OK *pati. Unless the immediate Korean source is assumed for this word (since no other direct loans from Sanskrit to Western Old Japanese are known), it would be difficult to explain the following: a) the same restricted semantics (‘bowl for alms’ vs. ‘bowl’), b) final vowel -i (that can be easily explained as Korean diminutive -i) rather than -u, which would be more likely to be expected if the word were a direct loan from the Chinese intermediary (EMC pat ‘bowl for alms’).

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Section 3

Naturalized Loanwords from Old and Middle Chinese There are few naturalized loanwords from Old and Middle Chinese, and even fewer are completely unproblematic. To illustrate the possibilities and the problems that besiege them, I will use the following four examples. WOJ we ‘picture’ is a loanword from EMC ɣwɛ:jʰ (畫) ‘id.’ It freely appears in different kinds of texts, including poetry, which probably points to the fact that even then this word was not perceived as an alien element. WOJ tǝnǝ ‘pavilion’ is likely to be a borrowing of OC *tˁǝ[n]-s (殿) ‘pavilion.’ Phonetically it is quite plausible, with an echo vowel added after the Chinese final consonant. The echo vowel principle also appears in some ongana signs that were used as disyllables, e.g., MC 作 (EMC tsak) or 尺 (MC tɕʰiajk) rendering the WOJ sequence /saka/. It is also very plausible in a cultural context, because the building of pavilions was certainly an enterprise borrowed from China, whether directly or indirectly through a Korean intermediary. The surviving samples of native Japanese architecture certainly do not include any pavilions, that all appear to be based on existing Chinese models. At any rate, this etymology is much more certain that the other two that will be discussed below. WOJ uma ‘horse’ is almost universally believed to be an early loanword from OC *mra (馬) ‘horse’ (Saeki 1959: 33). It is not quite clear why OC cluster *mrwould be reflected as *um- in Western Old Japanese, one would expect more realistic reflexes *m- or *n- < *r-, thus, WOJ *ma or *na would be expected. It is highly unlikely that the word was borrowed from MC *ma, because in this case initial *u- in Western Old Japanese would be still crying for an explanation. An even greater problem confronting this comparison involves the reconstruction of the proper proto-Japonic archetype of the word. There is a diachronic alternation ∅- ~ m- in this word: WOJ uma ~ MJ muma ‘horse.’ The same alternation between WOJ form without initial m- and MJ with initial m- is observed in some other words, e.g., WOJ umɛ ~ MJ mume ‘plum’ (discussed below), WOJ umaŋgwo ~ MJ mumago ‘grandchild,’2 WOJ uma- ~ MJ muma- ‘to be good, excellent, splendid, delicious,’ WOJ umbap- ~ MJ mubaf- ‘to take away,’ WOJ umbara 2  Forms muma ‘horse’ and mumaŋgo ‘grandchild’ with initial m- are also attested in Western Old Japanese, but they occur more seldom than forms without m-.

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68 chart 7

Chapter 3 Reflexes of um-/uⁿ - in WOJ, EOJ, MJ and Shuri

Gloss

WOJ

EOJ

MJ

Shuri

horse plum grandchild good/tasty take away thorn necessity sea pus give birth bury

uma umɛ umaŋgwo umaumbapumbara umbɛ umi umi umum-

mumaa – – – – – – umi – – –

muma mume mumago mumamubafmubara mube umi umi umume-

’Nma ’Nmi ’Nmaga maasa-N ’Nbay-uN –b – ’umi ’Nmi ’Nmari’Nbee-y-uN

a The form uma is attested also, but only in those Eastern Old Japanese texts that have no or very few real Eastern Old Japanese features (MYS 14.3439, 3537a, 3538). b Shuri ’ibayaa ‘thorn’ is a late loan from Japanese ibara ‘id.’

~ MJ mubara ‘thorn, brier,’ WOJ umbɛ ~ MJ mube ‘really, necessity.’ It is usually believed that the Western Old Japanese forms without m- are more archaic than Middle Japanese forms with m-. However, it is necessary to explain why there are also a number of words where WOJ um-/uⁿ- corresponds to MJ um/-u˜-3 and not to MJ mum-/mu˜-, e.g.: WOJ umi ~ MJ umi ‘sea,’ WOJ umi ~ MJ umi ‘pus,’ WOJ um- ~ MJ um- ‘to give birth,’ WOJ um- ~ MJ ume- ‘to bury.’4 Let us compare these two groups of words with their reflexes in Eastern Old Japanese and Ryukyuan (Modern Shuri will be used as an example). With the exception of Shuri maasa-N ‘is delicious’ that represents an irregular development, we can see three distinct types of correspondences: 1) WOJ um- ~ EOJ mum- ~ MJ mum- ~ Shuri ’Nm2) WOJ um- ~ EOJ um- ~ MJ um- ~ Shuri um3) WOJ um- ~ EOJ ? ~ MJ um- ~ Shuri ’Nm-

3  Middle Japanese consonants transcribed as b, d, g, z were either prenasalized voiced obstruents like WOJ mb, ⁿd, ŋg, ⁿz, or they triggered nasalization over a preceding vowel. 4  There are intransitives mumare- ‘to be born’ and mumore- ‘to be buried’ attested with initial m- in Middle Japanese, but these are probably analogical forms, since transitive verbs um- ‘to give birth’ and ume- ‘to bury’ never appear as *mum- and *mume-.

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Serafim suggested that the second correspondence should be interpreted as a reflex of PJ sequence *om-, with primary PJ *o that underwent raising to /u/ in WOJ (unconditional), EOJ (in this case), and in initial position in Shuri (Serafim, personal communication). The third correspondence is then likely to reflect PJ *um-, which was reflected as such in Central (WOJ, MJ) branch of Japanese, but shifted to ’Nm- in Shuri. That leaves only one option for interpretation of the first correspondence: as PJ *mum-. Thus, the reconstruction of the PJ archetype for WOJ uma ‘horse’ should be *muma, and this short discussion demonstrates again that Western Old Japanese is not the Latin of the Japonic language family. It turns out to be the most innovative among all the Japonic languages as far as its treatment of PJ sequences *mum-, *um- and *om- is concerned: it is the only Japonic language among those used above that merged them all. Therefore, it is quite doubtful that PJ *muma ‘horse’ (> WOJ uma) can be a loanword from OC *mra. The reflex of OC initial cluster *mr- as PJ *mum- is not very likely. This kind of a phonetically strange development is placed even more in doubt by an apparent irregularity that arises if we take into consideration the hypothesis that WOJ umɛ ‘plum’ is also a loanword from Old Chinese, which is discussed next. WOJ umɛ ‘plum’ is usually considered to be an early loanword from OC *C.mˁǝ5 (梅) ‘plum’ (Saeki 1959: 33). However, as demonstrated above the archetype of WOJ umɛ ‘plum’ was PJ *mumay with an initial m-. This creates a problem in regularity of the correspondences if we compare this word with WOJ uma ‘horse’ and its alleged OC counterpart: gloss WOJ PJ OC horse uma *muma *mˁraɁ plum umɛ *mumay * C.mˁǝ We have two almost identical shapes in proto-Japonic, but the alleged Old Chinese sources are very different. It is really inconceivable how a PJ *mumay or WOJ umɛ could develop an extra initial syllable if the word for ‘plum’ was really borrowed from Old Chinese. Thus, I must conclude that neither WOJ uma ‘horse’ nor WOJ umɛ ‘plum’ are loanwords from Chinese. Their etymology remains obscure.

5  I follow here the traditional Old Chinese reconstruction by Baxter and Sagart (2014: 351).

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Section 4

Loanwords from Chinese in Poetry Most Chinese loanwords found in Western Old Japanese poetry represent religious vocabulary, in particular vocabulary that is related to Buddhism. The lion’s share of all Chinese loanwords in poetry is concentrated in volume sixteen of the Man’yōshū. The usual reason cited is that MYS 16 contains many tawamure-no uta, or ‘playful poems’ (Saeki 1959: 35) although not all the poems in volume sixteen containing Chinese loanwords are playful in their content. The following loanwords from Chinese are attested in Western Old Japanese poetic texts:6 suŋguroku ‘sugoroku (name of a game)’ < EMC ʂɶ:wŋ luwk (雙六) (MYS 16.3827, MYS 16.3838), kau ‘fragrance’ < EMC xɨaŋ (香) (MYS 16.3828), kuu ‘achievement’ < EMC kǝwŋ (功) (MYS 16.3858), ŋgowi ‘fifth rank’ < EMC ŋɔ’ wiʰ (五位) (MYS 16.3858), popusi ‘Buddhist priest’ < EMC puap ʂi (法師) (MYS 16.3846), ŋgakï ‘hungry demon’ < EMC ŋaʰ kuj’ (餓鬼) (MYS 4.608, MYS 16.3840), puse ‘offering (at a Buddhist temple)’ < EMC pɔʰ ɕiǝ̌ (布施) (MYS 5.906), kuwasǝ [kwasǝ] ‘travel pass’ < EMC kwaʰ ʂiǝ̌’ (過所) (MYS 15.3754), rikiⁿzi ‘Buddhist guardian’ in rikiⁿzi-mapi ‘Buddhist guardian dance’ < EMC lik dʑi’ (力士) (MYS 16.3831), muŋgau ‘non-existing’ in muŋgau n-ǝ sato ‘non-existing village’7 < EMC muǝ̌ ɣa wuw’ (無何有) (MYS 16.3851), pakwoya ‘Pakoya, p.n.’ in pakwoya n-ǝ yama ‘mythical mountain Pakoya where the immortals live’8 < EMC mjiaw’ kɔ jiaʰ (藐孤射) (MYS 16.3851), teusamu ‘going to the court’ < EMC driaw tsʰam (朝参) (MYS 18.4121). Some of the Chinese loanwords can form compounds with native vocabulary items. Thus, the loanword ŋgakï ‘hungry demon’ can occur independently (MYS 4.608), and also can form compounds with native vocabulary items: me-ŋgakï ‘female hungry demon,’ wo-ŋgakï ‘male hungry demon’ (MYS 16.3840). 6  The following list is based mostly on the list found in Saeki (1959: 34), with one addition from Shirafuji (1987: 203). Shirafuji provides several other cases, not included in the list in Saeki (1959: 34), but they are more controversial, as native readings may in fact hide behind the logographic script in these cases. For example, the characters 生死 in MYS 16.3849 are read as a loanword syaunzi by Shirafuji, but native iki-sini fits better in the meter of the poem (Takagi et al. 1962: 151). 7  An image taken from Zhuangzi that symbolizes the ideal unspoiled abode of immortals. 8  Another image taken from Zhuangzi.

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71

The loanword rikiⁿzi ‘Buddhist guardian,’ on the other hand, occurs in poetry only in the compound rikiⁿzi-mapi ‘Buddhist guardian dance’ (MYS 16.3831). There are also three loanwords borrowed from Sanskrit via Chinese that also appear in poetry. All of them occur only in the volume sixteen of the Man’yōshū: tapu ‘pagoda’ < EMC tʰap (塔) < Sanskrit stūpa (MYS 16.3828), ⁿdaniwoti ‘almsgiver’ < EMC dan wuat (檀越) < Sanskrit dānapati (MYS 16.3847), mbaramoni ‘Brahman’ < EMC ba la mǝn (婆羅門) < Sanskrit brāhmaṇa (MYS 16.3856).

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Section 5

Loanwords from Chinese in Prose Chinese loanwords in prose are much more numerous in spite of the fact that they all come from the same text: the Senmyō, which is the only prose text that contains borrowings from Chinese. The following Chinese loanwords (including loanwords from Sanskrit via Chinese) are attested in the Senmyō:9 uwi ‘[people] with a rank’ < EMC wuw’ wiʰ (有位) (SM 42), yeni ‘karma’ < EMC jwian (縁) (SM 41), yemimi ‘witchcraft’ < EMC Ɂjiam miʰ (厭魅) (SM 54), omuyau ‘Ying and Yang’ < EMC Ɂim jɨaŋ (陰陽) (SM 42), kaundoku ‘reading’ < EMC kaɨwŋ dǝwk (講讀) (SM 42), ŋgaku ‘music’ < EMC ŋaiwk (樂) (SM 9), kitiⁿzyauteni ‘name of Bishamon’s spouse’ < EMC kjit ziaŋ thɛn (吉祥天) (SM 42), ŋgipu ‘righteous husband’ < EMC ŋiʰ puǝ̌ (義夫) (SM 42), kiyau ‘sutra’ < EMC kɛjŋ (經) (SM 28, SM 38), ŋgiyau ‘deed’ < EMC γaɨjŋʰ (行) (SM 41), kwanuseomu mbosati ‘bodhisattva Kannon’ < EMC kwanʰ ɕiajʰ Ɂim bɔ sat (観世音菩薩) (SM 19, SM 43), keiuni ‘auspicious (lit.: scenic) cloud’ < EMC kijaŋ’ wun (景雲) (SM 42), keuŋgi ‘filial piety’ < EMC xɛ:wʰ ŋiʰ (孝義) (SM 13, SM 48, SM 50, SM 55, SM 61), keuⁿzi ‘respectful son’ < EMC xɛ:wʰ tsɨ’ (孝子) (SM 42), keumbu ‘virtuous wife’ < EMC xɛ:wʰ buw’ (孝婦) (SM 42), kekwa ‘penance’ < EMC xwǝj’ kwaʰ (悔過) (SM 42), kokuwau ‘country’s king’ < EMC kwǝk wuaŋʰ (國王) (SM 28), ŋgopopu ‘protect the Buddhist Law’ < EMC γɔ’ puap (護法) (SM 19), samuseni ‘triple selection’ < EMC sam swian’ (三選) (SM 42), samumbau ‘Three Treasures’ < EMC sam paw’ (三宝) (SM 12, SM 13, SM 38, SM 42, SM 45), ⁿzamu ‘beheading’ < EMC tʂɛ:m’ (斬) (SM 53, SM 62), si ‘mentor, teacher’ < EMC ʂi (師) (SM 24, SM 28, SM 35, SM 36, SM 48), sikiⁿzi ‘office manager’ < EMC tɕik dʑɨʰ (職事) (SM 24), siNdaiteniwau ‘Four Great Heavenly Kings’ < EMC siʰ daj’ thɛn wuaŋʰ (四大天王) (SM 19, SM 43), ⁿziyaukai ‘Buddhist precepts’ < EMC dziajŋʰ kɛ:jʰ (浄戒) (SM 28), siyari ‘Buddha’s relics’ < EMC ɕiaʰ liʰ (舎利) 9  The following list is based on the list compiled by Shirafuji (1987: 204–205) on the basis of the index to Senmyō by Kitagawa Kazuhide (1982) with a few additions based on Kitagawa’s index that for some reason were not included into Shirafuji’s list. I also added Early Middle Chinese sources. We know virtually nothing about the phonology of Chinese loanwords in Western Old Japanese prose, because their kana spellings are sadly lacking, therefore the transcription below is just a speculation. I have added the vowels -i or -u after all final consonants in the tentative transcription of the examples above: judging by some relic loanwords surviving into later Japanese, it is quite possible that this was the case, i.e., e.g., the pronunciation of character 人 ‘person’ was [ⁿzini] with a final echo vowel. It is possible, however, that members of the educated class were able to pronounce the Chinese syllable final -p, -t, -k, -m, -n, and -N. However, none of these hypotheses can be really proven.

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73

(SM 41), ⁿziyunisonu ‘obedient grandchild’ < EMC ʑwinʰ swǝn (順孫) (SM 42), siyouraku ‘bliss’ < EMC ɕiŋ lak (勝楽) (SM 45), siyosiyau ‘all sages’ < EMC tɕɨǎ ɕiajŋʰ (諸聖) (SM 44, SM 45), siyoteni ‘all Heavens’ < EMC tɕɨǎ thɛn (諸天) (SM 42), sinitai ‘advance and retreat’ < EMC tsinʰ thwǝjʰ (進退) (SM 62), ⁿzuwisiyo ‘auspicious writing’ < EMC dʑwiʰ ɕɨǝ̌ (瑞書) (SM 42), sekeni ‘world’ < EMC ɕiajʰ kɛ:nʰ (世間) (SM 45), setimbu ‘faithful wife’ < EMC tsɛt buw’ (節婦) (SM 42), ⁿzenisi ‘meditation teacher’ < EMC dʑian ʂi (禅師) (SM 28, SM 41), ⁿdaiŋgiyaku ‘great crime’ < EMC dajʰ ŋiajk (大逆) (SM 54), ⁿdaisi ‘great teacher’ < EMC dajʰ ʂi (大師) (SM 26, SM 41), taisiyaku ‘Taisaku (= Indra)’ < EMC tɛjʰ ɕiajk (帝釈) (SM 19, SM 43), ⁿdaiⁿzini ‘minister’ < EMC dajʰ dʑin (大臣) (SM 28, SM 35, SM 36), ⁿdaiNzuwi ‘great wonder’ < EMC dajʰ dʑwiʰ (大瑞) (SM 42, SM 48), ⁿdaipau ‘Minister of the Right (lit.: Great Protector)’ < EMC dajʰ paw’ (大保) (SM 25, SM 26), ⁿdaipopusi ‘great teacher of the Buddhist Law’ < EMC dajʰ puap ʂi (大法師) (SM 41, SM 42), ⁿdairitusi ‘teacher of Great Principles’ < EMC dajʰ lwit ʂi (大律師) (SM 41), tiŋgiyau ‘educated monk’ < EMC triʰ ɣɛ:jŋʰ (智行) (SM 61), tiniⁿziyu ‘garrison commander’ < EMC trinʰ ɕuwʰ (鎮守) (SM 62), ⁿdesi ‘disciple’ < EMC dɛj’ tsɨ’ (弟子) (SM 27), ⁿdokuⁿziyu ‘reading [sutras]’ < EMC dǝwk zuawŋ (讀誦) (SM 45), naisau ‘internal minister’ < EMC nwǝjʰ sɨaŋʰ (内相) (SM 19), niyorai ‘Tathagata’ < EMC ɲɨǝ̌ lǝj (如来) (SM 41), ninikeu ‘filial piety’ < EMC ɲin xɛ:wʰ (仁孝) (SM 59), ⁿziniteni ‘human and Heavenly worlds’ < EMC ɲin thɛn (人天) (SM 45), pakase ‘scholar’ < EMC pak dʑɨ’ (博士) (SM 11), pukasiŋgi ‘wonderful’ < EMC put kha’ siʰ ŋiʰ (不可思議) (SM 19, SM 43), peniⁿziyu ‘border guard’ < EMC pɛn swit (辺戍) (SM 62), mbosati ‘bodhisattva’ < EMC bɔ sat (菩薩) (SM 28, SM 38, SM 41), mboⁿdai ‘enlightenment’ < EMC bɔ dɛj (菩提) (SM 27), popusamuŋgi ‘councilor of the Buddhist Law’ < EMC puap sam ŋiʰ (法参議) (SM 41), popuⁿzini ‘minister of the Buddhist Law’ < EMC puap dʑin (法臣) (SM 41), popuwau ‘king of the Buddhist Law’ < EMC puap wuaŋʰ (法王) (SM 41), mbomuwau ‘Bonten (= Brahma)’ < EMC buamʰ wuaŋʰ (梵王) (SM 19, SM 43), muponu ‘rebellion’ < EMC muw puan’ (謀反) (SM 18, SM 34, SM 53, SM 54), muwi ‘[people] without a rank’ < EMC muǝ̌ wiʰ (无位) (SM 42), yaupuku ‘prosperity’ < EMC wiajŋ puwk (栄福) (SM 45), rai ‘ritual’ < EMC lɛj’ (礼) (SM 9), rikiⁿdeni ‘rice field lot’ < EMC lik dɛn (力田) (SM 13, SM 42), rusiyana ‘Vairocana Buddha’ < EMC lɔ ɕiaʰ naʰ (廬舎那) (SM 12, SM 19, SM 43), wiⁿzini ‘divine’ < EMC Ɂuj ʑin (威神) (SM 19, SM 43). It can be immediately seen that the majority of the Chinese loanwords in Western Old Japanese prose are also from the domain of Buddhist vocabulary, as we have already seen in the case of the poetic texts. Interesting enough, a considerable part of the Chinese loanwords attested in prose is heavily concentrated in edicts 41–43 of the Senmyō, and especially in edict 42.

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CHAPTER 4 Nominals

∵

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Contents of Chapter 4 Chapter 4 Nominals 83 1 Nouns 84 1.1 Prefixes 85 1.1.1 Honorific Prefix mi- 85 1.1.2 Intensive Prefix ma- 90 1.1.3 Diminutive Prefix wo- 95 1.1.4 Diminutive Prefix ko- 98 1.1.5 Locative Prefix sa- 101 1.1.5.1 Exception (1) 105 1.1.5.2 Exception (2) 105 1.1.5.3 Exception (3) 106 1.1.5.4 Exception (4) 108 1.2 Suffixes 109 1.2.1 Number and Plural Markers 110 1.2.1.1 Plural Marker -ra 111 1.2.1.2 Plural Marker -ⁿdǝmǝ 115 1.2.1.3 Plural Marker -tati 117 1.2.1.4 Plural Marker -na 119 1.2.1.5 Reduplication 123 1.2.2 Case Markers 125 1.2.2.1 Case Marker -i 126 1.2.2.2 Case Marker -ŋga 131 1.2.2.2.1 Possessive Marker 132 1.2.2.2.2 Subject Marker in a Dependent Clause 133 1.2.2.2.3 Subject Marker in a Main Clause 135 1.2.2.3 Genitive Case Marker -nǝ 139 1.2.2.3.1 Genetive Case Marker 140 1.2.2.3.2 Special Compressed Genitive Form 141 1.2.2.3.3 Subject Marker in a Dependent Clause 142 1.2.2.3.4 Subject Marker in a Main Clause 143 1.2.2.4 Dative-Locative Case Marker -ni 145 1.2.2.4.1 Dative Case Marker 145 1.2.2.4.2 Locative Case Marker 147 1.2.2.4.3 Special Compressed Locative Form 149 1.2.2.4.4 Special Reduced Locative Form 149 1.2.2.4.5 Agent Marker in Passive Constructions 150

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1.2.2.4.6 Directive Case Marker 151 1.2.2.4.7 Special Usage 152 1.2.2.5 Dative-Locative Case Marker -ra 158 1.2.2.6 Locative Case Marker -na 162 1.2.2.7 Genitive-Locative Case Marker -tu 163 1.2.2.8 Accusative-Absolutive Case Marker -wo 168 1.2.2.8.1 Accusative Case Marker 168 1.2.2.8.2 Emphatic Accusative -womba 170 1.2.2.8.3 Absolutive Case Marker 172 1.2.2.8.4 Peculiarities of Usage 175 1.2.2.8.5 Special Usage 176 1.2.2.9 Comitative Case Marker -tǝ 180 1.2.2.10 Ablative Case Marker -yu/-yuri/-yo/-yori 183 1.2.2.10.1 Allomorph -yu 184 1.2.2.10.2 Allomorph -yuri 185 1.2.2.10.3 Allomorph -yo 186 1.2.2.10.4 Allomorph -yori 187 1.2.2.11 Directive Case Marker -ŋgari 192 1.2.2.12 Directive Case Marker -pe 194 1.2.2.13 Terminative Case Marker -maⁿde 196 1.2.2.14 Comparative Case Marker -nǝ/-ni/-nasu/-nǝsu 200 1.2.2.14.1 Allomorph -nǝ 201 1.2.2.14.2 Allomorph -ni 202 1.2.2.14.3 Allomorph -nasu 203 1.2.2.14.4 Allomorph -nǝsu 204 1.2.2.14.5 Special Form -ⁿ 205 1.2.2.15 Origins of the New Ablative Case Marker -kara 207 1.2.3 Diminutive Suffixes 208 1.2.3.1 Diminutive Suffix -ra 208 1.2.3.2 Diminutive Suffix -rǝ 209 1.2.3.3 Diminutive Suffix -na 211 1.2.3.4 Diminutive Suffix -ko 212 1.2.3.4.1 Diminutive Meaning 212 1.2.3.4.2 Endearment Meaning 213 2 Pronouns 215 2.1 Morphological Peculiarities of Pronouns 215 2.2 Personal Pronouns 215

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Contents of Chapter 4

2.2.1

2.2.2

2.2.3 2.2.4 2.2.5

2.2.6 2.2.7 2.2.8

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First Person Pronoun wa/ware 218 2.2.1.1 Stem wa- 219 2.2.1.1.1 Oblique Stem wa-ⁿ- in a Compound 220 2.2.1.1.2 Possessive wa-ŋga 220 2.2.1.1.3 Accusative wa-wo 222 2.2.1.1.4 Directive wa-ŋgari 222 2.2.1.2 Stem ware 222 2.2.1.2.1 Isolated Form ware 222 2.2.1.2.2 Dative ware-ni 223 2.2.1.2.3 Accusative ware-wo 223 2.2.1.2.4 Ablative ware-yori 224 First Person Pronoun a/are 229 2.2.2.1 Stem a 230 2.2.2.1.1 Isolated Form a 230 2.2.2.1.2 Oblique Stem a-ⁿ- in a Compound 231 2.2.2.1.3 Possessive a-ŋga 231 2.2.2.1.4 Accusative a-wo 232 2.2.2.2 Stem are 232 2.2.2.2.1 Isolated Form are 232 2.2.2.2.2 Dative are-ni 233 2.2.2.2.3 Accusative are-wo[mba] 233 First Person Pronoun marǝ 236 First Person Pronoun na 237 Second Person Pronoun na/nare 238 2.2.5.1 Stem na 240 2.2.5.1.1 Isolated Form na 240 2.2.5.1.2 Oblique Stem na-ⁿ- in a Compound 240 2.2.5.1.3 Possessive na-ŋga 240 2.2.5.1.4 Accusative na-wo 242 2.2.5.1.5 Special Form na-ne 242 2.2.5.2 Stem nare 242 2.2.5.2.1 Isolated Form nare 243 2.2.5.2.2 Accusative nare-wo 243 Second Person Pronoun masi/mimasi/imasi 246 Second Person Pronoun ore 248 Third Person Pronoun si 250 2.2.8.1 Special Forms 258

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2.3 Reflexive Pronoun onǝ/onǝre 259 2.3.1 Stem onǝ 260 2.3.1.1 Isolated Form onǝ 260 2.3.1.2 Possessive onǝ-ŋga 260 2.3.2 Stem onǝre 261 2.3.2.1 Isolated Form onǝre 261 2.4 Demonstrative Pronouns 261 2.4.1 Proximal Demonstrative Pronouns 262 2.4.1.1 Proximal Demonstrative Pronoun kǝ/kǝre 262 2.4.1.1.1 Stem kǝ 263 2.4.1.1.1.1 Isolated Form kǝ 263 2.4.1.1.1.2 Modifier Form kǝnǝ 264 2.4.1.1.1.3 Emphatic Accusative kǝ-womba 265 2.4.1.1.1.4 Ablative kǝ-yo and kǝ-yu 265 2.4.1.1.2 Stem kǝre 265 2.4.1.1.2.1 Isolated Form kǝre 265 2.4.1.1.2.2 Modifier Form kore n-ǝ 266 2.4.1.1.2.3 Accusative kǝre-wo 266 2.4.1.2 Proximal Demonstrative Pronoun kǝkǝ 268 2.4.1.3 Proximal Demonstrative Pronoun kǝti 271 2.4.1.4 Proximal Demonstrative Pronoun kǝnata 272 2.4.2 Mesial Demonstrative Pronouns 273 2.4.2.1 Mesial Demonstrative Pronoun sǝ/sǝre 274 2.4.2.1.1 Stem sǝ 274 2.4.2.1.1.1 Accusative sǝ-wo 274 2.4.2.1.1.2 Modifier Form sǝnǝ 275 2.4.2.1.2 Stem sǝre 276 2.4.2.2 Mesial Demonstrative Pronoun sǝkǝ 277 2.4.3 Distal Demonstrative Pronouns 278 2.4.3.1 Distal Demonstrative Pronoun ka/kare 279 2.4.3.1.1 Stem ka 279 2.4.3.1.1.1 Isolated Form ka 279 2.4.3.1.2 Stem kare 280 2.4.3.2 Distal Demonstrative Pronoun kanata 281 2.4.3.3 Distal Demonstrative Pronoun woti/wotǝ/wote 282

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2.5 Interrogative Pronouns 284 2.5.1 Interrogative Pronoun ta-/tare 285 2.5.1.1 Stem ta 285 2.5.1.1.1 Possessive ta-ŋga 285 2.5.1.1.2 Dative ta-ni 286 2.5.1.2 Stem tare 286 2.5.1.2.1 Isolated Form tare 287 2.5.1.2.2 Dative tare-ni 288 2.5.1.2.3 Accusative tare-wo 288 2.5.2 Interrogative Pronoun nani 291 2.5.2.1 Special Form 295 2.5.3 Interrogative Pronoun ika 299 2.5.3.1 Uncontracted Form ika n-i ar- 301 2.5.4 Interrogative Pronoun iⁿdu/iⁿduku 304 2.5.5 Interrogative Pronoun iⁿduti 307 2.5.6 Interrogative Pronoun iⁿdure 308 2.5.7 Interrogative Pronoun itu 310 2.5.8 Interrogative Pronoun iku 313 2.5.8.1 Special Forms 314 2.5.9 Interrogative Pronoun naⁿdǝ, naⁿzǝ 316 2.6 Collective Pronouns 319 2.6.1 Collective Pronoun mïna 319 2.6.2 Collective Pronoun morǝ 321 2.6.2.1 Special Form 324 3 Numerals 327 3.1 Cardinal Numerals 328 3.1.1 Cardinal Numeral pitǝ ‘One’ 328 3.1.2 Cardinal Numeral puta ‘Two’ 330 3.1.3 Cardinal Numeral mi ‘Three’ 332 3.1.4 Cardinal Numeral yǝ ‘Four’ 334 3.1.5 Cardinal Numeral itu ‘Five’ 334 3.1.6 Cardinal Numeral mu ‘Six’ 336 3.1.7 Cardinal Numeral nana ‘Seven’ 336 3.1.8 Cardinal Numeral ya ‘Eight’ 337 3.1.9 Cardinal Numeral kǝkǝnǝ ‘Nine’ 339

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3.1.10 Cardinal Numeral tǝwo ‘Ten’ 340 3.1.11 Count above ‘Ten’ 341 3.1.12 Tens 342 3.1.13 Hundreds 346 3.1.14 Higher Numerals 350 3.2 Ordinal Numerals 352 3.3 Classifiers 354 3.3.1 Classifier -tu 355 3.3.2 Classifier -ti 357 3.3.3 Classifier -ri 358 3.3.4 Classifier -mǝtǝ 359 3.3.5 Classifier -pe 360 3.3.6 Classifier -ka 362 3.4 Months of the Year 367

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As in Modern Japanese, the class of nominals in Old Japanese comprises three major subclasses: nouns, pronouns, and numerals. These three subclasses may be contrasted to verbs, a class of words, which denote action or condition and have formal markers distinguishing them from the non-verbal class. Also, verbal stems can never be used independently without suffixes with the exception of a small group of verbs that can have a suffix-less imperative form in Western Old Japanese (but not in any later stage of the language). On the other hand, nominal stems can be used independently, and nominals do not have formal markers, which further distinguishes them from verbs. Two other important characteristics of Old Japanese nominals include their relatively simple morphology and almost complete lack of fusion. On the first point, typically no more than two suffixal positions are possible in a nominal paradigm; usually a plural marker and case marker, if any, and only two prefixal positions are possible. Thus, the maximal nominal paradigm form will look like this: PREF-PREF-NOMINAL-SUF-SUF.1 Compared to this, the verbal paradigm with its two possible prefixal positions and theoretically unlimited number of suffixal positions is much more complex. In addition, the nominal paradigm exhibits pure agglutination, with no traces of fusion (with the possible exception of rendaku (sequential voicing), but even in the case of rendaku it is still possible to draw a morphological boundary). In contrast, verbal paradigms exhibit some cases of fusion where it becomes difficult or even impossible to draw a morphological boundary between the constituents of a paradigmatic form.

1  Theoretically, three suffixal positions should be possible, since there are plural markers, diminutive suffixes, and case markers. However, there are no examples where plural markers occur together with diminutive suffixes, so the actually attested paradigms are limited to PLUR-CASE and DIM-CASE. There is one example in Eastern Old Japanese, when two different diminutive suffixes are used in front of a case marker: imo-na-rǝ-ŋga ‘beloved-DIM-DIMPOSS’ (MYS 14.3446, see section 1.2.3.3 for details).

© Alexander Vovin, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004422810_005

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Section 1

Nouns From the standpoint of word formation, all nouns can be divided into nouns and deverbal nouns. Nouns in Western Old Japanese as well as in Classical Japanese or Modern Japanese do not have a formal marker distinguishing them from other classes. Therefore, nouns are classified on the basis of two criteria: semantics and distribution. The distributional criterion means that nouns combine with certain morphemes, which are connected with grammatical categories typical only of nouns. Nouns in Old Japanese are characterized by the categories of case and number. There are two types of deverbal nouns: nouns derived from action verbs and nouns derived from quality verbs. The first type on the segmental level coincides with the converb (but on the suprasegmental level the converb and deverbal nouns have different accents) and has the formal marker -i, -ï or -ɛ. The second type always has the formal markers -sa or -mi, which are added directly to the stem of a quality verb. I will discuss all deverbal nouns in chapter 6, which is dedicated to the verb. Nouns as a class in Western Old Japanese have a formal feature that largely disappears from the later stages of the language. Some nouns ending in vowels /ï/ and /ɛ/ (or in /i/ and /e/ which had underlying *ï and *ɛ) in Western Old Japanese have two stems: a free stem, and a bound stem. Bound stems occur in compounds and for some of these nouns also tend to occur before genitive or possessive case marker, although free stems can also be used before these two case markers. Thus, e.g., the word kï ‘tree’ (free stem) has also a bound stem kǝ-; the possible genitive forms are both kǝ-nǝ and kï-nǝ. In Classical Japanese and later stages of the language bound stems have been preserved only in nonproductive compounds, many of which became synchronically indivisible from the morphological point of view. Not all OJ nouns ending in /ï/ or /ɛ/ have two stems, e.g., such words as patakɛ ‘dry field,’ potǝkɛ ‘Buddha,’ or mï ‘winnow’ always occur in one form only. Below is the list of nouns that have free and bound stems.

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NOMINALS

free stem amɛ amɛ2 kɛ kɛ kamï kï kukï kuti ( ∅/__i, Ryukyuan -nakai/-Nkai perfectly corresponds to Old Japanese -ŋgari. As implied by the Ryukyuan uncontracted form -nakai, unless it is an innovation, the nasalization of Old Japanese -ŋgari and the -N- part of Ryukyuan -Nkai probably represents the locative case marker -na, attested in Eastern Old Japanese and various Ryukyuan languages (see section 1.2.2.6). That allows us to reconstruct the directive marker as a bimorphemic *-na-kari and leaves *-kari as a potential proto-Japonic directive marker.46 1.2.2.12 Directive Case Marker -pe The directive case marker -pe is a result of the grammaticalization of the noun pe ‘side.’ This noun is used frequently in both early and later Old Japanese texts as a quasi-postposition in combination with the following dative-locativedirective case marker -ni in the form pe-ni ‘to the side’ or ‘at the side.’ 淤岐弊迩波袁夫泥都羅羅玖

oki-pe-ni pa wom-bune turar-aku offing-side-LOC TOP DIM-boat be stretched in a line-NML small boats are stretched in a line in the offing (KK 52) 夜麻登弊迩爾斯布岐阿宜弖

Yamatǝ-pe-ni nisi puk-i-aŋgɛ-te Yamatǝ-side-LOC western.wind blow-CONV-raise(CONV)-SUB Western wind blows towards Yamatǝ, and … (KK 55) 46  This form *-na-kai, actually attested as -nakai in Ryukyuan, rules out Martin‘s etymology deriving this marker from muka[w]i < *muka-pa-Ci ‘facing’ (Martin 1990: 498). Another Martin’s suggestion that it may be from naka ni ‘at/to within’ (Martin 1990: 498) is also questionable, since in those Ryukyuan dialects, where dative-locative case marker -ni is present, and which also have locatives -nakai or -na such as Kumejima and Tokunoshima, -ni is reflected as -ni, and not as *-i.

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195

NOMINALS 夜麻登弊迩由玖波多賀都麻

Yamatǝ-pe-ni yuk-u pa ta-ŋga tuma Yamatǝ-side-LOC go-ATTR TOP who-POSS spouse Whose spouse goes towards Yamatǝ? (KK 56) 山辺爾草乎思香奈久毛

YAMA-PE-ni sa-wǝ-sika nak-umo mountain-side-LOC PREF-male-deer cry-EXCL a male deer cries at the mountain side! (MYS 15.3674) There are, however, a number of examples where -pe appears to be completely grammaticalized as a directive case marker: 摩佐豆古和藝毛玖迩弊玖陀良須

Masaⁿduko wa-ŋg-imo kuni-pe kuⁿdar-as-u Masaduko I-POSS-beloved province-DIR descend-HON-FIN Masaduko, my beloved, goes towards [her] province (KK 52) 阿米弊由迦婆

amɛ-pe yuk-amba heaven-DIR go-COND if [you] go to heaven (MYS 5.800) 宮弊能保留等

MIYA-pe nǝmbor-u tǝ palace-DIR ascend-FIN DV thinking of going to the palace (MYS 5.886) 新羅奇敞可伊敞爾可加反流

Sirakï-pe ka ipe-ni ka kaper-u Silla-DIR IP home-LOC IP return-ATTR [Will I go] to Silla, or will [I] return home? (MYS 15.3696) 和我勢古我久爾敞麻之奈婆

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga kuni-pe [i]mas-i-n-amba I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS land-DIR come(HON)-CONV-PERF-COND If my beloved would have returned to [his] land (MYS 17.3996) It is interesting that -pe as a directive case marker in Western Old Japanese is used only with an animate agent, who moves by himself/herself to some point.

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This limitation on -pe usage was suggested by Syromiatnikov for Classical Japanese (Syromiatnikov 1983: 65), where it is not true (Vovin 2003: 75–76), but apparently it seems to be true for Old Japanese. Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is one example in Eastern Old Japanese with -pe as a grammaticalized directive case marker: 和我世古乎夜麻登敞夜利弖

wa-ŋga se-ko-wo Yamatǝ-pe yar-i-te I-POSS beloved-DIM-ACC Yamatǝ-DIR send-CONV-SUB Having sent my beloved to Yamatǝ (MYS 14.3363) 1.2.2.13 Terminative Case Marker -maⁿde The terminative case marker -maⁿde indicates the limit of a movement or another action in time or space, or in other words, the point beyond which the action does not reach. It must be noted that -maⁿde can be followed by the locative case marker -ni, with no apparent change in meaning. This usage predominantly occurs with -maⁿde-ni used after a nominalized clause (see below), although there are two examples of the same usage after a noun. That differs from the modern Japanese double case marker -made-ni, which expresses a terminative-directive meaning ‘by,’ as in getsuyōbi-made-ni ‘by Monday.’ Examples: 美夜故摩提意久利摩遠志弖

miyako-maⁿde okur-i-mawos-i-te capital-TERM see.off-CONV-HUM-CONV-SUB [I would] see [you] off to the capital, and … (MYS 5.876) 寝屋度麻弖來立呼比奴

NE-YA-ⁿ-do-maⁿde K-i-TAT-I YOmB-Ap-i-n-u sleep(CONV)-house-GEN-door-TERM come-CONV-stand-CONV-call-ITER -CONV-PERF-FIN [the village headman] came out up to our bedroom door and called [us] repeatedly (MYS 5.892)

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NOMINALS 伊豆礼能日麻弖安礼古非乎良牟

iⁿdure n-ǝ PI-maⁿde are kopï wor-am-u which DV-ATTR day-TERM I long.for(CONV) exist-TENT-FIN until what day should I be longing for [you]? (MYS 15.3742) 伊都麻弖可安我故非乎良牟

itu-maⁿde ka a-ŋga kopï-wor-am-u when-TERM IP I-POSS long.for(CONV)-exist-TENT-ATTR until when should I long for [you]? (MYS 15.3749) 安里我欲比都加倍麻都良武万代麻弖爾

ari-ŋgayop-i tukapɛ-matur-am-u YƏRƏⁿDU YƏ-maⁿde-ni ITER-go back and forth-CONV serve(CONV)-HUM-TENT-FIN ten thousand generation-TERM-LOC constantly going back and forth, [we] will serve the [emperor] until ten thousand generations (MYS 17.3907) 之路髪麻泥爾大皇爾都可倍麻都礼婆

siro KAMI-maⁿde-ni OPO-KIMI-ni tukapɛ-matur-e-mba white hair-TERM-LOC great-lord-DAT serve(CONV)-HUM-EV-CON when [one] serves the emperor until [one gets] white hair (MYS 17.3922) Similar to the case markers -wo, -ni and -yuri/-yo/-yori, -maⁿde can also mark a nominalized clause, meaning ‘until.’ It is interesting that in the oldest Old Japanese texts the terminative case marker -maⁿde occurs only after a nominalized sentence, and not after a noun, like in the following two examples from the Nihonshoki kayō and the Bussoku seki no uta. Besides, even in the later texts from the Man’yōshū, its usage after a nominalized clause occurs much more frequently than after a noun (with a ratio almost 3:1). Yamada Yoshio suggested that -maⁿde might be originally an adverb (Yamada 1954: 474); however the more frequent and ancient usage after nominalized clauses rather points to the fact that -maⁿde is originally some kind of a bound noun. Its etymology is obscure. Examples after a nominalized clause:

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志我都矩屢麻泥爾飫裒枳瀰爾柯柂倶都柯陪麻都羅武

si-ŋga tukur-u47-maⁿde-ni opo kimi-ni kata-ku tukapɛ-matur-am-u they-POSS come.to.an.end-ATTR-TERM-LOC great lord-DAT strong-CONV serve(CONV)-HUM-TENT-FIN Until they come to an end, [I] intend to serve faithfully to the emperor (NK 78) 阿止乎美都都志乃波牟多太爾阿布麻弖爾麻佐爾阿布麻弖爾

atǝ-wo mi-tutu sinǝp-am-u taⁿda n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni masa n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni footstep-ACC see(CONV)-COOR yearn-TENT-FIN direct DV-CONV meet-ATTRTERM-LOC real DV-CONV meet-ATTR-TERM-LOC looking at [Buddha’s] footprints, [I] will yearn [for him], until [I] meet [him] directly, until [I] really meet [him] (BS 6) 布流由岐得比得能美流麻提烏梅能波奈知流

pur-u yuki tǝ pitǝ-nǝ mi-ru-maⁿde uMƐ-nǝ pana tir-u fall-ATTR snow DV person-GEN see-ATTR-TERM plum-GEN flower fall-FIN plum blossoms fall to such extent that people will perceive them as falling snow (MYS 5.839) 伊波敞和我勢古多太爾安布末低爾

ipap-e wa-ŋga se-ko taⁿda n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni pray-IMP I-POSS beloved-DIM direct DV-CONV meet-ATTR-TERM-LOC pray, my beloved, until [we] meet directly (MYS 15.3778) 朕高御座爾坐始由理今年尓至麻低六年尓成奴

WARE TAKA MI-KURA-ni IMAS-I-SƏMƐS-U-yuri KƏ TƏSI-ni ITAR-U-maⁿde MU TƏSI n-i NAR-I-n-u I high HON-seat-LOC be(HON)-CONV-begin-ATTR-ABL this year-LOC reachATTR-TERM six year DV-CONV become-CONV-PERF-FIN It has been six years (reaching up to) this year since I have been on the high throne (SM 7)

47  The verb tukur- is an intransitive counterpart of tukus- ‘to exhaust, to exert (oneself).’ It occurs only in the Old Japanese, and it is interesting that it did not make its way into any dictionaries, including (Omodaka et al. 1967). The much more widespread intransitive equivalent of tukus- is OJ tukï- w/___a is unknown both in Old Japanese in particular and in the history of Japanese in general. Moreover, a comparison with cognates from Ryukyuan demonstrates that the proto-Japonic form of OJ wa- was *wa/*wa-n, which would make the fortition explanation even more difficult.57 Certainly, one can claim a prothesis of [w-] in front of /a/, but again no other cases of such a prothesis are known. This, together with the aforementioned tendency of replacing wa- with a- in Old Japanese, should point to the fact that a- forms are secondary as compared to wa- forms, and are due to the general process of /w/ lenition in Japanese. This lenition explanation, although more plausible than the fortition one, faces two problems. First, there are no other examples of w > ∅/___a attested in Old Japanese, although there is one more in Middle Japanese: wamek-/amek- ‘to cry, to shout,’ so the change is irregular. 57  The South Ryukyuan *b- corresponding to OJ w-, which is sometimes cited as evidence for PJ *b- and not *w-, is a result of a fortition. The evidence for this point of view is largely based on several Chinese loanwords in South Ryukyuan, such as, e.g., Miyako boo ‘king’ (used as child’s name) < MJ wau < Chinese wang (王) ‘id.’ as well as on distribution patterns (see Karimata 1999: 55–56 for details).

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Second, on the basis of the above statistics in Chart 9 and the fact that a- forms did not survive into Middle Japanese, including the earliest Classical Japanese texts, and have much more limited Ryukyuan attestations than wa- forms, it looks like that the a- forms were short-lived, probably originating in protoJaponic, but quickly fading away after Old Japanese in mainland Japanese and surviving after Old Ryukyuan only in few Ryukyuan dialects. All these facts bring reasonable doubt in traditional belief that both wa- and a- forms represent genetically related phonetic variants of the same pronoun, in spite of their significant morphological similarity: both have an extended stem in -re, and it appears that both have an oblique stem marker -ⁿ-, although in the case of a- forms there is no enough evidence due to the lack of support from modern Ryukyuan languages, which is crucial. Yoshizō Itabashi was the first linguist who proposed to view wa- and a- forms as etymologically different (Itabashi 1999). Although I do not personally agree with his Austronesian etymology for a- forms (see section 2.2.2 below), I believe that his general proposal to separate the two forms genetically is probably a step in a right direction. The crucial evidence that leads to the understanding of the difference between a- and wa- as well as to the reconstruction of the PJ situation comes from some South Ryukyuan languages, where a- is always singular ‘I’ and wa- is always plural ‘we.’ Thus, in this respect South Ryukyuan is more archaic than Old Japanese or any other variety of Japonic. 2.2.1 First Person Pronoun wa/ware The first person pronoun wa/ware is a neutral pronoun from a sociolinguistic point of view, which can be used without any regards to the gender or social status. By the beginning of the Heian period, the extended stem wa-re with the obsolete suffix -re was used in the nominative case and all oblique cases except the genitive, where the unextended stem wa- was used. In Old Japanese the situation was different: there are examples when the unextended stem is used independently or with the following dative, directive and accusative case markers, thus we have: wa ‘I,’ wa-ni ‘I-DAT,’ wa-ŋgari ‘I-DIR’ and wa-wo ‘I-ACC,’ alongside with more common ware ‘I,’ ware-ni ‘I-DAT,’ and ware-wo ‘I-ACC.’ There is no directive form *ware-ŋgari, however. All forms in isolation and dative forms are attested only in Eastern Old Japanese, as well as the majority of examples of accusative forms. In one example (KK 3) unextended stem wa- appears in the compound wa-ⁿ-dǝri ‘my bird’ as if it were followed by the compressed genitive -ⁿ-. Since this is one of two extant examples (the other one is found after second person pronoun na-) and since we know that personal pronouns combine with possessive case marker -ŋga and not genitive case marker -nǝ, it is safer to assume that this -ⁿ- is a marker of the oblique

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stem of a pronoun. This proposal will be further supported below by Eastern Old Japanese and Ryukyuan data, where the oblique stem of the first person pronoun appears as wanu, waN, banu (see the example with wanu ‘I’ from MYS 14.3476 below).58 While modern Japanese strictly differentiates the number of personal pronouns: thus, watakusi means only ‘I,’ but watakusi-tati means only ‘we,’ it is usually considered that OJ wa-/ware can mean both. However, the unextended stem wa- occurs in the plural meaning in Western Old Japanese only in the possessive form wa-ŋga: otherwise it is always singular. In all other cases plural meaning is associated with the extended stem ware only, which can be used in both singular and plural meanings. This leads to a hypothesis that extending suffix -re goes back to a plural suffix -ra plus active case marker -i: wa-re < *wa-ra-i. By the time when the first Old Japanese texts were recorded the distinction between singular wa- and plural wa-re was lost in most cases, but the former singular stem has managed to retain its original meaning in isolation and before all case markers except the possessive -ŋga. The following chart summarizes the distribution of both unextended stem wa and extended stem ware in isolation and with the following case markers in Western and Eastern Old Japanese. chart 10

Isolation Possessive Dative Accusative Directive Ablative

First person pronoun wa/ware in combination with case markers

Unextended stem wa-

Extended stem ware

wa* S wa-ŋga SP wa-ni* S, wanu-ni* S wa-wo S wa-ŋgari S —

ware SP — ware-ni S ware-wo** SP — ware-yori** S

Note: S – singular, P – plural, * – Eastern Old Japanese only, ** – Western Old Japanese only

2.2.1.1 Stem waThe unextended stem wa- in Western Old Japanese never occurs without following case markers, except in one case in a compound (see below). In most cases it is followed by the possessive case marker -ŋga, although accusative wa-wo and directive wa-ŋgari are also attested. 58  Martin reconstructs PJ *ba[nu] ‘I’ (Martin 1987: 567).

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Chapter 4

Oblique Stem wa-ⁿ- in a Compound

伊麻許曾婆和杼理迩阿良米能知波那杼理爾阿良牟遠

ima kǝsǝ pa wa-ⁿ-dǝri n-i ar-am-ɛ nǝti pa na-ⁿ-dǝri n-i ar-am-u-wo now FP TOP I-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-EV after TOP you-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR-ACC Now [I] am my bird, later [I] will be your bird, so … (KK 3) 2.2.1.1.2 Possessive wa-ŋga 淤曾夫良比和何多多勢禮婆比許豆良比和何多多勢禮婆

osǝ-m-bur-ap-i wa-ŋga tat-as-er-e-mba pikǝ-ⁿ-dur-ap-i wa-ŋga tat-as-er-e-mba push-DV(CONV)-shake-ITER-CONV I-POSS stand-HON-PROG-EV-CON pullDV(CONV)-shove-ITER-CONV I-POSS stand-HON-PROG-EV-CON [I] was pushing and shaking [the door], when I was standing [there], [I] was pulling and shoving [it], when I was standing [there] (KK 2) 和何許許呂

wa-ŋga kǝkǝrǝ I-POSS heart my heart (KK 3) 志藝和那波留和賀麻都夜

siŋgi-wana par-u wa-ŋga mat-u ya snipe-trap stretch-FIN we-POSS wait-FIN EP [we] set a snipe trap. We waited! (KK 9) 許能美岐波和賀美岐那良受

kǝnǝ mi-ki pa wa-ŋga mi-ki nar-aⁿz-u this HON-rice.wine TOP I-POSS HON-rice.wine be-NEG-FIN This rice wine is not my rice wine (KK 39) 和賀由久美知

wa-ŋga yuk-u miti we-POSS go-ATTR way the way we go (KK 43) 和我惠比爾祁牟

wa-ŋga wep-i-n-i-k-em-u I-POSS get intoxicated-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN I got intoxicated (FK 6) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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NOMINALS 和何世古我多那礼乃美巨騰都地爾意加米移母

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga ta-nare n-ǝ mi-kǝtǝ tuti-ni ok-am-ɛ ya mǝ I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS hand-accustom(NML) DV-ATTR HON-koto groundLOC put-TENT-EV IP EP would anyone dare to put the favorite koto of my beloved on the ground?! (MYS 5.812) 伊波敞和我勢古多太爾安布末低爾

ipap-e wa-ŋga se-ko taⁿda n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni pray-IMP I-POSS beloved-DIM direct DV-CONV meet-ATTR-TERM-LOC pray, my beloved, until [we] meet directly (MYS 15.3778) The possessive form wa-ŋga can occasionally lose the vowel /a/ in the possessive marker -ŋga in front of the words imo ‘beloved,’ and ipe ‘home,’ producing close-to-compounds forms wa-ŋg-imo ‘my beloved’ and wa-ŋg-ipe ‘my home.’59 Examples: 摩佐豆古和藝毛玖迩弊玖陀良須

Masaⁿduko wa-ŋg-imo kuni-pe kuⁿdar-as-u Masaⁿduko I-POSS-beloved province-DIR descend-HON-FIN Masaⁿduko, my beloved, goes toward [her] province (KK 52) 和藝幣能伽多由区毛位多知区暮

wa-ŋg-ipe-nǝ kata-yu kumowi tat-i-k-umo I-POSS-home-GEN side-ABL cloud rise-CONV-come-EXCL Clouds rise from the side of my home (NK 21) The possessive form wa-ŋga can assimilate the vowel /a/ to /ǝ/ in the possessive marker -ŋga in front of the compound opo kimi ‘emperor’ (lit.: ‘great lord’), becoming wa-ŋgǝ:60

59  The uncontracted forms wa-ŋga imo ‘my beloved’ and wa-ŋga ipe ‘my home’ are also plentifully attested in Old Japanese texts. Interesting enough, when the word imo ‘beloved’ is followed by the diminutive suffix -ko, there is just one example of uncontracted wa-ŋga imo-ko, attested in Eastern Old Japanese (MYS 20.4405); in all other known attestations there is always contracted wa-ŋg-imo-ko. 60  Unassimilated wa-ŋga opo kimi ‘my emperor’ is also attested in Old Japanese texts, although wa-ŋgǝ opo kimi seems to be more frequent.

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和期於保伎美余思努乃美夜乎安里我欲比賣須

wa-ŋgǝ opo kimi Yǝsino-nǝ miya-wo ari-ŋgayop-i mes-u I-POSS great lord Yǝsino-GEN palace-ACC ITER-go back and forth-CONV look(HON)-FIN My emperor constantly visits the palace in Yǝsino, and looks around (MYS 18.4099) 2.2.1.1.3 Accusative wa-wo 和乎待難尓

wa-wo MAT-I-kate-n-i I-ACC wait-CONV-POT-NEG-CONV [she] is unable to wait for me, and … (MYS 11.2483) 何爲牟尓吾乎召良米夜

NANI SE-m-u-ni WA-wo MES-Uram-ɛ ya what do-TENT-ATTR-LOC I-ACC summon-TENT2-EV IP should you have summoned me in order to do something? (MYS 16.3886) 2.2.1.1.4 Directive wa-ŋgari 今夜可君之我許來益武

KƏ YƏPI ka KIMI-ŋGA WA-ŋgari K-i-[i]mas-am-u this night IP lord-POSS I-DIR come-CONV-HON-TENT-ATTR Is it tonight that [my] lord will come to me? (MYS 8.1519) 2.2.1.2 Stem ware The extended stem ware in Western Old Japanese occurs in isolation, and also followed by the dative case marker -ni, accusative case marker -wo, and ablative case marker -yori. 2.2.1.2.1

Isolated Form ware

和禮波和須禮士

ware pa wasure-ⁿzi I TOP forget-NEG/TENT I will not forget (KK 12) 和禮波夜惠奴

ware pa ya we-n-u we TOP EP starve-PERF-FIN we are starving (KK 14) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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NOMINALS 迦美斯美岐迩和禮惠比迩祁理

kam-i-si mi-ki-ni ware wep-i-n-i-ker-i brew-CONV-PAST/ATTR HON-rice.wine-LOC I be.drunk-CONV-PERF-CONVRETR-FIN I got drunk with brewed holy rice wine (KK 49) 和礼由久

ware yuk-u I go-FIN I will go (MYS 15.3706) 2.2.1.2.2 Dative ware-ni 伊慕我堤鳴倭例爾魔柯斯毎

imo-ŋga te-wo ware-ni mak-asimɛ beloved-POSS hand-ACC I-DAT use as a pillow-CAUS(CONV) [my] beloved will let me use [her] hands as a pillow (NK 96) 和礼爾於止礼留比止乎於保美

ware-ni otǝr-er-u pitǝ-wo opo-mi I-DAT be worse-PROG-ATTR person-ABS many-GER because there are many people who are worse than me (BS 13) 比故保思母和礼爾麻佐里弖於毛布良米也母

Pikoposi mǝ ware-ni masar-i-te omop-uram-ɛ ya mǝ Altair FP I-DAT surpass-CONV-SUB long.for-TENT2-EV IP EP Will Altair long for [his beloved] more than I [do]?! (lit.: surpassing me) (MYS 15.3657) 2.2.1.2.3 Accusative ware-wo 和例烏斗波輸儺

ware-wo top-as-u na I-ACC ask-HON-FIN EP [You] asked me! (NK 63) 烏麼野始爾倭例烏比岐例底

wom-bayasi-ni ware-wo pik-i-[i]re-te DIM-wood-LOC I-ACC pull-CONV-insert(CONV)-SUB Taking me into the small wood … (NK 111)

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伊敞妣等乃伊豆良等和礼乎等波婆伊可爾伊波牟

ipe-m-bitǝ-nǝ iⁿdu-ra tǝ ware-wo tǝp-amba ika n-i ip-am-u home-GEN-person-GEN where-LOC DV I-ACC ask-COND how DV-CONV say-TENT-FIN If people from [your] home ask me where [are you], how should [I] answer? (MYS 15.3689) 和礼乎於吉弖比等波安良自

ware-wo ok-i-te pitǝ pa ar-aⁿzi we-ACC leave-CONV-SUB person TOP exist-NEG/TENT except us, there would be no [other] men (MYS 18.4094) 2.2.1.2.4 Ablative ware-yori 和礼欲利母貧人乃父母波

ware-yori mǝ MAⁿDUSI-KI PITƏ-nǝ TITI PAPA pa I-ABL FP poor-ATTR person-GEN father mother TOP fathers and mothers of people poorer than me (MYS 5.892) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese As was mentioned above, Eastern Old Japanese has more combinations of the unextended stem wa with case markers than Western Old Japanese, and it also can be used in isolation. The plural meaning of the first person pronoun wa/ware is not attested in Eastern Old Japanese. Stem wa

The unextended stem wa is used very frequently in Eastern Old Japanese: it occurs eleven times in isolation, two times with the dative case marker -ni (one more time the dative form wanu-ni based on the oblique stem wanu-), four times with accusative marker -wo, and one time with directive marker -ŋgari. Isolated Form wa 和可加敞流弖能毛美都麻弖宿毛等和波毛布

waka kaperute-nǝ momit-u-maⁿde NE-m-o tǝ wa pa [o]mop-u young maple-GEN leaves.turn.red/yellow-ATTR-TERM sleep-TENT-ATTR DV I TOP think-FIN I think that [we] should sleep [together] until the young maple becomes red (MYS 14.3494) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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NOMINALS 己許呂能未伊母我理夜里弖和波己許爾思天

kǝkǝrǝ nǝmï imo-ŋgari yar-i-te wa pa kǝkǝ-ni s-i-te heart RP beloved-DIR send-CONV-SUB I TOP here-LOC do-CONV-SUB I [have] to stay here, sending just [my] heart to [my] beloved (MYS 14.3538) Possessive wa- ŋga 和我世故乎安杼可母伊波武

wa-ŋga se-ko-wo aⁿ-dǝ kamǝ ip-am-u I-POSS beloved-DIM-ACC what-DV EP say-TENT-ATTR What shall [I] say about my beloved, I wonder? (MYS 14.3379) Dative wa-ni, wanu-ni

和爾奈多要曾祢

wa-ni na-taye-sǝ-n-e I-DAT NEG-break-do-DES-IMP Do not become estranged from me (MYS 14.3378) 和爾余曾利

wa-ni yǝsǝr-i I-DAT become intimate-CONV becoming intimate with me (MYS 14.3408) 和奴爾故布奈毛

wanu-ni kop-unam-o I-DAT long.for-TENT2-ATTR [you] will probably long for me (MYS 14.3476) In this example wanu, in all probability, represents in the Eastern Old Japanese a trace of the first person pronoun oblique stem *wa-n[u]-, which is well attested in Ryukyuan. Accusative wa-wo 和乎布利弥由母阿是古志麻波母

wa-wo pur-i-mi-y-umǝ Aⁿze ko si map-am-ǝ I-ACC swing-CONV-look-PASS-EXCL Aⁿze girl EP dance-TENT-ATTR the girl from Aⁿze is going to dance, suddenly looking back at me! (FK 7) This song from Hitachi province has other typical Eastern Old Japanese features, such as attributive in -o, so I consider it to be an Azuma text. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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和乎可麻都那毛伎曾毛己余必母

wa-wo ka mat-unam-wo kisǝ mo kǝ yǝpi mǝ I-ACC IP wait-TENT2-ATTR last night FP this night FP will [she] have waited for me, both last night and tonight? (MYS 14.3563) Directive wa- ŋgari 伊豆由可母加奈之伎世呂我和賀利可欲波牟

iⁿdu-yu kamǝ kanasi-ki se-rǝ-ŋga wa-ŋgari kayop-am-u where-ABL EP beloved-ATTR husband-DIM-POSS I-DIR visit-TENT-ATTR where will my beloved husband visit me from, I wonder? (MYS 14.3549) Stem ware

The extended stem ware is rather rare and has limited usage in Eastern Old Japanese compared to the unextended stem wa: it occurs only two times in isolation and once with the following dative-locative case marker -ni in MYS 14 (all examples are below). The accusative form ware-wo is not attested. There is an isolated example of warǝ ‘I,’ probably a phonetic variant of ware in MYS 20.4343. In addition, there are two attestations in MYS 20.4344 and MYS 20.4348. Isolated Form ware 久君美良和礼都賣杼

kuku-mira ware tum-e-ⁿdǝ stalk-leek I pick up-EV-CONC Although I pick stalk-leeks … (MYS 14.3444) 和礼左倍爾伎美爾都吉奈那

ware sapɛ n-i kimi-ni tuk-i-n-ana I even DV-CONV lord-DAT cling-CONV-PERF-DES Even I want to cling to [my] lord (MYS 14.3514) Variant warƏ 和呂多比波多比等於米保等

warǝ tambi pa tambi tǝ omɛp-o-ⁿdǝ I journey TOP journey DV think-EV-CONC Although I think that [my] journey is [just] a journey … (MYS 20.4343)

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NOMINALS Dative ware-ni 麻許登可聞和礼爾余須等布

ma-kǝtǝ kamo ware-ni yǝs-u tǝ [i]p-u INT-thing EP I-DAT bring close-FIN DV say-ATTR I wonder [whether it is] true that [people] say that [she] has an intimate relationship with me (MYS 14.3384) A2: Ryukyuan The Ryukyuan cognate waa/baa/waN/banu to the Old Japanese wa/ware is well supported by all Ryukyuan languages.61 Except in some Southern Ryukyuan languages, as already mentioned above, it is always used as a first person singular pronoun ‘I.’ There are two morphological peculiarities of this pronoun in Ryukyuan, which are significant for the reconstruction of the proto-Japonic archetype. First, there are practically no traces in Ryukyuan of the extended stem ware,62 which together with the rarity of ware in Eastern Old Japanese further supports the claim that this stem is an innovation. Second, in some Ryukyuan dialects this pronoun has two stems: the unextended stem waa- and the extended stem ending in -N: waN. Examples from the Northern Ryukyuan dialects: Shuri waa/waN, Sesoko waa/waN, Kunigami waa/waN (Uchima 1984: 45–46). There are other dialects, however, particularly in the Southern Ryukyus, which do not have this distinction, employing either an unextended or an extended stem only: Kawahira banu, but Hateruma baa (Uchima 1984: 48–50). As an example, let us look at the paradigm of the first person waa/waN in Shuri:63 chart 11

The paradigm of Shuri first singular person pronoun waa/waN

Topic form Nominative Genitive (in compounds) Dative Accusative

waN-nee waa-ga waawaN-ni waN

61  Interesting enough, this cognate has survived in Ryukyuan up to this day, long after the first person pronoun wa/ware had disappeared from Central Japanese itself (except in a limited number of idiomatic expressions). 62  ware ‘I’ appears once in Ryukyuan plays (Hokama 1995: 740), but it is a singular example in a group of texts highly influenced by mainland Japanese. 63  The sample of paradigm is taken from Kaneshiro and Hattori (1955: 531), with some simplification of their transcription, which mainly involves converting their phonetic transcription into a phonological and omitting accent notations.

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228 chart 11

Chapter 4 The paradigm of Shuri (cont.)

Comitative Directive

waN-tu waN-niNkai

On the surface, this chart looks like a perfect counterpart to the Classical Japanese paradigm, where the unextended stem wa- appears only before the possessive case marker -ga (corresponding to the nominative case marker -ga in Shuri), and the extended stem ware is used in all other cases. However, there are at least three problems facing this superfluous approach. First, as shown above, the distribution of extended and unextended stems in Old Japanese was different from Classical Japanese, especially if Eastern Old Japanese data is taken into consideration. Second, Classical and Old Japanese /re/ corresponds regularly to Shuri /ri/, not /N/. Third, Shuri extended stem waN never has the plural meaning ‘we,’ which is well attested in both Old and Classical Japanese ware. Comparing the above chart with the data from Old Japanese, we find the following major discrepancies: a) the form before a topic marker, as well as accusative and directive forms use the extended form waN, not the unextended form waa-; b) genitive form in compounds is unextended waa-, but not the special oblique form wa-ⁿ- as in Old Japanese. The major problem is the difference between the unextended form wa in Eastern Old Japanese and extended form waN in Shuri before the topic particle, since this is the form that in Old Japanese can be considered as equivalente to a form in isolation. There are two arguments that, as I believe, point to the fact that the Shuri usage of the extended form before the topic particle is an innovation. First, most combinations of Shuri nominals with the following topic particle ya result in fusion. When fusion occurs, it is very difficult, if not impossible, to draw a proper morphological boundary. Examples: chart 12

Shuri nominals in combination with a topic particle ya

Nominal

Nominal + ya

Meaning

sima ’ami kumu saNsiN

simaa ’amee kumoo saNsinoo

island rain cloud shamisen

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229

Second, in Old Ryukyuan the unextended stem wa, and not the extended stem waN, appears in isolation and before the topic marker (Hokama 1995: 730), although this usage is not found in the Omoro sōshi, where unextended wa- appears only before nominative -ga (Nakahara and Hokama 1978: 364). Nevertheless, usage in isolation of the unextended stem wa, not in the possessive function, occurs in the Ryūka, although very infrequently, compared to the usage of the same stem in the possessive function: 誰もわていやは

TARU mo wa te iy-aba who FP I DV say-COND if everyone says ‘I’ (RK 617) あれやわ自由しゆすが

are ya wa ziyu shiyu-su ga she TOP I freedom do-NML IP Will I be [able to] do with her as I want? (RK 1531) Therefore, it seems most likely that the proto-Ryukyuan paradigm of the first person pronoun could be reconstructed in the following way: non-oblique stem: wa < *wa oblique stem: waN < *wa-n[u] The fact that Eastern Old Japanese has wanu- as an oblique stem before the dative case marker -ni suggests that a similar system should be reconstructed for proto-Japonic. The only obstacle to this reconstruction is the fact that the Old Japanese possessive case marker -ŋga, which should appear after an oblique stem, appears after a non-oblique stem wa. However, it is necessary to keep in mind that the possessive case marker -ŋga itself begins with an -ŋ- < *-n-, and it is quite possible that the possessive case marker -ŋga should be reanalyzed as -ŋ-ga, with -ŋ- belonging to the stem of the pronoun instead to the following case marker. Needless to say, such an analysis is going to upset the possible alternative etymological analysis of the possessive case marker -ŋga and genitive case marker -nǝ offered in sections 1.2.2.2 and 1.2.2.3; and it will be necessary to explain why possessive -ŋga follows also other nominals except pronouns in Old Japanese and Ryukyuan. 2.2.2 First Person Pronoun a/are The first person pronoun a/are exhibits in Old Japanese more limited distribution compared to wa/ware, as it combines with less number of case markers Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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than the latter. In contrast to wa/ware, there are no examples when the unextended stem a, even in combination with the following possessive marker -ŋga, it has a plural meaning, and the extended stem are is attested in plural function only once. Both the unextended stems a and the extended stem are can occur in isolation and with the accusative case marker -wo; the only difference between them concerns the usage with the possessive case marker -ŋga, which occurs only after the unextended stem a, and the dative case marker -ni, which is used exclusively after the extended stem are, as the following chart demonstrates. chart 13

Personal pronoun a/are in combination with case markers

Isolation Possessive Dative Accusative

Unextended stem a

Extended stem are

a* a-ŋga — a-wo

are — are-ni* are-wo

Note: * – only in Western Old Japanese

2.2.2.1 Stem a 2.2.2.1.1 Isolated Form a 阿波母與賣迩斯阿禮婆那遠岐弖遠波那志

a pa mǝ yǝ me n-i si ar-e-mba na-wo [o]k-i-te wo pa na-si I TOP EP EP woman DV-CONV EP exist-EV-CON you-ACC leave-CONV-SUB man TOP no-FIN Because I am a woman, I have no [other] man, besides you (KK 5) 比登都麻都阿勢袁

pitǝ-tu matu a se wo one-CL pine I beloved EP Oh, lone (lit.: one) pine, my beloved! (KK 29) 吾耳也之可流

A64 NƏMÏ ya sik[a]-ar-u I RP IP thus-exist-ATTR is [it] so only [for] me? (MYS 5.892) 64  Takagi et al. read this pronoun as ARE (Takagi et al. 1959: 100–101). Since it is written logographically, it is not possible to be absolutely sure whether the reading is ARE or A, but Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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2.2.2.1.2 Oblique Stem a-ⁿ- in a Compound Similar to the oblique stem waⁿ-, there is just one reliable example of the oblique stem aⁿ- in a compound: 阿誤予阿誤予

aⁿ-go yǝ aⁿ-go yǝ I-child EP I-child EP Oh, my children! Oh, my children! (NK 8) There are no other uncontroversial examples for the oblique stem a-ⁿ- in Old Japanese texts. Yamada Yoshio cites aŋgi ‘my lord’ and Aⁿduma ‘East’ which allegedly contains a-ⁿ- (Yamada 1954: 32–33), but the first word in all likelihood just means ‘child’ and does not include a-ⁿ- (cf. MK ákí ‘child’ < *anki), since there is no coherent phonological explanation for the contraction of kimi ‘lord’ > ki. The etymology of Aⁿduma ‘East’ as a-ⁿ-duma ‘my wife’ is just a folk etymology. 2.2.2.1.3 Possessive a-ŋga 阿賀美斯古迩

a-ŋga mi-si ko-ni I-POSS see(CONV)-PAST/ATTR girl-DAT to the girl I saw (KK 42) 伊弊爾由伎弖伊可爾可阿我世武

ipe-ni yuk-i-te ika n-i ka a-ŋga se-m-u home-LOC go-CONV-SUB how DV-CONV IP I-POSS do-TENT-ATTR What will I do, when [I] go back home? (MYS 5.795) 久須利波牟用波美也古弥婆伊夜之吉阿何微麻多越知奴倍之

kusuri pam-u-yo pa miyako mi-mba iyasi-ki a-ŋga mï mata woti-n-umbɛ-si medicine eat-ATTR-ABL TOP capital see-COND ignoble-ATTR I-POSS body again rejuvenate(CONV)-PERF-DEB-FIN rather than taking the medicine, my ignoble body would have rejuvenated again if [I] saw the capital (MYS 5.848)

reading it as ARE breaks the meter of the poem, making this line eight syllables long instead of seven. Since this poem does not show other irregularities in meter, I prefer to follow the reading A, suggested by Nakanishi Susumu (Nakanishi 1978: 403). Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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伊都麻弖可安我故非乎良牟

itu-maⁿde ka a-ŋga kopï-wor-am-u when-TERM IP I-POSS long.for(CONV)-exist-TENT-ATTR until when should I long for [you]? (MYS 15.3749) 2.2.2.1.4 Accusative a-wo 阿袁麻多周良武知知波波良波母

a-wo mat-as-uram-u titi papa-ra pa mǝ I-ACC wait-HON-TENT2-ATTR father mother-DIM TOP EP dear mother and father, who will probably wait for me (MYS 5.890) 安乎忘為莫

a-wo WASUR-As-uNA I-ACC forget-HON-NEG/IMP Do not forget me (MYS 12.3013) 吾妹子之阿乎偲良志

WA-ŋG-IMO-KO si a-wo SINOP-Urasi I-POSS-beloved-DIM EP I-ACC long-SUP It seems that my beloved longs for me (MYS 12.3145) 2.2.2.2 Stem are 2.2.2.2.1 Isolated Form are 佐泥牟登波阿禮波意母閇杼

sa-ne-m-u tǝ pa are pa omǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝ PREF-sleep-TENT-FIN DV TOP I TOP long-EV-CONC Although I long to sleep together [with you] (KK 27) 阿禮許曾波余能那賀比登

are kǝsǝ pa yǝ-nǝ naŋga pitǝ I FP TOP world-GEN long person I, [the most] long[-living] man in the world (KK 72) 比等奈美爾安礼母作乎

pitǝ nami-ni are mǝ NAR-ER-U-wo person ordinary-COMP I FP born-PROG-ATTR-ACC although I also was born like an ordinary person (MYS 5.892)

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安礼麻多無

are mat-am-u I wait-TENT-FIN I will wait [for you] (MYS 15.3747) 2.2.2.2.2 Dative are-ni 安礼爾都氣都流

are-ni tuŋgɛ-t-uru I-DAT report(CONV)-PERF-ATTR [thus he] reported to me (MYS 17.3957) 佐刀毘等能安礼迩都具良久

sato-m-bitǝ-nǝ are-ni tuŋg-ur-aku village-GEN-person-GEN I-DAT report-ATTR-NML what the village people report to me (MYS 17.3973) 2.2.2.2.3 Accusative are-wo[mba] 阿礼乎婆母伊可爾世与等可

are-womba mǝ ika n-i se-yǝ tǝ ka I-ACC(EMPH) FP how DV-CONV do-IMP DV IP What do [you] think I should do? (MYS 5.794) 伊多豆良爾阿例乎知良須奈

Itaⁿdura n-i are-wo tir-as-una in.vain DV-CONV we-ACC fall-CAUS-NEG/IMP Do not let us fall in vain (MYS 5.852a) This is the only example when are is attested as the first person plural pronoun. 安礼乎於伎弖人者安良自等富己呂倍騰

are-wo ok-i-te PITƏ pa ar-aⁿzi tǝ pǝkǝr-ǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝ I-ACC leave-CONV-SUB person TOP exist-NEG/TENT DV boast-ITER-EV-CONC although [I] repeatedly boast that there are probably no other persons besides me (MYS 5.892)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The first person pronoun a-/are is attested also in Eastern Old Japanese, but with a slightly more limited distribution: the unextended stem a- occurs only with the possessive marker -ŋga and accusative marker -wo, and the extended stem are appears only in isolation and with the accusative marker -wo. There is one example of a special usage in Eastern Old Japanese, when possessive form a-ŋga means not the possessive form ‘my’ of the first person pronoun, but the possessive form of the second person reflexive pronoun ‘your own’ (see MYS 20.4420 below). Stem a Possessive a- ŋga 可伎武太伎奴礼杼安加奴乎安杼加安我世牟

kaki-muⁿdak-i n-ure-ⁿdǝ ak-an-u-wo aⁿ-dǝ ka a-ŋga se-m-u PREF-embrace-CONV sleep-EV-CONC satisfy-NEG-ATTR-ACC what-DV IP I-POSS do-TENT-ATTR although [I] slept [with her] keeping [her] in my arms, since it was not enough [for me], what should I do? (MYS 14.3404) 奈氣伎曾安我須流

naŋgɛk-i sǝ a-ŋga s-uru lament-NML FP I-POSS do-ATTR I lament (MYS 14.3524) Special Usage

There is one example in Eastern Old Japanese, when possessive a-ŋga means not the first person, but the second person reflexive pronoun ‘your own’: 比毛多要婆安我弖等都氣呂許礼乃波流母志

pimo taye-mba a-ŋga te-tǝ tukɛ-rǝ kǝre n-ǝ paru mǝs-i cord tear-COND your.own-POSS hand-COM attach-IMP this DV-ATTR needle hold-CONV if the cords [of your garment] tear, attach them with your own hand, holding this needle (MYS 20.4420)

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a-wo mat-i-kane-te I-ACC wait-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)-SUB [she] cannot wait for me (MYS 14.3563) Stem are Isolated Form are 許呂安礼比毛等久

kǝ-rǝ are pimo tǝk-u beloved-DIM I cord untie-FIN [my] beloved [and] I will untie our [garment] cords (MYS 14.3361) Accusative are-wo 和我世奈阿礼乎之毛波婆

wa-ŋga se-na are-wo si [o]mop-amba I-POSS beloved-DIM I-ACC EP love-COND my beloved, if [you] love me (MYS 20.4426) A2: Ryukyuan The first person pronoun a is attested in Old Ryukyuan, (namely in the Omoro sōshi and the Ryūka), in the Sesoko dialect on Okinawa island, in Ogami, Irabu, Minna, and Nakasuji subdialects of the Miyako dialect (Thorpe 1983: 218), and in the Yonaguni dialect. The Sesoko forms: ’a, ’agan (< ’agami), and ’agami are used only as plural ‘we’ (Uchima 1984: 85). The Yonaguni form ’anu ‘I’ is used as first person singular pronoun (Hirayama 1967: 239), but ba- is used in plurals (Thorpe 1983: 218). Such limited distribution, confined to few dialects, mostly in South Ryukyus and to Old Ryukyuan texts, the latter being known to be highly influenced by mainland Japanese, could have provoked reasonable doubts in the authenticity of a in Old Ryukyuan, but since a/are did not survive even into early Classical Japanese, the possibility that authors of Old Ryukyuan texts were using Old Japanese texts as their desk reference tools is very slim. Even more unrealistic is direct borrowing from Old Japanese to the Sesoko, Miyako and Yonaguni dialects. Similar to the Ryukyuan counterpart of OJ wa, there are no traces of the extended stem are in Ryukyuan. The a form in Old Ryukyuan appears either in isolation (followed by a topic marker), or before the case marker -ga (< *-ŋga). Examples:

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Old Ryukyuan あはいのて

a fa ino-te I TOP pray-SUB I pray, and … (OS 13.747; OS 22.1535) あがおとぢや

a-ga oto-diya I-POSS younger brother-person my younger brother (OS 16.1155) Sesoko Dialect

’a-ga ya we-POSS house our house (Uchima 1984: 85) ’agan ik-a we go-HORT Let us go (Uchima 1984: 85) ’agami ya wur-a we TOP stay-HORT Let us stay (Uchima 1984: 85) 2.2.3 First Person Pronoun marǝ This pronoun is used only as a first-person personal pronoun. It occurs once in the Kojiki kayō and once in the Nihonshoki kayō in the identical context. Ōno Susumu believes that this pronoun is etymologically related to -marǝ, a suffix of male names, e.g., Yasu-marǝ, Kotu-marǝ, Uta-marǝ, etc. (Ōno 1990: 1241). In Old Japanese it is attested only as male first person pronoun, but there are too few examples to draw any decisive conclusions.65 In Classical Japanese it can 65  R  oy A. Miller, in an apparent haste to secure an additional Altaic etymology for Japonic, goes as far as to claim that the marǝ form has external Altaic connections, and that it is an alternative variant of EOJ warǝ ‘I’ (Miller 1971: 157, 177–178), which has a singular attestation in MYS 20.4343, cited above in section 2.2.1. Unfortunately for Miller’s Altaic theory, both WOJ marǝ ‘I’ and EOJ warǝ ‘id.’ have simpler internal explanations. EOJ warǝ apparently corresponds to WOJ ware, as can be seen from the verbal form omɛp[-]o-ⁿdo, corresponding to WOJ omǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝ ‘although [I] think,’ which occurs in the next line in the same poem (MYS 20.4343). As for Miller’s statement that WOJ marǝ ‘I ‘later becomes Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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be used as a first person pronoun by both men and women. It is not attested in Eastern Old Japanese or in Ryukyuan. Examples: 岐許志母知袁勢麻呂賀知 (KK script) 枳居之茂知塢勢摩呂餓智 (NK script)

kikǝs-i-mǝt-i-wos-e marǝ-ŋga ti drink(HON)-CONV-hold-CONV-HON-IMP I-POSS father Deign to drink [it], my father (KK 48, NK 39) 2.2.4 First Person Pronoun na The first person pronoun na ‘I’ occurs slightly more frequently than the first person pronoun marǝ. Apart from several controversial examples, the following attestations seem quite certain, in spite of Yamada Yoshio’s treating them as second person pronouns (Yamada 1954: 60–61). First person pronoun na is always used as a first person singular ‘I.’ 名兄乃君

na SE n-ǝ KIMI I beloved DV-ATTR lord my beloved lord (MYS 16.3885) 奈弟乃美許等

na OTƏ n-ǝ mi-kǝtǝ I younger brother DV-ATTR HON-thing my dear younger brother (MYS 17.3957) These examples lacking the possessive case marking (we would expect na-ŋga se ‘my beloved’ and na-ŋga otǝ ‘my younger brother’), could have been probably taken as na ‘you’ as an address form plus the rest: ‘you, my beloved and lord,’ ‘you, my dear younger brother,’ but this seems unlikely in the light of a se ‘my beloved’ attested in KK 29 (see section 2.2.2).

a common element used in second position in aristocratic given names’ (Miller 1971: 177; italics are mine—A.V.), it is fallacious in two respects. First, -marǝ as a suffix of male names is attested before the examples of marǝ as a first person pronoun in the Kojiki kayō (712 CE) and the Nihonshoki kayō (720 CE): Ō-no Yasumaro, the author of the preface to the Kojiki, and Ōtomo-no Yasumaro (d. 714), the grandfather of the great Man’yōshū poet Ōtomo-Yakamochi, both have -marǝ in their personal names. Second, -marǝ as the last element of male names, frequently occurs in the peasant names of the Mino province census of 702 (Shōsōin 2 1990), so I doubt that there is anything ‘aristocratic’ about it at all.

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The first person pronoun na ‘I’ occurs in Eastern Old Japanese also in two examples: 奈西乃古何夜蘇志麻加久理

na se n-ǝ ko-ŋga yaso sima kakur-i I beloved DV-ATTR child-POSS eighty island hide-CONV my beloved hides [behind] eighty islands … (FK 8) 奈勢能古

na se n-ǝ ko I beloved DV-ATTR child my beloved (MYS 14.3458) Level B: External Comparisons Limited attestation of the first person na and its limited usage as a singular first person pronoun probably point to the fact that it is a loan. The likeliest source is some form of Old Korean (Paekche?), cf. MK nà ‘I.’66 Examples: na non icey silum-i kiph-e I TOP now sadness-NOM deep-CONV I am very sad now, and … (WS II.5) na-y nimkum kuli-sy-a I-GEN king miss-HON-CONV My king is lonely, and … (YP 50) 2.2.5 Second Person Pronoun na/nare The second person pronoun na/nare ‘you’67 is believed to be a non-honorific familiar pronoun, used towards one’s friends and family members or towards 66  There are no phonetic attestations of this pronoun in Old Korean. 67  There is a later Middle Japanese form namuti/namudi ‘you,’ which is obviously derived from OJ na. Namuti is attested in Old Japanese as well, but the attestations are limited to either glosses in the texts, or the transcriptional usage. Because there are no textual examples, I exclude namuti from this grammar.

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people ranking lower on the social scale (Omodaka et al. 1967: 512). This definition is, I believe, incorrect. Although the majority of the examples below reflect such distribution, e.g., it is frequently used in both Western and Eastern Old Japanese by a man to a woman, by a husband to his wife, etc., but there are also examples when it is used by a woman towards a man. The most important counter-example to the traditional definition can be found in the KK 73 below, when it is used by a courtier towards the emperor. Thus, I believe that na/nare has to be redefined as a neutral second person pronoun, pretty much as its first person counterpart wa/ware, which also can be used without any regards to the gender or social status. There is one example demonstrating that the second person pronoun na, like its first person counterpart wa, might have an oblique stem marker -N (see KK 3 below, where the oblique stem na-ⁿ is found in a compound). The extended stem nare occurs exceedingly rare in comparison to the unextended stem na (two examples in Western Old Japanese texts and three examples in Eastern Old Japanese texts). The unextended stem na never has a plural meaning, the extended stem nare is attested in plural meaning only once. That can probably be taken as the further evidence to the proposal discussed in section 2.2.1 in connection with the first person pronoun wa/ware, that the extended form in -re was originally a plural form. Similar to the situation with the first person unextended stem wa, the second person unextended stem na also shows more versatility in combination with different case markers in Eastern Old Japanese than in Western Old Japanese. That demonstrates that Eastern Old Japanese is likely to be more archaic in this respect. The following chart summarizes possible combinations of the unextended stem na and the extended stem nare with following case markers as well as their respective occurrence in Western and Eastern Old Japanese texts. chart 14

Isolation Possessive Dative Accusative Comitative

Second person pronoun na/nare in combination with case markers

Unextended stem na

Extended stem nare

na S na-ŋga, na-ne-ŋga** na-ni* S na-wo S na-tǝ* S

nare SP — — nare-wo** S —

Note: S – Singular, P – Plural, * – only in Eastern Old Japanese, ** – only in Western Old Japanese

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2.2.5.1 Stem na 2.2.5.1.1 Isolated Form na 那迦士登波那波伊布登母

nak-aⁿzi tǝ pa na pa ip-u tǝmǝ weep-NEG/TENT DV TOP you TOP say-FIN CONJ Even though you say that [you] would not weep (KK 4) (the husband to his wife) 那許曾波遠迩伊麻世婆

na kǝsǝ pa wo n-i imas-e-mba you FP TOP man DV-CONV exist(HON)-EV-CON since you are a man (KK 5) (the wife to her husband) 那許曾波余能那賀比登

na kǝsǝ pa yǝ-nǝ naŋga pitǝ you FP TOP world-GEN long person you, [the most] long[-living] man in the world (KK 71) (the emperor to his courtier) 儺波企箇輸揶

na pa kik-as-u ya you TOP ask-HON-FIN IP Shall [I] ask you? (NK 62) (the emperor to his subject) 2.2.5.1.2

Oblique Stem na-ⁿ- in a Compound

能知波爾阿良牟遠伊能知波那志勢婆多麻比曾

nǝti pa na-ⁿ-dǝri n-i ar-am-u-wo inǝti pa na-si-se-tamap-i-sǝ later TOP you-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR-ACC life TOP NEG-die-CAUS(CONV)-HON-CONV-do because [I] will be your bird later, do not kill [your] life [with desire] (KK 3) (the female deity to the male deity) 2.2.5.1.3 Possessive na-ŋga 那賀那加佐麻久

na-ŋga nak-as-am-aku you-POSS weep-HON-TENT-NML Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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the fact that you will weep (KK 4) (the husband to his wife) 佐和佐和爾那賀伊弊勢許曾

sawa-sawa n-i na-ŋga ip-es-e kǝsǝ noisily-noisily DV-CONV you-POSS speak(CONV)-HON-EV FP you spoke noisily (KK 63) (the emperor to the empress) 那賀美古夜那毘迩斯良牟登加理波古牟良斯

na-ŋga miko ya tumbi n-i sir-am-u tǝ kari pa ko (u)m-urasi you-POSS68 prince IP ? DV-CONV rule-TENT-FIN DV wild goose TOP egg bear-SUP Wild goose probably laid an egg to show that your prince will rule ?-ly (KK 73) (a courtier to the emperor) 奈何名能良佐祢

na-ŋga NA nǝr-as-an-e you-POSS name name-HON-DES-IMP [I] wish [you] tell [me] your name! (MYS 5.800) (didactic poem to a friend or a junior official) 奈我奈氣婆

na-ŋga nak-ɛ-mba you-POSS cry-EV-CON when you cry (MYS 15.3785) (a man to a cuckoo) 68   This poem presents a certain difficulty in interpretation of na-ŋga as ‘you-POSS.’ Traditional interpretation of na- here as a second person pronoun (Tsuchihashi 1957: 81; Tsuchihashi 1972: 275) is in contradiction with the traditional definition of na/nare as a familiar second person pronoun used towards relatives, friends, and lower-ranking people, since in this case it used by a courtier (although old) towards an emperor. I thought about a possibility to interpret it as a first person na ‘I,’ especially since this poem is from a section of the Kojiki dedicated to Emperor Nintoku, who is believed to have strong Korean connections (Ledyard 1975: 251). This interpretation, although plausible at the first glance, also meets with difficulty: if na-ŋga miko is to be understood as ‘my prince,’ it remains unclear why the old man addresses Nintoku, who is already an emperor, as a prince. To be on the conservative side, I decided to follow the tradition here, and interpret na-ŋga miko as ‘your prince,’ believing that it refers to Nintoku’s successor, who will rule after his father, not being replaced by an outsider. Thus, the traditional definition of na/nare as a familiar second person pronoun probably has to go in the light of this example. I redefine it as a neutral second person pronoun. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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2.2.5.1.4 Accusative na-wo 阿波母與賣迩斯阿禮婆那遠岐弖遠波那志

a pa mǝ yǝ me n-i si ar-e-mba na-wo [o]k-i-te wo pa na-si I TOP EP EP woman DV-CONV EP exist-EV-CON you-ACC leave-CONV-SUB man TOP no-FIN Because I am a woman, I have no [other] man, besides you (KK 5) (a wife to her husband) 2.2.5.1.5 Special Form na-ne There are two examples, where the unusual form na-ne appears. It is usually explained as a contraction of na-ane ‘my beloved,’ lit. ‘my elder sister’ (Takagi 1957: 305), but the problem is that the female beloved is usually called imo, lit. ‘younger sister.’ In addition, in the second example (MYS 9.1800) there is imo na-[a]ne-ŋga ‘younger sister you-elder sister-POSS,’ where both imo ‘younger sister’ and ane ‘elder sister’ are used together, which makes little or no sense at all. I think that it is more likely that in both cases we have the extended stem of na ‘you’ ending in -ne (compare also sǝ-ne 2nd/3rd(?) person pronoun in section 2.2.6): 名姉之恋曾

na-ne-ŋGA KOP-URE sǝ you-?-POSS love-EV FP you love [me] (MYS 4.724) (a man to a woman) 妹名根之作服異六白細乃紐

IMO na-ne-ŋGA TUKUR-I KI-SE-k-em-u SIRO-TAPƐ-nǝ PIMO beloved you-?-POSS make-CONV wear-CAUS-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR whitecloth-GEN cord the cord of the white cloth that you, beloved, made and made [me] wear (MYS 9.1800) (a man to a woman) 2.2.5.2 Stem nare The extended stem nare very rarely occurs in Western Old Japanese texts: only two examples are attested, one as the isolated form, and another in the accusative form nare-wo. The latter example occurs in the Nihon ryōiki, which is a very late text.

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Isolated Form nare

於夜那斯爾奈礼奈理鶏迷夜

oya na-si n-i nare nar-i-k-em-ɛ ya parent no-FIN DV-CONV you be born-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-EV IP Were you possibly born without parents? (NK 104) (the prince to the beggar) 2.2.5.2.2 Accusative nare-wo 奈禮乎曾與咩爾保師登多禮

nare-wo sǝ yǝme n-i posi tǝ tare you-ACC FP bride DV-CONV be desirable DV who who wants you as [his] bride? (NR 2.33) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The second person pronoun na/nare is also well attested in Eastern Old Japanese. Similar to Western Old Japanese, the unextended stem na occurs much more frequently. Stem na

The unextended stem na occurs in Eastern Old Japanese not only in isolation and with the possessive case marker -ŋga and the accusative case marker -wo, as in Western Old Japanese, but also with the dative case marker -ni and the comitative case marker -tǝ. Isolated Form na

Unfortunately, the only two examples of the isolated form na in Eastern Old Japanese are not attested phonographically, but an educated guess on the basis of the meter of poems and widespread usage of the unextended stem na in Eastern Old Japanese suggests that this logographic usage represents na pretty accurately. 汝者故布婆曾毛

NA pa kop-u[re]- mba sǝ mo you TOP love-EV-CON FP EP because you love [me] (MYS 14.3382) (a man to a woman)

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汝波安杼可毛布

NA pa aⁿ-dǝ ka [o]mop-u you TOP what-DV IP think-ATTR What do you think? (MYS 14.3494) (a man to a woman) Possessive na- ŋga 奈我目保里勢牟

na-ŋga MƐ por-i se-m-u you-POSS eye desire-NML do-TENT-FIN [I] wish [to see] your eyes (MYS 14.3383) (a man to a woman) 奈我己許呂能礼

na-ŋga kǝkǝrǝ nǝr-e you-POSS heart tell-IMP Reveal [to me] your heart (MYS 14.3425) (a man to a woman) Dative na-ni 奈爾与曾利鶏米

na-ni yǝsǝr-i-k-em-ɛ you-DAT approach-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-EV [I] approached you (MYS 14.3468) (a man to a woman) 奈爾己曾与佐礼

na-ni kǝsǝ yǝs-ar-e you-DAT FP approach-PROG-EV [I] approached you (MYS 14.3478) (a man to a woman) Accusative na-wo 奈乎許曾麻多賣

na-wo kǝsǝ mat-am-e you-ACC FP wait-TENT-EV [I] will wait for you (MYS 14.3493) (a woman to a man) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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可波刀爾奈乎麻都

kapa-to-ni na-wo mat-u river-door-LOC you-ACC wait-FIN [I] wait for you at the ford (MYS 14.3546) (probably a woman to a man, but it is unclear) Comitative na-tƏ 勢奈那登布多理左宿而久也思母

se-na na-tǝ puta-ri sa-NE-TE kuyasi-mǝ beloved-DIM you-COM two-CL PREF-sleep(CONV)-SUB be.regrettable-EXCL it is regrettable that [I], my beloved, slept with you, two [of us]! (MYS 14.3544) (a woman to a man) Stem nare

Isolated stem nare is attested in Eastern Old Japanese only in one example. There are no other examples of EOJ nare. Isolated Form nare 和我可度乃可多夜麻都婆伎麻己等奈礼

wa-ŋga kaⁿdo-nǝ kata yama tumbaki ma-kǝtǝ nare I-POSS gate-GEN side mountain camellia INT-thing you [Oh,] camellia [flowers] at the mountain near my gate, [it is] really you (MYS 20.4418) (a man to flowers, this is the only apparent usage of nare as a plural form) A2: Ryukyuan The second person pronoun na is attested comparatively well in Ryukyuan: there are no attestations in the Omoro sōshi or the Ryūka: the Old Ryukyuan naa ‘you’ seems to be confined to Ryukyuan plays (Hokama 1995: 472). However, there is no lack of attestations in the modern dialects, mostly in the Northern Ryukyus, where such forms as Koniya nam¡; Namizato naa; Sesoko naa, naN; Shuri naa, etc. are attested (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 358). Hateruma has an aberrant form daa, which is probably not related. It seems that in all these dialects this second person pronoun has a similar or close function to the Shuri pronoun naa, which is a familiar pronoun used towards older people of lower status (RKJ 1983: 399).69 An example from the Shuri dialect: 69  Uchima and Arakaki gloss their Ryukyuan dialect attestation as modern Japanese anata ‘you’ (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 358), which is a semi-formal pronoun used towards Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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naa ya /içi mooca ga you TOP when come/PERF IP When did you come? (RKJ 1983: 399) Level B: External Comparisons The well-known comparison for Old Japanese second person pronoun na is Middle Korean second person pronoun nè, also well attested in modern standard Korean and the dialects. Examples from Middle Korean: ne-y na-y mal-ol ta tul-ul-tta hoy-a-nol you-NOM I-GEN word-ACC all hear-IRR/PART-QF say-CONV-CON When [I] say: ‘Are you going to listen to all my words?’ (SP 6.7) ne non kisk-e two you rejoice-CONV FP Although you rejoiced … (KKK 2.5) Given the fact that in Ryukyuan the second person pronoun na ‘you’ is a kind of honorific, it is likely that the Korean second person pronoun was borrowed by Western Old Japanese from Korean, and then was borrowed from the former into Eastern Old Japanese, and into Ryukyuan. 2.2.6 Second Person Pronoun masi/mimasi/imasi The second person pronoun masi/mimasi/imasi occurs in Old Japanese texts in the phonographic spelling quite rarely. In Western Old Japanese it occurs only in the forms imasi and mimasi. The first of these forms is attested in the Man’yōshū and the Senmyō once each, the second appears exclusively in the Senmyō, although much more frequently—nine times altogether. Yamada Yoshio believes that the original form of this pronoun is just masi, which appears only in Eastern Old Japanese, with mi- and i- being prefixes (Yamada 1954: 95). He is probably right: mi- in mi-masi is likely to be an honorific prefix mi-, which could have irregularly changed to i- before the following /m/, although this is difficult to prove with certainty. Yamada gives an ambivalent definition to this pronoun as either honorific or pejorative (Yamada 1954: 94). Omodaka et al. define masi as an originally honorific second person pronoun, which was also used as a familiar pronoun toward people with a lower social status (Omodaka et al. 1967: 673). At the same time Omodaka et al. claim that relatives (e.g., wife to her husband), or towards lower-ranking people, when some minimal degree of respect is maintained.

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mimasi is more honorific than imasi or masi, although mimasi can also be used towards ministers and children (Omodaka et al. 1967: 715). This claim seems to be contradicted by the example from SM 29 below, where it is used by Empress Kōken towards the dethroned Emperor Jūnin. Ōno et al., on the other hand, define masi/imasi/mimasi as second person pronoun used towards equal or socially lower people, although at the same time they suggest that masi/imasi/ mimasi is derived from the nominalization of the honorific verb imas- ‘to exist’ (Ōno 1990: 1220). It is unclear, however, why a nominalization of an honorific verb is used for a non-honorific pronoun. In addition, the form mi-masi remains unexplained under this scenario. In Eastern Old Japanese the second person pronoun masi occurs as a textual variant of na ‘you,’ which probably demonstrates that at least in the Eastern Old Japanese na and masi did not have any functional differences. The overall paucity of examples precludes any exact definition of socio-linguistic function of the second person pronoun masi/imasi/mimasi in Old Japanese, although it is extremely likely that it was not an honorific pronoun as alleged, since in most examples it is found in the speech directed by a person higher in the social hierarchy to a person lower in the same hierarchy. 伊麻思毛吾毛事応成

imasi mo WARE mo KƏTƏ NAR-UmBƐ-SI YA you FP I FP thing be-DEB-FIN IP Should [it] be something for both you and me? (MYS 11.2517) (probably a man to a woman) 天下方朕子伊麻之仁授給

AMƐ-NƏ SITA pa WA-ŋGA KO imasi-ni SAⁿDUKƐ-TAMAP-U heaven-GEN bottom TOP I-POSS child you-DAT give(CONV)-HON-FIN [I] give to you, my child, the land under the Heaven (SM 29) (Empress Kōken to Emperor Jūnin on the occasion of the latter’s dethronement) 美麻斯乃父止坐天皇乃美麻斯尓賜志天下

mimasi-nǝ TITI tǝ IMAS-U SUMERA-MIKƏTƏ-nǝ mimasi-ni TAMAP-i-si AMƐ-NƏ SITA you-GEN father DV exist(HON)-ATTR emperor-deity-GEN you-DAT give(HON)-CONV-PAST/ATTR heaven-GEN bottom the land under the Heaven that the emperor-deity, who is your father, gave to you (SM 5) (Empress Genshō to Emperor Shōmu)

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美麻斯王乃齢乃弱爾

mimasi MIKO-nǝ YƏPAPI-nǝ YOWA-KI-ni you prince-GEN age-GEN weak-ATTR-LOC because you, prince, were in infancy … (SM 5) (Empress Genshō to Emperor Shōmu) 美麻志大臣乃仕奉状

mimasi OPOMAPETUKIMI-nǝ TUKAPƐ-MATUR-I-KƏ-SI SAMA you minister-GEN serve(CONV)-HUM-CONV-come-PAST/ATTR shape the way how you, minister, served [us] until now (SM 52) (the emperor to the deceased minister) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese In Eastern Old Japanese only the form imasi is attested once. In all probability, it is neutral second person pronoun. Again, the paucity of data precludes any exact definition of its socio-linguistic function. 伊麻思乎多能美波播爾多我比奴

imasi-wo tanǝm-i papa-ni taŋgap-i-n-u you-ACC trust-CONV mother-DAT go against-CONV-PERF-FIN [I] went against [my] mother, trusting you (MYS 14.3359) (a woman to a man) 2.2.7 Second Person Pronoun ore The second person pronoun ore can be both singular and plural. It probably has the same structure as other pronouns ending in -re, namely that the form ore represents an extended stem. Unfortunately, the unextended stem *o is not attested in Western Old Japanese texts, but it seems that one can make an educated guess and introduce a morphemic boundary into o-re by analogy with wa-re ‘I, we’ and na-re ‘you.’ Once again we see that the extended stem in -re probably has a connection with plural marker -ra (see sections 2.2.1 and 2.2.5 on the tendency to use the extended stems ware and nare for plural usage). The second person pronoun ore clearly functions as a pejorative pronoun. This is probably the reason why it is not attested in poetic texts. Examples:

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意禮二字以音爲大國主神

ore [ni ⁿzi i on] OPO KUNI NUSI KAMÏ NAR-I you [two characters by sound] great land master deity become-FIN you ([these] two characters [to be read] phonographically) will become the deity Opo kuni nusi (lit.: the master of the great land) (KJK 1.30a) Susanowo speaking to Opo kuni nusi who eloped with the daughter of the former. 所作仕奉於大殿内者意禮此二字以音先入

OPO TƏNƏ-NƏ UTI-NI pa TUKUR-I-TUKAPƐ-MATUR-U PA ore [ni ⁿzi i on] MAⁿDU IR-I great palace-GEN inside-LOC TOP make-CONV-serve(CONV)-HUM-ATTR TOP you [these two characters by sound] first enter-CONV you will enter first into the great palace that [you] have built (KJK 2.5b) Retainers of the emperor Jinmu speaking to the person who plotted to kill the emperor. 意禮熊曾建二人不伏無禮聞看而取殺意禮詔而遣

ore kumasǝ TAKERU PUTA-RI MATUR-AP-AⁿZ-U REI NA-SI TƏ KIKƏS-I-MES-I-TE ore TƏR-I-KƏRƏS-E TƏ NƏTAMAP-i-TE TUKAP-AS-ER-I you Kumasǝ brave two-CL serve-ITER-NEG-CONV ritual no-FIN DV hear(HON)CONV-HON-CONV-SUB you take-CONV-kill-IMP DV say(HON)-CONV-SUB send-HON-PROG-FIN [the emperor] heard that you two Kumasǝ brave [brothers] do not submit and have no manners, so [he] sent [me] ordering to kill you (KJK 2.39a) Prince Yamatǝ Takeru talking to a Kumasǝ leader about the latter and the latter’s elder brother whom he killed earlier. Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan Both Old Ryukyuan and most modern Ryukyuan languages have a second person singular pronoun that is apparently cognate to WOJ ore ‘you,’ for example: OR o, u; Shuri ʔyaa; Nase ʔya; Koniya, Chabana ʔura; Hentona ya; Kuroshima ʔuva; Psara vva, etc. (Hirayama 1966: 303; Hirayama 1967: 241). This pronoun functions as an informal or pejorative pronoun. Examples:

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Old Ryukyuan おがやへよりおわよりな

o-ga ya-fe-yori owa-yor-i na you-POSS home-side-ABL come(HON)-approach-CONV EP Did [you] come from your home? (OS 14.998) Shuri

ʔari-ga yum-aa ʔyaa-N yum-ee he-NOM read-COND you-FP read-IMP If he reads [it], you read it, too (RKJ 69) Miyako

ʔuva-ga du basïka-N thou-NOM FP bad-FIN You are bad (Nohara 1998: 372) vva ndza-ŋkai ga ik-ï you where-LOC IP go-FIN Where are you going? (Nohara 1998: 381) The familiar and pejorative pronouns very often reflect the original pronominal system. Given also the functional and geographical limitations of the Western Old Japanese second person pronouns na ~ nare and masi ~ mimasi ~ imasi discussed in sections 2.2.5 and 2.2.6, it seems reasonable to assume that WOJ ore and PR *o-ra represent the original proto-Japonic second person pronoun: singular *o and plural *o-ra. 2.2.8 Third Person Pronoun si This pronoun in Old Japanese occurs exclusively with the following possessive case marker -ŋga, with both animate and inanimate referents. Whether the personal pronoun si represents second or third person is a debated question. Tradition generally holds it to be the third person pronoun (Yamada 1954: 70), cf. also the commentaries on the Old Japanese texts discussed below (Tsuchihashi 1957; Tsuchihashi 1976; Takagi et al. 1959; Nakanishi 1978; Kojima et al. 1972; Satake et al. 1999); although there is also another point of view stipulating that si represents a mesial (chūshō) demonstrative pronoun (Omodaka et al. 1967: 346). In the light of absence of earlier commentaries on Old Japanese texts where this pronoun appears, the value of the traditional Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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point of view, starting at best from the eighteenth century, can be debated. The first known challenge to the traditional point of view known to me was presented by Roy A. Miller (Miller 1971: 159), although unfortunately he did not present any philological discussion of texts, where this pronoun appears, limiting himself to a bare statement that OJ si is a second person pronoun supported by a reference to Yamada Yoshio’s grammar (Yamada 1954: 75–76), which is an unfortunate mistake, because Yamada clearly states his point of view earlier that si is a third person pronoun (Yamada 1954: 70). Samuel E. Martin adopted the traditional point of view defining si as ‘it, that, he’ (Martin 1987: 521). This controversy can be resolved only by a linguistic and philological analysis of texts where the pronoun si appears. One general consideration in favor of Miller’s position is that it is typologically odd that a third person pronoun would disappear completely from a language where it once appeared, and that would be the case with Old Japanese: if si is a genuine third person pronoun it is unclear why it disappears in the later history of the language. Generally, the typology of third person pronouns works in the opposite direction: there are many languages that originally did not have third person pronouns, but acquire them for one reason or another; however, I am not aware of any cases where a language unconditionally loses original third person pronouns. Nevertheless, language typology is only the secondary evidence as compared to the internal language data. Miller gives two examples in support of his point of view that OJ si represents a second person pronoun, NK 80 and MYS 5.904, without providing any evidence in support of his point of view (Miller 1971: 159). Let us start the discussion from these two as well. I will translate si as second person ‘you’/‘he’ until the data positively prove whether it is second person or third person pronoun in the following examples: 偉儺謎能陁倶彌柯該志須彌儺皤旨我那稽麼柂例柯柯該武預

Winambɛ-nǝ takumi kakɛ-si sumi-napa si-ŋga na-k-emba tare ka kakɛ-m-u yǝ Winambɛ-GEN carpenter apply(CONV)-PAST/ATTR ink-cord you/he-POSS noATTR-COND who IP apply-TENT-ATTR EP the ink-cord that the carpenter of Winambɛ applied: if you/he are/is no more, who would apply it? (NK 80) This poem is preceded by the following text in the Nihonshoki: The carpenter, Mane, of the Wina-be, planed timber with an axe, using a stone as a ruler. All day long he planed and never spoiled the edge by mistake. The emperor visited the place, and, wondering, asked of him, saying: Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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‘Dost thou never make a mistake and strike the stone?’ Mane answered and said: ‘I never make a mistake!’ Then the emperor called together the Uneme, and made them strip off their clothing and wrestle in open view with only their waistcloths on. Hereupon Mane ceased for a while and looked upon them, and then went on with his planing. But unawares he made a slip of the hand, and spoilt the edge of his tool. The emperor accordingly rebuked him, saying:—‘Where does this fellow come from that, without respect to us, he gives such heedless answers with unchastened heart?’ So he handed him over to the Mononobe to be executed on the moor. Now against his comrades there was a carpenter who lamented for Mane, and made a song, saying …70 On the basis of this introduction to the poem, it is really difficult to choose between the second or third person personal pronoun: Mane’s comrade could have made an address in either second or the third person. It seems, however, that the third person ‘he’ would be more natural, given the fact that Mane is no longer present at the scene, but this is difficult to prove, unless some additional evidence is found. Miller’s next example is from MYS 5.904, a Yamanoue-no Okura’s poem dedicated to the untimely death of his son, Purupi. For the sake of the following philological analysis, the poem has to be cited in full: 世人之貴慕七種之宝毛我波何為和我中能産礼出有白玉之吾子古日者明星 之開朝者敷多倍乃登許能辺佐良受立礼杼毛居礼杼毛登母爾戯礼夕星乃 由布弊爾奈礼婆伊射祢余登手乎多豆佐波里父母毛表者奈佐我利三枝之 中爾乎祢牟登愛久志我可多良倍婆何時可毛比等等奈理伊弖天安志家口 毛与家久母見武登大船乃於毛比多能無爾於毛波奴爾横風乃爾布敷可爾 覆來礼婆世武須便乃多杼伎乎之良爾志路多倍乃多須吉乎可氣麻蘇鏡弖 爾登利毛知弖天神阿布藝許比乃美地祇布之弖額拝可加良受毛可賀利毛 神乃末爾麻爾等立阿射里我例乞能米登須臾毛余家久波奈之爾漸漸可多 知都久保利朝朝伊布許等夜美霊剋伊乃知多延奴礼立乎杼利足須里佐家 婢伏仰武祢宇知奈氣吉手爾持流安我古登婆之都世間之道

YƏ-NƏ PITƏ-NƏ TAPUTOP-i-NE ŋG-AP-U NANA-KUSA-NƏ TAKARA mo WARE pa NANI SE-M-U wa-ŋga NAKA-nǝ UMARe-IⁿDE-TAR-U SIRA TAMA-NƏ WA-ŋGA KO PURUPI pa AKA-POSI-NƏ AK-URU ASITA pa SIK-i-tapɛ-nǝ tǝkǝ-nǝ PE sar-aⁿz-u TAT-Er-e-ⁿdǝmo WOr-e-ⁿdǝmo tǝmǝ n-i TAPAmB-Ure YUPU-TUⁿZU-nǝ yupu-m-be n-i nar-e-mba iⁿza ne-yǝ tǝ TE-wo taⁿdusapar-i 70  I cite William G. Aston’s translation of the Nihonshoki (Aston 1896: 361–362).

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253

TITI-PAPA mǝ UPƐ pa na-saŋgar-i SAKI-KUSA-NƏ NAKA-ni wo ne-m-u tǝ UTUKUSI-ku si-ŋga katar-ap-ɛ-mba ITU SI kamo pitǝ tǝ nar-i-iⁿde-te asi-k-eku mo yǝ-k-eku mǝ MI-m-u-tǝ OPO PUNE-nǝ omop-i-tanǝm-u-ni omǝp-an-u-ni YƏKƏ-SIMA-KAⁿZE-nǝ nipumbuka n-i OPOP-i-K-i-TAr-e-mba se-m-u sumbe-nǝ taⁿdǝki-wo sir-an-i siro-tapɛ-nǝ tasuki-wo kakɛ ma-so KA ŋGAMI te-ni tǝr-i-mot-i-te AMA-TU KAMÏ apuŋg-i-kǝp-i-nǝm-i KUNI-TU KAMÏ pus-i-te NUKA TUK-i kakar-aⁿz-u mo kakar-i mo KAMÏ-nǝ manima n-i tǝ TAT-I-aⁿzar-i ware KƏP-i-nǝm-ɛ-ⁿdǝ SIMASI-KU mǝ yǝ-k-eku pa na-si-ni YAKU-YAKU N-I katati tukupor-i ASA-NA ASA-NA ip-u kǝtǝ yam-i TAMA-KIPARU inǝti taye-nure TAT-i-woⁿdǝr-i ASI sur-i sakemb-i FUS-I APU ŋG-i mune ut-i naŋgɛk-i TE-ni MƏT-Er-u a-ŋga ko tǝmb-as-i-t-u YƏ-NƏ NAKA-NƏ MITI world-GEN person treasure-CONV-desire-ITER-ATTR seven-type-GEN treasure I TOP what do-TENT-FIN we-POSS inside-GEN be born(CONV)-exitPERF-ATTR white jewel-COMP we-POSS child Purupi TOP bright-star-GEN be bright-ATTR morning TOP spread-CONV-cloth-GEN bed-GEN side go away-NEG-FIN stand-PROG-EV-CONC sit-PROG-EV-CONC together DVCONV play-IMP evening-star-GEN evening-GEN-side DV-CONV becomeEV-CON INTER sleep-IMP DV hand-ACC take-CONV father-mother FP top TOP NEG-leave-CONV three-grass-COMP middle-LOC EP sleep-TENT-FIN beautiful-CONV you/he-POSS talk-ITER-EV-CON when EP EP person DV become-CONV-exit(CONV)-SUB bad-ATTR-NML FP good-ATTR-NML FP see-TENT-FIN DV big boat-COMP think-CONV-request-ATTR-LOC think-NEG-ATTR-LOC side-island-wind sudden DV-CONV cover-CONVcome-CONV-PERF/PROG-EV-CON do-TENT-ATTR way-GEN measure-ACC know-NEG-CONV white-cloth-GEN cord-ACC tuck up(CONV) INT-clear mirror hand-LOC take-CONV-hold-CONV-SUB heaven-GEN/LOC deity look up-CONV-request-CONV-pray-CONV land-GEN/LOC deity prostrateCONV-SUB forehead touch-CONV work-NEG-CONV FP work-CONV FP deity-GEN according DV-CONV DV stand-CONV-?-CONV I request-CONVpray-EV-CONC for a while-CONV good-ATTR-NML TOP no-FIN-LOC gradually-gradually DV-CONV facial form get emaciated-CONV morningPLUR morning-PLUR say-ATTR thing stop-CONV jewel-? life cease-PERF-EV stand-CONV-jump-CONV foot rub-CONV scream-CONV prostrate-CONV look up-CONV chest hit-CONV lament-CONV hand-LOC hold-PROG-ATTR I-POSS fly-CAUS-CONV-PERF-FIN world-GEN inside-GEN way What shall I do with the Seven Treasures that people of the world value and desire? Our child Purupi, born between us, who was like a white jewel, [you/he] did not leave the side of our white-clothed bed in the morning when the bright stars become pale. Whether standing or sitting, [you/he]

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played [with us]. When it became evening with the evening stars, and [we] told [you/him]: ‘Go to sleep!’; taking [our] hands, as you/he used to say beautifully: ‘Father and mother, do not leave [me]! [I] would like to sleep between you, [three of us], like ‘three [stems] grass,” [I] would like to see what bad things and what good things [were in store for you/him] when [you/he] becomes a [grown-up] person—thus [I] thought and prayed, [confident] as a big boat. But suddenly a[n evil] crosswind from the island came and covered [us]. Not knowing what to do, [I] tucked up the [sleeves of my kimono] with white cloth cords, and taking in [my] hands a clear mirror, [I] prayed looking up with a request to the deities of Heaven; and [I] prostrated [myself] before the deities of the Earth, touching [the floor] with [my] forehead. Although I stood and prayed so it would be according to the wishes of deities, whether [my prayers] work or not, for a while there was no improvement and [your/his] face get gradually thinner and thinner, and [you/he] stopped to say things in the mornings, and [your/his] jewel-like life ended. [I] jumped, and [I] rubbed my feet, and [I] screamed, [I] prostrated [myself], [I] looked up, and hit [myself] in the chest, and [I] lamented. [I] let my child, whom [I] was holding in [my] hands, fly away. [Alas, this is] the way of this world (MYS 5.904) Without exception, modern commentators of the Man’yōshū interpret si-ŋga in this poem as ‘he-POSS’ (Takagi et al. 1959: 119; Kojima et al. 1972: 117; Nakanishi 1978: 423; Satake et al. 1999: 524). And, it seems to me, that there is serious philological evidence supporting this interpretation. There is a poem (MYS 5.794) composed by the same poet, Yamonoue-no Okura, as an elegy for the death of Ōtomo-no Tabito’s wife: 大王能等保乃朝庭等斯良農比筑紫國爾泣子那須斯多比枳摩斯提伊企陀爾 母伊摩陀夜周米受年月母伊摩他阿良祢婆許許呂由母於母波奴阿比陀爾 宇知那毘枳許夜斯努礼伊波牟須弊世武須弊斯良爾石木乎母刀比佐氣斯 良受伊弊那良婆迦多知波阿良牟乎宇良売斯企伊毛乃美許等能阿礼乎婆 母伊可爾世与等可爾保鳥能布多利那良毘為可多良比斯許許呂曾牟企弖 伊弊社可利摩須

OPO KIMI-nǝ tǝpo n-ǝ MIKAⁿDO tǝ siranupi TUKUSI-NƏ KUNI-ni NAK-U KO-nasu sitap-i k-i-mas-i-te iki ⁿdani mǝ imaⁿda yasumɛ-ⁿz-u TƏSI TUKÏ mǝ imaⁿda ar-an-e-mba kǝkǝrǝ-yu mǝ omǝp-an-u apiⁿda-ni uti-nambik-i kǝy-as-i-n-ure ip-am-u sumbe se-m-u sumbe sir-an-i ipa-kï-wo mǝ top-i sakɛ sir-aⁿz-u ipe-n-ar-amba katati pa ar-am-u-wo uramesi-ki imo n-ǝ mikǝtǝ-nǝ are-womba mǝ ika n-i se-yǝ tǝ ka nipo-ⁿ-DƏRI-nǝ puta-ri naramb-i-wi katarap-i-si kǝkǝrǝ sǝmuk-i-te ipe-ⁿ-zakar-i-imas-u

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Great Lord-GEN far DV-ATTR Imperial.Court DV Tukusi-GEN land-LOC cryATTR child-COMP long-CONV come-CONV-HON-CONV-SUB breath RP FP yet rest-NEG-FIN year month FP yet be-NEG-EV-CON heart-ABL FP thinkNEG-ATTR interval-LOC PREF-stretched.out-CONV lie.down-HON-CONVPERF-EV say-TENT-ATTR way do-TENT-ATTR way know-NEG-CONV rock tree-ACC FP ask-CONV-split(NML) know-NEG-FIN home-LOC-exist-COND form TOP exist-TENT-ATTR-ACC dear/cruel-ATTR beloved DV-ATTR spiritGEN I-ACC(EMPH) FP how DV-CONV do-IMP DV IP grebe-DV(ATTR)-birdlike two-CL be.side.by.side-sit(CONV) talk-ITER-CONV-PAST/ATTR heart turn.back-CONV-SUB home-LOC-be.separated-CONV-HON-FIN [She] came longing like a crying baby to the land of Tukusi, which is called a distant Palace of the great Lord, not taking a rest even for one breath. But while years and months have not yet elapsed, while even in [my] heart [I] did not think, stretched out [she] was lying. [I] do not know what to say and what to do, nor do I know how to escape [my grief even if I] ask even the trees and rocks. If [you] were [still] at home, [your] form would be there [at least]! [My] dear and cruel beloved, what do [you] think [I] should do, like two grebes [we] swore to live together, but [you] left home, turning [your] back on that promise (MYS 5.794) The parallelism between MYS 5.904 and the first part of MYS 5.794 is too striking to ignore. Apparently, we have in both cases a lament about the deceased member of the family, and it is made in the third person. There is, however, a considerable difference as well: MYS 5.794 also has the second part, representing an incantation to the soul of the deceased, made in the second person, but MYS 5.904 has no analog of it: it ends with a description of the author’s grief. Still, additional evidence is needed to establish si as a third person pronoun in Old Japanese. Next comes combined linguistic and textual evidence from KK 57 and KK 101, which have very close but not identical contexts: 迦波能倍迩淤斐陀弖流佐斯夫袁佐斯夫能紀斯賀斯多迩淤斐陀弖流波毘呂 由都麻都婆岐斯賀波那能弖理伊麻斯芝賀波能比呂理伊麻須波淤富岐美 呂迦母

kapa-nǝ [u]pɛ-ni opï-ⁿdat-er-u sasimbu-wo sasimbu n-ǝ kï si-ŋga sita-ni opïⁿdat-er-u pa-m-birǝ yu t-u ma-tumbaki si-ŋga pana-nǝ ter-i-imas-i si-ŋga pa-nǝ pirǝr-i-imas-u pa opǝ-kimi rǝ kamǝ river-GEN top-LOC grow(CONV)-stand-PROG-ATTR sasimbu-ABS sasimbu DV-ATTR tree it-POSS bottom-LOC grow(CONV)-stand-PROG-ATTR

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leaf-GEN-broad sacred DV-ATTR INT-camellia it-POSS leaf-GEN shineCONV-HON-CONV it-POSS leaf-GEN be.broad-CONV-HON-ATTR TOP greatlord DV EP under the sasimbu tree, growing above the river, below it [there is] a sacred true camellia growing, its flowers are shining, its leaves are broad, as the great lord! (KK 57) It seems impossible to interpret all si-ŋga in this poem as the second person ‘you-POSS’: we will get a nonsense text with second person pronouns referring to two different trees, like ‘sasimbu tree, below you grows camellia, your flowers and leaves’—whom does second ‘your’ refer to? In addition, the next passage, also from the Kojiki kayō, proves almost without any doubt that we are dealing with the third person pronoun: 淤斐陀弖流波毘呂由都麻都婆岐曾賀波能比呂理伊麻志曾能波那能弖理伊 麻須多加比迦流比能美古爾登余美岐多弖麻都良勢

opï-ⁿdat-er-u pa-m-birǝ yu t-u ma-tumbaki sǝ-ŋga pa-nǝ pirǝr-i-imas-i sǝ-nǝ pana-nǝ ter-i-imas-u taka-pikar-u pi-nǝ mi-ko-ni tǝyǝ mi-ki tatematur-as-e grow(CONV)-stand-PROG-ATTR leaf-GEN-broad sacred DV-ATTR INT-camellia it-POSS leaf-GEN be.broad-CONV-HON-CONV it-GEN flower-GEN shineCONV-HON-FIN high-shine-ATTR sun-GEN HON-child-DAT abundant HON-rice.wine present(HUM)-HON-IMP growing broad-leafed sacred true camellia, its leaves are broad, its flowers are shining. Present the abundant rice wine to the honorable child of the highshining Sun (KK 101) Looking at this text, one can clearly see that si-ŋga appears to be a textual variant of sǝ-ŋga, a third person pronoun possessive form also attested in Classical Japanese (Vovin 2003: 114), which is derived from the demonstrative sǝ- ‘that.’ Moreover, there are the following two examples in the Kojiki kayō, which have si-ŋga that can be interpreted only as a third person pronoun: 加良怒袁志本爾夜岐斯賀阿麻里許登爾都久理

Karano-wo sipo-ni yak-i si-ŋga amar-i kǝtǝ-ni tukur-i Karano-ACC salt-LOC burn-CONV it-POSS remain-NML koto-LOC make-CONV [They] burned [the ship] Karano for salt, and made its remainders into a koto (KK 74) It would be a complete folly to imagine that the ship is addressed in the second person in this example.

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NOMINALS 意布袁余志斯毘都久阿麻余斯賀阿禮婆宇良胡本斯祁牟斯毘都久志毘

op[ǝ]-uwo yǝsi simbi tuk-u ama yǝ si-ŋga ar-e-mba ura-koposi-k-em-u simbi tuk-u Simbi big-fish ? tuna harpoon-ATTR fisherman EP she-POSS go away-EV-CON inside-sorrowful-ATTR-TENT-FIN tuna harpoon-ATTR Simbi Oh, fisherman, who harpoons tuna, the big fish! [You] will be sorrowful when she gets away, Simbi who harpoons tuna (KK 110) If we are interpret si-ŋga ar-e-mba as ‘when you get away,’ the poem would not make any sense at all. The final and the most conclusive evidence for the fact that si represents the third, and not the second person pronoun comes from the Senmyō texts, where it is written not only phonographically, but also logographically using the Old Chinese oblique third person pronoun 其 ‘he, she, it’: 先仁之我奏之事

SAKI-ni si-ŋga MAWOS-I-si KƏTƏ before-LOC he-POSS say(HUM)-CONV-PAST/ATTR thing things he said before (SM 28) 清麻呂其我姉法均止甚大尓悪久奸流妄語乎作弖

KIYOMARƏ SI-ŋga ANE POPUKUN-tǝ ITƏ OPO-KI n-i ASI-ku KAⁿDAM-Er-u ITUPAR-I- ŋ-GƏTƏ-wo TUKUR-I-te Kiyomarǝ he-POSS elder.sister Popukun-COM very big-ATTR DV-CONV badCONV be.insincere-PROG-ATTR lie-NML-GEN- word-ACC make-CONV-SUB Kiyomarǝ with his elder sister Popukun created an extremely big, bad and insincere lie … (SM 44) There is also one example in late Old Japanese, where si also can be only interpreted as the third person pronoun: 老人毛女童兒毛之我願心太良比爾

OYI-PITƏ mo WOMINA WARAPA mo si-ŋga NE ŋG-AP-U KƏKƏRƏ-ⁿ-dar-ap-i n-i old(CONV)-person FP woman child FP they-POSS desire-ITER-ATTR heartLOC-be.enough-ITER-NML DV-CONV old people, women, and children, all [of them get] enough what they desire to [their] hearts’ [content] (MYS 18.4094)

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2.2.8.1 Special Forms Besides the special form sǝ-ŋga, mentioned above in KK 101, there is also a special form sǝ-ne-ŋga and sǝ-ne, attested just once each in the same text. These forms appear to be parallel to the second person pronoun special form na-ne (see section 2.2.5): 曾泥賀母登曾泥米

sǝ-ne-ŋga mǝtǝ sǝ-ne mɛ it-?-POSS root it-? bud its roots, its buds (KK 11)71 It seems that none of the examples attested in Old Japanese offers uncontroversial support for si as the second person pronoun; and quite to the contrary, most of the attested examples can be safely interpreted as the cases of the third person pronoun. There is one example from an early Middle Japanese text, known to me, that might be an evidence for Miller’s point of view on si as a second person pronoun, but it falls out of the scope of the grammar dedicated to Old Japanese: しが身の程知らぬこそいと心憂けれ

si-ga mi-no fodo sir-an-u koso ito kokoro u-kere you-POSS body-GEN time know-NEG-ATTR FP very heart sad-EV [I] feel very sad to the extent you never felt (OM 1) The construction si-ga mi ‘your body’ (= ‘you’) seems to be perfectly parallel to the construction wa-ga mi ‘my body’ (= ‘I’) that frequently appears in Middle Japanese texts in the function of the first person pronoun. However, a singular attestation of si as a second person pronoun in this example does not allow us to reconstruct the second person pronoun si for the earlier stages of the Japanese language. Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is no second or third person pronoun si in Eastern Old Japanese, but the genitive form sǝ-nǝ ‘it-GEN’ of third person sǝ- ‘it’ is attested once, and there 71  The same song is attested in NK 13 with the phonetic variant sǝ-nǝ-ŋga mǝtǝ sǝ-ne mɛ.

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is also one example of the accusative form sǝ-wo, which does not occur in Western Old Japanese. 曾能可抱与吉爾

sǝ-nǝ kapo yǝ-ki-ni it-GEN face good-ATTR-LOC its face is good, but [it does not move forward] (MYS 14.3411) 比登豆麻等安是可曾乎伊波牟

pitǝ-ⁿ-duma tǝ aⁿze ka sǝ-wo ip-am-u person-GEN-wife DV why IP she-ACC say-TENT-ATTR Why should [I] call her the wife of another? (MYS 14.3472) 2.3

Reflexive Pronoun onǝ/onǝre

There is only one reflexive pronoun in Old Japanese: onǝ/onǝre, which can be used as a reflexive involving any person: first, second, or third. The forms of the reflexive pronoun onǝ/onǝre seem to be parallel morphologically (although not exactly) to personal pronouns wa/ware, a/are, and na/nare: the unextended stem onǝ occurs almost exclusively in combination with the following possessive case marker -ŋga, although there are two examples of it occurring in isolation found in the same text. The unextended stem onǝ occurs in Western Old Japanese only six times, and the extended stem onǝre is even rarer (only two examples of phonographic spelling are attested) and it occurs only in isolation.72 None of the case markers are attested after onǝ/onǝre except possessive -ŋga after the unextended stem onǝ.

72  In the early Heian texts both stems of the personal-reflexive pronoun ono and onore are used, while in the later Heian texts there is a distinct preference for the extended stem onore, the stem ono- being used very rarely. In the Taketori monogatari possessive forms ono-ga and onore-ga co-occur (Vovin 2003: 102). The Heian period personal-reflexive pronoun onodukara, derived from onǝ, is not attested in phonetic spelling in Old Japanese texts, therefore, it is excluded from this grammar. Another personal reflexive pronoun, midukara, becomes prominent in Classical Japanese, especially in the later Heian texts, but it occurs in Old Japanese texts only in later glosses, and never appears in the texts themselves, therefore it is excluded from the present description.

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2.3.1 Stem onǝ 2.3.1.1 Isolated Form onǝ 於乃毛於乃毛貞仁能久清伎心乎以天奉仕

onǝ mo onǝ mo SAⁿDAKA n-i YƏ-ku KIYO-ki KƏKƏRƏ-wo MOT-I-teTUKAPƐMATUR-E yourself FP yourself FP truthful DV-CONV good-CONV clear-ATTR heart-ACC hold-CONV-SUB serve(CONV)-HUM-IMP All of you, serve truthfully and well, with a clear heart (SM 33) 2.3.1.2 Possessive onǝ-ŋga 意能賀袁袁奴須美斯勢牟登

onǝ-ŋga wo-wo nusum-i si-se-m-u tǝ yourself-POSS cord-ACC steal-CONV die-CAUS-TENT-FIN DV [they] are going to steal your [own life-]cord and murder [you] (KK 22)73 意乃何身志伊多波斯計礼婆

onǝ-ŋga MÏ74 si itapasi-kere-mba myself-POSS body EP ill-EV-CON as my [own] body became ill (MYS 5.886) 於能我於弊流於能我名負弖

onǝ-ŋga op-er-u onǝ-ŋga NA OP-i-te himself-POSS carry-PROG-ATTR himself-POSS name carry-CONV-SUB [everyone of] themselves carrying their own names (MYS 18.4098) 人祖乃意能賀弱兒乎養治事乃

PITƏ N-Ə OYA-nǝ onǝ-ŋga WAKU-ŋ-GO-wo PITAS-U KƏTƏ-nǝ person DV-ATTR parent-GEN themselves-POSS young-DV(ATTR)-child-ACC rear-ATTR thing-COMP like human parents rear their own young children (SM 3)

73  A variant of this poem also appears in NK 18 as onǝ-ŋga wo-wo si-se-m-u tǝ nusum-aku ‘the fact that [they] will steal with intention to kill your [own life-] cord.’ 74  Ono-ga mi occurs as a personal reflexive pronoun in early Heian texts (Vovin 2003: 104); however, there is just a singular example in Old Japanese in this context that does not allow to treat the OJ construction onǝ-ŋga mï as a grammaticalized pronoun.

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2.3.2 Stem onǝre 2.3.2.1 Isolated Form onǝre 於能礼故所詈而居者

onǝre YUWE NOR-AYE-TE WOR-E-mba myself reason scold-PASS(CONV)-SUB exist-EV-CON As [you] were scolded because of me (MYS 12.3098) 伊夜彦於能礼神佐備

IyaPIKO onǝre KAMU-sambï Iyapiko itself deity-like [The mountain] Iyapiko itself [is] deity-like (MYS 16.3883) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan It seems that a possible cognate to OJ onǝ/onǝre is attested only in the Shuri literary language as ’uga (RKJ 1983: 541), and in Old Ryukyuan as oga (おが、おか) (Hokama 1995: 123; Nakahara and Hokama 1978: 73–74). However, this limited distribution, along with its predominant function as a second person and not a reflexive pronoun (it has the reflexive function only in the Shuri literary language), as well as its peculiar phonetic shape ’uga < *onǝ-ŋga, with no other morphological variants attested, strongly suggest that in Ryukyuan it is a loan from Classical Japanese, and not a genuine cognate dating back to Japonic. 2.4

Demonstrative Pronouns

Demonstrative pronouns in Old Japanese show considerable morphological similarity to the major personal pronouns and the reflexive pronoun, since all of them also have unextended stem and extended stem in -re. However, there are also two significant differences: first, demonstrative pronouns do not allow the possessive case marker -ŋga to be added to an unextended stem. They have a modifier form in -nǝ, which looks like an unextended stem, followed by a genitive case marker -nǝ, but in reality it is not the genitive case marker, but the attributive form n-ǝ of the defective verb n-.75 Thus, e.g., historically proximal modifier form kǝnǝ < *kǝ n-ǝ ‘this DV-ATTR.’ Second, they do not have the oblique stem 75  There is also a modifier form kǝre n-ǝ, although it is used much less frequently than kǝnǝ. Neither *sǝre n-ǝ nor *kare n-ǝ are attested in Old Japanese texts.

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Chapter 4 Demonstrative pronouns

isolated extended modifier place place/direction

Proximal

Mesial

Distal

kǝ kǝre kǝnǝ kǝkǝ kǝti*, kǝnata*

sǝ*⁺ sǝre sǝnǝ sǝkǝ —

ka* kare* kanǝ** — kanata*, woti*, wotǝ*, wote

Note: * – only in Western Old Japanese, ** – only in Eastern Old Japanese, ⁺ – only in combination with the following accusative marker.

marker -ⁿ. Similar to modern and Classical Japanese, demonstrative pronouns in Old Japanese can be subdivided into three groups: proximal, mesial, and distal. However, in contrast to modern and Classical Japanese, these three groups do not seem to be connected to the speaker/addressee axis, denoting just general levels of proximity: proximal, mesial, and distal. 2.4.1 Proximal Demonstrative Pronouns It is considered that proximal demonstrative pronouns denote something that is closer to the speaker than to his/her addressee, however this speakeroriented function becomes apparent only in Classical Japanese. The usage in Old Japanese seems to provide evidence only for the general proximity, without any regard to a speaker or an addressee’s position. All pronouns of this group incorporate as their first element the stem kǝ, the unextended stem of the proximal demonstrative pronoun kǝ/kǝre. 2.4.1.1 Proximal Demonstrative Pronoun kǝ/kǝre The proximal demonstrative pronoun kǝ/kǝre indicates that something is located in close proximity. In contrast to Classical Japanese, the unextended stem kǝ occurs in Old Japanese more frequently than the extended stem kǝre, and not only in the modifying form kǝnǝ, but also in isolation and with the following case markers. Furthermore, the unextended stem kǝ never occurs in plural usage, but there is one example when the extended stem kǝre has a plural meaning (see MYS 15.3638 below). This is quite reminiscent of the similar usage of the extended stems ware and are of the personal pronouns wa/ware and a/are described above (see sections 2.2.1 and 2.2.2). Therefore, this plural usage of kǝre can be used as further evidence in the favor of the hypothesis

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NOMINALS chart 16

Proximal demonstrative pronoun kǝ/kǝre

isolated modifier accusative ablative

Unextended stem kǝ

Extended stem kǝre

Kǝ⁺ S kǝnǝ S kǝ-womba kǝ-yu*, kǝ-yo* S

kǝre* SP kǝre n-ǝ S kǝre-wo* S —

Note: S – singular, P – plural, * – only in Western Old Japanese, ⁺ – can also be used as a modifier

outlined in section 2.2.1 that the extending suffix -re originally incorporated plural marker -ra. The chart above summarizes the distribution of both the unextended stem kǝ and the extended stem kǝre in isolation, modifier form, and with the following case markers in Western and Eastern Old Japanese. 2.4.1.1.1 Stem kǝ 2.4.1.1.1.1

Isolated Form kǝ

Isolated form kǝ is attested in Western Old Japanese in three examples in the Kojiki kayō with the following particles, and once in the Nihonshoki kayō, modifying the following noun yǝpi ‘night.’ Both usages survived into Classical Japanese, but there they become even more infrequent. In modern Japanese this isolated form survived only in compounds like kotosi ‘this year’ (OJ kǝ tǝsi). 許母布佐波受

kǝ mǝ pusap-aⁿz-u this FP be suitable-NEG-FIN This is not suitable, either (KK 4) 許斯與呂志

kǝ si yǝrǝsi this EP be good this is good (KK 4) 許斯母阿夜爾加志古志

kǝ si mǝ aya n-i kasiko-si this EP FP very DV-CONV be awesome-FIN This is very awesome, too (KK 100)

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区茂能於虚奈比虚予比辞流辞毛

kumo-nǝ okǝnap-i kǝ yǝpi siru-si mo spider-GEN perform-NML this night be distinctive-FIN EP the spider’s performance is distinctive tonight (NK 65) In this example kǝ has a modifier function without the following n-ǝ. 2.4.1.1.1.2

Modifier Form kǝnǝ

許能登理母宇知夜米許世泥

kǝnǝ tǝri mǝ uti-yamɛ-kǝse-n-e this bird FP PREF-stop(CONV)-BEN-DES-IMP [I] wish [you] would stop [the singing] of these birds (KK 2) 許能美岐波和賀美岐那良受

kǝnǝ mi-ki pa wa-ŋga mi-ki nar-aⁿz-u this HON-rice.wine TOP I-POSS HON-rice.wine be-NEG-FIN This rice wine is not my rice wine (KK 39) 許能迦迩夜伊豆久能迦迩

kǝnǝ kani ya iⁿduku-nǝ kani this crab IP where-GEN crab This crab, where it is from? (KK 42) 許能久斯美多麻

kǝnǝ kusi mi-tama this precious HON-jewel these precious jewels (MYS 5.814) 許能安我家流伊毛我許呂母能阿可都久見礼婆

kǝnǝ a-ŋga ker-u imo-ŋga kǝrǝmǝ-nǝ aka tuk-u MI-re-mba this I-POSS wear(PROG)-ATTR beloved-POSS garment-GEN dirt attach-ATTR see-EV-CON when [I] see that this garment of [my] beloved which I wear became dirty (MYS 15.3667)

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Emphatic Accusative kǝ-womba

加多理其登母許遠婆

katar-i-ŋ-gǝtǝ mǝ kǝ-womba talk-NML-GEN-thing FP this-ACC(EMPH) [this] story, too, this [one] (KK 2; also in KK 3 (twice), KK 4, KK 100, KK 101, KK 102) Since -womba occurs after kǝ in the same context, it probably suggests a rudimental usage. 2.4.1.1.1.4 Ablative kǝ-yo and kǝ-yu

There are only three examples of the unextended stem kǝ, used with the following ablative case marker -yu/-yo. All three occur in very similar contexts, that probably suggests a rudimental usage. In all three cases kǝ refers to a place and not an object, thus having a usage similar to kǝkǝ ‘here.’ 保登等伎須和我須武佐刀爾許欲那伎和多流

potǝtǝŋgisu wa-ŋga sum-u sato-ni kǝ-yo nak-i watar-u cuckoo I-POSS live-ATTR village-LOC this-ABL cry-CONV cross-FIN the cuckoo crosses over, crying, from here to the village where I live (MYS 15.3783) 許由奈伎和多礼

kǝ-yu nak-i watar-e this-ABL cry-CONV cross-IMP [Oh, cuckoo,] cross from here, crying (MYS 18.4035) 保等登藝須許欲奈枳和多礼

potǝtǝŋgisu kǝ-yo nak-i watar-e cuckoo this-ABL cry-CONV cross-IMP [Oh,] cuckoo, cross from here, crying (MYS 18.4054) 2.4.1.1.2 Stem kǝre

2.4.1.1.2.1

Isolated Form kǝre

許禮婆布佐波受

kǝre pa pusap-aⁿz-u this TOP be suitable-NEG-FIN This is not suitable (KK 4)

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巨礼也己能名爾於布奈流門能宇頭之保爾多麻毛可流登布安麻乎等女杼毛

kǝre ya kǝnǝ NA-ni op-u NaruTO-nǝ uⁿdu-sipo-ni tama-mo kar-u tǝ [i]p-u ama wotǝme-ⁿdǝmǝ This IP this name-LOC carry-ATTR Naruto-GEN whirl-pool-LOC jewelseaweed cut-ATTR DV fisher maiden-PLUR Are these the fisher-maidens who are said to cut precious seaweeds in the whirlpool bearing this name of Naruto? (MYS 15.3638) 波里夫久路己礼波多婆利奴

pari-m-bukuro kǝre pa tambar-i-n-u needle-GEN-bag this TOP receive(HUM)-CONV-PERF-FIN Needle bag—this [I] have received (MYS 18.4133) 2.4.1.1.2.2

Modifier Form kore n-ǝ

Only three examples of the modifier form kǝre n-ǝ are attested in Western Old Japanese texts: 許礼能水嶋

kǝre n-ǝ MIⁿDUSIMA this DV-ATTR Miⁿdusima This Miⁿdusima (MYS 3.245) 己礼乃与波宇都利佐留止毛

kǝre n-ǝ yǝ pa utur-i-sar-u tǝmo this DV-ATTR world TOP change-CONV-go away-FIN CONJ Even though this world changes and goes away … (BS 10) 己礼乃微

kǝre n-ǝ mï this DV-ATTR body this body (BS 20) 2.4.1.1.2.3 Accusative kǝre-wo 許礼乎於伎低麻多波安里我多之

kǝre-wo ok-i-te mata pa ar-i-ŋ-gata-si this-ACC leave-CONV-SUB again TOP exist-NML-GEN-be.hard-FIN [It] is difficult to find again [a falcon of the same quality], except this [one] (MYS 17.4011)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese In Eastern Old Japanese the distribution of the unextended stem kǝ is more limited than in Western Old Japanese: it occurs only in isolation and in modifier form kǝnǝ, but that can probably be explained by the limited amount of the Eastern Old Japanese corpus. The extended stem kǝre, on the other hand, occurs just once, and this seems quite consistent with limited usage of the extended stems of other pronouns in Eastern Old Japanese. Ultimately, this is additional oblique evidence for the secondary nature of the extended stem, which likely was originally a plural form. Stem kƏ Isolated Form kƏ

Isolated form kǝ occurs in Eastern Old Japanese only once as a modifier of the following word yǝpi ‘night’: 和乎可麻都那毛伎曾毛己余必母

wa-wo ka mat-unam-wo kisǝ mo kǝ yǝpi mǝ I-ACC IP wait-TENT2-ATTR last night FP this night FP will [she] have waited for me, both last night and tonight? (MYS 14.3563) Modifier Form kƏnƏ 伎美我見延奴己能許呂

kimi-ŋga MI-ye-nu kǝnǝ kǝrǝ lord-POSS see-PASS-NEG-ATTR this time lately (lit.: this time), when [I] cannot see [my] lord (MYS 14.3506) Stem kƏre Modifier Form kƏre n-Ə

There is one example in Eastern Old Japanese of the modifier form kǝre n-ǝ: 比毛多要婆安我弖等都氣呂許礼乃波流母志

pimo taye-mba a-ŋga te-tǝ tukɛ-rǝ kǝre n-ǝ paru mǝs-i cord tear-COND your.own-POSS hand-COM attach-IMP this DV-ATTR needle hold-CONV if the cords [of your garment] tear, attach them with your own hand, holding this needle (MYS 20.4420)

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A2: Ryukyuan In Ryukyuan, only the extended stem kuri and modifier form kunu are attested, including Old Ryukyuan. The unextended stem *ku does not appear in isolation: it is found only in the modifier form kunu and in the proximal demonstrative pronoun kuma ‘here,’ indicating the place. This situation is typical for both Old Ryukyuan and modern languages. Examples: Old Ryukyuan これはつにしや

kore facu nisi ya this first northern wind COP this is the first northern wind (OS 13.899) ちゑねんもりくすくこの世まさり

tiwenenmori kusuku kono YO masar-i Tiwenenmori castle this world surpass-CONV Tiwenenmori castle surpasses [all in] this world … (OS 19.1302) Shuri

kuree nuu yaibii ga this(TOP) what is(POL) IP What is this? (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 44) kunu maNgaa umu-sa-N doo this cartoon be interesting-NML-FIN FP this cartoon is interesting (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 18) Thus, there is sufficient internal evidence for reconstruction of proto-Japonic proximal demonstrative pronoun *kǝ ‘this.’ 2.4.1.2 Proximal Demonstrative Pronoun kǝkǝ The proximal demonstrative pronoun kǝkǝ ‘here’ is a combination of the unextended stem kǝ- of the proximal demonstrative pronoun kǝ/kǝre and the obsolete word *kǝ ‘place.’76 It is basically a stative demonstrative pronoun, showing location, not direction, but it can also be used as a directional demonstrative 76  It is possible that *kǝ ‘place’ in kǝkǝ ‘here’ and sǝkǝ ‘there’ is a result of progressive vowel assimilation, cf. -ko ‘place’ with kō-rui vowel /o/ in miya-ko ‘capital (lit.: palace-place),’ where the conditions for such progressive assimilation are not present; as well as -ka Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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when followed by the locative/directive case marker -ni, although this usage is rare in comparison to Classical Japanese. Examples: 母登弊波岐美袁淤母比傅須惠幣波伊毛袁淤母比傅伊良那祁久曾許爾淤母 比傅加那志祁久許許爾淤母比傅

mǝtǝ-pe pa kimi-wo omǝp-i-[i]ⁿde suwe-pe pa imo-wo omǝp-i-[i]ⁿde irana-k-eku sǝkǝ-ni omǝp-i-[i]ⁿde kanasi-k-eku kǝkǝ-ni omǝp-i-[i]ⁿde root-side TOP lord-ACC think-CONV-exit(CONV) top-side TOP beloved-ACC think-CONV-exit(CONV) be.regrettable-ATTR-NML there-LOC think-CONVexit(CONV) be.sorrowful-ATTR-NML here-LOC think-CONV-exit(CONV) at the root [of the tree, I] remember [my] lord, at the top [of the tree, I] remember [my] beloved, [I] remember [my lord] there with a regret, [I] remember [my beloved] here with sorrow (KK 51)77 許己乎志毛間細美香母

kǝkǝ-wo si mo ma-KUPASI-mi kamǝ here-ABS EP FP INT-beautiful-GER EP It is beautiful here! (MYS 13.3234) 安我未許曾世伎夜麻故要弖許己爾安良米許己呂波伊毛爾与里爾之母能乎

a-ŋga mï kǝsǝ seki yama koye-te kǝkǝ-ni ar-am-ɛ kǝkǝrǝ pa imo-ni yǝr-i-n-isi mǝnǝwo I-POSS body FP barrier mountain cross(CONV)-SUB here-LOC exist-TENT-EV heart TOP beloved-DAT approach-CONV-PERF-PAST/ATTR CONJ My body has crossed barriers and mountains, and is probably here. But [my] heart is near [my] beloved! (MYS 15.3757) 可奈之家口許己爾思出伊良奈家久曾許爾念出

kanasi-k-eku kǝkǝ-ni OMƏP-i-[I]ⁿDE irana-k-eku sǝkǝ-ni OMƏP-I-[I]ⁿDE be sorrowful-ATTR-NML here-LOC think-CONV-exit(CONV) be regrettableATTR-NML there-LOC think-CONV-exit(CONV) [I] remember [the parting with you] here with sorrow, [I] remember [the parting with you] there with a regret (MYS 17.3969)

‘place’ in ar-i-ka ‘place to be’ and sum-i-ka ‘place to live,’ where -ka can be a truncation of *-kau (> -ko). 77  N K 43 represents a very close textual variant of this poem.

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保等登藝須許許爾知可久乎伎奈伎弖余

potǝtǝŋgisu kǝkǝ-ni tika-ku-wo k-i nak-i-te-yǝ cuckoo here-LOC be close-CONV-ACC come-CONV cry-CONV-PERF-IMP Cuckoo! Come close to here, and cry! (MYS 20.4438) This is the only example attested in Western Old Japanese where kǝkǝ with the following locative/directive case marker -ni has a function of a directional demonstrative pronoun. In the following four examples kǝkǝ retains much of its original meaning ‘this place’ or ‘this location’: 許己念者胸許曾痛

kǝkǝ [O]MƏP-Ɛ-mba MUNE kǝsǝ ITAM-Ɛ here think-EV-CON chest FP is.painful-EV when [I] think of this situation, my heart hurts (MYS 8.1629) 許己乎之母安夜爾多敷刀美宇礼之家久伊余与於母比弖

kǝkǝ-wo si mǝ aya n-i taputo-mi uresi-k-eku iyǝyǝ omǝp-i-te here-ABS EP FP extreme DV-CONV be venerable-GER be glad-ATTR-NML more.and.more think-CONV-SUB thinking with joy more and more how extremely venerable our position is (MYS 18.4094) 許己乎之母安夜爾久須之弥

kǝkǝ-wo si mo aya n-i kususi-mi here-ABS EP FP extreme DV-CONV be.wonderful-GER this situation is extremely wonderful, and … (MYS 18.4125) 許己見礼婆宇倍之神代由波自米家良思母

kǝkǝ MI-re-mba umbɛ-si KAMÏ-YƏ-yu paⁿzimɛ-ker-asi-mǝ here look-EV-CON be.indeed-FIN deity-age-ABL begin(CONV)-RETR-SUP-EXCL when [you] look at this place, it indeed looks like [they] began [building of the palaces] from the Age of Gods! (MYS 20.4360)78 78  Opinions differ, whether this poem belongs to a border-guard, or to Ōtomo-no Yakamochi himself. The latter seems more probable, since the poem is preceded by the line in Chinese: 陳私拙懐一首 ‘a poem stating my own humble thoughts,’ and also because it is written in perfect Western Old Japanese, without any elements typical for Eastern Old Japanese. Therefore, I treat it as a Western Old Japanese text.

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is just one example of the proximal demonstrative pronoun kǝkǝ in Eastern Old Japanese: 己許呂能未伊母我理夜里弖和波己許爾思天

kǝkǝrǝ nǝmï imǝ-ŋgari yar-i-te wa pa kǝkǝ-ni s-i-te heart RP beloved-DIR send-CONV-SUB I TOP here-LOC do-CONV-SUB I [have] to stay here, sending just [my] heart to [my] beloved (MYS 14.3538) A2: Ryukyuan There are no direct cognates in Ryukyuan of the Old Japanese proximal demonstrative pronoun of place kǝkǝ, since the Ryukyuan counterpart of OJ kǝkǝ is kuma, consisting of the proximal demonstrative ku < *kǝ and ma ‘interval.’ Ryukyuan kuma is amply attested in Old Ryukyuan, and in all modern languages, except Hateruma (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 397), so apparently it goes back to proto-Ryukyuan, as well as OJ kǝkǝ goes back to proto-Japanese. Thus, both Japanese kǝkǝ and Ryukyuan kuma seem to be late independent formations in two branches of Japonic, and it is not possible to reconstruct a common proto-Japonic archetype. 2.4.1.3 Proximal Demonstrative Pronoun kǝti The proximal demonstrative pronoun kǝti in Western Old Japanese indicates the place, and not the direction, contrary to what might have been expected on the basis of its etymology. It tends to occur in the set phrase woti kǝti ‘there [and] here,’ or in the reduplicated form kǝti-ŋgǝti ‘here [and] there (lit.: here and here).’ Etymologically kǝti probably goes back to the proximal demonstrative pronoun kǝ ‘this’ plus ti ‘way,’ which is attested exclusively in compounds, like mi-ti ‘HON-road’ or ti-mata ‘road-fork’ (see section 1.1.1).79

79  As far as internal evidence is concerned, this *ti ‘road’ is probably from otsu-rui *tï: the distal demonstrative pronoun woti ‘the place over there’ occurs in compounds as wotǝ-, which suggests that OJ ti < *tǝ-[C]i.

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許知能夜麻登多多美許母弊具理能夜麻能許知碁知能夜麻能賀比爾

kǝti-nǝ yama-tǝ tatami-kǝmǝ peŋguri-nǝ yama-nǝ kǝti-ŋgǝti-nǝ yama-nǝ kapi-ni here-GEN mountain-COM mat-rush Peguri-GEN mountain-GEN here-hereGEN mountain-GEN interval-LOC between the mountains here [and] there, the mountain here and the Peguri mountain [which is like] a rush mat (KK 91) 己知其智乃國之三中從

kǝti-ŋgǝti-nǝ KUNI-NƏ mi-NAKA-YU here-here-GEN province-GEN HON-middle-ABL from the provinces here [and] there (MYS 3.319) 己智其智乃花

kǝti-ŋgǝti-nǝ pana here-LOC-here-GEN flower flowers here [and] there (MYS 9.1749) 和可伎兒等毛波乎知許知爾佐和吉奈久良牟

waka-ki KO-ⁿdǝmo pa woti kǝti-ni sawak-i-nak-uram-u young-ATTR child-PLUR TOP there here-LOC make. noise-CONV-cry-TENT2-FIN young children will probably cry loudly here [and] there (MYS 17.3962) 都麻母古騰母毛乎知己知爾左波爾可久美為

tuma mǝ ko-ⁿdǝmǝ mo woti kǝti-ni sapa n-i kakum-i wi spouse FP child-PLUR FP there here-LOC many DV-CONV surround-CONV exist(CONV) both my spouse and children are around [me] in great numbers here and there (MYS 20.4408) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic There are no examples of the proximal demonstrative pronoun kǝti in Eastern Old Japanese or Ryukyuan. Thus, kǝti appears to be a pure Western Old Japanese formation, and a reconstruction of the Japonic archetype is not feasible. 2.4.1.4 Proximal Demonstrative Pronoun kǝnata The proximal demonstrative pronoun kǝnata ‘here,’ ‘this side’ originated as a result of a contraction of the modifier form kǝnǝ of the proximal demonstrative

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pronoun kǝ/kǝre- and the word kata ‘side,’ ‘direction.’ It is not attested in the phonographic script in Western Old Japanese, but there is one example in the logographic script that allows us to read the characters 此方 as kǝnata and not kǝti due to the meter of the poem: 壯士墓此方彼方二造置有故

WOTƏKƏ-ⁿ-DUKA KƏNATA KANATA-ni TUKUR-I-OK-ER-U YUWE [young] man-GEN-grave here there-LOC make-CONV-put-PROG-ATTR reason because the graves of [young] men were built here [and] there (MYS 9.1809) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan It seems that the proximal demonstrative pronoun kogata < *kun[u] kata < *kǝnǝ kata is attested only in Old Ryukyuan: although RKJ lists an attestation in Shuri, the example provided there (RKJ 1983: 327) is from the Ryūka given below: 恩納嶽あがた里が生まれ島森もおしのけてこがたなさな

UNNA-DAKI agata SATU-ga Umare-JIMA MUI mo os-i-noke-te kogata nas-ana Unna-peak over there village-POSS born(CONV)-island mountain FP pushCONV-put away(CONV)-SUB here make-DES On the other side of the peak Unna [there is] the village on the island where [my beloved] was born. Pushing the mountain aside, [I] would like to place [it] here (RK 1243) Isolated attestations in Old Ryukyuan not supported by the modern dialect data are always suspicious, but in this particular case OR kogata cannot be a loan from Classical Japanese konata (< OJ kǝnata), since the patterns of contraction are different in Japanese (kǝnata < *kǝn[ǝ k]ata) and in Ryukyuan (kugata < *kun[u] kata < *kǝnǝ kata). Thus, it is possible to reconstruct protoJaponic phrase *kǝnǝ kata ‘this side’ with a deictic usage ‘here.’ 2.4.2 Mesial Demonstrative Pronouns Similar to proximal demonstrative pronouns, mesial demonstrative pronouns are considered to denote that something is closer to the addressee than to the speaker, however this addressee-oriented function becomes apparent only in Classical Japanese. The usage in Old Japanese seems to provide the evidence only for the generally based remoteness, without any regard to a speaker or

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an addressee’s position. All pronouns of this group incorporate as their first element the stem sǝ, the unextended stem of the proximal demonstrative pronoun sǝ/sǝre. In contrast to the proximal demonstratives with kǝ, which have the full set of pronouns, there are no mesial demonstratives *sǝti and *sǝnata attested in Old Japanese texts. 2.4.2.1 Mesial Demonstrative Pronoun sǝ/sǝre The mesial demonstrative pronoun sǝ/sǝre indicates that something is relatively remote in a general sense, without reference to a speaker/addressee axis. This pronoun can also have an anaphoric usage, referring to something previously mentioned in the text. The forms of the mesial demonstrative pronoun sǝ/sǝre ‘that’ occur in Old Japanese with a very skewed distribution. The most frequent form is the modifier form sǝnǝ,80 based on the unextended stem sǝ. Other usages of the unextended stem sǝ are extremely rare: it never occurs in isolation,81 and the only example with the following case marker is with the accusative case marker -wo attested twice in Western Old Japanese. The extended stem sǝre is also very rare, and what is more important, it occurs only once in the phonographic spelling. There are several more examples where it is written logographically with the character 其,82 but we can surmise on the basis of the meter in the poems that this character indeed represents *sǝre. 2.4.2.1.1 Stem sǝ

2.4.2.1.1.1 Accusative sǝ-wo 其乎奈何不來者來者其乎

SƏ-wo naⁿDƏ?/naⁿZƏ? KƏ-ⁿZ-U pa KƏ-mba SƏ-wo that-ACC why come-NEG-CONV TOP come-COND that-ACC 80  The modifier form sǝnǝ, similar to the proximal demonstrative modifier form kǝnǝ, historically consists of the unextended base of the demonstrative pronoun sǝ or kǝ plus the attributive form n-ǝ of the defective verb n- ‘to be.’ 81  Yamada Yoshio gives one Eastern Old Japanese example in isolation from MYS 14.3451 (Yamada 1954: 73), but he apparently misreads so, an exclamation chasing away a horse, as sǝ ‘that,’ cf. Takagi et al. 1960: 431, and Kojima et al. 1973: 474, who agree that so in this poem is an exclamation. 82  Yamada Yoshio believes that the character 彼 also was read as sǝre and not kare, because, according to his opinion kare was not yet used extensively in Old Japanese (Yamada 1954: 77–78). He even points out a place name 彼杵 which has reading /sǝnǝkï/. However, kare ‘that over there’ is actually attested in Old Japanese (e.g., in MYS 18.4045) (this example is cited by Yamada himself (Yamada 1954: 77), and it is well known how slippery the evidence from place names could be. Thus, I think that only the cases where the character 其 is used can be treated as sǝre with a certain degree of confidence. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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if [you] do not come or if [you] come, why [should I be impatient] about that? (MYS 11.2640) 曾乎見礼婆許己呂乎伊多美

sǝ-wo MI-re-mba kǝkǝrǝ-wo ita-mi that-ACC see-EV-CON heart-ABS be painful-GER when [one] sees that, [one’s] heart aches (MYS 18.4122) This is an example of the anaphoric usage, referring to a situation previously described in the text. 2.4.2.1.1.2

Modifier Form sǝnǝ

夜弊賀岐都久流曾能夜弊賀岐袁

ya-pe-ŋ-gaki tukur-u sǝnǝ ya-pe-ŋ-gaki-wo eight-fold-GEN-fence make-FIN that eight-fold-GEN-fence-ACC [I] am making eight-folded fence, that eight-folded fence (KK 1) This is an example of the anaphoric usage, referring to the fence previously mentioned in the text. 和賀淤岐斯都流岐能多知曾能多知波夜

wa-ŋga ok-i-si turuki n-ǝ tati sǝnǝ tati pa ya I-POSS put-CONV-PAST/ATTR sword DV-ATTR long.sword that long.sword TOP EP I put [down my] long sword, that long sword! (KK 33) This is an example of the anaphoric usage, referring to the sword previously mentioned in the text. 美母呂能曾能多迦紀

mi-mǝrǝ-nǝ sǝnǝ taka kï HON-mountain-GEN that high fortress that high fortress of the sacred mountain (KK 60) 曾能阿牟袁阿岐豆波夜具比

sǝnǝ amu-wo akiⁿdu paya-ŋ-gup-i that horsefly-ACC dragonfly quick-DV(CONV)-eat-CONV a dragonfly quickly ate that horsefly (KK 97) 秋風左無美曾乃可波能倍爾

AKI KAⁿZE samu-mi sǝnǝ kapa-nǝ [u]pɛ-ni autumn wind be cold-GER that river-GEN top-LOC above that river, the autumn wind is cold (MYS 17.3953) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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曾能許己呂多礼爾見世牟

sǝnǝ kǝkǝrǝ tare-ni MI-se-m-u that feeling who-DAT see-CAUS-TENT-FIN to whom will [I] show that feeling? (MYS 18.4070) In this example sǝnǝ refers to the author’s (speaker’s) feeling, demonstrating well that there is no apparent connection of sǝnǝ with addressee, as in later Japanese. 2.4.2.1.2 Stem sǝre The stem sǝre occurs only in isolation if we exclude all dubious cases. The only phonographic example of sǝre is attested in a Shōsōin document: 之可流可由惠尓序礼宇氣牟比止良

sik[a]-ar-u-ŋga yuwe n-i sǝre ukɛ-m-u pitǝ-ra thus-exist-ATTR-POSS reason DV-CONV that receive-TENT-ATTR person-PLUR by this reason, the people who will receive that (SSI)83 All other examples of sǝre are in logographic spelling. Some of them are questionable, or have competing readings, however. The following example is the only reliable case: 吾勢子尓令見常念之梅花其十方不所見

WA-ŋGA se-KO-ni MI-SE-M-U tǝ OMƏP-i-si UMƐ-NƏ PANA SƏRE tǝ mo MI-YE-ⁿZ-U I-POSS beloved-DIM-DAT see-CAUS-TENT-FIN think-CONV-PAST/ATTR plumGEN flower that DV FP see-PASS-NEG-CONV The plum blossoms that [I] was going to show to my beloved, do not look like those (i.e., like plum blossoms) (MYS 8.1426) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is only one example of the mesial demonstrative pronoun sǝ/sǝre in Eastern Old Japanese, occurring as the modifier form sǝnǝ.

83  I cite this example according to Omodaka et al. (1967: 407), who, unfortunately does not indicate what exactly the document is. Since there is no wider context, it is not possible to tell whether sǝre in this example refers to a single or multiple objects.

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NOMINALS Stem sƏ Modifier Form sƏnƏ 曾能可奈之伎乎刀爾多弖米也母

sǝnǝ kanasi-ki-wo to-ni tate-m-ɛ ya mǝ that beloved-ATTR-ACC door-LOC place-TENT-EV IP EP would [I] let that beloved [of mine] stand at the door?! (MYS 14.3386) A2: Ryukyuan Ryukyuan cognates of the Western Old Japanese mesial demonstrative pronoun sǝ/sǝre are questionable, since in all Ryukyuan languages as well as in Old Ryukyuan we have reflexes of *’u-/’uri ‘that,’ e.g., Shuri ’unu/’uri ‘id.,’ corresponding to Old Japanese sǝnǝ/sǝre. The dubious point is the correspondence of Ryukyuan initial *’- to Japanese *s-, which is irregular. There is only one other example where the same correspondence can be observed: OJ sak- ‘to split’ (intr.) vs. Shuri ac-uN ‘id.’ It is worth mentioning that the Ryukyuan second person pronoun *’ura is probably based on the same pronominal root, although with irregular development of the initial consonant. 2.4.2.2 Mesial Demonstrative Pronoun sǝkǝ The proximal demonstrative pronoun sǝkǝ ‘here’ is a combination of the unextended stem sǝ- of the proximal demonstrative pronoun sǝ/sǝre and the obsolete word *kǝ ‘place.’ It is a stative demonstrative pronoun showing location. Examples: 母登弊波岐美袁淤母比傅須惠幣波伊毛袁淤母比傅伊良那祁久曾許爾淤母 比傅加那志祁久許許爾淤母比傅

mǝtǝ-pe pa kimi-wo omǝp-i-[i]ⁿde suwe-pe pa imo-wo omǝp-i-[i]ⁿde irana-k-eku sǝkǝ-ni omǝp-i-[i]ⁿde kanasi-k-eku kǝkǝ-ni omǝp-i-[i]ⁿde root-side TOP lord-ACC think-CONV-exit(CONV) top-side TOP beloved-ACC think-CONV-exit(CONV) be regrettable-ATTR-NML there-LOC think-CONVexit(CONV) be sorrowful-ATTR-NML here-LOC think-CONV-exit(CONV) at the root [of the tree, I] remember [my] lord, at the top [of the tree, I] remember [my] beloved, [I] remember [my lord] there with a regret, [I] remember [my beloved] here with sorrow (KK 51)

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可奈之家口許己爾思出伊良奈家久曾許爾念出

kanasi-k-eku kǝkǝ-ni OMƏP-i-[I]ⁿDE irana-k-eku sǝkǝ-ni OMƏP-i-[I]ⁿDE be sorrowful-ATTR-NML here-LOC think-CONV-exit(CONV) be regrettableATTR-NML there-LOC think-CONV-exit(CONV) [I] remember [the parting with you] here with sorrow, [I] remember [the parting with you] there with a regret (MYS 17.3969) 曾己乎之毛安夜爾登母志美

sǝkǝ-wo si mo aya n-i tǝmǝsi-mi there-ABS EP FP strange DV-CONV attractive-GER those places are strangely attractive, and … (MYS 17.4006) 則許母倍婆許己呂志伊多思

sǝkǝ [o]mǝp-ɛ-mba kǝkǝrǝ si ita-si there think-EV-CON heart EP be.painful-FIN when [I] think of those places, [my] heart aches (MYS 17.4006) 曽己由惠尓情奈具也

sǝkǝ yuwe n-i KƏKƏRƏ naŋg-u ya there reason DV-CONV heart calm down-FIN IP will [my] heart calm down due to those circumstances? (MYS 19.4154) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan Similar to the case with kǝkǝ, described above (section 2.4.1.2), there are no direct cognates in Ryukyuan of the Western Old Japanese mesial demonstrative pronoun of place sǝkǝ, since the Ryukyuan counterpart of OJ sǝkǝ is ’uma, consisting of the proximal demonstrative ’u and ma ‘interval.’ Ryukyuan ’uma is amply attested in Old Ryukyuan, and in all modern languages, so apparently it goes back to proto-Ryukyuan. Thus, both Japanese sǝkǝ and Ryukyuan ’uma seem to be late independent formations in two branches of Japonic, and it is not possible to reconstruct a common proto-Japonic archetype. It is a different problem, whether OJ mesial sǝ and Ryukyuan mesial ’u are related (section 2.4.2.1): if they are not, then these formations are completely unrelated in Japanese and Ryukyuan. 2.4.3 Distal Demonstrative Pronouns Distal demonstrative pronouns denote that something is located at a considerable distance in a general sense. This general orientation is typical in Old

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Japanese for all demonstrative pronouns, as was noted above, and is quite different from the speaker/addressee orientation that started to be prevalent from Classical Japanese. There are two sets of distal demonstrative pronouns: the pronouns of the first set group are based on the stem ka-, and the pronouns of the second set on the stem wo-.84 It is worth mentioning that among distal demonstratives indicating place there is a kind of complimentary distribution of derivatives: thus, the -ti form is based on the wo- set (woti), but the -nata form is based on the ka- set (kanata).85 2.4.3.1 Distal Demonstrative Pronoun ka/kare The distal demonstrative pronoun ka/kare indicates that something is located at a considerable distance. Both its unextended stem ka and extended stem kare are very rare in Old Japanese compared to later periods in Japanese language history. For example, in contrast to proximal and mesial modifier forms kǝnǝ and sǝnǝ, which are the most frequent forms of the respective proximal and mesial sets, the distal modifier form kanǝ occurs only once in Eastern Old Japanese, but is unattested in Western Old Japanese. This low frequency could potentially indicate that distal demonstrative pronouns are a comparatively recent innovation in Old Japanese,86 and that the proto-Japanese deictic system probably included just the bipartite (kǝ and sǝ) system, but not the tripartite (kǝ, sǝ, ka), which flourishes only during the Heian period. However, the existence of ka- series in South Ryukyuan dialects prevents such a conclusion, and probably indicates that there was distal demonstrative *ka- in proto-Japonic. 2.4.3.1.1 Stem ka The unextended stem ka occurs in Western Old Japanese only in isolation. 2.4.3.1.1.1

Isolated Form ka

The isolated form ka occurs in Western Old Japanese only in the construction ka … ka-ku ‘that [way/much]… this [way/much].’ This construction may also include the converb form n-i of the defective verb n- ‘to be’ after each of its members: ka n-i … ka-ku n-i.

84  There are two sets of distal demonstrative pronouns in Classical Japanese as well, but only the first set based on the stem ka- is identical with Old Japanese. Another Classical Japanese set of distal demonstrative pronouns is based on the stem a- (Vovin 2003: 120). 85  Cf. the proximal demonstratives where both -ti form and -nata form are based on kǝ-: kǝti, kǝnata. 86  This possibility was suggested by Bjarke Frellesvig (personal communication).

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阿波志斯袁美那迦母賀登和賀美斯古良迦久母賀登

ap-as-i-si womina ka mǝŋga tǝ wa-ŋga mi-si ko-ra ka-ku mǝŋga tǝ meet-HON-CONV-PAST/ATTR woman that DP DV I-POSS see(CONV)-PAST/ ATTR girl-DIM thus-CONV DP DV [I] wish that [much] the woman [I] met; [I] wish this [much] the girl I saw (KK 42) 可爾迦久爾保志伎麻爾麻爾斯可爾波阿羅慈迦

ka n-i ka-ku n-i posi-ki manima n-i sika n-i pa ar-aⁿzi ka that DV-CONV thus-CONV DV-CONV be desirable-ATTR according DV-CONV thus DV-CONV TOP exist-NEG/TENT IP [acting] that [way] and this way, according to [your] desires, [it] would not be that way, [would it]? (MYS 5.800) 可由既婆比等爾伊等波延可久由既婆比等爾迩久麻延

ka yuk-ɛ-mba pitǝ-ni itǝp-aye ka-ku yuk-ɛ-mba pitǝ-ni nikum-aye that go-EV-CON person-DAT detest-PASS(CONV) thus-CONV go-EV-CON person-DAT hate-PASS(CONV) when [they] go that [way], [they] are detested by people, and when [they] go this way, [they] are hated by people … (MYS 5.804) 2.4.3.1.2 Stem kare There is one example of the extended stem kare in Western Old Japanese attested in phonographic spelling: 支見我弥不根可母加礼

kimi-ŋga mi-pune kamǝ kare lord-POSS HON-boat EP that [Is] that [my] lord’s boat, I wonder? (MYS 18.4045) Besides this example, there are several others spelled logographically with the character 彼. In the examples from the poetry, we can speculate that this character renders kare, but chances are that it also may be sǝre: all we can say on the basis of the meter is that the word this character renders is disyllabic. Examples: 誰彼我莫問

TA SƏ KARE WARE-WO NA-TOP-I-SƏ who FP that I-ACC NEG-ask-CONV-do Do not ask me: ‘Who is that?’ (MYS 10.2240)

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NOMINALS 誰彼登問者

TA SƏ KARE tǝ TOP-Amba who FP that DV ask-COND if [someone] asks: ‘Who is that?’ (MYS 11.2545) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is only one example of the distal demonstrative pronoun ka/kare in Eastern Old Japanese. It occurs in the modifier form kanǝ: Modifier Form kanƏ 可能古呂等宿受夜奈里奈牟

kanǝ ko-rǝ-tǝ NE-ⁿz-u ya nar-i-n-am-u that girl-DIM-COM sleep-NEG-CONV IP become-CONV-PERF-TENT-ATTR Will it become [so that I] will not sleep with that girl? (MYS 14.3565) A2: Ryukyuan Ryukyuan data represent an interesting picture from the comparative perspective. Most of the Ryukyuan languages, as well as Old Ryukyuan, have the distal demonstrative pronoun ’ari/’anu, based on the stem ’a-, which does not have a counterpart in Old Japanese, but has parallels in Classical Japanese and later historical stages of Japanese. However, in dialects of South Ryukyus we find the distal demonstrative pronoun kari/kanu, based on the stem ka-, such as the Agarinakasone and the Yonaha dialects on Miyako island, the Tonoshiro dialect on Ishigaki island (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 359), the Yonaguni dialect, and other Yaeyama dialects (Hirayama 1967: 195). Since direct borrowing from Old Japanese into South Ryukyuan is out of the question, this distribution suggests that ka- forms in Ryukyus are original, and that the ’a- forms were probably spread by the language interference with Classical Japanese via Old Ryukyuan. However, the unnaturally low frequency of ka- forms in Old Japanese as compared to Classical Japanese, still presents a puzzle, although not an obstacle for reconstructing distal demonstrative *ka- on the proto-Japonic level. 2.4.3.2 Distal Demonstrative Pronoun kanata The distal demonstrative pronoun kanata ‘there,’ ‘that side’ originated as a result of a contraction of the modifier form kanǝ of the distal demonstrative pronoun ka/kare- and the word kata ‘side,’ ‘direction.’ It is not attested in the phonographic script in Western Old Japanese, but there is one example in the

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logographic script that allows us to read the characters 彼方 as kanata due to the meter of the poem: 壯士墓此方彼方二造置有故

WOTƏKƏ-ⁿ-DUKA KƏNATA KANATA-ni TUKUR-I-OK-ER-U YUWE [young] man-GEN-grave here there-LOC make-CONV-put-PROG-ATTR reason because the graves of [young] men were built here [and] there (MYS 9.1809) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan In contrast to proximal demonstrative kogata, attested in Old Ryukyuan (section 2.4.1.3), its distal counterpart *kagata does not appear in Old Ryukyuan texts. 2.4.3.3 Distal Demonstrative Pronoun woti/wotǝ/wote The distal demonstrative pronoun woti/wotǝ/wote indicates the remote place or time. Only the form woti can be used independently (but always within the construction woti kǝti ‘there [and] here’), but all three forms can be used as a modifier without the following attributive forms n-ǝ and t-u of the defective verbs n- and t- ‘to be’ for the nouns kata ‘side,’ ‘direction’ (woti kata), mo ‘side,’ ‘direction’ (wote mo), tǝsi ‘year’ (wotǝ tǝsi),87 and with the following attributive form t-u for the noun pi ‘day’ (wotǝ t-u pi) and one noun pataⁿde ‘edge’ (?) (see KK 105 below). Although it almost went out of active usage by the Heian period,88 its reflexes still survive in the modern language in the compounds oto-to-i89 ‘the day before yesterday’ < OJ wotǝ t-u pi and oto-tosi ‘the year before last’ < OJ wotǝ tǝsi. It is quite apparent that even in Old Japanese woti/wotǝ/ wote has become a kind of bound form that probably represents a remainder of an old form from the earlier stages of the language history.

87  The form wotǝ tǝsi does not occur in the phonetic writing, therefore, other readings may be possible; however, this particular reading is supported by the data from the later periods of the Japanese language history. 88  Ōno Susumu gives one attestation of woti in the Kokin wakashū (380) for the Heian period, and one in the Uji shūi monogatari for the Kamakura period (Ōno et al. 1990: 1457). 89  The modern standard Japanese from ototoi ‘the day before yesterday’ is, of course, irregular. However, the regular form ototui is preserved in dialects, e.g., in the Fukumitsu dialect in Western Toyama.

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NOMINALS 意富美夜能袁登都波多傅須美加多夫祁理

opǝ miya-nǝ wotǝ t-u pataⁿde sumi katambuk-er-i great palace-GEN that DV-ATTR edge(?) corner incline-PROG-FIN The edge corners of that side of the great palace are falling apart (KK 105) 前年之先年從至今年恋跡

WOTƏ TƏSI-NƏ SAKI-TU TƏSI-YORI KƏ TƏSI-MAⁿDE KOP-URE-ⁿdǝ that year-GEN before-GEN/LOC year-ABL this year-TERM long.for-EV-CONC although [I] long for [you] from the year before two years ago (lit.: from the year before the year before last) up to this year (MYS 4.783) 波都世乃加波乃乎知可多尓伊母良波多多志己乃加多尓和礼波多知弖

Patuse-nǝ kapa-nǝ woti kata-ni imǝ-ra pa tat-as-i kǝnǝ kata-ni ware pa tat-i-te Patuse-GEN river-GEN that side-LOC beloved-DIM TOP stand-HON-CONV this side-LOC I TOP stand-CONV-SUB [My] beloved is standing on that side of the Patuse river, and I stand on this side (MYS 13.3299a) This is a variant of the poem MYS 13.3299. 乎登都日毛昨日毛今日毛由吉能布礼礼婆

wotǝ t-u PI mo KINƏPU mo KEPU mo yuki-nǝ pur-er-e-mba that DV-ATTR day FP yesterday FP today FP snow-GEN fall-PROG-EV-CON when the snow has been falling the day before yesterday, yesterday, and today (MYS 17.3924) 和可伎兒等毛波乎知許知爾佐和吉奈久良牟

waka-ki KO-ⁿdǝmo pa woti kǝti-ni sawak-i-nak-uram-u young-ATTR child-PLUR TOP there here-LOC make.noise-CONV-cryTENT2-FIN young children will probably cry loudly here [and] there (MYS 17.3962) 二上能乎弖母許能母爾安美佐之弖

PUTA ŋGAMI-nǝ wote mǝ kǝnǝ mǝ-ni ami sas-i-te Putagami-GEN that side this side-LOC net spread-CONV-SUB Spreading nets on that side [and] this side of the [Mt.] Putagami (MYS 17.4013)

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都麻母古騰母毛乎知己知爾左波爾可久美為

tuma mǝ ko-ⁿdǝmǝ mo woti kǝti-ni sapa n-i kakum-i wi spouse FP child-PLUR FP there here-LOC many DV-CONV surround-CONV exist(CONV) both my spouse and children are around [me] in great numbers here and there (MYS 20.4408) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese Only the form wote occurs in Eastern Old Japanese, and only once in the construction wote mo kǝnǝ mo-ni ‘on that side [and] this side’: 安思我良能乎弖毛許乃母爾佐須和奈

Asiŋgara-nǝ wote mo kǝnǝ mǝ-ni sas-u wana Asiŋgara-GEN that side this side-LOC set-ATTR trap the traps [they] set on that side [and] this side of the [Mt.] Asiŋgara (MYS 14.3361) A2: Ryukyuan There are no cognates of the Old Japanese distal demonstrative pronoun woti/ wotǝ/wote in Ryukyuan. As mentioned above, woti, by analogy with kǝti should consist of the distal deictic element wo, and the remainder -ti, which probably represents the word ti ‘way’ < *tï.90 Here, however, we come to a halt, because to the best of my knowledge there are no reliable external cognates of this distal deictic *wo-. 2.5

Interrogative Pronouns

Western Old Japanese has the following interrogative pronouns: ta-/tare ‘who’; nani ‘what’; ika ‘how’; iⁿdu/iⁿduku, iⁿduti ‘where’; iⁿdure ‘which’; itu ‘when’; naⁿzǝ, naⁿdǝ ‘why,’ iku/ikura/ikuⁿda ‘how many,’ ‘how much.’ Indefinite pronouns are derived from interrogative pronouns with adding to the latter the interrogative particle ka. In a similar way, collective pronouns are combinations of interrogative pronouns with the following particle mǝ.

90  The otsu-rui nature of the vowel /i/ in ti is supported by the forms wotǝ and wote, which allow us to reconstruct *wo-tǝy.

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2.5.1 Interrogative Pronoun ta-/tare Similar to the most personal and demonstrative pronouns, interrogative pronoun ta/tare ‘who’ also has the unextended stem ta- and the extended stem tare. The unextended stem ta- never occurs in isolation, but is always followed by a case marker, in most cases the possessive case marker -ŋga. The extended stem tare occurs both in isolation and in combination with the following case markers, except the possessive -ŋga. Although the extended stem tare is used more extensively than extended stems of other pronouns, the unextended stem ta- in contrast to the unextended stem of other pronouns has much more limited usage. However, it is still likely that in the period preceding first written texts, the unextended stem ta- had a wider usage since, for example, both dative ta-ni and tare-ni are attested once each in Western Old Japanese, but ta-ni occurs in earlier Old Japanese, and tare-ni in later Old Japanese. Therefore, it is possible to believe that the extended stem tare was gradually replacing the unextended stem ta-. The combination of tare ‘who’ with the following interrogative particle ka in Old Japanese always has the function of an emphatic question, in contrast to Classical Japanese, where the combination of tare with particle ka: tare ka has the function of an indefinite pronoun and usually means ‘somebody’ or ‘anybody’ (in questions), although there are also cases when the interrogative particle ka simply emphasizes the question asked about tare. There is, however, one possible exception, when the construction ta-ŋga … ka, attested in the Fudoki kayō, probably has the function of an indefinite pronoun. Combination of tare with particle mǝ: tare mǝ which in Classical Japanese has the function of a collective pronoun meaning ‘everybody,’ or ‘nobody’/‘anybody’ (in negative sentences), does not occur in Old Japanese texts. Examples: 2.5.1.1 Stem ta The unextended stem ta- occurs only in combination with possessive case marker -ŋga and dative case marker -ni. 2.5.1.1.1 Possessive ta-ŋga The possessive form ta-ŋga in Western Old Japanese occurs only in the function of a modifier of the following noun, and never in the function of a subject of the dependent clause. 夜麻登弊迩由玖波多賀都麻

Yamatǝ-pe-ni yuk-u pa ta-ŋga tuma Yamato-side-LOC go-ATTR TOP who-POSS spouse Whose spouse goes towards Yamato? (KK 56)

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賣杼理能和賀意富岐美能淤呂須波多他賀多泥呂迦母

Meⁿdǝri n-ǝ wa-ŋga opǝ kimi-nǝ or-ǝs-u pata ta-ŋga tane rǝ kamǝ Meⁿdǝri DV-ATTR I-POSS great lady-GEN weave-HON-ATTR fabric who-POSS material DV EP The fabric my lady Meⁿdǝri weaves, for whom (lit. whose) the material is, I wonder? (KK 66) 柂我佐基泥佐基泥曾母野倭我底騰羅須謀野

ta-ŋga sakï-ⁿ-de sakï-ⁿ-de sǝ mǝ ya wa-ŋga te tǝr-as-umo ya who-POSS chap(NML)-DV(ATTR)-hand chap(NML)-DV(ATTR)-hand FP EP EP I-POSS hand take-HON-EXCL IP whose chapped hand, chapped hand will take my hand?! (NK 108) 多我多米爾奈礼

ta-ŋga tamɛ n-i nare who-POSS for DV-CONV you for whom? [For] you! (MYS 17.4031) 波奈爾保比弖里低多弖流波波之伎多我都麻

pana nipop-i ter-i-te tat-er-u pa pasi-ki ta-ŋga tuma flower be fragrant-CONV shine-CONV-SUB stand-PROG-ATTR TOP be lovelyATTR who-POSS spouse whose lovely spouse is the one who is standing, fragrant and shining [as] a flower? (MYS 20.4397) 2.5.1.1.2 Dative ta-ni There is only one example of the dative form ta-ni in Western Old Japanese texts. 多爾加母余良牟

ta-ni kamǝ yǝr-am-u who-DAT EP rely-TENT-ATTR On whom will [you] rely, I wonder? (KK 94) 2.5.1.2 Stem tare The extended stem tare occurs in Western Old Japanese in isolation and with dative case marker -ni and accusative case marker -wo.

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Isolated Form tare

多禮曾意富麻弊爾麻袁須

tare sǝ opǝ mape-ni mawos-u who FP great front-DAT say(HUM)-ATTR Who will report to the emperor? (KK 97) 柂例柯擧能居登飫褒磨陛爾麻鳴須

tare ka kǝnǝ kǝtǝ opo mape-ni mawos-u who IP this matter great front-DAT say(HUM)-ATTR Who will report this matter to the emperor? (NK 75) In this example, which represents a textual variant of the example from KK 97 above, the combination tare ka is used in the function of an emphatic question, not as an indefinite pronoun. 偉儺謎能陁倶弥柯該志須弥儺皤旨我那稽麼柂例柯柯該武預

Winambɛ-nǝ takumi kakɛ-si sumi-napa si-ŋga na-k-emba tare ka kakɛ-m-u yǝ Winambɛ-GEN carpenter apply(CONV)-PAST/ATTR ink-cord he-POSS noATTR-COND who IP apply-TENT-ATTR EP the ink-cord that carpenter of Winambɛ applied: if he is no more, who would apply it? (NK 80) Like in the example above (NK 75), tare ka in this example is not the indefinite pronoun ‘somebody’: the interrogative particle ka simply emphasizes the question asked with tare. 美多多志世利斯伊志遠多礼美吉

mi-tat-as-i s-er-i-si isi tare mi-ki HON-stand-HON-NML do-PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR stone who see(CONV)-PAST/FIN who has seen the stone on which [she] took [her] stand? (MYS 5.869) 念意緒多礼賀思良牟母

OMƏP-U KƏKƏRƏ-wo tare ka sir-am-umǝ love-ATTR heart-ACC who IP know-TENT-EXCL who will know [my] loving heart?! (MYS 17.3950) Like in the examples above (KK 97) and (NK 75), tare ka in this example is not the indefinite pronoun ‘somebody’: the interrogative particle ka simply emphasizes the question asked with tare.

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山人夜多礼

YAMA-m-BITƏ ya tare mountain-GEN-person IP who Who is the hermit? (MYS 20.4294) 奈禮乎曾與咩爾保師登多禮

nare-wo sǝ yǝme n-i posi tǝ tare you-ACC FP bride DV-CONV be desirable DV who who wants you as [his] bride? (NR 2.33) 2.5.1.2.2 Dative tare-ni Only one example is attested in Western Old Japanese texts: 曾能許己呂多礼爾見世牟等於母比曾米家牟

sǝnǝ kǝkǝrǝ tare-ni MI-se-m-u tǝ omǝp-i-sǝmɛ-k-em-u that feeling who-DAT see-CAUS-TENT-FIN DV think-CONV-begin(CONV)PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN [I] started to think: ‘Whom will [I] show that feeling?’ (MYS 18.4070) 2.5.1.2.3 Accusative tare-wo Only one example is attested in Western Old Japanese texts: 袁登賣杼母多禮袁志摩加牟

wotǝme-ⁿdǝmǝ tare-wo si mak-am-u maiden-PLUR who-ACC EP pillow-TENT-FIN whom will you take to bed [among] the maidens? (KK 15) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese In Eastern Old Japanese the unextended stem ta- occurs only with the following possessive case marker -ŋga, and extended stem tare occurs in isolation and with the following accusative case marker -wo. Stem ta Possessive ta- ŋga

Only three examples are attested in Eastern Old Japanese: 都久波尼爾阿波牟等伊比志古波多賀己等岐氣波加弥尼阿波巣氣牟

Tukumba-ne-ni ap-am-u tǝ ip-i-si ko pa ta-ŋga kǝtǝ kik-ɛ-mba ka mi-ne ap-aⁿz-u-k-em-u Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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Tukumba-peak-LOC meet-TENT-FIN DV say-CONV-PAST/ATTR girl TOP whoPOSS word listen-EV-CON IP HON-peak/sleep(NML)91 meet-NEG-CONVPAST/FIN-TENT-FIN The girl, who promised [to me] that [we] will meet at the Tukumba peak, did not meet [me] at the peak/for sleeping, because [she] listened to somebody’s words (FK 2) This is the only example in Eastern Old Japanese where ta-ŋga with the following interrogative particle ka probably is used in the indefinite pronoun function. 兒呂波多賀家可母多牟

KO-rǝ pa ta-ŋga ke ka mǝt-am-u girl-DIM TOP who-POSS container IP hold-TENT-ATTR whose container will the girl hold? (MYS 14.3424) 佐伎毛利爾由久波多我世

sakimori-ni yuk-u pa ta-ŋga se border guard-LOC go-ATTR TOP who-POSS beloved Whose beloved is going to (be a) border guard? (MYS 20.4425) Stem tare Isolated Form tare

Only one example is attested in Eastern Old Japanese: 多礼曾許能屋能戸於曾夫流

tare sǝ kǝnǝ YA-nǝ TO osǝ-m-bur-u who FP this house-GEN door push-DV(CONV)-shake-ATTR Who pushes and shakes the door of this house? (MYS 14.3460) Accusative tare-wo

Only one example is attested in Eastern Old Japanese: 多礼乎可伎美等弥都都志努波牟

tare-wo ka kimi tǝ mi-tutu sinop-am-u who-ACC IP lord DV see(CONV)-COOR long for-TENT-ATTR whom shall [I] long for, viewing [him] as [my] lord? (MYS 20.4440)

91  The word ne here represents a play on words: ne ‘peak’ and ne ‘sleep(CONV).’ Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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A2: Ryukyuan The interrogative pronoun cognate to OJ ta-/tare is attested in all Ryukyuan languages and in Old Ryukyuan. On the basis of comparative evidence from the modern languages we can reconstruct the proto-Ryukyuan form *taa, which is attested in most languages as taa or ta (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 416). In addition, there is good evidence for reconstructing an extended stem *taro (Thorpe 1983: 223), which is attested in Old Ryukyuan as taru and has reflexes mostly in the Northern Ryukyus, but the form taru is also attested in the Tonoshiro dialect on Ishigaki island. Several dialects also have the form taN, and on the basis of the data from the Sesoko dialect it appears that this form represents a contraction of the extended form taru, although the final conclusion has to wait until the descriptive data from other dialects become available. Old Ryukyuan data present evidence for the unextended stem ta/taa and extended stem taru. The crucial difference from the Old Japanese data is that both of these stems mostly occur with the following possessive case marker -ga, although there is one example when ta is attested with the following dative case marker -ni, and one example when taru is attested in isolation (before the particle mo). Stem ta たかとりよらたかうちよら

ta-ga tor-i-yor-a ta-ga ut-i-yor-a who-POSS take-CONV-exist-TENT who-POSS hit-CONV-exist-TENT Who will take [it]? Who will hit [it]? (OS 16.1157) おの玉やたあに呉ゆが

ono tama ya taa-ni KWIy-u ga that jewel TOP who-DAT give-FIN IP to whom will [I] give that jewel?92 Stem taru たるかさちへにせる

taru-ga satife ni-se-ru who-POSS wear(COND) fit-CAUS-FIN for whom will [it] be appropriate to wear? (OS 11.594) 92  This example from the Ryūka is cited according to Hokama (1995: 380).

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誰もわていやは

TARU mo wa te iy-aba who FP I DV say-COND If everyone says ‘I’ (RK 617) In the Sesoko dialect the unextended stem taa can be used as: 1) a modifier of the following noun; 2) before the certain case markers and particles, such as the comitative case marker, the topic marker or the restrictive particle bakee; 3) before the case marker -ga used in the function of a subject marker. The extended stem taru appears only before the case marker -ga used in the possessive function (Uchima 1984: 107–108). The form taN is used exactly as the extended stem taru. Sesoko Dialect Stem taa

taa muN ga who thing IP Whose thing [is this]? (Uchima 1984: 107) taa-tu taa-tu ’ik-uu ga who-COM who-COM go-FIN IP Who and who will go? (Uchima 1984: 108) taa-ga hatʃaa ga who-NOM write(PAST) IP Who wrote? (Uchima 1984: 107) Stem taru, taN < taru

taru-ga muN ga who-POSS thing IP Whose thing [is this]? (Uchima 1984: 107) taN-ga ʃida yee ga who-POSS elder brother be(FIN) IP Whose elder brother is [it]? (Uchima 1984: 141) 2.5.2 Interrogative Pronoun nani The interrogative pronoun nani ‘what’ can modify a noun with or without the following attributive form n-ǝ of the defective verb n- ‘to be.’ Similar to ta-/tare, in most cases combinations of nani with the following interrogative particle Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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ka functions as an emphatic question, although there is one example below (MYS 15.3733) where it can be treated as an indefinite pronoun. A combination of nani with particle mǝ is not attested in Old Japanese texts. Out of all of the case markers, only the combination of nani with the following accusative case marker -wo is attested. As noted by Yamada Yoshio, in a number of Old Japanese examples nani means ‘why’ rather than ‘what’ (1954: 85), however this alone cannot be a sufficient basis to claim that in OJ nani was not a pronoun, but an adverb, as he suggests (Yamada 1954: 84). Yamada Yoshio believes that nani ‘what’ is segmentable into na+ni, where -ni is the same ni as in ika ni ‘how’ (that, is, in our terminology the converb form n-i of the defective verb n- ‘to be’). To support his point of view, he provides two examples from MYS 14.3430 and MYS 15.3684 (Yamada 1954: 87). However, in MYS 15.3684 we apparently deal with the OJ naⁿzǝ ‘why’ (Omodaka et al. 1967: 523, (Kojima et al. 1975: 73), spelled as 奈曾 /nasǝ/. Bear in mind that as was noted in chapter 2, the prenasalized obstruents in the script variety A are not always spelt consistently. In any case, more uncontroversial examples other than combinations with the following particle sǝ would be necessary to prove Yamada’s hypothesis, but they apparently do not exist. The example from MYS 14.3430, an Eastern Old Japanese text, is even less reliable, because the alleged *na there spelled 奈 is likely to be a scribal mistake of 余 /yǝ/,93 occurring in other manuscripts, a possibility acknowledged by Yamada himself (Yamada 1954: 87). Even if it is not, *na there again occurs before syllable si, with the resulting form nasi, which is treated by some commentators as an Azuma dialect form of naⁿzǝ ‘why’ (Pierson 1961: 80). Finally, a combination of nani ‘what’ with the following converb form n-i of the defective verb n- ‘to be’ is attested in Western Old Japanese (see MYS 13.3265 below). A double sequence of defective verb converbs n-i n-i in *na n-i n-i is ungrammatical. Below I will also demonstrate on the basis of internal Japonic evidence that segmentation of nani into na-ni is not justified. 那爾騰柯母于都倶之伊母我磨陀左枳涅渠農

nani tǝ kamǝ utukusi imǝ-ŋga mata sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-n-u what DV EP beautiful beloved-POSS again bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)-come-NEG-ATTR for what [reason], I wonder, does [my] beautiful beloved not bloom again? (NK 114) 93  Both NKBT and NKBZ adopt the variant /yǝ/ (Takagi et al. 1960: 427; Kojima et al. 1973: 468–469).

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NOMINALS 那爾柯那皚柯武

nani ka naŋgɛk-am-u what IP lament-TENT-ATTR why would [I] lament? (NK 116) The combination of nani with the interrogative particle ka here expresses an emphatic question. 奈爾能都底擧騰多柂尼之曳鶏武

nani n-ǝ tute-kǝtǝ taⁿda n-i si ye-k-em-u what DV-ATTR report(CONV)-word direct DV-CONV EP good-ATTR-TENT-FIN What message [do you have]? It would be better [to say it] directly (NK 128) In this example nani modifies the following noun tute-kǝtǝ ‘message’ with the attributive form n-ǝ of the defective verb n- following after nani. Cf. MYS 15.3733 and MYS 17.3912 below. 銀母金母玉母奈爾世武

SIROKANE mǝ KU ŋGANE mǝ TAMA mǝ nani se-m-u silver FP gold FP jewel FP what do-TENT-ATTR What shall [I] do with silver, gold, and jewels? (MYS 5.803) 奈爾可佐夜礼留

nani ka sayar-er-u what IP prevent-PROG-ATTR what will be preventing [me]? (MYS 5.870) The combination of nani with the interrogative particle ka here expresses an emphatic question. 吾哉難二加還而将成

WARE YA nani n-i ka KAPER-I-TE NAR-AM-U I EP what DV-CONV IP return-CONV-SUB become-TENT-ATTR Why should I return? (MYS 13.3265) The combination of nani with the interrogative particle ka here expresses an emphatic question. Also, note that nani is followed by the converb n-i of the defective verb n- ‘to be,’ which prevents analyzing ni in nani as this verb.

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奈爾之可母奇里爾多都倍久奈氣伎之麻佐牟

nani si kamǝ kïri-ni tat-umbɛ-ku naŋgɛk-i s-i-mas-am-u what EP EP fog-COMP rise-DEB-CONV lament-NML do-CONV-HON-TENT-ATTR I wonder why should [you] lament so that [your tears] have to rise as a fog? (MYS 15.3581) 和伎毛故我可多美能許呂母奈可里世婆奈爾毛能母弖加伊能知都我麻之

wa-ŋg-imo-ko-ŋga katami n-ǝ kǝrǝmǝ na-k-ar-i-s-emba nani monǝ mǝt-e ka inǝti tuŋg-amasi I-POSS-beloved-DIM-POSS keepsake DV-ATTR garment no-CONV-exist-CONVPAST/ATTR-COND what thing hold-EV IP life continue-SUBJ If [I] did not have a garment of my beloved as a keepsake, would having anything keep me alive? (MYS 15.3733) In this example nani with the following ka probably has a function of an indefinite pronoun, although other analyses are not impossible either. Also, in this example nani modifies the following noun mǝnǝ ‘thing’ without having the attributive form n-ǝ of the defective verb n- ‘to be’ after it. Cf. NK 128 above and MYS 17.3912 below. 何爲牟尓吾乎召良米夜

NANI SE-m-u-ni WA-wo MES-Uram-ɛ ya what do-TENT-ATTR-LOC I-ACC summon-TENT2-EV IP should you have summoned me in order to do something? (MYS 16.3886) In this example nani has a function of an indefinite pronoun without the following interrogative particle ka. 保登等藝須奈爾乃情曾

potǝtǝŋgisu nani n-ǝ KƏKƏRƏ sǝ cuckoo what DV-ATTR feeling FP [Oh,] cuckoo! What feelings [do you have?] (MYS 17.3912) In this example nani modifies the following noun kǝkǝrǝ ‘feeling’ with the attributive form n-ǝ of the defective verb n- ‘to be’ after it. Cf. NK 128 and MYS 15.3733 above.

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奈爾乎可於母波牟

nani-wo ka omǝp-am-u what-ACC IP think-TENT-ATTR what should [I] think? (MYS 17.3967) The combination of nani with the interrogative particle ka here expresses an emphatic question. 2.5.2.1 Special Form Besides nani ‘what,’ there is a special form aⁿ- ‘what’ of the same pronoun occurring once in front of the defective verb tǝ ‘to say’ in Western Old Japanese.94 安杼毛倍香許己呂我奈之久伊米爾美要都流

aⁿ-dǝ [o]mop-ɛ ka kǝkǝrǝ-ŋ-ganasi-ku imɛ-ni mi-ye-t-uru what-DV think-EV IP heart-GEN-sad-CONV dream-LOC see-PASS(CONV)-PERF-ATTR what was [I] thinking [about]? As [I] was sad in [my] heart, [she] suddenly has appeared in [my] dream. (MYS 15.3639) The loss of the initial n- does not occur in Old Japanese, so this word an- might have been viewed as another word for ‘what,’ etymologically unconnected with nani ‘what,’ but as I will demonstrate below the comparative evidence offers a cogent explanation for this seeming irregularity. In addition, this form is found in book fifteen of the Man’yōshū, that was likely compiled by a speaker of Eastern Old Japanese (Vovin 2012: 14–16). Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese In Eastern Old Japanese the interrogative pronoun nani ‘what’ is attested only once in a Sakimori poem:

94  Influenced by the kana syllabary, Japanese linguists usually list this pronoun as aⁿdǝ (Omodaka et al. 1967: 32). However, it is quite clear from its syntactic pattern that this -tǝ is nothing but a defective verb ‘to say’ with a prenasalization from the first element aⁿ‘what.’ Some Japanese scholars also believe that 阿跡念 used in MYS 10.2140 to spell the verb aⁿdǝmop-u ‘to lead’ also supports aⁿ-dǝ (Omodaka et al. 1967: 32; Kojima et al. 1973: 119), but this is more controversial, since first two characters 阿跡 may be just a case of phonetic spelling, while the last character 念 alone represents rebus writing.

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奈爾須礼曾波波登布波奈乃佐吉泥己受祁牟

nani s-ure sǝ papa tǝ [i]p-u pana-nǝ sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-ⁿz-u-k-em-u what do-EV FP mother DV say-ATTR flower-GEN bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)-come-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR why (lit.: having done what) has the flower called ‘Mother’ not bloomed? (MYS 20.4323) This limited distribution is suspicious, especially since in Eastern Old Japanese there is the aforementioned interrogative pronoun aⁿ- ‘what,’ ‘why’95 occurring seven times before the defective verb tǝ ‘to say’ or the defective verb tǝ ‘to be.’ 和我世故乎安杼可母伊波武

wa-ŋga se-ko-wo aⁿ-dǝ kamǝ ip-am-u I-POSS beloved-DIM-ACC what-DV EP say-TENT-ATTR What shall [I] say about my beloved, I wonder? (MYS 14.3379) 阿杼可多延世武

aⁿ-dǝ ka taye se-m-u why-DV IP break(NML) do-TENT-ATTR why should [we] break up? (MYS 14.3397) 安加奴乎安杼加安我世牟

ak-an-u-wo aⁿ-dǝ ka a-ŋga se-m-u satisfy-NEG-ATTR-ACC what-DV IP I-POSS do-TENT-ATTR since it was not enough [for me], what should I do? (MYS 14.3404) 奴流我倍爾安杼世呂登可母

n-uru-ŋga [u]pɛ-ni aⁿ-dǝ se-rǝ tǝ kamǝ sleep-ATTR-POSS top-LOC what-DV do-IMP DV EP besides that [I] slept with [her], what [else do I] do, I wonder? (MYS 14.3465) 汝波安杼可毛布

NA pa aⁿ-dǝ ka [o]mop-u you TOP what-DV IP think-ATTR What do you think? (MYS 14.3494)

95  J DB glosses aⁿ-dǝ as ‘how,’ ‘why’ instead of ‘what’ (Omodaka et al. 1967: 32). However, the meaning ‘how’ does not occur in the texts at all, and in only one example out of seven aⁿ- means ‘why,’ while it certainly means ‘what’ in the remaining six. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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NOMINALS 安騰須酒香可奈之家兒呂乎於毛比須吾左牟

aⁿ-dǝ s-u s-u ka kanasi-ke KO-rǝ-wo omop-i-suŋgos-am-u what-DV do-FIN do-FIN IP lovely-ATTR girl-DIM-ACC think-CONV-passTENT-ATTR how (lit.: doing what) would I forget the lovely girl? (MYS 14.3564) 安杼毛敞可

aⁿ-dǝ [o]mop-e ka what-DV think-EV IP Thinking what? (MYS 14.3572) Since in Old Japanese the sequence /ni/ can become /ⁿ/ before the following obstruent, cf. sir-an-i ‘not knowing’ (know-NEG-CONV) and sir-aⁿz-u ‘not knowing’ < *sir-an-i s-u (know-NEG-NML do-FIN), it is logical to presume that aⁿ- < *ani ‘what.’ I believe that the interrogative pronoun aⁿ- which occurs in Eastern Old Japanese seven times more frequently than nani is the genuine Eastern Old Japanese form for the interrogative ‘what,’ while the existence of EOJ nani is probably due to the Western Old Japanese influence. This is further confirmed by the fact that an Eastern Old Japanese poem containing nani ‘what’ appear to be in almost perfect Western Old Japanese. On the other hand, the single instance of aⁿ- in Western Old Japanese is in MYS 15.3639, is probably due to the native language of the compiler of book fifteen. In any case, a single example of aⁿ- in the entire Western Japanese corpus is suspicious. Thus, if my supposition is correct, we probably have a Western Old Japanese nani ‘what’ vs. Eastern Old Japanese an[i] ‘id.’ A2: Ryukyuan Most Ryukyuan languages have nuu ‘what’ or noo ‘id.’ (the latter is attested in the South Ryukyus on the islands of Miyako and Ishigaki) (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 428). At first glance, it seems that it is impossible to establish a cognateship on the basis of regular correspondences between these forms and Western Old Japanese nani, because they share only initial consonant n-, while the rest of both forms seems to be unrelated. However, in Old Ryukyuan we have the form nau ‘what’ (spelled なお /nao/),96 which demonstrates that the modern 96  Hokama believes that the word was read /nu/ in Old Ryukyuan like the modern dialect forms (Hokama 1995: 473). However his belief seems to be based on modern dialect data, which is circular, and on the spelling 루욱/lwuwuk/ found in the Korean source Haytong ceykwukki, where we have Old Ryukyuan transcribed with Hankul. However, to suppose that this form /lwuwuk/ transcribes Ryukyuan /nu:k/ is unrealistic because of the final -k which is not attested anywhere else. In addition, the spelling /au/ for /u/ in the Omoro sōshi is not used in other cases. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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Ryukyuan dialectal forms nuu and noo go back to noo < nau. There are also two modern Ryukyuan dialect forms that support this reconstruction: Sawada nau and Ōgami naɷ ‘what’ (Ōshiro 1972: 492–493). Now we have to remember that OJ /ni/ may be an otsu-rui *nï which goes back to *nuy, *noy, or *nǝy. The Old Ryukyuan and Sawada form nau as well as Ōgami form naɷ perfectly support the otsu-rui nature of /ni/ in WOJ nani, which can be reconstructed as *nanuy ~ *nanoy or *nanǝy. The first variant is more plausible, because the vowel sequences a-u or a-o occur much more frequently than the vowel sequence a-ǝ; therefore I tentatively reconstruct it as *nanu. At this stage, the Eastern Old Japanese form aⁿ- has to be brought into play, demonstrating that the initial *n- was in all likelihood a segmentable element. Thus, the reconstruction of the proto-Japonic archetype should be *n-anuy ~ *nanoy. The development in the daughter languages then must be as follows. In proto-Central Japanese, the ancestor of Western Old Japanese, the morphological boundary between *n- and *-anu was obliterated, and the *oy ~ *uy blended into otsu-rui *ï, which then merged with a kō-rui *i, resulting in WOJ nani, which is attested in the texts. In the ancestor of Eastern Old Japanese, the initial morpheme *n- was lost. Since EOJ aⁿ- is not attested with its original final vowel, it is not completely clear what happened to the end of this interrogative pronoun in Eastern Old Japanese. In proto-Ryukyuan, the morphological boundary between *n- and *-anu was obliterated like in Western Old Japanese, and the medial *-n- in *nanuy ~ *nanoy was lost (an irregular change), resulting in the form nau, attested in Old Ryukyuan, which further developed (quite regularly) into nuu or noo in modern languages. Examples from Ryukyuan: Old Ryukyuan やまとたひなおかいかのほてやましろたひなおかいかのほて

yamato tabi nao ka-i ga nobo-te yamasiro tabi nao ka-i ga nobo-te Yamato journey what buy-CONV IP go up(CONV)-SUB Yamasiro journey what buy-CONV IP go up(CONV)-SUB [she] goes to Yamato to buy what, [she] goes to Yamasiro to buy what (OS 11.637) Shuri

nu-nu ’a ga what-GEN exist IP what is there? (RKJ 1983: 427)

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2.5.3 Interrogative Pronoun ika In most cases the interrogative pronoun ika ‘how,’ ‘what’ in Western Old Japanese occurs with the following converb form n-i of the defective verb n- ‘to be.’ Outside of this usage it is used also with the following defective verb tǝ ‘to be’ (twice in the same text), in the construction ika sama n-i ‘in what manner’ (seven examples are attested),97 and once in the construction ika mbakari ‘how,’ ‘to what extent.’98 The first usage with defective verb tǝ did not survive into the Heian period. 高照日之皇子何方尓所念食可

TAKA TER-AS-U PI-NƏ MIKO IKA SAMA n-i OMƏP-OS-I-MES-E ka high shine-ATTR sun-GEN prince what manner DV-CONV think-HON-CONVHON-EV IP in what manner does the prince of the high-shining Sun think? (MYS 2.162) 何方爾念座可

IKA SAMA n-i OMƏP-i-[I]MASE ka what manner DV-CONV think-CONV-HON(CONV) IP in what manner did [he] think? (MYS 3.443) 伊加登伊可等有吾屋前尓

ika tǝ ika tǝ AR-U WA-ŋGA YAⁿDO-ni how DV how DV exist-ATTR I-POSS dwelling-LOC how, how, in my (existing) dwelling (MYS 8.1507) 伊加婆加利故保斯苦阿利家武麻都良佐欲比売

ika mbakari koposi-ku ar-i-k-em-u Sayo-pime how RP be longing-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN Sayo-pime how Sayo-pime must have been longing (MYS 5.875)

97  Unfortunately, none of these examples is written phonetically. We can guess that the spellings 何方尓 or 何方 indeed represent ika sama n-i on the basis of the meter of the poems and also on the basis of the fact that ika sama n-i occurs in the later stages of the Japanese language, e.g., in the Genji monogatari (Ōno et al. 1990: 84). However, since nani-sama also occurs, we cannot be completely sure that these examples represent ika sama n-i and not nani-sama n-i. 98  Since the particle mbakari ‘only,’ ‘about’ goes back to N-pakar-i, where pakar-i is an converb of the verb pakar- ‘to measure,’ it is quite possible that N- historically represents a contracted form of the converb form n-i of the defective verb n- ‘to be,’ thus further reducing the number of cases when ika occurs without the following n-i.

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The most frequently occurring form ika n-i ‘how DV-CONV’ also appears with the following interrogative particle ka in the form ika n-i ka.99 There is no apparent difference in meaning between ika n-i and ika n-i ka. It is possible that the interrogative particle ka is used here to make question more emphatic, as with other interrogative pronouns. 柯羅履爾鳴以柯爾輔居等所

Kara-kuni-wo ika n-i [i]p-u kǝtǝ sǝ Korea-country-ACC how DV-CONV say-ATTR matter FP What (lit.: how) will [you] say about Korea? (NK 99) 阿礼乎婆母伊可爾世与等可

are-womba mǝ ika n-i se-yǝ tǝ ka I-ACC(EMPH) FP how DV-CONV do-IMP DV IP What (lit.: how) do [you] think I should do? (MYS 5.794) 伊弊爾由伎弖伊可爾可阿我世武

ipe-ni yuk-i-te ika n-i ka a-ŋga se-m-u home-LOC go-CONV-SUB how DV-CONV IP I-POSS do-TENT-ATTR What (lit.: how) will I do, when [I] go back home? (MYS 5.795) 伊可爾可由迦牟可利弖波奈斯爾

ika n-i ka yuk-am-u karite pa na-si-ni how DV-CONV IP go-TENT-ATTR food supply TOP no-FIN-LOC because [I] do not have a food supply, how would [I] go? (MYS 5.888) 伊敞妣等乃伊豆良等和礼乎等波婆伊可爾伊波牟

ipe-m-bitǝ-nǝ iⁿdu-ra tǝ ware-wo tǝp-amba ika n-i ip-am-u home-GEN-person-GEN where-LOC DV I-ACC ask-COND how DV-CONV say-TENT-FIN If people from [your] home ask me where [are you], what (lit.: how) should [I] answer? (MYS 15.3689) In contrast to Classical Japanese, where the construction ika nar-u ‘what kind of’ occurs as a set modifier, in Old Japanese the verb nar- ‘to be,’ used after ika

99  O J ika n-i ka is, of course, the predecessor of Classical and modern Japanese ikaga ‘how’ (< ikaŋga < ika n[-i] ka).

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‘how’ still has a number of paradigmatic forms, and may be separated from the word it modifies by an emphatic particle ya. Historically, ika nar- ‘to be of what kind,’ ‘to be how’ certainly goes back to a combination ika n-i ar- ‘how DV-CONV exist,’ since the verb nar- ‘to be’ originated from the contraction of the converb form n-i of the defective verb n- ‘to be’ with the verb ar- ‘to exist.’ In Western Old Japanese there are two examples where ika nar- still occurs in its uncontracted form ika n-i ar- (see MYS 5.810 and MYS 18.4036 below). 伊可奈留夜比止爾伊麻世可

ika nar-u ya pitǝ n-i imas-e ka how be-ATTR EP person DV-CONV be(HON)-EV IP Oh, what kind of person is [he]? (BS 5) 空事何在云

MUNA-ŋ-GƏTƏ-WO IKA NAR-I TƏ IP-I-TE empty-DV(ATTR)-word-ACC how be-FIN DV say-CONV-SUB how [can you] call [it] an empty word? (MYS 11.2466) 面忘何有人之為者焉

OMO WASURE IKA NAR-U PITƏ-NƏ S-URU MƏNƏ SƏ face forget(NML) how be-ATTR person-GEN do-ATTR thing FP What kind of person will forget [her] face? (MYS 11.2533) 如何有哉人之子故曾

IKA NAR-U YA PITƏ-NƏ KO YUWE sǝ how be-ATTR EP person-GEN girl reason FP due to what kind of girl (MYS 13.3295) 2.5.3.1

Uncontracted Form ika n-i ar-

伊可爾安良武日能等伎爾可母

ika n-i ar-am-u PI-nǝ tǝki-ni kamǝ how DV-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR day-GEN time-LOC EP I wonder, in what time of the day … (MYS 5.810) 伊可爾安流布勢能宇良曾毛

ika n-i ar-u Puse-nǝ ura sǝ mo how DV-CONV exist-ATTR Puse-GEN bay it EP Bay of Puse, how [beautiful] it is! (MYS 18.4036)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The interrogative pronoun ika ‘how,’ ‘what’ occurs in Eastern Old Japanese texts three times. There are two examples of it in the form ika n-i and one example in the form ika nar-u. 伊可爾思弖古非波可

ika n-i s-i-te kopï-mba ka how DV-CONV do-CONV-SUB long.for-COND IP if [I] long for [you], in what way … (MYS 14.3376) 伊麻波伊可爾世母

ima pa ika n-i se-m-ǝ now TOP how DV-CONV do-TENT-ATTR What (lit.: how) shall [I] do now? (MYS 14.3418) 伊可奈流勢奈可和我理許武等伊布

ika nar-u se-na ka wa-ŋgari kǝ-m-u tǝ ip-u how be-ATTR beloved-DIM IP I-DIR come-TENT-FIN DV say-ATTR what kind of beloved is [he], who says that [he] will come to me? (MYS 14.3536) A2: Ryukyuan There are a number of different forms, corresponding to Old Japanese ika in the modern Ryukyuan dialects in Northern Ryukyus: Nase kyasi (Uemura and Suyama 1993: 403), Yuwan, Koniya ’ikyaʃi; Izena ’itʃantu; Oku ’isaaʃi, tʃaaʃi; Benoki kaaʃi; Kijōka, Sesoko, Namizato, Maejima, Tokashiki tʃaa; Arumi tʃaNgutu; Kowan tʃantuu; Tomigusuku tʃanʃi, and Kumejima ’itʃa (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 423). There are several things that have to be noted here: first, the Northern Amami dialects point to initial proto-Ryukyuan *e-, not *i-. Second, -ʃi, -ntu[u], and -Ngutu are historically suffixes, because there are forms without them, and because the last two suffixes, -ntu[u] and -Ngutu each have attestations in one or two particular dialects. Third, there are Ryukyuan forms with and without initial i-. Fourth, the Benoki form kaaʃi without initial i- is the only form that does not show any traces of the progressive palatalization /ika/ > /ikya/ > /itʃa/ > /isa/. Since Benoki does not regularly lose initial *i- in front of a velar (cf. Benoki ’iki ‘pond,’ Jp. ike), the logical conclusion is that the initial i- < *e- in the Ryukyuan archetype *e-ka is segmentable, and that it is responsible

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for this palatalization: *e-ka > *i-ka > ikya > itʃa > isa.100 It is also quite apparent that some of the forms above with palatalization without the initial i- just lost it at a later stage after the palatalization was completed. The chronology of this change is well demonstrated by the Shuri dialect, where caa ‘how’ occurs in the colloquial, and ’icaa ‘how’ in the literary variety (RKJ 1983: 244). Old Ryukyuan represents a considerable array of different forms, almost all of which are already affected by the progressive palatalization: ikya (いきや), ita (いた), itya (いちや, いちゃ), tya (ちや, ちゃ), tyaa (ちやあ) in the Omoro sōshi and the Ryūka, and ika (いか), ikya (いきや), kya (きや), kyaa (きやあ) in the Ryūka (Hokama 1995: 53). In contrast to both Western Old Japanese, where the interrogative pronoun ika ‘how’ is followed by the converb form n-i of the defective verb n- ‘to be’ in the majority of cases, and Eastern Old Japanese, where n-i is always used after ika, Old Ryukyuan ika/ikya and Shuri ’icaa/caa are always used in isolation. Examples: Old Ryukyuan いきやおさうずめしやいが

ikiya osauzu-mesiyai ga how think-HON IP what (lit.: how) do [you] think? (RK 20) いろいろに言ちもいかなしも行かぬ

iro-iro n-i I-ti-mo ika nas-i-mo ik-an-u different DV-CONV say(CONV)-SUB-FP how do-CONV-FP go-NEG-FIN whatever [you] say, and whatever [you] do, [I] will not go (RK 725) Shuri

caa debiru ga how be(POL) IP How is it? (RKJ 1983: 140) ’icaa usoozi-mishee ga how think-HON IP what (lit.: how) do [you] think? (RKJ 1983: 244) 100  The progressive palatalization of a velar after a preceding /i/ is well known in Ryukyuan, cf. case marker -ga > -gya in Old Ryukyuan after nominals ending in /i/ (Hokama 1995: 177).

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Apparently, the addition of n-i to ika represents an innovation in both Western and Eastern Old Japanese. Taking into consideration what was said earlier about the segmentability of *eka into *e-ka on the basis of Ryukyuan dialect data, it is proper to reconstruct the proto-Japonic archetype as *e-ka. Level B: External Comparisons Given the above reconstruction of the proto-Japonic archetype as *e-ka, the likeliest external parallels for both *e- and *-ka are found in Korean. For the first element *e- a possible external comparison seems to be MK e:styé, e:sté, e:styéy ‘how,’ which probably goes back to a complex formation *e-is-ti ‘how-exist-ADV.’ Comparative example for *e- : Middle Korean icey estye Lahwula-lol aski-no-n-ta now how Rahula-ACC take away-PRES-ATTR-QS how [can you say that I] am taking away Rahula now? (WS 6.9) 2.5.4 Interrogative Pronoun iⁿdu/iⁿduku The interrogative pronoun iⁿdu ‘where’ occurs in Western Old Japanese only three times, once followed by the locative case marker -ra, and twice by the noun pe ‘side’: 何時邊乃方二我戀將息

iⁿdu101-PE-nǝ KATA-ni A-ŋGA KOPÏ YAM-AM-U where-side-GEN side-LOC I-POSS love(NML) end-TENT-FIN where will my love end? (MYS 2.88) 伊敞妣等乃伊豆良等和礼乎等波婆伊可爾伊波牟

ipe-m-bitǝ-nǝ iⁿdu-ra tǝ ware-wo tǝp-amba ika n-i ip-am-u home-GEN-person-GEN where-LOC DV I-ACC ask-COND how DV-CONV say-TENT-FIN If people from [your] home ask me where [are you], how should [I] answer? (MYS 15.3689)

101  In this poem the Japanese reading (kun-yomi) itu of the characters 何時 used ideographically for the interrogative pronoun itu ‘when’ is used as a rebus writing to write the interrogative pronoun iⁿdu ‘where.’

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305

NOMINALS 伊頭敝能山乎鳴可将超

iⁿdu-pe-nǝ YAMA-wo NAK-I ka KOY-URAM-U where-side-GEN mountain-ACC cry-CONV IP cross-TENT2-ATTR on what side will [the cuckoo] cross the mountains, crying? (MYS 19.4195) In this example the interrogative particle ka is used for emphasizing the question. In all other examples only the form induku appears, with the obsolete suffix -ku of unclear origin. 許能迦迩夜伊豆久能迦迩

kǝnǝ kani ya iⁿduku-nǝ kani this crab IP where-GEN crab This crab, where it [is] from? (KK 42) 都奴賀能迦迩余許佐良布伊豆久迩伊多流

Tunuŋga-nǝ kani yǝkǝ sar-ap-u iⁿduku-ni itar-u Tunuŋga-GEN crab side go.away-ITER-FIN where-LOC reach-FIN Crab from Tunuŋga goes all the time along the side[way]. Where [to] will [it] arrive? (KK 42) 伊豆久欲利枳多利斯物能曾

iⁿduku-yori k-i-tar-i-si mǝnǝ sǝ where-ABL come-CONV-PERF/PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR thing FP Where did [you] come from? (MYS 5.802) 伊豆久由可斯和何伎多利斯

iⁿduku-yu ka siwa-ŋga k-i-tar-i-si where-ABL IP wrinkle-POSS come-CONV-PERF/PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR Where did the wrinkles come from? (MYS 5.804) 烏梅能波奈知良久波伊豆久

uMƐ-nǝ pana tir-aku pa iⁿduku plum-GEN flower fall-NML TOP where Where will the plum blossoms fall? (MYS 5.823)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese Only the interrogative pronoun iⁿdu ‘where’ is attested in Eastern Old Japanese, but not the extended form iⁿduku. 伊豆由可母加奈之伎世呂我和賀利可欲波牟

iⁿdu-yu kamǝ kanasi-ki se-rǝ-ŋga wa-ŋgari kayop-am-u where-ABL EP beloved-ATTR husband-DIM-POSS I-DIR visit-TENT-ATTR where will my beloved husband visit me from, I wonder? (MYS 14.3549) A2: Ryukyuan Old Ryukyuan has idu-ma/zuma (< *eⁿdu-ma) ‘where,’ consisting of idu- ‘where’ and -ma ‘place,’ which is attested in the Ryūka (Hokama 1995: 74). The actual pronunciation of OR iduma is supposed to be [dzïma], which is corroborated by the Middle Korean transcription coma, found in the Haytong ceykwukki of 1501 CE (Hokama 1995: 74). Among the modern Ryukyuan languages, the apparent cognate to the Old Ryukyuan iduma [dzïma] is found in the Tonoshiro dialect on Ishigaki island in the Southern Ryukyus. Other likely cognates in the Southern Ryukyus are Agarinakasone ndza, Yonaha ndzan (on the Miyako island), and Hateruma dza (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 424). Apparent cognates in the Northern Ryukyus are attested in the China and Wadomari dialects on Okinoerabu island: ’uda ‘where’ (Hirayama 1986: 508). Also cf. Kijōka dʒaa in the Northern part of Okinawa island and forms da, daa, and raa attested in different localities in Northern Ryukyus (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 424).102 South and central Okinawa, including the Shuri dialect, as well as some neighboring islands have apparently innovative maa ‘where’ (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 424; RKJ 1983: 353), which still may be partially related to OJ iⁿdu/iⁿduku ‘where,’ if, as Hokama believes, this maa developed from *dzïma through the loss of the first syllable (Hokama 1995: 74). Thorpe reconstructed *ezu(ro) as the proto-Ryukyuan archetype for ‘where’ and ‘which’ (Thorpe 1983: 347), but preservation of -d- in a number of languages probably allows a reconstruction of PR *edu.

102  All these various forms ending in -a probably underwent peculiar irregular developments. They are all likely to be derived from the archetype *eⁿduma through the following processes: *eⁿduma > *endzïma > *ndzïa > ndza; *eⁿduma > *endzïma > *dzïa > dzaa; *enduma > *idua > daa; *enduma > *idua > *ida > *ira > raa.

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NOMINALS Old Ryukyuan 北京お主てだやずまにそなれゆが

FICIN o-SHU-teda ya zuma-ni so nar-i-yu ga Ficin-GEN HON-lord-sun TOP where-LOC next be-CONV-FIN IP Where does the emperor of Beijing live? (RK 3888) Level B: External Comparisons The proto-Japonic archetype should be reconstructed as *entu ‘where’ on the basis of Old Japanese and Ryukyuan data. The most striking external parallel is MK ètúy ‘where.’ Since MK ètúy does not show lenition -t- > -l- in the typical lenition environment V˙Cu/ₒ (Martin 1996: 2–3), it should go back to PK *èntúy, with a nasal sonorant blocking the lenition (Vovin 2005: 89–103). This reconstruction allows us to see that PK *èntúy ‘where’ is in fact bimorphemic, going back to ènú ‘which’ and túy ‘place’: *ènú + túy > *èntúy > ètúy. We do not have similar internal evidence to segment PJ *entu, and this probably indicates that PJ *entu is a loan from Korean. 2.5.5 Interrogative Pronoun iⁿduti The interrogative pronoun iⁿduti ‘where to’ is apparently related to iⁿdu/iⁿduku ‘where’ in the same way as the demonstrative pronouns kǝkǝ and kǝti ‘here’ are related: they share the first element. The second element -ti, as was discussed above, probably represents the word -ti ‘way’ < *tǝy, as evidenced by distal demonstrative pronouns woti and wotǝ. Only one example of iⁿduti in phonographic writing is attested in Western Old Japanese,103 where it is used as an interrogative pronoun referring to direction, and not to stative location.104 伊豆知武伎提可阿我和可留良武

iⁿduti muk-i-te ka a-ŋga wakar-uram-u where face-CONV-SUB IP I-POSS part-TENT2-ATTR facing what direction will I part [with this world]? (MYS 5.887) 103  There are two other examples written logographically as 何処 (MYS 3.287, MYS 7.1412), but it is not clear whether these characters should be read as iⁿduti or iⁿduku. The argument by Omodaka et al. that they must represent *iⁿduti and not *iⁿduku because they denote direction and not location (Omodaka et al. 1967: 83) could have been valid only if we had several reliable examples of iⁿduti in Western Old Japanese all pointing exclusively to direction. Besides, these characters in MYS 3.287 obviously denote location, and not direction: ipe ya mo iⁿduku ‘where is [my] home?’ Takagi et al. read these characters as iⁿduku in both cases (Takagi et al. 1957: 160–161; 1959: 266–267). 104  Note the contrast to the proximal and distal demonstrative pronouns kǝti and woti that in Old Japanese refer only to stative location. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The interrogative pronoun iⁿduti ‘where to’ occurs only in Western Old Japanese part of the Azuma corpus. The real Eastern Old Japanese form iⁿdusi ‘where to’ is attested only once in Eastern Old Japanese. 伊豆思牟伎弖可伊毛我奈氣可牟

iⁿdusi muk-i-te ka imo-ŋga naŋgɛk-am-u where face-CONV-SUB IP beloved-POSS lament-TENT-ATTR facing what direction, will [my] beloved lament? (MYS 14.3474) A2: Ryukyuan In Ryukyuan I could find formations of interrogative pronouns in -ti/-tʃi attested only in three dialects: Kunigami dzaaNgatʃi, Sesoko raaNgati, and Jashiki dzaatʃi ‘where to’ (Uchima 1984: 45–47). The initial elements dzaa- and possibly raa- as well are related to OJ iⁿdu ‘where’ (see section 2.5.4 above). On reconstruction of the proto-Japonic archetype also see section 2.5.4. Level B: External Comparisons For external parallels see section 2.5.4. 2.5.6 Interrogative Pronoun iⁿdure The interrogative pronoun iⁿdure ‘which’ is attested four times in late Western Old Japanese in phonographic writing. It always appears in the extended form iⁿdure including the obsolete suffix -re 105 found in other pronouns, and in most cases iⁿdure is found followed by the attributive form n-ǝ of the defective verb n- ‘to be.’ Iⁿdure can be used in combination with the interrogative particle ka which emphasizes a question. Its first element iⁿdu- is apparently related to iⁿdu/iⁿduku and iⁿduti ‘where,’ discussed above in sections 2.5.4 and 2.5.5. Yamada Yoshio suggested that iⁿdure ‘which’ and itu ‘when’ should have the same origin (Yamada 1954: 91–92), but this seems unlikely, because itu always appears as /itu/ without the prenasalization -ⁿ-. It is true that iⁿdure is spelled as /iture/ once in Western Old Japanese (see MYS 15.3593 below) and in the only available example in Eastern Old Japanese (see MYS 20.4392 below), but this can be attributed to the occasional inconsistency in spelling prenasalized voiced obstruents in the Old Japanese writing (see chapter 2). 105  There is no unextended stem *iⁿdu meaning ‘which,’ since as was noted in section 2.5.4, iⁿdu means ‘where.’

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NOMINALS 伊都礼乃思麻爾伊保里世武和礼

iⁿdure n-ǝ sima-ni ipor-i se-m-u ware which DV-ATTR island-LOC stay.temporarily-NML do-TENT-FIN I on which island will I stay for a night? (MYS 15.3593) 伊豆礼能日麻弖安礼古非乎良牟

iⁿdure n-ǝ PI-maⁿde are kopï wor-am-u which DV-ATTR day-TERM I long.for(CONV) exist-TENT-FIN until what day should I be longing for [you]? (MYS 15.3742) 伊頭礼乃時加吾孤悲射良牟

iⁿdure n-ǝ TƏKI ka WA-ŋGA kopï-ⁿz-ar-am-u which DV-ATTR time IP I-POSS love-NEG(CONV)-exist-TENT-ATTR which time will I not love [her]? (MYS 17.3891) The interrogative particle ka emphasizes the question. 伊豆礼乎可和枳弖之努波无

iⁿdure-wo ka wakite sinop-am-u which-ACC IP specially long-TENT-ATTR for which [bird] would [we] specially long? (MYS 18.4089) The interrogative particle ka emphasizes the question. Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The interrogative pronoun iⁿdure ‘which’ occurs in Eastern Old Japanese just once in a Sakimori poem. 阿米都之乃以都例乃可美乎以乃良波加

amɛ-tusi-nǝ i[ⁿ]dure n-ǝ kami-wo inǝr-amba ka heaven-earth-GEN which DV-ATTR deity-ACC pray-COND IP if [I] pray to which deities of Heaven and Earth … (MYS 20.4392) The interrogative particle ka emphasizes the question. A2: Ryukyuan The cognates of OJ iⁿdure ‘which’ are well attested in most modern Ryukyuan languages: Wadomari, China ’uduru (Hirayama 1986: 519); Yuwan dërï; Koniya diṛ; Izena diru; Oku, Kijōka, Arumi, Namizato, Toguchi, Kowan, Maejima, Tomigusuku, Tokashiki dʒiru; Uezu duri; Henza dʒuri; Agarinakasone, Yonaha ndʒi; Tonoshiro dʒiri ‘which’ (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 426). The Modern

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Standard Shuri dialect has ziru ‘which’ (RKJ 1983: 603). OR idure/[i]zure (probably pronounced as [izïri]/[izuru] or [zïri]/[ziru]) is plentifully attested in various Old Ryukyuan texts (Hokama 1995: 75). Examples: Old Ryukyuan ずれがててとうな

zure-ga te [i]-te to-una which-POSS DV say-SUB ask-NEG/IMP do not ask which [boat] (OS 13.882) Shuri

ziru-Nkai syu ga yaa-N di ’umu-too-N which-LOC do(HORT) IP be-FIN DV think-PERF/PROG-FIN [I] thinking on which [one] to decide (RKJ 1983: 603) The reconstruction of the proto-Japonic archetype should be *entu-re ‘which’ on the basis of Old Japanese and Ryukyuan data. Since this interrogative pronoun is based on the same stem *entu- as iⁿdu/iⁿduku and iⁿduti ‘where,’ for external cognates to *intu- see section 2.5.4 for an external comparison. 2.5.7 Interrogative Pronoun itu The interrogative pronoun itu ‘when’ occurs in Western Old Japanese quite frequently, but examples of it in phonographic writing in earlier Western Old Japanese are rare. One is found in the Harima Fudoki, where 伊都 /itu/ is used as a phonographic gloss to the logographically written character sequence 何 時 ‘when’ (Omodaka et al. 1967: 80). Two others are attested in MYS 5.804 and MYS 5.886, both composed by Yamanoue-no Okura. All other examples are found in later texts. 伊都斯可母京師乎美武

itu si kamǝ MIYAKO-wo mi-m-u when EP EP capital-ACC see-TENT-ATTR when, I wonder, will [I] see the capital? (MYS 5.886) 和伎毛故波伊都登加和礼乎伊波比麻都良牟

wa-ŋg-imo-ko pa itu tǝ ka ware-wo ipap-i mat-uram-u I-POSS-beloved-DIM TOP when DV IP I-ACC pray-CONV wait-TENT2-ATTR

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My beloved will probably wait for me, praying [to the gods], and thinking: ‘When [will he return]?’ (MYS 15.3659) In this example the interrogative particle ka emphasizes the question. 多都多能山乎伊都可故延伊加武

Tatuta-nǝ YAMA-wo itu ka koye-ik-am-u Tatuta-GEN mountain-ACC when IP cross(CONV)-go-TENT-ATTR When will [I] go, crossing Tatuta mountain? (MYS 15.3722) In this example the interrogative particle ka emphasizes the question. 伊都麻弖可安我故非乎良牟

itu-maⁿde ka a-ŋga kopï-wor-am-u when-TERM IP I-POSS long.for(CONV)-exist-TENT-ATTR until when should I long for [you]? (MYS 15.3749) 宇梅乃花伊都波乎良自

uMƐ-no PANA itu pa wor-aⁿzi plum-GEN flower when TOP break-NEG/TENT when [one] should not pick plum blossoms (MYS 17.3904) 伊都可聞許武

itu kamo kǝ-m-u when EP come-TENT-ATTR I wonder, when will [he] come? (MYS 17.3962) 伊都之加登奈氣可須良牟曾

itu si ka tǝ naŋgɛk-as-uram-u sǝ when EP IP DV lament-HON-TENT2-ATTR FP [she] probably laments: ‘When [will he return]?’ (MYS 17.3962) In this example the interrogative particle ka emphasizes the question. 多麻久之氣伊都之可安氣牟

tama-kusi-ŋ-gɛ itu si ka akɛ-m-u jewel-comb-GEN-container when EP IP dawn/open-TENT-ATTR When will it dawn?/When will one open a jewel comb-box? (MYS 18.4038)106 In this example the interrogative particle ka emphasizes the question. 106  T  ama-kusi-ŋ-gɛ ‘jewel comb-box’ is used as a makura-kotoba to the verb akɛ- ‘to open’ (tr.), ‘to dawn’ (intr.).

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The interrogative pronoun itu ‘when’ is attested in Eastern Old Japanese in two examples in Sakimori poems. With the following focus particle mǝ, itu has the function of a collective pronoun meaning ‘always.’ 都久之閇爾敞牟加流布祢乃伊都之加毛都加敞麻都里弖久爾爾閇牟可毛

Tukusi-pɛ-ni pe muk-ar-u pune-nǝ itu si kamo tukape-matur-i-te kuni-ni pɛ muk-am-o Tukusi-side-LOC bow turn-PROG-ATTR boat-GEN when EP EP serve(CONV)HUM-CONV-SUB province-LOC bow turn-TENT-ATTR I wonder when the boat which is [now] turning [its] bow towards Tukusi will turn its bow towards [my home] province, after [I finish my] service (MYS 20.4359) 以都母以都母於母加古比須須

itu mǝ itu mǝ omǝ-ŋga kopi-susu when FP when FP mother-POSS love(CONV)-COOR [my] mother always, always loves [me] (MYS 20.4386) Here the combination of itu ‘when’ with the focus particle mǝ functions as a collective pronoun ‘always.’ A2: Ryukyuan The cognates to OJ itu ‘when’ are well attested in modern Ryukyuan languages: Wadomari, China ’itʃi; Tokunoshima ’itsï (Hirayama 1986: 74); Yuwan ’itsï; Koniya ’itii; Izena, Oku, Benoki, Kijōka, Arumi, Namizato, Toguchi, Sesoko, Uezu, Henza, Kowan, Maejima, Tomigusuku, Tokashiki ’itʃi; Kumejima ’itʃii; Agarinakasone, Yonaha, Tonoshiro, Hateruma itsï ‘when’ (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 364), Shuri ’içi ‘when’ (RKJ 1983: 246). In Old Ryukyuan we have itu (いつ) ‘when,’ probably pronounced as [itsï], cf. Korean transcription itco from the Haytong ceykwukki (1501 CE) (Hokama 1995: 72). Old Ryukyuan いつよりもまなしや

itsu-yori mo manasi ya when-ABL FP dear be(FIN) [it] is dear from any time (OS 3.99)

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Shuri

’içi ca ga when come(PERF) IP When did [he] come? (RKJ 1983: 246) Thorpe reconstructs the proto-Ryukyuan archetype as *etu (Thorpe 1983: 223), and for proto-Japonic we also have to reconstruct *etu ‘when,’ since Japanese raised proto-Japonic *e to *i. I am less convinced by a recent proposal by Whitman to analyze *etu ‘when’ as bimorphemic *e-tu in the same way as *eka ‘how’ < *e-ka (Whitman 2001: 9). While we have internal Japonic evidence for the bimorphemic nature of *e-ka, discussed above (section 2.5.3), it seems to me that such evidence is lacking for *etu, although such possibility definitely exists since the interrogative root *e- can be reconstructed for proto-Japonic. Level B: External Comparisons No apparent external cognates, unless *etu is really segmentable (see section 2.5.3 for external cognates of the interrogative root *e-). 2.5.8 Interrogative Pronoun iku The interrogative pronoun iku ‘how many,’ ‘how much’ in phonographic spelling occurs in Western Old Japanese eight times in seven examples (it appears twice in NK 15). Five of these examples are provided below. In addition, there are two special forms ikura and ikuⁿda ‘how many’ which include the obsolete suffixes -ra and -ⁿda with unclear meaning.107 In phonographic spelling each of these special forms occurs just once. 伊久用加泥都流

iku yo ka ne-t-uru how.many night IP sleep(CONV)-PERF-ATTR how many nights have [we] slept? (KK 25) 於朋望能農之能介瀰之瀰枳伊句臂佐伊句臂佐

opo-monǝ-nusi-nǝ kam-i-si mi-ki iku pisa iku pisa great-thing-master-GEN brew-CONV-PAST/ATTR HON-rice.wine how much long how much long The holy rice wine brewed by [the deity] Great Master of Things, [flourish] eternally (lit.: how much long, how much long) (NK 15) 107  It is possible to speculate that -ra represents plural marker -ra, but the paucity of examples prevents any positive identification. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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伊久与乎倍弖加

iku yǝ-wo pɛ-te ka how.many generation-ACC pass(CONV)-SUB IP passing through how many generations (MYS 15.3621) 伊久与布流末弖伊波比伎爾家牟

iku yǝ p-uru-maⁿde ipap-i k-i-n-i-k-em-u how.many generations pass-ATTR-TERM pray-CONV come-CONV-PERFCONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN for how many generations did [Ipapîsima] pray? (MYS 15.3637) 伊久欲布等余美都追伊毛波和礼麻都良牟曾

iku yo p-u tǝ yǝm-i-tutu imo pa ware mat-uram-u sǝ how.many night pass-FIN DV count-CONV-COOR beloved TOP I wait-TENT2ATTR FP [My] beloved will probably wait for me, counting: ‘How many nights have passed?’ (MYS 18.4072) 2.5.8.1 Special Forms The peculiarity of the usage of the special forms ikuⁿda and ikura is that they occur with the focus particle mǝ and with the following verb in the negative form, which makes them function as negative collective pronouns with the meaning ‘[not] so many,’ ‘not at all.’ 佐祢斯欲能伊久陀母阿羅祢婆

sa-ne-si yo-nǝ ikuⁿda mǝ ar-an-e-mba PREF-sleep-PAST/ATTR night-GEN how.many FP exist-NEG-EV-CON when not so many nights when [they] slept [together] have passed (MYS 5.804) 左尼始而何太毛不在者

sa-ne-SƏMƐ-TE IKUⁿda mo AR-AN-E-mba PREF-sleep(CONV)-start(CONV)-SUB how.many FP exist-NEG-EV-CON because no [time] at all has passed since [we] started to sleep [together] (MYS 10.2023) 年月毛伊久良母阿良奴爾

TƏSI TUKÏ mo ikura mǝ ar-an-u-ni year month FP how.many FP exist-NEG-ATTR-LOC although not so many years [and] months have passed (MYS 17.3962)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan The Ryukyuan cognates of OJ ikura and MJ ikutu (not attested in OJ) ‘how much,’ ‘how many’ are attested in practically all modern Ryukyuan languages. Old Ryukyuan still has iku ‘how much.’ Some dialects, like Namizato and Kowan do not differentiate between PR *ekura and *ekutu: Namizato tʃassaa, Kowan tʃassa ‘how much,’ ‘how many,’ although most others do, e.g., Kowan ’ikutsï < ikutu ‘how many,’ but ’ikyassaa < ikura ‘how much’ (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 363). In case of *ekura, all Ryukyuan languages show the same progressive assimilation ky > tʃ > s after /i/ as in the case of *e-ka, described above in section 2.5.3, with the same exception of Benoki kassaa ‘how much’ (cf. Benoki kaaʃi ‘how’).108 Similar to its reflex of kaaʃi ‘how,’ the Benoki dialect does not show any trace of the initial i- in kassaa ‘how much’ either, therefore it is reasonable to suggest that *eku in proto-Japonic was also segmentable like *e-ka ‘how.’ Thus, I reconstruct proto-Japonic archetype as *e-ku ‘how many,’ ‘how much.’ Examples: Old Ryukyuan 幾度ながめゆが

IKU DU nagame-yu ga how.many times look(CONV)-FIN IP how many times will [I] look on [autumn nights]? (RK 4666) Shuri

caQsa-N kooy-uN how.much-FP buy(CONV)-FIN [I] will buy no matter how (much) expensive (RKJ 1983: 142) Level B: External Comparisons The proto-Japonic archetype *e-ku ‘how many,’ ‘how much’ suggests that this interrogative pronoun is related to the interrogative pronoun *e-ka ‘how.’ The element *-ku has an unclear meaning. See section 2.5.3 for external cognates of the interrogative root *e-. 108  Three dialects in the Southern Ryukyus also do not show palatalization in their reflexes of *ikura: Agarinakasone isïka, Yonaha isaka, and Hateruma ikooba. However, Agarinakasone and Yonaha forms obviously exhibit metathesis which blocked the palatalization. In any case, all three of these dialects do not have cognates of OJ ika, therefore we do not have a basis for comparison, in contrast to other dialects. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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2.5.9 Interrogative Pronoun naⁿdǝ, naⁿzǝ The interrogative pronouns naⁿdǝ, naⁿzǝ ‘why’ are historically derived from nani ‘what’: naⁿdǝ is a contraction of nani ‘what’ and defective verb tǝ ‘to say,’ while naⁿzǝ is a contraction of nani ‘what’ and focus particle sǝ.109 The uncontroversial examples in phonographic spelling include only two examples of naⁿdǝ and one example of naⁿzǝ in Western Old Japanese. Omodaka et al. claim that naⁿdǝ is used with a following verb, while naⁿzǝ is used predominantly with a following adjective (Omodaka et al. 1967: 523). The number of examples in Western Old Japanese is too limited to verify or disprove this claim, but overall I am skeptical: notice the example from MYS 15.3684 below, where naⁿzǝ is used with a following verb. Examples: 那杼佐祁流斗米

naⁿdǝ sak-er-u to mɛ why tattoo-PROG-ATTR sharp eye Why the tattooed sharp eyes? (KK 17) 奈騰可聞妹尓不告來二計謀

naⁿdǝ kamo IMO-ni NƏR-AⁿZ-U K-I-n-i-k-em-u why EP beloved-DAT tell-NEG-CONV come-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/ FIN-TENT-ATTR why, I wonder, did [I] come [here] without telling my beloved [the words of good-bye]? (MYS 4.509) 奈曾許許波伊能祢良要奴毛

naⁿzǝ kǝkǝmba i-nǝ ne-raye-n-umo why extremely sleep-GEN sleep-PASS-NEG-EXCL why cannot [I] sleep at all? (MYS 15.3684) In addition, there are two examples in Western Old Japanese where this interrogative pronoun is spelled half-phonographically and half logographically as 奈何. Since the crucial second syllable is spelled logographically with the character 何 ‘what,’ there is no way to tell whether this spelling renders naⁿDƏ or naⁿZƏ.

109  Another etymological possibility is that this sǝ is a stem of the verb se-/sǝ- ‘to do.’ In the light of MJ naze < *naⁿze ‘why’ this etymology is likely to be more plausible.

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naⁿDƏ?/naⁿZƏ? SƏNƏ TAMA-NƏ TE-ni MAK-I-ŋGATA-ki why that jewel-COMP hand-LOC wind-CONV-difficult-ATTR why is that [jewel bracelet] difficult to wind around the arm that is like a jewel? (MYS 3.409) 其乎奈何不來者來者其乎

SƏ-wo naⁿDƏ?/naⁿZƏ? KƏ-ⁿZ-U pa KƏ-mba SƏ-wo that-ACC why come-NEG-CONV TOP come-COND that-ACC if [you] do not come or if [you] come, why [should I be impatient] about that? (MYS 11.2640) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The Eastern Old Japanese cognate to the Western Old Japanese naⁿ zǝ ‘why’ is aⁿze, which occurs eight times (seven times in Azuma texts and once in a Sakimori poem). In six Azuma poems and in the Sakimori poem aⁿze means ‘why,’ but in one Azuma poem it means ‘how.’ The interrogative pronoun aⁿze in all examples but one occurs with the following interrogative particle ka, which apparently just emphasizes the question. Eastern Old Japanese aⁿze ‘why’ is derived from the Eastern Old Japanese interrogative pronoun aⁿ- ‘what’ in the same way as Western Old Japanese naⁿzǝ is derived from the Western Old Japanese interrogative pronoun nani ‘what.’ The difference in vocalism of the second syllables in Western and Eastern Old Japanese words can probably be explained by their slightly different morphological composition: WOJ naⁿzǝ consists of nani ‘what’ and the stem sǝ- of the verb se-/sǝ- ‘to do,’ while EOJ aⁿze consists of aⁿ- ‘what’ and the stem se- of the verb se-/sǝ- ‘to do.’ There also might be an alternative phonological explanation: some /e/ in Old Japanese go back to *ǝy, e.g., OJ se ‘back’ < *sǝy, but sǝ-muk- ‘to turn one’s back on somebody.’ Ultimately, these two explanations should probably be combined, as the stem se- of the verb se-/sǝ- ‘to do’ is likely to include historically sequence *ǝy, thus OJ se < *sǝy. The proto-Japanese archetype should be reconstructed as *n-anu sǝ or *n-anï sǝ (see section 2.5.2 for reconstruction of the archetype of nani ‘what’ as *n-anu). 須我麻久良安是加麻可左武

suŋga-makura aⁿze ka mak-as-am-u sedge-pillow why IP pillow-HON-TENT-ATTR why do [you] put your head [on] a sedge pillow? (MYS 14.3369)

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波比爾思物能乎安是加多延世武

pap-i-n-i-si monǝ-wo aⁿze ka taye se-m-u crawl-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR thing-ACC why IP break(NML) do-TENT-ATTR why do [you] want to break off our relationship (lit.: the thing) which spread [like a vine] (MYS 14.3434) 安是登伊敞可

aⁿze tǝ ip-e ka why DV say-EV IP for what reason (lit.: saying: ‘Why?’) (MYS 14.3461) 阿是曾母許与比与斯呂伎麻左奴

aⁿze sǝ mǝ kǝ yǝpi yǝs-i-rǝ k-i-[i]mas-an-u why FP EP this night approach-CONV-? come-CONV-HON-NEG-ATTR why did not [you] come tonight? (MYS 14.3469) In this example aⁿze ‘why’ is used without the following interrogative particle ka. 比登豆麻等安是可曾乎伊波牟

pitǝ-ⁿ-duma tǝ aⁿze ka sǝ-wo ip-am-u person-GEN-wife DV why IP she-ACC say-TENT-ATTR Why should [I] call her the wife of another? (MYS 14.3472) 安是可多要牟等伊比之兒呂

aⁿze ka taye-m-u tǝ ip-i-si KO-rǝ why IP break.off-TENT-ATTR DV say-CONV-PAST/ATTR girl-DIM the girl who said: ‘Why should [our relationship] be broken off?’ (MYS 14.3513) 安是可加奈思家

aⁿze ka kanasi-ke why IP be dear-ATTR Why is [she so] dear [to me]? (MYS 14.3576) This is a Sakimori poem. In the following example aⁿze means ‘how’ rather than ‘why’:

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思良久毛能多要爾之伊毛乎阿是西呂等

sira kumo-nǝ taye-n-i-si imo-wo aⁿze se-rǝ tǝ white cloud-COMP break off(CONV)-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR beloved-ACC how do-IMP DV what (lit.: how) should [I] do about [my] beloved who separated from [me] like a white cloud (MYS 14.3517) A2: Ryukyuan There are no cognates in Ryukyuan of WOJ naⁿzǝ and EOJ aⁿze ‘why,’ which appears to be an exclusive proto-Japanese formation. Level B: External Comparisons Since proto-Japanese *n-anu sǝ or *n-anï sǝ ‘why’ is derived from proto-Japonic *n-anu ‘what,’ see section 2.5.2 for external cognates. 2.6

Collective Pronouns

There are two collective pronouns in Western Old Japanese: mïna and morǝ ‘all.’ 2.6.1 Collective Pronoun mïna The collective pronoun mïna ‘all’ is attested in phonographic spelling in Western Old Japanese four times. It may refer to both animate and inanimate nouns. When modifying a noun, mïna ‘all’ is always found in postposition. It is interesting to note that the case marker may be found both after the modified noun and after the modifying mïna with no apparent change in meaning as in pitǝ-nǝ mïna and pitǝ mïna-nǝ ‘all people’ found in the examples below. 伽遇破志波那多智麼那辞豆曳羅波比等未那等利

ka-ŋgupasi pana tatimbana siⁿ-du ye-ra pa pitǝ mïna tǝr-i PREF-beautiful flower mandarin.orange bottom-GEN/LOC branch-PLUR TOP person all take-CONV As for the lower branches of beautiful flowering mandarin oranges, all people break [them], and … (NK 35)

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比等未奈能美良武麻都良能多麻志末乎

pitǝ mïna-nǝ mi-ram-u Matura-nǝ Tamasima-wo person all-GEN see-TENT2-FIN Matura-GEN Tamasima-ACC All people will probably see Tamasima in Matura (MYS 5.862) 可治能於等波於保美也比等能未奈伎久麻泥爾

kaⁿdi-nǝ otǝ pa opo miya-m-bitǝ-nǝ mïna kik-u-maⁿde-ni rudder.oar-GEN sound TOP great palace-GEN-person-GEN all hear-ATTRTERM-LOC until all people in the Great Palace will hear the sound of a rudder oar (MYS 20.4459) 古非波未奈和我宇弊邇於知奴

kopï 110 pa mïna wa-ŋga upɛ-ni oti-n-u love(NML) TOP all I-POSS top-LOC fall(CONV)-PERF-FIN As for love, [it] all has descended on me (NR 1.2) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese Only one example of the collective pronoun mïna ‘all’ is attested in Eastern Old Japanese: 比等未奈乃許等波多由登毛

pitǝ mïna-nǝ kǝtǝ pa tay-u tǝmo person all-GEN word TOP break off-FIN CONJ Even if the words of all people are broken off … (MYS 14.3398) A2: Ryukyuan Cognates of the Old Japanese collective pronoun mïna ‘all’ are attested in several modern Ryukyuan dialects: Uezu, Maejima nna; Kowan n:na; Agarinakasone ṃ:na (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 410), Shuri ’Nna (RKJ 1983: 436). There is also the Oku form minna, but it looks like a loanword from modern Standard Japanese minna ‘all,’ especially since there is another collective pronoun muttuu in Oku. Muttuu is apparently related to another Old Japanese collective pronoun morǝ ‘all,’ which will be discussed in the section 2.6.2. In Old Ryukyuan the collective pronoun in question is attested only in the Haytong ceykwukki and the Ryūka. It probably was pronounced as mina in the late fifteenth–early 110  Different manuscripts of the Nihon ryōiki show the variation between etymological spelling 古非 /kopï/ and unetymological 古比 /kopi/ for this word. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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sixteenth century according to the Korean transcription mina (미나) in the Haytong ceykwukki (1501 CE), becoming later ’Nna or ’Nnya, as different existing spellings in the Ryūka indicate: mina (みな), nna (んな), nnya (んにや) (Hokama 1995: 639). Examples: Old Ryukyuan つくづくと浮世みな思て

Tsukuzuku to UCI-YU mina UMU-te Intently DV floating-world all think-SUB Everybody is thinking intently about the floating world (RK 2766) Shuri

shidini naa ’Nna-yaka ‘ippee diki-too-N already already all-ABL very be able-PERF/PROG-FIN [he] is already more skillful than everybody (else) (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 26) The reconstruction of the proto-Japonic archetype should be *mǝyna or *muyna. It is possible to speculate that *-na represents a plural marker -na, as was discussed in section 1.2.1.4, while the remainder *mǝy-/*muy- is the root of the collective pronoun. If this is true, and if the original vowel was *ǝ and not *u, it is quite possible that *mǝy can be derived from *mǝrǝy according to Whitman‘s law,111 and is therefore a variant of the another Old Japanese collective pronoun morǝ ‘all’ < *mǝrǝ, which will be discussed in the next section 2.6.2.112 2.6.2 Collective Pronoun morǝ The collective pronoun morǝ ‘all’ is attested four times in phonographic spelling in Western Old Japanese. Besides, there are a number of examples when it is written logographically with the Chinese character 諸 as in the example 111  The possibility of an etymological relationship between OJ mïna and morǝ is further supported by the congruency in their accent register (both belong to high register accent classes): mïna is 2.2b (HL) and morǝ is 2.1 (HH). Martin further suggests that mïna 2.2b could go back to 2.1 (HH) (Martin 1987: 479). 112  Martin also treats mï-as a possible derivation from *morǝ-Ci ‘many,’ but interprets -na as ‘person’ (Martin 1987: 479), which occurs as a second element in the compounds okina ‘old man’ and oto-na ‘adult.’ He further adds wo-mina ‘woman’ (Martin 1987: 490), but -mina probably means ‘woman’ by itself, as suggested by Whitman (cf. OJ me ‘woman’ < *mina) (Whitman 1985: 238). Since mïna ‘all’ can refer also to inanimate nouns, it is more likely that -na is a plural marker rather than a bound noun with the meaning ‘person.’ Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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from SM 17 below. In the phonographic spelling it is predominantly written as 毛呂 /morǝ/ with the kō-rui syllabic sign 毛 /mo/. The spelling 母呂 /mǝrǝ/ occurs only once in the MYS 5.832, once in the Bussoku seki no uta (in the reduplicated form spelled morǝ-mǝrǝ, see BS 18 below) and in Eastern Old Japanese. However, the contrast between /mo/ and /mǝ/ is generally believed to be lost after the Kojiki kayō, which is the only text that preserves it consistently. Therefore, the spelling in later texts may be unetymological, confusing kō-rui 毛 /mo/ and otsu-rui 母 /mǝ/.113 The crucial point here is, however, the well-known fact that the kō-rui vowel /o/ and the otsu-rui vowel /ǝ/ cannot combine within the same morpheme, the only possible sequences being o-o and ǝ-ǝ, e.g., momo ‘hundred,’ but kǝkǝrǝ ‘heart.’ Since the contrast between the kō-rui syllable /ro/ and the otsu-rui syllable /rǝ/ was much more long-lived than the contrast between /mo/ and /mǝ/, we must arrive at the inescapable conclusion that the original vocalism is preserved in the second syllable /rǝ/ of the word in question. Given the above-mentioned constraint on distribution of /o/ and /ǝ/, the pre-Old Japanese form of the word must be reconstructed as *mǝrǝ, which is further supported by Ryukyuan data (see below). There is a tendency to gloss OJ morǝ as ‘various,’ ‘several’ (Martin 1987: 485), or as ‘several’ in addition to ‘all’ (Omodaka et al. 1967: 752), or even puzzling ‘two’ in addition to ‘many’114 (Ōno et al. 1990: 1331). However the data do not support this interpretation: all examples below indicate that OJ morǝ means just ‘all,’ with a possible exception of MYS 5.843, where the meaning ‘many’ can be argued for. The example from BS 1 below is especially important, since the Buddhist idea of salvation extends to all sentient beings. The fact that OJ morǝ is a collective pronoun ‘all’ is further supported by the Ryukyuan data, where its cognate muru also functions as a collective pronoun. It is quite possible to believe that the collective pronoun developed from the original word meaning ‘many’ on the basis of external comparisons, but this does not necessarily exactly define the function of this word in Old Japanese. Contrary to the collective pronoun mïna ‘all,’ discussed above in section 2.6.1, the collective pronoun morǝ ‘all’ almost always is found preceding the noun it modifies. The only apparent exception is SM 17 below, but since the pronoun in question is written there logographically with the Chinese

113  John Bentley demonstrated that in MYS 5 the difference between kō-rui /mo/ and otsu-rui /mǝ/ is preserved to a certain extent, but only statistically (Bentley 1997). 114  This ‘two’ is obviously inspired by turuŋgi tati morǝ-pa ‘two blades of a sword’ in MYS 11.2636. Unfortunately, sword cannot have more than two blades, so ‘two blades’ are certainly ‘all blades.’

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character 諸, one cannot be completely sure that this character must be read as morǝ, and not as mïna. It is also possible that there might be a slight functional difference between mïna ‘all’ and morǝ ‘all’ in Western Old Japanese, if it is not the effect of attestation. While the former is used with both animate and inanimate nouns, the latter refers only to animate beings, at least in the examples written phonographically, where we can be completely sure that we deal with morǝ, and not with mïna. There is no such a difference in Eastern Old Japanese, where morǝ can refer to both animate and inanimate nouns. 母呂比得波家布能阿比太波多努斯久阿流倍斯

mǝrǝ pitǝ pa kepu-nǝ apiⁿda pa tanosi-ku ar-umbɛ-si all person TOP today-GEN interval TOP be joyful-CONV exist-DEB-FIN all people today must be joyful (MYS 5.832) 宇梅能波奈乎理加射之都都毛呂比登能阿蘇夫遠美礼婆弥夜古之叙毛布

uMƐ-nǝ pana wor-i kaⁿzas-i-tutu morǝ pitǝ-nǝ asomb-u-wo mi-re-mba miyako si ⁿzǝ [o]mop-u plum-GEN flower break.off-CONV put.in.the.hair-CONV-COOR all person-GEN play-ATTR-ACC see-EV-CON capital EP FP think-ATTR When [I] see that all people enjoy themselves breaking off plum blossoms and putting [them] in [their] hair, [I] think of the capital (MYS 5.843) 美阿止都久留伊志乃比鼻伎波阿米爾伊多利都知佐閇由須礼知知波波賀多 米爾毛呂比止乃多米爾

mi-atǝ tukur-u isi-nǝ pimbik-i pa amɛ-ni itar-i tuti sapɛ yusur-e titi papa-ŋga tamɛ n-i morǝ pitǝ-nǝ tamɛ n-i HON-footprint make-ATTR stone-GEN echo-NML TOP heaven-LOC reachCONV earth RP shake-EV father mother-POSS for DV-CONV all person for DV-CONV The echo of the stone, where [I] carved the footprints [of the Buddha], reaches the Heaven, and shakes the earth as well, for father and mother, for all people (BS 1)115 115  R  oy A. Miller translates this poem as ‘The ringing of the rock on which the holy footprints are cut reaches to heaven and even the earth resounds: for father and mother, for all men’ (Miller 1975: 75). To give Miller partial credit, he mentions that the verb yusur- ‘is clearly transitive’ in MYS 1239, but then he obscures that matter with a long and irrelevant discussion of examples from Middle Japanese, which he clearly misunderstands (Miller 1975: 77), and ends up translating yusur- as an intransitive verb, in spite of the fact that all extant Old Japanese examples of yusur- are transitive. This is further aggravated by

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吾大王乃毛呂比登乎伊射奈比多麻比

WA-ŋGƏ OPƏ KIMI-nǝ morǝ pitǝ-wo iⁿzanap-i-tamap-i I-POSS great lord-GEN all person-ACC induce-CONV-HON-CONV Our great lord induced all people … (MYS 18.4094) 汝多知諸者吾近姪奈利

IMASI-tati MORƏ pa WA-ŋGA TIKA-KI WOPI nar-i you-PLUR all TOP I-POSS close-ATTR nephew be-FIN All [of] you are my close nephews (SM 17) 2.6.2.1 Special Form The collective pronoun morǝ ‘all’ also occurs in a special reduplicated form morǝ-morǝ ‘all.’ There is no apparent difference in meaning. 毛呂毛呂須久比和多志多麻波奈

morǝ-morǝ sukup-i-watas-i-tamap-ana all-all save-CONV-carry.across-CONV-HON-DES [I] wish [the Buddha’s footprints] will save and lead everybody across (BS 4) 与伎比止乃伊麻須久爾爾波和礼毛麻胃弖牟毛呂毛呂乎為弖

yǝ-ki pitǝ-nǝ imas-u kuni-ni pa ware mo mawi-te-m-u morǝ-morǝ-wo wi-te good-ATTR person-GEN exist(HON)-ATTR land-LOC TOP I FP go(HUM) (CONV)-PERF-TENT-FIN all-all-ACC lead(CONV)-SUB I would also have gone to the land where the Buddha (lit.: good person) resides, leading everybody (BS 8) Miller’s mistaken belief that the particle sapɛ ‘even’ is involved in kakari-musubi, triggering the final verbal form to acquire the evidential form (Miller 1975: 78); if Miller bothered to check all existing Old Japanese examples of sapɛ usage, he would undoubtedly discover that this is not the case. In addition, among multiple philological mistakes one is especially revealing: the translation of yusur- as Chinese dòng (動) ‘to move’ (tr.) does not go back to the Tokugawa period scholar Kariya Ekisai as Miller alleges (Miller 1975: 77), but to the Heian period dictionary Ruijū myōgishō (1081 CE). Listing the much more superior and better translation of the Bussoku seki no uta by Douglas E. Mills (Mills 1960) as one of the three major disasters that has befallen the stone with the poems (Miller 1975: 3–5), Miller apparently forgot to mention the greatest of them all: his own ad hoc interpretations and translations of the poems. In fact, the only evidence of understanding yusur-e as an evidential form rather than an imperative, is the use of the topic particle pa after pimbik-i ‘echo-NML,’ which would seem to be a strange device, if the form yusur-e would be indeed an imperative.

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tutǝmɛ morǝ-morǝ susum-e morǝ-mǝrǝ strive(IMP) all-all go forward-IMP all-all strive, everybody, go forward, everybody (BS 18) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The collective pronoun morǝ ‘all’ is attested in Eastern Old Japanese only twice: once in a basic form mǝrǝ and once in a reduplicated form mǝrǝ-mǝrǝ. In Eastern Old Japanese morǝ can refer to both animate and inanimate nouns, as can be seen from the following examples. 武蔵野乃久佐波母呂武吉

MUSASI-NO-nǝ kusa pa mǝrǝ muk-i Musasi-field-GEN grass all face-CONV The grass on the Musasi plain faces all [sides]… (MYS 14.3377) 母呂母呂波佐祁久等麻乎須

mǝrǝ-mǝrǝ pa sake-ku tǝ mawos-u all-all TOP safe-CONV DV say(HUM)-FIN [I] will ask [the deities] that everbody [would return] safely (MYS 20.4372) A2: Ryukyuan The cognates of the Old Japanese pronoun morǝ ‘all’ are well attested in the modern Ryukyuan languages: Kikaigashima muru/munu ‘all’ (Iwakura 1941: 302), Izena, Benoki, Kijōka, Arumi, Namizato, Toguchi, Sesoko, Uezu, Henza, Kowan, Maejima, Tomigusuku, Tokashiki, Kumejima muru; Tonoshiro, Hateruma muuru ‘all’ (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 410), Shuri muru ‘all’ (RKJ 1983: 395). The collective pronoun muru ‘all’ is also attested in Old Ryukyuan (spellings: moro (もろ), muru (むる), moru (もる)) (Hokama 1995: 677). Examples: Old Ryukyuan 野辺のもろ人も雪の噂

NU-BI-nu moro-BITU mo YUCI-no UWASA field-(GEN)side-GEN all-(DV-ATTR)person FP snow-GEN rumor all people at the field, too, are talking about snow (RK 2673)

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Shuri

muru mii-too-N all grow-PERF/PROG-FIN everything has grown (RKJ 1983: 395) The crucial Northern Amami attestations such as Kikaigashima muru/munu ‘all’ show that the word clearly goes back to PJ *mǝrǝ, since in Northern Amami PJ *o (> OJ /o/) is reflected as /o/, and PJ *ǝ (> OJ /ǝ/) is reflected as /u/.

