Zitkala-Sa: Letters, Speeches, and Unpublished Writings, 1898-1929 [1 ed.] 9789004355750, 9789004342101

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Zitkala-Ša

International Studies in Sociology and Social Anthropology Series Editor Alberto Martinelli (University of Milan)

Editorial Board Vincenzo Cicchelli (Gemass, Paris 4/cnrs, Paris Descartes University) Vittorio Cotesta (Università degli Studi Roma Tre) Benjamin Gregg (University of Texas at Austin) Leo Penta (Katholische Hochschule für Sozialwesen Berlin) Jenny Phillimore (University of Birmingham) Elisa Reis (Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro) Madalina Vartejanu-Joubert (Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales, Paris)

volume 129

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/issa

Zitkala-Ša Letters, Speeches, and Unpublished Writings, 1898–1929

Edited by

Tadeusz Lewandowski

leiden | boston

Cover illustration: Gertrude Simmons in 1898, seated with book, photographed by Gertrude Käsebier. Gertrude Käsebier Photographs, Division of Culture and the Arts, National Museum of American History, Smithsonian Institution, 69.236.107. The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available online at http://catalog.loc.gov LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2017046868

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 0074-8684 isbn 978-90-04-34210-1 (hardback) isbn 978-9-004-35575-0 (e-book) Copyright 2018 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill nv provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, ma 01923, usa. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents Acknowledgements vii List of Figures viii List of Archive Abbreviations ix Notes on the Archival Material x Notes on the Editorial Policy xv Chronology xvii Zitkala-Ša/Gertrude Simmons Bonnin: A Biographical Sketch

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part 1 Letters From Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and the Dakotas (1898–1902) From Utah and Los Angeles (1908–17) From Washington, d.c. (1917–19)

17

76

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part 2 Speeches and Unpublished Writings “The Sioux Claims” (1923)

187

“Our Sioux People” (1923)

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“How the National Council of American Indians Came into Being and What of the Things It is Trying to Do through Organization” (ca. 1926) 217 “The Petition of the National Council of American Indians” (1926) “American Indian Problem” (1928)

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“The Indian Side of the Question” (1929)

254

219

vi Selected Bibliography Index 264

contents

259

Acknowledgements At Brill Press, I would like to thank Evelien van der Veer for all her kind help during the publishing process, Gert Jager for his excellent work, and Rosanna Woensdregt for her initial help. I would also like to thank Mark Thiel of the Marquette University Archives; Richard Tritt of the Cumberland County Historical Society in Carlisle, Pennsylvania; Kay Peterson of the Division of Culture and the Arts, National Museum of American History, Smithsonian Institution; and Bethany Fiechter, Rare Books and Manuscripts Supervisor at the Indiana State Library. I also would like to express my gratitude to the following people and institutions for allowing me to reprint these sources: the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Yale University; Lee Grady at the Wisconsin Historical Society; Cindy Brightenburg at the L. Tom Perry Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, at Brigham Young University; and again, Mark Thiel of the Marquette University Archives. I thank my wife, Marzena, and my mother, Linda Lewandowski, for their assistance with this volume; and Jane Vavala of Hinkle Library at Alfred State College, New York, for her generosity. Last but certainly not least, I thank my dear students at the University of Opole for helping so splendidly with this project, and for transcribing many of the documents.

List of Figures 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Gertrude Simmons in 1898, seated reading a book, photographed by Gertrude Käsebier 17 Gertrude Simmons’s letter to “Aunt Sue” and “Uncle Joe” Unthank 20 Dr. Carlos Montezuma with nurses at Carlisle 25 Gertrude Simmons, in mock traditional garb, photographed by Gertrude Käsebier 33 Captain Richard Henry Pratt, superintendent of the Carlisle Indian Industrial School, ca. 1900 78 Father Martin Kenel in an undated photograph 82 Father William H. Ketcham in an undated photograph 83 Zitkala-Ša and William Hanson, ca. 1913 96 Arthur C. Parker, ca. 1919 111 Zitkala-Ša in a publicity photograph 242

List of Archive Abbreviations bcimr cmp rhpp saip suc

Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions Records Papers of Carlos Montezuma Richard Henry Pratt Papers Society of American Indians Papers Susan B. Unthank Collection

Notes on the Archival Material When one considers the breadth of Gertrude Bonnin’s life and the tremendous energy she exerted in her fight for American Indian rights, one easily forgives her lack of diligence in saving, cataloging, and preserving her correspondence for posterity. Indeed, were it not for the efforts of others, perhaps none of Bonnin’s papers would have survived. The single archive devoted to her life, the Gertrude and Raymond Bonnin Collection, is housed in the L. Tom Perry Special Collections at the Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University. The materials therein have been gathered from the papers of Ernest Wilkinson, Raymond Bonnin’s law partner and president of Brigham Young University from 1951 to 1971. When the Bonnins’ estate was distributed in 1951 following settlement of the Ute claims, Wilkinson’s firm came into possession of their papers. Unfortunately, many of these were destroyed upon receipt by an overzealous employee.1 What remains of Gertrude Bonnin’s letters dates mostly from 1920, and mostly deals with National Council of American Indians (ncai) business. The correspondence, though obviously valuable, offers comparatively less insight into her life than that written prior. Fortunately, Bonnin’s correspondents were much more conscientious than she in saving letters. A debt is owed to Carlos Montezuma, who left a vital record for researchers. Yet, Montezuma’s collection, too, could have easily been lost. From the time of his death in 1923, Montezuma’s papers were held by his widow, Marie Keller Montezuma Moore, who kept this legacy for thirty-three years. When Montezuma Moore died in 1956, the papers promptly disappeared, only to resurface over a decade later at a Huntsville, Alabama, auction. A Wisconsin resident successfully bid on the lot, then sold it to the Memorabilia and Antique Company of Denver, Colorado, in 1971. The University of Wisconsin and Wisconsin History Foundation, thankfully, bought and donated the collection to the State Historical Society of Wisconsin in 1972.2 That Montezuma’s personal effects survived has been a boon for the study of his own remarkable life, and Bonnin’s as well. Montezuma saved almost all of the letters written to him during the couple’s ill-fated engagement, as well as correspondence dating from 1913 to 1921. The first set of Bonnin letters, posted mostly from Boston and the Dakotas, records invaluable samples of Bonnin’s criticism of Indian 1 Register of the Gertrude and Raymond Bonnin Collection, 1926–1938, http://files.lib.byu.edu/ ead/XML/MSS1704.xml (accessed August 20, 2016). 2 Guide to the Microfilm Edition of the Papers of Carlos Montezuma, State Historical Society of Wisconsin.

notes on the archival material

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assimilation, and her ideological disagreements with Montezuma and Richard Henry Pratt. Correspondence from 1913 shows how Bonnin and Montezuma mended their relationship after their bitter break-up of 1902, while later letters provide a view into the Society of American Indians’ (sai) inner tensions and Bonnin’s tireless work for the organization. Despite this wealth of primary sources, unfortunately all of Montezuma’s letters to Bonnin have been lost, save two from 1902: one that he apparently did not send, and one held as a copy for his lawyer. Like Montezuma, Richard Henry Pratt was an admirable pack rat. Through real diligence, he managed to preserve much of his life’s correspondence despite being often on the move. As a result, Pratt’s papers, held in the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Yale University, measure 23.18 linear feet, comprising over one hundred boxes.3 These boxes, regrettably, contain only a handful of letters from Bonnin. Nonetheless, they prove essential to piecing together critical times in her life and explaining why the Bonnins left Uintah Reservation in 1909 after Raymond Bonnin’s difficult superintendence at Uintah’s boarding school. The letters also demonstrate that despite their profound disagreements, Bonnin and Pratt remained on good personal terms following the publication of the Atlantic Monthly series. Letters from Washington, d.c., dating from 1918, detail how Bonnin and Pratt colluded to destroy pro-peyote ethnologist James Mooney’s career. The other two existing repositories of Bonnin’s letters are the Society of American Indians Papers, compiled and edited by John Larner in the late 1980s, and a large cache of letters found in the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions Records at Marquette University, written to Fathers Martin Kenel and William H. Ketcham. The letters in the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions Records correspond mostly with Bonnin’s time in Uintah, from 1910 to 1917. They reveal Bonnin’s conversion to Catholicism at the Standing Rock Reservation, and demonstrate how she relied heavily on Kenel and Catholicism for solace. In correspondence with Ketcham, we see Bonnin’s determined attempts to establish a Catholic church at Uintah, her family’s conflicts with the Indian Service—especially Uintah Superintendent (1915–25) Albert H. Kneale and his wife—and her marital troubles with spouse Raymond Bonnin. Though the Kenel-Bonnin correspondence lasted but one year and the Ketcham-Bonnin correspondence dwindles after 1913, the story of Bonnin’s life at Uintah continues in her letters to Arthur C. Parker, found in the sai Papers. Parker left

3 Yale University Library Catalog, http://orbexpress.library.yale.edu/vwebv/holdingsInfo?bibId =3144759 (accessed August 20, 2016).

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behind these voluminous materials in well-ordered stacks at the New York State Museum when he vacated his post in 1924.4 Within these stacks were ParkerBonnin letters dating from a relatively short period, 1915 to 1919. This temporal paucity should not deceive. The Bonnin-Parker correspondence numbers over one hundred items that describe numerous aspects of Bonnin’s life: her creation of a Ute community center, her anti-peyote campaign, her struggles with reservation authorities, her efforts as sai secretary, and her conflicted feelings on Indian participation in wwi. All the correspondence described above, collected for the first time in this volume, tells the story of much of Gertrude Bonnin’s life in her own words. Readers may note that some of the letters’ historical value is surpassed by their literary value. The second part of this volume presents a selection of Bonnin’s unpublished writings and speeches culled from the Gertrude and Raymond Bonnin Collection at Brigham Young University. These works offer a view of Bonnin’s political efforts, while sharply delineating her perspective on Euro-American society’s history and values. In “Our Sioux People” (1923) and “The Sioux Claims” (1923), Bonnin unleashes a damming polemic against the United States government’s treatment of the Lakota. Beginning with the violation of the 1868 Treaty of Fort Laramie, she traces the numerous betrayals of her peoples provoked by white lust for Black Hills gold. None, not even Christian missionaries, are exempt from her criticism. Instead, they represent a misguided force whose efforts would be better directed toward the politicians in Washington, d.c., than toward Sioux populations who practice a spirituality far higher than that touted by whites. This brutal and ethnocentric foreign interference, Bonnin argues, has resulted in a tyranny akin to slavery engineered by the Bureau of Indian Affairs. The Sioux, languishing under this heavy burden, have been deprived of the basic freedoms they once had, and which America hollowly preaches. Despite the forceful content of these unpublished writings, there is indication Bonnin intended them for white audiences. “Our Sioux People” asks that the Bureau of Indian Affairs (bia) be abolished “before it leaves a bloody stain upon America’s national honor for all time to come,” while “The Sioux Claims” announces: “If America means to befriend oppressed peoples of the world, particularly those of our own continent, we, the Sioux nation, ask to be remembered. We seek justice, not charity.”5 4 John W. Larner, Jr., ed., foreword to Guide to the Scholarly Resources Microfilm Edition of the Papers of the Society of American Indians (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, Inc. 1987), v. 5 Zitkala-Ša, “Our Sioux People,” 29; “The Sioux Claims,” 16–17. Gertrude and Raymond Bonnin Collection, Perry Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah. Hereafter Bonnin Collection.

notes on the archival material

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“Our Sioux People” and “The Sioux Claims” are followed by two documents relating to the ncai: “How the National Council of American Indians Came into Being and What of the Things It is Trying to Do through Organization” (likely dating from 1926) and “The Petition of the National Council of American Indians” (1926). While the first briefly describes the ncai’s founding, the lengthy ncai petition (which has been little explored by scholars) gives a trenchant, critical account of the u.s. government’s history of treaty-making with indigenous peoples since the late 1700s, and the social and economic consequences that have ensued. Bonnin then explicitly links her efforts to the resistance fighters of the past. “A time there was,” she writes, “when the protest of our race against injustice was voiced in the war cries that rose from the primeval forest. No less audibly shall this protest resound through the hills and vales of our Fatherland, echoing the far-carrying appeals of justice and reason, never to be silenced until the pledge of the Nation, made to us by the Great Grandfather, and sealed by our blood on the fields of France, is redeemed.”6 Though Senator Thomas Bayard (Delaware) ensured the petition was written into the Congressional Record, it has until now remained unpublished.7 Two speeches, “American Indian Problem” (1928) and “The Indian Side of the Question” (1929), close out this volume. “American Indian Problem,” delivered at an Indian Rights Association conference that discussed the recentlyreleased Meriam Report, lists the continuing failures of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Bonnin posits that in light of such human costs, which include death by starvation on reservations, either bia employees are “incompetent” or plain “criminals” whose conscious “unChristian exploitation” has brought about “the ultimate destruction of helpless human beings—young and old.”8 In 1929, the Bonnins attended the thirty-fifth annual Friends of the Indian conference at Lake Mohonk, New York. There Bonnin, upon request, gave an impromptu speech later titled “The Indian Side of the Question” in the conference proceedings. She explained her personal history, the ncai’s goals, and the need for such Indian self-help organizations. Her speech included an anecdote that summed up her always-skeptical thoughts on Indian assimilation: “Someone has asked me when I was addressing an audience after this fashion: ‘And are you a civilized Indian?’ [The crowd laughed with her.] I told them I did not know, because civilization is a word that is very hard to define and to understand. I don’t know 6 Zitkala-Ša, “Petition of the National Council of American Indians,” 42. Bonnin Collection. 7 Dominguez, “The Gertrude Bonnin Story,” 288. 8 Zitkala-Ša, “American Indian Problem: Address before the Indian Rights Association to Discuss the Report ‘Problem of Indian Administration’ by the Institute for Government Research—Atlantic City, December 14–15, 1928,” 11. Bonnin Collection.

