A Brief History of the Chinese Language VI: Middle Chinese Lexicon 2 [1 ed.] 9781003365570

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A Brief History of the Chinese Language VI

As the sixth volume of a multivolume set on the Chinese language, this book studies the influence of foreign culture on the Middle Chinese lexicon and the development of synonyms, idioms, and proverbs during the period. Focusing on lexicons in Middle Chinese, the middle form of the Chinese language used between the 4th century ce and the 12th century ce, this book first analyzes loanwords in Middle Chinese, a product of cultural exchange with western regions on the Silk Road and the impact of Buddhism. It then discusses the differences in meaning between monosyllables and polysyllables. The final chapter describes enriching idioms and proverbs and the major sources of words, including classical works, Buddhist texts, and the spoken language. Illustrated with abundant examples, this comprehensive groundwork on Chinese lexical history will be a must-read for scholars and students studying ancient Chinese language and linguistics and especially for beginning learners of the Middle Chinese lexicon. Xi Xiang is Professor at Sichuan University (China) and a distinguished linguist. His research interests are focused on Chinese language history and Chinese linguistics. His major works include A Brief History of Chinese, the Dictionary of Poetry Classics, Commentary on the Translation of Poetry Classics, Dictionary of Ancient Chinese Knowledge, and the Concise Ancient Chinese Dictionary, among others.

Chinese Linguistics

Chinese Linguistics series selects representative and frontier works in linguistic disciplines including lexicology, grammar, phonetics, dialectology, philology and rhetoric. Mostly published in Chinese before, the selection has had far-reaching influence on China’s linguistics and offered inspiration and reference for the world’s linguistics. The aim of this series is to reflect the general level and latest development of Chinese linguistics from an overall and objective view. Titles in this series currently include

A Brief History of the Chinese Language IV Old Chinese Lexicon Xi Xiang A Brief History of the Chinese Language V Middle Chinese Lexicon 1 Xi Xiang A Brief History of the Chinese Language VI Middle Chinese Lexicon 2 Xi Xiang A Brief History of the Chinese Language VII Modern Chinese Lexicon 1 Xi Xiang A Brief History of the Chinese Language VIII Modern Chinese Lexicon 2 Xi Xiang Modern Chinese Complex Sentences III Adversative Type XING Fuyi For more information, please visit www.routledge.com/Chinese-Linguistics/ book-series/CL

A Brief History of the Chinese Language VI

Middle Chinese Lexicon 2

Xi Xiang

This translation is published with financial support from the Chinese Fund for the Humanities and Social Sciences (20WYYB011) First published in English 2023 by Routledge 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2023 Xi Xiang Translated by Hulin Ren, Lifei Wang, Xiaofeng Zhan, Zihui Yang, Gang Dong, Li Xia, Yikun Li and Tanith Booth The right of Xi Xiang to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. English version by permission of The Commercial Press, Ltd. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Xiang, Xi, author. | Ren, Hulin, translator. Title: A brief history of the Chinese language / Xi Xiang ; translated by Hulin Ren [and 7 others]. Other titles: Jian ming han yu shi. English Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2023. | Series: Chinese linguistics | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Contents: v. 1. The basics of Chinese phonetics—v. 2. From old Chinese to middle Chinese phonetic system—v. 3. From middle Chinese to modern Chinese phonetic system. Identifiers: LCCN 2022025941 (print) | LCCN 2022025942 (ebook) | ISBN 9781032381077 (vol. 1 ; hardback) | ISBN 9781032381107 (vol. 1 ; paperback) | ISBN 9781032381084 (vol. 2 ; hardback) | ISBN 9781032381114 (vol. 2 ; paperback) | ISBN 9781032381091 (vol. 3 ; hardback) | ISBN 9781032381121 (vol. 3 ; paperback) | ISBN 9781003343516 (vol. 1 ; ebook) | ISBN 9781003343523 (vol. 2 ; ebook) | ISBN 9781003343530 (vol. 3 ; ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Chinese language—Phonetics—History. | Chinese language—History. Classification: LCC PL1205 .X5313 2023 (print) | LCC PL1205 (ebook) | DDC 495.1/15—dc23/eng/20220718 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022025941 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022025942 ISBN: 978-1-032-43062-1 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-032-43068-3 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-36557-0 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003365570 Typeset in Times New Roman by Apex CoVantage, LLC

Contents

1

The influence of foreign culture on the development of the Middle Chinese lexicon

2

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese

3

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese

118

Bibliography Index

167 168

1 72

1

1.1

The influence of foreign culture on the development of the Middle Chinese lexicon

Introduction

Foreign cultures have shaped the lexical development of Middle Chinese.1 From the Shang and Zhou dynasties on, Chinese people had contact with foreign peoples, in particular the Xiǎnyǔn 玁狁 (called Xiōngnú 匈奴 in the Han dynasty, Hun) peoples of the north and the Róng 戎 peoples of the west. Chinese and foreign languages influenced each other as well. During the reign of Emperor Wu 武 of Han, Zhang Qian 張騫 was sent to the Western Regions on a diplomatic mission; he reached the kingdoms Dàyuān 大宛 (located in the Fergana region west of the Tarim Basin), Kāngjū 康居 (north of Syr Darya River, near Kirghizia Prairie of Central Asia), and Dàxià 大夏 (north of Afghanistan), through which the transportation between China and the Western Regions began. From the Six dynasties on, transactions between China and the Western Regions were frequent, and hence the Silk Road was formed. In the East Han dynasty, Buddhism entered China, a considerable number of Buddhist sutras were translated into Chinese, which brought great changes to the Chinese lexicon. Due to the exchanges between Chinese and foreign peoples, there appeared a large number of loanwords in Chinese language as well as some new words denoting foreign things. Gradually, these loanwords mixed with native words, and some have remained in use up to the present.

1.2

Loanwords from the Western Regions and new words signifying new things

Loanwords from the Western Regions are mainly names of animals, plants, and daily objects. They enter Chinese language along with the entry of new things signified in China. Some examples are given as follows: Luòtuo 駱駝 (camel) is the transliteration of da da of Hunnish. The word entered Chinese language during the pre-Qin period, originally used as tuótuó 橐駞. Wánghuì 王會 [Assembly of Kings] of Yìzhōushū 逸周書 [Lost Book of Zhou] reads that “Qǐng lìng yǐ tuótuó . . . wéixiàn. 請令以橐駞 . . . . . . 為獻.” (Ask to present camels as gifts.) In Běishān jīng 北山經 [The Classic of the Northern Mountains] of Shānhǎijīng 山海經 [The Classic of Mountains and Seas], it is recorded that “Qíshòu duō tuótuó. 其獸多橐駞.” (Among the animals there, quite a large DOI: 10.4324/9781003365570-1

2

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese

number are camels.) From the Han dynasty, the word luòtuó 駱駞 was used. In Dàojī 道基 [On the Foundation of the Way] of Xīnyǔ 新語 [New Talks] by Lu Jia 陸賈 of the Han dynasty, it reads “Fú lǘluó luòtuo, xīxiàng dàimào, hǔpò shānhú, cuìyǔ zhūyù, shānshēng shuǐcáng, zédì érjū. 夫驢騾駱駞，犀象玳瑁，琥珀珊 瑚，翠羽珠玉，山生水藏，擇地而居.” (Donkey, mule, camel, rhino, elephant, hawksbill, amber, coral, gem, jade, whatever exists in mountains or waters is fit for the environment.) After the Six dynasties, luòtuo 駱駝 was commonly used. Volume eight of Bówùzhì 博物志 [Records of Diverse Matters] by Zhang Hua 張 華 of the Jin dynasty reads that “Jiē chéng luòtuo, luòtuo zhī shuǐmài, yù qí chù zhé tíng, bùkěnxíng. 皆乘駱駝，駱駝知水脈，遇其處輒停，不肯行.” (They all rode camels. Camels knew where there was water and would not start off wherever there was.) In Tuówèng jùshī yù 駝甕俱失喻 [An Allegory of Losing both Camel and Crock] of Bǎiyùjīng 百喻經 [One Hundred Buddhist Parables], translated by Qiunapidi 求那毗地 (Sanskrit. Gunavrddhi) of Qi, the Southern dynasties, it reads that “Luòtuo rùtóu wèng zhōng shígǔ, fù bù dé chū. 駱駝入頭甕中食 榖，復不得出.” (The camel put his head into the crock to eat the grain but was unable to pull it out.) The word could be shortened to tuó 駝, as in “Jìfù shā tuó, ér fù pò wèng. 既復殺駝，而復破甕.” (The camel was killed and the crock was broken.) In Qí gù ānlù zhāowáng bēiwén 齊故安陸昭王碑文 [Epitaph for Late Lord Zhao of Anlu, Qi] by Shen Yue 沈約 of Song of the Southern dynasties, it reads that “Zhēndié bùgǎn dōngkuī, tuómǎ bùgǎn nánmù. 偵諜不敢東窺，駝馬 不敢南牧.” (The spies dare not to pry east; camels are not led to the south.) Tuó 駝 could also be used with other morphemes to form attributive compounds, for example, míngtuó 明駝 (a sturdy camel), yùtuó 玉駝 (jade camel), yětuó 野駝 (wild camel), pìntuó 牝駝 (female camel), zǐtuó 紫駝 (purple camel), lǎotuó 老駝 (old camel), tuónáng 駝囊 (bags of camel skin), tuótí 駝蹄 (camel hoof), tuóbèi 駝背 (hunchback), tuógōu 駝鈎 (camel hook), etc. Shībǐ 師比 is also known as xībǐ 犀比, xiānbēi 鮮卑, xūpī 胥紕, xīpí 犀毗, which is the transliteration of the word serbi from the Hunnic language, meaning a metal peg with an image of beast. In the Zhào cè èr 趙策二 [Strategies of the State Zhao II] of Zhànguócè 戰國策 [Strategies of the Warring States], it reads that “[Zhàowǔlíngwáng] suì cì Zhōu Shào húfú yī guān, jùdài, huángjīn shībǐ, yǐchuán wáng zǐ yě. [趙武靈王] 遂賜周紹胡服衣冠、具帶、黃金師比，以傳 王子也.” (Thus, Lord Wuling of the Zhao rewarded Zhou Shao with the clothes of the Hu people, gold-ornamented waistband and pegs, and had him assist the royal prince.) In Zhāohún 招魂 [The Summons of the Soul] of Chǔcí 楚辭 [The Songs of Chu], it reads that “Jìnzhì xībǐ, fèibáirìxiē. 晉制犀比，費白日些.” (Winning a Jin-made peg would make up for a day’s labor.) In Dàzhāo 大招 [The Great Summons] of Chǔcí 楚辭, it reads that “Xiǎoyāo xiùjǐng, ruò xiānbēi zhǐ. 小腰 秀頸，若鮮卑只.” (The dancers are slender, with waists and necks as delicate as pegs.) In the Xiōngnú lièzhuàn 匈奴列傳 [The Collected Biographies of the Xiongnu 匈奴 (called Hun today) People] of the Shǐjì 史記 [Records of the Grand Historian], it reads that “Huáng jīn xūpī yī. 黃金胥紕一.” (One gold peg.) In the Xiōngnú zhuàn 匈奴傳 [History of Hun, the Barbarians] of Hànshū 漢書 [The Book of Han], it reads that “Xiàowén wèi xiōngnú huángjīn xīpí yī. 孝文遺匈奴

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese

3

黃金犀毗一.” (Emperor Xiaowen of the Western Han dynasty gave the Hun chief a gold peg.) Yan Shigu 顏師古 annotated that “Xīpí, húdài zhīgōu yě. yìyuē xiān bēi, yìwèi shībǐ, zǒng yíwù yě, yǔ yǒu qīng zhòng ěr. 犀毗，胡帶之鉤也. 亦曰 鮮卑，亦謂師比，總一物也，語有輕重耳.” (Xipi refers to the metal peg of the Hu people, who are also called xiānbēi 鮮卑 or shībǐ 師比. The words mean the same but with different connotations.) Suānní 狻麑 is also known as suānní 狻猊, meaning lion. The source could be the Sanskrit word siniba, or the Sogdian words šrγω, šarγs. In Shìshòu 释兽 [Explaining Beasts] of Ěryǎ 尔雅 [The Literary Expositor], it reads that “Suānní rú zhànmāo, shí hǔbào. 狻麑如虦猫，食虎豹.” (Suanni looks like a tiger with light-colored fur, feeding on tigers and leopards.) Guo Pu 郭璞 annotated that “Jí shīzi yě, chū xīyù, hàn Shùndì shí, shūlèwáng lái xiàn líniú jí shīzi. 即師子 也，出西域，漢順帝時，疏勒王來獻犎牛及師子.” [(It) refers to lions from the Western Regions. In the reign of Emperor Shundi of the Han dynasty, Prince Shule presented farming cattle and lions as tributes.] The scholar Hao Yixing 郝懿行 of the Qing dynasty annotated in Yìshū 义疏 [Subcommentary on Meanings of the Erya] that “Suān, xiān guān fǎn, suānní hé shēng wéi shī, guō yún jí shīzi yǐ. 狻， 先官反，狻麑合声为师，郭云即师子矣.” (Shi is the blend of suān 狻 and ní 麑 in sound; Guo Pu is called suānní 狻麑, also shīzi 师子.) In volume one of Mù tiānzǐ zhuàn 穆天子传 [Tale of King Mu, Son of Heaven], it reads that “Suānní, yěmǎ, zǒu wǔbǎi lǐ. 狻猊、野马，走五百里.” (Lions and wild horses can run 500 li (250 km) in one single day.) Xīngxing 猩猩 is a loanword from Hunnish, also written as xīngxīng 狌狌 or shēngshēng 生生. This word entered Chinese in the pre-Qin period. In Shìshòu 釋獸 [Explaining Wild Animals] of Ěryǎ 爾雅 [The Literary Expositor], it reads that “Xīngxing xiǎo ér hào tí. 猩猩小而好啼.” (The cries of orangutans sound like babies’ cries.)2 In Qǔlǐ 曲禮 [Summary of the Rules of Propriety] of Lǐjì 禮 記 [The Book of Rites], it is noted that “Xīngxing néngyán, bùlí zǒushòu. 猩猩能 言，不離走獸.” (Orangutans can imitate human voices, yet they are still beasts.) In Fàn lùn 氾論 [Boundless Discourses] of Huáinánzǐ 淮南子 [The Works of Master Huainan], it reads “Xīngxing zhī wǎng ér bùzhī lái. 猩猩知往而不知來.” (Orangutans know the past but could not foresee the future.) In Nánshān jīng 南山 經 [The Classic of the Southern Mountains] of Shānhǎijīng 山海經 [The Classic of Mountains and Seas], it reads that “[Quèshān] yǒu shòu yān, qí zhuàng rú yú ér bái’ ěr, fú xíng rén zǒu, qí míng yuē xīngxīng, shí zhī shàn zǒu. [鹊山] 有獸焉，其狀 如禺而白耳，伏行人走，其名曰狌狌，食之善走.” (In Mount Queshan lived an animal that looked like a long-tailed ape but had white ears. It crouched as it moved along, and it ran like a human. It was called xīngxīng 狌狌. Those who ate it would be good runners.) In Hǎi nèi nán jīng 海內南經 [The Classic of Regions within the Seas: The South] of Shānhǎijīng 山海經, it reads that “Xīngxīng zhī rénmíng, qí wéi shòu rú shǐ ér rénmiàn. 狌狌知人名，其為獸如豕而人面.” (The animal xīngxīng 狌狌 could remember people’s names, and it has the body of a pig and the head of a human.) In Wánghuì 王會 [Assembly of Kings] of Yìzhōushū 逸 周書 [Lost Book of Zhou], it reads that “Dūguō shēngshēng, qīyǔ shēngshēng, ruò huánggǒu, rénmiàn, néng yán. 都郭生生，欺羽生生，若黃狗，人面，能言.”

4

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese

(The tribe Duguo presents animals and the bird qiyu; the animal looks like a yellow dog with a human face, able to speak.) Kong Chao 孔晁 in the Jin dynasty noted that dūguō 都郭 refers to běidí 北狄, the ethic group Northern Di; shēngshēng 生 生 is an animal. The aforementioned are the loanwords in Chinese during the pre-Qin period. Hǔpò 琥珀 is also written as hǔpò 虎魄, the transliteration of the Turkic word xu bix or the Persian word kahrupai. It refers to the fossilized resin of pines and cypresses: the red ones are called hǔpò 琥珀, the yellow and translucent ones làpò 蠟珀. Hǔpò 琥珀 can be used as ornaments or medical herbs. In the Xīyù zhuàn 西 域傳 [Book of the City States of the Western Territories] of Hànshū 漢書 [The Book of the Han dynasty], it is recorded that “[Jìbīn guó] chū fēngniú, shuǐniú, xiàng, dàgǒu, mùhóu, kǒngjué, zhūjī, shānhú, hǔpò, bìliúlí. [罽賓國] 出封牛、水牛、 象、大狗、沐猴、孔爵、珠璣、珊瑚、虎魄、璧流離.” (The state Jibin (Kashmir) produces ox with a humped back, buffalo, elephant, large dog, macaque, peacock, pearls, coral, amber, and cat’s eyes.) In the third volume of Shíyí jì 拾遺 記 [Records of Gleanings] by Wang Jia 王嘉, scholar of the Eastern Jin dynasty, it is written that “yǒu Hán Fáng zhě, zì qúxū guó lái, xiàn yùtuó, gāo wǔzhàng, hǔpò fènghuáng, gāo liùchǐ. 有韓房者，自渠胥國來，獻玉駝，高五丈，虎魄鳳 凰，高六尺.” (Han Fang, who came from the state Quxu, offered a jade camel as tall as five zhàng (one zhàng is 3.33 meters), and an amber phoenix as tall as six chǐ (one chǐ is 0.33 meters).) In the section Yàowù 藥物 of Bówùzhì 博物志 [Records of Diverse Matters], Zhang Hua 張華 of the Jin dynasty cited from Shénxiān zhuàn 神仙傳 [The Biographies of the Deities and Immortals] that “Sōngbǎizhī rùdì, qiānnián huàwéi fúlíng, fúlíng huàwéi hǔpò, hǔpò yī míng jiāngzhū. 松柏 脂入地，千年化為茯苓，茯苓化為琥珀，琥珀一名江珠.” (After thousands of years, resin drops of pines and cypresses in the earth would turn into poria cocos, which would become ambers, which are also called jiāngzhū.) Jìnglù 徑路, also written as qīnglǚ 輕呂, is the transliteration of the Hunnish word king-luk, referring to wide-edged swords. In the Xiōngnú zhuàn 匈奴傳 [History of Hun, the Barbarians] of Hànshū 漢書 [The Book of Han], it reads that “Chányú yǐ jìnglù dāo, jīn liúlí náo jiǔ. 單于以徑路刀、金留犁撓酒.” [The chief stirred the wine with sword and golden spoon (fig. sign the agreement).] Yan Shigu 顏師古 quoted Ying Shao 應劭 that “Jìnglù, xiōngnú bǎodāo yě. 徑路，匈奴寶 刀也.” (Jinglu means sword of Hun.) The word also refers to a deity consecrated by the Huns. In Jiāo sì zhì zià 郊祀志下 [Treatise of Sacrifices II] of Hànshū 漢 書 [The Book of the Han dynasty], it reads that “Yúnyáng yǒu jìnglù shéncí, jì Xiutu wáng yě. 雲陽有徑路神祠，祭休屠王也.” (In Yunyang, there was a shrine honoring King Xiutu.) Yan Shigu 顏師古 annotated that Xiutu was a king of Hun; the deity Jinglu 徑路 was honored in the Hun shrines. Liúlí 琉璃, also known as liúlí 流璃, liúlí 流離, bìliúlí 碧琉璃, and bìliúlí 璧 流離, is the transliteration of the Sanskrit vernacular velūriya, meaning natural-colored glazes of various kinds. In Lìgēng 力耕 [Hold Fast the Plough] of Yántiělùn 鹽鐵論 [Discussion on Salt and Iron], Heng Kuan 桓寬 recorded that “Bìyù, shānhú, liúlí, xián wéi guó zhī bǎo. 碧玉、珊瑚、琉璃，咸為國之寶.” (Jade, coral, and colored glazes are all treasures of the country.) In Xīyù zhuàn 西

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 5 域傳 [The Book of the City States of the Western Territories] of Hànshū 漢書 [The Book of Han], it is written that “Jìbīn guó . . . chū . . . bìliúlí. 罽賓國 . . . 出 . . . 璧流離.” (The state of Jibin . . . produced . . . colored glaze.) Yan Shigu 顏師古 cited Meng Kang 孟康 that liúlí 流離 is green in color, like green jade. In Xījīng zájì 西京雜記 [Miscellaneous Records of the Western Capital] by Liu Xin 劉歆 of the Han dynasty, it is recorded that “Zácè wǔsè liúlí wéi jiànxiá. 雜廁五色琉 璃為劍匣.” (The sheath is made of colored glazes.) In the poem Tí shuǐyuè tái 題 水月臺 composed by Li She 李涉 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “shuǐ sì qíngtiān tiān sì shuǐ, liǎng chóng xīngdiǎn bìliúlí. 水似晴天天似水，兩重星點 碧琉璃.” (The water is as blue as the sky; the stars reflected in the water are as crystal as colored glaze.) Mùxū 苜蓿 (alfalfa), also known as mùsù 目宿, is the transliteration of the Iranian or Tayuen word buksuk or buxsux, referring to an herb and green manure crop, which today is called lóngxūcǎo 龍須草. The herb was introduced into China via Zhang Qian’s diplomatic mission to the Western Regions in the Western Han dynasty. In Dàyuān lièzhuàn 大宛列傳 [Records of the Country of Dayuan] of Shǐjì 史記 [Records of the Grand Historian], it is recorded that “Mǎshì mùxū, hànshǐ qǔ qí shí lái, yúshì tiānzǐ shǐzhòng mùxū, pútáo féiráo dì. 馬嗜苜蓿，漢 使取其實來，於是天子始種苜蓿、蒲陶肥饒地.” (The horses enjoyed alfalfa greatly, so the envoy of Han brought the seeds back. The emperor had alfalfa and grape planted on fertile lands.) In Xīyù zhuàn 西域傳 [The Book of the City States of the Western Territories] of Hànshū 漢書 [The Book of Han], it is recorded that “Hàn shǐ cǎi pútáo, mùsù zhǒng guī, tiānzǐ yǐ tiānmǎ duō, yòu wàiguó shǐ lái zhòng, yì zhòng pútáo mùsù, lígōng guǎn páng jí wàng yān. 漢使采蒲陶、目宿 種歸，天子以天馬多，又外國使來眾，益種蒲陶目宿，離宮館旁極望焉.” (The Han envoys brought some grapes and alfalfa seeds back. The emperor (was pleased) with the teams of fine horses and the crowds of foreign envoys, and had more grapes and alfalfa planted, so much so that fields of grape and alfalfa could be seen around the resort palaces.) Pútao 葡萄, or pútáo 蒲桃 or pútáo 蒲陶, is the transliteration of the Tayuen word bādaga. In Dàyuān lièzhuàn 大宛列傳 [Records of the Country of Dayuan] of Shǐjì 史記 [Records of the Grand Historian], it is recorded that “Dàyuān zài xiōngnú xīnán, zài hàn zhèngxī . . . yǒu pútáojiǔ, duō shànmǎ. 大宛在匈奴西 南，在汉正西 . . . 有蒲陶酒，多善马.” (The country Dayuan is in the southwest of Hun and the west of Han. . . . It produces wine and fine horses.) In Xīyù zhuàn 西域傳 [The Book of the City States of the Western Territories] of Hànshū 漢書 [The Book of Han], it is recorded that “[Jìbīnguó] zhòng wǔgǔ pútáo zhū guǒ. [罽 賓國] 种五谷蒲陶诸果.” ([In the state of Jibin] grains, grapes, and other fruits are grown.) In the poem Nányuàn féng měirén 南苑逢美人 [An Encounter with a Beauty in Nanyuan] composed by He Sicheng 何思澄 of the Southern Liang dynasty (502–557), a line reads “fēngjuǎn pútáo dài, rì zhào shíliú qún. 风卷蒲萄 带，日照石榴裙.” (Her green belt sways in the breeze; her dress of pomegranate color shines in the sunlight.) In the poem Gǔ cóng jūn xíng 古从军行 [Ancient Military Journey] by the Tang poet Li Qi 李颀, a line states “niánnián zhàngǔ mái huāngwài, kōngjiàn pútáo rù hànjiā. 年年战骨埋荒外，空见蒲桃入汉家.”

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(Year after year, soldiers were buried in the wild west, though grape already grew in the Han palaces.) In volume 33 of Běncǎo gāngmù 本草纲目 [Compendium of Materia Medica], Li Shizhen 李时珍 of the Ming dynasty recorded that according to the Book of Han, Zhang Qian 張騫 brought grape seeds from the Western Regions to Han. Actually, grapes were already recorded in Shénnóng běncǎo 神 農本草 [Shen-nong’s Herbal Classics]; the plant grew in the region of Longxi 隴 西 (present-day Western Gansu 甘肅 Province), outside (Yumen) Pass, before it was brought into Han China during the Han dynasty. Rénpín 仁頻, bīnláng 檳榔 (betelnut): the plant was called rénpín 仁頻 in the Han dynasty and bīnláng 檳榔 since the Tang dynasty. The words are transliterations of the Malaysian or Indonesian word pinang, referring to an evergreen tree grown in the tropical areas of Asia and Oceania, whose fruit could be used as medicine for indigestion and as repellent to ants and insects. In the Han dynasty, the plant was introduced into China. In Shànglínfù 上林賦 [Rhapsody of Imperial Park] by Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 in the Han dynasty, it is written that “Liúluò xūxié, rénpín bìnglǘ. 留落胥邪，仁頻並閭.” (Pomegranate trees, coconut trees, betelnut trees, and palm trees.) Li Shan 李善 notes that it is recorded in Xiānyàolù 仙藥録 [Records of Immortal Herbs] that bīnláng 檳榔 is also called zōng 椶; rénpín 仁頻 is bīnláng 檳榔. In the second volume of Cháoyě qiānzǎi 朝野僉載 [The Complete Records of the Court and the Commoners] by Zhang Zhuo 張鷟 of the Tang dynasty, it is recorded that “Zhēnlàguó zài huānzhōu nán wǔbǎi lǐ, qí sú yǒu kè shè bīnláng, lóngnǎoxiāng, géxiè děng yǐwéi shǎngjiàn. 真臘國在驩州南 五百里，其俗有客設檳榔、龍腦香、蛤屑等以為賞鑒.” (The country Zhenla 真臘 is 500 li to the south of Huanzhou. The country has the custom of presenting betelnut, borneol, and shell powder for guests to appreciate.) Shíliu 石榴 (pomegranate), the abbreviation of ānshíliu 安石榴, also known as shíliú 石留, is the transliteration of the Iranian word arsak or the Persian word anār. In the reign of Emperor Wudi in the Han dynasty, the produce was introduced into China from the Western Regions. It was quoted in Chūxué jì 初學記 [Writings for Elementary Instruction] from Bówùzhì 博物志 [Records of Diverse Matters], written by Zhang Hua 張華, that “Zhāng Qiān shǐ xīyù huán, dé ānshíliu, hútáo, pútáo. 張騫使西域還，得安石榴、胡桃、蒲桃.” (Back from the Western Regions, Zhang Qian brought pomegranate, walnut, and grape to China.) In Shíliufù 石榴賦 [Rhapsody of Pomegranate] by Xiahou Zhan 夏侯湛 of the Jin dynasty, it is written that “Lǎn huápǔ zhī jiāshù xī, xiàn shíliu zhī qíshēng. 覽華圃 之嘉樹兮，羨石榴之奇生.” (The pomegranate trees in the garden look so lovely; how I admire their exotic life.) In Zhāng Chàng zhuàn 張暢傳 [The Biography of Zhang Chang] of the Sòngshū 宋書 [The Book of Liu Song dynasty (420–479 ce)], it reads that “Shíliú chūzì yèxià, yì dāng fēi bǐ suǒfá. 石留出自鄴下，亦 當非彼所乏.” (Pomegranate is a produce of Yexia, not something rare for you.) Tàdēng 毾㲪 could also be written as tàdēng 㲮㲪, the transliteration of the ancient Persian word tāp tān or tapetān, referring to a felt rug or carpet originating from Persia (the old name of Iran). In Yǔdì shū 與弟書 [A Letter to Brother] by Ban Gu 班固, collected in volume 708 of Tàipíng yùlǎn 太平御覽 [Imperially Inspected Anthology of the Taiping Era], it reads that “yuèzhī tàdēng, dà xiǎo

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xiāng zá, dàn xìhǎo éryǐ. 月支毾㲪，大小相雜，但細好而已.” (The carpets from Yuezhi are of different size but of fine quality.) In the poem Yuèfǔ gǔcí 樂府古 辭 [Traditional Yuefu Songs] of the seventh volume of Yuèfǔ shījí 樂府詩集 [A Collection of Yuefu Poetry], it is recorded that “Xínghú cóng héfāng, lièguó chí hélái, qúshū tàdēng wǔmùxiāng, mídié àinà jí dūliáng. 行胡從何方，列國持何 來，𣰽毺㲮𣰆五木香，迷迭艾納及都梁.” (Stranger, where have you been and what have you brought from the foreign lands? Felt carpets and spices, midie, an aromatic, sambond, and Eupatorium fortunei.) Yānzhī 胭脂, a loanword from Hunnish, can also be written as 煙支, 胭肢, 焉 支, 燕支, or 臙脂 with the same sound, meaning rouge, a cosmetic powder made of red jasmine for females to use on their face. In Xiōngnú lièzhuàn 匈奴列傳 [The Collected Biographies of the Xiongnu People (called Hun today)] of Shǐjì 史記 [Records of the Grand Historian], it reads that “Hòu yǒu suǒ ài Yanzhi. 後有所愛 閼氏.” (Later on, the queen was fond of Yan.) Legend says that the Huns called their wives yānzhī 瘀氏, a homophonic word with yānzhī 胭脂 (red jasmine). In Suǒyǐn 索隱 [Seeking the Obscure in the Records of the Grand Historian], a quote from Yǔ yānwáng Shū 與燕王書 [A Letter to Lord Yan] by Xi Zaochi 習鑿齒 reads “Běifāngrén cǎi qǔ qíhuā rǎn fēi huáng, qǔ qí shàng yīng xiān zhě zuò yānzhī, fùrén jiāng yòng wèi yánsè. 北方人採取其花染緋黃，取其上英鮮者作胭肢，婦人將 用為顏色.” (The northern people collected the flowers to make dyes; the bright flowers were made into rouge for women to [use as] make up.) In the poem Měirén chénzhuāng 美人晨妝 [Morning Dress-Up of a Beauty], composed by the South Liang poet Liang Xiaotong 梁蕭統, it is written that “Sàndài suí méi guǎng, yānzhī zhú liǎnshēng. 散黛隨眉廣，燕脂逐臉生.” (She had her eyebrows penciled full and her face peachy with rouge.) In Yùtái xīn yǒng jí xù 玉臺新詠集序 [Prologue of New Songs from the Jade Terrace] by Xu Ling 徐陵 of the South Chen dynasty, it is written that “Nándū shídài, zuì fā shuāng’é; běidì yānzhī, piān kāi liǎngyè. 南 都石黛，最發雙蛾；北地燕支，偏開兩靨.” (With shidai, a black mineral for eyebrow make-up, produced in Nandu, she could pencil her eyebrows the most lively; with the rouge from the North, she could have her cheeks peachy.) In the poem Qǔjiāng duìyǔ 曲江對雨 [A Song in the Rain at Qujiang] by the poet Du Fu 杜甫 of the Tang dynasty, it is written “Línhuā zhuóyǔ yānzhī luò, shuǐxìng qiānfēng cuìdài cháng. 林花著雨臙脂落，水荇牽風翠帶長.” (The fallen blooms in the rain are as red as rouge; the green sashes of water weeds sway in the breeze.) The aforementioned words are loanwords introduced during the East and West Han dynasties. Bāgē 八哥 (mynah), a loanword from the Arabian word babgha or babbagha, refers to a kind of black bird that can imitate human speech if the tip of its tongue is made round. In Chinese, the bird was originally named qúyù 鴝(鸜)鵒 and later renamed bāge 八哥 to avoid the name taboo of Emperor Li Yu 李煜 of Five dynasties. In Wù yǐ huìyì 物以諱易 [Renaming Things to Avoid Taboo] of Fùxuān zálù 負暄雜錄 [lit. Miscellaneous Records while Sunbathing], written by Gu Wenjian 顧文薦 of the Song dynasty, it is recorded that “Nántáng bì hòuzhǔ Li Yu huì, gǎi qúyù wéi bāgē, yì yuē bābā’er. 南唐避後主李煜諱，改鸜鵒為八哥，亦曰八八 兒.” (To avoid the name taboo of Emperor Li Yu, the bird qúyù 鸜鵒 was renamed

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The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese

as bāgē 八哥 or bābā’er 八八兒.) In Shíyí 拾遺 [Appendix] of Shíguó chūnqiū 十國春秋 [The Spring and Autumn Annals of the Ten Kingdoms], written by Wu Renchen 吳任臣 of the Qing dynasty, it is noted that “nántáng hòuzhǔ míng Yu, gù qúyù gǎi chēng wéi bāgē. 南唐後主名煜，故鴝鵒改稱為八哥 (The last emperor of the Southern Tang dynasty is named Yu 煜, so the bird qúyù 鸜鵒 was renamed as bāgē 八哥.) The word bōli 玻璃, pōlí 頗黎, or bōlí 玻瓈 could be a transliteration of the Persian word phatika or from the Sanskrit word sphatika or sphātīk, referring to crystal. In Guǎngzhī 廣知 of Yǒuyáng zázǔ 酉陽雜俎 [Miscellaneous Morsels from the South of Mt. You] by Duan Chengshi 段成式 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Pōlí, qiānsuì bīng suǒhuà yě. 頗黎，千歲冰所化也.” (Glass is ice crystal of a thousand years old.) In Xīróng zhuàn 西戎傳 [History of the Xirong States] of Jiùtángshū 舊唐書 [The Old Book of Tang], it is recorded that “Zhēnguàn shíqī nián, fúlǐn wáng Boduoli qiǎn shǐ xiàn chìbōli, lǜjīnjīng děng wù. 貞觀十七年, 拂菻王波多力遣使獻赤玻瓈、綠金精等物.” [In year 17 of the reign of Zhenguan (627–649), Emperor Boduoli of Fulin (i.e., Byzantine Empire) dispatched envoys who presented gifts such as red glass, lapis lazuli, etc.] In volume 81 of Tàipíng guǎngjì 太平廣記 [Extensive Records of the Taiping Reign (976–983)], Liangsigongjì 梁四公記 [Tales of Four Lords in the Reign of Emperor Wu of Liang] is quoted as saying “Fúnán dàbó cóng xī tiānzhú guó lái, mài bìbōlí jìng, nèi wài jiǎojié. 扶南大舶從西天竺國來，賣碧玻璃鏡，內外皎潔.” [On the large vessels of Funan from Tianzhu (today’s India), clear and bright mirrors were sold.]3 Bōléng 菠薐, meaning spinach, also known as bōléng 菠稜 or bōléngcài 菠 稜菜, is the transliteration of the Nepali word palinga, referring to a vegetable with triangular leaves and red roots, introduced into China in the Tang dynasty. In Xīyùzhuàn 西域傳 [The Book of the City States of the Western Territories] of the Xīntángshū 新唐書 [The New Book of Tang], it reads that “Nípóluó (níbó’ěr) . . . Zhēnguàn èrshíyī nián qiǎn shǐ rù xiàn bōléng, cùcài, húntícōng. 泥婆羅（尼泊 爾） . . . 貞觀二十一年遣使入獻菠棱、酢菜、渾提蔥.” [In year 21 of the reign of Zhenguan, the envoys from Nipoluo (Nepal) presented spinach, mustard, and onion as tributes.] In Liu bīnkè jiāhuàlù 劉寶客嘉話錄 [A Collection of Conversations with Master Liu, Guest of Crown Prince], compiled by Wei Xuan 韋絢 of the Tang dynasty, it is recorded that “cài zhī bōléng, běn xīguó zhōng yǒu sēng jiāng qí zǐ lái, rú mùxū, pútáo yīn Zhāng Qiān ér zhì yě. Xuàn yuē: ‘qǐ fēi pǒléng guó jiāng lái, ér yǔ é wéi bōléng yē?’ 菜之菠棱，本西國中有僧將其子來，如苜蓿、蒲陶 因張騫而至也. 絢曰: ‘豈非頗棱國將來，而語訛為菠棱耶？’” (Some monks from the Western Regions brought spinach seeds into China, just like Zhang Qian brought alfalfa and grape in. Wei Xuan questioned, “could it be a misnaming? The plant is from the state Poleng and is wrongly called boleng.”) Húsuī 胡荽 is the transliteration of the Iranian word koswi or goswi, referring to coriander, commonly known as xiāngcài 香菜, an herb that could be taken as a vegetable and condiment with a special flavor, whose fruit could be used as a spice or medicine. In the third volume of Qímín yàoshù 齊民要術 [Important Methods to Condition the People’s Living], Jia Sixie 賈思勰 of the Northern Wei dynasty recorded that “Húsuī yí hēiruǎn qīngshā liángtián, jìzhòng cháochú, qǔ mài gòng

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 9 shēngcài yě. 胡荽宜黑輭青沙良田 . . . 穊種潮鋤，取賣供生菜也.” (Coriander grows well in soft black soil mixed with sharp sand . . . plant it densely and keep the soil moist . . . the produce could be sold as vegetable). In Yèzhōngjì 鄴中 記 [Records from the Region of Ye], written by Lu Hui 陸翽 of the Jin dynasty, it is recorded that “Shi Le huì hú, húwù jiē gǎimíng, míng húbǐng yuē mábǐng, húsuī yuē xiāngsuī. 石勒諱胡，胡物皆改名，名胡餅曰麻餅，胡荽曰香荽.” [Emperor Shi Le, of foreign origin, disliked the character hú 胡 (meaning foreign uncivilized lands) and ordered everything of foreign origin to be renamed, húbǐng 胡餅 (pancake) as mábǐng, húsuī 胡荽 (coriander) as xiāngsuī 香荽.] Jíbèi 吉貝 or gǔbèi 古貝 is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word karpasa, or the Malayan word kapaas, referring to cotton, a produce native to Southeast Asia that was introduced into China in the Six dynasties, either a woody plant or an herbaceous plant. In Línyì guó zhuàn 林邑國傳 [The State of Linyi] of Liángshū 梁書 [The Book of Liang], it is recorded that “Jíbèi zhě, shù míng yě, qí huā chéng shí rú émáo, chōu qí xù, fǎng zhī yǐ zuò bù, jiébái yǔ zhùbù bù shū. 吉貝者， 樹名也，其花成時如鵝毳，抽其緒，紡之以作布，潔白與紵布不殊.” (Jibei is a tree with a flower-like goose feather. Its tissue could be woven into cloth as white as ramie cloth.) In Mùmián 木綿 [Woody Cotton] of the section Mùsān 木 三 [Woody Plants III] of Běncǎo gāngmù 本草纲目 [Compendium of Materia Medica], it is recorded that there are two types of cotton: the woody type is called gǔbèi 古貝, the herbaceous type gǔzhōng 古終. Jíbèi 吉貝 could also be a misnaming of gǔbèi 古貝. The word could mean cotton cloth. In the third volume of Pōzháibiān 泊宅編 [Records Collected while Residing in Bozhai] by Fang Shao 方勺 of the Song dynasty, it is recorded that “Mǐnguǎng duō zhòng mùmián, shù gāo qībāchǐ, yè rú zuò, jiēshí rú dàlíng ér sèqīng, qiūshēn jí kāi, lù báimián róngrán. tǔrén zhāiqǔ qùké, yǐ tiězhàng hàn jìn hēizǐ, xú yǐ xiǎogōng tánlìng fēnqǐ, ránhòu fǎngjī wéi bù, míng yuē jíbèi. 閩廣多種木棉，樹高七八尺，葉如柞，結實如 大菱而色青，秋深即開，露白綿茸然. 土人摘取去殼，以鐵杖捍盡黑子，徐 以小弓彈令紛起，然後紡績為布，名曰吉貝.” (Woody cotton grows widely in Fujian and Guangdong. The tree is seven or eight chi 尺 [one chi is about 20 cm] tall; the leaves are like those of xylosma; the fruit is like large water-chestnut, of dark color, and splits in the late fall, showing white fluffy cotton. The locals pick and shell the fruits, [get] rid [of] the black shell with iron rods, fluff cotton with bowstrings, and weave the fluffed cotton into cloth, which is called jíbèi 吉貝.) Kèhán 可汗, kèhán 可寒, or héhǎn 合罕 is the title of the chieftains of the Xiānbēi 鮮卑, Róurán 柔然, Tūjué 突厥, Huíhé 回紇, and Mongolia nationalities in ancient times. The word is from the Turki word qaɣan. The word was already used by the Xiānbēi 鮮卑 people in the third century and was used as a title starting from 402 bce when the Rouran chieftain Shelun 社崙 adopted the title Qiudoufa Khan. In Mulan shī 木蘭詩 [The Ballad of Mulan], it is written that “Zuóyè jiàn jūntiē, kèhán dà diǎnbīng. 昨夜見軍帖，可汗大點兵.” (Last night came the conscription order that Khan was recruiting soldiers nationwide.) In Rúrú zhuàn 蠕 蠕傳 [The Biographies of the Ruru People] of Wèishū 魏書 [The Book of Wei], it is recorded that “Yúshì zìhào qiūdòufá kèhán. ‘Qiūdòufá’ yóu wèiyán jiàyù kāizhāng yě; ‘kèhán’ yóu wèiyán huángdì yě. 於是自號丘豆伐可汗. ‘丘豆伐’

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The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese

猶魏言駕馭開張也； ‘可汗’ 猶魏言皇帝也.” [(The chief) granted himself the title Qiudoufa kehan. Qiudoufa means reign, pioneer; kehan means emperor.] In Tūjué zhuàn shàng 突厥傳上 [The Biographies of the Tujue People] of Jiùtángshū 舊唐書 [The Old Book of Tang], it reads that “Kèhán zhě, yóu gǔ zhī chányú, qī hào kěhèdūn, yóu gǔ zhī yānzhī yě. 可汗者，猶古之單于，妻號可賀敦，猶古 之閼氏也.” (Kehan is similar to chanyu 單于, ruler in ancient times; a queen is called kehedun, similar to yanzhi 閼氏.) Kěhèdūn 可賀敦 or kědūn 可敦 refers to the chieftain’s wife of the Xiānbēi 鮮卑, Róurán 柔然, Tūjué 突厥, Huíhé 回紇 (also known as huíhé 廻紇, huíhú 回鶻, huíhú 廻鶻), and Mongol peoples in ancient times. In Rúrú zhuàn 蠕蠕傳 [The Biographies of the Ruru People] of Běishǐ 北史 [The History of the Northern dynasties], it reads that “Hào Dìwàn wéi shèngnǚ, nà wéi kěhèdūn. 號地萬為 聖女，納為可賀敦.” (Honor Diwan as a holy lady and take her as his wife.) In Dǒnggōng xíng zhuàng 董公行狀 [The Tale of Grand Tutor Dong] by Han Yu 韓 愈 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Xiāndì shí, bīngbù shìláng Lǐ Hán rú huíhé, lì kědūn. 先皇帝時，兵部侍郎李涵如回紇，立可敦.” (During the reign of the late emperor, Li Han, the Secretary of War, went to Huihe and got married there.) In Xiao Yu zhuàn 蕭瑀傳 [The Biography of Xiao Yu] of Jiùtángshū 舊唐書 [Old Book of Tang], it is recorded that “Yángdì cóng zhī, yúshì fā shǐ yì kěhèdūn yùzhǐ, é’ér tūjué jiěwéi qù. 煬帝從之，於是發使詣可賀敦諭旨，俄而突厥解圍去.” (Emperor Yangdi of the Sui dynasty followed the words, and then sent envoys to convey the imperial instructions to the khaghatun. Very soon, the Huns’ force retreated.) In Kāng guó 康國 [The State of Kang] of Xīróng zhuàn 西戎傳 [History of the State of Xirong], it reads that “Tiānbǎo sān nián, yòu fēng wéi Qīnhuàwáng, qí mǔ kědūn fēng wéi jùnfūrén. 天寶三年，又封為欽化王，其母可賀敦封為郡 夫人.” [In the third year of the Tianbao reign (742–756) of the Tang dynasty, he was crowned Prince Qinhua and his mother, the queen, was honored as the Lady of a County.] The word Móní 摩尼 has three meanings. The first is the religion Manichaeism, which was founded by a Persian prophet, Mani. The name Mani means an enlightened lord; therefore, the sect is also called míngjiào 明教 (religion of light) and advocates light as opposed to darkness and as the origin of good and evil. The word also refers to the disciples of Manichaeism. In Xiànzōng jì shàng 憲宗紀上 [Treatise of Emperor Xianzong I] of Jiùtángshū舊唐書 [The Old Book of the Tang dynasty], it reads that “Gēngzǐ, Huíhé qǐng yú Hénán fǔ, Tàiyuán fǔ zhì móní sì, xǔ zhī. 庚子，廻紇請于河南府、太原府置摩尼寺，許之.” [In the second year of Yuanhe Reign (807 ce) in the Tang dynasty, upon the request of Huihe (Uyghur), it was permitted to build Manichaean temples in Prefectures Henan and Taiyuan.] In Huíhé zhuàn 回紇傳 [The History of Huihe], it is recorded that “Shí’èr yuè èr rì, yàn guīguó huíhé móní bā rén, lìng zhì zhōngshū jiàn zǎichén. 十二月二日， 宴歸國回紇摩尼八人，令至中書見宰臣.” (On the second day of December, a banquet was held for the eight disciples of Manichaeism from Huihe, and they were told to pay a visit to the Grand Chancellor.) In Huíhē zhuàn shàng 回紇傳 上 [The History of Huihe I] of Xīntángshū 新唐書 [The New Book of Tang], it is recorded that “Yuánhé chū, zài cháoxiàn, shǐyǐ móní zhì. 元和初，再朝獻，始

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 11 以摩尼至.” [In the first year of Yuanhe Reign (806 ce) of the Tang dynasty, Huihe paid tributes to the court again. That marked the entry of Manichaeism into China.] The second meaning of the word is gemstone, a transliteration of the Sanskrit word mani. In Guǎng pì 廣譬 of Bàopǔzǐ 抱樸子 [Master Embracing Simplicity], written by Ge Hong 葛洪 of the Jin dynasty, it reads that “Móní bù xiāo lǎng, zé wú bié yú qìlì. 摩尼不宵朗，則無別於磧礫.” (If a gemstone does not glow at night, it has no difference with sandstone in the shallow water.) In Fǔzhōu jiètán jì 撫 州戒壇記 [Record of the Ordination Platform of Fuzhou] by Yan Zhenqing 顏 真卿 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Yánshēn yīngluò, zhàoyào yǒu móní zhī guāng. 嚴身瓔珞，照耀有摩尼之光.” [The keyura (necklace of jade and pearls in Buddhism) ornaments shine like gemstones.] The third meaning of the word is aqueduct. In Shuǐdòuyù 水竇喻 [Parable of Sewer] of Bǎiyùjīng 百喻經 [One Hundred Buddhist Parables], translated by the monk Qiunapidi 求那毗地 of the Southern Qi dynasty, it reads that “fù yǔ rén yán: wǒ fū yǐ jué, gèng wú chū chù. Wéiyǒu móní, kěyǐ déchū. hú yǐ shuǐdòu, míng wéi móní, yù lìng qí rén, cóng shuǐdòu chū. 婦語人言：我夫已覺，更無出處.” 唯有摩尼，可以得出.” 胡以 水竇，名為摩尼，欲令其人，從水竇出.” (The woman told her paramour, “my husband has suspected, and there is no other way out but the sewer.” The sewer is called shuǐdòu 水竇 in China and móní 摩尼 in the Western Regions.) Mòlì 茉莉, also written as mòlì 末利, is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word mallika or the Syriac word molo, referring to the evergreen shrub jasmine from Persia, which has aromatic white flowers and could be used as an herbal medicine. In Nánfāng cǎomù zhuàng 南方草木狀 [Herbs and Trees of the South], written by Ji Han 嵇含 of the Jin dynasty, it is recorded that “Yēxīmíng huā, mòlì huā, jiē húrén zì xīguó yízhí yú nánhǎi, nánrén lián qí fāngxiāng, jìng zhí zhī. 耶悉 茗花、末利花，皆胡人自西國移植于南海，南人憐其芳香，競植之.” (Frangipani and jasmine were transplanted from the Western Regions to Fujian and Guangdong by the Huns, which the locals favored greatly for the fragrance.) In the lyric poem of Lín jiāng xiān 臨江仙 by the Song poet Zhang Xiaoxiang 張孝 祥, it is written that “cuìyè yínsī zān mòlì, yīngtáo dàn zhù xiāng chún. 翠葉銀 絲簪末利，櫻桃澹注香唇.” (With green leaves and silver pedal, jasmine makes a hairpin; her sweet little mouth dotted peachy.) In Lǐshì Rénfēngyuán 李氏仁 豐園 [Renfeng Garden of the Li Family] of the Luòyáng míngyuán jì 洛陽名園 記 [Records of Famous Gardens of Luoyang], written by Li Gefei 李格非 of the Song dynasty, it reads that “Yuǎnfāng qíhuì rú zǐlán, mòlì, qiónghuā, shānchá zhī chóu. 遠方奇卉如紫蘭、茉莉、瓊花、山茶之儔.” (There are rare flowers, such as orchid, jasmine, viburnum, and camellia, etc.) Xīguā 西瓜 is the transliteration of the Jurchen word xeko; an earlier source is the word seko or sego of the Ge-er-de 哥爾德 language (one language whose source could not be traced.). In Sìyí fùlù 四夷附錄 [Appendixes on the Four Barbarians] of Xīn wǔdài shǐ 新五代史 [The New History of the Five dynasties], it reads that “[Hú Qiáo] shǐ shí xīguā, yún Qìdān pò Huíhé dé cǐ zhǒng, yǐ niúfèn fù péng ér zhòng, dàrú zhōngguó dōngguā ér wèi gān. [胡嶠] 始食西瓜，雲契丹破 回紇得此種，以牛糞覆棚而種，大如中國冬瓜而味甘.” ([Hu Qiao] introduced watermelon into China, saying that the Qidan people obtained the seeds of the fruit

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The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese

after defeating Huihe, planted the seeds in soil covered with cow dung and sheltered. The fruit is bigger than white gourd but tastes sweet.) The fruit originated in Africa; it was introduced into China quite early and was called hánguā 寒瓜 in the Six dynasties. In the poem Xíngyuán 行園 [Strolling through the Garden] by Shen Yue 沈約, a poet of the Southern Song dynasty, it is written that “hánguā fāng wòlǒng, qiūgū yì mǎnpō. 寒瓜方臥壟，秋菰亦滿坡.” (The watermelon stems grow along the furrows; the bamboo sprawls along the hillslope.) The fruit is called lǜshěnguā 綠沈瓜. In Ren Fang zhuàn 任昉傳 [The Biography of Ren Fang] of the Nánshǐ 南史 [The History of the Southern dynasties], it is recorded that “(Fǎng zú yú guān), Wǔdì wén wèn, fāng shí xīyuàn lǜshěnguā, tóu zhī yú pán, bēi bù zì shèng. [昉卒於官] ，武帝聞問，方食西苑綠沈瓜，投之於盤， 悲不自勝.” [Upon hearing about Ren Fang’s death at office, Emperor Wudi (reign 464–549) of the Qi dynasty dropped the watermelon he was having, feeling very sad.] In Yìlǎotáng shīhuà 逸老堂詩話 [Writings at the Studio of Graceful Aging] by Yu Bian 俞弁, a scholar of the Ming dynasty, it reads that “Dùshī ‘Tái wò lǜshěn qiāng’ lǜshěn yǐ qī zhuósè rú guāpí, wèi zhī lǜshěn . . . Lǜshěnguā, jí jīn xīguā yě. 杜詩 ‘苔臥綠沈槍’ 綠沈以漆著色如瓜皮，謂之綠沈. . . . 綠沈瓜，即今西瓜 也.” (Du Fu wrote that “The lvshen (green) spear lies on the moss.” The spear is painted green like the skin of watermelon, and therefore named lvshen. . . . Lvshen melon refers to watermelon.) Zhèzhī 柘枝 is from the Persian word chaj, meaning a dance of Talas (an area governed by Anxi Grand Protectorate, called zhìzhī 郅支 in the Han dynasty), which was introduced into China in the Tang dynasty. It was originally a solo female dance or a duet of two girls and became a group dance during the Song dynasty. In the poem Zhèzhī 柘枝 by Zhang Xiaobiao 章孝標, a poet of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “zhèzhī chūchū gǔshēng zhāo, huādiàn luóshān sǒng xìyāo. 柘枝初出鼓聲招，花鈿羅衫聳細腰.” (With the music of drum, the girls started the zhezhi dance, wearing delicate flower make-up and dresses, their delicate waists moving flexibly.) In “Húnán guān shuāng zhèzhī wǔ fù” 湖南觀雙柘 枝舞賦 [Rhapsody on Watching Zhezhi Duet Dance in Hunan] by Lu Zhao 盧肇 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Gǔ yě zhèzhī zhī jì, jīn yě zhèzhī zhī wǔ. 古也 郅支之伎，今也柘枝之舞.” (Today’s zhèzhī 柘枝 dance was called zhìzhī 郅支 in ancient times.) In yuèlǜ yī 樂律一 [Music I] of Mèngxī bǐtán 夢溪筆談 [The Dream Pool Essays] by Shen Kuo 沈括 of the Song dynasty, it is recorded that “Kòu Láigong hào zhèzhī wǔ, huìkè bì wǔ zhèzhī, měi wǔ bì jìn rì, shí wèi zhī zhèzhī diān. 寇萊公好柘枝舞，會客必舞柘枝，每舞必盡日，時謂之柘枝顛.” (Fond of zhezhi 柘枝 dance, Lord Koulai would entertain his guests with the dance till sunset, and was therefore teased as a zhezhi 柘枝 fanatic.) The aforementioned loanwords entered Chinese during the Six dynasties (220– 589), the Tang dynasty, and the Five dynasties (907–960). The loanwords mentioned above are mostly names of specific exotic things that have been introduced into China; along with the entry of the items came their names. From the Qin and Han to the Sui and Tang dynasties, Han nationality was more advanced economically, culturally, and scientifically. Hence, there were few loanwords in these fields. Most of the loanwords are transliterations in form, some

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 13 of which were abbreviated to adapt to the disyllabic phonological feature of Chinese language. Etymologically, the majority of the loanwords are from the Western Regions. Since the Qin and Han dynasties, China has built diplomatic ties with Japan, Korea, and Vietnam, among others, and developed cultural exchanges with these countries, whose languages were greatly influenced by Chinese language and culture; conversely, the Middle Chinese language was rarely influenced by them.

1.3

New compound words are formed with the character hú 胡

Apart from loanwords, new compound words are formed with the character hú 胡 (meaning barbarian), used as a morpheme added to a monosyllabic Han morpheme to signify foreign items or persons. Some examples are given as follows: Húbǐng 胡餅, meaning flatbread. In the section Shì yǐnshí 釋飲食 [Explaining Foodstuff] of Shìmíng 釋名 [Explaining Names], it reads that “Húbǐng, zuò zhī dà màn hú yě. yì yán yǐ húmá zhuó shàng yě. 胡餅，作之大漫沍也. 亦言以胡麻著 上也.” (Hubing is a pastry with the dough kneaded well; til could also be added.) Emperor Shi Le 石勒 of the Late Wei dynasty disliked the use of the character hú 胡; to avoid the taboo, the food was renamed mábǐng 麻餅 (seasoned flatbread). Húfú 胡服 refers to the clothes of western and northern nationalities in ancient times. In Zhào cè èr 趙策二 [Strategies of Zhao II] of the Zhànguócè 戰國策 [Strategies of the Warring States], it reads that “Jīn wǔ jiāng húfú qíshè yǐ jiāo bǎixìng, ér shì bì yì guǎrén yǐ. 今吾將胡服騎射以教百姓，而世必議寡人矣.” (Now I would promote among the Hans the style of the western and northern people in clothing, riding, and shooting, which will invite some criticism.) In Wǔxíngzhì yī 五行志一 [Treatise of the Five Agents I] of Hòuhànshū 後漢書 [The Book of the Later Han], it reads that “Língdì hào húfú, húzhàng, húchuáng, húzuò, húfàn, húkōnghóu, húdí, húwǔ. jīngdū guìqī jiē jìng wéi zhī. 靈帝好胡服， 胡帳、胡床、胡坐、胡飯、胡箜篌、胡笛、胡舞.” 京都貴戚皆競為之.” [As Emperor Lingdi of the Eastern Han dynasty favored the clothes, tents, legs-crossed sitting posture, food, konghou (a musical instrument), flute, and dance of the Hu peoples, the royals and nobles in the capital were all eager to imitate.] Húpíng 胡瓶 is a kind of bottle produced in the Western Regions. In the sixth poem of the series Cóngjūn xíng 從軍行 by Wang Changling 王昌齡, a poet of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Húpíng luò bó zǐbáohàn, suìyè chéng xī qiūyuè tuán. 胡瓶落膊紫簿汗，碎葉城西秋月團.” (The general rides his steed with his exotic bottle by the arm; in the west of the Suiye county, the full autumn moon shines.) In Li Daliang zhuàn 李大亮傳 [The Biography of Li Daliang] of Jiùtángshū 舊唐書 [The Old Book of Tang], it says that “Gǔrén chēng yìyán zhīzhòng, móu yú qiān jīn. qīng zhī cǐ yán, shēn zú guì yǐ. jīn cì qīng húpíng yì méi, suī wú qiān yì zhī zhòng, shì zhèn zìyòng zhī wù. 古人稱一言之重，侔于千金.” 卿之此言，深足貴矣. 今賜卿胡瓶一枚，雖無千鎰之重，是朕自用之物.” [The ancients said that a promise was as invaluable as a thousand gold. What you have said is precious. Now I could give you a foreign-made bottle, not

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The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese

of one thousand yi (an ancient unit of weight, equivalent to one kg or one point two kg) worth, but a personal thing of mine.] Húchuáng 胡床 means a foldable stool or chair. In Wǔxíngzhì yī 五行志一 [Treatise of the Five Agents I] of Hòuhànshū 後漢書 [The Book of the Later Han], it reads that “Língdì hào húfú, húzhàng, húchuáng, húzuò, húfàn, húkōnghóu, húdí, húwǔ. jīngdū guìqī jiē jìng wéi zhī. 靈帝好胡服，胡帳、胡床、胡坐、胡 飯、胡箜篌、胡笛、胡舞.，京都貴戚皆競為之.” [As Emperor Lingdi of the Eastern Han dynasty favored the clothes, tents, legs-crossed sitting posture, food, konghou (a musical instrument), flute, and dance of the Hu peoples, the royals and nobles in the capital were all eager to follow.] In Zìxīn 自新 [Self-Renewal] of Shìshuō xīnyǔ 世說新語 [A New Account of the Tales of the World] by Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 of the Southern Song dynasty, it is recorded that “Yuān zài ànshàng, jù húchuáng zhǐhuī zuǒyòu, jiē dé qí yí. 淵在岸上，據胡床指麾左右，皆得其 宜.” (Dai Yuan sat on a folded chair on the shore, ordering his guys around and making everything go well.) Húgǔ 胡鼓 (barbarian drum) means waist drum. In Yīnyuè zhì èr 音樂志二 [Treatise on Music II] of Jiùtángshū 舊唐書 [The Old Book of Tang], it is recorded that “Yāogǔ, dà zhě wǎ, xiǎo zhě mù, jiē guǎngshǒu ér xiān fù, běn húgǔ yě. 腰 鼓，大者瓦，小者木，皆廣首而纖腹，本胡鼓也.” (Waist drums are of two types: big ones made of clay tile and small ones made of wood. Both types are thick at both ends but thin in the middle and were originally called hugu 胡鼓.) Húguā 胡瓜 means cucumber. In the second volume of Qímín yàoshù 齊民要術 [Important Methods to Condition the People’s Living] by Jia Sixie 賈思勰 of the Northern Wei dynasty, it is recorded that “Zhòng yuèguā, húguā fǎ, sì yuè zhōng zhòng zhī, húguā yí shù cháimù, lìng qí màn yuán zhī. 種越瓜、胡瓜法，四月 中種之，胡瓜宜豎柴木，令其蔓緣之.” (Oriental pickling melon and cucumber are to be planted in mid-April. Place stakes for cucumber vines to climb.) In volume 28 of Běncǎo gāngmù 本草纲目 [Compendium of Materia Medica], written by Li Shizhen 李時珍 of the Ming dynasty, húguā 胡瓜 is explained as huángguā 黃瓜 (cucumber); it is written that “[(Chén) Cángqì yuē: běirén bì Shí Lè huì, gǎi hū huángguā, zhìjīn yīn zhī. Shízhēn yuē: Zhāng Qiān shǐ xīyù dé zhǒng, gù míng húguā. Àn Du Bao Shíyílù yún: ‘Suí dàyè sìnián bìhuì, gǎi húguā wéi huángguā’yǔ Chénshì zhīshuō wēi yì. [陳] 藏器曰：北人避石勒諱，改呼黃瓜，至今因之.” 時珍曰：張騫使西域得種，故名胡瓜.” 按杜寶《拾遺錄》雲： “隋大業四年 避諱，改胡瓜為黃瓜” 與陳氏之說微異.” [(Chen) Cangqi in the Tang dynasty claimed that to avoid the word taboo hú 胡 (barbarian) laid by Emperor Shi Le, the northern people renamed cucumber as huángguā, a name passed down until today. Shizhen said the fruit seeds were brought by Zhang Qian from the Western Regions, so it is named húguā 胡瓜 (foreign melon). In Shíyílù 拾遺錄 [Fragments] by Du Bao 杜寶, it is recorded that “in the fourth year of Dàyè 大業 Reign (605–618) of the Sui dynasty, cucumber was renamed huángguā 黃瓜 to avoid the word taboo.” Du’s account is basically the same as that of Chen Cangqi.] Hújiā 胡笳 is a wind instrument of the western and northern peoples; it looks like a flute and produces saddening music. In Dá Su Wu shū 答蘇武書 [A Letter to Su Wu] by Li Ling 李陵 of the Han dynasty, it reads that “Hújiā hùdòng, mùmǎ

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 15 bēimíng. 胡笳互動，牧馬悲鳴.” (As hujia flutes echoed each other, the horses neighed sadly.) In the poem Hújiā shíbā pāi 胡笳十八拍 [Eighteen Songs of a Nomad Flute], written by Cai Yan 蔡琰 of the Han dynasty, it is written that “Hújiā dòngxī biānmǎ míng, gūyàn guīxī shēng yīngyīng. 胡笳動兮邊馬鳴，孤雁歸兮 聲嚶嚶.” (The saddening hujia music moved the frontier horses to neigh sadly; the forlorn wild goose flew back to the south, honking in solitude.) Hújiāo 胡椒 (pepper) is native to India. In Mùpiān 木篇 [Trees] of Yǒuyáng zázǔ 酉陽雜俎 [Miscellaneous Morsels from the South of Mt. You] by Duan Chengshi 段成式 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Hújiāo, chū mójiātuóguó, hū wéi mèilǚzhī . . . zǐ xíngsì hànjiāo, zhì xīnlà. 胡椒，出摩伽陀國，呼為昧 履支 . . . 子形似漢椒，至辛辣.” (Hújiāo 胡椒, also called mèilǚzhī 昧履支, came from the kingdom of Magadha . . . the seed looked like that of Han pepper spice but extremely spicy.) In Shàngshū gù shí 尚書故實 [Factual Evidence from Ancient Books] by Li Chuo 李綽 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Yuán Zǎi pò jiā, jí cái huò zhūwù, dé hújiāo jiǔbǎi dàn. 元載破家，籍財貨諸物，得胡椒九 百石.” [Yuan Zai’s possessions were confiscated, and it was recorded he hoarded pepper of 900 dàn 石 (mass unit, one dàn is about 31 kg).) (Pepper was considered a precious material then.] Húmá 胡麻 is another name for sesame, which is said to have been introduced by Zhang Qian 张骞 from the Western Regions. In the second volume of Qímín yàoshù 齊民要術 [Important Methods to Condition the People’s Living], written by Jia Sixie 賈思勰 of the Northern Wei dynasty, it is recorded that “Húmá yí báidì zhòng, èr sān yuè wéi shàngshí, sì yuè shàngxún wéi zhōngshí, wǔ yuè shàngxún wéi xiàshí. 胡麻宜白地種，二三月為上時，四月上旬為中時，五月上旬為下 時.” (It is preferable to plant sesame on fallow land. The best time is February and March; the second best is early April; the least preferred is early May.) According to Yào yì 藥議 [On Medicine] of Mèngxībǐtán 夢溪筆談 [Dream Pool Essays] by Shen Kuo 沈括 of the Song dynasty, húmá 胡麻 (sesame) was called yóumá 油 麻 in the Song dynasty. Má 麻 in Han China was called dàmá 大麻 (hemp) then. Jūmá 苴麻 (female hemp plant) bears fruit, while xǐmá 枲麻 (male hemp plant), also called mǔmá 牡麻, bears no fruit. Zhang Qian came back from the state of Dàyuān 大宛 with the seeds of yóumá 油麻, which was also called má. To distinguish them, yóumá is called húmá 胡麻 [the foreign kind], and má of Han was called dàmá 大麻. Húqín 胡琴 refers to all the string instruments of the northern and western peoples that were introduced into China during the Tang and Song dynasties. In Pípá 琵琶 of Yuèfǔ zálù 樂府雜錄 [Miscellaneous Notes on Songs from the Music Bureau] by Duan Anjie 段安節 of the Tang dynasty, it is recorded that “Wénzōng cháo, yǒu nèirén Zhèng Zhōngchéng shàn húqín, nèikù yǒu èr pípá, hào dàxiǎo hūléi, Zhèng cháng tán xiǎo hūléi. 文宗朝，有內人鄭中丞善胡琴，內庫有二 琵琶，號大小忽雷，鄭嘗彈小忽雷.” (During the reign of Emperor Wenzong of the Tang dynasty, an official named Zheng was an excellent pipa player, and there were two pipas in the royal court, a large one and a small one. Zheng played the small one.) In Yuèlǜ yī 樂律一 [On Music, I] of Mèngxībǐtán 夢溪筆談 [Dream Pool Essays], written by Shen Kuo 沈括 of the Song dynasty, one sentence of a

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The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese

poem by the author himself is “mǎwěi húqín suí Hàn jūn, qǔshēng yóuzì yuàn chányú. 馬尾胡琴隨漢軍，曲聲猶自怨單于.” (The horsetail huqin 胡琴 accompanied the Han carriage, yet the music could not rid me of distress brought by the chief.) Húyán 胡言 or húyǔ 胡語 means the languages of the western and northern peoples. In Jīngjí zhì sì 經籍志四 [Catalogue of Classical Canon] of Suíshū 隋書 [The Book of the Sui dynasty], it is recorded that “[Shì jiā móu ní] shě tàizǐ wèi, chūjiā xué dào, qínxíng jīngjìn, juéwù yīqiè zhǒng zhì, ér wèi zhī fó, yì yuē fótuó, yì yuē fútú, jiē húyán yě. [釋迦牟尼] 舍太子位，出家學道，勤行精進，覺悟一 切種智，而謂之佛，亦曰佛陀，亦曰浮屠，皆胡言也.” [Sakyamuni abdicated the crown for the Great Way. By diligence and persistence, he gained all wisdoms and thereby was revered as fó 佛, fótuó 佛陀, or fútú 浮屠 (all of them mean Buddha]. The words were all transliterations of western and northern languages.) In Míng xiáng jì 冥祥記 [Signs from the Unseen Realm] by Wang Yan 王琰 of the Southern Qi dynasty, it reads that “gǔlái zhèngdào, mò yú lǐ lǎo. hénǎi xìnhuò húyán, yǐwéi shèng jiào? 古來正道，莫逾李老.” 何乃信惑胡言，以為勝教.” (Since ancient times, there has been no other Way but Tao. How could one only believe in the barbarian teachings and honor them to the utmost?) In Fóguó jì 佛國 記 [A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms], written by Faxian 法顯 of the Jin dynasty, it reads that “cóng cǐ xīxíng suǒjīng zhūguó, lèi jiē rú shì, wéi guóguó húyǔ bùtóng. 從此西行所經諸國，類皆如是，惟國國胡語不同.” (The countries to the west are all like this one, different in language, though.) In the third poem of the series Yǒng huái gǔjì 詠懷古跡 [Singing My Feelings on Traces of the Past] by Du Fu 杜 甫, a poet of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Qiānzǎi pípá zuò húyǔ, fēnmíng yuànhèn qǔ zhōng lùn. 千載琵琶作胡語，分明怨恨曲中論.” (For a thousand years, the pipa speaks the language of the Hu; clearly her bitter resentment is told in the melody.) Húshū 胡書 refers to the written language of the Hu people. Wang Yan 王琰 of the Southern Qi dynasty wrote in Míng xiáng jì 冥祥記 [Signs from the Unseen Realm] that “débǐ, biànzuò húshū, héngxíng, huò rú yǐ, huò rú jǐ. 得筆，便作胡 書，橫行，或如乙，或如己.” (With a brush in hand, she started to write in Hu language, from left to right; some characters looked like the Chinese characters yǐ 乙 or jǐ 己.) In Xǐngshì 省事 [Be Sparing with Words and Deeds] of Yánshì jiāxùn 顏氏家訓 [The Family Instructions of Master Yan] by Yan Zhitui 顏之推 of the Northern Qi dynasty, it reads that “Tiānwén, shūhuì, qíbó, xiānyǔ, húshū, jiān hútáoyóu, liàn xī wéi yín, rúcǐ zhī lèi, lüè dé gěnggài, jiē bù tōngshú. 天文、書 繪、棊博、鮮語、胡書，煎胡桃油，鍊錫為銀，如此之類，略得梗概，皆 不通熟.” (They know a little about everything, astronomy, calligraphy, painting, chess, languages of Xianbei and Hu peoples, the making of walnut oil, and the refinement of silver out of tin, but they do not master any of the skills.) Húrén 胡人 refers to the northern and western nationalities in ancient times. In the essay Guòqínlùn 過秦論 [To Surpass the Qin] by Jia Yi 賈誼 of the Han dynasty, it reads that “Húrén bùnéng nánxià ér mùmǎ, shì bùgǎn wāngōng ér bàoyuàn. 胡人不能南下而牧馬，士不敢彎弓而抱怨.” [The Hu people (for fear of First Emperor of Qin) no longer dared to herd their cattle in the south, and the

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 17 warriors no longer dared to seek revenge.] In the second volume of Sōushénjì 搜 神記 [In Search of the Supernatural] by Gan Bao 幹寶 of the Jin dynasty, it reads that “Jìn Yǒngjiā zhōng, yǒu Tiānzhú húrén láidù Jiāngnán. 晉永嘉中，有天竺 胡人來渡江南.” [In the middle of Yongjia Reign of the Jin dynasty, there came a foreigner from Tianzhu (i.e., India) to Jiangnan.] Hú’ ér 胡兒 is a derogatory term of address for the Hu people. In Jin Ridi zhuàn 金日磾傳 [The Biography of Jin Ridi] of Hànshū 漢書 [The Book of Han], it reads that “Guìqī duō qièyuàn, yuē: ‘Bìxià wàng dé yī hú’ ér, fǎn guìzhòng zhī.’ 貴戚多竊怨，曰： ‘陛下妄得一胡兒，反貴重之’.” (The royal and noble complained in secret, “How come His Majesty favors the barbarian boy so much?”) In the poem Gǔ cóngjūn xíng 古從軍行 [A Journey to the Battlefield in Ancient Times] by Li Xin 李欣, a poet of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Húyàn āimíng yèyèfēi, hú’ér yǎnlèi shuāngshuāng luò. 胡雁哀鳴夜夜飛，胡兒眼淚雙雙落.” (The wild geese of Hu fly night over night, crying; the sons of Hu are in sadness, tears dropping ceaselessly.) Húchú 胡雛 is also a derogatory term of address for the Hu people. In Shí Lè zài jì shàng石勒載記上 [Records on King Shi Le] of Jìnshū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it is recorded that “nián shísì, suí yìrén xíngfàn Luòyáng, yǐ xiào shàngdōngmén. Wáng Yǎn jiàn ér yì zhī, gù wèi zuǒyòu yuē: ‘Xiàngzhě húchú, wú guān qí shēng shì qí yǒu yìzhì, kǒng jiāng wéi tiānxià zhī huàn.’ Chí qiǎn shōu zhī, huì lè yǐ qù. 年十四，隨邑人行販洛陽，倚嘯上東門. 王衍見而異之，顧謂左右曰： ‘向 者胡雛，吾觀其聲視其有異志，恐將為天下之患.’ 馳遣收之，會勒已去.” (When he was 14 years old, Shi Le came peddling with a fellowman in Luoyang. He cried out loud at the upper east gate. Upon hearing the crying, Wang Yan was shocked and told those around him: “the barbarian son who had just passed by was one with unusual aspiration and could be a threat to the world.” He had someone capture him, yet Shi Le was already gone.) In the poem Wèi jiédù Chìbiāo mǎ gē 衛節度赤骠馬歌 [A Song for the Chibiao Steed of Governor Wei] by Cen Shen 岑 參, a poet of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Zǐrán húchú jīn jiǎndāo, píngmíng jiǎnchū sānzōnggāo. 紫髯胡雛金剪刀，平明剪出三鬃高.” (The purple-bearded barbarian rider had a gold razor in his hand and cut the steed’s mane in the threebraid style.) Hújiǎ 胡賈 refers to tradesmen of the Hu people. In the poem Sòng sēng Chéngguān 送僧澄觀 [Farewell to Monk Chengguan] by Han Yu 韓愈 of the Tang dynasty, a line reads “Yuèshāng hújiǎ tuō shēn zuì, guībì mǎnchuán níng jìzī. 越商胡賈脫身罪，珪璧滿船寧計資.” (The tradesmen of Yue and Hu spare no treasures for redemption; the jadewares hang all over the ship of the Monk Chengguan.) Hújī 胡姬 means women wine sellers in the inns of the Hu people. In the poem Yǔlínláng 羽林郎 [The Imperial Officer] by the Han poet Xin Yannian 辛延年, it reads that “Yīyǐ jiāngjūn shì, tiáoxiào jiǔjiā hú. hújī nián shíwǔ, chūnrì dú dāng lú. 依倚將軍勢，調笑酒家胡. 胡姬年十五，春日獨當壚.” (By his power, the imperial officer teased the Hunnish wine girl; only 15 years of age, the girl stood alone by the wine urns on spring days.) In the second poem of the series Shàonián xíng 少年行 [Song of Youth] by Li Bai 李白, a poet of the Tang dynasty, it is

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The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese

written that “luòhuā tàjìn yóu héchù, xiàorù hújī jiǔsì zhōng. 落花踏盡遊何處， 笑入胡姬酒肆中.” (Having seen the spring to its full, the young group burst merrily into the inn of the foreign maid.) Húkè 胡客 refers to the visitors from the Western Regions to central China. In the section Xiōngnú 匈奴 [The Huns] of Xīnshū 新書 [New Writings] by Jia Yi 賈 誼, a scholar of the Han dynasty, it reads that “lìng cǐshí wéi dàjù zhào húkè, xiǎng húshǐ. 令此時為大具召胡客，饗胡使.” (An order is given to have everything ready for the coming Hunnish visitors, and a banquet is to be held.) Húnú 胡奴 means slaves in the Hu people. In Yìyuàn 異苑 [Garden of the Extraordinary] by Liu Jingshu 劉敬叔 of the Liu-Song dynasty (420–479), it is recorded that “Kǎn jiā tóng qiānyú rén, cháng dé húnú, bù xǐ yán, cháng mò zuò. 侃家童千餘人，尝得胡奴，不喜言，常默坐.” (The household of Tao Kan had hundreds of servants, one of whom was Hunnish, taciturn, and usually sat in silence.) Húsēng 胡僧 are monks from the Western Regions or other places. In Yōumínglù 幽明錄 [Records of the Hidden and the Visible Worlds] by Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 (403–444) in the Liu-Song dynasty, it reads that “Wèn Dōngfāng Shuò, Shuò yuē: ‘chén yú, bù zúyǐ zhī zhī, kě shìwèn xīyù húsēng.’ 問東方朔，朔曰： ‘臣愚, 不足以知之，可試問西域胡僧’.” (When asked, Dongfang Shuo replied, “I am foolish; this is beyond me. Your Majesty could ask the monks from the Western Regions.”) In the poem Jì Liú Xiázhōu Bóhuá shǐjūn sìshí yùn 寄劉峽州伯華使 君四十韻 [Sent to Liu Bohua, Prefect of Xiazhou: Forty Couplets] by Du Fu 杜 甫, a poet of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Yàonáng qīn dàoshì, huījié wèn húsēng. 藥囊親道士，灰劫問胡僧.” (For my medicine pouch I befriend Daoists, I asked Hu monks about kalpa fires.) The preceding words are formed by adding hú 胡 to the original characters. It should be noted that these words signify things or people of foreign origin but are not loanwords.