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Section 3

Numerals Regarding the numerical system, Western Old Japanese differs considerably from Middle Japanese and Modern Japanese in two respects. First, in sharp contrast to the later stages of the Japanese language history, the numerals of Chinese origin are not attested in the texts. It is quite possible that they already penetrated the colloquial language of the time, but this cannot be proven either way. The overwhelming majority of Old Japanese texts are poetry, and the poetic language was not generally integrating contemporary loanwords from Chinese at least until the twelfth century. Second, as a partial sequence of the lack of the Chinese numerals in the system,116 the ordinal numerals as a separate class are practically non-existent, with the major exception of the ordinal numeral patu ‘first.’ There is no distinction between cardinal and ordinal numerals among the numerals of Japanese origin, which are all essentially cardinal, but also can be theoretically used in an ordinal function. The cardinal and ordinal functions of native Japanese numerals should have been differentiated exclusively by context, but in Old Japanese texts there are in fact no examples of cardinal numerals used in the ordinal function (in the phonographic spelling). It seems that the classifier system so typical for the modern Japanese language was still in the process of formation in Old Japanese. Although Old Japanese possesses several ‘real’ classifiers that are bound nouns used only in combination with the preceding numeral, there are also regular nouns that are used in free form elsewhere that can assume the classifier function. Needless to say, there are no classifiers of Chinese origin attested in the texts. Besides, numerals can be used with nouns without the intervening classifiers, which is atypical for the modern language, where such formations mostly represent idiomatic expressions. In the Japanese linguistic tradition, it is considered that a number of numerals, such as ya ‘eight,’ yaso ‘eighty,’ ipo ‘five hundred,’ yapo ‘eight hundred,’ ti ‘thousand,’ ya-ti ‘eight thousand,’ and yǝrǝndu ‘ten thousand’ in most cases meant just ‘many.’ It is a possibility, but it leaves the question why there were so many numeral forms with the same meaning ‘many’ unanswered. In the case of ya ‘eight’ and its derivatives, it is possible to surmise that the number ‘eight’ carries the magic meaning of unity because it is a sum of the number ‘three,’ which symbolises female, and the number ‘five,’ which symbolises male. It is 116  The suffix -me, marking native Japanese ordinal numerals in modern Japanese appeared only in the Early Modern Japanese.

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less apparent in the case of other numerals, and it might be safer to treat them at face value before we have an exhaustive socio-cultural-historical explanation for this usage. 3.1

Cardinal Numerals

3.1.1 Cardinal Numeral pitǝ ‘One’ The numeral pitǝ ‘one’ can occur with and without the following classifiers. Examples: 夜麻登能比登母登須須岐

Yamatǝ-nǝ117 pitǝ-mǝtǝ susuki Yamato-GEN one-CL silver grass one silver grass in Yamato (KK 4) 袁都能佐岐那流比登都麻都比登都麻都阿勢袁

Wotu-nǝ saki-n-ar-u pitǝ-tu matu pitǝ-tu matu a se wo Wotu-GEN cape-LOC-exist-ATTR one-CL pine one-CL pine I beloved EP a lone (lit.: one) pine that stands at the cape of Wotu. Oh, lone (lit.: one) pine, my beloved! (KK 29) 夜多能比登母登須宜波古母多受

Yata-nǝ pitǝ-mǝtǝ suŋgɛ pa ko mǝt-aⁿz-u Yata-GEN one-CL sedge TOP child hold-NEG-FIN One sedge from Yata does not have children (KK 64) 等之爾安里弖比等欲伊母爾安布比故保思

tǝsi-ni ar-i-te pitǝ yo imǝ-ni ap-u Pikoposi year-LOC exist-CONV-SUB one night beloved-DAT meet-ATTR Altair Altair, who meets [his] beloved one night in a year (MYS 15.3657)

117  Tsuchihashi treats Yamatǝ as yama-tǝ ‘mountain place’ (Tsuchihashi 1957: 39–40). However, ‘place’ is to with kō-rui vowel /o/, not otsu-rui /ǝ/. Ogihara adopts the same explanation, noting that the syllabic sign with otsu-rui vowel is a ‘mistake’ here (Ogihara 1973: 104–105). One is just left to wonder why there are no other mistakes substituting / to/ with /tǝ/ in the Kojiki kayō text. Thus, I adopt a text-based interpretation of Yamatǝ as ‘Yamato,’ the only one which seems to be feasible in this context.

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The numeral pitǝ ‘one’ is attested once in Eastern Old Japanese without the following classifier (see the examples with classifiers under the respective classifiers in section 3.3). 比登祢呂爾伊波流毛能可良

pitǝ ne-rǝ n-i ip-ar-u monǝkara one peak-DIM DV-CONV say-PROG-ATTR CONJ Although [they] say that [we] are one peak … (MYS 14.3512) A2: Ryukyuan As a rule, in modern Ryukyuan languages all digit numerals that take the classifier -tu in Old Japanese are attested only in a bound form with this classifier, although the stems of these numerals could be found in compounds, like in Modern Standard Japanese. All Ryukyuan dialects in Northern and Central Ryukyus have reduced form of the numeral *pitǝ-tu ‘one’ which has truncated the first syllable *pi-: Shuri tiiçi (RKJ 1983: 517),118 Yuwan t‘iitsï, Izena t‘iitʃi, Uezu tiitʃi etc. ‘one’ (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 442). However, in the Sakishima islands the untruncated forms are still found: Agarinakasone, Yonaha psï�t̥ iitsï, Tonoshiro pï�t̥ iidzï, Hateruma pï�t̥ sï�t̥ sï ‘one’ (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 442). It is believed that the Old Ryukyuan form was *hwitu-çi (Hokama 1995: 565). Although Hokama does not provide examples of phonographic spellings in his dictionary of Old Ryukyuan (Hokama 1995), some can be found in the Ryūka.119 Combined Southern Ryukyuan and Old Ryukyuan data constitute a good basis for reconstructing PR *pitu- ‘one.’ There are also the Old Ryukyuan form fitu-ri and Shuri written form hwicui (colloquial cui) ‘one person,’ representing a combination of the numeral *pitu- ‘one’ with the classifier -ri ‘person,’ that offer further support to this reconstruction. Examples: Old Ryukyuan ふてつたむななのおとぢや

fute-tsu ta mu nana n-o otodiya one-CL two six seven DV-ATTR brother one, two, six, seven brothers (OS 13.898) 118  The archaic form hwituçi ‘one’ is also found in Shuri, but only in the written language (RKJ 1983: 241b–242). 119  There is also an intriguing form futetsu ‘one’ in the OS 13.898. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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月やひとつ

TSUCHI ya fito-tsu moon TOP one-CL [there is only] one moon (RK 485) ただひとり

tada fito-ri just one-CL just one person (OS 14.997) Shuri

sjuutee tii-çi nay-uN household one-CL become-FIN [Members of] the household represent one unit (RKJ 1983: 517) 3.1.2 Cardinal Numeral puta ‘Two’ The cardinal numeral puta ‘two’ can occur with or without the following classifiers. Examples: 美多迩布多和多良須阿治志貴

mi-tani puta watar-as-u Aⁿdisikï HON-valley two cross-HON-ATTR Aⁿdisikï Aⁿdisikï [deity], who crosses two valleys (KK 6) 袁夜迩須賀多多美伊夜佐夜斯岐弖和賀布多理泥斯

wo-ya-ni suŋga-tatami iya-saya sik-i-te wa-ŋga puta-ri ne-si DIM-house-LOC sedge-mat more(?)-rustling spread-CONV-SUB we-POSS two-CL sleep(CONV)-PAST/ATTR in the little hut, spreading very rustling sedge mats, two of us slept (KK 19) 阿波泥辞摩異椰敷多那羅弭阿豆枳辞摩異椰敷多那羅弭予呂辞枳辞摩之魔

Apaⁿdi-sima iya puta naramb-i Aⁿduki-sima iya puta naramb-i yǝrǝsi-ki sima-sima Apaⁿdi-island perfectly two line.up-CONV Aⁿduki-island perfectly two line. up-CONV good-ATTR island-island Apaⁿdi island perfectly lines up [with another island as] two, Aⁿduki island perfectly lines up [with another island as] two, [they are] good islands (NK 40)

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331

NOMINALS 麻多麻奈須布多都能伊斯乎

ma-tama-nasu puta-tu n-ǝ isi-wo INT-jewel-COMP two-CL DV-ATTR stone-ACC two stones like real jewels (MYS 5.813) 弥蘇知阿麻利布多都乃加多知夜蘇久佐等曾太礼留比止

miso-ti amar-i puta-tu n-ǝ katati yaso kusa tǝ sǝⁿdar-er-u pitǝ thirty-CL exceed-CONV two-CL DV-ATTR mark eighty type DV be completePROG-ATTR person a person, who is complete with thirty-two marks and eighty [lesser sign] types (BS 2) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese In Eastern Old Japanese the numeral puta ‘two’ can be used with and without a following classifier, as the example below demonstrates: 奴麻布多都可欲波等里賀栖安我己許呂布多由久奈母

numa puta-tu kayop-a tǝri-ŋga su a-ŋga kǝkǝrǝ puta yuk-unam-ǝ marsh two-CL go.over-ATTR bird-POSS nest I-POSS heart two go-TENT2-ATTR Should my heart go [to] two [different places like] nests of birds that go over two marshes? (MYS 14.3526) A2: Ryukyuan For the most part, the same development as that of the *pitǝ ‘one,’ outlined above in 4.3.1.1, befell the *puta ‘two’ in Ryukyuan: in the modern North Ryukyuan dialects the first syllable was lost, resulting in such forms as Yuwan t‘aatsï, Izena t‘aatʃi, Uezu taatʃi (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 442), Shuri taaçi (RKJ 1983: 501) etc. ‘two.’ Meanwhile, the original disyllabic form is well preserved in the Southern Ryukyuan dialects: Agarinakasone, Yonaha fu̥ taatsï; Tonoshiro Fu̥ taadzï; Hateruma ɸu:taatsï ‘two’ (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 442). Old Ryukyuan here appears of less help, since almost all the examples of the numeral ‘two’ in the Ryūka are not in the phonographic spelling, and only the older text of the Omoro sōshi has a clear example of ta [taa] in phonographic spelling. Examples:

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Old Ryukyuan ふてつたむななのおとぢや

fute-tsu ta mu nana n-o otodiya one-CL two six seven DV-ATTR brother one, two, six, seven brothers (OS 13.898) Shuri

taa-çi sy-uN two-CL do-FIN to double (lit.: make [it] two) (RKJ 1983: 501) 3.1.3 Cardinal Numeral mi ‘Three’ The cardinal numeral mi ‘three’ occurs in Western Old Japanese in phonographic spelling only with the following general classifier -tu ‘thing’ in two almost identical contexts in the Kojiki kayō. However, we can conclude that it was used independently without the following classifiers before the noun like the cardinal numerals pitǝ ‘one’ and puta ‘two’ on the basis of several pieces of oblique evidence: 1) it appears in logographic writing as a Chinese character in the poetic texts where it cannot be read as bisyllabic Sino-Japanese /samu/ < MC sam (三) ‘three’ on the basis of poetic meter; 2) it is attested in combinations ‘three + noun’ that are verified by Heian period texts as including mi ‘three’ without the following classifier -tu, as in the mi tǝse ‘three years’ below; 3) it is attested phonographically in the proper name Miwa (lit.: mi-wa ‘three rings’), occurring in NK 16 and NK 17 in the phrase Miwa-nǝ tǝnǝ (瀰和能等能) ‘the shrine of Miwa’; 4) mi is attested in the numeral mi-so-ti ‘thirty’ (three+ten+classifier) written phonographically in BS 2 as 弥蘇知 (see section 3.1.2 above); 5) the kun-yomi /mi/ of the Chinese character 三 ‘three’ is used to render OJ syllable /mi/, as, for example, in NA-mi (無三) ‘there is no’ (no-GER) in MYS 4.714. 美都具理能曾能那迦都迩

mi-tu-ŋ-guri-nǝ sǝnǝ naka-tu ni three-CL-DV(ATTR)-chestnut-COMP that middle-GEN/LOC clay that clay from the middle that is like three chestnuts (KK 42) 美都具理能那迦都延

mi-tu- ŋ-guri-nǝ naka-tu ye three-CL-DV(ATTR)-chestnut-COMP middle-GEN/LOC branch the middle branches that are like three chestnuts (KK 43) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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MI TƏSE-NƏ POⁿDƏ-ni three year-GEN time-LOC in the interval of three years (MYS 9.1740) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan The reflexes of the cardinal numeral ‘three’ are attested in all Ryukyuan languages without any irregular developments: Yuwan miitsï; Izena miitʃi; Agarinakasone, Hateruma miitsï (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 442); Shuri miiçi (RKJ 1983: 372) ‘three,’ etc. The cardinal numeral mitu [miçi] ‘three’ is also attested in Old Ryukyuan. Examples: Old Ryukyuan あおりみつたてて

aori mi-tu tate-te sun umbrella three-CL put(CONV)-SUB putting up three sun umbrellas (OS 19.1321) Shuri

’ikuçi-N mii-çi-N how.many-FP three-CL-FP Many (lit.: even how many, even three) (RKJ 1983: 372) Level B: External Comparisons The proto-Japonic archetype can be reconstructed as *mi- ‘three.’ The only reliable cognate seems to be in the pseudo-Koguryǒ language, which has 密 (EMC mit, LHC *mrit ‘three’). If the use of the Old Chinese pronounciation for this Koguryǒ numeral is correct,120 the pre-proto-Japonic form should be reconstructed as *miri-. No other external parallels to this numeral exist to the best of my knowledge.

120  There seem to be many instances in the ‘Koguryo’ language when the Late Han Chinese rather than the Late Middle Chinese reading is applicable (see, e.g., Vovin 1999).

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3.1.4 Cardinal Numeral yǝ ‘Four’ It appears that the numeral yǝ ‘four’ in phonographic spelling is found in original Western Old Japanese texts (not in later glosses121) only in one example in combination with the following classifier -tu ‘thing’: 与都乃閇美伊都都乃毛乃乃阿都麻礼流伎多奈伎微乎婆

yǝ-tu n-ǝ pɛmi itu-tu n-ǝ monǝ-nǝ atumar-er-u kitana-ki mï-womba four-CL DV-ATTR snake five-CL DV-ATTR demon-GEN gather-PROG-ATTR dirty-ATTR body-ACC(EMPH) the dirty body which accumulates four snakes and five demons (BS 19) However, there is oblique evidence that the numeral yǝ could be used independently in Western Old Japanese, since the kun-yomi /yǝ/ of the Chinese character 四 ‘four’ is used as kungana to write the imperative suffix -yǝ: 愛寸事盡手四

URUPASI-ki KƏTƏ TUKUS-I-te-yǝ splendid-ATTR word exhaust-CONV-PERF-IMP exhaust [your] splendid words (MYS 4.661) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan The reflexes of the cardinal numeral ‘four’ are attested in all Ryukyuan languages without any irregular developments: Yuwan yuuttsï; Izena yuutʃi; Agarinakasone, Hateruma yuutsï (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 442); Shuri ’yuuçi (RKJ 1983: 294) ‘four,’ Yonaguni duutʃi (Hirayama 1967: 227) etc. The cardinal numeral yo-tu ‘four’ is also attested in Old Ryukyuan, although there seems to be no examples with phonographic spelling. 3.1.5 Cardinal Numeral itu ‘Five’ The numeral itu ‘five’ in phonographic spelling is found in original Western Old Japanese texts (not in later glosses) only in one example in combination with the following classifier -tu ‘thing’:

121  For attestation in later glosses see Omodaka et al. 1967: 791, 799.

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NOMINALS 与都乃閇美伊都都乃毛乃乃阿都麻礼流伎多奈伎微乎婆

yǝ-tu n-ǝ pɛmi itu-tu n-ǝ monǝ-nǝ atumar-er-u kitana-ki mï-womba four-CL DV-ATTR snake five-CL DV-ATTR demon-GEN gather-PROG-ATTR dirty-ATTR body-ACC(EMPH) the dirty body which accumulates four snakes and five demons (BS 19) There is no phonographic evidence that itu ‘five’ could be used independently without classifiers, but we still can speculate it could on the basis of analogy with other numerals. Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The cardinal numeral itu ‘five’ is attested once in Eastern Old Japanese: 和加加都乃以都母等夜奈枳

wa-ŋga katu-nǝ itu-mǝtǝ yanaŋgi I-POSS gate-GEN five-CL willow five willow trees at my gate (MYS 20.4386) A2: Ryukyuan The reflexes of the cardinal numeral ‘five’ are attested in all Ryukyuan languages without any irregular developments: Yuwan Ɂitsïsï; Izena Ɂitʃi̥tʃi; Agarinakasone itsï�t̥ sï; Hateruma issïï (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 442); Shuri Ɂiçiçi (RKJ 1983: 246) ‘five,’ etc. The cardinal numeral itu-tu [iti-ti] ‘five’ is also attested in Old Ryukyuan. Old Ryukyuan さしふいつつころ

sasifu itu-tu koro priestess five-CL person five priestesses (OS 6.312) Level B: External Comparisons The proto-Japonic archetype can be reconstructed as *itu- ‘five’ on the basis of both Old Japanese and Ryukyuan data. The only more or less reliable external comparison is pseudo-Koguryǒ 于次 *utsï ‘five.’

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3.1.6 Cardinal Numeral mu ‘Six’ The cardinal numeral mu ‘six’ is not attested in phonographic writing in Western Old Japanese texts, but there is oblique evidence for its existence, since the kun-yomi reading /mu/ of the Chinese character 六 ‘six’ is used as kungana to write syllable /mu/ on a number of occasions:122 妹名根之作服異六白細乃紐

IMO NA-ne-ŋGA TUKUR-I KI-SE-k-em-u SIRO TAPƐ-nǝ PIMO beloved you-?-POSS make-CONV wear-CAUS-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR white cloth-GEN cord the cord of the white cloth that you, [my] beloved, made and made [me] wear (MYS 9.1800) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan The reflexes of the cardinal numeral ‘six’ are attested in all Ryukyuan languages without any irregular developments: Yuwan muutsï; Izena muutʃi; Agarinakasone mmtsï; Hateruma nntsï (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 442); Shuri muuçi (RKJ 1983: 397) ‘six,’ etc. The cardinal numeral mu ‘six’ is also attested in Old Ryukyuan. Old Ryukyuan ふてつたむななのおとぢや

fute-tsu ta mu nana n-o otodiya one-CL two six seven DV-ATTR brother one, two, six, seven brothers (OS 13.898) 3.1.7 Cardinal Numeral nana ‘Seven’ The cardinal numeral nana ‘seven’ is attested in Western Old Japanese in phonographic spelling in three examples with and without the following classifiers. The only classifier attested phonographically with nana ‘seven’ is -pe ‘layer.’ 多加佐士怒袁那那由久袁登賣杼母

Takasaⁿzi-no-wo nana yuk-u wotǝme-ⁿdǝmǝ Takasaⁿzi-field-ACC seven go-ATTR girl-PLUR seven girls going across the Takasaⁿzi field (KK 15) 122  See also MYS 3.302 and MYS 12.2940 for examples of the same usage.

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NOMINALS 飫瀰能古簸多倍能波伽摩鳴那那陛鳴糸

omi-nǝ ko pa tapɛ-nǝ pakama-wo nana-pe wos-i noble-GEN child TOP mulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN pants-ACC seven-CL wear(HON)-CONV The son of a noble wears seven layers of mulberry tree bark cloth pants, and … (NK 74) 麻都良我波奈奈勢能與騰

Matura kapa nana se-nǝ yǝⁿdǝ Matura river seven rapid-GEN pool Pools at the seven rapids of the Matura river (MYS 5.860) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The cardinal numeral nana ‘seven’ is attested in Eastern Old Japanese only once with the following classifier -pe ‘layer.’ 志毛用爾奈奈弁加流去呂毛

simo yo-ni nana-pe k-ar-u kǝrǝmo frost night-LOC seven-CL wear-PROG-ATTR garment in the frosty night [I] wear seven layers of garments (MYS 20.4431) A2: Ryukyuan The reflexes of the cardinal numeral ‘seven’ are attested in all Ryukyuan languages without any irregular developments: Yuwan nanatsï; Izena nanatʃi; Agarinakasone, Hateruma nanatsï (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 443); Shuri nanaçi (RKJ 1983: 409) ‘seven,’ etc. The cardinal numeral nana ‘seven’ is also attested in Old Ryukyuan. Old Ryukyuan ふてつたむななのおとぢや

fute-tsu ta mu nana n-o otodiya one-CL two six seven DV-ATTR brother one, two, six, seven brothers (OS 13.898) 3.1.8 Cardinal Numeral ya ‘Eight’ The cardinal numeral ya ‘eight’ is attested in Western Old Japanese in phonographic spelling in three examples with and without the following classifiers.

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Traditionally it is considered that ya ‘eight’ may mean just ‘many,’ however some linguists who support this point of view, (e.g., Omodaka et al. 1967: 754), overlook the important fact that the number ‘eight’ is the sum of ‘three’ (female number) and ‘five’ (male number). Therefore, its meaning in KK 1 (in essence, a bridal song) below as well as in other examples should be just ‘eight’ (as a symbol of marital union). Still, there might be examples where ya means ‘many’ rather than ‘eight,’ e.g., NK 91 below. It is more likely that a woven brushwood fence had many meshes rather than just ‘eight,’ however, we do not know for sure since no samples of these fences from the Asuka or Nara period survive. 夜久毛多都伊豆毛夜弊賀岐都麻碁微爾夜弊賀岐都久流

ya kumo tat-u Iⁿdumo ya-pe-ŋ-gaki tuma-ŋ-gǝmï-ni ya-pe-ŋ-gaki tukur-u eight cloud rise-ATTR Iⁿdumo eight-CL-DV(ATTR)-fence spouse-GEN-be secluded(NML)-LOC eight-CL-DV(ATTR)-fence make-FIN [I] am making eight-folded fence for [my] spouse to seclude herself, eightfolded fence in Iⁿdumo, where eight clouds rise (KK 1) 夜斯麻久爾都麻麻岐迦泥弖

ya sima kuni tuma mak-i-kane-te eight island country spouse pillow-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)-SUB not being able to obtain a spouse in the country of Eight Islands (KK 2) 耶賦能之魔柯枳

ya pu-nǝ simba kaki eight (many?) mesh-GEN brushwood fence a woven brushwood fence with eight (many?) meshes (NK 91) 於弥能古能野陛能比母騰倶

omi-nǝ ko-nǝ ya-pe n-ǝ pimǝ tǝk-u noble-GEN son-GEN eight-CL DV-ATTR cord untie-FIN The sons of nobles were going to untie eight cords (NK 127) 夜都代爾母安礼波和須礼自許乃多知婆奈乎

ya-tu YƏ-ni mǝ are pa wasure-ⁿzi kǝnǝ tatimbana-wo eight-CL generation-LOC FP I TOP forget-NEG/TENT this mandarin. orange-ACC I will not forget these mandarin orange [flowers] even in eight (many?) generations (MYS 18.4058)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The cardinal numeral ya ‘eight’ is attested in Eastern Old Japanese only once in the combination with the following classifier -pe ‘layer’ (misspelled as pɛ). 多妣己呂母夜倍伎可佐祢弖

tambi kǝrǝmǝ ya-pɛ ki-kasane-te travel garment eight-CL put on(CONV)-pile(CONV)-SUB [I] put on eight layers of travel clothes one onto another … (MYS 20.4351) A2: Ryukyuan The reflexes of the cardinal numeral ‘eight’ are attested in all Ryukyuan languages without any irregular developments: Yuwan yaatsï, Izena yaatʃi, Agarinakasone and Hateruma yaatsï (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 443) Shuri yaaçi (RKJ 1983: 270), Yonaguni daatʃi (Hirayama 1967: 229) ‘eight,’ etc. The cardinal numeral ya ‘eight’ is also attested in Old Ryukyuan. Old Ryukyuan やここのことをいぬつれて

ya kokono-ko towo inu ture-te eight nine-CL ten dog lead(CONV)-SUB leading eight, nine, ten dogs (RK 11)123 3.1.9 Cardinal Numeral kǝkǝnǝ ‘Nine’ The cardinal numeral kǝkǝnǝ ‘nine’ is attested in Western Old Japanese twice in phonographic spelling in the Kojiki kayō and the Nihonshoki kayō, but in an identical context: 迦賀那倍弖用迩波許許能用比迩波登袁加袁 (KK 26) 伽餓奈倍低用珥波虚虚能用比珥波苔塢伽塢 (NK 26)

ka-ŋga nambɛ-te yo n-i pa kǝkǝnǝ yo pi n-i pa tǝwo-ka-wo day-day put side by side(CONV)-SUB night DV-CONV TOP nine night day DV-CONV TOP ten-CL-ACC counting all the days, [it] is nine nights and ten days (KK 26, NK 26)

123  Cited according to Hokama 1995: 678.

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan The reflexes of the cardinal numeral ‘nine’ are attested in all Ryukyuan languages without any significant irregular developments (the following Yuwan form appears to be slightly irregular): Yuwan kuunutsï, Izena kukunutʃi, Agarinakasone and Tonoshiro kukunutsï (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 443); Shuri kukunuçi (RKJ 1983: 330) ‘nine,’ etc. The cardinal numeral kokono ‘nine’ is also attested in Old Ryukyuan. Old Ryukyuan やここのことをいぬつれて

ya kokono-ko towo inu ture-te eight nine-CL ten dog lead(CONV)-SUB leading eight, nine, ten dogs (RK 11)124 Level B: External Comparisons The proto-Japonic archetype can be reconstructed as *kǝkǝnǝ ‘nine’ on the basis of both Old Japanese and Ryukyuan data. There are no apparent external etymologies. 3.1.10 Cardinal Numeral tǝwo ‘Ten’ The cardinal numeral tǝwo ‘ten’ in phonographic spelling is attested in Western Old Japanese twice but in an identical context found in the Kojiki kayō and the Nihonshoki kayō. 迦賀那倍弖用迩波許許能用比迩波登袁加袁 (KK 26) 伽餓奈倍低用珥波虚虚能用比珥波苔塢伽塢 (NK 26)

ka-ŋga nambɛ-te yo n-i pa kǝkǝnǝ yo pi n-i pa tǝwo-ka-wo day-day put side by side(CONV)-SUB night DV-CONV TOP nine night day DV-CONV TOP ten-CL-ACC counting all the days, [it] is nine nights and ten days (KK 26, NK 26)

Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan The reflexes of the numeral ‘ten’ are practically uniform in all modern Ryukyuan languages: tuu (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 443; RKJ 1983: 533). The numeral 124  Cited according to Hokama 1995: 678. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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too ‘ten’ is also attested in Old Ryukyuan (with spelling variants とう /tou/ and とを /towo/). Old Ryukyuan ふてつたむとうのおとぢや

fute-tsu ta mu tou n-o otodiya one-CL two six ten DV-ATTR brother one, two, six, ten brothers (OS 13.898) やここのことをいぬつれて

ya kokono-ko towo inu ture-te eight nine-CL ten dog lead(CONV)-SUB leading eight, nine, ten dogs (RK 11)125 Level B: External Comparisons The proto-Japonic archetype can be reconstructed as *tǝwo ‘ten’ on the basis of both Old Japanese and Ryukyuan data. The well-known comparison is with pseudo-Koguryǒ *tǝk (徳) ‘ten.’ However, this comparison, likely as it is, is not as unproblematic as the comparisons of the other Japonic and Koguryǒ numerals, due to the unusual correspondence of PJ *-w- to Koguryǒ *-k-. 3.1.11 Count above ‘Ten’ The text of the Kojiki offers a number of later glosses to the numbers of deities above the number ‘ten,’ all of them in combination with the classifier pasira ‘column,’ used to count deities. The pattern is identical: tǝwo ‘ten’ + [a]mar-i ‘exceed-CONV’ + digital numeral + classifier pasira (Takagi and Toyama 1974a: 269): – tǝwo [a]mar-i pitǝ-pasira 11 deities – tǝwo [a]mar-i puta-pasira 12 deities – tǝwo [a]mar-i mi-pasira 13 deities – tǝwo [a]mar-i yǝ-pasira 14 deities – tǝwo [a]mar-i itu-pasira 15 deities – tǝwo [a]mar-i mu-pasira 16 deities – tǝwo [a]mar-i nana-pasira 17 deities – tǝwo [a]mari kǝkǝnǝ-pasira 19 deities The only number absent from this list below ‘twenty’ is *tǝwo [a]mar-i ya‘eighteen.’ The problem is, of course, that the Kojiki kana glosses are of a late origin, and cannot be trusted independently. However, there is one example 125  Cited according to Hokama 1995: 678. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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in the Bussoku seki no uta that includes the numeral 32 in phonographic spelling: miso-ti amar-i puta-tu ‘thirty-CL exceed-CONV two-CL,’ that demonstrates that the above glosses in all probability reflect the Western Old Japanese system of count above ‘ten’: 弥蘇知阿麻利布多都乃加多知夜蘇久佐等曾太礼留比止

miso-ti amar-i puta-tu n-ǝ katati yaso kusa tǝ sǝⁿdar-er-u pitǝ thirty-CL exceed-CONV two-CL DV-ATTR mark eighty type DV be.completePROG-ATTR person a person, who is complete with thirty-two marks and eighty [lesser sign] types (BS 2) Therefore, numerals above ‘ten’ and other tens were built on the pattern: ten number [+CL] + exceed-CONV + unit number [+CL]. Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan A similar, but not identical system, of counting above ‘ten’ is found in South Ryukyuan dialects, e.g.: Agarinakasone and Yonaha tuu-psitiitsï, Tonoshiro tuupïtiidzï, Hateruma tuu-pï�t̥ utsï ‘eleven (lit.: ten + one)’ (Uchima and Arakaki 2000: 443). The South Ryukyuan system apparently does not include amar-i ‘exceed-CONV’ placed after tens and before digits as in Western Old Japanese. In other Ryukyuan languages, as well as in Old Ryukyuan, the system of counting above ‘ten’ seems to have been already supplanted by Chinese loans, as in Middle Japanese. 3.1.12 Tens All tens in Western Old Japanese with the exception of pata ‘twenty’ are built on the pattern: corresponding digit number + -so ‘ten.’ Not all tens are actually attested in phonographic spelling in Western Old Japanese texts; those that are not attested in phonographic writing or in borrowed kun-yomi writing (see below) are marked in the following list by an asterisk. Nevertheless, we can tentatively reconstruct the missing tens on the basis of the fact that attested tens follow the above structural pattern, as well as on the basis of poetic meter and evidence from Heian period Middle Japanese. – pata 20 – miso 30 – yǝso 40

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– *iso 50 – *muso 60 – *nanaso 70 – yaso 80 – *kǝkǝnǝso 90 The form iso ‘fifty’ is irregular (instead of the expected *itu-so). Possibly, a truncation occurred here. The tens can be followed by the general classifier -ti, similar to the general classifier -tu that occurs after digit numbers, e.g., miso-ti ‘thirty-CL.’ The second element -so ‘ten’ in the tens has an unclear origin. Connecting it etymologically with WOJ tǝwo ‘ten’ is dubious for phonetic reasons: first, it would require setting a unique internal correspondence of /t/:/s/ in Western Old Japanese: second, there seems to be no other known cases of contraction of the sequence /ǝwo/ to /o/. Third, there are no traces of -so in Ryukyuan except in apparent loans from Japanese. That suggests that the origin of -so ‘ten’ in Western Old Japanese may be later than the split between Japanese and Ryukyuan. I suspect that this -so ‘ten’ may be really a loan from the Paekche or another Korean-type language on the Korean peninsula. Cf. the tens in Middle Korean: – súmúlh, súmú126 20 – syèlhún 30 – màzòn 40 – swuy:n 50 – yèswyuy:n 60 – nìlhún 70 – yètún 80 – àhón 90 These tens except súmúlh ‘twenty’ are likely to include the suffix *-son/-sun in its different phonetic variants: -hun, -zon, -un, -on, -Vn. I think that this suffix may have a close genetic link to the source (probably Paekche) from which Western Old Japanese -so ‘ten’ was borrowed. PATA ‘twenty,’ strictly speaking, is not attested phonographically in Western Old Japanese texts. There is, however, one example in the Man’yōshū when the kun-yomi pata of the character 廿 ‘twenty’ is used as a borrowed kun-yomi writing to spell the homonymous word pata ‘loom.’ Since the word pata ‘loom, cloth’ is attested phonographically (e.g., in KK 66), there is little doubt that the word for ‘twenty’ was also pata in Western Old Japanese. 126  M K súmú ‘20’ is an attributive form.

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我廿物白麻衣

WA-ŋGA pata-MƏNƏ SIRO ASA KƏRƏMƏ I-POSS loom-thing white hemp garment white hemp garment [from] my loom (MYS 7.1298) MISO- ‘thirty’ is attested phonographically in Western Old Japanese in one example: 弥蘇知阿麻利布多都乃加多知夜蘇久佐等曾太礼留比止

miso-ti amar-i puta-tu n-ǝ katati yaso kusa tǝ sǝⁿdar-er-u pitǝ thirty-CL exceed-CONV two-CL DV-ATTR mark eighty type DV be completePROG-ATTR person a person, who is complete with thirty-two marks and eighty [lesser sign] types (BS 2) WOJ miso- ‘thirty’ is the only decade numeral that survived into the modern language, where it is still found in the compounds miso-ka ‘the last day of the month,’ misoji ‘thirty years old,’ and oo-miso-ka ‘the last day of the year.’ YOSO ‘forty,’ like pata ‘twenty’ is attested in Western Old Japanese only indirectly in the borrowed kun-yomi writing when the kun-yomi yǝso of the character 廾廾 ‘forty’ is used to write the word yǝsǝ ‘other place.’ There is certainly a problem that these two words are only nearly-homophonous, since yǝso ‘forty’ has a kō-rui vowel /o/ in the second syllable, while yǝsǝ ‘other place’ has an otsu-rui vowel /ǝ/, but since kungana sometimes allows for inexactitude, I will adopt this traditional explanation. 築羽根矣廾廾耳見乍

Tukumba-NE-WO yǝsǝ NƏMÏ MI-TUTU Tukumba-peak-ACC other.place RP look(CONV)-COOR while looking at the Tukumba peak only [from] the other place (MYS 3.383) ISO ‘fifty’ is not attested in Western Old Japanese texts (neither phonographically, nor logographically). The first phonographic attestation is only Middle Japanese one, found in the preface to the Heian period poetic anthology Goshūi wakashū, compiled in 1087 CE:

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NOMINALS たへなるうたももちあまりいそちをかきいだして

tafe nar-u uta momo-ti amar-i iso-ti-wo127 kak-i-idas-ite excellent be-ATTR song hundred-CL exceed-CONV fifty-CL-ACC writeCONV-exit-SUB [he] recorded one hundred and fifty excellent poems, and … (GSWKS PREF 8.10) MUSO ‘sixty’ is not attested in Western Old Japanese texts (neither phonetically, nor in character writing). There seems to be no phonetic attestations in Heian period texts, either. NANASO ‘seventy’ is not attested in Western Old Japanese texts (neither phonographically, nor logographically). The first phonographic attestation is only Middle Japanese one, found in the Tosa nikki (935 CE): ななそちやそちはうみにあるものなりけり

nanaso-ti yaso-ti fa umi-ni ar-u mono nar-iker-i seventy-CL eighty-CL TOP sea-LOC exist-ATTR thing be-RETR-FIN Being at sea makes [you] look like seventy [or] eighty [years old] (TN 43.15) YASO ‘eighty’ is attested three times in Western Old Japanese and twice in Eastern Old Japanese. This better rate of attestations compared to the other tens is probably connected to the sacral importance attached to the number ‘eighty.’ 弥蘇知阿麻利布多都乃加多知夜蘇久佐等曾太礼留比止

miso-ti amar-i puta-tu n-ǝ katati yaso kusa tǝ sǝⁿdar-er-u pitǝ thirty-CL exceed-CONV two-CL DV-ATTR mark eighty type DV be completePROG-ATTR person a person, who is complete with thirty-two marks and eighty [lesser sign] types (BS 2) 海原乎夜蘇之麻我久里伎奴礼杼母

UNA-PARA-wo yaso sima-ŋ-gakur-i k-i-n-ure-ⁿdǝmǝ sea-plain-ACC eighty island-LOC-hide-CONV come-CONV-PERF-EV-CONC Although [I] came across the sea plain hiding [between] eighty (many?) islands … (MYS 15.3613) 127  The modern commentators transcribe this numeral as iso-di (Kubota and Hirata 1994: 8), but their choice for -di rather than -ti is not quite clear.

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夜蘇登毛乃乎波宇加波多知家里

yaso tǝmo n-ǝ wo pa u kapa tat-i-ker-i eighty companion DV-ATTR man TOP cormorant river stand-CONV-RETR-FIN eighty male companions [of mine] were cormorant fishing [at] the river (MYS 17.4023) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The cardinal numeral yaso ‘eighty’ is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese. 夜蘇久爾波那爾波爾都度比

yaso kuni pa Nanipa-ni tuⁿdop-i eighty province TOP Nanipa-LOC gather-CONV Eighty provinces gather at Naniwa, and … (MYS 20.4329) 夜蘇志麻須義弖

yaso sima suŋgï-te eighty island pass(CONV)-SUB [I] passed eighty islands, and … (MYS 20.4349) 3.1.13 Hundreds All hundreds in Western Old Japanese with the exception of momo ‘hundred’ are built on the pattern: corresponding digit number + -po128 ‘hundred.’ Only momo ‘hundred,’ ipo ‘five hundred,’ and yapo ‘eight hundred’ are actually attested in phonographic spelling in Western Old Japanese texts; those that are not attested are marked in the following list by an asterisk. Nevertheless, we can tentatively reconstruct the missing hundreds on the basis of the fact that the attested hundreds follow the structural pattern mentioned above, as well as on the basis of poetic meter. – momo 100 – *putapo 200 – *mipo 300 – *yǝpo 400 – ipo 500 – *mupo 600 128  The form -po with the kō-rui vowel [o] can be deduced on the basis of the KK spelling 本.

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– *nanapo 700 – yapo 800 – *kǝkǝnǝpo 900 The form ipo ‘five hundred’ is irregular (instead of the expected *itu-po). Possibly, a truncation occurred here. The hundreds can be followed by the general classifiers -tu, the one that follows units, or -ti, the one that follows tens, e.g., ipo-tu, ipo-ti ‘five hundred-CL.’ The second element -po ‘hundred’ in the hundreds has an unclear origin. Connecting it etymologically with WOJ momo ‘hundred’ seems to be impossible: there is no internal correspondence p : m in Western Old Japanese. In addition, there are no traces of -po in Ryukyuan. That suggests that the origin of -po ‘hundred’ in Western Old Japanese may be later than the split between Japanese and Ryukyuan. MOMO ‘hundred’ is well attested in Western Old Japanese: 毛毛知陀流夜迩波母美由

momo-ti-ⁿ-dar-u ya nipa mǝ mi-y-u hundred-thousand-GEN-be.enough-ATTR house garden FP see-PASS-FIN [I] can see flourishing (lit.: plentiful with hundreds and thousands) houses and gardens (KK 41) 意比久留母能波毛毛久佐爾勢米余利伎多流

op-i-k-uru mǝnǝ pa momo kusa n-i semɛ-yǝr-i-k-i-tar-u pursue-CONV-come-ATTR thing TOP hundred kind DV-CONV assault(CONV)-approach-CONV-come-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR the things that pursue [us], come assaulting [us] in hundred varieties (MYS 5.804) 毛毛等利能己惠能古保志枳波流岐多流良斯

momo tǝri-nǝ kǝwe-nǝ koposi-ki paru k-i-tar-urasi hundred bird-GEN voice-GEN be.missing-ATTR spring come-CONV-PERF/ PROG-SUP It looks like that the spring [with] voices of hundred birds, that [I] missed, [finally] has come (MYS 5.834) 毛毛可斯母由加奴麻都良遅

momo-ka si mǝ yuk-an-u Matura-ⁿ-di hundred-CL EP FP go-NEG-ATTR Matura-GEN-way [on] the way to Matura, [one] does not go one hundred days (MYS 5.870)

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PUTAPO ‘two hundred’ is not attested in Old Japanese texts (neither phonographically, nor logographically). There seems to be no phonographic attestations in Heian period texts, either. MIPO ‘three hundred’ is not attested in Old Japanese texts (neither phonographically, nor logographically). There seems to be no phonographic attestations in Heian period texts, either. YƏPO ‘four hundred’ is not attested in Old Japanese texts (neither phonographically, nor logographically). There seems to be no phonographic attestations in Heian period texts, either. IPO ‘five hundred’ is attested in Western Old Japanese in five examples. 伊制能奴能娑柯曳鳴伊裒

ise-nǝ no-nǝ saka-ye-wo ipo Ise-GEN field-GEN flourishing-branch-ACC five.hundred five hundred branches of flourishing [trees] on the Ise plain (NK 78) 安波妣多麻伊保知毛我母

apambi tama ipo-ti moŋgamǝ abalone pearl five.hundred-CL DP [I] wish [to have] five hundred abalone pearls (MYS 18.4101) 朝獦尓伊保都登里多氐

ASA-ŋ-GAR-I-ni ipo-tu tǝri tate morning-GEN-hunt-NML-LOC five.hundred-CL bird raise(CONV) At the morning hunt, [it] raised five hundred birds (MYS 17.4011) 思良多麻能伊保都追度比乎手爾牟須妣

sira tama-nǝ ipo-tu tuⁿdop-i-wo TE-ni musumb-i white pearl-GEN five.hundred-CL collect-NML-ACC hand-LOC tie-CONV to tie a set of five hundred white pearls to [your] arms (MYS 18.4105) 五百都綱波布

IPO-tu TUNA pap-u five.hundred ropes creep-FIN five hundred ropes are creeping (MYS 19.4274)

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MUPO ‘six hundred’ is not attested in Old Japanese texts (neither phonographically, nor logographically). There seems to be no phonographic attestations in Heian period texts, either. NANAPO ‘seven hundred’ is not attested in Old Japanese texts (neither phonographically, nor logographically). There seems to be no phonographic attestations in Heian period texts, either. YAPO ‘eight hundred’ is attested once in Western Old Japanese. 夜本爾余志伊岐豆岐能美夜

yapo ni yǝ-si i-kiⁿduk-i n-ǝ miya eight.hundred ground good-FIN PREF-build-NML DV-ATTR palace a palace build on an eight hundred [times] good soil (KK 100) There is also a logographic attestation: 八百日往濱之沙毛吾戀二豈不益歟

YAPO-KA IK-U PAMA-NƏ MASA ŋGO mo A-ŋGA KOPÏ-ni ANI MASAR-AⁿZI KA Eight.hundred-CL go-ATTR beach-GEN sand FP I-POSS longing-LOC INTER be.superior-NEG/TENT How would my longing be less than sand [grains] on the beach, on which one walks for eight hundred days? [—Certainly not!] (MYS 4.596) KƏKƏNƏPO ‘nine hundred’ is not attested in Old Japanese texts (neither phonographically, nor logographically). There seems to be no phonographic attestations in Heian period texts, either. Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The cardinal numeral momo ‘hundred’ is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese in one example: 毛母久麻能美知波紀爾志乎

momǝ kuma-nǝ miti pa k-ï-n-i-si-wo hundred corner-GEN road TOP come-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR-ACC although [I] came along the road with a hundred corners (MYS 20.4349)

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A2: Ryukyuan The Ryukyuan cardinal number mumu ‘hundred,’ seems to be attested only in Old Ryukyuan as momo and in the Shuri written language as mumu (RKJ 1983: 390). Thus, it apparently represents a loan from Middle Japanese. Old Ryukyuan かみのふねももおうね下のふね

kami-no fune momo o-une SITA-no fune top-GEN boat hundred HON-boat bottom-GEN boat top boats, hundred boats, lower boats (OS 13.813) 3.1.14 Higher Numerals Only two higher cardinal numerals are attested in Western Old Japanese texts, ti ‘thousand’ and yǝrǝⁿdu ‘ten thousand.’ TI ‘thousand’ is well attested in Western Old Japanese: 夜知富許能迦微能美許登

ya-ti pǝkǝ n-ǝ kamï-nǝ mi-kǝtǝ eight-thousand spear DV-ATTR deity-GEN HON-deity the deity Yatipoko (lit.: Eight thousand spears) (KK 2) 毛毛知陀流夜迩波母美由

momo-ti-ⁿ-dar-u ya nipa mǝ mi-y-u hundred-thousand-GEN-be.enough-ATTR house garden FP see-PASS-FIN [I] can see flourishing (lit.: plentiful with hundreds and thousands) houses and gardens (KK 41) 知余珥茂訶勾志茂餓茂

ti yǝ-ni mo ka-ku si moŋgamo thousand year-LOC FP thus-CONV EP DP [I wish that my sovereign] will be [like] that in a thousand years, too (NK 102) 志良久毛能知弊仁辺多天留都久紫能君仁波

sira kumo-nǝ ti-pe-ni peⁿdat-er-u Tukusi-nǝ kuni pa white cloud-GEN thousand-CL-LOC be separated-PROG-ATTR Tukusi-GEN land TOP land of Tukushi, which is separated [from me] by a thousand white clouds (MYS 5.866)

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NOMINALS 伎美乎見麻久波知登世爾母我母

kimi-wo MI-m-aku pa ti tǝse n-i mǝŋgamǝ lord-ACC see-TENT-NML TOP thousand year DV-CONV DP [I] would like to see [my] lord for a thousand years (MYS 20.4304) 伊爾志加多知与乃都美佐閇保呂夫止曾伊布

in-i-si kata ti yǝ-nǝ tumi sapɛ porǝmb-u tǝ sǝ ip-u go-CONV-PAST/ATTR side thousand life-GEN sin RP disappear-FIN DV FP say-ATTR [they] say that even the sins of one thousand former lives will disappear (BS 17) YƏRƏⁿDU ‘ten thousand’ is well attested in Western Old Japanese: 予呂豆余珥訶勾志茂餓茂

yǝrǝⁿdu yǝ-ni ka-ku si moŋgamo ten thousand year-LOC thus-CONV EP DP I wish that [my sovereign] will be [like] that in ten thousand years (NK 102) 余呂豆余爾伊麻志多麻比提

yǝrǝⁿdu yǝ-ni imas-i-tamap-i-te ten thousand year-LOC exist(HON)-CONV-HON-CONV-SUB [may you] live for ten thousand years (MYS 5.879) 餘呂豆代爾可多理都具倍久

yǝrǝⁿdu YƏ-ni katar-i-tuŋg-umbɛ-ku ten.thousand year-LOC talk-CONV-continue-DEB-CONV [it] would be talking for ten thousand years (MYS 17.3914) 己乃美阿止夜与呂豆比賀利乎波奈知伊太志

kǝnǝ mi-atǝ ya-yǝrǝⁿdu pikari-wo panat-i-iⁿdas-i this HON-footstep eight-ten thousand light-ACC emit-CONV-exit-CONV This footstep [of the Buddha] emits eighty thousand lights (BS 4) 爾詩乃美夜古波与呂豆与乃美夜

nisi-nǝ miyako pa yǝrǝⁿdu yǝ-nǝ miya west-GEN capital TOP ten thousand generations-GEN palace The Western Capital [is] the palace [for] ten thousand generations (SNK 6)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan The cardinal numeral ti ‘thousand’ is attested only in Old Ryukyuan and exclusively in the combination ya-ti-yo/ya-di-yo/ya-ti-ya ‘eternally,’ ‘for ever’ (lit.: ‘eight thousand generations/years’). Such a limited distribution makes it a probable loan from mainland Japanese. やちよかけて

ya-ti-yo kake-te eight-thousand-year hang(CONV)-SUB being mindful for ever (lit.: eight thousand years) (OS 3.147) The cardinal numeral yorodu ‘ten thousand’ is attested only in Old Ryukyuan. Due to this limited attestation it is likely to be a borrowing from mainland Japanese. よろづ物事

yorodu MUNU-GUTU ten thousand thing-thing ten thousand things (RK 1173) Level B: External Comparisons There are no apparent external etymologies for OJ ti ‘thousand.’ OJ yǝrǝⁿdu ‘ten thousand’ has been frequently compared with MK yèléh ‘many.’ The different suffixation in Old Japanese and Middle Korean suggests that it may be a loanword from some variety of Old Korean (Paekche?). 3.2

Ordinal Numerals

The only ordinal numeral attested in Old Japanese texts is patu ‘first.’ The other ordinal numerals were probably formally indistinguishable from cardinals, like in Classical Japanese, where one can tell the difference on the basis of the context alone. However, the cases like that are not attested in the Old Japanese texts: one can only speculate that they indeed existed in the colloquial.

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NOMINALS 波都迩波波陀阿可良氣美

patu ni pa paⁿda aka-ra-kɛ-mi first clay TOP surface red-NML-COMP-GER As for the first clay, [its] surface was red-like (KK 42) 相見婆登許波都波奈爾

API-MI-RE-mba tǝkǝ patu pana n-i REC-look-EV-CON eternal first flower DV-CONV when [we] looked at each other, it was [always] like eternal first flowers (MYS 17.3978) 波都波奈乎延太爾多乎理弖

patu pana-wo yeⁿda-ni ta-wor-i-te first flower-ACC branch-LOC hand-break-CONV-SUB breaking off the first flowers from the branch (MYS 18.4111) 波都由伎波知敞爾布里之家

patu yuki pa ti-pe n-i pur-i-sik-e first snow TOP thousand-CL DV-CONV fall-CONV-cover-IMP First snow, fall in a thousand layers! (MYS 20.4475) 波都波流能家布敷流由伎

patu paru-nǝ kepu pur-u yuki first spring-GEN today fall-ATTR snow snow that is falling today, on the first spring [day] (MYS 20.4516) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The ordinal numeral patu ‘first’ is also attested in one example in Eastern Old Japanese: 夜麻杼里乃乎呂能波都乎

yama-ⁿ-dǝri-nǝ wo-rǝ-nǝ patu wo mountain-GEN-bird-GEN tail-DIM-COMP first hemp the first hemp [of the year] that is like the tail of a mountain bird (MYS 14.3468)

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A2: Ryukyuan The ordinal number haçi/faci/pacii ‘first’ is attested in the two best-described modern Ryukyuan dialects: Nakijin and Shuri, as well as in Old Ryukyuan. This makes one suppose that it probably exists in other dialects as well, at least in the Northern Ryukyus, and is simply not reflected in existing grammars and dictionaries of those dialects. Nakijin examples: pacii tabi ‘first trip,’ pacii maaga ‘first grandchild’ (Nakasone 1983: 393). Shuri examples: haçi ’aQcii ‘first walk after the birth,’ haçi mumu ‘first willows/plum trees [in the year]’ (RKJ 1983: 198). Old Ryukyuan はつにしがおしいぢへば

facu nisi-ga os-i-id-ife-ba first northern wind-NOM push-CONV-exit-EV-CON when the first northern wind starts to blow (OS 7.349) Level B: External Comparisons There are no apparent internal or external etymologies for patu ‘first.’ Some kokugogaku scholars want it to be derived from pitǝ-tu ‘one’ by ubiquitous ‘vowel alternation,’ but the accents are incongruent: while patu ‘first’ is highregister 2.1 class, pitǝ-tu is low-register 3.7b class (Martin 1987: 402, 411). 3.3 Classifiers The system of classifiers in Old Japanese is much less developed than in modern Japanese. Only six following classifiers are attested in the texts in the phonographic writing: -tu (classifier for objects used with digits and hundreds), -ti (classifier for objects used with tens and hundreds, starting with pata ‘twenty’129), -ri (classifier for persons), -mǝtǝ (classifier for grassy plants), -pe 129  There is no form pata-ti ‘twenty-CL’ attested phonetically in Old Japanese texts, but the Middle Japanese form fata-ti appears in the phonetic writing in one of the earliest Classical Japanese texts Ise monogatari:   その山はここにたとへばひえの山をはたちばかりかさねあげたらんほどして   ono yama fa koko-ni tatof-e-ba Fiye n-o yama-wo fata-ti bakari kasane-age-tar-an fodo s-ite   that mountain TOP here-LOC compare-EV-CON Hiei DV-ATTR mountain-ACC twenty-CL RP pile up(CONV)-raise-PERF/PROG-TENT/ATTR degree do-SUB   That mountain, when [one] compares [it] with [mountains] here, is as high as Mt. Hiei, piled up about twenty [times]… (IM 9.117.14). Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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(classifier for layers and folds), and -ka (classifier for days). Two more are possible: -pasira (classifier for deities) and -tambi (classifier for times), but none of these appears in phonographic script, and they are therefore excluded from the present description. The word tǝse ‘year’ comes close to being a classifier, because it replaces a regular word tǝsi ‘year’ when preceded by a numeral, but since it never loses its lexical meaning, I do not consider it as a full classifier. 3.3.1 Classifier -tu The classifier -tu ‘thing’ is a general classifier for inanimate objects used with digits (even if these digits appear after tens, see BS 2 below), and after ipo- ‘five hundred.’ Probably a more exact definition of this classifier would be as a classifier for non-humans and non-deities, since it appears in one example from the Bussoku seki no uta as a classifier for snakes and demons (see BS 19 below). 袁都能佐岐那流比登都麻都比登都麻都阿勢袁

Wotu-nǝ saki-n-ar-u pitǝ-tu matu pitǝ-tu matu a se wo Wotu-GEN cape-LOC-exist-ATTR one-CL pine one-CL pine I beloved EP a lone (lit.: one) pine that stands at the cape of Wotu. Oh, lone (lit.: one) pine, my beloved! (KK 29) 美都具理能曾能那迦都迩

mi-tu-ŋ-guri-nǝ sǝnǝ naka-tu ni three-CL-DV(ATTR)-chestnut-COMP that middle-GEN/LOC clay that clay from the middle that is like three chestnuts (KK 42) 弥蘇知阿麻利布多都乃加多知夜蘇久佐等曾太礼留比止

miso-ti amar-i puta-tu n-ǝ katati yaso kusa tǝ sǝⁿdar-er-u pitǝ thirty-CL exceed-CONV two-CL DV-ATTR mark eighty type DV be completePROG-ATTR person a person, who is complete with thirty-two marks and eighty [lesser sign] types (BS 2) 与都乃閇美伊都都乃毛乃乃阿都麻礼流伎多奈伎微乎婆

yǝ-tu n-ǝ pɛmi itu-tu n-ǝ monǝ-nǝ atumar-er-u kitana-ki mï-womba four-CL DV-ATTR snake five-CL DV-ATTR demon-GEN gather-PROG-ATTR dirty-ATTR body-ACC(EMPH) the dirty body which accumulates four snakes and five demons (BS 19)

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藤原朝臣麻呂等伊負図亀一頭献止奏賜不爾 PUⁿDIPARA-NƏ ASƏMI MARƏ-RA-i PUMI-WO OP-ER-U KAMƐ-WO PITƏ-TU TATEMATUR-AKU tǝ MAWOS-I-TAMAp-u-ni … Puⁿdipara-GEN retainer Marǝ-PLUR-ACT writing-ACC bearPROG-ATTR tortoise-ACC one-CL offer(HUM)-NML DV say(HUM)-CONV-HON-ATTR-LOC [They] said that the retainer Puⁿdipara Marǝ and others had offered a (lit.: one) tortoise bearing writing [on its back] … (SM 6) 麻多麻奈須布多都能伊斯乎

ma-tama-nasu puta-tu n-ǝ isi-wo INT-jewel-COMP two-CL DV-ATTR stone-ACC two stones like real jewels (MYS 5.813) 朝獦尓伊保都登里多氐

ASA-ŋ-GAR-I-ni ipo-tu tǝri tate morning-GEN-hunt-NML-LOC five.hundred-CL bird raise(CONV) At the morning hunt, [it] raised five hundred birds (MYS 17.4011) 夜都代爾母安礼波和須礼自許乃多知婆奈乎

ya-tu YƏ-ni mǝ are pa wasure-ⁿzi kǝnǝ tatimbana-wo eight-CL generation-LOC FP I TOP forget-NEG/TENT this mandarin. orange-ACC I will not forget these mandarin orange [flowers] even in eight (many?) generations (MYS 18.4058) 思良多麻能伊保都追度比乎手爾牟須妣

sira tama-nǝ ipo-tu tuⁿdop-i-wo TE-ni musumb-i white pearl-GEN five.hundred-CL collect-NML-ACC hand-LOC tie-CONV to tie a set of five hundred white pearls to [your] arms (MYS 18.4105) 五百都綱波布

IPO-tu TUNA pap-u five.hundred ropes creep-FIN five hundred ropes are creeping (MYS 19.4274)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The classifier -tu ‘thing’ is attested only once in Eastern Old Japanese: 奴麻布多都可欲波等里賀栖安我己許呂布多由久奈母

numa puta-tu kayop-a tǝri-ŋga su a-ŋga kǝkǝrǝ puta yuk-unam-ǝ marsh two-CL go.over-ATTR bird-POSS nest I-POSS heart two go-TENT2-ATTR Should my heart go [to] two [different places like] nests of birds that go over two marshes? (MYS 14.3526) A2: Ryukyuan The classifier -çi/-ci ‘thing,’ a cognate of OJ -tu, is well attested in various modern Ryukyuan languages and in Old Ryukyuan. The numeral digit stem with this classifier appears to be more bound than the corresponding stem in the Old Japanese. See section 3.1 for more details and more examples. Old Ryukyuan 月やひとつ

TSUCHI ya fito-tu moon TOP one-CL [there is only] one moon (RK 485) Shuri

sjuutee tii-çi nay-uN household one-CL become-FIN [Members of] the household represent one unit (RKJ 1983: 517) 3.3.2 Classifier -ti The classifier -ti ‘thing’ is a general classifier for inanimate objects used with tens and hundreds. Only two examples are attested in Old Japanese texts in phonographic writing. Probably a more exact definition of this classifier would be as a classifier for non-humans and non-deities, as in one of the examples below it is used with the word apambi ‘abalone.’

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弥蘇知阿麻利布多都乃加多知夜蘇久佐等曾太礼留比止

miso-ti amar-i puta-tu n-ǝ katati yaso kusa tǝ sǝⁿdar-er-u pitǝ thirty-CL exceed-CONV two-CL DV-ATTR mark eighty type DV be completePROG-ATTR person a person, who is complete with thirty-two marks and eighty [lesser sign] types (BS 2) 安波妣多麻伊保知毛我母

apambi tama ipo-ti moŋgamǝ abalone pearl five.hundred-CL DP [I] wish [to have] five hundred abalone pearls (MYS 18.4101) 3.3.3 Classifier -ri The classifier -ri ‘person’ occurs in phonographic script in Old Japanese texts only in combination with the preceding numerals pitǝ ‘one’ and puta ‘two,’ like in the modern language. Later glosses on logographically written combinations that indicate also mi-tari ‘three people,’ yon-dari ‘four people,’ and iku-tari ‘how many people’ (Ōno 1990: 830), would suggest that -ri is a truncation of -tari, but these glosses’ authenticity is very doubtful. It is quite possible that these glosses are the later creations inspired by the incorrectly analyzed forms pitǝri ‘one person’ and putari ‘two persons.’ In the absence of the contrary evidence, it is safer to rely on actual phonographic attestations in Old Japanese texts. It is also significant that just the evidence for -ri, and not for -tari is corroborated by both Eastern Old Japanese and Ryukyuan. 袁夜迩須賀多多美伊夜佐夜斯岐弖和賀布多理泥斯

wo-ya-ni suŋga-tatami iya-saya sik-i-te wa-ŋga puta-ri ne-si DIM-house-LOC sedge-mat more(?)-rustling spread-CONV-SUB we-POSS two-CL sleep(CONV)-PAST/ATTR in the little hut, spreading very rustling sedge mats, two of us slept (KK 19) 夜多能比登母登須宜波比登理袁理登母意富岐弥斯與斯登岐許佐婆比登理 袁理登母

Yata-nǝ pitǝ-mǝtǝ suŋgɛ pa pitǝ-ri wor-i tǝmǝ opǝ kimi si yǝ-si tǝ kikǝs-amba pitǝ-ri wor-i tǝmǝ Yata-GEN one-CL sedge TOP one-CL exist-FIN CONJ great lord EP be.goodFIN DV say(HON)-COND one-CL exist-FIN CONJ Even if one sedge from Yata is alone, if the great lord says [it] is fine, even if [she] is alone (KK 65)

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NOMINALS 烏梅能波奈比等利美都都

uMƐ-nǝ pana pitǝ-ri mi-tutu plum-GEN flower one-CL see(CONV)-COOR looking alone at the plum blossoms (MYS 5.818) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The classifier -ri ‘person’ is attested in one example in Eastern Old Japanese: 兒良波安波奈毛比等理能未思弖

KO-ra pa ap-ana-m-o pitǝ-ri nǝmï s-i-te girl-DAT TOP meet-DES-TENT-ATTR one-CL RP do-CONV-SUB being absolutely alone, [I] wish to meet [this] girl (MYS 14.3405) A2: Ryukyuan The classifier -ri is also attested in Old Ryukyuan and its regular reflex -i in modern Shuri dialect, e.g., cu-i ‘one person’ < pitǝ-ri (Shuri written language still has hwicu-i ‘one person,’ with preservation of the first syllable). Old Ryukyuan ただひとり

tada fito-ri just one-CL just one person (OS 14.997) Level B: External Comparisons There are no apparent external parallels for the classifier -ri ‘person.’ Since it begins with the /r/, which is unusual even for morpheme-initial position in Old Japanese, I think that it probably has a perfect internal etymology, being a truncation of ar-i ‘being’ (lit.: exist-NML). 3.3.4 Classifier -mǝtǝ The classifier -mǝtǝ ‘root’ is used for grassy plants. It is well attested in Western Old Japanese. 夜麻登能比登母登須須岐

Yamatǝ-nǝ pitǝ-mǝtǝ susuki Yamato-GEN one-CL silver grass one silver grass in Yamato (KK 4) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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阿波布爾波賀美良比登母登

apa-pu-ni pa ka-mira pitǝ-mǝtǝ millet-tussock-LOC TOP smell-leek one-CL one smelly leek in the millet tussock (KK 11) 夜多能比登母登須宜波古母多受

Yata-nǝ pitǝ-mǝtǝ suŋgɛ pa ko mǝt-aⁿz-u Yata-GEN one-CL sedge TOP child hold-NEG-FIN One sedge from Yata does not have children (KK 64) 比登母等能奈泥之故宇惠之

pitǝ-mǝtǝ n-ǝ naⁿdesiko uwe-si one-CL DV-ATTR carnation plant(CONV)-PAST/ATTR [I] planted one carnation (MYS 18.4070) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese -mǝtǝ is attested once in EOJ as a classifier for yanaŋgi ‘willow.’ 和加加都乃以都母等夜奈枳

wa-ŋga katu-nǝ itu-mǝtǝ yanaŋgi I-POSS gate-GEN five-CL willow five willow trees at my gate (MYS 20.4386) A2: Ryukyuan The classifier -mǝtǝ ‘root’ is not attested in Ryukyuan, although there is certainly the word mu[u]tu ‘root,’ ‘base’ in Okinawan. However, it is likely to be a Japanese loan, as there are no attestations in the Southern Ryukyuan dialects. Level B: External Comparisons There are no apparent external etymologies of -mǝtǝ as a classifier for grassy plants, although the word mǝtǝ ‘root’ itself may be a possible Korean loan: < MK mìth ‘base,’ ‘bottom.’ Nevertheless, the correspondence of OJ /ǝ/ to MK /i/ in the first syllable represents a considerable problem. 3.3.5 Classifier -pe The classifier -pe ‘layer,’ ‘fold’ is well attested in Western Old Japanese. It is used to count fences, garments, cords, and clouds.

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NOMINALS 伊豆毛夜弊賀岐都麻碁微爾夜弊賀岐都久流

Iⁿdumo ya-pe-ŋ-gaki tuma-ŋ-gǝmï-ni ya-pe-ŋ-gaki tukur-u Iⁿdumo eight-CL-DV(ATTR)-fence spouse-GEN-be secluded(NML)-LOC eightCL-DV(ATTR)-fence make-FIN [I] am making eight-folded fence for [my] spouse to seclude herself, eightfolded fence in Iⁿdumo (KK 1) 虚呂望虚曾赴多幣茂予耆

kǝrǝmǝ kǝsǝ puta-pe mo yǝ-ki garment FP two-CL FP good-ATTR [It] is good [to wear] two layers of garments (NK 47) 虚呂望赴多幣枳低

kǝrǝmo puta-pe ki-te garment two-CL wear(CONV)-SUB wearing two layers of garments (NK 49) 飫瀰能古簸多倍能波伽摩鳴那那陛鳴糸

omi-nǝ ko pa tapɛ-nǝ pakama-wo nana-pe wos-i noble-GEN child TOP mulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN pants-ACC seven-CL wear(HON)-CONV The son of a noble wears seven layers of mulberry tree bark cloth pants, and … (NK 74) 於弥能古能野陛能比母騰倶

omi-nǝ ko-nǝ ya-pe n-ǝ pimǝ tǝk-u noble-GEN son-GEN eight-CL DV-ATTR cord untie-FIN The sons of nobles were going to untie eight cords (NK 127) 志良久毛能知弊仁辺多天留都久紫能君仁波

sira kumo-nǝ ti-pe-ni peⁿdat-er-u tukusi-nǝ kuni pa white cloud-GEN thousand-CL-LOC be separated-PROG-ATTR Tukusi-GEN land TOP land of Tukushi, which is separated [from me] by thousand white clouds (MYS 5.866)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The classifier -pe ‘layer’ is attested twice in Eastern Old Japanese: 志毛用爾奈奈弁加流去呂毛

simo yo-ni nana-pe k-ar-u kǝrǝmo frost night-LOC seven-CL wear-PROG-ATTR garment in the frosty night [I] wear seven layers of garments (MYS 20.4431) 多妣己呂母夜倍伎可佐祢弖

tambi kǝrǝmǝ ya-pɛ ki-kasane-te travel garment eight-CL put on(CONV)-pile(CONV)-SUB [I] put on eight layers of travel clothes one onto another … (MYS 20.4351) Level B: External Comparisons There are no apparent external etymologies of -pe as a classifier, although the word pe ‘layer’ itself has a reliable Korean parallel: Early Modern Korean pel ‘set [of clothes].’ Its absence in Ryukyuan suggests that OJ pe is a loan from Korean. 3.3.6 Classifier -ka The classifier -ka ‘day’ occurs in Western Old Japanese in phonographic writing in a few examples. It is used starting from the numeral ‘two.’ ‘One day’ is pitǝ pi ‘one day,’ without any classifiers used. Unfortunately, most of the numbers occurring with the classifier -ka are not attested in phonographic writing in Old Japanese texts (the phonographically attested ones are only putu-ka ‘two days,’ nanu-ka ‘seven days,’ tǝwo-ka ‘ten days,’ and momo-ka ‘hundred days’). The majority of them probably were irregular as they are in the language of later periods, including modern Japanese, but we simply cannot tell due to the absence of their attestation in the phonographic writing. The best thing we can do is to reconstruct their phonographic values relying on the data from Middle and Early Modern Japanese, and in the case of *yau-ka ‘eight days’ even from modern Japanese. The reconstructed entries are marked with an asterisk (*) in the chart below.

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NOMINALS chart 17

1 day 2 days 3 days 4 days 5 days 6 days 7 days 8 days 9 days 10 days 20 days 100 days

Combinations of numerals with classifier -ka ‘day’

OJ

MJ and EMJ

Modern Japanese

pitǝ pi putu-ka *mi-ka *yǝ-ka *itu-ka *mui-ka nanu-ka *yau-ka *kǝkǝnu-ka tǝwo-ka *patu-ka momo-ka

MJ fito fi MJ futu-ka MJ mi-ka EMJ yo-ka EMJ itu-ka EMJ mui-ka MJ nanu-ka ? MJ kokonu-ka MJ towo-ka MJ fatu-ka MJ momo-ka

(iti-n[i]ti) futu-ka mik-ka yok-ka itu-ka mui-ka nano-ka/nanu-ka yoo-ka kokono-ka too-ka hatuka (hyaku-niti)

Note: OJ forms in italics are irregular. Loans from Chinese are included in parentheses.

Examples: 迦賀那倍弖用迩波許許能用比迩波登袁加袁

ka-ŋga nambɛ-te yo n-i pa kǝkǝnǝ yo pi n-i pa tǝwo-ka-wo day-day put side by side(CONV)-SUB night DV-CONV TOP nine night day DV-CONV TOP ten-CL-ACC counting all the days, [it] is nine nights and ten days (KK 26) 毛毛可斯母由加奴麻都良遅

momo-ka si mǝ yuk-an-u Matura-ⁿ-di hundred-CL EP FP go-NEG-ATTR Matura-GEN-way [on] the way to Matuura, [one] does not go one hundred days (MYS 5.870) 比登比母伊毛乎和須礼弖於毛倍也

pitǝ-pi mǝ imo-wo wasure-te omop-ɛ ya one-day FP beloved-ACC forget(CONV)-SUB think-EV IP would [I] imagine forgetting [my] beloved even for one day? (MYS 15.3604)

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知加久安良婆伊麻布都可太未等保久安良婆奈奴可

tika-ku ar-amba ima putu-ka ⁿdamï tǝpo-ku ar-amba nanu-ka close-CONV exist-COND now two-CL ? far-CONV exist-COND seven-CL if [it] is soon, [from] now only (?) two days; if [it] is long, seven days (MYS 17.4011) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan The classifier -ka ‘day’ is attested in Old Ryukyuan as well as in the modern Shuri and Nakijin dialects. This distribution makes it possible that this classifier is present in other Ryukyuan dialects as well, at least in the Northern Ryukyus, but is not reflected in descriptions or dictionaries. Nevertheless, the possibility of borrowing is also quite strong, and will remain a likelier explanation unless some attestations of -ka are found in the Southern Ryukyus. Similar to Western Old Japanese, the classifier -ka is used only starting from number ‘two.’ ‘One day’ is hwiQcii in Shuri and phiQcui in Nakijin, both being regular correspondences to OJ pitǝ pi. In Shuri the native numbering of days is preserved only for numerals 1–4, 10, and 20. The combinations for days 5–9 are replaced by Chinese loanwords. The situation is more complicated in Nakijin, where the native count is attested for numerals 1–4, 7, 10, and 20. However, these are the only combinations recorded in Nakosone Seizen’s 1983 Nakijin dictionary. It remains unclear whether the combinations for 5–6 and 8–9 were simply not recorded or are replaced by Chinese loans like in Shuri. In Old Ryukyuan only the combinations for ‘two days,’ ‘three days,’ ‘four days,’ ‘seven days,’ ‘ten days,’ and ‘twenty days’ are attested. The following chart represents a combined evidence from Old Ryukyuan, Shuri, and Nakijin. Examples: Old Ryukyuan 月よかたてば

CIKI yo-ka tat-e-ba moon four-CL rise-EV-CON when the moon rises on the fourth day (OS 14.1032) Shuri

hwiiQcii ya kuutuguutu nukubaay-uN

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NOMINALS chart 18

1 day 2 days 3 days 4 days 5 days 6 days 7 days 8 days 9 days 10 days 20 days

Combinations of numerals with the classifier -ka ‘day’ in Ryukyuan

OR

Shuri

Nakijin

— fucika mika yoka — — nanuka — — tooka facika

fiQcii huçika mica/miQca/mika ’yuQka (gunici) (dukunici/rukunici) (sicinici) (hacinici) (kunici) tuka haçika

phiQcui puciika mikha yuQkha ? ? nankhaa ? ? tuhwaa paciikhaa

Note: Chinese loanwords are in parentheses.

one-day TOP every get warm-FIN Every (single) day it gets warmer (RKJ 1983: 237) Level B: External Comparisons Before attempting any external comparisons, it is important to reconstruct the proto-Japonic archetype of the classifier -ka ‘day.’ Although it is routinely believed to be just -ka in the Japanese grammatical tradition (Omodaka et al. 1967: 170; Ōno 1990: 266), it remains unclear why a simple /ka/ form would cause considerable irregularities in combinations with preceding numeral roots. Let us review the irregular forms vs. corresponding numeral roots. chart 19

Numeral roots and irregular forms for the count of days

Numeral

Number of days

puta- ‘2’ mu- ‘6’ nana- ‘7’ ya- ‘8’ kǝkǝnǝ- ‘9’ pata- ‘20’

putu-ka mui-ka nanu-ka yau-ka kǝkǝnu-ka patu-ka

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chart 20 Archetypes for the count of days

Number of days

Archetype

put-uka ‘3 days’ mu-ika ‘6 days’ nan-uka ‘7 days’ ya-uka ‘8 days’ kǝkǝn-uka ‘9 days’ pat-uka ‘20 days’

*puta-uka *mu-ika *nana-uka *ya-uka *kǝkǝnǝ-uka *pata-uka

In all these cases except mui-ka ‘six days’ we see a ubiquitous /u/ added to the stem of a numeral, which replaces either a final original low central vowel /a/ or a final original mid-central vowel /ǝ/ in the numerical stem. The exception mui-ka which exhibits not /u/, but /i/ is not attested in the phonographic writing until the sixteenth century. No other combination of these numeral roots with other classifiers or nouns provides evidence for an /u/ inherent to any of these numeral roots. Under these circumstances it is logical to surmise that this /u/ really belongs to a classifier rather than to a numeral root. The above chart presents this reanalysis together with a reconstruction of the archetypes for the number of days. I suggest that the archetype of this classifier is really *-uka, not *-ka. The aberrant form mu-ika, attested only in Early Modern Japanese, probably represents a late and unique case of a progressive vowel dissimilation. The remaining ‘regular’ cases can be easily explained as cases where /u/ in *-uka is lost following not a final central but a final front or back vowel in a numeral root. The cases of mi-ka ‘three days’ < *mi-uka, itu-ka ‘five days’ < *itu-uka, and momo-ka ‘hundred days’ < *momo-uka are quite transparent: they all involve final front or back vowel in the numeral stem. Less clear are the cases of yǝ-ka ‘four days’ and tǝwo-ka ‘ten days’: both numeral stems yǝ- ‘four’ and tǝwo- ‘ten’ end in a mid-central vowel /ǝ/.130 However, the process of *yǝ-uka > *y-uka ‘four days’ may be blocked due to the fact that OJ yǝ- ‘four’ is a monosyllabic morpheme: all other numeral morphemes undergoing the loss of a final vowel in the numerical root before the classifier *-uka are either di- or tri-syllabic (note that neither ya- ‘eight’ or mu- ‘six’ lose their final vowels, either). Under this additional condition the outcome of *tǝwǝ-uka should be *tǝw-uka, and 130  Since OJ vowels /ǝ/ and /wo/ cannot combine within a single morpheme, the archetype of OJ tǝwo ‘ten’ must be *tǝwǝ, and not *tǝwo.

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since a syllable /wu/ existed in Old Japanese (see chapter 2), this certainly represents a problem. Therefore, it is likely that many WOJ and PJ *-wu- were lowered to *wo, which gives us then the following scenario of the development: *tǝwǝ-uka > *tǝw-uka > *tǝw-oka, with a subsequent reanalysis as *tǝwo-ka. There is one possible counter-argument to the analysis presented above. It has long been suggested under the traditional analysis that the classifier -ka ‘day’ is related to the independent word kɛ ‘day’ < *kay well attested in Old Japanese. The problem is, however, that -ka is only used as a classifier, and never appears as the first element of compounds or in front of a genitive marker -nǝ, which is typical for other words that show [-]Ca-/[-]Cɛ alternation as described in section 1. This distribution with -ka only as a classifier and with kɛ only as an independent word seems to be quite unique. Therefore, there is a formidable internal obstacle in relating both of them directly. Both the classifier -ka ‘day’ and the independent word kɛ ‘day’ have been compared to the MK word hóy ‘sun.’ In modern Korean the word hay < hóy also means ‘daytime’ besides ‘sun,’ and the meaning ‘day’ for proto-Korean could be also reconstructed from numerical complexes denoting the number of days in Middle Korean and modern Korean: MK it-hul ‘two days,’ sa-Gol < *sa-hol ‘three days’ (cf. modern Korean sa-hul), na-Gol < *na-hol ‘four days’ (cf. modern Korean na-hul), yel-hul ‘ten days,’ etc., with its phonetic archetype as *hol-i. As I tried to argue, MK /h/ represents a lenited form of *k, which is found in the complimentary distribution with MK /G/ (Vovin 2003). It is quite possible that initial MK h- represents these lenition cases after the initial vowel was lost; thus PK *Vkol-i > MK hóy ‘sun,’ -hol ‘day’ (classifier). Therefore, it looks like PJ *-uka ‘day’ is an earlier loan from PK *Vkol ‘sun,’ ‘day,’ while the OJ independent noun kɛ ‘day’ looks like a later loan from a Korean-type language which had a word *hoy ‘sun,’ ‘day,’ similar to MK hóy ‘sun.’131 There are no other reliable external parallels to PJ *-uka ‘day.’ 3.4

Months of the Year

The Old Japanese historical texts, such as the Nihonshoki and the Shoku Nihongi, widely use the Chinese system of notation for lunar months, representing the combination of the corresponding numeral with the character 月 ‘moon,’ ‘month’: 一月 ‘first month,’ 二月 ‘second month,’ 三月 ‘third month,’ 131  Both must be loans, because they are doublets with the native Old Japanese word pi ‘day.’ I believe that the latter is native, because it has a broader distribution, while OJ -uka and ka/kɛ have much more limited usage.

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四月 ‘fourth month,’ 五月 ‘fifth month,’ 六月 ‘sixth month,’ 七月 ‘seventh month,’ 八月 ‘eighth month,’ 九月 ‘ninth month,’ 十月 ‘tenth month,’ 十一月 ‘eleventh month,’ and 十二月 ‘twelfth month.’ These are, of course, logographic representations, and we have no means of knowing whether the actual readings of these combinations were already borrowed from Chinese, as in the later stages of the language, or they still were the native Japanese words for the months, represented with Chinese characters. Since the native names for the months of the year are still in use in the Classical Japanese language, the second possibility is quite strong, although it does not rule out completely the possibility of the parallel usage of both Chinese loanwords and native words denoting the months of the year. The native Japanese names for the months are not based on numerals like Chinese and modern Japanese names for months, which were borrowed from Chinese. However, this is not surprising since neither Latin names for the months that are adopted in most European languages, nor the Slavic names for the months, still used in virtually all Slavic languages except Russian, are based on a numerical system. Only three native names of the months are attested in phonographic writing in Old Japanese: mutukï ‘first lunar month,’ satukï ‘fifth lunar month,’ and sipasu ‘twelfth lunar month.’ One more, simoTUKÏ ‘eleventh lunar month’ is attested in only partial phonographic spelling, with its -tukï ‘month’ part spelled logographically as 月. However, the absent names of lunar months can be tentatively reconstructed on the basis of Middle Japanese evidence. This combined evidence is provided in the chart below along with the alternative character spellings that came into being during the Heian period, with reconstructed readings marked by an asterisk (*). Since these spellings are late, in most cases they probably reflect folk etymologies, but in some cases they might be following some ancient tradition. Examples: 武都紀多知波流能吉多良婆

mu-tukï tat-i paru-nǝ k-i-tar-amba first lunar month rise-CONV spring-GEN come-CONV-PERF/PROG-COND When the first lunar month begins, and the spring has come … (MYS 5.815) 保等登藝須奈可牟佐都奇波佐夫之家牟可母

potǝtǝŋgisu nak-am-u sa-tukï pa sambusi-k-em-u kamǝ cuckoo cry-TENT-ATTR fifth-lunar.month TOP be.lonely-ATTR-TENT-ATTR EP [in] the fifth lunar month when the cuckoo will cry, [I] would be lonely! (MYS 17.3996)

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NOMINALS chart 21

Native names for lunar months in Old Japanese and Middle Japanese

1st month 2nd month 3rd month 4th month 5th month 6th month 7th month 8th month 9th month 10th month 11th month 12th month

OJ

MJ

Character spelling

mutukï *kisaraŋgi *yayopi *uⁿdukï satukï *minaⁿdukï *pumitukï *pa[N]tukï *naŋgatukï *kamunaⁿdukï simoTUKÏ sipasu

mutuki kisaragi yayofi uduki satuki minaduki fuduki faduki nagatuki kamunaduki simotuki sifasu

睦月／正月 如月 弥生 卯月 五月 水無月 文月 葉月 長月 神無月 霜月 師走

乎美名古乃左衣八志毛月志波須乃加伊古本千

womina-ko-nǝ sae pa simo-TUKÏ sipasu-nǝ kai kopot-i woman-DIM-GEN talent TOP eleventh lunar month twelfth lunar monthGEN fence break-CONV Breaking fences in the eleventh [and] twelfth lunar months [is the] women’s talent (KGU 68) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan The native names for the lunar months are attested only in Old Ryukyuan, and not all of them. Only the following are extant, according to Hokama 1995: mutuki /muçici/ ‘first lunar month,’ uduki ‘fourth lunar month,’ fuduki ‘seventh lunar month,’ faduki ‘eighth lunar month,’ nagatuki /nagaçici/ ‘ninth lunar month,’ simutuki ‘eleventh lunar month,’ and sifasu ‘twelfth lunar month.’ Among those only uduki, fuduki, faduki, and simotuki occur in the oldest of Old Ryukyuan texts—the Omoro sōshi.132 Examples:

132  It is believed that uduki ‘fourth lunar month’ in OS 14.1000 is a mistake for mutuki, because it occurs in the phrase: uduki yuki fur-i-ni ‘when it snows in the fourth lunar month,’ which is, of course, unlikely.

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ふつきしめあらしにはつきしめあらしに

fuduki sime-arasi-ni faduki sime-arasi-ni seventh lunar month storm-LOC eighth lunar month storm-LOC during the storm in the seventh lunar month, during the storm in the eight lunar month (OS 13.961) しも月たてよれば

simoTUKI-ga tat-e-yor-e-ba eleventh.lunar.month-NOM rise-CONV-exist-EV-CON As the eleventh lunar month begins … (OS 13.817) Level B: External Comparisons A quick glance over the native names for the lunar months reveals that they have heterogeneous origins. Most of these names end in -tukï ‘month,’ but three do not: kisaraŋgi ‘second lunar month,’ yayopi ‘third lunar month,’ and sipasu ‘twelfth lunar month.’ Some of the names ending in -tukï seem to have transparent etymologies, although not necessarily in accordance with their alternative character spellings that appeared in the Heian period. Thus, minandukï is apparently the ‘month of water’ (mina-n[ǝ]-tukï), since in this month water was brought to paddies, and not the ‘month without water,’ as the alternative character spelling 水無月 suggests. Kamunaⁿdukï is probably the ‘month of deities’ (kamu-na-n[ǝ] tukï ‘deity-PLUR-GEN month’), since in this month many important ancient rites involving offerings to deities were performed, and not the ‘month without deities,’ as the alternative character spelling 神無月 suggests. The names of paⁿdukï ‘leaf month,’ simotukï ‘frost month,’ and possibly naŋgatukï ‘long month’ are likely to have the original meanings suggested by the character spelling. However, the etymologies of other months’ names are not that obvious. Let me deal only with three of the remaining names here, because I suspect that they might have at least partial external connections. Satukï ‘fifth month’ is the only one among the native names for the lunar months that does not have an alternative character spelling: the only existing character spelling for it is the one based on the Chinese system: 五月 ‘fifth month.’ It is, therefore, quite likely, that sa- in satukï means just ‘five,’ which has been pointed out before (Gluskina 1979). But there is no word *sa ‘five’ in Japonic, so it probably represents a foreign loanword. The likely source is some Central Asian language of the ‘Altaic’ type, which is extinct, but which had a initial s- instead of t- in the numeral ‘five’: *sa-.133 Thus, contrary to what has 133  There is some intimate variation between /t/ and /s/ in various Altaic languages, especially when it gets to ‘fifty’ vs. ‘five.’ Thus, MK has ta-sos ‘five’ but swuyn ‘fifty’; Written

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been said above regarding the fact that Old Japanese native names for months do not represent a numerical system like in Chinese, it may not be completely true—some native names for lunar months actually can represent vestiges of a system typologically close to Chinese. Two other likely candidates for loanwords are kisaraŋgi ‘second lunar month’ and mutukï ‘first lunar month.’ Mu- in mutukï ‘first lunar month’ can be tentatively identified with Tungusic *emu ‘one.’ Since kisaraŋgi ‘second lunar month’ is not attested in phonographic writing in Old Japanese, it is impossible to know whether it has kō-rui /ki/ or otsu-rui /kï/. The hypothesis which I published many years ago treats this word as *kï saran-ki ‘second month-?,’ being a possible loan from Mongolic, cf. Mongolian qoyar ‘two’ and saran ‘moon,’ ‘month’ (Vovin 1993). It is, of course, based on the assumption that at least the first /ki/ syllable in kisaraŋgi has an otsu-rui vowel /ï/ < *ǝy, *uy, *oy. The last element -ki is left unexplained, but I believe that this might be at least a working etymology.

Mongolian has ta-bun ‘five’ (Kidan tau), but Kidan word for ‘fifty’ probably had s- initial, as witnessed by Manchu susai, which likely to be a Kidan loan.

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CHAPTER 5 Adjectives

∵

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Contents of Chapter 5 Chapter 5 Adjectives  376 1 Uninflected Adjectives 377 1.1 Special Derived Form in -ra 383 1.2 -ka Adjectives  386 1.2.1 Adverbial Usage  388 1.2.2 Special Derived Form in -kɛ-  389 2 Inflected Adjectives 390 2.1 Converb Form -ku  391 2.1.1 Special Form -ku-te  394 2.1.2 Special Usage: -ku + nar- ‘To Become’ 395 2.1.3 Converb Form -ku + ar- ‘Exist’ 396 2.1.3.1 Special Constructions with Emphatic Particles mǝ and si, and Topic Particle pa 398 2.1.4 Contracted Form -k-ar- 400 2.2 Final Form -si 406 2.3 Attributive Form -ki  411 2.3.1 Nominalized Form -k-eku 418 2.3.1.1 Special Negative Nominalized Form -k-en-aku 419 2.3.2 Evidential Forms -ke- and -kere 421 2.3.3 Tentative Form -k-em- 422 2.3.4 Conditional Form -k-emba 423 2.4 Nominalized Form -sa  425 2.5 Gerund -mi  427 2.6 Deverbal Adjectives in -asi 432 3 Defective Adjectives 435 3.1 Defective Adjective ka-  435 3.2 Defective Adjective sa 437

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In Western Old Japanese, adjectives form a transitional class between nominals and verbs in contrast to Modern and Middle Japanese, where adjectives are best defined as a special subclass of verbs, namely quality verbs (Vovin 2003: 187). The crucial distinction is that in both Modern and Middle Japanese, adjectives are always inflected similar to verbs. First, they always have attributive forms such as MdJ -i and MJ -ki ~ -i when modifying the following head noun, with very few exceptions that are limited to non-productive usage in obsolete compounds like sira-nami ‘white waves,’ where a bound adjectival stem can modify a following head noun. It is usually believed that Western Old Japanese had a similar usage, namely that an adjectival stem preceding a following head noun was also bound, and that all the existing cases represent obsolete compounds as well (Yamada 1954: 118; Shirafuji 1987: 149). As I will demonstrate below, this is certainly not the case in Western Old Japanese. Second, while in Middle Japanese the attributive and predicative functions are strictly differentiated between attributive form -ki and final predication form -si (when there are no focus particles in the sentence); this is not the case for Western Old Japanese, where especially -si can have an attributive function (Martin 1987: 807–809). All this probably points out the fact that the system of verb-like inflection in Western Old Japanese was still in the process of establishing itself, and that originally pre-Old Japanese adjectives behaved quite similar to adjectives in Turkic, Mongolic, and Tungusic, where they are nominals rather than verbs.

© Alexander Vovin, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004422810_006

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Section 1

Uninflected Adjectives As mentioned above, uninflected adjectives could modify following head nouns in Western Old Japanese, and this usage is not limited to a few obsolete compounds as in Middle Japanese. Below I provide a list of the most typical adjectives that could be used as uninflected modifiers in Western Old Japanese: aka ‘red,’ ara ‘rough,’ arata ‘new,’ awo ‘green, blue,’ i ~ yu ‘sacred,’ kata ‘hard,’ kupasi ~ ŋgupasi ‘beautiful,’ kura ‘dark,’ kuro ‘black,’ kusi ‘precious,’ muna ‘empty,’ masura ‘excellent,’ miⁿdu ‘fresh,’ naŋga ‘long,’ nipi ‘new,’ opo ‘big,’ osǝ ‘slow,’ paya ‘quick, fast,’ puru ‘old,’ puto ‘majestic, great,’ pirǝ ‘broad,’ pisa ‘long,’ sakasi ‘wise,’ sikǝ ‘stupid,’ siⁿdu ‘low-class,’ sira ~ siro ‘white,’ taka ‘high,’ take ‘brave,’ tawaya ‘slender, delicate,’ tǝkǝ ‘eternal,’ tǝpo ‘distant,’ tǝyǝ ‘abundant,’ to ‘sharp,’ uma ‘sweet,’ utu ‘real,’ utu ‘empty,’ utukusi ‘beautiful,’ yasu ‘easy,’ waka ‘young,’ wawara ‘frayed.’ Although at first glance the list may not seem to be long, it is necessary to keep in mind that it is longer than the list of bound adjectives occurring in compounds in Middle Japanese, which most frequently appear only with opo- ‘big’ and sira- ‘white,’ if we exclude proper nouns and titles. It is also worth noting that one of the arguments for the bound nature of these adjectives in Western Old Japanese is based on the observation that sira ‘white’ never occurs with a following suffix, such as converb -ku, final -si, or attributive -ki; in other words its usage is limited to compounds. Meanwhile, siro- is always inflected, and never occurs in compounds. While this observation is certainly true for Middle Japanese, it does not work for Western Old Japanese, where both siro and sira could modify following nouns. Interestingly enough, even in Middle and Modern Japanese we can see traces of the original nominal nature of adjectival stems. Thus, both MJ waka-gimi ‘child of a nobleman’ and MdJ ao-zora ‘blue sky’ involve sequential voicing (連濁 rendaku), which can only be explained as a result of the reduction of the following structures: waka n-o kimi ‘young DV-ATTR lord’=> *waka ŋ-gimi > waka-gimi and awo n-o sora ‘blue DV-ATTR sky’ > *ao-ⁿ-sora > ao-zora. The historical presence of the copula n- that can only follow nominals or nominalized forms of verbs in these constructions clearly demonstrates that historically adjectival stems were just nouns.

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The best evidence for the independent and free nature of adjectival stems comes from the fact that another word or morpheme, including another adjective, can separate an adjective stem from a following head noun. Examples: 波毘呂由都麻都婆岐

pa-m-birǝ yu t-u ma-tumbaki leaf-GEN-broad sacred DV-ATTR INT-camellia a true sacred camellia with broad leaves (KK 57) 因名其剣謂川上部亦名曰裸伴阿箇潘娜我等母

Therefore [they] called these swords ‘Kapakami set,’ their other name is aka paⁿdaka tǝmǝ, ‘completely naked companions, (lit: red naked ­companions)’ (NS 6.189) 布刀御幣

puto mi-TE ŋGURA great HON-offering great offerings (KJK 1.20a) 阿邏瀰多摩

ara mi-tama rough HON-spirit rough spirit (NS 9.246) 登余美岐多弖麻都良勢

tǝyǝ mi-ki tatematur-as-e abundant HON-rice.wine present(HUM)-HON-IMP present the abundant rice wine (KK 101) 高照日之皇子何方尓所念食可

TAKA TER-AS-U PI-NƏ MIKO IKA SAMA n-i OMƏPOS-I-MES-E ka high shine-ATTR sun-GEN prince what manner DV-CONV think(HON)-CONVHON-EV IP in what manner does the prince of the high-shining Sun think? (MYS 2.162) 可敝里許牟麻須良多家乎尓美伎多弖麻都流

kaper-i-kǝ-m-u masura take wo-ni mi-ki tatematur-u return-CONV-come-TENT-ATTR excellent brave man-DAT HON-rice.wine present-FIN [I] will present the rice wine to the excellent, brave men who will come back (MYS 19.4262) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

379

Adjectives 和己於保支美波多比良気久那何久伊末之弖等与美岐麻都流

wa-ŋgǝ opo kimi pa tapirakɛ-ku naŋga-ku imas-i-te tǝyǝ mi-ki matur-u I-POSS great lord TOP safe-CONV long-CONV exist(HON)-CONV-SUB abundant HON-rice.wine present(HUM)-FIN [I] present the abundant rice wine so that my sovereign (lit.: great lord) will live safely and long (SNK 4) In the following two examples tǝpo naŋga-ku and tǝpo naŋga n-i ‘for a long, long time’ are used adverbially, but they still present the first adjectival stem separated from the modified verb by another adjective. Cf. also the EOJ example from MYS 14.3356 below, where tǝpo naŋga-ki ‘distant and long’ modifies a noun phrase, and not a verb. 遠長久思将徃

TƏPO NA ŋGA-ku SINOP-i YUK-AM-U long long-CONV yearn-CONV go-TENT-FIN [I] will go yearning for a long, long [time] (MYS 2.196) 都可倍麻都良米伊夜等保奈我尓

tukapɛ-matur-am-ɛ iya tǝpo naŋga n-i serve(CONV)-HUM-TENT-EV plentifully long long DV-CONV I will serve [you] plentifully and for a long, long time (MYS 18.4098) In the following five examples the nominal nature of the adjectival stems tǝpo ‘distant’ and taka ‘high’ is also confirmed by the fact that they can be followed directly by the copulas n- or tǝ: 等保乃朝庭

tǝpo n-ǝ MIKAⁿDO distant DV-ATTR court distant court (MYS 5.794) 等保能久尓

tǝpo n-ǝ kuni distant DV-ATTR country distant country (MYS 15.3688) 登保都比等

tǝpo t-u pitǝ distant DV-ATTR person people from far away (lit.: distant people) (MYS 17.3947) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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等保追可牟於夜

tǝpo t-u kamu-oya distant DV-ATTR deity-ancestor distant divine ancestors (MYS 18.4096) 高津神乃災高津鳥乃災

TAKA t-u KAMÏ-nǝ WAⁿZAPAPI TAKA t-u TƏRI-nǝ WAⁿZAPAPI high DV-ATTR deity-GEN calamity high DV-ATTR bird-GEN calamity calamities from deities high [in Heaven], calamities from birds high [in the sky] (NT 10) Cf. the following example with the adjective sikǝ ‘stupid’ that has no inflected forms: 之許都於吉奈

sikǝ t-u okina stupid DV-ATTR old.man stupid old man (MYS 17.4011) The same construction with the first adjective stem not immediately preceding the modified noun can be observed in the transparent pillow-word (枕詞 makura-kotoba) pisa kata n-ǝ ‘eternally strong,’ which mostly applies to the word amɛ ~ ama- ‘heaven,’ but also can modify some other words, such as tukï ‘moon,’ and amɛ ‘rain’ (homophonous with amɛ ‘heaven’). Examples: 比佐迦多能阿米能迦具夜麻

pisa kata n-ǝ amɛ-nǝ Kaŋgu-yama eternal hard DV-ATTR heaven-GEN Kaŋgu-mountain eternal and strong Amɛ-no Kaŋguyama (lit.: Heavenly Kaŋgu mountain) (KK 27) 比佐箇多能阿梅箇儺麼多

pisa kata n-ǝ amɛ kana-m-bata eternal hard DV-ATTR heaven metal-GEN-loom eternal and strong heaven[’s] metal loom (NK 59) 比佐可多能阿米欲里由吉能那何列久流加母

pisa kata n-ǝ amɛ-yori yuki-nǝ naŋgare-k-uru kamǝ eternal hard DV-ATTR heaven-ABL snow-GEN flow(CONV)-come-ATTR EP I wonder [whether it is] snow that flows down from the eternal and strong heaven (MYS 5.822) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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Now that the nominal nature of uninflected adjectives is established, I provide below more examples of their usage as modifiers of following head nouns or noun phrases. This usage occurs more frequently in Early Old Japanese than in Late Old Japanese, and that probably indicates that this was an archaic usage on its way out: 故志能久邇邇佐加志賣遠阿理登岐加志弖久波志賣遠阿理登岐許志弖

Kosi-nǝ kuni-ni sakasi me-wo ar-i tǝ kik-as-i-te kupasi me-wo ar-i tǝ kik-ǝs-i-te1 Kosi-GEN province-LOC wise woman-ABS exist-FIN DV hear-HON-CONV-SUB beautiful woman-ABS exist-FIN DV hear-HON-CONV-SUB [Opo kuni nusi] heard that there is a wise woman in the Kosi province, heard that there is a beautiful woman (KK 2) 斗迦麻迩佐和多流久毘

to kama-ni sa-watar-u kumbi sharp scythe-COMP PREF-cross-ATTR swan a swan flying across [with wings] like sharp scythes (KK 27) 多迦紀那流意富韋古賀波良

taka kï-n-ar-u opǝ wiko-ŋga para high place-LOC-exist-ATTR big boar-POSS plain the plain of the Great Boar that is at the high place (KK 60) 美母呂能曾能多迦紀

mi-mǝrǝ-nǝ sǝnǝ taka kï HON-mountain-GEN that high fortress that high fortress of the sacred mountain (KK 60) 阿禮許曾波余能那賀比登

are kǝsǝ pa yǝ-nǝ naŋga pitǝ I FP TOP world-GEN long person I, [the most] long[-living] man in the world (KK 72)

1  Martin treats sakasi ‘wise’ and kupasi ‘beautiful’ in this text as haplological final forms in the attributive function (Martin 1987: 807). While I agree with his argumentation that these do not form compounds with the following word me ‘woman’ because the Nihonshoki variant of the same text shows that they are accentuated as independent words (Martin 1987: 807), I believe that in the light of the evidence presented above they are better treated as free adjectival stems rather than haplological final predicative forms. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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那爾騰柯母于都倶之伊母我磨陁左枳涅渠農

nani tǝ kamǝ utukusi imǝ-ŋga mata sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-n-u what DV EP beautiful beloved-POSS again bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)come-NEG-ATTR I wonder why [my] beautiful beloved does not bloom again. (NK 114) 等伎波奈周迦久斯母何母等意母閇騰母

tǝk[ǝ]-ipa-nasu ka-ku si mǝŋgamǝ tǝ omǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ eternal-rock-COMP thus-CONV EP DP DV think-EV-CONC Although [I] think that [I] would like to be (thus) like an eternal rock … (MYS 5.805) 許能久斯美多麻

kǝnǝ kusi mi-tama this precious HON-jewel these precious jewels (MYS 5.814) 志良久毛

sira kumo white cloud white clouds (MYS 5.866) 安可等吉能安左宜理其問理可里我祢曾奈久

aka tǝki-nǝ asa-ŋ-gïri-ŋ-gǝmor-i kari-ŋga ne sǝ nak-u bright time-GEN morning-GEN-fog-LOC-hide-CONV wild goose-POSS sound FP cry-ATTR wild geese cry loudly being hidden in the morning (lit.: bright time) fog at the dawn (MYS 15.3665) 之路髪

siro KAMI white hair grey hair (MYS 17.3922) 敷刀能里等其等

puto nǝritǝ-ŋ-gǝtǝ majestic Nǝritǝ-GEN-word words of the majestic Nǝritǝ (MYS 17.4031)

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383

Adjectives 牟奈許等母於夜乃名多都奈

muna2 kǝtǝ mǝ oya-nǝ NA tat-una empty word FP ancestor-GEN name break-NEG/IMP do not destroy the name of [your] ancestors [with] empty words (MYS 20.4465) There is also one example where an adjective stem is used as a predicate without any following copula: 於朋望能農之能介瀰之瀰枳伊句臂佐伊句臂佐

opo monǝ nusi-nǝ kam-i-si mi-ki iku pisa iku pisa great thing master-GEN brew-CONV-PAST/ATTR HON-rice.wine how much long how much long The holy rice wine brewed by [the deity] Great Master of Things, [flourish] eternally (lit.: how much long, how much long) (NK 15) 1.1

Special Derived Form in -ra

There is a special derived adjectival form in -ra with an unclear meaning3 that occurs only after four adjectival stems: aka ‘red, bright,’ sakasi- ‘wise,’ usu- ‘thin’ (Yamada 1954: 123), and yǝ- ‘good’ forming derivatives aka-ra, sakasi-ra, usu-ra and yǝ-ra- respectively. Among these three sakasi-ra is used only as a nominal ‘wisdom,’ or adverbially as sakasi-ra n-i ‘wisely’4 but two other words appear as modifiers, although usu-ra ‘thin’ is attested only in one example in Western Old Japanese texts: 阿迦良袁登賣袁伊邪佐佐婆余良斯那

aka-ra wotǝme-wo iⁿza sas-amba yǝ-ra-si na ruddy-? maiden-ACC INTER stick-COND good-?-FIN EP hey, if [you take and] stick the ruddy maiden [as the ornament in your hair], [it] will be good! (KK 43)

2  The word muna ‘empty’ in this example is interesting, because it involves a usage of the root muna, rather than the stem muna-si-. 3  It could potentially be diminutive -ra, discussed in Chapter 4, section 1.2.3.1. Omodaka et al. argue that sakasi-ra, for example, actually means ‘pretended wisdom’ (Omodaka et al. 1967: 318). In another case aka-ra clearly means ‘ruddy’ (KK 43). But in other cases we do not have a strong basis to argue for a diminutive nature of this suffix. 4  In MYS 16.3860, 16.3864.

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痛醜賢良乎為跡

ana MINIKU SAKASI-ra-wo S-U tǝ INTER ignoble wisdom-?-ACC do-FIN DV thinking [that they] have such an ignoble wisdom, ouch (MYS 3.344) 赤羅小船

AKA-ra WOⁿ-BUNE red-? DIM-boat red little boat (MYS 16.3868) 安加良多知婆奈

aka-ra tatimbana red-? mandarin.orange red mandarin oranges (MYS 18.4060) 安可良我之波

aka-ra-ŋ-gasipa red-?-DV(ATTR)-oak red oak (MYS 20.4301) 宇須良婢

usu-ra-N-pi thin-?-DV(ATTR)-ice thin ice (MYS 20.4478) The last two examples imply that the reduced attributive form N- of the defective verb n- ‘to be’ could also be used after the special adjectival form in -ra. Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese Similar to Western Old Japanese, adjective stems can also be used in Eastern Old Japanese to modify following nouns or noun phrases. 麻具波思児呂

ma-ŋgupasi KO-rǝ INT-beautiful girl-DIM really beautiful girl (MYS 14.3424)

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385

Adjectives 和可加敞流弖能毛美都麻弖宿毛等和波毛布

waka kaperute-nǝ momit-u-maⁿde NE-m-o tǝ wa pa [o]mop-u young maple-GEN leaves.turn.red/yellow-ATTR-TERM sleep-TENT-ATTR DV I TOP think-FIN I think that [we] should sleep [together] until the young maple becomes red (MYS 14.3494) 意保枳美能美己等可之古美阿乎久牟乃等能妣久夜麻乎古与弖伎怒加牟

opo kimi-nǝ mi-kǝtǝ kasiko-mi awo kumu-nǝ tǝnǝmbik-u yama-wo koyǝ-te k-i-n-o kamu great lord-GEN HON-word awesome-GER blue cloud-GEN trail-ATTR mountain-ACC cross(CONV)-SUB come-CONV-PERF-ATTR EP Since the emperor’s (lit.: great lord’s) order is awesome, [I] came [here] crossing mountains where dark clouds trail (MYS 20.4403) A2: Ryukyuan In modern Ryukyuan dialects, as far I can tell, all adjectives are inflected, and there are no cases when an adjectival stem can modify a following noun or a noun phrase. In Old Ryukyuan, however, we find the same situation as in Western and Eastern Japanese: しらにしやがおしいぢへば

sira nisiya-ga os-i-idife-ba white northern wind-NOM push-CONV-exist-CON when the first (lit.: white) northern wind blows (OS 7.349) 大と

OPO to big sea big sea (OS 13.956) たかかはのみづ

taka kafa-no midu high river-GEN water water from an upper [part] of a river (OS 17.1222) Certainly, one can argue that since this construction is limited only to Old Ryukyuan it was likely borrowed from Middle Japanese. Usually this is how I treat isolated Old Ryukyuan attestations in this grammar. However, this time

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the situation is different. First of all, we should not forget that by the time of Middle Japanese, all cases of adjectival stem + noun were already compounds. Therefore, we would expect that these compounds would be borrowed as such into Old Ryukyuan. Undoubtedly, some of them, like sira-tama ‘white jewel’ were borrowed into Old Ryukyuan, because (a) sira-tama is attested only in the Ryūka and the Kumi-odori, but not in the Omoro sōshi, and (b) because siratama is frequently used in Middle Japanese as a compound. However, none of the cases appearing in the above examples: sira nisiya ‘white northern wind,’ opo to ‘big sea,’ and taka kafa ‘upstream of a river’ could be loans from Middle Japanese, because none of these exist as compounds in Middle Japanese. In addition, in the Japanese branch of Japonic to ‘sea’ does not exist, nisi ‘means’ ‘west,’ and not ‘northern wind,’ and ‘upstream of a river’ is kapa kami, not taka kapa. Thus in all three cases we deal with pure Ryukyuan phrases, and it would be highly improbable if Ryukyuans borrowed certain unproductive Middle Japanese compounds, analyzed them, and then proceeded to the creation of hybrid Japanese-Ryukyuan compounds that follow a Middle Japanese pattern that was not productive itself. Thus, it seems that a construction that allowed an uninflected adjectival stem to be used as a modifier of following nouns and noun phrases represents an archaism in all branches of Japonic. Consequently, the inflection of adjectives may be a secondary development. Level B: External Comparisons Since we do not have any morphological markers here, strictly speaking there is no need to argue for or against any external connections. Let me just note that the archaic Japonic structure with adjective stems modifying following nouns typologically agrees well with Turkic, Mongolic, and Tungusic, but radically goes against the typology found in Korean. I will argue below that the adjectival inflection in Japonic could have originated under strong structural pressure from Korean. 1.2

-ka Adjectives

In Modern Japanese there is a special class of words like sizuka-na ‘quiet’ and taisetu-na ‘important’ traditionally defined by most Japanese linguists as ‘adjectival verbs’ (形容動詞 keiyōdōshi) (Tōjō 1937: 313–315; Tsukishima 1968: 123), although other treat them as nouns (Tokieda 1950: 131). Similarly, there is no agreement among Western scholars on the nature of these words. Some

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linguists define them as adjectival nouns (Martin 1988: 179–181), or as adjectives (Henderson 1948: 179; Fel’dman 1960: 5; Alpatov 1979b: 44–45). I believe that it is appropriate to classify these words in Modern Japanese as adjectives. However, in Middle Japanese they are better defined as adjectival nouns.5 Similar to Middle Japanese, in Western Old Japanese there is a construction consisting of -ka adjective + attributive form nar-u ‘be-ATTR’ of the copula nar- + noun phrase.6 Nevertheless, in contrast to both Modern and Middle Japanese, in Western Old Japanese -ka adjectives can directly modify following nouns or noun phrases without any following forms of a copula or any suffixes. In other words, they syntactically behave in the same way as the uninflected adjectival stems described above. However, they also have a morphological peculiarity: most of them consist of a bound stem + suffix -ka, although in a few cases the bound stem can be etymologically traced to an independent noun or another adjectival root: cf. for example paⁿdaka ‘naked’ in the first example below, which is probably derived from paⁿda ‘skin.’ 因名其剣謂川上部亦名曰裸伴阿箇潘娜我等母

Therefore [they] called these swords ‘Kapakami set,’ their other name is aka paⁿdaka tǝmǝ, ‘completely naked companions, (lit: red naked companions)’ (NS 6.189) 世間之愚人乃吾妹兒尓告而語久

YƏ-NƏ NAKA-NƏ ORƏKA PITƏ-nǝ WA-ŋG-IMO-KO-ni NƏR-I-TE KATAR-Aku world-GEN middle-GEN stupid person-GEN I-POSS-beloved-DIM-DAT sayCONV-SUB speak-NML the stupid person of this world told his beloved: … (MYS 9.1740) 7使乎無跡 TASIKA NAR-U TUKAPI-wo NA-MI tǝ certain be-ATTR messenger-ABS no-GER DV thinking that there is no reliable messenger (MYS 12.2874)

5  For detailed discussion see Vovin 2003: 93–94. 6  If a noun is separated from a -ka adjective by another modifier, the -ka adjective is marked by the converb form n-i of the copula n-, see the example from SM 7 below. 7  The first character is not available in bold font, so the color red is used here as alternative.

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今米豆良可爾新伎政者不有本由利行來迹事曽

ΙΜΑ mɛⁿduraka8 n-i ARATASI-ki MATURI ŋGƏTƏ N-I pa AR-AⁿZ-U MƏTƏ-yuri OKƏNAP-I-KƏ-SI ATƏ KƏTƏ sǝ now strange DV-CONV new-ATTR governance DV-CONV TOP exist-NEG-CONV root-ABL conduct-CONV-come(CONV)-PAST/ATTR trace matter FP The present [one] is not a strange and new act of governance, [it is] an act that was conducted from the beginning (SM 7) 汝多知方貞仁明伎心乎以天

IMASI-tati pa SAⁿDAKA n-i AKA-ki KƏKƏRƏ-wo MƏT-I-te you-PLUR TOP loyal DV-CONV bright-ATTR heart-ACC hold-CONV-SUB you, with loyal and clear hearts … (SM 37) Overall, -ka adjectives in Western Old Japanese occur very infrequently compared to Middle Japanese. The most frequent usage seems to be an adverbial one, which is discussed below. 1.2.1 Adverbial Usage -ka adjectives are followed by the converb form n-i of the defective verb nwhen used adverbially: 於毛波奴爾横風乃爾布敷可爾覆來礼婆

omop-an-u-ni YƏKƏSIMA-KAⁿZE-nǝ nipumbuka n-i OPOP-I-K-I-TAr-e-mba think-NEG-ATTR-LOC cross-wind-GEN sudden DV-CONV cover-CONV-comeCONV-PERF/ROG-EV-CON when [I] did not think [about it], a cross wind suddenly came (MYS 5.904) 将死命尓波可尓成奴

SIN-AM-U INƏTI nipaka n-i NAR-I-n-u die-TENT-ATTR life sudden DV-CONV become-CONV-PERF-FIN [I] will die suddenly (MYS 16.3811) 於呂可尓曽和礼波於母比之乎不乃宇良能

orǝka n-i sǝ ware pa omǝp-i-si Wopu-nǝ ura insufficient DV-CONV FP I TOP think-CONV-PAST/ATTR Wopu-GEN bay the bay of Wopu about which I did not think much (lit. thought being insufficient) (MYS 18.4049) 8  Meyⁿduraka ‘strange’ is derived from the same independently unattested root *meyNtura- as in the adjective meyⁿdura-si- ‘rare, strange.’

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Adjectives 於乃毛於乃毛貞仁能久清伎心乎以天奉仕

onǝ mo onǝ mo SAⁿDAKA n-i YƏ-ku KIYO-ki KƏKƏRƏ-wo MOT-I-te TUKAPƐMATUR-E yourself FP yourself FP truthful DV-CONV be.good-CONV clear-ATTR heartACC hold-CONV-SUB serve(CONV)-HUM-IMP All of you, serve truthfully and well, with a clear heart (SM 33) 1.2.2 Special Derived Form in -kɛThere are inflected adjectives with the stem-forming suffix -kɛ- that are clearly derived from -ka adjectives, although the -ka adjectives themselves are not attested in Western Old Japanese texts, e.g., akirakɛ- ‘bright’ (< *akira-ka), siⁿdukɛ- ‘quiet’ (< *siⁿdu-ka), tapirakɛ- ‘safe’ (< *tapira-ka), etc. 安伎良氣伎名

akirakɛ-ki NA bright-ATTR name bright names (MYS 20.4466) 尓波母之頭氣師

nipa mǝ siⁿdukɛ-si sea surface FP quiet-FIN the surface of the sea is also quiet (MYS 3.388) 和己於保支美波多比良気久那何久伊末之弖等与美岐麻都流

wa-ŋgǝ opo kimi pa tapirakɛ-ku naŋga-ku imas-i-te tǝyǝ mi-ki matur-u I-POSS great lord TOP safe-CONV long-CONV exist(HON)-CONV-SUB abundant HON-rice.wine present(HUM)-FIN [I] present the abundant rice wine so that my sovereign (lit.: great lord) will live safely and long (SNK 4)

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Section 2

Inflected Adjectives In this section I will discuss the morphology that is unique to inflected adjectives. Therefore, the morphological markers that are shared by both inflected adjectives and verbs, such as prefixes, will be treated in Chapter 6. There are two classes of inflected adjectives in Western Old Japanese: class 1 (traditional く活用 ku-katsuyō type), which shows no irregularities and has suffixes attached to the adjectival stem that is identical to the adjectival root; and class 2 (traditional しく活用 shiku-katsuyō type), which shows one slight irregularity (haplological contraction of the final -si-si form into -si-∅) and has suffixes attached to the adjectival stem in -si- that represents an extension after an adjectival root. The two adjectival classes can be summarized in the following chart that presents two typical adjectives, aka- ‘red’ and utukusi- ‘beautiful,’ from each class followed by all suffixes that can directly follow an adjectival stem in Western Old Japanese. chart 22 Classes of inflected adjectives in Western Old Japanese

Forms

Class 1

Class 2

converb -ku final -si attributive -ki evidential 1 -ke evidential 2 -kere nominalizer 1 -keku nominalizer 2 -sa gerund -mi

aka- ‘red’ aka-ku aka-si aka-ki aka-ke aka-kere aka-keku aka-sa aka-mi

utuku-si- ‘beautiful’ utuku-si-ku utuku-si-∅ utuku-si-ki utuku-si-ke utuku-si-kere utuku-si-keku utuku-si-sa utuku-si-mi

Note: both evidential forms and the nominalizer in -keku are secondary forms based on the attributive form -ki.

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The adjectival forms from Chart 22 above will be discussed in detail below. 2.1 Converb Form -ku The converb form of inflected adjectives is formed by attaching the suffix -ku to the stem: aka-ku ‘red-CONV,’ siro-ku ‘white-CONV,’ utukusi-ku ‘beautifulCONV,’ saŋgasi-ku ‘steep-CONV,’ etc. The converb form has two main functions in Western Old Japanese: (1) non-final predicate and (2) adverbial. Examples of -ku as a non-final predicate: 多陀爾阿波須阿良久毛於保久志岐多閇乃麻久良佐良受提伊米爾之美延牟

taⁿda n-i ap-aⁿz-u ar-aku mo opo-ku sik-i-tapɛ-nǝ makura sar-aⁿz-u-te imɛ-ni si mi-ye-m-u direct DV-CONV meet-NEG-CONV exist-NML FP many-CONV spread-CONVmulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN pillow go.away-NEG-CONV-SUB dream-LOC EP see-PASS-TENT-FIN There are many occasions when [we] do not meet directly, and [I] want to see [you] in [my] dream without going away from [your] mulberry tree bark cloth pillow (MYS 5.809) 萬世爾得之波岐布得母烏梅能波奈多由流己等奈久佐吉和多流倍子

YƏRƏⁿDU YƏ n-i tǝsi pa k-i p-u tǝmǝ uMƐ-nǝ pana tay-uru kǝtǝ na-ku sak-i-watar-umbɛ-si ten.thousand generation DV-CONV year TOP come-CONV pass-FIN CONJ plum-GEN blossom be interrupted-ATTR matter no-CONV bloom-CONV-cross-DEB-FIN Although years will come and pass for ten thousand generations, plum blossoms would continue to bloom without interruption (MYS 5.830) 雪布流欲波為部母奈久寒之安礼婆

YUKI pur-u yo pa SUmBE mǝ na-ku SAMU-KU si ar-e-mba snow fall-ATTR night TOP way FP no-CONV cold-CONV EP exist-EV-CON because in the night when snow is falling nothing can be done and [it] is indeed cold (MYS 5.892)

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都追牟許等奈久波也可敞里麻勢

tutum-u kǝtǝ na-ku paya kaper-i-[i]mas-e have.diffuculty-ATTR matter no-CONV fast return-(CONV)-HON-IMP Return quickly, without having difficulties (MYS 15.3582) 清麻呂其我姉法均止甚大尓悪久奸流妄語乎作弖

KIYOMARƏ SI-ŋga ANE POPUKUN-tǝ ITƏ OPO-KI n-i ASI-ku KAⁿDAM-Er-u ITUPAR-I-ŋ-GƏTƏ-wo TUKUR-I-te Kiyomarǝ he-POSS elder.sister Popukun-COM very big-ATTR DV-CONV badCONV be insincere-PROG-ATTR lie-NML-GEN-word-ACC make-CONV-SUB Kiyomarǝ with his elder sister Popukun created an extremely bad and insincere lie … (SM 44) 狭國者広久峻國者平久

SA-KI KUNI pa PIRƏ-ku SA ŋGASI-KI KUNI pa TAPIRAKƐ-ku narrow-ATTR land TOP broad-CONV steep-ATTR land TOP level-CONV The narrow land will be broad, and the steep land will be level, and … (NT 1) Examples of an adverbial usage of -ku: 志我都矩屢麻泥爾飫裒枳瀰爾柯柂倶都柯陪麻都羅武

si-ŋga tukur-u9-maⁿde-ni opo kimi-ni kata-ku tukapɛ-matur-am-u they-POSS come.to.an.end-ATTR-TERM-LOC great lord-DAT strong-CONV serve(CONV)-HUM-TENT-FIN Until they come to an end, [I] intend to serve faithfully to the emperor (NK 78) 乎武例我禹杯爾倶謨娜尼母旨屢倶之多多婆

wo-mure-ŋga upɛ-ni kumo ⁿdani mǝ siru-ku si tat-amba DIM-mountain-POSS top-LOC cloud RP FP distinct-CONV EP rise-COND if even the clouds distinctly rise above the small mountain (NK 116)

9  The verb tukur- is an intransitive counterpart of tukus- ‘to exhaust, to exert (oneself).’ It occurs only in Old Japanese, and it is interesting that it did not make its way into any dictionaries, including Omodaka et al. (1967). The much more widespread intransitive equivalent of tukus- is OJ tukiy- u, typical for Central Japanese, but this is not the case, as PR form is definitely *-ku, not *-ko.12 2.2 Final Form -si As it was mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, in contrast to Middle Japanese, Western Old Japanese -si does not necessarily have an exclusive function of a final predication marker, as it can be sometimes used as an attributive marker as well. This specific usage certainly points to the fact that the final marker -si and the attributive marker -ki were not as strictly differentiated functionally in Western Old Japanese as they were in Middle Japanese. This phenomenon in its own turn strongly speaks in favor of a point of view that both -si and -ki are relatively late innovations in Japanese, especially given the fact that both markers are completely absent from the Ryukyuan branch of Japonic. Nevertheless, on the synchronic level, the function of -si in most 12  Martin also adds to this comparison OJ nominalizer -ku used after verbs, e.g., ip-aku ‘the fact that [someone] says,’ but I believe it does not belong here, because it is rather -aku than just -ku, as can be seen from such forms as mi-r-aku ‘the fact that [someone] sees’ and s-ur-aku ‘the fact that [someone] does,’ which make it clear that it is -aku and not -ku that historically follows the attributive form of verbs, thus, we have the following developments: ip-aku < *ip-u-aku, mi-r-aku < *mi-ru-aku, and s-ur-aku < *s-uru-aku. The same is true for adjectives that have nominalized forms in -keku < attributive -ki + nominalizer -aku (see section 2.3.2).

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Western Old Japanese textual examples is firmly connected with final predication. This phenomenon probably means that -si was on its way to be established as a marker of final predication of inflected adjectives. Examples: 阿波母與賣迩斯阿禮婆那遠岐弖遠波那志

a pa mǝ yǝ me n-i si ar-e-mba na-wo [o]k-i-te wo pa na-si I TOP EP EP woman DV-CONV EP exist-EV-CON you-ACC leave-CONV-SUB man TOP no-FIN Because I am a woman, [I] have no [other] man, besides you (KK 5) 夜多能比登母登須宜波比登理袁理登母意富岐弥斯與斯登岐許佐婆比登理 袁理登母

Yata-nǝ pitǝ-mǝtǝ suŋgɛ pa pitǝ-ri wor-i tǝmǝ opǝ kimi si yǝ-si tǝ kikǝs-amba pitǝ-ri wor-i tǝmǝ Yata-GEN one-CL sedge TOP one-CL exist-FIN CONJ great lord EP be.goodFIN DV say(HON)-COND one-CL exist-FIN CONJ Even if one sedge from Yata is alone, if the great lord says [it] is fine, even if [she] is alone (KK 65) 許斯母阿夜爾加志古志

kǝ si mǝ aya n-i kasiko-si this EP FP very DV-CONV awesome-FIN This is very awesome, too (KK 100) 区茂能於虚奈比虚予比辞流辞毛

kumo-nǝ okǝnap-i kǝ yǝpi siru-si mo spider-GEN perform-NML this night distinctive-FIN EP the spider’s performance is distinctive tonight (NK 65) 情佐麻祢之

KƏKƏRƏ sa mane-si thought so many-FIN [sad] thoughts are so many (MYS 1.82) 尓波母之頭氣師

nipa mǝ siⁿdukɛ-si sea.surface FP quiet-FIN the surface of the sea is also quiet (MYS 3.388)

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則許母倍婆許己呂志伊多思

sǝkǝ [o]mǝp-ɛ-mba kǝkǝrǝ si ita-si there think-EV-CON heart EP be.painful-FIN when [I] think of those places, [my] heart aches (MYS 17.4006) 許礼乎於伎低麻多波安里我多之

kǝre-wo ok-i-te mata pa ar-i-ŋ-gata-si this-ACC leave-CONV-SUB again TOP exist-NML-GEN-hard-FIN [It] is difficult to find again [a falcon of the same quality], except this [one] (MYS 17.4011) The attributive usage of -si is attested as well, albeit in fewer examples, most of which belong to Early Old Japanese, which again speaks in favor of the archaic nature of this type of usage. The clear-cut cases can only be found in the case of the adjectives belonging to class 1, since the adjectives of class 2, as I mentioned above, do not have a final predication form different from their stem. Examples: 登富登富斯故志能久迩迩

tǝpǝ tǝpǝ-si Kosi-nǝ kuni-ni distant distant-FIN Kosi-GEN land-LOC in the distant, distant land of Kosi (KK 2) 夜本爾余志伊岐豆岐能美夜

yapo ni yǝ-si i-kiⁿduk-i n-ǝ miya eight.hundred ground be.good-FIN DLF-build-CONV DV-ATTR palace a palace built on an eight hundred [times] good soil (KK 100) 意布袁余志斯毘

op[o] uwo yǝ-si simbi big fish be.good-FIN tuna tuna that is good big fish (KK 110) 波辞枳豫辞和芸幣

pasi-ki yǝ-si wa-ŋg-ipe lovely-ATTR be.good-FIN I-POSS-house my lovely and good house (NK 21)13 13  Traditional Japanese scholarship treats yǝsi in this text as an exclamation on the basis of the fact that the Kojiki textual variant of the same poem has pasike yasi (KK 32) (Tsuchihasi

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Adjectives 婀鳴爾與志乃楽

awo ni yǝ-si Nara green earth good-FIN Nara Nara [mountain, where] the green earth is good (NK 95) 蚊黒為髪尾信櫛持於是蚊寸垂

kaŋ-GURO-si KAMI-wo MA-KUSI MƏT-I kaki-TARE INT-black-FIN hair-ACC INT-comb hold-CONV PREF-make.hang. down(CONV) making pitch black hair hang down with a comb (MYS 16.3791) 安良志乎須良尓奈氣枳布勢良武

ara-si wo sura n-i naŋgɛk-i pus-er-am-u be.rough-FIN man RP DV-CONV lament-CONV lie.prone-PROG-TENT-FIN even a rough man would be lying down and lamenting (MYS 17.3962) A clear relic of the usage of -si in attributive function is found in the special construction with locative marker -ni, which normally appears after the attributive form (see chapter 4, section 1.2.2.4 for details). However, in the case of the negative existential verb na- ‘there is no, not to exist,’ -ni follows not the attributive -ki, but the final -si: 伊豆毛多祁流賀波祁流多知都豆良佐波麻岐佐味那志爾阿波禮

Iⁿdumo Takeru-ŋga pak-er-u tati tuⁿdura sapa mak-i sa-mï na-si-ni apare Iⁿdumo Takeru-POSS wear-PROG-ATTR long.sword vine many wrap-CONV PREF-body no-FIN-LOC INTER the long sword that Iⁿdumo Takeru is wearing is wrapped with many vines, [but] because there is no blade, alas! (KK 23)

1957: 138). But the Kojiki text, which has a worse history of textual transmission than the Nihonshoki, appears to be corrupted: it is highly unlikely that Western Old Japanese would have preserved the pre-raised form of attributive form *-ke (> WOJ -ki) as in pasike; therefore there is a great chance that yasi is also a textual corruption of yǝ-si ‘good-FIN.’ Here, as well as in other cases when the Kojiki and the Nihonshoki have discrepancies, I mostly rely on the Nihonshoki text.

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余家久波奈之爾漸漸可多知都久保利

yǝ-k-eku pa na-si-ni YAKUYAKU N-I katati tukupor-i be.good-ATTR-NML TOP no-FIN-LOC gradually DV-CONV facial features get emaciated-CONV as there was no improvement, [his] face became gradually emaciated, and … (MYS 5.904) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese In Eastern Old Japanese -si is attested only in the function of a final predication marker. 阿爾久夜斯豆之曾能可抱与吉爾

ani k-u ya siⁿdu-si sǝ-nǝ kapo yǝ-ki-ni INTER come-FIN IP calm-FIN it-GEN face good-ATTR-LOC [contrary to my expectations,] does [it] come? [It] is calm. Its face is good, but [it does not move forward] (MYS 14.3411) 多妣己呂母夜倍伎可佐祢弖伊努礼等母奈保波太佐牟志伊母尓志阿良祢婆

tambi kǝrǝmǝ ya-pɛ ki-kasane-te i n-ure-ⁿdǝmǝ napo paⁿda samu-si imǝ si ar-an-e-mba travel garment eight-CL wear(CONV)-pile(CONV)-SUB sleep sleep-EV-CONC still skin be.cold-FIN beloved EP exist-NEG-EV-CON Because [my] beloved is not [here], although [I] sleep piling up eight layers of [my] travel garments, [my] skin is still cold (MYS 20.4351) 多妣波久流之

tambi pa kuru-si travel TOP be.hard-FIN [My] travel is hard (MYS 20.4406) A2: Ryukyuan The final predicative form -si is not attested in Ryukyuan. This invites two possible solutions for proto-Japonic: either Japanese -si is an innovation, developed in Japanese independently of Ryukyuan, or it is an archaism that was lost in Ryukyuan. Since, as I have demonstrated above, Western Old Japanese still preserves the vestiges of an earlier system when uninflected adjectival stems could modify following nominals or noun phrases, the former solution

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maintaining that -si represents a secondary development in Japanese that did not affect Ryukyuan seems to be more viable and realistic. Level B: External Comparisons Given the fact that OJ -si can serve as both a final predication form and an attributive, as well as the fact that it is not present in Ryukyuan, it is likely to be a loan from the Old Korean irrealis attributive marker -l (phonetically probably voiceless [lh] as indicated by the character 尸 with which it was written):14 慕理尸心未行乎尸道尸

KUli-l MOSOm-i NYE-wo-l KIl long for-ATTR/IRR mind-GEN go-MOD-ATTR/IRR way the way that [my] mind, longing for [you], is going (Hyangka 1.7) 臣隱愛賜尸母史也

SIN-un TOSO-si-l Esi I-LA retainer-TOP love-HON-ATTR/IRR mother be-FIN Retainers are loving mothers (Hyangka 3.2) The case for borrowing is further supported by the fact that two other adjectival markers, uniquely attested in Japanese, but not in Ryukyuan, attributive -ki and gerund -mi, also likely have a Korean origin (see 2.3 and 2.5). 2.3 Attributive Form -ki The main function of the marker -ki is attributive. Adjectives with this marker normally modify following nominals or nominal phrases. 久路岐美祁斯遠麻都夫佐爾登理與曾比 … 阿遠岐美祁斯遠麻都夫佐迩登理 與曾比

kuro-ki mi-kes-i-wo ma-tumbusa n-i tǝr-i-yǝsǝp-i … awo-ki mi-kes-i-wo matumbusa n-i tǝr-i-yǝsǝp-i be.black-ATTR HON-wear(HON)-NML-ACC INT-without fail DV-CONV take-CONV-dress-CONV … be.blue-ATTR HON-wear(HON)-NML-ACC INT-without fail DV-CONV take-CONV-dress-CONV wearing neatly a black garment … wearing neatly a blue garment (KK 4) 14  There are other apparent loans from OK into Japanese that reflect the correspondence OK -l ~ OJ -si, e.g., MK kàlàp ‘oak’ ~ OJ kasi ‘id.,’ MK kál ‘cangue’ ~ MJ kasi ‘id.’

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志祁志岐袁夜迩

sikesi-ki wo-ya-ni be.quiet-ATTR DIM-house-LOC in the quiet little house (KK 19) 於朋耆妬庸利于介伽卑氐

opǝ-ki to-yori ukakap-i-te be.big-ATTR door-ABL peek-CONV-SUB peeking from the big door (NK 18) 人毛奈吉空家者草枕旅尓益而辛苦有家里

PITƏ mo na-ki MUNASI-KI IPE pa KUSA MAKURA TA ͫBI-ni MASAR-I-TE KURUSI-K-ar-i-ker-i person FP no-ATTR be.empty-ATTR house TOP grass pillow journey-LOC exceed-CONV-SUB be.painful-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN It turned out that an empty house with nobody in [it] is more painful than a journey [when one uses] grass for a pillow (MYS 3.451) 余能奈可波牟奈之伎母乃等志流等伎子伊与余麻須万須加奈之可利家理

yǝ-nǝ naka pa munasi-ki mǝnǝ tǝ sir-u tǝki si iyǝyǝ masu-masu kanasi-k-ar-i-ker-i world-GEN middle TOP be.empty-ATTR thing DV know-ATTR time EP more. and.more more.and.more be.sad-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN When [I] realized that the world is (an) empty (matter), [it] turned out to be more and more sad (MYS 5.793) 和可伎児等毛波乎知許知爾佐和吉奈久良牟

waka-ki KO-ⁿdǝmo pa woti kǝti-ni sawak-i-nak-uram-u be.young-ATTR child-PLUR TOP there here-LOC make. noise-CONV-cry-TENT2-FIN young children will probably cry loudly here [and] there (MYS 17.3962) 安伎良氣伎名

akirakɛ-ki NA be.bright-ATTR name bright names (MYS 20.4466)

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Adjectives 伎多奈伎微乎婆伊止比須都閇志波奈礼須都倍志

kitana-ki mï-womba itǝp-i-sut-umbɛ-si panare-sut-umbɛ-si be.dirty-ATTR body-ACC(EMPH) hate-CONV-discard-DEB-FIN leave(CONV)-discard-DEB-FIN [I] should hate and discard [my] unclean body. [I] should leave and discard [it] (BS 19) In the prose texts several adjectival modifiers marked with -ki may follow one after another as in the following example from SM 1: 貴支高支広支厚支大命

TAPUTO-ki TAKA-ki PIRƏ-ki ATU-ki OPO MI-KƏTƏ be.awesome-ATTR be.high-ATTR be.broad-ATTR be.thick-ATTR great HON-word awesome, high, broad, and strong imperial edict (SM 1) 今米豆良可爾新伎政者不有本由利行來迹事曽

ΙΜΑ mɛⁿduraka n-i ARATASI-ki MATURI ŋGƏTƏ N-I pa AR-AⁿZ-U MƏTƏ-yuri OKƏNAP-I-KƏ-SI ATƏ KƏTƏ sǝ now strange DV-CONV be.new-ATTR governance DV-CONV TOP exist-NEGCONV root-ABL conduct-CONV-come(CONV)-PAST/ATTR trace matter FP The present [one] is not a strange and new act of governance, [it is] an act that was conducted from the beginning (SM 7) 汝多知方貞仁明伎心乎以天

IMASI-tati pa SAⁿDAKA n-i AKA-ki KƏKƏRƏ-wo MƏT-I-te you-PLUR TOP loyal DV-CONV be.bright-ATTR heart-ACC hold-CONV-SUB you, with loyal and clear hearts … (SM 37) The attributive form -ki also replaces the final predication form -si if the particles sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, ya, ka, kamǝ, and kǝsǝ are found previously in the sentence.15 This rule is known in traditional grammar as 係り結び kakari musubi ‘the rule 15  Strictly speaking, the particles ka and kamǝ trigger the change of the final predication form -si to the attributive -ki irrespective of their position in the sentence when action verbs are involved. However, to the best of my knowledge, the particle ka is not attested after adjectival predicates in attributive form in Western Old Japanese. It must also be mentioned that examples with adjectival attributives triggered by the particle namo (a cognate of MJ namu) are considered to be unattested (Yamada 1954: 115), but there is

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of linking.’ Note that in contrast to Middle (Classical) Japanese the particle kǝsǝ triggers in Western Old Japanese a change of the adjectival final predication -si into the attributive -ki, and not into the evidential form.16 瀰致喩區茂能茂多遇譬低序豫枳

miti yuk-u monǝ mo taŋgupi-te ⁿzǝ yǝ-ki road go-ATTR person FP companion-hand FP be.good-ATTR [It] is also good for a person who travels to have a companion (NK 50) 比等余里波伊毛曽母安之伎

pitǝ-yǝri pa imo sǝ mǝ asi-ki person-ABL TOP beloved FP EP be.bad-ATTR [my] beloved is worse than [other] people (MYS 15.3737) 枳彌波夜那祇

kimi pa ya na-ki lord TOP IP no-ATTR Do not [you] have a lord? (NK 104) 可牟加良夜曽許婆多敷刀伎

kamu-kara ya sǝkǝmba taputo-ki deity-origin IP very be.awesome-ATTR Is [not] the origin of deities very awesome? (MYS 17.3985) 椋橋乃山乎高可夜隠尓出來月乃光乏寸

KURAPASI-nǝ YAMA-wo TAKA-MI ka YO-ŋ-GƏMƏR-I-ni IⁿDE-K-URU TUKÏ-nǝ PIKARI TƏMƏSI-ki Kurapasi-GEN mountain-ABS high-GER IP night-GEN-hide-NML-LOC exist(CONV)-come-ATTR moon-GEN light be.scanty-ATTR Is [it] because Mount Kurapasi is high that the light of the moon that goes out in the dead of the night is scanty? (MYS 3.290)

at least one controversial example in logographic spelling (see the example from MYS 12.2877 in chapter 6, section 3.2.1.2.3 and chapter 9, section 1.4). 16  This does not affect verbs that in both Western and Eastern Old Japanese change their final predication forms into evidential similar to Middle Japanese.

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415

Adjectives 片念為歟比者之吾情利乃生戸裳名寸

KATA-OMƏP-I S-URE KA KƏNƏ KƏRƏ-NƏ WA-ŋGA KƏKƏRƏ-to-nǝ IK-ER-U to mo na-ki one-love-NML do-EV IP this time-GEN I-POSS heart-place-GEN live-PROGATTR place FP no-ATTR Is [not it because] of unrequited love that I have no intention to live at this time (MYS 11.2525) 美母呂能伊都加斯賀母登加斯賀母登由由斯伎加母加志波良袁登賣

mi-mǝrǝ-nǝ i t-u kasi-ŋga mǝtǝ kasi-ŋga mǝtǝ yuyusi-ki kamǝ kasi-para wotǝme HON-mountain-GEN sacred DV-ATTR oak-POSS below oak-POSS below be.awesome-ATTR EP oak-field maiden Under the sacred oaks of the sacred mountain, is [she not] awesome, a maiden from the oak field, I wonder? (KK 92) In this example kamǝ follows the adjectival form while in the next two examples it precedes it. 奈何鴨目言乎谷裳幾許乏寸

naNI SI kamo MƐ KƏTƏ-wo ⁿdani mo KƏKƏⁿDA TƏMƏSI-ki what EP EP eye word-ABS RP FP so.much be.scarce-ATTR why even [our] meetings are so scarce, I wonder? (MYS 4.689) 天漢敝太而礼婆可母安麻多須辨奈吉

AMA-NƏ ŋGAPA peⁿdat-ure-mba kamǝ amata sumbe na-ki heaven-GEN river separate-EV-CON EP many way no-ATTR I wonder, is [it not] because the Heavenly River separates [them], there is not much that can be done (MYS 8.1522) 虚呂望虚曾赴多幣茂予耆

kǝrǝmǝ kǝsǝ puta-pe mo yǝ-ki garment FP two-CL FP be.good-ATTR [It] is good [to wear] two layers of garments (NK 47) 野乎比呂美久佐許曽之既吉

NO-wo pirǝ-mi kusa kǝsǝ siŋgɛ-ki field-ABS wide-GER grass FP be.thick-ATTR because the fields are wide, grass grows thickly (MYS 17.4011)

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The attributive form in -ki can also be used as a noun: 武都紀多知波流能吉多良婆可久斯許曽烏梅乎々利都々多努之岐乎倍米

mu-tukï tat-i paru-nǝ k-i-tar-amba ka-ku si kǝsǝ uMƐ-wo wor-i-tutu tanosi-ki wopɛ-m-ɛ first lunar month rise-CONV spring-GEN come-CONV-PERF/PROG-COND be.thus-CONV EP FP plum.blossom-ACC break-CONV-COOR be.pleasantATTR finish-TENT-EV When the first lunar month begins, and the spring has come, let [us] enjoy the pleasure to the end while picking plum blossoms (MYS 5.815) 安布倍伎与之能奈伎我佐夫之佐

ap-umbɛ-ki yǝsi-nǝ na-ki-ŋga sambusi-sa meet-DEB-ATTR chance-GEN no-ATTR-POSS be.sad-NML sadness of the non-existence of a chance to be able to meet (MYS 15.3734) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese Both forms -ki and -ke (spelled variously as -kɛ or -ke) are attested as attributives in Eastern Old Japanese. Although the first one is statistically more frequent, the second is almost invariably found in the poems that have other Eastern Old Japanese features. In addition, only -ke is found in region A, both -ke and -ki co-occur in region B, and only -ki is found in region C (Hino 2003: 200). Thus, in all likelihood, the real Eastern Old Japanese form was -ke, that shows the pre-raised stage of the vowel *e that underwent raising to /i/ in Western Old Japanese. 於毛思路伎野乎婆奈夜吉曾

omosiro-ki NO-womba na-yak-i-sǝ be.beautiful-ATTR field-ACC(EMPH) no-burn-CONV-do Do not burn the beautiful field (MYS 14.3452) 可奈之家伊母

kanasi-ke imǝ be.pretty-ATTR beloved pretty beloved (MYS 20.4369)

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Adjectives 阿志氣比等奈里

asi-kɛ pitǝ nar-i be.bad-ATTR person be-FIN [he] is a bad person (MYS 20.4382) 奈賀氣己乃用

naŋga-kɛ kǝnǝ yo be.long-ATTR this night this long night (MYS 20.4394) 麻可奈之伎西呂

ma-kanasi-ki se-rǝ INT-beloved-ATTR husband-DIM [my] (really) beloved husband (MYS 20.4413) Kakari-musubi is also present in Eastern Old Japanese: 阿母志々尓己等麻乎佐受弖伊麻叙久夜之氣

amǝ sisi-ni kǝtǝ mawos-aⁿz-u-te ima ⁿzǝ kuyasi-kɛ mother father-DAT word say(HUM)-NEG-CONV-SUB now FP be.regretful-ATTR now [I] regret that [I] did not tell [my] mother and father (MYS 20.4376) 安是可加奈思家

aⁿze ka kanasi-ke why IP be.dear-ATTR Why is [she so] dear [to me]? (MYS 14.3576) A2: Ryukyuan The attributive marker -ki is not attested in Ryukyuan. For the same reasons as already outlined above regarding final predication marker -si, it is better treated as an internal innovation in Japanese that did not affect Ryukyuan. Level B: External Comparisons As I mentioned above, since WOJ -ki is paralleled by EOJ -ke, we have to reconstruct PJN *-ke. Because the distribution of this marker is limited to Japanese, and because the origin of adjectival inflection appears to be a recent phenomenon, it is possible that PJN *-ke is a loan from OK -kuy, an attributive marker of quality verbs:

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東京明期月良

TWONG-KYENG POLK-kuy TOLAL-la Eastern Capital bright-ATTR moon-LOC At the bright moon in the Eastern Capital … (Hyangka 5.1) Two obvious problems are present here. First, although OK 明期 POLK-kuy ‘bright’ is clearly used in the attributive function, this is the only example where OK 期 -kuy occurs as an attributive marker of a quality verb in Old Korean. Second, the -k- portion of -kuy may really belong to the stem POLK- ‘bright.’ There is really no way to tell, because both cases like 心未 MOSOm-i ‘mindGEN’ in Hyangka I.7, where the phonographically used character 未 renders both final consonant of the stem and a suffix, and 月良 TOLAL-la ‘moon-LOC’ in the just cited Hyangka 5.1 where only the suffix is written phonographically, are present in Old Korean texts. 2.3.1 Nominalized Form -k-eku Western Old Japanese has a special nominalized form -k-eku, an apparent contraction of attributive -ki and nominalizer -aku. The uncontracted form *-kiaku is not attested in the Western Old Japanese texts. This form did not survive into the later stages of the language. Examples: 伊良那祁久曾許爾淤母比傅加那志祁久許許爾淤母比傅

irana-k-eku sǝkǝ-ni omǝp-i-[i]ⁿde kanasi-k-eku kǝkǝ-ni omǝp-i-[i]ⁿde be.sorrowful-ATTR-NML there-LOC think-CONV-exit(CONV) be.sad-ATTRNML here-LOC think-CONV-exit(CONV) [I] recollect that [with] sorrow, [I] recollect that [with] sadness (KK 51) 宇麼能耶都擬播嗚思稽矩謀那斯

uma-nǝ ya-tu-ŋgï pa wosi-k-eku mo na-si horse-GEN eight-CL-? TOP grudge-ATTR-NML FP no-FIN eight horses are not even to be grudged (NK 79) 平氣久安久母阿良牟遠事母無裳無母阿良牟遠世間能宇計久都良計久

TAPIRAkɛ-ku YASU-ku mǝ ar-am-u-wo KƏTƏ mǝ NA-KU MƏ NA-KU mǝ ar-am-uwo YƏ-NƏ NAKA-nǝ u-k-eku tura-k-eku peaceful-CONV quiet-CONV FP exist-TENT-ATTR-ACC matter FP no-CONV misfortune no-CONV FP exist-TENT-ATTR-ACC world-GEN inside-GEN be.sad-ATTR-NML be.painful-ATTR-NML although [I] want to live peacefully and quietly, although [I] want to live uneventfully and without misfortunes, the fact that life is sad and painful … (MYS 5.897) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

419

Adjectives 余家久波奈之爾漸漸可多知都久保利

yǝ-k-eku pa na-si-ni YAKUYAKU N-I katati tukupor-i be.good-ATTR-NML TOP no-FIN-LOC gradually DV-CONV facial features get emaciated-CONV as there was no improvement, [his] face became gradually emaciated, and … (MYS 5.904) 可之故伎美知乎也須家口母奈久奈夜美伎弖

kasiko-ki miti-wo yasu-k-eku mǝ na-ku nayam-i k-i-te awesome-ATTR road-ACC be.peaceful-ATTR-NML FP no-CONV suffer-CONV come-CONV-SUB [he] came along the awesome road, suffering and without peace [of mind] (MYS 15.3694) 伊多家苦乃日異麻世婆

ita-k-eku-nǝ PI-NI KE N-I mas-e-mba be.painful-ATTR-NML-GEN day-LOC unusual DV-CONV increase-EV-CON as [my] pain unusually increases [every] day (MYS 17.3969) 2.3.1.1 Special Negative Nominalized Form -k-en-aku There is also a special adjectival negative nominalized form -k-en-aku,17 that consists of the adjectival attributive -ki, negative -an-, and nominalizer -aku. The vowel /i/ of the attributive and the vowel /a/ of the negative monophthongize into /e/, so the indication of the morphemic boundary between the attributive and negative is artificial. This form occurs only with two inflected adjectives: na- ‘to be non-existent’ and yasu- ‘to be easy.’ There are only three examples where this form is attested phonographically, all of them in the Man’yōshū. Two of these examples represent the identical context, although in two different texts. 多婢等伊倍婆許等尓曽夜須伎須久奈久毛伊母尓戀都々須敝奈家奈久尓

tambi tǝ ip-ɛ-mba kǝtǝ n-i sǝ yasu-ki sukuna-ku mo imǝ-ni KOPÏ-tutu sumbe na-ken-aku n-i journey DV say-EV-CON word DV-CONV FP be.easy-ATTR be.few-CONV FP beloved-DAT long.for(CONV)-COOR way no-ATTR-NEG-NML DV-CONV It is easy to talk about a journey, but at least continuing to long for [my] beloved is a big deal (MYS 15.3743)

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奈氣久蘇良夜須家奈久尓於母布蘇良久流之伎母能乎

naŋgɛk-u sora yasu-k-en-aku n-i omǝp-u sora kurusi-ki monǝwo lament-ATTR RP be.easy-ATTR-NEG-NML DV-CONV long.for-ATTR RP be.hard-ATTR CONJ although even to lament is not easy, and even to long is difficult (MYS 17.3969) 嘆蘇良夜須家奈久尓念蘇良苦伎毛能乎

NA ŋGƐK-U sora yasu-k-en-aku n-i OMƏP-U sora KURUSI-ki monǝwo lament-ATTR RP be.easy-ATTR-NEG-NML DV-CONV long.for-ATTR RP be.hard-ATTR CONJ although even to lament is not easy, and even to long is difficult (MYS 19.4169) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is only one example of -k-eku found in Eastern Old Japanese texts, but it occurs in a poem with strong dialectal features, therefore it should be accepted as a genuine one: 安奈由牟古麻能乎之家口母奈思

a nayum-u koma-nǝ wosi-k-eku mǝ na-si foot suffer-ATTR stallion-GEN regrettable-ATTR-NML FP no-FIN [I] have no sorry feelings for [my] stallion that will hurt [his] feet (MYS 14.3533) In addition, there is another cognate Eastern Old Japanese form -k-aku < *-ke-aku that represents contraction and not a monophthongization. It is also attested only in one example: 夜麻邊能之牙可久尓伊毛呂乎多弖天左祢度波良布母

yama-m-BE-nǝ siŋge-k-aku n-i imo-rǝ-wo tate-te sa-ne-ⁿ-do parap-umǝ mountain-GEN-side-GEN thick-ATTR-NML DV-CONV beloved-DIM-ACC make stand(CONV)-SUB PREF-sleep(NML)-DV(ATTR)-place clean-EXCL as the mountain (side) is overgrown [with bush], [I] let my beloved stand, and I am clearing a place to sleep [for us]! (MYS 14.3489)

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2.3.2 Evidential Forms -ke- and -kere There are two evidential forms in Western Old Japanese: -ke- and -kere, with no apparent difference in function. The origin of the latter form is quite transparent: it is a contraction of the attributive -ki and the evidential form ar-e of the verb ar- ‘to exist.’ The derivation of the former is not absolutely transparent, but in all likelihood it represents the contraction of -kere to -ke- with -rloss. Only the form -kere survived into Middle Japanese. The form -ke- is never found in the word-final position: it is always followed either by the concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ] or the conjunctive converb -mba. On the contrary, the longer form -kere occurs in one example as word-final (see the example from MYS 18.4118 below). Examples: 久良波斯夜麻波佐賀斯祁杼伊毛登能煩禮波佐賀斯玖母阿良受

Kurapasi yama pa saŋgasi-ke-ⁿdǝ imo-tǝ nǝmbǝr-e-mba saŋgasi-ku mǝ ar-aⁿz-u Kurapasi mountain TOP be.steep-EV-CONC beloved-COM climb-EV-CON be.steep-CONV FP exist-NEG-FIN although Mount Kurapasi is steep, when I climb [it] with [my] beloved, [it] is not steep at all (KK 70) 于泥備椰摩虚多智于須家苔多能彌介茂

Unembï yama kǝ-tat-i usu-ke-ⁿdǝ tanǝm-i kamo Unembï mountain tree-stand-NML be.thin-EV-CONC rely-NML EP Although the lines of trees on Mount Unembï are thin, are [they not] reliable, I wonder? (NK 105) 挂文由遊志計礼杼母言久母綾尓畏伎

KAKƐ-M-AKU mo yuyusi-kere-ⁿdǝmǝ IP-AM-Aku mǝ AYA n-i KASIKO-ki think-TENT-NML FP be.reserved-EV-CONC say-TENT-NML FP extreme DV-CONV be.awesome-ATTR Although [it] is unthinkable even to think [about it], and to say [it], too, is extremely awesome … (MYS 2.199a) 意乃何身志伊多波斯計礼婆

onǝ-ŋga MÏ si itapasi-kere-mba myself-POSS body EP be.ill-EV-CON as my [own] body became ill (MYS 5.886)

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吾戀不止本之繁家波

WA-ŋGA KOPÏ YAM-AⁿZ-U MƏTƏ-NƏ SI ŋGƐ-ke-mba I-POSS love stop-NEG-FIN root-GEN be.thick-EV-CON My love will not stop, because [its] roots are growing densely (MYS 10.1910) 美知能等保家婆間使毛遣縁毛奈美

miti-nǝ tǝpo-ke-mba MA-ⁿ-DUKAPI mo YAR-U YƏSI mo na-mi way-GEN be.far-EV-CON interval-GEN-messenger send-ATTR chance FP no-GER since there is not even a chance to send messengers between [us] because the way is far (MYS 17.3969) 安比見流毛乃乎須久奈久母年月經礼波古非之家礼夜母

api-mi-ru monǝwo sukuna-ku mǝ TƏSI TUKÏ P-Ure-mba kopïsi-kere ya mǝ REC-see-ATTR CONJ be.few-CONV FP year month pass-EV-CON miss-EV IP EP although [we] see each other, as the time goes by, do [we still] miss [each other] just a bit?! (MYS 18.4118) 2.3.3 Tentative Form -k-emThe tentative form -k-em- represents a rather transparent contraction of the attributive -ki and tentative -am-. Since the tentative -am- follows stems of verbs, and not their attributive forms, it naturally leads to the hypothesis that unless this usage of the tentative -am- after the attributive -ki is an innovation, the tentative -am- itself must go back to some kind of auxiliary. However, since there are no Eastern Old Japanese examples supporting this form, the solution that takes it as an exclusive Western Old Japanese innovation is more viable. 奈爾能都底擧騰多柂尼之曳鶏武

nani n-ǝ tute-kǝtǝ taⁿda n-i si ye-k-em-u what DV-ATTR report(CONV)-word direct DV-CONV EP be.good-ATTR-TENT-FIN What message [do you have]? [It] would be better [to say it] directly (NK 128) 和可礼奈波宇良我奈之家武

wakare-n-amba ura-ŋ-ganasi-k-em-u part(CONV)-PERF-COND heart-LOC-sad-ATTR-TENT-FIN If [we] part, [I] would be sad in [my] heart … (MYS 15.3584)

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423

Adjectives 将若異子等丹所詈金目八

WAKA-k-eM-U KO-RA-ni NOR-AYE-kane-m-ɛ ya young-ATTR-TENT-ATTR girl-PLUR-LOC abuse-PASS(CONV)-NEG/ POT-TENT-EV IP would [you] be able not to be abused by girls who would be younger? [Certainly you would be abused!] (MYS 16.3793) 保等登芸須奈可牟佐都奇波佐夫之家牟可母

potǝtǝŋgisu nak-am-u sa-tukï pa sambusi-k-em-u kamǝ cuckoo cry-TENT-ATTR fifth lunar month TOP be.lonely-ATTR-TENT-ATTR EP [in] the fifth lunar month when the cuckoo will cry, [I] would be lonely! (MYS 17.3996) 故布流比於保家牟

kop-uru pi opo-k-em-u long.for-ATTR day be.many-ATTR-TENT-FIN there would be many days when [I] long for [you] (MYS 17.3999) 孤悲之家久氣乃奈我家牟

kopïsi-k-eku kɛ naŋga-k-em-u long.for-ATTR-NML day be.long-ATTR-TENT-FIN the days of longing for [you] would be long (MYS 17.4006) 2.3.4 Conditional Form -k-emba Care must be taken to differentiate between the evidential form -ke followed by the conjunctive converb -mba and the conditional form -k-emba that is obviously derived from a contraction of the attributive -ki and the conditional converb -amba. Since the conditional converb -amba follows stems of verbs, and not their attributive forms, it naturally leads to the hypothesis that unless this usage of the conditional converb -amba after the attributive -ki is an innovation, the conditional converb -amba itself must go back to some kind of auxiliary. There is just one example of -k-emba in Eastern Old Japanese, which supports the auxiliary hypothesis, especially that there are only two examples of the conditional form -k-emba in Western Old Japanese texts and also the special EOJ -k-amba. WOJ examples:

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許智多鶏波乎婆頭勢夜麻能伊波帰爾母為弖許母郎奈牟

kǝt[ǝ]-ita-k-emba wom-Batuse-yama-nǝ ipa kï-ni mǝ wi-te kǝmǝr-ana-m-u rumor-painful-ATTR-COND DIM-Patuse-mountain rock fortress-LOC FP lead(CONV)-SUB hide-DES-TENT-FIN if rumors are painful, [I] want to take [you] along to a rocky fortress on the Small Patuse mountain and hide away (FK 1) 戀之家婆形見尓将為

KOPÏsi-k-emba KATAMI n-i SE-M-U long.for-ATTR-COND farewell present DV-CONV do-TENT-FIN If [you] long for [me], [I] want to make a farewell present [for you] (MYS 8.1471) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is only one example of the conditional form -k-emba in Eastern Old Japanese. 古非思家波素弖毛布良武乎

kopïsi-k-emba soⁿde mo pur-am-u-wo miss-ATTR-COND sleeve FP wave-TENT-ATTR-ACC If [you] miss [me], [I] will wave my sleeves, but … (MYS 14.3376) There is, however, the Eastern Old Japanese conditional form -k-amba that represents a contraction -si has taken place after adjectival and verbal roots that end in a vowel, but the original shape -asi was preserved after the consonantal roots. This can be further confirmed by such an adjectival form as kopï-si ‘to be longed for,’ clearly derived from the vowel verb kopï- ‘to love, to long for.’ The process of deriving adjectives from verbs with -asi is not productive in Western Old Japanese, as -asi is only found after a handful of verbs. It can be added either to a consonantal verb root, or it can follow the iterative suffix -ap-. In certain cases the lexicalization has occurred, for example see below ikiⁿduk-asi ‘lamentable,’ which is derived from ikiⁿduk‘to breathe [hard].’ After the verb omǝp- ‘to think, to love,’ the suffix -asi is assimilated to -osi. Also, in addition to the deverbal adjective kopï-si mentioned above, there is a different form kop-osi, derived with a deletion of a final vowel of the vowel verb kopï- ‘to love, to long for’ with a subsequent assimilation of -asi to -osi.19 母智騰利乃可可良波志母与

mǝti-ⁿ-dǝri-nǝ kakar-ap-asi-mǝ yǝ mochi-GEN-bird-COMP be.stuck-ITER-ADJ-EXCL EP [You] are stuck like a bird on a mochi [trap-stick]! (MYS 5.800) 毛々等利能己惠能古保志枳波流岐多流良斯

momo tǝri-nǝ kǝwe kop-osi-ki paru k-i-tar-urasi hundred bird-GEN voice-GEN long.for-ADJ-ATTR spring come-CONV-PERF/ PROG-SUP [It] seems that the spring with voices of a hundred birds that [I] missed has arrived (MYS 5.834)

19  Historically we, of course, have two different assimilations in omǝp-osi and kop-osi, since the first has the root vowel /ǝ/, and the second the root vowel /o/. But since in all texts except the Kojiki kayō the kō-rui vowel /o/ and the otsu-rui vowel /ǝ/ merged after /p/, the forms attested in the texts both have neutralized /o/. Thus, the pre-Western Old Japanese forms were *ǝmǝp-ǝsi and *kop-osi respectively.

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433

Adjectives 意乃何身志伊多波斯計礼婆

onǝ-ŋga MÏ si itap-asi-kere-mba self-POSS body EP be.painful-ADJ-EV-CON because [my] own body was in pain … (MYS 5.886) 世間乎宇之等夜佐之等於母倍杼母

YƏ-NƏ NAKA-wo u-si tǝ yas-asi tǝ omǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ world-GEN middle-ABS be.sad-FIN DV get.emaciated-ADJ DV think-EV-CONC Although [I] think that [this] life is sad and poor … (MYS 5.893) 空氣衝之相別去者

ANA IKIⁿDUK-Asi API-WAKARE-N-Amba INTER lament-ADJ(FIN) REC-part(CONV)-PERF-COND Oh, how lamentable! If [we] part with each other … (MYS 8.1454) 従君毛吾曽益而伊布可思美為也

KIMI-YORI mo ARE sǝ MASAR-I-TE imbuk-asi-mi S-URU lord-COMP FP I FP increase-CONV-SUB feel.uneasy-ADJ-GER do-ATTR I feel more uneasy than [my] lord (MYS 12.3106) 安奈伊伎豆加思美受比佐尓指天

ana ikiⁿduk-asi mi-ⁿz-u pisa n-i s-i-te INTER lament-ADJ(FIN) see-NEG-CONV long DV-CONV do-CONV-SUB Oh, how lamentable! It has been a long [time] without seeing [you] (MYS 14.3547) Although this poem is found in book 14, there are no Eastern Old Japanese features in it, so I treat it as a Western Old Japanese text. 於母保之伎許登都氐夜良受

omǝp-osi-ki kǝtǝ tute-yar-aⁿz-u think-ADJ-ATTR word send.a.message(CONV)-send-NEG-FIN [I] do not send a message that [I] think of (MYS 17.3962) 佐由利能波奈能惠麻波之伎香母

sa-yuri-nǝ pana-nǝ wem-ap-asi-ki kamǝ PREF-lily-GEN flower-GEN smile-ITER-ADJ-ATTR EP the lily flowers are smile-provoking! (MYS 18.4086)

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After an otsu-rui vowel /ǝ/ in the root adjectivizer -asi assimilates to -ǝsi (with /ǝ/ neutralized to /o/ in the environments where the contrast between /ǝ/ and /o/ is lost): 伊豫国与利白祥鹿乎献奉天在礼方有礼志与呂許保志止奈毛見流

Iyǝ-NƏ KUNI-yǝri SIRO-KI SIRUSI N-Ə SIKA-wo TATEMATUR-I-te Ar-e-mba uresi yǝrǝkǝmb-osi tǝ namo MI-ru Iyǝ-GEN province-ABL white-ATTR mark DV-ATTR deer-ACC present(HUM)CONV-SUB exist-EV-CON be.glad rejoice-ADJ DV FP see-ATTR when [they] presented [us] with a deer with white marks from the province of Iyǝ, [we] regarded this as a joyful and auspicious [event] (SM 46) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is only one example of -asi in Eastern Old Japanese: 比古布祢乃斯利比可志母與

pik-o pune-nǝ siri pik-asi-mǝ yǝ pull-ATTR boat-COMP buttocks pull-ADJ-EXCL EP [I] am in the mood of pulling the buttocks [of my husband] like a tow boat! (MYS 14.3431)

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Section 3

Defective Adjectives There are two defective adjectives in Western Old Japanese: ka- ‘to be so, thus’ and sa ‘id.’ 3.1

Defective Adjective ka-

The defective adjective *ka- ‘to be so, thus’ is attested in two forms: the converb form ka-ku and the subordinative gerund form ka-ku-te. The latter form appears in phonographic writing only once in the Senmyō. In most cases the converb ka-ku has an adverbial usage, modifying a following verb, but on some occasions it can also be used as a quasi-predicate with the following desiderative particle mǝŋga~ mǝŋgamǝ. The converb ka-ku can also be nominalized when it is followed by the defective verb n- ‘to be.’ 和賀美斯古良迦久母賀

wa-ŋga mi-si ko-ra ka-ku mǝŋga I-POSS see(CONV)-PAST/ATTR girl-DIM thus-CONV DP [I] desire this much the girl I saw (KK 42) 加久能碁登那爾淤波牟登

ka-ku-nǝ ŋgǝtǝ na-ni op-am-u tǝ thus-CONV-GEN like name-LOC carry-TENT-FIN DV in order to perpetuate that [it] was like that (KK 97) 豫呂豆余珥訶勾志茂餓茂知余珥茂訶勾志茂餓茂

Yǝrǝⁿdu yǝ-ni ka-ku si moŋgamo ti yǝ-ni mo ka-ku si moŋgamo ten.thousand year-LOC thus-CONV EP DP thousand year-LOC FP thus-CONV EP DP [I] wish [that my sovereign] will be [like] that in ten thousand years, will be [like] that in a thousand years, too (NK 102)

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436

Chapter 5

企許斯遠周久爾能麻保良叙可爾迦久爾保志伎麻爾麻爾斯可爾波阿羅慈迦

kikǝs-i-wos-u kuni-nǝ ma-po-ra ⁿzǝ ka n-i ka-ku n-i posi-ki manima n-i sika n-i pa ar-aⁿzi ka rule(HON)-CONV-HON-ATTR country-GEN INT-top-LOC FP thus DV-CONV thus-CONV DV-CONV desire-ATTR according DV-CONV thus DV-CONV TOP exist-NEG/TENT IP in the highest place of the country, where [the emperor] rules, [it] would not be thus according to what [you] wish in this way and that way, [would it]? (MYS 5.800) 可由既婆比等爾伊等波延可久由既婆比等爾迩久麻延

ka yuk-ɛ-mba pitǝ-ni itǝp-aye ka-ku yuk-ɛ-mba pitǝ-ni nikum-aye that go-EV-CON person-DAT detest-PASS(CONV) thus-CONV go-EV-CON person-DAT hate-PASS(CONV) when [they] go that [way], [they] are detested by people, and when [they] go this way, [they] are hated by people … (MYS 5.804) 等伎波奈周迦久斯母何母等意母閇騰母

tǝk[ǝ]-ipa-nasu ka-ku si mǝŋgamǝ tǝ omǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ eternal-rock-COMP thus-CONV EP DP DV think-EV-CONC Although [I] think that [I] would like to be (thus) like an eternal rock … (MYS 5.805) 故之能吉美良等可久之許曾楊奈疑可豆良枳多努之久安蘇婆米

Kosi-nǝ kimi-ra-tǝ ka-ku si kǝsǝ YAnaŋgï kaⁿdurak-i tanosi-ku asomb-am-ɛ Kosi-GEN lord-PLUR-COM thus-CONV EP FP willow wear.as.a.wig-CONV pleasant-CONV amuse-TENT-EV [I] will thus amuse [myself] with lords from Kosi by putting willow [branches] in our hair in this way (MYS 18.4071) 日継波加久弖絶奈牟止為

PI TU ŋG-I pa ka-ku-te TAYE-n-am-u tǝ S-U sun follow-NML TOP thus-CONV-SUB be.interrupted(CONV)-PERF-TENT-FIN DV do-FIN the inheritance of the Sun is going to be interrupted in this way (SM 27)

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437

Adjectives

Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The converb ka-ku is attested several times in Eastern Old Japanese, but only in book 14. All examples represent an adverbial usage. 可久太尓毛久尓乃登保可婆奈我目保里勢牟

ka-ku ⁿdani mo kuni-nǝ tǝpo-k-amba na-ŋga MƐ por-i se-m-u thus-CONV RP FP province-GEN far-ATTR-COND you-POSS eye want-NML do-TENT-FIN if the [home] province is just so far, [I] want [to see] your eyes (MYS 14.3383) 古奈宜可久古非牟等夜

ko-naŋgï ka-ku kopï-m-u tǝ ya DIM-water.hollyhock thus-CONV long-TENT-FIN DV IP Do [you] think [I] will long so [strongly] for a small water-hollyhock? (MYS 14.3415) 安豆左由美須惠尓多麻末吉可久須酒曽

aⁿdusa yumi suwe-ni tama mak-i ka-ku s-u s-u sǝ catalpa bow end-LOC jewel wrap-NML thus-CONV do-FIN do-FIN FP [I] wrapped the ends of the catalpa bow with jewels in this way (MYS 14.3487) 3.2

Defective Adjective sa

The defective adjective sa ‘to be so, such’ possibly appears in two forms: the root form sa and the subordinative gerund sa-te, although the evidence for the latter is mostly logographic, and, therefore, quite slim. Examples: 情佐麻祢之

KƏKƏRƏ sa mane-si thought so many-FIN so many [sad] thoughts (MYS 1.82) 比等里佐奴礼婆

pitǝ-ri sa n-ure-mba one-CL thus sleep-EV-CON when I thus sleep alone (MYS 15.3626)

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438

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佐夜麻太乃乎治我其日爾母等米安波受家牟

sa Yamaⁿda n-ǝ woⁿdi-ŋga SƏNƏ PI-ni mǝtǝmɛ ap-aⁿz-u-k-em-u so Yamaⁿda DV-ATTR old man-POSS that day-LOC search(CONV) meet-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN So, old man Yamaⁿda searched for [him] on that day, but did not find [him] (MYS 17.4014) 住吉之岸乎田尓墾蒔稲乃而及苅不相公鴨

SUMINƏYE-NƏ KISI-wo ta-ni PAR-I MAK-I-SI INE SA-TE KAR-U-MAⁿDE-NI AP-AN-U KIMI kamo Suminǝye-GEN shore-ACC paddy-LOC make-CONV sow-CONV-PAST/ATTR rice be.thus(CONV)-SUB cut-ATTR-TERM-LOC meet-NEG lord EP Alas, [I] will not meet with [my] lord until [they] turn the shores of Suminǝye into paddies and thus cut the rice that [they] sowed! (MYS 10.2244) 雪寒三咲者不開梅花縦比來者然而毛有金

YUKI SAMU-mi SAK-I N-I pa SAK-AⁿZ-U UMƐ-NƏ PANA YƏ-SI KƏNƏ KƏRƏ pa SA-TE mo AR-U ŋgane snow cold-GER bloom-NML DV-CONV TOP bloom-NEG-CONV plum-GEN blossom good-FIN this time TOP be.thus(CONV)-GER FP exist-ATTR CONJ [It] is good that plum blossoms do not even bloom because the snow is cold. So that [it] will be so at the appropriate time (MYS 10.2329) 然弖己丑年稲目大臣薧已後

SA-te KƏ-NƏ USI TƏSI Inamɛ OPOMAPETUKIMI MAKAR-I-TAMAP-I-SI NƏTI be.thus(CONV)-SUB Kǝ-GEN ox year Inamɛ minister pass.away-CONV-HONCONV-PAST/ATTR after Thus, after the minister Inamɛ passed away in the year Kǝ-nǝ usi of the sexagenary cycle … (GGJEG)20 20  Cited according to Omodaka et al. 1967: 333.

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chapter 6 Verbs

∵

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Contents of Chapter 6 Chapter 6 Verbs 441 1 Verbal Grammatical Categories 446 1.1 Mode 446 1.2 Aspect 446 1.3 Tense 447 1.4 Mood 447 1.5 Voice 447 1.6 Retrospective 447 1.7 Reported Action 447 1.8 Iterative 448 1.9 Predication 448 1.10 Honorification 448 1.11 Politeness 448 2 Verbal Classes  449 2.1 Consonant Verbs 450 2.2 Vowel Verbs 451 2.3 Irregular Verbs 453 2.3.1 Strong Vowel Verbs 453 2.3.2 Verb kǝ- ‘To Come’ 454 2.3.3 Verb se- ~ -sǝ ‘To Do’ 455 2.3.4 R-irregular Verbs 456 2.3.5 N-irregular Verbs 457 2.4 Defective Verbs  458 2.4.1 Defective Verb n- ‘To Be’ 459 2.4.1.1 Converb Form n-i 459 2.4.1.1.1 Special Compressed Form -n- 466 2.4.1.2 Attributive Form n-ǝ 468 2.4.1.2.1 Special Compressed Form -n- 472 2.4.1.3 Subordinative Converb Form n-i-te 474 2.4.1.4 Special Form nar- < n-i ar- 475 2.4.1.4.1 Non-contracted Form n-i ar- 477 2.4.2 Defective Verb tǝ ‘To Be’ 483 2.4.2.1 Converb Form tǝ 483 2.4.2.2 Attributive Form t-u 490 2.4.3 Defective Verb rǝ ‘To Be’ 492

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442

Contents of Chapter 6

2.4.4

Defective Verb tǝ ‘To Say’ 494 2.4.4.1 Converb Form tǝ 494 2.4.4.2 Final Form tǝ 498 2.4.4.3 Subordinative Converb Form tǝ-te 502 3 Verbal Affixes 504 3.1 Verbal Prefixes 504 3.1.1 Prefix i- 505 3.1.2 Prefix na- and Circumfix na-…-sǝ 512 3.1.3 Prefix ka- 515 3.1.4 Prefix ta- 517 3.1.5 Traditional Prefix sǝ- 520 3.1.6 Prefix ari- 520 3.1.7 Prefix uti- 522 3.1.8 Prefix kaki- 526 3.1.9 Prefix api- 530 3.1.10 Prefix e- 533 3.2 Verbal Suffixes  534 3.2.1 Sentence-Final Verbal Suffixes 535 3.2.1.1 Final Predication Suffix -u ~ -i 535 3.2.1.2 Attributive -uru ~ -u ~ -ru ~ -ǝ 550 3.2.1.2.1 Attributive as a Modifier 551 3.2.1.2.2 Attributive as a Nominalized Form 553 3.2.1.2.3 Attributive as a Final Predicate 555 3.2.1.2.4 Attributive as a Final Predicate without kakari-musubi 561 3.2.1.3 Evidential -ure ~ -e ~ -re 572 3.2.1.3.1 Special Constructions -(a)m-ɛ ya and -(u) ram-ɛ ya  579 3.2.1.4 Imperative -e ~ -ǝ 583 3.2.1.5 Zero Imperative and Its Extended Form -yǝ 590 3.2.1.6 Negative Imperative -una 595 3.2.1.7 Desiderative -ana ~ -na 599 3.2.1.7.1 Special Contracted Form -an- ~ -n- 602 3.2.1.8 Subjunctive -amasi ~ -masi 606 3.2.1.9 Suppositional -urasi ~ -asi 611 3.2.1.9.1 Special Form -asi 614 3.2.1.10 Negative Tentative -aⁿzi ~ -ⁿzi 617 3.2.1.11 Negative Potential -umasiⁿzi 622 3.2.1.12 Exclamative -umǝ ~ -mǝ 626

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Contents of Chapter 6

3.2.2

3.2.3

443

Sentence-Non-Final Verbal Suffixes 630 3.2.2.1 Converbs 631 3.2.2.1.1 Converb -i 631 3.2.2.1.1.1 Special Construction -i-wor- 641 3.2.2.1.2 Converb -u 645 3.2.2.1.2.1 Special Construction -(a)ⁿz-u pa 649 3.2.2.1.2.2 Special Construction -(a)ⁿz-u ar- 650 3.2.2.1.2.3 Special Contracted Form -(a)ⁿz-ar- 652 3.2.2.1.3 Conditional Converb -amba ~ -mba 654 3.2.2.1.4 Conjunctive Converb -mba 663 3.2.2.1.5 Concessive Converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ] 672 3.2.2.2 Nominalizers 679 3.2.2.2.1 Nominalizer -i 679 3.2.2.2.1.1 Special Uses of Nominalized Verbs 682 3.2.2.2.2 Nominalizer -u 685 3.2.2.2.3 Nominalizer -aku ~ -ku 687 3.2.2.2.3.1 Special Construction -(a)ku n-i  692 3.2.2.2.3.2 Special Constructions -(a) m- aku por- and -(a)m-aku posi 694 3.2.2.2.4 Nominalizer -usa 698 Word-Non-Final Verbal Suffixes 701 3.2.3.1 Negative -an- ~ -aⁿz- ~ -n- ~ -nz- 701 3.2.3.2 Tentative -am- ~ -m- 713 3.2.3.2.1 Special Form -kem- 723 3.2.3.2.2 Special Construction -(a)m-u tǝ s-u 725 3.2.3.3 Tentative -uram- ~ -ram- 730 3.2.3.4 Iterative -ap- ~ -ǝp- 738 3.2.3.5 Passive -aye- ~ -raye- ~ -ye- 745 3.2.3.6 Passive -are- 755 3.2.3.7 Honorific -as- 758 3.2.3.8 Causative -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ- 771 3.2.3.9 Causative -as- ~ -(a)se- 776 3.2.3.10 Debitive -umbɛ- ~ -mbɛ- 784 3.2.3.11 Progressive -er- 792 Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

444

Contents of Chapter 6

4 Auxiliaries  804 4.1 Bound Auxiliaries 804 4.1.1 Word-Final Bound Auxiliaries 804 4.1.1.1 Subordinative Converb -te 804 4.1.1.1.1 Special Construction -te pa 812 4.1.1.1.2 Special Construction -te mǝ 813 4.1.1.1.3 Special Construction -te wor- 815 4.1.1.1.4 Special Construction -te ok- 815 4.1.1.2 Coordinative Converb -tutu 819 4.1.1.3 Coordinative Converb -naŋgara 825 4.1.1.4 Coordinative Converb -katera 826 4.1.1.5 Past -ki ~ -si ~ -sika 827 4.1.2 Word-Non-Final Bound Auxiliaries  844 4.1.2.1 Perfective -n- 844 4.1.2.2 Perfective -te- 855 4.1.2.3 Perfective-Progressive -tar- and Its Uncontracted Form -te ar- 866 4.1.2.3.1 Uncontracted Form -te ar- 872 4.1.2.4 Retrospective -ker- 879 4.1.2.5 Potential -kate- ~ -ŋgate- 888 4.1.2.6 Negative Potential -kane- 893 4.1.2.7 Benefactive -kǝse- 899 4.2 Lexical Auxiliaries 903 4.2.1 Honorific and Humble Auxiliaries 903 4.2.1.1 Honorific Auxiliaries 903 4.2.1.1.1 Honorific Auxiliary tamap- 903 4.2.1.1.1.1 Contracted Form tamb- 908 4.2.1.1.2 Honorific Auxiliary imas- 910 4.2.1.1.3 Honorific Auxiliary wos- 916 4.2.1.1.4 Honorific Auxiliary kikǝs- 918 4.2.1.1.5 Honorific Auxiliary mes- 921 4.2.1.1.6 Honorific Auxiliary sirasimes- 924 4.2.1.1.7 Honorific Auxiliary nǝtamap- ~ nǝritamb~ nǝtamb- 926 4.2.1.1.7.1 Contracted Form nǝritamb- 926 4.2.1.1.7.2 Contracted Form nǝtamb- 927 4.2.1.1.7.3 Contracted Form nǝtamap- 927

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Contents of Chapter 6

4.2.2

445

4.2.1.2 Humble Auxiliaries 929 4.2.1.2.1 Humble Auxiliary matur- 929 4.2.1.2.2 Humble Auxiliary tatematur- 933 4.2.1.2.3 Humble Auxiliary tamapɛ- 935 4.2.1.2.4 Humble Auxiliary tamapar- ~ tambar- 938 4.2.1.2.5 Humble Auxiliary mawos- ~ mawus- 940 4.2.1.2.6 Humble Auxiliary mawi- 944 Other Auxiliaries 946 4.2.2.1 Reported Action Auxiliary nar- 946 4.2.2.2 Cooperative Auxiliary ap- 951 4.2.2.3 Auxiliary ar- 953 4.2.2.4 Auxiliary wor- 958 4.2.2.5 Directive Auxiliaries 962 4.2.2.5.1 Directive Auxiliary kǝ- 962 4.2.2.5.2 Directive Auxiliary yuk- 966 4.2.2.5.3 Directive Auxiliaries iⁿde- and iⁿdas- 970 4.2.2.5.4 Directive Auxiliaries ir- and ire- 973 4.2.2.5.5 Directive Auxiliaries aŋgɛ- and aŋgar- 975 4.2.2.5.6 Directive Auxiliary yar- 977 4.2.2.5.7 Directive Auxiliaries watar- and watas- 979 4.2.2.5.8 Directive Auxiliary yǝr- 983 4.2.2.5.9 Directive Auxiliary kakɛ- 984 4.2.2.5.10 Directive Auxiliaries tuk- and tukɛ- 985 4.2.2.6 Resultative Auxiliary ok- 988 4.2.2.7 Auxiliary -ŋ-kata- 990 4.2.2.8 Potential Auxiliary e- 991

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Section 1

Verbal Grammatical Categories Before a detailed discussion of the Western Old Japanese verbal morphology, I would like to briefly outline the major grammatical categories of the verb in Western Old Japanese. Since this book is built on the principle ‘from the marker to the category’ rather than vice versa, I consider it necessary to crossreference verbal markers and the categories they express at the very beginning, so that a reader who is interested in a description of a certain category in Western Old Japanese may easily find the necessary section using the Index of grammatical markers or the Contents. I list the following categories together with their markers. 1.1

Mode

There are two modes in Western Old Japanese: affirmative and negative. The affirmative mode does not have a special marker. The negative mode is marked by the suffixes -an- ~ -n-, -aⁿz- ~ -ⁿz-, in the indicative mood and by the suffix -una, the prefix na-, and the circumfix na-…-sǝ in the imperative mood. There are special negative mode forms for the negative tentative (-aⁿzi ~ -ⁿzi), and negative potential mood (-umasiⁿzi). 1.2

Aspect

There are five aspects in Western Old Japanese: imperfective with a zero marker, perfective marked by auxiliaries -n- and -te-, progressive marked by the suffix -er-,1 perfective progressive marked by the analytical construction subordinative converb -te + auxiliary ar- ‘to exist,’ the auxiliary -tar- (that represents a contraction of the -te + ar- construction), and continuous (analytical, converb + auxiliary wor- ‘to exist’).

1  Historically -er- comes from a converb -i followed by the auxiliary verb ar- ‘exist.’

© Alexander Vovin, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004422810_007

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1.3

Tense

There are two tenses in Western Old Japanese: present-future, with a zero marker, and past, marked by the auxiliary -ki (that also has other suppletive forms). 1.4

Mood

Mood is the pride and beauty of Western Old Japanese. There are fourteen moods in the language: indicative (no marker), imperative (no marker or suffixes -e and -yǝ), tentative (suffix -am- ~ -m-), negative tentative (suffix -aⁿzi ~ -ⁿzi), second tentative (suffix -uram- ~ -ram-), debitive (suffix -umbɛ-), potential (auxiliary -kate-), negative potential (suffix -umasi ⁿzi-, auxiliary kane-), subjunctive (suffix -amasi ~ -masi), suppositional (suffix -urasi), optative (analytical, with the verb por- ‘to want’ or the adjective posi ‘to be wanted’), desiderative (suffixes -ana ~ -na), benefactive (auxiliary kǝse-), and exclamative (suffix -umǝ ~ -mǝ). 1.5

Voice

There are four voices in Western Old Japanese: active (no marker), passive (suffixes -aye- ~ -ye- and -are-), causative (suffixes -ase- ~ -se- and -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ-), and reciprocal-cooperative (prefix api- or analytical, converb + ap- ‘to combine, to meet’). 1.6

Retrospective

The retrospective form in Western Old Japanese is rendered by the auxiliary -ker-. 1.7

Reported Action

The reported action form in Western Old Japanese is rendered by the auxiliary nar-.

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Iterative

The iterative form in Western Old Japanese is rendered by the suffix -ap- ~ -ǝpor by the prefix ari-. 1.9

Predication

There is a sharp distinction between the forms of final and non-final predication. The former include the final predicative form (suffixes -u ~ -i), the attributive form (suffixes -uru ~ -ru ~ -u), the evidential form (suffixes -ure ~ -re ~ -ɛ), and others. The latter are represented by the converb (suffixes -i ~ -u), the subordinative converb (auxiliary -te), the coordinative converbs (auxiliaries -tutu and -naŋgara), the coordinative converb (auxiliary -katera), the conditional converb (suffix -amba ~ -mba), the conjunctive converb (suffix -mba), and the concessive converb (suffix -ⁿdǝ[mǝ]). 1.10

Honorification

There are three basic degrees of honorification in Western Old Japanese. A verbal form may be honorific, humble, or neutral. There are several subdegrees of honorific and humble expressions within each of these two subsections. Honorification is expressed by a number of auxiliary verbs that are either honorific or humble. They follow the converb of the main verb. 1.11

Politeness

In contrast to Middle (Classical) Japanese, there is no category of politeness in Western Old Japanese.

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Section 2

Verbal Classes The majority of Western Old Japanese verbs fall into two major classes: consonant verbs, with a root ending in a consonant, and vowel verbs, with a root ending in the vowels /ɛ/ or /ï/. In traditional Japanese terminology, consonant verbs are called quadrigrade (四段 yodan), vowel verbs ending in /ɛ/ are classified as lower bi-grade (下二段 simonidan), and vowel verbs ending in /ï/ as upper bi-grade (上二段 kaminidan). Following Frellesvig’s proposal, I now think that traditional ‘regular’ upper mono-grade verbs (上一段 kamiichidan) ending in the high vowels /i/ or /ï/ are better classified as an irregular class (Frellesvig 2007: 224–225). In addition, there are four other irregular classes of verbs, known in Japanese tradition as (か変 ka-hen, さ変 sa-hen, ら変 ra-hen, and な変 na-hen). Finally, there are several defective verbs that do not have full paradigms, and they are not recognized in the traditional Japanese grammar. It is necessary to keep in mind that a number of Western Old Japanese verbs can belong to a different verbal class vis-à-vis the same verbs in Middle (Classical) Japanese. Thus, cf. WOJ kakur- ~ kakure- ‘to hide’ (consonant or vowel verb) vs. MJ kakure- ‘id.’ (vowel verb), WOJ wasur- ~ wasure- ‘to forget’ (consonant or vowel verb) vs. MJ wasure- ‘id.’ (vowel verb), WOJ pur- ~ pure- ‘to touch’ (consonant or vowel verb) vs. MJ fure- ‘id.’ (vowel verb),2 WOJ ik- ‘to live’ (consonant verb) vs. Late MJ iki- ‘id.’ (vowel verb), WOJ omb- ‘to wear at the waist’ (consonant verb) vs. MJ obi- ‘id.’ (vowel verb), WOJ momit- ‘to turn red or yellow (of leaves or grass)’ (consonant verb) vs. MJ momiti- ‘id.’ (vowel verb), WOJ wak- ‘to divide’ (consonant verb) vs. MJ wak- ~ wake-‘id.’ (consonant or vowel verb), WOJ yǝrǝkǝmbï- ‘to rejoice’ (vowel verb) vs. MJ yorokob- ‘id.’ (consonant verb), WOJ kanasimbï- ‘to grieve’ (vowel verb) vs. MJ kanasib- ‘id.’ (consonant verb), WOJ yǝkï- ‘to avoid’ (vowel verb) vs. MJ yok- ~ yoki- ‘id.’ (consonant 2  Shirafuji considers the WOJ consonant verbs kakur-, pur-, and wasur- to be earlier forms, while the WOJ vowel verbs kakure-, pure, and wasure- are later forms (Shirafuji 1987: 132). It is true that the former appear to belong to Early Old Japanese, and the latter to Late Old Japanese, but we should not forget that these two varieties in all probability reflect two different dialects (Asuka and Nara) rather than two chronological stages (Early WOJ and Late WOJ), because the temporal distance between them does not exceed one century. Also, there is a semantic difference in one case: while WOJ wasur- means ‘to forget intentionally’, WOJ wasure- is ‘to forget unintentionally’.

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or vowel verb), WOJ mawi- ‘to come/go (HUM)’ (vowel verb) vs. MJ mawir- ‘id.’ (consonant verb), WOJ osori- (upper bigrade type vowel verb) vs. MJ osore- ‘id.’ (lower bigrade vowel verb), etc. There are also several cases when Western Old Japanese irregular verbs have regular counterparts in Middle Japanese and vice versa: WOJ isati- ‘to sob’ (irregular verb) vs. MJ isati- (upper bigrade vowel verb), WOJ arambï- ‘to be in a wild mood’ (irregular or vowel verb) vs. MJ. arabi- ‘id.’ (vowel verb), WOJ pï- ‘to dry’ (vowel verb) vs. MJ fi- (irregular verb), WOJ pï- ‘to blow nose’ (vowel verb) vs. MJ fi- ‘id.’ (irregular verb), WOJ kuwe- ‘to kick’ (vowel verb) vs. MJ ke- ‘id.’ (irregular verb). Since Western Old Japanese irregular verbs that became regular vowel verbs in Middle Japanese are all polysyllabic, and, to the contrary, all Western Old Japanese regular verbs that became irregular vowel verbs in Middle Japanese are monosyllabic, I think that here we deal with the simple case of a structural pressure: regular vowel verbs are mostly polysyllabic, while the overwhelming majority of the monosyllabic vowel verbs are irregular. Consequently, irregular polysyllabic verbs were under structural pressure to become regular, and in quite a similar way, regular monosyllabic vowel verbs were under structural pressure to become irregular. The only exception to this rule is WOJ kuwe- ‘to kick,’ which is polysyllabic and regular, but turns up as an irregular MJ ke-.3 But this unique case is easily explained as a result of a secondary, albeit not quite regular, contraction -uwe- > -e-. 2.1

Consonant Verbs

Consonant verbs are by and large the most populated verbal class in Western Old Japanese, probably comprising at least 70% of all verbs attested in the Western Old Japanese corpus. As mentioned above, all roots of consonant verbs end in a consonant. Most roots have the shape VC-, CVC-, VCVC-, or CVCVC-. Although longer shapes also do occur, historically they represent compounds. In Chart 23 below I provide the main inflectional forms of consonant verbs.

3  M J ke- ‘to kick’ constitutes by itself its own verbal class, traditional lower mono-grade (下一段 shimoichidan).

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Verbs chart 23 Main inflectional forms of consonant verbs

form

top- ‘ask’

tǝr- ‘take’

tǝk- ‘untie’

converb final attributive evidential imperative negative tentative

top-i top-u top-u top-ɛ top-e top-antop-am-

tǝr-i tǝr-u tǝr-u tǝr-e tǝr-e tǝr-antǝr-am-

tǝk-i tǝk-u tǝk-u tǝk-ɛ tǝk-e tǝk-antǝk-am-

As one can see from the chart above, consonant verbs have the following peculiarities: (1) There are no morphophonemic changes with vowel-initial suffixes. (2) -r- in the attributive (-u < *-uru) and evidential (-ɛ < *-urɛ) forms is lost according to the rule of medial -r- loss (Whitman’s law, see chapter 2, section 2.5.4). This results in the lack of a differentiation between final and attributive forms on the morphological level. (3) Since there is no contrast between /i/ ~ /ï/ and /e/ ~ /ɛ/ after coronals (see chapter 2, sections 2.2.3–2.2.4), there is no phonetic contrast between evidential and imperative forms after the roots ending in coronals. 2.2

Vowel Verbs

Vowel verbs represent the second largest verbal class in Western Old Japanese, probably comprising at least 28% percent of all verbs. As mentioned above, all vowel verb roots end in the vowels /ï/ or /ɛ/. Most roots have the shape VCV- or CVCV-. Monosyllabic V- and CV- forms are very rare. The longer forms VCVCV- and CVCVCV- are not infrequent, although most of them can probably be traced to compounds or complex morphological derivations. In Chart 24 below I provide the main inflectional forms of vowel verbs.

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chart 24 Main inflectional forms of vowel verbs

form

okï- ‘rise’

tǝⁿdǝmɛ- ‘stop’

ɛ- ‘get’

converb final attributive evidential imperative negative tentative

okï-∅ ok-u ok-uru ok-ure okï(-yǝ) okï-nokï-m-

tǝⁿdǝmɛ-∅ tǝⁿdǝm-u tǝⁿdǝm-uru tǝⁿdǝm-ure tǝⁿdǝmɛ(-yǝ) tǝⁿdǝmɛ-ntǝⁿdǝmɛ-m-

ɛ-∅ ∅-u ∅-uru ∅-ure – ɛ-nɛ-m-

Vowel verbs have a number of peculiarities: (1) When a vowel-initial suffix is added to the root of a vowel verb, the vowel of the suffix is generally dropped, but the stem itself remains unaffected. If a suffix consists just of a single vowel, this vowel disappears altogether, like in the case of the converb -i, which is not overtly expressed. In the chart above I marked this converb as a zero morpheme -∅, but in the description itself the converbs that are not overtly expressed will not be marked and in the glosses the converb forms of vowel verbs are denoted as VERB(CONV). (2) There are exceptions to rule (1) above that concerns combinations of vowel verb roots with following final -u, attributive -uru and evidential -ure. In these cases the vowel of the suffix remains intact, but the last vowel of the verbal root is dropped. Since regular vowel verbs can lose their last vowel in a paradigmatic form, I call them “weak vowel verbs,” in contrast to irregular vowel verbs (see 2.3.1) that never lose their last vowel of the root, and which I call “strong vowel verbs.” (3) As a sequence of rule (2), monosyllabic vowel verbs of V- shape like ɛ‘to get’ in the chart above completely lose their root before the final -u, the attributive -uru and the evidential -ure, becoming in a certain way ‘empty’ roots. (4) The imperative form in -yǝ, so typical for vowel verbs in Middle Japanese texts (MJ -yo), does not occur frequently after vowel verbs in Western Old Japanese texts. This is particularly true for upper bi-grade verbs ending in the vowel /ï/. Thus, the verb okï- ‘to rise’ seems to be the only one among the upper bi-grade class that is attested in this form (twice in the same poem, MYS 16.3873). The imperative form in -yǝ is more frequent

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after lower bi-grade verbs ending in the vowel /ɛ/ (Shirafuji 1987: 141), but vowel verbs can also occur in their root forms as imperatives without any following -yǝ. 2.3

Irregular Verbs

There are five classes of irregular verbs in Western Old Japanese. Since each of them exhibits its own idiosyncrasies, it is better to discuss them one by one. All irregular verbs combined together do not exceed 2% of the total number of verbs attested in Western Old Japanese, although among them one finds some of the most high-frequency verbs. I must emphasize that below I describe only irregularities occurring in basic paradigmatic forms. Irregular verbs demonstrate a number of other irregularities found throughout the verbal system. These will be described below in the sections dedicated to relevant suffixes and auxiliaries when found in combination with irregular verbs. 2.3.1 Strong Vowel Verbs All strong vowel verbs end in high vowels /i/ or /ï/.4 The majority of them are monosyllabic with a CV- structure, like mi- ‘to see’ and mï-5 ‘to go around,’ although there are some exceptions, like WOJ isati- ‘to sob’ or arambï- ‘to be in a wild mood.’ In Chart 25 below I provide the main inflectional forms of strong vowel verbs.

4  Some Japanese linguists indicate in their grammars that strong vowel verbs always ended in the kō-rui /i/ vowel (Shirafuji 1987: 127). This is probably not true, as it becomes clear from the following chart and the following footnote, although the majority of strong vowel verbs indeed have kō-rui /i/ and not otsu-rui /ï/. 5  Most of the surviving forms of mï- ‘go around’ indicate that it is a strong vowel verb, although there is one example of the attributive form m-uru (MYS 6.942), not mï-ru, that is believed to point to a regular vowel verb paradigm (Omodaka et al. 1967: 720, 719). In addition to being just a hapax legomenon, I believe that we have here a problem of morphological segmentation, as the context in question is 許伎多武流浦 kǝŋg-i-tam-uru URA row-CONV-go. around-ATTR bay ‘bays that [we] are rowing around’ (MYS 6.942), where we actually have the verb tamï- ‘to go around,’ ‘to turn.’ Since it is not possible to segment ta- in this verb, its relationship to mï- remains unproven. Thus, I prefer to view mï- ‘to go around’ as a strong vowel verb.

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chart 25 Main inflectional forms of strong vowel verbs

form

mi- ‘see’

mï- ‘go around’

converb final attributive evidential imperative negative tentative

mi-∅ mi mi-ru mi-re mi(-yǝ) mi-nmi-m-

mï-∅ mï mï-ru mï-re – mï-n–

Strong vowel verbs have the following peculiarities: (1) Being essentially vowel verbs, they never lose the final vowel of the root before any vowel-initial suffixes, such as the attributive -uru or the evidential -ure. On the contrary, initial vowels of any suffixes following their roots are always deleted. Since the strong vowel verbs always preserve their root vowels, I prefer to call them ‘strong.’ (2) The final form of strong vowel verbs is identical in form to their converbs, but it is never found in isolation.6 See 3.2.1.1 for details. The replacement of the final form with the attributive form apparently had occurred only in the Middle Japanese period. (3) Similar to regular vowel verbs, the imperative form can occur in both the -yǝ form and as a root, see, e.g., mi ‘see(IMP)’ in MYS 1.27. 2.3.2 Verb kǝ- ‘To Come’ The verb kǝ- ‘to come’ has a paradigm highly reminiscent of regular vowel verbs, but it also has some differences. In Chart 26 below I provide the main inflectional forms of the verb kǝ-:

6  Cf. WOJ mi tǝmo ‘see CONJ’ ‘even if [one] sees’ (the conjunction tǝmo follows the final form of a verb).

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Verbs chart 26 Main inflectional forms of kǝ- ‘to come’

form

kǝ- ‘come’

converb final attributive evidential imperative negative tentative

k-i k-u k-uru k-ure kǝ kǝ-nkǝ-m-

The verb kǝ- ‘to come’ has the following peculiarities: (1) In most cases it behaves like a regular vowel verb: it loses the final vowel of its stem before the final -u, the attributive -uru, and the evidential -ure, but retains it before other vowel-initial suffixes that lose their initial vowels upon suffixation. There is, however, one exception: in contrast to regular vowel verbs that retain their final vowels before the converb -i that is regularly deleted, kǝ- deletes its final root vowel /ǝ/ but retains the following converb -i. (2) Unlike regular vowel verbs and strong vowel verbs, kǝ- ‘to come’ never has an imperative form *kǝ-yǝ, and the root form kǝ is the only possible imperative form for this verb in Western Old Japanese.7 2.3.3 Verb se- ~ -sǝ ‘To Do’ The verb se- ~ -sǝ ‘to do’ also has a paradigm highly reminiscent of regular vowel verbs and especially of kǝ- ‘to come,’ but it has its own peculiarities as well. In Chart 27 below I provide the main inflectional forms of the verb se- ~ -sǝ:

7  Middle Japanese, in contrast, only has the imperative form ko-yo ‘come!’ and the root form is never used.

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chart 27 Main inflectional forms of se- ~ -sǝ ‘to do’

form

se- ~ -sǝ ‘do’

converb final attributive evidential imperative negative tentative

s-i s-u s-uru s-ure se(-yǝ), -sǝ se-nse-m-

The verb se- ~ -sǝ ‘to do’ has the following peculiarities: (1) Unlike any other verb in Western Old Japanese, it has two alternating roots: se- and -sǝ,8 where the alternation cannot be explained by morphophonological rules. The variant -sǝ occurs only as a part of the negative imperative circumfix na-V-CONV-sǝ ‘do not do V.’ The variant se- is found in most paradigmatic forms. (2) In most cases se- behaves like a regular vowel verb: it loses the final vowel of its stem before the final -u, the attributive -uru, and the evidential -ure, but retains it before other vowel-initial suffixes that lose their initial vowels upon suffixation. Similar to kǝ- ‘to come,’ there is an exception: in contrast to regular vowel verbs that retain their final vowels before the converb -i that is regularly deleted, se- deletes its final root vowel /e/ but retains the converb -i. (3) Similar to regular and strong vowel verbs, and unlike kǝ- ‘to come,’ the -yǝ imperative form is optional for se- ‘to do’: in other words, there are examples of both se and se-yǝ imperatives in Western Old Japanese. 2.3.4 R-irregular Verbs So far we have seen irregular verbs that are essentially vowel verbs that have certain idiosyncrasies in their paradigms. R-irregular verbs, on the other hand, are essentially consonant verbs with roots ending in the consonant /r/ that exhibit one irregularity. There are three primary (non-derived) r-irregular verbs in Western Old Japanese: ar- ‘to exist,’ wor- ‘to exist, to stay, to sit’ and por- ‘to want.’ The last one is usually treated as a consonant verb (Omodaka et al. 1967: 8  Historically, most likely, the root sǝ- and the extended stem se- < *sǝ-i, although this speculation may be difficult to prove.

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662), but there is some evidence that it is actually an r-irregular verb (see section 3.2.2.2.3.3 ‘Special Constructions -(a)m-aku posi and -(a)m-aku por-i’ for a detailed discussion). In Chart 28 below I provide the main inflectional forms of r-irregular verbs: chart 28 Main inflectional forms of r-irregular verbs

form

ar- ‘exist’

wor- ‘exist, stay’

converb final attributive evidential imperative negative tentative

ar-i ar-i ar-u ar-e ar-e ar-anar-am-

wor-i wor-i wor-u wor-e wor-e wor-anwor-am-

The only irregularity that distinguishes r-irregular verbs from their regular consonant counterparts is that they have the final form suffix -i, and not -u. Thus, the converb and final forms are phonologically indistinguishable. Similar to other consonant verbs ending in coronals, there is no phonological distinction between evidential and imperative forms due to the merger of /e/ and /ɛ/ after coronals. One must keep in mind that Western Old Japanese auxiliaries that historically include ar- ‘to exist’ as their last component, such as -tar-, -ker-, and -erfollow the paradigm of r-irregular verbs. The same applies to the derived verbs nar- ‘to be’ < n-i ar- and nar- ‘to be located at’ < -ni ar- (see 2.4.1.4). 2.3.5 N-irregular Verbs The irregularity of n-irregular verbs manifests itself in the fact that these verbs mix consonant and vowel verb paradigms, although their stems end in consonants. There are only two verbs in this class: sin- ‘to die’ and in- ‘to go away.’ Because there are no regular consonant verbs in Western Old Japanese that end in /n/,9 it seems likely that these two verbs originally belonged to a 9  A puzzle itself for the internal reconstruction: /n/ and /y/ and /w/ are the only consonants that do not appear as a final consonant in Western Old Japanese consonant verbs. While there might be a cogent explanation why /y/ and /w/ behave oddly in this respect, the absence of /n/ is baffling in spite of several explanations that have been offered.

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vowel verb paradigm but later acquired parts of a consonant verb paradigm. In Chart 29 below I provide the main inflectional forms of n-irregular verbs: chart 29 Main inflectional forms of n-irregular verbs

form

sin- ‘die’

in- ‘go away’

converb final attributive evidential imperative negative tentative

sin-i sin-u sin-uru sin-ure sin-e sin-ansin-am-

in-i in-u in-uru in-ure in-e in-anin-am-

On the basis of the chart above it is possible to see that the converb, final, imperative, negative, and tentative forms mirror those of a consonant verb paradigm, while the attributive and evidential forms look exactly like forms of a vowel verb paradigm. 2.4

Defective Verbs

All defective verbs are irregular, but in contrast to other irregular verbs they have very few paradigmatic forms. There are four defective verbs in Western Old Japanese: n- ‘to be,’ tǝ ‘to be,’ rǝ ‘to be,’ and tǝ ‘to say,’ which, as I will demonstrate below, have different origins.10 The necessity of a separate and detailed description of defective verbs is dictated by the fact that the Japanese linguistic tradition does not recognize them as verbs, treating different forms of these verbs as various particles. In addition, they have a number of irregularities not found in other irregular verbs. In Chart 30 below I provide all the existing inflectional forms of defective verbs, followed by a detailed discussion with textual examples of these forms.

10  Cf. Frellesvig’s attempt to demonstrate that n- and both tǝ lexemes ultimately have the same origin (Frellesvig 1999).

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Verbs chart 30 Inflectional forms of defective verbs

form

n- ‘be’

tǝ ‘be’

rǝ ‘be’

tǝ ‘say’

converb final attributive subordinative converb -ar- form

n-i – n-ǝ n-i-te

tǝ – t-u –

– rǝ rǝ –

tǝ tǝ tǝ (?) tǝ-te

nar- < n-i ar-

–a

–

–

a Starting from the Heian period, a copula tar- < t-ar- form also appears, but it is predominantly used in kanbun kundoku texts, which are foreign in origin. It hardly ever appears in prose, and never in poetry. This finds a good explanation in the fact that, as I will show below, tǝ ‘to be’ has a foreign origin, being borrowed from Korean. The derivation of t-ar- is similar to that of n-ar-: converb tǝ + ar- ‘exist.’

Among these defective verbs, n- ‘to be’ behaves basically as a consonant verb, although it has an irregular attributive form in -ǝ, not -u. On the other hand, tǝ ‘to be’ and tǝ ‘to say’ are likely to be vowel verbs, although tǝ ‘to be’ has an attributive form in -u, like a consonant verb, and both have converbs ending in /ǝ/, which is not typical for any other vowel verb. The special form nar- is a combination of the converb n-i of n- ‘to be’ and verb ar- ‘exist’: nar- < n-i ar-. 2.4.1 Defective Verb n- ‘To Be’ As indicated in Chart 30 above, the defective verb n- ‘to be’ has four paradigmatic forms: the infinite n-i, the attributive n-ǝ, the subordinative converb n-i-te, and the special form nar- < *n-i-ar-. Below I provide a description of their functions in Western Old Japanese along with examples. 2.4.1.1 Converb Form n-i The converb form n-i ‘being’ is used in a variety of functions. It may occur after both nominals and verbs, the latter normally being in their nominalized or attributive forms.

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(1) The converb n-i can be used as a copula in a nominal predicate: 那許曾波遠迩伊麻世婆

na kǝsǝ pa wo n-i imas-e-mba you FP TOP man DV-CONV exist(HON)-EV-CON since you are a man (KK 5) Note that n-i imas- in this and the immediately following example represents an honorific variant of the construction n-i ar- discussed in 2.4.1.4 below. 伊可奈留夜比止爾伊麻世可

ika nar-u ya pitǝ n-i imas-e ka how be-ATTR IP person DV-CONV be(HON)-EV IP Oh, what kind of person is [he]? (BS 5) 迦賀那倍弖用迩波許許能用比迩波登袁加袁

ka-ŋga nambɛ-te yo n-i pa kǝkǝnǝ yo pi n-i pa tǝwo-ka-wo day-day line.up(CONV)-SUB night DV-CONV TOP nine night day DV-CONV TOP ten-CL-ACC counting all the days, as for nights [it is] nine nights [and] as for days [it is] ten days (KK 26) 伊毛袁斯多那岐爾

imo-wo sita nak-i n-i beloved-ABS secretly weep-NML DV-CONV [My] beloved secretly wept, and … (KK 78) 美那許袁呂許袁呂爾

mi-na kǝworǝ kǝworǝ n-i HON-water churning churning DV-CONV water churning, churning (KK 100) 汝多知方貞仁明伎心乎以天

IMASI-tati pa SAⁿDAKA n-i AKA-ki KƏKƏRƏ-wo MƏT-I-te you-PLUR TOP loyal DV-CONV bright-ATTR heart-ACC hold-CONV-SUB you, with loyal and clear hearts … (SM 37)

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461

Verbs 清麻呂其我姉法均止甚大尓悪久奸流妄語乎作弖

KIYOMARƏ SI-ŋga ANE POPUKUN-tǝ ITƏ OPO-KI n-i ASI-ku KAⁿDAM-Er-u ITUPAR-I-ŋ-GƏTƏ-wo TUKUR-I-te Kiyomarǝ he-POSS elder.sister Popukun-COM very big-ATTR DV-CONV badCONV be.insincere-PROG-ATTR lie-NML-GEN- word-ACC make-CONV-SUB Kiyomarǝ with his elder sister Popukun created an extremely big, bad and insincere lie … (SM 44) 吾哉難二加還而将成

WARE YA nani n-i ka KAPER-I-TE NAR-AM-U I EP what DV-CONV IP return-CONV-SUB become-TENT-ATTR Why should I return? (MYS 13.3265) 伊米爾毛伊母我美延射良奈久尓

imɛ-ni mo imǝ-ŋga mi-ye-ⁿz-ar-an-aku n-i dream-LOC FP beloved-POSS see-PASS-NEG(CONV)-exist-NEG-NML DV-CONV [my] beloved [always] appears in [my] dreams (MYS 15.3735) 奈泥之故我波奈爾毛我母奈

naⁿdesiko-ŋga pana n-i moŋgamǝ na carnation-POSS flower DV-CONV DP EP [I] wish [you] were a carnation flower! (MYS 17.4010) 老人毛女童兒毛之我願心太良比爾

OYI-PITƏ mo WOMINA WARAPA mo si-ŋga NE ŋG-AP-U KƏKƏRƏ-N-tar-ap-i n-i old(NML)-person FP woman child FP they-POSS desire-ITER-ATTR heartLOC-be.enough-ITER-NML DV-CONV old people, women, and children, all [of them get] enough of what they desire to [their] hearts’ [content] (MYS 18.4094) (2) The converb n-i is frequently used after nouns and adjectives for adverbializations: 久路岐美祁斯遠麻都夫佐爾登理與曾比 … 阿遠岐美祁斯遠麻都夫佐迩登理 與曾比

kuro-ki mi-kes-i-wo ma-tumbusa n-i tǝr-i-yǝsǝp-i … awo-ki mi-kes-i-wo matumbusa n-i tǝr-i-yǝsǝp-i black-ATTR HON-wear(HON)-NML-ACC INT-without fail DV-CONV takeCONV-dress-CONV … blue-ATTR HON-wear(HON)-NML-ACC INT-without fail DV-CONV take-CONV-dress-CONV neatly wearing a black garment … neatly wearing a blue garment (KK 4) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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袁登賣爾多陀爾阿波牟登

wotǝme-ni taⁿda n-i ap-am-u tǝ maiden-DAT direct DV-CONV meet-TENT-FIN DV thinking to meet maidens face to face (KK 18) 麻許曾迩斗比多麻閇

ma kǝsǝ n-i top-i-tamap-ɛ truth FP DV-CONV ask-CONV-HON-EV [It] is right that [you] asked [me] (KK 72) In this example the focus particle kǝsǝ separates the noun ma ‘truth’ from the adverbializing converb n-i. 於夜那斯爾奈礼奈理鶏迷夜

oya na-si n-i nare nar-i-k-em-ɛ ya parent no-FIN DV-CONV you be.born-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-EV IP Were you possibly born without parents? (NK 104) Note that n-i follows not the attributive form na-ki, but the final form na-si of the adjective na- ‘not to exist’ as demonstrated by this example. 意比久留母能波毛毛久佐爾勢米余利伎多流

op-i-k-uru mǝnǝ pa momo kusa n-i semɛ-yǝr-i-k-i-tar-u pursue-CONV-come-ATTR thing TOP hundred kind DV-CONV assault(CONV)approach-CONV-come-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR the things that pursue [us], come assaulting [us] in a hundred varieties (MYS 5.804) 横風乃爾布敷可爾覆來礼婆

YƏKƏSIMA-KAⁿZE-nǝ nipumbuka n-i OPOP-I-K-I-TAr-e-mba cross.wind-GEN sudden DV-CONV cover-CONV-come-CONV-PERF/ PROG-EV-CON a cross wind suddenly came to cover [us] (MYS 5.904) 都可倍麻都良米伊夜等保奈我尓

tukapɛ-matur-am-ɛ iya tǝpo naŋga n-i serve(CONV)-HUM-TENT-EV plentifully long long DV-CONV [I] will serve [you] plentifully and for a long, long time (MYS 18.4098) 都麻母古騰母毛乎知己知爾左波爾可久美為

tuma mǝ ko-ⁿdǝmǝ mo woti kǝti-ni sapa n-i kakum-i wi spouse FP child-PLUR FP there here-LOC many DV-CONV surround-CONV exist(CONV) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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Verbs

both my spouse and children are around [me] in great numbers here and there (MYS 20.4408) 波都由伎波知敞爾布里之家

patu yuki pa ti-pe n-i pur-i-sik-e first snow TOP thousand-CL DV-CONV fall-CONV-cover-IMP First snow, fall in a thousand layers! (MYS 20.4475) 阿止乎美都都志乃波牟多太爾阿布麻弖爾麻佐爾阿布麻弖爾

atǝ-wo mi-tutu sinǝp-am-u taⁿda n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni masa n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni footstep-ACC see(CONV)-COOR yearn-TENT-FIN direct DV-CONV meet-ATTRTERM-LOC real DV-CONV meet-ATTR-TERM-LOC looking at [Buddha’s] footstep, [I] will yearn [for him], until [I] meet [him] directly, until [I] really meet [him] (BS 6) (3) Another usage of n-i is after the quasi-postpositions tamɛ ‘for,’ and yuwe ‘because,’ ‘for the sake of’ (lit. ‘reason,’ ‘cause,’ ‘sake’), which are historically bound nouns. Only the construction yuwe n-i is attested with relatively high frequency (50 cases in the Man’yōshū), and is found in both Early and Late Western Old Japanese. The construction tamɛ n-i is very rare (only 8 cases in the whole Man’yōshū), and it is attested reliably only in Late Western Old Japanese.11 耶麼能謎能故思麼古喩衛爾

yamanǝmbɛ-nǝ ko-sima ko yuwe n-i Yamanǝmbɛ-GEN DIM-island child sake DV-CONV for the sake of the girl Ko-sima (lit.: Small island) from Yamanǝmbɛ (NK 79) 人嬬故尓吾戀目八方

PITƏ-ⁿ-DUMA YUWE n-i ARE KOPÏ-m-ɛ ya mo person-GEN-spouse reason DV-CONV I love-TENT-EV IP EP because [she] is the wife of [another] person, should I love [her]? [Certainly not!] (MYS 1.21) 和礼由惠尓於毛比和夫良牟伊母我可奈思佐

ware yuwe n-i omop-i-wamb-uram-u imǝ-ŋga kanasi-sa I reason DV-CONV think-CONV-worry-TENT2-ATTR beloved-POSS dear-NML [feeling of] the endearment for [my] beloved who probably worries because of me (MYS 15.3727) 11  In contrast to Middle Japanese bakari n-i (Vovin 2003: 173), there is no construction *mbakari n-i ‘being about’ in Western Old Japanese. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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曽己由惠尓情奈具也

sǝkǝ yuwe n-i KƏKƏRƏ naŋg-u ya there reason DV-CONV heart calm.down-FIN IP will [my] heart calm down due to those circumstances? (MYS 19.4154) 之可流可由惠尓序礼宇気牟比止良

sik[a]-ar-u-ŋga yuwe n-i sǝre ukɛ-m-u pitǝ-ra thus-exist-ATTR-POSS reason DV-CONV that receive-TENT-ATTR person-PLUR because of this, the people who will receive that (SSI)12 淺茅原後見多米尓

ASAⁿDI PARA NƏTI MI-M-U tamɛ n-i Asaⁿdi field after see-TENT-ATTR for DV-CONV in order to see Asandi field later (MYS 7.1342) 多我多米爾奈礼

ta-ŋga tamɛ n-i nare who-POSS for DV-CONV you for whom? [For] you! (MYS 17.4031) 和藝毛故尓美勢牟我多米尓母美知等里氐牟

wa-ŋg-imo-ko-ni mi-se-m-u-ŋga tamɛ n-i mǝmit-i tǝr-i-te-m-u I-POSS-beloved-DIM-DAT see-CAUS-TENT-ATTR-POSS for DV-CONV leaves. turn.red/yellow-NML take-CONV-PERF-TENT-FIN [I] want to take red leaves in order to show [them] to my beloved (MYS 19.4222) 知知波波賀多米爾毛呂比止乃多米爾

titi papa-ŋga tamɛ n-i morǝ pitǝ-nǝ tamɛ n-i father mother-POSS for DV-CONV many person-GEN for DV-CONV for father and mother, for many people (BS 1) (4) The converb n-i can be also followed by the verbs nar- ‘to become,’ se- ‘to do,’ and the adjective posi ‘be desirable.’ These combinations produce special constructions: – X n-i nar- ‘to become X’ – X n-i posi ‘to want as X,’ ‘to want to be X’ 12  I cite this example according to Omodaka et al. (1967: 407), who unfortunately does not indicate what exactly the document is.

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– Y(-wo) X n-i se- ‘to make Y being X,’ ‘to treat Y as X’ Examples: 由布弊爾奈礼婆伊射祢余登

yupu-m-be n-i nar-e-mba iⁿza ne-yǝ tǝ evening-GEN-side DV-CONV become-EV-CON INTER sleep-IMP DV When [it] became evening, and [we] told [him]: ‘[Go to] sleep!’ (MYS 5.904) 阿佐奈佐奈安我流比婆理爾奈里弖之可

asa-na [a]sa-na aŋgar-u pimbari n-i nar-i-te-si ka morning-PLUR morning-PLUR rise-ATTR skylark DV-CONV become-CONVPERF(CONV)-PAST/ATTR EP every morning, [I] want to have become a skylark, flying up (MYS 20.4433) 朕高御座爾坐始由理今年尓至麻低六年尓成奴

WARE TAKA MI-KURA-ni IMAS-I-SƏMƐS-U-yuri KƏ TƏSI-ni ITAR-U-maⁿde MU TƏSI n-i NAR-I-n-u I high HON-seat-LOC be(HON)-CONV-begin-ATTR-ABL this year-LOC reachATTR-TERM six year DV-CONV become-CONV-PERF-FIN [It] has been six years this year since I have been on the high throne (SM 7) 企許斯遠周久爾能麻保良叙可爾迦久爾保志伎麻爾麻爾斯可爾波阿羅慈迦

kikǝs-i-wos-u kuni-nǝ ma-po-ra ⁿzǝ ka n-i ka-ku n-i posi-ki manima n-i sika n-i pa ar-aⁿzi ka rule(HON)-CONV-HON-ATTR country-GEN INT-top-LOC FP thus DV-CONV thus-CONV DV-CONV desire-ATTR according DV-CONV thus DV-CONV TOP exist-NEG/TENT IP in the highest place of the country, where [the emperor] rules, [it] would not be thus according to what [you] wish to be this way and that way, [would it]? (MYS 5.800) 奈禮乎曾與咩爾保師登多禮

nare-wo sǝ yǝme n-i posi tǝ tare you-ACC FP bride DV-CONV be.desirable DV who who wants you as [his] bride? (NR 2.33) 家尓之弖吾者将戀名

ipe n-i s-i-te WARE pa KOPÏ-M-U na home DV-CONV do-CONV-SUB I TOP long-TENT-FIN EP After [I] come home, I will long for [it]! (MYS 7.1179)

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戀之家婆形見尓将為

KOPÏsi-k-emba KATAMI n-i SE-M-U miss-ATTR-COND farewell present DV-CONV do-TENT-FIN If [you] miss [me], [I] want to make [it] to be a farewell present [for you] (MYS 8.1471) 挿頭尓将為跡我念之櫻花

KAⁿZASI n-i SE-M-U tǝ A-ŋGA OMƏP-I-si SAKURA-NƏ PANA head.ornament DV-CONV do-TENT-FIN DV I-POSS think-CONV-PAST/ATTR sakura-GEN blossom [I] think [I] want to make the sakura blossoms about which I thought into a head ornament (MYS 16.3786) 2.4.1.1.1 Special Compressed Form -nThe converb form n-i of the defective verb n- ‘to be’ may have a special compressed form -n- that surfaces as a prenasalization (realized as -m-, -ⁿ-, -ŋ-) if the underlying form of a following head nominal starts with a voiceless consonant /p/, /t/, /k/, or /s/. However, to the best of my knowledge, there is only one uncontroversial example of the contracted form -ŋ- in Western Old Japanese: 曾能阿牟袁阿岐豆波夜具比

sǝnǝ amu-wo akiⁿdu paya-ŋ-kup-i that horsefly-ACC dragonfly quick-DV(CONV)-eat-CONV a dragonfly quickly ate that horsefly (KK 97) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The converb form n-i is attested in Eastern Old Japanese in the same functions as in Western Old Japanese with the exception of the constructions yuwe n-i and tamɛ n-i. (1) Nominal predicate: 夜麻邊能之牙可久尓伊毛呂乎多弖天左祢度波良布母

yama-m-BE-nǝ siŋge-k-aku n-i imo-rǝ-wo tate-te sa-ne-ⁿ-do parap-umǝ mountain-GEN-side-GEN thick-ATTR-NML DV-CONV beloved-DIM-ACC make.stand(CONV)-SUB PREF-sleep(NML)-DV(ATTR)-place clean-EXCL as the mountain (side) is overgrown [with bush], [I] let my beloved stand, and [I] am clearing a place [for us] to sleep! (MYS 14.3489)

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467

Verbs 比登祢呂爾伊波流毛能可良

pitǝ ne-rǝ n-i ip-ar-u monǝkara one peak-DIM DV-CONV say-PROG-ATTR CONJ Although [they] say that [we] are one peak … (MYS 14.3512) 多可伎祢爾久毛能都久能須和礼左倍爾伎美爾都吉奈那

taka-ki ne-ni kumo-nǝ tuk-u-nǝsu ware sapɛ n-i kimi-ni tuk-i-n-ana high-ATTR peak-LOC cloud-GEN attach-ATTR-COMP I RP DV-CONV lord-DAT attach-CONV-PERF-DES Even I would like to cling to [my] lord like clouds cling to a high peak (MYS 14.3514) (2) Adverbialization: 麻左弖尓毛乃良奴伎美我名宇良尓弖尓家里

masaⁿde n-i mo nǝr-an-u kimi-ŋga NA ura-ni [i] ⁿde-n-i-ker-i clear DV-CONV FP say-NEG-ATTR lord-POSS name divination-LOC go.out (CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-FIN The name of [my beloved] lord which [I] did not tell [to anyone] became clearly known through divination (MYS 14.3374) 安夜尓可奈思母

aya n-i kanasi-mǝ extreme DV-CONV be.dear-EXCL [she] is extremely dear [to me]! (MYS 14.3408) 志保悲乃由多尓於毛敝良婆

sipo pï-nǝ yuta n-i omop-er-amba tide dry(NML)-COMP carefree DV-CONV think-PROG-COND If I would be thinking [about you], as carefree as an ebbing tide (MYS 14.3503) (3) The constructions yuwe n-i ‘because of’ and tamɛ n-i ‘for’ are not attested in Eastern Old Japanese. (4) Before the verbs nar- ‘to become’ and se- ‘to do’:13

13  The construction n-i posi ‘to want as’ is not attested in Eastern Old Japanese.

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安比豆祢能久爾乎佐杼抱美安波奈波婆斯努比尓勢毛等比毛牟須婆佐祢

Apiⁿdune-nǝ kuni-wo saⁿ-tǝpo-mi ap-an-ap-amba sinop-i n-i se-m-wo tǝ pimo musumb-as-an-e Apiⁿdune-GEN land-ABS PREF-far-GER meet-NEG-ITER-COND long.for-NML DV-CONV do-TENT-ATTR DV cord tie-HON-DES-IMP If [we] continue not to meet, because the land of Apindune is far, [I] want [you] to tie [your garment] cords, as if longing for [me] (MYS 14.3426) 麻多妣爾奈理奴

ma-tambi n-i nar-i-n-u INT-journey DV-CONV become-CONV-PERF-FIN [it] became a really [long] journey (MYS 20.4388) A2: Ryukyuan The converb n-i of the defective verb n- ‘to be’ is attested in Old Ryukyuan as well as in modern dialects, including Southern Ryukyuan. Examples: Old Ryukyuan 主里もりあせはつちぎりにきらせ

SIYORI mori ase fa tuti-gir-i n-i kir-as-e Shuri castle warrior TOP ground-(DV)cut-NML DV-CONV cut-HON-IMP Warriors [of] the Shuri castle, cut [the enemy] as cutting the ground (OS 1.33) Classical Ryukyuan いろいろに言ちもいかなしも行かぬ

iro-iro n-i I-ti-mo ika nas-i-mo Ik-an-u different DV-CONV say(CONV)-SUB-PT how do-CONV-PT go-NEG-FIN whatever [you] say, and whatever [you] do, [I] will not go (RK 725) Yaeyama

daa katti n-i śaa you one’s own way DV-CONV do(IMP) Do as you like (Nohara 1998: 474) 2.4.1.2 Attributive Form n-ǝ The function of the attributive form n-ǝ is the same as that of its Middle Japanese or Modern Japanese counterpart n-o in such examples as MJ Taketori n-o okina ‘old man Bamboo-cutter,’ aruzi n-o otoko ‘a man who is the host,’ Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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Verbs

Isitukuri n-o miko ‘prince Isitukuri’ and MdJ tomodati no gakusei ‘a student who is [my] friend,’ mei no Sumiko ‘Sumiko who is [my] niece,’ etc. The attributive ending -ǝ, rather than -u that might have been expected, is possibly paralleled by the Eastern Old Japanese attributive suffix -o, e.g.: ar-o ‘exist-ATTR,’ pik-o ‘pull ATTR,’ tat-o ‘stand-ATTR,’ yuk-o ‘go-ATTR,’ which will be discussed in more detail in the section on the attributive. A similar attributive form -o is preserved in the modern Hachijō dialect. The identification, however, is not without its problems, because there is some evidence that this final attributive -o in Eastern Old Japanese goes back to kō-rui /o/ rather than to otsu-rui /ǝ/. 比佐迦多能阿米能迦具夜麻

pisa kata n-ǝ amɛ-nǝ kaŋgu-yama eternal hard DV-ATTR heaven-GEN Kaŋgu(p. n.)-mountain eternal and strong Amɛ-no Kaŋguyama (lit.: Heavenly Kaŋgu mountain) (KK 27) 都流岐能多知

turuki n-ǝ tati double-edged sword DV-ATTR long.sword a long sword that is a double-edged sword (KK 33) 佐斯夫能紀

sasimbu n-ǝ kï sasimbu DV-ATTR tree sasimbu tree (KK 57) 賣杼理能和賀意富岐美能淤呂須波多他賀多泥呂迦母

meⁿdǝri n-ǝ wa-ŋga opǝ kimi-nǝ or-ǝs-u pata ta-ŋga tane rǝ kamǝ Meⁿdǝri DV-ATTR I-POSS great lady-GEN weave-HON-ATTR fabric who-POSS material DV EP The fabric my lady Meⁿdǝri weaves, I wonder for whom (lit. whose) the material is? (KK 66) 奈爾能都底擧騰

nani n-ǝ tute-kǝtǝ what DV-ATTR report(NML)-word What message [do you have]? (NK 128) 等保乃朝庭

tǝpo n-ǝ MIKAⁿDO

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far DV-ATTR Imperial Court distant Palace (MYS 5.794) 多那礼乃美巨騰

ta-nare n-ǝ mi-kǝtǝ hand-accustom(NML) DV-ATTR HON-koto favorite koto (MYS 5.812) 麻多麻奈須布多都能伊斯乎

ma-tama-nasu puta-tu n-ǝ isi-wo INT-jewel-COMP two-CL DV-ATTR stone-ACC to stones like real jewels (MYS 5.813) 等保能久尓

tǝpo n-ǝ kuni distant DV-ATTR country distant country (MYS 15.3688) 可多美能許呂母

katami n-ǝ kǝrǝmǝ keepsake DV-ATTR garment a garment that is a keepsake (MYS 15.3733) 伊豆礼能日麻弖安礼古非乎良牟

iⁿdure n-ǝ PI-maⁿde are kopï-wor-am-u which DV-ATTR day-TERM I long.for(CONV)-exist-TENT-FIN until what day should I be longing for [you]? (MYS 15.3742) 兄乃君

SE n-ǝ KIMI beloved DV-ATTR lord beloved lord (MYS 16.3885) 弟乃美許等

OTƏ n-ǝ mi-kǝtǝ younger brother DV-ATTR HON-thing darling who is [my] younger brother (MYS 17.3957) 佐夜麻太乃乎治我其日爾母等米安波受家牟

sa yamaⁿda n-ǝ woⁿdi-ŋga SƏNƏ PI-ni mǝtǝmɛ ap-aⁿz-u-k-em-u

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Verbs

so Yamaⁿda DV-ATTR old.man-POSS that day-LOC search(CONV) meet-NEGCONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN So, old man Yamaⁿda searched for [him] on that day, [but] did not find [him] (MYS 17.4014) 此橘乎等伎自久能可久能木實等名附家良之母

KƏNƏ TATImBANA-wo tǝkiⁿzi-ku n-ǝ kaŋg-u n-ǝ KƏ-NƏ MÏ tǝ NA-ⁿ-DUKƐ-kerasi-mǝ this mandarin.orange-ACC be off season-CONV DV-ATTR smell-ATTR DVATTR tree-GEN fruit DV name-LOC-attach(CONV)-RETR-SUP-EXCL [we] should call these mandarin oranges fragrant tree fruits that are off season (MYS 18.4111) Note that in this example the first n-ǝ follows the converb form -ku. The usage of the second attributive n-ǝ in this example is idiosyncratic and even possibly ungrammatical, since the attributive modifies the following noun by itself, and n-ǝ is not necessary. 己礼乃与波宇都利佐留止毛

kǝre n-ǝ yǝ pa utur-i sar-u tǝmo this DV-ATTR world TOP change-CONV go.away-FIN CONJ Even though this world changes and goes away … (BS 10) 久須理師波都祢乃母阿礼等麻良比止乃伊麻乃久須理師多布止可理家利米 太志加利鶏利

kusurisi pa tune n-ǝ mǝ ar-e-ⁿdǝ marapitǝ n-ǝ ima-nǝ kusurisi taputǝ-k-ar-i-ker-i mɛNdasi-k-ar-i-ker-i medicine.man TOP usual DV-ATTR FP exist-EV-CONC guest DV-ATTR now-GEN medicine.man revered-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN praiseworthy-CONVexist-CONV-RETR-FIN Although there are usual medicine men, too, the present Guest Medicine Man is [indeed] revered. [He] is praiseworthy (BS 15) Note the ellipsis of the word kusurisi ‘medicine man’ after the first n-ǝ. As a result, tune n-ǝ ‘usual’ functions by itself as a noun phrase without a following head noun, and consequently it is directly followed by the focus particle mǝ. 与都乃閇美伊都都乃毛乃乃阿都麻礼流伎多奈伎微乎婆

yǝ-tu n-ǝ pɛmi itu-tu n-ǝ monǝ-nǝ atumar-er-u kitana-ki mï-womba four-CL DV-ATTR snake five-CL DV-ATTR demon-GEN gather-PROG-ATTR dirty-ATTR body-ACC(EMPH) the dirty body where four snakes and five demons have accumulated (BS 19) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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2.4.1.2.1 Special Compressed Form -nThe attributive form n-ǝ of the defective verb n- ‘to be’ may have a special compressed form -N- that surfaces as a prenasalization (realized as -m-, -ⁿ-, -ŋ-) if the underlying form of a following head nominal starts with a voiceless consonant /p/, /t/, /k/, or /s/. 夜弊賀岐都久流

ya-pe-ŋ-gaki tukur-u eight-fold-DV(ATTR)-fence make-FIN [I] am making an eight-folded fence (KK 1) 阿加陀麻

aka-ⁿ-dama red-DV(ATTR)-jewel red jewel (KK 7) 美都具理能曾能那迦都迩

mi-tu-ŋ-guri-nǝ sǝnǝ naka-tu ni three-CL-DV(ATTR)-chestnut-COMP that middle-GEN/LOC clay that clay from the middle that is like three chestnuts (KK 42) 加久能碁登那爾淤波牟登

ka-ku-nǝ ŋgǝtǝ na-ni op-am-u tǝ thus-CONV-GEN like name-LOC carry-TENT-FIN DV in order to perpetuate that [it] was like that (KK 97) 古陀加流伊知

ko-ⁿ-daka-[a]r-u iti DIM-DV(ATTR)-high-exist-ATTR meeting.place slightly elevated meeting.place (KK 101) 柂我佐基泥佐基泥曾母野倭我底騰羅須謀野

ta-ŋga sakï-ⁿ-de sakï-ⁿ-de sǝ mǝ ya wa- ŋga te tǝr-as-umo ya who-POSS chap(NML)-DV(ATTR)-hand chap(NML)-DV(ATTR)-hand FP EP EP I-POSS hand take-HON-EXCL IP whose chapped hand, chapped hand will take my hand?! (NK 108)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The attributive form n-ǝ functions in Eastern Old Japanese in the same way as it does in Western Old Japanese: 西乃古何夜蘇志麻加久理

se n-ǝ ko-ŋga yaso sima kakur-i beloved DV-ATTR child-POSS eighty island hide-CONV beloved girl hides [behind] eighty islands … (FK 8) 勢能古

se n-ǝ ko beloved DV-ATTR child beloved man (MYS 14.3458) 麻等保久能野尓毛安波奈牟

ma-tǝpo-ku n-ǝ NO-ni mo ap-ana-m-u INT-distant-CONV DV-ATTR field-LOC FP meet-DES-TENT-FIN [I] would like to meet [you] even in a distant field (MYS 14.3463) 意富伎美乃之許乃美多弖等伊埿多都和例波

opo kimi-nǝ sikǝ n-ǝ mi-tate tǝ iⁿde-tat-u ware pa great lord-GEN unworthy DV-ATTR HON-shield DV exit(CONV)-leave-ATTR I TOP I leave today to be an unworthy shield of the sovereign (MYS 20.4373) 比毛多要婆安我弖等都気呂許礼乃波流母志

pimo taye-mba a-ŋga te-tǝ tukɛ-rǝ kǝre n-ǝ paru mǝs-i cord tear-COND your.own-POSS hand-COM attach-IMP this DV-ATTR needle hold-CONV if the cords [of your garment] tear, attach them with your own hand, holding this needle (MYS 20.4420) Special Compressed Form -n-

Eastern Old Japanese also has the special compressed -n- form: 波故祢能祢呂乃爾古具佐

pakone-nǝ ne-rǝ-nǝ niko-ŋ-kusa Pakone-GEN peak-DIM-GEN niko-DV(ATTR)-grass niko grass of the little peak in Pakone (MYS 14.3370) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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A2: Ryukyuan The attributive form n-o of the defective verb n- ‘to be’ is well attested in Old Ryukyuan. The attributive form n-u is attested in many modern dialects, including South Ryukyuan, but in the available descriptions this form is mostly found in the attributive form of demonstrative pronouns, like ʔunu ‘that’ which is historically from *ʔu n-u ‘that DV-ATTR.’ Examples: Old Ryukyuan あけのみあおり

ake n-o mi-aori beautiful DV-ATTR HON-shade.umbrella beautiful shade umbrella (OS 12.657) Yaeyama

patuũãã n-u śima Hatoma DV-ATTR island Hatoma island (Nohara 1998: 445) ʔunu pïtu that(ATTR) person that person (Nohara 1998: 474) 2.4.1.3 Subordinative Converb Form n-i-te The subordinative converb form n-i-te is a rare form in Western Old Japanese. It is attested only in the Man’yōshū, where it occurs five times. N-i-te has only two functions: (1) copula in a nominal predicate, (2) marker of a location of an action or a state. Examples: (1) As a copula in a nominal predicate: 常丹毛冀名常處女畠手

TUNE n-i moŋga na TUNE WOTƏME n-i-te eternal DV-CONV DP EP eternal maiden DV-CONV-SUB [I] want to be eternal, being an eternal maiden! (MYS 1.22) 都祢比等能故布登伊敷欲利波安麻里爾弖和礼波之奴倍久奈里尓多良受也

tune pitǝ-nǝ kop-u tǝ ip-u-yori pa amari n-i-te ware pa sin-umbɛ-ku nar-i-n-itar-aⁿz-u ya

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ordinary person-GEN long.for-FIN DV say-ATTR-ABL TOP excess DV-CONV-SUB I TOP die-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-PERF/PROG-NEG-FIN IP Did not [it] become so that I should die, feeling (lit.: being) much more than what ordinary people call ‘longing’? (MYS 18.4080) (2) As a marker of a location of an action or a state: 京師尓而誰手本乎可吾将枕

MIYAKO n-i-TE TA-ŋGA TAMƏTƏ-wo ka WA-ŋGA MAKURAK-AM-U capital DV-CONV-SUB who-POSS sleeve-ACC IP I-POSS use.as.a.pillow-TENTATTR Whose sleeves will I use as a pillow at the capital? (MYS 3.439) 多婢尓弖毛母奈久波也許登

tambi n-i-te mo mǝ na-ku paya kǝ tǝ journey DV-CONV-SUB FP misfortune no-CONV quick come(IMP) DV [my beloved] said: “Come [back] quickly without any misfortune on [your] journey!” (MYS 15.3717) 家尓底母多由多敷命

IPE n-i-te mǝ tayutap-u INƏTI home DV-CONV-SUB FP be.unstable-ATTR life [my] life which is uncertain even at home (MYS 17.3896) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan The subordinative converb n-i-te is attested only in Classical Ryukyuan (in Ryūka) (Hokama 1995: 508), and does not reveal itself in either Old Ryukyuan or modern dialects. Thus, it is certainly a loan from Classical Japanese. The absence of the n-i-te form in both Eastern Old Japanese and Ryukyuan suggests that this form is a result of an internal development in Central Japanese. 2.4.1.4 Special Form nar- < n-i arThere is a special form nar-, which resulted from contraction of the converb form n-i with the following verb ar- ‘to exist.’ While in Middle Japanese this form is the only one used, except in cases where the focus particles mo and fa, the emphatic particle si, or the interrogative particle ka are placed between the converb n-i and ar-, in Western Old Japanese the non-contracted form with

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ar- directly following n-i is used much more frequently than the contracted form. The contracted form nar- is quite rare, and the list of examples below includes almost all attested examples where the contracted form is written phonographically or partially phonographically. The verb ar- ‘to exist’ is used after n-i as a ‘dummy’ auxiliary that allows the attachment of other auxiliaries or suffixes that cannot directly follow the defective verb n-. Care must be taken to distinguish three confusing verbs in Western Old Japanese: nar- ‘to become’ (consonant verb), nar- ‘to be’ (contraction of the converb form n-i of the defective verb n- ‘to be’ and ar- ‘to exist,’ an r-irregular verb), and nar- ‘to exist at,’ ‘to be located at’ (a contraction of the locative case marker -ni and ar- ‘to exist,’ an r-irregular verb). For examples of the last one, see chapter 4, section 1.2.2.4.4. 許能美岐波和賀美岐那良受

kǝnǝ mi-ki pa wa-ŋga mi-ki nar-aⁿz-u this HON-rice.wine TOP I-POSS HON-rice.wine be-NEG-FIN This rice wine is not my rice wine (KK 39) 柂摩儺羅磨婀我裒屢柂摩

tama nar-amba a-ŋga por-u tama jewel be-COND I-POSS desire-ATTR jewel if [my beloved] were a jewel, [she would be] a jewel I desire (NK 92) 蘇餓能古羅破宇摩奈羅麼譬武伽能古摩

Soŋga-nǝ ko-ra pa uma nar-amba pimuka-nǝ ko-[u]ma Soŋga-GEN son-PLUR TOP horse be-COND Pimuka-GEN DIM-horse If the sons of Soŋga were horses, [they would be] the stallions of Pimuka … (NK 103) 迦久能尾奈良志

ka-ku nǝmï nar-asi thus-CONV RP be-SUP [It] is likely to be just this way (MYS 5.804) 安布毛能奈良婆

ap-u monǝ nar-amba meet-ATTR thing be-COND if [we] would meet (MYS 15.3731) 加武賀良奈良之

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Verbs

deity-DV(ATTR)-nature be-SUP [It] is likely to be [its] divine nature (MYS 17.4001) 秋風尓比毛等伎安氣奈多太奈良受等母

AKI KAⁿZE-ni pimo tǝk-i-akɛ-na taⁿda nar-aⁿz-u tǝmǝ autumn wind-LOC cord untie-CONV-open-DES direct be-NEG-FIN CONJ [I] wish that the autumn wind would untie the cords, even if [it] is not directly (MYS 20.4295) 伎美奈良奈久尓

kimi nar-an-aku n-i lord be-NEG-NML DV-CONV as [it] is not [my] lord (MYS 20.4447) 逆在流人止母在而

SAKASIMA NAr-u PITƏ-ⁿdǝmǝ AR-I-TE rebellious be-ATTR person-PLUR exist-CONV-SUB there were people who were rebellious (SM 16) 汝多知諸者吾近姪奈利

IMASI-tati MƏRƏ pa WA-ŋGA TIKA-KI WOPI nar-i you-PLUR all TOP I-POSS close-ATTR nephew be-FIN All [of] you are my close nephews (SM 17) 伊可奈留夜比止爾伊麻世可

ika nar-u ya pitǝ n-i imas-e ka how be-ATTR IP person DV-CONV be(HON)-EV IP Oh, what kind of person is [he]? (BS 5) 2.4.1.4.1

Non-contracted Form n-i ar-

伊麻許曾婆和杼理迩阿良米能知波那杼理爾阿良牟遠

ima kǝsǝ pa wa-ⁿ-dǝri n-i ar-am-ɛ nǝti pa na-ⁿ-dǝri n-i ar-am-u-wo now FP TOP I-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-EV after TOP you-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR-ACC Now [I] am my bird, later [I] will be your bird, so … (KK 3) 比登都麻都比登迩阿理勢婆

pitǝ-tu matu pitǝ n-i ar-i-s-emba one-CL pine person DV-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND if a lone pine were a person (KK 29) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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伊可爾安良武日能等伎爾可母

ika n-i ar-am-u PI-nǝ tǝki-ni kamǝ how DV-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR day-GEN time-LOC EP I wonder, in what time of the day … (MYS 5.810) 大船尓伊母能流母能尓安良麻勢婆

OPO PUNE-ni imǝ nǝr-u mǝnǝ n-i ar-amas-emba big boat-LOC beloved board-ATTR thing DV-CONV exist-SUBJ-COND If [it] were the case that [my] beloved boarded [my] big boat … (MYS 15.3579) 伊毛尓安礼也夜須伊毛祢受弖安我故非和多流

imo n-i ar-e ya yasu i mo ne-ⁿz-u-te a-ŋga kopï-watar-u beloved DV-CONV exist-EV IP easy sleep FP sleep-NEG-CONV-SUB I-POSS long.for(CONV)-cross-ATTR Is [she] my beloved? I do not sleep easily, and continue to long for [her] (MYS 15.3633) 安米都知能可未奈伎毛能尓安良婆

amɛ tuti-nǝ kamï na-ki monǝ n-i ar-amba heaven earth-GEN deity no-ATTR thing DV-CONV exist-COND If heaven and earth were without deities … (MYS 15.3740) 烏梅乃花美夜万等之美尓安里登母

uMƐ-nǝ PANA mi-yama tǝ sim-i n-i ar-i tǝmǝ plum-GEN blossom HON-mountain DV grow.thick-NML DV-CONV exist-FIN CONJ Even though plum blossoms are blooming densely as a mountain (MYS 17.3902) 伊米尓波母等奈安比見礼騰多太尓安良祢婆孤悲夜麻受家里

imɛ-ni pa mǝtǝna api-MI-re-ⁿdǝ taⁿda n-i ar-an-e-mpa kopï yam-aⁿz-u-ker-i dream-LOC TOP in.vain REC-see-EV-CONC direct DV-CONV exist-NEG-EVCON love(NML) stop-NEG-CONV-RETR-FIN although [we] see each other in vain in dreams, because [our meetings] are not direct, [our] longing does not stop (MYS 17.3980) 伊可爾安流布勢能宇良曾毛

ika n-i ar-u puse-nǝ ura sǝ mo how DV-CONV exist-ATTR Puse-GEN bay it FP The bay of Puse, how incredibly [beautiful] it is! (MYS 18.4036)

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479

Verbs 安佐之保美知尓与流許都美可比尓安里世婆都刀尓勢麻之乎

asa sipo mit-i-ni yǝr-u kǝtumi kapi n-i ar-i-s-empa tuto n-i se-masi-wo morning tide full-NML-LOC approach-ATTR trash shellfish DV-CONV existCONV-PAST/ATTR-COND souvenir DV-CONV do-SUBJ-ACC if the trash that is brought up by the full morning tide were shellfish, [I] would bring [it] as a souvenir, but … (MYS 20.4396) The non-contracted form n-i ar- is also found with the intervening focus particles mǝ, pa, kǝsǝ, and sǝ, the emphatic particle si and the interrogative particle ka in the constructions n-i mǝ ar-, n-i pa ar-, n-i kǝsǝ ar-, n-i sǝ ar-, n-i si ar- and n-i ka ar-. Among these, n-i kǝsǝ ar- is attested only once, but the others occur several times each, although none of them is very frequent. Interestingly, neither the emphatic particle namo, nor the interrogative particle ya occur between n-i and ar-. 阿波母與賣迩斯阿禮婆那遠岐弖遠波那志

a pa mǝ yǝ me n-i si ar-e-mba na-wo [o]k-i-te wo pa na-si I TOP EP EP woman DV-CONV EP exist-EV-CON you-ACC leave-CONV-SUB man TOP no-FIN Because I am a woman, [I] have no [other] man, besides you (KK 5) 企許斯遠周久爾能麻保良叙可爾迦久爾保志伎麻爾麻爾斯可爾波阿羅慈迦

kikǝs-i-wos-u kuni-nǝ ma-po-ra ⁿzǝ ka n-i ka-ku n-i posi-ki manima n-i sika n-i pa ar-aⁿzi ka rule(HON)-CONV-HON-ATTR country-GEN INT-top-LOC FP thus DV-CONV thus-CONV DV-CONV desire-ATTR according DV-CONV thus DV-CONV TOP exist-NEG/TENT IP in the highest place of the country, where [the emperor] rules, [it] would not be thus according to what [you] wish to be this way and that way, [would it]? (MYS 5.800) 飛立可祢都鳥尓之安良祢婆

TƏmB-I-TAT-I-kane-t-u TƏRI n-i si ar-an-e-mba fly-CONV-depart-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-FIN bird DV-CONV EP existNEG-EV-CON [I] could not fly away because [I] am not a bird (MYS 5.893)

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妹等安里之時者安礼杼毛和可礼弖波許呂母弖佐牟伎母能尓曽安里家流

IMO-tǝ ar-i-si TƏKI pa ar-e-ⁿdǝmo wakare-te pa kǝrǝmǝⁿde samu-ki mǝnǝ n-i sǝ ar-i-ker-u beloved-COM exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR time TOP exist-EV-CONC separate (CONV)-SUB TOP sleeve cold-ATTR thing DV-CONV FP exist-CONV-RETRATTR Although there was a time when [I] was with [my] beloved, since [we] separated, [my] sleeves are cold (MYS 15.3591) 秋夜乎奈我美爾可安良武

AKI-NƏ YO-wo naŋga-mi n-i ka ar-am-u autumn-GEN night-ABS long-GER DV-CONV IP exist-TENT-ATTR Is [it] probably because the autumn night is long? (MYS 15.3684) 伊敝之麻波奈尓許曽安里家礼

ipe sima pa na n-i kǝsǝ ar-i-ker-e Home island TOP name DV-CONV FP exist-CONV-RETR-EV “Home island” turned out to be just a name (MYS 15.3718) 知里比治能可受尓母安良奴和礼由惠尓於毛比和夫良牟伊母

tiri piⁿdi-nǝ kaⁿzu n-i mǝ ar-an-u ware yuwe n-i omop-i-wamb-uram-u imǝ dust dirt-COMP number DV-CONV FP exist-NEG-ATTR I reason DV-CONV think-CONV-worry-TENT-ATTR beloved [My] beloved, who was worrying on behalf of me who is not even worth counting like dust and dirt (MYS 15.3727) 許己呂奈伎登里尓曽安利家流保登等藝須

kǝkǝrǝ na-ki tǝri n-i sǝ ar-i-ker-u potǝtǝŋgisu heart no-ATTR bird DV-CONV FP exist-CONV-RETR-ATTR cuckoo cuckoo, [you] are indeed a bird that has no heart (MYS 15.3784) 伊毛我多可々々尓麻都良牟許己呂之可尓波安良司可

imo-ŋga taka taka n-i mat-uram-u kǝkǝrǝ sika n-i pa ar-aⁿzi ka beloved-POSS high high DV-CONV wait-TENT2-ATTR heart thus DV-CONV TOP exist-NEG/TENT IP the heart of [my] beloved who probably waits for [me] eagerly would not [it] be this way? (MYS 18.4107) 伊弊婢等乃伊波倍尓可安良牟

ipe-m-bitǝ-nǝ ipapɛ n-i ka ar-am-u

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home-GEN-person-GEN purify(NML) DV-CONV IP exist-TENT-ATTR Is [it] probably because of [my] home folks’ purification rites? (MYS 20.4409) 美麻久能富之伎吉美尓母安流加母

mi-m-aku-nǝ posi-ki kimi n-i mǝ ar-u kamǝ see-TENT-NML-GEN desire-ATTR lord DV-CONV FP exist-ATTR EP I wonder whether [it] is also [my] lord whom [I] want to see (MYS 20.4449) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese Both the contracted form nar- and the non-contracted form n-i ar- are attested in Eastern Old Japanese, but their relative frequency is the opposite to that of Western Old Japanese: the contracted form nar- is attested much more frequently than the non-contracted form n-i ar-, which appears only two times. This probably should come as no surprise, given the fact that Eastern Old Japanese has a clear tendency to various kinds of contractions. 波奈都豆麻奈礼也

pana t-u tuma nar-e ya flower DV-ATTR spouse be-EV IP Are you a flower-wife? (MYS 14.3370) 伊可奈流勢奈可和我理許武等伊布

ika nar-u se-na ka wa-ŋgari kǝ-m-u tǝ ip-u how be-ATTR beloved-DIM IP I-DIR come-TENT-FIN DV say-ATTR what kind of beloved is [he], who says that [he] will come to me? (MYS 14.3536) 阿志氣比等奈里

asi-kɛ pitǝ nar-i bad-ATTR person be-FIN [he] is a bad person (MYS 20.4382) 久毛為尓美由流志麻奈良奈久尓

kumowi-ni mi-y-uru sima nar-an-aku n-i distance-LOC see-PASS-ATTR island be-NEG-NML DV-CONV although [it] is not an island that is seen in the distance (MYS 20.4355)

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Non-Contracted Form -n-i ar哭乎曽奈伎都流手兒尓安良奈久尓

NE-wo sǝ nak-i-t-uru teŋGO n-i ar-an-aku n-i voice-ACC FP cry-CONV-PERF-ATTR baby DV-CONV exist-NEG-NML DV-CONV [I] sobbed loudly, although [I] am not a baby (MYS 14.3485) 佐弁奈弁奴美許登尓阿礼婆

sape-n-ape-n-u mi-kǝtǝ n-i ar-e-mba refuse(NML)-LOC-match-NEG-ATTR HON-word DV-CONV exist-EV-CON Because [it] is [my sovereign’s] order that [I] cannot refuse … (MYS 20.4432) A2: Ryukyuan It seems that only the contracted form nar- ‘to be’ is present in Ryukyuan, and in addition it is limited to Old and Classical Ryukyuan. Thus, it is more than likely that here we are dealing with a loanword from mainland Middle Japanese into Old and Classical Ryukyuan. Old Ryukyuan いによはのおきてもちなる

Iniyofa-no okite-moti nar-u Iniyofa-GEN rule-holder be-ATTR [the one] who is a governor of Iniyofa (OS 8.456) Classical Ryukyuan 北京お主てだやずまにそなれゆが

FICIN o-SHU-teda ya zuma-ni so nar-e-yu ga Ficin-GEN HON-lord-sun TOP where-LOC next be-CONV-FIN IP Where does the emperor of Beijing live? (RK 3888) Level B: External Comparisons On the basis of all data presented above, it is clear that the defective verb n- ‘to be’ is present in all major branches of Japonic: Central Japanese, Eastern Old Japanese, and Ryukyuan. This allows us to project this verb back to the protoJaponic level and to reconstruct PJ *n- ‘to be.’ None of the ‘Altaic’ languages have any copulas that are comparable with PJ *n-. However, the copula in Ainu is ne, e.g.:

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Yoshiko ku-ne ruwe ne Yoshiko 1ps-be AFFIR be I am Yoshiko (Nakagawa and Nakamoto 1997: 22) Whether PJ *n- and Ainu ne represent a chance similarity, or evidence for old contacts between these two languages remains to be seen. However, my intuitive inclination is to view it as the latter possibility, since linguistic contacts between Ainu and Japonic unfortunately remains a poorly researched area, and there are quite a number of striking parallels between these two languages. 2.4.2 Defective Verb tǝ ‘To Be’ The defective verb tǝ ‘to be’ has only two paradigmatic forms: the converb tǝ and the attributive t-u. Presumably tǝ is also the root of this verb, and the converb form tǝ can be explained as a result of the loss of the converb -i after the vowel final root that can be observed with vowel verbs as well. Note that the defective verbs n- and tǝ are essentially doublets, although tǝ does not have as many functions or paradigmatic forms as n- does. Tǝ also occurs much more rarely than n-. In other words, it has a narrower scope of application and distribution. I will provide an explanation of these phenomena at the end of this section after discussing the comparative data from Eastern Old Japanese and Ryukyuan. 2.4.2.1 Converb Form tǝ The converb form tǝ ‘being’ is used in the same functions as the converb n-i, although in contrast to n-i it is found only once after the quasi-postposition tamɛ ‘for.’ It occurs predominantly after nominals, although there is one example when it appears after the attributive form of a verb (see MYS 4.780 below). The almost total absence of tǝ after the attributive forms of verbs and the total lack of it after nominalized verbal forms is significant, as I will demonstrate later. (1) The converb tǝ can be used as a copula in a nominal predicate: 那爾騰柯母于都倶之伊母我磨陀左枳涅渠農

nani tǝ kamǝ utukusi imǝ-ŋga mata sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-n-u what DV EP beautiful beloved-POSS again bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)-comeNEG-ATTR for (lit: being) what [reason], I wonder, does not [my] beautiful beloved bloom again? (NK 114) 布流由岐得比得能美流麻提烏梅能波奈知流

pur-u yuki tǝ pitǝ-nǝ mi-ru-maⁿde uMƐ-nǝ pana tir-u Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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fall-ATTR snow DV person-GEN see-ATTR-TERM plum-GEN flower fall-FIN plum blossoms fall to such an extent that people will perceive them as falling snow (MYS 5.839) 吾勢子尓令見常念之梅花其十方不所見

WA-ŋGA se-KO-ni MI-SE-M-U tǝ OMƏP-I-si UMƐ-NƏ PANA SƏRE tǝ mo MI-YE-ⁿZ-U I-POSS beloved-DIM-DAT see-CAUS-TENT-FIN DV think-CONV-PAST/ATTR plum-GEN flower that DV FP see-PASS-NEG-CONV The plum blossoms that [I] was going to show to my beloved, do not look like those (i.e., like plum blossoms) (MYS 8.1426) 烏梅乃花美夜万等之美尓安里登母

uMƐ-nǝ PANA mi-yama tǝ sim-i n-i ar-i tǝmǝ plum-GEN blossom HON-mountain DV grow.thick-NML DV-CONV exist-FIN CONJ Even though plum blossoms are blooming densely as a mountain (MYS 17.3902) 大伴乃遠都神祖乃其名乎婆大來目主等於比母知弖

OPƏTƏMƏ-nǝ TƏPO t-u KAMU-OYA-nǝ SƏNƏ NA-womba OPƏKUMƐNUSI tǝ op-i-mǝt-i-te Opǝtǝmǝ-GEN distant DV-ATTR deity-ancestor-GEN that name-ACC(EMPH) Opokumɛnusi DV bear-CONV-hold-CONV-SUB Opǝtǝmǝ clan, bearing the name of [our] distant divine ancestor, as Opokumɛnusi (MYS 18.4094) 多礼乎可伎美等弥都都志努波牟

tare-wo ka kimi tǝ mi-tutu sinop-am-u who-ACC IP lord DV see(CONV)-COOR long.for-TENT-ATTR whom shall [I] long for, viewing [him] as [my] lord? (MYS 20.4440) 現御神止大八嶋国所知天皇大命

AK-I-TU MI-KAMÏ tǝ OPƏ-YA-SIMA-ŋ-GUNI SIRASIMES-U SUMERA-ŋGA OPƏMI-KƏTƏ open-NML-GEN/LOC HON-deity DV great-eight-island-GEN-country rule (HON)-ATTR emperor-POSS great-HON-deity emperor—Great Deity who rules the Great Country of Eight Islands as a Manifested Deity (SM 1) 授留人乎波一日二日止択比

SAⁿDUK-Uru PITƏ-womba PITƏ PI PUTU-KA tǝ ERAmb-i

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approve-ATTR person-ACC(EMPH) one-day two-CL DV select-CONV do [they] select an approved person just for one or two days? (SM 7) Similar to the converb n-i, the converb tǝ can be followed by the dummy auxiliary ar- ‘to exist’ (or its honorific form imas-), although, in contrast to the n-i ar- construction that can contract to nar-, there is no contracted form tar- in Western Old Japanese texts. The examples of tǝ ar- in Western Old Japanese are extremely rare: 志可登阿良農比宜可伎撫而

sika tǝ ar-an-u piŋgɛ kaki-NAⁿDE-TE thus DV exist-NEG-ATTR beard PREF-caress(CONV)-SUB stroking my thinning (lit.: not being thus) beard (MYS 5.892) 伊加登伊可等有吾屋前尓

ika tǝ ika tǝ AR-U WA-ŋGA YAⁿDO-ni spacious DV spacious DV exist-ATTR I-POSS house-LOC In my [extremely] spacious house … (MYS 8.1507) 人跡不在者桑子尓毛成益物乎

PITƏ tǝ AR-AⁿZ-U pa KUWA-KO n-i mo NAR-Amasi MƏNƏwo person DV exist-NEG-CONV TOP mulberry-child DV-CONV FP become-SUBJ CONJ if [I] was not a human being, [I] would [like to] become a silkworm, but … (MYS 12.3086) 美麻斯乃父止坐天皇乃美麻斯尓賜志天下

mimasi-nǝ TITI tǝ IMAS-U SUMERA-MIKƏTƏ-nǝ mimasi-ni TAMAP-I-si AMƐ-NƏ SITA you-GEN father DV exist(HON)-ATTR emperor-deity-GEN you-DAT give(HON)CONV-PAST/ATTR heaven-GEN bottom the land under the Heaven that the emperor-deity, who is your father, gave to you (SM 5) The non-contracted form tǝ ar- is also found with the intervening focus particles mǝ and pa, although these examples are extremely rare: there is just one example of tǝ mǝ ar- and two examples of tǝ pa ar-. Again, in sharp contrast to n-i ar-, the intervening focus particles kǝsǝ and sǝ, the emphatic particle si and the interrogative particle ka are not attested in the constructions *tǝ kǝsǝ ar-, *tǝ sǝ ar-, and *tǝ si ar-. Similar to n-i, neither the emphatic particle namo, nor the interrogative particle ya occur between tǝ and ar-. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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勤和氣登将譽十方不有

ISOSI-KI wakɛ tǝ POMƐ-M-U tǝ mǝ AR-AⁿZ-U hard-working-ATTR fellow DV praise-TENT-ATTR DV FP exist-NEG-FIN [he] is not even to be praised as a hard-working fellow (MYS 4.780) 比等等波安流乎比等奈美爾安礼母作乎

pitǝ tǝ pa ar-u-wo pitǝ nami-ni are mǝ TUKUR-U-wo person DV TOP exist-ATTR-ACC person usual-COMP I FP make-ATTR-ACC although [I] am a human being, [and] although I also make [it] like people usually [make it] (MYS 5.892) 不戀時等者不有友

KOPÏ-N-U TƏKI tǝ pa AR-AN-E-Ndǝmǝ long.for(CONV)-NEG-ATTR time DV TOP exist-NEG-EV-CONC although [it] is not a time when [I] do not long for [him] (MYS 13.3329) 弥蘇知阿麻利布多都乃加多知夜蘇久佐等曾太礼留比止

miso-ti amar-i puta-tu n-ǝ katati yaso kusa tǝ sǝⁿdar-er-u pitǝ thirty-CL exceed-CONV two-CL DV-ATTR mark eighty type DV be completePROG-ATTR person a person, who is endowed with thirty-two marks and eighty [lesser sign] types (BS 2) (2) Like the converb n-i, the converb tǝ is used after nouns and adjectives for adverbializations, but this usage in Western Old Japanese appears to be very infrequent: 佐佐那美遅袁須久須久登和賀伊麻勢婆夜

sasanami-ⁿ-di-wo suku-suku tǝ wa-ŋga imas-e-mba ya Sasanami-GEN-road-ACC rapidly DV I-POSS go(HON)-EV-CON EP as I went rapidly along the Sasanami road, yeah (KK 42) 都祢斯良農道乃長手袁久礼々々等伊可尓可由迦牟

tune sir-an-u MITI-nǝ NA ŋGA te-wo kure-kure tǝ ika n-i ka yuk-am-u usual know-NEG-ATTR road-GEN long place-ACC dark-dark DV how DV-CONV IP go-TENT-ATTR How would [I] go along the full length of the road that [I] normally do not know, being in a dark [mood]? (MYS 5.888)

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487

Verbs 久礼久礼登獨曽我來

kure-kure tǝ PITƏ-RI WA-ŋGA K-URU dark-dark DV one-CL I-POSS come-ATTR I come alone in a dark [mood] (MYS 13.3237) (3) There is only one example in the Western Old Japanese corpus when tǝ follows the quasi-postposition tamɛ ‘for, in order to’: 和礼爾於止礼留比止乎於保美和多佐牟多米止宇都志麻都礼利

ware-ni otǝr-er-u pitǝ-wo opo-mi watas-am-u tamɛ tǝ utus-i-matur-er-i I-DAT be worse-PROG-ATTR person-ABS many-GER lead across-TENT-ATTR in.order.to DV carve-CONV-HUM-PROG-FIN because there are many people who have been worse than me, [I] have carved [Buddha’s footprints] in order to save [them] (BS 13) (4) The converb tǝ can also be followed by the verb nar- ‘to become,’ and the subordinative converb s-i-te of the verb se- ‘to do.’ In contrast to the converb n-i, it is not attested with the adjective posi ‘be desirable.’ The combinations of tǝ with nar- ‘to become’ and s-i-te ‘do-CONV-SUB’ produce special constructions: – X tǝ nar- ‘to become X’ – X tǝ s-i-te ‘doing as X,’ ‘in the capacity of X’ Both constructions occur quite seldom, especially tǝ s-i-te, which mostly appears in the Senmyō. Examples: 何時可毛比等等奈理伊弖天

ITU SI kamo pitǝ tǝ nar-i-iⁿde-te when EP EP person DV become-CONV-exit(CONV)-SUB when [he] becomes a [grown-up] person (MYS 5.904) 古京跡成者

PURU-KI MIYAKO tǝ NAR-I-NUR-E-mba be.old-ATTR capital DV become-CONV-PERF-EV-CON because [it] became an old capital (MYS 6.1048) 今者春部登成尓鷄類鴨

IMA pa PARU-pɛ tǝ nar-i-n-i-ker-u kamo now TOP spring-? DV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP [It] turned out that now [it] is (lit.: has become) spring! (MYS 8.1433)

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豊乃登之思流須登奈良思雪能敷礼流波

TƏYƏ n-ǝ tǝsi sirus-u tǝ nar-asi YUKI-nǝ pur-er-u pa abundant DV-ATTR year show.a.sign-ATTR DV become-SUP snow-GEN fallPROG-ATTR TOP A snowfall seems to become a good omen for an abundant year (MYS 17.3925) 真木乃伊多度乎等杼登之弖和我比良可武尓

MA-KÏ-nǝ ita-ⁿ-do-wo tǝⁿdǝ tǝ s-i-te wa-ŋga pirak-am-u-ni INT-tree-GEN board-GEN-door-ACC rap DV do-CONV-SUB I-POSS openTENT-ATTR-LOC when I open a wooden door made of a real tree with a rap (MYS 14.3467) Although this poem is found in the Azuma-uta volume, it does not have any Eastern Old Japanese features, therefore I treat it as a Western Old Japanese text. 令文所載多流乎跡止為而

NƏRI-NƏ PUMI-NI NƏSE-tar-u-wo ATƏ tǝ S-I-TE law-GEN scripture-LOC place(CONV)-PERF/PROG-ATTR-ACC FOOTSTEP DV DO-CONV-SUB taking what has been written in the law scriptures as a precedent (SM 2) 仲末呂伊忠臣止之天侍都

Nakamarǝ-i TAⁿDASI-KI OMI tǝ s-i-te PAmBER-I-t-u Nakamarǝ-ACT loyal-ATTR noble DV do-CONV-SUB serve-CONV-PERF-FIN Nakamarǝ has served as a loyal noble (SM 34) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The converb tǝ is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese in the same functions as in Western Old Japanese, but there is only one example of tǝ in the construction tǝ pa nar-, where tǝ is followed by the intervening topic particle pa. Most often tǝ is found in Eastern Old Japanese after the interrogative pronoun aⁿ- ‘what, why.’ 阿杼可多延世武

aⁿ-dǝ ka taye se-m-u why-DV IP break(NML) do-TENT-ATTR why should [we] break up? (MYS 14.3397)

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489

Verbs 安加奴乎安杼加安我世牟

ak-an-u-wo aⁿ-dǝ ka a-ŋga se-m-u satisfy-NEG-ATTR-ACC what-DV IP I-POSS do-TENT-ATTR since [it] was not enough [for me], what should I do? (MYS 14.3404) 奴流我倍爾安杼世呂登可母

n-uru-ŋga [u]pɛ-ni aⁿ-dǝ se-rǝ tǝ kamǝ sleep-ATTR-POSS top-LOC what-DV do-IMP DV EP besides sleeping [with her], I wonder what [else do I] do? (MYS 14.3465) 波姑祢乃夜麻爾安波麻吉弖実登波奈礼留乎阿波奈久毛安夜思

Pakone-nǝ yama-ni apa mak-i-te MÏ tǝ pa nar-er-u-wo ap-an-aku/apa na-ku mo ayasi Pakone-GEN mountain-LOC millet sow-CONV-SUB fruit DV TOP becomePROG-ATTR-ACC meet-NEG-NML/millet no-NML FP be.strange(FIN) Although [I] have sown millet on the Pakone mountain and [it] ripened (lit.: became fruits), it is strange that [we] do not meet/there is no millet (MYS 14.3364) 安素乃河泊良欲伊之布麻受蘇良由登伎奴与

Aso-nǝ KApara-yo isi pum-aⁿz-u sora-yu tǝ k-i-n-u yǝ Aso-GEN river-bed-ABL stone tread-NEG-CONV sky-ABL DV come-CONVPERF-FIN EP [I] came from the river-bed of Aso, as from the sky, without treading on stones! (MYS 14.3425) 意富伎美乃之許乃美多弖等伊埿多都和例波

opo kimi-nǝ sikǝ n-ǝ mi-tate tǝ iⁿde-tat-u ware pa great lord-GEN unworthy DV-ATTR HON-shield DV exit(CONV)-leave-ATTR I TOP I leave today to be an unworthy shield of the sovereign (MYS 20.4373) A2: Ryukyuan In Old Ryukyuan, as far as I can tell, the copula to is attested only once: in OS 13.854. All other examples come from Classical Ryukyuan Ryūka and Kumiodori texts that were influenced much more by the mainland Japanese language and poetry patterns than the Old Ryukyuan texts in the Omoro sōshi. A comprehensive study by Nohara Mitsuyoshi (1998) reveals that Ryukyuan tu as a copula appears only in the Northern and Central Ryukyus. There are no traces of it

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to the south of Kumejima and the Okinawan islands. Even in the majority of the Northern and Central Ryukyuan languages surveyed by Nohara, the only occurrence of the copula tu seems to be limited to the usage after adjectival stems, and if this limitation was not enough, in most cases it is limited to reduplicated adjectival stems, like Nase magimagii tu ‘being extremely big’ (Nohara 1998: 65), see the data on other dialects in Nohara 1998: 207, 275, 297. 2.4.2.2 Attributive Form t-u The attributive form t-u is very rare in Western Old Japanese. To the best of my knowledge, the following list of examples is exhaustive (excluding controversial cases): 波毘呂由都麻都婆岐

pa-m-birǝ yu t-u ma-tumbaki leaf-GEN-broad sacred DV-ATTR INT-camellia a true sacred camellia with broad leaves (KK 57) 意富美夜能袁登都波多傅須美加多夫祁理

opǝ-miya-nǝ wotǝ t-u pataⁿde sumi katambuk-er-i great-place-GEN that DV-ATTR edge(?) corner incline-PROG-FIN The edge corners of that side of the great palace are falling apart (KK 105) 等富都比等末都良能加波尓和可由都流

tǝpo t-u pitǝ matu-[u]ra-nǝ kapa-ni waka [a]yu tur-u distant DV-ATTR person Matu-ura-GEN river-LOC young sweetfish angle-FIN people from far away (lit.: distant people) angle young sweetfish at the Matu-ura river (MYS 5.857) 乎登都日毛昨日毛今日毛由吉能布礼礼婆

wotǝ t-u PI mo KINƏPU mo KEPU mo yuki-nǝ pur-er-e-mba that DV-ATTR day FP yesterday FP today FP snow-GEN fall-PROG-EV-CON when the snow has been falling the day before yesterday, yesterday, and today (MYS 17.3924) 登保都比等

tǝpo t-u pitǝ distant DV-ATTR person people from far away (lit.: distant people) (MYS 17.3947)

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491

之許都於吉奈

sikǝ t-u okina stupid DV-ATTR old man stupid old man (MYS 17.4011) 大伴乃遠都神祖乃其名乎婆大來目主等於比母知弖

OPƏTƏMƏ-nǝ TƏPO t-u KAMU-OYA-nǝ SƏNƏ NA-womba OPƏKUMƐNUSI tǝ op-i-mǝt-i-te Opǝtǝmǝ-GEN distant DV-ATTR deity-ancestor-GEN that name-ACC(EMPH) Opǝkumɛnusi DV bear-CONV-hold-CONV-SUB Opǝtǝmǝ clan, bearing the name of [our] distant divine ancestor, as Opǝkumɛnusi (MYS 18.4094) 高津神乃災高津鳥乃災

TAKA t-u KAMÏ-nǝ WAⁿZAPAPI TAKA t-u TƏRI-nǝ WAⁿZAPAPI high DV-ATTR deity-GEN calamity high DV-ATTR bird-GEN calamity calamities from deities high [in Heaven], calamities from birds high [in the sky] (NT 10) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is only one example of the attributive form t-u in Eastern Old Japanese: 波奈都豆麻

pana t-u tuma14 flower DV-ATTR wife flowery wife (MYS 14.3370) Level B: External Comparisons The fact that the defective verb tǝ has a limited usage in Western Old Japanese, both qualitatively and especially quantitatively, strongly suggests that it is a kind of anomaly. This is further supported by the fact that it is essentially a doublet of the defective verb n- ‘to be.’ The existence of doublets in a language normally indicates that one of them must be a loan, and it seems that, out of

14  Although the character 豆 /ⁿdu/ is used in most manuscripts, making this example somewhat questionable, the Hanawa-bon manuscript has pana t-u tuma with a clear voiceless initial /t-/ (Mizushima 1983: 470).