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what you mean by civilization. We send our little Indian boys and girls to school and when they come back talking English they come back swearing. There is no swear word in the Indian languages and I still haven’t yet learned to swear.”9 Applause followed. Finally, it bears mentioning that this collection opens with the oldest surviving letter signed Gertrude Simmons, dated 1898 and found in the Susan B. Unthank Collection, Indiana State Library in Indianapolis. Written from the Carlisle Indian Industrial School to her Quaker benefactors, Joseph and Susan Unthank, the neatly-written letter asks a favor—the use of Mrs. Unthank’s violin. We can only conjecture as to whether Susan Unthank agreed to the loan. Yet with the letters, speeches, and unpublished writings compiled here, we no longer must conjecture about many of the views, desires, frustrations, and inner thoughts of Gertrude Simmons Bonnin. 9 Zitkala-Ša, “The Indian Side of the Question,” Report of the Thirty-Fifth Lake Mohonk Conference on the Indian October 16, 17 and 18, 1929 (Lake Mohonk Conference on the Indian, 1930), 95.

Notes on the Editorial Policy The documents in this volume have been transcribed according to guidelines laid out in Michael E. Stevens and Steven B. Burg’s Editing Historical Documents: A Handbook of Practice, recommended by the Association for Documentary Editing. Regarding the letters, the guiding principle is a sleek presentation as they were written. Errors in spelling, grammar, and punctuation are retained, as are idiosyncratic capitalizations, including lack of capitalization where it would normally appear. Use of the plus symbol for and in handwritten documents is transcribed as an ampersand (&), while em dashes (—), often used as terminal punctuation in the early 1900s, have been preserved. There is no use of [sic], though notes do appear in brackets in the following cases: illegible words are marked as [illegible], and marginalia and insertions are surrounded by curly braces {}. Such marginalia is placed on the page as close as to where it originally appears in the source text. Underlined words are simply underlined as in the original sources, even in the few cases a word is underlined multiple times. When two characters have been superimposed due a correction made by the letter’s author, that correction is respected. Words hyphenated due to lack of space on a particular line are not hyphenated, though wrongly hyphenated words remain as they were written. In cases where a word has been crossed out it appears as such: word. Should a cross-out obscure a word to the degree that is illegible, the cross-out is ignored. If two words originally written or typed by the author are fused and corrected with a slash (/), that correction is also respected, as are insertions of letters into words. Original pagination is ignored, as are any insignificant marginalia. (For instance, Arthur C. Parker’s letters often bear the symbol (arc/wr), which is of little use to anyone.) Though all efforts have been made to preserve the letters’ original feel, the format of the letters has been standardized in the following ways. Dates and locations, presented in a uniform manner, appear in the left-hand corner, and closings and signatures have been placed in the bottom left-hand corner. Another silent emendation made is regularization in spacing between words, fused words, and indentations. Often the indentations and paragraphing in Bonnin’s handwritten letters are difficult to determine and present with certainty. Many of these letters were written on 5 by 7-inch paper on which one paragraph can consist of just a sentence or a few words. All possible care has been given to presenting indentations and paragraphing as precisely as possible. Another standardization made is the addition of a header (in boldface) to each letter, indicating the addressee, and respective archive given in abbreviated form (see List of Archive Abbreviations). One final editorial matter that

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must be mentioned is the decision to omit the letterhead on the Society of American Indians’ stationery. The sai’s stationery was altered yearly, and consisted of a list of officers on either side of the top corners, with the Society of American Indians placed in the middle above the address of its headquarters. That address was originally the Barrister Building, in Washington, d.c., until Bonnin arrived in Washington in 1917 and promptly established a new sai office on 707–20th Street. All her correspondence following her move to Washington was written from this address. In this collection, the letters are simply marked “Washington, d.c.” The same is done with American Indian Magazine stationery, used several times for letters written by Bonnin to Parker from Washington, d.c. Any other notes, such as the indication of enclosures, appear in brackets. Notes by the editor indicating misdating by curators are footnoted. The letters are presented chronologically rather than by archive, and divided into three sections that correspond to Gertrude Bonnin’s time in Boston and the Dakotas, Utah, and Washington, d.c. For those persons not discussed in the introductory pages, annotations with biographical and background information are provided, when possible. For the second section of this volume—the speeches and unpublished writings—a different editorial approach is employed. Because many of the writings were clearly intended for publication, corrections have been introduced to present the documents in finished form, as much as to facilitate reading. All these minor typographical changes, such as corrections in spelling and punctuation, are described in footnotes, titles and subheadings excepted. No annotations are offered, however, because the works deal with well-known historical figures and events. The speeches are likewise presented in more readable form, while all emendations are, too, listed in footnotes. Finally, spacing has been made uniform and indentations have been modified to present the documents in a more visually appealing manner.

Chronology 22 February 1876. Gertrude Felker born at Yankton to Ellen Taté I Yóhin Win Simmons; later takes the surname Simmons. June 1876. Custer and Seventh Calvary defeated by Crazy Horse in Battle of Little Big Horn. 1876–77. Great Sioux War; Lakota leaders cede the Black Hills and Powder River; Sitting Bull leaves for Canada, returns 1881. February 1884–February 1887. Gertrude Simmons attends White’s Manual Labor Institute. 1887. Dawes Act passed. March 1887–December 1890. Lives at Yankton, attends Santee Normal Training School in 1889. 1888. u.s. government begins dividing up Great Sioux Reservation into smaller units and opening unalloted lands to white settlers. 15 December 1890. Killing of Sitting Bull. Mid-December 1890. Simmons returns to White’s. 29 December 1890. Wounded Knee massacre. June 1895. Simmons graduates from White’s, having met Thomas Marshall and Raymond Telephause Bonnin. Summer 1895. Spends summer in Wabash, Indiana, likely with the Unthanks. August 1895. Begins Earlham College in Richmond, Indiana. March 1896. Wins second place in Indiana State Oratorical Contest with “Side by Side.” April 1896. Takes ill, spends time recuperating with Quaker family in Knightstown. Summer 1896. Returns to Wabash and teaches music. August 1896–Spring 1897. Returns to Earlham, remains ill, drops out. Summer 1897. Takes position at Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Pennsylvania, meets Richard Henry Pratt. August 1889. Photographed by Gertrude Käsebier and Joseph Keiley in New York City, where she uses the name Zitkala-Ša for the first time. Fall–Winter 1898. Engaged to Thomas Marshall. December 1898/January 1899. Relocates to Boston to study violin. April 1899. Marshall dies of measles. Summer 1899. Simmons writes in summer home of Joseph Edgar Chamberlin. January–March 1900. Atlantic Monthly series published, infuriating Pratt. March 1900. Simmons returns to Pennsylvania for Carlisle Indian Band tour; meets Carlos Montezuma.

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Summer 1900. Visits Yankton, returns to Boston. February–March 1901. Begins correspondence, then engagement, with Montezuma. March 1910. Publishes “The Soft-Hearted Sioux” in Harper’s Monthly. Summer 1901. Lives at Fort Totten on the Devil’s Lake Reservation; begins relationship with Raymond Bonnin. August 1901. Returns to Yankton, quarrels with mother. October 1901. Old Indian Legends published, “The Trial Path” appears in Harper’s Monthly. April 1902. “A Warrior’s Daughter” published in Everybody’s Magazine. 10 May 1902. Marries Raymond Bonnin in Tyndall, South Dakota; Montezuma is furious. December 1902. “Why I Am a Pagan” published in the Atlantic Monthly. Winter 1902. Bonnins relocate to Whiterocks, on the Uintah and Ouray Reservation, Utah; R. Bonnin works as property clerk. 28 May 1903. Raymond Ohiya Bonnin born. 1905–06. Bonnin teaches at Whiterocks school. 1908. Meets Mormon music teacher William Hanson. 1909. R. Bonnin takes post as superintendent at Whiterocks schools, resigns after conflicts with Episcopalians. Winter 1909–10. Bonnins live at Fort Yates, Standing Rock Reservation; Gertrude clerks to support family, converts to Catholicism. Spring 1910. Bonnins return to Utah; Gertrude begins correspondence with Fathers Martin Kenel and William H. Ketcham. Fall 1910. Bonnin and Hanson begin collaboration on The Sun Dance Opera. 1911. Society of American Indians (sai) founded. February 1913. The Sun Dance Opera premieres; Bonnins relocate to Fort Duchesne, Utah. April 1913. Bonnins experience marital difficulties. May–June 1913. Bonnin mends relationship with Montezuma, enrolls Ohiya in Catholic boarding school in Nauvoo, Illinois. 1914. Joins sai; Samuel Lone Bear arrives in Dragon, Utah, and begins to popularize peyote. 25 December 1914. Ellen Taté I Yóhin Win Simmons dies, age ninety. 1915. Gertrude begins Community Center project under auspices of the sai, anti-peyote campaigning, correspondence with Arthur C. Parker. 1916. Bonnin elected sai secretary. November 1916. Attempts to persuade Ute Chief John McCook and his sister Chipeta to reject peyote. Winter 1917. Travels to California to speak against peyote.

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Spring 1917. Bonnins, Ohiya included, relocate to Washington, d.c., so Gertrude can pursue work with the sai; Gertrude advocates Indian citizenship; u.s. enters wwi; Raymond Bonnin enlists in Army. February 1918. Bonnin and Smithsonian ethnologist James Mooney battle before the Senate subcommittee on Indian Affairs on the question of peyote. September 1918. Elected secretary-treasurer of sai, shortly after becomes editor of the American Indian Magazine. October 1918. Native American Church established to protect peyote ingestion; Mooney assists. Winter 1919. Pratt and Bonnin collude to destroy Mooney’s career. October 1919. Bonnin quits the sai when the pro-peyote lawyer Thomas Sloan is elected president. 1920. Accelerates citizenship campaign. 1921. Publishes American Indian Stories, Americanize the First American, begins work with the National Indian Welfare Committee of the General Federation of Women’s Clubs. Winter 1923. Bonnin investigates crimes against Indians in Oklahoma under auspices of the American Indian Defense Association (aida), resulting in the pamphlet, Oklahoma’s Poor Rich Indians (1924). 1924. Joins advisory board of the aida (headed by John Collier); Committee of One Hundred formed. May 1924. Indian Citizenship Act passed. 27 February 1926. Bonnin founds the National Council of American Indians (ncai); R. Bonnin is secretary; Bonnins begin yearly trips to investigate conditions on Indian reservations. 1927. ncai begins Information Service Program designed to inform Indians of current issues. 1928. Meriam Report published. 1929. ncai begins distributing Indian Newsletter. 1933. John Collier becomes commissioner of Indian Affairs. 1934. Indian Reorganization Act passed; ncai office in Washington closes. 1935. Collier and Bonnin reach impasse over Yankton constitution. 25 January 1938. Gertrude Bonnin dies of cardiac dilation and kidney disease. 1939. Raymond Ohiya Bonnin dies after battle with diabetes. 24 September 1942. Raymond Bonnin dies after brief illness.

Zitkala-Ša/Gertrude Simmons Bonnin: A Biographical Sketch The letters, speeches, and unpublished writings in this volume present a portrait of one of the most prominent American Indian writers and activists of the early twentieth century, Gertrude Simmons Bonnin, better known as ZitkalaŠa. Born a member of the Sioux Nation on 22 February 1876, Gertrude was the daughter of Ellen Taté I Yóhin Win (Reaches for the Wind, or Every Wind) Simmons, a Yankton Sioux woman who settled on Yankton Reservation in presentday South Dakota during the mid-1870s.1 Gertrude’s father was an itinerant Frenchman named Felker, who had no presence in her life.2 Before or shortly after Gertrude’s birth, Taté I Yóhin Win dismissed Felker from the household for his rough treatment of David Simmons, her son from a previous marriage.3 One could say this distaste for violence was reflected in Yankton history. The Yankton Sioux had determined early on not to participate in armed conflict with whites, agreeing to give up 11.5 million acres for a mere 430,000-acre territory in 1858. Nonetheless, the tribe was not psychologically immune to the continuing territorial conflicts near their reserves.4

1 For early biographical information see Susan Rose Dominguez, “The Gertrude Bonnin Story: From Yankton Destiny to American History, 1904–1938” (Ph.D. diss., Michigan State University, 2005), 84; Cathy N. Davidson and Ada Norris, eds., introduction to American Indian Stories, Legends, and Other Writings (New York: Penguin Books, 2003), xiv–xv; A. LaVonne Brown Ruoff, “Early Native American Women Authors: Jane Johnston Schoolcraft, Sarah Winnemucca, S. Alice Callahan, E. Pauline Johnson, and Zitkala-Ša,” in Nineteenth-Century American Women Writers: A Critical Reader, edited by Karen L. Kilcup (Malden: Blackwell, 1998), 99; Leon Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, A Yavapai American Hero: The Life and Times of an American Indian, 1866–1923 (Portland: Arnica, 2005), 206–207; and Deborah Sue Welch, “Zitkala-Ša: An American Indian Leader, 1876–1938” (Ph.D. diss., University of Wyoming, 1985), 5–8. 2 1900 Federal Census Indian Population Schedule for Greenwood, South Dakota, Wahehe Township, Charles Mix County, 315b. South Dakota State Archives, South Dakota State Historical Society, Pierre. 3 Simmons to Montezuma, ca. June–July 1901, Papers of Carlos Montezuma, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison. Hereafter Montezuma Papers. 4 Patrice Hollrah, “‘We Must Be Masters of Our Circumstances’: Rhetorical Sovereignty and Political Resistance in the Life and Works of Zitkala-Ša,” in Old Lady Trill, the Victory Yell: The Power of Women in Native American Literature (New York: Routledge, 2004), 27–28.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi: 10.1163/9789004355750_002

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zitkala-ša/gertrude simmons bonnin: a biographical sketch

The larger Sioux Nation, encompassing three main bands (Lakota, Nakota, and Dakota) and several sub-groups (the Mdewakantonwan, Sisitonwan, Wachpekute, Wachpetonwan, Yankton, Yanktonais, Tetons, Oglala, Brule, Minniconjou, Oohenopa, Sihasapa, Hunkpapa, and Itazipčo), had long been struggling against white intrusion. By the mid-1800s, the easternmost Dakota had been driven out of forested lands surrounding the Mississippi, while the Dakota, Nakota, and Lakota on the westerly plains faced mounting pressure.5 In 1866, Red Cloud (Oglala) and Tasunkakokipapi (Oglala) took up arms to end use of the Bozeman trail, which cut through the pristine bison-hunting grounds surrounding the Powder River in present-day Wyoming. With successful raids on Army forts, Red Cloud forced the u.s. government to broker peace. The subsequent Treaty of Fort Laramie (1868) created the Great Sioux Reservation, and declared the Powder River and Black Hills free from further white encroachment, “so long as the buffalo may range thereon in numbers sufficient to justify the chase.” u.s. violations of the treaty, however, soon after sparked conflict. In 1874, an expedition headed by Lt. Col. George Armstrong Custer confirmed the presence of gold in the Black Hills, provoking an influx of white prospectors. Soon after, under threat of military action, the Lakota roaming outside the Great Sioux Reservation were ordered to return. Two leaders, Sitting Bull (Hunkpapa) and Crazy Horse (Oglala), refused. In the summer of 1876, Custer attacked their bands along with a group of Cheyenne, camped near the Little Big Horn River. The Lakota swiftly routed Custer’s Seventh Calvary, but this initial success was short-lived. In the resulting Great Sioux War of 1876/77, the u.s. Army prevailed; Crazy Horse was killed in captivity; and Sitting Bull fled for Canada (only to return in 1881). The remaining Lakota leaders reluctantly ceded the Black Hills and Powder River area.6 There was little choice. By that point, the millions of bison that had once scattered the plains had been decimated in a deliberate u.s. Army attempt to quell the Native populations.7 Herds that

5 See Guy Gibbon, The Sioux: The Dakota and Lakota Nations (Malden, Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2002), 2–6; Barry M. Pritzker, A Native American Encyclopedia: History, Culture, People (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 340. 6 See Paul H. Carlson, The Plains Indians (College Station: Texas a&m University Press, 1998), 142–57, 159–62; Jeffrey Olster, The Plains Sioux and u.s. Colonialism from Lewis and Clark to Wounded Knee (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 77, 144; Thomas Powers, The Killing of Crazy Horse (New York: Knopf, 2010), 410–13; Pritzker, Native American Encyclopedia, 329–30. 7 Thomas Constantine Maroukis, Peyote and the Yankton Sioux: The Life and Times of Sam Necklace (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2004), 21–23.