1.4 The influence of Buddhism on the Chinese lexicon Since its entry into China in the Han dynasty, Buddhism spread widely during the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern, Tang, and Song dynasties, having received a growing number of followers, with its teachings instilled in the Chinese mind. A tremendous quantity of Buddhist sutra translations deeply influenced Chinese language, forming many loanwords and new Buddhism-related words, and adding new Buddhism-related meanings to the existing words. These loanwords, new words, or new meanings are used as either religious terms or common words; some have even entered the core lexicon. 1.4.1

Loanwords related to Buddhism

Some translations of Buddhist scriptures were transliteration, through which both the sound and the sense of Sanskrit words were borrowed. Some examples are given as follows:

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 19 Bǐqiū 比丘 is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word bhiksu, meaning a male renouncing the worldly life and becoming an ascetic in search of spiritual truth. One ordained in his adolescence is called shāmí 沙彌 (novice monk); one ordained in his twenties is called bǐqiū 比丘 (full monk). As written in Rénběn yùshēng jīng 人本欲生經 [The Sutra of Buddha Telling of Human Delusion, Love and Death and Rebirth], translated from Sanskrit to Chinese by An Shigao 安世高 of the Han dynasty, “Shìshí bǐqiū bútòng wéi shēn, shēn yì bù gèng tòng. 是時比 丘不痛為身，身亦不更痛.” (Then male monks do not identify body with pain, and body does not intensify pain.) As explained in Qīzhòng dìzǐ piān 七眾弟子 篇 [The Seven Classes of Disciples], the first volume of Fānyìmíng yìjí 翻譯名 義集 [Collected Meanings of Translated Terms] by the monk Fayun 法雲 of the Song dynasty, according to Dàlùn 大論 [i.e., Dà zhìdù lùn 大智度論: Treatise on the Perfection of Great Wisdom], is that “Bǐqiū míng qǐshì, qīngjìng huómìng gù; fùcì bǐ míng pò, qiū míng fánnǎo, néng pò fánnǎo gù. 比丘名乞士，清靜活命 故；復次比名破，丘名煩惱，能破煩惱故.” (Bǐqiū 比丘 means beggars who live a pure life free from worries; bǐ 比 means to break; qiū 丘 means worries; bǐqiū means a person who is able to break free from worries.) In Shìlǎo zhì 釋 老志 [Treatises of Buddhism and Taoism] of Wèishū 魏書 [The Book of the Wei dynasty], it reads that “Sāngmén wéi xīxīn, bǐqiū wéi xíngqǐ. 桑門為息心，比 丘為行乞.” (To become a Sramana is to relinquish worldly desires; to become a monk is to live a life of begging.) Bǐqiūní 比丘尼 is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word bhiksunī, meaning a female renouncing the worldly life and becoming an ascetic in search of spiritual truth. One ordained in her adolescence is called shāmíní 沙彌尼; one ordained in her twenties is called bǐqiūní 比丘尼. The word could be abbreviated as ní 尼 or nígū 尼姑; the morpheme gū 姑 means female. In Shìlǎo zhì 釋老志 [Treatises of Buddhism and Taoism] of Wèishū 魏書 [The Book of Wei], it reads that females converted into Buddhism are called bǐqiūní 比丘尼. In Dàoxíng bōrě jīng 道行 般若經 [Sutra of the Perfection of Wisdom], translated by Lokaksema (Zhiloujiachen 支婁迦讖) of the Han dynasty, it reads that “Fó shuō shìjīng shí, wǔbǎi bíqiū sēng, sānshí bǐqiūní jiē dé āluóhàn. 佛說是經時，五百比丘僧，三十比 丘尼皆得阿羅漢.” (When Buddha was teaching this sutra, 500 monks and 30 nuns present ascended to sainthood.) In Hútǒng sì 胡統寺 [Hutong Nunnery] of Chéngnèi 城內 [Inside the City] of Luòyáng qiélánjì 洛陽伽藍記 [The Record of the Buddhist Monasteries of Luoyang] by Yang Xuanzhi 楊衒之 of the Northern Wei dynasty, it is recorded the Hutong Nunnery was instituted by the aunt of the Empress Dowager and accommodated the Buddhist nuns. In Jì Xu zǐfū wén 祭 徐姊夫文 [A Eulogy to Brother-in-Law Xu] by Li Shangyin 李商隱 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Nígū jū zōnglǎo zhī dì, zōunú zǒng jiāxiàng zhī quán. 尼姑 居宗老之地，騶奴總家相之權.” (Nuns took the house of the patriarch; servants possessed the power of masters.) Bài 唄 is an abbreviation of the transliteration of the Sanskrit word pāthaka, also translated as fànbài 梵呗, referring to short Buddhist hymns, usually of 32 characters or four lines, or the sound of chanting sutras. According to Jīngshī lùn 經師論 [The Scroll of Master of Scriptures] of Gāosēng zhuàn 高僧傳 [The Biographies

20 The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese of Eminent Monks] by Huijiao 慧皎 of Liang of the Southern dynasties, “Tiānzhú fāngsú, fánshì gēyǒng fǎyán, jiē chēngwéi bài. zhìyú cǐ tǔ yǒngjīng zé chēngwéi zhuǎndú, gēzàn zé hào wéi fànbài. 天竺方俗，凡是歌詠法言，皆稱為唄. 至 於此土詠經則稱為轉讀，歌贊則號為梵呗.” (In India, both reading aloud and chanting sutras are called bài 唄. Since the entry of Buddhism into China, reading aloud sutras is called zhuǎndú 轉讀, and chanting sutras is called fànbài 梵 唄.) In Shù yì bù 述意部 [Interpretation of Teachings] of Bàizàn 唄贊 [To Sing Hymns of Praise], Fǎyuàn zhūlín 法苑珠林 [Forest of Gems in the Garden of the Dharma], compiled by Daoshi 道世, a monk of the Tang dynasty, it is explained that the chanting is called bài 唄 in the west and zàn 贊 in the east. Zàn 贊 means the concluding remarks of a sutra; bài 唄 is a short hymn for singing. (The different terms mean the same.) In the poem Qiūyè Běishān jīngshě guān Tǐrú shī fàn 秋夜北山精舍觀體如師梵 [Listening to Master Tiru Chanting Hymns in the Vihara of Mt. Beishan on an Autumn Night] by Liu Changqing 劉長卿, a poet of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Fànyīn zòu xiānbài, xiàngxī biàn kōngshān. 梵 音奏仙唄，向夕遍空山.” (The Brahma voices praise the deities, echoing over the mountains at the sunset.) In Zhāng Hào zhuàn 張鎬傳 [The Biography of Zhang Hao] of Xīntángshū 新唐書 [The New Book of the Tang dynasty], it is recorded that hundreds of monks were living in the imperial court and holding rites as loud as could be heard in and out the court. Bō 鉢 is an abbreviated transliteration of the Sanskrit word pātra, referring to rice vessel, one of the six utensils of monks. In section 14 of Bōyú 缽㿻 [Alms Bowl] of the dictionary Yíqièjīngyīnyì 一切經音義 [Pronunciation and Meaning in the Complete Buddhist Canon], translated by Xuanying 玄應 of the Tang dynasty, it is recorded that an alms bowl is called bōduōluó 鉢多羅 or bōduōluó 波多羅; the sound bō indicates the sense of thinness (bó 薄), in that an alms bowl is made by thinning thick objects. In the second volume of Zhōng āhán jīng 中阿含經 [The Madhyama Āgama], translated by Tripitaka Master Qutan Sengjiatipo 瞿曇 僧伽提婆 of the state of Jìbīn 罽賓 (Kophen) in the East Jin dynasty, it reads that Buddha put on his alms robe and started his journey to Shěwèi 舍衛 (Sravasti) with an alms bowl. In Sēngshè zhuàn 僧涉傳 [The Biography of Sengshe] of Jìnshū 晉 書 [The Book of the Jin dynasty], it reads that “É ér lóng xià bō zhōng, tiān zhé dàyǔ. 俄而龍下鉢中，天輒大雨.” (In an instant, a dragon came down into the bowl and the rain poured.) Bō 鉢 could also be used as a morpheme to form compound words such as bōyú 缽㿻 (alms bowl), bōnáng 鉢囊 (alms bag), bōqián 鉢 錢 (alms), bōshòu 鉢授 (pass robe and almsbowl), and bōdài 鉢袋 [same as yībō 衣缽 – robe and alms bowl (fig. legacy)]. The word chà 剎 has three origins and three meanings: (1) an abbreviated transliteration of the Sanskrit word ksetra, short for chàduōluó 剎多羅, meaning place, nation, world. In Rù fǎ jiè pǐn 入法界品 [Entry into the Realm of Reality] of Miàofǎ liánhuá jīng 妙法蓮華經 [Lotus Sutra of the Wonderful Law], translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什) of the Late Qin dynasty, it reads “Yánjìng yíqiè chà, mièchú sān èdào. 嚴浄一切剎，滅除三惡道.” (Clean every place and clear the three evils.) In the poem Tí Sūn Yìrén shān jū 題孫逸人山居 [For Hermit Sun Yiren] by Du Mu 杜牧, a poet of the Tang dynasty, it is written that

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 21 “Chángxuán qīngzǐ yǔ fāngzhī, chénchà wúyīn miǎn biélí. 長懸青紫與芳枝， 塵剎無因免別離.” (All the honors are left hung above; everything in the world would be departed.) (2) An abbreviated transliteration of the Sanskrit word lakṣata or the Turkic word sât or šat, referring to the wheel sign on the top of Buddhist pagoda or the banners erected in front of Buddhist temples. In Yǒngníng sì 永寧 寺 [Temple of Everlasting Peace] of Chéngnèi 城內 [Inside the City] of Luòyáng qiélánjì 洛陽伽藍記 [The Record of the Buddhist Monasteries of Luoyang] by Yang Xuanzhi 楊衒之 of the Northern Wei dynasty (386–534 ce), it is recorded that “zhōng yǒu jiǔcéng fútú yìsuǒ, jiàmù wéizhī, jǔgāo jiǔshí zhàng, shàngyǒu jīnchà, fùgāo shízhàng, hé qùdì yīqiān chǐ. 中有九層浮圖一所，架木為之，舉 高九十丈，上有金剎，復高十丈，合去地一千尺.” (Inside stood a nine-tier wooden pagoda, 90 zhang high, with a gold ten-zhang-high wheel sign on the top; the whole construction was a thousand chi high.) The meaning extends to Buddhist pagodas or temples. In Yú Yuàn zhuàn 虞愿傳 [The Biography of Yu Yuan] of Nánqíshū 南齊書 [The Book of Southern Qi], it reads that “Yǐ Xiàowǔ Zhuāngyán chà qīcéng, dì yùqǐ shícéng, bùkě lì, fēnwéi liǎngchà, gè wǔcéng. 以 孝武莊嚴剎七層，帝欲起十層，不可立，分為兩剎，各五層.” (The pagoda in Zhuangyan Monastery built in the reign of Emperor Xiaowu was of seven tiers. Emperor Ming wanted a ten-tier temple that could not be achieved yet, and two five-tier pagodas were therefore erected.) In the poem Dúyóu qīnglóng sì 獨遊青 龍寺 [A Tour to Qinglong Temple Alone] by the Tang poet Gu Kuang 顧況, it is written that “Chūnfēng rù xiāngchà, xiárì dú yóuyǎn. 春風入香剎，暇日獨遊衍.” (The spring breeze blows into the aromatic temple; a lone carefree tour fits best the leisure time.) (3) An abbreviated transliteration of the Sanskrit word kṣaṇa, meaning a very short instant. In Qiānfósòng 千佛頌 [Ode to a Thousand Buddhas] by Shen Yue 沈約 of Liang, the Southern dynasties, it is written that “yíchà mítíng, sānniàn qíwǎng. 一剎靡停，三念齊往.” (Time races as swiftly as yíchà 一剎 or sānniàn 三念.) (Niàn is the smallest unit of time and equals 18 milliseconds.) Chànà 剎那 is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word kṣaṇa, referring to a very short moment in ancient India, originally meaning the time the female weavers split thread. In the poem Yóu Zhōngshān Dà’àijìng sì 遊鐘山大愛敬寺 [A Tour to Da-ai-jing Temple of Zhongshan] by Xiao Yan 萧衍 of the Emperor of Liang, the Southern dynasties, it is written that “Shēngzhù wú tíngxiàng, chànà jí cúqiān. 生住無停相，剎那即徂遷.” (A life, since its birth, never stops; changes happen in every second.) In Yìndù zǒngshù 印度總述 [A General Introduction to India] of Dàtáng xīyù jì 大唐西域記 [The Great Tang Record of Travels to the Western Regions] by Xuanzang 玄奘 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that the shortest unit of time is called chànà 剎那; 120 chànà 剎那 is one dáchànà 呾剎那. Ēmítuófó 阿彌陀佛 is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word amitābha, meaning wúliàng fó 無量佛 (Buddha of Infinity) or wúliàng shòu fó 無量壽佛 (Buddha of Infinite Life), the most supreme Buddha in the Elysian Field of the West. Buddhist descendants speak ē mí tuó fó in sutra recitation to pray for buddhas’ blessings or express gratitude for buddhas. Ē mí tuó 阿彌陀 means boundless, as explained in Book Nine, Yíqièjīng yīn yì 一切經音義 [Pronunciation and Meaning in the Complete Buddhist Canon], translated by the Tang monk Xuanying 玄應.

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The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese

In Guān wúliàngshòu fó jīng 觀無量壽佛經 [The Sutra of Visualizing the Buddha of Infinite Life], translated by Kalayaśas (Jiangliang yeshe 畺良耶舍) of the LiuSong dynasty, it reads that “Jùzú shíniàn, chēng nāmó ēmítuófó; chēng fómíng gù, yú niànniàn zhōng, chú bāshíyì jié shēngsǐ zhī zuì. 具足十念，稱南無阿彌 陀佛；稱佛名故，於念念中，除八十億劫生死之罪.” (Call Buddha ten times with full reverence, which will remove all the predestined jeopardies.) The poem Ē mí tuó fó zàn 阿彌陀佛贊 [Ode to Buddha] by Su Shi 蘇軾 (a poet of the Song dynasty) reads that “Fózǐ zàishí bǎiyōu rào, línxíng yíniàn hé yóuliǎo; kǒusòng nánwú ēmítuó, rúrì chūdì wànguó xiǎo. 佛子在時百優繞，臨行一念 何由了；口誦南無阿彌陀，如日出地萬國曉.” (When alive, the devout follower lived a worrisome life; at the departure of her life, she had but one wish. Chanting “Infinite Buddha,” like the rising of the sun above the earth, will be known all over the world.) Fàn 梵 is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word brahma, short for fànmó 梵 摩, póluóhèmó 婆羅賀摩. Buddhist canons were written in an ancient Indian written language (Sanskrit, fànyǔ 梵語, fànwén 梵文 in Chinese). Hence, everything related to India or Buddhism could be termed fàn 梵 or a compound involving the morpheme fàn 梵. In Jūn shèng lùn 均聖論 [Treaties on Equating Sages] by Shen Yue 沈約 of Liang, the Southern dynasties, it reads that “Suī yèshū héngzì, huáfàn bùtóng. 雖葉書橫字，華梵不同.” (Different from Chinese writings, Sanskrit writings were on palm leaves and written horizontally.) Fàn 梵 refers to Sanskrit, the ancient Indian written language. In Tíng gào wén 庭誥文 [Instructions from the Courtyard] by Yan Yanzhi 顏延之 of the Southern dynasties, it was argued that metaphysics was superior to writings on concrete phenomena in that it conveyed multiple meanings and accessed the ultimate; the texts, written in Indian language, are different from Chinese classics (“Yǔchū fànfāng, gù jiàncāi shìxué. 語出梵方，故見猜世學.”); it rose above the ordinary, so it was not accessible in common ways. In volume 24 of the Fǎyuàn zhūlín 法苑珠林 [Forest of Gems in the Garden of the Dharma], compiled by Daoshi 道世, a monk of the Tang dynasty, it is recorded that “Sòng dàmíng nián zhōng, yǒu sìtǒng fǎshī míng Dàowēn, jū zài mòlíng xiàn . . . gù yǐ shēngzǎo zhèn zhōng, shì líng fànbiǎo. 宋大明年中, 有寺統法師名道溫，居在秣陵縣 . . . 固以聲藻震中，事靈梵表.” (During the Daming Reign of the Song dynasty, Master Daowen lived in the county of Moling, serving Buddha and spreading his teachings, his name well known around China.) Fànfāng 梵方 and fànbiǎo 梵表 refer to India. In Shìlǎo zhì 釋老志 [Treatises of Buddhism and Taoism] of Wèishū 魏書 [The Book of Wei], it reads that “fàn chàng túyīn, liányán jiēxiǎng, xiàngtǎ chányú xīngsāo. 梵唱屠音，連簷接響, 像塔纏 於腥臊.” (Brahma voices rise in temples, echoing along the eaves, enveloping statues, pagodas, the fishy and foul.) In Jīngshī lùn 經師論 [The Scroll of Sutra Masters] of the Gāosēng zhuàn 高僧傳 [The Biographies of Eminent Monks] by Huijiao 慧皎 of Liang, the Southern dynasties, it reads that “Yuán fú fànbài zhī qǐ, yì zhàozì Chénsī. 原夫梵唄之起，亦肇自陳思.” (The creation of Buddhist hymns started from Lord Chensi (i.e., Cao Zhi 曹植).) “Yǒngjīng zé chēngwéi zhuǎndú, gēzàn zé hào wéi fànyīn. 詠經則稱為轉讀，歌贊則號為梵音.” (Reading aloud sutras is called zhuǎn dú 轉讀, and chanting sutras is called fànyīn 梵音.)

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 23 In Zhang Zuan zhuàn 張纘傳 [The Biography of Zhang Zuan] of Liángshū 梁書 [The Book of Liang], it reads that “Jīng fǎwáng zhī fànyǔ, dǔ yīnshí zhī huòyuè. 經法王之梵宇，覩因時之或躍.” (Pass Buddhas’ temples and comprehend the secret of destiny.) In the poem Zǐyáng huā 紫陽花 [Hydrangea] by Bai Juyi 白居 易, a poet of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “hénián zhíxiàng xiāntán shàng, zǎowǎn yízāi dào fànjiā. 何年植向仙壇上，早晚移栽到梵家.” (When will the flower be planted on the altar? Sooner or later, it will find its way in temples.) In the poem Yóu Nánmíng shān 遊南明山 [A Tour to Mt. Nanming] by the poet Tang Yanqian 唐彥謙 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Jīnyín gǒng fànchà, dānqīng zhào lángyǔ. 金銀拱梵剎，丹青照廊宇.” (Temples are revered in gold and silver; the halls and corridors shine with paintings.) Fànyǔ 梵宇, fànjiā 梵 家, and fànchà 梵剎 all refer to monasteries where Buddhist monks live. In the second volume of Chū sānzàng jìjí 出三藏記集 [A Compilation of Notes on the Translation of the Tripitaka] by the monk Sengyou 僧祐 of Liang, the Southern dynasties, it reads that “Shāmén zhúfǎhù xiān yì fànwén, ér cíyì fánzhòng. 沙門 竺法護先譯梵文，而辭義繁重.” (Dharmarakṣa was among the first who translated Sanskrit; the sutras were complicated and difficult to interpret.) Fànwén 梵 文 refers to the canons written in Sanskrit. In Fǎjùjīng 法句經 [Dhammapada], co-translated by Zhulvyan 竺律炎 and Weizhinan 維支難 of the state of Wu, the Three Kingdom period, it reads that “Qísuǒ chuányán huòdé fànyǔ, huò yǐ yòu chū yīn, jìnzhì zhēnpǔ, chū xián qí wéicí bùyǎ. 其所傳言或得梵語，或以又出 音，近質真樸，初嫌其為辭不雅.” (The translation used the original forms and sounds of Sanskrit words, true and close to the original texts, considered lacking elegance in the beginning, though.) Fànyù 梵語 refers to the ancient Indian written language. In the third volume of Fóběn hángjí jīng 佛本行集經 [The Sutra of Buddha’s Fundamental Deeds], translated by Shenajueduo 闍那崛多 (Jñānagupta) of the Sui dynasty, it is recorded that “Yǔ méntú jù, jùhuì ér zuò, jiǎnglùn fàndiàn. 與門徒俱，聚會而坐，講論梵典.” (The masters sat with the disciples, teaching sutras.) Fàndiǎn 梵典 refers to Buddhist canons. In Qīchán jīngshè míng 棲禪精 舍銘 [An Inscription of Meditation in the Vihara], written by Shen Yue 沈約 of Liang, the Southern dynasties, it reads that “Wǎng cí miào wò, jìn chéng fànyán. 往辭妙幄，今承梵筵.” (The classic teachings and places of wisdom came alive in today’s bodhimandala, the circle of enlightenment.) Fànyán 梵筵 refers to bodhimandala, which means Buddhist assemblies. Fó 佛 means Buddha or the awakened One, pud or but in Tocharian languages.4 In Cháng ahán shí bào jīng 長阿含十報經 [The Sutra on the Law of Ten Rewards in the Dirghagama], it reads that “Huòshí fó yì bùshuō jīng, huìzhě tóngxué yì bùshuō jīng. 或時佛亦不說經，慧者同學亦不說經.” (Sometimes neither Buddha nor the enlightened disciples explained sutras.) In Míngdìjì xià 明帝紀下 [The Annal of Emperor Mingdi of the Western Jin dynasty] of Hòuhàn jì 後漢記 [Records of Late Han], it reads that “Fútú zhě, fó yě. xīyù tiānzhú yǒu fódào yān. fózhě, hànyán jué, jiāng wù qúnshēng yě. 浮屠者，佛也. 西域天竺有佛道焉.” 佛者，漢言覺，將寤群生也.” (Fútú 浮屠 means Buddha or the awakened One who is to enlighten the masses. His teachings flourished in India.) In Shìlǎo zhì 釋 老志 [Treatises of Buddhism and Taoism] of Wèishū 魏書 [The Book of Wei], it

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reads that “Fútú zhènghào yuē fótuó, fótuó yǔ fútú shēng xiāngjìn, jiē xīfáng yán, qílái zhuǎn wéi èryīn. huáyán yìzhī zé wèi jìngjué, wèi mièhuì chéngmíng, dào wéi shèngwù. 浮屠正號曰佛陀，佛陀與浮圖聲相近，皆西方言，其來轉為二音. 華言譯之則謂凈覺，謂滅穢成明，道為聖悟.” (Buddha could be transliterated into fútú 浮屠 or fótuó 佛陀, the latter being a formal word. The two words, similar in sound, are both words of the west, meaning to purify, awaken – enlightened by removing the foul and awakening by the teachings.) In particular, fó 佛 refers to the Buddhism founder Sakyamuni, i.e., Gautama Buddha. In Xīyù zhuàn 西域傳 [The Book of the City States of the Western Regions] of Hòuhànshū 後漢書 [The Book of the Later Han], it is noted that in the west lives the deity named Fó 佛. The word also refers to Buddhism, as written in Lùn fógǔ biǎo 論佛骨表 [Memorial on the Bone of Buddha] by Han Yu 韓愈; fó 佛 refers to a foreign mindset. Fútú 浮圖 or fútú 浮屠, fó 佛, is the transliteration of Buddha. In Xīyù zhuàn 西域傳 [The Book of the City States of the Western Regions] of Hòuhànshū 後漢 書 [The Book of the Later Han], it is noted that Emperor Huan worshipped deities and served sacrifices to fútú 浮圖 (Buddha) and Laozi a few times. Li Xian 李賢, quoted from Hànjì 漢記 [Records of Han] by Yuan Hong 袁宏, states that fútú 浮圖 refers to fó 佛 (Buddha). In Shìlǎo zhì 釋老志 [Treatises of Buddhism and Taoism] of Wèishū 魏書 [The Book of Wei], it is recorded that “Jíkāi xīyù, qiǎn Zhāng Qiān shǐ Dàxià huán, qí páng yǒu Shēndú guó, yī míng Tiānzhú, shǐ wén yǒu fútú zhī jiào. 及開西域，遺張騫使大夏還，其旁有身毒國，一名天竺， 始聞有浮屠之教.” (After the opening to the Western Regions, the envoy Zhang Qian returned from the state of Daxia, next to which lay the state of Shendu, also called Tianzhu, and then Buddhism came to be known in Han China.) The word could also be the transliteration of buddhastūpa, referring to pagoda. In the section Gǔshuǐ 穀水 [The Gu River] of Shuǐjīngzhù 水經注 [The Commentary on the Water Classic] by Li Daoyuan 酈道元 of the Northern Wei dynasty, it is recorded that “Yǒu Yǒngníng sì, Xīpíng zhōng shǐzhì yě, zuò jiǔcéng fútú. 有永寧寺，熙平 中始制也，作九層浮圖.” (The Yongning Temple was built in the reign of Xiping, housing a nine-story pagoda.) In Héshuǐ yī 河水一 [River water, I], it is recorded that “Āyù wáng qǐ fútú yú fó níhuán chù, shuāng shù jí tǎ, jīn wú fù yǒu yě. 阿育 王起浮屠於佛泥洹處，雙樹及塔，今無復有也.” (King Ashoka had a pagoda erected in the place of Buddha’s nirvana, with two trees and pagodas, which no longer exist.) In Shìlǎo zhì 釋老志 [Treatises of Buddhism and Taoism] of Wèishū 魏書 [The Book of Wei], it is recorded that White Horse Temple was constructed in Luoyang. The pagoda was of cubic shape and ornamented elaborately (shèng shì fótú 盛飾佛圖) with brilliant drawings. All the imperial pagodas were in the Indian style and of multiple odd-numbered tiers, ranging from one to nine stories. Descendants followed the style and called pagodas fútú 浮圖 or fótú 佛圖. Héshang 和尚 or héshàng 和上 (Buddhist tutors) generally refers to male disciples who relinquished worldly possessions and went to monasteries for enlightenment; it could also refer to female Buddhist disciples. In India, it is a common address term for masters; in China, it is a respectful term for Buddhist masters. The Sanskrit word upādhyāya was transliterated as wūbódǐyèyē 烏波底夜耶, mispronounced as wūshè 烏社 in the ancient Khotan language, or húshè 鶻社, héshè 和社

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 25 (Khosha), and héshang 和尚 or héshàng 和上 in the Chinese language. In Wǔfēnlǜ 五分律 [The Five-Part Vinaya], translated by Fotuoshi 佛陀什 (Buddhajīva) of the Liu-Song dynasty (volume 11), it reads that “Bǐ bǐqiūní héshang yán: ‘Rǔ xiān néngdé duō měi yǐnshí, jīn hégù búfù néngdé?’ 彼比丘尼和尚言： ‘汝先能得多 美飲食，今何故不復能得？’ ” (The nun said, “You could have plenty of delicious food in the past. Why can you not now?”) In volume four of Zhuànjí bǎiyuán jīng 撰集百緣經 [One Hundred Tales], translated by Zhiqian 支謙 of the state of Wu, the Three Kingdom period, it is written that “Xiānrén chàngdào: ‘Héshang dàshī, yún hé yídàn jīn jiàn gūbèi, shěqì wǒ qù, gèng bù wénfǎ?’ 仙人唱道： ‘和尚 大師，云何一旦今見孤背，捨棄我去，更不聞法？’” (The disciple cried out loud, “Master, why do you desert me the moment you see me and will not teach Buddha’s teachings?”) In Yányǔ 言語 [Speech and Conversation] of Shìshuō xīnyǔ 世說新語 [A New Account of the Tales of the World] by Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 of the Liu-Song dynasty, a quote from Gao Zuo biézhuàn 高座別傳 [The Biography of Gao Zuo] says that “Héshang húmíng Shi Limi, xīyù rén. 和尚胡名施黎密， 西域人.” (The foreign monk is named Shi Limi and from the Western Regions.) In Dàtáng gù Sānzàng Xuánzàng fǎshī xíng zhuàng 大唐故三藏玄奘法師行狀 [Life of Late Tripitaka Master Xuanzang] of Míng xiáng jì 冥祥記 [Signs from the Unseen Realm], it reads that “Héshang qùjīn sānnián yǐqián, yǒu huàn sìzhī jūjí rú huǒshāo dāopàn zhī bìng. 和上去今三年以前，有患四支拘急如火燒刀判之 病.” (In the future, three years from now, Master will suffer convulsions as acute as fire burning or knife chopping.) In volume 338 of Tàipíng guǎngjì 太平廣記 [Extensive Records of the Taiping Reign (976–983)], it is quoted from Guǎngyìjì 廣異記 [Encyclopedia of the Supernatural] that Zhu Ziquan 朱自勸 of the county of Wu passed away in the year Bǎoyìng 寶應 (762–763 ce). In the third year of Dàlì’s 大曆 reign (766–779 ce, the Tang dynasty), his daughter, who became a nun, had her maid buy flatbread at the market for sacrifice. Ten days later, the maid saw Ziquan again at the market. Ziquan asked her about his daughter, and told her that now that the day was cold, yet the nun (héshang 和尚), i.e., his daughter, had not prepared winter clothes. He gave the maid two bolts of cloth for his daughter to make winter clothes. The maid came back and showed the cloth to the nun, who made a pair of trousers with one bolt and kept the other. Jì 偈 is an abbreviated translation of the Sanskrit word gāthā, which could be translated into jìtuó 偈佗, jiātuó 伽陀, or jiātā 伽他, meaning hymns in Buddhist sutras. In Jiūmóluóshí zhuàn 鳩摩羅什傳 [The Biography of Kumarajiva] of Jìnshū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Luóshí cóngshī shòujīng, rìsòng qiānjì, jì yǒu sān shí èr zì, fán sānwàn èrqiān yán, yì yì zìtōng. 羅什從師受經，日 誦千偈，偈有三十二字，凡三萬二千言，義亦自通.” (Kumarajiva kowtowed to a master and started to learn sutras, chanting a thousand hymns every day. Each hymn consists of 32 characters; altogether there are 320,000 characters, and he could understand them all by himself.) In Yōumínglù 幽明錄 [Records of the Hidden and the Visible Worlds] by Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 (403–444) in the Liu-Song dynasty, it reads that “Nánnǔ yìchù, yǒu sòngjīng zhě, bàijì zhě, zìrán yǐnshí zhě, kuàilè bùkě yán. 男女異處，有誦經者，唄偈者，自然飲食者，快樂不可言.” (There are separate places for male and female disciples. Some recite sutras; some

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The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese

chant hymns; some enjoy a natural diet; everyone is pretty happy.) In Míng xiáng jì 冥祥記 [Signs from the Unseen Realm] by Wang Yan 王琰 of the Southern Qi dynasty, it reads “Xià bìngrén yúdì, wòdān xíshàng, yǐ yìngqì zhì fùshàng, bù fùzhī, fànbài sānjì qì, wéi fànzhòu kě shùqiān yǔ. 下病人于地，臥單席上，以 應器置腹上，布覆之，梵唄三偈訖，為梵咒可數千語.” (Lay the sickman on a sheet on the ground, put an almsbowl on his stomach, cover the bowl with a piece of cloth, chant three hymns, and recite mantras a thousand times.) In Wūzhàngnà guó 烏仗那國 [The Country of Oḍḍiyāna] of Dàtáng xīyù jì 大唐西域記 [The Great Tang Records of Travels to the Western Regions] by Xuanzang 玄奘 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that jì 偈 was an archaic word, its Sanskrit origin lost; the word jìtuó 偈佗 was a mispronunciation. The correct translation is jiātuó 伽 陀, which means song 頌 in Chinese, a hymn of 32 characters. In Liùzǔ tánjīng 六 祖壇經 [The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch], in the collection compiled by the monk Fahai 法海 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Xiù shàngzuò sānjīng yú nánláng xià zhōngjiān bì shàng bǐngzhú tí zuò jì, rén jìn bùzhī. 秀上座三更於南 廊下中間壁上秉燭題作偈，人盡不知.” (Master Shenxiu composed a hymn on the wall by the southern corridor under the candlelight at midnight, unknown to anyone.) In Tí wànsōng tíng 題萬松亭 [To the Ten Thousand Pines Pavilion], the author Huang Tingjian 黃庭堅, a scholar of the Song dynasty, wrote an inscription in seal script (zhuànshū 篆書) 20 years ago. Now that he heard the pavilion had been renovated with an even more amazing view, he asked the Chan master to replace it with a stone inscription of a six-character Buddhist hymn (jiātuó liùyán jì 伽陀六言偈). Jiāshā 袈裟 is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word kṣāya, or translated as jiāshāyè 袈沙曳, referring to the outer robes that monks wear. The original meaning was impure colors. The robes should be in colors other than the five primary colors (blue, yellow, red, white, and black) and the five secondary colors (scarlet, vermilion, purple, green, and bluish green). After being introduced into China, Buddhist robes could also be bright in color, such as purple robes and gold-thread robes. Robes are usually patchwork with small rectangular cloth pieces stitched together, mainly of three types by the number of columns in pattern – five, seven, or nine. In scroll nine, Sōushén hòujì 搜神後記 [After Legend of the Demigods] by Tao Qian 陶潛 of the Jin dynasty, it reads that “Zhǔrén yù shā yì yáng, yáng jué shéng biànzǒu, lái tóurù cǐ dàorén xīzhōng, chuāntóu xiàng jiāshā xià. 主人欲殺 一羊，羊絕繩便走，來投入此道人膝中，穿頭向袈裟下.” (Seeing that its lord meant to kill it, the sheep broke free, ran towards the monk, and buried its head inside the monk’s robe.) In Sòngyún Huìshēng shǐ xīyù 宋云惠生使西域 [Mission of Songyun and Huisheng to the Western Regions] of Chéngbei 城北 [North of City] of Luòyáng qiélánjì 洛陽伽藍記 [The Record of the Buddhist Monasteries of Luoyang] by Yang Xuanzhi 楊衒之 of the Northern Wei dynasty, it is recorded that “Yǔzhǐ, fó zài shíxià, dōngmiàn ér zuò, shài jiāshā. 雨止，佛在石下，東面 而坐，曬袈娑.” (After the rain stopped, Buddha sat by a stone, facing east, and spread his robe in the sun.) In “jiàn rén shān shēn fǎshī bàdào shū. 諫仁山深法師 罷道書.” [A Dissuasion of a Monk Master Relinquishing His Conviction], it reads that “Cái tuō jiāshā, féngrén zhé chēng rǔwǒ. 才脫袈裟，逢人輒稱汝我.” [He

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 27 had barely taken off his robe than he addressed everyone as you and me (rather than the usual Buddhist addresses).] Jié 劫 is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word kalpa, referring to the phase from the birth to demise of the world, including four stages – birth, stay, catastrophe, and emptiness. At the stage of catastrophe, there happened flood, fire, and tornado, and the world was destroyed. Later on, the word means natural or man-made calamities. In Jiéliàng shùyì 劫量述意 [An Interpretation on Calamities] of Fǎyuàn zhūlín 法苑珠林 [Forest of Gems in the Garden of the Dharma], compiled by the monk Daoshi 道世 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Fú jié zhě, gàishì jìshí zhī míng, yóu niánhào ěr. 夫劫者，蓋是紀時之名，猶年 號耳.” (Jié 劫 means era, epoch, similar to the name of a year.) In Fó 佛 [Buddha] of Jīngjí zhì 經籍志 [Catalogue of Classical Canon] of Suíshū 隋書 [The Book of Sui], it is recorded that “Yìchéng yíbài, wèizhī yìjié. zìcǐ tiāndì yǐqián, zé yǒu wúliàng jié yǐ. 一成一敗，謂之一劫. 自此天地已前，則有無量劫矣.” (A cycle of achievement and calamity is called yìjié 一劫. Prior to the birth of heaven and earth, boundless calamities already happened.) In Shíyí jì 拾遺 記 [Records of Gleanings], volume six, Wang Jia 王嘉, a scholar of the Eastern Jin dynasty, wrote that “Yún shì Kōngtóng língguā, sìjié yìshí, xīwángmǔ yíyú cǐdì. 云是崆峒靈瓜，四劫一實，西王母遺於此地.” (The melon is said to grow in Kongtong Mountain, bearing one fruit after four cycles of calamities, which Queen Mother of the West left in this place.) In Wēnshì jiǎngchàng yāzuò wén 溫室講唱押座文 [Prelude of Bathhouse Sutra Chant] of Dūnhuáng biànwén jí 敦煌變文集 [Transformation Texts of Dunhuang], it is written that “Bǎiqiānwànjié zuò lúnwáng, búyuè wánggōng ēn’ài shì. shěmìng shěshēn qiānwàn jié, zhízhì jīnshēn zhèng pútí. 百千萬劫作輪王，不樂王宮恩愛事. 捨命捨身千萬劫，直至今身證菩提.” (Out of millions of calamities the Ruler was born, with no desire for either power or familial love. Having relinquished his life and body through numerous calamities, the prince acquired enlightenment in this life.) Lánrě 蘭若 is the abbreviated translation of ālánrě 阿蘭若 (araṇya), referring to a temple, a quiet place with no worries. In Yè Zhēndìsì Chánshī 謁真諦寺禪 師 [Paying Respects to the Master of the Temple of Truth] by Du Fu 杜甫 of the Tang dynasty, it reads, “Lánrě shān gāochù, yānxiá zhàng jĭchóng. 蘭若山高處， 煙霞嶂幾重.” (Standing on high peak of the mountain, the temple is surrounded by layers of mist and rosy cloud.) In Jiù Tángshū·Wŭzōng Jì 舊唐書·武宗紀 [The Old Book of the Tang Dynasty Biography of the Emperor of Wuzong], it reads, “Chì cíbù jiǎnkuò tiānxià sì jí sēngní rénshù, dàfánsì sìqiān liùbǎi, lánrě èrshíliù wàn wŭbǎi. 敕祠部檢括天下寺及僧尼人數. 大凡寺四千六百，蘭若四萬，僧 尼二十六万五百.” (Imperial order was issued to the Ministry of Rites to make a census of temples as well as monks and nuns. In general, there are 4,600 Buddhist temples, 40,000 monasteries, and 260, 500 monks and nuns.) In volume six of Cháoyěqiānzǎi 朝野僉載 [Stories about the Government and the People] by Zhang Zhuo 張鷟 of the Tang dynasty, it reads, “Rù lùhúnshān zuò lánrě, hŭ bù wéibào. 入陸渾山坐蘭若, 虎不為暴.” (Since he came to the temple in Luhun Mountain, even tigers became docile.)

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Luóchà 羅剎 is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word rākṣasa, the aboriginal people of ancient India. After entering India, the Aryan insulted the people who were being monster-like. As a result, the word came to mean a demon with a black body, red hair, and green eyes. The females could change into beauties by bewitching and eating people. In Buddhism, the word refers generally to evil ghosts, as explained in the third volume of Yíqièjīng yīn yì 一切經音義 [Pronunciation and Meaning in the Complete Buddhist Canon] by Xuanying 玄應 of the Tang dynasty, “Luóchàpó, fànyǔ èguǐshén yě . . . néng biàn měimiào róngyí, mèihuò yúrén, zhà xiàng róufǔ, fāngbiàn kuāngyòu ér dànshí zhī. 囉剎婆，梵語惡鬼神也. . . . 能 變美妙容儀，魅惑於人，詐相柔輔，方便誑誘而啖食之.” (Female luóchà囉 剎, which means evil spirits in Sanskrit, could transform into bewitching figures, seducing and deceiving to take people as food.) In Dàmùgānlián míngjiān jiùmǔ biànwén 大目乾連冥間救母變文 [The Transformation Text on Mu-lien Saving His Mother from the Underworld] of Dūnhuáng biànwén jí 敦煌變文集 [Transformation Texts of Dunhuang], it reads that “Jiàn yī mǎtóu luóchà, shǒubǎ tiěchā, yìqì ér lì. 見一馬頭羅剎，手把鐵杈，意氣而立.” (There stood a horse-headed demon with an iron staff in hand, looking intimidating.) The word could metaphorically mean a man’s ferocity, as in Shedi Gan zhuàn 厙狄干傳 [The Biography of Shedi Gan] of Běiqíshū 北齊書 [The Book of Northern Qi], in which it is written that “shírén yǔ yuē: ‘Cìshǐ luóchà zhèng, sīmǎ fùshé chēn, zhǎngshǐ hánxiào pàn, Qīnghé shēng chīrén.’ 時人語曰： ‘刺史羅剎政，司馬蝮蛇嗔，長史含笑判， 清河生喫人.’” (As the folks said, the governor was as cruel as a demon; the Minister of War was as ferocious as a viper; the Chief Advisor was mild in administration; the Governor of Qinghe county was as ruthless as a man-eater.) Luóhàn 羅漢 or āluóhàn 阿羅漢 is the abbreviated transliteration of the Sanskrit words arhān, arhat, meaning the top achievement in Hinayana Buddhism or Buddhist saints. In Tàizǐ ruìyīng běnqǐ jīng 太子瑞應本起經 [Sutra of the Original Endeavour of the Prince in Accordance with All Good Omens], translated by Zhiqian 支謙 of the state of Wu, the Three Kingdom period, it reads that “Yìxīn zhī dào, wèi zhī luóhàn, luóhàn zhě, zhēnrén yě. 一心之道，謂之羅漢，羅漢者，真人 也.” [The one with full devotion is honored as luóhàn 羅漢 (a perfected person).] As written in the first volume of Sānchéng tōnghào piān 三乘通號篇 [Expressions of Three Vehicles] of Fānyìmíng yìjí 翻譯名義集 [Collected Meanings of Translated Terms] by the monk Fayun 法云 of the Song dynasty, according to Dàlùn 大 論 [i.e. Dà zhìdù lùn 大智度論 (Treatise on the Perfection of Great Wisdom)], āluó 阿羅, zéi 賊, or pò 破 in Chinese means to break, to break away from all the worries; āluóhàn 阿羅漢 means the end of all the worries, the one to be worshipped by all the mortals in every life and space. In the entry Fó 佛 [Buddha] of Jīngjí zhì 經籍志 [Catalogue of Classical Canon] of Suí shū 隋書 [The Book of Sui], it is recorded that “Zhì luóhàn zhě, zé chūshēng rùsǐ, qùlái yǐnxiǎn, ér bù wéi lěi. 至 羅漢者，則出生入死，去來隱顯，而不為累.” (An arhat is one able to shuttle between life and death, visible or invisible at will, without any entanglement.) Mó 魔 is the abbreviated transliteration of the Sanskrit word māra, which originally meant hindrance, disturbance, damage. In Buddhism, it means the evil deities obstructing disciples’ cultivation and wrecking the power of Buddha. In Xiūxíng

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 29 běnqǐ jīng 修行本起經 [The Sutra of the Practice and Original Rise], translated by Zhu Dali 竺大力 and Kang Mengxiang 康孟祥 of the East Han dynasty, it reads that “rěnlì xiángmó, guǐbīng tuìsàn. 忍力降魔，鬼兵退散.” (With extreme forbearance, Buddha defeats the evils and dispels the ghost armies.) According to the second volume of Yíqièjīng yīn yì 一切經音義 [Pronunciation and Meaning in the Complete Buddhist Canon], translated by Xuanying 玄應 of the Tang dynasty, the word was used only in translation works. Móluó 魔羅 in Sanskrit was translated into zhàng 障, referring to obstruction in followers’ cultivation; it also meant a killer, who conducted himself freely without observing any code and therefore breaking away from wisdom; it also meant an evil doer who was succumbed to desires. In the second volume of Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什 [Kumarajiva] of the Gāosēng zhuàn 高僧傳 [The Biographies of Eminent Monks] by Huijiao 慧皎 of Liang, the Southern dynasties, it is written that the monk Jiumoluoshi had hardly got Fàngguāngjīng 放光經 [The Sutra on the Emission of Light] and started to read it when mó 魔 (the demon) came and made the writings on the tablet invisible. The monk knew it was a doing of a demon but persisted in his endeavors. With the demon having gone, the writings became visible and he kept on reading. In the seventh volume of Léngyán jīng 楞嚴經 [The Surangama Sutra], translated by the Indian monk Bolamidi 般剌密諦 (Pramiti), it reads that “Shífāng rúlái, zhícǐ zhòuxīn, xiángfú zhūmó, zhì zhūwàidào. 十方如來，執此咒心，降服諸魔，制 諸外道.” (With this sutra, you ten Bodhisattvas could defeat all the demons and repel all the wrongdoings.) The character mó 魔 could be used as a morpheme to form compound words such as mówáng 魔王 (the ruler of the evil world; the king of evil ghosts), mónǚ 魔女 (females in the evil world; female ghost), móháng 魔行 (the type of men like demons), móguǐ 魔鬼 (evil spirits harming mortals), mózhàng 魔障 (obstruction in practice), mómèi 魔魅 (demons victimizing others), etc. Nānmó 南無, also known as nàmó 那膜, nánmó 南膜, nánmó 南摩, is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word namas, meaning conversion, reverence, obedience to the Three Jewels – Buddha, laws of Buddha, and monks. In Guān wúliàngshòu fó jīng 觀無量壽佛經 [The Sutra of Visualizing the Buddha of Infinite Life], translated by Kalayaśas (Jiangliangyeshe 畺良耶舍) of the Liu-Song dynasty, it reads “jùzú shíniàn, chēng nāmó ēmítuófó. 具足十念，稱南無阿彌陀佛.” (Call Buddha ten times with full reverence.) In Yǒngníng sì 永寧寺 [Temple of Everlasting Peace] of Chéngnèi 城內 [Inside the City] of Luòyáng qiélánjì 洛陽伽藍記 [The Record of the Buddhist Monasteries of Luoyang] by Yang Xuanzhi 楊衒之 of the Northern Wei dynasty, it reads that “(Pútídámó) kǒuchàng nāmó, hézhǎng liánrì. （菩提達摩）口唱南無，合掌連日.” (Bodhidharma chanted homage and placed his palms together in salutation for days on end.) In the poem Jìyóu shī 記 遊詩 [A Travel Poem] by Xue Jixuan 薛季宣 of the Song dynasty, it is written that “Xiá guān mèngzhōngmèng, nánmó fó yīnyuán. 遐觀夢中夢，南膜佛因緣.” (Contemplate a dream vision and pay homage to Buddha for the predestination.) According to scroll four of Zhòngshàn xíngfǎ piān 眾善行法篇 [Doing Good and Observing Buddha’s Law], Fānyìmíng yìjí 翻譯名義集 [Collected Meanings of Translated Terms] by the monk Fayun 法雲 of the Song dynasty, nāmó 南無, nàmó 那膜, or nánmó 南摩 were translated as guīmìng 歸命 (observe the destiny),

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gōngjìng 恭敬 (reverence) in Yào lǜ yí 要律儀 [Essential Codes on Conducts], and guīmìngjué 歸命覺 (Awakening to Destiny) or xìncóng 信從 (obedience) in Shànjiàn lùn 善見論 [Triple Baskets of Discipline, Discourse, and Special Doctrine]. Nièpán 涅槃 is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word nirvāṇa or the Pali word nibbana, which is also translated as níhuán 泥洹, meaning extinction, reincarnation, perfect rest, the state of being free from life and death and all troubles, achieving absolute freedom. Later the word refers to the death of master monks. In Nièpán wúmíng lùn 涅槃無名論 [A Treatise on the Nameless Nature of Nirvana], translated by Sengzhao 僧肇 of the Jin dynasty, it reads that “Nièpán zhīdào, gàishì sānchéng zhī suǒguī, fāngděng zhī yuānfǔ. 涅槃之道，蓋是三乘之所歸，方等 之淵府.” (Nirvana is where the Three Vehicles lead and where the Mahayana Sutras are preserved.) In Shì Sēngzhào nièpán wúmíng lùn 釋僧肇涅槃無名論 of the Gāosēng zhuàn 高僧傳 [The Biographies of Eminent Monks] by Huijiao 慧皎 of Liang, the Southern dynasties, it is noted that nièpán 涅槃 means wúwéi 無為 or mièdù 滅度 in Chinese, the state of doing nothing and being beyond life and death. Wúwéi 無為 means being void and solitude, a state superior to being active; mièdù 滅度 means the ultimate cessation of calamities and surpassing four flows of existence. In Lúshān yuǎngōng huà 㠠山遠公話 [The Story of Master Huiyuan of Mt. Lu] of Dūnhuáng biànwén jí 敦煌變文集 [Transformation Texts of Dunhuang], it reads that “Tāi, luǎn, shī, huà, shílèi sìshēng, yǒuxíng wúxíng, yǒuxiàng wúxiàng, jiēdé nièpán ér yán mièdù. 胎、卵、濕、化，十類四生，有 形無形，有相無相，皆得涅槃而言滅度.” (All the existences in the ten realms, born from a womb, from an egg, from moisture, or by transformation, tangible or intangible, phenomenal or non-phenomenal, will realize nirvana.) In Zhèngwūlùn 證誣論 [A Defense for Buddhism against Slander] by an anonymous author of the Jin dynasty, it reads that “Shànrù níhuán, bùshǐ bùzhōng, yǒngcún miánmián. 善 入泥洹，不始不終，永存綿綿.” (Buddha realized nirvana, having no beginning nor ending but always being there.) In the section Héshuǐ yi 河水一 [Rivers I] of Shuǐjīngzhù 水經注 [The Commentary on the Water Classic] by Li Daoyuan 酈 道元 of the Northern Wei dynasty, it is recorded that “Níhuán yǐlái, shèngzhòng suǒxíng, wēiyí fǎzé, xiāngchéng bùjué. 泥洹已來，聖眾所行，威儀法則，相 承不絕.” (Buddha has realized nirvana, his path to be followed by saints and disciples, his lofty laws to be preserved and observed.) Bōrě 般若, or bōrě 波若, is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word prajñā, meaning the wisdom of understanding the true nature of phenomena. Mahayana Buddhism takes it as the mother of all Buddhas. In Wénxué 文學 [Letters and Scholarship] of the Shìshuō xīnyǔ 世說新語 [A New Account of the Tales of the World] by Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 of the Southern Song dynasty, it is written that Commander Yin 殷 (ousted to Dongyang) started to read Buddhist sutras. He first read Wéimójié jīng 維摩詰經 [The Mahayana Vimalakirti Sutra], then Dà bōrě bōluómìduō jīng 大般若波羅蜜多經 [The Great Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra], yet felt the sutra rather lengthy; later he read Xiǎopǐn 小品 (i.e., Xiǎopǐn bōrě bōluómì jīng 小品般若波羅蜜經 [The Small Section Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra]), and felt it too short. Liu Xiaobiao 劉孝標 noted that bōluómì 波羅密 meant to reach the other world. It is written in sutras that those who reach the other world possess

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 31 bōrě 般若(wisdom). In Gù Huān zhuàn 顧歡傳 [The Biography of Gu Huan] of the Nánqíshū 南齊書 [The Book of Southern Qi], it reads that “Dàojiā zhī jiào, zhíyī xūwú, déxìng wángqíng, níngshén wùrǎo; jīn zé bōrě wúzhào, wànfǎ jiēkōng, qǐyǒu dào zhī kěmíng, níngyú yī zhī kědé? 道家之教，執一虛無，得 性亡情，凝神勿擾；今則波若無照，萬法皆空，豈有道之可名，寧餘一 之可得.” (Taoism upholds the one universal principle, advocates the concept of nothingness, seeks the nature of phenomena, disentangles affection, and calls for full attention without any disturbance. Similarly, Buddhism advocates wisdom of everything and maintains that all forms are empty. Taoism won’t be gone with only a name left.) Púsà 菩薩 is an abbreviated translation of the Sanskrit expression bodhi-sattva (pútísàduǒ 菩提薩埵), originally meaning awakening and compassion and deliver the masses. In Buddhism, the word is the term of address for Sakyamuni before he became Buddha; it also refers to Buddhist saints who pursue Buddha’s law and deliver the worldly masses. In the Three Vehicles, púsà 菩薩 ranks higher than arhat but lower than Buddha. In Wǔzhāng sìzàng jīngbēi 五張寺藏經碑 [Five Temple Epitaphs] by Yu Xin 庾信 of the Northern Zhou dynasty, it reads that “Rúlái shuōfǎ, wànwàn héngshā; púsà zhuànlún, shēngshēng shìjiè. 如來說法， 萬萬恒沙；菩薩轉輪，生生世界.” (Buddha teaches laws as subtle as the sand of the Ganges River; Bodhisattva turns the Fortune Wheel and the worlds transform.) In Róngjué sì 融覺寺 [Rongjue Temple] of Chéngxī 城西 [West of the City] of Luòyáng qiélánjì 洛陽伽藍記 [The Record of the Buddhist Monasteries of Luoyang] by Yang Xuanzhi 楊衒之 of the Northern Wei dynasty, it is recorded that the Indian monk Putiliuzhi 菩提流支 greeted (the emperor) and introduced himself as púsà 菩薩 (Bodhisattva). The bodhisattvas familiar to the Chinese people include Guanshiyin 觀世音 (Bodhisattva of Compassion), Dashizhi 大勢至 (Arrival of the Great Strength), Wenshu 文殊 (Bodhisattva of Wisdom), Puxian 普賢 (Bodhisattva of Practice), and Dizang 地藏 (Bodhisattva of the Great Vow). The term later becomes a respectful form of address in Buddhism. In Yùjiā zhǎngzhě huì 鬱伽 長者會 [The Householder Ugga], translated by Kang Sengkai 康僧鎧 of Wei, the Three Kingdom period, it reads that “Shì zàijiā púsà, rúfǎ jíjù qiáncái fēngyì, fēi bù rú fǎ. 是在家菩薩，如法集聚錢財封邑，非不如法.” (He is a household bodhisattva, who amasses fortunes and acquires lands by law, not one who does not observe Buddha’s law.) In Chángxīng sìnián Zhōngxīngdiàn yìng shèngjié jiǎng jīngwén 長興四年中興殿應聖節講經文 [A Selective Teaching of Sutras under the Imperial Command in the Hall of Zhongxing in the Fourth Year of Changxing Reign (930–933)] of Dūnhuáng biànwén jí 敦煌變文集 [Transformation Texts of Dunhuang], it reads that “Ěrshí yǒu púsà tiānzǐ bōsī nìwáng, dījīnguān yúhuì hǎizhòng zhōng. 爾時有菩薩天子波斯匿王，低金冠於會海眾中.” (Among the listeners sat King Prasenajit without wearing his crown.) Pútí 菩提 is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word bodhi, meaning awakening, wisdom, the Way, the state of complete awakening, the wisdom of enlightenment, or the vehicle to awakening. In Tuówèng jùshī yù 駝甕俱失喻 [An Allegory of Losing Both Camel and Crock] of Bǎiyùjīng 百喻經 [One Hundred Buddhist Parables], translated by Qiunapidi 求那毗地 (Sanskrit. Gunavrddhi) of

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Qi, the Southern dynasty, it reads that “Fánfū yúrén, yìfù rúshì, xīxín pútí, zhìqiú sānchéng. 凡夫愚人，亦復如是，希心菩提，志求三乘.” (The commoners also entertain the same hope of acquiring wisdom and pursuing the Three Vehicles.) In Liùzǔ tánjīng 六祖壇經 [The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch], in the collection compiled by the monk Fahai 法海 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Shēnshì pútíshù, xīnrú míngjìngtái. míngjìng běn qīngjìng, héchù rǎn chén’āi. 身是菩提 樹，心如明鏡臺. 明鏡本清淨，何處染塵埃.” (The body is the bodhi tree. The mind is like a bright mirror’s stand. At all times we must strive to polish it and must not let dust collect.) In Tàizǐ chéngdào jīng 太子成道經 [The Sutra of the Awakening of the Prince] in Dūnhuáng biànwén jí 敦煌變文集 [Transformation Texts of Dunhuang], it is written that “Wǒ běnshī Shìjiāmóuní qiú pútí yuán, yú guòqù wúliàng shì shí, bǎiqiānwàn jié, duōshēng bōluónài guó. 我本師釋迦牟尼求菩提 緣，於過去無量世時，百千萬劫，多生波羅奈國.” (My master, Gautama Buddha, in the pursuit of wisdom, having experienced thousands of calamities through the boundless worlds, came to be born in Varanasi after cycles of life and death.) Qiélán 伽藍 is the abbreviated translation of the Sanskrit word saṃghārāma, meaning residence of monks; later the term refers to Buddhist temples. In the first volume of Yíqièjīng yīn yì 一切經音義 [Pronunciation and Meaning in the Complete Buddhist Canon], translated by Xuanying 玄應 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that saṃghārāma was wrongly translated as yúncūn 云村. The correct translation should be sēngqiéluómó 僧伽羅摩, which means gardens. In Fǎyún sì 法雲寺 [Fayun Temple] of Chéngxī 城西 [West of the City] of Luòyáng qiélánjì 洛 陽伽藍記 [The Record of the Buddhist Monasteries of Luoyang] by Yang Xuanzhi 楊衒之 of the Northern Wei dynasty, it is recorded that “Qiélán zhīnèi, huāguǒ wèimào, fāngcǎo mànhé, jiāmù bèitíng. 伽藍之內，花果蔚茂，芳草蔓合，嘉 木被庭.” (Inside the temple, the flowers bloom, the fruits hang in clusters, the grass and vines thrive, and the woods shade the yard.) In Āqíní guó 阿耆尼國 [The Kingdom of Agni] of Dàtáng xīyù jì 大唐西域記 [The Great Tang Record of Travels to the Western Regions] by Xuanzang 玄奘 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Qiélán shíyú suǒ, sēngzhòng èrqiān yú rén, xíxué xiǎochéng jiàoshuō yíqiè yǒu bù. 伽藍十餘所，僧眾二千餘人，習學小乘教說一切有部.” (There are more than ten temples housing about 2000 monks who learn all the Theravada sutras.) Qiéyē 伽耶, or qiénà 伽那, is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word gaja, referring to elephant. According to the second volume of Chùshēng 畜生 [Animals], Fānyìmíng yìjí 翻譯名義集 [Collected Meanings of Translated Terms], by the monk Fayun 法雲 of the Song dynasty, qiéyē 伽耶, or nàqié 那伽, or nàxiān 那先, means elephant. In Xiàngbí zhì 象鼻炙 [Roast of Elephant Trunk] of Běihùlù 北戶 録 [Records of Beihu Region, Remote Regions in the South] by Duan Gonglu 段 公路, it is written that the counties Xúnzhōu 循州 and Léizhōu 雷州, subordinating to Guǎng 廣, produce black elephants; as Master Monk Xiang 翔 of Liang said, xiàng 象 (elephant) is also called qiénà 伽那. Sānmèi 三昧, or sanmodi 三摩地, is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word samādhi, also translated as zhèngdìng 正定 semantically, referring to a state of meditative mindfulness with no disturbing thoughts. In the seventh volume of Dà zhìdù lùn 大智度論 [Treatise on the Perfection of Great Wisdom], translated

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 33 by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什) of the Late Qin dynasty, it reads that “Héděng wéi sānmèi? Shànxīn yīchù zhù bùdòng, shì míng sānmèi. 何等為三 昧？善心一處住不動，是名三昧.” (What does sanmei mean? It means kindness staying constant.) In Niànfó sānmèi shījí xù 念佛三昧詩集序 [Preface to the Collection of Poems of Meditations on Buddhist Sutras] by Huiyuan 慧遠 of the Jin dynasty, sānmèi 三昧 is defined as concentration and meditation. In Liùzǔ tánjīng 六祖壇經 [The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch], in the collection compiled by the monk Fahai 法海 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Jìdé jiětuō, jíshì bōrě sānmèi, wù bōrě sānmèi, jíshì wúniàn. 既得解脫，即是般若三昧，悟般若三 昧，即是無念.” (To be released is to acquire wisdom in contemplation, in other words, being thoughtless.) Buddhists believe that all kind of wonders would occur via meditation. The meaning of the term extends to profound, soul. In Táng guóshǐ bǔ 唐國史補 [Supplement to the History of the State], complied by Li Zhao 李肇 of the Tang dynasty, it is noted that “Chángshā sēng Huáisù hào cǎoshū, zìyán dé cǎoshèng sānmèi. 長沙僧懷素好草書，自言得草聖三昧.” (The monk Huaisu of Changsha enjoyed the grass style of calligraphy, claiming that he had captured the soul of the style.) In Zhúpō shīhuà 竹坡詩話 [Commentaries on Poetry of the Bamboo Slope] by Zhou Zizhi 周紫芝 of the Song dynasty, it is noted that “Jíjù jìnshì wǎngwǎng yǒu zhī, wéi Wáng Jīnggōng décǐ sānmèi. 集句近世往往有之， 唯王荊公得此三昧.” (Collage poems are not rare in contemporary times, the best being those of Wang Jinggong, who captured the soul of the art.) Sēng 僧 is the abbreviated translation of the Sanskrit word saṃgha (sēngqié 僧 伽), referring to male disciples of Buddhism. In the fourth volume of Āyùwáng zhuàn 阿育王傳 [The Biography of King Ashoka], translated by An Faqin 安法 欽 of the Jin dynasty, it reads that “Wǒ jīn dāng xiàng sēng shuō shìyǔ. 我今當 向僧說是語.” (I hereby tell the monks thus.) In Shānjūfù 山居賦 [Rhapsody of Dwelling in the Mountain] composed by Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 of the Liu-Song dynasty, it is written that “Yuǎn sēng yǒu lái, jìn zhòng wú quē. 遠僧有來，近眾 無闕.” (There came the monks from afar, not to say those living nearby.) In the poem Mùdēng Sì’ān sì zhōnglóu jì Péi Shídí 暮登四安寺鐘樓寄裴十迪 [A Poem for Pei Di at the Bell Tower of Si’an Temple at the Sunset] (note: As Pei Di was the tenth son of his family, he was also called Pei Shidi 裴十迪; shí 十 means ten.), it is written that “Mùyǐ gāolóu duì xuěfēng, sēnglái bùyǔ zì míngzhōng. 暮倚高 樓對雪峰，僧來不語自鳴鐘.” (At sunset, I stood at the high tower, gazing at the snowy mountain; there came the monk, saying nothing but tolling the bell.) In the poem Cháo Lǐ Shūshèn Hèlán Sēngqié Dù Shànxián 嘲李叔慎賀蘭僧伽杜善 賢 [An irony on Li Shushen, Helan, Sengqie, and Du Shanxian] (All three are of dark complexion.), by Liu Xingmin 劉行敏 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Shūshèn qí wūmǎ, Sēngqié bǎ qīgōng. 叔慎騎烏馬，僧伽把漆弓.” (Shushen rode a black horse; Sengqie held a black bow.) The word sēngqí 僧祇 has two sources: (1) the abbreviated transliteration of the Sanskrit word Asāṃkhya (Ā Sēng qí 阿僧祇), meaning boundless, numerous. In the poem Hè mèngyóuchūn shī yìbǎi yùn 和夢遊春詩一百韻 [A Response to the Poem A Dream Spring Tour in 100 Rhymes] by Bai Juyi 白居易 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Chóuhèn sēngqí cháng, huānróng chànà cù. 愁恨僧祇

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The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese

長，歡榮剎那促.” (Hatred goes boundless; pleasure leaves instantly.) In the lyric poem of Zhègūtiān • Dùsì shìláng jùnjūn shí’èr gū shēngrì 鷓鴣天杜四侍郎郡君 十二姑生日 [The poem is a celebration for the birthday of the poet’s mother-inlaw, the 12th sister of his father, wife of Assistant Minister Du] by Chao Buzhi 晁 補之, it reads that “Búláo lóngnǚ chěng wēi yí, sēngqí shìjiè gòng yóuxì, xiányì guāngyīn bǐ shòuqī. 不勞龍女逞威儀，僧祇世界供遊戲，賢懿光陰比壽期.” (Noble Lady, sublime as Dragon Princess roving freely in the boundless world, may you enjoy a long, merry life.) (2) The transliteration of the Persian word zangi, referring to the aboriginal peoples of the South Sea or the black race of the east shore of Africa. In the entry of Kēlíng 訶陵 [Prehistoric Indonesia] in the second half of Nánmán zhuàn 南蠻傳 [The Biography of the Southern Barbarian], Xīntángshū 新唐書 [The New Book of Tang], it is written that “Yuánhé bānián, xiàn sēngqí nú sì, wǔsè yīngwǔ, pínqiéniǎo děng. 元和八年，獻僧祇奴四，五色 鸚鵡、頻伽鳥等.” (In the eighth year of Yuanhe Reign, the state of Keling offered four Sengqi slaves, five-color parrots, and the bird Pinqie.) Shāmí 沙彌 is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word śrāmaṇera or the Kuchean word samir, referring to the ordained male disciples aged 7 to 20 (female disciples are called shāmíní 沙彌尼, a transliteration of the Sanskrit word śrāmaṇerikā). In Wǔ mǔzǐ jīng 五母子經 [Sutra of a Son and His Five Mothers], translated by Zhiqian 支謙 of the state of Wu, the Three Kingdom period, a tale was told that a 7-year-old little boy, keen on Buddhism, said farewell to his mother and asked to be a shāmí learning Buddha’s law with his tutor in the mountain. In Shìlǎo zhì 釋 老志 [Treatises of Buddhism and Taoism] of Wèishū 魏書 [The Book of Wei], it is noted that those who have just become monks learn the ten commandments and are called shāmí. When they learn 250 commandments, they would be master monks. In Yányǔ 言語 [Speech and Conversation] of Shìshuō xīnyǔ 世說新語 [A New Account of the Tales of the World] by Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 of the Liu-Song dynasty, it is recorded that “Yǒu xiǎo shāmí zài zuòmò yuē: ‘Shìzūn mòrán, zé wéi xǔkě.’ 有小沙彌在坐末曰： ‘世尊默然，則為許可.’” (The small monk at the last seat said, “when Master speaks nothing, he means Yes.”) In volume five, Bínàiyē 鼻 奈耶, translated by Zhu Fonian 竺佛念 in the Later Qin dynasty (Hòuqín 後秦, 384–417), it reads that “Yúqí zhōngjiān bùdé wéi dào, bùdé wéi bǐqiūní, bùdé wéi shìchā móní, bùdé wéi shāmí, bùdé wéi shāmíní. 於其中間不得為道，不得為 比丘尼，不得為式叉摩尼，不得為沙彌，不得為沙彌尼.” (During the time, a disciple does not practice and can neither be full, intermediate, nor novice monks or nuns.) Shāmén 沙門, or sāngmén 桑門, is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word śramaṇa or the Kuchean word samane, referring to Buddhist disciples who follow Buddhist commandments and relinquish their families for Buddhist practice. In Xiàowǔdì jì 孝武帝紀 [Treatise of Emperor Xiaowu] of Jìnshū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it is recorded that “Lì jīngshè yú diànnèi, yǐn zhū shāmén yǐ jū zhī. 立精舍於 殿內，引諸沙門以居之.” (Viharas were built for monks to dwell.) In Shìlǎo zhì 釋老志 [Treatises of Buddhism and Taoism] of Wèishū 魏書 [The Book of Wei], it is noted that the followers, tonsured, relinquish their families, follow their masters, observe Buddhist codes, and live together in the monasteries, fully committed to

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 35 meditation, living a life of begging. They are called shāmén 沙門 or sāngmén 桑 門. Both are foreign words referring to monks. Shělì 舍利, or shělìzǐ 舍利子, is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word śarīra, meaning Buddha’s relics, the remains of cremated bodies, usually the pearl-like objects left after Buddha’s body was cremated or the remains left after eminent monks’ bodies are cremated. According to Shìlǎo zhì 釋老志 [Treatises of Buddhism and Taoism] of Wèishū 魏書 [The Book of Wei], after Buddha passed away, his body was cremated with fragrant woods. The bones turned into ashes, with some pearl-like objects left intact even when stricken or burned. Considered as evidence of the Buddha of Light, the objects are called shělì 舍利. In Guānshìyīn yìngyàn jì 觀世音應驗記 [Records of Bodhisattva’s Miracles], compiled by Fu Liang 傅亮 and Zhang Yan 張演 of the Liu-Song dynasty, it is noted that “Tǎxià chǔshí zhōng yǒu zhǒngzhǒng qībǎo, yìyǒu fóshělì cǎi shuǐjīng píng. 塔下礎石 中有種種七寶，亦有佛舍利彩水精瓶.” (Underneath the pagoda base lay seven treasures and a crystal sirara bottle.) Tǎ 塔 is the abbreviated translation of the Sanskrit word stūpa (tǎpó 塔婆, sūdǔpō 窣堵坡), referring to the spire constructions to house Buddhist siraras, sutras, statues, and instruments, etc. usually of five, seven, or thirteen tiers. The term first appeared in Buddhist sutras in the Eastern Han dynasty. In the second volume of Dàoxíng bōrě jīng 道行般若經 [The Sutra of the Perfection of Wisdom], translated by Lokaksema (Zhiloujiachen 支婁迦讖) of the Han dynasty, it reads that “Ruò bānníhuán hòu, chí fóshělì qǐ tǎ, zì guī zuòlǐ chéngshì gòngfèng. 若般泥洹後，持佛舍利起塔，自歸作禮承事供奉.” (After the demise of Buddha, build a pagoda to house Sirara and serve sacrifices.) In Āshéshìwáng jīng 阿闍世王經 [The Sutra of King Asheshi], it reads that “Rǔ zuò shì tǎ, yīnshì gōngdé, dāngcóng shìjiāwénfó shòujué. 汝作是塔，因是功德，當從釋迦文佛 授訣.” (Now that you are building the pagoda to cultivate merits and virtues, you should follow the teachings of Sakyamuni Buddha.) In the section Héshuǐ yī 河水 一 [River Water I] of Shuǐjīngzhù 水經注 [The Commentary on the Water Classic] by Li Daoyuan 酈道元, it is recorded that “Èrwáng gè chí bàn shělì, huán qǐ èr tǎ. 二王各持半舍利，還起二塔.” (The two kings each held half of the siraras, came back, and built two pagodas.) In Shìlǎo zhì 釋老志 [Treatises of Buddhism and Taoism] of Wèishū 魏書 [The Book of Wei], it reads that “Dìzǐ shōufèng, zhìzhī bǎopíng, jié xiānghuā, zhì jìngmù, jiàn gōngyǔ, wèi wéi tǎ. Tǎ yì húyán, yóu zōngmiào yě. 弟子收奉，置之寶瓶，竭香花，致敬慕，建宮宇，謂為塔.” 塔 亦胡言，猶宗廟也.” (The disciples took and placed it in a precious vase, served fragrant flowers, revered it, and built a pagoda that was called tǎ 塔 in the Hu language, similar to ancestral temple of the Han people.) In the fifth poem of the series “Jiāngpàn dúbù xúnhuā qījuéjù” 江畔獨步尋花七絕句 [Seeking Flowers Alone by the River Bank] by the poet Du Fu 杜甫 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Huángshī tǎqián jiāngshuǐ dōng, chūnguāng lǎnkùn yǐ wēifēng. 黃師塔 前江水東，春光懶困倚微風.” (In front of the Buddha’s pagoda flows east the river; the spring sunlight sees me idle in the breeze.) Qiu Zhao-ao 仇兆鰲 noted that people of Sichuan called monks shī 師 (master) and their burial places tǎ 塔. Tǎ 塔 could also be used as a morpheme to form compound words, such as tǎsì 塔

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The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese

寺 (Buddhist pagoda, Buddhist temple), gōngtǎ 宮塔 (hall and pagoda in Buddhist temples), bǎotǎ 寶塔 (pagoda ornamented with gold, silver, or other treasures), tǎmiào 塔廟 (Buddhist pagoda), tǎlín 塔林 (monks’ graveyards), tǎyuàn 塔院 (a courtyard with a Buddhist pagoda), and tǎzuò 塔座 (the seat of monks or nuns when teaching sutras), among others. Tányuè 檀越 is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word dānapati, a respectful form of address of Buddhist disciples for their benefactors, also called shīzhǔ 施 主 (almsgiver). In book one (three in all) of Púsà běnyuàn jīng 菩薩本緣經 [The Sutra of the Birth of Bodhisattva], translated by Zhiqian 支謙 of the state of Wu, the Three Kingdom period, it is written that “yǒu zhū tányuè yǐ shīyīnyuán jiē duò dìyù. 有諸檀越以施因緣皆墮地獄.” (Many givers fell into the Hell for the benefactions on the wrong grounds.) In Nánhǎi jì guī nèifǎ zhuàn 南海寄歸內法傳 [A Record of Buddhist Practices Sent Home from the Southern Sea] by the monk Yijing 義凈 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that the Sanskrit word tuónàbōdǐ 陀 那缽底 was translated as shīzhǔ 施主 (almsgiver). Tuónà 陀那 means shī 施 (to give); bōdǐ 缽底 means zhǔ 主 (agent, person). The translation tányuè 檀越 is incorrect. The word is formed with the character nà 那 (omitted), the sound tuó 陀 shifted into tán 檀, and the character yuè 越 (added). The term means that almsgivers would be delivered out of poverty. In Chóngzhēn sì 崇真寺 [Chongzhen Temple; lit. Temple of Revering Truthfulness] of Chéng dōng 城東 [East of the City] of Luòyáng qiélánjì 洛陽伽藍記 [The Record of the Buddhist Monasteries of Luoyang] by Yang Xuanzhi 楊衒之 of the Northern Wei dynasty, it is recorded that “Zì yún jiàohuà sìbèi tányuè, zào yíqiè jīng, rénzhōng jīnxiàng shíqū. 自云教 化四輩檀越，造一切經，人中金像十軀.” (He said that he had taught four generations of benefactors, taught all the sutras, and made ten gold statues, each one as tall as a person of medium height.) In volume 56 of Sìfēn lǜ 四分律 [Vinaya of the Four Categories], translated by Buddhayaśas (Fotuoyeshe 佛陀耶舍 in Chinese) (408–413 ce) of the Later Qin dynasty, it is noted that “Ěrshí yǒu bǐqiū, tányuè jiābìng, wǎng wèn xùn. 爾時有比丘，檀越家病，往問訊.” (Back then a benefactor was ill, so a monk came to see him.) Tóutuó 頭陀, the transliteration of the Sanskrit word dhūta, originally means to shake (off). Shaking clothes could clear dust. Likewise, having less desire and being content, one would be free from worries. In Buddhism, the term refers to traveling monks who live a life of begging from one place to another. In the first volume in book five of Bínàiyē 鼻奈耶, translated by Zhu Fonian 竺佛念 in the Later Qin dynasty (Hòuqín 後秦, 384–417), it reads that “Qízhōng yǒu tóutuó qǐshí bǐqiū, wén cǐyǔ gèhuái xiūchǐ, wǎng yì shìzūn. 其中有頭陀乞食比丘，聞 此語各懷羞恥，往詣世尊.” (Among the masses sat some mendicants, who felt ashamed at the remarks and came to seek guidance from Buddha.) By the note on the title Tóutuó sì bēiwén 頭陀寺碑文 [Epitaph of Toutuo Temple] of Wénxuǎn 文 選 [Selections of Refined Literature], tóutuó 頭陀 is the Indian word for dǒusǒu 鬥藪, which means to shake. Monks shake off worldly worries and are therefore called tóutuó 頭陀. In the third volume of Jǐngdé chuándēng lù 景德傳燈錄 [The Jingde Record of the Transmission of the Lamp], translated by the monk Daoyuan 道原 of the Song dynasty, it is noted that “Zì ěr shǒu bù zhíbǐ, yǒng sǔn shìdiǎn,

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 37 yìyī yìbō, yízuò yìshí, gù yuē tóutuó. 自爾手不執筆，永損世典，一衣一缽，一 坐一食，故曰頭陀.” (Since then, the monk no long wrote nor read any worldly classics. He possessed nothing but a robe and a bowl, had only one meal a day and ate only when seated, and was therefore called tóutuó 頭陀, a mendicant.) Yèchā 夜叉, yuèchā 閱叉, or yàochā 藥叉 is the transliteration of the Sanskrit word yakṣa, originally referring to a low-ranked deity, considered a man-eating evil spirit able to fly into the sky and hide himself swiftly. In volume two of Bābù piān 八部篇 [Eight Guardians] of Fānyìmíng yìjí 翻譯名義集 [Collected Meanings of Translated Terms], compiled by the monk Fayun 法雲 of the Song dynasty, it is noted that yèchā 夜叉 is called yǒngjiàn 勇健 (lit. bold and strong), bào’è 暴惡 (arrogant and evil), or yàochā 藥叉; as noted in Xīyùjì 西域記 [Records of the Western Regions], yàochā 藥叉, mispronounced as yèchā 夜叉, could leap into the sky. In Shíyí Jì 拾遺記 [Records of Gleanings], written by Wang Jia 王 嘉, it is noted that “Dānqiū zhī dì, yǒu yèchā jūbá zhī guǐ, néng yǐ chìmǎnǎo wéi píngyú jí yuèqì, jiē jīngmiào qīnglì. 丹丘之地，有夜叉駒跋之鬼，能以赤馬 腦為瓶盂及樂器，皆精妙輕麗.” (Where deities lived, there were ghosts called yèchā 夜叉 and jūbá 駒跋, who could make light intricate vases, urns, and musical instruments with agate.) In Mulian yuánqǐ 目連緣起 [The Story of Mulian] of Dūnhuáng biànwén jí 敦煌變文集 [Transformation Texts of Dunhuang], it reads that “Míngguān yèdào chéng bēiniàn, yùzú niútóu jí yèchā. 冥官業道成悲念， 獄卒牛頭及夜叉.” (Agonizing in the underworld for the evil doings, she was tortured by the guards and the evil spirits.) In the Chinese language, the term refers to repulsive, monstrous persons. In the second volume of Zézhōu bǎixìng wèi Yǐn Zhèng yì Wáng Xióng gē 澤州百姓為尹正義王熊歌 [A Folklore on Yin Zhengyi and Wang Xiong of the County Zezhou], it is written that “Dāngféng è yèchā, bǎixìng bùkě huó. 當逢餓夜叉，百姓不可活.” (Under the rule of an evil ghost, common folks could barely live.) Yōupósāi 優婆塞 and yōupóyí 優婆夷, the transliterations of the Sanskrit words upāsaka and upāsika, refer to lay practitioners of Buddhism, the former being male, the latter female. In Shìlǎo zhì 釋老志 [Treatises of Buddhism and Taoism] of Wèishū 魏書 [The Book of Wei], it is written that male lay devotees are called yōupósāi 優婆塞 and female lay devotees are called yōupóyí 優婆夷. In Héshuǐ yī 河水一 [Rivers I] of Shuǐjīngzhù 水經注 [The Commentary on the Water Classic], compiled by Li Daoyuan 酈道元 of the Northern Wei dynasty, it is recorded that “Chéngchí huānghuì, wéiyǒu kòngchù, yǒu yōupósāi, xìng shì, kě èrshí yú jiā. 城池荒穢，惟有空處，有優婆塞，姓釋，可二十餘家.” (The town was razed, with nothing left. There lived there about 20 families under the surname of Shì 釋 who were Buddhist devotees.) In the sixth volume of Bínàiyē 鼻奈耶 translated by Zhu Fonian 竺佛念 in the Later Qin dynasty (Hòuqín 後秦, 384–417), it reads that a strong man rose from his seat, knelt down with his hands crossed, said to the nun that he wished to be converted to Buddha, Buddha’s law, and Buddha’s disciples, and that he would serve lay devotees and kill no more. In volume 13 of Jīnglǜ yìxiàng 經律異相 [Buddhist Stories and Legends], compiled by Baochang 寶唱 of Liang of the Southern dynasties, it reads that “Shí rǔ jiàn fǎ, jì dé fǎyǐ, wéiyuàn tīngxǔ wéi yōupóyí, jí shòu wǔjiè wéi fó dìzǐ. 時汝見法，既得法已，唯願聽許

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為優婆夷，即受五戒為佛弟子.” (Now that you have read and received Buddha’s law, you are to be a lay devotee who observes the five percepts.) Yóuxún 由旬 or yóuyán 由延, the transliteration of the Sanskrit word yojana, was a unit of distance in ancient India, said to equate 30 lǐ, 40 lǐ, or 16 lǐ. (One lǐ 里 is about 500 meters.) In Fóshuō xīngqǐ xíng jīng xù 佛說興起行經序 [Preface to the Sutra of Buddha Explaining Kharma] by an anonymous author of the Eastern Han dynasty, it reads that “Qíquán fānggè èrshíwǔ yóuyán, shēn sān juéliè, yī juéliè zhě qīlǐ yě. 其泉方各二十五由延，深三厥劣，一厥劣者七里也.” (The spring is square in shape, each side of 25 yóuyán 由延 (long), three juéliè 厥劣 (deep); one juéliè 厥劣 is seven lǐ.) In the second volume of Dàtáng xīyù jì 大唐 西域記 [The Great Tang Records of Travels to the Western Regions] by Xuanzang 玄奘 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that the unit of distance is called yúshànnà 踰繕那. The earlier translations, yóuxún 由旬, yúshénà 踰闍那, and yóuyán 由延, were faulty, abbreviated translations. Yúshànnà 踰繕那 was the distance that the imperial army covered in one day in ancient times, which was said to be about 40 lǐ, 30 lǐ in India, 16 lǐ as recorded in Confucian canons. In the section Héshuǐ yī 河 水一 [Rivers I] of Shuǐjīngzhù 水經注 [The Commentary on the Water Classic] by Li Daoyuan 酈道元 of the Northern Wei dynasty, it is recorded that “(Wáng) míngdàn biànqù, mùsù Tánlánshān, qù Báishān liù yóuxún. [王] 明旦便去，暮宿曇蘭 山，去白山六由旬.” (The next day the king started off and stayed the night at Mt. Tanlan, six yóuxún 由旬 away from Mt. Baishan.) In the poem Fèng hè fǎyán yìngzhào 奉和法延應詔 [A Poem Composed under the Imperial Decree at a Buddhist Ceremony], it is written that “Qiānzhù liánhuā tǎ, yóuxún zǐ gànyuán. 千柱蓮花 塔，由旬紫紺園.” (Thousands of lotus pagodas stand in the vast royal temples.) In Fóguójì 佛國記 [Record of Buddhist Kingdoms], written by Faxian 法顯 of the Eastern Jin dynasty, it reads that “Xīxíng shíliù yóuyán, biàn zhì nàjié guójiè Xīluóchéng. 西行十六由延，便至那竭國界醯羅城.” (Walk sixteen yóuyán 由 延 to the west; you will arrive at the city Xiluo in the Kingdom of Nagarahara.) The aforementioned words are transliterations. Some polysemous Sanskrit words are abbreviated into monosyllabic or disyllabic words in translation by the Chinese word-forming method. A new compound word could also be formed with one morpheme from transliteration and another one from semantic translation. Some examples are given as follows: As for chànhuǐ 懺悔, the Sanskrit word kṣama was transliterated into chànmó 懺摩, abbreviated to chàn 懺, meaning admitting one’s errors, confessing one’s sins, and praying for blessing. In Puxian xíngyuàn pǐn 普賢行愿品 [Discourse on Samantabhadra’s Beneficence Aspirations] of Huáyánjīng 華嚴經 [Flower Garland Scripture], translated by Fotuobatuoluo 佛駄跋陀羅 (Buddhabhadra) of the Eastern Jin dynasty, it reads that “Zhòngshēng fánnǎo jìn, wǒ chàn nǎi jìn. 眾生煩 惱盡，我懺乃盡.” (I will keep on praying as long as the masses are suffering.) In Xiūlǐ liùgēn mén 修理六根門 [Clearing Six Senses] of Jìngzhùzǐ 浄住子 [Devotees’ Entrance into the Pure Life], written by Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 of the Southern Tang dynasty, it reads that “Qián yǐ chàn qí zhòng’è, zé sānyè jùmíng. 前已懺其 重惡，則三業俱明.” (With a confession of his felonies, he had cleared three karmas.) The word also means monks substitute lay devotees to pray for forgiveness

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese

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on their sins. In Yǔ Shēn zhuàn 庾詵傳 [The Biography of Yu Shen] of Liángshū 梁書 [The Books of Liang], it reads that “Zhái nèi shè dàochǎng, huánrào lǐchàn, liùshí búzhuì. 宅內設道場，環繞禮懺，六時不綴.” (The praying rite was held at the messuage around the clock, and the devotees went around chanting prayer.) The compound word chànhuǐ 懺悔 was formed by adding the morpheme huǐ 悔 to chàn 懺. In Fèngfǎyào 奉法要 [Essentials of the Dharma], written by Xi Chao 郗超 of the Jin dynasty, it reads that “Měi lǐbài chànhuǐ, jiēdāng zhìxīn guīmìng, bìng cíniàn yíqiè zhòngshēng. 每禮拜懺悔，皆當至心歸命，并慈念一切眾生.” (In every prayer and confession, one should be devoted and empathetic for the masses.) In Míng xiáng jì 冥祥記 [Signs from the Unseen Realm] by Wang Yan 王琰 in the Southern Qi dynasty, it reads that “Fǎjìn chànhuǐ zé, nǎi zhǐ bú rùshān. 法進懺悔責，乃止不入山.” (Feeling remorseful, Fajin decided not to go to the mountain.) In Chànhuǐ piān 懺悔篇 [On Repentance] of Fǎyuàn zhūlín 法苑珠林 [Forest of Gems in the Garden of the Dharma], compiled by the monk Daoshi 道 世 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Jīzuì yóuduō, jīn jì juéwù, jìnqíng chànhuǐ. 積罪尤多，今既覺悟，盡情懺悔.” (Now that one had repented all of his sins, he confessed with a full heart.) In Liùzǔ tánjīng 六祖壇經 [The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch], in the sutra collection compiled by the monk Fahai 法海 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Ruò jiě xiàngxīn chú zuìyuán, gèzì xìngzhōng zhēn chànhuǐ; ruò wù dàchéng zhēn chànhuǐ, chúxié xíngzhèng zào wúzuì. 若解向心除 罪緣，各自性中真懺悔；若悟大乘真懺悔，除邪行正造無罪.” (Remove the origin of sins in the heart, repent in the true nature to reach the Grand Vehicle, remove evils and act righteously to be pure and clean.) As for yánluó 閻羅, yánluówáng 閻羅王, or yánwáng 閻王, the Sanskrit word yamarāja or yamarājan was transliterated into yánmóluó 閻摩羅, referring to the King of the Underworld. The compound words yánluówáng 閻羅王 and yánwáng 閻王 were formed by adding the morpheme wáng 王 (king) to the abbreviated transliteration. In Chóngzhēn sì 崇真寺 [Chongzhen Temple; lit. Temple of Revering Truthfulness] of Chéng dōng 城東 [East of the City] of Luòyáng qiélánjì 洛陽 伽藍記 [The Record of the Buddhist Monasteries of Luoyang] by Yang Xuanzhi 楊衒之 of the Northern Wei dynasty, it is recorded that “Bǐqiū Huìníng sǐ, yī (Fǎyuàn zhūlǐn zuò ‘jīng’) qī rì huánhuó. Jīng yánluówáng jiǎnyuè, yǐ cuòmíng fàngmiǎn. 比丘惠凝死，一（《法苑珠林》作 ‘經’）七日還活. 經閻羅王檢 閱，以錯名放免.” (Seventeen days after his death, the monk Huining came back to life. As his name was falsely collected in the Death Registry, the Underworld King found the mistake and released him thereafter.) In the poem Zìsǐ yǔ niǎocán 自死與鳥殘 [Natural Death and Death by Predation] by Wang Fanzhi 王梵志 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Tǎng jiàn yánluówáng, yì yǒu fēn shū qǔ. 儻見 閻羅王，亦有分疏取.” (Those about to go to the underworld will be sorted and sentenced to different strata by the King.) In the poem Kū Lǐ Qiáo 哭李嶠 [A Cry for Li Qiao] by Cui Taizhi 崔泰之 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Hún suí sīmìng guǐ, pò zhú jiàn yánwáng. 魂隨司命鬼，魄逐見閻王.” (The soul followed the life-seeking ghost to meet the King of the Underworld.) Metaphorically, the word refers to righteous, selfless officials. In volume ten of Sùshuǐ jìwén 涑水記聞 [Records of Rumors from Sushui], written by Sima Guang 司馬光, it is recorded