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the two, tǝ would be the prime candidate for a loan, especially given its even more limited distribution in Eastern Old Japanese and Ryukyuan. I have surveyed the case of tǝ elsewhere in greater detail (Vovin 2010: 73–77), demonstrating that it is an early loan from some variety of Old Korean. The borrowing possibly occurred in the Kofun period (prior to the lenition *-t- > -l- [-r-] in Korean) into the predecessor of Western Old Japanese: MK ilwo- ‘be’ < OK *ito > WOJ tǝ. 2.4.3 Defective Verb rǝ ‘To Be’ The defective verb rǝ ‘to be’ is most frequently attested in combination with the following emphatic particle kamǝ (or once with its variant kamu), which prompted some Japanese scholars to treat it as a single exclamatory particle rǝkamǝ (Takagi et al. 1957: 39). However, there are two examples when rǝ is attested without the following kamǝ (see MYS 4.654 and MYS 8.1548 below). In addition, the emphatic particle kamǝ is well attested by itself, therefore it can be segmented from the sequence rǝkamǝ. The defective verb rǝ is attested after the uninflected adjective wosǝ ‘hasty, rush,’ the attributive form -ki of inflected adjectives, and after nouns. It is quite clear from the latter usage that the function of rǝ must be that of a copula; otherwise we end up with a sentence that lacks a copula part of its nominal predicate. Since the particle kamǝ always triggers the change of the preceding final form into an attributive, we should treat the defective form rǝ as an attributive form in most cases. However, there is one clear case (in MYS 4.654) when it can only be analyzed as a final form. 宇斯呂傅波袁陀弖呂迦母

usirǝ-ⁿ-te pa woⁿ-tate rǝ kamǝ back-GEN-place TOP DIM-shield DV(ATTR) EP [Her] back is [like] a small shield! (KK 42) 芝賀波能比呂理伊麻須波淤富岐美呂迦母

si-ŋga pa-nǝ pirǝr-i-imas-u opǝ kimi rǝ kamǝ it-POSS leaf-GEN be.broad-CONV-HON-FIN great lord DV(ATTR) EP its leaves are broad, as the great lord! (KK 57) 賣杼理能和賀意富岐美能淤呂須波多他賀多泥呂迦母

Meⁿdǝri n-ǝ wa-ŋga opǝ kimi-nǝ or-ǝs-u pata ta-ŋga tane rǝ kamǝ Meⁿdǝri DV-ATTR I-POSS great lady-GEN weave-HON-ATTR fabric who-POSS material DV(ATTR) EP The fabric my lady MeNdǝri weaves, I wonder for whom (lit. whose) the material is? (KK 66)

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493

Verbs 微能佐加理毘登登母志岐呂加母

mï-nǝ sakar-i-m-bitǝ tǝmǝsi-ki rǝ kamǝ body-GEN bloom-NML-DV(ATTR)-person envious-ATTR DV(ATTR) EP How [I] am envious of the people who are in their prime! (KK 95) 耆瀰破介辞古耆呂介茂

kimi pa kasiko-ki rǝ kamo lord TOP awesome-ATTR DV(ATTR) EP [my] lord is awesome! (NK 47) 處女之友者乏吉呂賀聞

WOTƏME-ŋGA TƏMƏ TƏMƏSI-ki rǝ kamo maiden-POSS companion envious-ATTR DV(ATTR) EP [I] am envious of maidens’ companions! (MYS 1.53) 更經見者悲呂可聞

KAPAR-AP-U MI-RE-mba KANASI-KI rǝ kamo change-ITER-ATTR see-EV-CON sad-ATTR DV(ATTR) EP when [I] see how [they] change, [it] is sad! (MYS 3.478) 相見者月毛不經尓戀云者乎曽呂登吾乎於毛保寒毳

API-MI-TE pa TUKÏ mo PƐ-N-AKU n-i KOP-U TƏ IP-Amba wosǝ rǝ tǝ WARE-wo omop-as-am-u kamǝ COOP-see(CONV)-SUB TOP month FP pass-NEG-NML DV-CONV long.for-FIN DV say-COND hasty DV(FIN) DV I-ACC think-HON-TENT-ATTR EP If [I] tell [you] that [I] long for [you] without even a month passing since [we] met each other, I wonder [whether you] would think that [I] am hasty (MYS 4.654) 久志美多麻伊麻能遠都豆尓多布刀伎呂可儛

kusi mi-tama ima-nǝ wotutu-ni taputo-ki rǝ kamu mysterious HON-stone now-GEN reality-LOC awesome-ATTR DV(ATTR) EP [these] mysterious stones are awesome in the present [day’s] reality! (MYS 5.813) 咲花毛乎曽呂波恃

SAK-U PANA mo wosǝ rǝ pa itǝpasi bloom-ATTR flower FP hasty DV(ATTR) TOP be.unpleasant(FIN) The fact that blooming flowers are in haste [to fall], too, is unpleasant (MYS 8.1548)

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Comparative Data Level B: External Comparisons Limited distribution in Japonic as well as limited functionality in Western Old Japanese alongside with the fact that no native Japonic word can start with an initial /r-/ strongly suggest that WOJ rǝ is a short-lived loan. Its source is probably the same as the defective verb tǝ ‘to be,’ described above: OK *ito‘to be’ > MK ilwo-. Certainly, WOJ rǝ must be a later loan from Korean than WOJ tǝ, which occurred after the lenition *-t- > -l- [-r-] took place in the history of the Korean language. It can probably be pinned down to the last great wave of Korean loanwords which should be associated with a large influx of immigrants from the Korean peninsula after the fall of Paekche in 660 AD and Koguryo in 668 AD. This later nature of borrowing probably also explains the fact why WOJ rǝ has never been fully assimilated in the language and why it turned out to be short-lived, while WOJ tǝ actually turned out to be a successful survivor that remains in the Japanese language even today. 2.4.4 Defective Verb tǝ ‘To Say’ The defective verb tǝ ‘to say’ is attested in three forms: the converb tǝ, the final tǝ, and the subordinative converb tǝ-te. The latter form is attested only in one example, so it may be questionable. There is also one example when tǝ can be treated as an attributive because it is found after the focus particle sǝ (see the example from NR 2.33 in section 2.4.4.2). 2.4.4.1 Converb Form tǝ The converb form tǝ in Western Old Japanese is predominantly found in the position introducing quotation clauses preceding verbs of verbal or mental activity, such as ip- ‘to say,’ nǝr- ‘to say, to name,’ kik- ‘to hear,’ omǝp- ‘to think,’ tǝp- ‘to ask,’ etc., although there are also cases when it is found without any following verbs of verbal or mental activity, which will be surveyed below. This structural peculiarity is well supported typologically by other languages of the ‘Altaic’ Sprachbund, where the verbs of verbal and mental activity are preceded by rudimentary verbs introducing quotations, e.g., in Manchu: ume fudara-ka hūlha-de aisila-ra se-me ulhi-bu-me NEG/IMP rebel-PERF bandit-DAT help-TENT/ATTR say-CONV understandCAUS-CONV [Jaohūi] made [the people] understand that [they] should not help the rebels and in Khalkha Mongolian:

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margaash yaw-an ge-j xel-sen tomorrow go-PRES say-SUB speak-PAST [He] said that he would go tomorrow There is no difference in Western Old Japanese between direct and indirect speech. Contrary to the claim of Frellesvig, who maintains that tǝ ‘to be’ and tǝ ‘to say’ etymologically represent the same word, namely the copula (Frellesvig 1999), the syntactic difference between those two appears to be fundamental: while the copula tǝ ‘to be’ follows nominals and nominalized forms of verbs, the defective verb tǝ ‘to say’ is almost always found after the final form of verbs (examples of the exceptions are provided below). Below I provide the examples when the defective verb tǝ ‘to say’ is followed by verbs of verbal or mental activity. 故志能久邇邇佐加志売遠阿理登岐加志弖久波志売遠阿理登岐許志弖

Kosi-nǝ kuni-ni sakasi me-wo ar-i tǝ kik-as-i-te kupasi me-wo ar-i tǝ kik-ǝs-i-te Kosi-GEN province-LOC wise woman-ABS exist-FIN DV hear-HON-CONV-SUB beautiful woman-ABS exist-FIN DV hear-HON-CONV-SUB [Opo kuni nusi] heard that there is a wise woman in the Kosi province, heard that there is a beautiful woman (KK 2) 那迦士登波那波伊布登母

nak-aⁿzi tǝ pa na pa ip-u tǝmǝ weep-NEG/TENT DV TOP you TOP say-FIN CONJ Even though you say that [you] would not weep (KK 4) 佐泥牟登波阿禮波意母閇杼

sa ne-m-u tǝ pa are pa omǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝ thus sleep-TENT-FIN DV TOP I TOP long.for-EV-CONC Although I long so much to sleep [with you] (KK 27) 阿軻娜磨廼比訶利播阿利登比登播伊珮耐

aka-ⁿ-tama-nǝ pikari pa ar-i tǝ pitǝ pa ip-ɛ-ⁿdǝ red-DV(ATTR)-jewel-GEN light TOP exist-FIN DV person TOP say-EV-CONC Although people say that the red jewel has light (NK 6)

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不聴跡雖謂話礼話礼常詔許曾志斐伊波奏強話登言

INA tǝ IP-Ɛ-ⁿDƏ KATAr-e KATAr-e tǝ NƏR-AS-E kǝsǝ Sipï-i pa MAWOS-E SIPÏ-ŋ-GATAR-I tǝ NƏR-U no DV say-EV-CONC speak-IMP speak-IMP DV say-HON-EV FP Sipï-ACT TOP say(HUM)-EV forced-DV(ATTR)-say-NML DV say-FIN Though [I] say: ‘No,’ [you] command [me]: ‘Speak, speak!,’ [but the things that] Sipï says, [you] call a forced speech (MYS 3.237) In this example the last tǝ follows the nominalized form katar-i of the verb katar- ‘to speak.’ This is a rare usage and could be explained by the ellipsis of the final form of the copula after the nominalized form of the verb. 余能奈可波牟奈之伎母乃等志流等伎子伊与余麻須万須加奈之可利家理

yǝ-nǝ naka pa munasi-ki mǝnǝ tǝ sir-u tǝki si iyǝyǝ masu-masu kanasi-k-ar-i-ker-i world-GEN inside TOP empty-ATTR thing DV know-ATTR time EP more.and. more more.and.more sad-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN When [I] realized that the world is empty, [it] turned out to be more and more sad (MYS 5.793) In this example tǝ follows the noun mǝnǝ ‘thing,’ but similar to the example above, it could be explained by the ellipsis of the final form of the copula after the noun. 等伎波奈周迦久斯母何母等意母閇騰母

tǝk[ǝ]-ipa-nasu ka-ku si mǝŋgamǝ tǝ omǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ eternal-rock-COMP thus-CONV EP DP DV think-EV-CONC Although [I] think that [I] want to be (thus) like an eternal rock … (MYS 5.805) In this example tǝ follows the desiderative particle mǝŋgamǝ that itself functions syntactically as a predicate (“I want, I wish”). 安礼乎於伎弖人者安良自等富己呂倍騰

are-wo ok-i-te PITƏ pa ar-aⁿzi tǝ pokǝr-ǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝ I-ACC leave-CONV-SUB person TOP exist-NEG/TENT DV boast-ITER-EV-CONC although [I] repeatedly boast that there are probably no other persons besides me (MYS 5.892) 伊等乃伎提短物乎端伎流等云之如

itǝ nǝkite MIⁿZIKA-KI MƏNƏ-wo PASI kir-u tǝ IP-ER-U-ŋGA ŋGƏTƏ-KU very exceptionally short-ATTR thing-ACC end cut-FIN DV say-PROG-ATTRPOSS like-CONV like [the proverb] says: ‘to cut the end of an already very short thing’ (MYS 5.892)

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497

Verbs 出波之利伊奈奈等思騰許良爾佐夜利奴

IⁿDE-pasir-i in-ana tǝ OMƏP-Ɛ-ⁿdǝ kǝ-ra-ni sayar-i-n-u exit(CONV)-run-CONV go.away-DES DV think-EV-CONC child-PLUR-DAT be.prevented-CONV-PERF-FIN although [I] think that [I] would like to run out and go away, [I] am prevented by [my] children (MYS 5.899) 伊波多野爾夜杼里須流伎美伊敞妣等乃伊豆良等和礼乎等波婆伊可爾伊 波牟

Ipata-NO-ni yaⁿdǝr-i s-uru kimi ipe-m-bitǝ-nǝ iⁿdu-ra tǝ ware-wo tǝp-amba ika n-i ip-am-u Ipata-field-LOC lodge-NML do-ATTR lord home-GEN-person-GEN where-LOC DV I-ACC ask-COND how DV-CONV say-TENT-FIN [Oh, my] lord who lodged at the Ipata field. If people from [your] home ask me (saying) where [are you], what should [I] answer? (MYS 15.3689) 麻佐吉久登伊比低之物能乎

ma-saki-ku tǝ ip-i-te-si MƏnǝwo INT-safe-CONV DV say-CONV-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ATTR CONJ Although [I] have said that [I will return] safely (MYS 17.3958) 伊久欲布等余美都追伊毛波和礼麻都良牟曾

iku yo p-u tǝ yǝm-i-tutu imo pa ware mat-uram-u sǝ how.many night pass-FIN DV count-CONV-COOR beloved TOP I wait-TENT2ATTR FP [My] beloved will probably wait for me, counting: ‘How many nights have passed?’ (MYS 18.4072) 都祢比等能故布登伊敷欲利波安麻里爾弖

tune pitǝ-nǝ kop-u tǝ ip-u-yori pa amari n-i-te ordinary person-GEN long.for-FIN DV say-ATTR-ABL TOP excess DV-CONV-SUB [feeling] much more than what ordinary people call ‘longing’ (MYS 18.4080) 伊爾志加多知与乃都美佐閇保呂夫止曾伊布

in-i-si kata ti yǝ-nǝ tumi sapɛ porǝmb-u tǝ sǝ ip-u go-CONV-PAST/ATTR side thousand life-GEN sin RP disappear-FIN DV FP say-ATTR [they] say that even the sins of one thousand former lives will disappear (BS 17)

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藤原朝臣麻呂等伊負図亀一頭献止奏賜不爾

PUⁿDIPARA-NƏ ASƏMI MARƏ-RA-i PUMI-WO OP-ER-U KAMƐ-WO PITƏ-TU TATEMATUR-AKU tǝ MAWOS-I-TAMAp-u-ni … Puⁿdipara-GEN retainer Marǝ-PLUR-ACT writing-ACC bear-PROG-ATTR tortoiseACC one-CL offer(HUM)-NML DV say(HUM)-CONV-HON-ATTR-LOC [They] said that the retainer Puⁿdipara Marǝ and others had offered a tortoise bearing writing [on its back] … (SM 6) 国王伊王位仁坐時方菩薩乃浄戒乎受与止勅天在

KOKU-WAU-i WAU-WI-ni IMAS-U TƏKI pa BOSATU-nǝ ZYAUKAI-wo UKƐ-yǝ tǝ NƏTAMAP-I-te AR-I country-king-ACT king-position-LOC be(HON)-ATTR time TOP bodhisattvaGEN commandment-ACC receive-IMP DV say(HON)-CONV-SUB exist-FIN [Buddha] said that a king of a country, when [he] is on the throne, [should] accept commandments of the Bodhisattva (SM 28) 2.4.4.2 Final Form tǝ As mentioned above there are also cases when tǝ ‘to say’ can occur by itself without the following verbs of verbal or mental activity. Unless these cases can be accounted for by ellipsis, we probably should differentiate between the converb form tǝ preceding verbs of verbal and mental activity and the isomorphous final and/or attributive form tǝ that can be used by itself. Some of the following examples are translated with an English gerund form for the sake of the text’s flow, but this should not be taken as proof that the Western Old Japanese forms are really not final. In addition, tǝ ‘to say’ can be followed by the reported action auxiliary nar- (see section 4.2.2.1) that follows final forms of verbs, so this should be additional proof for the existence of the final form tǝ in Western Old Japanese. 阿波志斯袁美那迦母賀登和賀美斯古良迦久母賀登

ap-as-i-si womina ka mǝŋga tǝ wa-ŋga mi-si ko-ra ka-ku mǝŋga tǝ meet-HON-CONV-PAST/ATTR woman that DP DV I-POSS see(CONV)-PAST/ ATTR girl-DIM thus-CONV DP DV [I] think [I] wish that [much] the woman [I] met; [I] think [I] wish this [much] the girl I saw (KK 42) 久良波斯夜麻袁佐賀志美登伊波迦伎加泥弖和賀弖登良須母

kurapasi-yama-wo saŋgasi-mi tǝ ipa kak-i-kane-te wa-ŋga te tǝr-as-umǝ Kurapasi-mountain-ABS steep-GER DV rock hang-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)SUB take-HON-EXCL

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[I] think that Mount Kurapasi is steep. Being unable to cling to the rocks, [I wish you] take my hand! (KK 69) 阿礼乎婆母伊可爾世与等可

are-womba mǝ ika n-i se-yǝ tǝ ka I-ACC(EMPH) FP how DV-CONV do-IMP DV IP What do [you] think I [should] do? (MYS 5.794) 遠等咩良何遠等咩佐備周等可羅多麻乎多母等爾麻可志余知古良等手多豆 佐波利提阿蘇比家武

wotǝme-ra-ŋga wotǝme sambï s-u tǝ kara tama-wo tamǝtǝ-ni mak-as-i yǝti ko-ra-tǝ TE taⁿdusapar-i-te asomb-i-k-em-u maiden-PLUR-POSS maiden like do-FIN DV China jewel-ACC wrist-LOC wrapHON-CONV same.age child-PLUR-COM hand.hold-CONV-SUB play-CONVPAST/FIN-TENT-FIN The maidens, thinking to behave like maidens, wrap their wrists with [bracelets made of] Chinese jewels, and would play holding hands with girls of the same age (MYS 5.804) 伊射祢余登手乎多豆佐波里

iⁿza ne-yǝ tǝ TE-wo taⁿdusapar-i INTER sleep-IMP DV hand-ACC hand.hold-CONV [we] told [him]: ‘Go to sleep!’ [He], taking [our] hands … (MYS 5.904) 如今将相跡奈良婆此篋開勿勤

IMA ŋGƏTƏ AP-AM-U tǝ-nar-amba KƏNƏ KUSI ŋGƐ PIRAK-UNA YUMƐ now like meet-TENT-FIN DV(FIN)-RA-COND this comb.box open-NEG/IMP at.all if [you] say that [you] want to meet me [again] like now, do not open this comb box at all (MYS 9.1740) 和伎毛故波伊都登加和礼乎伊波比麻都良牟

wa-ŋg-imo-ko pa itu tǝ ka ware-wo ipap-i mat-uram-u I-POSS-beloved-DIM TOP when DV IP I-ACC pray-CONV wait-TENT2-ATTR My beloved will probably wait for me, praying [to the deities], and thinking: ‘When [will he return]?’ (MYS 15.3659)

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伊都之加登奈気可須良牟曾

itu si ka tǝ naŋgɛk-as-uram-u sǝ when EP IP DV lament-HON-TENT2-ATTR FP [she] probably laments, saying: ‘When [will he return]?’ (MYS 17.3962) 子乃去禍蒙服麻久欲為流事波為親爾止奈利

KO-nǝ WAⁿZAPAPI-WO SAR-I SAKIPAPI-WO KA ŋGAPUR-Am-aku POR-I S-Uru KƏTƏ pa OYA-nǝ tamɛ n-i tǝ-nar-i child-GEN misfortune-ACC go.away-CONV happiness-ACC receive-TENT-NML want-NML do-ATTR matter TOP parent-GEN for DV-CONV DV(FIN)-RA-FIN [They] say that the fact that children want to avoid misfortune and obtain happiness is for the sake of [their] parents (SM 25) 奈禮乎曾與咩爾保師登多禮

nare-wo sǝ yǝme n-i posi tǝ tare you-ACC FP bride DV-CONV be.desirable DV who who says [he] wants you as [his] bride? (NR 2.33) In this example tǝ can only be attributive, as it is preceded by the particle sǝ. Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese Similar to Western Old Japanese, the defective verb tǝ in Eastern Old Japanese can also be used before the verbs of verbal or mental activity (converb form) or independently (final or attributive form). Examples of tǝ followed by verbs of verbal and mental activity: 麻許登可聞和礼爾余須等布

ma-kǝtǝ kamo ware-ni yǝs-u tǝ [i]p-u INT-thing EP I-DAT bring.close-FIN DV say-ATTR I wonder [whether it is] true that [people] say that [she] has an intimate relationship with me (MYS 14.3384) 伊可奈流勢奈可和我理許武等伊布

ika nar-u se-na ka wa-ŋgari kǝ-m-u tǝ ip-u how be-ATTR beloved-DIM IP I-DIR come-TENT-FIN DV say-ATTR what kind of beloved is [he], who says that [he] will come to me? (MYS 14.3536)

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501

Verbs 和呂多比波多比等於米保等

warǝ tambi pa tambi tǝ omɛp-o-ⁿdǝ I journey TOP journey DV think-EV-CONC Although I think that [my] journey is [just] a journey … (MYS 20.4343) Examples of the independent usage of tǝ: 古奈宜可久古非牟等夜

ko-naŋgï ka-ku kopï-m-u tǝ ya DIM-water.hollyhock thus-CONV long.for-TENT-FIN DV IP Do [you] think [I] will long so [strongly] for a small water-hollyhock? (MYS 14.3415) 奴流我倍爾安杼世呂登可母

n-uru-ŋga [u]pɛ-ni aⁿ-tǝ se-rǝ tǝ kamǝ sleep-ATTR-POSS top-LOC what-DV do-IMP DV EP besides sleeping [with her], I wonder what [else] do [you] say [I] should do? (MYS 14.3465) Since this tǝ precedes kamǝ it can only be treated as an attributive. 古非爾思奈武乎伊可爾世余等曾

kopï n-i sin-am-u-wo ika n-i se-yǝ tǝ sǝ long.for(NML) DV-CONV die-TENT-ATTR-ACC how DV-CONV do-IMP DV FP although [I] will die from longing, what (lit.: how) will [you] tell [me] to do? (MYS 14.3491) There is also a special Eastern Old Japanese form te of this defective verb that is attested only once: 知々波々我可之良加伎奈弖佐久安礼天伊比之氣等婆是和須礼加祢豆流

titi papa-ŋga kasira kaki-naⁿde sa-ku ar-e te ip-i-si kɛtǝmba ⁿze wasure-kane-t-uru father mother-POSS head PREF-stroke(CONV) safe-CONV exist-IMP DV sayCONV-PAST/ATTR word FP forget(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-ATTR [I] cannot forget the words: “Be safe!” that [my] father and mother said, stroking [my] head (MYS 20.4346)

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A2: Ryukyuan The reflexes of the defective verb tǝ are well presented in all Ryukyuan dialects. The modern Shuri form is said to be Ndi, but this form apparently represents a reanalysis of verb final -N + defective verb *ti as a single morpheme. After the final verb ending in -N one normally finds just di, not Ndi. The form di is probably from *ti that underwent voicing assimilation under the influence of the preceding /N/. Examples: Shuri

nuu Ndi ’yu-ta-ga what DV say-PAST-Q What (DV) did [you] say? (RKJ 435) ’ic-uN di ’yu-ta-N go-FIN DV say-PAST-FIN [He] said that [he] would go (RKJ 435) 2.4.4.3 Subordinative Converb Form tǝ-te The subordinative converb form tǝ-te is a kind of puzzle. In the whole Western Old Japanese corpus it is attested only once: 此七日爾波不足弖隠坐事奇止弖見所行須時

KƏNƏ NAN-UKA-ni pa TAR-AⁿZ-U-te KAKUR-I-[I]MAS-U KƏTƏ AYA-SI tǝ-te MI-SONAP-As-u TƏKI this seven-CL-LOC TOP be.enough-NEG-CONV-SUB hide-CONV-HON-ATTR matter strange-FIN DV(CONV)-SUB look(CONV)-offer(HON)-HON-ATTR time When these seven days did not completely pass, [he] thought that [it] is strange that [she] secluded herself, and when [he] looked … (NT 12) Yamada Yoshio believed that this single example of tǝ-te is due either to the fact that this Norito is itself a later text, or to a later corruption of the text (Yamada 1954: 452). While we obviously cannot exclude the possibility of text corruption, this Norito certainly represents an Early Western Old Japanese text, as demonstrated by Bentley (2001: 25–26). Japanese linguists normally explain tǝ-te as a contraction from tǝ ip-i-te ‘DV say-CONV-SUB,’ but as Bentley correctly notes, the explanation should be rejected, because there was no intervocalic -ploss even in Late Western Old Japanese (Bentley 2001: 137). I should also add that the form to-te is frequently observed in Middle Japanese texts as well, and

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503

although -p- > -w- occurred by this time, the further shift -w- > -∅- before /i/ did not occur before the Kamakura period except in the verb ma(w)ir- ‘to come/ go(HUM)’ (Tsukishima 1969: 360–363). Thus, even MJ to-te < to iwite would be speculative. Therefore, although I normally would not accept a hapax legomenon as evidence, I am inclined to view the rarity of WOJ tǝ-te as a trick played on us by the existing corpus. Ryukyuan data that I briefly discuss below also indicates that the subordinative converb form tǝ-te may go back to Proto-Japonic. Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan There are many attestations of the subordinative converb form tete (= tote) appearing in Old and Classical Ryukyuan texts in various spelling forms. These different spellings exhibit a bewildering variety: tete, teti, dete, reiti (= tote) (Hokama 1995: 441). The absence of a variant *tote suggests that they are not loans from mainland Middle Japanese. Therefore, it is likely that WOJ tǝ-te and these Old Ryukyuan forms go back to a proto-Japonic formation, although one must support it with data from Southern Ryukyuan that so far I have been unable to find.

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Section 3

Verbal Affixes Verbal affixes in Western Old Japanese comprise prefixes and suffixes. There is also one circumfix na-…-sǝ, but functionally it represents a variant of the prefix na-, so both will be treated together below in section 3.1.2. The majority of affixes are suffixes. 3.1

Verbal Prefixes

One of the most striking differences between Western Old Japanese and Middle (Classical) Japanese is that the former has a comparatively rich system of verbal prefixes. While there are verbal prefixes in Middle Japanese as well, they all are preverbs either synchronically or diachronically, in other words they all have a more or less transparent verbal origin. Not so in Western Old Japanese, where half of the prefixes cannot be traced back to any verbal forms. The existence of prefixes in a SOV language is, of course, an anomaly, as SOV languages normally have only suffixes. The presence of even a rudimentary prefixation system, therefore, may point to the fact that the SOV word order in Old Japanese may be a comparatively recent phenomenon due to the ‘Altaicization’ and ‘Koreanization’ of Japonic. In most cases, a verbal form contains only one prefix, but there are three exceptions where two prefixes can be found in a verbal form. In two out of the three exceptions the prefix ta- occupies the second slot, and the prefix i- occupies the first slot. Examples: 朝奈藝尓伊可伎渡

ASA naŋgi-ni i-kaki-WATAR-I morning calm-LOC DLF-PREF-cross.over-CONV crossing over there in the morning calm (MYS 8.1520) 麻佐吉久毛安里多母等保利

ma-saki-ku mo ari-ta-mǝtǝpor-i INT-safe-CONV FP ITER-PREF-wander.around-CONV so that [you] will be wandering around safely, and … (MYS 17.4008)

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505

Verbs 乎可乃佐伎伊多牟流其等尓

woka n-ǝ saki i-ta-m-uru ŋgǝtǝ n-i hill DV-ATTR cape DLF-PREF-turn.around-ATTR every DV-CONV every time [I] turn around a hilly cape (MYS 20.4408) 3.1.1 Prefix iThe prefix i- indicates directive-locative focus for a verb. In the previous literature this prefix is only briefly mentioned and virtually left undescribed. Thus, for example, Yamada Yoshio briefly states that this and other prefixes have only rhythmic function, and provides a list of examples which is very far from being complete, since all examples that Yamada Yoshio cites are from the Man’yōshū (Yamada 1954: 530–532). None of the numerous examples listed below from the Kojiki kayō or the Nihonshoki kayō are included in his grammar. The only studies that dedicate some attention to this prefix are Hino 1997, Russell (2006: 140–142), and Yanagida and Whitman 2009. Hino argues that the prefix i- is an agentive marker (1997: 2–5) while Russell defines this prefix as a focus marker indicating the goal of the predicate (Russell 2006: 142). She lists a few (but not all) attestations, but gives only two examples (Russell 2006: 141–142). I trust that the definition of the prefix i- as a goal focus marker is too vague. Yanagida and Whitman 2009 argue that i- indicates ergative alignment. Their argument is certainly the most solid among all three hypotheses that are alternatives to the one advanced here, and although I do not accept it, it would take a separate article to refute their claim, which is not in the scope of this grammar. I provide below most of the examples of this prefix that I was able to locate in Western Old Japanese texts, excluding the textual variants of the Nihonshoki kayō songs if they are also found in the Kojiki kayō, as well as some examples from the Man’yōshū that include contexts close to other already cited examples. I believe that the following examples allow narrowing the definition of this prefix to a focus marker indicating the direction or location of an action. The prefix i- occurs only with a limited number of Western Old Japanese verbs: kakur- kaper- kǝŋg- kǝⁿz(i)- kum- kir- mak- mure- pap-

‘to be hidden’ ‘to return’ ‘to row’ ‘to dig out’ ‘to entwine’ ‘to cut’ ‘to whirl, to roll’ ‘to gather’ ‘to crawl’

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506 pate- puk- sak- sik- sop- ta-mï-15 taⁿdor- tukus- tumor- tuŋg- tor- watar- yǝr- yuk-

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‘to anchor’ ‘to blow’ ‘to bloom’ ‘to reach’ ‘to snuggle’ ‘to turn’ ‘to seek’ ‘to exhaust’ ‘to pile up’ ‘to continue’ ‘to hold’ ‘to cross’ ‘to lean at’ ‘to go’

I tried to convey the directional-locative meaning of the prefix i- by inserting English ‘here’ or ‘there’ wherever it was possible in the translations of the examples below. 伊勢能宇美能意斐志爾波比母登富呂布志多陀美能伊波比母登富理宇知弖 志夜麻牟

ise-nǝ umi-nǝ opï-[i]si-ni pap-i-mǝtǝpǝr-ǝp-u sitaⁿdami16-nǝ i-pap-i-mǝtǝpǝr-i ut-i-te si yam-am-u Ise-GEN sea-GEN grow(CONV)-stone-LOC crawl-CONV-go.around-ITER-ATTR seashell-COMP DLF-crawl-CONV-go.around-CONV hit-CONV-SUB EP stopTENT-FIN like the shellfish that are constantly crawling around on the growing rocks of the Ise sea, [we] will crawl around [them] there, smite and stop [them] (KK 13) 伊那佐能夜麻能許能麻用母伊由岐麻毛良比

Inasa-nǝ yama-nǝ kǝ-nǝ ma-yo mǝ i-yuk-i mamor-ap-i Inasa-GEN mountain-GEN tree-GEN interval-ABL FP DLF-go-CONV watchITER-CONV going there from between the trees of Mount Inasa and watching [out for enemies] constantly (KK 14)

15  With the verb mï- ‘to turn’ the prefix i- is found only preceding the prefix ta-. 16  志多陀美 /sitaⁿdami/, a kind of an edible seashell (MdJ kisago). Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

507

Verbs 斯理都斗用伊由岐多賀比麻弊都斗用伊由岐多賀比

siri-tu to-yo i-yuk-i-taŋgap-i mape-tu to-yo i-yuk-i-taŋgap-i back-GEN/LOC door-ABL DLF-go-CONV-differ-CONV front-GEN/LOC doorABL DLF-go-CONV-differ-CONV going there from different [directions], from the front door, [and] from the back door (KK 22) 牟迦比袁流迦母伊蘇比袁流迦母

mukap-i-wor-u kamǝ i-sop-i-wor-u kamǝ face-CONV-exist-ATTR EP DLF-snuggle-CONV-exist-ATTR EP Oh, [she] is facing [me]! Oh, [she] is snuggling here with [me]! (KK 42) 麻由美伊岐良牟登許許呂波母閇杼伊斗良牟登許許呂波母閇杼

mayumi i-kir-am-u tǝ kǝkǝrǝ pa [o]mǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝ i-tor-am-u tǝ kǝkǝrǝ pa [o] mǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝ mayumi DLF-cut-TENT-FIN DV heart TOP think-EV-CONC DLF-take-TENT-FIN DV heart TOP think-EV-CONC although [I] wish [in my] heart to cut the mayumi trees here, although [I] wish [in my] heart to take [them] here (KK 51) 伊岐良受曾久流

i-kir-aⁿz-u sǝ k-uru DLF-cut-NEG-CONV FP come-ATTR [I] return without cutting [them] there (KK 51) 夜麻斯呂迩伊斯祁登理夜麻伊斯祁伊斯祁阿賀波斯豆摩迩伊斯岐阿波牟 迦母

Yamasirǝ-ni i-sik-e Tǝriyama i-sik-e i-sik-e a-ŋga pasi-ⁿ-duma-ni i-sik-i ap-am-u kamǝ Yamasirǝ-LOC DLF-follow-IMP Tǝriyama DLF-follow-IMP DLF-follow-IMP I-POSS beloved-DV(ATTR)-spouse-DAT DLF-follow-CONV meet-TENT-ATTR EP To Yamasirǝ—go there, Tǝriyama! Follow [her] there, follow [her] there! Follow my beloved spouse there and meet [her]! (KK 59) 意富岐美袁斯麻爾波夫良婆布那阿麻理伊賀弊理許牟叙

opǝ kimi-wo sima-ni pambur-amba puna-amar-i i-ŋgaper-i-kǝ-m-u ⁿzǝ great lord-ACC island-LOC exile-COND boat-exceed-CONV DLF-returnCONV-come-TENT-ATTR FP if [they] exile [my] great lord to an island, there are many boats, and [he] would return here (KK 86) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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母登爾波伊久美陀気淤斐須惠幣爾波多斯美陀気淤斐伊久美陀気伊久美波 泥受

mǝtǝ-ni pa i-kum-i-ⁿ-dakɛ opï suwe-pe-ni pa ta-sim-i-n-dakɛ opï i-kum-i-n-dakɛ i-kum-i pa ne- nz-u root-LOC TOP DLF-entwine-NML-DV(ATTR)-bamboo grow(CONV) top-sideLOC TOP PREF-grow.densely-NML-DV(ATTR)-bamboo grow(CONV) DLFentwine-NML-DV(ATTR)-bamboo DLF-entwine-CONV TOP sleep-NEGCONV at [their] roots grows bamboo entwined there, at [their] tips grows a dense bamboo; we did not sleep entwined there as the bamboo entwined there (KK 91) 袁登賣能伊加久流袁加

wotǝme-nǝ i-kakur-u woka maiden-GEN DLF-hide-ATTR hill the hill where a maiden is hiding (KK 99) 夜本爾余志伊岐豆岐能美夜

yapo ni yǝ-si i-kiⁿduk-i n-ǝ miya eight.hundred ground good-FIN DLF-build-NML DV-ATTR palace a palace built there on an eight hundred [times] good soil (KK 100) 和賀淤富岐美能阿佐斗爾波伊余理陀多志由布斗爾波伊余理陀多須和岐 豆紀

wa-ŋga opǝ kimi-nǝ asa-to-ni pa i-yǝr-i-ⁿdat-as-i yupu-to-ni pa i-yǝr-i-ⁿdat-as-u wakiⁿdukï I-POSS great lord-GEN morning-place-LOC TOP DLF-lean-CONV-standHON-CONV evening-place-LOC TOP lean-CONV-stand-HON-ATTR arm-rest the arm-rest that my sovereign leans on in the morning and leans on in the evening (KK 104) 避奈莵謎廼以和多邏素西渡

pina-tu me-nǝ i-watar-as-u se to countryside-GEN/LOC woman-GEN DLF-cross-HON-ATTR narrow passage narrow passage that a woman from the countryside crosses here (NK 3) 瀰既能佐烏麼志魔幣莵耆瀰伊和哆羅秀暮

mi-kɛ-nǝ sawo-m-basi mapetukimi i-watar-as-umo HON-tree-GEN pole-GEN-bridge minister DLF-cross-HON-EXCL [I wish] that the ministers would cross here the bridge [made] of the poles of the sacred trees! (NK 24) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

509

Verbs 柯彼能矩盧古磨矩羅枳制播伊志歌孺阿羅磨志

Kapï-nǝ kuro koma kura ki-s-emba i-sik-aⁿz-u ar-amasi Kapï-GEN black stallion saddle put.on(CONV)-PAST/ATTR-COND DLF-reachNEG-CONV exist-SUBJ if [he] would put a saddle on the black stallion from Kapï, [he] would not reach here [on time] (NK 81a) 以矩美娜開余嚢開謨等陛嗚麼莒等爾都倶唎

i-kum-i-ⁿ-dakɛ yǝ-ⁿ-dakɛ motǝ-pe-womba kǝtǝ-ni tukur-i DLF-entwine-NML-DV(ATTR)-bamboo section-DV(ATTR)-bamboo root-sideACC(EMPH) koto DV-CONV make-CONV [they] made roots of an entwined bamboo, of section bamboo into a koto, and … (NK 97) 阿箇悟馬能以喩企波波箇屢麻矩儒播羅

aka-ŋ-goma-nǝ i-yuk-i-pambakar-u ma-kuⁿzu-para red-DV(ATTR)-stallion-GEN DLF-go-CONV-be hesitant-ATTR INT-vine-field A red stallion is hesitant to go through the field covered with thick vines (NK 128) 山際伊隠萬代道隈伊積流萬代尓

YAMA-NƏ MA-NI i-KAKUR-U-maⁿde MITI-NƏ KUMA i-TUMOr-u-maⁿde-ni mountain-GEN space-LOC DLF-hide-ATTR-TERM road-GEN bend DLF-pile. up-ATTR-TERM-LOC until [Mt. Miwa] will hide there between the mountains, until the road bends will pile up there … (MYS 1.17) 冬乃林尓飄可毛伊巻渡等念麻弖

PUYU-nǝ PAYASI-ni TUMUⁿZI kamo i-MAK-I-WATAR-U tǝ OMƏP-U-maⁿde winder-GEN forest-LOC whirlwind EP DLF-whirl-CONV-cross-FIN DV thinkATTR-TERM to the point that [we] thought: “Could [it] be a whirlwind that whirls there across the winder forest?” (MYS 2.199) 神風尓伊吹或之

KAMU-KAⁿZE-ni i-PUK-I-MATOP-As-i divine-wind-LOC DLF-blow-CONV-be.confused-CAUS-CONV making the divine wind to blow [them] away in confusion (MYS 2.199)

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鹿自物伊波比伏管 … 鶉成伊波比廻 SISI ⁿzimǝnǝ i-pap-i-PUS-I-tutu … UⁿDURA-nasu i-pap-i-MƏTƏPOR-I dear like DLF-crawl-CONV-lie.down-CONV-COOR … quail-COMP DLF-crawlCONV-go.around-CONV constantly crawling and lying down like a deer … crawling around like a quail (MYS 2.199) 遠等咩良何佐那周伊多斗乎意斯比良伎伊多度利与利提

wotǝme-ra-ŋga sa-n-as-u ita-to-wo os-i-pirak-i i-taⁿdor-i-yǝr-i-te maiden-PLUR-POSS PREF-sleep-HON-ATTR board-door-ACC push-CONVopen-CONV DLF-pursue-CONV-approach-CONV-SUB [gentlemen] push open wooden doors where maidens sleep, and [they] pursue [maidens] there (MYS 5.804) 伊刀良斯弖伊波比多麻比斯麻多麻奈須布多都能伊斯

i-tor-as-i-te ipap-i-tamap-i-si ma-tama-nasu puta-tu n-ǝ isi DLF-hold-HON-CONV-SUB pray-CONV-HON-CONV-PAST/ATTR INT-jewelCOMP two-CL DV-ATTR stone holding two stones like real jewels that [she] was praying to … (MYS 5.813) 四良名美乃五十開廻有住吉能濱

sira nami-nǝ i-SAK-I-MƐ ŋGUR-ER-U SUMINƏYE-nǝ PAMA white wave-GEN DLF-bloom-CONV-go.around-PROG-ATTR Suminǝye-GEN beach Suminǝye beach, where white waves go around blooming [like flowers] (MYS 6.931) 去年春伊許自而

KƏⁿZƏ-NƏ PARU i-kǝⁿz-i-TE17 last.year-GEN spring DLF-dig.out-CONV-SUB having dug [them] out there in the spring of the last year (MYS 8.1423) 朝奈藝尓伊可伎渡

ASA naŋgi-ni i-kaki-WATAR-I morning calm-LOC DLF-PREF-cross.over-CONV crossing over there in the morning calm (MYS 8.1520) 17  It is not clear whether we are dealing here with a consonant verb kǝⁿz- or a vowel verb kǝⁿzi-, because among its basic paradigmatic forms only the converb is attested (Omodaka et al. 1967: 294; Takagi et al. 1959: 283). Since there are more consonant verbs than vowel verbs, I tentatively adopt the interpretation that this verb is a consonant one. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

511

Verbs 左小舟乃伊行而将泊河津

sa-WOⁿ-BUNE-nǝ i-YUK-I-TE PATE-M-U KAPA-ⁿ-DU PREF-DIM-boat-GEN DLF-go-CONV-SUB anchor-TENT-ATTR river-GEN-harbor the river harbor, where [his] small boat will go and anchor (MYS 10.2091) 左壮鹿之聲伊續伊継

sa-WO-SIKA-NƏ KƏWE i-TU ŋG-I i-TU ŋG-I PREF-male-deer-GEN voice DLF-continue-CONV DLF-continue-CONV a call from the male deer continues there, continues there (MYS 10.2145) 左夫流其兒尓比毛能緒能移都我利安比弖

samburu SƏNƏ KO-ni pimo-nǝ wo-nǝ i-tuŋgar-i-ap-i-te whore that girl-DAT cord-GEN cord-COMP DLF-tie-CONV-join-CONV-SUB [you] tied [yourself] together with that whore girl like a cord of cords (MYS 18.4106) 四方能美知尓波宇麻乃都米伊都久須伎波美布奈乃倍能伊波都流麻泥尓

YƏ MO-nǝ miti-ni pa uma-nǝ tumɛ i-tukus-u kipami puna-nǝ pɛ-nǝ i-paturu-maⁿde-ni four direction-GEN road-LOC TOP horse-GEN hoof DLF-exhaust-ATTR limit boat-GEN prow-GEN DLF-anchor-ATTR-TERM-LOC on the roads to four directions, [to the] limit where horses’ hooves reach, to the point where a boat’s prow [could be] anchored (MYS 18.4122) 新年始尓思共伊牟礼氐乎礼婆

ARATASI-KI TƏSI-NƏ PA ᷠZIMƐ-ni OMƏP-U-ⁿ-DOTI i-mure-te wor-e-mba new-ATTR year-GEN beginning-LOC think-ATTR-GEN-companion DLF-gather (CONV)-SUB exist-EV-CON When the friends who think [in the same way] are gathering at the beginning of the year … (MYS 19.4284) 乎可乃佐伎伊多牟流其等尓

woka n-ǝ saki i-ta-m-uru ŋgǝtǝ n-i hill DV-ATTR cape DLF-PREF-turn.around-ATTR every DV-CONV every time [I] turn around a hilly cape (MYS 20.4408) 之麻豆多比伊己藝和多利弖

sima-ⁿ-dutap-i i-kǝŋg-i-watar-i-te island-LOC-pass.along-CONV DLF-row-CONV-cross-CONV-SUB [I] row across [the ocean] passing along islands (MYS 20.4408)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is only one example of the prefix i- in Eastern Old Japanese: 伊波能倍尓伊可賀流久毛

ipa-nǝ [u]pɛ-ni i-kakar-u kumo rock-GEN top-LOC DLF-hang-ATTR cloud clouds, hanging over the rocks (MYS 14.3518) A2: Ryukyuan To the best of my knowledge the prefix i- is attested only in Old and Classical Ryukyuan. In spite of the fact that there is no support from modern Ryukyuan languages, it is unlikely that OR i- represents a loan from WOJ i-, as there were no contacts between Western Old Japanese and Old Ryukyuan. Hokama claims that in Old and Classical Ryukyuan i- could be attached to adjectives and nouns as well (Hokama 1995: 53), but his examples with nouns are likely to include historically a different kind of i: namely, an adjective i ‘sacred, tabooed’ also attested in Western Old Japanese. There is only one example of i- combined with an adjective: i-duyo-ku ~ i-diyo-ku ‘PREF-strong-CONV’ attested exclusively in Classical Ryukyuan (Hokama 1995: 74–75). This limited attestation is unlikely to have an old provenance. Old Ryukyuan としが三年いきよてとしが四年いきよて

tosi-ga SAN-NEN i-kiyo-te tosi-ga YO-NEN i-kiyo-te year-POSS three-year DLF-invite-SUB year-POSS four-year DLF-invite-SUB inviting [the goddess] here for three years, inviting [the goddess] here for four years (OS 12.658) There is also another example cited by Hokama from Classical Ryukyuan with the verb fasir- ‘to run’ (Hokama 1995: 82), but since I do not have access to the text it is attested in, I do not cite this example here. 3.1.2 Prefix na- and Circumfix na-…-sǝ In contrast to Middle Japanese, where only the circumfix na-…-sǝ is found (Vovin 2003: 195), in Western Old Japanese there are examples containing only the first element na- that can be consequently treated as a prefix. Both the prefix na- and the circumfix na-…-sǝ function as markers of the negative imperative.

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Verbs

The circumfix occurs much more frequently than the prefix. Martin’s observation that -sǝ in the circumfix na-…-sǝ represents the root of the verb se- ~ sǝ- ‘to do’ (Martin 1988: 967) is undoubtedly correct. At the same time, I find his definition of na- as a prohibitive adverb (Martin 1987: 489, 920; 1988: 967) much less convincing, because as the reader will see below, WOJ na- is never separated from a verb by any other word, including particles. Thus, I will treat it as a prefix. Examples: 伊波那佐牟遠阿夜爾那古斐岐許志

i pa n-as-am-u-wo aya n-i na-kopï-kikǝs-i sleep TOP sleep-HON-TENT-ATTR-ACC extremely DV-CONV NEG-yearn (CONV)-HON-CONV because [you] will sleep (a sleep), [do] not yearn too much (KK 3) 吾大王物莫御念

WA-ŋG-OPO KIMI MƏNƏ NA-OMƏP-OS-I I-POSS-great lord thing NEG-think-HON-CONV Oh, my sovereign, please do not be concerned … (MYS 1.77) 父母毛表者奈佐我利

TITI-PAPA mǝ UPƐ pa na-saŋgar-i father-mother FP top TOP NEG-go.down-CONV Father [and] mother! [Do] not leave [me] (MYS 5.904) 龍田彦勤此花乎風尓莫落

TATUTA PIKO YUMƐ KƏNƏ PANA-wo KAⁿZE-ni NA-TIR-AS-I Tatsuta male[deity] at.all this flower-ACC wind-LOC NEG-scatter-HON-CONV Male deity of Tatsuta! Please do not scatter these flowers at all by the wind (MYS 9.1748) 雲莫田名引

kumo NA-tanamBIK-I cloud NEG-trail-CONV clouds, do not trail [over the moon] (MYS 11.2669) 安礼奈之等奈和備和我勢故

are na-si tǝ na-wambï wa-ŋga se-ko I no-FIN DV NEG-be.disheartened(CONV) I-POSS elder.brother-DIM Do not be disheartened, my elder brother that I am not [here] (MYS 17.3997)

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和我世兒乎安宿勿令寐

wa-ŋga se-ko-wo YASU I NA-NE-SIMƐ I-POSS beloved-DIM-ACC easy sleep NEG-sleep-CAUS(CONV) Do not let my beloved sleep an easy sleep (MYS 19.4179) The circumfix na-…-sǝ encircles the converb form of verb, but in the case of the irregular verb se- ~ -sǝ ‘to do’ it encircles the root form se-, see the example from MYS 20.4487 below. Examples of the circumfix na-…-sǝ: 能知波那杼理爾阿良牟遠伊能知波那志勢婆多麻比曾

nǝti pa na-ⁿ-dǝri n-i ar-am-u-wo inǝti pa na-si-se-tamap-i-sǝ later TOP you-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR-ACC life TOP NEG-dieCAUS(CONV)-HON-CONV-do because [I] will be your bird later, do not kill [your] life [with desire] (KK 3) 宇梅能半奈半也久奈知利曽

uMƐ-nǝ pana paya-ku na-tir-i-sǝ plum-GEN blossom early-CONV NEG-fall-CONV-do Plum blossoms! Do not fall early (MYS 5.849) 於伎都風伊多久奈布吉曽

oki-tu KAⁿZE ita-ku na-puk-i-sǝ offing-GEN/LOC wind painful-CONV NEG-blow-CONV-do wind of the offing, do not blow strongly (MYS 15.3592) 許能之具礼伊多久奈布里曽

kǝnǝ siŋgure ita-ku na-pur-i-sǝ this drizzling.rain painful-CONV NEG-fall-CONV-do This drizzling rain! Do not rain hard (MYS 19.4222) 伊射子等毛多波和射奈世曽

iⁿza KO-ⁿdǝmo tapa waⁿza na-se-sǝ INTER child-PLUR stupid deed NEG-do-do Hey, children, do not do stupid things (MYS 20.4487) A desiderative-imperative form -(a)n-e can be used after the negative imperative circumfix na-…-sǝ, but this usage is not very frequent in Western Old Japanese:

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515

Verbs 雪奈布美曽祢

YUKI na-pum-i-sǝ-n-e snow NEG-step.on-CONV-do-DES-IMP do not step on the snow (MYS 19.4228) 久佐奈加利曽祢

kusa na-kar-i-sǝ-n-e grass NEG-cut-CONV-do-DES-IMP do not cut the grass (MYS 20.4457) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese Both the prefix na- and the circumfix na-…-sǝ are attested in Eastern Old Japanese, but the prefix na- occurs only twice and the circumfix na-…-sǝ only once, being followed by the desiderative-imperative form -(a)n-e. Examples of the prefix na-: 安乎許等奈多延

a-wo kǝtǝ na-taye I-ACC word NEG-break(CONV) Do not break [exchanging] messages with me (MYS 14.3501) 由古作枳尓奈美奈等惠良比

yuk-o saki-ni nami na-tǝwerap-i go-ATTR destination-LOC wave NEG-rise-CONV Waves, do not rise on my way (MYS 20.4385) Example of the circumfix na-…-sǝ: 和爾奈多要曾祢

wa-ni na-taye-sǝ-n-e I-DAT NEG-break(CONV)-do-DES-IMP Do not become estranged from me (MYS 14.3378) 3.1.3 Prefix kaThe prefix ka- is a rare example of a primary morphological marker shared by both adjectives and verbs. Although all but one example of its usage are attested with adjectives, I consider that it is more appropriate to describe the prefix ka- in the chapter dedicated to verbs, because it occurs only with inflected, i.e., verbal forms of adjectives. The underlying form of this prefix may be *kaⁿ-, as Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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witnessed by a form kaⁿ-guro- ‘pitch black’ below. Although this is the only form when ka- occurs before an obstruent, kaⁿ-guro- and not *ka-kuro- is confirmed twice in the texts, making a scribal mistake unlikely. In all other cases which do not involve an initial obstruent of a root we would normally expect a development of *kaⁿ- > ka-. No definition of its function is given in Japanese scholarship (Yamada 1954: 532). As far as I can tell on the basis of the limited examples that are attested in the Western Old Japanese texts, the prefix ka- is an intensifier, indicating that an action or a state is extreme or full/real. Thus, the intensive prefix ka- for verbs and inflected adjectives probably represents an analogue for the intensive prefix ma- used with nouns and uninflected adjectives (see chapter 4, section 1.1.2). The prefix ka- with a verb: 香縁相者彼所毛加人之吾乎事将成

ka-YƏR-I-AP-Amba SƏKƏ mo ka PITƏ WA-wo kǝtǝ NAS-AM-U INT-approach-CONV-meet-COND there FP IP person I-ACC word do(HON)TENT-ATTR if [we] indeed get together, would the people spread rumors about me and you as well? (MYS 4.512) The prefix ka- with inflected adjectives: 荒礒乃上尓香青生玉藻

AR-ISO-nǝ UPƐ-ni ka-AWO-KU OP-URU TAMA MO rough-rock-GEN top-LOC INT-green-CONV grow-ATTR jewel seaweed jewel seaweeds that grow very green on rough rocks (MYS 2.131) 迦具漏伎可美爾伊都乃麻可斯毛乃布利家武

kaⁿ-guro-ki kami-ni itu-nǝ ma ka simo-nǝ pur-i-k-em-u INT-black-ATTR hair-LOC when-CEN interval IP frost-GEN fall-CONV-PAST/ FIN-TENT-ATTR at what point in time, would the frost have fallen on [their] pitch-black hair? (MYS 5.804) 可具呂伎可美尓都由曽於伎尓家類

kaⁿ-gurǝ18-ki kami-ni tuyu sǝ ok-i-n-i-ker-u INT-black-ATTR hair-LOC dew FP put-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR [it] turned out that the dew fell on the pitch-black hair (MYS 15.3649) 18  The character 呂 transcribing otsu-rui /rǝ/ is apparently a scribal mistake for kō-rui /ro/.

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517

Verbs 蚊黒為髪尾信櫛持於是蚊寸垂

kaⁿ-GURO-si KAMI-wo MA-KUSI MƏT-I kaki-TARE INT-black-FIN hair-ACC INT-comb hold-CONV PREF-make.hang.down(CONV) making pitch black hair hang down with a comb (MYS 16.3791) 手放毛乎知母可夜須伎

TA-ⁿ-BANARE mo woti mǝ ka-yasu-ki hand-LOC-separate(NML) FP there FP INT-easy-ATTR both leaving the hand and [returning] there were very easy (MYS 17.4011) 3.1.4 Prefix taThe prefix ta-, like the prefix ka- discussed above, can precede both verbs and inflected adjectives, although, in contrast to ka-, it is attested more frequently with verbs than with inflected adjectives. Similar to the prefix ka- < *kaⁿ-, the underlying form of the prefix ta- is also likely to be *taⁿ-, since this is the form that surfaces consistently before the first obstruent of the following root, see tam-basir- ‘to run’ and taⁿ-dǝpo- ‘to be far’ below.19 The prefix ta- also has two other peculiarities: 1) it can occur after another prefix (examples are limited to the combinations i-ta- and ari-ta- with the prefixes i- and ari-) or after the first verb in a verbal compound (examples are limited to pap-i-ta-mǝtǝpor- ‘to crawl around,’ kǝŋg-i-ta-mǝtǝpor- ‘to row around,’ and tǝmb-i-ta-mǝtǝpor- ‘to fly around’; 2) it is predominantly attested with the verb mǝtǝpor- ‘to go/wander around,’ although it also occurs with other verbs. No definition of its function is given in Japanese scholarship (Yamada 1954: 534). Pierson defined ta- as an intensifying prefix (Pierson 1963: 8). He might be right, although the intensifying meaning is unlikely to fit into most of the examples involving the verb mǝtǝpor- below. It may not be possible to find the solution at all, since examples are not numerous and most of them are limited to usage with the verb mǝtǝpor-, as I have already mentioned above. The prefix ta- occurs only with a limited number of Western Old Japanese verbs: mǝtǝpor- mï- pasir-

‘to go around’ ‘to turn’ ‘to run’

19  Two apparent exceptions are ta-sim- ‘PREF-grow.densely’ in KK 91 below, and ta-sar‘PREF-go.away’ in NK 40 below, but the line with ta-sar- is considered to have problems in interpretation (Tsuchihashi 1957: 150).

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‘to go away’ ‘to grow densely’ ‘to forget’

The prefix ta- with verbs: 伊久美陀気伊久美波泥受多斯美陀気多斯爾波韋泥受能知母久美泥牟

i-kum-i-ⁿ-dakɛ i-kum-i pa ne-ⁿz-u ta-sim-i-ⁿ-dakɛ tasi n-i pa wi-ne-ⁿz-u nǝti mǝ kum-i-ne-m-u DLF-entwine-NML-DV(ATTR)-bamboo DLF-entwine-CONV TOP sleep-NEGCONV PREF-grow.densely-NML-DV(ATTR)-bamboo thorough DV-CONV TOP exist(CONV)-sleep-NEG-CONV later FP entwine-CONV-sleep-TENT-FIN [we] did not sleep entwined there [as] the bamboo entwined there, and [we] did not sleep closely [like] densely growing bamboo, [but] later [we] will sleep entwined (KK 91) 嚢伽多佐例

ta ka ta-sar-e who IP PREF-go.away-EV Who goes away? (NK 40) 其夜乃梅乎手忘而

SƏNƏ YO-nǝ UMƐ-wo ta-WASURE-TE that night-GEN plum-ACC PREF-forget(CONV)-SUB [I] forgot about the plum [blossoms] of that night, and … (MYS 3.392) 若子乃匍匐多毛登保里

MIⁿDƏRI KO-nǝ PAP-I-ta-mǝtǝpor-i young child-COMP crawl-CONV-PREF-go.around-CONV crawling around like a baby (MYS 3.458) 之夫多尓能佐吉多母登保理

Simbutani-nǝ saki ta-mǝtǝpor-i Simbutani -GEN cape PREF-go.around-CONV going around Simbutani cape (MYS 17.3991) 麻佐吉久毛安里多母等保利

ma-saki-ku mo ari-ta-mǝtǝpor-i INT-safe-CONV FP ITER-PREF-wander.around-CONV so that [you] will be wandering around safely, and … (MYS 17.4008)

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519

Verbs 多古能之麻等妣多毛登保里

Tako-nǝ sima tǝmb-i-ta-motǝpor-i Tako-GEN island fly-CONV-PREF-go.around-CONV [he] flew around Tako island (MYS 17.4011) 乎敷乃佐吉許藝多母等保里

Wopu-nǝ saki kǝŋg-i-ta-mǝtǝpor-i Wopu-GEN cape row-CONV-PREF-go.around-CONV rowing around cape Wopu (MYS 18.4037) 霜上尓安良礼多婆之里

SIMO-NƏ UPƐ-ni arare tam-basir-i frost-GEN top-LOC hail PREF-run-CONV Hail falls on the frost … (MYS 20.4298) 乎可乃佐伎伊多牟流其等尓

woka n-ǝ saki i-ta-m-uru ŋgǝtǝ n-i hill DV-ATTR cape DLF-PREF-turn.around-ATTR every DV-CONV every time [I] turn around a hilly cape (MYS 20.4408) The prefix ta- with inflected adjectives: 道乎多遠見思空安莫國嘆虚不安物乎

MITI-wo taⁿ-DƏPƏ-mi OMƏP-U sora YASUKƐ NA-ku n-i NA ŋGƐK-U SORA YASU-K-AR-AN-U MƏNƏwo way-ABS PREF-far-GER think-ATTR RP easy no-CONV DV-CONV lament-ATTR RP easy-CONV-exist-NEG-ATTR CONJ although it is not easy to lament and to love because the way is far (MYS 4.534) 言云者三々二田八酢四

KƏTƏ-NI IP-Ɛ-mba mimi-ni ta-yasu-si word-LOC say-EV-CON ear-LOC PREF-easy-FIN when [I] say [it] in words, [it] is insignificant (lit.: easy) for [your] ears (MYS 11.2581) 道乎多騰保美山河能敝奈里氐安礼婆

MITI-wo taⁿ-dǝpo-mi YAMA KAPA-nǝ penar-i-te ar-e-mba way-ABS PREF-far-GER mountain river-GEN be.separated-CONV-SUB existEV-CON because the way is far, and because [we] were separated from mountains and rivers (MYS 17.3957) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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美知乎多騰保弥間使毛夜流余之母奈之

miti-wo taⁿ-dǝpo-mi MA-ⁿ-DUKAPI mo yar-u yǝsi mǝ na-si way-ABS PREF-far-GER interval-GEN-messenger FP send-ATTR chance FP no-FIN because the way is far, there is not even a chance to send a messenger (MYS 17.3962) 3.1.5 Traditional Prefix sǝYamada Yoshio as well as Omodaka et al. also mention a prefix sǝ- that is carved by them from three Western Old Japanese verbs: sǝⁿdatak- ‘to caress,’ sǝⁿdar- ‘be plentifully endowed,’ and sǝnapɛ- ‘to prepare’ (Yamada 1954: 535; Omodaka et al. 1967: 402–403). However, we have several problems here. The first of these verbs, sǝⁿdatak- ‘to caress’ is a hapax legomenon attested only in KK 3. Moreover, tatak- means ‘to hit,’ not ‘to caress,’ and even if we follow the speculation that sǝⁿdatak- ‘to caress’ actually means ‘hit slightly,’ with a prefix sǝ(ⁿ)- conveying the meaning ‘slightly,’ that will bring us into contradiction with the suggested meaning of the sǝ(ⁿ)- in the verb sǝⁿdar- ‘be plentifully endowed,’ because in this case sǝ(ⁿ)- must mean ‘plentifully.’ In addition, sǝⁿdar‘be plentifully endowed’ is also a hapax legomenon attested in BS 2. The last of these verbs, sǝnapɛ- ‘to prepare,’ is attested in several texts, but it does not have a complete phonographic attestation,20 and what is even more important is that the verb *napɛ- ‘to prepare’ does not present itself, thus there is no justification for segmenting any ‘prefix’ here.21 Therefore, I have a strong suspicion that here we are dealing with a case of over-segmentation, and the ‘prefix’ sǝsimply does not exist. 3.1.6 Prefix ariThe prefix ari- is a marker of the iterative. It is defined as such in Omodaka et al. 1967: 57, but more often than not it is not even mentioned in the existing grammatical descriptions of Old Japanese, as, for example in Yamada Yoshio’s seminal grammar (Yamada 1954). There is a possibility that historically it is a preverb rather than a prefix, being a converb form of the verb ar- ‘to exist.’ Even if this is the case, the presence of an auxiliary verb before the main verb once again manifests a strong contradiction to the SOV word order typology, where auxiliaries are supposed to follow main verbs. In spite of several cases

20  Only its derived form sǝnapar- ‘be provided’ is attested phonetically. 21  Apparently WOJ napɛ- ‘to weaken, to become numb’ (Omodaka et al. 1967: 530) does not belong here.

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of sporadic prenasalization of a following initial voiceless obstruent k- in the verb kayop- ‘to set out, to go back and forth,’ the underlying form must be *ari-, since this prenasalization fails to occur not only before other initial voiceless obstruents, but also before kayop- in another example (KK 2). The prefix arioccurs only with a limited number of Western Old Japanese verbs: kayop- mɛŋgur- mǝtǝpor- naŋgusamɛ- sar- tat- tat- watar-

‘to set out, to go back and forth’ ‘to go around’ ‘to go around’ ‘to console’ ‘to go away’ ‘to depart’ ‘to stand’ ‘to cross’

Examples: 佐用婆比爾阿理多多斯用婆比迩阿理加用婆勢

sa-yomb-ap-i-ni ari-tat-as-i yomb-ap-i-ni ari-kayop-as-e PREF-call-ITER-NML-LOC ITER-set.out-HON-CONV call-ITER-NML-LOC ITER-set.out-HON-EV [I] set out (repeatedly) to woo [her] there, [I] set out (repeatedly) to woo [her] (KK 2) 嶋之埼耶伎安利立有花橘

SIMA-NƏ SAKI-ⁿzaki ari-TAT-ER-U PANA TATImBANA island-GEN cape-cape ITER-stand-PROG flower mandarin.orange flowering mandarin orange [trees] that are standing all the time at the capes of the islands (MYS 13.3239) 阿里佐利氐能知毛相牟等於母倍許曽

ari-sar-i-te nǝti mo AP-Am-u tǝ omǝp-ɛ kǝsǝ ITER-go.away-CONV-SUB after FP meet-TENT-FIN DV think-EV FP [Time] constantly goes away, and [I] hope that [we] will meet later, too (MYS 17.3933) 麻佐吉久毛安里多母等保利

ma-saki-ku mo ari-ta-mǝtǝpor-i INT-safe-CONV FP ITER-PREF-wander.around-CONV so that [you] will be wandering around safely, and … (MYS 17.4008)

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由久敝奈久安里和多流登毛

yuk-u pe na-ku ari-watar-u tǝmo go-ATTR side no-CONV ITER-cross-FIN CONJ Even though [a cuckoo] constantly comes over, without having a direction to go (MYS 18.4090) 和期於保伎美余思努乃美夜乎安里我欲比賣須

wa-ŋgǝ opo kimi Yǝsino-nǝ miya-wo ari-ŋgayop-i mes-u I-POSS great lord Yǝsino-GEN palace-ACC ITER-go.back.and.forth-CONV look(HON)-FIN My emperor constantly visits the palace in Yǝsino, and looks [around] (MYS 18.4099) 之麻豆多比伊己藝和多利弖安里米具利

sima-ⁿ-dutap-i i-kǝŋg-i-watar-i-te ari-mɛŋgur-i island-LOC-pass.along-CONV DLF-row-CONV-cross-CONV-SUB ITER-go. around-CONV [I] go rowing in a boat from island to island, and [I] constantly go around [these islands] (MYS 20.4408) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is one example of the prefix ari- attested in Eastern Old Japanese: 久自我波々佐氣久阿利麻弖

Kuⁿzi-N-kapa pa sakɛ-ku ari-mat-e Kuⁿzi-GEN-river TOP safe-CONV ITER-wait-IMP Wait for [me] (all this time) safely at Kunzi river! (MYS 20.4368) 3.1.7 Prefix utiThere is a possibility that historically uti- is a preverb rather than a prefix, being the converb form of the verb ut- ‘to hit, to strike.’ This etymology may be supported by numerous logographic spellings of uti- as 打 or, less frequently, 敲 ‘to hit, to strike.’ The difficulty of accepting this etymology is ultimately connected with the fact that it is very difficult if not plainly impossible to trace the meaning of any ‘hitting’ or ‘striking’ in most if not all of the examples given below. Omodaka et al. indicate the same problem (Omodaka et al. 1967: 119), but more often than not the prefix uti- is not even mentioned in the existing grammatical descriptions of Old Japanese, as, for example in Yamada Yoshio’s

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seminal grammar (Yamada 1954). It is nevertheless possible that this prefix or preverb is historically connected with ut- ‘to strike, to hit,’ as most of the examples cited below, with a possible exception of MYS 5.892, indicate some kind of momentary or punctuated action. Whether uti- represents a prefix or an auxiliary, the presence of either of them before the main verb once again manifests a strong contradiction to the SOV word order typology, where auxiliaries are supposed to follow main verbs and prefixes are very rare. The prefix uti- occurs only with a limited number of Western Old Japanese verbs: iⁿde- kakɛ- kǝyi- koye- ki- kiras- mure- mi- naŋgɛk- nambik- naⁿde- nas- nǝmbǝr- ok- pamɛ- panap- panat- papɛ- papuk- parap- pur- pure- saras- sinap- sinop- susurǝp- tukɛ- watas- wor- yuk-

‘to go out’ ‘to hang, to place’ ‘to lie down’ ‘to cross over, to pass over’ ‘to wear’ ‘to cover in fog, to make cloudy’ ‘to gather’ ‘to see’ ‘to lament, to sigh’ ‘to stretch’ ‘to caress, to stroke’ ‘to make sound’ ‘to climb’ ‘to put, to place’ ‘to insert’ ‘to sneeze’ ‘to release’ ‘to stretch’ ‘to flutter wings’ ‘to clean’ ‘to fall (of precipitations)’ ‘to touch’ ‘to bleach’ ‘to bend’ ‘to long for, to yearn’ ‘to sip noisily’ ‘to attach’ ‘to pass, to take over’ ‘to break’ ‘to go’

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Examples: 許能登理母宇知夜米許世泥

kǝnǝ tǝri mǝ uti-yamɛ-kǝse-n-e this bird FP PREF-stop(CONV)-BEN-DES-IMP [I] wish [you] would stop [the singing of] these birds (KK 2) 清瀬乎馬打和多思

KIYO-KI SE-wo UMA UTI-watas-i clear-ATTR rapids-ACC horse PREF-carry.across-CONV [I] am taking [my] horse across the clear rapids (MYS 4.715) 許許呂由母於母波奴阿比陀爾宇知那毘枳許夜斯努礼

kǝkǝrǝ-yu mǝ omǝp-an-u apiⁿda-ni uti-nambik-i kǝy-as-i-n-ure heart-ABL FP think-NEG-ATTR interval-LOC PREF-stretched.out-CONV lie. down-HON-CONV-PERF-EV while even in [my] heart [I] did not think, stretched out [she] was lying (MYS 5.794) 阿迦胡麻尓志都久良宇知意伎

aka-ŋ-goma-ni situ kura uti-ok-i red-DV(ATTR)-stallion-LOC pattern saddle PREF-place-CONV [they] put adorned saddles on red stallions, and … (MYS 5.804) 久佐太袁利志婆刀利志伎提等許自母能宇知許伊布志提

kusa-n-da-wor-i simba tor-i sik-i-te tǝkǝ ⁿzimǝnǝ uti-kǝyi-pus-i-te grass-?-hand-break-CONV road.side.grass hold-CONV spread-CONV-SUB bed like PREF-lie.down-CONV-lie.prone-CONV-SUB [I] broke off some herbs, and taking road side grass, [I] spread [it] and lied down on a bed-like [thing] (MYS 5.886) 糟湯酒宇知須々呂比弖

KASU-YU-ⁿ-ZAKƐ uti-susurǝp-i-te dreg-hot.water-DV(ATTR)-rice.wine PREF-sip.noisily-CONV-SUB [I] sip noisily the hot water [containing] rice wine dregs, and … (MYS 5.892) 波祢左之可倍弖宇知波良比

pane sas-i-kapɛ-te uti-parap-i feather insert-CONV-cross.over(CONV)-SUB PREF-clean-CONV [they] mingle their feathers and clean [frost from them] (MYS 15.3625)

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525

Verbs 鸎能奈久々良多尓々宇知波米氐

U ŋGUPISU-nǝ nak-u kura tani-ni uti-pamɛ-te bush.warbler-GEN sing-ATTR dark valley-LOC PREF-insert(CONV)-SUB Throwing [myself] into a dark valley where a bush warbler sings (MYS 17.3941) 宇知奈妣伎登許尓己伊布之

uti-nambik-i tǝkǝ-ni kǝyi-pus-i PREF-stretch.out-CONV bed-LOC lie.down(CONV)-lie.prone-CONV [I] lie down, stretched out on [my] bed (MYS 17.3969) 近在者加敝利尓太仁母宇知由吉氐

TIKA-KU AR-Amba kaper-i-ni ⁿdani mǝ uti-yuk-i-te close-CONV exist-COND return-NML-LOC RP FP PREF-go-CONV-SUB if [you] were close, [I] [would] go [to you] just on [my] way back, and … (MYS 17.3978) 宇麻宇知牟礼弖

uma uti-mure-te horse PREF-gather(CONV)-SUB gathering horses [together] (MYS 17.3993) 惠美々惠末須毛宇知奈氣支可多里家末久

wem-i mi wem-aⁿz-u mo uti-naŋgɛk-i katar-i-k-em-aku smile-CONV ? smile-NEG-CONV FP PREF-sigh-CONV talk-CONV-PAST/FINTENT-NML the fact that [both of you] were probably talking, and sighing, smiling and not smiling (MYS 18.4106) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is only one example of the prefix uti- in Eastern Old Japanese: 多麻母乃宇知奈婢伎比登里夜宿良牟

tama mǝ-nǝ uti-nambik-i pitǝ-ri ya NE-ram-u jewel seaweed-COMP PREF-stretch-CONV one-CL IP sleep-TENT2-ATTR will [you] sleep alone, stretched like a jewel seaweed? (MYS 14.3562)

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A2: Ryukyuan To the best of my knowledge the prefix uti- is attested only in Old and Classical Ryukyuan. Since there is no support from modern Ryukyuan languages, there is a possibility that OR and CR uti- represents a loan from MJ uti-, since the prefix uti- is attested not only in Old Japanese, but also in Middle Japanese. Nevertheless, there is also a chance that OR and WOJ uti- are genuine cognates. Examples from Old Ryukyuan: なりとよみうちあげてなりきよらはうちあげて

nar-i-toyom-i uti-age-te nar-i-kiyora fa uti-age-te sound-CONV-resound-NML PREF-raise(CONV)-SUB sound-CONV-beautiful TOP PREF-raise(CONV)-SUB raising the “Resounding” [drum], raising the “Beautifully sounding” [drum] (OS 1.37) しよりもりうちあよでまたまもりうちあよで

Siyori mori uti-ayode ma-tama mori uti-ayode Shuri shrine PREF-walk/SUB INT-jewel shrine PREF-walk/SUB walking through the Shuri shrine, walking through the true jewel shrine (OS 1.40) 3.1.8 Prefix kakiThere is a possibility that historically kaki- is a preverb rather than a prefix, being a converb form of the verb kak- ‘to scratch.’ Omodaka et al. indicate that the prefix kaki- precedes verbs that indicate some action done by the fingertips (Omodaka et al. 1967: 176), but more often than not this prefix is not even mentioned in the existing grammatical descriptions of Old Japanese, as, for example, in Yamada Yoshio’s seminal grammar (Yamada 1954). This etymology may be supported by numerous logographic spellings of kaki- as 掻. However, the difficulty of accepting this etymology is ultimately connected with the fact that it is very difficult if not outright impossible to trace the meaning of any ‘scratching’ in most if not all of the examples given below. It is nevertheless possible that this prefix or preverb is historically connected with kak- ‘to scratch,’ as most of the examples cited below, with a possible exception of those from KK 5, MYS 8.1520 and MYS 19.4191, indicate some kind of physical contact done by a hand, although not necessarily by fingertips. Whether kakirepresents a prefix or an auxiliary, the presence of either of them before the main verb once again manifests a strong contradiction to the SOV word order, where auxiliaries are supposed to follow main verbs and prefixes are nonexistent in most SOV languages.

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The prefix kaki- occurs only with a limited number of Western Old Japanese verbs: kaⁿzopɛ- kiras- saŋgur- sute- tare- tat- tukɛ- naⁿde- pak- pik- mï- mukɛ- musumb- tar- tuk- wakɛ- watar- yǝse-

‘to count’ ‘to cover in fog, to make cloudy’ ‘to seek’ ‘to discard’ ‘to make hang down’ ‘to depart’ ‘to attach’ ‘to caress, to stroke’ ‘to sweep’ ‘to pull, to play (instruments)’ ‘to turn, go around’ ‘to face’ ‘to tie, to bind’ ‘to hang down’ ‘to be attached’ ‘to separate, to divide’ ‘to cross’ ‘to approach’

Examples: 加岐微流伊蘇能佐岐

kaki-mï-ru iso-nǝ saki PREF-go.around-ATTR rocky.shore-GEN cape the cape on the rocky shore that [you] are going around (KK 5) 之餓阿摩離虚等珥莵句離訶枳譬句椰

si-ŋga amari kǝtǝ n-i tukur-i kaki-pik-u ya it-POSS remainder koto DV-CONV make-CONV PREF-play-FIN IP [they] made a koto out of its remainders, will [they] play? (NK 41) 陁倶符羅爾阿武柯枳都枳

ta-kumbura-ni amu kaki-tuk-i arm-fleshy.part-LOC gadfly PREF-attach-CONV a gadfly sat on [the sovereign’s] upper arm (NK 75)

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比宜可伎撫而

piŋgɛ kaki-naⁿde beard PREF-stroke(CONV) stroking [my] beard (MYS 5.892) 御津松原可吉掃弖

Mitu-nə MATU- ͫ-BARA kaki-PAK-I-te Mitu-GEN pine-GEN-field PREF-sweep-CONV-SUB having swept the pine field of Mitu (MYS 5.895) 菅根乎衣尓書付

SU ŋGA-NƏ NE-wo KƏRƏMƏ-ni kaki-TUKƐ sedge-GEN root-ACC garment-LOC PREF-attach(CONV) attaching a root of sedge to [her] garment (MYS 7.1344) 朝奈藝尓伊可伎渡

ASA naŋgi-ni i-kaki-WATAR-I morning calm-LOC DLF-PREF-cross.over-CONV crossing over there in the morning calm (MYS 8.1520) 咲有花乎指折可伎數者

SAK-I-TAR-U PANA-wo OYOmBI WOR-I kaki-KAⁿZOP-URE-mba bloom-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR flower-ACC finger bend-CONV PREF-countEV-CON when [I] counted blooming flowers on my fingers (MYS 8.1537) 加吉結常代尓至

kaki-MUSUmB-I TƏKƏ YƏ-ni ITAR-I PREF-bind-CONV eternal life-LOC reach-CONV concluding [the agreement of marriage] and reaching [the land of] eternal life (MYS 9.1740) 葦垣之末掻別而

ASI-ŋ-GAKI-NƏ SUWE KAKI-WAKƐ-TE reed-GEN-fence-GEN top PREF-divide(CONV)-SUB dividing the top of the reed fence (MYS 13.3279) 蚊黒為髪尾信櫛持於是蚊寸垂

kaŋ-GURO-si KAMI-wo MA-KUSI MƏT-I kaki-TARE INT-black-FIN hair-ACC INT-comb hold-CONV PREF-make.hang.down(CONV) making pitch black hair hang down with a comb (MYS 16.3791) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

529

Verbs 吾等尓可伎无氣念之念婆

WARE-ni kaki-mukɛ OMƏP-I si OMƏP-Amba I-DAT PREF-turn(IMP) love-NML EP love-COND if [you] indeed love [me], turn to me (MYS 19.4191) 美母乃須蘇都美安氣可伎奈埿

mi-mǝ-nǝ suso tum-i-aŋgɛ kaki-naⁿde HON-skirt-GEN hem pick-CONV-raise(CONV) PREF-caress(CONV) [my mother] picked up [her] skirt hems and caressed [me] (MYS 20.4408) 手肱爾水沫書垂向股爾泥書寄弖

TA-NA PIⁿDI-ni MI-N[A] AWA kaki-TAR-I MUKA MOMO-ni PIⁿDI kaki-YƏSE-te arm-PLUR elbow-LOC water-PLUR foam PREF-hang.down-CONV front thighLOC dirt PREF-approach(CONV)-SUB the water foam was dripping at the elbows, the dirt was sticking up to the thighs (NT 1) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There are two examples of the prefix kaki- attested in the Eastern Old Japanese texts: 可伎武太伎奴礼杼安加奴乎安杼加安我世牟

kaki-muⁿdak-i n-ure-ⁿdǝ ak-an-u-wo aⁿ-tǝ ka a-ŋga se-m-u PREF-embrace-CONV sleep-EV-CONC satisfy-NEG-ATTR-ACC what-DV IP I-POSS do-TENT-ATTR although [I] slept [with her] keeping [her] in my arms, since it was not enough [for me], what should I do? (MYS 14.3404) 知々波々我可之良加伎奈弖佐久安礼天伊比之氣等婆是和須礼加祢豆流

titi papa-ŋga kasira kaki-naⁿde sa-ku ar-e te ip-i-si kɛtǝmba ⁿze wasure-kane-t-uru father mother-POSS head PREF-stroke(CONV) safe-CONV exist-IMP DV sayCONV-PAST/ATTR word FP forget(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-ATTR [I] cannot forget the words: “Be safe!” that [my] father and mother said, stroking [my] head (MYS 20.4346) A2: Ryukyuan The WOJ prefix kaki- can be compared to the prefix kai- ~ kaki- found in Classical Ryukyuan (Hokama 1995: 177, 181). However, since this prefix is not

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attested in Old Ryukyuan and/or modern Ryukyuan languages, and because it is also present in Middle Japanese in the form kai- ~ kaki- with the variant kai- that does not occur in Western Old Japanese, it is likely that CR kai- ~ kakirepresents a loan from MJ kai- ~ kaki-. 3.1.9 Prefix apiThe prefix api- is a marker of the reciprocal-cooperative voice, indicating that an action is either reciprocal or is performed together. It is defined as such in (Omodaka et al. 1967: 57), but more often than not the prefix api- is not even mentioned in the existing grammatical descriptions of Old Japanese, as, for example in Yamada Yoshio’s seminal grammar (Yamada 1954). It is quite likely that historically the prefix api- represents the converb form of the verb ap- ‘to meet, to join.’ Whether api- is historically a prefix or an auxiliary, the presence of either of them before the main verb once again manifests a strong contradiction to the SOV word order, where auxiliaries are supposed to follow main verbs and prefixes are non-existent. It is also interesting that the reciprocalcooperative voice can also be expressed in Western Old Japanese analytically by the verb ap- ‘to meet, to join’ that follows the converb form as an auxiliary. The latter form is, of course, much more consistent with the SOV typology. Thus, it is likely that the coexistence of both forms in Western Old Japanese demonstrates the last stages of transition from a SVO to a SOV language. The prefix api- occurs only with a limited number of Western Old Japanese verbs: arasop- ‘to fight’ ip- ‘to say’ kipop- ‘to compete’ mak- ‘to roll’ makuramak- ‘to pillow’ muk- ‘to face’ mi- ‘to see, to look’ ne- ‘to sleep’ nǝm- ‘to drink’ omǝp- ‘to think’ tomburap- ‘to visit’ tǝyǝm- ‘resound’ uⁿdunap- ‘to treat with care’ wakare- ‘to separate’ yǝr- ‘to approach’ yombap- ‘to marry’

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Examples: 古波陀袁登売袁迦微能碁登岐許延斯迦杼母阿比麻久良麻久

Kopaⁿda wotǝme-wo kamï-nǝ ŋgǝtǝ kik-ǝye-sika-ⁿdǝmǝ api-makuramak-u Kopaⁿda maiden-ABS deity-GEN like hear-PASS(CONV)-PAST/EV-CONC RECpillow-FIN Although [it] is rumored that the maiden from Kopaⁿda is like a goddess, [we] slept together (lit.: pillowed each other) (KK 45) 許許呂袁陀迩迦阿比淤母波受阿良牟

kǝkǝrǝ-wo ⁿdani ka api-omǝp-aⁿz-u ar-am-u heart-ACC RP IP REC-think-NEG-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR will [we] not think about each other at least in our hearts? (KK 60) 吉備那流伊慕塢阿比瀰莵流慕能

Kimbï-n-ar-u imo-wo api-mi-t-uru monǝ Kimbï-LOC-exist-ATTR beloved-ACC REC-see(CONV)-PERF-ATTR CONJ [My] beloved who is in Kimbï [and I], have seen each other, but … (NK 40) 陁黎耶始比登謀阿避於謀婆儺倶爾

tare ya si pitǝ mo api-omop-an-aku n-i who EP EP person FP REC-love-NEG-NML DV-CONV because [she] is not mutually in love with anyone else (NK 93) 空氣衝之相別去者

ANA IKIⁿDUK-Asi API-WAKARE-n-amba INTER lament-ADJ(FIN) REC-part(CONV)-PERF-COND Oh, how lamentable! If [we] part with each other … (MYS 8.1454) 安比於毛波奴君尓安礼也母

api-omop-an-u KIMI n-i ar-e ya mǝ REC-think-NEG-ATTR lord DV-CONV exist-EV IP EP is [it my] lord, who no [longer] thinks [about lamenting of the people of this world] in return?! (MYS 15.3691) 相見婆登許波都波奈爾

API-MI-RE-mba tǝkǝ patu pana n-i REC-look-EV-CON eternal first flower DV-CONV when [we] looked at each other, it was [always] like eternal first flowers (MYS 17.3978)

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天地乃神安比宇豆奈比

amɛ tuti-nǝ KAMÏ api-uⁿdunap-i heaven earth-GEN deity COOP-treat.with.care-CONV deities of Heaven and Earth all together treated [us] with care … (MYS 18.4094) 安比見流毛乃乎須久奈久母年月經礼波古非之家礼夜母

api-MI-ru monǝwo sukuna-ku mǝ TƏSI TUKÏ P-Ure-mba kopïsi-kere ya mǝ REC-see-ATTR CONJ few-CONV FP year month pass-EV-CON be.longing-EV IP EP although [we] saw each other, as the time went by, were [we still] longing for [each other] just a bit?! [—No, quite a lot!] (MYS 18.4118) 相飲酒曽斯豊御酒者

API-NƏM-AM-U SAKƐ sǝ KƏNƏ TƏYƏ MI-KI pa COOP-drink-TENT-ATTR rice.wine FP this eternal HON-rice.wine TOP the rice.wine that [we] will drink together, this eternal rice wine (MYS 19.4264) 天地与相左可延牟等

AMƐ TUTI-TƏ API-sakaye-m-u tǝ heaven earth-COM COOP-flourish-TENT-FIN DV [I] wish that [you] would flourish together with Heaven and Earth … (MYS 19.4273) 悪奴止母止相結弖

ASI-KI YATU-ⁿdǝmǝ-tǝ API-MUSUmB-I-te bad-ATTR scoundrel-PLUR-COM COOP-tie-CONV-SUB [they] tied [themselves] together with bad scoundrels, and … (SM 43) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The reciprocal-cooperative prefix api- occurs in Eastern Old Japanese as well: 和賀西奈尓阿比与流等可毛

wa-ŋga se-na-ni api-yǝr-u tǝ kamo I-POSS beloved-DIM-DAT COOP-approach-FIN DV EP I wonder, does [it] say that my beloved [and I] will meet together? (MYS 14.3483)

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A2: Ryukyuan The cooperative prefix ai- is possibly attested only in one example in Old Ryukyuan. There are no other attestations in Classical Ryukyuan or modern Ryukyuan languages. In spite of the fact that we are dealing here with a unique attestation, it is still possible that this example reflects an Old Ryukyuan cognate of WOJ api-, because the prefix afi- is not found in Middle Japanese, and direct loans from Western Old Japanese to Old Ryukyuan do not exist. さいわたるのさくらしけしけとおりさちへけおよりあいいでらむ

sa-i-watar-u n-o sakura sike-sike to or-i-sat-ife keo-yori ai-ide-ram-u bloom-CONV-cross-ATTR DV-ATTR sakura denze-denze DV bend-CONVstretch-CONV today-ABL COOP-go.out-TENT2-FIN [Sailors!] From today [you] should go out together bundling together [like] blooming sakura [trees] (OS 10.531) 3.1.10 Prefix eThe prefix e- is a marker of the potential. It is defined as a potential adverb in Omodaka et al. (1967: 57), but with the exception of a dubious case of e in MYS 18.4078 that is likely to have a different explanation, e- is invariably found immediately before verbal roots, so it is more appropriate to view it as a prefix, at least on the synchronic level. Historically the prefix e- represents the converb form of the verb e- ‘to get.’ The prefix e- occurs only with a limited number of Western Old Japanese verbs: ar- ip- mi- se- yuk-

‘to exist’ ‘to say’ ‘to see’ ‘to do’ ‘to go’

There is only one example where e- is written phonographically in the Bussoku seki-no uta. In all other cases it is spelled logographically with the character 得. Examples: 打乍二波更毛不得言

ututu-ni pa SARA N-I mo E-IP-AⁿZI reality-LOC TOP again DV-CONV FP POT-say-NEG/TENT [I] would not be able to say [it] again in reality (MYS 4.784)

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面忘太尓毛得為也

OMO WASURE ⁿdani mo E-S-U ya face forget(NML) RP FP POT-do-FIN IP Could [I] just forget [his] face? (MYS 11.2574) 美阿止須良乎和礼波衣美須弖伊波爾惠利都久多麻爾惠利都久

mi-atǝ-sura-wo ware pa e-mi-ⁿz-u-te ipa-ni wer-i-tuk-u tama-ni wer-i-tuk-u HON-footprint-RP-ACC I TOP POT-see-NEG-CONV-SUB rock-LOC carve-CONVattach-FIN jewel-LOC carve-CONV-attach-FIN I was not able to see even the footprints of the Buddha, so [I] carve [them] on the rock, carve [them] on the jewel (BS 3) 3.2

Verbal Suffixes

If we follow a strict linguistic analysis of Western Old Japanese, we have to divide all verbal suffixes into two major groups: sentence-final suffixes which normally occur at the end of the last verbal form in a sentence or a clause, and sentence non-final suffixes that cannot occur in sentence-final position unless ellipsis occurs. Sentence-non-final suffixes, in their turn, can be further subdivided into word-final and word-non-final suffixes. Word-final suffixes can conclude a verbal form, while word-non-final suffixes cannot be final in a verbal form by themselves: they must always be followed either by sentence-final or word-final suffixes. The markers of final predicates, such as the suffixes of final predication, attributives, imperatives, most markers of mood, and a few other markers, are sentence-final suffixes. The converbs, which are markers of non-final predicates, are sentence-non-final word-final suffixes. The markers of voice, negation, and aspect are all word-non-final suffixes. A big watershed that divides Western Old Japanese from Middle (Classical) Japanese is that a number of auxiliaries in the former became suffixes in the latter by the process of losing the morphemic boundary between the converb -i and a following auxiliary. Thus, for example, the Classical Japanese objective retrospective auxiliary -iker- goes back to a Western Old Japanese analytical construction involving the converb -i of the main verb and the auxiliary -ker(that itself is likely to be a contraction of the converb k-i of the verb kǝ- ‘to come’ and the auxiliary verb ar- ‘to exist’). While the form -iker- is the only one that occurs in Middle Japanese, which prevents us to subdivide it morphemically as -i-ker-, in Western Old Japanese -ker- can follow other converb forms,

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such as an converb -u, found after the negative marker -aⁿz-, for example: kopï yam-aⁿz-u-ker-i love(NML) stop-NEG-CONV-RETR-FIN ‘[our] love does not stop’ (MYS 17.3980). This and other examples convincingly demonstrate that at the time of Western Old Japanese there was a morphological boundary between the converb -i and the retrospective -ker-. 3.2.1 Sentence-Final Verbal Suffixes Western Old Japanese contains a number of sentence-final verbal suffixes: the markers of final predication -u ~ -i; the attributive suffixes -uru ~ -u ~ -ru; the evidential marker -ure ~ -ɛ ~ -e ~ re; the imperative suffixes -e ~ -yǝ ~ -∅; the negative imperative -una; the mood markers: the negative tentative -aⁿzi ~ -ⁿzi, the desiderative -ana ~ -na, negative potential -umasiⁿzi, and the subjunctive -amasi ~ -masi. 3.2.1.1 Final Predication Suffix -u ~ -i The final predication suffix has two allomorphs -u and -i. The allomorph -u follows the stems of all verbs except r-irregular verbs which have the allomorph -i as their final predication suffix. The main descriptive problem concerns final predication forms of strong vowel verbs. In Middle Japanese strong vowel verbs clearly take the special allomorph -ru as their final predication suffix, which is identical to the attributive suffix -ru that they also have. The situation is not that obvious in Western Old Japanese, in spite of the fact that most existing Japanese grammars promptly list -ru as a suffix of final predication for strong vowel verbs (Yamada 1954: 155; Shirafuji 1987: 127). The opposite point of view is expressed by Iwai Yoshio, who believes that the final predication form of strong vowel verbs in -ru is not attested in Old Japanese (Iwai 1970: 52). I think that he is right, because there is only one example in the texts where we can possibly have a glimpse of the final predication form in -ru: 麻須羅遠能佐都夜多波佐美牟加比多知伊流夜麻度加多波麻乃佐夜氣佐

masura wo-nǝ satu-ya ta-m-basam-i mukap-i tat-i i-ru ya mato-kata pama-nǝ sayakɛ-sa excellent man-GEN hunt-arrow hand-LOC-squeeze-CONV face-CONV standCONV shoot-FIN(?)/ATTR(?) EP Mato-kata (lit.: Target-shape) beach-GEN bright-NML The brightness of the beach at Matokata [that is like] a target (mato) which gentlemen facing [it] shoot at while standing, squeezing hunting arrows in [their] hands (FK 20)

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However, the interpretation of this poem and consequently the establishment of i-ru ‘shoot’ as the final predication form here faces several obstacles. First, the first part of the poem up to the place name Matokata is believed to be a jo-type makura-kotoba, which leaves room for doubting its grammaticality. Second, although the form i-ru ‘shoot’ should represent a final predication form whether we interpret the particle ya after i-ru as an emphatic particle or as an interrogative particle, the interpretation of the whole text with a final predication form rather than an attributive form modifying Matokata hardly makes any sense. Third, this poem comes from a fragment of the Ise Fudoki, which means that it may represent a dialect different from Western Old Japanese. Fourth, it is not inconceivable that the word ya after i-ru is not a particle, but the noun ya ‘arrow,’ which then will represent another play on words in this poem.22 In this case i-ru can only be an attributive form. Finally, it is difficult to argue for the existence of the final predication form -ru on the basis of a single example, which, in addition, is not perfect. There is, however, evidence for a different form of final predication for strong vowel verbs. It was already observed by Yamada Yoshio (who did not make any conclusions on the basis of this observation) that the form of the irregular vowel verb mi- ‘to see’ preceding the conjunction tǝmǝ ‘even if’ is just mi in Western Old Japanese (Yamada 1954: 154). It is well known that the conjunction tǝmǝ is preceded by a form of final predication, therefore Iwai Yoshio came to the correct conclusion that mi in mi tǝmǝ represents a Western Old Japanese final predication form (Iwai 1970: 53).23 Examples:

22  I am grateful to Matthew McNicoll who drew my attention to this possibility during a seminar on Western Old Japanese that I was teaching at the University of Hawai’i of Mānoa in the spring of 2007. 23  Both Yamada and Iwai also mention such specific Western Old Japanese forms as mi-ramu ‘see-TENT2-FIN,’ and mi-mbɛ-si ‘see-DEB-FIN,’ and ni-rasi ‘cook-SUP’ (cf. corresponding MJ mi-r-uram-u, mi-r-ube-si, and ni-r-urasi) (Yamada 1954: 153–154; Iwai 1970: 52–53). From the viewpoint of a traditional Japanese analysis, where -ramu, -besi, and -rasi are supposed to be auxiliaries following a final predication form, these forms may represent additional valuable evidence. However, these forms are not as valuable under a structural analysis of the Western Old Japanese verbal system. First, -mbɛ in mi-mbɛ-si certainly goes back to the adverb umbɛ ‘must, duly’; and, second -ramu and -rasi are likely to historically include the stative form -ur-, and not the final predication marker -u. Anyway, on the synchronic level both are analyzed better as -(u)ram- and -(u)rasi.

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537

萬代見友将飽八

YƏRƏⁿDU YƏ N-I MI tǝmǝ AK-AM-Ɛ ya ten thousand generation DV-CONV look(FIN) CONJ lose.interest-TENT-EV IP even if [I] look [at the palace] for ten thousand generations, would [I] lose interest [in looking at it?—No, I would not!] (MYS 6.921) 比祢毛須尓美等母安久倍伎宇良尓安良奈久尓

pinemosu n-i mi tǝmǝ ak-umbɛ-ki ura n-i ar-an-aku n-i all.day DV-CONV look(FIN) CONJ lose.interest-DEB-ATTR bay DV-CONV existNEG-NML DV-CONV even if [I] look all day, it is not a bay that [one] could lose interest [in looking at] (MYS 18.4037) 都婆吉都良々々尓美等母安可米也

tumbaki tura-tura n-i mi tǝmǝ ak-am-ɛ ya camellia intently DV-CONV look(FIN) CONJ lose.interest-TENT-EV IP even if [I] look intently [at] the camellia, would [I] lose interest? [No, I would not!] (MYS 20.4481) 之婆之婆美等母安加無伎弥加毛

simba-simba mi tǝmǝ ak-am-u kimi kamo often look(FIN) CONJ get.enough-TENT-ATTR lord EP even if [I] look [at you] often, would [I] get enough of [my] lord, I wonder? (MYS 20.4503) A couple of additional comments are in order. The underlying form of the final predication form for the strong vowel verb mi- ‘to see, to look’ is probably *mi-u, but this form has to be simplified since it contradicts the rules of Western Old Japanese phonotactics that prohibit vowel clusters. Because strong vowel verbs never lose their root vowel, it is the suffix of the final predication that has to go. The surface form in Western Old Japanese, is therefore, just mi, which formally looks exactly the same as the verbal root. Consequently, the Middle Japanese final predication form in -ru, which is identical to the attributive form, in all probability just represents a replacement of the final form by an attributive. It is well known that the end result of this replacement was the complete loss of final predication forms: a process that took centuries to complete. But it is quite apparent that strong vowel verbs alongside with consonant verbs was the first verbal class to be affected by this process in the history of Japanese.

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538 chart 31

Chapter 6 Distribution of the allomorphs of the final predication suffix

verb class

allomorph

consonant verbs regular vowel verbs k-irregular verbs s-irregular verbs n-irregular verbs strong vowel verbs r-irregular verbs

-u -u -u -u -u -∅ -i

Almost the same picture is applicable to suffixes and bound auxiliaries: auxiliaries that historically incorporate the r-irregular verb ar- ‘to exist’ have the final predication suffix -i; all other auxiliaries and the majority of wordnon-final suffixes (with the exception of those that take predication markers identical to inflected adjectives) are followed by the predication suffix -u.24 Thus, the predication markers -u and -i are in complimentary distribution, which can be seen in Chart 32 below. It must be emphasized that a distinction between -u and -i in Western Old Japanese is formal rather than functional, since when an auxiliary that requires subsequent -i is followed by a suffix that requires -u in its turn, then the final predication suffix will be -u, and not -i, for example, a combination of -ker-, RETR + -aⁿz-, NEG + -u or -i, FIN, results in -ker-aⁿz-u RETR-NEG-FIN, and not in *-ker-aⁿz-i. Nevertheless, since -i follows essentially the stative verbs ar- ‘to exist,’ wor- ‘to exist, to stay, to sit,’ por- ‘to want’ and the derivatives of ar-, while -u predominantly is associated with action verbs, we cannot exclude the possibility that at the proto-Japonic level a distinction between -u and -i was of a functional nature. I will return to this problem below in the comparative section.

24  The allomorph -ru is not found after suffixes and auxiliaries.

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chart 32 Combinations of the final predication suffixes -u and -i with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

-u

-i

tentative -(a)mtentative2 -(u)ramnegative -(a)ⁿzpassive -(a)ye-, -rayecausative -(a)simɛiterative -aphonorific -asperfective -teperfective -nretrospective -kerprogressive -erperfective-progressive -tar-

-am-u -(u)ram-u -(a)ⁿz-u -(a)y-u -(a)sim-u -ap-u -as-u -t-u -n-u – – –

– – – – – – – – – -ker-i -er-i -tar-i

The final predication suffix does not have to be the last morpheme in the sentence. It can be followed by various particles or conjunctions, such as the interrogative particle ya or the conjunction tǝmǝ ‘even though, even if.’ In the case of direct or reported speech it is always followed by forms of the defective verb tǝ- ‘to say’ and the appropriate verb of verbal or mental activity, if any. In most existing grammars of Old Japanese there is no definition of the function of final predication markers (Yamada 1954; Saeki 1959; Shirafuji 1987). It is likely that it is implied there that the final predication is the function. Iwai Yoshio, however, defines the main function of final predication markers as final predication (Iwai 1970: 11; 1981: 22), following the tradition of general histories of the Japanese language (Kobayashi 1936: 83–86; Yuzawa 1943: 45–46).25 Examples of the final predication suffix -u: 夜弊賀岐都久流

ya-pe-ŋ-gaki tukur-u eight-fold-DV(ATTR)-fence make-FIN [I] am making an eight-folded fence (KK 1) 25  On the controversy in defining a function of final predication markers in Middle Japanese see Vovin 2003: 197–198.

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那迦士登波那波伊布登母

nak-aⁿzi tǝ pa na pa ip-u tǝmǝ weep-NEG/TENT DV TOP you TOP say-FIN CONJ Even though you say that [you] would not weep (KK 4) 袁登賣爾多陀爾阿波牟登

wotǝme-ni taⁿda n-i ap-am-u tǝ maiden-DAT straight DV-CONV meet-TENT-FIN DV thinking to meet maidens face to face (KK 18) 佐泥牟登波阿禮波意母閇杼

sa ne-m-u tǝ pa are pa omǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝ thus sleep-TENT-FIN DV TOP I TOP long-EV-CONC Although I long so much to sleep [with you] (KK 27) 許能美岐波和賀美岐那良受

kǝnǝ mi-ki pa wa-ŋga mi-ki nar-aⁿz-u this HON-rice.wine TOP I-POSS HON-rice.wine be-NEG-FIN This rice wine is not my rice wine (KK 39) 毛毛知陀流夜迩波母美由

momo-ti-ⁿ-tar-u ya nipa mǝ mi-y-u hundred-thousand-GEN-be.enough-ATTR house garden FP see-PASS-FIN [I] can see flourishing houses [and] gardens (lit: plentiful with hundreds and thousands houses and gardens are seen) (KK 41) 都奴賀能迦迩余許佐良布伊豆久迩伊多流

tunuŋga-nǝ kani yǝkǝ sar-ap-u iⁿduku-ni itar-u Tunuŋga-GEN crab side go.away-ITER-FIN where-LOC reach-FIN The crab from Tunuŋga goes all the time along the side[way]. [To] where will [it] arrive? (KK 42) 摩佐豆古和芸毛玖迩弊玖陀良須

Masaⁿduko wa-ŋg-imo kuni-pe kuⁿdar-as-u Masaⁿduko I-POSS-beloved province-DIR descend-HON-FIN Masaⁿduko, my beloved, goes towards [her] province (KK 52) 芝賀波能比呂理伊麻須波淤富岐美呂迦母

si-ŋga pa-nǝ pirǝr-i-imas-u opǝ kimi rǝ kamǝ it-POSS leaf-GEN are broad-CONV-HON-FIN great lord DV EP its leaves are broad, as the great lord (KK 57) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

541

Verbs 加久能碁登那爾淤波牟登

ka-ku-nǝ ŋgǝtǝ na-ni op-am-u tǝ thus-CONV-GEN like name-LOC carry-TENT-FIN DV in order to perpetuate that [it] was like that (KK 97) 宇利波米婆胡藤母意母保由

uri pam-ɛ-mba ko-ⁿdǝmǝ omǝp-oy-u melon eat-EV-CON child-PLUR think-PASS-FIN When [I] eat melon, [I] cannot help thinking of [my] children (lit.: I suddenly think of my children) (MYS 5.802) 烏梅能波奈佐吉多留僧能能阿遠也疑波可豆良爾須倍久奈利爾家良受夜

uMƐ-nǝ pana sak-i-tar-u sǝnǝ-nǝ awo yaŋgï pa kaⁿdura n-i s-umbɛ-ku nar-in-i-ker-aⁿz-u ya plum-GEN blossom bloom-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR garden-GEN green willow TOP wig DV-CONV do-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-NEGFIN IP Did not [it] become so that [we] should make [our] wigs out of the green willows in the garden where the plum blossoms have bloomed? (MYS 5.817) 布流由岐得比得能美流麻提烏梅能波奈知流

pur-u yuki tǝ pitǝ-nǝ mi-ru-maⁿde uMƐ-nǝ pana tir-u fall-ATTR snow DV person-GEN see-ATTR-TERM plum-GEN flower fall-FIN plum blossoms fall to such an extent that people will perceive them as falling snow (MYS 5.839) 等富都比等末都良能加波尓和可由都流

tǝpo t-u pitǝ matu[u]ra-nǝ kapa-ni waka [a]yu tur-u distant DV-ATTR person Matu-ura-GEN river-LOC young sweetfish angle-FIN people from far away (lit.: distant people) angle young sweetfish at the Matu-ura river (MYS 5.857) 飛立可祢都鳥尓之安良祢婆

TƏmB-I-TAT-I-kane-t-u TƏRI n-i si ar-an-e-mba fly-CONV-depart-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-FIN bird DV-CONV EP existNEG-EV-CON [I] could not fly away because [I] am not a bird (MYS 5.893)

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Chapter 6

出波之利伊奈奈等思騰許良爾佐夜利奴

IⁿDE-pasir-i in-ana tǝ OMƏP-Ɛ-ⁿdǝ kǝ-ra-ni sayar-i-n-u exit(CONV)-run-CONV go-DES DV think-EV-CONC child-PLUR-DAT be prevented-CONV-PERF-FIN although [I] think that [I] would like to run away, [I] am prevented by [my] children (MYS 5.899) 安麻乎等女等母思麻我久流見由

ama wotǝME-ⁿdǝmǝ sima-ŋ-kakur-u MI-y-u fisher maiden-PLUR island-LOC-hide-ATTR see-PASS-FIN [I] see fisher maidens hiding in [the shadow of] the island (MYS 15.3597) 安伎乃野尓草乎思香奈伎都

aki-nǝ NO-ni sa-wo-sika nak-i-t-u autumn-GEN field-LOC PREF-male-deer cry-CONV-PERF-FIN male deer cried in the autumn field (MYS 15.3678) 伊波多野爾夜杼里須流伎美伊敞妣等乃伊豆良等和礼乎等波婆伊可爾 伊波牟

Ipata-NO-ni yaⁿdǝr-i s-uru kimi ipe-m-bitǝ-nǝ iⁿdu-ra tǝ ware-wo tǝp-amba ika n-i ip-am-u Ipata-field-LOC lodge-NML do-ATTR lord home-GEN-person-GEN where-LOC DV I-ACC ask-COND how DV-CONV say-TENT-FIN [Oh, my] lord who lodged at the Ipata field. If people from [your] home ask me (saying) where [are you], what should [I] answer? (MYS 15.3689) 伊豆礼能日麻弖安礼古非乎良牟

iⁿdure n-ǝ PI-maⁿde are kopï-wor-am-u which DV-ATTR day-TERM I long.for(CONV)-exist-TENT-FIN until what day should I be longing for [you]? (MYS 15.3742) 和可伎兒等毛波乎知許知爾佐和吉奈久良牟

waka-ki KO-ⁿdǝmo pa woti kǝti-ni sawak-i-nak-uram-u young-ATTR child-PLUR TOP there here-LOC make.noise-CONV-cry-TENT2-FIN young children will probably cry loudly here [and] there (MYS 17.3962)

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543

Verbs 佐夜麻太乃乎治我其日爾母等米安波受家牟

sa Yamaⁿda n-ǝ woⁿdi-ŋga SƏNƏ PI-ni mǝtǝmɛ ap-aⁿz-u-k-em-u so Yamaⁿda DV-ATTR old man-POSS that day-LOC search(CONV) meet-NEGCONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN So, old man Yamaⁿda searched for [him] on that day, but did not find [him] (MYS 17.4014) 伊久欲布等余美都追伊毛波和礼麻都良牟曾

iku yo p-u tǝ yǝm-i-tutu imo pa ware mat-uram-u sǝ how many night pass-FIN DV count-CONV-COOR beloved TOP I wait-TENT2ATTR FP [My] beloved will probably wait for me, counting: ‘How many nights have passed?’ (MYS 18.4072) 和期於保伎美余思努乃美夜乎安里我欲比賣須

wa-ŋgǝ opo kimi Yǝsino-nǝ miya-wo ari-ŋgayop-i mes-u I-POSS great lord Yǝsino-GEN palace-ACC ITER-go.back.and.forth-CONV look (HON)-FIN My emperor constantly visits the palace in Yǝsino, and looks [around] (MYS 18.4099) 曽己由惠尓情奈具也

sǝkǝ yuwe n-i KƏKƏRƏ naŋg-u ya there reason DV-CONV heart calm.down-FIN IP will [my] heart calm down due to those circumstances? (MYS 19.4154) 秋風尓比毛等伎安氣奈多太奈良受等母

AKI KAⁿZE-ni pimo tǝk-i-akɛ-na taⁿda nar-aⁿz-u tǝmǝ autumn wind-LOC cord untie-CONV-open-DES direct be-NEG-FIN CONJ [I] wish that the autumn wind would untie the cords, even if [it] is not directly (MYS 20.4295) 阿止乎美都都志乃波牟

atǝ-wo mi-tutu sinǝp-am-u footstep-ACC see(CONV)-COOR yearn-TENT-FIN looking at [Buddha’s] footstep, [I] will yearn [for him] (BS 6) 己礼乃与波宇都利佐留止毛

kǝre n-ǝ yǝ pa utur-i sar-u tǝmo this DV-ATTR world TOP change-CONV go away-FIN CONJ Even though this world changes and goes away … (BS 10) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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Chapter 6

朕高御座爾坐始由理今年尓至麻低六年尓成奴

WARE TAKA MI-KURA-ni IMAS-I-SƏMƐS-U-yuri KƏ TƏSI-ni ITAR-U-maⁿde MU TƏSI n-i NAR-I-n-u I high HON-seat-LOC be(HON)-CONV-begin-ATTR-ABL this year-LOC reachATTR-TERM six year DV-CONV become-CONV-PERF-FIN [It] has been six years this year since I have been on the high throne (SM 7) 兵発之武

IKUSA OKƏS-Asim-u army raise-CAUS-FIN [Nakamarǝ] made armies to raise (SM 28) 仲末呂伊忠臣止之天侍都

Nakamarǝ-i TAⁿDASI-KI OMI tǝ s-i-te PAmBER-I-t-u Nakamarǝ-ACT loyal-ATTR noble DV do-CONV-SUB serve-CONV-PERF-FIN Nakamarǝ served as a loyal noble (SM 34) 和己於保支美波多比良気久那何久伊末之弖等与美岐麻都流

wa-ŋgǝ opo kimi pa tapirakɛ-ku naŋga-ku imas-i-te tǝyǝ mi-ki matur-u I-POSS great lord TOP safe-CONV long-CONV exist(HON)-CONV-SUB abundant HON-rice.wine present(HUM)-FIN [I] present the abundant rice wine so that my sovereign (lit.: great lord) [would] live safely and long (SNK 4) Examples of the final predication suffix -i: 故志能久邇邇佐加志売遠阿理登岐加志弖久波志売遠阿理登岐許志弖

Kosi-nǝ kuni-ni sakasi me-wo ar-i tǝ kik-as-i-te kupasi me-wo ar-i tǝ kik-ǝs-i-te Kosi-GEN province-LOC wise woman-ABS exist-FIN DV hear-HON-CONV-SUB beautiful woman-ABS exist-FIN DV hear-HON-CONV-SUB [Opo kuni nusi] heard that there is a wise woman in the Kosi province, heard that there is a beautiful woman (KK 2) 阿加陀麻波袁佐閇比迦禮杼斯良多麻能岐美何余曾比斯多布斗久阿理祁理

aka-ⁿ-dama pa wo sapɛ pikar-e-ⁿdǝ sira tama-nǝ kimi-ŋga yǝsǝpi si taputo-ku ar-i-ker-i red-DV(ATTR)-jewel TOP cord RP shine-EV-CONC white jewel-COMP lordPOSS adorned.appearance EP revered-CONV exist-CONV-RETR-FIN Although even the cord of red jewels shines, [I] realized [that I] feel reverence [for my] lord’s adorned appearance, which is like a white jewel (KK 7)

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545

Verbs

本都延波阿米袁淤弊理那加都延波阿豆麻袁淤弊理志豆延波比那袁淤弊理

po-tu ye pa amɛ-wo op-er-i naka-tu ye pa Aⁿduma-wo op-er-i siⁿ-tu ye pa pina-wo op-er-i top-GEN/LOC branch TOP heaven-ACC cover-PROG-FIN middle-GEN/LOC branch TOP lands.in.the.east-ACC cover-PROG-FIN bottom-GEN/LOC branch TOP rural.region-ACC cover-PROG-FIN [Its] top branches are covering the Heaven, [its] middle branches are covering the lands in the East, and [its] lower branches are covering the rural regions (KK 100) 意富美夜能袁登都波多傅須美加多夫祁理

opǝ-miya-nǝ wotǝ t-u pataⁿde sumi katambuk-er-i great-place-GEN that DV-ATTR edge(?) corner incline-PROG-FIN The edge corners of that side of the great palace are falling apart (KK 105) 阿軻娜磨廼比訶利播阿利登比登播伊珮耐

aka-ⁿ-dama-nǝ pikari pa ar-i tǝ pitǝ pa ip-ɛ-ⁿdǝ red-DV(ATTR)-jewel-GEN light TOP exist-FIN DV person TOP say-EV-CONC Although people say that the red jewel has light (NK 6) 余能奈可波牟奈之伎母乃等志流等伎子伊与余麻須万須加奈之可利家理

yǝ-nǝ naka pa munasi-ki mǝnǝ tǝ sir-u tǝki si iyǝyǝ masu-masu kanasi-k-ar-i-ker-i world-GEN inside TOP empty-ATTR thing DV know-ATTR time EP more.and. more more.and.more sad-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN When [I] realized that the world is empty, [it] turned out to be more and more sad (MYS 5.793) 比左可多能月者弖利多里

pisa kata n-ǝ TUKÏ pa ter-i-tar-i long hard DV-ATTR moon TOP shine-CONV-PERF/PROG-FIN The eternal and hard moon is shining (MYS 15.3672) 烏梅乃花美夜万等之美尓安里登母

uMƐ-nǝ PANA mi-yama tǝ sim-i n-i ar-i tǝmǝ plum-GEN blossom HON-mountain DV grow.thick-NML DV-CONV exist-FIN CONJ Even though plum blossoms are blooming densely as a mountain (MYS 17.3902)

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伊米尓波母等奈安比見礼騰多太尓安良祢婆孤悲夜麻受家里

imɛ-ni pa mǝtǝna api-mi-re-ⁿdǝ taⁿda n-i ar-an-e-mba kopï yam-aⁿz-u-ker-i dream-LOC TOP in.vain REC-see-EV-CONC direct DV-CONV exist-NEG-EV-CON love(NML) stop-NEG-CONV-RETR-FIN although [we] see each other in vain in dreams, because [our meetings] are not direct, [our] longing does not stop (MYS 17.3980) 和礼爾於止礼留比止乎於保美和多佐牟多米止宇都志麻都礼利

ware-ni otǝr-er-u pitǝ-wo opo-mi watas-am-u tamɛ tǝ utus-i-matur-er-i I-DAT be.inferior-PROG-ATTR person-ABS many-GER lead across-TENT-ATTR in.order.to DV carve-CONV-HUM-PROG-FIN because there are many people who have been inferior than me, [I] have carved [Buddha’s footprints] in order to save [them] (BS 13) 久須理師波都祢乃母阿礼等麻良比止乃伊麻乃久須理師多布止可理家利米 太志加利鶏利

kusurisi pa tune n-ǝ mǝ ar-e-ⁿdǝ marapitǝ n-ǝ ima-nǝ kusurisi taputǝ-k-ar-i-ker-i mɛⁿdasi-k-ar-i-ker-i medicine man TOP usual DV-ATTR FP exist-EV-CONC guest DV-ATTR nowGEN medicine man revered-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN praiseworthyCONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN Although there are usual medicine men, too, the present Guest Medicine Man is [indeed] revered. [He] is praiseworthy (BS 15) 汝多知諸者吾近姪奈利

IMASI-tati MƏRƏ pa WA-ŋGA TIKA-KI WOPI nar-i you-PLUR all TOP I-POSS close-ATTR nephew be-FIN All [of] you are my close nephews (SM 17) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The final predication markers -u and -i are also found in Eastern Old Japanese. I cannot observe any functional difference between their usage in Western and Eastern Old Japanese. Examples of the final predication suffix -u: 安素乃河泊良欲伊之布麻受蘇良由登伎奴与

Aso-nǝ KApara-yo isi pum-aⁿz-u sora-yu tǝ k-i-n-u yǝ

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Verbs

Aso-GEN river-bed-ABL stone tread-NEG-CONV sky-ABL DV come-CONVPERF-FIN EP [I] came from the river-bed of Aso, as from the sky, without treading on stones! (MYS 14.3425) 麻等保久能野尓毛安波奈牟

ma-tǝpo-ku n-ǝ NO-ni mo ap-ana-m-u INT-distant-CONV DV-ATTR field-LOC FP meet-DES-TENT-FIN [I] would like to meet [you] even in a distant field (MYS 14.3463) 多知和可礼伊爾之与比欲利世呂爾安波奈布与

tat-i-wakare in-i-si yǝpi-yori se-rǝ-ni ap-an-ap-u yǝ depart-CONV-part(CONV) go.away-CONV-PAST/ATTR night-ABL beloved-DIMDAT meet-NEG-ITER-FIN EP from the night when [we] parted and [he] went away, [I] never met [my] beloved! (MYS 14.3375) 麻登保久於毛保由

ma-tǝpo-ku omop-oy-u INT-far-CONV think-PASS-FIN [it] suddenly seems to be very far away (MYS 14.3522) 麻多妣爾奈理奴

ma-tambi n-i nar-i-n-u INT-journey DV-CONV become-CONV-PERF-FIN [it] became a really [long] journey (MYS 20.4388) Examples of the final predication suffix -i: 阿志氣比等奈里

asi-kɛ pitǝ nar-i bad-ATTR person be-FIN [he] is a bad person (MYS 20.4382) 以弊乃母加枳世之己呂母尓阿加都枳尓迦理

ipe-nǝ [i]mǝ-ŋga ki-se-si kǝrǝmǝ-ni aka tuk-i-n-i-kar-i home-GEN beloved-POSS wear-CAUS(CONV)-PAST/ATTR garment-LOC dirt attach-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-FIN dirt stuck to the garment that my beloved at home made [me] wear (MYS 20.4388)

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A2: Ryukyuan Ryukyuan comparative data are crucial in three respects. First, there is no distinction between the allomorphs -u and -i, which we observed above in both Western and Eastern Old Japanese. Thus, Ryukyuan does not offer any evidence for the stative / active distinction between -i and -u found in Western Old Japanese. It is equally possible that either of these two languages underwent an innovation: either Ryukyuan losing it or Western Old Japanese acquiring it. The second solution may be more viable if we view this development in Western Old Japanese as a structural change under the influence of Korean. Second, although the final predication suffix is mostly spelled as -u ~ -yu in Old and Classical Ryukyuan, modern dialects clearly indicate the PR form *-um, with a final *-m which can be safely reconstructed both on the basis of the reflexes in dialects, cf., e.g., Koniya ’iky-um ‘go-FIN’ vs. Shuri ’ich-uN ‘id.’ as well as on Shuri morphophonemic rules, cf. the Shuri interrogative form ’ich-um-i go-FIN-QS ‘will you go?’ with the interrogative suffix -i before which we can see the underlying form *-um. Third, and most importantly, the palatalization k > ch in Shuri, the presence of -y- in the Koniya form, and, finally the peculiar spellings in Old and Classical Ryukyuan, for example in RK 3888 below, all indicate that historically the final predication suffix *-um is an auxiliary that followed the converb form in -i-. In all probability, we can reconstruct the following development from proto-Japonic to Western Old Japanese and Shuri: PJ → Shuri →

*yik-i-um → WOJ go-CONV-FIN → ’ich-uN go-FIN

yuk-u go-FIN

Examples: Old Ryukyuan さいわたるのさくらしけしけとおりさちへけおよりあいいでらむ

sa-i-watar-u n-o sakura sike-sike to or-i-sat-ife keo-yori ai-ide-ram-u bloom-CONV-cross-ATTR DV-ATTR sakura dense-dense DV bend-CONVstretch-CONV today-ABL COOP-go.out-TENT2-FIN [Sailors!] From today [you] should go out together bundling together [like] blooming sakura [trees] (OS 10.531) Classical Ryukyuan いろいろに言ちもいかなしも行かぬ Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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iro-iro n-i I-ti-mo ika nas-i-mo Ik-an-u different DV-CONV say(CONV)-SUB-PT how do-CONV-PT go-NEG-FIN whatever [you] say, and whatever [you] do, [I] will not go (RK 725) 北京お主てだやずまにそなれゆが

FICIN o-SHU-teda ya zuma-ni so nar-e-yu ga Ficin-GEN HON-lord-sun TOP where-LOC next be-CONV-FIN IP Where does the emperor of Beijing live? (RK 3888) Shuri

’ich-uN di ’yu-ta-N go-FIN DV say-PAST-FIN [He] said that [he] would go (RKJ 435) husi-nu chura-sa-N star-NOM beautiful-NML-FIN The star is beautiful (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 10) kunu maNgaa umu-sa-N doo this cartoon interesting-NML-FIN FP this cartoon is interesting (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 18) Kumejima

yaa-naa wu-N yoo house-LOC exist-FIN EP [I] am at home (Nohara 1986: 126) Miyako

taka-k-a-m ko:na high-CONV-exist-FIN buy/NEG/IMP [It] is expensive. Do not buy [it] (Karimata 1997a: 400) One of the etymological explanations that goes back to Hattori Shirō, connects this *-um with the verb wor- ‘to exist.’ If we take into consideration the Ryukyuan final forms of this verb, such as, for example, Shuri wuN, the analogy may seem perfect. But unfortunately this etymology has too many problems. First, the Shuri form itself goes back to *wor-i-um with expected and regular development *wor-i-um > *wu-i-um > wuN. Second, the loss of intervocalic -wAlexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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does not occur at all in Western Old Japanese, and the reliable cases of the loss of -r- are found in Western Old Japanese or pre-Western Old Japanese only in some verbal morphological markers, such as the attributive or evidential (see chapter 2, section 2.5.4). Finally, and most importantly, Shuri wuN < *wor-i-um still includes the same morpheme of final predication -N < *-um, and, therefore, the whole explanation becomes completely circular. Thus, at the present stage of our knowledge we can only conclude that *-um is likely to be an obsolete auxiliary, but we do not know anything about its origin or etymology. 3.2.1.2 Attributive -uru ~ -u ~ -ru ~ -ǝ The attributive suffix’s main allomorph is -uru, which is found after all vowel verbs (except strong vowel verbs, where it becomes just -ru), and all irregular verbs (except r-irregular verbs). After all consonant verbs and r-irregular verbs the allomorph -u is used, according to the morphonological rule of -rloss mentioned in chapter 2, section 2.5.4. The defective verb n- has a special attributive ending in -ǝ: n-ǝ, and the defective verb t- has the attributive -u like consonant verbs. chart 33 Distribution of the allomorphs of the attributive suffix

verb class

allomorph

consonant verbs regular vowel verbs k-irregular verbs s-irregular verbs n-irregular verbs strong vowel verbs r-irregular verbs defective verb tdefective verb n-

-u -uru -uru -uru -uru -ru -u -u -ǝ

A similar picture is observed if -uru is used not after a verbal stem but after another verbal suffix or an auxiliary: if a suffix or an auxiliary ends with a vowel, the main allomorph -uru is used, and the final vowel of the preceding suffix or an auxiliary is apocopated. If a suffix or an auxiliary ends in a consonant, the allomorph -u is used.26 The only exception is the perfective auxiliary -n- that has the attributive form -n-uru. The causative suffix -as- ~ -(a)se-, which may end either in a consonant or in a vowel, has accordingly either -as-u or -as-uru. 26  The allomorph -ru is not used after suffixes and auxiliaries. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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Verbs chart 34 Combinations of the attributive suffixes -uru and -u with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

-uru

-u

tentative -(a)mtentative2 -(u)ramnegative -(a)npassive -(a)ye-, -rayecausative -(a)simɛcausative -as- ~ -(a)seiterative -aphonorific -asperfective -teperfective -nretrospective -kerprogressive -erperfective-progressive -tar-

– – – -(a)y-uru -(a)sim-uru -as-u – – -t-uru -n-uru – – –

-(a)m-u -(u)ram-u -(a)n-u – – -as-uru -ap-u -as-u – – -ker-u -er-u -tar-u

The attributive form has three main functions: (1) a modifying function; (2) a verbal noun function (nominalized form); and (3) a final predicate function. 3.2.1.2.1 Attributive as a Modifier There are two types of modifiers with an attributive function: simple, when an attributive form constitutes a sentence of its own and modifies the following nominal; and extended, when the attributive represents a predicate in an extended sentence which in this case as a whole becomes a modifier of the nominal following the attributive. 都流岐能多知

turuki n-ǝ tati double-edged sword DV-ATTR long.sword a long sword that is a double-edged sword (KK 33) 賣杼理能和賀意富岐美能淤呂須波多

Meⁿdǝri n-ǝ wa-ŋga opǝ kimi-nǝ or-ǝs-u pata Meⁿdǝri DV-ATTR I-POSS great lady-GEN weave-HON-ATTR fabric The fabric that my lady Meⁿdǝri weaves (KK 66)

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柂摩儺羅磨婀我裒屢柂摩

tama nar-amba a-ŋga por-u tama jewel be-COND I-POSS desire-ATTR jewel if [my beloved] were a jewel, [she would be] a jewel I desire (NK 92) 企許斯遠周久爾能麻保良叙

kikǝs-i-wos-u kuni-nǝ ma-po-ra ⁿzǝ rule(HON)-CONV-HON-ATTR country-GEN INT-top-LOC FP in the highest place of the country, where [the emperor] rules (MYS 5.800) 意比久留母能波毛毛久佐爾勢米余利伎多流

op-i-k-uru mǝnǝ pa momo kusa n-i semɛ-yǝr-i-k-i-tar-u pursue-CONV-come-ATTR thing TOP hundred kind DV-CONV assault (CONV)-approach-CONV-come-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR the things that pursue [us], come assaulting [us] in a hundred varieties (MYS 5.804) 和礼由惠尓於毛比和夫良牟伊母我可奈思佐

ware yuwe n-i omop-i-wamb-uram-u imǝ-ŋga kanasi-sa I reason DV-CONV think-CONV-worry-TENT2-ATTR beloved-POSS be.dear-NML [feeling of] endearment for [my] beloved who probably worries because of me (MYS 15.3727) 家尓底母多由多敷命

IPE n-i-te mǝ tayutap-u INƏTI home DV-CONV-SUB FP be.unstable-ATTR life [my] life which is uncertain even at home (MYS 17.3896) 此橘乎等伎自久能可久能木實等名附家良之母

KƏNƏ TATImBANA-wo tǝkiⁿzi-ku n-ǝ kaŋg-u n-ǝ KƏ-NƏ MÏ tǝ NA-ⁿ-DUKƐker-asi-mǝ this mandarin.orange-ACC be off season-CONV DV-ATTR smell-ATTR DV-ATTR tree-GEN fruit DV name-LOC-attach(CONV)-RETR-SUP-EXCL [we] should call these mandarin oranges fragrant tree fruits that are off season! (MYS 18.4111) Note that in this example the first n-ǝ follows the converb form -ku. The usage of the second attributive n-ǝ in this example is idiosyncratic and even possibly ungrammatical, since the attributive modifies the following noun by itself, and n-ǝ is unnecessary.

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553

Verbs 阿佐奈佐奈安我流比婆理爾奈里弖之可

asa-na [a]sa-na aŋgar-u pimbari n-i nar-i-te-si ka morning-PLUR morning-PLUR rise-ATTR skylark DV-CONV become-CONVPERF-PAST/ATTR EP every morning, [I] want to have become a skylark, flying up (MYS 20.4433) 佐久波奈波宇都呂布等伎安里

sak-u pana pa utur-ǝp-u tǝki ar-i bloom-ATTR flower TOP wither-ITER-ATTR time exist-FIN There is a time when blooming flowers will be withering (MYS 20.4484) 与都乃閇美伊都都乃毛乃乃阿都麻礼流伎多奈伎微乎婆

yǝ-tu n-ǝ pɛmi itu-tu n-ǝ monǝ-nǝ atumar-er-u kitana-ki mï-womba four-CL DV-ATTR snake five-CL DV-ATTR demon-GEN gather-PROG-ATTR be.dirty-ATTR body-ACC(EMPH) the dirty body where four snakes and five demons have accumulated (BS 19) 逆在流人止母在而

SAKASIMA NAr-u PITƏ-ⁿdǝmǝ AR-I-TE rebellious be-ATTR person-PLUR exist-CONV-SUB there were people who were rebellious (SM 16) 清麻呂其我姉法均止甚大尓悪久奸流妄語乎作弖

KIYOMARƏ SI-ŋga ANE POPUKUN-tǝ ITƏ OPO-KI n-i ASI-ku KAⁿDAM-YEr-u ITUPAR-I-ŋ-GƏTƏ-wo TUKUR-I-te Kiyomarǝ he-POSS elder.sister Popukun-COM very be.big-ATTR DV-CONV badCONV be.insincere-PROG-ATTR lie-NML-GEN-word-ACC make-CONV-SUB Kiyomarǝ with his elder sister Popukun created an extremely big, bad and insincere lie … (SM 44) 3.2.1.2.2 Attributive as a Nominalized Form Either the attributive itself functions as a verbal noun or the whole sentence where the attributive serves as the final predicate can function as one nominalized form. In this function the attributive can be followed by various case markers: the focus particles pa and mǝ, conjunctions, and the defective verb n-.

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伊麻許曾婆和杼理迩阿良米能知波那杼理爾阿良牟遠

ima kǝsǝ pa wa-ⁿ-tǝri n-i ar-am-ɛ nǝti pa na-ⁿ-tǝri n-i ar-am-u-wo now FP TOP I-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-EV after TOP you-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR-ACC Now [I] am my bird, later [I] will be your bird, so … (KK 3) 多久夫須麻佐夜具賀斯多爾

taku-m-busuma sayaŋg-u-ŋga sita-ni taku-GEN-cover rustle-ATTR-POSS bottom-LOC under the rustling of the taku covers (KK 5) 道乎多遠見思空安莫國嘆虚不安物乎

MITI-wo taⁿ-DƏPƏ-mi OMƏP-U sora YASUKƐ NA-ku n-i NA ŋGƐK-U SORA YASUK-AR-AN-U MƏNƏwo way-ABS PREF-far-GER think-ATTR RP easy no-CONV DV-CONV lament-ATTR RP easy-CONV-exist-NEG-ATTR CONJ although it is not easy even to lament and to love because the way is far (MYS 4.534) 布流由岐得比得能美流麻提烏梅能波奈知流

pur-u yuki tǝ pitǝ-nǝ mi-ru-maⁿde uMƐ-nǝ pana tir-u fall-ATTR snow DV person-GEN see-ATTR-TERM plum-GEN flower fall-FIN plum blossoms fall to such an extent that people will perceive [them] as falling snow (MYS 5.839) 毛呂比登能阿蘇夫遠美礼婆

morǝ-pitǝ-nǝ asomb-u-wo mi-re-mba all person-GEN enjoy-ATTR-ACC see-EV-CON when [I] see all the people enjoying [themselves] (MYS 5.843) 豊乃登之思流須登奈良思雪能敷礼流波

TƏYƏ n-ǝ tǝsi sirus-u tǝ nar-asi YUKI-nǝ pur-er-u pa abundant DV-ATTR year show.a.sign-ATTR DV become-SUP snow-GEN fallPROG-ATTR TOP A snowfall seems to become a good omen for an abundant year (MYS 17.3925)

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555

Verbs 和藝毛故尓美勢牟我多米尓母美知等里氐牟

wa-ŋg-imo-ko-ni mi-se-m-u-ŋga tamɛ n-i mǝmit-i tǝr-i-te-m-u I-POSS-beloved-DIM-DAT see-CAUS-TENT-ATTR-POSS for DV-CONV leaves. turn.red/yellow-NML take-CONV-PERF-TENT-FIN [I] want to take red leaves in order to show [them] to my beloved (MYS 19.4222) 阿止乎美都都志乃波牟多太爾阿布麻弖爾麻佐爾阿布麻弖爾

atǝ-wo mi-tutu sinǝp-am-u taⁿda n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni masa n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni footstep-ACC see(CONV)-COOR yearn-TENT-FIN direct DV-CONV meet-ATTRTERM-LOC real DV-CONV meet-ATTR-TERM-LOC looking at [Buddha’s] footstep, [I] will yearn [for him], until [I] meet [him] directly, until [I] really meet [him] (BS 6) 令文所載多流乎跡止為而

NƏRI-NƏ PUMI-NI NƏSE-tar-u-wo ATƏ tǝ S-I-TE law-GEN scripture-LOC place(CONV)-PERF/PROG-ATTR-ACC FOOTSTEP DV DO-CONV-SUB taking what is written in the law scriptures as a precedent (SM 2) 朕高御座爾坐始由理今年尓至麻低六年尓成奴

WARE TAKA MI-KURA-ni IMAS-I-SƏMƐS-U-yuri KƏ TƏSI-ni ITAR-U-maⁿde MU TƏSI n-i NAR-I-n-u I high HON-seat-LOC be(HON)-CONV-begin-ATTR-ABL this year-LOC reachATTR-TERM six year DV-CONV become-CONV-PERF-FIN It has been six years (reaching to) this year since I have been on the high throne (SM 7) 3.2.1.2.3 Attributive as a Final Predicate If the particles sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, ya, ka, namo27 are found anywhere in a sentence before the final verb, then the final predication suffix -u is automatically replaced with the attributive suffix -uru (or other allomorphs of the attributive suffix). The same rule applies to other attributive forms that do not involve -uru or its allomorphs, e.g., the past attributive -si or the adjectival attributive -ki. This rule is known in the traditional grammar as 係り結び kakari-musubi ‘the rule of linking.’ It is necessary to note that the particle namo practically does not appear in 27  Since the MJ cognate is namu, and the otsu-rui vowel /ǝ/ does not raise to /u/, we can conjecture that the pre-OJ form was *namo with kō-rui vowel /wo/.

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the Western Old Japanese poetic texts.28 All examples of its usage are limited to prose texts, and more exactly only to the Senmyō. Strangely enough, although the Norito is also a prose text, namo is not attested there. One more important observation is that both the particles ka and kamǝ trigger the change of the final predicative form to an attributive when they are found both before and after a verb, although this change which occurs with ka and kamǝ following the verb is not traditionally classified as a kakari-musubi. 牟迦比袁流迦母伊蘇比袁流迦母

mukap-i-wor-u kamǝ i-sop-i-wor-u kamǝ face-CONV-exist-ATTR EP DLF-snuggle-CONV-exist-ATTR EP Oh, [she] is facing [me]! Oh, [she] is snuggling with [me]! (KK 42) 伊岐良受曾久流

i-kir-aⁿz-u sǝ k-uru DLF-cut-NEG-CONV FP come-ATTR [I] come back without cutting [them] there (KK 51) 阿袁那母岐備比登登等母迩斯都米婆多怒斯久母阿流迦

awo na mǝ Kimbï pitǝ-tǝ tǝmǝ n-i si tum-ɛ-mba tanosi-ku mǝ ar-u ka green vegetables FP Kimbï person-COM together DV-CONV EP pick-EV-CON delightful-CONV FP exist-ATTR IP Is [not] it delightful when [I] pick green vegetables together with the girl from Kimbï? (KK 54) 那爾騰柯母于都倶之伊母我磨陀左枳涅渠農

nani tǝ kamǝ utukusi imǝ-ŋga mata sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-n-u what DV EP beautiful beloved-POSS again bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)-comeNEG-ATTR for (lit: being) what [reason], does [my] beautiful beloved not bloom again? (NK 114) 京師尓而誰手本乎可吾将枕

MIYAKO n-i-TE TA-ŋGA TAMƏTƏ-wo ka WA-ŋGA MAKURAK-AM-U capital DV-CONV-SUB who-POSS sleeve-ACC IP I-POSS use.as.a.pillowTENT-ATTR Whose sleeves will I use as a pillow at the capital? (MYS 3.439) 28  With the exception of a single attestation in MYS 12.2877 cited below. MJ namu does not appear in poetic texts of the Heian period either (Iwai 1981: 207).

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Verbs 伊豆久由可斯和何伎多利斯

iⁿduku-yu ka siwa-ŋga k-i-tar-i-si where-ABL IP wrinkle-POSS come-CONV-PERF/PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR Where did the wrinkles come from? (MYS 5.804) In this example we have the past attributive -si that is used as a form of final predication after the particle ka. 今者春部登成尓鷄類鴨

IMA pa PARU-pɛ tǝ nar-i-n-i-ker-u kamo now TOP spring-? DV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP It turned out that now [it] is (lit.: has become) spring (MYS 8.1433) 戀友何如妹尓相時毛名寸

KOP-URE-ⁿdǝmǝ NANI si ka IMO-ni AP-U TƏKI mo na-ki love-EV-CONC what EP IP beloved-DAT meet-ATTR time FP no-ATTR although [I] love [her], why is there no time at all to meet [my] beloved? (MYS 12.2994) In this example we have the adjectival attributive -ki that is used as a form of final predication after the preceding interrogative particle ka. 妹等安里之時者安礼杼毛和可礼弖波許呂母弖佐牟伎母能尓曽安里家流

IMO-tǝ ar-i-si TƏKI pa ar-e-ⁿdǝmo wakare-te pa kǝrǝmǝⁿde samu-ki mǝnǝ n-i sǝ ar-i-ker-u beloved-COM exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR time TOP exist-EV-CONC separate(CONV)SUB TOP sleeve cold-ATTR thing DV-CONV FP exist-CONV-RETR-ATTR Although there was a time when [I] was with [my] beloved, since [we] separated, [my] sleeves are cold (MYS 15.3591) Note that although in this example focus particle sǝ is inside the noncontracted form of the copula, it still triggers the change of the final form to the attributive one. 伊毛尓安礼也夜須伊毛祢受弖安我故非和多流

imo n-i ar-e ya yasu i mo ne-ⁿz-u-te a-ŋga kopï-watar-u beloved DV-CONV exist-EV IP easy sleep IP sleep-NEG-CONV-SUB I-POSS love(CONV)-cross-ATTR Is [she] my beloved? I do not sleep easily, and continue to love [her] (MYS 15.3633)

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和伎毛故波伊都登加和礼乎伊波比麻都良牟

wa-ŋg-imo-ko pa itu tǝ ka ware-wo ipap-i mat-uram-u I-POSS-beloved-DIM TOP when DV IP I-ACC pray-CONV wait-TENT2-ATTR My beloved will probably wait for me, praying [to the gods], and thinking: ‘When [will he return]?’ (MYS 15.3659) 秋夜乎奈我美爾可安良武

AKI-NƏ YO-wo naŋga-mi n-i ka ar-am-u autumn-GEN night-ABS be.long-GER DV-CONV IP exist-TENT-ATTR Is [it] probably because the autumn night is long (MYS 15.3684) Note that although in this example the interrogative particle ka is inside the non-contracted form of the copula, it still triggers the change of the final form to the attributive one. 之路髪麻泥尓大皇尓都可倍麻都礼婆貴久母安流香

siro KAMI-maⁿde-ni OPO KIMI-ni tukapɛ-matur-e-mba TAPUTO-ku mǝ ar-u ka white hair-TERM-LOC great lord-DAT serve(CONV)-HUM-EV-CON be.awesomeCONV FP exist-ATTR IP When [one] serves [his] sovereign until grey hair, is [it not] awesome? (MYS 17.3922) 布流雪乃比加里乎見礼婆多敷刀久母安流香

pur-u YUKI-nǝ pikari-wo MI-re-mba taputo-ku mǝ ar-u ka fall-ATTR snow-GEN light-ACC see-EV-CON be.awesome-CONV FP exist-ATTR IP When [one] sees the light of the falling snow, is [it not] awesome? (MYS 17.3923) 伊都之加登奈気可須良牟曾

itu si ka tǝ naŋgɛk-as-uram-u sǝ when EP IP DV lament-HON-TENT2-ATTR FP [she] probably laments, saying: ‘When [will he return]?’ (MYS 17.3962) 石乎毛珠等曽吾見流

ISI-wo mo TAMA tǝ sǝ WA-ŋGA MI-ru stone-ACC FP jewel DV FP I-POSS see-ATTR I view stones as jewels, too (MYS 19.4199)

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Verbs 多礼乎可伎美等弥都都志努波牟

tare-wo ka kimi tǝ mi-tutu sinop-am-u who-ACC IP lord DV see(CONV)-COOR long.for-TENT-ATTR whom shall [I] long for, viewing [him] as [my] lord? (MYS 20.4440) 美麻久能富之伎吉美尓母安流加母

mi-m-aku-nǝ posi-ki kimi n-i mǝ ar-u kamǝ see-TENT-NML-GEN desire-ATTR lord DV-CONV FP exist-ATTR EP I wonder whether [it] is also my lord whom [I] want to see (MYS 20.4449) Note that in this example, the change from final to attributive form is triggered by the particle kamǝ that follows the affected verb ar- ‘to exist.’ 伊爾志加多知与乃都美佐閇保呂夫止曾伊布

in-i-si kata ti yǝ-nǝ tumi sapɛ porǝmb-u tǝ sǝ ip-u go-CONV-PAST/ATTR side thousand life-GEN sin RP disappear-FIN DV FP say-ATTR [they] say that even the sins of one thousand former lives will disappear (BS 17) As I mentioned above, other than a single attestation from the Man’yōshū cited below, the usage of the focus particle namo (spelt as 奈母 or 奈毛) is limited to the Senmyō text where it occurs ninety-three times. This is quite a spectacular number compared to the focus particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ (twenty-two times), the interrogative particles ya (twenty times) and ka (thirteen times), and the emphatic particle kamǝ (nineteen times). Examples: 何時奈毛不戀有登者雖不有得田直比來戀之繁母

ITU PA namo KOPÏ-ⁿZ-U AR-I tǝ pa AR-AN-E-ⁿDƏ utate KƏNƏ KƏRƏ KOPÏ si SI ŋGƐ-KI29 mǝ when TOP FP long.for-NEG-CONV exist-FIN DV TOP exist-NEG-EV-CONC unusually this time long.for(NML) EP thick-ATTR EP Although there is no [time] when [I] say that [I] do not long for [you] this time [my] longing is unusually strong (MYS 12.2877) 29  Most of the Man’yōshū commentators read this as SIⁿGƐ-SI ‘thick-FIN’ (Takagi et al. 1960: 265), etc., but this reading goes against the kakari-musubi rule that requires a final predicate to be in its attributive form after the particle namo. Certainly, there are no other cases of the attributive form in -ki attested after namo, but on the other hand there are no final forms in -si attested after namo either. Given that verbal final forms become attributives after namo, I believe that it is more consistent to interpret this form as siŋgɛ-ki rather than siŋgɛ-si.

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此食国天下之政事者平長将在止奈母所念坐

KƏNƏ WOS-U KUNI AMƐ-NƏ SITA-NƏ MATURiŋgƏTƏ pa TAPIRAKƐ-KU NA ŋGA-KU AR-AM-U tǝ namǝ OMƏP-OS-I-[I]MAS-U this rule-ATTR country heaven-GEN under-GEN governance TOP safe-CONV be. long-CONV exist-TENT-FIN DV FP think-HON-CONV-HON-ATTR [I] deign to think that the governance would be safe and last long in this country under the Heaven that [I] rule (SM 3) 治賜比慈賜來業止奈母随神所念行湏

WOSAMƐ-TAMAp-i UTUKUSImBÏ-TAMAP-I-K-URU WAⁿZA tǝ namǝ KAMUNA-ŋ-GARA OMƏP-OS-I-MEs-u rule(CONV)-HON-CONV show.benevolence (CONV)-HON-CONV-come-ATTR deed DV FP deity-PLUR-GEN-nature think-HON-CONV-HON-ATTR [I], as a deity, deign to think that [they are] the deeds that [I] deign to administer with benevolence (SM 3) 食国天下乎婆撫賜惠賜夫止奈母神奈我良母念坐湏

WOS-U KUNI AMƐ-NƏ SITA-womba NAⁿDE-TAMAP-I UTUKUSImBÏ-TAMAp-u tǝ namǝ KAMU-na-ŋ-gara mǝ OMƏP-OS-I-[I]MAs-u rule-ATTR country heaven-GEN under-ACC(EMPH) cherish(CONV)-HONCONV show.benevolence (CONV)-HON-FIN DV FP deity-PLUR-GEN-nature FP think-HON-CONV-HON-ATTR [I], as a deity, deign to think that [I] show benevolence and cherish the country under the Heaven that I rule (SM 13) 成奴礼波歓美貴美奈毛念食流

NAR-I-n-ure-mba KƏKƏRƏmBOSI-mi TAPUTO-mi namo OMƏP-I-TAMAP-Uru become-CONV-PERF-EV-CON be.glad-GER be.awesome-GER FP thinkCONV-HUM-ATTR because [it] became [as the deity said], [the sovereign] thought that [it] was joyful and awesome (SM 15) 伊豫国与利白祥鹿乎献奉天在礼方有礼志与呂許保志止奈毛見流

Iyǝ-NƏ KUNI-yǝri SIRO-KI SIRUSI N-Ə SIKA-wo TATEMATUR-I-te Ar-e-mba uresi yǝrǝkǝmb-ǝsi tǝ namo MI-ru Iyǝ-GEN province-ABL white-ATTR mark DV-ATTR deer-ACC present(HUM)CONV-SUB exist-EV-CON glad be.joyful-ADJ DV FP see-ATTR when [they] had presented [us] with a deer with white marks from the province of Iyǝ, [we] regarded [this] as [a] joyful and auspicious [event] (SM 46)

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Verbs

561

臣等止共仁異奇久麗白伎形乎奈毛見喜流

OMI-TATI-tǝ TƏMƏ n-i KƏTƏ N-I AYASI-ku URUPASI-KI SIRO-ki KATATI-wo namo MI YƏRƏKƏmB-Uru noble-PLUR-COM together DV-CONV different DV-CONV be.strange-CONV be.beautiful-ATTR be.white-ATTR shape-ACC FP see(CONV) rejoice-ATTR [we] rejoice together with nobles looking at this unusual, strange, and beautiful white shape [of the deer skin] (SM 46) 3.2.1.2.4 Attributive as a Final Predicate without kakari-musubi There are cases when the attributive is used as a final predicate even when the particles sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, ya, ka, or namo are not used in the sentence before the final verb.30 Saeki maintains that only very few examples of this usage are attested in the Old Japanese of the eighth century, and he provides eight of them for Western Old Japanese (Saeki 1959: 134).31 Below I present all examples that I was able to find in Western Old Japanese texts. As the reader will see, there are altogether more examples than are cited in the literature, but in general I have to agree with Saeki that this usage in Western Old Japanese is still rare. Saeki further notes that when the subject is present in a sentence that ends in an attributive without kakari-musubi, this subject is always marked by -nǝ or -ŋga. As several examples listed below demonstrate, this is not a necessary condition. Examples: 袁夜迩須賀多多美伊夜佐夜斯岐弖和賀布多理泥斯

wo-ya-ni suŋga-tatami iya-saya sik-i-te wa-ŋga puta-ri ne-si DIM-house-LOC sedge-mat rustling spread-CONV-SUB we-POSS two-CL sleep(CONV)-PAST/ATTR in a little hut two of us slept [together] spreading rustling sedge mats (KK 19) In this example we have the past attributive -si that is used as a form of final predication without a preceding particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, ya, or ka.

30  The same is applicable to other attributive forms in Western Old Japanese, such as the past attributive -si and the adjectival attributive -ki. 31  Yamada Yoshio provides only four examples, one overlapping with Saeki’s list, and one being in fact an attributive functioning as a verbal noun and not as a form of final predication (Yamada 1954: 167).

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我二人宿之

WA-ŋGA PUTA-RI NE-si we-POSS two-CL sleep(CONV)-PAST/ATTR two of us slept [together] (MYS 2.109) In this example we have the past attributive -si that is used as a form of final predication without a preceding particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, ya, or ka. 常丹跡君之所念有計類

TUNE n-i tǝ KIMI-ŋGA OMƏP-I-TAR-I-ker-u eternal DV-CONV DV lord-POSS think-CONV-PERF/PROG-CONV-RETR-ATTR [my] lord wished [to live] eternally (MYS 2.206) 玉緒乃不絶射妹跡結而石

TAMA-NƏ WO-nǝ TAYE-ⁿZI-i IMO-tǝ MUSUmB-I-TE-si pearl-GEN cord-GEN tear-NEG/TENT-ACT beloved-COM tie-CONV-PERF (CONV)-PAST/ATTR Insolubility of the pearly cord tied [me] with [my] beloved (MYS 3.481) In this example we have the past attributive form -si that is used as a form of final predication without a preceding particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, ya, or ka. 意比久留母能波毛毛久佐爾勢米余利伎多流

op-i-k-uru mǝnǝ pa momo kusa n-i semɛ-yǝr-i-k-i-tar-u pursue-CONV-come-ATTR thing TOP hundred kind DV-CONV assault (CONV)-approach-CONV-come-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR the things that pursue [us], come assaulting [us] in a hundred varieties (MYS 5.804) 我衣手乃干時毛名寸

WA-ŋGA KƏRƏMƏⁿDE-nǝ POR-U TƏKI mo na-ki I-POSS sleeve-GEN dry-ATTR time FP no-ATTR there is no time at all for my sleeves to dry (MYS 10.1994) In this example we have the adjectival attributive form -ki that is used as a form of final predication without a preceding particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, ya, or ka. 我衣袖之干時毛奈吉

WA-ŋGA KƏRƏMƏⁿDE-nǝ POR-U TƏKI mo na-ki I-POSS sleeve-GEN dry-ATTR time FP no-ATTR there is no time at all for my sleeves to dry (MYS 12.2954) In this example we have the adjectival attributive form -ki that is used as a form of final predication without a preceding particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, ya, or ka.

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563

Verbs 君乎衣尓有者下毛将著跡吾念有家留

KIMI-wo KƏRƏMƏ n-i AR-Amba SITA mo KI-M-U tǝ WA-ŋGA OMƏP-ER-I-ker-u lord-ACC garment DV-CONV exist-COND beneath FP wear-TENT-FIN DV I-POSS think-PROG-CONV-RETR-ATTR I came to think that if [you] were a garment, [I] would wear you beneath [my clothes] (MYS 12.2964) 安礼爾都気都流

are-ni tuŋgɛ-t-uru I-DAT report(CONV)-PERF-ATTR [thus he] reported to me (MYS 17.3957) 伊可尓安流布勢能宇良曽毛許己太久尓吉民我弥世武等和礼乎等登牟流

ika n-i ar-u puse-nǝ ura sǝ mo kǝkǝⁿdaku n-i kimi-ŋga mi-se-m-u tǝ ware-wo tǝⁿdǝm-uru how DV-CONV exist-ATTR Puse-GEN bay it FP so.much DV-CONV lord-POSS see-CAUS-TENT-FIN DV I-ACC stop-ATTR The bay of Puse, how incredibly [beautiful] it [is], [so that my] lord will stop [me] wishing to show [it to me] (MYS 18.4036) Note that in this example sǝ is not a focus particle, but a demonstrative pronoun. 比登母等能奈泥之故宇惠之

pitǝ-mǝtǝ n-ǝ naⁿdesiko uwe-si one-CL DV-ATTR carnation plant(CONV)-PAST/ATTR [I] planted one carnation (MYS 18.4070) In this example we have the past attributive form -si that is used as a form of final predication without a preceding particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, ya, or ka. 保登等藝須伊登祢多家口波橘乃播奈治流等吉尓伎奈吉登余牟流

potǝtǝŋgisu itǝ neta-k-eku pa TATImBANA-nǝ pana-ⁿ-tir-u tǝki-ni k-i nak-itǝyǝm-uru cuckoo very distasteful-ATTR-NML TOP mandarin.orange-GEN flower-GENfall-ATTR time-LOC come-CONV sing-CONV-sound-ATTR Cuckoo, [you] are very distasteful! [You] come and sing at the time when mandarin orange flowers are falling (MYS 18.4092)

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夜度乃烏梅能知利須具流麻埿美之米受安利家流

yaⁿdo-nǝ uMƐ-nǝ tir-i-suŋg-uru-maⁿde mi-simɛ-ⁿz-u ar-i-ker-u house-GEN plum-GEN fall-CONV-pass-ATTR-TERM see-CAUS-NEG-CONV exist-CONV-RETR-ATTR [it] turned out that [you] did not let [me] see the plum [blossoms] in [your] house until they had completely fallen (MYS 20.4496) 宇梅乃波奈知利須具流麻弖伎美我伎麻左奴

uMƐ-nǝ pana tir-i-suŋg-uru-maⁿde kimi-ŋga k-i-[i]mas-an-u plum-GEN blossom fall-CONV-pass-ATTR-TERM lord-POSS come-CONV-HONNEG-ATTR [you] did not come, [my] lord, until the plum blossoms had completely fallen (MYS 20.4497) 加良須止伊布於保乎蘇止利能去止乎能米等母邇止伊比天佐岐陀智伊奴留

karasu tǝ ip-u opo woso tǝri-nǝ kǝtǝ-wo nǝmï32 tǝmǝ n-i tǝ ip-i-te saki-ⁿ-tat-i in-uru crow DV say-ATTR big hasty bird-GEN word-ACC RP together DV-CONV DV sayCONV-SUB ahead-LOC-depart-CONV go.away-ATTR Crows, big hasty birds, only cry together—[you] departed [from this world ahead [of me] (NR 2.2) Practically all examples cited above and especially the two examples from MYS 20.4496 and 4497, which represent a poetic exchange, seem to indicate that the usage of an attributive as a form of final predication without kakari-musubi functionally represents a strong confirmatory or explanatory statement, very similar to the modern Japanese verb + no da construction. Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese Besides the Western Old Japanese-looking attributives in -u and -uru, Eastern Old Japanese has a special attributive -o (sometimes misspelled as -ǝ) after consonant and r-irregular verbs as well as after suffixes ending in a consonant and r-irregular auxiliaries. This -o attributive represents an archaic feature: namely, in pre-Old Japanese, the attributive form had an original vowel

32  The original text has 能米 /nǝmɛ/, but this is likely to be a scribal mistake for 能未 /nǝmï/.

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Verbs

/o/ that was raised to /u/ in Western Old Japanese.33 In one case there is also an attributive -a which is difficult to explain (see MYS 14.3526 below). The functions of the attributive in Eastern Old Japanese are the same as in Western Old Japanese. The attributive as a modifier: 奴麻布多都可欲波等里賀栖安我己許呂布多由久奈母等奈与母波里曽祢

numa puta-tu kayop-a tǝri-ŋga su a-ŋga kǝkǝrǝ puta yuk-unam-ǝ tǝ na-y-ǝmǝpar-i-sǝ-n-e marsh two-CL go.over-ATTR bird-POSS nest I-POSS heart two go-TENT2-ATTR DV NEG-?34-think-PROG-CONV-do-DES-IMP [I] wish [you] are not thinking that my heart would go [to] two [different places like] nests of birds that go over to marshes (MYS 14.3526) 久毛為尓美由流志麻奈良奈久尓

kumowi-ni mi-y-uru sima nar-an-aku n-i distance-LOC see-PASS-ATTR island be-NEG-NML DV-CONV although [it] is not an island that is seen in the distance (MYS 20.4355) 奈苦古良乎意伎弖

nak-u ko-ra-wo ok-i-te cry-ATTR child-PLUR-ACC leave-CONV-SUB leaving [my] crying children (MYS 20.4401) 佐弁奈弁奴美許登尓阿礼婆

sape-n-ape-n-u mi-kǝtǝ n-i ar-e-mba refuse(NML)-LOC-match-NEG-ATTR HON-word DV-CONV exist-EV-CON Because [it] is [my sovereign’s] order that [I] cannot refuse … (MYS 20.4432)

33  The problem is difficult, however, and Frellesvig argues against the archaic nature of the attributive -o in Eastern Old Japanese (Frellesvig 2008: 190, footnote 17). Russell, on the other hand, believes that the primary form is -ǝ as preserved in the attributive form n-ǝ of the defective verb n-, while the -ur- in -uru may be explained as a stative extension (Russell 2005: 641–644). Since it is not the goal of the present book to go into the details of the Proto-Japanese reconstruction, I will not elaborate further on this problem here. 34   This -y- most likely reflects Ainu 3rd person singular object marker i- (Vovin 2012: 2014).

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The attributive as a nominalized form: 奴流我倍爾安杼世呂登可母

n-uru-ŋga [u]pɛ-ni aⁿ-dǝ se-rǝ tǝ kamǝ sleep-ATTR-POSS top-LOC what-DV do-IMP DV EP besides sleeping [with her], what [else do I] do? (MYS 14.3465) 之良夜麻可是能宿奈敝杼母古呂賀於曽伎能安路許曽要志母

sira yama kaⁿze-nǝ NE-n-ap-e-ⁿdǝmǝ ko-rǝ-ŋga osǝki-nǝ ar-o kǝsǝ ye-si-mǝ white mountain wind-GEN sleep-NEG-ITER-CONC girl-DIM-POSS garmentGEN exist-ATTR FP good-FIN-EXCL although [I] continue not to sleep at the [cold] wind from the White Mountain, [it] is good to have my girl’s garment! (MYS 14.3509) 比登祢呂爾伊波流毛能可良

pitǝ ne-rǝ n-i ip-ar-u monǝkara one peak-DIM DV-CONV say-PROG-ATTR CONJ Although [they] say that [we] are one peak … (MYS 14.3512) 多可伎祢爾久毛能都久能須和礼左倍爾伎美爾都吉奈那

taka-ki ne-ni kumo-nǝ tuk-u-nǝsu ware sapɛ n-i kimi-ni tuk-i-n-ana high-ATTR peak-LOC cloud-GEN attach-ATTR-COMP I RP DV-CONV lord-DAT attach-CONV-PERF-DES Even I would like to cling to [my] lord like clouds cling to a high peak (MYS 14.3514) 波波乎波奈例弖由久我加奈之佐

papa-wo panare-te yuk-u-ŋga kanasi-sa mother-ACC separate(CONV)-SUB go-ATTR-POSS sad-NML sadness of going, leaving [my] mother behind (MYS 20.4338) The attributive as a final predicate appears after the interrogative particles ya and ka, and the focus particle sǝ ~ⁿzǝ ~ ⁿze when these particles are found before the final verb in a sentence. Similar to Western Old Japanese, the particle kamo ~ kamu can trigger the change from a final form to an attributive irrespective of its position before or after a final verb.

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567

Verbs 麻許登可聞和礼爾余須等布

ma-kǝtǝ kamo ware-ni yǝs-u tǝ [i]p-u INT-thing EP I-DAT bring.close-FIN DV say-ATTR I wonder [whether it is] true that [people] say that [she] has an intimate relationship with me (MYS 14.3384) 阿杼可多延世武

aⁿ-dǝ ka taye se-m-u why-DV IP break(NML) do-TENT-ATTR why should [we] break up? (MYS 14.3397) 安加奴乎安杼加安我世牟

ak-an-u-wo aⁿ-dǝ ka a-ŋga se-m-u satisfy-NEG-ATTR-ACC what-DV IP I-POSS do-TENT-ATTR since it was not enough [for me], what should I do? (MYS 14.3404) 哭乎曽奈伎都流手兒尓安良奈久尓

NE-wo sǝ nak-i-t-uru teŋGO n-i ar-an-aku n-i voice-ACC FP cry-CONV-PERF-ATTR baby DV-CONV exist-NEG-NML DV-CONV [I] sobbed loudly, although [I] am not a baby (MYS 14.3485) 伊可奈流勢奈可和我理許武等伊布

ika nar-u se-na ka wa-ŋgari kǝ-m-u tǝ ip-u how be-ATTR beloved-DIM IP I-DIR come-TENT-FIN DV say-ATTR what kind of beloved is [he], who says that [he] will come to me? (MYS 14.3536) 多麻母乃宇知奈婢伎比登里夜宿良牟

tama mǝ-nǝ uti-nambik-i pitǝ-ri ya ne-ram-u jewel seaweed-COMP PREF-stretch-CONV one-CL IP sleep-TENT2-ATTR will [you] sleep alone, stretched like a jewel seaweed? (MYS 14.3562) 知々波々我可之良加伎奈弖佐久安礼天伊比之氣等婆是和須礼加祢豆流

titi papa-ŋga kasira kaki-naⁿde sa-ku ar-e te ip-i-si kɛtǝmba ⁿze wasure-kane-t-uru father mother-POSS head PREF-stroke(CONV) safe-CONV exist-IMP DV sayCONV-PAST/ATTR word FP forget(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-ATTR [I] cannot forget the words: “Be safe!” that [my] father and mother said, stroking [my] head (MYS 20.4346)

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意保枳美能美己等可之古美阿乎久牟乃等能妣久夜麻乎古与弖伎怒加牟

opo kimi-nǝ mi-kǝtǝ kasiko-mi awo kumu-nǝ tǝnǝmbik-u yama-wo koyǝ-te k-i-n-o kamu great lord-GEN HON-word awesome-GER blue cloud-GEN trail-ATTR mountainACC cross(CONV)-SUB come-CONV-PERF-ATTR EP Since the sovereign’s (lit.: great lord’s) order is awesome, [I] came [here] crossing mountains where dark clouds trail! (MYS 20.4403) The attributive as a final predicate without kakari-musubi: 和乎布利弥由母阿是古志麻波母

wa-wo pur-i-mi-y-umǝ Aⁿze ko si map-am-ǝ I-ACC swing-CONV-look-PASS-EXCL Aⁿze girl EP dance-TENT-ATTR the girl from Aⁿze is going to dance, suddenly looking back at me! (FK 7) 兒良波安波奈毛比等理能未思弖

KO-ra pa ap-ana-m-o pitǝ-ri nǝmï s-i-te girl-DAT TOP meet-DES-TENT-ATTR one-CL RP do-CONV-SUB being absolutely alone, [I] wish to meet [this] girl (MYS 14.3405) 安比豆祢能久爾乎佐杼抱美安波奈波婆斯努比尓勢毛等比毛牟須婆佐祢

Apiⁿdune-nǝ kuni-wo saⁿ-tǝpo-mi ap-an-ap-amba sinop-i n-i se-m-o tǝ pimo musumb-as-an-e Apiⁿdune-GEN land-ABS PREF-far-GER meet-NEG-ITER-COND long.for-NML DV-CONV do-TENT-ATTR DV cord tie-HON-DES-IMP If [we] continue not to meet, because the land of Apiⁿdune is far, [I] wish [you would] tie [your garment] cords, as if longing for [me] (MYS 14.3426) 和奴爾故布奈毛

wanu-ni kop-unam-o I-DAT long.for-TENT2-ATTR [you] will probably long for me (MYS 14.3476) 和可加敞流弖能毛美都麻弖宿毛等和波毛布

waka kaperute-nǝ momit-u-maⁿde NE-m-o tǝ wa pa [o]mop-u young maple-GEN leaves.turn.red/yellow-ATTR-TERM sleep-TENT-ATTR DV I TOP think-FIN I think that [we] should sleep [together] until the young maple becomes red (MYS 14.3494)

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569

Verbs 夜麻敞呂能思之奈須於母敞流

yama pe-rǝ-nǝ sisi-nasu omǝp-er-u mountain side-DIM-GEN deer-COMP think-PROG-ATTR [they] are thinking [of me] like [of] a deer on the [little] mountain side (MYS 14.3531) 須流河乃祢良波苦不志久米阿流可

Suruŋga-nǝ ne-ra pa kupusi-ku mɛ ar-u ka Suruŋga-GEN summit-PLUR TOP lovely-CONV FP exist-ATTR IP are [not] the summits of Suruŋga [mountains] lovely? (MYS 20.4345) A2: Ryukyuan Most modern Ryukyuan dialects have an allomorph -uru that follows both consonant and vowel verbs alike and an allomorph -ru that is used after the copula ya- ‘to be’ and also may be found as an alternative form after vowel verbs. Sometimes -ru is used as an alternative form after consonant verbs with a root ending in -r. In Southern Ryukyuan a form -ï is also found (< *-ïrï < *-uru). Let us look at the formation of the attributive forms in Ryukyuan taking Shuri as an example: chart 35 Attributive forms in Shuri

gloss

verbal root

attributive form

write go stand hold die fly read take laugh boil forget be

kak’iktatmutshintubyumturwararniwashiya-

kach-uru ’ich-uru tach-uru much-uru shin-uru tub-uru yum-uru tu-y-uru, tu-i-ru wara-y-uru, wara-i-ru ni-y-uru, ni-i-ru washi-y-uru ya-ru

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We can see on the basis of the palatalizations k > ch and t > ch found in the attributive forms of consonant verbs ending in the consonants -k or -t, as well as on the basis of such forms as tu-y-uru, tu-i-ru, wara-y-uru, wara-i-ru, ni-y-uru, ni-i-ru, and washi-y-uru, that historically the attributive suffix -uru is likely to be an auxiliary that followed the converb form -i. Thus, the picture we discover here is quite similar to the final predication form *-um. Similar to *-um, which is believed to be a final predication form of wor-, -uru is also believed historically to be an attributive form wor-u of the verb wor- ‘to exist.’ This traditional point of view that dates back to Hattori Shirō seems to be quite widespread among Japanese linguists today as well (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 31). Although the phonetic equation is better than in the case of the final predication form *-um, we still face some of the same problems when we try to trace back the attributive form not only in Ryukyuan, but in Japonic in general to the attributive wor-u of the verb wor- ‘to exist.’ First, medial -w- is not lost in Old Japanese in intervocalic position. Second, we are still faced with the problem of circularity: under this explanation it appears that only wor- could have an independent attributive form -u < *-o, while all other verbs could not add the attributive directly to their stems. Possibly, Russell’s analysis of the attributive -uru as bimorphemic, consisting of *-ur-, a stative extension plus the attributive -ǝ (preserved as such in the attributive form n-ǝ of the defective verb n-), with *ur-ǝ undergoing assimilation to *-ur-o with a consequent raising to -ur-u (Russell 2005: 641–644) is on a right track. The problem of explaining the basic function of the stative *-ur-, and why it is added to vowel verbs, but not to consonant verbs, certainly remains to be solved. One additional serious problem that prevents us from considering the Shuri attributive -uru, which appears after all classes of verbs, consonant and vowel alike, to be an archaism is that in Old Ryukyuan the situation with consonant verbs is quite similar to the one found in Eastern Old Japanese: in most cases we find the attributive form -u and in some more rare cases the attributive form -o. If the spellings with -o found in the Omoro sōshi do indeed reflect a pre-raising situation as have been suggested before (Serafim, p.c.), the parallelism with Eastern Old Japanese is striking and cannot be easily ignored. Most vowel verbs in Old Ryukyuan with the exception of the irregular verbs ko- ‘to come’ and se- ‘to do’ have already shifted to a monograde conjugation, and therefore only the allomorph -ru is found directly after the final vowel of a verb root. Consider the following chart that is based on the data presented in (Torigoe 1968: 218–249):

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Verbs chart 36 Attributive forms in Old Ryukyuan

gloss

verbal root

attributive form

hear bloom stand hold attack scoop sound pray rise take protect exist see descend grow old attach raise caress do come

kiksaktatmotoso(w)kumtoyominoragartormaburarmiori-/oreowetukeagenadeseko-

kik-u, kik-o sak-u tat-u mot-u oso-u, oso-o kum-u, kum-o toyom-u, toyom-o inor-u, inor-o agar-u, agar-o tor-u mabur-u, mabur-o ar-u mi-ru ore-ru owe-ru tuke-ru age-ru nade-ru s-uru, shi-y-uru k-uru, k-uro

Selected examples from Old Ryukyuan and Shuri are presented below: Old Ryukyuan いによはのおきてもちなる

Iniyofa-no okite-moti nar-u Iniyofa-GEN rule-holder be-ATTR [the one] who is a governor of Iniyofa (OS 8.456) せたかこかみまふろすへまさるわうにせ

se taka ko-ga mi-mabur-o sufe masar-u wau-nise spirit high girl-POSS see(CONV)-protect-ATTR destination excel-ATTR kingHON the honorable king who [goes to] an exhausted destination is protected by the high priestess (OS 12.741) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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おしぢへたるゑつかさくどゑ

os-i-dife-tar-u we tukasa-gu do we push-CONV-exit(CONV)-PERF/PROG-ATTR hey tukasa-DIM FP hey hey, [we] pushed [the boat] ahead; hey, [priestess] Tukasa (OS 13.747) ふてつたむななのおとぢや

fute-tsu ta mu nana n-o otodiya one-CL two six seven DV-ATTR brother one, two, six, seven brothers (OS 13.898) きみかいのろもりに

kimi-ga inor-o mori-ni lady-POSS pray-ATTR shrine-LOC in the shrine where the lady [priestess] prays (OS 22.1526) Shuri

’ari-ga ch-uuru-madi maQco-ok-ee he-NOM come-ATTR-TERM wait(CONV)-put-HORT Let us wait until he comes (RKJ 1983: 357) taruu-ga hwich-uru sanzhin-oo chichigutu du ya-ru Tarō-POSS play-ATTR shamisen-TOP pleasant.to.hear FP be-ATTR The shamisen that Tarō plays is pleasant to hear (Nishioka & Nakahara 2000: 26) In this example the last attributive form ya-ru of the copula ya- is triggered by the kakari-musubi rule due to the presence of the focus particle du in the sentence. 3.2.1.3 Evidential -ure ~ -e ~ -re The evidential suffix’s main allomorph is -ure, which is found after all vowel verbs (except strong vowel verbs, where it becomes just -re), and all irregular verbs (except r-irregular verbs). After all consonant verbs and r-irregular verbs the allomorph -ɛ ~ -e- is used, according to the morphonological rule of -r- loss mentioned in chapter 2, section 2.5.4.

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Verbs chart 37 Distribution of the allomorphs of the evidential suffix

verb class

allomorph

consonant verbs regular vowel verbs k-irregular verbs s-irregular verbs n-irregular verbs strong vowel verbs r-irregular verbs

-ɛ ~ -e -ure -ure -ure -ure -re -e

A similar picture is observed if -ure is used not after a verbal stem but after another verbal suffix or an auxiliary: if a suffix or an auxiliary ends with a vowel, the main allomorph -ure is used, and the final vowel of the preceding suffix or an auxiliary is apocopated. If a suffix or an auxiliary ends in a consonant, the allomorph -ɛ ~ -e is used.35 The only exception is the perfective auxiliary -nthat has the evidential form -n-ure. chart 38 Combinations of the evidential suffixes -ure and -ɛ ~ -e with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

-ure

-ɛ ~ -e

tentative -(a)mtentative2 -(u)ramnegative -(a)npassive -(a)ye-, -rayecausative -(a)simɛiterative -aphonorific -asperfective -teperfective -nretrospective -kerprogressive -erperfective-progressive -tar-

– – – -(a)y-ure -(a)sim-ure – – -t-ure -n-ure – – –

-(a)m-ɛ -(u)ram-ɛ -(a)n-e – – -ap-ɛ -as-e – – -ker-e -er-e -tar-e

35  The allomorph -re is not used after suffixes and auxiliaries.

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The evidential is used by itself as a final form. In most cases it appears when the particle kǝsǝ precedes it in the sentence, replacing the final predication suffix.36 This usage is quite similar to the replacement of the final predication form by the attributive after the particles ya, sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, ka, kamǝ and namo, described above in section 3.2.1.2.3. Similar to this rule, the rule of replacement of the final form by the evidential is also known in the traditional grammar as 係り結び kakari-musubi ‘the rule of linking.’ Nevertheless, in contrast to Middle Japanese, where koso always triggers the change of the final predication form to the evidential, there are many cases in Western Old Japanese when the evidential can be used as a final predication form without the preceding kǝsǝ. Although it is difficult to say exactly what the evidential form means, I believe that used in isolation, its function is close to that of the exclamation point in English; in any case, it obviously indicates some kind of emphatic statement. The fact that it is used together with kǝsǝ, a strong emphatic particle, further supports this proposal. I call it evidential because frequently it emphasizes fact(s) that should be evident to the speaker or his/her addressee.37 Otherwise, the evidential is usually followed by the conjunctive converb -mba or the concessive converb -ⁿdǝ/-ⁿdǝmǝ, usages that I survey below in the sections dedicated to them. The evidential as a final predicate with kakari-musubi: 伊麻許曾婆和杼理迩阿良米

ima kǝsǝ pa wa-ⁿ-dǝri n-i ar-am-ɛ now FP TOP I-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-EV Now [I] am my bird (KK 3) 佐和佐和爾那賀伊弊勢許曾宇知和多須夜賀波延那須岐伊理麻韋久禮

sawa-sawa n-i na-ŋga ip-es-e kǝsǝ uti-watas-u ya-ŋga-paye-nasu k-i-ir-i-mawik-ure noisily-noisily DV-CONV you-POSS speak(CONV)-HON-EV FP PREF-carry.acrossATTR ?-POSS-?-COMP come-CONV-enter-CONV-HUM(CONV)-come-EV you spoke noisily and [you] came inside like ? that crossed from afar (KK 63)

36  In contrast to Middle Japanese, if the predicate after kǝsǝ is an inflected adjective, in Western Old Japanese the adjectival final predication form -si is replaced by the attributive -ki, and not by the evidential -kere. See chapter 5, section 2.3 for details and examples. Needless to say, auxiliaries that have an adjectival paradigm follow this rule as well in Western Old Japanese. 37  This terminological usage is different from modern language typology, where ‘evidential’ is used in a sense of experiential.

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Verbs 宇倍志許曾斗比多麻閇麻許曾迩斗比多麻閇

umbɛ-si kǝsǝ top-i-tamap-ɛ ma kǝsǝ n-i top-i-tamap-ɛ be.proper-FIN FP ask-CONV-HON-EV truth FP DV-CONV ask-CONV-HON-EV [It] is proper that [you] asked [me], [it] is right that [you] asked [me] (KK 72) 可久斯己曽烏梅乎加射之弖多努志久能麻米

ka-ku si kǝsǝ uMƐ-wo kaⁿzas-i-te tanosi-ku nǝm-am-ɛ thus-CONV EP FP plum-ACC decorate-CONV-SUB be.merry-CONV drinkTENT-EV decorating [our hair] with plum [blossoms] in this way, [we] should drink merrily (MYS 5.833) 伊毛我多毛等乎和礼許曽末加米

imo-ŋga tamotǝ ware kǝsǝ mak-am-ɛ beloved-POSS sleeve I FP use.as.a.pillow-TENT-EV I will use as a pillow the sleeves of [my] beloved (MYS 5.857) 伊敝之麻波奈尓許曽安里家礼

Ipe sima pa na n-i kǝsǝ ar-i-ker-e Home island TOP name DV-CONV FP exist-CONV-RETR-EV “Home island” turned out to be just a name (MYS 15.3718) Note that although in this example the focus particle kǝsǝ is inside the non-contracted form of the copula, it still triggers the change of the final form to the evidential. 安我未許曾世伎夜麻故要弖許己爾安良米許己呂波伊毛爾与里爾之母能乎

a-ŋga mï kǝsǝ seki yama koye-te kǝkǝ-ni ar-am-ɛ kǝkǝrǝ pa imo-ni yǝr-i-n-i-si mǝnǝwo I-POSS body FP barrier mountain cross(CONV)-SUB here-LOC exist-TENT-EV heart TOP beloved-DAT approach-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR CONJ My body has crossed barriers and mountains, and is probably here. But [my] heart stayed near [my] beloved! (MYS 15.3757) 昨日許曽敷奈弖婆勢之可

KINƏPU kǝsǝ puna-[i]ⁿde se-sika yesterday FP boat-exit(NML) do(CONV)-PAST/EV Yesterday [we] sailed out (MYS 17.3893)

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故之能吉美良等可久之許曾楊奈疑可豆良枳多努之久安蘇婆米

kosi-nǝ kimi-ra-tǝ ka-ku si kǝsǝ YAnaŋgï kaⁿdurak-i tanosi-ku asomb-am-ɛ Kosi-GEN lord-PLUR-COM thus-CONV EP FP willow wear.as.a.laurel-CONV pleasant-CONV amuse-TENT-EV [I] will amuse [myself] with lords from Kosi by putting willow [branches] as laurels in our hair in this way (MYS 18.4071) 可久之許曽都可倍麻都良米伊夜等保奈我尓

ka-ku si kǝsǝ tukapɛ-matur-am-ɛ iya tǝpo naŋga n-i thus-CONV EP FP serve(CONV)-HUM-TENT-EV plentifully long long DV-CONV Thus, [I] will serve [you] plentifully and for a long, long time (MYS 18.4098) The evidential as a final predicate without kakari-musubi: 佐用婆比爾阿理多多斯用婆比迩阿理加用婆勢

sa-yomb-ap-i-ni ari-tat-as-i yomb-ap-i-ni ari-kayop-as-e PREF-call-ITER-NML-LOC ITER-set.out-HON-CONV call-ITER-NML-LOC ITER-set.out-HON-EV [I] set out (repeatedly) to woo [her] there, [I] set out (repeatedly) to woo [her] (KK 2) 佐和佐和爾那賀伊弊勢許曾

sawa-sawa n-i na-ŋga ip-es-e kǝsǝ noisily-noisily DV-CONV you-POSS speak(CONV)-HON-EV FP you spoke noisily (KK 63) 嚢伽多佐例

ta ka ta-sar-e who IP PREF-go.away-EV Who goes away? (NK 40) 大雪乃乱而來礼

OPO YUKI-nǝ MIⁿDARE-TE K-I-TAr-e big snow-GEN be.chaotic(CONV)-SUB come-CONV-PERF/PROG-EV big snow was falling down chaotically (MYS 2.199)

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577

Verbs 許許呂由母於母波奴阿比陀爾宇知那毘枳許夜斯努礼

kǝkǝrǝ-yu mǝ omǝp-an-u apiⁿda-ni uti-nambik-i kǝy-as-i-n-ure heart-ABL FP think-NEG-ATTR interval-LOC PREF-stretched out-CONV lie. down-HON-CONV-PERF-EV while even in [my] heart [I] did not think, stretched out [she] was lying (MYS 5.794) 伊布許等夜美霊剋伊乃知多延奴礼

ip-u kǝtǝ yam-i TAMA-KIPARU inǝti taye-n-ure say-ATTR thing stop-CONV jewel-? life cease-PERF-EV [he] stopped to speak, and [his] jewel-like life ended (MYS 5.904) 比登比母伊毛乎和須礼弖於毛倍也

pitǝ pi mǝ imo-wo wasure-te omop-ɛ ya one day FP beloved-ACC forget(CONV)-SUB think-EV IP would [I] imagine forgetting [my] beloved even [for] one day? (MYS 15.3604) 伊毛尓安礼也夜須伊毛祢受弖安我故非和多流

imo n-i ar-e ya yasu i mo ne-ⁿz-u-te a-ŋga kopï-watar-u beloved DV-CONV exist-EV IP easy sleep FP sleep-NEG-CONV-SUB I-POSS long.for(CONV)-cross-ATTR Is [she] my beloved? I do not sleep easily, and continue to long for [her] (MYS 15.3633) 安杼毛倍香許己呂我奈之久伊米爾美要都流

aⁿ-dǝ [o]mop-ɛ ka kǝkǝrǝ-ŋ-ganasi-ku imɛ-ni mi-ye-t-uru what-DV think-EV IP heart-GEN-sad-CONV dream-LOC see-PASS(CONV)PERF-ATTR what was [I] thinking [about]? As [I] was sad in [my] heart, [she] suddenly has appeared in [my] dream (MYS 15.3639) 安比於毛波奴君尓安礼也母

api-omop-an-u KIMI n-i ar-e ya mǝ REC-think-NEG-ATTR lord DV-CONV exist-EV IP EP is [it my] lord, who no [longer] thinks [about lamenting of the people of this world] in return?! (MYS 15.3691)

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和伎毛故我可多美能許呂母奈可里世婆奈爾毛能母弖加伊能知都我麻之

wa-ŋg-imo-ko-ŋga katami n-ǝ kǝrǝmǝ na-k-ar-i-s-emba nani monǝ mǝt-e ka inǝti tuŋg-amasi I-POSS-beloved-DIM-POSS keepsake DV-ATTR garment no-CONV-exist-CONVPAST/ATTR-COND what thing hold-EV IP life continue-SUBJ If [I] did not have a garment of my beloved as a keepsake, would having anything keep [me] alive? (MYS 15.3733) Omodaka et al. consider mǝt-e in the example above to be a contraction of mǝt-i-te (1967: 741), however, this kind of contraction is not attested phonographically until Middle Japanese. In addition, the above example is the only example in the whole Western Old Japanese corpus where this alleged contraction appears in phonographic script. Cf. also three similar examples of evidential followed by the interrogative particle ka in MYS 15.3639 above and in Eastern Old Japanese cited below (MYS 14.3461, 14.3572). 何爲牟尓吾乎召良米夜

NANI SE-m-u-ni WA-wo MES-Uram-ɛ ya what do-TENT-ATTR-LOC I-ACC summon-TENT2-EV IP should [you] have summoned me in order to do something? [You should not!] (MYS 16.3886) 阿里佐利氐能知毛相牟等於母倍許曽

ari-sar-i-te nǝti mo AP-Am-u tǝ omǝp-ɛ kǝsǝ ITER-go.away-CONV-SUB after FP meet-TENT-FIN DV think-EV FP [Time] constantly goes away, and [I] hope that [we] will meet later, too (MYS 17.3933) 美阿止都久留伊志乃比鼻伎波阿米爾伊多利都知佐閇由須礼知知波波賀多 米爾毛呂比止乃多米爾

mi-atǝ tukur-u isi-nǝ pimbik-i pa amɛ-ni itar-i tuti sapɛ yusur-e titi papa-ŋga tamɛ n-i morǝ pitǝ-nǝ tamɛ n-i HON-footprint make-ATTR stone-GEN echo-NML TOP heaven-LOC reachCONV earth RP shake-EV father mother-POSS for DV-CONV all person for DV-CONV The echo of the stone, where [I] carved the footprints [of the Buddha], reaches Heaven, and shakes the earth as well, for father and mother, for all people (BS 1)

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Verbs

3.2.1.3.1 Special Constructions -(a)m-ɛ ya and -(u)ram-ɛ ya There is a special usage of the evidential in combination with the preceding tentatives -am- ~ -m- or -uram- and the following interrogative particle ya that represents irony, or in other words it poses a question that implies an opposite answer (the negative answer to the question in the affirmative, and the positive answer to the question in the negative). Examples: 於夜那斯爾奈礼奈理鶏迷夜

oya na-si n-i nare nar-i-k-em-ɛ ya parent no-FIN DV-CONV you be.born-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-EV IP Were you possibly born without parents? [Certainly not!] (NK 104) 人嬬故尓吾戀目八方

PITƏ-ⁿ-DUMA YUWE n-i ARE KOPÏ-m-ɛ ya mo person-GEN-spouse reason DV-CONV I long.for-TENT-EV IP EP because [she] is the wife of [another] person, should I long for [her]? [Certainly not!] (MYS 1.21) 痛背乃河乎渡金目八

Anase-nǝ KAPA-wo WATAR-I-kane-m-ɛ ya Anase-GEN river-ACC cross-CONV-NEG/POT-TENT-EV IP would [I] be unable to cross the Anase river? [Certainly I would be able!] (MYS 4.643) 麻佐礼留多可良古爾斯迦米夜母

masar-er-u takara ko-ni sik-am-ɛ ya mǝ excel-PROG-ATTR treasure child-LOC reach-ATTR-EV IP EP Could the excellent treasures be equal to children?! [Certainly not!] (MYS 5.803) 和何世古我多那礼乃美巨騰都地爾意加米移母

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga ta-nare n-ǝ mi-kǝtǝ tuti-ni ok-am-ɛ ya mǝ I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS hand-accustom(NML) DV-ATTR HON-koto groundLOC put-TENT-EV IP EP would anyone [dare to] put the favorite koto of my beloved on the ground?! [Certainly not!] (MYS 5.812) 佐夫志計米夜母吉美伊麻佐受斯弖

sambusi-k-em-ɛ ya mǝ kimi imas-aⁿz-u s-i-te be.sad-ATTR-TENT-EV IP FP lord come(HON)-NEG-NML do-CONV-SUB [if my] lord does not come, would [I] be sad?! [Certainly not!] (MYS 5.878) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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山櫻花日並而如是開有者甚戀目夜裳

YAMA SAKURA-m-BANA PI NARAmBƐ-TE KA-KU si SAK-ER-Amba PAⁿDA KOPÏ-m-ɛ ya mo mountain cherry-GEN-flower day line.up(CONV)-SUB thus-CONV EP bloomPROG-COND considerably long.for-TENT-EV IP EP If mountain cherry flowers were blooming thus every day, would [I] long for [them] considerably? [Certainly not!] (MYS 8.1425) 比故保思母和礼爾麻佐里弖於毛布良米也母

Pikoposi mǝ ware-ni masar-i-te omop-uram-ɛ ya mǝ Altair FP I-DAT surpass-CONV-SUB long.for-TENT2-EV IP EP Will Altair long for [his beloved] more than I [do]?! (lit.: surpassing me) [Certainly not!] (MYS 15.3657) 能知尓毛安波射良米也母

nǝti-ni mo ap-aⁿz-ar-am-ɛ ya mǝ later-LOC FP meet-NEG(CONV)-exist-TENT-EV IP EP will [we] not meet later?! [Of course we will!] (MYS 15.3741) 将若異子等丹所詈金目八

WAKA-k-eM-U KO-RA-ni NOR-AYE-kane-m-ɛ ya young-ATTR-TENT-ATTR girl-PLUR-LOC abuse-PASS(CONV)-NEG/POT-TENTEV IP would [you] be able not to be abused by girls who would be younger? [Certainly you would be abused!] (MYS 16.3793) 何爲牟尓吾乎召良米夜

NANI SE-m-u-ni WA-wo MES-Uram-ɛ ya what do-TENT-ATTR-LOC I-ACC summon-TENT2-EV IP should [you] have summoned me in order to do something? [You should not!] (MYS 16.3886) 保登等藝須伊麻奈可受之弖安須古要牟夜麻尓奈久等母之流思安良米夜母

potǝtǝŋgisu ima nak-aⁿz-u s-i-te asu koye-m-u yama-ni nak-u tǝmǝ sirusi ar-am-ɛ ya mǝ cuckoo now cry-NEG-NML do-CONV-SUB tomorrow cross-TENT-ATTR mountain-LOC cry-FIN CONJ sign exist-TENT-EV IP EP Cuckoo! [You] are not crying now: even if [you] cry in the mountains that [I] will cross tomorrow, would [there] be any sign?! [Certainly not!] (MYS 18.4052)

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Verbs 都婆吉都良々々尓美等母安可米也

tumbaki tura-tura n-i mi tǝmǝ ak-am-ɛ ya camellia intently DV-CONV look(FIN) CONJ get.enough-TENT-EV IP even if [I] look intently at the camellia, would [I] get enough? [Certainly not!] (MYS 20.4481) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The evidential -ure ~ -e ~ -ɛ has the same functions in Eastern Old Japanese as in Western Old Japanese. The evidential as a final predicate with kakari-musubi: 刀奈布倍美許曽奈爾与曾利鶏米

tonap-umbɛ-mi kǝsǝ na-ni yǝsǝr-i-k-em-ɛ recite-DEB-GER FP you-DAT approach-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-EV as [I] had to recite [the magic formula], [I] approached you (MYS 14.3468) 奈爾己曾与佐礼

na-ni kǝsǝ yǝs-ar-e you-DAT FP approach-PROG-EV [I] approached you (MYS 14.3478) 於曾波夜母奈乎許曾麻多賣

osǝ paya mǝ na-wo kǝsǝ mat-am-e slow fast FP you-ACC FP wait-TENT-EV Whether [you come] quickly or slowly, [I] will wait for you (MYS 14.3493) The evidential -ure ~ -ɛ ~ -e as a final predicate without kakari-musubi: 安是登伊敞可

aⁿze tǝ ip-e ka why DV say-EV IP for what reason (lit.: saying: ‘Why?’) (MYS 14.3461) 安杼毛敞可

aⁿ-dǝ [o]mop-e ka what-DV think-EV IP Thinking what? (MYS 14.3572)

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波奈都豆麻奈礼也

pana t-u tuma nar-e ya flower DV-ATTR spouse be-EV IP Are you a flower-wife? (MYS 14.3370) 奈爾須礼曾波波登布波奈乃佐吉泥己受祁牟

nani s-ure sǝ papa tǝ [i]p-u pana-nǝ sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-ⁿz-u-k-em-u what do-EV FP mother DV say-ATTR flower-GEN bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)come-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR why (lit.: having done what) has the flower called ‘Mother’ not bloomed? (MYS 20.4323) Irony: 安左乎良乎遠家尓布須左尓宇麻受登毛安須伎西佐米也

asa-wo-ra-wo wo-ke-ni pususa n-i um-as-u tǝmo asu ki-se-sas-am-ɛ ya hemb-hemb.thread-PLUR-ACC hemp-container-LOC many DV-CONV spinHON-FIN CONJ tomorrow wear(NML)-do-HON-TENT-EV IP Even if [you] spin many hemb threads into a hemb container, would [you] wear [them] tomorrow [as a garment]? [Certainly, you would not!] (MYS 14.3484) A2: Ryukyuan It appears that in Old Ryukyuan the evidential form consistently replaces the final form after the focus particle siyo ~ su that is claimed to be related to WOJ kǝsǝ (Serafim and Shinzato 2005: 12–21). All examples below are borrowed from (Serafim and Shinzato 2005) with some changes in transliteration, glossing, and translation: しよりもりきみゝゝしよまふらめ

Siyori mori kimi-kimi siyo mabur-am-e Shuri shrine priestess-priestess FP protect-TENT-EV Priestesses from the Shuri Shrine will protect [it] (OS 13.853) はつにしやすまちよたれおきとばすまちよたれ

fatu nisi ya su mat-i-yo-tar-e okitoba su mat-i-yo-tar-e first north.wind TOP FP wait-CONV-exist(CONV)-PERF-EV north.wind FP wait-CONV-exist(CONV)-PERF-EV

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[We] waited for the first north wind. [We] waited for the north wind (OS 13.899) Similar to Western Old Japanese, there are also examples in Old Ryukyuan when the evidential form may be used as a form of final predication without the preceding focus particle siyo ~ su: こばおもりのきみゝゝまやゑておこらめ

Kobao mori-no kimi-kimi ma-y-aw-e-te okor-am-e Kobao shrine-GEN priestess-priestess dance-CONV-join-CONV-SUB sendTENT-EV Priestesses from the Kobao shrine will dance together and send [it] (OS 13.853) あやみやの大ころあまこあわちへもとらめ

aya miya-no ofo koro ama-ko awa-tife modor-am-e splendid palace-GEN big man eye-DIM lock(CONV)-SUB return-TENT-EV The elders at the splendid palace will lock [their] eyes and return (OS 21.1411) The modern Shuri dialect does not have any of the above usages, and, as far as I can tell, the grammars of other Ryukyuan dialects do not offer any information on the existence of these phenomena. Quite possibly, it is attested somewhere, but the brevity of most grammars of the dialects from islands outside Okinawa does not allow any conclusions at this time. 3.2.1.4 Imperative -e ~ -ǝ The imperative suffix -e is found after consonant verbs, including r-irregular verbs, and after n-irregular verbs. As its shape -e indicates, this imperative suffix probably goes back to monophthongization of the converb suffix -i + *-a, which should be the proper marker of the imperative. This imperative *-a, since it historically follows the converb, probably was originally an auxiliary, but due to the monophthongization *-i-a > -e, Western Old Japanese acquired a new suffix. The imperative suffix -e can follow either consonant verbal roots or the suffixes and auxiliaries that are listed below in Chart 39. There is also an aberrant imperative form -ǝ that occurs only after the benefactive auxiliary -kǝsewith a resulting form -kǝs-ǝ. It is probably due to the progressive assimilation of /e/ > /ǝ/ under the influence of the preceding /ǝ/. Since -kǝse- generally behaves like a vowel verb, we would expect such forms as *-kǝse-yǝ or *-kǝse, but they are not found in the texts.

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chart 39 Combinations of the imperative suffixes -e ~ -ǝ with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

desiderative -(a)na benefactive -kǝseprogressive -erhonorific -as-

-(a)n-e -kǝs-ǝ -er-e -as-e

As can be seen from the above chart, the imperative -e can combine only with the desiderative -(a)na, the progressive -er-, and the honorific -as-, besides, of course, plain consonant verb roots. The aberrant variant -ǝ is found only after the benefactive -kǝse-. Examples: 許能登理母宇知夜米許世泥

kǝnǝ tǝri mǝ uti-yamɛ-kǝse-n-e this bird FP PREF-stop(CONV)-BEN-DES-IMP [I] wish [you] would stop [the singing] of these birds (KK 2) 麻都理許斯美岐叙阿佐受袁勢

matur-i-kǝ-si mi-ki ⁿzǝ as-aⁿz-u wos-e present(HUM)-CONV-come(CONV)-PAST/ATTR HON-rice.wine FP shallowNEG-CONV drink(HON)-IMP Drink the presented rice wine deeply! (KK 39) 岐許志母知袁勢麻呂賀知 (KK script) 枳居之茂知塢勢摩呂餓智 (NK script)

kikǝs-i-mǝt-i-wos-e marǝ-ŋga ti drink(HON)-CONV-hold-CONV-HON-IMP I-POSS father Deign to drink [it], my father (KK 48, NK 39)

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585

Verbs 夜麻斯呂迩伊斯祁登理夜麻伊斯祁伊斯祁阿賀波斯豆摩迩伊斯岐阿波牟 迦母

Yamasirǝ-ni i-sik-e Tǝriyama i-sik-e i-sik-e a-ŋga pasi-ⁿ-duma-ni i-sik-i ap-am-u kamǝ Yamasirǝ-LOC DLF-follow-IMP Tǝriyama DLF-follow-IMP DLF-follow-IMP I-POSS beloved-DV(ATTR)-spouse-DAT DLF-follow-CONV meet-TENTATTR EP To Yamasirǝ—go there, Tǝriyama! Follow [her] there, follow [her] there! Follow my beloved spouse there and meet [her]! (KK 59) 比能美古爾登余美岐多弖麻都良勢

pi-nǝ mi-ko-ni tǝyǝ mi-ki tatematur-as-e sun-GEN HON-child-DAT abundant HON-rice.wine present(HUM)-HON-IMP Present the abundant rice wine to the honorable child of the Sun! (KK 101) 以嗣箇播箇柂輔智箇柂輔智爾阿弥播利和柂嗣妹慮予嗣爾予嗣予利據祢

isi-kapa-kata-puti kata-puti-ni ami par-i-watas-i mɛ-rǝ yǝs-i-ni yǝs-i yǝr-i-kǝ-n-e stone-river-side-pool side-pool-LOC net spread-CONV-carry.across-CONV mesh-DIM bring.near-NML-COMP bring.near-NML approach-CONV-comeDES-IMP [Girls, I] wish [you] would come near, like [they] bring near the meshes, spreading nets across at the side pool of a stony river (NK 3) 不聴跡雖謂話礼話礼常詔許曾志斐伊波奏強話登言

INA tǝ IP-Ɛ-ⁿDƏ KATAr-e KATAr-e tǝ NƏR-AS-E kǝsǝ Sipï-i pa MAWOS-E SIPÏ-ŋ-GATAR-I tǝ NƏR-U no DV say-EV-CONC speak-IMP speak-IMP DV say-HON-EV FP Sipï-ACT TOP say(HUM)-EV forced-DV(ATTR)-say-NML DV say-FIN Though [I] say: ‘No,’ [you] command [me]: ‘Speak, speak!,’ [but the things that] Sipï says, [you] call a forced speech (MYS 3.237) 用流能伊昧仁越都伎提美延許曽

yoru-nǝ imɛ-ni wo tuŋg-i-te mi-ye-kǝs-ǝ night-GEN dream-LOC EP follow-CONV-SUB see-PASS(CONV)-BEN-IMP please appear [for me] continuously in [my] night dreams (MYS 5.807)

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Chapter 6

烏梅能波奈伊米尓加多良久美也備多流波奈等阿例母布左氣尓于可倍許曽

uMƐ-nǝ pana imɛ-ni katar-aku miyambï-tar-u pana tǝ are [o]mǝp-u sakɛ-ni ukambɛ-kǝs-ǝ plum-GEN blossom dream-LOC tell-NML be.elegand(CONV)-PERF/PROG-ATTR blossom DV we think-FIN rice.wine-LOC let.float(CONV)-BEN-IMP The plum blossoms told [me] in [my] dream: “We think that [we] are elegant blossoms. Please let [us] float in the rice wine [cup]” (MYS 5.852) 此戸開為

KƏNƏ TO PIRAK-As-e this door open-HON-IMP please open this door (MYS 13.3310) 和須礼我比与世伎弖於家礼於伎都之良奈美

wasure-ŋ-gapi yǝse-k-i-te ok-er-e oki-tu sira nami forget(NML)-GEN-shell bring(CONV)-come-CONV-SUB put-PROG-IMP offingGEN/LOC white wave white waves of the offing, bring [to me] the shell of forgetfulness (MYS 15.3629) 都追牟許等奈久波也可敞里麻勢

tutum-u kǝtǝ na-ku paya kaper-i-[i]mas-e have.difficulty-ATTR no-CONV fast return-CONV-HON-IMP Return quickly, without having difficulties (MYS 15.3582) 美也故爾由加波伊毛爾安比弖許祢

miyako-ni yuk-amba imo-ni ap-i-te kǝ-n-e capital-LOC go-COND beloved-DAT meet-CONV-SUB come-DES-IMP if [you] go to the capital, meet [there my] beloved, and come [back] (MYS 15.3687) 之呂多倍能安我之多其呂母宇思奈波受毛弖礼和我世故多太尓安布麻弖尓

sirǝ tapɛ-nǝ a-ŋga sita-ŋ-gǝrǝmǝ usinap-aⁿz-u mot-er-e wa-ŋga se-ko taⁿda n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni white mulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN I-POSS bottom-GEN-garment loseNEG-CONV carry-PROG-IMP I-POSS beloved-DIM direct DV-CONV meet-ATTR-TERM-LOC My beloved, carry [with you] my undergarment from white mulberry tree bark cloth without losing [it], until [we] meet directly (MYS 15.3751)

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587

Verbs 伊波敞和我勢古多太爾安布末低爾

ipap-e wa-ŋga se-ko taⁿda n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni pray-IMP I-POSS beloved-DIM direct DV-CONV meet-ATTR-TERM-LOC pray, my beloved, until [we] meet directly (MYS 15.3778) 古非之奈婆古非毛之祢等也

kopï-sin-amba kopï mo sin-e tǝ ya long.for(CONV)-die-COND long.for(CONV) FP die-IMP DV IP Do [you] tell [me]: ‘If [you] die longing, die from longing!’? (MYS 15.3780) 佐伎久安礼

saki-ku ar-e safe-CONV exist-IMP Be safe! (MYS 17.3927) 保等登芸須許欲奈枳和多礼

potǝtǝŋgisu kǝ-yo nak-i watar-e cuckoo this-ABL cry-CONV cross-IMP [Oh,] cuckoo, cross from here, crying (MYS 18.4054) 雪奈布美曽祢

YUKI na-pum-i-sǝ-n-e snow NEG-step.on-CONV-do-DES-IMP do not step on the snow (MYS 19.4228) 伊波敞神多智

ipap-e KAMÏ-tati protect-IMP deity-PLUR protect [him], oh deities! (MYS 19.4240) 多比良氣久於夜波伊麻佐祢都々美奈久都麻波麻多世

tapirakɛ-ku oya pa imas-an-e tutumi na-ku tuma pa mat-as-e safe-CONV parents TOP exist(HON)-DES-IMP obstacle no-CONV spouse TOP wait-HON-IMP Parents, please live safely! Wife, please wait [for me] without obstacles! (MYS 20.4408)

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588

Chapter 6

和波己藝埿奴等伊弊尓都氣己曽

wa pa kǝŋg-i-[i]ⁿde-n-u tǝ ipe-ni tuŋgɛ-kǝs-ǝ I TOP row-CONV-go.out(CONV)-PERF-FIN DV home-DAT report(CONV)BEN-IMP Please tell [the folks at my] home that I have sailed out (MYS 20.4408) 久佐奈加利曽祢

kusa na-kar-i-sǝ-n-e grass NEG-cut-CONV-do-DES-IMP do not cut the grass (MYS 20.4457) 波都由伎波知敞爾布里之家

patu yuki pa ti-pe n-i pur-i-sik-e first snow TOP thousand-CL DV-CONV fall-CONV-cover-IMP First snow, fall in a thousand layers! (MYS 20.4475) 都止米毛呂毛呂須須賣毛呂母呂

tutǝmɛ morǝ-morǝ susum-e morǝ-mǝrǝ strive(IMP) all-all go forward-IMP all-all strive, everybody, go forward, everybody (BS 18) 己家々己門々祖名不失勤仕奉礼

ONƏ-ŋGA IPE-IPE ONƏ-ŋGA KAⁿDO-KAⁿDO OYA-NƏ NA USINAP-AⁿZ-U TUTOMƐ-TUKAPƐ-MATUr-e self-POSS house-house self-POSS gate-gate ancestor-GEN name lose-NEGCONV serve(CONV)-serve(CONV)-HUM-IMP [At] every house, [behind] every gate, serve without losing the names of your ancestors (SM 16) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The usage of the imperative suffix -e in Eastern Old Japanese is quite similar to Western Old Japanese with the difference that it is not attested after the progressive markers -ar- or -er-. The aberrant form -ǝ after the benefactive -kǝse- is also attested.

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589

Verbs 和爾奈多要曾祢

wa-ni na-taye-sǝ-n-e I-DAT NEG-break(CONV)-do-DES-IMP Do not become estranged from me (MYS 14.3378) 奈我己許呂能礼

na-ŋga kǝkǝrǝ nǝr-e you-POSS heart tell-IMP Reveal [to me] your heart (MYS 14.3425) 知々波々我可之良加伎奈弖佐久安礼天伊比之氣等婆是和須礼加祢豆流

titi papa-ŋga kasira kaki-naⁿde sa-ku ar-e te ip-i-si kɛtǝmba ⁿze wasure-kane-t-uru father mother-POSS head PREF-stroke(CONV) safe-CONV exist-IMP DV sayCONV-PAST/ATTR word FP forget(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-ATTR [I] cannot forget the words: “Be safe!” that [my] father and mother said, stroking [my] head (MYS 20.4346) 伊麻波許伎奴等伊母尓都氣許曽

ima pa kǝŋg-i-n-u tǝ imǝ-ni tuŋgɛ-kǝs-ǝ now TOP row-CONV-PERF-FIN DV beloved-DAT report(CONV)-BEN-IMP Please tell [my] beloved that [I] have sailed out now (MYS 20.4363) 久自我波々佐氣久阿利麻弖

Kuⁿzi-ŋ-gapa pa sakɛ-ku ari-mat-e Kuⁿzi-GEN-river TOP safe-CONV ITER-wait-IMP Wait for [me] (all this time) safely at Kuⁿzi River! (MYS 20.4368) A2: Ryukyuan Forms cognate to the WOJ imperative suffix -e < *-i-a are found both in Old Ryukyuan and modern dialects throughout the Ryukyuan archipelago. Examples: Old Ryukyuan 主里もりあせはつちぎりにきらせ

SIYORI mori ase fa tuti-gir-i n-i kir-as-e Shuri castle warrior TOP ground-(DV)cut-NML DV-CONV cut-HON-IMP Warriors of the Shuri castle, cut [the enemy] as cutting the ground (OS 1.33)

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いしとかねとあわちへすもせ

isi-to kane-to awa-tife-s-u mo[do]s-e stone-COM metal-COM combine-SUB-do-FIN retreat-IMP make [them] retreat using both stones and metal (OS 2.47) おもろよみおやせせるむよみおやせ

omoro-yo mioyas-e serumu-yo mioyas-e sacred song-ACC present(HUM)-IMP prayer-ACC present(HUM)-IMP Present the sacred song, present the prayer (OS 8.411) Naha

siriziti-ni an i-i sa know-LOC INTER say-IMP EP say since [you] know [it] (Nohara 1986: 74) Shuri

munoo maa-ku kam-ee thing(TOP) delicious-CONV eat-IMP Eat food with gusto! (RKJ 82) Miyako

t∫a:-yu num-e tea-ACC drink-IMP drink tea! Thus, we probably can reconstruct the Proto-Japonic imperative suffix as *-a. 3.2.1.5 Zero Imperative and Its Extended Form -yǝ In contrast to Middle Japanese, where vowel and vowel irregular verbs always have the imperative suffix -yo, there are examples in Western Old Japanese when these verbs just have their roots used as their imperative forms without any following -yǝ, although forms with -yǝ are considerably more frequent.38 Synchronically root imperatives should be treated as having a zero imperative marker. However, diachronically there might be a different explanation 38  I agree with Shirafuji that -yǝ forms are not original, and that -yǝ in all probability goes back to an exclamation particle yǝ (Shirafuji 1987: 140).

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that will allow us to solve the famous puzzle of the Old Japanese imperatives, namely why imperative markers are different for consonant and vowel verbs. My solution is that diachronically there is no distinction at all. We saw in section 3.2.1.4 that -e imperatives found after consonant verbs go back to the converb -i + *-a. By default the majority of vowel verbs have converbs that coincide with verbal roots, the only exception being k-irregular, and s-irregular verbs.39 By the rules of Old Japanese phonotactics, vowel clusters are prohibited, therefore, the addition of the imperative *-a would produce a vowel cluster that should be simplified. In the case of the majority of vowel verbs this simplification must have been achieved by the deletion of the imperative *-a, with the verbal root acquiring a function of the imperative. The only puzzling shapes under this scenario are the imperatives kǝ ‘come(IMP)’ and se ‘do(IMP).’ However, se ‘do’ can be treated as *s-i-a ‘do-CONV-IMP,’ so the only puzzling form is kǝ ‘come.’ But even this form can be explained if we suppose that a monphthongization *-i-a > -e took place prior to vowel contraction. Thus, *kǝ-i-a > *kǝ-e > kǝ. The verbal root as an imperative form: although in the following two examples the imperative form se is attested in Western Old Japanese in logographic writing, we can make an educated guess that it is se and not se-yǝ on the basis of the syllable count. Cf. also the example from the Senmyō below, where it is written phonographically, as well as the Eastern Old Japanese imperative form se, cited in the comparative section (see MYS 14.3369). 柳之蘰為吾妹

YANA ŋGÏ-NƏ KAⁿDURA SE WA- ŋG-IMO willow-GEN laurel do(IMP) I-POSS-beloved put on the willow laurel, my beloved (MYS 10.1924) 事計吉為吾兄子相有時谷

KƏTƏ PAKAR-I YƏ-KU SE WA- ŋGA SE-KO AP-ER-U TƏKI ⁿdani thing plan-NML good-CONV do(IMP) I-POSS beloved-DIM meet-PROG-ATTR time RP just [at] the time when [we] meet, do the planning well, my beloved (MYS 12.2949)

39  Although n-irregular verbs are essentially vowel verbs (at least historically), they have imperatives in -e, like consonant verbs, which can be explained along the same lines as the consonant verb imperative marker -e < *-i-a.

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伊敝妣等波可敝里波也許等

ipe-m-bitǝ pa kaper-i paya kǝ tǝ house-GEN-person TOP return-CONV quick come(CONV) DV [My] home folks say: ‘Come back quickly!’ (MYS 15.3636) 多婢尓弖毛母奈久波也許登

tambi n-i-te mo mǝ na-ku paya kǝ tǝ journey DV-CONV-SUB FP misfortune no-CONV quick come(IMP) DV [my beloved] said: “Come [back] quickly without any misfortune on [your] journey!” (MYS 15.3717) 之流久之米多弖比等能之流倍久

siru-ku simɛ tate pitǝ-nǝ sir-umbɛ-ku distinct-CONV sign erect(IMP) person-GEN know-DEB-CONV erect a distinct sign, so the people could know (MYS 18.4096) 吾等尓可伎无氣念之念婆

WARE-ni kaki-mukɛ OMƏP-I si OMƏP-Amba I-DAT PREF-turn(IMP) love-NML EP love-COND if you indeed love [me], turn to me (MYS 19.4191) 都止米毛呂毛呂須須賣毛呂母呂

tutǝmɛ morǝ-morǝ susum-e morǝ-mǝrǝ strive(IMP) all-all go forward-IMP all-all strive, everybody, go forward, everybody (BS 18) 此事倶仁西止伊射奈布尓

KƏNƏ KƏTƏ TƏMƏ n-i se tǝ iⁿzanap-u-ni this thing together DV-CONV do(IMP) DV entice-ATTR-LOC when [Wono-nǝ Andumapitǝ] enticed [him] saying: ‘Do this (thing) together [with us]’ (SM 19) An extended form with -yǝ is attested in Western Old Japanese with verbal roots and after the perfective and the causative, as can be seen from the following chart:

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593

Verbs chart 40 Combinations of the extended imperative -yǝ with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

perfective -tecausative -(a)se-

-te-yǝ -se-yǝ

However, as far as I can tell, there is only one example of the causative with the following extended imperative -yǝ. Examples with the preceding perfective -teare also rare, so in the majority of cases -yǝ is found after a vowel verb root (if we follow a synchronic description), or after a vowel verb converb (if we follow a diachronic description). Examples: 愛寸事盡手四

URUPASI-ki KƏTƏ TUKUS-I-te-yǝ splendid-ATTR word exhaust-CONV-PERF-IMP exhaust [your] splendid words (MYS 4.661) 阿礼乎婆母伊可爾世与等可

are-womba mǝ ika n-i se-yǝ tǝ ka I-ACC(EMPH) FP how DV-CONV do-IMP DV IP What do [you] think I [should] do? (MYS 5.794) 由布弊爾奈礼婆伊射祢余登

yupu-m-be n-i nar-e-mba iⁿza ne-yǝ tǝ evening-GEN-side DV-CONV become-EV-CON INTER sleep-IMP DV When [it] became evening, and [we] told [him]: ‘[Go to] sleep!’ (MYS 5.904) 吾衣於君令服与

A- ŋGA KƏRƏMƏ KIMI-NI KI-SE-yǝ I-POSS garment lord-LOC wear-CAUS-IMP Put my garment on yourself! (MYS 10.1961) 保等登芸須許許爾知可久乎伎奈伎弖余

potǝtǝŋgisu kǝkǝ-ni tika-ku-wo k-i nak-i-te-yǝ cuckoo here-LOC be close-CONV-ACC come-CONV cry-CONV-PERF-IMP Cuckoo! Come close to here, and cry! (MYS 20.4438)

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国王伊王位仁坐時方菩薩乃浄戒乎受与止勅天在

KOKU-WAU-i WAU-WI-ni IMAS-U TƏKI pa BOSATU-nǝ ZYAUKAI-wo UKƐ-yǝ tǝ NƏTAMAP-I-te AR-I country-king-ACT king-position-LOC be(HON)-ATTR time TOP bodhisattvaGEN commandmend-ACC receive-IMP DV say(HON)-CONV-SUB exist-FIN [Buddha] said that a king of a country, when [he] is on the throne, [should] accept the commandmends of the Bodhisattva (SM 28) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese Similar to Western Old Japanese, the extended imperative form -yǝ in Eastern Old Japanese is also more frequent than the zero imperative form. The verbal root as an imperative form: 須我麻久良安是加麻可左武許呂勢多麻久良

suŋga-makura aⁿze ka mak-as-am-u kǝ-rǝ se ta-makura sedge-pillow why IP use.as.a.pillow-HON-TENT-ATTR girl-DIM do(IMP) armpillow girl, why would [you] use the sedge pillow? Use [my] arms as a pillow! (MYS 14.3368) 多麻古須氣可利己和我西古

tama ko-suŋgɛ kar-i kǝ wa-ŋga se-ko jewel DIM-sedge cut-CONV come(IMP) I-POSS beloved-DIM my beloved, cut the jewel[-like] little sedge and come (MYS 14.3445) Eastern Old Japanese has extended imperatives ending in -yǝ and -rǝ. It seems that the form in -yǝ is a loan from Western Old Japanese, as it mostly occurs in poems that have no or very limited Eastern Old Japanese features. Meanwhile, -rǝ always occurs in poems that are clearly in Eastern Old Japanese, and therefore, it should be defined as an original Eastern Old Japanese form. Cf. the following examples: 奴流我倍爾安杼世呂登可母

n-uru-ŋga [u]pɛ-ni aⁿ-tǝ se-rǝ tǝ kamǝ sleep-ATTR-POSS top-LOC what-DV do-IMP DV EP besides sleeping [with her], what [else do you] tell [me to] do, I wonder? (MYS 14.3465)

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Verbs

595

思良久毛能多要爾之伊毛乎阿是西呂等

sira kumo-nǝ taye-n-i-si imo-wo aⁿze se-rǝ tǝ white cloud-COMP break.off(CONV)-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR beloved-ACC how do-IMP DV what (lit.: how) [should I] do about [my] beloved who separated [from me] like a white cloud (MYS 14.3517) 比毛多要婆安我弖等都気呂許礼乃波流母志

pimo taye-mba a-ŋga te-tǝ tukɛ-rǝ kǝre n-ǝ paru mǝs-i cord tear-COND your.own-POSS hand-COM attach-IMP this DV-ATTR needle hold-CONV if the cords [of your garment] tear, attach [them] with your own hand, holding this needle (MYS 20.4420) 3.2.1.6 Negative Imperative -una The negative imperative suffix has just one allomorph -una that is found after consonant and vowel verbs alike. Vowel verbs lose the final vowel of their roots before -una. Japanese traditional linguistics treats this form as a particle na being added to the final form of all verbs except r-irregular verbs when it follows the attributive form (Omodaka et al. 1967: 513). Needless to say, this analysis does not make any sense either synchronically or diachronically. From the synchronic point of view it is not clear why the ‘particle’ na would follow different inflectional form of r-irregular verbs. It is quite clear that in both cases the alleged particle is preceded by the vowel /u/. For the diachronic evidence that this vowel /u/ cannot be a final predication form -u, see the discussion of the Ryukyuan comparative data below. The functional difference between this suffix on the one hand and the prefix na- and circumfix na-…-sǝ (see section 3.1.2) on the other is not clear: both can combine with honorifics and both can be used independently, so the distinction must be really subtle, if any exists at all. The existence of two negative imperatives, one expressed by a prefix, and another by a suffix, may again speak strongly in favor of the restructuring of the language, where the original SVO type morphology is gradually fazed out under the influence of the neighboring SOV languages.

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596 chart 41

Chapter 6 Combinations of the negative imperative -una with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

passive -(a)ye-, -rayecausative -(a)simɛhonorific -asbenefactive kǝse-

-(a)y-una -(a)sim-unaa -as-una kǝs-una

a This form is attested only in Eastern Old Japanese, see MYS 14.3399 below.

Examples: 思寐能和倶吾嗚阿娑理逗那偉能古

simbi40-nǝ waku-ŋ-go-wo asar-i-[i]ⁿd-una wi-nǝ ko tuna-GEN young-DV(ATTR)-child-ACC fish-CONV-exit-NEG/IMP boar-GEN child child of the boar, do not fish out a young child of the tuna (NK 95) 吾為類和射乎害目賜名

WA-ŋGA S-Uru waⁿza-wo TƏ ŋGAmɛ-TAMAP-Una I-POSS do-ATTR deed-ACC reproach(CONV)-HON-NEG/IMP Do not reproach my behavior (MYS 4.721) 伊多豆良爾阿例乎知良須奈

itaⁿdura n-i are-wo tir-as-una useless DV-CONV we-ACC fall-CAUS-NEG/IMP Do not let us fall in vain (MYS 5.852a) 人尓所知名

PITƏ-ni SIR-AY-Una person-DAT know-PASS-NEG/IMP Do not [let it] be known by people (MYS 11.2762) 安乎忘為莫

a-wo WASUR-As-uNA 40  There is a play on words in this poem: simbi ‘tuna’ is homonymous with the name of the young noble Simbi.

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597

Verbs

I-ACC forget-HON-NEG/IMP Do not forget me (MYS 12.3013) 毛美知和礼由伎弖可敝里久流末弖知里許須奈由米

momit-i ware yuk-i-te kaper-i-k-uru-maⁿde tir-i-kǝs-una yumɛ leaves.turn.red/yellow-NML I go-CONV-SUB return-CONV-come-ATTR-TERM fall-CONV-BEN-NEG/IMP at.all Red leaves! Please do not fall at all until I go and come back (MYS 15.3702) 和我世故我可反里吉麻佐武等伎能多米伊能知能己佐牟和須礼多麻布奈

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga kaper-i-k-i-[i]mas-am-u tǝki-nǝ tamɛ inǝti nǝkǝs-am-u wasure-tamap-una I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS return-CONV-come-CONV-HON-TENT-ATTR timeGEN for life leave-TENT-ATTR forget(CONV)-HON-NEG/IMP Do not forget, my beloved, that [I] will stay alive until [you] return (MYS 15.3774) 牟奈許等母於夜乃名多都奈

muna kǝtǝ mǝ oya-nǝ NA tat-una empty word FP ancestor-GEN name break-NEG/IMP do not destroy the name of [your] ancestors [with] empty words (MYS 20.4465) 過无罪無有者捨麻湏奈忘麻湏奈

AYAMAT-I NA-KU TUMI NA-KU AR-Amba SUTE-[i]mas-una WASURE-[i]masuna make.mistake-NML no-CONV sin no-CONV exist-COND abandon(CONV)HON-NEG/IMP forget(CONV)-HON-NEG/IMP if [she] has no[t committed any] sin or mistake, do not abandon [her], do not forget [her] (SM 7) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The negative imperative suffix -una is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese: 安思布麻之牟奈久都波氣和我世

asi pum-asim-una kutu pak-ɛ wa-ŋga se foot step-CAUS-NEG/IMP shoe put.on-IMP I-POSS beloved Do not let [yourself] step [on it bare-]footed. Put on [your] shoes, my beloved (MYS 14.3399)

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夜蘇許登乃敝波思氣久等母安良蘇比可祢弖安乎許登奈須那

yaso kǝtǝ-nǝ pe pa siŋgɛ-ku tǝmǝ arasop-i-kane-te a-wo kǝtǝ nas-una eighty word-GEN leaf TOP thick-CONV CONJ resist-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)-SUB I-ACC word make-NEG/IMP even though many rumors are growing thick [like a bush], do not talk about me, failing to resist (MYS 14.3456) A2: Ryukyuan Ryukyuan comparative data are important for establishing WOJ -una as a separate suffix rather than a sequence of the final predication suffix -u plus a negative particle na. Consider the data in the following chart: chart 42 Final predication and negative imperative forms in the Shuri dialect

gloss

verb root

final predication

negative imperative

write stand push read

kaktat’usyum-

kach-uN tach-uN ’us-uN yum-uN

kak-una tat-una ’us-una yum-una

As was noted above in section 3.2.1.1, a Ryukyuan palatalization of the final consonant of the root such as k > ch and t > ch before the final predication suffix indicates that this suffix was originally attached to the converb -i that triggered this palatalization. However, there are no traces of this palatalization in the negative imperative form. This discrepancy demonstrates that the vowel /u/ in the WOJ final predication suffix -u and the negative imperative -una have different origins, and that consequently the traditional theory of a ‘negative final particle’ na following the final predication form is completely untenable. Examples: Old Ryukyuan おぎもうちはなげくな

o-gimo uti fa nagek-una HON-liver inside TOP lament-NEG/IMP Do not lament inside your soul (OS 10.518)

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599

Verbs Shuri

sumuchi yum-una book read-NEG/IMP Do not read the book Vowel correspondences in other dialects indicate PR *-ona rather than *-una (Serafim, p.c.), which consequently indicates PJ *-ona as well. It is more than likely that the WOJ negative imperative prefix na-, the Proto-Japonic negative imperative suffix *-ona and the PJ negative *-an- are all interrelated in some way, although at the present point we do not know how to properly analyze the negative imperative *-ona, because we do not know what the element *-o- in this marker could be. 3.2.1.7 Desiderative -ana ~ -na The desiderative suffix has two allomorphs: -ana after consonant verbs and -na after vowel verbs. It has three functions: (a) it expresses the desire of the speaker himself to perform an action (cf. Modern Japanese -tai), (b) it expresses the desire of the speaker for someone else to perform an action (cf. Modern Japanese -te hosii), (c) hortative, i.e., an invitation to do something together. The desiderative suffix -(a)na can combine with the following suffixes and bound auxiliaries: chart 43 Combinations of the desiderative -(a)na with other suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

imperative -[y]e tentative -(a)mexclamative -(u)mǝ perfective -nperfective -tebenefactive -kǝsenegative imperative na-…-sǝ

-(a)n-e -(a)na-m-(a)na-mǝ -n-ana -te-na -kǝse-n-ea na-…-sǝ-n-e

a When preceded by the benefactive auxiliary -kǝse-, the desiderative -ana must always be followed by the imperative -e. In other words, the form *-kǝse-na is not attested.

One can see that the desiderative suffix -(a)na shows an idiosyncratic behavior: it follows the perfective auxiliaries -n- and -te-, the benefactive auxiliary -kǝse-, and the negative imperative circumfix na-…-sǝ, but it precedes the tentative

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Chapter 6

suffix -am- ~ -m-, the exclamative suffix -umǝ, and the imperative -e. In the last case with the imperative -e, it loses its final vowel before the following suffix, appearing in its special contracted form -an- ~ -n- that will be discussed below separately. Examples: 伊多低於破孺破珥倍廼利能介豆岐齊奈

ita te op-aⁿz-u pa nipo-ⁿ-dǝri-nǝ kaⁿduk-i se-na painful place carry-NEG-CONV TOP grebe-DV(ATTR)-bird-COMP dive-NML do-DES rather than to receive severe wounds, let us dive [together] like grebes (NK 29) 阿母儞擧曾枳擧曳儒阿羅毎矩儞儞播枳擧曳底那

amo-ni kǝsǝ kik-ǝye-ⁿz-u ar-am-ɛ kuni-ni pa kik-ǝye-te-na mother-DAT FP hear-PASS-NEG-CONV exist-TENT-EV land-DAT TOP hearPASS(CONV)-PERF-DES [I] probably will not be heard by [my] mother, but [I] wish to be heard by [the] land! (NK 82) 許智多鶏波乎婆頭勢夜麻能伊波帰爾母為弖許母郎奈牟

kǝt[ǝ]-ita-k-emba woⁿ-Batuse-yama-nǝ ipa kï-ni mǝ wi-te kǝmǝr-ana-m-u rumor-painful-ATTR-COND DIM-Patuse-mountain-GEN rock fortress-LOC FP lead(CONV)-SUB hide-DES-TENT-FIN if rumors are painful, [I] want to take [you] along to a rocky fortress on the Small Patuse mountain and hide away (FK 1) 今者許藝乞菜

IMA pa kǝŋg-i-iⁿde-na now TOP row-CONV-exit-DES Let [us] row out [to the sea] now (MYS 1.8) 雲谷裳情有南畝可苦佐布倍思哉

KUMO ⁿdani mo KƏKƏRƏ AR-Ana-mo kakus-ap-umbɛ-si YA cloud RP FP heart exist-DES-EXCL hide-ITER-DEB-FIN IP [I] wish at least the clouds [would] have feelings! Do [they] have to hide [Mt. Miwa] all the time? (MYS 1.18) 君尓因奈名

KIMI-ni YƏR-I-n-ana lord-DAT approach-CONV-PERF-DES [I] want to cling to [my] lord (MYS 2.114) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

601

Verbs 烏梅能波奈 … 加射之尓斯弖奈

uMƐ-nǝ pana … kaⁿzas-i n-i s-i-te-na plum-GEN blossom … decorate-NML DV-CONV do-CONV-PERF-DES Let [us] decorate [our hair] with plum blossoms (MYS 5.820) 出波之利伊奈奈等思騰許良爾佐夜利奴

IⁿDE-pasir-i in-ana tǝ OMƏP-Ɛ-ⁿdǝ kǝ-ra-ni sayar-i-n-u exit(CONV)-run-CONV go-DES DV think-EV-CONC child-PLUR-DAT be prevented-CONV-PERF-FIN although [I] think that [I] would like to run away, [I] am prevented by [my] children (MYS 5.899) 妹許将遣黄葉手折奈

IMO-ŋgari YAR-AM-U MOMIT-I TA-WOR-Ana beloved-DIR send-TENT-ATTR leaves.turn.red/yellow-NML hand-break-DES [I] would like to break with [my] hand [branches with] maple leaves to send to [my] beloved (MYS 9.1758) 伊母爾見勢武爾和多都美乃於伎都白玉比利比弖由賀奈

imǝ-ni MI-se-m-u-ni wata-tu mi-nǝ oki-tu SIRA TAMA pirip-i-te yuk-ana beloved-DAT see-CAUS-TENT-ATTR-LOC sea-GEN/LOC dragon-GEN offingGEN/LOC white jewel pick up-CONV-SUB go-DES [I] want to go, picking up the white jewels from the offing of the sea dragon in order to show [them] to [my] beloved (MYS 15.3614) 秋風尓比毛等伎安氣奈多太奈良受等母

AKI KAⁿZE-ni pimo tǝk-i-akɛ-na taⁿda nar-aⁿz-u tǝmǝ autumn wind-LOC cord untie-CONV-open-DES direct be-NEG-FIN CONJ [I] wish that the autumn wind will untie the cords, even if [it] is not directly (MYS 20.4295) 美知乎多豆祢奈

miti-wo taⁿdune-na way-ACC seek-DES [I] want to seek the Way (MYS 20.4468) 安之婢乃波奈乎蘇弖尓古伎礼奈

asimbi-nǝ pana-wo soⁿde-ni kok-i-[i]re-na andromeda-GEN flower-ACC sleeve-LOC rub.through-CONV-insert-DES [I] want to rub andromeda flowers into [my] sleeves (MYS 20.4512)

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己乃美阿止夜与呂豆比賀利乎波奈知伊太志毛呂毛呂須久比和多志多麻波 奈須久比多麻波奈

kǝnǝ mi-atǝ ya-yǝrǝⁿdu pikari-wo panat-i-iⁿdas-i morǝ-morǝ sukup-i-watas-itamap-ana sukup-i-tamap-ana this HON-foot.print eight-ten.thousand light-ACC emanate-CONV-put.out-CONV all-all save-CONV-carry.across-CONV-HON-DES save-CONV-HON-DES These footprints emanate myriad lights, and [I] want [them] to save everybody, leading [them] across, [I] want [them] to save [them] (BS 4) 一二人乎治賜波奈止那毛所思行湏

PITƏ-RI PUTA-RI-wo WOSAMƐ-TAMAp-ana tǝ namo OMƏP-OS-I-MEs-u one-CL two-CL-ACC reward(CONV)-HON-DES DV FP think-HON-CONVHON-ATTR [I] deign to think that [I] want to reward one or two [of my subjects] (SM 10) 3.2.1.7.1 Special Contracted Form -an- ~ -nThe desiderative suffix has a special contracted form -an- ~ -n- when it is followed by the imperative suffix -e or by the tentative suffix -am-. In these cases the desiderative suffix functions not as a sentence-final, but as a word nonfinal suffix. The combination -(a)n-am- of the desiderative and the tentative will be described below in the section on the tentative -am-. The desiderativeimperative form -an-e ~ -n-e can occur after the stem of a verb, after the benefactive -kǝse-, and after -sǝ ‘do’ which occurs as a part of the negative circumfix na-…-sǝ. The desiderative-imperative form conveys a request or a command to the addressee that also implies a desire on the part of the speaker. Examples: 許能登理母宇知夜米許世泥

kǝnǝ tǝri mǝ uti-yamɛ-kǝse-n-e this bird FP PREF-stop(CONV)-BEN-DES-IMP [I] wish [you] would stop [the singing] of these birds (KK 2) 以嗣箇播箇柂輔智箇柂輔智爾阿弥播利和柂嗣妹慮予嗣爾予嗣予利據祢

isi-kapa-kata-puti kata-puti-ni ami par-i-watas-i mɛ-rǝ yǝs-i-ni yǝs-i yǝr-i-kǝ-n-e stone-river-side-pool side-pool-LOC net spread-CONV-carry.across-CONV mesh-DIM bring near-NML-COMP bring near-NML approach-CONV-comeDES-IMP [Girls, I] wish [you] would come near, like [they] bring near the meshes, spreading nets across at the side pool of a stony river (NK 3)

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603

Verbs 於辞寐羅箇祢瀰和能等能渡烏

os-i-mbirak-an-e Miwa-nǝ tǝnǝ to-wo push-CONV-open-DES-IMP Miwa-GEN pavilion door-ACC push open the door of the Miwa pavilion (NK 17) 娑奘岐等羅佐泥

saⁿzaki tǝr-as-an-e wren grab-HON-DES-IMP [I wish you would] catch the wren! (NK 60) 余呂豆余尓伊麻志多麻比提阿米能志多麻乎志多麻波祢

yǝrǝⁿdu yǝ-ni imas-i-tamap-i-te amɛ-nǝ sita mawos-i-tamap-an-e ten.thousand age-LOC exist(HON)-CONV-HON-CONV-SUB heaven-GEN below report(HUM)-CONV-HON-DES-IMP May [you] live for ten thousand generations, and report [to the emperor about things in the country] under Heaven (MYS 5.879) 奈良能美夜故尓咩佐宜多麻波祢

Nara-nǝ miyako-ni mes-aŋgɛ-tamap-an-e Nara-GEN capital-LOC call(HON)(CONV)-raise(CONV)-HON-DES-IMP [I] want [you] to summon [me to come] up to the capital of Nara (MYS 5.882) 美也故爾由加波伊毛爾安比弖許祢

miyako-ni yuk-amba imo-ni ap-i-te kǝ-n-e capital-LOC go-COND beloved-DAT meet-CONV-SUB come-DES-IMP if [you] go to the capital, meet [there my] beloved, and come [back] (MYS 15.3687) 雪奈布美曽祢

YUKI na-pum-i-sǝ-n-e snow NEG-step.on-CONV-do-DES-IMP do not step on the snow (MYS 19.4228) 多比良氣久於夜波伊麻佐祢都々美奈久都麻波麻多世

tapirakɛ-ku oya pa imas-an-e tutumi na-ku tuma pa mat-as-e safe-CONV parents TOP exist(HON)-DES-IMP obstacle no-CONV spouse TOP wait-HON-IMP Parents, please live safely! Wife, please wait [for me] without obstacles! (MYS 20.4408)

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久佐奈加利曽祢

kusa na-kar-i-sǝ-n-e grass NEG-cut-CONV-do-DES-IMP do not cut the grass (MYS 20.4457) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The desiderative suffix -ana ~ -na is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese. Examples: 多可伎祢爾久毛能都久能須和礼左倍爾伎美爾都吉奈那

taka-ki ne-ni kumo-nǝ tuk-u-nǝsu ware sapɛ n-i kimi-ni tuk-i-n-ana high-ATTR peak-LOC cloud-GEN attach-ATTR-COMP I RP DV-CONV lord-DAT attach-CONV-PERF-DES Even I would like to cling to [my] lord like clouds cling to a high peak (MYS 14.3514) 和須礼波勢奈那伊夜母比麻須爾

wasure pa se-n-ana iya [o]mǝp-i-mas-u-ni forget(NML) TOP do-NEG-DES more.and.more think-CONV-increase-ATTR-LOC [I] wish [you] will not forget [me], because [my] desire [for you] increases more and more (MYS 14.3557) The desiderative-imperative form -an-e ~ -n-e is found quite frequently in Eastern Old Japanese: 和爾奈多要曾祢

wa-ni na-taye-sǝ-n-e I-DAT NEG-break(CONV)-do-DES-IMP Do not become estranged from me (MYS 14.3378) 加比利久麻弖尓已波比弖麻多祢

kapir-i-k-u-maⁿde-ni ipap-i-te mat-an-e return-CONV-come-ATTR41-TERM-LOC pray-CONV-SUB wait-DES-IMP pray and wait [for me] until [I] return (MYS 20.4339)

41  Formally the form k-u looks like final, but since it is followed by the case marker -maⁿde, functionally it must be attributive. In all probability, we simply have a raising -u < *-o here: k-u < *k-o. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

605

Verbs 阿我母弖能和須例母之太波都久波尼乎布利佐氣美都々伊母波之奴波尼

a-ŋga [o]mǝte-nǝ wasure-m-ǝ siⁿda pa Tukumba ne-wo purisakɛ-mi-tutu imǝ pa sinop-an-e I-POSS face-GEN forget-TENT-ATTR time TOP Tukumba peak-ACC look. up(CONV)-look(CONV)-COOR beloved TOP yearn-DES-IMP When [you, my] beloved will be forgetting my face, please yearn for me, looking up at the Tukumba peak (MYS 20.4367) 安之我良乃美祢波保久毛乎美等登志努波祢

Asiŋgara-nǝ mi-ne pap-o kumo-wo mi-tǝtǝ sinop-an-e Asiŋgara-GEN HON-peak crawl-ATTR cloud-ACC see(CONV)-COOR yearnDES-IMP yearn [for me] while looking at the clouds crawling at the Asiŋgara peak (MYS 20.4421) A2: Ryukyuan There is also a desiderative suffix -ana in Ryukyuan attested both in Old Ryukyuan and in modern dialects. In modern Shuri this form also has a hortative meaning (RKJ 399), see the example below. Examples: Old Ryukyuan あやよりくせよりみらな

aya yor-i kuse yor-i mi-r-ana beautiful dance-NML rare dance-NML see-ATTR(?)-DES [I] want to see a beautiful dance, a rare dance (OS 14.1031) Classical Ryukyuan 恩納嶽あがた里が生まれ島森もおしのけてこがたなさな

UNNA-DAKI agata SATU-ga Umare-JIMA MUI mo os-i-noke-te kogata nas-ana Unna-peak over.there village-POSS born(CONV)-island mountain FP pushCONV-put away(CONV)-SUB here make-DES On the other side of the peak Unna [there is] the village on the island where [my beloved] was born. Pushing the mountain aside, [I] would like to place [it] here (RK 1243) Shuri

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Hey, Sanruu, let us go fast (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 115) Since the desiderative suffix -(a)na is found in all branches of the Japonic language family, we can safely reconstruct PJ *-ana. However, there are no apparent external parallels. 3.2.1.8 Subjunctive -amasi ~ -masi The suffix -(a)masi is a marker of the subjunctive mood. It has two allomorphs: -amasi that is found after consonant, r-irregular, and n-irregular verbs, and -masi that is found after vowel verbs (including irregular vowel verbs). The same rule applies to the preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries. The subjunctive suffix -amasi ~ -masi can combine with the following suffixes and bound auxiliaries: chart 44 Combinations of the subjunctive suffix -(a)masi with other suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

perfective -nperfective -tecausative -seprogressive -erconditional converb -amba

-n-amasi -te-masi -se-masia -er-amasi -(a)mas-emba

a This combination is attested only after strong vowel verbs mi- ‘to see’ and ki- ‘to wear.’

When -(a)masi combines with the conditional converb -amba, it becomes a word-non-final suffix. The resulting sequence -(a)mas-emba is due to the monophthongization of the vowel /i/ in -(a)masi and the vowel /a/ in -amba as a vowel /e/. Since the morphemic boundary is lost due to this fusion, the segmentation of this sequence as -(a)mas-emba is certainly artificial and represents only an approximation. Already Yamada Yoshio noticed that -(a)masi behaves like an attributive, because it is frequently found before the conjunction mǝnǝ ~ mǝnǝwo (Yamada 1954: 282–283).42 I should add that -(a)masi is also frequently found before the accusative -wo when it is used as a conjunction (see chapter 4, section 1.2.2.8 for details). 42  The form mǝnǝwo certainly derives historically from mǝnǝ ‘thing’ plus the accusative -wo. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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In many cases, -(a)masi appears in Western Old Japanese in parallel constructions like: -amba … -(a)masi, -amas-emba … -(a)masi, ‘if [it] were … then [it] would be.’ This usage is somewhat different from the one found in Middle Japanese where besides the construction -aba … -(a)masi, two different constructions are used frequently: -(a)masika-ba … -(a)masi and -(a)masi … -(a) masi, neither of which are attested in Western Old Japanese. The Western Old Japanese construction -amba … -(a)masi is predominantly attested in the form -s-emba … -(a)masi, with the past tense auxiliary -s- (< *-si, attributive form) preceding the conditional converb -amba.43 Examples: 比登都麻都比登迩阿理勢婆多知波気麻斯袁岐奴岐勢麻斯袁

pitǝ-tu matu pitǝ n-i ar-i-s-emba tati pakɛ-masi-wo kinu ki-se-masi-wo one-CL pine person DV-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND long.sword make.wear-SUBJ-ACC garment wear-CAUS-SUBJ-ACC Oh, lone pine, if [you] were a human being, [I] would make [you] wear a long sword, [I] would make [you] wear a garment, but … (KK 29) 多遅比怒迩泥牟登斯理勢波多都碁母母母知弖許志母能

Taⁿdipi no-ni ne-m-u tǝ sir-i-s-emba tat-u-ŋ-gǝmǝ mǝ mǝt-i-te kǝ-masi mǝnǝ Taⁿdipi field-LOC sleep-TENT-FIN DV know-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND standATTR-DV(ATTR)-rush.mat FP hold-CONV-SUB come-SUBJ CONJ If [I] would know that [I] would sleep at the Taⁿdipi field, [I] would also bring a standing rush mat (KK 75) 和加久閇爾韋泥弖麻斯母能淤伊爾祁流加母

waka-ku pɛ-n-i wi ne-te-masi mǝnǝ oyi-n-i-ker-u kamǝ young-CONV ?-DV-CONV bring(CONV) sleep(CONV)-PERF-SUBJ CONJ age (CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP [I] would have brought [her with me] and have slept [with her] if [she] were young, but it turned out that [she] has become old, alas! (KK 93) 柯彼能矩盧古磨矩羅枳制播伊志歌孺阿羅磨志

kapï-nǝ kuro koma kura ki-s-emba i-sik-aⁿz-u ar-amasi Kapï-GEN black stallion saddle put.on-PAST/ATTR-COND DLF-reach-NEGCONV exist-SUBJ if [he] would put a saddle on the black stallion from Kapï, [he] would not reach here [on time] (NK 81a) 43  Similar to the form -(a)mas-emba, described above, this past conditional form -s-emba also results from the monophthongization of *ia > e, producing fusion that obliterates the morphemic boundary. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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宇良志麻能古我多麻久志義阿気受阿理世波麻多母阿波麻志遠

urasima-nǝ ko-ŋga tama kusiŋgɛ akɛ-ⁿz-u ar-i-s-emba mata mǝ ap-amasi-wo Urasima-GEN child-POSS jewel box open-NEG-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/ ATTR-COND again FP meet-SUBJ-ACC If the boy Urasima did not open the jewel box, [he] would meet again [the dragon’s daughter], but [it did not happen] (FK 15) 速來而母見手益物乎山背高槻村散去奚留鴨

PAYA K-I-TE mǝ MI-te-masi MƏNƏwo YAMASIRƏ-NƏ TAKA TUKÏ mura TIR-I-n-i-ker-u kamo fast come-CONV-SUB FP see(CONV)-PERF-SUBJ CONJ Yamasirǝ-GEN high zelkova group fall-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP Although [I] would come fast and look [at them], most of the zelkova [flowers] in Yamasirǝ have fallen, alas! (MYS 3.277) 可久斯良摩世婆久奴知許等其等美世摩斯母乃乎

ka-ku sir-amas-emba kun[i]-uti kǝtǝ-ŋgǝtǝ mi-se-masi mǝnǝwo thus-CONV know-SUBJ-COND land-inside thing-thing see-CAUS-SUBJ CONJ if [I] would know that [I] would show [her] all things in the land, but … (MYS 5.797) 國尓阿良婆父刀利美麻之家尓阿良婆母刀利美麻志

KUNI-ni ar-amba TITI tor-i-mi-masi IPE-ni ar-amba PAPA tor-i-mi-masi province-LOC exist-COND father hold-CONV-see-SUBJ home-LOC existCOND mother hold-CONV-see-SUBJ if [I] were in [my] province, [my] father would take care [of me], if [I] were in [my] home, [my] mother would take care [of me] (MYS 5.886) 遠妻四高尓有世婆不知十方手綱乃濱能尋來名益

TƏPO TUMA si TAKA-ni AR-I-s-emba SIR-AⁿZ-U tǝmo TAⁿDUNA-nǝ PAMA-nǝ TAⁿDUNE-K-I-n-amasi distant wife EP Taka-LOC exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND know-NEG-FIN CONJ [TaNduna-GEN beach-COMP—makura-kotoba] visit seek-(CONV)come-CONV-PERF-SUBJ If my wife, who is far away [from me], were in Taka, even if [I] did not know, [I] would come looking for [her] (MYS 9.1746)

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609

Verbs 人跡不在者桑子尓毛成益物乎

PITƏ tǝ AR-AⁿZ-U pa KUWA-KO n-i mo NAR-Amasi MƏNƏwo person DV exist-NEG-CONV TOP mulberry-child DV-CONV FP become-SUBJ CONJ if [I] was not a human being, [I] would [like to] become a silkworm, but … (MYS 12.3086) 大船尓伊母能流母能尓安良麻勢婆羽具久美母知弖由可麻之母能乎

OPO PUNE-ni imǝ nǝr-u mǝnǝ n-i ar-amas-emba PA- ŋ-gukum-i mǝt-i-te yukamasi mǝnǝwo big boat-LOC beloved board-ATTR thing DV-CONV exist-SUBJ-COND wingLOC-cover-CONV hold-CONV-SUB go-SUBJ CONJ If [it] were the case that [my] beloved boarded [my] big boat, [I] would go holding her under [my] wings, but … (MYS 15.3579) 欲和多流月尓安良麻世婆伊敞奈流伊毛爾安比弖許麻之乎

yo watar-u TUKÏ n-i ar-amas-emba ipe-n-ar-u imo-ni ap-i-te kǝ-masi-wo night cross-ATTR moon DV-CONV exist-SUBJ-COND home-LOC-exist-ATTR beloved-DAT meet-CONV-SUB come-SUBJ-ACC if [I] were a moon that goes over through the night, [I] would come to meet my beloved, who is at home (MYS 15.3671) 君我牟多由可麻之毛能乎

KIMI-ŋga muta yuk-amasi monǝwo lord-POSS together go-SUBJ CONJ although [I] would go together with [my] lord … (MYS 15.3773) 家布毛可母美也故奈里世婆見麻久保里尓之能御馬屋乃刀尓多弖良麻之

kepu mo kamǝ miyako-n-ar-i-s-emba MI-m-aku por-i nisi-nǝ MI-MAYA-nǝ to-ni tat-er-amasi today FP EP capital-LOC-exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND see-TENT-NML desire -CONV west-GEN HON-stable-GEN outside-LOC stand-PROG-SUBJ If [I] were in the capital today, too, [I] would be standing outside the Western Imperial Stables, wanting to see [you]! (MYS 15.3776) 保里江尓波多麻之可麻之乎

Pori-ye-ni pa tama sik-amasi-wo Pori-bay-LOC TOP jewel cover-SUBJ-ACC [I] would cover the Pori bay with jewels, but … (MYS 18.4056)

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安佐之保美知尓与流許都美可比尓安里世婆都刀尓勢麻之乎

asa sipo mit-i-ni yǝr-u kǝtumi kapi n-i ar-i-s-emba tuto n-i se-masi-wo morning tide full-NML-LOC approach-ATTR trash shellfish DV-CONV existCONV-PAST/ATTR-COND souvenir DV-CONV do-SUBJ-ACC if the trash that is brought up by the full morning tide were shellfish, [I] would bring [it] as a souvenir, but … (MYS 20.4396) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The subjunctive suffix -(a)masi is attested in Eastern Old Japanese as well. 伊利奈麻之母乃伊毛我乎杼許爾

ir-i-n-amasi mǝnǝ imo-ŋga woⁿ-dǝkǝ-ni enter-CONV-PERF-SUBJ CONJ beloved-POSS DIM-bed-LOC although [I] would [like to] enter the bed of [my] beloved (MYS 14.3354) 伊呂夫可久世奈我許呂母波曽米麻之乎

irǝ-m-buka-ku se-na-ŋga kǝrǝmǝ pa sǝmɛ-masi-wo color-LOC-deep-CONV beloved-DIM-POSS garment TOP dye-SUBJ-ACC Although [I] would dye deeply [my] beloved’s garment … (MYS 20.4424) A2: Ryukyuan The subjunctive suffix -(a)masi is attested only in Old Ryukyuan in ten examples in the Omoro sōshi (Torigoe 1968: 178–179). The absence of reflexes in the modern dialects strongly suggests that it is a loan from Middle Japanese. Old Ryukyuan みちへいちへいきぬはまし

mi-tife i-tife iki nup-amasi look(CONV)-SUB go(CONV)-SUB breath extend-SUBJ [by] going and looking [at it], [I] would extend [my] life (OS 11.557) うきおほちか世やてやもゝかめむすへまし

u-ki ofo ti-ka YO ya-te ya momo kame mu sufe-masi great-ATTR big father-POSS world be(CONV)-SUB TOP hundred jar FP place-SUBJ because it is the world of great ancestors, [we] would place as much as a hundred jars [of rice wine] (OS 11.559)

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3.2.1.9 Suppositional -urasi ~ -asi The suppositional suffix has reliable evidence for two allomorphs: -urasi and -asi. -Urasi occurs after all verbs with the possible exception of strong vowel verbs. The expected allomorph after strong vowel verbs is -rasi. However, there is only one example of the suppositional form of a strong vowel verb (ni- ‘to boil’) found in the Western Old Japanese texts: see the example from MYS 10.1879 below. Unfortunately, the part of the verb preceding the phonographically spelled -rasi is written logographically, so we will never know for certain, although it is most likely that the form is indeed *ni-rasi. The allomorph -asi is a special form that appears after certain paradigmatic forms. It will be discussed in detail below. As a rule -urasi is found as a sentence-final suffix, but in Western Old Japanese, in contrast to Middle Japanese, it can also be followed by the adjectival attributive form -ki. Thus, in this case it appears as a word-non-final suffix in the paradigmatic form -urasi-ki. chart 45 Combinations of the suppositional suffix -urasi ~ -asi with other suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

honorific -asperfective -nprogressive -erperfective-progressive -tarretrospective -kerexclamative -(u)mǝ attributive -ki

-as-urasi -n-urasi -er-asi -tar-urasi -ker-asi -urasi-mǝ -urasi-ki

Thus, the suppositional -urasi ~ -asi can combine with preceding markers of honorification, aspect, and retrospection, and it can be followed by the adjectival attributive -ki and the exclamative -(u)mǝ. The basic meaning of the suppositional is a conjecture, often associated with visual or other sensual perception. Examples: 那賀美古夜都毘迩斯良牟登加理波古牟良斯

na-ŋga miko ya tumbi n-i sir-am-u tǝ kari pa ko [u]m-urasi you-POSS prince EP ? DV-CONV rule-TENT-FIN DV wild goose TOP egg bear-SUP A wild goose probably laid an egg to show that your prince will rule ?-ly (KK 73) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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祁布母加母佐加美豆久良斯多加比加流比能美夜比登

kepu mǝ kamǝ saka-miⁿduk-urasi taka pikar-u pi-nǝ miya-pitǝ today FP EP rice.wine-soak-SUP high shine-ATTR sun-GEN palace-person Today, the courtiers from the palace of the High Shining Sun seem to be inebriated in wine, too! (KK 102) 奴弖由良久母淤岐米久良斯母

nute yurak-umǝ okimɛ k-urasi-mǝ bell sound-EXCL Okimɛ come-SUP-EXCL The bells are sounding! It seems that Okimɛ is coming! (KK 111) 蘇餓能古羅烏於朋枳瀰能莵伽破須羅志枳

Soŋga-nǝ ko-ra-wo opo kimi-nǝ tukap-as-urasi-ki Soŋga-GEN child-PLUR-ACC great lord-GEN use-HON-SUP-ATTR It looks like the sovereign [can] use the children of Soŋga (NK 103) 神代従如此尓有良之古昔母然尓有許曽虚蝉毛嬬乎相挌良思吉

KAMÏ YƏ-YORI KA-KU n-i AR-Urasi inisipe mǝ SIKA n-i AR-E kǝsǝ UTUSEMI mo TUMA-wo ARASOP-Urasi-ki deity age-ABL thus-CONV DV-CONV exist-SUP old.times FP thus DV-CONV exist-EV FP mortal FP spouse-ACC compete-SUP-ATTR [It] seems to be like that from the age of gods. Mortals seemed to compete for [their] spouses in the old times, too (MYS 1.13) 毛毛等利能己惠能古保志枳波流岐多流良斯

momo tǝri-nǝ kǝwe-nǝ koposi-ki paru k-i-tar-urasi hundred bird-GEN voice-GEN be.missing-ATTR spring come-CONV-PERF/ PROG-SUP It looks like the spring [with] voices of a hundred birds, that [I] missed, [finally] has come (MYS 5.834) 塩乾尓豆良志

SIPO PÏ-n-i-ker-asi tide dry(CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-SUP It seems that the tide has retreated (lit.: dried up) (MYS 9.1671) 春立奴良志

PARU TAT-I-n-urasi spring stand-CONV-PERF-SUP It seems that the spring has arrived (MYS 10.1819)

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613

Verbs 鸎之春成良思

U ŋGUPISU-NƏ PARU N-I NAR-Urasi bush.warbler-GEN spring DV-CONV become-SUP [It] looks like [it] became a bush warbler’s spring (MYS 10.1845) 呎嬬等四春野之菟芽子採而畠良思文

WOTƏME-RA si PARU NO-NƏ UPA ŋGÏ TUM-I-TE NI-rasi-mo maiden-PLUR EP spring field-GEN upaŋgï pick.up-CONV-SUB boil-SUP-EXCL It seems that maidens pick up upaŋgï grass at the spring fields and boil [it]! (MYS 10.1879) 此夜等者沙夜深去良之

KƏNƏ YO-ra pa sa-YO PUKƐ-n-urasi this night-LOC TOP PREF-night deepen(CONV)-PERF-SUP It seems that (in this night) the night has grown deep (MYS 10.2224) 吾妹子之阿乎偲良志

WA- ŋG-IMO-KO si a-wo SINOP-Urasi I-POSS-beloved-DIM EP I-ACC long.for-SUP It seems that my beloved longs for me (MYS 12.3145) 欲波安氣奴良之

yo pa akɛ-n-urasi night TOP brighten(CONV)-PERF-SUP It seems that [it] has dawned (MYS 15.3598) 多奈波多之船乗須良之

Tanambata si PUNA-NƏR-I s-urasi Weaver EP boat-board-NML do-SUP It seems that the Weaver boards the boat (MYS 17.3900) 伊尓之敝乎於母保須良之母和期於保伎美

inisipe-wo omǝp-os-urasi-mǝ wa-ŋgǝ opo kimi past-ACC think-HON-SUP-EXCL I-POSS great lord My sovereign who seems to think about the past! (MYS 18.4099) 於保吉美乃都藝弖賣須良之多加麻刀能努敝

opo kimi-nǝ tuŋg-i-te mes-urasi Takamato-nǝ no-pe great lord-GEN follow-CONV-SUB look(HON)-SUP Takamato-GEN field-side Fields of Takamato that [my] sovereign seemed to look continuously at (MYS 20.4510) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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3.2.1.9.1 Special Form -asi After the verbs nar- ‘to become’ and ar- ‘to exist’ as well as after the derivatives based on the latter, such as nar- ‘to be,’ the auxiliary retrospective -ker-, and the progressive -er, -urasi appears in its special form -asi. Not all auxiliaries based on ar- ‘to exist’ follow this rule, e.g., the perfective-progressive -tar- and -urasi appear as -tar-urasi, and never as *-tar-asi (see the example from MYS 5.834 above). Furthermore, the parallel forms nar-urasi ‘become-SUP’44 and arurasi also occur in the texts (see the examples from MYS 1.13 and MYS 10.1845 above), although the contracted forms are much more frequent than the uncontracted ones. There are two possibilities to explain the form -ker-asi (there are no examples of *-ker-urasi) and the alternative forms ar-asi and nar-asi. It is possible that we are simply dealing here with a contraction due to the intervocalic *-rloss. But it is equally possible that -urasi is historically bimorphemic, consisting of a stative non-past marker *-ur- and a suppositional suffix -asi, an analysis suggested by Russell (2005: 652). In this case, which seems to be more realistic as a trisyllabic suffix is likely to have a complex morphemic origin, the forms with -asi like -ker-asi are archaic remainders, while the forms exhibiting -urasi are innovations. Russell’s proposal can be further supported by the fact that the negative tentative form in -(a)ⁿzi (discussed in section 3.2.1.10 below) is likely to go back to the contraction of the negative suffix -an- and the suppositional suffix -asi. It also might be significant that -asi is found after stative verbs which would be unlikely to include the stative marker *-ur-. Examples of -asi: 迦久能尾奈良志

ka-ku nǝmï nar-asi thus-CONV RP be-SUP [It] is likely to be just this way (MYS 5.804) 諾石社見人毎尓語嗣偲家良思吉

UmBƐ-si kǝsǝ MI-RU PITƏ ŋGƏTƏ n-i KATAR-I-TU ŋG-I SINOP-I-ker-asi-ki be.proper-FIN FP see-ATTR person every DV-CONV talk-CONV-pass-CONV yearn-CONV-RETR-SUP-ATTR [It] is proper that every person who sees [this beach], seems to yearn [for it] and tells others [about it] (MYS 6.1065)

44  But the uncontracted form *nar-urasi ‘be-SUP’ is not attested as far as I can tell. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

Verbs

615

由槻我高仁雲居立有良志

yu tukï-ŋga TAKƐ-ni KUMOWI TAT-Er-asi sacred zelkova-POSS peak-LOC cloud rise-PROG-SUP [It] seems that the clouds are rising at the Sacred Zelkova peak (MYS 7.1087) This is the only example of -er-asi in the Western Old Japanese texts. Certainly, the form -er-asi here cannot be confirmed without doubts due to the partial logographic spelling. Commentators of the Man’yōshū almost invariably read it as tat-er-urasi here, cf. e.g., Takagi et al. 1959: 203, Kinoshita 2001 (CD-ROM edition). However, there are two powerful arguments for reading 立有良志 as TAT-Er-asi rather than as TAT-ER-Urasi here. First, tat-er-urasi brings the syllable count in the last line to eight, violating the meter. Second, we should not forget that the progressive suffix -er- is derived from the converb -i and ar- ‘to exist,’ and that the most frequent form is ar-asi and not ar-urasi. 和我多妣波比左思久安良思許能安我家流伊毛我許呂母能阿可都久見礼婆

wa-ŋga tambi pa pisasi-ku ar-asi kǝnǝ a-ŋga ker-u imo-ŋga kǝrǝmǝ-nǝ aka tuk-u MI-re-mba I-POSS journey TOP long-CONV exist-SUP this I-POSS wear(PROG)-ATTR beloved-POSS garment-GEN dirt attach-ATTR see-EV-CON It seems that my journey was long, when [I] see that this garment of [my] beloved which I am wearing became dirty (MYS 15.3667) 豊乃登之思流須登奈良思雪能敷礼流波

TƏYƏ n-ǝ tǝsi sirus-u tǝ nar-asi YUKI-nǝ pur-er-u pa abundand DV-ATTR year show.a.sign-ATTR DV become-SUP snow-GEN fallPROG-ATTR TOP A snowfall seems to become a good omen for an abundand year (MYS 17.3925) 加武賀良奈良之

kamu-ŋ-gara nar-asi deity-DV(ATTR)-nature be-SUP [It] is likely to be [its] divine nature (MYS 17.4001) 此橘乎等伎自久能可久能木實等名附家良之母

KƏNƏ TATImBANA-wo tǝkiⁿzi-ku n-ǝkaŋg-un-ǝKƏ-NƏ MÏ tǝ NA-ⁿ-DUKƐ-ker-asi-mǝ this mandarin.orange-ACC be.off.season-CONV DV-ATTR smell-ATTR DV-ATTR tree-GEN fruit DV name-LOC-attach(CONV)-RETR-SUP-EXCL [we] should call these mandarin oranges fragrand tree fruits that are off season! (MYS 18.4111) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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許己見礼婆宇倍之神代由波自米家良思母

kǝkǝ MI-re-mba umbɛ-si KAMÏ-YƏ-yu paⁿzimɛ-ker-asi-mǝ here look-EV-CON be.indeed-FIN deity-age-ABL begin(CONV)-RETR-SUP-EXCL when [you] look at this place, it indeed looks like [they] began [the building of the palaces] from the Age of Gods! (MYS 20.4360)45 Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The suppositional suffix -urasi is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese: 布奈妣等佐和久奈美多都良思母

puna-m-bitǝ sawak-u nami tat-urasi-mǝ boat-GEN-person make.noise-FIN wave rise-SUP-EXCL boatmen are making noise. Waves seem to rise! (MYS 14.3349) 和我都麻波伊多久古非良之

wa-ŋga tuma pa ita-ku kopï-rasi I-POSS spouse TOP extreme-CONV long.for(CONV?)46-SUP It seems that my spouse longs for [me] dearly … (MYS 20.4322) 伊波乃伊毛呂和乎之乃布良之

ipa-nǝ imo-rǝ wa-wo sinǝp-urasi home-GEN beloved-DIM I-ACC yearn-SUP It seems that my beloved at home yearns for me (MYS 20.4427) A2: Ryukyuan There are very few examples of tentative cognates of WOJ -urasi appearing in the Omoro sōshi in the forms -urasi, -urasiya, -urase, and -asiyo (Torigoe 1968: 177–178).47 The absence of reflexes in modern dialects and the limited attestations even in the Omoro sōshi itself may suggest that we are dealing with a loan from Middle Japanese. However, the presence of the form -asiyo may indicate 45  Opinions differ, whether this poem belongs to a border-guard, or to Ōtomo-no Yakamochi himself. The latter seems more probable, since the poem is preceded by the line in Chinese: 陳私拙懐一首 ‘a poem stating my own humble thoughts,’ and also because it is written in perfect Western Old Japanese, without any elements typical for Eastern Old Japanese. Therefore, I treat it as a Western Old Japanese text. 46  The corresponding WOJ form kop-urasi ‘long.for-SUP’ with no converb form preceding -urasi is attested. 47  The form -urase is dubious, though, because it appears as a part of the proper name of a boat, Tamamedurase, also attested as Tamamedura (Hokama 2000.2: 14). Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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that this is a genuine cognate, because the allomorph -asi was a relic morpheme already in Western Old Japanese, let alone Middle Japanese. Examples: Old Ryukyuan けおわのかしよらしよ

keo wa no ka s-i-yor-asiyo today TOP what IP do-CONV-exist-SUP What would [they] do today? (OS 7.376) たらもいやとくらしや

Tara moi ya tok-urasiya Tarō lord TOP arrive-SUP It looks like lord Tarō will arrive (OS 17.1157) わかまつかとくらし

Wakamatsu-ka tok-urasi Wakamatsu-NOM arrive-SUP It looks like Wakamatsu will arrive (OS 17.1207) 3.2.1.10 Negative Tentative -aⁿzi ~ -ⁿzi The negative tentative suffix has two allomorphs: -aⁿzi that appears after consonant verbs and -ⁿzi that is found after vowel verbs. Surprisingly enough, it combines only with the preceding passive -(a)ye- or progressive -er-. There is no reliable evidence for the combination -er-aⁿzi, as it is found only in logographic spelling and only with the verb ik- ‘to live,’ see the example from MYS 12.2905 below. chart 46 Combinations of the negative tentative suffix –aⁿzi ~ -ⁿzi with other suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

passive -(a)ye-, -rayeprogressive -er-

-(a)ye-ⁿzi -er-aⁿzi

It is likely that historically -(a)ⁿzi represents a contraction of the negative suffix -(a)n- and the suppositional -asi that was discussed above in section 3.2.1.9. The likelihood of such a development is strengthened by three simple observations: first, -(a)ⁿzi being a negative tentative suffix is expected to include a negative morpheme. Second, although a contraction of *naC to NC is Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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not frequent, there are cases that demonstrate its existence, for example, kaⁿdo ‘gate’ < kana-to ‘metal door.’48 Third, -(a)ⁿzi being a negative tentative suffix is expected to include a modality morpheme that has a meaning compatible with a tentative. Certainly the suppositional -asi fits the bill here both phonetically and functionally. The negative tentative suffix has three functions in Western Old Japanese: negative presumption, negative intention, and mild prohibition. Examples: (1) negative presumption: 倶伊播阿羅珥茹

kuyi pa ar-aⁿzi ⁿzǝ regret(NML) TOP exist-NEG/TENT FP [You] would have no regret (NK 124) 企許斯遠周久爾能麻保良叙可爾迦久爾保志伎麻爾麻爾斯可爾波阿羅慈迦

kikǝs-i-wos-u kuni-nǝ ma-po-ra ⁿzǝ ka n-i ka-ku n-i posi-ki manima n-i sika n-i pa ar-aⁿzi ka rule(HON)-CONV-HON-ATTR country-GEN INT-top-LOC FP thus DV-CONV thus-CONV DV-CONV desire-ATTR according DV-CONV thus DV-CONV TOP exist-NEG/TENT IP in the highest place of the country, where [the emperor] rules, [it] would not be thus according to what [you] wish to be this way and that way, [would it]? (MYS 5.800) 安礼乎於伎弖人者安良自等富己呂倍騰

are-wo ok-i-te PITƏ pa ar-aⁿzi tǝ pokǝr-ǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝ I-ACC leave-CONV-SUB person TOP exist-NEG/TENT DV boast-ITER-EV-CONC although [I] repeatedly boast that there are probably no other persons besides me (MYS 5.892) 幾不生有命乎

IKU-mBAKU MƏ IK-ER-AⁿZI INƏTI-wo how.much-extend FP live-PROG-NEG/TENT life-ACC [I] probably will not live much longer (MYS 12.2905)

48  Not literally a ‘door made of metal,’ but originally a kind of door that had metal parts in it.

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Verbs 和礼乎於吉弖比等波安良自

ware-wo ok-i-te pitǝ pa ar-aⁿzi we-ACC leave-CONV-SUB person TOP exist-NEG/TENT except us, there would be no [other] men (MYS 18.4094) 伊毛我多可々々尓麻都良牟許己呂之可尓波安良司可

imo-ŋga taka taka n-i mat-uram-u kǝkǝrǝ sika n-i pa ar-aⁿzi ka beloved-POSS high high DV-CONV wait-TENT2-ATTR heart thus DV-CONV TOP exist-NEG/TENT IP the heart of [my] beloved who probably waits for [me] eagerly would not [it] be this way? (MYS 18.4107) 和我加度須疑自

wa-ŋga kaⁿdo suŋgï-ⁿzi I-POSS gate pass-NEG/TENT [the cuckoo] probably would not pass my gate (MYS 20.4463) 如是醜事者聞曳自

KA-KU N-Ə SIKƏ KƏTƏ pa KIK-Əye-ⁿzi thus-CONV DV-ATTR disgraceful thing TOP hear-PASS-NEG/TENT [I] would not be able to hear about such disgraceful things (SM 17) (2) negative intention: 那迦士登波那波伊布登母

nak-aⁿzi tǝ pa na pa ip-u tǝmǝ weep-NEG/TENT DV TOP you TOP say-FIN CONJ Even though you say that [you] would not weep (KK 4) 和賀韋泥斯伊毛波和須禮士

wa-ŋga wi ne-si imo pa wasure-ⁿzi I-POSS bring(CONV) sleep(CONV)-PAST/ATTR beloved TOP forget-NEG/TENT [I] would not forget [my] beloved, whom I brought with [me] and slept with (KK 8) Cf. the variant of the same poem below in NK 5 that has the consonant verb wasur-.