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numbered tens of millions were culled to the point where, in 1910, just five hundred bison remained.8 Though Gertrude Simmons’s childhood began during this period of wrenching changes forced upon the Sioux, she experienced no direct impact from 1877’s violent subjugation. At Yankton, Gertrude led what could be termed a mostly traditional life for her first eight years. This brief idyll ended abruptly in 1884, when missionaries arrived at Yankton to recruit students for White’s Manual Labor Institute, in Wabash, Indiana, a Quaker boarding school meant to educate Indian children in Euro-American culture. Gertrude initially agreed to make the trip east, but the subsequent three-year separation from her mother coupled with the impersonal course of white schooling had infelicitous consequences. When Gertrude returned home in 1887, a feeling of alienation from her mother and her old ways overcame her.9 Yankton was difficult terrain to negotiate for a teenage girl caught between tribal identity and assimilationist schooling. This was also a challenging time in Sioux history. The passage of the Dawes Severalty Act (1887) intended to transform communally-held reservation territory into individual farmsteads. “Surplus” lands left over after allotment were opened for white settlement. Even worse, the u.s. government, wanting to please both ranchers and the railroads, began to dismantle the Sioux domains guaranteed by the Treaty of Fort Laramie, creating the Standing Rock, Cheyenne River, Rosebud, Lower Brule, and Pine Ridge reservations. These further injustices sparked the Sioux’s adoption of the Ghost Dance, originated by a Paiute, Wovoka, who envisioned a restoration of the past in which the bison would return, and whites would forever disappear. The practice of the Ghost Dance alarmed some u.s. officials, including Daniel F. Royer, agent at Pine Ridge. Assuming that an uprising was imminent, Royer requested military intervention. Soldiers arrived at Pine Ridge and Rosebud in October 1890.10 Sitting Bull, seen as a Ghost Dance supporter, was killed during an arrest attempt on 15 December 1890.11 On approximately that date,

8 9 10 11

Jeffery Meyers, Converging Stories: Race, Ecology, and Environmental Justice in American Literature (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2005), 111. Zitkala-Ša, “Impressions of an Indian Childhood,” Atlantic Monthly 85 (January 1900): 37– 47; “The School Days of an Indian Girl,” Atlantic Monthly 85 (February 1900): 185–94. See Carlson, The Plains Indians, 175–80; Jerome A. Greene, American Carnage: Wounded Knee, 1890 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2014), 96–104. See Bill Yenne, Sitting Bull (Yardley: Westholme Publishing, 2008), 241–46, 270–74. The Indian Bureau had viewed Sitting Bull as a Ghost dance instigator and sought to arrest any chiefs associated with the movement.

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zitkala-ša/gertrude simmons bonnin: a biographical sketch

Gertrude left once more for White’s Institute.12 The boarding school appeared the only escape from the growing emotional stress of reservation life. Soon after Gertrude’s departure, on 28 December, a group of three hundred and forty Minniconjou led by Big Foot was stopped en route to Pine Ridge by the Seventh Calvary at Wounded Knee Creek. The following morning, after u.s. troops attempted to disarm the band, the Wounded Knee massacre occurred. Over two hundred Lakota men, women, and children perished. The carnage, in addition to the subsequent arrival of five thousand more soldiers, compelled the termination of the Ghost Dance, traditional nomadic life, and any further Sioux military struggles.13 By the time of the Wounded Knee massacre Gertrude Simmons, then around fifteen, had already arrived in Wabash, Indiana. In her second term at White’s she began to flourish academically, showing great ability in writing, oratory, and music. The last talent was likely fostered by a local Quaker family, the Unthanks, Joseph and Susan, who apparently took interest enough in Gertrude to pay for private tuition in violin, piano, and voice. Gertrude appreciated this attention. (Her earliest surviving letter, dating from April 1898, is to the Unthanks.) After graduating from White’s, Gertrude gained admission to another Quaker institution, Earlham College, in Richmond, Indiana. She attended despite the objections of her mother, who expected Gertrude to return to Yankton for good and cease her dealings with whites. At Earlham, Simmons continued her successes. At the start of 1896, she entered the college’s oratory contest and easily bested her opponents, earning a place in the statewide competition held in the English Opera House in Indianapolis. There Simmons decided to make a bold call for Native rights, titled “Side by Side.”14 Standing before over a thousand white spectators, she charged: “To take the life of a nation during the slow march of centuries seems not a lighter crime than to crush it instantly with one fatal blow”—certainly thinking of the contemporary struggles of her own people.15 The audience in Indianapolis, composed mostly of Indiana college students, did not protest. They sat silently at attention throughout Simmons’s exposition, then cheered her at the conclusion. One judge even shed tears.16 Simmons took second place, but felt great bitterness when confronted with a large banner unfurled by a rival college, which depicted Earlham as being rep12 13 14 15 16

Dominguez, “The Gertrude Bonnin Story,” 99. See Carlson, The Plains Indians, 179–82; Gibbon, The Sioux, 6, 135; Pritzker, Native American Encyclopedia, 330. See Dominguez, “The Gertrude Bonnin Story,” 124; Zitkala-Ša, “School Days,” 192–93. Gertrude Simmons, “Side by Side,” Earlhamite, March 16, 1896, 177–79. “The College Orators,” Indianapolis News, March 14, 1896.

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resented by a “squaw.”17 The stress of the events at the oratory contest took a cumulative toll. Simmons became ill, never finishing her studies. Instead, in 1897 she secured a post at Carlisle Indian Industrial School, in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, run by one of the most famous proponents of Indian assimilation through white education, Richard Henry Pratt.18 Pratt, born in 1840 in Rushford, New York, and raised in Logansport, Indiana, had founded Carlisle in 1879 under the motto, “Kill the Indian, Save the Man.” His personal history perhaps accounted for this harshness of purpose. Pratt’s father was murdered when Pratt was just thirteen, forcing the young boy to support his family with whatever jobs he could find. In 1861, he enlisted in the u.s. Army. He saw battle in the Civil War, during which time he also met his future wife, Anna Mason. They settled in Logansport after the war, but Pratt soon returned to the Army with a second lieutenant’s commission in the Tenth u.s. Cavalry, a “Buffalo soldier” unit. For eight years Pratt patrolled the Great Plains, sometimes carrying out Indian removal. Then in 1875 while guarding Indian prisoners of war in Florida, he found his ultimate calling. Working with two New England teachers, Pratt developed a course of education meant to “civilize” his prisoners. Convinced that this was the solution to the “Indian problem,” he persuaded the u.s. Secretary of the Interior to establish Carlisle in a derelict Army barracks.19 Pratt had other allies in his cause. The previous Grant administration had initiated a peace policy in 1869, creating the Board of Indian Commissioners as a check on the often-corrupt Department of the Interior’s Office of Indian Affairs (also called the Bureau of Indian Affairs [bia], or Indian Bureau). Influential organizations such as the Indian Rights Association (ira), a Quaker peace group founded in 1882, also buttressed Pratt’s work by attempting to ensure humane treatment and foster assimilation.20

17 18

19

20

Zitkala-Ša, “School Days,” 194. Ruth Spack, “Dis/engagement: Zitkala-Ša’s Letters to Carlos Montezuma, 1901–02,”melus: Journal of the Society for the Study of the Multi-Ethnic Literature of the United States 26, no. 1 (2001): 175. See David Wallace Adams, Education for Extinction: American Indians and the Boarding School Experience, 1875–1928 (Wichita: University Press of Kansas, 1995), 38–39; Jacqueline Fear-Segal, “Nineteenth-Century Indian Education: Universalism Versus Evolutionism,” Journal of American Studies 33, no. 2 (August 1999): 326–27; Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 44–46. See Adams, Education for Extinction, 8–10; Hazel W. Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity: Modern Pan Indian Movements (Syracuse, n.y.: Syracuse University Press, 1971), 20–21.

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zitkala-ša/gertrude simmons bonnin: a biographical sketch

Regrettably, the inherent ethnocentrism of the assimilationist program meant the widespread, compulsory eradication of Indian cultures. Despite the fact that the u.s. government soon replaced Pratt’s ideal of off-reservation schooling with less expensive, on-reservation schooling, the effect was largely the same. The system of government-supported Indian schools established at the turn of the century promoted Christianity and did its best to eliminate Native cultures. The Journal of Education praised the curriculum, stating: “If every Indian child could be in school for five years, savagery would cease and the government support of Indians would be a thing of the past.”21 Meanwhile, Carlisle and other boarding schools separated children from parents, ridiculed Indian ways of life that did not conform to Victorian respectability, and often practiced corporal punishment. This unfolding tragedy affected thousands of Indian children, who were forcibly subjected to the inculcation of white, EuroAmerican culture. The children’s hair was cut, their traditional clothes and items burned, and names changed. Beatings by school administrators often resulted from continued use of Native languages.22 A strict regime of discipline, study, and even outwork in the surrounding areas, characterized school life, while homesickness, poor food, unsanitary living conditions, and European diseases caused premature mortality.23 From 1881 to 1884, only twenty-six of the seventy-three children from the Shoshone and Arapaho Nations survived boarding school.24 For those who survived and returned home, the forced adaptation to white culture often resulted in alienation from Native traditions.25

21

22

23 24 25

See Frederick E. Hoxie, A Final Promise: The Campaign to Assimilate the Indians, 1880– 1920 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984), 60–67. Also see Tsianina Lomawaima, Brenda Child, and Margaret L. Archuleta, eds., Away from Home: American Indian Boarding School Experiences, 1879–2000 (Phoenix: Heard Museum, 2000), 116. See Paula Gunn Allen, ed., Voice of the Turtle: American Indian Literature, 1900–1970 (New York: Random House, 1994), 116–17; Alvin Josephy, Jr., 500 Nations: An Illustrated History of North American Indians (New York: Knopf, 1994), 433–35; Lomawaima, Child, and Archuleta, eds., Away from Home, 26, 42, 61; Peter Nabokov, Native American Testimony: A Chronicle of Indian-White Relations from Prophecy to the Present (New York: Viking Press, 2000), 220. See Paul Boyer et al., The Enduring Vision: A History of the American People, vol. 2, Since 1865 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2000), 481b–82b. Brenda J. Child, Boarding School Seasons: American Indian Families, 1900–1940 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), 57. Penelope Kelsey, “Narratives of the Boarding School Era from Victory to Resistance,” Atenea 23.2 (2003): 124.

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Gertrude Simmons arrived at Carlisle in July 1897. Despite making friends and having the opportunity to study violin, she grew increasingly opposed to the school’s mission of erasing Indian cultures. At the end of her first school year, Simmons was the guest of the noted female photographer Gertrude Käsebier. In her home in New York City, Käsebier produced a series of portraits of Simmons, who by that time had begun to identify herself as Zitkala-Ša (meaning Red Bird, in Lakota). Käsebier convinced Simmons to plumb the depths of her talents, and not confine herself to a career in teaching. This advice and the atmosphere at Carlisle combined to compel Simmons to forge a new path. Though in the fall of 1898 she became engaged to a Lakota man named Thomas Marshall who resided at the school, in January of the New Year Simmons left for Boston to study violin.26 That April, Marshall died of measles back at Carlisle.27 In Boston, Simmons’s life continued. She quickly made her way into the city’s highest literary circles, likely due to introductions furnished by Käsebier. In the summer of 1899, she found herself writing about her formative experiences at the summer home of Joseph Edgar Chamberlin, an editor at the Boston Transcript who encouraged her work.28 The result of her labors was a three-part, semi-autobiographical exposé on the cruelty of Indian boarding school education, published in the Atlantic Monthly (January–March 1900)—“Impressions of an Indian Childhood,” “The School Days of an Indian Girl,” and “An Indian Teacher among Indians.” The series, while telling Simmons’s life story, harshly criticized the basis of Pratt’s Christian assimilationist project.29 Wanting to be recognized, first and foremost, as Indian, Simmons signed the works ZitkalaŠa. Though the stories became the toast of Boston literary society, Pratt was privately infuriated.30 Regardless, Simmons returned to Carlisle in March 1900 for a long-planned tour of the Northeast with the Carlisle Indian School Band. There Simmons met Dr. Carlos Montezuma, traveling with the band as “team doctor.”31

26

27 28

29 30 31

See Dominguez, “The Gertrude Bonnin Story,” 138–50; Ruth Spack, America’s Second Tongue: American Indian Education and the Ownership of English, 1860–1900 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2002), 146. Indian Helper, April 28, 1899. See Ruth Spack, “Zitkala-Ša, The Song of Hiawatha, and the Carlisle Indian School Band: A Captivity Tale,”Legacy: A Journal of American Women Writers 25, no. 2 (2008): 213–14; Linda M. Waggoner, Fire Light: The Life of Angel De Cora, Winnebago Artist (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008), 88–89. Zitkala-Ša, “An Indian Teacher among Indians.” Atlantic Monthly 85 (March 1900): 381–86. Spack, “Zitkala-Ša, The Song of Hiawatha,” 214–15. Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 211.