40 The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese that “[Bāo Zhěng] wéirén gāngyán, bùkě gān yǐ sī, jīngshī wèizhī yǔ yuē: ‘Guānjié búdào, yǒu yánluó bāolǎo.’ lìmín wèifú, yuǎnjìn chēng zhī. [包拯] 為人剛嚴，不 可干以私，京師為之語曰：‘關節不到，有閻羅包老.’吏民畏服，遠近稱之.” (Bao Zheng, honest and upright, would not be bribed. As the saying went in the capital, connection failed where the righteous Justice Bao stood. Both the officials and the civilians felt awed by him, singing of him highly far and near.) 1.4.2 Words from semantic translations of Buddhist sutras Some Buddhist sutras were translated semantically, i.e., new words are formed with Chinese morphemes by Chinese word-forming methods to refer to the new concepts from the Buddhist sutras. This type of word is of large numbers and consistent with Chinese language usage. Some examples are given as follows: Cíbēi 慈悲: Cí 慈 means sharing happiness with the masses; bēi 悲 means ridding the masses of misery. These are two of the four immeasurable minds of Buddhism, referring in general to kindness and compassion. In volume 27 of Dà zhìdù lùn 大智度論 [Treatise on the Perfection of Great Wisdom], translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什) of the Late Qin dynasty, it reads that “Dàcí yǔ yíqiè zhòngshēng lè, dàbēi bá yíqiè zhòngshēng kǔ. 大慈與一切眾生樂，大悲 拔一切眾生苦.” (With infinite compassion, she shares happiness with the masses; with infinite mercy, she removes all the miseries of the masses.) In the poem Yànzǐkān chánshī 燕子龕禪師 [Zen Master of Yanzikan Temple] by Wang Wei 王維 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Jiùshì duō cíbēi, jíxīn wú xíngzuò. 救 世多慈悲，即心無行作.” (Having great compassion for the worldly masses, cultivating one’s heart rather than engaging in worldly affairs.) In Yáo Chóng zhuàn 姚崇傳 [The Biography of Yao Chong] of Jiùtángshū 舊唐書 [The Old Book of Tang], it reads that “Qiě fózhě jué yě, zài hū fāngcùn, jiǎyǒu wànxiàng zhī guǎng, bùchū wǔyùn zhī zhōng, dàn píngděng cíbēi, xíngshàn bù xíng’è, zé fódào bèi yǐ. 且佛者覺也，在乎方寸，假有萬像之廣，不出五蘊之中，但平等慈悲， 行善不行惡，則佛道備矣.” (Buddha is the awakened one, whose nature does not lie in the pretentious numerous phenomena accessible by the five senses but in one’s heart. He treats everyone with equality and mercy, doing nothing evil but good; the one able to do so achieves Buddha’s Way.) In Lúshān yuǎngōng huà 㠠 山遠公話 [The Story of Master Huiyuan of Mt. Lu] of Dūnhuáng biànwén jí 敦 煌變文集 [Transformation Texts of Dunhuang], it reads that “Càntí zhòngshēng, suī zào è’yè, wǒfó cíbēi, yìhé jiù zhī. 羼提眾生，雖造惡業，我佛慈悲，亦合 救之.” (The suffering masses, though doing evil, would also be rescued by the merciful Buddha.) Dàchéng 大乘 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word mahāyāna, referring to Mahayana Buddhism, a religious sect developed around the first century bce. It experienced three stages in India – Madhyamika (Intermediate), Yogachara (Yoga practice), and Vajrayana (Esoteric Buddhism), and developed further after its entry into China. The sect promotes altruism, delivery of the masses, and the Bodhisattva Path, which focuses on the practice of six virtues taken as the Greater Vehicle by devotees; hence the name dàchéng 大乘 (greater vehicle). In Pìyù pǐn

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 41 譬喻品 [Simile and Parable] of Miàofǎ liánhuá jīng 妙法蓮華經 [The Lotus Sutra of the Wonderful Law], translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什 in Chinese) of the Late Qin dynasty, it reads that “Ruòyǒu zhòngshēng, cóng fó shìzūn wénfǎ xìnshòu, qínxiū jīngjìn; qiú yíqiè zhì, fózhì, zìrán zhì, tiānshī zhì, rúlái zhì, jiàn lìwú suǒwèi, mǐnniàn ānlè wúliàng zhòngshēng, lìyì tiānrén, dùtuō yíqiè, shìmíng dàchéng. 若有眾生，從佛世尊聞法信受，勤修精進；求一切智、佛 智、自然智、天師智、如來智，見力無所畏，愍念安樂無量眾生，利益天 人，度脫一切，是名大乘.” (If the masses follow Buddha, observing his laws and improving greatly through consistent practices, pursuing wisdom in all aspects – wisdom of Buddha, wisdom over nature, and wisdom of masters, worshiping the ten power and four fearlessness, having compassion over boundless lives, serving heaven and man, transcending everything, then they reach the Greater Vehicle.) In the poem Péi Zhāng Liúhòu Huìyì sì jiàn Jiāzhōu Cuī dūdū fù zhōu 陪章留後惠義 寺餞嘉州崔都督赴州 [Accompanying Deputy Zhang Holding a Parting Banquet in Huiyi Temple for Commander Cui of Jiazhou as He Sets Out for His Prefecture] by Du Fu 杜甫 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Chūchén bì guǐzhú, bìjǐng yí yánzhēng. yǒngyuàn zuò chángxià, jiāng shuāi qī dàchéng. 出尘閟軌躅，畢景遺 炎蒸.” 永願坐長夏，將衰棲大乘.” (Leaving the dust, closed off from carriage ruts, we leave behind muggy heat until day’s end. I wish to sit through all the long summer days, getting frail to find rest in the Greater Vehicle.) Regarding dàochǎng 道場, the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word maṇḍala (màntúluó 曼荼羅) refers to the place of worshipping Bodhisattva, chanting sutras, and holding rites. It also refers to Buddhist rites. In Shānjūfù 山居賦 [Rhapsody of Dwelling in the Mountain] composed by Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 of the Liu-Song dynasty, it reads “Xiè lìtǎ yú jiāoguō, shū shìjiān yú chéngpáng. xīn jiàn sù yǐ bàopǔ, guǒ gānlù yú dàochǎng. 謝麗塔於郊郭，殊世間於城旁. 欣見 素以抱樸，果甘露於道場.” (Bid farewell to the imposing pagoda at the suburb and the flourishing urban world. Be pleased to embrace a life of simplicity and modesty and enjoy fully the nectar of sutras and rites.) In Shàngshù gùshí 尚書 故實 [Factual Evidence from Ancient Books], written by Li Chuo 李綽 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Bàozhēn mìng yú jūchǎng, jīxīn zhùyóu, yīn wéi qīrì dàochǎng. 抱真命於鞠場，積薪貯油，因為七日道場.” (Baozhen ordered to pile up firewood and store oil and hold rites for seven days at the football court.) The term also refers to Buddhist temples. In Péng Yǎn zhuàn 彭偃傳 [The Biography of Peng Yan] of Jiùtángshū 舊唐書 [The Old Book of Tang], it is recorded that “Shàngguàn liú dàoshì shísì rén, xiángshā yǐqī, jiē jīngxuǎn yǒudào xíngzhě, yú xī lìng fǎnchū, lánruò, dàochǎng wúmíng zhě jiēfèi. 上觀留道士十四人，降 殺以七，皆精選有道行者，餘悉令返初，蘭若、道場無名者皆廢.” (Keep 14 Taoist priests at the temple, and let go of seven. Those left are all senior Taoists; the others are ordered to resume the secular life; the common unknown temples are all deserted.) In Chuàngzào qiélán 創造伽藍 [Building Temples] of Sēngshǐluè shàng 僧史略上 [Records of the History of Buddhist Monks, I], written by the monk Zanning 贊寧 of the Song dynasty, it is recorded that “Hòu Wèi Tàiwǔdì Shǐguāng yuánnián, chuànglì qiélán, wéi zhāotí zhī hào. Suí Yángdì Dàyè zhōng gǎi tiānxià sì wéi dàochǎng, zhì táng fù wéi sì yě. 後魏太武帝始光元年，創立伽

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藍，為招提之號.” 隋煬帝大業中改天下寺為道場，至唐復為寺也.” (During the first year of the Shiguang Reign of Emperor Taiwu of the Later Wei dynasty, 424–428 ce, the first Buddhist temples were built and named zhāotí 招提. All the temples were renamed as dàochǎng 道場 during the Daye Reign of Emperor Yang of the Sui dynasty and again called sì 寺 in the Tang dynasty.) Dǎoshī 導師 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word mayaka, referring to those leading the common mass into the way of Buddha, used as a general term for buddhas and bodhisattvas. In Xùpǐn 序品 [Introduction] of Miàofǎ liánhuá jīng 妙法蓮華經 [The Lotus Sutra of the Wonderful Law], translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什 in Chinese) of the Late Qin dynasty, it reads that “Zuìhòu tiān zhōng tiān, hào yuē Rándēng fó. Zhūxiān zhī dǎoshī, dùtuō wúliàng zhòng. 最後天中天，號曰燃燈佛. 諸仙之導師，度脫無量眾.” [At the center of heaven sits Buddha Randeng (lit. burning light), the tutor of all the deities, deliverer of countless people.] In Duìzhìpǐn 對治品 [Removing Worries] of Dàfāngbiàn fóbào’ēn jīng 大方便佛報恩經 [Buddha Repays His Parents by Various Means], a regained text of the lost translation of the Eastern Han dynasty, it reads that “Fú dà dǎoshī zhě, dǎoyǐ zhènglù, shì nièpán jìng, shǐdé wúwéi, chángdé ānlè. 夫大導 師者，導以正路，示涅槃徑，使得無為，常得安樂.” (The grand tutor is the one who leads his disciples onto the right path and shows them the path to nirvana, teaching them that nothingness leads to peace and happiness.) The term also refers to the one who takes the post of chanting and teaching sutras in rituals. In Guóshī 國師 [Emperor’s Teacher] of Sēngshǐluè 僧史略 [Records of the History of Buddhist Monks], written by the monk Zanning 贊寧 of the Song dynasty, it is noted that the title dǎoshī 導師 has two senses. The first sense is one who offers guidelines to those who lose their way, as in Fǎhuájīng 法華經 [The Lotus Sutra]; the second sense is a teacher of sutras. The term also refers to those leading the way. In Shā shāngzhǔ sìtiān yù 殺商主祀天喻 [The Parable of Sacrificing the Guide to Deities] of Bǎiyùjīng 百喻經 [One Hundred Buddhist Parables], translated by Qiunapidi 求那毗地 (Sanskrit. Gunavrddhi) of Qi, the Southern dynasties, it is written that “Xī yǒu gǔkè, yùrù dàhǎi. Rù dàhǎi zhī fǎ, yào xū dǎoshī, ránhòu kěqù, jí gòng mìqiú, dé yī dǎoshī. 昔有賈客，欲入大海. 入大海之法，要須導師， 然後可去，即共覓求，得一導師.” (Once a group of merchants wished to cross the ocean for some business, and they needed a guide, one with the same pursuit, who would get them across.) In Modern Chinese, the word related to but different from the archaic usage has two meanings: leaders in revolution and supervisors in teaching or scientific scholarship. Dìyù 地獄 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word naraka or niraya (nílí 泥梨), meaning the bitter underworld, also known as bāhán 八寒, bārè 八熱, or wújiàn 無間. Ancient Indian legends and Buddhism claim that if a person commits some sin, he would fall into hell after death and endure all kinds of sufferings. In Tiānzhú jiāpílí guó 天竺迦毗黎國 [The Kingdom of Jiapili, Ancient India] of Yímán zhuàn 夷蠻傳 [The Biography of the Barbarian Peoples], Sòngshū 宋書 [The Book of the Song dynasty], it reads that “Qiě yào tiāntáng yǐ jiùshàn, hé ruò fúyì ér dǎodào; jù dìyù yǐ chì shēn, shú yǔ cónglǐ yǐ duānxīn. 且要天堂以就善， 曷若服義而蹈道；忂地獄以敕身，孰與從理以端心.” (Why go to heaven to be

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 43 near to kindness? Just follow the path of righteousness and honor. Why fear the torture in Hell? Just follow reason and rectify one’s soul.) In one poem of the series Chénlún sān è’dào 沈淪三惡道 [Three Ways of Corruption] by Wang Fanzhi 王 梵志 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Míngmíng dìyù kǔ, nánjiàn chūtóu shí. Xiāngzhú cìdì qù, què huó zhī yǒu shuí? 冥冥地獄苦，難見出頭時. 相逐次第 去，卻活知有誰?” (The dark Underworld is full of bitterness, future and hope barely seen. Men go there one after another, with none seen coming back to life.) In Fù Yì zhuàn 傅奕傳 [The Biography of Fu Yi] of Jiùtángshū 舊唐書 [The Old Book of Tang], it is recorded that “Yǔ bùnéng dá, dàn hézhǎng yuē: ‘Dìyù suǒshè, zhèngwèi cǐrén.’ 瑀不能答，但合掌曰： ‘地獄所設，正為此人.’” (Unable to answer, Yu could only cross his fingers and said, the hell is just for people like him.) In Dàmùgānlián míngjiān jiùmǔ biànwén 大目乾連冥間救母變文 [The Transformation Text on Mu-lien Saving His Mother from the Underworld] of Dūnhuáng biànwén jí 敦煌變文集 [Transformation Texts of Dunhuang], it says that “Tiāntáng dúyǒu ā’yé jū, címǔ zhūtiān mì zǒngwú. Jì yì bùyīng guò dìyù, zhǐkǒng huángtiān héng bèi zhū. 天堂獨有阿爺居，慈母諸天覓總無. 計亦不 應過地獄，只恐黃（皇）天橫被誅.” (Father lives in heaven alone, yet Mother is nowhere to be found. Having no answer, I went to Hell to seek her for fear that she be executed by the deities.) Fánnǎo 煩惱 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word klesd, referring to a psychological state of feeling confused because of desire. In the seventh volume of Dà zhìdù lùn 大智度論 [Treatise on the Perfection of Great Wisdom], translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什) of the Late Qin dynasty, it is written that fánnǎo 煩惱 is what annoys and irritates a person. In Wǔrén mǎibì gòngshǐzuò yù 五人買婢共使作喻 [The Parable of Five Men Buying One Maid] of Bǎiyùjīng 百 喻經 [One Hundred Buddhist Parables], translated by Qiunapidi 求那毗地 (Sanskrit. Gunavrddhi) of Qi, the Southern dynasties, it reads that “Wǔyīn yìěr, fánnǎo yīnyuán héchéng rǔshēn. Ér cǐ wǔyīn, héng yǐ shēng lǎo bìng sǐ wúliàng kǔnǎo bǎngchī zhòngshēng. 五陰亦爾，煩惱因緣合成汝身.” 而此五陰，恒以生老 病死無量苦惱榜笞眾生.” (The five men symbolize five worries, namely birth, ageing, sickness, death, and boundless suffering, which are constant and torture the masses.) In the poem Kěxiào shìjiān rén 可笑世間人 [Laughable Mortals] by Wang Fanzhi 王梵志 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Búwèi sǐlù cháng, tānzhuó kǔ fánnǎo. 不畏死路長，貪著苦煩惱.” (They give no thoughts to death; they simply could not let go of the sources of suffering.) In general, the word is used to convey sadness and frustration. In the lyric poem Diéliànhuā 蝶戀花 [Tune; lit. Butterflies Reluctant to Leave Flowers] by Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 of the Song dynasty, it is written that “Jiǔrù héngbō, kùn bùjìn fánnǎo. 酒入橫波，困不 禁煩惱.” (Dizzy with drinking, I couldn’t help feeling sad.) Fāngbiàn 方便 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word upāya (ōuhé 傴和), meaning flexible differential means adopted to lead one into Buddhism. In Fāngbiàn pǐn 方便品 [Expedient Means] of Wéimójié suǒshuō jīng 維摩詰 所說經 [The Vimalakirti Sutra], translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅 什) of the Late Qin dynasty, it reads that “Yǒu zhǎngzhě míng Wéimójié . . . shànyú zhìdù, tōngdá fāngbiàn. 有長者名維摩詰 . . . 善於智度，通達方便.”

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(The elder Weimojie is wise and magnanimous, flexible, and open-minded.) In the poem Huánshān zèng Zhàn chánshī 還山贈湛禪師 [Farewell to Zen Master Zhan before Returning Home] by Meng Haoran 孟浩然 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Niàn zīfàn kǔhǎi, fāngbiàn shì míjīn. 念茲泛苦海，方便示迷津.” (What is unforgettable is the world of pain; a path out of the maze is needed.) Since the Six dynasties and Tang and Song dynasties, the word has several additional meanings. (1) Adapt oneself quickly to the changing conditions. In Yǔ Yáng Yúqīng shū 與楊 虞卿書 [A Letter to Yang Yuqing] by Bai Juyi 白居易 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Xìng yòu yúmèi, bùshí shízhī jìhuì, fán zhízòu mìqǐ wài, yǒu hé fāngbiàn wényú shàngzhě, shāo yǐ gēshī dǎo zhī. 性又愚昧，不識時之忌諱，凡直奏密 啟外，有合方便聞於上者，稍以歌詩導之.” (I am quite ignorant, not knowing much of the taboo of the times. Besides reporting, either directly or privately, I often express my opinions in poems on what should be known to the supervisors.) (2) Conveniences. In the poem Ǒujiàn 偶見 [An Accidental Encounter] of Yùshān qiáorén jí 玉山樵人集 [A Collection of Works by Han Wo 韓偓, alias “Woodsman at Jade Mount”], it is written that “Xiǎodié hóngjiān shū hènzì, yǔ nú fāngbiàn mì qīngqīng. 小疊紅箋書恨字，與奴方便覓卿卿.” (On small red pads I put down my gloom; I pray for an opportunity to meet you again.) (3) Methods, approaches. In Tiánfū sī wángnǚ yù 田夫思王女喻 [Parable of a Farmer Thinking of the Princess] of Bǎiyùjīng 百喻經 [One Hundred Buddhist Parables], translated by Qiunapidi 求那毗地 (Sanskrit. Gunavrddhi) of Qi, the Southern dynasties, it reads that “Wǒ dāng wèirǔ, zuòhǎo fāngbiàn, shǐrǔ dé zhī, wù dé chóu yě. 我當為 汝，作好方便，使汝得之，勿得愁也.” (I will come up with a way to help you realize your dream. Don’t worry.) (4) Work out a solution. In Fóběnháng jíjīng 佛 本行集經 [The Sutra of Buddha’s Fundamental Deeds], translated by Shenajueduo 闍那崛多 (Jñānagupta) of the Sui dynasty, it reads that “Fū fù dá [fù] yán: rǔ dàn shuō kàn, ruò kě délǐ, wǒdāng fāngbiàn, huì mì lìng dé. 夫復答 [婦] 言：汝但說 看，若可得理，我當方便，會覓令得.” (The husband replied to his wife, just tell me. If it is workable, I will try to get it for you.) (5) Opportunity; timing. In Mèng Yè zhuàn 孟業傳 [The Biography of Meng Ye] of Běishǐ 北史 [The History of the Northern dynasties], it reads that “Yè wéi diǎnqiān, zhōu zhōng yàozhí, zhūrén yù xiāng huìshàn, zhǐhuàn wú fāngbiàn ěr. 業為典籤，州中要職，諸人 欲相賄贍，止患無方便耳.” (As Meng Ye held the hushing key post Secretary in the county, many wanted to bribe him but got no opportunities.) Guǒbào 果報 means karma; one will be rewarded by his good deeds in his previous life and punished by his bad deeds. Volume 77 of Fǎyuàn zhūlín 法 苑珠林 [Forest of Gems in the Garden of the Dharma], compiled by the monk Daoshi 道世 of the Tang dynasty quotes from Wéiwú sānmèi jīng 惟無三昧經 [The Sutra of Meditation for Emancipation] and reads that “Yī shànniàn zhě, yìdé shànguǒ bào; yī è’niàn zhě, yìdé è’guǒ bào. 一善念者，亦得善果報；一惡念 者，亦得惡果報.” (One with good thoughts will be repaid; one with bad thoughts will be punished.) In Rúxué zhuàn shàng 儒學傳上 [The Biography of Confucians I] of Jiùtángshū 舊唐書 [The Old Book of Tang], it reads that “Chéngqián yòu wèn yuē: ‘Bùshī yíng gōngdé, yǒu guǒbào fǒu?’ 承乾又問曰： ‘布施營功 德，有果報不？’” (Chengqian asked again, “will almsgiving be rewarded with

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 45 virtues?”) In Tūjué zhuàn shàng 突厥傳上 [The Biography of the Turkic I], it is noted that “Dēnglì zhě, yóu huáyán guǒbào yě. 登利者，猶華言果報也.” (Tengri in the ruler’s name Tengri Qughan means karma, i.e., guǒbào 果報 in the Chinese language.) Hézhǎng 合掌 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word saṃpuṭa (sānbǔzhā 三補吒), the gesture in Buddhism of putting the palms together to show respect. In Guānyīn yìshū shàng 觀音義疏上 [Commentary on the Meaning of the Universal Gate of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara], delivered orally by Zhiyi 智顗 and recorded by Guanding 灌頂, it reads that “Hézhǎng zhě, cǐfāng yǐ gǒngshǒu wéi gōng, wàiguó yǐ hézhǎng wéi jìng. Shǒu běn èrbiān, jīn hé wéi yī, biǎoshì bùgǎn sàndàn, zhuānzhì yìxīn, yìxīn xiāngdāng, gù yǐcǐ biǎo jīngyì yě. 合掌者，此方 以拱手為恭，外國以合掌為敬. 手本二邊，今合為一，表示不敢散誕，專至 一心，一心相當，故以此表敬意也.” (The gesture of clasping one’s hands is to show reverence in China; the gesture of putting one’s palms together is to show respect in the foreign country. The separate hands are put together, which symbolizes one dares not be sloven and lazy but committed and devoted; it is a respectful gesture.) In the seventh volume of Yǒuyáng zázǔ xùjí 酉陽雜俎續集 [Supplement to Miscellaneous Morsels from South of Mt. You], written by Duan Chengshi 段成 式 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Zhāo yòu yán: ‘Céng yú biǎoxiōng jiā zhuàn Jīngāngjīng.’ Zhào yuē: ‘Kě hézhǎng qǐng.’ Zhāo yīyán . . . yòu lìng hézhǎng, qí jīng jí miè. 昭又言：‘曾於表兄家轉《金剛經》.’ 趙曰：‘可合掌請.’ 昭依 言 . . . 又令合掌，其經即滅.” (Zhao said again, “I used to chant The Diamond Sutra in my cousin’s.” Zhao said, “you can put your palms together and pray for it.” Zhao followed his words. . . . Zhao told him to do it again, and then the sutra disappeared.) In Yáng Shènjīn zhuàn 楊慎矜傳 [The Biography of Yang Shenjin] of Jiùtángshū 舊唐書 [The Old Book of Tang], it is recorded that “Jiānchá yùshǐ Píng Liè jī chì zhì dàlǐsì, Shèn wén sǐ, hézhǎng zhǐtiān ér yì. 監察禦史平冽齎敕 至大理寺，慎聞死，合掌指天而縊.” (The censor Ping Lie came to the Highest Judiciary by the imperial decree. Knowing he had been sentenced to death, Shen prayed to heaven and hanged himself.) In Fóshuō ā’mítuó jīng jiǎngjīngwén 佛說阿彌陀經講經文 [The Amitabha Sutra as Discoursed by the Buddha] of Dūnhuáng biànwén jí敦煌變文集 [Transformation Texts of Dunhuang], it reads that “Zhāozhāo hézhǎng huājiān, rìrì mítuó shòujì. 朝朝合掌花間，日日彌陁受 記.” (Every day disciples pray among flowers and listen to Amitabha’s teaching.) Jīngāng 金剛 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word vajra (fùrìluó 縛日羅), referring to diamond. In the fifth volume of Sānzàngfǎshù 三藏法數 [Categories of Buddhist Concepts from the Canon], it is noted that gāng 剛 means hard; jīn 金 means metal; jīngāng 金剛 is the hardest metal; hence the name. In volume 41 of the Buddhist encyclopedia Dàzàngfǎshù 大藏法數 [Enlightenment of Tripitaka], it is noted that the Sanskrit word bázhéluó 跋折羅 means jīngāng 金剛 in Chinese, referring to a metal treasure of purple color, unmelted, hard, and sharp, which could be used to cut jade, is very rare, and therefore is considered invaluable. Volume 813 of Tàipíng yùlǎn 太平御覽 [Imperially Inspected Anthology of the Taiping Era] quotes from Xuánzhōngjì 玄中記 [Stories from the Mid of Mystery] that jīngāng 金剛 (diamond) is from the kingdom Dàqín 大秦 of India,

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also called xuēyùdāo 削玉刀 (a knife to cut jade). It could cut jade as sharply as a sharp knife cuts wood. A larger one is several chǐ 尺 long (one meter is three chǐ), a smaller one as tiny as a grain of rice. It is often used as a metaphor for one’s faithfulness. In volume 12 of Dàrìjīngshū 大日經疏 [The Commentary on the Mahāvairocanasūtra] by the monk Yixing 一行 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Jīngāng yù rúlái zhī mìmìhuì yě. jīngāng wúyǒufǎ néng pòhuài zhīzhě, ér néng pòhuài wànwù, cǐ zhìhuì yìzhòng. 金剛喻如來之秘密慧也. 金剛無有法能破 壞之者，而能破破壞萬物，此智慧亦眾.” (Buddha’s wisdom is like diamond, which nothing could break but could break everything; so is Buddha’s wisdom.) In the poem Wàngsuí chángshēng shù 妄隨長生術 [A Blind Pursuit for Immortality] by Wang Fanzhi 王梵志 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Wàngsuí chángshēng shù, jīngāng búhuài shēn, jùshāng shēngsǐ kǔ, shuí jiū nièpán yīn. 妄 隨長生術，金剛不壞身，俱傷生死苦，誰究涅槃因.” (Men pursue blindly the way to be immortal and to have a body as tough as diamond. Everyone is subject to life sufferings, yet who knows the secret of karma?) The word also refers to the weapon thunderbolt, a rod made of diamond. In the first volume of Dàrìjīng 大日經 [The Vairocana Sutra], it reads that “yíqiè chí jīngāng zhě, jiēxī jíhuì. 一切持金剛者，皆悉集會.” (All holding thunderbolts come to the assembly.) As Buddhist dharma protectors hold thunderbolts, the deities protecting dharma are called jīngāng 金剛. In part one of the second volume of Xíngzōngjì 行宗記 [Annal of Emperor Xingzong] by Yuan Zhao 元照 of the Song dynasty, it is written that jīngāng 金剛 refers to guardians who hold thunderbolts (jīngāngchǔ 金剛 杵) and are therefore addressed by this name. The word also refers to the statues of the heavenly kings at temple gates. In Xiángmó biànwén 降魔變文 [Subduing Demons] of Dūnhuáng biànwén jí 敦煌變文集 [Transformation Texts of Dunhuang], it reads that “Sānmén lóuxià sù jīngāng, tuóyuàn jiàohuà dānqīng xiàng. 三門樓下素（塑）金剛，陀院教畫丹青像.” (The statues of the heavenly kings stand at the gates; the portraits of deities hang over the temple walls.) In Qièfèn xùlù 竊憤續綠 [A Supplement to Resentment among the Rapacious Officials], written by Xin Qiji 辛棄疾 of the Song dynasty, it reads that “Rù qí sì, yǒu èr jīngāng, juānshí wéizhī, bìng gǒngshǒu ér lì. 入其寺，有二金剛，鐫石為之， 并拱手而立.” (At the temple’s gate stood two stone sculptures of deities in fist and palm salute.) Kōngmén 空門 means Buddhism or dharma. Buddhism sees the physical world as an empty one. To enter the Way, one needs to break away from biases and reach nirvana from emptiness; therefore, Buddhism and Buddha’s power are called kōngmén 空門 (the Gate of Emptiness). In Shìchūpǐn 釋初品 of Dà zhìdù lùn 大智度論 [Treatise on the Perfection of Great Wisdom], translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什) of the Late Qin dynasty, it is noted that kōngmén 空門 means both life and dharma are void. In the poem Tàn báifà 歎白髮 [A Sigh over White Hair] by Wang Wei 王維 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Yìshēng jǐxǔ shāngxīn shì, bú xiàng kōngmén héchù xiāo? 一生幾許傷心事， 不向空門何處銷？” (How else can I be relieved of lifelong sadness but to enter the Gate of Emptiness?) In Wénzōngjì xià 文宗紀下 [Treatise of Emperor Wenzong II] of Jiùtángshū 舊唐書 [The Old Book of Tang], it is recorded that “Búyù

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 47 túzǎi, yòngbiǎo hàoshēng, fēishì xìnshàng kōngmén, jiāng xī wúwàng zhī fú. 不 欲屠宰，用表好生，非是信尚空門，將希無妄之福.” (If a person represses his desire to kill to show respect for life, this is not out of a faith in Buddhism but out of a wish for having no accidents.) In Peng Yan zhuàn 彭偃傳 [The Biography of Peng Yan], it is recorded that “Zì xīfāng zhī jiào, bèiyú zhōngguó, qùshèng rìyuǎn, kōngmén bùxíng wǔzhuó, bǐqiū dànxíng cūfǎ. 自西方之教，被於中國，去聖日 遠，空門不行五濁，比丘但行粗法.” (Buddhism entered China and practiced a different way from Confucianism. It rejected five impurities and monks followed foreign codes.) Kǔhǎi 苦海 literally means a world of bitterness, which is a metaphor for the secular world. Buddhism sees the human world as full of pains and sorrows and therefore calls it by this term. In book four, Léngyán jīng 楞嚴經 [The Surangama Sutra], translated by the Indian monk Bolamidi 般剌密諦 (Pramiti), it reads “Yǐn zhū chén míng, chūyú kǔhǎi. 引諸沈冥，出於苦海.” (Lead the fallen masses out of the world of bitterness.) In the poem Yùyán tísēng 寓言題僧 [Parable of a Monastic Life] by Bai Juyi 白居易 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Jiéfēng huǒqǐ shāo huāngzhái, kǔhǎi bōshēng dàng pòchuán. 劫風火起燒荒宅，苦海波 生蕩破船.” (Tornado and fire are razing the village to the ground; in the ocean of bitterness, a broken boat is struggling.) In the poem Fùzhě bàn guānmù 富者辦棺 木 [The Rich Purchasing Coffin] by Wang Fanzhi 王梵志 of the Tang dynasty, it is written “Duōtóu rù kǔhǎi, míngmíng bù xǐngjué. 掇頭入苦海，冥冥不省覺.” (Put one’s head into the ocean of bitterness, dim-minded and unawakened.) In Liùzǔ tánjīng 六祖壇經 [The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch] in the collection compiled by the monk Fahai 法海 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Rǔděng ménrén zhōngrì gòngyǎng, zhǐqiú fútián, bùqiú chūlí shēngsǐ kǔhǎi. 汝等門人終 日供養，只求福田，不求出離生死苦海.” (You disciples do not worship Buddha all day long for transcendence over the bitter ocean of life and death but for blessings only.) The word also refers to endless miserable situations. In the poem Sù Shíwèng sì 宿石甕寺 [A Night at Shiwong Temple] by Lu Lun 盧綸 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Huízhān xiànghǎo yīn chuílèi, kǔhǎi bōtāo hérì píng. 迴 瞻相好因垂淚，苦海波濤何日平.” (Looking back, Buddha could not help crying; when could the ocean of bitterness be peaceful?) Lúnhuí 輪迴, or lúnhuí 輪回, is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word saṃsāra. Buddhism claims that all the mortal beings experience the six-realm cycle of birth and death, like the turning of wheel, which is called lúnhuí 輪 迴 and could only be avoided by Buddhas. The six realms refer to hells, hungry ghosts, animals, demi-gods, humans, and gods. In Fāngbiàn pǐn 方便品 [Expedient Means] of Miàofǎ liánhuá jīng 妙法蓮華經 [The Lotus Sutra of the Wonderful Law], translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什) of the Late Qin dynasty, it reads that “Yǐ zhūyù yīnyuán, zhuìduò sān èdào, lúnhuí liùqù zhōng, bèishòu zhū kǔdú. 以諸欲因緣，墜墮三惡道，輪回六趣中，備受諸苦毒.” (Due to the many desires, mortals fall into the three Evil Paths and have to experience the six realms of rebirth and existence and endure all the sufferings.) In the third volume of Xīndìguānjīng 心地觀經 [The Sutra on the Contemplation of the Mind], translated by the monk Bore 般若 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Yǒuqíng

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The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese

lúnhuí shēng liùdào, yóurú chēlún wú shǐzhōng. 有情輪迴生六道，猶如車輪 無始終.” (All sentient beings live in the Six Realms of samsara, which is like a forever-going wheel.) In “Lúshān yuǎngōng huà” 㠠山遠公話 [The Story of Master Huiyuan of Mt. Lu] of Dūnhuáng biànwén jí 敦煌變文集 [Transformation Texts of Dunhuang], it reads that “Huòjū dìyù, huòzài tiāntáng, huòwéi chùshēng, huòwéi èguǐ, liùdào lúnhuí, wúyǒu xiūqī. 或居地獄，或在天堂，或為畜生， 或為餓鬼，六道輪迴，無有休期.” (Some are in hell; some are in heaven; some are animals; some are hungry ghosts. All experience the never-ending six-realm samsara.) The word generally refers to an endless cycle. In Jìnglíng Wénxuānwáng Xiāo Zǐliáng zhuàn 竟陵文宣王蕭子良傳 [The Biography of Lord Wenxuan, Xiao Ziliang, of Jingling] of Nánqíshū 南齊書 [The Book of Southern Qi], it is recorded that “Qiánrén zēnggū qiú xiá, hòurén jiāshuì qǐngdài, rúcǐ lúnhuí, zhōng héjì jí? 前人增估求俠，後人加稅請代，如此輪回，終何紀極？” (The predecessors increased taxes to suppress the rich, and the succeeding governors imposed heavier taxes and appointed specialized tax collectors. When could such an endless cycle of taxation come to an end?) Píngděng 平等 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word upekṣā, meaning having no differences. All the phenomena have no differences in terms of generality, emptiness, consciousness, and suchness. In Jìngxīn xíngshàn fèn 浄心行善 分 [Perfect Equanimity] of Jīngāngjīng 金剛經 [The Diamond Sutra], translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什) of the Late Qin dynasty, it reads that “Shìfǎ píngděng, wúyǒu gāoxià, gùmíng wúshàng zhèngděng pútí. 是法平等， 無有高下，故名無上正等菩提.” (Dharmas have no difference; none is superior than others; that’s why they are considered paths to perfect enlightenment.) In Lúshān yuǎngōng huà 㠠山遠公話 [The Story of Master Huiyuan of Mt. Lu] of Dūnhuáng biànwén jí 敦煌變文集 [Transformation Texts of Dunhuang], it reads that “Dànxíng píngděng zhīxīn, fǎjiè zìrán ānlè. 但行平等之心，法界自然安樂.” (With equanimity maintained, the realm of dharma stays in peace and happiness.) The meaning of the word extends to equanimity. In Èrzǐ fēncái yù 二子分財喻 [Parable of Two Sons Dividing Properties] of Bǎiyùjīng 百喻經 [One Hundred Buddhist Parables], translated by Qiunapidi 求那毗地 (Sanskrit. Gunavrddhi) of Qi, the Southern dynasties, it reads that “Ěrshí yǒu yī yúlǎorén yán: jiāoěr fēnwù, shǐdé píngděng, xiàn suǒyǒuwù, pòzuò èrfēn. 爾時有一愚老人言: 教爾分物， 使得平等，現所有物，破作二分.” (Then an old fool said, “I’ll teach you how to divide everything equally; just break everything in half.”) Rúlái 如來 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word Thathāgata, another name for Buddha, meaning achieving enlightenment via the path of truthfulness. It is also the first of the ten ordination names of Sakyamuni. In Wēiyí jìjìng fèn 威 儀寂靜分 [Awesome Tranquility] of Jīngāngjīng 金剛經 [The Diamond Sutra], translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什) of the Late Qin dynasty, it is written that “rúlái zhě, wúsuǒ cónglái, yìwú suǒqù, gùmíng rúlái. 如來者，無所 從來，亦無所去，故名如來.” (Tathāgata is called Rulai in Chinese, meaning Thus Come One, who does not come from anywhere nor go anywhere; hence the name.) In Lúshān Huìyuǎn fǎshī lěi 廬山慧遠法師誄 [A Eulogy for Master Huiyuan of Mt. Lushan] by Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 of the Liu-Song dynasty, it reads

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 49 that “Yǎnghóng rúlái, xuānyáng fǎyǔ; fǔshòu fǎshī, wēiyí yǒngjǔ. 仰弘如來， 宣揚法雨；俯授法師，威儀永舉.” (Revering Buddha, the master disseminates dharma; enlightening his followers, the master stands forever in majesty.) In the poem Èshì zǒngxū qì 惡事總須棄 [Relinquish Evil Doings] by Wang Fanzhi 王 梵志 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “zhīyì qiú miàofǎ, bìdé jiàn rúlái. 知意 求妙法，必得見如來.” (To reach enlightenment and comprehend dharma, one could only go to Buddha.) Sānshēng 三生 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word trijati, referring to the three stages of life: the previous life, the present life, and the future life. In the poem Zìbà Hénán yǐhuàn qīyǐn . . . ǒutí xībì 自罷河南已換七尹 . . . 偶題 西壁 [An Impromptu Poem on the West Wall . . . Seven Post Transfers since my Demotion to Henan], written by Bai Juyi 白居易 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Shìshuō sānshēng rú bùmiù, gòngyí cháoxǔ shì qiánshén. 世說三生如不 謬，共疑巢許是前身.” (If the common belief in three lives is not absurd, I might be the hermit Chaoyou or Xuyou in my earlier life.) In the poem Sòngsēng 送僧 [Farewell to Monks] by Mou Rong 牟融 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Sāngshēng chénmèng xǐng, yìxī nàyī qīng. 三生塵夢醒，一錫衲衣輕.” (Awakened from the dream of three lives, one finds ease in his monastic robe.) Shìjiè 世界 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word lokadhātu. Shì 世 means time; jiè 界 means space. The word is similar to yǔzhòu 宇宙 in the Chinese language, which means the universe involving every direction and every period ancient and present alike. In the fourth volume of Léngyán jīng 楞嚴經 [The Surangama Sutra], translated by the Indian monk Bolamidi 般剌密諦 (Pramiti), it reads that “Hémíng wéi zhòngshēng shìjiè? Shì wéi qiānliú, jiè wéi fāngwèi. Rǔ jīn dāngzhī, dōng, xī, nán, běi, dōngnán, xīnán, dōngběi, xīběi, shàng, xià wéi jiè, guòqù, wèilái, xiànzài wéi shì. 何名為眾生世界？世為遷流，界為方位.” 汝今 當知，東、西、南、北、東南、西南、東北、西北、上、下為界，過去、 未來、現在為世.” (What does shìjiè 世界 mean? Shì means changes involving the past, the future and the present; jiè means locations – east, west, south, north, southeast, northeast, northeast, northwest, up, and down.) The meaning extends to the world; the mortal world. In Qí Chánlín sì ní Jìngxiù xíngzhuàng 齊禪林 寺尼凈秀行狀 [The Life of Nun Jingxiu of Chanlin Nunnery of the Southern Qi dynasty] by Shen Yue 沈約 of the Liu-Song dynasty, it is narrated that “Hū zìxiàn dàguāngmíng biànyú shìjiè, shānhé shùmù, hàorán wú ài. 忽自見大光明遍于世 界，山河樹木，浩然無礙.” (Suddenly, a blaze of glory swept over the world, encompassing mountains and rivers and plants, with everything visible in sight.) In the poem Zèng shǔsēng Lǘqiū shīxiōng 赠蜀僧閭邱師兄 [For Senior Fellow Lvqiu, Monk of Sichuan] by Du Fu 杜甫 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Mòmò shìjiè hēi, qūqū zhēngduó fán. 漠漠世界黑，驅驅爭奪繁.” (The dark cold world saw the fights and snatches of the mortal beings.) The word also refers to a certain field, scope, or realm. In Qiúránkè zhuàn 虬髯客傳 [The Biography of Qiuranke, lit. Dragon Beard Man] by Du Guangting 杜光庭 of the earlier Shu dynasty, it reads that “[Dàoshì] jìchū, wèi Qiúrán yuē: ‘Cǐ shìjiè fēi gōng shìjiè, tāfāng kě yě.’ [道士] 既出，謂虬髯曰： ‘此世界非公世界，他方可也’.” [(The Tao monk) came out and said to Qiuran, “you do not belong to this world. You

50 The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese should go somewhere else.”] In the poem Yóu Zhānggōngdòng jì Táo jiàoshū 遊 張公洞寄陶校書 [A Tour to the Cave Zhanggong: To Proofreader Tao Xiang] by Fang Gan 方干 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Shùlǐ yānyún fāng jué yì, qiánchéng shìjiè gèng yīng kuān. 數里煙雲方覺異，前程世界更應寬.” (Miles of mist and cloud stretch before a different view enfolds; the future world is to be wider.) Shìzūn 世尊 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word bhagavat (bóqiéfán 薄伽梵 by transliteration), a respectful title for Sakyamuni by Buddhist disciples, literally meaning honored by the world. In Sìshíèr zhāngjīng 四十二章經 [Scripture in Forty-Two Sections], translated by the Indian monk Bolamidi 般剌密諦 (Pramiti), it reads that “Ěrshí shìzūn jìchéng dàoyǐ, zuò shì sīwéi. 爾時世尊既成道 已，作是思維.” (At that time the Most Reverend had achieved the Way and thus thought so.) In volume one of Wúliàngshòujīng yìshū 無量壽經義疏 [Annotations on the Sutra of the Buddha of Infinite Life] by Huiyuan 慧遠 of the Sui dynasty, it is noted that “Fó bèi zhòngdé, wéi shì qīnyǎng, gùhào shìzūn. 佛備眾德，為世 欽仰，故號世尊.” (Buddha is honored by the world for his abundant virtues and therefore addressed as shìzūn, the world-honored.) Tìdù 剃度 means Buddhist followers take tonsure and lead a monasterial life to achieve transcendence. In the third volume of Chuánfǎ zhèngzōng jì 傳法正宗記 [The True Transmission of Dharma], it is noted that “Mó wénfǎ dàqǐ xìnxīn, suì yǔ qí sānqiān túzhòng jiē qiú chūjiā, dàshì jí wèi tìdù. 魔聞法大起信心，遂與 其三千徒眾皆求出家，大士即為剃度.” (Upon hearing, the demon accepted the dharma and begged to be converted with his 3000 disciples, and then Bodhisattva shaved them.) In Gāozǔ jì 高祖紀 [Annal of Emperor Gaozu] of Jiùtángshū 舊唐 書 [The Old Book of Tang], it is recorded that “Fúduò zhī rén, gǒu bì yáoyì, wàngwéi tìdù, tuōhào chūjiā, shìyù wúyàn, yíngqiú bùxī. 浮惰之人，茍避徭役，妄為 剃度，托號出家，嗜欲無厭，營求不息.” (To avoid labor, the lazy guys asked for tonsure and became monks, yet they were still greedy and desire-driven.) In the seventh volume of Běimèng suǒyán 北夢瑣言 [Sundry Events from the North of Yunmeng] by Sun Guangxian 孫光憲 (896–968) of the Song dynasty, it reads that “Táng Cáo xiàngguó Què pànjì, yìyǒu táifǔ zhī wàng. Huò mèng tìdù wéi sēng, xīn shèn wù zhī. . . . Cǐrén yuē, ‘Qián hè shìláng, dànxī bì dēngyōng. chūjiā zhě hào tìdù yě.’ 唐曹相國確判計，亦有臺輔之望.” 或夢剃度為僧，心甚惡之. . . . 此 人曰： ‘前賀侍郎，旦夕必登庸.’ 出家者號剃度也.” [In the Tang dynasty, Cao Que was in charge of financial affairs and was regarded highly to be the future Prime Minister. He dreamed of having tonsure and felt rather annoyed. . . . The man (fortune teller) said, “Congratulations for you, honorable Assistant Minister. Very soon, you will be promoted. Tonsure foretells a change of life.”] Xíqì 習氣 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word vāsanā, referring to habituated tendencies formed over time out of current hindrances. Buddhism claims that hindrances fall into three types: current, potential, and habituated. Even if the current hindrances are overcome and the potential ones are nipped, there still exist habituated ones, which are called xíqì 習氣. In Shìchūpǐn 釋初品 of Dà zhìdù lùn 大智度論 [Treatise on the Perfection of Great Wisdom], translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什) of the Late Qin dynasty, it is noted that

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 51 “Rǔ sāndú xíqì wèijìn, yǐ shì gù, rǔ yǐng fù shí, kǒngbù bùchú. 汝三毒習氣未 盡，以是故，汝影覆時，恐怖不除.” (You are not entirely free from the three poisons; that’s why the fear remains even under the cover of your shadow.) In volume two, Chéng wéishí lùnshù jì 成唯識論述記 [Commentaries of Discourse on the Perfection of Sole Consciousness] by Kuiji 窺基 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “yán xíqì zhě, xīn xiànxíng qìfēn xūnxí suǒchéng. 言習氣者，心現 行氣分熏習所成.” (Habituated tendencies are formed over time out of current tendencies.) The word generally refers to the conducts and habits that have been formed over time and are difficult to change. In the poem Zài hè qiánshī 再和潛 師 [A Second Response for Master Daoqian 道潛, alias Can Liao 參廖] by Su Shi 蘇軾 of the Song dynasty, it is written that “Dōngpō xíqì chú wèijìn, shífù chángpiān shū xiǎocǎo. 東坡習氣除未盡，時復長篇書小草.” (Unable to remove myself from the old habit, I could not help writing long poems for tiny grass.) In the poem Chāoshū 抄書 [Handcopy Books] by Lu You 陸游 of the Song dynasty, it is written that “Shūshēng xíqì zhòng, jiànshū xǐ yù kuáng. 書生習氣重，見書 喜欲狂.” (Out of the old habit, the scholar went into ecstasy at the sight of books.) Xiǎochéng 小乘 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word hīnayāna, lesser vehicle, referring to Hinayana Buddhism, the major sect of early Buddhism, which emphasizes individual discipline and cultivation to achieve self-salvation. During the first century ce, a new faction emerged that emphasized redeeming the mortal masses under the name of dàchéng 大乘, Mahayana, greater vehicle. The faction that sticks to the original teachings such as the Four Noble Truths is called xiǎochéng 小乘, Hinayana, lesser vehicle, which spreads mainly in Southeast Asia, also known as shàng zuò bù 上座部, the Theravada school of Buddhism. In Sòng měi shuǐ yù 送美水喻 [The Parable of Delivering Quality Water] of Bǎiyùjīng 百 喻經 [One Hundred Buddhist Parables], translated by Qiunapidi 求那毗地 (Sanskrit. Gunavrddhi) of Qi, the Southern dynasties, it is written that “Rúlái fǎwáng, yǒu dà fāngbiàn, rú yīchéng fǎ, fēnbié shuō sān. xiǎochéng zhī rén, wén zhī huānxǐ, yǐwéi yìxíng, xiūshàn jìndé, qiúdù shēngsǐ. 如來法王，有大方便，如一乘法， 分別說三. 小乘之人，聞之歡喜，以為易行，修善進德，求度生死.” (Rulai Buddha is of expedient means, renaming the dharma of one vehicle as dharma of three vehicles. Delighted upon hearing it, the disciples of Hinayana Buddhism thought it was easier to practice and thereby cultivated goodness and built virtues to be delivered out of the cycle of life and death.) In Sānbǎo xiǎochéng 三寶小乘 [Three Treasures and Lesser Vehicles] of Shìshì yàolǎn 釋氏要覽 [Encyclopedia of Buddhism], compiled by Daocheng 道誠 of the Song dynasty, it is noted that “Xiǎozhě jiǎn fēidà yě. Wèi rúlái guāngēn dòujī, fāngbiàn shīshè yě. 小者簡非大 也.” 謂如來觀根逗機，方便施設也.” (To put it simply, lesser means not great. Rulai Buddha sees the essence and triggers epiphany by expedient means.) Yīnguǒ 因果 means causes and conditions and effects; the Buddhist belief of cyclic existence claims that one reaps what he sows. Good conduct will be rewarded and evil conduct will be punished. Thus, the link of cause and effect is formed. In Yíjiào pǐn 遺教品 [Buddha’s Transmitted Teachings] of Nièpán jīng 涅 槃經 [The Nirvana Sutra], translated by Tanmochen 曇無讖 of Northern Liang, it reads that “Shàn è zhībào, rúyǐng suíxíng, sānshì yīnguǒ, huíquān bùshī. 善惡之

52 The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 報，如影隨形，三世因果，迴圈不失.” (Either good or evil will be retributed just like a body is followed by its shadow. The cycle of cause and effect forever runs in the three lives.) In Fan Zhen zhuàn 范縝傳 [The Biography of Fan Zhen] of Liángshū 梁書 [The Book of Liang], it reads that “Guìjiàn suī fù shūtú, yīnguǒ jìng zài héchù? 貴賤雖復殊途，因果竟在何處.” (The noble and humble are two diverse paths, yet they are not the effects of certain causes and conditions.) In Wei Chuhou zhuàn 韋處厚傳 [The Biography of Wei Chuhou] of Jiùtángshū 舊唐書 [The Old Book of Tang], it reads that “Yǎxìn shìshì yīnguǒ, wǎnnián yóushèn. Jùshū wànjuàn, duō shǒu zì kānjiào. 雅信釋氏因果，晚年尤甚. 聚書萬卷， 多手自刊校.” (He had always believed in Buddhist karmic retribution and even more so in his senior years. He collected thousands of books and did proofreading mostly by himself.) Yīnmíng 因明 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word hetuvidyā (xīdūfèituó 醯都費陀), also known as Yīnmínglùn 因明論, one of the five sciences of Ancient India. Yīn 因 means causes, grounds, justification; míng 明 means scholarship. Yīnmíng 因明 refers to logical reasoning. In Àndáluóguó 案達羅國 [Anarta Kingdom] of Dàtáng xīyù jì 大唐西域記 [The Great Tang Records of Travels to the Western Regions] by Xuanzang 玄奘 of the Tang dynasty, it says that “Xī fó shìzūn, shàn quán dǎo wù, yǐ cíbēixīn, shuō yīnmíng lùn, zōngkuò miàolǐ, shēnjiū wēiyán. Rúlái jìmiè, dàyì mǐnjué. Jīn zhě Chén Nà púsà, fúzhì yōuyuǎn, shēndá shèngzhǐ, yīnmíng zhīlùn, chónghóng zīrì. 昔佛世尊，善權導物，以慈 悲心，說因明論，綜括妙理，深究微言. 如來寂滅，大義泯絕. 今者陳那菩 薩，福智悠遠，深達聖旨，因明之論，重宏茲日.” (Back then Buddha offered wise guidance, had great compassion for the mortals, enlightened them with logical reasoning, taught wondrous principles, and probed truth of depth with subtle sophisticated remarks. Along with His demise went the great teachings as well. Today, the Bodhisattva Chen Na, with great blessing and wisdom, marveled at the holy teachings and logical reasoning, able to disseminate dharma at present.) Kuiji 窺基 of the Tang dynasty wrote Yīnmíng rùzhèng lǐlùn shū 因明入正理論 疏 [Annotations on Treatise on Mastering Logic]. Yuánmǎn 圓滿 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word pari (bōlì 波利), which means the end of rituals in Buddhism. In Yǔ shì Zhìyǐ shū 與釋智顗書 [Letter to Monk Zhiyi] by Emperor Yang 煬 of the Sui dynasty, it reads that “gōngdé yuánmǎn, biàn dào Jīng Wū. 功德圓滿，便到荊巫.” (When the rituals are over, I would go down to the Jing and Wu Mountains.) In Tiāntái sìjiào yí 天臺四教儀 [The Treatise on the Elucidation of the Knowable] by the Korean monk Diguan 諦 觀 of the Southern Tang, the Five dynasties, it reads that “xiàn yuánmǎn bàoshēn, wéi dùngēn púsà zhòng. 現圓滿報身，為鈍根菩薩眾.” (Now the retribution is complete and perfect; he is a bodhisattva with dull faculties.) In Lúshān yuǎngōng huà 㠠山遠公話 [The Story of Master Huiyuan of Mt. Lu] of Dūnhuáng biànwén jí 敦煌變文集 [Transformation Texts of Dunhuang], it reads that “Zāihài bùqīn, gōngdé yuánmǎn. 災害不侵，功德圓滿.” (No disaster would befall; the merits are in perfection.) In general, the word means everything is satisfactory with nothing missing. In Tiānzhú guó 天竺國 [India] of Wàiguó zhuàn liù 外國傳六 [The Book of Foreign Kingdoms VI], Sòngshǐ 宋史 [The History of the Song dynasty],

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it reads that “Fúhuì yuánmǎn, shòumìng yáncháng. 福慧圓滿，壽命延長.” (May you receive full blessings, wisdom, and longevity.) Zhēndì 真諦 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word paramārtha (bōluó wèituó 波羅未陀), one of the two absolute truths held by Buddhism. Whatever reveals dharma and exposes rationality is considered absolute truth. In Lìngzhǐ jiě èrdì yì 令旨解二諦義 [Deciphering Two Absolute Truths] by Xiao Tong 蕭統 of the Southern Liang dynasty, it reads that “Èrdì zhě, yīshì zhēndì, yīmíng súdì. Zhēndì yì míng dìyīyì dì, súdì yìmíng shìdì. 二諦者，一是真諦，一名俗諦. 真諦 亦名第一義諦，俗諦亦名世諦.” (The two absolute truths are called zhēndì and súdì. Zhēndì, also known as dìyīyìdì 第一義諦, means the primary truth; súdì, also known as shìdì 世諦, means universal truth.) The meaning of the word extends to the truest sense or rationale. In Chóngdá Zhāng zhǎngshǐ shū 重答張長史書 [A Second Response to Aide Zhang] by Zhou Yong 周顒 of the Jin dynasty, it reads that “Ruò wèi tàn dàojiā zhī jì, jiàn qí láiyú yī fó zhě, zé shì zhēndì shíyì, yánwén kějiàn yǐ. 若謂探道家之跡，見其來於一佛者，則是真諦實義，沿文可見矣.” (A probe into the origin of Daoism would reveal it develops from the same source with Buddhism; similar truth and teachings could be seen in texts.) In the poem Dàyún sì 大雲寺 [Dayun Monastery] by Yuan Zhen 元稹 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Zhēndì chéng zhī bié, míxīn shàng yǒu yún. 真谛成知别，迷心尚有 云.” (The truth has been taught and learned, yet there still live lost souls.) Zhuǎnbiàn 轉變 is the semantic translation of the Sanskrit word parinama, meaning one condition transforming into another. In the fourth volume of Jùshělùn 俱舍論 [Sheath of Abhidharma], translated by Zhendi 真諦 of Chen, the Southern dynasties, it reads that “Hémíng zhuǎnbiàn? Wèi xiāngxù zhōng qiánhòu yìxìng. 何名轉變？謂相續中前后異性.” (Transformation means in continuation predecessors and successors are different in nature.) In Yìngzhào lùn sìshì zhuàng 應詔 論四事狀 [A Report on Four Issues] by Su Shi 蘇軾 of the Song dynasty, it reads that “xiǎomín jìwú tāyè, bùmiǎn yǔ guānzhōng shǒuwěi jiāogù, yǐzhì gòngtōng wùchǎn, zhāobǎo lìxiàn, zēngjià chūxī, shēdài zhuǎnbiàn, yǐ gǒu qū mùqián zhī jí. 小民既無他業，不免與官中首尾膠固，以至供通物產，召保立限，增價出 息，賒貸轉變，以茍趨目前之急.” (The common folks had no alternative professions but to follow the government closely. Their goods and properties were guaranteed for loan with high interests; debts and credits were changed so that the pressing needs could be met.) The word has been used until the present with no change in meaning. In the Tang dynasty, the word also meant chanting transformation text; zhuǎn 轉 means to chant; biàn 變 means transformation texts, mostly legends, folk tales, and religious tales. In Tánbīn lù 譚賓録 [Records of Chats with a Guest] by Hu Qu 胡琚 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Rén zhī bìsǐ, jùnxiàn wú yǐ yìngmìng, nǎi shè guǐjì, zhà lìng sēng shèzhāi, huò yú yàolù zhuǎnbiàn, qízhòng zhōng yǒu dānpín zhě, jí fù zhī. 人知必死，郡縣無以應命，乃設詭計，詐令 僧設齋，或於要路轉變，其眾中有單貧者，即縛之.” (As everyone knew that death was inevitable, the county government, unable to fulfill the order, devised a scheme of ordering monks to set monasterial meals or chant transformation texts at major routes; lone poor men among the mass would be bound and forced to move to Sichuan.)

54 The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 1.4.3

New meanings added to existing words

In the translation of Buddhist sutras, certain already-existing words in the Chinese language are given new meanings. These words are semantically different and convey a wider connotation. Some old word forms are borrowed to convey certain meanings in the Buddhist sutras; the original meanings of the words have no relevancy with the sutras. Some examples are given as follows: Bàoyìng 報應 means karma. The ancients believed in the theory that humans and nature responded to each other, and that the changes of the sun, the moon, and stars resulted from the chaos in the human world, which is termed bàoyìng 報應. In Chéngdì jì 成帝紀 [The Annal of Emperor Chengdi] of Hànshū 漢書 [The Book of Han], it reads that “Zhèn qīn chì gōng, jiāosì shàngdì. Huángtiān bàoyìng, shénguāng bìng xiàn. 朕親飭躬，郊祀上帝. 皇天報應，神光并見.” (I have made great efforts in self-cultivation and offered tributes to heaven. The Heavenly King has granted me blessings and displayed divinity.) In Buddhism, the term means good causes, good results. Bad causes, bad results. Later on, it specifically refers to evil causes that bring evil results. In Míngdì jì xià 明帝紀下 [The Annal of Emperor Mingdi, II] of Hòuhànshū 後漢書 [The Book of the Later Han], it reads that “Shēngshí suǒ xíng shàn è jiē yǒu bàoyìng. 生時所行善惡皆有 報應.” (The goodness and evils done in one’s lifetime would be retributed.) In Fù Yì zhuàn 傅奕傳 [The Biography of Fu Yi] of Jiùtángshū 舊唐書 [The Old Book of Tang], it is recorded that “Fódào xuánmiào, shèngjī kěshī, qiě bàoyìng xiǎnrán, lǚyǒu zhēngyàn. 佛道玄妙，聖跡可師，且報應顯然，屢有徵驗.” (Dharma is subtle, and the holy path is the one to follow. It has been tested that the retribution would be remarkable.) Bùshī 布施 means giving others money or things in Old Chinese. In Xiǎnxué 顯学 [Learned Celebrities] of Hánfēizǐ 韓非子 [Works of Master Hanfei], it reads that “Jīn shàng zhēngliǎn yú fùrén, yǐ bùshī yú pínjiā. 今上徵斂於富人，以布施 於貧家.” (Now your Majesty imposes taxation on the rich to aid the poor.) The word was used as a translation of the Sanskrit word dana (tánnà 檀那), one of the six wisdoms of perfection. There are three types of the action: offering money or things, delivering by dharma, and enabling one to be fearless for misfortunes. In section 18 of Liùdù jíjīng 六度集經 [Collection of Scriptures on the Six Perfections], translated by Kang Senghui 康僧會 of Wu of the Three Kingdom period, it reads that “Púsà pǔhuì dù wújí, xíng bùshī rúshì. 菩薩普惠度無極，行布施 如是.” (Bodhisattva grants mercy to the masses and delivers them to the Other World. That’s what she offers to the mortals.) In the poem Bùshī shēng shēng fù 布施生生富 [Almsgiving Brings One Fortune in One Life after Another], it is written that “Bùshī shēng shēng fù, qiāngtān shìshì pín. 布施生生富，鏗貪世世 貧.” (Almsgiving would bring one fortune in one life after another; meanness and avarice would bring poverty to one generation after another.) In Fu Yi zhuàn 傅奕 傳 [The Biography of Fu Yi] of Jiùtángshū 舊唐書 [The Old Book of Tang], it is recorded that “Bùshī yì qián, xī wànbèi zhī bào; chí zhāi yírì, jì bǎirì zhī liáng. 布施 一錢，希萬倍之報；持齋一日，冀百日之糧.” (A donation of one coin would be rewarded thousands of times more; a one-day fast would be retributed with food for a hundred days.)

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 55 Shàn 禪 means the ancient practice of building altars and sweeping the ground for sacrificial ceremony. Ancient emperors ascended to Mount Taishan, building an altar on a clearing to offer sacrifice to heaven and sweeping the ground to offer sacrifice to mountains and rivers. In Bǎofù 保傅 [Preceptors and Masters] of Dàdài Lǐjì 大戴禮記 [Records of Ritual Matters by Dai the Elder], it reads “Fēng Tàishān ér shàn Liángfù. 封泰山而禪梁父.” (Ascend Mount Taishan to worship heaven and hold a ceremony on a clearing on Mount Liangfu to worship earth.) The word also means to pass the throne to successors. In Wàn Zhāng shàng 萬章上 of Mèngzǐ 孟子 [The Works of Mencius], it reads that “Tángyú shàn, Xià hòu Yīn Zhōu jì, qí yì yī yě. 唐虞禪，夏后殷周繼，其義一也.” (Emperor Yao and Shun held sacrificial ceremonies for heaven and earth, which was succeeded in the Xia and Zhou dynasties for the same purposes.) In Buddhism, the word, pronounced chán 禪, was an abbreviated translation of the Sanskrit word dhyana (chánnà 禪 那), meaning being tranquil in one’s heart, having no distracting thoughts; it is one important cultivating practice of Buddhism. In Dùnwù rùdào yàomén lùn 頓悟 入道要門論 [Treatise on the Essential Gate of Entering the Way through Sudden Awakening] by the monk Dazhuhuihai 大珠慧海 of the Tang dynasty, it is written “wèn: Yún hé wéi chán? Yún hé wéi dìng? Dá: Wàngniàn bùshēng wéi chán, zuò xiàn běnxìng wéi dìng. 問：云何為禪？云何為定？答: 妄念不生为禪，坐見本 性為定.” (Question: What is tranquility? What is meditation? Answer: Tranquility means having no reckless thoughts; meditation means displaying one’s nature quietly.) In volume 17 of Dà zhìdù lùn 大智度論 [Treatise on the Perfection of Great Wisdom], translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什) of the Late-Qin dynasty, it reads that “Zhūdìng gōngdé dōushì sīwéi xiū, chán, qínyán sīwéi xiū. 諸定功德都是思維修，禪，秦言思維修.” (Chan, sīwéixiū 思維修 in Chinese, means mindful cultivation.) In the fifth volume of Dàoxíng bōrě jīng 道行般若 經 [The Sutra of the Perfection of Wisdom], translated by Lokaksema (Zhiloujiachen 支婁迦讖) of the Han dynasty, it reads that “Chán bùzhī kōng lí kōng. 禪 不知空離空.” (In mindful cultivation, one should not be addicted to the concept of emptiness.) In Chóngzhēn sì 崇真寺 [Chongzhen Temple] of Chéngdōng 城東 [East of the County], Luòyáng qiélánjì 洛陽伽藍記 [The Record of the Buddhist Monasteries of Luoyang] by Yang Xuanzhi 楊衒之 of the Northern Wei dynasty, it is recorded that “Bǎomíng sì Zhìshèng, zuòchán kǔxíng, déshēng tiāntáng. 寶 明寺智聖，坐禪苦行，得升天堂.” (The monk Zhisheng of Baoming Temple ascended to heaven after consistent, painful mindful cultivation and practice.) In the first volume of Léngyán jīng 楞嚴經 [The Surangama Sutra], translated by the Indian monk Bolamidi 般剌密諦 (Pramiti), it reads that “Yīnqín qǐqǐng shífāng rúlái déchéng pútí, miàoshē mótā sānmó chánnà zuìchū fāngbiàn. 殷勤啓請十方 如來得成菩提，妙奢摩他三摩禪那最初方便.” (With all the reverence, I hereby pray all buddhas of the ten directions who accomplish enlightenment to guide me into the three levels of Samadhi: preliminary concentration, access concentration, and absorption concentration.) Wang Xuan 王璿 noted that chánnà 禪那 means meditation. Some of the compound words with chán 禪 as a morpheme are given as follows: Chánchuáng 禪床 (bed for meditation), chánchà 禪剎 (temple), chánlín 禪林 (gathering places of monks), chánhè 禪和, chánhèzǐ 禪和子 (meditators),

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chántán 禪談, tánchán 談禪 (discuss Buddhist dharmas), chánxīn 禪心, chányì 禪意 (tranquil meditative mindset), chánzhǐ 禪旨 (teachings of Zen Buddhism), chánzōng 禪宗 (Zen Buddhism, a Buddhist school initiated by the Indian monk Bodhidharma, the first patriarch), zuòchán 坐禪, chánzuò 禪坐 (sitting meditation of monks), etc. Chuáng 幢 refers to a ceremonial banner in ancient times. In Dàtǐ 大體 [The Principal Features] of Hánfēizǐ 韓非子 [The Works of Master Hanfei], it reads “Wànmín bù shīmìng yú kòuróng, xióngjùn bú chuàngshòu yú qíchuáng. 萬民 不失命於寇戎，雄駿不創壽於旗幢.” (Make sure that the common people will not lose their lives in the foreign invasion and that steeds will not be killed under the banners.) In the section Jīn 巾 of Shuōwén xīnfù 說文新附 [Appendix to Shuowen, Explaining Simple and Analyzing Compound Characters], it is noted that chuáng 幢 is a type of banner. The word was a translation of the Sanskrit word dhvaja (tuōshé 脫闍, tuópó 馱嚩), a column-shaped banner of Buddhism, with colorful ornaments, erected in front of Buddha statues to guide mortal mass and defeat demons. Later on, banners inscribed with buddhas’ names or sutras are called jīngchuáng 經幢, and stone columns with sutra inscriptions are called shíchuáng 石幢. In the ninth volume of Dàrìjīngshū 大日經疏 [Commentary on the Mahāvairocanasūtra] by the monk Yixing 一行 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Fàn yún tuópó zhě, cǐ fān wéi chuáng. Fàn yún jìdū, cǐ fān wéi qí, qí xiàng shāoyì. Chuáng dàn yǐ zhǒngzhǒng zácǎi biāozhì zhuāngyán, jìdū xiàng yì dàtóng, ér gèngjiā liúqí mìhào. 梵云馱嚩者，此翻為幢. 梵云計都，此翻為旗，其相 稍異. 幢但以種種雜綵幖幟莊嚴，計都相亦大同，而更加旒旗密號.” (Tuópó 馱嚩 of Sanskrit was translated as chuáng 幢, banner; jìdū 計都 of Sanskrit was translated as qí 旗, flag. Chuáng 幢 is magnificent and of multiple colors; jìdū 計都 is similar and with cryptic codes.) In Chóngmíng sì fódǐng zūnshèng tuóluóní chuáng song 崇明寺佛頂尊勝陁羅尼幢頌 [Ode to the Stone Tower of Dharani of the Victorious Buddha-Crown of Chongming Temple] by Li Bai 李 白 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Jiē gāochuáng xī biǎo tiāngōng, nì dúchū xī língxīng hóng. 揭高幢兮表天宮，嶷獨出兮淩星虹.” (The magnificent tablet soars towards heaven, standing sublime among the shining stars.) In Rúxìn dàshī gōngdé chuáng jì 如信大師功德幢記 [On the Merit Tower of Master Ruxin] by Bai Juyi 白居易 of the Tang dynasty, it says that “Chuáng gāo ruògān chǐ, huán ruògān chǐ, liùyú qīcéng, shàngfù xiàchéng, fóyí zài shàng, jìngzhòu zài zhōng, jì zàn zài xià. 幢高若干尺，圜若干尺，六隅七層，上覆下承，佛儀在上，經 咒在中，記讚在下.” (The tower is several chi 尺 high, several chi 尺 in perimeter, of six sides and seven tiers, with a roof and a base. On the top sits the statue of the master; in the middle are sutras and curses; at the bottom are records and commentaries.) Fǎmén 法門 referred to the south gate of the royal palace in ancient times. In Xīgōng èrshí nián 僖公二十年 [Year 20 of the Reign of Lord Xi] of Gǔliángzhuàn 榖梁傳 [A Commentary by Guliang on the Spring and Autumn Annals], it is noted that the south gate is called fǎmén 法門. Fan Ning 范寧 annotated that emperors and kings took the northern seats facing the south and issued decrees. That is why the southern gate of the palace is called fǎmén 法門

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 57 (the gate of law). As a Buddhist term, it refers to the access path for practitioners. In Xùpǐn 序品 [Introduction] of Miàofǎ liánhuá jīng 妙法蓮華經 [The Lotus Sutra of the Wonderful Law], translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩 摩羅什) of the Late Qin dynasty, it reads that “Yǐ zhǒngzhǒng fǎmén, xuānshì yú fódào. 以種種法門，宣示於佛道.” (Dharma is revealed by multiple paths.) In Fójìxù 佛記序 [Prologue of Writings of Buddhism] by Shen Yue 沈約 of the Guǎnghóng míngjí 廣弘明集 [Expanded Anthology of Extended Brilliance], compiled by the monk Daoxuan 道宣 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Kuò búèr zhī fǎmén, guǎng yīchéng zhī chángmò. 廓不二之法門，廣一乘之長陌.” (Broaden the one and only Way; accommodate more in the One Vehicle to Buddhahood.) In Rù búèr fǎmén pǐn 入不二法門品 [Entry into the One and Only Way] of Wéimójiéjīng 維摩詰經 [The Mahayana Vimalakirti Sutra], translated by Zhiqian 支謙 of the state of Wu, the Three Kingdom period, it reads that “Rú wǒ yì zhě, yú yíqiè fǎ wúyān wúshuō, wúshì wúshí, lí zhū wèndá, shì wéi rù búèr fǎmén. 如我意者，於一切法無言無說，無示無識，離諸問答, 是為入不二法門.” (As I understand it, it is to be without words and without explanation with regard to all the dharmas – without manifestation, without consciousness, and transcending all questions and answers. This is to enter the dharma gate of nonduality.) Fǎshì 法事 referred to laws, codes in Old Chinese. In Lǐ Sī lièzhuàn 李斯列 傳 [The Biography of Li Si] of Shǐjì 史記 [Records of the Grand Historian], it is recorded that “Gāo shòu zhào jiàoxí Hú Hài, shǐ xué yǐ fǎshì, shùnián yǐ, wèi cháng jiàn guòshī. 高受詔教習胡亥，使學以法事，數年矣，未嘗見過 失.” (Under the royal command, Gao taught Hu Hai laws and codes for several years and did not make any mistake.) As a Buddhist term, it means the Buddhist practices of serving sacrifice to Buddha, giving alms to monks, chanting sutras, and cultivating. In section seven, “Shì Fǎzhēn” 釋法珍 [Monk Fazhen], of Gāosēng zhuàn 高僧傳 [The Biographies of Eminent Monks] by Huijiao 慧 皎 of Liang, the Southern dynasties, it reads that “Wúxīng Shěn Yǎnzhī tè xiāng qìzhòng, qǐng huán Wúxīng Wǔkāng Xiǎoshān sì, shǒuwěi shí yǒu jiǔ nián, zì fēi qíqǐng fǎshì, wèi cháng chūmén. 吳興沈演之特相器重，請還吳興武康 小山寺，首尾十有九年，自非祈請法事，未嘗出門.” (Shen Yanzhi of Wuxing County regarded him highly and invited him back to Xiaoshan Temple of Wukang, Wuxing. For 19 years since then, he had never come out of the temple except on requests for services.) Gōngdé 功德 meant merits and virtues in ancient Chinese. In Wángzhì 王 制 [Royal Regulations] of Lǐjì 禮記 [The Book of Rites], it reads that “Yǒu gōngdé yú mín zhě, jiādì jìnlǜ. 有功德於民者，加地進律.” (Those who have done great contributions to the people will be granted land and higher ranks.) As a Buddhist term, the word refers to good deeds such as chanting sutras or giving alms. In Míng xiáng jì 冥祥記 [Signs from the Unseen Realm] by Wang Yan 王琰 in the Southern Qi dynasty, it reads “Zìjīn yǐhòu, dú lì suì duō, yí qínxiū gōngdé. 自今以後，毒癘歲多，宜勤修功德.” (Now that plagues have happened frequently, the government should be committed to build merits.) In volume 92 of Dàchéng yìzhāng 大乘義章 [Essay on the System of Mahayana],

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written by Huiyuan 慧遠 of the Sui dynasty, it reads that “Yán gōngdé zhě, gōng wèi gōngnéng, shàn yǒu zīrùn fúlì zhī gōng, gù míng wéi gōng, cǐ gōng shì qí shànxíng jiādé, míng wéi gōngdé. 言功德者，功謂功能，善有資潤福利 之功，故名為功，此功是其善行家德，名為功德.” (Gōng 功 in gōngdé 功德 means work, service. Goodness nourishes and benefits people and is therefore called gong 功; it is a work of practicing virtues, dé 德. Hence, the term gōngdé 功德 means merits and virtues.) In Yú Yuàn zhuàn 虞愿傳 [The Biography of Yu Yuan] of Nánqíshū 南齊書 [The Book of Southern Qi], it reads that “Bìxià qǐ cǐ sì, jiē shì bǎixìng mài ér tiē fù, fó ruò yǒuzhī, dāng bēikū āimǐn, zuì gāo fótú, yǒu hé gōngdé? 陛下起此寺，皆是百姓賣兒貼婦，佛若有知，當悲哭 哀湣，罪高佛圖，有何功德？” (Your Majesty has had this temple built on the ground of the common people selling their children and wives. If Buddha knows about this, he will cry bitterly and feel very sad towards the people. The sin is heard in heaven. In what way can it be called a merit?) In Rúxué zhuàn shàng 儒學傳上 [The Biography of Confucians I] of Jiùtángshū 舊唐 書 [The Old Book of Tang], it is written that “Chengqian yòu wèn yuē: ‘bùshī yíng gōngdé, yǒu guǒbào fǒu?’ 承乾又問曰： ‘布施營功德，有果報不？’” (Chengqian asked again, “will almsgiving be rewarded with virtues?”) The word also refers to Buddha statues. It is quoted in volume 104 of Tàipíng guǎngjì 太平廣記 [Extensive Records of the Taiping Reign (976–983)] from Jìwén 紀聞 [Records of Hearsays] that “Táng kāiyuán shíwǔ nián yǒu chì: tiānxià sēngfǎng fótáng, xiǎozhě bìng chāichú, gōngdé yírù cèjìn fósì; táng dàzhě, jiē lìng fēngbì. 唐開元十五年有敕：天下僧坊佛堂，小者并拆除， 功德移入側近佛寺; 堂大者，皆令封閉.” [In the Kaiyuan Reign of the Tang dynasty (713–741), the smaller monasteries and chambers were demolished by the imperial decree, their Buddha statues moved into the nearby temples; the larger ones were closed down.] Another quote from Yùtáng Xiánhuà 玉堂閒話 [Table Talk from the Hanlin Academy] reads that “Céng yóu Hóngzhōu xìnguǒ guàn, jiàn sānguān diàn lǐ gōngdé sùxiàng. 曾遊洪州信果觀，見三官殿裏功 德塑像.” (I once travelled to Xinguo Monastery of Hongzhou and saw deities’ statues in the Hall of Three Officials.) Jīngshè 精舍 referred to schools in ancient Chinese. In Liú Shū 劉淑 of Dǎnggù zhuàn 黨錮傳 [The Book of Autocratic Rule], Hòuhànshū 後漢書 [The Book of Later Han], it reads that “Shū shào xué míng Wǔ Jīng, suì yǐnjū, lì jīngshè jiǎngshòu, zhū shēng cháng shù bǎirén. 淑少學明《五經》，遂隱居，立精舍 講授，諸生常數百人.” (Liu Shu learned the Five Classics of the Ming dynasty at an early age, and then lived a hermetic life, started a school, and taught as many as hundreds of students.) The word refers to where Buddhist or Taoist monks lived and practiced their beliefs. In Féng Xī 馮熙 of Wàiqī zhuàn shàng 外戚傳上 [The Book of Imperial Relatives I] of Wèishū 魏書 [The Book of Wei], it reads that “Xī wéizhèng bùnéng rénhòu, ér xìn fófǎ, zì chū jiācái, zài zhū zhōuzhèn jiàn fótú jīngshè, hé qī shí èr chù. 熙為政不能仁厚，而信佛法，自 出家財，在諸州鎮建佛圖精舍，合七十二處.” (Feng Xi was not a benevolent ruler but a Buddhist believer. He built as many as 72 Buddhist abodes in many counties with his own money.) In Di Renjie zhuàn 狄仁傑傳 [The Biography

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of Di Renjie] of Jiùtángshū 舊唐書 [The Old Book of Tang], it is written that “Yìyǒu líjiàn gǔròu, shì jūn lùrén, shēn zì nàqī, wèi wú bǐwǒ. jiē tuō fófǎ, guàwù shēngrén. lǐmò dòng yǒu jīngfāng, huánhuì yì lì jīngshè. 亦有離間骨肉，事 均路人，身自納妻，謂無彼我. 皆托佛法，詿誤生人. 里陌動有經坊，闤闠 亦立精舍.” (Parents and children were forced apart; one’s private fortune was distributed by force; monks got married, claiming no difference between theirs and others, deceiving the common masses with dharma. The streets and lanes were filled with monasteries.) Jīngjìn 精進 meant possessing capabilities and aspirations in ancient Chinese. In Xù zhuàn shàng 敘傳上 [The Biographies, I] of Hànshū 漢書 [The Book of Han], it reads “Nǎi zhāo shǔxiàn zhǎng lì, xuǎn jīngjìn yuánshǐ. 乃召屬縣長吏， 選精進掾史.” (Gather the officers of the subordinating counties and select the elite secretaries.) As a Buddhist word, it is a semantic translation of the Sanskrit word virya (pílíyē 毗梨耶), meaning to learn dharma diligently, build virtues and rectify vices persistently, and benefit the common masses. In the first part of Wúliàngshòujīng 無量壽經 [The Sutra of the Buddha of Infinite Life], translated by Kang Sengkai 康僧鎧 of Wei, the Three Kingdom period, it reads “yǒngměng jīngjìn, zhìyuàn wú juàn. 勇猛精進，志願無倦.” (Be bold and aspirational; maintain a strong will.) In Shùjiě 術解 [Technical Understanding] of Shìshuō xīnyǔ 世說新語 [A New Account of the Tales of the World], compiled and edited by Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 of the Southern Song dynasty, it is recorded that “Jūnhóu suǒ huàn, zhèngshì jīngjìn tàiguò suǒ zhì ěr. 君侯所患，正是精進太過所致耳.” (Your lordship’s worry is caused by excessive pursuit.) In Míng xiáng jì 冥祥 記 [Signs from the Unseen Realm], written by Wang Yan 王琰 of the Southern Qi dynasty, it reads “Yí qín jīngjìn, bùkě shāshēng, ruò bùnéng dōuduàn, kě wù zǎiniú. 宜勤精進，不可殺生，若不能都斷，可勿宰牛.” (Persist in learning; commit no killing; if you cannot [get] rid [of] all the bad habits, remember not to kill oxen.) Later on, the word means to persist in learning and progress consistently. In volume 42 of Zhuzi yǔlèi 朱子語類 [A Collection of Conversations of Master Zhu], it reads that “Shànrén zhǐ xúnxún zìshǒu, jù jiàn dìng, búhuì yǒngměng jīngjìn. Xúnguī dǎojǔ zé yǒuyú, zézhī yǐ rèndào zé bùzú. 善人只循循 自守，據見定，不會勇猛精進. 循規蹈矩則有餘，責之以任道則不足.” (A gentleman will not pursue progress excessively but be firm on his own path and pace. He does well in observing all rules and regulations yet lacks the ability of shouldering heavy responsibilities.) Liùdù 六度 meant the six institutions of phenomena in Old Chinese – heaven, earth, spring, summer, autumn, and winter. In Shízé 時則 [Seasonal Rules] of Huáinánzǐ 淮南子 [The Works of Master Huainan], it reads that “Zhìdù, yīnyáng dàzhì yǒu liùdù: tiān wéi shéng, dì wéi zhǔn, chūn wéi guī, xià wéi héng, qiū wéi jǔ, dōng wéi quán. Shéng zhě, suǒyǐ shéng wànwù yě; zhǔn zhě, suǒyǐ zhǔn wànwù yě; guīzhě, suǒyǐ yuán wànwù yě; héngzhě, suǒyǐ píng wànwù yě; jǔzhě, suǒyǐ fāng wànwù yě; quánzhě, suǒyǐ quán wànwù yě. 制度，陰陽大制有六 度：天為繩，地為準，春為規，夏為衡，秋為矩，冬為權. 繩者，所以繩 萬物也；準者，所以準萬物也；規者，所有員萬物也；衡者，所以平萬物 也；矩者，所以方萬物也；權者，所以權萬物也.” (For the great regulation

60 The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese of yin and yang, there are Six Standards. Heaven is the marking cord; earth, the level; spring, the compass; summer, the balance beam; autumn, the square; winter, the weight. The marking cord is that by which the myriad things are marked out. The level is that by which the myriad things are leveled. The compass is that by which the myriad things are made round. The balance beam is that by which the myriad things are equalized. The square is that by which the myriad things are made square. The weight is that by which the myriad things are weighed.) The word was used as a semantic translation of the Sanskrit word ṣaḍ – pāramitā (liù bōluómìduō 六波羅密多), meaning the path from this shore of life and death to the other shore of nirvana (demise), including six perfections: generosity, morality, patience, effort, meditation, and insight. In Tóu tuó sì bēiwén 頭陁寺碑文 [Epitaph of Toutuo Temple] by Wang Che 王屮 of Liang, the Southern dynasties, it reads that “Bǐ àn zhě, yǐnzhī yú yǒu, zé gāoxiè sìliú; tuī zhī yúwú, zé fǔhóng liùdù. 彼岸者，引之於有，則高謝四流；推之於無， 則俯弘六度.” (The Other Shore, if visible, is away from the four currents; if invisible, it encompasses the Six Perfections.) In Wéimójiéjīng jiǎngjīngwén 維摩詰經講經文 [Lecture on The Mahayana Vimalakirti Sutra] of Dūnhuáng biànwén jí敦煌變文集 [Transformation Texts of Dunhuang Grotto], it reads that “Liùdù yīyī shè hóngxuān, zǒngshì rúlái zhēn mì yìn. 六度一一設弘宣，總是 如來真密印.” (Each of the Six Perfections proclaims dharma, being the true teachings of Buddha.) Rúyì 如意 meant as you wish in Old Chinese. In Jing Fang zhuàn 京房傳 [The Biography of Jing Fang] of Hànshū 漢書 [The Book of Han], it reads “Chén yí bìxià suī xíng cǐdào, yóu bùdé rúyì. 臣疑陛下雖行此道，猶不得如意.” (I wonder that even if your Majesty adopts this way, you may not have your wishes fulfilled.) The word has been used in this sense until now. As a Buddhist term, it is a semantic translation of the Sanskrit word anu-raddha (ā nà lǜ 阿那律), referring to a scepter made of bone, horn, jade, stone, bamboo, wood, bronze, or iron, about three chi long with a finger-shaped front end. It could be used for back scratching and brings comfort to a person as he wishes, hence the name. In Tàichǐ 汰侈 [Luxuries] of Shìshuō xīnyǔ 世說新語 [A New Account of the Tales of the World] by Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 of the Southern Song dynasty, it is narrated that “Chóng shì qì, yǐ tiěrúyì jī zhī, yìngshǒu ér suì. 崇視訖，以鐵如意擊之，應手而碎.” [After a look at it, Shi Chong struck (the coral tree) with an iron ruyi scepter, and the tree went into pieces immediately.] In Wei Rui zhuàn 韋叡傳 [The Biography of Wei Rui] of Nánshǐ 南史 [The History of the Southern dynasties], it reads that “Suī línzhèn jiāofēng, cháng huǎnfú chéngyú, zhí zhú rúyì yǐ huī jìnzhǐ. 雖臨陣交鋒，常 緩服乘輿，執竹如意以麾進止.” (On the battlefield, the general, wearing a loose robe, stood in a carriage commanding the army to march or stop with a bamboo ruyi scepter in his hand.) In medieval times, it was an object symbolizing auspice, with a head like a lingzhi mushroom or cloud, a curvy stick, and made of gold, jade, etc. In chapter 17 of Hónglóumèng 紅樓夢 [Dream of the Red Chamber] by Cao Xueqin 曹雪芹 of the Qing dynasty, it reads that “yuánlái Jiǎmǔ de shì jīn, yù rúyì gè yìbǐng. 原來賈母的是金、玉如意各一柄.” (To Grandmother Jia: one golden ruyi scepter and one jade ditto.)