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和禮波和須禮士

ware pa wasure-ⁿzi I TOP forget-NEG/TENT I would not forget (KK 12) 麻都爾波麻多士

mat-u-ni pa mat-aⁿzi wait-ATTR-LOC TOP wait-NEG/TENT as [I] wait, [I] would not wait [any longer] (KK 88) 和我謂祢志伊茂播和素邏珥

wa-ŋga wi ne-si imo pa wasur-aⁿzi I-POSS bring(CONV) sleep(CONV)-PAST/ATTR beloved TOP forget-NEG/TENT [I] would not forget [my] beloved, whom I brought with [me] and slept with (NK 5) Cf. the variant of the same poem above in KK 8 that has the vowel verb wasure-. 夜都代爾母安礼波和須礼自許乃多知婆奈乎

ya-tu YƏ-ni mǝ are pa wasure-ⁿzi kǝnǝ tatimbana-wo eight-CL generation-LOC FP I TOP forget-NEG/TENT this mandarin. orange-ACC I would not forget these mandarin orange [flowers] even in eight (many?) generations (MYS 18.4058) 可敝里見波勢自

kaper-i-mi pa se-ⁿzi return-CONV-look(NML) TOP do-NEG/TENT [we] will not look back (MYS 18.4094) (3) mild prohibition: 比等爾波美要緇

pitǝ-ni pa mi-ye-ⁿzi person-DAT TOP see-PASS-NEG/TENT [I] should not be seen by people (MYS 15.3708) 宇梅乃花伊都波乎良自

uMƐ-no PANA itu pa wor-aⁿzi plum-GEN flower when TOP break-NEG/TENT when [one] should not pick plum blossoms? (MYS 17.3904) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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AMƐ TUTI-nǝ SAKIPAP-I mo KA ŋGARAP-Aⁿzi heaven earth-HEN flourish-NML FP receive(HUM)-NEG/TENT [they] should not receive blessing from Heaven and Earth (SM 45) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese In Eastern Old Japanese only the allomorph -aⁿzi is attested. It has the same functions as in Western Old Japanese: (1) negative presumption: 於曾波夜母奈乎許曾麻多賣牟可都乎能四比乃故夜提能安比波多我波自

osǝ paya mǝ na-wo kǝsǝ mat-am-e muka-tu wo-nǝ sipi-nǝ ko-yaⁿde-nǝ ap-i pa taŋgap-aⁿzi slow fast FP you-ACC FP wait-TENT-EV opposite.side-GEN/LOC peak-GEN chinquapin-GEN DIM-branch-GEN meet-NML TOP differ-NEG/TENT Whether [you come] quickly or slowly, [I] will wait for you. [It] is probably not different from the meeting of small branches of chinquapin trees at the peak on the opposite side (MYS 14.3493a) (2) negative intention: 伊刀尓奈流等毛和波等可自等余

ito n-i nar-u tǝmo wa pa tǝk-aⁿzi tǝ yǝ thread DV-CONV become-FIN CONJ I TOP untie-NEG/TENT DV EP [I] think that I would not untie [the cords of my garment] even if [they] become [thin] threads! (MYS 20.4405) (3) mild prohibition: 可麻久良乃美胡之能佐吉能伊波久叡乃伎美我久由倍伎己許呂波母多自

Kamakura-nǝ Miŋgosi-nǝ saki-nǝ ipa-kuye-nǝ kimi-ŋga kuy-umbɛ-ki kǝkǝrǝ pa mǝt-aⁿzi Kamakura-GEN Miŋgosi-GEN cape-GEN rock-slide-COMP lord-POSS regretDEB-ATTR heart TOP hold-NEG/TENT [My] lord should not have the heart, like the rockslide at the Miŋgosi cape in Kamakura, which [he] will have to regret [later] (MYS 14.3365)

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A2: Ryukyuan The negative tentative -(a)ⁿzi is attested only in Classical Ryukyuan and exclusively in the Ryūka (Hokama 1995: 315). The absence of its reflexes in both Old Ryukyuan and the modern dialects strongly implies that it is a relatively late loan from Middle Japanese. 3.2.1.11 Negative Potential -umasiⁿzi The negative potential suffix has only one allomorph –umasiⁿzi found after both consonant and vowel verbs alike. Although a four-syllable long verbal suffix must have a secondary origin, its internal etymology is unclear. As a rule -umasiⁿzi appears in Western Old Japanese as a sentence-final suffix, but like -umazi in Middle Japanese, it can also be followed by inflectional adjectival suffixes. However, in contrast to Middle Japanese where -umazi developed a full adjectival paradigm (Vovin 2003: 292), the only two adjectival inflectional forms that are found in Western Old Japanese after -umasiⁿzi are the attributive -ki and the adjectival gerund -mi. The latter is attested only once in SM 58. chart 47 Combinations of the negative potential suffix -umasiⁿzi with other suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

passive -(a)ye-,-rayepotential -kateattributive -ki gerund -mi

-(a)y-umasiⁿzi -kat-umasiⁿzi -umasiⁿzi-ki -umasiⁿzi-mi

The combination of negative potential -umasiⁿzi with the passive -(a)ye- is strange, since the passive can have a potential meaning by itself, and the main function of the negative potential -umasiⁿzi is negative potential. The same observation can be made about its combination with the bound potential auxiliary -kate-. But it is possible that in both cases here we have a similar semantic reinforcement that is observed in Middle Japanese when the negative potential -umazi combines with the potential preverb ye- in the same verbal form (Vovin 2003: 294). The negative potential suffix -umasiⁿzi is not attested at all in a number of the Western Old Japanese texts, such as the Kojiki kayō, the Jōgu teisetsu, the Bussoku seki-no uta, the Norito, the Fudoki kayō, and the Shoku nihongi kayō.

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Overall, it is a rare form, as it appears only twice in the Nihonsoki kayō, only fifteen times in the whole Man’yōshū (not all of the examples are spelled phonographically), and only four times in the Senmyō. In sharp contrast to Middle Japanese, where -umazi can have the functions of a negative debitive, a negative probability, and a negative potential, the WOJ suffix -umasiⁿzi is predominantly attested in the function of a negative potential. The function of the negative debitive is supported only by a single example in Senmyō 27, only partially written phonographically, and the function of the negative probability rests on two uncertain examples from the Man’yōshū (attested only in the logographic script in MYS 6.1053 and MYS 7.1385). Examples: (1) negative potential: 于羅遇破能紀豫屢麻志士枳箇破能区莽遇莽

ura-ŋ-gupa n-ǝ kï yǝr-umasiⁿzi-ki kapa-nǝ kuma-ŋguma back-DV-ATTR-mulberry DV-ATTR tree approach-NEG/POT-ATTR river-GEN bend-bend the bends of the river that the mulberry tree in the back cannot approach (NK 56) 耶麻古曳底于瀰倭柂留騰母於母之楼枳伊麻紀能禹知播倭須羅由麻旨珥

yama koye-te umi watar-u tǝmo omosiro-ki ima kï-nǝ uti pa wasur-ay-umasiⁿzi mountain cross(CONV)-SUB sea cross-FIN CONJ beautiful-ATTR Ima fortressGEN inside TOP forget-PASS-NEG/POT Even if [I] pass over the mountains and cross the seas, [I] cannot forget the inside of the beautiful Ima fortress (NK 119) 佐不寐者遂尓有勝麻之自

sa-NE-ⁿZ-U pa TUPI n-i AR-I-kat-umasiⁿzi PREF-sleep-NEG-CONV TOP final DV-CONV exist-CONV-POT-NEG/POT if [I] do not sleep [with you], [I] cannot live (MYS 2.94) 浮蓴邊毛奥毛依勝益士

UK-I NUNAPA PE-NI mo OKI-NI mo YƏR-I-kat-umasiⁿzi float-CONV water.shield shore-LOC FP offing-LOC FP approach-CONV-POT-NEG/ POT [my love for you is like] a water shield that cannot approach either a shore or an offing (MYS 7.1352)

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等保伎佐刀麻弖於久利家流伎美我許己呂波和須良由麻之自

tǝpo-ki sato-maⁿde okur-i-ker-u kimi-ŋga kǝkǝrǝ pa wasur-ay-umasiⁿzi distant-ATTR village-TERM see.off-CONV-RETR-ATTR lord-POSS heart TOP forget-PASS-NEG/POT [I] cannot forget the kindness of [my] lord who saw [me] off to [my] distant village (MYS 20.4482) 多能遍重天勅止毛敢末之時止為弖

AMATA n-ǝ TAmBI KASANE-te NƏTAMAP-Ɛ-ⁿdǝmo AP-Umasiⁿzi tǝ S-I-te many DV-CONV time pile.up(CONV)-SUB tell(HON)-EV-CONC be.ready.to.doNEG/POT DV do-CONV-SUB although [I] told him many times [to accept the job], [he] believed that [he] cannot be ready to do [it] (SM 26) 王等波己我得麻之字岐帝乃尊岐寶位乎望

OPO KIMI-TATI PA ONƏ- ŋGA ∅-Umasiⁿzi-ki MIKAⁿDO-nǝ TAPUTO-ki KURAWIwo NƏⁿZƏM-I great prince-PLUR TOP self-POSS get-NEG/POT-ATTR sovereign-GEN awesome-ATTR position-ACC desire-CONV the great princes desire the awesome position of the sovereign that [they] themselves cannot get, and … (SM 45) The root of the verb ɛ- ‘to get’ elides before the -umasiⁿzi. 汝乃志乎婆椈久乃間毛忘得末之自美奈毛

MIMASI-nǝ KƏKƏRƏⁿZASI-womba simasi-ku n-ǝ MA mo WASUR-Umasiⁿzi-mi namo you-GEN memorial.service-ACC(EMPH) be.a.little.while-CONV DV-ATTR interval FP forget-NEG/POT-GER FP because [I] cannot forget about memorial services for you even for a little while (SM 58) (2) negative debitive: 不言岐辞母言奴

IP-UMASIⁿZI-ki KƏTƏ mǝ IP-I-n-u say-NEG/POT-ATTR word FP say-CONV-PERF-FIN [he] also said words that [he] should not have said (SM 27)

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(3) negative probability: 百代尓母不可易大宮處

MOMO YƏ-ni mǝ KAPAR-UMASIⁿZI-KI OPO MIYA-ⁿ-DƏKƏRƏ hundred generation-LOC FP change-NEG/POT-ATTR great palace-GEN-place the place of the great palace that would not change even in [one] hundred generations (MYS 6.1053) 埋木之不可顕事尓不有君

UMORE-ŋ-GÏ-NƏ ARAPAR-UMASIⁿZI KƏTƏ n-i AR-AN-Aku n-i bury(NML)-DV(ATTR)-tree-GEN appear-NEG/POT matter DV-CONV existNEG-NML DV-CONV as it is not the case that the buried trees would not appear (MYS 7.1385) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is only one example of the negative potential -umasiⁿzi in the Eastern Old Japanese corpus, but it occurs in a poem without any distinctive Eastern Old Japanese features. Thus, this poem should probably be treated as a Western Old Japanese text, and we should conclude that in all likelihood the negative potential –umasiⁿzi was not present in Eastern Old Japanese. Even if we are to take the following example at face value as an Eastern Old Japanese text, we should be aware of the fact that it represents the negative potential function like all the rest of the other reliable Western Old Japanese examples. 奈乎多弖天由吉可都麻思自

na-wo tate-te yuk-i-kat-umasiⁿzi you-ACC make.stand(CONV)-SUB go-CONV-POT-NEG/POT making you stand [and wait], [I] could not go away (MYS 14.3353) A2: Ryukyuan Old Ryukyuan has the negative debitive -umazi (Hokama 1995: 606), but its Middle Japanese-like form and absence of reflexes in modern dialects betray a loan from Middle Japanese. Thus, it is likely that -umasiⁿzi represents an Old Japanese innovation, and may even just be a Central Japanese one, given the dubious nature of EOJ -umasiⁿzi. An example from Old Ryukyuan:

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ともゝすへせいいくさよせるまじ

to momo sufe sei kusa yose-r-umazi ten hundred year force army approach-ATTR-NEG/POT for a thousand years an [enemy] army would not be able to approach (OS 13.763) 3.2.1.12 Exclamative -umǝ ~ -mǝ The Japanese linguistic tradition treats this suffix as a combination of the final predication form -u plus a final particle (終助詞 shūjoshi) mǝ. At first glance such an analysis may have a good logical ground, because the final particle mǝ also follows the adjectival final form in -si. There are, however, some problems with the traditional analysis. First, the final particle mǝ suspiciously looks like the homophonous focus particle mǝ, or emphatic particle mǝ and it seems that the main reason for maintaining a special ‘final’ particle is that it is found at the end of sentences. It is of course impossible to claim that this ‘final’ mǝ is a focus particle, because it is found only after noun phrases including nominalized verbs. It is also unlikely that we deal here with the emphatic particle mǝ, because it does not occur after the final form of verbs, and generally it is used as a sentence final only after the interrogative particle ya. Second, no other particles except the interrogative ya is ever found between the final predication -u and the ‘final’ particle mǝ, while certain particles, such as the emphatic particles ya and yǝ are invariably found after the ‘final’ mǝ, which in these cases ceases to be a ‘final’ particle in a strict sense. Third, since the adjectival final predication marker -si has not yet been completely established as a final predication marker and the whole adjectival inflectional system was not yet fully embedded in the language, as outlined in Chapter 5, it should come as no wonder that -(u)mǝ can be added to -si. Finally, and most importantly, -umǝ can function in Western Old Japanese as an independent suffix, which might have lost a synchronic connection with the final -u (< *-um). Thus, besides the expected negative exclamative form in -(a) ⁿz-umǝ, a negative exclamative form -(a)n-umǝ is also attested (see MYS 15.3684 below). Certainly, -(a)n-u cannot be a final negative form here, because it is an attributive form. Therefore, the analysis of -(a)n-umǝ as -(a)n-u mǝ ‘NEG-FIN FP’ turns out to be impossible. These facts make me suspect that we in fact deal here with a special sentence-final verbal exclamative suffix -umǝ, and not with a combination of the final predication suffix -u with the ‘final’ particle mǝ. Historically, of course, this suffix should be bi-morphemic, since the vowels /u/ and /ǝ/ cannot combine within the same morpheme. Remember now, that final predication suffix *-u goes back to PJ *-um (see section 3.2.1.1). Therefore, diachronically I divide

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this suffix as *-um-ǝ, where the remaining *-ǝ part represents some kind of an exclamative marker. However, there is no synchronic evidence for such analysis in Western Old Japanese; therefore I treat -umǝ here as a single exclamative suffix. The exclamative -(u)mǝ combines with the following preceding suffixes and auxiliaries: chart 48 Combinations of the exclamative -umǝ with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

negative -(a)ⁿz-, -(a)ntentative -(a)mdesiderative -(a)na honorific -ascausative -(a)sesuppositional -urasi adjectivizer -asi adjectival -si perfective -te-

-(a)ⁿz-umǝ, -(a)n-umǝ -(a)m-umǝ -(a)na-mǝ -as-umǝ -(a)s-umǝ -urasi-mǝ -asi-mǝ -si-mǝ -t-umǝ

On the basis of Chart 48 above one can see that the exclamative suffix has two allomorphs: -umǝ and -mǝ. The first occurs after the perfective auxiliary -teand most of the verbal suffixes with the major exception of the desiderative -(a)na. The second allomorph -mǝ appears after suffixes that have an adjectival paradigm and after the desiderative -(a)na. The exclamative -umǝ has only one function: that of exclamation. Examples: 和岐弊能迦多用久毛韋多知久母

wa-ŋg[a]-ipe-nǝ kata-yo kumowi tat-i-k-umǝ I-POSS-home-GEN side-ABL cloud rise-CONV-come-EXCL Clouds rise from the side of my home! (KK 34) 久良波斯夜麻袁佐賀志美登伊波迦伎加泥弖和賀弖登良須母

Kurapasi-yama-wo saŋgasi-mi tǝ ipa kak-i-kane-te wa-ŋga te tǝr-as-umǝ Kurapasi-mountain-ABS steep-GER DV rock hang-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)SUB take-HON-EXCL [I] think that Mound Kurapasi is steep. Being unable to cling to the rocks, [I wish you would] take my hand! (KK 69)

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奴弖由良久母淤岐米久良斯母

nute yurak-umǝ okimɛ k-urasi-mǝ bell sound-EXCL Okimɛ come-SUP-EXCL The bells are sounding! It seems that Okimɛ is coming! (KK 111) 瀰既能佐烏麼志魔幣莵耆瀰伊和哆羅秀暮

mi-kɛ-nǝ sawo-m-basi mapetukimi i-watar-as-umo HON-tree-GEN pole-GEN-bridge minister DLF-cross-HON-EXCL [I wish] that the ministers [would] cross the bridge here [made] of poles of sacred trees! (NK 24) 柂我佐基泥佐基泥曾母野倭我底騰羅須謀野

ta-ŋga sakï-ⁿ-de sakï-ⁿ-de sǝ mǝ ya wa-ŋga te tǝr-as-umo ya who-POSS chap(NML)-DV(ATTR)-hand chap(NML)-DV(ATTR)-hand FP FP IP I-POSS hand take-HON-EXCL IP whose chapped hand, chapped hand will take my hand?! (NK 108) 雲谷裳情有南畝可苦佐布倍思哉

KUMO ⁿdani mo KƏKƏRƏ AR-Ana-mo kakus-ap-umbɛ-si YA cloud RP FP heart exist-DES-EXCL hide-ITER-DEB-FIN IP [I] wish at least the clouds [would] have feelings! Do [they] have to hide [Mt. Miwa] all the time? (MYS 1.18) 都摩夜佐夫斯久於母保由倍斯母

tuma-ya sambusi-ku omǝp-oy-umbɛ-si-mǝ spouse-room lonely-CONV think-PASS-DEB-FIN-EXCL [I] must suddenly think [how] lonely [our] bedroom [is]! (MYS 5.795) 母智騰利乃可可良波志母与

mǝti-ⁿ-dǝri-nǝ kakar-ap-asi-mǝ yǝ mochi-GEN-bird-COMP be.stuck-ITER-ADJ-EXCL EP [You] are stuck like a bird on a mochi [trap-stick]! (MYS 5.800) 等伎波奈周迦久斯母何母等意母閇騰母余能許等奈礼婆等登尾可祢都母

tǝk[ǝ]-ipa-nasu ka-ku si mǝŋgamǝ tǝ omǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ yǝ-nǝ kǝtǝ nar-e-mba tǝⁿdǝmï-kane-t-umǝ eternal-rock-COMP thus-CONV EP DP DV think-EV-CONC world-GEN matter be-EV-CON stop(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-EXCL Although [I] think that [I] want to be (thus) like the eternal rock, because [it] is a matter of this world, [I] cannot stop [life]! (MYS 5.805)

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629

Verbs 烏梅乃波奈知良麻久怨之美和我曽乃々多氣乃波也之尓于具比須奈久母

uMƐ-nǝ pana tir-am-aku wosi-mi wa-ŋga sǝnǝ-nǝ takɛ-nǝ payasi-ni uŋgupisu nak-umǝ plum-GEN blossom fall-TENT-NML be.regretful-GER I-POSS garden-GEN bamboo-GEN grove-LOC bush.warbler sing-EXCL Because the bush warbler regrets that the plum blossoms will fall, [he] sings in the bamboo grove of my garden! (MYS 5.824) 古良何伊弊遅斯良受毛

ko-ra-ŋga ipe-ⁿ-di sir-aⁿz-umǝ girl-PLUR-POSS house-GEN-way know-NEG-EXCL [I] do not know the way to girls’ houses! (MYS 5.856) 山辺爾草乎思香奈久毛

YAMA-PE-ni sa-wo-sika nak-umo mountain-side-LOC PREF-male-deer cry-EXCL a male deer cries at the mountain side! (MYS 15.3674) 奈曽許己波伊能祢良要奴毛

naⁿzǝ kǝkǝmba i-nǝ ne-raye-n-umo why so sleep-GEN sleep-PASS-NEG-EXCL Why cannot [I] sleep at all?! (MYS 15.3684) 念意緒多礼賀思良牟母

OMƏP-U KƏKƏRƏ-wo tare ka sir-am-umǝ love-ATTR heart-ACC who IP know-TENT-EXCL who will know [my] loving heart?! (MYS 17.3950) 多知夜麻乃由吉之久良之毛波比都奇能可波能和多理瀬安夫美都加須毛

Tati yama-nǝ yuki si k-urasi-mǝ Papitukï-nǝ kapa-nǝ watar-i-ⁿ-SE ambumi tuk-as-umǝ Tati mountain-GEN snow EP melt-SUP-EXCL Papitukï-GEN river-GEN crossNML-DV(ATTR)-rapids stirrup soak-CAUS-EXCL It seems that the snow on Mound Tati has melted! [I] made my stirrups soak at the rapids that are the crossing of the river Papitukï! (MYS 17.4024)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The exclamative -(u)mǝ is also amply attested in Eastern Old Japanese: 和乎布利弥由母阿是古志麻波母

wa-wo pur-i-mi-y-umǝ Aⁿze ko si map-am-ǝ I-ACC swing-CONV-look-PASS-EXCL Aⁿze girl EP dance-TENT-ATTR the girl from Aⁿze is going to dance, suddenly looking back at me! (FK 7) 可奈師家兒良爾伊夜射可里久母

kanasi-ke KO-ra-ni iya-ⁿ-zakar-i k-umǝ beloved-ATTR girl-DIM-DAT more.and.more-DV(CONV)-become distant-CONV come-EXCL Oh, [I] came [here] growing more and more distant from [my] beloved girl! (MYS 14.3412) 夜麻邊能之牙可久尓伊毛呂乎多弖天左祢度波良布母

yama-m-BE-nǝ siŋge-k-aku n-i imo-rǝ-wo tate-te sa-ne-ⁿ-do parap-umǝ mountain-GEN-side-GEN thick-ATTR-NML DV-CONV beloved-DIM-ACC make stand(CONV)-SUB PREF-sleep(NML)-DV(ATTR)-place clean-EXCL as the mountain (side) is overgrown [with bush], [I] let my beloved stand, and [I] am clearing a place to sleep [for us]! (MYS 14.3489) 奈流世呂爾木都能余須奈須伊等能伎提可奈思家世呂爾比等佐敞余須母

nar-u se-rǝ-ni kǝtu-nǝ yǝs-u-nasu itǝ nǝkite kanasi-ke se-rǝ-ni pitǝ sape yǝs-umǝ sound-ATTR rapid-DIM-LOC debris-GEN approach-ATTR-COMP very specially beloved-ATTR beloved-DIM-DAT person RP relate-EXCL even [other] people make [their thoughts] approach [my] very special beloved, like the debris approaches each other in the singing rapids! (MYS 14.3548) We can probably reconstruct PJN *-um-ǝ, consisting of the final predication suffix *-um and the exclamative marker *-ǝ. 3.2.2 Sentence-Non-Final Verbal Suffixes Sentence-non-final verbal suffixes are the suffixes that occur at the end of a verbal form that itself is used as a non-final predicate, a verbal noun, or a

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non-final form of a verbal compound. There are two kinds of sentence-nonfinal verbal suffixes: converbs and nominalizers. 3.2.2.1 Converbs I replace Samuel E. Martin’s term ‘infinitive’ with ‘converb,’ because in spite of the wide popularity of the former in the field it is overall misleading: there are no infinitives in the Japonic languages in the same sense as in Indo-European. The converb is a special verbal form that is used in essentially two functions. In isolation it has the function of a non-final predicate, showing that the final predicate is yet to come, further on in the sentence. Some converbs are also used to build verbal compounds, including those that consist of a main verb and a following honorific verb. Every non-final component of a verbal compound must take a converb form:  … V-CONV-V-FIN. 3.2.2.1.1 Converb -i The converb has two allomorphs: an allomorph -i is used after consonant and irregular verbs, and an allomorph -∅ after vowel verbs (including strong vowel), with -i being suppressed after the final vowel of the stem, e.g.: *kopï-i > kopï-∅ ‘longs for and.’ In word-to-word translation I place such suppressed converbs in parentheses: (CONV). However, the converb -i itself suppresses the final vowel of the stem in irregular verbs, resulting in *kǝ-i > k-i ‘comes and’ and *se-i > s-i ‘does and.’ In isolation it has the function of a non-final predicate. The converb -i is also used to form verbal compounds, including those that consist of a main verb and an auxiliary. If several auxiliaries are used, the converb almost always appears between them, functioning as a kind of glue that keeps a verbal form together. Thus, the converb -i marks the non-final members of a verbal compound. Sometimes a non-final predicate in the converb form may be used as an adverbial modifier of a following predicate. The converb suffix -i can combine with various suffixes and bound auxiliaries. chart 49 Combinations of the converb -i with other suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

negative -(a)niterative -aphonorific -ascausative -(a)simɛ-

-(a)n-i -ap-i -as-i -(a)simɛ-∅-

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chart 49 Combinations of the converb -i with other suffixes (cont.)

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

passive -(a)ye-, -rayesubordinative converb -te coordinative converb -tutu coordinative converb -naŋgara coordinative converb -katera past -ki, -si, -sika perfective -nperfective -teprogressive -erperfective-progressive -tarretrospective -ker-

-(a)ye-∅ -i-te -i-tutu -i-naŋgara -i-katera -i-ki, -i-si, -i-sika -n-i-, -i-n-te-∅-, -i-te-er-i-tar-i-, -i-tar-i-ker-

Note: A dash after combination forms indicates that a given combination form appears only as a word-non-final form. The lack of dash indicates that a combination form may be used as a word-final form.

As one can see from the chart above, the converb -i always follows suffixes, but it can either precede or follow bound auxiliaries. Some of the bound auxiliaries can be both preceded and followed by the converb -i. The interesting gap in distribution that we can observe on the basis of the above chart is that -i does not combine at all with mood markers. This gap means that non-final predicates with mood markers have a limited distribution: they cannot appear in coordinate clauses, and as the reader will see below, they can only occur as non-final predicates containing conditional and concessive converbs. Thus, modality markers are found only in the non-final predicates in subordinate clauses. There are also further limitations. As can be seen from the chart above, although the aspect markers unlike the mood markers can be followed by the converb -i, it is always used after them as a link to the following auxiliary, and never as a non-final predicate. Examples:

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(1) non-final predicate: 伊勢能宇美能意斐志爾波比母登富呂布志多陀美能伊波比母登富理宇知弖 志夜麻牟

Ise-nǝ umi-nǝ opï-[i]si-ni pap-i-mǝtǝpǝr-ǝp-u sitaⁿdami49-nǝ i-pap-i-mǝtǝpǝr-i ut-i-te si yam-am-u Ise-GEN sea-GEN grow(CONV)-stone-LOC crawl-CONV-go.around-ITER-ATTR seashell-COMP DLF-crawl-CONV-go.around-CONV hit-CONV-SUB EP stop-TENT-FIN like the shellfish that are constantly crawling around on the growing rocks of the Ise sea, [we] will crawl around [them] there, smite and stop [them] (KK 13) 伊那佐能夜麻能許能麻用母伊由岐麻毛良比多多加閇婆

Inasa-nǝ yama-nǝ kǝ-nǝ ma-yo mǝ i-yuk-i mamor-ap-i tatakap-ɛ-mba Inasa-GEN mountain-GEN tree-GEN interval-ABL FP DLF-go-CONV watchITER-CONV fight-EV-CON when [we] fought going there from between the trees of the mountain Inasa and watching constantly [out for enemies] (KK 14) 斯理都斗用伊由岐多賀比麻弊都斗用伊由岐多賀比宇迦迦波久

siri-tu to-yo i-yuk-i-taŋgap-i mape-tu to-yo i-yuk-i-taŋgap-i ukakap-aku back-GEN/LOC door-ABL DLF-go-CONV-differ-CONV front-GEN/LOC doorABL DLF-go-CONV-differ-CONV look(HUM)-NML going there from the front door, and going there from the back door, and looking [at you] (KK 22) 多古牟良爾阿牟加岐都岐曾能阿牟袁阿岐豆波夜具比加久能碁登那爾淤波 牟登

ta-komura-ni amu kaki-tuk-i sǝnǝ amu-wo akiⁿdu paya-ŋ-kup-i ka-ku-nǝ ŋgǝtǝ na-ni op-am-u tǝ arm-?-LOC horsefly PREF-attach-CONV that horsefly-ACC dragonfly quickDV(CONV)-eat-CONV thus-CONV-GEN like name-LOC carry-TENT-FIN DV a horsefly sat on [the sovereign’s] arm, and a dragonfly quickly ate that horsefly, and in order to perpetuate [this event] like that … (KK 97)

49  志多陀美 /sitaⁿdami/, a kind of an edible seashell (MdJ kisago).

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麻須羅遠能佐都夜多波佐美牟加比多知伊流夜麻度加多波麻乃佐夜氣佐

masura wo-nǝ satu-ya ta-m-basam-i mukap-i tat-i i-ru ya mato-kata pama-nǝ sayakɛ-sa excellent man-GEN hund-arrow hand-LOC-squeeze-CONV face-CONV standCONV shoot-ATTR EP Mato-kata (lit.: Target-shape) beach-GEN bright-NML The brightness of the beach at Matokata [that is like] a target (mato) which gentlemen facing [it] shoot at while standing, squeezing hunding arrows in [their] hands (FK 20) 遠等咩良何遠等咩佐備周等可羅多麻乎多母等爾麻可志余知古良等手多豆 佐波利提阿蘇比家武

wotǝme-ra-ŋga wotǝme sambï s-u tǝ kara tama-wo tamǝtǝ-ni mak-as-i yǝti ko-ra-tǝ TE taⁿdusapar-i-te asomb-i-k-em-u maiden-PLUR-POSS maiden like do-FIN DV China jewel-ACC wrist-LOC wrapHON-CONV same age child-PLUR-COM hand hold-CONV-SUB play-CONVPAST/FIN-TENT-FIN The maidens, thinking to behave like maidens, wrap their wrists with [bracelets made of] Chinese jewels, and would play holding hands with girls of the same age (MYS 5.804) 遠等咩良何佐那周伊多斗乎意斯比良伎伊多度利与利提

wotǝme-ra-ŋga sa-n-as-u ita-to-wo os-i-pirak-i i-taⁿdor-i-yǝr-i-te maiden-PLUR-POSS PREF-sleep-HON-ATTR board-door-ACC push-CONVopen-CONV DLF-pursue-CONV-approach-CONV-SUB [gentlemen] push open wooden doors where maidens sleep, and [they] pursue [maidens] there (MYS 5.804) 出波之利伊奈奈等思騰許良爾佐夜利奴

IⁿDE-pasir-i in-ana tǝ OMƏP-Ɛ-ⁿdǝ kǝ-ra-ni sayar-i-n-u exit(CONV)-run-CONV go.away-DES DV think-EV-CONC child-PLUR-DAT be prevented-CONV-PERF-FIN although [I] think that [I] would like to run out and go away, [I] am prevented by [my] children (MYS 5.899) 伊布許等夜美霊剋伊乃知多延奴礼

ip-u kǝtǝ yam-i TAMA-KIPARU inǝti taye-n-ure say-ATTR thing stop-CONV jewel-? life cease-PERF-EV [he] stopped to speak, and [his] jewel-like life ended (MYS 5.904)

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Verbs 和伎毛故波伊都登加和礼乎伊波比麻都良牟

wa-ŋg-imo-ko pa itu tǝ ka ware-wo ipap-i mat-uram-u I-POSS-beloved-DIM TOP when DV IP I-ACC pray-CONV wait-TENT2-ATTR My beloved will probably wait for me, praying [to the gods], and thinking: ‘When [will he return]?’ (MYS 15.3659) 宇知奈妣伎登許尓己伊布之

uti-nambik-i tǝkǝ-ni kǝyi-pus-i PREF-stretch.out-CONV bed-LOC lie(CONV)-prostrate-CONV [I] lie down, stretched out on [my] bed (MYS 17.3969) 佐夜麻太乃乎治我其日爾母等米安波受家牟

sa Yamaⁿda n-ǝ woⁿdi-ŋga SƏNƏ PI-ni mǝtǝmɛ ap-aⁿz-u-k-em-u so Yamaⁿda DV-ATTR old.man-POSS that day-LOC search(CONV) meet-NEGCONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN So, old man Yamaⁿda searched for [him] on that day, [but] did not find [him] (MYS 17.4014) 惠美々惠末須毛宇知奈氣支可多里家末久

wem-i mi wem-aⁿz-u mo uti-naŋgɛk-i katar-i-k-em-aku smile-CONV ? smile-NEG-CONV FP PREF-sigh-CONV talk-CONV-PAST/FINTENT-NML the fact that [both of you] were probably sighing and talking, smiling and not smiling (MYS 18.4106) 之麻豆多比伊己藝和多利弖

sima-ⁿ-dutap-i i-kǝŋg-i-watar-i-te island-LOC-pass.along-CONV DLF-row-CONV-cross-CONV-SUB [I] row across [the ocean] passing along islands (MYS 20.4408) 己礼乃与波宇都利佐留止毛

kǝre n-ǝ yǝ pa utur-i sar-u tǝmo this DV-ATTR world TOP change-CONV go.away-FIN CONJ Even though this world changes and goes away … (BS 10)

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治賜比慈賜來業止奈母随神所念行湏

WOSAMƐ-TAMAp-i UTUKUSImBÏ-I-TAMAP-I-K-URU WAⁿZA tǝ namǝ KAMU-NA- ŋ-GARA OMƏP-OS-I-MEs-u rule(CONV)-HON-CONV show.benevolence (CONV)-HON-CONV-come-ATTR deed DV FP deity-PLUR-GEN-nature think-HON-CONV-HON-ATTR [I], as a deity, deign to think that [they are] the deeds that [I[deign to administer with benevolence (SM 3) In Western Old Japanese there is a unique form -(a)n-i, consisting of the negative suffix -(a)n- and the converb -i. This form is not attested in Middle Japanese, where it is apparently already replaced by the innovative form -aⁿz-u ‘NEG-CONV’ that will be discussed in the next section. Even in Western Old Japanese the form -(a)n-i was apparently an archaism that was on its way out, as it is usually believed to be found only after two verbs: sir- ‘to know’ and ak‘to be satisfied.’50 Among these verbs -an-i is attested after ak- ‘to be satisfied’ only once,51 and all other cases are with the verb sir- ‘to know’ (Yoshida 1973: 262). However, besides these two -(a)n-i also rather frequently occurs after the potential auxiliary -kate- ~ -ŋgate-.52 The negative converb form -(a)n-i is attested only in the function of a non-final predicate. It is never used as a part of verbal compounds. 斯理都斗用伊由岐多賀比麻弊都斗用伊由岐多賀比宇迦迦波久斯良爾登

siri-tu to-yo i-yuk-i-taŋgap-i mape-tu to-yo i-yuk-i-taŋgap-i ukakap-aku sir-an-i tǝ back-GEN/LOC door-ABL DLF-go-CONV-differ-CONV front-GEN/LOC door-ABL DLF-go-CONV-differ-CONV look(HUM)-NML know-NEG-CONV DV [I] say that [you are] not knowing that [they are] going there from the front door, and going there from the back door, and looking [at you] (KK 22)

50  Yamada Yoshio also provides a negative converb form wasur-an-i from the verb wasur- ‘to forget,’ allegedly attested in NK 5 (Yamada 1954: 271), but the form in question is actually wasur-aⁿzi ‘forget-NEG/TENT,’ as Yamada misreads the character 珥 that stands for /ⁿzi/ and not for /ni/ in this part of the Nihonshoki. 51  Although there is also a negative nominalized form ak-an-i attested in MYS 17.3902. 52  The variant -kate- occurs altogether twenty-five times, twenty-four times in the Man’yōshū and once in the Nihonshoki kayō. The variant -ŋgate- occurs only three times: twice in the Man’yōshū in the form -ŋgate- and once in the Kojiki kayō in the aberrant form -ŋgat-. Therefore, the latter form seems to be a product of a secondary nasalization.

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637

Verbs 宇倍那宇倍那岐美麻知賀多爾

umbɛ na umbɛ na kimi mat-i-ŋgat-an-i indeed EP indeed EP lord wait-CONV-POT-NEG-CONV Indeed, indeed! [I] can hardly wait for [my] lord, and … (KK 28) Note that in this example we have -ŋgat-an-i and not -ŋgate-n-i as in other examples below. This is a unique example when the auxiliary -kate- behaves like a consonant verb. 伊波牟須弊世武須弊斯良尓石木乎母刀比佐氣斯良受

ip-am-u sumbe se-m-u sumbe sir-an-i IPA KÏ-wo mǝ top-i-sakɛ-sir-aⁿz-u say-TENT-ATTR way do-TENT-ATTR way know-NEG-CONV rock tree-ACC FP ask-CONV-split(CONV)-know-NEG-FIN [I] do not know what should [I] do and what should [I] say, and [I] do not know how to ask rocks and trees either (MYS 5.794) 加波度爾波阿由故佐婆斯留吉美麻知我弖爾

kapa-to-ni pa ayu-ko sam-basir-u kimi mat-i-ŋgate-n-i river-door-LOC TOP sweetfish-DIM PREF-run-ATTR lord wait-CONV-POTNEG-CONV [I] can hardly wait for [my] lord at the ford in the river where little sweetfish are swimming fast (MYS 5.859) 麁妙能布衣遠阤尓伎世難尓可久夜歎敢

ARA TAPƐ-nǝ NUNO KINU-wo ⁿdani ki-se-KATE-n-i ka-ku ya NA ŋGƐk-am-u rough mulberry.bark.cloth-GEN cloth garment-ACC RP wear-CAUS(CONV)POT-NEG-CONV thus-CONV IP lament-TENT-ATTR Being unable to make [my children] wear even a cloth garment from the rough mulberry bark cloth, would [I] lament in this way? (MYS 5.901) 和乎待難尓

wa-wo MAT-I-KATE-n-i I-ACC wait-CONV-POT-NEG-CONV [she] is unable to wait for me, and … (MYS 11.2483) 須流須敝能多度伎乎之良尓祢能未之曽奈久

s-uru sumbe-nǝ taⁿdoki-wo sir-an-i ne nǝmï si sǝ nak-u do-ATTR way-GEN clue-ACC know-NEG-CONV sound RP EP FP cry-ATTR [I] have no (lit. do not know) clue what to do, and [I] just sob loudly (MYS 15.3777)

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可由吉賀久遊岐見都礼騰母曽許母安加尓等

ka yuk-i ka-ku yuk-i MI-t-ure-ⁿdǝmǝ sǝkǝ mǝ ak-an-i tǝ thus go-CONV thus-CONV go-CONV look(CONV)-PERF-EV-CONC there FP be.satisfied-NEG-CONV DV although [I] have looked going here and there, [I] thought that [it] was not enough, and … (MYS 17.3991) 伊埿多知加弖尓等騰己保里

iⁿde-tat-i-kate-n-i tǝⁿdǝkǝpor-i exit(CONV)-depart-CONV-POT-NEG-CONV be.delayed-CONV [I] was unable to depart, and [I] was delayed, and … (MYS 20.4398) (2) In verbal compounds, including the positions before and after an auxiliary: 佐和佐和爾那賀伊弊勢許曾宇知和多須夜賀波延那須岐伊理麻韋久禮

sawa-sawa n-i na-ŋga ip-es-e kǝsǝ uti-watas-u ya-ŋga-paye-nasu k-i-ir-i-mawik-ure noisily-noisily DV-CONV you-POSS speak(CONV)-HON-EV FP PREF-carry.acrossATTR ?-POSS-?-COMP come-CONV-enter-CONV-HUM(CONV)-come-EV you spoke noisily and [you] came inside like ? that crossed from afar (KK 63) 於夜那斯爾奈礼奈理鶏迷夜

oya na-si n-i nare nar-i-k-em-ɛ ya parent no-FIN DV-CONV you be.born-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-EV IP Were you possibly born without parents? [Certainly not!] (NK 104) 那爾騰柯母于都倶之伊母我磨陀左枳涅渠農

nani tǝ kamǝ utukusi imǝ-ŋga mata sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-n-u what DV EP beautiful beloved-POSS again bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)-comeNEG-ATTR for (lit: being) what [reason], does [my] beautiful beloved not bloom again? (NK 114) 鹿自物伊波比伏管 … 鶉成伊波比廻

SISI ⁿzimǝnǝ i-pap-i-PUS-I-tutu … UⁿDURA-nasu i-pap-i-MƏTƏPOR-I dear like DLF-crawl-CONV-lie.down-CONV-COOR … quail-COMP DLF-crawlCONV-go.around-CONV constantly crawling and lying down like a deer … crawling around like a quail (MYS 2.199)

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639

Verbs 企許斯遠周久爾能麻保良

kikǝs-i-wos-u kuni-nǝ ma-po-ra rule(HON)-CONV-HON-ATTR country-GEN INT-top-LOC in the highest place of the country, where [the emperor] rules (MYS 5.800) 意比久留母能波毛毛久佐爾勢米余利伎多流

op-i-k-uru mǝnǝ pa momo kusa n-i semɛ-yǝr-i-k-i-tar-u pursue-CONV-come-ATTR thing TOP hundred kind DV-CONV assault (CONV)-approach-CONV-come-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR the things that pursue [us], come assaulting [us] in a hundred varieties (MYS 5.804) 伊豆久由可斯和何伎多利斯

iⁿduku-yu ka siwa-ŋga k-i-tar-i-si where-ABL IP wrinkle-POSS come-CONV-PERF/PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR Where did the wrinkles come from? (MYS 5.804) 伊刀良斯弖伊波比多麻比斯麻多麻奈須布多都能伊斯

i-tor-as-i-te ipap-i-tamap-i-si ma-tama-nasu puta-tu n-ǝ isi DLF-hold-HON-CONV-SUB pray-CONV-HON-CONV-PAST/ATTR INT-jewelCOMP two-CL DV-ATTR stone holding two stones like real jewels that [she] was praying to … (MYS 5.813) 烏梅能波奈佐吉多留僧能能阿遠也疑波可豆良爾須倍久奈利爾家良受夜

uMƐ-nǝ pana sak-i-tar-u sǝnǝ-nǝ awo yaŋgï pa kaⁿdura n-i s-umbɛ-ku nar-i-n-iker-aⁿz-u ya plum-GEN blossom bloom-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR garden-GEN green willow TOP laurel DV-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-NEG-FIN IP Did not [it] become so that [we] should make [our] laurels out of the green willows in the garden where the plum blossoms have bloomed? (MYS 5.817) 可具呂伎可美尓都由曽於伎尓家類

kaN-kurǝ53-ki kami-ni tuyu sǝ ok-i-n-i-ker-u INT-black-ATTR hair-LOC dew FP put-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR it turned out that the dew fell on the pitch-black hair (MYS 15.3649)

53  The character 呂 transcribing otsu-rui /rǝ/ is apparently a scribal mistake for kō-rui /ro/.

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和礼由惠尓於毛比和夫良牟伊母我可奈思佐

ware yuwe n-i omop-i-wamb-uram-u imǝ-ŋga kanasi-sa I reason DV-CONV think-CONV-worry-TENT2-ATTR beloved-POSS dear-NML [feeling of] the endearmend for [my] beloved who probably worries because of me (MYS 15.3727) 波都由伎波知敞爾布里之家

patu yuki pa ti-pe n-i pur-i-sik-e first snow TOP thousand-CL DV-CONV fall-CONV-cover-IMP First snow, fall in a thousand layers! (MYS 20.4475) 阿止乎美都都志乃波牟多太爾阿布麻弖爾麻佐爾阿布麻弖爾

atǝ-wo mi-tutu sinǝp-am-u taⁿda n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni masa n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni footstep-ACC see(CONV)-COOR yearn-TENT-FIN direct DV-CONV meet-ATTRTERM-LOC real DV-CONV meet-ATTR-TERM-LOC looking at [Buddha’s] footstep, [I] will yearn [for him], until [I] meet [him] directly, until [I] really meet [him] (BS 6) (3) As an adverbial modifier of the following predicate. This function is most frequently observed with the converb n-i of the defective verb n-, and it was described above in detail (see section 2.4.1.1). With other verbs this usage is rare: 久路岐美祁斯遠麻都夫佐爾登理與曾比 … 阿遠岐美祁斯遠麻都夫佐迩登理 與曾比

kuro-ki mi-kes-i-wo ma-tumbusa n-i tǝr-i-yǝsǝp-i … awo-ki mi-kes-i-wo matumbusa n-i tǝr-i-yǝsǝp-i black-ATTR HON-wear(HON)-NML-ACC INT-without fail DV-CONV takeCONV-dress-CONV … blue-ATTR HON-wear(HON)-NML-ACC INT-without fail DV-CONV take-CONV-dress-CONV wearing neatly a black garment … wearing neatly a blue garment (KK 4) 袁登賣爾多陀爾阿波牟登

wotǝme-ni taⁿda n-i ap-am-u tǝ maiden-DAT straight DV-CONV meet-TENT-FIN DV thinking to meet maidens face to face (KK 18) 伊久美陀気伊久美波泥受

i-kum-i-ⁿ-dakɛ i-kum-i pa ne-ⁿz-u DLF-entwine-NML-DV(ATTR)-bamboo DLF-entwine-CONV TOP sleep-NEGCONV [we] did not sleep entwined there as the bamboo entwined there (KK 91) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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Verbs 3.2.2.1.1.1 Special Construction -i-wor-

The converb -i can occur in an analytical construction with the following auxiliary verb wor- ‘to exist.’ Although this usage also represents the converb used with a following auxiliary, it deserves a special mention, because this construction has a function of a continuative aspect. Examples: 牟迦比袁流迦母伊蘇比袁流迦母

mukap-i-wor-u kamǝ i-sop-i-wor-u kamǝ face-CONV-exist-ATTR EP DLF-snuggle-CONV-exist-ATTR EP Oh, [she] is facing [me]! Oh, [she] is snuggling to [me]! (KK 42) 加久能未夜伊吉豆伎遠良牟

ka-ku nǝmï ya ikiⁿduk-i-wor-am-u thus-CONV RP IP sigh-CONV-exist-TENT-ATTR Would [I] be sighing just like that? (MYS 5.881) 欲流波火等毛之乎流和礼乎

yoru pa PÏ tǝmos-i-wor-u ware-wo night TOP fire burn-CONV-exist-ATTR I-ACC me, who is burning a fire at night (MYS 15.3669) 多婢乎久流之美故非乎礼婆

tambi-wo kurusi-mi kopï-wor-e-mba travel-ABS be.hard-GER long.for(CONV)-exist-EV-CON because the travel is hard, when [I] am longing for [my home] (MYS 15.3674) 伊豆礼能日麻弖安礼古非乎良牟

iⁿdure n-ǝ pi-maⁿde are kopï-wor-am-u which DV-CONV day-TERM I long.for(CONV)-exist-TENT-FIN Until what day should [I] be longing for [you]? (MYS 15.3742) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese In Eastern Old Japanese the converb -i occurs as non-final predicate and in verbal compounds:

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(1) Non-final predicate: 多知和可礼伊爾之与比欲利世呂爾安波奈布与

tat-i-wakare in-i-si yǝpi-yori se-rǝ-ni ap-an-ap-u yǝ depart-CONV-part(CONV) go.away-CONV-PAST/ATTR night-ABL belovedDIM-DAT meet-NEG-ITER-FIN EP from the night when [we] parted and [he] went away, [I] never met [my] beloved! (MYS 14.3375) 可伎武太伎奴礼杼安加奴乎安杼加安我世牟

kaki-muⁿdak-i n-ure-ⁿdǝ ak-an-u-wo aⁿ-dǝ ka a-ŋga se-m-u PREF-embrace-CONV sleep-EV-CONC satisfy-NEG-ATTR-ACC what-DV IP I-POSS do-TENT-ATTR although [I] slept [with her] keeping [her] in my arms, since it was not enough [for me], what should I do? (MYS 14.3404) 多麻母乃宇知奈婢伎比登里夜宿良牟

tama mǝ-nǝ uti-nambik-i pitǝ-ri ya ne-ram-u jewel seaweed-COMP PREF-stretch-CONV one-CL IP sleep-TENT2-ATTR will [you] sleep alone, stretched like a jewel seaweed? (MYS 14.3562) The negative converb form -(a)n-i is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese, but only after the potential auxiliary -kate-: 筑波祢乃祢呂尓可須美為須宜可提尓伊伎豆久伎美乎為祢弖夜良佐祢

TUKUmba ne-nǝ ne-rǝ-ni kasumi wi suŋgï-kate-n-i ikiⁿduk-u kimi-wo wi-ne-te yar-as-an-e Tukumba peak-GEN peak-DIM-LOC mist sit(CONV) pass(CONV)-POT-NEGCONV sigh-ATTR lord-ACC bring(CONV)-sleep(CONV)-SUB send-HON-DESIMP The mist sits on the smaller peak of Tukumba and cannot move away, and [I] wish [you] would bring [your] sighing lord and sleep [with him] (MYS 14.3388) (2) In verbal compounds, including the positions before and after an auxiliary: 夜麻邊能之牙可久尓伊毛呂乎多弖天左祢度波良布母

yama-m-BE-nǝ siŋge-k-aku n-i imo-rǝ-wo tate-te sa-ne-ⁿ-do parap-umǝ mountain-GEN-side-GEN thick-ATTR-NML DV-CONV beloved-DIM-ACC make.stand(CONV)-SUB PREF-sleep(NML)-DV(ATTR)-place clean-EXCL

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Verbs

as the mountain (side) is overgrown [with bush], [I] let [my] beloved stand, and I am clearing a place to sleep [for us]! (MYS 14.3489) 多可伎祢爾久毛能都久能須和礼左倍爾伎美爾都吉奈那

taka-ki ne-ni kumo-nǝ tuk-u-nǝsu ware sapɛ n-i kimi-ni tuk-i-n-ana high-ATTR peak-LOC cloud-GEN attach-ATTR-COMP I RP DV-CONV lord-DAT attach-CONV-PERF-DES Even I would like to cling to [my] lord like clouds cling to a high peak (MYS 14.3514) 麻多妣爾奈理奴

ma-tambi n-i nar-i-n-u INT-journey DV-CONV become-CONV-PERF-FIN [it] became a really [long] journey (MYS 20.4388) A2: Ryukyuan The converb -i is also attested in Ryukyuan, and at least in Old Ryukyuan and Shuri (with one exception in the latter) it appears to have the same functions as in Western Old Japanese. (1) Non-final predicate: Old Ryukyuan みこゑしやりおそわ

mi-kowe s-i-yar-i osow-a HON-voice do-CONV-send-CONV rule-TENT sending out [your] voice, [you] should rule [the country] (OS 1.8) あおていきやりかたきひぢめわちへ

ao-te ik-i-yar-i kataki fidimewa-tife fight(CONV)-SUB go-CONV-send-CONV enemy pacify(CONV). HON(CONV)-SUB fighting, and going forward, and pacifying the enemies (OS 1.25) Shuri

In Shuri this function is believed to be rare, and all examples cited in (RKJ 68) are actually the examples of a nominalized form. I was not able to find any examples of the converb -i in this function in Shuri.

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(2) In verbal compounds: Old Ryukyuan さいわたるのさくらしけしけとおりさちへけおよりあいいでらむ

sa-i-watar-u n-o sakura sike-sike to or-i-sat-ife keo-yori ai-ide-ram-u bloom-CONV-cross-ATTR DV-ATTR sakura dense-dense DV bend-CONVstretch-CONV today-ABL COOP-go.out-TENT2-FIN [Sailors!] From today [you] should go out together bundling together [like] blooming sakura [trees] (OS 10.531) おしぢへたるゑつかさくどゑ

os-i-dife-tar-u we tukasa-gu do we push-CONV-exit(CONV)-PERF/PROG-ATTR hey tukasa-DIM EP hey hey, [we] pushed [the boat] ahead; hey, [priestess] Tukasa (OS 13.747) Shuri

nama-madi sanruu-taa-tu hur-i-ashib-i soo-ibi-ta-N now-TERM Sanruu-PLUR-COM be.enamored-CONV-play-NML do(PROG)POL-PAST-FIN Undil now [he] was engrossed in playing with Sanruu and others (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 97) (3) As adverbial modifier of the following predicate: Old Ryukyuan 主里もりあせはつちぎりにきらせ

SIYORI mori ase fa tuti-gir-i n-i kir-as-e Shuri castle warrior TOP ground-(DV)cut-NML DV-CONV cut-HON-IMP Warriors of the Shuri castle, cut [the enemy] as cutting the ground (OS 1.33) Shuri

too sanruu ’isuj-i tuur-ana INTER Sanruu hurry-CONV pass-DES Hey, Sanruu, let us go fast (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 115)

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Verbs

645

Thus we can reconstruct PJ *-i as a converb suffix. Serafim suggested that the converb should be reconstructed as *-e for proto-Ryukyuan (Serafim 1985: 134), but the evidence he presented is not very convincing. Level B: External Comparisons I have proposed earlier a comparison of the PJ converb *-i with the Middle Korean converb -e ~ -ye ~ -a, e.g., pat-a ‘receives and …,’ ‘receiving’; kesk-e ‘breaks and …,’ ‘breaking’ (Vovin 2001: 190–191). Even if we tentatively accept Serafim’s hypothesis that the proto-Japanese converb *-i is a result of raising from PJ *-e, the MK converb -e/-a would still remain a dubious cognate, because Old Korean clearly has *-a and not *-e in the pre-Vowel Harmony stage of Korean: e.g., OK 折可 KESk-a ‘breaking and …’ (Hyangka 4.4), 入良 TUl-a ‘entering and …’ (Hyangka 5.3), 嫁良 El-a ‘marrying and …’ (Hyangka 6.2) instead of the expected *kesk-e, *tul-e and *el-e (cf. corresponding MK forms kesk-e, tul-e, and el-e). Thus, this comparison should be rejected. More recently, Thomasz Majtczak suggested to me that PJ *-i may be related to the converb -i ~ -ï attested in Old Turkic (Majtczak, p.c.). Although phonetically this comparison fares much better than the comparison with OK *-a, there are, nevertheless, three significant problems. First, the comparison is monophonemic, therefore, the possibility of a chance resemblance rises dramatically. Second, isolated morphological markers are unlikely to present strong evidence for a genetic relationship: we need evidence from the paradigmatic morphology. In addition, it is worthwhile to note that there are practically no other morphological comparisons between Turkic and Japanese that could be even remotely acceptable. Third, OT -i ~ -ï seems to be limited to Old Turkic, without reliable parallels anywhere else in the Turkic family. 3.2.2.1.2 Converb -u The converb -u occurs exclusively after the negative suffix -aⁿz- ~ -ⁿz-, so this combination could have been possibly treated as a single form, but since the negative -(a)ⁿz- also occurs before the final predication suffix -u, it is internally divisible. It is homonymous with the final negative form -(a)ⁿz-u, and historically it certainly represents a final form that started to be used as a converb due to the fact that the original negative converb form -an-i (see section 3.2.2.1.1 above) was gradually phasing out. The negative form -(a)ⁿz- represents a contraction of a negative nominalized form -an-i plus the verb se- ‘to do’ as the following example with an uncontracted form demonstrates.

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君波見礼登安可尓勢牟

KIMI pa MI-re-ⁿdǝ ak-an-i se-m-u lord TOP look-EV-CONC be.satisfied-NEG-NML do-TENT-FIN although you will look, [you] would not be satisfied (MYS 17.3902) The negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u can combine with the following bound auxiliaries: chart 50 Combinations of the negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u with following bound auxiliaries

bound auxiliaries

combination forms

subordinative converb -te past -ki past tentative -k-emretrospective -ker-

-(a)ⁿz-u-te -(a)ⁿz-u-ki -(a)ⁿz-u-k-em-(a)ⁿz-u-ker-

The negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u has the following functions: (1) Non-final predicate: 麻肥迩波阿弖受麻用賀岐許迩加岐多禮

ma-pï-ni pa ate-ⁿz-u mayo-ⁿ-kak-i kǝ n-i kak-i-tare INT-fire-LOC TOP expose-NEG-CONV eyebrow-GEN-paint-NML thick DVCONV paint-CONV-hang(CONV) [she] painted down thickly [her eyebrows] with an eyebrow rouge without exposing [the rouge] to a strong fire (KK 42) 伊岐良受曾久流

i-kir-aⁿz-u sǝ k-uru DLF-cut-NEG-CONV FP come-ATTR [I] return without cutting [them] there (KK 51)

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647

Verbs 伊久美陀気伊久美波泥受多斯美陀気多斯爾波韋泥受能知母久美泥牟

i-kum-i-ⁿ-dakɛ i-kum-i pa ne-ⁿz-u ta-sim-i-ⁿ-dakɛ tasi n-i pa wi-ne-ⁿz-u nǝti mǝ kum-i-ne-m-u DLF-entwine-NML-DV(ATTR)-bamboo DLF-entwine-CONV TOP sleep-NEGCONV PREF-grow.densely-NML-DV(ATTR)-bamboo thorough DV-CONV TOP exist(CONV)-sleep-NEG-CONV later FP entwine-CONV-sleep-TENT-FIN [we] did not sleep entwined there as the bamboo entwined there, and [we] did not sleep closely like densely growing bamboo, [but] later [we] will sleep entwined (KK 91) 伊多低於破孺破珥倍廼利能介豆岐齊奈

ita te op-aⁿz-u pa nipo-ⁿ-dǝri-nǝ kaⁿduk-i se-na painful place carry-NEG-CONV TOP grebe-DV(ATTR)-bird-COMP dive-NML do-DES rather than to receive (lit.: if [we are] not receiving) severe wounds, let us dive [together] like grebes (NK 29) 之呂多倍能安我之多其呂母宇思奈波受毛弖礼和我世故多太尓安布麻弖尓

sirǝ tapɛ-nǝ a-ŋga sita-ŋ-gǝrǝmǝ usinap-aⁿz-u mot-er-e wa-ŋga se-ko taⁿda n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni white mulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN I-POSS bottom-GEN-garment lose-NEGCONV carry-PROG-IMP I-POSS beloved-DIM direct DV-CONV meet-ATTRTERM-LOC My beloved, carry [with you] my undergarment from white mulberry tree bark cloth without losing [it], until [we] meet directly (MYS 15.3751) 惠美々惠末須毛宇知奈氣支可多里家末久

wem-i mi wem-aⁿz-u mo uti-naŋgɛk-i katar-i-k-em-aku smile-CONV ? smile-NEG-CONV FP PREF-sigh-CONV talk-CONV-PAST/FINTENT-NML the fact that [both of you] were probably talking, and sighing, smiling and not smiling (MYS 18.4106) (2) In verbal compounds in the position before an auxiliary: 多知賀遠母伊麻陀登迦受弖淤須比遠母伊麻陀登加泥婆

tati-ŋga wo mǝ imaⁿda tǝk-aⁿz-u-te osupi-wo mǝ imaⁿda tǝk-an-e-mba long.sword-POSS cord FP yet untie-NEG-CONV-SUB cloak-ACC FP yet untieNEG-EV-CON as [I] have not yet untied the cords of [my] long sword, and have not yet untied [my] cloak (KK 2) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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Chapter 6

都久波尼爾阿波牟等伊比志古波多賀己等岐気波加弥尼阿波巣気牟

Tukumba-ne-ni ap-am-u tǝ ip-i-si ko pa ta-ŋga kǝtǝ kik-ɛ-mba ka mi-ne ap-a nz-u-k-em-u Tukumba-peak-LOC meet-TENT-FIN DV say-CONV-PAST/ATTR girl TOP whoPOSS word listen-EV-CON IP HON-peak/sleep(NML)54 meet-NEG-CONVPAST/FIN-TENT-FIN The girl, who promised [to me] that [we] will meet at the Tukumba peak, did not meet [me] at the peak/for sleeping, [is it] because [she] listened to somebody’s words? (FK 2) 従情毛吾者不念寸

KƏKƏRƏ-YU mo A pa OMƏP-AⁿZ-U-ki heart-ABL FP I TOP think-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN I did not think even in my heart (MYS 4.601) 従情毛我者不念寸

KƏKƏRƏ-YU mo A pa OMƏP-AⁿZ-U-ki heart-ABL FP I TOP think-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN I did not think even in my heart (MYS 4.609) 多陀爾阿波須阿良久毛於保久志岐多閇乃麻久良佐良受提伊米爾之美延牟

taⁿda n-i ap-aⁿz-u ar-aku mo opo-ku sik-i-tapɛ-nǝ makura sar-aⁿz-u-te imɛ-ni si mi-ye-m-u direct DV-CONV meet-NEG-CONV exist-NML FP many-CONV spread-CONVmulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN pillow go.away-NEG-CONV-SUB dream-LOC EP see-PASS-TENT-FIN There are also many occasions when [we] do not meet directly, [and I] want to see [you] in [my] dream without going away from [your] mulberry tree bark cloth pillow (MYS 5.809) 現毛夢毛吾者不思寸

UTUTU-NI mo IMƐ-NI mo WARE pa OMƏP-AⁿZ-U-ki reality-LOC FP dream-LOC FP I TOP think-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN I did not think either in reality or in a dream (MYS 11.2601)

54  The word ne here represents a play on words: ne ‘peak’ and ne ‘sleep(CONV).’

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649

Verbs 夜須伊毛祢受弖安我故非和多流

yasu i mo ne-ⁿz-u-te a-ŋga kopï-watar-u easy sleep FP sleep-NEG-CONV-SUB I-POSS long.for(CONV)-cross-ATTR I do not sleep easily, and continue to long for [her] (MYS 15.3633) 伊米尓波母等奈安比見礼騰多太尓安良祢婆孤悲夜麻受家里

imɛ-ni pa mǝtǝna api-mi-re-ⁿdǝ taⁿda n-i ar-an-e-mba kopï yam-aⁿz-u-ker-i dream-LOC TOP in.vain REC-see-EV-CONC direct DV-CONV exist-NEG-EV-CON love(NML) stop-NEG-CONV-RETR-FIN although [we] see each other in vain in dreams, because [our meetings] are not direct, [our] longing does not stop (MYS 17.3980) 佐夜麻太乃乎治我其日爾母等米安波受家牟

sa Yamaⁿda n-ǝ woⁿdi-ŋga SƏNƏ PI-ni mǝtǝmɛ ap-aⁿz-u-k-em-u so Yamaⁿda DV-ATTR old.man-POSS that day-LOC search(CONV) meet-NEGCONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN So, old man Yamaⁿda searched for [him] on that day, [but] did not find [him] (MYS 17.4014) (3) As adverbial modifier of the following predicate: 麻都理許斯美岐叙阿佐受袁勢

matur-i-kǝ-si mi-ki ⁿzǝ as-aⁿz-u wos-e present(HUM)-CONV-come(CONV)-PAST/ATTR HON-rice.wine FP shallowNEG-CONV drink(HON)-IMP Drink the presented rice wine deeply! (KK 39) 3.2.2.1.2.1 Special Construction -(a)ⁿz-u pa

The negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u followed by the topic marker pa may also introduce a conditional clause besides just being a simple non-final predicate: 那我古飛世殊波弥曽能不乃于梅能波奈尓忘奈良麻之母能乎

naŋga kopï se-ⁿz-u pa mi-sǝnǝ-pu-nǝ uMƐ-nǝ pana n-i mo nar-amasi mǝnǝwo long long.for(NML) do-NEG-CONV TOP HON-garden-plant-GEN plum-GEN blossom DV-CONV FP become-SUBJ CONJ [I] would become plum blossoms [among] the plants of your garden without longing for [you for a] long [time], but … (MYS 5.864)

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650

Chapter 6

故非和須礼我比等良受波由可自

kopï wasure-ŋ-gapi tǝr-aⁿz-u pa yuk-aⁿzi love forget(NML)-GEN-shell take-NEG-CONV TOP go-NEG/TENT if [I] do not take a ‘love-forgetting’ shell, [I] would not go (MYS 15.3711) 布勢能宇良乎見受波能保良自

Puse-nǝ ura-wo MI-ⁿz-u pa nǝmbor-aⁿzi Puse-GEN bay-ACC see-NEG-CONV TOP go.to.the.capital-NEG/TENT if [I] did not see the bay of Puse, I would not go to the capital (MYS 18.4039) 安比美受波古非之久安流倍之

api-mi-ⁿz-u pa kopïsi-ku ar-umbɛ-si REC-see-NEG-CONV TOP be.longing.for-CONV exist-DEB-FIN if [we] do not see each other, [we] would be longing (MYS 20.4408) 3.2.2.1.2.2 Special Construction -(a)ⁿz-u ar-

Besides being used before bound auxiliaries, the negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u also appears before the lexical auxiliary ar- ‘to exist.’ The resulting combination -(a)ⁿz-u ar- is better analyzed as a construction rather than a compound, because the focus particle sǝ and the interrogative particle ka can be inserted between -(a)ⁿz-u and ar-, as one can see in examples from MYS 4.720 and MYS 15.3739 below. 許許呂袁陀迩迦阿比淤母波受阿良牟

kǝkǝrǝ-wo ⁿdani ka api-omǝp-aⁿz-u ar-am-u heart-ACC RP IP REC-think-NEG-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR will [we] not think about each other at least in our hearts? (KK 60) 意富岐美能許許呂袁由良美淤美能古能夜弊能斯婆加岐伊理多多受阿理

opǝ kimi-nǝ kǝkǝrǝ-wo yura-mi omi-nǝ ko-nǝ ya-pe n-ǝ simba kaki ir-i-tat-aⁿz-u ar-i great lord-GEN heart-ABS be.gentle-GER retainer-GEN child-GEN eight-CL DV-ATTR brushwood fence enter-CONV-stand-NEG-CONV exist-FIN Because the great lord’s heart is gendle, [he] does not enter the eight-fold brushwood fence of the retainer’s son (KK 107)

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651

Verbs 柯彼能矩盧古磨矩羅枳制播伊志歌孺阿羅磨志

kapï-nǝ kuro koma kura ki-s-emba i-sik-aⁿz-u ar-amasi Kapï-GEN black stallion saddle put.on-PAST/ATTR-COND DLF-reach-NEGCONV exist-SUBJ if [he] would put a saddle on the black stallion from Kapï, [he] would not reach here [on time] (NK 81a) 宇良志麻能古我多麻久志義阿気受阿理世波麻多母阿波麻志遠

Urasima-nǝ ko-ŋga tama kusiŋgɛ akɛ-ⁿz-u ar-i-s-emba mata mǝ ap-amasi-wo Urasima-GEN child-POSS jewel box open-NEG-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/ ATTR-COND again FP meet-SUBJ-ACC If the boy Urasima did not open the jewel box, [he] would meet again [the dragon’s daughter], but [it did not happen] (FK 15) 余戀良苦乎不知香安類良武

WA-ŋGA KOP-Ur-aku-wo SIR-AⁿZ-U ka ar-uram-u I-POSS love-ATTR-NML-ACC know-NEG-CONV IP exist-TENT2-ATTR are [you] probably not knowing that I love [you]? (MYS 4.720) 多陀爾阿波須阿良久毛於保久志岐多閇乃麻久良佐良受提伊米爾之美延牟

taⁿda n-i ap-aⁿz-u ar-aku mo opo-ku sik-i-tapɛ-nǝ makura sar-aⁿz-u-te imɛ-ni si mi-ye-m-u direct DV-CONV meet-NEG-CONV exist-NML FP many-CONV spread-CONVmulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN pillow go.away-NEG-CONV-SUB dream-LOC EP see-PASS-TENT-FIN There are many occasions when [we] do not meet directly, [and I] want to see [you] in [my] dream without going away from [your] mulberry tree bark cloth pillow (MYS 5.809) 伊毛乎婆美受曾安流倍久安里家留

imo-womba mi-ⁿz-u sǝ ar-umbɛ-ku ar-i-ker-u beloved-ACC(EMPH) see-NEG-CONV FP exist-DEB-CONV exist-CONV-RETRATTR [I] must not have seen [my] beloved (MYS 15.3739) 夜度乃烏梅能知利須具流麻埿美之米受安利家流

yaⁿdo-nǝ uMƐ-nǝ tir-i-suŋg-uru-maⁿde mi-simɛ-ⁿz-u ar-i-ker-u house-GEN plum-GEN fall-CONV-pass-ATTR-TERM see-CAUS-NEG-CONV exist-CONV-RETR-ATTR [it] turned out that [you] did not let [me] see plum [blossoms] in [your] house until they had completely fallen (MYS 20.4496) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

652 3.2.2.1.2.3

Chapter 6 Special Contracted Form -(a)ⁿz-ar-

Although the uncontracted special construction consisting of the negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u and the lexical auxiliary ar- ‘to exist’ is used in Western Old Japanese texts, there is also a contracted form of this construction, where the converb suffix -u has elided completely before the following ar-, resulting in a contracted form -(a)ⁿz-ar-. This contracted form is found in an uncontroversial phonographic spelling only in Late Western Old Japanese, and only in four examples, all of which are limited to the Man’yōshū. Thus, it should be a late innovation.55 伊米爾毛伊母我美延射良奈久尓

imɛ-ni mo imǝ-ŋga mi-ye-ⁿz-ar-an-aku n-i dream-LOC FP beloved-POSS see-PASS-NEG(CONV)-exist-NEG-NML DVCONV in the dreams [my] beloved [always] appears (MYS 15.3735) 能知尓毛安波射良米也母

nǝti-ni mo ap-aⁿz-ar-am-ɛ ya mǝ later-LOC FP meet-NEG(CONV)-exist-TENT-EV IP EP will [we] not meet later?! [Of course we will!] (MYS 15.3741) 等之能乎奈我久安波射礼杼家之伎己許呂乎安我毛波奈久尓

tǝsi-nǝ wo naŋga-ku ap-aⁿz-ar-e-ⁿdǝ kesi-ki kǝkǝrǝ-wo a-ŋga [o]mop-an-aku n-i year-GEN cord long-CONV meet-NEG(CONV)-exist-EV-CONC unusual-ATTR heart-ACC I-POSS think-NEG-NML DV-CONV although [we] did not meet for a long time, I am not going to change [my] mind (MYS 15.3775) 伊頭礼乃時加吾孤悲射良牟

iⁿdure n-ǝ TƏKI ka WA-ŋGA kopï-ⁿz-ar-am-u which DV-ATTR time IP I-POSS love-NEG(CONV)-exist-TENT-ATTR which time will I not love [her]? (MYS 17.3891)

55  The contracted form -(a)z-ar- is the only one found in Middle Japanese, where the uncontracted form -(a)zu ar- is not attested.

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653

Verbs

Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese In Eastern Old Japanese the negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u occurs in the same functions as in Western Old Japanese: (1) Non-final predicate: 安能於登世受由可牟古馬母我

a-nǝ otǝ se-ⁿz-u yuk-am-u ko-[u]ma mǝŋga foot-GEN sound do-NEG-CONV go-TENT-ATTR DIM-horse DP [I] want a stallion, which would go without making any noise with its hoofs (MYS 14.3387) 安素乃河泊良欲伊之布麻受蘇良由登伎奴与

Aso-nǝ KApara-yo isi pum-aⁿz-u sora-yu tǝ k-i-n-u yǝ Aso-GEN river-bed-ABL stone tread-NEG-CONV sky-ABL DV come-CONVPERF-FIN EP [I] came from the river-bed of Aso, as from the sky, without treading on stones! (MYS 14.3425) (2) In verbal compounds in the position before an auxiliary: 奈爾須礼曾波波登布波奈乃佐吉泥己受祁牟

nani s-ure sǝ papa tǝ [i]p-u pana-nǝ sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-ⁿz-u-k-em-u what do-EV FP mother DV say-ATTR flower-GEN bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)come-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR why (lit.: having done what) has the flower called ‘Mother’ not bloomed? (MYS 20.4323) 阿母志々尓己等麻乎佐受弖伊麻叙久夜之氣

amǝ sisi-ni kǝtǝ mawos-aⁿz-u-te ima ⁿzǝ kuyasi-kɛ mother father-DAT word say(HUM)-NEG-CONV-SUB now FP regretful-ATTR now [I] regret that [I] did not tell [my] mother and father (MYS 20.4376) Special Construction -(a)ⁿz-u pa

The negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u followed by the topic marker pa introduces a conditional clause:

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Chapter 6

安布許等可多思家布尓思安良受波

ap-u kǝtǝ kata-si kepu n-i si ar-aⁿz-u pa meet-ATTR thing difficult-FIN today DV-CONV EP exist-NEG-CONV TOP if [it] is not today, it will be difficult to meet (MYS 14.3401) Special Construction -(a)ⁿz-u ar-

Like in Western Old Japanese, besides being used before bound auxiliaries, the negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u also appears before the lexical auxiliary ar- ‘to exist’: 伊可尓思弖古非波可伊毛尓武蔵野乃宇家良我波奈乃伊呂尓弖受安良牟

ika n-i s-i-te kopï-mba ka imo-ni Muⁿzasi NO-nǝ ukera-ŋga pana-nǝ irǝ-ni [i]ⁿdeⁿz-u ar-am-u how DV-CONV do-CONV-SUB long.for-COND IP beloved-DAT Muⁿzasi field-GEN ukera-POSS flower-COMP color-LOC go.out-NEG-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR If [I] long for [my] beloved, would not [my feelings] show in [my facial] color anyway like ukera flower from the plain of Muⁿzasi? (MYS 14.3376a) Special Contracted Form -(a)ⁿz-ar-

Special contracted form -(a)ⁿz-ar- is not attested in Eastern Old Japanese. It is found in one poem in the Eastern corpus (MYS 14.3396), but this poem has no distinctive Eastern Old Japanese features being written in Western Old Japanese. A2: Ryukyuan There is a negative converb -ada in Old Ryukyuan that occurs extremely rarely (Hokama 1995: 380). Its phonetic shape indicates that it is highly unlikely to be a cognate of WOJ -(a)ⁿz-u, which is, therefore, better treated as an exclusive Old Japanese innovation. 3.2.2.1.3 Conditional Converb -amba ~ -mba The conditional converb in Western Old Japanese has two allomorphs: -amba after consonant verbs, r-irregular, and n-irregular verbs, and -mba after the vowel and the irregular vowel verbs. After the past final -ki, the past attributive -si and the subjunctive -(a)masi, the last vowel /i/ of -ki, -si and -(a)masi merges with the initial /a/ of -amba as /e/, producing the special forms -k-emba, -s-emba and -(a)mas-emba. The conditional converb -(a)mba is found in combination with the following suffixes and bound auxiliaries that all precede -(a)mba in a given word form:

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655

Verbs chart 51

Combinations of the conditional converb -(a)mba with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and bound auxiliaries

combination forms

iterative -aphonorific -aspassive -(a)ye-, -rayeperfective -nperfective -tepast final -ki past attributive -si subjunctive -(a)masi progressive -erperfective-progressive -tar-

-ap-amba* -as-amba -(a)ye-mba -n-amba -te-mba -k-emba -s-emba -(a)mas-emba -er-amba -tar-amba

Note: * In Western Old Japanese the combination with iterative *-ap-amba occurs in formations where -ap- can be segmented only diachronically, e.g., ipap-amba ‘pray-COND,’ which is historically derived from *ip-ap-amba ‘say-ITER-COND.’ However, this combination should have been possible at one time in Western Old Japanese, since it is found in Eastern Old Japanese, see the example of ap-an-ap-amba ‘meet-NEG-ITER-COND’ in MYS 14.3426 below.

The fact that the conditional converb -(a)mba can follow the past attributive form -si probably indicates that historically -(a)mba represents some kind of a bound noun. This is one more piece of evidence in favor of the theory that most if not all Japonic morphology is secondary. In contrast to Middle Japanese, where the conditional converb introduces only irrealis and realis conditional clauses (Vovin 2003: 252), in Western Old Japanese -amba ~ -mba also introduces a temporal connection, although it occurs only if there is a following tentative -(a)m- or negative tentative -aⁿzi in a sentence. Examples: (1) Irrealis condition: 比登都麻都比登迩阿理勢婆多知波気麻斯袁岐奴岐勢麻斯袁

pitǝ-tu matu pitǝ n-i ar-i-s-emba tati pakɛ-masi-wo kinu ki-se-masi-wo one-CL pine person DV-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND long.sword make.wear-SUBJ-ACC garment wear-CAUS-SUBJ-ACC Oh, lone pine, if [you] were a human being, [I] would make [you] wear a long sword, [I] would make [you] wear a garment, but … (KK 29) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

656

Chapter 6

斯漏多陀牟岐麻迦受祁婆許曾斯良受登母伊波米

siro taⁿdamuki mak-aⁿz-u-k-emba kǝsǝ sir-aⁿz-u tǝ mǝ ip-am-ɛ white arm use.as.a.pillow-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN-COND FP know-NEG-FIN DV FP say-TENT-EV if [I] did not use [your] white arms as a pillow, [you] could even say that [you] do not know [me] (KK 61) 柯彼能矩盧古磨矩羅枳制播伊志歌孺阿羅磨志

Kapï-nǝ kuro koma kura ki-s-emba i-sik-aⁿz-u ar-amasi Kapï-GEN black stallion saddle put.on-PAST/ATTR-COND DLF-reach-NEGCONV exist-SUBJ if [he] would put a saddle on the black stallion from Kapï, [he] would not reach here [on time] (NK 81a) 柂摩儺羅磨婀我裒屢柂摩

tama nar-amba a-ŋga por-u tama jewel be-COND I-POSS desire-ATTR jewel if [my beloved] were a jewel, [she would be] a jewel I desire (NK 92) 蘇餓能古羅破宇摩奈羅麼譬武伽能古摩

Soŋga-nǝ ko-ra pa uma nar-amba pimuka-nǝ ko-[u]ma Soŋga-GEN son-PLUR TOP horse be-COND Pimuka-GEN DIM-horse If the sons of Soŋga were horses, [they would be] the stallions of Pimuka … (NK 103) 可久斯良摩世婆久奴知許等其等美世摩斯母乃乎

ka-ku sir-amas-emba kun[i]-uti kǝtǝ-ŋgǝtǝ mi-se-masi mǝnǝwo thus-CONV know-SUBJ-COND land-inside thing-thing see-CAUS-SUBJ CONJ if [I] would know that, [I] would show [her] all things in the land, but … (MYS 5.797) 國尓阿良婆父刀利美麻之家尓阿良婆母刀利美麻志

KUNI-ni ar-amba TITI tor-i-mi-masi IPE-ni ar-amba PAPA tor-i-mi-masi province-LOC exist-COND father hold-CONV-see-SUBJ home-LOC exist-COND mother hold-CONV-see-SUBJ if [I] were in [my] province, [my] father would take care [of me], if [I] were in [my] home, [my] mother would take care [of me] (MYS 5.886)

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657

Verbs 山櫻花日並而如是開有者甚戀目夜裳

YAMA SAKURA-m-BANA PI NARAmBƐ-TE KA-KU si SAK-ER-Amba PAⁿDA KOPÏm-ɛ ya mo mountain cherry-GEN-flower day line.up(CONV)-SUB thus-CONV EP bloomPROG-COND considerably long.for-TENT-EV IP EP If mountain cherry flowers were blooming thus every day, would [I] long for [them] considerably? [Certainly not!] (MYS 8.1425) 大船尓伊母能流母能尓安良麻勢婆羽具久美母知弖由可麻之母能乎

OPO PUNE-ni imǝ nǝr-u mǝnǝ n-i ar-amas-emba PA-ŋ-gukum-i mǝt-i-te yukamasi mǝnǝwo big boat-LOC beloved board-ATTR thing DV-CONV exist-SUBJ-COND wingLOC-cover-CONV hold-CONV-SUB go-SUBJ CONJ If [it] were the case that [my] beloved boarded [my] big boat, [I] would go holding her under [my] wings, but … (MYS 15.3579) 和伎毛故我可多美能許呂母奈可里世婆奈爾毛能母弖加伊能知都我麻之

wa-ŋg-imo-ko-ŋga katami n-ǝ kǝrǝmǝ na-k-ar-i-s-emba nani monǝ mǝt-e ka inǝti tuŋg-amasi I-POSS-beloved-DIM-POSS keepsake DV-ATTR garment no-CONV-exist-CONVPAST/ATTR-COND what thing hold-EV IP life continue-SUBJ If [I] did not have a garment of my beloved as a keepsake, would having anything keep me alive? (MYS 15.3733) 音之少寸道尓相奴鴨少寸四道尓相佐婆

OTƏ-NƏ SUKUNA-ki MITI-ni AP-An-u kamo SUKUNA-ki yǝ MITI-ni AP-As-amba sound-GEN few-ATTR road-LOC meet-NEG-ATTR EP few-ATTR EP road-LOC meet-HON-COND if [you] would meet [me] on the road where there are few [sounds of people]! [But], alas [we] will not meet on the road where few sounds [of people] are! (MYS 16.3875) 梅柳乎理加謝思氐婆意毛比奈美可毛

UMƐ YANA ŋGÏ wor-i kaⁿzas-i-te-mba omop-i na-mi kamo plum willow break-CONV decorate-CONV-PERF-COND think-NML no-GER EP because, if [we] had broken [branches] of plum trees and willows and decorated [our heads], there would be no [sad] thoughts! (MYS 17.3905)

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658

Chapter 6

安布知乎宅尓宇惠多良婆夜麻霍公鳥可礼受許武可聞

aputi-wo IPE-ni uwe-tar-amba yama POTƏTƏ ŋGISU kare-ⁿz-u kǝ-m-u kamo chinaberry.tree-ACC house-LOC plant(CONV)-PERF/PROG-COND mountain cuckoo separate-NEG-CONV come-TENT-ATTR EP if [I] would plant a chinaberry tree at my house, the mountain cuckoo would come all the time! (MYS 17.3910) 和我勢古我久爾敞麻之奈婆保等登芸須奈可牟佐都奇波佐夫之家牟可母

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga kuni-pe [i]mas-i-n-amba potǝtǝŋgisu nak-am-u sa-tukï pa sambusi-k-em-u kamǝ I-POSS elder.brother-DIM-POSS land-DIR come(HON)-CONV-PERF-COND cuckoo cry-TENT-ATTR fifth-month TOP be.lonely-ATTR-TENT-ATTR EP When my elder brother has gone to [his home] land, [I] would be lonely [in] the fifth lunar month when the cuckoo will cry! (MYS 17.3996) 安麻能我波波志和多世良波

ama-nǝ ŋgapa pasi watas-er-amba Heaven-GEN river bridge put.accross-PROG-COND If [they] would have put a bridge across the Heavenly River … (MYS 18.4126) 安佐之保美知尓与流許都美可比尓安里世婆都刀尓勢麻之乎

asa sipo mit-i-ni yǝr-u kǝtumi kapi n-i ar-i-s-emba tuto n-i se-masi-wo morning tide full-NML-LOC approach-ATTR trash shellfish DV-CONV existCONV-PAST/ATTR-COND souvenir DV-CONV do-SUBJ-ACC if the trash that is brought up by the full morning tide were shellfish, [I] would bring [it] as a souvenir, but … (MYS 20.4396) (2) Realis condition: 夜多能比登母登須宜波比登理袁理登母意富岐弥斯與斯登岐許佐婆比登理 袁理登母

Yata-nǝ pitǝ-mǝtǝ suŋgɛ pa pitǝ-ri wor-i tǝmǝ opǝ kimi si yǝ-si tǝ kikǝs-amba pitǝ-ri wor-i tǝmǝ Yata-GEN one-CL sedge TOP one-CL exist-FIN CONJ great lord EP be good-FIN DV say(HON)-COND one-CL exist-FIN CONJ Even if one sedge from Yata is alone, if the great lord says [it] is fine, even if [she] is alone (KK 65)

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659

Verbs 意富岐美袁斯麻爾波夫良婆布那阿麻理伊賀弊理許牟叙

opǝ kimi-wo sima-ni pambur-amba puna-amar-i i-ŋgaper-i-kǝ-m-u ⁿzǝ great lord-ACC island-LOC exile-COND boat-exceed-CONV DLF-returnCONV-come-TENT-ATTR FP if [they] exile [my] great lord to an island, there are many boats, and [he] would return here (KK 86) 烏梅能波奈佐企弖知理奈波佐久良婆那都伎弖佐久倍久奈利爾弖阿良受也

uMƐ-nǝ pana sak-i-te tir-i-n-amba sakura-m-bana tuŋg-i-te sak-umbɛ-ku nar-i-ni-te ar-aⁿz-u ya plum-GEN blossom bloom-CONV-SUB fall-CONV-PERF-COND sakura-GENblossom follow-CONV-SUB bloom-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONVSUB exist-NEG-FIN IP If the plum blossoms have bloomed and fallen, has [it] not become so that sakura blossoms should bloom after? (MYS 5.829) 久須利波牟用波美也古弥婆伊夜之吉阿何微麻多越知奴倍之

kusuri pam-u-yo pa miyako mi-mba iyasi-ki a-ŋga mï mata woti-n-umbɛ-si medicine eat-ATTR-ABL TOP capital see-COND ignoble-ATTR I-POSS body again rejuvenate(CONV)-PERF-DEB-FIN rather than take the medicine, my ignoble body would have been rejuvenated again if [I] saw the capital (MYS 5.848) 空氣衝之相別去者

ANA IKIⁿDUK-Asi API-WAKARE-n-amba INTER lament-ADJ(FIN) REC-part(CONV)-PERF-COND Oh, how lamentable! If [we] part with each other … (MYS 8.1454) 和可礼奈波宇良我奈之家武

wakare-n-amba ura-ŋ-ganasi-k-em-u part(CONV)-PERF-COND heart-LOC-be.sad-ATTR-TENT-FIN If [we] part, [I] would be sad in [my] heart … (MYS 15.3584) 美也故爾由加波伊毛爾安比弖許祢

miyako-ni yuk-amba imo-ni ap-i-te kǝ-n-e capital-LOC go-COND beloved-DAT meet-CONV-SUB come-DES-IMP if [you] go to the capital, meet [there my] beloved, and come [back] (MYS 15.3687)

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伊波多野爾夜杼里須流伎美伊敞妣等乃伊豆良等和礼乎等波婆伊可爾伊 波牟

Ipata-NO-ni yaⁿdǝr-i s-uru kimi ipe-m-bitǝ-nǝ iⁿdu-ra tǝ ware-wo tǝp-amba ika n-i ip-am-u Ipata-field-LOC lodge-NML do-ATTR lord home-GEN-person-GEN where-LOC DV I-ACC ask-COND how DV-CONV say-TENT-FIN [Oh, my] lord who lodged at the Ipata field. If people from [your] home ask me (saying) where [are you], what should [I] answer? (MYS 15.3689) 古非之奈婆古非毛之祢等也

kopï-sin-amba kopï mo sin-e tǝ ya long.for(CONV)-die-COND long.for(CONV) FP die-IMP DV IP Do [you] tell [me]: ‘If [you] die longing, die from longing!’ (MYS 15.3780) 伊麻能其等古非之久伎美我於毛保要婆伊可尓加母世牟

ima-nǝ ŋgǝtǝ kopïsi-ku kimi-ŋga omop-oye-mba ika n-i kamǝ se-m-u now-GEN like longing-CONV lord-POSS think-PASS-COND how DV-CONV EP do-TENT-ATTR If [I] think of you longingly like now, what shall [I] do [later], I wonder? (MYS 17.3928) 知加久安良婆伊麻布都可太未等保久安良婆奈奴可

tika-ku ar-amba ima putu-ka ⁿdamï tǝpo-ku ar-amba nanu-ka close-CONV exist-COND now two-CL extent far-CONV exist-COND seven-CL if [it] is soon, [from] now about two days; if [it] is long, seven days (MYS 17.4011) 吾等尓可伎无氣念之念婆

WARE-ni kaki-mukɛ OMƏP-I si OMƏP-Amba I-DAT PREF-turn(IMP) love-NML EP love-COND if [you] indeed love [me], turn to me (MYS 19.4191) (3) Temporal connection. As mentioned above, unlike Middle (Classical) Japanese, the conditional converb -amba can also introduce a temporal connection. However, -amba appears in this function only if there is a following tentative -(a)m- or negative tentative -aⁿzi in a sentence.56 56  I am grateful to Janick Wrona for pointing out to me this limitation in the -amba usage in the function of a temporal connection (p. c.).

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661

Verbs 阿遠夜麻迩比賀迦久良婆奴婆多麻能用波伊傅那牟

awo-yama-ni pi-ŋga kakur-amba numba tama-nǝ yo pa iⁿde-n-am-u green-mountain-LOC sun-POSS hide-COND pitch.black jade-COMP night TOP exit(CONV)-PERF-TENT-FIN when the sun hides [behind] the green mountains, the night [dark] like pitchblack jade will have come (KK 3) 与良志古良爾志与良波

yǝr-aⁿzi ko-ra-ni si yǝr-amba approach-NEG/TENT girl-DIM-DAT EP approach-COND when [I] approach [my] dear girl, [I] will not approach [other girls] (FK 4) This example represents a syntactic inversion. 武都紀多知波流能吉多良婆可久斯許曽烏梅乎々利都々多努之岐乎倍米

mu-tukï tat-i paru-nǝ k-i-tar-amba ka-ku si kǝsǝ uMƐ-wo wor-i-tutu tanosi-ki wopɛ-m-ɛ first lunar month rise-CONV spring-GEN come-CONV-PERF/PROG-COND be.thus-CONV EP FP plum.blossom-ACC break-CONV-COOR be.pleasantATTR finish-TENT-EV When the first lunar month begins, and the spring has come, let [us] enjoy the pleasure to the end while picking plum bloosoms (MYS 5.815) 得志能波尓波流能伎多良婆可久斯己曽烏梅乎加射之弖多努志久能麻米

tǝsi-nǝ pa n-i paru-nǝ k-i-tar-amba ka-ku si kǝsǝ uMƐ-wo kaⁿzas-i-te tanosi-ku nǝm-am-ɛ year-GEN every DV-CONV spring come-CONV-PERF/PROG-COND thus-CONV EP FP plum-ACC decorate-CONV-SUB be.merry-CONV drink-TENT-EV Every year, when the spring comes, let [us] decorate [our hair] with plum [blossoms] and drink merrily (MYS 5.833) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese In Eastern Old Japanese conditional converb -(a)mba may have the functions of both irrealis and realis conditions:

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(1) Irrealis condition: 志可良婆加刀奈里乃伎奴乎可里弖伎奈波毛

sika-[a]r-amba ka tonari-nǝ kinu-wo kar-i-te ki-n-ap-am-o so-exist-COND IP neighbor-GEN garment-ACC borrow-CONV-SUB wear-NEGITER-TENT-ATTR If it were so, [one] would not be borrowing a garment from a neighbor, right? (MYS 14.3472) (2) Realis condition: 安比豆祢能久爾乎佐杼抱美安波奈波婆斯努比尓勢毛等比毛牟須婆佐祢

Apiⁿdune-nǝ kuni-wo saⁿ-dǝpo-mi ap-an-ap-amba sinop-i n-i se-m-o tǝ pimo musumb-as-an-e Apiⁿdune-GEN land-ABS PREF-far-GER meet-NEG-ITER-COND long.for-NML DV-CONV do-TENT-ATTR DV cord tie-HON-DES-IMP If [we] continue not to meet, because the land of Apiⁿdune is far, [I] wish [you] would tie [your garment] cords, as if longing for [me] (MYS 14.3426) 阿米都之乃以都例乃可美乎以乃良波加

amɛ-tusi-nǝ iⁿdure n-ǝ kami-wo inǝr-amba ka heaven-earth-GEN which DV-ATTR deity-ACC pray-COND IP if [I] pray to which deities of Heaven and Earth … (MYS 20.4392) 比毛多要婆安我弖等都気呂許礼乃波流母志

pimo taye-mba a-ŋga te-tǝ tukɛ-rǝ kǝre n-ǝ paru mǝs-i cord tear-COND your.own-POSS hand-COM attach-IMP this DV-ATTR needle hold-CONV if the cords [of your garment] tear, attach them with your own hand, holding this needle (MYS 20.4420) A2: Ryukyuan In Ryukyuan, the conditional form -aba is attested in Old Ryukyuan and in some dialects of the Central Ryukyuan islands, such as Kumejima. It appears that in Northern and Southern Ryukyuan dialects it either disappeared or merged with the -ba form used after the evidential. In Shuri this form became -awa ~ -aa, and it is used only for the realis condition (RKJ 69).

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663

Old Ryukyuan あせらためやらば

ase-ra tame-yar-aba soldier-PLUR pacify(CONV)-do-COND if [he] pacifies the soldiers (OS 1.36) 誰もわていやは

TARU mo wa te iy-aba who FP I DV say-COND if everyone says ‘I’ (RK 617) Shuri

ʔari-ga yum-aa ʔyaa-N yum-ee he-NOM read-COND you-PT read-IMP If he reads [it], you read it, too (RKJ 69) Kumejima

s-ur-aba haa-ku s-i do-ATTR-COND quick-CONV do-IMP If [you] do [it], do [it] quickly (Nohara 1998: 311) ʔich-ur-aba haa-ku ʔich-i go-ATTR-COND quick-CONV go-IMP If [you] go, go quickly (Nohara 1998: 311) Although we have reliable attestations from Central Ryukyuan, there is some possibility that the Ryukyuan form -aba was borrowed from Middle Japanese. However, since it is found not only on Okinawa, but also on Kumejima, the possibility is not very high. Furthermore, it is also possible that it was present in Southern Ryukyuan dialects as well prior to its merger with the -ba form. Therefore, we can probably reconstruct the PJ conditional suffix *-anpa, although it is quite likely that originally it was some kind of a bound noun. There are no external parallels. 3.2.2.1.4 Conjunctive Converb -mba The conjunctive converb -mba (not to be confused with the conditional -amba ~ -mba) has just one allomorph. It always follows the evidential form of a verb. In a diachronic perspective this probably means that it was once a bound Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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noun that became a converb suffix through a process of grammaticalization, although we can no longer recover the exact meaning of this bound noun. It is, nevertheless, important to see what suffixes and bound auxiliaries are used before the evidential preceding the conjunctive converb -mba. The combinations of -mba with the evidential forms of these markers are provided in the chart below. chart 52 Combinations of the conjunctive converb -mba with preceding evidential forms of suffixes and bound auxiliaries

evidential forms of suffixes and bound auxiliaries

combination forms

negative -an-eiterative -ap-ɛhonorific -asperfective -n-ureperfective -t-urepast evidential -sikaprogressive -er-eperfective-progressive -tar-eretrospective -ker-e-

-an-e-mba -ap-ɛ-mba -as-e-mba* -n-ure-mba -t-ure-mba -sika-mba -er-e-mba -tar-e-mba -ker-e-mba

Note: * There are no reliable phonographic examples of the honorific *-as-e-mba in Western Old Japanese texts. See the example from MYS 2.196 below.

One interesting observation that can be made on the basis of the above chart is that the conjunctive converb -mba does not combine with any evidential forms of mood markers. Furthermore, in sharp contrast to Middle Japanese, where -ba is frequently found after the retrospective evidential -(i)ker-e- in the form -(i)ker-e-ba, in Western Old Japanese the conjunctive converb -mba is rare after the retrospective evidential -ker-e-. This probably indicates that the semantics of the conjunctive converb -mba are strongly rooted in actual and certain facts, therefore, it cannot combine with any morphemes expressing conjecture. Although the majority of the examples cited below seem to support Akiba’s generalization that -mba signals a switch of the subject after it (Akiba 1977: 611), four examples clearly contradict this generalization, as the subject stays the same after -mba, see KK 2, MYS 2.196, MYS 5.802, and MYS 20.4480 below. In traditional grammar -mba is considered to have three meanings: (1) reason; (2) realis condition; (3) temporal connection of two actions (‘when X, then

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Verbs

Y’) (Yamada 1954: 480–482). However, in Western Old Japanese the conjunctive converb -mba does not indicate the realis condition unless it is a temporal condition. I therefore view this temporal condition as a particular case of the temporal connection function. General conditions are expressed by the conditional converb -amba ~ -mba or by other means, such as a combination of the subordinative converb -te or the negative converb -aⁿz-u with the following topic particle pa. (1) Reason: 阿波母與賣迩斯阿禮婆那遠岐弖遠波那志

a pa mǝ yǝ me n-i si ar-e-mba na-wo [o]k-i-te wo pa na-si I TOP EP EP woman DV-CONV EP exist-EV-CON you-ACC leave-CONV-SUB man TOP no-FIN Because I am a woman, I have no [other] man, besides you (KK 5) 都久波尼爾阿波牟等伊比志古波多賀己等岐気波加弥尼阿波巣気牟

Tukumba-ne-ni ap-am-u tǝ ip-i-si ko pa ta-ŋga kǝtǝ kik-ɛ-mba ka mi-ne ap-aⁿz-u-k-em-u Tukumba-peak-LOC meet-TENT-FIN DV say-CONV-PAST/ATTR girl TOP whoPOSS word listen-EV-CON IP HON-peak/sleep(NML)57 meet-NEG-CONVPAST/FIN-TENT-FIN The girl, who promised [to me] that [we] will meet at the Tukumba peak, did not meet [me] at the peak/for sleeping, [is it] because [she] listened to somebody’s words? (FK 2) 吾背子尓復者不相香常思墓今朝別之為便無有都流

WA- ŋGA se-KO-ni MATA pa AP-AⁿZI ka tǝ OMƏP-Ɛ-mba ka KESA-NƏ WAKARE-NƏ SUmBE NA-K-AR-I-t-uru I-POSS beloved-DIM-DAT again TOP meet-NEG/TENT IP DV think-EV-CON IP this.morning-GEN part(NML)-GEN way no-CONV-exist-CONV-PERF-ATTR Was [it] because I thought that [we] would not meet again that there has been no way to part [with you] this morning? (MYS 4.540) 愛久志我可多良倍婆

UTUKUSI-ku si-ŋga katar-ap-ɛ-mba beautiful-CONV he-POSS talk-ITER-EV-CON as he used to say beautifully (MYS 5.904) 57  The word ne here represents a play on words: ne ‘peak’ and ne ‘sleep(CONV).’

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横風乃爾布敷可爾覆來礼婆世武須便乃多杼伎乎之良爾

YƏKƏ-SIMA-KAⁿZE-nǝ nipumbuka n-i OPOP-I-K-I-TAr-e-mba se-m-u sumbe-nǝ taⁿdǝki-wo sir-an-i cross-wind-GEN sudden DV-CONV cover-CONV-come-CONV-PERF/PROG-EVCON do-TENT-ATTR way-GEN clue-ACC know-NEG-CONV Because suddenly a crosswind came and covered [us], [I] had no clue what to do (MYS 5.904) 天漢敝太而礼婆可母安麻多須辨奈吉

AMA-NƏ ŋGAPA peⁿdat-er-e-mba kamǝ amata sumbe na-ki heaven-GEN river separate-PROG-EV-CON EP many way no-ATTR I wonder, is [it not] because the Heavenly River separates [them], there is not much that can be done (MYS 8.1522) 氣奈我久之安礼婆古非尓家流可母

kɛ naŋga-ku si ar-e-mba kopï-n-i-ker-u kamǝ day long-CONV EP exist-EV-CON long.for(CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP because it has been a long time (lit.: days) [since we left], [I] have been longing for [the capital]! (MYS 15.3668) 可敝里家流比等伎多礼里等伊比之可婆保等保登之尓吉

kaper-i-ker-u pitǝ k-i-tar-er-i tǝ ip-i-sika-mba potǝpotǝ sin-i-ki return-CONV-RETR-ATTR person come-CONV-PERF/PROG-PROG-FIN DV sayCONV-PAST/EV-CON almost die-CONV-PAST/FIN Because [they] said that a person, who returned [from exile], had come [to the capital], [I] almost died [from joy] (MYS 15.3772) 伊米尓波母等奈安比見礼騰多太尓安良祢婆孤悲夜麻受家里

imɛ-ni pa mǝtǝna api-mi-re-ⁿdǝ taⁿda n-i ar-an-e-mba kopï yam-aⁿz-u-ker-i dream-LOC TOP in.vain REC-see-EV-CONC direct DV-CONV exist-NEG-EVCON love(NML) stop-NEG-CONV-RETR-FIN although [we] see each other in vain in dreams, because [our meetings] are not direct, [our] longing does not stop (MYS 17.3980) 伊尓之邊遊阿里吉仁家礼婆許其志可毛伊波能可牟佐備

inisipe-yu ari-k-i-n-i-ker-e-mba kǝŋgǝsi kamo ipa-nǝ kamu-sambï old.times-ABL ITER-come-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-EV-CON rugged (FIN) EP rock-GEN deity-like because [they] date back to old times, deity-like rocks are rugged! (MYS 17.4003)

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667

Verbs 安米乃美加度乎可氣都礼婆祢能未之奈加由

amɛ-nǝ mikaⁿdo-wo kakɛ-t-ure-mba ne nǝmï si nak-ay-u heaven-GEN sovereign-ACC think.in.the.heart(CONV)-EV-CON sound RP EP cry-PASS-FIN Because [I] think in my heart about [my] heavenly sovereign, [I] only sob loudly (MYS 20.4480) 成奴礼波歓美貴美奈毛念食流

NAR-I-n-ure-mba KƏKƏRƏmBOSI-mi TAPUTO-mi namo OMƏP-I-TAMAP-Uru become-CONV-PERF-EV-CON glad-GER awesome-GER FP think-CONVHUM-ATTR because [it] became [as the deity said], [the sovereign] thought that [it] was joyful and awesome (SM 15) (2) Temporal connection: 淤曾夫良比和何多多勢禮婆比許豆良比和何多多勢禮婆

osǝ-m-bur-ap-i wa-ŋga tat-as-er-e-mba pikǝ-ⁿ-dur-ap-i wa-ŋga tat-as-er-e-mba push-DV(CONV)-shake-ITER-CONV I-POSS stand-HON-PROG-EV-CON pullDV(CONV)-shove-ITER-CONV I-POSS stand-HON-PROG-EV-CON [I] was pushing and shaking [the door], when I was standing [there], [I] was pulling and shoving [it], when I was standing [there] (KK 2) 阿袁那母岐備比登登等母迩斯都米婆多怒斯久母阿流迦

awo na mǝ Kimbï pitǝ-tǝ tǝmǝ n-i si tum-ɛ-mba tanosi-ku mǝ ar-u ka green vegetables FP Kimbï person-COM together DV-CONV EP pick-EV-CON delightful-CONV FP exist-ATTR IP Is[n’t] it delightful when [I] pick green vegetables together with the girl from Kimbï? (KK 54) 波斯多弖能久良波斯夜麻波佐賀斯祁杼伊毛登能煩禮波佐賀斯玖母阿良受

Kurapasi yama pa saŋgasi-ke-ⁿdǝ imo-tǝ nǝmbǝr-e-mba saŋgasi-ku mǝ ar-aⁿz-u Kurapasi mountain TOP steep-EV-CONC beloved-COM climb-EV-CON steepCONV FP exist-NEG-FIN although Mound Kurapasi is steep, when [I] climb [it] with [my] beloved, [it] is not steep at all (KK 70)

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Chapter 6

吾王能立者玉藻之母許呂臥者川藻之如久

WA- ŋGA OPO KIMI-nǝ TAT-AS-E-mba [? TAT-AS-ER-E-mba] TAMA MO-NƏ mǝkǝrǝ KƏY-AS-E-mBA [? KƏY-AS-ER-E-mBA] KAPA MO-NƏ ŋGƏTƏ-ku I-POSS great lord-GEN stand-HON-EV-CON [? stand-HON-PROG-EV-CON] jewel seaweed-GEN like lie.down-HON-EV-CON [? lie.down-HON- PROGEV-CON] river weed-GEN like-CONV When my sovereign deigns to stand, [he is] like jewel seaweeds, when [he] deigns to lie down, [he] is like river weeds (MYS 2.196) This is the only example in the whole Western Old Japanese corpus where we have the honorific evidential -as-e- followed by the conjunctive converb -mba. I must also note that both forms tat-as-e-mba ‘when [he] deigns to stand’ and kǝy-as-e-mba ‘when [he] deigns to lie down’ violate the meter of the poem by having four instead of five syllables in the corresponding lines. Although Japanese commentators seems to agree to reading these lines as such, I wonder whether we have here the honorific progressive evidential forms tat-as-er-e-mba and kǝy-as-er-e-mba. Given the fact that honorific evidential progressive forms with a following -mba are attested phonographically (see the example from KK 2 above), and that they would not violate the meter, it seems reasonable to assume that they are more likely to be used here rather than tat-as-e-mba and kǝy-as-e-mba that are not attested elsewhere. 宇利波米婆胡藤母意母保由

uri pam-ɛ-mba ko-ⁿdǝmǝ omǝp-oy-u melon eat-EV-CON child-PLUR think-PASS-FIN When [I] eat melon, [I] cannot help thinking of [my] children (lit.: I suddenly think of my children) (MYS 5.802) 可由既婆比等爾伊等波延可久由既婆比等爾迩久麻延

ka yuk-ɛ-mba pitǝ-ni itǝp-aye ka-ku yuk-ɛ-mba pitǝ-ni nikum-aye that go-EV-CON person-DAT detest-PASS(CONV) thus-CONV go-EV-CON person-DAT hate-PASS(CONV) when/if [they] go that [way], [they] are detested by people, and when/if [they] go this way, [they] are hated by people … (MYS 5.804) In this example -mba is used to mark a temporal condition. 由布弊爾奈礼婆伊射祢余登

yupu-m-be n-i nar-e-mba iⁿza ne-yǝ tǝ evening-GEN-side DV-CONV become-EV-CON INTER sleep-IMP DV When [it] became evening, and [we] told [him]: ‘[Go to] sleep!’ (MYS 5.904)

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669

Verbs 吾者來南登言家礼婆妹之答久

WARE pa K-I-n-am-u tǝ IP-I-ker-e-mba IMO-ŋGA IP-ER-Aku I TOP come-CONV-PERF-TENT-FIN DV say-CONV-RETR-EV-CON belovedPOSS say-PROG-NML when [Urasima] said: “I will definitely come,” [his] beloved replied: … (MYS 9.1740) 之路髪麻泥尓大皇尓都可倍麻都礼婆貴久母安流香

siro KAMI-maⁿde-ni OPO KIMI-ni tukapɛ-matur-e-mba TAPUTO-ku mǝ ar-u ka white hair-TERM-LOC great lord-DAT serve(CONV)-HUM-EV-CON awesomeCONV FP exist-ATTR IP When [one] serves [his] sovereign until grey hair, is [it not] awesome? (MYS 17.3922) 布流雪乃比加里乎見礼婆多敷刀久母安流香

pur-u YUKI-nǝ pikari-wo MI-re-mba taputo-ku mǝ ar-u ka fall-ATTR snow-GEN light-ACC see-EV-CON awesome-CONV FP exist-ATTR IP When [one] sees the light of the falling snow, is [it not] awesome? (MYS 17.3923) 相見婆登許波都波奈爾

API-MI-RE-mba tǝkǝ patu pana n-i REC-look-EV-CON eternal first flower DV-CONV when [we] looked at each other, it was [always] like eternal first flowers (MYS 17.3978) 安比見流毛乃乎須久奈久母年月經礼波古非之家礼夜母

api-mi-ru monǝwo sukuna-ku mǝ TƏSI TUKÏ P-Ure-mba kopïsi-kere ya mǝ REC-see-ATTR CONJ few-CONV FP year month pass-EV-CON miss-EV IP EP although [we] see each other, as time goes by, do [we still] miss [each other] just a bit?! (MYS 18.4118) In this example -mba is used to mark a temporal condition. 曾乎見礼婆許己呂乎伊多美

sǝ-wo MI-re-mba kǝkǝrǝ-wo ita-mi that-ACC see-EV-CON heart-ABS be painful-GER when [one] sees that, [one’s] heart aches (MYS 18.4122)

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Chapter 6

許己見礼婆宇倍之神代由波自米家良思母

kǝkǝ MI-re-mba umbɛ-si KAMÏ-YƏ-yu paⁿzimɛ-ker-asi-mǝ here look-EV-CON be.indeed-FIN deity-age-ABL begin(CONV)-RETR-SUP-EXCL when [you] look at this place, it indeed looks like [they] began [the building of the palaces] from the Age of Gods! (MYS 20.4360)58 伊豫国与利白祥鹿乎献奉天在礼方有礼志与呂許保志止奈毛見流

Iyǝ-NƏ KUNI-yǝri SIRO-KI SIRUSI N-Ə SIKA-wo TATEMATUR-I-te Ar-e-mba uresi yǝrǝkǝmb-ǝsi tǝ namo MI-ru Iyǝ-GEN province-ABL white-ATTR mark DV-ATTR deer-ACC present(HUM)CONV-SUB exist-EV-CON glad joyful-ADJ DV FP see-ATTR when [they] had presented [us] with a deer with white marks from the province of Iyǝ, [we] regarded this as a joyful and auspicious [event] (SM 46) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The conjunctive converb -mba is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese in the functions of reason and temporal connection. Examples: (1) Reason: 汝者故布婆曾毛

NA pa kop-u[re]-mba sǝ mo you TOP love-EV-CON FP EP because you love [me] (MYS 14.3382) 麻萬能手兒奈我安里之可婆麻末乃於須比尓奈美毛登杼呂尓

mama-nǝ teko na-ŋga ar-i-sika-mba mama-nǝ osu-pi-ni nami mǝ tǝⁿdǝrǝ n-i cliff-GEN girl name-POSS exist-CONV-PAST/EV-CON cliff-GEN rock-shoreLOC wave FP roaring DV-CONV because the girl from the cliffs was famous, even the waves roar at the rocky shore of the cliffs (MYS 14.3385)

58  Opinions differ whether this poem belongs to a border-guard or to Ōtomo-no Yakamochi himself. The latter seems more probable, since the poem is preceded by the line in Chinese: 陳私拙懐一首 ‘a poem stating my own humble thoughts,’ and also because it is written in perfect Western Old Japanese, without any elements typical for Eastern Old Japanese. Therefore, I treat it as a Western Old Japanese text.

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671

Verbs

麻乎其母能布能末知可久弖安波奈敞波於吉都麻可母能奈気伎曾安我須流

mawo-ŋ-gǝmǝ-nǝ pu-nǝ ma tika-ku-te ap-an-ap-e-mba oki-tu ma-kamǝ-nǝ naŋgɛk-i sǝ a-ŋga s-uru nettle-GEN-mat-GEN mesh-GEN space be.close-CONV-SUB meet-NEG-ITEREV-CON offing-GEN/LOC INT-duck-COMP lament-NML FP I-POSS do-ATTR Because [we] do not meet being as close [to each other] as spaces between the meshes of a nettle mat, I lament like a real duck in the offing (MYS 14.3524) (2) Temporal connection: 佐祢奈敞波己許呂乃緒呂爾能里弖

sa-ne-n-ap-e-mba kǝkǝrǝ-nǝ WO-rǝ-ni nǝr-i-te PREF-sleep-NEG-ITER-EV-CON heart-GEN cord-DIM-LOC ride-CONV-SUB when [we] continue not to sleep [together], [you] are riding on [my] heart’s little cord (MYS 14.3466) 伊弖久礼婆和努等里都伎弖伊比之古奈波毛

iⁿde-k-ure-mba wanu tǝr-i-tuk-i-te ip-i-si ko-na pa mǝ exit(CONV)-come-EV-CON I grab-CONV-attach-CONV-SUB say-CONV-PAST/ ATTR girl-DIM TOP FP when [I] left [the house], oh, [that] girl who grabbed me and complained (MYS 20.4358) A2: Ryukyuan The conjunctive converb -ba is amply attested in Old Ryukyuan and in modern dialects in various parts of the Ryukyuan islands. In Northern and Central Ryukyuan dialects it has the same function as the provisional -eba in modern Standard Japanese. In modern Shuri, the evidential and the following -ba merged as -ee. Examples: Old Ryukyuan せいくさおしたてはけおやりやりまふらせひやくおしたてはけおやりやりまふら

se ikusa os-i-tat-e-ba keo yar-i-yar-i mabur-a se fiyaku os-i-tat-e-ba keo yar-i-yari mabur-a holy army push-CONV-stand-EV-CON spiritual.force send-CONV-send-CONV protect-TENT holy hundred push-CONV-stand-EV-CON spiritual.force send-CONV-send-CONV protect-TENT

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Chapter 6

Because [you] send forward the holy army, send [your] spiritual force, and protect [it], because [you] send forward the holy hundred, send [your] spiritual force, and protect [them] (OS 1.17) Shuri

ʔutus-ee warï-uN drop-EV/CON break-FIN Provided [you] drop [it, it] will break (RKJ 69) Amami

ʔari-ga k-ii-ba wakary-uŋ he-NOM come-EV-CON understand-FIN Provided he comes, [you] will understand (Nohara 1998: 139) Miyako

kuucch-i-ba mach-uur-i come.?-EV-CON wait(CONV)-exist-IMP Because [I] will come, wait (Nohara 1998: 390) Given the wide distribution of the Western Old Japanese conjunctive converb -mba and its cognates in Japonic, we can reconstruct PJ *-npa. To the best of my knowledge there are no external parallels. 3.2.2.1.5 Concessive Converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ] The concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ] has just one allomorph, but it has two variants: -ⁿdǝ and -ⁿdǝmǝ with no overt functional difference. The former appears to be its original form and the latter in all likelihood represents historically a combination of -ⁿdǝ with the following emphatic particle mǝ. The concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ] always follows the evidential form of a verb. In a diachronic perspective this probably means that it was once a bound noun that became a converb suffix through the process of grammaticalization, although we can no longer recover the exact meaning of this bound noun. It is, nevertheless, important to see what suffixes and bound auxiliaries are used before the evidential preceding the concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ]. The combinations of -ⁿdǝ[mǝ] with the evidential forms of these markers are provided in the chart below.

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673

Verbs chart 53 Combinations of the conjunctive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ] with preceding evidential forms of suffixes and bound auxiliaries

evidential forms of suffixes and bound auxiliaries

combination forms

negative -an-eiterative -ap-ɛtentative -am-ɛtentative2 -(u)ram-ɛhonorific -as-epassive -(a)ye-, -rayeperfective -n-ureperfective -t-urepast evidential -sikaprogressive -er-eperfective-progressive -tar-eretrospective -ker-e-

-an-e-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] -ap-ɛ-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] -am-ɛ-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] -(u)ram-ɛ-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] -as-e-ⁿdǝ[mǝ]* -(a)y-ure-ⁿdǝ[mǝ]** -n-ure-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] -t-ure-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] -sika-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] -er-e-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] -tar-e-ⁿdǝ[mǝ]*** -ker-e-ⁿdǝ[mǝ]

Note: * The combination of the honorific evidential -as-e- (more exactly its variant -ǝs-e-) with the concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ] can be traced only historically, since it is attested only once in the honorific verb kikǝs- ‘to say(HON),’ which is derived from kik- ‘to hear’ + honorific suffix -ǝs-, see the example from MYS 13.3289 below. ** There are no reliable phonographic attestations of the combination of the passive evidential -(a)y-ure- with the concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ] anywhere in the Western Old Japanese corpus. The example from MYS 11.2595 below is probably the best logographic attestation of this combination. *** The combination of the perfective-progressive evidential tar-e- with the concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ] is not attested phonographically in the Western Old Japanese corpus. The example from MYS 4.727 below probably is the best evidence for the existence of this form on the basis of the meter; but, nevertheless, the TAR-E- portion of the form -TAR-Eⁿdǝ is spelled there only logographically.

The concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ] is probably the most versatile converb since the evidential form it follows immediately can be preceded by more suffixes and bound auxiliaries than any other converb. In contrast to the conjunctive converb that cannot combine with any evidential forms of mood markers and to the conditional converb that can combine only with the subjunctive mood suffix, the concessive converb can combine with both tentative mood markers, but does not combine with the subjunctive mood suffix. The concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ] has only one function: introducing a concessive clause:

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674

Chapter 6

阿加陀麻波袁佐閇比迦禮杼斯良多麻能岐美何余曾比斯多布斗久阿理祁理

aka-ⁿ-dama pa wo sapɛ pikar-e-ⁿdǝ sira tama-nǝ kimi-ŋga yǝsǝpi si taputo-ku ar-i-ker-i red-DV(ATTR)-jewel TOP cord RP shine-EV-CONC white jewel-COMP lordPOSS adorned.appearance EP revered-CONV exist-CONV-RETR-FIN Although even the cord of red jewels shines, [I] realized [that I] feel reverence [for my] lord’s adorned appearance, which is like a white jewel (KK 7) 古波陀袁登売袁迦微能碁登岐許延斯迦杼母阿比麻久良麻久

Kopaⁿda wotǝme-wo kamï-nǝ ŋgǝtǝ kik-ǝye-sika-ⁿdǝmǝ api-makuramak-u Kopaⁿda maiden-ABS deity-GEN like hear-PASS(CONV)-PAST/EV-CONC RECpillow-FIN Although [it] is rumored that the maiden from Kopaⁿda is like a goddess, [we] slept together (lit.: pillowed each other) (KK 45) 麻由美伊岐良牟登許許呂波母閇杼伊斗良牟登許許呂波母閇杼母登弊波岐 美袁淤母比傅

mayumi i-kir-am-u tǝ kǝkǝrǝ pa [o]mǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝ i-tor-am-u tǝ kǝkǝrǝ pa [o]mǝp-ɛⁿdǝ mǝtǝ-pe pa kimi-wo omǝp-i-[i]ⁿde mayumi DLF-cut-TENT-FIN DV heart TOP think-EV-CONC DLF-take-TENT-FIN DV heart TOP think-EV-CONC root-side TOP lord-ACC think-CONV-exit(CONV) although [I] wish in [my] heart to cut mayumi trees here, although [I] wish in [my] heart to take [them] here, [I] remember my lord at the roots [of the trees], and … (KK 51) 阿軻娜磨廼比訶利播阿利登比登播伊珮耐企弭我誉贈比志多輔妬勾阿利 計利

aka-ⁿ-dama-nǝ pikari pa ar-i tǝ pitǝ pa ip-ɛ-ⁿdǝ kimi-ŋga yǝsǝpi si taputo-ku ar-i-ker-i red-DV(ATTR)-jewel-GEN light TOP exist-FIN DV person TOP say-EV-CONC lord-POSS adorned.appearance EP revered-CONV exist-CONV-RETR-FIN Although people say that the red jewel has light, [I] realized [that I] feel reverence [for my] lord’s adorned appearance (NK 6) 花毛佐家礼杼山乎茂入而毛不取

PANA mo sak-er-e-ⁿdǝ YAMA-wo SI ŋGƐ-MI IR-I-TE mo TƏR-AⁿZ-U flower FP bloom-PROG-EV-CONC mountain-ABS thick-GER enter-CONV-SUB FP take-NEG-FIN though flowers have bloomed, too, because mountains [are covered by] deep [bush], even [if you] enter the mountains, [you] will not take [the flowers] (MYS 1.16) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

675

Verbs 梓弓引者随意依目友後心乎知勝奴鴨

AⁿDUSA YUMI PIK-Amba MANIMA N-I YƏR-Am-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ NƏTI-NƏ KƏKƏRƏ-wo SIR-I-kate-n-u kamo catalpa bow pull-COND according DV-CONV approach-TENT-EV-CONC afterGEN heart-ACC know-CONV-POT-NEG-ATTR EP Although [I] would go to [you] if [you] pull [the strings of my heart like] catalpa bow, [I] cannot know [your] feelings after [that]! (MYS 2.98) 鳥翔成有我欲比管見良目杼母人社不知松者知良武

TƏRI pa NAR-I ARI- ŋgayop-i-tutu MI-ram-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ PITƏ KƏSƏ SIR-AN-E MATU pa SIR-Uram-u bird TOP become-CONV ITER-go.back.and.forth-CONV-COOR see-TENT2CONC person FP know-NEG-EV pine TOP know-TENT2-FIN Although people would look, [they would] not recognize [the soul of prince Arima that] travels backs and forth like a bird. But [they] would know the pine [branches that he has tied] (MYS 2.145) 常磐成石室者今毛安里家礼騰住家類人曽常無里家留

TƏK[Ə]-IPA-NASU IPA YA pa IMA mo ar-i-ker-e-ⁿdǝ SUM-I-ker-u PITƏ sǝ TUNE NA-K-Ar-i-ker-u Eternal rock-COMP rock house TOP now FP exist-CONV-RETR-EV-CONC liveCONV-RETR-ATTR person FP usual no-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-ATTR Although there are now as well the rock dwellings that are like an eternal rock, [it] turns out that [it] is not usual that people live [there] (MYS 3.308) 萱草吾下紐尓著有跡鬼乃志許草事二思安利家理

WASURE-ŋ-GUSA WA-ŋGA SITA-N-PIMO-ni TUKƐ-TAR-E-ⁿdǝ SIKƏ n-ǝ sikǝ KUSA kǝtǝ n-i si ar-i-ker-i forget(NML)-GEN-grass I-POSS bottom-GEN-cord-LOC attach(CONV)-PERF/ PROG-EV-CONC stupid DV-ATTR stupid grass word DV-CONV EP existCONV-RETR-FIN Although [I] have tied the “forgetting grass” to the cords of my under[garment], stupid, stupid grass—[it] turned out just to be called [so] (MYS 4.727) 安礼乎於伎弖人者安良自等富己呂倍騰

are-wo ok-i-te PITƏ pa ar-aⁿzi tǝ pokǝr-ǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝ I-ACC leave-CONV-SUB person TOP exist-NEG/TENT DV boast-ITER-EV-CONC although [I] repeatedly boast that there are probably no other persons besides me (MYS 5.892)

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Chapter 6

出波之利伊奈奈等思騰許良爾佐夜利奴

IⁿDE-pasir-i in-ana tǝ OMƏP-Ɛ-ⁿdǝ kǝ-ra-ni sayar-i-n-u exit(CONV)-run-CONV go.away-DES DV think-EV-CONC child-PLUR-DAT be prevented-CONV-PERF-FIN although [I] think that [I] would like to run out and go away, [I] am prevented by [my] children (MYS 5.899) 夢谷何鴨不所見雖所見吾鴨迷戀茂尓

IMƐ-NI ⁿdani NANI kamo MI-YE-N-U MI-Y-URE-ⁿDƏ ARE kamo MATOP-U KOPÏ-NƏ SI ŋGƐ-KI-ni dream-LOC RP what EP see-PASS-NEG-ATTR see-PASS-EV-CONC I EP be.worried-ATTR love(NML)-GEN be.thick-ATTR-LOC Why [I] cannot see [you] even in [my dreams], I wonder? Even if [I] can see [you], I am worried because of the intensity of love! (MYS 11.2595) 戀友何如妹尓相時毛名寸

KOP-URE-ⁿdǝmǝ NANI si ka IMO-ni AP-U TƏKI mo na-ki long.for-EV-CONC what EP IP beloved-DAT meet-ATTR time FP no-ATTR although [I] long for [her], why there is no time at all to meet [my] beloved? (MYS 12.2994) 相有君乎莫寐等母寸巨勢友吾情清隅之池之池底吾者不忘

AP-I-TAR-U KIMI-wo NA-NE-N-E-SƏ tǝ PAPA kikǝs-e-ⁿdǝmǝ WA- ŋGA KƏKƏRƏ KIYOSUMI-NƏ IKƐ IKƐ-NƏ SƏKƏ WARE pa WASUR-AⁿZI meet-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR lord-ACC NEG-sleep-DES-IMP-do DV mother say(HON)-EV-CONC Kiyosumi pond pond-GEN bottom I TOP forget-NEG/ TENT Although [my] mother tells [me]: “Do not sleep with [him]!”, my love [is as deep as] the bottom of the pond Kiyosumi, [and] I would not forget you, with whom [I] was meeting (MYS 13.3289) 妹等安里之時者安礼杼毛和可礼弖波許呂母弖佐牟伎母能尓曽安里家流

IMO-tǝ ar-i-si TƏKI pa ar-e-ⁿdǝmo wakare-te pa kǝrǝmǝⁿde samu-ki mǝnǝ n-i sǝ ar-i-ker-u beloved-COM exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR time TOP exist-EV-CONC separate (CONV)-SUB TOP sleeve cold-ATTR thing DV-CONV FP exist-CONVRETR-ATTR Although there was a time when [I] was with [my] beloved, after [we] separated, [my] sleeves are cold (MYS 15.3591)

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677

Verbs 和可礼弖比左尓奈里奴礼杼比登比母伊毛乎和須礼弖於毛倍也

wakare-te pisa n-i nar-i-n-ure-ⁿdǝ pitǝ pi mǝ imo-wo wasure-te omop-ɛ ya part(CONV)-SUB long DV-CONV become-CONV-PERF-EV-CONC one day FP beloved-ACC forget(CONV)-SUB think-EV IP although [it] has been long since [we] parted, would [I] think of forgetting my beloved even for one day? (MYS 15.3604) 等之能乎奈我久安波射礼杼家之伎己許呂乎安我毛波奈久尓

tǝsi-nǝ wo naŋga-ku ap-aⁿz-ar-e-ⁿdǝ kesi-ki kǝkǝrǝ-wo a-ŋga [o]mop-an-aku n-i year-GEN cord long-CONV meet-NEG(CONV)-exist-EV-CONC unusual-ATTR heart-ACC I-POSS think-NEG-NML DV-CONV although [we] did not meet for a long time, I am not going to change [my] mind (MYS 15.3775) 君波見礼登安可尓勢牟

KIMI pa MI-re-ⁿdǝ ak-an-i se-m-u lord TOP look-EV-CONC be.satisfied-NEG-NML do-TENT-FIN although you will look, [you] would not be satisfied (MYS 17.3902) 宇梅能花伊都波乎良自等伊登波祢登佐吉乃盛波乎思吉物奈利

uMƐ-nǝ PANA itu pa wor-aⁿzi tǝ itǝp-an-e-ⁿdǝ sak-i-nǝ SAKAR-I pa wosi-ki MƏNƏ nar-i plum-GEN blossom when TOP break-NEG/TENT DV dislike-NEG-EV-CONC bloom-NML-GEN blossom-NML TOP regrettable-ATTR thing be-FIN Although [I] do not dislike [breaking] plum blossoms, thinking that [I] should not break them anytime, it is regrettable [to do so] at the peak of [their] blooming (MYS 17.3904) 伊米尓波母等奈安比見礼騰多太尓安良祢婆孤悲夜麻受家里

imɛ-ni pa mǝtǝna api-MI-re-ⁿdǝ taⁿda n-i ar-an-e-mba kopï yam-aⁿz-u-ker-i dream-LOC TOP in.vain REC-see-EV-CONC direct DV-CONV exist-NEG-EV-CON love(NML) stop-NEG-CONV-RETR-FIN although [we] see each other in vain in dreams, because [our meetings] are not direct, [our] longing does not stop (MYS 17.3980) 可由吉賀久遊岐見都礼騰母曽許母安加尓等

ka yuk-i ka-ku yuk-i MI-t-ure-ⁿdǝmǝ sǝkǝ mǝ ak-an-i tǝ thus go-CONV thus-CONV go-CONV look(CONV)-PERF-EV-CONC there FP be.satisfied-NEG-CONV DV although [I] have looked going here and there, [I] thought that [it] was not enough, and … (MYS 17.3991) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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久須理師波都祢乃母阿礼等麻良比止乃伊麻乃久須理師多布止可理家利米 太志加利鶏利

kusurisi pa tune n-ǝ mǝ ar-e-ⁿdǝ marapitǝ n-ǝ ima-nǝ kusurisi taputǝ-k-ar-i-ker-i mɛⁿdasi-k-ar-i-ker-i medicine man TOP usual DV-ATTR FP exist-EV-CONC guest DV-ATTR nowGEN medicine man revered-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN praiseworthyCONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN Although there are usual medicine men, too, the present Guest Medicine Man is [indeed] revered. [He] is praiseworthy (BS 15) 多能遍重天勅止毛敢末之時止為弖

AMATA n-ǝ tambi KASANE-te NƏTAMAP-Ɛ-ⁿdǝmo AP-Umasiⁿzi tǝ s-i-te many DV-CONV time pile.up(CONV)-SUB tell(HON)-EV-CONC be.ready.to.doNEG/POT DV do-CONV-SUB although [I] told him many times [to accept the job], [he] believed that [he] cannot be ready to do [it] (SM 26) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ] is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese: 可伎武太伎奴礼杼安加奴乎安杼加安我世牟

kaki-muⁿdak-i n-ure-ⁿdǝ ak-an-u-wo aⁿ-dǝ ka a-ŋga se-m-u PREF-embrace-CONV sleep-EV-CONC satisfy-NEG-ATTR-ACC what-DV IP I-POSS do-TENT-ATTR although [I] slept [with her] keeping [her] in my arms, since it was not enough [for me], what should I do? (MYS 14.3404) 之良夜麻可是能宿奈敝杼母古呂賀於曽伎能安路許曽要志母

sira yama kaⁿze-nǝ NE-n-ap-e-ⁿdǝmǝ ko-rǝ-ŋga osǝki-nǝ ar-o kǝsǝ ye-si-mǝ white mountain wind-GEN sleep-NEG-ITER-CONC girl-DIM-POSS garmentGEN exist-ATTR FP good-FIN-EXCL although [I] continue not to sleep at the [cold] wind from the White Mountain, [it] is good to have my girl’s garment! (MYS 14.3509)

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679

Verbs

多妣己呂母夜倍伎可佐祢弖伊努礼等母奈保波太佐牟志伊母尓志阿良祢婆

tambi kǝrǝmǝ ya-pɛ ki-kasane-te i n-ure-ⁿdǝmǝ napo paⁿda samu-si imǝ n-i si ar-an-e-mba travel garment eight-CL wear(CONV)-pile.up(CONV)-SUB sleep sleep-EVCONC still skin cold-FIN beloved DV-CONV EP exist-NEG-EV-CON Although [I] sleep, putting on eight layers of travel garments, it is still cold, because [it] is not [my] beloved (MYS 20.4351) A2: Ryukyuan The variant -domo (but not -do) is attested only in Old Ryukyuan, but it does not appear in any of the modern dialects (Hokama 1995: 462). This probably constitutes enough evidence in favor of the fact that it should be a loan from mainland Japanese. There are no external parallels, either. 3.2.2.2 Nominalizers There are four nominalizers in Western Old Japanese: -i, -u, -aku, and -usa. 3.2.2.2.1 Nominalizer -i The nominalizer -i must be distinguished from the converb -i: although they might look similar, they have different accent patterns (Martin 1987: 211), and not to mention their completely different syntactic functions. There is, however, a morphonological similarity between the two: like the converb -i, the nominalizer -i has an allomorph -∅ after both weak and strong vowel verbs, -i being suppressed after the final vowel of the stem, e.g.: *kopï-i > kopï-∅ ‘love, longing,’ *mi-i > mi-∅ ‘seeing, looking.’ In the word-for-word glosses I give such suppressed nominalizers in parentheses: (NML). However, the nominalizer itself suppresses the final vowel of the stem in irregular verbs, resulting in *kǝ-i > k-i ‘coming’ and *se-i > s-i ‘doing.’ Nominalized forms in -i behave in many respects like nouns: they can be followed by case markers and by the defective copula n-. However, they do not take plural suffixes, or diminutive suffixes. Examples: 佐用婆比爾阿理多多斯用婆比迩阿理加用婆勢

sa-yomb-ap-i-ni ari-tat-as-i yomb-ap-i-ni ari-kayop-as-e PREF-call-ITER-NML-LOC ITER-set.out-HON-CONV call-ITER-NML-LOC ITER-set.out-HON-EV [I] set out (repeatedly) to woo [her] there, [I] set out (repeatedly) to woo [her] (KK 2)

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Chapter 6

久路岐美祁斯遠麻都夫佐爾登理與曾比 … 阿遠岐美祁斯遠麻都夫佐迩登理 與曾比

kuro-ki mi-kes-i-wo ma-tumbusa n-i tǝr-i-yǝsǝp-i … awo-ki mi-kes-i-wo matumbusa n-i tǝr-i-yǝsǝp-i black-ATTR HON-wear(HON)-NML-ACC INT-without fail DV-CONV takeCONV-dress-CONV … blue-ATTR HON-wear(HON)-NML-ACC INT-without fail DV-CONV take-CONV-dress-CONV wearing neatly a black garment … wearing neatly a blue garment (KK 4) 麻用賀岐許迩加岐多禮

mayo-ŋ-kak-i kǝ n-i kak-i-tare eyebrow-GEN-paint-NML thick DV-CONV paint-CONV-hang(CONV) [she] painted down thickly [her eyebrows] with an eyebrow rouge (KK 42) 微能佐加理毘登登母志岐呂加母

mï-nǝ sakar-i-m-pitǝ tǝmǝsi-ki rǝ kamǝ body-GEN bloom-NML-DV(ATTR)-person envious-ATTR DV(ATTR) EP How [I] am envious of the people who are in their prime! (KK 95) 夜本爾余志伊岐豆岐能美夜

yapo ni yǝ-si i-kiⁿduk-i n-ǝ miya eight.hundred ground good-FIN DLF-build-NML DV-ATTR palace a palace built there on an eight hundred [times] good soil (KK 100) 妹慮予嗣爾予嗣予利據祢

mɛ-rǝ yǝs-i-ni yǝs-i yǝr-i-kǝ-n-e mesh-DIM bring.near-NML-COMP bring.near-NML approach-CONV-comeDES-IMP [Girls, I] wish [you] would come near, like [they] bring near the meshes (NK 3) 区茂能於虚奈比虚予比辞流辞毛

kumo-nǝ okǝnap-i kǝ yǝpi siru-si mo spider-GEN perform-NML this night be.distinctive-FIN FP the spider’s performance is distinctive tonight (NK 65) 柂我佐基泥佐基泥曾母野倭我底騰羅須謀野

ta-ŋga sakï-ⁿ-de sakï-ⁿ-de sǝ mǝ ya wa-ŋga te tǝr-as-umo ya who-POSS chap(NML)-DV(ATTR)-hand chap(NML)-DV (ATTR)-hand FP EP EP I-POSS hand take-HON-EXCL IP whose chapped hand, chapped hand will take my hand?! (NK 108) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

681

Verbs 烏梅能波奈 … 加射之尓斯弖奈

uMƐ-nǝ pana … kaⁿzas-i n-i s-i-te-na plum-GEN blossom … decorate-NML DV-CONV do-CONV-PERF-DES Let [us] decorate [our hair] with plum blossoms (MYS 5.820) 奈良能美也故爾由久比等毛我母久左麻久良多妣由久布祢能登麻利都㝵 武仁

nara-nǝ miyako-ni yuk-u pitǝ moŋgamǝ kusa-makura tambi yuk-u pune-nǝ tǝmar-i tuŋgɛ-m-u-ni Nara-GEN capital-LOC go-ATTR person DP grass-pillow journey go-ATTR boatGEN stop-NML report-TENT-ATTR-LOC [I] wish [there were] people who go to the capital of Nara, since [I] would tell [them] about the stopping-place of the boat on which [I] go for a journey, [where I use] grass [for my] pillow (MYS 15.3612) 毛美知葉能知里能麻河比波計布仁聞安流香母

momit-i-m-BA-nǝ tir-i-nǝ maŋgap-i pa kepu-ni mo ar-u kamǝ leaves.turn.red/yellow-NML-GEN-leaf-GEN fall-NML-GEN scatter. aroundNML TOP today-LOC FP exist-ATTR EP The scattering of maple leaves occurs today, too! (MYS 15.3700) 毛美知和礼由伎弖可敝里久流末弖知里許須奈由米

momit-i ware yuk-i-te kaper-i-k-uru-maⁿde tir-i-kǝs-una yumɛ leaves.turn.red/yellow-NML I go-CONV-SUB return-CONV-come-ATTR-TERM fall-CONV-BEN-NEG/IMP at.all Red leaves! Please do not fall at all until I go and come back (MYS 15.3702) 比等久爾波須美安之

pitǝ kuni pa sum-i asi person country TOP live-NML bad(FIN) [It] is difficult to live in [other] people’s province (MYS 15.3748) 梅柳乎理加謝思氐婆意毛比奈美可毛

UMƐ YANA ŋGÏ wor-i kaⁿzas-i-te-mba omop-i na-mi kamo plum willow break-CONV decorate-CONV-PERF-COND think-NML no-GER EP because, if [we] had broken [branches] of plum trees and willows and decorated [our heads], there would be no [sad] thoughts! (MYS 17.3905)

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伊米尓波母等奈安比見礼騰多太尓安良祢婆孤悲夜麻受家里

imɛ-ni pa mǝtǝna api-MI-re-ⁿdǝ taⁿda n-i ar-an-e-mba kopï yam-aⁿz-u-ker-i dream-LOC TOP in.vain REC-see-EV-CONC direct DV-CONV exist-NEG-EV-CON long.for(NML) stop-NEG-CONV-RETR-FIN although [we] see each other in vain in dreams, because [our meetings] are not direct, [our] longing does not stop (MYS 17.3980) 思良多麻能伊保都追度比乎手爾牟須妣

sira tama-nǝ ipo-tu tuⁿdop-i-wo TE-ni musumb-i white pearl-GEN five.hundred-CL collect-NML-ACC hand-LOC tie-CONV to tie a set of five hundred white pearls to [your] arms (MYS 18.4105) 安佐之保美知尓与流許都美

asa sipo mit-i-ni yǝr-u kǝtumi morning tide full-NML-LOC approach-ATTR trash the trash that is brought up by the full morning tide (MYS 20.4396) 美阿止都久留伊志乃比鼻伎波阿米爾伊多利都知佐閇由須礼

mi-atǝ tukur-u isi-nǝ pimbik-i pa amɛ-ni itar-i tuti sapɛ yusur-e HON-footprint make-ATTR stone-GEN echo-NML TOP heaven-LOC reachCONV earth RP shake-EV The echo of the stone, where [I] carved the footprints [of the Buddha], reaches Heaven, and shakes the Earth as well (BS 1) 3.2.2.2.1.1

Special Uses of Nominalized Verbs

Nominalized verbs can be followed by the verb se- ‘to do’ or by the defective verb n- ‘to be,’ forming secondary verbal forms with the meanings ‘doing X’ or ‘being X.’ 伊毛袁斯多那岐爾

imo-wo sita nak-i n-i beloved-ABS secretly weep-NML DV-CONV [My] beloved secretly wept, and (lit.: being secretly weeping) … (KK 78) 伊多低於破孺破珥倍廼利能介豆岐齊奈

ita te op-aⁿz-u pa nipo-ⁿ-dǝri-nǝ kaⁿduk-i se-na painful place carry-NEG-CONV TOP grebe-DV(ATTR)-bird-COMP dive-NML do-DES rather than to receive severe wounds, let us dive [together] (lit.: let us do diving) like grebes (NK 29)

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683

Verbs 多那礼乃美巨騰

ta-nare n-ǝ mi-kǝtǝ hand-accustom(NML) DV-ATTR HON-koto favorite koto (lit.: koto which is favorite) (MYS 5.812) 美多多志世利斯伊志遠多礼美吉

mi-tat-as-i s-er-i-si isi tare mi-ki HON-stand-HON-NML do-PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR stone who see(CONV)PAST/FIN who has seen the stone on which [she] took [her] stand? (MYS 5.869) 伊波多野爾夜杼里須流伎美

Ipata-NO-ni yaⁿdǝr-i s-uru kimi Ipata-field-LOC lodge-NML do-ATTR lord [my] lord who lodged at the Ipata field (MYS 15.3689) 君波見礼登安可尓勢牟

KIMI pa MI-re-ⁿdǝ ak-an-i se-m-u lord TOP look-EV-CONC be.satisfied-NEG-NML do-TENT-FIN although you will look, [you] would not be satisfied (lit: would do no satisfaction) (MYS 17.3902) This is the only example when the nominalizer -i is used after the negative -an- in the whole Western Old Japanese corpus. 烏梅乃花美夜万等之美尓安里登母

uMƐ-nǝ PANA mi-yama tǝ sim-i n-i ar-i tǝmǝ plum-GEN blossom HON-mountain DV grow.thick-NML DV-CONV exist-FIN CONJ Even though plum blossoms are blooming densely as a mountain (MYS 17.3902) 老人毛女童兒毛之我願心太良比爾

OYI-PITƏ mo WOMINA WARAPA mo si-ŋga NE ŋG-AP-U KƏKƏRƏ-ⁿ-dar-ap-i n-i old(NML)-person FP woman child FP they-POSS desire-ITER-ATTR heart-LOCbe.enough-ITER-NML DV-CONV old people, women, and children, all [of them get] enough of what they desire to [their] hearts’ [content] (MYS 18.4094)

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Chapter 6

伊弊婢等乃伊波倍尓可安良牟

ipe-m-bitǝ-nǝ ipapɛ n-i ka ar-am-u home-GEN-person-GEN purify(NML) DV-CONV IP exist-TENT-ATTR Is [it] probably because of [my] home folks’ purification rites? (MYS 20.4409) Nominalized forms are also frequently used in the construction: V-NML-LOC plus verb of movement or action, meaning ‘to move to do V.’ See chapter 4, section 1.2.2.4 for examples. Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The nominalizer -i is well attested in Eastern Old Japanese. Examples: 伎美我美家思志安夜爾伎保思母

kimi-ŋga mi-kes-i si aya n-i ki-posi-mǝ lord-POSS HON-wear(HON)-NML EP strange DV-CONV wear(NML)-DES-EXCL strangely, [I] want to wear [my] lord’s garment! (MYS 14.3350) 安比豆祢能久爾乎佐杼抱美安波奈波婆斯努比尓勢毛等比毛牟須婆佐祢

Apiⁿdune-nǝ kuni-wo saⁿ-dǝpo-mi ap-an-ap-amba sinop-i n-i se-m-o tǝ pimo musumb-as-an-e Apiⁿdune-GEN land-ABS PREF-be.far-GER meet-NEG-ITER-COND long.forNML DV-CONV do-TENT-ATTR DV cord tie-HON-DES-IMP If [we] continue not to meet, because the land of Apiⁿdune is far, [I] wish [you] would tie [your garment] cords, as if longing for [me] (MYS 14.3426) 麻乎其母能布能末知可久弖安波奈敞波於吉都麻可母能奈気伎曾安我須流

mawo-ŋ-gǝmǝ-nǝ pu-nǝ ma tika-ku-te ap-an-ap-e-mba oki-tu ma-kamǝ-nǝ naŋgɛk-i sǝ a-ŋga s-uru nettle-GEN-mat-GEN mesh-GEN space be.close-CONV-SUB meet-NEG-ITEREV-CON offing-GEN/LOC INT-duck-COMP lament-NML FP I-POSS do-ATTR Because [we] do not meet being as close [to each other] as spaces between the meshes of a nettle mat, I sigh (lit.: do the lamenting) like a real duck in the offing (MYS 14.3524) A2: Ryukyuan The nominalizer -i is widely attested in various Ryukyuan languages. Below are some examples from Old Ryukyuan and Shuri.

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685

Verbs Old Ryukyuan 主里もりあせはつちぎりにきらせ

SIYORI mori ase fa tuti-gir-i n-i kir-as-e Shuri castle warrior TOP ground-(DV)cut-NML DV-CONV cut-HON-IMP Warriors of the Shuri castle, cut [the enemy] as cutting the ground (OS 1.33) なりとよみうちあげてなりきよらはうちあげて

nar-i-toyom-i uti-age-te nar-i-kiyora fa uti-age-te sound-CONV-resound-NML PREF-raise(CONV)-SUB sound-CONV-beautiful TOP PREF-raise(CONV)-SUB raising the “Resounding” [drum], raising the “Beautifully sounding” [drum] (OS 1.37) あやよりくせよりみらな

aya yor-i kuse yor-i mi-r-ana beautiful dance-NML rare dance-NML see-ATTR(?)-DES [I] want to see a beautiful dance, a rare dance (OS 14.1031) Shuri

nama-madi sanruu-taa-tu hur-i-ashib-i soo-ibi-ta-N now-TERM Sanruu-PLUR-COM be.enamored-CONV-play-NML do(PROG)POL-PAST-FIN Until now [he] was engrossed in playing with Sanruu and others (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 97) yuci-nu hwizu-i snow-COMP cold-NML coldness like snow (Nohara 1986: 65) 3.2.2.2.2 Nominalizer -u In Western Old Japanese the nominalizer -u, like the converb -u, occurs only after the negative suffix -(a)ⁿz- and exclusively before the converb n-i of the defective copula n- and before the converb form s-i-te of the verb se- ‘to do.’ Most examples are found in logographic or partially logographic script. 阿麻哆絆泥受邇多嚢比等用能未

amata pa ne-ⁿz-u n-i taⁿda pitǝ yo nǝmï many TOP sleep-NEG-NML DV-CONV only one night RP not sleeping [with her] many [times], only one night (NK 66) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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Chapter 6

佐夫志計米夜母吉美伊麻佐受斯弖

sambusi-k-em-ɛ ya mǝ kimi imas-aⁿz-u s-i-te sad-ATTR-TENT-EV IP EP lord come(HON)-NEG-NML do-CONV-SUB [if my] lord does not come, would [I] be sad?! [Certainly not!] (MYS 5.878) 白玉乎手者不纒尓匣耳置有之人曽玉令詠流

SIRA TAMA-wo TE-NI pa MAK-AⁿZ-U n-i PAKO-NƏMÏ-NI OK-ER-I-si PITƏ sǝ TAMA NA ŋGƐK-AS-Uru white jewel-ACC hand-LOC TOP wrap-NEG-NML DV-CONV box-PR-LOC placePROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR person FP jewel lament-CAUS-ATTR A person who has just placed [her] white jewels in a box without wearing [them] on [her] wrists, makes the jewels lament (MYS 7.1325) 於久都由之毛尓安倍受之弖京師乃山波伊呂豆伎奴良牟

ok-u tuyu simo-ni apɛ-ⁿz-u s-i-te MIYAKO-nǝ YAMA pa irǝⁿduk-i-n-uram-u fall-ATTR dew frost-LOC endure-NEG-NML do-CONV-SUB capital-GEN mountain TOP get.colored-CONV-PERF-TENT2-FIN not [being able] to endure the falling dew and frost, the mountains of the capital are probably already colored [with leaves] (MYS 15.3699) 欲流乃比毛太尓登吉佐氣受之氐

yoru-nǝ pimo ⁿdani tǝk-i-sakɛ-ⁿz-u s-i-te night-GEN cord RP untie-CONV-split-NEG-NML do-CONV-SUB without untying even the cords of [my] night [garment] (MYS 17.3938) 伊母祢受尓今日毛之賣良尓孤悲都追曽乎流

i mǝ ne-ⁿz-u n-i KEPU mo simera n-i kopï-tutu sǝ wor-u sleep FP sleep-NEG-NML DV-CONV today FP as.always DV-CONV long. for(CONV)-COOR FP exist-ATTR without sleeping (a sleep), [I] continue to love [you] today as always, too (MYS 17.3969) 保登等藝須伊麻奈可受之弖安須古要牟夜麻尓奈久等母之流思安良米夜母

potǝtǝŋgisu ima nak-aⁿz-u s-i-te asu koye-m-u yama-ni nak-u tǝmǝ sirusi ar-am-ɛ ya mǝ cuckoo now cry-NEG-NML do-CONV-SUB tomorrow cross-TENT-ATTR mountain-LOC cry-FIN CONJ sign exist-TENT-EV IP EP Cuckoo! [You] are not crying now: even if [you] cry in the mountains that [I] will cross tomorrow, would [there] be any sign?! (MYS 18.4052)

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Verbs

Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is only one example of the nominalizer -u after the negative suffix -(a)ⁿzattested in the Eastern Old Japanese corpus, appearing in front of the following converb s-i-te of the verb se- ‘to do.’ 阿須可河泊之多尓其礼留乎之良受思天勢奈那登布多里左宿而久也思母

Asuka KApa sita niŋgǝr-er-u-wo sir-aⁿz-u s-i-te se-na-na-tǝ puta-ri sa-NE-TE kuyasi-mǝ Asuka river bottom be.muddy-PROG-ATTR-ACC know-NEG-NML do-CONVSUB beloved-DIM-?-COM two-CL PREF-sleep(CONV)-SUB be.regretful-EXCL [I] regret that [I] slept with you, not knowing [that your heart] is [as] muddy [as] the bottom of the Asuka river! (MYS 14.3544) A2: Ryukyuan The nominalizer -u is not attested in Ryukyuan. Thus, we can safely conclude that it is a Western Old Japanese innovation. 3.2.2.2.3 Nominalizer -aku ~ -ku The nominalizer -aku has three allomorphs: -aku, -ku, and -eku. The latter is used exclusively after the adjectival attributive form -ki and past final form -ki: both -ki + -aku result in the fused forms -k-eku, where the morphemic boundary can be only artificially shown. The first of these two similar-looking forms has been already discussed in chapter 5, section 2.3.1. Among the two remaining allomorphs, -aku and -ku, the first is the main one, as it appears in all cases except after the past attributive -si, where the -ku allomorph is used.59 In contrast to Middle Japanese, where the nominalizer -aku became a fossilized form during the first part of the Heian period, it is still quite productive in Western Old Japanese. At first glance -(a)ku may give the impression of a true suffix, because it appears to follow directly the stems of consonant verbs, r-irregular verbs, suffixes, and auxiliaries ending in a consonant. However, this impression is certainly mistaken, as it always appears after the attributive form of all vowel verbs, regular, and irregular, for example: kop-ur-aku (kopï-) ‘loving,’ tuŋg-ur-aku 59  It is interesting to note that the nominalizer -(a)ku can be used after both the past final -ki and the past attributive -si, although there are only three examples of the former. I am grateful to Janick Wrona for pointing out to me the existence of the nominalized -k-eku form, where the nominalizer -(a)ku follows the past final form.

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(tuŋgɛ-) ‘reporting,’ mi-r-aku (mi-) ‘seeing,’ s-ur-aku (se-) ‘doing,’ k-ur-aku (kǝ-) ‘coming.’ We can see that in all these forms final /u/ in the attributive -(u)ru is lost before -aku. Thus, the usage of -aku immediately after the stems of consonant verbs, r-irregular verbs, suffixes, and auxiliaries ending in a consonant can be easily explained as resulting from the expected loss of the attributive allomorph -u used after consonant verbs etc. according to the rules of Western Old Japanese phonotactics (see chapter 2, section 2.4). For example, ip-aku ‘saying’ < *ip-u-aku, omǝp-aku ‘thinking’ < *omǝp-u-aku, ar-aku ‘existing’ < *ar-u-aku, nak-aku ‘weeping’ < *nak-u-aku. Since -aku historically follows the attributive form, it is likely that it goes back to some kind of a bound noun. In the chart below I include all combinations of -aku with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries that occur in Western Old Japanese. According to what has already been said above, it is necessary to keep in mind, of course, that historically an attributive *-u- precedes -aku in all the combinations where it is not present on the surface. chart 54 Combinations of the nominalizer -(a)ku with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and bound auxiliaries

combination forms

negative -(a)nadjectival attributive -ki + negative -antentative -(a)mattributive -(u)ru past final -ki past attributive -si retrospective -keradjectival attributive -ki

-(a)n-aku -k-en-aku -(a)m-aku -(u)r-aku -k-eku -si-ku -ker-aku -k-eku

The difference between the nominalizer -aku and the nominalizer -i is that while -i nominalizes only the verb itself, -aku nominalizes the whole clause. Examples: 那賀那加佐麻久阿佐阿米能疑理爾多多牟叙

na-ŋga nak-as-am-aku asa amɛ-nǝ kïri-ni tat-am-u ⁿzǝ you-POSS cry-HON-TENT-NML morning rain-COMP fog-LOC rise-TENTATTR FP your weeping will rise into fog like the morning rain (KK 4)

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689

Verbs 斯理都斗用伊由岐多賀比麻弊都斗用伊由岐多賀比宇迦迦波久斯良爾

siri-tu to-yo i-yuk-i-taŋgap-i mape-tu to-yo i-yuk-i-taŋgap-i ukakap-aku sir-an-i back-GEN/LOC door-ABL DLF-go-CONV-differ-CONV front-GEN/LOC doorABL DLF-go-CONV-differ-CONV look(HUM)-NML know-NEG-CONV [you are] not knowing that [they are] going there from the front door, and going there from the back door, and looking [at you] (KK 22) 奴那波久理波閇祁久斯良迩

nunapa kur-i-papɛ-k-eku sir-an-i water.shield pull.in-CONV-make.stretch(CONV)-PAST/FIN-NML know-NEGCONV not knowing that [you] pulled in the water shield (KK 44) 淤岐弊迩波袁夫泥都羅羅玖

oki-pe-ni pa woⁿ-bune turar-aku offing-side-LOC TOP DIM-boat be.stretched.in.a.line-NML the fact that small boats are stretched in a line in the offing (KK 52) 奴那波区利破陪鶏区辞羅珥 … 比辞餓羅能佐辞鶏区辞羅珥

nunapa kur-i-papɛ-k-eku sirani … pisi-ŋ-gara-nǝ sas-i-k-eku sir-an-i water.shield pull.in-CONV-make.stretch(CONV)-PAST/FIN-NML know-NEGCONV … water.chestnut-GEN-stalk-GEN grow-CONV-PAST/FIN-NML know-NEG-CONV not knowing that [you] pulled in the water shield … not knowing that the stalk of a water chestnut grew (NK 36) 古波嚢塢等綿阿羅素破儒泥辞区塢之叙于蘆波辞彌茂布

Kopaⁿda wotǝme arasop-aⁿz-u ne-si-ku-wo si ⁿzǝ urupasi-mi [o]mop-u Kopaⁿda maiden resist-NEG-CONV sleep(CONV)-PAST/ATTR-NML-ACC EP FP loving-GER think-ATTR [I] think lovingly about the fact that a Kopaⁿda maiden slept [with me] without resisting (NK 38) 挂文由遊志計礼杼母言久母綾尓畏伎

KAKƐ-M-AKU mo yuyusi-kere-ⁿdǝmǝ IP-AM-Aku mǝ AYA n-i KASIKO-ki think-TENT-NML FP be.reserved-EV-CONC say-TENT-NML FP extreme DVCONV awesome-ATTR Although [it] is unthinkable even to think [about it], and to say [it], too, is extremely awesome … (MYS 2.199)

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余戀良苦乎不知香安類良武

WA- ŋGA KOP-Ur-aku-wo SIR-AⁿZ-U ka ar-uram-u I-POSS love-ATTR-NML-ACC know-NEG-CONV IP exist-TENT2-ATTR are [you] probably not knowing that I love [you]? (MYS 4.720) 世間之苦物尓有家良久

YƏ-NƏ NAKA-NƏ KURUSI-KI MƏNƏ n-i AR-I-ker-aku world-GEN inside-GEN hard-ATTR thing DV-CONV exist-CONV-RETR-NML The fact that life turned out to be hard (MYS 4.738) 吾妹子之念有四九四面影二三湯

WA-ŋG-IMO-KO-NƏ OMƏP-ER-I-si-ku si OMƏ-KA ŋGƐ-ni mi-y-u I-POSS beloved-GEN think-PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR-NML EP face-shadowLOC see-PASS-FIN [I] saw at once what my beloved thought in [her] face (MYS 4.754) 多陀爾阿波須阿良久毛於保久

taⁿda n-i ap-aⁿz-u ar-aku mo opo-ku direct DV-CONV meet-NEG-IN exist-NML FP many-CONV There are also many occasions when [we] do not meet directly (MYS 5.809) 烏梅能波奈知良久波伊豆久

uMƐ-nǝ pana tir-aku pa iⁿduku plum-GEN flower fall-NML TOP where Where [will] the falling of the plum blossoms [be]? (MYS 5.823) 神代欲理云傳久良久

KAMÏ YƏ-yori IP-I-TUTE-k-ur-aku deity age-ABL say-CONV-convey(CONV)-come-ATTR-NML The things [they] conveyed orally from the Age of Deities up to now (MYS 5.894) 可聞可聞為良久君故尓許曽

ka mo ka mo S-Ur-aku KIMI YUWE n-i kǝsǝ that FP that FP do-ATTR-NML lord because DV-CONV FP It is because of you that [I] do this and that (MYS 8.1576) 來之久毛知久相流君可聞

KƏ-si-ku mo siru-ku AP-YEr-u KIMI kamo come(CONV)-PAST/ATTR-NML FP useful-CONV meet-PROG-ATTR lord EP [it] was useful that [I] had came, [as] I met you! (MYS 8.1577) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

691

Verbs 世間之愚人乃吾妹兒尓告而語久

YƏ-NƏ NAKA-NƏ ORƏKA PITƏ-nǝ WA-ŋG-IMO-KO-ni NƏR-I-TE KATAR-Aku world-GEN middle-GEN stupid person-GEN I-POSS-beloved-DIM-DAT sayCONV-SUB speak-NML the fact that the stupid person of this world told his beloved: … (MYS 9.1740) 許己乎志毛間細美香母挂巻

kǝkǝ-wo si mo ma-KUPASI-mi kamǝ KAKƐ-m-aku here-ABS EP FP INT-beautiful-GER EP think-TENT-NML thinking that it is indeed beautiful here (MYS 13.3234) 伊毛爾伊比之乎等之能倍奴良久

imo-ni ip-i-si-wo tǝsi-nǝ pɛ-n-ur-aku beloved-DAT say-CONV-PAST/ATTR-ACC year-GEN pass(CONV)-PERFATTR-NML although [I] told [my] beloved: ‘…’ the fact [is] that a year has passed (MYS 15.3719) 佐刀毘等能安礼迩都具良久

sato-m-bitǝ-nǝ are-ni tuŋg-ur-aku village-GEN-person-GEN I-DAT report-ATTR-NML what the village people report to me (MYS 17.3973) 惠美々惠末須毛宇知奈氣支可多里家末久

wem-i mi wem-aⁿz-u mo uti-naŋgɛk-i katar-i-k-em-aku smile-CONV ? smile-NEG-CONV FP PREF-sigh-CONV talk-CONV-PAST/FINTENT-NML the fact that [both of you] were probably talking, and sighing, smiling and not smiling (MYS 18.4106) 夜麻能許奴礼能保与等理天可射之都良久波知等世保久等曽

yama-nǝ kǝ-n-ure-nǝ poyǝ tǝr-i-te kaⁿzas-i-t-ur-aku pa ti tǝse pok-u tǝ sǝ mountain-GEN tree-GEN-top-GEN poyǝ take-CONV-SUB decorate.headCONV-PERF-ATTR-NML TOP thousand-CL pray-FIN DV FP [I] say that [I] pray for a thousand years that [we] will have decorated [our] heads with poyǝ60 that we take from the tops of mountain trees (MYS 18.4136)

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咲花乎折毛不折毛見良久之余志母

SAK-U PANA-wo WOR-I mo WOR-AnZ-U mo MI-r-aku si yǝ-si-mǝ bloom-ATTR flower-ACC break-NML FP break-NEG-NML FP look-ATTR-NML EP good-FIN-EXCL whether breaking off or not breaking off blooming flowers, [it] is good to look [at them]! (MYS 19.4167) 伎美乎見麻久波知登世爾母我母

kimi-wo MI-m-aku pa ti tǝse n-i mǝŋgamǝ lord-ACC see-TENT-NML TOP thousand year DV-CONV DP [I] would like to have a thousand years when [I] would see [my] lord (MYS 20.4304) 美麻久能富之伎吉美尓母安流加母

mi-m-aku-nǝ posi-ki kimi n-i mǝ ar-u kamǝ see-TENT-NML-GEN desire-ATTR lord DV-CONV FP exist-ATTR EP [I] wonder whether [it] is also my lord whom [I] want to see (MYS 20.4449) 3.2.2.2.3.1 Special Construction -(a)ku n-i

The nominalizer -(a)ku is frequently found in a combination with the following converb n-i of the defective copula n-. This construction frequently (but not always) expresses either the concessive ‘although’ or the reason ‘as, because.’ It is predominantly found at the end of a given text, and the overwhelming number of examples involve the usage combined with the preceding negative -an-. Examples: 陁黎耶始比登謀阿避於謀婆儺倶爾

tare ya si pitǝ mo api-omop-an-aku n-i who EP EP person FP REC-love-NEG-NML DV-CONV because [she] is not mutually in love with anyone else (NK 93) 伊喩之之乎都那遇舸播杯能倭柯矩娑能倭柯倶阿利岐騰阿我謨婆儺倶爾

i-y-u sisi-wo tunaŋg-u kapa pe-nǝ waka kusa-nǝ waka-ku ar-i-ki tǝ a-ŋga [o]mopan-aku n-i shoot-PASS-ATTR game.animal-ACC follow-ATTR river side-GEN young grassCOMP young-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/FIN DV I-POSS think-NEG-NML DV-CONV I do not think [he] was [as] young as young grass on the river side where [we] followed a game animal that was shot, but … (NK 117)

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693

Verbs 誰嬬可國忘有家待真國

TA- ŋGA TUMA ka KUNI WASURE-TAR-U IPE MAT-Am-aku n-i who-POSS spouse IP province forget(CONV)-PERF/PROG-ATTR home waitTENT-NML DV-CONV Whose spouse forgot [his home] province? Although [his folks at] home probably wait [for him] … (MYS 3.426) 埋木之不可顕事尓不有君

UMORE- ŋ-GÏ-NƏ ARAPAR-UMASIⁿZI KƏTƏ n-i AR-AN-Aku n-i bury(NML)-DV(ATTR)-tree-GEN appear-NEG/POT matter DV-CONV existNEG-NML DV-CONV as [it] is not the case that the buried trees would not appear (MYS 7.1385) 黄葉乎手折曽我來師雨零久仁

MOMIT-I-m-BA-wo TA-WOR-I sǝ A- ŋGA KƏ-si AMƐ-NƏ PUR-Aku n-i leaves.turn.red/yellow-NML-GEN-leaf hand-break-CONV FP I-POSS come (CONV)-PAST/ATTR rain-GEN fall-NML DV-CONV I came, breaking red leaves [with my] hand, although [it] was raining (MYS 8.1582) 戀益良國

KOPÏ MASAr-aku n-i love(NML) increase-NML DV-CONV [my] love increases (MYS 10.2228) 木綿間山越去之公之所念良國

YUPUMA YAMA KOYE-N-I-si KIMI- ŋGA OMƏP-OY-Ur-aku n-i Yupuma mountain cross(CONV)-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR lord-POSS thinkPASS-ATTR-NML DV-CONV [I] suddenly thought about you, who crossed Yupuma mountain (MYS 12.3191) 伊毛我保須倍久安良奈久尓和我許呂母弖乎奴礼弖伊可尓勢牟

imo-ŋga pos-umbɛ-ku ar-an-aku n-i wa-ŋga kǝrǝmǝⁿde-wo nure-te ika n-i se-m-u beloved-POSS dry-DEB-CONV exist-NEG-NML DV-CONV I-POSS sleeve-ACC get.wet(CONV)-SUB how DV-CONV do-TENT-FIN what should I do with my wet sleeves—because [my] beloved cannot dry [them] (MYS 15.3712)

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伊米爾毛伊母我美延射良奈久尓

imɛ-ni mo imǝ-ŋga mi-ye-ⁿz-ar-an-aku n-i dream-LOC FP beloved-POSS see-PASS-NEG(CONV)-exist-NEG-NML DVCONV in the dreams [my] beloved [always] appears … (MYS 15.3735) 等之能乎奈我久安波射礼杼家之伎己許呂乎安我毛波奈久尓

tǝsi-nǝ wo naŋga-ku ap-aⁿz-ar-e-ⁿdǝ kesi-ki kǝkǝrǝ-wo a-ŋga [o]mop-an-aku n-i year-GEN cord long-CONV meet-NEG(CONV)-exist-EV-CONC unusual-ATTR heart-ACC I-POSS think-NEG-NML DV-CONV although [we] did not meet for a long time, I am not going to change [my] mind (lit.: it is not that [I] will think unusual mind) (MYS 15.3775) 麻都能波奈花可受尓之毛和我勢故我於母敝良奈久尓母登奈佐吉都追

matu-nǝ pana PANA kaⁿzu n-i si mo wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga omǝp-er-an-aku n-i mǝtǝna sak-i-tutu pine-GEN flower flower number DV-CONV EP FP I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS think-PROG-NEG-NML DV-CONV in.vain bloom-CONV-COOR Because my beloved is not even thinking of pine flowers as flowers, [they] continue to bloom in vain (MYS 17.3942) 比祢毛須尓美等母安久倍伎宇良尓安良奈久尓

pinemosu n-i mi tǝmǝ ak-umbɛ-ki ura n-i ar-an-aku n-i all.day DV-CONV look(FIN) CONJ lose.interest-DEB-ATTR bay DV-CONV existNEG-NML DV-CONV even if [I] look all day, it is not a bay that [one] could lose interest [in looking at] (MYS 18.4037) 伎美奈良奈久尓

kimi nar-an-aku n-i lord be-NEG-NML DV-CONV as [it] is not [my] lord (MYS 20.4447) 3.2.2.2.3.2 Special Constructions -(a)m- aku por- and -(a)m-aku posi

The nominalizer -aku is occasionally found in combinations with a preceding tentative -(a)m- and a following adjective posi ‘to be wanted, to be desired’ or a verb por- ‘to want, to desire.’ The resulting analytical constructions -(a)m-aku posi61 or -(a)m-aku por- have a desiderative function. It seems that the verb 61  The construction -(a)m-aku posi contracted in Middle Japanese into -(a)mafosi, which functions as a verbal suffix (Vovin 2003: 285–287). Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

Verbs

695

por- ‘to want, to desire’ actually is a stative r-irregular verb that has its final form in -i, not -u, as there are no examples when it is attested in the final form *por-u. Moreover, a closer look at the following examples reveals that, with one exception, when it can be taken as an converb (see MYS 15.3776 below) it is found in the form por-i in the cases when the final form, and not the converb form would be expected, such as before the defective verb tǝ ‘to say,’ and at the end of sentences. It also occurs in the nominalized form por-i before the following verb se- ‘to do.’ These constructions -(a)m-aku posi and -(a)m-aku por- are used only with a handful of verbs: kakɛ- ‘to hang, to mention,’ kaŋgapur- ‘to obtain,’ kik- ‘to hear, to listen,’ mor- ‘to guard, to protect,’ mi- ‘to see, to look,’ sǝmɛ- ‘to dye,’ and ne- ‘to sleep.’ Among those, the verb mi- occurs in both constructions (and has the lion’s share of all the examples); kakɛ- and sǝmɛ- are attested only with -(a)m-aku posi,62 while kik- and ne- are attested only with -(a)m-aku por-.63 The construction -(a)m-aku posi is attested only in the Man’yōshū and the construction -(a)m-aku por- appears in both the Man’yōshū and the Senmyō. Examples: 栲領巾乃懸巻欲寸妹名乎

TAKU PIRE-nǝ KAKƐ-m-aku POSI-ki IMO-NƏ NA-wo mulberry.tree magic.scarf-COMP mention/hang-TENT-NML be.wanted-ATTR beloved-GEN name-ACC name of [my] beloved that [I] want to mention/to hang64 like a magic scarf [made of] mulberry tree [bark cloth] (MYS 3.285) 前日毛昨日毛今日毛雖見明日左倍見巻欲寸君香聞

WOTƏ-TU PI mo KINƏPU mo KEPU mo MI-T-URE-NDƏ ASU sapɛ MI-m-aku POSI-ki KIMI kamo that-GEN/LOC day FP yesterday FP today FP see(CONV)-PERF-EV-CONC tomorrow RP see-TENT-NML be.wanted-ATTR lord EP Oh, [my] lord whom [I] want to see tomorrow as well, although [I] saw you the day before yesterday, yesterday, and today! (MYS 6.1014)

62  Since sǝmɛ- is found in this construction in logographic writing, it is quite possible that por-i and not posi is used. 63  Since ne- is found in this construction in logographic writing, it is quite possible that posi and not por-i is used. 64  Kakɛ- ‘to mention’ and ‘to hang’: here it implies a play on words. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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視人乃語丹為者聞人之視巻欲為

MI-RU PITƏ-nǝ KATAR-I n-i S-URE-mba KIK-U PITƏ-NƏ MI-m-aku POR-I S-URU see-ATTR person-GEN talk-NML DV-CONV do-EV-CON hear-ATTR person-GEN see-TENT-NML want-NML do-ATTR When the people who saw [it], talk about [it], the people who hear about [it] want to see [it] (MYS 6.1062) 紅衣染雖欲

KURENAWI-NI KƏRƏMƏ SƏMƐ-M-AKU POSI-KE-ⁿDƏMƏ crimson.red-LOC garment dye-TENT-NML be.wanted-EV-CONC although [I] want to dye [my] garment crimson red (MYS 7.1297) 守巻欲寸梅花

MOR-Am-aku POSI-ki UMƐ-NƏ PANA protect-TENT-NML be.wanted-ATTR plum-GEN blossom plum blossoms that [I] want to protect (MYS 10.1858) 妹目之見巻欲家口

IMO- ŋGA MƐ-NƏ MI-m-aku POSI-k-eku beloved-POSS eye-GEN see-TENT-NML be.wanted-ATTR-NML [I] want to see the eyes of [my] beloved (MYS 11.2666) 比日寐之不寐敷細布手枕纒寐欲

KƏNƏ KƏRƏ-NƏ I-NƏ NE-RAYE-N-U PA SIK-I-TAPƐ-NƏ TA-MAKURA MAK-I-TE NE-M-AKU POR-I KƏSƏ this time-GEN sleep-GEN sleep-PASS-NEG-ATTR TOP spread-CONV-mulberry. tree.bark.cloth-GEN hand-pillow use.as.a.pillow-CONV-SUB sleep-TENTNML want-FIN FP [I] cannot sleep at this time because [I] want to sleep with the hands[of my beloved] as a pillow from mulberry tree bark cloth (MYS 12.2844) 家布毛可母美也故奈里世婆見麻久保里尓之能御馬屋乃刀尓多弖良麻之

kepu mo kamǝ miyako-n-ar-i-s-emba MI-m-aku por-i nisi-nǝ MI-MAYA-nǝ to-ni tat-er-amasi today FP EP capital-LOC-exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND see-TENT-NML wantCONV west-GEN HON-stable-GEN outside-LOC stand-PROG-SUBJ If [I] were in the capital today, too, [I] would be standing outside the Western Imperial Stables, wanting to see [you]! (MYS 15.3776)

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697

Verbs 孤悲之家口氣奈我枳物能乎見麻久保里

kopïsi-k-eku kɛ naŋga-ki MƏnǝwo MI-m-aku por-i be.longing.for-ATTR-NML day long-ATTR CONJ see-TENT-NML want-FIN although days are long when [I] long for [you], [I] want to see [you] (MYS 17.3957) 見麻久保里於毛比之奈倍尓賀都良賀氣香具波之君乎安比見都流賀母

MI-m-aku por-i omop-i-si napɛ n-i kaⁿdura kakɛ kaŋgupasi KIMI-wo api-MI-turu kamǝ see-TENT-NML want-FIN think-CONV-PAST/ATTR CONJ DV-CONV laurel attach(CONV) dear lord-ACC REC-see(CONV)-PERF-ATTR EP Just as [I] thought that [I] want to see [you], [I] met with [my] dear lord, with a laurel on [your head]! (MYS 18.4120) 奈久許惠乎伎可麻久保理登

nak-u kǝwe-wo kik-am-aku por-i tǝ cry-ATTR voice-ACC hear-TENT-NML want-FIN DV wanting to hear the crying voice of a cuckoo (MYS 19.4209) 美麻久能富之伎吉美尓母安流加母

mi-m-aku-nǝ posi-ki kimi n-i mǝ ar-u kamǝ see-TENT-NML-GEN be.desirable-ATTR lord DV-CONV FP exist-ATTR EP [I] wonder whether [it] is also my lord whom [I] want to see (MYS 20.4449) In this example we find the genitive case marker -nǝ between -(a)m-aku and posi. This form is found in Western Old Japanese only with the verb mi- ‘to see, to look.’ 子乃去禍蒙服麻久欲為流事波為親爾止奈利

KO-nǝ WAⁿZAPAPI-WO SAR-I SAKIPAPI-WO KA ŋGAPUR-Am-aku POR-I S-Uru KƏTƏ pa OYA-nǝ tamɛ n-i tǝ-nar-i child-GEN misfortune-ACC go.away-CONV happiness-ACC receive-TENTNML want-NML do-ATTR matter TOP parent-GEN for DV-CONV DV(FIN)RA-FIN [They] say that the fact that children want to avoid misfortune and obtain happiness is for the sake of [their] parents (SM 25)

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子乃蒙服麻久欲為流事波於夜乃多米爾止奈母聞行湏

KO-nǝ SAKIPAPI-WO KA ŋGAPUR-Am-aku POR-I S-Uru KƏTƏ pa oya-nǝ tamɛ n-i tǝ namǝ KIK-ƏS-I-MEs-u child-GEN happiness-ACC receive-TENT-NML want-NML do-ATTR matter TOP parent-GEN for DV-CONV DV FP hear-HON-CONV-HON-FIN [We] heard that when children want to obtain happiness [it] is for the sake of their parents (SM 61) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The nominalizer -aku ~ -ku is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese. Examples: 哭乎曽奈伎都流手兒尓安良奈久尓

NE-wo sǝ nak-i-t-uru teŋGO n-i ar-an-aku n-i voice-ACC FP cry-CONV-PERF-ATTR baby DV-CONV exist-NEG-NML DV-CONV [I] sobbed loudly, although [I] am not a baby (MYS 14.3485) 久毛為尓美由流志麻奈良奈久尓

kumowi-ni mi-y-uru sima nar-an-aku n-i distance-LOC see-PASS-ATTR island be-NEG-NML DV-CONV although [it] is not an island that is seen in the distance (MYS 20.4355) 3.2.2.2.4 Nominalizer -usa The nominalizer -usa like nominalizer -i nominalizes only the preceding verb, but not the whole clause. However, in most cases it has a very specialized temporal meaning: ‘when,’ ‘at the time when’ (see MYS 4.656 below for an exception). If one would follow the Japanese tradition that segments the nominalizer -sa (Omodaka et al. 1967: 317) and not -usa, one should claim that it follows not the attributive, but the final form of a verb, as becomes apparent from such forms as naŋg-u-sa ‘be.consoled-FIN-NML’ and k-u-sa ‘comeFIN-NML’ appearing in phonographic script in MYS 4.656 and MYS 20.4514 below (we would expect *naŋg-uru-sa and *k-uru-sa if -sa were following the attributive). However, it is unclear why a nominalizer would follow a final form rather than an attributive form or the stem of a verb (cf. the behavior of the nominalizers -(a)ku and -i). I believe that it is appropriate to treat the vowel /u/ immediately preceding /sa/ as belonging to the suffix itself. Therefore, I prefer to segment this nominalizer as -usa. Its morphophonological behavior

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is quite similar to the final -u or negative imperative -una: these suffixes follow the stem of consonant verbs directly and cause the loss of the final vowel in the stem of vowel verbs and the irregular verb kǝ- ‘to come.’ The nominalizer -usa is attested only in the Man’yōshū and it is found only after a handful of verbs: kaper- ‘to return,’ kǝ- ‘to come,’ naŋgï- ‘to be consoled,’ yuk- ‘to go,’ and wasur- ‘to forget.’65 The nominalizer -usa can be followed by the locative case marker -ni. There are just twelve examples of its usage, and all are listed below: 白菅乃真野之榛原徃左來左君社見良目

SIRA SU ŋGƐ-nǝ MA-NO-NƏ PARI PARA YUK-Usa K-Usa KIMI kəsə MI-ram-ɛ white sedge-GEN INT-field-GEN alder field go-NML come-NML lord FP look-TENT2-EV You will probably look at the field of alders at the true field of white sedges when [you] go [and] when [you] come (MYS 3.281) 与妹來之敏馬能埼乎還左尓獨之見者涕具末之毛

IMO-TƏ KƏ-si Minumɛ-nǝ SAKI-wo KAPER-Usa-ni PITƏ-RI si MI-RE-mba NAMI nDA-N-kum-asi-mo beloved-COM come(CONV)-PAST/ATTR Minumɛ-GEN cape-ACC return-NMLLOC one-CL EP look-EV-CON tear-GEN-draw-ADJ-EXCL When [I] look alone at the time of [my] return at the cape of Minumɛ where [I] came with [my] beloved, [I] am moved to tears! (MYS 3.449) 去左尓波二吾見之此埼乎獨過者情悲喪

YUK-Usa-ni pa PUTA-RI WA-ŋGA MI-si KƏNƏ SAKI-wo PITƏ-RI SU ŋG-URE-mba KƏKƏRƏ KANASI-mo go-NML-LOC TOP two-CL we-POSS see(CONV)-PAST/ATTR this cape-ACC oneCL pass-EV-CON heart be.sad-EXCL When [I] go away [and] pass alone this cape that both of us saw, [my] heart is sad! (MYS 3.450)

65  There are two verbs in Western Old Japanese: the consonant verb wasur- ‘to forget intentionally’ and wasure- ‘to forget unintentionally’ (Omodaka et al. 1967: 818). Even if the form wasur-usa ‘forget-NML’ was written phonetically in MYS 11.2580 below (where it appears in partial logographic writing as WASUR-Usa), it would be impossible to tell on pure morphological grounds which verb is used, since their final forms are identical: wasur-u. However, the context of the poem indicates that it is the intentional forgetfulness that is meant here.

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吾背子之戀云事波言乃名具左曽

WA- ŋGA SE-KO- ŋGA KOP-URU TƏ IP-U KƏTƏ pa KƏTƏ n-ǝ naŋg-usa sǝ I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS long.for-ATTR DV say-ATTR matter TOP word DV-ATTR be.consoled-NML FP The fact that my beloved tells [me] that [he] longs for [me is just] a verbal consolation (MYS 4.656) 海若之何神乎齋祈者歟徃方毛來方毛船之早兼

WATA-TU [U]MI-NƏ IⁿDURE N-Ə KAMÏ-wo INƏR-Amba KA YUK-USA mo K-USA mo PUNE-NƏ PAYA-k-em-u sea-GEN/LOC sea-GEN which DV-ATTR deity-ACC pray-COND IP go-NML FP come-NML FP boat-GEN be.fast-ATTR-TENT-ATTR If [I] pray to some deities of the sea, [your] boat should be fast both when [it] goes away and when [it] comes back (MYS 9.1784) 面形之忘左在者

OMƏ KATA-NƏ WASUR-Usa AR-Amba face shape-GEN forget-NML exist-COND If there is a time that [I] forget [your] face (MYS 11.2580) 可敝流散尓伊母尓見勢武尓和多都美乃於伎都白玉比利比弖由賀奈

kaper-usa-ni imǝ-ni MI-se-m-u-ni wata-tu mi-nǝ oki-tu SIRA TAMA pirip-i-te yuk-ana return-NML-LOC beloved-DAT see-CAUS-TENT-ATTR-LOC sea-GEN/LOC dragon-GEN offing-GEN/LOC white pearl pick.up-CONV-SUB go-DES When [I] return, [I] want to go picking up [some] white pearls from the offing of the sea dragon in order to show [them] to [my] beloved (MYS 15.3614) 多麻之家流伎欲吉奈藝佐乎之保美弖婆安可受和礼由久可反流左尓見牟

tama sik-er-u kiyo-ki naŋgisa-wo sipo mit-e-mba ak-aⁿz-u ware yuk-u kaper-usani MI-m-u pearl spread-PROG-ATTR clean-ATTR beach-ACC tide fill-EV-CON be.satisfiedNEG-CONV I go-FIN return-NML-LOC look-TENT-FIN Because the tide covered the clean beach where pearls are spread, I will go away unsatisfied. [But I] will look for [them] when [I] return (MYS 15.3706)

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Verbs 由久左久佐都々牟許等奈久布祢波々夜家無

yuk-usa k-usa tutum-u kǝtǝ na-ku pune pa paya-k-em-u go-NML come-NML be.hindered-ATTR matter no-CONV boat TOP be.fastATTR-TENT-FIN [your] boat should be fast without any hindrance when [it] goes away [and] when [it] comes back (MYS 20.4514) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan The nominalizer -usa after the final forms of verbs (different from the nominalizer -sa after adjectival stems, see chapter 5, section 2.4) is not attested in Ryukyuan. 3.2.3 Word-Non-Final Verbal Suffixes Word-non-final verbal suffixes are the suffixes that cannot conclude a verbal form and have to be followed by other suffix(es). 3.2.3.1 Negative -an- ~ -aⁿz- ~ -n- ~ -nzThe negative suffix has five allomorphs: -an-, -aⁿz-, -n-, -nz-, and -en-. The allomorph -en- appears only in the special adjectival negative nominalized form -k-en-aku (see chapter 5, section 2.3.1.1). The allomorphs -an- and -aⁿz- are used after consonant verbs and auxiliaries, and after r-irregular and n-irregular verbs, and the allomorphs -n- and -ⁿz- after vowel verbs (including irregular verbs) and auxiliaries. The choice between the allomorphs -an- ~ -n- and the allomorphs -aⁿz- ~ -ⁿz- depends on the following morpheme: -aⁿz- ~ -ⁿz- appear only before the final -u, the converb -u, and the nominalizer -u. Before all other suffixes -an- ~ -n- are used. The negative suffix -(a)ⁿz- represents a contraction of a negative nominalized form -an-i plus the verb se- ‘to do’ as the following example with an uncontracted form demonstrates. 君波見礼登安可尓勢牟

KIMI pa MI-re-ⁿdǝ ak-an-i se-m-u lord TOP look-EV-CONC be.satisfied-NEG-NML do-TENT-FIN although you will look, [you] would not be satisfied (MYS 17.3902) The negative suffix -(a)n- ~ -(a)ⁿz- can be followed only by a limited number of suffixes as outlined in chart 55 below:

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chart 55 Combinations of the negative suffix -(a)n- ~ -(a)ⁿz- with following suffixes

suffixes

combination forms

final -u attributive -(ur)u converb -i converb -u evidential -(ur)e exclamative -umǝ nominalizer -i nominalizer -u nominalizer -aku adjectival attributive -ki + nominalizer -aku

-(a)ⁿz-u -(a)n-u -(a)n-i -(a)ⁿz-u -(a)n-e -(a)n-umǝ -an-i* -(a)ⁿz-u -(a)n-aku -k-en-aku

Note: * Only one example is attested, see MYS 17.3902 above.

However, a number of suffixes and bound auxiliaries can precede the negative suffix -(a)n- ~ -(a)ⁿz-, as demonstrated in chart 56 below: chart 56 Combinations of the negative suffix -(a)n- ~ -(a)ⁿz- with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and bound auxiliaries

combination forms

passive -(a)ye-, -rayecausative -(a)simɛiterative -aphonorific -asprogressive -erperfective-progressive -tarretrospective -kerpotential -katebenefactive -kǝseadjectival attributive -ki + nominalizer -aku

-(ra)ye-n- -(a)ye-n-(a)simɛ-ⁿz-* -ap-aⁿz-as-aⁿz-er-aⁿz-** -tar-aⁿz-ker-aⁿz-*** -kate-n-, -kate-ⁿz-kǝse-n-k-en-aku

Note: * Attested only after vowel verbs. ** No reliable phonographic attestations. Attested twice in logographic writing. See the example from MYS 8.1648 below. *** The form -(a)ⁿz-u-ker-, with the retrospective -ker- following the negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u is also attested, see, e.g., example from MYS 17.3980 below. The -(a)ⁿz-u-ker- form is much more frequent than -ker-aⁿz-. The latter occurs exclusively after the converb forms of the perfective -n- and the passive -aye-. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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It becomes apparent from the chart above that -(a)n- ~ -(a)ⁿz- cannot be preceded by mood markers, which is expected since most moods have special forms in the negative mode. Examples of -(a)n- ~ -(a)ⁿz-: 多知賀遠母伊麻陀登迦受弖淤須比遠母伊麻陀登加泥婆

tati-ŋga wo mǝ imaⁿda tǝk-aⁿz-u-te osupi-wo mǝ imaⁿda tǝk-an-e-mba long.sword-POSS cord FP yet untie-NEG-CONV-SUB cloak-ACC FP yet untieNEG-EV-CON as [I] have not yet untied the cords of [my] long sword, and have not yet untied [my] cloak (KK 2) 許能美岐波和賀美岐那良受

kǝnǝ mi-ki pa wa-ŋga mi-ki nar-aⁿz-u this HON-rice.wine TOP I-POSS HON-rice.wine be-NEG-FIN This rice wine is not my rice wine (KK 39) 伊岐良受曾久流

i-kir-aⁿz-u sǝ k-uru DLF-cut-NEG-CONV FP come-ATTR [I] return without cutting [them] there (KK 51) 許許呂袁陀迩迦阿比淤母波受阿良牟

kǝkǝrǝ-wo ⁿdani ka api-omǝp-aⁿz-u ar-am-u heart-ACC RP IP REC-think-NEG-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR will [we] not think about each other at least in our hearts? (KK 60) 伊多低於破孺破珥倍廼利能介豆岐齊奈

ita te op-aⁿz-u pa nipo-ⁿ-dǝri-nǝ kaⁿduk-i se-na painful place carry-NEG-CONV TOP grebe-DV(ATTR)-bird-COMP dive-NML do-DES rather than to receive (lit: if not receiving) severe wounds, let us dive [together] like grebes (NK 29) 柯彼能矩盧古磨矩羅枳制播伊志歌孺阿羅磨志

Kapï-nǝ kuro koma kura ki-s-emba i-sik-aⁿz-u ar-amasi Kapï-GEN black stallion saddle put.on-PAST/ATTR-COND DLF-reach-NEGCONV exist-SUBJ if [he] would put a saddle on the black stallion from Kapï, [he] would not reach here [on time] (NK 81a)

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那爾騰柯母于都倶之伊母我磨陀左枳涅渠農

nani tǝ kamǝ utukusi imǝ-ŋga mata sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-n-u what DV EP beautiful beloved-POSS again bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)come-NEG-ATTR for (lit: being) what [reason], does not [my] beautiful beloved bloom again? (NK 114) 都久波尼爾阿波牟等伊比志古波多賀己等岐気波加弥尼阿波巣気牟

Tukumba-ne-ni ap-am-u tǝ ip-i-si ko pa ta-ŋga kǝtǝ kik-ɛ-mba ka mi-ne ap-aⁿz-u-k-em-u Tukumba-peak-LOC meet-TENT-FIN DV say-CONV-PAST/ATTR girl TOP whoPOSS word listen-EV-CON IP HON-peak/sleep(NML)66 meet-NEG-CONVPAST/FIN-TENT-FIN The girl, who promised [me] that [we] will meet at the Tukumba peak, did not meet [me] at the peak/for sleeping, [is it] because [she] listened to somebody’s words? (FK 2) 梓弓引者随意依目友後心乎知勝奴鴨

AⁿDUSA YUMI PIK-Amba MANIMA N-I YƏR-Am-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ NƏTI-NƏ KƏKƏRƏ-wo SIR-I-kate-n-u kamo catalpa bow pull-COND according DV-CONV approach-TENT-EV-CONC afterGEN heart-ACC know-CONV-POT-NEG-ATTR EP Although [I] would go to [you] if [you] pull [the strings of my heart like] a catalpa bow, [I] cannot know [your] feelings after [that]! (MYS 2.98) 古尓有兼人毛如吾歟妹尓戀乍宿不勝家牟

INISIPE-ni AR-I-k-em-u PITƏ mo A-ŋGA ŋGƏTƏ KA IMO-ni KOPÏ-TUTU I NEkate-ⁿZ-U-k-em-u old.times-LOC exist-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR person FP I-POSS like IP beloved-DAT long.for(CONV)-COOR sleep sleep(CONV)-POT-NEG-CONVPAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR Were the people who lived in old times unable to sleep like me, too, longing for [their] beloved? (MYS 4.497) 許許呂由母於母波奴阿比陀爾宇知那毘枳許夜斯努礼

kǝkǝrǝ-yu mǝ omǝp-an-u apiⁿda-ni uti-nambik-i kǝy-as-i-n-ure heart-ABL FP think-NEG-ATTR interval-LOC PREF-stretched.out-CONV lie. down-HON-CONV-PERF-EV 66  The word ne here represents a play on words: ne ‘peak’ and ne ‘sleep(CONV).’ Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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while even in [my] heart [I] did not think, stretched out [she] was lying (MYS 5.794) 伊波牟須弊世武須弊斯良尓石木乎母刀比佐氣斯良受

ip-am-u sumbe se-m-u sumbe sir-an-i IPA KÏ-wo mǝ top-i-sakɛ-sir-aⁿz-u say-TENT-ATTR way do-TENT-ATTR way know-NEG-CONV rock tree-ACC FP ask-CONV-split(CONV)-know-NEG-FIN [I] do not know what to do and what to say, and [I] do not know how to ask rocks and trees (MYS 5.794) 多陀爾阿波須阿良久毛於保久志岐多閇乃麻久良佐良受提伊米爾之美延牟

taⁿda n-i ap-aⁿz-u ar-aku mo opo-ku sik-i-tapɛ-nǝ makura sar-aⁿz-u-te imɛ-ni si mi-ye-m-u direct DV-CONV meet-NEG-CONV exist-NML FP many-CONV spread-CONVmulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN pillow go.away-NEG-CONV-SUB dream-LOC EP see-PASS-TENT-FIN There are also many occasions when [we] do not meet directly, [and I] want to see [you] in [my] dreams without going away from [your] mulberry tree bark cloth pillow (MYS 5.809) 烏梅能波奈伊麻佐家留期等知利須義受和我覇能曽能尓阿利己世奴加毛

uMƐ-nǝ pana ima sak-er-u ŋgǝtǝ tir-i-suŋgï-ⁿz-u wa-ŋga [i]pe-nǝ sǝnǝ-ni ar-i-kǝse-n-u kamo plum-GEN blossom now bloom-PROG-ATTR like fall-CONV-pass-NEG-CONV I-POSS house-GEN garden-LOC exist-CONV-BEN-NEG-ATTR EP Plum blossoms! I wonder whether [you] would not stay [for me] in the garden of my house without falling and blooming like now (MYS 5.816) 烏梅能波奈佐吉多留僧能能阿遠也疑波可豆良爾須倍久奈利爾家良受夜

uMƐ-nǝ pana sak-i-tar-u sǝnǝ-nǝ awo yaŋgï pa kaⁿdura n-i s-umbɛ-ku nari-n-i-ker-aⁿz-u ya plum-GEN blossom bloom-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR garden-GEN green willow TOP wig DV-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-NEG-FIN IP Did not [it] become so that [we] should make [our] laurels out of the green willows in the garden where the plum blossoms have bloomed? (MYS 5.817) 加波度爾波阿由故佐婆斯留吉美麻知我弖爾

kapa-to-ni pa ayu-ko sa-pasir-u kimi mat-i-ŋgate-n-i river-door-LOC TOP sweetfish-DIM PREF-run-ATTR lord wait-CONV-POTNEG-CONV Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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[I] can hardly wait for [my] lord at the ford in the river where little sweetfish are swimming fast (MYS 5.859) 佐夫志計米夜母吉美伊麻佐受斯弖

sambusi-k-em-ɛ ya mǝ kimi imas-aⁿz-u s-i-te sad-ATTR-TENT-EV IP EP lord come(HON)-NEG-NML do-CONV-SUB [if my] lord does not come, would [I] be sad?! [Certainly not!] (MYS 5.878) 志可登阿良農比宜可伎撫而

sika tǝ ar-an-u piŋgɛ kaki-NAⁿDE-TE thus DV exist-NEG-ATTR beard PREF-caress(CONV)-SUB stroking my thinning (lit.: not being thus) beard (MYS 5.892) 梅花開含不有而

UMƐ-NƏ PANA SAK-U PUPUM-ER-AⁿZ-U S-I-TE plum-GEN blossom bloom-FIN hold.inside-PROG-NEG-NML do-CONV-SUB plum blossoms are blooming, without keeping [their buds] closed (MYS 8.1648) 吾戀妹相佐受

WA- ŋGA KOP-URU IMO PA AP-As-aⁿz-u I-POSS love-ATTR beloved TOP meet-HON-NEG-FIN [My] beloved, whom I love, does not meet [me] (MYS 9.1692) 由久美都能可敞良奴其等久布久可是能美延奴我其登久

yuk-u miⁿdu-nǝ kaper-an-u ŋgǝtǝ-ku puk-u kaⁿze-nǝ mi-ye-n-u-ŋga ŋgǝtǝ-ku go-ATTR water-GEN return-NEG-ATTR like-CONV blow-ATTR wind-GEN seePASS-NEG-ATTR-POSS like-CONV like the flowing water that does not return, like the blowing wind that [one] cannot see (MYS 15.3625) 奈曾許許波伊能祢良要奴毛

naⁿzǝ kǝkǝmba i-nǝ ne-raye-n-umo why extremely sleep-GEN sleep-PASS-NEG-EXCL why cannot [I] sleep at all?! (MYS 15.3684) 故非和須礼我比等良受波由可自

kopï wasure-ŋ-gapi tǝr-aⁿz-u pa yuk-aⁿzi love forget(NML)-GEN-shell take-NEG-CONV TOP go-NEG/TENT if [I] do not take a ‘love-forgetting’ shell, [I] would not go (MYS 15.3711)

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707

Verbs 伊米爾毛伊母我美延射良奈久尓

imɛ-ni mo imǝ-ŋga mi-ye-ⁿz-ar-an-aku n-i dream-LOC FP beloved-POSS see-PASS-NEG(CONV)-exist-NEG-NML DVCONV in the dreams [my] beloved [always] appears (MYS 15.3735) 能知尓毛安波射良米也母

nǝti-ni mo ap-aⁿz-ar-am-ɛ ya mǝ later-LOC FP meet-NEG(CONV)-exist-TENT-EV IP EP will [we] not meet later?! [Of course we will!] (MYS 15.3741) 之呂多倍能安我之多其呂母宇思奈波受毛弖礼和我世故多太尓安布麻弖尓

sirǝ tapɛ-nǝ a-ŋga sita-ŋ-gǝrǝmǝ usinap-aⁿz-u mot-er-e wa-ŋga se-ko taⁿda n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni white mulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN I-POSS bottom-GEN-garment lose-NEGCONV carry-PROG-IMP I-POSS beloved-DIM direct DV-CONV meet-ATTRTERM-LOC My beloved, carry [with you] my undergarment from white mulberry tree bark cloth without losing [it], until [we] meet directly (MYS 15.3751) 等之能乎奈我久安波射礼杼家之伎己許呂乎安我毛波奈久尓

tǝsi-nǝ wo naŋga-ku ap-aⁿz-ar-e-ⁿdǝ kesi-ki kǝkǝrǝ-wo a-ŋga [o]mop-an-aku n-i year-GEN cord long-CONV meet-NEG(CONV)-exist-EV-CONC unusual-ATTR heart-ACC I-POSS think-NEG-NML DV-CONV although [we] did not meet for a long time, I am not going to change [my] mind (lit.: not thinking unusual mind) (MYS 15.3775) 奈氣久蘇良夜須家奈久尓於母布蘇良久流之伎母能乎

naŋgɛk-u sora yasu-k-en-aku n-i omǝp-u sora kurusi-ki monǝwo lament-ATTR RP be.easy-ATTR-NEG-NML DV-CONV long.for-ATTR RP be.hardATTR CONJ although even to lament is not easy, and even to long is difficult (MYS 17.3969) 伊頭礼乃時加吾孤悲射良牟

iⁿdure n-ǝ TƏKI ka WA-ŋGA kopï-ⁿz-ar-am-u which DV-ATTR time IP I-POSS love-NEG(CONV)-exist-TENT-ATTR which time will I not love [her]? (MYS 17.3891)

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宇梅能花伊都波乎良自等伊登波祢登佐吉乃盛波乎思吉物奈利

uMƐ-nǝ PANA itu pa wor-aⁿzi tǝ itǝp-an-e-ⁿdǝ sak-i-nǝ SAKAR-I pa wosi-ki MƏNƏ nar-i plum-GEN blossom when TOP break-NEG/TENT DV dislike-NEG-EV-CONC bloom-NML-GEN blossom-NML TOP regrettable-ATTR thing be-FIN Although [I] do not dislike [breaking] plum blossoms, thinking that [I] should not break them anytime, it is regrettable [to do so] at the peak of [their] blooming (MYS 17.3904) 伊米尓波母等奈安比見礼騰多太尓安良祢婆孤悲夜麻受家里

imɛ-ni pa mǝtǝna api-MI-re-ⁿdǝ taⁿda n-i ar-an-e-mba kopï yam-aⁿz-u-ker-i dream-LOC TOP in.vain REC-see-EV-CONC direct DV-CONV exist-NEG-EVCON longing.for(NML) stop-NEG-CONV-RETR-FIN although [we] see each other in vain in dreams, because [our meetings] are not direct, [our] longing does not stop (MYS 17.3980) 可由吉賀久遊岐見都礼騰母曽許母安加尓等

ka yuk-i ka-ku yuk-i MI-t-ure-ⁿdǝmǝ sǝkǝ mǝ ak-an-i tǝ thus go-CONV thus-CONV go-CONV look(CONV)-PERF-EV-CONC there FP be.satisfied-NEG-CONV DV although [I] have looked going here and there, [I] thought that [it] was not enough, and … (MYS 17.3991) 佐夜麻太乃乎治我其日爾母等米安波受家牟

sa Yamaⁿda n-ǝ woⁿdi-ŋga SƏNƏ PI-ni mǝtǝmɛ ap-aⁿz-u-k-em-u so Yamaⁿda DV-ATTR old.man-POSS that day-LOC search(CONV) meetNEG-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN So, old man Yamaⁿda searched for [him] on that day, [but] did not find [him] (MYS 17.4014) 布勢能宇良乎見受波能保良自

puse-nǝ ura-wo MI-ⁿz-u pa nǝmbor-aⁿzi Puse-GEN bay-ACC see-NEG-CONV TOP go.to.the.capital-NEG/TENT if [I] did not see the bay of Puse, I would not go to the capital (MYS 18.4039) 都祢比等能故布登伊敷欲利波安麻里爾弖和礼波之奴倍久奈里尓多良受也

tune pitǝ-nǝ kop-u tǝ ip-u-yori pa amari n-i-te ware pa sin-umbɛ-ku nar-in-i-tar-aⁿz-u ya ordinary person-GEN love-FIN DV say-ATTR-ABL TOP excess DV-CONV-SUB I TOP die-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-PERF/PROG-NEG-FIN IP

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709

Verbs

Did not [it] become so that I should die, feeling (lit.: being) much more than what ordinary people call ‘love’? (MYS 18.4080) 秋風尓比毛等伎安氣奈多太奈良受等母

AKI KAⁿZE-ni pimo tǝk-i-akɛ-na taⁿda nar-aⁿz-u tǝmǝ autumn wind-LOC cord untie-CONV-open-DES direct be-NEG-FIN CONJ [I] wish that the autumn wind would untie the cords, even if [it] is not directly (MYS 20.4295) 事之乎波良婆都々麻波受可敝理伎麻勢

KƏTƏ si wopar-amba tutum-ap-aⁿz-u kaper-i-k-i-[i]mas-e job EP end-COND be.hindered-ITER-NEG-CONV return-CONV-come-CONVHON-IMP when [your] job is over, come back without being hindered [by anything] (MYS 20.4331) 伊埿多知加弖尓等騰己保里

iⁿde-tat-i-kate-n-i tǝⁿdǝkǝpor-i exit(CONV)-depart-CONV-POT-NEG-CONV be.delayed-CONV [I] was unable to depart, and [I] was delayed, and … (MYS 20.4398) 安比美受波古非之久安流倍之

api-mi-ⁿz-u pa kopïsi-ku ar-umbɛ-si REC-see-NEG-CONV TOP be.longing.for-CONV exist-DEB-FIN if [we] do not see each other, [we] would be longing (MYS 20.4408) 伎美奈良奈久尓

kimi nar-an-aku n-i lord be-NEG-NML DV-CONV as [it] is not [my] lord (MYS 20.4447) 夜度乃烏梅能知利須具流麻埿美之米受安利家流

yaⁿdo-nǝ uMƐ-nǝ tir-i-suŋg-uru-maⁿde mi-simɛ-ⁿz-u ar-i-ker-u house-GEN plum-GEN fall-CONV-pass-ATTR-TERM see-CAUS-NEG-CONV exist-CONV-RETR-ATTR [it] turned out that [you] did not let [me] see plum [blossoms] in [your] house until they had completely fallen (MYS 20.4496) 宇梅乃波奈知利須具流麻弖伎美我伎麻左奴

uMƐ-nǝ pana tir-i-suŋg-uru-maⁿde kimi-ŋga k-i-[i]mas-an-u

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plum-GEN blossom fall-CONV-pass-ATTR-TERM lord-POSS come-CONV-HONNEG-ATTR [you] did not come, [my] lord, until plum blossoms had completely fallen (MYS 20.4497) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese All four allomorphs -an- ~ -aⁿz- ~ -n- ~ -ⁿz- of the negative suffix are attested in Eastern Old Japanese as well. One interesting feature that deserves a special mention is that while in Western Old Japanese the negative -(a)n- ~ -(a)ⁿz- follows the iterative -ap-, in Eastern Old Japanese the negative precedes the iterative. Also, in Eastern Old Japanese, a combination of the negative -(a)n- with the desirative -ana is attested, see, for example, MYS 14.3557 below. This combination does not occur in Western Old Japanese. Examples: 多知和可礼伊爾之与比欲利世呂爾安波奈布与

tat-i-wakare in-i-si yǝpi-yori se-rǝ-ni ap-an-ap-u yǝ depart-CONV-part(CONV) go.away-CONV-PAST/ATTR night-ABL beloved-DIMDAT meet-NEG-ITER-FIN EP from the night when [we] parted and [he] went away, [I] never met [my] beloved! (MYS 14.3375) 安能於登世受由可牟古馬母我

a-nǝ otǝ se-ⁿz-u yuk-am-u ko-[u]ma mǝŋga foot-GEN sound do-NEG-CONV go-TENT-ATTR DIM-horse DP [I] want a stallion, which would go without making any noise with its hoofs (MYS 14.3387) 安加奴乎安杼加安我世牟

ak-an-u-wo aⁿ-dǝ ka a-ŋga se-m-u satisfy-NEG-ATTR-ACC what-DV IP I-POSS do-TENT-ATTR since [it] was not enough [for me], what should I do? (MYS 14.3404) 安素乃河泊良欲伊之布麻受蘇良由登伎奴与

Aso-nǝ KApara-yo isi pum-aⁿz-u sora-yu tǝ k-i-n-u yǝ Aso-GEN river-bed-ABL stone tread-NEG-CONV sky-ABL DV come-CONVPERF-FIN EP [I] came from the river-bed of Aso, as from the sky, without treading on stones! (MYS 14.3425)

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711

Verbs 安比豆祢能久爾乎佐杼抱美安波奈波婆斯努比尓勢毛等比毛牟須婆佐祢

Apiⁿdune-nǝ kuni-wo saⁿ-dǝpo-mi ap-an-ap-amba sinop-i n-i se-m-o tǝ pimo musumb-as-an-e Apiⁿdune-GEN land-ABS PREF-far-GER meet-NEG-ITER-COND long.for-NML DV-CONV do-TENT-ATTR DV cord tie-HON-DES-IMP If [we] continue not to meet, because the land of Apiⁿdune is far, [I] wish [you] would tie [your garment] cords, as if longing for [me] (MYS 14.3426) 之良夜麻可是能宿奈敝杼母古呂賀於曽伎能安路許曽要志母

sira yama kaⁿze-nǝ NE-n-ap-e-ⁿdǝmǝ ko-rǝ-ŋga osǝki-nǝ ar-o kǝsǝ ye-si-mǝ white mountain wind-GEN sleep-NEG-ITER-CONC girl-DIM-POSS garmentGEN exist-ATTR FP good-FIN-EXCL although [I] continue not to sleep at the [cold] wind from the White Mountain, [it] is good to have my girl’s garment! (MYS 14.3509) 麻乎其母能布能末知可久弖安波奈敞波於吉都麻可母能奈気伎曾安我須流

mawo-ŋ-gǝmǝ-nǝ pu-nǝ ma tika-ku-te ap-an-ap-e-mba oki-tu ma-kamǝ-nǝ naŋgɛk-i sǝ a-ŋga s-uru nettle-GEN-mat-GEN mesh-GEN space be.close-CONV-SUB meet-NEG-ITEREV-CON offing-GEN/LOC INT-duck-COMP lament-NML FP I-POSS do-ATTR Because [we] do not meet being as close [to each other] as spaces between the meshes of a nettle mat, I lament like a real duck in the offing (MYS 14.3524) 和須礼波勢奈那伊夜母比麻須爾

wasure pa se-n-ana iya [o]mǝp-i-mas-u-ni forget(NML) TOP do-NEG-DES more.and.more think-CONV-increase-ATTR-LOC [I] wish [you] will not forget [me], because [my] desire [for you] increases more and more (MYS 14.3557) 奈爾須礼曾波波登布波奈乃佐吉泥己受祁牟

nani s-ure sǝ papa tǝ [i]p-u pana-nǝ sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-ⁿz-u-k-em-u what do-EV FP mother DV say-ATTR flower-GEN bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)come-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR why (lit.: having done what) the flower called ‘Mother’ has not bloomed? (MYS 20.4323) 阿母志々尓己等麻乎佐受弖伊麻叙久夜之氣

amǝ sisi-ni kǝtǝ mawos-aⁿz-u-te ima ⁿzǝ kuyasi-kɛ mother father-DAT word say(HUM)-NEG-CONV-SUB now FP regretful-ATTR now [I] regret that [I] did not tell [my] mother and father (MYS 20.4376) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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佐弁奈弁奴美許登尓阿礼婆

sape-n-ape-n-u mi-kǝtǝ n-i ar-e-mba refuse(NML)-LOC-match-NEG-ATTR HON-word DV-CONV exist-EV-CON Because [it] is [my sovereign’s] order that [I] cannot refuse … (MYS 20.4432) A2: Ryukyuan There are several allomorphs of the negative suffix -(a)n- ~ -(a)z- in Old Ryukyuan: -az-, -z-, -an-, -aN, -n-, and -N. The allomorphs -az- and -z- are not attested in modern dialects, to the best of my knowledge. Thus, they probably represent loans from mainland Japanese, which is further supported by the fact that -az- ~ -z- appears in the Omoro sōshi only eight times (Torigoe 1968: 179–180). Other allomorphs are attested throughout Ryukyuan. Old Ryukyuan みれともあかぬ首里おやくに

mi-re-domo ak-an-u Siyori oya kuni see-EV-CONC get.enough-NEG-ATTR Shuri parent land Shuri, [my] motherland, which [I] look at but [can]not get enough (OS 1.7) まはねじやきもからもさらん

Mafanezi ya kimo-kara mo sar-aN Mafanezi TOP liver-ABL FP go.away-NEG/FIN Mafanezi does not go away from my heart (OS 13.817) あんしけすちかわすは

anzi kesu tikaw-az-u fa high.official low.official pledge-NEG-CONV TOP If high and lower officials do not pledge [to each other] (OS 13.824) Shuri

jiruu-taa yaa-Nkai ’ashib-ii-ga ik-an-i Jiruu-PLUR house-LOC play-NML-ALL go-NEG-IF Won’t [we] go to Jiruu’s house to play? (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 34) nichee haka-ta-N naa? hakar-aN-ta-N naa? fever(TOP) measure-PAST-FIN IP measure-NEG-PAST-FIN IP? Did [you] take [your] temperature? [Or] did [you] not take [it]? (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 52)

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Thus, knowing that the allomorphs of the -(a)ⁿz- series come from the contraction of the negative nominalizer -an-i and the verb se- ‘to do,’ and that they have limited distribution in Ryukyuan, we can come to the conclusion that the -(a)ⁿz- series represents a Japanese innovation borrowed into Ryukyuan. Consequently, we can only reconstruct the Proto-Japonic negative suffix *-an-. It appears to be one of the few ‘real’ suffixes that we cannot trace back to any auxiliary or bound noun. Level B: External Comparisons There is a tradition to compare the PJ negative suffix *-an- and the Middle Korean negative particle àní (Whitman 1985: 244; Vovin 2001: 186). Consider the following Middle Korean example: pwùlhwúy kìph-ún nàmk-ón pòlòm-áy àní :mwuy-l-ssó-y kwòc :tyo-khwó yèlúm há-nò-n-í :soym-í kìph-ún múl-ún kómòl-áy àní kùchú-l-ssó-y :nayh-í ìl-é pàlól-áy ká-nò-n-í root(NOM) deep-REAL/ATTR tree-TOP wind-LOC not bend-IRR/ATTRmatter-NOM flower good-CONV fruit many-PRES-REAL/ATTR-NML springNOM deep-REAL/ATTR water-TOP drought-LOC not interrupt-IRR/ATTRmatter-NOM river-NOM make-CONV sea-LOC go-PRES-REAL/ATTR-NML Because a tree with deep roots does not bend at the wind, [its] flowers are good and [its] fruits are many. Because water with a deep source does not dry up at the drought, it becomes a river, and flows into the sea (YP 2) However, there are problems with this comparison. Whitman argued that MK àní should be directly compared with WOJ -ani, a negative sentence non-final form, found mostly after the verb sir- ‘to know’: sir-an-i (Whitman 1985: 244), but this cannot be an argument, because WOJ -ani, as demonstrated above, can be clearly analyzed as -an-i, where -an- is a negative, and -i is an converb. Meanwhile, it is not quite clear whether MK àní can be segmented as *an-i, and MK converbs are -e/-a, not -i. No less important is the fact that the OJ negative suffix -an- belongs to the verbal inflectional morphology, and they follow verbal roots, while MK ani, as mentioned above, is a particle that precedes verbs. Therefore, this comparison should be rejected on the basis of differences in morphology. I must also add that negatives in *-n- are so widespread in Eurasia that it makes this comparison non-specific. Thus, it should be rejected. 3.2.3.2 Tentative -am- ~ -mThe tentative suffix has two allomorphs: -am- and -m-. The allomorph -am- is used after consonant verbs, r-irregular verbs, n-irregular verbs, and consonantfinal auxiliaries and suffixes, and the allomorph -m- after vowel verbs, other Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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irregular verbs, and vowel-final auxiliaries and suffixes. In Western Old Japanese the tentative -(a)m- can be followed only by the following suffixes. chart 57 Combinations of the tentative suffix -am- ~ -m- with following suffixes

suffixes

combination forms

final -u attributive -(ur)u evidential -(ur)e concessive converb -ɛ-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] nominalizer -aku exclamative -umǝ

-(a)m-u -(a)m-u -(a)m-ɛ -(a)m-ɛ-ndǝ[mǝ] -(a)m-aku -(a)m-umǝ

On the basis of the chart above it becomes clear that with the major exception of the concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ], the tentative suffix -am- ~ -m- does not combine with other converbs or converbs that represent forms of non-final predication. Therefore, in most cases -am- ~ -m- is found only in the final verbs of sentences or clauses. chart 58 Combinations of the tentative suffix -am- ~ -m- with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and bound auxiliaries

combination forms

passive -(a)yecausative -(a)simɛcausative -(a)sedesiderative -(a)na iterative -aphonorific -asprogressive -erperfective -teperfective -nperfective-progressive -tarpast -ki negative potential -kane-

-(a)ye-m-(a)simɛ-m-(a)se-m-(a)na-m-ap-am-as-am-er-am-te-m-n-am-tar-am-* -k-em-kane-m-

Note: * Attested once in the Senmyō in partially logographic spelling, and once in the Norito in completely logographic spelling.

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The tentative suffix -am- ~ -m- can combine with the suffixes and bound auxiliaries that precede -(a)m- in a paradigmatic verbal chain (see chart 58). It is clear from the chart above that -(a)m- does not combine with other markers of mood, which should be expected. It also does not combine with the retrospective -ker-; a fact that strongly speaks for the latter also being a form of modality. The functions of -(a)m- have been much debated in the literature. Yamada Yoshio seems to be the first linguist to have defined -(a)m- as suppositive (Yamada 1954: 275), and not as a ‘future’ tense form (Haga 1905). Within the framework of traditional Japanese linguistics and in reference to Middle (Classical) Japanese, Tokieda Motoki proposed subdividing the basic meanings of -(a)m- into three types, depending on the speaker/hearer distinction: (1) if a verb marked by -(a)m- refers to the speaker himself, then -(a)m- expresses intention; (2) if a verb marked by -(a)m- refers to the hearer, then -(a) m- expresses a mild or indirect imperative or suggestion; (3) if a verb marked by -(a)m- refers to a third person who is neither the speaker nor the hearer, then -(a)m- expresses presumption (Tokieda 1954: 170). Tokieda’s point of view seems to enjoy the status of a teisetsu (generally accepted theory) among some Japanese linguists who deal with Middle Japanese (Tsukishima 1969: 528; Ikeda 1975: 68). However, the majority of specialists working with Old Japanese seem to agree only on the fact that -(a)m- represents some kind of suppositive, intentional or presumptive mood (Saeki 1959: 167; Yoshida 1973: 331; Iwai 1970: 170), without specific reference to person. There is, however, at least one voice of dissent: Matsuo treats -(a)m- as a marker of the future tense (Matsuo 1978: 23). Meanwhile, Western linguists have long held the view that the form in question is a kind of future tense (Aston 1877; Kolpakchi 1956: 145–150; Lewin 1959: 161). More recently many non-Japanese linguists have rejected the idea that -(a)m- is an indicator of tense; thus, for example, Samuel E. Martin defines it as a tentative (Martin 1988: 605ff), and Nikolai Syromiatnikov follows Tokieda and other Japanese linguists in treating it as a presumptive mood form (Syromiatnikov 1972: 121). However, the idea of -(a)m- as a future suffix still seems to linger on as far as Middle Japanese is concerned (Takeuchi 1987: 66). The usage of -(a)m- in reference to the future is determined by the fact that speakers of Classical Japanese did not refer to future events in certain terms, using the unmarked (from the point of view of modality) final forms of verbs. Since a human being cannot be sure that any event in the future will certainly happen, only forms such as the tentative were used for future events. The prerogative to speak about future events in certain terms, using finite forms that did not include any modality affixes, was left to gods and supernatural creatures.

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I follow Martin’s definition of the -(a)m- form as a general tentative because, as the examples below demonstrate, there are no real distinctions based on person as proposed by Tokieda Motoki.67 Thus, a tentative used in the first person may mean not only inclination but also supposition, or a suggestion directed to oneself. Similarly, the tentative used in connection with the second person does not necessarily mean a suggestion, but may also be used as a supposition or intention. Finally, the tentative used regarding a third person does not always mean a supposition, but may also describe the intention of a third person or a suggestion about his/her action. In short, any of these particular meanings proposed by Tokieda Motoki can be used with any person. (1) Intention: Although in several cases I translate -am- ~ -m- as ‘want to’ in the English glosses, it expresses a general intention or inclination rather than an outward positive desire. 伊麻許曾婆和杼理迩阿良米能知波那杼理爾阿良牟遠

ima kǝsǝ pa wa-ⁿ-dǝri n-i ar-am-ɛ nǝti pa na-ⁿ-dǝri n-i ar-am-u-wo now FP TOP I-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-EV after TOP you-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR-ACC Now [I] indend to be my bird, later [I] will be your bird, so … (KK 3) 伊勢能宇美能意斐志爾波比母登富呂布志多陀美能伊波比母登富理宇知弖 志夜麻牟

ise-nǝ umi-nǝ opï-[i]si-ni pap-i-mǝtǝpǝr-ǝp-u sitaⁿdami68-nǝ i-pap-i-mǝtǝpǝr-i ut-i-te si yam-am-u Ise-GEN sea-GEN grow(CONV)-stone-LOC crawl-CONV-go.around-ITER-ATTR seashell-COMP DLF-crawl-CONV-go.around-CONV hit-CONV-SUB EP stop-TENT-FIN like the shellfish that are constantly crawling around on the growing rocks of the Ise sea, [we] will crawl around [them] there, smite and stop [them] (KK 13) As this example demonstrates, -(a)m- is used only in the final verb in a string of verbs, even if tentative refers to all of them.

67  See the refutation of Tokieda’s hypothesis regarding Middle Japanese in Vovin 2003: 275–282. 68  志多陀美 /sitaⁿdami/, a kind of an edible seashell (MdJ kisago).

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Verbs 袁登賣爾多陀爾阿波牟

wotǝme-ni taⁿda n-i ap-am-u maiden-DAT direct DV-CONV meet-TENT-FIN [I] want to meet maidens face to face (KK 18) 加久能碁登那爾淤波牟

ka-ku-nǝ ŋgǝtǝ na-ni op-am-u thus-CONV-GEN like name-LOC carry-TENT-FIN [I] am going to perpetuate that [it] was like that (KK 97) 許智多鶏波乎婆頭勢夜麻能伊波帰爾母為弖許母郎奈牟

kǝt[ǝ] ita-k-emba woⁿ-Batuse-yama-nǝ ipa kï-ni mǝ wi-te kǝmǝr-ana-m-u rumor painful-ATTR-COND DIM-Patuse-mountain-GEN rock fortress-LOC FP lead(CONV)-SUB hide-DES-TENT-FIN if rumors are painful, [I] want to take [you] along to a rocky fortress on the Small Patuse mountain and hide away (FK 1) As this example demonstrates, -(a)m- is used only in the final verb in a string of verbs, even if tentative refers to all of them. 天地与共久住波牟

AMƐ TUTI-TƏ TƏMƏ n-i PISASI-ku SUM-Ap-am-u Heaven Earth-COM together DV-CONV long-CONV live-ITER-TENT-FIN [I] want to live (continuously) for a long time with Heaven and Earth (MYS 4.578) 多陀爾阿波須阿良久毛於保久志岐多閇乃麻久良佐良受提伊米爾之美延牟

taⁿda n-i ap-aⁿz-u ar-aku mo opo-ku sik-i-tapɛ-nǝ makura sar-aⁿz-u-te imɛ-ni si mi-ye-m-u direct DV-CONV meet-NEG-CONV exist-NML FP many-CONV spread-CONVmulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN pillow go.away-NEG-CONV-SUB dream-LOC EP see-PASS-TENT-FIN There are also many occasions when [we] do not meet directly, [and I] want to see [you] in [my] dreams without going away from [your] mulberry tree bark cloth pillow (MYS 5.809) 念意緒多礼賀思良牟母

OMƏP-U KƏKƏRƏ-wo tare ka sir-am-umǝ love-ATTR heart-ACC who IP know-TENT-EXCL who will know [my] loving heart?! (MYS 17.3950)

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Chapter 6

伊可尓安流布勢能宇良曽毛許己太久尓吉民我弥世武等和礼乎等登牟流

ika n-i ar-u Puse-nǝ ura sǝ mo kǝkǝⁿdaku n-i kimi-ŋga mi-se-m-u tǝ ware-wo tǝⁿdǝm-uru how DV-CONV exist-ATTR Puse-GEN bay it FP so.much DV-CONV lord-POSS see-CAUS-TENT-FIN DV I-ACC stop-ATTR The bay of Puse, how incredibly [beautiful] it [is], [so that my] lord will stop [me] wishing to show [it to me] (MYS 18.4036) 伎美尓伎可勢牟

kimi-ni kik-ase-m-u lord-DAT listen-CAUS-TENT-ATTR [I] want to make [my] lord listen [to a cuckoo] (MYS 18.4067) 都可倍麻都良米伊夜等保奈我尓

tukapɛ-matur-am-ɛ iya tǝpo naŋga n-i serve(CONV)-HUM-TENT-EV plentifully long long DV-CONV [I] will serve [you] plentifully and for a long, long time (MYS 18.4098) 和藝毛故尓美勢牟我多米尓母美知等里氐牟

wa-ŋg-imo-ko-ni mi-se-m-u-ŋga tamɛ n-i mǝmit-i tǝr-i-te-m-u I-POSS-beloved-DIM-DAT see-CAUS-TENT-ATTR-POSS for DV-CONV leaves. turn.red/yellow-NML take-CONV-PERF-TENT-FIN [I] want to take red leaves in order to show [them] to my beloved (MYS 19.4222) 美麻久能富之伎吉美尓母安流加母

mi-m-aku-nǝ posi-ki kimi n-i mǝ ar-u kamǝ see-TENT-NML-GEN desire-ATTR lord DV-CONV FP exist-ATTR EP [I] wonder whether [it] is also my lord whom [I] want to see (MYS 20.4449) 阿止乎美都都志乃波牟多太爾阿布麻弖爾麻佐爾阿布麻弖爾

atǝ-wo mi-tutu sinǝp-am-u taⁿda n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni masa n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni footstep-ACC see(CONV)-COOR yearn-TENT-FIN direct DV-CONV meet-ATTRTERM-LOC real DV-CONV meet-ATTR-TERM-LOC looking at [Buddha’s] footsteps, [I] will yearn [for him], until [I] meet [him] directly, until [I] really meet [him] (BS 6)

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719

Verbs 帝止立天天下乎治之米无等念天在人

MIKAⁿDO tǝ TATE-te AMƐ-NƏ SITA-wo WOSAMƐ-simɛ-m-u tǝ OMOP-I-te AR-u PITƏ emperor DV place(CONV)-SUB Heaven-GEN bottom-ACC rule-CAUS-TENTFIN DV think-CONV-SUB exist-ATTR person people who are thinking that [they] want to place [him on the throne] as the emperor and let [him] rule the [country] under Heaven (SM 33) (2) Suggestion: 夜麻斯呂迩伊斯祁登理夜麻伊斯祁伊斯祁阿賀波斯豆摩迩伊斯岐阿波牟 迦母

Yamasirǝ-ni i-sik-e Tǝriyama i-sik-e i-sik-e a-ŋga pasi-ⁿ-duma-ni i-sik-i ap-am-u kamǝ Yamasirǝ-LOC DLF-follow-IMP Tǝriyama DLF-follow-IMP DLF-follow-IMP I-POSS beloved-DV(ATTR)-spouse-DAT DLF-follow-CONV meet-TENTATTR EP To Yamasirǝ—go there, Tǝriyama! Follow [her] there, follow [her] there! Follow my beloved spouse there and [you] should meet [her]! (KK 59) 伊久美陀気伊久美波泥受多斯美陀気多斯爾波韋泥受能知母久美泥牟

i-kum-i-ⁿ-dakɛ i-kum-i pa ne-ⁿz-u ta-sim-i-ⁿ-dakɛ tasi n-i pa wi-ne-ⁿz-u nǝti mǝ kum-i-ne-m-u DLF-entwine-NML-DV(ATTR)-bamboo DLF-entwine-CONV TOP sleep-NEGCONV PREF-grow.densely-NML-DV(ATTR)-bamboo thorough DV-CONV TOP exist(CONV)-sleep-NEG-CONV later FP entwine-CONV-sleep-TENT-FIN [we] did not sleep entwined there as the bamboo entwined there, and [we] did not sleep closely like densely growing bamboo, [but] later let [us] sleep entwined (KK 91) 伊波牟須弊世武須弊斯良尓石木乎母刀比佐氣斯良受

ip-am-u sumbe se-m-u sumbe sir-an-i IPA KÏ-wo mǝ top-i-sakɛ-sir-aⁿz-u say-TENT-ATTR way do-TENT-ATTR way know-NEG-CONV rock tree-ACC FP ask-CONV-split(CONV)-know-NEG-FIN [I] do not know what [I] should do or what [I] should say, and [I] do not know how to ask rocks and trees (MYS 5.794)

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Chapter 6

可久斯己曽烏梅乎加射之弖多努志久能麻米

ka-ku si kǝsǝ uMƐ-wo kaⁿzas-i-te tanosi-ku nǝm-am-ɛ thus-CONV EP FP plum-ACC decorate-CONV-SUB be.merry-CONV drinkTENT-EV decorating [our hair] with plum [blossoms] in this way, [we] should drink merrily (MYS 5.833) 伊波多野爾夜杼里須流伎美伊敞妣等乃伊豆良等和礼乎等波婆伊可爾 伊波牟

Ipata-NO-ni yaⁿdǝr-i s-uru kimi ipe-m-bitǝ-nǝ iⁿdu-ra tǝ ware-wo tǝp-amba ika n-i ip-am-u Ipata-field-LOC lodge-NML do-ATTR lord home-GEN-person-GEN where-LOC DV I-ACC ask-COND how DV-CONV say-TENT-FIN [Oh, my] lord who lodged at the Ipata field. If people from [your] home ask me (saying) where [are you], what should [I] answer? (MYS 15.3689) 伊豆礼能日麻弖安礼古非乎良牟

iⁿdure n-ǝ PI-maⁿde are kopï-wor-am-u which DV-ATTR day-TERM I long.for(CONV)-exist-TENT-FIN until what day should I be longing for [you]? (MYS 15.3742) 天地与相左可延牟等

AMƐ TUTI-TƏ API-sakaye-m-u tǝ heaven earth-COM COOP-flourish-TENT-FIN DV [I] wish that [you] would flourish together with Heaven and Earth … (MYS 19.4273) 多礼乎可伎美等弥都都志努波牟

tare-wo ka kimi tǝ mi-tutu sinop-am-u who-ACC IP lord DV see(CONV)-COOR long.for-TENT-ATTR whom shall [I] long for, viewing [him] as [my] lord? (MYS 20.4440) (3) Supposition: 伊波那佐牟遠阿夜爾那古斐岐許志

i pa n-as-am-u-wo aya n-i na-kopï-kikǝs-i sleep TOP sleep-HON-TENT-ATTR-ACC extremely DV-CONV NEG-yearn (CONV)-HON-CONV because [you] will sleep (a sleep), [do] not yearn too much (KK 3)

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Verbs 意富岐美袁斯麻爾波夫良婆布那阿麻理伊賀弊理許牟叙

opǝ kimi-wo sima-ni pambur-amba puna-amar-i i-ŋgaper-i-kǝ-m-u ⁿzǝ great lord-ACC island-LOC exile-COND boat-exceed-CONV DLF-return-CONVcome-TENT-ATTR FP if [they] exile [my] great lord to an island, there are many boats, and [he] would return here (KK 86) 痛背乃河乎渡金目八

ANAse-nǝ KAPA-wo WATAR-I-kane-m-ɛ ya Anase-GEN river-ACC cross-CONV-NEG/POT-TENT-EV IP would [I] be unable to cross Anase river? [Certainly I would be able!] (MYS 4.643) 相見者月毛不經尓戀云者乎曽呂登吾乎於毛保寒毳

API-MI-TE pa TUKÏ mo PƐ-N-AKU n-i KOP-U TƏ IP-Amba wosǝ rǝ tǝ WARE-wo omop-as-am-u kamǝ COOP-see(CONV)-SUB TOP month FP pass-NEG-NML DV-CONV long.for-FIN DV say-COND hasty DV(FIN) DV I-ACC think-HON-TENT-ATTR EP If [I] tell [you] that [I] long for [you] without even a month passing since [we] met each other, I wonder [whether you] would probably think that [I] am hasty (MYS 4.654) 伊可爾安良武日能等伎爾可母

ika n-i ar-am-u PI-nǝ tǝki-ni kamǝ how DV-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR day-GEN time-LOC EP [I] wonder, what would be the time of the day … (MYS 5.810) 家布由伎弖阿須波吉奈武遠

kepu yuk-i-te asu pa k-i-n-am-u-wo today go-CONV-SUB tomorrow TOP come-CONV-PERF-TENT-ATTR-ACC I would go today and surely come back tomorrow, but … (MYS 5.870) 都祢斯良農道乃長手袁久礼々々等伊可尓可由迦牟

tune sir-an-u MITI-nǝ NA ŋGA te-wo kure-kure tǝ ika n-i ka yuk-am-u usual know-NEG-ATTR road-GEN long place-ACC dark-dark DV how DV-CONV IP go-TENT-ATTR How would [I] go along the full length of the road that [I] normally do not know being in a dark [mood]? (MYS 5.888)

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Chapter 6

秋夜乎奈我美爾可安良武

AKI-NƏ YO-wo naŋga-mi n-i ka ar-am-u autumn-GEN night-ABS long-GER DV-CONV IP exist-TENT-ATTR Is [it] probably because the autumn night is long? (MYS 15.3684) 君波見礼登安可尓勢牟

KIMI pa MI-re-ⁿdǝ ak-an-i se-m-u lord TOP look-EV-CONC be.satisfied-NEG-NML do-TENT-FIN although you will look, [you] would not be satisfied (MYS 17.3902) 安布知乎宅尓宇惠多良婆夜麻霍公鳥可礼受許武可聞

aputi-wo IPE-ni uwe-tar-amba yama POTƏTƏ ŋGISU kare-ⁿz-u kǝ-m-u kamo chinaberry.tree-ACC house-LOC plant(CONV)-PERF/PROG-COND mountain cuckoo separate-NEG-CONV come-TENT-ATTR EP if [I] would plant a chinaberry tree at my house, the mountain cuckoo would come all the time! (MYS 17.3910) 阿里佐利氐能知毛相牟等於母倍許曽

ari-sar-i-te nǝti mo AP-Am-u tǝ omǝp-ɛ kǝsǝ ITER-go.away-CONV-SUB after FP meet-TENT-FIN DV think-EV FP [Time] constantly goes away, and [I] hope that [we] will meet later, too (MYS 17.3933) 安良志乎須良尓奈氣枳布勢良武

ara-si wo sura n-i naŋgɛk-i pus-er-am-u rough-FIN man RP DV-CONV lament-CONV lie.prone-PROG-TENT-FIN even a rough man would be lying down and lamenting (MYS 17.3962) 然行事爾重在牟人乎波法乃麻爾麻収給牟物曾

SIKA [A]R-E-ⁿDƏMƏ SIWAⁿZA-ni KASANAR-I-TAR-Am-u PITƏ-womba NƏRI-nǝ manima WOSAMƐ-TAMAP-Am-u MƏNƏ sǝ thus exist-EV-CONC crime-LOC pile.up-CONV-PERF/PROG-TENT-ATTR person-ACC(EMPH) law-GEN according administer(CONV)-HON-TENTATTR thing FP However, with those people who have committed multiple crimes, [we] will deal according to the law (SM 44)

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723

Verbs 自此十二月始來十二月爾至万弖爾

KƏNƏ SIPASU-YORI PAⁿDIMƐ-TE K-I-TAR-AM-U SIPASU-ni ITAR-U-maⁿde-ni this twelfth.lunar.month-ABL begin(CONV)-SUB come-CONV-PERF/PROGTENT-ATTR twelfth.lunar.month-LOC reach-ATTR-TERM-LOC starting from this twelfth month and until the end of the coming twelfth month (NT 15) This example may be dubious, as kitaramu is spelled completely logographically. 3.2.3.2.1 Special Form -kemThe tentative -am- fuses with the preceding past final -ki as a special form -kem-. I write this with a morphemic boundary as -k-em- PAST/FIN-TENT in order to show the origin of this form, but it should be kept in mind that the morphemic boundary is only tentative here, since /e/ is a unit vowel, and that the morphemic boundary actually goes inside this fused vowel. Since -am- follows here the final past form -ki, and not the stem of the auxiliary, it is not inconceivable that historically -am- represents not a suffix, but some kind of an auxiliary. This form -k-em- is not to be confused with the homonymous form -k-emrepresenting a fusion of adjectival attributive -ki and the tentative -am-, for example:69 和可礼奈波宇良我奈之家武

wakare-n-amba ura-ŋ-ganasi-k-em-u part(CONV)-PERF-COND heart-LOC-sad-ATTR-TENT-FIN If [we] part, [I] would be sad in [my] heart … (MYS 15.3584) Examples of the past tentative -k-em-: 於夜那斯爾奈礼奈理鶏迷夜

oya na-si n-i nare nar-i-k-em-ɛ ya parent no-FIN DV-CONV you be.born-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-EV IP Were you possibly born without parents? [Certainly not!] (NK 104)

69  The usage of -am- after the adjectival attributive -ki may be another piece of evidence in favor of the fact that historically -am- is not a suffix, but an auxiliary.

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Chapter 6

都久波尼爾阿波牟等伊比志古波多賀己等岐気波加弥尼阿波巣気牟

Tukumba-ne-ni ap-am-u tǝ ip-i-si ko pa ta-ŋga kǝtǝ kik-ɛ-mba ka mi-ne ap-aⁿzu-k-em-u Tukumba-peak-LOC meet-TENT-FIN DV say-CONV-PAST/ATTR girl TOP who-POSS word listen-EV-CON IP HON-peak/sleep(NML)70 meet-NEGCONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN The girl, who promised [to me] that [we] will meet at the Tukumba peak, did not meet [me] at the peak/for sleeping, because [she] listened to somebody’s words (FK 2) 古尓有兼人毛如吾歟妹尓戀乍宿不勝家牟

INISIPE-ni AR-I-k-em-u PITƏ mo A- ŋGA ŋGƏTƏ KA IMO-ni KOPÏ-TUTU I NE-kate-ⁿZ-U-k-em-u old.times-LOC exist-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR person FP I-POSS like IP beloved-DAT long.for(CONV)-COOR sleep sleep(CONV)-POT-NEG-CONVPAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR Were the people who lived in old times unable to sleep like me, too, longing for [their] beloved? (MYS 4.497) 遠等咩良何遠等咩佐備周等可羅多麻乎多母等爾麻可志余知古良等手多豆 佐波利提阿蘇比家武

wotǝme-ra-ŋga wotǝme sambï s-u tǝ kara tama-wo tamǝtǝ-ni mak-as-i yǝti ko-ra-tǝ TE taⁿdusapar-i-te asomb-i-k-em-u maiden-PLUR-POSS maiden like do-FIN DV China jewel-ACC wrist-LOC wrap-HON-CONV same.age child-PLUR-COM hand hold-CONV-SUB playCONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN The maidens, thinking to behave like maidens, wrap their wrists with [bracelets made of] Chinese jewels, and would have played holding hands with girls of the same age (MYS 5.804) 迦具漏伎可美爾伊都乃麻可斯毛乃布利家武

kaŋ-guro-ki kami-ni itu-nǝ ma ka simo-nǝ pur-i-k-em-u INT-black-ATTR hair-LOC when-CEN interval IP frost-GEN fall-CONV-PAST/ FIN-TENT-ATTR at what point in time, would the frost have fallen on [their] pitch-black hair? (MYS 5.804) 70  The word ne here represents a play on words: ne ‘peak’ and ne ‘sleep(CONV).’

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725

Verbs 佐夜麻太乃乎治我其日爾母等米安波受家牟

sa Yamaⁿda n-ǝ woⁿdi-ŋga SƏNƏ PI-ni mǝtǝmɛ ap-aⁿz-u-k-em-u so Yamaⁿda DV-ATTR old.man-POSS that day-LOC search(CONV) meet-NEGCONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN So, old man Yamaⁿda searched for [him] on that day, [but] did not find [him] (MYS 17.4014) 惠美々惠末須毛宇知奈氣支可多里家末久

wem-i mi wem-aⁿz-u mo uti-naŋgɛk-i katar-i-k-em-aku smile-CONV ? smile-NEG-CONV FP PREF-sigh-CONV talk-CONV-PAST/FINTENT-NML the fact that [both of you] were probably talking, and sighing, smiling and not smiling (MYS 18.4106) 奈爾須礼曾波波登布波奈乃佐吉泥己受祁牟

nani s-ure sǝ papa tǝ [i]p-u pana-nǝ sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-ⁿz-u-k-em-u what do-EV FP mother DV say-ATTR flower-GEN bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)come-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR why (lit.: having done what) has the flower called ‘Mother’ (probably) not bloomed? (MYS 20.4323) 3.2.3.2.2 Special Construction -(a)m-u tǝ s-u The intentional construction -(a)m-u tǝ s-u ‘X is going to do Y,’ which is so frequent in Middle Japanese, is also attested in Western Old Japanese, but it is used very rarely. The examples below are the only examples of this construction that are attested in Western Old Japanese. 加是布加牟登須

kaⁿze puk-am-u tǝ s-u wind blow-TENT-FIN DV do-FIN Wind is going to blow (KK 20) 許呂佐務苔須羅句塢志羅珥

kǝrǝs-am-u tǝ s-ur-aku-wo sir-an-i kill-TENT-FIN DV do-ATTR-NML-ACC know-NEG-CONV [you] do not know that [they] are going to kill [you] (NK 18a)

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Chapter 6

由加武等須流尓伊米能其等

yuk-am-u tǝ s-uru-ni imɛ-nǝ ŋgǝtǝ go-TENT-FIN DV do-ATTR-LOC dream-GEN like although [he] was going to go, like in a dream … (MYS 15.3694) 夜麻治古延牟等須流君乎許々呂尓毛知弖

yama-ⁿ-di koye-m-u tǝ s-uru KIMI-wo kǝkǝrǝ-ni mot-i-te mountain-GEN-road cross-TENT-FIN DV do-ATTR lord-ACC heart-LOC holdCONV-SUB in my heart [I] am holding you who are going to cross [mountains along] the mountain road (MYS 15.3723) 波都乎婆奈々々尓見牟登之

patuwo-m-bana pana n-i MI-m-u tǝ s-i ?-GEN-flower flower DV-CONV look-TENT-FIN DV do-CONV [He] is going to look on [his wife] as a flower (MYS 20.4308) 高御座次乎加蘇毘奪将盗止為而

TAKA MI-KURA-NƏ TU ŋG-I-TE-wo kasop-i-UmBAP-AM-U tǝ S-I-TE high HON-throne-GEN follow-CONV-place-ACC rob-CONV-take.away-TENTFIN DV do-CONV-SUB [he] was going to steal the succession of the high throne (SM 19) 傍上乎波宣牟止為氐奈母抑閇氐在津流

KATA-NƏ UPƐ-womba NƏTAMAP-Am-u tǝ S-I-te namǝ OSApɛ-te AR-I-t-uru side-GEN top-ACC(EMPH) say(HON)-TENT-FIN DV do-CONV-SUB FP hold. back(CONV)-SUB exist-CONV-PERF-ATTR [we] were delaying [it], as [we] were going to proclaim the rest (SM 25) 卿等庶母共喜牟止為氐奈母

MAPETUKIMI-TATI MƏRƏ-MƏRƏ mǝ TƏMƏ N-I YƏRƏKƏmBÏ-m-u tǝ S-I-te namǝ minister-PLUR all-all FP together DV-CONV rejoice-TENT-FIN DV do-CONVSUB FP so that the ministers and all were going to rejoice together [with us] (SM 25)

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727

Verbs 黙在牟止為礼止毛

MOⁿDA AR-Am-u tǝ s-ure-ndǝmo procrastination exist-TENT-FIN DV do-EV-CONC although there was going to be a procrastination (SM 25) 親王多知治賜夫日仁治不賜在牟止為弖奈母

MIKO-tati WOSAMƐ-TAMAp-u PI-ni WOSAMƐ-TAMAP-AⁿZ-U AR-Am-u tǝ S-I-te namǝ prince-PLUR reward(CONV)-HON-ATTR day-LOC reward(CONV)-HON-NEGCONV exist-TENT-FIN DV do-CONV-SUB FP on the day when [we] reward princes, are not [we] going to reward [Puⁿdipara]? (SM 25) 日継波加久弖絶奈牟止為

PI TU ŋG-I pa ka-ku-te taye-n-am-u tǝ S-U sun follow-NML TOP thus-CONV-SUB be.interrupted(CONV)-PERF-TENT-FIN DV do-FIN the inheritance of the Sun is going to be interrupted in this way (SM 27) 朝庭乎傾動牟止之天鈴印乎奪

MIKAⁿDO-wo KATAmBUKƐ-U ŋGOKAS-Am-u tǝ s-i-te SUⁿZU OSITE-wo UmBAP-i sovereign-ACC tilt(CONV)-move-TENT-FIN DV do-CONV-SUB bell seal-ACC rob-CONV [Nakamarǝ], going to overthrow the empress, stole the bell and the seal (SM 28) 今年二月爾御年初将賜登為而

KƏ TƏSI KISARAGI-ni MI-TƏSI PAⁿZIMƐ-TAMAP-AM-U tǝ S-I-TE this year second.lunar.month-LOC HON-year start(CONV)-HON-TENT-FIN DV do-CONV-SUB [he] is going to start this year in the second lunar month (NT 1) The distribution of the attestations of the intentional construction -(a)m-u tǝ s-u in Western Old Japanese texts is quite interesting: there are only five examples in poetry. Among those five, only three examples are found in the whole Man’yōshū. Meanwhile, there are eight examples found in prose. The fact that there are more examples in prose than in poetry might be indicating that this is predominantly a construction found in prose, especially since the prose

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texts constitute only a tiny fraction of all known Western Old Japanese texts. However, the distribution in prose texts is again skewed: seven examples in the Senmyō and only one in the Norito. As the reader will see below, the same construction is found in Shuri, but there is no evidence for it in Old Ryukyuan, and I am unaware of any similar construction in modern Ryukyuan dialects except Shuri. In addition, this construction is not attested in Eastern Old Japanese (although it occurs in two poems written in Western Old Japanese, which are found in the Eastern Old Japanese corpus). Thus, it is more than likely that in Shuri the intentional construction -(a)m-u tǝ s-u originated under the influence of Central Japanese: it is calqued from Middle or Early Modern Japanese. Therefore, since this construction is historically limited to Western Old Japanese from where it spread to other Japonic languages, and more than half of the attestations in Western Old Japanese are confined to the Senmyō, a text with known foreign influences (see, e.g., chapter 4, section 1.2.2.1), a reasonable doubt may arise in its native origin. I largely suspect that the intentional construction -(a)m-u tǝ s-u is calqued from some Old Korean construction very similar to the Middle Korean intentional construction Y-lye ho- ‘X is going to do Y,’ for example: nimkum-i naka-lye ho-sy-a tocok-i syeWul tu-te-n-i king-NOM go.out-INDL do-HON-CONV bandit-NOM capital enter-RETR-ATTR/ REAL-NML The king was going to go out, and bandits entered the capital (YP 49) It is also worth noting that in contrast to Middle Korean ho- ‘to do,’ Japanese se‘to do’ does not normally imply any mental activity except in this construction. Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese In Eastern Old Japanese the tentative suffix -am- ~ -m- has the same functions as in Western Old Japanese. (1) Intention: 和乎布利弥由母阿是古志麻波母

wa-wo pur-i-mi-y-umǝ Aⁿze ko si map-am-ǝ I-ACC swing-CONV-look-PASS-EXCL Aⁿze girl EP dance-TENT-ATTR the girl from Aⁿze is going to dance, suddenly looking back at me! (FK 7)

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Verbs 麻等保久能野尓毛安波奈牟

ma-tǝpo-ku n-ǝ NO-ni mo ap-ana-m-u INT-distant-CONV DV-ATTR field-LOC FP meet-DES-TENT-FIN [I] would like to meet [you] even in a distant field (MYS 14.3463) (2) Suggestion: 阿杼可多延世武

aⁿ-dǝ ka taye se-m-u why-DV IP break(NML) do-TENT-ATTR why should [we] break up? (MYS 14.3397) 安加奴乎安杼加安我世牟

ak-an-u-wo aⁿ-dǝ ka a-ŋga se-m-u satisfy-NEG-ATTR-ACC what-DV IP I-POSS do-TENT-ATTR since [it] was not enough [for me], what should I do? (MYS 14.3404) 和可加敞流弖能毛美都麻弖宿毛等和波毛布

waka kaperute-nǝ momit-u-maⁿde NE-m-o tǝ wa pa [o]mop-u young maple-GEN leaves.turn.red/yellow-ATTR-TERM sleep-TENT-ATTR DV I TOP think-FIN I think that [we] should sleep [together] until the young maple becomes red (MYS 14.3494) (3) Supposition: 比母登可受祢牟

pimǝ tǝk-aⁿz-u ne-m-u cord untie-NEG-INF sleep-TENT-ATTR [Why] would [I] sleep [with you] without untying the cords [of my garment]? (MYS 14.3370) A2: Ryukyuan The cognates of WOJ -am- ~ -m- are also well attested in Ryukyuan. In Old Ryukyuan it appears as either -am- ~ -m- or -aN. In the majority of modern dialects, the form appears as an intentional form -a, as a result of the loss of final -N (< *-m-u), although it survives as -aN in the Yoron dialect of the Amami group and as -aN: in the Tarama dialect of the Miyako group. In Shuri the final -N resurfaces in the Shuri equivalent of WOJ -(a)m-u tǝ s-u construction (Nakamoto 1990: 412). Examples:

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Old Ryukyuan ともゝとすとひやくさすいのらめ

to momo tosu to fiyaku sa su inor-am-e ten hundred year ten hundred year FP pray-TENT-EV Let [us] pray that [they flourish] for a thousand years (OS 7.384) なつたなしやれははたからむさわらん

natu-tanasi ya-re-ba fada-kara mu sawar-aN summer-garment be-EV-CON skin-ABL FP touch-TENT because [it] is a summer garment, let [us] touch through the skin (OS 13.958) Shuri

’ik-aN-di s-uN go-INTL-DV do-FIN [I] am going to go (Nakamoto 1990: 412) kuu-N-di s-uN come-INTL-DV do-FIN [I] am going to come (Nakamoto 1990: 412) Therefore, on the basis of combined evidence from Western Old Japanese, Eastern Old Japanese, and Ryukyuan, the Proto-Japonic tentative suffix *-amcan be reconstructed. 3.2.3.3 Tentative -uram- ~ -ramThe tentative suffix -(u)ram- has two allomorphs: -uram- and -ram-. The allomorph -ram- is used after strong vowel verbs, and the allomorph -uramafter all other verbs. In Western Old Japanese the tentative -(u)ram- can be followed only by the following suffixes. chart 59 Combinations of the tentative suffix -(u)ram- with following suffixes

suffixes

combination forms

final -u attributive -(ur)u evidential -(ur)e concessive converb -ɛ-ⁿdǝ[mǝ]

-(u)ram-u -(u)ram-u -(u)ram-ɛ -(u)ram-ɛ-ⁿdǝ[mǝ]

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On the basis of the chart above it becomes clear that with the major exception of the concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ], the tentative suffix -(u)ram- does not combine with other converbs or converbs that represent forms of non-final predication. Therefore, in most cases -(u)ram- is found only in the final verbs of sentences or clauses. The tentative suffix -(u)ram- can combine with the following suffixes and bound auxiliaries that precede -(u)ram- in a paradigmatic verbal chain: chart 60 Combinations of the tentative suffix -uram- ~ -ram- with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and bound auxiliaries

combination forms

honorific -ascausative -asprogressive -erperfective -teperfective -nperfective-progressive -tar-

-as-uram-as-uram-er-uram-t-uram-n-uram-tar-uram-

As can be seen from the chart above, tentative -uram- ~ -ram- combines only with the honorific -as-, the causative -as-, and aspect markers. Yamada Yoshio gave only a very vague definition of -uram- ~ -ram- as a suffix expressing conjecture about reality (Yamada 1954: 307). Saeki Umetomo maintained that while -(a)m- is a broad conjecture without reference to time, although it may refer to future, -k-em- refers to the conjecture about the past, and -(u)ram- to the conjecture about the present (Saeki 1959: 167). As the following examples amply demonstrate, this is not quite true, since there are clear references to the future (see, e.g., MYS 5.887, 900 below), although clear references to the past are lacking. Yoshida Kanehiko attempted a much more detailed analysis, subdividing the functions of -uram- ~ -ram- into: (a) conjecture about the present, (b) interrogative conjecture, and (c) objective conjecture (Yoshida 1973: 716–30). Yoshida’s analysis is based predominantly on the combinations of -uram- ~ -ram- with other words found in the same text before this suffix, such as ima ‘now,’ kepu ‘today,’ interrogative pronouns, the topic marker, etc. He further comes to the conclusion that the usage of -uram- ~ -ram- is completely similar to the suppositional -urasi (see section 3.2.1.9) (Yoshida 1973: 731). This certainly has to be rejected, as synonymous morphological forms are

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very unlikely to exist in a language. Although Yoshida’s description of -uram- ~ -ram-, like everything else in his book, contains tons of valuable information, it still leaves the main question unanswered: what is the archetype function of -uram- ~ -ram-? The key to that answer, I believe, lies in the comparison of possible combinations of the tentative -am- ~ -m-, the suppositional -urasi ~ -asi, and the tentative -uram- ~ -ram- with other verbal markers. The suppositional -urasi clearly has a lesser degree of modality, since it can combine with the retrospective -ker- (in the form -ker-asi, see section 3.2.1.9 above), while neither -am- ~ -m- nor -uram- ~ -ram- can. The tentative -am- ~ -m- is neutral to tense, since it can combine with the past marker -ki (in the form -k-em-, see section 3.2.3.2 above), while neither -urasi nor -(u)ram- can. This probably should come as no surprise, as both -urasi ~ -asi and -uram- ~ -ram- are likely to include a non-past stative *-ur- as their first element (see section 3.2.1.9 above). Remember now that -uram- ~ -ram- can refer to present and future but not to the past. Thus, it seems appropriate that -uram- ~ -ram- should be defined as a non-past tentative suffix. Thus, my definition of its primary function is close to Saeki’s, although it is broader in the sense that I define it as non-past tentative and not just as present tentative. Examples: 阿我柯賦古磨乎比騰瀰都羅武箇

a-ŋga kap-u koma-wo pitǝ mi-t-uram-u ka I-POSS keep-ATTR stallion-ACC person see(CONV)-PERF-TENT2-FIN IP Could people have seen the stallion that I keep? (NK 115) 我振袖乎妹見都良武香

WA-ŋGA PUR-U SOⁿDE-wo IMO MI-t-uram-u ka I-POSS wave-ATTR sleeve-ACC beloved see(CONV)-PERF-TENT2-FIN IP Would [my] beloved have seen the sleeve that I wave? (MYS 2.132) 鳥翔成有我欲比管見良目杼母人社不知松者知良武

TƏRI pa NAR-I ARI-ŋgayop-i-tutu MI-ram-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ PITƏ KƏSƏ SIR-AN-E MATU pa SIR-Uram-u bird TOP become-CONV ITER-go.back.and.forth-CONV-COOR see-TENT2CONC person FP know-NEG-EV pine TOP know-TENT2-FIN Although people would look, [they would] not recognize [the soul of prince Arima that] travels backs and forth like a bird. But [they] would know the pine [branches that he has tied] (MYS 2.145)

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Verbs 余戀良苦乎不知香安類良武

WA- ŋGA KOP-Ur-aku-wo SIR-AⁿZ-U ka ar-uram-u I-POSS love-ATTR-NML-ACC know-NEG-CONV IP exist-TENT2-ATTR do [you] probably not know that I love [you]? (MYS 4.720) 伊豆知武伎提可阿我和可留良武

iⁿduti muk-i-te ka a-ŋga wakar-uram-u where face-CONV-SUB IP I-POSS part-TENT2-ATTR facing what direction will I part [with this world]? (MYS 5.887) 阿袁麻多周良武知知波波良波母

a-wo mat-as-uram-u titi papa-ra pa mǝ I-ACC wait-HON-TENT2-ATTR father mother-DIM TOP FP dear mother and father, who will probably wait for me (MYS 5.890) 久多志須都良牟絹綿良波母

kutas-i sut-uram-u KINU-WATA-ra pa mǝ make.rot-CONV discard-TENT2-FIN silk cotton-PLUR TOP FP [they] will make [their] silk and cotton clothes rot and will discard [them] (MYS 5.900) 伊射里須流安麻伊敞妣等能麻知古布良牟爾安可思都流宇乎

iⁿzar-i s-uru ama ipe-pitǝ-nǝ mat-i-kop-uram-u-ni akas-i tur-u uwo catch.fish-NML do-ATTR fisherman home-person-COMP wait-CONV-long.forTENT2-ATTR-LOC dawn-CONV angle-ATTR fish fishermen catching fish, [you are] like [my] people at home who angle fish when probably waiting through the night and longing for [me] (MYS 15.3653) 比故保思母和礼爾麻佐里弖於毛布良米也母

Pikoposi mǝ ware-ni masar-i-te omop-uram-ɛ ya mǝ Altair FP I-DAT surpass-CONV-SUB long.for-TENT2-EV IP EP Will Altair long for [his beloved] more than I [do]?! (lit.: surpassing me) [Certainly not!] (MYS 15.3657) 和伎毛故波伊都登加和礼乎伊波比麻都良牟

wa-ŋg-imo-ko pa itu tǝ ka ware-wo ipap-i mat-uram-u I-POSS-beloved-DIM TOP when DV IP I-ACC pray-CONV wait-TENT2-ATTR My beloved will probably wait for me, praying [to the gods], and thinking: ‘When [will he return]?’ (MYS 15.3659)

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於久都由之毛尓安倍受之弖京師乃山波伊呂豆伎奴良牟

ok-u tuyu simo-ni apɛ-ⁿz-u s-i-te MIYAKO-nǝ YAMA pa irǝⁿduk-i-n-uram-u fall-ATTR dew frost-LOC endure-NEG-NML do-CONV-SUB capital-GEN mountain TOP get.colored-CONV-PERF-TENT2-FIN not [being able to] endure the falling dew and frost, the mountains of the capital are probably colored [with leaves] (MYS 15.3699) 和礼由惠尓於毛比和夫良牟伊母我可奈思佐

ware yuwe n-i omop-i-wamb-uram-u imǝ-ŋga kanasi-sa I reason DV-CONV think-CONV-worry-TENT2-ATTR beloved-POSS dear-NML [feeling of] the endearmend for [my] beloved who probably worries because of me (MYS 15.3727) 大宮人者伊麻毛可母比等奈夫理能未許能美多流良武

OPO MIYA PITƏ pa ima mo kamǝ pitǝ nambur-i nǝmï kǝnǝm-i-tar-uram-u great place person TOP now FP EP person mock-NML RP like-CONV-PERF/ PROG-TENT2-ATTR Do the people from the Great Palace probably continue to like just to mock [other] people now as well, I wonder? (MYS 15.3758) 伊夜彦神乃布本今日良毛加鹿乃伏良武

IyaPIKO KAMÏ-nǝ puMƏTƏ-NI KEPU-ra mo ka SIKA-nǝ PUS-Uram-u Iyapiko deity-GEN foot [of the mountain]-LOC today-LOC FP IP deer-GEN lie-TENT2-ATTR Will the deer lie at the foot of [the mountain] of the deity Iyapiko today, too? (MYS 16.3884) 何爲牟尓吾乎召良米夜

NANI SE-m-u-ni WA-wo MES-Uram-ɛ ya what do-TENT-ATTR-LOC I-ACC summon-TENT2-EV IP should [you] have summoned me in order to do something? [You should not!] (MYS 16.3886) 鴈我祢波都可比尓許牟等佐和久良武秋風左無美曾乃可波能倍爾

KARI- ŋga ne pa tukapi n-i kǝ-m-u tǝ sawak-uram-u AKI KAⁿZE samu-mi sǝnǝ kapa-nǝ [u]pɛ-ni wild goose-POSS cry TOP messenger DV-CONV come-TENT-FIN DV make. noise-TENT2-FIN autumn wind cold-GER that river-GEN top-LOC Would the cries of wild geese sound as if [they] are coming as messengers? Because the autumn wind is cold above that river (MYS 17.3953)

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Verbs 伊都之加登奈気可須良牟曾

itu si ka tǝ naŋgɛk-as-uram-u sǝ when EP IP DV lament-HON-TENT2-ATTR FP [she] probably laments, saying: ‘When [will he return]?’ (MYS 17.3962) 和可伎兒等毛波乎知許知爾佐和吉奈久良牟

waka-ki KO-ⁿdǝmo pa woti kǝti-ni sawak-i-nak-uram-u young-ATTR child-PLUR TOP there here-LOC make.noise-CONV-cry-TENT2-FIN young children will probably cry loudly here [and] there (MYS 17.3962) 宇具比須乃奈枳知良須良武春花

uŋgupisu-nǝ nak-i tir-as-uram-u PARU-NƏ PANA bush.warbler-GEN sing-CONV fall-CAUS-TENT2-ATTR spring-GEN flower spring flowers that the bush warbler will probably let fall while [he] sings (MYS 17.3966) 伊久欲布等余美都追伊毛波和礼麻都良牟曾

iku yo p-u tǝ yǝm-i-tutu imo pa ware mat-uram-u sǝ how many night pass-FIN DV count-CONV-COOR beloved TOP I wait-TENT2ATTR FP [My] beloved will probably wait for me, counting: ‘How many nights have passed?’ (MYS 18.4072) 伊毛我多可々々尓麻都良牟許己呂

imo-ŋga taka taka n-i mat-uram-u kǝkǝrǝ beloved-POSS high high DV-CONV wait-TENT2-ATTR heart the heart of [my] beloved who probably waits for [me] eagerly (MYS 18.4107) 宮乃須蘇未乃努都可佐尓伊麻左家流良武乎美奈弊之波母

MIYA-nǝ suso mï-nǝ no tukasa-ni ima sak-er-uram-u wominapesi pa mǝ palace-GEN hem turn(NML)-GEN field hillock-LOC now bloom-PROG-TENT2FIN carnation TOP FP Oh, carnations! [They] are probably blooming now at the field hillocks around the palace (MYS 20.4316)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese It is widely believed that an Eastern Old Japanese cognate of Western Old Japanese -uram- ~ -ram- is -unam-.71 This seems plausible at first glance, but there is one problem: the correspondence of EOJ -n- to WOJ -r- is attested only for this cognate, and possibly also for EOJ diminutive suffix -na versus WOJ -ra (see chapter 4, section 2.2.4). This correspondence is not supported by any other examples. I think this might mean that EOJ -unam- and WOJ -uram- are in all likelihood only partially related (in their -am- part), but the initial parts of these two morphemes probably have different origins. Nevertheless, the possibility of an irregular correspondence cannot be completely ruled out, but even in this case it is unclear what kind of morpheme can be reconstructed even on the Proto-Japanese level. 和奴爾故布奈毛

wanu-ni kop-unam-o I-DAT long.for-TENT2-ATTR [you] will probably long for me (MYS 14.3476) 奴麻布多都可欲波等里賀栖安我己許呂布多由久奈母等奈与母波里曽祢

numa puta-tu kayop-a tǝri-ŋga su a-ŋga kǝkǝrǝ puta yuk-unam-ǝ tǝ na-yǝmǝp-ar-i-sǝ-n-e marsh two-CL go.over-ATTR bird-POSS nest I-POSS heart to go-TENT2-ATTR DV NEG-?-think-PROG-CONV-do-DES-IMP [I] wish [you] are not thinking that my heart would go [to] two [different places like] nests of birds that go over two marshes (MYS 14.3526) 和乎可麻都那毛伎曾毛己余必母

wa-wo ka mat-unam-o kisǝ mo kǝ yǝpi mǝ I-ACC IP wait-TENT2-ATTR last night FP this night FP will [she] have waited for me, both last night and tonight? (MYS 14.3563)

71  The form -(u)ram- is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese corpus, but it appears in the poems that, with the exception of MYS 20.4343, have no distinctive Eastern Old Japanese features.

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A2: Ryukyuan The cognates of WOJ -(u)ram- seem to be attested only in Old Ryukyuan in the forms -urum- (appearing only twice in the Omoro sōshi within the same text), -oraN (appearing only once in the Omoro sōshi), and -[or]ai (Torigoe 1968: 176).72 This limited distribution not only in Ryukyuan, but also in the Omoro sōshi as well, further aggravated by less than clear correspondences in the case of -ai that is the most frequent form, strongly suggests that we are dealing with a loan from Middle Japanese. Old Ryukyuan おきなますすもらん

oki namasu sum-oraN offing fish.salad dye-TENT2 let [us] cut [them into pieces like] fish salad (OS 1.36) けよわのがしよらい

keyo wa no ga s-i-yor-ai today TOP what IP do-CONV-exist-TENT2 What will [they] do today? (OS 5.265) のちかほうするむ

noti kafou s-urum-u life happiness do-TENT2-FIN [there] will be happiness in life (OS 10.521) Level B: External Comparisons As mentioned above, because it is not even clear what the Proto-Japanese form is, and since the Ryukyuan forms seem to be loans from Middle Japanese, the search for external parallels is doomed from the start.

72  The latter form actually consists of yor- ‘be’ and the tentative -ai, as the example below demonstrates. Cf. also OR si-yor-asïo in the example similar to OS 5.265 cited in section 3.2.1.9 One more form, -ara, that Torigoe mentions as a contraction of the iterative -af- and -(u)ram- (Torigoe 1968: 177) seems to be of a dubious provenance phonetically. In addition, it is attested twice after the same verb sum- ‘to dwell’ in the same text (OS 16.1155).

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3.2.3.4 Iterative -ap- ~ -ǝpThe iterative marker has two allomorphs: -ap- and -ǝp-. The allomorph -ap- is found after consonant and regular vowel verbs, although, only a handful of vowel verbs are attested with this marker, for example naŋgar-ap- ‘flow-ITER’ (< *naŋgare-ap-), and neŋg-ap- ‘pray/desire-ITER’ (< *neŋgï-ap-). There is an interesting phenomenon concerning the usage of -ap-: it can sometimes behave as a vowel stem, rather than a consonant stem: cf. the -ap-uru ‘ITER-ATTR’ form as attested in MYS 1.59 below (-ap-u would be normally expected), -apɛ‘ITER(CONV)’ in MYS 8.1420, SM 51, and -ǝpɛ- in MYS 20.4465 below (-ap-i would be normally expected). This usage is more typical when the preceding verb is a vowel verb, but it is found after consonant verbs as well. The allomorph -ǝpis found after consonant verbs that have a vowel /ǝ/ or a vowel /u/ in their stems, such as pokǝr- ‘to boast’ > pokǝr-ǝp- ‘to boast repeatedly,’ mǝtǝpǝr- ‘to go around’ > mǝtǝpǝr-ǝp- ‘to go around constantly,’ utur- ‘to wither, to change’ > utur-ǝp- ‘to whither continuously.’ While the cases after the vowel /ǝ/ can be easily explained as progressive assimilation, the case after /u/ in utur- is puzzling, because /ǝ/ is not a rounded vowel. However, there are two cases in the Man’yōshū (MYS 17.3916, 17.3982) when we have the spelling utur-op(vs. twelve cases of utur-ǝp-). Although the spelling utur-ǝp- is attested much more frequently, I believe that the only way to explain this oddity is to suggest that the form utur-op- is a result of labial progressive assimilation of the nonattested *utur-ap-, which was changed to utur-ǝp- by analogy with forms in -ǝp-.73 The iterative suffix -ap- always precedes all other suffixes it combines with as it becomes clear from the following chart 61. The iterative -ap- indicates either a repeated or continuous action. Examples: 佐用婆比爾阿理多多斯用婆比迩阿理加用婆勢

sa-yomb-ap-i-ni ari-tat-as-i yomb-ap-i-ni ari-kayop-as-e PREF-call-ITER-NML-LOC ITER-set.out-HON-CONV call-ITER-NML-LOC ITER-set.out-HON-EV [I] set out to woo [her] there; [I] set out to woo [her] (KK 2)

73  Similarly, the iterative form of the verb matur- ‘to serve’ is attested in its iterative form matur-ǝp- ‘to serve, to obey’ several times in the Man’yōshū with the otsu-rui vowel /ǝ/, but in KJK and NSK it appears as matur-op- with the kō-rui vowel /o/ (Omodaka et al. 1967: 683).