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zitkala-ša/gertrude simmons bonnin: a biographical sketch

At that time, Montezuma was perhaps the most famous indigenous person in the United States. Born in approximately 1865 to a Yavapai family in presentday Arizona, he was kidnapped at age five by the Pima tribe during a deadly raid. An Italian photographer, Carlos Gentile, saved Montezuma from what might have been a life of slavery, buying him for thirty silver dollars from two of his captors. Gentile tried his best to provide Carlos a stable upbringing. Montezuma lived for some time in New York, and then in Urbana, Illinois, in the home of a Baptist pastor, William H. Steadman. By 1889, the young man had graduated from Chicago Medical College and begun his career. After an initial attempt at private practice failed, Montezuma went to work for the Indian Service, tending to the residents of reservations and boarding school students in the West, before taking a post at Carlisle in 1893. There, Montezuma formed a close friendship with Pratt. He left, in 1896, an enthusiastic public supporter of Indian assimilation.32 Months after the Carlisle Band tour concluded Simmons and Montezuma had an “unexpected meeting” in Chicago, where Montezuma had settled.33 In March of 1901, they began a correspondence that evolved first into a tempestuous engagement, then bitter break-up in 1902. During this period Simmons published her first book, Old Indian Legends (1901), a collection of traditional Sioux tales. She also returned to Sioux Country, where she hoped to reconnect with her mother and direct some of her talents toward helping her kinsmen. This was not an easy task. At Yankton, Simmons regularly fought with Ellen Taté I Yóhin Win and (by post) Montezuma, while simultaneously coping with harsh criticism from Richard Henry Pratt, who had begun publicly condemning her writing. In defiance, Simmons persisted in issuing critical statements on Indian assimilation and Christian missionary work, such as “Why I Am a Pagan” (1902), in the Atlantic Monthly and Harper’s Monthly. Into this complex web of conflicts tread Raymond Telephause Bonnin, an old schoolmate from White’s.34 Bonnin had returned to the reservation after graduating from Haskell Institute in Kansas, an Indian school, to take up a clerkship with the Indian Bureau. A romance blossomed, and Simmons eventually rejected Montezuma. She became Gertrude Simmons Bonnin on 25 May 1902.35

32 33 34 35

See Spack, “Dis/engagement,” 177–78, 185; Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 1–2, 24–30, 90– 96. Simmons to Montezuma, February 9, 1901, Montezuma Papers. See Tadeusz Lewandowski, Red Bird, Red Power: The Life and Legacy of Zitkala-Ša (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2016), 45–63. “A Former Haskell Boy,” Red Man and Helper, June 13, 1902.

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In the winter of 1902, the Bonnins left South Dakota for Whiterocks, Utah, the agency for the Uintah and Ouray Reservation, home to the Northern Ute Nation.36 This time in Uintah, which lasted until 1917, was difficult in countless ways. Following the birth of their only child, a son named Ohiya (meaning Winner), in 1903, they struggled to work effectively within the corrupt reservation hierarchy and among the embattled Ute population. Raymond Bonnin clerked, while Gertrude sometimes taught school. Despite hardships, the Bonnins bought land and even took in a young orphaned Ute boy, Oran Curry, whom they raised until adulthood. An elderly Sioux recluse known as Bad Hand, or Old Sioux, joined their family as well. He would live with them until his death in 1916.37 Life in Utah was interrupted in 1909 when Raymond Bonnin resigned as Uintah school superintendent, a post he had accepted reluctantly.38 In the winter of that year the Bonnins resided at Standing Rock Reservation in North and South Dakota, where Gertrude clerked and became deeply involved with the local Catholic mission at Fort Yates. Witnessing the work done by the Benedictine fathers and sisters, she was moved to convert to Catholicism—a surprising change of heart for one who had been critical of Christianity in her mid-twenties. Though in her letters she mentions the influence of two priests, Fathers Ambrose and Bernard, one priest in particular, Father Martin Kenel, became her spiritual advisor and confidant. Kenel introduced Bonnin to Father William H. Ketcham, director of the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions, established in 1874 and headquartered in Washington, d.c.39 Ketcham would prove a valuable ally to the Bonnins, who returned to Utah in 1910 to fulfill the terms of their land claim.40 Gertrude maintained correspondences with both Kenel and Ketcham, and Charles Lusk, the Bureau secretary. She also made efforts to help found a Catholic church at Uintah, frequently writing the Bishop of Salt Lake City, Lawrence Scanlan. Back in Whiterocks, Bonnin embarked on an artistic collaboration with Mormon music teacher William Hanson. Over two and half years, they composed

36

37 38 39

40

Bonnin to William H. Ketcham, January 5, 1911, Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions Records. Raynor Memorial Libraries, Marquette University Archives, Milwaukee, Wisc. Hereafter Catholic Indian Missions Records. Lewandowski, Red Bird, Red Power, 66–67. Bonnin to Pratt, July 9, 1909, Richard Henry Pratt Papers. Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. Hereafter Pratt Papers. Bonnin to Ketcham, May 25, 1910; Bonnin to Martin Kenel, May 26[?], 1910; Kenel to Ketcham, August 1, 1910, Catholic Indian Missions Records; Kevin Abing, “Directors of the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions: Monsignor William Henry Ketcham, 1901–1921,” 1. Kenel to Ketcham, August 1, 1910, Catholic Indian Missions Records.

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zitkala-ša/gertrude simmons bonnin: a biographical sketch

The Sun Dance Opera, which debuted in Vernal, Utah, in early February 1913. This amalgamation of western musical forms and Sioux melodies boasted a libretto that featured the Plains Indians’ most significant religious ceremony, the Sun Dance. Bonnin, unfortunately, kept no record of the opera’s creation.41 Instead, she had become increasingly consumed by political, rather than artistic, concerns. By that time, political action had increasingly appeared a necessity to many prominent Native Americans. In 1911, Bonnin’s former fiancé, Carlos Montezuma, had helped found the Society of American Indians (sai), a self-defense organization in which only those of indigenous descent could be full members. (Sympathetic white reformers had to be content with associate membership status.)42 Following her opera’s premiere in 1913, Bonnin contacted Montezuma and successfully mended their relationship.43 She joined the sai and became an active member. After the sai’s annual conference in Lawrence, Kansas, in 1915, Bonnin began a correspondence with one of the key men present at the Society’s founding: the Seneca archeologist Arthur C. Parker of the New York State Museum, then acting as secretary-treasurer. Parker, born in 1881 on the Cattaraugus Reservation in Iroquois, New York, hailed from a prominent family. His great uncle, Ely S. Parker, had been the first indigenous person to hold the position of commissioner of Indian Affairs (under Grant).44 Parker and Bonnin cultivated an easy friendship and shared a deep concern over peyote, whose spread Bonnin had witnessed first-hand at Uintah. The peyote “menace,” as she dubbed it, had appeared in 1914, when an Oglala named Samuel Lone Bear arrived in the town Dragon, Utah.45 Lone Bear’s peyote “medicine” quickly won the favor of Chief John McCook, brother of the highly-esteemed Chipeta, widow of the Northern Ute Chief Ouray. Bonnin had little luck convincing McCook or reservation superintendent Albert H. Kneale to take action against peyote.46 With no other recourse, she began an anti-peyote campaign throughout the region, courting

41 42 43 44 45 46

P. Jane Hafen, “A Cultural Duet: Zitkala-Ša and The Sun Dance Opera,” Great Plains Quarterly 18, no. 2 (1998): 102–11. See Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 36; Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 333–34, 339. Bonnin to Montezuma, May 13, 1913, Montezuma Papers. Joy Porter, To Be Indian: The Life of Iroquois-Seneca Arthur Caswell Parker (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2001), 3, 17, 43. See Omer C. Stewart, Omer C. Stewart, Peyote Religion: A History (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987), 197; Zitkala-Ša, The Menace of Peyote, 1916. Zitkala-Ša, “Chipeta, Widow of Chief Ouray with a Word about a Deal in Blankets,” American Indian Magazine 5 (July–September 1917): 168–70.

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politicians such as Utah State Senator (1915–17) Don Colton and temperance groups in an attempt to achieve statewide bans.47 Meanwhile on the reservation, with Kneale’s initial support Bonnin began a Ute community center run out of Fort Duchesne, where her family relocated in 1915. The visibility Bonnin achieved through her activities and her election to the post of sai secretary in 1916 placed her in the vanguard of Progressive-era Native rights activism. The only logical choice was a move to Washington, d.c., where the Bonnins relocated in 1917.48 In the capital, Bonnin continued her anti-peyote crusade on the federal level, cooperating with Richard Henry Pratt and the Indian Rights Association to ruin the career of the pro-peyote Smithsonian ethnologist, James Mooney, who had publicly criticized Bonnin, and helped establish the Native American Church in 1918 in order to protect peyote ingestion as a sacrament.49 By 1918, Bonnin had essentially taken over the sai, holding the posts of secretary-treasurer and editor of the American Indian Magazine (aim), the Society’s flagship publication. Bonnin also used the sai to fight for her own causes. She advocated the granting of u.s. citizenship to Native peoples, and heavily promoted Indian participation in World War i.50 (Raymond Bonnin was one of the many sai members who enlisted.)51 Yet just when Gertrude seemed on the verge of dominating the organization, at the 1919 sai conference the Society’s pro-peyote faction gained control by electing the Omaha lawyer Thomas Sloan president. Bonnin promptly resigned, but her activism continued.52 In the early 1920s she expanded her citizenship crusade with the support of the nondenominational Christian General Federation of Women’s Clubs (gfwc), lecturing in traditional buckskin garb and promoting herself as the granddaughter of Sitting Bull to attract media attention.53 Raymond Bonnin meanwhile studied law.54 47

48

49 50 51 52 53 54

See Thomas Constantine Maroukis, The Peyote Road: Religious Freedom and the Native American Church (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2010); 115–16; William Willard, “The First Amendment, Anglo-Conformity and American Indian Religious Freedom,” Wicazo Sa Review 7 (1991): 31. Arthur C. Parker to Bonnin, March 27, 1917; Bonnin to Parker, June 2, 1917, Society of American Indians Papers, edited by John W. Larner, Jr. (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, Inc. 1987). Hereafter sai Papers. Lewandowski, Red Bird, Red Power, 137–49. “Urges Full Citizenship for Indians,” New Era–Lancaster, March 29, 1918; Zitkala-Ša, “America, Home of the Red Man,” American Indian Magazine 6 (Winter 1919): 165–66. Dominguez, “The Gertrude Bonnin Story,” 239–40. Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 188. Lewandowski, Red Bird, Red Power, 157–59, 163, 173. Dominguez, “The Gertrude Bonnin Story,” 255–56.

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zitkala-ša/gertrude simmons bonnin: a biographical sketch

In 1921, Gertrude published American Indian Stories—a collection of writings that indicted American society for its treatment of Native peoples—and Americanize the First American: A Plan of Regeneration—a pamphlet that outlined a map for tribal sovereignty within the United States. By this time she had become a strident critic of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, calling for its dissolution whenever she had the chance.55 In 1923 Bonnin’s work took her to Oklahoma, where with the backing of the gfwc and the American Indian Defense Association (aida), headed by future commissioner of Indian Affairs, John Collier, she investigated numerous instances of graft and even murder carried out against Oklahoma’s Five Civilized Tribes by the state’s court system and whites seeking to usurp oil-rich Indian lands.56 The subsequent report, Oklahoma’s Poor Rich Indians (1924), is credited with spurring the creation of the Committee of One Hundred, an investigative body of prominent reformers charged with surveying reservation conditions. This work culminated in the Meriam Report, which made strong recommendations for improvements.57 That very same year, 1924, Congress passed the Indian Citizenship Act, extending citizenship to all Indian non-citizens.58 Bonnin had been an important supporting player. On 27 February 1926, Gertrude Bonnin, age fifty, founded the National Council of American Indians (ncai). Thirteen tribes were among the original members, charged with creating local offices, or “lodges,” on reservations, which would then report any wrongdoings to the Bonnins.59 Located in Washington, d.c., the ncai was the only Native-run reform group in the United States during its existence. (The sai had disbanded in 1923.) Under the ncai’s auspices, the Bonnins came to represent numerous and diverse Indian Nations in an attempt at consolidating an inter-tribal movement that could secure legal protections and influence federal policy. Every year the Bonnins made long cross-country trips throughout America, investigating reservation conditions

55 56

57

58 59

Lewandowski, Red Bird, Red Power, 150–62. See Gertrude Bonnin, Charles H. Fabens, and Matthew K. Sniffen, Oklahoma’s Poor Rich Indians: An Orgy of Graft and Exploitation of the Five Civilized Tribes—Legalized Robbery (Washington, d.c.: Office of the Indian Rights Association, 1924), 12; Welch, “Zitkala-Ša,” 183–92. See Davidson and Norris, introduction to American Indian Stories, xxvii; Marion E. Gridley, “Gertrude Simmons Bonnin: A Modern Progressive,” in American Indian Women (New York: Hawthorne, 1974), 86; Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 370. Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 457. P. Jane Hafen, “Help Indians Help Themselves: Gertrude Bonnin, the sai, and the ncai,” Studies in American Indian Literatures, 25, no. 2 (Summer 2013), 205.