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Sānchéng 三乘 referred to three carriages in ancient times, each one driven by four horses, equipped for xiàdàfū 下大夫 (junior grand masters) in the Yin dynasty. In Shàoyí 少儀 [Minor Rules of Conduct] of Lǐjì 禮記 [The Book of Rites], it reads that “Èrchē zhě, zhūhóu qī chéng, shàngdàfū wǔ chéng, xiàdàfū sānchéng. 貳車者，諸侯七乘，上大夫五乘，下大夫三乘 .” (Dukes could have seven carriages; senior grand masters could have five; junior grand masters, three.) Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 made a note that this was the institution of the Yin dynasty. Chéng 乘, as a Buddhist term, means a myriad of means by which the mortal beings could be delivered out of anxiety to the Other Shore. Sānchéng 三 乘 refers to three vehicles: the lesser vehicle (of the direct disciples), the middle vehicle (of the self-enlightened ones), and the greater vehicle (of bodhisattva). In Shìlǎo zhì 釋老志 [Treatises of Buddhism and Taoism] of Wèishū 魏書 [The Book of Wei], it reads that “Chūgēnrén wéi xiǎochéng, xíng sìdì fǎ; zhōnggēnrén wéi zhōngchéng, shòu shí èr yīnyuán; shànggēnrén wéi dàchéng, zé xiū liùdù. Suī jiē sānchéng, ér yào yóu xiū jìn wànháng, zhěngdù yìliú, mílì chángyuǎn, nǎi kě dēng fójìng yǐ. 初根人為小乘，行四諦法；中根人為中乘，受十二因 緣；上根人為大乘，則修六度.” 雖階三乘，而要由修進萬行，拯度億流， 彌歷長遠，乃可登佛境矣.” (The inferior are on the lesser vehicle and learn the four truths; the middlings are on the middle vehicle and learn the twelvefold causes and conditions; the talented are on the greater vehicle and practice the Six Perfections. Despite such a division, every disciple needs to endure all the practices and cross 100,000,000 currents before ascending to the Buddha-realms.) In Liùzǔ tánjīng 六祖壇經 [The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch] in the sutra collection compiled by the monk Fahai 法海 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Fó shuō sānchéng, yòu yán zuì shàngchéng, dìzǐ bùjiě, wàng wèi jiàoshì. 佛說 三乘，又言最上乘，弟子不解，望為教示.” (Buddha teaches about the three vehicles but also mentions the supreme vehicle. I do not really understand it. Please explain that to me.) Yè 業 originally meant the sawtooth board on the beam of a musical instrument stand, upon which hung bell, drum, violin, or other music instruments. In Yǒu gǔ 有瞽 [Blind Musicians in Line] of Zhōusòng 周頌 [Odes of Zhou], Shījīng 詩經 [The Book of Songs], it is written that “shèyè shèjù, chóngyá shùyǔ. 設業設虡，崇牙樹羽.” (The board and frame are set; on the teeth of the board feathers flutter.) It is noted in Máo Zhuàn 毛傳 [Exegesis on the Book of Poetry] that “Yè, dàbǎn yě, suǒyǐ shìxún wéi xuán yě. 業，大板也，所以飾栒為縣 也.” (Yè 業 means large board fixed on the beam of the stand for hanging musical instruments.) In Old Chinese, the word was a polysemy, meaning pages of wooden ancient books, wooden boards in earthen walls, the content and process of learning, industry, family estate, etc. After Buddhism’s entry into China during the Eastern Han dynasty, the character was used as a transliteration of the Sanskrit word karma (jiémó 羯摩), meaning one’s physical and mental activities, including conducts, speech, and intellect, etc. Buddhism claims that these activities initiate from one’s body, mouth, and mind, called shēnyè 身業 (physical behavior), kǒuyè 口業 (verbal activity), and yìyè 意業 (intentional activity), respectively. There are three types of activities: good, evil, and unwholesome

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behaviors, deciding the Six Realms of Samsara (heaven, mortal, titan, animals, hungry ghosts, hell) and being the basis of the concept of karma in Buddhism. As written in Dàodìjīng 道地經 [The Sutra of the Path of Stages of Cultivation], translated by An Shigao 安世高 of the Eastern Han dynasty, “Yǐ bù dé wǎng, dāng nà dé shēng? Yǐ bù dé shēng, dāng nà dé lǎo bìng sǐ? Shēngsǐ rú liúshuǐ, bùxíng shēngsǐ, yè biàn zhǐ. 已不得往，當那得生？已不得生，當那 得老病死？生死如流水，不行生死，業便止.” (Without the past behaviors, how could one get born? Without a birth, how could one age, fall sick, and die? Life and death are like running water, without which all activities would cease.) In Pǔyàojīng 普曜經 [The Lalitavistara Sutra; The Sutra of the Extensive Play], translated by Zhufahu 竺法護 (Dharmarakṣa) of the Western Jin dynasty, it reads that “Suǒzuò yè shàn, jìng yú qīnyǒu, shì rú shìzūn. 所作業善，敬於親友，視 如世尊.” (He was respected among his friends and relatives for his good deeds and revered as a master.) In Jūn shèng lùn 均聖論 [Treaties on Equating Sages] by Shen Yue 沈約 of Liang, the Southern dynasties, it reads that “Shàngshèng kāizōng, yí yǒu cìdì, yì yóu fójiè shārén, wéi yè zuì zhòng yě. 上聖開宗，宜 有次第，亦由佛戒殺人，為業最重也.” (The holy master initiated the school and instituted regulations. Killing is forbidden as the most evil behavior.) Later on, the word generally means evil karma, similar to niè 孽 (sin). In Tàizǐ chéngdào jīng 太子成道經 [The Sutra of the Awakening of the Prince] in Dūnhuáng biànwén jí 敦煌變文集 [Transformation Texts of Dunhuang], it is noted that “Zì zuòyè shí yīng zìshòu, tājiā bùkěn yǔ nǐ rù ābíyù. 自作業時應自受，他家不肯 與你入阿鼻獄.” (You yourself should be held accountable for your downfall; others should not be driven into Avici Hell for your sins.) Also in the transformation text Mùlián yuánqǐ 目連緣起 [The Story of Mulian], it reads that “Címǔ gào Mùlián: Wǒ wéi shēngqián zaòyè, guǎngshā zhūyáng, shànshì dōu zǒng bùxiū, zhōngrì zìqíng wéi è, jīn lái cǐchù, shòuzuì nányán. 慈母告目連：我為 生前造業，廣殺豬羊，善事都總不修，終日恣情為惡，今來此處，受罪難 言.” (Mother told Mulian: I was evil when alive, having killed so many pigs and goats, done no good at all but indulged myself in evil doings all day long. For all these I was driven here suffering unspeakable pains.) In Tí Huángshān wēnquán 題黃山溫泉 [On Hotsprings of Mount Huangshan] by Liu Yi 劉誼 of the Song dynasty, it is written that “Bùchú xīnshàng wúmíngyè, zhǐyǔ shān jiān zhòngmù tóng. 不除心上無明業，只與山間眾木同.” (With fire burning inside, it is as tough as wood.) Zhìhuì 智慧 meant witty, clever in Old Chinese. In Shàngxián zhōng 尚賢中 [Exalting Worthies II] of Mòzǐ 墨子 [The Works of Mozi], it reads that “Ruòshǐ zhī zhì guójiā, zé cǐ shǐ búzhìhuì zhě zhì guójiā yě. 若使之治國家，則此使不 智慧者治國家也.” (If he is appointed as a governor of the state, that means the state is governed by someone lacking wits.) In Buddhism, it is a semantic translation of the Sanskrit word prajñā (bōrě 般若), meaning the ability to clear confusion and manifest truth. In Fāngbiàn pǐn 方便品 [Expedient Means] of Miàofǎ liánhuá jīng 妙法蓮華經 [The Lotus Sutra of the Wonderful Law], translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什) of the Late Qin dynasty, it reads that “Zhūfó zhìhuì, shènshēn wúliàng, qí zhìhuìmén nánjiě nánrù. 諸佛智慧，甚深無量，其

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智慧門難解難入.” (The wits of buddhas are fathomless and boundless, denying comprehension and entry.) In volume 43 of Dà zhìdù lùn 大智度論 [Treatise on the Perfection of Great Wisdom], also translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩 摩羅什), it reads that “Bōrě zhě, yíqiè zhū zhìhuì zhōng zuì wéi dìyī, wúshàng wúbǐ wúděng, gèng wúshèng zhě, qióngjìn dàobiān. 般若者，一切諸智慧中最 為第一，無上無比無等，更無勝者，窮盡到邊.” (Bōrě means the paramount wit, the perfection of wisdom beyond compare.) In Liùzǔ tánjīng 六祖壇經 [The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch], in the collection compiled by the monk Fahai 法海 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Zìxìng xīndì, yǐ zhìhuì guānzhào, nèiwài míngchè, shízì běnxīn. 自性心地，以智慧觀照，內外明徹，識自本心.” (One’s intrinsic nature is witty and clear, where enlightenment arises.) Zhòngshēng 眾生 meant all the living things in ancient Chinese. In Jìyì 祭 義 [The Meaning of Sacrifices] of Lǐjì 禮記 [The Book of Rites], it reads that “Zhòngshēng bìsǐ, sǐ bì guītǔ. 眾生必死，死必歸土.” (All living things will die and return to dust.) In Buddhism, the word is a semantic translation of the Sanskrit word bahujana (pūhūshànnà 僕呼繕那) or sattva (sàtuó 薩埵), meaning all living humans or things with affection. In Xùpǐn 序品 [Introduction] of Miàofǎ liánhuá jīng 妙法蓮華經 [The Lotus Sutra of the Wonderful Law], translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什) of the Late Qin dynasty, it reads that “Liùdào zhòngshēng, shēngsǐ suǒ qù. 六道眾生，生死所趣.” (All living things go through the Six Realms of samsara.) In the poem Qiūcháng yè shèn míng 秋長夜甚明 by Wang Fanzhi 王梵志 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Qiūcháng yè shèn míng, chángyè zhào zhòngshēng. 秋長夜甚明，長夜照眾生.” (The autumn night is long yet illuminated for all living things.) Zhuāngyán 莊嚴 meant to dress formally for an outing in Old Chinese. In Xiàowǔ huángdì jì 孝武皇帝紀 [Treatise of Emperor Xiaowu] of Qiánhàn jì 前 漢紀 [Records of Early Han] by Xun Yue 荀悅 of the Han dynasty, it reads that “Wáng tàizǐ jiē zhuāngyán jiāng rùcháo. 王太子皆莊嚴將入朝.” (All the princes wore elaborate formal attires and got ready to go to the imperial court.) In Buddhism, the word was a semantic translation of the Sanskrit word saritā, meaning ornament, cultivation. In Chángqiū sì 長秋寺 [Changqiu Temple] of Chéngnèi 城 內 [Inside the City] of Luòyáng qiélánjì 洛陽伽藍記 [The Record of the Buddhist Monasteries of Luoyang] by Yang Xuanzhi 楊衒之 of the Northern Wei dynasty, it is recorded that “Zhuāngyán fósì, xīyòng jīnyù, gōngzuò zhī yì, nánkě jù chén. 莊嚴佛寺，悉用金玉，工作之異，難可具陳.” (The magnificent monastery is decorated with gold and jade, too exquisite to be described.) In the third volume of Huáyánjīng tànxuán jì 華嚴經探玄記 [Record of the Search for the Profundities of the Flower Ornament Sutra] by Fazang 法藏 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Zhuāngyán yǒu èr yì: Yī shì jùdé yì, èr shì jiāoshì yì. 莊嚴有二義，一是具德 義，二是交飾義.” (Zhuāngyán 莊嚴 has two meanings: one is cultivating virtues; the other is decorating.) The word also means buildings are imposing or Buddha statues are solemn and sublime. In Yímán zhuàn 夷蠻傳 [The Biography of the Barbarian Peoples] of Sòngshū 宋書 [The Book of Song], it reads that “Chéngguō zhuāngyán, qīngjìng wúhuì. 城郭莊嚴，清浄無穢.” (The county is solemn looking, clean, and pure.) In Mójiétuó guó xià 摩揭陀國下 [The Kingdom of Magadha

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II] of Dàtáng xīyù jì 大唐西域記 [The Great Tang Records of Travels to the Western Regions] by Xuanzang 玄奘 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Jiàn Guānzìzài púsà miàoxiàng zhuāngyán, wēiguāng hèyì. 見觀自在菩薩妙相莊嚴，威光赫 奕.” (The Bodhisattva who perceives freely is magnificent, sublime, and glorious.) 1.4.4 Words used in both Buddhism and Taoism Buddhism was brought into China from India during the East Han dynasty; Taoism is the aboriginal religion of China born near the end of the Han dynasty. The two religions are distinct from each other in teachings, regulations, and ways of cultivation. However, the two have some similarities in the common Chinese cultural environment, and certain words are used in both religions. Some examples are given as follows: Dàorén 道人 and dàoshì 道士 both referred to virtuous people in Old Chinese. In Qiūshuǐ 秋水 [The Floods of Autumn] of Zhuāngzǐ 莊子 [The Works of Zhuangzi], it reads that “dàorén bùwén, zhìdé bù dé. 道人不聞，至德不得.” (Perceivers of the Great Way do not desire worldly fame; virtuous people do not brood over gains and losses.) In Xún tiān zhī dào 循天之道 [Conform to Heaven’s Way] of Chūnqiū fánlù 春秋繁露 [The Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals], written by Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 of the Han dynasty, it reads that “Gǔ zhī dàoshì yǒu yán yuē: jiāng yù wúlíng, gùshǒu yì dé. 古之道士有言曰：將欲 無陵，固守一德.” (As ancient virtuous men said, people just need to observe one virtue to rid bullying.) The word also refers to gentlemen possessing magical recipes in ancient times. In Jing Fang zhuàn 京房傳 [The Biography of Jing Fang] of Hànshū 漢書 [The Book of Han], it reads that “dàorén shǐqù, hán, yǒngshuǐ wéi zāi. 道人始去，寒，涌水為災.” (He who possessed magic was gone, and sadly there happened the flood.) Yan Shigu 顏師古 made a note that dàorén 道人 referred to those possessing magical powers. In Wang Mang zhuàn xià 王莽傳下 [The Biography of Wang Mang II] of Hànshū 漢書 [The Book of Han], it reads that “Wèijiāngjūn Wáng Shè sùyǎng dàoshì Xīmén Jūnhuì. Jūnhuì hào tiānwén chènjì. 衛將軍王涉素養道士西門君惠. 君惠好天文讖記.” (The Guard-General Wang She had long patronized the priest Ximen Junhui, who knew astronomy and fortune-telling well.) With the entry of Buddhism in the East Han dynasty and the birth of Taoism in the late Han dynasty, both of the words dàorén 道人 and dàoshì 道士 could refer to Buddhist monks. In Yányǔ 言語 [Speech and Conversation] of Shìshuō xīnyǔ 世說新語 [A New Account of the Tales of the World] by Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 of the Southern Song dynasty, it is recorded that “Zhīdàolín cháng yǎng shù pǐ mǎ, huò yán dàorén chùmǎ bú yùn, Zhi yuē: ‘Píndào zhòng qí shénjùn.’ 支 道林常養數匹馬，或言道人畜馬不韻，支曰： ‘貧道重其神駿’.” (Zhidaolin kept several horses. Someone said that it was not fit for a monk to keep horses. Zhi answered, “I like the brilliance of the horses.”) In the second half of the sutra Zhōngběnqǐjīng 中本起經, translated by Kang Mengxiang 康孟詳 of the Eastern Han dynasty, it reads that “Dàoshì suī xiǎo, yǐ rù dàoyào shēnmiào zhī huì. 道 士雖小，已入道要深妙之慧.” (Insignificant as the monk is, he knows well the essence of dharma.) The words could also refer to Taoist monks. In Shen Yue zhuàn

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沈約傳 [The Biography of Shen Yue] of Liángshū 梁書 [The Book of Liang], it reads that “Nǎi hū dàoshì zòu chìzhāng yú tiān, chēng shàndài zhī shì, bù yóu jǐ chū. 乃呼道士奏赤章於天，稱禪代之事，不由已出.” (Taoist monks are called to read the prayer to heaven and report that the succession is determined by heaven rather than the emperor himself.) Dàojiā 道家 referred to the school of thought represented by Laozi 老子 and Zhuangzi 莊子 in ancient China. In Yìwénzhì 藝文志 [Treatise on Literature] of Hànshū 漢書 [The Book of Han], it reads that “Dàojiā zhěliú, gài chūyú shǐguān, lìjì chéngbài cúnwáng huòfú gǔjīn zhī dào, ránhòu zhī bǐngyào zhíběn, qīngxū yǐ zìshǒu, bēiruò yǐ zìchí, cǐ jūnrén nánmiàn zhī shù yě. 道家者流，蓋出於史 官，曆記成敗存亡禍福古今之道，然後知秉要執本，清虛以自守，卑弱以 自持，此君人南面之術也.” (The Taoist School originated from the office of history recording. Scribes recorded the rise and fall, success and failure, misfortunes and fortunes of ancient and present times, realizing the importance of maintaining essence and holding onto root, being poor and empty in order to maintain oneself, being humble and flexible in order to sustain oneself – this was the art of ruling.) In medieval times, the word referred to the religion Taoism. In the poem Dài Wénxuānwáng dá 代文宣王答 [A Reply on Behalf of Lord Wenxuan] by Luo Yin 羅隱 of the Tang dynasty, it is written that “Shìshì bǎolóu qīn bìhàn, dàojiā gōngdiàn zhǐ qīngyún. 釋氏寶樓侵碧漢，道家宮殿指青雲.” (Buddhist towers soar into the heavens; Taoist palaces rise to the cloud.) In the poem Sù dàoshì guàn 宿道士觀 [A Night at the Taoism Temple] by Zhu Qingyu 朱慶餘, it is written “xiántīng dàojiāzǐ, guànshù dú língshū. 閒聽道家子，盥 漱讀靈書.” (Listen to the Tao masters at leisure time; read spiritual books after morning wash.) The word could also refer to Buddhism. In Yǒngmíng sì 永明寺 [Yongming Temple] of Chéngxī 城西 [West of the City] of Luòyáng qiélánjì 洛陽 伽藍記 [The Record of the Buddhist Monasteries of Luoyang] by Yang Xuanzhi 楊衒之 of the Northern Wei dynasty, it is recorded that “(Chénliúwáng Jǐnghaò) sù shàn xuányán dàojiā zhī yè, suì shě bànzhái, ānzhì fótú, yǎnchàng dàchéng shù bù. [陳留王景皓] 夙善玄言道家之業，遂捨半宅，安置佛徒，演唱大乘 數部.” (Lord Chenliu, alias Jinghao, a Buddhist devotee, set aside half of his estate for Buddhist monks to dwell and chant Mahayana sutras.) Fan Xiangyong 范祥雍 noted that dàojiā 道家 referred to Buddhism; in Èrshísì zhāngjīng 二十 四章經 [The Scripture in Twenty-Four Sections], translated by Jiayemoteng 迦 葉摩滕 (Kasyapa Matanga) of the Han dynasty, Buddhism is called shìdào 釋 道 or dàofǎ 道法; in Lǐhuòlùn 理惑論 [Treatise on the Removal of Doubts] by Mou Rong 牟融 of the Han dynasty, Buddhism was called fódào 佛道; Buddhist monks were called dàorén 道人; thereby it could be said that dàojiā 道家 did not simply refer to Taoism in ancient times. Jūshì 居士 meant hermits who possessed virtues and capabilities but refused an official career in ancient Chinese. In Wàichǔshuō zuǒshàng 外儲說左上 [Outer Congeries of Sayings: Upper Left] of Hánfēi 韓非 [The Works of Master Hanfei], it reads that “Qí yǒu jūshì Tián Zhòng zhě. 齊有居士田仲者.” (In the state of Qi lived a hermit named Tian Zhong.) Since the Han and Wei dynasties, the word referred to the Buddhist disciples who were ordained at home and was the

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transliteration of the Sanskrit word grhapati (jiāluóyuè 迦羅越). In Fāngbiàn pǐn 方便品 [Expedient Means] of Wéimójié suǒshuō jīng shàng 維摩詰所說經上 [The Vimalakirti Sutra, I], translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什) of the Eastern Jin Late Qin period, it reads that “Ruò zài jūshì, jūshì zhōng zūn, duàn qí tānzhuó. 若在居士，居士中尊，斷其貪著.” (Honored among the secular devotees, he helped others break away from greed.) In Wéimóyìjì 維摩義記 [Commentaries on the Vimalakirti Sutra] by Huiyuan 惠遠 of the Sui dynasty, it is noted that there are two types of jūshì 居士, those in possession of large fortune and those secular devotees of Buddhism. In the poem Dùmén sì 度門寺 [Dumen Temple] by Yuan Zhen 元稹 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “Shělì kāi céngtǎ, xiānglú zhàn xiǎofēng, dàochǎng jūshì zhì, jīngzàng dàshī fēng. 舍利開層塔，香爐占小 峰，道場居士置，經藏大師封.” (Buddhist relics are preserved in the towers; piles of incense burn in the censors. The secular devotees gather at the assembly; the masters accumulate the sutras.) The word also refers to Taoist believers. In the eighth volume of Xuānshìzhì 宣室志 [Ghosts and Gods Story] by Zhang Du 張讀 of the Tang dynasty, it reads that “yǒu Hǎo jūshì zhě, zài hēizhōng shàn shì guǐ, jīng fúlù hējìn zhī shù. 有郝居士者，在黑中善視鬼，精符録呵禁之術.” (A secular devotee surnamed Hao 郝 possessed the magic power of seeing ghosts in darkness and marveled at the art of exorcizing with talisman.) In the third volume of Tiěwéishān cóngtán 鐵圍山叢談 [The Collection of Stories from the Mountain of Tieweishan] by Cai Tao 蔡絛 of the Song dynasty, it is recorded that “Zhènghé yǐhòu, dàojiā zhě liú shǐshèng, yǔshì yīn yuán Jiāngnán gùshì, Lín Língsù děng duō cì hào jīnmén yǔkè, dàoshì, jūshì zhě, bì cì yǐ liújīn yínpái, shàngyǒu tiānzhuàn, xián shǐ pèi zhī. 政和以後，道家者流始盛，羽士因援江南故事，林靈素等多 賜號金門羽客、道士、居士者，必錫以塗金銀牌，上有天篆，咸使佩之.” [Since the Zhenghe Reign (1111–1118), Taoism began to flourish, and devotees extolled the miracle tales of Lin Lingsu of Jiangnan, who along with other Taoist masters was granted the titles Golden-Gate Taoist, Dàoshì 道士, or Jūshì 居士 and gilded silver plates with the imperial Slender Gold calligraphy to wear on all occasions.] Scholars and intellectuals often called themselves as jūshì 居士. For example, Li Bai 李白 of the Tang dynasty named himself Qīnglián Jūshì 青蓮居 士 (Hermit of Azure Lotus); Su Shi 苏轼 named himself Dōngpō Jūshì 東坡居 士 (Hermit of Eastern Slope). The art-names may not be related to Buddhism or Taoism. Jièlǜ 戒律 meant the commandments that religious disciples must abide by; the word is used in both Buddhism and Taoism. In Buddhism, there are five, ten, and 250 commandments, etc. In Shé tóuwěi gòngzhēng zàiqián yù 蛇頭 尾共爭在前喻 [The Parable of the Fight of the Head and Tail of a Snake] of Bǎiyùjīng 百喻經 [One Hundred Buddhist Parables], translated by Qiunapidi 求 那毗地 (Sanskrit. Gunavrddhi) of Qi, the Southern dynasty, it reads that “Rúshì shàonián, bù xián jièlǜ, duōyǒu suǒ fàn, yīn jí xiāngqiān rùyú dìyù. 如是少年， 不閑戒律，多有所犯，因即相牽入於地獄.” (The adolescents did not abide by the commandments but violated them frequently, and therefore were driven into hell.) In Bǎizhàngshān Huáihǎi chánshī fù chánmén guījiè 百丈山懷海禪師附 禪門規戒 [Commandments Written by Master Huaihai of Baizhang Mountain]

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of Jǐngdé chuándēng lù 景德傳燈錄 [The Jingde Record of the Transmission of the Lamp], translated by the monk Daoyuan 道原 of the Song dynasty, it reads that “Huò yuē: Yújiālùn yīngluòjīng shì dàchéng jièlǜ, hú bù yīsuí zāi? 或曰： 瑜伽論纓絡經是大乘戒律，胡不依隨哉？” [Someone asked, should not one abide by the Yogācārabhūmi-Śāstra (Treatise on the Foundation for Yoga Practitioners) and the Diadem Sutra? Both are Mahayana commandments.] In Taoism, there are also five, ten, and 180 commandments, etc. In Lǎojūn yīnsòngjiè jīng 老君音誦戒經 [The Supreme Venerable Sovereign’s Book of Commandments for Chanting] by the Taoism priest Kou Qianzhi 寇謙之 of the Northern Wei dynasty, it reads that “Chūshòu jièlǜ zhī shí, xiàng jièjīng bābài, zhènglì jīngqián. 初受戒律之時，向戒經八拜，正立經前.” (In the ordination, disciples kowtow eight times to the sutra of precepts and stand upright in front of the sutra.) In Lù xiānsheng dàomén kēlüè 陸先生道門科略 [Survey on Rituals of the Daoist Portal by Master Lu] by the Taoist priest Lu Xiujing 陸修靜 of the Liu-Song dynasty, it reads that “Fú shòudào zhī rén, nèizhí jièlǜ, wàichí wēiyí. 夫受道 之人，內執戒律，外持威儀.” (A Taoist disciple ought to abide by commandments in his heart and conduct himself accordingly.) In Jièlǜ 戒律 [Commandments] of Dàoshì kējiào 道釋科教 [Buddhist and Taoist Regulations], Shìwù jìyuán 事物紀原 [Compound Source of Matters and Facts], compiled by Gao Cheng 高承 of the Song dynasty, it is recorded that in the third year of the Jiànníng 建寧 Reign of Emperor Ling 靈 of the Han dynasty, An Shigao 安世高 translated the two-volume Yìjuélǜ 義決律 [Precepts of Determination], and then the commandments on monks were instituted. During the Wei dynasty, the Indian Tripitaka Master Tanmojialuo 曇摩迦羅 came to Xuzhou 許州 and Luoyang 洛 陽, was sad at the lack of commandments for the monks in Wei, and translated Sìfēn jiémó 四分羯摩 [Commentary on the Monks’ Behavior According to the Four-Part Vinaya] and Sēngqí jièxīn tú 僧祇戒心圖 [Cultivation Commandments for Buddhist Disciples] with Tandi 曇諦 – this was the beginning of Chinese commandments. Dǎzuò 打坐 means the posture of zazen, sitting with crossed legs and closed eyes, hands in a certain position, and removing all distracting thoughts, which is a practice for both Buddhists and Taoists, and was not recorded until the Tang dynasty. In the second poem of the series Qiǎnxìng 遺興 [Taking Recreation], it is written “Mòxiào dàorén kōng dǎzuò, yīngxióng shōuliǎn biàn shénxiān. 莫笑道 人空打坐，英雄收斂便神仙.” (Do not laugh at the monks sitting zazen; a hero composed would become a deity.) In Chóngyáng lìjiào shíwǔ lùn 重陽立教十五 論 [Fifteen Discourses by (Wang) Chongyang to Establish the Teachings] by Wang Chongyang 王重陽 of the Jin dynasty, it is written that “Fán dǎzuò zhě, fēiyán xíngtǐ duānrán míngmù héyǎn, cǐshì jiǎ dǎzuò yě. 凡打坐者，非言形體端然瞑目 合眼，此是假打坐也.” (Those who sit in silence with the right posture and closed eyes are actually false zazen practitioners.) In the scene Zhàojiàn xīxíng 詔餞西行 [Embark on a Journey to the West by the Imperial Decree] of the play Xīyōujì 西遊 記 [Journey to the West], written by Yang Xian 楊暹 of the Yuan dynasty, it is written that “Jīngshī dàhàn, jié tánchǎng qǐyǔ. Xuánzàng dǎzuò piànshí, dàyǔ sānrì. 京 師大旱，結壇場祈雨.” 玄奘打坐片時，大雨三日.” (As a heavy drought befell

68 The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese the capital, a ritual to pray for rain was held. Master Xuanzang 玄奘 sat zazen for just a while, and then the rain fell and lasted for three days.) Zhòu 呪 meant curse and pray in Old Chinese. In Shìhé zhī wèijì 噬嗑之未濟 [Change of Hexagram Shihe to Weiji] of Yìlín 易林 [The Forest of Changes], it reads that “Fūfù zhòuzǔ, tàishàng fùdiān. 夫婦呪詛，太上覆顛.” (The dispute of couples would lead to the reverse of the Way.) In Liàng Fǔ 諒輔, Dúxíng zhuàn 獨 行傳 [The Biography of Libertines] of Hòuhànshū 後漢書 [The Book of the Later Han], it is recorded that “Shíxià dàhàn, tàishǒu zìchū qídǎo shānchuān, liánrì ér wú suǒjiàng. Fǔ nǎi zì pù tíng zhōng, kāngkǎi zhòu yuē: ‘Fǔ wéi gǔgōng . . . Fǔ jīn gǎn zì qíqǐng, ruò zhì [rì] zhōng búyù, qǐ yǐ shēn sè wúzhuàng.’ 時夏大旱，太守 自出祈禱山川，連日而無所降. 輔乃自暴庭中，慷慨呪曰： ‘輔為股肱 . . . 輔 今敢自祈請，若至 [日] 中不雨，乞以身塞無狀’.” (A heavy drought happened that summer, so the governor Liang Fu himself prayed to the deity of mountain and river, yet for several days no rain dropped. Liang exposed himself in the sun in the yard, sighing, “I am a subject to his Majesty. Please allow me to pray for rain now. If by noon it doesn’t rain, please punish me for my demerits.”) In Buddhism, the word is a semantic translation of the Sanskrit word dhāraṇī (tuóluóní 陀羅 尼), which is also translated as zhēnyán 真言, meaning mantra, words of truth, spell, or prayer. In the seventh volume of Dà zhìdù lùn 大智度論 [Treatise on the Perfection of Great Wisdom], translated by Kumarajiva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什) of the Late Qin dynasty, it reads that tuóluóní 陀羅尼 means néngchí 能持 (able to uphold) or néngzhē 能遮 (be kept under control) in Chinese. All wholesome factors are maintained so that order will be preserved; evil will not grow out of a good root and will be under control. In the poem Sòng Héngcāo shàngrén guī jiāngwài jìnshěng 送恒操上人歸江外覲省 [Seeing Off Venerable Monk Hengcao to His Visit to His Parents], it is written “Chí zhòu guò lóng miào, fān jīng huà hǎi rén. 持呪過龍廟，翻經化海人.” (Pass by the Temple of the Dragon King with the mantra; transform into a wayfarer in sutra reading.) In the third volume of Yúnlù mànchāo 雲麓漫鈔 [Historical Notes of the Tang and Song dynasties] by Zhao Yanwei 趙彥衛 of the Song dynasty, it is noted that “Zì Léngyánjīng fángshì bǐshòu, yǒu zhòu yíjuàn, hòu měijīng bìyǒu zhòu. 自《楞嚴經房氏筆受》，有呪 一卷，後每經必有呪.” (Since Fang Rong’s taking down The Surangama Sutra, there includes a special volume of spell, and then in every sutra there is spell.) In Taoism, there is also the spelling, as in Huángfǔ Sōng zhuàn 皇甫嵩傳 [The Biography of Huangpu Song] of Hòuhànshū 後漢書 [The Book of the Later Han], which reads that “[Zhang Jiao] fúshuǐzhòu shuō yǐ liáobìng. [張角] 符水呪說以療 病.” (Zhang Jiao claimed that his spell could cure diseases.) In Yóuwú Dàoróng 由 吾道榮, Yìshùzhuàn shàng 藝術傳上 [The Book of Arts I] of Běishǐ 北史 [History of the Northern dynasties], it reads that “Qí rén dàojiā, fúshuǐ jìnzhòu, yīnyáng lìshù, tiānwén yàoxìng, wú bù tōng jiě. 其人道家，符水禁呪，陰陽歷數，天文 藥性，無不通解.” (He is a Taoist, adept at talisman, spell, lunar solar calendar, astronomy, medicine, all the Taoist arts.) Concerning the translation of Buddhist sutras, semantic translation is more acceptable. Some words are transliterated or semantically translated in different times, with the second approach becoming more widespread.

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 69 Table 1.1 Two approaches to the translation of Buddhist sutras Sanskrit

Transliteration (periods)

Semantic translation (periods)

acarya

āshélí 阿闍黎 (Three Kingdoms) shélí 闍黎 (the Southern dynasties) fánmóní 梵摩尼 (Eastern Jin)

dǎoshī 導師 (Tang) (mentor)

brahma-maṇi chandas

chántuó 闡陀 (the Southern dynasties)

dūta

dùdǐ 杜底 (Tang)

jhāpita

chápí 茶毗 (Song)

khakkharan

xìqìluó 隙棄羅 (Song)

mahāmandārava

mókēmàntuóluó 摩訶曼陀羅 (the Eastern Jin dynasty)

malla

mayūra

mòluó 末羅 (Sixteen Kingdoms) màntúluó 曼荼羅 (Eastern Jin dynasty) móyùluó 摩裕羅 (Tang)

pāṇi

bōní 播尼 (Tang)

pāra

bōluó 波羅 (Ming)

pāramitā paramārtha paryāyatana

bōluómì 波羅蜜 (Southern and Northern dynasties) bōluómòtuó 波羅末陀 (Tang) bōyǎnnà 波演那 (Song)

poṣadha

bùsà 布薩 (Three Kingdoms)

ratna

lànà 剌那 (Sixteen Kingdoms) sàdámó 薩達磨 (Sui) sūtuó 蘇陀 (xūtuó 須陀) (Sixteen Kingdoms) mòlìduō 沒栗多 (Tang)

maṇḍala

saddharma sudhā vrata

rúyìbǎozhū 如意寶珠 (Western Jin) (stone of fullness) yùnlǜxué 韻律學 (the Southern dynasties) (rhythmics) shǐzhě 使者 (Han) (envoy) xìnshǐ 信使 (Sixteen Kingdoms) (messenger) huǒhuà 火化 (Tang) (cremation of bodies) xīzhàng 錫杖 (Han) (monk’s staff) dàbáiliánhuā 大白蓮花 (Tang) (large, white lotus flower) lìshì 力士 (Han) (warrior) tán 壇, dàochǎng 道場 (Han) (altar, assembly) kǒngquè 孔雀 (Han) (peacock) shǒuzhǎng 手掌 (Western Jin) (palm) bǐ’àn 彼岸 (Han) (Other Shore) dàobǐ’àn 到彼岸 (reach the Other Shore) zhēndì 真諦 (Han) (mantra) tíngyuàn 庭院 (Tang) (court, courtyard) zhāijiè 齋戒 (Three Kingdoms) (fasting) bǎowù 寶物 (Han) (treasure) miàofǎ 妙法 (Han) (dharma) gānlù 甘露 (Han) (ambrosia) jìnjiè 禁戒 (Han) (prohibitions)

70

1.5

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese

Conclusion

Old Chinese words were mostly monosyllabic; multisyllabic words occupied a larger percentage in Middle Chinese. The new words created in medieval times are mostly disyllabic. Different from Chinese in form, foreign words are usually multisyllabic; therefore, they are often semantically translated into disyllabic Chinese words newly coined (not excluding few monosyllabic or multisyllabic words). Since the Han-Wei dynasties, monosyllabic words have been abundant in Chinese language, sufficient to be morphemes to form new words. This is why many earlier transliterations changed into semantic translations. The entry of Buddhism and the translation of Buddhist sutras had immense impacts upon the Chinese lexicon. There appeared large quantities of Buddhismrelated words, many of which gradually entered the common lexicon and even became the most common words, such as shìjiè 世界 (world), xiànzài 現在 (present), guòqù 過去 (past), wèilái 未來 (future), tǎ 塔 (tower), fó 佛 (Buddha), fánnǎo 煩惱 (anxiety), píngděng 平等 (equality), fāngbiàn 方便 (convenience), dǎoshī 導 師 (mentor), etc. Certain Buddhism-related monosyllabic words have a large capacity to form new words, such as fó 佛, which is used as a basic morpheme to form multisyllabic words such as fódào 佛道 (the Way of Buddha), fódiǎn 佛典 (Buddhist canons), fódiàn 佛殿 (the hall housing Buddha statues in a temple), fófǎ 佛法 (Buddhist teachings), fógǔ 佛骨 (Buddha relics), fóguó 佛國 (India, where Buddha was born), fóhuì 佛會 (Buddhist assemblies), fóhuǒ 佛火 (incense for Buddha), fójiè 佛戒, fólǜ 佛律 (Buddhist regulations), fókān 佛龕 (niche or stone cave housing Buddha statues), fóshì 佛事 (Buddhist practices of chanting sutras, confessing, and praying), fós ì佛寺, fóyǔ 佛宇 (monastery, temple), fótǎ 佛塔 (pagodas to preserve Buddha relics and statues), fótáng 佛堂 (residence of Buddha), fóxìng 佛性 (the nature of enlightenment of the masses), fóxīn 佛心 (mercy and compassion of Buddha), fóyá 佛牙 (teeth of Sakyamuni), fóyī 佛衣 (monks’ robes), fózhèng 佛證 (Buddha’s realization), fózhǐ 佛旨 (Buddha’s teachings), fózǐ 佛子 (Buddhist disciples), fózhōu 佛粥 (Buddhist porridge; porridge with nuts and dried fruits), etc. At the end of the Han dynasty there occurred frequent wars among the warlords and chaos among the eight imperial princes in the Jin dynasty, followed by the invasion of five barbaric peoples into the Han territories. As a result, the minority groups ruled northern China. Suffering greatly in the wars, the Han people lost their homes and struggled in a life-and-death existence, anticipating greatly a secure and happy life, but in reality ended up in misery and death. Buddhism promotes the idea of karma, the existence of paradise and hell, and the realm of ultimate bliss, bringing spiritual comfort and uncertain hope to people in misery and therefore winning widespread acceptance among the Chinese population. The ruling class resorted to Buddhism to numb the masses and to pacify societal and class conflicts, and so promoted the religion highly. Meanwhile, Buddhist culture, with its uniqueness in arts and architecture, complemented and enriched the long-established Han culture. Consequently, after Buddhism entered China, it had wide, rapid, and enduring influences; its influence upon the Chinese language expanded as well, expanding its lexicon and changing word power to a certain extent.

The influence of foreign culture on Middle Chinese 71

Notes 1 Old Chinese already had loanwords, which are also covered in this chapter for convenience. 2 Hao Yixing 郝懿行 annotated in Eryǎ yìshū 爾雅义疏 that xiǎo ér hàotí 小而好啼 should be understood not semantically but rather phonetically. Hǎo 好 should be read as rú 如, xiǎo ér 小而 as xiǎor 小兒; the sound xīng is the blend of xiǎor and rú. Guo Pu 郭璞 noted the sentence should be studied further. 3 In 2000, in the excavation of the underground palace of Leifeng Pagoda, Hangzhou, in the chest of Buddhist relics a glass vase was found, of thin body, blue-colored and gourdshaped. By expert appraisal, it was produced in the Tang dynasty, about 1000 years ago. 4 Refer to Fútú yǔ fó 浮圖與佛 [Pagodas and Buddha] of Zàitán fútú yǔ fó 再談浮圖與佛 [A Second Discussion on Pagoda and Buddha] by Ji Xianlin 季羨林, Ji Xianlin xuǎnjí 季羨林選集 [Selected Works of Ji Xianlin], pp. 35, 275.

2

2.1

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese

Introduction

There were already a large number of synonyms in archaic (old) Chinese language. In middle archaic (mid-ancient) Chinese, with the multiplication of new words, the coexistence of ancient and modern words, the extension of word meanings, and dialect words gaining access to common lexicon, Chinese synonyms further developed, and the formation of synonyms diversified.

2.2

Monosyllabic words and synonymous monosyllabic words

The development of monophonic synonyms in mid-Old Chinese is mainly manifested in two aspects: 2.2.1

Synonymous relationship formed by semantic change

Some words originally differ in meaning in Old Chinese, but finally become synonyms as a result of the semantic change when one word shared the meaning of the other or a new meaning was extended based on both of them. See the following examples. Huī 灰 and chén 尘 Huī 灰 refers to dust. In the poem wú jiāng dà chē 无将大车 [Wu Jiang Da Che] of xiǎo yǎ 小雅 [Xiao Ya] of shī jīng 诗经 [The Book of Songs], it reads “Wú jiāng dà chē, wéi chén míng míng. 無將大車，維塵冥冥.” (No general cart, but dust.) In the fourth poem in ān dōng píng安东平 [An Dongping] of yuè fǔ shī jí 乐府诗 集 [Yuefu Poetry Collection], it reads that “Bù chí zuò hǎo, yǔ láng shì chén. 不持 作好，與郎拭塵.” (I thus give it to you, not to tie the knot but to wipe the dust.) Huī 灰 (ash) originally refers to the powder left after an object is burned. In qí wù lùn 齐物论 [On Qiwu] of zhuāng zi 庄子 [Zhuangzi], it reads that “Xíng gù kě shǐ rú gǎo mù, ér xīn gù kě shǐ rú sǐ huī hū? 形固可使如槁木，而心固可使如死灰 乎？” (The solid form can make it a wood, but will the solid heart make it as gray DOI: 10.4324/9781003365570-2

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 73 as death ash?) During the Six dynasties, the meaning of ash was further extended to include dust. In the Southern dynasty, Bao Zhao 鲍照 wrote in the poem dài wǎn gē 代挽歌 [Elegy for myself] that “Péng hán jí lián lán, chóu xī yǐ chéng huī. 彭韓及廉蘭，疇昔已成灰.” (Both Peng Yue and Han Xin, together with Lian Po and Lin Xiangru, all in the past have become dust.) Mào 帽 and guān 冠 Originally, Guān 冠 meant the hat. In āi gōng shí wǔ nián 哀公十五年 [the 15th year of Aigong] in zuǒ zhuàn 左传 [Zuo Zhuan], it reads that “Jūn zǐ sǐ, guān bù miǎn. 君子死，冠不免.” (A gentleman would rather die than lose his hat.) However, according to Shuōwén Ménbù 説文门部 [Men’s Group of Origin of Chinese Characters], Mào 帽 refers to the headband worn by infants or ethnic minorities in its origin. Zhu Junsheng 朱骏声 of the Qing dynasty wrote in Shuōwén tōng xùn dìng shēng 说文通训定声 [Shuowen Tongxun Dingsheng] that “jīn zì zuò mào. 今字作帽.” (It is now written as mào 帽, whose meaning is a hat.) In mò shàng sāng 陌上桑 [The Mulberry by the Road], taken from yuè fǔ shī jí乐府诗集 [Yuefu Poetry Collection], it reads that “Shào nián jiàn luó fū, tuō mào zhe qiào tóu. 少 年見羅敷，脱帽著峭頭.” (On seeing Luofu, the young man cannot help taking off his hat and reshaping his headband.) In geng bing chuán 耿秉传 [The Legend of Gengbing] of hòu hàn shū 后汉书 [The Book of Later Han dynasty], it reads that “An dé huáng kǒng, zǒu chū mén, tuō mào, bào mǎ zú jiàng. 安得惶恐，走 出門，脱帽，抱馬足降.” (Anxious, he walked out of the door, took off his hat, held the horse, and descended). In this way, the two words become synonyms. In the Tang dynasty, Du Fu 杜甫 wrote in the poem jiǔ rì lán tián cuī shì zhuāng 九 日蓝田崔氏庄 [A Visit to Cui’s Village in Lantian County on the Ninth Day] “Xiū jiāng duǎn fà hái chuī mào, xiào qǐng páng rén wèi zhèng guān guān. 羞將短髮還 吹帽，笑請旁人爲正冠冠.” (Shameful not to have hair long enough to hold the hat tight, merciful to have someone to make it straight.) Both guān 冠 and mào 帽 appear in the same line. Chuān 穿 and zhuó 著 The original meaning of chuān 穿 is to penetrate and pass. According to Shuōwén 説文 [Origin of Chinese Characters], “Chuān, tōng yě. 穿，通也.” (Chuān 穿 means to penetrate through something.) In xíng lù 行露 [Xing Lu] of zhào nán 召南 [Zhao Nan] of shī 詩 [The Books of Songs], it reads that “Shuí wèi què wú jiǎo, hé yǐ chuān wǒ wū. 誰謂雀無角，何以穿我屋.” (Who says birds have no horns, why wear my house.) In ancient times, there was the meaning of attachment. In the Warring States period, Song Yu 宋玉 wrote in dēng tú zǐ hào sè fù 登徒子好色賦 [Ode to the Lustful Dengtuzi] that “Zhe fěn zé tài bái, shī zhū zé tài chì. 著粉則太白，施朱則太赤.” (The face is too white when powdered, and too red when rouge is applied.) In the Six dynasties period, both of the two words have the meaning of wearing. In the Southern Song dynasty, Liu Yiqing 刘义庆) wrote in yǎ liàng 雅量 [Ya Liang] of shì shuō xīn yǔ 世説新語 [A New Account

74 The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese of Tales of the World] that “Yǔ shí tuí rán yǐ zuì, zé zhuì jǐ shàng, yǐ tóu jiù chuān qǔ. 庾時頹然已醉，幘墜几上，以頭就穿取.” (Yu was decadent and drunk. He dropped several times and took it with his head.) In the Tang dynasty, Han Yu 韓 愈) wrote in the poem chóu lú yún fū wàng qiū zuò 酬盧雲夫望秋作 [Reward Lu Yunfu for Looking at Autumn] that “Zì zhī duǎn qiǎn wú suǒ bǔ, cóng shì jiǔ cǐ chuān cháo shān. 自知短淺無所補，從事久此穿朝衫.” (Knowing that there is no remedy for shortness, I have been engaged in this for a long time and wear a Korean shirt.) In yào yùn 藥韻 [Yao Yun] of Guang Yun guǎng yùn 廣韻, it reads that, “Zhuó, fú yī yú shēn jiàn. 著，服衣於身建.” (Zhuo 著 means to put clothes on.) In the mù lán shī 木蘭詩 [Poem of Mu Lan], it reads “Tuō wǒ zhàn shí páo, zhuó wǒ jiù shí shang. 脱我戰時袍，著我舊時裳.” (Take off my wartime robe and put on my old clothes.) It can be seen from the preceding examples that the two words in medieval times are synonymous in the sense of wearing clothes.) Jí 疾 and huàn 患 The word jí 疾 has the meaning of disease in both ancient and modern times. In The Analects of Confucius – For Politics, it reads that “Fù mǔ wéi qí jí zhī yōu” 父母唯其疾之憂.” (Parents only worry about their children’s illness.) Du Fu, a poet in the Tang dynasty, writes in his poem Ode on Get-Together that “Jiǔ kè duō yōu jīn yù jí, gāo shì qián kūn yòu hé chóu. 久客多憂今愈疾，高視乾坤又何 愁.” (Long a sojourner with many worries, now my health improves, if looking on the world from the height, what more sadness can one feel than before?) The original meaning of huàn 患 is sadness, as is explained in Analytical Dictionary of Characters. The meaning of disease came into being in the Six dynasties. In the Xun Yun section of Guangyun, it reads “Huàn, bìng yě. 患，病也.” (Suffering means illness.) In The Biography of Xie Zhuang taken from The Book of Song dynasty, it reads that “Lì huàn shù nián, biàn chéng gù jí. 利患數年，便成痼疾.” (If you suffer from an illness for several years, it will become a chronic disease.) In The Story of Dong Yong from Anthology of Dunhuang, it reads that “Hū rán cí mǔ shēn dé huàn, bù jīng shù rì zǎo shēn wáng. 忽然慈母身得患，不經數 日早 身亡.” (Suddenly, my loving mother got sick and died in a few days.) In this way, the medieval word is synonymous in the sense of disease. It is used in conjunction with the polysyllabic words jíhuàn 疾患 and huànjí 患疾. Bai Juyi, a famous poet from the Tang dynasty, writes in his poem Reflection on the Poems of Deng Fang “Shào nián wú jí huàn, liú sǐ yú lù qí. 少年無疾患，流死於路歧.” (Being free from diseases in youth while dying in anxiety in old age.) In the Biography of the Prince of the Liu Family in the Former Han dynasty from Anthology of Dunhuang, it reads that “Hàn dì hū yù huàn jí, pō yǒu bù ān, shì dāng bù miǎn. 漢帝忽遇患 疾，頗有不安，似當不免.” (The emperor of the Han dynasty suddenly suffered from illness, which seemed to be inevitable.) Words like jí 疾, xùn 迅, sù 速, kuài 快, jí 疾, xùn 迅, and sù 速 are synonyms with the meanings of fast in ancient times. In xiāng dǎng 鄉黨 [The Township Party] of lùn yǔ 論語 [Analects of Confucius], it reads that “Xùn léi fēng liè bì biàn. 迅雷風烈必變.” (Rapid thunder and fierce wind will change.) In dù dì 度地

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 75 [On the Management of Land] of guǎn zǐ 管子 [Guan Zi], it reads that “Fū shuǐ zhī xìng, yǐ gāo zǒu xià zé jí. 夫水之性，以高走下則疾.” (As is so determined by the nature of water, if it starts high, then it will go down rapidly.) In Zilu 子路 of lùn yǔ 論語 [Analects of Confucius], it reads that “Wú yù sù, wú jiàn xiǎo lì. yù sù zé bù dá, jiàn xiǎo lì zé dà shì bù chéng. 無欲速，無見小利. 欲速則不達， 見小利則大事不成.” (If one has no desire for speed, then he will make no small profit. Haste makes waste, and small profits make great things impossible.) The original meaning is that “kuài, xǐ yě. 快，喜也.” (Kuài 快 is joy), as is explained in the xīn bù 心部 [Xin Group] of Shuōwén 説文 [Origin of Chinese Characters]. In the qín cè 秦策 [Qin Policy] of the zhàn guó cè 戰國策 [Warring States Policy], it reads that, “Wén xìn hóu qù ér bù kuài. 文信侯去而不快.” (Wenxinhou is not happy to go.) Gao You 高誘 made a note that “Kuài, lè yě. 快，樂也.” (Kuài 快 means happy.) In the Six dynasties, Kuài 快 produced the meanings of rapid and 疾 jí, 迅 xùn, 速 sùand 快 kuài are synonymous, so all of them have the same meaning. For example, in the Tang dynasty, Meng Jiao 孟郊 wrote in his poem that “Chūn fēng dé yì mǎ tí jí, yī rì kàn jǐn zhǎng ān huā. 春風得意馬蹄疾，一 日看盡長安花.” (After being successful in the royal examination, you can see all the flowers in Chang’an in a day.) In shí bāo zhuànfù shí chóng 石苞傳附石 崇 [The Biography of Shi Bao attached to Shi Chong] of jìn shū 晋书 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Chóng niú xùn ruò fēi qín, kǎi jué bù néng jí. 崇牛迅若飛 禽，愷絶不能及.” (The cow is as fast as a bird, and Kai can’t reach it.) In the Tang dynasty, Wang Jian 王建 wrote in a poem that “Qù yuàn chē lún chí, huí sī mǎ tí sù. 去願車輪遲，回思馬蹄速.” (I hope the carriage will slow down when I leave, and the horse will speed up when I come back.) In the Jin dynasty, Gan Bao 干宝 wrote in the fourth volume of sōu shén jì 搜神记 [Search for God] “Rú cǐ, jūn kě kuài qù, wǒ dāng huǎn xíng, rì zhōng bì huǒ fā. 如此，君可快去， 我當緩行，日中必火發.” (So, you can go quickly. I should walk slowly, being angry in the middle of the day.) Tiāo 挑 and dān 担 In ancient times, the Chinese word tiāo 挑 meant carrying on the shoulder. In the shǒu bù 手部 [Shou Group] of the yù piān 玉篇 [Jade Articles], it reads that “Dān, fù yě. 擔，負也.” (Dān 担 means to bear.) In the qí yǔ 齐语 [Qi Language] of guó yǔ 国语 [The National Language], it reads that “Fù rèn dān hé, fú niú mào mǎ. 負任擔何，服牛帽馬.” (They bear the burden, drive cattle and horses to travel around.) In the Tang dynasty, Gu Kuang 顧況 wrote in his poem xíng lù nán 行 路難 [Difficult Journey] “Jūn bù jiàn dān xuě sāi jǐng tú yòng lì, chuī shā zuò fàn qǐ kān chī? 君不見擔雪塞井徒用力，炊沙作飯豈堪喫？” (Don’t you see that it is in vain trying to bear the snow to plug the well, and how can one eat by cooking sand?) The original meaning of tiāo 挑 is to provoke and stir up. In the shǒu bù 手部 [Shou Group] of Shuōwén 説文 [Origin of Chinese Characters], it reads that “Tiāo, náo yě. 挑，撓也.” (Tiāo 挑 means to scratch.) Duan Yucai 段 玉裁 made a note that “Náo zhě rǎo yě, rǎo zhě fán yě. tiāo zhě wèi bō dòng zhī. 撓者擾也，擾者煩也. 挑者謂撥動之.” (Those who scratch disturb, those who

76

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese

disturb bother, and those who bother stir up.) In zuǒ zhuàn 左傳 [Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals], it reads that “Tiāo zhàn’ shì yě. ‘挑戰’ 是也.” (Tiāo 挑 means to challenge.) In the middle ages, the meaning of bearing load came into being. In the Song dynasty, Lu You 陸游 wrote in his poem of zì tí chuán shén 自題傳神 [A Vivid Self-Portrait] that “Shī guǎng dān tiāo shuāng cǎo lǚ, bì yǐ yī wū téng. 詩广擔挑雙草履，壁倚一烏藤.” (When the eaves were picked, he only wore a pair of straw sandals, and there was nothing against the wall but a black vine.), which is widely loaded with a pair of straw sandals and a black vine on the wall. Hence, it can be seen that such two words are synonymous in the sense of bearing load. 2.2.2

Synonymous relationship formed by new words and old words

A new word coined in medieval times has the same meaning as a word in ancient times. See the following examples. Jí 楫, quán 權, or zhào 棹 and jiǎng 槳 All of these words have the meaning of tools for rowing. Jí 楫 and quán 權 came into being in the pre-Qin dynasty. The short ones are referred to as jí 楫. In the xì cí xià 繫辭下 [Series II] of yì jīng 易经 [The Book of Changes], it reads that “Bié mù wèi zhōu, liú mù wèi jí. 别木爲舟，劉木爲楫.” (Trees are hollowed out to make ships and wood is cut into oars.) In the zu ti zhuàn 祖逖傳 [Legend of Zu Ti] of jìn shū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Zhōng liú jī jí ér shì, yuē: zǔ tì bù néng qīng zhōng yuán ér fù jì zhě, yǒu rú dà jiāng. 中流擊楫而誓，曰： 祖逖 不能清中原而復濟者，有如大江.” (When the warship came to the river, Zu Ti 祖逖 hit the boat and vowed, “if I cannot calm down the Central Plains and come back, I will be like the water of the river.”) The long ones are called quán 權 and also written as zhào 棹. In xiāng jūn湘君 [Ode to God of Xiang River] of jiǔ gē 九歌 [Nine Songs] of chǔ cí 楚辞 [The Songs of Chu], it reads that “Guì quán xī lán chuí, duàn bīng xī jī xuě. 桂權兮蘭槌，斷冰兮積雪.” (The oars hit the water like ice and stirred up waves like snow.) In the Tang dynasty, Du Fu 杜甫 wrote in his poem of dōng shēn 冬深 [Deep Winter] that “Fēng tāo mù bù wěn, shě zhào sù shuí mén. 風濤暮不穩，舍棹宿誰門.” (The wind and waves grow unstable at dusk. After I put down the oars, where can I seek my temporary lodging?) Jiǎng 槳 is a new word in the Six dynasties. In the mò chóu lè 莫愁樂 [Mo Chou Yue] of yuè fǔ shī jí 樂府詩集 [Collection of Yuefu Poems], it reads that “Tǐng zi dǎ liǎng jiǎng, cuī sòng mò chóu lái. 艇子打兩槳，催送莫愁來.” (The boat with two oars hitting the water carries Mo Chou to come as fast as possible.) In the Song dynasty, Su Shi 苏轼 wrote in his poem qián chì bì fù 前赤壁 赋 [First Visit to the Red Cliff] that “Guì zhào xī lán jiǎng, jī kōng míng xī yí liú guāng. 桂棹兮蘭槳，擊空明兮沂流光.” (Our rudder and oars, redolent of cassia and orchids; strike the moon’s reflection, cleaving the glimmering water.) These examples clearly showed that the three characters in medieval times became synonyms in meaning.

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 77 Jù 懼, kǒng 恐, and pà 怕 These three words are synonymous in the sense of kǒng 恐 and jù 懼 (fear), which are replaceable in meaning in both ancient and modern times. In the gǔ fēng 谷风 [Gu Feng] of xiǎo yǎ 小雅 [Xiao Ya] of shī jīng 诗经 [The Book of Odes], it reads that “Jiāng kǒng jiāng jù, wéi yǔ yǔ nǚ. 將恐將懼，維予與女.” (When you were frightened, I was the only one to help you get rid of your worries.) In the Tang dynasty, Du Fu 杜甫 wrote in his poem tài zǐ zhāng shè rén yí zhī chéng rù duàn 太子張舍人遺織成褥段 [The Silk Mattress Given by Prince Zhang Sheren] that “Gù wǒ fēi gōng qīng, liú zhī jù bù xiáng. 顧我非公卿，留之懼不祥.” (I am not the public secretary, so I’m afraid of bad luck if I just keep it but not letting it in service.) In the Tang dynasty, Li Bai 李白 wrote in the twenty-seventh poem of gǔ fēng wǔ shí jiǔ shǒu 古風五十九首 [Fifty-Nine Ancient Songs] that “Cháng kǒng bì cǎo wǎn, zuò qì qiū fēng hán pà. 常恐碧草晚，坐泣秋風寒怕. (Often being afraid of the green grass withering and scattering, sitting and weeping, the autumn wind is cold and scary.) The word pà 怕 came into being in the Six dynasties.1 In the xīn bù 心部 [Xin Bu] of yù piān 玉篇 [Jade Article], it reads that “Pà, kǒng pà yě jiàn. 怕，恐怕也建.” (Pà 怕 means being afraid.) In the lai zheng chuán 来整 传 [Legend of Lai Zheng] of běi shǐ 北史 [The Northern History] it reads that “Bù wèi guān jūn shí wàn zhòng, zhǐ pà róng gōng dì liù láng. 不畏官軍十萬衆，只 怕榮公第六郎.” (We are not afraid of 100,000 officers and soldiers, but rather of the sixth son of the Rong family.) In the Tang dynasty, Yuan Zhen 元稹 wrote in his poem xiá kè xíng 俠客行 [Ode to Gallantry] that “Xiá kè bù pà sǐ, pà sǐ shì bù chéng. 俠客不怕死，怕死事不成.” (He is not afraid of death but of idleness.) Mǎn 满, yíng 盈, and pāi 拍 Both mǎn 满 and yíng 盈 have the meaning of being full in ancient and modern times. In shuǐ bù 水部 [Shui Section] of Shuōwén 说文 [Origin of Chinese Characters], it reads that “Mǎn, yíng yì yě. 滿，盈溢也.” (Being full means being overflowing.) In the Tang dynasty, Du Fu 杜甫 wrote in his poem of wén guān jūn shōu hé nán hé běi 聞官軍收河南河北 [On Hearing the Army’s Recovering Henan and Hebei] that “Jiàn wài hū chuán shōu jì běi, chū wén tì lèi mǎn yī shang. 劍外忽傳 收薊北，初聞涕淚滿衣裳.” (Outside the Jianmen pass, the good news suddenly spread, and the army recovered the northern Hebei area. Being overwhelmed, tears filled my clothes.) In Shuōwén Mǐnbù 説文皿部 [Min Group of Origin of Chinese Characters], it reads that “Yíng, mǎn qì yě. 盈，滿器也.” (Yíng 盈 means overflowing the utensils.) In the Tang dynasty, Li Bai 李白 wrote in his poem zì qiǎn 自 遣 [Self-Indulging] that “Duì jiǔ bù jué míng, luò huā yíng wǒ yī. 對酒不覺瞑， 落花盈我衣.” (Having a drink with my friends, I unknowingly felt that it was dusk and falling flowers covered my clothes.) Pāi 拍 has the meaning of being full in medieval times. In the Song dynasty, He Dan 何澹 wrote in his poem táo yuán yì gù rén 桃源憶故人 [Memories of Old Friends in Taoyuan] that “Pāi àn fāng cǎo suí rén qù, dòng kǒu shān wú shù. 拍岸芳草隨人去，洞口山無數.” (The fragrant grass on the shore goes with people, and upon the entrance to the cave, you can see

78 The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese countless mountains.) Wei Liaoweng 魏了翁 wrote in his poem mǎn jiāng hóng lǐ tí xíng wú guī shēng rì 滿江紅李提刑無圭生日 [Li Tixing Wu Gui’s birthday to the Tune of Man Jiang Hong] that “Shuǐ pāi chí táng hóng yàn jù, lù nóng tíng wàn zhī lán fù. 水拍池塘鴻雁聚，露濃庭腕芝蘭馥.” (The water pats the pond where the geese gather, and the dew is thick and the court wrist is fragrant with Zhilan.) In this way, the three characters became synonymous in medieval times. Pāimǎn 拍滿 is used as a polysyllabic word with the same meaning. In the Song dynasty, Huang Ji 黄機 wrote in his poem qìn yuán chūn sòng xú mèng jiān zhì mǎn hái cháo 沁园春·送徐孟坚秩满还朝 [Sending Xu Mengjian Back to the dynasty to the Tune of Qinyuanchun] that “Shuō yī shí wěi wàng, qí gāo yuè lù èr nián yí ài, pāi mǎn xiāng bō. 説一時偉望，齊高嶽麓；二年遺愛，拍滿湘波.” (Once you have expectations as great as Mountain Yuelu, for two years your love is as overflowing as the waves in River Xiang.) Modern Shuangfeng dialect in Hunan Province still has the word pāimǎn 拍滿. Yùn 運, bān 搬, and yùn 運 These three words are closely related to the meaning of transportation in both ancient and modern times. In zhuang zi zhī běi yóu 莊子知北遊 [Travel to the North of Chuang Tzu], it reads that “Yùn liàng wàn wù ér bù guì. 運量萬物而 不匱.” (The movement of all things is within its scope, and there is never a lack of anything.) In tao kan zhuàn 陶侃傳 [The Biography of Tao Kan] of jìn shū 晋书 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Kǎn zài zhōu wú shì, zhé cháo yùn bǎi bì yú zhāi wài, mù yùn yú zhāi nèi. 侃在州無事，輒朝運百璧於齋外，暮運 於齋内.” (Tao Kan was relatively free when he was an assassin in Guangzhou. He often transported 100 bricks out of his study in the morning and back to his study in the evening.) The word bān 搬 with the meaning of carry is a new word produced in medieval times. According to the zhōu bù 舟部 [Zhou Group] of yù piān 玉篇 [Jade Article], it is written that “Bān, yùn yě. 般，運也.” (Bān 搬 means to transport). In the Tang dynasty, Bai Juyi 白居易 wrote in his poem of xīn lè fǔ guān niú 新樂府官牛 [Official Cattle of New Yuefu] that “Guān niú guān niú jià guān chē, yá shuǐ àn biān bān zài shā. 官牛官牛駕官車，涯水岸 邊般載沙.” (Official cattle drive official cars and carry sand along the edge of the river.) In the Song dynasty, Shen Kuo 沈括 wrote in guān zhèng yī 官政一 [Official Politics I] of mèng xī bǐ tán 夢溪筆談 [Brush Talks from Dream Brook] that “Shǎn xī kē yán, jiù fǎ guān zì bān yùn, zhì wù jū mài. 陝西顆鹽，舊法官 自搬運，置務拘賣.” (Shaanxi salt is handled by the old judge and detained by the buyer.) These examples clearly illustrated that the words from ancient and medieval times became synonymous. Shì 噬, hé 龁, zé 齚, niè 囓, yǎo 鳐 This set of words, like shì 噬, hé 龁, zé 齚, niè 囓 and yǎo 鳐, has been seen in ancient times. As synonyms, they all mean “Yòng shàng xià yá xiāng duì, yòng lì bǎ dōng xī jiā zhù, qiè duàn huò yā suì. 用上下牙相對，用力把東西

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 79 夾住，切斷或壓碎.” (Clamp things with upper and lower teeth, cut or crush things with force.) For example, in āi gōng shí èr nián 哀公十二年 [The Twelfth Year of Ai Gong] of zuǒ zhuàn 左傳 [Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals], it reads that “Guó gǒu zhī huàn, wú bù shì yě. 國狗之瘓， 無不噬也.” (The disaster of a nation is to have treacherous ministers who bite and frame others like a dog.) Du Yu 杜預 noted that “Shì, niè yě. 噬，齧也.” (Shì 噬 means to bite.) In the mǎ tí 馬蹄 [Horseshoe] of zhuang zi 莊子 [Works of Zhuangzi], it reads that “Líng cǎo yǐn shuǐ, qiào zú ér lù, cǐ mǎ zhī zhēn xìng yě. 齡草飲水，翹足而陸，此馬之真性也.” (The true nature of a horse is to eat grass, drink water, and stand on the grand with its hooves cooked.) Cheng Xuanying 成玄英 noted that “Zī, niè yě. 兹，齧也.” (Zi 兹 means to bite.) According to Shuōwén Chǐbù 説文齒部 [Chi Group of Origin of Chinese Characters], it is written that “Líng, niè yě. 齡，齧也.” (Líng 齡 means to bite.) Song Yu 宋玉 wrote in fēng fù 風賦 [Ode to the Wind Song] that “Dàn yǔ sòu huò, sǐ shēng bù zú. 啖齬嗽獲，死生不卒.” (Then his mouth twitched, sucked, babbled, and shouted, and being unable to speak, he had a stroke.) In the wèi qí wǔ ān hóu liè zhuàn 魏其武安侯列傳 [Legends of Marquis Wei Ji and Wu An of Records] of shǐ jì 史记 [The Grand History of China], it reads that “Wèi qí bì nèi kuì, dù mén líng shé ér sǐ. 魏其必内愧，杜門齢舌而死.” (He must have felt ashamed, so he closed the door and bit his tongue to death.) In dong fang shuo chuán 东方朔传 [The Bibliography of Dongfang Shuo] of hàn shū 汉书 [The History of the Han dynasty], it reads that “Yī yóu pù lì zhī xí gǒu, gū tún zhī zǎ hǔ, zhì zé mí ěr. 醫猶舗痢之襲狗，孤豚之咋虎，至則靡 耳.” (From this point of view, for example, if a hamster attacks a dog and a pig bites a tiger, it will only be eaten. What’s the use?) In the qū lǐ shàng 曲礼上 [Minor Rites I] of lǐ jì 礼记 [The Book of Rites], it reads that “Shì shí yú zhǎng zhě, wú wén gǔ, wú jí yú ròu. 侍食於長者 . . . 毋 闻骨，毋及魚肉.” (When serving the elderly, neither let them bite the bones nor feed them with fish.) In kong rong zhuàn 孔融传 [The Bibliography of Kong Rong] of hòu hàn shū 后 汉书 [The History of the Later Han dynasty], it reads that “Zhì yú qīng ruò báo liè, yóu kūn chóng zhī xiāng luō, shì zú hái hài qí shēn. 至於輕弱薄劣， 猶昆蟲之相囉,適足還害其身.” (As for lightness, weakness, and poverty, it is like an insect, which is enough to harm its body.) In Lùn sǐ 論死 [On Death] of Lùn héng 論衡 [On Balance], it reads that “Jīn rén sǐ, shǒu bì xiǔ bài, bù néng fù chí rèn, yá chǐ jié luò bù néng fù luō shì, ān néng hài rén? 今人死，手臂 朽敗，不能復持刃，牙齒桀落不能復囉噬，安能害人？” (When people die, their arms are rotten, so they can’t hold the blade again; their teeth fall, so they can’t bite again. How can they harm people?) In shí huò zhì 食貨志 [Records of Food and Goods] of hàn shū 汉书 [The Book of Han], it reads that “Bà fū léi lǎo, yì zi ér sàn qí gǔ. 罷夫羸老，易子而散其骨.” (Old and frail people will exchange their children and eat their bones.) The word yǎo 咬 sounds like jiǎo in Old Chinese, and it is an onomatopoeia word. According to qí wù lùn 齊物 論 [On Qiwu] of zhuang zi 莊子 [Works of Zhuangzi], it is written that “Shí zhě, yǎo zhě. 実者、咬者.” (Yǎo 宎 means to bite.) Lu Deming quoted Sima Biao in his interpretation as saying “Shēng āi jié yǎo yǎo rán. 聲哀節咬咬然.”

80 The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese (The sound of mourning is that of biting.) After the Six dynasties, yǎo 咬 took the place of yǎo 鳐. According to the kǒu bù 口部 [Kou Group] of yù piān 玉篇 [Jade Article], it is written that “yǎo, sú wèi jiāo zì. 咬，俗爲鮫字.” (Yǎo 咬 also takes another form of yǎo 齩.) It can be seen that the nine words are synonymous in the medieval written language, which are a group of synonyms. For example, in the Tang dynasty, Liu Zongyuan 柳宗元 wrote in qián zhī qū 黔之 驅 [The Donkey in Guizhou Province] of sān jiè 三戒 [Three Precepts] that “Tā rì, lǘ yī míng, hǔ dà hài yuǎn dùn, yǐ wèi qiě shì jǐ yě. 他日，驢一鳴，虎大駭 遠遁，以爲且噬己也.” (In the coming days when the donkey crows, the tiger is frightened and runs away, thinking that the donkey will eat it.) In the former Shu dynasty, Guan Xiu 貫休 wrote in his poem of luò yáng chén 洛陽塵 [The Dust in Luo Yang] that “Cāng máng jīn gǔ yuán, niú yáng duó jīng zhēn. 蒼茫 金谷園，牛羊踱荆榛.” (Cattle and sheep walk on thorns and hazels in the vast golden valley.) In the Tang dynasty, Xuan Zang 玄奘 wrote in jiàn tuó luó guó 健馱邏國 [The Kingdom of Jiantuoluo] of dà táng xī yù jì 大唐西域記 [Journey to the Western Regions of the Tang dynasty] that “Chǐ jiàn zhòng rǔ, cuò duàn qí shé. 恥見衆辱，錯斷其舌.” (When you see the humiliation of others, you break their tongue.) In the Tang dynasty, Meng Jiao 孟郊 wrote in tōu shī 偷詩 [Stealing Poetry] that “è quǎn cù kū gǔ, zì chī zhuàn jī xián. 餓犬酢枯骨，自 喫饌饑涎.” (Hungry dogs have withered bones, and they eat their own food and salivate.) In miǎn xué 勉學 [Encouraging Learning] of yán shì jiā xùn 顔氏家 訓 [The Family Motto of the Yan Family], it reads that “Qiě fù jiǎ wèi bīng, zǎ bǐ wèi lì, shēn sǐ míng miè zhě rú niú máo, jiǎo lì jié chū zhě rú zhī cǎo. 且負 甲爲兵，咋筆爲吏，身死名滅者如牛毛，角立傑出者如芝草.” (Those who bear armor are soldiers, and who write with brushes are officials. Many people die without any reputation, and few have a very good reputation.) In the Tang dynasty, Du Fu 杜甫 wrote in his poem āi jiāng tóu 哀江頭 [Mourning at the Head of the River] that “Niǎn qián cái rén dài gōng jiàn, bái mǎ jué niè huáng jīn lēi. 輦前才人帶弓箭，白馬嚼齧黄金勒.” (Before the chariot, people bring bows and arrows, and white horses chew and bite gold.) In li xu zhuàn 李勖 [The Biography of LiXu] of xīn táng shū 新唐书 [The New Book of the Tang dynasty], it reads that “Jī gǎn tì, yīn zhǔ zhǐ liú xiě. 勣感涕，因囑指流血.” (Tears roll down, and my fingers bleed because of biting.) In the Tang dynasty, Wang Jian 王健 wrote in his poem gōng wú dù hé 公無渡河 [Gong Wu Du He] that “Jiāo lóng niè gǔ yú shí xuè, huáng ní zhí xià wú qīng tiān. 蛟龍齧骨魚食 血,黄泥直下無青天.” (The dragon gnaws at the bone, the fish eats blood, and the yellow mud goes straight down without the blue sky.) In the Tang dynasty, Hanyu 韓愈 wrote in his poem dá meng jiao 答孟郊 [Answer Meng Jiao] “Jiàn dào shuí kěn fú? cóng chēn wǒ xū bó. 見倒誰肯扶？從嗔我須駁.” (Who will help you when you fall? For the reason of anger, I must bite off.) In the Tang dynasty, Du Fu 杜甫 wrote in his poem Pengya Traval that “Chī nǚ jī yǎo wǒ, tí wèi hǔ láng wén. 痴女饑咬我，啼畏虎狼聞.” (Being afraid of the tiger and wolf finding us, I covered her mouth with my hand to prevent her from making a sound.) This group of synonyms involves morphology, word meaning, and word substitution, and may be different from dialects, so it is more complex than we had expected.

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 81

2.3

Synonymous meaning between monosyllabic and polysyllabic words

There are two types of synonym meaning between monosyllabic and polysyllabic words. One is polysyllabic words composed of monosyllabic words, and the other is polysyllabic words and monosyllabic words, having no common morphemes. Usually, polysyllabic words are new words produced in medieval times, and their meaning is much clearer than that of monosyllabic words. 2.3.1

The same meaning of polysyllabic word morpheme as monosyllabic word morpheme

The following examples are to illustrate that the meaning of a morpheme of a polysyllabic word is the same as that of a monosyllabic word. Bō 波 and bōlàng 波浪 The two ancient words are synonymous in Chinese lexicon, both referring to water wave or great wave. The word bō 波 can be seen in ancient times. In jiàn jiàn zhī shí 渐渐之石 [Gradually to the Stone] of Xiǎo yǎ 小雅 [Xiaoya] of Shī jīng 诗 经 [The Book of Songs], it reads that “Yǒu shǐ bái dí, zhēng shè bō yǐ. 有豕白 嫡，烝涉波矣.” (If there is a boar and white line, he will cross the waves.) In the Song dynasty, Su Shi 蘇軾 wrote in qián chì bì fù 前赤壁赋 [The First Ode for the Red Cliff] that “Qīng fēng xú lái, shuǐ bō bù xìng. 清風徐來，水波不興.” (There was a fresh, gentle breeze, but the water was unruffled.) The word bōlàng 波浪 originated in medieval times. In the Tang dynasty, Du Fu 杜甫 wrote in one of his two poems of qián chì bì fù 梦李白 [Dream of Li Bai] that “Shuǐ shēn bō làng kuò, wú shǐ jiāo lóng dé. 水深波浪闊，無使蛟龍得.” (The water is deep and the waves are wide. Please be careful when you travel. Don’t fall into the mouth of the dragon.) He also wrote in one of his eight poems about autumn that “Jiāng wèn bō làng jiān tiān yǒng, sāi shàng fēng yún jiē dì yīn. 江問波浪兼天涌，塞 上風雲接地陰.” (The river asks the waves and the sky surges, and the wind and cloud are plugged into the earth.) Chí 池, táng 塘, and chí táng 池塘 Both chí 池 and táng 塘 refer to water storage pits. The round one is called chí 池 and the square one is called táng 塘, which has been seen in ancient times. In wú yáng 无羊 [No Sheep] of Xiǎo yǎ 小雅 [Xiao Ya] of Shī jīng 诗经 [The Book of Songs], it reads that “Huò jiàng yú ā, huò yǐn yú chí. 或降于阿，或飲于池.” (Some run down the hill, while others drink water by the pool.) In the Han dynasty, Liu Shao 劉梢 wrote in his poem zèng xú gàn 贈徐幹 [To Xu Gan] that “Fāng táng hán qīng yuán, qīng yè suí fēng zhuǎn. 方塘含清源，輕葉隨風轉.” (The square pond contains a clear source, and the light leaves dance with the wind.) The compound word chí táng 池塘 came into being in the Six dynasties and refers to a big pit for storing water. In the Southern Song dynasty, Xie Lingyun 謝靈

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運 wrote in his poem dēng chí shàng lóu 登池上樓 [Climbing the Tower by the Pond] that “Chí táng shēng chūn cǎo, yuán liǔ biàn míng qín. 池塘生春草，園 柳變鳴禽.” (Unknowingly, the pond has been covered with spring grass, and the songbirds on the wicker in the garden have changed their types and sounds.) In the Song dynasty, Liu Yong 柳永 wrote in the second poem of dòu bǎi huā 斗百 花 [Dou Bai Hua] that “Chí táng qiǎn zhàn yān wú, lián mù jiān chuí fēng xù. 池 塘淺蘸煙蕪，簾幕間垂風絮.” (The pond was covered with smoke, messy and desolate, and the curtain hung boring, floating like catkins in the wind.) Dī 堤 and dī táng 堤塘 These two words are synonymous in ancient Chinese. They both refer to waterproof buildings along rivers, lakes, and seas. The word dī 堤 originated in ancient times. In xiāng gōng èr shí liù nián 襄公二十六年 [The 26th Year of Xianggong] of zuǒ zhuàn 左傳 [Zuo Zhuan], it reads that “Sòng ruì sī tú shēng nǚ zǐ, chì ér máo, qì zhū dī xià. 宋芮司徒生女子，赤而毛，棄諸堤下.” (Rui Situ in the State of Song just had a newly born baby girl who is red and hairy all over and was thus abandoned under the embankment.) In the Tang dynasty, Bai Juyi 白居易 wrote in his poem shāng yǒu 伤友 [Mourning Friends] that “Huí tóu wàng xiāng shí, zhàn dào shàng shā dī dī táng. 廻頭忘相識，占道上沙堤堤塘.” (Just as if I did not know him, I went straight up the sand way.) The word dī táng 堤塘 originated in the middle ages. In gao li zhuàn 高璃傳 [The Biography of Gao Li] of jiù táng shū 旧唐书 [The Book of the Old Tang dynasty], it reads that “Lí zhào jí zhōu mín, rào guō lì dī táng yī bǎi bā shí lǐ, xù xiè jì jūn, rén wú jī nián. 璃召集州民，繞郭 立堤塘一百八十里，蓄洩既均，人無饑年.” (Li called the people of the state to build a pond as far as 180 li around the city wall. The pond was used to store and discharge water, and people did not suffer from hunger any longer.) Dūi 堆 and dūi jī 堆積 These two words in medieval times are synonymous, both with the meaning of “Bǎ dōng xī jù jí chéng duī. 把東西聚集成堆.” (Gathering things into a pile.) In the Wei State in the Three Kingdom period, Jikang 嵇康 wrote in yǔ shān jù yuán jué jiāo shū 與山巨源絶交書 [Breaking Off Diplomatic Relations with Shan Juyuan] that “Sù bù biàn shū, yòu bù xǐ zuò shū, ér rén jiān duō shì, duī àn yíng jǐ. 素不便 書，又不喜作書，而人間多事，堆案盈幾.” (I’ve never been good at writing letters, nor do I like to write letters, but after becoming an official, I have to deal with many worldly things, and the desk is full of official documents and letters.) In the Tang dynasty, Du Fu 杜甫 wrote in the poem měi bēi xíng 渼陂行 [Trip to Meipi] that “Tiān dì tǒng cǎn hū yì sè, bō tāo wàn qǐng duī liú lí. 天地統慘忽異 色，波濤萬頃堆琉璃.” (Suddenly the sky and the earth were dark and showed strange colors, and the waves come from thousands of miles and are as clear as glazed gemstones.) Dui ji 堆積 came into being in the Tang dynasty. In the Tang dynasty, Li Zhao 李肇 wrote in táng guó shǐ bǔ 唐國史補 [The Supplement to the History of the Tang dynasty] that “Zì tiān bǎo wǔ nián zhì guǎng wén guǎn, zhì

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 83 jīn táng yǔ wèi qǐ, cái mù duī jī. 自天寶五年置廣文館，至今堂宇未起，材木 堆積.” (Guangwen Museum was set up in in the fifth year of Tianbao, and since then the hall has not started yet, and the wood has been piled up there.) In the Song dynasty, Meng Yuanlao 孟元老 wrote in dōng jīng mèng huá lù 東京夢華録 [Life in Kaifeng] that “Chē wěi xiāng xián, shù qiān wàn liàng bù jué, chǎng nèi duī jī rú shān. 車尾相銜，數千萬輛不絶，場内堆積如山.” (There are tens of millions of cars at the back of each other, and the site is piled up like a mountain.) Lǎn 懒, duò 惰, yōng 慵, lǎn duò 懒惰, yōng duò 慵惰, and yōng lǎn 慵懒 These six Old Chinese words are synonymous, meaning lazy, not diligent. Lǎn 懒 and duò 惰 were seen in ancient times. Lǎn 懒 can also be written as “嬾.” According to Shuōwén Nǚbù 説文女部 [Nv Group of Origin of Chinese Characters], “Lǎn, xiè yě, dài yě. 嬾，懈也，怠也.” (Lǎn 嬾 can also be interpreted as xiè 懈 and dài 怠, meaning being idle). According to shì gǔ 释钴 [Shi Gu] of guǎng yǎ 广雅 [Broadened Erya], “Duò, lǎn yě. 惰，嬾也.” (Duò 惰 is the same in meaning as lǎn 嬾.) In fēi shí èr zi 非十二子 [Criticizing the Twelve Men] of xún zǐ 荀子 [Works of Xun Zi], it reads that “Yì ér bù duò, láo ér bù yōu. 佚而不惰，勞而不 優.” (Lost but not lazy, diligent but not excellent.) In the Wei State in the Three Kingdom period, Jikang 嵇康 wrote in yǔ shān jù yuán jué jiāo shū 與山巨源絶 交書 [Breaking off Diplomatic Relations with Shan Juyuan] that “Jiǎn yǔ lǐ xiāng bèi, lǎn yǔ màn xiāng chéng. 簡與禮相背，嬾與慢相成.” (Simplicity is opposite to ceremony, while idleness and slowness become of each other.) In the Tang dynasty, Sikongtu 司空图 wrote in his poem shàng mò tī sì huái jiù sēng 上陌梯寺 怀旧僧 [Visit Moti Temple and Miss the Former Monks] that “Zòng yǒu rén xiāng wèn, lín jiān lǎn chāi shū. 縱有人相問，林間懶拆書.” (Even if someone writes me letters, I am too lazy to open them amid these forests.) The monosyllabic word lǎn 懒 and the polysyllabic words lǎn duò 懒惰 and yōng duò 慵惰 originated in the middle ages. According to Shuōwén Nǚbù 説文女部 [Nv Group of Origin of Chinese Characters], “Yōng, lǎn yě. 慵，嬾也.” (Yōng 慵 means lǎn 嬾 (lazy).) In the Tang dynasty, Bai Juyi 白居易 wrote in his poem yǒng yōng 咏慵 [On Being Idle] that “Yǒu qín yōng bù dàn, yì yǔ wú xián tóng. 有琴慵不彈，亦與 無絃 同.” (If you have Guqin, but are too lazy to play it, it is no different from having none.) In the Jin dynasty, Tao Qian 陶潜 wrote in him poem zé zi 责子 [Criticizing my Son] that “ā shū yǐ èr bā, lǎn duò gù wú pǐ. 阿舒已二八，懶惰故無匹.” (Ah, Shu is 16 years old, but he is so lazy that he has no match.) In the Tang dynasty, Hanyu 韩愈 wrote in his poem hé jiāng tíng jì cì shǐ zōu jūn 合江亭寄刺史鄒 君 [Sending Zou Jun at the Hejiang Pavilion] that “Yān zhì lè xián kuàng, qín kǔ quàn yōng duò. 淹滞樂閑曠，勤苦勧慵惰.” (Taking pleasure in being happy and leisure, I want to be diligent rather than lazy.) In the Tang dynasty, Bai Juyi 白居 易 wrote in his poem wǎn chūn jiǔ xǐng xún mèng dé 晚春酒醒尋夢得 [Sobering Up in Late Spring and Looking for a Dream] that “Dú chū suī yōng lǎn, xiāng féng dìng xǐ huān. 獨出雖慵懶， 相逢定喜歡.” (Although I am too lazy to go out all alone, I will like it when we meet.)