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Verbs chart 61

Combinations of the iterative suffix -ap- ~ -ǝp- with following suffixes

suffixes

combination forms

final -u attributive -(ur)u evidential -(ur)e converb -i nominalizer -i imperative -e tentative -(a)mnegative -(a)ⁿznegative -(a)npassive -(a)yeadjectivizer -asi progressive -erdebitive -umbɛ-

-ap-u -ap-u, -ap-uru -ap-ɛ -ap-i -ap-i -ap-e* -ap-am-ap-aⁿz-apɛ-n-ǝp-aye-** -ap-asi -ap-er-ap-umbɛ-

Note: The main allomorph -ap- is used as an example. * The imperative form after -ap- is attested twice: once in MYS 13.3329, and once in SM 57. In both cases it is misspelled as if it were an evidential in -ɛ (spelled with the man’yōgana sign 部 /pɛ/). However, the context leaves no doubt that this is an imperative and not an evidential form in both cases. While MYS 13.3329 has no date similar to the rest of the poems in the same volume, SM 57 is reliably dated by 777 AD. Thus, since it is quite a late text, it is not impossible that the kō-otsu distinctions between /pe/ and /pɛ/ had already collapsed by that time. ** Attested only logographically in Western Old Japanese (see MYS 11.2527 below) but corroborated by the same form spelled phonographically in Eastern Old Japanese.

淤曾夫良比和何多多勢禮婆比許豆良比和何多多勢禮婆

osǝ-m-bur-ap-i wa-ŋga tat-as-er-e-mba pikǝ-ⁿ-dur-ap-i wa-ŋga tat-as-er-e-mba push-DV(CONV)-shake-ITER-CONV I-POSS stand-HON-PROG-EV-CON pullDV(CONV)-shove-ITER-CONV I-POSS stand-HON-PROG-EV-CON [I] was pushing and shaking [the door], when I was standing [there], [I] was pulling and shoving [it], when I was standing [there] (KK 2)

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伊勢能宇美能意斐志爾波比母登富呂布志多陀美能伊波比母登富理宇知弖 志夜麻牟

ise-nǝ umi-nǝ opï-[i]si-ni pap-i-mǝtǝpǝr-ǝp-u sitaⁿdami74-nǝ i-pap-i-mǝtǝpǝr-i ut-i-te si yam-am-u Ise-GEN sea-GEN grow(CONV)-stone-LOC crawl-CONV-go.around-ITERATTR seashell-COMP DLF-crawl-CONV-go.around-CONV hit-CONV-SUB EP stop-TENT-FIN like the shellfish that are constantly crawling around on the growing rocks of the Ise sea, [we] will crawl around [them] there, smite and stop [them] (KK 13) 都奴賀能迦迩余許佐良布伊豆久迩伊多流

Tunuŋga-nǝ kani yǝkǝ sar-ap-u iⁿduku-ni itar-u Tunuŋga-GEN crab side go.away-ITER-FIN where-LOC reach-FIN Crab from Tunuŋga goes all the time along the side[way]. Where [to] will [it] arrive? (KK 42) 伊那瑳能椰摩能虚能莽由毛易喩耆摩毛羅毘

Inasa-nǝ yama-nǝ kǝ-nǝ ma-yu mo i-yuk-i mamor-ap-i Inasa-GEN mountain-GEN tree-GEN interval-ABL FP DLF-go-CONV watch-ITER-CONV going from between the trees of Mount Inasa and constantly watching [out for enemies] (NK 12) 雲谷裳情有南畝可苦佐布倍思哉

KUMO ⁿdani mo KƏKƏRƏ AR-Ana-mo kakus-ap-umbɛ-si YA cloud RP FP heart exist-DES-EXCL hide-ITER-DEB-FIN IP [I] wish at least the clouds [would] have feelings! Do [they] have to hide [Mt. Miwa] all the time? (MYS 1.18) 流經妻吹風之寒夜尓吾勢能君者獨香宿良武

NA ŋGAR-Ap-uru TUMA PUK-U KAⁿZE-NƏ SAMU-KI YO-ni WA- ŋGA se n-ǝ KIMI pa PITƏ-RI ka N-Uram-u flow-ITER-ATTR spouse blow-ATTR wind-GEN cold-ATTR night-LOC I-POSS beloved DV-ATTR lord TOP one-CL IP sleep-TENT2-ATTR Does the lord my beloved sleep alone in the cold nights, when the wind blows at [your] spouse who is spending time [waiting for you]? (MYS 1.59) 74  志多陀美 /sitaⁿdami/, a kind of an edible seashell (MdJ kisago).

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Verbs 天地与共久住波牟

AMƐ TUTI-TƏ TƏMƏ N-I PISASI-ku SUM-Ap-am-u Heaven Earth-COM together DV-CONV long-CONV live-ITER-TENT-FIN [I] want to live (continuously) for a long time with Heaven and Earth (MYS 4.578) 可多良比斯許許呂曾牟企弖伊弊社可利摩須

katar-ap-i-si kǝkǝrǝ sǝmuk-i-te ipe-ⁿ-zakar-i-imas-u talk-ITER-CONV-PAST/ATTR heart turn.one’s.back-CONV-SUB home-LOC-be at the distance-CONV-HON-FIN turning [your] back on what [you] promised, [you] are keeping the distance from [our] home (MYS 5.794) 母智騰利乃可可良波志母与

mǝti-ⁿ-dǝri-nǝ kakar-ap-asi-mǝ yǝ mochi-GEN-bird-COMP be.stuck-ITER-ADJ-EXCL EP [You] are stuck like a bird on a mochi [trap-stick]! (MYS 5.800) 安礼乎於伎弖人者安良自等富己呂倍騰

are-wo ok-i-te PITƏ pa ar-aⁿzi tǝ pokǝr-ǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝ I-ACC leave-CONV-SUB person TOP exist-NEG/TENT DV boast-ITER-EV-CONC although [I] repeatedly boast that there are probably no other persons besides me (MYS 5.892) 奴延鳥乃能杼与比居爾伊等乃伎提短物乎端伎流等云之如楚取五十戸良我 許惠波寝屋度麻弖來立呼比奴

nuye-ⁿ-DƏRI-nǝ nǝⁿdǝyǝp-i-WOR-U-ni itǝ nǝkite MIⁿZIKA-KI MƏNƏ-wo PASI kir-u tǝ IP-ER-U- ŋGA ŋGƏTƏ-KU SIMOTƏ TƏR-U SATO-WOSA-ŋga kǝwe pa NE-YA-ⁿ-to-maⁿde K-I-TAT-I YOmB-Ap-i-n-u nuye-DV(ATTR)-bird-COMP cry in small voice-CONV-exist-ATTR-LOC very exceptionally short-ATTR thing-ACC end cut-FIN DV say-PROG-ATTRPOSS like-CONV whip take-ATTR village-headman-POSS voice TOP sleep(CONV)-house-GEN-door-TERM come-CONV-stand-CONV call-ITERCONV-PERF-FIN when [we] are crying in small voices like nuye birds, like [the proverb] says: ‘to cut the end of an already very short thing,’ the voice of the village headman, who came out holding a whip to the door of the house where [we] sleep, called [us] repeatedly (MYS 5.892)

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愛久志我可多良倍婆

UTUKUSI-ku si-ŋga katar-ap-ɛ-mba beautiful-CONV he-POSS talk-ITER-EV-CON as he used to say beautifully (MYS 5.904) 流倍散波何物之花其毛

NA ŋGAR-Apɛ-TIR-U pa NANI n-ǝ PANA SƏ mo flow-ITER(CONV)-fall-ATTR TOP what DV-ATTR flower that FP what are those flowers that fall floating away? (MYS 8.1420) 母尓所嘖

PAPA-ni KƏR-ƏP-AYE mother-DAT scold-ITER-PASS(CONV) [I] am scolded by [my] mother (MYS 11.2527) In Western Old Japanese we only have this logographic attestation, but it is corroborated by the identical form kǝr-ǝp-aye found in phonographic writing in Eastern Old Japanese (see MYS 14.3529 below). 狛錦紐丹縫著刺部重部

KOMA NISIKI PIMO-ni NUP-I-TUKƐ SAS-Apɛ KASAN-Apɛ Koguryo brocade cord-LOC sew-CONV-attach(CONV) embroider-ITER(CONV) pile.up-ITER(CONV) sewing the Koguryo brocade to the cords, and embroidering [them], and then putting on [garments] one on the top of another (MYS 16.3791) In this example the verb sas- ‘to embroider’ is a consonant verb, and the verb kasane- ‘to pile up’ is a vowel verb. Both are followed by -apɛ- rather than -ap-. 老人毛女童兒毛之我願心太良比爾

OYI-PITƏ mo WOMINA WARAPA mo si-ŋga NE ŋG-AP-U KƏKƏRƏ-ⁿ-dar-ap-i n-i old(NML)-person FP woman child FP they-POSS desire-ITER-ATTR heartLOC-be.enough-ITER-NML DV-CONV old people, women, and children, all [of them get] enough of what they desire (constantly) to [their] hearts’ [content] (MYS 18.4094)

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Verbs 伊爾之敞欲伊麻乃乎追通爾奈我佐敞流於夜乃子等毛曾

inisipe-yo ima-nǝ wotutu-ni naŋgas-ap-er-u oya-nǝ KO-ⁿdǝmo sǝ old.times-ABL now-GEN reality-LOC make.flow-ITER-PROG-ATTR ancestorGEN child-PLUR FP The offspring (lit.: children) of the ancestors who have passed continuously [their glorious names] from the old times to the present [day’s] reality (MYS 18.4094) 事之乎波良婆都々麻波受可敝理伎麻勢

KƏTƏ si wopar-amba tutum-ap-aⁿz-u kaper-i-k-i-[i]mas-e job EP end-COND be.hindered-ITER-NEG-CONV return-CONV-come-CONVHON-IMP when [your] job is over, come back home without being hindered [by anything] (MYS 20.4331) 麻都呂倍奴比等乎母夜波之

matur-ǝpɛ-n-u pitǝ-wo mǝ yapas-i obey-ITER-NEG-ATTR person-ACC FP pacify-CONV pacifying also the people who are not obeying (MYS 20.4465) 奈保之祢我比都知等世能伊乃知乎

napo si neŋg-ap-i-t-u ti tǝse-nǝ inǝti-wo still EP pray-ITER-CONV-PERF-FIN thousand year-GEN life-ACC [I] have still been praying for a thousand year life (MYS 20.4470) 佐久波奈波宇都呂布等伎安里

sak-u pana pa utur-ǝp-u tǝki ar-i bloom-ATTR flower TOP wither-ITER-ATTR time exist-FIN There is a time when blooming flowers will be withering (MYS 20.4484) 山川浄所者孰倶加母見行阿加良閇賜牟

YAMA KAPA-NƏ KIYO-KI TƏKƏRƏ-WOmba TARE-TƏ TƏMƏ N-I kamǝ MI-SƏNA P-AS-I-aŋgar-apɛ-TAMAP-Am-u mountain river-GEN clean-ATTR place-ACC(EMPH) who-COM together DV-CONV EP look(CONV)-put.in.order-HON-CONV-rise-ITER-HON-TENT-ATTR With whom will [I] be constantly looking up together at the clean places of mountains and rivers, I wonder? (SM 51)

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彼国乃王爾波語部止詔

KANƏ KUNI-nǝ KONIKISI-ni pa KATAR-Ap-ɛ75 tǝ NƏTAMAP-U that country-GEN king-DAT TOP tell-ITER-IMP DV say(HON)-FIN [we] deign to say: ‘Tell [this] (repeatedly) to the king of that country’ (SM 57) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The iterative -ap- is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese. However, there is a significant formal difference between Eastern and Western Old Japanese: while WOJ -ap- immediately follows a verbal root with all other suffixes or auxiliaries being placed after it, EOJ -ap- follows the negative -an- and the progressive -[a]r- as the following examples demonstrate: 多知和可礼伊爾之与比欲利世呂爾安波奈布与

tat-i-wakare in-i-si yǝpi-yori se-rǝ-ni ap-an-ap-u yǝ depart-CONV-part(CONV) go.away-CONV-PAST/ATTR night-ABL beloved-DIMDAT meet-NEG-ITER-FIN EP from the night when [we] parted and [he] went away, [I] never met [my] beloved! (MYS 14.3375) 安比豆祢能久爾乎佐杼抱美安波奈波婆斯努比尓勢毛等比毛牟須婆佐祢

Apiⁿdune-nǝ kuni-wo saⁿ-dǝpo-mi ap-an-ap-amba sinop-i n-i se-m-o tǝ pimo musumb-as-an-e Apiⁿdune-GEN land-ABS PREF-far-GER meet-NEG-ITER-COND long.for-NML DV-CONV do-TENT-ATTR DV cord tie-HON-DES-IMP If [we] continue not to meet, because the land of Apiⁿdune is far, [I] wish [you] would tie your [garment] cords, as if longing for [me] (MYS 14.3426) 佐祢奈敞波己許呂乃緒呂爾能里弖

sa-ne-n-ap-e-mba kǝkǝrǝ-nǝ WO-rǝ-ni nǝr-i-te PREF-sleep-NEG-ITER-EV-CON heart-GEN cord-DIM-LOC ride-CONV-SUB when [we] continue not to sleep [together], [you] are riding on [my] heart’s little cord (MYS 14.3466)

75  See the note to Chart 61 about the misspelling of the imperative form in this text.

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745

Verbs 之良夜麻可是能宿奈敝杼母古呂賀於曽伎能安路許曽要志母

sira yama kaⁿze-nǝ NE-n-ap-e-ⁿdǝmǝ ko-rǝ-ŋga osǝki-nǝ ar-o kǝsǝ ye-si-mǝ white mountain wind-GEN sleep-NEG-ITER-CONC girl-DIM-POSS garmentGEN exist-ATTR FP good-FIN-EXCL although [I] continue not to sleep at the [cold] wind from the White Mountain, [it] is good to have my girl’s garment! (MYS 14.3509) 麻乎其母能布能末知可久弖安波奈敞波於吉都麻可母能奈気伎曾安我須流

mawo-ŋ-gǝmǝ-nǝ pu-nǝ ma tika-ku-te ap-an-ap-e-mba oki-tu ma-kamǝ-nǝ naŋgɛk-i sǝ a-ŋga s-uru nettle-GEN-mat-GEN mesh-GEN space be.close-CONV-SUB meet-NEG-ITEREV-CON offing-GEN/LOC INT-duck-COMP lament-NML FP I-POSS do-ATTR Because [we] do not meet being as close [to each other] as spaces between the meshes of a nettle mat, I lament like a real duck in the offing (MYS 14.3524) 波伴尓許呂波要

papa-ni kǝr-ǝp-aye mother-DAT scold-ITER-PASS(CONV) [I] am scolded by [her] mother (MYS 14.3529) 比登豆麻古呂乎麻由可西良布母

pitǝ-ⁿ-duma ko-rǝ-wo ma yuk-ase-[a]r-ap-umǝ person-GEN-wife girl-DIM-ACC eye go-CAUS-PROG-ITER-FIN-EXCL [I] let [my] eyes wander over the girl [who is] the wife of [another] person! (MYS 14.3541) A2: Ryukyuan To the best of my knowledge, the iterative -ap- is not attested in Ryukyuan. Therefore, the iterative *-ap- or *-apɛ- can be reconstructed for Proto-Japanese only. 3.2.3.5 Passive -aye- ~ -raye- ~ -yeThe passive suffix has three main allomorphs: -aye-, -raye-, and -ye-. The first of those appears after consonant verbs, the second after regular vowel verbs, and the third after irregular (strong) vowel verbs. The allomorph -raye- is attested only after the verb ne- ‘to sleep.’ This has probably prompted my colleague Bjarke Frellesvig to call the -raye- allomorph a ghost (Frellesvig, p.c.). However,

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I do not think we can classify the -raye- as a ‘ghost’ even though it is attested only after one vowel verb. Although -raye- appears in phonographic writing only in MYS 15, there are four examples of it in this book (see MYS 15.3665, 15.3678, 15.3680, 15.3684 below), not to count the logographic cases in other volumes, and that clearly exceeds any possible definition of not only a ‘ghost’ but also of a hapax legomenon. It is quite clear that four cases of phonographic spelling cannot be reduced to a scribal error. It might still remain a mystery why -raye- is attested only after one vowel verb, but we should not overlook two facts: (a) there are many more consonant verbs than vowel verbs at any period of the Japanese language history and (b) the Western Old Japanese corpus is quite limited when compared to the Middle (Classical) Japanese corpus. Consequently, we cannot expect to find every possible combination in our database. Similar to the iterative -ap- described in section 3.2.3.4 above, -aye- is assimilated to -ǝye- after the verb omǝp- ‘to think, to love.’ The same allomorph -ǝye- is found after the verb kik- ‘to hear, to listen,’ probably by analogy with omǝp-. The allomorph that appears after irregular (strong) vowel verbs is quite predictably -ye-, since strong vowel verbs never lose the final vowel of their stem. Depending on whether a following suffix has a strong vowel that is never deleted we also have three other secondary allomorphs: -ay-, -ǝy-, and -y-. Therefore, the morphophonology of the passive marker can be summarized in the following chart: chart 62 Morphophonological variations of the passive suffix

consonant verbs kik-/omǝpvowel verbs strong vowel verbs

weak vowel suffix

strong vowel suffix

-aye-ǝye-raye-ye-

-ay-ǝy– -y-

The passive -aye- ~ -raye- ~ -ye- almost always directly follows the stem of a verb, and all other suffixes are placed after -aye- ~ -raye- ~ -ye-, with the exception of the iterative -ap- that precedes it in a verbal string.

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Verbs

chart 63 Combinations of the passive suffix -aye- ~ -raye- ~ -ye- with following suffixes and auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

final -u attributive -(ur)u evidential -(ur)e converb -i nominalizer -i tentative -(a)mnegative tentative -(a)ⁿzi negative -aⁿznegative -(a)niterative -(a)pconditional -(a)mba negative imperative -una negative potential -umasiⁿzi debitive -umbɛperfective -teperfective -nperfective-progressive -tarpast -ki, -si, -sika retrospective -kernegative potential -kane-

-(a)y-u -(a)y-uru -(a)y-ure* -(a)ye -(a)ye -(a)ye-m-(a)ye-ⁿzi -(a)ye-ⁿz-raye-n-ǝp-aye** -(a)ye-mba -(a)y-una -(a)y-umasiⁿzi -ǝy-umbɛ-(a)ye-t(e)-*** -(a)ye-n-*** -(a)ye-tar-* -(a)ye-si, -(a)ye-sika -(a)ye-ker-aye-kane-****

Note: * Only unreliable logographic attestations. ** Attested only in logographic spelling (see MYS 11.2527 below), but corroborated by Eastern Old Japanese. *** Both perfectives -te- and -n- follow the converb form -i- that has merged with the preceding passive -(a)ye-. **** Attested only once in partial logographic spelling (see MYS 16.3793 below).

In contrast to Middle (Classical) Japanese, where the passive marker -(r)arealso can have an honorific function, WOJ -aye- ~ -raye- ~ -ye- is attested only in the following functions: (1) spontaneous action, (2) passive, and (3) potential.76 76  It has been noted before that the honorific function is not attested before the Heian period (Yuzawa 1943: 76), and that in this function the passive marker in the Heian period is almost exclusively used after honorific verbs or honorific auxiliaries (Tsukishima 1969: 506).

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Similar to Middle Japanese, the potential function appears only with a following negative, forming a negative potential form. Examples: (1) Spontaneous action: 吾妹子之念有四九四面影二三湯

WA- ŋG-IMO-KO-NƏ OMƏP-ER-I-si-ku si OMƏ-KA ŋGƐ-ni mi-y-u I-POSS beloved-GEN think-PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR-NML EP face-shadowLOC see-PASS-FIN [I] saw at once what my beloved thought in [her] face (MYS 4.754) 都摩夜佐夫斯久於母保由倍斯母

tuma-ya sambusi-ku omǝp-oy-umbɛ-si-mǝ spouse-room lonely-CONV think-PASS-DEB-FIN-EXCL [I] must suddenly think [how] lonely [our] bedroom [is]! (MYS 5.795) 宇利波米婆胡藤母意母保由

uri pam-ɛ-mba ko-ⁿdǝmǝ omǝp-oy-u melon eat-EV-CON child-PLUR think-PASS-FIN When [I] eat melon, [I] cannot help thinking of [my] children (lit.: I suddenly think of my children) (MYS 5.802) 多陀爾阿波須阿良久毛於保久志岐多閇乃麻久良佐良受提伊米爾之美延牟

taⁿda n-i ap-aⁿz-u ar-aku mo opo-ku sik-i-tapɛ-nǝ makura sar-aⁿz-u-te imɛ-ni si mi-ye-m-u direct DV-CONV meet-NEG-CONV exist-NML FP many-CONV spread-CONVmulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN pillow go.away-NEG-CONV-SUB dream-LOC EP see-PASS-TENT-FIN There are also many occasions when [we] do not meet directly, [and I] want to see [you] in [my] dream without going away from [your] mulberry tree bark cloth pillow (MYS 5.809) 波漏々々尓於忘方由流可母

paro-paro n-i omop-oy-uru kamǝ distant-distant DV-CONV think-PASS-ATTR EP [I] suddenly think [of it as] being distant! (MYS 5.866) 美夜故能提夫利和周良延尓家利

miyako-nǝ temburi wasur-aye-n-i-ker-i capital-GEN custom forget-PASS(CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-FIN it turned out that [I] have forgotten the customs of the capital (MYS 5.880) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

749

Verbs 安杼毛倍香許己呂我奈之久伊米爾美要都流

aⁿ-dǝ [o]mop-ɛ ka kǝkǝrǝ-ŋ-ganasi-ku imɛ-ni mi-ye-t-uru what-DV think-EV IP heart-GEN-sad-CONV dream-LOC see-PASS(CONV)PERF-ATTR what was [I] thinking [about]? As [I] was sad in [my] heart, [she] suddenly has appeared in [my] dream (MYS 15.3639) 伊米爾毛伊母我美延射良奈久尓

imɛ-ni mo imǝ-ŋga mi-ye-ⁿz-ar-an-aku n-i dream-LOC FP beloved-POSS see-PASS-NEG(CONV)-exist-NEG-NML DVCONV in the dreams [my] beloved [always] appears (MYS 15.3735) 等保家騰母許己呂之遊氣婆伊米尓美要家利

tǝpo-ke-ⁿdǝmǝ kǝkǝrǝ si yuk-ɛ-mba imɛ-ni mi-ye-ker-i far-EV-CONC heart EP go-EV-CON dream-LOC see-PASS(CONV)-RETR-FIN although [it] is far, because [my] heart goes [to you], [it] turned out that [you] appeared in [my] dreams (MYS 17.3981) 可波美礼婆見乃佐夜氣久母能其等尓佐可由流等伎登賣之多麻比

kapa mi-re-mba MI-nǝ sayakɛ-ku mǝnǝ ŋgǝtǝ n-i sak-ay-uru tǝki tǝ mes-i-tamap-i river see-EV-CON see(NML)-GEN be.bright-CONV thing every DV-CONV flourish-PASS-ATTR time DV see(HON)-CONV-HON-CONV when [one] looks at rivers, [they] are bright to see, and [the empress] sees that it is time when everything is flourishing (MYS 20.4360) 安米乃美加度乎可氣都礼婆祢能未之奈加由

amɛ-nǝ mikaⁿdo-wo kakɛ-t-ure-mba ne nǝmï si nak-ay-u heaven-GEN sovereign-ACC think.in.the.heart(CONV)-EV-CON sound RP EP cry-PASS-FIN Because [I] think in my heart about [my] heavenly sovereign, [I] only sob loudly (MYS 20.4480) (2) Passive voice: Similar to Middle (Classical) Japanese and all later historical stages of Japanese, the agent in the passive construction is marked by dative -ni. Like in Classical Japanese, there are cases when both the agent and the patient can be inanimate or animate (Vovin 2003: 326), so we can observe all four logical possibilities:

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chart 64 Animacy of the agent and the patient in Western Old Japanese passive constructions

(a) (b) (c) (d)

Agent

Patient

animate animate inanimate inanimate

animate inanimate animate inanimate

It must be admitted, though, that the most frequent usage is with both an animate agent and patient, while the least frequent is when both are inanimate. (a) Animate agent + animate patient: 古波陀袁登売袁迦微能碁登岐許延斯迦杼母阿比麻久良麻久

Kwopaⁿda wotǝme-wo kamï-nǝ ŋgǝtǝ kik-ǝye-sika-ⁿdǝmǝ api-makuramak-u Kwopaⁿda maiden-ABS deity-GEN like hear-PASS(CONV)-PAST/EV-CONC REC-pillow-FIN Although [it] is rumored that the maiden from Kwopaⁿda is like a goddess, [we] slept together (lit.: pillowed each other) (KK 45) 阿母儞擧曾枳擧曳儒阿羅毎矩儞儞播枳擧曳底那

amo-ni kǝsǝ kik-ǝye-ⁿz-u ar-am-ɛ kuni-ni pa kik-ǝye-te-na mother-DAT FP hear-PASS-NEG-CONV exist-TENT-EV land-DAT TOP hearPASS(CONV)-PERF-DES [I] probably will not be heard by [my] mother, but [I] wish to be heard by [the] land! (NK 82) 伊喩之之乎都那遇舸播杯

i-y-u sisi-wo tunaŋg-u kapa pe shoot-PASS-ATTR game.animal-ACC follow-ATTR river side the riverside where [we] followed a game animal that was shot (NK 117) 可由既婆比等爾伊等波延可久由既婆比等爾迩久麻延

ka yuk-ɛ-mba pitǝ-ni itǝp-aye ka-ku yuk-ɛ-mba pitǝ-ni nikum-aye that go-EV-CON person-DAT detest-PASS(CONV) thus-CONV go-EV-CON person-DAT hate-PASS(CONV) when/if [they] go that [way], [they] are detested by people, and when/if [they] go this way, [they] are hated by people … (MYS 5.804) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

751

Verbs 母尓所嘖

PAPA-ni KƏR-ƏP-AYE mother-DAT scold-ITER-PASS(CONV) [I] am scolded by [my] mother (MYS 11.2527) In Western Old Japanese we only have this logographic attestation, but it is corroborated by the identical form kǝr-ǝp-aye found in phonographic writing in Eastern Old Japanese (see MYS 14.3529 below). 安麻乎等女等母思麻我久流見由

ama wotǝME-ⁿdǝmǝ sima-ŋ-gakur-u MI-y-u fisher maiden-PLUR island-LOC-hide-ATTR see-PASS-FIN the fisher maidens are seen hiding in [the shadow of] the island (MYS 15.3597) 比等爾波美要緇

pitǝ-ni pa mi-ye-ⁿzi person-DAT TOP see-PASS-NEG/TENT [I] should not be seen by people (MYS 15.3708) 将若異子等丹所詈金目八

WAKA-k-eM-U KO-RA-ni NOR-AYE-kane-m-ɛ ya young-ATTR-TENT-ATTR girl-PLUR-LOC abuse-PASS(CONV)-NEG/POT-TENTEV IP would [you] be able not to be abused by girls who would be younger? [Certainly you would be abused!] (MYS 16.3793) 伊麻能其等古非之久伎美我於毛保要婆伊可尓加母世牟

ima-nǝ ŋgǝtǝ kopïsi-ku kimi-ŋga omop-oye-mba ika n-i kamǝ se-m-u now-GEN like longing-CONV lord-POSS think-PASS-COND how DV-CONV EP do-TENT-ATTR If you are thought of longingly like now, what shall [I] do [later], I wonder? (MYS 17.3928) (b) Animate agent + inanimate patient: 毛毛知陀流夜迩波母美由

momo-ti-ⁿ-dar-u ya nipa mǝ mi-y-u hundred-thousand-GEN-be.enough-ATTR house garden FP see-PASS-FIN flourishing (lit.: plentiful with hundreds and thousands) houses and gardens are seen (KK 41)

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衣尓須良由奈

KINU-ni sur-ay-una garment-LOC rub-PASS-NEG/IMP Do not [let it] be rubbed into the garment (MYS 7.1338) 人尓所知名

PITƏ-ni SIR-AY-Una person-DAT know-PASS-NEG/IMP Do not [let it] be known by people (MYS 11.2762) (c) Inanimate agent + animate patient: 阿母儞擧曾枳擧曳儒阿羅毎矩儞儞播枳擧曳底那

amo-ni kǝsǝ kik-ǝye-nz-u ar-am-ɛ kuni-ni pa kik-ǝye-te-na mother-DAT FP hear-PASS-NEG-CONV exist-TENT-EV land-DAT TOP hearPASS(CONV)-PERF-DES [I] probably will not be heard by [my] mother, but [I] wish to be heard by [the] land! (NK 82) This is the only example of an inanimate agent + an animate patient that I was able to find in Western Old Japanese. (d) Inanimate agent + inanimate patient: 此花乃一与能裏波百種乃言持不勝而所折家良受也

KƏNƏ PANA-nǝ PITƏ yǝ-nǝ UTI pa MOMO KUSA-nǝ KƏTƏ MƏT-I-KANE-TE WOR-AYE-ker-aⁿz-u ya this flower-GEN one petal-GEN inside TOP hundred type-GEN word holdCONV-NEG/POT(CONV)-SUB break-PASS(CONV)-RETR-NEG-FIN IP One petal of this flower cannot hold one hundred words, so will not [this flower] be broken [by the weight of words]? (MYS 8.1457) This example is somewhat controversial, because the agent who is hinted by the context of MYS 8.1456 and 8.1457 may be in fact animate: the author of MYS 8.1456, to which MYS 8.1457 is a reply. In a sense, what is meant might be ‘the flower [of your promises], will [it] not be broken [by you]?’

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753

Verbs 沫雪尓所落開有梅花

AWA YUKI-ni PUR-AYE-TE SAK-ER-U UMƐ-NƏ PANA bubble snow-DAT fall-PASS(CONV)-SUB bloom-PROG-ATTR plum-GEN blossom plum blossoms that are blooming being fallen upon by bubble snow (MYS 8.1641) This appears to be the only uncontroversial example of an inanimate agent with an inanimate patient. Both Yamada 1954: 254 and Yoshida 1973: 181 provide only this one. (3) Potential: 美夜麻賀久理弖美延受加母阿良牟

mi-yama-ŋ-gakur-i-te mi-ye-ⁿz-u kamǝ ar-am-u HON-mountain-LOC-hide-CONV-SUB see-PASS-NEG-FIN EP exist-TENT-ATTR [you] will hide in the mountains, and [I] will not be able to see [you]! (KK 112) 耶麻古曳底于瀰倭柂留騰母於母之楼枳伊麻紀能禹知播倭須羅由麻旨珥

yama koye-te umi watar-u tǝmo omosiro-ki Ima kï-nǝ uti pa wasur-ay-umasiⁿzi mountain cross(CONV)-SUB sea cross-FIN CONJ beautiful-ATTR Ima fortressGEN inside TOP forget-PASS-NEG/POT Even if [I] pass over the mountains and cross the seas, [I] cannot forget the inside of the beautiful Ima fortress (NK 119) 由久美都能可敞良奴其等久布久可是能美延奴我其登久

yuk-u miⁿdu-nǝ kaper-an-u ŋgǝtǝ-ku puk-u kaⁿze-nǝ mi-ye-n-u-ŋga ŋgǝtǝ-ku go-ATTR water-GEN return-NEG-ATTR like-CONV blow-ATTR wind-GEN seePASS-NEG-ATTR-POSS like-CONV like the flowing water that does not return, like the blowing wind that [one] cannot see (MYS 15.3625) 伊母乎於毛比伊能祢良延奴尓 (MYS 15.3665 spelling) 伊毛乎於毛比伊能祢良延奴尓 (MYS 15.3678 spelling)

imǝ/imo-wo omop-i i-nǝ ne-raye-n-u-ni beloved-ACC think-CONV sleep-GEN sleep-PASS-NEG-ATTR-LOC As [I] cannot sleep, thinking of [my] beloved … (MYS 15.3665, MYS 15.3678)

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欲乎奈我美伊能年良延奴尓

yo-wo naŋga-mi i-nǝ ne-raye-n-u-ni night-ABS long-GER sleep-GEN sleep-PASS-NEG-ATTR-LOC As [I] cannot sleep, because the night is long (MYS 15.3680) 奈曾許許波伊能祢良要奴毛

naⁿzǝ kǝkǝmba i-nǝ ne-raye-n-umo why extremely sleep-GEN sleep-PASS-NEG-EXCL why cannot [I] sleep at all?! (MYS 15.3684) 等保伎佐刀麻弖於久利家流伎美我許己呂波和須良由麻之自

tǝpo-ki sato-maⁿde okur-i-ker-u kimi-ŋga kǝkǝrǝ pa wasur-ay-umasiⁿzi distant-ATTR village-TERM see.off-CONV-RETR-ATTR lord-POSS heart TOP forget-PASS-NEG/POT [I] cannot forget the kindness of [my] lord who saw [me] off to [my] distant village (MYS 20.4482) 如是醜事者聞曳自

KA-KU N-Ə SIKƏ KƏTƏ pa KIK-Əye-ⁿzi thus-CONV DV-ATTR disgraceful thing TOP hear-PASS-NEG/TENT [I] would not be able to hear about such disgraceful things (SM 17) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The passive suffix -aye- ~ -ye- is attested in Eastern Old Japanese, and it appears to be a very rare form. It is attested in Eastern Old Japanese in the same functions as in Western Old Japanese. Examples: (1) Spontaneous action: 和乎布利弥由母阿是古志麻波母

wa-wo pur-i-mi-y-umǝ Aⁿze ko si map-am-ǝ I-ACC swing-CONV-look-PASS-EXCL Aⁿze girl EP dance-TENT-ATTR the girl from Aⁿze is going to dance, suddenly looking back at me! (FK 7) As can be seen from this example, in this function verbs with -aye- can take direct objects. 麻登保久於毛保由

ma-tǝpo-ku omop-oy-u

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Verbs

INT-far-CONV think-PASS-FIN [it] suddenly seems to be very far away (MYS 14.3522) (2) Passive voice: 波伴尓許呂波要

papa-ni kǝr-ǝp-aye mother-DAT scold-ITER-PASS(CONV) [I] am scolded by [her] mother (MYS 14.3529) 久毛為尓美由流志麻奈良奈久尓

kumowi-ni mi-y-uru sima nar-an-aku n-i distance-LOC see-PASS-ATTR island be-NEG-NML DV-CONV although [it] is not an island that is seen in the distance (MYS 20.4355) (3) Potential: 伎美我見延奴己能許呂

kimi-ŋga MI-ye-nu kǝnǝ kǝrǝ lord-POSS see-PASS-NEG-ATTR this time lately (lit.: this time), when [I] cannot see [my] lord (MYS 14.3506) A2: Ryukyuan Ryukyuan dialects have cognates of the WOJ passive -are- (discussed below in section 3.2.3.6), but there are no cognates of WOJ -aye- ~ -raye- ~ -ye-. The relationship between WOJ -aye- ~ -raye- ~ -ye- and the MJ passive suffix -(r)areremains obscure, because there are no other cognates that exhibit the unique correspondence of WOJ -y- to MJ -r-, although it is likely that WOJ -y- is a lenited form of PJ *-r-. 3.2.3.6 Passive -areBesides the passive in -aye- ~ -raye- ~ -ye- described in section 3.2.3.5 above, which has no cognates in Middle Japanese,77 but, nevertheless, frequently appears in Western Old Japanese texts, there is also a passive in -are-, that is much less frequent,78 but represents an apparent cognate to MJ -(r)are-. The 77  With the exception of -ye- found in Middle Japanese only after the verb mi- ‘to see, to look.’ 78  Yoshida Kanehiko mentions that there are about 15 examples of -are- in the Man’yōshū (Yoshida 1973: 166).

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difference between the two different passives in Western Old Japanese is not clear, but it probably can be attributed to the dialectal variation within the language. In contrast to Middle Japanese, the passive suffix -are- has only two allomorphs: -are- and -ar-, the latter being found before strong vowel suffixes, and it is attested only after a handful of consonant verbs: ip- ‘to say,’ tukapas- ‘to send,’ nur- ‘to scold,’ uk- ‘to float,’ tuŋg- ‘to follow,’ mak- ‘to wrap,’ and kakus- ‘to hide.’ It must be noted that there are very few good phonographically written examples of the passive -are- in Western Old Japanese. chart 65 Combinations of the passive suffix -are- with following suffixes and auxiliaries

suffixes

combination forms

final -u attributive -(ur)u converb -i tentative -(a)mpast attributive -si

-ar-u -ar-uru* -are -are-m-* -are-si**

Note: * Only not very reliable examples in partially logographic or complete logographic writing are attested. ** With a subdued converb -i after -are-.

In contrast to the passive -aye- ~ -raye- ~ -ye-, the passive -are- appears in only two functions: spontaneous action and passive. The potential function is not attested. (1) Spontaneous action: 言礼師君者与孰可宿良牟

IP-Are-si KIMI pa TARE-TƏ ka N-Uram-u say-PASS(CONV)-PAST/ATTR lord TOP who-COM IP sleep-TENT2-ATTR [my] lord, who suddenly declared [that we are involved], with whom do [you] sleep? (MYS 4.564) 浮笶緒乃得干蚊将去

UKƐ-NƏ WO-nǝ uk-are ka YUK-AM-U float-GEN string-COMP float-PASS(CONV) IP go-TENT-ATTR Shall [we] go away floating like floating strings [of nets]? (MYS 11.2646)

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757

Verbs 三笠之山尓居雲乃立者継流戀為鴨

Mikasa-NƏ YAMA-ni WI-RU KUMO-nǝ TATE-mba TU ŋG-AR-Uru KOPÏ MƏ S-URU kamo Mikasa-GEN mountain-LOC sit-ATTR cloud-GEN rise-CON come.after-PASSATTR love(NML) FP do-ATTR EP [I] love [you constantly like] the clouds that sit on Mount Mikasa—when [they] rise, [they] immediately come back again! (MYS 11.2675) (2) Passive voice: 玉二毛我真毛妹之手二所纒乎

TAMA n-i moŋga MAKƏTƏ mo IMO- ŋGA TE-ni MAK-ARE-M-U-wo jewel DV-CONV DP truth FP beloved-POSS hand-LOC wrap-PASS-TENTATTR-ACC [I] want to be a jewel. [Then I] would be indeed wrapped around [my] beloved’s hand, but … (MYS 4.734) 唐能遠境尓都加播佐礼

MƏRƏKOSI-nǝ TƏPO-KI SAKAPI-ni tukapas-are China-GEN be.distant-ATTR border-LOC send-PASS(CONV) being sent to the distant border of China (MYS 5.894) 熊來酒屋尓真奴良留奴和之佐須比立率而來奈麻之乎真奴良留奴和之

Kumaki SAKA-YA-ni MA nur-ar-u YATUKO wasi sasup-i-tate WI-TE-K-In-amasi-wo MA nur-ar-u YATUKO wasi Kumaki rice.wine-shop-LOC really scold-PASS-FIN fellow INTER invite-CONVput(CONV) bring(CONV)-SUB-come-CONV-PERF-SUBJ-ACC really scoldPASS-FIN fellow INTER Hey, fellow, [you] were really scolded at the Kumaki brewery. [I] would have invited and brought [you here], but … Hey, fellow, [you] were really scolded (MYS 16.3879) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The passive suffix -are- is attested in Eastern corpus in two examples, but not in Eastern Old Japanese.

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A2: Ryukyuan The cognates of WOJ -are- are amply attested throughout Ryukyuan, both in Old Ryukyuan and in modern dialects. Examples: Old Ryukyuan きみにいしやまれてぬしにこのまれて

kimi-ni isiyam-are-te nusi-ni konom-are-te lord-DAT cheer.up-PASS(CONV)-SUB mater-DAT like-PASS(CONV)-SUB being cheered up by the lord, being liked by the master (OS 3.94) Shuri

kuree taari-Nkai sugur-at-ti nach-oo-ibii-N he(TOP) father-DAT hit-PASS-SUB cry-PROG-POL-FIN He is crying, as [he] was hit by [his] father (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 96) 3.2.3.7 Honorific -asThe honorific suffix has one main allomorph -as- that is found after the majority of both consonant and regular vowel verbs, e.g., nak-as- ‘cry-HON’ (< nak‘to cry’), tat-as- ‘set out-HON, stand-HON’ (tat- ‘to set out, to stand’), wataras- ‘cross-HON’ (< watar- ‘to cross’), n-as- ‘sleep-HON’ (< ne- ‘to sleep’), and kǝy-as- ‘lie down-HON’ (< kǝyi- ‘to lie down’). There is also a secondary allomorph -ǝs-, found after the verbs omǝp- ‘to think, to love’ (omǝp-os- ‘loveHON’) or- ‘to weave’ (or-ǝs- ‘weave-HON’), and kik- ‘to hear’ (kik-ǝs- ‘hear-HON’). The first two cases can probably be explained as a result of a progressive assimilation after the vowel /ǝ/ in the verbal root, although there are other verbs with the root vowel /ǝ/ that do exhibit the allomorph -as-: tǝr- ‘to take’ > tǝr-as‘take-HON,’ nǝr- ‘to tell’ > nǝr-as-, and nǝmbor- ‘to climb’ > nǝmbor-as-. There is one example where an irregular form -es- is attested after a consonant verb ip- ‘to speak’: 佐和佐和爾那賀伊弊勢許曾宇知和多須夜賀波延那須岐伊理麻韋久禮

(KK script)

佐和佐和珥儺餓伊幣劑許曾于知和多須椰餓波曳儺須企以利摩韋区例

(NK script) sawa-sawa n-i na-ŋga ip-es-e kǝsǝ uti-watas-u ya-ŋga-paye-nasu k-i-ir-i-mawi-k-ure noisily-noisily DV-CONV you-POSS speak(CONV)-HON-EV PREF-cross-ATTR FP ?-POSS-?-COMP come-CONV-enter-CONV-HUM(CONV)-come-EV you spoke noisily and [you] came inside like ? that crossed from afar (KK 63, NK 57) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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If this form ip-es- ‘speak-HON’ was not attested twice in the variants of the same poem, one might be tempted to view it as coming from the converb -i + honorific -as-, which then would indicate that originally -as- was not a suffix, but an auxiliary. However, this example is clearly not a sufficient basis for such a claim. Strong vowel verbs have irregular honorific forms, where the last vowel of the stem monophthongizes with -as- into -es-: e.g., kes- ‘wear-HON’ (< ki- ‘to wear’) and mes- ‘see-HON’ (< mi- ‘to see’). The s-irregular verb se- ‘to do’ also has an irregular form se-s- ‘do-HON,’ which is due to the contraction of se- and -as-. The honorific -as- always follows the verbal stem or root, with all other suffixes or auxiliaries being placed after it. chart 66 Combinations of the honorific suffix -as- with following suffixes

suffixes

combination forms

final -u attributive -(ur)u evidential -(ur)e converb -i nominalizer -i imperative -e tentative -(a)mtentative -uramnegative -(a)ⁿznegative imperative -una conditional -(a)mba desiderative-imperative -an-e suppositional -urasi exclamative -umǝ progressive -er-

-as-u -as-u -as-e -as-i -as-i -as-e -as-am-as-uram-as-aⁿz-* -as-una -as-amba -as-an-e -as-urasi -as-umǝ -as-er-

Note: The main allomorph -as- is used as an example. * The combination -as-an- consisting of -as- and negative -an- is not attested in Western Old Japanese texts.

When followed by an converb -i, the honorific -as- can combine with the following bound auxiliaries:

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chart 67 Combinations of the honorific converb -as-i- with following bound auxiliaries

bound auxiliaries

combination forms

subordinative converb -te coordinative converb -tutu perfective -teperfective -nperfective-progressive -tarpast attributive -si retrospective -ker-

-as-i-te -as-i-tutu* -as-i-te-as-i-n-as-i-tar-as-i-si** -as-i-ker-

Note: The main allomorph -as- is used as an example. * Attested once in partially logographic spelling. See MYS 6.1053 below. ** Honorific past final -as-i-ki and honorific past evidential -as-i-sika are not attested.

As an honorific marker, -as- expresses a mild honorification of an addressee or a third person. It appears that it has no immediate connection with the relative social status of an addressee or a third person vis-à-vis a speaker. Thus, it can be used by a wife addressing her husband, and vice versa, by a senior official to a junior one, or even between friends. In the speech of deities and emperors it can be used to refer to the first person as well. 故志能久邇邇佐加志売遠阿理登岐加志弖久波志売遠阿理登岐許志弖

Kosi-nǝ kuni-ni sakasi me-wo ar-i tǝ kik-as-i-te kupasi me-wo ar-i tǝ kik-ǝs-i-te Kosi-GEN province-LOC wise woman-ABS exist-FIN DV hear-HON-CONV-SUB beautiful woman-ABS exist-FIN DV hear-HON-CONV-SUB [Opǝ kuni nusi] heard that there is a wise woman in the Kosi province, heard that there is a beautiful woman (KK 2) 佐用婆比爾阿理多多斯用婆比迩阿理加用婆勢

sa-yomb-ap-i-ni ari-tat-as-i yomb-ap-i-ni ari-kayop-as-e PREF-call-ITER-NML-LOC ITER-set.out-HON-CONV call-ITER-NML-LOC ITERset.out-HON-EV [I] set out (repeatedly) to woo [her] there, [I] set out (repeatedly) to woo [her] (KK 2) In this and in the next example -as- is used with the first person, because the speaker is the deity Opǝ kuni nusi. 淤曾夫良比和何多多勢禮婆比許豆良比和何多多勢禮婆

osǝ-m-bur-ap-i wa-ŋga tat-as-er-e-mba pikǝ-ⁿ-dur-ap-i wa-ŋga tat-as-er-e-mba Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

Verbs

761

push-DV(CONV)-shake-ITER-CONV I-POSS stand-HON-PROG-EV-CON pullDV(CONV)-shove-ITER-CONV I-POSS stand-HON-PROG-EV-CON [I] was pushing and shaking [the door], when I was standing [there], [I] was pulling and shoving [it], when I was standing [there] (KK 2) 伊波那佐牟遠阿夜爾那古斐岐許志

i pa n-as-am-u-wo aya n-i na-kopï-kikǝs-i sleep TOP sleep-HON-TENT-ATTR-ACC extremely DV-CONV NEG-yearn (CONV)-HON-CONV because [you] will sleep (a sleep), [do] not yearn too much (KK 3) 久路岐美祁斯遠麻都夫佐爾登理與曾比 … 阿遠岐美祁斯遠麻都夫佐迩登理 與曾比

kuro-ki mi-kes-i-wo ma-tumbusa n-i tǝr-i-yǝsǝp-i … awo-ki mi-kes-i-wo matumbusa n-i tǝr-i-yǝsǝp-i black-ATTR HON-wear(HON)-NML-ACC INT-without fail DV-CONV takeCONV-dress-CONV … blue-ATTR HON-wear(HON)-NML-ACC INT-without fail DV-CONV take-CONV-dress-CONV wearing neatly a black garment … wearing neatly a blue garment (KK 4) 那賀那加佐麻久阿佐阿米能疑理爾多多牟叙

na-ŋga nak-as-am-aku asa amɛ-nǝ kïri-ni tat-am-u ⁿzǝ you-POSS cry-HON-TENT-NML morning rain-COMP fog-LOC rise-TENTATTR FP your weeping will rise into fog like the morning rain (KK 4) 宇那賀世流多麻能美須麻流美須麻流迩阿那陀麻

unaŋg-as-er-u tama-nǝ mi-sumaru79 mi-sumaru-ni ana-ⁿ-dama wear.on.the.neck-HON-PROG-ATTR jewel-GEN HON-string HON-string-LOC hole-GEN-jewel string of jewels worn on the neck, large jewels on the string (KK 6)

79  - sumaru is a poorly understood word. It occurs only with preceding prefix mi-, and only in KK 6 and in the interlinear glosses in the Kojiki 1. Ōno et al. (1990: 1255) treat this word as a cognate to suberu ‘to glide,’ but there are numerous phonetic problems (correspondences m:b, e:a), that prevent this equation in my opinion. Although formally the word might look as a verb (with ending -u), it must not be overlooked that a number of Old Japanese nouns can end in -u, too: siⁿduku ‘drop,’ taniŋguku ‘toad,’ susu ‘soot,’ kasu ‘dregs,’ etc. Syntactic usage of this word in KK 6, in fact, suggests that it is a noun. On the basis of the context I tentatively adopt ‘string [of beads]’ as its translation. Omodaka et al. (1967: 702–703) treat this word as a nominal, too. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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mi-tani puta watar-as-u Aⁿdisikï HON-valley two cross-HON-ATTR Aⁿdisikï Aⁿdisikï [deity], who crosses two valleys (KK 6) 和賀祁勢流意須比

wa-ŋga kes-er-u osupi I-POSS wear(HON)-PROG-ATTR cloak the cloak that I am wearing (KK 28) 阿波志斯袁美那迦母賀登

ap-as-i-si womina ka mǝŋga tǝ meet-HON-CONV-PAST/ATTR woman that DP DV [I] think [I] wish that [much] the woman [I] met (KK 42) Here the honorific -as- is used by the emperor Ōjin in reference to himself. 摩佐豆古和芸毛玖迩弊玖陀良須

Masaⁿduko wa-ŋg-imo kuni-pe kundar-as-u Masaⁿduko I-POSS-beloved province-DIR descend-HON-FIN Masaⁿduko, my beloved, goes towards [her] province (KK 52) 賣杼理能和賀意富岐美能淤呂須波多他賀多泥呂迦母

Meⁿdǝri n-ǝ wa-ŋga opǝ kimi-nǝ or-ǝs-u pata ta-ŋga tane rǝ kamǝ Meⁿdǝri DV-ATTR I-POSS great lady-GEN weave-HON-ATTR fabric who-POSS material DV EP The fabric my lady Meⁿdǝri weaves, I wonder for whom (lit. whose) the material is? (KK 66) 久良波斯夜麻袁佐賀志美登伊波迦伎加泥弖和賀弖登良須母

Kurapasi-yama-wo saŋgasi-mi tǝ ipa kak-i-kane-te wa-ŋga te tǝr-as-umǝ Kurapasi-mountain-ABS steep-GER DV rock hang-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)SUB take-HON-EXCL [I] think that Mount Kurapasi is steep. Being unable to cling to the rocks, [I wish you] take my hand! (KK 69) 比能美古爾登余美岐多弖麻都良勢

pi-nǝ mi-ko-ni tǝyǝ mi-ki tatematur-as-e sun-GEN HON-child-DAT abundant HON-rice.wine present(HUM)-HON-IMP Present the abundant rice wine to the honorable child of the Sun! (KK 101)

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Verbs 和賀淤富岐美能阿佐斗爾波伊余理陀多志由布斗爾波伊余理陀多須和岐 豆紀

wa-ŋga opǝ kimi-nǝ asa-to-ni pa i-yǝr-i-ⁿdat-as-i yupu-to-ni pa i-yǝr-i-ⁿdat-as-u wakiⁿdukï I-POSS great lord-GEN morning-place-LOC TOP DLF-lean-CONV-stand-HONCONV evening-place-LOC TOP lean-CONV-stand-HON-ATTR arm-rest the arm-rest that my sovereign leans on in the morning and leans on in the evening (KK 104) 避奈莵謎廼以和多邏素西渡

pina-tu me-nǝ i-watar-as-u se to countryside-GEN/LOC woman-GEN DLF-cross-HON-ATTR narrow passage narrow passage that a woman from the country side crosses here (NK 3) 瀰既能佐烏麼志魔幣莵耆瀰伊和哆羅秀暮

mi-kɛ-nǝ sawo-m-basi mapetukimi i-watar-as-umo HON-tree-GEN pole-GEN-bridge minister DLF-cross-HON-EXCL [I wish] that ministers would cross the bridge here [made] of poles of sacred trees! (NK 24) 娑奘岐等羅佐泥

saⁿzaki tǝr-as-an-e wren grab-HON-DES-IMP [I wish you would] catch the wren! (NK 60) 儺波企箇輸揶

na pa kik-as-u ya you TOP ask-HON-FIN IP Shall [I] ask you? (NK 62) (the emperor to the old nobleman) 和例烏斗波輸儺

ware-wo top-as-u na I-ACC ask-HON-FIN EP [You] asked me! (NK 63) (the old nobleman to the emperor)

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蘇餓能古羅烏於朋枳瀰能莵伽破須羅志枳

Soŋga-nǝ ko-ra-wo opo kimi-nǝ tukap-as-urasi-ki Soŋga-GEN child-PLUR-ACC great lord-GEN use-HON-SUP-ATTR It looks like the sovereign [can] use the children of Soŋga (NK 103) 柂我佐基泥佐基泥曾母野倭我底騰羅須謀野

ta-ŋga sakï-ⁿ-de sakï-ⁿ-de sǝ mǝ ya wa-ŋga te tǝr-as-umo ya who-POSS chap(NML)-DV(ATTR)-hand chap(NML)-DV(ATTR)-hand FP EP EP I-POSS hand take-HON-EXCL IP whose chapped hand, chapped hand will take my hand?! (NK 108) 多日夜取世須

tambi yaⁿdor-i se-s-u travel stay.for.the.night-NML do-HON-FIN [the emperor] stays for the night [on his] travel (MYS 1.45) 作良志之香來山之宮

TUKUr-as-i-si Kaŋgu-YAMA-NƏ MIYA make-HON-CONV-PAST/ATTR Kaŋgu-mountain-GEN palace the palace on Mount Kaŋguyama that [the prince] built (MYS 2.199) 名者告志弖余

NA pa NƏR-As-i-te-yǝ name TOP tell-HON-CONV-PERF-IMP Tell [me your] name! (MYS 3.362) 吾背子之盖世流衣

WA- ŋGA SE-KO- ŋGA KEs-er-u KƏRƏMƏ I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS wear(HON)-PROG-ATTR garment the garment that my beloved is wearing (MYS 4.514) 相見者月毛不經尓戀云者乎曽呂登吾乎於毛保寒毳

API-MI-TE pa TUKÏ mo PƐ-N-AKU n-i KOP-U TƏ IP-Amba wosǝ rǝ tǝ WARE-wo omop-as-am-u kamǝ COOP-see(CONV)-SUB TOP month FP pass-NEG-NML DV-CONV love-FIN DV say-COND hasty DV(FIN) DV I-ACC think-HON-TENT-ATTR EP If [I] tell [you] that [I] love [you] without even a month passing since [we] met each other, I wonder [whether you] would think that [I] am hasty (MYS 4.654)

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Verbs 許許呂由母於母波奴阿比陀爾宇知那毘枳許夜斯努礼

kǝkǝrǝ-yu mǝ omǝp-an-u apiⁿda-ni uti-nambik-i kǝy-as-i-n-ure heart-ABL FP think-NEG-ATTR interval-LOC PREF-stretched.out-CONV lie. down-HON-CONV-PERF-EV while even in [my] heart [I] did not think, stretched out [she] was lying (MYS 5.794) 奈何名能良佐祢

na-ŋga na nǝr-as-an-e you-POSS name tell-HON-DES-IMP [I] wish [you] would tell [me] your name! (MYS 5.800) (didactic poem to a friend or a junior official) 遠等咩良何遠等咩佐備周等可羅多麻乎多母等爾麻可志余知古良等手多豆 佐波利提阿蘇比家武

wotǝme-ra-ŋga wotǝme sambï s-u tǝ kara tama-wo tamǝtǝ-ni mak-as-i yǝti ko-ra-tǝ TE tandusapar-i-te asomb-i-k-em-u maiden-PLUR-POSS maiden like do-FIN DV China jewel-ACC wrist-LOC wrap-HON-CONV same.age child-PLUR-COM hand hold-CONV-SUB playCONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN The maidens, thinking to behave like maidens, wrap their wrists with [bracelets made of] Chinese jewels, and would play holding hands with girls of the same age (MYS 5.804) 遠等咩良何佐那周伊多斗乎意斯比良伎伊多度利与利提

wotǝme-ra-ŋga sa-n-as-u ita-to-wo os-i-pirak-i i-tandor-i-yǝr-i-te maiden-PLUR-POSS PREF-sleep-HON-ATTR board-door-ACC push-CONVopen-CONV DLF-pursue-CONV-approach-CONV-SUB [gentlemen] push open wooden doors where maidens sleep, and [they] pursue [maidens] there (MYS 5.804) 伊刀良斯弖伊波比多麻比斯麻多麻奈須布多都能伊斯

i-tor-as-i-te ipap-i-tamap-i-si ma-tama-nasu puta-tu n-ǝ isi DLF-hold-HON-CONV-SUB pray-CONV-HON-CONV-PAST/ATTR INT-jewelCOMP two-CL DV-ATTR stone holding two stones like real jewels that [she] was praying to … (MYS 5.813) 許能久斯美多麻志可志家良斯母

kǝnǝ kusi mi-tama sik-as-i-ker-asi-mǝ this mysterious HON-stone lay-HON-CONV-RETR-SUP-EXCL [it] looks like [the empress Jingū] laid these mysterious stones! (MYS 5.814) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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美多多志世利斯伊志遠多礼美吉

mi-tat-as-i s-er-i-si isi tare mi-ki HON-stand-HON-NML do-PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR stone who see(CONV)PAST/FIN who has seen the stone on which [she] took [her] stand? (MYS 5.869) 阿袁麻多周良武知知波波良波母

a-wo mat-as-uram-u titi papa-ra pa mǝ I-ACC wait-HON-TENT2-ATTR father mother-DIM TOP EP dear mother and father, who will probably wait for me (MYS 5.890) 八千年尓安礼衝之乍

YA-TI TƏSE n-i areTU ŋG-As-i-TUTU eight-thousand year DV-CONV be.born.in.succession-HON-CONV-COOR [emperors] are born one after another for eight thousand years (MYS 6.1053) 吾戀妹相佐受

WA- ŋGA KOP-URU IMO PA AP-As-aⁿz-u I-POSS love-ATTR beloved TOP meet-HON-NEG-FIN [My] beloved, whom I love, does not meet [with me] (MYS 9.1692) 安乎忘為莫

a-wo WASUR-As-uNA I-ACC forget-HON-NEG/IMP Do not forget me (MYS 12.3013) 波都世乃加波乃乎知可多尓伊母良波多多志己乃加多尓和礼波多知弖

Patuse-nǝ kapa-nǝ woti kata-ni imǝ-ra pa tat-as-i kǝnǝ kata-ni ware pa tat-i-te Patuse-GEN river-GEN that side-LOC beloved-DIM TOP stand-HON-CONV this side-LOC I TOP stand-CONV-SUB [My] beloved is standing on that side of the Patuse river, and I stand on this side (MYS 13.3299a) 此戸開為

KƏNƏ TO PIRAK-As-e this door open-HON-IMP please open this door (MYS 13.3310)

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767

Verbs 音之少寸道尓相奴鴨少寸四道尓相佐婆

OTƏ-NƏ SUKUNA-ki MITI-ni AP-An-u kamo SUKUNA-ki yǝ MITI-ni AP-As-amba sound-GEN few-ATTR road-LOC meet-NEG-ATTR EP few-ATTR EP road-LOC meet-HON-COND if [you] would meet [me] on the road where there are few [sounds of people]! [But], alas [we] will not meet on the road where few sounds [of people] are! (MYS 16.3875) 伊都之加登奈気可須良牟曾

itu si ka tǝ naŋgɛk-as-uram-u sǝ when EP IP DV lament-HON-TENT2-ATTR FP [she] probably laments, saying: ‘When [will he return]?’ (MYS 17.3962) 伊尓之敝乎於母保須良之母和期於保伎美余思努乃美夜乎安里我欲比賣須

inisipe-wo omǝp-os-urasi-mǝ wa-ŋgǝ opo kimi Yǝsino-nǝ miya-wo ari-ŋgayop-i mes-u past-ACC think-HON-SUP-EXCL I-POSS great lord Yǝsino-GEN palace-ACC ITER-go.back.and.forth-CONV look(HON)-FIN My sovereign who seems to think about the past constantly visits the palace in Yǝsino, and looks [around] (MYS 18.4099) 阿波之多流今日乎波自米氐

ap-as-i-tar-u KEPU-wo paⁿzimɛ-te meet-HON-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR today-ACC start(CONV)-SUB starting from today when [you] have met [me] (MYS 18.4116) 多比良氣久於夜波伊麻佐祢都々美奈久都麻波麻多世

tapirakɛ-ku oya pa imas-an-e tutumi na-ku tuma pa mat-as-e safe-CONV parents TOP exist(HON)-DES-IMP obstacle no-CONV spouse TOP wait-HON-IMP Parents, please live safely! Wife, please wait [for me] without obstacles! (MYS 20.4408) 於保吉美乃都藝弖賣須良之多加麻刀能努敝

opo kimi-nǝ tuŋg-i-te mes-urasi Takamato-nǝ no-pe great lord-GEN follow-CONV-SUB look(HON)-SUP Takamato-GEN field-side Fields of Takamato that [my] sovereign seemed to look continuously at (MYS 20.4510)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The honorific suffix -as- is amply attested in Eastern Old Japanese. Examples: 須我麻久良安是加麻可左武許呂勢多麻久良

suŋga-makura aⁿze ka mak-as-am-u kǝ-rǝ se ta-makura sedge-pillow why IP use.as.a.pillow-HON-TENT-ATTR girl-DIM do(IMP) arm-pillow girl, why would [you] use a sedge pillow? Use my arms as a pillow! (MYS 14.3368) 筑波祢乃祢呂尓可須美為須宜可提尓伊伎豆久伎美乎為祢弖夜良佐祢

Tukumba ne-nǝ ne-rǝ-ni kasumi wi suŋgï-kate-n-i ikiⁿduk-u kimi-wo wi-ne-te yar-as-an-e Tukumba peak-GEN peak-DIM-LOC mist sit(CONV) pass(CONV)-POTNEG-CONV sigh-ATTR lord-ACC bring(CONV)-sleep(CONV)-SUB send-HON-DES-IMP The mist sits on the smaller peak of Tukumba and cannot move away, and [I] wish [you] would bring [your] sighing lord and sleep [with him] (MYS 14.3388) 安比豆祢能久爾乎佐杼抱美安波奈波婆斯努比尓勢毛等比毛牟須婆佐祢

Apiⁿdune-nǝ kuni-wo san-dǝpo-mi ap-an-ap-amba sinop-i n-i se-m-wo tǝ pimo musumb-as-an-e Apiⁿdune -GEN land-ABS PREF-far-GER meet-NEG-ITER-COND long.for-NML DV-CONV do-TENT-ATTR DV cord tie-HON-DES-IMP If [we] continue not to meet, because the land of Apiⁿdune is far, [I] wish [you] would tie [your garment] cords, as if longing for [me] (MYS 14.3426) 西奈等都麻佐祢

se-na-tǝ tum-as-an-e beloved-DIM-COM pick-HON-DES-IMP [I] want to pick [them] with [my] beloved! (MYS 14.3444)

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769

Verbs 安左乎良乎遠家尓布須左尓宇麻受登毛安須伎西佐米也

asa-wo-ra-wo wo-ke-ni pususa n-i um-as-u tǝmo asu ki-se-sas-am-ɛ ya hemp-hemp.thread-PLUR-ACC hemp-container-LOC many DV-CONV spinHON-FIN CONJ tomorrow wear(NML)-do-HON-TENT-EV IP Even if [you] spin many hemp threads into a hemp container, would [you] wear [them] tomorrow [as a garment]? [Certainly, you would not!] (MYS 14.3484) In this example we see a special Eastern Old Japanese honorific form -sasfound after the verb se- ‘to do.’ 伎美波和須良酒和礼和須流礼夜

kimi pa wasur-as-u ware wasur-ure ya lord TOP forget-HON-FIN I forget-EV IP [My] lord will forget [me]. Will I forget [you]? (MYS 14.3498) A2: Ryukyuan The honorific auxiliary -as- is attested only in Old Ryukyuan, but even there the examples of its usage are rare (Torigoe 1968: 200). Nevertheless, since a direct borrowing from Western Old Japanese to Ryukyuan is out of question, we might accept it as a cognate. However, the limited distribution of -as- in Ryukyuan still remains a puzzle, and it is not inconceivable that the imperative form -as-e cited below is actually the MJ imperative -ase (without the following particle -yo), and the converb form -as-i-, also cited below, actually reflects MJ -ase-, rather than WOJ -as-i-, given the inconsistent nature of Old Ryukyuan orthography. Thus, it is not inconceivable that we deal here with a masked loan from Middle Japanese. Examples: 主里もりあせはつちぎりにきらせ

SIYORI mori ase fa tuti-gir-i n-i kir-as-e Shuri castle warrior TOP ground-(DV)cut-NML DV-CONV cut-HON-IMP Warriors of the Shuri castle, cut [the enemy] as cutting the ground (OS 1.33) あもとよらしよわちへ

a-moto yor-as-i-yow-a-tife foot-under shake-HON-CONV-HON-PASS-SUB shaking the foundation (OS 10.513)

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Therefore, it seems safer to reconstruct just PJN *-as-, although there is a possibility that the reconstruction of PJ *-as- is also viable. Level B: External Comparisons A comparison of PJN or PJ *-as- with the Middle Korean honorific suffix -osi- ~ -usi- was first proposed in Whitman 1985: 234–235, and repeated with modifications in Martin 1991: 289, and in Vovin 2001: 197. An example from Middle Korean: wuli sicwo-y kenghung-ɛ sal-osy-a wang-ngep-ul yel-usi-n-i we founder of the dynasty-NOM Kyenghung-LOC live-HON-CONV king-deedACC open-HON-REAL/ATTR-NML When the founder of our dynasty lived in Kyenghung, [he] started [to do] royal deeds (YP 3) Martin’s comparison of Japonic and Korean forms largely depends on his analysis of yodan verbs as vowel verbs uniformly ending in -a (with the occasional and rare -ǝ). As my morpheme breaks indicate throughout this grammar, I disagree with his point of view and treat yodan verbs as consonant verbs. I have several counterarguments, which I am not going to present in full form here, because the problem deserves quite a separate and lengthy treatment that concerns the reconstruction of Proto-Japanese or Proto-Japonic, and not the description of Western Old Japanese grammar, and also because, as will be clear from the discussion below, the way this problem is going to be solved does not have a direct impact on the comparison in question. But it might be worthwhile to mention briefly my two most important objections. First, it is not quite clear why only -a is present as a stem-final vowel (with -ǝ being extremely rare, and sometimes alternating with -a as in the examples above). This exclusive occurrence of -a after consonant verbs may call for a different explanation, namely, that it was a separate morpheme. Second, the fact that the addition of vowel-initial suffixes to consonant stems, for example, the converb -i, did not result in the expected monophthongization -a+i > -ɛ, is bizarre. These two points, however, can be easily reconciled if the converb -i never followed -a. Nevertheless, if -a or -ǝ in the WOJ honorific -as-/-ǝs- would historically represent a separate morpheme, Martin’s comparison could possibly stand. This is exactly the approach that is taken by Whitman, who posits OJ -s- as an honorific suffix (1985: 234–235). However, there are three problems that besiege this etymology. First, it seems that the WOJ morpheme was really -as-, and not just -s-,

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Verbs

otherwise the honorific forms of vowel verbs such as WOJ kes- ‘wear(HON)’ < *ki-as-, mes- ‘see(HON)’ < *mi-as-, n-as- ‘sleep-HON’ sleep < *ne-as-, and kǝy-as‘lie down-HON’ < *kǝyi-as- are difficult to explain: if the honorific suffix were really *-s-, we would expect *ki-s-, *mi-s-, *ne-s- and *kǝyi-s-. Second, similar to a number of cases discussed above, we are faced here with a problem of a limited distribution in Japonic. As mentioned above, there are no attestations of this honorific marker or its reflexes in any modern Ryukyuan language. Although it is attested in Eastern Old Japanese and Old Ryukyuan, it might be a masked Middle Japanese loan in the latter. Third, we face the problem of an unaccounted segment -i in MK -osi- ~ -usi- that does not correspond to anything in WOJ -as-. All these problems strongly suggest that we deal here with a likely loan from Korean into Japanese, but not with a genuine cognate. 3.2.3.8 Causative -asimɛ- ~ -simɛThe causative suffix has two main allomorphs: -asimɛ- that follows consonant verbs and -simɛ- that follows regular vowel verbs, strong vowel verbs, and the irregular verb se- ‘to do.’ Depending on whether a following suffix may have a strong vowel that is never deleted we also have two other secondary allomorphs: -asim- and -sim-. Therefore, the morphophonology of the causative suffix can be summarized in the following chart: chart 68 Morphophonological variations of the causative suffix -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ-

consonant verbs vowel verbs

weak vowel suffix

strong vowel suffix

-asimɛ-simɛ-

-asim-sim-

The causative suffix -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ- always follows the root of a verb. Thus, it never combines with either the iterative -ap- or the passive -aye- ~ -raye- ~ -yethat occupy the same slot. Therefore, similar to Middle Japanese, but unlike modern Japanese, the causative-passive construction is not present in Western Old Japanese. With the exception of a singular poem in the Nihonshoki kayō, the causative -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ- is attested only in the Man’yōshū and the Senmyō. All possible combinations of -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ- with following suffixes and bound auxiliaries are provided in the chart below.

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chart 69 Combinations of the causative suffix -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ- with following suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and bound auxiliaries

combination forms

final -u attributive -(ur)u converb -i imperative -∅, -yǝ tentative -(a)mnegative -ⁿzpast attributive -si perfective -teperfective-progressive -tarcoordinative converb -tutu

-(a)sim-u -(a)sim-uru -(a)simɛ -(a)simɛ, -(a)simɛ-yǝ -(a)simɛ-m-(a)simɛ-ⁿz-(a)simɛ-si* -(a)simɛ-te-(a)simɛ-tar-** -(a)simɛ-tutu

Note: * All bound auxiliaries starting from this and to the end of the chart follow the subdued converb -i after -(a)simɛ-. ** Attested only once in a logographic spelling.

The causative suffix -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ- has only one function of general causation: ‘make X do Y’ or ‘let X do Y.’ The causee is marked by the dative case marker -ni if the verb is transitive, or with the accusative case marker -wo if the verb is intransitive.80 Examples: 伊慕我堤鳴倭例儞魔柯斯毎倭我堤嗚麼伊慕儞魔柯絁毎

imo-ŋga te-wo ware-ni mak-asimɛ wa-ŋga te-womba imo-ni mak-asimɛ beloved-POSS hand-ACC I-DAT use.as.a.pillow-CAUS(CONV) I-POSS handACC(EMPH) beloved-DAT use.as.a.pillow-CAUS(CONV) [my] beloved will let me use [her] arm as a pillow, and [I] will let [my] beloved use my arm as a pillow (NK 96) 塩乎令干

sipo-wo PÏ-SIM-URU tide-ACC ebb-CAUS-ATTR [the sea deity] makes the tide ebb (MYS 3.388)

80  There is not enough data to judge whether a causee can be marked by -ni with a following intransitive verb in the case of voluntary causation, as in Modern Japanese.

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Verbs

773

古人乃令食有吉備能酒

PURU PITƏ-nǝ TAMAPƐ-SIMƐ-TAR-U Kimbï-nǝ SAKƐ old person-GEN receive(HUM)-CAUS(CONV)-PERF/PROG-ATTR Kimbï-GEN rice.wine the rice wine of Kimbï that an old acquaintance gave [me] (lit.: made [me] receive) (MYS 4.554) 阿麻治思良之米

ama-ⁿ-di sir-asimɛ heaven-GEN-road know-CAUS(IMP) let [him] know the road to Heaven (MYS 5.906) 乱戀耳令為乍不相妹鴨

MIⁿDARE-KOPÏ NƏMÏ SE-SIMƐ-TUTU AP-AN-U IMO kamo be.confused(CONV)-love(NML) RP do-CAUS(CONV)-COOR meet-NEG-ATTR beloved EP ah, [my] beloved who does not meet [me], just making [my] love to be confused! (MYS 11.2474) 吾乎如是許令戀波小可者在來

WARE-wo KA-KU mBAKARI KOPÏ-SIM-URU pa ASI-KU pa AR-I-KER-I I-ACC thus-CONV RP long.for-CAUS-ATTR TOP bad-CONV TOP exist-CONVRETR-FIN [It] is bad to make me long for [you] so much (MYS 11.2584) 故非毛奈久安良末思毛能乎於毛波之米都追

kopï mo na-ku ar-amasi monǝwo omop-asimɛ-tutu long.for(NML) FP no-CONV exist-SUBJ CONJ love-CAUS(CONV)-COOR [I] would have no longing for [you], but [you] make [me] love [you] constantly (MYS 15.3737) 奈泥之故我波奈乃佐可里尓阿比見之米等曽

naⁿdesiko-ŋga pana-nǝ sakar-i-ni ap-i-MI-simɛ tǝ sǝ carnation-POSS flower-GEN full.bloom-NML-LOC meet-CONV-see-CAUS(IMP) DV FP [I] say: “When carnations flowers are in full bloom, let [us] see each other” (MYS 17.4008)

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和我世兒乎安宿勿令寐

wa-ŋga se-KO-wo yasu i NA-NE-SIMƐ I-POSS beloved-DIM-ACC easy sleep NEG-sleep-CAUS(CONV) Do not let my beloved sleep an easy sleep (MYS 19.4179) 山人乃和礼尓依志米之夜麻都刀曽許礼

YAMA-ⁿ-BITƏ-nǝ ware-ni e-simɛ-si yama tuto sǝ kǝre mountain-GEN-person-GEN I-DAT receive-CAUS(CONV)-PAST/ATTR mountain present FP this this [is] a mountain present that a mountaineer gave me (lit.: made me receive) (MYS 20.4293) 夜度乃烏梅能知利須具流麻埿美之米受安利家流

yaⁿdo-nǝ uMƐ-nǝ tir-i-suŋg-uru-maⁿde mi-simɛ-ⁿz-u ar-i-ker-u house-GEN plum-GEN fall-CONV-pass-ATTR-TERM see-CAUS-NEG-CONV exist-CONV-RETR-ATTR [it] turned out that [you] did not let [me] see plum [blossoms] in [your] house until they had completely fallen (MYS 20.4496) 兵発之武

IKUSA OKƏS-Asim-u army raise-CAUS-FIN [Nakamarǝ] made armies to raise (SM 28) 本乃大臣位仁仕奉之武流事乎諸聞食止宣

MƏTƏ-nǝ OPOMAPETUKIMI-NƏ KURAWI-ni TUKAPƐ-MATUR-Asim-uru KƏTƏ-wo MƏRƏ-MƏRƏ KIK-I-TAMAPƐ-YƏ tǝ NƏTAMAP-U root-GEN minister-GEN position-LOC serve(CONV)-HUM-CAUS-ATTR matterACC all-all listen-CONV-HUM-IMP DV say(HON)-FIN [We] deign to say: “Everyone listen to the fact that [we] make Toyonari serve [again] in [his] previous position of the minister” (SM 28) 帝止立天天下乎治之米无等念天在人

MIKAⁿDO tǝ TATE-te AMƐ-NƏ SITA-wo WOSAMƐ-simɛ-m-u tǝ OMOP-I-te AR-u PITƏ emperor DV place(CONV)-SUB Heaven-GEN bottom-ACC rule-CAUS-TENTFIN DV think-CONV-SUB exist-ATTR person people who are thinking that [they] want to place [him on the throne] as the emperor and let [him] rule the [country] under Heaven (SM 33)

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775

Verbs 奉仕之米天志可等念保之米之天

TUKAPƐ-MATUR-Asimɛ-te-si ka tǝ OMƏp-os-i-mɛs-i-te serve(CONV)-HUM-CAUS(CONV)-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ATTR IP DV thinkHON-CONV-HON-CONV-SUB [Dōkyō] thought: “[I] want to make [them] serve” (SM 36) 近護止之天護之米与

TIKA-KI MAMOR-I tǝ s-i-te MAMOR-Asimɛ-yǝ close-ATTR guard-NML DV do-CONV-SUB guard-CAUS-IMP let [them] guard [us] as [our] close guards (SM 45) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The causative suffix -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ- is attested in Eastern Old Japanese: 安思布麻之牟奈久都波氣和我世

asi pum-asim-una kutu pak-ɛ wa-ŋga se foot step-CAUS-NEG/IMP shoe put.on-IMP I-POSS beloved Do not let [yourself] step [on it bare-]footed. Put on [your] shoes, my beloved (MYS 14.3399) 伊射祢之賣刀良

iⁿza ne-sime tora INTER sleep-CAUS(IMP) together Hey, let [me] sleep together [with you] (MYS 14.3518) A2: Ryukyuan The causative suffix -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ- is not attested in Ryukyuan per se, but the following forms from the Shuri dialect are worth paying attention to. The causative form of the verb s- ‘to do’ in Shuri is shimii- ~ shimiy-. Also, the consonant verbs with their roots or stems ending in /s/ have the causative form in -imiy(Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 101). Examples: Shuri

’ari-Nkai shimiy-uN he-DAT do(CAUS)-FIN [I] will make him do [it] (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 102)

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kusa ka-i shimiy-uN grass cut-NML do(CAUS)-FIN [I] will make [him] cut the grass (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 102) miji nagas-imiy-uN water flush-CAUS-FIN [I] will make [him] flush the water (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 102) It is impossible for modern Shuri to borrow directly from Western Old Japanese, so these Shuri forms are likely to be connected genetically with WOJ -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ-. However, it is not quite clear what kind of a form we are supposed to reconstruct here for Proto-Japonic. 3.2.3.9 Causative -as- ~ -(a)seThere is another causative marker attested in Western Old Japanese texts in addition to -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ-. There appears to be no functional difference between these two. The second causative is represented by two basic variants: -as- and -(a)se-.81 Both variants can be found after consonant verbs. Two consonant verbs, tǝyǝm- ‘to sound’ and op- ‘to carry,’ are followed by the special allomorphs -ǝse-/-ose- ~ -ǝs-/-os- that result from the same type of progressive assimilation as was observed above for the iterative -ap- and the passive -aye-. It must be noted that if -as- or -ase- after a consonant verb is followed by a strong vowel suffix, it is not possible to tell which variant was used because the /e/ in -ase- would be regularly deleted before a strong vowel suffix. Only the variant -as- occurs after the regular vowel verbs, although just three of them are attested in combination with the following causative -as- in reliable phonographic spelling: n-as- ‘to make/let sleep’ (< ne- ‘to sleep’), nuras- ‘to make wet’ (< nure- ‘to be wet’), and kar-as- ‘to make/let wither’ (kare- ‘to wither, to dry’). On the other hand, irregular (strong) vowel verbs are always followed by the variant -se- (< -ase-, with the expected initial vowel loss in the suffix after a stem of a strong vowel verb). The morphophonological variations of -as- ~ -(a)se- are represented in the following chart.

81  It is not possible to call them allomorphs because -as- and -(a)se- are not completely complimentary distributed. It is not impossible that we have some dialectal variation here. Note that there is no form -sase- like in Middle and Modern Japanese.

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Verbs chart 70 Morphophonological variations of the causative suffix -as- ~ -(a)se-

consonant verbs regular vowel verbs irregular vowel verbs tǝyǝm- ‘to sound’ op- ‘to carry’

weak vowel suffix

strong vowel suffix

-as-, -ase-as-se-ǝs-, -ǝse-ose-

-as-as-s-ǝs–

The causative suffix -as- ~ (a)se- always follows the root of a verb. Similar to the causative -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ-, it never combines with either the iterative -ap- or the passive -aye- ~ -raye- ~ -ye- that occupy the same slot. Therefore, similar to Middle Japanese, but unlike modern Japanese, the causative-passive construction is not present in Western Old Japanese. The causative marker -as- ~ -(a)se- can combine with a greater number of following suffixes and bound auxiliaries than the causative marker -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ-, although there is a significant overlap in usage. Since both causative markers combine essentially with markers belonging to the same verbal categories, the distinction between -as- ~ -(a)se- and -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ- is unlikely to be functional. The only two significant discrepancies seem to be that the causative -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ- combines with the past attributive -si, while -as- ~ -(a)se- does not; and vice versa, while -as- ~ -(a)se- combines with the following potential auxiliary -kate-, -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ- does not. But these minor discrepancies may also be attributed to the fact that our corpus is somewhat limited, and, consequently, not all verbal forms are attested. In contrast to the causative -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ-, which is practically attested only in the Man’yōshū and the Senmyō, the causative marker -as- ~ -(a)se- seems to be confined only to poetry,82 and it has several attestations in the earliest texts. Thus, the distinction between the causatives -as- ~ -(a)se- and -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ- may probably be defined in the terms that -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ- was more colloquial than -as~ -(a)se- in the Nara period. All possible combinations of -as- ~ -(a)se- with following suffixes and bound auxiliaries are provided in the chart below.

82  There are no attestations of -as- ~ -(a)se- in the Senmyō. Bentley provides two examples from the Norito (2001: 196), but neither of them is reliable, because this suffix is not even spelt logographically by the character 令 ‘to order.’

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778 chart 71

Chapter 6 Combinations of the causative suffix -as- ~ -(a)se- with following suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and bound auxiliaries

combination forms

final -u attributive -(ur)u converb -i imperative -e, -∅ exclamative -(u)mǝ tentative -(a)mtentative -(u)ramnegative -aⁿznegative -(a)nnegative imperative -una subjunctive -(a)masi debitive -umbɛperfective -tepotential -kate-

-ǝs-u -as-u, -os-u, -as-uru* -as-i, -(a)se, -ose -as-e (?), -ase (?) -as-umǝ -ase-m-, -se-m-as-uram-os-aⁿz-as-an-as-una -se-masi -s-umbɛ-* -as-i-t-, -se-t-se-kate-*

Note: * Attested only in partially logographic writing.

The causative suffix -as- ~ (a)se- has only one function of general causation ‘make X do Y’ or ‘let X do Y.’ The causee is marked by the dative case marker -ni if the verb is transitive, or with the accusative case marker -wo or a zero case marker if the verb is intransitive.83 Examples: 能知波那杼理爾阿良牟遠伊能知波那志勢婆多麻比曾

nǝti pa na-ⁿ-dǝri n-i ar-am-u-wo inǝti pa na-si-se-tamap-i-sǝ later TOP you-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR-ACC life TOP NEG-dieCAUS(CONV)-HON-CONV-do because [I] will be your bird later, do not kill [your] life [with desire] (KK 3) 意能賀袁袁奴須美斯勢牟登

onǝ-ŋga wo-wo nusum-i si-se-m-u tǝ yourself-POSS cord-ACC steal-CONV die-CAUS-TENT-FIN DV [they] are going to steal your [own life-]cord and murder [you] (KK 22) 83  There is not enough data to judge whether a causee can be marked by -ni with a following intransitive verb in the case of voluntary causation as in Modern Japanese.

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779

Verbs 比登都麻都比登迩阿理勢婆多知波気麻斯袁岐奴岐勢麻斯袁

pitǝ-tu matu pitǝ n-i ar-i-s-emba tati pakɛ-masi-wo kinu ki-se-masi-wo one-CL pine person DV-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND long.sword make. wear-SUBJ-ACC garment wear-CAUS-SUBJ-ACC Oh, lone pine, if [you] were a human being, [I] would make [you] wear a long sword, [I] would make [you] wear a garment, but … (KK 29) 烏智可柂能阿娑努能枳枳始騰余謀佐儒倭例播祢始柯騰比騰曾騰余謀須

woti kata-nǝ Asa-no-nǝ kikisi tǝyǝm-os-aⁿz-u ware pa ne-sika-ⁿdǝ pitǝ sǝ tǝyǝm-os-u that side-GEN Asa-field-GEN pheasant sound-CAUS-NEG-CONV I TOP sleep (CONV)-PAST/EV-CONC person FP sound-CAUS-ATTR Although I slept without letting pheasants from the Asa field on yonder side cry, [other] people let [them] cry (NK 110) 吾欲之野嶋波見世追

wa-ŋga POR-I-si NOⁿZIMA pa MI-se-t-u I-POSS want-CONV-PAST/ATTR Noⁿzima TOP see-CAUS-PERF-FIN [You] have shown [me] Noⁿzima that [I] wanted [to see] (MYS 1.12) 礒之於尓生流馬醉木乎手折目杼令視倍吉君之在常不言尓

ISO-NƏ UPƐ-ni OP-Uru ASImBI-wo TA-WOR-Am-ɛ-ⁿdǝ MI-S-Umbɛ-ki KIMI- ŋGA AR-I tǝ IP-AN-AKU n-i rocky.shore-GEN top-LOC grow-ATTR andromeda-ACC hand-break-TENT-EVCONC see-CAUS-DEB-ATTR lord-POSS exist-FIN DV say-NEG-NML DV-CONV Although [I] was going to break [with my] hand the andromeda [flowers] that grow on the rocky shore, as [people] do not say that [my] lord, whom [I] could show [them still] lives … (MYS 2.166) 神風尓伊吹或之

KAMU-KAⁿZE-ni i-PUK-I-MATOP-As-i divine-wind-LOC DLF-blow-CONV-be.confused-CAUS-CONV making the divine wind to blow [them] away in confusion (MYS 2.199) 可久斯良摩世婆久奴知許等其等美世摩斯母乃乎

ka-ku sir-amas-emba kun[i]-uti kǝtǝ-ŋgǝtǝ mi-se-masi mǝnǝwo thus-CONV know-SUBJ-COND land-inside thing-thing see-CAUS-SUBJ CONJ if [I] would know that, [I] would show [her] all the things in the land, but … (MYS 5.797)

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夜周伊斯奈佐農

yasu i si n-as-an-u easy sleep EP sleep-CAUS-NEG-ATTR [you] do not let [me] sleep an easy sleep (MYS 5.802) 伊多豆良爾阿例乎知良須奈

itaⁿdura n-i are-wo tir-as-una useless DV-CONV we-ACC fall-CAUS-NEG/IMP Do not let us fall in vain (MYS 5.852a) 麁妙能布衣遠陁尓伎世難尓可久夜歎敢

ARA TAPƐ-nǝ NUNO KINU-wo ⁿdani ki-se-KATE-n-i ka-ku ya NA ŋGƐk-am-u rough mulberry.bark.cloth-GEN cloth garment-ACC RP wear-CAUS(CONV)POT-NEG-CONV thus-CONV IP lament-TENT-ATTR Being unable to make [my children] wear even a cloth garment from the rough mulberry bark cloth, would [I] lament in this way? (MYS 5.901) 手爾持流安我古登婆之都

TE-ni MƏT-Er-u a-ŋga ko tǝmb-as-i-t-u hand-LOC hold-PROG-ATTR I-POSS child fly-CAUS-CONV-PERF-FIN [I] have let my child fly away, whom [I] was holding in [my] hands (MYS 5.904) 白玉乎手者不纒尓匣耳置有之人曽玉令詠流

SIRA TAMA-wo TE-NI pa MAK-AⁿZ-U n-i PAKO-NƏMÏ-NI OK-ER-I-si PITƏ sǝ TAMA NA ŋGƐK-AS-Uru white jewel-ACC hand-LOC TOP wrap-NEG-NML DV-CONV box-PR-LOC placePROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR person FP jewel lament-CAUS-ATTR A person who has just placed [her] white jewels in a box without wearing [them] on [her] wrists, makes the jewels lament (MYS 7.1325) 山澤佪具乎採将去日谷毛相為

YAMA SAPA weŋgu-wo TUM-I-NI YUK-AM-U PI ⁿdani mo AP-As-e (or: AP-Ase) mountain stream weŋgu-ACC pick-CONV-LOC go-TENT-ATTR day RP FP meetCAUS-IMP (or: meet-CAUS(CONV)) Let [me] meet [you] just [on] the day when [I] go to pick weŋgu [grass at] the mountain stream (MYS 11.2760) It is not clear whether we should segment apase in this example as apas-e (with the allomorph -as- + imperative -e) or as -ap-ase (with the allomorph -ase- + zero converb).

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781

Verbs 古非思家婆伎麻世和我勢古可伎都楊疑宇礼都美可良思和礼多知麻多牟

kopïsi-k-emba k-i-mas-e wa-ŋga se-ko kaki-tu YA ŋgï ure tum-i kar-as-i ware tat-i-mat-am-u miss-ATTR-COND come-CONV-HON-IMP I-POSS beloved-DIM fence-GEN/LOC willow top pluck-CONV wither-CAUS-CONV I stand-CONV-wait-TENT-FIN If [you] miss [me], please come, my beloved! Plucking the ends [of branches] of willows at the fence, and letting [them] wither I will wait [for you] standing (MYS 14.3455) This poem looks like a normal Western Old Japanese text, with no peculiarities typical of Eastern Old Japanese, so I treat it as a Western Old Japanese text in spite of the fact that it is located in volume 14 of the Man’yōshū. 伊母爾見勢武爾和多都美乃於伎都白玉比利比弖由賀奈

imǝ-ni MI-se-m-u-ni wata-tu mi-nǝ oki-tu SIRA TAMA pirip-i-te yuk-ana beloved-DAT see-CAUS-TENT-ATTR-LOC sea-GEN/LOC dragon-GEN offingGEN/LOC white jewel pick up-CONV-SUB go-DES [I] want to go, picking up the white jewels from the offing of the sea dragon in order to show [them] to [my] beloved (MYS 15.3614) 保等登藝須和我須武佐刀尓伎奈伎等余母須

potǝtǝŋgisu wa-ŋga sum-u sato-ni k-i nak-i tǝyǝm-ǝs-u cuckoo I-POSS live-ATTR village-LOC come-CONV cry-CONV sound-CAUS-FIN a cuckoo comes, cries and makes [its voice] resound in the village where I live (MYS 15.3782) 宇具比須乃奈枳知良須良武春花

uŋgupisu-nǝ nak-i tir-as-uram-u PARU-NƏ PANA bush.warbler-GEN sing-CONV fall-CAUS-TENT2-ATTR spring-GEN flower spring flowers that the bush warbler will probably let fall while [he] sings (MYS 17.3966) 多知夜麻乃由吉之久良之毛波比都奇能可波能和多理瀬安夫美都加須毛

Tati yama-nǝ yuki si k-urasi-mǝ Papitukï-nǝ kapa-nǝ watar-i-ⁿ-ZE ambumi tuk-as-umǝ Tati mountain-GEN snow EP melt-SUP-EXCL Papitukï-GEN river-GEN crossNML-DV(ATTR)-rapids stirrup soak-CAUS-EXCL It seems that the snow on Mount Tati has melted! [I] made my stirrups soak at the rapids that are the crossing of the river Papitukï! (MYS 17.4024)

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伊可尓安流布勢能宇良曽毛許己太久尓吉民我弥世武等和礼乎等登牟流

ika n-i ar-u Puse-nǝ ura sǝ mo kǝkǝⁿdaku n-i kimi-ŋga mi-se-m-u tǝ ware-wo tǝⁿdǝm-uru how DV-CONV exist-ATTR Puse-GEN bay it FP so.much DV-CONV lord-POSS see-CAUS-TENT-FIN DV I-ACC stop-ATTR The bay of Puse, how [beautiful] it [is], [so that my] lord will stop [me] wishing to show [it to me] (MYS 18.4036) Note that in this example sǝ is not a focus particle, but a demonstrative pronoun. 伎美尓伎可勢牟

kimi-ni kik-ase-m-u lord-DAT listen-CAUS-TENT-ATTR [I] want to make [my] lord listen [to the cuckoo] (MYS 18.4067) 和藝毛故尓美勢牟我多米尓母美知等里氐牟

wa-ŋg-imo-ko-ni mi-se-m-u-ŋga tamɛ n-i mǝmit-i tǝr-i-te-m-u I-POSS-beloved-DIM-DAT see-CAUS-TENT-ATTR-POSS for DV-CONV leaves. turn.red/yellow-NML take-CONV-PERF-TENT-FIN [I] want to take red leaves in order to show [them] to my beloved (MYS 19.4222) 之路多倍乃蘇埿奈伎奴良之

siro tapɛ-nǝ soⁿde nak-i-nur-as-i white mulberry.bark.cloth-GEN sleeve weep-CONV-be.wet-CAUS-CONV [they] make [their] sleeves from white mulberry bark cloth wet with [their] tears (MYS 20.4408) 麻須良多祁乎々佐吉尓多弖由伎登利於保世

masura take wo-wo saki-ni tate yuki tǝr-i-op-ose magnificent brave man-ACC front-LOC place(CONV) quiver take-CONVcarry-CAUS(CONV) [the emperor] places magnificent and brave men in front and makes [them] take and carry quivers (MYS 20.4465) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There are only three uncontroversial examples of the causative suffix -(a)se- in Eastern Old Japanese and all of them involve the variant -(a)se- and its assimilated allomorph -ose-. The variant -as- is not attested. Examples: Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

783

Verbs 比登豆麻古呂乎麻由可西良布母

pitǝ-ⁿ-duma ko-rǝ-wo ma yuk-ase-[a]r-ap-umǝ person-GEN-wife girl-DIM-ACC eye go-CAUS-PROG-ITER-FIN-EXCL [I] let [my] eyes wander over the girl [who is] the wife of [another] person! (MYS 14.3541) 加未尓於保世牟己許呂思良受弖

kamï-ni op-ose-m-u kǝkǝrǝ sir-aⁿz-u-te deity-DAT carry-CAUS-TENT-ATTR heart know-NEG-CONV-SUB not knowing [my] heart that [I] will let deities carry [away] (MYS 14.3566) 以弊乃母加枳世之己呂母尓阿加都枳尓迦理

ipe-nǝ [i]mǝ-ŋga ki-se-si kǝrǝmǝ-ni aka tuk-i-n-i-kar-i home-GEN beloved-POSS wear-CAUS(CONV)-PAST/ATTR garment-LOC dirt attach-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-FIN dirt stuck to the garment that my beloved at home made [me] wear (MYS 20.4388) A2: Ryukyuan There are cognates of WOJ -as- ~ -(a)se- attested throughout the Ryukyuan islands. In Shuri only the form -as- is attested (RKJ 81), but in Old Ryukyuan both -as- and -(a)se- are present. Torigoe claims that OR -(a)se- is an old form, and -as- is a new one (1968: 194), but his hypothesis is based on the theory that the -as- form in mainland Japanese is not attested before the Edo period, and therefore, he imagines here some parallel development, stating that in Old Ryukyuan -as- must have appeared no later than during the Muromachi period. However, in light of WOJ -as-, there is no need for such a speculation: both OR -as- and -(a)se- apparently represent cognates to Western Old Japanese forms. Old Ryukyuan かみかなしかみきよらあおるこがせや

kami kanasi kami kiyora aor-u kog-ase-ya deity beautiful deity beautiful swing-FIN row-CAUS-IMP Beautiful goddess, beautiful goddess, swing [the wind, and] let [us] row [out] (OS 10.530) たるかさちへにせる

taru-ga satife ni-se-ru who-POSS wear(COND) fit-CAUS-FIN Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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for whom will [it] be appropriate to wear? (OS 11.594) 大にしにはりやさはなよくらすしりよわめ

OPO nisi-ni far-i-y-as-afa Nayokura su sir-i-yow-am-e great north-LOC run-CONV-send-CAUS-COND Nayokura FP know-CONVHON-TENT-EV If [we] make [the boat] run to the Great North, Nayokura [goddess] would protect [us] (OS 13.902) Shuri

’uttu-Nkai jii kak-as-uN younger.brother-DAT character write-CAUS-FIN [I] will make [my] younger brother write characters (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 101) gaNmari sh-ii-nee ’ama-Nkai tat-as-uN doo mischief do-CONV-COND there-LOC stand-CAUS-FIN EP If [you] are mischievous, [I] will make [you] stand there! (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 101) Thus, we can reconstruct PJ *-as- ~ *-ase- as causative markers. 3.2.3.10 Debitive -umbɛ- ~ -mbɛThe debitive suffix has two allomorphs: -umbɛ- and -mbɛ-. The allomorph -mbɛoccurs only after strong vowel verbs, but in Western Old Japanese texts only one vowel verb mi- ‘to see, to look’ is attested with a following -mbɛ-: mi-mbɛ‘should look.’84 After all other verbs: consonant, regular vowel, and all irregular only the main allomorph -umbɛ- is found. The debitive suffix -umbɛ- appears extremely rarely in the earliest Western Old Japanese texts: it is found once in the Kojiki kayō and once in the Nihonshoki kayō. This should come as no surprise, since -umbɛ- is certainly a grammaticalized form of the adjective umbɛ- ‘to be proper, to be indeed’ or the adverb umbɛ ‘indeed,’ both of which are attested independently in Western Old Japanese texts. Examples: 宇倍那宇倍那岐美麻知賀多爾

umbɛ na umbɛ na kimi mat-i-ŋgat-an-i 84  Note that in Middle (Classical) Japanese -ube- follows the attributive mi-ru of the verb mi- ‘to see, to look’: mi-r-ube-. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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indeed EP indeed EP lord wait-CONV-POT-NEG-CONV Indeed, indeed! [I] can hardly wait for [my] lord, and … (KK 28) 宇倍志許曾斗比多麻閇麻許曾迩斗比多麻閇

umbɛ-si kǝsǝ top-i-tamap-ɛ ma kǝsǝ n-i top-i-tamap-ɛ be.proper-FIN FP ask-CONV-HON-EV truth FP DV-CONV ask-CONV-HON-EV [It] is proper that [you] asked [me], [it] is right that [you] asked [me] (KK 72) 波流奈例婆宇倍母佐枳多流烏梅能波奈

paru nar-e-mba umbɛ mǝ sak-i-tar-u uMƐ-nǝ pana spring becomes-EV-CON indeed FP bloom-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR plumGEN blossom plum blossoms that have indeed bloomed when the spring came (MYS 5.831) 諾石社見人毎尓語嗣偲家良思吉

UmBƐ-si kǝsǝ MI-RU PITƏ ŋGƏTƏ n-i KATAR-I-TU ŋG-I SINOP-I-ker-asi-ki be.proper-FIN FP see-ATTR person every DV-CONV talk-CONV-pass-CONV yearn-CONV-RETR-SUP-ATTR [It] is proper that every person who sees [this beach], seems to yearn [for it] and tells others [about it] (MYS 6.1065) 許己見礼婆宇倍之神代由波自米家良思母

kǝkǝ MI-re-mba umbɛ-si KAMÏ-YƏ-yu paⁿzimɛ-ker-asi-mǝ here look-EV-CON be.indeed-FIN deity-age-ABL begin(CONV)-RETR-SUP-EXCL when [you] look at this place, it indeed looks like [they] began [the building of the palaces] from the Age of Gods! (MYS 20.4360) Since the debitive -umbɛ- is derived from the adjective umbɛ- ‘to be proper,’ it is no wonder that it has an adjectival paradigm: chart 72 Combinations of the debitive suffix -umbɛ- ~ -mbɛ- with following suffixes

suffixes

combination forms

final -si attributive -ki converb -ku gerund -mi

-umbɛ-si -umbɛ-ki -umbɛ-ku -umbɛ-mi

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Since -umbɛ- ~-mbɛ- has an adjectival paradigm, all other suffixes or bound auxiliaries can attach only to the auxiliary verb ar- ‘to exist’ which is added to the converb form -umbɛ-ku. The form -umbɛ-ku ar- can contract to -umbɛ-k-ar-, but the examples of this contracted form are extremely rare in Western Old Japanese, and none are found in an uncontroversial phonographic spelling. Only the following suffixes can precede -umbɛ- ~-mbɛ-: chart 73 Combinations of the debitive suffix -umbɛ- ~ -mbɛ- with preceding suffixes

suffixes

combination forms

iterative -appassive -(a)yecausative -(a)seperfective -nperfective -t-

-ap-umbɛ-ǝy-umbɛ-s-umbɛ-n-umbɛ-t-umbɛ-

The debitive suffix -umbɛ- ~-mbɛ- can have three different functions: (1) debitive (‘must do, should do’), (2) strong probability (‘would do’), (3) potential (‘can do’). Among these functions the debitive function is the most frequent, and judging by the fact that -umbɛ- ~ -mbɛ- is a grammaticalization of the adjective umbɛ- ‘to be proper,’ it is likely to be the primary one. Examples: (1) Debitive: 和餓勢故餓勾倍枳豫臂奈利

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga k-umbɛ-ki yǝpi nar-i I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS come-DEB-ATTR night be-FIN [It] is the night when my beloved must come (NK 65) 雲谷裳情有南畝可苦佐布倍思哉

KUMO ⁿdani mo KƏKƏRƏ AR-Ana-mo kakus-ap-umbɛ-si YA cloud RP FP heart exist-DES-EXCL hide-ITER-DEB-FIN IP [I] wish at least the clouds [would] have feelings! Do [they] have to hide [Mt. Miwa] all the time? (MYS 1.18)

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787

Verbs 都摩夜佐夫斯久於母保由倍斯母

tuma-ya sambusi-ku omǝp-oy-umbɛ-si-mǝ spouse-room lonely-CONV think-PASS-DEB-FIN-EXCL [I] must suddenly think [how] lonely [our] bedroom [is]! (MYS 5.795) 烏梅能波奈佐吉多留僧能能阿遠也疑波可豆良爾須倍久奈利爾家良受夜

uMƐ-nǝ pana sak-i-tar-u sǝnǝ-nǝ awo yaŋgï pa kaⁿdura n-i s-umbɛ-ku nar-i-n-iker-aⁿz-u ya plum-GEN blossom bloom-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR garden-GEN green willow TOP laurel DV-CONV do-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETRNEG-FIN IP Did not [it] become so that [we] should make [our] laurels out of the green willows in the garden where the plum blossoms have bloomed? (MYS 5.817) 烏梅能波奈佐企弖知理奈波佐久良婆那都伎弖佐久倍久奈利爾弖阿良受也

uMƐ-nǝ pana sak-i-te tir-i-n-amba sakura-m-bana tuŋg-i-te sak-umbɛ-ku nar-i-ni-te ar-aⁿz-u ya plum-GEN blossom bloom-CONV-SUB fall-CONV-PERF-COND sakura-GENblossom follow-CONV-SUB bloom-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONVSUB exist-NEG-FIN IP If the plum blossoms have bloomed and fallen, does not it become so that sakura blossoms should bloom after? (MYS 5.829) 母呂比得波家布能阿比太波多努斯久阿流倍斯

mǝrǝ pitǝ pa kepu-nǝ apiⁿda pa tanosi-ku ar-umbɛ-si all person TOP today-GEN interval TOP be joyful-CONV exist-DEB-FIN all people today must be joyful (MYS 5.832) 伊加婆加利故保斯苦阿利家武麻都良佐欲比売

ika mbakari koposi-ku ar-i-k-em-u Sayo-pime how RP be longing-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN Sayo-pime how Sayo-pime must have been longing (MYS 5.875) 伎美乎波奈礼弖古非爾之奴倍之

kimi-wo panare-te kopï-ni sin-umbɛ-si lord-ACC separate(CONV)-SUB love(NML)-LOC die-DEB-FIN leaving [my] lord behind, [I] should die from love (MYS 15.3578)

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奈爾之可母奇里爾多都倍久奈気伎之麻佐牟

nani si kamǝ kïri-ni tat-umbɛ-ku naŋgɛk-i s-i-mas-am-u what EP EP fog-COMP rise-DEB-CONV lament-NML do-CONV-HON-TENT-ATTR I wonder, why should [you] lament so that [your tears] have to rise as a fog? (MYS 15.3581) 伊毛我保須倍久安良奈久尓和我許呂母弖乎奴礼弖伊可尓勢牟

imo-ŋga pos-umbɛ-ku ar-an-aku n-i wa-ŋga kǝrǝmǝⁿde-wo nure-te ika n-i se-m-u beloved-POSS dry-DEB-CONV exist-NEG-NML DV-CONV I-POSS sleeve-ACC get.wet(CONV)-SUB how DV-CONV do-TENT-FIN what should I do with my wet sleeves?—because [my] beloved cannot dry [them] (MYS 15.3712) 伊毛乎婆美受曾安流倍久安里家留

imo-womba mi-ⁿz-u sǝ ar-umbɛ-ku ar-i-ker-u beloved-ACC(EMPH) see-NEG-CONV FP exist-DEB-CONV exist-CONV-RETRATTR [I] must not have seen [my] beloved (MYS 15.3739) 乎美奈敝之佐伎多流野邊乎遊吉追都見倍之

wominapesi sak-i-tar-u NO-PE-wo yuk-i-tutu MI-mbɛ-si carnation bloom-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR field-side-ACC go-CONV-COOR look-DEB-FIN while walking [you] should look at the fields where the carnations are blooming (MYS 17.3951) 都祢比等能故布登伊敷欲利波安麻里爾弖和礼波之奴倍久奈里尓多良受也

tune pitǝ-nǝ kop-u tǝ ip-u-yori pa amari n-i-te ware pa sin-umbɛ-ku nar-in-i-tar-aⁿz-u ya ordinary person-GEN love-FIN DV say-ATTR-ABL TOP excess DV-CONV-SUB I TOP die-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-PERF/PROG-NEG-FIN IP Did not [it] become so that I should die, feeling (lit.: being) much more than what ordinary people call ‘love’? (MYS 18.4080) 伎多奈伎微乎婆伊止比須都閇志波奈礼須都倍志

kitana-ki mï-womba itǝp-i-sut-umbɛ-si panare-sut-umbɛ-si dirty-ATTR body-ACC(EMPH) hate-CONV-discard-DEB-FIN leave(CONV)discard-DEB-FIN [I] should hate and discard [my] unclean body. [I] should leave and discard [it] (BS 19)

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(2) Strong probability: 伊多那加婆比登斯理奴倍志

ita nak-amba pitǝ sir-i-n-umbɛ-si extremely cry-COND person know-CONV-PERF-DEB-FIN if [I] cry loudly, people would have known (KK 83) 萬世爾得之波岐布得母烏梅能波奈多由流己等奈久佐吉和多流倍子

YƏRƏⁿDU YƏ n-i tǝsi pa k-i p-u tǝmǝ uMƐ-nǝ pana tay-uru kǝtǝ na-ku sak-iwatar-umbɛ-si ten.thousand generation DV-CONV year TOP come-CONV pass-FIN CONJ plum-GEN blossom be.interrupted-ATTR matter no-CONV bloom-CONVcross-DEB-FIN Even though years will come and pass for ten thousand generations, plum blossoms would continue to bloom without interruption (MYS 5.830) 久須利波牟用波美也古弥婆伊夜之吉阿何微麻多越知奴倍之

kusuri pam-u-yo pa miyako mi-mba iyasi-ki a-ŋga mï mata woti-n-umbɛ-si medicine eat-ATTR-ABL TOP capital see-COND ignoble-ATTR I-POSS body again rejuvenate(CONV)-PERF-DEB-FIN rather than take the medicine, my ignoble body would have been rejuvenated again if [I] saw the capital (MYS 5.848) 秋芽者可咲有良之

AKI PA ŋGÏ pa SAK-I-N-UmBƐ-K-Ar-asi autumn bush.clover TOP bloom-CONV-PERF-DEB-CONV-exist-SUP [It] seems that the autumn bush clover might have bloomed (MYS 8.1514) 秋芽子乎落過沼蛇手折持雖見

AKI PA ŋGÏ-wo OTI-SU ŋGÏ-n-umbɛ-mi TA-WOR-I-MƏT-I MI-RE-ⁿDƏ autumn bush.clover-ACC fall(CONV)-pass(CONV)-PERF-DEB-GER handbreak-CONV-hold-CONV look-EV-CONC Because the autumn bush clover would have fallen, [I] broke [them] with [my] hand and looked, but … (MYS 10.2290) 餘呂豆代爾可多理都具倍久

yǝrǝⁿdu YƏ-ni katar-i-tuŋg-umbɛ-ku ten.thousand year-LOC talk-CONV-continue-DEB-CONV [it] would be talking for ten thousand years (MYS 17.3914)

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落奴倍美袖尓古伎納都藤浪乃花

oti-n-umbɛ-mi SOⁿDE-ni kok-i-IRE-t-u PUⁿDI NAMI-nǝ PANA fall(CONV)-PERF-DEB-GER sleeve-LOC rub.through-CONV-insert(CONV)PERF-FIN wisteria wave-GEN flower because [they] would have fallen, [I] have rubbed into my sleeves (the waves of) wisteria flowers (MYS 19.4193a) 安比美受波古非之久安流倍之

api-mi-ⁿz-u pa kopïsi-ku ar-umbɛ-si REC-see-NEG-CONV TOP be.longing.for-CONV exist-DEB-FIN if [we] do not see each other, [we] would be longing (MYS 20.4408) 朕徳伊天地乃御心乎令感動末都流倍岐事波无

WA-ŋGA UTUKUSImBÏ-i AMƐ TUTI-nǝ MI-KƏKƏRƏ-wo U ŋGOK-ASIMƐ-maturumbɛ-ki KƏTƏ pa NA-SI we-POSS virtue-ACT heaven earth-GEN HON-heart-ACC move-CAUS(CONV)HUM-DEB-ATTR thing TOP no-FIN there was no occasion that our virtues would move the hearts of heaven and earth (SM 42) (3) Potential: 礒之於尓生流馬醉木乎手折目杼令視倍吉君之在常不言尓

ISO-NƏ UPƐ-ni OP-Uru ASImBI-wo TA-WOR-Am-ɛ-ⁿdǝ MI-S-Umbɛ-ki KIMI-ŋGA AR-I tǝ IP-AN-AKU n-i rocky.shore-GEN top-LOC grow-ATTR andromeda-ACC hand-break-TENT-EVCONC see-CAUS-DEB-ATTR lord-POSS exist-FIN DV say-NEG-NML DV-CONV Although [I] was going to break [with my] hand the andromeda [flowers] that grow on the rocky shore, as [people] do not say that [my] lord, whom [I] could show [them still] lives … (MYS 2.166) 多夫手二毛投越都倍吉天漢

tambute n-i mo NA ŋGƐ-KOS-I-t-umbɛ-ki AMA-NƏ KAPA stone DV-CONV FP throw(CONV)-cross-CONV-PERF-DEB-ATTR Heaven-GEN River Heavenly River that [one] can throw even a stone across (MYS 8.1522) 袖振者見毛可波之都倍久

SOⁿDE PUR-Amba MI mo kapas-i-t-umbe-ku sleeve waive-COND see(NML) FP exchange-CONV-PERF-DEB-CONV

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791

Verbs

If [you] waived [your] sleeve, [we] could have exchanged glances (MYS 8.1525) 安布倍伎与之能奈伎我佐夫之佐

ap-umbɛ-ki yǝsi-nǝ na-ki-ŋga sambusi-sa meet-DEB-ATTR chance-GEN no-ATTR-POSS sad-NML sadness of the non-existence of a chance to be able to meet (MYS 15.3734) 伎美我目乎美受比佐奈良婆須敝奈可流倍思

kimi-ŋga mɛ-wo mi-ⁿz-u pisa nar-amba sumbe na-k-ar-umbɛ-si lord-POSS eye-ACC see-NEG-CONV long be-COND way no-CONV-exist-DEB-FIN If [I] do not see your eyes for a long time, [I] am helpless (lit.: [there] cannot be [any] way) (MYS 17.3934) 比祢毛須尓美等母安久倍伎宇良尓安良奈久尓

pinemosu n-i mi tǝmǝ ak-umbɛ-ki ura n-i ar-an-aku n-i all.day DV-CONV look(FIN) CONJ lose.interest-DEB-ATTR bay DV-CONV existNEG-NML DV-CONV even if [I] look all day, it is not a bay that [one] could lose interest [in looking at] (MYS 18.4037) 之流久之米多弖比等能之流倍久

siru-ku simɛ tate pitǝ-nǝ sir-umbɛ-ku distinct-CONV sign erect(IMP) person-GEN know-DEB-CONV erect a distinct sign, so the people could know (MYS 18.4096) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There are only two examples of -umbɛ- in Eastern Old Japanese. In both cases only the debitive function is attested, and there are no examples of strong probability or potential. Examples: 刀奈布倍美許曽奈爾与曾利鶏米

tonap-umbɛ-mi kǝsǝ na-ni yǝsǝr-i-k-em-ɛ recite-DEB-GER FP you-DAT approach-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-EV as [I] had to recite [the magic formula], [I] approached you (MYS 14.3468) 伊牟何奈流弊伎己等乎伊波須

imu-ŋga nar-umbe-ki kǝtǝ-wo ip-aⁿz-u beloved-POSS become-DEB-ATTR thing-ACC say-NEG-CONV Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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without telling my beloved [wife] about the things [she] must do (MYS 20.4364) The lack of examples with strong probability and potential functions in Eastern Old Japanese represents another piece of evidence in favor of the suggestion that debitive is the primary function of Western Old Japanese -umbɛ-. A2: Ryukyuan In Classical Ryukyuan -ube- is attested only in the Ryūka and the Kumiodori, but it does not occur in Old Ryukyuan (Hokama 1995: 589). Such a pattern of attestation strongly suggests that CR -ube- is a loan from Middle Japanese. Quite similar, in the Shuri dialect the debitive form -(u)bichii is attested only in the written language (RKJ 133), so this is almost certainly a loan from Middle Japanese, since its reflexes are not found in other Ryukyuan dialects. Thus, it appears that the WOJ and EOJ debitive -umbɛ- represents a purely Japanese innovation based on grammaticalization. 3.2.3.11 Progressive -erThe progressive suffix has only one allomorph -er-. It is usually believed that in Western Old Japanese it is found only after consonant verbs and the irregular verb se- ‘to do’ (Saeki 1959: 162–163). However, Yoshida Kanehiko pointed out that although -er- is not attested after vowel verbs per se, it is found after the potential auxiliary -ŋgate- (1973: 606), with the expected loss of the final vowel of the auxiliary: -ŋgat-er-. In addition, -er- is also attested after the irregular form kǝ- ‘to come’ and the strong vowel verb ki- ‘to wear,’ which both result in an irregular form ker- ‘come(PROG)’ or ‘wear(PROG)’ (see MYS 17.3957 and MYS 15.3667 below).85 Historically -er- represents a monophthongization of the converb -i with the following verb ar- ‘to exist’ that is used as an auxiliary (Yamada 1954: 325). This is supported by the fact that after [-coronal] consonants it has the shape -er- < *-i+ar- with the kō-rui vowel /e/ < *ia, and also by the fact that there is a contracted form -ar- in Eastern Old Japanese, which represents a different line of development of the sequence *-i+ar-. It is necessary to note that unlike other uncontracted forms that are amply attested in Western Old Japanese, such as -(a)ⁿz-u ar- ‘-NEG-CONV exist-,’ -te ar- ‘-SUB exist,’ and -ku ar- ‘-CONV exist,’ the uncontracted form *-i ar- does not present itself. The progressive -er- can be followed by the following suffixes and bound auxiliaries: 85  Eastern Old Japanese has k-ar- ‘wear-PROG,’ see MYS 20.4431 below.

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793

Verbs chart 74 Combinations of the progressive suffix -er- with following suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes

combination forms

final -i converb -iattributive -(ur)u evidential -(ur)econjunctive converb -mba concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ] imperative -e tentative -(a)mtentative -(u)ramconditional converb -amba suppositional -(ur)asi subjunctive -(a)masi past final -ki past attributive -si retrospective -ker-

-er-i -er-i-* -er-u -er-e-* -er-e-mba -er-e-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] -er-e -er-am-er-uram-er-amba -er-asi -er-amasi -er-i-ki -er-i-si -er-i-ker-

Note: * Attested only in combinations with following suffixes and bound auxiliaries.

The progressive -er- can also be preceded by the following suffixes and bound auxiliaries: chart 75 Combinations of the progressive suffix -er- with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes

combination forms

iterative -aphonorific -asperfective/progressive -tarpotential -ŋgate-

-ap-er-as-er-tar-er-ŋgat-er-

The progressive suffix -er- has two functions: (1) progressive and (2) perfective. It seems that the progressive function is the original one, as it appears more

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frequently not only in general, but also in the earliest texts. The perfective function probably developed from the progressive. Examples: (1) Progressive: 淤曾夫良比和何多多勢禮婆比許豆良比和何多多勢禮婆

osǝ-m-bur-ap-i wa-ŋga tat-as-er-e-mba pikǝ-ⁿ-dur-ap-i wa-ŋga tat-as-er-e-mba push-DV(CONV)-shake-ITER-CONV I-POSS stand-HON-PROG-EV-CON pullDV(CONV)-shove-ITER-CONV I-POSS stand-HON-PROG-EV-CON [I] was pushing and shaking [the door], when I was standing [there], [I] was pulling and shoving [it], when I was standing [there] (KK 2) 宇那賀世流多麻能美須麻流美須麻流迩阿那陀麻

unaŋg-as-er-u tama-nǝ mi-sumaru mi-sumaru-ni ana-ⁿ-dama wear.on.the.neck-HON-PROG-ATTR jewel-GEN HON-string HON-string-LOC hole-GEN-jewel string of jewels worn on the neck, large jewels on the string (KK 6) 伊豆毛多祁流賀波祁流多知都豆良佐波麻岐佐味那志爾阿波禮

Iⁿdumo takeru-ŋga pak-er-u tati tuⁿdura sapa mak-i sa-mï na-si-ni apare Iⁿdumo Takeru-POSS wear-PROG-ATTR long.sword vine many wrap-CONV PREF-inside no-FIN-LOC alas The long sword that Iⁿdumo Takeru is wearing has many vines around [it], [but] because no [sword] inside, alas! (KK 23) 和賀祁勢流意須比

wa-ŋga kes-er-u osupi I-POSS wear(HON)-PROG-ATTR cloak the cloak that I am wearing (KK 28) 本都延波阿米袁淤弊理那加都延波阿豆麻袁淤弊理志豆延波比那袁淤弊理

po-tu ye pa amɛ-wo op-er-i naka-tu ye pa Aⁿduma-wo op-er-i siⁿ-du ye pa pinawo op-er-i top-GEN/LOC branch TOP heaven-ACC cover-PROG-FIN middle-GEN/LOC branch TOP lands.in.the.east-ACC cover-PROG-FIN bottom-GEN/LOC branch TOP rural.region-ACC cover-PROG-FIN [Its] top branches are covering the Heaven, [its] middle branches are covering the lands in the East, and [its] lower branches are covering the rural regions (KK 100) 意富美夜能袁登都波多傅須美加多夫祁理 Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

795

Verbs

opǝ-miya-nǝ wotǝ t-u pataⁿde sumi katambuk-er-i great-place-GEN that DV-ATTR edge(?) corner incline-PROG-FIN The edge corners of that side of the great palace are falling apart (KK 105) 紫草能爾保敞類妹乎爾苦久有者

MURASAKI-nǝ nipop-er-u IMO-wo niku-ku AR-Amba violet-COMP beautiful-PROG-ATTR beloved-ABS unpleasant-CONV existCOND If [my] beloved, who is beautiful like a violet, was distasteful [to me] (MYS 1.21) 吾背子之盖世流衣

WA-ŋGA SE-KO-ŋGA KEs-er-u KƏRƏMƏ I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS wear(HON)-PROG-ATTR garment the garment that my beloved is wearing (MYS 4.514) 比例布利之用利於返流夜麻能奈

pire pur-i-si-yori op-er-u yama-nǝ na scarf wave-CONV-PAST/ATTR-ABL bear-PROG-ATTR mountain-GEN name Since [she] waved [her] scarf, the mountain is bearing [its] name (MYS 5.871) 手爾持流安我古登婆之都

TE-ni MƏT-Er-u a-ŋga ko tǝmb-as-i-t-u hand-LOC hold-PROG-ATTR I-POSS child fly-CAUS-CONV-PERF-FIN [I] have let my child fly away, whom [I] was holding in [my] hands (MYS 5.904) 由槻我高仁雲居立有良志

yu tukï-ŋga TAKƐ-ni KUMOWI TAT-Er-asi sacred zelkova-POSS peak-LOC cloud rise-PROG-SUP [It] seems that the clouds are rising at the Sacred Zelkova peak (MYS 7.1087) This is the only example of -er-asi in the Western Old Japanese texts. Certainly, the form -er-asi here cannot be confirmed without doubt due to the partial logographic spelling. The commentators of the Man’yōshū almost invariably read tat-er-urasi here, cf. e.g., Takagi et al. 1959: 203; Kinoshita 2001 (CD-ROM edition). However, there are two powerful arguments for reading 立有良志 as TAT-Er-asi rather than as TAT-ER-Urasi here. First, tat-er-urasi brings the syllable count in the last line to eight, violating the meter. Second, we should not forget that the progressive suffix -er- is derived from the converb -i and ar- ‘to exist,’ and that the most frequent form is ar-asi and not ar-urasi. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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和我多妣波比左思久安良思許能安我家流伊毛我許呂母能阿可都久見礼婆

wa-ŋga tambi pa pisasi-ku ar-asi kǝnǝ a-ŋga ker-u imo-ŋga kǝrǝmǝ-nǝ aka tuk-u MI-re-mba I-POSS journey TOP long-CONV exist-SUP this I-POSS wear(PROG)-ATTR beloved-POSS garment-GEN dirt attach-ATTR see-EV-CON It seems that my journey was long, when [I] see that this garment of [my] beloved which I am wearing became dirty (MYS 15.3667) 波疑波佐家礼杼母見流之留思奈之

paŋgï pa sak-er-e-ⁿdǝmǝ MI-ru sirusi na-si bush.clover TOP bloom-PROG-EV-CONC look-ATTR use no-FIN Although bush clovers are blooming, there is no use to look [at them] (MYS 15.3677) 多麻之家流伎欲吉奈藝佐乎之保美弖婆

tama sik-er-u kiyo-ki naŋgisa-wo sipo mit-e-mba pearl spread-PROG-ATTR clean-ATTR beach-ACC tide fill-EV-CON Because the tide covered the clean beach where pearls are spread (MYS 15.3706) 之呂多倍能安我之多其呂母宇思奈波受毛弖礼和我世故

sirǝ tapɛ-nǝ a-ŋga sita-ŋ-gǝrǝmǝ usinap-aⁿz-u mot-er-e wa-ŋga se-ko white mulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN I-POSS bottom-GEN-garment lose-NEGCONV carry-PROG-IMP I-POSS beloved-DIM My beloved, carry [with you] my undergarment from white mulberry tree bark cloth without losing [it] (MYS 15.3751) 家布毛可母美也故奈里世婆見麻久保里尓之能御馬屋乃刀尓多弖良麻之

kepu mo kamǝ miyako-n-ar-i-s-emba MI-m-aku por-i nisi-nǝ MI-MAYA-nǝ to-ni tat-er-amasi today FP EP capital-LOC-exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND see-TENT-NML desireCONV west-GEN HON-stable-GEN outside-LOC stand-PROG-SUBJ If [I] were in the capital today, too, [I] would be standing outside the Western Imperial Stables, wanting to see [you]! (MYS 15.3776) 乎登都日毛昨日毛今日毛由吉能布礼礼婆

wotǝ t-u PI mo KINƏPU mo KEPU mo yuki-nǝ pur-er-e-mba that DV-ATTR day FP yesterday FP today FP snow-GEN fall-PROG-EV-CON when the snow has been falling the day before yesterday, yesterday, and today (MYS 17.3924)

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797

Verbs 豊乃登之思流須登奈良思雪能敷礼流波

TƏYƏ n-ǝ tǝsi sirus-u tǝ nar-asi YUKI-nǝ pur-er-u pa abundant DV-ATTR year show.a.sign-ATTR DV become-SUP snow-GEN fallPROG-ATTR TOP The fact that the snow is falling seems to become a good omen for an abundant year (MYS 17.3925) 麻都能波奈花可受尓之毛和我勢故我於母敝良奈久尓母登奈佐吉都追

matu-nǝ pana PANA kaⁿzu n-i si mo wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga omǝp-er-an-aku n-i mǝtǝna sak-i-tutu pine-GEN flower flower number DV-CONV EP FP I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS think-PROG-NEG-NML DV-CONV in.vain bloom-CONV-COOR Because my beloved is not even thinking of pine flowers as flowers, [they] continue to bloom in vain (MYS 17.3942) 安良志乎須良尓奈氣枳布勢良武

ara-si wo sura n-i naŋgɛk-i pus-er-am-u rough-FIN man RP DV-CONV lament-CONV lie.prone-PROG-TENT-FIN even a rough man would be lying down and lamenting (MYS 17.3962) 宮乃須蘇未乃努都可佐尓伊麻左家流良武乎美奈弊之波母

MIYA-nǝ suso mï-nǝ no tukasa-ni ima sak-er-uram-u wominapesi pa mǝ palace-GEN hem turn(NML)-GEN field hillock-LOC now bloom-PROG-TENT2FIN carnation TOP EP Oh, carnations! [They] are probably blooming now at the field hillocks around the palace (MYS 20.4316) 清麻呂其我姉法均止甚大尓悪久奸流妄語乎作弖

KÏOMARƏ SI-ŋga ANE POPUKUN-tǝ ITƏ OPO-KI n-i ASI-ku KAⁿDAM-Er-u ITUPAR-I-ŋ-GƏTƏ-wo TUKUR-I-te Kiyomarǝ he-POSS elder.sister Popukun-COM very big-ATTR DV-CONV badCONV be.insincere-PROG-ATTR lie-NML-GEN- word-ACC make-CONV-SUB Kiyomarǝ with his elder sister Popukun created an extremely big, bad and insincere lie … (SM 44) (2) Perfective: 那杼佐祁流斗米

naⁿdǝ sak-er-u to mɛ why tattoo-PROG-ATTR sharp eye Why the tattooed sharp eyes? (KK 17) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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花毛佐家礼杼山乎茂入而毛不取

PANA mo sak-er-e-ⁿdǝ YAMA-wo SI ŋGƐ-MI IR-I-TE mo TƏR-AⁿZ-U flower FP bloom-PROG-EV-CONC mountain-ABS thick-GER enter-CONV-SUB FP take-NEG-FIN though flowers have bloomed, too, because mountains [are covered by] deep [bush], even [if you] enter the mountains, [you] will not take [the flowers] (MYS 1.16) 山邊乃御井乎見我弖利

YAMA-NƏ PE-nǝ MI-WI-wo MI-ŋgat-er-i mountain-GEN side-GEN HON-well-ACC see(CONV)-POT-PROG-FIN [I] have been able to see the well at the mountain side (MYS 1.81) 麻佐礼留多可良古爾斯迦米夜母

masar-er-u takara ko-ni sik-am-ɛ ya mǝ excel-PROG-ATTR treasure child-LOC reach-ATTR-EV IP EP Could the excellent treasures be equal to children?! [Certainly not!] (MYS 5.803) 美多多志世利斯伊志遠多礼美吉

mi-tat-as-i s-er-i-si isi tare mi-ki HON-stand-HON-NML do-PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR stone who see(CONV)PAST/FIN who has seen the stone on which [she] took [her] stand? (MYS 5.869) 白玉乎手者不纒尓匣耳置有之人曽玉令詠流

SIRA TAMA-wo TE-NI pa MAK-AⁿZ-U n-i PAKO-NƏMÏ-NI OK-ER-I-si PITƏ sǝ TAMA NA ŋGƐK-AS-Uru white jewel-ACC hand-LOC TOP wrap-NEG-NML DV-CONV box-RP-LOC placePROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR person FP jewel lament-CAUS-ATTR A person who has just placed [her] white jewels in a box without wearing [them] on [her] wrists, makes the jewels lament (MYS 7.1325) 和須礼我比与世伎弖於家礼於伎都之良奈美

wasure-ŋ-gapi yǝse-k-i-te ok-er-e oki-tu sira nami forget(NML)-GEN-shell bring(CONV)-come-CONV-SUB put-PROG-IMP offing-GEN/LOC white wave white waves of the offing, bring [to me] the shell of forgetfulness (MYS 15.3629)

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799

Verbs 於吉都奈美多可久多都日尓安敝利伎等美夜古能比等波伎吉弖家牟可母

oki-tu nami taka-ku tat-u PI-ni ap-er-i-ki tǝ miyako-nǝ pitǝ pa kik-i-te-k-em-u kamǝ offing-GEN/LOC wave high-CONV rise-ATTR day-DAT meet-PROG-CONVPAST/FIN DV capital-GEN person TOP hear-CONV-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ FIN-TENT-ATTR EP I wonder whether people in the capital might have heard that [we] met with a day when waves in the offing rose high (MYS 15.3675) 可敝里家流比等伎多礼里等伊比之可婆保等保登之尓吉

kaper-i-ker-u pitǝ k-i-tar-er-i tǝ ip-i-sika-mba potǝpotǝ sin-i-ki return-CONV-RETR-ATTR person come-CONV-PERF/PROG-PROG-FIN DV say-CONV-PAST/EV-CON almost die-CONV-PAST/FIN Because [they] said that a person, who returned [from exile], had come [to the capital], [I] almost died [from joy] (MYS 15.3772) This is the only example in the whole Western Old Japanese corpus where the perfective progressive -tar- combines with the progressive -er- within the same verb form. 秋田乃穂牟伎見我氐里

AKI-NƏ TA-nǝ POmuki MI-ŋgat-er-i autumn-GEN paddy-GEN ripened.rice see-POT-PROG-FIN [I] have been able to see the ripened rice in the autumn paddies (MYS 17.3943) 使乃家礼婆宇礼之美登

TUKAPI-nǝ ker-e-mba uresi-mi tǝ messenger-GEN come(PROG)-EV-CON glad-GER DV when the messenger has come, [I] was glad (MYS 17.3957) 伊爾之敞欲伊麻乃乎追通爾奈我佐敞流於夜乃子等毛曾

inisipe-yo ima-nǝ wotutu-ni naŋgas-ap-er-u oya-nǝ KO-ⁿdǝmo sǝ old.times-ABL now-GEN reality-LOC make.flow-ITER-PROG-ATTR ancestorGEN child-PLUR FP The offspring (lit.: children) of the ancestors who have passed [their glorious names] from the old times to the present [day’s] reality (MYS 18.4094)

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安麻能我波波志和多世良波

ama-nǝ ŋgapa pasi watas-er-amba Heaven-GEN river bridge put.accross-PROG-COND If [they] would have put a bridge across the Heavenly River … (MYS 18.4126) 奈泥之故波秋咲物乎君宅之雪巌尓左家理家流可母

naⁿdesiko pa AKI SAK-U MƏNƏwo KIMI-ŋGA IPE-NƏ YUKI IPAPO-ni sak-er-iker-u kamǝ carnation TOP fall bloom-ATTR CONJ lord-POSS house-GEN snow rock-LOC bloom-PROG-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP Although carnations bloom in the fall, [it] turned out that [they] have bloomed at the snow rocks of your house! (MYS 19.4231) 弥蘇知阿麻利布多都乃加多知夜蘇久佐等曾太礼留比止

miso-ti amar-i puta-tu n-ǝ katati yaso kusa tǝ sǝⁿdar-er-u pitǝ thirty-CL exceed-CONV two-CL DV-ATTR mark eighty type DV be completePROG-ATTR person a person, who is endowed with thirty-two marks and eighty [lesser sign] types (BS 2) 和礼爾於止礼留比止乎於保美和多佐牟多米止宇都志麻都礼利

ware-ni otǝr-er-u pitǝ-wo opo-mi watas-am-u tamɛ tǝ utus-i-matur-er-i I-DAT be worse-PROG-ATTR person-ABS many-GER lead across-TENT-ATTR in.order.to DV carve-CONV-HUM-PROG-FIN because there are many people who have been worse than me, [I] have carved [Buddha’s footprints] in order to save [them] (BS 13) 与都乃閇美伊都都乃毛乃乃阿都麻礼流伎多奈伎微乎婆

yǝ-tu n-ǝ pɛmi itu-tu n-ǝ monǝ-nǝ atumar-er-u kitana-ki mï-womba four-CL DV-ATTR snake five-CL DV-ATTR demon-GEN gather-PROG-ATTR dirty-ATTR body-ACC(EMPH) the dirty body where four snakes and five demons have accumulated (BS 19) 任賜幣留国々宰等

MAKƐ-TAMAp-er-u KUNI-ŋGUNI-NƏ MIKƏTƏMƏTI-ⁿDƏMƏ appoint(CONV)-HON-PROG-ATTR province-province-GEN official-PLUR appointed officials of all provinces (SM 1)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There are two progressive markers in Eastern Old Japanese that are doublets but are not in the complimentary distribution: -er- and -ar-. The first of them is likely to be a loan from Western Old Japanese, because it reflects the Western Old Japanese rule of monophthongization: *i+a > /ye/, but the second must be native, as it follows the Eastern Old Japanese rule of contraction: *i+a > /a/.86 A possibility that -er- and -ar- represent different dialect forms within Eastern Old Japanese can be ruled out because they occur in the same text (see MYS 20.4431 below). Similar to Western Old Japanese, the progressive function in Eastern Old Japanese is also attested more frequently than the perfective function. The perfective function is attested only in poems from MYS 14. (1) Progressive: 奴麻布多都可欲波等里賀栖安我己許呂布多由久奈母等奈与母波里曽祢

numa puta-tu kayop-a tǝri-ŋga su a-ŋga kǝkǝrǝ puta yuk-unam-ǝ tǝ na-yǝmǝp-ar-i-sǝ-n-e marsh two-CL go.over-ATTR bird-POSS nest I-POSS heart two go-TENT2-ATTR DV NEG-?-think-PROG-CONV-do-DES-IMP [I] hope [you] are not thinking that my heart would go [to] two [different places like] nests of birds that go over two marshes (MYS 14.3526) 夜麻敞呂能思之奈須於母敞流

yama pe-rǝ-nǝ sisi-nasu omǝp-er-u mountain side-DIM-GEN deer-COMP think-PROG-ATTR [they] are thinking [of me] like [of] a deer on the (little) mountain side (MYS 14.3531) 比登豆麻古呂乎麻由可西良布母

pitǝ-ⁿ-duma ko-rǝ-wo ma yuk-ase-[a]r-ap-u-mǝ person-GEN-wife girl-DIM-ACC eye go-CAUS-PROG-ITER-FIN-EXCL [I] let [my] eyes wander over the girl [who is] the wife of [another] person! (MYS 14.3541) Note that in Eastern Old Japanese the iterative -ap- follows progressive -erunlike Western Old Japanese where -ap- precedes -er-. 86  Cf. also the WOJ retrospective -ker-: EOJ -kar- < *-ki+ar-.

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802

Chapter 6

阿須可河泊之多尓其礼留乎之良受思天勢奈那登布多里左宿而久也思母

Asuka KApa sita niŋgǝr-er-u-wo sir-aⁿz-u s-i-te se-na-na-tǝ puta-ri sa-NE-TE kuyasi-mǝ Asuka river bottom be.muddy-PROG-ATTR-ACC know-NEG-NML do-CONVSUB beloved-DIM-?-COM two-CL PREF-sleep(CONV)-SUB be.regretful-EXCL [I] regret that [I] slept with you, not knowing [that your heart] is [as] muddy [as] the bottom of the Asuka river! (MYS 14.3544) 都久之閇爾敞牟加流布祢乃伊都之加毛都加敞麻都里弖久爾爾閇牟可毛

tukusi-pɛ-ni pe muk-ar-u pune-nǝ itu si kamo tukape-matur-i-te kuni-ni pɛ muk-am-o Tukusi-side-LOC bow turn-PROG-ATTR boat-GEN when EP EP serve(CONV)HUM-CONV-SUB province-LOC bow turn-TENT-ATTR I wonder when the boat which is [now] turning [its] bow towards Tukusi will turn its bow towards [my home] province, after [I finish my] service (MYS 20.4359) 伊波妣等乃和例乎美於久流等多々理之

ipa-m-bitǝ-nǝ ware-wo mi-okur-u tǝ tat-ar-i-si home-GEN-person-GEN I-ACC see(CONV)-send-FIN DV stand-PROG-CONVPAST/ATTR [My] home folks were standing [in a row] going to see me off (MYS 20.4375) 古乃弖加之波能保々麻例等

konǝte kasipa-nǝ popom-ar-e-ⁿdǝ konǝte oak-GEN bud-PROG-EV-CONC although konǝte oak is [still] budding … (MYS 20.4387) 奈々弁加流去呂毛尓麻世流古侶賀波太波毛

nana pe k-ar-u kǝrǝmo-ni mas-er-u ko-rǝ-ŋga paⁿda pa mǝ seven layer wear-PROG-ATTR garment-LOC be.superior-PROG-ATTR girlDIM-POSS skin TOP EP the skin of [my beloved] girl is superior to the seven-layered garment that [I] am wearing (MYS 20.4431)

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803

Verbs

(2) Perfective: 佐刀乃美奈可尓安敝流世奈可母

sato-nǝ mi-naka-ni ap-er-u se-na kamǝ village-GEN HON(?)-middle-LOC meet-PROG-ATTR beloved-DIM EP oh, [my] beloved whom [I] have met in the middle of the village! (MYS 14.3463) 比登祢呂尓伊波流毛能可良

pitǝ ne-rǝ n-i ip-ar-u monǝkara one peak-DIM DV-CONV say-PROG-ATTR CONJ Although [I] have called [you] ‘a single peak’ … (MYS 14.3512) A2: Ryukyuan A possible Old Ryukyuan cognate of WOJ -er- is attested only once in the Omoro sōshi (Torigoe 1968: 184). The example is dubious (-r- follows /u/), and since there are no other attestations in modern dialects, in the best case scenario it should be a loan from Middle Japanese. きみのあちのしのくりよわるきよらや

kimi-no ati-no sinoku-r-i-yow-ar-ATTR kiyora ya lord-GEN retainers excel-PROG-CONV-HON-PASS-ATTR beautiful COP [The way] that priestesses of the lord are excellent [in their dance] is beautiful (OS 2.75)

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Section 4

Auxiliaries The common formal feature of auxiliaries is that they all follow a converb form of a verb or of a verbal form. There are two basic types of auxiliaries in Western Old Japanese: bound auxiliaries that have no meaning of their own and cannot function as independent verbs by themselves, and lexical auxiliaries that have lexical meaning when they function as independent verbs. 4.1

Bound Auxiliaries

Bound auxiliaries can be divided into word-final auxiliaries and word-nonfinal auxiliaries. As the reader will see below, some of word-final bound auxiliaries can also be sentence-final auxiliaries, but since the distinction between sentence-final and word-final is much more blurred than in the case of suffixes, I separate them only into two formal classes: word-final and word-non-final. 4.1.1 Word-Final Bound Auxiliaries There are five word-final bound auxiliaries in Western Old Japanese: the subordinative converb -te, the coordinative converb -tutu, the coordinative converb -naŋgara, the coordinative converb -katera, and the past tense marker -ki ~ -si ~ -sika. 4.1.1.1 Subordinative Converb -te The subordinative converb has just one allomorph -te. It follows various types of converbs: -i, -u, and -ku, which can be preceded by a number of suffixes and bound auxiliaries that are listed in the following chart.

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805

Verbs

chart 76 Combinations of the subordinative converb -te with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliariesa

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

converb -i ~ -∅ honorific converb -as-ipassive converb -(a)yeperfective converb -n-iperfective converb -teperfective-progressive converb -tar-inegative potential converb -kaneconverb -u negative converb -aⁿz-uadjectival converb -ku

-i-te ~ -te -as-i-te -(a)ye-te -n-i-te -te-te -tar-i-te* -kane-te -u-te -aⁿz-u-te -ku-te

Note: * Only one logographic attestation. a Since the subordinative converb -te can follow only the converbs -i, -u and -ku, I have also provided in this chart the suffixes and bound auxiliaries that precede these converbs.

As it can be seen from the chart above, the subordinative converb -te does not combine with markers of modality and tense, since they appear only in the sentence-final verbal forms, and consequently cannot be followed by converbs. The honorification, voice, and potential markers can be followed by converbs, and consequently can combine with the subordinative converb -te. Sometimes the function of -te is defined as describing an action that is over before the action of the following predicate starts. This definition is not precise, because -te rather indicates that the first action (marked with -te) started to occur earlier than the next action. In the example from KK 19 below the first action is over before the following one begins (they first spread the mats and then slept on them). On the other hand, the example from MYS 5.879 below illustrates a case when the first action starts earlier than the following, but both actions go on together for a certain amount of time (living certainly starts earlier than ruling). The example from KK 2 immediately below demonstrates that V-te V can be two simultaneous or almost simultaneous actions. Examples:

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806

Chapter 6

故志能久邇邇佐加志売遠阿理登岐加志弖久波志売遠阿理登岐許志弖

Kosi-nǝ kuni-ni sakasi me-wo ar-i tǝ kik-as-i-te kupasi me-wo ar-i tǝ kik-ǝs-i-te Kosi-GEN province-LOC wise woman-ABS exist-FIN DV hear-HON-CONV-SUB beautiful woman-ABS exist-FIN DV hear-HON-CONV-SUB [Opǝ kuni nusi] heard that there is a wise woman in the Kosi province, heard that there is a beautiful woman (KK 2) 多知賀遠母伊麻陀登迦受弖淤須比遠母伊麻陀登加泥婆

tati-ŋga wo mǝ imaⁿda tǝk-aⁿz-u-te osupi-wo mǝ imaⁿda tǝk-an-e-mba long.sword-POSS cord FP yet untie-NEG-CONV-SUB cloak-ACC FP yet untieNEG-EV-CON as [I] have not yet untied the cords of [my] long sword, and have not yet untied [my] cloak (KK 2) 阿波母與賣迩斯阿禮婆那遠岐弖遠波那志

a pa mǝ yǝ me n-i si ar-e-mba na-wo [o]k-i-te wo pa na-si I TOP EP EP woman DV-CONV EP exist-EV-CON you-ACC leave-CONV-SUB man TOP no-FIN Because I am a woman, I have no [other] man, besides you (KK 5) 伊勢能宇美能意斐志爾波比母登富呂布志多陀美能伊波比母登富理宇知弖 志夜麻牟

Ise-nǝ umi-nǝ opï-[i]si-ni pap-i-mǝtǝpǝr-ǝp-u sitaⁿdami87-nǝ i-pap-i-mǝtǝpǝr-i ut-i-te si yam-am-u Ise-GEN sea-GEN grow(CONV)-stone-LOC crawl-CONV-go.around-ITERATTR seashell-COMP DLF-crawl-CONV-go.around-CONV hit-CONV-SUB EP stop-TENT-FIN like the shellfish that are constantly crawling around on the growing rocks of the Ise sea, [we] will crawl around [them] there, smite and stop [them] (KK 13) 袁夜迩須賀多多美伊夜佐夜斯岐弖和賀布多理泥斯

wo-ya-ni suŋga-tatami iya-saya sik-i-te wa-ŋga puta-ri ne-si DIM-house-LOC sedge-mat rustling spread-CONV-SUB we-POSS two-CL sleep(CONV)-PAST/ATTR in a little hut two of us slept [together] spreading rustling sedge mats (KK 19) 87  志多陀美 /sitaⁿdami/, a kind of an edible seashell (MdJ kisago).

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807

Verbs 迦賀那倍弖用迩波許許能用比迩波登袁加袁

ka-ŋga nambɛ-te yo n-i pa kǝkǝnǝ yo pi n-i pa tǝwo-ka-wo day-day line.up(CONV)-SUB night DV-CONV TOP nine night day DV-CONV TOP ten-CL-ACC [after] counting all the days, as for nights [it] is nine nights and as for days [it] is ten days (KK 26) 久良波斯夜麻袁佐賀志美登伊波迦伎加泥弖和賀弖登良須母

kurapasi-yama-wo saŋgasi-mi tǝ ipa kak-i-kane-te wa-ŋga te tǝr-as-umǝ Kurapasi-mountain-ABS steep-GER DV rock hang-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)SUB take-HON-EXCL [I] think that Mount Kurapasi is steep. Being unable to cling to the rocks, [I wish you would] take my hand! (KK 69) 耶麻古曳底于瀰倭柂留騰母於母之楼枳伊麻紀能禹知播倭須羅由麻旨珥

yama koye-te umi watar-u tǝmo omosiro-ki Ima kï-nǝ uti pa wasur-ay-umasiⁿzi mountain cross(CONV)-SUB sea cross-FIN CONJ beautiful-ATTR Ima fortressGEN inside TOP forget-PASS-NEG/POT Even if [I] pass over the mountains and cross the seas, [I] cannot forget the inside of the beautiful Ima fortress (NK 119) 許智多鶏波乎婆頭勢夜麻能伊波帰爾母為弖許母郎奈牟

kǝt[ǝ]-ita-k-emba woⁿ-Batuse-yama-nǝ ipa kï-ni mǝ wi-te kǝmǝr-ana-m-u rumor-painful-ATTR-COND DIM-Patuse-mountain-GEN rock fortress-LOC FP lead(CONV)-SUB hide-DES-TENT-FIN if rumors are painful, [I] want to take [you] along to a rocky fortress on the Small Patuse mountain and hide away (FK 1) 遠等咩良何遠等咩佐備周等可羅多麻乎多母等爾麻可志余知古良等手多豆 佐波利提阿蘇比家武

wotǝme-ra-ŋga wotǝme sambï s-u tǝ kara tama-wo tamǝtǝ-ni mak-as-i yǝti ko-ra-tǝ TE taⁿdusapar-i-te asomb-i-k-em-u maiden-PLUR-POSS maiden like do-FIN DV China jewel-ACC wrist-LOC wrap-HON-CONV same.age child-PLUR-COM hand hold-CONV-SUB play-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN The maidens, thinking to behave like maidens, wrap their wrists with [bracelets made of] Chinese jewels, and would play holding hands with girls of the same age (MYS 5.804)

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808

Chapter 6

多陀爾阿波須阿良久毛於保久志岐多閇乃麻久良佐良受提伊米爾之美延牟

taⁿda n-i ap-aⁿz-u ar-aku mo opo-ku sik-i-tapɛ-nǝ makura sar-aⁿz-u-te imɛ-ni si mi-ye-m-u direct DV-CONV meet-NEG-CONV exist-NML FP many-CONV spread-CONVmulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN pillow go.away-NEG-CONV-SUB dream-LOC EP see-PASS-TENT-FIN There are also many occasions when [we] do not meet directly, [and I] want to see [you] in [my] dreams without going away from [your] mulberry tree bark cloth pillow (MYS 5.809) 伊刀良斯弖伊波比多麻比斯麻多麻奈須布多都能伊斯

i-tor-as-i-te ipap-i-tamap-i-si ma-tama-nasu puta-tu n-ǝ isi DLF-hold-HON-CONV-SUB pray-CONV-HON-CONV-PAST/ATTR INT-jewelCOMP two-CL DV-ATTR stone holding two stones like real jewels that [she] was praying to … (MYS 5.813) 可久斯己曽烏梅乎加射之弖多努志久能麻米

ka-ku si kǝsǝ uMƐ-wo kaⁿzas-i-te tanosi-ku nǝm-am-ɛ thus-CONV EP FP plum-ACC decorate-CONV-SUB be.merry-CONV drinkTENT-EV decorating [our hair] with plum [blossoms] in this way, [we] should drink merrily (MYS 5.833) 家布由伎弖阿須波吉奈武遠

kepu yuk-i-te asu pa k-i-n-am-u-wo today go-CONV-SUB tomorrow TOP come-CONV-PERF-TENT-ATTR-ACC I would go today and surely come back tomorrow, but … (MYS 5.870) 余呂豆余尓伊麻志多麻比提阿米能志多麻乎志多麻波祢

yǝrǝⁿdu yǝ-ni imas-i-tamap-i-te amɛ-nǝ sita mawos-i-tamap-an-e ten.thousand age-LOC exist(HON)-CONV-HON-CONV-SUB heaven-GEN below report(HUM)-CONV-HON-DES-IMP May [you] live for ten thousand generations, and report [to the emperor about things in the country] under Heaven (MYS 5.879) 伊豆知武伎提可阿我和可留良武

iⁿduti muk-i-te ka a-ŋga wakar-uram-u where face-CONV-SUB IP I-POSS part-TENT2-ATTR facing what direction will I part [with this world]? (MYS 5.887)

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809

Verbs 家尓之弖吾者将戀名

ipe n-i s-i-te WARE pa KOPÏ-M-U na home DV-CONV do-CONV-SUB I TOP long-TENT-FIN EP After [I] come home, I will long for [it]! (MYS 7.1179) 墨吉尓還來而家見跡

SUMINƏYE-ni KAPER-I-K-I-TAR-I-TE IPE MI-RE-ⁿdǝ Suminǝye-LOC return-CONV-come-CONV-PERF/PROG-CONV-SUB house look-EV-CONC although [I] looked at [my] house after [I] had come back to Suminǝye (MYS 9.1740) 比登比母伊毛乎和須礼弖於毛倍也

pitǝ pi mǝ imo-wo wasure-te omop-ɛ ya one day FP beloved-ACC forget(CONV)-SUB think-EV IP would [I] imagine forgetting [my] beloved even for one day? [Certainly not!] (MYS 15.3604) 伊母爾見勢武爾和多都美乃於伎都白玉比利比弖由賀奈

imǝ-ni MI-se-m-u-ni wata-tu mi-nǝ oki-tu SIRA TAMA pirip-i-te yuk-ana beloved-DAT see-CAUS-TENT-ATTR-LOC sea-GEN/LOC dragon-GEN offingGEN/LOC white jewel pick up-CONV-SUB go-DES [I] want to go, picking up the white jewels from the offing of the sea dragon in order to show [them] to [my] beloved (MYS 15.3614) 波祢左之可倍弖宇知波良比

pane sas-i-kapɛ-te uti-parap-i feather insert-CONV-cross.over(CONV)-SUB PREF-clean-CONV [they] mingle their feathers and clean [frost from them] (MYS 15.3625) 伊毛尓安礼也夜須伊毛祢受弖安我故非和多流

imo n-i ar-e ya yasu i mo ne-ⁿz-u-te a-ŋga kopï-watar-u beloved DV-CONV exist-EV IP easy sleep FP sleep-NEG-CONV-SUB I-POSS love(CONV)-cross-ATTR Is [she] my beloved? I do not sleep easily, and continue to love [her] (MYS 15.3633)

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810

Chapter 6

比故保思母和礼爾麻佐里弖於毛布良米也母

Pikoposi mǝ ware-ni masar-i-te omop-uram-ɛ ya mǝ Altair FP I-DAT surpass-CONV-SUB long.for-TENT2-EV IP EP Will Altair long for [his beloved] more than I [do]?! (lit.: surpassing me) [Certainly not!] (MYS 15.3657) 美也故爾由加波伊毛爾安比弖許祢

miyako-ni yuk-amba imo-ni ap-i-te kǝ-n-e capital-LOC go-COND beloved-DAT meet-CONV-SUB come-DES-IMP if [you] go to the capital, meet [my] beloved [there], and come [back] (MYS 15.3687) 奈美能宇倍由奈豆佐比伎尓弖

nami-nǝ upɛ-yu naⁿdusap-i k-i-n-i-te wave-GEN top-ABL be.tossed-CONV come-CONV-PERF-CONV-SUB [you] have come being tossed by the waves, and … (MYS 15.3691) 毛美知和礼由伎弖可敝里久流末弖知里許須奈由米

momit-i ware yuk-i-te kaper-i-k-uru-maⁿde tir-i-kǝs-una yumɛ leaves.turn.red/yellow-NML I go-CONV-SUB return-CONV-come-ATTR-TERM fall-CONV-BEN-NEG/IMP at.all Red leaves! Please do not fall at all until I go and come back (MYS 15.3702) 安我未許曾世伎夜麻故要弖許己爾安良米許己呂波伊毛爾与里爾之母能乎

a-ŋga mï kǝsǝ seki yama koye-te kǝkǝ-ni ar-am-ɛ kǝkǝrǝ pa imo-ni yǝr-i-n-isi mǝnǝwo I-POSS body FP barrier mountain cross(CONV)-SUB here-LOC exist-TENT-EV heart TOP beloved-DAT approach-CONV-PERF-PAST/ATTR CONJ My body has crossed barriers and mountains, and is probably here. But [my] heart is near [my] beloved! (MYS 15.3757) 阿里佐利氐能知毛相牟等於母倍許曽

ari-sar-i-te nǝti mo AP-Am-u tǝ omǝp-ɛ kǝsǝ ITER-go.away-CONV-SUB after FP meet-TENT-FIN DV think-EV FP [Time] constantly goes away, and [I] hope that [we] will meet later, too (MYS 17.3933)

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811

Verbs

都祢比等能故布登伊敷欲利波安麻里爾弖和礼波之奴倍久奈里尓多良受也

tune pitǝ-nǝ kop-u tǝ ip-u-yori pa amari n-i-te ware pa sin-umbɛ-ku nar-in-i-tar-aⁿz-u ya ordinary person-GEN love-FIN DV say-ATTR-ABL TOP excess DV-CONV-SUB I TOP die-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-PERF/PROG-NEG-FIN IP Did not [it] become so that I should die, feeling (lit.: being) much more than what ordinary people call ‘love’? (MYS 18.4080) 許太加久氐佐刀波安礼騰母

kǝ-ⁿ-daka-ku-te sato pa ar-e-ⁿdǝmǝ tree-GEN-high-CONV-SUB village TOP exist-EV-CONC although trees are high in the village (MYS 19.4209) 之麻豆多比伊己藝和多利弖安里米具利

sima-ⁿ-dutap-i i-kǝŋg-i-watar-i-te ari-mɛŋgur-i island-LOC-pass.along-CONV DLF-row-CONV-cross-CONV-SUB ITER-go. around-CONV [I] go rowing in a boat from island to island, and [I] constantly go around [these islands] (MYS 20.4408) 美流比等乃可多里都藝弖氐

mi-ru pitǝ-nǝ katar-i-tuŋg-i-te-te see-ATTR person-GEN talk-CONV-continue-CONV-PERF(CONV)-SUB the people who saw [it], have continued to talk [about it], and … (MYS 20.4465) 伊氣美豆尓可氣左倍見要氐

ikɛ miⁿdu-ni kaŋgɛ sapɛ MI-ye-te pond water-LOC reflection RP see-PASS(CONV)-SUB Even [their] reflection is seen in the pond water, and … (MYS 20.4512) 仲末呂伊忠臣止之天侍都

Nakamarǝ-i TAⁿDASI-KI OMI tǝ s-i-te PAmBER-I-t-u Nakamarǝ-ACT loyal-ATTR noble DV do-CONV-SUB serve-CONV-PERF-FIN Nakamarǝ served as a loyal noble (SM 34)

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812

Chapter 6

清麻呂其我姉法均止甚大尓悪久奸流妄語乎作弖

KIYOMARƏ SI-ŋga ANE POPUKUN-tǝ ITƏ OPO-KI n-i ASI-ku KAⁿDAM-Er-u ITUPAR-I-ŋ-GƏTƏ-wo TUKUR-I-te Kiyomarǝ he-POSS elder.sister Popukun-COM very big-ATTR DV-CONV badCONV be.insincere-PROG-ATTR lie-NML-GEN- word-ACC make-CONV-SUB Kiyomarǝ with his elder sister Popukun created an extremely big, bad and insincere lie, and … (SM 44) 和己於保支美波多比良気久那何久伊末之弖等与美岐麻都流

wa-ŋgǝ opo kimi pa tapirakɛ-ku naŋga-ku imas-i-te tǝyǝ mi-ki matur-u I-POSS great lord TOP safe-CONV long-CONV exist(HON)-CONV-SUB abundant HON-rice.wine present(HUM)-FIN [I] present the abundant rice wine so that my sovereign (lit.: great lord) [would] live safely and long (SNK 4) 此七日爾波不足弖隠坐事奇止弖見所行須時

KƏNƏ NAN-UKA-ni pa TAR-AⁿZ-U-te KAKUR-I-[I]MAS-U KƏTƏ AYA-SI tǝ-te MI-SONAP-AS-U TƏKI this seven-CL-LOC TOP be.enough-NEG-CONV-SUB hide-CONV-HON-ATTR matter strange-FIN DV(CONV)-SUB look(CONV)-offer(HON)-HON-ATTR time When these seven days did not completely pass, [he] thought that [it] is strange that [she] secluded herself, and when [he] looked … (NT 12) 加良須止伊布於保乎蘇止利能去止乎能米等母邇止伊比天佐岐陀智伊奴留

karasu tǝ ip-u opo woso tǝri-nǝ kǝtǝ-wo nǝmï  88 tǝmǝ n-i tǝ ip-i-te saki-ⁿ-dat-i in-uru crow DV say-ATTR big hasty bird-GEN word-ACC RP together DV-CONV DV sayCONV-SUB ahead-LOC-depart-CONV go.away-ATTR Crows, big hasty birds, only cry together—[you] departed [from this world ahead [of me] (NR 2.2) 4.1.1.1.1 Special Construction -te pa In contrast to the Middle Japanese construction -ite fa, which can form a conditional ‘if’ or temporal ‘when’ clause (Vovin 2003: 244–245), the Western Old

88  The original text has 能米 /nǝmɛ/, but this is likely to be a scribal mistake for 能未 /nǝmï/.

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Japanese construction -te pa does not have such functions, or to be more exact there are no reliable examples in phonographic writing that would support such functions. It appears that in Western Old Japanese this construction just represents a topicalization of the clause ending with the subordinative converb -te: 人佐播尓満弖播阿礼等母

pitǝ sapa n-i MIT-I-te pa ar-e-ⁿdǝmǝ person many DV-CONV be.full-CONV-SUB TOP exist-EV-CONC although there are plenty of people (MYS 5.894) 五月蠅奈周佐和久兒等遠宇都弖々波死波不知

SA-TUKÏ PAPƐ-nasu sawak-u KO-ⁿDƏMƏ-wo utute-te pa SIN-I pa SIR-AⁿZ-U fifth-lunar.month fly-COMP make.noise-ATTR child-PLUR-ACC get.rid. of(CONV)-SUB TOP die-NML TOP know-NEG-FIN getting rid of children who are noisy like fifth lunar month flies, [I still] cannot die (MYS 5.897) 妹等安里之時者安礼杼毛和可礼弖波許呂母弖佐牟伎母能尓曽安里家流

IMO-tǝ ar-i-si TƏKI pa ar-e-ⁿdǝmo wakare-te pa kǝrǝmǝⁿde samu-ki mǝnǝ n-i sǝ ar-i-ker-u beloved-COM exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR time TOP exist-EV-CONC separate (CONV)-SUB TOP sleeve cold-ATTR thing DV-CONV FP exist-CONV-RETR-ATTR Although there was a time when [I] was with [my] beloved, after [we] separated, [my] sleeves are cold (MYS 15.3591) 4.1.1.1.2 Special Construction -te mǝ Similar to Middle Japanese, the subordinative converb -te and the focus particle mǝ can form a concessive clause: 花毛佐家礼杼山乎茂入而毛不取

PANA mo sak-er-e-ⁿdǝ YAMA-wo SI ŋGƐ-MI IR-I-TE mo TƏR-AⁿZ-U flower FP bloom-PROG-EV-CONC mountain-ABS thick-GER enter-CONV-SUB FP take-NEG-FIN though flowers have bloomed, too, because mountains [are covered by] deep [bush], even [if you] enter the mountains, [you] will not take [the flowers] (MYS 1.16)

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速來而母見手益物乎山背高槻村散去奚留鴨

PAYA K-I-TE mǝ MI-te-masi MƏNƏwo YAMASIRƏ-NƏ TAKA TUKÏ mura TIR-In-i-ker-u kamo fast come-CONV-SUB FP see(CONV)-PERF-SUBJ CONJ Yamasirǝ-GEN high zelkova group fall-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP Although [I] would come fast and look [at them], most of the high zelkova [trees’ flowers] in Yamasirǝ have fallen, alas (MYS 3.277) 多婢尓弖毛母奈久波也許登

tambi n-i-te mo mǝ na-ku paya kǝ tǝ journey DV-CONV-SUB FP misfortune no-CONV quick come(IMP) DV [my beloved] said: “Come [back] quickly without any misfortune on [your] trip! (lit.: although [it] is a journey” (MYS 15.3717) 家尓底母多由多敷命

IPE n-i-te mǝ tayutap-u INƏTI home DV-CONV-SUB FP be.unstable-ATTR life [my] life which is uncertain even at home (MYS 17.3896) 多知弖毛為弖母己藝米具利美礼登母安可受

tat-i-te mo wi-te mǝ kǝŋg-i-mɛŋgur-i mi-re-ⁿdǝmǝ ak-aⁿz-u stand-CONV-SUB FP sit(CONV)-SUB FP row-CONV-go.around-CONV look-EVCONC be.satisfied-NEG-FIN whether [I] stand or sit, [I] cannot get enough looking at [it], while rowing around (MYS 17.3994) Care must be taken because the emphatic particle mǝ and not the focus particle mǝ can be also found after -te. In this case the -te mǝ sequence does not have the concessive meaning, compare the following two examples: 多婢奈礼婆於毛比多要弖毛安里都礼杼伊敝尓安流伊毛之於母比我奈思母

tambi nar-e-mba omop-i-taye-te mo ar-i-t-ure-ⁿdǝ ipe-ni ar-u imo si omop-i-ŋganasi-mǝ journey be-EV-CON think-CONV-break(CONV)-SUB FP exist-CONV-PERF-EVCONC home-LOC exist-ATTR beloved EP think-NML-DV(CONV)-dear-EXCL [I] think dearly of my beloved who is at home although [she] has stopped thinking of [me] because [I] am on a journey! (MYS 15.3686)

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815

Verbs 妹我多麻久良佐之加倍氐祢天蒙許万思乎

IMO-ŋga ta-makura sas-i-kapɛ-te ne-te mo kǝ-masi-wo beloved-POSS hand-pillow insert-CONV-exchange(CONV)-SUB sleep(CONV)SUB EP come-SUBJ-ACC [I] would come and sleep with my beloved exchanging [our] sleeves as pillows (MYS 17.3978) 4.1.1.1.3 Special Construction -te worThe special construction consisting of the subordinative converb -te and wor‘to exist’ seems to have a function of the continuative aspect: 於能礼故所詈而居者

onǝre YUWE NOR-AYE-TE WOR-E-mba myself reason scold-PASS(CONV)-SUB exist-EV-CON As [you] were scolded because of me (MYS 12.3098) 於久礼弖乎礼杼与伎許等毛奈之

okure-te wor-e-ⁿdǝ yǝ-ki kǝtǝ mo na-si stay.behind(CONV)-SUB exist-EV-CONC good-ATTR thing FP no-FIN although [I] am staying behind, [it] is no good, either (MYS 15.3773) 難麻理弖居葦河尓

namar-i-te wor-u ASI kani hide-CONV-SUB exist-ATTR reed crab a reed crab who is hiding (MYS 16.3886) 新年始尓思共伊牟礼氐乎礼婆

ARATASI-KI TƏSI-NƏ PAⁿZIMƐ-ni OMƏP-U-ⁿ-DOTI i-mure-te wor-e-mba new-ATTR year-GEN beginning-LOC think-ATTR-GEN-companion DLF-gather (CONV)-SUB exist-EV-CON When the friends who think [in the same way] are gathering at the beginning of the year … (MYS 19.4284) 4.1.1.1.4 Special Construction -te okThe special construction consisting of the subordinative converb -te and verb ok- ‘to put, to place’ is used to indicate that the action is done for future use, as in modern Japanese. This construction occurs infrequently and only in the Man’yōshū, and there is only one good example of it in phonographic spelling:

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白雪乎不令消将置言者可聞奈吉

SIRA YUKI-wo KƐT-AⁿZ-U-TE OK-AM-U KƏTƏmba kamo na-ki white snow-ACC let.melt-NEG-CONV-SUB put-TENT-ATTR word EP no-ATTR alas, there are no [magic] words that would stop white snow from melting! (MYS 8.1654) 天印等水無川隔而置之神世之恨

AMA-TU SURUSI tǝ MI NA-SI-ŋ-GAPA PEⁿDATE-TE OK-I-si KAMÏ YƏ si URAMƐ-SI heaven-GEN/LOC mark DV water no-FIN-GEN-river divide(CONV)-SUB putCONV-PAST/ATTR deity age EP be.regretful(FIN) [I] feel with regret about the Age of Deities when [they] divided the [Heaven with] the river with no water as a landmark of Heaven (MYS 10.2007) 和須礼我比与世伎弖於家礼於伎都之良奈美

wasure-ŋ-gapi yǝse-k-i-te ok-er-e oki-tu sira nami forget(NML)-GEN-shell bring(CONV)-come-CONV-SUB put-PROG-IMP offingGEN/LOC white wave white waves of the offing, bring [to me] the shell of forgetfulness (MYS 15.3629) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The subordinative converb -te is well attested in Eastern Old Japanese. Examples: 夜麻邊能之牙可久尓伊毛呂乎多弖天左祢度波良布母

yama-m-BE-nǝ siŋge-k-aku n-i imo-rǝ-wo tate-te sa-ne-ⁿ-do parap-umǝ mountain-GEN-side-GEN thick-ATTR-NML DV-CONV beloved-DIM-ACC make. stand(CONV)-SUB PREF-sleep(NML)-DV(ATTR)-place clean-EXCL as the mountain (side) is overgrown [with bush], [I] let my beloved stand, and [I] am clearing a place to sleep [for us]! (MYS 14.3489) 波波乎波奈例弖由久我加奈之佐

papa-wo panare-te yuk-u-ŋga kanasi-sa mother-ACC separate(CONV)-SUB go-ATTR-POSS sad-NML sadness of going, leaving [my] mother behind (MYS 20.4338)

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817

Verbs 加比利久麻弖尓已波比弖麻多祢

kapir-i-k-u-mande-ni ipap-i-te mat-an-e return-CONV-come-ATTR89-TERM-LOC pray-CONV-SUB wait-DES-IMP pray and wait [for me] until [I] return (MYS 20.4339) 阿母志々尓己等麻乎佐受弖伊麻叙久夜之氣

amǝ sisi-ni kǝtǝ mawos-aⁿz-u-te ima ⁿzǝ kuyasi-kɛ mother father-DAT word say(HUM)-NEG-CONV-SUB now FP regretful-ATTR now [I] regret that [I] did not tell [my] mother and father (MYS 20.4376) 意保枳美能美己等可之古美阿乎久牟乃等能妣久夜麻乎古与弖伎怒加牟

opo kimi-nǝ mi-kǝtǝ kasiko-mi awo kumu-nǝ tǝnǝmbik-u yama-wo koyǝ-te k-i-n-o kamu great lord-GEN HON-word awesome-GER blue cloud-GEN trail-ATTR mountainACC cross(CONV)-SUB come-CONV-PERF-ATTR EP Since the sovereign’s (lit.: great lord’s) order is awesome, [I] came [here] crossing mountains where dark clouds trail (MYS 20.4403) A2: Ryukyuan The subordinative converb -te is well attested in Old Ryukyuan, Classical Ryukyuan, and various modern Ryukyuan dialects. In Old Ryukyuan we find a bewildering amount of various spellings for it: -ti, -te, and -tife, which probably all reflect phonetic [ti] or [te]. Examples: Old Ryukyuan なりとよみうちあげてなりきよらうちあげて

nar-i-toyom-i uti-age-te nar-i-kiyora pa uti-age-te sound-CONV-resound-NML PREF-raise(CONV)-SUB sound-CONV-beautiful TOP PREF-raise(CONV)-SUB raising the “Resounding” [drum], raising the “Beautifully sounding” [drum] (OS 1.37) しよりもりうちあよでまたまもりうちあよで

siyori mori uti-ayode ma-tama mori uti-ayode Shuri shrine PREF-walk/SUB INT-jewel shrine PREF-walk/SUB walking through the Shuri shrine, walking through the true jewel shrine (OS 1.40) 89  Formally the form k-u looks like final, but since it is followed by the case marker -maⁿde, functionally it must be attributive. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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としが三年いきよてとしが四年いきよて

tosi-ga SAN-NEN i-kiyo-te tosi-ga YO-NEN i-kiyo-te year-POSS three-year DLF-invite-SUB year-POSS four-year DLF-invite-SUB inviting [the goddess] here for three years, inviting [the goddess] here for four years (OS 12.658) こばおもりのきみゝゝまやゑておこらめ

Kobao mori-no kimi-kimi ma-y-aw-e-te okor-am-e Kobao shrine-GEN priestess-priestess dance-CONV-join-CONV-SUB sendTENT-EV Priestesses from the Kobao shrine will dance together and send [it] (OS 13.853) あやみやの大ころあまこあわちへもとらめ

aya miya-no ofo koro ama-ko awa-tife modor-am-e splendid palace-GEN big man eye-DIM lock(CONV)-SUB return-TENT-EV The elders at the splendid palace will shut [their] eyes and return (OS 21.1411) Classical Ryukyuan いろいろに言ちもいかなしも行かぬ

iro-iro n-i I-ti-mo ika nas-i-mo Ik-an-u different DV-CONV say(CONV)-SUB-FP how do-CONV-FP go-NEG-FIN whatever [you] say, and whatever [you] do, [I] will not go (RK 725) Shuri

kuree taari-Nkai sugur-at-ti nach-oo-ibii-N he(TOP) father-DAT hit-PASS-SUB cry-PROG-POL-FIN He is crying, as [he] was hit by [his] father (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 96) koo-ti Nji-mishee-bir-an-i buy-SUB see-HON-POL-NEG-IF won’t [you] try to buy [it]? (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 44) naada haka-tee wur-aN muN yet measure-SUB(TOP) exist-NEG(FIN) EP [I] have not yet taken [my temperature] (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 52) Thus, we can safely reconstruct the Proto-Japonic subordinative converb *-te < pre-PJ *-tia or *tay. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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4.1.1.2 Coordinative Converb -tutu The coordinative converb has just one allomorph -tutu. It always follows the converb -i ~ -∅, but in contrast to the subordinative converb -te it is never found after the converbs -u and -ku. A number of suffixes and bound auxiliaries can precede the converb -i ~ -∅ followed by the coordinative converb -tutu. All these possible combinations are presented in the following chart: chart 77 Combinations of the coordinative converb -tutu with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliariesa

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

converb -i ~ -∅ iterative converb -ap-ihonorific converb -as-icausative converb -(a)simɛcausative converb -(a)sepassive converb -(a)yeperfective converb -n-i-

-i-tutu ~ -tutu -ap-i-tutu -as-i-tutu -(a)simɛ-tutu -(a)se-tutu -(a)ye-tutu -n-i-tutu

a Since the subordinative converb -tutu can follow only the converb -i, I have provided in this chart also the suffixes and bound auxiliaries that precede these converbs.

As can be seen from the chart above, the coordinative converb -tutu does not combine with markers of modality and tense similar to the subordinative converb -te, since they appear only in the sentence-final verbal forms, and consequently cannot be followed by converbs. It is interesting to note that -tutu can follow causative and iterative forms of verbs that do not combine with the subordinative converb -te. On the other hand, -te is more versatile in its combinations with different perfective forms, while -tutu is found only after the perfective -n-. The coordinative converb -tutu has a unique formal feature: it can be used either as a converb, being a sentence non-final form, or as a final predication form, becoming a sentence final morpheme. The second usage is probably secondary, resulting from the ellipsis of the auxiliary verbs ar- and wor- ‘to exist,’ which can be found following -tutu. The secondary nature of -tutu as a form of final predication can be also supported by the fact that while -tutu as a converb has two functions, -tutu as a final form has only one. As a converb, -tutu renders either a parallel or a habitual/continuous action. The examples of -tutu in the parallel action function are more frequent in

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Western Old Japanese texts than the examples of -tutu in the habitual action function. In the function of the habitual or continuous action the coordinative converb -tutu can be followed by the auxiliary verbs ar- and wor- ‘to exist.’ (1) The auxiliary -tutu as a converb: (a) parallel action: 許能美岐袁迦美祁牟比登波曾能都豆美宇須迩多弖弖宇多比都都迦美祁禮 加母麻比都都迦美祁禮加母

kǝnǝ mi-ki-wo kam-i-k-em-u pitǝ pa sǝnǝ tuⁿdumi usu n-i tate-te utap-i-tutu kami-ker-e kamǝ map-i-tutu kam-i-ker-e kamǝ this HON-rice.wine-ACC brew-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR person TOP that drum mortar DV-CONV place(CONV)-SUB sing-CONV-COOR brew-CONVRETR-EV EP dance-CONV-COOR brew-CONV-RETR-EV EP I wonder [whether] the person who brewed this rice wine, turned his drum [upside down] as a mortar and brewed [it] while singing, brewed [it] while dancing! (KK 40) 許母理豆能志多用波閇都都由久波多賀都麻

kǝmǝr-i-ⁿdu-nǝ sita-yo papɛ-tutu yuk-u pa ta-ŋga tuma hide-CONV-water-GEN below-ABL crawl(CONV)-COOR go-ATTR TOP whoPOSS spouse Whose spouse [is the one] who goes crawling from below a hidden stream? (KK 56) 古尓有兼人毛如吾歟妹尓戀乍宿不勝家牟

INISIPE-ni AR-I-k-em-u PITƏ mo A-ŋGA ŋGƏTƏ KA IMO-ni KOPÏ-TUTU I NE-kate-ⁿZ-U-k-em-u old.times-LOC exist-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR person FP I-POSS like IP beloved-DAT long.for(CONV)-COOR sleep sleep(CONV)-POT-NEG-CONVPAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR Were the people who lived in old times unable to sleep like me, too, longing for [their] beloved? (MYS 4.497) 烏梅能波奈比等利美都都夜波流比久良佐武

uMƐ-nǝ pana pitǝ-ri mi-tutu ya paru pi kuras-am-u plum-GEN flower one-CL see(CONV)-COOR IP spring day spend-TENT-ATTR will [I] spend the spring day looking alone at the plum blossoms? (MYS 5.818)

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Verbs 宇梅能波奈乎理加射之都都毛呂比登能阿蘇夫遠美礼婆弥夜古之叙毛布

uMƐ-nǝ pana wor-i kaⁿzas-i-tutu morǝ pitǝ-nǝ asomb-u-wo mi-re-mba miyako si ⁿzǝ [o]mop-u plum-GEN flower break.off-CONV put.in.the.hair-CONV-COOR all person-GEN play-ATTR-ACC see-EV-CON capital EP FP think-ATTR When [I] see that all people enjoy themselves breaking off plum blossoms and putting [them] in [their] hair, [I] think of the capital (MYS 5.843) 乱戀耳令為乍不相妹鴨

MIⁿDARE-KOPÏ NƏMÏ SE-SIMƐ-TUTU AP-AN-U IMO kamo be.confused(CONV)-love(NML) RP do-CAUS(CONV)-COOR meet-NEG-ATTR beloved EP ah, [my] beloved who does not meet [me], just making [my] love to be confused! (MYS 11.2474) 乎美奈敝之佐伎多流野邊乎遊吉追都見倍之

wominapesi sak-i-tar-u NO-PE-wo yuk-i-tutu MI-mbɛ-si carnation bloom-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR field-side-ACC go-CONV-COOR look-DEB-FIN while walking [you] should look at the fields where the carnations are blooming (MYS 17.3951) 伊久欲布等余美都追伊毛波和礼麻都良牟曾

iku yo p-u tǝ yǝm-i-tutu imo pa ware mat-uram-u sǝ how many night pass-FIN DV count-CONV-COOR beloved TOP I wait-TENT2ATTR FP [My] beloved will probably wait for me, counting: ‘How many nights have passed?’ (MYS 18.4072) 多礼乎可伎美等弥都都志努波牟

tare-wo ka kimi tǝ mi-tutu sinop-am-u who-ACC IP lord DV see(CONV)-COOR long.for-TENT-ATTR whom shall [I] long for, viewing [him] as [my] lord? (MYS 20.4440) 阿止乎美都都志乃波牟

atǝ-wo mi-tutu sinǝp-am-u footstep-ACC see(CONV)-COOR yearn-TENT-FIN looking at [Buddha’s] footsteps, [I] will yearn [for him] (BS 6)

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(b) habitual or continuous action: 阿須箇我播瀰儺蟻羅毗都都喩矩瀰都

asuka-ŋ-gapa minaŋgirap-i-tutu yuk-u miⁿdu Asuka-GEN-river be.full-CONV-COOR go-ATTR water water in the Asuka river that floats constantly being full (NK 118) 鹿自物伊波比伏管 … 鶉成伊波比廻

SISI ⁿzimǝnǝ i-pap-i-PUS-I-tutu … UⁿDURA-nasu i-pap-i-MƏTƏPOR-I dear like DLF-crawl-CONV-lie.down-CONV-COOR … quail-COMP DLF-crawlCONV-go.around-CONV constantly crawling and lying down like a deer … crawling around like a quail (MYS 2.199) 比奈尓伊都等世周麻比都々美夜故能提夫利和周良延尓家利

pina-ni itu tǝse sum-ap-i-tutu miyako-nǝ temburi wasur-aye-n-i-ker-i country.side-LOC five year live-ITER-CONV-COOR capital-GEN custom forgetPASS(CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-FIN while [I] was continuously living [for] five years in the country side, it turned out that [I] forgot the customs of the capital (MYS 5.880) As mentioned above, the coordinative converb -tutu in the function of the habitual action can be followed by the auxiliaries ar- and wor- ‘to exist’: 見乍阿礼婆心波母延農

MI-TUTU ar-e-mba KƏKƏRƏ pa mǝye-n-u look(CONV)-COOR exist-EV-CON heart TOP burn(CONV)-PERF-FIN When [I] keep looking, [my] heart has been set on fire (MYS 5.897) 和礼乎也未尓也伊毛我古非都追安流良牟

ware-wo yamï-ni ya imo-ŋga kopï-tutu ar-am-u I-ACC darkness-LOC IP beloved-POSS long.for(CONV)-COOR exist-TENT-ATTR Will [my] beloved continue to long for me in the darkness? (MYS 15.3669) 奈伎都々乎礼杼安布余思毛奈之

nak-i-tutu wor-e-ⁿdǝ ap-u yǝsi mo na-si cry-CONV-COOR exist-EV-CONC meet-ATTR chance FP no-FIN although [I] keep crying, there is no chance to meet (MYS 15.3762)

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Verbs 伊母祢受尓今日毛之賣良尓孤悲都追曽乎流

i mǝ ne-ⁿz-u n-i KEPU mo simera n-i kop-i-tutu sǝ wor-u sleep FP sleep-NEG-NML DV-CONV today FP as.always DV-CONV love-CONVCOOR FP exist-ATTR without sleeping (a sleep), [I] continue to love [you] today as always, too (MYS 17.3969) (2) Auxiliary -tutu as a sentence-final form. In this usage it occurs only in the function of a continuous or habitual action: 鳥翔成有我欲比管見良目杼母人社不知松者知良武

TƏRI pa NAR-I ARI-ŋgayop-i-tutu MI-ram-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ PITƏ KƏSƏ SIR-AN-E MATU pa SIR-Uram-u bird TOP become-CONV ITER-go.back.and.forth-CONV-COOR see-TENT2CONC person FP know-NEG-EV pine TOP know-TENT2-FIN Although people would look, [they would] not recognize [the soul of prince Arima that] travels backs and forth like a bird. But [they] would know the pine [branches that he has tied] (MYS 2.145) 許能紀能夜麻尓由企波布理都々

kǝnǝ kï-nǝ yama-ni yuki pa pur-i-tutu this castle-GEN mountain-LOC snow TOP fall-CONV-COOR the snow continues to fall on the Castle mountain (MYS 5.823) 八千年尓安礼衝之乍

ya-ti tǝse n-i areTU ŋG-As-i-TUTU eight-thousand year DV-CONV be.born.in.succession-HON-CONV-COOR [emperors] are born one after another for eight thousand years (MYS 6.1053) 伊母我麻都倍伎月者倍尓都々

imǝ-ŋga mat-umbɛ-ki TUKÏ pa pɛ-n-i-tutu beloved-POSS wait-DEB-ATTR month TOP pass(CONV)-PERF-CONV-COOR months when [my] beloved had to wait [for me] have continued to pass (MYS 15.3685) 故非毛奈久安良末思毛能乎於毛波之米都追

kopï mo na-ku ar-amasi monǝwo omop-asimɛ-tutu long.for(NML) FP no-CONV exist-SUBJ CONJ love-CAUS(CONV)-COOR [I] would have no longing for [you], but [you] make [me] love [you] constantly (MYS 15.3737)

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麻都能波奈花可受尓之毛和我勢故我於母敝良奈久尓母登奈佐吉都追

matu-nǝ pana PANA kaⁿzu n-i si mo wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga omǝp-er-an-aku n-i mǝtǝna sak-i-tutu pine-GEN flower flower number DV-CONV EP FP I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS think-PROG-NEG-NML DV-CONV in.vain bloom-CONV-COOR Because my beloved is not even thinking of pine flowers as flowers, [they] continue to bloom in vain (MYS 17.3942) 己能夜万夫吉乎美勢追都母等奈

kǝnǝ yamambuki-wo mi-se-tutu mǝtǝna this rose-ACC see-CAUS(CONV)-COOR in.vain [you] keep showing [me] these roses in vain (MYS 17.3976) 和我佐世流安加良多知婆奈可氣尓見要都追

wa-ŋga sas-er-u akara tatimbana kaŋgɛ-ni MI-ye-tutu I-POSS insert-PROG-ATTR red mandarin.orange moonlight-LOC see-PASS (CONV)-COOR the red mandarin orange [flowers] that I put into [my hair] are seen in the moonlight all the time (MYS 18.4060) 与呂頭多妣可弊里見之都追

yǝrǝⁿdu tambi kaper-i-MI s-i-tutu ten thousand times return-CONV-look(NML) do-CONV-COOR ten thousand times [I] continue to look back (MYS 20.4408) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The coordinative converb -tutu is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese: 阿我母弖能和須例母之太波都久波尼乎布利佐氣美都々伊母波之奴波尼

a-ŋga [o]mǝte-nǝ wasure-m-ǝ sinda pa tukumba ne-wo purisakɛ-mi-tutu imǝ pa sinop-an-e I-POSS face-GEN forget-TENT-ATTR time TOP Tukumba peak-ACC look. up(CONV)-look(CONV)-COOR beloved TOP yearn-DES-IMP When [you, my] beloved will be forgetting my face, yearn for me, please, looking up at the Tukumba peak (MYS 20.4367) In addition, Eastern Old Japanese also has the phonetic variants of the coordinative converb -susu and -tusi:

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825

Verbs 以都母以都母於母加古比須々奈理麻之都之母

itu mǝ itu mǝ omǝ-ŋga kopi-susu nar-i-[i]mas-i-tusi mǝ when FP when FP mother-POSS love(CONV)-COOR do.house.work-CONVHON-COOR EP [my] mother always, always loves [me] and does [her] house work (MYS 20.4386) 4.1.1.3 Coordinative Converb -naŋgara The coordinative converb -naŋgara has only one allomorph. It always follows the converb form of verbs. Care must be taken not to confuse it with a homophonous suffix -naŋgara ‘having the nature of’ that is found after nouns (see chapter 4, section 1.2.1.4). Like the coordinative converb -tutu, the coordinative converb -naŋgara has a function of parallel action and a function of habitual or continuous action. Thus, the coordinative converb -naŋgara is essentially synonymous with the coordinative converb -tutu, but there are only five examples of it in Western Old Japanese texts, all found in the Man’yōshū.90 The only other difference between -tutu and -naŋgara is that the latter is not used as a final form. Examples: (a) parallel action: 波利夫久路應婢都々氣奈我良佐刀其等迩天良佐比安流氣騰

pari-m-bukuro omb-i-tutuke-naŋgara sato ŋgǝtǝ n-i terasap-i aruk-ɛ-ⁿdǝ needle-GEN-bag wear.on.the.sash-CONV-continue(CONV)-COOR village every DV-CONV clearly.show-CONV walk-EV-CONC Although [I] walk and show the needle bag clearly at every village while [I] continue to wear [it] on my sash … (MYS 18.4130) 宇礼之備奈我良枕附都麻屋之内尓鳥座由比

uresimbï-naŋgara MAKURA-ⁿ-DUK-U tuma-ya-NƏ UTI-ni TƏ ŋGURA yup-i rejoice(CONV)-COOR pillow-GEN-be.attached-ATTR bedroom-GEN insideLOC coop fasten.together-CONV while [I] was rejoicing, [I] built a coop in the bedroom where pillows touch together (MYS 19.4154)

90  One example is in logographic writing and is not provided below (MYS 6.1050).

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(b) habitual or continuous action: 妻社妻依來西尼妻常言長柄

TUMA-NƏ MORI TUMA YƏS-I-kǝse-n-e TUMA tǝ IP-I-naŋgara spouse-GEN shrine spouse bring.close-CONV-BEN-DES-IMP spouse DV sayCONV-COOR Spouse shrine! [I] wish [you would] bring [a] spouse close [to me whom I] keep calling a spouse (i.e., I wish you would give me a spouse) (MYS 9.1679) 今日良毛加鹿乃伏良武皮服著而角附奈我良

KEPU-ra mo ka SIKA-nǝ pus-uram-u KAPA KƏRƏMƏ KI-TE TUNO TUK-I-naŋgara today-LOC FP IP deer-GEN lie.down-TENT2-ATTR skin garment wear(CONV)SUB horn be.attached-CONV-COOR will the deer also be lying today with his skin garment on and wearing [his] horns as usual? (MYS 16.3884) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The coordinative converb -naŋgara is not attested in Eastern Old Japanese. A2: Ryukyuan There is a converb -nagiina in the Shuri dialect that can be potentially related to -naŋgara, although the correspondences are problematic. In addition, it has a different function: concessive. Therefore, the cognacy is doubtful. Shuri

ʔuya-nu yaa-nu mee tuu-i-nagiina nubaga-i-N s-aN parent-GEN house-GEN front pass-CONV-CONV stop.by-NML-PT do-NEG/FIN Although [I] pass by [my] parents house, [I] do not even stop by (RKJ 405) 4.1.1.4 Coordinative converb -katera The coordinative converb -katera has only one allomorph. It is an extremely rare form that occurs in Western Old Japanese only in two examples, both in poems by Ōtomo-no Yakamochi. It always follows the reduced form -N- of the converb n-i of the defective verb n-. Given the paucity of examples, it might be impossible to define its function precisely, but it seems that it is a kind of coordinative converb.

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827

Verbs 宇梅能波奈佐伎知流曽能尓和礼由可牟伎美我都可比乎可多麻知我氐良

uMƐ-nǝ pana sak-i tir-u sǝnǝ-ni ware yuk-am-u kimi-ŋga tukapi-wo kata mati-ŋ-gatera plum-GEN blossom bloom-CONV fall-ATTR garden-LOC I go-TENT-FIN lordPOSS messenger-ACC one wait-NML-DV(CONV)-CONV I will go to the garden where the plum blossoms bloom and fall while waiting alone for your messenger (MYS 18.4041) 吾妹子我可多見我氐良等紅之八塩尓染而於己勢多流服之襴毛等寳利氐濃 礼奴

WA-ŋG-IMO-KO-ŋga katami-ŋ-gatera tǝ KURENAWI-NƏ YA-sipo-ni SƏMƐ-TE okǝse-tar-u KƏRƏMƏ-NƏ SUSO mo tǝpor-i-te nure-n-u I-POSS-beloved-DIM-POSS keepsake-DV(CONV)-CONV DV crimson-GEN eight-tide-LOC dye(CONV)-SUB send(CONV)-PERF/PROG garment-GEN hem FP pass-CONV-SUB wet(CONV)-PERF-FIN Passing through [the water], [I] have made wet the hems of the eight times dyed in crimson garment that my beloved sent [me] thinking [of it] as being a keepsake (MYS 19.4156) 4.1.1.5 Past -ki ~ -si ~ -sika The past auxiliary appears in three suppletive forms: final -ki, attributive -si, and evidential -sika. These forms appear mainly as word- and sentence-final, but at the same time all three can also be followed by certain suffixes. When this happens, the final -ki always appears as the abbreviated allomorph -k-, the attributive -si may appear either in its full form -si, or as the abbreviated allomorph -s-, and the evidential -sika always remains unchanged. When found in a word-final position, each of the three suppletive forms has just one allomorph. chart 78 Combinations of the past auxiliaries -ki, -si, and -sika with following suffixes

suffixes

final -ki

attributive -si

evidential -sika

tentative -(a)mnominalizer -(a)ku conditional -(a)mba conjunctive -mba concessive -ⁿdǝ[mǝ]

-k-em-* – -k-emba* – –

– -si-ku -s-emba* – –

– – – -sika-mba -sika-ⁿdǝ[mǝ]

Note: * The morphological segmentation is conditional, because -k-em-, -k-emba and -s-emba are derived from *-ki-am-, *-ki-amba and *-si-amba respectively, with the sequence *ia resulting in the vowel /e/ with a morphemic boundary inside it. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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The past auxiliaries -ki, -si, and -sika follow the converb form like other auxiliaries, but in the case of the irregular verbs kǝ- ‘to come’ and se- ‘to do’ the resulting forms are irregular. We would expect forms *k-i-ki, *k-i-si,91 *k-i-sika, *s-i-si, and *s-i-sika, but as a matter of fact we find the following mostly irregular forms: chart 79 Combinations of the past auxiliaries -ki, -si, and -sika with the verbs kǝ- ‘to come’ and se- ‘to do’

past auxiliaries

kǝ- ‘to come’

se- ‘to do’

final -ki attributive -si evidential -sika

– kǝ-si kǝ-sika**

s-i-k-, s-i-ki(?)* se-si se-sika

Note: * The final past form si-ki is cited by Omodaka et al. (1967: 236), but no examples are provided, and I was myself unable to find examples of *s-i-ki used in isolation. The bound form s-i-k- is attested as a part of the past tentative form s-i-k-em-, see MYS 15.3688 below. ** Attested only in partially phonographic writing KƏ-sika (see MYS 9.1751 below), but Eastern Old Japanese kǝ-sika attested phonographically in MYS 14.3531 (see below) confirms this form and not *k-i-sika.

Therefore, synchronically it looks like that in the most forms in the Chart 79 with the exception of s-i-k-, the past auxiliaries follow not the converb, but the stems of the verbs kǝ- ‘to come’ and se- ‘to do.’ It is certainly possible that originally past auxiliaries were suffixes that were reanalyzed as auxiliaries after consonant verbs, but remained affixes after irregular and vowel verbs (since the converb forms of vowel verbs coincide with their stems, it is possible to claim that past markers are also suffixes that follow stems and not converbs). Nevertheless, it seems that analyzing the past forms kǝ-si, kǝ-sika, se-si, and se-sika as irregular contractions from *kǝ-i-si, *kǝ-i-sika, *se-i-si, and *se-i-sika seems to be the simplest explanation, further supported by the past tentative form s-i-k-em- ‘probably did’ of the verb se- ‘to do,’ where the past final -k- follows the expected converb s-i-, and not the stem se-. Since the past auxiliaries are represented by three suppletive forms, I am going to present the combinations with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliaries separately for each form. 91  Yoshida Kanehiko claims that there is one example of the past conditional k-i-s-emba (1973: 638). However, this example is found in MYS 10.2148, where the k-i part is written logographically with the character 來. Therefore, there is no evidence that this character should be read as *k-i rather than kǝ-. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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Verbs

chart 80 Combinations of the past final -ki with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliariesa

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

converb -i ~ -∅ negative converb -aⁿz-u progressive converb -er-iperfective converb -teperfective converb -n-i-

-i-ki ~ -ki -aⁿz-u-ki, -anz-u-k-er-i-ki -te-ki -n-i-ki

a Since the past final -ki can follow only the converbs in -i ~ -∅ and -u, I have also provided in this chart the suffixes and bound auxiliaries that precede these converbs.

The past final -ki is a portmanteau morpheme that combines functions of the past with final predication. The past final -ki can also be followed by the nominaliser -aku, resulting in the special form -k-eku (see also section 3.2.2.3.3). This form is attested only three times in two texts (KK 44 and NK 36). chart 81

Combinations of the past attributive -si with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliariesa

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

converb -i ~ -∅ honorific converb -asprogressive converb -er-iperfective converb -teperfective converb -n-iperfective-progressive converb -tar-i

-i-si ~ -si -as-i-si -er-i-si -te-si -n-i-si -tar-i-si

a Since the past attributive -si can follow only the converbs in -i ~ -∅, I have also provided in this chart the suffixes and bound auxiliaries that precede these converbs.

The past attributive -si is a portmanteau morpheme that combines the functions of the past with any of the possible functions of the attributive: attributive, nominalizer, and final predication. It must be kept in mind that most of the past forms attested in Western Old Japanese are represented by the past attributive, since the past final and past evidential are quite rare and represent only a tiny fraction of all examples. From this perspective it is instructive that the past attributive is attested only with one extra preceding marker as compared to the past final and only two Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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Chapter 6

extra markers as compared to the past evidential. Moreover, the overlap of the combinations seems to be significant, too, as it indicates that in most cases past auxiliaries are preceded by aspectual markers. chart 82 Combinations of the past evidential -sika with preceding suffixes and bound auxiliariesa

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

converb -i ~ -∅ passive converb -(a)yeperfective converb -n-i-

-i-sika ~ -sika -ǝye-sika-n-i-sika

a Since the past attributive -sika can follow only the converbs in -i ~ -∅, I have also provided in this chart the suffixes and bound auxiliaries that are precede these converbs.

The past evidential -sika is a portmanteau morpheme that combines functions of the past with the evidential. Examples of the past auxiliaries: (1) Final form -ki: 奴那波久理波閇祁久斯良迩

nunapa kur-i-papɛ-k-eku sir-an-i water.shield pull.in-CONV-make.stretch(CONV)-PAST/FIN-NML know-NEGCONV not knowing that [you] pulled in the water shield (KK 44) 阿由比能古須受淤知爾岐

ayupi-nǝ ko-suⁿzu oti-n-i-ki trousers.cord-GEN DIM-bell fall(CONV)-PERF-CONV-PAST/FIN the small bell from the trousers’ cord fell off (KK 82) 奴那波区利破陪鶏区辞羅珥 … 比辞餓羅能佐辞鶏区辞羅珥

nunapa kur-i-papɛ-k-eku sirani … pisi-ŋ-gara-nǝ sas-i-k-eku sir-an-i water.shield pull.in-CONV-make.stretch(CONV)-PAST/FIN-NML know-NEGCONV … water.chestnut-GEN-stalk-GEN grow-CONV-PAST/FIN-NML know-NEG-CONV not knowing that [you] pulled in the water shield … not knowing that the stalk of the water chestnut grew (NK 36)

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831

Verbs 伊喩之之乎都那遇舸播杯能倭柯矩娑能倭柯倶阿利岐騰阿我謨婆儺倶爾

i-y-u sisi-wo tunaŋg-u kapa pe-nǝ waka kusa-nǝ waka-ku ar-i-ki tǝ a-ŋga [o]mopan-aku n-i shoot-PASS-ATTR game.animal-ACC follow-ATTR river side-GEN young grassCOMP young-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/FIN DV I-POSS think-NEG-NML DVCONV I do not think [he] was [as] young as young grass on the river side where [we] followed a game animal that was shot, but … (NK 117) 従情毛吾者不念寸

KƏKƏRƏ-YU mo A pa OMƏP-AⁿZ-U-ki heart-ABL FP I TOP think-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN I did not think even in my heart (MYS 4.601) 従情毛我者不念寸

KƏKƏRƏ-YU mo A pa OMƏP-AⁿZ-U-ki heart-ABL FP I TOP think-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN I did not think even in my heart (MYS 4.609) 美多多志世利斯伊志遠多礼美吉

mi-tat-as-i s-er-i-si isi tare mi-ki HON-stand-HON-NML do-PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR stone who see(CONV)PAST/FIN who saw the stone on which [she] took [her] stand? (MYS 5.869) 佐容比賣我必礼布理伎等敷吉民萬通良楊満

Sayo-pime-ŋga pire pur-i-ki tǝ [i]p-u kimi-mat-ura yama Sayo-pime-POSS long.scarf wave-CONV-PAST/FIN DV say-ATTR lord-wait-bay mountain the “Wait-for-[my]-lord bay mountain” where [they] say Sayo-pime waved [her] long scarf (MYS 5.883) 現毛夢毛吾者不思寸

UTUTU-NI mo IMƐ-NI mo WARE pa OMƏP-AⁿZ-U-ki reality-LOC FP dream-LOC FP I TOP think-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN I did not think either in reality or in a dream (MYS 11.2601)

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彼夜者吾毛宿毛寐金手寸

SƏNƏ YO pa WARE mo I mo NE-kane-te-ki that night TOP I FP sleep FP sleep(CONV)-NEG/ POT(CONV)-PERF-CONV-PAST/FIN I was also unable to sleep that night (MYS 13.3269) 於吉都奈美多可久多都日尓安敝利伎等美夜古能比等波伎吉弖家牟可母

oki-tu nami taka-ku tat-u PI-ni ap-er-i-ki tǝ miyako-nǝ pitǝ pa kik-i-te-k-em-u kamǝ offing-GEN/LOC wave high-CONV rise-ATTR day-DAT meet-PROG-CONVPAST/FIN DV capital-GEN person TOP hear-CONV-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ FIN-TENT-ATTR EP I wonder whether people in the capital might have heard that [we] met with a day when waves in the offing rose high (MYS 15.3675) 可敝里家流比等伎多礼里等伊比之可婆保等保登之尓吉

kaper-i-ker-u pitǝ k-i-tar-er-i tǝ ip-i-sika-mba potǝpotǝ sin-i-ki return-CONV-RETR-ATTR person come-CONV-PERF/PROG-PROG-FIN DV sayCONV-PAST/EV-CON almost die-CONV-PAST/FIN Because [they] said that a person, who returned [from exile], had come [to the capital], [I] almost died [from joy] (MYS 15.3772) 布治奈美波佐岐弖知里尓伎

puⁿdi nami pa sak-i-te tir-i-n-i-ki wisteria wave TOP bloom-CONV-SUB fall-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/FIN The waves of wisteria had bloomed and fell completely (MYS 17.3993) 久母我久理可氣理伊尓伎等

kumǝ-ŋ-gakur-i kakɛr-i in-i-ki tǝ cloud-LOC-hide-CONV soar-CONV go.away-CONV-PAST/FIN DV [the old man] said that [the hawk] soared [into the sky] disappearing in the clouds, and flew away (MYS 17.4011) 由利毛安波牟等於母比曽米弖伎

yuri mo ap-am-u tǝ omǝp-i-sǝmɛ-te-ki future FP meet-TENT-FIN DV think-CONV-begin(CONV)-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ FIN [I] began to think that [we] would meet in the future, too (MYS 18.4087)

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833

Verbs 阿米能之多之良志賣之伎

amɛ-nǝ sita sirasimes-i-ki heaven-GEN under rule(HON)-CONV-PAST/FIN [emperors] ruled [the country] under Heaven (MYS 20.4360) (a) Special form -k- in past tentative -k-em-: 於夜那斯爾奈礼奈理鶏迷夜

oya na-si n-i nare nar-i-k-em-ɛ ya parent no-FIN DV-CONV you be.born-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-EV IP Were you possibly born without parents? [Certainly not!] (NK 104) 遠等咩良何遠等咩佐備周等可羅多麻乎多母等爾麻可志余知古良等手多豆 佐波利提阿蘇比家武

wotǝme-ra-ŋga wotǝme sambï s-u tǝ kara tama-wo tamǝtǝ-ni mak-as-i yǝti ko-ra-tǝ TE taⁿdusapar-i-te asomb-i-k-em-u maiden-PLUR-POSS maiden like do-FIN DV China jewel-ACC wrist-LOC wrapHON-CONV same.age child-PLUR-COM hand hold-CONV-SUB play-CONVPAST/FIN-TENT-FIN The maidens, thinking to behave like maidens, wrap their wrists with [bracelets made of] Chinese jewels, and would play holding hands with girls of the same age (MYS 5.804) 迦具漏伎可美爾伊都乃麻可斯毛乃布利家武

kaŋ-guro-ki kami-ni itu-nǝ ma ka simo-nǝ pur-i-k-em-u INT-black-ATTR hair-LOC when-CEN interval IP frost-GEN fall-CONV-PAST/ FIN-TENT-ATTR at what point in time, the frost would have fallen on [their] pitch-black hair? (MYS 5.804) 多太未可母安夜麻知之家牟

taⁿda mï kamǝ ayamat-i s-i-k-em-u direct body EP mistake-NML do-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR Did [he] probably make a mistake himself, I wonder? (MYS 15.3688) 佐夜麻太乃乎治我其日爾母等米安波受家牟

sa Yamaⁿda n-ǝ woⁿdi-ŋga SƏNƏ PI-ni mǝtǝmɛ ap-aⁿz-u-k-em-u so Yamaⁿda DV-ATTR old.man-POSS that day-LOC search(CONV) meet-NEGCONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN So, old man Yamaⁿda searched for [him] on that day, [but] did not find [him] (MYS 17.4014) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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惠美々惠末須毛宇知奈氣支可多里家末久

wem-i mi wem-aⁿz-u mo uti-naŋgɛk-i katar-i-k-em-aku smile-CONV ? smile-NEG-CONV FP PREF-sigh-CONV talk-CONV-PAST/FINTENT-NML the fact that [both of you] were probably talking, and sighing, smiling and not smiling (MYS 18.4106) (b) The special form -k- in the past conditional -k-emba is a rare form which occurs in one text attested twice in two different scripts: 斯漏多陀牟岐麻迦受祁婆許曾斯良受登母伊波米 (KK script) 辞漏多娜武枳摩箇儒鶏麼虚曾辞羅儒等茂伊波梅 (NK script)

siro taⁿdamuki mak-aⁿz-u-k-emba kǝsǝ sir-aⁿz-u tǝ mǝ92 ip-am-ɛ white arm use.as.a.pillow-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN-COND FP know-NEG-FIN DV FP say-TENT-EV if [I] did not use [your] white arms as a pillow, [you] could even say that [you] do not know [me] (KK 61, NK 58) (2) Attributive form -si:

和賀韋泥斯伊毛波和須禮士

wa-ŋga wi ne-si imo pa wasure-ⁿzi I-POSS bring(CONV) sleep(CONV)-PAST/ATTR beloved TOP forget-NEG/TENT [I] would not forget [my] beloved, whom I brought with [me] and slept with (KK 8) 袁夜迩須賀多多美伊夜佐夜斯岐弖和賀布多理泥斯

wo-ya-ni suŋga-tatami iya-saya sik-i-te wa-ŋga puta-ri ne-si DIM-house-LOC sedge-mat rustling spread-CONV-SUB we-POSS two-CL sleep(CONV)-PAST/ATTR in a little hut two of us slept [together] spreading rustling sedge mats (KK 19) In this example we have the past attributive -si that is used as a form of final predication without a preceding particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, ya, or ka.

92  N K has unspecified mo here.

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835

Verbs 麻都理許斯美岐叙阿佐受袁勢

matur-i-kǝ-si mi-ki ⁿzǝ as-anz-u wos-e present(HUM)-CONV-come(CONV)-PAST/ATTR HON-rice.wine FP shallowNEG-CONV drink(HON)-IMP Drink the presented rice wine deeply! (KK 39) 阿波志斯袁美那迦母賀登和賀美斯古良迦久母賀登

ap-as-i-si womina ka mǝŋga tǝ wa-ŋga mi-si ko-ra ka-ku mǝŋga tǝ meet-HON-CONV-PAST/ATTR woman that DP DV I-POSS see(CONV)-PAST/ ATTR girl-DIM thus-CONV DP DV [I] think [I] wish that [much] the woman [I] met; [I] think [I] wish this [much] the girl I saw (KK 42) 古波嚢塢等綿阿羅素破儒泥辞区塢之叙于蘆波辞彌茂布

Kopaⁿda wotǝme arasop-aⁿz-u ne-si-ku-wo si ⁿzǝ urupasi-mi [o]mop-u Kopaⁿda maiden resist-NEG-CONV sleep(CONV)-PAST/ATTR-NML-ACC EP FP loving-GER think-ATTR [I] think lovingly about the fact that a Kopaⁿda maiden slept [with me] without resisting (NK 38) 伊豆久欲利枳多利斯物能曾

iⁿduku-yori k-i-tar-i-si mǝnǝ sǝ where-ABL come-CONV-PERF/PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR thing FP Where did [you] come from? (MYS 5.802) 伊豆久由可斯和何伎多利斯

iⁿduku-yu ka siwa-ŋga k-i-tar-i-si where-ABL IP wrinkle-POSS come-CONV-PERF/PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR Where did the wrinkles come from? (MYS 5.804) The attributive form in this example is triggered by the interrogative particle ka. 伊刀良斯弖伊波比多麻比斯麻多麻奈須布多都能伊斯

i-tor-as-i-te ipap-i-tamap-i-si ma-tama-nasu puta-tu n-ǝ isi DLF-hold-HON-CONV-SUB pray-CONV-HON-CONV-PAST/ATTR INT-jewelCOMP two-CL DV-ATTR stone holding two stones like real jewels that [she] was praying to … (MYS 5.813)

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836

Chapter 6

美多多志世利斯伊志遠多礼美吉

mi-tat-as-i s-er-i-si isi tare mi-ki HON-stand-HON-NML do-PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR stone who see(CONV)PAST/FIN who saw the stone on which [she] took (lit.: did) [her] stand? (MYS 5.869) 來之久毛知久相流君可聞

KƏ-si-ku mo siru-ku AP-Er-u KIMI kamo come(CONV)-PAST/ATTR-NML FP useful-CONV meet-PROG-ATTR lord EP [it] was useful that [I] had come, [as] I met you! (MYS 8.1577) 妹等安里之時者安礼杼毛和可礼弖波許呂母弖佐牟伎母能尓曽安里家流

IMO-tǝ ar-i-si TƏKI pa ar-e-ⁿdǝmo wakare-te pa kǝrǝmǝⁿde samu-ki mǝnǝ n-i sǝ ar-i-ker-u beloved-COM exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR time TOP exist-EV-CONC separate (CONV)-SUB TOP sleeve cold-ATTR thing DV-CONV FP exist-CONVRETR-ATTR Although there was a time when [I] was with [my] beloved, after [we] separated, [my] sleeves are cold (MYS 15.3591) 安我未許曾世伎夜麻故要弖許己爾安良米許己呂波伊毛爾与里爾之母能乎

a-ŋga mï kǝsǝ seki yama koye-te kǝkǝ-ni ar-am-ɛ kǝkǝrǝ pa imo-ni yǝr-i-n-i-si mǝnǝwo I-POSS body FP barrier mountain cross(CONV)-SUB here-LOC exist-TENT-EV heart TOP beloved-DAT approach-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR CONJ My body has crossed barriers and mountains, and is probably here. But [my] heart stayed near [my] beloved! (MYS 15.3757) 挿頭尓将為跡我念之櫻花

KAⁿZASI n-i SE-M-U tǝ A-ŋGA OMƏP-I-si SAKURA-NƏ PANA head.ornament DV-CONV do-TENT-FIN DV I-POSS think-CONV-PAST/ATTR sakura-GEN blossom [I] think [I] want to make sakura blossoms about which I thought into a head ornament (MYS 16.3786) 麻佐吉久登伊比低之物能乎

ma-saki-ku tǝ ip-i-te-si MƏnǝwo INT-safe-CONV DV say-CONV-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ATTR CONJ Although [I] have said that [I return] safely (MYS 17.3958)

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837

Verbs 比登母等能奈泥之故宇惠之

pitǝ-mǝtǝ n-ǝ naⁿdesiko uwe-si one-CL DV-ATTR carnation plant(CONV)-PAST/ATTR [I] planted one carnation (MYS 18.4070) In this example we have the past attributive form -si that is used as a form of final predication without a preceding particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, ya, or ka. 伊爾志加多知与乃都美佐閇保呂夫止曾伊布

in-i-si kata ti yǝ-nǝ tumi sapɛ porǝmb-u tǝ sǝ ip-u go-CONV-PAST/ATTR side thousand life-GEN sin RP disappear-FIN DV FP say-ATTR [they] say that even the sins of one thousand former lives will disappear (BS 17) 美麻斯乃父止坐天皇乃美麻斯尓賜志天下

mimasi-nǝ TITI tǝ IMAS-U SUMERA-MIKƏTƏ-nǝ mimasi-ni TAMAP-I-si AMƐNƏ SITA you-GEN father DV exist(HON)-ATTR emperor-deity-GEN you-DAT give(HON)CONV-PAST/ATTR heaven-GEN bottom the land under Heaven that the emperor-deity, who is your father, gave to you (SM 5) (a) Special form -s- in the past conditional -s-emba: 比登都麻都比登迩阿理勢婆

pitǝ-tu matu pitǝ n-i ar-i-s-emba one-CL pine person DV-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND if a lone pine were a person (KK 29) 多遅比怒迩泥牟登斯理勢波多都碁母母母知弖許志母能

Taⁿdipi no-ni ne-m-u tǝ sir-i-s-emba tat-u-ŋ-gǝmǝ mǝ mǝt-i-te kǝ-masi mǝnǝ Taⁿdipi field-LOC sleep-TENT-FIN DV know-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND standATTR-rush.mat FP hold-CONV-SUB come-SUBJ CONJ If [I] would know that [I] will sleep at the Taⁿdipi field, [I] would also bring a standing rush mat (KK 75)

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838

Chapter 6

柯彼能矩盧古磨矩羅枳制播伊志歌孺阿羅磨志

Kapï-nǝ kuro koma kura ki-s-emba i-sik-aⁿz-u ar-amasi Kapï-GEN black stallion saddle put.on(CONV)-PAST/ATTR-COND DLF-reachNEG-CONV exist-SUBJ if [he] would put a saddle on the black stallion from Kapï, [he] would not reach here [on time] (NK 81a) 宇良志麻能古我多麻久志義阿気受阿理世波麻多母阿波麻志遠

Urasima-nǝ ko-ŋga tama kusiŋgɛ akɛ-ⁿz-u ar-i-s-emba mata mǝ ap-amasi-wo Urasima-GEN child-POSS jewel box open-NEG-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/ ATTR-COND again FP meet-SUBJ-ACC If the boy Urasima did not open the jewel box, [he] would meet again [the dragon’s daughter], but [it did not happen] (FK 15) 和伎毛故我可多美能許呂母奈可里世婆奈爾毛能母弖加伊能知都我麻之

wa-ŋg-imo-ko-ŋga katami n-ǝ kǝrǝmǝ na-k-ar-i-s-emba nani monǝ mǝt-e ka inǝti tuŋg-amasi I-POSS-beloved-DIM-POSS keepsake DV-ATTR garment no-CONV-exist-CONVPAST/ATTR-COND what thing hold-EV IP life continue-SUBJ If [I] did not have a garment of my beloved as a keepsake, would having anything keep [me] alive? (MYS 15.3733) 家布毛可母美也故奈里世婆見麻久保里尓之能御馬屋乃刀尓多弖良麻之

kepu mo kamǝ miyako-n-ar-i-s-emba MI-m-aku por-i nisi-nǝ MI-MAYA-nǝ to-ni tat-er-amasi today FP EP capital-LOC-exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND see-TENT-NML desire-CONV west-GEN HON-stable-GEN outside-LOC stand-PROG-SUBJ If [I] were in the capital today, too, [I] would be standing outside the Western Imperial Stables, wanting to see [you]! (MYS 15.3776) 安佐之保美知尓与流許都美可比尓安里世婆都刀尓勢麻之乎

asa sipo mit-i-ni yǝr-u kǝtumi kapi n-i ar-i-s-emba tuto n-i se-masi-wo morning tide full-NML-LOC approach-ATTR trash shellfish DV-CONV existCONV-PAST/ATTR-COND souvenir DV-CONV do-SUBJ-ACC if the trash that is brought up by the full morning tide were shellfish, [I] would bring [it] as a souvenir, but … (MYS 20.4396)

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839

Verbs

(3) Evidential form -sika: 古波陀袁登売袁迦微能碁登岐許延斯迦杼母阿比麻久良麻久

Kopaⁿda wotǝme-wo kamï-nǝ ŋgǝtǝ kik-ǝye-sika-ⁿdǝmǝ api-makuramak-u Kopaⁿda maiden-ABS deity-GEN like hear-PASS(CONV)-PAST/EV-CONC RECpillow-FIN Although [it] is rumored that the maiden from Kopaⁿda is like a deity, [we] slept together (lit.: pillowed each other) (KK 45) 烏智可柂能阿娑努能枳枳始騰余謀佐儒倭例播祢始柯騰比騰曾騰余謀須

woti kata-nǝ asa-no-nǝ kikisi tǝyǝm-os-aⁿz-u ware pa ne-sika-ⁿdǝ pitǝ sǝ tǝyǝm-os-u that side-GEN Asa-field-GEN pheasant sound-CAUS-NEG-CONV I TOP sleep(CONV)-PAST/EV-CONC person FP sound-CAUS-ATTR Although I slept without letting pheasants from the Asa field on yonder side cry, [other] people let [them] cry (NK 110) 神登座尓之可婆

KAMU-NƏmBOR-I-IMAS-I-n-i-sika-mba deity-climb-CONV-go(HON)-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/EV-CON when [she] divinely went up [to Heaven] (MYS 2.167) 昨日己曽吾超來壮鹿

KINƏPU kǝsǝ WA-ŋGA KOYE-KƏ-sika yesterday FP we-POSS cross(CONV)-come(CONV)-PAST/EV we crossed over yesterday (MYS 8.1751) The evidential form in this example is triggered by the focus particle kǝsǝ. 可敝里家流比等伎多礼里等伊比之可婆保等保登之尓吉

kaper-i-ker-u pitǝ k-i-tar-er-i tǝ ip-i-sika-mba potǝpotǝ sin-i-ki return-CONV-RETR-ATTR person come-CONV-PERF/PROG-PROG-FIN DV sayCONV-PAST/EV-CON almost die-CONV-PAST/FIN Because [they] said that a person, who returned [from exile], had come [to the capital], [I] almost died [from joy] (MYS 15.3772) 昨日許曽敷奈弖婆勢之可

KINƏPU kǝsǝ puna-[i]ⁿde se-sika yesterday FP boat-exit(NML) do(CONV)-PAST/EV Yesterday [we] sailed out (MYS 17.3893) The evidential form in this example is triggered by the focus particle kǝsǝ.

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840

Chapter 6

Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The past auxiliaries are also attested in Eastern Old Japanese, although the past final form -ki occurs only as the reduced allomorph -k- in the past tentative -k-em-. In addition, the past evidential -sika is attested only in four examples and only in book 14. Thus, the attributive -si also rules supreme in Eastern Old Japanese. (1) The final form -ki is attested only twice as (a) the special form -k- in the past tentative -k-em-: 刀奈布倍美許曽奈爾与曾利鶏米

tonap-umbɛ-mi kǝsǝ na-ni yǝsǝr-i-k-em-ɛ recite-DEB-GER FP you-DAT approach-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-EV as [I] had to recite [the magic formula], [I] approached you (MYS 14.3468) The evidential form in this example is triggered by the focus particle kǝsǝ. 奈爾須礼曾波波登布波奈乃佐吉泥己受祁牟

nani s-ure sǝ papa tǝ [i]p-u pana-nǝ sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-ⁿz-u-k-em-u what do-EV FP mother DV say-ATTR flower-GEN bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)come-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR why (lit.: having done what) has the flower called ‘Mother’ not bloomed? (MYS 20.4323) (2) Attributive form -si: 多知和可礼伊爾之与比欲利世呂爾安波奈布与

tat-i-wakare in-i-si yǝpi-yori se-rǝ-ni ap-an-ap-u yǝ depart-CONV-part(CONV) go.away-CONV-PAST/ATTR night-ABL belovedDIM-DAT meet-NEG-ITER-FIN EP from the night when [we] parted and [he] went away, [I] never met [my] beloved! (MYS 14.3375) 与曾爾見之欲波伊麻許曾麻左礼

yǝsǝ-ni MI-si-yo pa ima kǝsǝ masar-e distance-LOC see(CONV)-PAST/ATTR-ABL TOP now FP surpass-EV rather than having seen [you] in the distance, [your loveliness] is greater now! (MYS 14.3417)

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841

Verbs 古非都追母乎良牟等須礼杼遊布麻夜万可久礼之伎美乎於母比可祢都母

kopï-tutu mǝ wor-am-u tǝ s-ure-ⁿdǝ yupuma yama kakure-si kimi-wo omǝp-ikane-t-umǝ long.for(CONV)-COOR FP exist-TENT-FIN DV do-EV-CONC Yupuma mountain hide(CONV)-PAST/ATTR lord-ACC think-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)PERF-EXCL Although [I] was going to continue to long for [you], [I] cannot [bear] thoughts about my lord, who hid [himself] on the Yupuma mountain! (MYS 14.3475) 思良久毛能多要爾之伊毛乎阿是西呂等

sira kumo-nǝ taye-n-i-si imo-wo aⁿze se-rǝ tǝ white cloud-COMP break.off(CONV)-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR beloved-ACC how do-IMP DV what (lit.: how) [should I] do about [my] beloved who separated from [me] like a white cloud (MYS 14.3517) 於保夫祢乎倍由毛登母由毛可多米提之

opo-m-bune-wo pɛ-yu mo tǝmǝ-yu mo katamɛ-te-si big-DV(ATTR)-boat-ACC bow-ABL FP stern-ABL FP secure(CONV)-PERF(CONV)PAST/ATTR [our relationship], secured [by ropes like a] big boat both from the bow and from the stern (MYS 14.3559) 曽我比尓宿思久伊麻之久夜思母

sǝŋgap-i n-i NE-si-ku ima si kuyasi-mǝ turn.away-NML DV-CONV sleep(CONV)-PAST/ATTR-NML now EP be.regretfulEXCL now [I] regret that [we] slept turning away [from each other]! (MYS 14.3577) 知々波々我可之良加伎奈弖佐久安礼天伊比之氣等婆是和須礼加祢豆流

titi papa-ŋga kasira kaki-naⁿde sa-ku ar-e te ip-i-si kɛtǝmba ⁿze wasure-kane-t-uru father mother-POSS head PREF-stroke(CONV) safe-CONV exist-IMP DV sayCONV-PAST/ATTR word FP forget(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-ATTR [I] cannot forget the words: “Be safe!” that [my] father and mother said, stroking [my] head (MYS 20.4346)

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842

Chapter 6

伊弖久礼婆和努等里都伎弖伊比之古奈波毛

iⁿde-k-ure-mba wanu tǝr-i-tuk-i-te ip-i-si ko-na pa mǝ exit(CONV)-come-EV-CON I cling.to-CONV-attach-CONV-SUB say-CONVPAST/ATTR girl-DIM TOP EP when [I] left [the house], oh, [that] girl who clung to me and complained (MYS 20.4358) 以弊乃母加枳世之己呂母尓阿加都枳尓迦理

ipe-nǝ [i]mǝ-ŋga ki-se-si kǝrǝmǝ-ni aka tuk-i-n-i-kar-i home-GEN beloved-POSS wear-CAUS(CONV)-PAST/ATTR garment-LOC dirt attach-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-FIN dirt stuck to the garment that my beloved at home made [me] wear (MYS 20.4388) (3) Evidential form -sika: 麻萬能手兒奈我安里之可婆麻末乃於須比尓奈美毛登杼呂尓

mama-nǝ teŋgo-na-ŋga ar-i-sika-mba mama-nǝ osu-pi-ni nami mo tǝⁿdǝrǝ n-i cliff-GEN girl-DIM-POSS exist-CONV-PAST/EV-CON cliff-GEN rock-shore-LOC wave FP rumbling DV-CONV when a girl from the cliffs lived [there, it] was [like] the rumbling noise of waves on the rocky shore of the cliffs (MYS 14.3385) 左宿佐寐弖許曽己登尓弖尓思可

sa ne sa ne-te kǝsǝ kǝtǝ-ni [i]ⁿde-n-i-sika thus sleep(CONV) thus sleep(CONV)-SUB FP word-LOC exit(CONV)-PERFCONV-PAST/EV [we] slept in this way, slept in this way, and [it] has become [people’s] gossip (MYS 14.3497) The evidential form in this example is triggered by the focus particle kǝsǝ. 伎曽許曽波兒呂等左宿之香

kisǝ kǝsǝ pa KO-rǝ-tǝ sa-NE-sika last.night FP TOP girl-DIM-COM PREF-sleep(CONV)-PAST/EV Last night [I] slept together with [my] girl (MYS 14.3522) The evidential form in this example is triggered by the focus particle kǝsǝ.

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Verbs

843

伊母乎許曽安比美尓許思可

imǝ-wo kǝsǝ api-mi-ni kǝ-sika beloved-ACC FP REC-see(NML)-LOC come(CONV)-PAST/EV [I] came to meet with [my] beloved (MYS 14.3531) The evidential form in this example is triggered by the focus particle kǝsǝ. A2: Ryukyuan There is only one example of the past attributive -si in Old Ryukyuan (Torigoe 1968: 193): Old Ryukyuan わかさあしときやよろいゑらてきちや物

waka-sa a-si toki ya yoroi wera-te ki-tiya MONO young-NML exist-PAST/ATTR time TOP armor select-SUB wear-PAST/ATTR thing When [I] was young, [I] selected armor and wore [it] (OS 7.380) Since there are no other traces of the past auxiliaries in any other variety of Ryukyuan, this singular example should be treated as a loan from Middle Japanese. Thus, we can only reconstruct the Proto-Japanese past auxiliaries *-si, and *-sika. In addition, since as we have seen above, the evidence for EOJ -k- is questionable, it seems that the reconstruction of the past final *-ki beyond pre-WOJ would be also questionable. Level B: External Comparisons I am guilty of introducing the comparison of WOJ -ki with the Middle Korean perfective suffix -ke, -ka- ~ -Ge- ~ -Ga-, e.g., tina-ke-n ‘passed,’ ni-ke-n-i ‘the one who went’ (Vovin 2001: 192). Middle Korean cwuk-taka sal-Ge-n poykseng die-TRANSF live-PERF-ATTR people people who were dying, but survived (YP 25) The past marker -ki is found only in Western Old Japanese and Middle Japanese which both belong to Central Japanese; there are no Ryukyuan attestations,

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and even Eastern Old Japanese attestations, as we saw above, are limited. Therefore, the distribution suggests that this marker was borrowed from Old Korean. The difference in vocalism is significant, but one can speculate that it was borrowed as pre-WOJ *-ke, which then underwent raising *e > i. In addition, it must be noted that while the MK perfective -ke- is an inflectional marker, WOJ -ki is clearly an auxiliary, because it follows the converb form.93 4.1.2 Word-Non-Final Bound Auxiliaries There are seven word-non-final auxiliaries in Western Old Japanese: the perfectives -n- and -te-, perfective-progressive -tar-, the retrospective -ker-, the potential -kate-, the negative potential -kane-, and the benefactive -kǝse-. 4.1.2.1 Perfective -nThis perfective auxiliary has just one allomorph -n-. It is one of the most versatile morphological markers in Western Old Japanese, as it can co-occur with eventually every other morpheme within the same verbal form. The outstanding exceptions are the causatives, the perfective -te-, the progressive -er-, the imperative -e, and the negative imperative -una. While the absence of combinations with the perfective -te- and the progressive -er- is to be expected, since both are aspectual markers like -n-, the lack of combinations with the causatives and the imperative is significant for the understanding of the real function of the perfective -n- and its difference from the perfective -te- that can combine with the causatives and the imperative. I will return to this problem below when I discuss the function of -n-. The perfective auxiliary -n- does not combine with the negatives -(a)n- ~ -(a)ⁿz- directly either, but these negatives can follow other auxiliaries that are attached to -n-, cf. nar-i-n-i-ker-aⁿz-u ‘did not become’ in MYS 5.817 below. The converb -i can either precede or follow the perfective auxiliary -n-. Converbs of the iterative -ap-, the honorific -as-, and the passive -(a)ye- precede the perfective -n- as shown in the chart below:

93  Whitman suggested a comparison of WOJ -ki with the MK deverbal nominalizing suffix -kí (Whitman 1985: 228–229). In addition to the fact that I disagree with Whitman that WOJ -ki might be originally a participial rather than final form—I trust that the examples given above effectively rule out such a possibility—there are three problems that prevent me from accepting this comparison. The first and second are the same as in the case of the comparison with MK -ke-: WOJ -ki is an auxiliary and not a suffix, and it has no reliable parallels in Eastern Old Japanese and no Ryukyuan cognates at all. Third, MK -kí is neutral to tense, while WOJ -ki is not.

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chart 83 Combinations of the perfective -n- with preceding suffixes in their converb form

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

converb -i ~ -∅ iterative converb -ap-ihonorific converb -as-ipassive converb -(a)ye-

-i-n- ~ -n-ap-i-n-as-i-n-(a)ye-n-

Many more suffixes and bound auxiliaries can be found after the perfective -nas the following chart demonstrates: chart 84 Combinations of the perfective -n- with following suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

converb -i ~ -∅ final -u attributive -(ur)u evidential -(ur)e tentative -(a)mtentative -(u)ramdesiderative -(a)na subjunctive -(a)masi conditional converb -(a)mba suppositional -urasi debitive -umbɛsubordinative converb -te perfective-progressive -tarcoordinative converb -tutu past final -ki past attributive -si past evidential -sika retrospective -kernominalizer -(a)ku conjunctive converb -mba concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ]

-n-i-n-u -n-uru -n-ure -n-am-n-uram-n-ana -n-amasi -n-amba -n-urasi -n-umbɛ-n-i-te -n-i-tar-a -n-i-tutu -n-i-ki -n-i-si -n-i-sika -n-i-ker-n-ur-aku -n-ure-mba -n-ure-ⁿdǝ[mǝ]

a Note that in Western Old Japanese the perfective-progressive -tar- can only follow the perfective -n-, while in Middle (Classical) Japanese -tar- can either follow or precede -n(Vovin 2003: 307). Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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It is quite clear that both -n- and -te- have the function of the perfective aspect, which shows that an action is completed or will be completed by a certain point in time. However, since there are two perfective markers, in order to understand properly the function of the perfective auxiliary -n- we must define it vis-à-vis the perfective auxiliary -te-. A considerable amount of ink has been spilled on the differences between the usage of -n- and -te-. This grammar is not the place to overview the history of this debate. The interested readers can consult my A Reference Grammar of Classical Japanese Prose, where the main conflicting opinions are mentioned (Vovin 2003: 305). I basically follow the theory of Elena M. Kolpakchi (1956: 121) that I will summarize below. Kolpakchi proposed that with an animate subject either -te- or -n- could be used with transitive verbs, but -n- was used predominantly with intransitive verbs. An inanimate subject could not have a transitive verbal predicate, and intransitive verbs with an inanimate subject could only be used with -n-. Therefore, inanimate subjects could not be linked with -te- (Kolpakchi 1956: 121). Thus the distribution of -n- and -te- would depend not only on the transitivity of a verb, but also on the animacy of a subject. I call this distribution Kolpakchi’s constraint: it shows that -te- cannot occur with inanimate subjects. It can be easily seen that the majority of the examples cited below reflect the combination of an inanimate subject with an intransitive verb. The next frequent category is the combination of an animate subject with an intransitive verb, and the combination of an animate subject with a transitive verb is represented by relatively few examples. At this point we should recollect that the perfective auxiliary -n- does not combine with causatives and imperative. The likeliest explanation for this oddity is that historically the perfective -nindicates the lack of animacy for the subject: naturally the inanimate subjects cannot be causators. An inanimate subject is also highly unlikely to give a command to another inanimate subject. Thus, the difference between the perfectives -n- and -te- probably indicated an animacy agreement in preWestern Old Japanese. Examples: (1) Animate subject + transitive verb with -n-: 伊多那加婆比登斯理奴倍志

ita nak-amba pitǝ sir-i-n-umbɛ-si extremely cry-COND person know-CONV-PERF-DEB-FIN if [I] cry loudly, people would have known (KK 83)

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847

Verbs 美夜故能提夫利和周良延尓家利

miyako-nǝ temburi wasur-aye-n-i-ker-i capital-GEN custom forget-PASS(CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-FIN it turned out that [I] have forgotten the customs of the capital (MYS 5.880) 奴延鳥乃能杼与比居爾伊等乃伎提短物乎端伎流等云之如楚取五十戸良我 許惠波寝屋度麻弖來立呼比奴

nuye-ⁿ-DƏRI-nǝ nǝⁿdǝyǝp-i-WOR-U-ni itǝ nǝkite MIⁿZIKA-KI MƏNƏ-wo PASI kir-u tǝ IP-ER-U-ŋGA ŋGƏTƏ-KU SIMOTƏ TƏR-U SATO-WOSA-ŋga kǝwe pa NE-YA-ⁿ-do-maⁿde K-I-TAT-I YOmB-Ap-i-n-u nuye-DV(ATTR)-bird-COMP cry in small voice-CONV-exist-ATTR-LOC very exceptionally short-ATTR thing-ACC end cut-FIN DV say-PROG-ATTRPOSS like-CONV whip take-ATTR village-headman-POSS voice TOP sleep(CONV)-house-GEN-door-TERM come-CONV-stand-CONV call-ITERCONV-PERF-FIN when [we] are crying in small voices like nuye birds, like [the proverb] says: ‘to cut the end of an already very short thing,’ the voice of the village headman, who came out holding a whip to the door of the house where [we] sleep, called [us] repeatedly (MYS 5.892) 遠妻四高尓有世婆不知十方手綱乃濱能尋來名益

TƏPO TUMA si TAKA-ni AR-I-s-emba SIR-AⁿZ-U tǝmo TAⁿDUNA-nǝ PAMA-nǝ TAⁿDUNE-K-I-n-amasi distant wife EP Taka-LOC exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND know-NEG-FIN CONJ [Tanduna-GEN beach-COMP—makura-kotoba] seek(CONV)-comeCONV-PERF-SUBJ If my wife, who is far away [from me], were in Taka, even if [I] did not know, [I] would come looking for [her] on Taⁿduna beach (MYS 9.1746) 熊來酒屋尓真奴良留奴和之佐須比立率而來奈麻之乎真奴良留奴和之

Kumaki SAKA-YA-ni MA nur-ar-u yatuko wasi sasup-i-tate WI-TE-K-I-n-amasi-wo MA nur-ar-u yatuko wasi Kumaki rice.wine-shop-LOC really scold-PASS-FIN fellow INTER invite-CONVput(CONV) bring(CONV)-SUB-come-CONV-PERF-SUBJ-ACC really scoldPASS-FIN fellow INTER Hey, fellow, [you] were really scolded at the Kumaki brewery. [I] would have invited and brought [you here], but … Hey, fellow, [you] were really scolded (MYS 16.3879)

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不言岐辞母言奴

IP-UMASIⁿZI-ki KƏTƏ mǝ IP-I-n-u say-NEG/POT-ATTR word FP say-CONV-PERF-FIN [he] also said words that [he] should not have said (SM 27) (2) Animate subject + intransitive verb with -n-: 和加久閇爾韋泥弖麻斯母能淤伊爾祁流加母

waka-ku pɛ-ni wi ne-te-masi mǝnǝ oyi-n-i-ker-u kamǝ young-CONV ?-LOC bring(CONV) sleep(CONV)-PERF-SUBJ CONJ age(CONV)PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP [I] would have brought [her with me] and have slept [with her] if [she] were young, but it turned out that [she] has become old, alas! (KK 93) 君尓因奈名

KIMI-ni YƏR-I-n-ana lord-DAT approach-CONV-PERF-DES [I] wanted to get close to you (MYS 2.114) 神登座尓之可婆

KAMU-NƏmBOR-I-IMAS-I-n-i-sika-mba deity-climb-CONV-go(HON)-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/EV-CON when [she] divinely went up [to Heaven] (MYS 2.167) 許許呂由母於母波奴阿比陀爾宇知那毘枳許夜斯努礼

kǝkǝrǝ-yu mǝ omǝp-an-u apiⁿda-ni uti-nambik-i kǝy-as-i-n-ure heart-ABL FP think-NEG-ATTR interval-LOC PREF-stretched.out-CONV lie. down-HON-CONV-PERF-EV while even in [my] heart [I] did not think, stretched out [she] was lying (MYS 5.794) 家布由伎弖阿須波吉奈武遠

kepu yuk-i-te asu pa k-i-n-am-u-wo today go-CONV-SUB tomorrow TOP come-CONV-PERF-TENT-ATTR-ACC I would go today and surely come back tomorrow, but … (MYS 5.870) 出波之利伊奈奈等思騰許良爾佐夜利奴

IⁿDE-pasir-i in-ana tǝ OMƏP-Ɛ-ⁿdǝ kǝ-ra-ni sayar-i-n-u exit(CONV)-run-CONV go.away-DES DV think-EV-CONC child-PLUR-DAT be.prevented-CONV-PERF-FIN

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although [I] think that [I] would like to run out and go away, [I] am prevented by [my] children (MYS 5.899) 空氣衝之相別去者

ana IKIⁿDUK-Asi API-WAKARE-n-amba INTER breathe-ADJ REC-part(CONV)-PERF-COND Oh, how lamentable! If [we] part with each other … (MYS 8.1454) 和可礼奈波宇良我奈之家武

wakare-n-amba ura-ŋ-ganasi-k-em-u part(CONV)-PERF-COND heart-LOC-sad-ATTR-TENT-FIN If [we] part, [I] would be sad in [my] heart … (MYS 15.3584) 氣奈我久之安礼婆古非尓家流可母

kɛ naŋga-ku si ar-e-mba kopï-n-i-ker-u94 kamǝ day long-CONV EP exist-EV-CON long.for(CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP because it has been a long time (lit.: days) [since we left], [I] have been longing for [the capital]! (MYS 15.3668) 奈美能宇倍由奈豆佐比伎尓弖

nami-nǝ upɛ-yu naⁿdusap-i k-i-n-i-te wave-GEN top-ABL be.tossed-CONV come-CONV-PERF-CONV-SUB [you] have come being tossed by the waves, and … (MYS 15.3691) 和我勢古我久爾敞麻之奈婆保等登芸須奈可牟佐都奇波佐夫之家牟可母

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga kuni-pe [i]mas-i-n-amba potǝtǝŋgisu nak-am-u sa-tukï pa sambusi-k-em-u kamǝ I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS land-DIR come(HON)-CONV-PERF-COND cuckoo cry-TENT-ATTR fifth-month TOP be.lonely-ATTR-TENT-ATTR EP

94  The verb kopï- ‘to long for’ is predominantly intransitive in Western Old Japanese, since in most cases it requires the dative case marker -ni on the object. Omodaka et al. notice that sometimes kopï- also takes the accusative -wo (1967: 307), but out of their three examples, one is from Eastern Old Japanese (MYS 20.4371) and one is from the Hitachi section of the Fudoki kayō (FK 5), so this usage could be influenced by Eastern Old Japanese, and only two examples appear to be genuine Western Old Japanese (MYS 4.489 and MYS 15.3631). Although they mention that there are other examples as well, I was not able to locate them. Therefore, it appears safer to analyze kopï- as an intransitive verb when there is no overt accusative marking.

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If my beloved would have [only] returned to [this] land, [because in] the fifth lunar month when the cuckoo will cry, [I] would be lonely! (MYS 17.3996) (3) Inanimate subject + intransitive verb with -n-: 阿由比能古須受淤知爾岐

ayupi-nǝ ko-suⁿzu oti-n-i-ki trousers.cord-GEN DIM-bell fall(CONV)-PERF-CONV-PAST/FIN the small bell from the trousers’ cord fell off (KK 82) 速來而母見手益物乎山背高槻村散去奚留鴨

PAYA K-I-TE mǝ MI-te-masi MƏNƏwo YAMASIRƏ-NƏ TAKA TUKÏ mura TIR-In-i-ker-u kamo fast come-CONV-SUB FP see(CONV)-PERF-SUBJ CONJ Yamasirǝ-GEN high zelkova group fall-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP Although [I] would come fast and look [at them], most of the high zelkova [trees’ flowers] in Yamasirǝ have fallen, alas! (MYS 3.277) 烏梅能波奈佐吉多留僧能能阿遠也疑波可豆良爾須倍久奈利爾家良受夜

uMƐ-nǝ pana sak-i-tar-u sǝnǝ-nǝ awo yaŋgï pa kaⁿdura n-i s-umbɛ-ku nar-in-i-ker-aⁿz-u ya plum-GEN blossom bloom-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR garden-GEN green willow TOP laurel DV-CONV do-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETRNEG-FIN IP Did not [it] become so that [we] should make [our] laurels out of the green willows in the garden where the plum blossoms have bloomed? (MYS 5.817) 烏梅能波奈佐企弖知理奈波佐久良婆那都伎弖佐久倍久奈利爾弖阿良受也

uMƐ-nǝ pana sak-i-te tir-i-n-amba sakura-m-bana tuŋg-i-te sak-umbɛ-ku nar-i-ni-te ar-aⁿz-u ya plum-GEN blossom bloom-CONV-SUB fall-CONV-PERF-COND sakura-GENblossom follow-CONV-SUB bloom-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONVSUB exist-NEG-FIN IP If the plum blossoms have bloomed and fallen, has [it] not become so that sakura blossoms should bloom after? (MYS 5.829) 久須利波牟用波美也古弥婆伊夜之吉阿何微麻多越知奴倍之

kusuri pam-u-yo pa miyako mi-mba iyasi-ki a-ŋga mï mata woti-n-umbɛ-si

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851

Verbs

medicine eat-ATTR-ABL TOP capital see-COND ignoble-ATTR I-POSS body again rejuvenate(CONV)-PERF-DEB-FIN rather than take the medicine, my ignoble body would have been rejuvenated again if [I] saw the capital (MYS 5.848) 天地者比呂之等伊倍杼安我多米波狭也奈里奴流

AMƐ TUTI pa pirǝ-si tǝ ip-ɛ-ⁿdǝ a-ŋga tamɛ pa SA-KU ya nar-i-n-uru heaven earth TOP wide-FIN say-EV-CONC I-POSS for TOP narrow-CONV IP become-CONV-PERF-ATTR Although [they] say that the Heaven and Earth are wide, have [not they] become narrow for me? (MYS 5.892) 伊布許等夜美霊剋伊乃知多延奴礼

ip-u kǝtǝ yam-i TAMA-KIPARU inǝti taye-n-ure say-ATTR thing stop-CONV jewel-? life cease-PERF-EV [he] stopped to speak, and [his] jewel-like life ended (MYS 5.904) 今者春部登成尓鷄類鴨

IMA pa PARU-pɛ tǝ nar-i-n-i-ker-u kamo now TOP spring-? DV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP [It] turned out that now [it] is (lit.: has become) spring! (MYS 8.1433) 春立奴良志

PARU TAT-I-n-urasi spring stand-CONV-PERF-SUP It seems that the spring has arrived (MYS 10.1819) 此夜等者沙夜深去良之

KƏNƏ YO-ra pa sa-YO PUKƐ-n-urasi this night-LOC TOP PREF-night deepen(CONV)-PERF-SUP It seems that (in this night) the night has grown deep (MYS 10.2224) 秋芽子乎落過沼蛇手折持雖見

AKI PA ŋGÏ-wo OTI-SU ŋGÏ-n-umbɛ-mi TA-WOR-I-MƏT-I MI-RE-ⁿDƏ autumn bush.clover-ACC fall(CONV)-pass(CONV)-PERF-DEB-GER handbreak-CONV-hold-CONV look-EV-CONC Because the autumn bush clover would have fallen, [I] broke [them] with [my] hand and looked, but … (MYS 10.2290)

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欲波安氣奴良之

yo pa akɛ-n-urasi night TOP brighten(CONV)-PERF-SUP It seems that [it] has dawned (MYS 15.3598) 和可礼弖比左尓奈里奴礼杼比登比母伊毛乎和須礼弖於毛倍也

wakare-te pisa n-i nar-i-n-ure-ⁿdǝ pitǝ pi mǝ imo-wo wasure-te omop-ɛ ya part(CONV)-SUB long DV-CONV become-CONV-PERF-EV-CONC one day FP beloved-ACC forget(CONV)-SUB think-EV IP although [it] has been long since [we] parted, would [I] think of forgetting my beloved even for one day? [Certainly not!] (MYS 15.3604) 可具呂伎可美尓都由曽於伎尓家類

kaŋ-gurǝ95-ki kami-ni tuyu sǝ ok-i-n-i-ker-u INT-black-ATTR hair-LOC dew FP put-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR [it] turned out that the dew fell on the pitch-black hair (MYS 15.3649) 於久都由之毛尓安倍受之弖京師乃山波伊呂豆伎奴良牟

ok-u tuyu simo-ni apɛ-ⁿz-u s-i-te MIYAKO-nǝ YAMA pa irǝⁿduk-i-n-uram-u fall-ATTR dew frost-LOC endure-NEG-NML do-CONV-SUB capital-GEN mountain TOP get.colored-CONV-PERF-TENT2-FIN not [being able to] endure the falling dew and frost, the mountains of the capital are probably already colored [with leaves] (MYS 15.3699) 伊母我麻都倍伎月者倍尓都々

imǝ-ŋga mat-umbɛ-ki TUKÏ pa pɛ-n-i-tutu beloved-POSS wait-DEB-ATTR month TOP pass(CONV)-PERF-CONV-COOR months when [my] beloved had to wait [for me] have continued to pass (MYS 15.3685) 伊毛爾伊比之乎等之能倍奴良久

imo-ni ip-i-si-wo tǝsi-nǝ pɛ-n-ur-aku beloved-DAT say-CONV-PAST/ATTR-ACC year-GEN pass(CONV)-PERF-ATTRNML although [I] told [my] beloved: ‘…’ the fact is that a year has passed (MYS 15.3719)

95  The character 呂 transcribing otsu-rui /rǝ/ is apparently a scribal mistake for kō-rui /ro/. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

853

Verbs

安我未許曾世伎夜麻故要弖許己爾安良米許己呂波伊毛爾与里爾之母能乎

a-ŋga mï kǝsǝ seki yama koye-te kǝkǝ-ni ar-am-ɛ kǝkǝrǝ pa imo-ni yǝr-i-n-i-si mǝnǝwo I-POSS body FP barrier mountain cross(CONV)-SUB here-LOC exist-TENT-EV heart TOP beloved-DAT approach-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR CONJ My body has crossed barriers and mountains, and is probably here. But [my] heart stayed near [my] beloved! (MYS 15.3757) 奈良能美夜古波布里奴礼登毛等保登等藝須不鳴安良奈久尓

Nara-nǝ miyako pa pur-i-n-ure-ⁿdǝ motǝ potǝtǝŋgisu NAK-AⁿZ-U ar-an-aku n-i Nara-GEN capital TOP become.old-CONV-PERF-EV-CONC former cuckoo cryNEG-CONV exist-NEG-NML DV-CONV although the capital of Nara has become old, [it] is not that the former cuckoo does not cry [here] (MYS 17.3919) 布治奈美波佐岐弖知里尓伎

puⁿdi nami pa sak-i-te tir-i-n-i-ki wisteria wave TOP bloom-CONV-SUB fall-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/FIN The waves of wisteria had bloomed and fell completely (MYS 17.3993) 都祢比等能故布登伊敷欲利波安麻里爾弖和礼波之奴倍久奈里尓多良受也

tune pitǝ-nǝ kop-u tǝ ip-u-yori pa amari n-i-te ware pa sin-umbɛ-ku nar-i-ni-tar-aⁿz-u ya ordinary person-GEN love-FIN DV say-ATTR-ABL TOP excess DV-CONV-SUB I TOP die-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-PERF/PROG-NEG-FIN IP Did not [it] become so that I should die, feeling (lit.: being) much more than what ordinary people call ‘love’? (MYS 18.4080) 落奴倍美袖尓古伎納都藤浪乃花

oti-n-umbɛ-mi SOⁿDE-ni kok-i-ire-t-u PUⁿDI NAMI-nǝ PANA fall(CONV)-PERF-DEB-GER sleeve-LOC rub.through-CONV-insert(CONV)PERF-FIN wisteria wave-GEN flower because [they] would have fallen, [I] have rubbed into my sleeves (the waves of) wisteria flowers (MYS 19.4193a) 朕高御座爾坐始由理今年尓至麻低六年尓成奴

WARE TAKA MI-KURA-ni IMAS-I-SƏMƐS-U-yuri KƏ TƏSI-ni ITAR-U-maⁿde MU TƏSI n-i NAR-I-n-u I high HON-seat-LOC be(HON)-CONV-begin-ATTR-ABL this year-LOC reachATTR-TERM six year DV-CONV become-CONV-PERF-FIN [It] has been six years this year since I have been on the high throne (SM 7) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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成奴礼波歓美貴美奈毛念食流

NAR-I-n-ure-mba KƏKƏRƏmBOSI-mi TAPUTO-mi namo OMƏP-I-TAMAP-Uru become-CONV-PERF-EV-CON glad-GER awesome-GER FP think-CONVHUM-ATTR because [it] became [as the deity said], [the sovereign] thought that [it] was joyful and awesome (SM 15) 日継波加久弖絶奈牟止為

PI TU ŋG-I pa ka-ku-te TAYE-n-am-u tǝ S-U sun follow-NML TOP thus-CONV-SUB be.interrupted(CONV)-PERF-TENT-FIN DV do-FIN the inheritance of the Sun is going to be interrupted in this way (SM 27) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The perfective auxiliary -n- is attested in Eastern Old Japanese in the combinations of an animate subject with an intransitive verb, and of inanimate subject with an intransitive verb as in Western Old Japanese. The combination of an animate subject with a transitive verb is not attested in Eastern Old Japanese. It will be the matter of future research on Eastern Old Japanese to determine the statistics of these combinations which fall outside of the scope of this book. (1) Animate subject + intransitive verb with -n-: 伊利奈麻之母乃伊毛我乎杼許爾

ir-i-n-amasi mǝnǝ imo-ŋga woⁿ-dǝkǝ-ni enter-CONV-PERF-SUBJ CONJ beloved-POSS DIM-bed-LOC although [I] would [like to] enter the bed of [my] beloved (MYS 14.3354) 安素乃河泊良欲伊之布麻受蘇良由登伎奴与

Aso-nǝ KApara-yo isi pum-aⁿz-u sora-yu tǝ k-i-n-u yǝ Aso-GEN river-bed-ABL stone tread-NEG-CONV sky-ABL DV come-CONVPERF-FIN EP [I] came from the river-bed of Aso, as from the sky, without treading on stones! (MYS 14.3425)

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855

Verbs 多可伎祢爾久毛能都久能須和礼左倍爾伎美爾都吉奈那

taka-ki ne-ni kumo-nǝ tuk-u-nǝsu ware sapɛ n-i kimi-ni tuk-i-n-ana high-ATTR peak-LOC cloud-GEN attach-ATTR-COMP I RP DV-CONV lord-DAT attach-CONV-PERF-DES Even I would like to cling to [my] lord like clouds cling to a high peak (MYS 14.3514) 思良久毛能多要爾之伊毛乎阿是西呂等

sira kumo-nǝ taye-n-i-si imo-wo aⁿze se-rǝ tǝ white cloud-COMP break.off(CONV)-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR beloved-ACC how do-IMP DV what (lit.: how) [should I] do about [my] beloved who separated [from me] like a white cloud (MYS 14.3517) (2) Inanimate subject + intransitive verb with -n-: 麻多妣爾奈理奴以弊乃母加枳世之己呂母尓阿加都枳尓迦理

ma-tambi n-i nar-i-n-u ipe-nǝ [i]mǝ-ŋga ki-se-si kǝrǝmǝ-ni aka tuk-i-n-i-kar-i INT-journey DV-CONV become-CONV-PERF-FIN home-GEN beloved-POSS wear-CAUS(CONV)-PAST/ATTR garment-LOC dirt attach-CONV-PERFCONV-RETR-FIN [It] became a really [long] journey. The dirt stuck to the garment that my beloved at home made [me] wear (MYS 20.4388) On the basis of Western and Eastern Old Japanese attestations, one can reconstruct PJN *-n-. There is a strong possibility that this PJN perfective *-n- actually goes back to the verb in- ‘to go away.’ There are two pieces of evidence that might support this claim. First, the perfective auxiliary -n- behaves like an n-irregular verb, with the converb form -n-i, the final form -n-u, the attributive form -n-uru, and the attributive form -n-ure. Second, the character 去 ‘to go [away]’ is frequently used as a kun-yomi spelling for -n-, which may not be completely accidental, cf. the examples from MYS 8.1454 and 10.2224 above. If this hypothesis is true, then we would expect a natural merger of the initial vowel /i/ of in- ‘to go [away]’ with the preceding converb -i ~ -∅. 4.1.2.2 Perfective -teThis perfective auxiliary has two allomorphs: -te- and -t-. The first allomorph -teis found before consonant-initial and weak vowel-initial suffixes as well as before auxiliaries. The second allomorph -t- appears before strong vowel-initial

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suffixes. Like the perfective auxiliary -n-, the perfective auxiliary -te- is one of the most versatile morphological markers in Western Old Japanese, as it can co-occur with virtually every other morpheme within the same verbal form. The outstanding exceptions are the perfective -n-, the progressive -er-, the perfective-progressive -tar-, and the coordinative converb -tutu. While the absence of combinations with the perfective -n- and the progressive -er- is to be expected, since both are aspectual markers like -te-, the lack of combinations with the perfective-progressive -tar- and the coordinative converb -tutu is more difficult to explain, especially since both of them can combine with the perfective auxiliary -n-. As I have already mentioned in section 4.1.2.1 above, the fact that the perfective -te- can combine with the causatives and the imperative is essential for understanding its function. I will return to this problem below when I will discuss the function of -te-. The perfective -te- does not combine with the negatives -(a)n- ~ -(a)ⁿz- or the negative imperative -una, and unlike the perfective -n-, which can be followed by other auxiliaries with negatives after them, this does not happen with -te-. The converb -i can either precede or follow the perfective auxiliary -te-. Converbs of the iterative -ap-, the honorific -as-, the causatives -asimɛ-, -as-, and -ase-, the passive -(a)ye-, and the negative potential -kane- precede the perfective -te- as shown in the chart below: chart 85 Combinations of the perfective -te- with preceding suffixes in their converb form

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

converb -i ~ -∅ iterative converb -ap-ihonorific converb -as-icausative converb -(a)simɛcausative converb -as-i-, -(a)sepassive converb -(a)yenegative potential converb -kane-

-i-t[e]- ~ -t[e]-ap-i-t[e]-as-i-t[e]-(a)simɛ-t[e] -(a)s-i-t[e]-, -(a)se-t[e]-(a)ye-t[e]-kane-t[e]-

It must be noted that while it is expected that the perfective auxiliary -te- is preceded by the iterative, the passive and causatives, it is not quite expected that it is also preceded by the negative potential -kane-. Many more suffixes and bound auxiliaries can be found after the perfective -te- as the following chart demonstrates:

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chart 86 Combinations of the perfective -te- with following suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

converb -i ~ -∅ final -u attributive -(ur)u evidential -(ur)e imperative -yǝ exclamative -umǝ tentative -(a)mtentative -(u)ramdesiderative -(a)na subjunctive -(a)masi conditional converb -(a)mba debitive -umbɛsubordinative converb -te past final -ki past attributive -si retrospective -kernominalizer -(a)ku conjunctive converb -mba concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ]

-te-t-u -t-uru -t-ure -te-yǝ -t-umǝ -te-m-t-uram-te-na -te-masi -te-mba -t-umbɛ-te-te -te-ki -te-si -te-ker-t-ur-aku -t-ure-mba -t-ure-ⁿdǝ[mǝ]

As I have already mentioned in section 4.1.2.1 above, the difference between the perfective auxiliaries -n- and -te- is explained by Kolpakchi’s constraint: -te- is found with the verbs that have an animate subject. This also explains the fact that the perfective auxiliary -te- can combine with the causatives and the imperative, while -n-, which was originally the perfective auxiliary for verbs with inanimate subjects cannot. It is necessary to note that there are no cases of a violation of Kolpakchi’s constraint for the perfective auxiliary -tein Western Old Japanese: it always appears with an animate subject,96 unlike Middle (Classical) Japanese, where examples of -te- with an inanimate subject 96  Late Roy A. Miller has attempted to criticize Kolpakchi’s constraint several years ago, which is worth citing verbatim: “In Old Japanese, secondary formations with the former suffix (-te-—A.V.) were employed for actions involving external causation, those with the latter (-n-—A.V.) for actions, especially natural, without outside stimulus … Vovin ignores Lewin’s treatment (though he lists the Abriss on p. 462), elaborates further on Kolpački (sic!—A.V.), and finally suggests dignifying what she learned about this problem with the canonical designation “Kolpački’s (sic!—A.V.) constraint.” If either Bentley or Vovin Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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can be occasionally found (Vovin 2003: 314). It is necessary to note that -te- occurs much more frequently with transitive verbs rather than with intransitives, but the main distinction still appears to be its relationship to animacy. Finally, although it is frequently assumed that the perfective auxiliary -teis derived from the subordinative converb -te, the textual evidence disproves this claim, since both can combine together in the form -te-te, see the example from MYS 20.4465 below. Examples: (1) Animate subject + transitive verb with -te-: 和加久閇爾韋泥弖麻斯母能淤伊爾祁流加母

waka-ku pɛ-ni wi ne-te-masi mǝnǝ oyi-n-i-ker-u kamǝ young-CONV ?-LOC bring(CONV) sleep(CONV)-PERF-SUBJ CONJ age(CONV)PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP [I] would have bring [her with me] and have slept [with her] if [she] were young, but it turned out that [she] has become old, alas! (KK 93) 吉備那流伊慕塢阿比瀰莵流慕能

Kimbï-n-ar-u imo-wo api-mi-t-uru monǝ Kimbï-LOC-exist-ATTR beloved-ACC REC-see(CONV)-PERF-ATTR CONJ [My] beloved who is in Kimbï [and I] have seen each other, but … (NK 40) 阿母儞擧曾枳擧曳儒阿羅毎矩儞儞播枳擧曳底那

amo-ni kǝsǝ kik-ǝye-ⁿz-u ar-am-ɛ kuni-ni pa kik-ǝye-te-na

had consulted the revised and enlarged 1975 printing of Lewin, they would have found (pp. 166–169) a discussion (and refutation) of Kolpački (sic!—A.V.)” (Miller 2003: 850). This is a masterpiece of Miller-style scholarship where the consistent misspelling of the Russian’s scholar’s name is the most benign of all mistakes. First, there is not much discussion, let alone the refutation of Kolpakchi’s constraint, in Lewin 1975: 166–169. As a matter of fact, Lewin’s description amounts to no more than several purely invented examples with no actual cited textual attestation from Old or Classical Japanese. It is further limited to only a few lines on p. 167, some of them delegated to the footnote #17, with a sweeping statement that Kolpakchi’s theory is dubious due to the fact that the animate—inanimate dichotomy is alien to Japanese in contrast to Russian. This is certainly incorrect, since Russian has a lower degree of animacy constraints than Japanese. For example, Russian uses kto ‘who’ in questions regarding animals, but Japanese uses nani ‘what’ in the same situation provided there is no baby-talk involved. Second, on the basis of multiple examples provided in both sections 4.1.2.1 and 4.1.2.2 the reader can now judge for her/himself whether -te- has anything to do with ‘external causation’ and -n- with actions ‘without outside stimulus.’ I trust that after even a brief perusal it will be apparent that Miller’s statement has no more foundation in the reality than the assumption that the Sun rotates around the Earth. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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Verbs

mother-DAT FP hear-PASS-NEG-CONV exist-TENT-EV land-DAT TOP hearPASS(CONV)-PERF-DES [I] probably will not be heard by [my] mother, but [I] wish to be heard by [the] land! (NK 82) 阿我柯賦古磨乎比騰瀰都羅武箇

a-ŋga kap-u koma-wo pitǝ mi-t-uram-u ka I-POSS keep-ATTR stallion-ACC person see(CONV)-PERF-TENT2-FIN IP Could people have seen the stallion that I keep? (NK 115) 吾欲之野嶋波見世追

WA-ŋGA POR-I-si NOⁿZIMA pa MI-se-t-u I-POSS want-CONV-PAST/ATTR Nonzima TOP see-CAUS-PERF-FIN [You] have shown [me] Nonzima that [I] wanted [to see] (MYS 1.12) 我振袖乎妹見都良武香

WA-ŋGA PUR-U SOⁿDE-wo IMO MI-t-uram-u ka I-POSS wave-ATTR sleeve-ACC beloved see(CONV)-PERF-TENT2-FIN IP Would [my] beloved have seen the sleeve that I wave? (MYS 2.132) 速來而母見手益物乎山背高槻村散去奚留鴨

PAYA K-I-TE mǝ MI-te-masi MƏNƏwo YAMASIRƏ-NƏ TAKA TUKÏ mura TIR-In-i-ker-u kamo fast come-CONV-SUB FP see(CONV)-PERF-SUBJ CONJ Yamasirǝ-GEN high zelkova group fall-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP Although [I] would come fast and look [at them], most of the high zelkova [trees’ flowers] in Yamasirǝ have fallen, alas! (MYS 3.277) 名者告志弖余

NA pa NƏR-As-i-te-yǝ name TOP tell-HON-CONV-PERF-IMP Tell [me your] name! (MYS 3.362) 愛寸事盡手四

URUPASI-ki KƏTƏ TUKUS-I-te-yǝ splendid-ATTR word exhaust-CONV-PERF-IMP exhaust [your] splendid words (MYS 4.661) 等伎波奈周迦久斯母何母等意母閇騰母余能許等奈礼婆等登尾可祢都母

tǝk[ǝ]-ipa-nasu ka-ku si mǝŋgamǝ tǝ omǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ yǝ-nǝ kǝtǝ nar-e-mba tǝⁿdǝmï-kane-t-umǝ Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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eternal-rock-COMP thus-CONV EP DP DV think-EV-CONC world-GEN matter be-EV-CON stop(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-EXCL Although [I] think that [I] want to be (thus) like the eternal rock, because [it] is a matter of this world, [I] cannot stop [life]! (MYS 5.805) 烏梅能波奈 … 加射之尓斯弖奈

uMƐ-nǝ pana … kaⁿzas-i n-i s-i-te-na plum-GEN blossom … decorate-NML DV-CONV do-CONV-PERF-DES Let [us] decorate [our hair] with plum blossoms (MYS 5.820) 手爾持流安我古登婆之都

TE-ni MƏT-Er-u a-ŋga ko tǝmb-as-i-t-u hand-LOC hold-PROG-ATTR I-POSS child fly-CAUS-CONV-PERF-FIN [I] have let my child fly away, whom [I] was holding in [my] hands (MYS 5.904) 多夫手二毛投越都倍吉天漢

tambute n-i mo NA ŋGƐ-KOS-I-t-umbɛ-ki AMA-NƏ KAPA stone DV-CONV FP throw(CONV)-cross-CONV-PERF-DEB-ATTR Heaven-GEN River Heavenly River that [one] could have thrown even a stone across (MYS 8.1522) 袖振者見毛可波之都倍久

SOⁿDE PUR-Amba MI mo kapas-i-t-umbe-ku sleeve waive-COND see(NML) FP exchange-CONV-PERF-DEB-CONV If [you] waived [your] sleeve, [we] could have exchanged glances (MYS 8.1525) 彼夜者吾毛宿毛寐金手寸

SƏNƏ YO pa WARE mo I mo NE-kane-te-ki that night TOP I FP sleep FP sleep(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERFCONV-PAST/FIN I was also unable to sleep (a sleep) that night (MYS 13.3269) 安杼毛倍香許己呂我奈之久伊米爾美要都流

aⁿ-dǝ [o]mop-ɛ ka kǝkǝrǝ-ŋ-ganasi-ku imɛ-ni mi-ye-t-uru what-DV think-EV IP heart-GEN-sad-CONV dream-LOC see-PASS(CONV)PERF-ATTR what was [I] thinking [about]? As [I] was sad in [my] heart, [she] suddenly has appeared in [my] dream (MYS 15.3639)

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861

Verbs

多婢奈礼婆於毛比多要弖毛安里都礼杼伊敝尓安流伊毛之於母比我奈思母

tambi nar-e-mba omop-i-taye-te mo ar-i-t-ure-ⁿdǝ ipe-ni ar-u imo si omopi-ŋ-ganasi-mǝ journey be-EV-CON think-CONV-break(CONV)-SUB FP exist-CONV-PERF-EVCONC home-LOC exist-ATTR beloved EP think-NML-DV(CONV)-dear-EXCL [I] think dearly of my beloved who is at home although [she] has stopped thinking of [me] because [I] am on a journey! (MYS 15.3686) 梅柳乎理加謝思氐婆意毛比奈美可毛

UMƐ YANA ŋGÏ wor-i kaⁿzas-i-te-mba omop-i na-mi kamo plum willow break-CONV decorate-CONV-PERF-COND think-NML noGER EP because, if [we] had broken [branches] of plum trees and willows and decorated [our heads], there would be no [sad] thoughts! (MYS 17.3905) 安礼爾都気都流

are-ni tuŋgɛ-t-uru I-DAT report(CONV)-PERF-ATTR [thus he] reported to me (MYS 17.3957) 麻佐吉久登伊比低之物能乎

ma-saki-ku tǝ ip-i-te-si MƏnǝwo INT-safe-CONV DV say-CONV-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ATTR CONJ Although [I] have said that [I return] safely (MYS 17.3958) 可由吉賀久遊岐見都礼騰母曽許母安加尓等

ka yuk-i ka-ku yuk-i MI-t-ure-ⁿdǝmǝ sǝkǝ mǝ ak-an-i tǝ thus go-CONV thus-CONV go-CONV look(CONV)-PERF-EV-CONC there FP be.satisfied-NEG-CONV DV although [I] have looked going here and there, [I] thought that [it] was not enough, and … (MYS 17.3991) 夜麻能許奴礼能保与等理天可射之都良久波知等世保久等曽

yama-nǝ kǝ-nure-nǝ poyǝ tǝr-i-te kaⁿzas-i-t-ur-aku pa ti tǝse pok-u tǝ sǝ mountain-GEN tree-top-GEN poyǝ take-CONV-SUB decorate.head-CONVPERF-ATTR-NML TOP thousand year pray-FIN DV FP [I] say that [I] pray for a thousand years that [we] will have decorated [our] heads with poyǝ97 that we take from the tops of mountain trees (MYS 18.4136) 97  A kind of parasitic plant growing on trees. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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落奴倍美袖尓古伎納都藤浪乃花

oti-n-umbɛ-mi SOⁿDE-ni kok-i-IRE-t-u PUⁿDI NAMI-nǝ PANA fall(CONV)-PERF-DEB-GER sleeve-LOC rub.through-CONV-insert(CONV)PERF-FIN Fuji wave-GEN flower because [they] would have fallen, [I] have rubbed into my sleeves (the waves of) wisteria flowers (MYS 19.4193a) 和藝毛故尓美勢牟我多米尓母美知等里氐牟

wa-ŋg-imo-ko-ni mi-se-m-u-ŋga tamɛ n-i mǝmit-i tǝr-i-te-m-u I-POSS-beloved-DIM-DAT see-CAUS-TENT-ATTR-POSS for DV-CONV leaves. turn.red/yellow-NML take-CONV-PERF-TENT-FIN [I] want to take red leaves in order to show [them] to my beloved (MYS 19.4222) 美流比等乃可多里都藝弖氐

mi-ru pitǝ-nǝ katar-i-tuŋg-i-te-te see-ATTR person-GEN talk-CONV-continue-CONV-PERF(CONV)-SUB the people who saw [it], have continued to talk [about it], and … (MYS 20.4465) Since the perfective -te- and the subordinative converb -te combine in this example it demonstrates well that they have different origins. 奈保之祢我比都知等世能伊乃知乎

napo si neŋg-ap-i-t-u ti tǝse-nǝ inǝti-wo still EP pray-ITER-CONV-PERF-FIN thousand year-GEN life-ACC [I] have still been praying for a thousand year life (MYS 20.4470) 安米乃美加度乎可氣都礼婆祢能未之奈加由

amɛ-nǝ mikaⁿdo-wo kakɛ-t-ure-mba ne nǝmï si nak-ay-u heaven-GEN sovereign-ACC think(CONV)-PERF-EV-CON sound RP EP cryPASS-FIN when [I] think about [my] Heavenly sovereign, [I] just burst into tears (MYS 20.4480) 都婆吉都良々々尓美等母安可米也宇惠弖家流伎美

tumbaki tura-tura n-i mi tǝmǝ ak-am-ɛ ya uwe-te-ker-u kimi camellia intent DV-CONV look(FIN) CONJ get.enough-TENT-EV IP plant (CONV)-PERF(CONV)-RETR-ATTR lord even if [I] look intently, could [I] get enough of the camellia or you who have planted [it]? (MYS 20.4481)

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863

Verbs 奈良麻呂我兵起爾被雇多利志秦等乎婆遠流賜都

Naramarǝ-ŋga IKUSA OKƏS-U-ni YATOP-AYE-tar-isi PAⁿDA-ⁿDƏMƏ-womba TƏPƏ-KU NA ŋGAS-I-TAMAP-I-t-u Naramarǝ-POSS army raise-ATTR-LOC hire-PASS(CONV)-PERF/PROG-PAST/ ATTR Paⁿda-PLUR-ACC(EMPH) distant-CONV exile-CONV-HON-CONVPERF-FIN [We] deigned to send to a distant exile members of the Paⁿda [clan], whom Naramarǝ employed as an army (SM 21) 傍上乎波宣牟止為氐奈母抑閇氐在津流

KATA-NƏ UPƐ-womba NƏTAMAP-Am-u tǝ S-I-te namǝ OSApɛ-te AR-I-t-uru side-GEN top-ACC(EMPH) say(HON)-TENT-FIN DV do-CONV-SUB FP hold. back(CONV)-SUB exist-CONV-PERF-ATTR [we] have been delaying [it], as [we] were going to proclaim the rest (SM 25) (2) Animate subject + intransitive verb with -te-: 伊久用加泥都流

iku yo ka ne-t-uru how.many night IP sleep(CONV)-PERF-ATTR how many nights have [we] slept? (KK 25) 吾背子尓復者不相香常思墓今朝別之為便無有都流

WA-ŋGA se-KO-ni MATA pa AP-AⁿZI ka tǝ OMƏP-Ɛ-mba ka KESA-NƏ WAKARE-NƏ SUmBE NA-K-AR-I-t-uru I-POSS beloved-DIM-DAT again TOP meet-NEG/TENT IP DV think-EV-CON IP this.morning-GEN part(NML)-GEN way no-CONV-exist-CONV-PERF-ATTR Was [it] because I thought that [we] would not meet again that there has been no way to part [with you] this morning? (MYS 4.540) 飛立可祢都鳥尓之安良祢婆

TƏmB-I-TAT-I-kane-t-u TƏRI n-i si ar-an-e-mba fly-CONV-depart-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-FIN bird DV-CONV EP existNEG-EV-CON [I] could not fly away because [I] am not a bird (MYS 5.893) 安伎乃野尓草乎思香奈伎都

aki-nǝ NO-ni sa-wo-sika nak-i-t-u autumn-GEN field-LOC PREF-male-deer cry-CONV-PERF-FIN male deer cried in the autumn field (MYS 15.3678)

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由利毛安波牟等於母比曽米弖伎

yuri mo ap-am-u tǝ omǝp-i-sǝmɛ-te-ki future FP meet-TENT-FIN DV think-CONV-begin(CONV)-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ FIN [I] began to think that [we] would meet in the future, too (MYS 18.4087) 阿佐奈佐奈安我流比婆理爾奈里弖之可

asa-na [a]sa-na aŋgar-u pimbari n-i nar-i-te-si ka morning-PLUR morning-PLUR rise-ATTR skylark DV-CONV become-CONVPERF-PAST/ATTR EP every morning, [I] want to have become a skylark, flying up (MYS 20.4433) 保等登芸須許許爾知可久乎伎奈伎弖余

potǝtǝŋgisu kǝkǝ-ni tika-ku-wo k-i nak-i-te-yǝ cuckoo here-LOC be close-CONV-ACC come-CONV cry-CONV-PERF-IMP Cuckoo! Come close here, and cry! (MYS 20.4438) 与伎比止乃伊麻須久爾爾波和礼毛麻胃弖牟毛呂毛呂乎為弖

yǝ-ki pitǝ-nǝ imas-u kuni-ni pa ware mo mawi-te-m-u morǝ-morǝ-wo wi-te good-ATTR person-GEN exist(HON)-ATTR land-LOC TOP I FP go(HUM) (CONV)-PERF-TENT-FIN all-all-ACC lead(CONV)-SUB I would also have gone to the land where the Buddha (lit.: good person) resides, leading everybody (BS 8) 仲末呂伊忠臣止之天侍都

NAKAmarǝ-i TAⁿDASI-KI OMI tǝ s-i-te PAmBER-I-t-u Nakamarǝ-ACT loyal-ATTR noble DV do-CONV-SUB serve-CONV-PERF-FIN Nakamarǝ has served as a loyal noble (SM 34) 奉仕之米天志可等念保之米之天

TUKAPƐ-MATUR-Asimɛ-te-si ka tǝ OMƏp-os-i-mɛs-i-te serve(CONV)-HUM-CAUS(CONV)-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ATTR EP DV thinkHON-CONV-HON-CONV-SUB [Dōkyō] thought: “[I] want to make [them] serve” (SM 36) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The perfective auxiliary -te- ~ -t- is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese. There is just one example when it is attested with an animate subject followed by

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an intransitive verb, see MYS 14.3395 below. In sharp contrast to Western Old Japanese, there is also one example when Kolpakchi’s constraint is violated, and an inanimate subject is followed by the inflective form of an adjective including -te-, see MYS 14.3482a below. Since we deal just with a single case here, no reliable conclusions are possible. (1) Animate subject + transitive verb with -te-: 努自能安良波路万代母佐祢乎佐祢弖婆

noⁿzi-nǝ arapar-o-maⁿde mǝ sa-ne-wo sa ne-te-mba rainbow-GEN appear-ATTR-TERM FP PREF-sleep(NML)-ACC thus sleep (CONV)-PERF-COND if [we] thus sleep (a sleep) there until the rainbow appears (MYS 14.3414) 哭乎曽奈伎都流手兒尓安良奈久尓

NE-wo sǝ nak-i-t-uru teŋGO n-i ar-an-aku n-i voice-ACC FP cry-CONV-PERF-ATTR baby DV-CONV exist-NEG-NML DV-CONV [I] sobbed loudly, although [I] am not a baby (MYS 14.3485) 知々波々我可之良加伎奈弖佐久安礼天伊比之氣等婆是和須礼加祢豆流

titi papa-ŋga kasira kaki-naⁿde sa-ku ar-e te ip-i-si kɛtǝmba ⁿze wasure-kane-t-uru father mother-POSS head PREF-stroke(CONV) safe-CONV exist-IMP DV sayCONV-PAST/ATTR word FP forget(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-ATTR [I] cannot forget the words: “Be safe!” that [my] father and mother said, stroking [my] head (MYS 20.4346) (2) Animate subject + intransitive verb with -te-: 萬多祢天武可聞

mata ne-te-m-u kamo again sleep(CONV)-PERF-TENT-ATTR EP [I] would like to sleep [with you] again! (MYS 14.3395) (3) Inanimate subject + intransitive verb with -te-: 許等多可利都母

kǝtǝ [i]ta-k-ar-i-t-umǝ rumor be.painful-CONV-exist-CONV-PERF-EXCL rumors have been painful! (MYS 14.3482a)

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Therefore, on the basis of both Western and Eastern Old Japanese data, we can reconstruct PJN *-te- as the animate perfective auxiliary. A2: Ryukyuan The perfective auxiliary -t- is attested only in Old Ryukyuan (Torigoe 1968: 183), but not in any of the modern dialects. Therefore, it makes -t- a perfect candidate for a loan from Middle Japanese. Old Ryukyuan かきとなきみれつな

Kakitonaki mi-re-t-u na Kakitonaki see-PASS(CONV)-PERF-FIN EP [I] want to be able to see Kakitonaki! (OS 4.179) 4.1.2.3 Perfective-Progressive -tar- and Its Uncontracted Form -te arThe perfective-progressive auxiliary has just one allomorph -tar-. Strictly speaking, it is not just one auxiliary, but a construction representing the contraction of two auxiliaries: the subordinative converb -te and the verb ar- ‘to exist’ used as an auxiliary. Interestingly enough, the uncontracted form -te ar- does not appear in the earliest texts at all, and the contracted form -tar- is possibly attested only twice in the same text in the Nihonshoki kayō, but this attestation is not completely uncontroversial (see NK 99 and the footnote below). The coexistence of both contracted and uncontracted forms as well as the almost total absence of both from the earliest texts probably indicates that this construction has a relatively late origin in Western Old Japanese. The perfective progressive -tar- can be preceded by the converb -i ~ -∅ and the converbs of the following suffixes. chart 87 Combinations of the perfective-progressive -tar- with preceding suffixes in their converb form

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

converb -i ~ -∅ honorific converb -as-icausative converb -(a)simɛpassive converb -(a)yeperfective converb -n-i-

-i-tar- ~ -tar-as-i-tar-(a)simɛ-tar-* -(a)ye-tar-** -n-i-tar-

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The perfective-progressive auxiliary -tar- can be followed by a substantial number of suffixes and auxiliaries, although it is not as versatile as the perfectives -n- and -te-. chart 88 Combinations of the perfective-progressive -tar- with following suffixes and bound auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

converb -i ~ -∅ final -i attributive -(ur)u evidential -(ur)e negative -aⁿztentative -(a)mtentative -(u)ramsuppositional -(u)rasi conditional converb -(a)mba subordinative converb -te progressive -erpast attributive -si retrospective -kerconjunctive converb -mba concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ]

-tar-i-* -tar-i -tar-u -tar-e -tar-aⁿz-tar-am-** -tar-uram-tar-urasi -tar-amba -tar-i-te*** -tar-er-tar-i-si -tar-i-ker-tar-e-mba -tar-e-ⁿdǝ**

Note: * Attested only as a word-non final form followed by other auxiliaries. ** Attested only in partial logographic spelling. *** Attested only in logographic spelling.