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to report to Congress. They as well published the popular Indian Newsletter, meant to inform reservation populations about legislation in Washington, d.c. By the mid-1930s, however, the ncai could no longer function on its membership fees in the midst of the Great Depression. The Washington office closed in 1934. That year Congress passed the Indian Reorganization Act. With John Collier’s appointment as commissioner of Indians Affairs a year prior, the era of assimilation and allotment had come to a close. But when Collier tried to reorganize Yankton under a new constitution, the Bonnins and the ncai protested, submitting their own constitution that superseded the bia and placed decision-making authority with the Yankton tribal council. An impasse followed.60 After the falling out with Collier, the Bonnins’ only income during the mid1930s came from adoptive son Oran Curry, then acting chairman of the UintahOuray Ute Tribal Business Committee. Fortuitously, Curry hired Bonnin as legal agent for the Uintah-Ouray Reservation. He and lawyer Ernest L. Wilkinson labored tirelessly on Ute claims for compensation.61 The work allowed Raymond Bonnin to support his family, including son Ohiya (who was suffering from diabetes), his wife Elsa, and their four children, who moved to the Bonnins’ Virginia home in early 1937. During this trying time, Gertrude’s health and mental state steadily worsened. In her diary she wrote, “I am extremely nervous—restless within—smothering sense—of things, about puts me out. There is no use in trying to explain—even this much—as no one understands—or cares.”62 She died of cardiac dilation and kidney disease less than a month before her sixty-second birthday, on 26 January 1938. Ohiya Bonnin died just a year later. Raymond Bonnin died in 1942. The Bonnins are now buried together at Arlington National Cemetery.63 The documents gathered in this volume stand as a testament to Gertrude Bonnin’s passion, determination, intelligence, and sense of justice. 60 61 62 63

Lewandowski, Red Bird, Red Power, 176–83. Dominguez, “The Gertrude Bonnin Story,” 311–14; Lewandowski, Red Bird, Red Power, 183. Gertrude Bonnin’s final diaries, Bonnin Collection. Lewandowski, Red Bird, Red Power, 188.

part 1 Letters

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From Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and the Dakotas (1898–1902)

figure 1 Gertrude Simmons in 1898, seated reading a book, photographed by Gertrude Käsebier gertrude käsebier photographs, division of culture and the arts, national museum of american history, smithsonian institution, 69.236.110

To Susan and Joseph Unthank, suc Carlisle, Pennsylvania April 25, 1898 My dear “Aunt Sue” and “Uncle Joe,” Does it seem really true that Spring has returned again? While the time has passed by very rapidly still I feel much more older than a year since last spring. The change of work has made it possible for me to gain several pounds. The school Faculty had their group taken. I may manage to send some out. I am considered a good teacher and have been asked to teach here next year. Of course I am glad that it is so but I do not mean to lose sight of College for the sake of money-making. My letter seems very self centered but I thought that was just what you would like to hear. After so much for the past I will say what

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi: 10.1163/9789004355750_003

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is nearest to me. It is something about music and your violin. I have promised to go with a Carlisle Indian Band this fall (for six weeks) as violinist.1 I want to began some most faithful practise right now. I know my playing would seem much better had I a good instrument. I know you have one. I cannot because of my very limited means pay a very high price for the use of any violin. Knowing that you know me and are interested in me I wondered if you would, through kindness, name me a sum within my reach—that is if you will loan me your violin from now till Nov. You know I would care for it with the tenderest kind of a devotion. This concert tour is to be a great thing as Capt. Pratt is back of it all. Our manager is the same man “Sousa” hires.2 Hoping I shall hear from you right away and that perhaps within a week I will have your violin here—I will close now. With much love, Your Indian niece, Gertrude E. Simmons

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1 The Carlisle Indian School Band tour of the Northeast eventually took place in March 1900. The performances featured Simmons in violin solos and a recitation of “The Famine” from Longfellow’s Song of Hiawatha. Newspaper critics praised Simmons for her “dramatic power,” which provoked tears among the audience. At the Memorial Association in Washington Simmons met Longfellow’s daughter, and at a command performance for the McKinleys at the White House, the First Lady congratulated Simmons on her performance with “a large bunch of beautiful English violets.” See Indian Helper, March 30, 1900, quoted in “Zitkala-Ša (aka Gertrude Simmons) at Carlisle,” http://home.epix.net/~landis/zitkalasa.html (accessed July 29, 2016). (Citations from the Indian Helper and Red Man and Helper taken from this website unless otherwise indicated.); Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, 211. 2 John Philip Sousa (1854–1932), popular American composer and band leader. Sousa’s famous march, “Stars and Stripes Forever” (1896), has been officially declared the National March of the United States of America. See Paul Edmund Bierly, The Incredible Band of John Philip Sousa (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2006), 2, 20.

from pennsylvania, massachusetts, and the dakotas (1898–1902)

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To Carlos Montezuma, cmp Roxbury, Massachusetts February 9, 1901 My dear friend, A party of four of us are spending Sunday in a little cosy cottage nested in the woods. We brought our maid along so that our “make-believe” seems quite real. I spied two mats little tiny things for lamps made of birch bark and sweet grass—Some how it reminded me of the box given you—Then I recalled the unexpected meeting in Chicago— You spoke of having your mother coming to keep house for you—I suppose it is all beautifully fixed by now—3 I am expecting to teach next year in the Government school in Yankton Agency s.d.— So I shall probably pass though Chicago some time this spring— If I remember rightly you invited me to stop on my way—Does that still hold good—or do you think I’m too heartless to deserve any one’s hospitality? By the way next month has two short stories of mine to present to the public—I would like to know how it—if you came to read one—impresses you. By the time I come West—there will be two little books {of mine} in the press4—I trust you are successful; and as good as ever— Sincerely Zitkala-Ša

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3 Likely a woman whose surname was Baldwin, about whom not much is known. Baldwin and her husband had been young Montezuma’s caregivers in Chicago from 1871 to 73. Montezuma lived with the Baldwins in the spring of 1877, in Yonkers, New York, where he attended school. Mrs. Baldwin corresponded with Montezuma at least until the end of the 1800s, signing her letters, “your Mother.” See Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 88–89. 4 One of these books was Old Indian Legends, the other, likely another book of traditional Sioux stories, was never published. The trade edition of Old Indian Legends came out in October 1901. In February 1902, Ginn & Company issued a school-book edition. See Spack, “Dis/engagement,” 200.

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figure 2

part 1: letters

Gertrude Simmons’s letter to “Aunt Sue” and “Uncle Joe” Unthank, dated 25 April 1898 and reproduced from the original in the Susan B. Unthank Collection courtesy of the indiana state library, indianapolis

from pennsylvania, massachusetts, and the dakotas (1898–1902)

figure 2

(continued)

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To Montezuma, cmp Boston, Massachusetts February 20, 1901 Dear friend, Your letter found me in the midst of writing a short story. My Indian characters have my interest but no less do real live ones claim what small sympathy I can give. The sad affair of which you hint was not an easy matter to deal with.5 But the power of depressing influences is only temporary. If we would claim our full heritage we would be masters of circumstances. So when you say “I will” that reveals a certain appreciation of the ever buoyant Master spirit—but one step further go—and simply say—“I can.” As for my plans—I do not mean to give up my literary work—but while the old people last I want to get from them their treasured ideas of life. This I can do by living among them. Thus I mean to divide my time between teaching and getting story-material. Oh—I dont exactly agree with Col. Pratt about the great superiority of nonreservation schools—the old folks have a claim upon us. It is selfish and cruel to abandon them entirely. Personally—I have so universal a spirit that I can go to Nature in either East or West and find enjoyment—John Dillon is very fortunate to fall into your hands.6 In many ways you can help him—I know. For Mr. Marshall’s sake I used to try to help John but after my friend’s death John displeased me by talking too freely of Mr. Marshall’s home affairs—Thus I consider my limits to help him have been reached. You may tell him I am glad he has found you for his friend—but nothing more—As for my stopping in Chicago—I would not plan for more than one day were it possible to arrive in

5 A reference to the death of Simmons’s former fiancé, Thomas Marshall (1876–99). Marshall had known Simmons since 1891, when he enrolled in White’s Manual Labor Institute at age fifteen. After being classmates until 1895, Simmons moved on to Earlham College. Marshall left for Carlisle, where he supervised the boys’ dormitories and attended Dickinson College. The two were reunited in 1897, at Carlisle, and became engaged in the fall of 1898 or winter or 1899. In late April of 1899, while Simmons was studying violin in Boston, Marshall died of measles. Simmons, for reasons unknown, did not attend the funeral. Instead, she sent a “large and beautiful wreath of white roses,” which was placed on Marshall’s grave. See Dominguez, “The Gertrude Bonnin Story,” 109–12, 149; Indian Helper, April 28, 1899. 6 John Dillon (Sioux), Carlisle student (1895–99), later electrical engineer in St. Louis, Missouri. See John Dillon Student File, Carlisle Indian School Digital Resource Center, http:// carlisleindian.dickinson.edu/sites/all/files/docs-ephemera/NARA_1327_b038_f1845.pdf (accessed August 13, 2016).

from pennsylvania, massachusetts, and the dakotas (1898–1902)

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the city in the forenoon—then go on in the evening. Dont bother about a room for me as I should want to see your office any way.— What you wrote of Miss McC—does not make me a bit sorry that I have never written to her. You are kind to express a willingness to do anything in your power for me— I know you wish only the best for me though such a wish from you I do not deserve. However since the good-will is the most I can accept—let me thank you—My faith in your good intentions for my every one—is strong so you need never mention the affair about going [illegible]—against your own inclinations. I have not the least doubt that you would have avoided the event could you have foreseen it. Whatever people may strive to deprive you of—never let them take your faith in the good of this world— Readjust yourself to new surroundings in good earnest but do not forget the abundant sunshine in the broad out of doors—Does it not say—Cheer up—Cheer up! Each new day demands new victories—So—my friend—let me extend a hand for your new awakening! Let me wish the day’s sunshine enter your soul— I am your friend Zitkala-Ša

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Boston, Massachusetts March 5, 1901 Dear friend— Your understanding of my story pleases me. Your prophesy is correct. Already I have heard that at Carlisle my story is pronounced “trash” and I—“worse than Pagan.”7 7 What Simmons calls “my story” is “The Soft-hearted Sioux,” published in the March 1901 issue of Harper’s Monthly. “The Soft-Hearted Sioux” explored the influence of Christian, assimilationist, boarding school education on a young Sioux boy who returns to his home and is made an outcast for his attempts to convert the tribe. Compelled by his father to hunt and feed his starving family, the boy kills a neighboring white rancher’s cow, and after being pursued, the rancher himself. The father nonetheless dies, leaving the beleaguered boy to examine his situation. Caught between “civilized” and “savage” worlds, he leaves his mother

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Certainly people are welcomed to their opinions. I must cling to my own. Last week Harpers accepted another story of mine—“The Trial Path”—That is purely Ancient history and wont bear hard on any one’s pet [illegible].8 Your story of the squashing rat is killing! I had to laugh outright. I hope you will forgive me if some time in a story I should use the little incident.—Oh—I really cant stay more than a day in Chicago—I would not feel justified to be the cause of your patients’ deaths—by causing you to neglect them. What if I could not stop off at all? By the way, I want to ask you what you know about hearts! Every now and then three or four beats {in succession} pain me like little hard thrusts. Ever since the severe attack of Malarial fever last summer—I have found any slight excitement takes my breath. Last week at a friend’s house I climbed up and down the stairs carrying books she wanted to pack—and really I grew unduly short of wind—till my friend chanced to look up and exclaimed that I looked as if I had been ill a week! Dont be alarmed—I am not. Only I wonder what it all means.—If there is any weakness in the heart you will be glad that I am careful to take a cold water plunge every morning! I have first begun that this last month for I never can wake up otherwise. I dont want any medicine and would not take it if I had it—It is only a sort of curiosity that makes me ask you. Now I must return to my writing—I have wasted enough of your time with my nonsense. Do be cautious and do not stand too much for me. You have long kept Col. Pratt as your friend—do not now lose him on my account. He has revealed himself woefully small and bigoted for all his imposing avoirdupois. I have no dealings with him. Really I do not {want} any to trouble about vouching for my work! If my work does not stand on its own merit—neither the King’s horses nor the King’s men can hold it long together.

and confesses to the murder. Yet in the end, he faces execution like a fearless Sioux warrior, wondering what the afterlife will hold. See Zitkala-Ša, “The Soft-Hearted Sioux,” Harpers Monthly 102 (March 1901): 505–509. 8 “The Trial Path” appeared in the October 1901 issue of Harper’s Monthly. In the story, a Sioux grandmother speaks to her granddaughter one evening of the two men who once vied for her hand. One killed the other, but the murderer avoids punishment by a trial of bravery. Now both men have passed on to the afterlife. However, the sacred knowledge that brings the story meaning is never revealed by the grandmother, who at the close of her tale notices her granddaughter has fallen asleep. The story can be interpreted as a call for young American Indians to carry on the oral traditions and beliefs of their elders. See Zitkala-Ša, “The Trial Path,” Harper’s Monthly 103 (October 1901): 127–31.

from pennsylvania, massachusetts, and the dakotas (1898–1902)

figure 3

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Dr. Carlos Montezuma with nurses at Carlisle courtesy of the cumberland county historical society, carlisle, pa

It is just this spirit in me which offends the Col—who has said I was too independent!—I wont be another’s mouth piece—I will say just what I think. I fear no man—some times I think I do not fear God. But I do respect the conscious spirit within me for whose being or going I cannot account. You said you were looking ten or twenty years in the future. How can you? I’d hate to learn there was any certainty of my living so long. Life is intensely interesting to be sure. But I think I would like to try another star world and not stay too long in one place— Goodby— Zitkala-Ša