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Pān 攀, qiān 牵, pānqiān 攀牵, and qiānpān 牵攀 These four words are synonymous with the meaning of pull. The words pān 攀 and qiān 牵 were seen in ancient times and continued to be used in medieval times. For example, in jiǔ gào 酒誥 [Banning Wine] of zhōu shū 周书 [The Book of Zhou], it reads that “Zhào qiān chē niú, yuǎn fú jiǎ, yòng xiào yǎng jué fù mǔ. 肇牽車牛，遠 服賈，用孝養厥父母.” (People of Yin lead cattle and drive cars, go to other places and engage in trade, so as to honor and support their parents.) In the jìn yǔ bā 晋语八 [The Eighth Chapter of Jin Language] of guó yǔ 国语 [National Language], it reads that “Shì xíng yě, yǐ fān wèi jūn, pān niǎn jí lì ér shě. 是行也，以藩爲軍，攀輦即 利而舍.” (In this expedition, they gathered troops from different places, drove cars, and camped in convenient places.) In the middle ages, the polysyllabic words pān qiān 攀牵 and qiān pān 牵攀 came into being and were also interpreted as qiānlā 牽拉 and lāchě 拉扯, so that pān 攀, qiān 牵, pānqiān 攀牵, and qiānpān 牵攀 became a group of synonyms. For example, Ganboo 干宝 of the Jin dynasty wrote in volume 11 of the book sōu shén jì 搜神记 [Search for God] that “Dàn xī cháng zhì mù suǒ bài guì, pān bǎi bēi hào, tì qì zhe shù, shù wèi zhī kū. 旦夕常至墓所拜跪，攀柏悲號，涕 泣著樹, 樹爲之枯.” (Every day, I often go to the tomb to worship at dawn or at dusk. I climb the cypress tree and cry, and the tree withers.) In the Southern dynasty, Liu Yiqing 刘义庆 wrote in yōu míng lù 幽明録 [You Ming Lu] that “Nǎi jiě yāo zhōng shàn shéng, xuán wū jiǎo zì jiǎo, yòu jué wū yán shàng rú yǒu rén qiān shéng jiǎo. 乃解腰中繕繩，懸屋角自絞，又覺屋檐上如有人牽繩絞.” (I remove the rope in the waist, put it to the corner of the house, and want to hang myself with it, but I feel that someone is leading the rope on the eaves.) In the Southern Qi dynasty, Wang Yan 王琰 wrote in míng xiáng jì 冥祥記 [Ming Xiang Ji] that “Yǒu yī dà huá, dú kōng wú rén, mù yù dēng huá, pān qiān yòng lì, bù jué sòng jīng, yīn xiǎng gāo dà. 有一大華， 獨空無人，木欲登華，攀牽用力，不覺誦經，音響高大.” (There is a big flower and no one in the air. He wants to climb onto it. He climbs and pulls hard. He does not feel that he is chanting scriptures and the sound is so loud.) In the Tang dynasty, Du Fu 杜甫 wrote in his poem péng yá xíng 彭衙行 [Trip to Pengya] that “Yī xún bàn léi yǔ, ní zé xiāng qiān pān. jì wú yù yǔ bèi, jìng huá yī yòu hán. 一旬半雷雨， 泥澤相牽攀. 既無御雨備，徑滑衣又寒.” (There has been a thunderstorm for 15 days and I am covered with mud all over. I have no umbrella, and the path is slippery and I don’t have many clothes to protect me from the coldness.) 2.3.2   Different morphemes between polysyllabic and  monosyllabic words There are morphemes of polysyllabic words different from monosyllabic words. See the following examples. Yùn 媼 and wūlǎo 乌老 Wūlǎo 乌老 is the slow speech of yùn 媼. In the Tang dynasty, Du Xunhe 杜荀鶴 wrote in sōng chuāng zá jì 松窗雜記 [Song Chuang Za Ji] that “Chí sān chǐ jiàn,

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 85 miè bào qín, jiǎn qiáng chǔ, ér bù miǎn’ mǔ wū lǎo’ zhī chēng, tú gē’ dà fēng qǐ xī yún fēi yáng’ hé néng wēi jiā sì hǎi zāi? 持三尺劍，滅暴秦，剪强楚，而不免‘母 烏老’ 之稱，徒歌‘大風起兮雲飛揚’ 曷能威加四海哉?” (Holding a three-footlong sword, killing the violent Qin and cutting the strong Chu, but we cannot spare being called “Mother Wu Lao.” Can we spread our names all across the nation by merely singing “the wind rises and the clouds fly”?) Gūi 龜, xuánfū 玄夫, and wūgūi 乌龜 In the Tang dynasty, Han Yu 韩愈 wrote in his poem meng dong ye shī zi 孟東 野失子 [Meng Dongye Lost His Son] that “Dōng yě yè dé mèng, yǒu fū xuán yī shang . . . zài bài xiè xuán fū, shōu bēi yǐ huān xīn. 東野夜得夢，有夫玄衣裳 . . . 再拜謝玄夫，收悲以歡忻.” (Dongye has a dream at night, and a man in black came into his dream. . . . He kowtowed again to thank the turtle. He was not sad and became happy.) Wang Boda Yinshi cited from Sun Ruting, “Xuán fū, dà líng zhēn, yǐ qí jīn yī xuán, gù chēng xuán fū. 玄夫，大靈甄，以其巾衣玄，故稱玄 夫.” (Xuanfu, Da Lingzhen, is called Xuanfu because of his towel and clothes.) Quoting from Sun Ruting 孙汝听, Wang made a note that “xuánfū 玄夫 is a big turtle with black color, so its name is obtained.” Hǔ 虎 and dà chóng 大虫 The two words hǔ 虎 and dà chóng 大虫 are synonymous in ancient times, both referring to a tiger. Hǔ 虎 is used universally in ancient and modern times. In hé cǎo bù huáng 何草不黄 [All Grass Is Yellow] of xiǎo yǎ 小雅 [Xiao Ya] of shī 詩 [The Book of Songs], it reads that “Fěi dōu fěi hǔ, lǜ bǐ kuàng yě. 匪兜匪虎，率 彼曠野.” (Neither bison nor tiger, it was walking through the wilderness without stopping.) In the Tang dynasty, Du Fu 杜甫 wrote in his poem xià rì huān 夏日欢 [Merry in Summer] that “Zhì jīn dà hé běi, huà zuò hǔ yǔ chái. 至今大河北，化 作虎與豺.” (A large part of the areas north of the Yellow River have become rebel nests.) Dà chóng 大虫 came into being in the Six dynasties. In the Jin dynasty, Ganbao 干宝 wrote in the second volume of the book sōu shén jì 搜神记 [Search for God] that “yǒu fàn zuì zhě tóu yǔ hǔ, bù shì, nǎi yòu zhī. gù shān míng dà chóng, yì míng dà líng. 有犯罪者投與虎，不噬，乃宥之. 故山名大蟲，亦名 大靈.” (If a criminal is thrown to a tiger, he will be forgiven if the tiger does not bite him. Hence, the tiger is also called Dà Chóng 大虫 or Dà Líng 大灵.) In bian que cang gong liè zhuàn 扁鵲倉公列傳 [The Biographies of Bian Que and Cang Gong] of shǐ jì 史记 [Records of the Grand History of China], it reads that “Zhòng yī bù zhī, yǐ wèi dà chóng. 衆醫不知，以爲大蟲.” (Doctors don’t know and believe it is a tiger.) This refers to the peak wax, not the tiger. Xiě 寫 and chāo lù 抄録 The two words xiě 寫 and chāo lù 抄録 are synonymous in medieval times, and both mean copy. The word xiě 寫 can been seen as early as the Qin and Han

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dynasties. In the hé jiān xiàn wáng zhuàn 河間獻王傳 [The Biography of King Xian in Hejian] of hàn shū 漢書 [The Book of the Han dynasty], it reads that “Hǎo xué xiū gǔ, shí shì qiú shì. cóng mín dé shàn shū, bì wèi hǎo xiě yǔ zhī, liú qí zhēn. 好學修古，實事求是. 從民得善書，必爲好寫與之，留其真.” (He is eager to learn, has deep interest in ancient culture and seeks truth from facts. If he gets a good book from the people, he will read and copy it carefully and keep its truth.) In the Southern Liang dynasty, in sú shuō 俗说 [On Secular Life], it reads that “Shī chéng, tao you gèng sī bǔ zhuì, hòu zuò xiě qí shī zhě xiān chéng, táo shī zhōng rì fāng chéng. wáng dà guài, shōu táo cān jūn, nǎi fù xiě rén shī?’ tao kuì è bù zhī suǒ yǐ. wáng hòu zhī tao fēi làn, suì dàn qù xiě shī zhě. 詩成，陶猶更思補綴，後坐 寫其詩者先呈，陶詩終日方呈. 〔王〕大怪， 收陶參軍，乃復寫人詩？’ 陶 愧愕不知所以. 王後知陶非濫，遂弾去寫詩者.” (When a poem is completed, Tao You has it polished. After sitting down, those who wrote his poems will present them, and Tao’s poems will be presented all day long. The general feels astonished and wonders why Tao is forced to join the army. Why not let him write poetry? Tao was stunned and did not know what to do. Finally, the general set Tao free to write poems.) In the Qing dynasty, Zhao Yi 趙翼 wrote that “Wǔ dì zhì xiě shū guān, xiě zì shǐ zuò chāo lù jiě. 武帝置寫書官,寫字始作抄録解.” (In Records of Art and Culture of Han Shu, it was xiě 寫 that was interpreted as to copy for the first time in the lines that Emperor Wu set an official to copy books. The word chāo lù 抄録 came into being in the Six dynasties.) In wang tan shǒu zhuàn fù wang yun 王曇首傳附王筠 [Wang Tan’s First Biography Attached to Wang Yun] of nán shǐ 南史 [Southern History], it reads that “Yú shǎo hǎo chāo shū, lǎo ér mí piān, wèi cháng qǐng rén jiǎ shǒu, bìng gōng zì chāo lù, dà xiǎo bǎi yú juǎn. 余少好抄書， 老而彌篇， . . . 未嘗請人 假手，並躬自抄録，大小百餘卷.” (I liked copying books when I was young, and my interests in copying books grow as I gain in age. I have never asked someone to copy them for me and I copied all by myself. I have copied more than a hundred volumes in all.) Cán 慚 and gǎn jī 感激 In medieval times, the two words cán 慚 and gǎn jī 感激 are synonymous in the sense of heartfelt thanks. In the Liang dynasty of the Southern dynasties, Jiang Yan 江淹 wrote in the bié fù 别赋 [Ode to Farewell] that “Nǎi yǒu jiàn kè cán ēn, shào nián bào shì. 乃有劍客慚恩，少年報士.” (There are swordsmen who are thankful for their kindness and a chivalrous man who wants to repay their kindness.) In the Tang dynasty, Du Fu 杜甫 wrote in the poem běi zhēng 北征 [The Northern Expedition] that “Gù cán ēn sī bèi, zhào xǔ guī péng hūn. 顧慚恩私被，詔許歸 蓬葷.” (I am grateful because I am the only one who has received the favor of the emperor. The emperor personally ordered me to go home to visit my relatives.) In wu zi xu biàn wén 伍子胥變文 [The Story of Wu Zixu] of dūn huáng biàn wén 敦煌變文 [The Stories of Dunhuang], it stated that “Jūn suī guì zhòng xiāng cí xiè, ér yì cán jūn yì bù qīng. 君雖貴重相辭謝，兒意慚君亦不輕.” (Although you cherish me very much, I still cannot accept your kindness, and I appreciate it very much.) In fan ye zhuàn 范曄傳 [The Biography of Fan Ye] in sòng shū 宋书

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 87 [The Book of the Song dynasty], it reads that “Yòu yǒu wáng guó sì fa jing ní yì chū rù yú yi kang jiā nèi, jiē gǎn jī jiù ēn, guī xiāng zhěng bá. 又有王國寺法静尼 亦出入于義康家内，皆感激舊恩，規相拯拔.” (A Buddhist nun named Fajing from the Wangguo Temple goes in and out of Yikang’s house. They all appreciate their previous kindness for saving them from trouble.) In the Song dynasty, Huang Tingjian 黄庭坚 wrote in xiè qián zhōu ān zhì biǎo 謝黔州安置表 [Letter of Appreciation for Settling Me in Qianzhou] that “Zuì shēn zé báo, gǎn jī tì líng. 罪深責薄，感激涕零.” (My crime is deep and responsibility thin, and tears of gratitude roll down on my face.) Yì 抑 and bī pò 逼迫 In the sentence “jǐn jǐn dì cuī cù, yòng yā lì cù shǐ. 緊緊地催促，用壓力促使.” (Pressing tightly and pressing with pressure), the two words yì 抑 and bī pò 逼迫 in medieval times are synonymous. For example, in the Tang dynasty, Han Yu 韩 愈 wrote in the shàng zhāng pú yè shū 上張仆射書 [Letter of Complaint to Zhang Pushe] that “Gǔ rén yǒu yán yuē: ‘rén gè yǒu néng yǒu bù néng.’ ruò cǐ zhě, fēi yu zhī suǒ néng yě. yì ér xíng zhī, bì fā kuáng jí jū. 古人有言曰：人各有能有不能. 若此者，非愈之所能也.抑而行之，必發狂疾疽.” [The ancient wise man once had the saying that everyone had something that could be done and/or could not be done. If under the conditions of not being able to do something, it was not what Han Yu (a wise man) could do. If I was forced to perform something beyond my ability, I would be crazy] In the Tang dynasty, Zhang Jing 張驚 wrote in the sixth volume of cháo yě qiān zài 朝野僉載 [Stories of Official and Vernacular Lives] that “Shǎo mù xiū dào, fù mǔ yì hūn, yǐ dāo gē qí shì, yòng zhǐ. 少慕修道，父母 抑婚，以刀割其勢，用止.” (I would like to cultivate myself according to Taoism doctrine, but my parents force me to get married, so I threaten them with a knife until they give up that idea.) In the Tang dynasty, in lǔ chéng mín gē 魯城民歌 [The Folk Songs of Lucheng], it reads that “Lǔ dì yì zhǒng dào, yī gài bèi shuǐ mò. nián nián suǒ xiè fū, bǎi xìng bù kě huó. 魯地抑種稻，一槪被水沫.” 年年索蟹 夫，百姓不可活.” (Rice is restrained in the land of Lu, and all the rice patch was covered with water. Every year, people cannot make a living because they suffer from severe crab disasters.) In chén liú dong si qī 陳留董祀妻 [Wife of Dong Si in Chenliu County] of liè nǚ zhuàn 列女傳 [The Biography of Women] of hòu hàn shū 後漢書 [The Book of Later Han dynasty], it reads that “Bī pò qiān jiù bāng, yōng zhǔ yǐ zì qiáng. 逼迫遷舊邦，擁主以自强.” (They forced the imperial court to move west to Chang’an, the old capital, and kidnapped the young lord to expand their power.) In the Tang dynasty, Li Xianyong 李咸用 wrote in the poem bēi zāi xíng 悲哉行 [Pathetic Journey] that “Yòng què chūn fēng lì jǐ duō, wēi shuāng bī pò hé róng yì. 用却春風力幾多，微霜逼迫何容易.” (How much spring wind force is used, and it is not easy to be forced by mist frost.) Most of the above monosyllabic words are polysemy, while polysyllabic words have a single meaning. Polysemy monosyllabic words form synonyms with a polysyllabic word in a certain sense, and other meanings can form synonyms with other monosyllabic words or polysyllabic words.

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2.4

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese

Polysyllabic words synonymous with polysyllabic words

There are three cases of such synonyms in medieval times, which are described as follows. 2.4.1

Synonyms with both the same morpheme and different morphemes

Some Chinese synonyms have both the same morpheme as well as different morphemes. See the following examples. The two ancient words dōu zi 兜子 and dōu lóng 兜籠 are synonymous, both referring to a convenient sedan with only seats, but with no cover. Bēi zāi xíng 太平廣記 [Records of the Taiping Era] quotes Li Deyu 李德裕 in guì yuàn cóng tán 桂苑叢談 [Gui Yuan Cong Tan], by Feng Yizi in the Tang dynasty, in volume 172 and states that “Nǎi lì cù zhào dōu zǐ shù chéng, mìng guān lián sēng rén duì shì. xián qiǎn zuò dōu zǐ, xià lián zi bì, zhǐ huī mén xià, bù lìng xiāng jiàn. 乃立 促召兜子數乘，命關連僧人對事.” 咸遣坐兜子，下簾子畢，指揮門下，不 令相見.” (He thus ordered many sedans and asked the monk in question to talk about the matter. They took the sedans, and when the curtains were pulled out, he ordered his men not to meet them anymore.) In the Five dynasties, Wang Renyu 王仁裕 wrote in zuì yú 醉輿 [The Drunken Emperor] of kāi yuán tiān bǎo yí shì 開元天寶遺事 [The Legacy of Kaiyuan Tianbao Era] that “Zhōng wáng měi zuì, jí shǐ gōng jì jiāng jǐn cǎi jié yī dōu zǐ, lìng gōng jì bèi tái yú zhì qǐn shì. 中王每 醉，即使宫妓將錦綵結一兜子，令宫妓輩擡舁至寢室.” (Every time when the emperor is drunk, he will ask the maiden in the palace to tie a sedan and send him to his bedroom.) In yú fú zhì 輿服志 [Rules of Transportation and Clothing] of jiù táng shū 舊唐書 [The Book of the Old Tang dynasty], it reads that “Dōu lóng, bā shǔ fù rén suǒ yòng. jīn qián yuán yǐ lái, fān jiāng duō zhe xūn yú cháo, dōu lóng yì yú dān fù. 兜籠，巴蜀婦人所用. 今乾元以來，蕃將多著勳於朝，兜籠易 於擔負.” (The sedans were used by women in Sichuan Province at first, and later, since the Qianyuan era of the Tang dynasty, many generals have been honored in the dynasty, and it is easy to carry them on sedans as such.) In the Song dynasty, Kong Pingzhong 孔平仲 wrote in yǎn huáng xīn lùn 衍璜新論 [New Theory on Yan Huang] that “Xiān shì fù rén yóu chéng chē zhào, táng qián yuán yǐ lái, nǎi yòng dōu lóng, ruò jīn zhī yán zi yǐ. 先是婦人猶乘車肇，唐乾元以來，乃用兜 籠，若今之簷子矣.” (First, women took these chariots alone. Since the Qianyuan Era of the Tang dynasty, they have used sedans, which are like eaves today.) The two words guān xīn 關心 and guān huái 關懷 are synonymous in medieval times, both with the meaning of always keep in mind and pay attention. In the Song dynasty of the Southern dynasties, Bao Zhao 鲍照 wrote in the poem dài táng shàng gē xíng 代堂上歌行 [Imitate the Songs in the Hall] that “Wàn qū bù guān xīn, yī qǔ dòng qíng duō. 萬曲不關心，一曲動情多.” (Ten thousand songs do not care, but one song is more emotional.) In the Tang dynasty, Wang Wei 王维 wrote in the poem chóu zhāng shào fǔ 酬张少府 [Reward to Zhang Shaofu] that “Wǎn nián wéi hǎo jìng, wàn shì bù guān xī. 晚年惟好静，萬事不關心.” (In his

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 89 old age, he was only quiet and didn’t care about everything.) In kong xian zhuàn 孔現傳 [The Biography of Kong Xian] of sòng shū 宋書 [The Book of Song], it reads that “Bù zhì chǎn yè, jū cháng pín qìng, wú yǒu fēng yuē, wèi cháng guān huái jiàn. 不治産業，居常貧罄，無有豐約，未嘗關懷建.” (He has no property, so that he lived in constant poverty without abundant covenant, not caring about anything.) In xie ling yun zhuàn 謝靈運傳 [The Biography of Xie Lingyun] of nán shǐ 南史 [The Southern History], it reads that “Sì zhì áo yóu, biàn lì zhū xiàn dòng yú xún shuò, lǐ rén tīng sòng, bù fù guān huái. 肆志遨遊，徧歷諸縣動踰旬朔， 理人聽訟，不復關懷.” (He traveled everywhere, moved through the counties for more than ten days, attended to people’s lawsuits, and stopped caring.) In the Tang dynasty, Zhang Jing 張驚 wrote in yóu xiān kū 遊仙窟 [Trip to Fairy Cave] that “Suī fù zèng lán jiě pèi, wèi shén guān huái hé tǎn héng chén, hé céng qiè yì? 雖復 贈蘭解佩，未甚關懷；合毯横陳，何曾愜意？” (Although the plum blossom named Lanjiepei was given again, he did not care much. When the blanket was laid out, how could it ever be comfortable?) The two words kuài lè 快樂 and kuài huó 快活 are synonymous in Old Chinese, both meaning feel happy. The word kuài lè 快樂 can be seen in Old and Modern Chinese. In the Han dynasty, Yi Gan 焦赣 wrote in qiān zhī lǚ 乾之履 [Lv of Qian] of yì lín 易林 [The Book of Changes] “Kōng quán wò shǒu, wěi dì gèng qǐ, fù ráo fēng yǎn, kuài lè wú yǐ. 空拳握手，委地更起，富饒豐衍，快樂無已.” (Shake hands with empty fists, make the land more prosperous and happier.) In the Song dynasty, Mei Yaochen 梅堯臣 wrote in the poem yī yùn hé yǒng shū jiàn jì 依韵 和永叔见寄 [To Yongshu in Accordance with the Rhyme] that “Chéng zhī háo jié zì kuài lè, dōng jiāo nán mò jìng dòu jī. 誠知豪傑自快樂，東郊南陌竟鬥雞.” (I sincerely know that heroes are happy, and they even fight chickens in the eastern and southern suburbs.) The word kuài huó 快活 came into being in the Six dynasties. In he shi kai zhuàn 和士開傳 [The Bibliography of He Shikai] of běi qí shū 北齊書 [The Book of North Qi], it reads that “Bì xià yí jí shǎo zhuàng, zì yì zuò lè, zòng héng xíng zhī, jí shì yī rì kuài huó dí qiān nián. 陛下宜及少壯，恣意 作樂，縱横行之，即是一日快活敵千年.” (Your Majesty should be young and strong and can have fun at will. Whatsoever, one day’s happiness is worth that of a thousand years.) In the Tang dynasty, Bai Juyi 白居易 wrote in the poem kuài huó 快活 [Happy] that “Shuí zhī jiāng xiāng wáng hóu wài, bié yǒu yōu yóu kuài huó rén. 誰知將相王侯外，别有優遊快活人.” (Who knows that there are no happy people outside the generals and princes?) In the Southern Tang dynasty of the Five dynasties, Li Yu 李煜 wrote in the poem yú fù 漁父 [The Fisherman’s Father] that “Yī hú sǎ, yī gān shēn, kuài huó rú nóng yǒu jǐ rén! 一壺洒，一竿身，快活如儂 有幾人！” (I have nothing but a pot of wine and a fishing rod with me, but how many people are there in the world that can be as happy as me!) The two words yì biǎo 意表 and yì wài 意外 are synonymous in medieval times. In shí èr líng 十二陵 [Twelve Mausoleums] of wèi liáo zi 尉繚子 [Wei Liao Zi], it reads that “Zhàn zài yú zhì qì, gōng zài yú yì biǎo. 戰在於治氣，攻在於意表.” (The key to victory is to boost morale; when attacking, the general should be firm in will.) In yuan xian zhuàn 袁宪传 [The Bibliography of Yuan Xian] in chén shū 陈书 [The Book of Chen], it reads that “Měi yǒu xīn yì, chū rén yì biǎo, tóng bèi

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The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese

xián jiē fú yān. 每有新議，出人意表，同輩咸嗟服焉.” (Every new proposal is unexpected, and the peers all admire it.) In the Song dynasty of the Southern dynasties, Liu Yiqing 刘义庆 wrote in shǎng yù 賞譽 [Appreciating Reputation] of shì shuō xīn yǔ 世说新语 [New Words of the World] that “Wang zhan dá duì shén yǒu yīn cí, chū jì yì wài, ji jí wǎn è. 〔王湛〕答對甚有音辭，出濟意外， 濟極惋愕.” ([Wang Zhan] Later tried to ask about recent events. He answered in such pleasant tone and with such beautiful words that Wang Ji was quite shocked.) In geng xuan zhuàn 耿玄傳 [The Biography of Geng Xuan] of wèi shū 魏書 [The Book of Wei], it reads that “Jīn jì guì yǐ, gèng hé suǒ qiú ér fù bo yě, yù wàng yì wài hū? 今既貴矣，更何所求而復卜也，欲望意外乎？” (Now that it is expensive, why do you ask for divination? Is your desire unexpected?) The above-mentioned synonyms have the same morpheme. In addition, the last morphemes of some Chinese synonyms are the same, as can be seen in the following examples. The two words gǔ dòng 鼓動 and shān dòng 煽動 are synonymous in medieval times, both referring to using words to stimulate people to take action. In cui qun zhuàn 崔群傳 [The Biography of Cui Qun] in xīn táng shū 新唐书 [The New Book of Tang dynasty], it reads that “Biān bǐ wú shì, nǎi qún gǔ dòng, yù yǐ mǎi zhí, guī yuàn tiān zǐ. 邊鄙無事，乃群鼓動，欲以買直，歸怨天子.” (The remote frontier was safe; others encouraged bribery to spark disputes, and planted all these things on the son of heaven.) In míng zōng jì sì 明宗紀 四 [Volume Four of the Era of Mingzong] of jiù wǔ dài shǐ 舊五代史 [The Old History of the Five dynasties], it reads that “Zài tú wén lǐ yán wèi mèng zhī xiáng suǒ hài. yǐ wèi jiàn nán zǔ jué, hù xiāng shān dòng. 在途聞李嚴爲孟知祥所害. 以爲劍南阻絶，互 相煽動.” (I heard that Li Yan was harmed by Meng Zhixiang on the way. I thought Jiannan blocked it and incited each other.) Now gǔ dòng 鼓動 is a neutral word, and shān dòng 煽動 is used in a derogatory sense. There was no such difference in medieval times. The three words lóng bǎng 龍榜, hǔ bǎng 虎榜, and lóng hǔ bǎng 龍虎榜 are synonymous in ancient times, all referring to the list of the admitted scholars in the imperial examination. In the Song dynasty, Mei Yaochen 梅堯臣 wrote in the poem hé huái yáng yàn xiù cái和淮阳燕秀才 [Reply to Scholar Yan in Huaiyang] that “Shì lù èr shí nián, lǚ pǔ lóng bǎng jiē. 仕禄二十年，履谱龍榜揭.” (In my 20 years of official career, I have seen for many times the list of admitted scholars in the imperial examination.) In the Song dynasty, Liu Kezhuang 劉克莊 wrote in the poem wǎn lín shì láng 挽林侍郎 [Mourning for Assistant Minister Lin] that “Jiē xiǎo míng gāo tuī hǔ bǎng, líng yún fù zòu dòng lóng yán. 揭曉名高推虎 榜，凌雲賦奏動龍顔.” (His name appeared on the list of admitted scholars in the imperial examination, and his magnificent article moves the emperor.) In ou yang zhan zhuàn 歐陽詹傳 [The Biography of Ouyang Zhan] of xīn táng shū 新唐书 [The New Book of The Tang dynasty], it reads that “Jǔ jìn shì, yǔ han yu, Li Guan, Li Jiang, Cui Qun, Wang Huai, Feng Su, Geng Chengxuan lián dì, jiē tiān xià xuǎn, shí chēng lóng hǔ bǎng. 舉進士，與韓愈、李觀、李絳、崔群、王淮、 馮宿、庚承宣聯第，皆天下選，時稱龍虎榜.” (He was selected as a scholar, and his name appeared on the list of admitted scholars in the imperial examination,

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 91 together with that of Han Yu, Li Guan, Li Jiang, Cui Qun, Wang Huai, Feng Su, and Geng Chengxuan.) The word hǔ bǎng 虎榜 in the Qing dynasty refers to the list of martial arts. The two ancient synonyms of shǒu lì 手力 and jiǎo lì 脚力 both mean slave and servant. In kong lin zhi diàn 孔琳之佃 [Kong Linzhi’s Tenancy] of sòng shū 宋書 [The Book of Song], it reads that “Shàng shū lìng shěng shì ní zōng yòu qiān wēi yí shǒu lì, jí chén xià rén. 尚書令省事倪宗又牽威儀手力，撃 臣下人.” (The minister ordered that it would be easy for Ni Zong to lead a powerful hand to lead the servants.) In jìng shān yuǎn gōng huà 靖山遠公話 [The Words of Yuan Gong of JingShan] of dūn huáng biàn wén jí敦煌變文集 [Dunhuang Bianwen Anthology], it reads that “Wǒ jīn shēn shù bù shǎo, shǒu lì jí duō, què fàng nǐ guī shān, rèn yì xiū xíng. 我今身數不少，手力極多，却 放你歸山，任意修行.” (I have quit a number of servants, but I let you go back to the mountain and practice at will.) In volume 154 of tài píng guǎng jì 太平 廣記 [Records of the Taiping Era], it reads that “Qūn xún, yǒu yī rén lei jiǎo lì, xié xiǎo pǔ guò, jiàn liè zhě, yī ér zuò. 逡巡，有一人塁脚力，攜小樸過•見獵 者，揖而坐.” (When wandering, I noticed a man passing by a small bridge and bowing to the hunter.) In volume 84 of tài píng guǎng jì 太平廣記 [Records of the Taiping Era], it reads that “Yuán hé mò, yán chéng jiǎo lì zhāng yǎn sòng dié rù jīng, zhì sòng zhōu, yù yī rén, yīn qiú wèi bàn. 元和末，鹽城脚力張儼 送牒入京，至宋州，遇一人，因求爲伴.” (At the end of the Yuan dynasty, Zhang Yan sent an ultimatum to Beijing. When he came to Songzhou, he met a person and asked for company.) The two words xià dì 下第 and luò dì 落第 are synonymous in medieval times, both referring to failure in the imperial examination. In the Tang dynasty, Wei Yingwu 韦应物 wrote in the poem sòng huái guǎng luò dì guī yáng zhōu 送槐 廣落第歸揚州 [Sending Huai Guang to Yangzhou after Failure in the Imperial Examination] that “Xià dì cháng chēng qū, shào nián xīn dú qīng. 下第常稱屈， 少年心獨輕.” (The frivolous young man had some grievance over his failing in the imperial examination.) In the Song dynasty, Wang Lin wrote in the first volume of yàn yì yǔ móu lù 燕翼語謀録 [Yan Yi Yu Mou Lu] that “Kāi mài liù nián, xià dì rén xu shi lian tí dēng wén gǔ, yán jiǔ kùn chǎng wū. 開賣六年，下第人徐士廉 提登聞鼓，言久困場屋.” (After six years of sales, Xu Shilian, who failed in the imperial examination, knocked the drum outside the Yamen and said that he had been trapped in the exam room for too long.) In the Tang dynasty, Zhu Qingyu 朱 慶餘 wrote in the poem sòng zhang jing xuan xià dì 送張景宣下第 [Farewell to Zhang Jingxuan after Failing the Imperial Examination] that “Guī shěng zhí huā shí, xián yín luò dì shī. 歸省值花時, 閑吟落第詩.” (When you return home, you will find that flowers blossom for the first time, and you can enjoy your leisure and write some poems.) In the Tang dynasty, Bai Juyi 白居易 wrote in the poem bǎ jiǔ sī xián shì 把酒思閒事 [Holding Wine and Reflecting Idle Affairs] that “Qǐ qián jī kè miàn, luò dì jǔ rén xīn. 乞錢羈客面，落第舉人心.” (Although I am a beggar, I still look like a traveler; although I failed in the exam, I still imagined myself as a scholar.) The last morphemes of the above synonyms are the same.

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The two words zhǔn biāo 標準 and zhǔn zé 準則 are synonymous in Old Chinese, both meaning norm and example. In the Jin dynasty, Yuan Hong 袁宏 wrote in sān guó míng chén xù zàn 三國名臣序贊 [Preface to the Stories of Famous Officials of the Three Kingdoms] that “Yuān zāi tài chū, yǔ liàng gāo yǎ, qì fàn zì rán, biāo zhǔn wú jiǎ. 淵哉泰初，宇量高雅，氣範自然，標準無假.” (The utensils are in line with the required norms, natural and smooth. They are standard utensils without any trace of fraud.) In the Tang dynasty, Du Fu 杜甫 wrote in the poem zèng zhèng shí bā bì 贈鄭十八賁 [Presenting to Zheng Shiba Ben] that “Shì wǒ bǎi piān wén, shī jiā yī biāo zhǔn. 示我百篇文，詩家一標準.” (You show me a hundred articles, all of which can be the standard to poetry.) In the Song dynasty of the Southern dynasties, Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 wrote in pǐn zǎo 品藻 [Pin Zao] of shì shuō xīn yǔ 世説新語 [Shi Shuo Xin Yu] that “Míng dì wèn xie li guang jūn zì wèi hé rú yu liang?’ dá yuē: ‘duān wěi miào táng, shǐ bǎi liáo zhǔn zé, chén bù rú liàng’. Yī qiū yī hè, zì wèi guò zhī. 明帝問謝鯉广君自謂 何如庾亮？ 答 曰： ‘端委廟堂，使百僚準則，臣不如亮.’ 一丘一壑，自謂過之.” (The Ming emperor asked Xie Liguang how he was compared with Yu Liang. He answered that in talking about working on the court and setting an example for all the other officials, I was not as good as Yu Liang. But as for the life experience, I was better than him.) In the Tang dynasty, in qì fù 氣賦 [Ode to Qi], it reads that “Yīn yáng yǐ zhī zhǔn zé, tiān dì yǐ zhī tōng liú. 陰陽以之準則，天地以之通流.” (Yin and yang are based on the it, and heaven and earth flow through it.) The two words píjí 疲極 and jíkǔ 極苦 are synonymous in medieval times, both having the meaning of fatigued. In the Jin dynasty, in xun shì líng guǐ zhì 荀氏靈 鬼志 [Mr. Xun of Records of the Spirit and Ghost], it reads that “Cháng xíng, jiàn yī rén dān dān, shàng yǒu xiǎo lóng zi, kě shòu shēng yú, yǔ dān rén yún: ‘wú bù xíng pí jí, yù jì jūn dān.’ 嘗行，見一人擔擔，上有小籠子，可受升餘，語擔 人云： ‘吾步行疲極，欲寄君擔’.” (When I am working, I see a man carrying a load. There is a small cage on it, which can hold something more. Hence, I told the man that I am very tired; when it is time to walk, I want to be in your load.) In the Qi dynasty of the Southern dynasties, Wang Yan wrote in míng xiáng jì 冥祥 記 [Ming Xiang Ji] that “Jīn wèi bǎ shā zhī yì, xīn qín jí kǔ. 今爲把沙之役，辛 勤極苦.” (It is extremely tiring to take the sand today.) The two words qiú shǒu 求守 and shǒu qǐng 守請 are synonymous in medieval Chinese times, both referring to request. In the Tang dynasty, Zhang Jing 張驚 wrote in yóu xiān kū 遊仙窟 [Trip to Fairy Cave] that “Qiān sī qiān cháng rè, yī niàn yī xīn jiāo, ruò wèi qiú shǒu dé, zàn jiè kě lián yāo. 千思千腸熱，一念一 心焦，若爲求守得，暫借可憐腰.” (The more I care about it, the more I want to get it. To fulfill my dreams, I want to borrow it temporarily.) In yàn zi fù 燕子 賦 [Ode to the Swallow] of dūn huáng biàn wén jí 敦煌變文集 [The Anthology of Dunhuang Bianwen], it reads that “Què ér bèi jìn shù rì, qiú shǒu yù zi tuō jiā, yù zi zài sān bù kěn. 雀兒被禁數日，求守獄子脱枷，獄子再三不肯.” (Finch was banned for several days. He asked the jailer to take off his yoke, but the jailer refused again and again.) In fó shuō dà yì jīng 佛説大意經 [Buddha’s Elaborations on Dayi Scripture], it reads that “Nǎi lì liù shí rì, cí wáng yù qù, wáng shǒu qǐng shǐ liú, qí yì bù lè zhǐ, suì cí wáng ér qù. 乃歷六十日，辭王欲去，王 守請使

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 93 留，其意不樂止，遂辭王而去.” (After 60 days, he resigned from the king and wanted to go. The king asked him to stay. He decided not to stay, so he resigned from the king and left.) In the above synonyms, the morpheme after word A (the first word) is the same as the morpheme before word B (the second word). 2.4.2

Two same morphemes with opposite order in synonyms

There are a number of disyllabic words with the same morphemes and the opposite morpheme order in ancient Chinese, which become more advanced in the middle ages. If they are combined polysyllabic words, most of them are synonymous. There are two cases in this aspect. One is that one of the words originated in ancient times and continued to be used in medieval times, and the other as that which originated in medieval times. See the following words. The two words bǐ lín 比鄰 and lín bǐ 鄰比 are synonymous in medieval Chinese times, both having the meaning of neighbor. The word bǐ lín 比鄰 originated in ancient times. In sūn bǎo zhuàn 孫寶傳 [The Biography of Sun Bao] in hàn shū 漢書 [The Book of Han], it reads that “Bǎo xǐ rù shě, jì zào qǐng bǐ lín. 寶徙入 舍，祭竈請比鄰.” (Shortly after Bao moved into his house, he invited his neighbors to offer sacrifices to the stove.) The word bǐ lín 比鄰 is used in both ancient and medieval times. In the Tang dynasty, Wang Bo 王勃 wrote in the poem sòng dù shào fǔ zhī rèn shǔ zhōu 送杜少府之任蜀州 [Sending Du Shaofu to Take His Position in Shuzhou] that “Hǎi nèi cún zhī jǐ, tiān yá ruò bǐ lín. 海内存知己， 天涯若比鄰.” (If you have a friend afar who knows your heart, distance cannot keep you two apart.) The word lín bǐ originated in the Six dynasties. In guan ning zhuàn 管寧傳 [The Biography of Guan Ning] of wèi shū 魏書 [The Book of Wei] of sān guó zhì 三國志 [Annals of the Three Kingdoms], it reads that “Níng yǒu zú rén guǎn gòng wèi zhōu lì, yǔ níng lín bǐ. 甯有族人管貢爲州吏，與寧鄰比.” (Someone of the same family clan with Ning is now taking charge of the Gong State, which is next to Ning.) In the Jin dynasty, Gan Bao 干寶 wrote in the third volume of sōu shén jì 搜神記 [Search for God] that “Mín zhī qī yǐ sī lín bǐ, yù gòu zhōng shēn zhī hǎo. 旻之妻已私鄰比，欲媾終身之好.” (Min’s wife lives next to him, wanting to get married to him.) In the Qing dynasty, Qian Daxin wrote in the fourth volume of shí jià zhāi yǎng xīn lù 十駕齋養新録 [New Record of Shijia Fasting] that “Bǐ lín yì zuò lín bǐ. 比鄰亦作鄰比.” (Bǐ líng 比鄰 can also be interpreted as lín bǐ 鄰比, neighbor.) The two words yì yì 意義 and yì yì 義意 are synonymous in Old Chinese times, both referring to content and thought. The word yì yì 意義 has been used in ancient and modern times. In gu liang zhuàn 穀梁傳 [The Biography of Gu Liang] of xiāng gōng èr shí jiǔ nián 襄公二十九年 [The 29th Year of Xianggong], it reads that “Cǐ zhì jūn zhī yì yì yě. 此致君之意義也.” (It is also of great significance to send you here.) In miao bo zhuàn 繆播傳 [The Biography of Miao Bo] of jìn shū 晋书 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Bō cái sī qīng biàn, yǒu yì yì. 播才思清 辨，有意義.” (Bo has great ideas and is of great significance.) The word yì yì 義 意 originated in medieval times. Kong Yingda 孔穎達 commented in fá mù xù 伐

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The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese

木序 [Preface to Logging] of xiǎo yǎ 小雅 [Xiaoya] of shī jīng 诗经 [The Book of Songs] that “Cháng Dì suī zhōu gōng zuò, jì nà zhī yú zhì nèi zhī piān, gù wèi cǐ cì yǐ shì fǎ, shì cǐ piān jiē yǒu yì yì. 《常棣》雖周公作，既納之於治内之篇，故 爲此次以示法，是此篇皆有義意.” (Although Changdi was written by the Duke of Zhou, it was included in the article of governance. Therefore, it is used to show the dharma. This article has meaning.) The two words huān xǐ 歡喜 and xǐ huān 喜歡 are synonyms in medieval times, both having the meaning of happy. The word huān 歡 can also be interpreted as jù, meaning fear. The word huān xǐ 歡喜 originated in ancient times. In the lè shū 樂 書 [Happy Book] of shǐ jì 史記 [Records of the Grand History of China], it reads that “Xià zhì rén mín, dé yǐ jiē huān xǐ, hé yīn qín. 下至人民，得以接歡喜，合殷 勤.” (Down to the people, they can receive joy and hospitality.) In miào fǎ lián huá jīng jiǎng jīng wén 妙法蓮華經講經文 [Wonderful Dharma Lotus Sutra Telling Scriptures] of miào fǎ lián huá jīng jiǎng jīng wén 妙法蓮華經講經文 [Anthology of Dunhuang Bianwen], it reads that “Dài wáng dāng shí wén yǔ, xīn zhōng huān xǐ fēi cháng. 大王當時聞語，心中歡喜非常.” (The king was very happy when he heard the words.) Xǐ huān 喜歡 originated in the Six dynasties. In the Wei State of the Three Kingdom era, Ying Qu 应璩 wrote in yǔ cóng dì jūn miáo jūn zhòu shū 與從弟君苗、君胄書 [Letter to Pupils Jun Miao and Jun Zhou] that “Jiān zhě běi yóu, xǐ huān wú liàng. 間者北遊，喜歡無量.” (Recently I traveled to the north and like it very much.) In the Song dynasty, Ye Shi wrote in the poem sòng chéng zhuàn sǒu 送程傳叟 [Farewell to the Old Man Cheng Fu] that “Jiā rén wèi kě biàn xǐ jù, shǎo dài shàng sī cuī jié jú. 家人未可便喜懼，少待上司催結局.” (All the family are happy and can’t wait to know the result.) The words wèn xùn 問訊 and xùn wèn 訊問 have been seen in the Han dynasty, and originally meant learning and consulting. In the Han dynasty, Liu Xiang wrote in jiàn běn 建本 [Jian Ben] of shuō yuàn 说苑 [Shuo Yuan] that “Shì gǒu yù shēn míng bó chá, yǐ chuí róng míng, ér bù hǎo wèn xùn zhī dào, zé shì fá zhì běn ér sāi zhì yuán yě. 士苟欲深明博察，以垂榮名，而不好問訊之道，則是伐智本而 塞智原也.” (If a scholar wants to become erudite and famous, but is not ready to consult others for advice, this is like cutting down and plugging the wisdom.) In the Six dynasties, it has the meaning of inquiry. In the Jin dynasty, Tao Qian 陶潛 wrote in táo huā yuán jì 桃花源記 [The Peach Colony] that “Cūn zhōng wén yǒu cǐ rén, xián lái wèn xùn. 村中聞有此人，咸來問訊.” (When they heard of this person in the village, they came for inquiry.) Xùn wèn 訊問 came into being in the Six dynasties. In the Song dynasty of the Southern dynasties, Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 wrote in wén xué 文学 [Literature] of shì shuō xīn yǔ 世説新語 [Shi Shuo Xin Yu] that “Jí qiǎn wěi qū xùn wèn, nǎi shì yuán (yuán hǔ) zì yǒng qí suǒ zuò Yǒng Shǐ shī. 即遣委曲訊問，乃是袁（袁虎）自詠其所作《詠史》詩.” (Someone was sent to make inquiry about it and found that it was Yuan Hu’s own poem.) In this way, the two words are synonymous in the sense of inquire. In the Tang dynasty, Wèn xùn 問訊 was also interpreted as to make an offer of marriage. A case in point is pò mó biàn wén 破魔變文 [Bian Wen of Breaking Demons] of dūn huáng biàn wén jí 敦煌變文集 [The Anthology of Dunhuang Bianwen], which reads that “Dì shì fàn wáng, pín lái wèn xùn, fù mǔ xián yī mén bēi, lìng bù biàn zuò xīn fù. 帝

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 95 釋梵王，頻來問訊，父母嫌伊門卑，令不變 作新婦.” (The emperor releases the Vatican king and frequently comes for marriage. The parents dislike him for his humble origin, and would not like to become a bride.) The word Xùn wèn 訊 問 can also be interpreted as fān wèn 審問. In the Tang dynasty, Liu Zongyuan 柳 宗元 wrote in gù yín qīng guāng lù dài fu yí chéng xiàn kāi guó bó liǔ gōng xíng zhuàng 故銀青光禄大夫宜城縣開國伯柳公行狀 [Tribute to Liu Gongxing, the Former Guanglvdafu with Silver Badges and Green Ribbons and the Founding Father of Yicheng County] that “Zéi suì zhí gōng ài zi, bǎng péng xùn wèn, zhé qí yòu gōng, ér gōng bù zhī gù. 賊遂執公愛子，榜篷訊問，折其右肱，而公不 之顧.” (The thief took his beloved son and interrogated him in the tent and broke his right arm, not striking the father’s attention.) In these two senses, they do not have synonymous meanings. The two words shē chǐ 奢侈 and chǐ shē 侈奢 are synonymous in ancient times, both referring to being too extravagant and over-possessed by the pursuit of excessive enjoyment of life. The word shē chǐ 奢侈 originated in ancient times. In the jìn yǔ bā 晉語八 [Jin Language VIII] of guó yǔ 國語 [The National Language], it reads that “Jí huán zi, jiāo tài shē chǐ, tān yù wú yì. 及桓子，驕泰奢侈，貪慾 無藝.” (When it comes to Huanzi, he is known to be arrogant, extravagant, and greedy.) In the Tang dynasty, Luo Yin 羅隱 wrote in the poem qín zhōng fù rén 秦 中富人 [The Rich Man in the Middle of Qin dynasty] that “Fèn tǔ jīn yù zhēn, yóu xián wèi shē chǐ. 糞土金玉珍，猶嫌未奢侈.” (He counted the precious gold and jade as something no more than muck, but he still believes that was not extravagant enough.) Chǐ shē 侈奢 originated in the Six dynasties. In qí jì shàng 齊紀上 [The History of Qi (I)] of nán shǐ 南史 [The History of the Southern dynasties], it reads that “Shàng shǎo yǒu dà liàng . . . jí jí wèi hòu, shēn bù yù jīng xì zhī wù, zhǔ yī zhōng yǒu yù jiè dǎo, yǐ zhǎng chǐ shē zhī yuán, mìng dǎ pò zhī. 上少有大量 . . . 及即位後，身不御精細之物，主衣中有玉介導，以長侈奢之源，命打破 之.” (The master was very generous when he was young. And after he ascended the throne, he never used fine items. His clothes were equipped with a big jade guide. He thought it was a source of luxury and ordered to break it.) In the Song dynasty, Meng Yuanlao 孟元老 wrote in dōng jīng mèng huá lù xù 東京夢華録序 [The Preface to Life in Kaifeng] that “Xiāo gǔ xuān kōng, jǐ jiā yè yàn. jì qiǎo zé jīng rén ěr mù, chǐ shē zé zhǎng rén jīng shén. 簫鼓喧空，幾家夜宴.” 伎巧則驚 人耳目，侈奢則長人精神.” (Xiao and drum make noise in the air, and so many houses hold their night banquets. The skill is amazing and their extravagance is quite astonishing.) The two words shú làn 熟 (孰) 爛 and làn shú 爛熟 are synonymous in medieval times, both having the meaning of very familiar. The word shú làn 熟(孰)爛 originated in ancient times. In dong zhong shu zhuàn 董仲舒傳 [The Biography of Dong Zhongshu] of hàn shū 漢書 [The Book of Han dynasty], it reads that “Shǐ xí sú báo è, rén mín xiāo wán, dǐ mào shū bài, shú làn rú cǐ zhī shén yě. 使習 俗薄惡，人民囂頑，抵冒殊拝，孰爛如此之甚也.” (The toxin left over from the Qin dynasty, like a residual flame, has not been extinguished yet. It has made customs thin and evil, the local people obstinate and stubborn; and it is very common to see the local people break the law and disobey the management.) After

96 The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese the middle ages, it became the commonly used word. In wang an shi zhuàn 王安 石傳 [The Biography of Wang Anshi] of sòng shǐ 宋史 [The History of the Song dynasty], it reads that “ér yì zhě yǐ wèi yū kuò ér shú làn zhě yě. 而議者以爲迂 闊而熟爛者也.” (The commentators thought that it sounded weird but familiar.) The word làn shú 爛熟 came into being in the Six dynasties. In wang xi zhuàn 王 晞傳 [The Biography of Wang Xi] of běi qí shū 北齊書 [The Book of the Northern Qi dynasty], it reads that “Fēi bù ài zuò rè guān, dàn sī zhī làn shú ěr. 非不愛作熱 官，但思之爛熟耳.” (I do not like to be a popularly discussed official, but only that my name sounds familiar to the people.) In the Song dynasty, Lu You 陸游 wrote in his poem guò yě rén jiā yǒu gǎn 過野人家有感 [Reflections on Passing by a Family in the Countryside] that “Shì tài shí nián kàn làn shú, jiā shān wàn lǐ mèng yī xī. 世態十年看爛熟，家山萬里夢依稀.” (Over the past ten years, I have been very familiar with the sophistication of this society, but my hometown thousands of miles away exists vaguely in my dream.) The two words xīn kǔ 辛苦 and kǔ xīn 苦辛 are synonymous in medieval times, both having the meaning of physical and mental hard work. The word xīn kǔ 辛苦 originated in ancient times. In the xiāng gōng jiǔ nián 襄公九年 [The Ninth Year of Xianggong] of zuǒ zhuàn 左傳 [Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals], it reads that “Fū fù xīn kǔ diàn ài, wú suǒ dǐ gào. 夫婦辛苦墊隘，無所 底告.” (The couple worked hard but still suffered from hardship and weakness.) The two words were exchangeable in medieval times. In the Tang dynasty, Li Shen 李绅 wrote in the poem mǐn nóng 憫農 [Compassion for Farmers] that “Sheí zhī pán zhōng cān, lì lì jiē xīn kǔ. 誰知盤中餐，粒粒皆辛苦.” (Who knows that on the dining plate, every single grain means hardship.) The word kǔ xīn 苦辛 came into being in the Six dynasties. In the Northern Qi dynasty, Yan Zhitui 顔之推 wrote in yán shì jiā xùn xù zhì 顔氏家訓序致 [Preface to the Family Education of Yan Clan] that “Cí xiōng jū yǎng, kǔ xīn bèi zhì. 慈兄鞠養，苦辛備至.” (It was extremely difficult for my kind brother to raise me.) In the Tang dynasty, Bai Juyi 白居易 wrote in the poem kǔ rè 苦熱 [Bitterly Hot] that “Cháo kè yīng fán juàn, nóng fū gèng kǔ xīn. 朝客應煩倦，農夫更苦辛.” (The pilgrims should be tired, and farmers suffer more.) Another case in point is that two words with opposite morpheme order originated in medieval times, as exemplified below. The two words bā lí 笆籬 and lí bā 籬笆 are synonymous, both referring to a barrier woven of bamboo or branches. The former appeared in the Tang dynasty, while the latter appeared in the Song dynasty. In the Tang dynasty, Bai Juyi 白居 易 wrote in the poem mǎi huā 買花 [Buying Flowers] that “Zhuó zhuó qiān duǒ hóng, jiān jiān wǔ shù sù, shàng zhāng wò mù bì, páng zhī bā lí hù. 灼灼千朵紅， 箋箋五束素，上張幄幕庇，旁織笆籬護.” (Some peonies here are luxuriant and bright red. For small bouquets of flowers, you have to pay the price of five bundles of white silk. They were carefully taken care of, and the owner put a curtain on them and built a fence.) In the Tang dynasty, Liu Yuxi 劉禹錫 wrote in the poem luò zhōng sòng hán qī zhōng chéng zhī wú xìng 洛中送韓七中丞之吴興 [Sending Zhongcheng Han Qi to Wuxing from Luozhong] that “Xī zhōng shì nǚ chū bā lí, xī shàng yuān yù bì huà qí. 溪中士女岀笆籬，溪上鴛鬻避畫旗.” (The young lady

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 97 in the stream goes out of the fence, and the mandarin ducks on the stream avoid painted flags.) In the Song dynasty, Liu Kezhuang 劉克莊 wrote in the poem suì wǎn shū shì 歲晚書事 [Trifles at Old Age] that “Huāng tái yě màn shàng lí bā, kè zhì duō yí bù zài jiā. 荒苔野蔓上籬笆，客至多疑不在家.” (Wild moss and wild vines go up the fence, and guests are suspicious that nobody is at home.) In the Song dynasty, Zhao Yi 赵翼 wrote in the poem yóu huáng lóng dòng 遊黄龍洞 [Visiting the Huanglong Cave] that “Shān wēng hé chú pù, cūn fù yǐ lí bā. 山翁荷 鋤舖，村婦倚籬笆.” (The old man in the mountain is carrying a hoe and spade, and the woman in the village is leaning against the fence.) The two words yuán yuàn 園苑 and yuàn yuán 苑園 are synonymous, both referring to the place where flowers and trees are planted and animals are raised. They originated in the Six dynasties. In yù zhāng wén xiàn wáng zhuàn 豫章文献 王傳 [The Biography of Xiao Yi, Wenxian King in Yuzhang] of nán qí shū 南齊書 [The Book of the Southern Qi dynasty], it reads that “Xíng yuán yuàn zhōng, chéng niǎn chū lí mén wài. 行園苑中，乘輦出籬門外.” (To walk in the garden and take a chariot out of the fence door.) In yáng dì 煬帝 [The Biography of Emperor Yang] of suí jì xià 隋紀下 [Records of Sui dynasty II] of běi shǐ 北史 [The Northern History], it reads “Cǎi hǎi nèi qí qín yì shòu cǎo mù zhī lèi, yǐ shí yuán yuàn. 采海内奇 禽異獸草木之類，以實園苑.” (Collect exotic birds, animals, plants, and trees all over the country to enrich the garden.) In fú ruì zhì 符瑞志 [Records of Fu Rui] of sòng shū 宋書 [The Book of Song dynasty], it reads that “Dà míng liù nián èr yuè wù wǔ, gān lín jiàng jiàn kāng jiān yào sì jí zhū yuàn yuán. 大明六年二月戊午， 甘霖降建康殲曜寺及諸苑園.” (In February of the sixth year of the Ming dynasty, the rain fell to Jianyao temple and the gardens in Jiankang.) In the Northern Wei dynasty, Cui Hong 崔鴻 wrote in xià lù chèn 夏録襯 [Records of Xia] of shí liù guó chūn qiū 十六國春秋 [The History of Sixteen Nations] that “Huá lín líng zhì, chóng tái mì shì, tōng fáng lián gé, chí dào yuàn yuán. 華林靈治，崇台秘 室， 通房連閣，馳道苑園.” (There are beautiful woods and marshes, high platforms and closed rooms. All the rooms are connected and there is a path in the garden.) The two words gǎn huà 感化 and huà gǎn 化感 are synonymous, both referring to persuading or influencing people or things to make them turn. It originated in the Six dynasties. In hua tan zhuàn 華譚傳 [The Biography of Hua Tan] of jìn shū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Jīn chéng fēng jiào dà tóng, sì hǎi wú yú, rén jiē gǎn huà, qù xié cóng zhèng. 今誠風教大同，四海無虞，人皆感化，去邪從 正.” (Today, the customs and teachings are the some throughout the country, and there is no danger in the world. People are so influenced that they abandoned what was evil and obeyed what was right.) In the zǐ yè gē 子夜歌 [Midnight Song] of yuè fǔ shī jí 樂府詩集 [The Collection of Yuefu Poems], it reads that “Chūn cán yì gǎn huà, sī zi yǐ fù shēng. 春蠶易感化，絲子已復生.” (I am as easily moved as the silkworm in spring, and I have the feeling of acacia in my heart.) In fēng gǔ 風骨 [Feng Gu] of wén xīn diāo lóng 文心雕龍 [The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons], it reads that “《 Shī》 zǒng liù yì, 《 Fēng 》 guān qí shǒu, sī nǎi huà gǎn zhī běn yuán, zhì qì zhī fú qì yě. 《詩》總六 義，《風》冠其首，斯乃化 感之本源，志氣之符契也.” (The Book of Songs has six parts in total, and Feng ranks first for the reason that it is the source of influence, and is consistent with the

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The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese

requirements of ambition.) In zhang hua yuan zhuàn 張華原傳 [The Biography of Zhang Huayuan] of běi shǐ 北史 [The Northern History], it reads that “Zhōu dōng běi qī shí lǐ zèng shān zhōng, hū yǒu liù bó shí měng shòu, xián yǐ wèi huà gǎn suǒ zhì qì. 州東北七十里甑山中，忽有六駁食猛獸，咸以爲化感所致气.” (In the Mountain Zeng 70 miles northeast of the state, suddenly there were six eating beasts, which they all believed were the result of his reputation.) The two words zhé mó 折磨 and mó zhé 磨 (摩) 折 are synonymous, both having the meanings of blow and setback, which originated in the Tang dynasty. Bai Juyi 白居易 from the Tang dynasty stated in the poem of Chūn wǎn yǒng huái zèng huáng fǔ lǎng zhī 春晚詠懷贈皇甫朗之 [Chanting the Thoughts of Late Spring and Presenting it to Huangfu Langzhi] that, “Duō zhōng gèng bèi chóu qiān yǐn, shǎo lǐ jiān zāo bìng zhé mó. 多中更被愁牽引，少裏兼遭病折 磨.” (Many people are more dragged by sorrow, and few people are also tortured by disease.) In addition, it can be found in the poem chóu wēi zhī 酬微之 [Payment Is Little] that “Cái mìng xiāng mó zhé, tiān qiǎn wú ér yù yuàn shuí? 才命 相磨折，天遣無兒欲怨誰？” (One’s talent and destiny are always contradictory. God punishes me and deprives me of having sons. Who should I blame?) In gù yuán jiàn dà shī èr shí sì xiào yā zuò wén 故圓鑒大師二十四孝押座文 [Deceased Master Yuanjian’s Twenty-Four Filial Piety Throne Pledge Article] of dūn huáng biàn wén jí 敦煌變文集 [The Anthology of Dunhuang Bianwen], it reads that “Qín kǔ què xū guī jǐ fēn, zī cái shēn jì rù sī fáng. xū yōu yīn lù xiāng mó zhé, mò xìn qī ér shuō duǎn zhǎng. 勤苦却須歸己分，資財深忌入私房. 須 憂陰鷺相摩折，莫信妻兒説短長.” (It is your own responsibility to work hard, but wealth should not go into your private houses. You should worry about your morality after death, but do not need to believe in the gossip of your wife and children.) In the Song dynasty, Su Shi 蘇軾 wrote in the poem zèng zhāng diāo èr lǎo 贈張刁二老 [Presenting to Parents of Zhang Diaoer] that “Wéi yǒu shī rén bèi zhé mó, jīn chāi líng luò bù chéng háng. 惟有詩人被折磨，金釵零落 不成行.” (Only poets are tortured, and gold hairpins are scattered, yet you still cannot write a single line.) The two words jùn jí 峻急 and jí jùn 急峻, synonymous with the meaning of severe, originated in the Six dynasties. Gan Bao 干竇 of the Jin dynasty wrote in the eighth volume of sōu shén jì 搜神記 [Searching for God] that “Shí wú zhèng yǐ jí, mò gǎn xuān yě. 時吴政蟻急，莫敢宣也.” (At that moment, Wu was in a hurry, but they did not dare to declare it.) In the Song dynasty, Su Zhe 蘇轍 wrote in qǐ fàng shì yì qiàn qián zhuàng 乞放市易欠錢狀 [Proposal to Give Up the Debts in Trade] that “Yuán fēng zhōng, cháo tíng cuī lǐ qiàn fù jí wèi jùn jí. 元豐 中，朝廷催理欠負極爲峻急.” (In the year of Yuanfeng, the government is very urgent in collecting the debt.) In the Song dynasty of the Southern dynasties, Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 wrote in huò nì 惑溺 [Worrying about Drowning] of shì shuō xīn yǔ 世説新語 [A New Account of Tales of the World] that “Jiǎ chōng yí shòu yǔ nǚ tōng, ér yuán qiáng zhòng mì, mén gé jí jùn, hé yóu de ěr? 〔賈充〕疑壽與女 通，而垣墻重密，門閣急峻，何由得爾？” [(Jia Chong) suspected that Shou has an affair with the woman, but the walls were high, and the doors and pavilions were tightly closed. How on earth did he manage it?]

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 99 The words yán zhěng 嚴整 and zhěng yán 整嚴 are synonymous with the meaning of serious and tidy and originated in the Six dynasties. In wei li zhuàn 衛璃傳 [The Biography of Wei Li] of jìn shū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “xìng yán zhěng, yǐ fǎ yù xià. 性嚴整，以法御下.” (He is strict in nature and rules by the law.) In li yuan tong zhuàn 李圓通傳 [The Biography of Li Yuantong] of suí shū 隋书 [The Book of Sui], it reads that “Xìng yán zhěng, zuǒ yòu bì pú, xián suǒ jìng dàn. 性嚴整，左右婢僕，咸所敬憚.” (He is strict with people, and all the maid servants in the household are afraid of him.) Pei Songzhi 裴松之 quoted wu lu 吴録 [Records of Wu] in sun jian zhuàn 孫堅傳 [The Biography of Sun Jian] of wú shū 吴書 [The Book of Wu] of sān guó zhì 三國志 [The Annals of the Three Kingdoms] and wrote that “Lú jiāng tài shǒu lù kāng cóng zi zuò yí chūn zhǎng, wèi zéi suǒ gōng, qiǎn shǐ qiú jiào yú jiān, jiān zhěng yán jiào zhī. 廬江太 守陸康從子作宜春長，爲賊所攻，遣使求教於堅，堅整嚴教之.” (The son of Lu Kangcong, the governor of Lujiang River, was the governor of Yichun at that time. He was attacked by the enemy, so he sent envoys to Sun Jian for help. Sun Jian seriously rescued them.) 2.4.3   Completely different in morphemes of two synonyms Two synonyms in the Chinese lexicon can have completely different morphemes. See the following examples. The two words biāo gé 標格 and fēng fàn 風範 are synonymous, both having the meaning of demeanor and spirit that can be used as a model, which originated in the Six dynasties. In the Northern Wei dynasty, Wen Zisheng 温子升 wrote in hán líng shān sì bēi 寒陵山寺碑 [Shanlingshan Temple Tablet] that “Dà chéng xiàng bó hǎi wáng, mìng shì zuò zǎi, wéi jī chéng wù, biāo gé qiān rèn, yá àn wàn lǐ. 大 丞相渤海王，命世作宰，惟機成務，標格千仞，崖岸萬里.” (The prime minister, the king of Bohai Sea, enjoyed high reputation in the world, but he cared little about himself. He had thus set a good example for the people and his demeanor was far from being imitated.) In the Tang dynasty, Yang Jingzhi 楊敬之 wrote in the poem zèng xiàng sī 赠项斯 [Presenting to Xiangsi] that “Jǐ dù jiàn shī shī jǐn hǎo, jí guān biāo gé guò yú shī, píng shēng bù jiě cáng rén shàn, dào chù xiāng féng shuō xiàng sī. 幾度見詩詩盡好，及觀標格過於詩，平生不解藏人善，到處相 逢説項斯.” (I always feel good when I read your poems. After meeting with you, I think your bearing and character are higher than your poetry. I do not know how to cover up the advantages of others in my life, so wherever I go, I praise Xiang Si’s character.) In yu gao zhi zhuàn 庾杲之傳 [The Biography of Yu Gaozhi] of nán qí shū 南齊書 [The Book of the Southern Qi dynasty], it reads that “Dāi zhī fēng fàn hé rùn, shàn yīn tǔ. 呆之風範和潤，善音吐.” (His style is gentle and mild, and he talks well, too.) In yuan zhan zhuànjì 袁湛傳記 [The Biography of Yuan Zhan] of nán shǐ 南史 [The Southern History] it reads that “Zì chū jí mò, wú kuī fēng fàn, cóng wēi zhì zhe, jiē wèi chēng zhí, gài yī dài zhī míng gōng yě. 自初及末， 無虧風範，從微至著，皆爲稱職，蓋一代之名公也.” (From the beginning to the end, there was no loss of style. Judging from the macro or specific point of view, he is all competent and is regarded as a famous scholar of the generation.)

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The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese

The two different words qié zi 茄子 and luò sū 落蘇 refer to an annual herb with purple flowers, spherical or oblong fruits, purple, white, or light green, and a shiny surface, which is an ordinary vegetable. In the Northern Wei dynasty, Jia Sixie 賈 思勰 wrote in the second volume of qí mín yào shù 齊民要術 [Qi Min Yao Shu] “zhǒng qié zi fǎ qì” 種茄子法气 (the method of growing eggplant). In the Tang dynasty, Duan Chengshi 段成式 wrote in cǎo piān 草篇 [Chapter Grass] of yǒu yáng zá zǔ 酉陽雜俎 [You Yang Za Zu] that “Qié zi zhāng zhōu fēng yún yī míng luò sū, shì jù Shí Liáo Běn Cǎo. 茄子 . . . 張〔周封〕云一名落蘇，事具《食 療本草》.” (Zhang Yun said, Qié Zi 茄子 can also be called Luò Sū 落蘇 and is included in the book shí liáo běn cǎo 食療本草 [Therapeutic Herbal Medicine].) In the Song dynasty, LuYou 陸游 wrote in lǎo xué ān bǐ jì 老學庵筆記 [Jottings from Laoxue An] that “《 Yǒu Yáng Zá Zǔ》 yún:’ qié zi yī míng luò sū, jīn wú rén zhèng wèi zhī luò sū. huò yún, qián wáng yǒu zi bǒ zú, yǐ shēng xiāng jìn, gù è rén yán qié zi, yì wèi bì rán. 《酉陽雜俎》云： ‘茄子一名落蘇，今吴人正謂 之落蘇.’ 或云，錢王有子跛足，以聲相近，故惡人言茄子，亦未必然.” (In You Yng Za Zu, it reads that Qié Zi has another name, Luò Sū. Wu people still call it Luò Sū today. It may be said that the emperor of Wu has a lame son, and Bo Zi is similar in pronunciation with Qie Zi. Therefore, the wicked named it Qié Zi. The story may not be true. Qié zi is still called Luò Sū in the Modern Wu dialect.) The two different words xiāo shāo 蟏蛸 and xǐ zi 喜子 have the same meaning, referring to a spider with long feet. Xiāo shāo 蟏蛸 came into being in ancient times. In the dōng shān東山 [Dongshan] of bīn fēng 豳風 [Bin Feng] of shī jīng 詩经 [The Book of Poetry], it reads that “Yī wēi zài shì, pán qiào zài hù. 伊威在室，蟠峭在户.” (The room is full of insects, and the door is full of cobwebs.) Chen Huan 陳奂 quoted Guo Pu’s 郭璞 note in ěr yǎ 爾雅 [Erya] and wrote in shī máo shì zhuàn shū 詩毛氏傳疏 [Shi Mao Shi Zhuan Shu] that “Xiǎo zhī zhū zhǎng jiǎo zhě, sú hū wèi xǐ zǐ. 小蜘蛛長脚者，俗呼爲喜子.” (Little spiders with long feet are generally called Xi Zi.) It can be used both in ancient and medieval times. In the Tang dynasty, Liu Zongyuan 柳宗元 wrote in the poem yóu cháo yáng yán suì dēng xī tíng shí èr yùn 遊朝陽岩遂登西亭 十二韻 [The Twenty Rhymes of Traveling to Chaoyang Rock and Climbing to the West Pavilion] that “Tíng chú zhí péng ài, chén (xì) yǒu xuán pán wō. 庭除 植蓬 艾，陳（隙）牖懸蟠蜗.” (Wormwood was planted in the courtyard, and big spiders hung in the narrow windows.) Xǐ Zi 喜子 came into being in the Six dynasties. In the Southern dynasty, Liang Zonghuai 梁宗懷 wrote in jīng chǔ suì shí jì 荆楚歲時記 [Festival Stories of the State of Chu] that “Qī xī, fù rén chú guā guǒ yú tíng zhōng yǐ qǐ qiǎo, yǒu xǐ zǐ wǎng yú guā shàng, zé yǐ wèi fú yīng. 七夕，婦 人 . . . 除瓜果於庭中以乞巧，有喜子網於瓜上，則以爲符 應.” (On the eve, melons and fruits were placed in the courtyard to pray to Vega and prayed that they could thus become dexterous. If a spider web is found on the fruit, they thought that they got the response to their prayers.) In the Song dynasty, Mei Yaochen 梅堯臣 wrote in the poem yī yùn hé shì bǐ ǒu shū 依韻和 試筆偶書 [Casual Compositions to the Rhyme] that “Xǐ yàn kāi shū jǐ niān háo xǐ zǐ cháo. 洗硯開書幾拈毫喜子巢.” (I wash the inkstone, open a few books, and dust off the web of the spiders.)

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese

101

The two words shōu shī收拾 and píng dàng 屏(併) 當 are synonymous with the same meaning of gather and tidy up. Shōu shī 收拾 was seen in the Eastern Han dynasty and is common in ancient and modern times. In bié tōng 别通 [Bie Tong] of lùn héng 論衡 [On Balance], it reads that “xiāo hé rù qín, shōu shí wén shū. 蕭 何入秦，收拾文書.” (Xiao He enters the Qin dynasty and gathers his books and papers.) In the Song dynasty, Yuefei 岳飛 wrote in mǎn jiāng hóng 滿江紅 [The River All Red] “Dài cóng tóu shōu shí jiù shān hé, cháo tiān què jū. 待從頭 收拾舊 山河，朝天闕疽.” (Let us start to take back our rivers and mountains, and report to the Heavenly Palace.). Píng dàng 屏 (併) 當 was seen in the Six dynasties. In the Song dynasty of the Southern dynasties, Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 wrote in dé xíng 德行 [Virtue] of shì shuō xīn yǔ 世説新語 [A New Account of Tales of the World] that “Wáng zhǎng yù wèi rén jǐn shùn, héng yǔ cáo fū rén bìng dāng xiāng qiè. 王長 豫爲人謹順 . . . 恒與曹夫人併當箱篋.” (Wang Changyu is a sincere man. Heng tidies up suitcases with Mrs. Cao.) Also in yǎ liàng 雅量 [Ya Liang], he wrote “Yǒu rén yì zǔ, jiàn liào shì cái wù. kè zhì, píng dāng wèi jǐn, yú liǎng xiǎo fàn, zhe bèi hòu qīng shēn zhàng zhī. 有人詣祖，見料視財物. 客至，屏當未盡， 餘兩小範，著背後•傾身障之.” (Someone went to see Zu Shishao and just saw him taking care of money. After the guests came in, he did not have time to cover up completely. The remaining two small corners were behind him, so he turned sideways to block it, and his face looked a little flustered.) In the Song dynasty, Wu Zeng 吴曾 wrote in néng gǎi zhāi màn lù 能改齋漫録 [Nenggaizhai Manlu] that “píng dāng (qù shēng) èr zì sú xùn shōu shí, rán jìn yǐ yǒu cǐ yǔ. 屏當（去聲） 二字俗訓收拾，然晉已有此語.” [The word dàng 當 (the fourth tone) means to tidy up, but it has been said so already early in the time of the Jin dynasty.] The two words tái jǔ 擡舉 and tí bá 提拔 are synonymous in medieval times with the meaning of selection and promotion. They originated in the Six dynasties. In the Tang dynasty, Bai Juyi 白居易 wrote in ní cháng yǔ yī gē 霓裳羽衣 歌 [Song of the Colorful Robe and Feather Clothes] “Yán chī yōu liè níng xiāng yuǎn, dà dū qí zài rén tái jǔ. 妍蚩優劣寧相遠，大都祇在人擡舉.” (Is there a big difference between beauty and ugliness, but only the exaltation by the people.) In the third volume of tài píng guǎng jì 太平廣記 [Records of the Taiping Era], it reads that “Jūn sù pín shì, wǒ xiāng tái jǔ, jīn wèi guì rén, cǐ yì yú jūn bù báo, hé gù shǐ fù jiā shū fú xiāng jiān? 君素貧士，我相擡舉，今爲貴人，此亦于 君不薄，何故使婦家 書符相間？” (You used to be a poor scholar. I gave you a promotion. Now you are a noble man, which is also good for you. Who knows that you have a bride today, you are ungrateful and take runzhuan to suppress me?) In fan hong zhi zhuàn 范弘之傳 [The Biography of Fan Hongzhi] of jìn shū 晉 書 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Gǎn qí tí bá zhī ēn, huái qí rù má zhī yù. 感 其提拔之恩，懷其入蟆之遇.” (He felt grateful for the promotion and cherished their intimate relationships.) In the Tang dynasty, Bai Juyi 白居易 wrote in the poem chú zhōng zhōu jì xiè cuī xiàng gōng 除忠州寄謝崔相公 [Farewell to Cui Xianggong upon going to Zhongzhou] that “Tí bá chū ní zhī lì jié, chuī xū shēng chì jiàn qíng shēn. 提拔出泥知力竭，吹嘘生翅見情深.” (Pulling from mud, one knows what fatigue is like, and praising each other, one knows what deep affection is like.)

102

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese

The two words jùn júe 峻絶 and jùn qiào 巉峭 are synonymous in medieval times with the meaning of precipitous and steep. In the Jin dynasty, Guo Pu 郭璞 wrote in liú yù fù 流寓賦 [Liu Yu Fu] that “Hài sī jìng zhī jùn jué, gǎn wáng yáng ér zēng jù. 駭斯徑之峻絶，感王陽而增懼.” (The precipitous path astonished me and the thinking of Wang Yang increases my fear.) In the Northern Wei dynasty, Li Daoyuan 鄒道元 wrote in jiāng shuǐ 江水 [The Jiang River] of shuǐ jīng zhù 水經注 [Commentary on the Waterways Classic] that “Jiāng nán àn yǒu shān gū xiù, cóng jiāng zhōng yǎng wàng, bì lì jùn jué. 江南岸有山孤秀，從江中仰望， 壁立峻絶.” (There is a beautiful mountain on the south bank of the river. Looked up from the river, the mountain looks very precipitous.) In kāng 康 [Kang] of xīn táng shū 新唐書 [The Biography of the Western Regions II of the Book of the New Tang dynasty], it reads that “Yǒu tiě mén shān, zuǒ yòu yǐ qiào, shí sè rú tiě. 有 鐵門山，左右蟻峭，石色如鐵.” (There is a mountain named Tiemen Mountain. It is steep on the left and right sides, and the stone color is like iron.) In the Song dynasty, Sun Guangxian 孫光憲 wrote in the seventh volume of běi mèng suǒ yán 北夢瑣言 [Trivial Words on Northern Dream] that “Fú jiàn dào yǐ hǎi kǒu huáng qì àn héng shí jùn qiào, cháng wèi zhōu jí zhī huàn. 福建道以海口黄磧岸横石 峻峭，常爲舟楫之患.” (There are many steep boulders on the shore of Huangqi harbor in Fujian Province, which poses a great threat to the passing ships.)