The contracted form -tar- has two functions: the perfective and the progressive. The perfective function of -tar- is attested much more frequently than the progressive. Examples:

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(1) Perfective: 柯羅履儞嗚以柯儞輔居等所梅豆羅古枳駄楼武可左履楼以祇能和駄唎嗚梅 豆羅古枳駄楼

kara-kuni-wo ika n-i [i]p-u kǝtǝ sǝ Mɛⁿdurako k-i-tar-u mukasakuru iki-nǝ watari-wo Mɛⁿdurako k-i-tar-u Kara-land-ACC how DV-CONV say-ATTR thing FP Mɛⁿdurako come-CONVPERF/PROG-ATTR (makura-kotoba) Iki-GEN cross-NML-ACC Mɛⁿdurako come-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR98 How to call the land of Kara? Mɛⁿdurako has come; through the crossing of Iki Mɛⁿdurako has come (NK 99) 古人乃令食有吉備能酒

PURU PITƏ-nǝ TAMAPƐ-SIMƐ-TAR-U Kimbï-nǝ SAKƐ old person-GEN receive(HUM)-CAUS(CONV)-PERF/PROG-ATTR Kimbï-GEN rice.wine the rice wine of Kimbï that an old acquaintance gave [me] (lit.: made [me] receive) (MYS 4.554) 萱草吾下紐尓著有跡鬼乃志許草事二思安利家理

WASURE-ŋ-GUSA WA-ŋGA SITA-m-BIMO-ni TUKƐ-TAR-E-ⁿdǝ SIKƏ n-ǝ sikǝ KUSA kǝtǝ n-i si ar-i-ker-i forget(NML)-GEN-grass I-POSS bottom-GEN-cord-LOC attach(CONV)-PERF/ PROG-EV-CONC stupid DV-ATTR stupid grass word DV-CONV EP existCONV-RETR-FIN Although [I] have tied the “forgetting grass” to the cords of my under[garment], stupid, stupid grass—[it] turned out just to be called [so] (MYS 4.727) 伊豆久欲利枳多利斯物能曾

iⁿduku-yori k-i-tar-i-si mǝnǝ sǝ where-ABL come-CONV-PERF/PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR thing FP Where did [you] come from? (MYS 5.802)

98  There is a different analysis of the k-i-tar-u form as k-i-[i]tar-u ‘come-CONV-reachATTR’ (Tsuchihashi 1957: 192). I follow here the analysis of Aiso (1962: 496) and Kōnosu (1973: 467).

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869

Verbs 伊豆久由可斯和何伎多利斯

iⁿduku-yu ka siwa-ŋga k-i-tar-i-si where-ABL IP wrinkle-POSS come-CONV-PERF/PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR Where did the wrinkles come from? (MYS 5.804) 武都紀多知波流能吉多良婆

mu-tukï tat-i paru-nǝ k-i-tar-amba first lunar month rise-CONV spring-GEN come-CONV-PERF/PROG-COND When the first lunar month begins, and the spring has come … (MYS 5.815) 烏梅能波奈佐吉多留僧能能阿遠也疑

uMƐ-nǝ pana sak-i-tar-u sǝnǝ-nǝ awo yaŋgï plum-GEN blossom bloom-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR garden-GEN green willow the green willows in the garden where the plum blossoms have bloomed (MYS 5.817) 毛毛等利能己惠能古保志枳波流岐多流良斯

momo tǝri-nǝ kǝwe-nǝ koposi-ki paru k-i-tar-urasi hundred bird-GEN voice-GEN be.missing-ATTR spring come-CONV-PERF/ PROG-SUP It looks like the spring [with] the voices of hundred birds, that [I] missed, [finally] has come (MYS 5.834) 横風乃爾布敷可爾覆來礼婆世武須便乃多杼伎乎之良爾

YƏKƏ-SIMA-KAⁿZE-nǝ nipumbuka n-i OPOP-I-K-I-TAr-e-mba se-m-u sumbe-nǝ taⁿdǝki-wo sir-an-i cross-wind-GEN sudden DV-CONV cover-CONV-come-CONV-PERF/PROGEV-CON do-TENT-ATTR way-GEN clue-ACC know-NEG-CONV Because suddenly a crosswind came and covered [us], [I] had no clue what to do (MYS 5.904) 墨吉尓還來而家見跡

SUMINƏYE-ni KAPER-I-K-I-TAR-I-TE IPE MI-RE-ⁿdǝ Suminǝye-LOC return-CONV-come-CONV-PERF/PROG-CONV-SUB house look-EV-CONC although [I] looked at [my] house after [I] had come back to Suminǝye (MYS 9.1740)

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可敝里家流比等伎多礼里等伊比之可婆保等保登之尓吉

kaper-i-ker-u pitǝ k-i-tar-er-i tǝ ip-i-sika-mba potǝpotǝ sin-i-ki return-CONV-RETR-ATTR person come-CONV-PERF/PROG-PROG-FIN DV say-CONV-PAST/EV-CON almost die-CONV-PAST/FIN Because [they] said that a person, who returned [from exile], had come [to the capital], [I] almost died [from joy] (MYS 15.3772) This is the only example in the whole Western Old Japanese corpus where the perfective progressive -tar- combines with the progressive -er- within the same verb form. 安布知乎宅尓宇惠多良婆夜麻霍公鳥可礼受許武可聞

aputi-wo IPE-ni uwe-tar-amba yama POTƏTƏ ŋGISU kare-ⁿz-u kǝ-m-u kamo chinaberry.tree-ACC house-LOC plant(CONV)-PERF/PROG-COND mountain cuckoo separate-NEG-CONV come-TENT-ATTR EP if [I] would plant a chinaberry tree at my house, the mountain cuckoo would come all the time! (MYS 17.3910) 都祢比等能故布登伊敷欲利波安麻里爾弖和礼波之奴倍久奈里尓多良受也

tune pitǝ-nǝ kop-u tǝ ip-u-yori pa amari n-i-te ware pa sin-umbɛ-ku nar-i-n-i-taranz-u ya ordinary person-GEN long.for-FIN DV say-ATTR-ABL TOP excess DV-CONV-SUB I TOP die-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-PERF/PROG-NEG-FIN IP Did not [it] become so that I should die, feeling (lit.: being) much more than what ordinary people call ‘longing’? (MYS 18.4080) 阿波之多流今日乎波自米氐

ap-as-i-tar-u KEPU-wo paⁿzimɛ-te meet-HON-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR today-ACC start(CONV)-SUB starting from today when [you] have met [me] (MYS 18.4116) 令文所載多流乎跡止為而

NƏRI-NƏ PUMI-NI NƏSE-tar-u-wo ATƏ tǝ S-I-TE law-GEN scripture-LOC place(CONV)-PERF/PROG-ATTR-ACC FOOTSTEP DV DO-CONV-SUB taking what has been written in the law scriptures as a precedent (SM 2)

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871

Verbs 奈良麻呂我兵起爾被雇多利志秦等乎婆遠流賜都

Naramarǝ-ŋga IKUSA OKƏS-U-ni YATOP-AYE-tar-i-si PAⁿDA-ⁿDƏMƏ-womba TƏPƏ-KU NA ŋGAS-I-TAMAP-I-t-u Naramarǝ-POSS army raise-ATTR-LOC hire-PASS(CONV)-PERF/PROG-CONVPAST/ATTR Paⁿda-PLUR-ACC(EMPH) distant-CONV exile-CONV-HONCONV-PERF-FIN [We] deigned to send to a distant exile members of the Paⁿda [clan], whom Naramarǝ had employed as an army (SM 21) 然行事爾重在牟人乎波法乃麻爾麻収給牟物曾

SIKA [A]R-E-ⁿDƏMƏ SIWAⁿZA-ni KASANAR-I-TAR-Am-u PITƏ-womba NƏRI-nǝ manima WOSAMƐ-TAMAP-Am-u MƏNƏ sǝ thus exist-EV-CONC crime-LOC pile.up-CONV-PERF/PROG-TENT-ATTR person-ACC(EMPH) law-GEN according administer(CONV)-HON-TENTATTR thing FP However, with those people who have committed multiple crimes, [we] will deal according to the law (SM 44) (2) Progressive: 大雪乃乱而來礼

OPO YUKI-nǝ MIⁿDARE-TE K-I-TAr-e big snow-GEN be.chaotic(CONV)-SUB come-CONV-PERF/PROG-EV big snow was falling down chaotically (MYS 2.199) 意比久留母能波毛毛久佐爾勢米余利伎多流

op-i-k-uru mǝnǝ pa momo kusa n-i semɛ-yǝr-i-k-i-tar-u pursue-CONV-come-ATTR thing TOP hundred kind DV-CONV assault (CONV)-approach-CONV-come-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR the things that pursue [us], come assaulting [us] in a hundred varieties (MYS 5.804) 比左可多能月者弖利多里

pisa kata n-ǝ TUKÏ pa ter-i-tar-i long hard DV-ATTR moon TOP shine-CONV-PERF/PROG-FIN Eternal and hard moon is shining (MYS 15.3672)

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大宮人者伊麻毛可母比等奈夫理能未許能美多流良武

OPO MIYA PITƏ pa ima mo kamǝ pitǝ nambur-i nǝmï kǝnǝm-i-tar-uram-u great palace person TOP now FP EP person mock-NML RP like-CONV-PERF/ PROG-TENT2-ATTR Do the people from the Great Palace probably continue to like just to mock [other] people now as well, I wonder? (MYS 15.3758) 乎美奈敝之佐伎多流野邊乎遊吉追都見倍之

wominapesi sak-i-tar-u NO-PE-wo yuk-i-tutu MI-mbɛ-si carnation bloom-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR field-side-ACC go-CONV-COOR look-DEB-FIN while walking [you] should look at the fields where the carnations are blooming (MYS 17.3951) 都奇見礼婆於奈自久尓奈里夜麻許曽婆伎美我安多里乎敝太弖多里家礼

tukï MI-re-mba onaⁿzi kuni nar-i yama kǝsǝ pa kimi-ŋga atari-wo peⁿdatetar-i-ker-e moon see-EV-CON be.same province be-FIN mountain FP TOP lord-POSS vicinity-ACC separate(CONV)-PERF/PROG-CONV-RETR-EV When [I] look at the moon, it is the same province. [But] the mountains are separating [you, my] lord [from me] (MYS 18.4073) 夏野尓吾見之草波毛美知多里家利

NATU-NƏ NO-ni WA-ŋGA MI-si KUSA pa momit-i-tar-i-ker-i summer-GEN field-LOC I-POSS see(CONV)-PAST/ATTR grass TOP leaves.turn. red/yellow-CONV-PERF/PROG-CONV-RETR-FIN [it] turned out that the grass that I had seen in the fields became yellow (MYS 19.4268) 伎美伎麻之都々可射之多里家利

kimi k-i-[i]mas-i-tutu kaⁿzas-i-tar-i-ker-i lord come-CONV-HON-CONV-COOR decorate-CONV-PERF/PROG-CONVRETR-FIN while you came [to my place], [you] have decorated [yourself with roses] (MYS 20.4302) 4.1.2.3.1 Uncontracted Form -te arThe uncontracted form -te ar- like its contracted counterpart -tar- has the same functions: perfective and progressive. It is attested only in the Man’yōshū

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Verbs

and the Senmyō. Similar to the contracted form -tar- the perfective function of the uncontracted form -te ar- is attested much more frequently than the progressive. (1) Perfective: 烏梅能波奈佐企弖知理奈波佐久良婆那都伎弖佐久倍久奈利爾弖阿良受也

uMƐ-nǝ pana sak-i-te tir-i-n-amba sakura-m-bana tuŋg-i-te sak-umbɛ-ku nar-i-ni-te ar-aⁿz-u ya plum-GEN blossom bloom-CONV-SUB fall-CONV-PERF-COND sakura-GENblossom follow-CONV-SUB bloom-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONVSUB exist-NEG-FIN IP If the plum blossoms have bloomed and fallen, has [it] not become so that sakura blossoms should bloom again? (MYS 5.829) 老尓弖阿留我身上尓病遠等加弖阿礼婆晝波母歎加比久良志

OYI-n-i-te ar-u WA-ŋGA MÏ-NƏ UPƐ-ni YAMAPI-wo tǝ KUPAPƐ-te ar-e-mba PIRU pa mǝ NA ŋGƐK-Ap-i-kuras-i age(CONV)-PERF-CONV-SUB exist-ATTR I-POSS body-GEN top-LOC illnessACC DV add(CONV)-SUB exist-EV-CON daytime TOP EP lament-ITERCONV-live-CONV because illnesses have been added to my body that has aged [I] spent the days lamenting, and … (MYS 5.897) 道乎多騰保美山河能敝奈里氐安礼婆

MITI-wo taⁿ-dǝpo-mi YAMA KAPA-nǝ penar-i-te ar-e-mba way-ABS PREF-far-GER mountain river-GEN be.separated-CONV-SUB existEV-CON because the way is far, and because [we] were separated from mountains and rivers (MYS 17.3957) 波之太尓母和多之弖安良波曽乃倍由母伊由伎和多良之

pasi ⁿdani mǝ watas-i-te ar-amba sǝnǝ [u]pɛ-yu mǝ i-yuk-i-watar-as-i bridge RP FP put.over-CONV-SUB exist-COND that top-ABL FP DLF-goCONV-cross.over-HON-CONV if [someone] had just put a bridge over [the Milky Way], [they would] go over [it] (MYS 18.4125)

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国王伊王位仁坐時方菩薩乃浄戒乎受与止勅天在

KOKU-WAU-i WAU-WI-ni IMAS-U TƏKI pa BOSATU-nǝ ZYAUKAI-wo UKƐ-yǝ tǝ NƏTAMAP-I-te AR-I country-king-ACT king-position-LOC be(HON)-ATTR time TOP bodhisattvaGEN commandment-ACC receive-IMP DV say(HON)-CONV-SUB exist-FIN [Buddha] said that a king of a country, when [he] is on the throne, [should] accept the commandments of the Bodhisattva (SM 28) 和気伊申天在

Wakɛ-i MAWOS-I-te AR-I Wake-ACT report(HUM)-CONV-SUB exist-FIN [prince] Wake has reported [to us about Nakamarǝ’s plot] (SM 34) 伊豫国与利白祥鹿乎献奉天在礼方有礼志与呂許保志止奈毛見流

Iyǝ-NƏ KUNI-yǝri SIRO-KI SIRUSI N-Ə SIKA-wo TATEMATUR-I-te Ar-e-mba uresi yǝrǝkǝmb-ǝsi tǝ namo MI-ru Iyǝ-GEN province-ABL white-ATTR mark DV-ATTR deer-ACC present(HUM)CONV-SUB exist-EV-CON glad joyful-ADJ DV FP see-ATTR when [they] had presented [us] with a deer with white marks from the province of Iyǝ, [we] regarded this as [a] joyful and auspicious [event] (SM 46) (2) Progressive: 和我勢故我夜度乃也麻夫伎佐吉弖安良婆也麻受可欲波牟

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga yaⁿdo-nǝ yamambuki sak-i-te ar-amba yam-aⁿz-u kayop-am-u I-POSS elder.brother-POSS dwelling-GEN rose bloom-CONV-SUB exist-COND stop-NEG-CONV go.back.and.forth-TENT-FIN If the roses were blooming at the dwelling of my friend, [I] would come [there] constantly (MYS 20.4303) 傍上乎波宣牟止為氐奈母抑閇氐在津流

KATA-NƏ UPƐ-womba NƏTAMAP-Am-u tǝ S-I-te namǝ OSApɛ-te AR-I-t-uru side-GEN top-ACC(EMPH) say(HON)-TENT-FIN DV do-CONV-SUB FP hold. back(CONV)-SUB exist-CONV-PERF-ATTR [we] have been delaying [it], as [we] were going to proclaim the rest (SM 25)

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875

Verbs 帝止立天天下乎治之米无等念天在人

MIKAⁿDO tǝ TATE-te AMƐ-NƏ SITA-wo WOSAMƐ-simɛ-m-u tǝ OMƏP-I-te AR-u PITƏ emperor DV place(CONV)-SUB Heaven-GEN bottom-ACC rule-CAUS-TENT-FIN DV think-CONV-SUB exist-ATTR person people who are thinking that [they] want to place [him on the throne] as the emperor and let [him] rule the [country] under Heaven (SM 33) The uncontracted form -te ar- can occur with the intervening topic particle pa, the focus particles kǝsǝ, mǝ and namo, and the emphatic particle si between -te and ar-:99 With the intervening topic particle pa: 人佐播尓満弖播阿礼等母

pitǝ sapa n-i MIT-I-te pa ar-e-ⁿdǝmǝ person many DV-CONV be.full-CONV-SUB TOP exist-EV-CONC although there are plenty of people (MYS 5.894) 四方國尓波比等佐波尓美知弖波安礼杼

YƏ MO-nǝ KUNI-ni pitǝ sapa n-i mit-i-te pa ar-e-ⁿdǝ four direction-GEN province-LOC person many DV-CONV be.full-CONV-SUB TOP exist-EV-CONC although there are plenty of people in the provinces of four directions (MYS 20.4331) With the intervening focus particle mǝ: 妹者三礼而毛有香

IMO pa miture-TE mo AR-U ka beloved TOP be.wasted(CONV)-SUB FP exist-ATTR IP has [my] beloved become wasted? (MYS 10.1967)

99  The focus particle sǝ and interrogative particles ka, ya do not occur as intervening particles between -te and ar-.

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多婢奈礼婆於毛比多要弖毛安里都礼杼伊敝尓安流伊毛之於母比我奈思母

tambi nar-e-mba omop-i-taye-te mo ar-i-t-ure-ⁿdǝ ipe-ni ar-u imo si omopi-ŋ-ganasi-mǝ journey be-EV-CON think-CONV-break(CONV)-SUB FP exist-CONV-PERF-EVCONC home-LOC exist-ATTR beloved EP think-NML-DV(CONV)-dear-EXCL [I] think dearly of my beloved who is at home although [she] has stopped thinking of [me] because [I] am on a journey! (MYS 15.3686) Only one example is attested with the intervening focus particle kǝsǝ: 君者秋山乃始黄葉尓似許曽有家礼

KIMI pa AKI YAMA-nǝ PATU MOMIT-I-m-BANA-ni NI-TE kǝsǝ AR-I-ker-e lord TOP autumn mountain-GEN first leaves.turn.red/yellow-NML-DV(ATTR)leaf-LOC look.like(CONV)-SUB FP exist-CONV-RETR-EV [my] beloved is looking like the first red leaves on an autumn mountain (MYS 8.1584) With the intervening focus particle namo, we have only one reliable example that is partially phonographic: 汝乃近護止之天護之米与止念天奈毛在

MIMASI-nǝ TIKA-KI MAMOR-I tǝ s-i-te MAMOR-Asimɛ-yǝ tǝ OMƏP-I-te namo AR-U you-GEN close-ATTR guard-NML DV do-CONV-SUB guard-CAUS-IMP DV thinkCONV-SUB FP exist-ATTR [I] have thought: “Let [me] make you guard [me] as [my] close guards” (SM 45) With the intervening emphatic particle si, we have only one reliable example that is partially phonographic: 擇月日逢義100之有者

TUKÏ PI ER-I AP-I-te si AR-Amba month day choose-CONV meet-CONV-SUB EP exist-COND If [we] are meeting choosing [just] one day (a month) [in a year] (MYS 10.2066)

100  Here we should have the character 羲 instead of the character 義, see section (4) in chapter 2, section 1.2 on the reading of 羲 as /te/.

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is only one example of the contracted form -tar- and one example of the uncontracted form -te ar- in Eastern Old Japanese. One of the examples of -taris found in a poem without any distinctive Eastern Old Japanese features (MYS 14.3507). In addition, in both cases of the contracted -tar-, we have only the attributive -tar-u attested. All this can trigger doubts in the authenticity of the contracted form -tar- in Eastern Old Japanese: it probably diffused there from Western Old Japanese. (1) Perfective: The uncontracted form -te ar- is attested in Eastern Old Japanese only once with the intervening particle si: 志留波乃伊宗等尓閇乃宇良等安比弖之阿良婆

Sirupa-nǝ iso-tǝ Nipɛ-nǝ ura-tǝ ap-i-te si ar-amba Sirupa-GEN rocky.shore-COM Nipɛ-GEN bay-COM meet-CONV-SUB EP existCOND If Sirupa’s rocky shore and Nipɛ bay would have met [together] … (MYS 20.4324) (2) Progressive: 麻都能氣乃奈美多流美礼婆

matu-nǝ kɛ-nǝ nam-i-tar-u mi-re-mba pine-GEN tree-GEN stand.in.line-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR see-EV-CON When [I] see that the pine trees are standing in line (MYS 20.4375) A2: Ryukyuan The past form in -tar- is attested in Old Ryukyuan. Given the high frequency of the form -itar- ~ -tar- in Classical Japanese and the Ryukyuan form’s almost exact resemblance to the Classical Japanese form, we are most likely dealing with a loan here. Much more interesting are the forms from modern dialects like the Shuri past final -ta-N and past attributive -ta-ru. In all likelihood these Shuri forms represent parallel but independent developments similar to the one discussed above for Western Old Japanese: -ta-N < *-te + a-N ‘SUB + existFIN’ and -ta-ru < *-te ar-u ‘SUB + exist-ATTR.’ The reason for claiming that these developments are independent is that the separation of Central Japanese and

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Proto-Ryukyuan must considerably predate the origin of the -te ar- form in Western Old Japanese that as we saw above was relatively recent. Thus, this is a case of drift, and consequently no Proto-Japonic reconstruction is possible even for the uncontracted construction *-te ar. This is furthermore confirmed by the extreme paucity and dubious nature of either -te ar- or -tar- in Eastern Old Japanese. Old Ryukyuan おしぢへたるゑつかさくどゑ

os-i-dife-tar-u we tukasa-gu do we push-CONV-exit(CONV)-PERF/PROG-ATTR hey tukasa-DIM FP hey hey, [we] pushed [the boat] ahead; hey, [priestess] Tukasa (OS 13.747) はつにしやすまちよたれおきとばすまちよたれ

fatu nisi-ya su mat-i-yo-tar-e okitoba su mat-i-yo-tar-e first north.wind-TOP FP wait-CONV-exist(CONV)-PERF-EV north.wind FP wait-CONV-exist(CONV)-PERF-EV [We] waited for the first north wind. [We] waited for the north wind (OS 13.899) Shuri

nuu Ndi ’yu-ta-ga what DV say-PAST-Q What (DV) did [you] say? (RKJ 435) ’ic-uN di ’yu-ta-N go-FIN DV say-PAST-FIN [He] said that [he] would go (RKJ 435) nichee haka-ta-N naa hakar-aN-ta-N naa fever(TOP) measure-PAST-FIN IP measure-NEG-PAST-FIN IP Did [you] measure [your] temperature? [Or] did not [you] measure? (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 52) nama-madi sanruu-taa-tu hur-i-ashib-i soo-ibi-ta-N now-TERM Sanruu-PLUR-COM be.enamored-CONV-play-NML do(PROG)POL-PAST-FIN Until now [he] was engrossed in playing with Sanruu and others (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 97) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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kuri-kaa-Nkai miikuni chukur-at-ta-ru suba-yaa shicchoo-mishee-m-i this-vicinity-LOC newly make-PASS-PAST-ATTR soba-shop(TOP) know(CONT/ CONV)-HON-FIN-Q Do [you] know a soba restaurant that was recently opened in this area? (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 115) 4.1.2.4 Retrospective -kerThe retrospective auxiliary has just one allomorph -ker-.101 It can be preceded by several suffixes and auxiliaries and followed only by several suffixes. This is due to the fact that the retrospective auxiliary -ker- cannot have a converb form *-ker-i-, therefore it can be followed immediately by suffixes only, not by other auxiliaries. Thus, the occurrence of the auxiliary -ker- closely resembles the modality markers: it appears mostly in the final predicates of sentences, with the only exceptions being the cases when it is found in non-final predicates formed by the conjunctive converb -mba or the concessive converb -ⁿdǝ. chart 89 Combinations of the retrospective -ker- with preceding suffixes and auxiliaries in their converb form

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

converb -i ~ -∅ negative converb -aⁿz-uhonorific converb -as-ipassive converb -(a)yeperfective converb -n-iperfective converb -teprogressive converb -er-iperfective-progressive converb -tar-i-

-i-ker- ~ -ker-aⁿz-u-ker-as-i-ker-(a)ye-ker-n-i-ker-te-ker-er-i-ker-tar-i-ker-

101  Frellesvig recently came with a proposal that -ker- may reflect not only a retrospective auxiliary, but also a progressive form ker- of the directive auxiliary kǝ- ‘to come’ (Frellesvig 2007: 248–250). The same approach to some -ker-, although not as explicitly as in Frellesvig’s article is adopted in the new index to the Man’yōshū (Kinoshita et al. 2003: 259). The idea is attractive and without any doubt is correct diachronically, but, I am afraid, it is difficult to prove synchronically. The main reason for my skepticism at this point is the fact that I am not aware of any examples with -ker- where it could be uncontroversially interpreted as a progressive form of the directive auxiliary verb kǝ- ‘to come.’

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As can be seen from the chart above, -ker- can combine with passive, honorific, and aspect markers. It becomes apparent from the chart below that it does not combine with any mood markers except the suppositional -(u)rasi. In addition to the primary occurrence in final predicates, this further indicates that -ker- is some kind of a modality marker. chart 90 Combinations of the retrospective -ker- with following suffixes

suffixes

combination forms

final -i attributive -(ur)u evidential -(ur)e negative -aⁿzsuppositional -(u)rasi nominalizer -aku conjunctive converb -mba concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ]

-ker-i -ker-u -ker-e -ker-aⁿz-ker-asi -ker-aku -ker-e-mba -ker-e-ⁿdǝ

There is a debate about the origins of WOJ -ker-. Since we have here the kō-rui vowel /e/, it is quite clear that -ker- must come from pre-WOJ *-ki + ar-, where ar- represents the auxiliary verb ar- ‘to exist,’ but there are two basic theories102 concerning the origin of the first element *ki-. The first of them goes back to Shinmura Izuru, who believed that WOJ -ker- is a contraction of the converb k-i- of the verb kǝ- ‘to come’ (1927: 251). It was further developed by Arai Mujirō and Yoshida Kanehiko who suggested that -ker- already represents a grammaticalization of the progressive form of ker- ‘come(PROG)’ (Yoshida 1973: 686). The second theory belongs to Yamada Yoshio who suggested that WOJ -ker- is a contraction of the past auxiliary -ki and ar- ‘to exist’ (1954: 227). I used to be a supporter of the second theory (Vovin 2003: 302), but it seems to me now that Yamada’s theory has two serious weak points: (a) as the reader will see below, -ker- has no necessary connection to the past; (b) past -ki is the final predication form, and although there is an exception when it is followed by the tentative suffix -am-, resulting in -k-em-, we would rather expect ar- ‘to exist’ to follow the converb and not the final form. On the other hand, the first 102  Yoshida Kanehiko lists seven hypotheses in total, but rejects four of them as untenable (1973: 685–686). Among the remaining three two are basically the same, representing variations of the first point of view presented below.

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theory does not have these disadvantages, and moreover, its proposal that the converb k-i of the verb kǝ- ‘to come’ is followed by the auxiliary ar- seems to be quite straightforward and well supported by actual existence of the progressive form ker- ‘come(PROG)’ in West Old Japanese texts. The lack of a connection between the progressive form ker- ‘come(PROG)’ and the past tense also speaks in favor of the first theory. While -iker- in Middle (Classical) Japanese is found primarily as an objective retrospective referring to the recollection of events not experienced by a speaker directly or referring to the sudden realization of a fact which was hitherto unknown to a speaker, even a brief perusal of the examples presented below will immediately reveal that the function of -ker- in Western Old Japanese is somewhat different. While the sudden realization of a fact which was hitherto unknown to a speaker is present as well in Western Old Japanese, the recollection of events is by no means limited to indirect experience only. In addition, there are cases when -ker- expresses not just ‘recollection,’ because there are a few cases when it does not refer exclusively to the past, but also to the present and future, and with a broader reference to an event experienced by someone. Thus, the two major meanings of Western Old Japanese retrospective -ker- are experiential and sudden realization of a fact. Examples: (1) Experiential: 許能美岐袁迦美祁牟比登波曾能都豆美宇須迩多弖弖宇多比都都迦美祁禮 加母麻比都都迦美祁禮加母

kǝnǝ mi-ki-wo kam-i-k-em-u pitǝ pa sǝnǝ tuⁿdumi usu n-i tate-te utap-i-tutu kami-ker-e kamǝ map-i-tutu kam-i-ker-e kamǝ this HON-rice.wine-ACC brew-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR person TOP that drum mortar DV-CONV place(CONV)-SUB sing-CONV-COOR brew-CONVRETR-EV EP dance-CONV-COOR brew-CONV-RETR-EV EP I wonder whether the person who brewed this rice wine, turned his drum [upside down] as a mortar and brewed [it] while singing, brewed [it] while dancing (KK 40) 迦美斯美岐迩和禮惠比迩祁理

kam-i-si mi-ki-ni ware wep-i-n-i-ker-i brew-CONV-PAST/ATTR HON-rice.wine-LOC I be.drunk-CONV-PERF-CONVRETR-FIN I got drunk with brewed holy rice wine (KK 49)

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和加久閇爾韋泥弖麻斯母能淤伊爾祁流加母

waka-ku pɛ-ni wi ne-te-masi mǝnǝ oyi-n-i-ker-u kamǝ young-CONV ?-DV-CONV bring(CONV) sleep(CONV)-PERF-SUBJ CONJ age (CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP [I] would bring [her with me] and have slept [with her] when [she] was young, but it turned out that [she] has become old, alas! (KK 93) 許能久斯美多麻志可志家良斯母

kǝnǝ kusi mi-tama sik-as-i-ker-asi-mǝ this mysterious HON-stone lay-HON-CONV-RETR-SUP-EXCL [it] looks like [the empress Jingū] laid these mysterious stones! (MYS 5.814) 烏梅能波奈佐吉多留僧能能阿遠也疑波可豆良爾須倍久奈利爾家良受夜

uMƐ-nǝ pana sak-i-tar-u sǝnǝ-nǝ awo yaŋgï pa kaⁿdura n-i s-umbɛ-ku nar-in-i-ker-aⁿz-u ya plum-GEN blossom bloom-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR garden-GEN green willow TOP laurel DV-CONV do-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETRNEG-FIN IP Did not [it] become so that [we] should make [our] laurels out of the green willows in the garden where the plum blossoms have bloomed? (MYS 5.817) 諾石社見人毎尓語嗣偲家良思吉

UmBƐ-si kǝsǝ MI-RU PITƏ ŋGƏTƏ n-i KATAR-I-TU ŋG-I SINOP-I-ker-asi-ki be.proper-FIN FP see-ATTR person every DV-CONV talk-CONV-pass-CONV yearn-CONV-RETR-SUP-ATTR [It] is proper that every person who sees [this beach], seems to yearn [for it] and tells others [about it] (MYS 6.1065) 此花乃一与能裏波百種乃言持不勝而所折家良受也

KƏNƏ PANA-nǝ PITƏ yǝ-nǝ UTI pa MOMO KUSA-nǝ KƏTƏ MƏT-I-KANE-TE WOR-AYE-ker-aⁿz-u ya this flower-GEN one petal-GEN inside TOP hundred type-GEN word holdCONV-NEG/POT(CONV)-SUB break-PASS(CONV)-RETR-NEG-FIN IP One petal of this flower cannot hold a hundred words, so would not [this flower] be broken? (MYS 8.1457) 塩乾尓祁良志

SIPO PÏ-n-i-ker-asi tide dry(CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-SUP It seems that the tide has retreated (lit. dried up) (MYS 9.1671) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

883

Verbs 吾者來南登言家礼婆妹之答久

WARE pa K-I-n-am-u tǝ IP-I-ker-e-mba IMO-ŋGA IP-ER-Aku I TOP come-CONV-PERF-TENT-FIN DV say-CONV-RETR-EV-CON belovedPOSS say-PROG-NML when [Urasima] said: “I will definitely come,” [his] beloved replied: … (MYS 9.1740) 妹等安里之時者安礼杼毛和可礼弖波許呂母弖佐牟伎母能尓曽安里家流

IMO-tǝ ar-i-si TƏKI pa ar-e-ⁿdǝmo wakare-te pa kǝrǝmǝⁿde samu-ki mǝnǝ n-i sǝ ar-i-ker-u beloved-COM exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR time TOP exist-EV-CONC separate(CONV)SUB TOP sleeve cold-ATTR thing DV-CONV FP exist-CONV-RETR-ATTR Although there was a time when [I] was with [my] beloved, after [we] separated, [my] sleeves are cold (MYS 15.3591) 氣奈我久之安礼婆古非尓家流可母

kɛ naŋga-ku si ar-e-mba kopï-n-i-ker-u kamǝ day long-CONV EP exist-EV-CON long.for(CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP because it has been a long time (lit.: days) [since we left], [I] have been longing for [the capital]! (MYS 15.3668) 伊毛乎婆美受曾安流倍久安里家留

imo-womba mi-ⁿz-u sǝ ar-umbɛ-ku ar-i-ker-u beloved-ACC(EMPH) see-NEG-CONV FP exist-DEB-CONV exist-CONV-RETRATTR [I] must not have seen [my] beloved (MYS 15.3739) 可敝里家流比等伎多礼里等伊比之可婆保等保登之尓吉

kaper-i-ker-u pitǝ k-i-tar-er-i tǝ ip-i-sika-mba potǝpotǝ sin-i-ki return-CONV-RETR-ATTR person come-CONV-PERF/PROG-PROG-FIN DV sayCONV-PAST/EV-CON almost die-CONV-PAST/FIN Because [they] said that a person, who returned [from exile], had come [to the capital], [I] almost died [from joy] (MYS 15.3772) 伊米尓波母等奈安比見礼騰多太尓安良祢婆孤悲夜麻受家里

imɛ-ni pa mǝtǝna api-MI-re-ⁿdǝ taⁿda n-i ar-an-e-mba kopï yam-aⁿz-u-ker-i dream-LOC TOP in.vain REC-see-EV-CONC direct DV-CONV exist-NEG-EV-CON long.for(NML) stop-NEG-CONV-RETR-FIN although [we] see each other in vain in dreams, because [our meetings] are not direct, [our] longing does not stop (MYS 17.3980)

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Chapter 6

伊尓之邊遊阿里吉仁家礼婆許其志可毛伊波能可牟佐備

inisipe-yu ari-k-i-n-i-ker-e-mba kǝŋgǝsi kamo ipa-nǝ kamu-sambï old.times-ABL ITER-come-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-EV-CON rugged(FIN) EP rock-GEN deity-like because [they] date back to old times, deity-like rocks are rugged! (MYS 17.4003) 夜蘇登毛乃乎波宇加波多知家里

yaso tǝmo n-ǝ wo pa u kapa tat-i-ker-i eighty companion DV-ATTR man TOP cormorant river stand-CONV-RETR-FIN eighty male companions [of mine] were cormorant fishing [at] the river (MYS 17.4023) 都奇見礼婆於奈自久尓奈里夜麻許曽婆伎美我安多里乎敝太弖多里家礼

tukï MI-re-mba onaⁿzi kuni nar-i yama kǝsǝ pa kimi-ŋga atari-wo peⁿdatetar-i-ker-e moon see-EV-CON same province be-FIN mountain FP TOP lord-POSS vicinityACC separate(CONV)-PERF/PROG-CONV-RETR-EV When [I] look at the moon, it is the same province. [But] the mountains are separating [you, my] lord [from me] (MYS 18.4073) 此橘乎等伎自久能可久能木實等名附家良之母

KƏNƏ TATImBANA-wo tǝkiⁿzi-ku n-ǝkaŋg-un-ǝKƏ-NƏ MÏ tǝ NA-ⁿ-DUKƐ-ker-asi-mǝ this mandarin orange-ACC be off season-CONV DV-ATTR smell-ATTR DV-ATTR tree-GEN fruit DV name-LOC-attach(CONV)-RETR-SUP-EXCL [we] should call these mandarin oranges fragrant tree fruits that are off season! (MYS 18.4111) 伎美伎麻之都々可射之多里家利

kimi k-i-mas-i-tutu kaⁿzas-i-tar-i-ker-i lord come-CONV-HON-CONV-COOR decorate-CONV-PERF/PROG-CONVRETR-FIN while you came [to my place], [you] have decorated [yourself with roses] (MYS 20.4302) 都婆吉都良々々尓美等母安可米也宇惠弖家流伎美

tumbaki tura-tura n-i mi tǝmǝ ak-am-ɛ ya uwe-te-ker-u kimi camellia intent DV-CONV look(FIN) CONJ get.enough-TENT-EV IP plant (CONV)-PERF(CONV)-RETR-ATTR lord even if [I] look intently, could [I] get enough of the camellia [or] you who have planted [it]? (MYS 20.4481) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

885

Verbs 等保伎佐刀麻弖於久利家流伎美我許己呂波和須良由麻之自

tǝpo-ki sato-maⁿde okur-i-ker-u kimi-ŋga kǝkǝrǝ pa wasur-ay-umasiⁿzi distant-ATTR village-TERM see.off-CONV-RETR-ATTR lord-POSS heart TOP forget-PASS-NEG/POT [I] cannot forget the kindness of [my] lord who saw [me] off to [my] distant village (MYS 20.4482) 久須理師波都祢乃母阿礼等麻良比止乃伊麻乃久須理師多布止可理家利米 太志加利鶏利

kusurisi pa tune n-ǝ mǝ ar-e-ⁿdǝ marapitǝ n-ǝ ima-nǝ kusurisi taputǝ-k-ar-i-ker-i mɛⁿdasi-k-ar-i-ker-i medicine man TOP usual DV-ATTR FP exist-EV-CONC guest DV-ATTR nowGEN medicine man revered-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN praiseworthyCONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN Although there are usual medicine men, too, the present Guest Medicine Man is [indeed] revered. [He] is praiseworthy (BS 15) 仲麻呂等通家流謀乃文有

Nakamarǝ-tǝ KAYOP-AS-I-ker-u PAKAR-I-nǝ PUMI AR-I Nakamarǝ-COM plan-HON-CONV-RETR-ATTR plot-NML-GEN letter exist-FIN there was a letter about the plot that [prince Pune] was planning with Nakamarǝ (SM 30) (2) Sudden realization of a fact: 阿加陀麻波袁佐閇比迦禮杼斯良多麻能岐美何余曾比斯多布斗久阿理祁理

aka-ⁿ-dama pa wo sapɛ pikar-e-ⁿdǝ sira tama-nǝ kimi-ŋga yǝsǝpi si taputo-ku ar-i-ker-i red-DV(ATTR)-jewel TOP cord RP shine-EV-CONC white jewel-COMP lordPOSS adorned.appearance EP revered-CONV exist-CONV-RETR-FIN Although even the cord of red jewels shines, [I] realized [that I] feel reverence [for my] lord’s adorned appearance, which is like a white jewel (KK 7) 常磐成石室者今毛安里家礼騰住家類人曽常無里家留

TƏK[Ə]-IPA-NASU IPA YA pa IMA mo ar-i-ker-e-ⁿdǝ SUM-I-ker-u PITƏ sǝ TUNE NA-K-Ar-i-ker-u Eternal rock-COMP rock house TOP now FP exist-CONV-RETR-EV-CONC liveCONV-RETR-ATTR person FP usual no-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-ATTR Although there are now as well the rock dwellings that are like an eternal rock, [it] turns out that [it] is not usual that people live [there] (MYS 3.308) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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世間之苦物尓有家良久

YƏ-NƏ NAKA-NƏ KURUSI-KI MƏNƏ n-i AR-I-ker-aku world-GEN inside-GEN hard-ATTR thing DV-CONV exist-CONV-RETR-NML The fact that the life turned out to be hard (MYS 4.738) 美夜故能提夫利和周良延尓家利

miyako-nǝ temburi wasur-aye-n-i-ker-i capital-GEN custom forget-PASS(CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-FIN it turned out that [I] have forgotten the customs of the capital (MYS 5.880) 今者春部登成尓鷄類鴨

IMA pa PARU-pɛ tǝ nar-i-n-i-ker-u kamo now TOP spring-? DV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP [It] turned out that now [it] is (lit.: has become) spring! (MYS 8.1433) 君乎衣尓有者下毛将著跡吾念有家留

KIMI-wo KƏRƏMƏ n-i AR-Amba SITA mo KI-M-U tǝ WA-ŋGA OMƏP-ER-I-ker-u lord-ACC garment DV-CONV exist-COND beneath FP wear-TENT-FIN DV I-POSS think-PROG-CONV-RETR-ATTR I came to think that if [you] were a garment, [I] would wear you beneath [my clothes] (MYS 12.2964) 可具呂伎可美尓都由曽於伎尓家類

kaŋ-gurǝ103-ki kami-ni tuyu sǝ ok-i-n-i-ker-u INT-black-ATTR hair-LOC dew FP put-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR [it] turned out that the dew fell on the pitch-black hair (MYS 15.3649) 伊敝之麻波奈尓許曽安里家礼

Ipe sima pa na n-i kǝsǝ ar-i-ker-e Home island TOP name DV-CONV FP exist-CONV-RETR-EV “Home island” turned out to be just a name (MYS 15.3718) 等保家騰母許己呂之遊氣婆伊米尓美要家利

tǝpo-ke-ⁿdǝmǝ kǝkǝrǝ si yuk-ɛ-mba imɛ-ni mi-ye-ker-i far-EV-CONC heart EP go-EV-CON dream-LOC see-PASS(CONV)-RETR-FIN although [it] is far, because [my] heart goes [to you], [it] turned out that [you] appeared in [my] dreams (MYS 17.3981) 103  The character 呂 transcribing otsu-rui /rǝ/ is apparently a scribal mistake for kō-rui /ro/.

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Verbs

887

奈泥之故波秋咲物乎君宅之雪巌尓左家理家流可母

nandesiko pa AKI SAK-U MƏNƏwo KIMI-ŋGA IPE-NƏ YUKI IPAPO-ni sak-er-iker-u kamǝ carnation TOP fall bloom-ATTR CONJ lord-POSS house-GEN snow rock-LOC bloom-PROG-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP Although carnations bloom in the fall, [it] turned out that [they] have bloomed at the snow rocks of your house! (MYS 19.4231) 夏野尓吾見之草波毛美知多里家利

NATU-NƏ NO-ni WA-ŋGA MI-si KUSA pa momit-i-tar-i-ker-i summer-GEN field-LOC I-POSS see(CONV)-PAST/ATTR grass TOP leaves.turn. red/yellow-CONV-PERF/PROG-CONV-RETR-FIN [it] turned out that the grass that I had seen in the fields became yellow (MYS 19.4268) 夜度乃烏梅能知利須具流麻埿美之米受安利家流

yaⁿdo-nǝ uMƐ-nǝ tir-i-suŋg-uru-maⁿde mi-simɛ-ⁿz-u ar-i-ker-u house-GEN plum-GEN fall-CONV-pass-ATTR-TERM see-CAUS-NEG-CONV exist-CONV-RETR-ATTR [it] turned out that [you] did not let [me] see plum [blossoms] in [your] house until they had completely fallen (MYS 20.4496) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese Three different phonetic shapes of the retrospective auxiliary are attested in Eastern Old Japanese: -ker-, -kɛr-, and -kar-. Examples: 乃良奴伎美我名宇良尓弖尓家里

nǝr-an-u kimi-ŋga NA ura-ni [i]ⁿde-n-i-ker-i say-NEG-ATTR lord-POSS name divination-LOC go.out(INF)-PERF-INFRETR-FIN The name of [my beloved] lord which [I] did not tell [to anyone] became known through divination (MYS 14.3374)

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Chapter 6

和藝毛古賀都氣之非毛我乎多延尓氣流可母

wa-ŋg-imo-ko-ŋga tukɛ-si pïmo-ŋga wo taye-n-i-kɛr-u kamǝ I-POSS-beloved-DIM-POSS attach(CONV)-PAST/ATTR cord-POSS cord break (CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP the cords [of my garment] that my beloved tied, broke off! (MYS 20.4404) This poem is from the Kamitukɛ province, which belongs to the Eastern Old Japanese Region B. It has an Eastern Old Japanese feature: WOJ -ker‘RETR’ is misspelled as -kɛr-. In addition to one example with -ker- that is found in the Eastern Old Japanese part of book 14 of the Man’yōshū, and one example of -kɛr- in book 20 there is also one example of the form -kar-: 以弊乃母加枳世之己呂母尓阿加都枳尓迦理

ipe-nǝ [i]mǝ-ŋga ki-se-si kǝrǝmǝ-ni aka tuk-i-n-i-kar-i home-GEN beloved-POSS wear-CAUS(CONV)-PAST/ATTR garment-LOC dirt attach-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-FIN dirt stuck to the garment that my beloved at home made [me] wear (MYS 20.4388) Although we have only one example of -kar-, it is necessary to note that it represents the same type of development as the Eastern Old Japanese progressive -ar- vs. WOJ -er- (contraction vs. monophthongization). Incidentally, the ‘misspelling’ -kɛr- found in MYS 20.4404 above may be actually an attempt to write down a form phonetically close to -kar- or at least a form with a different vowel than WOJ /e/. Thus, -kar- probably represents the original Eastern Old Japanese retrospective auxiliary, while -ker- is either a loan from Western Old Japanese, or it was intentionally substituted by scribes who were speakers of Western Old Japanese. 4.1.2.5 Potential -kate- ~ -ŋgateThe potential auxiliary -kate- has two allomorphs: -kate- and -kat-. Since -katebehaves like a vowel verb,104 the choice between these two allomorphs is determined by the same rules as for the long and short stems of a vowel verb. The allomorph -kat- also appears before the progressive -er-, which is not found after other vowel verbs (see section 3.2.3.11). There are two phonetic variants of 104  For an exception see the example from KK 28 below where we find -ŋgat- behaving like a consonant verb.

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both allomorphs: -kate- ~ -kat- with plain voiceless /k/ and -ŋgate- ~ -ŋgat- with prenasalized voiced /ŋg/. It is difficult to decide which one is primary, but if the potential auxiliary is somehow historically connected with the verb kate- ‘to join, to unite,’105 the prenasalized forms are probably secondary. The primary nature of the voiceless variant is further supported by the example from the NK 19 below, since the Nihonshoki is the only Western Old Japanese text that consistently differentiates between plain voiceless and voiced prenasalized consonants. The potential auxiliary -kate- ~ -ŋgate- occurs only after converbs directly following lexical verbal stems, but not after the converbs of other auxiliaries. On the other hand, the potential auxiliary -kate- ~ -ŋgate- can be followed by several suffixes as outlined in the following chart: chart 91

Combinations of the potential -kate- with following suffixes

suffixes

combination forms

negative -(a)nnegative -(a)ⁿztentative -(a)mnegative potential -(u)masiⁿzi progressive -er-

-kate-n-, -kat-an-* -kate-ⁿz-** -kate-m-kat-umasiⁿzi -kat-er-

Note: * Only one example in KK 28. ** Attested only in the partially logographic writing.

The only function of -kate- is the potential. Surprisingly enough, in most examples where the potential -kate- is attested it appears either with the following negative -(a)n- ~ -(a)ⁿz- or with the following negative potential -(u)masiⁿzi. When -kate- does not combine with any negatives, it is followed by either the tentative suffix -(a)m- or by the progressive suffix -er-. Examples:

105  For the semantic development cf. English ‘put together’ that can be used not only about joining things but about ability to organize or fix something.

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Chapter 6

宇倍那宇倍那岐美麻知賀多爾

umbɛ na umbɛ na kimi mat-i-ŋgat-an-i indeed EP indeed EP lord wait-CONV-POT-NEG-CONV Indeed, indeed! [I] can hardly wait for [my] lord, and … (KK 28) In this example we have an irregular form -ŋgat-an-i that behaves like a consonant verb instead of a regular -ŋgate-n-i. 伊辞務邏塢多誤辞珥固佐縻固辞介低務介茂

isi mura-wo ta-ŋ-gos-i-ni kos-amba kos-i-kate-m-u kamo stone group-ACC hand-LOC-pass-NML-LOC pass-COND pass-CONV-POTTENT-ATTR EP if [you] move by hands the heaps of stones, would [it] be possible to move [them], I wonder? (NK 19) 山邊乃御井乎見我弖利

YAMA-NƏ PE-nǝ MI-WI-wo MI-ŋgat-er-i mountain-GEN side-GEN HON-well-ACC see(CONV)-POT-PROG-FIN [I] have been able to see the well at the mountain side (MYS 1.81) Omodaka et al. believe that -ŋgateri is a gerund, related to the gerund -katera (1967: 201), which was discussed above (see section 4.1.1.4). I see little evidence for this analysis, which is further complicated by the unexplained vowel correspondence /a/ ~ /i/. 佐不寐者遂尓有勝麻之自

sa-NE-ⁿZ-U pa TUPI n-i AR-I-kat-umasiⁿzi PREF-sleep-NEG-CONV TOP final DV-CONV exist-CONV-POT-NEG/POT if [I] do not sleep [with you], [I] cannot live (MYS 2.94) 吾者毛也安見兒得有皆人乃得難尓為云安見兒衣多利

WARE pa mo ya yasumiKO E-TAR-I MÏNA PITƏ-nǝ E-kate-n-i S-U TƏ IP-U yasumiKO e-tar-i I TOP EP EP Yasumiko get(CONV)-PERF/PROG-FIN all person-GEN get(CONV)POT-NEG-NML do-FIN DV say-ATTR Yasumiko get(CONV)-PERF/PROG-FIN I got Yasumiko! I got Yasumiko whom all people cannot get (MYS 2.95)

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Verbs

891

梓弓引者随意依目友後心乎知勝奴鴨

AⁿDUSA YUMI PIK-Amba MANIMA N-I YƏR-Am-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ NƏTI-NƏ KƏKƏRƏ-wo SIR-I-kate-n-u kamo catalpa bow pull-COND according DV-CONV approach-TENT-EV-CONC afterGEN heart-ACC know-CONV-POT-NEG-ATTR EP Although [I] would go to [you] if [you] pull [the strings of my heart like] a catalpa bow, [I] cannot know [your] feelings after [that]! (MYS 2.98) 潤湿跡戀乍居寸君待香光

NURE-PIT-URE-ⁿdǝ KOPÏ-TUTU WOR-I-ki KIMI MAT-I-kat-er-i become.wet(CONV)-soak-EV-CONC long.for(CONV)-COOR exist-CONV-PAST/ FIN lord wait-CONV-POT-PROG-FIN although [I] got soaked, [I] was longing for [you]. [I] was able to wait for you (MYS 3.370) 古尓有兼人毛如吾歟妹尓戀乍宿不勝家牟

INISIPE-ni AR-I-k-em-u PITƏ mo A-ŋGA ŋGƏTƏ KA IMO-ni KOPÏ-TUTU I NEkate-ⁿZ-U-k-em-u old.times-LOC exist-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR person FP I-POSS like IP beloved-DAT long.for(CONV)-COOR sleep sleep(CONV)-POT-NEG-CONVPAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR Were the people who lived in old times unable to sleep like me, too, longing for [their] beloved? (MYS 4.497) 宇具比須能麻知迦弖尓勢斯宇米我波奈

uŋgupisu-nǝ mat-i-kate-n-i se-si umɛ-ŋga pana bush.warbler-GEN wait-CONV-POT-NEG-NML do(CONV)-PAST/ATTR plumPOSS blossom plum blossoms for which the bush warbler could hardly wait (MYS 5.845) 加波度爾波阿由故佐婆斯留吉美麻知我弖爾

kapa-to-ni pa ayu-ko sam-basir-u kimi mat-i-ŋgate-n-i river-door-LOC TOP sweetfish-DIM PREF-run-ATTR lord wait-CONV-POTNEG-CONV [I] can hardly wait for [my] lord at the ford in the river where little sweetfish are swimming fast (MYS 5.859)

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892

Chapter 6

比等国爾須疑加弖奴可母

pitǝ KUNI-ni suŋgï-kate-n-u kamǝ one land-LOC pass-POT-NEG-ATTR EP It is unbearable to pass [away] (lit.: cannot pass away) in [another] person[’s] land, alas! (MYS 5.885) 麁妙能布衣遠阤尓伎世難尓可久夜歎敢

ARA TAPƐ-nǝ NUNO KINU-wo ⁿdani ki-se-KATE-n-i ka-ku ya NA ŋGƐk-am-u rough mulberry.bark.cloth-GEN cloth garment-ACC RP wear-CAUS(CONV)POT-NEG-CONV thus-CONV IP lament-TENT-ATTR Being unable to make [my children] wear even a cloth garment from the rough mulberry bark cloth, would [I] lament in this way? (MYS 5.901) 浮蓴邊毛奥毛依勝益士

UK-I NUNAPA PE-NI mo OKI-NI mo YƏR-I-kat-umasinzi float-CONV water.shield shore-LOC FP offing-LOC FP approach-CONV-POT-NEG/ POT [my love for you is like] a water shield that cannot approach either a shore or an offing (MYS 7.1352) 和乎待難尓

wa-wo MAT-I-kate-n-i I-ACC wait-CONV-POT-NEG-CONV [she] is unable to wait for me, and … (MYS 11.2483) 秋田乃穂牟伎見我氐里

AKI-NƏ TA-nǝ POmuki MI-ŋgat-er-i autumn-GEN paddy-GEN ripened.rice see-POT-PROG-FIN [I] have been able to see the ripened rice in the autumn paddies (MYS 17.3943) 伊埿多知加弖尓等騰己保里

iⁿde-tat-i-kate-n-i tǝⁿdǝkǝpor-i exit(CONV)-depart-CONV-POT-NEG-CONV be.delayed-CONV [I] was unable to depart, and [I] was delayed, and … (MYS 20.4398)

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Verbs

Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The potential auxiliary -kate- is also well attested in Eastern Old Japanese: 筑波祢乃祢呂尓可須美為須宜可提尓伊伎豆久伎美乎為祢弖夜良佐祢

Tukumba ne-nǝ ne-rǝ-ni kasumi wi suŋgï-kate-n-i ikiⁿduk-u kimi-wo wi-ne-te yar-as-an-e Tukumba peak-GEN peak-DIM-LOC mist sit(CONV) pass(CONV)-POT-NEGCONV sigh-ATTR lord-ACC bring(CONV)-sleep(CONV)-SUB send-HON-DESIMP The mist sits on the smaller peak of Tukumba and cannot move away, and [I] wish [you] would bring [your] sighing lord and sleep [with him] (MYS 14.3388) 布路与伎能遊吉須宜可提奴伊毛賀伊敝乃安多里

pur-o yǝki-nǝ yuk-i-suŋgï-kate-n-u imo-ŋga ipe-nǝ atari fall-ATTR snow-COMP go-CONV-pass(CONV)-POT-NEG-ATTR beloved-POSS house-GEN vicinity the vicinity of my beloved’s house, that [I], like a falling snow, cannot pass (MYS 14.3423) 伊弖可天爾世之乎見多弖思伊敞能兒良

iⁿde-kate-n-i se-si-wo MI-tate-si ipe-nǝ KO-ra exit(CONV)-POT-NEG-NML do-PAST/ATTR-ACC see(CONV)-send off(CONV)PAST/ATTR home-GEN girl-DIM [my] beloved, who saw [me] off [as I] could not go out [and part with her] (MYS 14.3534) 父乎於伎弖道乃長道波由伎加弖努加毛

TITI-wo ok-i-te MITI-nǝ NA ŋGATE pa yuk-i-kate-n-o kamo father-ACC leave-CONV-SUB way-GEN length TOP go-CONV-POT-NEGATTR EP [I] cannot go [this] long way, leaving my father! (MYS 20.4341) Thus, we can reconstruct the Proto-Japanese potential auxiliary *-kate-. 4.1.2.6 Negative Potential -kaneThe negative potential auxiliary has only one allomorph -kane-. It behaves like a regular vowel verb. In most cases it is found immediately after the converb of a main verb as the following chart demonstrates. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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Chapter 6

chart 92 Combinations of the negative potential -kane- with preceding converbs

converbs

combination forms

converb -i, -∅passive converb -(a)ye-

-i-kane-, -kane-aye-kane-*

Note: * Attested only once in partial logographic spelling in MYS 16.3793 below.

The negative potential auxiliary -kane- can be followed by suffixes and auxiliaries: chart 93 Combinations of the negative potential -kane- with following suffixes and auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

converb -i ~ -∅ nominalizer -i ~ -∅ tentative -(a)msubordinative converb -te perfective -te-

-kane -kane -kane-m-kane-te -kane-te-, -kane-t-

In comparison with another Western Old Japanese negative potential -umasiⁿzi (see section 3.2.1.11), the functional scope of -kane- is much more narrow. It always refers to impossibility of doing an action although it is desired, that is “[I] want to do it, but [I] cannot.” The negative potential -umasiⁿzi does not have this limitation. Examples: 夜斯麻久爾都麻麻岐迦泥弖

ya sima kuni tuma mak-i-kane-te eight island country spouse pillow-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)-SUB not being able to bed a spouse in the country of Eight Islands (KK 2) 久良波斯夜麻袁佐賀志美登伊波迦伎加泥弖和賀弖登良須母

kurapasi-yama-wo saŋgasi-mi tǝ ipa kak-i-kane-te wa-ŋga te tǝr-as-umǝ Kurapasi-mountain-ABS steep-GER DV rock hang-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)SUB take-HON-EXCL [I] think that Mount Kurapasi is steep. Being unable to cling to the rocks, [I wish you would] take my hand! (KK 69) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

895

Verbs 野糸磨倶儞都磨磨祁可泥底

ya sima kuni tuma mak-i-kane-te eight island country spouse pillow-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)-SUB not being able to bed a spouse in the country of Eight Islands (NK 96) 区縒刀理我泥底伊母我堤塢刀楼

kusa tor-i-kane-te106 imǝ-ŋga te-wo tor-u grass hold-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)-SUB beloved-POSS hand-ACC hold-FIN being unable to hold the grass, [I] will hold the hand of [my] beloved (FK 19) 枕之邊人忘可祢津藻

MAKURA-PE-NƏ PITƏ WASURE-kane-t-umo pillow-side-GEN person forget(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-EXCL [I] could not forget her who is [near] my bed-side (MYS 1.72) 古之嫗尓為而也如此許戀乎大尓忍金手武

PUR-I-N-I-si omina n-i s-i-te ya ka-ku mBAKARI KOPÏ-wo ⁿdani SINƏmB-I-kanete-m-u become.old-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR old.woman DV-CONV do-CONVSUB IP thus-CONV RP long.for(NML)-ACC RP endure-CONV-NEG/POT (CONV)-PERF-TENT-ATTR Am [I not] an old woman? [But it] has become so [that I] would not be able to endure even longing (MYS 2.129) 痛背乃河乎渡金目八

ANAse-nǝ KAPA-wo WATAR-I-kane-m-ɛ ya Anase-GEN river-ACC cross-CONV-NEG/POT-TENT-EV IP would [I] be unable to cross Anase river? [Certainly I would be able] (MYS 4.643) 等伎能佐迦利乎等々尾迦祢周具斯野利都礼

tǝki-nǝ sakar-i-wo tǝⁿdǝmï-kane suŋgus-i-yar-i-t-ure time-GEN bloom-NML-ACC stop(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV) pass-CONV-sendCONV-PERF-EV [they] have spent [their lives] being unable to stop the prime of their lives (MYS 5.804)

106  The original script indicates -ŋgane- rather than -kane-, but since this is the only example of -ŋgane-, I transcribed it as -kane-. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

896

Chapter 6

等伎波奈周迦久斯母何母等意母閇騰母余能許等奈礼婆等登尾可祢都母

tǝk[ǝ]-ipa-nasu ka-ku si mǝŋgamǝ tǝ omǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ yǝ-nǝ kǝtǝ nar-e-mba tǝⁿdǝmï-kane-t-umǝ eternal-rock-COMP thus-CONV EP DP DV think-EV-CONC world-GEN matter be-EV-CON stop(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-EXCL Although [I] think that [I] want to be (thus) like the eternal rock, because [it] is a matter of this world, [I] cannot stop [life]! (MYS 5.805) 由久布祢遠布利等騰尾加祢伊加婆加利故保斯苦阿利家武麻都良佐欲比賣

yuk-u pune-wo pur-i tǝⁿdǝmï-kane ika mbakari koposi-ku ar-i-k-em-u mat[u]-ura sayo-pime go-ATTR boat-ACC wave-CONV stop(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV) how RP be.longing-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN pine-bay Sayo-pime How Sayo-pime [from] the “Pine bay” must have been longing, not being able to stop the boat that went away by waving [her long scarf] (MYS 5.875) 飛立可祢都鳥尓之安良祢婆

TƏmB-I-TAT-I-kane-t-u TƏRI n-i si ar-an-e-mba fly-CONV-depart-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-FIN bird DV-CONV EP existNEG-EV-CON [I] could not fly away because [I] am not a bird (MYS 5.893) 暁闇夜乃朝影尓吾身者成奴汝乎念金丹

AKATƏKI YAMÏ-nǝ ASA KA ŋGƐ n-i WA-ŋGA MÏ pa NAR-I-n-u NA-wo OMƏP-I-kane n-i dawn darkness-GEN morning shadow DV-CONV I-POSS body TOP becomeCONV-PERF-FIN you-ACC love-CONV-NEG/POT(NML) DV-CONV My body has become a morning shadow of darkness at dawn. Because loving [you] is unbearable (MYS 11.2664) 彼夜者吾毛宿毛寐金手寸

SƏNƏ YO pa WARE mo I mo NE-kane-te-ki that night TOP I FP sleep FP sleep(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-CONV-PAST/ FIN I was also unable to sleep that night (MYS 13.3269) 奈良能美夜故波和須礼可祢都母

Nara-nǝ miyako pa wasure-kane-t-umǝ Nara-GEN capital TOP forget(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-EXCL [I] am not able to forget the capital of Nara! (MYS 15.3618)

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897

Verbs 将若異子等丹所詈金目八

WAKA-k-eM-U KO-RA-ni NOR-AYE-kane-m-ɛ ya young-ATTR-TENT-ATTR girl-PLUR-LOC abuse-PASS(CONV)-NEG/POT-TENTEV IP would [you] be able to not be abused by girls who would be younger? (Certainly you would be abused) (MYS 16.3793) 和我世古我都美之手見都追志乃備加祢都母

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga tum-i-si TE MI-tutu sinǝmbï-kane-t-umǝ I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS pinch-CONV-PAST/ATTR hand see(CONV)-COOR endure(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-EXCL I could not endure seeing the hands that my beloved pinched! (MYS 17.3940) 流渧等騰米可祢都母

NA ŋGAR-URU NAMIⁿDA tǝⁿdǝmɛ-kane-t-umǝ flow-ATTR tear stop(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-EXCL [I] cannot stop flowing tears! (MYS 19.4160) In the following two examples, kane- is apparently used as an independent auxiliary verb, since it is separated from the main verb by the focus particle mǝ. Therefore, it could be tentatively classified as a lexical auxiliary, but I am reluctant to do so, because these are the only examples of this kind in the whole Western Old Japanese corpus, both belonging to Late Western Old Japanese, and because there are no other examples where kane- is used as a completely independent lexical verb with no connection to a main verb. 奈氣可久乎等騰米毛可祢氐

naŋgɛk-aku-wo tǝⁿdǝmɛ mo kane-te lament-NML-ACC stop(NML) FP be.unable(CONV)-SUB [I] cannot stop lamenting (MYS 17.4008) 御調寳波可蘇倍衣受都久之毛可祢都

MI-TUKÏ TAKARA pa kaⁿzopɛ-e-ⁿz-u tukus-i mo kane-t-u HON-tribute treasure TOP count(CONV)-get-NEG-CONV exhaust-NML FP be.unable(CONV)-PERF-FIN [It] is impossible to count all tribute treasures, and [one] cannot exhaust [them] either (MYS 18.4094)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The negative potential -kane- is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese. However, the functional limitation of WOJ -kane- as an impossibility of doing a desired action may be more questionable here, cf. the last example from MYS 20.4346. Examples: 夜蘇許登乃敝波思氣久等母安良蘇比可祢弖安乎許登奈須那

yaso kǝtǝ-nǝ pe pa siŋgɛ-ku tǝmǝ arasop-i-kane-te a-wo kǝtǝ nas-una eighty word-GEN leaf TOP thick-CONV CONJ resist-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)SUB I-ACC word make-NEG/IMP although many rumors are growing thick [like a bush], do not talk about me, failing to resist (MYS 14.3456) 古非都追母乎良牟等須礼杼遊布麻夜万可久礼之伎美乎於母比可祢都母

kopï-tutu mǝ wor-am-u tǝ s-ure-ⁿdǝ Yupuma yama kakure-si kimi-wo omǝp-ikane-t-umǝ love(CONV)-COOR FP exist-TENT-FIN DV do-EV-CONC Yupuma mountain hide(CONV)-PAST/ATTR lord-ACC think-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERFEXCL Although [I] was going to continue to love [you], [I] cannot [bear] thoughts about my lord, who hid [himself] on the Yupuma mountain! (MYS 14.3475) 安乎麻知可祢弖

a-wo mat-i-kane-te I-ACC wait-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)-SUB [she] cannot wait for me (MYS 14.3563) 知々波々我可之良加伎奈弖佐久安礼天伊比之氣等婆是和須礼加祢豆流

titi papa-ŋga kasira kaki-naⁿde sa-ku ar-e te ip-i-si kɛtǝmba ⁿze wasure-kanet-uru father mother-POSS head PREF-stroke(CONV) safe-CONV exist-IMP DV sayCONV-PAST/ATTR word FP forget(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-ATTR [I] cannot forget the words: “Be safe!” that [my] father and mother said, stroking [my] head (MYS 20.4346)

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Therefore, we can reconstruct the Proto-Japanese negative potential *-kane-. I am skeptical about the proposal by Omodaka et al. to derive it tentatively from the verb kane- ‘to join, to combine’ (1967: 205). Although such an etymology seems to be possible in the case of the potential auxiliary -kate- (see section 4.1.2.5), it hardly makes any sense in the case of a negative potential. 4.1.2.7 Benefactive -kǝseThe benefactive auxiliary has two allomorphs: -kǝse- and -kǝs-. Since -kǝse- behaves as a vowel verb, the allomorph -kǝse- is used before consonant-initial and vowel-initial suffixes with weak vowels, and the allomorph -kǝs- is used before vowel-initial suffixes with strong vowels. In most cases -kǝse- is found immediately after the converb of a main or a lexical auxiliary verb as the following chart demonstrates. chart 94 Combinations of the benefactive -kǝse- with preceding converbs

converbs

combination forms

converb -i, -∅passive converb -(a)ye-

-i-kǝs[e]-, -kǝs[e]-ye-kǝs-*

Note: * Attested only after the verb mi- ‘to see’ with the following imperative -ǝ in the form mi-ye-kǝs-ǝ.

The benefactive auxiliary -kǝse- can be followed only by four suffixes: chart 95 Combinations of the benefactive -kǝse- with following suffixes

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

imperative -e ~ -ǝ negative -(a)nnegative imperative -una desiderative -(a)na

-kǝs-ǝ* -kǝse-n-** -kǝs-una -kǝse-n-***

Note: * The benefactive -kǝse- has an aberrant imperative form in -ǝ (see section 3.2.1.4). ** Attested only with the following attributive in the form -kǝse-n-u. *** Attested only with the following imperative -e in the form -kǝse-n-e.

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The benefactive -kǝse- indicates that an action is done for the sake of someone or for someone’s benefit. This analysis is further supported by the fact that when -kǝse- is spelled logographically, it is written either with the character 得 ‘to get, to receive’ or with the character 与 ‘to give’ (see MYS 4.546 and MYS 10.2092 below). Examples: 許能登理母宇知夜米許世泥

kǝnǝ tǝri mǝ uti-yamɛ-kǝse-n-e this bird FP PREF-stop(CONV)-BEN-DES-IMP [I] wish [you] would stop [the singing] of these birds (KK 2) 秋夜之百夜乃長有与宿鴨

AKI-NƏ YO-NƏ MOMO YO-nǝ NA ŋGA-KU AR-I-KƏSE-n-u kamo autumn-GEN night-GEN hundred night-COMP long-CONV exist-CONV-BENNEG-ATTR EP [I] wonder whether this autumn night would not last long [for me] like one hundred nights (MYS 4.546) 用流能伊昧仁越都伎提美延許曽

yoru-nǝ imɛ-ni wo tuŋg-i-te mi-ye-kǝs-ǝ night-GEN dream-LOC EP follow-CONV-SUB see-PASS(CONV)-BEN-IMP please appear [for me] continuously in [my] night dreams (MYS 5.807) 烏梅能波奈伊麻佐家留期等知利須義受和我覇能曽能尓阿利己世奴加毛

uMƐ-nǝ pana ima sak-er-u ŋgǝtǝ tir-i-suŋgï-nz-u wa-ŋga [i]pe-nǝ sǝnǝ-ni ar-i-kǝse-n-u kamo plum-GEN blossom now bloom-PROG-ATTR like fall-CONV-pass-NEG-CONV I-POSS house-GEN garden-LOC exist-CONV-BEN-NEG-ATTR EP Plum blossoms! I wonder whether [you] would not stay [for me] in the garden of my house without falling and blooming like now (MYS 5.816) 宇米我波奈知良須阿利許曽意母布故我多米

umɛ-ŋga pana tir-aⁿz-u ar-i-kǝs-ǝ omǝp-u ko-ŋga tamɛ plum-POSS blossom fall-NEG-CONV exist-CONV-BEN-IMP love-ATTR girlPOSS for Plum blossoms! Please do not fall for the sake of the girl that [I] love (MYS 5.845)

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烏梅能波奈伊米尓加多良久美也備多流波奈等阿例母布左氣尓于可倍許曽

uMƐ-nǝ pana imɛ-ni katar-aku miyambï-tar-u pana tǝ are [o]mǝp-u sakɛ-ni ukambɛ-kǝs-ǝ plum-GEN blossom dream-LOC tell-NML be.elegant(CONV)-PERF/PROG-ATTR blossom DV we think-FIN rice.wine-LOC let.float(CONV)-BEN-IMP The plum blossoms told [me] in [my] dream: “We think that [we] are elegant blossoms. Please let [us] float in the rice wine [cup]” (MYS 5.852) 今夜耳将飲酒可毛散許須奈由米

KƏ YƏPI NƏMÏ NƏM-AM-U SAKƐ kamo TIR-I-kǝs-una yumɛ this night RP drink-TENT-ATTR rice.wine EP fall-CONV-BEN-NEG/IMP at.all I wonder whether [it is] the rice wine that [we] drink only tonight. Please do not fall [on the ground] at all (MYS 8.1657) 妻社妻依來西尼

TUMA-NƏ MORI TUMA YƏS-I-kǝse-n-e spouse-GEN shrine spouse bring.close-CONV-BEN-DES-IMP Spouse shrine! [I] wish [you would] bring [a] spouse close [to me] (i.e., I wish you would give me a spouse) (MYS 9.1679) 吾待今夜此川行長有得鴨

WA-ŋGA MAT-U KƏ YƏPI KAPA-NƏ NA ŋGARE-NƏ NA ŋGA-KU AR-I-KƏSE-N-U kamo I-POSS wait-ATTR this night river-GEN flow(NML)-COMP long-CONV existCONV-BEN-NEG-ATTR EP I wonder whether this night when I expect [my beloved] would not last long [for me] (MYS 10.2092) 毛美知和礼由伎弖可敝里久流末弖知里許須奈由米

momit-i ware yuk-i-te kaper-i-k-uru-maⁿde tir-i-kǝs-una yumɛ leaves.turn.red/yellow-NML I go-CONV-SUB return-CONV-come-ATTR-TERM fall-CONV-BEN-NEG/IMP at.all Red leaves! Please do not fall at all until I go and come back (MYS 15.3702) 和波己藝埿奴等伊弊尓都氣己曽

wa pa kǝŋg-i-[i]ⁿde-n-u tǝ ipe-ni tuŋgɛ-kǝs-ǝ I TOP row-CONV-go.out(CONV)-PERF-FIN DV report(CONV)-BEN-IMP Please tell [the folks at my] home that I have sailed out (MYS 20.4408)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The benefactive auxiliary -kǝse- is attested in Eastern Old Japanese in two examples: 伊麻波許伎奴等伊母尓都氣許曽

ima pa kǝŋg-i-n-u tǝ imǝ-ni tu[ŋ]gɛ-kǝs-ǝ now TOP row-CONV-PERF-FIN DV beloved-DAT report(CONV)-BEN-IMP Please tell [my] beloved that [I] have sailed out now (MYS 20.4363) 阿例波許藝奴等伊母尓都岐許曽

are pa kǝŋg-i-n-u tǝ imǝ-ni tu[ŋ]gi-kǝs-ǝ107 I TOP row-CONV-PERF-FIN DV beloved-DAT report(CONV)-BEN-IMP Please tell [my] beloved that I have sailed out (MYS 20.4365) Thus, we can reconstruct the Proto-Japanese benefactive auxiliary *-kǝse-. Omodaka et al. mention that there is a theory that -kǝse- consists of kǝ- ‘to come,’ and se- ‘to do,’ and they also propose their own explanation that -kǝserepresents a causative form of kǝ- ‘to come’ (1967: 293). The first hypothesis does not make sense either morphologically or functionally, and the second one is also problematic from a functional point of view, because it is unclear why a causative form of kǝ- ‘to come’ would form a benefactive form. I believe that there is a much simpler explanation. Namely, the benefactive auxiliary -kǝseis in all likelihood a grammaticalization of the verb okǝse- ‘to send, to give, to deliver,’ with an expected loss of the initial vowel to avoid a vowel cluster once the juncture was lost after the grammaticalization. A2: Ryukyuan The benefactive auxiliary -kǝse- is not attested in Ryukyuan. This demonstrates that the grammaticalization of okǝse- ‘to send, to give, to deliver’ to the benefactive auxiliary -kǝse- occurred only at the Proto-Japanese, but not at the Proto-Japonic level.

107  Cf. tuŋgɛ-kǝs-ǝ with the vowel spelled as /ɛ/ in MYS 20.4363 above. This variation probably reflects that there was some kind of different vowel in Eastern Old Japanese there, possibly [e] or [ï].

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4.2

Lexical Auxiliaries

In contrast to bound auxiliaries described above, lexical auxiliaries can be used as independent verbs and consequently have their own lexical meaning. It is convenient to divide all lexical auxiliaries into, on one hand, honorific and humble and the rest on the other. 4.2.1 Honorific and Humble Auxiliaries The most striking difference between Western Old Japanese and Middle (Classical) Japanese is that the former in contrast to the latter does not have the category of politeness expressed by special polite auxiliaries. Only honorific and humble auxiliaries are present in Western Old Japanese. 4.2.1.1 Honorific Auxiliaries There are seven honorific auxiliaries in Western Old Japanese: tamap- (with its contracted form tamb-), imas-, wos-, kikǝs-, mes-, sirasimes-, and nǝritamb-. 4.2.1.1.1 Honorific Auxiliary tamapThe honorific auxiliary tamap- normally follows the converb of a main verb, and suffixes and other auxiliaries follow tamap-, but there are two exceptions: both converbs of the honorific -as- and the causative -se- precede tamap-: chart 96 Combinations of the honorific tamap- with preceding converbs

converbs

combination forms

converb -i, -∅honorific converb -as-icausative converb -se-

-i-tamap-, -tamap-as-i-tamap-se-tamap-

The combination of tamap- with the preceding honorific converb -as-i- occurs predominantly with the verb mes- ‘to see(HON),’ which represents an irregular contraction of mi- ‘to see(CONV)’ and the honorific suffix -as-. Otherwise it is attested only in one example with the verb ok- ‘to place, to put’ (see MYS 5.813) below.108 The causative form -se-tamap- is also attested only in one example (see KK 3 below). 108  There is also kik-as-i-tamap- in MYS 6.1050, but it is in completely logographic spelling.

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Overall, the honorific auxiliary tamap- does not occur frequently in the earliest texts with the exception of MYS 5 and the Senmyō. In most cases, tamap- is used as an honorific auxiliary referring to actions of deities, emperors, members of imperial family, and objects of worship, such as the footprints of the Buddha (see BS 4 below). In the speech of deities and emperors it can refer to their own actions. However, its usage is certainly not limited to deities, emperors, etc., as in some rare cases it can be also found in reference to other people, although certainly only to those who are in a relatively higher position than the speaker him/herself (see MYS 15.3774 below). Examples: 能知波那杼理爾阿良牟遠伊能知波那志勢婆多麻比曾

nǝti pa na-ⁿ-dǝri n-i ar-am-u-wo inǝti pa na-si-se-tamap-i-sǝ later TOP you-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR-ACC life TOP NEG-dieCAUS(CONV)-HON-CONV-do because [I] will be your bird later, do not kill [your] life [with desire] (KK 3) 宇倍志許曾斗比多麻閇麻許曾迩斗比多麻閇

umbɛ-si kǝsǝ top-i-tamap-ɛ ma kǝsǝ n-i top-i-tamap-ɛ be.proper-FIN FP ask-CONV-HON-EV truth FP DV-CONV ask-CONV-HON-EV [It] is proper that [you] asked [me], [it] is right that [you] asked [me] (KK 72) 弥許許呂遠斯豆迷多麻布等

mi-kǝkǝrǝ-wo siⁿdumɛ-tamap-u tǝ HON-heart-ACC calm.down(CONV)-HON-FIN DV thinking to calm down [her] august heart (MYS 5.813) 伊刀良斯弖伊波比多麻比斯麻多麻奈須布多都能伊斯

i-tor-as-i-te ipap-i-tamap-i-si ma-tama-nasu puta-tu n-ǝ isi DLF-hold-HON-CONV-SUB pray-CONV-HON-CONV-PAST/ATTR INT-jewelCOMP two-CL DV-ATTR stone holding two stones like real jewels that [she] was praying to … (MYS 5.813) 故布乃波良尓美弖豆可良意可志多麻比弖

Kopu-nǝ para-ni mi-te-ⁿdukara ok-as-i-tamap-i-te Kopu-GEN field-LOC HON-hand-own place-HON-CONV-HON-CONV-SUB [the empress] deigned to place [these two] stones with her own hands at the field of Kopu (MYS 5.813)

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905

Verbs 余呂豆余尓伊麻志多麻比提阿米能志多麻乎志多麻波祢

yǝrǝⁿdu yǝ-ni imas-i-tamap-i-te amɛ-nǝ sita mawos-i-tamap-an-e ten.thousand age-LOC exist(HON)-CONV-HON-CONV-SUB heaven-GEN below report(HUM)-CONV-HON-DES-IMP May [you] live for ten thousand generations, and report [to the emperor about things in the country] under Heaven (MYS 5.879) 和我世故我可反里吉麻佐武等伎能多米伊能知能己佐牟和須礼多麻布奈

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga kaper-i-k-i-[i]mas-am-u tǝki-nǝ tamɛ inǝti nǝkǝs-am-u wasuretamap-una I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS return-CONV-come-CONV-HON-TENT-ATTR timeGEN for life leave-TENT-ATTR forget(CONV)-HON-NEG/IMP Do not forget, my beloved, that [I] will stay alive until [you] return (MYS 15.3774) Here tamap- is used by a female in reference to her male lover. 吾大王乃毛呂比登乎伊射奈比多麻比

WA-ŋGƏ OPƏ KIMI-nǝ morǝ pitǝ-wo iⁿzanap-i-tamap-i I-POSS great lord-GEN all person-ACC induce-CONV-HON-CONV Our great lord induced all people … (MYS 18.4094) 可波美礼婆見乃佐夜氣久母能其等尓佐可由流等伎登賣之多麻比

kapa mi-re-mba MI-nǝ sayakɛ-ku mǝnǝ ŋgǝtǝ n-i sak-ay-uru tǝ mes-i-tamap-i river see-EV-CON see(NML)-GEN be.bright-CONV thing every DV-CONV flourish-PASS-ATTR DV see(HON)-CONV-HON-CONV when [one] looks at rivers, [they] are bright to see, and [the empress] sees that everything is flourishing (MYS 20.4360) The honorific mes- represents a contraction of mi- ‘see(CONV)’ + honorific suffix -as-. 己乃美阿止夜与呂豆比賀利乎波奈知伊太志毛呂毛呂須久比和多志多麻波 奈須久比多麻波奈

kǝnǝ mi-atǝ ya-yǝrǝⁿdu pikari-wo panat-i-iⁿdas-i morǝ-morǝ sukup-i-watas-itamap-ana sukup-i-tamap-ana this HON-foot.print eight-ten.thousand light-ACC emanate-CONV-put.outCONV all-all save-CONV-lead.across-CONV-HON-DES save-CONV-HON-DES These footprints emanate myriad lights, and [I] want [them] to save everybody, leading [them] across, [I] want [the footprints] to save [them] (BS 4)

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任賜幣留国々宰等

MAKƐ-TAMAp-er-u KUNI-ŋGUNI-NƏ MIKƏTƏMƏTI-ⁿDƏMƏ appoint(CONV)-HON-PROG-ATTR province-province-GEN official-PLUR appointed officials of all provinces (SM 1) 治賜比慈賜來業止奈母随神所念行湏

WOSAMƐ-TAMAp-i UTUKUSImBÏ-TAMAP-I-K-URU WAⁿZA tǝ namǝ KAMUNA-ŋ-GARA OMƏP-OS-I-MEs-u rule(CONV)-HON-CONV show.benevolence(CONV)-HON-CONV-come-ATTR deed DV FP deity-PLUR-GEN-nature think-HON-CONV-HON-ATTR [I], as a deity, deign to think that [they are] the deeds that [I] deign to administer with benevolence (SM 3) 藤原朝臣麻呂等伊負図亀一頭献止奏賜不爾

PUⁿDIPARA-NƏ ASOMI MARƏ-RA-i PUMI-WO OP-ER-U KAMƐ-WO PITƏ-TU TATEMATUR-AKU tǝ MAWOS-I-TAMAp-u-ni … Puⁿdipara-GEN retainer Marǝ-PLUR-ACT writing-ACC bear-PROG-ATTR tortoise-ACC one-CL offer(HUM)-NML DV say(HUM)-CONV-HON-ATTR-LOC [They] said that the retainer Puⁿdipara Marǝ and others had offered a tortoise bearing writing [on its back] … (SM 6) 一二人乎治賜波奈止那毛所思行湏

PITƏ-RI PUTA-RI-wo WOSAMƐ-TAMAp-ana tǝ namo OMƏP-OS-I-MEs-u one-CL two-CL-ACC reward(CONV)-HON-DES DV FP think-HON-CONV-HONATTR [I] think that [I] want to reward one or two [of my subjects] (SM 10) 食国天下乎婆撫賜惠賜夫止奈母神奈我良母念坐湏

WOS-U KUNI AMƐ-NƏ SITA-womba NAⁿDE-TAMAP-I UTUKUSImBÏ-TAMAp-u tǝ namǝ KAMU-na-ŋ-gara mǝ OMƏP-OS-I-[I]MAs-u rule-ATTR country heaven-GEN under-ACC(EMPH) cherish(CONV)-HONCONV show.benevolence(CONV)-HON-FIN DV FP deity-PLUR-GEN-nature FP think-HON-CONV-HON-ATTR [I], as a deity, deign to think that [I] show benevolence and cherish the country under Heaven that I rule (SM 13)

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Verbs

907

親王多知治賜夫日仁治不賜在牟止為弖奈母

MIKO-tati WOSAMƐ-TAMAp-u PI-ni WOSAMƐ-TAMAP-AⁿZ-U AR-Am-u tǝ S-I-te namǝ prince-PLUR reward(CONV)-HON-ATTR day-LOC reward(CONV)-HON-NEGCONV exist-TENT-FIN DV do-CONV-SUB FP on the day when [we] reward princes, are not [we] going to reward [Pundipara]? (SM 25) 位乎退多末比天是乃年乃年己呂在都

KURAWI-wo SIRIⁿZƏK-I-tamap-i-te KƏnǝ TƏSI-nǝ TƏSI-ŋ-GƏRƏ AR-I-t-u rank-ACC dismiss-CONV-HON-CONV-SUB this year-GEN year-GEN-time exist-CONV-PERF-FIN This year [it] has been a year’s time since [I] have deigned to dismiss [him from his] rank (SM 28) 政乃柄乎執天奏多末不事乎以天

MATURI ŋGƏTƏ-nǝ MƏTƏ-wo TƏR-I-te MAWOS-I-tamap-u KƏTƏ-wo MƏT-I-te government-GEN foundation-ACC grab-CONV-SUB conduct-CONV-HON-ATTR matter-ACC hold-CONV-SUB because [he] conducted [affairs] usurping the foundation of the government (SM 28) 天地毛憎多麻波受君毛捨不給

AMƐ TUTI mo NIKUM-I-tamap-aⁿz-u KIMI mo SUTE-TAMAP-AⁿZ-U Heaven Earth FP despise-CONV-HON-NEG-CONV sovereign FP abandon (CONV)-HON-NEG-CONV The Heaven and Earth will not despise [them] and the sovereign will not abandon [them] (SM 45) In the independent usage tamap- means’ ‘to give, to grant’ (from a superior to an inferior). Most of the examples of this usage in Western Old Japanese are found in the Senmyō in logographic or partially logographic spelling: 阿我農斯能美多麻々々比弖

a-ŋga nusi-nǝ mi-tama tamap-i-te I-POSS master-GEN HON-soul give-CONV-SUB Giving [me] your grace … (MYS 5.882)

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908

Chapter 6

安米母多麻波祢

amɛ mǝ tamap-an-e rain FP give-DES-IMP [clouds, I] wish [you] give rain, too (MYS 18.4122) 美麻斯乃父止坐天皇乃美麻斯尓賜志天下

mimasi-nǝ TITI tǝ IMAS-U SUMERA-MIKƏTƏ-nǝ mimasi-ni TAMAP-I-si AMƐNƏ SITA you-GEN father DV exist(HON)-ATTR emperor-deity-GEN you-DAT give(HON)CONV-PAST/ATTR heaven-GEN bottom the land under Heaven that the emperor-deity, who is your father, gave to you (SM 5) 手物賜方久止宣

TE-MƏNƏ TAMAp-aku tǝ NƏTAMAP-U gift grant-NML DV say(HON)-FIN [I] deign to proclaim that [I] grant the gifts [for you] (SM 39) 其我名波穢麻呂止給比

si-ŋga NA pa KITANA marǝ tǝ TAMAp-i he-POSS name TOP dirty Marǝ DV give-CONV [we] bestow on him the name “Dirty Marǝ” (SM 44) 4.2.1.1.1.1

Contracted Form tamb-

In the Man’yōshū the contracted form tamb- of tamap- is attested once as an auxiliary verb and once as an independent verb. In the Senmyō there are five examples of tamb- in auxiliary usage. As far as one can judge on the basis of these examples, tamb- is used only to the references to people who are not the emperors or members of the imperial household. Cf. also the honorific auxiliary nǝritamb- and the suppletive honorific verb nǝtamb- that both historically include tamb- (see sections 4.2.1.1.7 and 5.1.2 below) and that also refer to people who are not members of the imperial household. 足痛吾勢勤多扶倍思

ASI PIK-U WA- ŋGA SE-KO TUTOMƐ-tamb-umbɛ-si leg drag-ATTR I-POSS beloved-DIM strive(CONV)-HON-DEB-FIN My beloved who is limping, [you] must strive (MYS 2.128)

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909

Verbs 大臣止之弖仕奉止勅祁礼止数数辞備申多夫仁依弖受賜多婆受

MAPETUKIMI tǝ s-i-te TUKAPƐ-MATUR-E tǝ KAⁿZU-KAⁿZU INAmbï-MAWOSI-tamb-u-ni YƏR-I-te UKƐ-TAMAPAR-I-tamb-aⁿz-u minister DV do-CONV-SUB serve(CONV)-HON-IMP DV frequently refuse(CONV)-HON-CONV-HON-ATTR-LOC rely-CONV-SUB accept(CONV)-HUM-CONV-HON-NEG-CONV [The empress] told [him]: “Serve as a minister,” but as [he] refused many times and did not accept … (SM 26) In this example tamb- is used as a mild honorific towards a nobleman. 大臣禅師能朕乎守多比助賜乎見礼方

OPOMAPETUKIMI ⁿZEⁿZI-nǝ WARE-wo MAMOR-I-tamb-i TASUKƐ-TAmB-U-wo MI-re-mba minister meditation.master-GEN I-ACC guard-CONV-HON-CONV help(CONV)HON-ATTR-ACC see-EV-CON when [I] see that the meditation master minister guards me and helps [me] (SM 36) 可多良比能利多夫言乎聞久仁是能太政大臣乃官乎授末都流仁方敢多比奈 牟可等奈毛念

katar-ap-i-nǝritamb-u KƏTƏ-wo KIk-u-ni KƏnǝ OPO MATURI ŋGƏTƏ OPOMAPETUKIMI-nǝ TUKASA-wo SAⁿDUKƐ-matur-u-ni109 pa APƐ-tamb-in-am-u ka tǝ namo OMƏP-OS-U say-ITER-CONV-HON-ATTR word-ACC hear-ATTR-LOC this great governance minister-GEN office-ACC bestow(CONV)-HUM-ATTR-LOC TOP endure (CONV)-HON-CONV-PERF-TENT-ATTR IP DV FP think-HON-ATTR when [I] heard the words that [he] was repeatedly saying, [I] thought: ‘Would [he] be appropriate for bestowing [on him] the office of the minister of the great governance?’ (SM 36)

109  Here we have a very unusual usage of the humble verb matur- ‘to offer to a superior.’ It certainly can only refer to the empress Kōken who bestows the office on Dōkyō. Sometimes matur- can be honorific, but in this case it refers only to consuming food or drink (Omodaka et al. 1967: 683), apparently offered by a person of a lower rank. But this is clearly not applicable here. Possibly Kōken shows reverence to Dōkyō.

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910

Chapter 6

位乎波楽求多布事波都天无

KURAWI-womba NE ŋG-AP-I-MƏTƏMƐ-tamb-u KƏTƏ pa KATUte NA-KU rank-ACC/EMPH ask-ITER-CONV-seek(CONV)-HON-ATTR matter TOP at.all no-CONV [he] has never asked for a rank at all, and … (SM 41) In the independent usage tamb- has the meaning ‘to give’: 比流波多々婢弖

piru pa ta tamb-i-te daytime TOP paddy give-CONV-SUB in the daytime [you] give [me] the [work] on the paddy (MYS 20.4455) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The honorific auxiliary tamap- is attested in Eastern Old Japanese once as an auxiliary verb. It is found in a poem that includes typical Eastern Old Japanese features, so a borrowing from Western Old Japanese is not very likely. 志保不尼乃弊古祖志良奈美尓波志久母於不世他麻保加

sipo pune-nǝ pe kos-o sira nami nipasi-ku mǝ opuse-tamap-o ka tide boat-GEN bow cross.over-ATTR white wave sudden-CONV FP give.orderHON-ATTR IP Did [the emperor] give [me] an order as suddenly as white waves cross the bow of a boat in a tide? (MYS 20.4389) A2: Ryukyuan In Ryukyuan the honorific auxiliary tamaf- and its contracted form tab- are attested only in the Ryūka, which makes them likely candidates for loans from Classical Japanese (Hokama 1995: 402, 406). 4.2.1.1.2 Honorific Auxiliary imasThe honorific auxiliary imas- is always placed after the converb of the main verb. It has two different phonetic realizations that are not allomorphs because they are not in the complimentary distribution: imas- and mas-, the latter being transliterated throughout this grammar as [i]mas-. Since imas- always follows the converb, the presence or absence of the initial /i-/ apparently depends on the presence or absence of a juncture. When a juncture is present, the initial /i-/ of imas- does not blend together with the preceding converb -i ~ -∅, otherwise it does. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

Verbs

911

Although it is sometimes claimed that WOJ imas- can belong either to a consonant (imas-) or vowel (imase-) paradigm (Kinoshita et al. 2003: 93–94), the basis for this assumption is quite weak, as all alleged cases of the vowel paradigm *imase- with one exception occur in logographic spelling which could reflect imas- belonging to the consonant paradigm as well. The only exception of the vowel verb imase- spelled phonographically is found in MYS 15.3749, but it is plagued by problems as the reader will see below. Consequently, one more difference between Western Old Japanese and Middle (Classical) Japanese can be outlined: while in Middle Japanese it may belong either to a vowel or to an irregular paradigm (Vovin 2003: 347), it is clearly a consonant verb in Western Old Japanese. In contrast to the honorific auxiliary tamap-, which is used predominantly with actions of exalted beings like emperors or deities, the honorific auxiliary imas- is much broader in scope: while it can be applied to deities, emperors, and objects of worship as well, it frequently appears to be used in reference to ordinary people, including such situations when a child uses it in reference to his parents or a wife to her husband. Examples: 由都麻都婆岐斯賀波那能弖理伊麻斯芝賀波能比呂理伊麻須波淤富岐美呂 迦母

yu t-u ma-tumbaki si-ŋga pana-nǝ ter-i-imas-i si-ŋga pa-nǝ pirǝr-i-imas-u pa opǝ-kimi rǝ kamǝ sacred DV-ATTR INT-camellia it-POSS leaf-GEN shine-CONV-HON-CONV itPOSS leaf-GEN be.broad-CONV-HON-ATTR TOP great-lord DV EP a sacred true camellia, its flowers are shining, its leaves are broad, as the great lord (KK 57) 淤斐陀弖流波毘呂由都麻都婆岐曾賀波能比呂理伊麻志曾能波那能弖理伊 麻須多加比迦流比能美古爾登余美岐多弖麻都良勢

opï-ⁿdat-er-u pa-m-birǝ yu t-u ma-tumbaki sǝ-ŋga pa-nǝ pirǝr-i-imas-i sǝ-nǝ pana-nǝ ter-i-imas-u taka-pikar-u pi-nǝ mi-ko-ni tǝyǝ mi-ki tatematur-as-e grow(CONV)-stand-PROG-ATTR leaf-GEN-broad sacred DV-ATTR INT-camellia it-POSS leaf-GEN be.broad-CONV-HON-CONV it-GEN flower-GEN shineCONV-HON-FIN high-shine-ATTR sun-GEN HON-child-DAT abundant HON-rice.wine present(HUM)-HON-IMP growing broad-leafed sacred true camellia, its leaves are broad, its flowers are shining. Present the abundant rice wine to the honorable child of the highshining Sun (KK 101)

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912

Chapter 6

神登座尓之可婆

KAMU-NƏmBOR-I-IMAS-I-n-i-sika-mba deity-climb-CONV-go(HON)-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/EV-CON when [she] divinely went up [to Heaven] (MYS 2.167) 泣子那須斯多比枳摩斯提

NAK-U KO-nasu sitap-i k-i-[i]mas-i-te cry-ATTR child-COMP long-CONV come-CONV-HON-CONV-SUB [She] came longing like a crying child (MYS 5.794) 可多良比斯許許呂曾牟企弖伊弊社可利摩須

katar-ap-i-si kǝkǝrǝ sǝmuk-i-te ipe-ⁿ-zakar-i-[i]mas-u talk-ITER-CONV-PAST/ATTR heart turn.one’s.back-CONV-SUB home-LOC-be at the distance-CONV-HON-FIN turning [your] back on what [you] promised, [you] are keeping the distance from [our] home (MYS 5.794) 今夜可君之我許來益武

KƏ YƏPI ka KIMI-ŋGA WA-ŋgari K-I-[i]mas-am-u this night IP lord-POSS I-DIR come-CONV-HON-TENT-ATTR Is it tonight that [my] lord will come to me? (MYS 8.1519) 都追牟許等奈久波也可敞里麻勢

tutum-u kǝtǝ na-ku paya kaper-i-[i]mas-e have diffuculty-ATTR no-CONV fast return-CONV-HON-IMP Return quickly, without having difficulties (MYS 15.3582) 伎美伎麻之都々可射之多里家利

kimi k-i-[i]mas-i-tutu kaⁿzas-i-tar-i-ker-i lord come-CONV-HON-CONV-COOR decorate-CONV-PERF/PROG-CONVRETR-FIN while you came [to my place], [you] have decorated [yourself with roses] (MYS 20.4302) 事之乎波良婆都々麻波受可敝理伎麻勢

KƏTƏ si wopar-amba tutum-ap-aⁿz-u kaper-i-k-i-[i]mas-e job EP end-COND be.hindered-ITER-NEG-CONV return-CONV-come-CONVHON-IMP when [your] job is over, come back home without being hindered [by anything] (MYS 20.4331)

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Verbs

913

宇梅乃波奈知利須具流麻弖伎美我伎麻左奴

uMƐ-nǝ pana tir-i-suŋg-uru-maⁿde kimi-ŋga k-i-[i]mas-an-u plum-GEN blossom fall-CONV-pass-ATTR-TERM lord-POSS come-CONV-HONNEG-ATTR [you] did not come, [my] lord, until plum blossoms had completely fallen (MYS 20.4497) 伊可奈留夜比止爾伊麻世可

ika nar-u ya pitǝ n-i imas-e ka how be-ATTR EP person DV-CONV be(HON)-EV IP Oh, what kind of a person is [he]? (BS 5) 此食国天下之政事者平長将在止奈母所念坐

KƏNƏ WOS-U KUNI AMƐ-NƏ SITA-NƏ MATURI ŋGƏTƏ pa TAPIRAKƐ-KU NA ŋGA-KU AR-AM-U tǝ namǝ OMƏP-OS-I-[I]MAS-U this rule-ATTR country heaven-GEN under-GEN governance TOP safe-CONV long-CONV exist-TENT-FIN DV FP think-HON-CONV-HON-ATTR [I] deign to think that the governance would be safe and last long in this country under Heaven that [I] rule (SM 3) 過无罪無有者捨麻湏奈忘麻湏奈

AYAMAT-I NA-KU TUMI NA-KU AR-Amba SUTE-[i]mas-una WASURE-[i]masuna make.mistake-NML no-CONV sin no-CONV exist-COND abandon(CONV)HON-NEG/IMP forget(CONV)-HON-NEG/IMP if [she] has no[t committed any] sin or mistake, do not abandon [her], do not forget [her] (SM 7) 食国天下乎婆撫賜惠賜夫止奈母神奈我良母念坐湏

WOS-U KUNI AMƐ-NƏ SITA-womba NAⁿDE-TAMAP-I UTUKUSImBÏ-TAMAp-u tǝ namǝ KAMU-na-ŋ-gara mǝ OMƏP-OS-I-[I]MAs-u rule-ATTR country heaven-GEN under-ACC(EMPH) cherish(CONV)-HONCONV show.benevolence(CONV)-HON-FIN DV FP deity-PLUR-GEN-nature FP think-HON-CONV-HON-ATTR [I], as a deity, deign to think that [I] show benevolence and cherish the country under Heaven that I rule (SM 13)

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914

Chapter 6

In the independent usage imas- means ‘to exist’ or ‘to go, to come’: 那許曾波遠迩伊麻世婆

na kǝsǝ pa wo n-i imas-e-mba you FP TOP man DV-CONV exist(HON)-EV-CON since you are a man (KK 5) 佐佐那美遅袁須久須久登和賀伊麻勢婆夜

Sasanami-ⁿ-di-wo suku-suku tǝ wa-ŋga imas-e-mba ya Sasanami-GEN-road-ACC rapidly DV I-POSS go(HON)-EV-CON EP as I went rapidly along the Sasanami road, yeah (KK 42) 可武奈何良可武佐備伊麻須

kamu-na-ŋ-gara kamu-sambï imas-u deity-PLUR-GEN-nature deity-like exist(HON)-FIN [these two stones] are lying [there] having the nature of deities, and being like deities (MYS 5.813) 佐夫志計米夜母吉美伊麻佐受斯弖

sambusi-k-em-ɛ ya mǝ kimi imas-aⁿz-u s-i-te sad-ATTR-TENT-EV IP EP lord come(HON)-NEG-NML do-CONV-SUB [if my] lord does not come, would [I] be sad?! [Certainly not!] (MYS 5.878) 余呂豆余尓伊麻志多麻比提阿米能志多麻乎志多麻波祢

yǝrǝⁿdu yǝ-ni imas-i-tamap-i-te amɛ-nǝ sita mawos-i-tamap-an-e ten.thousand age-LOC exist(HON)-CONV-HON-CONV-SUB heaven-GEN below report(HUM)-CONV-HON-DES-IMP May [you] live for ten thousand generations, and report [to the emperor about things in the country] under Heaven (MYS 5.879) 比等久尓々伎美乎伊麻勢弖

pitǝ kuni-ni kimi-wo imase-te person province-LOC lord-ACC let.go(HON)(CONV)-SUB [I] let you go to [other] people’s province, and … (MYS 15.3749) This is the only case when the vowel verb imase- occurs in a phonographic spelling. But imas- is clearly an intransitive verb, and imase- in this example can be only a transitive, since it governs the word kimi ‘lord’ that is marked by accusative case marker -wo. Thus, we actually have here a different verb, and the theory that imas- can have both consonant and vowel paradigms should be abandoned.

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915

Verbs 和我勢古我久爾敞麻之奈婆保等登芸須奈可牟佐都奇波佐夫之家牟可母

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga kuni-pe [i]mas-i-n-amba potǝtǝŋgisu nak-am-u sa-tukï pa sambusi-k-em-u kamǝ I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS land-DIR come(HON)-CONV-PERF-COND cuckoo cry-TENT-ATTR fifth-month TOP lonely-ATTR-TENT-ATTR EP If my beloved would have [only] returned to [his] land, [because in] the fifth lunar month when the cuckoo will cry, [I] would be lonely! (MYS 17.3996) 多比良氣久於夜波伊麻佐祢都々美奈久都麻波麻多世

tapirakɛ-ku oya pa imas-an-e tutumi na-ku tuma pa mat-as-e safe-CONV parents TOP exist(HON)-DES-IMP obstacle no-CONV spouse TOP wait-HON-IMP Parents, please live safely! Wife, please wait [for me] without obstacles! (MYS 20.4408) 与伎比止乃伊麻須久爾爾波和礼毛麻胃弖牟毛呂毛呂乎為弖

yǝ-ki pitǝ-nǝ imas-u kuni-ni pa ware mo mawi-te-m-u morǝ-morǝ-wo wi-te good-ATTR person-GEN exist(HON)-ATTR land-LOC TOP I FP go(HUM) (CONV)-PERF-TENT-FIN all-all-ACC lead(CONV)-SUB I would also have gone to the land where the Buddha (lit.: good person) resides, leading everybody (BS 8) 和己於保支美波多比良気久那何久伊末之弖等与美岐麻都流

wa-ŋgǝ opo kimi pa tapirakɛ-ku naŋga-ku imas-i-te tǝyǝ mi-ki matur-u I-POSS great lord TOP safe-CONV long-CONV exist(HON)-CONV-SUB abundant HON-rice.wine present(HUM)-FIN [I] present the abundant rice wine so that my sovereign (lit.: great lord) [would] live safely and long (SNK 4) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The honorific auxiliary imas- is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese both as an auxiliary and as independent verb: 阿是曾母許与比与斯呂伎麻左奴

aⁿze sǝ mǝ kǝ yǝpi yǝs-i-rǝ k-i-[i]mas-an-u why FP EP this night approach-CONV-? come-CONV-HON-NEG-ATTR why did not [you] come tonight? (MYS 14.3469)

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916

Chapter 6

以都母以都母於母加古比須々奈理麻之都之母

itu mǝ itu mǝ omǝ-ŋga kopi-susu nar-i-[i]mas-i-tusi mǝ when FP when FP mother-POSS love(CONV)-COOR do.house.work-CONVHON-COOR FP [my] mother always, always loves [me] and does [her] house work (MYS 20.4386) In the independent usage EOJ imas- means ‘to go.’ There is only one example of its independent usage in Eastern Old Japanese, but it is found in a poem with apparent Eastern Old Japanese features: 阿米都之乃可未尓奴佐於伎伊波比都々伊麻世和我世奈

amɛ tusi-nǝ kamï-ni nusa ok-i-te ipap-i-tutu imas-e wa-ŋga se-na heaven earth-GEN deity-DAT nusa place-CONV-SUB pray-CONV-COOR go(HON)-IMP I-POSS beloved-DIM My beloved, make nusa offerings to the deities of heaven and earth, and go praying (MYS 20.4426) A2: Ryukyuan Hokama Shuzen mentions the forms imiyasi and imiyati in the Ryūka; these could have been easily dismissed as loans from Classical Japanese, but he also cites the Miyako dialect form imyaati (1995: 86) that is unlikely to be borrowed. Unfortunately Hokama does not provide any textual examples from either the Ryūka or the Miyako dialect. Nevertheless, we are probably safe to reconstruct the Proto-Japonic honorific verb *imas-. 4.2.1.1.3 Honorific Auxiliary wosThe honorific auxiliary wos- always follows the converb of the main verb. It occurs very rarely in Western Old Japanese texts with the exception of the Senmyō where it is attested in independent usage thirty-six times but always in logographic spelling and only in the set phrase wos-u kuni ‘land that [the emperor] rules.’ As an auxiliary verb wos- is always found in combination with a preceding kikǝs- ‘to rule’ or kikǝs-i-mǝt- ‘to drink.’ Its own paradigm is also quite limited, as only three suffixes are attested after wos-:

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Verbs chart 97 Combinations of the honorific wos- with following suffixes

suffixes

combination forms

converb -i, -∅attributive -(ur)u imperative -e

wos-i wos-u wos-e

Among the forms in the chart above the attributive is the most frequent, as the imperative occurs only twice, and the converb only once. The honorific verb wos- both as an auxiliary and in independent usage apparently expresses honorification for very exalted persons: in all cases except one it refers to the emperor, and in one case to a son of a very high positioned noble. Examples of wos- as an honorific auxiliary verb: 岐許志母知袁勢麻呂賀知 (KK script) 枳居之茂知塢勢摩呂餓智 (NK script)

kikǝs-i-mǝt-i-wos-e marǝ-ŋga ti drink(HON)-CONV-hold-CONV-HON-IMP I-POSS father Deign to drink [it], my father (KK 48, NK 39) 企許斯遠周久爾能麻保良叙

kikǝs-i-wos-u kuni-nǝ ma-po-ra ⁿzǝ rule(HON)-CONV-HON-ATTR country-GEN INT-top-LOC FP in the highest place of the country, where [the emperor] rules (MYS 5.800) 伎己之乎須四方乃久尓

kikǝs-i-wos-u YƏ MO-nǝ kuni rule-CONV-HON-ATTR four direction-GEN province provinces at four directions that [the emperor] rules (MYS 20.4360) In the independent usage wos- means ‘to drink,’ ‘to wear,’ or ‘to rule, to govern’: 麻都理許斯美岐叙阿佐受袁勢

matur-i-kǝ-si mi-ki ⁿzǝ as-aⁿz-u wos-e present(HUM)-CONV-come(CONV)-PAST/ATTR HON-rice.wine FP shallowNEG-CONV drink(HON)-IMP Drink the presented rice wine deeply! (KK 39)

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Chapter 6

飫瀰能古簸多倍能波伽摩鳴那那陛鳴糸

omi-nǝ ko pa tapɛ-nǝ pakama-wo nana-pe wos-i noble-GEN child TOP mulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN pants-ACC seven-CL wear (HON)-CONV The son of a noble wears seven layers of mulberry tree bark cloth pants, and … (NK 74) 須賣呂伎能乎須久尓奈礼婆

sumerǝki-nǝ wos-u kuni nar-e-mba emperor-GEN rule(HON)-ATTR land be-EV-CON because it is the land that the emperor rules (MYS 17.4006) 此食国天下之政事者平長将在止奈母所念坐

KƏNƏ WOS-U KUNI AMƐ-NƏ SITA-NƏ MATURI ŋGƏTƏ pa TAPIRAKƐ-KU NA ŋGA-KU AR-AM-U tǝ namǝ OMƏP-OS-I-[I]MAS-U this rule(HON)-ATTR country heaven-GEN under-GEN governance TOP safeCONV long-CONV exist-TENT-FIN DV FP think-HON-CONV-HON-ATTR [I] deign to think that the governance would be safe and last long in this country under Heaven that [I] rule (SM 3) 4.2.1.1.4 Honorific Auxiliary kikǝsThe honorific auxiliary kikǝs- is a grammaticalization of the honorific form kik-ǝs- of the verb kik- ‘to hear, to listen,’ as can be seen from the following example: 故志能久邇邇佐加志売遠阿理登岐加志弖久波志売遠阿理登岐許志弖

Kosi-nǝ kuni-ni sakasi me-wo ar-i tǝ kik-as-i-te kupasi me-wo ar-i tǝ kik-ǝs-i-te Kosi-GEN province-LOC wise woman-ABS exist-FIN DV hear-HON-CONV-SUB beautiful woman-ABS exist-FIN DV hear-HON-CONV-SUB [Opǝ kuni nusi] heard that there is a wise woman in the Kosi province, heard that there is a beautiful woman (KK 2) In its grammaticalized form kikǝs-, any direct semantic connection with ‘hearing’ or ‘listening’ is lost, although it is frequently reflected in its logographic spelling. The paradigm of kikǝs- is limited, although not as drastically as that of wos-:

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Verbs chart 98 Combinations of the honorific kikǝs- with following suffixes and auxiliaries

suffixes and auxiliaries

combination forms

converb -i, -∅subordinative converb -te past attributive -si conditional converb -(a)mba concessive converb -ⁿdǝ[mǝ]

kikǝs-i kikǝs-i-te kikǝs-i-si kikǝs-amba kikǝs-e-ⁿdǝmǝ

There is only one example in Western Old Japanese when kikǝs- is found as an honorific auxiliary: 伊波那佐牟遠阿夜爾那古斐岐許志

i pa n-as-am-u-wo aya n-i na-kopï-kikǝs-i sleep TOP sleep-HON-TENT-ATTR-ACC extremely DV-CONV NEG-yearn (CONV)-HON-CONV because [you] will sleep (a sleep), [do] not yearn too much (KK 3) In all other cases it is used as an independent verb kikǝs- meaning ‘to drink,’ ‘to eat,’ ‘to rule’ or ‘to say.’ It can be used either by itself, or followed by the honorific auxiliaries wos- or mes-. 岐許志母知袁勢麻呂賀知 (KK script) 枳居之茂知塢勢摩呂餓智 (NK script)

kikǝs-i-mǝt-i-wos-e marǝ-ŋga ti drink(HON)-CONV-hold-CONV-HON-IMP I-POSS father Deign to drink [it], my father (KK 48, NK 39) 夜多能比登母登須宜波比登理袁理登母意富岐弥斯與斯登岐許佐婆比登理 袁理登母

yata-nǝ pitǝ-mǝtǝ suŋgɛ pa pitǝ-ri wor-i tǝmǝ opǝ kimi si yǝ-si tǝ kikǝs-amba pitǝ-ri wor-i tǝmǝ Yata-GEN one-CL sedge TOP one-CL exist-FIN CONJ great lord EP be good-FIN DV say(HON)-COND one-CL exist-FIN CONJ Even if one sedge from Yata is alone, if the great lord says [it] is fine, even if [she] is alone (KK 65)

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Chapter 6

根毛許呂尓君之聞四手

nemokǝrǝ n-i KIMI-ŋGA KIKƏs-i-te cordially DV-CONV lord-POSS say(HON)-CONV-SUB you said [it] cordially (MYS 4.619) 企許斯遠周久爾能麻保良叙

kikǝs-i-wos-u kuni-nǝ ma-po-ra ⁿzǝ rule(HON)-CONV-HON-ATTR country-GEN INT-top-LOC FP in the highest place of the country, where [the emperor] rules (MYS 5.800) 今二日許将有等曽君者聞之二々

IMA PUTU-KA mBAKARI AR-AM-U tǝ KIMI pa KIKƏs-i-si now two-day RP exist-TENT-FIN DV lord TOP say(HON)-CONV-PAST/ATTR [My] lord said that it would be only two days now (MYS 13.3318) 相有君乎莫寐等母寸巨勢友吾情清隅之池之池底吾者不忘

AP-I-TAR-U KIMI-wo NA-NE-N-E-SƏ tǝ PAPA kikǝs-e-ⁿdǝmǝ WA-ŋGA KƏKƏRƏ KIYOSUMI-NƏ IKƐ IKƐ-NƏ SƏKƏ WARE pa WASUR-AⁿZI meet-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR lord-ACC NEG-sleep-DES-IMP-do DV mother say(HON)-EV-CONC Kiyosumi pond pond-GEN bottom I TOP forget-NEG/ TENT Although [my] mother tells [me]: “Do not sleep with [him]!”, my love [is as deep as] the bottom of the pond Kiyosumi, [and] I would not forget you, with whom [I] was meeting (MYS 13.3289) 櫻花伊麻佐可里奈里難波乃海於之弖流宮尓伎許之賣須奈倍

SAKURA-m-BANA ima sakar-i nar-i Nanipa-nǝ UMI ositeru MIYA-ni kikǝs-i-mes-u napɛ cherry-GEN-blossom now flourish-NML be-FIN Nanipa-GEN sea (makurakotoba) palace-LOC govern-CONV-HON-ATTR CONJ At the same time as [the emperor] deigns to govern in the palace on the Nanipa sea, it is now the peak of cherry blossoms (MYS 20.4361) 和我勢故之可久志伎許散婆

wa-ŋga se-ko si ka-ku si kikǝs-amba I-POSS beloved-DIM EP thus-CONV EP say(HON)-COND If my beloved says so … (MYS 20.4499)

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Verbs 今日方新甞乃猶良比乃豊乃明聞許之売湏

KEPU pa NIPI NAPƐ-nǝ NAPO-ra pi-nǝ TƏYƏ n-ǝ AKARI KIkǝs-i-mes-u today TOP new young.plant-GEN following-LOC day-GEN abundant DV-ATTR light eat(HON)-CONV-HON-FIN Today [we] partake [at] the banquet on the day following [the day] of new young plants (SM 46) 4.2.1.1.5 Honorific Auxiliary mesThe honorific auxiliary mes- historically goes back to the honorific form mes- < *mi-as- of the verb mi- ‘to see’ where the vowel /e/ represents a monophthongization of *i+a. The honorific auxiliary mes- occurs only with actions of deities and emperors. There seems to be no example when it is applicable to actions of common people. The honorific auxiliary mes- always follows the converb of the main verb. Examples: 櫻花伊麻佐可里奈里難波乃海於之弖流宮尓伎許之賣須奈倍

SAKURA-m-BANA ima sakar-i nar-i Nanipa-nǝ UMI ositeru MIYA-ni kikǝs-i-mes-u napɛ cherry-GEN-blossom now flourish-NML be-FIN Nanipa-GEN sea (makurakotoba) palace-LOC govern-CONV-HON-ATTR CONJ At the same time as [the emperor] deigns to govern in the palace on the Nanipa sea, it is now the peak of cherry blossoms (MYS 20.4361) 治賜比慈賜來業止奈母随神所念行湏

WOSAMƐ-TAMAp-i UTUKUSImBÏ-TAMAP-I-K-URU WAⁿZA tǝ namǝ KAMUNA-ŋ-GARA OMƏP-OS-I-MEs-u rule(CONV)-HON-CONV show.benevolence(CONV)-HON-CONV-come-ATTR deed DV FP deity-PLUR-GEN-nature think-HON-CONV-HON-ATTR [I], as a deity, deign to think that [they are] the deeds that [I] deign to administer with benevolence (SM 3) 一二人乎治賜波奈止那毛所思行湏

PITƏ-RI PUTA-RI-wo WOSAMƐ-TAMAp-ana tǝ namo OMƏP-OS-I-MEs-u one-CL two-CL-ACC reward(CONV)-HON-DES DV FP think-HON-CONV-HONATTR [I] deign to think that [I] want to reward one or two [of my subjects] (SM 10)

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Chapter 6

奉仕之米天志可等念保之米之天

TUKAPƐ-MATUR-Asimɛ-te-si ka tǝ OMƏp-os-i-mɛs110-i-te serve(CONV)-HUM-CAUS(CONV)-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ATTR EP DV think-HONCONV-HON-CONV-SUB [Dōkyō] thought: “[I] want to make [them] serve” (SM 36) 今日方新甞乃猶良比乃豊乃明聞許之売湏

KEPU pa NIPI NAPƐ-nǝ NAPO-ra pi-nǝ TƏYƏ n-ǝ AKARI KIkǝs-i-mes-u today TOP new young.plant-GEN following-LOC day-GEN abundant DV-ATTR light eat(HON)-CONV-HON-FIN Today [we] partake [at] the banquet on the day following [the day] of new young plants (SM 46) 子乃蒙服麻久欲為流事波於夜乃多米爾止奈母聞行湏

KO-nǝ SAKIPAPI-WO KA ŋGAPUR-Am-aku POR-I S-Uru KƏTƏ pa oya-nǝ tamɛ n-i tǝ namǝ KIK-ƏS-I-MEs-u child-GEN happiness-ACC receive-TENT-NML want-NML do-ATTR matter TOP parent-GEN for DV-CONV DV FP hear-HON-CONV-HON-ATTR [We] heard that when children want to obtain happiness [it] is for the sake of their parents (SM 61) In independent usage mes- means ‘to see, to look,’ ‘to rule,’ ‘to eat,’ and ‘to summon, to call.’ In independent usage mes- also predominantly refers to actions of emperors, but unlike its usage as an auxiliary, there are cases when it refers to actions of common people, see examples from MYS 3.454 and MYS 8.1460 below. 藤原我宇倍尓食國乎賣之賜牟登

PUⁿDIPARA-ŋga upɛ-ni WOS-U KUNI-wo mes-i-tamap-am-u tǝ Puⁿdipara-POSS top-LOC rule(HON)-ATTR country-ACC rule(HON)-CONVHON-FIN DV thinking to rule the country that [she] rules at the Puⁿdipara [palace] (MYS 1.50)

110  Misspelling of -mes-.

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923

Verbs 吾妻乃國之御軍士乎喚賜而

AnDUMA-nǝ KUNI-NƏ MI-IKUSA-wo MES-I-TAMAP-I-TE Aⁿduma-GEN land-GEN HON-soldier-ACC call(HON)-CONV-HON-CONV-SUB [he] summoned the soldiers from the Eastern Provinces (MYS 2.199) 昨日毛今日毛吾乎召麻之乎

KINƏPU mo KEPU mo WARE-wo MES-Amasi-wo yesterday FP today FP I-ACC call(HON)-SUBJ-ACC [my lord] would summon me yesterday and today (MYS 3.454) 茅花曽御食而肥座

tu-m-bana sǝ MES-I-TE KOYE-[I]MAS-E cogon.grass-GEN-flower FP eat(HON)-CONV-SUB be.fat(CONV)-HON-IMP Eat the flowers of the cogon grass and put on weight (MYS 8.1460) 和期於保伎美余思努乃美夜乎安里我欲比賣須

wa-ŋgǝ opo kimi Yǝsino-nǝ miya-wo ari-ŋgayop-i mes-u I-POSS great lord Yǝsino-GEN palace-ACC ITER-go.back.and.forth-CONV look (HON)-FIN My emperor constantly visits the palace in Yǝsino, and looks [around] (MYS 18.4099) 可波美礼婆見乃佐夜氣久母能其等尓佐可由流等伎登賣之多麻比

kapa mi-re-mba MI-nǝ sayakɛ-ku mǝnǝ ŋgǝtǝ n-i sak-ay-uru tǝki tǝ mes-i-tamap-i river see-EV-CON see(NML)-GEN be.bright-CONV thing every DV-CONV flourish-PASS-ATTR time DV see(HON)-CONV-HON-CONV when [one] looks at rivers, [they] are bright to see, and [the empress] sees that it is time when everything is flourishing (MYS 20.4360) 於保吉美乃都藝弖賣須良之多加麻刀能努敝

opo kimi-nǝ tuŋg-i-te mes-urasi Takamato-nǝ no-pe great lord-GEN follow-CONV-SUB look(HON)-SUP Takamato-GEN field-side Fields of Takamato that [my] sovereign seemed to look continuously at (MYS 20.4510)

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Chapter 6

Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan It seems that the honorific auxiliary mes- is attested only in the Ryūka in Classical Ryukyuan. In the Omoro Sōshi it appears only as suppletive honorific verb in the forms mesiar- and mesiofar- (Hokama 1995: 657). I could not find any information on the existence of cognates in Southern Ryukyus. Thus, the Shuri form mishee- can be either a cognate or a loan from Classical Japanese. Classical Ryukyuan いきやおさうずめしやいが

ikiya osauzu-mesiyai ga how think-HON IP what (lit.: how) do [you] think? (RK 20) Shuri

’icaa usoozi-mishee-ga how think-HON(FIN)-PT what (lit.: how) do [you] think? (RKJ 1983: 244) koo-ti Nji-mishee-bir-an-i buy-SUB see-HON-POL-NEG-QF won’t [you] try to buy [it]? (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 44) kuri-kaa-Nkai miikuni chukur-at-ta-ru suba-yaa shicchoo-mishee-m-i this-vicinity-LOC newly make-PASS-PAST-ATTR soba-shop(TOP) know(CONT/ CONV)-HON-FIN-Q Do [you] know a soba restaurant that was recently opened in this area? (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 115) 4.2.1.1.6 Honorific Auxiliary sirasimesThe honorific auxiliary sirasimes- historically represents a combination of the honorific auxiliary mes- described in section 4.2.1.1.5 above with the honorific converb form sir-as-i of the verb sir- ‘to know.’ As an honorific auxiliary, sirasimes- is attested only once:

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925

Verbs 葦原能美豆保國乎安麻久太利之良志賣之家流須賣呂伎

asi para-nǝ miⁿdu po-nǝ kuni-wo ama-kuⁿdar-i sir-as-i-mes-i-ker-u sumerǝki reed plain-GEN fresh rice.ear-GEN land-ACC heaven-descend-CONV ruleCONV-HON-CONV-HON-CONV-RETR-ATTR imperial. ancestor The imperial ancestor who deigned to descend from Heaven to the land of the Reed Plain, where ears of rice are fresh … (MYS 18.4094) The honorific sirasimes- occurs more frequently in independent usage with the meaning ‘to rule, to govern’: 天下志良之賣師家類須賣呂伎

AMƐ-NƏ SITA sirasimes-i-ker-u sumerǝki heaven-GEN below rule(HON)-CONV-RETR-ATTR emperor the emperor who ruled the [land] under Heaven (MYS 18.4098) 阿米能之多之良志賣之伎

amɛ-nǝ sita sirasimes-i-ki heaven-GEN under rule(HON)-CONV-PAST/FIN [emperors] ruled [the country] under Heaven (MYS 20.4360) 安米能之多之良志賣之祁流須賣呂伎

amɛ-nǝ sita sirasimes-i-ker-u sumerǝki heaven-GEN below rule(HON)-CONV-RETR-ATTR emperor the emperor who ruled the [land] under Heaven (MYS 20.4465) 現御神止大八嶋国所知天皇大命良麻止詔大命乎集侍皇子等王等百官人等 天下公民諸聞食

AK-I-TU MI-KAMÏ tǝ OPƏ-YA-SIMA-ŋ-GUNI SIRASIMES-U SUMERA-ŋGA OPƏMI-KƏTƏ-ra ma tǝ NƏTAMAP-U OPƏ-MI-KƏTƏ-wo U ŋGƏNAPAR-I-PAmBER-U MIKO-TATI OPƏ-KIMI-TATI MOMO TUKASA-NƏ PITƏ-ⁿDƏMƏ AMƐ-NƏ SITANƏ TAMI MƏRƏ-MƏRƏ KIK-I-TAMAPƐ-YƏ open-NML-GEN/LOC HON-deity DV great-eight-island-GEN-country rule (HON)-ATTR emperor-POSS great-HON-deity-DAT according DV say(HON)ATTR great-HON-thing-ACC gather-CONV-POL-ATTR prince-PLUR greatlord-PLUR hundred office person-PLUR heaven-GEN under-GEN people many-many listen-CONV-HUM-IMP

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Chapter 6

Princes, lords, officials of hundred offices, and the common people of the land, all of you listen to the Great Edict according to the emperor that [I] proclaim—the Great Deity who rules the Great Country of Eight Islands as a Manifest Deity (SM 1) 4.2.1.1.7 Honorific Auxiliary nǝtamap- ~ nǝritamb- ~ nǝtambThe honorific auxiliary verb nǝtamap- ~ nǝritamb- ~ nǝtamb- is used as an auxiliary only after verbs of verbal activity. In independent usage it is an honorific equivalent of the verb ip- ‘to say, to tell.’ It is quite obvious that all three forms above are contractions from the earlier *nǝr-i-tamap- ‘proclaim-CONV-HON-,’ but there is no evidence that this earlier form was still present in Western Old Japanese, since *nǝritamap- is not attested phonographically in Western Old Japanese. There is one phonographic attestation of the contracted form nǝtamb- in the Man’yōshū, and two cases of the phonographic spelling of the contracted form nǝritamb-, one in complete, and another in a partial phonographic spelling. The contracted form nǝritamb- occurs only once as an auxiliary and once in independent usage. Both examples are found in the Senmyō 36 in the speech of the empress Kōken regarding her favorite monk Dōkyō. Thus, it probably represents a mild honorific. The contracted form nǝtamb- occurs once as an auxiliary and twice in independent usage. It occurs in the speech of a son referring to his father (in MYS 20.4408) and in the speech of the emperor referring to the empress-dowager (in SM 25). Thus, it is also probably a mild honorific. All other examples are in complete or partial logographic spelling and they occur only in independent usage. I chose to transcribe such cases as either /nǝtamap-/ or /nǝtamb-/, because the phonographically attested cases only indicate phonetically contracted forms. The latter is used if there is a phonetic indication that the last consonant of the root was /mb/ rather than /p/. The honorific nǝtamap- ~ nǝritamb ~ nǝtamb occurs predominantly in the Senmyō, although there are also five examples in the Norito as well. Since we do not even have a partial phonographic spelling in any of the Norito examples, I provide below only the examples from the Senmyō. 4.2.1.1.7.1

Contracted Form nǝritamb-

As an auxiliary:

可多良比能利多夫言乎聞久仁

katar-ap-i-nǝritamb-u KƏTƏ-wo KIk-u-ni say-ITER-CONV-HON-ATTR word-ACC hear-ATTR-LOC when [I] heard the words that [he] was repeatedly saying (SM 36)

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927

Verbs

In independent usage: 伊奈等宣多方牟止念之天

ina tǝ NƏRItamb-am-u tǝ OMƏP-Os-i-te INTER DV say(HON)-TENT-FIN DV think-HON-CONV-SUB [I] thought that [he] will say: “No,” and … (SM 36) 4.2.1.1.7.2

Contracted Form nǝtambI suspect that 宣夫 spelled twice with 夫 in the SM 25 should be read as /nǝtambu/ rather than /nǝtamapu/, because the character 夫 is used in Western

Old Japanese only for /mbu/, but not for /pu/. As an auxiliary: 親王爾送奉止教比宣夫御命

MIKO-ni OKUR-I-MATUR-E tǝ OSIp-i-NƏTAmb-u OPO MI-KƏTƏ prince-DAT send-CONV-HUM-IMP DV instruct-CONV-HON-ATTR great HONword [her] command when [she] deigned to instruct [me]: “Send [it] to the prince” (SM 25) In independent usage: 奈美太多利奈氣伎乃多婆久

namiⁿda tar-i naŋgɛk-i nǝtamb-aku tear drop-CONV lament-CONV say(HON)-NML [my father] sheds tears, laments, and says: “…” (MYS 20.4408) 受賜事不得止奏世止宣夫

UKƐ-TAMAPAR-U KƏTƏ E-ⁿZI tǝ MAWOs-e tǝ NƏTAmb-u accept(CONV)-HUM-ATTR thing get-NEG/TENT DV say(HUM)-IMP DV say (HON)-FIN [she] deigned to say: “Say that [you] cannot accept [it]” (SM 25) 4.2.1.1.7.3

Contracted Form nǝtamap-

The contracted form nǝtamap- appears only in independent usage:

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現御神止大八嶋国所知天皇大命良麻止詔大命乎集侍皇子等王等百官人等 天下公民諸聞食

AK-I-TU MI-KAMÏ tǝ OPƏ-YA-SIMA-ŋ-GUNI SIRASIMES-U SUMERA-ŋGA OPƏMI-KƏTƏ-ra ma tǝ NƏTAMAP-U OPƏ-MI-KƏTƏ-wo U ŋGƏNAPAR-I-PAmBER-U MIKO-TATI OPƏ-KIMI-TATI MOMO TUKASA-NƏ PITƏ-ⁿDƏMƏ AMƐ-NƏ SITANƏ TAMI MƏRƏ-MƏRƏ KIK-I-TAMAPƐ-YƏ open-NML-GEN/LOC HON-deity DV great-eight-island-GEN-country rule (HON)-ATTR emperor-POSS great-HON-deity-DAT according DV say(HON)ATTR great-HON-thing-ACC gather-CONV-POL-ATTR prince-PLUR greatlord-PLUR hundred office person-PLUR heaven-GEN under-GEN people many-many listen-CONV-HUM-IMP Princes, lords, officials of hundred offices, and the common people of the land, all of you listen to the Great Edict according to the emperor that [I] proclaim—the Great Deity who rules the Great Country of Eight Islands as a Manifest Deity (SM 1) 此辞忘給奈弆給奈止宣比之

KƏNƏ KƏTƏ WASURE-TAMAP-Una SUTE-TAMAP-Una tǝ NƏTAMAp-i-si this word forget(CONV)-HON-NEG/IMP discard(CONV)-HON-NEG/IMP DV say (HON)-CONV-PAST/ATTR [the empress] deigned to say: “Do not forget these words and do not discard [them]” (SM 13) 所念看波奈母如此宣布

OMƏP-OS-I-MES-E-mba namǝ KA-KU NƏTAMAp-u think-HON-CONV-HON-EV-CON FP thus-CONV say(HON)-ATTR as [I] thought … [I] proclaim in this way (SM 16) 傍上乎波宣牟止為氐奈母抑閇氐在津流

KATA-NƏ UPƐ-womba NƏTAMAP-Am-u tǝ S-I-te namǝ OSApɛ-te AR-I-t-uru side-GEN top-ACC(EMPH) say(HON)-TENT-FIN DV do-CONV-SUB FP hold. back(CONV)-SUB exist-CONV-PERF-ATTR [we] were delaying [it], as [we] were going to proclaim the rest (SM 25) 多能遍重天勅止毛敢末之時止為弖

AMATA n-ǝ TAmBI KASANE-te NƏTAMAP-Ɛ-ⁿdǝmo AP-Umasiⁿzi tǝ S-I-te many DV-CONV time pile.up(CONV)-SUB tell(HON)-EV-CONC be.ready.to.doNEG/POT DV do-CONV-SUB although [I] told him many times [to accept the job], [he] believed that [he] cannot be ready to do [it] (SM 26)

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929

Verbs 国王伊王位仁坐時方菩薩乃浄戒乎受与止勅天在

KOKU-WAU-i WAU-WI-ni IMAS-U TƏKI pa BOSATU-nǝ ZYAUKAI-wo UKƐ-yǝ tǝ NƏTAMAP-I-te AR-I country-king-ACT king-position-LOC be(HON)-ATTR time TOP bodhisattvaGEN commandment-ACC receive-IMP DV say(HON)-CONV-SUB exist-FIN [Buddha] said that a king of a country, when [he] is on the throne, [should] accept the commandments of the Bodhisattva (SM 28) 4.2.1.2 Humble Auxiliaries There are six humble auxiliaries in Western Old Japanese: matur-, tatematur-, tamapɛ-, tamapar- ~ tambar-, mawos-, and mawi-. 4.2.1.2.1 Humble Auxiliary maturThe humble auxiliary matur- almost always follows the converb of the main verb. The only exception is that once it is found after the converb of the causative form uŋgok-asimɛ- of the verb uŋgok- ‘to move’ as U ŋGOK-ASIMƐ-matur(see the example from SM 42 below). However, this example may not be very reliable, since U ŋGOK-ASIMƐ- is written logographically. Most cases of maturas an auxiliary are found after the verb tukapɛ- ‘to serve.’ 志我都矩屢麻泥爾飫裒枳瀰爾柯柂倶都柯陪麻都羅武

si-ŋga tukur-u-maⁿde-ni opo kimi-ni kata-ku tukapɛ-matur-am-u they-POSS come.to.an.end-ATTR-TERM-LOC great lord-DAT strong-CONV serve(CONV)-HUM-TENT-FIN Until they come to an end, [I] intend to serve faithfully to the emperor (NK 78) 訶志胡瀰弖莵伽倍摩都羅武烏呂餓瀰弖莵伽倍摩都羅武宇多豆紀磨都流

kasikom-i-te tukapɛ-matur-am-u worǝŋgam-i-te tukapɛ-matur-am-u uta-ⁿdukï-matur-u feeling.awe-CONV-SUB serve(CONV)-HUM-TENT-FIN be.profoundly. obedient-CONV-SUB serve(CONV)-HUM-TENT-FIN song-LOC-conclude (CONV)-HUM-FIN feeling awe [we] would serve [her], being profoundly obedient [we] would serve her, so [I] conclude in [my] song (NK 102) 安里我欲比都加倍麻都良武万代麻弖爾

ari-ŋgayop-i tukapɛ-matur-am-u YƏRƏⁿDU YƏ-maⁿde-ni ITER-go back and forth-CONV serve(CONV)-HUM-TENT-FIN ten thousand generation-TERM-LOC

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constantly going back and forth, [we] will serve the [emperor] for ten thousand generations (MYS 17.3907) 都加倍麻都良牟大宮所

tukapɛ-matur-am-u OPO MIYA-ⁿ-DƏKƏRƏ serve(CONV)-HUM-TENT-ATTR great palace-GEN-place the great palace that [I] will [always] serve (MYS 17.3908) 之路髪麻泥尓大皇尓都可倍麻都礼婆貴久母安流香

siro KAMI-maⁿde-ni OPO KIMI-ni tukapɛ-matur-e-mba TAPUTO-ku mǝ ar-u ka white hair-TERM-LOC great lord-DAT serve(CONV)-HUM-EV-CON awesomeCONV FP exist-ATTR IP When [one] serves [his] sovereign until grey hair, is [not it] awesome? (MYS 17.3922) 都可倍麻都良米伊夜等保奈我尓

tukapɛ-matur-am-ɛ iya tǝpo naŋga n-i serve(CONV)-HUM-TENT-EV plentifully long long DV-CONV [I] will serve [you] plentifully and for a long, long time (MYS 18.4098) 万代尓都可倍麻都良牟黒酒白酒乎

YƏRƏⁿDU YƏ-ni tukapɛ-matur-am-u KURO KI SIRO KI-wo ten.thousand year-LOC serve(CONV)-HUM-TENT-FIN black rice.wine white rice.wine-ACC [I] will serve [you] for ten thousand years [both] black rice wine and white rice wine (MYS 19.4275) 波吉伎欲米都可倍麻都里弖

pak-i-kiyomɛ tukapɛ-matur-i-te sweep-CONV-clean(CONV) serve(CONV)-HUM-CONV-SUB serving by sweeping clean [the approach] (MYS 20.4465) 和礼爾於止礼留比止乎 於保美和多佐牟多米止宇都志麻都礼利

ware-ni otǝr-er-u pitǝ-wo opo-mi watas-am-u tamɛ tǝ utus-i-matur-er-i I-DAT be worse-PROG-ATTR person-ABS many-GER lead across-TENT-ATTR in.order.to DV carve-CONV-HUM-PROG-FIN because there are many people who have been worse than me, [I] have carved [Buddha’s footprints] in order to save [them] (BS 13)

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931

己家々己門々祖名不失勤仕奉礼

ONƏ-ŋGA IPE-IPE ONƏ-ŋGA KAⁿDO-KAⁿDO OYA-NƏ NA USINAP-AⁿZ-U TUTOMƐ-TUKAPƐ-MATUr-e self-POSS house-house self-POSS gate-gate ancestor-GEN name lose-NEGCONV serve(CONV)-serve(CONV)-HUM-IMP [At] every house, [behind] every gate, serve without losing the names of your ancestors (SM 16) 本乃大臣位仁仕奉之武流事乎諸聞食止宣

MƏTƏ-nǝ OPOMAPETUKIMI-NƏ KURAWI-ni TUKAPƐ-MATUR-Asim-uru KƏTƏ-wo MƏRƏ-MƏRƏ KIK-I-TAMAPƐ-YƏ tǝ NƏTAMAP-U root-GEN minister-GEN position-LOC serve(CONV)-HUM-CAUS-ATTR matterACC all-all hear-CONV-HUM-IMP DV say(HON)-FIN [We] deign to say: “Everyone listen to the fact that [we] make [Tǝyǝnari] serve [again] in [his] previous position of the minister” (SM 28) 奉仕之米天志可等念保之米之天

TUKAPƐ-MATUR-Asimɛ-te-si ka tǝ OMƏp-os-i-mɛs-i-te serve(CONV)-HUM-CAUS(CONV)-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ATTR EP DV thinkHON-CONV-HON-CONV-SUB [Dōkyō] thought: “[I] want to make [them] serve” (SM 36) 可多良比能利多夫言乎聞久仁是能太政大臣乃官乎授末都流仁方敢多比奈 牟可等奈毛念

katar-ap-i-nǝritamb-u KƏTƏ-wo KIk-u-ni KƏnǝ OPO MATURI ŋGƏTƏ OPOMAPETUKIMI-nǝ TUKASA-wo SAⁿDUKƐ-matur-u-ni111 pa APƐ-tamb-i-nam-u ka tǝ namo OMƏP-OS-U say-ITER-CONV-HON-ATTR word-ACC hear-ATTR-LOC this great governance minister-GEN office-ACC bestow(CONV)-HUM-ATTR-LOC TOP endure (CONV)-HON-CONV-PERF-TENT-ATTR IP DV FP think-HON-ATTR when [I] heard the words that [he] was repeatedly saying, [I] thought: “Would [he] be appropriate for bestowing [on him] the office of the minister of the great governance?” (SM 36) 111  Here we have a very unusual usage of the humble verb matur- ‘to offer to a superior.’ It certainly cannot refer to the empress Kōken who bestows the office on Dōkyō. Sometimes matur- can be honorific, but in this case it refers only to the consuming of food or drink (Omodaka et al. 1967: 683), apparently offered by a person of a lower rank. But this is clearly not applicable here. It may be that it should be understood in the sense of offering one’s acceptance of bestowing.

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朕徳伊天地乃御心乎令感動末都流倍岐事波无

WA-ŋGA UTUKUSImBÏ-i AMƐ TUTI-nǝ MI-KƏKƏRƏ-wo U ŋGOK-ASIMƐ-maturumbɛ-ki KƏTƏ pa NA-SI we-POSS virtue-ACT heaven earth-GEN HON-heart-ACC move-CAUS(CONV)HUM-DEB-ATTR thing TOP no-FIN there was no occasion that our virtues would move the hearts of heaven and earth (SM 42) In independent usage matur- has the meaning ‘to present (to a superior)’: 麻都理許斯美岐叙阿佐受袁勢

matur-i-kǝ-si mi-ki ⁿzǝ as-aⁿz-u wos-e present(HUM)-CONV-come(CONV)-PAST/ATTR HON-rice.wine FP shallowNEG-CONV drink(HON)-IMP Drink the presented rice wine deeply! (KK 39) 麻都里太須可多美乃母能乎比等尓之賣須奈

matur-i-[i]ⁿdas-u katami n-ǝ mǝnǝ-wo pitǝ-ni simes-una present(HUM)-put.out-ATTR keepsake DV-ATTR thing-ACC person-DAT show-NEG/IMP do not show to others the keepsake that [I] presented [to you] (MYS 15.3765) 可未尓奴佐麻都利伊能里麻乎之弖

kamï-ni nusa matur-i inǝr-i-mawos-i-te deity-DAT nusa present(HUM)-CONV pray-CONV-HUM-CONV-SUB presenting nusa offerings and praying to the deity (MYS 20.4408) 和己於保支美波多比良気久那何久伊末之弖等与美岐麻都流

wa-ŋgǝ opo kimi pa tapirakɛ-ku naŋga-ku imas-i-te tǝyǝ mi-ki matur-u I-POSS great lord TOP safe-CONV long-CONV exist(HON)-CONV-SUB abundant HON-rice.wine present(HUM)-FIN [I] present the abundant rice wine so that my sovereign (lit.: great lord) [would] live safely and long (SNK 4) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The humble verb matur- occurs in Eastern Old Japanese once as an auxiliary and once as an independent verb.

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933

Verbs

As a humble auxiliary: 都久之閇爾敞牟加流布祢乃伊都之加毛都加敞麻都里弖久爾爾閇牟可毛

tukusi-pɛ-ni pe muk-ar-u pune-nǝ itu si kamo tukape-matur-i-te kuni-ni pɛ muk-am-wo Tukusi-side-LOC bow turn-PROG-ATTR boat-GEN when EP EP serve(CONV)HUM-CONV-SUB province-LOC bow turn-TENT-ATTR I wonder when the boat which is [now] turning [its] bow towards Tukusi will turn its bow towards [my home] province, after [I finish to] serve (MYS 20.4359) In independent usage EOJ matur- means ‘to present (to a deity)’: 夜之里乃加美尓奴佐麻都理

yasirǝ-nǝ kami-ni nusa matur-i shrine-GEN deity-DAT nusa present(HUM)-CONV presenting the nusa offering to the deities (MYS 20.4391) A2: Ryukyuan The auxiliary humble verb matur- is not attested in Ryukyuan. There is the Classical Ryukyuan verb matur- ‘to worship (a deity),’ which could be related, but since it is attested only in the Ryūka, but not in the Omoro Sōshi (Hokama 1995: 613), it is likely to be a loan from the mainland Japanese. 4.2.1.2.2 Humble Auxiliary tatematurThe humble auxiliary tatematur- occurs only once as an auxiliary after the subordinative converb of the main verb. This example is not very reliable because it is in logographic spelling. There are no cases of tatematur- following the converb of the main verb that are so typical for Middle (Classical) Japanese. 敬福伊部内少田郡仁黄金出在奏弖献

KYAUPUKU-i KUNI-NƏ UTI-NƏ WOⁿDA-NƏ KƏPORI-ni KU ŋGANE-WO IⁿDETAR-I TƏ MAWOS-I-te TATEMATUR-ER-I Kyaupuku-ACT province-GEN inside-GEN Woⁿda-GEN district-LOC gold-ACC go.out(CONV)-PERF/PROG-FIN DV say(HUM)-CONV-SUB offer(HUM)PROG-FIN Kyaupuku reported that gold had been found on the territory of the province, in the district of Woⁿda (SM 12)

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In independent usage tatematur- has the meaning ‘to present, to offer (to a superior)’: 比能美古爾登余美岐多弖麻都良勢

pi-nǝ mi-ko-ni tǝyǝ mi-ki tatematur-as-e sun-GEN HON-child-DAT abundant HON-rice.wine present(HUM)-HON-IMP Present the abundant rice wine to the honorable child of the Sun! (KK 101) 多弖麻都流御調寳波可蘇倍衣受都久之毛可祢都

tatematur-u MI-TUKÏ TAKARA kaⁿzopɛ-e-ⁿz-u tukus-i mo kane-t-u present(HUM)-ATTR HON-tribute treasure count(CONV)-get-NEG-CONV exhaust-NML FP be.unable(CONV)-PERF-FIN [It] is impossible to count all presented tribute treasures, and [one] cannot exhaust [them] (MYS 18.4094) 可敝里許牟麻須良多家乎尓美伎多弖麻都流

kaper-i-kǝ-m-u masura take wo-ni mi-ki tatematur-u return-CONV-come-TENT-ATTR excellent brave man-DAT HON-rice.wine present(HUM)-FIN [I] will present the rice wine to the excellent brave men who will come back (MYS 19.4262) 四方乃久尓欲里多弖麻都流美都奇能船

YƏ MO-nǝ kuni-yori tatematur-u mi-tukï-nǝ PUNE four direction-GEN province-ABL present(HUM)-ATTR HON-tribute-GEN boat boats with the presented tribute from the provinces of four directions (MYS 20.4360) 藤原朝臣麻呂等伊負図亀一頭献止奏賜不爾

PUⁿDIPARA-NƏ ASOMI MARƏ-RA-i PUMI-WO OP-ER-U KAMƐ-WO PITƏ-TU TATEMATUR-AKU tǝ MAWOS-I-TAMAp-u-ni Puⁿdipara-GEN retainer Marǝ-PLUR-ACT writing-ACC bear-PROG-ATTR tortoise-ACC one-CL offer(HUM)-NML DV say(HUM)-CONV-HON-ATTR-LOC [They] said that the retainer Puⁿdipara Marǝ and others had offered a tortoise bearing writing [on its back] … (SM 6)

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935

Verbs 伊豫国与利白祥鹿乎献奉天在礼方有礼志与呂許保志止奈毛見流

Iyǝ-NƏ KUNI-yǝri SIRO-KI SIRUSI N-Ə SIKA-wo TATEMATUR-I-te Ar-e-mba uresi yǝrǝkǝmb-ǝsi tǝ namo MI-ru Iyǝ-GEN province-ABL white-ATTR mark DV-ATTR deer-ACC present(HUM)CONV-SUB exist-EV-CON glad joyful-ADJ DV FP see-ATTR when [they] had presented [us] with a deer with white marks from the province of Iyǝ, [we] regarded this as [a] joyful and auspicious [event] (SM 46) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan The humble auxiliary verb tatematur- is attested twice in Old Ryukyuan in the Omoro Sōshi in two different poems but in the identical context: きこゑ大きみきやいのりたてまつれは

kik-o-we-OFO-kimi ya inor-i-tatematur-e-fa hear-ATTR-voice(?)-great-lady TOP pray-CONV-HUM-EV-CON Because the great priestess prays [to the deities] … (OS 1.14, OS 3.132) However, because there are no cognates in the modern dialects, and because even the distribution in Old Ryukyuan is limited, not to mention the fact that tatematur- is widely used as a humble auxiliary in Middle, but not in Western Old Japanese, OR tatematur- is better treated as a loan from Middle Japanese. 4.2.1.2.3 Humble Auxiliary tamapɛThe humble verb tamapɛ- is attested as an auxiliary only in the Senmyō and it appears exclusively in logographic or partially logographic spelling. Presumably, it follows the converb of the main verb, but there is no way to verify this, since the only two verbs it occurs with, omǝp- ‘to think’ and kik- ‘to hear, to listen,’ are always spelled completely logographically. Examples:

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Chapter 6

現御神止大八嶋国所知天皇大命良麻止詔大命乎集侍皇子等王等百官人等 天下公民諸聞食

AK-I-TU MI-KAMÏ tǝ OPƏ-YA-SIMA-ŋ-GUNI SIRASIMES-U SUMERA-ŋGA OPƏMI-KƏTƏ-ra ma tǝ NƏTAMAP-U OPƏ-MI-KƏTƏ-wo U ŋGƏNAPAR-I-PAmBER-U MIKO-TATI OPƏ-KIMI-TATI MOMO TUKASA-NƏ PITƏ-ⁿDƏMƏ AMƐ-NƏ SITA-NƏ TAMI MƏRƏ-MƏRƏ KIK-I-TAMAPƐ-YƏ open-NML-GEN/LOC HON-deity DV great-eight-island-GEN-country rule (HON)-ATTR emperor-POSS great-HON-deity-DAT according DV say(HON)ATTR great-HON-thing-ACC gather-CONV-POL-ATTR prince-PLUR greatlord-PLUR hundred office person-PLUR heaven-GEN under-GEN people many-many listen-CONV-HUM-IMP Princes, lords, officials of hundred offices, and the common people of the land, all of you listen to the Great Edict according to the emperor—the Great Deity who rules the Great Country of Eight Islands as a Manifest Deity (SM 1) 成奴礼波歓美貴美奈毛念食流

NAR-I-n-ure-mba KƏKƏRƏmBOSI-mi TAPUTO-mi namo OMƏP-I-TAMAP-Uru become-CONV-PERF-EV-CON glad-CONV awesome-GER FP think-CONVHUM-ATTR because [it] became [as the deity said], [the sovereign] thought that [it] was joyful and awesome (SM 15) Note that in this example the action of the sovereign is marked as humble in reverence to the deity. 本乃大臣位仁仕奉之武流事乎諸聞食止宣

MƏTƏ-nǝ OPOMAPETUKIMI-NƏ KURAWI-ni TUKAPƐ-MATUR-Asim-uru KƏTƏwo MƏRƏ-MƏRƏ KIK-I-TAMAPƐ-YƏ tǝ NƏTAMAP-U root-GEN minister-GEN position-LOC serve(CONV)-HUM-CAUS-ATTR matterACC all-all listen-CONV-HUM-IMP DV say(HON)-FIN [We] deign to say: “Everyone listen to the fact that [we] make [Tǝyǝnari] serve [again] in [his] previous position of the minister” (SM 28) 詔己止乎諸聞食倍

NƏRITAMAP-U kǝtǝ-wo MƏRƏ-MƏRƏ KIK-I-TAMApɛ say(HON)-ATTR thing-ACC all-all listen-CONV-HUM(IMP) all [of you] listen to what [I] proclaim (SM 36)

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937

Verbs

In independent usage tamapɛ- has the meaning ‘to receive’ or ‘to drink.’ The following examples from the Man’yōshū do not involve receiving something from a deity or an emperor. The first example just involves an acquaintance and the second a male lover whose soul a female lover receives in a ritual. 古人乃令食有吉備能酒

PURU PITƏ-nǝ TAMAPƐ-SIMƐ-TAR-U Kimbï-nǝ SAKƐ old person-GEN receive(HUM)-CAUS(CONV)-PERF/PROG-ATTR Kimbï-GEN rice.wine the rice wine of Kimbï that an old acquaintance gave [me] (lit.: made [me] receive) (MYS 4.554) 多麻之比波安之多由布敝尓多麻布礼杼安我牟祢伊多之

tamasipi pa asita yupu pe-ni tamap-ure-ⁿdǝ a-ŋga mune ita-si soul TOP morning evening side-LOC receive(HUM)-EV-CONC I-POSS chest painful-FIN Although [I] receive [your] soul in the morning and in the evening, my heart hurts (MYS 15.3767) 赤丹乃保仁多末倍

AKA NI-nǝ po-ni tamapɛ red soil-COMP cheek-LOC drink(HUM)(CONV) drinking until [your] cheeks [will be] like red soil (SM 38) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is only one example of tamapɛ- in Eastern Old Japanese in independent usage: 美都乎多麻倍奈伊毛我多太手欲

miⁿdu-wo tamapɛ-na imo-ŋga taⁿda TE-yo water-ACC receive(HUM)-DES beloved-POSS directly hand-ABL [I] wish to receive the water directly from your hands (MYS 14.3439) A2: Ryukyuan The cognates of the Western Old Japanese humble auxiliary tamapɛ- are not attested in Ryukyuan.

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4.2.1.2.4 Humble Auxiliary tamapar- ~ tambarThe two phonetic variants tamapar- and tambar- are text specific. WOJ tamapar- is attested only in the Senmyō and in the Norito,112 while the contracted WOJ form tambar- is limited to the Man’yōshū as both an auxiliary and an independent verb. In most cases tamapar- is found after the verb ukɛ- ‘to accept, to receive.’ Since main verbs are always spelled logographically, we can only conjecture that tamapar- follows the converb. As an auxiliary tamapar- is always spelled either completely or partially logographically. WOJ tambar- appears only once as an auxiliary after the negative converb -aⁿz-u, which is also spelled logographically. Examples: 不令消賜良牟秋芽子乃宇礼和々良葉尓置有白露

KƐT-AⁿZ-U-TAmBAr-am-u AKI PA ŋGÏ-nǝ ure wawara PA-ni OK-ER-U SIRA TUYU extinguish-NEG-CONV-HUM-TENT-FIN autumn bush.clover-GEN top frayed leaf-LOC put-PROG-ATTR white dew [I] would like [you] not to extinguish the white dew that lies on the top frayed leaves of the autumn bush clover (MYS 8.1618) The usage of tambar- in this example is not fully grammaticalized, as literally KƐT-AⁿZ-U-TAmBAr-am-u means ‘I would humbly receive not-extinguishing.’ 弥継継爾受賜波利行牟物等之弖

IYA TU ŋG-I TU ŋG-I n-i UKƐ-TAMApar-i-YUK-Am-u MƏNƏ tǝ s-i-te more follow-NML follow-NML DV-CONV accept(CONV)-HUM-CONV-goTENT-ATTR thing DV do-CONV-SUB as a thing that [we] will continue to accept for a greater posterity (SM 9) 大臣止之弖仕奉止勅祁礼止数数辞備申多夫仁依弖受賜多婆受

MAPETUKIMI tǝ s-i-te TUKAPƐ-MATUR-E tǝ KAⁿZU-KAⁿZU INAmbï-MAWOS-Itamb-u-ni YƏR-I-te UKƐ-TAMAPAR-I-tamb-aⁿz-u minister DV do-CONV-SUB serve(CONV)-HUM-IMP DV frequently refuse (CONV)-HUM-CONV-HON-ATTR-LOC rely-CONV-SUB accept(CONV)-HUMCONV-HON-NEG-CONV [The empress] told [him]: “Serve as a minister,” but as [he] refused many times and did not accept … (SM 26)

112  There are only two examples of tamapar- in the Norito, both in completely logographic spelling, therefore I do not include them here. Similar to the Senmyō, both are also found after the main verb ukɛ- ‘to accept, to receive.’ See Iwai (1981: 244–245) and especially Bentley (2001: 215) for the presentation and analysis of these examples. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

939

Verbs 天皇大御髪乎盗給波利弖

SUMERA-ŋGA OPO MI-KAMI-wo NUSUM-I-TAMApar-i-te empress-POSS great HON-hair-ACC steal-CONV-HUM-CONV-SUB [they] stole a hair of the empress, and … (SM 43) In independent usage tamapar- has the meaning ‘to receive’ and it is attested only in the Senmyō as already mentioned above. 幣乃物乎賜方利

MAPI n-ǝ MƏNƏ-wo TAMApar-i gift DV-ATTR thing-ACC receive(HUM)-CONV receiving the gifts (SM 38) 生天方官位乎賜利

IK-I-te pa TUKASA KURAWI-wo TAMAPAr-i live-CONV-SUB TOP office rank-ACC receive(HUM)-CONV when [they] live, [they] receive offices [and] ranks, and … (SM 45) 此賜布帯乎多麻波利弖

KƏNƏ TAMAp-u OmBI-wo tamapar-i-te this give(HON)-ATTR sash-ACC receive(HUM)-CONV-SUB receiving these sashes that [I] grant [you] (SM 45) The contracted phonetic variant tambar- as an independent verb is attested once in phonographic spelling in the Western Old Japanese part of the Man’yōshū:113 波里夫久路己礼波多婆利奴

pari-m-bukuro kǝre pa tambar-i-n-u needle-GEN-bag this TOP receive(HUM)-CONV-PERF-FIN Needle bag—this [I] have received (MYS 18.4133) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese In Eastern Old Japanese both tamapar- and tambar- are attested (once each), but only as independent humble verbs. Examples:

113  There are four other examples (MYS 4.554, 558; MYS 8.1462 and MYS 16.3840) where tambar- is spelled completely logographically. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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Chapter 6

阿志加良能美佐可多麻波理

Asiŋgara-nǝ mi-saka tamapar-i Asiŋgara-GEN HON-slope receive(HUM)-CONV [I] received [the permission of the deities to cross] the Asiŋgara slope, and … (MYS 20.4372) 美佐可多婆良婆麻佐夜可尓美無

mi-saka tambar-amba ma-sayaka n-i mi-m-u HON-slope receive(HUM)-COND INT-clear DV-CONV see-TENT-FIN if [you] receive [the permission of the deities to cross] the slope, [you] will see [me] clearly (MYS 20.4424) A2: Ryukyuan The cognates of the Western Old Japanese humble auxiliary tamapar- are not attested in Ryukyuan. 4.2.1.2.5 Humble Auxiliary mawos- ~ mawusThe humble auxiliary mawos- ~ mawus- always follows the converb of the main verb. The examples in the Senmyō are written logographically or partially logographically, but there are several examples of mawos- in phonographic spelling in the Man’yōshū and one example of mawus- in the Bussoku seki-no uta. The form mawus- is an apparent Western Old Japanese innovation that is due to the raising of primary *o > u. Examples: 美夜故摩提意久利摩遠志弖

miyako-maⁿde okur-i-mawos-i-te capital-TERM see.off-CONV-HUM-CONV-SUB [I would] see [you] off to the capital, and … (MYS 5.876) 大御神等布奈能閇尓道引麻遠志

OPO MI-KAMÏ-TATI puna-nǝ pɛ-ni MITImBIK-I-mawos-i great HON-deity-PLUR boat-GEN bow-LOC guide-CONV-HUM-CONV accepting the guidance of the great deities [who would stand] at [your] boat’s bow (MYS 5.894) 可未尓奴佐麻都利伊能里麻乎之弖

kamï-ni nusa matur-i inǝr-i-mawos-i-te deity-DAT nusa present(HUM)-CONV pray-CONV-HUM-CONV-SUB presenting nusa offerings and praying to the deity (MYS 20.4408)

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941

Verbs 大臣止之弖仕奉止勅祁礼止数数辞備申多夫仁依弖受賜多婆受

MAPETUKIMI tǝ s-i-te TUKAPƐ-MATUR-E tǝ KAⁿZU-KAⁿZU INAmbï-MAWOS-Itamb-u-ni YƏR-I-te UKƐ-TAMAPAR-I-tamb-aⁿz-u minister DV do-CONV-SUB serve(CONV)-HUM-IMP DV frequently refuse (CONV)-HUM-CONV-HON-ATTR-LOC rely-CONV-SUB accept(CONV)-HUMCONV-HON-NEG-CONV [The empress] told [him]: “Serve as a minister,” but as [he] refused many times and did not accept … (SM 26) 舎加乃美阿止伊波爾宇都志於伎宇夜麻比弖乃知乃保止気爾由豆利麻都良 牟佐佐義麻宇佐牟

saka-nǝ mi-atǝ ipa-ni utus-i-ok-i uyamap-i-te nǝti-nǝ potǝkɛ-ni yuⁿdur-imatur-am-u sasaŋgɛ-mawus-am-u Shakya-GEN HON-footprint rock-LOC transfer-CONV-put-CONV revere-CONVSUB after-GEN Buddha-DAT hand.over-CONV-HUM-TENT-FIN offer(CONV)-HUM-TENT-FIN [I] will carve Shakya[-muni]’s footprints on the rock, and [after] revering [them], [I] will hand [them] over to the Buddha of the Future, [I] will offer [them to him] (BS 9) In independent usage mawos- has the meaning ‘to say, to report (to a superior).’ In phonographic spelling it appears in the Man’yōshū five times, twice out of which in its alternative phonetic form mawus-. Examples: 多禮曾意富麻弊爾麻袁須

tare sǝ opǝ mape-ni mawos-u who FP great front-DAT say(HUM)-ATTR Who will report to the emperor? (KK 97) 柂例柯擧能居登飫褒磨陛爾麻鳴須

tare ka kǝnǝ kǝtǝ opo mape-ni mawos-u who IP this matter great front-DAT say(HUM)-ATTR Who will report this matter to the emperor? (NK 75) 余呂豆余尓伊麻志多麻比提阿米能志多麻乎志多麻波祢

yǝrǝⁿdu yǝ-ni imas-i-tamap-i-te amɛ-nǝ sita mawos-i-tamap-an-e ten.thousand age-LOC exist(HON)-CONV-HON-CONV-SUB heaven-GEN below report(HUM)-CONV-HON-DES-IMP May [you] live for ten thousand generations, and report [to the emperor about things in the country] under Heaven (MYS 5.879)

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Chapter 6

安吉佐良婆可敝里麻左牟等多良知祢能波々尓麻乎之弖

aki sar-amba kaper-i-[i]mas-am-u tǝ taratine-nǝ papa-ni mawos-i-te autumn come-COND return-CONV-HON-TENT-FIN DV (makura-kotoba) mother-DAT tell(HUM)-CONV-SUB [He] told [his] mother: “When the autumn comes, [I] will come back,” and … (MYS 15.3688) 美布祢左須之津乎能登母波加波能瀬麻宇勢

mi-pune sas-u siⁿdu wo n-ǝ tǝmǝ pa kapa-nǝ se mawus-e HON-boat punt-ATTR low.class man DV-ATTR fellow TOP river-GEN shallow say(HUM)-IMP Low-class men, who are punting the imperial boat! Report the shallows in the river (MYS 18.4061) Here mawus- is used pejoratively towards the low-class men. 東國乃美知能久乃小田在山尓金有等麻宇之多麻敝礼

AⁿDUMA-nǝ Mitinǝku-nǝ WOⁿDA-N-AR-U YAMA-ni KU ŋGANE AR-I tǝ mawusi-tamap-er-e Aⁿduma-GEN Mitinǝku-GEN Woⁿda-LOC-exist-ATTR mountain-LOC gold exist-FIN DV say(HUM)-HON-PROG-EV [The nobles] reported to [the emperor] that there is gold in the mountain that is in Woⁿda of [the province] Mitinǝku in the East (MYS 18.4094) 布奈埿波之奴等於夜尓麻乎佐祢

puna-[i]ⁿde pa s-i-n-u tǝ oya-ni mawos-an-e boat-go.out(NML) TOP do-CONV-PERF-FIN DV parent-DAT say(HUM)DES-IMP [I] want [you] to tell my parents [for me] that [I] have sailed out (MYS 20.4409) At first glance this usage of mawos- may seem to be honorific rather than humble, but here the action is performed by someone else on behalf of the speaker, assuming the voice of the latter, so the usage is still humble.

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943

Verbs 藤原朝臣麻呂等伊負図亀一頭献止奏賜不爾所聞行驚賜

PUⁿDIPARA-NƏ ASOMI MARƏ-RA-i PUMI-WO OP-ER-U KAMƐ-WO PITƏTU TATEMATUR-AKU tǝ MAWOS-I-TAMAp-u-ni KIK-ƏSIMES-I OⁿDƏRƏK-ITAMAP-I Puⁿdipara-GEN retainer Marǝ-PLUR-ACT writing-ACC bear-PROG-ATTR tortoise-ACC one-CL offer(HUM)-NML DV say(HUM)-CONV-HON-ATTRLOC hear-HON-CONV be surprised-CONV-HON-CONV When [they] said that the retainer Pundipara Marǝ and others had offered a tortoise bearing writing [on its back], [we] were surprised, hearing [about this] … (SM 6) 敬福伊部内少田郡仁黄金出在奏弖献

KYAUPUKU-i KUNI-NƏ UTI-NƏ WOⁿDA-NƏ KƏPORI-ni KU ŋGANE-WO IⁿDETAR-I TƏ MAWOS-I-te TATEMATUR-ER-I Kyaupuku-ACT province-GEN inside-GEN Wonda-GEN district-LOC goldACC go.out(CONV)-PERF/PROG-FIN DV say(HUM)-CONV-SUB offer(HUM)-PROG-FIN Kyaupuku reported that gold had been found in the territory of the province, in the district of Wonda (SM 12) 先仁之我奏之事

SAKI-ni SI-ŋga MAWOS-I-si KƏTƏ before-LOC he-POSS say(HUM)-CONV-PAST/ATTR thing things he said before (SM 28) 和気伊申天在

Wakɛ-i MAWOS-I-te AR-I Wake-ACT report(HUM)-CONV-SUB exist-FIN [prince] Wake has reported [to us about Nakamarǝ’s plot] (SM 34) 是位乎授末都良牟等申佐方

KƏNƏ KURAWI-wo SAⁿDUKƐ-matur-am-u tǝ MAWOs-amba this rank-ACC bestow(CONV)-HUM-TENT-FIN DV say(HUM)-COND when [we] told [him] that [we] want to bestow [on him] that rank (SM 36) 法均伊物奏利

POPUKUN-i MƏNƏ MAWOS-Er-i Popukun-ACT thing say(HUM)-PROG-FIN Popukun was saying speeches (SM 44)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There are only two examples of mawos- in Eastern Old Japanese, both of them in independent usage: 母呂母呂波佐祁久等麻乎須

mǝrǝ-mǝrǝ pa sake-ku tǝ mawos-u all-all TOP safe-CONV DV say(HUM)-FIN [I] will ask [the deities] that everybody [would return] safely (MYS 20.4372) 阿母志々尓己等麻乎佐受弖伊麻叙久夜之氣

amǝ sisi-ni kǝtǝ mawos-aⁿz-u-te ima ⁿzǝ kuyasi-kɛ mother father-DAT word say(HUM)-NEG-CONV-SUB now FP regretful-ATTR now [I] regret that [I] did not tell [my] mother and father (MYS 20.4376) 4.2.1.2.6 Humble Auxiliary mawiThe humble auxiliary mawi- follows the converb either of a main verb or of another auxiliary. As an auxiliary it is attested only three times: twice in the same poem that appears both in the Kojiki kayō and the Nihonshoki kayō in phonographic spelling and once in the Senmyō in logographic spelling. 佐和佐和爾那賀伊弊勢許曾宇知和多須夜賀波延那須岐伊理麻韋久禮

(KK script)

佐和佐和珥儺餓伊幣劑許曾于知和多須椰餓波曳儺須企以利摩韋区例

(NK script) sawa-sawa n-i na-ŋga ip-es-e kǝsǝ uti-watas-u ya-ŋga-paye-nasu k-i-ir-i-mawik-ure noisily-noisily DV-CONV you-POSS speak(CONV)-HON-EV FP PREF-cross-ATTR ?-POSS-?-COMP come-CONV-enter-CONV-HUM(CONV)-come-EV you spoke noisily and [you] came inside like ? that crossed from afar (KK 63, NK 57) 紀古佐美朝臣等伊敗軍費粮弖還参來

KÏ-NƏ Kosami-NƏ ASOMI-RA-i … IKUSA YAmBUR-I KATE-WO TUPIYAS-I-te KAPER-I-MAWI-K-I-T-U Kï-GEN Kosami-GEN retainer-PLUR-ACT … army destroy-CONV food supplyACC exhaust-CONV-SUB come.back-CONV-HUM(CONV)-come-CONVPERF-FIN retainer Kï-nǝ Kosami and others, came back losing the army and exhausting food supplies (SM 62) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

945

Verbs

In independent usage mawi- has the meaning ‘to go,’ ‘to come’: 夜保許毛知麻為泥許之登吉

ya pokǝ mot-i mawi-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-si tǝki eight spear hold-CONV come(HUM)(CONV)-exit(CONV)-come(CONV)-PAST/ ATTR time when [he] came back out holding eight spears (MYS 18.4111) 弥夜故敝尓末為之和我世

miyako pe-ni mawi-si wa-ŋga se capital side-LOC come(HUM)(CONV)-PAST/ATTR I-POSS elder.brother my elder brother who came to the capital (MYS 18.4116) 伊夜麻之尓安礼波麻為許牟

iya mas-i n-i are pa mawi-kǝ-m-u more increase-NML DV-CONV I TOP come(HUM)(CONV)-come-TENT-FIN [I] would like to come even more (MYS 20.4298) 与伎比止乃伊麻須久爾爾波和礼毛麻胃弖牟毛呂毛呂乎為弖

yǝ-ki pitǝ-nǝ imas-u kuni-ni pa ware mo mawi-te-m-u morǝ-morǝ-wo wi-te good-ATTR person-GEN exist(HON)-ATTR land-LOC TOP I FP go(HUM) (CONV)-PERF-TENT-FIN all-all-ACC lead(CONV)-SUB I would also have gone to the land where the Buddha (lit.: good person) resides, leading everybody (BS 8) 佐伎波比乃阿都伎止毛加羅麻為多利弖

sakipap-i-nǝ atu-ki tǝmo-kara mawi-[i]tar-i-te be.happy-NML-GEN thick-ATTR fellow-clan go(HUM)(CONV)-reach-CONVSUB The very lucky fellows went [to India], and … (BS 12) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is only one example of mawi- in Eastern Old Japanese in independent usage:

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946

Chapter 6

知々波々乎以波比弊等於枳弖麻為弖枳尓之乎

titi papa-wo ipap-i pe tǝ ok-i-te mawi-[i]ⁿde-k-i-n-i-si-wo father mother-ACC pray-NML jar place-CONV-SUB come(HUM)-CONVexit(CONV)-come-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR-ACC [I] left [my] father and mother [precious] as a sacrificial jar, and came out [here as a border-guard], but … (MYS 20.4393) A2: Ryukyuan There is Old Ryukyuan mafe- ‘to go to pray’ attested in the Omoro Sōshi: しけちもりにまへて

siketi mor-i-ni mafe-te sake.offered.to.god fill-NML-LOC go(HUM)(CONV)-SUB [I] will go to pray the shrine to offer sake to the deity, and … (OS 16.1161) It is likely to be a cognate, because WOJ mawi- is not attested in Middle Japanese which has mawir- instead, and because a direct loan from Western Old Japanese into Ryukyuan is unlikely. 4.2.2 Other Auxiliaries Other auxiliaries include: the reported action auxiliary nar-, the cooperative auxiliary ap-, the auxiliaries ar- and wor- ‘to exist,’ the directive auxiliaries, the resultative auxiliary ok-, the auxiliary -N-kata-, and the potential auxiliary e-. 4.2.2.1 Reported Action Auxiliary narIn sharp contrast to Middle (Classical) Japanese, where the hearsay marker -unar- has become a suffix added to the stem of a main verb or to other suffixes or auxiliaries (Vovin 2003: 299), in Western Old Japanese the reported action marker nar- is still an auxiliary following the final verbal form. The evidence for this conclusion comes from the fact that in contrast to Middle Japanese, where -unar- follows all conjugational types of verbs, in Western Old Japanese nar- follows the final form of the r-irregular verbs. There are four examples in Western Old Japanese texts that support this analysis: 葦原中國者伊多玖佐夜藝帝阿理那理

ASI PARA NAKA-TU KUNI pa ita-ku sayaŋgɛ-te ar-i-nar-i reed plain middle-GEN/LOC country TOP painful-CONV be.in.turmoil(CONV)SUB exist-FIN-RA-FIN [They] say that the country in the Reed Plain was in extreme turmoil (KJK 2.3a)

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947

Verbs 伊知比爾惠比天美奈不之天阿利奈利

itipi-ni wep-i-te mina114 pus-i-te ar-i-nar-i oak-LOC get.drunk-CONV-SUB all lie.down-CONV-SUB exist-FIN-RA-FIN [They] say that everybody got drunk from the itipi oak wine and lay down (SSI)115 左揶霓利奈離

sayaŋg-er-i-nar-i be.in.turmoil-PROG-FIN-RA-FIN [they] said [it] was in turmoil (NS 3)116 杏人濱過者戀布在奈利

momo PITƏ-NƏ PAMA-WO SU ŋG-URE-mba KOPUSI-KU AR-I-nar-i hundred people-GEN beach-ACC pass-EV-CON be.longing-CONV exist-FINRA-FIN when a hundred people pass [this] beach, [they] say that [you] will long [for it] (MYS 9.1689) This example is not conclusive for demonstration that the reported action auxiliary nar- followed the final form of verbs in Western Old Japanese because it is spelled logographically, but in light of the three examples above it seems to be pretty safe to transcribe 在奈利 as ar-i nar-i rather than ar-unar-i. In this respect the reported action auxiliary nar- is unique among other Western Old Japanese auxiliaries that all follow converbs. The reported action auxiliary nar- has a very limited paradigm as it can combine only with four suffixes: Chart 99 Combinations of the reported action auxiliary nar- with following suffixes

suffixes

combination forms

final -i attributive -(ur)u concessive converb -(ur)e-ndǝ conditional converb -(a)mba

nar-i nar-u nar-e-ⁿdǝ nar-amba

114  Mina ‘all’ is the unetymological spelling of mïna ‘all.’ 115  Cited according to Yamada (1954: 221) and Omodaka et al. (1967: 80). 116  Cited according to Yamada (1954: 221).

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There are several theories concerning the meaning of nar- surveyed in detail by Yoshida Kanehiko (1973: 785). Yoshida himself treats nar- as an emotive marker of “admiration” (Jpn. 詠嘆 eitan) (1973: 786). Yoshida’s research is mostly based on data from the Man’yōshū, and as he notes himself the choice of data and the points of view are going to dictate the outcome (1973: 785). I have tried to include here examples that are not limited to the Man’yōshū in order to obtain more objective results. While I agree with Yoshida that it is not possible to define all cases of nar- as hearsay, I also fail to see that they can all be explained as having an emotive usage. I define nar- as a reported action auxiliary that refers to an activity that is either heard directly or reported as a rumor. Consider both the examples cited above and below: 爾波都登理迦祁波那久宇禮多久母那久那留登理加

nipa-tu tǝri kake pa nak-u ureta-ku mǝ nak-u-nar-u tǝri ka garden-GEN/LOC bird rooster TOP cry-FIN hateful-CONV FP cry-FIN-RA-ATTR bird IP A rooster, the bird of the garden is crying. Is [it] a bird that is said to cry so hatefully? (KK 2) 于魔伊祢矢度儞儞播都等唎柯稽播儺倶儺梨

uma i ne-si toni nipa-tu tǝri kake pa nak-u-nar-i sweet sleep sleep(CONV)-PAST/ATTR CONJ garden-GEN/LOC bird rooster TOP cry-FIN-RA-FIN while [we] were sleeping a sweet sleep, [I] heard that the rooster, the bird of the garden, cried (NK 96) 大夫之鞆乃音為奈利

MASURA WO-NƏ TƏMO-nǝ OTƏ S-U-nar-i brave man-GEN arm.guard-GEN sound do-FIN-RA-FIN [I] hear arm guards of brave men making sounds117 (MYS 1.76) 山羽尓味村驂去奈礼騰吾者左夫思惠君二四不在者

YAMA-NƏ pa-ni aⁿdi MURA SAWAK-I-YUK-U-nar-e-ⁿdǝ WARE pa sambusi we KIMI n-i si AR-AN-E-mba mountain-GEN edge-LOC duck flock make.noise-CONV-go-FIN-RA-EV-CONC I TOP sad(FIN) INTER lord DV-CONV EP exist-NEG-EV-CON Although [it] is heard that flocks of ducks at the mountain edges are making noises flying away, oh, I am sad, because [it] is not [my] lord (MYS 4.486) 117  When a bow string hits the arm guard worn on the left arm.

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949

Verbs 波流佐礼婆許奴礼我久利弖宇具比須曽奈岐弖伊奴奈流烏梅我志豆延尓

paru sar-e-mba kǝ-n-ure-ŋ-gakur-i-te uŋgupisu sǝ nak-i-te in-u-nar-u uMƐ-ŋga siⁿ-du ye-ni spring come-EV-CON tree-GEN-top-LOC-hide-CONV-SUB bush.warbler FP sing-CONV-SUB go-FIN-RA-FIN plum-POSS bottom-GEN/LOC branch-LOC When the spring comes, [they] say that the bush warbler, who was hiding in the upper branches of trees, will go to sing in the lower branches of the plum [trees] (MYS 5.827) 吾戀之君來益奈利

WA-ŋGA KOPÏ-si KIMI K-I-[i]mas-u-nar-i I-POSS long.for(CONV)-PAST/ATTR lord come-CONV-HON-FIN-RA-FIN [they] say that you, for whom I longed, will come (MYS 8.1518) 馬咋山自越來奈流鴈使者宿過奈利

UMAKUPI YAMA-YU KOYE-K-U-nar-u KARI N-Ə TUKAPI pa YAⁿDƏR-I SU ŋG-U-nar-i Umakupi mountain-ABL cross.over(CONV)-come-FIN-RA-ATTR wild.goose DV-ATTR messenger TOP lodge-NML pass-FIN-RA-FIN [It] appears that wild geese messengers who are heard to cross over from Mount Umakupi will pass their stop for the night (MYS 9.1708) This is a unique example where the second nar- apparently exhibits a suppositional meaning. This is not typical for Western Old Japanese, but becomes a frequent function in Classical Japanese. Possibly, this demonstrates that the reported action auxiliary nar- was on its way to become a hearsay marker. 如今将相跡奈良婆此篋開勿勤

IMA ŋGƏTƏ AP-AM-U tǝ-nar-amba KƏNƏ KUSI ŋGƐ PIRAK-UNA YUMƐ now like meet-TENT-FIN DV(FIN)-RA-COND this comb.box open-NEG/IMP at.all if [you] say that [you] want to meet me [again] like now, do not open this comb box at all (MYS 9.1740) 多豆奈伎和多流奈里

taⁿdu nak-i-watar-u-nar-i crane cry-CONV-cross-FIN-RA-FIN [I] hear that cranes are crying and flying away (MYS 15.3598)

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Chapter 6

於伎敝能可多尓可治能於等須奈里

oki pe-nǝ kata-ni kaⁿdi-nǝ otǝ s-u-nar-i offing side-GEN side-LOC rudder-GEN sound do-FIN-RA-FIN [I] hear the rudder making noise at the offing (MYS 15.3624) 乎登賣良波於毛比美太礼弖伎美麻都等宇良呉悲須奈理

wotǝme-ra pa omop-i-miⁿdare-te kimi mat-u tǝ ura-ŋ-gopï-s-u-nar-i maiden-PLUR TOP think-CONV-be.confused(CONV)-SUB lord wait-FIN DV inside-LOC-long.for(NML)-do-FIN-RA-FIN [They] say that the maidens are waiting [and] longing for you in [their] hearts with [their] thoughts in confusion (MYS 17.3973) 多豆佐和久奈里

taⁿdu sawak-u-nar-i crane cry-FIN-RA-FIN [I] hear that cranes are crying (MYS 17.4018a) 乎乃倍乎保等登藝須奈伎弖故由奈理

wo-nǝ pɛ118-wo potǝtǝŋgisu nak-i-te koy-u-nar-i hill-GEN side-ACC cuckoo cry-CONV-SUB cross.over-FIN-RA-FIN [I] hear that the cuckoo cries and crosses over the hill side (MYS 20.4305) 保里江許具奈流可治能於等

poriye kǝŋg-u-nar-u kaⁿdi-nǝ otǝ canal row-FIN-RA-ATTR rudder-GEN sound sounds of rudders that are heard rowing in the canal (MYS 20.4459) 子乃去禍蒙服麻久欲為流事波為親爾止奈利

KO-nǝ WAⁿZAPAPI-WO SAR-I SAKIPAPI-WO KA ŋGAPUR-Am-aku POR-I S-Uru KƏTƏ pa OYA-nǝ tamɛ n-i tǝ-nar-i child-GEN misfortune-ACC go.away-CONV happiness-ACC receive-TENT-NML want-NML do-ATTR matter TOP parent-GEN for DV-CONV DV(FIN)-RA-FIN [They] say that the fact that children want to avoid misfortune and obtain happiness is for the sake of [their] parents (SM 25)

118  Misspelling of pe ‘side.’

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4.2.2.2 Cooperative Auxiliary apThe verb ap- ‘to meet’ can function as a cooperative auxiliary in Western Old Japanese. As an auxiliary it follows the converb of the main verb, or the converb of the last verb in a verbal compound. The cooperative auxiliary ap- occurs less frequently than the reciprocal-cooperative prefix api- (see section 3.1.9), and it does not have the reciprocal function that is typical for Middle (Classical) Japanese besides the cooperative one (Vovin 2003: 370–371). In addition, the cooperative auxiliary ap- seems to be confined to the Man’yōshū, and even there it predominantly appears in later Western Old Japanese texts. On the other hand, the prefix api- is well represented in earlier Western Old Japanese texts. All this probably represents another piece of evidence in favor of the hypothesis that Western Old Japanese was in the final stages of the word order restructuring from an SVO to an SOV language, gradually weeding out the remnants of the SVO typology, such as prefixes, and replacing them with suffixes or auxiliaries placed in postposition to verbal roots. The cooperative auxiliary ap- indicates that an action is performed together by two or more participants. Examples: 香縁相者彼所毛加人之吾乎事将成

ka-YƏR-I-AP-Amba SƏKƏ mo ka PITƏ WA-wo kǝtǝ NAS-AM-U INT-approach-CONV-meet-COND there FP IP person I-ACC word do(HON)TENT-ATTR if [we] indeed get together, would the people spread rumors about me and you as well? (MYS 4.512) 川次之立合郷

KAPA nami-NƏ TAT-I-AP-U SATO river wave-GEN rise-CONV-meet-ATTR village village where the waves of the rivers rise together (MYS 6.1050) 由布豆久欲可氣多知与里安比

yupu-ⁿ-duku yo kaŋgɛ tat-i-yǝr-i-ap-i evening-GEN-moon night shadow rise-CONV-approach-CONV-meet-CONV The evening moon and the night shadow rise close together and … (MYS 15.3658)

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安麻能伊射里波等毛之安敝里見由

ama-nǝ iⁿzar-i pa tǝmos-i-ap-er-i mi-y-u fisherman-GEN fishing-NML TOP ignite-CONV-meet-PROG-FIN see-PASS-FIN [I] see that fishermen’s lights are igniting together (MYS 15.3672) In this poem WOJ iⁿzar-i ‘fishing’ is usually explained as a contraction of iⁿzar-i-pï ‘fishing fire.’ 左夫流其兒尓比毛能緒能移都我利安比弖

samburu SƏNƏ KO-ni pimo-nǝ wo-nǝ i-tuŋgar-i-ap-i-te whore that girl-DAT cord-GEN cord-COMP DLF-tie-CONV-join-CONV-SUB [you] tied [yourself] together with that whore girl like a cord of cords (MYS 18.4106) 之良久母和多都美乃於枳都美夜敝尓多知和多里等能具毛利安比弖安米母 多麻波祢

sira kumǝ wata-tu mi-nǝ oki-tu miya pe-ni tat-i-watar-i tǝnǝ-ŋ-gumor-i-ap-i-te amɛ mǝ tamap-an-e white cloud sea-GEN/LOC dragon-GEN offing-GEN/LOC palace side-LOC riseCONV-cross-CONV line-LOC-become.cloudy-CONV-meet-CONV-SUB rain FP grant-DES-IMP White clouds! [I] want [you] to rise over the palace of the sea dragon in the offing and grant [us] rain after [you] bundle together in a line (MYS 18.4122) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan There is an auxiliary af- in Old Ryukyuan that has a reciprocal function. I was not able to locate cognates in modern dialects. くもこよりあふやにま玉よりあふやに

kumo yor-i-af-u ya n-i ma-tama yor-i-af-u ya n-i cloud approach-CONV-meet-ATTR like DV-CONV INT-jewel approach-CONVmeet-ATTR like DV-CONV like the clouds that approach each other, like true jewels that approach each other (OS 9.477)

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4.2.2.3 Auxiliary arThe verb ar- ‘to exist’ can be used as an auxiliary in a variety of functions. Among its functions as an auxiliary, the functions (1)–(4) have been already described before in other sections, so here I provide a brief summary with a few examples of each function with references to other sections. On the other hand, function (5) was only briefly touched in section 4.1.1.2, so I offer a more expanded description of it here. As an auxiliary, ar- may follow the converb -i,119 the negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u, the adjectival converb -ku, the subordinative converb -te, and the coordinative converb -tutu. (1) The auxiliary ar- is used as a dummy verb with no meaning of its own after the converb n-i of the copula n- ‘to be’ to form various paradigmatic forms of the latter, since the copula n- is a defective verb with a limited paradigm. Examples: 伊麻許曾婆和杼理迩阿良米能知波那杼理爾阿良牟遠

ima kǝsǝ pa wa-ⁿ-dǝri n-i ar-am-ɛ nǝti pa na-ⁿ-dǝri n-i ar-am-u-wo now FP TOP I-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-EV after TOP you-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR-ACC Now [I] am my bird, later [I] will be your bird, so … (KK 3) 比登都麻都比登迩阿理勢婆

pitǝ-tu matu pitǝ n-i ar-i-s-emba one-CL pine person DV-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND if a lone pine were a person (KK 29) 安米都知能可未奈伎毛能尓安良婆

amɛ tuti-nǝ kamï na-ki monǝ n-i ar-amba heaven earth-GEN deity no-ATTR thing DV-CONV exist-COND If heaven and earth were without deities … (MYS 15.3740)

119  Synchronically ar- follows only the converb form n-i of the defective verb n-. Diachronically it followed converbs of other verbs, but the sequence -i+ar- underwent monophthongization producing the progressive suffix -er- (see section 3.2.3.11).

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Chapter 6

烏梅乃花美夜万等之美尓安里登母

uMƐ-nǝ PANA mi-yama tǝ sim-i n-i ar-i tǝmǝ plum-GEN blossom HON-mountain DV grow.thick-NML DV-CONV exist-FIN CONJ Even though plum blossoms are blooming densely as a mountain (MYS 17.3902) For more examples, as well as for the contracted form nar- < n-i ar- see section 2.4.1.4. (2) The auxiliary ar- is used as a dummy verb with no meaning of its own after the negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u to form analytical paradigmatic verbal forms involving the negative converb which itself can be followed only by a limited set of forms. Examples: 許許呂袁陀迩迦阿比淤母波受阿良牟

kǝkǝrǝ-wo ⁿdani ka api-omǝp-aⁿz-u ar-am-u heart-ACC RP IP REC-think-NEG-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR will [we] not think about each other at least in our hearts? (KK 60) 柯彼能矩盧古磨矩羅枳制播伊志歌孺阿羅磨志

Kapï-nǝ kuro koma kura ki-s-emba i-sik-aⁿz-u ar-amasi Kapï-GEN black stallion saddle put.on-PAST/ATTR-COND DLF-reach-NEGCONV exist-SUBJ if [he] would put a saddle on the black stallion from Kapï, [he] would not reach here [on time] (NK 81a) 多陀爾阿波須阿良久毛於保久志岐多閇乃麻久良佐良受提伊米爾之美延牟

taⁿda n-i ap-aⁿz-u ar-aku mo opo-ku sik-i-tapɛ-nǝ makura sar-aⁿz-u-te imɛ-ni si mi-ye-m-u direct DV-CONV meet-NEG-CONV exist-NML FP many-CONV spread-CONVmulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN pillow go.away-NEG-CONV-SUB dream-LOC EP see-PASS-TENT-FIN There are many occasions when [we] do not meet directly, [and I] want to see [you] in [my] dreams without going away from [your] mulberry tree bark cloth pillow (MYS 5.809) 伊毛乎婆美受曾安流倍久安里家留

imo-womba mi-ⁿz-u sǝ ar-umbɛ-ku ar-i-ker-u beloved-ACC(EMPH) see-NEG-CONV FP exist-DEB-CONV exist-CONV-RETRATTR [I] must not have seen [my] beloved (MYS 15.3739) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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For more examples, as well as for the contracted form -(a)ⁿz-ar- < -(a)ⁿz-u ar- see section 3.2.2.1.2. (3) The auxiliary ar- is used as a dummy verb with no meaning of its own after the adjectival converb -ku to form various analytical paradigmatic forms of inflected adjectives, since the latter have only limited paradigms. Examples: 阿加陀麻波袁佐閇比迦禮杼斯良多麻能岐美何余曾比斯多布斗久阿理祁理

aka-ⁿ-dama pa wo sapɛ pikar-e-ⁿdǝ sira tama-nǝ kimi-ŋga yǝsǝpi si taputo-ku ar-i-ker-i red-DV(ATTR)-jewel TOP cord RP shine-EV-CONC white jewel-COMP lordPOSS adorned.appearance EP revered-CONV exist-CONV-RETR-FIN Although even the cord of red jewels shines, [I] realized [that I] feel reverence [for my] lord’s adorned appearance, which is like a white jewel (KK 7) 伊喩之之乎都那遇舸播杯能倭柯矩娑能倭柯倶阿利岐騰阿我謨婆儺倶爾

i-y-u sisi-wo tunaŋg-u kapa pe-nǝ waka kusa-nǝ waka-ku ar-i-ki tǝ a-ŋga [o]mopan-aku n-i shoot-PASS-ATTR(?) game animal-wo follow-ATTR river side-GEN young grassCOMP young-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/FIN DV I-POSS think-NEG-NML DV-CONV I do not think [he] was as young as young grass on the river side where [we] followed a game animal that was shot, but … (NK 117) 伊加婆加利故保斯苦阿利家武麻都良佐欲比売

ika mbakari koposi-ku ar-i-k-em-u Sayo-pime how RP be.longing-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN Sayo-pime how Sayo-pime must have been longing (MYS 5.875) 和我多妣波比左思久安良思

wa-ŋga tambi pa pisasi-ku ar-asi I-POSS journey TOP long-CONV exist-SUP It seems that my journey was long (MYS 15.3667) For more examples, as well as for the contracted form -k-ar- < -ku ar- see chapter 5, section 2.1.1. (4) Together with the preceding subordinative converb -te the auxiliary arforms a perfective-progressive aspect. Examples:

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Chapter 6

老尓弖阿留我身上尓病遠等加弖阿礼婆晝波母歎加比久良志

OYI-n-i-te ar-u WA-ŋGA MÏ-NƏ UPƐ-ni YAMAPI-wo tǝ KUPAPƐ-te ar-e-mba PIRU pa mǝ NA ŋGƐK-Ap-i-kuras-i age(CONV)-PERF-CONV-SUB exist-ATTR I-POSS body-GEN top-LOC illnessACC DV add(CONV)-SUB exist-EV-CON daytime TOP FP lament-ITERCONV-live-CONV because illnesses have been added to my body that has aged [I] spent the days lamenting, and … (MYS 5.897) 波之太尓母和多之弖安良波曽乃倍由母伊由伎和多良之

pasi ⁿdani mǝ watas-i-te ar-amba sǝnǝ [u]pɛ-yu mǝ i-yuk-i-watar-as-i bridge RP FP put.over-CONV-SUB exist-COND that top-ABL FP DLF-goCONV-cross.over-HON-CONV if [someone] had just put a bridge over [the Milky Way], [they would] go over [it] (MYS 18.4125) 和我勢故我夜度乃也麻夫伎佐吉弖安良婆也麻受可欲波牟

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga yando-nǝ yamambuki sak-i-te ar-amba yam-aⁿz-u kayop-am-u I-POSS elder.brother-POSS dwelling-GEN rose bloom-CONV-SUB exist-COND stop-NEG-CONV go.back.and.forth-TENT-FIN If the roses were blooming at the dwelling of my friend, [I] would come [there] constantly (MYS 20.4303) 傍上乎波宣牟止為氐奈母抑閇氐在津流

KATA-NƏ UPƐ-womba NƏTAMAP-Am-u tǝ S-I-te namǝ OSApɛ-te AR-I-t-uru side-GEN top-ACC(EMPH) say(HON)-TENT-FIN DV do-CONV-SUB FP hold. back(CONV)-SUB exist-CONV-PERF-ATTR [we] have been delaying [it], as [we] were going to proclaim the rest (SM 25) For more examples, as well as for the contracted form -tar- < -te ar- see section 4.1.2.3. (5) Together with the preceding coordinative converb -tutu the auxiliary ar- reinforces the former when it is used in its habitual function. This usage was briefly mentioned in section 4.1.1.2, but I add more examples here. The construction -tutu ar- occurs rather frequently, but the overwhelming majority of examples are in logographic writing. I provide here the examples that are either in phonographic or partially logographic writing. This construction is attested only in the Man’yōshū and the Senmyō. Examples:

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957

Verbs 見乍阿礼婆心波母延農

MI-TUTU ar-e-mba KƏKƏRƏ pa mǝye-n-u look(CONV)-COOR exist-EV-CON heart TOP burn(CONV)-PERF-FIN When [I] keep looking, [my] heart has been set on fire (MYS 5.897) 天地等登毛尓母我毛等於毛比都々安里家牟毛能乎

AMƐ TUTI-tǝ tǝmǝ n-i mǝŋgamo omop-i-tutu ar-i-k-em-u monǝwo heaven earth-COM together DV-CONV DP think-CONV-COOR exist-CONVPAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR CONJ Although [you] probably continued to think: ‘[I] would like [to live long] together with Heaven and Earth’ … (MYS 15.3691) 和礼乎也未尓也伊毛我古非都追安流良牟

ware-wo yamï-ni ya imo-ŋga kopï-tutu ar-am-u I-ACC darkness-LOC IP beloved-POSS long.for(CONV)-COOR exist-TENT-ATTR Will [my] beloved continue to long for me in the darkness? (MYS 15.3669) 之努比管有常将告兒毛欲得

sinop-i-tutu AR-I tǝ TU ŋGƐ-M-U KO moŋGAMƏ yearn-CONV-COOR exist-FIN DV report-TENT-ATTR girl DP [I] want a girl who would tell [me] that [she] is constantly yearning for [me] (MYS 16.3818) 喜備都都在間仁

YƏRƏKƏmbï-tutu AR-U APIⁿDA-ni rejoice(CONV)-COOR exist-ATTR interval-LOC while [they] were continuing to rejoice (SM 42) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The auxiliary verb ar- is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese. 哭乎曽奈伎都流手兒尓安良奈久尓

NE-wo sǝ nak-i-t-uru teŋGO n-i ar-an-aku n-i sound-ACC FP cry-CONV-PERF-ATTR baby DV-CONV exist-NEG-NML DV-CONV [I] sobbed loudly, although [I] am not a baby (MYS 14.3485)

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安豆麻乎等故能都麻和可礼可奈之久安里家牟

anduma wotǝko-nǝ tuma wakare kanasi-ku ar-i-k-em-u East man-GEN spouse part(CONV) sad-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN Men from the East, parting with [their] wives, must have been sad (MYS 20.4333) A2: Ryukyuan The auxiliary a- ~ ar- is well attested both in Old Ryukyuan and in modern dialects. Old Ryukyuan あよがうちやまちよくあれ

ayo-ga uti ya ma-tiyo-ku ar-e liver-POSS inside TOP INT-strong-CONV exist-IMP Be really strong in [your] heart (OS 3.93) Shuri

’yudi du ’ar-u read(SUB) FP exist-ATTR even [though I] have read [it] (RKJ 115) 4.2.2.4 Auxiliary worThe verb wor- ‘to exist’ can be used as an auxiliary in four functions. The first and third were already described, but I just briefly mentioned the fourth before, and the second is introduced here for the first time. As an auxiliary, wormay follow the converb -i, the negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u, the subordinative converb -te, and the coordinative converb -tutu. (1) The auxiliary wor- in combination with the preceding converb -i forms a construction which seems to have a function of the continuative aspect. The difference between this construction and the -te wor- construction described below is not clear. The examples of this construction are relatively rare: 意富牟盧夜爾比登佐波爾岐伊理袁理

opǝ muro-ya-ni pitǝ sapa n-i k-i-ir-i-wor-i big cave-house-LOC person many DV-CONV come-CONV-enter-CONV-exist-FIN many people are coming inside the big cave dwelling (KK 10) 牟迦比袁流迦母伊蘇比袁流迦母

mukap-i-wor-u kamǝ i-sop-i-wor-u kamǝ Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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face-CONV-exist-ATTR EP DLF-snuggle-CONV-exist-ATTR EP Oh, [she] is facing [me]! Oh, [she] is snuggling with [me]! (KK 42) 加久能未夜伊吉豆伎遠良牟

ka-ku nǝmï ya ikiⁿduk-i-wor-am-u thus-CONV RP IP sigh-CONV-exist-TENT-ATTR Would [I] be sighing just like that? (MYS 5.881) 欲流波火等毛之乎流和礼乎

yoru pa PÏ tǝmos-i-wor-u ware-wo night TOP fire burn-CONV-exist-ATTR I-ACC me, who is burning a fire at night (MYS 15.3669) 多婢乎久流之美故非乎礼婆

tambi-wo kurusi-mi kopï-wor-e-mba travel-ABS be.hard-GER long.for(CONV)-exist-EV-CON because the travel is hard, when [I] am longing for [my home] (MYS 15.3674) For one additional example see section 3.2.2.1.1. (2) The auxiliary wor- used after the negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u probably also indicates a continuative aspect, but since there is only one example of this usage in Western Old Japanese it is difficult to define it exactly: 伊弊於毛布等伊乎祢受乎礼婆

ipe omop-u tǝ i-wo ne-ⁿz-u wor-e-mba home think-FIN DV sleep-ACC sleep-NEG-CONV exist-EV-CON when [I] continue not to sleep (a sleep) thinking of [my] home (MYS 20.4400) (3) The auxiliary wor- in combination with the preceding subordinative converb -te forms a construction which seems to have a function of the continuative aspect. Reliable examples in phonographic or partially logographic writing are quite rare. Note the difference between the constructions -te arand -te wor-: the latter never has a perfective function, while the former does. Examples: 於久礼弖乎礼杼与伎許等毛奈之

okure-te wor-e-ⁿdǝ yǝ-ki kǝtǝ mo na-si stay.behind(CONV)-SUB exist-EV-CONC good-ATTR thing FP no-FIN although [I] am staying behind, [it] is no good, either (MYS 15.3773)

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960

Chapter 6

難麻理弖居葦河尓

namar-i-te wor-u ASI kani hide-CONV-SUB exist-ATTR reed crab a reed crab who is hiding (MYS 16.3886) 新年始尓思共伊牟礼氐乎礼婆

ARATASI-KI TƏSI-NƏ PAⁿZIMƐ-ni OMƏP-U-ⁿ-DOTI i-mure-te wor-e-mba new-ATTR year-GEN beginning-LOC think-ATTR-GEN-companion DLF-gather (CONV)-SUB exist-EV-CON When the friends who think [in the same way] are gathering at the beginning of the year … (MYS 19.4284) For one additional example of this construction see section 4.1.1.1. (4) Together with the preceding coordinative converb -tutu auxiliary worreinforces the former when it is used in its habitual function. This usage was briefly mentioned in section 4.1.1.2, but I add two more examples here. There are not many reliable examples in the phonographic script: 多麻志末乎美受弖夜和礼波故飛都々遠良武

Tamasima-wo mi-ⁿz-u-te ya ware pa kopï-tutu wor-am-u Tamasima(p.n.)-ACC see-NEG-CONV-SUB IP I TOP long.for(CONV)-COOR exist-TENT-ATTR Would I continue to long for Tamasima without seeing [it]? (MYS 5.862) 佐欲比賣能故何比列布利斯夜麻能名乃尾夜伎々都々遠良武

Sayo-pime n-ǝ ko-ŋga pire pur-i-si yama-nǝ NA nǝmï ya kik-i-tutu wor-am-u Sayo-pime DV-ATTR girl-POSS long.scarf wave-CONV-PAST/ATTR mountainGEN name RP IP hear-CONV-COOR exist-TENT-ATTR Would [I] continue just to hear the name of the mountain where the girl Sayo-pime waived [her] long scarf? (MYS 5.868) 奈伎都々乎礼杼安布余思毛奈之

nak-i-tutu wor-e-ndǝ ap-u yǝsi mo na-si cry-CONV-COOR exist-EV-CONC meet-ATTR chance FP no-FIN although [I] keep crying, there is no chance to meet (MYS 15.3762) 伊母祢受尓今日毛之賣良尓孤悲都追曽乎流

yi mǝ ne-ⁿz-u n-i KEPU mo simera n-i kop-i-tutu sǝ wor-u sleep FP sleep-NEG-NML DV-CONV today FP as.always DV-CONV love-CONVCOOR FP exist-ATTR

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961

Verbs

without sleeping (a sleep), [I] continue to love [you] today as always, too (MYS 17.3969) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The auxiliary wor- is attested once in the Eastern Old Japanese corpus: 中麻奈尓宇伎乎流布祢能許藝弖奈婆

Tiŋguma-na-ni uk-i-wor-u pune-nǝ kǝŋg-i-[i]ⁿde-mba Tiŋguma-river-LOC float-CONV-exist-ATTR boat-GEN row-CONV-exit-COND If the boat that is floating in Tiŋguma river would row out … (MYS 14.3401) A2: Ryukyuan The auxiliary wo- ~ wor- is well attested in Old Ryukyuan and dialects. Old Ryukyuan

In Old Ryukyuan a variety of spellings of this auxiliary are found: wor- ~ or- ~ yor-, but the most usual spelling is yor-: けよわのがしよらい

keyo wa no ga s-i-yor-ai today TOP what IP do-CONV-exist-TENT2 What will [they] do today? (OS 5.265) けおわのかしよらしよ

keo wa no ka s-i-yor-asiyo today TOP what IP do-CONV-exist-SUP What would [they] do today? (OS 7.376) しも月たてよれば

simoTUKI-ga tat-e-yor-e-ba eleventh.lunar.month-NOM rise-CONV-exist-EV-CON As the eleventh lunar month begins … (OS 13.817) たかとりよらたかうちよら

ta-ga tor-i-yor-a ta-ga ut-i-yor-a who-POSS take-CONV-exist-TENT who-POSS hit-CONV-exist-TENT Who will take [it]? Who will hit [it]? (OS 16.1157)

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Chapter 6

Yaeyama

num-ee ur-eeN drink-SUB exist-FIN [I] have drunk [it] (Karimata 1997b: 408) 4.2.2.5 Directive Auxiliaries Directive auxiliaries indicate the direction of movement of an action, such as up and down, towards and away from the speaker, etc. 4.2.2.5.1 Directive Auxiliary kǝThe verb kǝ- ‘to come’ used as a directive auxiliary indicates that an action is directed to the place where the speaker (or, in some cases, the person under discussion) is located. It can also indicate that an action is developing towards the present moment, although the cases of this usage are not very frequent. The directive auxiliary kǝ- follows the converb of the main verb or the converb of another auxiliary. 和岐弊能迦多用久毛韋多知久母

wa-ŋg[a]-ipe-nǝ kata-yo kumowi tat-i-k-umǝ I-POSS-home-GEN side-ABL cloud rise-CONV-come-EXCL Clouds rise from the side of my home! (KK 34) 麻都理許斯美岐叙阿佐受袁勢

matur-i-kǝ-si mi-ki ⁿzǝ as-aⁿz-u wos-e present(HUM)-CONV-come(CONV)-PAST/ATTR HON-rice.wine FP shallowNEG-CONV drink(HON)-IMP Drink the presented rice wine deeply! (KK 39) 佐和佐和爾那賀伊弊勢許曾宇知和多須夜賀波延那須岐伊理麻韋久禮

sawa-sawa n-i na-ŋga ip-es-e kǝsǝ uti-watas-u ya-ŋga-paye-nasu k-i-ir-imawi-k-ure noisily-noisily DV-CONV you-POSS speak(CONV)-HON-EV FP PREF-cross-ATTR ?-POSS-?-COMP come-CONV-enter-CONV-HUM(CONV)-come-EV you spoke noisily and [you] came inside like ? that crossed from afar (KK 63)

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963

Verbs 意富岐美袁斯麻爾波夫良婆布那阿麻理伊賀弊理許牟叙

opǝ kimi-wo sima-ni pambur-amba puna-amar-i i-ŋgaper-i-kǝ-m-u ⁿzǝ great lord-ACC island-LOC exile-COND boat-exceed-CONV DLF-return-CONVcome-TENT-ATTR FP if [they] exile [my] great lord to an island, there are many boats, and [he] would return here (KK 86) 以嗣箇播箇柂輔智箇柂輔智爾阿弥播利和柂嗣妹慮予嗣爾予嗣予利據祢

isi-kapa-kata-puti kata-puti-ni ami par-i-watas-i mɛ-rǝ yǝs-i-ni yǝs-i yǝr-i-kǝ-n-e stone-river-side-pool side-pool-LOC net spread-CONV-cross-CONV mesh-DIM bring.near-NML-COMP bring.near-NML approach-CONV-come-DES-IMP [Girls, I] wish [you] would come near, like [they] bring near the meshes, spreading nets across at the side pool of a stony river (NK 3) 那爾騰柯母于都倶之伊母我磨陀左枳涅渠農

nani tǝ kamǝ utukusi imǝ-ŋga mata sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-n-u what DV EP beautiful beloved-POSS again bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)-comeNEG-ATTR for (lit: being) what [reason], I wonder, does not [my] beautiful beloved bloom again? (NK 114) 意比久留母能波毛毛久佐爾勢米余利伎多流

op-i-k-uru mǝnǝ pa momo kusa n-i semɛ-yǝr-i-k-i-tar-u pursue-CONV-come-ATTR thing TOP hundred kind DV-CONV assault(CONV)approach-CONV-come-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR the things that pursue [us], come assaulting [us] in a hundred varieties (MYS 5.804) 比佐可多能阿米欲里由吉能那何列久流加母

pisa kata n-ǝ amɛ-yori yuki-nǝ naŋgare-k-uru kamǝ eternal hard DV-ATTR heaven-ABL snow-GEN flow(CONV)-come-ATTR EP I wonder [whether it is] snow that flows down from the eternal and strong heaven (MYS 5.822) 神代欲理云傳久良久

KAMÏ YƏ-yori IP-I-TUTE-k-ur-aku deity age-ABL say-CONV-convey(CONV)-come-ATTR-NML The things [they] conveyed orally from the Age of Deities up to now (MYS 5.894)

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964

Chapter 6

横風乃爾布敷可爾覆來礼婆

YƏKƏSIMA-KAⁿZE-nǝ nipumbuka n-i OPOP-I-K-I-TAr-e-mba cross.wind-GEN sudden DV-CONV cover-CONV-come-CONV-PERF/ PROG-EV-CON a cross wind suddenly came to cover [us] (MYS 5.904) 遠妻四高尓有世婆不知十方手綱乃濱能尋來名益

TƏPO TUMA si TAKA-ni AR-I-s-emba SIR-AⁿZ-U tǝmo TAⁿDUNA-nǝ PAMA-nǝ TAⁿDUNE-K-I-n-amasi distant wife EP Taka-LOC exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND know-NEG-FIN CONJ [Taⁿduna-GEN beach-COMP—makura-kotoba] seek-(CONV)-comeCONV-PERF-SUBJ If my wife, who is far away [from me], were in Taka, even if [I] did not know, [I] would come looking for [her] (MYS 9.1746) 保等穂跡妹尓不相來尓家里

potǝpotǝ IMO-ni AP-AⁿZ-U-K-I-n-i-ker-i almost beloved-DAT meet-NEG-CONV-come-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-FIN [It] came [to the point] that [I] almost do not meet [my] beloved [any more] (MYS 10.1979) 和須礼我比与世伎弖於家礼於伎都之良奈美

wasure-ŋ-gapi yǝse-k-i-te ok-er-e oki-tu sira nami forget(NML)-GEN-shell bring(CONV)-come-CONV-SUB put-PROG-IMP offing-GEN/LOC white wave white waves of the offing, bring [to me] the shell of forgetfulness (MYS 15.3629) 毛美知和礼由伎弖可敝里久流末弖知里許須奈由米

momit-i ware yuk-i-te kaper-i-k-uru-maⁿde tir-i-kǝs-una yumɛ leaves.turn.red/yellow-NML I go-CONV-SUB return-CONV-come-ATTR-TERM fall-CONV-BEN-NEG/IMP at.all Red leaves! Please do not fall at all until I go and come back (MYS 15.3702) 和我世故我可反里吉麻佐武等伎能多米伊能知能己佐牟和須礼多麻布奈

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga kaper-i-k-i-[i]mas-am-u tǝki-nǝ tamɛ inǝti nǝkǝs-am-u wasure-tamap-una I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS return-CONV-come-CONV-HON-TENT-ATTR timeGEN for life leave-TENT-ATTR forget(CONV)-HON-NEG/IMP Do not forget, my beloved, that [I] will stay alive until [you] return (MYS 15.3774) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

965

Verbs 之乎路可良多太古要久礼婆

siwo-ⁿ-di-kara taⁿda koye-k-ure-mba Siwo-GEN-road-ABL direct cross(CONV)-come-EV-CON when [I] cross [the mountains] directly from Siwo road (MYS 17.4025) 可敝里許牟麻須良多家乎尓美伎多弖麻都流

kaper-i-kǝ-m-u masura take wo-ni mi-ki tatematur-u return-CONV-come-TENT-ATTR excellent brave man-DAT HON-rice.wine present-FIN [I] will present the rice wine to the excellent brave men who will come back (MYS 19.4262) 事之乎波良婆都々麻波受可敝理伎麻勢

KƏTƏ si wopar-amba tutum-ap-aⁿz-u kaper-i-k-i-[i]mas-e job EP end-COND be.hindered-ITER-NEG-CONV return-CONV-come-CONVHON-IMP when [your] job is over, come back without being hindered [by anything] (MYS 20.4331) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The directive auxiliary kǝ- is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese. Examples: 奈爾須礼曾波波登布波奈乃佐吉泥己受祁牟

nani s-ure sǝ papa tǝ [i]p-u pana-nǝ sak-i-[i]nde-kǝ-ⁿz-u-k-em-u what do-EV FP mother DV say-ATTR flower-GEN bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)come-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR why (lit.: having done what) the flower called ‘Mother’ has not bloomed? (MYS 20.4323) 加比利久麻弖尓已波比弖麻多祢

kapir-i-k-u-maⁿde-ni ipap-i-te mat-an-e return-CONV-come-ATTR120-TERM-LOC pray-CONV-SUB wait-DES-IMP pray and wait [for me] until [I] return (MYS 20.4339)

120  Formally the form k-u looks like a final, but since it is followed by the case marker -mande, functionally it must be an attributive.

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966

Chapter 6

伊弖久礼婆和努等里都伎弖伊比之古奈波毛

iⁿde-k-ure-mba wanu tǝr-i-tuk-i-te ip-i-si ko-na pa mǝ exit(CONV)-come-EV-CON I grab-CONV-attach-CONV-SUB say-CONV-PAST/ ATTR girl-DIM TOP EP when [I] left [the house], oh, [that] girl who grabbed me and complained (MYS 20.4358) A2: Ryukyuan The directive auxiliary ku- is attested in Old Ryukyuan and in modern dialects. Old Ryukyuan もゝつかわりくるきやめ

momo tu kawar-i-k-uru-kiyame hundred times change-CONV-come-ATTR-TERM until [I] am reborn [one] hundred times (OS 5.243) Miyako

adza-ga munuu muč-i-kuu elder.brother-POSS thing(ACC) bring-CONV-come(IMP) Bring here the things of elder brother (Karimata 1997a: 393) 4.2.2.5.2 Directive Auxiliary yukThe verb yuk- ‘to go’ used as a directive auxiliary indicates that an action is directed away from the place where the speaker (or, in some cases, the person under discussion) is located. It can also indicate that an action is developing towards the future. The directive auxiliary yuk- follows the converb of a main verb. 都紀波岐閇由久

tukï pa k-i pɛ-yuk-u month TOP come-CONV pass(CONV)-go-FIN months come and pass away (KK 28) 摩莵麼邏珥和多利喩祇低

Matumbara-ni watar-i-yuk-i-te Matumbara-LOC cross.over-CONV-go-CONV-SUB crossing over to Matumbara (NK 28)

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967

Verbs 箇破能区莽遇莽豫呂朋譬喩玖伽茂于羅遇破能紀

kapa-nǝ kuma-ŋguma yǝrǝp-op-i-yuk-u kamo ura-ŋ-gupa n-ǝ kï river-GEN bend-bend approach-ITER-CONV-go-ATTR EP top-DV(ATTR)mulberry DV-ATTR tree Oh! The top mulberry tree constantly approaches the bends of the river! (NK 56) 山羽尓味村驂去奈礼騰吾者左夫思惠君二四不在者

YAMA-NƏ pa-ni aⁿdi MURA SAWAK-I-YUK-U-nar-e-ⁿdǝ WARE pa sambusi we KIMI n-i si AR-AN-E-mba mountain-GEN edge-LOC duck flock make.noise-CONV-go-FIN-RA-EV-CONC I TOP sad(FIN) INTER lord DV-CONV EP exist-NEG-EV-CON Although [it] is heard that flocks of ducks at the mountain edges are making noises flying away, oh, I am sad, because [it] is not [my] lord (MYS 4.486) 吉倍由久等志

k-i pɛ-yuk-u tǝsi come-CONV pass(CONV)-go-ATTR year the year that came and passes away (MYS 5.881) 百重山越弖須疑由伎伊都斯可母京師乎美武等意母比都々

MOMO-PE YAMA KOYE-te suŋgï-yuk-i itu si kamǝ MIYAKO-wo mi-m-u tǝ omǝpi-tutu hundred-CL mountain cross.over(CONV)-SUB pass(CONV)-go-CONV when EP EP capital-ACC see-TENT-ATTR DV think-CONV-COOR crossing over and passing through hundreds of mountains [I] was thinking: “When will [I] see the capital, I wonder?” (MYS 5.886) 君尓也毛登奈安我孤悲由加牟

KIMI-ni ya motǝna a-ŋga kopï-yuk-am-u lord-DAT IP in.vain I-POSS long.for(CONV)-go-TENT-ATTR Would I continue to long for you in vain? (MYS 15.3690) 布祢波許藝由可奈

pune pa kǝŋg-i-yuk-ana boat TOP row-CONV-go-DES [I] want [our] boats to row out (MYS 15.3721)

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968

Chapter 6

日能久礼由氣婆家乎之曽於毛布

PI-nǝ kure-yuk-e-mba IPE-wo si sǝ omop-u sun-GEN set(CONV)-go-EV-CON home-ACC EP FP think-ATTR because the sun is setting, [I] think of [my] home (MYS 17.3895) 与呂豆余尓伊比都藝由可牟

yǝrǝⁿdu yǝ-ni ip-i-tuŋg-i-yuk-am-u ten.thousand generation-LOC say-CONV-follow-CONV-go-TENT-FIN [I] would continue to talk [about it] for ten thousand generations (MYS 17.4003) 敷治奈美能佐伎由久見礼婆

puⁿdi nami-nǝ sak-i-yuk-u MI-re-mba wisteria wave-GEN bloom-CONV-go-ATTR see-EV-CON When [I] see the waves of wisteria blooming everywhere … (MYS 18.4042) 宇惠之田毛麻吉之波多氣毛安佐其登尓之保美可礼由苦

uwe-si TA mo mak-i-si patakɛ mo asa ŋgǝtǝ n-i simbom-i-kare-yuk-u plant(CONV)-PAST/ATTR paddy FP sow-CONV-PAST/ATTR field FP morning every DV-CONV wither-CONV-dry(CONV)-go-FIN Planted paddies and sowed fields continue to wither every morning (MYS 18.4122) 石瀬野尓馬太伎由吉氐

IWASE NO-ni UMA-ⁿ-dak-i-yuk-i-te Iwase field-LOC horse-DAT-steer-CONV-go-CONV-SUB [I] steer [my] horse to the Iwase field (MYS 19.4154) 白雪能布里之久山乎越由加牟君

SIRA YUKI-nǝ pur-i-sik-u YAMA-wo KOYE-yuk-am-u KIMI white snow-GEN fall-CONV-cover-ATTR mountain-ACC cross.over(CONV)-goTENT-ATTR lord you who will cross over the mountains covered with white snow (MYS 19.4281) 宇都里由久時見其登尓許己呂伊多久

utur-i-yuk-u TƏKI MI-RU ŋgǝtǝ n-i kǝkǝrǝ ita-ku change-CONV-go-ATTR time see-ATTR every DV-CONV heart painful-CONV Every time that [I] see times that are changing [my] heart aches, and … (MYS 20.4483)

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969

Verbs 弥継継爾受賜波利行牟物等之弖

IYA TU ŋG-I TU ŋG-I n-i UKƐ-TAMApar-i-YUK-Am-u MƏNƏ tǝ s-i-te more follow-NML follow-NML DV-CONV accept(CONV)-HUM-CONV-goTENT-ATTR thing DV do-CONV-SUB as a thing that [we] will continue to accept for a greater posterity (SM 9) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The directive auxiliary yuk- is attested in Eastern Old Japanese in one example: 阿志加良能美佐可多麻波理可閇理美須阿例波久江由久

Asiŋgara-nǝ mi-saka tamapar-i kaper-i-mi-ⁿz-u are pa kuye-yuk-u Asiŋgara-GEN HON-slope receive(HUM)-CONV return-CONV-look-NEG-CONV I TOP cross.over(CONV)-go-FIN [I] received [the permission of the deities to cross] the Asiŋgara slope, and I will cross over[it] without looking back (MYS 20.4372) A2: Ryukyuan It seems that both Old Ryukyuan ik- and modern Shuri ’ich- that are counterparts of WOJ auxiliary yuk- follow not the converb, but the subordinative converb form of a main verb. This is highly reminiscent of the same usage in modern Japanese which is different from both Western Old Japanese and Middle Japanese. I was unable to find any examples from other modern dialects, but this may be due to the paucity of descriptions rather than the lack of the auxiliary itself. Old Ryukyuan しよりもりのぼていけは

shiyori mori nobo-te ik-e-pa Shuri shrine climb-SUB go-EV-CON when [I] climb [to] the Shuri shrine (OS 5.214) Shuri

’yudi ’ich-uN read(SUB) go-FIN to progress in reading (RKJ 249)

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970

Chapter 6

4.2.2.5.3 Directive Auxiliaries iⁿde- and iⁿdasThe verbs iⁿde-’to go out,’ ‘to exit’ and iⁿdas- ‘to take out’ used as directive auxiliaries indicate that the movement of an action is carried from inside one area to another area. Both iⁿde- and iⁿdas- can appear in their full forms, preserving the initial vowel /i/, and in their short forms /ⁿde-/ and /ⁿdas-/. These short forms are transcribed in this grammar as [i]ⁿde- and [i]ⁿdas-. The presence or absence of the initial vowel probably depended on the presence or absence of a juncture between the main and the auxiliary verb. The difference between iⁿde- and iⁿdas- seems to be connected at least partially to transitivity. The former is used predominantly with intransitive main verbs (including also quasitransitives, like kǝŋg- ‘to row’), while the latter is attested only with transitive main verbs, although there are only two examples of iⁿdas- attested in Western Old Japanese (see MYS 15.3765 and BS 4 below). Both follow the converb of a main verb. 母登弊波岐美袁淤母比傅須惠幣波伊毛袁淤母比傅伊良那祁久曾許爾淤母 比傅加那志祁久許許爾淤母比傅

mǝtǝ-pe pa kimi-wo omǝp-i-[i]ⁿde suwe-pe pa imo-wo omǝp-i-[i]ⁿde irana-k-eku sǝkǝ-ni omǝp-i-[i]ⁿde kanasi-k-eku kǝkǝ-ni omǝp-i-[i]ⁿde root-side TOP lord-ACC think-CONV-exit(CONV) top-side TOP beloved-ACC think-CONV-exit(CONV) be.regrettable-ATTR-NML there-LOC think-CONVexit(CONV) be.sorrowful-ATTR-NML here-LOC think-CONV-exit(CONV) at the root [of the tree, I] remember [my] lord, at the top [of the tree, I] remember [my] beloved, [I] remember [my lord] there with regret, [I] remember [my beloved] here with sorrow (KK 51) 和斯里底能與慮斯企夜麼

wasir-i-[i]ⁿde n-ǝ yǝrǝsi-ki yama run-CONV-exit(NML) DV-ATTR good-ATTR mountain good mountains that run out (NK 77) 那爾騰柯母于都倶之伊母我磨陀左枳涅渠農

nani tǝ kamǝ utukusi imǝ-ŋga mata sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-n-u what DV EP beautiful beloved-POSS again bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)-comeNEG-ATTR for (lit: being) what [reason], I wonder, does not [my] beautiful beloved bloom again? (NK 114)

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IMA pa kǝŋg-i-iⁿde-na now TOP row-CONV-exit-DES Let [us] row out [to the sea] now (MYS 1.8) 伊波紀欲利奈利提志比等迦

ipa-kï-yori nar-i-[i]ⁿde-si pitǝ ka rock-wood-ABL become-CONV-exit(CONV)-PAST/ATTR person IP Are [you] a person born from rock and wood? (MYS 5.800) 和我中能産礼出有白玉之吾子古日

wa-ŋga NAKA-nǝ UMAre-IⁿDE-TAR-U SIRA TAMA-nǝ WA-ŋGA KO Purupi we-POSS inside-GEN be.born(CONV)-exit(CONV)-PERF/PROG-ATTR white jewel-COMP we-POSS child Purupi Our white jewel-like son Purupi who was born to us (MYS 5.904) 何時可毛比等等奈理伊弖天

ITU SI kamo pitǝ tǝ nar-i-iⁿde-te when EP EP person DV become-CONV-exit(CONV)-SUB when [he] becomes a [grown-up] person (MYS 5.904) 左和良妣乃毛要出春

sa-warambi-nǝ moye-IⁿD-URU PARU PREF-fern-GEN bud(CONV)-exit-ATTR spring spring when ferns bud (MYS 8.1418) 麻都里太須可多美乃母能乎比等尓之賣須奈

matur-i-[i]ⁿdas-u katami n-ǝ mǝnǝ-wo pitǝ-ni simes-una present(HUM)-put.out-ATTR keepsake DV-ATTR thing-ACC person-DAT show-NEG/IMP do not show to others the keepsake that [I] presented [to you] (MYS 15.3765) 己藝弖奈牟君我美布祢

kǝŋg-i-[i]ⁿde-n-am-u KIMI-ŋga mi-pune row-CONV-exit(CONV)-PERF-TENT-ATTR lord-POSS HON-boat your boat that has probably rowed out (MYS 15.3705)

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972

Chapter 6

和波己藝埿奴等伊弊尓都氣己曽

wa pa kǝŋg-i-[i]ⁿde-n-u tǝ ipe-ni tuŋgɛ-kǝs-ǝ I TOP row-CONV-go.out(CONV)-PERF-FIN DV report(CONV)-BEN-IMP Please tell [the folks at my] home that I have sailed out (MYS 20.4408) 己乃美阿止夜与呂豆比賀利乎波奈知伊太志毛呂毛呂須久比和多志多麻波 奈須久比多麻波奈

kǝnǝ mi-atǝ ya-yǝrǝⁿdu pikari-wo panat-i-iⁿdas-i morǝ-morǝ sukup-i-watas-itamap-ana sukup-i-tamap-ana this HON-foot.print eight-ten.thousand light-ACC emanate-CONV-put.outCONV all-all save-CONV-lead.across-CONV-HON-DES save-CONV-HON-DES These footprints emanate myriad lights, and [I] want [them] to save everybody, leading [them] across, [I] want [the footprints] to save [them] (BS 4) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The directive auxiliary inde- (but not indas-) is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese. It appears only with intransitive and quasi-transitive verbs. Examples: 布祢能許藝弖奈婆安布許等可多思

pune-nǝ kǝŋg-i-[i]ⁿde-n-amba ap-u kǝtǝ kata-si boat-COMP row-CONV-exit(CONV)-PERF-COND meet-ATTR matter difficultFIN if [you] row out like a boat, it is difficult to meet (MYS 14.3401) 奈爾須礼曾波波登布波奈乃佐吉泥己受祁牟

nani s-ure sǝ papa tǝ [i]p-u pana-nǝ sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-ⁿz-u-k-em-u what do-EV FP mother DV say-ATTR flower-GEN bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)come-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR why (lit.: having done what) has the flower called ‘Mother’ not bloomed? (MYS 20.4323) 奈尓波刀乎己岐埿弖美例婆

Nanipa to-wo kǝŋg-i-[i]ⁿde-te mi-re-mba Nanipa harbor-ACC row-CONV-exit(CONV)-SUB look-EV-CON When [you] row out of the Nanipa harbor and look … (MYS 20.4380) A2: Ryukyuan I was able to locate the intransitive verb itife- [ide-] ‘to go out’ as an auxiliary only in Old Ryukyuan. On the other hand, I found the transitive ’izas- ‘to put Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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Verbs

out’ only in the Nakijin dialect. These auxiliaries probably exist in other modern dialects, too, but the available descriptions do not mention them. Old Ryukyuan はつにしかおしいちへは

fatu nisi-ka os-i-itife-fa first northern.wind-NOM push-CONV-exit-CON when the first northern wind blows out (OS 7.349) Nakijin

u-i-[i]zas-uN chase-CONV-put.out-FINN to chase out (Nakasone 1983: 40) 4.2.2.5.4 Directive Auxiliaries ir- and ireThe verbs ir- ‘to enter’ and ire- ‘to insert,’ ‘to put in’ used as directive auxiliaries indicate that the movement of an action is carried into a certain area. Both ir- and ire- can appear in their full forms, preserving the initial vowel /i/, and in their short forms /r-/ and /re-/. These short forms are transcribed in this grammar as [i]r- and [i]re-. The presence or absence of the initial vowel probably depended on the presence or absence of a juncture between the main and the auxiliary verb. The difference between ir- and ire- is connected to transitivity, although there are not many examples. The former is used with intransitive main verbs and the quasi-transitive kǝŋg- ‘to row,’ while the latter is attested only with two transitive main verbs, kok- ‘to rub through’ and otǝs- ‘to drop.’ Both ir- and ire- follow the converb of a main verb. 意富牟盧夜爾比登佐波爾岐伊理袁理

opǝ muro-ya-ni pitǝ sapa n-i k-i-ir-i-wor-i big cave-house-LOC person many DV-CONV come-CONV-enter-CONV-exist-FIN many people are coming inside the big cave dwelling (KK 10) 佐和佐和爾那賀伊弊勢許曾宇知和多須夜賀波延那須岐伊理麻韋久禮

sawa-sawa n-i na-ŋga ip-es-e kǝsǝ uti-watas-u ya-ŋga-paye-nasu k-i-ir-i-mawik-ure noisily-noisily DV-CONV you-POSS speak(CONV)-HON-EV FP PREF-cross-ATTR ?-POSS-?-COMP come-CONV-enter-CONV-HUM(CONV)-come-EV you spoke noisily and [you] came inside like ? that crossed from afar (KK 63)

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974

Chapter 6

奥津浪諍榜入來白水郎之釣船

oki-tu NAMI SINO ŋG-I KƏ ŋG-I-[I]R-I-KƏ AMA-NƏ TUR-I-m-BUNE offing-GEN/LOC wave push.aside-CONV row-CONV-enter-CONV-come(IMP) fisherman-GEN fish-NML-GEN-boat Fishing boat of fishermen! Row in here, cutting through the waves of the offing (MYS 13.3225) 夜良尓新羅斧堕入和之

yara-ni SIRA ŋGÏ WONƏ OTƏS-I-IRE wasi sea(?)-LOC Silla axe drop-CONV-insert(CONV) INTER oh, [I] dropped the Silla ax into the sea (MYS 16.3878) 蘇泥尓毛古伎礼

soⁿde-ni mo kok-i-[i]re sleeve-LOC FP rub.through-CONV-insert(CONV) [they] rub [the flowers] into [their] sleeves, and … (MYS 18.4111) 袖尓古伎礼都

SOⁿDE-ni kok-i-[i]re-t-u sleeve-LOC rub.through-CONV-insert(CONV)-PERF-FIN [they] have rubbed [the flowers] into [their sleeves (MYS 19.4192) 落奴倍美袖尓古伎納都藤浪乃花

oti-n-umbɛ-mi SOⁿDE-ni kok-i-[I]RE-t-u PUⁿDI NAMI-nǝ PANA fall(CONV)-PERF-DEB-GER sleeve-LOC rub.through-CONV-insert(CONV)PERF-FIN Fuji wave-GEN flower because [they] would have fallen, [I] have rubbed into my sleeves (the waves of) wisteria flowers (MYS 19.4193a) 安之婢乃波奈乎蘇弖尓古伎礼奈

asimbi-nǝ pana-wo soⁿde-ni kok-i-[i]re-na andromeda-GEN flower-ACC sleeve-LOC rub.through-CONV-insert-DES [I] want to rub andromeda flowers into [my] sleeves (MYS 20.4512) 進入倍支奥地

SUSUM-I-IR-Umbɛ-ki OKU-NƏ TƏKƏRƏ advance-CONV-enter-DEB-ATTR inside-GEN place the interior territory which [they] should have advanced into (SM 62)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan I was able to locate examples of cognates of the Western Old Japanese transitive ire- ‘to insert’ used as an auxiliary in Old Ryukyuan and in the Nakijin dialect. It probably exists in other modern dialects, too, but the available descriptions do not mention it. Old Ryukyuan とまりしらねともくちやしらねともさしまわちへいれてぬきまわちへいれて

tomari sir-an-e-tomo kuti ya sir-an-e-tomo sas-i-mawatife-ire-te nuk-imawatife-ire-te harbor know-NEG-EV-CONC entrance TOP know-NEG-EV-CONC insert-CONVturn(SUB)-insert(CONV)-SUB pull-CONV- turn(SUB)-insert(CONV)-SUB although [I] do not know the harbor, although [I] do not know the entrance [to the harbor], guide [my boat] in, pull [my boat] in (OS 13.798) Nakijin

hač-i-ir-uN write-CONV-insert-FIN to write in (Nakasone 1983: 52) 4.2.2.5.5 Directive Auxiliaries aŋgɛ- and aŋgarThe verbs aŋgɛ- ‘to raise’ and aŋgar- ‘to rise’ used as directive auxiliaries indicate that the movement of an action is going in an upward direction.121 The difference between aŋgɛ- and aŋgar- might be historically connected to transitivity, although the distinction is not as clear-cut as with other similar pairs of directive auxiliaries. Both are used with transitive and intransitive verbs in Western Old Japanese, although there are only two examples of aŋgar- and five examples of aŋgɛ- spelled phonographically in the texts where we really can tell the difference between these two. Both aŋgɛ- and aŋgar- follow the converb of a main verb. Examples: 夜麻登弊迩爾斯布岐阿宜弖

Yamatǝ-pe-ni nisi puk-i-aŋgɛ-te Yamato-side-LOC western.wind blow-CONV-raise(CONV)-SUB Western wind blows up towards Yamato, and … (KK 55) 121  It is interesting that there are no uncontroversially attested auxiliaries in Western Old Japanese that indicate a downward action. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

976

Chapter 6

夜麻等弊爾加是布企阿義天

Yamatǝ pe-ni kanze puk-i-aŋgɛ-te Yamato-side-LOC wind blow-CONV-raise(CONV)-SUB Wind blows up towards Yamato, and … (FK 13) 奈良能美夜故尓咩佐宜多麻波祢

Nara-nǝ miyako-ni mes-aŋgɛ-tamap-an-e Nara-GEN capital-LOC call(HON)(CONV)-raise(CONV)-HON-DES-IMP [I] want [you] to summon [me to come] up to the capital of Nara (MYS 5.882) This is an interesting example for two reasons. First, mes-aŋgɛ- is an obvious contraction of *mes-i-aŋgɛ-, where the converb marker of the main verb underwent elision. Second, the auxiliary aŋgɛ- here indicates the motion of the speaker who is outside of the capital towards the capital, expressing pretty much the same function that modern Japanese noborwould have in the same case. 宇梅乃落花之安米尓登妣安我里

uMƐ-nǝ TIR-U PANA si amɛ-ni tǝmb-i-aŋgar-i plum-GEN fall-ATTR blossom EP heaven-LOC fly-CONV-rise-CONV falling plum blossoms fly up to heaven, and … (MYS 17.3906) 芳理夫久路等利安宜麻敝尓於吉

pari-m-bukuro tǝr-i-aŋgɛ mape-ni ok-i needle-GEN-bag take-CONV-raise(CONV) front-LOC place-CONV bringing up the needle bag and placing [it] in front (MYS 18.4129) 美母乃須蘇都美安氣可伎奈埿

mi-mǝ-nǝ suso tum-i-aŋgɛ kaki-naⁿde HON-skirt-GEN hem pick-CONV-raise(CONV) PREF-caress(CONV) [my mother] picked up [her] skirt hems and caressed [me] (MYS 20.4408) 山川浄所者孰倶加母見行阿加良閇賜牟

YAMA KAPA-NƏ KIYO-KI TƏKƏRƏ-WOmba TARE-TƏ TƏMƏ n-i kamǝ MI-SƏNA P-AS-I-aŋgar-apɛ-TAMAP-Am-u mountain river-GEN clean-ATTR place-ACC(EMPH) who-COM together DV-CONV EP look(CONV)-put.in.order-HON-CONV-rise-ITER-HONTENT-ATTR With whom will [I] be constantly looking up together at the clean places of mountains and rivers, I wonder? (SM 51)

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977

Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan Both age- and agar- are attested as auxiliaries in Old Ryukyuan. I was only able to find examples of the transitive agiir- used as an auxiliary in the Nakijin dialect. It probably exists in other modern dialects, too, but the available descriptions do not mention it. Old Ryukyuan きこゑ大きみきやあめもらんもりにいのりあかりしよ

kik-o-we-ofo-kimi-kiya ame mor-aN mori-ni inor-i-akar-i s-iyo hear-ATTR-voice(?)-great-lady-NOM rain leak-NEG/ATTR sacred.grove-LOC pray-CONV-rise-NML do-FIN The great priestess offers [her] prayers in the sacred grove where the rain cannot leak (OS 1.30) みよたちやはぬきあけてよおたちやはおしあけて

mi-yo-tat-i-ya-fa nuk-i-ake-te yo-tat-i-ya-fa os-i-ake-te HON-world-stand-NML-ACC-TOP pull-CONV-raise(CONV)-SUB world-standNML-ACC-TOP push-CONV-raise(CONV)-SUB pulling up the king, pushing up the king (OS 1.39) Nakijin

muč-i-agiir-uN hold-CONV-raise-FIN to bring up (Nakasone 1983: 8) 4.2.2.5.6 Directive Auxiliary yarThe verb yar- ‘to send’ used as a directive auxiliary indicates that the action expressed by the main verb is directed at a certain object (or goal) located some distance from the agent. It also may indicate that an action simply passes away into the distance as in the examples from MYS 5.804 and MYS 17.4008 below. The auxiliary yar- normally follows the converb of the main verb directly, although in one case it is attested following the converb of a causative stem of a verb (see MYS 19.4154 below). It is a rare auxiliary, attested only in the Man’yōshū (and predominantly in the later texts) and in the Norito. I provide below the majority of the phonographically attested examples from the Man’yōshū. All examples from Norito are logographic, so I do not include them here. Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

978

Chapter 6

等伎能佐迦利乎等々尾迦祢周具斯野利都礼

tǝki-nǝ sakar-i-wo tǝⁿdǝmï-kane suŋgus-i-yar-i-t-ure time-GEN bloom-NML-ACC stop(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV) pass-CONV-sendCONV-PERF-EV [they] have spent [their lives] being unable to stop the prime of their lives (MYS 5.804) 可敝之也流都可比奈家礼婆

kapes-i-yar-u tukapi na-kere-mba return-CONV-send-ATTR messenger no-EV-CON because there is no messenger to send [it] back (MYS 15.3627) 奈良能弥夜故尓許登都氣夜良武

Nara-nǝ miyako-ni kǝtǝ tuŋgɛ-yar-am-u Nara-GEN capital-LOC word report(CONV)-send-TENT-FIN [I] would send a message to the capital of Nara (MYS 15.3676) 間使毛夜流余之母奈之於母保之伎許登都氐夜良受

MA-ⁿ-DUKAPI mo yar-u yǝsi mǝ na-si omǝp-osi-ki kǝtǝ tute-yar-aⁿz-u interval-GEN-messenger FP send-ATTR chance FP no-FIN think-ADJ-ATTR word send.a.message(CONV)-send-NEG-CONV There is no chance to send a messenger between [us]. [I] do not send a message that [I] think of (MYS 17.3962) 於毛比夜流許等母安利之乎

omop-i-yar-u kǝtǝ mǝ ar-i-si-wo think-CONV-send-ATTR matter FP exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR-ACC although there were also matters that [I] cheered [myself] up about (MYS 17.4008) 白塗之小鈴毛由良尓安波勢也理

SIRA NUR-I N-Ə KO-SUⁿZU mo yura n-i ap-ase-yar-i white paint-NML DV-ATTR DIM-bell FP cling DV-CONV fight-CAUS(CONV)send-CONV letting [my hawk go] off to catch [other birds] with the clinging [sound] of the little white painted bell (MYS 19.4154)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan To the best of my knowledge, yar- is attested as an auxiliary only in Old Ryukyuan. That makes it a potential candidate for a loan from Classical Japanese. Old Ryukyuan みこゑしやりおそわ

mi-kowe s-i-yar-i osow-a HON-voice do-CONV-send-CONV rule-TENT sending out [your] voice, [you] should rule [the country] (OS 1.8) あおていきやりかたきひぢめわちへ

ao-te ik-i-yar-i kataki fidimewa-tife fight(CONV)-SUB go-CONV-send-CONV enemy pacify(CONV).HON(CONV)-SUB fighting, and going forward, and pacifying the enemies (OS 1.25) 4.2.2.5.7 Directive Auxiliaries watar- and watasThe verb watar- ‘to cross’ used as a directive auxiliary has two functions in Western Old Japanese. First, it can indicate that an action goes over or across some area. Second, it can indicate that an action goes on for a long time. The verb watas- ‘to carry across’ used as an auxiliary is attested only in the first function. The difference between the usage of watar- and watas- as auxiliaries seems to be connected to the transitivity of a main verb. The auxiliary wataris used predominantly after intransitive and quasi-transitive main verbs, although it appears once after the transitive verb mǝt- ‘to hold’ (see the example from FK 12 below). The auxiliary watas- is found only after transitive main verbs. Overall, watar- is much more frequent than watas-. As auxiliaries watarand watas- follow in most cases the converb of a main verb, but in one example from MYS 17.4004 below watar- is found after the subordinative converb -te. Examples: (1) An action going over or across some area: 佐韋賀波用久毛多知和多理

sawi-ŋ-gapa-yo kumo tat-i-watar-i Sawi-GEN-river-ABL cloud rise-CONV-cross-CONV Clouds are rising over from the Sawi river, and … (KK 20)

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980

Chapter 6

以嗣箇播箇柂輔智箇柂輔智爾阿弥播利和柂嗣妹慮予嗣爾予嗣予利據祢

isi-kapa-kata-puti kata-puti-ni ami par-i-watas-i mɛ-rǝ yǝs-i-ni yǝs-i yǝr-i-kǝ-n-e stone-river-side-pool side-pool-LOC net spread-CONV-carry.across-CONV mesh-DIM bring.near-NML-COMP bring.near-NML approach-CONV-comeDES-IMP [Girls, I] wish [you] would come near, like [they] bring near the meshes, spreading nets across at the side pool of a stony river (NK 3) 等許余弊爾久母多智和多留美頭能睿能宇良志麻能古賀許等母知和多流

tǝkǝ yǝ pe-ni kumǝ tat-i-watar-u Miⁿdunǝye-nǝ Urasima n-ǝ ko-ŋga kǝtǝ mǝt-iwatar-u eternal world side-LOC cloud rise-CONV-cross-FIN Miⁿdunǝye-GEN Urasima DV-ATTR lad-POSS word hold-CONV-cross-FIN Clouds are rising over at the Eternal Land. [They] will carry over the words of the lad Urasima from Miⁿdunǝye (FK 12) 冬乃林尓飄可毛伊巻渡等念麻弖

PUYU-nǝ PAYASI-ni TUMUⁿZI kamo i-MAK-I-WATAR-U tǝ OMƏP-U-maⁿde winter-GEN forest-LOC whirlwind EP DLF-whirl-CONV-cross-FIN DV thinkATTR-TERM to the point that [we] thought: “Could it be a whirlwind that whirls there across the winter forest?” (MYS 2.199) 多豆奈伎和多流奈里

taⁿdu nak-i-watar-u-nar-i crane cry-CONV-cross-FIN-RA-FIN [I] hear that cranes are crying and flying away (MYS 15.3598) 之良久母和多都美乃於枳都美夜敝尓多知和多里等能具毛利安比弖安米母 多麻波祢

sira kumǝ wata-tu mi-nǝ oki-tu miya pe-ni tat-i-watar-i tǝnǝ-ŋ-kumor-i-ap-i-te amɛ mǝ tamap-an-e white cloud sea-GEN/LOC dragon-GEN offing-GEN/LOC palace side-LOC riseCONV-cross-CONV line-LOC-become.cloudy-CONV-meet-CONV-SUB rain FP grant-DES-IMP White clouds! [I] want [you] to rise over the palace of the sea dragon in the offing and grant [us] rain after [you] bundle together in a line (MYS 18.4122)

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981

Verbs 波之太尓母和多之弖安良波曽乃倍由母伊由伎和多良之

pasi ⁿdani mǝ watas-i-te ar-amba sǝnǝ [u]pɛ-yu mǝ i-yuk-i-watar-as-i bridge RP FP put.over-CONV-SUB exist-COND that top-ABL FP DLF-goCONV-cross.over-HON-CONV if [someone] had just put a bridge over [the Milky Way], [they would] go over [it] (MYS 18.4125) 多尓乎美和多之

tani-wo mi-watas-i valley-ACC look(CONV)-carry.across-CONV [I] look across the valley, and … (MYS 19.4209) 之麻豆多比伊己藝和多利弖

sima-ⁿ-dutap-i i-kǝŋg-i-watar-i-te island-LOC-pass.along-CONV DLF-row-CONV-cross-CONV-SUB [I] row across [the ocean] passing along islands (MYS 20.4408) 己乃美阿止夜与呂豆比賀利乎波奈知伊太志毛呂毛呂須久比和多志多麻波 奈須久比多麻波奈

kǝnǝ mi-atǝ ya-yǝrǝⁿdu pikari-wo panat-i-iⁿdas-i morǝ-morǝ sukup-i-watas-itamap-ana sukup-i-tamap-ana this HON-foot.print eight-ten.thousand light-ACC emanate-CONV-put.outCONV all-all save-CONV-carry.across-CONV-HON-DES save-CONV-HON-DES These footprints emanate myriad lights, and [I] want [them] to save everybody, leading [them] across, [I] want [the footprints] to save [them] (BS 4) (2) An action continuing for a long time: 情尓者思渡跡縁乎無三外耳為而嘆曽吾為

KƏKƏRƏ-ni pa OMƏP-I-WATAR-E-ⁿdǝ YƏSI-wo NA-mi YƏSƏ NƏMÏ N-I S-I-TE NA ŋGƐK-I sǝ WA-ŋGA S-URU heart-LOC TOP love-CONV-cross-EV-CONC chance-ABS no-GER different. place RP DV-CONV do-CONV-SUB lament-CONV FP I-POSS do-ATTR Although [I] continue to love [you] in [my] heart, because there is no chance [to meet], I just lament in a different place (MYS 4.714)

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萬世爾得之波岐布得母烏梅能波奈多由流己等奈久佐吉和多流倍子

YƏRƏⁿDU YƏ n-i tǝsi pa k-i p-u tǝmǝ uMƐ-nǝ pana tay-uru kǝtǝ na-ku sak-iwatar-umbɛ-si ten.thousand generation DV-CONV year TOP come-CONV pass-FIN CONJ plum-GEN blossom be.interrupted-ATTR matter no-CONV bloom-CONVcross-DEB-FIN Even though years will come and pass for ten thousand generations, plum blossoms will continue to bloom without interruption (MYS 5.830) 伎美爾故非和多流香母

kimi-ni kopï-watar-u kamǝ lord-DAT long.for(CONV)-cross-ATTR EP [I] will continue to long for you! (MYS 15.3603) 伊毛尓安礼也夜須伊毛祢受弖安我故非和多流

imo n-i ar-e ya yasu i mo ne-ⁿz-u-te a-ŋga kopï-watar-u beloved DV-CONV exist-EV IP easy sleep FP sleep-NEG-CONV-SUB I-POSS love (CONV)-cross-ATTR Is [she] my beloved? I do not sleep easily, and continue to love [her] (MYS 15.3633) 多知夜麻尓布理於家流由伎能等許奈都尓氣受弖和多流波

tati-yama-ni pur-i-ok-er-u yuki-nǝ tǝkǝ natu-ni kɛ-ⁿz-u-te watar-u pa Tati-mountain-LOC fall-CONV-put-PROG-ATTR snow-GEN eternal summerLOC melt-NEG-CONV-SUB cross-ATTR TOP the fact that the snow that has fallen on Mount Tati continues not to melt in the height of summer … (MYS 17.4004) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan To the best of my knowledge, watar- is attested as an auxiliary only in Old Ryukyuan. That makes it a potential candidate for a loan from Classical Japanese.

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983

Verbs さいわたるのさくらしけしけとおりさちへけおよりあいいでらむ

sa-i-watar-u n-o sakura sike-sike to or-i-sat-ife keo-yori ai-ide-ram-u bloom-CONV-cross-ATTR DV-ATTR sakura dense-dense DV bend-CONVstretch-CONV today-ABL COOP-go.out-TENT2-FIN [Sailors!] From today [you] should go out together bundling together [like] blooming sakura [trees] (OS 10.531) 4.2.2.5.8 Directive Auxiliary yǝrThe verb yǝr- ‘to approach’ used as a directive auxiliary indicates that the action expressed by the main verb comes close to a certain object or person. The auxiliary yǝr- follows the converb of the main verb directly. It is a rare auxiliary, attested only in the Nihonshoki kayō (one example) and in the Man’yōshū. We should have expected that the transitive counterpart of yǝr-, yǝse- ‘to bring close’ would also be attested in our texts, but as a matter of fact there are no reliable examples of yǝse- in phonographic spelling where one can be sure that yǝse- and not yǝr- is used.122 In spite of the general paucity of the examples, it is also easy to notice that yǝr- is used after both transitive and intransitive verbs. 於朋摩幣烏摩幣輸区泥餓訶那杜加礙訶区多智豫羅泥

opo mape wo-mape sukune-ŋga kana-to kaŋgɛ ka-ku tat-i-yǝr-an-e great front DIM-front retainer-POSS metal-door shadow thus-CONV standCONV-approach-DES-IMP Senior and junior retainers, [I] want [you] to stand close [to] the shelter of the metal door (NK 72) 意比久留母能波毛毛久佐爾勢米余利伎多流

op-i-k-uru mǝnǝ pa momo kusa n-i semɛ-yǝr-i-k-i-tar-u pursue-CONV-come-ATTR thing TOP hundred kind DV-CONV assault(CONV)approach-CONV-come-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR the things that pursue [us], come assaulting [us] in a hundred varieties (MYS 5.804) 遠等咩良何佐那周伊多斗乎意斯比良伎伊多度利与利提

wotǝme-ra-ŋga sa-n-as-u ita-to-wo os-i-pirak-i i-taⁿdor-i-yǝr-i-te maiden-PLUR-POSS PREF-sleep-HON-ATTR board-door-ACC push-CONVopen-CONV DLF-pursue-CONV-approach-CONV-SUB [gentlemen] push open wooden doors where maidens sleep, and [they] pursue [maidens] there (MYS 5.804) 122  This is another discrepancy with Middle (Classical) Japanese, where yose- can be used as a directive auxiliary (Vovin 2003: 381–382). Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

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由布豆久欲可氣多知与里安比

yupu-ⁿ-duku yo kaŋgɛ tat-i-yǝr-i-ap-i evening-GEN-moon night shadow rise-CONV-approach-CONV-meet-CONV The evening moon and the night shadow rise close together and … (MYS 15.3658) 佐之与良牟礒乃埼々

sas-i-yǝr-am-u ISO-nǝ SAKI-ⁿZAKI come.out-CONV-approach-TENT-ATTR rocky.shore-GEN cape-cape capes on the rocky shore that will come close (MYS 19.4245) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is only one example of yǝr- as an auxiliary in Eastern Old Japanese, but we can be sure of its real existence in the language, as it appears in a poem with very typical Eastern Old Japanese features. 和賀西奈尓阿比与流等可毛欲流等家也須家

wa-ŋga se-na-ni ap-i-yǝr-u tǝ kamo yoru tǝke-yasu-ke I-POSS beloved-DIM-DAT meet-CONV-approach-FIN DV EP night untie (CONV)-easy-ATTR is [the garment cord] easy to untie at night because [I] think that [I] will meet with my beloved, I wonder? (MYS 14.3483) 4.2.2.5.9 Directive Auxiliary kakɛThe verb kakɛ- ‘to hang’ used as a directive auxiliary indicates that the action expressed by the main verb comes onto a certain object or person. The auxiliary kakɛ- follows the converb of the main verb directly. It is a rare auxiliary, attested only once in the Kojiki kayō in phonographic spelling. There are a few more attestations in the Man’yōshū, but they are all completely logographic. We should have expected that the intransitive counterpart of kakɛ-, kakar- ‘to hang’ would also be attested in our texts, but as a matter of fact there are no reliable examples of kakar- in phonographic spelling where one can be sure that kakar- and not kakɛ- is used.123

123  This is different from Middle (Classical) Japanese where both kakɛ- and kakar- are clearly attested as auxiliaries (Vovin 2003: 382–383).

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985

Verbs 淤富美夜比登波宇豆良登理比禮登理加気弖

opǝ miya pitǝ pa uⁿdura tǝri pire tǝr-i-kakɛ-te great palace person TOP quail bird long.scarf take-CONV-hang(CONV)-SUB The ladies from the great palace are wearing [their] long scarves [like] quails, and … (KK 102) 曽朋舟尓綱取繋

sǝpo-m-BUNE-ni TUNA TƏR-I-KAKƐ red.paint-DV(ATTR)-boat-LOC rope take-CONV-hang-CONV placing the ropes onto the red-painted boat (MYS 13.3300) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan I was able to locate the auxiliary kake- ~ kaki- only in Old Ryukyuan and in Shuri. It probably exits in other modern dialects, too, but the available descriptions do not mention it. Old Ryukyuan やまとしまぎやめむやしるくにぎやめむいとわたちへかけわれなわたちへか けわれ

yamato sima-giyame mu yasiru kuni-giyame mu ito watatife-kake-war-e na watatife-kake-war-e Yamato island-TERM FP Yamasiro land-TERM FP cord pass(SUB)-hang(CONV)HON-IMP rope pass(SUB)-hang(CONV)-HON-IMP Put the cords and put the ropes [of your power] as far as even Yamato and Yamasiro (OS 3.93) Shuri

kam-i-kaki-yuN eat-CONV-hang-FIN to start eating (RKJ 302) 4.2.2.5.10 Directive Auxiliaries tuk- and tukɛThe verbs tuk- ‘to reach’ and tukɛ- ‘to attach’ used as directive auxiliaries indicate that the action expressed by the main verb comes close to a certain object, person, or state. The auxiliaries tuk- and tukɛ- follow the converb of the main verb directly, and they are rare auxiliaries. Both can occur with

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transitive verbs, although there is one example of tuk- after an intransitive verb (see MYS 19.4220 below). Thus, there seems to be little functional difference between tuk- and tukɛ-, therefore when they occur as auxiliaries I gloss them in the same way as ‘attach.’124 之多婢毛尓由比都氣毛知弖夜麻受之努波世

sita-m-bimo-ni yup-i-tukɛ mot-i-te yam-aⁿz-u sinop-as-e bottom-GEN-cord-LOC tie-CONV-attach(CONV) hold-CONV-SUB stop-NEGCONV yearn-HON-IMP tie [it] to your under[garment]-cord, keep [it there], and yearn [for me] constantly (MYS 15.3766) 加吉都播多衣尓須里都氣

kakitupata KƏRƏMƏ-ni sur-i-tukɛ iris garment-LOC rub-CONV-attach(CONV) [They] rub the irises to [their] garment, and … (MYS 17.3921) 之良奴里能鈴登里都氣弖

sira nur-i n-ǝ SUⁿZU tǝr-i-tukɛ-te white plate-NML DV-ATTR bell take-CONV-attach(CONV)-SUB [I] put [on it] a white [silver] plated bell, and … (MYS 17.4011) 意伊豆久安我未

oyi-ⁿduk-u a-ŋga mï age(CONV)-attach-ATTR I-POSS body my body that came close to aging (MYS 19.4220) 若草乃都麻等里都吉

WAKA KUSA-nǝ tuma tǝr-i-tuk-i young grass-COMP spouse take-CONV-attach-CONV [my] wife who is like a young grass holds [me] close, and … (MYS 20.4398) 美阿止須良乎和礼波衣美須弖伊波爾惠利都久多麻爾惠利都久

mi-atǝ-sura-wo ware pa e-mi-ⁿz-u-te ipa-ni wer-i-tuk-u tama-ni wer-i-tuk-u HON-footprint-RP-ACC I TOP POT-see-NEG-CONV-SUB rock-LOC carve-CONVattach-FIN jewel-LOC carve-CONV-attach-FIN 124  Note that in Middle (Classical) Japanese tuk- and tuke- become resultative auxiliaries (Vovin 2003: 386–388).