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To Montezuma, cmp Boston, Massachusetts March 17, 1901 Dear Friend— It is snowing today. I had hoped we would have no more snow for we have had enough wintry weather. I fear I am demoralizing you if you neglect church-going to reply to my letter. I rarely—if ever—attend church but I was not aware that my correspondence was permeated with such a pernicious influence!—In contrast with Carlisle’s opinion of my work Boston pats me with no little pride. The “Atlantic Monthly” wrote me a note in praise of the story. An intelligent literary critic says my writing has a distinguished air about it.—Others say I am covering myself with glory! Ah—but so many words! What do I care—I knew that all the world could not take a liberal view of my work—But inspite of other varied opinions I am bound to live my own life! I think it is better to be alone in my work—for had I intimate friends—who could not understand my universal spirit fearless of man’s praise or blame—they would suffer more than I—when small people ventilated their fossil-creeds and notions in opposition to me. I wont argue or fight. That is not my purpose. I merely say what I think and there is the end! As for stopping off in your city—Dont say “please”—It is not becoming. Do not bother about a room anywhere. My visit would only be a few hours—I’ll tell you the day some time in advance so you may kill off the patients who otherwise might linger to demand your attention on that day. You were very kind to take my word in earnest about my heart. Of course I am better—just from reading all you said of it. I am glad to hear good news of Frank Canyon. I have no patience with John! None! He does not stick to one purpose more than a minute. Then I think the best thing he could do would be to help Mr. Marshall’s father & mother—They gave him a home and cared for him like their own child. Could he do any good in this Eastern competitive life—I would not say it. But I fear he is nothing more than a tramp in the East when he might be a very useful fellow in the West. I think the Lord did a foolish thing when he killed Mr. Marshall two years ago. For he wrecked a home very much dependent upon their son’s planning powers—and left poor John without a guide! In writing in this orthodox vernacular of course—in my own heart there is a question as to the proper placing of death—whether at the Lord’s door or the doctor’s! I suppose between you two—there is some secret understanding withheld from the gross public!

from pennsylvania, massachusetts, and the dakotas (1898–1902)

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Now—do not get angry—I’m only teasing you about your profession. Whew! The air is white with snow flakes. I guess I’ll watch the falling flakes a while. That would be better than writing sugar in the original cane—which is liable to cut all unintentionally. Trusting you are well and that you world has a big bright sun to cheer each day— Mine is bright enough—I have no complaints to whimper even. Goodby— Zitkala-Ša

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Boston, Massachusetts ca. March 1901 Dear friend— The dual spirit of your letter confuses a poor reader like me. If the length of time required to peruse a letter denotes an interesting reading then I say your epistle is decidedly “interesting.” If {when} all the sentences are in sets, pairs—an affirmative and a negative to counteract the first—means a show of kindness—then your letter was very kind. Was it really worthy of you? I cannot say. First you said—“Practically we can do as we please.” The later—“If God wills we are not to marry—we shall still remain good friends.” Do you intend I should infer that you place all the blame on God for a cold philosophical love you meant to bestow on me? Cold love is impossible. It is like trying to warm your hands by the crystal brilliancy of an icicle! Warm living, growing affection is capable of warming a frozen heart! But dearie me! I do not care about plunging headlong into the abyss of an avalanche. Such meager love may serve well enough in a purely contemplative business but hardly suffices for wedlock. Is it possible then to want what we do not truly love? Yes—I can conjure up conditions where such would be quite plausible. For instance—a fine horse to draw your wagon! Feed your horse—stroke its pretty mane! You love that horse, dont you! Feeding and stroking wont buy me! I am now puzzled for what you would marry me. Were you planning a Charity Hospital under the guise of matrimony? There are plenty of Charity Institutions in the cities whither proper lack of pride and respect would take me! But for one life-time at least I am not so totally depraved as to accept charity private or public! I do not want

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to demoralize you! I had no thoughts of limiting your ambition. Perhaps the Indians are not human enough for you to waste your skill upon! Stay in Chicago. Do! I consider my plan a more direct path to my high ideals. It will be a test of character but I shall not stay away for cowardly fears. If I succeed—it is genius. If I fail—it was due time to un-deceive those who credit me with genius! In the mean while I am what I am! I owe no apologies to God or men! If you suggest seeing my mother it were useless for she has no influence upon me. But that is out of the question now—I myself being satisfied that you do not love me enough. I shall never tell you in so many words whether I love you or not. If my giving you the preference to a long list of applicants—conveys no meaning to you—words would be sounding metals only. Race has little to do in the man who is to win me. Shall I turn to elaborate details to convince you— I had a more subtle reason for choosing you than mere material convenience and fame? On my list are these— 1 a well known German violinist 2 a Harvard professor— 3 a Harvard Post Graduate— 4 a Well-Known writer of today— 5 a man of a prominent New York family—9 6 4 Western men scattered from Montana to Dakota Why, I have not sought any one of them. I have not counted any of last year’s nor those previous, for it would be too long a task. I write all this stuff to show you there are other men who can give me as much as you could. I do not care about a doctor’s profession more than those of the others. In truth music, art and literature are more in line with my own. I raise both hands to the great blue overhead and my spirit revels in a freedom no less than the vast conclave! I am free! I am proud! I am chosen! I caper to no world of pygmies nor a pigmy god! You say this is idealistic. In your heart you call it an insanity I suppose—But better my spirit by whatever name you choose to label it than being a perfect 9 Possibly a reference to the photographer Gertrude Käsebier’s (1852–1934) son, Frederick. Käsebier befriended Simmons in the spring of 1898 and invited her to be a houseguest in New York in August of that year. There, Simmons was the subject of a series of photographs by both Käsebier and her colleague, Joseph Keiley (1869–1914), now housed in the Smithsonian. When Simmons returned to Carlisle, Frederick Käsebier followed shortly thereafter. Any hopes he had of marrying Simmons were thwarted when she accepted Marshall’s proposal. See Dominguez, “The Gertrude Bonnin Story,” 142–49; Indian Helper, October 21, 1898.

from pennsylvania, massachusetts, and the dakotas (1898–1902)

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slave to public fads and farce religions. It is no more practical for the time being to be a slave—but practical drudge does not sound well in my ear. But here’s to your health—long life and prosperity! I would respect you—no matter how much you differed from my way of thinking—but as soon as you drop your own honest conviction & chatter the parrot’s part—then my respect and interest are lost. So—my friend—we agree to disagree. I cannot stop in your beloved chosen city! I shall pass through because I have to. I am decided I shall leave either Monday or Tuesday—a week from today. Goodby. Zitkala Do not attempt to meet me. I am gone entirely out of your reach— Goodby Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Massachusetts April 3, 1901 Dear friend, Indeed. I think you are a back-slider and not much more christian than a Pagan like me! I am at a loss {to know} how God could grant you any good thing for writing to me! —You would laugh in defiance I know could you hear that my Boston friends agree with you in saying I should not use my strength for school work when I am capable of doing a vaster work—Well— I am not sure what will come to pass for I am not fond of teaching. Just to be frank—I want to stay a year in Dakota for my mother’s sake—she is over eighty and cranky (like me) and I owe at least one year to care for her. I’ve been wondering what your mind is now regarding a Government position.— I am finishing a last heap of promised work. It is raining. I like the pattern on my window pane.—I’ve been thinking to the music of the rain drops. Oh! How I’d like to return to olden times!—I’ve also been thinking that last year I arrived in Chicago in the late afternoon and had about an hour’s wait only. So our visit

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after all may be brief indeed. Perhaps that is so short a time you would prefer to have me go straight on without intruding at all upon your time! Goodby Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Massachusetts April 12, 1901 Friday Night My best-est dear— It is late and I feel so tired that I almost fall over myself like an old rickety house! At last the sweets have arrived! How I wish you were here to eat the chocolates. As it is—I have to run the risk of appearing generous—and give them away! I enjoyed the mint candies that were thickly sprinkled on! So fresh and nice! The other day I tried to buy pear mints but oh! they were so stale that I could not go them. Every thing is cheap and stale in this “out of the way” place—Oh—but the sunset on the lake is gorgeous—One has need of small imagination to think the great body of water was a sea of fire—the reflection of a red evening sky is so perfect. Sweetheart—I read what the Helper had to say about Hampton’s statement that civilization is not reached in a hundred years.10 History of the palefaced races shows that to be true—Today is the product of twenty centuries of recorded time & no one knows how much unwritten ages! I resent Carlisle’s talking of you as it does. Its talk—boast of you as a savage Apache and now an honorable physician in Chicago—the result of Education!! I guess if the character was not in you—savage or other wise—Education could not make you the man you are today. It was not that you were Indian—nor that civilization was an irresistible power—but because {in an unusual measure} the Spirit of a

10

Carlisle’s school newspaper, the Indian Helper. The reference is to Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute in Virginia, founded by General Samuel Armstrong in 1868 to educate freed slaves. In 1878, Hampton began recruiting Indian students as an educational “experiment” in instilling the values of “civilization” in the aboriginal population. See Donal F. Lindsey, Indians at Hampton Institute, 1877–1923 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995), 7–9, 32, 35–36.

from pennsylvania, massachusetts, and the dakotas (1898–1902)

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Universal God was {& is} in you! Birth is a mere accident in our history after all. I imagine if I were hatched from a fly—I’d be none the less in God’s sight—if I had my present moods and beliefs! Education has developed the possibilities in me—were they not there—no school could put them in! What boasting, what squabbling is done by men who would be large in the eyes of the world! Dear, I hear you say—“Oh! Oh! Now, dont get cranky!” But I wish to see larger than trifling details in a question like that of the process of years to produce the flower of civilization.—It is a sad thing to see one’s race practically prisoners of war—Bound like babies—and must have permit for every move! It is heart rending to see a government try experiments upon a real race— If like physicians they would first try by vivisection their wonderful theories on lower creatures like cats and dogs—then the Indian—I might not feel it so keenly at times! Say try starving out life—by {feeding} insufficient—unfit food to cats—then having found the best death rate—try it in earnest upon the old Indians on those Reserves—As it is, it is cruelly long! I write freely to you on this subject for I know you understand my feelings are shrouded by a little more than myth. Enough. Let me tell you of pleasanter things. This evening I found the first wild rose I have seen {this year}. I brought it home—thinking to send it to you—but it is so withered and shriveled up— I must wait till another time when I can press one in proper time. I wish you were here or I there with you this evening— Well—perhaps—we may meet sooner than we know. I may not feel equal to staying till Nov. in Yankton. In that case—dear—I would come to you. Would that be all right? now—I must say goodnight. Happy dreams to you—May the Great Spirit guard you for me—my well chosen one. Yours Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Massachusetts April 13, 1901 Saturday p.m. Dear friend— Though I wrote you only last night I am writing again because I feel sick. Oh—I wonder why God made such pygmies to blaspheme under the English language!

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They are intolerant, resentful—spiteful all under the words of Christ’s— teaching! See the Helper!11 This is the way Pratt loves me! Ah! but he is pigheaded—and little divine. I must live my life. I must think in my own way (since I cannot help it) I must write the lessons I see—Get all the so called Missionaries and teachers in Indian schools—spurt as they please. I have a place in the Universe, and no one can cheat or crowd me by a single hair’s breadth.— Just the same—I feel sick way in my heart. —You are not ignorant of the fact that I have many admirers—but some how I turn to you for the first time for a word of courage. Shall I continue in my work or shall I keep still? If I had no confidence in you—I would not write this letter. I will recover from this nausea caused by the crude morality of those who would be critics of my art. But I am ill at this moment. Ah—I rise. I lift my head! I laugh at the babble! I dare—I do! I guess I am not so sick after all. Goodby Zitkala—

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Boston, Massachusetts April 19, 1901 Dear friend, Knowing an hour is rather scant time for a serious talk I make haste to answer you in part of my letter. 11

Carlisle’s recently rechristened school newspaper, the Red Man and Helper, had reprinted a negative review of the “Soft-Hearted Sioux” originating from the Santee Normal School’s Word Carrier, which deemed the story “morally bad.” It included a personal attack on Simmons: “All that Zitkalasa [sic] has in the way of literary ability and culture, she owes to the good people, who, from time to time, have taken her into their homes and given her aid. Yet not a word of gratitude or allusion to such kindness on the part of her friends has ever escaped her in any line of anything she has written for the public. By this course she injures herself and harms the educational work in progress for the race from which she sprang. In a list of educated Indians whom we have in mind, some of whom have reached higher altitudes in literary and professional lines than Zitkalasa [sic], we know of no other case of such pronounced morbidness.” See Red Man and Helper, April 12, 1901, quoted in Alice Poindexter Fisher, “Zitkala-Ša: The Evolution of a Writer,” American Indian Quarterly 5, no. 3 (1979): 230.

from pennsylvania, massachusetts, and the dakotas (1898–1902)

figure 4

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Gertrude Simmons, in mock traditional garb, photographed by Gertrude Käsebier in New York City, 1898 gertrude käsebier photographs, division of culture and the arts, national museum of american history, smithsonian institution, 69.236.103

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O yes—I think of you some times—I hope you dont object. You know even a cat may look at the King! I wish I could make reply to your philosophy but being neither a pugilist (like Col Pratt) nor a debater (like you) I have to be content to do what I feel without explaining or justifying myself! I must live because I must—not because why— If a wee robin sings—he does not heed the cat who says “Yes—you use your throat in a skillful manner but I could use mine to better {advantage} when I taste you!” Nor does the bird care if a kind hearted mortal is enjoying his warbling—He is unmindful of praise and blame alike. He sings because he must, not because why! Should he stop to fight the cat or argue with the mortal creature about the best way of producing a sweet song—he would waste time and would be minus a song! The robin then taught me this lesson lodged on a tree near my window—not because it knew I was an appreciative audience and that one tree was the best for him—but because he was a universal creature flitting from tree to tree. He does not willfully choose a single tree and there sits aloft until he dies— Since he builds a nest in a single tree but flies to a hundred others too! Since you claim all America as your Universal home—I dont think you are very consistent when you avoid the reservation for a dwelling in a city. Just now you are partial to a city. You are not doing as broad a thing as you think in thoughts. While my robin visits a forest of trees where he sings his little life out to the Earth and sky—he returns again to his nest. God gave him the instinct which is more kind and wise than all the philosophies of the Wise Men in our world. I have a mother who loves me because it is a mother’s instinct to love her child—In turn I love her because its a part of a child’s make up to love its parent. Neither mother nor child loves because why—but because God made them so—because they must. Now while I feel the Universe is my stamping ground—that Earth is not too wide nor the sky too high for my soul to live in—I am drawn by instinctive force to my old mother—Visit her only? That is cruel and heartless. I must live with her and show her each day a practical demonstration of my love for her. She will never realize what cost it may mean to me who has acquired so many artificial tastes that they have become second nature. But I must not consider the appreciative capacity of my audience—Learning, thrifts and business faculty are mighty convenient in this greedy world—Since we must live in it—but I think love and kindness measure?? more actual living—a more out spreading growth of one’s soul—than their reverse. Individuals make up the vast army of citizens in our country. Individuals make up by their myriad units? The great God’s Universe— How better bring out the best traits in God’s Creatures than to consider them individuals?