2.5

Multiple polysyllabic words forming a synonymous relationship

The development of synonyms in Middle Chinese is also reflected in the increasing number of synonymous relations formed by multiple polysyllabic words. There are three situations to be described below. Firstly, people name things from different perspectives, resulting in a variety of synonymous phenomena. For example, with regard to the name of heaven, in addition to tiān 天, there are cāng tiān 蒼天, huáng tiān 皇天, hao tiān 昊天, min tiān 旻天, shàng tiān 上天, xuan tiān 玄天, and qing tiān 青天 in ancient times. In shǔ lí 黍離 [Shu Li] of wáng fēng 王風 [Wang Feng] of shī jīng 诗经 [The Book of Songs], it reads that “yōu yōu cāng tiān, cǐ hé rén zāi? 悠悠蒼天，此何人哉？” (Almighty Heaven, who caused me to run away from home?) In mao zhuàn 毛傳 [Exegesis on the Book of Poetry], it reads that “Cāng tiān yǐ tǐ yán zhī, zūn ér jūn zhī zé chēng huáng tiān, yuán qì guǎng dà zé chēng hào tiān, rén fù mǐn xià zé chēng mín tiān, zì shàng jiàng jiān zé chēng shàng tiān, jù yuǎn shì zhī cāng cāng rán zé chēng cāng tiān. 蒼天以體言之，尊而君之則稱皇天，元氣廣大則稱昊 天，仁覆閔下則稱旻天，自上降監則稱上天，據遠視之蒼蒼然則稱蒼天.” (The heaven speaks in different perspectives. If you become the king, you will be called huáng tiān 皇天. If you have great vitality, you will be called the Hao Tiān 昊天. If you have mercy on people, you will be called the min tiān 旻天. If you come down from heaven to govern the people, you be called the shàng tiān 上天. If you seem green from afar, you will be called the cāng tiān 蒼天.) In yǔ wú zhèng 雨無正 [No Justice in the Rain] of xiǎo yǎ 小雅 [Xiaoya], it reads that “Mín tiān jí wēi, fú lǜ fú tú. 旻天疾威，弗慮弗圖.” (The emperor is too tyrannical, and his

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 103 plan is always incomplete.) In xiǎo míng 小明 [Xiao Ming], it reads that “Míng míng shàng tiān, zhào lín xià tǔ. 明明上天，照臨下土.” (The blue sky above shines on the earth and overlooks the world.) In yáo diǎn 堯典 [Yao Dian] of shū 書 [Shang Shu], it reads that “nǎi mìng yì hé, qīn ruò hào tiān, lì xiàng rì yuè xīng chén, jìng shòu rén shí. 乃命義和，欽若昊天，曆象日月星辰，敬授人時.” (It ordered Xi and He to strictly follow the celestial phenomena, calculate the law of the operation of the sun, moon, and stars, formulate the calendar, and tell people the time and seasons.) In lí sāo 離騒 [On Encountering Trouble] of chǔ cí 楚辭 [Poetry of the South], it reads that “Huáng tiān wú sī ā xī, lǎn mín dé yān cuò fǔ. 皇天無私阿兮，覽民德焉錯輔.” (Heaven is open and aboveboard without partiality. When he sees a virtuous person, he tries to make him a minister of the prime minister.) In zài yòu 在宥 [Zai You] of zhuāng zi 莊子 [Works of Zhuang Zi], it reads “luàn tiān zhī jīng, nì wù zhī qíng, xuán tiān fú chéng jū. 亂天之經， 逆物之情，玄天弗成疽.” (Disturb the laws of nature and violate the common sense of the world, and God will not make such people succeed.) In tián zǐ fāng 田子方 [Tian Zi Fang], it reads that “Fū zhì rén zhě, shàng fá qīng tiān, xià qián huáng quán, huī chì bā jí, shén qì bù biàn. 夫至人者，上閥青天，下潛黄泉，揮 斥八極，神氣不變.” (A man of noble self-cultivation can peep into the blue sky from the top and sneak into the yellow spring from the bottom. His spirit is free and unrestrained, reaching all parts of the universe, and his expression will never change.) Later on, there are bì tiān 碧天 and qióng tiān 穹天 as well. In the Jin dynasty, Wang Xizhi 王義之 wrote in the poem lán tíng 蘭亭 [Orchid Pavilion] “yǎng shì bì tiān jì, fǔ kàn lǜ shuǐ bīn. 仰視碧天際，俯瞰緑水濱.” (Looking up at the blue sky and overlooking the green waterfront.) In the Jin dynasty, Lu Yun 陸雲 wrote in jiǔ huái 九淮 [Jiu Huai] “Fàn fāng dì ér shì jǔ, yí qióng tiān ér chéng guī. 範方地而式矩，儀穹天而承規.” (Observe the earth, and you will know what is square; observe the sky, and you will know what is circle.) Cāng, huáng, xīng, mǐn, xuán, bì, qīng, and qióng respectively represent color, shape, nature, and position. As morphemes, they are alluded to in order to modify heaven. These monosyllabic words can be used as a pronoun of Tian if they are combined with the prefix, or matched in pairs, or appear in tautology. Among them, you hao 有昊 and cāng qióng 苍穹 have been seen in the pre-Qin dynasty. In xiàng bó 巷 伯 [Xiangbo] of xiǎo yǎ 小雅 [Xiaoya] of shī 詩 [The Book of Songs], it reads that “Yǒu běi bù shòu, tóu bì yǒu hào. 有北不受，投畀有昊.” (If the northern desert does not get it disposed of, then you can throw it to the heaven.) In sāng róu 桑柔 [Song Rou] of dà yá 大雅 [Da Ya], it reads that “Mí yǒu lǚ lì, yǐ niàn qióng cāng. 靡有旅力，以念穹蒼.” (If no one makes contribution, how can you beg for mercy from heaven?) Kong Yingda 孔穎達 quoted LiXun 李巡 and wrote in zhèng yì 正 義 [Justice] that “Yǎng shì tiān xíng, qióng lóng ér gāo, sè cāng cāng rán, gù yuē qióng cāng jū. 仰視天形，穹隆而高，色 蒼蒼然，故曰穹蒼疽.” (Looking up at the sky, the dome is high and blue, so it is called Cāng Qióng.) Zhu Xi 朱熹 wrote in jí jiě 集解 [Ji Jie] that “Qióng cāng, tiān yě. qióng yán qí xíng, cāng yán qí sè. 穹 蒼，天也. 穹言其形，蒼言其色.” (Cāng qióng 蒼穹 refers to the sky. Qióng 穹 speaks of its shape and cāng 蒼 speaks of its color.) Li and Zhu well explained the word formation of the word cāng qióng 蒼穹. In the Han dynasty, hào cāng 昊蒼,

104 The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese wú qióng 吴穹, cāng wú 蒼吴, mǐn qióng 旻穹, huáng qióng 皇穹, and cāng cāng 蒼蒼 were added, and more were produced from the Six dynasties to the Tang and Song dynasties, such as cāng xuán 蒼玄, cāng míng 蒼冥, cāng mǐn 蒼旻, cāng jí 蒼極, cāng qióng 蒼穹, qióng hào 穹昊, qióng mǐn 穹旻, xuán hào 玄昊, xuán qióng 玄穹, qīngmíng 青冥, qīng cāng 青蒼, qīng xiāo 青霄 and qīng yuán 青圓, qióng bì 穹碧, qióng xuán 穹玄, bì hàn 碧漢, bì kōng 碧空, bì mǐn 碧旻, bì liáo 碧寥, bì luò 碧落, bì xiāo 碧霄, bì xū 碧虚, gāo míng 高明, shàng yuán 上圓, etc. Although the composition of word formation is not exactly the same, they all have the meaning of heaven. The synonym of tiān 天 produced before the Han dynasty continues to exist. As such, the name of tiān 天 in Middle Chinese constitutes a synonym group with more than 40 words. The sun and the moon are two common points in the sky. In the history of the Han nationality, there are many myths and legends about the sun and the moon. Coupled with other reasons, there are many different names of the sun and the moon, and thus formed two synonym groups for the same thing and different names. Oracle bone inscriptions have the words rì 日 and yuè 月, which should be much earlier in oral English. In the Zhou and Qin dynasties, rì 日 was also nicknamed as dà míng 大明, bái rì 白日, zhū míng 白日, yào líng 曜靈, and so on. Han people believe that the sun is the essence of sunshine, so it is also called tài yáng 太陽. After the Wei and Jin dynasties, there were more nicknames of rì 日, such as chì gài 赤蓋 (the color of the sun is red, and the shape of the sun is like the cover of a car), chì wū 赤烏, chì yā 赤鴉, hóng péng 紅鵬, jīn wū 金烏, jīn yā 金鴉, bá wū 跋烏, yáng wū 陽烏, wū yáng 烏陽 (these names are all due to the fact that there is a three-legged phoenix in the mythological day), yì hé 義和, yì lún 羲輪, yìtíng 羲庭, yì yào 義曜 (these names are all due to the fact that yì hé 義和 is God driving the sun car in the ancient legend), hóng lún 紅輪 (the color of the sun is red, and it is shaped like a wheel), huǒ lún 火輪 (the color of the sun is like fire, and the shape of the sun is like a wheel), Jīn Lún 金輪 (the color of the sun is like gold, and the shape of the sun is like a wheel), rì chē 日 车 (the daily operation is like a car) rì lún 日輪 (the shape of the sun is like a wheel), rìtóu 日 頭 (ri 日 plus additional components), rì yù 日馭 (the shape of the sun is like a wheel, and the circumference is like a wheel), and yáng líng 陽靈 (the sun is the God of light), etc. The moon has more names in the Chinese lexicon. Ancient Chinese believed that the moon was the essence of Yin Qi. According to myths and legends, there were elliptical spiders, white rabbits, Chang’er, Guanghan palace, and osmanthus trees in the moon. Scholars often associate the full moon with people’s happiness and sadness, resulting in all kinds of reveries. Then, the names of yuè 月 appeared one after another. Some examples follow. Bái tù 白 兔, gù tù 顧兔, jīn tù 金兔, tù yuè 兔月, xuán tù 玄兔, yù tù 玉兔 (all lies in that there are white rabbits in the mythological moon), yù chán 玉蟾 (the moon is like jade, and there is a toad ridge in the mythological moon), chán guì 蟾桂 (there are tadflies and cinnamon trees in the mythological moon), chán lún 蟾輪 (the moon is like a wheel, and there are toads in the middle of the moon), Chán hún 蟾魂 (there are toads in the mythological moon), chán tù 蟾兔 (there are toad bees and white rabbit in the

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 105 mythological moon), yù gōng 玉宫 (there is Guanghan Palace in the moon, and the moon is like a jade), ér lún 娥輪 (there is Chang’er in the moon, and the moon is like a wheel), and ér yuè 娥月 (there is Chang’er in the moon). In addition, there are words related the moon like guì gōng 桂宫, guìpò 桂魄, guì yuè 桂月, yuè guì 月桂 (there is a laurel tree in the moon), guì lún 桂輪 (there is a laurel tree in the moon, and the moon is as round as a wheel), jīn chán 金蟾 (there is a toad in the moon, and the moon is like gold), jīn’ér 金娥 (there is Chang’er in the moon, and the moon is like gold), jīn jìng 金鏡 (the full moon is like a mirror), jīn pò 金魄 (the shadow of the full moon is as brilliant as gold), yù pò 玉魄 (the moon is like jade, and the moon dims or shines), yù jìng 玉镜 (the moon is like a mirror), sù ér 素娥 (there is Chang’er in the moon, and the moon is light in color), sù pò 素 魄 (the moon is light in color), wàng shū 望舒 (it refers to the fairy who drove the carriage in the moon in wood mythology), yīn tù 陰兔 (the mythical moon is the essence of Yin Qi, and there is a rabbit in the moon), yín chán 銀蟾 (there is a toad in the mythical moon, and the color of the moon is silver), yù chán 玉蟾 (there is a toad in the mythical moon, and the color of the moon is like jade), yù lún 玉輪 (the color of the moon is like jade, and the shape of the moon is like a wheel), yuán guāng 圖光 (the moon is like a wheel), yuè lún 月輪 (the shape of the moon is like a wheel), yuè zǐ (yue plus zi), and so on. Many of the above-mentioned synonyms of heaven, sun, and moon constitute different synonym groups in Middle Chinese, which are widely used in written Chinese language and provide convenient conditions for poets to write scenery and express their feelings, and correspondingly increase the color of art in Chinese language. Secondly, transliteration and free translation coexist, often forming synonym groups. For example, since Buddhism was introduced into China in the Eastern Han dynasty, it was widely spread through the Six dynasties and even the Tang and Song dynasties. There are many names of male Buddhists, as follows. Regarding āshàng 阿上, in the Liang dynasty of the Southern dynasties, HuiJiao 慧皎 wrote in sòng shì tán dì 宋釋曇諦 [Shi Yundi in the Song dynasty] of gāo sēng zhuàn 高僧傳 [A Biography of Eminent Monks] that “Guǎng tóng zǐ hé yǐ hū sù lǎo míng? Dì yuē xiàng zhě hū yán ā shàng shì dì shā mí, wèi zhòng sēng cǎi yào, bèi yě zhū suǒ shāng, bù jué shī shēng ěr. 广童子何以呼宿老名？諦曰； 向者忽言阿上是諦沙彌，爲衆僧采藥，被野豬所傷，不覺失聲耳.” (Why do children like you call people as old as me by their first names? Di replied, when he heard that he was still a little Sami, he had taken medicine for other monks and was hurt by wild boars. Hence, he could not hear anyone else.) With regard to āyì 阿逸, Qin Zhu Buddha wrote in the ninth volume of bí nài yé 鼻奈耶 [Bi Nai Ye] that “Fó shì zūn wèn zhū ā yì’jīn rì yīng yù bù? Zhū bǐ qiū dá yuē: ‘jīn rì yīng yù. 佛世尊 . . . 問諸阿逸’ 今日應浴不？諸比丘答曰： ‘今日應浴’.” (Buddha asks Ah Yì, “Should I take a bath today?” All the monks replied, “we should take a bath today.”) Regarding bǐ qiū 比丘, in the Han dynasty, an Shigao wrote in the book rén běn yù shēng jīng 人本欲生經 [Human Desire for Life] that “Shì shí bǐ qiū bù tòng wèi shēn, shēn yì bù gēng tòng. 是時比丘不痛 爲身，身亦不更痛.” (At this time, the monk does not feel pain in the body, and

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the body does not feel any pain.) In the Northern Wei dynasty, Li Daoyuan 鄒道元 wrote in qīng shuǐ 清水 [The Qing River] of shuǐ jīng zhù 水經注 [Commentary on the Waterways Classic] that “Shàng yǒu bǐ qiū shì sēng xùn jīng shè, sì yǒu shí yú sēng. 上有比丘釋僧訓精舍，寺有十餘僧.” (There are Buddhist monk training houses, and there are more than ten monks in the temple.) As for bǐ qiū sēng 比丘僧, Qin Zhu Buddha wrote in the ninth volume of bí nài yé 鼻奈耶 [Bi Nai Ye] that “Shí shì zūn jí chì yī bǐ qiū sēng: ‘rǔ wǎng yì shè lì fú suǒ, shì zūn lái hū rǔ’. 時世尊即勅一比丘僧： ‘汝往詣舍利佛所，世尊來呼 汝’.” (The Buddha ordered a monk that you go to the Buddhist relic, and the Buddha comes to call you.) With regard to bì chú 芯芻, in the Tang dynasty, Xuan Zang 玄奘 wrote in jīn gāng bō rě bō luó mì jīng 金剛般若波羅蜜經 [The Diamond Perfection of Wisdom Sutra] that “Shí báo jiā fàn zài shì luó fá, zhù shì duō lín gěi gū dú yuán, yǔ dà xīn chú zhòng qiān èr bǎi wǔ shí rén jù. 時薄伽梵在室羅筏， 住逝多林給孤獨 園，與大芯芻衆千二百五十人俱.” (When Bhagavan was on the Shiluo raft, he lived in the lonely garden in the dead forest with 1250 monks.) Regarding bō yú jīng 缽盂精, in the Song dynasty, Tao Gu 陶穀 wrote in 清異録 [The Monk] of qīng yì lù 清異録 [Qing Yi Lu] that “Xíng jiǎo sēng jīng jǔ zi lǘ jǔ zi yáng biān yuē: ‘bō yú jīng, qiě lǐ huì qǔ yǎng mìng yuán’. 行脚僧驚舉子驢 . . . 舉子揚鞭曰：‘ 缽盂精，且理會取養命圓’.” (The walking monk startled his donkey. He raised his whip and said, “Monk, and pay attention to the life circle.”) The bowl is a monk’s food utensil, which is used as a device to make fun of the monk. With regard to chū jiā rén 出家人, in the Three Kingdom period, Wu Zhiqian 吴 支謙 wrote in the fifth volume of qīng yì lù 撰集百緣經 [A Collection of Hundred Aargin Sutras] that “Rǔ chū jiā rén, hé wèi rú shì?” 汝出家人，何爲如是？ (You are a monk and why?) As for chū jiā shī 出家師, in Five dynasties period, jìng 静 and yún 筠 appeared in volume 15 of zǔ táng jí 祖堂集 [Zu Tang Ji] such that “Dà shī yún: ruò chū jiā shī zé lǎo sēng, ruò fā míng shī zé bié rén, shì nǐ lǘ nián zài wǒ zhè lǐ yě bù dé. 大師 云：若出家師則老僧，若發明師則 别人，是你驢年在我這裏也不得.” (The master says, “if you are a monk, you will be an old monk; if you are an inventor, you will be someone else. You can’t be here in the year of donkey.”) As for cuì kè 毳客, in the Tang dynasty, Li Dong 李洞 wrote in the poem zǔ táng jí 春日隱居宫舍感懷 [Feelings of Living in Seclusion in the Palace in Spring] that “Tái fáng wǔ kè lùn sān xué, xuě lǐng cháo qín zhe liǎng yá. 苔房舞客論三學， 雪嶺巢禽著兩衙.” (In the moss room, the monk talks about three learnings, and on the snow ridge, the nest birds overlook the palace.) Cuì 毳 refers to a woolen fabric made of bird and animal hair, which is a monk’s mustache. For cuì nà 毳衲, in the Song dynasty, Sun Guangxian 孫光憲 wrote in volume 11 of běi mèng suǒ yán 北夢瑣言 [Trivial Words on Northern Dream] that “Zuǒ yuàn yǒu hàn nà zhě, yīn yǔ fǎ chéng xiāng shí, chū rù qí jiā jū yí nà, sēng yī, dài chēng. 左院有漢衲者，因與法成相識，出入其家疽儀衲，僧衣，代稱.” (There are monks in the left courtyard. They can go in and out of their home as they know Fa Cheng.) Cuì nà 毳衲 here refers to monk’s clothes. As for cuì páo 毳袍, in the Five dynasties period, Qi Ji 齊已 wrote in the poem xǐ de zì mù shàng rén shū 喜得自牧上人書 [Xi De Zi Mu Shang Ren Shu] that

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 107 “Wú dōu shǐ zhě fàn jīng tāo, líng yī chuán shū wèi yáo páo. 吴都使者泛驚濤， 靈一傳書尉堯袍.” (The messengers of the capital of Wu came by rough sea, and the Spirit sent a letter to comfort the monk.) For cuì xī 毳錫, in the Tang dynasty, Huang Tao wrote in the poem líng shān sù běi fāng pí shā mén tiān wáng bēi 靈山塑北方毗沙門天王碑 [Sculpture of the Tablet of the Northern King of Pishan in Lingshan] that “Wǔ xī bǎi cuì qí xià wǔ, pú jīng liù hǒu qí xiāo jiā. 舞錫百萃其夏午，蒲鯨六吼其宵加.” (The monk gathers its summer afternoon, and Pujing six roars its night.) Cuì xī 毳錫 and tin xī zhàng 錫杖 are used by monks, which can represent them. Regarding fǎ tú 法徒, in the Liang dynasty of the Southern dynasties, Jianwen Emperor wrote in sòng jī sì huì niàn fǎ shī mù míng 宋姬寺慧念法師墓銘 [The Tomb Inscription of Master Huinian in Songji Temple] that “Rú bǐ gāo shān, fǎ tú sī yǎng. 如彼高山，法徒斯仰.” (The monks will worship you if you are like that mountain.) For fǎ zǐ 法子, in the North Wei dynasty, HuiJue 慧覺 wrote in the fourth volume of xián yú jīng 賢愚經 [The Book of the Virtue and Folly] that “ěr shí mù lián wèn yán: fǎ zǐ, rǔ hé suǒ zuò? 爾時目連 . . . 問言：法子，汝何所作？” (At that time, he looked into the other’s eyes and asked, “what did you do?”) As for fó dìzǐ 佛弟子, in the Jin dynasty, Fa Yu 法昱 wrote in fa yu zhuàn 法昱 傳 [The Biography of Fayu] that “Fa yu xiān ān wèi zhī, suí wèn: ‘rǔ shì hé rén?’ dá yuē: ‘wǒ shì fó’. 法昱先安慰之，隨問：‘汝是何人’？ 答曰：‘我是佛’.” (Fayu comforted him first and asked, “who are you?” The answer is “I am the monk.”) Regarding fó rén 佛人, in the Tang dynasty, Sikong Yuan 司空圖 wrote in zé zhōu líng quán yuàn jì 澤州靈泉院記 [Visiting Lingquan Courtyard in Zezhou] that “Zì hàn jiāng běi dù yǐ zhì wèi jìn zhī jiāo, qí sú jiān hàn nán yòu, jīn zé xī wèi fó rén yǐ. 自漢江北渡以至魏晉之郊，其俗堅悍難誘，今則悉爲佛人矣.” (Since crossing the north of the Han River to the suburbs of the Wei and Jin dynasties, the customs are tough and difficult to lure. Monks live there nowadays.) With regard to fó zǐ 佛子, in the Han dynasty, Zhi Chen wrote in the second volume of tiān pǐn miào fǎ lián huá jīng 添品妙法蓮華經 [The Lotus Sutra of Adding Wonderful Dharma] that “Jīn rì nǎi zhī zhēn shì fó zǐ, cóng fú kǒu shēng, cóng fǎ huà shēng, dé fó fǎ fēn. 今日乃知真是佛子,從佛口生，從法化 生，得佛法分.” (I know that I am really a monk today. I was born from the mouth of the Buddha and transformed from the dharma, and I got the true meaning of Buddhism.) As for hé shàng 和尚, in the Song dynasty, Hong Mai wrote in the sixth volume of yí jiān jiǎ zhì 夷堅甲志 [Yi Jian Jia Zhi] that “Yì yǒu jīn yī liǎng, zài dì zǐ yáo hé shàng chù. 憶有金一兩，在弟子姚和尚處.” (I remember that there is a pound of gold at the place of disciple Monk Yao.) As for hé shàng zǐ 和尚子, in the Song dynasty, Pu Ji 普濟 wrote in volume 15 of wǔ dēng huì yuán 五燈會元 [Wu Deng Hui Yuan] that “Zhū hé shàng zi mò wàng xiǎng, tiān shì tiān, dì shì dì, shān shì shān, shuǐ shì shuǐ, sēng shì sēng, fú shì fú. 諸和尚子莫妄想，天是天，地是 地，山是山，水是水，僧是僧， 佛是佛.” (All monks should not have false delusion. Heaven is heaven, earth is earth, mountains are mountains, water is water, monks are monks, and Buddha is Buddha.)

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Regarding kūn fū 髡夫, in the Tang dynasty, Li Deyu 李德裕 wrote in wang zhi xing dù sēng ní zhuàng 王智興度僧尼狀 [Wang Zhixing Detached Monks and Nuns] that “Fǎng wèn sì zhōu zhì tán cì dì, fán kūn fū dào zhě, rén nà èr mín, gěi dié jí huí, bié wú fǎ shì. 訪問泗州置壇次第，凡髡夫到者，人納二 緡，給牒 即回，別無法事.” (He visited Sizhou and set up the altar, and every monk that came would get two strings and return immediately after receiving a certificate. Other than that, there were no more religious rites.) As for kūn fū 髡人, in the Tang dynasty, Feng Yi 馮翊 wrote in tài wèi zhu ya biàn yù 太尉朱崖辨獄 [Taiwei ZhuYa Hold a Trail] of guì yuàn cóng tán 桂苑叢 談 [Gui Yuan Cong Tan] that “kūn rén jù shí yǐ wén, yuē guǎng jū sì zhě lè yú zhī shì, qián hòu zhǔ zhī zhě, jī nián yǐ lái, kōng jiāo fēn jīn wén shū, qí shí wú jīn. 髡 人具實以聞，曰广居寺者樂於知事，前後主之者，積年以來，空交分金文 書，其實無金.” (The monks told the truth. They said that the monks of Guangju Temple all knew that the masters in charge of the temple had just handed in an account book of distributing the gold, but giving no gold at all for so many years.) Regarding kōng mén shì 空門士, in the Tang dynasty, Zheng Liangshi 鄭良士 wrote in the poem jì fù yáng yuàn chán zhě 寄富洋院禪者 [To the Buddhist in Fuyang Yuan] that “Shuí néng xué dé kōng mén shì, lěng què xīn huī shǒu jì liáo. 誰能學得空門士，冷却心灰守寂寥.” (The monks cool his heart and keep his solitude, who else can learn from them?) As for kōng mén zǐ 空門子, in the Tang dynasty, Zhang Hu wrote in the poem tí líng yǐn sì shī yī shàng rén 題靈隱寺師一上人 [To the Master in Lingy in Temple] that “Bā shí kōng mén zi, shēn shān tǔ mù hái. 八十空門子，深山土木 骸.” (Eighty monks live freely in the deep mountains and forests.) With regard to nà kè 衲客, in the Song dynasty, Weng Juan 翁卷 wrote in the poem yù nán chāng sēng shè 寓南昌僧舍 [Living in a Monk’s House in Nanchang] “Tū wù chán guān hé dài yú, xián tóng nà kè tīng zhōng yú. 突兀禪官何 代餘，閑同衲客聽鍾魚.” (Why can the towering temple take me in? I listen to the bells and wooden fish with the monks when I am free.) As for nà sēng 衲僧, in the Tang dynasty, Duan Chengshi wrote in the second volume of yǒu yáng zá zǔ 酉陽雜俎 [You Yang Za Zu] that “Cháng yǒu nà sēng guò mén, qí jiā yīn liú zhī gōng yǎn. 嘗有衲僧過門，其家因留之供養.” (At that time a monk came through the door, and his family kept him in the house and support him.) As for nà shī 衲師, in the Tang dynasty, Li Shen 李紳 wrote in the poem lóng gōng sì 龍宫寺 [The Dragon Palace Temple] that “Yín dì xī biān yù nà shī, xiào jiāng huā yǔ zhǐ qián zhī. 銀地溪邊遇衲師，笑將花宇指潛知.” (I met a monk by the Yindi stream; he smiled, pointing at the bunch of flowers.) In addition, there is nà zǐ 納子. In the Five dynasties period, Jing and Yun wrote in volume 18 of zǔ táng jí 祖堂集 [The Collection of Ancestral Halls] that “Lóng shé yì biàn, nà zi nán zhèng. 龍蛇易弁，納子難證.” (Dragons and snakes are easy to distinguish, but the monk is difficult to provide evidence.) Here, Nà 納 is the same meaning as Nà衲, referring to monk’s clothes. Regarding sēng jiā 僧家, in fú shuō ā mí tuó jīng jiǎng jīng wén 佛説阿彌陀經 講經文 [Buddha Preaches the Amitabha Sutra] in dūn huáng biàn wén jí 敦煌變文

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 109 集 [The Anthology of Dunhuang Bianwen] that “Sēng jiā hé hé wèi mén, dào chù xī jiē yī zhǒng jū. 僧家和合爲門，到處悉皆一 種疽.” (Monks live in harmony and it is the same everywhere.) As for sēng jiā 僧伽, in the Tang dynasty, Liu Xingmin 劉行敏 wrote in the poem cháo li shu shen hè lán sēng jiā dù shàn xián 嘲李叔慎賀蘭僧伽杜善賢 [Mocking Li Shushen, Monk Helan and Du Shanxian] that “Shu shen qí wū mǎ, sēng jiā bǎ qī gōng. 叔慎騎烏馬，僧伽把漆弓.” (Shu Shen rides a dark horse, while the monk holds a bow.) As for sēng lǚ 僧侣, in the Song dynasty, Pu Ji 普濟 wrote in the eighth volume of wǔ dēng huì yuán 五燈會元 [Wu Deng Hui Yuan] that “Zhì kāi táng rì, guān liáo yǔ sēng lǚ jù huì fǎ yán. 至開堂日，官寮與僧侣俱會法筵.” (On the day of the trial, the officials and monks all gathered in the court.) In addition, there is sēng rén 僧人. In the Tang dynasty, Japanese Monk Yuan Ren 圓仁 wrote in volume IV of rù táng qiú fǎ xún lǐ xíng jì 入唐求法巡禮行 記 [Records of the Journey of Seeking Dharma in the Tang dynasty] that “Kàn qí tǐ sè, cóng jīn yǐ hòu bú yào sēng rén rù nèi. 看其體色，從今已後不要僧人入 内.” (Judging by the color of his body, the monk was not allowed to enter from now on.) As for the word sēng tú 僧徒, in shì lǎo zhì 釋老志 [Shi Lao Zhi] of wèi shū 魏 書 [The Book of Wei], it reads that “Tài zǔ wén qí míng, zhào yǐ lǐ zhēng fù jīng shī, hòu yǐ wèi dào rén tǒng, suō shè sēng tú. 太祖聞其名，詔以禮徵赴京師， 後以爲道人統，縮攝僧徒.” (When Taizu heard his name, he ordered him to go to the capital with rites. Later on, he was made the head of monks to take charge of them.) Regarding sāng mén 桑門, in xi zao chi zhuàn 習鑿齒傳 [The Biography of Xi Zaochi] of jìn shū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Shí yǒu sāng mén shi dao an, jùn biàn yǒu gāo cái. 時有桑門釋道安，俊辯有高才.” (There is a monk named Shi Daoan at that time, who is both talented and eloquent.) As for sā mén 沙門, in xiào wǔ dì jì 孝武帝紀 [The Records of Xiaowu Emperor] of jìn shū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Lì jīng shè yú diàn nèi, yǐn zhū shā mén yǐ jū zhī. 立精舍於殿内，引諸沙門以居之.” (He cleaned up a fine chamber for the monks to live in.) Regarding shé lí 闍梨, in the Liang dynasty of the Southern dynasties, Bao Chang 寶唱 wrote in volume 15 of jīng lǜ yì xiāng 經律異相 [Jin Lv Yi Xiang] that “Wáng yán: ‘dū lí yǒu dà shén zú, yí gè sàn qù.’ 王言： ‘闍梨有大神足，宜各散 去’.” (The king says, “The monk has great divine feet, so it’s better to disperse.”) Tū dīng 秃丁 In the Song dynasty, Sun Guangxian 孫光憲 wrote in the third volume of běi mèng suǒ yán 北夢瑣言 [Trivial Words on Northern Dream] that “Dàn yǐ cǐ sì shí nián hòu, dāng yǒu tū dīng shù qiān zuò luàn, wǒ gù yǐ shì yàn zhī. 但以此寺十年 後，當有秃丁數千作亂，我故以是厭之.” (But ten years later, when thousands of monks make trouble in this temple, and that is why I am tired of it. This is the way to call a monk in contempt.)

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Tū shā mén 秃沙門 In the Tang dynasty, Yi Jing 義净 wrote in the fourth volume of “gēn běn shuō yī qiè yǒu bù pí nài yé 根本説一切有部毗奈耶 [Gen Ben Shuo Yi Qie You Bu Pi Nai Ye] that “Shèng guāng dài wáng, wǒ bù yǔ shuì, qǐ tū shā mén, wǒ néng xiāng yǔ? 勝光大王，我不與税，豈秃沙門，我能相與？” (King Sheng Guang, I do not pay taxes. I am only a monk, and how can I do that?) Tū shì 秃士 In the Song dynasty, Tao Gu wrote in zǐ zhī fāng 紫織方 [Zi Zhi Fang] of qīng yì lù 清異録 [Qing Yi Lu] that “Huò jiā tū shì guàn wēi jiàn shē, rú guì yào zǐ dì, xuán zhī xiǎo dié shèng luó, rǎn qí fú, hào zǐ zhī fāng. 獲嘉秃士貫微僭奢，如貴要子 弟，旋織小叠 勝羅，染棋服，號紫織方.” (The monk Huojia lived a luxurious life. If he wanted to recruit disciples, he would prepare some clothes for them, dying them and giving them a name, Zizhifang.) Tū nú 秃奴 In the Song dynasty, Yuan Wen 袁文 wrote in the seventh volume of wèng yǒu xián píng 甕牖閑評 [Chit-Chat in the Humble Home] that “rén duō yǐ sēng wèi nú, suǒ wèi tū nú shì yě. 人多以僧爲奴，所謂秃奴是也.” (Many people take monks as slaves. That is why they are called bald slaves.) Tū tóu 秃頭 In the Song dynasty of the Southern dynasties, FoTuo Shi 佛陀什 wrote in the eighth volume of wǔ fēn lǜ 五分律 [Wu Fen Lv] that “Jí jiē jī hē: cǐ tū tóu bèi, wéi zhī tān shòu, bù jì sǔn fèi, wú shā mén xíng, pò shā mén fǎ. 即皆譏訶：此 秃頭輩，唯知貪受，不計損 費，無沙門行，破沙門法.” (Having no Samana behavior, this monk only knew how to be greedy without considering losses and expenses, and broke the Samana law.) Tū tóu zǐ 秃頭子 In the Song dynasty, Hong Mai 洪邁 wrote in volume 14 of yí jiān yǐ zhì 夷堅 乙志 [Yi Jian Yi Zhi] that “Jiāng bì, guǐ yòu yǔ fù yuē: ‘tū tóu zi guǒ lái, wú qiě jǐn bì zhī’. 將畢，鬼又語婦曰： ‘秃頭子果來，吾且謹避之’.” (When he was about to finish, the ghost said to the woman, “should the monk come, I would like to hide myself.”) Zī bō 緇缽 In the Liang dynasty of the Southern dynasties, HuiJiao 慧皎 wrote in the fourth volume of gāo sēng zhuàn 高僧傳 [The Biographies of Eminent Monks] that

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 111 “He retreated slowly and said, ‘Dùn nǎi xú yuē, pín dào yǔ jūn bié lái duō nián, jūn yǔ liǎo bù zhǎng jìn. Méng cán ér tuì yān, nǎi tàn yuē: shí zī bō zhī wáng, hé yě!’ 遁乃徐曰，貧道與君别來多年，君語了不 長進. 蒙慚而退焉，乃歎曰： ‘實緇缽之王，何也！ ’” (I have been separated from you for many years, and you made no progress in the use of language. Meng sighed upon leaving that he was the real king of the monks, feeling ashamed.) Zī yè 緇褐 In the Song dynasty, Su Shi 蘇軾 wrote in hè kūn chéng jié biǎo 賀坤成節表 [He Kun Cheng Jie Biao] that “Fàn wú shù zhī zī hè, qǐ rú sàn lǐn yǐ huó jī mín. 飯無 數之緇褐，豈如散廩以活饑民.” (If you can feed countless monks with food, why not open the granary to help the hungry people.) Zī láng 緇郎 In the Song dynasty, Liu Kezhuang 劉克莊 wrote in the poem qīng liáng sì 清 凉寺 [Qingliang Temple] that “Tǎ miào dāng nián jiǎ yī fāng, qiān céng jīn bì wàn zī láng. 塔廟當年甲一方，千層金碧萬緇郎.” (The pagoda temple was very famous at that time. The pagoda had thousands of floors, each of which was resplendent with tens of thousands of monks living in it.) Zī liú 緇流 In the Song dynasty, Pu Ji 普濟 wrote in volume 16 of wǔ dēng huì yuán 五燈會元 [Wu Deng Hui Yuan] that “Tiān xià zī liú, mò bù yǐ xiāng tāng guàn mù, gòng bào hóng ēn. 天下緇流，莫不以香湯灌沐，共報洪恩.” (Monks all over the world bathed in fragrant soup to repay their grand kindness.) Zī lǚ 緇侣 In the Tang dynasty, Wang Wei 王維 wrote that “Zī lǚ shèng yuán, cāng shēng hòu xìng. 緇侣勝緣，蒼生厚幸.” (Monks have made good affinity, and all people in the world are very lucky.) Zī tú 緇徒 In the Tang dynasty, Zhang Du 張讀 wrote in the seventh volume of xuān shì zhì 宣室志 [Xuan Shi Zhi] that “Táng jìng zōng huáng dì yù lì, yǐ tiān xià wú shì, shì zhèng zhī jì, yīn guǎng fú tú jiào, yóu shì zhǎng ān zhōng zī tú yì duō. 唐 敬宗皇帝御曆，以天下無事，視政之際，因廣 浮屠教，由是長安中緇徒益 多.” (When Emperor Jingzong of the Tang dynasty was in power, there was no big event all across the country. Therefore, he vigorously advocated Buddhism, resulting in more and more monks in Chang’an city.)

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The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese

Zī xī 緇錫 In the Tang dynasty, Huang Tao 黄滔 wrote in quán zhōu kāi yuán sì fó diàn bēi jì 泉州開元寺佛殿碑記 [The Inscription on the Buddhist Palace of Kaiyuan Temple in Quanzhou] that “Jì bì, zhào huà nèi zhī zī xī, shù mài yú qiān, zhāi ér luò zhī lèi zhōng. 既畢，召化内之緇錫，數邁於千，齋而落之累中.” (After completion, they called over a thousand monks to have vegetarian food here.) The above-mentioned examples are far from being complete, with a total of more than 100 examples to be included, which is the result of the long-term accumulation of Chinese word exchange with lack of necessary norms. On one side, it shows the richness of Middle Chinese words, but on the other side, it is too complicated to draw a clear picture of words in Middle Chinese lexicon. Thirdly, the same monosyllabic word can be combined with multiple synonymous or similar phonetic words into several compound words with the same or similar meaning to form a synonym group. See the following examples. Xiāo suǒ 蕭索 In the Jin dynasty, Lu Yun 陸雲 wrote in suì mù fù 歲暮賦 [Ode to the End of the Year] that “Shí dòng lì qí kě bēi xī, qǐ jiā suǒ yǐ shāng xīn. 時凍戾其可悲兮，乞 茄索以傷心.” (I feel pathetic when it is icy cold and feel sad when it is desolately chilly.) Xiāo xiè 蕭屑 In the Song dynasty of the Southern dynasties, Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 wrote in huò nì 惑溺 [Literature] of shì shuō xīn yǔ 世説新語 [A New Account of Tales of the World] that “Chū, zhù Zhuāng Zi zhě shù shí jiā. 初，注《莊子》者數十家.” (At the beginning, dozens of people annotated Zhuangzi.) Liu Xiaobiao 劉孝標 quoted xiàng xiù běn zhuàn 向秀本傳 [The Biography of Xiang Xiu] and wrote that “Huò yán xiù yóu tuō zhū xián, xiāo xiè zú suì, dōu wú zhù shù. 或言秀遊托諸賢， 蕭屑卒歲，都無著述.” (It is said that Xiu visited a number of brilliant scholars. By the end of the year, the results were dismal and there was no writing at all.) Xiào sà 蕭颯 In the Tang dynasty, Li Bai 李白 wrote in the poem yuè yè jiāng xíng jì cuī yuán wài 月夜江行寄崔員外 [To Cui Yuanwai on a Moonlit Night while Traveling in the Sea] that “Piāo piāo jiāng fēng qǐ, xiāo sà hǎi shù qiū. 飄飄江風起，蕭颯海樹 秋.” (A light wind blows on the river and the trees at the riverside wither in autumn.) Xiào sè 蕭瑟 In the Tang dynasty, Du Fu 杜甫 wrote in one of the poems yǒng huái gǔ jī 詠懷 古跡 [Chant on Reminiscing Historical Relics] that “Yǔ Xìn píng shēng zuì xiāo

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 113 sè, mù nián shī fù dòng jiāng guān le. 庾信平生最蕭瑟，暮年詩賦動江關了.” (Yu Xin lived a miserable and unspectacular life. His poetry had great influences at the capital, Jiangling, in his sunset years.) Xiāo liáo 蕭寥 In chapter 28 of yì wén lèi jù 藝文類聚 [Yi Wen Lei Ju], it quotes the poem sī guī tàn 思歸歎 [Yearning for Returning] by Shi Chong of the Jin dynasty, reading that “Xuán quán liú xī yíng qiū fù, gé guǎn xiāo liáo xī yīn cóng liǔ. 玄泉流兮 縈丘阜，閣館蕭寥兮蔭叢柳.” (Deep springs flow around the hills, and the attic looked desolate in the shade of willows.) Xiāo shū 蕭疏 In the Tang dynasty, Du Fu 杜甫 wrote in chú jià 除架 [Removing the Racks] that “Shù xīn yǐ lěng luò, hù yè zhuǎn xiāo shū. 束薪已冷落，瓠葉轉蕭疏.” (The melon racks are scattered and leaves are rare and gloomy.) The words xiāo suǒ 蕭索, xiāo xiè 蕭屑, xiào sà 蕭颯, xiào sè 蕭瑟, xiāo liáo 蕭寥, and xiāo shū 蕭疏 are synonymous in that they either depict nature or personnel, all expressing the meaning of depression, desolation, loneliness, and desolation. Fourthly, multiple monosyllabic words with the same or similar meaning are combined into multiple synonymous polysyllabic words. See the following examples. Chái pǐ 儕匹 In the Song dynasty, Lu Zuqian 吕祖謙 wrote a war at Changshao 齊魯戰長勺 of dōng lái bó yì 東萊駁議 [Dong Lai Bo Yi] between Qi and Lu country that, “Cáo Suì jī quán tāo lüè, yǔ sūn Wǔ, Wú qǐ bìng qǐ zhēng xiān, chū fēi Sòng Xiāng, Chén Yú chái pǐ yě. 曹歲機權韜略，與孫武、吴起並起争先，初非宋襄、陳餘儕匹 也.” (He was so talented and resourceful that he competed head to head with Sun Wu and Wu Qi. At first, he was not comparable with Song Xiang and Chen Yu.) Chóu lǚ 儔侣 In the state of Wei of the Three Kingdom period, JiKang 嵇康 wrote in one of the poems xiōng xiù cái gōng mù rù jūn zèng shī 兄秀才公穆入軍贈詩 [To Gong Mu, My Brother, and Xiu Cai upon His Joining the Army] that “Pái huái liàn chóu lǚ, kāng kǎi gāo shān bēi. 徘徊戀儔侣，慷慨高山陂.” (I lingered because I missed my friend, so I spoke loudly to the pond on the mountain.) In the Tang dynasty, Bai Juyi 白居易 wrote in the second poem of xiào táo qián tǐ 效陶潛體 [Imitating the Writing Style of Tao Qian] that “Cūn shēn jué bīn kè, chuāng huì wú chóu lǚ. 村深絶賓客，窗晦無儔侣.” (There are no guests to the remote village, and no friends under the dim window.)

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Chóu pǐ 儔匹 In shāng gē xíng 傷歌行 [Lines of Sad Songs] of zá qū gē cí 雜曲歌辭 [The Scattered Songs] of yuè fŭ shī jí 樂府詩集 [Collections of Yuefu Poems], it reads that “Bēi shēng mìng bèi pǐ, āi míng shāng wǒ cháng. 悲聲命備匹，哀鳴傷我腸.” (The bird told its companions with its sad crying. Its sad voice made my heart broken.) Chóu yà 儔亞 In the Tang dynasty, Pei Chuan 裴釧 wrote in sūn kè 孫恪 [Sun Ke] of chuán qí 傳奇 [Legend] that “Wú yǒu shí jiàn, yì gàn jiāng zhī chóu yà yě. 吾有實劍，亦干將之 儔亞也.” (I have a solid sword that is an inseparable companion to a brave general.) Pǐ chái 匹儕 In the Tang dynasty, Han Yu 韓愈 wrote in the poem měng hǔ xíng 猛虎行 [The Journey of the Ferocious Tiger] that “Měng hǔ suī yún è, yì gè yǒu pǐ chái. 猛虎 雖云惡，亦各有匹儕.” (Even the ferocious tiger has its peer.) Pǐ chóu 匹儔 In the Tang dynasty, Han Yu 韓愈 wrote in yīng kē mù shí yǔ rén shū 應科目時 與人書 [Letter to Wei Sheren upon My Examination] that “Tiān chí zhī bīn, dà jiāng zhī kuì, yuē yǒu guài wù yān, gài fēi cháng lín fán jiè zhī pǐn huì pǐ chóu yě. 天池之濱，大江之潰，曰有怪物焉，蓋非常鱗凡介之品滙匹儔也.” (It is said that on the edge of Nanhai Sea, there are dragons, not comparable to ordinary fish, water animals, and other animals.) Pǐ lǚ 匹侣 In the state of Wei of the Three Kingdom period, Cao Zhi 曹植 wrote in míng dōu piān 名都篇 [Life in Capital Luo Yang] that “Míng chóu xiào pǐ lǚ, liè zuò jìng zhǎng yán. 鳴儔嘯匹侣，列坐竟長筵.” (I invited my friends to take their seats, and the long banquet was immediately filled.) Pǐ qún 匹群 In the state of Wei of the Three Kingdom period, Ruan Ji 阮籍 wrote in the 28th poem of yǒng huái 詠懷 [Chanting My Thoughts], “Yān jiàn gū xiáng niǎo, piān piān wú pǐ qún. 焉見孤翔鳥，翩翩無匹群.” (How can you see a lone flying bird, dancing without its peers?) Qún pǐ 群匹 In the Liang dynasty of the Southern dynasties, He Xun 何遜 wrote in lín xíng yǔ gù yóu yè bié 臨行與故遊夜别 [Farewell to My Old Friend at Night upon

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 115 Departure] that “Lì rěn gòng zhuī suí, yī dàn cí qún pǐ. 曆稔共追隨，一旦辭群 匹.” (We have been working together for so many years, but now, we are going to separate from each other overnight.) Qún wǔ 群伍 In the Tang dynasty, Liu Zongyuan 柳宗元 wrote in sòng xin dai shu xià dì yóu nán zhèng xù 送辛殆庶下第遊南鄭序 [The Preface to Sending Xin Yushu down to Nanzheng], “Suì jí diǎn fén, xiù wén zhāng, běi lái wáng dōu, xiào yī qún wǔ. 遂笈典墳，袖文章，北來王都，笑揖群伍.” (So, he packed all kinds of books in boxes, took the articles with him, and went all the way north to the capital, greeting his friends with a smile.) In the Jin dynasty, Ge Hong 葛洪 wrote in yì mín 逸民 [Yinmin] of bào piáo zi 抱朴子 [Bao Pu Zi] that “Xiān shēng yóu bǎi chéng zhī xiá wǔ, hùn qún wǔ yú niǎo shòu. 先生遊柏成之遐武，混群伍於鳥獸.” (You follow the footprints of your ancestors and keep company with birds and animals.) Monosyllabic words like chái 儕, chóu 儔, lǚ 侣, pǐ 匹, and qún 群 all have the meaning of peer or being similar, and the composed compound words have similar meanings. In the preceding examples of Middle Chinese, chóu lǚ 儔侣, chóu pǐ 儔匹, pǐ chái 匹儕, pǐ lǚ 匹侣, pǐ qún 匹群, and qún pǐ 群匹 can be used as peer, and chái pǐ 儕匹, pǐ chóu 匹儔, chóu yà 儔亞, and qún wǔ 群伍 can be used as of the same group. On account of the rich synonyms in Middle Chinese, we can distinguish the differences in the form and nature of things to express with precise words. For example, in the Northern Wei dynasty, Yang Xuan zhi 楊銜之 used the following synonyms when describing Luoyang Buddhist Temple in luò yáng jiā lán jì 洛陽 伽藍記 [Records of Kalan Temple in Luoyang]. Lián zhǔ 連屬 In the first volume of chéng nèi yún lín sì 城内云林寺 [Yunlin Temple in the Inner City], it reads that “Jiǎng táng dié qǐ, fáng wǔ lián shǔ. 講堂叠起，房廡連屬.” (The lecture halls are stacked together with the houses being connected.) Lián hù 連亙 In the fourth volume of chéng xī yǒng míng sì 城西永明寺 [Yongming Temple in the West of the City], it reads that “Fáng wǔ lián gèn, yī qiān yú jiān. 房廡連亙，一千餘 間.” (The houses are connected and there are more than a thousand of them altogether.) Lián jiē 連接 In the first volume of chéng nèi jǐng jí sì 城内景集寺 [Jingji Temple in the Inner City], it reads that “Táng wǔ zhōu huán, qū fáng lián jiē. 堂廡周環，曲房連接.” (The houses were extended into a circle, and the curved hall is connected.)

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All three of these words mean connected to each other. The word lián zhǔ 連 屬 means that many houses are gathered into a building complex. Lián hù 連亙 means that the houses are continuous and extended, while lián jiē 連接 means that houses are connected to each other with a more specific meaning. There are subtle semantic differences between the words. Another example follows. In the Liang dynasty of the Southern dynasties, Zhong Rong 鍾嵘 in shī pǐn 诗品 [Characteristics of Poems] took the following group of synonyms to illustrate the linguistic and rhetorical characteristics of the writers mentioned. Huá mào 華茂 (it is written in the poem Chen Siwang 陳思王 of the Wei dynasty) that “Gǔ qì qí gāo, cí cǎi huá mào. 骨氣奇高，詞采華茂.” (His words are noble and his poetry is gorgeous.) (Volume I.) Huá měi 華美 (it is written in the poem Pingyuanxiang Lu Ji 陸機 that “Cái gāo cí shàn, jǔ tǐ huá měi. 才高詞贍，舉體華美.” (He is very talented and his writing is extremely beautiful.) (Volume I.) Huá jìng 華静 (it is written in the poem Zhang Xie 張協 of the Jin dynasty that “Wén tǐ huá jìng, shǎo bìng lèi. 文體華静，少病累.” (His poetry is flowery but not sluggish.) (Volume I.) Huá yàn 華豔 (it is written in the poem Zhang Hua 張華 of the Jin dynasty that “Qí tǐ huá yàn, xìng tuō bù qí. 其體華豔，興托不奇.” (His rhetoric is gorgeous, so it’s not surprising to use analogy.) (Volume II.) Huá qǐ 華綺 (it is written in the poems of Xie Hun 謝混 and Yin Zhongwen 殷 仲文 of the Jin dynasty that “Yì Xī zhōng, yǐ Xiè Yìshòu, Yīn Zhòng wén wèi huá qǐ zhī guān, yīn bù jìng yǐ. 義熙中，以謝益壽、殷仲文爲華綺之冠，殷不競 矣.” (In the Yixi period, the poems of Xie Yishou and Yin Zhongwen are the most gorgeous.) (Volume III.) The words huá 華 in the above words huá mào 華茂, huá měi 華美, huá jìng 華 静, huá yàn 華豔, and huá qǐ 華綺 show that the works of these writers are rich in literary meaning. However, huá mào 華茂 means having literary talent and rich words. Huá měi 華美 means literary grace and beautiful language. Huá jìng 華 静 means elegant and clean without being cumbersome. The word huá yàn 華豔 means that Zhang Hua’s poems have literary grace, yet are too piled up, meaning flashy and unrealistic. Hence, Zhong Rong 鍾嵘 believes that Zhang Hua’s poems “are suspected of being weak in the middle.” The word huá qǐ 華綺 means having literary grace but doing harm to the fineness of carving, Xie and Yin are listed as inferior in poetry. Another example is dìng shì 定勢 [Dingshi] of wén xīn diāo lóng 文心雕龍 [Wen Xin Diao Long]: Shìyĭ kuònáng zátĭ, gōngzài quánbié, gōngshāng zhūzĭ, suíshì gèpèi. Zhāng biǎo zòu yì, zé zhŭndì hū diǎnyǎ; fù sòng gē shī, zé yŭyì hū qīnglì; fú xí shū yí, zé kǎishì yú míngduàn; shĭ lùn xù zhù, zé shīfàn yú héyào; zhēn míng bēi lĕi, zé tĭzhì yú hóngshēn; lián zhū qī cí, zé cóngshì yú qiǎoyàn. Cĭ xúntĭ ér chéngshì, suíbiàn ér lìgōng zhĕ yĕ. 是以括曩雜體，功在銓別，宫商朱紫，隨勢各配. 章表奏議，則準的 乎典雅；賦頌歌詩，則羽儀乎清麗；符檄書移，則楷式於明斷；史論

The development of synonyms of Middle Chinese 117 序注，則師範於核要；箴銘碑誄，則體制於弘深；連珠七辭，則從事 於巧豔. 此循體而成勢，隨變而立功者也. Therefore, it contains a variety of styles, and the merit lies in that it can measure and identify the advantages and requirements of each style and choose different rhymes and words for different styles. For documents written by ministers to the emperor, the evaluation standard is that the words should be solemn and elegant. The evaluation standard of ode and poetry is that the language should be beautiful and gorgeous. The writing requirement of imperial edict documents collected by the government is to be able to distinguish the right from the wrong. The standard for writing a preface or annotation to historical documents is to be concise and precise. Words of admonition or comment require far-reaching intention. Lianzhu odes should be exquisite and gorgeous. This is how to choose different ways of expression according to different styles and thus write famous articles according to the changes. This passage states that different styles should have different standards in language style. The six words zhǔn dì 準的, yǔ yì 準的, kǎi shì 楷式, shī fàn 師範, tǐ zhì 體制, and cóng shì 從事 all have the meanings of as the standard and as the principle, but they are not exactly the same. The article uses these different words to avoid word repetition and add to the beauty of vivid changes to the language.

2.6

Conclusion

The increasing abundance of synonyms in Middle Chinese is inseparable from the evolution and development of the whole society. With the continuous emergence of new things and the continuous improvement of social material and cultural life and people’s understanding, language is required to describe and distinguish all kinds of things in detail, requiring language to constantly produce new words with very rich synonyms. Middle Chinese synonyms are indeed greatly enriched and are widely used in literary language, marking a new stage in the development of Chinese words. We can clearly see this trend from a large number of excellent works in language and literature, such as medieval prose, poetry, and historical biography in Chinese language.

Note 1 In the Xin bù 心部 [Xin Group] of Shuowen Jiezi 説文解字 [Origin of Chinese Characters], it reads that “pà, wú wéi yĕ.” 怕，無為也。 (Pà 怕 means letting things take their own course.) Here it is pronounced as bó, meaning tranquil, which is quite different from in hàipài 害怕 (being afraid).

3

3.1

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese

Introduction

With the enrichment and abundance of Middle Chinese words, idioms and proverbs have also been greatly enriched and developed. Some medieval idioms have been handed down from ancient times, such as huá ér bù shí 華而不實, qiǎo yán lìng sè 巧言令色, láng zǐyě xīn 狼子野心, jué cháng bǔ duǎn 絶長補短, chún wáng chǐhán 唇亡齒寒, wèi shǒu wèi wěi 畏首畏尾, and so on. A large number of idioms came into being in the middle ages, which are mainly from three sources below.

3.2

Idioms from ancient books

There are a large number of vivid and profound witticisms, aphorisms, and fables in many important classics of the Zhou, Qin, and Han dynasties, which are often recited and quoted by people and thus gradually solidified into idioms over the time. Some idioms are quoted completely from the original books, while others are not necessarily four words in the original book, and instead are often processed and transformed. Idioms taken from shī jīng 詩經 [The Book of Songs] can be seen in the following. The idiom míng zhé bǎo shēng 明哲保身 can be traced back to chéng mín 烝民 [Chengmin] of dà yá 大雅 [Daya] of shī jīng 詩經 [The Book of Songs]. It reads that “Jì míng qiě zhé, yǐ bǎo qí shēn. 既明且哲，以保其身.” (One needs to be world-wise to play safe.) Kong Yingda 孔穎達 annotated it such that “Jì néng míng xiǎo shàn è, qiě yòu shì fēi biàn zhī, yǐ cǐ míng zhé zé ān qù wēi, ér bǎo quán qí shēn, bù zhì huò bài. 既能明曉善惡，且又是非辨知，以此明哲擇安去危,而保 全其身，不致禍敗.” (We can know good and evil, and distinguish the right from the wrong. In this way, we can have a sound choice and get away from danger, protecting ourselves against disaster.) Originally, the purpose of this poem was to praise Zhong Shanfu. In medieval times, it is summarized as the idiom míng zhé bǎo shēng 明哲保身, which means that a wise man is good at protecting himself and does not do anything that may bring danger to himself. In the Tang dynasty, Bai Juyi 白居易 wrote in dù yòu zhì shì zhì 杜佑致仕制 [Du You’s Official System], “Jǐn cuì shì jūn, míng zhé bǎo shēn, jìn tuì shǐ zhōng, bù shī qí dào. 盡悴事 DOI: 10.4324/9781003365570-3

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese 119 君，明哲保身，進退始終，不失其道.” (Do your best to serve the emperor, be wise and protect yourself, advance and retreat at proper time, and do not lose the way.) In gāo zǔ wǔ nián lùn 高祖五年論 [On the Fifth Year of Gaozu] of hàn jì 漢 紀 [Records of Han dynasty] of zī zhì tōng jiàn 資治通鑒 [History as a Mirror], it reads that “Tuō yú shén xiān, yí qì rén jiān, děng gōng míng yú wù xī bo, zhì róng lì ér bù gù. Suǒ wèi míng zhé bǎo shēn zhě, zǐ fáng yǒu yān. 托於神仙，遺棄 人間，等功名於物夕卜，置榮利而不顧.” 所謂明哲保身者，子房有焉.” (He prays to the gods for coming to the world, and he cares for neither fame and wealth, nor honor or interests. When it comes to self-protection, Zifang is an example.) In Modern Chinese, míng zhé bǎo shēng 明哲保身 refers to the liberal style of refusing to comment on principled issues for fear of making mistakes or offending others, with a derogatory meaning. The idiom qiē cuō zhuó mó 切磋琢磨, also written as 切瑋琢磨, can be traced back to qí ào 淇奥 [Qi Ao] of wèi fēng 衛風 [Wei Feng] of shī 詩 [The Book of Songs]. It reads that “yǒu fěi jūn zǐ, rú qiē rú cuō, rú zuó rú mó. 有匪君子，如切 如磋，如琢如磨.” (A gentleman’s self-cultivation is like the processing of bone and jade, which need to be polished after cutting). Mao Zhuan made a note that “zhì gǔ yuē qiè, xiàng yuē cuō, yù yuē zuó, shí yuē mó. 治骨曰切，象曰磋， 玉曰琢，石曰磨.” (To process the bone is called qiē 切, the ivory called cuō 磋, the jade called zhuó 琢, and the stone called mó 磨). Qiē 切, cuō 磋, zhuó 琢, and mó 磨 were originally the names of the crafts of utensil processing, later used to refer to mutual discussion and encouragement in knowledge and morality. It was often cited as an idiom in medieval times. In the Northern Qi dynasty, Liu Zhou 劉晝 wrote in guì yán 貴言 [Gui Yan] of xīn lùn 新論 [The New Theory] that “Zhī jiāo yú péng yǒu, yì yǒu qiē cuō zhuó mó zhī yì. 知交於朋友，亦有切磋琢磨之 義.” (Making friends also means learning from each other.) In the Tang dynasty, Yuan Zhen 元稹 wrote in the poem jiè lì fēng sú dé yīn 戒勵風俗德音 [Precepts about Customs] that “Shì shù rén wú qiē cuō zhuó mó zhī yì, duō xiāo lián jìn rùn zhī chán. 士庶人無切磋琢磨之益，多銷鎌浸潤之讒.” (Scholars and ordinary people cannot benefit from consulting or learning from each other, but merely slander each other all the time.) In the Song dynasty, Wang anshi 王安石 wrote in yǔ sūn shēn lǎo shū 與孫莘老書 [Letter to Distinguished Sūn Xīn] that “Jīn shì rén xiāng shí, wèi jiàn yǒu qiē cuō zhuó mó rú gǔ zhī péng yǒu zhě, gài néng shòu shàn yán zhě shǎo. 今世人相識，未見有切磋琢磨如古之朋友者，蓋能受善言 者少.” (Nowadays, very few people who know each other can consult and learn the way as friends in ancient times did, and even fewer can accept criticism and admonition from others.) The idiom rì jiù yuè jiāng 日就月將 can be traced back to jìng zhī 敬之 [Jìng Zhī] of zhōu sòng 周頌 [Zhou Song] of shī 詩 [The Book of Songs]. It reads, “rì jiù yuè jiāng, xué yǒu jī xī yú guāng míng. 日就月將，學有緝熙於光明.” (Make accomplishment day by day and make progress month by month. If you keep learning, you can reach an incomparably bright realm.) Kong Yingda 孔穎達 annotated it with “Rìjiù, wèi xué zhī shǐ měi rì yǒu chéng jiù yuè jiāng, wèi zhì yú yī yuè zé yǒu kě xíng zhě, yán dāng xí zhī yǐ jī jiàn yě. 日就，謂學之使每日有成就； 月將，謂至於一月則有可行者，言當習之以積漸也.” (Rijiu means learning

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every day to achieve something; Yuejiang means that there can be something to practice in a month. In other words, learning should accumulate slowly.) It means that learning has achievements every day and progress every month. It became an idiom in medieval times, which means accumulation over time. In rú lín zhuàn xù 儒林傳序 [Preface to the Biographies of the Scholars] of běi qí shū 北齊書 [The Book of the Northern Qi dynasty], it reads that “zì yú duō jiāo zì ào hěn, dòng wéi lǐ dù, rì jiù yuè jiāng, wú wén yān ěr. 自餘多驕恣傲狠，動違禮度，日就月將， 無聞焉爾.” (Others are arrogant and vicious. They often violate the law, and day by day, they eventually become unknown.) In the Tang dynasty, Yuan Zhen 元稹 wrote in lùn jiào běn shū 論教本書 [On Teaching Books] that “xuǎn zhòng shī bǎo, shèn jiǎn gōng liáo, jiē yòng bó xué hóng shēn zhī rú ér yòu liàn dá jī wù zhě, wèi zhī gèng jìn dié jiàn, rì jiù yuè jiāng. 選重師保，慎柬宫寮，皆用博學宏深 之儒而又練達機務者，爲之更進叠見，日就月將.” (When choosing or recommending teachers for the crown prince or emperor, we must be careful. We should choose scholars who are knowledgeable and sophisticated as teachers. Only over time can they make significant progress.) In the Song dynasty, Li Qingzhao 李清 照 wrote in jīn shí lù hòu xù 金石録後序 [Postscript to Records of Jinshi] that “Jǐn tiān xià gǔ wén qí zì zhī zhì, rì jiù yuè jiāng, jiàn yì duī jī. 盡天下古文奇字 之志，日就月將，漸益堆積.” (I will make the best use of the world’s wonderful words, which are gradually accumulating.) The idiom yí rì sān qiū 一日三秋 can be traced back to căi gé 釆葛 [Cai Ge] of wáng fēng 王風 [Wang Feng] of shī 詩 [The Book of Poetry]. It reads, “Bǐ cǎi xiāo xī, yī rì bù jiàn, rú sān qiū xī. 彼采蕭兮，一日不見，如三秋兮.” (Alas! The girl who picks Artemisia. It is like three autumns without seeing her merely for a day.) In medieval times, it was summed up as an idiom to describe your ardent longing for someone. In the Liang dynasty, He Xun 何遜 wrote in the poem wèi héng shān hóu yǔ fù shū 爲衡山侯與婦書 [Letter to Lover for Marquis Hengshan] that “lù ěr rén xiá, yīn chén jì jué, yī rì sān qiū, bù zú wèi yù. 路邇人遐，音塵寂絶，一 日三秋，不足爲喻.” (We are not that far apart, but you seem to be rather distant. Nothing could be heard from you, and you will never know how much I miss you.) In the Song dynasty, Liu Guo 劉過 wrote in qìn yuán chūn yǒng bié 沁園春 – 詠 别 [Farewell to the Tune of Qinyuanchun] that “Yī bié sān nián, yī rì sān qiū, shù jǐ jiàn zhī. 一别三年，一日三秋，庶幾見之.” (Three years of farewell, seldom have I met you, and I miss you so much.) Some idioms are from yì jīng 易經 [The Book of Changes], which can be seen in what follows. The idiom jìn dé xiū yè 進德修業 can be traced back to wén yán 文言 [Wen Yan] of qián 乾 [Qian] of yì jīng 易經 [The Book of Changes]. It reads that “Jūn zǐ jìn dé xiū yè. zhōng xìn, suǒ yǐ jìn dé yě. xiū cí lì qí chéng, suǒ yǐ jū yè yě. 君子進德修業. 忠信，所以進德也. 修辭立其誠，所以居業也.” (People with outstanding talent and morality strengthen moral cultivation, study knowledge, loyalty, selflessness, and keep promises, so they improve morality. They exercise and cultivate the ability of verbal expression, showing the honest quality. Hence, he has accumulated knowledge.) It was used as an idiom in medieval times, referring to improving moral cultivation and expanding achievements. In the Jin

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese 121 dynasty, Tao Qian 陶潛 wrote in jiǎ yì 賈誼 [Jia Yi] of dú shǐ shù jiǔ zhāng 讀史 述九章 [Reading the Nine Chapters of History] that “Jìn dé xiū yè, jiāng yǐ jí shí. 進德修業，將以及時.” (We will improve our moral character and study hard in time.) In the Tang dynasty, Liu Ze 柳澤 wrote in lùn shí zhèng shū 論時政書 [On Current Politics] that, “Huò dǎ qiú jī gǔ, bǐ zhōu jì shù huò fēi yīng bēn quǎn, pán yóu sǒu zé. cǐ shén wèi bù dào, fēi jìn dé xiū yè zhī běn yě. 或打毬擊鼓，比周 伎 術；或飛鷹奔犬，盤遊藪澤. 此甚爲不道，非進德修業之本也.” (Whether it is learning to play ball or drum, or sending eagles and dogs to chase wild animals and play everywhere, it’s not a good behavior, nor is it the fundamental way to cultivate morality.) The idiom zì qiáng bù xī 自强不息 can be traced back to Xiang 象 of Qian 乾 of yì 易 [The Book of Changes]. It reads that “Tiān xíng jiàn, jūn zǐ yǐ zì qiáng bù xī. 天行健，君子以自强不息.” (As heaven keeps vigor through movement, a gentleman should unremittingly practice self-improvement.) Kong Yingda 孔穎達 annotated it: “Tiān xíng jiàn zhě, wèi tiān tǐ zhī xíng, zhòu yè bù xī, zhōu ér fù shǐ, wú shí kuī tuì, gù yún tiān xíng jiàn. cǐ wèi tiān zhī zì rán zhī xiàng. jūn zǐ yǐ zì qiáng bù xī, cǐ yǐ rén shì fǎ tiān suǒ xíng, yán jūn zǐ zhī rén yòng cǐ guà xiàng zì qiáng miǎn lì, bù yǒu zhǐ xī. 天行健者，謂天體 之行，晝夜不息，周而復始，無時虧退，故云天行健. 此謂天之自然之象. 君子以自强不息，此以人事法天所行，言君子之人用此卦象自强勉力，不 有止息.” (That heaven keeps vigor through movement refers to the operation of celestial bodies. It goes round and round, day and night. It will not decline and stop at any time. Therefore, it is said that heaven keeps vigor through movement, which is a natural phenomenon. A gentleman is always striving for self-improvement, meaning that when people do things, they should imitate the law of nature. A gentleman will use this hexagram to encourage himself to strive for self-improvement and never stop.) In medieval times, zì qiáng bù xī 自强不息 became a widely used idiom that could inspire people to work hard. In interpretation of the wǔ yí jiě 五儀解 [Five Instruments] of kǒng zǐ jiā yǔ 孔 子家語 [Confucius Sayings], it reads, “dǔ xíng xìn dào, zì qiáng bù xī. 篤行 信道，自强不息.” (Learn and practice, obey the laws of nature, and strive for self-improvement.) In the first volume of chū xué jì 初學記 [Beginner’s Notes] quoted in jìn shū 晉書 [The Book of Jin] by Wang Yin 王隱, it is written that “Tao Kan shǎo zhǎng qín zhěng, zì qiáng bù xī. cháng yǔ rén yuē:’ dà yǔ shèng rén, nǎi xī cùn yīn zhì yú fán sú, dāng xī fēn yīn. 陶侃少長勤整，自强不息. 常 語人曰：大禹聖人，乃惜寸陰；至於凡俗，當惜分陰.” (Tao Kan has been diligent and self-improving since he was young. He often said to others that Yu, as a saint, cherishes time very much, and as ordinary people, we should cherish it more.) In Fan Xun 范遜 of wén yuàn zhuàn 文苑傳 [The Biographies of Writers] of běi qí shū 北齊書 [The Book of the Northern Qi dynasty], it reads that “Dàn shǐ dì dé xiū míng, zì qiáng bù xī, jiǎ yè guān shū, zhī rì tōng zòu. 但 使帝德休明，自强不息，甲夜觀書，支日通奏.” (Only that the emperor was virtuous, honest, and constantly self-improving. He studied at night and read memorials in the morning.) In volume 68 of zhū zǐ yǔ lèi 朱子語類 [Quotations of Zhu Zi’s Remarks], it reads that “Tā què bú shì rú cǐ, zhǐ guǎn qù zì qiáng bù

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xī shàng tǎo. 他却不是如此，只管去自强不息上討.” (He is not so wise; just go and constantly strive for self-improvement.) In addition, there are idioms from Shàng Shū 尚書 [The Book of History], as can be seen in the following examples. The idiom kè qín kè jiǎn 克勤克儉 can be traced back to dà yǔ mó 大禹謨 [Dayu Mo] of shū 書 [The Book of Documents]. It reads, “Kè qín yú bāng, kè jiǎn yú jiā. 克勤於邦，克儉於家.” (Be diligent in the state and thrifty at home.) In medieval times, kè qín kè jiǎn 克勤克儉 was combined to form an idiom, which means being able to work hard and be thrifty. In liáng tài miào lè wǔ cí 梁太廟 樂舞辭 [Sprinkle Beans of Lyrics of Music and Dance of the Imperial Ancestral Temple of the Liang dynasty] of lè fǔ shī jí 樂府詩集 [Yuefu Poetry Anthology], it reads, “Kè qín kè jiǎn, wú dài wú huāng. 克勤克儉，無怠無荒.” (Be diligent and thrifty. Do not be sluggish or lazy.) In zhang yun shen zhuàn 張允伸傳 [The Biography of Zhang Yunshen] of jiù táng shū 舊唐書 [The Old Book of the Tang dynasty], it reads that “Yǔnshēn lǐng zhèn fán èr shí sān nián, kè qín kè jiǎn, bǐ suì fēng dēng. 允伸領鎮凡二十三年，克勤克儉，比歲豐登.” (Yunshen has been leading here for altogether 23 years. He has been diligent and thrifty, resulting in being more prosperous than ever before), which is also known as kè jiǎn kè qín 克儉克勤. In the Song dynasty, Chen Liang 陳亮 wrote in tíng duì 廷對 [Answer the Emperor’s Consultation in the Imperial Court] that “Tuī qí běn yuán, zé yuē kè jiǎn kè qín, bù zì mǎn jiǎ ér yǐ. 推其本原，則曰克儉克勤，不自滿假而已.” (It is speculated that the fundamental reason is to be diligent and frugal and not complacent.) The idiom shēng líng tú tàn 生靈塗炭 can be traced back to zhong hui zhī gào 仲虺之誥 [Orders of Zhonghui] in shū 書 [The Book of Documents]. It reads that “yǒu xià hūn dé, mín zhuì tú tàn. 有夏昏德，民墜塗炭.” (The kings of the Xia dynasty were fatuous and incompetent, and the people lived in pain.) In wěi kong an guo zhuàn 僞孔安國傳 [Forged Biography of Kong An’guo], it reads that “Mín zhī wēi xiǎn, ruò xiàn ní zhuì huǒ. 民之危險，若陷泥墜火.” (People are in danger as if falling into mud and fire.) In the middle ages, the idiom shēng líng tú tàn 生靈塗炭 was used to describe the lives of the people that are as painful as falling into a quagmire or a fire pit. In fú pī zài jì 苻丕载记 [Records of Fu Pizai] of shū shū 書书 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Xiān dì yàn jià zéi tíng, jīng shī jū wèi róng xué, shén zhōu xiāo tiáo, shēng líng tú tàn. 先帝晏駕賊庭，京師鞠 爲戎穴，神州蕭條，生靈塗炭.” (The former emperor died in the battle with the enemy, and the capital was occupied by the enemy. The whole land of China at that time was in depression, and the people’s lives were ruined.) In the Song dynasty, Xu Kai 許凱 wrote in yàn zhōu shī huà 彦周詩話 [Yanzhou’s Comment on Poetry] that “Sūn shì bà yè, xì cǐ yī zhàn, shè jì cún wáng, shēng líng tú tàn dōu bù wèn, zhǐ kǒng zhuō le èr qiáo, kě jiàn cuò dà bù shí hǎo è. 孫氏霸業，系此一 戰，社稷存亡，生靈塗炭都不問，只恐捉了二喬，可見措大不識好惡.” (The outcome of Sun’s great ambition and great cause is all determined by this battle. He does not care whether the country exists or perishes or whether the people will suffer or not. He just worries whether the Qiao sisters will be captured. It can be seen that scholars don’t tell good from bad.)

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese 123 The idiom yǎn wǔ xiū wén 偃武修文 can be traced back to wǔ chéng 武成 [Wu Cheng] of shū 書 [The Book of Documents], which reads that “Wáng lái zì shāng, zhì yú fēng, nǎi yǎn wǔ xiū wén. 王來自商，至於豐，乃偃武修文.” (On the basis of the Shang dynasty, the king vigorously developed the country, which gradually became strong and prosperous, so he stopped military affairs and revitalized culture and education.) The idiom means to stop military preparation and cultivate culture and education. In medieval times, it was used to describe the scene of national peace and prosperity. In yuan shu zhuàn 袁術傳 [The Biography of Yuan Shu] of hòu hàn shū 後漢書 [The Book of the Later Han dynasty], it reads, “Nǎi shǐ wáng rén fèng mìng, xuān míng cháo ēn, yǎn wǔ xiū wén, yǔ zhī gēng shǐ. 乃使王人奉 命，宣明朝恩，偃武修文，與之更始.” (So, the Official Wangren was ordered by the emperor to declare the mercy of the Court and stopped military affairs and revitalized culture and education, which was the beginning of national prosperity.) In xue dao heng zhuàn 薛道衡傳 [The Biography of Xue Daoheng] of suí shū 隋書 [The Book of Sui], it reads that “Yú shì bā huāng tiān wài, jiǔ fú dà tóng, sì hǎi wèi jiā, wàn lǐ shì zhái, nǎi xiū niú sàn mǎ, yǎn wǔ xiū wén. 於是八荒天外，九 服大 同，四海爲家，萬里事宅，乃休牛散馬，偃武修文.” (At this time, all the wild lands in all directions were subordinate to the rule, and all kinds of nationalities were unified. There was a family all over the world, and all the miles belonged to the inner chamber of the Tang dynasty. Hence, they demobilized the army’s cattle and horses, stopped military operations, and took measures to strengthen the rule of culture, repair the system of laws and regulations, and promote the education of rites and music.) In the Song dynasty, Chen Liang 陳亮 wrote in zhu ge kong ming shàng 諸葛孔明上 [Zhuge Kongming I] of zhuó gǔ lùn 酌古論 [On Historical Events and Figures] that “Jiāng dōng jì píng, tiān xià jì yī, yǎn wǔ xiū wén, zhāng shàn liáo è, chóng jiào huà, yí fēng sú, shù nián zhī jiān, tiān xià lüè zhì. 江東既平，天下既 一，偃武修文，彰善療惡，崇教化，移風俗，數年之間，天下略治.” (Since the rebellion in the areas of east of the Changjiang River has been calmed down and the world has been unified. As a result, the military affairs have been stopped, culture and education have been revitalized, goodness has been praised, evil has been punished, and education and culture have been respected.) The world has been a little peaceful after a few years, which can also be written as xiū wén yǎn wǔ 修 文偃武. In the Tang dynasty, Lu Zhi 陸贄 wrote in cì shàng jié zàn dì sān shū 賜 尚結贊第三書 [The Third Letters of Appreciation of Shang Jiezan] that “Jiāng qī qù shā hǎo shēng, xiū wén yǎn wǔ, yǒng ān zhào shù, chuí fǎ zǐ sūn. 將期去殺 好生，修文偃武，永安兆庶，垂法子孫.” (In the future, it is better to give up killing, respect life, stop military affairs, and revitalize culture and education. Only in this way can you let the people live and work in peace and contentment forever, which will set a good example for future generations.) In yang su zhuàn 楊素傳 [The Biography of Yang Su] of suí shū 隋書 [The Book of Sui], it reads, “Xiū wén yǎn wǔ, sì hǎi ān rán. 修文偃武，四海安然.” (Stop military affairs and revitalize culture and education, and the world will be safe and peaceful.) There are also idioms from chūn qiū sān zhuàn 春秋三傳 [Three Commentaries on the Spring and Autumn Annals] and sān lǐ 三禮 [Three Rites], as exemplified in the following.