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987

Verbs

I was not able to see even the footprints of the Buddha, so [I] carve [them] on the rock, carve [them] on the jewel (BS 3) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The auxiliary tuk- (but not tukɛ-) is attested twice in Eastern Old Japanese. 伊弖久礼婆和努等里都伎弖伊比之古奈波毛

iⁿde-k-ure-mba wanu tǝr-i-tuk-i-te ip-i-si ko-na pa mǝ exit(CONV)-come-EV-CON I grab-CONV-attach-CONV-SUB say-CONV-PAST/ ATTR girl-DIM TOP EP when [I] left [the house], oh, [that] girl who grabbed me and complained (MYS 20.4358) 可良己呂武須宗尓等里都伎奈苦古良乎意伎弖

Kara kǝrǝmu suso-ni tǝr-i-tuk-i nak-u ko-ra-wo ok-i-te Korea garment hem-LOC take-CONV-attach-CONV cry-ATTR child-PLUR-ACC put-CONV-SUB leaving behind my children who held on to the hem of my Korean garment and cried (MYS 20.4401) A2: Ryukyuan The transitive verb tuke- ~ tuki- used as an auxiliary is attested in both Old Ryukyuan and modern dialects. I was able to locate the intransitive tuk- as an auxiliary only in Old Ryukyuan and Ishigaki. It probably exists in other modern dialects, too, but the available descriptions do not mention it. Old Ryukyuan あかくちやがゆいつき

aka kuti-ya-ka yu-i-tuk-i red mouth-?-NOM approach-CONV-attach-CONV The goddess of fire comes close, and … (OS 3.88) いゑや大やこかみつけたる小はなれ

iwɛa OFOyako-ka mi-tuke-tar-u KO-fanare Iwɛa Ofoyako-NOM see(CONV)-attach-PERF/PROG-ATTR DIM-separate(NML) a small outlying [island] that Ofoyako [from] the Iwɛa [island] noticed (OS 13.951)

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Ishigaki

mii-tsïki-N see(CONV)-attach-FIN to notice (Miyara 1980: 574) 4.2.2.6 Resultative Auxiliary okThe verb ok- ‘to put, to place’ used as a resultative auxiliary indicates that the action of a main verb is done for a future use, or that the action done will have an effect afterwards. Thus, we have here approximately the same function as with the modern Japanese -te ok- construction. The difference is rather formal: in Western Old Japanese ok- may follow both the converb and the subordinative converb -te, although there is only one example of the construction -te okin Western Old Japanese that is attested in an uncontroversial phonographic spelling (see the example from MYS 15.3629 below, for more examples of -te ok- see section 4.1.1.1). The resultative auxiliary ok- is attested in phonographic spelling only in the Man’yōshū and in the Bussoku seki-no uta. Examples: 和須礼我比与世伎弖於家礼於伎都之良奈美

wasure-ŋ-gapi yǝse-k-i-te ok-er-e oki-tu sira nami forget(NML)-GEN-shell bring(CONV)-come-CONV-SUB put-PROG-IMP offing-GEN/LOC white wave white waves of the offing, bring [to me] the shell of forgetfulness (MYS 15.3629) 多知夜麻尓布理於家流由伎能等許奈都尓氣受弖和多流波

tati-yama-ni pur-i-ok-er-u yuki-nǝ tǝkǝ natu-ni kɛ-ⁿz-u-te watar-u pa Tati-mountain-LOC fall-CONV-put-PROG-ATTR snow-GEN eternal summerLOC melt-NEG-CONV-SUB cross-ATTR TOP the fact that the snow that has fallen on Mount Tati continues not to melt in the height of summer … (MYS 17.4004) 美久之宜尓多久波比於伎氐伊都久

mi-kusiŋgɛ-ni takupap-i-ok-i-te ituk-u HON-comb.box-LOC store-CONV-put-CONV-SUB cherish-FIN [the jewel] that [I] will store in the comb box [of the sea deity] and cherish (MYS 19.4220) 麻須良乎乃布美於祁留阿止波伊波乃宇閇爾伊麻毛乃己礼利

masura wo-nǝ pum-i-ok-er-u atǝ pa ipa-nǝ upɛ-ni ima mo nǝkǝr-er-i

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Verbs

989

excellent man-GEN step-CONV-put-PROG-ATTR footprint TOP rock-GEN topLOC now FP remain-PROG-FIN The footprints that the Buddha has left remain even now on the rock (BS 7) 舎加乃美阿止伊波爾宇都志於伎宇夜麻比弖乃知乃保止気爾由豆利麻都良 牟佐佐義麻宇佐牟

saka-nǝ mi-atǝ ipa-ni utus-i-ok-i uyamap-i-te nǝti-nǝ potǝkɛ-ni yuⁿdur-imatur-am-u sasaŋgɛ-mawus-am-u Shakya-GEN HON-footprints rock-LOC transfer-CONV-put-CONV revereCONV-SUB after-GEN Buddha-DAT hand.over-CONV-HUM-TENT-FIN offer(CONV)-HUM-TENT-FIN [I] will carve Shakya[-muni]’s footprint on the rock, and [after] revering [them], [I] will hand [them] over to the Buddha of the Future, [I] will offer [them to him] (BS 9) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is only one example of ok- as an auxiliary in Eastern Old Japanese, but we can be sure of its real existence in the language, as it appears in a poem with some typical Eastern Old Japanese features. 由美波自伎於伎弖西良思馬伎那婆

yumi paⁿzik-i-ok-i-te ser-asime-k-i-n-amba bow take.off-CONV-put-CONV-SUB bend-CAUS(CONV)-come-CONV-PERFCOND if [you] take off the bow [string] and make [the bow] bend (MYS 14.3437) A2: Ryukyuan I have found examples of the verb ok- ~ uk- ‘to put’ used as an auxiliary in Old Ryukyuan, in Nakijin, and in the Shuri dialect. It probably exists in other modern dialects, too, but the available descriptions do not mention it. Old Ryukyuan 大ぬしか御まへにくねふげはおへておちへ

OFO nusi-ka ON-mafe-ni ku-ne-fu-ge fa ofe-te otife great master-POSS HON-front-LOC nine-year-mother-tree plant(CONV)-SUB put(SUB) having planted a mandarin orange tree in front of the great lord (OS 13.981)

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Nakijin

huč-uk-ee put(SUB)-put-IMP Leave [it] (Nakasone 1983: 481) Shuri

’ari-ga ch-uuru-madi maQc-oo-k-ee he-NOM come-ATTR-TERM wait-CONT-put-HORT Let us wait until he comes (RKJ 1983: 357) 4.2.2.7 Auxiliary -ŋ-kataThe auxiliary -ŋ-kata- ‘to be hard, to be difficult’ indicates that an action or a state is difficult to obtain or to achieve. It is the only auxiliary that follows not the converb but the nominalized form. It is also technically bimorphemic, including the special compressed form-ŋ- of the genitive -nǝ and the adjectival -kata- ‘to be hard, to be difficult.’ This auxiliary has an adjectival paradigm. There are only two examples of -ŋ-kata- in phonographic spelling in Western Old Japanese texts: 許礼乎於伎低麻多波安里我多之

kǝre-wo ok-i-te mata pa ar-i-ŋ-kata-si this-ACC leave-CONV-SUB again TOP exist-NML-GEN-be.hard-FIN [It] is difficult to find again [a falcon of the same quality], except this [one] (MYS 17.4011) 比止乃微波衣賀多久阿礼婆

pitǝ-nǝ mï pa e-ŋ-kata-ku ar-e-mba person-GEN body TOP get(NML)-GEN-be.hard-CONV exist-EV-CON Because [it] is difficult to get a human body [when you are reborn] … (BS 18) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The auxiliary -ŋ-kata- is attested once in Eastern Old Japanese. It can be seen from this example that -ŋ-kata is not completely grammaticalized in Eastern Old Japanese:

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991

Verbs 許己波故賀多尓

kǝkǝmba ko-ŋ-kata n-i extremely come(NML?)-GEN-difficult DV-CONV [It] is extremely difficult to come (MYS 14.3431) A2: Ryukyuan It seems that the auxiliary -gatasa is attested only in Classical Ryukyuan. It is not found in the Omoro Sōshi, and I could not locate it in the available descriptions of modern dialects. 4.2.2.8 Potential Auxiliary eThe verb e- ‘to get, to receive’ can be used as a potential auxiliary after the converb form of a verb. WOJ e- ‘to get, to receive’ is a monosyllabic vowel verb that loses its stem e- before the final form in -u, the attributive form in -uru, and the evidential form -ure, resulting in the forms u (*e-u), uru (< *e-uru), and ure (< *e-ure) (see also section 2.2). The examples where e- is used as an auxiliary and is spelled phonographically are attested only in the following Man’yōshū poems: 之麻思久母比等利安里宇流毛能尓安礼也

simasi-ku mǝ pitǝ-ri ar-i-uru monǝ n-i ar-e ya be.for.a.little.while-CONV FP one-CL exist-CONV-get(ATTR) person DV-CONV exist-EV IP Am [I] a person who could be alone even for a little while? [Certainly not!] (MYS 15.3601) 於毛波受母麻許等安里衣牟也

omop-aⁿz-u mǝ makǝtǝ ar-i-e-m-u ya long.for-NEG-CONV FP truth exist-CONV-get-TENT-FIN IP Could [I] really exist without longing [for her]? (MYS 15.3735) 御調寳波可蘇倍衣受都久之毛可祢都

MI-TUKÏ TAKARA kaⁿzopɛ-e-ⁿz-u tukus-i mo kane-t-u HON-tribute treasure count(CONV)-get-NEG-CONV exhaust-NML FP be.unable(CONV)-PERF-FIN [It] is impossible to count all tribute treasures, and [one] cannot exhaust [them] either (MYS 18.4094)

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Chapter 7 Adverbs

∵

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Contents of Chapter 7 Chapter 7 Adverbs 996 1 Adverb ita ~ itǝ ‘Very, Extremely’ 997 2 Adverb sǝkǝmba ‘Very’  1000 3 Adverbs paⁿda ~ panapaⁿda ‘Considerably’ 1001 4 Adverbs kǝkǝmba ~ kǝkǝmbaku, kǝkǝⁿda ~ kǝkǝⁿdaku ‘So Much, Extremely’  1002 5 Adverb sapa ‘Many’  1004 6 Adverb taⁿda ‘Only’  1006 7 Adverb mata ‘Again’ 1009 8 Adverb iya ‘More [and More], Plentifully, Perfectly’ 1013 9 Adverb iyǝyǝ ‘More and More’  1016 10 Adverb masu-masu ‘More and More’ 1017 11 Adverb yumɛ ‘At All’ 1018 12 Adverb imaⁿda ‘Yet, Still’  1020 13 Adverb mǝtǝna ‘In Vain, Aimlessly, For No Reason’ 1023 14 Adverb simba ~ simba-simba ‘Often’  1025 15 Adverb potǝpotǝ ‘Almost’  1026 16 Adverb napo ‘Still, More’  1027 17 Adverb sika ‘Thus, In This Way, So’ 1029 18 Adverb kɛⁿdasi ~ kɛⁿdasiku ‘Probably’ 1031

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Following the definition given in Martin (1988: 783) for Modern Japanese, all adverbs found in the Classical Japanese prose texts can be divided into pure adverbs, adverbialized adjectives and nouns. Adverbs derived from adjectives and nouns, with the help of the converb form n-i of the defective verb n- ‘to be,’ have been dealt with in Chapter 5, section 1.1 and Chapter 6, section 2.4.1.1. The adverbial usage of converb forms in -ku of adjectives has also been discussed above (see Chapter 5, section 2.1). Therefore, in the present chapter I will deal exclusively with pure adverbs. It is impossible to describe all of the pure adverbs in a grammar, so I will limit the following examples to a few adverbs that are either important or are uniquely Western Old Japanese.

© Alexander Vovin, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004422810_008

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Section 1

Adverb ita ~ itǝ ‘Very, Extremely’ There are two phonetic variants: ita and itǝ both with the same meaning ‘very, extremely.’ The first variant ita is rarer, but it is attested in both earlier and later texts. The second variant itǝ occurs more frequently, but its first attestations appear only in the Man’yōshū. There is an opinion that the variant itǝ ‘very’ can be written in two varied spellings: itǝ and ito, therefore it is difficult to decide on the archetype (Omodaka et al. 1967: 85). However, there are only three examples of ito, and two out of three occur in Eastern Old Japanese, not in Western Old Japanese. Thus, there is only one example of ito in Western Old Japanese (see MYS 8.1524 below), which can be disregarded as a hapax legomenon, resulting in all probability from a later scribal error. The variant itǝ frequently occurs in combination with the following adverb nǝkite ‘extremely, exceptionally.’ Examples: 伊多那加婆比登斯理奴倍志

ita nak-amba pitǝ sir-i-n-umbɛ-si extremely cry-COND person know-CONV-PERF-DEB-FIN if [I] would cry loudly, people could know (KK 83) 異哆儺介麼臂等資利奴陪瀰

ita nak-amba pitǝ sir-i-n-umbɛ-mi extremely cry-COND person know-CONV-PERF-DEB-GER because people could know if [I] would cry loudly (NK 71) A textual variant of the KK 83 cited above. 梅花未咲久伊等若美可聞

UMƐ-NƏ PANA IMAⁿDA SAK-AN-Aku itǝ WAKA-mi kamo plum-GEN blossom not.yet bloom-NEG-NML extremely young-GER EP the fact that the plum blossoms have not yet bloomed—is it because [they] are too young, I wonder? (MYS 4.786) 伊等乃伎提短物乎端伎流等云之如

itǝ nǝkite MIⁿZIKA-KI MƏNƏ-wo PASI kir-u tǝ IP-ER-U- ŋGA ŋGƏTƏ-KU very exceptionally short-ATTR thing-ACC end cut-FIN DV say-PROG-ATTRPOSS like-CONV like [the proverb] says: ‘To cut the end of an already very short thing’ (MYS 5.892)

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998

Chapter 7

伊等能伎提痛伎瘡尓波鹹塩遠灌知布何其等久

itǝ nǝkite ITA-ki KIⁿZU-ni pa KARA SIPO SƏSƏK-U t-ip-u-ŋga ŋgǝtǝ-ku very extremely painful-ATTR wound-LOC TOP pungent salt sprinkle-FIN DV-say-ATTR-POSS like-CONV like [the proverb] says: ‘To sprinkle salt on a very (much) painful wound’ (MYS 5.897) 天漢伊刀河浪者多々祢杼母

AMA-NƏ KAPA ito KAPA NAMI pa tat-an-e-ⁿdǝmǝ Heaven-GEN river extremely river wave TOP rise-NEG-EV-CONC Although the waves do not rise too [high] in the Heavenly River … (MYS 8.1524) This example is the only example in the whole Western Old Japanese corpus where itǝ is misspelled as ito. Since this is the only example, I believe it can be attributed to a later scribal mistake. 五十殿寸太薄寸眉

itǝ nǝkite1 USU-ki MAYO very extremely narrow-ATTR eyebrow very narrow eyebrows (MYS 12.2903) 奈我奈氣婆安我毛布許己呂伊多母須敝奈之

na-ŋga nak-ɛ-mba a-ŋga [o]mop-u kǝkǝrǝ ita mǝ sumbe na-si you-POSS cry-EV-CON I-POSS love-ATTR heart extremely FP way no-FIN when you cry, my loving heart is extremely helpless (MYS 15.3785) 相見祢婆伊多母須敝奈美

API-MI-n-e-mba ita mǝ sumbe na-mi REC-see-NEG-EV-CON extremely FP way no-GER because [I] am extremely helpless when [we] do not see each other (MYS 17.3978)

1  The character 殿 /tǝnǝ/ is used to write the last syllable of itǝ and the first syllable of nǝkite.

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999

Adverbs 保登等藝須伊登祢多家口波橘乃播奈治流等吉尓伎奈吉登余牟流

potǝtǝŋgisu itǝ neta-k-eku pa TATImBANA-nǝ pana-ⁿ-dir-u tǝki-ni k-i nak-i-tǝyǝm-uru cuckoo very distasteful-ATTR-NML TOP mandarin.orange-GEN flower-GENfall-ATTR time-LOC come-CONV sing-CONV-sound-ATTR Cuckoo, [you] are very distasteful! [You] come and sing at the time when mandarin orange flowers are falling (MYS 18.4092) 秋風之将吹乎待者伊等遠弥可母

AKI KAⁿZE-NƏ PUK-AM-U-wo MAT-Amba itǝ TƏPO-mi kamǝ autumn wind-GEN blow-TENT-ATTR-ACC wait-COND very distant-GER EP I wonder [whether it is] because [it would] be very long if [they] would wait for the autumn wind to blow (MYS 19.4219) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There are three examples of itǝ in Eastern Old Japanese, two of them spelled as ito: 奈流世呂爾木都能余須奈須伊等能伎提可奈思家世呂爾比等佐敞余須母

nar-u se-rǝ-ni kǝtu-nǝ yǝs-u-nasu itǝ nǝkite kanasi-ke se-rǝ-ni pitǝ sape yǝs-umǝ sound-ATTR rapid-DIM-LOC debris-GEN approach-ATTR-COMP very specially beloved-ATTR beloved-DIM-DAT person RP relate-EXCL even [other] women make [their thoughts] approach [my] very special beloved, like the debris approaches each other in the singing rapids! (MYS 14.3548) 和可例奈婆伊刀毛須倍奈美夜多妣蘇弖布流

wakare-n-amba ito mo sumbɛ na-mi ya tambi soⁿde pur-u part(CONV)-PERF-COND extremely FP way no-GER eight(= many) times sleeve wave-FIN when [we] parted, because absolutely nothing could be done, [I] waved [my] sleeve many times (MYS 20.4379) 和可流乎美礼婆伊刀母須敝奈之

wakar-u-wo mi-re-mba ito mǝ sumbe na-si part-ATTR-ACC see-EV-CON extremely FP way no-FIN when [I] see how [they] part [with their families], there is absolutely nothing [that] can be done (MYS 20.4381)

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Section 2

Adverb sǝkǝmba ‘Very’ There is just one example of the adverb sǝkǝmba ‘very’ attested phonographically in Western Old Japanese: 可牟加良夜曽許婆多敷刀伎

kamu-kara ya sǝkǝmba taputo-ki deity-origin IP very awesome-ATTR Is [not] the origin of deities very awesome? (MYS 17.3985)

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Section 3

Adverbs paⁿda ~ panapaⁿda ‘Considerably’ The variant panapaⁿda probably represents either an emphatic variant of paⁿda or its reduplication with a loss of a stop after prenasalization. There are two phonographic attestations of paⁿda and two partially phonographic attestations of the adverb panapaⁿda ‘very’ in Western Old Japanese: 甚多毛不零雨

PANAPAⁿda mo PUR-AN-U AMƐ considerably FP fall-NEG-ATTR rain the rain that was not at all raining considerably (MYS 7.1370) 甚多毛不零雪

PANAPAⁿda mo PUR-AN-U YUKI considerably FP fall-NEG-ATTR snow the snow that was not at all snowing considerably (MYS 10.2322) 和我由恵尓波太奈於毛比曽

wa-ŋga yuwe n-i paⁿda na-omop-i-sǝ I-POSS reason DV-CONV considerably NEG-think-CONV-do Do not long for me so much (MYS 15.3745) 保登等藝須伎奈伎等余米婆波太古非米夜母

potǝtǝŋgisu k-i nak-i-tǝyǝm-ɛ-mba paⁿda kopï-m-ɛ ya mǝ cuckoo come-CONV cry-CONV-sound-EV-CON considerably long.for-TENT-EV IP EP would [I] be longing so much when a cuckoo would come and cry?! (MYS 18.4051)

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Section 4

Adverbs kǝkǝmba ~ kǝkǝmbaku, kǝkǝⁿda ~ kǝkǝⁿdaku ‘So Much, Extremely’ Each of the adverbs kǝkǝmba and kǝkǝmbaku occurs in Western Old Japanese only once. The adverbs kǝkǝⁿda and kǝkǝⁿdaku are much more frequent, being attested sixteen and eighteen times respectively, although in most cases they are spelled logographically as 幾許 (see, for example, MYS 4.689 below). I provide below all cases of kǝkǝmba ~ kǝkǝmbaku, and kǝkǝⁿda ~ kǝkǝⁿdaku attested in full phonographic spelling. 奈何鴨目言乎谷裳幾許乏寸

naNI SI kamo MƐ KƏTƏ-wo ⁿdani mo KƏKƏⁿDA TƏMƏSI-ki what EP EP eye word-ABS RP FP so.much scarce-ATTR I wonder why even [our] meetings are so scarce? (MYS 4.689) 許々陁母麻我不烏梅能波奈可毛

kǝkǝⁿda mǝ maŋgap-u uMƐ-nǝ pana kamo extremely FP fall.down.in.confusion-ATTR plum-GEN blossom EP Oh, plum blossoms that fall down in extreme confusion! (MYS 5.844) 奈曾許許波伊能祢良要奴毛

naⁿzǝ kǝkǝmba i-nǝ ne-raye-n-umo why extremely sleep-GEN sleep-PASS-NEG-EXCL why cannot [I] sleep at all?! (MYS 15.3684) 許己婆久毛見乃佐夜氣吉加

kǝkǝmbaku mo MI-nǝ sayakɛ-ki ka so.much FP see(NML)-GEN be.bright-ATTR IP Is [not] the view so bright? (MYS 17.3991) 許己太久母之氣伎孤悲可毛

kǝkǝⁿdaku mǝ siŋgɛ-ki kopï kamo so.much FP thick-ATTR love(NML) EP oh, my love that is so deep! (MYS 17.4019)

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Adverbs

1003

伊可尓安流布勢能宇良曽毛許己太久尓吉民我弥世武等和礼乎等登牟流

ika n-i ar-u puse-nǝ ura sǝ mo kǝkǝⁿdaku n-i kimi-ŋga mi-se-m-u tǝ ware-wo tǝⁿdǝm-uru how DV-CONV exist-ATTR Puse-GEN bay it FP so.much DV-CONV lord-POSS see-CAUS-TENT-FIN DV I-ACC stop-ATTR The bay of Puse, how [beautiful] it [is], [so that my] lord will stop [me] wishing to show [it to me] (MYS 18.4036) Notice that in this example kǝkǝⁿdaku is followed by the converb n-i of the defective verb n-. This is apparently an optional usage. 汝等乎皇朝者己己太久高治賜乎

IMASI-TATI-wo SUMERA-ŋGA MIKAⁿDO pa kǝkǝⁿdaku TAKA-KU WOSAMƐTAMAP-U-wo you-PLUR-ACC emperor-POSS sovereign TOP extremely high-CONV rule(CONV)-HON-ATTR-ACC Although the empress ruled you [with] extremely high [benevolence] … (SM 18) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese In Eastern Old Japanese kǝkǝmba ‘extremely, so much’ is attested twice and kǝkǝⁿda ‘so much’ does not appear at all. 許己波故賀多尓

kǝkǝmba ko-ŋ-gata n-i extremely come(NML?)-GEN-difficult DV-CONV [It] is extremely difficult to come (MYS 14.3431) 許己婆可那之家

kǝkǝmba kanasi-ke so.much sad-ATTR [I] am so sad (MYS 14.3517)

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Section 5

Adverb sapa ‘Many’ The adverb sapa ‘many’ as a pure adverb without the following converb form n-i of the defective verb n- appears only in the oldest Western Old Japanese texts. 伊豆毛多祁流賀波祁流多知都豆良佐波麻岐佐味那志爾阿波禮

Iⁿdumo Takeru-ŋga pak-er-u tati tuⁿdura sapa mak-i sa-mï na-si-ni apare Iⁿdumo Takeru-POSS wear-PROG-ATTR long.sword vine many wrap-CONV PREF-inside no-FIN-LOC alas The long sword that Iⁿdumo Takeru is wearing has many vines around [it], [but] because no [sword] inside, alas! (KK 23) 莵怒瑳破赴以破

tuno sapa p-u ipa vine (horn?) many pass-ATTR rock The rock where many vines pass (NK 56) 都奴娑播符以簸例

tunu sapa p-u ipare vine (horn?) many pass-ATTR rock The rock where many vines pass (NK 97) Much more frequently, sapa ‘many’ is followed by the converb form n-i of the defective verb n-: 意富牟盧夜爾比登佐波爾岐伊理袁理

opǝ muro-ya-ni pitǝ sapa n-i k-i-ir-i-wor-i big cave-house-LOC person many DV-CONV come-CONV-enter-CONV-exist-FIN many people are coming inside the big cave dwelling (KK 10) 人佐播尓満弖播阿礼等母

pitǝ sapa n-i MIT-I-te pa ar-e-ⁿdǝmǝ person many DV-CONV be.full-CONV-SUB TOP exist-EV-CONC although [it] is full of many people (MYS 5.894)

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Adverbs

1005

都麻母古騰母毛乎知己知爾左波爾可久美為

tuma mǝ ko-ⁿdǝmǝ mo woti kǝti-ni sapa n-i kakum-i wi spouse FP child-PLUR FP there here-LOC many DV-CONV surround-CONV exist(CONV) both my spouse and children are around [me] in great numbers here and there (MYS 20.4408) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese EOJ has sapaⁿda ‘many,’ apparently a cognate of WOJ sapa ‘id.’ EOJ sapaⁿda ‘many’ is attested twice in the following two examples: 和多佐波太伊利奈麻之母乃伊毛我乎杼許尓

wata sapaⁿda ir-i-n-amasi mǝnǝ imo-ŋga woⁿ-dǝkǝ-ni cotton many enter-CONV-PERF-SUBJ CONJ beloved-POSS DIM-bed-LOC Although [I] would [like to] enter the bed of [my] beloved [like] the cotton that is plentifully placed inside (MYS 14.3354) 安比太欲波佐波太奈利怒乎

apiⁿda yo pa sapaⁿda nar-i-n-o-wo interval night TOP many become-CONV-PERF-ATTR-ACC Because the nights between [the nights when we sleep together] became many (MYS 14.3395)

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Section 6

Adverb taⁿda ‘Only’ The adverb taⁿda ‘only’ occurs in Western Old Japanese exclusively before the numeral pitǝ ‘one.’ There are only three examples of taⁿda ‘only’ in phonographic spelling. As in the first example below, taⁿda may be reinforced by the restrictive particle nǝmï ‘only’ used in postposition. Examples: 阿麻哆絆泥受邇多嚢比等用能未

amata pa ne-ⁿz-u n-i taⁿda pitǝ yo nǝmï many TOP sleep-NEG-NML DV-CONV only one night RP not sleeping [with her] many [times], only one night (NK 66) 佐家流佐久良乎多太比等米伎美尓弥西氐婆

sak-er-u sakura-wo taⁿda pitǝ mɛ kimi-ni mi-se-te-mba bloom-PROG-ATTR cherry.blossom-ACC only one eye lord-DAT see-CAUS (CONV)-PERF-COND if [I] could have shown you blooming cherry blossoms just for one moment (lit.: one eye) (MYS 17.3967) 可胡自母乃多太比等里之氐

ka ko ⁿzimǝnǝ taⁿda pitǝ-ri s-i-te deer child like only one-CL do-CONV-SUB being all alone like a fawn (MYS 20.4408) Care must be taken to distinguish taⁿda ‘only’ from taⁿda n-i ‘directly’ that with two exceptions is always followed by the converb form n-i of the defective verb n- or its derivatives like nar- ‘to be’: 袁登賣爾多陀爾阿波牟登

wotǝme-ni taⁿda n-i ap-am-u tǝ maiden-DAT direct DV-CONV meet-TENT-FIN DV thinking to meet maidens directly (KK 18)

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1007

Adverbs 美都乎多麻倍奈伊毛我多太手欲

miⁿdu-wo tamapɛ-na imo-ŋga taⁿda TE-yo water-ACC receive(HUM)-DES beloved-POSS directly hand-ABL [I] wish to receive the water directly from your hands (MYS 14.3439) This is a Western Old Japanese text in the Azuma corpus. 多太未可母安夜麻知之家牟

taⁿda mï kamǝ ayamat-i s-i-k-em-u direct body EP mistake-NML do-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR Did [he] probably make a mistake himself (lit. direct body), I wonder? (MYS 15.3688) This is another example when taⁿda ‘direct’ is not followed by n-i. 秋風尓比毛等伎安氣奈多太奈良受等母

AKI KAⁿZE-ni pimo tǝk-i-akɛ-na taⁿda nar-aⁿz-u tǝmǝ autumn wind-LOC cord untie-CONV-open-DES directly be-NEG-FIN CONJ [I] wish that the autumn wind would untie the cords, even if [it] is not directly (MYS 20.4295) Remember that nar- ‘to be’ consists of n-i + ar-. 阿止乎美都都志乃波牟多太爾阿布麻弖爾麻佐爾阿布麻弖爾

atǝ-wo mi-tutu sinǝp-am-u taⁿda n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni masa n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni footstep-ACC see(CONV)-COOR yearn-TENT-FIN direct DV-CONV meet-ATTRTERM-LOC real DV-CONV meet-ATTR-TERM-LOC looking at [Buddha’s] footstep, [I] will yearn [for him], until [I] meet [him] directly, until [I] really meet [him] (BS 6) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan I was not able to find Ryukyuan cognates of WOJ taⁿda ‘only’ except in Old Ryukyuan, Nakijin, and Shuri. Pending their presence or absence in South Ryukyuan, which is to be clarified by future research, they are to be defined either as cognates or as borrowings from mainland Japanese.

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1008

Chapter 7

Old Ryukyuan たたひとりやたもの

tata fito-ri ya-ta mono only one-CL send-PAST CONJ because [I] send [him] all alone (OS 14.997) Nakijin

tadaa hic-uN just go-FIN to go empty-handed (Nakasone 1983: 229) Shuri

tada ’aQc-uN just walk-FIN to walk aimlessly (RKJ 505)

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Section 7

Adverb mata ‘Again’ The adverb mata ‘again’ occurs very frequently: it is attested sixty times in the Man’yōshū, 119 times in the Senmyō, nine times in the Norito, and once each in the Nihonshoki kayō, Fudoki, and Bussoku seki-no uta. However, in the overwhelming majority of cases (including all examples from the Senmyō and the Norito), mata is written semantographically with the characters 復, 又, or 亦. Below I provide all examples of the adverb mata ‘again’ written phonographically in Western Old Japanese. 那爾騰柯母于都倶之伊母我磨陀左枳涅渠農

nani tǝ kamǝ utukusi imǝ-ŋga mata sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-n-u what DV EP beautiful beloved-POSS again bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)-comeNEG-ATTR I wonder, for (lit: being) what [reason], does not [my] beautiful beloved bloom again? (NK 114) 宇良志麻能古我多麻久志義阿気受阿理世波麻多母阿波麻志遠

Urasima-nǝ ko-ŋga tama kusiŋgɛ akɛ-ⁿz-u ar-i-s-emba mata mǝ ap-amasi-wo Urasima-GEN child-POSS jewel box open-NEG-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/ ATTR-COND again FP meet-SUBJ-ACC If the boy Urasima did not open the jewel box, [he] would have met [the dragon’s daughter] again, but [it did not happen] (FK 15) 久須利波武等母麻多遠知米也母

kusuri pam-u tǝmǝ mata woti-m-ɛ ya mǝ medicine eat-FIN CONJ again rejuvenate-TENT-EV IP EP will [I] be rejuvenated again even if [I] take the medicine?! (MYS 5.847) 久須利波牟用波美也古弥婆伊夜之吉阿何微麻多越知奴倍之

kusuri pam-u-yo pa miyako mi-mba iyasi-ki a-ŋga mï mata woti-n-umbɛ-si medicine eat-ATTR-ABL TOP capital see-COND ignoble-ATTR I-POSS body again rejuvenate(CONV)-PERF-DEB-FIN rather than take the medicine, my ignoble body would have been rejuvenated again if [I] saw the capital (MYS 5.848)

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1010

Chapter 7

麻多母安比見牟

mata mǝ api-MI-m-u again FP REC-see-TENT-FIN [we] will probably see each other again (MYS 15.3619) 麻多於伎都流可毛

mata ok-i-t-uru kamo again leave-CONV-PERF-ATTR EP [I] have left [them there] again, alas! (MYS 15.3627) 之良多麻比利敝礼杼麻多曽於伎都流見流比等乎奈美

sira tama pirip-er-e-ⁿdǝ mata sǝ ok-i-t-uru MI-ru pitǝ na-mi white pearl pick.up-PROG-EV-CONC again FP leave-CONV-PERF-ATTR seeATTR person no-GER although [I] picked up white pearls, because there is nobody to look [at them], [I] have left [them there] again (MYS 15.3628) 之保非奈婆麻多母和礼許牟

sipo pï-n-amba mata ware kǝ-m-u tide dry(CONV)-PERF-COND again I come-TENT-FIN When the tide ebbs, I will come again (MYS 15.3710) 許礼乎於伎低麻多波安里我多之

kǝre-wo ok-i-te mata pa ar-i-ŋ-gata-si this-ACC leave-CONV-SUB again TOP exist-NML-GEN-be.hard-FIN [It] is difficult to find again [a falcon of the same quality], except this [one] (MYS 17.4011) 末多母安波無多米

mata mǝ ap-am-u tamɛ again FP meet-TENT-ATTR for in order to meet [you] again (MYS 20.4469) There is one example when mata ‘again’ acts syntactically as a noun:

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1011

Adverbs 乃知乃与乃多米麻多乃与乃[多米]2

nǝti-nǝ yǝ-nǝ tamɛ mata-nǝ yǝ-nǝ [tamɛ] after-GEN world-GEN for again-GEN world-GEN [for] for the sake of the following world, [for the sake] of the next world (BS 10) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There are four examples of the adverb mata ‘again’ attested in Eastern Old Japanese:

萬多祢天武可聞

mata ne-te-m-u kamo again sleep(CONV)-PERF-TENT-ATTR EP [I] would like to sleep [with you] again! (MYS 14.3395) 毛母久麻能美知波紀尓志乎麻多佐良尓夜蘇志麻須義弖和加例加由可牟

momǝ kuma-nǝ miti pa k-ï-n-i-si-wo mata sara n-i yaso sima suŋgï-te wakare ka yuk-am-u hundred bend-GEN road TOP come-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR-ACC again again DV-CONV eighty island pass(CONV)-SUB part(CONV) IP go-TENT-ATTR Although [I] came along the road with one hundred bends, should [I] go farther away [from home] passing again and again eighty islands? (MYS 20.4349) 阿米都之乃以都例乃可美乎以乃良波加有都久之波々尓麻多己等刀波牟

amɛ tusi-nǝ iⁿdure n-ǝ kami-wo inǝr-amba ka utukusi papa-ni mata kǝtǝ top-am-u heaven earth-GEN which DV-ATTR deity-ACC pray-COND IP dear mother-DAT again word ask-TENT-ATTR If [I] pray to which deities of Heaven and Earth, would [I] talk to [my] dear mother again? (MYS 20.4392)

2  The last two characters 多米 rendering tamɛ ‘for’ are reconstructed tentatively as they are not preserved in the inscription.

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1012

Chapter 7

伊弊奈流伊母乎麻多美弖毛母也

ipe-n-ar-u imǝ-wo mata mi-te-m-o mǝ ya home-LOC-exist-ATTR beloved-ACC again see(CONV)-PERF-TENT-ATTR EP EP [I] would like to see [my] beloved, who is at home, again! (MYS 20.4415) A2: Ryukyuan The adverb mata ‘again’ and its phonetic variants are attested throughout Ryukyuan (Hirayama 1966: 424; 1967: 478). Examples: Old Ryukyuan またのあち

mata-no ati again-GEN official next official (OS 6.331) Shuri

kuri-N mata ’agiy-abir-a this-FP again give-POL-TENT [I] will give it [to you] again, too (RKJ 364) Thus, on the basis of Western Old Japanese, Eastern Old Japanese and Ryukyuan data we can safely reconstruct PJ *mata ‘again.’

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Section 8

Adverb iya ‘More [and More], Plentifully, Perfectly’ The adverb iya ‘more [and more], plentifully, perfectly’ is well attested in Western Old Japanese. In most cases it is used in the meaning ‘more and more’: 阿波泥辞摩異椰敷多那羅弭阿豆枳辞摩異椰敷多那羅弭予呂辞枳辞摩之魔

Apaⁿdi-sima iya puta naramb-i Aⁿduki-sima iya puta naramb-i yǝrǝsi-ki sima-sima Apaⁿdi-island perfectly two line.up-CONV Aⁿduki-island perfectly two line. up-CONV good-ATTR island-island Apaⁿdi island perfectly lines up [with another island as] two, Aⁿduki island perfectly lines up [with another island as] two, [they are] good islands (NK 40) 比等期等尓乎理加射之都々阿蘇倍等母伊夜米豆良之岐烏梅能波奈加母

pitǝ ŋgǝtǝ n-i wor-i kaⁿzas-i-tutu asomb-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ iya mɛⁿdurasi-ki uMƐ-nǝ pana kamǝ person every DV-CONV break-CONV decorate-CONV-COOR play-EV-CONC more.and.more be.lovely-ATTR plum-GEN blossoms EP Although every person enjoys [himself] breaking [plum blossoms] and decorating [his hair with them], the plum blossoms are more and more lovely! (MYS 5.828) 那我岐波流卑乎可謝勢例杼伊野那都可子岐烏梅能波那可毛

naŋga-ki paru pi-wo kaⁿzas-er-e-ⁿdǝ iya natukasi-ki uMƐ-nǝ pana kamo long-ATTR spring day-ACC decorate-PROG-EV-CONC more.and.more yearningATTR plum-GEN blossom EP although [I] was wearing [them in my hair] throughout the long spring day, [I] yearn for the plum blossoms more and more! (MYS 5.846) 多具敝礼登伊夜奈都可之久

taŋgup-er-e-ⁿdǝ iya natukasi-ku sit.side.by.side-PROG-EV-CONC more.and.more yearning-CONV although [we] sat side by side, [we] yearned [for each other] more and more (MYS 17.3978)

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1014

Chapter 7

意枳都之良奈美安利我欲比伊夜登偲能波尓見都追思努播牟

oki-tu sira nami ari-ŋgayop-i iya tǝsi-nǝ pa n-i MI-tutu sinop-am-u offing-GEN/LOC white wave ITER-go.back.and.forth-CONV more.and.more year-GEN every DV-CONV look(CONV)-COOR admire-TENT-FIN white waves from the offing go back and forth all the time; and looking [at them] [I] will admire [them] more and more every year (MYS 17.3992) 都可倍麻都良米伊夜等保奈我尓

tukapɛ-matur-am-ɛ iya tǝpo naŋga n-i serve(CONV)-HUM-TENT-EV plentifully far long DV-CONV [I] will serve [you] plentifully and for a long, long time (MYS 18.4098) 霍公鳥伊夜奈都可之久

POTƏTƏ ŋGISU iya natukasi-ku cuckoo more.and.more yearning-CONV [I] yearn for the cuckoo more and more (MYS 19.4176) 霍公鳥伊也之伎喧奴

POTƏTƏ ŋGISU iya sik-i NAK-I-n-u cuckoo more be.frequent-CONV cry-CONV-PERF-FIN the cuckoo cries more often (MYS 19.4176) 伊夜麻之尓安礼波麻為許牟

iya mas-i n-i are pa mawi-kǝ-m-u more increase-NML DV-CONV I TOP come(HUM)(CONV)-come-TENT-FIN [I] would like to come even more (MYS 20.4298) 伊夜益湏益爾朕私父母波良何良爾至麻氐爾可在状任止上賜比

iya MAsu-MASU n-i WA- ŋGA WATAKUSI-NƏ TITI PAPA para-kara-ni ITAR-U-maⁿde-ni AR-UmBƐ-KI KURAWI tǝ A ŋGƐ-TAMAp-i more.and.more more.and.more DV-CONV I-POSS private-GEN father mother blood.relatives-LOC reach-ATTR-TERM-LOC exist-DEB-ATTR rank DV raise(CONV)-HON-CONV even more, [she] raised to the appropriate ranks my own father and mother and even blood relatives (SM 25)

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Adverbs

1015

Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There are three examples of iya ‘very, more and more’ in the Eastern Old Japanese corpus, but they all occur in poems without any distinctive Eastern Old Japanese features. The only peculiarity is that iya is attested once in the meaning ‘very’ that is not present in Western Old Japanese. 伊毛我可度伊夜等保曽吉奴

imo-ŋga kaⁿdo iya tǝpo sǝk-i-n-u beloved-GEN gate more.and.more far become.distant-CONV-PERF-FIN The gate of [my] beloved[’s house] became more and more distant (MYS 14.3389) 伊夜等保奈我伎夜麻治

iya tǝpo naŋga-ki yama-ⁿ-di very far long-ATTR mountain-GEN-road a very far and long mountain road (MYS 14.3556) 和須礼波勢奈那伊夜母比麻須爾

wasure pa se-n-ana iya [o]mǝp-i-mas-u-ni forget(NML) TOP do-NEG-DES more.and.more think-CONV-increase-ATTR-LOC [I] wish [you] would not forget [me], because [my] desire [for you] increases more and more (MYS 14.3557)

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Section 9

Adverb iyǝyǝ ‘More and More’ The adverb iyǝyǝ ‘more and more’ may be possibly related to iya, but the vowel alternation and its morphological composition is not completely clear, although it likely represents a partial reduplication (cf. MdJ iyoiyo). It also has only the meaning of ‘more and more,’ and none of other meanings of iya are attested. For these reasons I prefer to keep iya and iyǝyǝ separate on a synchronic level. The adverb iyǝyǝ is attested in Western Japanese only four times (one in semantographic spelling), all of them in the Man’yōshū: 余能奈可波牟奈之伎母乃等志流等伎子伊与余麻須万須加奈之可利家理

yǝ-nǝ naka pa munasi-ki mǝnǝ tǝ sir-u tǝki si iyǝyǝ masu-masu kanasi-k-ar-i-ker-i world-GEN middle TOP empty-ATTR thing DV know-ATTR time EP more.and. more more.and.more sad-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN When [I] realized that the world is empty, [it] turned out to be more and more sad (MYS 5.793) 許己乎之母安夜爾多敷刀美宇礼之家久伊余与於母比弖

kǝkǝ-wo si mǝ aya n-i taputo-mi uresi-k-eku iyǝyǝ omǝp-i-te here-ABS EP FP extreme DV-CONV be.venerable-GER be.glad-ATTR-NML more. and.more think-CONV-SUB thinking with joy more and more how extremely venerable our position is (MYS 18.4094) 都流藝多知伊与餘刀具倍之

turuŋgi tati iyǝyǝ toŋg-umbɛ-si double-edged.sword long.sword more.and.more sharpen-DEB-FIN [One] must sharpen a double-edged long sword more and more (MYS 20.4467)

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Section 10

Adverb masu-masu ‘More and More’ The adverb masu-masu ‘more and more’ is apparently a reduplicated and lexicalized form of the final form mas-u of the verb mas- ‘to increase.’ It is a very rare adverb that attested only five times in Western Old Japanese; and among these five only once in phonographic spelling and twice in partial phonograhic spelling. 余能奈可波牟奈之伎母乃等志流等伎子伊与余麻須万須加奈之可利家理

yǝ-nǝ naka pa munasi-ki mǝnǝ tǝ sir-u tǝki si iyǝyǝ masu-masu kanasi-k-ar-i-ker-i world-GEN middle TOP empty-ATTR thing DV know-ATTR time EP more.and. more more.and.more sad-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN When [I] realized that the world is empty, [it] turned out to be more and more sad (MYS 5.793) 伊夜益湏益爾朕私父母波良何良爾至麻氐爾可在状任止上賜比

iya MAsu-MASU n-i WA- ŋGA WATAKUSI-NƏ TITI PAPA para-kara-ni ITAR-U-maⁿde-ni AR-UmBƐ-KI KURAWI tǝ A ŋGƐ-TAMAp-i more.and.more more.and.more DV-CONV I-POSS private-GEN father mother blood.relatives-LOC reach-ATTR-TERM-LOC exist-DEB-ATTR rank DV raise(CONV)-HON-CONV even more, [she] raised to the appropriate ranks my own father and mother and even blood relatives (SM 25) As can be seen from this example, masu-masu can be alternatively followed by the converb form n-i of the defective verb n-. 益湏益湏勤結理奉侍

MAsu-MAsu TUTOMƐ-SIMAr-i-TUKAPƐ-MATUR-E more.and.more serve(CONV)-strive-CONV-serve(CONV)-HUM-IMP Strive to serve more and more (SM 32)

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Section 11

Adverb yumɛ ‘At All’ The adverb yumɛ ‘at all’ is always used with the negative imperative forms of verbs (mostly in -una and in one case possibly in na- … [-sǝ]) unless the negative imperative form of a verb underwent ellipsis as in the first two examples from KK 86 and NK 70. In most cases yumɛ appears in postposition to a verbal negative imperative form, but there is one exception (see the example from MYS 16.4227 below). 和賀多多弥由米許登袁許曾多多美登伊波米和賀都麻波由米

wa-ŋga tatami yumɛ kǝtǝ-wo kǝsǝ tatami tǝ ip-am-ɛ wa-ŋga tuma pa yumɛ I-POSS rice.straw.mat at.all thing-ACC FP rice.straw.mat DV say-TENT-EV I_ POSS spouse TOP at.all [Do not touch] my bed at all! [When I] call it a bed, [I mean: ‘Do not touch] my wife at all! (KK 86) 和餓哆哆瀰由梅去等烏許曾哆多瀰等異畔梅和餓莵摩烏由梅

wa-ŋga tatami yumɛ kǝtǝ-wo kǝsǝ tatami tǝ ip-am-ɛ wa-ŋga tuma-wo yumɛ I-POSS rice.straw.mat at.all thing-ACC FP rice.straw.mat DV say-TENT-EV I-POSS spouse-ACC at.all [Do not touch] my bed at all! [When I] call it a bed, [I mean: ‘Do not touch] my wife at all! (NK 70) A textual variant of KK 86 above. 河瀬尓浪立勿湯目

KAPA SE-ni NAMI TAT-UNA yumɛ river rapids-LOC wave rise-NEG/IMP at.all waves, do not rise at all at the river rapids (MYS 7.1122) 今夜耳将飲酒可毛散許須奈由米

KƏ YƏPI NƏMÏ NƏM-AM-U SAKƐ kamo TIR-I-kǝs-una yumɛ this night RP drink-TENT-ATTR rice.wine EP fall-CONV-BEN-NEG/IMP at.all I wonder whether [it is] the rice wine that [we] drink only tonight. Please do not fall [on the ground] at all (MYS 8.1657)

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1019

Adverbs 毛美知和礼由伎弖可敝里久流末弖知里許須奈由米

momit-i ware yuk-i-te kaper-i-k-uru-mande tir-i-kǝs-una yumɛ leaves.turn.red/yellow-NML I go-CONV-SUB return-CONV-come-ATTR-TERM fall-CONV-BEN-NEG/IMP at.all Red leaves! Please do not fall at all until I go and come back (MYS 15.3702) 和我世兒乎安宿勿令寐由米

wa-ŋga se-KO-wo YASU I NA-NE-SIMƐ yumɛ I-POSS beloved-DIM-ACC easy sleep NEG-sleep-CAUS(CONV) at.all do not let my beloved to sleep an easy sleep at all (MYS 19.4179) This is the only example when it is usually considered by the Man’yōshū commentators that the semantographic block 勿令寐 is to be read as NA-NE-SIMƐ. This is certainly a possibility, but given the fact that we have no cases of phonetic spelling of the negative form in na- … [-sǝ] used with the adverb yumɛ, we have an equal possibility that the semantographic block 勿令寐 is to be read as NE-SIM-UNA. 零之雪曽由米縁勿

PUR-I-si YUKI sǝ yumɛ YƏR-UNA fall-CONV-PAST/ATTR snow FP at.all approach-NEG/IMP do not approach the fallen snow at all (MYS 19.4227) 兒良我牟須敝流比毛等久奈由米

KO-ra-ŋga musumb-er-u pimo tǝk-una yumɛ girl-DIM-POSS tie-PROG-ATTR cord untie-NEG/IMP at.all do not untie at all the cord that [your] girl has tied (MYS 20.4334) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is one example of the adverb yumɛ ‘at all’ in Eastern Old Japanese. 伊呂尓豆奈由米

irǝ-ni [i]ⁿd-una yumɛ facial.expression-LOC go.out-NEG/IMP at.all do not show [your love] at all in your facial expression (MYS 14.3376)

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Section 12

Adverb imaⁿda ‘Yet, Still’ The adverb imaⁿda ‘yet, still’ is predominantly used with negative verbal forms, although there are cases when it occurs with affirmative verbal forms as well. The overwhelming majority of the latter cases are attested only in logographic writing. (1) Examples of the adverb imaⁿda with a following negative verbal form: 多知賀遠母伊麻陀登迦受弖淤須比遠母伊麻陀登加泥婆

tati-ŋga wo mǝ imaⁿda tǝk-aⁿz-u-te osupi-wo mǝ imaⁿda tǝk-an-e-mba long.sword-POSS cord FP yet untie-NEG-CONV-SUB cloak-ACC FP yet untie-NEG-EV-CON as [I] have not yet untied the cords of [my] long sword, and have not yet untied [my] cloak (KK 2) 夜麻登能久迩爾加理古牟登伊麻陀岐加受

Yamatǝ-nǝ kuni-ni kari ko [u]m-u tǝ imaⁿda kik-aⁿz-u Yamatǝ-GEN land-LOC wild.goose egg lay-FIN DV yet hear-NEG-FIN [I] have never heard that a wild goose laid an egg in the land of Yamatǝ (KK 72) 婆糸稽矩謨伊麻娜以播孺底阿開儞啓梨倭蟻慕

pasi-k-eku mo imaⁿda ip-aⁿz-u-te akɛ-n-i-ker-i wa-ŋg-imo be.lovely-ATTR-NML FP yet say-NEG-CONV-SUB to.dawn(CONV)-PERF-CONVRETR-FIN I-POSS-beloved [I] have not said yet [how] lovely [you] are, my beloved, as [it] dawned (NK 96) 於彌能古能野陛能比母騰倶比騰陛多爾伊麻柂藤柯祢波美古能比母騰矩

omi-nǝ ko-nǝ ya-pe n-ǝ pimo tǝk-u pitǝ-pe ⁿdani imaⁿda tǝk-an-e-mba miko-nǝ pimo tǝk-u noble-GEN child-GEN eight-CL DV-ATTR cord untie-ATTR one-CL RP yet untieNEG-EV-CON prince-GEN cord untie-FIN As the children of nobles have not yet untied even one cord out of eight, the prince untied the cord (NK 127)

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1021

Adverbs

泣子那須斯多比枳摩斯提伊企陀爾母伊摩陀夜周米受年月母伊摩他阿良 祢婆

NAK-U KO-nasu sitap-i k-i-mas-i-te iki ⁿdani mǝ imaⁿda yasumɛ-ⁿz-u TƏSI TUKÏ mǝ imaⁿda ar-an-e-mba cry-ATTR child-COMP long-CONV come-CONV-HON-CONV-SUB breath RP FP yet rest-NEG-FIN year month FP yet be-NEG-EV-CON [She] came longing like a crying baby who has not yet taken a rest even for one breath. But while years and months have not elapsed yet … (MYS 5.794) 和何那久那美多伊摩陁飛那久尓

wa-ŋga nak-u namiⁿda imaⁿda pï-n-aku n-i I-POSS cry-ATTR tear yet dry-NEG-NML DV-CONV although the tears that I shed have not dried yet (MYS 5.798) 等保能久尓伊麻太毛都可受

tǝpo n-ǝ kuni imaⁿda mo tuk-aⁿz-u distant DV-ATTR land yet FP arrive-NEG-CONV [he] has not yet arrived in the distant land [of Silla], and … (MYS 15.3688) 伊末太見奴比等尓母都氣牟

imaⁿda MI-n-u pitǝ-ni mǝ tuŋgɛ-m-u yet see-NEG-ATTR person-DAT FP report-TENT-FIN [I] will also tell the people who have not yet seen [this mountain] (MYS 17.4000) (2) Examples of the adverb imaⁿda with a following affirmative verbal form: 梅毛未含有

UMƐ mo IMAⁿDA PUPUM-ER-I plum FP still bud-PROG-FIN the plum [blossoms] are still buds (MYS 4.792) 佐久良婆奈伊麻太敷布賣利

sakura-m-bana imaⁿda pupum-er-i cherry-GEN-blossom still bud-PROG-FIN The cherry blossoms are still buds (MYS 18.4077)

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1022

Chapter 7

都奇餘米婆伊麻太冬奈里

tukï yǝm-ɛ-mba imaⁿda PUYU nar-i month count-EV-CON still winter be-FIN When [I] count the months, [it] is still winter (MYS 20.4492) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There are two examples of the adverb imaⁿda ‘yet’ in Eastern Old Japanese and both occur with following negative verbal forms. 伊麻太宿奈布母

imaⁿda NE-n-ap-umǝ yet sleep-NEG-ITER-EXCL [I] have not yet slept with [her]! (MYS 14.3525) 伊末太年那久尓

imaⁿda ne-n-aku n-i yet sleep-NEG-NML DV-CONV [it] is that [they] have not yet slept [together] (MYS 14.3543) A2: Ryukyuan The Ryukyuan cognates maada ~ mada ~ naada ~ nada ~ ńaada ~ ńada ~ nnada etc. ‘yet, still’ are attested throughout Ryukyuan (Hirayama 1966: 424; 1967: 478). Examples: Shuri

naada kuu-N yet come-NEG/FIN [He] has not come yet (RKJ 400) Tarama

mida kanu psïtoo ku-N yet that person/TOP come-NEG/FIN That person has not come yet (Hirayama 1983: 920) Thus, on the basis of Western Old Japanese, Eastern Old Japanese and Ryukyuan data we can safely reconstruct PJ *imanta ‘yet, still.’

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Section 13

Adverb mǝtǝna ‘In Vain, Aimlessly, For No Reason’ The adverb mǝtǝna ‘in vain, aimlessly, for no reason’ is attested only in the Man’yōshū. It is used mostly in preposition to a verb, but three examples below (MYS 15.3729, 3738, and 17.3976) are apparent exceptions, with mǝtǝna being used after the verb it refers to. Examples: 麻奈迦比爾母等奈可可利提

ma-na kapi-ni mǝtǝna kakar-i-te eye-PLUR interval-LOC for.no.reason hang-CONV-SUB [they] hover for no reason in front (lit.: between) [my] eyes (MYS 5.802) 和可礼奴流君尓也毛登奈安我孤悲由加牟

wakare-n-uru KIMI-ni ya motǝna a-ŋga kopï-yuk-am-u part(CONV)-PERF-ATTR lord-DAT IP in.vain I-POSS long.for(CONV)-goTENT-ATTR Will [I] continue to long in vain for [you], who departed [from me]? (MYS 15.3690) 伊毛乎於毛比都追由氣婆可母等奈由伎安思可流良武

imo-wo omop-i-tutu yuk-ɛ-mba ka mǝtǝna yuk-i asi-k-ar-am-u beloved-ACC think-CONV-COOR go-EV-CON IP in.vain go-NML bad-CONVexist-TENT-ATTR [Is it] because [I] go thinking of [my] beloved in vain that [my] going away should be difficult? (MYS 15.3729) 於毛比都追奴礼婆可毛等奈奴婆多末能比等欲毛意智受伊米尓之見由流

omop-i-tutu n-ure-mba ka motǝna numba tama-nǝ pitǝ yo mo oti-ⁿz-u imɛ-ni si MI-y-uru think-CONV-COOR lie.down-EV-CON IP in.vain pitch-black jade-COMP one night FP lack-NEG-CONV see-PASS-ATTR [Is it] because [I] lie down thinking [of my beloved] in vain that [she] appears in [my] dreams without missing a single night [dark] like the pitch-black jade? (MYS 15.3738)

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1024

Chapter 7

保等登藝須毛等奈那難吉曽

potǝtǝŋgisu motǝna na-nak-i-sǝ cuckoo for.no.reason NEG-cry-CONV-do Cuckoo! Do not cry without a reason (MYS 15.3781) 麻都能波奈花可受尓之毛和我勢故我於母敝良奈久尓母登奈佐吉都追

matu-nǝ pana PANA kaⁿzu n-i si mo wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga omǝp-er-an-aku n-i mǝtǝna sak-i-tutu pine-GEN flower flower number DV-CONV EP FP I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS think-PROG-NEG-NML DV-CONV in.vain bloom-CONV-COOR Because my beloved is not even thinking of pine flowers as flowers, [they] continue to bloom in vain (MYS 17.3942) 己能夜万夫吉乎美勢追都母等奈

kǝnǝ yamambuki-wo mi-se-tutu mǝtǝna this rose-ACC see-CAUS(CONV)-COOR in.vain [you] keep showing [me] these roses in vain (MYS 17.3976) 伊米尓波母等奈安比見礼騰多太尓安良祢婆孤悲夜麻受家里

imɛ-ni pa mǝtǝna api-MI-re-ⁿdǝ taⁿda n-i ar-an-e-mba kopï yam-aⁿz-u-ker-i dream-LOC TOP in.vain REC-see-EV-CONC direct DV-CONV exist-NEG-EV-CON love(NML) stop-NEG-CONV-RETR-FIN although [we] see each other in vain in dreams, because [our meetings] are not direct, [our] longing does not stop (MYS 17.3980) 君乎曽母等奈伊吉能乎尓念

KIMI-wo sǝ mǝtǝna iki-nǝ wo n-i OMƏP-U lord-ACC FP for.no.reason breath-GEN cord DV-CONV think-ATTR for no reason [I] think about you as of a cord of [my] life (MYS 19.4281) 富等登藝須奈保毛奈賀那牟母等都比等可氣都々母等奈安乎祢之奈久母

potǝtǝŋgisu napo mo nak-ana-m-u mǝtǝ-tu pitǝ kakɛ-tutu mǝtǝna a-wo ne si nak-umǝ cuckoo more FP cry-DES-TENT-FIN root-GEN/LOC person think(CONV)-COOR for.no.reason I-ACC sound EP make.cry-EXCL Cuckoo! I want [you] to cry even more. [You] will make me cry for no reason thinking about the people of old (MYS 20.4437)

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Section 14

Adverb simba ~ simba-simba ‘Often’ The adverb simba and its reduplicated form simba-simba ‘often’ are attested only in the Man’yōshū and in the Senmyō.3 Although most attestations in the Man’yōshū are logographic, the meter of the poems implies that the majority of them are in the reduplicated form. I provide below all examples attested in phonographic writing. 多妣尓之婆之婆可久能未也伎美乎夜利都追安我孤悲乎良牟

tambi-ni simba-simba ka-ku nǝmï ya kimi-wo yar-i-tutu a-ŋga kopï-wor-am-u travel-LOC often thus-CONV RP IP lord-ACC send-CONV-COOR I-POSS long. for(CONV)-exist-TENT-ATTR would I be longing for [you] just keeping sending you so frequently to travels? (MYS 17.3936) 可保等利能麻奈久之婆奈久春野尓

kapo-tǝri-nǝ ma na-ku simba nak-u PARU-NƏ NO-ni kapo-bird-GEN interval no-CONV often cry-ATTR spring-GEN field-LOC in the spring fields where a kapo4 bird cries often without stopping (MYS 17.3973) 可治都久米於等之婆多知奴

Kaⁿdi tukumɛ otǝ simba tat-i-n-u rudder grasp(CONV) sound often rise-CONV-PERF-FIN sounds are heard often [when a helmsman] grasps the rudder (MYS 20.4460) 之婆之婆美等母安加無伎弥加毛

simba-simba mi tǝmǝ ak-am-u kimi kamo often look(FIN) CONJ get.enough-TENT-ATTR lord EP even if [I] look [at you] often, would [I] get enough of [my] lord, I wonder? (MYS 20.4503)

3  All the examples found in the Senmyō are semantographic and all of them are believed to represent the reduplicated form (Kitagawa 1982: 166). 4  It is possible that kapo-tǝri ‘kapo-bird’ is another name for potǝtǝŋgisu ‘cuckoo’ (Takagi et al. 1962: 213), but there is no certain identification (Omodaka et al. 1967: 216).

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Section 15

Adverb potǝpotǝ ‘Almost’ The adverb potǝpotǝ5 ‘almost’ is attested five times in Western Old Japanese and all of them in the Man’yōshū. Among these five attestations only two are in phonographic writing: 保等穂跡妹尓不相來尓家里

potǝpotǝ IMO-ni AP-AⁿZ-U-K-I-n-i-ker-i almost beloved-DAT meet-NEG-CONV-come-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-FIN [It] came [to the point] that [I] almost do not meet [my] beloved [any more] (MYS 10.1979) 可敝里家流比等伎多礼里等伊比之可婆保等保登之尓吉

kaper-i-ker-u pitǝ k-i-tar-er-i tǝ ip-i-sika-mba potǝpotǝ sin-i-ki return-CONV-RETR-ATTR person come-CONV-PERF/PROG-PROG-FIN DV say-CONV-PAST/EV-CON almost die-CONV-PAST/FIN Because [they] said that a person, who returned [from exile], had come [to the capital], [I] almost died [from joy] (MYS 15.3772)

5  W OJ potǝpotǝ ‘almost’ is an apparent predecessor of MdJ hotondo ‘id.’

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Section 16

Adverb napo ‘Still, More’ The adverb napo ‘still, more’ is attested only in the Man’yōshū and in the Senmyō.6 Contrary to the adverb imaⁿda (see section 12), the adverb napo is mostly used with following affirmative verb forms.7 There are only five examples of WOJ napo ‘still, more’ attested in phonographic writing: 奈礼尓之伎奴尓奈保之可米夜母

nare-n-i-si kinu-ni napo sik-am-ɛ ya mǝ get.used.to(CONV)-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR garment-LOC still reach-TENT-EV IP EP would [it] still be equal to the garment [you] are used to?! [No, it would not!] (MYS 18.4109) 奈保之見我保之

napo si MI-ŋga posi more EP see(NML)-POSS be.desired/FIN [I] want to see more [of them] (MYS 18.4112) 富等登藝須奈保毛奈賀那牟母等都比等可氣都々母等奈安乎祢之奈久母

potǝtǝŋgisu napo mo nak-ana-m-u mǝtǝ-tu pitǝ kakɛ-tutu mǝtǝna a-wo ne si nak-umǝ cuckoo more FP cry-DES-TENT-FIN root-GEN/LOC person think(CONV)-COOR for.no.reason I-ACC sound EP make.cry-EXCL Cuckoo! I want [you] to cry even more. [You] will make me cry for no reason thinking about the people of old (MYS 20.4437)

6  All the examples found in the Senmyō are semantographic and all of them are believed to represent the reduplicated form (Kitagawa 1982: 166). 7  The only possible exception is found in MYS 12.3009, but since napo is written semantographically in this text, other interpretations are also possible.

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1028

Chapter 7

宇具比須乃許恵波須疑奴等於毛倍杼母之美尓之許己呂奈保古非尓家里

uŋgupisu-nǝ kǝwe pa suŋgï-n-u tǝ omop-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ sim-i-n-i-si kǝkǝrǝ napo kopï-n-i-ker-i bush.warbler-GEN voice TOP pass(CONV)-PERF-FIN DV thinkEV-CONC sink-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR heart still long. for(CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-FIN Although [I] thought that the voice of the bush warbler has passed away, it has turned out that [my] heart where it sank into, still longs for [it] (MYS 20.4445) 奈保之祢我比都知等世能伊乃知乎

napo si neŋg-ap-i-t-u ti tǝse-nǝ inǝti-wo still EP pray-ITER-CONV-PERF-FIN thousand year-GEN life-ACC [I] have been still praying for a thousand year life (MYS 20.4470) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is only one example of the adverb napo ‘still’ in Eastern Old Japanese: 多妣己呂母夜倍伎可佐祢弖伊努礼等母奈保波太佐牟志伊母尓志阿良祢婆

tambi kǝrǝmǝ ya-pɛ ki-kasane-te i n-ure-ⁿdǝmǝ napo paⁿda samu-si imǝ n-i si ar-an-e-mba travel garment eight-CL wear(CONV)-pile.up(CONV)-SUB sleep sleep-EV-CONC still skin cold-FIN beloved DV-CONV EP exist-NEG-EV-CON Although [I] sleep, putting on eight layers of travel garments, it is still cold, because [it] is not [my] beloved (MYS 20.4351) A2: Ryukyuan The adverb nafo ‘still, more’ seems to be attested only in the Classical Ryukyuan of the Ryūka, but not in the Old Ryukyuan of the Omoro sōshi (Hokama 1995: 492). Therefore, given its absence in dialects as well, it is likely to be a loan from Middle Japanese.

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Section 17

Adverb sika ‘Thus, In This Way, So’ The adverb sika ‘thus, in this way, so’ is attested mostly in the Man’yōshū, in both Early and Late Western Old Japanese texts: 企許斯遠周久爾能麻保良叙可爾迦久爾保志伎麻爾麻爾斯可爾波阿羅慈迦

kikǝs-i-wos-u kuni-nǝ ma-po-ra ⁿzǝ ka n-i ka-ku n-i posi-ki manima n-i sika n-i pa ar-aⁿzi ka rule(HON)-CONV-HON-ATTR country-GEN INT-top-LOC FP thus DV-CONV thus-CONV DV-CONV desire-ATTR according DV-CONV thus DV-CONV TOP exist-NEG/TENT IP in the highest place of the country, where [the emperor] rules, [it] would not be thus according to what [you] wish to be this way and that way, [would it]? (MYS 5.800) 志可登阿良農比宜可伎撫而

sika tǝ ar-an-u piŋgɛ kaki-NAⁿDE-TE thus DV exist-NEG-ATTR beard PREF-caress(CONV)-SUB stroking my thinning (lit.: not being thus) beard (MYS 5.892) 安礼也思加毛布伎美末知我弖尓

are ya sika [o]mop-u kimi mat-i-ŋgate-n-i I IP so think-ATTR lord wait-CONV-POT-NEG-CONV did I think so because [I] cannot wait [to see my] lord? (MYS 14.3470) This is a text in Western Old Japanese in Azuma corpus. 思加乃未尓於母比氐伎美乎安我麻多奈久尓

sika nǝmï n-i omǝp-i-te kimi-wo a-ŋga mat-an-aku n-i thus only DV-CONV think-CONV-SUB lord-ACC I-POSS wait-NEG-NML DV-CONV I did not wait for [my] lord, thinking [about you] just like that (– I thought about you much more deeply!) (MYS 17.3960)

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1030

Chapter 7

伊毛我多可々々尓麻都良牟許己呂之可尓波安良司可

imo-ŋga taka taka n-i mat-uram-u kǝkǝrǝ sika n-i pa ar-aⁿzi ka beloved-POSS high high DV-CONV wait-TENT2-ATTR heart thus DV-CONV TOP exist-NEG/TENT IP the heart of [my] beloved who probably waits for [me] eagerly would not [it] be this way? (MYS 18.4107) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese In Eastern Old Japanese there is just one example of adverb sika ‘thus, in this way, so’: 志可良婆加刀奈里乃伎奴乎可里弖伎奈波毛

sika-[a]r-amba ka tonari-nǝ kinu-wo kar-i-te ki-n-ap-am-o so-exist-COND IP neighbor-GEN garment-ACC borrow-CONV-SUB wear-NEG-ITER-TENT-ATTR If it were so, [one] would not be borrowing a garment from a neighbor, right? (MYS 14.3472) A2: Ryukyuan I am unaware of any cognates of OJ adverb sika ‘thus, in this way, so’ in Ryukyuan.

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Section 18

Adverb kɛⁿdasi ~ kɛⁿdasiku ‘Probably’ WOJ adverb kɛⁿdasi ~ kɛⁿdasiku ‘probably’ is mostly (but not always) used to emphasize the following tentative. It is predominantly attested in the Man’yōshū, and occurs in both Earlier and Later Western Old Japanese, but most of the phonographic examples are in the Later Western Old Japanese texts. Examples: 和我世故之氣太之麻可良婆思漏多倍乃蘇弖乎布良左祢見都追志努波牟

wa-ŋga se-ko si kɛⁿdasi makar-amba siro tapɛ-nǝ soⁿde pur-as-an-e MI-tutu sinop-am-u I-POSS beloved-DIM EP probably go.away-COND white mulberry.tree.bark. cloth-GEN sleeve wave-HON-DES-IMP see(INF)-COOR long.for-TENT-FIN Oh, my dear beloved! If [you] go away [I] want [you] to wave [your] sleeves [made] from cloth of the white mulberry tree bark! [I] would probably long for [you] looking at [it] (MYS 15.3725) 氣太之久毛 安布許等安里也等

kɛⁿdasiku FP ap-u kǝtǝ ar-i ya tǝ probably meet-ATTR matter exist-FIN IP DV [I] thought whether there will be any probability to meet [it] again (MYS 17.4011) 氣太之伎奈可受知良之氐牟可母

kɛⁿdasi k-i nak-aⁿz-u tiras-i-te-m-u kamǝ probably come-CONV sing-NEG-CONV scatter-INF-PERF-TENT-ATTR EP [cuckoo] probably will not come and sing [so I] wonder whether [it] would let scatter [wisteria flowers] (MYS 18.4043) 意伊豆久安我未氣太志安倍牟可母

oyi-ⁿduk-u a-ŋga mï kɛⁿdasi apɛ-m-u kamǝ grow.old(INF)-attach-ATTR I-POSS body probably endure-TENT-ATTR EP would my aging body be able to endure [it]? [– Probably not!] (MYS 19.4220)

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Chapter 8 Conjunctions

∵

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Contents of Chapter 8 Chapter 8 Conjunctions 1036 1 Conjunction tǝmǝ ‘Even If, Even Though’ 1037 2 Conjunction mǝnǝ ~ mǝnǝwo ‘Although, But’  1042 3 Conjunction mǝnǝkara ‘Although’ 1047 4 Conjunction mǝnǝyuwe ‘Although, Because’ 1049 5 Conjunction napɛ ‘At the Same Time As, Just As’  1050 6 Conjunction ŋgane ‘So That, in Order to/That’ 1053 7 Conjunction ŋgani ‘Like, As If, So That’ 1055 8 Conjunction karani ‘Just Because, As Soon As’  1057 9 Conjunction toni ‘While, Before’  1060

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There are nine conjunctions in Western Old Japanese: tǝmǝ, mǝnǝ ~ mǝnǝwo, mǝnǝkara, mǝnǝyuwe, napɛ, ŋgane, ŋgani, karani, and toni. I do not include conjunctions in the chapter on particles because their function is to connect parts of complex sentences; therefore, they have a function that particles lack.

© Alexander Vovin, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004422810_009

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Section 1

Conjunction tǝmǝ ‘Even If, Even Though’ The conjunction tǝmǝ ‘even if, even though’ follows the final form of verbs and the converb form -ku of inflected adjectives. The latter usage occurs very seldom as compared to the former, but it does exist (see examples from MYS 15.3764 and 16.3881 below). It is frequently believed that this conjunction is a grammaticalization of the noun tǝmǝ ‘companion,’ but its syntactic alignment with the final form of verbs and the converb form of inflected adjectives strongly speaks against such an equation. If it were true, the attributive forms would be expected for both verbs and inflected adjectives. Examples: 那迦士登波那波伊布登母

nak-aⁿzi tǝ pa na pa ip-u tǝmǝ weep-NEG/TENT DV TOP you TOP say-FIN CONJ Even though you say that [you] would not weep. (KK 4) 夜多能比登母登須宜波比登理袁理登母意富岐弥斯與斯登岐許佐婆比登理 袁理登母

Yata-nǝ pitǝ-mǝtǝ suŋgɛ pa pitǝ-ri wor-i tǝmǝ opǝ kimi si yǝ-si tǝ kikǝs-amba pitǝ-ri wor-i tǝmǝ Yata-GEN one-CL sedge TOP one-CL exist-FIN CONJ great lord FP be good-FIN DV say(HON)-COND one-CL exist-FIN CONJ Even if one sedge from Yata is alone, if the great lord says [it] is fine, even if [she] is alone. (KK 65) 耶麻古曳底于瀰倭柂留騰母於母之楼枳伊麻紀能禹知播倭須羅由麻旨珥

yama koye-te umi watar-u tǝmo omosiro-ki Ima kï-nǝ uti pa wasur-ay-umasiⁿzi mountain cross(CONV)-SUB sea cross-FIN CONJ beautiful-ATTR Ima fortressGEN inside TOP forget-PASS-NEG/POT Even if [I] pass over the mountains and cross the seas, [I] cannot forget the inside of the beautiful Ima fortress. (NK 119) 萬世爾得之波岐布得母烏梅能波奈多由流己等奈久佐吉和多流倍子

YƏRƏⁿDU YƏ n-i tǝsi pa k-i p-u tǝmǝ uMƐ-nǝ pana tay-uru kǝtǝ na-ku sak-i-watar-umbɛ-si ten.thousand generation DV-CONV year TOP come-CONV pass-FIN CONJ plum-GEN blossom be.interrupted-ATTR matter no-CONV bloom-CONVcross-DEB-FIN Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

1038

Chapter 8

Even though years will come and pass for ten thousand generations, plum blossoms will continue to bloom without interruption. (MYS 5.830) 久須利波武等母麻多遠知米也母

kusuri pam-u tǝmǝ mata woti-m-ɛ ya mǝ medicine eat-FIN CONJ again rejuvenate-TENT-EV IP EP will [I] be rejuvenated again even if [I] take the medicine?! (MYS 5.847) 遠妻四高尓有世婆不知十方手綱乃濱能尋来名益

TƏPO TUMA si TAKA-ni AR-I-s-emba SIR-AⁿZ-U tǝmo TAⁿDUNA-nǝ PAMA-nǝ TAⁿDUNE-K-I-n-amasi distant wife EP Taka-LOC exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND know-NEG-FIN CONJ [Taⁿduna-GEN beach-COMP—makura-kotoba] seek-(CONV)-comeCONV-PERF-SUBJ If my wife, who is far away [from me], were in Taka, even if [I] did not know, [I] would come looking for [her]. (MYS 9.1746) 等保久登母許己呂乎知可久於毛保世和伎母

tǝpo-ku tǝmǝ kǝkǝrǝ-wo tika-ku omop-os-e wa-ŋg-imǝ far-CONV CONJ heart-ACC close-CONV think-HON-IMP I-POSS-beloved even though [I] am far away, think that [my] heart is close, my beloved. (MYS 15.3764) 大野路者繁道森俓之氣久登毛君志通者俓者廣計武

OPONO MITI pa SI ŋGƐ-ⁿ-DI MƏRI MITI siŋgɛ-ku tǝmo KIMI si KAYOP-Amba MITI pa PIRƏ-k-em-u Opono road TOP be.overgrown.with.bush-DV(ATTR)-road forest road be.overgrown.with.bush-CONV CONJ lord FP go.back.and.forth-COND broad-ATTR-TENT-FIN Even though the road to Opono is overgrown with bush, [being] a forest road through the bush, if [my] lord goes back and forth [on it, it] would widen. (MYS 16.3881) 烏梅乃花美夜万等之美尓安里登母

uMƐ-nǝ PANA mi-yama tǝ sim-i n-i ar-i tǝmǝ plum-GEN blossom HON-mountain DV grow.thick-NML DV-CONV existFIN CONJ Even though plum blossoms are blooming densely as a mountain. (MYS 17.3902)

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Conjunctions

1039

比祢毛須尓美等母安久倍伎宇良尓安良奈久尓

pinemosu n-i mi tǝmǝ ak-umbɛ-ki ura n-i ar-an-aku n-i all.day DV-CONV look(FIN) CONJ lose.interest-DEB-ATTR bay DV-CONV existNEG-NML DV-CONV even if [I] look all day, it is not a bay that [one] could lose interest [in looking at]. (MYS 18.4037) 由久敝奈久安里和多流登毛

yuk-u pe na-ku ari-watar-u tǝmo go-ATTR side no-CONV ITER-cross-FIN CONJ Even though [a cuckoo] constantly comes over, without having a direction to go. (MYS 18.4090) 保登等藝須伊麻奈可受之弖安須古要牟夜麻尓奈久等母之流思安良米夜母

potǝtǝŋgisu ima nak-aⁿz-u s-i-te asu koye-m-u yama-ni nak-u tǝmǝ sirusi ar-am-ɛ ya mǝ cuckoo now cry-NEG-NML do-CONV-SUB tomorrow cross-TENT-ATTR mountain-LOC cry-FIN CONJ worth exist-TENT-EV IP EP Cuckoo! [You] are not crying now; even if [you] cry in the mountains that [I] will cross tomorrow, would [it] be of any worth?! (MYS 18.4052) 秋風尓比毛等伎安氣奈多太奈良受等母

AKI KAⁿZE-ni pimo tǝk-i-akɛ-na taⁿda nar-aⁿz-u tǝmǝ autumn wind-LOC cord untie-CONV-open-DES direct be-NEG-FIN CONJ [I] wish that the autumn wind would untie the cords, even if [it] is not directly (MYS 20.4295) 都婆吉都良々々尓美等母安可米也

tumbaki tura-tura n-i mi tǝmǝ ak-am-ɛ ya camellia intently DV-CONV look(FIN) CONJ lose.interest-TENT-EV IP even if [I] look intently [at] the camellia, would [I] lose interest? [No, I would not] (MYS 20.4481) 之婆之婆美等母安加無伎弥加毛

simba-simba mi tǝmǝ ak-am-u kimi kamo often look(FIN) CONJ get.enough-TENT-ATTR lord FP even if [I] look [at you] often, would [I] get enough of [my] lord, I wonder? (MYS 20.4503)

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1040

Chapter 8

己礼乃与波宇都利佐留止毛

kǝre n-ǝ yǝ pa utur-i sar-u tǝmo this DV-ATTR world TOP change-CONV go.away-FIN CONJ Even though this world changes and goes away … (BS 10) 王乎奴止成止毛奴乎王止云止毛

OPO KIMI-wo YATU tǝ N-AS-U tǝmo YATU-wo OPO KIMI tǝ IP-U tǝmo prince-ACC slave DV be-CAUS-FIN CONJ slave-ACC prince DV say-FIN CONJ even if [you] make a prince to be a slave [or] even if [you] name a slave as a prince (SM 29) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The conjunction tǝmǝ ‘even if, even though’ is attested very well in Eastern Old Japanese. Like WOJ tǝmǝ, EOJ tǝmǝ is attested after both the final form of verbs and the converb form of inflected adjectives. Examples: 夜蘇許登乃敝波思氣久等母安良蘇比可祢弖安乎許登奈須那

yaso kǝtǝ-nǝ pe pa siŋgɛ-ku tǝmǝ arasop-i-kane-te a-wo kǝtǝ nas-una eighty word-GEN leaf TOP thick-CONV CONJ resist-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)-SUB I-ACC word make-NEG/IMP even though many rumors are growing thick [like a bush], do not talk about me, failing to resist (MYS 14.3456) 安左乎良乎遠家尓布須左尓宇麻受登毛安須伎西佐米也

asa-wo-ra-wo wo-ke-ni pususa n-i um-as-u tǝmo asu ki-se-sas-am-ɛ ya hemp-hemp.thread-PLUR-ACC hemp-container-LOC many DV-CONV spinHON-FIN CONJ tomorrow wear(NML)-do-HON-TENT-EV IP Even if [you] spin many hemp threads into a hemp container, would [you] wear [them] tomorrow [as a garment]? [Certainly, you would not!] (MYS 14.3484) 伊刀尓奈流等毛和波等可自等余

ito n-i nar-u tǝmo wa pa tǝk-aⁿzi tǝ yǝ thread DV-CONV become-FIN CONJ I TOP untie-NEG/TENT DV FP [I] think that I would not untie [the cords of my garment] even if [they] become [thin] threads! (MYS 20.4405)

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Conjunctions

1041

A2: Ryukyuan The conjunction tomo is attested only in the Classical Ryukyuan texts: the Ryūka and the Kumi-udui, but does not occur in the spoken languages or in Old Ryukyuan (Hokama 1995: 462). Therefore, it is likely to be a loan from mainland Japanese.

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Section 2

Conjunction mǝnǝ ~ mǝnǝwo ‘Although, But’ The conjunction mǝnǝ ~ mǝnǝwo ‘although, but’ follows the attributive form of verbs and inflected adjectives as well as those verbal forms that are ambivalent to the final/attributive distinction, but are essentially attributive in nature, such as the subjunctive in -(a)masi. The form mǝnǝ is found only in the earliest texts. Thus, the origin of this conjunction can be undoubtedly traced back to the combination of mǝnǝ ‘thing’ + -wo, accusative case marker. Examples: 多義弖麻之母乃止美能井乃美豆

taŋgɛ-te-masi mǝnǝ tǝm-i-nǝ wi-nǝ miⁿdu consume(CONV)-PERF-SUBJ CONJ be.wealthy-NML-GEN well-GEN water [I] would consume the water from the well of wealth, but … (TS 1) 多都碁母母母知弖許麻志母能泥牟登斯理勢婆

tat-u-ŋ-gǝmǝ mǝ mǝt-i-te kǝ-masi mǝnǝ ne-m-u tǝ sir-i-s-emba stand-ATTR-DV(ATTR)-rush.mat FP hold-CONV-SUB come-SUBJ CONJ sleepTENT-FIN DV know-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND if [I] had known that [I] would sleep, [I] would bring a standing rush mat, but … (KK 75) 和加久閇爾韋泥弖麻斯母能淤伊爾祁流加母

waka-ku pɛ n-i wi ne-te-masi mǝnǝ oyi-n-i-ker-u kamǝ young-CONV ? DV-CONV bring(CONV) sleep(CONV)-PERF-SUBJ CONJ agePERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR FP [I] would have brought [her with me] and slept [with her] if [she] were young, but it turned out that [she] has become old, alas! (KK 93) 袁登賣能伊加久流袁加袁加那須岐母伊本知母賀母須岐婆奴流母能

wotǝme-nǝ i-kakur-u woka-wo kana-suki mǝ ipo-ti mǝŋgamǝ suk-i-mban-uru mǝnǝ maiden-GEN DLF-hide-ATTR hill-ACC metal-hoe FP five.hundred-CL DP dig. up-CONV-flip-ATTR CONJ [I] want five hundred metal hoes. [I] will dig up the hill where the maiden hides, but … (KK 99)

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1043

Conjunctions 吉備那流伊慕塢阿比瀰莵流慕能

Kimbï-n-ar-u imo-wo api-mi-t-uru monǝ Kimbï-LOC-exist-ATTR beloved-ACC REC-see(CONV)-PERF-ATTR CONJ [my] beloved who is in Kimbï [and I], have seen each other, but … (NK 40) 速来而母見手益物乎山背高槻村散去奚留鴨

PAYA K-I-TE mǝ MI-te-masi MƏNƏwo YAMASIRƏ-NƏ TAKA TUKÏ mura TIR-I-n-i-ker-u kamo fast come-CONV-SUB FP see(CONV)-PERF-SUBJ CONJ Yamasirǝ-GEN high zelkova group fall-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP Although [I] would come fast and look [at them], most of the zelkova [flowers] in Yamasirǝ have fallen, alas! (MYS 3.277) 道乎多遠見思空安莫國嘆虚不安物乎

MITI-wo taⁿ-DƏPƏ-mi OMƏP-U sora YASUKƐ NA-ku n-i NA ŋGƐK-U SORA YASU-K-AR-AN-U MƏNƏwo way-ABS PREF-far-GER think-ATTR RP easy no-CONV DV-CONV lament-ATTR RP easy-CONV-exist-NEG-ATTR CONJ although it is not easy even to lament and to love because the way is far (MYS 4.534) 可久斯良摩世婆久奴知許等其等美世摩斯母乃乎

ka-ku sir-amas-emba kun[i]-uti kǝtǝ-ŋgǝtǝ mi-se-masi mǝnǝwo thus-CONV know-SUBJ-COND land-inside thing-thing see-CAUS-SUBJ CONJ if [I] would know that, [I] would show [her] all things in the land, but … (MYS 5.797) 那我古飛世殊波弥曽能不乃于梅能波奈尓忘奈良麻之母能乎

naŋga kopï se-ⁿz-u pa mi-sǝnǝ-pu-nǝ uMƐ-nǝ pana n-i mo nar-amasi mǝnǝwo long love(NML) do-NEG-CONV TOP HON-garden-plant-GEN plum-GEN blossom DV-CONV FP become-SUBJ CONJ [I] would become plum blossoms [among] the plants of your garden without loving [you for a] long [time], but … (MYS 5.864)

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1044

Chapter 8

阿摩等夫夜等利尓母賀母夜美夜故麻提意久利摩遠志弖等比可弊流母能

ama-tǝmb-u ya tǝri n-i mǝŋgamǝ ya miyako-maⁿde okur-i-mawos-i-te tǝmb-i kaper-u mǝnǝ sky-fly-ATTR FP bird DV-CONV DP FP capital-TERM see.off-CONV-HUM-CONVSUB fly-CONV return-ATTR CONJ [I] would like to be a bird that flies in the sky. [I would] see [you] off to the capital and come back, but … (MYS 5.876) 人跡不在者桑子尓毛成益物乎

PITƏ tǝ AR-AⁿZ-U pa KUWA-KO n-i mo NAR-Amasi MƏNƏwo person DV exist-NEG-CONV TOP mulberry-child DV-CONV FP become-SUBJ CONJ if [I] was not a human being, [I] would [like to] become a silkworm, but … (MYS 12.3086) 大船尓伊母能流母能尓安良麻勢婆羽具久美母知弖由可麻之母能乎

OPO PUNE-ni imǝ nǝr-u mǝnǝ n-i ar-amas-emba PA-ŋ-gukum-i mǝt-i-te yuk-amasi mǝnǝwo big boat-LOC beloved board-ATTR thing DV-CONV exist-SUBJ-COND wingLOC-cover-CONV hold-CONV-SUB go-SUBJ CONJ If [it] were the case that [my] beloved boarded [my] big boat, [I] would go holding her under [my] wings, but … (MYS 15.3579) 故非毛奈久安良末思毛能乎於毛波之米都追

kopï mo na-ku ar-amasi monǝwo omop-asimɛ-tutu long.for(NML) FP no-CONV exist-SUBJ CONJ love-CAUS(CONV)-COOR [I] would have no longing for [you], but [you] make [me] love [you] constantly (MYS 15.3737) 安我未許曾世伎夜麻故要弖許己爾安良米許己呂波伊毛爾与里爾之母能乎

a-ŋga mï kǝsǝ seki yama koye-te kǝkǝ-ni ar-am-ɛ kǝkǝrǝ pa imo-ni yǝr-i-n-i-si mǝnǝwo I-POSS body FP barrier mountain cross(CONV)-SUB here-LOC exist-TENT-EV heart TOP beloved-DAT approach-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR CONJ My body has crossed barriers and mountains, and is probably here. But [my] heart stayed near [my] beloved! (MYS 15.3757)

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1045

Conjunctions 孤悲之家口氣奈我枳物能乎見麻久保里

kopïsi-k-eku kɛ naŋga-ki MƏnǝwo MI-m-aku por-i long.for-ATTR-NML day long-ATTR CONJ see-TENT-NML want-FIN although days are long when [I] long for [you], [I] want to see [you] (MYS 17.3957) 麻佐吉久登伊比低之物能乎

ma-saki-ku tǝ ip-i-te-si MƏnǝwo INT-safe-CONV DV say-CONV-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ATTR CONJ Although [I] have said that [I return] safely (MYS 17.3958) 安比見流毛乃乎須久奈久母年月經礼波古非之家礼夜母

api-mi-ru monǝwo sukuna-ku mǝ TƏSI TUKÏ P-Ure-mba kopïsi-kere ya mǝ REC-see-ATTR CONJ few-CONV FP year month pass-EV-CON miss-EV IP EP although [we] see each other, as the time goes by, do [we still] miss [each other] just a bit?! (MYS 18.4118) 奈泥之故波秋咲物乎君宅之雪巌尓左家理家流可母

naⁿdesiko pa AKI SAK-U MƏNƏwo KIMI- ŋGA IPE-NƏ YUKI IPAPO-ni sak-er-iker-u kamǝ carnation TOP fall bloom-ATTR CONJ lord-POSS house-GEN snow rock-LOC bloom-PROG-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP Although carnations bloom in the fall, [it] turned out that [they] have bloomed at the snow rocks of your house! (MYS 19.4231) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The conjunction mǝnǝ ~ mǝnǝwo ‘although’ also appears in Eastern Old Japanese texts, but there are no examples among the Sakimori uta found in book 20. 伊利奈麻之母乃伊毛我乎杼許爾

ir-i-n-amasi mǝnǝ imo-ŋga woⁿ-dǝkǝ-ni enter-CONV-PERF-SUBJ CONJ beloved-POSS DIM-bed-LOC although [I] would [like to] enter the bed of [my] beloved (MYS 14.3354)

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1046

Chapter 8

夜麻都豆良野乎比呂美波比尓思物能乎安是加多延世武

yama tuⁿdura NO-wo pirǝ-mi pap-i-si MƏnǝwo aⁿze ka taye se-m-u mountain vine field-ABS wide-GER creep-CONV-PAST/ATTR CONJ why IP break(NML) do-TENT-ATTR because the field is wide, although [my heart] crept [to you like] a mountain vine, why should [we] break? (MYS 14.3434) A2: Ryukyuan Cognates of WOJ mǝnǝ ~ mǝnǝwo are attested throughout the Ryukyus (Nohara 1998: 16). Most of them clearly correspond to the earliest WOJ form mǝnǝ, which proves again the secondary nature of WOJ mǝnǝwo. The only candidate for a cognate of WOJ mǝnǝwo taken as a whole is the Psara conjunction munuu, although on the basis of the regular correspondences we would rather expect Psara *munuyu and not munuu. Shuri

’ic-uru muNnu ’eezin s-aN sa go-ATTR CONJ sign do-NEG/FIN EP Although [he] goes, he makes no sign (Nohara 1998: 16)

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Section 3

Conjunction mǝnǝkara ‘Although’ It seems that the conjunction mǝnǝkara ‘although’ is synonymous with mǝnǝwo ‘id.,’ although it occurs much less frequently than the latter: there are only five examples of it in Western Old Japanese in phonographic or partially phonographic script, and one is completely semantographic.1 Like mǝnǝwo it follows the attributive form of verbs and probably of inflected adjectives.2 The origin of this conjunction can probably be traced back to the combination of mǝnǝ ‘thing’ + kara ‘clan, relation, nature.’ Examples: 見渡者近物可良石隠

MI-WATAS-E-mba TIKA-KI MƏNƏkara IPA- ŋ-GAKUR-I see(CONV)-take.across-EV-CON close-ATTR CONJ rock-LOC-hide-CONV although [pearls seem] to be close when [one] looks around, [they] are hidden in the rocks (MYS 6.951) 玉葛不絶物可良佐宿者年之度尓直一夜耳

TAMA KAⁿDURA TAYE-N-U MƏNƏkara sa-N-UR-AKU pa TƏSI-NƏ WATAR-I-ni TAⁿDA PITƏ YO NƏMÏ jewel vine break-NEG-ATTR CONJ PREF-sleep-ATTR-NML TOP year-GEN crossNML-LOC only one night RP Although [our] relationship does not break [like] a jewel[-like] vine, [we] sleep [together] only one night in a year (MYS 10.2078) 京師乎母此間毛於夜自等心尓波念毛能可良

MIYAKO-wo mǝ KƏKƏ mo oyaⁿzi tǝ KƏKƏRƏ-ni pa OMƏP-U mwonǝkara capital-ACC FP here FP same DV heart-LOC TOP think-ATTR CONJ although [I] think in [my] heart that both the capital and here are the same (MYS 19.4154) Alternatively, mǝnǝkara is attested in the form mǝnǝkara n-i followed by the converb form n-i of the defective verb n-. There are two examples of this usage: 1  M YS 11.2717. 2  One cannot be absolutely sure that the conjunction mǝnǝkara follows the attributive form of inflected adjectives, since in the only attested example of this usage, the adjective is found in semantographic spelling (see MYS 6.951 below).

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1048

Chapter 8

路遠不来常波知有物可良尓然曽将待

MITI TƏPO-MI KƏ-ⁿZI tǝ pa SIR-ER-U MƏNƏkara n-i SIKA sǝ MAT-URAM-U way far-GER come-NEG/TENT DV TOP know-PROG-ATTR CONJ DV-CONV thus FP wait-TENT2-ATTR Although [I] know that [you] probably will not come because the way is far, [I] will wait for [you] so [much] (MYS 4.766) 對面者面隠流物柄尓継而見巻能欲公毳

API-MI-TE pa OMƏ KAKUS-AR-Uru MƏNƏkara n-i TU ŋG-I-TE MI-m-aku-nǝ POSI-KI KIMI kamǝ REC-see(CONV)-SUB TOP face hide-PASS-ATTR CONJ DV-CONV follow-CONVSUB see-TENT-NML-GEN desirable-ATTR lord EP Although [you] suddenly disappeared (lit.: hid [you] face) after [we] met each other, [it is] you whom [I] want to see again! (MYS 11.2554) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is one example of mǝnǝkara in Eastern Old Japanese: 比登祢呂尓伊波流毛能可良

pitǝ ne-rǝ n-i ip-ar-u monǝkara one peak-DIM DV-CONV say-PROG-ATTR CONJ Although [I] have called [you] ‘a single peak’ … (MYS 14.3512)

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Section 4

Conjunction mǝnǝyuwe ‘Although, Because’ Western Old Japanese mǝnǝyuwe is a chameleon conjunction that can mean either ‘because’ or ‘although.’ It occurs after the attributive form of verbs. There are only three phonographic and two logographic attestations, all of them confined to the Man’yōshū. I provide all phonographic attestations below: 秋風能布可武曽能都奇安波牟母能由惠

AKI KAⁿZE-nǝ puk-am-u sǝnǝ tukï ap-am-u mǝnǝyuwe autumn wind-GEN blow-TENT-ATTR that month meet-TENT-ATTR CONJ because [we] will probably meet [again] in the month when the autumn wind blows (MYS 15.3586) 毎年尓來喧毛能由惠霍公鳥

TƏSI-NƏ PA n-i K-I NAK-U monǝyuwe POTƏTƏ ŋGISU year-GEN every DV-CONV come-CONV cry-ATTR CONJ cuckoo Although the cuckoo comes and cries every year … (MYS 19.4168) Like mǝnǝkara, WOJ mǝnǝyuwe can also be followed by the converb form n-i of the defective verb n-. 天雲乃去還奈牟毛能由惠尓

AMA-KUMO-nǝ YUK-I KAPÊR-I-n-am-u monǝyuwe n-i sky-cloud-GEN go-CONV return-CONV-PERF-TENT-ATTR CONJ DV-INF Although sky clouds go away and come back (MYS 19.4242)

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Section 5

Conjunction napɛ ‘At the Same Time As, Just As’ The conjunction napɛ ‘at the same time as, just as’ follows the attributive forms of verbs and probably of inflected adjectives.3 It is attested only in the Man’yōshū. Examples: 夕去者川津鳴奈拜紐不解客尓之有者

YUPU SAR-E-mba kapaⁿdu NAK-U napɛ PIMO TƏK-AN-U TAmBI n-i si AR-E-mba evening come-EV-CON frog croak-ATTR CONJ cord untie-NEG-ATTR travel DV-CONV FP exist-EV-CON because it is a travel where [I] do not untie the cords [of my garment] at the same time as frogs are croaking when the evening comes (MYS 6.913) 鴈鳴寒聞之奈倍野邊能淺茅曽色付丹来

KARI- ŋGA NE SAMU-KU KIK-I-si napɛ NO PE-nǝ ASAⁿDI sǝ IRƏ-ⁿ-DUKI-n-i-KER-U wild.goose-POSS sound cold-CONV hear-CONV-PAST/ATTR CONJ field sideGEN cogon.grass FP color-LOC-attach-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR At the same time as [I] heard wild geese sounding cold, the cogon grass in the fields turned yellow (MYS 8.1540) 雲上尓鳴都流鴈乃寒苗芽子乃下葉者黄變可毛

KUMO-NƏ UPƐ-ni NAK-I-t-uru KARI-nǝ SAMU-KI napɛ PA ŋGÏ-nǝ SITA-m-BA pa MOMIT-URU kamo cloud-GEN top-LOC cry-CONV-PERF-ATTR wild.goose-GEN cold-ATTR CONJ bush.clover-GEN bottom-GEN-leaf TOP turn.yellow -ATTR EP At the same time as [the cries] of wild geese in the clouds [started to sound] cold, the bottom leaves of the bush clover turned yellow! (MYS 8.1575)

3  One cannot be absolutely sure that the conjunction mǝnǝkara follows the attributive form of inflected adjectives, since in the only attested example of this usage the adjective is found in semantographic spelling (see MYS 8.1575 below).

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1051

Conjunctions 保等登藝須伊夜米豆良之毛名能里奈久奈倍

potǝtǝŋgisu iya mɛⁿdurasi-mǝ NA nǝr-i nak-u napɛ cuckoo more.and.more be.lovely-EXCL name announce-CONV cry-ATTR CONJ Cuckoo, [you] are more and more lovely at the same time as [you] cry announcing [your] name (MYS 18.4091) 櫻花伊麻佐可里奈里難波乃海於之弖流宮尓伎許之賣須奈倍

SAKURA-m-BANA ima sakar-i nar-i nanipa-nǝ UMI ositeru MIYA-ni kikǝs-imes-u napɛ cherry-GEN-blossom now flourish-NML be-FIN Nanipa-GEN sea (makurakotoba) palace-LOC govern-CONV-HON-ATTR CONJ At the same time as [the emperor] deigns to govern in the palace on the Nanipa sea, it is now the peak of cherry blossoms (MYS 20.4361) Even more frequently, the conjunction napɛ is attested in the form napɛ n-i with the following converb form n-i of the defective verb n-: 于遇比須能於登企久奈倍尓烏梅能波奈和企弊能曽能尓佐伎弖知留美由

uŋgupisu-nǝ otǝ kik-u napɛ n-i uMƐ-nǝ pana wa-ŋg-ipe-nǝ sǝnǝ-ni sak-i-te tir-u mi-y-u bush.warbler-GEN sound hear-ATTR CONJ DV-CONV plum-GEN blossom I-POSS-house-GEN garden-LOC bloom-CONV-SUB fall-ATTR see-PASS-FIN At the same time as [I] hear a bush warbler’s singing, [I] see that the plum blossoms in the garden of my house are falling after [they] bloomed (MYS 5.841) 見麻久保里於毛比之奈倍尓賀都良賀氣香具波之君乎安比見都流賀母

MI-m-aku por-i omop-i-si napɛ n-i kaⁿdura kakɛ kaŋgup-asi KIMI-wo ap-i MI-t-uru kamǝ see-TENT-NML want-FIN think-CONV-PAST/ATTR CONJ DV-CONV vines attach(CONV) dear-ADJ lord-ACC meet-CONV see(CONV)-PERF-ATTR EP Just as [I] thought that [I] want to see [you], [I] met and saw you, [my] dear [friend], with vines [in your hair]! (MYS 18.4120)

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1052

Chapter 8

和我勢故我許登等流奈倍尓都祢比登乃伊布奈宜吉思毛伊夜之伎麻須毛

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga kǝtǝ tǝr-u napɛ n-i tune pitǝ-nǝ ip-u naŋgɛk-i si mo iya sik-i mas-umo I-POSS elder.brother-DIM-POSS koto take-ATTR CONJ DV-CONV common person-GEN say-ATTR sigh-NML EP FP more.and.more be.frequent-CONV increase-EXCL Just as my elder brother took [his] koto [and started to play], the sighs of the common people increased in frequency more and more! (MYS 18.4135)

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Section 6

Conjunction ŋgane ‘So That, in Order to/That’ The conjunction ŋgane ‘so that, in order to/that’ is not very frequent in Western Old Japanese and all attestations are confined to the Man’yōshū. It always follows the attributive form of verbs. Historically it probably goes back to the contracted form -N- of the defective verb’s attributive form n-ǝ plus some noun *kane which has obscure semantics. Examples: 余呂豆余尓伊比都具可祢等

yǝrǝⁿdu yǝ-ni ip-i-tuŋg-u ŋgane tǝ ten.thousand generation-DAT tell-CONV-continue-ATTR CONJ DV in order to pass [it] down to ten thousand generations (MYS 5.813) 橘之林乎殖霍公鳥常尓冬及住度金

TATImBANA-NƏ PAYASI-wo UWE-M-U POTƏTƏ ŋGISU TUNE n-i PUYU-MAⁿDE SUM-I-WATAR-U ŋgane mandarin.orange-GEN forest-ACC plant-TENT-FIN cuckoo usual DV-CONV winter-TERM live-CONV-cross-ATTR CONJ [I] am going to plant a forest of mandarin oranges so that the cuckoo always continues to live [there] until the winter (MYS 10.1958) 雪寒三咲者不開梅花縦比来者然而毛有金

YUKI SAMU-mi SAK-I N-I pa SAK-AⁿZ-U UMƐ-NƏ PANA YƏ-SI KƏNƏ KƏRƏ pa SA-TE mo AR-U ŋgane snow cold-GER bloom-NML DV-CONV TOP bloom-NEG-CONV plum-GEN blossom good-FIN this time TOP be.thus(CONV)-GER FP exist-ATTR CONJ [It] is good that plum blossoms do not even bloom because the snow is cold. So that [it] will be so at the appropriate time (MYS 10.2329) 比等尓母都氣牟於登能未毛名能未母伎吉氐登母之夫流我祢

pitǝ-ni mǝ tuŋgɛ-m-u otǝ nǝmï mo NA nǝmï mǝ kik-i-te tǝmǝsimb-uru ŋgane person-DAT FP report-TENT-FIN sound RP FP name RP FP hear-CONV-SUB envy-ATTR CONJ [I] will tell people [about this mountain] so that [they] will be envious when [they] hear just a name or just a rumor [of it] (MYS 17.4000)

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1054

Chapter 8

大夫者名乎之立倍之後代尓聞継人毛可多里都具我祢

MASURA WO pa NA-wo TAT-Umbɛ-si NƏTI-NƏ YƏ-ni KIK-I-TU ŋG-U PITƏ mo katar-i-tuŋg-u ŋgane excellent man TOP name-ACC establish-DEB-FIN after-GEN age-LOC hearCONV-continue-ATTR person FP speak-CONV-continue-ATTR CONJ A gentleman must establish his name. So that the people who continue to hear [about it] in the later ages will continue to speak [about it] (MYS 19.4165) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The Eastern Old Japanese cognate of WOJ ŋgane is ŋgani attested only once: 於毛思路伎野乎婆奈夜吉曽布流久佐尓仁比久佐麻自利於非波於布流我尓

omosiro-ki NO-womba na-yak-i-sǝ puru kusa-ni nipi kusa maⁿzir-i opï pa opuru ŋgani beautiful-ATTR field-ACC(EMPH) NEG-burn-CONV-do old grass-LOC new grass get.mixed-CONV growth(NML) TOP grow-ATTR CONJ Do not burn the beautiful field so that the new grass grows mixed with the old grass (MYS 14.3452)

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Section 7

Conjunction ŋgani ‘Like, As If, So That’ The conjunction ŋgani ‘like, as if, so that’ is not very frequent in Western Old Japanese and all attestations are confined to the Man’yōshū. It always follows the final form of verbs. 道相而咲之柄尓零雪乃消者消香二戀云吾妹

MITI-NI AP-I-TE WEM-AS-I-si karani PUR-U YUKI-nǝ KƐ-N-Amba KƐ-N-U ŋgani KOP-U TƏ IP-U WA- ŋG-IMO road-LOC meet-CONV-SUB laugh-HON-CONV-PAST/ATTR CONJ fall-ATTR snow-GEN melt(CONV)-PERF-COND melt(CONV)-PERF-FIN CONJ love-FIN DV say-ATTR I-POSS-beloved Just because [I] laughed when [I] met [her] on the road, my beloved said that [she] loves [me] like a falling snow that is bound to melt away (MYS 4.624) 五月乎近美安要奴我尓花咲尓家里

SA-TUKÏ-wo TIKA-mi aye-n-u ŋgani PANA SAK-I-n-i-ker-i fifth.lunar.month-ABS be.close-GER fall(CONV)-PERF-FIN CONJ flower bloom-CONV-PERF-RETR-FIN because the fifth lunar month is close, the flowers [of mandarin oranges] have bloomed as if [they] are going to fall (MYS 8.1507) 秋田苅借廬毛未壊者鴈鳴寒霜毛置奴我二

AKI TA KAR-U KARI-[I]PO mo IMAnDA KOPOT-AN-E-mba KARI- ŋGA NE SAMUSI SIMO mo OK-I-n-u ŋgani autumn paddy cut-ATTR temporary-hut FP yet break-NEG-EV-CON wild.goosePOSS sound cold frost FP put-CONV-PERF-FIN CONJ Because [they] have not yet destroyed the temporary huts [built] to harvest [rice] at the autumn paddies, wild geese’s cries are cold so that even frost [may] fall (MYS 8.1556) 四去霍公鳥今社者音之干蟹来喧響目

sikǝ POTƏTƏ ŋGISU IMA KƏSƏ pa KƏWE-NƏ KAR-U ŋgani K-I NAK-I-TƏYƏMƐ-m-ɛ stupid cuckoo now FP TOP voice-GEN dry.up-FIN CONJ come-CONV singCONV-make.sound-TENT-EV

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Stupid cuckoo! Now so that [your] voice dried up, [I] want to make [you] come and cry (MYS 10.1951) 海部處女等纓有領巾文光蟹手二巻流玉毛湯良羅尓白栲乃袖振所見津

AMA WOTƏME-ⁿDƏMƏ UNA ŋGAS-ER-U PIRE mo TER-U ŋgani TE-ni MAK-Er-u TAMA mo yurara n-i SIRO TAPƐ-nǝ SOⁿDE PUR-U MI-YE-t-u fisher maiden-PLUR wear.on.the.neck-PROG-ATTR long.scarf FP shine-FIN CONJ hand-LOC wrap-PROG-ATTR jewel FP clinging DV-CONV white mulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN sleeve wave-ATTR see-PASS(CONV)-PERF-FIN [I] have seen fisher maidens waiving their white sleeves from white mulberry tree bark cloth and clinging jewels that are wrapped on their hands so that the long scarves that [they] wear on [their] necks are shining (MYS 13.3243) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The conjunction ŋgani ‘like’ is attested only once in Eastern Old Japanese. It is not to be confused with another EOJ conjunction ŋgani that is a cognate of WOJ ŋgane ‘so that, in order to/that’ (see section 6). 都留能都追美乃那利奴賀尓古呂波伊敝杼母伊末太年那久尓

Turu-nǝ tutumi-nǝ nar-i-n-u ŋgani ko-rǝ pa ip-e-ⁿdǝmǝ imaⁿda ne-n-aku n-i Turu-GEN dam-GEN become-CONV-PERF-FIN CONJ girl-DIM TOP say-EVCONC yet sleep-NEG-NML DV-CONV although the girl says that [their relationship is established completely] like the dam on the Turu [river] is established, [they] have not yet slept together (MYS 14.3543)

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Section 8

Conjunction karani ‘Just Because, As Soon As’ The conjunction karani ‘just because, as soon as’ is unique because it can follow both the attributive forms of verbs directly and the attributive forms of verbs marked by the possessive case marker -ŋga as well as nominals marked by the genitive marker -nǝ. This mixed usage is certainly due to its origin, as it is apparently derived from the noun kara ‘nature, relationship, clan’ marked by the converb form n-i of the defective verb n-. The conjunction karani is attested only in the Man’yōshū. Examples: 1) The conjunction karani appearing directly after the attributive forms of verbs. 道相而咲之柄尓零雪乃消者消香二戀云吾妹

MITI-NI AP-I-TE WEM-AS-I-si karani PUR-U YUKI-nǝ KƐ-N-Amba KƐ-N-U ŋgani KOP-U TƏ IP-U WA- ŋG-IMO road-LOC meet-CONV-SUB laugh-HON-CONV-PAST/ATTR CONJ fall-ATTR snow-GEN melt(CONV)-PERF-COND melt(CONV)-PERF-FIN CONJ long.forFIN DV say-ATTR I-POSS-beloved Just because [I] laughed when [I] met [her] on the road, my beloved said that [she] loves [me] like a falling snow that is bound to melt away (MYS 4.624) 直一夜隔之可良尓荒玉乃月歟經去跡心遮

TAⁿDA PITƏ YO PEnDATE-si karani ARA TAMA-nǝ TUKÏ KA PƐ-N-URU tǝ KƏKƏRƏ PA MATOP-U only one night be.separated(CONV)-PAST/ATTR CONJ (makura-kotoba) month IP pass(CONV)-PERF-ATTR DV heart TOP be.perplexed-FIN Just because [we] were separated only one night, [my] heart wonders whether a [whole] month has passed (MYS 4.638)

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1058

Chapter 8

一夜耳宿有之柄二峯上之櫻花者瀧之瀬従落堕而流

PITƏ YO NƏMÏ NE-TAR-I-si karani WO-NƏ UPƐ-NƏ SAKURA-NƏ PANA pa TAKI-NƏ SE-YU OTI-TE NA ŋGAR-U one night RP sleep(CONV)-PERF/PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR CONJ summit-GEN top-GEN cherry-GEN blossom TOP waterfall-GEN rapids-ABL fall(CONV)SUB float-FIN as soon as [I] slept only one night, the cherry blossoms on the summit fell from the rapids of the waterfall and are floating [in the river] (MYS 9.1751) 多麻婆波伎手尓等流可良尓由良久多麻能乎

tama-m-bapaki TE-ni tǝr-u karani yurak-u tama-nǝ wo jewel-GEN-broom hand-LOC take-ATTR CONJ sound-ATTR jewel-GEN cord as soon as [I] took a broom [decorated with magic] jewels, the string of jewels [started to] sound (MYS 20.4493) 2) The conjunction karani appearing after the possessive marker -ŋga that follows the attributive form of verbs. 故郷者遠毛不有一重山越我可良尓念曽吾世思

PURU SATO pa TƏPO-KU mo AR-AⁿZ-U PITƏ-PE YAMA KOY-URU- ŋga karani OMƏP-I sǝ WA- ŋGA se-si old village TOP be.far-CONV FP exist-NEG-FIN one-CL mountain cross-ATTRPOSS CONJ long.for-NML FP I-POSS do(CONV)-PAST/ATTR [My] native place is not even far. [But] as soon as [I] crossed one mountain, I longed for [it] (MYS 6.1038) 手取之柄二忘跡礒人之曰師戀忘貝言二師有来

TE-NI TƏR-U- ŋGA karani WASUR-U tǝ AMA PITƏ IP-I-si KOPÏ WASURE- ŋ-GAPI KƏTƏ n-i si AR-I-KER-I hand-LOC take-ATTR-POSS CONJ forget-FIN DV fisher person say-CONVPAST/ATTR love(NML) forget(NML)-GEN-seashell word DV-CONV EP exist-CONV-RETR-FIN The love-forgetting shell which as fishermen told [me], [one would] forget [an unrequited] love as soon as [one] takes [it] into one’s hands, turned out to be [no more than] a rumor (MYS 7.1197)

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Conjunctions

1059

3) The conjunction karani appearing after the genitive marker -nǝ that follows nominals. 保登等藝須比登欲乃可良尓古非和多流加母

potǝtǝŋgisu pitǝ yo-nǝ karani kopï-watar-u kamǝ cuckoo one night-GEN CONJ long.for(CONV)-cross-ATTR EP [I] will continue to long for the cuckoo, although [it is] just one night! (MYS 18.4069) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The conjunction karani ‘[just] because’ is attested in Eastern Old Japanese only after the possessive case marker -ŋga and the genitive case marker -nǝ following nominals as well as attributive and nominalized forms of verbs. 阿波奈敝婆祢奈敝乃可良尓許等多可利都母

ap-an-ap-e-mba ne-n-ap-e-nǝ karani kǝtǝ [i]ta-k-ar-i-t-umǝ meet-NEG-ITER-EV-CON sleep-NEG-ITER-NML-GEN CONJ word be.painful-CONV-exist-CONV-PERF-EXCL just because [we] do not sleep [together] when [we] do not meet, rumors are painful! (MYS 14.3482a) 和我波々能蘇弖母知奈弖氐和我可良尓奈伎之許己呂乎和須良延奴可毛

wa-ŋga papa-nǝ soⁿde mǝt-i naⁿde-te wa-ŋga karani nak-i-si kǝkǝrǝ-wo wasuraye-n-o kamo I-POSS mother-GEN sleeve hold-CONV caress(CONV)-SUB I-POSS CONJ weepCONV-PAST/ATTR heart-ACC forget-PASS-NEG-ATTR EP [I] cannot forget my mother’s feelings when [she] cried because of me holding and stroking [my] sleeve! (MYS 20.4356)

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Section 9

Conjunction toni ‘While, Before’ The conjunction toni ‘while, before’ always follows the attributive forms of verbs. It is probably a result of the grammaticalization of the noun to ‘place’ plus a locative case marker -ni, cf. the following example from the Kojiki kayō when this sequence has not yet been completely grammaticalized as a conjunction: 和賀淤富岐美能阿佐斗爾波伊余理陀多志由布斗爾波伊余理陀多須和岐 豆紀

wa-ŋga opǝ kimi-nǝ asa-to-ni pa i-yǝr-i-ⁿdat-as-i yupu-to-ni pa i-yǝr-i-ⁿdat-as-u wakiⁿdukï I-POSS great lord-GEN morning-place-LOC TOP DLF-lean-CONV-stand-HONCONV evening-place-LOC TOP lean-CONV-stand-HON-ATTR arm-rest the arm-rest that my sovereign leans on in the morning and leans on in the evening. (KK 104) There are only six examples of toni in Western Old Japanese, and in four cases out of six it occurs after a negative attributive form -(a)n-u. Examples: 于魔伊祢矢度儞儞播都等唎柯稽播儺倶儺梨

uma i ne-si toni nipa-tu tǝri kake pa nak-u-nar-i sweet sleep sleep(CONV)-PAST/ATTR CONJ garden-GEN/LOC bird rooster TOP cry-FIN-RA-FIN while [we] were sleeping a sweet sleep, [I] heard that the rooster, the bird of the garden, cried. (NK 96) 喚子鳥君喚變瀬夜之不深刀尓

YOmB-U-KO-ⁿ-DƏRI KIMI YOmB-I-KAPEs-e YO-NƏ PUKƐ-N-U toni call-ATTR-child-GEN-bird lord call-CONV-make.return-IMP night-GEN grow. late-NEG-ATTR CONJ Oh, calling bird! Call back [my] beloved while the night does not grow late. (MYS 10.1822)

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Conjunctions

1061

安礼麻多無波夜可反里麻世古非之奈奴刀尓

are mat-am-u paya kaper-i-[i]mas-e kopï sin-an-u toni I wait-TENT-FIN quick return-CONV-HON-IMP long.for(CONV) die-NEG-ATTR CONJ I will wait for [you]. Come back quickly before [I] die longing for [you] (MYS 15.3747) 比等久尓波須美安之等曽伊布須牟也氣久波也可反里万世古非之奈奴刀尓

pitǝ kuni pa sum-i asi tǝ sǝ ip-u sumuyakɛ-ku paya kaper-i-[i]mas-e kopï sin-an-u toni person province TOP live-NML bad(FIN) DV FP say-ATTR be.fast-CONV quick return-CONV-HON-IMP long.for(CONV) die-NEG-ATTR CONJ [They] say that living in the [other] people’s province is bad. Come back quickly before [I] die longing for [you] (MYS 15.3748) 河湍尓霧多知和多礼左欲布氣奴刀尓

KAPA-NƏ SE-ni KÏRI tat-i-watar-e sa-yo pukɛ-n-u toni river-GEN rapids-LOC fog rise-CONV-cross-IMP PREF-night grow.late-NEGATTR CONJ Oh, fog, rise over the river rapids while the night does not grow late. (MYS 19.4163) 佐久良波奈知利加須疑奈牟和我加敝流刀尓

sakura pana tir-i ka suŋgï-n-am-u wa-ŋga kaper-u toni cherry blossom fall-CONV IP pass(CONV)-PERF-TENT-ATTR I-POSS returnATTR CONJ Would the cherry blossoms fall completely before I return? (MYS 20.4395)

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Chapter 9 Particles

∵

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Contents of Chapter 9 Chapter 9 Particles 1066 1 Focus Particles 1067 1.1 Topic Particle pa 1067 1.1.1 Contrastive Use of the Topic Particle pa 1076 1.2 Focus Particle mǝ 1082 1.3 Focus Particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ 1094 1.4 Focus Particle namo 1104 1.5 Focus Particle kǝsǝ 1109 2 Interrogative Particles 1118 2.1 Interrogative Particle ya 1118 2.2 Interrogative Particle ka 1127 3 Desiderative Particle mǝŋga ~ mǝŋgamǝ 1137 4 Emphatic Particles 1141 4.1 Emphatic Particle kamǝ 1141 4.1.1 Special Construction -te-si ka ~ -te-si kamǝ 1150 4.2 Emphatic Particle si 1154 4.3 Emphatic Particle mǝ 1162 4.4 Emphatic Particle ya 1166 4.5 Emphatic Particle yǝ 1171 4.6 Emphatic Particle na 1174 4.7 Emphatic Particle wo 1177 5 Restrictive Particles 1179 5.1 Restrictive Particle nǝmï 1179 5.2 Restrictive Particle ⁿdani 1182 5.3 Restrictive Particle sura ~ sora 1186 5.4 Restrictive Particle sapɛ 1188 5.5 Restrictive Particle mbakari 1192

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Traditional grammar distinguishes several classes of particles in Old Japanese: case particles 格助詞 kaku joshi, conjunctive particles 接続助詞 setsuzoku joshi, emotive particles 係助詞 kakari joshi, final particles 終助詞 shū joshi, adverbial particles 副助詞 fuku joshi, and exclamation particles 間投助詞 kantō joshi. Among these, case particles have already been treated above in Chapter 4 as case markers. From a structural point of view, conjunctive particles represent a heterogeneous class, consisting partially of case particles (treated in Chapter 4), conjunctions, and converb suffixes. Converb suffixes have been discussed in Chapter 6, and conjunctions in Chapter 8. What is understood by particles here is, therefore, roughly limited to emotive, final, adverbial, and exclamation particles in traditional grammar. I distinguish the following classes of particles: focus particles (pa, mǝ, sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, namo, kǝsǝ), interrogative particles (ya, ka), desiderative particle mǝŋga ~ mǝŋgamǝ, emphatic particles (kamǝ, si, mǝ, ya, yǝ, na, wo), and restrictive particles (nǝmï, ⁿdani, sura ~ sora, sapɛ, mbakari).

© Alexander Vovin, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004422810_010

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Section 1

Focus Particles There are five focus particles in Western Old Japanese: pa, mǝ, sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, namo, and kǝsǝ. Their primary function is to indicate different types of focus within a sentence. 1.1

Topic Particle pa

Like its Modern Japanese counterpart wa, or its Classical Japanese counterpart fa, the Western Old Japanese topic particle pa shifts the focus away from the part of the sentence it follows to the rest of the sentence (Martin 1988: 52). The topic particle pa can combine with a number of preceding forms, not only nominal, but also verbal. It can also follow certain other focus particles. chart 100 Combinations of the topic particle pa with preceding morphemes

morphemes

combination forms

nominal plural marker -tati plural marker -ⁿdǝmǝ plural marker -ra active case marker -i dative-locative case marker -ni dative-locative case marker -ra ablative case marker -yo, etc. comitative case -tǝ diminutive suffix -ra converb -i converb -ku negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u attributive -(ur)u nominalizer -i nominalizer -aku

nominal + pa -tati pa -ⁿdǝmǝ pa -ra pa -i pa -ni pa -ra pa -yo pa, etc. -tǝ pa -ra pa -i pa -ku pa -(a)ⁿz-u pa -(ur)u pa -i pa -aku pa

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1068

Chapter 9

chart 100 Combinations of the topic particle pa with preceding morphemes (cont.)

morphemes

combination forms

subordinative converb -te defective verb tǝ ‘to say’ focus particle kǝsǝ focus particle sǝ

-te pa tǝ pa kǝsǝ pa sǝ pa

Although many different word forms can be found after the topic particle pa, it is worth noting that it can also be followed by four other particles. chart 101 Combinations of the topic particle pa with following particles

particles

combination forms

emphatic particle si emphatic particle mǝ emphatic particle ya interrogative particle ya

pa si pa mǝ pa ya pa ya

Examples: 那許曾波遠迩伊麻世婆

na kǝsǝ pa wo n-i imas-e-mba you FP TOP man DV-CONV exist(HON)-EV-CON since you are a man (KK 5) 和賀淤岐斯都流岐能多知曾能多知波夜

wa-ŋga ok-i-si turuki n-ǝ tati sǝnǝ tati pa ya I-POSS put-CONV-PAST/ATTR sword DV-ATTR long.sword that long.sword TOP EP I put [down my] long sword, that long sword! (KK 33) 許能美岐波和賀美岐那良受

kǝnǝ mi-ki pa wa-ŋga mi-ki nar-aⁿz-u this HON-rice.wine TOP I-POSS HON-rice.wine be-NEG-FIN This rice wine is not my rice wine (KK 39)

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Particles

1069

宇斯呂傅波袁陀弖呂迦母

usirǝ-ⁿ-de pa woⁿ-date rǝ kamǝ back-GEN-place TOP DIM-shield DV(ATTR) EP [Her] back is [like] a small shield! (KK 42) 夜麻登弊迩由玖波多賀都麻

Yamatǝ-pe-ni yuk-u pa ta-ŋga tuma Yamato-side-LOC go-ATTR TOP who-POSS spouse Whose spouse goes towards Yamato? (Lit.: the one who goes toward Yamato, whose spouse) (KK 56) 阿禮許曾波余能那賀比登

are kǝsǝ pa yǝ-nǝ naŋga pitǝ I FP TOP world-GEN long person I, [the most] long[-living] man in the world (KK 72) 伊多低於破孺破珥倍廼利能介豆岐齊奈

ita te op-aⁿz-u pa nipo-ⁿ-dǝri-nǝ kaⁿduk-i se-na painful place carry-NEG-CONV TOP grebe-DV(ATTR)-bird-COMP dive-NML do-DES rather than to receive severe wounds, let us dive [together] like grebes (NK 29) 耆瀰破介辞古耆呂介茂

kimi pa kasiko-ki rǝ kamo lord TOP awesome-ATTR DV(ATTR) EP [my] lord is awesome! (NK 47) 蘇餓能古羅破宇摩奈羅麼譬武伽能古摩

Soŋga-nǝ ko-ra pa uma nar-amba pimuka-nǝ ko-[u]ma Soŋga-GEN son-PLUR TOP horse be-COND Pimuka-GEN DIM-horse If the sons of Soŋga were horses, [they would be] the stallions of Pimuka … (NK 103) 枳彌波夜那祇

kimi pa ya na-ki lord TOP IP no-ATTR Do not [you] have a lord? (NK 104)

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Chapter 9

不聴跡雖謂話礼話礼常詔許曾志斐伊波奏強話登言

INA TƏ IP-Ɛ-NTƏ KATAr-e KATAr-e tǝ NƏR-AS-E kǝsǝ Sipï-i pa MAWOS-E SIPÏ-N-KATAR-I tǝ NƏR-U no DV say-EV-CONC speak-IMP speak-IMP DV say-HON-EV FP Sipï-ACT TOP say(HUM)-EV forced-DV(ATTR)-say-NML DV say-FIN Though [I] say: ‘No,’ [you] command [me]: ‘Speak, speak!,’ [but the things that] Sipï says, [you] call a forced speech (MYS 3.237) 余能奈可波牟奈之伎母乃等志流等伎子伊与余麻須万須加奈之可利家理

yǝ-nǝ naka pa munasi-ki mǝnǝ tǝ sir-u tǝki si iyǝyǝ masu-masu kanasi-k-ar-i-ker-i world-GEN inside TOP empty-ATTR thing DV know-ATTR time EP more.and. more more.and.more sad-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN When [I] realized that the world is empty, [it] turned out to be more and more sad (MYS 5.793) 意比久留母能波毛毛久佐爾勢米余利伎多流

op-i-k-uru mǝnǝ pa momo kusa n-i semɛ-yǝr-i-k-i-tar-u pursue-CONV-come-ATTR thing TOP hundred kind DV-CONV assault(CONV)approach-CONV-come-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR the things that pursue [us], come assaulting [us] in a hundred varieties (MYS 5.804) 久須利波牟用波美也古弥婆伊夜之吉阿何微麻多越知奴倍之

kusuri pam-u-yo pa miyako mi-mba iyasi-ki a-ŋga mï mata woti-n-umbɛ-si medicine eat-ATTR-ABL TOP capital see-COND ignoble-ATTR I-POSS body again rejuvenate(CONV)-PERF-DEB-FIN rather than take the medicine, my ignoble body would have been rejuvenated again if [I] saw the capital (MYS 5.848) 阿袁麻多周良武知知波波良波母

a-wo mat-as-uram-u titi papa-ra pa mǝ I-ACC wait-HON-TENT2-ATTR father mother-DIM TOP EP dear mother and father, who will probably wait for me (MYS 5.890)

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1071

Particles 老尓弖阿留我身上尓病遠等加弖阿礼婆晝波母歎加比久良志

OYI-n-i-te ar-u WA- ŋGA MÏ-NƏ UPƐ-ni YAMAPI-wo tǝ KUPAPƐ-te ar-e-mba PIRU pa mǝ NA ŋGƐK-Ap-i-kuras-i age(CONV)-PERF-CONV-SUB exist-ATTR I-POSS body-GEN top-LOC illness-ACC DV add(CONV)-SUB exist-EV-CON daytime TOP EP lamentITER-CONV-live-CONV because illnesses have been added to my body that has aged [I] spent the days lamenting, and … (MYS 5.897) 久多志須都良牟絹綿良波母

kutas-i sut-uram-u KINU-WATA-ra pa mǝ make.rot-CONV discard-TENT2-FIN silk cotton-PLUR TOP EP [they] will make [their] silk [and] cotton clothes rot and will discard [them] (MYS 5.900) 咲花毛乎曽呂波猒

SAK-U PANA mo wosǝ rǝ pa ITƏPASI bloom-ATTR flower FP hasty DV(ATTR) TOP be.unpleasant The fact that blooming flowers are in haste [to fall], is unpleasant (MYS 8.1548) 吾齒曽戀流妹

ARE pa sǝ KOP-Uru IMO I TOP FP long.for-ATTR beloved [my] beloved, for whom I long (MYS 9.1787) 此夜等者沙夜深去良之

KƏNƏ YO-ra pa sa-YO PUKƐ-n-urasi this night-LOC TOP PREF-night deepen(CONV)-PERF-SUP It seems that (in this night) the night has grown deep (MYS 10.2224) 和伎毛故波伊都登加和礼乎伊波比麻都良牟

wa-ŋg-imo-ko pa itu tǝ ka ware-wo ipap-i mat-uram-u I-POSS-beloved-DIM TOP when DV IP I-ACC pray-CONV wait-TENT2-ATTR My beloved will probably wait for me, praying [to the gods], and thinking: ‘When [will he return]?’ (MYS 15.3659)

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Chapter 9

比等爾波美要緇

pitǝ-ni pa mi-ye-ⁿzi person-DAT TOP see-PASS-NEG/TENT [I] should not be seen by people (MYS 15.3708) 故非和須礼我比等良受波由可自

kopï wasure-ŋ-gapi tǝr-aⁿz-u pa yuk-aⁿzi love forget(NML)-GEN-shell take-NEG-CONV TOP go-NEG/TENT if [I] do not take a ‘love-forgetting’ shell, [I] would not go (MYS 15.3711) 伊敝之麻波奈尓許曽安里家礼

Ipe sima pa na n-i kǝsǝ ar-i-ker-e Home island TOP name DV-CONV FP exist-CONV-RETR-EV “Home island” turned out to be just a name (MYS 15.3718) 君波見礼登安可尓勢牟

KIMI pa MI-re-ⁿdǝ ak-an-i se-m-u lord TOP look-EV-CONC be.satisfied-NEG-NML do-TENT-FIN although you will look, [you] would not be satisfied (MYS 17.3902) 和可伎兒等毛波乎知許知爾佐和吉奈久良牟

waka-ki KO-ⁿdǝmo pa woti kǝti-ni sawak-i-nak-uram-u young-ATTR child-PLUR TOP there here-LOC make.noise-CONVcry-TENT2-FIN young children will probably cry loudly here [and] there (MYS 17.3962) 路波之騰保久關左閇尓敝奈里氐安礼許曽

MITI pa si tǝpo-ku SEKI sapɛ n-i penar-i-te ar-e kǝsǝ way TOP EP far-CONV barrier RP DV-CONV be.separated-CONV-SUB exist-EV FP The way is far, and even the barrier is far away (MYS 17.3978) 伊米尓波母等奈安比見礼騰多太尓安良祢婆孤悲夜麻受家里

imɛ-ni pa mǝtǝna api-MI-re-ⁿdǝ taⁿda n-i ar-an-e-mba kopï yam-aⁿz-u-ker-i dream-LOC TOP in.vain REC-see-EV-CONC direct DV-CONV exist-NEG-EV-CON long.for(NML) stop-NEG-CONV-RETR-FIN although [we] see each other in vain in dreams, because [our meetings] are not direct, [our] longing does not stop (MYS 17.3980)

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1073

Particles 伊久欲布等余美都追伊毛波和礼麻都良牟曾

iku yo p-u tǝ yǝm-i-tutu imo pa ware mat-uram-u sǝ how many night pass-FIN DV count-CONV-COOR beloved TOP I wait-TENT2ATTR FP [My] beloved will probably wait for me, counting: ‘How many nights have passed?’ (MYS 18.4072) 都奇見礼婆於奈自久尓奈里夜麻許曽婆伎美我安多里乎敝太弖多里家礼

tukï MI-re-mba onaⁿzi kuni nar-i yama kǝsǝ pa kimi-ŋga atari-wo peⁿdate-tar-i-ker-e moon see-EV-CON same province be-FIN mountain FP TOP lord-POSS vicinityACC separate(CONV)-PERF/PROG-CONV-EV When [I] look at the moon, it is the same province. [But] the mountains are separating you [from me] (MYS 18.4073) 夜麻能許奴礼能保与等理天可射之都良久波知等世保久等曽

yama-nǝ kǝ-nure-nǝ poyǝ tǝr-i-te kaⁿzas-i-t-ur-aku pa ti tǝse pok-u tǝ sǝ mountain-GEN tree-top-GEN poyǝ take-CONV-SUB decorate.head-CONVPERF-ATTR-NML TOP thousand year pray-FIN DV FP [I] say that [I] pray for a thousand years that [we] will have decorated [our] heads with poyǝ1 that we take from the tops of mountain trees (MYS 18.4136) 伎美乎見麻久波知登世爾母我母

kimi-wo MI-m-aku pa ti tǝse n-i mǝŋgamǝ lord-ACC see-TENT-NML TOP thousand year DV-CONV DP [I] would like to have a thousand years when [I] would see [my] lord (MYS 20.4304) 大王乃美己等可之古美都麻和可礼可奈之久波安礼特

OPO KIMI-nǝ mi-kǝtǝ kasiko-mi tuma wakare kanasi-ku pa ar-e-ⁿdǝ Great lord-GEN HON-word awesome-GER spouse part(CONV) sad-CONV TOP exist-EV-CONC Because the order of [my] sovereign is awesome, [I] part with [my] spouse, and although [I] am sad, [I will go to serve] (MYS 20.4398)

1  A kind of parasitic plant growing on trees.

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波都由伎波知敞爾布里之家

patu yuki pa ti-pe n-i pur-i-sik-e first snow TOP thousand-CL DV-CONV fall-CONV-cover-IMP First snow, fall in a thousand layers! (MYS 20.4475) 佐久波奈波宇都呂布等伎安里

sak-u pana pa utur-ǝp-u tǝki ar-i bloom-ATTR flower TOP wither-ITER-ATTR time exist-FIN There is time when blooming flowers will be withering (MYS 20.4484) 己礼乃与波宇都利佐留止毛

kǝre n-ǝ yǝ pa utur-i sar-u tǝmo this DV-ATTR world TOP change-CONV go.away-FIN CONJ Even though this world changes and goes away … (BS 10) 久須理師波都祢乃母阿礼等麻良比止乃伊麻乃久須理師多布止可理家利米 太志加利鶏利

kusurisi pa tune n-ǝ mǝ ar-e-ⁿdǝ marapitǝ n-ǝ ima-nǝ kusurisi taputǝ-k-ar-i-ker-i mɛⁿdasi-k-ar-i-ker-i medicine.man TOP usual DV-ATTR FP exist-EV-CONC guest DV-ATTR now-GEN medicine man revered-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN praiseworthy-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN Although there are usual medicine men, too, the present Guest Medicine Man is [indeed] revered. [He] is praiseworthy (BS 15) 日継波加久弖絶奈牟止為

PI TU ŋG-I pa ka-ku-te taye-n-am-u tǝ S-U sun follow-NML TOP thus-CONV-SUB be.interrupted(CONV)-PERF-TENT-FIN DV do-FIN the inheritance of the Sun is going to be interrupted in this way (SM 27) 国王伊王位仁坐時方菩薩乃浄戒乎受与止勅天在

KOKU-WAU-i WAU-WI-ni IMAS-U TƏKI pa BOSATU-nǝ ZYAUKAI-wo UKƐ-yǝ tǝ NƏTAMAP-I-te AR-I country-king-ACT king-position-LOC be(HON)-ATTR time TOP bodhisattvaGEN commandment-ACC receive-IMP DV say(HON)-CONV-SUB exist-FIN [Buddha] said that a king of a country, when [he] is on the throne, [should] accept commandments of the Bodhisattva (SM 28)

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1075

Particles 汝多知方貞仁明伎心乎以天

IMASI-tati pa SAⁿDAKA n-i AKA-ki KƏKƏRƏ-wo MƏT-I-te you-PLUR TOP loyal DV-CONV bright-ATTR heart-ACC hold-CONV-SUB you, with loyal and clear hearts … (SM 37) 王多知止藤原朝臣等止方朕親在

OPO KIMI-tati-tǝ PUⁿDIPARA ASƏMI-TATI-tǝ pa WA- ŋGA U ŋGARA N-I AR-U great lord-PLUR-COM Puⁿdipara retainer-PLUR-COM TOP I-POSS relative DV-CONV exist-ATTR great lords and Puⁿdipara retainers are my relatives (SM 39) Unlike Modern Japanese, if pa occurs twice in a sentence one instance of it may not necessarily be contrastive. Both may be topical: 那迦士登波那波伊布登母

nak-aⁿzi tǝ pa na pa ip-u tǝmǝ weep-NEG/TENT DV TOP you TOP say-FIN CONJ Even though you say that [you] would not weep (KK 4) 阿波母與賣迩斯阿禮婆那遠岐弖遠波那志

a pa mǝ yǝ me n-i si ar-e-mba na-wo [o]k-i-te wo pa na-si I TOP EP EP woman DV-CONV EP exist-EV-CON you-ACC leave-CONV-SUB man TOP no-FIN Because I am a woman, [I] have no [other] man, besides you (KK 5) 佐泥牟登波阿禮波意母閇杼

sa ne-m-u tǝ pa are pa omǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝ thus sleep-TENT-FIN DV TOP I TOP long-EV-CONC Although I long so much to sleep [with you] (KK 27) 麻由美伊岐良牟登許許呂波母閇杼伊斗良牟登許許呂波母閇杼

mayumi i-kir-am-u tǝ kǝkǝrǝ pa [o]mǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝ i-tor-am-u tǝ kǝkǝrǝ pa [o]mǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝ mayumi DLF-cut-TENT-FIN DV heart TOP think-EV-CONC DLF-take-TENT-FIN DV heart TOP think-EV-CONC although [I] wish [in my] heart to cut here mayumi trees, although [I] wish [in my] heart to take [them] here (KK 51)

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阿軻娜磨廼比訶利播阿利登比登播伊珮耐

aka-ⁿ-dama-nǝ pikari pa ar-i tǝ pitǝ pa ip-ɛ-ⁿdǝ red-DV(ATTR)-jewel-GEN light TOP exist-FIN DV person TOP say-EV-CONC Although people say that a red jewel has light (NK 6) 母呂比得波家布能阿比太波多努斯久阿流倍斯

mǝrǝ pitǝ pa kepu-nǝ apiⁿda pa tanosi-ku ar-umbɛ-si all person TOP today-GEN interval TOP be joyful-CONV exist-DEB-FIN all people today must be joyful (MYS 5.832) 都祢比等能故布登伊敷欲利波安麻里爾弖和礼波之奴倍久奈里尓多良受也

tune pitǝ-nǝ kop-u tǝ ip-u-yori pa amari n-i-te ware pa sin-umbɛ-ku nar-i-n-i-tar-aⁿz-u ya ordinary person-GEN love-FIN DV say-ATTR-ABL TOP excess DV-CONV-SUB I TOP die-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-PERF/PROG-NEG-FIN IP Did not [it] become so that I should die, feeling (lit.: being) much more than what ordinary people call ‘love’? (MYS 18.4080) 1.1.1 Contrastive Use of the Topic Particle pa Like Modern Japanese wa and Classical Japanese fa, in addition to being a topical particle used for subduing the focus from the part of the sentence that precedes it, the topic particle pa can be contrastive. However, while in the modern language, whenever wa occurs twice in the same sentence one is always contrastive, this is not necessarily true in Western Old Japanese, as mentioned above. At the same time, as the examples from NK 82 and MYS 15.3757 below demonstrate, it is not necessary to have two topic particles pa to express a contrast: contrastive pa can also be used along with the focus particle kǝsǝ. 佐怒都登理岐芸斯波登與牟爾波都登理迦祁波那久

sa-no-tu tǝri kiŋgisi pa tǝyǝm-u nipa-tu tǝri kake pa nak-u PREF-field-GEN/LOC bird pheasant TOP sound-FIN garden-GEN/LOC bird rooster TOP cry-FIN Pheasant, the bird of the field, is singing. Rooster, the bird of the garden, is crying (KK 2) 伊麻許曾婆和杼理迩阿良米能知波那杼理爾阿良牟遠

ima kǝsǝ pa wa-ⁿ-dǝri n-i ar-am-ɛ nǝti pa na-ⁿ-dǝri n-i ar-am-u-wo now FP TOP I-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-EV after TOP you-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR-ACC Now [I] am my bird, later [I] will be your bird, so … (KK 3)

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1077

Particles 迦賀那倍弖用迩波許許能用比迩波登袁加袁

ka-ŋga nambɛ-te yo n-i pa kǝkǝnǝ yo pi n-i pa tǝwo-ka-wo day-day line.up(CONV)-SUB night DV-CONV TOP nine night day DV-CONV TOP ten-CL-ACC counting all the days, as for nights [it is] nine nights and as for days [it is] ten days (KK 26) 母登弊波岐美袁淤母比傅須惠幣波伊毛袁淤母比傅

mǝtǝ-pe pa kimi-wo omǝp-i-[i]ⁿde suwe-pe pa imo-wo omǝp-i-[i]ⁿde root-side TOP lord-ACC think-CONV-exit(CONV) top-side TOP beloved-ACC think-CONV-exit(CONV) at the root [of the tree, I] remember [my] lord, at the top [of the tree, I] remember [my] beloved (KK 51) 母登爾波伊久美陀気淤斐須惠幣爾波多斯美陀気淤斐

mǝtǝ-ni pa i-kum-i-ⁿ-dakɛ opï suwe-pe-ni pa ta-sim-i-ⁿ-dakɛ opï root-LOC TOP DLF-entwine-NML-DV(ATTR)-bamboo grow(CONV) top-sideLOC TOP PREF-grow.densely-NML-DV(ATTR)-bamboo grow(CONV) at [their] roots grows bamboo entwined there, at [their] tips grows a dense bamboo (KK 91) 本都延波阿米袁淤弊理那加都延波阿豆麻袁淤弊理志豆延波比那袁淤弊理

po-tu ye pa amɛ-wo op-er-i naka-tu ye pa aⁿduma-wo op-er-i siⁿ-du ye pa pinawo op-er-i top-GEN/LOC branch TOP heaven-ACC cover-PROG-FIN middle-GEN/LOC branch TOP lands.in.the.east-ACC cover-PROG-FIN bottom-GEN/LOC branch TOP rural.region-ACC cover-PROG-FIN [Its] top branches are covering the Heaven, [its] middle branches are covering the lands in the East, and [its] lower branches are covering the rural regions (KK 100) In this example we have a three-way contrast all marked by pa. 和賀淤富岐美能阿佐斗爾波伊余理陀多志由布斗爾波伊余理陀多須和岐豆紀

wa-ŋga opǝ kimi-nǝ asa-to-ni pa i-yǝr-i-ⁿdat-as-i yupu-to-ni pa i-yǝr-i-ⁿdat-as-u wakiⁿdukï I-POSS great lord-GEN morning-place-LOC TOP DLF-lean-CONV-stand-HONCONV evening-place-LOC TOP lean-CONV-stand-HON-ATTR arm-rest the arm-rest that my sovereign leans on in the morning and leans on in the evening (KK 104)

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1078

Chapter 9

阿母儞擧曾枳擧曳儒阿羅毎矩儞儞播枳擧曳底那

amo-ni kǝsǝ kik-ǝye-ⁿz-u ar-am-ɛ kuni-ni pa kik-ǝye-te-na mother-DAT FP hear-PASS-NEG-CONV exist-TENT-EV land-DAT TOP hearPASS(CONV)-PERF-DES [I] probably will not be heard by [my] mother, but [I] wish to be heard by [the] land! (NK 82) 鳥翔成有我欲比管見良目杼母人社不知松者知良武

TƏRI pa NAR-I ARI-ŋgayop-i-tutu MI-ram-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ PITƏ KƏSƏ SIR-AN-E MATU pa SIR-Uram-u bird TOP become-CONV ITER-go.back.and.forth-CONV-COOR see-TENT2CONC person FP know-NEG-EV pine TOP know-TENT2-FIN Although people would look, [they would] not recognize [the soul of prince Arima that] travels backs and forth like a bird. But [they] would know the pine [branches that he has tied] (MYS 2.145) 天地者比呂之等伊倍杼安我多米波狭也奈里奴流

AMƐ TUTI pa pirǝ-si tǝ ip-ɛ-ⁿdǝ a-ŋga tamɛ pa SA-KU ya nar-i-n-uru heaven earth TOP wide-FIN say-EV-CONC I-POSS for TOP narrow-CONV IP become-CONV-PERF-ATTR Although [they] say that the Heaven and Earth are wide, have [not they] become narrow for me? (MYS 5.892) 波都世乃加波乃乎知可多尓伊母良波多多志己乃加多尓和礼波多知弖

Patuse-nǝ kapa-nǝ woti kata-ni imǝ-ra pa tat-as-i kǝnǝ kata-ni ware pa tat-i-te Patuse-GEN river-GEN that side-LOC beloved-DIM TOP stand-HON-CONV this side-LOC I TOP stand-CONV-SUB [My] beloved is standing on that side of the Patuse river, and I stand on this side (MYS 13.3299a) 妹等安里之時者安礼杼毛和可礼弖波許呂母弖佐牟伎母能尓曽安里家流

IMO-tǝ ar-i-si TƏKI pa ar-e-ⁿdǝmo wakare-te pa kǝrǝmǝⁿde samu-ki mǝnǝ n-i sǝ ar-i-ker-u beloved-COM exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR time TOP exist-EV-CONC separate(CONV)-SUB TOP sleeve cold-ATTR thing DV-CONV FP exist-CONV-RETR-ATTR Although there was a time when [I] was with [my] beloved, after [we] separated, [my] sleeves are cold (MYS 15.3591)

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1079

Particles

安我未許曾世伎夜麻故要弖許己爾安良米許己呂波伊毛爾与里爾之母能乎

a-ŋga mï kǝsǝ seki yama koye-te kǝkǝ-ni ar-am-ɛ kǝkǝrǝ pa imo-ni yǝr-i-n-i-si mǝnǝwo I-POSS body FP barrier mountain cross(CONV)-SUB here-LOC exist-TENT-EV heart TOP beloved-DAT approach-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR CONJ My body has crossed barriers and mountains, and is probably here. But [my] heart stayed near [my] beloved! (MYS 15.3757) 宇梅能花伊都波乎良自等伊登波祢登佐吉乃盛波乎思吉物奈利

uMƐ-nǝ PANA itu pa wor-aⁿzi tǝ itǝp-an-e-ⁿdǝ sak-i-nǝ SAKAR-I pa wosi-ki MƏNƏ nar-i plum-GEN blossom when TOP break-NEG/TENT DV dislike-NEG-EV-CONC bloom-NML-GEN blossom-NML TOP regrettable-ATTR thing be-FIN Although [I] do not dislike [breaking] plum blossoms, thinking that [I] should not break them anytime, it is regrettable [to do so] at the peak of [their] blooming (MYS 17.3904) 多比良氣久於夜波伊麻佐祢都々美奈久都麻波麻多世

tapirakɛ-ku oya pa imas-an-e tutumi na-ku tuma pa mat-as-e safe-CONV parents TOP exist(HON)-DES-IMP obstacle no-CONV spouse TOP wait-HON-IMP Parents, please live safely! Wife, please wait [for me] without obstacles! (MYS 20.4408) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The topic particle pa is amply attested in Eastern Old Japanese: 兒良波安波奈毛比等理能未思弖

KO-ra pa ap-ana-m-o pitǝ-ri nǝmï s-i-te girl-DAT TOP meet-DES-TENT-ATTR one-CL RP do-CONV-SUB being absolutely alone, [I] wish to meet [this] girl (MYS 14.3405) 和可加敞流弖能毛美都麻弖宿毛等和波毛布

waka kaperute-nǝ momit-u-maⁿde NE-m-o tǝ wa pa [o]mop-u young maple-GEN leaves.turn.red/yellow-ATTR-TERM sleep-TENT-ATTR DV I TOP think-FIN I think that [we] should sleep [together] until the young maple becomes red (MYS 14.3494)

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1080

Chapter 9

和呂多比波多比等於米保等

warǝ tambi pa tambi tǝ omɛp-o-ⁿdǝ I journey TOP journey DV think-EV-CONC Although I think that [my] journey is [just] a journey … (MYS 20.4343) 須流河乃祢良波苦不志久米阿流可

Suruŋga-nǝ ne-ra pa kupusi-ku mɛ ar-u ka Suruŋga-GEN summit-PLUR TOP lovely-CONV FP exist-ATTR IP are [not] the summits of Suruŋga [mountains] lovely? (MYS 20.4345) 久自我波々佐氣久阿利麻弖

Kuⁿzi-ŋ-gapa pa sakɛ-ku ari-mat-e Kuⁿzi-GEN-river TOP safe-CONV ITER-wait-IMP Wait for [me] (all this time) safely [at] Ku zᷠ i River! (MYS 20.4368) A2: Ryukyuan There are two different topic particles in Ryukyuan: fa and ya. The former is found in Old Ryukyuan, while the later is attested in both Old Ryukyuan and modern dialects. Therefore, OR fa is probably a loan from mainland Japanese, while ya represents a genuine cognate of WOJ pa. Old Ryukyuan 主里もりあせはつちぎりにきらせ

SIYORI mori ase fa tuti-gir-i n-i kir-as-e Shuri castle warrior TOP ground-(DV)cut-NML DV-CONV cut-HON-IMP Warriors [of] the Shuri castle, cut [the enemy] as cutting the ground (OS 1.33) なりとよみうちあげてなりきよらはうちあげて

nar-i-toyom-i uti-age-te nar-i-kiyora fa uti-age-te sound-CONV-resound-NML PREF-raise(CONV)-SUB sound-CONV-beautiful TOP PREF-raise(CONV)-SUB raising the “Resounding” [drum], raising the “Beautifully sounding” [drum] (OS 1.37) けおわのかしよらしよ

keo wa no ka s-i-yor-asiyo today TOP what IP do-CONV-exist-SUP What would [they] do today? (OS 7.376)

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1081

Particles わかさあしときやよろいゑらてきちや物

waka-sa a-si toki ya yoroi wera-te ki-tiya MONO young-NML exist-PAST/ATTR time TOP armor select-SUB wear-PAST/ATTR thing When [I] was young, [I] selected armor and wore [it] (OS 7.380) おぎもうちはなげくな

Oⁿ-gimo uti fa nagek-una HON-liver inside TOP lament-NEG/IMP Do not lament inside your soul (OS 10.518) たらもいやとくらしや

Tara moi ya tok-urasiya Tarō lord TOP arrive-SUP It looks like lord Tarō will arrive (OS 16.1157) Shuri

’anu hushi-nu naa ya ninuhwabushi ya sa that star-GEN name TOP North Star COP EP The name of that star is North Star (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 10) chuu ya ’u-yuwee-nu ii hwii ya-N today TOP HON-celebration-GEN good day COP-FIN Today is the good day for celebration (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 26) Tokunoshima

sina ya hama-na ’a sand TOP beach-LOC exist The sand is on the beach (Nohara 1986: 193) Sesoko

’agami ya wur-a we TOP stay-HORT Let us stay (Uchima 1984: 85)

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1082 1.2

Chapter 9

Focus Particle mǝ

The focus particle mǝ (frequently misspelled as mo in post-Kojiki texts) is the opposite of pa like in Modern and Classical Japanese: it is used for highlighting a preceding word or a phrase (Martin 1988: 52). Unlike the modern colloquial usage, mǝ in Western Old Japanese can follow the accusative case marker -wo. The focus particle mǝ can combine with a number of preceding forms, not only nominal, but also verbal. It can also follow certain other particles. chart 102 Combinations of the focus particle mǝ with preceding morphemes

morphemes

combination forms

nominal plural marker -tati plural marker -ⁿdǝmǝ plural marker -ra dative-locative case marker -ni dative-locative case marker -ra accusative case marker -wo emphatic accusative -womba ablative case marker -yo, etc. converb -i converb -ku negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u attributive -(ur)u nominalizer -i negative nominalizer -(a)ⁿz-u nominalizer -aku nominalizer -usa subordinative converb -te defective verb tǝ ‘to be’ emphatic particle si restrictive particle nǝmï restrictive particle ⁿdani restrictive particle sura restrictive particle sapɛ

nominal + mǝ -tati mǝ -ⁿdǝmǝ mǝ -ra mǝ -ni mǝ -ra mǝ -wo mǝ -womba mǝ -yo mǝ, etc. -i mǝ -ku mǝ -(a)ⁿz-u mǝ -(ur)u mǝ -i mǝ -(a)ⁿz-u mǝ -aku mǝ -usa mǝ -te mǝ tǝ mǝ si mǝ nǝmï mǝ ⁿdani mǝ sura mǝ sapɛ mǝ

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1083

Particles

Although many different word forms can be found after the focus particle mǝ, it is worth noting that it can be also followed by three other particles. chart 103 Combinations of the focus particle mǝ with following particles

particles

combination forms

emphatic particle sǝ emphatic particle kamǝ interrogative particle ka

mǝ sǝ mǝ kamǝ mǝ ka

Examples: 許能登理母宇知夜米許世泥

kǝnǝ tǝri mǝ uti-yamɛ-kǝse-n-e this bird FP PREF-stop(CONV)-BEN-DES-IMP [I] wish [you] would stop [the singing of] these birds (KK 2) 伊那佐能夜麻能許能麻用母伊由岐麻毛良比

Inasa-nǝ yama-nǝ kǝ-nǝ ma-yo mǝ i-yuk-i mamor-ap-i Inasa-GEN mountain-GEN tree-GEN interval-ABL FP DLF-go-CONV watch-ITER-CONV going there from between the trees of the mountain Inasa and constantly watching [out for enemies] (KK 14) 毛毛知陀流夜迩波母美由

momo-ti-ⁿ-dar-u ya nipa mǝ mi-y-u hundred-thousand-GEN-be.enough-ATTR EP house garden FP see-PASS-FIN [I] can see flourishing (lit.: plentiful with hundreds and thousands) houses [and] gardens (lit.: houses are seen) (KK 41) 阿袁那母岐備比登登等母迩斯都米婆多怒斯久母阿流迦

awo na mǝ Kimbï pitǝ-tǝ tǝmǝ n-i si tum-ɛ-mba tanosi-ku mǝ ar-u ka green vegetables FP Kimbï person-COM together DV-CONV EP pick-EV-CON delightful-CONV FP exist-ATTR IP Is [it not] delightful when [I] pick green vegetables together with the girl from Kimbï? (KK 54)

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1084

Chapter 9

多遅比怒迩泥牟登斯理勢波多都碁母母母知弖許志母能

Taⁿdipi no-ni ne-m-u tǝ sir-i-s-emba tat-u-ŋ-gǝmǝ mǝ mǝt-i-te kǝ-masi mǝnǝ Taⁿdipi field-LOC sleep-TENT-FIN DV know-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND standATTR-DV(ATTR)-rush.mat FP hold-CONV-SUB come-SUBJ CONJ If [I] would know that [I] would sleep at the Taⁿdipi field, [I] would also bring a standing rush mat (KK 75) 伊久美陀気伊久美波泥受多斯美陀気多斯爾波韋泥受能知母久美泥牟

i-kum-i-ⁿ-dakɛ i-kum-i pa ne-ⁿz-u ta-sim-i-ⁿ-dakɛ tasi n-i pa wi-ne-ⁿz-u nǝti mǝ kum-i-ne-m-u DLF-entwine-NML-DV(ATTR)-bamboo DLF-entwine-CONV TOP sleep-NEGCONV PREF-grow.densely-NML-DV(ATTR)-bamboo thorough DV-CONV TOP exist(CONV)-sleep-NEG-CONV later FP entwine-CONV-sleep-TENT-FIN [we] did not sleep entwined there as the bamboo entwined there, and [we] did not sleep closely like densely growing bamboo, [but] later [we] will sleep entwined (KK 91) 許斯母阿夜爾加志古志

kǝ si mǝ aya n-i kasiko-si this EP FP very DV-CONV be awesome-FIN This is very awesome, too (KK 100) 祁布母加母佐加美豆久良斯多加比加流比能美夜比登

kepu mǝ kamǝ saka-miⁿduk-urasi taka pikar-u pi-nǝ miya-pitǝ today FP EP rice.wine-soak-SUP high shine-ATTR sun-GEN palace-person Today, the courtiers from the palace of the High Shining Sun seem to be inebriated in wine, too! (KK 102) 乎武例我禹杯爾倶謨娜尼母旨屢倶之多多婆

wo-mure-ŋga upɛ-ni kumo ⁿdani mǝ siru-ku si tat-amba DIM-mountain-POSS top-LOC cloud RP FP distinct-CONV EP rise-COND if just the clouds distinctly rise above the small mountain (NK 116) 許智多鶏波乎婆頭勢夜麻能伊波帰爾母為弖許母郎奈牟

kǝt[ǝ] ita-k-emba wom-Batuse-yama-nǝ ipa kï-ni mǝ wi-te kǝmǝr-ana-m-u rumor painful-ATTR-COND DIM-Patuse-mountain-GEN rock fortress-LOC FP lead(CONV)-SUB hide-DES-TENT-FIN if rumors are painful, [I] want to take [you] along to a rocky fortress on the Small Patuse mountain and hide away (FK 1)

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1085

Particles 宇良志麻能古我多麻久志義阿気受阿理世波麻多母阿波麻志遠

Urasima-nǝ ko-ŋga tama kusiŋgɛ akɛ-ⁿz-u ar-i-s-emba mata mǝ ap-amasi-wo Urasima-GEN child-POSS jewel box open-NEG-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/ ATTR-COND again FP meet-SUBJ-ACC If the boy Urasima did not open the jewel box, [he] would meet again [the dragon’s daughter], but [it did not happen] (FK 15) 古之七賢人等毛欲為物者酒西有良師

INISIPE-NƏ NANA N-Ə SAKASI-KI PITƏ-TATI mo POR-I se-si MƏNƏ pa SAKƐ n-i si ar-urasi old.times-GEN seven DV-ATTR wise-ATTR person-PLUR FP want-NML do(CONV)-PAST/ATTR thing TOP rice.wine DV-CONV EP exist-SUP It seems that the thing that the seven wise men of old wanted was the rice wine, too (MYS 3.340) 勤和氣登将譽十方不有

ISOSI-KI wakɛ tǝ POMƐ-M-U tǝ mǝ AR-ANS-U hard-working-ATTR fellow DV praise-TENT-ATTR DV FP exist-NEG-FIN [he] is not even to be praised as a hard-working fellow (MYS 4.780) 許許呂由母於母波奴阿比陀爾宇知那毘枳許夜斯努礼

kǝkǝrǝ-yu mǝ omǝp-an-u api ⁿda-ni uti-nambik-i kǝy-as-i-n-ure heart-ABL FP think-NEG-ATTR interval-LOC PREF-stretched.out-CONV lie. down-HON-CONV-PERF-EV while even in [my] heart [I] did not think, stretched out [she] was lying (MYS 5.794) 阿礼乎婆母伊可爾世与等可

are-womba mǝ ika n-i se-yǝ tǝ ka I-ACC(EMPH) FP how DV-CONV do-IMP DV IP What do [you] think I [should] do? (MYS 5.794) 伊波牟須弊世武須弊斯良尓石木乎母刀比佐氣斯良受

ip-am-u sumbe se-m-u sumbe sir-an-i IPA KÏ-wo mǝ top-i-sakɛ-sir-aⁿz-u say-TENT-ATTR way do-TENT-ATTR way know-NEG-CONV rock tree-ACC FP ask-CONV-split(CONV)-know-NEG-FIN [I] do not know what [I] should do and what [I] should say, and [I] do not know how to ask even rocks and trees (MYS 5.794)

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1086

Chapter 9

波流奈例婆宇倍母佐枳多流烏梅能波奈

paru nar-e-mba umbɛ mǝ sak-i-tar-u uMƐ-nǝ pana spring becomes-EV-CON indeed FP bloom-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR plumGEN blossom plum blossoms that have indeed bloomed when the spring came (MYS 5.831) 毛毛可斯母由加奴麻都良遅

momo-ka si mǝ yuk-an-u matu[u]ra-ⁿ-di hundred-CL EP FP go-NEG-ATTR Matuura-GEN-way [on] the way to Matuura, [one] does not go one hundred days (MYS 5.870) 池邊乃松之末葉尓零雪者五百重零敷明日左倍母将見

IKƐ-NƏ PE-NƏ MATU-NƏ URA-N-PA-ni PUR-U YUKI pa IPO-PE PUR-I-SIK-E ASU sapɛ mǝ MI-M-U pond-GEN side-GEN pine-GEN top-GEN-leaf-LOC fall-ATTR snow TOP five. hundred-CL fall-CONV-cover-IMP tomorrow RP FP see-TENT-FIN Snow, falling on the top needles of the pine near the pond! Fall in five hundred layers, so [I] would see you even tomorrow (in addition to today) (MYS 8.1650) 我情焼毛吾有

WA- ŋGA KƏKƏRƏ YAK-U mo WARE NAR-I I-POSS heart burn-ATTR FP I be-FIN The one who burns my heart is I [myself] (MYS 13.3271) 比登比母伊毛乎和須礼弖於毛倍也

pitǝ pi mǝ imo-wo wasure-te omop-ɛ ya one day FP beloved-ACC forget(CONV)-SUB think-EV IP would [I] imagine forgetting [my] beloved even [for] one day? (MYS 15.3604) 可母須良母都麻等多具比弖

kamǝ sura mǝ tuma-tǝ taŋgup-i-te drake RP FP spouse-COM be.together-CONV-SUB Even drakes are together with [their] spouses … (MYS 15.3625) 比故保思母和礼爾麻佐里弖於毛布良米也母

Pikoposi mǝ ware-ni masar-i-te omop-uram-ɛ ya mǝ Altair FP I-DAT surpass-CONV-SUB long.for-TENT2-EV IP EP Will Altair long for [his beloved] more than I [do]? (lit.: surpassing me) [Certainly not!] (MYS 15.3657)

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1087

Particles 多婢尓弖毛母奈久波也許登

tambi n-i-te mo mǝ na-ku paya kǝ tǝ trip DV-CONV-SUB FP misfortune no-CONV quick come(IMP) DV [my beloved] said: “Come [back] quickly without any misfortune on [your] trip!” (MYS 15.3717) 大宮人者伊麻毛可母比等奈夫理能未許能美多流良武

OPO MIYA-PITƏ pa ima mo kamǝ pitǝ nambur-i nǝmï kǝnǝm-i-tar-uram-u great palace-person TOP now FP EP person mock-NML IP like-CONV-PERF/ PROG-TENT2-ATTR Do the people from the Great Palace probably continue to like just to mock [other] people now as well, I wonder? (MYS 15.3758) 家布毛可母美也故奈里世婆見麻久保里尓之能御馬屋乃刀尓多弖良麻之

kepu mo kamǝ miyako-n-ar-i-s-emba MI-m-aku por-i nisi-nǝ MI-MAYA-nǝ to-ni tat-er-amasi today FP EP capital-LOC-exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND see-TENT-NML wantCONV west-GEN HON-stable-GEN outside-LOC stand-PROG-SUBJ If [I] were in the capital today, [I] would be standing outside the Western Imperial Stables, wanting to see [you]! (MYS 15.3776) 今日良毛加鹿乃伏良武皮服著而角附奈我良

KEPU-ra mo ka SIKA-nǝ pus-uram-u KAPA KƏRƏMƏ KI-TE TUNO TUK-I-naŋgara today-LOC FP IP deer-GEN lie.down-TENT2-ATTR skin garment wear(CONV)SUB horn be.attached-CONV-COOR will the deer also be lying today with his skin garment on and wearing [his] horns as usual? (MYS 16.3884) 家尓底母多由多敷命

IPE n-i-te mǝ tayutap-u INƏTI home DV-CONV-SUB FP be.unstable-ATTR life [my] life which is uncertain even at home (MYS 17.3896) 夜都代爾母安礼波和須礼自許乃多知婆奈乎

ya-tu YƏ-ni mǝ are pa wasure-ⁿzi kǝnǝ tatimbana-wo eight-CL generation-LOC FP I TOP forget-NEG/TENT this mandarin orange-ACC I would not forget these mandarin orange [flowers] even in eight (many?) generations (MYS 18.4058)

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1088

Chapter 9

惠美々惠末須毛宇知奈氣支可多里家末久

wem-i mi wem-aⁿz-u mo uti-naŋgɛk-i katar-i-k-em-aku smile-CONV ? smile-NEG-CONV FP PREF-sigh-CONV talk-CONV-PAST/FINTENT-NML the fact that [both of you] were probably talking, and sighing, smiling and not smiling (MYS 18.4106) 安比見流毛乃乎須久奈久母年月經礼波古非之家礼夜母

api-mi-ru monǝwo sukuna-ku mǝ TƏSI TUKÏ P-Ure-mba kopïsi-kere ya mǝ REC-see-ATTR CONJ few-CONV FP year month pass-EV-CON miss-EV IP EP although [we] see each other, as time goes by, do [we still] miss [each other] just a bit? (MYS 18.4118) 美麻久能富之伎吉美尓母安流加母

mi-m-aku-nǝ posi-ki kimi n-i mǝ ar-u kamǝ see-TENT-NML-GEN desire-ATTR lord DV-CONV FP exist-ATTR EP I wonder whether [it] is also [my] lord whom [I] want to see (MYS 20.4449) 麻都呂倍奴比等乎母夜波之

matur-ǝpɛ-n-u pitǝ-wo mǝ yapas-i obey-ITER-NEG-ATTR person-ACC FP pacify-CONV pacifying also the people who are not obeying (MYS 20.4465) 久須理師波都祢乃母阿礼等麻良比止乃伊麻乃久須理師多布止可理家利米 太志加利鶏利

kusurisi pa tune n-ǝ mǝ ar-e-ⁿdǝ marapitǝ n-ǝ ima-nǝ kusurisi taputǝ-k-ar-i-ker-i mɛⁿdasi-k-ar-i-ker-i medicine.man TOP usual DV-ATTR FP exist-EV-CONC guest DV-ATTR now-GEN medicine.man revered-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN praiseworthy-CONVexist-CONV-RETR-FIN Although there are usual medicine men, too, the present Guest Medicine Man is [indeed] revered. [He] is praiseworthy (BS 15) 食国天下乎婆撫賜惠賜夫止奈母神奈我良母念坐湏

WOS-U KUNI AMƐ-NƏ SITA-womba NAⁿDE-TAMAP-I UTUKUSImBÏ-TAMAp-u tǝ namǝ KAMU-na-ŋ-gara mǝ OMƏP-OS-I-[I]MAs-u rule-ATTR country heaven-GEN under-ACC(EMPH) cherish(CONV)-HONCONV show.benevolence(CONV)-HON-FIN DV FP deity-PLUR-GEN-nature FP think-HON-CONV-HON-ATTR [I], as a deity, deign to think that [I] show benevolence and cherish the country under Heaven that I rule (SM 13) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

1089

Particles 不言岐辞母言奴

IP-UMASIⁿZI-ki KƏTƏ mǝ IP-I-n-u say-NEG/POT-ATTR word FP say-CONV-PERF-FIN [he] also said words that [he] should not have said (SM 27) There may be more than one mǝ in a sentence, highlighting two or more different focuses or juxtaposing two or more things: 挂文由遊志計礼杼母言久母綾尓畏伎

KAKƐ-M-AKU mo yuyusi-kere-ⁿdǝmǝ IP-AM-Aku mǝ AYA n-i KASIKO-ki think-TENT-NML FP be.reserved-EV-CONC say-TENT-NML FP extreme DVCONV awesome-ATTR Although [it] is unthinkable even to think [about it], and to say [it], too, is extremely awesome … (MYS 2.199) 前日毛昨日毛今日毛雖見明日左倍見巻欲寸君香聞

WOTƏ-TU PI mo KINƏPU mo KEPU mo MI-T-URE-ⁿDƏ ASU sapɛ MI-m-aku POSI-ki KIMI kamo that-GEN/LOC day FP yesterday FP today FP see(CONV)-PERF-EV-CONC tomorrow RP see-TENT-NML be.wanted-ATTR lord EP Oh, [my] lord whom [I] want to see tomorrow as well, although [I] saw you the day before yesterday, yesterday, and today! (MYS 6.1014) 美知乎多騰保弥間使毛夜流余之母奈之

MITI-wo taⁿ-dǝpo-mi MA-ⁿ-DUKAPI mo yar-u yǝsi mǝ na-si way-ABS PREF-far-GER interval-GEN-messenger FP send-ATTR chance FP no-FIN because the way is far, there is not even a chance to send (even) a messenger between [us] (MYS 17.3962) 伊母祢受尓今日毛之賣良尓孤悲都追曽乎流

i mǝ ne-ⁿz-u n-i KEPU mo simera n-i kop-i-tutu sǝ wor-u sleep FP sleep-NEG-NML DV-CONV today FP as.always DV-CONV love-CONVCOOR FP exist-ATTR without sleeping (a sleep), [I] continue to love [you] today as always, too (MYS 17.3969)

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波之太尓母和多之弖安良波曽乃倍由母伊由伎和多良之

pasi ⁿdani mǝ watas-i-te ar-amba sǝnǝ [u]pɛ-yu mǝ i-yuk-i-watar-as-i bridge RP FP put.over-CONV-SUB exist-COND that top-ABL FP DLF-goCONV-cross.over-HON-CONV if [someone] had put just a bridge over [the Milky Way], [they would] go over it (MYS 18.4125) As in Modern Japanese, mǝ can follow more than one word or phrase in a sentence producing constructions equivalent to English ‘both X and Y, whether X or Y, either X or Y.’ Not all cases of two or more mǝ in a sentence make this construction, since two or more mǝ may also highlight two independent focuses, as was mentioned above. 多知賀遠母伊麻陀登迦受弖淤須比遠母伊麻陀登加泥婆

tati-ŋga wo mǝ imaⁿda tǝk-aⁿz-u-te osupi-wo mǝ imaⁿda tǝk-an-e-mba long.sword-POSS cord FP yet untie-NEG-CONV-SUB cloak-ACC FP yet untie-NEG-EV-CON as [I] have not yet untied either the cords of [my] long sword, or [my] cloak (KK 2) 銀母金母玉母奈爾世武爾麻佐礼留多可良古爾斯迦米夜母

SIRO KANE mǝ KU-ŋ-GANE mǝ TAMA mǝ nani se-m-u-ni masar-er-u takara ko-ni sik-am-ɛ ya mǝ white metal FP yellow-DV(ATTR)-metal FP jewel FP what do-TENT-ATTRLOC excel-PROG-ATTR treasure child-LOC reach-TENT-EV IP EP What shall [I] do [with] silver, gold, and jewels? Could the excellent treasures be equal to children? [– Certainly not!] (MYS 5.803) 海若之何神乎齋祈者歟徃方毛來方毛船之早兼

WATA-TU [U]MI-NƏ IⁿDURE N-Ə KAMÏ-wo INƏR-Amba KA YUK-USA mo K-USA mo PUNE-NƏ PAYA-k-em-u sea-GEN/LOC sea-GEN which DV-ATTR deity-ACC pray-COND IP go-NML FP come-NML FP boat-GEN be.fast-ATTR-TENT-ATTR If [I] pray to some deities of the sea, [your] boat should be fast both when [it] goes away and when [it] comes back (MYS 9.1784)

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Particles

1091

波波母都未良母安佐都由爾毛能須蘇比都知

papa mǝ tuma-ra mǝ asa-tuyu-ni mo-nǝ suso piⁿdut-i mother FP spouse-PLUR FP morning-dew-LOC skirt-GEN hem drench-CONV both [your] mother and wives drenched hems of [their] skirts in morning dew (MYS 15.3691) 乎登都日毛昨日毛今日毛由吉能布礼礼婆

wotǝ t-u PI mo KINƏPU mo KEPU mo yuki-nǝ pur-er-e-mba that DV-ATTR day FP yesterday FP today FP snow-GEN fall-PROG-EV-CON when the snow has been falling the day before yesterday, yesterday, and today (MYS 17.3924) 多知弖毛為弖母己藝米具利美礼登母安可受

tat-i-te mo wi-te mǝ kǝŋg-i-mɛŋgur-i mi-re-ⁿdǝmǝ ak-aⁿz-u stand-CONV-SUB FP sit(CONV)-SUB FP row-CONV-go.around-CONV look-EVCONC be.satisfied-NEG-FIN whether [I] stand or sit, [I] cannot get enough looking at [it], while rowing around (MYS 17.3994) 於登能未毛名能未母伎吉氐登母之夫流我祢

otǝ nǝmï mo NA nǝmï mǝ kik-i-te tǝmǝsimb-uru ŋgane sound RP FP name RP FP hear-CONV-SUB envy-ATTR CONJ so that [they] will be envious when [they] hear just a name or just a rumor [of it] (MYS 17.4000) 手放毛乎知母可夜須伎

TA-m-BANARE mo woti mǝ ka-yasu-ki hand-LOC-separate(NML) FP there FP INT-easy-ATTR both leaving the hand and [returning] there were very easy (MYS 17.4011) 老人毛女童兒毛之我願心太良比爾

OYI-PITƏ mo WOMINA WARAPA mo si-ŋga NE ŋG-AP-U KƏKƏRƏ-ⁿ-dar-ap-i n-i old(CONV)-person FP woman child FP they-POSS desire-ITER-ATTR heartLOC-be.enough-ITER-NML DV-CONV old people, women, and children, all [of them get] enough of what they desire to [their] hearts’ [content] (MYS 18.4094) Note that in this example only the first and the third members of the construction are marked explicitly by mǝ.

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咲花乎折毛不折毛見良久之余志母

SAK-U PANA-wo WOR-I mo WOR-AⁿZ-U mo MI-r-aku si yǝ-si mǝ bloom-ATTR flower-ACC break-NML FP break-NEG-NML FP look-ATTR-NML EP good-FIN EP whether breaking off or not breaking off blooming flowers, [it] is good to look [at them] (MYS 19.4167) 都麻母古騰母毛乎知己知爾左波爾可久美為

tuma mǝ ko-ⁿdǝmǝ mo woti kǝti-ni sapa n-i kakum-i wi spouse FP child-PLUR FP there here-LOC many DV-CONV surround-CONV exist(CONV) both my spouse and children are around [me] in great numbers here and there (MYS 20.4408) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The focus particle mǝ is amply attested in Eastern Old Japanese: 麻萬能手兒奈我安里之可婆麻末乃於須比尓奈美毛登杼呂尓

mama-nǝ teko na-ŋga ar-i-sika-mba mama-nǝ osu-pi-ni nami mo tǝⁿdǝrǝ n-i cliff-GEN girl name-POSS exist-CONV-PAST/EV-CON cliff-GEN rock-shore-LOC wave FP roaring DV-CONV because the girl from the cliffs was famous, even the waves roar at the rocky shore of the cliffs (MYS 14.3385) 於曾波夜母奈乎許曾麻多賣

osǝ paya mǝ na-wo kǝsǝ mat-am-e slow fast FP you-ACC FP wait-TENT-EV Whether [you come] quickly or slowly, [I] will wait for you (MYS 14.3493a) 和乎可麻都那毛伎曾毛己余必母

wa-wo ka mat-unam-o kisǝ mo kǝ yǝpi mǝ I-ACC IP wait-TENT2-ATTR last.night FP this night FP will [she] have waited for me, both last night and tonight? (MYS 14.3563)

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1093

Particles 以都母以都母於母加古比須々奈理麻之都之母

itu mǝ itu mǝ omǝ-ŋga kopi-susu nar-i-[i]mas-i-tusi mǝ when FP when FP mother-POSS love(CONV)-COOR do.house.work-CONVHON-COOR FP [my] mother always, always loves [me] and does [her] house work (MYS 20.4386) There is also a special Eastern Old Japanese cognate mɛ of the Western Old Japanese particle mǝ: 須流河乃祢良波苦不志久米阿流可

Suruŋga-nǝ ne-ra pa kupusi-ku mɛ ar-u ka Suruŋga-GEN summit-PLUR TOP lovely-CONV FP exist-ATTR IP are [not] the summits of Suruŋga [mountains] lovely? (MYS 20.4345) A2: Ryukyuan Various cognates of WOJ mǝ are attested throughout the different temporal and geographic varieties of Ryukyuan. I provide below the forms attested in Old and Classical Ryukyuan as well as in the Shuri dialect. The typical form of the Shuri particle corresponding to WOJ mǝ is -N. Old Ryukyuan まはねじやきもからもさらん

Mafanezi ya kimo-kara mo sar-aN Mafanezi TOP liver-ABL FP go.away-NEG/FIN Mafanezi does not go away from [my] heart (OS 13.817) Classical Ryukyuan 誰もわていやは

TARU mo wa te iy-aba who FP I DV say-COND if everyone says ‘I’ (RK 617) Shuri

ʔari-ga yum-aa ʔyaa-N yum-ee he-NOM read-COND you-FP read-IMP If he reads [it], you read it, too (RKJ 69)

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caQsa-N kooy-uN how.much-FP buy(CONV)-FIN [I] will buy no matter how (much) expensive (RKJ 1983: 142) ʔuya-nu yaa-nu mee tuu-i-nagiina nubaga-i-N s-aN parent-GEN house-GEN front pass-CONV-GER stop.by-NML-FP do-NEG/FIN Although [I] pass by [my] parents’ house, [I] do not even stop by (RKJ 405) 1.3

Focus Particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ

The focus particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ emphasizes the preceding word or phrase. It triggers a change of the final form of the following verb or the inflected adjective into the attributive (see chapter 6, section 3.2.1.2.3 for a detailed description). It is possible that sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ also triggers the same change when a verb in the final form precedes it, but there is only one certain example (see MYS 10.2101 below). In other examples (see KK 4, MYS 18.4072 below), the verbal form preceding this particle may be either final or attributive. Since there are no other certain examples of final forms preceding sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, I provisionally treat it as an attributive. The difference between the two phonetic variants sǝ and ⁿzǝ is not clear, as they can occur in identical contexts within the same text as in BS 17 below. It is usually believed that the variant ⁿzǝ is a product of a secondary nasalization that started to occur from the Nara period to the Heian period (Omodaka et al. 1967: 399). However, there is one problem with this explanation: while in the Man’yōshū the variant sǝ is used much more frequently than the variant ⁿzǝ, this is not the case in the earliest texts: the Kojiki kayō and the Nihonshoki kayō where the following statistics is found: chart 104 Statistics for the focus particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ in the earliest texts

sǝ ⁿzǝ

KK

NK

5 6

6 5

This statistic demonstrates that both variants sǝ and ⁿzǝ are used with the same frequency. The slanted statistics of the Man’yōshū may just be due to the overall preference in this text for the syllabic signs with initial plain voiceless consonant.

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Particles

The focus particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ can combine with a number of preceding forms, not only nominal, but also verbal. It can also follow certain other particles. chart 105 Combinations of the focus particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ with preceding morphemes

morphemes

combination forms

nominal plural marker -ⁿdǝmǝ plural marker -ra dative-locative case marker -ni dative-locative case marker -ra accusative case marker -wo ablative case marker -yu converb -i converb -ku negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u attributive -(ur)u nominalizer -i nominalizer -usa subordinative converb -te coordinative converb -tutu defective verb tǝ ‘to be’ defective verb tǝ ‘to say’ topic particle pa focus particle mǝ emphatic particle si restrictive particle nǝmï restrictive particle sapɛ

nominal + sǝ -ⁿdǝmǝ sǝ -ra sǝ -ni sǝ -ra sǝ -wo sǝ -yu sǝ* -i sǝ -ku sǝ -(a)ⁿz-u sǝ -(ur)u sǝ -i sǝ -usa sǝ -te sǝ -tutu sǝ tǝ sǝ tǝ sǝ pa sǝa mǝ sǝ si sǝ nǝmï sǝ** sapɛ sǝ***

Note: The variant sǝ is used as an example. * The form -yu sǝ is attested in one example in partial semantographic writing (see MYS 11.2723 below). ** Attested only in partial semantographic spelling. *** Attested only once in partial semantographic spelling (see MYS 10.2237 below). a Omodaka et al. (1967: 399) claim that the topic particle pa may also be found in postposition to sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, but I was not able to locate such examples.

Although many different word forms can be found after the focus particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, it is worth noting that it can also be followed by the emphatic particle mǝ. Thus, while the focus particle mǝ precedes sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ, the emphatic particle mǝ

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follows it. It is also quite interesting that the focus particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ can combine with the focus particle mǝ and the topic particle pa (see Chart 104 above). This apparently demonstrates that the focus particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ indicates a kind of focus that is different from both pa and mǝ. Examples: 那賀那加佐麻久阿佐阿米能疑理爾多多牟叙

na-ŋga nak-as-am-aku asa amɛ-nǝ kïri-ni tat-am-u ⁿzǝ you-POSS cry-HON-TENT-NML morning rain-COMP fog-LOC rise-TENTATTR FP your weeping will rise into fog like the morning rain (KK 4) 麻都理許斯美岐叙阿佐受袁勢

matur-i-kǝ-si mi-ki ⁿzǝ as-aⁿz-u wos-e present(HUM)-CONV-come(CONV)-PAST/ATTR HON-rice.wine FP shallowNEG-CONV drink(HON)-IMP Drink the presented rice wine deeply! (KK 39) 伊岐良受曾久流

i-kir-aⁿz-u sǝ k-uru DLF-cut-NEG-CONV FP come-ATTR [I] return without cutting [them] there (KK 51) 多禮曾意富麻弊爾麻袁須

tare sǝ opǝ mape-ni mawos-u who FP great front-DAT say(HUM)-ATTR Who will report to the emperor? (KK 97) 古波嚢塢等綿阿羅素破儒泥辞区塢之叙于蘆波辞彌茂布

Kopaⁿda wotǝme arasop-aⁿz-u ne-si-ku-wo si ⁿzǝ urupasi-mi [o]mop-u Kopaⁿda maiden resist-NEG-CONV sleep(CONV)-PAST/ATTR-NML-ACC EP FP loving-GER think-ATTR [I] think lovingly about the fact that a Kopaⁿda maiden slept [with me] without resisting (NK 38) 瀰致喩區茂能茂多遇譬低序豫枳

miti yuk-u monǝ mo taŋgupi-te ⁿzǝ yǝ-ki road go-ATTR person FP companion-hand FP good-ATTR [It] is also good for a person who travels to have a companion (NK 50)

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1097

Particles

柯羅履儞嗚以柯儞輔居等所梅豆羅古枳駄楼武可左履楼以祇能和駄唎嗚梅 豆羅古枳駄楼

Kara-kuni-wo ika n-i [i]p-u kǝtǝ sǝ Mɛⁿdurako k-i-tar-u mukasakuru iki-nǝ watar-i-wo Mɛⁿdurako k-i-tar-u Kara-land-ACC how DV-CONV say-ATTR thing FP Mɛⁿdurako come-CONVPERF/PROG-ATTR (makura kotoba) Iki-GEN cross-NML-ACC Mɛⁿdurako come-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR2 What to call the land of Kara? Mɛⁿdurako has come; through the crossing of Iki Mɛⁿdurako has come (NK 99) 柂我佐基泥佐基泥曾母野倭我底騰羅須謀野

ta-ŋga sakï- ᷠ-de sakï-ⁿ-de sǝ mǝ ya wa-ŋga te tǝr-as-umo ya who-POSS chap(NML)-DV(ATTR)-hand chap(NML)-DV(ATTR)-hand FP EP EP I-POSS hand take-HON-EXCL IP whose chapped hand, chapped hand will take my hand?! (NK 108) 烏智可柂能阿娑努能枳枳始騰余謀佐儒倭例播祢始柯騰比騰曾騰余謀須

woti kata-nǝ Asa-no-nǝ kikisi tǝyǝm-os-aⁿz-u ware pa ne-sika-ⁿdǝ pitǝ sǝ tǝyǝm-os-u that side-GEN Asa-field-GEN pheasant sound-CAUS-NEG-CONV I TOP sleep(CONV)-PAST/EV-CONC person FP sound-CAUS-ATTR Although I slept without letting pheasants from the Asa field on yonder side cry, [other] people let [them] cry (NK 110) 伊久里尓曽深海松生流荒礒尓曽玉藻者生流

ikuri-ni sǝ puka MIRU OP-URU AR[A]-ISO-ni sǝ TAMA MO pa OP-URU reef-LOC FP deep seaweed grow-ATTR rough-rock-LOC FP jewel seaweed TOP grow-ATTR the deep kelps grow on the reefs, the jewel seaweeds grow on the rough rocks (MYS 2.135) 戀尓毛曽人者死為

KOPÏ-ni mo sǝ PITƏ pa SIN-I S-URU love(NML)-LOC FP FP person TOP die-NML do-ATTR People die from love (MYS 4.598)

2  There is a different analysis of the k-i-tar-u form as k-i-[i]tar-u ‘come-CONV-reach-ATTR’ (Tsuchihashi 1957: 192). I follow here the analysis of Aiso (1962: 496) and Kōnosu (1973: 467).

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1098

Chapter 9

吾耳曽君尓者戀流吾背子之戀云事波言乃名具左曽

WARE NƏMÏ sǝ KIMI-ni pa KOP-Uru WA-ŋGA SE-KO- ŋGA KOP-URU TƏ IP-U KƏTƏ pa KƏTƏ n-ǝ naŋg-usa sǝ I RP FP lord-DAT TOP long.for-ATTR I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS long.for-ATTR DV say-ATTR matter TOP word DV-ATTR be.consoled-NML FP Only I long for you. The fact that my beloved tells [me] that [he] longs for [me is just] a verbal consolation (MYS 4.656) 嘆曽吾為

NANKƐK-I sǝ A-ŋGA S-URU sigh-NML FP I-POSS do-ATTR [I] will sigh (lit.: I will do the sighing) (MYS 4.714) 企許斯遠周久爾能麻保良叙可爾迦久爾保志伎麻爾麻爾斯可爾波阿羅慈迦

kikǝs-i-wos-u kuni-nǝ ma-po-ra ⁿzǝ ka n-i ka-ku n-i posi-ki manima n-i sika n-i pa ar-aⁿzi ka rule(HON)-CONV-HON-ATTR country-GEN INT-top-LOC FP thus DV-CONV thus-CONV DV-CONV desire-ATTR according DV-CONV thus DV-CONV TOP exist-NEG/TENT IP in the highest place of the country, where [the emperor] rules, [it] would not be thus according to what [you] wish to be this way and that way, [would it]? (MYS 5.800) 波流佐礼婆許奴礼我久利弖宇具比須曽奈岐弖伊奴奈流烏梅我志豆延尓

paru sar-e-mba kǝ-n-ure-ŋ-gakur-i-te uŋgupisu sǝ nak-i-te in-u-nar-u uMƐ-ŋga siⁿ-du ye-ni spring come-EV-CON tree-GEN-top-LOC-hide-CONV-SUB bush.warbler FP sing-CONV-SUB go-FIN-RA-FIN plum-POSS branch-LOC When the spring comes, [they] say that the bush warbler, who was hiding in the upper branches of trees, will go to sing in the lower branches of the plum [trees] (MYS 5.827) 宇梅能波奈乎理加射之都都毛呂比登能阿蘇夫遠美礼婆弥夜古之叙毛布

uMƐ-nǝ pana wor-i kaⁿzas-i-tutu morǝ pitǝ-nǝ asomb-u-wo mi-re-mba miyako si ⁿzǝ [o]mop-u plum-GEN flower break.off-CONV put.in.the.hair-CONV-COOR all person-GEN play-ATTR-ACC see-EV-CON capital EP FP think-ATTR When [I] see that all people enjoy themselves breaking off plum blossoms and putting [them] in [their] hair, [I] think of the capital (MYS 5.843)

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1099

Particles 吾齒曽戀流妹

ARE pa sǝ KOP-Uru IMO I TOP FP long.for-ATTR beloved [my] beloved, for whom I long (MYS 9.1787) 吾衣揩有者不在高松之野邊行之者芽子之揩類曽

WA- ŋGA KƏRƏMƏ SUR-ER-U N-I pa AR-AⁿZ-U TAKAMATU-NƏ NO-PE YUK-I-SIKA-mba PA ŋGÏ-NƏ SUR-Er-u sǝ I-POSS garment dye-PROG-ATTR DV-CONV TOP exist-NEG-FIN Takamatu-GEN field-side go-CONV-PAST/EV-CON bush.clover-GEN dye-PROG-ATTR FP [I] did not dye my garment. The bush clover dyed [it] when [I] passed the Takamatu field (MYS 10.2101) 四具礼能零苗尓夜副衣寒一之宿者

siŋgure-nǝ PUR-U napɛ n-i YO SAPƐ sǝ SAMU-KI PITƏ-RI si N-URE-mba drizzling.rain-GEN fall-ATTR CONJ DV-CONV night RP FP cold-ATTR one-CL EP sleep-EV-CON at the same time as the drizzling rain falls, the night is even colder, because [I] sleep alone (MYS 10.2237) 埋木之下従其戀

UMORE- ŋ-GÏ-NƏ SITA-YU sǝ KOP-URU bury(NML)-DV(ATTR)-tree-GEN bottom-ABL FP long.for-ATTR [I] long for [you] secretly (MYS 11.2723) 可具呂伎可美尓都由曽於伎尓家類

kaŋ-gurǝ3-ki kami-ni tuyu sǝ ok-i-n-i-ker-u INT-black-ATTR hair-LOC dew FP put-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR [it] turned out that the dew fell on the pitch-black hair (MYS 15.3649) 安可等吉能安左宜理其問理可里我祢曾奈久

akatǝki-nǝ asa-ŋ-gïri-ŋ-gǝmor-i kari-ŋga ne sǝ nak-u dawn-GEN morning-GEN-fog-LOC-hide-CONV wild goose-POSS sound FP cry-ATTR wild geese cry loudly being hidden in the morning fog at dawn (MYS 15.3665)

3  The character 呂 transcribing otsu-rui /rǝ/ is apparently a scribal mistake for kō-rui /ro/.

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1100

Chapter 9

比等余里波伊毛曽母安之伎

pitǝ-yǝri pa imo sǝ mǝ asi-ki person-ABL TOP beloved FP EP bad-ATTR [my] beloved is worse than [other] people (MYS 15.3737) 伊毛乎婆美受曾安流倍久安里家留

imo-womba mi-ⁿz-u sǝ ar-umbɛ-ku ar-i-ker-u beloved-ACC(EMPH) see-NEG-CONV FP exist-DEB-CONV exist-CONVRETR-ATTR [I] must not have seen [my] beloved (MYS 15.3739) 須流須敝能多度伎乎之良尓祢能未之曽奈久

s-uru sumbe-nǝ taⁿdoki-wo sir-an-i ne nǝmï si sǝ nak-u do-ATTR way-GEN clue-ACC know-NEG-CONV sound RP EP FP cry-ATTR [I] have no (lit. do not know) clue what to do, and [I] just sob loudly (MYS 15.3777) 日能久礼由氣婆家乎之曽於毛布

PI-nǝ kure-yuk-e-mba IPE-wo si sǝ omop-u sub-GEN set(CONV)-go-EV-CON home-ACC EP FP think-ATTR because the sun is setting, [I] think of [my] home (MYS 17.3895) 伊母祢受尓今日毛之賣良尓孤悲都追曽乎流

i mǝ ne-ⁿz-u n-i KEPU mo simera n-i kop-i-tutu sǝ wor-u sleep FP sleep-NEG-NML DV-CONV today FP as.always DV-CONV love-CONVCOOR FP exist-ATTR without sleeping (a sleep), [I] continue to love [you] today as always, too (MYS 17.3969) 於呂可尓曽和礼波於母比之乎不乃宇良能

orǝka n-i sǝ ware pa omǝp-i-si Opu-nǝ ura insufficient DV-CONV FP I TOP think-CONV-PAST/ATTR Opu-GEN bay the bay of Opu about which I did not think much (lit. thought insufficiently) (MYS 18.4049)

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1101

Particles 伊久欲布等余美都追伊毛波和礼麻都良牟曾

iku yo p-u tǝ yǝm-i-tutu imo pa ware mat-uram-u sǝ how many night pass-FIN DV count-CONV-COOR beloved TOP I wait-TENT2ATTR FP [My] beloved will probably wait for me, counting: ‘How many nights have passed?’ (MYS 18.4072) 伊尓之敝欲伊麻乃乎追通尓奈我佐敝流於夜乃子等毛曽大伴等佐伯乃氏者

inisipe-yo ima-nǝ wotutu-ni naŋgas-ap-er-u oya-nǝ KO-ⁿdǝmo sǝ OPOTƏMƏ-tǝ SAPEKI-nǝ UⁿDI pa old.times-ABL now-GEN reality-LOC make.flow-ITER-PROG-ATTR child-PLUR FP Opotǝmǝ-COM Sapeki-GEN clan TOP the Opotǝmǝ and Sapeki clans, the children of [their] parents, who made [their names] to be known from the time of old to the present [day’s] reality (MYS 18.4094) 石乎毛珠等曽吾見流

ISI-wo mo TAMA tǝ sǝ WA- ŋGA MI-ru stone-ACC FP jewel DV FP I_POSS see-ATTR I view stones as jewels, too (MYS 19.4199) 山人乃和礼尓依志米之夜麻都刀曽許礼

YAMA-m-BITƏ-nǝ ware-ni e-simɛ-si yama tuto sǝ kǝre mountain-GEN-person-GEN I-DAT receive-CAUS(CONV)-PAST/ATTR mountain present FP this this [is] a mountain present that a mountaineer gave me (lit.: made me receive) (MYS 20.4293) 麻奈久曽奈良波古非之可利家留

ma na-ku sǝ nara pa kopïsi-k-ar-i-ker-u interval no-CONV FP Nara TOP longing-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-ATTR [I] am longing for [the capital of] Nara without interruption (MYS 20.4461) 伊爾志加多知与乃都美佐閇保呂夫止曾伊布乃曾久止叙伎久

in-i-si kata ti yǝ-nǝ tumi sapɛ porǝmb-u tǝ sǝ ip-u nǝsǝk-u tǝ ⁿzǝ kik-u go-CONV-PAST/ATTR side thousand life-GEN sin RP disappear-FIN DV FP sayATTR take.away-FIN DV FP hear-ATTR [they] say that even the sins of one thousand former lives will disappear. [I] hear that [the Buddha] takes [them] away (BS 17)

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1102

Chapter 9

吾家良曾昌由流也

WA-ŋG-IPE-ra sǝ SAK-Ay-uru ya we-POSS-house-PLUR FP flourish-PASS-ATTR IP our houses are flourishing, aren’t they? (SNK 8) 奈禮乎曾與咩爾保師登多禮

nare-wo sǝ yǝme n-i posi tǝ tare you-ACC FP bride DV-CONV be.desirable DV who who wants you as [his] bride? (NR 2.33) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The focus particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ is also well attested in Eastern Old Japanese. 阿是曾母許与比与斯呂伎麻左奴

aⁿze sǝ mǝ kǝ yǝpi yǝs-i-rǝ k-i-[i]mas-an-u why FP EP this night approach-CONV-? come-CONV-HON-NEG-ATTR why did not [you] come tonight? (MYS 14.3469) 哭乎曽奈伎都流手兒尓安良奈久尓

NE-wo sǝ nak-i-t-uru teŋGO n-i ar-an-aku n-i voice-ACC FP cry-CONV-PERF-ATTR baby DV-CONV exist-NEG-NML DV-CONV [I] sobbed loudly, although [I] am not a baby (MYS 14.3485) 麻乎其母能布能末知可久弖安波奈敞波於吉都麻可母能奈気伎曾安我須流

mawo-ŋ-gǝmǝ-nǝ pu-nǝ ma tika-ku-te ap-an-ap-e-mba oki-tu ma-kamǝ-nǝ naŋgɛk-i sǝ a-ŋga s-uru nettle-GEN-mat-GEN mesh-GEN space be.close-CONV-SUB meet-NEG-ITEREV-CON offing-GEN/LOC INT-duck-COMP lament-NML FP I-POSS do-ATTR Because [we] do not meet being as close [to each other] as the spaces between the meshes of a nettle mat, I lament like a real duck in the offing (lit.: I do the lamenting) (MYS 14.3524)

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Particles

1103

奈爾須礼曾波波登布波奈乃佐吉泥己受祁牟

nani s-ure sǝ papa tǝ [i]p-u pana-nǝ sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-ⁿz-u-k-em-u what do-EV FP mother DV say-ATTR flower-GEN bloom-CONV-exit (CONV)-come-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR why (lit.: having done what) has the flower called ‘Mother’ not bloomed? (MYS 20.4323) 阿母志々尓己等麻乎佐受弖伊麻叙久夜之氣

amǝ sisi-ni kǝtǝ mawos-aⁿz-u-te ima ⁿzǝ kuyasi-kɛ mother father-DAT word say(HUM)-NEG-CONV-SUB now FP regretful-ATTR now [I] regret that [I] did not tell [my] mother and father (MYS 20.4376) There is also a special Eastern Old Japanese cognate ⁿze of Western Old Japanese particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ: 知々波々我可之良加伎奈弖佐久安礼天伊比之氣等婆是和須礼加祢豆流

titi papa-ŋga kasira kaki-naⁿde sa-ku ar-e te ip-i-si kɛtǝmba ⁿze wasurekane-t-uru father mother-POSS head PREF-stroke(CONV) safe-CONV exist-IMP DV sayCONV-PAST/ATTR word FP forget(CONV)-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-ATTR [I] cannot forget the words: “Be safe!” that [my] father and mother said, stroking [my] head (MYS 20.4346) A2: Ryukyuan A possible cognate of WOJ sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ is the Ryukyuan focus particle du, although the consonant correspondence of WOJ /s/ to Ryukyuan /d/ < *nt is irregular. The focus particle du is well attested in both Old Ryukyuan and various modern Ryukyuan dialects. Old Ryukyuan

In Old Ryukyuan the focus particle du is spelled differently as と /to/, る /ru/, and ろ /ro/: いみやとかみしもとよむ

imiya to kami simo toyom-u now FP top bottom sound-ATTR Now [both] upper and lower [classes] sing (OS 5.213)

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1104

Chapter 9

わらてるいちやる

wara-te ru iti-yar-u laugh-SUB FP go(SUB)-send-ATTR [he] goes away, laughing (OS 8.430) けおのうちろかにある

keo-no uti ro kani ar-u capital-GEN inside FP bell exist-ATTR there is a bell inside the capital (OS 20.1385) Shuri

taruu-ga hwich-uru sanshin-oo chichigutu du ya-ru Tarō-POSS play-ATTR shamisen-TOP pleasant.to.hear FP be-ATTR The shamisen that Tarō plays is pleasant to hear (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 26) ’yudi du ’ar-u read(SUB) FP exist-ATTR even [though I] have read [it] (RKJ 115) Miyako

In Miyako, in contrast to Old Ryukyuan and Shuri, the focus particle du does not trigger the change of the final verbal form into the attributive: uva-ga du basïka-N thou-NOM FP be.bad-FIN You are bad (Nohara 1998: 372) kinu du k-i-ta-ï yesterday FP come-CONV-PERF-FIN [He] came yesterday (Nohara 1998: 378) 1.4

Focus Particle namo

The focus particle namo, like the focus particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ emphasizes the preceding word or phrase. The focus particle namo seems to be predominantly a property of prose: other than a single attestation from the Man’yōshū cited

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1105

Particles chart 106 Combinations of the focus particle namo with preceding morphemes

morphemes

combination forms

accusative case marker -wo adjectival converb -mi subordinative converb -te conjunctive converb -mba defective verb tǝ ‘to be’ defective verb tǝ ‘to say’ topic particle pa focus particle mǝ emphatic particle si

-wo namo -mi namo -te namo -mba namo tǝ namo tǝ namo pa namo mǝ namo si namo

below, the usage of the focus particle namo (spelt as 奈母 namǝ or 奈毛 namo) is limited to the Senmyō text where it occurs ninety-three times. It triggers a change of the final form of the verb and possibly the inflected adjective into the attributive (see Chapter 6, section 3.2.1.2.3). If we compare Chart 106 above with Chart 105 in section 1.3 where the combination forms of the focus particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ are presented, we should come to the conclusion that the focus particles namo and sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ indicate two different kinds of focus. First, these two cannot combine. Second, they show only a partially overlapping set of morphemes they can follow. Thus, their distribution is rather different. It is especially striking that in Western Old Japanese namo never follows any nominals directly, while sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ and other focus particles can follow nominals directly. Thus, it appears the primary function of namo in Western Old Japanese is to highlight a limited set of the preceding grammatical forms that are presented in Chart 106.4 Examples:

4  It is of course possible that the usage of the particle namo was in fact much broader, because our main source is the Senmyō, and this text is very formulaic. Thus, there is a possibility that there were usages unrecorded in the Senmyō, but unfortunately we simply do not know, as we come to the limits of our knowledge here.

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1106

Chapter 9

何時奈毛不戀有登者雖不有得田直比来戀之繁母

ITU PA namo KOPÏ-ⁿZ-U AR-I tǝ pa AR-AN-E-ⁿDƏ utate KƏNƏ KƏRƏ KOPÏ si SI ŋGƐ-KI5 mǝ when TOP FP love-NEG-CONV exist-FIN DV TOP exist-NEG-EV-CONC unusually this time love(NML) EP thick-ATTR EP Although there is no [time] when [I] say that [I] do not love [you] this time [my] love is unusually strong (MYS 12.2877) 忌忍事爾似事乎志奈母常労彌重彌所念坐久

IM-I-SINƏmB-URU KƏTƏ-ni NI-RU KƏTƏ-wo si namǝ TUNE ITAPASI-mi OMƏ-mi OMƏP-OS-I-IMAS-Aku abstain-CONV-endure-ATTR matter-LOC resemble-ATTR matter-ABS EP FP usual painful-GER heavy-GER think-HON-CONV-HON-NML the fact that [we] deign to think that the matter that resembles the matter of abstaining [to reward him] is usually painful and hard (SM 2) 此食国天下之政事者平長将在止奈母所念坐

KƏNƏ WOS-U KUNI AMƐ-NƏ SITA-NƏ MATURI ŋGƏTƏ pa TAPIRAKƐ-KU NA ŋGA-KU AR-AM-U tǝ namǝ OMƏP-OS-I-[I]MAS-U this rule-ATTR country heaven-GEN under-GEN governance TOP safe-CONV long-CONV exist-TENT-FIN DV FP think-HON-CONV-HON-ATTR [I] deign to think that the governance would be safe and last long in this country under the Heaven that [I] rule (SM 3) 治賜比慈賜来業止奈母随神所念行湏

WOSAMƐ-TAMAp-i UTUKUSImBÏ-TAMAP-I-K-URU WAⁿZA tǝ namǝ KAMUNA- ŋ-GARA OMƏP-OS-I-MEs-u rule(CONV)-HON-CONV show.benevolence(CONV)-HON-CONV-come-ATTR deed DV FP deity-PLUR-GEN-nature think-HON-CONV-HON-ATTR [I], as a deity, deign to think that [they are] the deeds that [I] deign to administer with benevolence (SM 3) 5  Most of the Man’yōshū commentators read this as SIŋGƐ-SI ‘thick-FIN’ (Takagi et al. 1960: 265), etc., but this reading goes against the kakari-musubi rule that requires a final predicate to be in its attributive form after the particle namo. Certainly, there are no other cases of the attributive form in -ki attested after namo, but on the other hand, there are no final forms in -si attested after namo either. Given that verbal final forms become attributives after namo, I believe that it is more consistent to interpret this form as siŋgɛ-ki rather than siŋgɛ-si.

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1107

Particles 一二人乎治賜波奈止那毛所思行湏

PITƏ-RI PUTA-RI-wo WOSAMƐ-TAMAp-ana tǝ namo OMƏP-OS-I-MEs-u one-CL two-CL-ACC reward(CONV)-HON-DES DV FP think-HON-CONVHON-ATTR [I] deign to think that [I] want to reward one or two [of my subjects] (SM 10) 食国天下乎婆撫賜惠賜夫止奈母神奈我良母念坐湏

WOS-U KUNI AMƐ-NƏ SITA-womba NAⁿDE-TAMAP-I UTUKUSImBÏ-TAMAp-u tǝ namǝ KAMU-na-ŋ-gara mǝ OMƏP-OS-I-[I]MAs-u rule-ATTR country heaven-GEN under-ACC(EMPH) cherish(CONV)-HONCONV show.benevolence(CONV)-HON-FIN DV FP deity-PLUR-GEN-nature FP think-HON-CONV-HON-ATTR [I], as a deity, deign to think that [I] show benevolence and cherish the country under Heaven that I rule (SM 13) 内兵止心中古止波奈母遣湏

UTI-NƏ IKUSA tǝ KƏKƏRƏ-NƏ UTI-NƏ ko tǝ pa namǝ tukap-as-u inside-GEN warrior DV heart-GEN inside-GEN child DV TOP FP serve-HON-ATTR [you] serve as palace warriors [and] as children of [our] heart (SM 13) 成奴礼波歓美貴美奈毛念食流

NAR-I-n-ure-mba KƏKƏRƏmBOSI-mi TAPUTO-mi namo OMƏP-I-TAMAP-Uru become-CONV-PERF-EV-CON glad-GER awesome-GER FP think-CONV-HUMATTR because [it] became [as the deity said], [the sovereign] thought that [it] was joyful and awesome (SM 15) 所念看波奈母如此宣布

OMƏP-OS-I-MES-E-mba namǝ KA-KU NƏTAMAp-u think-HON-CONV-HON-EV-CON FP thus-CONV say(HON)-ATTR as [I] deigned to think … [I] proclaim in this way (SM 16) 傍上乎波宣牟止為氐奈母抑閇氐在津流

KATA-NƏ UPƐ-womba NƏTAMAP-Am-u tǝ S-I-te namǝ OSApɛ-te AR-I-t-uru side-GEN top-ACC(EMPH) say(HON)-TENT-FIN DV do-CONV-SUB FP hold. back(CONV)-SUB exist-CONV-PERF-ATTR [we] were delaying [it], as [we] were going to proclaim the rest (SM 25)

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1108

Chapter 9

卿等庶母共喜牟止為氐奈母

MAPETUKIMI-TATI MƏRƏ-MƏRƏ mǝ TƏMƏ N-I YƏRƏKƏmBÏ-m-u tǝ S-I-te namǝ minister-PLUR all-all FP together DV-CONV rejoice-TENT-FIN DV do-CONVSUB FP so that the ministers and all were going to rejoice together [with us] (SM 25) 親王多知治賜夫日仁治不賜在牟止為弖奈母

MIKO-tati WOSAMƐ-TAMAp-u PI-ni WOSAMƐ-TAMAP-AⁿZ-U AR-Am-u tǝ S-I-te namǝ prince-PLUR reward(CONV)-HON-ATTR day-LOC reward(CONV)-HON-NEGCONV exist-TENT-FIN DV do-CONV-SUB FP on the day when [we] reward princes, are not [we] going to reward [Puⁿdipara]? (SM 25) 菩提心縁爾在良之止母奈母念湏

mBOⁿDI-NƏ KƏKƏRƏ YƏSI Ar-asi tǝ mǝ namǝ OMƏP-Os-u enlightenment-GEN heart chance exist-SUP DV FP FP think-HON-ATTR [I] think that [I] have a chance for enlightenment (SM 27) 可多良比能利多夫言乎聞久仁是能太政大臣乃官乎授末都流仁方敢多比奈 牟可等奈毛念

katar-ap-i-nǝritamb-u KƏTƏ-wo KIk-u-ni KƏnǝ OPO MATURI ŋGƏTƏ OPOMAPETUKIMI-nǝ TUKASA-wo SAⁿDUKƐ-matur-u-ni pa APƐ-tamb-i-nam-u ka tǝ namo OMƏP-OS-U say-ITER-CONV-HON-ATTR word-ACC hear-ATTR-LOC this great governance minister-GEN office-ACC bestow(CONV)-HUM-ATTR-LOC TOP endure(CONV)-HON-CONV-PERF-TENT-ATTR IP DV FP think-HON-ATTR when [I] heard the words that [he] was repeatedly saying, [I] thought: ‘Would [he] be appropriate for bestowing [on him] the office of the minister of the great governance?’ (SM 36) 伊豫国与利白祥鹿乎献奉天在礼方有礼志与呂許保志止奈毛見流

iyǝ-NƏ KUNI-yǝri SIRO-KI SIRUSI N-Ə SIKA-wo TATEMATUR-I-te Ar-e-mba uresi yǝrǝkǝmb-ǝsi tǝ namo MI-ru Iyǝ-GEN province-ABL white-ATTR mark DV-ATTR deer-ACC present(HUM)CONV-SUB exist-EV-CON glad joyful-ADJ DV FP see-ATTR when [they] had presented [us] with a deer with white marks from the province of Iyǝ, [we] regarded [this] as [a] joyful and auspicious [event] (SM 46)

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1109

Particles 臣等止共仁異奇久麗白伎形乎奈毛見喜流

OMI-TATI-tǝ TƏMƏ n-i KƏTƏ N-I AYASI-ku URUPASI-KI SIRO-ki KATATI-wo namo MI YƏRƏKƏmB-Uru noble-PLUR-COM together DV-CONV different DV-CONV strange-CONV beautiful-ATTR white-ATTR shape-ACC FP see(CONV) rejoice-ATTR [we] rejoice together with nobles looking at this unusual, strange and beautiful white shape [of the deer skin] (SM 46) 汝乃志乎婆蹔久乃間毛忘得末之自美奈毛

MIMASI-nǝ KƏKƏRƏⁿZASI-womba simasi-ku n-ǝ MA mo WASUR-Umasiⁿzi-mi namo you-GEN memorial.service-ACC(EMPH) be.a.little.while-CONV DV-ATTR interval FP forget-NEG/POT-GER FP because [I] cannot forget about memorial services for you even for a little while (SM 58) 子乃蒙服麻久欲為流事波於夜乃多米爾止奈母聞行湏

KO-nǝ SAKIPAPI-WO KA ŋGAPUR-Am-aku POR-I S-Uru KƏTƏ pa oya-nǝ tamɛ n-i tǝ namǝ KIK-ƏS-I-MEs-u child-GEN happiness-ACC receive-TENT-NML want-NML do-ATTR matter TOP parent-GEN for DV-CONV DV FP hear-HON-CONV-HON-FIN [We] heard that when children want to obtain happiness [it] is for the sake of their parents (SM 61) 1.5

Focus Particle kǝsǝ

The focus particle kǝsǝ seems to place an especially strong emphasis on a preceding word or phrase, much stronger than the particles sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ and namo described above in 1.3 and 1.4. While there seems to be no English equivalent of this particle, it is possible to translate kǝsǝ as German doch or Russian zhe. It triggers the change of the final form of the verb to the evidential (see Chapter 6, section 3.2.1.3). After kǝsǝ the final form of inflected adjectives changes in Western Old Japanese to the attributive, and not to the evidential as in Classical (Middle) Japanese (see Chapter 5, section 2.3).

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Chapter 9

chart 107 Combinations of the focus particle kǝsǝ with preceding morphemes

morphemes

combination forms

nominal dative-locative case marker -ni accusative case marker -wo converb -i converb -ku evidential -(ur)ɛ adjectival final -si adjectival converb -mi subordinative converb -te conditional converb -amba defective verb tǝ ‘to say’ topic particle pa emphatic particle si restrictive particle nǝmï

nominal + kǝsǝ -ni kǝsǝ -wo kǝsǝ -i kǝsǝ -ku kǝsǝ* -(ur)ɛ kǝsǝ -si kǝsǝ -mi kǝsǝ -te kǝsǝ -amba kǝsǝ tǝ kǝsǝ pa kǝsǝ** si kǝsǝ nǝmï kǝsǝ***

Note:  * Attested only once in partially semantographic writing: see the example from MYS 16.3826 below. ** Attested only once in semantographic writing: see the text of MYS 4.605 below. *** Attested in three semantographic examples and in one example in partially semantographic spelling: see the text of MYS 13.3298 below.

The distribution pattern of kǝsǝ is closer to sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ than to namo, although there are overlapping distributions between kǝsǝ and namo as well, which are not attested for sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ. This may have an explanation in the origins of kǝsǝ (see the discussion in section ‘A2: Ryukyuan’ hereafter), but nevertheless all three particles represent quite different types of focus, as neither one of them can combine with another. Although many different word forms can be found after the focus particle kǝsǝ, it is worth noting that it can be also followed by two other particles: chart 108 Combinations of the focus particle kǝsǝ with following particles

particles

combination forms

topic particle pa emphatic particle yǝ

kǝsǝ pa kǝsǝ yǝ

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1111

Particles

Therefore, both combinations pa kǝsǝ (see the Chart 107 above) and kǝsǝ pa are possible, although the latter is much more frequent. In addition, they have different distributions: pa kǝsǝ is found after the adjectival converb -ku; meanwhile, kǝsǝ pa occurs predominantly after nominals (for an exception see the example from MYS 17.3977 below). Examples: 伊我留我乃止美能乎何波乃多叡婆許曾和何於保支美乃弥奈和須良叡米

Ikaruŋga-nǝ tǝmi n-ǝ woⁿ-gapa-nǝ taye-mba kǝsǝ wa-ŋga opo kimi-nǝ mi-na wasur-aye-m-ɛ Ikaruŋga-GEN wealth DV-ATTR DIM-river-GEN end-COND FP I-POSS great lord-GEN HON-name forget-PASS-TENT-EV If only the small abundant river in Ikaruŋga would dry up, the name of my great lord would be forgotten (TS 2) 伊麻許曾婆和杼理迩阿良米能知波那杼理爾阿良牟遠

ima kǝsǝ pa wa-ⁿ-dǝri n-i ar-am-ɛ nǝti pa na-ⁿ-dǝri n-i ar-am-u-wo now FP TOP I-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-EV after TOP you-OSM-bird DV-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR-ACC Now [I] am my bird, later [I] will be your bird, so … (KK 3) 那許曾波遠迩伊麻世婆

na kǝsǝ pa wo n-i imas-e-mba you FP TOP man DV-CONV exist(HON)-EV-CON since you are a man (KK 5) 斯漏多陀牟岐麻迦受祁婆許曾斯良受登母伊波米

siro taⁿdamuki mak-aⁿz-u-k-emba kǝsǝ sir-aⁿz-u tǝ mǝ ip-am-ɛ white arm use.as.a.pillow-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN-COND FP know-NEG-FIN DV FP say-TENT-EV if [I] did not use [your] white arms as a pillow, [you] could even say that [you] do not know [me] (KK 61) 佐和佐和爾那賀伊弊勢許曾宇知和多須夜賀波延那須岐伊理麻韋久禮

sawa-sawa n-i na-ŋga ip-es-e kǝsǝ uti-watas-u ya-ŋga paye-nasu k-i-ir-i-mawi-k-ure noisily-noisily DV-CONV you-POSS speak(CONV)-HON-EV FP PREF-carry.acrossATTR ?-POSS ?-COMP come-CONV-enter-CONV-HUM(CONV)-come-EV you spoke noisily and [you] came inside like ? that crossed from afar (KK 63)

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1112

Chapter 9

宇倍志許曾斗比多麻閇麻許曾迩斗比多麻閇

umbɛ-si kǝsǝ top-i-tamap-ɛ ma kǝsǝ n-i top-i-tamap-ɛ be.proper-FIN FP ask-CONV-HON-EV truth FP DV-CONV ask-CONV-HON-EV [It] is proper that [you] asked [me], [it] is right that [you] asked [me] (KK 72) 和賀多多弥由米許登袁許曾多多美登伊波米和賀都麻波由米

wa-ŋga tatami yumɛ kǝtǝ-wo kǝsǝ tatami tǝ ip-am-ɛ wa-ŋga tuma pa yumɛ I-POSS rice.straw.mat at.all thing-ACC FP rice.straw.mat DV say-TENT-EV I_ POSS spouse TOP at.all [Do not touch] my bed at all! [When I] call it a bed, [I mean: ‘Do not touch] my wife at all!’ (KK 86) 阿賀母布都麻阿理登伊波婆許曾余伊弊爾母由加米

a-ŋga [o]mǝp-u tuma ar-i tǝ ip-amba kǝsǝ yǝ ipe-ni mǝ yuk-am-ɛ I-POSS love-ATTR spouse exist-FIN DV say-COND FP EP house-LOC FP go-TENT-EV if [I] only could say that [my] wife whom I love, [still] lives, [I] would go home (KK 90) 意富多久美袁遅那美許曾須美加多夫祁禮

opǝ takumi woⁿdina-mi kǝsǝ sumi katambuk-er-e great carpenter be.unskillful-GER FP corner be.slanted-PROG-EV Since the great carpenter is unskillful, the corners are slanted (KK 106) 虚呂望虚曾赴多幣茂予耆

kǝrǝmǝ kǝsǝ puta-pe mo yǝ-ki garment FP two-CL FP good-ATTR [It] is good [to wear] two layers of garments (NK 47) 奈羅陪務苔虚層曾能古破阿利鶏梅

narambɛ-m-u tǝ kǝsǝ sǝnǝ ko pa ar-i-k-em-ɛ put.side.by.side-TENT-FIN DV FP that girl TOP exist-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-EV [you say] that [I] will put [you two] side by side, [but how] could it be that girl? (NK 48) 阿母儞擧曾枳擧曳儒阿羅毎矩儞儞播枳擧曳底那

amo-ni kǝsǝ kik-ǝye-ⁿz-u ar-am-ɛ kuni-ni pa kik-ǝye-te-na mother-DAT FP hear-PASS-NEG-CONV exist-TENT-EV land-DAT TOP hear-PASS(CONV)-PERF-DES [I] probably will not be heard by [my] mother, but [I] wish to be heard by [the] land! (NK 82) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

1113

Particles 不聴跡雖謂話礼話礼常詔許曾志斐伊波奏強話登言

INA tǝ IP-Ɛ-ⁿDƏ KATAr-e KATAr-e tǝ NƏR-AS-E kǝsǝ Sipï-i pa MAWOS-E SIPÏ- ŋ-GATAR-I tǝ NƏR-U no DV say-EV-CONC speak-IMP speak-IMP DV say-HON-EV FP Sipï-ACT TOP say(HUM)-EV forced-DV(ATTR)-say-NML DV say-FIN Though [I] say: ‘No,’ [you] command [me]: ‘Speak, speak!,’ [but the things that] Sipï says, [you] call a forced speech (MYS 3.237) 天地之神理無者社吾念君尓不相死為目

AMƐ TUTI-NƏ KAMÏ-NƏ KƏTƏWARI NA-KU pa KƏSƏ A- ŋGA OMƏP-U KIMI-ni AP-AⁿZ-U SIN-I SE-m-ɛ Heaven Earth-GEN deity-GEN principle no-CONV TOP FP I-POSS love-ATTR lord-DAT meet-NEG-CONV die-NML do-TENT-EV If there would be no principle of the deities of the Heaven and the Earth, [I] would die without meeting you, whom I love (MYS 4.605) 可久斯己曽烏梅乎加射之弖多努志久能麻米

ka-ku si kǝsǝ uMƐ-wo kaⁿzas-i-te tanosi-ku nǝm-am-ɛ thus-CONV EP FP plum-ACC decorate-CONV-SUB be.merry-CONV drink-TENT-EV decorating [our hair] with plum [blossoms] in this way, [we] should drink merrily (MYS 5.833) 伊毛我多毛等乎和礼許曽末加米

imo-ŋga tamotǝ ware kǝsǝ mak-am-ɛ beloved-POSS sleeve I FP use.as.a.pillow-TENT-EV I will use as a pillow the sleeves of [my] beloved (MYS 5.857) 君者秋山乃始黄葉尓似許曽有家礼

KIMI pa AKI YAMA-nǝ PATU MOMIT-I-m-BANA-ni NI-TE kǝsǝ AR-I-ker-e lord TOP autumn mountain-GEN first leaves.turn.red/yellow-NML-DV(ATTR)leaf-LOC look.like(CONV)-SUB FP exist-CONV-RETR-EV [my] beloved is looking like the first red leaves on an autumn mountain (MYS 8.1584)

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1114

Chapter 9

二々火四吾妹生友各鑿社吾戀度七目

SIN-AM-U yǝ WA- ŋG-IMO IK-ER-I tǝmǝ ka-ku nǝmï KƏSƏ KOPÏ-WATAR-I-n-am-ɛ die-TENT-FIN EP I-POSS-beloved live-PROG-FIN CONJ thus-CONV RP FP long. for(CONV)-cross-CONV-PERF-TENT-EV [I] will die, my beloved! Even if [I] am living, [I] will continue to long for [you] just like that (MYS 13.3298) 伊敝之麻波奈尓許曽安里家礼

ipe sima pa na n-i kǝsǝ ar-i-ker-e Home island TOP name DV-CONV FP exist-CONV-RETR-EV “Home island” turned out to be just a name (MYS 15.3718) 安我未許曾世伎夜麻故要弖許己爾安良米許己呂波伊毛爾与里爾之母能乎

a-ŋga mï kǝsǝ seki yama koye-te kǝkǝ-ni ar-am-ɛ kǝkǝrǝ pa imo-ni yǝr-i-n-i-si mǝnǝwo I-POSS body FP barrier mountain cross(CONV)-SUB here-LOC exist-TENT-EV heart TOP beloved-DAT approach-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR CONJ My body has crossed barriers and mountains, and is probably here. But [my] heart stayed near [my] beloved! (MYS 15.3757) 蓮葉者如是許曽有物

PATISU-N-PA pa KA-KU kǝsǝ AR-U MƏNƏ lotus-GEN-leaf TOP thus-CONV FP exist-ATTR thing The lotus leaf is a thing like this (MYS 16.3826) 昨日許曽敷奈凰婆勢之可

KINƏPU kǝsǝ puna-[i]ⁿde se-sika yesterday FP boat-exit(NML) do(CONV)-PAST/EV Yesterday [we] sailed out (MYS 17.3893) 阿里佐利氐能知毛相牟等於母倍許曽

ari-sar-i-te nǝti mo AP-Am-u tǝ omǝp-ɛ kǝsǝ ITER-go.away-CONV-SUB after FP meet-TENT-FIN DV think-EV FP [Time] constantly goes away, and [I] hope that [we] will meet later, too (MYS 17.3933)

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1115

Particles 安之可伎能保加尓母伎美我余里多々志孤悲家礼許曽婆伊米尓見要家礼

asi kaki-nǝ poka-ni mǝ kimi-ŋga yǝr-i tat-as-i kopï-ker-e kǝsǝmba imɛ-ni MI-ye-ker-e reed fence-GEN outside-LOC FP lord-POSS approach-CONV stand-HON-CONV long.for(CONV)-RETR-EV FP TOP dream-LOC see-PASS(CONV)-RETR-EV As [you] were longing for [me], coming out and standing outside the reed fence you appeared in [my] dream, (MYS 17.3977) This is the only example in Western Old Japanese when kǝsǝmba appears after a verbal form. 故之能吉美良等可久之許曾楊奈疑可豆良枳多努之久安蘇婆米

Kosi-nǝ kimi-ra-tǝ ka-ku si kǝsǝ YAnaŋgï kaⁿdurak-i tanosi-ku asomb-am-ɛ Kosi-GEN lord-PLUR-COM thus-CONV EP FP willow wear.as.a.wig-CONV pleasant-CONV amuse-TENT-EV [I] will amuse [myself] with lords from Kosi by putting willow [branches] in our hair in this way (MYS 18.4071) 都奇見礼婆於奈自久尓奈里夜麻許曽婆伎美我安多里乎敝太弖多里家礼

tukï MI-re-mba onaⁿzi kuni nar-i yama kǝsǝ pa kimi-ŋga atari-wo peⁿdatetar-i-ker-e moon see-EV-CON same province be-FIN mountain FP TOP lord-POSS vicinityACC separate(CONV)-PERF/PROG-CONV-EV When [I] look at the moon, it is the same province. [But] the mountains are separating you [from me] (MYS 18.4073) 可久之許曽都可倍麻都良米伊夜等保奈我尓

ka-ku si kǝsǝ tukapɛ-matur-am-ɛ iya tǝpo naŋga n-i thus-CONV EP FP serve(CONV)-HUM-TENT-EV plentifully long long DV-CONV Thus, [I] will serve [you] plentifully and for a long, long time (MYS 18.4098) 王乃幣爾去曾死米

OPO KIMI-nǝ pe-ni kǝsǝ SIN-Am-ɛ great lord-GEN side-LOC FP die-TENT-EV [I] will die at the side of [my] great lord (SNK 5) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The focus particle kǝsǝ is amply attested in Eastern Old Japanese:

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1116

Chapter 9

刀奈布倍美許曽奈爾与曾利鶏米

tonap-umbɛ-mi kǝsǝ na-ni yǝsǝr-i-k-em-ɛ recite-DEB-GER FP you-DAT approach-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-EV as [I] had to recite [the magic formula], [I] approached you (MYS 14.3468) 奈爾己曾与佐礼

na-ni kǝsǝ yǝs-ar-e you-DAT FP approach-PROG-EV [I] approached you (MYS 14.3478) 於曾波夜母奈乎許曾麻多賣

osǝ paya mǝ na-wo kǝsǝ mat-am-e slow fast FP you-ACC FP wait-TENT-EV Whether [you come] quickly or slowly, [I] will wait for you (MYS 14.3493) 之良夜麻可是能宿奈敝杼母古呂賀於曽伎能安路許曽要志母

Sira Yama kaⁿze-nǝ NE-n-ap-e-ⁿdǝmǝ ko-rǝ-ŋga osǝki-nǝ ar-o kǝsǝ ye-si-mǝ White Mountain wind-GEN sleep-NEG-ITER-CONC girl-DIM-POSS garmentGEN exist-ATTR FP good-FIN-EXCL although [I] continue not to sleep at the [cold] wind from the White Mountain, [it] is good to have my girl’s garment (MYS 14.3509) Note that in Western Old Japanese the focus particle kǝsǝ is not attested after the attributive form. A2: Ryukyuan It appears that in Old Ryukyuan the evidential form consistently replaces the final form after the focus particle siyo ~ su that is claimed to be related to WOJ kǝsǝ (Serafim and Shinzato 2005: 12–21). The examples below are borrowed from Serafim and Shinzato 2005 with some changes in transliteration, glossing, and translation: しよりもりきみゝゝしよまふらめ

Siyori mori kimi-kimi siyo mabur-am-e Shuri shrine priestess-priestess FP protect-TENT-EV Priestesses from the Shuri Shrine will protect [it] (OS 13.853)

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Particles

1117

はつにしやすまちよたれおきとばすまちよたれ

fatu nisi ya su mat-i-yo-tar-e okitoba su mat-i-yo-tar-e first north.wind TOP FP wait-CONV-exist(CONV)-PERF-EV north.wind FP wait-CONV-exist(CONV)-PERF-EV [We] waited for the first north wind. [We] waited for the north wind (OS 13.899) Serafim and Shinzato derive WOJ kǝsǝ from a combination of kǝ ‘this’ and the nominalizer *so ‘one, thing’ (2005: 12–16). Attractive as it is, given the syntactic functional similarity of WOJ kǝsǝ and OR siyo ~ su, this proposal, nevertheless, faces certain difficulties. First, why would a nominalizer be found after a demonstrative pronoun? It should be expected after a verb, but not after a nominal, since there is nothing to nominalize there. Second, and most importantly, the internal evidence for PJN *so ‘one, thing’ is speculative. Nevertheless, the possibility of connection between WOJ kǝsǝ and OR siyo ~ su certainly exists; it just seems to me that it cannot be positively proven. There are no other potential cognates of WOJ kǝsǝ in Ryukyuan.

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Section 2

Interrogative Particles There are two interrogative particles in Western Old Japanese: ya and ka. 2.1

Interrogative Particle ya

The interrogative particle ya introduces a general question, and is never used in wh- questions. It can be found in both sentence final and sentence non-final positions. In the latter the interrogative particle ya always triggers the change of the final verbal form to the attributive. chart 109 Combinations of the interrogative particle ya with different verbal forms of final predication

final form attributive evidential exclamative

sentence final ya

sentence non-final ya

+ − + +

− + − −

As one can see from this chart, the combinations of sentence final ya and sentence non-final ya with the verbal forms of final predication are in complimentary distribution. (1) Sentence-final position. In this position the interrogative particle ya can be followed only by the emphatic particle mǝ, but it always follows final, evidential, and exclamative forms as shown in Chart 109 above. In combination with the evidential tentative forms -(a)m-ɛ and -(u)ram-ɛ, the interrogative particle ya expresses irony, or in other words it poses a question that implies an opposite answer (see Chapter 6, section 3.2.1.3.1). Examples: 之餓阿摩離虚等珥莵句離訶枳譬句椰

si-ŋga amari kǝtǝ n-i tukur-i kaki-pik-u ya it-POSS remainder koto DV-CONV make-CONV PREF-play-FIN IP [they] made a koto out of its remainders, will [they] play? (NK 41)

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Particles 儺波企箇輸揶

na pa kik-as-u ya you TOP ask-HON-FIN IP Shall [I] ask you? (NK 62) 於夜那斯爾奈礼奈理鶏迷夜

oya na-si n-i nare nar-i-k-em-ɛ ya parent no-FIN DV-CONV you be.born-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-EV IP Were you possibly born without parents? [Certainly not!] (NK 104) 柂我佐基泥佐基泥曾母野倭我底騰羅須謀野

ta-ŋga sakï-ⁿ-de sakï-ⁿ-de sǝ mǝ ya wa-ŋga te tǝr-as-umo ya who-POSS chap(NML)-DV(ATTR)-hand chap(NML)-DV(ATTR)-hand FP EP EP I-POSS hand take-HON-EXCL IP whose chapped hand, chapped hand will take my hand?! (NK 108) 人嬬故尓吾戀目八方

PITƏ-ⁿ-DUMA YUWE n-i ARE KOPÏ-m-ɛ ya mo person-GEN-spouse reason DV-CONV I love-TENT-EV IP EP because [she] is the wife of [another] person, should I love [her]? [Certainly not!] (MYS 1.21) 麻佐礼留多可良古爾斯迦米夜母

masar-er-u takara ko-ni sik-am-ɛ ya mǝ excel-PROG-ATTR treasure child-LOC reach-ATTR-EV IP EP Could the excellent treasures be equal to children? [Certainly not!] (MYS 5.803) 和何世古我多那礼乃美巨騰都地爾意加米移母

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga ta-nare n-ǝ mi-kǝtǝ tuti-ni ok-am-ɛ ya mǝ I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS hand-accustom(NML) DV-ATTR HON-koto groundLOC put-TENT-EV IP EP would anyone [dare to] put the favorite koto of my beloved on the ground? [Certainly not!] (MYS 5.812)

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烏梅能波奈佐吉多留僧能能阿遠也疑波可豆良爾須倍久奈利爾家良受夜

uMƐ-nǝ pana sak-i-tar-u sǝnǝ-nǝ awo yaŋgï pa kaⁿdura n-i s-umbɛ-ku nar-i-n-i-ker-aⁿz-u ya plum-GEN blossom bloom-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR garden-GEN green willow TOP wig DV-CONV do-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-NEGFIN IP Did not [it] become so that [we] should make [our] wigs out of the green willows in the garden where the plum blossoms have bloomed? (MYS 5.817) 烏梅能波奈佐企弖知理奈波佐久良婆那都伎弖佐久倍久奈利爾弖阿良受也

uMƐ-nǝ pana sak-i-te tir-i-n-amba sakura-m-bana tuŋg-i-te sak-umbɛ-ku nar-i-ni-te ar-aⁿz-u ya plum-GEN blossom bloom-CONV-SUB fall-CONV-PERF-COND sakura-GENblossom follow-CONV-SUB bloom-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONVSUB exist-NEG-FIN IP If the plum blossoms have bloomed and fallen, has [it] not become so that sakura blossoms should bloom after? (MYS 5.829) 此花乃一与能裏波百種乃言持不勝而所折家良受也

KƏNƏ PANA-nǝ PITƏ yǝ-nǝ UTI pa MOMO KUSA-nǝ KƏTƏ MƏT-I-KANE-TE WOR-AYE-ker-aⁿz-u ya this flower-GEN one petal-GEN inside TOP hundred type-GEN word holdCONV-NEG/POT(CONV)-SUB break-PASS(CONV)-RETR-NEG-FIN IP One petal of this flower cannot hold one hundred words, so will not [this flower] be broken [by the weight of words]? (MYS 8.1457) 面忘太尓毛得為也

OMO WASURE ⁿdani mo E-S-U ya face forget(NML) RP FP POT-do-FIN IP Could [I] just forget [his] face? (MYS 11.2574) 比登比母伊毛乎和須礼弖於毛倍也

pitǝ pi mǝ imo-wo wasure-te omop-ɛ ya one day FP beloved-ACC forget(CONV)-SUB think-EV IP would [I] imagine forgetting [my] beloved even [for] one day? (MYS 15.3604) 伊毛尓安礼也

imo n-i ar-e ya beloved DV-CONV exist-EV IP Is [she] my beloved? (MYS 15.3633)

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1121

Particles 比故保思母和礼爾麻佐里弖於毛布良米也母

Pikoposi mǝ ware-ni masar-i-te omop-uram-ɛ ya mǝ Altair FP I-DAT surpass-CONV-SUB long.for-TENT2-EV IP EP Will Altair long for [his beloved] more than I [do]? (lit.: surpassing me) [Certainly not!] (MYS 15.3657) 安比於毛波奴君尓安礼也母

api-omop-an-u KIMI n-i ar-e ya mǝ REC-think-NEG-ATTR lord DV-CONV exist-EV IP EP is [it my] lord, who no [longer] thinks [about lamenting of the people of this world] in return? (MYS 15.3691) 能知尓毛安波射良米也母

nǝti-ni mo ap-aⁿz-ar-am-ɛ ya mǝ later-LOC FP meet-NEG(CONV)-exist-TENT-EV IP EP will [we] not meet later? [Of course we will!] (MYS 15.3741) 古非之奈婆古非毛之祢等也

kopï-sin-amba kopï mo sin-e tǝ ya long.for(CONV)-die-COND long.for(CONV) FP die-IMP DV IP Do [you] tell [me]: ‘If [you] die longing, die from longing!’? (MYS 15.3780) 何爲牟尓吾乎召良米夜

NANI SE-m-u-ni WA-wo MES-Uram-ɛ ya what do-TENT-ATTR-LOC I-ACC summon-TENT2-EV IP should [you] have summoned me in order to do something? [You should not!] (MYS 16.3886) 都祢比等能故布登伊敷欲利波安麻里爾弖和礼波之奴倍久奈里尓多良受也

tune pitǝ-nǝ kop-u tǝ ip-u-yori pa amari n-i-te ware pa sin-umbɛ-ku nar-i-n-i-tar-aⁿz-u ya ordinary person-GEN love-FIN DV say-ATTR-ABL TOP excess DV-CONV-SUB I TOP die-DEB-CONV become-CONV-PERF-CONV-PERF/PROG-NEG-FIN IP Did not [it] become so that I should die, feeling (lit.: being) much more than what ordinary people call ‘love’? (MYS 18.4080)

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1122

Chapter 9

安比見流毛乃乎須久奈久母年月經礼波古非之家礼夜母

api-mi-ru monǝwo sukuna-ku mǝ TƏSI TUKÏ P-Ure-mba kopïsi-kere ya mǝ REC-see-ATTR CONJ few-CONV FP year month pass-EV-CON miss-EV IP EP although [we] see each other, as time goes by, do [we still] miss [each other] just a bit? (MYS 18.4118) 曽己由惠尓情奈具也

sǝkǝ yuwe n-i KƏKƏRƏ naŋg-u ya there reason DV-CONV heart calm.down-FIN IP will [my] heart calm down due to those circumstances? (MYS 19.4154) 都婆吉都良々々尓美等母安可米也

tumbaki tura-tura n-i mi tǝmǝ ak-am-ɛ ya camellia intently DV-CONV look(FIN) CONJ lose.interest-TENT-EV IP even if [I] look intently [at] the camellia, would [I] lose interest? [No, I would not] (MYS 20.4481) 山人夜多礼

YAMA-m-BITƏ ya tare mountain-GEN-person IP who Who is the hermit? (MYS 20.4294) (2) Sentence non-final position. The interrogative particle ya in this position can be found virtually anywhere in the sentence before the final verb and excluding the initial position in the sentence. The extreme case of the movement of the interrogative particle ya towards the beginning of the sentence is represented by MYS 15.3638 below, where ya is found as the second word in the sentence. As mentioned above, the final predicate after the sentence non-final ya always appears in the attributive form. Examples: 枳彌波夜那祇

kimi pa ya na-ki lord TOP IP no-ATTR Do not [you] have a lord? (NK 104)

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1123

Particles 古之嫗尓為而也如此許戀乎大尓忍金手武

PUR-I-N-I-si omina n-i s-i-te ya ka-ku mBAKARI KOPÏ-wo ⁿdani SINƏmB-I-kane-te-m-u become.old-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR old.woman DV-CONV doCONV-SUB IP thus-CONV RP love(NML)-ACC RP endure-CONV-NEG/ POT(CONV)-PERF-TENT-ATTR Am [I not] an old woman? [But it] has become so [that I] would not be able to endure even love (MYS 2.129) 烏梅能波奈比等利美都都夜波流比久良佐武

uMƐ-nǝ pana pitǝ-ri mi-tutu ya paru pi kuras-am-u plum-GEN flower one-CL see(CONV)-COOR IP spring day spend-TENT-ATTR will [I] spend the spring day looking alone at the plum blossoms? (MYS 5.818) 多麻志末乎美受弖夜和礼波故飛都々遠良武

Tamasima-wo mi-ⁿz-u-te ya ware pa kopï-tutu wor-am-u Tamasima(p.n.)-ACC see-NEG-CONV-SUB IP I TOP long.for(CONV)-COOR exist-TENT-ATTR Would I continue to long for Tamasima without seeing [it]? (MYS 5.862) 佐欲比賣能故何比列布利斯夜麻能名乃尾夜伎々都々遠良武

Sayo-pime n-ǝ ko-ŋga pire pur-i-si yama-nǝ NA nǝmï ya kik-i-tutu wor-am-u Sayo-pime DV-ATTR girl-POSS long.scarf wave-CONV-PAST/ATTR mountainGEN name RP IP hear-CONV-COOR exist-TENT-ATTR Would [I] continue just to hear the name of the mountain where the girl Sayo-pime waived [her] long scarf? (MYS 5.868) 佐夫志計米夜母吉美伊麻佐受斯弖

sambusi-k-em-ɛ ya mǝ kimi imas-aⁿz-u s-i-te be.sad-ATTR-TENT-EV IP EP lord come(HON)-NEG-NML do-CONV-SUB [if my] lord does not come, would [I] be sad? [Certainly not!] (MYS 5.878) In this example the interrogative particle ya is found in the sentence non-final position due to the inversion. 加久能未夜伊吉豆伎遠良牟

ka-ku nǝmï ya ikiⁿduk-i-wor-am-u thus-CONV RP IP sigh-CONV-exist-TENT-ATTR Would [I] be sighing just like that? (MYS 5.881)

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1124

Chapter 9

天地者比呂之等伊倍杼安我多米波狭也奈里奴流

AMƐ TUTI pa pirǝ-si tǝ ip-ɛ-ⁿdǝ a-ŋga tamɛ pa SA-KU ya nar-i-n-uru heaven earth TOP wide-FIN say-EV-CONC I-POSS for TOP narrow-CONV IP become-CONV-PERF-ATTR Although [they] say that the Heaven and Earth are wide, have [not they] become narrow for me? (MYS 5.892) 吾耳也之可流

A NƏMÏ ya sik[a]-ar-u I RP IP thus-exist-ATTR is [it] so only [for] me? (MYS 5.892) 麁妙能布衣遠陁尓伎世難尓可久夜歎敢

ARA TAPƐ-nǝ NUNO KINU-wo ⁿdani ki-se-KATE-n-i ka-ku ya NA ŋGƐk-am-u rough mulberry.bark.cloth-GEN cloth garment-ACC RP wear-CAUS(CONV)POT-NEG-CONV thus-CONV IP lament-TENT-ATTR Being unable to make [my children] wear even a cloth garment from the rough mulberry bark cloth, would [I] lament in this way? (MYS 5.901) 巨礼也己能名爾於布奈流門能宇頭之保爾多麻毛可流登布安麻乎等女杼毛

kǝre ya kǝnǝ NA-ni op-u NaruTO-nǝ uⁿdu-sipo-ni tama mo kar-u tǝ [i]p-u ama wotǝme-ⁿdǝmo This IP this name-LOC carry-ATTR Naruto-GEN whirl-current-LOC jewel seaweed cut-ATTR DV say-ATTR fisher maiden-PLUR Are these the fisher-maidens who are said to cut jewel seaweeds in the whirling current of Naruto bearing this [famous] name? (MYS 15.3638) 和礼乎也未尓也伊毛我古非都追安流良牟

ware-wo yamï-ni ya imo-ŋga kopï-tutu ar-am-u I-ACC darkness-LOC IP beloved-POSS long.for(CONV)-COOR exist-TENT-ATTR Will [my] beloved continue to long for me in the darkness? (MYS 15.3669) 君尓也毛登奈安我孤悲由加牟

KIMI-ni ya motǝna a-ŋga kopï-yuk-am-u lord-DAT IP in.vain I-POSS long.for(CONV)-go-TENT-ATTR Would I continue to long for you in vain? (MYS 15.3690)

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1125

Particles 多妣尓之婆之婆可久能未也伎美乎夜利都追安我孤悲乎良牟

tambi-ni simba-simba ka-ku nǝmï ya kimi-wo yar-i-tutu a-ŋga kopï-wor-am-u travel-LOC often thus-CONV RP IP lord-ACC send-CONV-COOR I-POSS long. for(CONV)-exist-TENT-ATTR would I be longing for [you] just keeping sending you so frequently to travels? (MYS 17.3936) 可牟加良夜曽許婆多敷刀伎

kamu-kara ya sǝkǝmba taputo-ki deity-origin IP very awesome-ATTR Is [not] the origin of deities very awesome? (MYS 17.3985) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The interrogative particle ya is amply attested in Eastern Old Japanese. It is also found in both sentence final and sentence non-final positions. (1) Sentence final position: 波奈都豆麻奈礼也

pana t-u tuma nar-e ya flower DV-ATTR spouse be-EV IP Are you a flower-wife? (MYS 14.3370) 古奈宜可久古非牟等夜

ko-naŋgï ka-ku kopï-m-u tǝ ya DIM-water-hollyhock thus-CONV long-TENT-FIN DV IP Do [you] think [I] will long so [strongly] for a small water-hollyhock? (MYS 14.3415) (2) Sentence non-final position: 多麻母乃宇知奈婢伎比登里夜宿良牟

tama mǝ-nǝ uti-nambik-i pitǝ-ri ya ne-ram-u jewel seaweed-COMP PREF-stretch-CONV one-CL IP sleep-TENT2-ATTR will [you] sleep alone, stretched like a jewel seaweed? (MYS 14.3562)

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1126

Chapter 9

可能古呂等宿受夜奈里奈牟

kanǝ ko-rǝ-tǝ NE-ⁿz-u ya nar-i-n-am-u that girl-DIM-COM sleep-NEG-CONV IP become-CONV-PERF-TENT-ATTR Will it become [so that I] will not sleep with that girl? (MYS 14.3565) 阿須由利也加曳我牟多祢牟

asu-yuri ya kaye-ŋga muta ne-m-u tomorrow-ABL IP reed-POSS together sleep-TENT-ATTR from tomorrow, would [I] sleep together with reeds? (MYS 20.4321) A2: Ryukyuan The cognates ya ~ yaa of the Western Old Japanese interrogative particle ya are well attested in modern Ryukyuan dialects, although in most dialects ya ~ yaa have the function of a confirmation seeker, like MdJ ne, and not an interrogative particle. As far as I can tell, ya ~ yaa occurs only in the sentence final position. Examples: Tokunoshima

In Tokunoshima the interrogative particle ya can be used in both general and wh- questions: kuma-na ʔaa ya here-LOC exist(FIN) IP Is [it] here? (Nohara 1998: 192) nugaši yuwa-s[a]-ar-u ya why weak-NML-exist-ATTR IP Why is [he] weak? (Nohara 1998: 193) Miyako

In Miyako I could find only one example with ya used in a wh- question besides much more frequent function as a confirmation seeker: vva ndzaŋ-kai ga mmya-i ya you where-LOC IP go(HON)-FIN IP Where are you going? (Nohara 1998: 389)

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Particles

2.2

1127

Interrogative Particle ka

In contrast to the interrogative particle ya, the main function of the interrogative particle ka is to introduce wh- questions, namely the questions where an interrogative pronoun is used in a given sentence. In addition, it also may be used in three other functions: first, as an interrogative particle in general questions, overlapping in this usage with ya, with the difference of usage between these two being not completely clear. Second, it can be an intervening particle between the parts of the uncontracted copula n-i ar-: converb n-i and ar- ‘to exist,’ and between the parts of the complex negative form -(a)ⁿz-u ar-: negative converb -(a)ⁿz-u and ar- ‘to exist.’ The interrogative particle ya is not attested in this function. Finally, it appears in alternative questions, namely ‘X or Y.’ The interrogative particle ya is not attested in this function either. The interrogative particle ka can be found in any place in the sentence, including sentence final position, although it cannot be, naturally, the first word in the sentence. Like the interrogative particle ya it triggers the change of the following verbal final form into the attributive. However, there is also a difference: in contrast to ya, the interrogative particle ka triggers the change of the final form into attributive whether it is found before or after the verb (see Chapter 6, section 3.2.1.2.3 and examples from KK 54 and MYS 17.3923 below). Examples: (1) Wh- question: 伊久用加泥都流

iku yo ka ne-t-uru how.many night IP sleep(CONV)-PERF-ATTR how many nights have [we] slept? (KK 25) 嚢伽多佐例

ta ka ta-sar-e who IP PREF-go.away-EV Who goes away? (NK 40) In this example the interrogative particle ka is followed by the verb in the evidential, and not the attributive form, as would be expected.

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1128

Chapter 9

柂例柯擧能居登飫褒磨陛爾麻鳴須

tare ka kǝnǝ kǝtǝ opo mape-ni mawos-u who IP this matter great front-DAT say(HUM)-ATTR Who will report this matter to the emperor? (NK 75) 偉儺謎能陁倶弥柯該志須弥儺皤旨我那稽麼柂例柯柯該武預

Winambɛ-nǝ takumi kakɛ-si sumi-napa si-ŋga na-k-emba tare ka kakɛ-m-u yǝ Winambɛ-GEN carpenter apply(CONV)-PAST/ATTR ink-cord he-POSS noATTR-COND who IP apply-TENT-ATTR EP the ink-cord that the carpenter of Winambɛ applied: if he is no more, who would apply it?! (NK 80) 那爾柯那皚柯武

nani ka naŋgɛk-am-u what IP lament-TENT-ATTR why would [I] lament? (NK 116) 都久波尼爾阿波牟等伊比志古波多賀己等岐気波加弥尼阿波巣気牟

Tukumba-ne-ni ap-am-u tǝ ip-i-si ko pa ta-ŋga kǝtǝ kik-ɛ-mba ka mi-ne ap-aⁿz-u-k-em-u Tukumba-peak-LOC meet-TENT-FIN DV say-CONV-PAST/ATTR girl TOP who-POSS word listen-EV-CON IP HON-peak/sleep(NML)6 meet-NEG-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR The girl, who promised [to me] that [we] will meet at the Tukumba peak, did not meet [me] at the peak/for sleeping, [is it] because [she] listened to somebody’s words? (FK 2) 京師尓而誰手本乎可吾将枕

MIYAKO n-i-TE TA- ŋGA TAMƏTƏ-wo ka WA- ŋGA MAKURAK-AM-U capital DV-CONV-SUB who-POSS sleeve-ACC IP I-POSS use.as.a.pillowTENT-ATTR Whose sleeves will I use as a pillow at the capital? (MYS 3.439) 伊弊爾由伎弖伊可爾可阿我世武

ipe-ni yuk-i-te ika n-i ka a-ŋga se-m-u home-LOC go-CONV-SUB how DV-CONV IP I-POSS do-TENT-ATTR What will I do, when [I] go back home? (MYS 5.795) 6  The word ne here represents a play on words: ne ‘peak’ and ne ‘sleep(CONV).’

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1129

Particles 迦具漏伎可美爾伊都乃麻可斯毛乃布利家武

kaŋ-guro-ki kami-ni itu-nǝ ma ka simo-nǝ pur-i-k-em-u INT-black-ATTR hair-LOC when-CEN interval IP frost-GEN fall-CONV-PAST/ FIN-TENT-ATTR at what point in time, would the frost have fallen on [their] pitch-black hair? (MYS 5.804) 伊豆久由可斯和何伎多利斯

iⁿduku-yu ka siwa-ŋga k-i-tar-i-si where-ABL IP wrinkle-POSS come-CONV-PERF/PROG-CONV-PAST/ATTR Where did the wrinkles come from? (MYS 5.804) 奈爾可佐夜礼留

nani ka sayar-er-u what IP prevent-PROG-ATTR what will be preventing [me]? (MYS 5.870) 伊豆知武伎提可阿我和可留良武

iⁿduti muk-i-te ka a-ŋga wakar-uram-u where face-CONV-SUB IP I-POSS part-TENT2-ATTR facing what direction will I part [with this world]? (MYS 5.887) 戀友何如妹尓相時毛名寸

KOP-URE-ⁿdǝmǝ NANI si ka IMO-ni AP-U TƏKI mo na-ki love-EV-CONC what EP IP beloved-DAT meet-ATTR time FP no-ATTR although [I] love [her], why there is no time at all to meet [my] beloved? (MYS 12.2994) 吾哉難二加還而将成

WARE YA nani n-i ka KAPER-I-TE NAR-AM-U I EP what DV-CONV IP return-CONV-SUB become-TENT-ATTR Why should I return? (MYS 13.3265) 安杼毛倍香許己呂我奈之久伊米爾美要都流

aⁿ-dǝ [o]mop-ɛ ka kǝkǝrǝ-ŋ-ganasi-ku imɛ-ni mi-ye-t-uru what-DV think-EV IP heart-GEN-sad-CONV dream-LOC see-PASS(CONV)PERF-ATTR what was [I] thinking [about]? As [I] was sad in [my] heart, [she] suddenly has appeared in [my] dream (MYS 15.3639)

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1130

Chapter 9

和伎毛故波伊都登加和礼乎伊波比麻都良牟

wa-ŋg-imo-ko pa itu tǝ ka ware-wo ipap-i mat-uram-u I-POSS-beloved-DIM TOP when DV IP I-ACC pray-CONV wait-TENT2-ATTR My beloved will probably wait for me, praying [to the gods], and thinking: ‘When [will he return]?’ (MYS 15.3659) 和伎毛故我可多美能許呂母奈可里世婆奈爾毛能母弖加伊能知都我麻之

wa-ŋg-imo-ko-ŋga katami n-ǝ kǝrǝmǝ na-k-ar-i-s-emba nani monǝ mǝt-e ka inǝti tuŋg-amasi I-POSS-beloved-DIM-POSS keepsake DV-ATTR garment no-CONV-exist-CONVPAST/ATTR-COND what thing hold-EV IP life continue-SUBJ If [I] did not have a garment of my beloved as a keepsake, would having anything keep [me] alive? (MYS 15.3733) 伊都麻弖可安我故非乎良牟

itu-maⁿde ka a-ŋga kopï-wor-am-u when-TERM IP I-POSS long.for(CONV)-exist-TENT-ATTR until when should I long for [you]? (MYS 15.3749) 伊頭礼乃時加吾孤悲射良牟

iⁿdure n-ǝ TƏKI ka WA- ŋGA kopï-ⁿz-ar-am-u which DV-ATTR time IP I-POSS love-NEG(CONV)-exist-TENT-ATTR which time will I not love [her]? (MYS 17.3891) 念意緒多礼賀思良牟母

OMƏP-U KƏKƏRƏ-wo tare ka sir-am-umǝ love-ATTR heart-ACC who IP know-TENT-EXCL who will know [my] loving heart?! (MYS 17.3950) 伊都之加登奈気可須良牟曾

itu si ka tǝ naŋgɛk-as-uram-u sǝ when EP IP DV lament-HON-TENT2-ATTR FP [she] probably laments, saying: ‘When [will he return]?’ (MYS 17.3962) 奈爾乎可於母波牟

nani-wo ka omǝp-am-u what-ACC IP think-TENT-ATTR what should [I] think? (MYS 17.3967)

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1131

Particles 伊頭敝能山乎鳴可将超

iⁿdu-pe-nǝ YAMA-wo NAK-I ka KOY-URAM-U where-side-GEN mountain-ACC cry-CONV IP cross-TENT2-ATTR on what side will [the cuckoo] cross the mountains, crying? (MYS 19.4195) 多礼乎可伎美等弥都都志努波牟

tare-wo ka kimi tǝ mi-tutu sinop-am-u who-ACC IP lord DV see(CONV)-COOR long.for-TENT-ATTR whom shall [I] long for, viewing [him] as [my] lord? (MYS 20.4440) 伊可奈留夜比止爾伊麻世可

ika nar-u ya pitǝ n-i imas-e ka how be-ATTR EP person DV-CONV be(HON)-EV IP Oh, what kind of person is [he]? (BS 5) (2) General question: 阿袁那母岐備比登登等母迩斯都米婆多怒斯久母阿流迦

awo na mǝ Kimbï pitǝ-tǝ tǝmǝ n-i si tum-ɛ-mba tanosi-ku mǝ ar-u ka green vegetables FP Kimbï person-COM together DV-CONV EP pick-EV-CON delightful-CONV FP exist-ATTR IP Is [not it] delightful when [I] pick green vegetables together with the girl from Kimbï? (KK 54) 許許呂袁陀迩迦阿比淤母波受阿良牟

kǝkǝrǝ-wo ⁿdani ka api-omǝp-aⁿz-u ar-am-u heart-ACC RP IP REC-think-NEG-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR will [we] not think about each other at least in our hearts? (KK 60) 流經妻吹風之寒夜尓吾勢能君者獨香宿良武

NA ŋGAR-Ap-uru TUMA PUK-U KAⁿZE-NƏ SAMU-KI YO-ni WA- ŋGA se n-ǝ KIMI pa PITƏ-RI ka N-Uram-u flow-ITER-ATTR spouse blow-ATTR wind-GEN cold-ATTR night-LOC I-POSS beloved DV-ATTR lord TOP one-CL IP sleep-TENT2-ATTR Does the lord my beloved sleep alone in the cold nights, when wind blows at [your] spouse who is spending time [waiting for you]? (MYS 1.59)

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1132

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香縁相者彼所毛加人之吾乎事将成

ka-YƏR-I-AP-Am ba SƏKƏ mo ka PITƏ WA-wo kǝtǝ NAS-AM-U INT-approach-CONV-meet-COND there FP IP person I-ACC word do(HON)TENT-ATTR if [we] indeed get together, would the people spread rumors about me and you as well? (MYS 4.512) 吾背子尓復者不相香常思墓今朝別之為便無有都流

WA- ŋGA se-KO-ni MATA pa AP-AⁿZI ka tǝ OMƏP-Ɛ-mba ka KESA-NƏ WAKARE-NƏ SUmBE NA-K-AR-I-t-uru I-POSS beloved-DIM-DAT again TOP meet-NEG/TENT IP DV think-EV-CON IP this.morning-GEN part(NML)-GEN way no-CONV-exist-CONV-PERF-ATTR Was [it] because I thought that [we] would not meet again that there has been no way to part [with you] this morning? (MYS 4.540) 今夜可君之我許来益武

KƏ YƏPI ka KIMI- ŋGA WA- ŋgari K-I-[i]mas-am-u this night IP lord-POSS I-DIR come-CONV-HON-TENT-ATTR Is it tonight that [my] lord will come to me? (MYS 8.1519) 浮笶緒乃得干蚊将去

UKƐ-NƏ WO-nǝ uk-are ka YUK-AM-U float-GEN string-COMP float-PASS(CONV) IP go-TENT-FIN Shall [we] go away floating like floating strings [of nets]? (MYS 11.2646) 伊夜彦神乃布本今日良毛加鹿乃伏良武

IyaPIKO KAMÏ-nǝ puMƏTƏ-NI KEPU-ra mo ka SIKA-nǝ PUS-Uram-u Iyapiko deity-GEN foot [of the mountain]-LOC today-LOC FP IP deer-GEN lie-TENT2-ATTR Will the deer lie at the foot of [the mountain] of the deity Iyapiko today, too? (MYS 16.3884) 布流雪乃比加里乎見礼婆多敷刀久母安流香

pur-u YUKI-nǝ pikari-wo MI-re-mba taputo-ku mǝ ar-u ka fall-ATTR snow-GEN light-ACC see-EV-CON awesome-CONV FP exist-ATTR IP When [one] sees the light of the falling snow, is [not it] awesome? (MYS 17.3923)

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1133

Particles 伊毛我多可々々尓麻都良牟許己呂之可尓波安良司可

imo-ŋga taka taka n-i mat-uram-u kǝkǝrǝ sika n-i pa ar-aⁿzi ka beloved-POSS high high DV-CONV wait-TENT2-ATTR heart thus DV-CONV TOP exist-NEG/TENT IP the heart of [my] beloved who probably waits for [me] eagerly, would not [it] be this way? (MYS 18.4107) 可多良比能利多夫言乎聞久仁是能太政大臣乃官乎授末都流仁方敢多比奈 牟可等奈毛念

katar-ap-i-nǝritamb-u KƏTƏ-wo KIk-u-ni KƏnǝ OPO MATURI ŋGƏTƏ OPOMAPETUKIMI-nǝ TUKASA-wo SAⁿDUKƐ-matur-u-ni pa APƐ-tamb-in-am-u ka tǝ namo OMƏP-OS-U say-ITER-CONV-HON-ATTR word-ACC hear-ATTR-LOC this great governance minister-GEN office-ACC bestow(CONV)-HUM-ATTR-LOC TOP endure (CONV)-HON-CONV-PERF-TENT-ATTR IP DV FP think-HON-ATTR when [I] heard the words that [he] was repeatedly saying, [I] thought: ‘Would [he] be appropriate for bestowing [on him] the office of the minister of the great governance?’ (SM 36) (3) Intervening particle: 余戀良苦乎不知香安類良武

WA- ŋGA KOP-Ur-aku-wo SIR-AnZ-U ka ar-uram-u I-POSS love-ATTR-NML-ACC know-NEG-CONV IP exist-TENT2-ATTR are [you] probably not knowing that I love [you]? (MYS 4.720) 伊弊婢等乃伊波倍尓可安良牟

ipe-m-bitǝ-nǝ ipapɛ n-i ka ar-am-u home-GEN-person-GEN purify(NML) DV-CONV IP exist-TENT-ATTR Is [it] probably because of [my] home folks purification rites? (MYS 20.4409) (4) Alternative question: 秋夜乎奈我美爾可安良武奈曽許己波伊能祢良要奴毛比等里奴礼婆可

AKI-NƏ YO-wo naŋga-mi n-i ka ar-am-u naⁿzǝ kǝkǝmba i-nǝ ne-raye-n-umo pitǝ-ri n-ure-mba ka autumn-GEN night-ABS long-GER DV-CONV IP exist-TENT-ATTR why extremely sleep-GEN sleep-PASS-NEG-EXCL one-CL sleep-EV-CON IP Why is [it] that [I] cannot sleep at all: is [it] probably because the autumn night is long, or is it because [I] sleep alone?! (MYS 15.3684)

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新羅奇敞可伊敞爾可加反流

Sirakï-pe ka ipe-ni ka kaper-u Silla-DIR IP home-LOC IP return-ATTR [Will I go] to Silla, or will [I] return home? (MYS 15.3696) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The interrogative particle ka is also well attested in Eastern Old Japanese both in wh- and general questions: (1) Wh- question: 須我麻久良安是加麻可左武許呂勢多麻久良

suŋga-makura aⁿze ka mak-as-am-u kǝ-rǝ se ta-makura sedge-pillow why IP use.as.a.pillow-HON-TENT-ATTR girl-DIM do(IMP) arm-pillow girl, why would [you] use the sedge pillow? Use [my] arms as a pillow! (MYS 14.3368) 阿杼可多延世武

aⁿ-dǝ ka taye se-m-u why-DV IP break(NML) do-TENT-ATTR why should [we] break up? (MYS 14.3397) 安加奴乎安杼加安我世牟

ak-an-u-wo aⁿ-dǝ ka a-ŋga se-m-u satisfy-NEG-ATTR-ACC what-DV IP I-POSS do-TENT-ATTR since [it] was not enough [for me], what should I do? (MYS 14.3404) 伊可奈流勢奈可和我理許武等伊布

ika nar-u se-na ka wa-ŋgari kǝ-m-u tǝ ip-u how be-ATTR beloved-DIM IP I-DIR come-TENT-FIN DV say-ATTR what kind of beloved is [he], who says that [he] will come to me? (MYS 14.3536) 安是可加奈思家

aⁿze ka kanasi-ke why IP dear-ATTR Why is [she so] dear [to me]? (MYS 14.3576)

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Particles

(2) General question: 和乎可麻都那毛伎曾毛己余必母

wa-wo ka mat-unam-o kisǝ mo kǝ yǝpi mǝ I-ACC IP wait-TENT2-ATTR last.night FP this night FP will [she] have waited for me, both last night and tonight? (MYS 14.3563) A2: Ryukyuan The interrogative particle ka ~ ga (< *-N ka) is well attested in both Old Ryukyuan and modern dialects. However, as far as I can tell, Ryukyuan ka ~ ga appears exclusively in wh- questions. Thus, in all probability, WOJ ka in general questions represents a Japanese innovation, and we should reconstruct PJ *ka, interrogative particle in wh- questions. Examples: Old Ryukyuan けおわのかしよらしよ

keo wa no ka s-i-yor-asiyo today TOP what IP do-CONV-exist-SUP What would [they] do today? (OS 7.376) Shuri

kuree nuu ya-ibii-ga7 this(TOP) what be-POL-(FIN)IP What is this? (Nishioka & Nakahara 2000: 39) chaa s-u-ga how do-FIN-(FIN)IP What shall [we] do? (Nishioka and Nakahara 2000: 34) Miyako

vva ndza-ŋkai ga ik-ï you where-LOC IP go-FIN Where are you going? (Nohara 1998: 381) 7  Shuri -ga < *-N ka, a combination of the final -(u)N plus the interrogative particle *ka.

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mma munoo noonu ga a-ï tasty thing(TOP) what IP exist-FIN What tasty things do [you] have? (Nohara 1998: 428) Level B: External Comparisons The interrogative particle ka in Old Japanese has been traditionally compared with the Middle Korean interrogative particle ká ~ Gá (Whitman 1985: 220). At the first glance the etymology seems impeccable, but there is one problem. As we have seen above, PJ *ka is an interrogative particle in wh- questions. Meanwhile, MK ká ~ Gá is the interrogative particle in general questions: hanolh-i kolhoy-Gi-si-n-i nwupi cyong an i-ntol haytwong lyenmin-ul nic-osi-l i-ngi-s ka heaven-NOM choose-CAUS-POL-ATTR/REAL-NML quilt monk not be-GER Korea people-ACC forget-HON-ATTR/IRR be-POL-NML IP The Heaven has made the choice. Were it not for a monk in the quilted robe, would [Heaven] forget the Korean people? (YP 21) thwukwu sey sal-i nyey two stwo is-te-si-n ka helmet three arrow-NOM old.times FP still exist-RETR-HON-ATTR/REAL IP Did it happen even in the past that three arrows [all hit] the helmet? (YP 89) This problem is further aggravated by the fact that the interrogative particle for wh- questions in Middle Korean is kwó ~ Gwó (An and Yi 1990: 204–205). This leaves the comparison with Japanese rather lame: in the best case it is an etymology by one phoneme /k/ common to both Middle Korean particles ká ~ Gá and kwó ~ Gwó. In addition, it leaves unexplained the vowel /a/ in WOJ ka, and, of course, we should not forget the functional difference.