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I think a word of cheer that I give my mother’s heart—far more potent in a thousand years from today—than the mere marching of a countless heedless—senseless!? herd of people. Still if there is the least good to be gained by thus appealing to a multitude— it is a secondary matter not wholly unworthy of consideration. Is it possible then to combine these two? Is it within a single person’s power to be loyal to a feeble helpless mother and still not be the better able to appeal to a thousand mothers—or parents or in short—the world—for being kind to those nearest first? I am going to try to combine the two. I am going to my mother because she cannot come to me. I can write stories and have them published in the East for the so-called civilized peoples—This is combining the two.—This shows you my mind on the subject— I wont try to reason for you. You know your own heart best. Follow your highest conceptions—that is all one can do. You ask if you could make me happy. I dont know. If you considered it worth your while and should try to do so—I imagine you might be able to make me happy and many others too. You say you love me—but I am no judge—others say that to me. How am I to know which one is true—for surely all cannot move me alike. To tell you the honest truth I am a delusion and a snare. You should love one more able to give you as much and as largely as you give of your heart. However if you finally agree with me that life is lived most when we love and make happy—individuals—you would have to come to me in Yankton. You could do a vast deal of good by filling the position there of Agency physician— better than any of your predecessors. But remember I do not ask you to do it. You must do it from choice. If then you cannot—then you dont love me enough—after all—I would forgive you though and keep your friendship sacred in my heart. Truth is worth any cost. If by this letter I prove that you love me or that you were mistaken and do not feel such a vital sentiment for me—Which ever it does prove—is truth. That is what we both are seeking. We must abide by that. I have said enough in one letter. I stop this far until I have your reply. Then in my next letter I shall be better able to say whether you shall be permitted to meet me at the station or whether it would be wiser to pass through without your knowledge—I am quite equal for either. Very sincerely, Zitkala

∵

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To Montezuma, cmp Boston, Massachusetts ca. April 1901 Dear friend, While I was glad to learn you went to church—I was dumb-founded that you sat up till twelve at night! How dared you disregard the laws of your own profession with such impunity? You hope vain things of God for He left love out of my heart in the first place. He cannot bring us together with love when it is the one minus quality in me. I guess it seems odd to you to find another as stiff necked in old opinions as your will-ful self? I have no desire to make definite plans for my future life. I am too independent. I would not like to have to obey another—never! I am going to meet a friend with whom I am to collaborate. We are to try our hands at a story or two. After that I am not sure what I will do—Of course, I mean to go to my mother. But while with her—what shall I do? Perhaps when I am with my mother and still uncertain—you can offer a suggestion. Perhaps by that time God will have taken pity on your puny hope—Think He will? {no} I really do not know any more than you; and have even less {an} idea of such an impossible occurrence. Oh—I am not encouraging. Sure I am not. I am only guessing. By the way—I hope you will forgive me for answering your letter before the proper week of silence. That is your rule—Is it not! If you do not like letters in close succession I’ll wait two weeks next time or even all summer—if that would meet your approval. Seriously—is there no reason that would make you think it by far a grander thing to live among the Indians? to give a little cheer to the fast-dying old people than to be a missionary among the whites? Consider this well—for upon your reply—my mind is likely to be changed. Earning more money is a fair inducement but surely not the highest, at any rate. It is only little over two weeks when I shall be westward bound. I trust you are well and very happy—as you usually appear to be. What is “Wassaja”?12 A “Teaser”? Tonight I got a few Indian things from my poor old mother. I am proud to have the things but they made me want to weep to see that my mother really loves me and thinks of me at times. I wish I could talk to you instead of writing. I do not know how to write a letter.

12

A reference to Montezuma’s birth name, Wassaja, meaning “signaling” or “beckoning” in the Yavapai language. See Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 1.

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Goodnight Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Boston, Massachusetts April 24, 1901 {Ah. A “penny” wish for me? That is rating my company rather cheap. I object. Z.} Wednesday a.m Dear friend— In the early quiet I sat musing in my room about a possible story when the Postman brought me word from you. Is it not almost laughable how Col. Pratt cannot release the personal {idea} for the Art of writing a historical story? Of course Art is as broad as the Universe and it takes a liberal mind to be an artist! Moles are of all sizes. Strange thought but true. A strong bodied man with a mole-heart must really do heroic work at stirring the Earth and ferreting out earth worms for his food— But how many generations must glide by before Nature—turned compassionate at last—gives the blind bats in human shape—a second sight. Till then men like Col. Pratt will make mountains out of mere rocks by the way. What folly to anyone with them about a matter beyond their best comprehension. Speak to them about the crimson sunset flooding the brown hills with glory and they reply there all is darkness; and life is only in ferreting for earth worms! Bah! In my heart I have charity for the mole-headed creatures. I believe they are evolving toward a perfect divine—idea. They are crude now in this particular stage of their evolution. I blame them not for being in the Hands of an All-Maker who is molding them like clay! And I have sufficient faith that in God’s own time He will perfect the pottery He is busy with. I have re-covered from my first sense of illness upon reading the crude spiteful little scribe in the thin blanks of “The White Man and Kicker”—13 For two days I was actually sick. People around me began to worry. I thought that I was in for an attack of malarial fever. No—it was not that. I was well as soon as I saw my mistake in taking things too much to heart.

13

A reference to Carlisle’s school paper, Red Man and Helper.

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Is not the mind a most wonderful thing? I’ve just had a letter from Mrs. Cook about the Band Stand Man and the reprint in The Indian Helper (farce name).14 I enclose a clipping Miss Burgess sent to Mrs. Cook after a peculiar conversation of which I was sufficiently interesting to be the subject.15 I quote Mrs. Cook’s description. “We had quite a funny scene one day. Miss b asked me what I thought about the article reprinted from the Word Carrier.16 I told her I thought she was giving you a lot of free advertising, and was not hurting you in the least. She was half inclined to be angry but I told her it was useless for us to talk about the matter. We should never see you from the same standpoint and that I believed you would be read long after we had been forgotten—So I suppose this clipping is a peace offering?” My friend you were loyal to our race to speak a liberal word in behalf of one of the least of the Sioux tribe. Perhaps that will give a new idea to Col. Pratt. Little straws show which way the wind blows! But do be cautious. Do not lose the Col. for your friend. I dont like fighting at all.

14

15

16

Mrs. Cook was a Carlisle teacher and wife of Jesse W. Cook, also a Carlisle teacher. Mrs. Cook was Simmons’s chaperon on the Carlisle Indian School Band tour of March 1900. Jesse Cook penned “The Representative Indian” for Outlook magazine 1900. The article focused on prominent American Indians, making note of Simmons’s “unusual musical genius” and writings for the Atlantic Monthly. Yet, in the typical ethnocentric discourse of the era, Cook explored the question of when Indians would finally “become Americanized and be of use to the world.” Both Cooks were apparently close friends of Simmons’s. The “Band Stand Man” is a reference to Richard Henry Pratt, known as the “Man-on-the-bandstand” by the Carlisle student body. See Jesse W. Cook, “The Representative Indian,” The Outlook, May 5, 1900, 80–83; Indian Helper, March 23, 1900; Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 231–32. Marianna Burgess, teacher at Carlisle, Sherman Institute in Riverside, California, and longtime friend of Gertrude Bonnin. The two women corresponded and cooperated throughout the 1910s into at least the 1920s, and Burgess wrote an article about Bonnin for the Friends’ Intelligencer. Burgess was also anti-peyote, and invited Bonnin to the Sherman Institute (an Indian school in California) in 1917 to speak against the cactus. See Marianna Burgess, “Zitkala-Ša (Red Bird),” Friends’ Intelligencer, May 19, 1917, 313; Julianne Newmark, “Pluralism, Place, and Gertrude Bonnin’s Counternativism from Utah to Washington, d.c.,” American Indian Quarterly 36, no. 3 (2012): 328; Register of the Gertrude and Raymond Bonnin Collection, 1926–1938, http://files.lib.byu.edu/ead/XML/ MSS1704.xml (accessed August 5, 2016). A reference to the review, “The Soft-Hearted Sioux, Morally Bad,” originally published in the Santee Normal School newspaper, the Word Carrier, and reprinted by Pratt in the April 12, 1901, issue of Carlisle’s Red Man and Helper.

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I will speak my mind—but never a breath in arguement or heated controversy! Life is all too brief to waste time in such a beastly occupation. Goodby Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Boston, Massachusetts April 27, 1901 Dear friend— What is to be—will be—if it never happens! As nearly as I can figure I shall arrive in Chicago about 5:30 p.m. May 11—(Saturday) Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Boston, Massachusetts May 2, 1901 Thursday Night I have been listening to the city clock striking rather rapid flying hours. Dear friend—I have been sitting in the night quiet, trying to find satisfactory reasons for excusing your unflattering heart-thoughts of me. I scrupled not to pen you a stiff letter a few days ago. You’re philosophical and I knew I could never pain or break a heart that had not been unquestionably mine! I wrote cordially. Did you know that Carlisle gossip said Mr. Marshall’s death was caused by a heart-break? And I to counteract the wild tongues, had an announcement made in type—that was cheap making and very effective too. I am glad to hear of Miss Bain once again. I admire her pluck. Your idea of an organization seems a plausible project. Why do you think the men are able alone to do it—and in a queer after thought—suggest the Indian women should have theirs too? For spite, I feel like putting my hand forward and simply wiping the Indian Men’s Committee into no where!!! No—I should not really do such a thing. Only I do not understand why your organization does not include Indian women. Am I not an Indian woman as capable to think on

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serious matters and as thoroughly interested in the race—as any one or two of you men put together? Why do you dare to leave us out? Why? Sometimes as I ponder the preponderous actions of men—which are so tremendously out of proportion with the small results—I laugh. It is all more waste of time than we pause to realize. It is as Emerson says—a game of “Puss with her tail”—no more! While I write—I have a spoon full of maple cream before me! Does it not flavor my entire letter!—I’ve been suffering with a touch of the Grip. This morning I went into Boston on a matter of business—The Transcript is anxious to have my work and is offering higher better rate of pay—As I rode in the subway I was so suddenly ill that I really wondered what would happen— nothing. I returned to my den by half past twelve—lunchen till one then I slept till a quarter of six! I feel as new as a brass button now. But the rest of the world is dozing. Your last two letters rather make me feel that I had better sop in Chicago over night any way. We can talk then!! Let us promise to sit on opposite sides of a table and if we get very much enraged then we can use pencil argument! We must not come to blows in our intense respect for one another. Do you agree? Then perchance the next morning I could spend a part of my time with Miss Bain—if you have patients to see. I went in to see about my train. I leave Boston Wednesday 1 p.m. and shall arrive in Chicago Thursday (May 9) 5.25p.m. at nyc and h.s. Station.— If you are not there—I shall go on my journey. “Yours Truly” Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Boston, Massachusetts May 7, 1901 Dear friend— Did I not tell you to beware of me? I say I am a delusion and a snare. Do not be too sure of me—for I am the uncertain quantity—perhaps may prove to be the “minus” one too. I swear I am not yours! I do not belong to any body. Do not wish to be! First I like roaming about too well to settle down any where— Second—I know absolutely nothing about house keeping. I would be restless and a burden—See?

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I can help you most as a friend—but never otherwise. Oh—well—we will talk to better advantage in a few days. I wish you would forward the enclosed note to Miss Bain. I am asking her if we may call upon her Thursday evening. Now—my friend—do be careful—I must warn you again! I am uncertain!! Hoping to see you Thursday— Goodby Zitkala p.s. Please address my note to Miss Martha Bain—You may read what I said— that our plans may not clash. Hastily Z.

∵ To Montezuma, cmp St. Paul, Minnesota May 13, 1901 Monday Out of St. Paul Dear Carlos— The car swings so on its sides I cannot control my pen. But I venture at sending you a puzzle to make out at least. While I watched the receding landscape it occurred to me that you had not my proper address. My train takes to me to [illegible] and from there I go to Fort Totten—the Indian Reserve. So you will address me there—I notice a decided change in the temperature. I think I will be an icicle by the time I reach Devil’s Lake.17 Oh—you do not know but it affected me to find you had not used my purse for my ticket. I felt like burying my face in both my hands and weeping. It was hard to accept it even from you—But I do not want to hurt you so I shall try to hold uppermost in my mind the pleasure it may have afforded you

17

Devil’s Lake Reservation, established in 1867, after the Yanktonai ceded further lands to the United States in 1860 and 1865 and began to disperse to reservations such as Yankton, Crow Creek, and Standing Rock. Located in present-day North Dakota, Devil’s Lake Reservation, renamed Spirit Lake Reservation, is now the home of the Sisseton Wahpeton tribe. Its main hub is still Fort Totten. See Pritzker, Native American Encyclopedia, 340–41; “North Dakota: Spirit Lake Sioux Reservation,” American Indian Relief Council website, http://www.nrcprograms.org/site/PageServer?pagename=airc_res_nd_spiritlake (accessed July 30, 2016).