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The idiom bāo cáng huò xīn 包藏禍心 can be traced back to zhāo gōng yuán nián 昭公元年 [The First Year of Zhao Gong] of zuǒ zhuàn 左傳 [Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals]. It reads that “Xiǎo guó wú zuì, shì shí qí zuì. jiāng shì dà guó zhī ān jìng yǐ, ér wú nǎi bāo cáng huò xīn yǐ tú zhī. 小 國無罪，恃實其罪. 將恃大國之安靖已，而無乃包藏禍心以圖之.” (A small country like us has no sin other than relying too much on a big country. Originally, we intended to rely on the great powers to stabilize ourselves, but I was afraid they were hiding evil intentions to plot against us.) This is what Ziyu, a doctor of the state of Zheng, said when he denounced Wei from the state of Chu. Bāo cáng huò xīn 包藏禍心 means seemingly silent and calm from the outside, yet actually evil and vile from the inside, which was used as an idiom in the middle ages in China. In the Tang dynasty, Luo Binwang 駱賓王 wrote in wèi xú jìng yè tǎo wǔ mò xí 爲徐敬業討武墨檄 [Call to Arms against Wu Zhao] that “Rén shén zhī suǒ tóng jí, tiān dì zhī suǒ bù róng. yóu fù bāo cáng huò xīn, kuī qiè shén qì. 人神之所同 嫉，天地之所不容. 猶復包藏禍心，窺竊神器.” (Man and God are jealous of what she already takes, and heaven and earth cannot tolerate her. What’s worse, she harbors evil intentions to covet the throne.) The idiom dà yì miè qīn 大義滅親 can be traced back to yǐn gōng sì nián 隱公 四年 of zuǒ zhuàn 左傳 [Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals], which reads that “Shí xiāo, chún chén yě. è zhōu xū ér hòu yǔ yān (shí hòu yī tóng bèi lù), dà yì miè qīn, qí shì zhī wèi hū? 石硝，純臣也. 惡州吁而厚與焉 （石厚一同被戮），大義滅親，其是之謂乎？” (Shi Kuo is really a gentleman with pure integrity. He hated Zhou Xu and killed Shi Hou together. That is, as the saying goes, to punish one’s own relations in the cause of justice). This refers to the destruction of father and son’s relations for the great righteousness of kings and officials. In the middle ages, it was fixed as an idiom, generally referring to maintaining justice regardless of personal affections for relatives. In qīng hé xiào wáng qìng zhuàn 清河孝王慶傳 [The Biography of Qing, King of Filial Piety in Qinghe] of hòu hàn shū 後漢書 [The Later Han dynasty], it reads that “Huáng tài zǐ yǒu shī huò wú cháng zhī xìng, ài zì hái rǔ, zhì jīn yì zhāng, kǒng xí qí mǔ xiōng è zhī fēng, bù kě yǐ fèng zōng miào, wèi tiān xià zhǔ. dà yì miè qīn, kuàng tuì jiàng hū? 皇太子有失惑無常之性，愛自孩乳，至今益章，恐襲其母凶惡 之風，不可以奉宗廟，爲天下主. 大義滅親，況退降乎？”(The crown prince has the nature of uncertainty and impermanence, which is more obvious now. We are worried that he has inherited his mother’s cruel nature and can neither worship the ancestral temple nor be the Lord of the world. How about abolishing his position regardless of our personal feelings and for the cause of justice?) In mu rong sheng zài jì 慕容盛載記 [The Records of Murong Shengzai] of jìn shū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Zhōu gōng zāo èr shū liú yán zhī biàn, ér néng dà yì miè qīn, zhōng ān zōng guó, yì bù kě wèi fēi zhì dé yě. 〔周公〕遭二叔流言 之 變，而能大義滅親，終安宗國， . . . 亦不可謂非至德也.” (When Duke Zhou encountered disaster because Guan Shu and Cai Shu spread rumors wantonly, he gave up his personal feelings and killed them to bring peace to the country. It can be said that his virtue is very noble.) In yang su zhuàn 楊素傳 [The Biography of Yang Su] of suí shū 隋書 [The Book of Sui], it reads that “Dà yì miè qīn, Chūn

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Qiū gāo yì. 大義滅親，《春秋》高義.” (To be able to maintain justice regardless of one’s personal feelings is the highest righteousness.) The idiom xìn ér yǒu zhēng 信而有徵 can be traced back to zhāo gōng bā nián 昭公八年 [The Eighth Years of the Duke of Zhao] of zuǒ zhuàn 左傳 [Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals]. It reads that “Jūn zǐ zhī yán, xìn ér yǒu zhēng, gù yuàn yuǎn yú qí shēn. 君子之言，信而有徵，故怨遠於其身.” (A gentleman’s words are faithful and have evidence, so resentment is far from him.) It means that the words are true and reliable with evidence. It was used as an idiom in medieval times. In the Tang dynasty, Li Deyu wrote in cì liǔ shì jiù wén 次柳氏舊聞 [Old Stories of the Second Liu Family] that “bǐ jiē mù dǔ, fēi chū chuán wén, xìn ér yǒu zhēng, kě wèi shí lù. 彼皆目睹，非出傳聞，信而有徵， 可爲實録.” (They are all witnessed, not rumors, and they have evidence, which can be recorded.) In the second and the third volume of tài píng guǎng jì 太平廣 記 [Records of the Taiping Era], quoting Wang Renyu 王仁裕 of yù táng xián huà 玉堂閒話 [Gossips in Jade Hall], it is written that “qí nián zhōng chūn, jìn dì guǒ xìng yú liáng biàn, shí qú jīn mǎ, yí zài xuě gōng, qì jīn sān shí nián yǐ. suǒ suǒ zhī zhào, xìn ér yǒu zhēng. 其年中春，晉帝果幸於梁汴，石渠金馬，移在雪宫， 迄今三十年矣.” 索索之兆，信而有徵.” (In the middle of the spring, the emperor of Jin went to Bianliang, and the golden horses in Shiqu were moved to the snow palace, which has been 30 years so far. These details are sound evidence to prove the faithfulness of the story.) In the Tang dynasty, Kong Yingda 孔穎達 wrote in zhōu yì zhèng yì 周易正义 [Preface to Justifying the Book of Changes], “qù qí huá ér qǔ qí shí, yù shǐ xìn ér yǒu zhēng. 去其華而取其實，欲使信而有徵.” (Get its true content through its boastful appearance and make it credible and verifiable), which is also known as xìn ér yǒu zhēng 信而有證. In cui guang zhuàn 崔光傳 [The Biography of Cui Guang] of wèi shū 魏書 [The Book of Wei], it reads that “xiàng (liú xiàng) yōng (cài yōng) bìng bó dá zhī shì, kǎo wù yàn shì, xìn ér yǒu zhèng. 向（劉向）邕（蔡邕）並博達之士，考物驗事，信而有證.” (Both Liu Xiang and Cai Yong are knowledgeable and reasonable, who make tests and verify things to ensure them faithful.) The idiom jiē lái zhī shí 嗟來之食 can be traced back to tán gōng xià 檀弓下 [Tan Gong II] of lǐ jì 禮記 [The Book of Rites]. It reads that “Qí dà jī, qián áo wèi shí yú lù, yǐ dài jī zhě ér shí zhī. yǒu è zhě méng mèi jí lǚ, mào mào rán lái. qián áo zuǒ fèng shí, yòu zhí yǐn, yuē: ‘jiē, lái shí!’ yáng qí mù ér shì zhī, yuē, ‘yǔ wéi bù shí jiē lái zhī shí, yǐ zhì yú sī yě!’ cóng ér xiè yān, zhōng bù shí ér sǐ. 齊大饑，黔敖爲食於路，以待饑者而食之. 有餓者蒙袂輯履，貿貿然來. 黔 敖左奉食，右執飲，曰： “嗟，來食！ ”揚其目而視之，曰， “予唯不食嗟 來之食，以至於斯也！ ”從而謝焉，終不食而死.” (The famine in the state of Qi was serious. Qian Ao distributed food to the hungry people on the roadside. A hungry man covered his face with sleeves, dragging his shoes and came faintly. Qian Ao said with food in his left hand, drinking water in his right hand, “Hey, come and eat!” He looked up at him and said, I don’t eat food given to me in charity. Therefore, he declined his kindness, and finally did not eat the food given to him and starved to death.) The words originally refer to pitying others for hunger and calling them to eat. In medieval times, the words became an idiom, referring

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to insulting alms. In le yang zi qī 樂羊子妻 [The Wife of Leyangzi] of liè nǚ zhuàn 列女傳 [The Biographies of Women] of hòu hàn shū 後漢書 [The Book of the Later Han dynasty], it reads that “Qáng zǐ cháng xíng lù, dé yí jīn yī bǐng, hái yǔ qí qī. qī yuē: ‘qiè wén zhì shì bù yǐn dào quán zhī shuǐ, lián zhě bù shòu jiē lái zhī shí, kuàng shí yí qiú lì, yǐ wū qí xíng hū? 羊子嘗行路，得遺金一餅， 還與其妻. 妻曰： ‘妾聞志士不飲盗泉之水，廉者不受嗟 來之食，況拾遺求 利，以汙其行乎？’” (Yangzi picked up a piece of gold while walking and gave it to his wife. His wife said, I heard that ambitious people do not drink the water from the stolen spring, honest people do not eat the food in charity, not to mention picking up things on the road and making profits from it. This is an insult to yourself.) In the Tang dynasty, Yang Jiong 楊炯 wrote in táng yòu jiāng jūn wèi zhé shén dào bēi 唐右將軍魏哲神道碑 [Sacred Tablet of Wei Zhe, General of the Right in the Tang dynasty] that “Jūn jǐng wèi jiàn, rú lín dào shuǐ zhī yuán jūn zào wèi chuī, shì duì jiē lái zhī shí. 軍井未建，如 臨盗水之源；軍竈未炊，似對嗟 來之食.” (If the military well is not built, it is like taking water from the stealing spring; if the military stove does not cook, it is like taking food in charity.) Furthermore, there are idioms from the works of scholars in pre-Qin dynasty, as exemplified in the following. The idiom fēn bēng lí xī 分崩離析 describes the disintegration of a country or group and can be traced back to jì shì 季氏 [Ji Shi] of lùn yǔ 論語 [The Analects of Confucius]. It reads that “jīn yóu yǔ qiú yě, xiāng fū zǐ, yuǎn rén bù fú, ér bù néng lái yě bāng fēn bēng lí xī, ér bù néng shǒu yě. 今由與求也，相夫子，遠人 不服，而不能來也；邦分崩離析，而不能守也.” (You and Qiu are assisting Ji Su in governing now. People from afar do not obey, but they cannot make them obey. The country is divided, but they cannot maintain its stability and unity.) He Yan 何晏 wrote in lùn yǔ 集解 [Ji Jie] that “Kong an guo yuē: mín yǒu yì xīn yuē fēn, yù qù yuē bēng, bù kě huì jù yuē lí xī. 孔〔安國〕 曰：民有異心曰分，欲去 曰崩，不可會聚曰離析.” (According to Kong Anguo, if people have unfaithful mind, we call it fēn 分; if they want to go away, we call it bēng 崩; if they cannot gather together, we call it lí xī 離析.) As an idiom in medieval times, it is widely used. In deng yu zhuàn 鄧禹傳 [The Biography of Deng Yu] in hòu hàn shū 後 漢書 [The Book of Later Han dynasty], it is written that “Sì fāng fēn bēng lí xī, xíng shì kě jiàn. 四方分崩離析，形勢可見.” (All four sides are falling apart, and the situation can be seen.) In the Song dynasty, Sima Guang wrote in bǎo yè 保業 [Guard the Cause] that “Chén qiè guān zì zhōu shì dōng qiān yǐ lái, wáng zhèng bù xíng, zhū hóu bìng jiàn, fēn bēng lí xī, bù kě shèng jì. fán wǔ bǎi yǒu wǔ shí nián ér hé yú qín. 臣竊觀自周室東遷以 來，王政不行，諸侯並僭，分崩離 析，不可勝計. 凡五百有五十年而合於秦.” (I found that since the move of the Zhou royal family to the East, the king did not implement benevolent government, the princes were uneasy to take their share, and the country fell apart. There are countless examples of crimes as such. After a total of 550 years, the country was reunified by the Qin dynasty.) The idiom hòu shēng kě wèi 後生可畏 means young people will surpass their predecessors and should be respected. It can be traced back to zi hǎn 子罕 [Zihan] of lùn yǔ 論語 [The Analects of Confucius] and reads that “Hòu shēng kě wèi,

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yān zhī lái zhě zhī bù rú jīn yě. 後生可畏，焉知來者之不如今也.” (The younger generation is awesome. How do you know that the newcomers are not as good as people of today?) It became an idiom in medieval times, mostly used to praise young people with ambition and achievements. Cao Pi 曹丕 of the We dynasty in the Three Kingdom period wrote in dá wú zhì shū 答吴質書 [Reply to Wu Zhi] that “Hòu shēng kě wèi, lái zhě nán wū. 後生可畏，來者難誣.” (The younger generations are promising and should not be despised.) In the Southern Song dynasty, Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 wrote in wén xué 文學 [Literature] of shì shuō xīn yǔ 世说新 语 [A New Account of the Tales of the World] that “Hé yàn wèi lì bù shàng shū, zhù yǐn 《 wáng bì bié zhuàn 》: “lì bù shàng shū hé yàn shén qí zhī, tí zhī yuē:’ hòu shēng kě wèi, ruò sī rén zhě, kě yǔ yán tiān rén zhī jì yǐ. 何晏爲吏部尚書, 注引《王弼别傳》： ‘吏部尚書何晏甚奇之，題之曰：後生可畏，若斯人 者，可與言天人之際矣.’” (He Yan, the Minister of the Ministry of officials, is a man of extraordinary intelligence. I wrote a few words for him, “Young people are formidable.” We can discuss such complex topics as the relationship between heaven and man with people as smart as him.) In the Song dynasty, Su Shi 蘇軾 wrote in the poem cì yùn zi yóu wǔ yuè yī rì tóng zhuǎn duì次韻子由五月一日 同轉對 [Ci Yun Zi Turns Right on May 1st] that “Hòu shēng kě wèi wú shuāi yǐ, dāo bǐ cóng lái cuò liào yáo. 後生可畏吾衰矣，刀筆從來錯料堯.” (The younger generations should not be despised.) The idiom yǐ dé bào yuàn 以德報怨 can be traced back to xiàn wèn 憲問 [Xian Wen] of lùn yǔ 論語 [The Analects of Confucius]. It reads, “Huò yuē: yǐ dé bào yuàn, hé rú? 或曰：以德報怨，何如？” (How about repaying virtue for resentment, which means not to remember the hatred of others, but to repay him with kindness. It was widely used as an idiom in medieval times.) In han bao zhuàn 韓褒傳 [The Biography of Han Bao] of běi shǐ 北史 [The Northern History], it reads that “suǒ huò zéi zhòng, bù zú wèi duō, fú ér rǔ zhī, dàn yì qí fèn ěr. qǐng yī qiè fàng hái, yǐ dé bào yuàn. 所獲賊衆，不足爲多，俘而辱之，但益其忿耳.” 請一切放還，以德報怨.” (We have not captured many enemies. If we capture them and humiliate them, it will only make them hate us more. Let’s repay virtue for resentment.) In volume 44 of zhū zǐ yǔ lèi 朱子語類 [Quotations of Zhu Zi’s Remarks], it reads that “Yǐ dé bào yuàn, bú shì bù hǎo, dàn shàng miàn gèng wú yī jiàn kě yǐ bào dé. 以德報怨，不是不好，但上面更無一件可以報德.” (It’s not bad to repay virtue for resentment, but nothing to repay virtue.) The idiom yǐ rén fèi yán 以人廢言 can be traced back to wèi líng gōng 衛靈公 [The Duke of Weiling] of lùn yǔ 論語 [The Analects of Confucius]. It reads that “Zǐ yuē: jūn zǐ bù yǐ yán jǔ rén, bù yǐ rén fèi yán. 子曰：君子不以言舉人，不 以人廢言.” (Confucius once says that a gentleman does not recommend a person for his good words, nor does he abandon his good words due to his shortcomings.) The words yǐ rén fèi yán 以人廢言 mean to abandon one’s good words due to one’s shortcomings. People in ancient times believed it was wrong to do so. It was used as an idiom in medieval times. In wǔ dì jì zhōng 武帝紀中 [Records of Emperor Wu II] of liáng shū 梁書 [The Book of Liang], it reads that “Jìng cùn zhī bǎo, huò yǐn shā ní yǐ rén fèi yán, jūn zǐ sī jiè. 徑寸之寶，或隱沙泥；以人廢言， 君子斯戒.” (A big diamond may be hidden in the sand, and a gentleman should

128 The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese not abandon someone’s words because of his shortcomings.) In the Tang dynasty, Lu Zhi 陸贄 wrote in lùn xù qiān xìng zhī yóu zhuàng 論敘遷幸之由狀 [On the Reasons for Moving Capital], “Bù yǐ rén fèi yán, bù yǐ yán fèi zhí. 不以人廢言， 不以言廢直.” (Do not abandon one’s words due to his humble position, nor give up justice due to what one has said.) The idiom yì yán xīng bāng 一言興邦 can be traced back to zi lu 子路 [Zi Lu] of lùn yǔ 論語 [The Analects of Confucius]. It reads that “Dìng gōng wèn: yī yán ér kě yǐ xìng bāng, yǒu zhū? 定公問：一言而可以興邦，有諸？” (The Duke of Ding asks if it is possible to make the country prosperous by only one word.) In the middle ages, it was solidified into an idiom, which means that a key word can make the country prosperous. Liu Yuxi 劉禹錫 wrote in táng gù xiāng guó lǐ gōng jí jì 唐故相國李公集紀 [Records of Li Gongji, the former Prime Minister of the Tang dynasty] that “Gǔ suǒ wèi yán xìng bāng zhě, xìn zāi? 古所謂 – 言興邦 者，信哉？” (In ancient times, it was said that one single word can rejuvenate the country. Do you believe it?) In the Song dynasty, Xu Yi 許顓 wrote in xǔ yàn zhōu shī huà 許彦周詩話 [Comments on Poetry by Xu Yanzhou] that “Yuán lǐ shǒu yì tài zhēn, guó zhōng bèi, jìn hū yī yán xìng bāng, yí dé cǐ yǔ. 元禮首議太真、 國忠輩，近乎一言興 邦，宜得此語.” (In the Yuan dynasty, the ceremony first discussed the generation of Taizhen and Guo Zhong. It’s prospering the country with only one word. It’s appropriate to get this phrase.) The idiom jù tǐ ér wēi 具體而微 can be traced back to gōng sūn chǒu shàng 公孫丑上 [Gongsun Chou I] of mèng zǐ 孟子 [Works of Mencius]. It reads that “Zi xia, zi you, zi zhang jiē yǒu shèng rén zhī yī tǐ rǎn niú, mǐn zi, yán yuān zé jù tǐ ér wēi. 子夏、子遊、子張皆有聖人之一體；冉牛、 閔子、顔淵則具體而 微.” (Zixia, Ziyou, and Zizhang are like saints in some way. Ran Niu, Min Zi, and Yan Yuan are generally like the saint, only that they are less excellent). Zhu Xi 朱 熹 commented that “jù tǐ ér wēi 具體而微 means “Jù tǐ ér wēi, wèi yǒu qí quán tǐ, dàn wèi guǎng dà ěr. 具體而微，謂有其全體，但未廣大耳.” (The content is available, but only that it needs to be expanded.) In the middle ages, it was used as an idiom to indicate that the content was generally available and the shape or scale was small. In the Tang dynasty, Bai Juyi 白居易 wrote in zuì yín xiān shēng zhuàn 醉吟先生傳 [The Biography of an Unknown Man Who Takes Delight in Drinking Wine and Writing Poems] that “Suǒ jū yǒu chí wǔ liù mǔ, zhú shù qiān gān, qiáo mù shù shí zhū, tái xiè zhōu qiáo, jù tǐ ér wēi, xiān shēng ān yān. 所居有 池五六畝，竹數千竿，喬木數十株，台榭舟橋，具體而微，先生安焉.” [In the place where I live, there is a pool of 56 mu (Chinese unit of measuring land), thousands of bamboo poles, dozens of trees, some pavilions, boats, and bridges. The place is tiny in scale, but rich in content, which make me satisfied.] In volume 197 of tài píng guǎng jì 太平廣記 [Records of the Taiping Era], quoting Wang Renyu 王仁裕 of yù táng xián huà 玉堂閒話 [Gossips in Jade Hall], it reads that “Dōng yuán xià yǒu xiǎo wǎ táng shì yī suǒ, gāo chǐ xǔ, jù tǐ ér wēi. xún qí zhōu rén, yuē: cǐ xī rǎng yě. 東垣下有小瓦堂室一所，高尺許，具體 而微. 詢其州 人，曰：此息壤也.” (There is a small tile hall under the east wall, which is concrete and subtle, about a foot high. The local people, when asked, all said it was the soil that never diminished.) In volume 52 of zhū zǐ yǔ lèi 朱子語類 [Quotations of

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese 129 Zhu Zi’s Remarks], it reads that “Yan zi suǒ zhī suǒ xíng, shì shì zhǐ yǔ shèng rén zhēng xiē zǐ, suǒ yǐ yuē jù lóu ér wēi. 顔子所知所行，事事只與聖人争些子， 所以曰具髏而微.” (Yan Zi only competes with the saints in everything he knows and does, so he could be called a mini-saint.) The idiom bá miáo zhù zhǎng 揠苗助長 (bundle seedling growth) can be traced back to gōng sūn chǒu shàng 公孫丑上 [Gongsun Chou I] of the Mèng zǐ 孟子 [Works of Mencius]. It reads that “sòng rén yǒu mǐn qí miáo zhī bù zhǎng ér wò zhī zhě, máng máng rán guī, wèi qí jiā rén yuē, jīn rì bìng yǐ, yǔ zhù miáo zhǎng yǐ. qí zi qū ér wǎng shì zhī, miáo zé gǎo yǐ. 宋人有閔其苗之不長而握之者，芒芒 然歸，謂其家人曰，今日病矣，予助苗長矣.” 其子趨而往視之，苗則槁矣.” (A man from the Song dynasty who was worried that his seedlings were not tall and pulled them up was very tired at the end of the day. He came home and said to his family, “I’m tired today. I helped the seedlings grow tall!” His son hurried to the field to see that all the seedlings died.) In the middle ages, it became an idiom, meaning that it is not beneficial but harmful to go against the law of development of things and be too eager for success. In the Song dynasty, Lv Benzhong 吕本中 wrote in zǐ wēi zá shuō 紫微雜説 [Ziwei Zashuo] that “xué wèn gōng fū, quán zài jiā qià hán yǎng yùn xù zhī jiǔ, zuǒ yòu cǎi zé, yī dàn bīng shì lǐ shùn, zì rán féng yuán yǐ. fēi rú shì rén qiáng xí qǔ zhī, mǐn miáo zhù zhǎng, kǔ xīn jí lì, zú wú suǒ de yě. 學問功夫，全在浹洽涵養蕴蓄之久，左右采擇，一旦冰釋理順，自 然 逢源矣.” 非如世人强襲取之，抿苗助長，苦心極力，卒無所得也 (Learning requires long-term accumulation, mastery, and multiple choices. Once all aspects are straightened out, it will be handy. Nowadays, people prefer memorizing facts rather than comprehending the underlying reasons, or they hope that knowledge can be achieved in a day. Although a lot of efforts have been made, nothing has been gained in the end.) The idiom qīng chūyú lán 青出於藍 (blue comes from the indigo plant but is bluer than the plant itself) can be traced back to quàn xué 勸學 [Persuasion to Study] of xúnzǐ 荀子 [Works of Xun Zi]. It reads that “qīng, qǔ zhī yú lán, ér qīng yú lán bīng, shuǐ wèi zhī, ér hán yú shuǐ. 青，取之於藍，而青於藍；冰，水爲 之，而寒於水.” (The dye extracted from the indigo is bluer than the plant, so is the ice colder than the water.) In the middle ages, qīng chūyú lán 青出於藍 was used as an idiom to describe that a disciple is better than a teacher and that future generations are better than their predecessors. In the Northern Qi dynasty, Liu Shu wrote in Chóng xué 崇學 [Worship Learning] of liú zi 劉子 [Liu Zi] that “Qīng chū yú lán ér qīng yú lán, rǎn shǐ rán yě. 青出於藍而青於藍，染使然也.” (The dye extracted from the indigo is bluer than the plant, which is caused by dyeing.) In the Tang dynasty, Zhang Yanyuan 張彦遠 wrote in lì dài míng huà jì 歷代名 畫記 [Famous Paintings of the Past dynasties] that “Gè yǒu shī zī, dì xiāng fǎng xiào, huò zì kāi hù yǒu, huò wèi jí mén qiáng, huò qīng chū yú lán, huò bīng hán yú shuǐ. 各有師資，遞相倣效，或自開户牖，或未及門墻，或青出於藍，或 冰寒於水.” (Each has teachers who can imitate each other. They either have their own style, or follow nobody; they can surpass their predecessors like the dye is bluer than the plant or the ice colder than water.) In the Tang dynasty, Bai Juyi 白居易 wrote in On Writing Exposition that “Fù zhě, gǔ shī zhī liú yě. shǐ cǎo

130 The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese chuàng yú xún sòng, jiàn huī zhāng yú jiǎ mǎ, bīng shēng hū shuǐ, chū biàn běn yú 《 Diǎn 》《 Fén 》, qīng chū yú lán, fù zēng huá yú 《 Fēng 》《 Yǎ》. 賦者， 古詩之流也. 始草創於荀宋，漸恢張於賈馬，冰生乎水，初變本於《典》 《墳》，青出於藍，復增華於《風》《雅》.” (Exposition is developed from ancient poetry. It was initially founded by Xunzi and Song Yu, and later developed and expanded with the efforts of Mr. Jia and Mr. Ma. Just as ice is condensed from water, exposition first appeared in classic works such as Dian and Fen. Just as cyan is bluer than blue, works like Feng and Ya are endowed with better stylistic characteristics.) Liu Kezhuang 劉克莊 wrote in one of the two poems of Mourning for Wu Qingming that “Wén xīn shuǐ yìn suī chuán dí, qīng chū yú lán zì yī jiā. 文 心水印雖傳嫡，青出於藍自一家.” (Although the seal is passed on to the eldest, they all come from the same family.) The idiom qù tài qù shèn 去泰（太）去甚 [not to go beyond the limit] can be traced back to chapter 29 of lǎo zi老子 [Laozi]. It reads that “Tiān xià shén qì bù kě wèi yě, wèi zhě bài zhī, zhí zhě shī zhī. shì yǐ shèng rén qù shén, qù shē, qù tài. 天下神器不可爲也，爲者敗之,執者失 之 . . . 是以聖人去甚、去奢、去泰.” (Such things as the state and the political power are magical, so they cannot be touched. The more you want, the more you will lose. Therefore, when saints do things, they should not be too extreme, too extravagant, or too self-centered.) In the middle ages, the phrase qù tài qù shèn 去泰去甚 was used as an idiom meaning that things should be moderate, and those extreme and excessive things should be removed. In the Jin dynasty, Zuo Si 左思 wrote in wèi dū fù 魏都賦 [Exposition on the Capital of Wei] that “Fěi pǔ fěi duàn, qù tài qù shén, mù wú diāo lòu, tǔ wú dì jǐn. 匪樸匪断，去泰去甚，木無彫鏤， 土無締錦.” (The palace is neither very simple nor very luxurious. There is no exquisite carving on the wood, and there is no silk on the ground.) In the Tang dynasty, Liu Zhiji 劉知幾 wrote in shì jiā 世 家 [Aristocratic Families] of shǐ tōng 史通 [Shi Tong] that “Liang zhǔ chì zhuàn 《 Tōng shǐ》, dìng wèi wú shǔ shì jiā, chí bǐ jiàn jūn, bǐ zhū liè guó, qù tai qù shèn, qí dé zhé zhōng zhī guī hū? 梁主勅撰《通史》，定爲吴蜀世家，持彼僭 君，比諸列國，去太去甚，其得折中之規乎？” (When Liang Zhuxi wrote the general history, which is defined as an aristocratic family of Wu and Shu, who held that they set up their own state as the other states, and they behaved moderately and made much compromise when making rules.) The idiom shēn gēn gù dì 深根固柢(蒂) (deep-rooted) can be traced back to chapter 59 of lǎo zi 老子 [Laozi], which reads that “Zhòng jī dé zé wú bù kè, wú bù kè zé mò zhī qí jí. mò zhī qí jí, kě yǐ wèi guó. yǒu guó zhī mǔ, kě yǐ zhǎng jiǔ. shì wèi shēn gēn gù dǐ, zhǎng shēng jiǔ shì zhī dào. 重積德則無不克，無不克 則莫知其極. 莫知其極，可以爲國. 有國之母，可以長久. 是謂深根固柢、 長生久視之道.” (To prepare early is to accumulate virtue. If he accumulates his virtue, there is nothing incompetent, and his strength cannot be estimated without incompetence. If he cannot estimate his strength, he can take on the important task of governing the country. With the principles of governing the country, the country can enjoy long-term stability. This is the deep-rooted truth of long life.) In medieval times, shēn gēn gù dì 深根固柢(蒂) was used as an idiom meaning that the foundation is firm and unshakable. In the Jin dynasty, Zuo Si 左思 wrote

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese

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in wèi dū fù 魏都賦 [Exposition on the Capital of Wei] that “Jiàn gé suī luó, píng zhī zhě jué, fēi suǒ yǐ shēn gēn gù dì yě. 劍閣雖螺，憑之者蹶，非所以深根固 蒂也.” (Although the sword pavilion is high, those who rely on it will fall back, which is for the reason that it is not deeply rooted.) In the Tang dynasty, Lu Zhi 陸 贄 wrote in lùn guān zhōng shì yí zhuàng 論關中事宜狀 [On Guanzhong Affairs], “Shī jū zhòng yù qīng zhī quán, wàng shēn gēn gù dǐ zhī lǜ. 失居重馭輕之權， 忘深根固柢之慮.” (Forget the truth that you should be in an important position and powerful to control your subordinates, and you can be stable only if you have a deep foundation.) It is also written as gēn shēn dì gù 根深柢 (蒂)固. In the Tang dynasty, Li Dingzuo 李鼎祚 wrote in fǒu 否 [Negation] of zhōu yì jí jiě 周易集 解 [Interpretation of the Book of Changes] that “yán wǔ èr bāo xì, gēn shēn dì gù, ruò shān zhī jiān, ruò dì zhī hòu yě. 言五二包繫，根深蒂固，若山之堅，若地 之厚也.” (The five or two package system is deeply rooted. It is as strong as the mountain and as thick as the earth.) In the Song dynasty, Sima Guang wrote in shàng páng shū mì lùn bèi zhōu shì yí shū 上龐樞密論貝州事宜書 [On the Affairs of Beizhou by Cardinal Pang] that “suī guó jiā ēn dé zài mín, lún yú gǔ suǐ, gēn shēn dǐ gù, wàn wú suǒ lǜ. 雖國家恩德在民，淪於骨髓，根深柢固，萬無所 慮.” (Although the country’s kindness lies in the people, it is so deeply rooted that there was nothing to worry about.) The idiom xuán zhī yòu xuán 玄之又玄 [extremely mysterious and abstruse] can be traced back to the first chapter of lǎo zi 老子 [Lao Zi]. It reads that “tóng wèi zhī xuán, xuán zhī yòu xuán, zhòng miào zhī mén. 同謂之玄，玄之又玄，衆 妙之門.” (Both have the same origin but only with different names, which can be called mysterious and far-reaching. It is not ordinary mysterious and profound, but more mysterious than mysterious itself, and more far-reaching than far-reaching itself. It is the main door to the mystery of everything in the universe.) It means that the Tao is very deep, far-reaching, and unpredictable. It is the main gate of all subtleties. Xuán zhī yòu xuán 玄之又玄 was used as an idiom in medieval times, which generally referred to the reason that was mysterious and difficult to understand. In the Tang dynasty, Kong Yingda 孔穎達 wrote in zhōu yì zhèng yì xù 周 易正義序 [Preface to Justice of the Book of Changes] that “Yuán fū《 Yì》 lǐ nán qióng, suī fù xuán zhī yòu xuán, zhì yú chuí fàn zuò zé, biàn shì yǒu ér jiào yǒu. 原夫《易》理難窮，雖復玄之又玄，至於垂範作則，便是有而教有.” (The Book of Changes is difficult to understand. Although it is complex and mysterious, as far as setting an example is mentioned, there is something to teach.) In the Tang dynasty, Bai Juyi 白居易 wrote in qiú xuán zhū fù 求玄珠賦 [Exposition on Seeking Mysterious Beads] that “qiú zhī zhě kuā qí xīn, bǐ sǔn zhī yòu sǔn dé zhī zhě fǎn qí xìng, nǎi xuán zhī yòu xuán. 求之者夸其心，俾損之又損；得之者 反 其性，乃玄之又玄.” (Those who seek them hollow their hearts and despise them, those who get them, on the contrary, mystify them). In the Tang dynasty, Liu Zhiji 劉知幾 wrote in shì jiā 世家 [Telling Stories] of shǐ tōng 史通 [Shi Tong] that “néng sǔn zhī yòu sǔn, ér xuán zhī yòu xuán, lún biǎn suǒ bù néng yǔ jīn, yī zhì suǒ bù néng yán dǐng yě. 能損之又損，而玄之又玄，輪扁所不能語斤， 伊摯所不能言鼎也.” (It is possible to lose at the expense of others, but it is also mysterious. What Lun Bian cannot say is Jin, and what Yi Zhi cannot say is Ding.)

132 The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese The idiom dà tóng xiǎo yì 大同小異 [be essentially the same] can be traced back to Tiān xià 天下 [The World] by Zhuang Zi 莊子, which reads that “dà tóng ér yǔ xiǎo tóng yì, cǐ zhī wèi xiǎo tóng yì wàn wù bì tóng bì yì, cǐ zhī wèi dà tóng yì. 大同而與小同異，此之謂小同異；萬物畢同畢 異，此之謂大同異.” (Great harmony and/or little harmony is called small difference. If everything is exactly the same and/or completely different, and that is called a great difference.) In the middle ages, dà tóng xiǎo yì大同小異 was used as an idiom meaning that things were almost the same but with slight difference. In the Northern Wei dynasty, Yang Xuan zhi 楊銜之 wrote in the Ningyuan Buddhist Temple in the north of the city, in the Luoyang Buddhist Temple in luò yáng jiā lán jì 洛陽伽藍記 [Records of Kalan Temple in Luoyang], that “Huì shēng zài wū chǎng guó èr nián, xī hú fēng sú, dà tóng xiǎo yì, bù néng jù lù. 惠生在烏場國二年，西胡風俗，大同小異， 不能具録.” (Huisheng stayed in Wuchang state for two years, and the customs there were almost the same but with slight difference, which could not be recorded in detail.) Běn cǎo tú jīng 本草圖經 [Illustrated Classics of Materia Medica] was quoted in zhèng hé zhèng lèi běn cǎo huá shí 政和證類本草滑石 [The Political and Syndrome Herbal Medicine Tale], stating that “Jīn háo zhōu yī rén suǒ gōng qīng huá shí, yún xìng wēi hán, wú dú, zhǔ xīn qì sè zhì, yǔ běn jīng dà tóng xiǎo yì. 今濠州醫人所供青滑石，云性微寒，無毒，主心氣澀滯，與本經大同小 異.” (The talc provided by doctors in Haozhou today is slightly cold, non-toxic, and astringent, which is similar to this sutra.) In the Song dynasty, Zhu Xi 朱熹 wrote in chapter 19 of zhōng yōng zhāng jù 中庸章句 [Extracts from the Doctrine of the Mean] that “Cǐ yǔ《 Lùn Yǔ》 wén yì dà tóng xiǎo yì, jì yǒu xiáng lüè ěr. 此與 《論語》文意大同小異，記有詳略耳.” (This is similar to the literary meaning of the Analects of Confucius, only whether it is recorded in detail or not.) The idiom qiān lǜ yì dé 千慮一得 (a thousand worries and one gain) can be traced back to yàn zǐ chūn qīu 晏子春秋 [Yanzi’s Spring and Autumn Annals]. It reads that “Yīng wén zhī: shèng rén qiān lǜ, bì yǒu yī shī yú zhě qiān lǜ, bì yǒu yī de. 嬰聞之：聖人千慮，必有一失；愚者千慮，必有一得.” (Yan Zi has ever heard that the sage’s thousands of worries must have a mistake. A fool who cares too much will get one.) Also in huái yīn hóu liè zhuàn 淮陰侯列傳 [The Biographies of Lords of Huaiyin] of shǐ jì 史記 [The Historical Records], it reads that “Guǎng wǔ jūn yuē’ chén wén zhì zhě qiān lǜ, bì yǒu yī shī yú zhě qiān lǜ, bì yǒu yī de. 廣武君曰 “臣聞智者千慮，必有一失；愚者千慮，必有一得.” (Guangwu Jun said that when a wise man hears a thousand worries, he will make a mistake. A fool who worries a lot will get one). In the middle ages, qiān lǜ yì dé 千慮一得 was used as an idiom meaning that a stupid person would have a correct opinion after careful consideration. It is often used as a modest expression of personal opinions. In yu li zhuàn fù yu ji 虞荔傳附虞寄 [The Biography of Yu Li Attached to Yu Ji] of chén shū 陳書 [The Book of Chen], it reads that “Jì suī jí qīn mào jí, yán wú zú cǎi, qiān lǜ yī de, qǐng chén yú suàn. 寄雖疾侵耄及，言無足采，千慮一得，請陳 愚算.” (Although the disease invades Mao and his words may not sound so good, still even a fool has some good ideas. Please take his words into consideration). In the Tang dynasty, Lu Zhi 陸贄 wrote in lùn guān zhōng shì yí zhuàng 論關中事 宜狀 [On the Reasons for Moving Capital] that “fú wéi bì xià bù yǐ rén fèi yán, bù

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese 133 yǐ yán fèi zhí, qiān lǜ dé, huò yǒu qǔ yān. 伏惟陛下不以人廢言，不以言廢直， 千慮得，或有取焉.” (I only beg your Majesty not to abandon one’s words due to his humble position, nor give up justice for the reason of what one has said. Even a fool has some good ideas.) In the Song dynasty, Chen Liang wrote in yǔ wang ji hai chéng xiàng shū 與王季海丞相書 [Letter to Prime Minister Wang Jihai] that “Chéng xiàng gǒu yǐ wèi rán, zé liàng yòu jiāng yǒu bì yú qiān lǜ zhī yī de zhě, jì cǐ yǐ jìn. 丞相苟以爲然，則亮又將有裨於千慮之一得者，繼此以進.” (If the prime minister thinks so, Liang will benefit those who get one of the thousands of worries, and continue to make progress.) The idiom chéng hú shè shǔ 城狐社鼠 (foxes in the city walls and rats on the altars) can be traced back to jiàn shàng 諫上 [Advice to the Emperor I] of the Inner Chapter of yàn zǐ chūn qīu 晏子春秋 [Yanzi’s Spring and Autumn Annals]. It reads that “fū shè, shù mù ér tú zhī, shǔ yīn wǎng tuō yān. xūn zhī zé kǒng shāo qí mù, guàn zhī zé kǒng bài qí tú, cǐ shǔ suǒ yǐ bù kě dé shā zhě, yǐ shè gù yě. 夫社，束 木而塗之，鼠因往托焉. 熏之則恐燒其木，灌之則恐敗其塗，此鼠所以不可 得殺者，以社故也.” (When it comes to the altar, the wood is lined up one by one and smeared with mud, so the rats go to live here. If you smoke with fire, you are afraid of burning wood, and if you irrigate with water, you are afraid of destroying mud. The reason why this kind of rat cannot be killed is due to the social altar.) The same fables can also be found in Hán Fēizǐ 韓非子 [Works of Hanfeizi], the seventh volume of hán shī wài zhuàn 韓詩外傳 [Han Shi Anecdotes], and zhèng lǐ 政理 [Political Science] of shuō yuàn 説苑 [Shuo yuan]. People cannot get rid of the foxes in the wall hole and the rats in the social altar. In the middle ages, it was summarized as an idiom chéng hú shè shǔ 城狐社鼠, referring to those who rely on others and do evil. In xie li zhuàn 謝鯉傳 [The Biography of Xie Li] of jìn shū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Jí dūn (wang dun) jiāng wèi nì, wèi lǐ yuē, liú kuí jiān xié, jiāng wēi shè jì, wú yù chú jūn cè zhī è, kuāng zhǔ jì shí, hé rú? duì yuē: kuí chéng shǐ huò, rán chéng hú shè shǔ yě. 及敦（王敦）將爲逆，謂 鯉曰，劉隗姦邪，將危社稷，吾欲除君側之惡，匡主濟時，何如？對曰： 隗誠始禍，然城狐社鼠也.” (When Wang Dun wanted to eradicate the rebels, he said to Xie Li that Liu Kai wanted to rebel, which would endanger the country. He wanted to get rid of this evil man and assist the king to relieve the common people. Xie Li said that although Liu Kai caused disaster, he relied on others to do bad things, just like the foxes in the wall hole and the rats in the social altar.) In the Song dynasty, Hong Mai 洪邁 wrote in chéng hú shè shǔ 城狐社鼠 [City Foxes and Social Altar Rats] of róng zhāi sì bǐ 容齋四筆 [Four Strokes of Rongzhai] that “Chéng hú bù guàn, shè shǔ bù xūn, wèi qí suǒ qī xué zhě dé suǒ píng yī, cǐ gǔ yǔ yě. gù yì lùn zhě lǜ zhǐ rén jūn zuǒ yòu jìn xí wèi chéng hú shè shǔ. 城狐不灌， 社鼠不燻，謂其所棲穴者得所憑依，此古語也. 故議論者率指人君左右近習 爲城狐社鼠.” (The foxes in the city wall cannot be irrigated with water, and the mice in the altar cannot be smoked with fire, since their hiding place provides them with protection, as the old saying goes. This discusses the people sheltered by the king, just like the foxes in the city war and rats in the social altar.) The idiom yǎn ěr dào zhōng 掩耳盜鐘 (hide one’s ears and steal the clock) originated in zì zhī 自知 [Self-Knowledge] of lǚ shì chūn qiū 吕氏春秋 [Lu’s

134 The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese Spring and Autumn Annals]; it reads that “Fàn shì zhī wáng yě, bǎi xìng yǒu de zhōng zhě. yù fù ér zǒu, zé zhōng dà bù kě fù yǐ chuí huǐ zhī, zhōng kuàng rán yǒu yīn, kǒng rén wén zhī ér duó jǐ yě, jù niǎn qí ěr. è rén wén zhī, kě yě è jǐ wén zhī, bèi yǐ. 范氏之亡也，百姓有得鐘者. 欲負而走，則鐘 大不可負；以椎毁 之，鐘況然有音，恐人聞之而奪己也，遽捻其耳. 惡人聞之，可也； 惡己聞 之，悖矣.” (When the Fan family of the State of Jin declined, an ordinary man got a clock and wanted to carry it away. It is just that the clock is too big to carry, so he smashed it with a hammer. The clock roared again. The ordinary man was afraid that others would hear the noise and steal the clock. He hurriedly covered his ears, believing that if he could not hear, others could not, either.) This fable satirizes those who deceive themselves and others. In the middle ages, it can be summarized as the idiom yǎn ěr dào zhōng 掩耳盜鐘. In the Tang dynasty, Liu Zhiji 劉知幾 wrote in shū zhì 書志 [Records of Ambition] of shǐ tōng 史通 [Shi Tong] that “Yǎn ěr dào zhōng, zì yún wú jué, pā zhī hòu shēng kě wèi, lái zhě nán wū zhě yé? 掩耳盜鐘，自云無覺，葩知後生可畏，來者難誣者耶？” (If you cover your ears and steal the bell, you will not realize that young people are bound to surpass their predecessors, which is awesome. You cannot despise the future generation, either.) After the Song dynasty, it was changed to yǎn ěr dào líng 掩 耳盜鈴 or yǎn ěr tōu líng 掩耳偷鈴. In tū jué zhuàn 突厥傳 [The Biography of Turks] of xīn táng shū 新唐书 [The New Book of the Tang dynasty], it reads that “Tū jué xiāng huó jì děng qǐng lì dài wáng, gù yì qí zhì yǐ shì zhī. Dì yuē, kě wèi yǎn ěr dào líng. 突厥相活寂等請 立代王，故易旗幟以示之. 帝曰，可謂掩耳 盜鈴.” (The Turkic prime minister wanted to take the place of the present king, so he changed the flag to show it. The emperor said, “you are just like covering your ears and stealing the bells.”) In the Yuan dynasty, an anonymous book titled jǔ àn qí méi 舉案齊眉 [Mutual Respect in a Marriage] stated in chapter four that “Què yuán lái shì yan ping zhong shàn yǔ rén jiāo, nán dào tā yǎn ěr tōu líng, zé dài yào jiàn shì shēng miáo. 却元來是晏平仲善與人交，難道他掩耳偷鈴，則待要見 世生苗.” (The fact is that Yan Pingzhong, who is good at making friends with people, is actually acting like covering his ears and stealing his bell. He should have to see the world by himself.) There are additional idioms from the zhàn guó cè 戰國策 [Policies of the Warring States] and chǔ cí 楚辭 [Poetry of the South], as exemplified below. The idiom wáng yáng bǔ láo 亡羊補牢 (make up for the lost) can be traced back to chǔ cè sì 楚策四 [Stratagems of Chu IV] of zhàn guó cè 戰國策 [Stratagems of the Warring States]. It reads that “Jiàn tù ér gù quǎn, wèi wèi wǎn yě: wáng yáng ér bǔ láo, wèi wèi chí yě. 見兔而顧犬，未爲晚也：亡羊而補牢，未爲遲 也.” (It is not too late to take care of the dog at the sight of the rabbit. It is not too late to mend the fence for the sheep after the sheep are lost.) In the middle ages, the idiom wáng yáng bǔ láo 亡羊補牢 was used to describe a mistake that can be remedied in time. In the Song dynasty, Lu You 陸游 wrote in the eighth poem of qiū xìng 秋興 [Autumn Reflections] that “Chéng gēng chuī dàng qǐ qí fēi, wáng yáng bǔ láo lǐ suǒ yí. 懲羹吹盪豈其非，亡羊補牢理所宜.” (It is appropriate to be always on alert after being burnt by the hot soup and mending the fence after the sheep are lost.)

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The idiom zhān qián gù hòu 瞻前顧後 (look ahead and backward) can be traced back to lí sāo 離騒 [On Encountering Trouble] of chǔ cí 楚辭 [Poetry of the South]. It reads, “Zhān qián ér gù hòu xī, xiāng guān mín zhī jì jí. 瞻前而顧後兮， 相觀民之計極.” (Think of the past dynasty, sigh at future generations, and explore the reasons for the rule of the world). In the Han dynasty, Wang Yi 王逸 annotated that “zú yǐ guān chá wàn rén zhōng nìng zhī móu, qióng qí zhēn wěi. 足以觀察 萬人忠佞之謀，窮其真僞.” (In this way, it is enough to observe thousands of people and judge whether they are loyal or not.) In the middle ages, zhān qián gù hòu 瞻前顧後 was used as an idiom to describe that you have to think before you leap. In zhang heng zhuàn 張衡傳 [The Biography of Zhang Heng] of hòu hàn shū 後漢書 [The Book of the Later Han dynasty], it reads that “xiàng shǐ néng zhān qián gù hòu, yuán jìng zì jiè, zé hé xiàn yú xiōng huàn hū? 向使能瞻前顧後，援 鏡自戒，則何陷於凶患乎？” (If the envoy can look forward and back, and use the mirror to warn himself, how could he be in such danger?) It also means that someone worries too much about doing things. In zǒng lùn wéi xué zhī fāng 總論 爲學之方 [General Theory about Learning] of the eighth volume of zhū zǐ yǔ lèi 朱 子語類 [Quotations of Zhu Zi’s Remarks], it reads that “Dàn rú xiàng yǔ jiù zhào, jì dù, shěn chuán pò fǔ, chí sān rì liáng, shì shì bì sǐ, wú hái xīn, gù néng pò qín. ruò zhān qián gù hòu, biàn zuò bù chéng. 旦如項羽救趙，既渡， 沈船破釜， 持三日糧，示士必死，無還心，故能破秦. 若瞻前顧後，便做不成.” (Once a man like Xiang Yu saved the State of Zhao, he crossed the boat, sank the boat, and broke the kettle. Their rice could hold no more than three days. He showed to the soldiers that they would rather die than return to their family. And that is the very reason why they can defeat the powerful Qin army. They can never make it if they think too much with much hesitation.) Literature and history of the Han dynasty were highly developed as time went on. Among which, shǐ jì 史記 [Records of the Grand History] and hàn shū 漢書 [The Book of Han] had a great influence. In medieval times, many idioms were solidified and summarized from the two books, as exemplified in what follows. The idiom yīn rén chéng shì 因人成事 (rely on others for success in work) can be traced back to píng yuán jūn yu qing liè zhuàn 平原君虞卿列傳 [The Biographies of Zhao Sheng and Yu Qing] of shǐ jì 史記 [Records of the Grand History]. Mao Sui wrote that “Gōng děng lù lù, suǒ wèi yīn rén chéng shì zhě yě. 公等録 録，所謂因人成事者也.” (You are just ordinary people who have to rely on others.) In medieval times, it was used as an idiom to refer to those relying on the power of others to do things. In the Tang dynasty, Liu Zhiji 劉知幾 wrote in bǔ zhù 补注 [Revisal] of shǐ tōng 史通 [Shi Tong] that “dà dǐ zhuàn shǐ jiā zhù zhě, huò yīn rén chéng shì, huò zì wǒ zuò gù. 大抵撰史加注者，或因人成事，或自 我作故.” (Most people who annotate history rely on either others or themselves.) In the Song dynasty, Wang Shi 王識 wrote in yǎ liàng 雅量 [Elegance] of táng yǔ lín 唐語林 [Tang Yulin] that “Dí liáng gōng duì yuē: chén yǐ wén zhāng zhí dào jìn shēn, fēi lù lù yīn rén chéng shì zhě. 狄梁〔公〕對 曰：臣以文章直道 進身，非碌碌因人成事者.” (Di Liang [Duke] said to him, I have made my own accomplishment by writing excellent articles, not by relying on others.)

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The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese

The idiom wǔ wén nòng fǎ 舞文弄法 (juggle with the law) means playing with words and misinterpreting the law. It can be traced back to huò zhí liè zhuàn 貨殖 列傳 [Records of Commerce] in shǐ jì 史記 [The Grand Records of History] that “Guǎng lì shì wǔ wén nòng fǎ, kè zhāng wěi shū, bù bì dāo jù zhī zhū zhě, méi yú lù yí yě. 广吏士舞文弄法，刻章僞書，不避刀鋸之誅者，没於賂遺也.” (Officials and scholars from all over the world who practice writing engrave chapters and fake books, and do not avoid the punishment of knives and saws, who are not left behind in bribes.) It was used as an idiom in medieval times. In xiào zhāo dì jì 孝昭帝紀 [The Records of Emperor Xiaozhao] of běi qí shū 北齊書 [The Book of the Northern Qi dynasty], it reads that “yòu yǐ tíng wèi zhōng chéng, zhí fǎ suǒ zài, shéng wéi àn zuì, bù dé wǔ wén nòng fǎ. 又以廷尉中丞，執法所在，繩違 按罪，不得舞文弄法.” (It is the responsibility of Yan Cheng and Zhong Wei to correct errors and enforce the law. They are not allowed to play tricks.) Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty wrote in qiú chèn yán zhào 求讖言詔 [Imperial Edict for Divination and Speech] that “wǔ wén nòng fǎ, yīn shì shēng jiān. 舞文弄法，因 事生奸.” (If one plays tricks, one will commit adultery.) In the Tang dynasty, Wu Jing 吴兢 wrote in lùn jūn chén jiàn jiè 論君臣鑒戒 [On the Warning of Kings and Officials] of zhēn guān zhèng yào 貞觀政要 [Zhenguan Dignitaries] that “Dāo bǐ zhī lì, shùn zhǐ chéng fēng, wǔ wén nòng fǎ, qū chéng qí zuì jū. 刀筆之吏，順旨 承風，舞文弄法，曲成其罪疽.” (If the officials who handle the documents cater to the intention of their superiors and play tricks, it is a crime for them.) In the idiom yì qián bù zhí 一錢不值 (worthless), the word zhi 值 was originally written as zhi 直, which can be traced back to wèi qí wǔ ān hóu liè zhuàn 魏其武 安侯列傳 [The Biographies of Marquis of Wei Qi and Wu’an] of shǐ jì 史記 [The Grand Records of History], and it reads that “Shēng píng huǐ chéng bù shí bù zhí yī qián. 生平毁程不識 不直一錢.” (He has a lifetime of mediocrity without any achievements or contributions). In the middle ages, it became the idiom yì qián bù zhí 一錢不值, which means worthless. In the Tang dynasty, Lu Gumeng 陸龜 蒙 wrote in dīng yǐn jūn gē 丁隱君歌 [Ode to Ding Yinjun] that “Qián dù xiāng féng zhèng mài wén, yī qián bù zhí xū yún yún. 前度相逢正賣文，一錢不直虚 云云.” (The last time when we met, he was selling articles that were worthless.) In the Tang dynasty, Zhang Jing 張驚 wrote in yóu xiān kū 遊仙窟 [Trip to Fairy Cave] that “Shào fǔ wèi yán ér shì jiǔ quán xià rén, míng rì zài wài chù, tán dào ér yī qián bù zhí. 少府謂言兒是九泉下人，明日在外處，談道兒一錢不直.” (Shaofu said that Yan’er is a dead man. He will be outside tomorrow and it is worthless to talk about it.) As for the idiom fèn bú gù shēn 奮不顧身 (not taking care of yourself), Sima Qian 司马迁 of the Han dynasty wrote in bào rèn ān shū 報任安書 [Letter to Ren’an] that “Cháng sī fèn bù gù shēn, yǐ xùn guó jiā zhī jí fèn bù gù shēn. 常思 奮不顧身，以徇國家之急奮不顧身.” (I often think that I should be desperate to fight for the safety of my country.) Fèn bú gù shēn 奮不顧身 means that one fights bravely for the cause of the country and justice, regardless of his own life. It was used as an idiom in medieval times. In wǔ dì jì shàng 武帝紀上 [Records of Emperor Wu I] of liáng shū 梁書 [The Book of Liang], it reads, “Fù shì lǚ jiāng diān, fèn bù gù shēn kè jiān dà dí, yǐ gù huáng jī. 復誓旅江甸，奮不顧身 . . .

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese 137 克殲大敵，以固皇基.” (So, they gathered troops by the river, risked their lives, defeated the enemy, and consolidated the state power.) In lóng mǐn zhuàn 龍敏 傳 [The Biography of Long Min] of xīn wǔ dài shǐ 新五代史 [The New History of The dynasties], it reads that “shǐ qí dāng dà dí, fèn bù gù shēn, fēi qí néng yě, kuàng yǒu yì zhì hū? 使其當大敵，奮不顧身，非其能也，況有異志乎？” (In the face of the enemy’s attack, it is difficult for them to resist the enemy recklessly, not to mention that they have the heart to rebel now, which is even more difficult.) It can also be written as fèn bú gù mìng 奮不顧命. Liang Renfang 梁任昉 wrote in zòu dàn cáo jǐng zōng 奏弾曹景宗 [Letter to Cao Jingzong] that “Gù sī zhōu cì shǐ cài dào gōng, lǜ lì yì yǒng, fèn bù gù mìng. 故司州刺史蔡道恭，率勵義勇,奮 不顧命.” (Therefore, Cai Daogong, the governor of Sizhou, led the volunteers and risked his life to fight.) The idiom míng mù zhāng dǎn 明目張膽 (blatantly) can be traced back to zhang er chen yu liè zhuàn 張耳陳餘列傳 [The Biographies of Zhang Er and Chen Yu] of shǐ jì 史記 [The Grand Records of History]. It reads that “Jiāng jūn chēn mù zhāng dǎn, chū wàn sǐ bù gù shēng zhī jì. 將軍瞋目張膽，岀萬死不顧生之計.” (The general was very bold, and came up with a very risky plan.) In medieval times, it was changed to míng mù zhāng dǎn 明目張膽, which means that everything is open and there is nothing to be afraid of. In wang dun zhuàn 王敦傳 [The Biography of Wang Dun] of jìn shū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Jīn rì zhī shì, míng mù zhāng dǎn, wèi liù jūn zhī shǒu, níng zhōng chén ér sǐ, bù wú lài ér shēng yǐ. 今日之事，明目張膽，爲六軍之首，甯忠臣而死，不無賴而生矣.” (What happened today is very clear. As the leader of the army, he would rather die as a loyal minister than live in a muddle.) In míng dào lùn 明道論 [On Explaining Theory] of fù yì zhuàn 傅繹傳 [The Biography of Fu Yi] of jìn shū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it reads, “Fèn fēng yǐng, lì yǔ yì, míng mào zhāng dǎn, pī jiān zhí ruì. 奮鋒穎，勵羽翼，明冃張膽，披堅執鋭.” (Strive for excellence, improve your ability, wear tough armor, hold sharp weapons, and make yourself brave.) In wei si qian zhuàn 韋思謙傳 [The Biography of Wei Siqian] of jiù táng shū 舊唐 書 [The Old Book of the Tang History], it reads that “Dà zhàng fū dāng zhèng sè zhī dì, bì míng mù zhāng dǎn yǐ bào guó ēn, zhōng bù néng wèi lù lù zhī chén bǎo qī zǐ ěr. 大丈夫當正色之地，必明目張膽以報國恩，終不能爲碌碌之臣保妻 子耳.” (A man should be upright and vigorous, brave and repay the kindness of the country. He should not be a mediocre minister, but only protect his wife and children.) This idiom is often used as a derogatory term after the Ming and Qing dynasties, which is different from that in medieval times. The idiom dào chí tài ē倒持泰 (太) 阿 (give one’s authority to others) can be traced back to mei fu zhuàn 梅福傳 [The Biography of Meifu] of hàn shū 漢書 [The Book of Han]. It reads that “Zhì qín zé bù rán, zhāng fěi bàng zhī wǎng, yǐ wèi hàn ōu chú, dào chí tài ē, shòu chǔ qí bǐng. 至秦則不然，張誹謗 之罔，以爲漢甌 除，倒持泰阿，授楚其柄.” (It was not the case in the Qin dynasty. He thought that Han was eliminated and took the sword upside down, with the hilt facing the state of Chu and the blade facing himself.) Yan Shigu 顔 師古 annotated it: “Tài ē, jiàn míng, ōu yě suǒ suō yě. yán qín wú dào, lìng chen she, xiang yu chéng wèn ér fā, pì dào chí jiàn ér yǐ bǎ shòu yǔ rén yě. 泰阿，

138 The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese 劍名，歐冶所縮也. 言秦無道，令陳涉、項羽乗問而發，譬倒持劍而以把 授與人也.” (Tai e 泰阿 was the name of the sword. The Qin dynasty did not implement benevolent government. Chen She and Xiang Yu took the opportunity to launch an uprising. It is like holding a sword upside down and putting the handle in someone else’s hand. The sword is actually used to protect yourself. It is a dangerous and wrong behavior to hold the sword upside down, giving the handle to others, and point the blade at yourself.) In the middle ages, it was used as an idiom to refer to the rash handing over of power to others and suffering their own harm. In the Tang dynasty, Lu Zhi 陸贄 wrote in lùn guān zhōng shì yí zhuàng 論關中事宜狀 [On the Reasons for Moving Capital] that “jīn zhí shì zhě xiān bá qí běn, qì zhòng qǔ qīng, suǒ wèi dǎo chí tài ā, shòu rén yǐ bǐng. 今 執事者先拔 其本，棄重取輕，所謂倒持太阿，授人以柄.” (Now the people in charge deviate from what is important, abandon the heavy and take the light. That is the so-called holding the sword upside down and gives others a handle.) It can be shortened as dào chí 倒持. The idiom rén miàn shòu xīn 人面獸心 (one’s human exterior conceals the nature of a wolf) can be traced back to xiōng nú zhuàn zàn 匈奴傳贊 [Appraisal of Huns] of hàn shū 漢書 [The Book of Han]. It reads that “Yí dí zhī rén, tān ér hǎo lì, bèi fà zuǒ rèn, rén miàn shou xīn. 夷狄之人，貪而好利，被髮左衽， 人面獣心.” (The people of the barbarians are greedy and good at making profit. They are dressed differently from the people of Han and look like human beings but behave as brutally and uncivilized as animals.) It was originally used by the ruling class of the Han dynasty to describe the Huns as uncivilized, ignorant of etiquette and righteousness, and similar to animals. In the middle ages, it was used as an idiom to describe people’s behavior, which is extremely mean, cruel, and inhuman. In kong yan zhuàn 孔嚴傳 [The Biography of Kong Yan] of jìn shū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it reads, “Yòu guān qǐng rì jiàng fù zhī tú, jiē rén miàn shòu xīn, tān ér wú qīn, nán yǐ yì gǎn. 又觀頃日降 附之徒，皆人 面獸心，貪而無親，難以義感.” (Let’s take a look at those people captured recently. They are human faced and beast hearted, greedy and have no sense of justice.) In wang rong zhuàn 王融傳 [The Biography of Wang Rong] of nán qí shū 南齊書 [The Book of the Southern Qi dynasty], it reads, “Rén miàn shòu xīn, láng měng fēng dú. 人面獸心，狼猛蜂毒.” (Human faced and beast hearted, ferocious as wolf and poisonous as bees.) It can also be known as rén miàn gǒu xīn 人面狗心. In the Tang dynasty, Sikong Tu 司空圖 wrote in yún tái sān guān táng 雲臺三官堂 [Three Official Halls in Yuntai] that “Kěn yǒng dì liáng yuán, shǐ rén miàn gǒu xīn, bù cán xián ér hài shàn tóng tóu tiě é, zì pōu jiǎo ér cuī yá. 懇永締良緣，使人面狗心，不殘 賢而害善；銅頭鐵額， 自剖角而摧牙.” (Sincerely and forever establish a good relationship, so that those people who are human faced and beast hearted will not harm the good, and those who are copper headed and iron foreheaded will only cut his angle and break his teeth.) The idiom shāng fēng bài sú 傷風敗俗 (bad manners) can be traced back to huò zhí zhuàn 貨殖傳 [The Biographies of Businessmen] of hàn shū 漢書 [The Book of Han]. It reads that “Shāng huà bài sú, dà luàn zhī dào yě. 傷化敗俗，

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese

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大亂之道也.” (Corrupting the public morals is a great violation of Tao.) In the middle ages, it was changed into the idiom shāng fēng bài sú 傷風敗俗, referring to corrupting good customs and etiquette. In he jing rong zhuàn lùn 何敬容傳論 [The Biography of He Jingrong] of liáng shū 梁書 [The Book of Liang], it reads, “Wū hū, shāng fēng bài sú, céng mò zhī wù. 嗚呼，傷風敗 俗，曾莫之悟.” (Alas! that was corrupting the public morals and I did not say that before.) In the Tang dynasty, Han Yu 韩愈 wrote in lùn fó gǔ biǎo 論佛骨 表 [On the Buddha Bone] that “Shāng fēng bài sú, chuán xiào sì fāng, fēi xì shì yě. 傷風敗俗，傳笑四方，非細事也.” (That was corrupting the public morals, spread to people, and was laughed at by people all over the world.) In the Song dynasty, Xie Tingfang 謝廷芳 wrote in biàn huò lùn 辨惑論 [On Elaborating Doubts] that “shì gù bìng yì zhī jiā, rén jiē zhuì zhuì yān, wú gǎn zhǒng qí mén ér wèn zhī, shèn ér fù zǐ xiōng dì yì bù xiāng jiù, shāng fēng bài sú, mò shén yú sī jiàn. 是故病疫之家，人皆惴惴焉，無敢踵其門而問之，甚而父子兄 弟亦不相救，傷風敗俗，莫甚於斯建.” (As such, for sick people, others are very afraid. No one dares to go to their home to ask about their situation. Even father, son, and brother do not help each other. There is nothing more immoral than this situation.) Some idioms come from other works of the Han dynasty. See the following examples. Regarding the idiom bù qī àn shì 不欺暗(闇)室 (be scrupulously honest even when there is no one around), Liu Xiang 劉向 wrote in wèi líng fū rén 衛靈 夫人 [Mrs. Wei Ling] of liè nǚ zhuàn 列女傳 [The Biography of Women] that “Lian bo yu, wèi zhī xián dài fū yě, rén ér yǒu zhì, jìng yǐ shì shàng, cǐ qí rén bì bù yǐ àn mèi fèi lǐ. 蓮伯玉，衛之賢大夫也，仁而有智，敬以事上，此其 人必不以闇昧廢禮.” (Lian Boyu, the wise doctor of Wei, is both benevolent and wise and always treats the elderly people with respect.) In the middle ages, it was summed up as the idiom bù qī àn shì 不欺暗室, meaning that you have a bright heart and do not do anything wrong even where no one sees you. In suí wáng shì chēn mù zhì 隋王世琛墓誌 [The Epitaph of Wang Shichen of the Sui dynasty] of hàn wèi nán běi cháo mù zhì jí shì 漢魏南北朝墓誌集釋 [A Collection of Epitaphs of the Han, Wei, Northern, and Southern dynasties], it reads that “Xìn xíng suǒ lǚ, bù qī àn shì. 信行所履，不欺闇室.” (What you do or believe will be of no difference if under supervision or not.) In volume 13 of běi mèng suǒ yán 北夢瑣言 [Trivial Words on Northern Dream], it reads that “Nǚ xiān wèi jiàn zhāng yuē: zi bù qī àn shì, suǒ wèi jūn zǐ rén yě. 女仙謂建章 曰：子不欺 暗室，所謂君子人也.” (The female immortal said to Jianzhang that “You did not do anything wrong even if you are not under supervision.”) In volume 68 of tài píng guǎng jì 太平廣記 [Records of the Taiping Era], which quoted feng zhi 封陟 [Feng Zhi] of chuán qí 傳奇 [Legend], it is written that “Zhi nǎi nù mù ér yán yuē: wǒ jū shū zhāi, bù qī àn shì, xià huì wèi zhèng, shū zǐ (céng yáng hù) shì shī. 陟乃怒目而言曰： ‘我居書齋，不欺暗室，下惠爲 證，叔子（曾羊祜）是師’.” [Zhi is angry and says, “I live in the study and do not do anything wrong even if without supervision. Xiahui is the evidence. My uncle (Zeng Yanghu) is my teacher.”]

140 The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese As for the idiom sài wēng shī mǎ 塞翁失馬 (a blessing in disguise), in Huái nán zǐ rén jiān xùn 淮南子人间训 [People’s Questions of the Writings of Prince Huainan], it reads that jìn sāi shàng zhī rén yǒu shàn shù zhě, mǎ wú gù wáng ér rù hú, rén jiē diào zhī. qí fù yuē: cǐ hé jù bù wèi fú hū? jū shù yuè, qí mǎ jiāng jùn mǎ ér guī. rén jiē hè zhī. qí fù yuē: ’c ǐ hé jù bù wèi huò hū? jiā fù liáng mǎ, qí zi hǎo qí, duò ér zhé qí bì. rén jiē diào zhī. qí fù yuē” cǐ hé jù bù wèi fú hū? jū yī nián, hú rén dà rù sāi, dīng zhuàng zhě yǐn xián ér zhàn, jìn sāi zhī rén, sǐ zhě shí jiǔ. cǐ dú yǐ bǒ zhī gù, fù zǐ xiāng bǎo. gù fú zhī wèi huò, huò zhī wèi fú, huà bù kě jí, shēn bù kě cè yě. 近塞上之人有善術者，馬無故亡而入胡，人皆吊之. 其父曰：‘此何遽 不爲福乎？’ 居數月，其馬將駿馬而歸. 人皆賀之. 其父曰：‘此何遽不 爲禍乎？家富良馬，其子好騎，墮而折其髀. 人皆吊之. 其父曰 ‘此何 遽不爲福乎？’ 居一年，胡人大入塞，丁壯者引弦而戰，近塞之人，死 者十九. 此獨以 跛之故，父子相保. 故福之爲禍，禍之爲福，化不可 極，深不可測也. (A man who is good at fortune telling lives near the frontier fortress. His horse ran to the residence of the Hu people not for any reason. People came to console him. The old man said, “why isn’t this a blessing?” A few months later, the horse came back with the good horse of the Hu people. People came to congratulate their family on the returning of the horse. The old man said again, “Maybe it’s a disaster?” There are many good horses in the fortune teller’s family. His son likes riding. As a result, he fell off the horse and broke his thigh. People came to console him. The old man said, “Why isn’t this a blessing?” A year later, the Hu people invaded the border area on a large scale, and the young men took up bows and arrows to fight. Most of the people near the border died. Only this man was free from war because of his lameness, and the father and son were able to save their lives. Therefore, the blessing is a disaster, and the disaster is a blessing, which is unpredictable.) In ancient times, it was summed up as the idiom sài wēng shī mǎ 塞翁失馬, meaning that people’s misfortunes and blessings can be transformed into each other, and bad things can become good things under specific conditions. Zeng Wei in volume 17 of lèi shuō 類説 [Theory of Categories] quoted shī mǎ duàn shé 失馬斷蛇 [Losing a Horse and Breaking a Snake] of dōng xuān bǐ lù 東軒筆録 [Records of the East Pavilion] by Wei Tai 魏泰 in the Song dynasty and wrote that “Zeng bu wèi sān sī shǐ, lùn shì yì bèi chù, lǔ gōng yǒu jiǎn bié zhī yuē: ‘sài wēng shī mǎ, jīn wèi zú bēi chǔ xiāng duàn shé, hòu bì yǒu fú’. 曾布爲三司使，論市易被黜， 魯公有柬别之曰： ‘塞翁失馬，今未足悲；楚相斷蛇，後必有福’.” (Zeng Bu was appointed as the third envoy and was demoted thanks to trade promotion. When Youjian, Duke of Lu, said goodbye to him, he said, “When Saiweng lost the horse, it was only a misfortune in disguise. When Chu Xiang cut the snake,

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese 141 something good must happen in the coming days.”) In the Song dynasty, Lu You 陸游 wrote in the poem cháng ān dào 長安道 [Road in Chang’an] that “shì shī fēn lù zhēn shì mèng, sài wēng shī mǎ yóu wèi fú. 士師分鹿真是夢，塞翁失馬 猶爲福.” (It’s a dream for scholars to divide deer. It’s a blessing in disguise to lose a horse.) The idiom yì láo yǒng yì 一勞永逸 (once and for all) can be traced back to jiàn wù xǔ dān yú cháo shū 諫勿許單於朝疏 [Letter to Advise against Yanyu’s Coming to Court] by Yang Xiong 揚雄. It reads that “Yǐ wèi bù yī láo zhě bù jiǔ yì, bù zàn fèi zhě bù yǒng níng, shì yǐ rěn bǎi wàn zhī shī, yǐ cuī è hǔ zhī huì ér bù huǐ yě. 以爲不壹勞者不久佚，不暫費者不永寧，是以忍百萬之師，以摧餓虎之 喙 . . . 而不悔也.” (In my opinion, long-term comfort cannot be achieved without labor for the time being, and eternal peace cannot be achieved without effort for the time being. Therefore, we have to use millions of troops to defeat enemies like hungry tigers for meat, and finally we cannot regret it.) In the Han dynasty, Ban Gu 班固 wrote in fēng yàn rán shān míng 封燕然山銘 [Inscription on Sealing Yanran Mountain] that “zī kě wèi yī láo ér jiǔ yì, zàn fèi ér yǒng níng zhě yě. 茲可謂一勞 而久佚，暫費而永寧者也.” (If you work hard once, you can achieve permanent comfort.) In medieval times, it was summarized as the idiom once and for all, which means that if one works hard once, one can achieve permanent comfort. In the Northern Wei dynasty, Jia Sixie 賈思勰 wrote in zhǒng mù xu 種苜蓿 [Planting Alfalfa] of the third volume of qí mín yào shù 齊民要術 [Qi Min Yao Shu] that “cǐ wù zhǎng shēng, zhǒng zhě yī láo yǒng yì. 此物長生，種者一勞永逸.” (This plant will live forever, and those who plant it will work for once and rest for all the other time.) In the Tang dynasty, Lu Zhi 陸贄 wrote in wèi wèn sì zhèn běi tíng jiāng lì chì shū 慰問四鎮北庭將吏敕書 [Condolence to the General Officials of the North Court of the Four Towns], “yī láo yǒng yì, gù bù hé cí. 一勞永逸，固 不合辭.” (Work for once and rest for all the other time. It is hard to say goodbye.) These idioms come from ancient times and are formed in medieval times, among which, some idioms are directly transformed from the original sentences, such as rì jiù yuè jiāng 日就月將 (the day is coming and the moon is coming), yǎn wǔ xiū wén 偃武修文 (desist from military activities and encourage culture and education), xìn ér yǒu zhēng 信而有徵 (confirmed with evidence), zì qiáng bù xī 自强不息 (constantly strive to become stronger), and fèn bú gù shēn 奮不 顧身 (be brave and not consider personal safety). Some idioms are processed and transformed on the basis of the original sentence, such as shāng fēng bài sú 傷風 敗俗, yì yán xīng bāng 一言興邦, and qiān lǜ yì dé 千慮一得. Others are made by summarizing and combining the meaning of the original text, such as chéng hú shè shǔ 城狐社鼠, bá miáo zhù zhǎng 捆苗助長, bù qī àn shì 不欺暗室, sài wēng shī mǎ 塞翁失馬, and so on.

3.3

Idioms from medieval works and spoken language

Many famous writers, poets, and scholars in medieval times made great achievements in the use of the Chinese language; their achievements spread widely and had a great influence on the development of Chinese language, among which,

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idioms came from medieval works and spoken language. Some sentences come with vivid and concise forms; rich and profound contents are often quoted from each other and transformed into idioms. Some of them come from people’s spoken language. After being recorded and used by scholars, they have become written language and widely spread. There are idioms from historical books of the Six dynasties and the Tang and Song dynasties, as can be seen below. The idiom chū rén yì biǎo 出人意表 (exceeding all expectations) means beyond people’s expectation. In yuan xian zhuàn 袁憲傳 [The Biographies of Yuan Xian] of chén shū 陳書 [The Book of Chen], it reads that “Xiàn cháng zhāo yǐn zhū shēng, yǔ zhī tán lùn, měi yǒu xīn yì, chū rén yì biǎo, tóng bèi xián jiē fú yān. 憲 常招引諸生，與之談論，每有新議，出人意表，同輩咸嗟服焉.” (He often invited insightful people to talk at home and often put forward some unexpected new opinions, which are accurate, incisive, and convincing.) In the Song dynasty, Zhou Mi 周密 wrote in the fourth volume of qí shù yě yǔ 齊束野語 [Big Events of Song and Yuan dynasties] that “Gǔ rén chù fāng zhì jí, qí chū rén yì biǎo rú cǐ. 古人處方治疾，其出人意表如此.” (The ancient prescription for curing diseases was quite beyond expectation.) In the Song dynasty, Jiang Kui 姜夔 wrote in bái shí dào rén shī shuō 白石道人詩説 [The Theory of Poetry by Baishi Taoist] that “Piān zhōng chū rén yì biǎo, huò fǎn zhōng piān zhī yì, jiē miào. 篇終出人意 表，或反終篇之意，皆妙.” (The fact that the end of the article is unexpected, or rather quite the opposite to the whole article, is true and wonderful.) The idiom jìn zhōng bào guó 盡忠報國 (be loyal to the country) means to serve the country wholeheartedly. In yan zhi yi zhuàn 顔之儀傳 [The Biography of Yan Zhiyi] of běi shǐ 北史 [The Northern History], it reads that “Zhī yí lì shēng wèi fǎng (liú fǎng). děng yuē, gōng děng bèi shòu cháo ēn, dāng jìn zhōng bào guó, nài hé yī dàn yù yǐ shén qì jiǎ rén!” 之儀厲聲謂昉（劉昉） 等曰， . . . 公等 備受朝恩，當盡忠報國，奈何一旦欲以神器假人！ (Zhiyi said sternly to Liu Fang and others that, “you have received all the benefits of the imperial court and should sincerely serve the country. Why do you want to transfer the power of the country to others now?”). In yue fei zhuàn 岳飛傳 [The Biography of Yue Fei] of sòng shǐ 宋史 [The History of Song dynasty], it reads that “Fei liè shang yǐ bèi shì he luo, yǒu ‘jìn zhōng bào guó’ sì dà zì, shēn rù jī lǐ. 飛裂裳以背示〔何〕鑼， 有 ‘盡忠報國’ 四大字，深入肌理.” (Yue Fei tore his clothes open and showed his back to He Luo. There were four big characters of loyalty to the country, which were deeply engraved into his skin.) The idiom lǎo dāng yì zhuàng 老當益壯 (live to a green old age) means that although you are old, you are more ambitious and full of the spirit of a great husband. In ma yuan zhuàn 馬援傳 [The Biography of Ma Yuan] of hòu hàn shū 後漢 書 [The Book of the Later Han dynasty], it reads that “Zhàng fū wèi zhì, lǎo dāng yì zhuàng, qióng dāng yì jiān. 丈夫爲志，老當益壯，窮當益堅.” (The spirit of a great man should be more vigorous when he becomes old, and his will should be stronger when stuck in a hard situation.) In the Tang dynasty, Wang Bo 王勃 wrote in téng wáng gé xù 滕王閣序 [Preface to Tengwang Pavilion] that “Lǎo dāng yì zhuàng, níng zhī bái shǒu zhī xīn qióng qiě yì jiān, bù zhuì qīng yún zhī zhì. 老 當益壯，寧知白首之心；窮且益堅，不墜青雲之志.” [When people are old,

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese 143 their ambition should be more vigorous. How can they change their ambition due to the fact that their hair turns white (becoming old)? If you are stuck in a difficult situation and have a stronger will, you will never lose your great ambition.] The idiom lǎo ér mí dǔ 老而彌篤 (old and faithful) means that the older a man is, the deeper his feelings are. In liáng shū 梁書 [The Biography of Wang Yun of the Book of Liang], it reads that “Yú shǎo hǎo shū, lǎo ér mí dǔ. suī ǒu jiàn piē guān, jiē jí shū jì, hòu zhòng yǒu lǎn, huān xìng mí shēn, xí yǔ xìng chéng, bù jué bǐ juàn. 余少好書，老而彌篤. 雖偶見瞥觀，皆即疏記，後重有覽，歡興彌 深，習與性成，不覺筆倦.” (I liked books very much when I was a child, but I liked them even more when I grew old. Although I look at it occasionally, I jot it down immediately. When I take it back to read, I like it more and get used to it slowly. I do not feel tired of holding a pen.) In shan wei zhuàn 山偉傳 [The Biography of Shan Wei] of wèi shū 魏書 [The Book of Wei], it reads that “ér ài shàng wén shǐ, lǎo ér mí dǔ. 而愛尚文史，老而彌篤.” (My affection for literature and history becomes deeper as I grow older.) The idiom péng tóu gòu miàn 蓬頭垢面 (unkempt) means someone is unkempt with disheveled hair and dirty face, which is used to describe people who do not pay attention to their clothing. In feng gui zhuàn 封軌傳 [The Biography of Feng Gui] of wèi shū 魏書 [The Book of Wei], it reads that “Jūn zǐ zhèng qí yì guān, zūn qí zhān shì, hé bì péng tóu gòu miàn, rán hòu wèi xián. 君子正 其衣冠、尊 其瞻視，何必蓬頭垢面,然後爲賢.” (A gentleman should pay attention to his appearance and make his appropriate behavior respected by others. Why should he pretend to be unkempt and untidy before he can become a sage?) Then, in fēng cāo 風操 [Conduct] of yán shì jiā xùn 顔氏家訓 [The Family Education of Yan Clan], it reads that “Liáng shì bèi xì hé zhě zi zé cǎo shǔ jí yī, péng tóu gòu miàn, zhōu zhāng dào lù, yào hòu zhí shì. 梁世被繫劾 者 . . . 子則草属籍衣，蓬頭 垢面，周章道路，要候執事.” (Those who were impeached by Liang Shi were demoted to be civilians. They were unkempt and surrounded on both sides of the road, waiting to be assigned to do things.) In the Tang dynasty, Li Fu 李復 wrote in zhāng lǎo 張老 [Story of Mr. Zhang] of xù xuán guài lù 續玄怪録 [Sequel to Records of Mysteries] that “Hòu shù nián, wéi shù niàn qí nǚ, yǐ wèi péng tóu gòu miàn bù kě shí yě, lìng qí nán yì fāng fǎng zhī. 後數年，〔韋〕恕念其女，以爲 蓬頭垢面不可識也，令其男義方訪之.” [In the next few years, (Wei) missed his daughter. He thought she was unkempt and could not be recognized, so he asked his male righteousness to look for her.] The idiom qiān zǎi yì shí 千載一時 (once in a lifetime) is used to describe that the opportunity is very rare. In the Jin dynasty, Yuan Hong 袁宏 wrote in huán dì jì xià 桓帝紀下 [The Biography of Emperor Heng II] of hòu hàn jì 後漢紀 [The History of Later Han dynasty] that “wèi rén zhě bó shī jiān ài, chóng shàn jì wù, dé qí zhì ér zhōng xīn qīng zhī, rán wàng jǐ yǐ wèi qiān zài yī shí yě. 爲仁者博施兼 愛，崇善濟物，得其志而中心傾之，然忘己以爲千載一時也.” (A person who practices benevolent government gives benefits to people and helps the world at the same time, so he can realize his ideal. People around him admire him very much, yet they forget themselves and think that his achievements can be achieved in one day.) In wang xi zhi zhuàn 王羲之傳 [The Biography of Wang Xizhi] of jìn

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shū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Gǔ rén chǐ qí jūn bù wèi yáo shùn, běi miàn zhī dào, qǐ bù yuàn zūn qí suǒ shì, bǐ lóng wǎng dài, kuàng yù qiān zài yī shí zhī yùn? 古人恥其君不爲堯舜，北面之道，豈不願尊其所事，比隆往代，況 遇千載一時之運？” (The ancients were ashamed that their monarchs were not as wise as Yao and Shun. Were they not willing to seriously do their things and prosper as before, not to mention that now it is a once-in-a-lifetime good time?) In the Song dynasty, Chen Dong wrote in shàng gāo zōng dì yī shū 上高宗第一書 [The First Advice to Emperor Gaozong] that “Jūn chén xiāng yù rú cǐ, kě wèi qiān zài yī shí. 君臣相遇如此，可謂千載一時.” (It can be said that it takes a thousand years for kings and ministers to meet with each other.) The idiom tì tǎng bù jī 倜儻不覊 (casual and elegant) means being free and unrestrained. In yuan dan zhuàn 袁耽傳 [The Biography of Yuan Dan] of jìn shū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Shǎo yǒu cái qì, tì tǎng bù jī, wèi shì lèi suǒ chēng. 少有才氣，倜儻不覊，爲士類所稱.” (He was young, talented, and unrestrained, and was praised by people at that time.) In the Song dynasty, Sima Guang 司馬光 wrote in lóng tú gé zhí xué shì lǐ gōng mù zhì míng 龍圖閣直學士 李公墓誌銘 [Epitaph of Mr. Li, Scholar of the Dragon Pavilion] that “Gōng wèi rén shū míng lè yì, tì tǎng bù jī. 公爲人疎明樂易，倜儻不羈.” (He was brought happily, easy going but unrestrained.) In Xiyun 錫韻 of Guangyun 廣韻, it reads that “Tì, tì tǎng bù jī. 倜，倜儻不羈.” (Tì 倜 means tìtǎng bù jī 倜儻不覊, casual and elegant.) The idiom yǐ shēn xǔ guó 以身許國 (give one’s life to the country) means being determined to devote one’s life to the country. In wǔ dì jì shàng 武帝紀上 [The Biography of Emperor Wu I] of sòng shū 宋書 [The Book of Song], it reads that “gǒu è yùn bì zhì, wǒ dāng yǐ sǐ wèi shè jì, héng shī miào mén, suì qí yóu lái yǐ shēn xǔ guó zhī zhì, bù néng yuǎn cuàn yú cǎo jiān qiú huó yě. 苟厄運必至，我 當以 死衛社稷，横尸廟門，遂其由來以身許國之志，不能遠竄於草間求活 也.” (If bad luck comes to my country, I will defend my country with my life and die at the gate of the imperial court. Because I have the ambition to defend my country without fear of sacrifice, I do not want to live like a mouse in the grass.) In zhou zha zhuàn 周劄傳 [The Biography of Zhou Za] of jìn shū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Jì wù qí jiān méng, zhā yǔ chén děng biàn yǐ shēn xǔ guó, sǐ ér hòu yǐ. 既悟其姦萌，劄與臣等便以身許國，死而後已.” (Since I know that he is a traitor, I and other ministers will contribute all our strength to defend the country until we die in the war.) In the Tang dynasty, Chen Ziang 陈子昂 wrote in dēng jì chéng xī běi lóu sòng cuī zhù zuò rù dōu xù 登薊城西北樓送 崔著作入都 序 [Preface to Sending Cui Zhuzuo to the Capital in the Northwest Building] that “Yǐ shēn xǔ guó, wǒ zé dāng rén lùn dào kuāng jūn, zi sī bào zhǔ. 以身許國，我 則當仁；論道匡君，子思報主.” (I will set an example to devote my life to my country. If I make an example to the country, I will be benevolent. As for governing the country and assisting the king, Zi Si will take the responsibility.) In the Song dynasty, Qin Guan 秦觀 wrote in wáng jiǎn lùn 王儉論 [On Wang Jian] that “ān (xiè ān) yǔ wáng tǎn zhī jǐn zhōng wáng shì, miè yǒu. èr xīn, zhì yú lǚ gǎi yuán hóng zhī wén, yǐ qǐn jiǔ xī zhī mìng, kě wèi yǐ shēn xǔ guó, shè jì zhī chén yě. 安 （謝安）與王坦之盡忠王室，蔑有.二心，至於屢改袁宏之文，以寢九錫之

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命，可謂以身 許國，社稷之臣也.” (Xie An and Wang Tan are very sincere to the country and never have disloyalty. Hence, they revised Yuan Hong’s articles many times to dispel his idea of treachery. This is the so-called repaying the country with life, which is the minister really needed by the country.) The idiom yǒng guàn sān jūn 勇冠三軍 (bravely championed the three armies) is used to describe someone who is so brave that he become the champion of the three armed forces. It can be traced back to liu bin zhuàn 劉繽傳 [The Biography of Liu Bin] of hòu hàn shū 後漢書 [The Later Han dynasty]. It reads that “Bó shēng bù jiāng zōng rén liú jì, shù xiàn chén kuì wéi, yǒng guān sān jūn jū. 伯 升部將宗人劉稷，數陷陳潰圍，勇冠三軍疽.” (Liu Ji was a subordinate of Bosheng. He was besieged by Chen Kui several times, but he was so brave that he became the champion of the three armed forces.) He also wrote in xún huò zhuàn 荀或傳 [The Biography of Xun Huo] that “Yán liáng, wén chǒu, yǒng guān sān jūn. 顔良、文醜，勇冠三軍.” (Yan Liang and Wen Chou are so brave that they became the champion of the three armed forces.) In the Liang dynasty of the Southern dynasties, Qiu Chi wrote in yǔ chén bó zhī shū 與陳伯之書 [Letter to Chen Bozhi] that “Jiāng jūn yǒng guān sān jūn, cái wèi shì chū. 將軍勇 冠三軍，才爲世出.” (The general is so brave that he becomes the champion of the three armed forces. His great talent is beyond all the people in the world.) In the Northern Wei dynasty, Yang Xuan zhi 楊銜之 wrote in the Fayun Buddhist Temple in the West of the City in the Luoyang Buddhist Temple in luò yáng jiā lán jì 洛陽伽藍記 [Records of Kalan Temple in Luoyang] that “Yán bó dān mǎ rù chén, páng ruò wú rén, yǒng guān sān jūn. 延伯単馬入陳，旁若無人， 勇冠三軍.” (Yanbo entered the state of Chen on only one horse. No one could stop him. Therefore, he is so brave that he becomes the champion of the three armed forces.) The idiom zhí mí bú wù 執迷不悟 (obstinate) means to persist in mistakes without realizing them. In wǔ dì jì shàng 武帝紀上 [The Biography of Emperor Wu I] of liáng shū 梁書 [The Book of Liang], it reads that “Ruò zhí mí bù wù, jù nì wáng shī, dà zhòng yī lín, xíng zī wǎng shè. 若執迷不悟，距逆王師， 大衆 一臨，刑茲罔赦.” (If you are stubborn and confronted with the country’s army, when the army arrives, everyone will be punished, and no one can be forgiven.) In the Song dynasty, Yue Fei 岳飛 wrote in fèng zhào yí wěi qí xí 奉詔移僞齊檄 [Follow the Imperial Edict to Remove Qi] that “rú huò zhí mí bù wù, gān wèi pàn rén, sǒu jié quǎn yǐ fèi yáo, lì liè shī ér kū hǔ, yì dāng gōng xíng tiān fá, yù shí jù fén, huò bìng zōng qīn, rǔ jí fù zǔ. 如或執迷不悟，甘爲叛人，嗾桀犬以吠堯， 詈獵師而哭虎，議當躬行天罰，玉石俱焚，禍並宗親，辱及父祖.” (If there is an evil tiger who is stubborn, willing to be a traitor of thieves, a fierce dog of tyrant Xia Jie, biting Tang Yao, and crying for being bitten to death in the face of hounds, then our imperial army will wipe out these stubborn thieves for the sake of people all over the world. It is suggested that you should practice punishment of the heaven, burn jade and stone, bring disaster to your relatives, and humiliate your father and ancestors.) There are idioms from medieval poetry and notebooks, as can be seen in the following examples.