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Section 3

Desiderative Particle mǝŋga ~ mǝŋgamǝ There is only one desiderative particle in Western Old Japanese: mǝŋga ~ mǝŋgamǝ. The longer form mǝŋgamǝ probably represents historically the combination of the desiderative particle mǝŋga with the emphatic particle mǝ, but since synchronically mǝŋgamǝ is attested much more frequently and also because there is no apparent difference in meaning, I treat these two as variants of the same particle on the synchronic level. 阿波志斯袁美那迦母賀登和賀美斯古良迦久母賀登

ap-as-i-si womina ka mǝŋga tǝ wa-ŋga mi-si ko-ra ka-ku mǝŋga tǝ meet-HON-CONV-PAST/ATTR woman that DP DV I-POSS see(CONV)-PAST/ ATTR girl-DIM thus-CONV DP DV [I] think [I] wish that [much] the woman [I] met; [I] think [I] wish this [much] the girl I saw (KK 42) 袁登賣能伊加久流袁加袁加那須岐母伊本知母賀母須岐婆奴流母能

wotǝme-nǝ i-kakur-u woka-wo kana-suki mǝ ipo-ti mǝŋgamǝ suk-i-mban-uru mǝnǝ maiden-GEN DLF-hide-ATTR hill-ACC metal-hoe FP five.hundred-CL DP dig. up-CONV-flip-ATTR CONJ [I] want five hundred metal hoes. [I] will dig up the hill where the maiden hides, but … (KK 99) 豫呂豆余珥訶勾志茂餓茂知余珥茂訶勾志茂餓茂

yǝrǝⁿdu yǝ-ni ka-ku si moŋgamo ti yǝ-ni mo ka-ku si moŋgamo ten thousand year-LOC thus-CONV EP DP thousand year-LOC FP thus-CONV EP DP [I] wish [that my sovereign] will be in this way in ten thousand years, [I] wish [he] will be in this way in a thousand years, too (NK 102) 常丹毛冀名常處女煑手

TUNE n-i moŋga na TUNE WOTƏME n-i-te eternal DV-CONV DP EP eternal maiden DV-CONV-SUB [I] want to be eternal, being an eternal maiden! (MYS 1.22)

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玉二毛我真毛妹之手二所纒乎

TAMA n-i moŋga MAKƏTƏ mo IMO- ŋGA TE-ni MAK-ARE-M-U-wo jewel DV-CONV DP truth FP beloved-POSS hand-LOC wrap-PASS-TENT-ATTR-ACC [I] want to be a jewel. [Then I] would be indeed wrapped around [my] beloved’s hand, but … (MYS 4.734) 等伎波奈周迦久斯母何母等意母閇騰母

tǝk[ǝ]-ipa-nasu ka-ku si mǝŋgamǝ tǝ omǝp-ɛ- ndǝmǝ eternal-rock-COMP thus-CONV EP DP DV think-EV-CONC Although [I] think that [I] would like to be (thus) like an eternal rock … (MYS 5.805) 阿摩等夫夜等利尓母賀母夜美夜故麻提意久利摩遠志弖等比可弊流母能

ama-tǝmb-u ya tǝri n-i mǝŋgamǝ ya miyako-maⁿde okur-i-mawos-i-te tǝmb-i kaper-u mǝnǝ sky-fly-ATTR EP bird DV-CONV DP EP capital-TERM see.off-CONV-HUM-CONVSUB fly-CONV return-ATTR CONJ [I] would like to be a bird that flies in the sky. [I would] see [you] off to the capital and come back, but … (MYS 5.876) 佐丹塗之小船毛賀茂

sa-NI NURE N-Ə WOm-BUNE moŋgamo PREF-cinnabar paint(NML) DV-ATTR DIM-boat DP [he] longed for a small boat painted in cinnabar (MYS 8.1520) 奈良能美也故爾由久比等毛我母久左麻久良多妣由久布祢能登麻利都㝵 武仁

Nara-nǝ miyako-ni yuk-u pitǝ moŋgamǝ kusa-makura tambi yuk-u pune-nǝ tǝmar-i tuŋgɛ-m-u-ni Nara-GEN capital-LOC go-ATTR person DP grass-pillow journey go-ATTR boat-GEN stop-NML report-TENT-ATTR-LOC [I] wish [there were] people who go to the capital of Nara, since [I] would tell [them] about the stopping-place of the boat on which [I] go for a journey, [where I use] grass [for my] pillow (MYS 15.3612)

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1139

PARTICLES 天地等登毛尓母我毛等於毛比都々安里家牟毛能乎

AMƐ TUTI-tǝ tǝmǝ n-i mǝŋgamo omop-i-tutu ar-i-k-em-u monǝwo heaven earth-COM together DV-CONV DP think-CONV-COOR exist-CONVPAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR CONJ Although [you] probably continued to think: ‘[I] would like [to live long] together with Heaven and Earth’ … (MYS 15.3691) 之努比管有常将告兒毛欲得

sinop-i-tutu AR-I tǝ TU ŋGƐ-M-U KO moŋGAMƏ yearn-CONV-COOR exist-FIN DV report-TENT-ATTR girl DP [I] want a girl who would tell [me] that [she] is constantly yearning for [me] (MYS 16.3818) 奈泥之故我波奈爾毛我母奈

naⁿdesiko-ŋga pana n-i moŋgamǝ na carnation-POSS flower DV-CONV DP EP [I] wish [you] were a carnation flower! (MYS 17.4010) 安波妣多麻伊保知毛我母

apambi tama ipo-ti moŋgamǝ abalone pearl five.hundred-CL DP [I] wish [to have] five hundred abalone pearls (MYS 18.4101) 伎美乎見麻久波知登世爾母我母

kimi-wo MI-m-aku pa ti tǝse n-i mǝŋgamǝ lord-ACC see-TENT-NML TOP thousand year DV-CONV DP [I] would like to have a thousand years when [I] would see [my] lord (MYS 20.4304) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese Both mǝŋga and mǝŋgamǝ are attested in Eastern Old Japanese (each one three times): 安能於登世受由可牟古馬母我

a-nǝ otǝ se-ⁿz-u yuk-am-u ko-[u]ma mǝŋga foot-GEN sound do-NEG-CONV go-TENT-ATTR DIM-horse DP [I] want a stallion, which would go without making any noise with its hoofs (MYS 14.3387)

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波奈治良布己能牟可都乎乃乎那能乎能比自爾都久麻提伎美我与母賀母

pana-ⁿ-dir-ap-u kǝnǝ muka-tu wo n-ǝ wona-nǝ wo-nǝ piⁿzi-ni tuk-u-maⁿde kimi-ŋga yǝ mǝŋgamǝ flower-GEN-fall-ITER-ATTR this opposite side-GEN/LOC peak DV-ATTR Wona-GEN peak-GEN sandbank-LOC reach-ATTR-TERM lord-POSS age DP [I] wish [my] lord would live until the peak of Wona, which is the peak on the opposite side, where flowers are falling, will reach the sandbanks [in the sea] (MYS 14.3448) 布奈可射里安我世武比呂乎美毛比等母我毛

puna-kaⁿzar-i a-ŋga se-m-u pi-rǝ-wo mi-m-o pitǝ mǝŋgamo boat-decorate-NML I-POSS do-TENT-ATTR day-DIM-ACC see-TENT-ATTR person DP [I] wish someone would see the day when I decorate [my] boat (MYS 20.4329) 比多知散思由可牟加里母我

Pitati sas-i yuk-am-u kari mǝŋga Pitati point-CONV go-TENT-ATTR wild.goose DP [I] want wild geese that would go to Pitati (MYS 20.4366) 多志埿毛等伎尓阿母我米母我母

tas-i-[i]ⁿde-m-o tǝki-ni amǝ-ŋga mɛ mǝŋgamǝ depart-CONV-exit-TENT-ATTR time-LOC mother-POSS eye DP [I] want [my] mother to see [me] when I am going to depart (MYS 20.4383) 和我伊波呂尓由加毛比等母我

wa-ŋga ipa-rǝ-ni yuk-am-o pitǝ mǝŋga I-POSS house-DIM-LOC go-TENT-ATTR person DP [I] want someone who would go to my home (MYS 20.4406)

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Section 4

Emphatic Particles There are seven emphatic particles in Western Old Japanese: kamǝ, si, mǝ, ya, yǝ, na, and wo. 4.1

Emphatic Particle kamǝ

In the Kojiki kayō the emphatic particle kamǝ is consistently spelled as kamǝ, although in the later texts it is often misspelled as kamo, which, of course, can be expected since the contrast between /ǝ/ and /wo/ after /m/ was lost. On one occasion, it is spelled as kamu (see the example from MYS 5.813 below). This might seem puzzling, since pre-WOJ *ǝ does not raise to /u/. Since in Western Old Japanese kamu is a hapax legomenon, in all probability we are dealing here with a scribal error. The emphatic particle kamǝ has two functions: it can be either used as an exclamation particle, or as a particle introducing an inquiry arising from uncertainty (‘I wonder’).The emphatic particle kamǝ triggers the change of the final form into attributive irrespective whether it is found before or after the verb (see Chapter 6, section 3.2.1.2.3). This is the peculiarity it shares with the interrogative particle ka (see Chapter 6, section 3.2.1.2.3 and section 2.2 here). Therefore, it is likely that historically kamǝ represents a combination of the interrogative particle ka with the emphatic particle mǝ, although on the synchronic level it clearly represents a single unit, since its usage as an exclamation particle cannot be analyzed as a combination of the interrogative particle ka and emphatic particle mǝ. Examples: (1) Exclamation: 宇斯呂傅波袁陀弖呂迦母

usirǝ-ⁿ-de pa woⁿ-date rǝ kamǝ back-GEN-place TOP DIM-shield DV(ATTR) EP [Her] back is [like] a small shield! (KK 42)

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牟迦比袁流迦母伊蘇比袁流迦母

mukap-i-wor-u kamǝ i-sop-i-wor-u kamǝ face-CONV-exist-ATTR EP DLF-snuggle-CONV-exist-ATTR EP Oh, [she] is facing [me]! Oh, [she] is snuggling with [me]! (KK 42) 芝賀波能比呂理伊麻須波淤富岐美呂迦母

si-ŋga pa-nǝ pirǝr-i-imas-u opǝ kimi rǝ kamǝ it-POSS leaf-GEN be.broad-CONV-HON-FIN great lord DV(ATTR) EP its leaves are broad, as the great lord! (KK 57) 夜麻斯呂迩伊斯祁登理夜麻伊斯祁伊斯祁阿賀波斯豆摩迩伊斯岐阿波牟 迦母

Yamasirǝ-ni i-sik-e Tǝriyama i-sik-e i-sik-e a-ŋga pasi-ⁿ-duma-ni i-sik-i ap-am-u kamǝ Yamasirǝ-LOC DLF-follow-IMP Tǝriyama DLF-follow-IMP DLF-follow-IMP I-POSS beloved-DV(ATTR)-spouse-DAT DLF-follow-CONV meet-TENTATTR EP To Yamasirǝ—go there, Tǝriyama! Follow [her] there, follow [her] there! Follow my beloved spouse there and meet [her]! (KK 59) 和加久閇爾韋泥弖麻斯母能淤伊爾祁流加母

waka-ku pɛ n-i wi ne-te-masi mǝnǝ oyi-n-i-ker-u kamǝ young-CONV ? DV-CONV bring(CONV) sleep(CONV)-PERF-SUBJ CONJ age (CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP [I] would have brought [her with me] and have slept [with her] if [she] were young, but it turned out that [she] has become old, alas! (KK 93) 微能佐加理毘登登母志岐呂加母

mï-nǝ sakar-i-m-bitǝ tǝmǝsi-ki rǝ kamǝ body-GEN bloom-NML-DV(ATTR)-person envious-ATTR DV(ATTR) EP How [I] am envious of the people who are in their prime! (KK 95) 祁布母加母佐加美豆久良斯多加比加流比能美夜比登

kepu mǝ kamǝ saka-miⁿduk-urasi taka pikar-u pi-nǝ miya-pitǝ today FP EP rice.wine-soak-SUP high shine-ATTR sun-GEN palace-person Today, the courtiers from the palace of the High Shining Sun seem to be inebriated in wine, too! (KK 102)

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1143

Particles 美夜麻賀久理弖美延受加母阿良牟

mi-yama-ŋ-gakur-i-te mi-ye-ⁿz-u kamǝ ar-am-u HON-mountain-LOC-hide-CONV-SUB see-PASS-NEG-CONV EP exist-TENT-ATTR [you] will hide in the mountains, and [I] will not be able to see [you]! (KK 112) 耆瀰破介辞古耆呂介茂

kimi pa kasiko-ki rǝ kamo lord TOP awesome-ATTR DV(ATTR) EP [my] lord is awesome! (NK 47) 處女之友者乏吉呂賀聞

WOTƏME- ŋGA TƏMƏ pa TƏMƏSI-ki rǝ kamo maiden-POSS companion TOP envious-ATTR DV(ATTR) EP [I] am envious of maidens’ companions! (MYS 1.53) 梓弓引者随意依目友後心乎知勝奴鴨

AⁿDUSA YUMI PIK-Amba MANIMA N-I YƏR-Am-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ NƏTI-NƏ KƏKƏRƏ-wo SIR-I-kate-n-u kamo catalpa bow pull-COND according DV-CONV approach-TENT-EV-CONC afterGEN heart-ACC know-CONV-POT-NEG-ATTR EP Although [I] would go to [you] if [you] pull [the strings of my heart like] a catalpa bow, [I] cannot know [your] feelings after [that]! (MYS 2.98) 更經見者悲呂可聞

KAPAR-AP-U MI-RE-mba KANASI-KI rǝ kamo change-ITER-ATTR see-EV-CON sad-ATTR DV(ATTR) EP when [I] see how [they] change, [it] is sad! (MYS 3.478) 久志美多麻伊麻能遠都豆尓多布刀伎呂可儛

kusi mi-tama ima-nǝ wotutu-ni taputo-ki rǝ kamu mysterious HON-stone now-GEN reality-LOC awesome-ATTR DV(ATTR) EP [these] mysterious stones are awesome in the present [day’s] reality! (MYS 5.813)

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比等期等尓乎理加射之都々阿蘇倍等母伊夜米豆良之岐烏梅能波奈加母

pitǝ ŋgǝtǝ n-i wor-i kaⁿzas-i-tutu asomb-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ iya mɛⁿdurasi-ki uMƐ-nǝ pana kamǝ person every DV-CONV break-CONV decorate-CONV-COOR play-EV-CONC more.and.more be.lovely-ATTR plum-GEN blossoms EP Although every person enjoys [himself] breaking [plum blossoms] and decorating [his hair with them], the plum blossoms are more and more lovely! (MYS 5.828) 波漏々々尓於忘方由流可母

paro-paro n-i omop-oy-uru kamǝ distant-distant DV-CONV think-PASS-ATTR EP [I] suddenly think [of it as] being distant! (MYS 5.866) 比等国爾須疑加弖奴可母

pitǝ KUNI-ni suŋgï-kate-n-u kamǝ person land-LOC pass-POT-NEG-ATTR EP It is unbearable to pass [away] (lit.: cannot pass away) in [another] person[’s] land, alas! (MYS 5.885) 伎美爾故非和多流香母

kimi-ni kopï-watar-u kamǝ lord-DAT long.for(CONV)-cross-ATTR EP [I] will continue to long for you! (MYS 15.3603) 氣奈我久之安礼婆古非尓家流可母

kɛ naŋga-ku si ar-e-mba kopï-n-i-ker-u kamǝ day long-CONV EP exist-EV-CON long.for(CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP because it has been a long time (lit.: days) [since we left], [I] have been longing for [the capital]! (MYS 15.3668) 毛美知葉能知里能麻河比波計布仁聞安流香母

momit-i-m-BA-nǝ tir-i-nǝ maŋgap-i pa kepu-ni mo ar-u kamǝ leaves.turn.red/yellow-NML-GEN-leaf-GEN fall-NML-GEN scatter.around-NML TOP today-LOC FP exist-ATTR EP The scattering of maple leaves occurs today, too! (MYS 15.3700)

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1145

Particles

家布毛可母美也故奈里世婆見麻久保里尓之能御馬屋乃刀尓多弖良麻之

kepu mo kamǝ miyako-n-ar-i-s-emba MI-m-aku por-i nisi-nǝ MI-MAYA-nǝ to-ni tat-er-amasi today FP EP capital-LOC-exist-CONV-PAST/ATTR-COND see-TENT-NML desireCONV west-GEN HON-stable-GEN outside-LOC stand-PROG-SUBJ If [I] were in the capital today, too, [I] would be standing outside the Western Imperial Stables, wanting to see [you]! (MYS 15.3776) 梅柳乎理加謝思氐婆意毛比奈美可毛

UMƐ YANANKÏ wor-i kaⁿzas-i-te-mba omop-i na-mi kamo plum willow break-CONV decorate-CONV-PERF-COND think-NML no-GER EP because, if [we] had broken [branches] of plum trees and willows and decorated [our heads], there would be no [sad] thoughts! (MYS 17.3905) 和我勢古我久爾敞麻之奈婆保等登芸須奈可牟佐都奇波佐夫之家牟可母

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga kuni-pe [i]mas-i-n-amba potǝtǝŋgisu nak-am-u sa-tukï pa sambusi-k-em-u kamǝ I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS land-DIR come(HON)-CONV-PERF-COND cuckoo cry-TENT-ATTR fifth-month TOP be.lonely-ATTR-TENT-ATTR EP If my beloved would have [only] returned to [his] land, [because in] the fifth lunar month when the cuckoo will cry, [I] would be lonely! (MYS 17.3996) 佐由利能波奈能惠麻波之伎香母

sa-yuri-nǝ pana-nǝ wem-ap-asi-ki kamǝ PREF-lily-GEN flower-GEN smile-ITER-ADJ-ATTR EP the lily flowers are smile-provoking! (MYS 18.4086) 見麻久保里於毛比之奈倍尓賀都良賀氣香具波之君乎安比見都流賀母

MI-m-aku por-i omop-i-si napɛ n-i kaⁿdura kakɛ kaŋgup-asi KIMI-wo ap-i MI-t-uru kamǝ see-TENT-NML want-FIN think-CONV-PAST/ATTR CONJ DV-CONV vines attach(CONV) dear-ADJ lord-ACC meet-CONV see(CONV)-PERF-ATTR EP Just as [I] thought that [I] want to see [you], [I] met and saw you, [my] dear [friend], with vines [in your hair]! (MYS 18.4120)

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奈泥之故波秋咲物乎君宅之雪巌尓左家理家流可母

naⁿdesiko pa AKI SAK-U MƏNƏwo KIMI- ŋGA IPE-NƏ YUKI IPAPO-ni sak-er-iker-u kamǝ carnation TOP fall bloom-ATTR CONJ lord-POSS house-GEN snow rock-LOC bloom-PROG-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP Although carnations bloom in the fall, [it] turned out that [they] have bloomed at the snow rocks of your house! (MYS 19.4231) (2) Inquiry arising from uncertainty (‘I wonder’): 許能美岐袁迦美祁牟比登波曾能都豆美宇須迩多弖弖宇多比都都迦美祁禮 加母麻比都都迦美祁禮加母

kǝnǝ mi-ki-wo kam-i-k-em-u pitǝ pa sǝnǝ tuⁿdumi usu n-i tate-te utap-i-tutu kami-ker-e kamǝ map-i-tutu kam-i-ker-e kamǝ this HON-rice.wine-ACC brew-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR person TOP that drum mortar DV-CONV place(CONV)-SUB sing-CONV-COOR brew-CONVRETR-EV EP dance-CONV-COOR brew-CONV-RETR-EV EP I wonder [whether] the person who brewed this rice wine, turned his drum [upside down] as a mortar and brewed [it] while singing, brewed [it] while dancing! (KK 40) Note that in this example kamǝ follows not the attributive, but the evidential form. 賣杼理能和賀意富岐美能淤呂須波多他賀多泥呂迦母

Meⁿdǝri n-ǝ wa-ŋga opǝ kimi-nǝ or-ǝs-u pata ta-ŋga tane rǝ kamǝ Meⁿdǝri DV-ATTR I-POSS great lady-GEN weave-HON-ATTR fabric who-POSS material DV EP The fabric my lady Meⁿdǝri weaves, I wonder for whom (lit. whose) the material is? (KK 66) 美母呂能伊都加斯賀母登加斯賀母登由由斯伎加母加志波良袁登賣

mi-mǝrǝ-nǝ i t-u kasi-ŋga mǝtǝ kasi-ŋga mǝtǝ yuyusi-ki kamǝ kasi-para wotǝme HON-mountain-GEN sacred DV-ATTR oak-POSS below oak-POSS below awesome-ATTR EP oak-field maiden Under the sacred oaks of the sacred mountain, is [not she] awesome, a maiden from the oak field, I wonder? (KK 92)

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Particles 伊辞務邏塢多誤辞珥固佐縻固辞介低務介茂

isi mura-wo ta-ŋ-gos-i-ni kos-amba kos-i-kate-m-u kamo stone group-ACC hand-LOC-pass-NML-LOC pass-COND pass-CONV-POTTENT-ATTR EP if [you] move by hands the heaps of stones, would [it] be possible to move [them], I wonder? (NK 19) 那爾騰柯母于都倶之伊母我磨陀左枳涅渠農

nani tǝ kamǝ utukusi imǝ-ŋga mata sak-i-[i]ⁿde-kǝ-n-u what DV EP beautiful beloved-POSS again bloom-CONV-exit(CONV)-comeNEG-ATTR for (lit: being) what [reason], I wonder, does not [my] beautiful beloved bloom again? (NK 114) 相見者月毛不經尓戀云者乎曽呂登吾乎於毛保寒毳

API-MI-TE pa TUKÏ mo PƐ-N-AKU n-i KOP-U TƏ IPA-mba wosǝ rǝ tǝ WARE-wo omop-as-am-u kamo COOP-see(CONV)-SUB TOP month FP pass-NEG-NML DV-CONV love-FIN DV say-COND hasty DV(FIN) DV I-ACC think-HON-TENT-ATTR EP If [I] tell [you] that [I] love [you] without even a month passing since [we] met each other, I wonder [whether you] would think that [I] am hasty (MYS 4.654) 伊可爾安良武日能等伎爾可母

ika n-i ar-am-u PI-nǝ tǝki-ni kamǝ how DV-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR day-GEN time-LOC EP I wonder, in what time of the day … (MYS 5.810) 烏梅能波奈伊麻佐家留期等知利須義受和我覇能曽能尓阿利己世奴加毛

uMƐ-nǝ pana ima sak-er-u ŋgǝtǝ tir-i-suŋgï-ⁿz-u wa-ŋga [i]pe-nǝ sǝnǝ-ni ar-i-kǝse-n-u kamo plum-GEN blossom now bloom-PROG-ATTR like fall-CONV-pass-NEG-CONV I-POSS house-GEN garden-LOC exist-CONV-BEN-NEG-ATTR EP Plum blossoms! I wonder whether [you] would not stay [for me] in the garden of my house without falling and blooming like now (MYS 5.816)

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比佐可多能阿米欲里由吉能那何列久流加母

pisa kata n-ǝ amɛ-yori yuki-nǝ naŋgare-k-uru kamǝ eternal hard DV-ATTR heaven-ABL snow-GEN flow(CONV)-come-ATTR EP I wonder [whether it is] snow that flows down from the eternal and strong heaven (MYS 5.822) 百重山越弖須疑由伎伊都斯可母京師乎美武等意母比都々

MOMO-PE YAMA KOYE-te suŋgï-yuk-i itu si kamǝ MIYAKO-wo mi-m-u tǝ omǝp-i-tutu hundred-CL mountain cross.over(CONV)-SUB pass(CONV)-go-CONV when EP EP capital-ACC see-TENT-ATTR DV think-CONV-COOR crossing over and passing through hundreds of mountains [I] was thinking: “When [I] will see the capital, I wonder?” (MYS 5.886) 天漢敝太而礼婆可母安麻多須辨奈吉

AMA-NƏ ŋGAPA peⁿdat-ure-mba kamǝ amata sumbe na-ki heaven-GEN river separate-EV-CON EP many way no-ATTR I wonder, is [it not] because the Heavenly River separates [them], there is not much that can be done (MYS 8.1522) 奈爾之可母奇里爾多都倍久奈気伎之麻佐牟

nani si kamǝ kïri-ni tat-umbɛ-ku naŋgɛk-i s-i-mas-am-u what EP EP fog-COMP rise-DEB-CONV lament-NML do-CONV-HON-TENT-ATTR I wonder, why should [you] lament so that [your tears] have to rise as a fog? (MYS 15.3581) 於吉都奈美多可久多都日尓安敝利伎等美夜古能比等波伎吉弖家牟可母

oki-tu nami taka-ku tat-u PI-ni ap-er-i-ki tǝ miyako-nǝ pitǝ pa kik-i-te-k-em-u kamǝ offing-GEN/LOC wave high-CONV rise-ATTR day-DAT meet-PROG-CONVPAST/FIN DV capital-GEN person TOP hear-CONV-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ FIN-TENT-ATTR EP I wonder whether people in the capital might have heard that [we] met with a day when waves in the offing rose high (MYS 15.3675)

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Particles 多太未可母安夜麻知之家牟

taⁿda mï kamǝ ayamat-i s-i-k-em-u direct body EP mistake-NML do-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-ATTR Did [he] probably make a mistake himself, I wonder? (MYS 15.3688) 大宮人者伊麻毛可母比等奈夫理能未許能美多流良武

OPO MIYA-PITƏ pa ima mo kamǝ pitǝ nambur-i nǝmï kǝnǝm-i-tar-uram-u great palace-person TOP now FP EP person mock-NML RP like-CONV-PERF/ PROG-TENT2-ATTR Do the people from the Great Palace probably continue to like just to mock [other] people now as well, I wonder? (MYS 15.3758) 伊麻能其等古非之久伎美我於毛保要婆伊可尓加母世牟

ima-nǝ ŋgǝtǝ kopïsi-ku kimi-ŋga omop-oye-mba ika n-i kamǝ se-m-u now-GEN like longing-CONV lord-POSS think-PASS-COND how DV-CONV EP do-TENT-ATTR If [I] think of you longingly like now, what shall [I] do [later], I wonder? (MYS 17.3928) 秋風之将吹乎待者伊等遠弥可母

AKI KAⁿZE-NƏ PUK-AM-U-wo MAT-Amba itǝ TƏPO-mi kamǝ autumn wind-GEN blow-TENT-ATTR-ACC wait-COND very distant-GER EP I wonder [whether it is] because [it would] be very long if [they] would wait for the autumn wind to blow (MYS 19.4219) 美麻久能富之伎吉美尓母安流加母

mi-m-aku-nǝ posi-ki kimi n-i mǝ ar-u kamǝ see-TENT-NML-GEN desire-ATTR lord DV-CONV FP exist-ATTR EP I wonder whether [it] is also [my] lord whom [I] want to see (MYS 20.4449) 之婆之婆美等母安加無伎弥加毛

simba-simba mi tǝmǝ ak-am-u kimi kamo often look(FIN) CONJ get.enough-TENT-ATTR lord EP even if [I] look [at you] often, would [I] get enough of [my] lord, I wonder? (MYS 20.4503)

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山川浄所者孰倶加母見行阿加良閇賜牟

YAMA KAPA-NƏ KIYO-KI TƏKƏRƏ-WOmba TARE-TƏ TƏMƏ n-i kamǝ MI-SƏNA P-AS-I-aŋgar-apɛ-TAMAP-Am-u mountain river-GEN clean-ATTR place-ACC(EMPH) who-COM together DV-CONV EP look(CONV)-put.in.order-HON-CONV-rise-ITER-HON-TENT-ATTR With whom will [I] be constantly looking up together at the clean places of mountains and rivers, I wonder? (SM 51) 4.1.1 Special Construction -te-si ka ~ -te-si kamǝ The perfective past attributive verbal form -te-si followed by the emphatic particle kamǝ expresses desire. Only in this construction the particle kamǝ frequently appears in the abbreviated form ka. Note that this abbreviated form is not identical to the interrogative particle ka, since the construction -te-si ka ~ -te-si kamǝ does not introduce any questions. 多都能馬母伊麻勿愛弖之可

tatu n-ǝ [U]MA mǝ ima mo e-te-si ka dragon DV-ATTR horse FP now obtain(CONV)-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ATTR EP [I] want to obtain the dragon horse now, too (MYS 5.808) 餘宿毛寐而師可聞

AMATA YO mo NE-TE-si kamo many night FP sleep(CONV)-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ATTR EP [I] want to sleep many nights (MYS 8.1520) 霍公鳥無流國尓毛去而師香

POTƏTƏ ŋGISU nak-ar-u KUNI-ni mo YUK-I-te-si ka cuckoo sing-PASS-ATTR land-LOC go-CONV-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ATTR IP [I] want to go to the land where a cuckoo spontaneously sings (MYS 8.1467) 安麻等夫也可里乎都可比尓衣弖之可母

ama tǝmb-u ya kari-wo tukapi n-i e-te-si kamǝ heaven fly-ATTR EP wild.goose-ACC messenger DV-CONV obtain(CONV)PERF(CONV)-PAST/ATTR EP [I] want to obtain wild geese that fly in heaven as messengers! (MYS 15.3676)

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1151

Particles 波里夫久路己礼波多婆利奴須理夫久路伊麻波衣天之可於吉奈佐備勢牟

pari-m-bukuro kǝre pa tambar-i-n-u suri-m-bukuro ima pa e-te-si ka okina-sambï se-m-u needle-GEN-bag this TOP receive(HUM)-CONV-PERF-FIN tinder.box-GEN-bag now TOP get(CONV)-PERF-PAST/ATTR IP old.man-be.like do-TENT-ATTR Needle bag—this [I] have received. Now [I] want to get a bag for a bamboo box. [I] will [then] be [completely] like an old man (MYS 18.4133) 寤尓等念氐之可毛

UTUTU-ni tǝ OMƏP-I-te-si kamo reality-LOC DV think-CONV-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ATTR [I] want to think that [it is] in reality (MYS 19.4237) 阿佐奈佐奈安我流比婆理爾奈里弖之可

asa-na [a]sa-na aŋgar-u pimbari n-i nar-i-te-si ka morning-PLUR morning-PLUR rise-ATTR skylark DV-CONV become-CONVPERF-PAST/ATTR IP every morning, [I] want to have become a skylark, flying up (MYS 20.4433) 奉仕之米天志可等念保之米之天

TUKAPƐ-MATUR-Asimɛ-te-si ka tǝ OMƏp-os-i-mɛs-i-te serve(CONV)-HUM-CAUS(CONV)-PERF(CONV)-PAST/ATTR IP DV think-HONCONV-HON-CONV-SUB [Dōkyō] thought: “[I] want to make [them] serve” (SM 36) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The emphatic particle kamǝ (also spelled as kamo) is well attested in Eastern Old Japanese. Like in Western Old Japanese there is also a variant kamu attested only once (see the example from MYS 20.4403 below), but unlike WOJ kamu, EOJ kamu may not necessarily be a scribal error, because there are other cases when WOJ /ǝ/ corresponds to EOJ /u/. Similar to Western Old Japanese, EOJ kamǝ also has functions of exclamation and inquiry arising from uncertainty. Examples:

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(1) Exclamation: 佐刀乃美奈可尓安敝流世奈可母

sato-nǝ mi-naka-ni ap-er-u se-na kamǝ village-GEN HON(?)-middle-LOC meet-PROG-ATTR beloved-DIM EP oh, [my] beloved whom [I] have met in the middle of the village! (MYS 14.3463) 於保伎美乃美己等可思古美可奈之伊毛我多麻久良波奈礼欲太知伎努可母

opo kimi-nǝ mi-kǝtǝ kasiko-mi kanasi imo-ŋga ta-makura panare yo-ⁿ-dat-i k-in-o kamǝ great lord-GEN HON-word awesome-GER dear beloved-POSS hand-pillow separate(CONV) night-LOC-depart-CONV come-CONV-PERF-ATTR EP Because the imperial command is awesome, [I] went away from the hands of my dear beloved [that I used as] a pillow, and departing at night, came [here]! (MYS 14.3480) 父乎於伎弖道乃長道波由伎加弖努加毛

TITI-wo ok-i-te MITI-nǝ NA ŋGATE pa yuk-i-kate-n-o kamo father-ACC leave-CONV-SUB way-GEN length TOP go-CONV-POT-NEG-ATTR EP [I] cannot go [this] long way, leaving my father! (MYS 20.4341) 意保枳美能美己等可之古美阿乎久牟乃等能妣久夜麻乎古与弖伎怒加牟

opo kimi-nǝ mi-kǝtǝ kasiko-mi awo kumu-nǝ tǝnǝmbik-u yama-wo koyǝ-te k-i-n-o kamu great lord-GEN HON-word awesome-GER blue cloud-GEN trail-ATTR mountainACC cross(CONV)-SUB come-CONV-PERF-ATTR EP Since the sovereign’s (lit.: great lord’s) order is awesome, [I] came [here] crossing mountains where dark clouds trail! (MYS 20.4403) 和藝毛古賀都氣之非毛我乎多延尓氣流可母

wa-ŋg-imo-ko-ŋga tukɛ-si pïmo-ŋga wo taye-n-i-kɛr-u kamǝ I-POSS-beloved-DIM-POSS attach(CONV)-PAST/ATTR cord-POSS cord break (CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP the cords [of my garment] that my beloved tied, broke off! (MYS 20.4404)

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Particles

(2) Inquiry arising from uncertainty (‘I wonder’): 和我世故乎安杼可母伊波武

wa-ŋga se-ko-wo aⁿ-dǝ kamǝ ip-am-u I-POSS beloved-DIM-ACC what-DV EP say-TENT-ATTR What shall [I] say about my beloved, I wonder? (MYS 14.3379) 奴流我倍爾安杼世呂登可母

n-uru-ŋga [u]pɛ-ni aⁿ-dǝ se-rǝ tǝ kamǝ sleep-ATTR-POSS top-LOC what-DV do-IMP DV EP besides sleeping [with her], I wonder what [else do I] do? (MYS 14.3465) 伊豆由可母加奈之伎世呂我和賀利可欲波牟

iⁿdu-yu kamǝ kanasi-ki se-rǝ-ŋga wa-ŋgari kayop-am-u where-ABL EP beloved-ATTR husband-DIM-POSS I-DIR visit-TENT-ATTR where will my beloved husband visit me from, I wonder? (MYS 14.3549) 和賀西奈尓阿比与流等可毛欲流等家也須家

wa-ŋga se-na-ni ap-i-yǝr-u tǝ kamo yoru tǝke-yasu-ke I-POSS beloved-DIM-DAT meet-CONV-approach-FIN DV EP night untie(CONV)-easy-ATTR is [the garment cord] easy to untie at night because [I] think that [I] will meet with my beloved, I wonder? (MYS 14.3483) 都久之閇爾敞牟加流布祢乃伊都之加毛都加敞麻都里弖久爾爾閇牟可毛

Tukusi-pɛ-ni pe muk-ar-u pune-nǝ itu si kamo tukape-matur-i-te kuni-ni pɛ muk-am-o Tukusi-side-LOC bow turn-PROG-ATTR boat-GEN when EP EP serve(CONV)HUM-CONV-SUB province-LOC bow turn-TENT-ATTR I wonder when the boat which is [now] turning [its] bow towards Tukusi will turn its bow towards [my home] province, after [I finish my] service (MYS 20.4359) A2: Ryukyuan The emphatic particle kamo ~ kamu ~ kam ~ kaŋ in Ryukyuan is attested only in the Setouchi dialect of Amami (Nohara 1998: 117). The scarce attestation in Ryukyuan is suspicious, but since the direct borrowing from Western Old Japanese to Setouchi is unlikely, this particle should be recognized as a

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cognate. The emphatic particle kamo ~ kamu ~ kam ~ kaŋ is always followed by a verb in the negative form. Examples: Setouchi

taa muŋ kamo wakar-aŋ who thing EP understand-NEG/ATTR [I] do not even know whose thing [it is] (Nohara 1998: 117) hannsï tur-u-ga ʔidʒ-ar-u kamu širir-aŋ potato take-ATTR-ALL go(SUB)-exist-ATTR EP know-NEG/ATTR [I] do not know whether [she] went to collect potatoes (Nohara 1998: 117) 4.2

Emphatic Particle si

It is difficult to define the exact meaning of the emphatic particle si, but it appears to add a special emphasis to the preceding word or phrase. The difficulty in defining the exact function of si suggests that it probably was a property of Western Old Japanese discourse. It is found after different parts of speech: nominals, some verbal forms, adverbs, and various particles. chart 110 Combinations of the emphatic particle si with preceding morphemes

morphemes

combination forms

nominal adverb dative-locative case marker -ni abs./accusative case marker -wo converb -i converb -ku nominalizer -i nominalizer -(a)ku subordinative converb -te emphatic particle ya restrictive particle nǝmï

nominal + si adverb + si -ni si -wo si -i si -ku si -i si -(a)ku si -te si ya si nǝmï si

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Most particles do not precede, but follow the emphatic particle si. chart 111 Combinations of the emphatic particle si with following particles

particles

combination forms

focus particle mǝ focus particle sǝ focus particle kǝsǝ desiderative particle mǝŋgamǝ interrogative particle ka emphatic particle kamǝ emphatic particle mǝ

si mǝ si sǝ si kǝsǝ si mǝŋgamǝ si ka si kamǝ si mǝ

Examples: 阿波母與賣迩斯阿禮婆那遠岐弖遠波那志

a pa mǝ yǝ me n-i si ar-e-mba na-wo [o]k-i-te wo pa na-si I TOP EP EP woman DV-CONV EP exist-EV-CON you-ACC leave-CONV-SUB man TOP no-FIN Because I am a woman, [I] have no [other] man, besides you (KK 5) 伊勢能宇美能意斐志爾波比母登富呂布志多陀美能伊波比母登富理宇知弖 志夜麻牟

Ise-nǝ umi-nǝ opï-[i]si-ni pap-i-mǝtǝpǝr-ǝp-u sitaⁿdami8-nǝ i-pap-i-mǝtǝpǝr-i uti-te si yam-am-u Ise-GEN sea-GEN grow(CONV)-stone-LOC crawl-CONV-go.around-ITERATTR seashell-COMP DLF-crawl-CONV-go.around-CONV hit-CONV-SUB EP stop-TENT-FIN like the shellfish that are constantly crawling around on the growing rocks of the Ise sea, [we] will crawl around [them] there, smite and stop [them] (KK 13)

8  志多陀美 /sitaⁿdami/, a kind of an edible seashell (MdJ kisago).

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Chapter 9

阿袁那母岐備比登登等母迩斯都米婆多怒斯久母阿流迦

awo na mǝ Kimbï pitǝ-tǝ tǝmǝ n-i si tum-ɛ-mba tanosi-ku mǝ ar-u ka green vegetables FP Kimbï person-COM together DV-CONV EP pick-EV-CON delightful-CONV FP exist-ATTR IP Is [not it] delightful when [I] pick green vegetables together with the girl from Kimbï? (KK 54) 古波嚢塢等綿阿羅素破儒泥辞区塢之叙于蘆波辞彌茂布

Kopaⁿda wotǝme arasop-aⁿz-u ne-si-ku-wo si ⁿzǝ urupasi-mi [o]mop-u Kopaⁿda maiden resist-NEG-CONV sleep(CONV)-PAST/ATTR-NML-ACC EP FP loving-GER think-ATTR [I] think lovingly about the fact that a Kopaⁿda maiden slept [with me] without resisting (NK 38) 乎武例我禹杯爾倶謨娜尼母旨屢倶之多多婆

wo-mure-ŋga upɛ-ni kumo ⁿdani mǝ siru-ku si tat-amba DIM-mountain-POSS top-LOC cloud RP FP distinct-CONV EP rise-COND if just the clouds distinctly rise above the small mountain (NK 116) 陁黎耶始比登謀阿避於謀婆儺倶爾

tare ya si pitǝ mo api-omop-an-aku n-i who EP EP person FP REC-love-NEG-NML DV-CONV because [she] is not mutually in love with anyone else (NK 93) 豫呂豆余珥訶勾志茂餓茂知余珥茂訶勾志茂餓茂

yǝrǝⁿdu yǝ-ni ka-ku si moŋgamo ti yǝ-ni mo ka-ku si moŋgamo ten thousand year-LOC thus-CONV EP DP thousand year-LOC FP thus-CONV EP DP [I] wish [that my sovereign] will be in this way in ten thousand years, [I] wish [he] will be in this way in a thousand years, too (NK 102) 与良志古良爾志与良波

yǝr-aⁿzi ko-ra-ni si yǝr-amba approach-NEG/TENT girl-DIM-DAT EP approach-COND when [I] approach [my] dear girl, [I] will not approach [other girls] (FK 4)

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Particles

余能奈可波牟奈之伎母乃等志流等伎子伊与余麻須万須加奈之可利家理

yǝ-nǝ naka pa munasi-ki mǝnǝ tǝ sir-u tǝki si iyǝyǝ masu-masu kanasi-k-ar-i-ker-i world-GEN inside TOP empty-ATTR thing DV know-ATTR time EP more.and. more more.and.more sad-CONV-exist-CONV-RETR-FIN When [I] realized that the world is empty, [it] turned out to be more and more sad (MYS 5.793) 夜周伊斯奈佐農

yasu i si n-as-an-u easy sleep EP sleep-CAUS-NEG-ATTR [you] do not let [me] sleep an easy sleep (MYS 5.802) 等伎波奈周迦久斯母何母等意母閇騰母

tǝk[ǝ]-ipa-nasu ka-ku si mǝŋgamǝ tǝ omǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝmǝ eternal-rock-COMP thus-CONV EP DP DV think-EV-CONC Although [I] think that [I] would like to be (thus) like an eternal rock … (MYS 5.805) 多陀爾阿波須阿良久毛於保久志岐多閇乃麻久良佐良受提伊米爾之美延牟

taⁿda n-i ap-aⁿz-u ar-aku mo opo-ku sik-i-tapɛ-nǝ makura sar-aⁿz-u-te imɛ-ni si mi-ye-m-u direct DV-CONV meet-NEG-CONV exist-NML FP many-CONV spread-CONVmulberry.tree.bark.cloth-GEN pillow go.away-NEG-CONV-SUB dream-LOC EP see-PASS-TENT-FIN There are also many occasions when [we] do not meet directly, [and I] want to see [you] in [my] dream without going away from [your] mulberry tree bark cloth pillow (MYS 5.809) 可久斯己曽烏梅乎加射之弖多努志久能麻米

ka-ku si kǝsǝ uMƐ-wo kaⁿzas-i-te tanosi-ku nǝm-am-ɛ thus-CONV EP FP plum-ACC decorate-CONV-SUB be.merry-CONV drinkTENT-EV decorating [our hair] with plum [blossoms] in this way, [we] should drink merrily (MYS 5.833)

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宇梅能波奈乎理加射之都都毛呂比登能阿蘇夫遠美礼婆弥夜古之叙毛布

uMƐ-nǝ pana wor-i kaⁿas-i-tutu morǝ pitǝ-nǝ asomb-u-wo mi-re-mba miyako si ⁿzǝ [o]mop-u plum-GEN flower break.off-CONV put.in.the.hair-CONV-COOR all person-GEN play-ATTR-ACC see-EV-CON capital EP FP think-ATTR When [I] see that all people enjoy themselves breaking off plum blossoms and putting [them] in [their] hair, [I] think of the capital (MYS 5.843) 百重山越弖須疑由伎伊都斯可母京師乎美武等意母比都々

MOMO-PE YAMA KOYE-te suŋgï-yuk-i itu si kamǝ MIYAKO-wo mi-m-u tǝ omǝp-i-tutu hundred-CL mountain cross.over(CONV)-SUB pass(CONV)-go-CONV when EP EP capital-ACC see-TENT-ATTR DV think-CONV-COOR crossing over and passing through hundreds of mountains [I] was thinking: “When [I] will see the capital, I wonder?” (MYS 5.886) 飛立可祢都鳥尓之安良祢婆

TƏmB-I-TAT-I-kane-t-u TƏRI n-i si ar-an-e-mba fly-CONV-depart-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-FIN bird exist-NEG-EV-CON [I] could not fly away because [I] am not a bird (MYS 5.893)

DV-CONV

EP

戀友何如妹尓相時毛名寸

KOP-URE-ⁿdǝmǝ NANI si ka IMO-ni AP-U TƏKI mo na-ki love-EV-CONC what EP IP beloved-DAT meet-ATTR time FP no-ATTR although [I] love [her], why is there no time at all to meet [my] beloved? (MYS 12.2994) 許己乎志毛間細美香母挂巻

kǝkǝ-wo si mo ma-KUPASI-mi kamǝ KAKƐ-m-aku here-ABS EP FP INT-beautiful-GER EP think-TENT-NML thinking that it is indeed beautiful here (MYS 13.3234) 奈爾之可母奇里爾多都倍久奈気伎之麻佐牟

nani si kamǝ kïri-ni tat-umbɛ-ku naŋgɛk-i s-i-mas-am-u what EP EP fog-COMP rise-DEB-CONV lament-NML do-CONV-HON-TENT-ATTR I wonder, why should [you] lament so that [your tears] have to rise as a fog? (MYS 15.3581)

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1159

Particles 氣奈我久之安礼婆古非尓家流可母

kɛ naŋga-ku si ar-e-mba kopï-n-i-ker-u kamǝ day long-CONV EP exist-EV-CON long.for(CONV)-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP because it has been a long time (lit.: days) [since we left], [I] have been longing for [the capital] (MYS 15.3668) 須流須敝能多度伎乎之良尓祢能未之曽奈久

s-uru sumbe-nǝ taⁿdoki-wo sir-an-i ne nǝmï si sǝ nak-u do-ATTR way-GEN clue-ACC know-NEG-CONV sound RP EP FP cry-ATTR [I] have no (lit. do not know) clue what to do, and [I] just sob loudly (MYS 15.3777) 日能久礼由氣婆家乎之曽於毛布

PI-nǝ kure-yuk-e-mba IPE-wo si sǝ omop-u sub-GEN set(CONV)-go-EV-CON home-ACC EP FP think-ATTR because the sun is setting, [I] think of [my] home (MYS 17.3895) 多奈波多之船乗須良之

Tanambata si PUNA-NƏR-I s-urasi Weaver EP boat-board-NML do-SUP It seems that the Weaver boards the boat (MYS 17.3900) 伊都之加登奈気可須良牟曾

itu si ka tǝ naŋgɛk-as-uram-u sǝ when EP IP DV lament-HON-TENT2-ATTR FP [she] probably laments, saying: ‘When [will he return]?’ (MYS 17.3962) 多知夜麻乃由吉之久良之毛

Tati yama-nǝ yuki si k-urasi-mǝ Tati mountain-GEN snow EP melt-SUP-EXCL It seems that the snow on Mount Tati has melted! (MYS 17.4024) 許己乎之母安夜爾多敷刀美宇礼之家久伊余与於母比弖

kǝkǝ-wo si mǝ aya n-i taputo-mi uresi-k-eku iyǝyǝ omǝp-i-te here-ABS EP FP extreme DV-CONV be venerable-GER be glad-ATTR-NML more. and.more think-CONV-SUB thinking with joy more and more how extremely venerable our position is (MYS 18.4094)

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故之能吉美良等可久之許曾楊奈疑可豆良枳多努之久安蘇婆米

Kosi-nǝ kimi-ra-tǝ ka-ku si kǝsǝ YAnaŋgï kaⁿdurak-i tanosi-ku asomb-am-ɛ Kosi-GEN lord-PLUR-COM thus-CONV EP FP willow wear.as.a.wig-CONV pleasant-CONV amuse-TENT-EV [I] will amuse [myself] with lords from Kosi by putting willow [branches] in our hair in this way (MYS 18.4071) 吾等尓可伎无氣念之念婆

WARE-ni kaki-mukɛ OMƏP-I si OMƏP-Amba I-DAT PREF-turn(IMP) love-NML EP love-COND if [you] indeed love [me], turn to me (MYS 19.4191) 奈保之祢我比都知等世能伊乃知乎

napo si neŋg-ap-i-t-u ti tǝse-nǝ inǝti-wo still EP pray-ITER-CONV-PERF-FIN thousand year-GEN life-ACC [I] have still been praying for a thousand year life (MYS 20.4470) 安米乃美加度乎可氣都礼婆祢能未之奈加由

amɛ-nǝ mikaⁿdo-wo kakɛ-t-ure-mba ne nǝmï si nak-ay-u heaven-GEN sovereign-ACC think.in.the.heart(CONV)-EV-CON sound IP EP cry-PASS-FIN Because [I] think in my heart about [my] heavenly sovereign, [I] only sob loudly (MYS 20.4480) 和我勢故之可久志伎許散婆

wa-ŋga se-ko si ka-ku si kikǝs-amba I-POSS beloved-DIM EP thus-CONV EP say(HON)-COND If my beloved says so … (MYS 20.4499) 忌忍事爾似事乎志奈母常労彌重彌所念坐久

IM-I-SINƏmB-URU KƏTƏ-ni NI-RU KƏTƏ-wo si namǝ TUNE ITAPASI-mi OMƏ-mi OMƏP-OS-I-IMAS-Aku abstain-CONV-endure-ATTR matter-LOC resemble-ATTR matter-ABS EP FP usual painful-GER heavy-GER think-HON-CONV-HON-NML the fact that [we] deign to think that the matter that resembles the matter of abstaining [to reward him] is usually painful and hard (SM 2)

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Particles

Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The emphatic particle si is also well attested in Eastern Old Japanese: 和乎布利弥由母阿是古志麻波母

wa-wo pur-i-mi-y-umǝ Aⁿze ko si map-am-ǝ I-ACC swing-CONV-look-PASS-EXCL A zᷠ e girl EP dance-TENT-ATTR the girl from Aⁿze is going to dance, suddenly looking back at me! (FK 7) 安布許等可多思家布尓思安良受波

ap-u kǝtǝ kata-si kepu n-i si ar-aⁿz-u pa meet-ATTR thing difficult-FIN today DV-CONV EP exist-NEG-CONV TOP if [it] is not today, it will be difficult to meet (MYS 14.3401) 志留波乃伊宗等尓閇乃宇良等安比弖之阿良婆

Sirupa-nǝ iso-tǝ Nipɛ-nǝ ura-tǝ ap-i-te si ar-amba Sirupa-GEN rocky.shore-COM Nipɛ-GEN bay-COM meet-CONV-SUB EP existCOND If Sirupa rocky shore and Nipɛ bay would have met [together] … (MYS 20.4324) 多妣己呂母夜倍伎可佐祢弖伊努礼等母奈保波太佐牟志伊母尓志阿良祢婆

tambi kǝrǝmǝ ya-pɛ ki-kasane-te i n-ure-ⁿdǝmǝ napo paⁿda samu-si imǝ n-i si ar-an-e-mba travel garment eight-CL wear(CONV)-pile.up(CONV)-SUB sleep sleep-EV-CONC still skin cold-FIN beloved DV-CONV EP exist-NEG-EV-CON Although [I] sleep, putting on eight layers of travel garments, it is still cold, because [it] is not [my] beloved (MYS 20.4351) 都久之閇爾敞牟加流布祢乃伊都之加毛都加敞麻都里弖久爾爾閇牟可毛

Tukusi-pɛ-ni pe muk-ar-u pune-nǝ itu si kamo tukape-matur-i-te kuni-ni pɛ muk-am-o Tukusi-side-LOC bow turn-PROG-ATTR boat-GEN when EP EP serve(CONV)HUM-CONV-SUB province-LOC bow turn-TENT-ATTR I wonder when the boat which is [now] turning [its] bow towards Tukusi will turn its bow towards [my home] province, after [I finish my] service (MYS 20.4359)

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A2: Ryukyuan It appears that there are no cognates of WOJ si in Ryukyuan. There is an emphatic particle si in some dialects, but it always occurs as a sentence-final (Nohara 1998: 221, 309), so it is probably unrelated. 4.3

Emphatic Particle mǝ

Care must be taken to distinguish the emphatic particle mǝ from the focus particle mǝ. In additional to contextual meaning there are several combinatorial hints. Only the emphatic particle mǝ can be found in the sentence final position, where it is always preceded by the interrogative particle ya. Also, only the emphatic particle mǝ can combine with the topic particle pa, since the topic particle pa and the focus particle mǝ indicate two opposite types of focuses that certainly cannot combine. The emphatic particle sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ is found before the emphatic particle mǝ, but after the focus particle mǝ. The emphatic particle ya can combine only with the emphatic particle mǝ, but never with the focus particle mǝ. The combinations of the emphatic particle mǝ with other particles are outlined in the chart 112 below. chart 112 Combinations of the emphatic particle mǝ with other particles

particles

combination forms

topic particle pa focus particle sǝ interrogative particle ya emphatic particle si emphatic particle ya emphatic particle yǝ

pa mǝ sǝ mǝ ya mǝ si mǝ mǝ ya mǝ yǝ

The emphatic particle mǝ indicates an exclamation when it is used in sentence final position after the interrogative particle ya or in combination with the emphatic particles ya and yǝ. When used as non-final in other cases, it introduces some kind of emphasis that is difficult to define exactly, because the emphatic particle mǝ also belongs to the domain of discourse like the emphatic particle si. Examples:

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1163

Particles 阿波母與賣迩斯阿禮婆那遠岐弖遠波那志

a pa mǝ yǝ me n-i si ar-e-mba na-wo [o]k-i-te wo pa na-si I TOP EP EP woman DV-CONV EP exist-EV-CON you-ACC leave-CONV-SUB man TOP no-FIN Because I am a woman, [I] have no [other] man, besides you (KK 5) 柂我佐基泥佐基泥曾母野倭我底騰羅須謀野

ta-ŋga sakï-ⁿ-de sakï-ⁿ-de sǝ mǝ ya wa-ŋga te tǝr-as-umo ya who-POSS chap(NML)-DV(ATTR)-hand chap(NML)-DV(ATTR)-hand FP EP EP I-POSS hand take-HON-EXCL IP whose chapped hand, chapped hand will take my hand?! (NK 108) 人嬬故尓吾戀目八方

PITƏ-ⁿ-DUMA YUWE n-i ARE KOPÏ-m-ɛ ya mo person-GEN-spouse reason DV-CONV I love-TENT-EV IP EP because [she] is the wife of [another] person, should I long for [her]?! [Certainly not!] (MYS 1.21) 吾者毛也安見兒得有皆人乃得難尓為云安見兒衣多利

WARE pa mo ya YasumiKO E-TAR-I MÏNA PITƏ-nǝ E-kate-n-i S-U TƏ IP-U YasumiKO e-tar-i I TOP EP EP Yasumiko get(CONV)-PERF/PROG-FIN all person-GEN get(CONV)POT-NEG-NML do-FIN DV say-ATTR Yasumiko get(CONV)-PERF/PROG-FIN I got Yasumiko! I got Yasumiko whom all people cannot get (MYS 2.95) 麻佐礼留多可良古爾斯迦米夜母

masar-er-u takara ko-ni sik-am-ɛ ya mǝ excel-PROG-ATTR treasure child-LOC reach-ATTR-EV IP EP Could the excellent treasures be equal to children?! [Certainly not!] (MYS 5.803) 和何世古我多那礼乃美巨騰都地爾意加米移母

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga ta-nare n-ǝ mi-kǝtǝ tuti-ni ok-am-ɛ ya mǝ I-POSS beloved-DIM-POSS hand-accustom(NML) DV-ATTR HON-koto groundLOC put-TENT-EV IP EP would anyone [dare to] put the favorite koto of my beloved on the ground?! [Certainly not!] (MYS 5.812)

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久須利波武等母麻多遠知米也母

kusuri pam-u tǝmǝ mata woti-m-ɛ ya mǝ medicine eat-FIN CONJ again rejuvenate-TENT-EV IP EP will [I] be rejuvenated again even if [I] take the medicine?! (MYS 5.847) 佐夫志計米夜母吉美伊麻佐受斯弖

sambusi-k-em-ɛ ya mǝ kimi imas-aⁿz-u s-i-te sad-ATTR-TENT-EV IP EP lord come(HON)-NEG-NML do-CONV-SUB [if my] lord does not come, would [I] be sad?! (Certainly not!) (MYS 5.878) 阿袁麻多周良武知知波波良波母

a-wo mat-as-uram-u titi papa-ra pa mǝ I-ACC wait-HON-TENT2-ATTR father mother-DIM TOP EP dear mother and father, who will probably wait for me (MYS 5.890) 老尓弖阿留我身上尓病遠等加弖阿礼婆晝波母歎加比久良志

OYI-n-i-te ar-u WA- ŋGA MÏ-NƏ UPƐ-ni YAMAPI-wo tǝ KUPAPƐ-te ar-e-mba PIRU pa mǝ NA ŋGƐK-Ap-i-kuras-i age(CONV)-PERF-CONV-SUB exist-ATTR I-POSS body-GEN top-LOC illness-ACC DV add(CONV)-SUB exist-EV-CON daytime TOP EP lament-ITER-CONV-live-CONV because illnesses have been added to my body that has aged [I] spent the days lamenting, and … (MYS 5.897) 久多志須都良牟絹綿良波母

kutas-i sut-uram-u KINU-WATA-ra pa mǝ make.rot-CONV discard-TENT2-FIN silk cotton-PLUR TOP EP [they] will make [their] silk [and] cotton clothes rot and will discard [them] (MYS 5.900) 山櫻花日並而如是開有者甚戀目夜裳

YAMA SAKURA-m-BANA PI NARAmBƐ-TE KA-KU si SAK-ER-Amba PAⁿDA KOPÏ-m-ɛ ya mo mountain cherry-GEN-flower day line.up(CONV)-SUB thus-CONV EP bloomPROG-COND considerably long.for-TENT-EV IP EP If mountain cherry flowers were blooming thus every day, would [I] long for [them] considerably? [Certainly not!] (MYS 8.1425)

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Particles 比故保思母和礼爾麻佐里弖於毛布良米也母

Pikoposi mǝ ware-ni masar-i-te omop-uram-ɛ ya mǝ Altair FP I-DAT surpass-CONV-SUB long.for-TENT2-EV IP EP Will Altair long for [his beloved] more than I [do]?! (lit.: surpassing me) [Certainly not!] (MYS 15.3657) 安比於毛波奴君尓安礼也母

api-omop-an-u KIMI n-i ar-e ya mǝ REC-think-NEG-ATTR lord DV-CONV exist-EV IP EP is [it my] lord, who no [longer] thinks [about lamenting of the people of this world] in return?! (MYS 15.3691) 比等余里波伊毛曽母安之伎

pitǝ-yǝri pa imo sǝ mǝ asi-ki person-ABL TOP beloved FP EP bad-ATTR [my] beloved is worse than [other] people (MYS 15.3737) 能知尓毛安波射良米也母

nǝti-ni mo ap-aⁿz-ar-am-ɛ ya mǝ later-LOC FP meet-NEG(CONV)-exist-TENT-EV IP EP will [we] not meet later?! [Of course we will!] (MYS 15.3741) 保登等藝須伊麻奈可受之弖安須古要牟夜麻尓奈久等母之流思安良米夜母

potǝtǝŋgisu ima nak-aⁿz-u s-i-te asu koye-m-u yama-ni nak-u tǝmǝ sirusi ar-am-ɛ ya mǝ cuckoo now cry-NEG-NML do-CONV-SUB tomorrow cross-TENT-ATTR mountain-LOC cry-FIN CONJ sign exist-TENT-EV IP EP Cuckoo! [You] are not crying now: even if [you] cry in the mountains that [I] will cross tomorrow, would [there] be any sign? [Certainly not!] (MYS 18.4052) 奈礼尓之伎奴尓奈保之可米夜母

nare-n-i-si kinu-ni napo sik-am-ɛ ya mǝ get.used.to(CONV)-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR still reach-TENT-EV IP EP would [it] still be equal to the garment [you] are used to?! [No, it would not!] (MYS 18.4109)

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安比見流毛乃乎須久奈久母年月經礼波古非之家礼夜母

api-mi-ru monǝwo sukuna-ku mǝ TƏSI TUKÏ P-Ure-mba kopïsi-kere ya mǝ REC-see-ATTR CONJ few-CONV FP year month pass-EV-CON miss-EV IP EP although [we] see each other, as time goes by, do [we still] miss [each other] just a bit?! (MYS 18.4118) 食国天下乎婆撫賜惠賜夫止奈母神奈我良母念坐湏

WOS-U KUNI AMƐ-NƏ SITA-womba NAⁿDE-TAMAP-I UTUKUSImBÏ-TAMAp-u tǝ namǝ KAMU-na-ŋ-gara mǝ OMƏP-OS-I-[I]MAs-u rule-ATTR country heaven-GEN under-ACC(EMPH) cherish(CONV)-HONCONV show.benevolence(CONV)-HON-FIN DV FP deity-PLUR-GEN-nature EP think-HON-CONV-HON-ATTR [I], as a deity, deign to think that [I] show benevolence and cherish the country under Heaven that I rule (SM 13) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The emphatic particle mǝ is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese: 阿是曾母許与比与斯呂伎麻左奴

aⁿze sǝ mǝ kǝ yǝpi yǝs-i-rǝ k-i-[i]mas-an-u why FP EP this night approach-CONV-? come-CONV-HON-NEG-ATTR why did not [you] come tonight? (MYS 14.3469) 伊弊奈流伊母乎麻多美弖毛母也

ipe-n-ar-u imǝ-wo mata mi-te-m-o mǝ ya home-LOC-exist-ATTR beloved-ACC again see(CONV)-PERF-TENT-ATTR EP EP [I] would like to see again [my] beloved who is at home! (MYS 20.4415) 4.4

Emphatic Particle ya

Care must be taken to differentiate the emphatic particle ya from the homophonous interrogative particle ya. In additional to contextual meaning there are several combinatorial hints. The emphatic particle ya in contrast to the interrogative particle ya does not trigger the change of the final verbal form to the attributive, as demonstrated by the examples from KK 14, KK 73 and MYS 2.95

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Particles

below. The emphatic particle ya always follows the emphatic particle mǝ, while the interrogative particle ya always precedes it. The emphatic particle ya rarely occurs in the sentence final position, where the interrogative ya appears rather frequently. In the sentence non-final position, where confusion between two different ya particles is more likely, the emphatic particle ya frequently appears after attributive clauses. Only the interrogative ya is used after the restrictive particles nǝmï, ᷠdani, and sapɛ. The combinations of the emphatic particle ya with other particles are outlined in Chart 113 below: chart 113 Combinations of the emphatic particle ya with other particles

particles

combination forms

topic particle pa desiderative particle mǝŋgamǝ emphatic particle si emphatic particle mǝ

pa ya mǝŋgamǝ ya ya si mǝ ya

It is difficult to pin down the exact meaning of the emphatic particle ya similar to most other emphatic particles, because it is probably a discourse particle. Examples: 和禮波夜惠奴

ware pa ya we-n-u we TOP EP starve-PERF-FIN we are starving (KK 14) 許能迦迩夜伊豆久能迦迩

kǝnǝ kani ya iⁿduku-nǝ kani this crab IP where-GEN crab This crab, where is it from? (KK 42) 佐佐那美遅袁須久須久登和賀伊麻勢婆夜

Sasanami-ⁿ-di-wo suku-suku tǝ wa-ŋga imas-e-mba ya Sasanami-GEN-road-ACC rapidly DV I-POSS go(HON)-EV-CON EP as I went rapidly along the Sasanami road, yeah (KK 42)

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那賀美古夜那毘迩斯良牟登加理波古牟良斯

na-ŋga miko ya tumbi n-i sir-am-u tǝ kari pa ko [u]m-urasi you-POSS prince EP ? DV-CONV rule-TENT-FIN DV wild goose TOP egg bear-SUP Wild goose probably laid an egg to show that your prince will rule ?-ly (KK 73) 陁黎耶始比登謀阿避於謀婆儺倶爾

tare ya si pitǝ mo api-omop-an-aku n-i who EP EP person FP REC-love-NEG-NML DV-CONV because [she] is not mutually in love with anyone else (NK 93) 柂我佐基泥佐基泥曾母野倭我底騰羅須謀野

ta-ŋga sakï-ⁿ-de sakï-ⁿ-de sǝ mǝ ya wa-ŋga te tǝr-as-umo ya who-POSS chap(NML)-DV(ATTR)-hand chap(NML)-DV(ATTR)-hand FP EP EP I-POSS hand take-HON-EXCL IP whose chapped hand, chapped hand will take my hand?! (NK 108) 吾者毛也安見兒得有皆人乃得難尓為云安見兒衣多利

WARE pa mo ya YasumiKO E-TAR-I MÏNA PITƏ-nǝ E-kate-n-i S-U TƏ IP-U YasumiKO e-tar-i I TOP EP EP Yasumiko get(CONV)-PERF/PROG-FIN all person-GEN get(CONV)POT-NEG-NML do-FIN DV say-ATTR Yasumiko get(CONV)-PERF/PROG-FIN I got Yasumiko! I got Yasumiko whom all people cannot get (MYS 2.95) 波流能努尓奈久夜汙隅比須奈都氣牟

paru-nǝ no-ni nak-u ya uŋgupisu natukɛ-m-u spring-GEN field-LOC sing-ATTR EP bush.warbler tame-TENT-FIN [I] want to tame a bush warbler who sings in the spring fields! (MYS 5.837) 阿摩等夫夜等利尓母賀母夜美夜故麻提意久利摩遠志弖等比可弊流母能

ama-tǝmb-u ya tǝri n-i mǝŋgamǝ ya miyako-maⁿde okur-i-mawos-i-te tǝmb-i kaper-u mǝnǝ heaven-fly-ATTR EP bird DV-CONV DP EP capital-TERM see.off-CONV-HUMCONV-SUB fly-CONV return-ATTR CONJ [I] would like to be a bird that flies in the heaven! [I would] see [you] off to the capital and come back, but … (MYS 5.876)

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Particles 吾哉難二加還而将成

WARE YA nani n-i ka KAPER-I-TE NAR-AM-U I EP what DV-CONV IP return-CONV-SUB become-TENT-ATTR Why should I return? (MYS 13.3265) 安麻等夫也可里乎都可比尓衣弖之可母

ama tǝmb-u ya kari-wo tukapi n-i e-te-si kamǝ heaven fly-ATTR EP wild.goose-ACC messenger DV-CONV get(CONV)PERF(CONV)-PAST/ATTR EP [I] want to obtain wild geese that fly in heaven as messengers! (MYS 15.3676) 於毛夜目都良之美夜古可多比等

omo ya mɛⁿdurasi miyako kata pitǝ face EP remarkable capital side person [your] face is remarkable [like of a] person from the capital! (MYS 18.4117) 於能等母於能夜

onǝ tǝ mǝ onǝ ya [your]self DV FP [your]self EP When [I] thought that [it was] yourself [who made it], [it was indeed] yourself! (MYS 18.4129) 可之故伎也安米乃美加度乎可氣都礼婆祢能未之奈加由

kasiko-ki ya amɛ-nǝ mikaⁿdo-wo kakɛ-t-ure-mba ne nǝmï si nak-ay-u awesome-ATTR EP heaven-GEN sovereign-ACC think.in.the.heart(CONV)EV-CON sound RP EP cry-PASS-FIN Because [I] think in my heart about [my] awesome heavenly sovereign, [I] only sob loudly (MYS 20.4480) 伊可奈留夜比止爾伊麻世可

ika nar-u ya pitǝ n-i imas-e ka how be-ATTR EP person DV-CONV be(HON)-EV IP Oh, what kind of person is [he]? (BS 5) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The emphatic particle ya is also attested in Eastern Old Japanese in five examples:

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左乎思鹿能布須也久草無良

sa-wo-siKA-nǝ pus-u ya kusa mura PREF-male-deer-GEN lie-ATTR EP grass group the clump of grass where a male deer is lying (MYS 14.3530) 奈勢能古夜等里乃乎加恥志奈可太乎礼安乎祢思奈久与

na se-nǝ ko ya Tǝri-nǝ woka ti si naka-ⁿ-dawore a-wo ne si nak-u yǝ I beloved-GEN child EP Tǝri-GEN hill road EP inside-DV(ATTR)-saddle I-ACC sound EP make.cry-FIN EP My beloved, [you] make me cry loudly, [with your mood going down] like a saddle on the hilly road to Tǝri (MYS 14.3458) 左努夜麻尓宇都也乎能登乃等抱可騰母

Sano yama-ni ut-u ya wonǝ [o]tǝ tǝpo-ka-ⁿdǝmǝ Sano mountain-LOC hit-ATTR EP ax sound be.far-EV-CONC Although the sound of the ax that hits [the trees] on Mt. Sano, is far … (MYS 14.3473) 可之古伎夜美許等加我布理

kasiko-ki ya mi-kǝtǝ kaŋgapur-i awesome-ATTR EP HON-order receive-CONV [I] received the awesome order [from the sovereign], and … (MYS 20.4321) 伊弊奈流伊母乎麻多美弖毛母也

ipe-n-ar-u imǝ-wo mata mi-te-m-ǝ mǝ ya home-LOC-exist-ATTR beloved-ACC again see(CONV)-PERF-TENT-ATTR EP EP [I] would like to see again [my] beloved who is at home! (MYS 20.4415) A2: Ryukyuan It might be possible that the Ryukyuan exclamation particle ya ~ yaa attested in some Northern Ryukyuan dialects is a cognate of the Western Old Japanese emphatic particle ya. In contrast to Western Old Japanese, this Ryukyuan particle is always found in the sentence final position. Examples: Setouchi

kanaa-ša ya be.cute-NML EP [She] is cute! (Nohara 1998: 133)

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kuŋ šigutu ya narer-aŋ karan dareyur-i yaa this job TOP be.used-NEG CONJ be.tired-FIN EP Because [I] am not used to this job, [I] am tired! (Nohara 1998: 133) Tokunoshima

hooraha-sa yaa be.glad-NML EP [I] am glad! (Nohara 1998: 193) mitsï-nanti ʔašid-uŋ k’waa ya waa kwaa do yaa road-LOC play(SUB)-exist(ATTR) child TOP I child FP EP The child who plays on the road is my child! (Nohara 1998: 193) 4.5

Emphatic Particle yǝ

Although many emphatic particles elude an exact definition, we are quite lucky in the case of the emphatic particle yǝ, as it can be defined in the overwhelming majority of cases as an exclamation particle. Examples: 阿賀母布都麻阿理登伊波婆許曾余伊弊爾母由加米

a-ŋga [o]mǝp-u tuma ar-i tǝ ip-amba kǝsǝ yǝ ipe-ni mǝ yuk-am-ɛ I-POSS love-ATTR spouse exist-FIN DV say-COND FP EP house-LOC FP go-TENT-EV if [I] only could say that [my] wife whom I love, [still] lives, [I] would go home (KK 90) 意布袁余志斯毘都久阿麻余

op[ǝ]-uwo yǝsi simbi tuk-u ama yǝ big-fish ? tuna harpoon-ATTR fisherman EP Oh, fisherman, who harpoons tuna, the big fish! (KK 110) 阿誤予阿誤予

aŋ-go yǝ aŋ-go yǝ I-child EP I-child EP Oh, my children! Oh, my children! (NK 8)

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偉儺謎能陁倶弥柯該志須弥儺皤旨我那稽麼柂例柯柯該武預

Winambɛ-nǝ takumi kakɛ-si sumi-napa si-ŋga na-k-emba tare ka kakɛ-m-u yǝ Winambɛ-GEN carpenter apply(CONV)-PAST/ATTR ink-cord he-POSS noATTR-COND who IP apply-TENT-ATTR EP the ink-cord that the carpenter of Winambɛ applied: if he is no more, who would apply it?! (NK 80) 阿波母與賣迩斯阿禮婆那遠岐弖遠波那志

a pa mǝ yǝ me n-i si ar-e-mba na-wo [o]k-i-te wo pa na-si I TOP EP EP woman DV-CONV EP exist-EV-CON you-ACC leave-CONV-SUB man TOP no-FIN Because I am a woman, [I] have no [other] man, besides you (KK 5) 千代二手尓座多公与

TI YƏ-MAⁿde-ni IMAS-E OPO KIMI yǝ thousand generation-TERM-LOC come(HON)-IMP great lord EP [My] great lord! Come for a thousand generations (MYS 1.79) 母智騰利乃可可良波志母与

mǝti-ⁿ-dǝri-nǝ kakar-ap-asi-mǝ yǝ mochi-GEN-bird-COMP be.stuck-ITER-ADJ-EXCL EP [You] are stuck like a bird on a mochi [trap-stick]! (MYS 5.800) 今者吾者指南与我兄

IMA pa WA pa sin-am-u yǝ WA- ŋGA SE now TOP I TOP die-TENT-FIN EP I-POSS beloved My beloved, I will die now! (MYS 12.2936) 二々火四吾妹生友各鑿社吾戀度七目

SIN-AM-U yǝ WA- ŋG-IMO IK-ER-I tǝmǝ ka-ku nǝmï KƏSƏ KOPÏ-WATAR-I-n-am-ɛ die-TENT-FIN EP I-POSS-beloved live-PROG-FIN CONJ thus-CONV RP FP long. for(CONV)-cross-CONV-PERF-TENT-EV [I] will die, my beloved! Even if [I] am living, [I] will continue to long for [you] just like that (MYS 13.3298)

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Particles 音之少寸道尓相奴鴨少寸四道尓相佐婆

OTƏ-NƏ SUKUNA-ki MITI-ni AP-An-u kamo SUKUNA-ki yǝ MITI-ni AP-As-amba sound-GEN few-ATTR road-LOC meet-NEG-ATTR EP few-ATTR EP road-LOC meet-HON-COND if [you] would meet [me] on the road where there are few [sounds of people]! [But], alas [we] will not meet on the road where there are few sounds [of people]! (MYS 16.3875) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The emphatic particle yǝ is also well attested in Eastern Old Japanese: 多知和可礼伊爾之与比欲利世呂爾安波奈布与

tat-i-wakare in-i-si yǝpi-yori se-rǝ-ni ap-an-ap-u yǝ depart-CONV-part(CONV) go.away-CONV-PAST/ATTR night-ABL beloved-DIMDAT meet-NEG-ITER-FIN EP from the night when [we] parted and [he] went away, [I] never met [my] beloved! (MYS 14.3375) 安素乃河泊良欲伊之布麻受蘇良由登伎奴与

Aso-nǝ KApara-yo isi pum-aⁿz-u sora-yu tǝ k-i-n-u yǝ Aso-GEN river-bed-ABL stone tread-NEG-CONV sk-ABL DV come-CONV-PERFFIN EP [I] came from the river-bed of Aso, as from the sky, without treading on stones! (MYS 14.3425) 奈勢能古夜等里乃乎加恥志奈可太乎礼安乎祢思奈久与

na se-nǝ ko ya Tǝri-nǝ woka ti si naka-ⁿ-dawore a-wo ne si nak-u yǝ I beloved-GEN child EP Tǝri-GEN hill road EP inside-DV(ATTR)-saddle I-ACC sound EP make.cry-FIN EP My beloved, [you] make me cry loudly, [with your mood going down] like a saddle on the hilly road to Tǝri! (MYS 14.3458) 伊刀尓奈流等毛和波等可自等余

ito n-i nar-u tǝmo wa pa tǝk-aⁿzi tǝ yǝ thread DV-CONV become-FIN CONJ I TOP untie-NEG/TENT DV EP [I] think that I would not untie [the cords of my garment] even if [they] become [thin] threads! (MYS 20.4405)

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A2: Ryukyuan The exclamation particle yoo (OR yo) is attested throughout Ryukyuan, but its shape invites doubts to its authenticity: we would expect *yuu rather than yoo in Miyako and Yaeyama. Thus, it is quite probable that we have a rather recent loan from mainland Japanese. Examples: Setouchi

kud-dakya mut-či koo yoo this-only hold-SUB come(IMP) EP Bring only this! (Nohara 1998: 138) Miyako

sïtugatsï soogatsï ya yaa-i kuu yoo July January TOP home-LOC come(IMP) EP Come home in July and January! (Nohara 1998: 438) Yaeyama

kunu yaamee pitu čiki-šitu čikut-taa diN yoo this house(TOP) one month-ABL make-PAST DV EP [They] say that this house was built in one month! (Nohara 1998: 469) 4.6

Emphatic Particle na

The emphatic particle na can be clearly defined as an exclamation particle. It is always found in the sentence final position. With the exception of the Kojiki kayō and the Nihonshoki kayō, where it can be found after the stem of the adjective umbɛ ‘to be indeed,’ it always follows the final form of verbs and inflected adjectives or the desiderative particle mǝŋga ~ mǝŋgamǝ. The functional difference between the exclamation particles yǝ and na is not quite clear, but their distribution is somewhat different, since yǝ can also occur after nominals, other particles, and attributive forms (see section 4.5). Examples: 宇倍那宇倍那岐美麻知賀多爾

umbɛ na umbɛ na kimi mat-i-ŋgat-an-i indeed EP indeed EP lord wait-CONV-POT-NEG-CONV Indeed, indeed! [I] can hardly wait for [my] lord, and … (KK 28)

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1175

Particles 蘇良波由賀受阿斯用由久那

sora pa yuk-aⁿz-u asi-yo yuk-u na sky TOP go-NEG-CONV foot-ABL go-FIN EP As [we] cannot fly through sky, [we] will go on foot! (KK 35) 阿迦良袁登賣袁伊邪佐佐婆余良斯那

aka-ra wotǝme-wo iⁿza sas-amba yǝ-ra-si na ruddy-? maiden-ACC INTER stick-COND good-?-FIN EP if [you take and] stick the ruddy maiden [as the ornament in your hair], [it] will be good! (KK 43) 于陪儺于陪儺和例烏斗波輸儺

umbɛ na umbɛ na ware-wo top-as-u na indeed EP indeed EP I-ACC ask-HON-FIN EP Indeed, indeed! [You] asked me! (NK 63) 常丹毛冀名常處女煑手

TUNE n-i moŋga na TUNE WOTƏME n-i-te eternal DV-CONV DP EP eternal maiden DV-CONV-SUB [I] want to be eternal, being an eternal maiden! (MYS 1.22) 家尓之弖吾者将戀名

ipe n-i s-i-te WARE pa KOPÏ-M-U na home DV-CONV do-CONV-SUB I TOP long-TENT-FIN EP After [I] come home, I will long for [it]! (MYS 7.1179) 従明日者吾波孤悲牟奈

ASU-YORI pa ARE pa kopï-m-u na tomorrow-ABL TOP I TOP long.for-TENT-FIN EP I will long for [you] from tomorrow! (MYS 9.1778) 市白兼名間使遣者

itisiro-k-em-u na MA-ⁿ-DUKAPI YAR-Amba be.obvious-ATTR-TENT-FIN EP interval-DV(ATTR)-messenger send-COND if [I] send a messenger [to your house], [it] would be obvious! (MYS 10.2344)

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保登等藝須安不知能枝尓由吉氐居者花波知良牟奈

potǝtǝŋgisu aputi-nǝ YEⁿDA-ni yuk-i-te WI-mba PANA pa tir-am-u na cuckoo chinaberry.tree-GEN branch-LOC go-CONV-SUB sit-COND flower TOP fall-TENT-FIN EP If the cuckoo will fly and sit on the branch of the chinaberry tree, the flowers will fall! (MYS 17.3913) 和我勢故波多麻尓母我毛奈

wa-ŋga se-ko pa tama n-i mǝŋgamo na I-POSS beloved-DIM TOP jewel DV-CONV DP EP [I] want my beloved to be a jewel! (MYS 17.3990) 奈泥之故我波奈爾毛我母奈

naⁿdesiko-ŋga pana n-i moŋgamǝ na carnation-POSS flower DV-CONV DP EP [I] wish [you] were a carnation flower! (MYS 17.4010) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The emphatic particle na appears in Eastern Old Japanese texts only two times. In both cases it occurs twice after the exclamative suffix -(u)mǝ, which represents a usage not attested in Western Old Japanese. 安佐日左指麻伎良波之母奈

asa PI sas-i makirapasi-mǝ na morning sun point-CONV be.blinding-EXCL EP The morning sun is shining, and [it] is blinding! (MYS 14.3407) 可良加治乃於登太可思母奈

Kara kaⁿdi-nǝ otǝ-ⁿ-daka-si-mǝ na Korea rudder-GEN sound-GEN-high-FIN-EXCL EP The sounds of the Korean rudder are loud! (MYS 14.3555) A2: Ryukyuan There is an exclamation particle na ~ naa in both Old Ryukyuan and various modern dialects. It probably should be kept distinct from the interrogative particle na ~ naa, although they are traditionally treated as the same (Nohara 1998: 27ff). Examples:

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Particles Old Ryukyuan かきとなきみれつな

Kakitonaki mi-re-t-u na Kakitonaki see-PASS(CONV)-PERF-FIN EP [I] want to be able to see Kakitonaki! (OS 4.179) Kumejima

yaa-nakai ʔu-N na home-LOC exist-FIN EP [I] am at home! (Nohara 1986: 126) Yaeyama

banu-ŋ ʔita funi-naa nuttaharu naa I-FP board boat-LOC ride(DES/ATTR) EP I also want to ride in a wooden boat! (Nohara 1998: 481) 4.7

Emphatic Particle wo

The emphatic particle wo appears only in four uncontroversial examples in the Man’yōshū after the locative case marker -ni. There might have been a reasonable suspicion that it really represents the accusative case marker -wo after the locative -ni, but this is unlikely, because in the example from MYS 20.4448 below wo clearly appears after an intransitive verb. It is difficult to define its exact function on the basis of these four examples. 用流能伊昧仁越都伎提美延許曽

yoru-nǝ imɛ-ni wo tuŋg-i-te mi-ye-kǝs-ǝ night-GEN dream-LOC EP follow-CONV-SUB see-PASS(CONV)-BEN-IMP please appear [for me] continuously in [my] night dreams (MYS 5.807) 三枝之中爾乎祢牟登愛久志我可多良倍婆

SAKI-KUSA-NƏ NAKA-ni wo ne-m-u tǝ UTUKUSI-ku si-ŋga katar-ap-ɛ-mba three-grass-COMP middle-LOC EP sleep-TENT-FIN beautiful-CONV he-POSS talk-ITER-EV-CON

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he used to say beautifully: “[I] would like to sleep between [you two], like ‘three [stems] grass” (MYS 5.904) 安我許呂母之多尓乎伎麻勢多太尓安布麻弖尓

a-ŋga kǝrǝmǝ sita-ni wo ki-[i]mas-e taⁿda n-i ap-u-maⁿde-ni I-POSS garment below-LOC EP wear(CONV)-HON-IMP direct DV-CONV meet-ATTR-TERM-LOC wear my garment beneath [your clothes] until we meet directly (MYS 15.3584) 夜都与尓乎伊麻世和我勢故

ya-tu yǝ-ni wo imas-e wa-ŋga se-ko eight-CL generation-LOC EP exist(HON)-IMP I-POSS beloved-DIM my beloved, live for eight generations (MYS 20.4448)

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Section 5

Restrictive Particles There are five restrictive particles in Western Old Japanese: nǝmï, ⁿdani, sura ~ sora, sapɛ, and mbakari. 5.1

Restrictive Particle nǝmï

The restrictive particle nǝmï indicates a plain restriction without any additional connotation. Thus, it corresponds functionally to the modern colloquial Japanese dake, and can usually be rendered into English as ‘only’ or ‘just.’ It is attested only once in earlier texts (see the example from NK 66 below). The restrictive particle nǝmï is placed between a nominal and the locative case marker -ni or the accusative case marker -wo, although there is an alternative way of placing the accusative case marker -wo before nǝmï, which is attested only once in a late and not very reliable example (see the example from NR II: 2 below). Examples: 阿麻哆絆泥受邇多嚢比等用能未

amata pa ne-ⁿz-u n-i taⁿda pitǝ yo nǝmï many TOP sleep-NEG-NML DV-CONV only one night RP not sleeping [with her] many [times], only one night (NK 66) 迦久能尾奈良志

ka-ku nǝmï nar-asi thus-CONV RP be-SUP [It] is likely to be just this way (MYS 5.804) 佐欲比賣能故何比列布利斯夜麻能名乃尾夜伎々都々遠良武

Sayo-pime n-ǝ ko-ŋga pire pur-i-si yama-nǝ NA nǝmï ya kik-i-tutu wor-am-u Sayo-pime DV-ATTR girl-POSS long.scarf wave-CONV-PAST/ATTR mountainGEN name RP IP hear-CONV-COOR exist-TENT-ATTR Would [I] continue just to hear the name of the mountain where the girl Sayo-pime waived [her] long scarf? (MYS 5.868)

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加久能未夜伊吉豆伎遠良牟

ka-ku nǝmï ya ikiⁿduk-i-wor-am-u thus-CONV RP IP sigh-CONV-exist-TENT-ATTR Would [I] be sighing just like that? (MYS 5.881) 音耳乎聞而哉戀

OTƏ-NƏMÏ-wo KIK-I-TE YA KOPÏ-M-U rumor-RP-ACC hear-CONV-SUB IP long.for-TENT-ATTR Would [I] long for [you if I] hear only rumors [about you]? (MYS 11.2810) 与曽能未尓見都追須疑由伎

yǝsǝ-nǝmï-ni MI-tutu suŋgï-yuk-i distance-IP-LOC see(CONV)-COOR pass(CONV)-go-CONV [we] passed [this island], seeing [it] only in the distance (MYS 15.3627) 大宮人者伊麻毛可母比等奈夫理能未許能美多流良武

OPO MIYA-PITƏ pa ima mo kamǝ pitǝ nambur-i nǝmï kǝnǝm-i-tar-uram-u great palace-person TOP now FP EP person mock-NML RP like-CONV-PERF/ PROG-TENT2-ATTR Do the people from the Great Palace probably continue to like just to mock [other] people now as well, I wonder? (MYS 15.3758) 須流須敝能多度伎乎之良尓祢能未之曽奈久

s-uru sumbe-nǝ taⁿdoki-wo sir-an-i ne nǝmï si sǝ nak-u do-ATTR way-GEN clue-ACC know-NEG-CONV sound RP EP FP cry-ATTR [I] have no (lit. do not know) clue what to do, and [I] just sob loudly (MYS 15.3777) 多妣尓之婆之婆可久能未也伎美乎夜利都追安我孤悲乎良牟

tambi-ni simba-simba ka-ku nǝmï ya kimi-wo yar-i-tutu a-ŋga kopï-wor-am-u travel-LOC often thus-CONV RP IP lord-ACC send-CONV-COOR I-POSS long. for(CONV)-exist-TENT-ATTR would I be longing for [you] just keeping sending you so frequently to travels? (MYS 17.3936)

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Particles

1181

於登能未毛名能未母伎吉氐登母之夫流我祢

otǝ nǝmï mo NA nǝmï mǝ kik-i-te tǝmǝsimb-uru ŋgane sound RP FP name RP FP hear-CONV-SUB envy-ATTR CONJ so that [they] will be envious when [they] hear just a name or just a rumor [of it] (MYS 17.4000) 等我理須等名乃未乎能里弖

tǝ-ŋ-gar-i s-u tǝ NA-nǝmï-wo nǝr-i-te bird-GEN-hunt-NML do-FIN DV name-RP-ACC tell-CONV-SUB [he] told [me] only nominally that [he] is going to do hawk-hunting (MYS 17.4011) 於等能未尓伎吉氐目尓見奴布勢能宇良

otǝ-nǝmï-ni kik-i-te MƐ-ni MI-n-u Puse-nǝ ura rumor-RP-LOC hear-CONV-SUB eye-LOC see-NEG-ATTR Puse-GEN bay The bay of Puse, which [I] have not seen, [but] only heard of (lit.: heard only in rumors) … (MYS 18.4039) 安米乃美加度乎可氣都礼婆祢能未之奈加由

amɛ-nǝ mikaⁿdo-wo kakɛ-t-ure-mba ne nǝmï si nak-ay-u heaven-GEN sovereign-ACC think.in.the.heart(CONV)-EV-CON sound RP EP cry-PASS-FIN Because [I] think in my heart about [my] heavenly sovereign, [I] only sob loudly (MYS 20.4480) 加良須止伊布於保乎蘇止利能去止乎能米等母邇止伊比天佐岐陀智伊奴留

karasu tǝ ip-u opo woso tǝri-nǝ kǝtǝ-wo nǝmï9 tǝmǝ n-i tǝ ip-i-te saki-ⁿ-dat-i in-uru crow DV say-ATTR big hasty bird-GEN word-ACC RP together DV-CONV DV sayCONV-SUB ahead-LOC-depart-CONV go.away-ATTR Crows, big hasty birds, only cry together—[you] departed [from this world] ahead [of me] (NR 2.2)

9  The original text has 能米 /nǝmɛ/, but this is likely to be a scribal mistake for 能未 /nǝmï/. Note that this is the only example where nǝmï and -wo are found in the reverse order -wo nǝmï rather than the normal order -nǝmï-wo.

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The restrictive particle nǝmï is attested in Eastern Old Japanese as well. Examples: 兒良波安波奈毛比等理能未思弖

KO-ra pa ap-ana-m-o pitǝ-ri nǝmï s-i-te girl-DAT TOP meet-DES-TENT-ATTR one-CL RP do-CONV-SUB being absolutely alone, [I] wish to meet [this] girl (MYS 14.3405) 己許呂能未伊母我理夜里弖和波己許爾思天

kǝkǝrǝ nǝmï imǝ-ŋgari yar-i-te wa pa kǝkǝ-ni s-i-te heart RP beloved-DIR send-CONV-SUB I TOP here-LOC do-CONV-SUB I [have] to stay here, sending just [my] heart to [my] beloved (MYS 14.3538) 5.2

Restrictive Particle ⁿdani

The restrictive particle ⁿdani shows the minimum representation. It can be rendered approximately into English as ‘even,’ ‘even as little as,’ ‘just,’ ‘just as little as,’ ‘at least,’ ‘only as little as.’ In contrast to the restrictive particle nǝmï that precedes the dative-locative case marker -ni and the accusative case marker -wo, the restrictive particle ⁿdani always follows both -ni and -wo. The restrictive particle ⁿdani is frequently followed by the focus particle mǝ. Examples: 許許呂袁陀迩迦阿比淤母波受阿良牟

kǝkǝrǝ-wo ⁿdani ka api-omǝp-aⁿz-u ar-am-u heart-ACC RP IP REC-think-NEG-CONV exist-TENT-ATTR will [we] not think about each other at least in our hearts? (KK 60) 乎武例我禹杯爾倶謨娜尼母旨屢倶之多多婆

wo-mure-ŋga upɛ-ni kumo ⁿdani mǝ siru-ku si tat-amba DIM-mountain-POSS top-LOC cloud RP FP distinct-CONV EP rise-COND if just the clouds distinctly rise above the small mountain (NK 116)

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Particles

於彌能古能野陛能比母騰倶比騰陛多爾伊麻柂藤柯祢波美古能比母騰矩

omi-nǝ ko-nǝ ya-pe n-ǝ pimo tǝk-u pitǝ-pe ⁿdani imaⁿda tǝk-an-e-mba miko-nǝ pimo tǝk-u noble-GEN child-GEN eight-CL DV-ATTR cord untie-ATTR one-CL RP yet untieNEG-EV-CON prince-GEN cord untie-FIN As the children of nobles have not yet untied even one cord out of eight, the prince untied the cord (NK 127) 雲谷裳情有南畝可苦佐布倍思哉

KUMO ⁿdani mo KƏKƏRƏ AR-Ana mo kakus-ap-umbɛ-si YA cloud RP FP heart exist-DES EP hide-ITER-DEB-FIN IP [I] wish at least the clouds [would] have feelings! Do [they] have to hide [Mt. Miwa] all the time? (MYS 1.18) 古之嫗尓為而也如此許戀乎大尓忍金手武

PUR-I-N-I-si omina n-i s-i-te ya ka-ku mBAKARI KOPÏ-wo ⁿdani SINƏmBI-kane-te-m-u become.old-CONV-PERF-CONV-PAST/ATTR old.woman DV-CONV do-CONVSUB IP thus-CONV RP love(NML)-ACC RP endure-CONV-NEG/POT(CONV)PERF-TENT-ATTR Am [I not] an old woman? [But it] has become so [that I] would not be able to endure even love (MYS 2.129) 奈何鴨目言乎谷裳幾許乏寸

naNI SI kamo MƐ KƏTƏ-wo ⁿdani mo KƏKƏⁿDA TƏMƏSI-ki what EP EP eye word-ABS RP FP so.much scarce-ATTR why are [our] meetings even so scarce, I wonder? (MYS 4.689) 伊企陀爾母伊摩陀夜周米受

iki ⁿdani mǝ imaⁿda yasumɛ-ⁿz-u breath RP FP yet rest-NEG-FIN [she] did not take a rest even [for one] breath (MYS 5.794) 陁麁妙能布衣遠陁尓伎世難尓可久夜歎敢

ARA TAPƐ-nǝ NUNO KINU-wo ⁿdani ki-se-KATE-n-i ka-ku ya NA ŋGƐk-am-u rough mulberry.bark.cloth-GEN cloth garment-ACC RP wear-CAUS(CONV)POT-NEG-CONV thus-CONV IP lament-TENT-ATTR Being unable to make [my children] wear even a cloth garment from the rough mulberry bark cloth, would [I] lament in this way? (MYS 5.901)

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面忘太尓毛得為也

OMO WASURE ⁿdani mo E-S-U ya face forget(NML) RP FP POT-do-FIN IP Could [I] just forget [his] face? (MYS 11.2574) 夢谷何鴨不所見

IMƐ-NI ⁿdani NANI kamo MI-YE-N-U dream-LOC RP what EP see-PASS-NEG-ATTR Why cannot [I] see [you] even in [my dreams], I wonder? (MYS 11.2595) 山澤佪具乎採将去日谷毛相為

YAMA SAPA weŋgu-wo TUM-I-NI YUK-AM-U PI ⁿdani mo AP-As-e mountain stream weŋgu-ACC pick-CONV-LOC go-TENT-ATTR day RP FP meet-CAUS-IMP Let [me] meet [you] just [on] the day when [I] go to pick weŋgu [grass at] the mountain stream (MYS 11.2760) 事計吉為吾兄子相有時谷

KƏTƏ PAKAR-I YƏ-KU SE WA- ŋGA SE-KO AP-ER-U TƏKI ⁿdani thing plan-NML good-CONV do(IMP) I-POSS beloved-DIM meet-PROG-ATTR time RP just [at] the time when [we] meet, do the planning well, my beloved (MYS 12.2949) 使乎谷毛待八金手六

TUKAPI-wo ⁿdani mo MAT-I ya kane-te-m-u messenger-ACC RP FP wait-CONV IP NEG/POT(CONV)-PERF-TENT-ATTR cannot [I] wait even for a messenger? (MYS 12.3103) 伊母乎伊米尓太尓比左之久見牟乎安氣尓家流香聞

imǝ-wo imɛ-ni ⁿdani pisasi-ku MI-m-u-wo akɛ-n-i-ker-u kamo beloved-ACC dream-LOC RP be.long-CONV see-TENT-ATTR-ACC dawn(CONV)PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP although [I] wanted to see [my] beloved just in a dream for a long time, it turned out that [it] dawned, alas! (MYS 15.3714)

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1185

Particles 欲流乃比毛太尓登吉佐氣受之氐

yoru-nǝ pimo ⁿdani tǝk-i-sakɛ-ⁿz-u s-i-te night-GEN cord RP untie-CONV-split-NEG-NML do-CONV-SUB without untying even the cords of [my] night [garment] (MYS 17.3938) 近在者加敝利尓太仁母宇知由吉氐

TIKA-KU AR-Amba kaper-i-ni ⁿdani mǝ uti-yuk-i-te close-CONV exist-COND return-NML-LOC RP FP PREF-go-CONV-SUB if [you] were close, [I] [would] go [to you] just on [my] way back, and … (MYS 17.3978) 波之太尓母和多之弖安良波曽乃倍由母伊由伎和多良之

pasi ⁿdani mǝ watas-i-te ar-amba sǝnǝ [u]pɛ-yu mǝ i-yuk-i-watar-as-i bridge RP FP put.over-CONV-SUB exist-COND that top-ABL FP DLF-go-CONV-cross.over-HON-CONV if [someone] had put just a bridge over [the Milky Way], [they would] go over it (MYS 18.4125) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The restrictive particle ⁿdani is attested two times in Eastern Old Japanese: 可久太尓毛久尓乃登保可婆奈我目保里勢牟

ka-ku ⁿdani mo kuni-nǝ tǝpo-k-amba na-ŋga MƐ por-i se-m-u thus-CONV RP FP province-GEN far-ATTR-COND you-POSS eye want-NML do-TENT-FIN if the [home] province is just so far, [I] want [to see] your eyes (MYS 14.3383) 宇須比乃佐可乎古延志太尓伊毛賀古比之久和須良延奴加母

Usupi-nǝ saka-wo koye-si ⁿdani imo-ŋga kopisi-ku wasur-aye-n-u kamǝ Usupi-GEN slope-ACC cross(CONV)-PAST/ATTR RP beloved-POSS be.longing. for-CONV forget-PASS-NEG-ATTR EP just as [I] crossed the slope of Usupi, [I] felt longing for [my] beloved, and [I] cannot forget [her] (MYS 20.4407) A2: Ryukyuan The restrictive particle ⁿdani is not attested in Ryukyuan, but interestingly enough there is an Old Ryukyuan adverb dani ‘truly, really, indeed’ (Hokama

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1995: 398–399). It is possible that there is an etymological connection, cf. the English adverb just ‘exactly, precisely, not more than’ derived from just ‘correct, fair, righteous’ (Onions 1966: 500). 5.3

Restrictive Particle sura ~ sora

The restrictive particle sura ~ sora shows the maximum representation, being an exact opposite of the restrictive particle ⁿdani. The variant sora occurs much more rarely than the variant sura and probably represents the relic preraised form. This particle can be rendered approximately into English as ‘even,’ ‘even as much as,’ ‘just,’ ‘just as much as.’ Regarding the combinations of sura with case markers, both sequences -sura-wo RP-ACC and -wo sura -ACC RP are attested, but the former is more frequent. Thus, the restrictive particle sura in this respect shows a resemblance to the restrictive particle nǝmï on one hand and to the restrictive particle ⁿdani on the other. There is only one very suspicious example of *-ni sura, where sura is written semantographically, and *-ni is not written at all. There are no cases of *-sura-ni -RP-LOC, either, as only the sequence sura n-i RP DV-CONV exists in the texts (see the examples from MYS 8.1504 and 17.3962 below). The fact that the restrictive particle sura can be followed by the converb form n-i of the defective verb n- is an interesting peculiarity of its usage, also shared with the restrictive particle sapɛ. This usage probably indicates that historically both sura and sapɛ are grammaticalized nouns. Examples: 道乎多遠見思空安莫國嘆虚不安物乎

MITI-wo taⁿ-DƏPƏ-mi OMƏP-U sora YASUKƐ NA-ku n-i NA ŋGƐK-U SORA YASU-K-AR-AN-U MƏNƏwo way-ABS PREF-far-GER think-ATTR RP easy no-CONV DV-CONV lament-ATTR RP easy-CONV-exist-NEG-ATTR CONJ although it is not easy even to lament and to love because the way is far (MYS 4.534) 一重耳妹之将結帶乎尚三重可結吾身者成

PITƏ-PE NƏMÏ IMO- ŋGA YUP-URAM-U OmBI-wo SURA MI-PE YUP-UmBƐ-KU WA- ŋGA MÏ pa NAR-I-N-U one-CL RP beloved-POSS tie-TENT2-ATTR sash-ACC RP three-CL tie-DEBCONV I-POSS body TOP become-CONV-PERF-FIN My body became [so emaciated], so [I] have to tie as much as three times the sash that [my] beloved tied only one time (MYS 4.742)

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1187

Particles 寒之安礼婆麻被引可賀布利布可多衣安里能許等其等伎曽倍騰毛寒夜 須良乎

SAMU-KU si ar-e-mba ASA-N-PUSUMA PIK-I-kaŋgapur-i NUNO-kata-KINU ar-i-nǝ kǝtǝ-ŋgǝtǝ kisǝp-ɛ-ⁿdǝmo SAMU-KI YO-sura-wo cold-CONV EP exist-EV-CON hemp-GEN-cover pull-CONV-cover.from.the.headCONV cloth-single-garment exist-NML-GEN thing-thing wear.in.layers-EVCONC cold-ATTR night-RP-ACC because [it] is cold, [I] cover [myself] from the head with hemp covers, and wear several layers of sleeveless garments all that [I] have, but [how can I live through] even as much as [one] cold night? (MYS 5.892) 五月乎尚尓吾妹兒我花橘乎不見可将過

SA-TUKÏ-wo SURA n-i WA- ŋG-IMO-KO- ŋGA PANA TATImBANA-wo MI-ⁿZ-U ka SU ŋGUS-AM-U fifth.lunar.month-ACC RP DV-CONV I-POSS-beloved-DIM-POSS flower mandarin.orange-ACC see-NEG-CONV IP pass-TENT-ATTR Will my beloved pass even the fifth lunar month without seeing the flowering mandarin orange? (MYS 8.1504) 家人春雨須良乎間使尓為

IPE-m-BITƏ PARU-SAMƐ-sura-wo MA-ⁿ-DUKAPI n-i S-URU home-GEN-person spring-rain-RP-ACC interval-GEN-messenger DV-CONV do-ATTR [my] home folks will send even a spring rain as a messenger (MYS 9.1698) 可母須良母都麻等多具比弖

kamǝ sura mǝ tuma-tǝ taŋgup-i-te drake RP FP spouse-COM be.together-CONV-SUB Even drakes are together with [their] spouses … (MYS 15.3625) 青雲乃田名引日須良霂曽保零

AWO KUMO-nǝ tanamBIK-U PI sura KO-SAMƐ sǝpo PUR-U blue clouds-GEN trail-ATTR day RP DIM-rain drizzling fall-FIN even [on] the day when the clouds blue [as sky] trail over, it drizzles (MYS 16.3883) 安良志乎須良尓奈氣枳布勢良武

ara-si wo sura n-i naŋgɛk-i pus-er-am-u rough-FIN man RP DV-CONV lament-CONV lie.prone-PROG-TENT-FIN even a rough man would be lying down and lamenting (MYS 17.3962)

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麻須良和礼須良余能奈可乃都祢之奈家礼婆宇知奈妣伎登許尓己伊布之

masura ware sura yǝ-nǝ naka-nǝ tune si na-kere-mba uti-nambik-i tǝkǝ-ni kǝyi-pus-i excellent I RP world-GEN inside-GEN usual EP no-EV-CON PREF-recline-CONV bed-LOC lie.down(CONV)-lie.prone-CONV even I, the gentle[man], reclined, and lied down prostrated on the bed because the things in the world were not usual … (MYS 17.3969) 於毛布蘇良夜須久母安良受古布流蘇良久流之伎毛乃乎

omop-u sora yasu-ku mǝ ar-aⁿz-u kop-uru sora kurusi-ki monǝwo think-ATTR RP be.easy-CONV FP exist-NEG-CONV long.for-ATTR RP be.hardATTR CONJ although even to think is not easy, and even to long is difficult (MYS 20.4408) 美阿止須良乎和礼波衣美須弖伊波爾惠利都久多麻爾惠利都久

mi-atǝ-sura-wo ware pa e-mi-ⁿz-u-te ipa-ni wer-i-tuk-u tama-ni wer-i-tuk-u HON-footprint-RP-ACC I TOP POT-see-NEG-CONV-SUB rock-LOC carve-CONVattach-FIN jewel-LOC carve-CONV-attach-FIN I was not able to see even the footprints of the Buddha, so [I] carve [them] on the rock, carve [them] on the jewel (BS 3) 5.4

Restrictive Particle sapɛ

The restrictive particle sapɛ indicates that the word it follows is an addition to something else of the same kind. It can be rendered in English as ‘even … as well,’ even as much as,’ ‘even … in addition to.’ The restrictive particle sapɛ can be followed by the converb n-i of the defective verb n-, similar to the restrictive particle sura (see section 5.3). There is only one example in the whole Western Old Japanese corpus when the restrictive particle sapɛ is used after the accusative case marker -wo (see the example from SM 57 below). Thus, as far as we can judge on the basis of one example, sapɛ follows case markers like the restrictive particle ⁿdani. Examples: 阿加陀麻波袁佐閇比迦禮杼斯良多麻能岐美何余曾比斯多布斗久阿理祁理

aka-ⁿ-dama pa wo sapɛ pikar-e-ⁿdǝ sira tama-nǝ kimi-ŋga yǝsǝpi si taputo-ku ar-i-ker-i red-DV(ATTR)-jewel TOP cord RP shine-EV-CONC white jewel-COMP lordPOSS adorned.appearance EP revered-CONV exist-CONV-RETR-FIN Although even the cord of red jewels shines, [I] realized [that I] feel reverence [for my] lord’s adorned appearance, which is like a white jewel (KK 7) Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

1189

Particles 柂摩該儞播謂比佐倍母理柂摩慕比儞瀰逗佐倍母理

tama kɛ-ni pa ipi sapɛ mǝr-i tama mopi-ni miⁿdu sapɛ mǝr-i jewel container-LOC TOP boiled.rice RP fill-CONV jewel bowl-LOC water RP fill-CONV filling the jewel[-like] container with the boiled rice as well, filling the jewel[-like] bowl with water as well (NK 94) 前日毛昨日毛今日毛雖見明日左倍見巻欲寸君香聞

WOTƏ-TU PI mo KINƏPU mo KEPU mo MI-T-URE-ⁿDƏ ASU sapɛ MI-m-aku POSI-ki KIMI kamo that-GEN/LOC day FP yesterday FP today FP see(CONV)-PERF-EV-CONC tomorrow RP see-TENT-NML be.wanted-ATTR lord EP Oh, [my] lord whom [I] want to see tomorrow as well, although [I] saw you the day before yesterday, yesterday, and today! (MYS 6.1014) 池邊乃松之末葉尓零雪者五百重零敷明日左倍母将見

IKƐ-NƏ PE-NƏ MATU-NƏ URA-m-BA-ni PUR-U YUKI pa IPO-PE PUR-I-SIK-E ASU sapɛ mǝ MI-M-U pond-GEN side-GEN pine-GEN top-GEN-leaf-LOC fall-ATTR snow TOP five. hundred-CL fall-CONV-cover-IMP tomorrow RP FP see-TENT-FIN Snow, falling on the top needles of the pine near the pond! Fall in five hundred layers, so [I] would see you even tomorrow (in addition to today) (MYS 8.1650) 能登河之水底并尓光及尓三笠乃山者咲来鴨

Nǝtǝ-ŋ-gapa-nǝ MINA SƏKƏ SAPƐ n-i TER-U-MAⁿDE-ni MIKASA-nǝ YAMA pa SAK-I-N-I-KER-U kamo Nǝtǝ-GEN-river-GEN water bottom RP DV-CONV shine-ATTR-TERM-LOC Mikasa-GEN mountain TOP bloom-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR EP [The flowers on] Mount Mikasa bloomed to such an extent that even the (water) bottom of the Nǝtǝ river is shining (MYS 10.1861) 四具礼能零苗尓夜副衣寒一之宿者

siŋgure-nǝ PUR-U napɛ n-i YO SAPƐ sǝ SAMU-KI PITƏ-RI si N-URE-mba drizzling.rain-GEN fall-ATTR CONJ DV-CONV night RP FP cold-ATTR one-CL EP sleep-EV-CON at the same time as the drizzling rain falls, the night is even colder, because [I] sleep alone (MYS 10.2237)

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1190

Chapter 9

君之下紐吾左倍尓今日結而名

KIMI- ŋGA SITA-m-BIMO WARE sapɛ n-i KEPU MUSUmB-I-TE-na lord-POSS under-GEN-cord I RP DV-CONV today tie-CONV-PERF-DES Even I as well want to tie the cords of your under[garment] today (MYS 12.3181) 等毛思吉伎美波安須左倍母我毛

tǝmosi-ki kimi pa asu sapɛ mǝŋgamo be.rare-ATTR lord TOP tomorrow RP DP I want you, a rare [guest, to come] tomorrow as well (MYS 14.3523) This is a WOJ text in Azuma corpus. Note that in this example the restrictive particle sapɛ uniquely occurs before the desiderative particle mǝŋgamo. 大宮人者伊麻左倍也比等奈夫理能未許能美多流良武

OPO MIYA-PITƏ pa ima sapɛ ya pitǝ nambur-i nǝmï kǝnǝm-i-tar-uram-u great palace-person TOP now RP IP person mock-NML RP like-CONV-PERF/ PROG-TENT2-ATTR Do the people from the Great Palace probably continue to like just to mock [other] people even now as well? (MYS 15.3758a) 路波之騰保久關左閇尓敝奈里氐安礼許曽

MITI pa si tǝpo-ku SEKI sapɛ n-i penar-i-te ar-e kǝsǝ way TOP EP far-CONV barrier RP DV-CONV be.separated-CONV-SUB exist-EV FP The way is far, and even the barrier is far away as well (MYS 17.3978) 伊氣美豆尓可氣左倍見要氐

ikɛ miⁿdu-ni kaŋgɛ sapɛ MI-ye-te pond water-LOC reflection RP see-PASS(CONV)-SUB Even [their] reflection is seen in the pond water, and … (MYS 20.4512) 美阿止都久留伊志乃比鼻伎波阿米爾伊多利都知佐閇由須礼知知波波賀多 米爾毛呂比止乃多米爾

mi-atǝ tukur-u isi-nǝ pimbik-i pa amɛ-ni itar-i tuti sapɛ yusur-e titi papa-ŋga tamɛ n-i morǝ pitǝ-nǝ tamɛ n-i HON-footprint make-ATTR stone-GEN echo-NML TOP heaven-LOC reachCONV earth RP shake-EV father mother-POSS for DV-CONV all person for DV-CONV The echo of the stone, where [I] carved the footprints [of the Buddha], reaches Heaven, and shakes the earth as well, for father and mother, for all people (BS 1)

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1191

Particles 伊爾志加多知与乃都美佐閇保呂夫止曾伊布

in-i-si kata ti yǝ-nǝ tumi sapɛ porǝmb-u tǝ sǝ ip-u go-CONV-PAST/ATTR side thousand life-GEN sin RP disappear-FIN DV FP say-ATTR [they] say that even the sins of one thousand former lives will disappear (BS 17) 天津日嗣受賜礼流事乎左閇歓奉出礼波

AMA-tu PI TU ŋG-I-UKƐ-TAMAPAr-er-u KƏTƏ-wo sapɛ YƏRƏKƏmBÏ-TATEMATURI-ⁿD-Ure-mba Heaven-GEN/LOC sun inherit-CONV-receive(CONV)-HUM-PROG-ATTR matterACC RP rejoice(CONV)-HUM-CONV-exit-EV-CON because [you] rejoiced as well at the fact that [I] inherited [the position of] the Heavenly Sun … (SM 57) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The restrictive particle sapɛ is attested five times in Eastern Old Japanese. Examples: 宇惠太氣能毛登左倍登与美

uwe-ⁿ-dakɛ-nǝ motǝ sapɛ tǝyǝm-i plant(NML)-GEN-bamboo-GEN root RP sound-CONV Even the roots of the bamboo that [I] planted cry, and … (MYS 14.3474) 等思佐倍己其登和波佐可流我倍

tǝsi sapɛ kǝŋgǝtǝ wa pa sakar-u ŋgapɛ year RP many I TOP be.separated IP Will I separate [from her] even [if] years [are] many? (MYS 14.3502) 多可伎祢爾久毛能都久能須和礼左倍爾伎美爾都吉奈那

taka-ki ne-ni kumo-nǝ tuk-u-nǝsu ware sapɛ n-i kimi-ni tuk-i-n-ana high-ATTR peak-LOC cloud-GEN attach-ATTR-COMP I RP DV-CONV lord-DAT attach-CONV-PERF-DES Even I would like to cling to [my] lord like clouds cling to a high peak (MYS 14.3514)

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1192

Chapter 9

可奈思家世呂尓比等佐敝余須母

kanasi-ke se-rǝ-ni pitǝ sape yǝs-umǝ dear-ATTR beloved-DIM-DAT person RP make.approach-EXCL even [other] women make [their thoughts] approach [my] dear beloved (MYS 14.3548) 加其佐倍美曳弖余尓和須良礼受

kaŋgǝ sapɛ mi-ye-te yǝ-ni wasur-are-ⁿz-u reflection RP see-PASS(CONV)-SUB life-LOC forget-PASS-NEG-FIN [I] will not be able to forget [her] in [my] life, even seeing as much as [her] reflection (MYS 20.4322) A2: Ryukyuan The restrictive particle sai (and its phonetic variants) are attested only in the Northern and Central Ryukyus. Nohara believes that Yaeyama sagi ~ saagi (he provides no examples of sagi ~ saagi in his book) is related to sai (Nohara 1998: 77), but the correspondence of Yaeyama -g- to -∅- in Setouchi and Tokunoshima and to WOJ -p- is irregular, and therefore this comparison is better to be abandoned. Given the limited geographical distribution, it is possible that Ryukyuan sai represents an early loan from mainland Japanese. Examples: Setouchi

unaga sai dïkïy-um-muŋ iŋga-nu dïkïr-aŋ kutu-nu an-nya woman RP can.do-FIN-CONJ man-GEN can.do-NEG/ATTR thing-GEN exist-IP Even a woman can do [it], is there anything man cannot do? (Nohara 1998: 117) Tokunoshima

midzï sai num-ar-aŋ water RP drink-PASS-NEG/FIN [I] cannot drink even water (Nohara 1998: 175) 5.5

Restrictive Particle mbakari

The restrictive particle mbakari shows the extent, so it can be rendered into English as ‘[so] much [as].’ After numerals it supposedly indicates approximate number, but there is only one example in Western Old Japanese texts of its usage after a numeral. In most attested examples it occurs after ka-ku Alexander Vovin - 978-90-04-42281-0 Downloaded from Brill.com11/09/2020 11:16:03AM via free access

1193

Particles

‘thus-CONV’ creating a kind of a set expression ka-ku mbakari ‘so much.’ The restrictive particle mbakari is attested only in the Man’yōshū, and the overwhelming majority of attestations are semantographic with mbakari spelled by the character 許. In all probability the restrictive particle mbakari represents a historical grammaticalization of the verb pakar- ‘to measure, to plan.’ Examples: 吾戀者千引乃石乎七許頸二将繋母

WA- ŋGA KOPÏ pa TI PIK-I n-ǝ ISI-wo NANA mBAKARI KUmBI-ni KAKƐ-M-Umǝ I-POSS love(NML) TOP thousand pull-NML DV-ATTR stone-ACC seven RP neckLOC hang-TENT-EXCL My love would hang on my neck about seven [times the weight] of the stone that is pulled by one thousand people! (MYS 4.743) 伊加婆加利故保斯苦阿利家武

ika mbakari koposi-ku ar-i-k-em-u how RP be.longing.for-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN how much would [she] be longing? (MYS 5.875) 可久婆可里須部奈伎物能可世間乃道

ka-ku mbakari sumbɛ na-ki MƏnǝ ka YƏ-NƏ NAKA-nǝ MITI thus-CONV RP way no-ATTR thing IP life-GEN inside-GEN way [Is] the way of life so [much] impossible? (MYS 5.892) 中々二人跡不在者桑子尓毛成益物乎玉之緒許

naka-naka n-i PITƏ tǝ NAR-AⁿZ-U pa KUPA KO n-i mo NAR-Amasi MƏNƏwo TAMA-NƏ WO mBAKARI at.all DV-CONV person DV be-NEG-CONV TOP silkworm DV-CONV FP becomeSUBJ CONJ jewel-GEN cord RP If [I] was not a human being, [I] would [like to] become a silkworm, just [for a short time] such as a jewel cord (MYS 12.3086) 可久婆可里古非牟

ka-ku mbakari kopï-m-u thus-CONV RP long.for-TENT-FIN [I] would long for [her] so much (MYS 15.3739) 可久婆可里古非之久志安良婆

ka-ku mbakari kopïsi-ku ar-amba thus-CONV RP be.longing.for-CONV exist-COND If [I] were longing for [you] so much … (MYS 19.4221)

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1194

Chapter 9

Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A2: Ryukyuan The restrictive particle bakai ~ bakkar ~ bagari ~ bagara (also appearing in many other phonetic variants) is attested virtually across the board in modern Ryukyuan dialects and in Classical Ryukyuan (Nohara 1998: 26, 81). However, it does not appear in Old Ryukyuan. Examples: Setouchi

ʔoššo ya sëë bakkar mošočuur-u grandfather TOP rice.wine RP drink(HON)-FIN Grandfather drinks only rice wine (Nohara 1998: 117) Yaeyama

ʔunu untaa san-byak-[k]in bagara kakar-i-buru ar-aŋ gaya that pig(TOP) three-hundred-pound about weight-CONV-like exist-NEG IP Does not [it] look like that this pig will weight about 300 pounds? (Nohara 1998: 479)

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Chapter 10 Postpositions

∵

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Contents of Chapter 10 Chapter 10 Postpositions 1195 1 Postposition ⁿzi ~ ⁿzimənə ‘Like’ 1199 2 Postposition sambï ‘Like’ 1202 3 Postposition məkərə ‘Like’ 1204 4 Postposition pa ‘Every’ 1206

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In this chapter I do not describe quasi-postpositions like X-nə upɛ-ni ‘on the top of X,’ X-nə sita-ni ‘under X,’ etc. that are transparently derived from such nouns as upɛ ‘top,’ sita ‘bottom,’ etc. These quasi-postpositions were remarkably stable throughout the history of the Japanese language and they do not present any impediment for our understanding of Western Old Japanese texts. Instead, I will concentrate here on four postpositions that are unique to Old Japanese: ⁿzi ~ ⁿzimənə ‘like,’ sambï ‘like,’ məkərə ‘like,’ and pa ‘every.’

© Alexander Vovin, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004422810_011

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Section 1

Postposition ⁿzi ~ ⁿzimənə ‘Like’ I am very grateful to Bjarke Frellesvig for pointing out to me that the short form ⁿzi that was not included in the first edition of this grammar is also attested in Old Japanese (p.c., 2011). However, the example from MYS 1.26 given by Omodaka et al. (1967: 346) must be excluded, because the textual analysis of this poem, which is itself a variant of MYS 1.25, clearly demonstrates that ⁿzi in this case is not the postposition ‘like,’ since tǝkiⁿzi is an adjective meaning ‘to be out of time’ and not ‘to be time-like.’ Therefore, in this case it is a negative marker historically connected with WOJ negative tentative -aⁿzi (Vovin 2017: 85–87). Consequently, the attestation of ⁿzi is reduced to a single Senmyō edict (SM 25), where it occurs twice. The postposition ⁿzimənə ‘like’ has much wider attestation and it frequently indicates a comparison with animals and birds, but this is not its only usage. Examples: 又此家自久母藤原乃卿等乎波掛畏聖天皇御世重弖於母自岐人乃自門波慈 賜比上賜來流家奈利

MATA KƏNƏ IPE ⁿzi-ku mǝ PUⁿDIPARA n-ǝ MAPETUKIMI-TATI-womba KAKƐM-AKU MƏ KASIKO-KI PIⁿZIRI N-Ə SUMERA- ŋGA MI-YƏ KASANE-te OMƏ ⁿZI-ki PITƏ-nǝ KAⁿDO-YORI pa UTUKUSImBÏ-TAMAp-i A ŋGƐ-TAMAP-I-K-Uru IPE nar-i Again this clan be.like-CONV FP Puⁿdipara DV-ATTR minister-PLURACC(EMPH) say(HUM)-TENT-NML FP be.awesome-ATTR saint DV-ATTR imperial.ancestor-POSS HON-age pile.up(CONV)-SUB mother be.likeATTR person-GEN gate-ABL TOP show.benevolence(CONV)-HON-CONV raise(CONV)-HON-CONV-come-ATTR clan be-FIN Again, the clan like that is the clan, where the saint imperial ancestors who are awesome even to mention have cherished and promoted through the ages Puⁿdipara ministers who are from gates [of the house] that is like a mother [to Us]. (SM 25) Note that formally ⁿzi is an inflected adjective, but in ⁿzimǝnǝ we have no traces of this original conjugation. Since the latter is much more frequent, I feel that it would be appropriate to treat it as a postposition, and not an adjective.

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1200

Chapter 10

斯斯貳慕能瀰逗矩陛御慕梨

sisi ⁿzimonə mi-ⁿ-duk-u pe-ŋ-gəmor-i deer like water-LOC-soak-ATTR side-LOC-hide-CONV like a deer that hides at the place soaked with water. (NK 95) 鹿自物伊波比伏管

SISI ⁿzimənə i-pap-i-PUS-I-tutu dear like DLF-crawl-CONV-lie.down-CONV-COOR constantly crawling and lying down like a deer. (MYS 2.199) 烏徳自物腋挾持

wotəko ⁿzimənə WAKImBASAM-I-MƏT-I man like embrace-CONV-hold-CONV [I] embrace [the baby] like a man. (MYS 2.210) 大殿於久方天傳来白雪仕物徃来乍

OPO TƏNƏ-NI PISA KATA N-Ə AMA-TUTAP-I-K-URU SIRA YUKI ⁿzimənə YUK-I-KAYOP-I-TUTU1 great palace-LOC long hard DV-ATTR heaven-pass-CONV-come-ATTR white snow like go-CONV-go.back.and.forth-CONV-COOR [he] constantly visits the great palace like a white snow that falls from the eternally strong Heaven. (MYS 3.261) 久佐太袁利志婆刀利志伎提等許自母能宇知許伊布志提

kusa-ⁿ-da-wor-i simba tor-i sik-i-te təkə ⁿzimənə uti-kəyi-pus-i-te grass-?-hand-break-CONV road.side.grass hold-CONV spread-CONV-SUB bed like PREF-lie.down-CONV-lie.prone-CONV-SUB [I] broke off some herbs, and taking road side grass, [I] spread [it] and laid down on a bed-like [thing]. (MYS 5.886) 伊奴時母能道尓布斯弖夜伊能知周疑南

inu ⁿzimənə MITI-ni pus-i-te ya inəti suŋgï-n-am-u dog like road-LOC lie.prone-CONV-SUB IP life pass(CONV)-PERF-TENT-ATTR Will [I] pass away like a dog lying down at the road? (MYS 5.886)

1  My reading of this poem is different from the traditional one: I read 大殿於 as OPO TƏNƏ-NI, and not as OPO TƏNƏ-NƏ UPƐ-NI, and 白雪 as SIRA YUKI, and not just as YUKI.

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1201

Postpositions 鳥自物海二浮居而

TƏRI ⁿzimənə UMI-ni UK-I WI-TE bird like sea-LOC float-CONV sit(CONV)-SUB floating like a bird in the sea. (MYS 7.1184) 可母自毛能宇伎祢乎須礼婆可具呂伎可美尓都由曽於伎尓家類

kamə ⁿzimonə uk-i-ne-wo s-ure-mba kaŋ-gurə2-ki kami-ni tuyu sə ok-i-n-i-ker-u duck like float-CONV-sleep(NML)-ACC do-EV-CON INT-black-ATTR hair-LOC dew FP put-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-ATTR Because [I] slept floating like a duck [it] turned out that the dew fell on the pitch-black hair. (MYS 15.3649) 可胡自母乃多太比等里之氐

ka ko ⁿzimənə taⁿda pitə-ri s-i-te deer child like only one-CL do-CONV-SUB being all alone like a fawn (MYS 20.4408) 御命乎畏自物受賜理

OPO MI-KƏTƏ KASIKO ⁿzimənə UKƐ-TAMAPAR-I great HON-word awesome like receive(CONV)-HUM-CONV receiving the imperial edict like an awesome [thing] (SM 14)

2  The character 呂 transcribing otsu-rui /rə/ is apparently a scribal mistake for kō-rui /ro/.

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Section 2

Postposition sambï ‘Like’ The postposition sambï is a grammaticalization of the converb sambï of the verb sambï- ‘to be like, to behave like.’ There is an example when it is still used as a verb: 宇真人佐備而不欲常将言可聞

umambitə sambï-te INA tə IP-AM-U kamo nobleman behave.like(CONV)-SUB INTER DV say-TENT-ATTR EP behaving like a noblewoman, [you] will probably say: ‘No!’ (MYS 2.96) Nevertheless, there are several examples where sambï can be analyzed as a grammaticalized postposition: 春山跡之美佐備立有

PARU YAMA tə simi sambï TAT-ER-I spring mountain DV flourishing like stand-PROG-FIN [it] is standing like a flourishing spring mountain (MYS 1.52) 山佐備伊座

YAMA sambï iMAS-U mountain like exist-FIN [it] is like a mountain (MYS 1.52) 遠等怡良何遠等怡佐備周等可羅多麻乎多母等爾麻可志余知古良等手多豆 佐波利提阿蘇比家武

wotəme-ra-ŋga wotəme sambï s-u tə kara tama-wo tamətə-ni mak-as-i yəti ko-ra-tə TE taⁿdusapar-i-te asomb-i-k-em-u maiden-PLUR-POSS maiden like do-FIN DV China jewel-ACC wrist-LOC wrap-HON-CONV same.age child-PLUR-COM hand.hold-CONV-SUB playCONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-FIN The maidens, thinking to behave like maidens, wrap their wrists with [bracelets made of] Chinese jewels, and would play holding hands with the girls of the same age. (MYS 5.804)

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1203

Postpositions 麻周羅遠乃遠刀古佐備周等都流岐多智許志尓刀利波枳

masura wo-nə wotoko sambï s-u tə turuki tati kəsi-ni tor-i-pak-i excellent man-GEN man like do-FIN DV double.edge.sword long.sword waistLOC hold-CONV-wear-CONV The gentlemen, thinking to behave like men, wear the double edge swords and long swords at [their] waist, and … (MYS 5.804) 可武奈何良可武佐備伊麻須

kamu-na-ŋ-gara kamu-sambï imas-u deity-PLUR-GEN-nature deity-like exist(HON)-FIN [these two stones] are lying [there] having the nature of deities, and being like deities (MYS 5.813) 伊夜彦於能礼神佐備

IyaPIKO onəre KAMU-sambï Iyapiko itself deity-like [The mountain] Iyapiko itself [is] deity-like (MYS 16.3883) 伊尓之邊遊阿里吉仁家礼婆許其志可毛伊波能可牟佐備

inisipe-yu ari-k-i-n-i-ker-e-mba kəŋgəsi kamo ipa-nə kamu-sambï old.times-ABL ITER-come-CONV-PERF-CONV-RETR-EV-CON rugged(FIN) EP rock-GEN deity-like because [they] date back to old times, deity-like rocks are rugged! (MYS 17.4003) 波里夫久路己礼波多婆利奴須理夫久路伊麻波衣天之可於吉奈佐備勢牟

pari-m-bukuro kəre pa tambar-i-n-u suri-m-bukuro ima pa e-te-si ka okina sambï se-m-u needle-GEN-bag this TOP receive(HUM)-CONV-PERF-FIN bamboo.box-GENbag now TOP get(CONV)-PERF-PAST/ATTR IP old.man like do-TENT-ATTR Needle bag—this [I] have received. Now [I] want to get a bag for a bamboo box. [I] will [then] behave like an old man. (MYS 18.4133)

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Section 3

Postposition məkərə ‘Like’ The postposition məkərə ‘like’ is attested only once in Western Old Japanese. It is preceded by a genitive case marker -nǝ: 吾王能立者玉藻之母許呂臥者川藻之如久

WA- ŋGA OPO KIMI-nə TAT-AS-ER-E-mba TAMA MO-NƏ məkərə KƏY-AS-ER-Emba KAPA MO-NƏ ŋGƏTƏ-ku I-POSS great lord-GEN stand-HON-PROG-EV-CON jewel seaweed-GEN like lie. down-HON-PROG-EV-CON river weed-GEN like-CONV When my sovereign deigns to stand, [he is] like jewel seaweeds, when [he] deigns to lie down, [he] is like river weeds. (MYS 2.196) It is probably a grammaticalized form of the adjective məkərə ‘similar,’ attested also only once as 如己男 MƏkə[rə] wo ‘similar man’ in MYS 9.1809. It is possible that the rə in məkərə is actually the defective verb rə (see Chapter 6, section 2.4.3), but the paucity of examples and the inability to draw a morphemic boundary between məkə and rə preclude a positive identification. Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The postposition məkərə ‘like’ is attested twice in Eastern Old Japanese. It is either preceded by a genitive case marker -nǝ after a noun or follows a nominalized attributive verbal form directly: 於吉尓須毛乎加母乃毛己呂

oki-ni sum-o wo-kamə-nə mokərə offing-LOC live-ATTR DIM-duck-GEN like Like a small duck that lives in the offing. (MYS 14.3527)

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Postpositions

1205

麻都能氣乃奈美多流美礼婆伊波妣等乃和例乎美於久流等多々理之母己呂

matu-nə kɛ-nə nam-i-tar-u mi-re-mba ipa-m-bitə-nə ware-wo mi-okur-u tə tat-ari-si məkərə pine-GEN tree-GEN stand.in.line-CONV-PERF/PROG-ATTR see-EV-CON homeGEN-person-GEN I-ACC see(CONV)-send-FIN DV stand-PROG-CONV-PAST/ ATTR like When [I] see that the pine trees are standing in line, [they were] like [my] home folks [who] were standing [in a row] going to see me off. (MYS 20.4375)

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Section 4

Postposition pa ‘Every’ The postposition pa ‘every’ is found only after təsi-nə ‘year-GEN’ and it never occurs with any other words. Since this postposition occurs exclusively after tǝsi ‘year,’ I wonder whether pa is historically not ‘every,’ but a borrowing from Ainu pa ‘year.’ It is unclear to me how this could work syntactically, but the limitation to the usage of pa only to the position after tǝsi ‘year’ and the lack of any cogent Japonic etymology for pa as ‘every’ cries for an explanation. In most cases pa is followed by the converb form n-i of the defective verb n-; the only exception can be seen in the example from MYS 18.4125 below. Examples: 得志能波尓波流能伎多良婆可久斯己曽烏梅乎加射之弖多努志久能麻米

təsi-nə pa n-i paru-nə k-i-tar-amba ka-ku si kəsə uMƐ-wo kaⁿzas-i-te tanosi-ku nəm-am-ɛ year-GEN every DV-CONV spring come-CONV-PERF/PROG-COND thus-CONV EP FP plum-ACC decorate-CONV-SUB be.merry-CONV drink-TENT-EV Every year, when the spring comes, let [us] decorate [our hair] with plum [blossoms] and drink merrily (MYS 5.833) 伊夜登之能波尓於母布度知可久思安蘇婆牟

iya təsi-nə pa n-i oməp-u ⁿdoti ka-ku si asomb-am-u more.and.more year-GEN every DV-CONV love-ATTR companion thus-CONV EP enjoy.oneself-TENT-FIN Let us enjoy ourselves more and more every year, [my] beloved companions (MYS 17.3991) 布勢能宇美能意枳都之良奈美安利我欲比伊夜登偲能波尓見都追思努播牟

Puse-nə umi-nə oki-tu sira nami ari-ŋgayop-i iya təsi-nə pa n-i MI-tutu sinop-am-u Puse-GEN sea-GEN offing-GEN/LOC white wave ITER-go.back.and.forthCONV more.and.more year-GEN every DV-CONV see(CONV)-ITER admire-TENT-FIN The white waves in the offing of the sea of Puse continuously go back and forth. Every year [I] will look at [them] and admire [them] more and more (MYS 17.3992)

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Postpositions

1207

年乃波其登尓安麻乃波良布里左氣見都追

TƏSI-nə pa ŋgətə n-i ama-nə para purisakɛ-MI-tutu year-GEN every every DV-CONV heaven-GEN plain look.up(CONV)-look (CONV)-COOR Every year [I] continue to look up at the plain of Heaven (MYS 18.4125) In this example pa is not followed by the converb form n-i of the defective verb n-, which appears only after ŋgətə ‘every’ that doubles pa, possibly for an extra emphasis. 和我勢故我夜度乃也麻夫伎佐吉弖安良婆也麻受可欲波牟伊夜登之能波尓

wa-ŋga se-ko-ŋga yaⁿdo-nə yamambuki sak-i-te ar-amba yam-aⁿz-u kayop-am-u iya təsi-nə pa n-i I-POSS elder.brother-POSS dwelling-GEN rose bloom-CONV-SUB exist-COND stop-NEG-CONV go.back.and.forth-TENT-FIN more.and.more year-GEN every DV-CONV If the roses were blooming at the dwelling of my friend, [I] would come [there] more and more constantly every year (MYS 20.4303)

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Chapter 11 Interjections

∵

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Contents of Chapter 11 Chapter 11 Interjections 1211 1 Interjection iⁿza 1213 2 Interjection ina 1215 3 Interjection wo 1217 4 Interjection ani 1218 5 Interjection ana 1219 6 Interjection wasi 1220 7 Interjection apare 1221 8 Interjection apare 1223

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One may argue that the description of interjections (Jpn. 感嘆詞 kantansi or 間投詞 kantōshi) belongs to a dictionary rather than to a grammar. The existing grammars of Old Japanese (Yamada 1954; Saeki 1959; Shirafuji 1987) do not discuss them.1 I describe only the most important or frequently used interjections: iⁿza, ina, wo, ani, ana, wasi, apare, and we.

1  Yamada has a section entitled interjection auxiliaries (Jpn. 間投助詞 kantō joshi) (1954: 519– 529), but with one exception he includes there the particles that I defined as emphatic (see Chapter 9).

© Alexander Vovin, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004422810_012

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Section 1

Interjection iⁿza OJ iⁿza is an interjection that expresses an invitation or a desire for an action. It is probably the most frequently used interjection in our texts. The bizarre spelling 去來 may be a very tricky kungana phonogram, for the details see Vovin (2017: 55–56). Examples: 阿迦良袁登賣袁伊邪佐佐婆余良斯那

aka-ra wotǝme-wo iⁿza sas-amba yǝ-ra-si na ruddy-? maiden-ACC INTER stick-COND good-?-FIN EP hey, if [you take and] stick the ruddy maiden [as the ornament in your hair], [it] will be good! (KK 43) 伊邪古杼母怒毘流都美迩

iⁿza ko-ⁿdǝmǝ no-m-biru tum-i-ni INTER child-PLUR field-GEN-garlic gather-NML-LOC Hey, [my] children [come] to pick wild garlic. (KK 43) 磐代乃岡之草根乎去來結手名

Ipasirö-nö WOKA-NÖ KUSA-NE-wo iⁿza MUSUmB-I-te-na Ipasirö-GEN hill-GEN grass-root-ACC INTER tie-CONV-PERF-DES Hey, I wish we will tie the grass-roots on a hill in Ipasirö. (MYS 1.10) 由布弊爾奈礼婆伊射祢余登

yupu-m-be n-i nar-e-mba iⁿza ne-yǝ tǝ evening-GEN-side DV-CONV become-EV-CON INTER sleep-IMP DV When [it] became evening, and [we] told [him]: ‘Hey, [go to] sleep!’ (MYS 5.904) 此雪之消遺時尓去來歸奈

KƏNƏ YUKI-NƏ KƐ-NƏKƏR-U TƏKI-ni iⁿza YUK-Ana this snow-GEN melt(CONV)-remain-ATTR time-LOC INTER go-DES Hey, I wish [we] go when this snow has not completely melted. (MYS 19.4226) 伊射子等毛多波和射奈世曽

iⁿza KO-ⁿdǝmo tapa waⁿza na-se-sǝ INTER child-PLUR stupid deed NEG-do-do

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Hey, children, do not do stupid things. (MYS 20.4487) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The interjection iⁿza is also attested twice in Eastern Old Japanese in the identical context: 伊射祢之米刀良

iⁿza ne-simɛ tora INTER sleep-CAUS(IMP) together Hey, let [me] sleep together [with you]. (MYS 14.3409) 伊射祢之賣刀良

iⁿza ne-sime2 tora INTER sleep-CAUS(IMP) together Hey, let [me] sleep together [with you]. (MYS 14.3518) A2: Ryukyuan The interjection iⁿza is attested only in Old Ryukyuan, but not in the modern languages. This together with the fact that iⁿza survived into Middle Japanese, strongly suggests that it is a loan from mainland Japanese.

2  Misspelling for simɛ (cf. the preceding example from MYS 14.3409).

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Section 2

Interjection ina Interjection ina ‘no’ is probably next frequent after iⁿza. Besides being written phonographically as 伊奈, it also can appear in a variety of logographic spellings, such as, e.g., 否, 不聴, 不欲, etc. 宇真人佐備而不欲常将言可聞

umambitə sambï-te INA tə IP-AM-U kamo nobleman behave.like(CONV)-SUB INTER DV say-TENT-ATTR EP behaving like a noblewoman, [you] will probably say: ‘No!’ (MYS 2.96) 不聴跡雖謂話礼話礼常詔許曾志斐伊波奏強話登言

INA TƏ IP-Ɛ-ⁿDƏ KATAr-e KATAr-e tǝ NƏR-AS-E kǝsǝ Sipï-i pa MAWOS-E SIPÏ- ŋ-GATAR-I tǝ NƏR-U INTER DV say-EV-CONC speak-IMP speak-IMP DV say-HON-EV FP Sipï-ACT TOP say(HUM)-EV forced-DV(ATTR)-say-NML DV say-FIN Though [I] say: ‘No,’ [you] command [me]: ‘Speak, speak!,’ [but the things that] Sipi says, [you] call a forced speech (MYS 3.237) 於志弖伊奈等

os-i-te ina tö push-CONV-SUB INTER DV saying ‘no’ when pushed! (MYS 14.3550) This is a Western Old Japanese text in the Azuma corpus. 否藻諾藻

INA mo WO mo INTER FP INTER FP Both ‘no’ and ‘yes.’ (MYS 16.3796, MYS 16.3798) 伊奈等宣多方牟止念之天

ina tǝ NƏRItamb-am-u tǝ OMƏP-Os-i-te INTER DV say(HON)-TENT-FIN DV think-HON-CONV-SUB [I] thought that [he] will say: ‘No,’ and … (SM 36)

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Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The interjection ina ‘no’ is also attested once in Eastern Old Japanese. 伊奈乎可母

ina wo kamö INTER INTER EP [I] wonder whether it is yes or no. (MYS 14.3351)

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Section 3

Interjection wo It appears that wo ‘yes’ is attested phonographically in WOJ only twice in MYS 11.2539 and 14.3470. In all other cases (MYS 16.3796, MYS 16.3798) a logographic spelling of wo with the Chinese character 諾 ‘agreement’ is used. 伊奈乎可母

ina wo kamǝ no INTER EP [I] wonder whether it is yes or no. (MYS 11.2539) 伊奈乎加母安礼也思加毛布伎美末知我弖尓

ina wo kamǝ are ya sika [o]mop-u kimi mat-i-ŋgate-n-i INTER INTER PT I PT so think-ATTR lord wait-CONV-POT-NEG-CONV Whether it is no or yes, did I think so because [I] cannot wait [to see my] lord? (MYS 14.3470) This is a Western Old Japanese text in the Azuma corpus. 否藻諾藻

INA mo WO mo INTER FP INTER FP Both ‘no’ and ‘yes.’ (MYS 16.3796, MYS 16.3798) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese The interjection wo ‘yes’ is also attested once in Eastern Old Japanese. 伊奈乎可母

ina wo kamǝ INTER INTER EP [I] wonder whether it is yes or no (MYS 14.3351)

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Section 4

Interjection ani The interjection ani ‘how + negative or an irony question implying a negative answer, contrary to’ is quite rare, and in Western Old Japanese texts it always appears in the logographic spelling 豈. 価無寶跡言十方一杯乃濁酒尓豈益目八方

ATAPI NA-KI TAKARA tǝ ip-u tǝmǝ PITƏ-TUKI-nǝ NiŋGƏR-ER-U SAKƐ-ni ANI MASAm-ɛ ya mo Price no-ATTR treasure DV say-FIN CONJ one-CL be.cloudy-PERF-ATTR rice. wine-LOC INTER surpass-EV IP EP How would a priceless treasure be superior to a cup of an unrefined rice wine? [– Certainly not!] (MYS 3.345) 八百日往濱之沙毛吾戀二豈不益歟

YAPO-KA IK-U PAMA-NƏ MASA ŋGO mo A-ŋGA KOPÏ-ni ANI MASAR-AⁿZI KA Eight.hundred-CL go-ATTR beach-GEN sand FP I-POSS longing-LOC INTER be.superior-NEG/TENT How would my longing be less than sand [grains] on the beach, on which one walks for eight hundred days? [– Certainly not!] (MYS 4.596) Comparative Data Level A: Other Japonic A1: Eastern Old Japanese There is only one example of ani in Eastern Old Japanese, but it is in the phonographic spelling. 阿爾久夜斯豆之曾能可抱与吉爾

ani k-u ya siⁿdu-si sǝ-nǝ kapo yǝ-ki-ni INTER come-FIN IP be calm-FIN it-GEN face good-ATTR-LOC [contrary to my expectations,] does [it] come? [It] is calm. Its face is good, but [it does not move forward]. (MYS 14.3411)

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Section 5

Interjection ana The interjection ana is not very frequent, but it occurs in both early and late Western Old Japanese texts. It serves as an expression of pain or disappointment, although it seems that there are no attestations of it being used for pain in the late texts. 痛醜賢良乎為跡

ana MINIKU SAKASI-ra-wo S-U tǝ INTER ignoble wisdom-?-ACC do-FIN DV thinking [that they] have such an ignoble wisdom, ouch. (MYS 3.344) 葦鶴乃痛多豆多頭思友無二指天

ASI TAⁿDU-nǝ ana taⁿdutaⁿdusi TƏMƏ NA-SI n-i s-i-te reed crane-GEN INTER be.lonely(FIN) companion no-FIN DV-ATTR doCONV-SUB oh, a crane in the reeds is lonely, because it has no companion. (MYS 4.575) 空氣衝之相別去者

ana IKIⁿDUK-Asi API-WAKARE-n-amba INTER lament-ADJ REC-part(CONV)-PERF-COND Oh, how lamentable! If [we] part with each other … (MYS 8.1454) 安奈伊伎豆加思美受比佐尓指天

ana ikiⁿduk-asi mi-ⁿz-u pisa n-i s-i-te INTER lament-ADJ(FIN) see-NEG-CONV long DV-CONV do-CONV-SUB Oh, [how] lamentable! It has been a long [time] without seeing [you]. (MYS 14.3547) This is a Western Old Japanese text in the Azuma corpus. 安奈多頭多頭志比等里佐奴礼婆

ana taⁿdutaⁿdusi pitǝ-ri sa-n-ure-mba INTER be.lonely(FIN) one-CL PREF-sleep-EV-CON Oh, [how] lonely [I] am, when [I] sleep here alone (MYS 15.3626)

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Section 6

Interjection wasi The interjection wasi expresses disappointment. It is extremely rare, being attested only four times in two adjacent poems in the Man’yōshū: 16.3878 and 16.3879. Three out of four examples are below: 夜良尓新羅斧堕入和之

yara-ni SIRA ŋGÏ WONƏ OTƏS-I-IRE wasi sea(?)-LOC Silla axe drop-CONV-insert(CONV) INTER oh, [you] dropped the Silla ax into the sea. (MYS 16.3878) 熊來酒屋尓真奴良留奴和之佐須比立率而來奈麻之乎真奴良留奴和之

Kumaki SAKA-YA-ni MA nur-ar-u YATUKO wasi sasup-i-tate WI-TE-K-In-amasi-wo MA nur-ar-u YATUKO wasi Kumaki rice.wine-shop-LOC really scold-PASS-FIN fellow INTER invite-CONVput(CONV) bring(CONV)-SUB-come-CONV-PERF-SUBJ-ACC really scoldPASS-FIN fellow INTER Oh, fellow, [you] were really scolded at the Kumaki brewery. [I] would have invited and brought [you here], but … Oh, fellow, [you] were really scolded. (MYS 16.3879)

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Section 7

Interjection apare The interjection apare occurs only in relatively early texts. It is kind of a chameleon interjection that can express both joy or sadness depending on a context. It occurs in the phonographic spelling in both the Kojiki kayō and the Nihonshoki kayō. In the Man’yōshū (no attestations beyond book twelve) it is always found in its logographic spelling. 伊豆毛多祁流賀波祁流多知都豆良佐波麻岐佐味那志爾阿波禮

Iⁿdumo Takeru-ŋga pak-er-u tati tuⁿdura sapa mak-i sa-mï na-si-ni apare Iⁿdumo Takeru-POSS wear-PROG-ATTR long.sword vine many wrap-CONV PREF-body no-FIN-LOC INTER the long sword that Iⁿdumo Takeru is wearing is wrapped with many vines, [but] because there is no blade, alas! (KK 23) Here apare expresses the joy from an anticipated easy victory. 比苔莵麻莵阿波例比等莵麻莵比苔珥阿利勢麼岐農岐勢摩之塢多知波開摩 之塢

pitǝ-tu matu apare pitǝ-tu matu pitǝ n-i ar-i-s-emba kinu ki-se-masi-wo tati pakɛ-masi-wo one-CL pine INTER one-CL pine person DV-CONV exist-CONV-PAST/ATTRCOND garment wear-CAUS-SUBJ-ACC long.sword insert.in.the.belt-SUBJACC Alas, if the lone pine were human, [I] would make [it] wear a garment, [I] would make [it] to insert a long sword in its belt. (NK 27) The expression of regret. 阿波礼於夜那斯爾奈礼奈理鶏迷夜

apare oya na-si n-i nare nar-i-k-em-ɛ ya INTER parent no-FIN DV-CONV you be.born-CONV-PAST/FIN-TENT-EV IP alas, were you possibly born without parents? (NK 104) The expression of sadness.

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1222

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秋山黄葉𪫧怜3浦觸而 AKI YAMA MOMIT-I APARE tǝ urambure-te autumn mountains leaves.turn.red.or. yellow-NML INTER DV move.the. heart(IMF)-SUB autumn mountains’ leaves indeed move the heart, and … (MYS 7.1409) The expression of joy.

3  The first colored character is not available in bold type. The color red is used as an alternative.

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Section 8

Interjection we The interjection we expresses strong emotional feeling. It is a rare interjection. 山羽尓味村驂去奈礼騰吾者左夫思惠君二四不在者

YAMA-NƏ pa-ni aⁿdi MURA SAWAK-I-YUK-U-nar-e-ⁿdǝ WARE pa sambusi we KIMI n-i si AR-AN-E-mba mountain-GEN edge-LOC duck flock make.noise-CONV-go-FIN-RA-EV-CONC I TOP sad(FIN) INTER lord DV-CONV EP exist-NEG-EV-CON Although [it] is heard that flocks of ducks at the mountain edges are making noises flying away, oh, I am sad, because [it] is not [my] lord. (MYS 4.486) 吾持留心者吉惠

A-ŋGA MƏT-Er-u KƏKƏRƏ pa YƏ-SI we I-POSS hold-PROG-ATTR heart TOP be.good-FIN INTER My heart is good indeed! (MYS 11.2537) 安礼波麻多牟惠許登之許受登母

are pa mat-am-u we kǝtǝsi kǝ-ⁿz-u tǝmǝ I TOP wait-TENT-FIN INTER this.year come-NEG-FIN CONJ I will wait for [you], even if [you] do not come this year. (MYS 14.3406) This is a Western Old Japanese text in the Azuma corpus.

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Index of Personal Names Aiso Teizō 5, 7, 1097 Akiba (Reynolds), Katsue 153, 157, 664 Akimoto Kichirō 8 Alpatov, Vladimir M. 110, 125, 387 An, Pyenghuy 1136, 1173 Aoki Kazuo 5, 16 Arai Mujirō 880 Arakaki Kumiko 245, 271, 281, 290, 297, 302, 306, 309, 312, 315, 320, 325, 329, 331, 333–337, 339–340, 342 Arisaka Hideyo 20 Asai Erin 109, 139 Aston, William G. 125, 715 Bentley, John R. 10, 16–17, 20–21, 29, 42–43, 46–47, 777, 857, 938 Cang Seykyeng 19 Chinu (prince) 15 Endō Yoshimoto 17 Fel’dman, Nataliia I. 125, 387 Frellesvig, Bjarke 42, 449, 495 Fukuda Yoshisuke 21 Genmei (Empress) 4, 7 Gluskina, Anna E. 101, 370 Golovnin, Ivan V. 125 Gomi Tomohide 14 Haga Yaichi 715 Hamano Shoko 42–43 Hashimoto Shinkichi 20 Hattori Shirō 549, 570 Hayata Teruhiro 45 Henderson, Harold G. 387 Hieda-no Are 5 Hino Sukenari 505 Hirayama Teruo 235, 249, 281, 306, 309, 312, 334, 339, 1012, 1022 Hiyoshi Moriyuki 15 Hokama Shuzen 18, 90, 94, 100, 214, 228, 245, 261, 303, 306, 310, 312, 321, 325, 329, 369, 475, 503, 512, 529, 616, 622, 625, 654, 679, 1028, 1185

Hoshino Yukihiko 15 Hōjō Tadao 21 Ienaga Saburō 6–7 Ikeda Tadashi 715 Ilyen (monk) 19, 997, 999 Inaoka Kōji 16 Inoue Mitsusada 7 Ishimoda Shō 5 Iwai Yoshio 21, 535–536, 539, 715, 938 Kaneko Takeo 16 Kang Kyusen 19 Karimata Shigehisa 405, 549, 962, 966 Kasuga Kazuo 17 Keikai (monk) 17 Kim Congchel 29 Kim Sangek 19 Kim Wancin 19 Kim Yengpay 19 Kinoshita Masatoshi 9, 14–15, 615, 795, 879, 911 Kitagawa Kazuhide 16, 1025, 1027 Kobayashi Yoshiaki 5, 539 Kojima Noriyuki 14, 250, 254, 292 Kolpakchi, Elena M. 715, 846, 857, 865 Konishi Jin’ichi 17 Konrad, Nikolai I. 125 Kotani Hiroyasu 21 Kurano Kenji 5 Kuroita Katsumi 7 Kyunye (monk) 19 Kōnin (Emperor) 15 Kōnosu Hayao 5, 7–8, 16, 1097 Lange, Roland A. 20 Lewin, Bruno 715, 857 Mabuchi Kazuo 20, 21 Majtczak, Thomasz 645 Martin, Samuel E. 20, 110, 125, 163, 167, 175, 192, 251, 307, 322, 354, 376, 387, 406, 513, 631, 679, 715, 770, 996 Maruyama Jirō 7 Masamune Atsuo 15 Matsuo Sutejirō 21, 715

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1244 Miller, Roy A. 15, 215, 251–252, 258, 857 Miyake, Marc H. 6, 20, 26, 41–42, 44–47, 50, 52 Miyara Tōsō 988 Mizushima Yoshiharu 10, 14, 21 Mori Hiromichi 6, 20 Morishige Satoshi 20 Nakahara Zenchū 90, 100, 138, 144–145, 214, 228, 261, 268, 321, 427, 549, 570, 572, 605–606, 644, 685, 712, 758, 775–776, 784, 818, 878–879, 924, 1081, 1104, 1135 Nakamoto Mutsuko 483, 729–730 Nakanishi Susumu 14, 21, 250, 254 Nakasone Seizen 973, 975, 977, 990, 1008 Nakatomi-no Yakamori 12 Nintoku (Emperor) 9 Nishioka Satoshi 138, 144–145, 214, 268, 321, 427, 549, 570, 572, 605–606, 644, 685, 712, 758, 775–776, 784, 818, 878–879, 924, 1081, 1104, 1135 Nohara Mitsuyoshi 157–158, 162–163, 179–180, 182, 191, 193–194, 206–207, 250, 468, 474, 489, 549, 590, 663, 672, 685, 1046, 1081, 1104, 1126, 1136, 1153–1154, 1162, 1170–1171, 1174, 1176–1177, 1192, 1194 Ogihara Asao 5, 7–8, 15–16 Omodaka et al. 29, 39, 40, 58, 87, 101, 105, 119, 120, 163, 192, 198, 200, 206, 209, 239, 246–247, 250, 276, 292, 295, 296, 307, 310, 316, 322, 334, 338, 365, 383, 392, 438, 453, 456, 464, 510, 520, 522, 526, 530, 533, 578, 595, 698–699, 738, 761, 828, 849, 890, 899, 902, 909, 931, 947, 997, 1025, 1094–1095, 1099 Omodaka Hisataka 14–15 Onaga Toshio 18 Onions, C.T. 1186 Ōno et al. 86, 101, 119, 192, 236, 247, 282, 299, 322, 358, 365, 761 Ōno Susumu 7, 14, 20 Ō-no Yasumaro 4, 6, 237 Ōtani Masao 14 Ōtomo-no Tabito 12–13 Ōtomo-no Yakamochi 8, 12–13, 114, 190, 237, 270, 400, 616, 670, 826

Index of Personal Names Pierson, Jan L. 15, 20, 101, 104, 107, 292, 517 Russell, Kerri 55–57, 505, 570, 614 Saeki Umetomo 5, 20–21, 62–63, 67, 69–70, 539, 561, 715, 731–732, 1212 Saigō Nobutsuna 18 Sakamoto Tarō 7 Sakiyama Osamu 101 Sansom, George B. 125 Sasaki Nobutsuna 15 Sasayama Haruo 16 Satake Akihiro 14, 250, 254 Seeley, Christopher 39 Serafim, Leon A. 18, 69, 570, 582, 599, 645, 1116–1117 Seycwo (king) 19 Shimabukuro Seibin 18 Shimizu Akira 18 Shinmura Izura 880 Shinzato Rumiko 582, 1116–1117 Shirafuji Noriyuki 16, 20, 376, 453, 535, 539, 590, 1212 Shōtoku Taishi (prince) 6 Sugano-no Mamichi 15 Swohen (queen) 19 Swuyang (prince) 19 Syromiatnikov, Nikolai A. 21, 125, 196, 715 Takagi et al. 492, 615, 795, 1025, 1106 Takagi Ichinosuke 5, 14, 192, 242, 250, 254, 341 Takayama Michiaki 48 Takeda Yūkichi 17 Takeuchi, Lone 715 Tenmu (Emperor) 5–6 Thorpe, Maner 235, 290, 306, 313 Tōjō Misao 386 Tokieda Motoki 125, 386, 715–716 Toneri (prince) 6 Torigoe Kenzaburō 570, 610, 616, 712, 737, 769, 783, 803, 843, 866 Toyama Tamizō 5 Tsuchihashi Yutaka 5, 7–8, 15–16, 107, 204, 250, 1097 Tsuchiya Fumiaki 14 Tsukishima Hiroshi 6, 125, 386, 503, 715

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Index of Personal Names Uchima Chokujin 227, 235–236, 245, 271, 281, 290–291, 297, 302, 306, 308–309, 312, 315, 320, 325, 329, 331, 333–337, 339–340, 342, 1081 Unger, J. Marshall 20, 42–43, 55 Vardul’, Igor’ F. 125 Vovin, Alexander 126, 133, 150, 168, 183, 196, 256, 295, 307, 367, 371, 376, 492, 512, 622, 645, 655, 694, 713, 716, 749, 770, 812, 843, 845–846, 857–858, 880, 911, 946, 951, 983–984, 986, 1213 Wada Akemi 21 Wenck, Günther 42 Whitman, John B. 20, 58, 158, 313, 321, 451, 713, 770, 844, 1136

1245 Yamada Hideo 14 Yamada Yoshio 20, 85, 86, 88, 90–91, 95, 98, 101–102, 110–111, 115, 117, 119, 125, 145, 158–159, 163, 184, 185, 197, 200, 204, 207, 209, 216, 217, 231, 237, 246, 250–251, 274, 292, 308, 376, 383, 413, 502, 505, 516, 517, 520, 522–523, 526, 530, 535, 536, 539, 561, 606, 636, 665, 715, 731, 753, 792, 880, 947, 1212 Yamanoue-no Okura 10, 12, 254, 310 Yamazaki Yoshiyuki 14 Yi Swungnyeng 1136 Yoshida Kanehiko 21, 636, 715, 731, 753, 755, 792, 828, 880, 948 Yoshimura Takehiko 16 Yoshitake Saburō 20 Yu Changkyun 19 Yuzawa Kōkichirō 539, 747 Yūryaku (Emperor) 8

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Index of Terms ablative 109, 125, 183–191, 207, 222, 263, 265, 1067, 1082, 1095 absolutive 125, 168, 172, 178 accusative 125, 168, 170–171, 175–180, 218–219, 222, 224, 226, 228, 230, 234, 242–243, 259, 262–263, 274, 287, 289, 292, 772, 778, 849, 914, 1042, 1082, 1095, 1105, 1110, 1154, 1177, 1179, 1182, 1188 action verbs 84 active 447, 548 active case marker 1067 adjectival attributive 688 adjectival final 1110 adjectival gerund 1105, 1110 adjectival converb 953, 955 adjectival negative nominalized form 419 adjectival verbs 386 adjective stem 378, 380, 383 adjective 90, 102, 376–377, 381, 384–391, 396, 404, 406–408, 425, 432, 435, 996, 1037, 1040, 1042, 1047, 1050, 1094, 1105, 1109, 1174 adjectives xxviii adjectivizer 627 adverb 995, 1002, 1154, 1185 adverbial particles 1066 affirmative 446, 579, 1020–1021, 1027 agent xxx, 106, 145, 151, 155, 195, 749–753 alternative question 1127 animate 111, 114–115, 117, 120, 131, 138–139, 145, 150, 195, 250, 319, 323, 325, 749–752, 846, 848, 854, 857–858, 863–866 apare 1221 apocope 65 aspect 446, 534, 611, 632, 731, 815, 846, 880, 955, 958–959 attributive xxviii–xxix, xxxi, 40, 49–50, 57–58, 90, 93, 96, 98, 101, 106, 133, 140–141, 145, 152–153, 155, 164, 168, 176, 179, 200, 206, 215, 225, 261, 282, 291, 293–294, 308, 376–377, 384, 387, 390, 393, 396, 403, 406, 408–409, 411, 414, 417–418, 421–423, 448, 451–452, 454–459, 462, 468, 471–472, 474, 483, 490–492, 494, 498, 500–501, 535–537,

550–553, 555, 557–559, 561–564, 566, 568–572, 574, 595, 604, 606–607, 611, 622, 626, 687–688, 698, 702, 714, 723, 730, 739, 747, 756, 759–760, 772, 777–778, 784–785, 793, 817, 827–830, 834–835, 837, 840, 843, 845, 855, 857, 867, 877, 880, 899, 917, 919, 947, 965, 1037, 1042, 1047, 1050, 1053, 1057–1060, 1067, 1082, 1094–1095, 1104–1105, 1109, 1116, 1118, 1122, 1127, 1141, 1146, 1150 attributive form 39, 40, 49, 57, 93, 96, 98, 101, 106, 133, 140, 141, 145, 152–153, 155, 164, 168, 176, 179, 200, 206, 215, 261, 274, 282, 291, 293, 294, 308, 343n126, 376, 384, 387, 390, 393, 396, 403, 406, 409, 411–424, 448, 451, 453, 454, 459, 462, 468–474, 483, 490–492, 498, 500, 536, 537, 551, 555–572, 595, 607, 611, 626, 655, 687, 688, 698, 834–838, 840–842, 855, 991, 1037, 1042, 1047, 1049, 1050, 1053, 1057, 1058, 1060, 1106, 1116, 1122, 1127, 1174 banka 9–11 benefactive xxxi, 447, 583–584, 588, 596, 599, 602, 702, 844, 899–900, 902 bound auxiliaries xxx, 759–760, 771–772, 777–778, 786, 792–793, 804–805, 819, 828–830, 844–845, 856–857, 867 bound stem 84–85 cardinal 327, 330, 332–337, 339–340, 346, 349–350, 352 case marker 83–84, 101, 109, 119–121, 124–126, 130–131, 133, 137, 139, 140–145, 147, 149, 151–152, 154–155, 157–158, 160–164, 166–168, 170, 172, 175–180, 182–185, 187–189, 191–197, 199–201, 204–207, 215, 218–219, 222, 224, 226, 228–230, 235, 243, 250, 259, 261, 265, 269–270, 274, 285, 287, 289–292, 304, 319 case particles 1066 causative xxx, 447, 539, 551, 573, 592–593, 596, 606, 627, 631, 702, 714, 731, 771–772,

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Index of Terms 775–778, 782, 784, 786, 819, 856, 866, 903, 929, 977 classifiers 327–330, 332, 335–337, 347, 354, 362, 366 collective 215, 284–285, 312, 314, 319–322, 324–325 comitative 125, 180, 182, 243, 291, 1067 comparative 90, 95, 101–102, 109, 115, 125, 183, 186–189, 191, 200–201, 205–207, 281, 290, 295 compounds 376–377, 386 compressed form 141, 149 concessive 793, 814, 826–827, 845, 857, 867, 879–880, 919, 947 concessive clause 813 concessive converb 448, 574, 672–673, 678, 714, 730–731, 793, 845, 857, 867, 879, 880, 919, 947 conditional 747, 759, 793, 812, 827–828, 834, 837, 857, 867, 919, 947 conditional converb  xxix, 448, 606–607, 654–655, 661, 665, 673, 845 conjunction 536, 539, 553, 606, 1037, 1040–1042, 1045–1047, 1050–1051, 1053, 1055–1060, 1066 conjunctive converb  xxix, xxix, 448, 574, 663, 664, 668, 670–673 conjunctive particles 1066 consonant verbs 449–451, 457, 537–538, 550, 569–570, 572–573, 583, 591, 599, 617, 654, 687, 699, 701, 713 continuative 815, 958–959 continuative aspect 641 continuous action 739, 819, 822, 825–826 contrastive 1075–1076 converb 377, 388, 390–391, 393–396, 398–400, 402–406, 430, 435, 437, 446, 448, 451–452, 455–459, 461–462, 466, 468, 475–476, 520, 526, 530, 533–534, 548, 591, 593, 598, 615–616, 631–632, 636, 640–646, 650, 652–654, 665, 679, 685, 692, 695, 701–702, 713, 739, 747, 756, 759–760, 769–770, 772, 778, 780, 785–786, 792, 795, 804–805, 819, 825–826, 828–830, 844–845, 855–857, 866–867, 879–880, 893–894, 899, 903, 910, 916–917, 919, 921, 924, 929, 933, 935, 938, 940, 944, 951, 953, 958, 962, 966, 969–970, 973, 975–977, 979,

1247 983–985, 988, 990, 996, 1003–1004, 1006, 1017, 1037, 1040, 1047, 1049, 1051, 1057, 1067, 1082, 1095, 1110–1111, 1127, 1154, 1186, 1188, 1202, 1206–1207 converb suffixes 1066 cooperative 946, 951 coordinative converb  xxx, 448, 632, 760, 772, 804, 819–820, 822, 824–826, 845, 856, 953, 956, 958, 960 copula 101, 125, 141, 164 dative 109, 124, 145, 153, 155, 158, 160–161, 193–194, 200, 218, 222, 224, 226, 229–230, 243, 285, 287, 290, 749, 772, 778, 849 dative-locative 1067, 1082, 1095, 1110, 1154, 1182 debitive  xxx, 447, 739, 747, 778, 784–786, 791–792 defective copula 164, 679, 685, 692 defective verb 91, 93, 96, 98, 124–125, 140, 145, 152, 164, 200, 209, 215, 261, 279, 291, 293–296, 299, 301, 303, 308, 316, 449, 458–459, 466, 468, 472, 474, 476, 482–483, 491–492, 494–495, 500, 502, 539, 550, 553, 570, 640, 682, 695, 826, 953, 996, 1003–1004, 1006, 1017, 1047, 1049, 1051, 1053, 1057, 1068, 1082, 1095, 1105, 1110, 1186, 1188, 1204, 1206–1207 demonstrative 131, 138, 215, 250, 256, 261–263, 268, 270–274, 277–279, 281–282, 284–285, 307 dependent clause 131, 135–136, 139, 143, 285 desiderative  xxix, 447, 496, 514–515, 535, 584, 599, 602, 604–606, 627, 694, 714, 759, 845, 857 desiderative imperative 514–515, 602 desiderative particle 1066, 1137, 1155, 1167, 1174 deverbal nouns 84 diminutive 85, 95–101, 108–109, 208–214, 1067 directive 109, 125, 145, 151, 155, 157, 192–196, 218–219, 224, 228, 269–270 directive auxiliary 879, 946, 962, 965–966, 969–970, 972–973, 975, 977, 979, 983–985 directive-locative focus 505

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1248 distal 262, 278–279, 281–282, 284, 307 doublets 51–52 emotive particles 1066 emphatic accusative 170, 1082 emphatic particle xxxii, 476, 479, 485, 492, 536, 559, 574, 626, 672, 814, 875–876, 1066, 1068, 1082–1083, 1095, 1105, 1110, 1118, 1137, 1141, 1150–1151, 1153–1155, 1161–1162, 1166–1167, 1169–1171 endearment 95–97, 101, 208–209, 211–212, 214 evidential  xxix, xxxi, 58, 390, 414, 421, 423, 448, 451–452, 454–458, 535, 550, 572–575, 578–579, 581–583, 662–664, 668, 671–673, 702, 714, 730, 739, 747, 759–760, 793, 827–830, 839–840, 842–843, 845, 857, 867, 880, 1109–1110 exclamation 1141, 1152 exclamation particle 1170–1171, 1174, 1176 exclamative  xxix, 599–600, 611, 626–627, 630, 702, 714, 1118 exclamatory particle 1066, 1141 experiential 881 extended stem kare 279–280 final xxviii, 448, 451–452, 454–459, 462, 469, 483, 492, 494–496, 498, 500, 502, 534–539, 544, 546–551, 553, 555, 557–559, 561–564, 566, 568, 570, 573–576, 581–583, 595, 598, 600, 602, 604, 606, 611, 622, 626, 630–632, 643, 645, 688, 695, 698–699, 701–702, 713–717, 729–731, 827, 829 final form 991, 1094, 1105, 1109, 1116, 1118, 1127, 1141, 1174 final particle 626, 1066 final predication 819, 829, 834, 837, 880 focus  xxxi, 1066–1068, 1076, 1082–1083, 1095, 1102, 1110 focus particle xxxi, xxxii, 183, 312, 314, 316, 462, 471, 476, 479, 485, 494, 553, 557, 559, 566, 572, 575, 582–583, 626, 650, 782, 813–814, 839–840, 842–843, 875–876, 897, 1066–1068, 1082–1083,

Index of Terms 1092, 1094–1095, 1102–1105, 1109–1110, 1115–1116 free stem 84–85 general question 1118, 1127, 1131, 1134–1136 genitive 84, 101, 119, 122, 124–125, 131–132, 139, 141–144, 166–167, 200, 215, 218, 228–229, 258, 261, 367, 1057, 1059 genitive-locative 163 gerund 390, 394, 396, 406, 411, 421, 423, 427, 431, 437 habitual action 820, 822–823, 826 head noun 376–378 hiyuka 9, 11 honorific  xxx, xxxi, 85, 88, 90, 101, 111, 115, 117, 238, 246, 448, 460, 485, 539, 551, 573, 584, 596, 611, 627, 631, 655, 664, 668, 673, 702, 714, 731, 747, 758–760, 762, 768–770, 793, 805, 819, 829, 844–845, 856, 866, 903–905, 908–911, 915–919, 921, 924–926, 931, 942 honorification 448, 611 hortative 599, 605 imperative xxix, 446–447, 451–452, 454–458, 512, 535, 583–584, 588–591, 593–594, 598–599, 602, 604, 699, 715, 739, 744, 747, 759, 769, 772, 778, 780, 793, 844, 846, 856–857, 899, 917 inanimate 111–112, 114–115, 120, 138–139, 150, 250, 319, 323, 325, 355, 357, 749–753, 846, 850, 854–855, 857–858, 865 inflected adjectives 492, 516–517, 519, 538 inquiry arising from uncertainty 1141, 1146, 1151, 1153 intention 716, 728 intentional construction 725, 727–728 interjection 1212–1214, 1216–1221, 1223 interrogative particle  xxxii, 476, 479, 485, 536, 539, 557–559, 566, 578–579, 650, 1066, 1068, 1083, 1118, 1122–1123, 1125–1127, 1134–1136, 1141, 1150, 1155, 1162, 1166 intervening particle 1133 intransitive verb 772, 778, 846, 848–850, 854–855, 863, 865, 914, 973, 986, 1177

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1249

Index of Terms irony 1118 irrealis condition 655, 662 irregular classes of verbs 449 irregular verbs 450, 453, 456–458, 538, 550, 564, 570, 572–573, 583, 590–591, 595, 606, 631, 654, 679, 687, 701, 713 iterative  xxx, 448, 520, 539, 551, 573, 631, 655, 664, 673, 702, 710, 714, 737–739, 744–747, 771, 776–777, 786, 793, 801, 819, 844–845, 856 juncture 49 ka-hen 449 kakari-musubi 413, 555, 561, 564, 568, 572, 574, 576, 581 kamiichidan 449 kaminidan 449 keiyōdōshi 386 kō-rui 42–45, 469 ku-katsuyō 390 kungana 28–38 lexical auxiliaries 804, 903 loanwords 62–65, 67, 69–73 locative 85, 101–102, 105, 107, 109, 119–121, 124–125, 145, 147, 149, 153–155, 158, 160–163, 166–167, 193–194, 196, 200, 226, 269–270, 304, 1060, 1177, 1179 main clause 131, 139, 143–144 makura-kotoba 536, 608 man’yōgana 28–30, 42 mesial 250, 262, 273–274, 277–279 mild prohibition 618, 620–621 modality 805, 819, 879–880 mode  446 modifier 551, 565, 631, 640, 644, 649 mondōka 11 monophthongization 49 mood  664, 880 morphophonology 49, 51 na-hen 449 native vocabulary 62, 70 negative xxix–xxx, 446–447, 451–452, 454–458, 512, 535, 539, 551, 573,

579, 598–599, 602, 614, 617, 622, 627, 631, 636, 642, 645–646, 649–650, 652–654, 664–665, 673, 683, 685, 687–688, 692, 699, 701–703, 710, 712–714, 739, 744, 747–748, 759, 772, 778, 805, 829, 844, 856, 867, 880, 889, 899, 938, 1018 negative converb 879, 953–954, 958–959 1067, 1082, 1095, 1127 negative debitive 623–625 negative exclamative 626 negative imperative  xxix, 514, 535, 595–598 negative intention 618–619, 621 negative potential  xxxi, 447, 622–623, 625, 748, 844, 856, 893–894, 898–899 negative presumption 618, 621 negative probability 623, 624 negative tentative 447, 535, 617–618, 622, 655, 660 nominal 83, 86, 95, 102, 110, 144, 201, 228–229, 376–377, 410–411, 1057, 1059, 1067, 1082, 1095, 1105, 1110–1111, 1117, 1154, 1174, 1179 nominalized form 496, 551, 553, 566, 636, 644–645, 695, 701 nominalizer  xxix, 390, 396, 404, 418, 430–431, 679, 683–685, 687–688, 692, 694, 698, 701–702, 712, 714, 1067, 1082, 1095, 1117, 1154 non-final predicate 630–631, 633, 636, 642, 646, 649, 653 non-past tentative 732 noun  83–84, 86, 90, 94, 102, 106, 110–112, 114–115, 117, 120, 123, 131–132, 137–139, 144–145, 150, 163, 192, 199, 201, 205, 215, 282, 319, 323, 325, 327, 366, 996, 1010, 1037, 1053, 1057, 1060 number 83–84, 86, 88, 102, 110–111, 123, 163, 195, 216, 219, 229, 292, 301–302, 306, 316, 321, 327, 336, 338, 341–342, 345–346, 350, 354, 364, 366–367 numerals 83, 215, 327, 329, 332, 335, 341–342, 350, 352, 358, 363–365, 368 object 168, 171, 180, 265 ongana 28–38

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1250 optative 447 ordinal 327, 352–354 otsu-rui 42–45, 434, 469, 639 parallel action 819–820, 825 particles 1066–1068, 1076, 1080, 1082–1083, 1095, 1105, 1109–1110, 1118, 1136, 1141, 1154–1155, 1162, 1167, 1171, 1174 passive  xxx, 145, 150–151, 155, 158, 447, 539, 551, 573, 596, 617, 622, 632, 655, 673, 702, 714, 739, 745–747, 749–750, 754–757, 771, 776–777, 786, 805, 819, 830, 844–845, 856, 866 past   xxx, xxxi, 447, 555, 557, 561–563, 607, 614, 632, 646, 664, 673, 687, 714, 723, 731–732, 747, 756, 760, 767, 772, 777, 793, 827–830, 833–834, 837, 840, 843, 845, 857, 867, 877 past attributive 654–655, 688 past final 654–655, 687–688, 723, 829 past tentative 646 patient  xxx, 749–752 pejorative 111, 115, 246, 248–250 perfective  xxxi, 446, 539, 550–551, 573, 592–593, 599, 606, 611, 614, 627, 632, 655, 664, 673, 702, 714, 731, 747, 760, 772, 778, 786, 793, 797, 799, 801, 803, 805, 819, 829–830, 843–846, 854–858, 862, 864, 866–868, 872–873 perfective-progressive  xxxi, 539, 551, 573, 611, 614, 632, 655, 664, 673, 702, 714, 731, 747, 760, 772, 829, 844–845, 856, 866–867, 870 phonotactics 48–49 plural marker 1067, 1082, 1095 politeness 448, 903 possessive 84, 125, 131–133, 138–139, 142, 218–219, 221, 228–229, 234, 237, 243, 250, 256, 259, 261, 285, 289–291, 1057–1059 postposition 1198–1199, 1202, 1204, 1206 potential  xxxi, 447, 747, 753, 755–756, 777–778, 786, 790–793, 805, 844, 856, 888–889, 893 potential auxiliary 946, 991 predication 448

Index of Terms prefix 85, 88–91, 94–102, 105–106, 108–109, 204, 212, 246 progressive  xxx, 446, 539, 551, 573, 583–584, 588, 606, 611, 614–615, 617, 632, 655, 664, 668, 673, 702, 714, 731, 792–794, 801, 829, 867, 871, 874 pronouns 83, 110, 131–132, 137–139, 144, 160, 192, 215–219, 229, 237, 248, 250–251, 256, 259, 261–262, 267, 273, 278–279, 284–285, 300, 307–308, 314, 316, 319 proximal 261–262, 268, 271–273, 277–279, 282 quality verb 84, 91, 94, 105 quasi-intransitive 175, 178 r-irregular verb 456, 535, 550, 572, 595, 688, 695, 701 ra-hen 449 realis condition 658, 662, 664 reason 664–665, 670 rebus writing 28, 39–40 reciprocal-cooperative 447, 530, 532, 951 reduplication 111, 121, 123–124 rendaku 83, 377 reported action  xxxi, 447, 498, 946–949 restrictive particle 1066, 1082, 1095, 1110, 1154, 1167, 1179, 1182, 1185–1186, 1188, 1191–1192, 1194 resultative auxiliary 946, 988 retrospection 611 retrospective  xxxi, 447, 534, 539, 551, 573, 611, 614, 632, 646, 664, 673, 688, 702, 715, 732, 747, 760, 793, 801, 844–845, 857, 867, 879–881, 887–888 -r- loss 451, 550, 572, 614 sa-hen 449 sentence non-final suffixes 534 sentence-final suffixes 534 sentence-final verbal suffixes 535 sequential voicing 377 shiku-katsuyō 390 shūjoshi 626 simonidan 449 sōmon 9–11 SOV word order 109 spatial 102, 147

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1251

Index of Terms spontaneous action 747, 754, 756 stative 538, 548, 570, 614, 695, 732 strong probability 786, 789, 791–792 strong vowel verbs 452–455, 535, 537, 550, 572, 611 subject 130–131, 133, 135–139, 141–144, 153–154, 157, 168, 176, 285, 291 subjunctive  xxix, 447, 535, 606, 610, 654–655, 673, 778, 793, 845, 857 subordinative converb  xxx, 446, 448, 459, 474, 475, 487, 494, 503, 632, 646, 760, 804–805, 813, 815–819, 845, 857–858, 862, 866–867, 894, 919, 933, 953, 955, 958–959, 969, 979, 988, 1068, 1082, 1095, 1110, 1154 sudden realization 881, 885 suggestion 719, 729 suppositional  xxix, 447, 611, 614, 616–617, 627, 732, 759, 793, 845, 867, 880, 949 supposition 720, 729 syncope 65 temporal 102, 120, 147 temporal condition 665, 668–669 temporal connection 655, 660, 664, 667, 670–671 tense 804–805, 819, 844, 881 tentative  xxx, 446–447, 451–452, 454–458, 539, 551, 573, 599, 602, 614, 616, 627, 660, 673, 688, 694, 713–717, 723, 728, 730–732, 737, 739, 747, 756, 759, 772, 778, 793, 827–828, 833, 840, 845, 857, 867

terminative 125, 196–197, 199 topic 875 topic marker 170, 228, 235, 291 topic particle  xxxi, 1067–1068, 1076, 1079, 1095–1096, 1110, 1162, 1167 transitive verb 846, 858, 865, 979, 987 uninflected adjective 492, 516 verb  83, 86, 90, 98, 102, 126, 145, 152, 168, 175, 178, 282, 376–377, 390, 396, 406, 417, 422–423, 430, 432, 1094, 1105, 1109, 1117, 1122, 1127, 1141, 1154, 1177, 1193, 1202 verbal  xxxii, 1067, 1082, 1094–1095, 1104, 1115, 1118, 1127, 1150, 1154, 1166 verbal compounds 631, 636, 638, 643–644, 647, 653 verbal prefixes 504 verbs of verbal or mental activity 494, 498 voices 447 vowel verbs 449–452, 454–456, 459, 483, 535–538, 550, 569–570, 572–573, 591, 595, 599, 606, 611, 617, 622, 654, 679, 687, 699, 701–702, 713, 730 wh- question 1118, 1126–1127, 1134–1136 word-final suffixes 534 word-non-final suffixes 534, 538 yodan 449 zero imperative 590, 594 zōka 8–12

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Index of Forms and Constructions a- 120, 215–218, 234, 281, 565, 729 -aba 662–663 -ada 654 -aku 679, 687–688, 694, 829 -aku ~ -ku 698 -aku mǝ 1082 -aku pa 1067 -am- 396, 422, 602, 713–714, 716, 723 -am- ~ -m- 447, 579, 600 -am-ɛ-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] 673 -am-u 539 -amas-emba -(a)masi 606 -amasi ~ -masi 447, 535, 606 -amba 423, 606–607, 654, 660 -amba ~ -mba 396, 448 -amba -(a)masi 606–607 -amba kǝsǝ 1110 -aN 712, 730 an- 488 -an- 692, 701, 710, 712–713 -an- ~ -n- 446 -an-e ~ -n-e 602, 604 -an-e-mba 664 -an-e-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] 673 -an-i 645, 701–702, 712 ana 605, 710, 1219 -ana ~ -na 447, 535, 604 ani 1218 -aⁿz- 701, 710 -aⁿz- ~ -nz- 446, 645 -aⁿz-u-k- 829 -aⁿz-u-ker- 879 -aⁿz-u-ki 829 -aⁿz-u-te 805 -aⁿz-u 636, 653, 665 -aⁿzi 446, 535, 617, 621, 655, 660 aŋgar- 975 aŋgɛ- 975 ap- 946, 951 -ap- ~ -ǝp- xxx, 432, 448, 710, 738–739, 744–746, 771, 776–777, 856 -ap-i 631, 739 -ap-am- 714, 739 -ap-amba 655

-ap-aⁿz- 702, 739 -ap-asi 739 -ap-er- 739, 793 -ap-ɛ-mba 664 -ap-ɛ-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] 673 -ap-ɛ 573, 739 -ap-i-n- 845 -ap-i-t[e]- 856 -ap-i-tutu 819 -ap-umbɛ- 739, 786 -ap-uru 739 -ap-u 539, 551, 739 -apɛ-n- 739 api- 447, 530, 532 ar- 396, 400, 421, 456–457, 475, 476, 485, 520, 534, 538, 614, 650, 652, 654, 822, 880, 946, 953–957, 1127 -ar- or -er- 588 ar-asi 614–615 -ar-u 756 -ar-uru 756 ar-urasi 614–615 -are- xxx, 447, 755–757 -are-m- 756 -are-si 756 ari- 448, 517, 520–522 ari-ta- 517 -as- xxx, 584, 731, 758–760, 768–769, 776–778, 782–783, 844, 856 -as-am- 714, 759 -as-amba 655, 759 -as-an- 778 -as-an-e 759 -as-aⁿz- 702, 759 -as-e 573, 584, 759, 778 -as-e-mba 664 -as-e-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] 673 -as-er- 759, 793 -as-i xxx, 631, 759–760, 778 -as-i-ker- 760, 879 -as-i-n- 760, 845 -as-i-si 760, 829 -as-i-t- 778 -as-i-t[e]- 856

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1253

Index of Forms and Constructions -as-i-tamap- 903 -as-i-tar- 760, 866 -as-i-te 760, 805 -as-i-tutu 760, 819 -as-u 539, 551, 759, 778 -as-umǝ 627, 759, 778 -as-una 596, 759, 778 -as-uram- 731, 759, 778 -as-urasi 611, 759 -as-uru 551, 778 -ase 778 -ase- ~ -se- 447 -ase-m- 778 -asi 432–434, 611, 614, 617 -asi-mǝ 627 -asimɛ- ~ -simɛ- 447, 771–772, 775–777, 856 -asiyo 616–617 -awa ~ -aa 662 -aye- ~ -ye- xxx, 447, 745–747, 754–756, 771, 776 -aye-kane- 747, 894 -az- 712 -(a)ku 692 -(a)ku n-i 692 -(a)ku si 1154 -(a)m- 655, 660, 889 -(a)m-aku 688, 714 -(a)m-aku por-i 694 -(a)m-aku posi 694 -(a)m-ɛ 573, 714, 1118 -(a)m-ɛ-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] 714 -(a)m-u 551, 714 -(a)m-u tǝ s-u 725, 727–729 -(a)m-umǝ 627, 714 -(a)mas-emba 606, 654–655 -(a)masi 610, 654, 1042 -(a)mba 655, 661 -(a)n- 617, 636, 856, 889 -(a)n- ~ -(a)ⁿz- 702–703 -(a)n-aku 688, 702 -(a)n-am- 602 -(a)n-e 514–515, 573, 584, 599, 702 -(a)n-i 631, 636, 642, 702 -(a)n-u 551, 702, 1060 -(a)n-umǝ 626–627, 702 -(a)na xxix, 584, 599, 606, 627, 714 -(a)na-mǝ 627

-(a)ⁿz- 645, 685, 687, 856, 889 -(a)ⁿz-ar- 652, 654, 955 -(a)ⁿz-u 539, 645, 650, 652–654, 702, 953–954, 958–959, 1127 -(a)ⁿz-u ar- 650, 654, 792, 955, 1127 -(a)ⁿz-u mǝ 1082 -(a)ⁿz-u pa 1067 -(a)ⁿz-u sǝ  1095 -(a)ⁿz-u-k-em- 646 -(a)ⁿz-u-ker- 646, 702 -(a)ⁿz-u-ki 646 -(a)ⁿz-u-te 646 -(a)ⁿz-umǝ 626–627 -(a)ⁿzi 617, 622 -(a)s-i-t[e]- 856 -(a)s-umǝ 627 -(a)se-, -as- ~ -(a)se- 551, 776–777, 783 -(a)se-m- 714 -(a)se-t[e]- 856 -(a)se-tutu 819 -(a)sim-u 539, 772 -(a)sim-una 596 -(a)sim-ure 573 -(a)sim-uru 551, 772 -(a)simɛ 772 -(a)simɛ-m- 714, 772 -(a)simɛ-ⁿz- 702, 772 -(a)simɛ-si 772 -(a)simɛ-t[e] 856 -(a)simɛ-tar- 772, 866 -(a)simɛ-te- 772 -(a)simɛ-tutu 772, 819 -(a)simɛ-yǝ 772 -(a)simɛ-Ø- 631 -(a)y-u 539, 747 -(a)y-umasiⁿzi 622, 747 -(a)y-una 596, 747 -(a)y-ure 573, 747 -(a)y-ure-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] 673 -(a)y-uru 551, 747 -(a)ye- 617, 622, 747, 844, 856 -(a)ye-ker- 747, 879 -(a)ye-m- 714, 747 -(a)ye-mba 655, 747 -(a)ye-n- 747, 845 -(a)ye-ⁿz- 747 -(a)ye-ⁿzi 617, 747

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1254 -(a)ye-si 747 -(a)ye-sika 747 -(a)ye-t(e)- 747 -(a)ye-t[e]- 856 -(a)ye-tar-  747, 866 -(a)ye-te 805 -(a)ye-tutu 819 -(a)ye-Ø 632 -ba 663, 671 dete 503 di 502 -e 583, 584, 588–589, 591, 599–600, 602, 844 e- 533, 946, 991 e- (prefix)  533 -ee 671 -eku 687 -en- 701 -er- xxx, 588, 617, 792–793, 801, 803, 844, 856, 870, 888–889 -er-am- 714, 793 -er-amasi 606, 793 -er-amba 655, 793 -er-aⁿz- 702 -er-aⁿzi 617 -er-asi 611, 615, 793 -er-e 573, 584, 793 -er-e- 793 -er-e-mba 664, 793 -er-e-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] 673, 793 -er-i 539, 793 -er-i- 632, 793 -er-i-ker- 793, 879 -er-i-ki 793, 829 -er-i-si 793, 829 -er-u 551, 793 -er-uram- 731, 793 -es-, -as- 759 -ǝ 459, 469, 583–584, 588 -ǝp-, -ap- 738 -ǝp-aye 747 -ǝp-aye- 739 -ǝs-, -as- 769–770 -ǝs-/-os-, -as- 776 -ǝs-u 778

Index of Forms and Constructions -ǝse-/-ose-, -as- 776 -ǝsi 434 -ǝy-umbɛ- 747 -ǝye-, -aye- 746 -ǝye-sika- 830 -ɛ 573 -i 84, 125–126, 130–131, 167, 219, 359, 457, 535, 538, 544, 546–547, 631–632, 636, 641, 643, 679, 684, 688, 695, 698, 804, 819, 844, 856, 953, 958 -i ~ -u 448 -i kǝsǝ 1110 -i mǝ 1082 -i pa 1067 -i sǝ 1095 -i si 1154 i- 504–512, 517 -i-kane- 894 -i-katera 632 -i-ker- 632, 879 -i-kǝs[e]- 899 -i-ki 632, 829 -i-n- 632, 845 -i-naŋgara 632 -i-si 632, 829 -i-sika 632, 830 -i-t[e]- 856 i-ta- 517 -i-tamap- 903 -i-tar- 632, 866 -i-te 632, 805 -i-te- 632 -i-tutu 632, 819 ika 284, 301, 303 iku/ikura/ikuⁿda 284 imaⁿda 1020–1022, 1027 imas- 903, 910–911, 914–915 ina 1215 iⁿdas- 970 iⁿde- 970, 972 iⁿdu/iⁿduku, iⁿduti ‘where’ 284 iⁿdure ‘which’ 284, 308–309 iⁿdusi 308 iⁿduti 284, 307–308, 310 iⁿza 1213 ir- 973

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Index of Forms and Constructions ire- 973 iso ‘fifty’ 343–344 ita 997 itǝ 997–999 ito See itǝ itu ‘five’ 334–335 itu ‘when’ 284, 308, 310–312 iya 1013–1016 iyǝyǝ 1016 -k- 833–834, 840 -k-aku 424 -k-amba 424 -k-ar- 396, 400, 404–405, 955 -k-eku 418, 424–425, 687–688, 829 -k-em- 422, 714, 723, 732, 827, 833, 840, 880 -k-emba 423–424, 654–655, 827, 834 -k-en-aku 419, 688, 701–702 ka 413, 479, 556, 559, 561, 566, 574, 650, 1066, 1118, 1127, 1134–1135, 1141 -ka 387–389 -ka (classifier) 362–365, 367 ka- 85, 123, 215, 279, 281, 515–517 ka-ku 435, 437, 1192 ka-ku mbakari 1192 ka-ku-te 435 kai- ~ kaki- 529 kakɛ- 984–985 kaki- 526–527, 529 kamǝ 413, 492, 556, 559, 574, 1066, 1141, 1150–1151 kamo ~ kamu 566 kamu, kamǝ 492 kanata 262, 279, 281 kane- 447, 897–899 -kane- xxxi, 856, 894, 898 -kane-m- 714, 895 -kane-te-, -kane-t- 805, 856, 894 kanǝ (modifier form) 279, 281 -kara 125, 207 karani 1036, 1057–1059 -kat-an- 889 -kat-er- 889 -kat-umasiⁿzi 622, 889 -kate- xxxi, 447, 622, 637, 642, 889, 893, 899 -kate- ~ -ŋgate- 636, 889 -kate-m- 889 -kate-n- 702, 889 -kate-ⁿz- 702, 889

1255 -katera 804, 826 -ke 416–417, 420–421, 423 ker- 792, 881 -ker- 447, 534, 732, 879–880, 887 -ker-aku 688, 880 -ker-aⁿz- 702, 880 -ker-asi 611, 614, 732, 880 -ker-e 573, 880 -ker-e-mba 664, 880 -ker-e-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] 673, 880 -ker-i 539, 880 -ker-u 551, 880 -kere 421 kǝ 263, 267 kǝ (unextended stem) 262–263, 265, 267–268 kǝ- 84–85, 215, 268 kǝ- ‘to come’ 454–456, 534, 591, 962, 965 kǝ-si 828 kǝ-sika 828 kǝ-womba (emphatic accusative) 265 kǝkǝ ‘here’ 268 kǝkǝmba 1002–1003 kǝkǝmbaku 1002 kǝkǝnǝ ‘nine’ 339–340 kǝkǝⁿda 1002–1003 kǝkǝⁿdaku 1002 kǝnata 262, 272–273 kǝnǝ (modifier form) 264, 267 kǝre 265 kǝre n-ǝ (modifier form) 266–267 -kǝs-ǝ 583–584, 899 -kǝs-una 899 kǝs-una 596 kǝse- 447 -kǝse- 583–584, 588, 599, 602, 899–900, 902 -kǝse-n- 702, 899 -kǝse-n-e 599 kǝsǝ 413, 479, 574, 582, 875–876, 1066–1067, 1109–1110, 1115–1117 kǝsǝ pa 1068, 1110–1111 kǝsǝ yǝ 1110 kɛⁿdasiku ~ kɛⁿdasiku 1031 -ki (adjective attributive form) 377, 390, 396, 406, 409, 411–418, 421–423, 447, 492, 555, 611, 622, 687 -ki (past final) 654, 723, 732, 804, 827–830, 880 kikǝs- 903, 918–919

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1256 kikǝs-amba 919 kikǝs-e-ⁿdǝmǝ 919 kikǝs-i-si 919 kikǝs-i-te 919 kisaraŋgi ‘second lunar month’ 371 -ko 100, 208, 212–214 ko- 85, 95, 98–101, 140, 212 -ku 805, 953, 955, 1111 -ku ar- 396, 400, 404, 792, 955 -ku kǝsǝ 1110, 1114 -ku mǝ 1082, 1083 -ku pa 1067, 1073 -ku pa ar- 399 -ku sǝ 1095, 1101 -ku si 1154, 1156 -ku si ar- 399–400 -ku-te 394, 403, 805 -kwo 406 -m- 713, 716, 728–729, 732 ma- 85, 90–95 ma- (intensive prefix) 516 marǝ 215, 236–237 -masi 606 masu-masu 1017 mata 1009–1012 matur- 929, 932–933 mawi- 929, 944–946 mawos- 929, 940–942, 944 mes- 903, 919, 921–922 mǝ 88, 104, 110, 112, 116, 132–133, 142, 148, 151, 155, 166, 170, 176–177, 181, 183, 185–186, 188, 199, 203, 208, 210, 213, 232–233, 277, 284–285, 292, 312, 314, 347, 479, 485, 553, 813–814, 875, 897, 1066–1067, 1082–1090, 1092–1093, 1095, 1118, 1137, 1141, 1162, 1166–1167, 1182 mǝ ka 1083 mǝ kamǝ 1083 mǝ namo 1105 mǝ sǝ 1083, 1095 mǝ ya 1162, 1167 mǝ yǝ 1162 mǝkǝrǝ 668, 1198, 1204 mǝnǝ ~ mǝnǝwo 606, 1036, 1042–1047 mǝnǝkara 1036, 1047–1048 mǝŋga ~ mǝŋgamǝ 1066, 1137–1139, 1174

Index of Forms and Constructions mǝŋgamǝ ya 1167–1168 -mǝtǝ (classifier) 359–360 mǝtǝna 1023–1024 mɛ 1093 -mi 84, 427–428, 430–431, 622 -mi kǝsǝ 1110 -mi namo 1105 mi ‘three’ 332–334 mi- 85, 87–90, 187, 246 mipo ‘three hundred’ 348 miso- ‘thirty’ 344 mïna ‘all’ 319, 323 momo ‘hundred’ 346–347, 349 morǝ ‘all’ 320–325 mu ‘six’ 336 muso ‘sixty’ 345 mutukï 368–369, 371 -mba 421, 448, 574, 654–655, 663–664, 670, 672, 879 -mba namo 1105 mbakari 1066, 1179, 1192 -mbɛ-, -umbɛ- 784–785 -n 141, 149, 229, 298 n- 93, 96, 98, 124–125, 140–141, 145, 152, 200, 215, 261, 279, 291–294, 299, 301, 303, 308, 379, 384, 388, 393, 403, 430, 435, 458–459, 466, 468, 472, 474, 476, 482, 491, 553, 640, 679, 682, 685, 692, 826, 953, 996, 1003–1004, 1006, 1017, 1047, 1049, 1051, 1057, 1186, 1188, 1206–1207 -n- xxxi, 446, 599, 701, 710, 712, 845–848, 850, 854–857, 867 -n-am- 714, 845 -n-amasi 606, 845 -n-amba 655, 845 -n-ana 599, 845 n-ǝ 403, 459, 468, 472–473, 550, 1053 n-i 125, 299, 378–379, 383, 388, 409, 424, 430, 436, 459, 461, 463–464, 466, 468, 475–476, 483, 640, 685, 692, 826, 953, 996, 1003–1004, 1006, 1017, 1047, 1049, 1051, 1057, 1127, 1186, 1188, 1206–1207 n-i ar- 457, 460, 475, 477, 479, 481, 485, 954, 1127 n-i kǝsǝ ar- 479 n-i mǝ ar- 479

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Index of Forms and Constructions n-i pa ar- 479 n-i sǝ ar- 479 n-i si ar- 479 -n-i- 632, 845 -n-i-ker- 845, 879 -n-i-ki 829, 845 -n-i-si 829, 845 -n-i-sika 830, 845 -n-i-tar- 845, 866 n-i-te 459, 474–475 -n-i-te 805, 845 -n-i-tutu 819, 845 n-o 474 n-u 474 -n-u 539, 845 -n-umbɛ- 786, 845 -n-ur-aku 845 -n-uram- 731, 845 -n-urasi 611, 845 -n-ure 573, 845 -n-ure-mba 664, 845 -n-ure-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] 673, 845 -n-uru 550–551, 845 -na 111, 119–123, 125, 158, 162–163, 182, 193–194, 211–212, 235, 240, 250, 321, 599 na- 94, 102, 133, 153, 176, 178, 210, 211–212, 215, 218, 220, 225, 235, 251, 287, 321, 409, 446, 515, 595, 599 na-…-sǝ 446, 504, 512, 514–515, 595, 599, 602, 1018 na-…-sǝ-n-e 599 na-se-sǝ 514 namo xxxi, 555, 559, 561, 574, 875–876, 1066–1067, 1104–1105, 1110 nana ‘seven’ 336–337 nanaso ‘seventy’ 343, 345 nani ‘what’ 284, 291–292, 295–297, 316–317 naⁿzǝ, naⁿdǝ ‘why’ 284 -naŋgara 804, 825 naŋgatukï ‘long month’ 370 napɛ 1036, 1050–1051 napɛ n-i 1051 napo 1027–1028 nar- xxxi, 387, 395, 447, 459, 475–476, 481, 485, 498, 946–949, 954 nar- ‘to be’ 457, 476, 482 nar- ‘to be located at’ 457

1257 nar- ‘to become’ 464, 467, 467, 487, 614 nar-amba 947 nar-asi 614 nar-e 947 nar-i 947 nar-u 947 nar-urasi 614 -nasu 125, 200–201, 203–205 -nǝ 122, 124–125, 131–132, 137, 139, 141–144, 159, 164, 200–201, 205–207, 215, 218, 229, 261, 367, 393, 561, 697, 1057, 1059 nǝmï 1066, 1167, 1179, 1182, 1186 nǝmï kǝsǝ 1110 nǝmï mǝ 1082 nǝmï si 1154 nǝmï sǝ 1095 nǝritamb- 903, 908, 926 -nǝsu 125, 200–201, 204–206 nǝtamb- 908, 926–927 -ni 109, 120, 124–125, 145, 147, 149–155, 157–158, 163, 168, 176, 188, 194, 196–197, 200–202, 205, 222, 224, 226, 229–230, 243, 269–270, 285, 287, 290, 409, 699, 749, 772, 778, 849, 1060, 1177, 1179, 1182 -ni kǝsǝ 1110 -ni mǝ 1082 -ni pa 1067 -ni sǝ 1095 -ni si 1154 no da 425 ⁿdani 1066, 1082, 1179, 1182–1185, 1090, 1188 ⁿdani mǝ 1082, 1084 ⁿdǝ/-ⁿdǝmǝ 448, 574 -ⁿdǝ[mǝ] 421, 672–673, 678, 714, 731, 879 -ⁿdǝmǝ 111, 115, 117 -ⁿdǝmǝ mǝ 1082 -ⁿdǝmǝ pa 1067 -ⁿdǝmǝ sǝ 1095 -ⁿz- 701, 710 ⁿzǝ, sǝ 1066–1067 -ⁿzi 617 ⁿzi 1199 ⁿzimǝnǝ 1198–1199 -ŋga 125, 131–133, 135–137, 139, 142, 192, 215, 218–219, 221, 229, 234–235, 243, 250, 259, 261, 285, 289, 561, 1058–1059

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1258 ŋgane 1036,

1053, 1056 1056 -ŋgari 125, 192–194, 224 -ŋgat-an-i 637 -ŋgat-er- 792–793 -ŋgate- 792 -ŋgate-n-i 637

ŋgani 1036,

-o 469 ok- 815, 946, 988–989 -oraN 737 ore 248–250 -os-aⁿz- 778 -os-u 778 -osi 432 -oy-umbɛ- 787 -[or]ai 737 pa xxxi, 87, 91–92, 95–96, 99, 102–105, 111–112, 114, 118, 123–124, 126, 128–129, 132, 140, 147–148, 150–151, 153, 157, 159–160, 162, 164–166, 169–170, 182, 187–190, 193–195, 199, 203, 208, 210–213, 224, 226, 232, 266, 280, 317, 337, 351, 353, 361, 368–369, 399, 479, 485, 553, 653, 665, 875, 1066–1068, 1075–1076, 1079–1080, 1082, 1096, 1162 pa kǝsǝ 1110–1111 pa mǝ 1068, 1162 pa namo 1105 pa sǝ 1095 pa si 1068 pa ya 1068, 1167 panapaⁿda 1001 paⁿda 1001 paⁿduki ‘leaf month’ 370 pata ‘twenty’ 342–344, 354 patu ‘first’ 327, 352–354 -pe 125, 194–196, 336–337, 339, 354, 360 -pe (classifier) 360, 362 pitǝ ‘one’ 328–329, 332, 358 -po ‘hundred’ 346–347 por- 447, 456, 694 posi 447, 464, 487, 694 potǝpotǝ 1026 puta ‘two’ 330–332, 358 putapo ‘two hundred’ 348

Index of Forms and Constructions -ra 111–115, 125, 158, 160–163, 208–209, 211, 219, 248, 263, 304, 383–384 -ra mǝ 1082 -ra pa 1067 -ra sǝ 1095 -ram- xxx, 730–731 -rasi 611 -raye-, aye- 702, 745–747, 755–756 -raye-n- 747 -re 572 -re (extended stem in) 248 reiti 503 -rǝ 208–210, 212, 594 rǝ ‘to be’ 458–459, 492–494 -ri (classifier) 329, 358–359 -ru 535, 550, 569 -(ra)ye-n- 702 -s- 837 -s-emba 654–655, 827, 837 -s-emba … -(a)masi 607 -s-umbɛ- 778, 786 s-i-k- 828 s-i-te 487, 685, 687 -sa 84, 109, 425–427 -sa ar- 404 sa- 85, 101–102, 105–109, 370, 437 sa-te 437 sambï 1198, 1202–1203 sapa 1004–1005 sapɛ 1066, 1167, 1179, 1186, 1188–1192 sapɛ mǝ 1082 sapɛ sǝ 1095 -sas- 769 satukï 368–370 se- ‘to do’ 456, 464, 466–468, 487–488, 645, 682, 685, 687, 695, 701, 712 , 728 se- ~ -sǝ- ‘to do’ 455–456, 513–514 -se- 903 -se-kate- 778 -se-masi 606, 778 se-si 828 se-sika 828 se-yǝ 591 -se-t- 778 -se-tamap- 903

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1259

Index of Forms and Constructions -se-yǝ 593 sǝ 479–480, 494, 650, 1066–1067, 1094–1095, 1102–1105, 1109–1110, 1162 sǝ (unextended stem) 274, 277 -sǝ 455–456, 512–514, 602–604 sǝ ~ ⁿzǝ 413, 559, 561, 574 sǝ ~ⁿzǝ ~ ⁿze 566 sǝ mǝ 1162 sǝ pa 1068 sǝ- 215, 256, 258, 277, 317 sǝ- (prefix) 520 sǝkǝmba 1000 sǝnǝ (modifier form)  275, 277 sǝre (extended stem) 274 si xxxii, 399, 479, 875–877, 1066, 1141, 1154–1155, 1161 -si xxxi, 376–377, 390, 406, 408–411, 413, 417, 432, 555, 654–655, 687, 777, 827–829, 834, 840, 843 si (personal pronoun) 250–251 si ka 1155 si kamǝ 1155 si kǝsǝ 1110, 1155 -si kǝsǝ 1110 si mǝ 1082, 1155, 1162 si mǝŋgamǝ 1155 si namo 1105 si sǝ 1095, 1155 -si-ku 688, 827 -si-mǝ 627 sika 1030 -sika xxxi, 827–828, 830, 839–840, 842 -sika-mba 664, 827 -sika-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] 673, 827 -sim-, -asim- 771 -simɛ-, -asimɛ- 771 simoTUKÏ 368–369 simotukï ‘frost month’ 370 simba ~ simba-simba 1025 sipasu 368–370 sirasimes- 903, 924–925 siyo ~ su 582 -so ‘ten’ 342–343 sora 1066 sura 1066, 1179, 1186, 1188 sura mǝ 1082 sura n-i 1186 -sura-wo 1186–1188

-susu 824–825 t- 550 t-u 459, 483, 490–491 -t-u 539, 857 -t-umǝ 627, 857 -t-umbɛ- 786, 857 -t-ur-aku 857 -t-uram- 731, 857 -t-ure 573, 857 -t-ure-mba 664, 857 -t-ure-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] 673, 857 -t-uru 551, 857 ta- ‘hand’ 85, 120–122 ta- ‘who’ 215, 284–285, 289–291 ta- (verbal prefix) 504, 517–519 -tai 599 tamap- 903–907, 910–911 tamapar- 929, 938–940 tamapɛ- 929, 931, 935–937 tamɛ 463, 483, 487 tamɛ n-i 463–464 tamb- 903, 908–910 tambar- 929, 938–940 taⁿda 1006–1007 taⁿda n-i 1006–1007 -tar- xxxi, 446, 457, 614, 856, 866–867, 870, 877 -tar-am- 714, 867 -tar-amba 655, 867 -tar-aⁿz- 702, 867 -tar-e 573, 867 -tar-e-mba 664, 867 -tar-e-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] 673 -tar-e-ⁿdǝ 867 -tar-er- 793, 867 -tar-i- 539, 632, 867 -tar-i-ker- 867, 879 -tar-i-si 829, 867 -tar-i-te 805, 867 -tar-u 551, 867, 877 -tar-uram- 731, 867 -tar-urasi 611, 614, 867 tare 88, 115, 146, 168, 243, 251, 276, 284–285, 287–291 tatematur- 929, 933–935 -tati 111, 115, 117–119 -tati mǝ 1082

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1260 -tati pa 1067 -te 394, 396, 448, 665, 804–805, 816–818, 819, 953, 955, 958–960 -te ar- 446, 792, 866, 872–875, 877–878, 956, 959 -te hosii 599 -te kǝsǝ 1110 -te mǝ 813–814, 1082 -te namo 1105 -te ok- 815–816, 988 -te pa 812–813, 1068 -te sǝ 1095 -te si 1154 -te wor- 815, 958–959 -te- xxxi, 446, 593, 599, 627, 844–846, 855–858, 862–865, 867 -te-ker- 857, 879 -te-ki 829, 857 -te-m- 714, 857 -te-masi 606, 857 -te-mba 655, 857 -te-na 599, 857 -te-si 829, 857 -te-si kamǝ ~ -te-si ka 1150 -te-te 805, 857 -te-yǝ 593, 857 tete 503 teti 503 -tǝ 125, 180–182, 243 tǝ 430, 458–459, 483, 485–489, 491–492, 494–496, 498, 500–502, 695 tǝ ‘to be’ 458–459, 483, 495 tǝ ar- 485 tǝ kǝsǝ 1110 tǝ mǝ 1082 tǝ mǝ ar 485–486 tǝ namo 1105 tǝ nar- 487–488 -tǝ pa 1067 tǝ pa 1068 tǝ pa ar- 485–486 tǝ pa nar- 488–489 tǝ s-i-te 487–488 tǝ sǝ 1095 tǝ-te 459, 494, 502–503 tǝmǝ 536–537, 539–540, 1036–1040 tǝwo ‘ten’ 340–341, 343 -ti (classifier) 343, 357

Index of Forms and Constructions ti ‘thousand’ 350, 352 to 489 toni 1036, 1060–1061 -tu (classifier) 329, 332, 334, 343, 355, 357 tuk- 985–987 tukɛ- 985–986 -tukï ‘month’ 368–370 -tusi 824–825 -tutu xxx, 804, 819, 822–825, 856, 956, 958, 960 -tutu ar- 956 -tutu sǝ 1095 -u 457, 535, 538–539, 546, 550, 555, 564, 626, 652, 679, 685–687, 699, 701, 804, 819, 991 -u ~ -i 448, 535 -u ~ -yu 548 -u-te 805 -umasiⁿzi 446–447, 622, 623, 625 -umasiⁿzi-ki 622 -umasiⁿzi-mi 622 -umbɛ- 447, 784–786, 791 -umbɛ-ki 785 -umbɛ-ku 785 -umbɛ-mi 785 -umbɛ-si 785 -umǝ 600, 626–627 -una xxix, 446, 595–599, 699, 844, 856 -unam- 736 -ur- 614, 732 -uram- xxx, 447, 579, 730–731 -urase 616 -urasi 447, 611, 614, 616, 731 -urasi ~ -asi xxix, 611, 614 -urasi-ki 611 -urasi-mǝ 611, 627 -urasiya 616 -ure 572–573, 991 -ure ~ -e- ~ -ɛ 581 -ure ~-ɛ ~-e 581 -ure ~ -ɛ ~ e ~ re 535 -ure ~ -re ~ -ɛ 448 -uru xxix, 448, 451–452, 454–456, 535, 550–551, 555, 564, 569–570, 991 -uru ~ -ru ~ -u 448 -uru ~ -u ~ -ru 535 -urum- 737

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1261

Index of Forms and Constructions -usa 679, 698–699 -usa mǝ 1082 -usa sǝ 1095 uti- 522–523, 525–526 -(u)masiⁿzi 889 -(u)mǝ 626–627, 630, 897, 1176 -(u)r-aku 688 -(u)ram-ɛ 573, 730, 1118 -(u)ram-ɛ ya 579 -(u)ram-ɛ-ⁿdǝ[mǝ] 673, 730 -(u)ram-u 539, 551, 730 -(u)ru 688 -(ur)ɛ kǝsǝ 1110 -(ur)u mǝ 1082 -(ur)u pa 1067 -(ur)u sǝ 1095 wa 87–89, 110, 122, 132–135, 148, 156, 177–178, 185–186, 189, 193, 195–196, 198–199, 208, 210, 213–222, 224–229, 235, 239, 258–259, 262, 280, 291, 306 wa-ⁿ- 58, 220, 228 wanu 156, 219, 224–225, 229 ware 146, 156, 159, 172, 188, 206, 211, 213, 215–219, 222–224, 226–229, 239, 248, 259, 262 wasi 1220 watar- 979, 982–983 watas- 979 we 1223 wo 1066, 1141, 1177–1178 wo ‘yes’ 1217 -wo 125, 168, 170–172, 176–180, 188, 197, 222, 224, 230, 234, 243, 274, 287, 289, 292, 564, 606, 772, 778, 849, 1042, 1066, 1179, 1182, 1188 -wo kǝsǝ 1110 -wo mǝ 1082 -wo namo 1105 -wo sǝ 1095 -wo si 1154 -wo sura 1186

-womba 170–171, 178–179, 265 -womba mǝ 1082 wor- 549–550, 570, 641, 815, 822, 946, 958–961 wos- xxxi, 916–917, 919 wos-e 917 wos-i 917 wos-u 917 woti/wotǝ/wote 282, 284 ya xxxii, 413, 559, 561, 566, 574, 626, 1066, 1118, 1122, 1125–1127, 1141, 1162, 1166–1167 ya ‘eight’ 337–339 ya mǝ 1162 ya si 1154, 1167 ya- 569 yar- 977–979 yaso ‘eighty’ 345–346 -ye 447 -ye ~ -yǝ ~ -Ø 535 -ye-, -aye-, -raye 745–747, 755–756, 777 -ye-kǝs- 899 -yǝ 447, 452, 590, 592–594 yǝ 626, 1066, 1141, 1162, 1171–1174 yǝ ‘four’ 334 yǝpo ‘four hundred’ 348 yǝr- 983–984 yǝrǝⁿdu ‘ten thousand’ 350–352 yǝso ‘forty’ 344 -yo 125, 183–184, 186–190, 192, 197, 265 -yo mǝ 1082 -yo pa 1067 -yori 125, 183, 187–191, 197, 222 -yu 125, 180, 183–185, 188–190, 192, 265 -yu sǝ 1095 yuk- 966, 969 yumɛ 1018–1019 -yuri 125, 183–186, 188–190, 191–192, 197 yuwe 463 yuwe n-i 463 -z- 712

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Index of the Examples from the Texts BS 1 88, 110, 133, 140, 151, 322–323, 464, 578, 682, 1190 BS 10 266, 471, 543, 635, 1011, 1040, 1074 BS 2 331–332, 342, 344–345, 355, 358, 486, 520, 800 BS 3 534, 986–987, 1188 BS 4 324, 351, 602, 904–905, 970, 972, 981 BS 5 301, 460, 477, 913, 1131, 1169 BS 6 198, 463, 543, 555, 640, 718, 821, 1007 BS 7 988–989 BS 8 324, 864, 915, 945 BS 9 941, 989 BS 10 266, 471, 543, 635, 1011, 1040, 1074 BS 12 945 BS 13 146, 172, 223, 430, 487, 546, 800, 930 BS 15 402, 471, 546, 678, 885, 1074, 1088 BS 17 351, 497, 559, 837, 1094, 1101, 1191 BS 18 322, 325, 588, 592, 990 BS 19 170, 334–335, 355, 413, 471, 553, 788, 800 BS 20 266 FK 1 424, 600, 717, 807, 1084 FK 2 288–289, 648, 665, 704, 724, 1128 FK 3 209 FK 4 146, 661, 1156 FK 6 135, 220 FK 7 98–99, 156, 225, 568, 630, 728, 754, 1161 FK 8 238, 473 FK 12 979–980 FK 13 976 FK 15 176, 608, 651, 838, 1009, 1085 FK 19 895 FK 20 425, 535, 634 GSWKS PREF 8.10 345 Hyangka 1.7 411 Hyangka 3.2 411 Hyangka 4.4 645 Hyangka 5.1 418 Hyangka 5.3 645 Hyangka 6.2 645 Hyangka I 168

Hyangka I.7 418 Hyangka IV 161, 168 Hyangka V 161 Hyangka VII 161–162 KGU 68 369 KJK 1.16a 121 KJK 1.20a 378 KJK 1.30a 249 KJK 2.5b 249 KJK 2.3a 946 KJK 2.39a 249 KK 1 141, 152, 275, 338, 361, 472, 539 KK 2 58, 102, 132, 134, 142, 152, 164, 170, 174, 220, 264–265, 338, 350, 381, 408, 495, 521, 524, 544, 576, 584, 602, 647, 664, 667–668, 679, 703, 738–739, 760–761, 794, 805–806, 894, 900, 918, 948, 1020, 1076, 1083, 1090 KK 3 58, 91, 132, 134, 176, 201, 205, 216, 218, 220, 239–240, 265, 477, 513–514, 520, 554, 574, 661, 716, 720, 761, 778, 903–904, 919, 953, 1076, 1111 KK 4 86, 91, 134, 164, 168, 240, 263, 265, 328, 359, 411, 461, 495, 540, 619, 640, 680, 688, 761, 1037, 1075, 1094, 1096 KK 5 57, 133, 141, 147, 230, 240, 242, 407, 460, 479, 526–527, 554, 665, 806, 914, 1068, 1075, 1111, 1155, 1163, 1172 KK 6 86, 141, 147, 330, 761–762, 794 KK 7 396, 472, 544, 674, 885, 955, 1188 KK 8 619, 834 KK 9 135, 220 KK 10 111, 135, 958, 973, 1004 KK 11 258, 360 KK 12 222, 620 KK 13 57, 506, 633, 716, 740, 806, 1155 KK 14 186, 222, 506, 633, 1083, 1167 KK 15 115, 168, 175, 288, 336 KK 17 316, 797 KK 18 146, 462, 540, 640, 717, 1006 KK 19 95, 147, 330, 358, 412, 561, 805–806, 834 KK 20 725, 979 KK 22 164, 186, 260, 507, 633, 636, 689, 778

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1263

Index of the Examples from the Texts KK 23 102, 134, 409, 794, 1004, 1221 KK 24 95 KK 25 313, 863, 1127 KK 26 123, 339–340, 363, 460, 807, 1077 KK 27 202, 232, 380–381, 469, 495, 540, 1075 KK 28 88, 637, 762, 784, 794, 888–890, 966, 1174 KK 29 150, 230, 237, 328, 355, 477, 607, 655, 779, 837, 953 KK 33 275, 469, 551, 1068 KK 34 186, 627, 962 KK 35 1175 KK 39 87, 132, 220, 264, 476, 540, 584, 649, 703, 835, 917, 932, 962, 1068, 1096 KK 40 820, 881, 1146 KK 41 347, 350, 540, 751, 1083 KK 42 92, 151, 208, 231, 264, 280, 305, 332, 353, 355, 428, 435, 472, 486, 492, 498, 507, 540, 556, 641, 646, 680, 740, 762, 835, 914, 958–959, 1069, 1137, 1141–1142, 1167 KK 43 57, 89, 116, 134, 142, 152, 220, 332, 383, 1175, 1213 KK 44 689, 830 KK 45 174, 531, 674, 750, 839 KK 48 237, 584, 917, 919 KK 49 223, 881 KK 51 56, 269, 277, 418, 507, 556, 646, 674, 703, 970, 1075, 1077, 1096 KK 52 58, 96–97, 147, 194–195, 221, 540, 689, 762 KK 53 186 KK 54 181, 398, 556, 667, 1083, 1127, 1131, 1156 KK 55 194, 975 KK 56 195, 285, 820, 1069 KK 57 53, 92, 255–256, 378, 469, 490, 492, 540, 911, 1142 KK 58 57, 89, 175 KK 59 507, 585, 719, 1142 KK 60 87, 150, 275, 381, 531, 650, 703, 954, 1131, 1182 KK 61 656, 834, 1111 KK 63 241, 574, 576, 638, 758, 944, 962, 973, 1111 KK 64 328, 360 KK 65 358, 407, 658, 919, 1037 KK 66 286, 343, 469, 492, 551, 762, 1146 KK 67 87, 132, 140

KK 69 174, 430, 499, 627, 762, 807, 894 KK 70 398, 421, 667 KK 71 56, 240 KK 72 90, 232, 381, 462, 575, 785, 904, 1020, 1069, 1112 KK 73 239, 241, 611, 1168 KK 74 256 KK 75 607, 837, 1042, 1084 KK 78 174, 460, 682 KK 82 98, 830, 850 KK 83 789, 846, 997 KK 86 507, 659, 721, 963, 1018, 1112 KK 88 135, 395, 620 KK 89 95, 103, 147 KK 90 53, 92, 147, 164, 169, 203, 1112, 1171 KK 91 181, 272, 508, 518, 640, 647, 719, 1077, 1084 KK 92 415, 1146 KK 93 50, 607, 848, 858, 882, 1042, 1142 KK 94 146, 286 KK 95 493, 680, 1142 KK 96 87, 110, 140 KK 97 87, 132, 146, 275, 287–288, 435, 466, 472, 541, 633, 717, 941, 1096 KK 99 508, 1042, 1137 KK 100 58, 89, 165, 263, 265, 349, 407–408, 460, 508, 545, 680, 794, 1077, 1084 KK 101 57, 98, 143, 146, 255–256, 258, 265, 378, 472, 585, 762, 911, 934 KK 102 265, 612, 985, 1084, 1142 KK 104 508, 763, 1060, 1077 KK 105 282–283, 490, 545, 794–795 KK 106 1112 KK 107 172, 428, 650 KK 110 257, 408, 1171 KK 111 58, 96–97, 175, 612, 628 KK 112 57, 87, 111, 149, 184, 187, 753, 1143 KKK 2.5 246 MYS 1.5 172, 428 MYS 1.6 173 MYS 1.8 600, 971 MYS 1.10 1213 MYS 1.12 779, 859 MYS 1.13 612, 614 MYS 1.16 57, 173, 674, 798, 813 MYS 1.17 509 MYS 1.18 600, 628, 740, 786, 1183

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1264

Index of the Examples from the Texts

MYS 1.21 173, 202, 397, 463, 579, 795, 1119, 1163 MYS 1.22 474, 1137, 1175 MYS 1.44 174, 428 MYS 1.45 764 MYS 1.50 922 MYS 1.51 173, 428 MYS 1.52 1202 MYS 1.53 493, 1143 MYS 1.59 738, 740, 1131 MYS 1.72 895 MYS 1.76 948 MYS 1.77 513 MYS 1.79 1172 MYS 1.81 798, 890 MYS 1.82 106, 407, 437 MYS 2.88 304 MYS 2.94 623, 890 MYS 2.95 890, 1163, 1166, 1168 MYS 2.96 1202, 1215 MYS 2.98 675, 704, 891, 1143 MYS 2.104 57 MYS 2.109 562 MYS 2.114 600, 848 MYS 2.116 175, 428 MYS 2.128 908 MYS 2.129 895, 1123, 1183 MYS 2.131 516 MYS 2.132 732, 859 MYS 2.135 1097 MYS 2.136 173 MYS 2.145 675, 732, 823, 1078 MYS 2.162 299, 378 MYS 2.166 779, 790 MYS 2.167 839, 848, 912 MYS 2.181 56 MYS 2.196 379, 664, 668, 1204 MYS 2.199 57, 421, 509–510, 576, 638, 689, 764, 779, 822, 871, 923, 980, 1089, 1200 MYS 2.206 562 MYS 2.210 1200 MYS 2.230 203 MYS 3.237 126, 496, 585, 1070, 1113, 1215 MYS 3.239 40 MYS 3.245 266 MYS 3.257 394 MYS 3.261 1200 MYS 3.277 608, 814, 850, 859, 1043 MYS 3.281 699

MYS 3.285 695 MYS 3.290 414 MYS 3.308 401, 675, 885 MYS 3.314 425 MYS 3.318 91–92 MYS 3.319 272 MYS 3.336 40 MYS 3.340 1085 MYS 3.344 384, 1219 MYS 3.345 1218 MYS 3.362 764, 859 MYS 3.370 891 MYS 3.383 344 MYS 3.388 389, 407, 772 MYS 3.392 518 MYS 3.394 40 MYS 3.409 317 MYS 3.426 693 MYS 3.439 475, 556, 1128 MYS 3.443 299 MYS 3.449 699 MYS 3.450 699 MYS 3.451 401, 412 MYS 3.454 922–923 MYS 3.458 518 MYS 3.475 212 MYS 3.478 493, 1143 MYS 3.481 127, 130, 181, 562 MYS 4.486 948, 967, 1223 MYS 4.497 704, 724, 820, 891 MYS 4.509 316 MYS 4.512 516, 951, 1132 MYS 4.514 764, 795 MYS 4.534 173, 429, 519, 554, 1043, 1186 MYS 4.540 401, 665, 863, 1132 MYS 4.545 127 MYS 4.546 900 MYS 4.554 773, 868, 937, 939 MYS 4.564 756 MYS 4.575 1219 MYS 4.578 717, 741 MYS 4.596 349, 1218 MYS 4.598 1097 MYS 4.601 648, 831 MYS 4.605 1110, 1113 MYS 4.608 70 MYS 4.609 648, 831 MYS 4.619 920

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Index of the Examples from the Texts MYS 4.624 1055, 1057 MYS 4.638 1057 MYS 4.643 579, 721, 895 MYS 4.654 492–493, 721, 764, 1147 MYS 4.656 698, 700, 1098 MYS 4.661 334, 593, 859 MYS 4.664 40 MYS 4.689 415, 1002, 1183 MYS 4.714 173, 332, 429, 981, 1098 MYS 4.715 524 MYS 4.720 650–651, 690, 733, 1133 MYS 4.721 596 MYS 4.724 242 MYS 4.727 673, 675, 868 MYS 4.734 757, 1138 MYS 4.738 690, 886 MYS 4.742 1186 MYS 4.743 1193 MYS 4.752 394 MYS 4.754 690, 748 MYS 4.766 1048 MYS 4.780 483, 486, 1085 MYS 4.783 283 MYS 4.784 51, 533 MYS 4.786 997 MYS 4.792 1021 MYS 5.793 55, 401, 412, 496, 545, 1016–1017, 1070, 1157 MYS 5.794 57, 149, 170, 177, 185, 203, 233, 254–255, 300, 379, 469–470, 499, 524, 577, 593, 637, 704–705, 719, 741, 765, 848, 912, 1021, 1085, 1183 MYS 5.795 135, 151, 231, 300, 628, 748, 787, 1128 MYS 5.797 123, 608, 656, 779, 1043 MYS 5.798 1021 MYS 5.800 55, 92, 103, 142, 159, 188, 195, 241, 280, 432, 436, 465, 479, 552, 618, 628, 639, 741, 765, 917, 920, 971, 1029, 1098, 1172 MYS 5.802 116, 120, 188, 305, 541, 664, 668, 748, 780, 835, 868, 1023, 1157 MYS 5.803 151, 155, 293, 579, 798, 1090, 1119, 1163 MYS 5.804 103–104, 112, 134, 136, 142, 150, 169, 181, 185, 280, 305, 310, 314, 347, 436, 462, 476, 499, 510, 516, 524, 552, 557, 562, 614, 634, 639, 668, 724, 750, 765,

1265

807, 833, 835, 869, 871, 895, 963, 977–978, 983, 1070, 1129, 1179, 1202–1203 MYS 5.805 55, 203, 382, 436, 496, 628, 859–860, 896, 1138, 1157 MYS 5.807 51, 585, 900, 1177 MYS 5.808 1150 MYS 5.809 391, 648, 651, 690, 705, 717, 748, 808, 954, 1157 MYS 5.810 301, 478, 721, 1147 MYS 5.812 88, 110, 133, 148, 213, 221, 470, 579, 683, 1119, 1163 MYS 5.813 51, 88, 92, 122, 169, 203, 331, 356, 470, 493, 510, 639, 765, 808, 835, 903–904, 914, 1053, 1141, 1143, 1203 MYS 5.814 264, 382, 765, 882 MYS 5.815 368, 416, 661, 869 MYS 5.816 705, 900, 1147 MYS 5.817 395, 541, 639, 705, 787, 844, 850, 869, 882 MYS 5.818 359, 820, 1123 MYS 5.820 601, 681, 860 MYS 5.822 380, 963, 1148 MYS 5.823 305, 690, 823 MYS 5.824 629 MYS 5.827 165, 949, 1098 MYS 5.828 1013, 1144 MYS 5.829 395, 659, 787, 850, 873, 1120 MYS 5.830 391, 789, 982 MYS 5.831 785, 1086 MYS 5.832 322–323, 397, 787, 1076 MYS 5.833 575, 661, 720, 808, 1113, 1157, 1206 MYS 5.834 347, 432, 612, 614, 869 MYS 5.836 57 MYS 5.837 56, 1168 MYS 5.839 198, 483–484, 541, 554 MYS 5.841 1051 MYS 5.843 171, 322–323, 554, 821, 1098, 1158 MYS 5.844 56, 1002 MYS 5.845 891, 900 MYS 5.846 1013 MYS 5.847 1009, 1164 MYS 5.848 183, 187–188, 231, 659, 789, 851, 1009, 1070 MYS 5.849 514 MYS 5.852 56, 586, 901 MYS 5.852a 596, 780 MYS 5.856 629

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1266

Index of the Examples from the Texts

MYS 5.857 490, 541, 575, 1113 MYS 5.859 104, 148, 212, 637, 705–706, 891 MYS 5.862 320, 960, 1123 MYS 5.863 112, 169, 425 MYS 5.864 649, 1043 MYS 5.865 112 MYS 5.866 350, 361, 382, 748, 1144 MYS 5.868 960, 1123, 1179 MYS 5.869 86, 88, 143, 287, 683, 766, 798, 831, 836 MYS 5.870 293, 347, 363, 721, 808, 848, 1086, 1129 MYS 5.871 188, 795 MYS 5.875 299, 397, 787, 896, 955, 1193 MYS 5.876 196, 940, 1044, 1138, 1168 MYS 5.877 56 MYS 5.878 579, 686, 706, 914, 1123, 1164 MYS 5.879 351, 603, 805, 808, 905, 914, 941 MYS 5.880 748, 822, 847, 886 MYS 5.881 641, 959, 967, 1123, 1180 MYS 5.882 603, 907, 976 MYS 5.883 831 MYS 5.885 892, 1144 MYS 5.886 49, 195, 260, 310, 421, 433, 524, 608, 656, 967, 1148, 1158, 1200 MYS 5.887 307, 731, 733, 808, 1129 MYS 5.888 53, 300, 486, 721 MYS 5.890 44, 57, 208, 232, 733, 766, 1070, 1164 MYS 5.892 177, 183, 188, 196, 202–203, 224, 230, 232–233, 391, 400, 485–486, 496, 523, 524, 528, 618, 675, 706, 741, 847, 851, 997, 1029, 1078, 1124, 1187, 1193 MYS 5.893 433, 479, 541, 863, 896, 1158 MYS 5.894 690, 757, 813, 875, 940, 963, 1004 MYS 5.895 528 MYS 5.897 398, 418, 813, 822, 873, 956–957, 998, 1071, 1164 MYS 5.899 151, 497, 542, 601, 634, 676, 848–849 MYS 5.900 111–112, 1071, 1164 MYS 5.901 637, 780, 892, 1124, 1183 MYS 5.904 92, 148, 153, 251–252, 254–255, 388, 393, 410, 419, 462, 465, 487, 499, 513, 577, 593, 634, 665–666, 668, 742, 780, 795, 851, 860, 869, 964, 971, 1177 MYS 5.906 70, 773 MYS 6.913 1050

MYS 6.921 537 MYS 6.926 40 MYS 6.931 510 MYS 6.951 1047 MYS 6.1014 695, 1089, 1189 MYS 6.1038 1058 MYS 6.1047 107 MYS 6.1048 487 MYS 6.1050 825, 903, 951 MYS 6.1053 623, 625, 760, 766, 823 MYS 6.1062 696 MYS 6.1065 614, 785, 882 MYS 7.1087 615, 795 MYS 7.1121 192, 208 MYS 7.1122 1018 MYS 7.1179 465, 809, 1175 MYS 7.1184 1201 MYS 7.1197 1058 MYS 7.1298 344 MYS 7.1321 40 MYS 7.1324 40 MYS 7.1325 686, 780, 798 MYS 7.1342 464 MYS 7.1344 528 MYS 7.1352 623, 892 MYS 7.1370 1001 MYS 7.1385 623, 625, 693 MYS 7.1397 399 MYS 7.1409 1222 MYS 8.1418 107, 142, 148, 971 MYS 8.1420 738, 742 MYS 8.1423 510 MYS 8.1425 580, 657, 1164 MYS 8.1426 276, 484 MYS 8.1433 487, 557, 851, 886 MYS 8.1454 433, 531, 659, 849, 855, 1219 MYS 8.1456 752 MYS 8.1457 752, 882, 1120 MYS 8.1460 922–923 MYS 8.1467 1150 MYS 8.1471 424, 466 MYS 8.1504 1186–1187 MYS 8.1507 299, 485, 1055 MYS 8.1514 789 MYS 8.1518 949 MYS 8.1519 192, 222, 912, 1132 MYS 8.1520 104, 504, 510, 526, 528, 1138, 1150 MYS 8.1522 415, 666, 790, 860, 1148

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1267

Index of the Examples from the Texts MYS 8.1524 997–998 MYS 8.1525 790–791, 860 MYS 8.1537 528 MYS 8.1540 1050 MYS 8.1548 492–493, 1071 MYS 8.1556 1055 MYS 8.1575 1050 MYS 8.1576 690 MYS 8.1577 690, 836 MYS 8.1582 693 MYS 8.1584 1113 MYS 8.1618 938 MYS 8.1629 270 MYS 8.1641 753 MYS 8.1648 702, 706 MYS 8.1650 1086, 1189 MYS 8.1654 816 MYS 8.1657 901, 1018 MYS 8.1758 192 MYS 9.1671 612, 882 MYS 9.1679 826, 901 MYS 9.1689 947 MYS 9.1692 706, 766 MYS 9.1698 1187 MYS 9.1708 949 MYS 9.1740 56, 333, 387, 499, 528, 669, 691, 809, 869, 883, 949 MYS 9.1746 608, 847, 964 MYS 9.1748 513 MYS 9.1749 272 MYS 9.1751 1058 MYS 9.1757 56 MYS 9.1758 601 MYS 9.1778 1175 MYS 9.1784 700, 1090 MYS 9.1787 40, 1071, 1099 MYS 9.1800 242, 336 MYS 9.1809 127, 273, 282 MYS 10.1819 612, 851 MYS 10.1822 1060 MYS 10.1844 40 MYS 10.1845 613–614 MYS 10.1858 696 MYS 10.1861 1189 MYS 10.1879 611, 613 MYS 10.1884 40 MYS 10.1910 422 MYS 10.1924 591

MYS 10.1945 207 MYS 10.1951 1056 MYS 10.1958 1053 MYS 10.1961 593 MYS 10.1967 875 MYS 10.1979 964, 1026 MYS 10.1994 562 MYS 10.2007 816 MYS 10.2023 314 MYS 10.2066 876 MYS 10.2073 425–426 MYS 10.2078 1047 MYS 10.2091 108, 142, 511 MYS 10.2092 900–901 MYS 10.2094 106–107, 143 MYS 10.2101 1094, 1099 MYS 10.2145 511 MYS 10.2224 159, 613, 851, 1071 MYS 10.2228 693 MYS 10.2237 1095, 1099, 1189 MYS 10.2240 280 MYS 10.2244 438 MYS 10.2267 107, 143 MYS 10.2268 107 MYS 10.2290 789, 851 MYS 10.2322 1001 MYS 10.2329 438, 1053 MYS 10.2344 1175 MYS 11.2466 301 MYS 11.2474 773, 821 MYS 11.2483 222, 637, 892 MYS 11.2517 247 MYS 11.2525 415 MYS 11.2527 739, 742, 747, 751 MYS 11.2533 301 MYS 11.2537 1223 MYS 11.2539 1217 MYS 11.2545 281 MYS 11.2554 1048 MYS 11.2574 534, 1120, 1184 MYS 11.2579 40 MYS 11.2580 699–700 MYS 11.2581 519 MYS 11.2584 773 MYS 11.2595 673, 676, 1184 MYS 11.2601 648, 831 MYS 11.2640 274–275, 317 MYS 11.2646 756, 1132

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1268 MYS 11.2664 896 MYS 11.2666 696 MYS 11.2669 513 MYS 11.2675 757 MYS 11.2723 1099 MYS 11.2760 780, 1184 MYS 11.2762 596, 752 MYS 11.2798 120 MYS 11.2810 1180 MYS 12.2844 696 MYS 12.2866 104, 140 MYS 12.2874 387 MYS 12.2877 559, 1106 MYS 12.2903 998 MYS 12.2905 617–618 MYS 12.2936 1172 MYS 12.2949 591, 1184 MYS 12.2964 563, 886 MYS 12.2994 557, 676, 1129, 1158 MYS 12.3013 232, 596–597, 766 MYS 12.3086 485, 609, 1044, 1193 MYS 12.3097 104 MYS 12.3098 261, 815 MYS 12.3103 1184 MYS 12.3106 433 MYS 12.3110 400 MYS 12.3145 213, 232, 613 MYS 12.3161 127 MYS 12.3181 1190 MYS 12.3191 693 MYS 13.3225 974 MYS 13.3234 269, 430, 691, 1158 MYS 13.3237 487 MYS 13.3239 521 MYS 13.3243 1056 MYS 13.3265 292–293, 461, 1129, 1169 MYS 13.3269 832, 860, 896 MYS 13.3271 1086 MYS 13.3278 40 MYS 13.3279 528 MYS 13.3289 673, 676, 920 MYS 13.3295 301 MYS 13.3298 1110, 1114, 1172 MYS 13.3299 283 MYS 13.3299a 283, 766, 1078 MYS 13.3300 985 MYS 13.3310 586, 766 MYS 13.3318 920

Index of the Examples from the Texts MYS 13.3329 486, 739 MYS 14.3349 616 MYS 14.3350 684 MYS 14.3351 137, 1216–1217 MYS 14.3353 625 MYS 14.3354 97, 136, 156, 610, 854, 1005, 1045 MYS 14.3356 192 MYS 14.3358a 204 MYS 14.3359 156, 248 MYS 14.3361 235, 284 MYS 14.3362 95–96 MYS 14.3363 177, 196, 214 MYS 14.3364 489 MYS 14.3365 621 MYS 14.3367 95, 97 MYS 14.3368 594, 768, 1134 MYS 14.3369 99, 143, 317 MYS 14.3370 210, 473, 481, 491, 582, 729, 1125 MYS 14.3374 467, 887 MYS 14.3375 97, 136, 190, 211, 547, 642, 710, 744, 840, 1173 MYS 14.3376 302, 424, 1019 MYS 14.3376a 654 MYS 14.3377 325 MYS 14.3378 225, 515, 589, 604 MYS 14.3379 178, 214, 225, 296, 1153 MYS 14.3382 243, 670 MYS 14.3383 244, 424, 437, 1185 MYS 14.3384 156, 211, 227, 500, 567 MYS 14.3385 670, 842, 1092 MYS 14.3386 277 MYS 14.3387 100, 144, 653, 710, 1139 MYS 14.3388 642, 768, 893 MYS 14.3389 1015 MYS 14.3393 127 MYS 14.3395 865, 1005, 1011 MYS 14.3396 654 MYS 14.3397 296, 488, 567, 729, 1134 MYS 14.3398 320 MYS 14.3399 596–597, 775 MYS 14.3401 654, 961, 972, 1161 MYS 14.3402 179 MYS 14.3404 179, 234, 296, 489, 529, 567, 642, 678, 710, 729, 1134 MYS 14.3405 160, 359, 568, 1079, 1182 MYS 14.3406 1223 MYS 14.3407 1176 MYS 14.3408 156, 225, 467

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Index of the Examples from the Texts MYS 14.3409 1214 MYS 14.3410 424 MYS 14.3411 157, 259, 410, 1218 MYS 14.3412 209, 630 MYS 14.3414 199, 865 MYS 14.3415 100, 437, 501, 1125 MYS 14.3417 840 MYS 14.3418 302 MYS 14.3423 893 MYS 14.3424 93, 206, 211, 289, 384 MYS 14.3425 189–190, 244, 489, 546–547, 589, 653, 710, 854, 1173 MYS 14.3426 178, 431, 468, 568, 655, 662, 684, 711, 744, 768 MYS 14.3430 292 MYS 14.3431 434, 991, 1003 MYS 14.3434 178, 318, 431, 1046 MYS 14.3437 93, 989 MYS 14.3439 937, 1007 MYS 14.3444 182, 212, 226, 768 MYS 14.3445 594 MYS 14.3446 212 MYS 14.3447 162 MYS 14.3448 166, 199, 1140 MYS 14.3450 182, 205 MYS 14.3452 178, 416, 1054 MYS 14.3455 781 MYS 14.3456 402, 598, 898, 1040 MYS 14.3458 238, 473, 1170, 1173 MYS 14.3460 289 MYS 14.3461 162, 318, 578, 581 MYS 14.3463 403, 473, 547, 729, 803, 1152 MYS 14.3465 137, 296, 489, 501, 566, 594, 1153 MYS 14.3466 210, 671, 744 MYS 14.3467 488 MYS 14.3468 244, 353, 581, 791, 840, 1116 MYS 14.3469 915, 1102, 1166 MYS 14.3470 1029, 1217 MYS 14.3472 259, 318, 662, 1030 MYS 14.3474 308, 1191 MYS 14.3475 841, 898 MYS 14.3476 156, 219, 225, 568, 736 MYS 14.3478 244, 581, 1116 MYS 14.3480 431, 1152 MYS 14.3482a 404, 865, 1059 MYS 14.3483 532, 984, 1153 MYS 14.3484 582, 769, 1040 MYS 14.3485 482, 567, 698, 865, 957, 1102

1269

MYS 14.3487 437 MYS 14.3489 108, 211, 420, 466, 630, 642–643, 816 MYS 14.3491 501 MYS 14.3493 100, 166, 244, 581, 1116 MYS 14.3493a 108, 144, 621, 1092 MYS 14.3494 199, 224, 244, 296, 385, 568, 729, 1079 MYS 14.3497 842 MYS 14.3498 769 MYS 14.3501 515 MYS 14.3502 1191 MYS 14.3506 267, 755 MYS 14.3509 566, 678, 711, 745, 1116 MYS 14.3512 329, 467, 566, 803, 1048 MYS 14.3513 318 MYS 14.3514 206, 226, 467, 566, 604, 643, 855, 1191 MYS 14.3517 595, 841, 855, 1003 MYS 14.3518 512, 775, 1214 MYS 14.3520 210 MYS 14.3522 93, 189, 547, 754–755, 842 MYS 14.3523 1190 MYS 14.3524 167, 234, 403, 671, 684, 711, 745, 1102 MYS 14.3525 206, 1022 MYS 14.3526 331, 357, 565, 736, 801 MYS 14.3527 1204 MYS 14.3529 52, 742, 745, 751, 755 MYS 14.3530 144, 1170 MYS 14.3531 205, 210, 569, 801, 828, 843 MYS 14.3533 420 MYS 14.3534 893 MYS 14.3536 193, 302, 481, 500, 567, 1134 MYS 14.3538 193, 225, 271, 1182 MYS 14.3541 745, 783, 801 MYS 14.3543 1022, 1056 MYS 14.3544 245, 687, 802 MYS 14.3546 245 MYS 14.3547 433, 1219 MYS 14.3548 630, 1192 MYS 14.3549 189, 193, 226, 306, 1153 MYS 14.3555 1176 MYS 14.3556 1015 MYS 14.3557 157, 604, 710–711, 1015 MYS 14.3559 841 MYS 14.3562 525, 567, 642, 1125

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1270

Index of the Examples from the Texts

MYS 14.3563 226, 235, 267, 736, 898, 1092, 1135 MYS 14.3564 297 MYS 14.3565 281, 1126 MYS 14.3566 783 MYS 14.3572 297, 578, 581 MYS 14.3576 318, 417, 1134 MYS 14.3577 841 MYS 15.3578 176, 787 MYS 15.3579 478, 609, 657, 1044 MYS 15.3581 294, 788, 1148, 1158 MYS 15.3582 392, 586, 912 MYS 15.3584 422, 659, 723, 849, 1178 MYS 15.3586 1049 MYS 15.3591 480, 557, 676, 813, 836, 883, 1078 MYS 15.3592 514 MYS 15.3593 308–309 MYS 15.3597 116, 149, 542, 751 MYS 15.3598 613, 852, 949, 980 MYS 15.3601 991 MYS 15.3603 146, 982, 1144 MYS 15.3604 363, 577, 677, 809, 852, 1086, 1120 MYS 15.3612 154, 681, 1138 MYS 15.3613 345 MYS 15.3614 146, 155, 165, 601, 700, 781, 809 MYS 15.3618 896 MYS 15.3619 1010 MYS 15.3621 176, 314 MYS 15.3624 950 MYS 15.3625 57, 135, 524, 706, 753, 809, 1086, 1187 MYS 15.3626 105–106, 437, 1219 MYS 15.3627 103–104, 978, 1010, 1180 MYS 15.3628 1010 MYS 15.3629 586, 798, 816, 964, 988 MYS 15.3633 478, 557, 577, 649, 809, 982, 1120 MYS 15.3636 592 MYS 15.3637 314 MYS 15.3638 56, 262, 266, 1122, 1124 MYS 15.3639 295, 297, 577–578, 749, 860, 1129 MYS 15.3649 516, 639, 852, 886, 1099, 1201 MYS 15.3653 154, 202, 733 MYS 15.3657 223, 328, 580, 733, 810, 1086, 1121, 1165 MYS 15.3658 951, 984

MYS 15.3659 213, 310, 499, 558, 635, 733, 1071, 1130 MYS 15.3661 112, 133 MYS 15.3665 149, 154, 169, 382, 1099 MYS 15.3667 216, 264, 397, 615, 792, 796, 955 MYS 15.3668 400, 666, 849, 883, 1144, 1159 MYS 15.3669 641, 822, 957, 959, 1124 MYS 15.3671 150, 177, 609 MYS 15.3672 545, 871, 952 MYS 15.3674 107, 195, 629, 641, 959 MYS 15.3675 799, 832, 1148 MYS 15.3676 978, 1150, 1169 MYS 15.3677 796 MYS 15.3678 106–108, 141, 542, 753, 863 MYS 15.3680 107–108 MYS 15.3684 175, 292, 316, 430, 480, 558, 626, 629, 706, 722, 754, 1002, 1133 MYS 15.3685 823, 852 MYS 15.3686 814, 861, 876 MYS 15.3687 151, 586, 603, 659, 810 MYS 15.3688 54, 379, 470, 828, 833, 942, 1007, 1021, 1149 MYS 15.3689 158–159, 224, 300, 304, 497, 542, 660, 683, 720 MYS 15.3690 967, 1023, 1124 MYS 15.3691 112, 185, 531, 577, 810, 849, 957, 1091, 1121, 1139, 1165 MYS 15.3694 57, 153–154, 419, 726 MYS 15.3696 195, 1134 MYS 15.3699 686, 734, 852 MYS 15.3700 148, 681, 1144 MYS 15.3702 597, 681, 810, 901, 964, 1019 MYS 15.3705 971 MYS 15.3706 700, 796 MYS 15.3708 150, 620, 751, 1072 MYS 15.3710 1010 MYS 15.3711 650, 706, 1072 MYS 15.3712 693, 788 MYS 15.3714 1184 MYS 15.3717 475, 592, 814, 1087 MYS 15.3718 480, 575, 886, 1072, 1114 MYS 15.3719 176–177, 691, 852 MYS 15.3721 967 MYS 15.3722 311 MYS 15.3723 726 MYS 15.3725 1031 MYS 15.3727 426, 463, 480, 552, 640, 734 MYS 15.3729 1023

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Index of the Examples from the Texts MYS 15.3731 476 MYS 15.3733 292–294, 401, 470, 578, 657, 838, 1130 MYS 15.3734 133, 416, 426, 791 MYS 15.3735 105–106, 134, 141, 461, 652, 694, 707, 749, 991 MYS 15.3737 414, 773, 823, 1044, 1100, 1165 MYS 15.3738 1023 MYS 15.3739 170, 397, 650–651, 788, 883, 954, 1100, 1193 MYS 15.3740 478, 953 MYS 15.3741 580, 652, 707, 1121, 1165 MYS 15.3742 197, 309, 470, 542, 641, 720 MYS 15.3743 419 MYS 15.3745 1001 MYS 15.3746 50 MYS 15.3747 233, 1061 MYS 15.3748 681, 1061 MYS 15.3749 197, 232, 311, 911, 914 MYS 15.3751 586, 647, 707, 796 MYS 15.3754 70 MYS 15.3757 269, 575, 810, 836, 853, 1044, 1076, 1079, 1114 MYS 15.3758 734, 872, 1087, 1149, 1180 MYS 15.3758a 1190 MYS 15.3760 105, 398 MYS 15.3762 822, 960 MYS 15.3765 932, 970–971 MYS 15.3766 986 MYS 15.3767 937 MYS 15.3772 666, 799, 832, 839, 870, 883, 1026 MYS 15.3773 133, 609, 815, 959 MYS 15.3774 597, 904–905, 964 MYS 15.3775 652, 677, 694, 707 MYS 15.3776 609, 695–696, 796, 838, 1087, 1145 MYS 15.3777 637, 1100, 1159, 1180 MYS 15.3778 198, 213, 221, 587 MYS 15.3780 587, 660, 1121 MYS 15.3781 1024 MYS 15.3782 781 MYS 15.3783 265 MYS 15.3784 480 MYS 15.3785 241, 998 MYS 16.3786 466, 836 MYS 16.3791 57, 409, 517, 528, 742

1271

MYS 16.3793 423, 580, 747, 751, 894, 897 MYS 16.3796 1215, 1217 MYS 16.3798 1215, 1217 MYS 16.3811 388 MYS 16.3818 957, 1139 MYS 16.3826 1110, 1114 MYS 16.3827 70 MYS 16.3828 70–71 MYS 16.3831 70–71 MYS 16.3838 70 MYS 16.3840 70 MYS 16.3842 116 MYS 16.3846 70 MYS 16.3847 71 MYS 16.3851 70 MYS 16.3856 71 MYS 16.3858 70 MYS 16.3868 384 MYS 16.3873 452 MYS 16.3875 657, 767, 1173 MYS 16.3878 974, 1220 MYS 16.3879 757, 847, 1220 MYS 16.3883 261, 1187, 1203 MYS 16.3884 160, 734, 826, 1087, 1132 MYS 16.3885 237, 470 MYS 16.3886 155, 169, 222, 294, 578, 580, 734, 815, 960, 1121 MYS 17.3890 116 MYS 17.3891 56, 309, 652, 707 MYS 17.3893 575, 839, 1114 MYS 17.3895 968, 1100, 1159 MYS 17.3896 475, 552, 814 MYS 17.3900 613, 1159 MYS 17.3902 478, 484, 545, 636, 646, 677, 683, 701–702, 722, 954, 1072 MYS 17.3904 311, 620, 677, 708, 1079 MYS 17.3905 657, 681, 861, 1145 MYS 17.3906 976 MYS 17.3907 929–930 MYS 17.3908 930 MYS 17.3910 658, 722, 870 MYS 17.3912 293–294 MYS 17.3913 1176 MYS 17.3914 351, 789 MYS 17.3916 738 MYS 17.3919 853 MYS 17.3922 197, 382, 399, 558, 669, 930

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1272

Index of the Examples from the Texts

MYS 17.3923 558, 669, 1127, 1132 MYS 17.3924 283, 490, 796, 1091 MYS 17.3925 488, 554, 615, 797 MYS 17.3928 426, 660, 751, 1149 MYS 17.3933 521, 578, 722, 810, 1114 MYS 17.3934 402, 791 MYS 17.3936 1025, 1125, 1180 MYS 17.3938 686, 1185 MYS 17.3940 897 MYS 17.3941 525 MYS 17.3942 694, 797, 824, 1024 MYS 17.3943 799, 892 MYS 17.3947 379, 490 MYS 17.3950 287, 629, 717, 1130 MYS 17.3951 788, 821, 872 MYS 17.3953 275, 429, 734 MYS 17.3957 233, 237, 470, 519, 563, 697, 792, 799, 861, 873, 1045 MYS 17.3958 91, 93, 393, 497, 836, 861, 1045 MYS 17.3960 1029 MYS 17.3962 272, 283, 311, 314, 409, 412, 433, 500, 520, 542, 558, 722, 735, 767, 797, 978, 1072, 1089, 1130, 1159, 1187 MYS 17.3966 735, 781 MYS 17.3967 295, 1006, 1130 MYS 17.3969 49, 269, 278, 419–420, 422, 525, 635, 686, 707, 823, 960–961, 1089, 1100, 1188 MYS 17.3973 233, 691, 950, 1025 MYS 17.3976 824, 1024 MYS 17.3977 1111, 1115 MYS 17.3978 52, 353, 525, 531, 669, 815, 998, 1013, 1072, 1185, 1190 MYS 17.3980 478, 535, 546, 649, 666, 677, 682, 702, 708, 883, 1024, 1072 MYS 17.3981 749, 886 MYS 17.3982 738 MYS 17.3985 52, 414, 1000, 1125 MYS 17.3990 53, 1176 MYS 17.3991 518, 638, 677, 708, 861, 1002, 1206 MYS 17.3992 1014, 1206 MYS 17.3993 525, 832, 853 MYS 17.3994 814, 1091 MYS 17.3996 105, 195, 213, 368, 423, 658, 849–850, 915, 1145 MYS 17.3997 105, 513 MYS 17.3999 423

MYS 17.4000 1021, 1053, 1091, 1181 MYS 17.4001 476–477, 615 MYS 17.4003 666, 884, 968, 1203 MYS 17.4004 979, 982, 988 MYS 17.4006 97, 141, 278, 408, 423, 431, 918 MYS 17.4008 93, 504, 518, 521, 773, 897, 977–978 MYS 17.4009 118 MYS 17.4010 121, 461, 1139, 1176 MYS 17.4011 164, 266, 348, 356, 364, 380, 398, 408, 415, 491, 517, 519, 660, 832, 986, 990, 1010, 1031, 1091, 1181 MYS 17.4013 283 MYS 17.4014 58, 106, 136, 148, 438, 470–471, 543, 635, 649, 708, 725, 833 MYS 17.4018a 950 MYS 17.4019 1002 MYS 17.4023 346, 884 MYS 17.4024 629, 781, 1159 MYS 17.4025 207, 965 MYS 17.4031 286, 382, 464 MYS 18.4035 265 MYS 18.4036 301, 478, 563, 718, 782, 1003 MYS 18.4037 519, 537, 694, 791 MYS 18.4038 311 MYS 18.4039 650, 708, 1181 MYS 18.4041 827 MYS 18.4042 968 MYS 18.4043 1031 MYS 18.4049 388, 1100 MYS 18.4051 1001 MYS 18.4052 580, 686, 1165 MYS 18.4054 265, 587 MYS 18.4056 609 MYS 18.4058 338, 356, 620, 1087 MYS 18.4060 384, 824 MYS 18.4067 718, 782 MYS 18.4069 1059 MYS 18.4070 276, 288, 360, 563, 837 MYS 18.4071 111, 113, 181, 393, 436, 576, 1115, 1160 MYS 18.4072 314, 497, 543, 735, 821, 1073, 1094, 1101 MYS 18.4073 872, 884, 1073, 1115 MYS 18.4077 1021 MYS 18.4080 183, 189, 474–475, 497, 708–709, 788, 811, 853, 870, 1076, 1121

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Index of the Examples from the Texts MYS 18.4086 433, 1145 MYS 18.4087 832, 864 MYS 18.4089 309 MYS 18.4090 522 MYS 18.4091 1051 MYS 18.4092 563, 999 MYS 18.4094 52, 116, 152, 171, 187, 224, 257, 270, 324, 431, 461, 484, 491, 532, 619–620, 683, 742–743, 799, 897, 905, 925, 934, 942, 991, 1016, 1091, 1101, 1159 MYS 18.4096 380, 592, 791 MYS 18.4098 260, 379, 462, 576, 718, 925, 930, 1014, 1115 MYS 18.4099 222, 522, 543, 613, 767, 923 MYS 18.4101 348, 358, 1139 MYS 18.4105 348, 356, 682 MYS 18.4106 511, 525, 635, 647, 691, 725, 834, 952, 1088 MYS 18.4107 480, 619, 735, 1030, 1133 MYS 18.4109 1027, 1165 MYS 18.4111 353, 394, 471, 552, 615, 884, 945, 974 MYS 18.4112 1027 MYS 18.4116 767, 870, 945 MYS 18.4117 1169 MYS 18.4118 421–422, 532, 669, 1045, 1088, 1122, 1166 MYS 18.4120 697, 1051, 1145 MYS 18.4121 70 MYS 18.4122 275, 429, 511, 669, 908, 952, 968, 980 MYS 18.4125 270, 429, 873, 956, 981, 1090, 1185, 1206–1207 MYS 18.4126 658, 800 MYS 18.4129 976, 1169 MYS 18.4130 825 MYS 18.4133 266, 939, 1151, 1203 MYS 18.4135 1052 MYS 18.4136 691, 861, 1073 MYS 19.4154 278, 464, 543, 825, 968, 977–978, 1047, 1122 MYS 19.4156 827 MYS 19.4163 1061 MYS 19.4165 1054 MYS 19.4167 692, 1092 MYS 19.4168 1049 MYS 19.4169 420 MYS 19.4176 1014

1273

MYS 19.4179 514, 774, 1019 MYS 19.4191 526, 529, 592, 660, 1160 MYS 19.4192 974 MYS 19.4193a 790, 853, 862, 974 MYS 19.4195 305, 1131 MYS 19.4199 558, 1101 MYS 19.4209 394, 697, 811, 981 MYS 19.4212 208 MYS 19.4219 999, 1149 MYS 19.4220 50, 985–986, 988, 1031 MYS 19.4221 1193 MYS 19.4222 464, 514, 555, 718, 782, 862 MYS 19.4226 1213 MYS 19.4227 1019 MYS 19.4228 515, 587, 603 MYS 19.4230 175 MYS 19.4231 800, 887, 1045, 1146 MYS 19.4237 1151 MYS 19.4240 118, 587 MYS 19.4242 1049 MYS 19.4245 984 MYS 19.4254 402 MYS 19.4262 378, 934, 965 MYS 19.4268 872, 887 MYS 19.4273 532, 720 MYS 19.4274 348, 356 MYS 19.4275 930 MYS 19.4281 968, 1024 MYS 19.4284 511, 815, 960 MYS 20.4293 774, 1101 MYS 20.4294 288, 1122 MYS 20.4295 477, 543, 601, 709, 1007 MYS 20.4298 519, 945, 1014 MYS 20.4301 384 MYS 20.4302 872, 884, 912 MYS 20.4303 874, 956, 1207 MYS 20.4304 351, 692, 1073, 1139 MYS 20.4305 950 MYS 20.4308 726 MYS 20.4316 735, 797 MYS 20.4321 190, 1126, 1170 MYS 20.4322 403, 616, 1192 MYS 20.4323 124, 296, 582, 653, 711, 725, 840, 965, 972, 1103 MYS 20.4324 877, 1161 MYS 20.4329 346, 1140 MYS 20.4331 709, 743, 875, 912, 965 MYS 20.4333 958

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1274

Index of the Examples from the Texts

MYS 20.4334 1019 MYS 20.4338 137, 179, 426, 566, 816 MYS 20.4339 604, 817, 965 MYS 20.4341 893, 1152 MYS 20.4343 226, 501, 736, 1080 MYS 20.4345 114, 569, 1080, 1093 MYS 20.4346 403, 501, 529, 567, 589, 841, 865, 898, 1103 MYS 20.4349 346, 349, 1011 MYS 20.4351 339, 362, 410, 679, 1028, 1161 MYS 20.4355 481, 565, 698, 755 MYS 20.4356 1059 MYS 20.4358 671, 842, 966, 987 MYS 20.4359 312, 802, 933, 1153, 1161 MYS 20.4360 190, 270, 616, 670, 749, 785, 833, 905, 917, 923, 925, 934 MYS 20.4361 920–921, 1051 MYS 20.4363 589, 902 MYS 20.4364 791–792 MYS 20.4365 190 MYS 20.4366 1140 MYS 20.4367 605, 824 MYS 20.4368 404, 522, 589, 1080 MYS 20.4369 416 MYS 20.4372 325, 940, 944, 969 MYS 20.4373 404, 473, 489 MYS 20.4375 802, 877, 1205 MYS 20.4376 417, 653, 711, 817, 944, 1103 MYS 20.4379 999 MYS 20.4380 972 MYS 20.4381 999 MYS 20.4382 417, 481, 547 MYS 20.4383 1140 MYS 20.4385 515 MYS 20.4386 122, 312, 335, 360, 825, 916, 1093 MYS 20.4387 802 MYS 20.4388 94, 468, 547, 643, 783, 842, 855, 888 MYS 20.4389 910 MYS 20.4391 426, 933 MYS 20.4392 308–309, 662, 1011 MYS 20.4393 946 MYS 20.4394 417 MYS 20.4395 1061 MYS 20.4396 479, 610, 658, 682, 838 MYS 20.4397 286 MYS 20.4398 395, 399, 430, 638, 709, 892, 986, 1073

MYS 20.4400 959 MYS 20.4401 114, 178, 565, 987 MYS 20.4403 385, 568, 817, 1151–1152 MYS 20.4404 888, 1152 MYS 20.4405 621, 1040, 1173 MYS 20.4406 410, 1140 MYS 20.4407 1185 MYS 20.4408 116, 149, 272, 284, 462–463, 505, 511, 519, 522, 529, 587–588, 603, 635, 650, 709, 767, 782, 790, 811, 824, 901, 915, 926–927, 932, 940, 972, 976, 981, 1005–1006, 1079, 1092, 1188, 1201 MYS 20.4409 480–481, 684, 942, 1133 MYS 20.4413 91, 94, 417 MYS 20.4415 1012, 1166, 1170 MYS 20.4418 245 MYS 20.4419 210 MYS 20.4420 234, 267, 473, 595, 662 MYS 20.4421 605 MYS 20.4424 610, 940 MYS 20.4425 289 MYS 20.4426 235, 916 MYS 20.4427 616 MYS 20.4431 337, 362, 792, 801–802 MYS 20.4432 482, 565, 712 MYS 20.4433 121, 465, 553, 864, 1151 MYS 20.4437 1024, 1027 MYS 20.4438 270, 593, 864 MYS 20.4440 289, 484, 559, 720, 821, 1131 MYS 20.4445 1028 MYS 20.4447 477, 694, 709 MYS 20.4448 1177–1178 MYS 20.4449 481, 559, 692, 697, 718, 1088, 1149 MYS 20.4455 910 MYS 20.4457 515, 588, 604 MYS 20.4459 320, 950 MYS 20.4460 1025 MYS 20.4461 402, 1101 MYS 20.4462 57 MYS 20.4463 619 MYS 20.4465 383, 597, 738, 743, 782, 811, 858, 862, 925, 930, 1088 MYS 20.4466 389, 412 MYS 20.4467 1016 MYS 20.4468 601 MYS 20.4469 1010 MYS 20.4470 743, 862, 1028, 1160

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Index of the Examples from the Texts MYS 20.4475 353, 394, 463, 588, 640, 1074 MYS 20.4478 384 MYS 20.4480 664, 667, 749, 862, 1160, 1169, 1181 MYS 20.4481 537, 581, 862, 884, 1122 MYS 20.4482 624, 754, 885 MYS 20.4483 968 MYS 20.4484 399, 553, 743, 1074 MYS 20.4487 514, 1213 MYS 20.4492 1022 MYS 20.4493 1058 MYS 20.4496 564, 651, 709–709, 774, 887 MYS 20.4497 564, 709–710, 913 MYS 20.4499 920, 1160 MYS 20.4503 537, 1025, 1149 MYS 20.4510 613, 767, 923 MYS 20.4512 601, 811, 974, 1190 MYS 20.4514 698, 701 MYS 20.4516 353 NK 3 202, 209, 508, 585, 602, 680, 763, 963, 980 NK 4 103, 142 NK 5 619–620, 636 NK 6 396, 495, 545, 674, 1076 NK 8 216, 231, 1171 NK 9 111 NK 12 184, 740 NK 15 313, 383 NK 16 332 NK 17 332, 603 NK 18 183, 187, 412 NK 18a 725 NK 19 889–890, 1147 NK 21 56, 185, 221, 408 NK 22 91, 159 NK 24 508, 628, 763 NK 26 339–340 NK 27 1221 NK 28 966 NK 29 600, 647, 682, 703, 1069 NK 35 319 NK 36 689, 830 NK 38 689, 835, 1096, 1156 NK 39 237, 584, 917, 919 NK 40 330, 518, 531, 576, 858, 1013, 1043, 1127 NK 41 527, 1118 NK 47 361, 415, 493, 1069, 1112, 1143

1275

NK 48 1112 NK 49 361 NK 50 96, 414, 1096 NK 56 623, 967, 1004 NK 57 758, 944 NK 58 834 NK 59 380 NK 60 603, 763 NK 61 213 NK 62 240, 763, 1119 NK 63 763, 1175 NK 65 264, 407, 680, 786 NK 66 685, 1006, 1179 NK 70 1018 NK 71 997 NK 72 983 NK 74 337, 361, 918 NK 75 287–288, 527, 941, 1128 NK 77 970 NK 78 198, 348, 392, 929 NK 79 99, 418, 463 NK 80 251, 287, 1128, 1172 NK 81a 509, 607, 651, 656, 703, 838, 954 NK 82 600, 750, 752, 858–859, 1076, 1078, 1112 NK 85 96, 175 NK 86 183, 187 NK 91 338 NK 92 476, 552, 656 NK 93 531, 692, 1156, 1168 NK 94 1189 NK 95 409, 596, 1200 NK 96 223, 772, 895, 948, 1020, 1060 NK 97 509, 1004 NK 98 185 NK 99 54, 300, 866, 868, 1097 NK 102 350–351, 435, 929, 1137, 1156 NK 103 99, 111, 140, 476, 612, 656, 764, 1069 NK 104 243, 414, 462, 579, 638, 723, 833, 1069, 1119, 1122, 1221 NK 105 421 NK 107 99, 140, 147 NK 108 208, 286, 472, 628, 680, 764, 1097, 1119, 1163, 1168 NK 110 779, 839, 1097 NK 111 223 NK 114 292, 382, 483, 556, 638, 704, 963, 970, 1009, 1147

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1276 NK 115 732, 859 NK 116 132, 293, 392, 1084, 1128, 1156, 1182 NK 117 397, 692, 750, 831, 955 NK 118 822 NK 119 623, 753, 807, 1037 NK 124 50, 618 NK 127 338, 361, 1020, 1183 NK 128 293–294, 422, 469, 509 NR 1.2 320 NR 2.2 564, 812, 1181 NR 2.33 243, 288, 465, 494, 500, 1102 NS 5.166 51 NS 6.189 378, 387 NS 9.246 378 NSK 1.35.7 121 NT 1 392, 529, 727 NT 10 380, 491 NT 12 502, 812 NT 15 723 OM 1 258 OS 1.14 935 OS 1.17 90, 671–672 OS 1.25 643, 979 OS 1.30 977 OS 1.33 468, 589, 644, 685, 769, 1080 OS 1.36 115, 663, 737 OS 1.37 526, 685, 817, 1080 OS 1.39 977 OS 1.40 526, 817 OS 1.7 712 OS 1.8 643, 979 OS 2.47 182, 590 OS 2.75 803 OS 3.112 90 OS 3.132 935 OS 3.147 352 OS 3.88 94, 427, 987 OS 3.93 958, 985 OS 3.94 758 OS 3.99 312 OS 4.179 866, 1177 OS 5.213 1103 OS 5.214 969 OS 5.243 966 OS 5.265 737, 961 OS 6.312 335 OS 6.316 94

Index of the Examples from the Texts OS 6.331 1012 OS 7.349 354, 385, 973 OS 7.376 617, 961, 1080, 1135 OS 7.380 843, 1081 OS 7.384 730 OS 8.411 179, 590 OS 8.456 482, 571 OS 9.477 952 OS 10.513 769 OS 10.518 598, 1081 OS 10.521 737 OS 10.530 783 OS 10.531 533, 548, 644, 983 OS 10.532 405 OS 11.557 610 OS 11.559 610 OS 11.594 290, 783 OS 11.637 298 OS 12.657 474 OS 12.658 512, 818 OS 12.740 119 OS 12.741 571 OS 13.747 214, 236, 572, 644, 878 OS 13.763 626 OS 13.798 975 OS 13.813 350 OS 13.817 370, 712, 961, 1093 OS 13.824 712 OS 13.853 582–583, 818, 1116 OS 13.882 310 OS 13.898 329, 332, 336–337, 341, 572 OS 13.899 268, 583, 878, 1117 OS 13.902 784 OS 13.948 115 OS 13.951 987 OS 13.956 385 OS 13.958 730 OS 13.961 370 OS 13.981 989 OS 14.997 330, 359, 1008 OS 14.998 191, 250 OS 14.1025 123 OS 14.1031 605, 685 OS 14.1032 364 OS 14.1043 94 OS 16.1143 191 OS 16.1155 236 OS 16.1157 290, 961, 1081

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Index of the Examples from the Texts OS 16.1161 946 OS 17.1222 385 OS 19.1302 268 OS 19.1321 333 OS 20.1385 1104 OS 21.1411 583, 818 OS 22.1526 572 OS 22.1535 236 RGJ 82 404–405 RK 11 339–341 RK 20 303, 924 RK 437 191, 427 RK 485 330, 357 RK 617 229, 291, 663, 1093 RK 725 303, 468, 548–549, 818 RK 1240 100, 125 RK 1243 273, 605 RK 1531 229 RK 1773 101 RK 2673 325 RK 2766 321 RK 3888 307, 482, 548–549 RK 4666 315 RKJ 435 502, 549, 878 RKJ 1983 90, 94, 100, 179, 200, 245–246, 261, 273, 298, 303, 306, 310, 312–313, 315, 320, 325–326, 329–337, 339–340, 350, 354, 357, 364–365 SM 1 123, 160, 165, 413, 484, 800, 906, 926, 928, 936 SM 2 172, 488, 555, 870, 1106, 1160 SM 3 260, 560, 636, 906, 913, 918, 921, 1106 SM 4 124 SM 5 247–248, 485, 837, 908 SM 6 113, 127, 155, 356, 498, 906, 934, 943 SM 7 171–172, 186, 188, 198, 388, 413, 465, 484–485, 544, 555, 597, 853, 913 SM 9 72–73, 938, 969 SM 10 602, 906, 921, 1107 SM 11 73 SM 12 72–73, 128, 933, 943 SM 13 72–73, 171, 560, 906, 913, 928, 1088, 1107, 1166 SM 14 1201 SM 15 560, 667, 854, 936, 1107

1277

SM 16 117, 124, 477, 553, 588, 928, 931, 1107 SM 17 117–118, 322, 324, 477, 546, 619, 754 SM 18 73, 1003 SM 19 72–73, 113, 118, 128, 169, 592, 726 SM 21 171, 863, 871 SM 24 72 SM 25 73, 500, 697, 726–727, 863, 874, 907, 926–928, 950, 956, 1014, 1017, 1107–1108, 1199 SM 26 73, 624, 678, 909, 928, 938, 941 SM 27 73, 436, 624, 727, 848, 854, 1074, 1089, 1108 SM 28 72–73, 128, 170, 257, 498, 544, 594, 727, 774, 874, 907, 929, 931, 936, 943, 1074 SM 29 247, 1040 SM 30 885 SM 31 172 SM 32 1017 SM 33 260, 389, 393, 719, 774, 875 SM 34 73, 128–129, 488, 544, 811, 864, 874, 943 SM 35 72–73, 129 SM 36 72–73, 775, 864, 909, 922, 926–927, 931, 936, 943, 1108, 1133, 1151, 1215 SM 37 117–118, 388, 413, 460, 1075 SM 38 72–73, 118, 937, 939 SM 39 118, 182, 908, 1075 SM 41 72–73, 129, 910 SM 42 72–73, 129, 790, 929, 932, 957 SM 43 72–73, 117, 182, 532, 939 SM 44 73, 129, 257, 392, 461, 553, 722, 797, 812, 871, 908, 943 SM 45 72–73, 621, 624, 775, 876, 907, 939 SM 46 434, 560–561, 670, 874, 921–922, 935, 1108–1109 SM 48 72–73 SM 50 72 SM 51 738, 743, 976, 1150 SM 52 248 SM 53 72, 122 SM 54 72–73 SM 55 72 SM 57 739, 744, 1188, 1191 SM 58 622, 624, 1109 SM 59 73 SM 61 72–73, 698, 922, 1109

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1278 SM 62 72–73, 114, 129, 944, 974 SNK 4 379, 389, 393, 544, 812, 915, 932 SNK 5 1115 SNK 6 89, 140, 351 SNK 8 111, 113, 1102 SP 6.1 131 SP 6.7 246 SSI 276, 464, 947 TN 43.15 345 TS 1 1042 TS 2 1111

Index of the Examples from the Texts WS 6.9 304 WS II.5 238 YP 2 131, 713 YP 3 770 YP 18 131 YP 20 406 YP 21 1136 YP 25 843 YP 49 728 YP 50 238 YP 89 1136

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