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The idiom bié yǒu tiān dì 别有天地 (scenery of exceptional charm) in volume 12 of tài píng guǎng jì 太平廣記 [Records of the Taiping Era] quoted shén xiān zhuàn 神仙傳 [The Biographies of Immortals] by Ge Hong 葛洪 and stated that “zài hú gōng qiú fèi zhǎng fáng gēn tā tiào rù hú zhōng, zhǎng fáng yī yán, guǒ bù jué jǐ rù, bù fù jué shì hú, wéi jiàn xiān gōng shì jiè. 載壺公求費長房跟他跳 入 壺中，長房依言，果不覺己入，不復覺是壺，唯見仙宫世界.” (The man with the pot asked Fei Changfang to jump into the pot with him. He took the man’s advice and jumped inside, and he would no longer feel that it was a pot, but only see the fairy palace world.) In the Tang dynasty, Yang Jingshu wrote the poem of fèng hé shèng zhì xià rì yóu shí cóng shān 奉和聖制夏日遊石淙山 [The Summer Tour of Shicong Mountain] that “Shān zhōng bié yǒu shén xiān dì, qū qǔ yōu shēn bì jiàn chuí. 山中别有神仙地，屈曲幽深碧澗垂.” (There is a fairy land in the mountain, deep and steep, and the green stream hangs down.) In the Tang dynasty, it was transformed into the idiom bié yǒu tiān dì 别有天地, meaning there is another realm or space. It is often used to describe elegant and fascinating scenery. In the Tang dynasty, Duan Chengshi 段成式 wrote in nuò gāo jì xià諾皐 記下 [Notes of Nuo Yi II] of nuò gāo jì xià 酉陽雜俎 [You Yang Za Zu] that “yì zhī hòu dì zhī xià, bié yǒu tiān dì yě. 抑知厚地之下，别有天地也.” (I know there is a different world beneath the thick land.) In the Tang dynasty, Li Bai 李白 wrote in the poem shān zhōng dá wèn 山中答問 [Answer Questions in the Mountains] that “Táo huā liú shuǐ qióng rán qù, bié yǒu tiān dì fēi rén jiān. 桃花流水穹然 去，别有天地非人間.” (Peach blossoms and flowing water go away; there is a different world quite different from the human world.) With regard to the idiom bīng qīng yù jié 冰清玉潔 (ice clear jade clean), in the State of Wei in the Three Kingdom period, Cao Zhi 曹植 wrote in guāng lù dài fu xún hóu zhū 光禄大夫荀侯誅 [Mourning Xun Hou] that “Rú bīng zhī qīng, rú yù zhī jié, fǎ ér bù wēi, hé ér bù xiè. 如冰之清，如玉之潔，法而不威，和 而不褻.” (As clear as ice, as clean as jade, solemn but not dignified, kind and not allowed to blaspheme.) Later on, it was solidified into the idiom bīng qīng yù jié 冰清玉潔, meaning high and clean conduct. In the Jin dynasty, Huangfu Mi 皇 甫謐 wrote in zhì jùn zhuàn 摯俊傳 [The Biography of Zhi Jun] of gāo shì zhuàn 高士傳 [The Biographies of Men of Noble Virtue] that “Fú wéi bó líng, cái néng jué rén, gāo shàng qí zhì, yǐ shàn jué shēn, bīng qīng yù jié, bù yǐ xì xíng, hé lèi qí míng. 伏維伯陵，材能絶人，高尚其志，以善厥身，冰清玉潔，不以細行， 荷累其名.” (Only Boling can be outstanding, ambitious, unique in character, cultivate virtue with kindness, have good conduct, and be pure and clean.) In the Northern Qi dynasty, Liu Zhou wrote in wàng xiá 妄瑕 [False Flaws] of xīn lùn 新論 [New Theories] and wrote that “Bó yí shū qí, bīng qīng yù jié, yì yǐ bù wèi, gū suǒ wáng sì, bù shí zhōu sù, è sǐ shǒu yáng. 伯夷叔齊，冰清玉潔，義以不 爲，孤所亡嗣，不食周粟，餓死首 陽.” (Bo Yi and Shu Qi were pure and clean. He was righteous and died lonely. He did not eat millet and starved to death.) In the Tang dynasty, Yang Jiong 楊炯 wrote in li huai zhou mù zhì míng 李懷州墓 誌銘 [Epitaph of Li Huaizhou] that “Jīn duō mù shǎo, kǒng wén jǔ zhī tiān gǔ yù jié bīng qīng, huá zi yú zhī xíng cǎi. 金多木少，孔文舉之天骨；玉潔冰清，華 子魚之形彩.” (There are many golds and few trees, like the heavenly bones of

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Kong Wenju. Jade is clean and ice is clear, like the divine nature of Hua Ziyu.) It can also be written as bīng jié yù qīng 冰潔玉清. In the seventh volume of chū xué jì 初學記 [Preliminary Studies] quoted in wú xiān xián chuán zàn 吴先賢傳 贊 [Appraisal of the Deceased Sages of the State of Wu] by Lu Kang 陸抗, it is written that “Zhì lì qiū shuāng, bīng jié yù qīng. 志勵秋霜，冰潔玉清.” (He is as noble as the frost and jade.) It can also be written as bīng qīng yù cùi冰清玉粹. In volume 17 of chū xué jì 初學記 [Preliminary Studies], which quoted yuán xiàn zàn 原憲贊 [Appraisal of Yuan Xian] by Sun Chuo 孫綽 of the Jin dynasty, it is written that “Yuán xiàn xuán mò, bīng qīng yù cuì. zhì yì jiǔ xiāo, shēn ān lòu shù. 原憲 玄默，冰清玉粹.” 志逸九霄，身安陋術.” (Yuanxian is mysterious and noble. He has high aspirations, but he can bend down to do cumbersome work.) It can also be shortened to bīng yù 冰玉. In the Song dynasty, Zhou Mi 周密 wrote in wang kui zhuàn 王魁傳 [The Biography of Wang Kui] of Big Events of Song and Yuan dynasties qí shù yě yǔ 齊束野語 [Big Events of Song and Yuan dynasties] that “Kāng hóu xìng gāng qiào bù kě fàn, yǒu zhì lì xué, ài shēn rú bīng yù. 康侯 性剛峭不可犯，有志力學，愛身 如冰玉.” (Marquis Kang has strong character, is devoted to learning, and has noble character.) As for the idiom duō duō bī rén 咄咄逼人 (aggressive), in the Southern Song dynasty, Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 wrote in pái diào排調 [Pai Diao] of shì shuō xīn yǔ 世说新语 [A New Account of the Tales of the World] that “Huán nán jùn yǔ yīn jīng zhōu fù zuò wēi yǔ yīn yǒu yī cān jūn zài zuò, yún, máng rén qí xiā mǎ, yè bàn lín shēn chí.’ yīn yuē:’ duō duō bī rén zhòng kān miǎo mù gù yě. 〔桓南 郡與殷荆州〕復作危 語 . . . 殷有一參軍在坐，云，盲人騎瞎馬，夜半臨深 池. 殷曰：咄咄逼人/仲堪眇 目故也.” (He told many sensational stories. One of Yin’s military advisers also sat there. He said, “it’s like a blind man riding a blind horse and facing the deep pool at midnight.” Yin Yue replied, “you are just aggressive.”) The idiom duō duō bī rén 咄咄逼人 originally meant to use words to satirize others, which was surprising. Later on, it is also used to describe that younger generations surpass their predecessors, which is fantastic and amazing. In the Tang dynasty, Zhang Yanyuan 張彦遠 wrote in the first volume of shū fǎ yào lù 書法要録 [Calligraphy Records] that “Wáng xiū shàn lì xíng, yǔ xī zhī shàn’ gù dài qióng qí miào. zi jìng měi shěng xiū shū, yún: ‘duō duō bī rén.’ 〔王修〕善 隸行，與羲之善故殆窮其妙. 子敬每省修書，云：‘咄咄逼人’.” (He was also good at official script and running script, and had a good relationship with Wang Xizhi, so he learned many subtleties of his calligraphy. Every time Zijing looked at his calligraphy, he would say that the younger generation was approaching the older generation.) In the Song dynasty, Wei Qingzhi wrote in volume 19 of shī rén yù xiè 詩人玉屑 [The Poet’s Jade Scraps] that “Lù fàng wēng shī, běn yú chá shān (céng jǐ), gù zhào zhòng bái tí céng wén qīng gōng shī jí yún: ‘qīng yú yuè chū chū sān yè, dàn shì tāng pēng dì yī quán, duō duō bī rén mén dì zi, jiàn nán yǐ jiàn yī dēng chuán’. 陸放翁詩，本於茶山（曾幾），故趙仲白題曾文清公詩 集云：清於月出初三夜，淡似湯烹第一泉，咄咄逼人門弟子，劍南已見一 燈傳.” [Lu fangweng’s poems are based on the tea mountain (Zeng Ji), so Zhao Zhongbai said in the Collection of Zeng Wenqing’s Poems that his poems were clearer than the moon in the third day of the lunar month, and more elegant than

148 The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese the mountain spring water making tea in the first place. He wants to catch up with his predecessors.] The idiom hǔ jù lóng pán 虎踞龍盤(蟠) (a coiling dragon and crouching tiger) is used to describe the magnificent and dangerous terrain of Nanjing. To the west it is a stone city, like a crouching tiger. There is Zhongshan in the East, just like a coiled dragon. In volume 156 of tài píng yù lǎn 太平御覽 [Taiping Imperial Survey], quoting wú lù 吴録 [Records of Wu] by Zhang Bo of the Jin dynasty, it is written that “Liú bèi céng shǐ zhū gé liàng zhì jīng, yīn dǔ mò líng shān fù, tàn yuē, zhōng shān lóng pán, shí tóu hǔ jù, cǐ dì wáng zhī zhái. 劉備曾使諸葛亮至京，因 睹秣陵山阜，歎曰，鐘山龍盤，石頭虎踞，此帝王之宅.” (Liu Bei once sent Zhuge Liang to the Capital. Seeing the mountains in Moling, he sighed that Zhongshan Mountain was like a coiled dragon and the stones were like crouching tigers, which was exactly the emperor’s place). In the Northern Zhou dynasty, Yu Xin 庾 信 wrote in āi jiāng nán fù 哀江南賦 [Ode to the South of the Yangtze River] that “xī zhī hǔ jù lóng pán, jiā yǐ huáng shū zǐ qì, mò bù suí hú tù ér kū xué, yǔ fēng chén ér tiǎn cuì. 昔之虎踞龍蟠，加以黄疏紫氣，莫不随狐兔而窟穴，與風塵 而殄瘁.” (When the army crossed the river by boat, it seemed that the warship was entrusted by the Yellow Dragon, the tide welcomed the fleet, and Jiang Ping sent the overlord. The army is stationed in Shicheng and the ships are moored in Huaisi. Chen Baxian was like Zheng Bo, and Wang Seng argued that he arrived as late as Xun Xun. He attacked the rebels and broke through the enemy’s lair. The rebels were scattered and fled everywhere. Like burying Di people in Jumen and beheading Chiyou in central Hebei, the thief chieftain was burned as an oil lamp and the lacquer head as a drinking device.) In the Tang dynasty, Liu Zhiji 劉知幾 wrote in shū zhì 書志 [The Book Records] of shǐ tōng 史通 [Shi Tong] that “Jīng yì yì yì, sì fāng shì zé. qiān mén wàn hù, shù zhào yǎng qí wēi shén, hǔ jù lóng pán, dì wáng biǎo qí zūn jí. 京邑翼翼，四方是則. 千門萬户，庶兆仰其威神， 虎踞龍蟠，帝王表其尊極.” (The capital is very solemn, and other surrounding cities take it as the standard. Thousands of families rely on its majesty. Its terrain is magnificent, like a coiled dragon and a lying tiger. The emperors think it is an extremely noble place.) It can also be written as lóng pán hǔ jù 龍盤虎踞. In the Tang dynasty, Li Bai wrote in the fourth poem of yǒng wáng dōng xún gē 永王 東巡歌 [The East Tour of Emperor Yong] that “Lóng pán hǔ jù dì wáng zhōu, dì zǐ jīn líng fǎng gǔ qiū. 龍蟠虎踞帝王州，帝子金陵 訪古丘.” (The dragon and the tiger occupy the imperial prefecture, and the emperor’s son visits the ancient hills in Jinling.) As for the idiom kè huà wú yán 刻畫無鹽 (engrave without salt), the words Wú yán 無鹽 refer to the ugly woman of the state of Qi in the Spring and Autumn period; xi shi refers to the beauty in the State of Yue. The idiom kè huà wú yán 刻 畫無鹽 means to compare ugliness with beauty, and that is neither fish nor fowl. In the Song dynasty of the Southern dynasties, Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 wrote in huò nì 惑溺 [Light Slander] of shì shuō xīn yǔ 世説新語 [A New Account of Tales of the World] that “Yǔ yuán guī yǔ zhōu bó rén: zhū rén jiē yǐ jūn fāng lè. zhōu yuē: hé lè? wèi lè yì xié? yǔ yuē, bù ěr, lè lìng ěr! zhōu yuē, hé nǎi kè huà wú yán, yǐ táng tū xī zǐ yě. 庾元規語周伯仁：諸人皆 以君方樂. 周曰：何樂？謂樂毅邪？庾

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese 149 曰，不爾，樂令耳！周曰，何乃刻畫無鹽， 以唐突西子也.” (Yu Liang said to Zhou, “everyone takes you and Le side by side.” Zhou asked, “which Le? Is it Le Yi?” Yu Liang said, “No, it’s just Yue Guang.” Zhou said, “how can we beautify Wu Yan to desecrate Xi Shi?”) In zhou po zhuàn 周頗傳 [The Biography of Zhou Po] of jìn shū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Yǔ liàng cháng wèi yùn yuē, zhū rén xián yǐ jūn fāng lè guǎng.’ pō yuē: ‘hé nǎi kè huà wú yán, táng tū xī zǐ yě. 庾亮嘗謂韻曰，諸人咸以君方樂廣. 頗曰：何乃刻畫無鹽，唐突 西子也.” (Yu Liang once said to Yun, everyone takes you and Le side by side. Po answered, how can you beautify Wu Yan to desecrate Xi Shi). In the Song dynasty, Chen Liang 陳亮 wrote in yán guì huā 岩桂花 [Rock Osmanthus Flower] of guì zhī xiāng 桂枝香 [Osmanthus Twig Fragrance] that “Rèn diǎn qǔ, lóng xián dǔ nòu, ér nǚ zǐ kàn chéng, wàn qū qiān qū, zuò shù zhū ér, kè huà wú (wú) yán táng tū. 任點取，龍涎篤耨，兒女子看承，萬屈千屈，做數珠兒，刻畫毋（無） 鹽唐突.” (Take it at any point and the dragon’s saliva will be deep, the children and women accept it and bend thousands of times to count beads. It’s like to beautify Wu Yan and desecrate Xi Shi.) The idiom luò huā liú shuǐ 落花流水 (petals drop and waters flow) means falling flowers float away with the water, describing the scene of flowers withering in late spring, which is also a metaphor for the decline and misery of the situation. In the Tang dynasty, Li Qunyu wrote in the poem fèng hé zhāng shè rén sòng qín liàn shī guī cén gōng shān 奉和張舍人送秦練師歸岑公山 [Sending Qin Lianshi to Cengong Mountain with Zhang Sheren] that “Lán pǔ cāng cāng chūn yù mù, luò huā liú shuǐ yuàn lí jīn. 蘭浦蒼蒼春欲暮，落花 流水怨離襟.” (The Lanpu river is vast, but spring is coming to an end. The sound of parting piano is particularly sad in the falling flowers and flowing water.) In the Tang dynasty, Guan Xiu 貫休 wrote in the poem ǒu zuò yīn huái shān zhōng dào lǚ 偶作因懷山中道侣 [Miss My Taoist Friend in the Mountains] that “Shì shì fēi fēi jìng bù zhēn, luò huā liú shuǐ sòng qīng chūn. 是是非非竟不真，落花流水送青春.” (Right or wrong, nothing is true. My youth floated away with falling flowers and flowing water.) In the Song dynasty, Ouyang Xiu wrote in yè xíng chuán 夜行船 [The Night Voyage Boat] that “Luò huā liú shuǐ cǎo lián yún, kàn kàn shì, duàn cháng nán pǔ. 落花 流水草連雲，看看是，斷腸南浦.” (Falling flowers, floating in flowing waters, and the grass touches the clouds. Look, it’s the heartbroken Nanpu.) Also, it can be written as liú shuǐluò huā 流水落花. In the Southern Tang dynasty, Li Yu 李煜 wrote in làng táo shā 浪淘沙 [Wave-Washed Sand] that “Liú shuǐ luò huā chūn qù yě, tiān shàng rén jiān. 流水落花春去也，天上人間.” (The petals fallen in the stream, spring has gone, let me see it again in heaven!) The idiom jué miào shí rén 妙絶時人 means that the works are so exquisite that they surpass all those of the people of their times. In the State of Wei of the Three Kingdom period, Cao Pi wrote in yǔ wu zhi shū 與吴質書 [Letter to Wu Zhi] that “Gōng gàn yǒu yì qì, dàn wèi qiú ěr. qí wǔ yán shī zhī shàn zhě, miào jué shí rén. 公幹有逸氣，但未遒耳. 其五言詩之善者，妙絶時人.” (There is leisure in his work. The goodness of his five-character poem is wonderful.) In zhang chao zhuàn 張超傳 [The Biography of Zhang Chao] of hòu hàn shū 後漢書 [The Book of the Later Han dynasty], it reads that “Chāo yòu shàn yú cǎo shū, miào jué shí rén, shì

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gòng chuán zhī. 超又善於草書，妙絶時人，世共傳之.” (Chao is also good at cursive writing. It is wonderful and passed down by people all over the world.) In the Southern Song dynasty, Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 wrote in wén xué 文學 [Literature] of shì shuō xīn yǔ 世说新语 [A New Account of the Tales of the World] that “Jiǎn wén chēng xǔ chuán yún: xuán dù wǔ yán shī, kě wèi miào jué shí rén. 簡文稱 許椽 云：玄度五言詩，可謂妙絶時人.” (Jian Wen praised Xu Chuanyun and said that his five-character poems are so exquisite that they surpass all those of the people of their times.) The idiom nú yán bì xī 奴顔婢膝 is used to describe the ugliness of flattering people. In the Tang dynasty, Lu Guimeng 陸龜蒙 wrote in jiāng hú sǎn rén gē 江 湖散人歌 [Song of the Casual People All Over the Country] that “Nú yán bì xī zhēn qǐ gài, fǎn yǐ zhèng zhí wèi kuáng chī. 奴顔婢膝真乞丐，反以正直爲狂 癡.” (Real beggars are servile, but they are crazy about integrity.” It is also written as nú yán bì sè 奴顔婢色). In the Song dynasty, Wang Yuwei wrote in sòng liǔ yí tōng pàn quán zhōu xù 送柳宜通判全州序 [Preface to Sending Liu Yi to Quanzhou] that “Yǔ fū chǎn quán mèi shì, nú yán bì sè. 與夫 諂權媚勢，奴顔婢色.” (He is always flattering someone who is powerful and that is servile.) Regarding the idiom qián dù liú láng 前度劉郎, Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 in the Southern dynasty wrote in yōu míng lù 幽明録 [You Ming Lu] that Liu Chen and Ruan Zhao met immortals in Tiantai Mountain in the Eastern Han dynasty and returned in the Jin dynasty. After they revisited Tiantai Mountain, the old traces disappeared. So, qián dù liú láng 前度劉郎 is a metaphor for people who revisit the old place. In the Tang dynasty, Liu Yuxx 劉禹錫 wrote in the poem zài yóu xuán dōu guān 再遊玄都觀 [Revisiting the Xuandu Temple] that “Zhǒng táo dào shì guī hé chù, qián dù liú láng jīn yòu lái. 種桃道士歸何處，前度劉郎今又來.” (Where have the Taoists who planted these peach trees gone? Liu who once came now comes again.) In the Song dynasty, Zhou Bangyan 周邦彦 wrote in the poem ruì lóng yín 瑞龍吟 [Songs of Ruilong] that “Qián dù liú láng zhòng dào, fǎng lín xún lǐ, tóng shí gē wǔ, wéi yǒu jiù jiā qiū niáng, shēng jià rú gù. 前度劉郎重到， 訪鄰尋里，同時歌舞，唯有舊家秋娘，聲價如故.” (Now I revisit my hometown and visit her original neighbors and sisters who sing and dance at the same time. Only Qiuniang’s beautiful voice remains the same as before.) In the Song dynasty, Xin Qiji 辛棄疾 wrote in the poem Congratulating the Bridegroom that “qián dù liú láng jīn zhòng dào, wèn xuán dōu, qiān shù huā cún fǒu? 前度劉郎今 重到，問玄都，千樹花存否？”(I am back again and ask Xuandu whether there are still thousands of trees and flowers.) It can also be written as liú láng qián dù 劉郎前度. In the Song dynasty, Zhou Zizhi 周紫芝 wrote in the poem diǎn jiàng chún 點絳唇 [Dian Jiang Chun] that “Hún wú xù, liú láng qián dù, kōng jì lái shí lù jiàn. 渾無緒，劉郎前度，空記來時路建.” (I am confused and have no clue, remembering only the road I walked when I came last time.) The idiom qīng tiān bái rì 青天白日 describes the weather as bright and sunny, which also means that it is extremely bright and everyone can see it. In the Tang dynasty, LiBai 李白 wrote in the poem shàng liú tián xíng 上留田行 [Visit Shangliutian] that “Tián shì cāng zú gǔ ròu fēn, qīng tiān bái rì cuī zǐ jīng. 田氏倉卒 骨肉分，青天白日摧紫荆.” (When the three Tian brothers wanted to separate

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese 151 their families, the Bauhinia tree in the court immediately withered, and when they decided not to separate their families, the tree prospered as before.) In the Tang dynasty, Han Yu wrote in yǔ cuī qún shū 與崔群書 [Letter to Cui Qun] that “Qīng tiān bái rì, nú lì yì zhī qí qīng míng. 青天白日，奴隸亦知其清明.” (If officials are honest, even slaves know their wisdom.) In the Song dynasty, Zhu Xi 朱熹 wrote in dá wei yuan lv shū 答魏元履書 [Reply to Wei Yuanlv] that “Wǔ hòu jí míng yì jù zhèng, wú suǒ yǐn nì qí wèi hàn fù chóu zhī zhì, rú qīng tiān bái rì, rén rén dé ér zhī zhī jū. 武侯即名義俱正，無所隱匿；其爲漢復讐之志，如青天白日，人 人得而知之疽.” (Marquis Wu has a decent reputation and has nothing to hide by himself. His ambition to avenge the Han dynasty is like the blue sky and the white sun. Everyone can see and know his ambition.) As for the idiom tuī bō zhù lán 推波助瀾, in the Song dynasty of the Southern dynasties, Bao Zhao 鮑照 wrote in guān lòu fù 觀漏賦 [Ode to Guanlou] that “jì hé yuán zhī mò yōng, yòu chuī bō ér zhù lán. 既河源之莫壅，又吹波而助瀾.” (The source of the river is not blocked, and what is more, the wind blows the waves.) It originally meant that the water is rising and the waves are rough. The idiom tuī bō zhù lán 推波助瀾 is used to describe the situation from the side to boost the momentum and expand the influence of the situation. In the Sui dynasty, Wang Tong 王通 wrote in wèn yì 問易 [Wen Yi] of wén zhōng zǐ 文中子 [Wen Zhong Zi] that “Zhēn jūn, jiàn dé zhī shì, shì zú tuī bō zhù lán, zòng fēng zhǐ liáo ěr. 真君、 建德之事，適足推波助瀾，縱風止燎耳.” (The matter of Zhenjun and Jiande is enough to add fuel to the flames or to put out the fire by blowing.) In the Song dynasty, Zhu Xi wrote in dá chén tóng fǔ 答陳同甫 [Reply to Chen Tongfu] that “Kuàng cǐ děng yì lùn, zhèng shì tuī bō zhù lán, zòng fēng zhǐ liáo. 況此等議論， 正是推波助瀾，縱風止燎.” (Such comments are just adding fuel to the flames or putting out the fire by blowing.) The idiom wàn shuǐ qiān shān 萬水千山 describes the vast number of mountains and rivers and the remote and dangerous roads. In the Tang dynasty, Jia Dao wrote in the poem sòng gěng chù shì 送耿處士 [Sending off the Priest Geng] that “wàn shuǐ qiān shān lù, gū zhōu jǐ yuè chéng. 萬水千山路，孤舟幾月程.” (Thousands of rivers and mountains, the lonesome boat travels many months.) In the Five dynasties period, Guan Xiu 貫休 wrote in the poem chén qíng xiàn shǔ huáng dì 陳情獻蜀皇帝 [To the Emperor of Shu State] that “Yī xīn yī bō chuí chuí lǎo, wàn shuǐ qiān shān de de lái. 一新一缽垂垂老，萬水千山得得來.” (Traveling around with a bottle and a bowl, I grew old and rode across thousands of rivers and mountains.) It can also be written as qiān shānwàn shuǐ 千山萬水. Between the Tang and the Song dynasties, the poem zhì duān zhōu yì jiàn dù wǔ shěn yán 至端州驛見杜五審言 [Visit Du Shenyan at Duanzhou] reads, “Qǐ yì nán zhōng qí lù duō, qiān shān wàn shuǐ fèn xiāng xiàn. 豈意南中歧路多，千山 萬水分鄉縣.” (Who would have expected that there would be so many diverging roads in Lingnan, with thousands of mountains and rivers between various townships and counties.) With regard to the idiom yǐ mǎ kě dài 倚馬可待, in the Southern Song dynasty, Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 wrote in wén xué 文学 [Literature] of shì shuō xīn yǔ 世说 新语 [A New Account of the Tales of the World] that “Huán xuān wǔ běi zhēng,

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yuán hǔ shí cóng, bèi zé miǎn guān. huì xū lù bù wén, huàn yuán yǐ mǎ qián lìng zuò, shǒu bù chuò bǐ, é dé qī zhǐ, jué kě guān. 桓宣武北征，袁虎時從，被責免 官. 會須露布文，唤袁倚馬前令作，手不輟筆，俄得七紙，絶可觀.” (Huan Wen led his division to the northern expedition. At that time, Yuan Hu also accompanied him to the expedition. He was scolded by Huan Wen and was dismissed as an official. Just at that time, a document reporting to the court the success of wars needed to be written; Huan Wen asked Yuan Hu to draft it. Yuan Hu leaned against the horse and kept writing. After a while, he wrote seven pieces of paper, which was very impressive.) It is summarized as the idiom yí mǎ kě dài 倚馬可 待, which describes quick thinking and instant composition. In the Tang dynasty, Li Bai wrote in shàng hán jīng zhōu shū 上韓荆州書 [Letter to Han Jinzhou] that “Bì ruò jiē zhī yǐ gāo yàn, zòng zhī yǐ qīng tán, qǐng rì shì wàn yán, yǐ mǎ kě dài. 必若接之以高宴， 縱之以清談，請日試萬言，倚馬可待.” (If you are willing to receive me with a feast and let me talk freely, please let me have a try with ten thousand words a day, and I will be ready in an instant.) It is also shortened to yǐ mǎ 倚馬. In the Tang dynasty, Wu Rong 吴融 wrote in the poem líng chí xiàn jiàn zǎo méi 靈池縣見早梅 [Seeing the Early Plum in Lingchi County] that “Qī shēn wèi shí dēng lóng dì, luò bǐ yuán fēi yǐ mǎ cái. 棲身未識登龍地，落筆元非倚 馬才.” (I did not know the place where I reside is dignified, and I only know that I am talented to finish my composition instantly.)

3.4

Idioms from Buddhist works

Buddhism was introduced into China from the Han dynasty and spread widely from the Six dynasties to the Tang and Song dynasties, which had a great impact on the lexical increasing of Chinese words. There were not only a large number of loanwords and/or new words, but also a large number of idioms related to Buddhism, as can be seen in the following idioms. The idiom bú èr fǎ mén 不二法門 was from Buddhism and refers to the only and unspeakable way to directly enter the Tao. In the State of Wu of the Three Kingdom period, Zhiqian 支謙 translated wéi mó jié jīng rù bù èr fǎ mén pǐn 維摩詰 經 – 入不二法門品 [The Vimalakirti Sutra – The Only Way to Enter the Dharma] and wrote that “rú wǒ yì zhě, yú yī qiè fǎ, wú yán wú shuō, wú shì wú shí, lí zhū wèn dá, shì wèi rù bù èr fǎ mén. 如我意者，於一切法，無言無説，無示無識， 離諸問答，是爲入不二法門.” (As I like, in all dharmas, there are no words, or no knowledge, and away from all questions and answers. There is no other way to enter.) In the Liang dynasty of the Southern dynasties, Shen Yue 沈約 wrote in wéi mó jié jīng rù bù èr fǎ mén pǐn 佛記序 [The Preface to the Book of Buddha], “Kuò bù èr zhī fǎ mén, guǎng yī chéng zhī zhǎng mò. 廓不二之法門，廣一乘之 長陌.” (Make the only way cleaner and the long road wider.) In the Tang dynasty, Chen Ziang 陳子昂 wrote in xià rì huī shàng rén fáng bié lǐ cān jūn xù 夏日暉上 人房别李參軍序 [Preface to Farewell to Li’s Joining the Army], “Kāi bù èr zhī fǎ mén, guān dà qiān zhī shì jiè. 開不二之法門，觀大千之世界.” (Open the only way to see the wonderful world.) In the Tang dynasty, Pei Guan 裴潅 wrote in shǎo lín sì bēi 少林寺碑 [Shaolin Temple Stele] that “Kōng xīn, yuán cuì, huì xìng, yān

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153

yuǎn chuán bù èr fǎ mén, yǒu shèn shēn dào yè. 空心、元粹、惠性、淹遠傳不 二法門，有甚深道業.” (Kongxin, Yuancui, Huixing, and Yanyuan are the only ones preaching. They have very deep practice.) In the Song dynasty, Shen Zuoji 沈作詰 wrote in the seventh volume of yù jiǎn 寓簡 [Yu Jian] that “sān shí yī pú sà gè shuō bù èr fǎ mén. zhì wén shū dú yuē: wú yán shuō. 三十一 菩薩各説不二 法門. 至文殊獨曰：無言説.” (All 31 Bodhisattvas, each believe what they teach is unique, but Manjusri alone believed he had nothing to say). In modern times, it is used as a metaphor to describe the best or unique method. The idiom bù kě sī yì 不可思議 was in the State of Wu of the Three Kingdom period; Zhi Qian translated bù sī yì pǐn 不思議品 [Incredibility] of wéi mó jié jīng 維摩詰經 [Vimalakirti Sutra] and wrote that “Zhū fú pú sà yǒu jiě tuō míng bù kě sī yì. 諸佛菩薩有解脱名不可思議.” (It is incredible that all Buddhas and Bodhisattvas have the name of liberation.) Hui Yuanyi 慧遠義 wrote that “bù sī jù xīn, bù yì jiù kǒu, jiě tuō zhēn dé, miào zài qíng wàng, xīn yán bù jí, shì gù míng wèi bù kě sī yì. 不思據心，不議就口，解脱真德，妙在情妄，心言不及，是 故名爲不可思議.” (If you do not think according to your heart, you can speak without further consideration, and free yourself from true morality. The beauty lies in your false feelings and your heart cannot speak. Hence, it is called incredible.) In the Jin dynasty, Tan Mo Nan Ti 曇摩難提 translated volume 18 of zēng yī ā hán jīng 增一阿含經 [The Sutra of Zeng Yi A Han] and wrote that “yǒu sì bù kě sī yì shì, fēi xiǎo chéng suǒ néng zhī. 有四不可思議事，非小乘所能知.” (There are four incredible things, which are not known by the Mahayana.) In jiū mó luó shén 鳩摩羅什 [Kumarosh] of yì shù zhuàn 藝術傳 [Art Biography] of jìn shū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “Fāng děng shēn jiào, bù kě sī yì, chuán zhī dōng tǔ, wéi ěr zhī lì. 方等深教，不可思議，傳之東土，惟爾之力.” (Such profound doctrines are incredible. It is up to you to introduce them to the East.) Taoism borrows this phrase as well. In the Song dynasty, Zhang Junfang 張君房 wrote in volume 94 of yún jí qī qiān 雲笈七籤 [The Seven Chapters of Yun Ji] that “Sī lǜ suǒ bù dá, xíng yòng suǒ wú jiē zhě, zé tàn bù kě sī yì. 思慮所不達，行用 所無階者，則歎不可思議.” (Just like some people preach profound Taoism and widely discuss the truth of nothingness, which makes people unable to understand in their hearts, and lets people implement it regardless of the cultivation stage, then people will be amazed and assume that these truths are mysterious, so they admire them very much.) Nowadays, it is used to describe things that are unimaginable or difficult to understand. In Buddhism, the idiom dà cí dà bēi 大慈大悲 means that Buddha and Bodhisattva love the world and have mercy on all sentient beings. In the Eastern Jin dynasty, Kyumorosh translated dà zhì dù lùn 大智度論 [The Theory of Great Wisdom] and wrote in volume 27 that “dà cí dà bēi zhě, sì wú liàng xīn zhōng yǐ fēn bié, jīn dāng gèng lüè shuō, dà cí yǔ yī qiè zhòng shēng lè, dà bēi bá yī qiè zhòng shēng kǔ. 大 慈大悲者，四無量心中已分别，今當更略説，大慈與一切衆生樂，大悲拔 一切衆生苦.” (Those who have great compassion have been separated in their hearts. Now we should briefly say that they take delight in the happiness and feel pity for all the misery of all sentient beings due to their great compassion.) In the Eastern Jin dynasty, Kyumorosh translated the pì yù pǐn 譬喻品 [Parable] of miào

154 The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese fǎ lián huá jīng 妙法蓮華經 [The Lotus Sutra] and wrote, “dà cí dà bēi, cháng wú xiè juàn, héng qiú shàn shì, lì yì yī qiè. 大慈大悲，常無懈倦，恒求善事， 利益一切.” (Be merciful, never feel tired, always seek good deeds, and benefit everything.) This is later extended to describe someone who is very charitable. In the Song dynasty, Zhang Junfang 張君房 wrote in the fourth volume of yún jí qī qiān 雲笈七籤 [The Seven Chapters of Yun Ji] that “Shèng rén xìng, dà cí dà bēi, ài ruò chì zǐ, suí shí huà shēng, suí yí jiù bá. 聖人興，大慈大悲，愛若赤子，隨 時化生，隨宜救拔.” (All the great sages have great mercy, they love their people in the way they love children, always ready to incarnate and rescue them.) The idiom gōng dé yuán mǎn 功德圓滿 in Buddhism means that the Buddhist dharma meeting and good deeds were completed successfully. In the Tang dynasty, chén jí yuán 陳集原 [Chen Jiyuan] wrote in lóng lún dào chǎng míng 龍侖道場 銘 [Inscriptions on the Longlun Taoist Temple] that “gèng yú dào chǎng zhī nán zào shì jiā mù ní xiàng zuò, suì dé bù rì ér chéng, gōng dé yuán mǎn. 更於道 場 之南造釋迦牟尼像座，遂得不日而成，功德圓滿.” (The statue of Sakyamuni was built in the south of the Taoist temple, which was completed in a short time and achieved complete merit and virtue.) In the Sui dynasty, Yang Guang 楊廣 wrote in rù cháo qiǎn shǐ cān shū 入朝遣使參書 [Letter of Sending Envoys into the dynasty] that “yòng wèi chí jié, yǎng chéng héng yuè, gōng dé yuán mǎn, biàn zhì jīng wū. 用慰馳結，仰承衡嶽，功德圓滿，便致荆巫.” (In order to ease my missing for you, when I leave Hengshan and my merits and/or virtues are complete, I will go to Jingchu.) Originally, the idiom huí guāng fǎn zhào 回（迴）光返照 refers to the phenomenon of temporary illumination in the sky due to reflection when the sun is falling below the horizon. Buddhists take it to mean a return to their own nature. In the Song dynasty, Shi Daoyuan 釋道原 wrote in volume 26, yì néng chán shī 義能禪師 [Master Yineng], of jǐng dé chuán dēng lù 景德傳燈録 [The Denglu of Jingdechuan] that, “Shī yuē, fāng hū wèi fú, huí guāng fǎn zhào, kàn shēn xīn shì hé wù. 師曰，方呼爲佛，迴光返照，看身心是何物.” (The master said, “You have just become a Buddha, and now looking back and examining yourself, how do you see your body and your mind?”) And the same writing in volume 30 of shí tóu hé shàng cǎo ān gē 石頭和尚草庵歌 [The Song of the Stone Monk’s Nunnery] was, “Huí guāng fǎn zhào biàn guī lái, kuò dá líng gēn fēi xiàng bèi. 迴光返照便 歸來，廓達靈根非向背.” (Come back when you find your nature. Do not violate the teachings of the open-minded Buddha.) In lín jì chán shī yǔ lù 臨濟禪師語 録 [Quotations of Master Lin Ji], it reads that “nǐ yán xià biàn shì jiǒng guāng fǎn zhào, gèng bù bié qiú, zhī shēn xīn yǔ zǔ fú bù bié, dāng xià wú shì, fāng míng dé fǎ. 你言下便是迥光返照，更不别求，知身心與祖佛不别，當下無事，方名 得法.” (What you say is the reflection of your true spirit. Now, you ask for nothing but find your direction and appropriate methods to make your body and mind the same as that of the ancestral Buddha, since now you have not numerous things to do.) In the Song dynasty, Wu Ming 悟明 wrote in volume 16, jì chéng chán shī 繼成禪師 [Master Jicheng], of lián dēng huì yào 聯燈會要 [The Lantern Festival] that “Diān dào yī shēng, yǒng wú xiū xiē, zhí xū huí guāng fǎn zhào, qīn jìn míng shī. 顛倒一生，永無休歇，直須迴光返照，親近明師.” (In order not to

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese 155 reverse your life and rest forever, you must return to your true spirit and get close to wise masters.) In modern times, it is also a metaphor for the sudden excitement of people’s spirit before death. In the Ming dynasty, Zhang Dai 張岱 wrote in mǎ shì yīng zhuàn 馬士英傳 [The Biography of Ma Shiying] that, “Bǐ yōng jūn càn zhǔ, zhì guó pò jiā wáng zhī jì, yóu néng huí guāng fǎn zhào, xuě hèn bào chóu. 彼庸君孱主，至國破家亡之際，猶能回光返照，雪恨報仇.” (At that time, the monarch was fatuous and incompetent. Only when the country was broken and the family was destroyed can he return to light and revenge.) In the Qing dynasty, Gao e 高鹗 wrote in chapter 98 of hóng lóu mèng 紅樓夢 [A Dream in Red Mansions] that “Cǐ shí lǐ wán jiàn dài yù lüè huǎn, míng zhī shì huí guāng fǎn zhào de guāng jǐng. 此時李紈見黛玉略緩，明知是迴光返照 的光景.” (At this time, Li Wan saw that Daiyu was much better, knowing that it was only for the time being.) As for the idiom liù gēn qīng jìng 六根清浄, Buddhism believes that when the six roots of eye, ear, nose, tongue, body, and mind are connected with the six circumstances of color, sound, fragrance, taste, touch, and dharma, they will produce all kinds of desires and sins, leading to all kinds of troubles. After cultivation, the monks are able to make the six roots not contaminated by the six circumstances and reach a state far away from troubles, which is called six roots purification. This is the embodiment of Buddhist asceticism. In the Jin dynasty, Tan Mo Nan Ti 曇摩難提 translated fǎ shī gōng dé pǐn 法師功德品 [The Merit and Virtue of the Great Master] of miào fǎ lián huá jīng 妙法蓮華經 [The Lotus Sutra] as, “Yǐ shì gōng dé zhuāng yán, liù gēn jiē lìng qīng jìng. 以是功德莊嚴，六根皆令清 静.” (Hence, the merits are solemn, and the six roots are pure.) In the Jin dynasty, Tan Mo Nan Ti 曇摩難提 translated dà zhì dù lùn 大智度論 [The Theory of Great Wisdom] and wrote that “Bù shī shí, liù gēn qīng jìng, shàn yù xīn shēng?” 布施 時，六根清静，善欲心生？(When giving alms, the six roots are quiet, and thus, the benevolent desire is arising from the heart?) Emperor Yang of the Sui dynasty wrote in bǎo tái jīng cáng yuàn wén 寶台經藏願文 [The Sutra of Baotai] that “wǔ zhǒng fǎ shī, jù dé liù gēn qīng jìng. 五種法師，俱得六根清浄.” (All five kinds of masters have six pure roots.) As for the idiom tiān huā luàn zhuì天花（華）亂墜, the smallpox (China) falls in disorder. In the Jin dynasty, Tan Mo Nan Ti 曇摩難提 translated xù pǐn 序 品 [The Preface] of miào fǎ lián huá jīng妙法蓮華經 [The Lotus Sutra] as, “Fú shuō cǐ jīng yǐ, jié jiā fū zuò, rù yú wú liàng yì chù sān mèi, shēn xīn bù dòng. shì shí tiān yù màn tuó luó huá, mó hē màn tuó luó huá, màn shū shā huá, mó hē màn shū shā huá, ér sàn fú shàng jí zhū dà zhòng. 佛説此經已，結加趺坐，入 於無量義處三昧，身心不動. 是時天雨曼陀羅華、摩訶曼陀羅華、曼殊沙 華、摩訶曼殊沙華，而散佛上及諸大衆.” (The Buddha said that this sutra has been completed, and he sat down with two legs crossed, and entered the boundless righteousness of samadhi without moving his body and mind. At that time, the four flowers of Mandala, Maha Mandala, Maha Manshu, and Maha Manshu are scattered down to Buddha as well as to the public like rain.) The original meaning is that the Buddha preaches scriptures, moves the gods, and all kinds of fragrant flowers scatter. Later on, it is used to describe speech that is beautiful in words but impractical. In the Song dynasty, Shi Daoyuan 釋道原 wrote in volume 15 of lìng

156

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese

zūn chán shī 令遵禪師 [Master Lingzun] of jǐng dé chuán dēng lù 景德傳燈録 [The Denglu of Jingdechuan] that “Jù tú yī qiān èr qiān, shuō fǎ rú yún rú yǔ, jiǎng dé tiān huá luàn zhuì, zhǐ chéng gè xié shuō, zhēng jìng shì fēi, qù fó fǎ dà yuǎn. 聚徒一千二千，説法如雲如雨，講得天華亂墜，只成個邪説，争 競是非， 去佛法大遠.” (He gathered 12,000 disciples, talking like clouds and rain, which look like scattering flowers in the sky, turning out only to be a heresy. There is a big gap with the dharma.) In volume 35 of zhū zǐ yǔ lèi 朱子語類 [Quotations of Zhu Zi’s Remarks], it reads that “fán tā rén zhī yán, biàn zuò shuō dé tiān huā luàn zhuì, wǒ yì bù xìn, yī jiù zhǐ zhí wǒ jiàn. 凡他人之言，便做説得天花亂墜， 我亦不信，依舊只執我見.” (All other people’s words are exaggerated. I do not believe them. I only hold my opinion.) As for the idiom tiān nǚ sàn huā 天女散花, in the State of Wu of the Three Kingdom period, Zhiqian 支謙 translated guān zhòng shēng pǐn 觀衆生品 [All Living Creatures] of wéi mó jié jīng 維摩詰經 [The Only Way to Enter the Dharma] and wrote that “Shí wéi mó jié shì yǒu yì tiān nǚ, jiàn zhū dà rén wén suǒ shuō fǎ, biàn xiàn qí shēn, jí yǐ tiān huá sàn zhū pú sà, dà dì zǐ shàng, huá zhì zhū pú sà jí jiē duò luò, zhì dà dì zǐ biàn zhe bù duò. yī qiè dì zǐ shén lì qù huá, bù néng lìng qù. 時維摩詰室有一天女，見諸大人聞所説法，便現其身，即以天華散諸菩 薩、大弟子上，華至諸菩薩即皆 堕落，至大弟子便著不墮. 一切弟子神力去 華，不能令去.” (At that time, there was a goddess of heaven in the Vimalakirti room. On hearing what they said, she showed herself, and scattered flowers onto the bodhisattvas and the eldest disciples in the sky, and the flowers fell off instantly on Bodhisattvas, yet not on the eldest disciples. All disciples used up their divine power and try to get the flowers off them with failure.) The original meaning is that the goddess of heaven judged the heart of Bodhisattvas and eldest disciples to the Tao by scattering flowers onto them and seeing whether they fell off or not. Later on, the idiom tiān nǚ sàn huā 天女散花 was used to describe throwing things or heavy snow. In the Tang dynasty, Song Zhiwen 宋之問 wrote in shè zhāi tàn fú wén 設齋歎佛文 [Lay Vegetarian Food and Sigh at the Buddha] that “Lóng wáng xiàn shuǐ, pēn chē mǎ zhī chén āi tiān nǚ sàn huā, zhuì shān lín zhī cǎo shù. 龍王獻 水，噴車馬之塵埃；天女散花，綴山林之草樹.” (The dragon king offers water and sprays the dust of carriages. The heaven goddess scatters flowers and decorates the grass and trees in the mountains and forests.) In the Song dynasty, Lu You 陸 游 wrote in yè dà xuě gē 夜大雪歌 [Song of the Snow at Night] that “chū yí tiān nǚ xià sàn huā, fù kǒng má gū xíng zhì mǐ. 初疑天女下散花，復恐麻姑行擲米.” (At the beginning, I suspected that the heaven goddess was scattering flowers, and later on, I was afraid that it was Magu that was throwing rice.) As for the idiom wǔ tǐ tóu dì 五體投地, the most pious way for Buddhists to salute is to land on their elbows, knees, and head. Zhu Fa Hu 竺法護 translated the second volume of fú bān ní jǔ jīng 佛般泥沮經 [The Sutra of Buddha’s Wisdom on Nirvana] and wrote that “Tài zǐ wǔ tǐ tóu dì, qǐ shǒu fú zú. 太子五體投地， 稽首佛足.” (The prince fell to the ground and knelt at the feet of the Buddha.) In the Tang dynasty, Salmone Ban Ci Mi Di 般剌密諦 of India translated volume I of léng yán jīng 楞嚴經 [The Shurangama Sutra] and wrote that “ā nán wén yǐ, zhòng fù bēi lèi, wǔ tǐ tóu dì, zhǎng guì hé zhǎng, ér bái fó yán. 阿難聞已，重復

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese 157 悲淚，五體投地，長跪合掌，而白佛言.” (After hearing this, she wept sadly and fell to the ground and knelt at the feet. She knelt on the ground with her hands together for a long time and said to the Buddha.) In the Tang dynasty, Xuan Zang 玄奘 wrote in yìn dù zǒng shù 印度總述 [The Summary of India] of dà táng xī yù jì 大唐西域記 [The Western Regions of the Tang dynasty] that “Zhì jìng zhī shì, qí yí jiǔ děng, yī, fā yán wèi wèn. èr, fǔ shǒu shì jìng. sān, wǔ tǐ tóu dì fán sī jiǔ děng, jí wéi yī bài. 致敬之式，其儀九等，一、發言慰問. 二、俯首示 敬. 三、五體投 地 . . . 凡斯九等，極唯一拜.” (The ceremony of paying tribute can be divided into nine categories. Firstly, it is to make a speech of condolences. Secondly, it is to bow to show respect. Thirdly, it is to fall to the ground and kneel at the feet. Among all of the nine categories, to worship ranks at the top.) It is used to describe admiration to the extreme in medieval and modern times. In zhōng tiān zhú guó 中天竺國 [The Middle Kingdom of Tianzhu] of zhū yí zhuàn 諸夷傳 [The Histories of Various Nationalities] of liáng shū 梁書 [The Book of Liang], it reads that “Jīn yǐ cǐ guó qún chén mín shù, shān chuān zhēn zhòng, yī qiè guī shǔ, wǔ tǐ tóu dì, guī chéng dài wáng. 今以此國群臣民庶，山川珍重，一切歸屬，五體 投地，歸誠大王.” (Today, all officials and people together with all the mountains, rivers, and other valuable things in our country all belong to you. We kneel down and sincerely submit to your country.) In the Qing dynasty, Yuan Mei 袁枚 wrote in the first volume of suí yuán shī huà 隨園詩話 [The Poetry in the Sui Garden] that “Tóng zhēng yǒu wàn tà pō guāng tài, jīng yú wǔ qī gǔ. chéng yú mén dú zhī, wǔ tǐ tóu dì. 同征友萬拓坡光泰，精於五七古. 程魚門讀之，五體投地.” (His friend Wan Guangtai was expert in writing epic. Cheng Yumen read them and he fell in admiration.) As for the idiom yè luò guī gēn 葉落歸根, in the Song dynasty, Shi Daoyuan 釋道原 wrote in the fifth volume of huì néng dà shī 慧能大師 [Master Huineng] of jǐng dé chuán dēng lù 景德傳燈録 [The Denglu of Jingdechuan] that “Zhòng yuē, shī cóng cǐ qù, zǎo wǎn què huí? shī yuē: yè luò guī gēn, lái shí wú rì. 衆曰， 師從此去，早 晚却廻？師曰： 葉落歸根，來時無日.” (All the disciples asked their Master when he would come back. The Master answered that leaves would definitely fall to their roots, yet there was not set a given day.) Originally, the idiom yè luò guī gēn 葉落歸根 refers to the return of things to their origin, and that people and things always have a certain destination as well. In the Song dynasty, Zhao Fan 趙蕃 wrote in bái fà shī 白髮詩 [The Poem of Gray Hair II] that “yè luò guī gēn mò màn bēi, chūn fēng jiě fā cì nián zhī. 葉落歸根 莫漫悲，春風解發次年枝.” (When leaves fall to their roots, do not be sad. The spring breeze will revitalize the branches in the next year.) As for the idiom yì chén bù rǎn 一塵不染, Buddhism regards sound, color, fragrance, taste, touch, and dharma as the six dusts. Buddhists practice Buddhism, eliminating material desires and maintaining physical and mental purity; this is called yì chén bù rǎn 一塵不染, which is used to describe the noble and pure character. In the Song dynasty, Zhang Lei wrote in the poem là chū xiǎo xuě hòu pǔ méi kāi 臘初小雪後圃梅開 [Plum Blossoms in the Garden after the Snow in the Beginning of the Twelfth Month of the Lunar Year] that “yī chén bù rǎn xiāng dào gǔ, gū shè xiān rén fēng lù shēn. 一塵不染香到骨，姑射仙人風露身.” (The

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cold fragrance is spotless, just like the body posture of the fairy Gushe, like a crystal stem and the clear dew.) Luo Dajing 羅大經 wrote in the tenth volume of hè lín yù lù 鶴林玉露 [The Jade Dew in the Crane Forest] that “Fan li bà yuè zhī hòu, tuō xǐ fù guì, piān zhōu wǔ hú, kě wèi yī chén bù rǎn yǐ. 范蠡霸越之後，脱 屣富貴，扁舟五湖，可謂一塵不染矣.” (After becoming a general in the state of Yue, Fan Li gave up his glory and wealth and lived freely. It can be said that he was spotless.) It can also be written as yì chén bù dào 一塵不到. In the Tang dynasty, Tang Yanqian 唐彦谦 wrote in the poem yóu qīng liáng sì 遊清涼寺 [Traveling to Qingliang Temple] that “yī chén bú dào xīn yuán jìng, wàn yǒu jù kōng yǎn jiè qīng. 一塵不到心源浄，萬有俱空眼界清.” (The heart is pure, and the vision is clear.) As for the idiom yì fó chū shì 一佛出世, Buddhism believes that life was increased from ten to eighty thousand years old and decreased from eighty thousand to ten years old. Such a round trip of 20 is called a period. Every time the world experiences a period, a Buddha will be born. In fó jīng 佛經 [The Buddhist Sutra] of jīng jí zhì sì 經籍志四 [The Records of Sutra IV] of suí shū 隋書 [The Book of Sui], it reads that “Měi yī xiǎo jié, zé yī fó chū shì. 每一小劫，則一佛 出世.” (In every period, a Buddha was born.) In the Song dynasty, Lu You 陸游 wrote in fú tú zhuàn浮圖傳 [The Biographies of Buddhas] of nán táng shū 南唐 書 [The Book of the Southern Tang dynasty] that “Kāi bǎo chū yǒu běi sēng hào xiǎo zhǎng lǎo, zì yán mù huà ér zhì hòu zhǔ dà yuè, wèi zhī yī fó chū shì. 開寶 初有北僧號小長老，自 言募化而至 . . . 後主大悦，謂之一佛出世.” (At the beginning of Kaibao, there was a monk from the north called Little Zhanglao, who said he came to raise money. The Emperor was delighted, and said a Buddha was born.) It also means that things are very rare. In the Song dynasty, Ye Tingyu 葉廷珪 quoted tán yuàn 談苑 [Tan Yuan] in volume 11 of hǎi lù suì shì 海録碎 事 [Trivial Stories in the Sea] and wrote that “Táng wén zōng cháng wèi jìn chén yuē: cí chén zhī xuǎn, gǔ jīn yóu zhòng. zhèn wén cháo tíng chú yī shè rén, liù qīn jiē hè, yàn yǐ wèi yī fó chū shì, qǐ róng yì zāi?” 〔唐〕文宗嘗謂近臣曰: ‘詞臣之選，古今尤重. 朕聞朝廷除 一舍人，六親皆賀，諺以爲一佛出世,豈 容易哉？’” (Wen Zong once said to the ministers around him, “It is particularly important to choose a knowledgeable minister since ancient times. I heard that the imperial court promoted a man of rich origin to be an official. All his relatives congratulated him and said that it was like the birth of a Buddha. It can be seen how difficult it was.”) In modern times, the phrase One Buddha was born and two Buddhas Nirvana was used to describe die and live. In the Ming dynasty, Shi Nai’an 施耐庵 wrote in chapter 39 of shuǐ hǔ quán zhuàn 水滸全傳 [Outlaws of the Marsh] that “Bǎ sòng jiāng kǔn fān, yī lián dǎ shàng wǔ shí xià, dǎ dé sòng jiāng yī fó chū shì, èr fó niè pán. 把宋江捆翻，一連打上五十下，打得 宋江一 佛出世，二佛涅槃.” (They tied up Song Jiang and hit him 50 times in a row. As a result, Song Jiang was nearly beaten to death.) As for the idiom yǒng měng jīng jìn 勇猛精進, in the State of Wei of the Three Kingdom period, Kang Sengkei 康僧鎧 translated the first volume of wú liàng shòu jīng 無量壽經 [Sutra of Longevity] and wrote “Yǒng měng jīng jìn, zhì yuàn wú quán (juàn). 勇猛精進，志願無惓（倦）.” (Courage and diligence,

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese 159 ambition without fatigue.) Originally, it means that Buddhists resolutely abandon worldly thoughts, practice hard, and seek the true meaning of Buddhism. In the Five dynasties, Jìng 静 and yún 筠 wrote in shì jiā mù ní fó 釋迦牟尼佛 [The Sakyamuni Buddha] of the first volume of zǔ táng jí 祖堂集 [The Collection of Ancestral Halls] that “ěr shí tài zǐ zài yú shān zhōng, yǒng měng jīng jìn, xiū wú shàng dào. 爾時太子在於山中，勇猛精進，修無上道.” (At that time, the crown prince was cultivating the highest Taoism bravely and diligently in the mountains.) It also refers to working hard and making progress in studies and career. In the Song dynasty, Huang Gan 黄榦 wrote in dá lín gōng dù 答林公度 [Reply to Lin Gongdu] that “Péng yǒu jiǎng lùn, bù gǎn fàng guò, rán yì wèi shén jiàn yǒu yǒng měng jīng jìn zhě. 朋友講論，不敢放過，然亦未甚見有勇猛精進者.” (I dare not miss any opportunity to talk with my friends, but very few of them are brave or courageous.) In volume 45 of dá lín gōng dù 朱子語類 [Quotations of Zhu zi’s Remarks], it reads that “Shàn rén zhǐ xún xún zì shǒu, jù jiàn dìng, bù huì yǒng měng jīng jìn. xún guī dǎo jǔ zé yǒu yú, zé zhī yǐ rèn dào zé bù zú. 善人只循 循自守，據見定，不會勇猛精進. 循規蹈矩則有餘，責之以任道則不足.” (A moral man only follows the set rules, and he will not advance bravely. He is more than enough to follow the rules, but less enough to take responsibility.) The preceding idioms are in a four-character format, with rich and vivid content and strong vitality. The vast majority of them have survived up until the present. Some idioms from Buddhism have gradually gone beyond the scope of religion and are used by the majority of people, enriching the whole Chinese idiom system. Some idioms are remote or reflect the decadent and backward thoughts of the feudal ruling class. With the development of society and the improvement of people’s ideological understanding, these idioms have been gradually eliminated day by day.

3.5

Sources of proverbs

In addition to the enrichment of idioms, proverbs in medieval times also witnessed great development. The number has increased and the scope has been widened to include weather, geographical environment, agricultural production, people’s lives, human relations, officialdom, character comments, and so on. Some of the proverbs are handed down from ancient times, and most of them are new in medieval times. Some proverbs are from literati works, most of which are spoken by the people, and only a few are related to Buddhist and Taoist literature, which are exemplified in the following. The proverb là gǔ míng, chūn cǎo shēng 臘鼓鳴, 春草生 is related to seasons. In the Liang dynasty of the Southern dynasties, Zong Li 宗慄 wrote in zhū zǐ yǔ lèi 荆楚歲時記 [The Annals of Jingchu] that “Shí èr yuè bā rì wèi là rì, yàn yún: ‘là gǔ míng, chūn cǎo shēng.’ cūn rén bìng jí xì yāo gǔ, dài hú tóu, jí zuò jīn gāng lì shì yǐ qū yì. 十二月八日爲臘日，諺云：‘臘鼓鳴，春草生.’村人並撃細腰 鼓，戴胡頭，及作金剛力士 以驅疫.” (December eighth is called La Ri. As the saying goes, “The drums beat in December, so will the grass grow in spring.” Correspondingly, the villagers wear a thin waist drum and a beard and are dressed like the warriors to drive away the epidemic.) Spring comes early in southern China.

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The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese

On the eighth of December of the lunar calendar, people will beat the drums, suggesting that spring is coming. As for the proverb wǔ yuè xià xiá, sǐ ér bú diào 五月下峽, 死而不吊, the Three Gorges of the Yangtze River is often flooded in May, so boating there is very dangerous. Too many people were drowned and there was no time for condolence. In the Tang dynasty, Li Zhao 李肇 wrote in the second volume of táng guó shǐ bǔ 唐 國史補 [Supplement to the History of the State of Tang] that “Dù bīn gōng zì xī chuān chú jiāng líng, wǔ yuè xià xiá, guān zhōu qiān sōu, bù sǔn yī zhī. jiù yàn yuē: ‘wǔ yuè xià xiá, sǐ ér bù diào.’ cǐ zé bīn gōng zhī hóng fú, zì gǔ wèi zhī yǒu yě. 杜邠公自西川除江陵，五月下峽，官舟千艘，不損一隻. 舊諺曰：‘五月下 峽，死而不吊.’此則邠公之洪福，自古未之有也.” (Duke Du Ying traveled all the way down the gorges from Xichuan to Jiangling in May. There were thousands of official boats in but none was damaged. As the old proverb goes, the number of people who died while traveling on the Yangtze River in May is so large that there is no time to mourn for the dead. This is the great blessing of Ying Gong, not having existed since ancient times.) Regarding the proverb cháng shā yì yáng, yì shí xiāng yǎng 長沙益陽, 一時 相卬, the word yǎng 卬 means to look up. Yiyang is three hundred miles away from Changsha, and the two places are separated by heavy mountains. However, Changsha City can be seen in Yiyang at a certain time. This proverb reflects the special landscape between the two places at a certain time. In the Five dynasties, Du Guangting 杜光庭 wrote in the seventh volume of lù yì jì 録異記 [Records of Strange Things] that Yì yáng xiàn zài zhǎng shā jùn jiè, qín shí lì cǐ xiàn, zhì jīn bù gǎi. shù wàng shí jiàn zhǎng shā chéng huáng, rén mǎ xíng sè, xī kě shěn biàn, huò píng dàn, huò píng wǔ, lǎn zhǔ yí chún, nǎi jiàn sàn miè. xiàn qù zhǎng shā jìng dào sān bǎi lǐ, kuà yuè chóng shān, lǐ jué biǎo xiǎn, jiāng shì shān yuè líng míng xiàng suǒ chuán zhě hū? qí tǔ yàn yuē: “zhǎng shā yì yáng, yī shí xiāng áng.” 益陽縣在長沙郡界，秦時立此縣，至今不改. . . . 束望 時見長沙城隍， 人馬形色，悉可審辨，或平旦，或平午，覽矚移唇，乃漸散滅. 縣去 長 沙徑道三百里，跨越重山，理絶表顯，將是山嶽靈冥像所傳者乎？ 其土諺曰：‘長沙益陽，一時相卬.’ (Yiyang County is in the county boundary of Changsha. It was established in the Qin dynasty and has not been changed up until now. When looking eastward, the people in Yiyang can discern Changsha as well as all the shapes and colors of the people and horses. The scenes will disappear either in the morning or at noon. Yiyang is three hundred miles away from Changsha, with the two places being separated by heavy mountains. How could that be possible? The local proverb says, “Changsha could be seen in Yiyang at a certain time.”) The proverb chú tóu sān cùn zé 鋤頭三寸澤 summarizes the experience of agricultural production, showing that timely hoeing is very important to keep the

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese 161 field moist. In the Northern Wei dynasty, Jia Sixie wrote in zá shuō 雜説 [Other Sayings] in qí mín yào shù 齊民要術 [Qi Min Yao Shu] that “yòu chú nòu yǐ shí, yàn yuē: ‘chú tóu sān cùn zé.’ cǐ zhī wèi yě.’ 又鋤耨以時，諺曰：‘ 鋤頭三寸 澤.’此之謂也.” (It is important to hoe timely. As the proverb goes, ‘timely hoeing keeps the land moist.’) The proverb mài guò rén, bú rù kǒu 麥過人, 不入口 is also an agricultural proverb that summarizes the experience of crop planting. Too much fertilization leads to excessive growth of wheat seedlings, and they thus very easily fall down, resulting in reduced yield or even no harvest. In the Song dynasty, Zhuang Zhuo 莊綽 wrote in the first volume of jī lē biān 雞肋編 [Collections of Trifle Information] that “Yàn yún: mài guò rén, bù rù kǒu. Jìng kāng yuán nián, mài duō gāo yú rén zhě, jì shú, dà yǔ, suǒ sǔn shí bā. 諺云：麥過人，不入口. 靖康元年， 麥多高於人者，既熟，大雨，所損十八.” (As the saying goes, do not fertilize them when the wheat seedlings are of the height of human beings. In the first year of Jingkang era, when the majority of wheat seedlings were higher than human beings and are about to ripen, there came the heavy rain that destroyed eight-tenths of them.) The proverb yì nián zhī jì, mò rú shù gǔ, shí nián zhī jì, mò rú shù mù 一年之 計, 莫如樹穀, 十年之計, 莫如樹木 shows that you have to change your arrangements according to your plans. If you plan for one year, you’d better plant grains. If you plan for ten years, you’d better plant trees. In the Northern Wei dynasty, Jia Sixie 賈思勰 wrote in qí mín yào shù xù 齊民要術序 [Preface to Qi Min Yao Shu] that “Cǐ zhǒng zhí zhī bù kě yǐ yě. Yàn yuē, yī nián zhī jì, mò rú shù gǔ shí nián zhī jì, mò rú shù mù.’ Cǐ zhī wèi yě. 此種植之不可已也. 諺曰，一年之計，莫 如樹穀；十年之計， 莫如樹木.”’此之謂也.” (This planting must be done. As the saying goes, “If you plan for one year, you’d better plant grains. If you plan for ten years, you’d better plant trees.” That’s it.) In fact, this is a quotation from the ancients. In quán xiū 權修 [Quanxiu] of guǎn zǐ 管子 [Guanzi], it reads that “yī nián zhī jì, mò rú shù gǔ shí nián zhī jì, mò rú shù mù bǎi nián zhī jì, mò rú shù rén. 一年之計，莫如 樹穀；十年之計，莫如樹木；百年之計，莫如樹 人.” (If you plan for one year, you’d better plant grains. If you plan for ten years, you’d better plant trees. If you plan for a life-time, you’d better be a preacher.) In the middle ages, the words of Guan Zi have been quoted as a proverb. As for the proverb yǐ pín qiú fù, nóng bù rú gōng, gōng bù rú shāng, cì xiù wén bù rú yǐ mén shì 以貧求富, 農不如工, 工不如商, 刺繡文不如倚市門, the ancient feudal rulers emphasized agriculture and restrained commerce and took agriculture and mulberry as the foundation, and industry and commerce as the end. However, this proverb points out that “if the poor want to be rich, they must do business and make a living.” In the Northern Wei dynasty, Jia Sixie 賈思勰 wrote in the seventh volume of qí mín yào shù 齊民要術 [Qi Min Yao Shu] that “Yàn yuē: yǐ pín qiú fù, nóng bù rú gōng, gōng bù rú shāng, cì xiù wén bù rú yǐ shì mén cǐ yán mò yè pín zhě zhī zī yě. 諺曰：以貧求富，農不如工，工不如 商，刺繡文不如倚市門. 此言末業貧者之資也.” (As the proverb goes, in order to seek wealth from poverty, agriculture is not as good as industry, industry is not as good as commerce, and embroidery is not as good as relying on the city

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gate for business.) This proverb of 1600 years ago is also applicable to people who want to get rich in modern society. The proverb níng zuò zhì shì quǎn, mò zuò luàn lí rén 寧作治世犬, 莫作亂離 人 is actually the helpless and sad crying of the mass people who have suffered from the war. In the Song dynasty, Liu Fu 劉斧 wrote in the third volume of qīng suǒ gāo yì 青瑣高議 [Comments of Qing Suo] that “dāng shì shí, fù bù bǎo zǐ, fū bù bǎo qī, cháo bù bǎo mù. gǔ yǔ yún: níng zuò zhì shì quǎn, mò zuò luàn lí rén. 當是時，父不保子，夫不保妻，朝不保暮. . . . 古語云：寧作治世犬，莫作 亂離人.” (At that time, the father could not protect the son, the husband could not protect the wife, and people could not expect what would happen at night during the day. As the old saying goes, I would rather be a dog during the peaceful period than a man during the turmoil.) As for the proverb tián pà qiū hàn, rén pà lǎo pín 田怕秋旱, 人怕老貧, the crops will not harvest in an autumn drought, and likewise, old people have no basis for life in an old poverty. This proverb reflects the great anxiety of the people in ancient times lacking social security. In the Song dynasty, Chen Shidao 陳師 道 wrote in the third volume of hòu shān tán cóng 後山談叢 [Small Talks by Houshan] that “Yàn yǔ yuē: tián pà qiū hàn, rén pà lǎo pín. yòu yuē: xià hàn shōu cāng, qiū hàn lí xiāng. suì zì chù shǔ zhì bái lù bù yǔ, zé dào suī xiù ér bù shí, wú dì xià shī bù jī, yī xiōng zé jī yǐ. 諺語曰：田怕秋旱，人怕老貧.” 又曰：夏 旱收倉，秋旱離鄉. 歲自處暑至白露不雨，則稻雖秀而不實，吴地下濕不 積，一凶則饑矣.” (As the proverb goes, the crops will not harvest in an autumn drought, and likewise, old people have no basis for life in an extreme poverty. Furthermore, people will anticipate a big harvest in a summer drought without any harvest at all in an autumn drought. During the year, if there is no rain from the limit of heat to the white dew, the rice will grow high, yet bear no harvest. If the rain only makes the ground wet without accumulation, there will be no harvest all year, so people may starve to death.) The proverb yí xīn shēng àn guǐ 疑心生暗鬼 originated in the Song dynasty, which can also be written as xīn yí shēng àn guǐ 心疑生暗鬼. People often take normal things or phenomena as abnormal and make a false alarm due to random suspicion. In the Song dynasty, Lv Benzhong 吕本中 wrote in dōng lái lǚ zǐ wēi shī yǒu zá zhì 東萊吕紫微師友雜誌 [Records of My Teachers and Friends in Donglai] that “Zì yán yǒu zì dé chù, cháng wén rén shuō guǐ guài zhě, yǐ wèi yí xīn shēng àn guǐ, zuì shì yào qiē yì lùn. 自言有自得處，嘗聞人説鬼怪者，以爲 疑心生暗鬼，最是要切議論.” (He says he is self-complacent. If he hears people talking about ghosts, he thinks that people often take normal things or phenomena as abnormal and make a false alarm due to random suspicion. Hence, the most important thing is to stop the gossip.) In the Song dynasty, Hong Mai wrote in volume 19 of yí jiān yǐ zhì 夷堅乙志 [Yi Jian Yi Zhi] that Pó yáng mín hán shì yù sǐ, qiàn zú rén yǒng níng sì sēng zōng dá sù yān. dá míng mù sòng jīng, zhōng xī, wén yù fáng zhōng yǒu shēng wū wū rán. tiān jiāng xiǎo, hán shì zi yì lái, yóu wén wù chù hù shēng bù yǐ, dá gào zhī gù, xié zhí zhàng ér rù, jiàn yī wù sì zú, shǒu dài wèng, zhí lái chù rén, dá jī zhī,

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese 163 nǎi yī quǎn yōu rán ér chū. gài chū bì mén shí, quǎn xiān zài fáng zhōng yǐ, wèng yǒu kāng, shēn shǒu shì zhī, bù néng chū, gù dài ér hào hū ěr. yàn wèi ‘yí xīn shēng àn guǐ,’ dài cǐ lèi hū? 鄱陽民韓氏嫗死，倩族人永寧寺僧宗達宿焉. 達瞑目誦經，中夕，聞 嫗房中有聲嗚嗚然. 天將曉，韓氏子亦來，猶聞物觸户聲不已，達告之 故，偕 執杖而入，見一物四足，首戴甕，直來觸人，達擊之，乃一犬 呦然而出. 蓋初閉門時，犬先在房中矣，甕有糠，伸首舐之，不能出， 故戴而號呼耳. 諺謂疑心生暗鬼，殆此類乎？ (In Poyang District, a woman with the surname of Han died, and the monk Zongda of Yongning Temple of Qian tribe stayed there for the night. In the middle of the night, he heard a crying in the woman’s room. At dawn, Han’s son also came. He heard the sound of something knocking at the house. Zongda told him the reason, and they all came in with a stick in the hand. He saw an object with four feet and an urn on its head. When he hit it, it was a dog. When the door was closed in the evening, the dog was already locked in the room. There was bran in the urn. He stretched out his head and licked it. He could not go out, so he wore it and howled. As the saying goes, suspicion begets a dark ghost, and is that almost the same?) In the Song dynasty, Fa Yingji 法應集 wrote in the second and third volume of chán zōng sòng gǔ lián zhū tōng jí 禪宗頌古聯珠通集 [The Collection of Reminiscing the History by Zen] that “Yī jīng liǎng jīng xié, shū yǐng dòng lóng shé, xīn yí shēng àn guǐ, yǎn bìng jiàn kōng huá. 一莖兩莖斜，疏影動龍蛇，心疑 生暗鬼，眼病見空華.” (One stem and two stems are inclined, and the shadow moves in the shape of dragon and snake, suspicion begets a dark ghost, and vanity is seen with sick eyes.) The proverb diāo bù zú, gǒu wěi xù 貂不足，狗尾續 satirizes the political corruption and redundant official posts of the Jin dynasty. In the Biography of Zhao Wanglun of jìn shū 晉書 [The Book of Jin], it reads that “zhì yú nú zú sī yì, yì jiā yǐ jué wèi. měi cháo huì, diāo chán yíng zuò. shí rén wèi zhī yàn yuē: ‘diāo bù zú, gǒu wěi xù.’ 至於奴卒廝役，亦加以爵位. 每朝會，貂蟬盈坐. 時人爲之諺 曰：‘貂不足，狗尾續.”’ (Even the slaves and soldier are given titles. Every time I go to court, all kinds of people can be seen. People at that time used a proverb to describe it, if the mink is insufficient, then use a dog’s tail to supplement.) In addition, in the Tang dynasty, Zhang Jing 張驚 wrote in the first volume of cháo yě qiān zài 朝野僉載 [Stories of Official and Vernacular Lives] that “Shì dào tú gū, wáng mìng bù guǐ, jiē fēng hóu lüè jǐn. dà fǔ zhī tóng bù gòu zhù yìn, zhì yǒu bái bǎn hóu zhě, cháo huì zhī fú, diāo zhě dà bàn. gù yàn yún, diāo bù zú, gǒu wěi xù.’ xiǎo rén duō xìng, jūn zǐ chǐ zhī. 市道屠沽，亡命不軌，皆封侯略 盡. 大府之銅 不够鑄印，至有白版侯者，朝會之服，貂者大半. 故諺云，貂 不足，狗尾續. 小人多幸，君子恥之.” (In the market, those who slaughtered livestock, sold wine and criminals were knighted. At that time, the copper was not enough to cast official seals, so many people took a whiteboard. Less than half of

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the people in the imperial court are really competent. As the proverb says, if the mink is insufficient, then use a dog’s tail to supplement. Villains feel lucky, yet gentlemen feel shameful.) The proverb guān jié bú dào, yǒu yán luó bāo lǎo 關節不到, 有閻羅包老 praises the integrity of Bao Zheng, a famous minister in the Song dynasty. In the Song dynasty, Sima Guang 司馬光 wrote in the tenth volume of liáng shuǐ jì wén 涼水 記聞 [Records of River Su] that “Bāo zhěng zì xī rén, lú zhōu rén, jìn shì jí dì yòu qiān shū mì zhí xué shì, zhī kāi fēng fǔ. wèi rén gāng yán, bù kě gàn yǐ sī, jīng shī wèi zhī yǔ yuē: ‘guān jié bú dào, yǒu yán luó bāo lǎo. lì mín wèi fú, yuǎn jìn chēng zhī. 包拯字希仁，廬州人，進士及第 . . . . . . 又遷樞密直學士，知開封府. 爲 人剛嚴，不可干以私, 京師爲之語曰：關節不到, 有閻羅包老. 吏民畏服，遠 近稱之.” (Bao Zheng, also known as Xi Ren, was born in Lu Zhou and passed the imperial examination. He became the privy councilor and later served as governor of Kaifeng prefecture. Being rigid and strict, one cannot do anything for personal purpose. All the people in the capital praised him by saying that only the King of Hell and Bao Zheng will not accept bribery. Officials and people around him and/ or far away from him are afraid of him, and thus obey the rules.) As for the proverb chéng rén bú zì zài, zì zài bú chéng rén 成人不自在, 自在不 成人, if one wants to be successful, he cannot be at ease and comfortable. If one wants leisure and comfort, he cannot be successful. The underlying meaning is that people always have to make some accomplishments in life. Being tired is better than doing nothing. This is a positive attitude towards life. In the Song dynasty, Luo Dajing 羅大經 wrote in the third volume of hè lín yù lù 鶴林玉露 [The Jade Dew in the Crane Forest] that “Yàn yún, chéng rén bù zì zài, zì zài bù chéng rén. cǐ yǔ suī qiǎn, rán shí qiē zhì zhī lùn, qiān wàn miǎn zhī. 諺云，成人不自在，自 在不成人.” 此語雖淺，然實切至之論，千萬勉之.” (As the saying goes, if one wants to be successful, he cannot be at ease and comfortable; if one wants leisure and comfort, he cannot be successful.) Although the words in the proverb are very simple, it is so true that every one of us should abide by it. As for the proverb hǎo shì bù chū mén, è shì chuán qiān lǐ好事不出門, 惡事傳 千里, the surface meaning is that good things are not publicized, but bad things are spread everywhere. If reading between the lines, one will understand that this proverb satires those people who take pleasure in other people’s misfortune and will do no good for others. In the Five dynasties, Sun Guangxian 孫光憲 wrote in the fourth volume of běi mèng suǒ yán 北夢瑣言 [Trivial Words on Northern Dream] that “Xiāng guó hòu zhòng yǒu dé, zhōng wèi yàn cí diàn zhī. qì dān rù yí mén, hào wèi, qǔ zi xiàng gōng èr yàn suǒ wèi ‘hǎo shì bù chū mén, è shì chuán qiān lǐ.’ shì jūn zǐ dé bù jiè zhī hū? 相國厚重有德，終爲豔詞玷之. 契丹入夷門， 號爲，曲子相公二諺所謂‘ 好事不出門，惡事傳千里.’ 士君子得不戒之乎？ (However, the prime minister was generous and noble, but he was finally insulted with frivolous words. Qidan people entered Yimen, known as Prime Minister Qu Zi). This proverb shows that bad news travels much faster than good news. Gentleman must take this warning. In the Song dynasty, Shi Daoyuan 釋道原 wrote in volume 12 of jǐng dé chuán dēng lù 景德傳燈録 [The Denglu of Jingdechuan] that “Shòu zhōu shào zōng chán shī’ wèn’ rú hé shì xī lái yì? shī yuē, hǎo shì bù

The development of idioms and proverbs of Middle Chinese 165 chū mén, è shì chuán qiān lǐ. 壽州紹宗禪師 ‘問’ 如何是西來意？師曰，好事 不出門，惡事傳千里.” (Master Shaozong in Shouzhou city asks them the reason why it came from the west. The Master said that bad news traveled much faster than the good news.) This proverb is still widely used until modern times and even modern times in China. Most of the above proverbs come from folk, and some others come from literati works. In the Song dynasty, LuYou 陸游 wrote in lǎo xué ān bǐ jì 老學庵筆記 [Jottings from Laoxue An] that “jīn shì sú suǒ dào sú yǔ, duō táng yǐ lái rén shī. 今 世俗所道俗語，多唐以來人詩.” (The proverbs we are using today are actually poems from the Tang dynasty.) “Hé rén gèng xiàng sǐ qián xiū. 何人更向死前 休 (Who is more willing to take a break before death?), which is written by Han Tui: “Guǎng lín xià hé céng jiàn yī rén. 广林下何曾見一人.” (He has never seen anyone in the forest.) “Cháng ān yǒu pín zhě, wèi ruì bù yí duō. 長安有貧者， 爲瑞不宜多.” (There are a lot of poor people in Chang’an, so it is better not to be too auspicious), which is written by Luo Yin. “Shì luàn nú qī zhǔ, nián shuāi guǐ nòng rén. 世亂奴欺主，年衰鬼弄人.” (The world is chaotic, the slaves deceive the Lord in a chaotic world; and the ghost play tricks on people in a bad year.) “Hǎi kū zhōng jiàn dǐ, rén sǐ bù zhī xīn. 海枯終見底，人死不知心” (The bottom of the sea can be seen once the sea is dried up, but people will never fully understand someone’s heart till his death), which is written by Du Xunhe. “Shì xiàng wú xīn dé. 事向無心得.” (The less you pursue, the better you do), which is written by Zhang Jie. “Dàn yǒu lù kě shàng, gèng gāo rén yě xíng. 但有路可上，更高人也 行.” (However difficult it may be, as long as there is a way, people will try their best), which is written by Gong Lin. That “guǎng rěn shì dí zāi xīng. 广忍事敵災 星.” (The more one can tolerate, the less likely one will have disasters), which is written by Si Kongtu. The proverb “yī zhāo quán zài shǒu, kàn qǔ lìng xíng shí. 一朝權在手，看取令行時.” (Once the power is in hand, and the order will be taken) is written by Zhu Wan. The proverb “zì jǐ qíng suī qiè, tā rén wèi kěn máng. 自己情雖切，他人未肯忙.” (Although you need it in great urgency, others may not be willing to lend you a helping hand) is written by Pei Shuo. The proverb “dàn zhī xíng hǎo shì, mò yào wèn qián chéng. 但知行好事，莫要問前程.” (Just practice what is good and do not ask about one’s future) is written by Feng Dao. The proverb zài jiā pín yì hǎo 在家貧亦好 (It is good to be poor staying at home) is written by Rong Yu. A large number of medieval proverbs has disappeared completely now. Only a few proverbs are comments on people or facts. For example, in the Southern Song dynasty, Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 wrote in wén xué 文學 [Appreciation of Reputation] of shì shuō xīn yǔ 世说新语 [A New Account of the Tales of the World] that “Hòu lái lǐng xiù yǒu péi xiù. 後來領袖有裴秀.” (Pei Xiu became the leader later.) In the Jin dynasty, Pei Qi wrote in Yu Lin of Peizi that “Zhāng shì shí lóng, rú yǎ wēn gōng. 張氏十龍，儒雅温恭.” (The ten descendants of the Zhang family are gentle and courteous.) In the Tang dynasty, Zhang Jing 張驚 wrote in the fourth volume of cháo yě qiān zài 朝野僉載 [Stories of Official and Vernacular Lives] that “Yàn yún, sān gōng hòu, chū sǐ gǒu. 三公後，出死狗.” (As the saying goes, the offspring of high officials are often incompetent). Some proverb meanings are not

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very clear or are relatively negative. For example, volume 363 of tài píng guǎng jì 太平廣記 [Records of the Taiping Era] quoted tōng yōu jì 通幽記 [Tong You Ji] and stated that “Yàn yuē, yī jī sǐ, yī jī míng. 諺曰，一雞死，一雞鳴.” (As the saying goes, when one rooster dies, the other crows.) In the Tang dynasty, Han’e wrote in volume 22 of suì huá jì lì 歲華紀麗 [In the Good Times] that “chéng nán wéi dù, qù tiān chǐ wǔ. 城南韋杜，去天尺五.” (Weidu, which is in the south of the city, is only five feet away from the heaven.) In chá jiǔ lùn (bìng xù) 茶酒論(並 序) [Preface to Theories about Tea and Wine] of dūn huáng biàn wén jí 敦煌變文 集 [The Anthology of Dunhuang Bianwen], it reads that “Yǎng xiā má dé shuǐ bìng bào kǔ. 養蝦蟆得水病報苦.” (Raising a toad, however, got the water bug disease and suffered for no reason.) Times have changed, and social life and people’s ideas have changed accordingly. The Chinese language itself has developed, and the character facts familiar in the past have been forgotten by people. The values of these proverbs have been lost and passed away as time goes on.

Bibliography

Chen, K 陈克炯. (1978). Zuozhuan fuyinci chutan 左传复音词初探. Journal of Central China Teachers College 华中师院学报, (4). Ji, X 季羨林. (1980). Jixianlin xuanji 季羡林選集. Hongkong: Hongkong Literature Research Publishing Co., Ltd. Siku quanshu 四庫全書. (1924). Beijing: The Commercial Press. Xuxiu sikuquanshu 續修四庫全書. (2002). Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House.

Index

disyllabic words 38, 70, 93 idioms 118 loanwords 1, 12, 18 monophonic synonyms 72 multisyllabic words 70, 72

polysyllabic words 81, 88, 102 proverbs 118 semantic translation 38, 69 synonymous monosyllabic words 72 transliteration 69, 105