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to do it. Last night I placed my beautiful red rose on part of my pillow. This morning I awoke but my rose would not be aroused—You were and are now wondrously kind to me. I know it and appreciate it too. How comes it to pass— I wonder. So long I’ve wandered hither & thither—careless of others as they were of me. I fear there is some error in all this— Yesterday—Mr. Nichols made my heart ache for him.18 Poor over-sensitive soul! I know too well the pain he must at last resign himself to bear— There is no use in rebelling—why? why? as I have learned. Let us hope no harsh brutal creature will laugh at his delicate nature. I was very much interested in what you both said yesterday regarding the organization to be. Let us not think of asking money of any white man. Let us have nothing to do with Charity from others. —Did you know last evening I wish I had not to leave you? As I think of you I desire for you only life’s best gifts. I wish you to leap forward not so much in what is generally termed civilization but into true nobility! Upon the strength you have gained may you be enabled to go beyond yourself—though I am sure you are now far more than your best friends know. If my letter is saturated with the odor of cigars—do not imagine I did the smoking—some how the gentlemen are careless in our car—(though it is not a Smoker!) I heard one say—“Where is the Smoking Car?” and I said in my heart—“Where are the gentle men?” With my best love—Goodby— (Fort Totten, n.d.) Yours—

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Fort Totten, North Dakota May 28, 1901 Tuesday p.m. My dear friend— Affairs here are in a very interesting shape. A usual the politician goes free of punishment and the poor Indian is the loser! I will write according to my own light. Perhaps not very soon—I dont know. I think it is unfortunate that you have been so deeply impressed by those who condemn me for “my moods”—Perhaps it would be better for you if you should agree with them more than you have done heretofore. I know that you

18

Possibly Roland A. Nichols, a later member of the sai advisory board. See Larner, Guide, 7.

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wont be satisfied with me—after a time. Some times I even think of sending you a check for my ticket which really you should not have given me as you did without asking me about it—And then release you from binding yourself to such a one as I am. I am not responsible enough to pretend to occupy any body’s heart. I get weary of people who cease striving to please after they think they are sure of their game. See—I am not so sure that November will mean any thing out of the old routine after all. I suppose the sweets won over the spelling match—are on the way since your last two letters have mentioned them but today brings nothing—not even a letter. I had a letter from my old mother and she has affected my whole thought again. At least one year I must give her! If you do not wish to wait for me a year— marry when and whom you choose! I must do what seems to me my first duty. I feel that I must be saying some hard things but I cannot pack them with feathers. Perhaps such a revelation would show you how unworthy I am of your devotion. In an indirect way it may be a kindness to you. I remember you said you were proof against heartbreak. I thank God for that! But I can not help being myself. I should indeed feel badly to lose you as my friend but I am not capable of any effort to be agreeable. Forgive me—I pray you. I wonder what you are doing! What you have written for the Red Man!! Probably I should not agree with it for I usually find the sentiments in the Carlisle paper contrary to mine! I wonder how fearfully hot Chicago must be when Devil’s Lake is so unbearably warm! I cannot do any thing this afternoon it is so hot! Here is a pansey I’ve had in my room! Sincerely from one who does not know her mind. Goodby Zitkala May 28

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Fort Totten, North Dakota May 30, 1901 Decoration Day My dear Carlos— I have been out for a long drive—Now having made a have attempt to wash some of the dust off my face and hands I am going to talk to you for a moment.

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Dear, the box of sweets has not yet arrived. The nag driver says he will bring it tomorrow—Friday p.m. My! how long my palate has waited for it! Since you first mentioned paying a bet! Is that not a terribly long time? I was so glad to get my daily letter this afternoon—it is such a source of strength in many more ways than you have ever heard me say. You please me much—about your view of helping my cousin—She will be your cousin then! I like to have you tell me what you do— each day—It puts me in better harmony with you. My dear heart—some times I have a great notion to return to Chicago before going to Yankton Agency. But that is only fleeting. I face many hard conditions at Yankton when I go there—At times I shrink from them and feel like pleasing myself chiefly—But No! I must try to be brave—No one knows the briefness of his or her own life! And I must do what I can in the now. Sweet heart—You are brave and your bravery has matured strength which is admirable. I know you can make me happy and I hope I may at least gladden your heart a few days out of a year! I know so little about keeping a house in running order that the under taking is perfectly appalling to me—and from sheer cowardice I almost back out of the experiment because the affair is strangely new to each of us. Now just imagine how convenient it would have been had you been married before!! Or I! My cousin would not only be a companion but she could help me in puzzling problems for she is quite a house-keeper. I smile as I picture you fastening screens to the windows and doors of your house! By the way how do the half dozen blades of grass grow now? You get tired and must be very sleepy when night comes—I appreciate your writing me under such trying circumstances. I am well but some how the heat has made me inactive. I cannot think and wish to sleep night & day. I wish I were with you this evening! I wish we could dine together again. I am not casting any reflection upon the people who are entertaining me. Tonight the awe inspiring Supervisor is to dine at the Agent’s with us! But for all the association of such big people! I prefer my own beloved— I wish you success each day and real rest each sleep! May I grow more worthy of you—my highly esteemed—Remember me to Mr. Nichols—Good by—till I write again. Yours Zitkala

∵

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To Montezuma, cmp Fort Totten, North Dakota ca. May June 1901 Tuesday. My dear Montezuma, There are several reasons which places the going to Arizona entirely out of the question. Especially since your last letter do I think I am right not to go.— Why did not Mr. n. let you read his letter? I wrote knowing perfectly well what I had said and what I was saying—again. The essence was that he must try his try—and I mine. If we disagree in method of work—then we should simply agree to disagree. I mean—I wont raise a little finger to mix his pie for I think he will make a mess of it—the way he is going about it. If he refuses to accept suggestions—he must stand it—alone—I will not waste my time. You please me by saying there would be a piano in the house. But what do you mean about a brief courtship? Do you suppose it was ended when you said I would give you the preference? That is annoying to say the least. I’ve a big mind to marry the other fellow and let you find else where the properly prolonged courtship! I set aside the stated month November! Hereafter—that time will be indefinite. Just take the dose—I will not consider any argument—Only time will be the prime factor in bringing out the proper outcome of this.—Yesterday the stage driver from Oberon said he wanted to bring the box today. I’ll not wear it here—for I do not like to create talk. I shall leave today for Yankton. So direct your letters there. I have a notion of going to Crow Creek Agency—I’ll decide that this week.19 Goodby Z.

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Fort Totten, North Dakota June 1, 1901 Saturday Night.

19

Crow Creek Reservation, established in 1863 in present-day South Dakota. The reservation, like Devil’s Lake, was a destination for the Yanktonai after they ceded much of their remaining land in the 1860s. See Pritzker, Native American Encyclopedia, 340–41.

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My own beloved— What a basket full of drowsy letters you have from me by now! I do not know where the blame lies—whether in the change of climate, the unusually hot days—or laziness in my bones by birth— Tonight my face is prickly with heat! I wonder if ever rain will fall again on this gad forsaken land! Every thing is drying up—the hearts of the people too! Yes—I require food for the intellect and spirit quite as much as my meals each day. It pleases me to know you too are made that way! Mere animalism is scarce with perpetuation. Of course—I must have spiritual food in my way. Often it is not Orthodox but then it is food which nourishes my peculiar temper. You are right in believing I do not like display. It is my wish to have our wedding informal and very quiet. There will be plenty of time—if the world does not come to a sudden end— after the event for outsiders to hear about it. I may? tell my mother—but no one else. I have often wondered within my heart why you did not choose to honor me with your ring. Perhaps you took my joke in earnest. I said I did not wish to be stamped so I could not have fun! Still I want you to do what you want to. For my part I should have been trusted to wear the usual symbol of live. Then I have not a single picture of you. I wish I had one! Dont you think it would be nice of you to send me one? This string of wants sounds selfish I fear—but it grows out of my affection for you. I should not want them if I wished to keep you out of my mind and heart.— As soon as I go to Yankton I shall be free to make the beaded cushion covers I promised you. It will be my pleasure to make with my own hands such beaded buckskins as you have not in your present collection. That will be my fancy-work when I come to live with you! Dear—I want to be kind to you—I want you to be happy and if it lies in my power—I would like you always to have reason to be proud of your wife “to be”—as she is already of you. Yesterday I received a letter from my publisher asking me to wrote another volume of Indian stories! I shall gather all I can & do the writing when I am in our home. Sweet heart— would it not be a great work to write many volumes of Indian Legends?—I like to have you tell me of your doings. I marvel at your ability to run on schedule time! That is wholly beyond my comprehension— I am glad you gave the physicians some thing to think about.—I have been pondering the question of our organizing. Some times I think the times are not ripe enough. Then again by the day that there are more educated Individuals—

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old arts will be particularly if not wholly lost! Such a puzzle. An organization needs a few million dollars to begin on!—Perhaps tomorrow I can write my view of it. By then I trust my thought will be focused and clear! Do you remember this rose? It was yours dear and I’ve kept it a long time. Now I send it to you. Affectionately Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Fort Totten, North Dakota June 3, 1901 My friend— There is nothing to say of a Sioux marriage. A gift pony or ponies are led to the young woman’s teepee and staked there. In return if she consents—her relatives take her with gift ponies to the intended’s dwelling. She takes her place—shown her by the mother of the son—a place prepared for her reception. Then the young man’s family give a feast; and there is merriment—great excitement in which every one takes interest. And the couple it is scarce necessary to say—“live happy ever after ward.”— This is what I am told. I have tried to ascertain the real thing for your use—I have been slow in reply—but I trust not too late for your convenience. The samples came but being not what I wanted—thought I would not bother you—for I know just where such things are in Boston.— The grass is shinning quite a color now underneath the brown of last year.— Yesterday was a fearfully hot day. I seem to suffer more from heat than most people do—for ever in winter—I feel smothered in a warm room. While in Penna. at Carlisle—the teachers used to use a refreshing drink which I used too. Cherry phosphate—I believe. Last summer I lived on “Pop” but that is not a very good practice—Well—I am considering what I shall do this summer—for a drink. I am going to ask your advise.—This is using you—is it not? I appreciate your friendship for one of so strange a make-up as I but—I trust the maker of all—“Normal” and “Queer” may give you a great big star to wear in the halo reserved for you in heaven. I suffered so yesterday with our very first heat that I ate up all the lemons I had gotten to make lemon pies! Other people around me did not feel it so

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keenly—Perhaps because they are used to it. I am pleased to write but my pen lies dusty!!!! in the far corner of my desk quite often. I may work again before many days—if I dont burn up. I am glad you are progressing ever upward and onward. That is living! I like doing much better than talking. Z-Š

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Fort Totten, North Dakota June 6, 1901 Thursday p.m. Dearest heart, It is a few minutes till stage time. After a day’s rain we have had a night and morning of Snow! Isn’t it the strangest proceeding? More than ever do I believe that God does not make the weather. It seems to me always that the peculiar moods of the nations influence our weather. I would rather attribute this untimely snow threatening the young crops of a starving tribe to such a cause than a cruel God of Infinite Love!— I was interrupted and my letter missed the stage. I have yours asking if it is possible for me to go to Arizona with you. I will not finish this letter today but shall take a few hours to consider your proposition. My feeling is that it is best not to.—I’d rather you would give me my Arizona in the form of an engagement ring—I do not wear common jewelry but I think the only two I should ever prize would be the engagement ring and wedding ring. I want to give you a duplicate to the plain wedding ring and shall expect you to wear it too. Of course it would be a little larger—to fit—your finger— I have written only one letter to my mother since I saw you. Then I only told her I was here in Fort Totten! She does not know my plan nor will till it is done. I have not told my brothers either. I am kin to them according to a myth. I am truly a stranger to them. I do not wish to tell my personal affairs to strangers. When you marry me— remember it does not in any way bind you to my so called home folks. I want to help my mother because she is not able to look out for herself— but my brothers who have always looked after their affairs whether or not it affected me good or ill—are welcomed to so continue! Outwardly we are good friends but last year saw the last gifts I mean to make them for a brief? season.

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I bear no malice but I choose to be independent of all of them. If I can convenience my cousin to come in the fall to Chicago—I’d come with her—We could run around the corner to some Justice of the Peace—and be married quietly the evening of the arrival. Then when the announcement cards are sent I’ll send some to my brothers; and that will be soon enough. I’d like to see you dear but never at Yankton Agency unless we were to live there! You had better not come there to see me. Perhaps it will be just as well to wait till I come to you!— As for writing up your life for publication—I can best do it after I live with you a while! I think it would be best to wait for a year or two—before I under take to write about you. Dont you? The blades of grass? I was asking if your ground could boast of more than six blades by now!— I am just seeming to wake up! So gradually—I hope it is “slow but sure”— For a while I went by the force of my own momentum without any conscious effort or ambition—Now, as I say, I feel the spirit stirring for a little utterance. Dear busy body—how are you tonight? I think I could really put my arms around your neck were you in reach. Goodby Z-Š

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Fort Totten, North Dakota June 10, 1901 Monday p.m. My dear— Your pictures came of what I am glad. Thanks awfully!— Supervisor Dixon has inspired a reception at the Ft Totten School in my honor this evening. I am so afraid they will ask me to speak—I am not equal to such pastimes! I have to grin and bear the evening out I guess. Strange I do get a taste for publicity! Dear I have wanted to say do not try to see me until I come! in just plain English but have failed— But you will get the message today plain enough. I am invited to a dance tomorrow night. The next day (Wednesday) I go with a party for a gray gopher hunt! Stage is here so I must send this along trusting you are well—

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Goodby Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Fort Totten, North Dakota June 12, 1901 Wednesday a.m. Dear Carlos— Last night I was up till half past one at a dance!20 It was an affair in honor of a newly wedded couple. I enjoyed myself. During the evening a heavy wind and rain shook and pelted the world we are in. This morning it is not raining but my! such a powerful wind! I am surprised that Carlisle is guessing about the rumor. Let them guess awhile— As to Mr. Nichols—I have done as well as I know by him. If to him my opinion is not worth full face-value—that is his part to reject. I rather feared that self subsistence was a big motor in the proposed under taking—As long as it is, so I will not lift a finger toward the organization! It would be doing something under false pretenses. I would though if it were in my power help the young man indirectly to find a position—but never under the organization. His youth—his inexperience his temperament are all in the green and must ripen before put to so great a test. He would never understand his present incapacity for his self esteem will not admit the truth of the case. It will not coax him that he is an exception! in this world. It is well that youth has implicit trust in itself but older people have not that faith in youth unless proven in many ways. So far I have not seen an instance where Mr. n has proven himself extraordinary. But I have nothing further to say. He is welcome to go forth blundering as we all have done at his age. He can do as he will—and I like wise. Time is too precious to use in explanations

20

Susan Rose Dominguez speculates that at one of these Agency social gatherings, perhaps the one mentioned here, Simmons may have re-encountered Raymond Bonnin, hence beginning their romance. See Dominguez, “The Gertrude Bonnin Story,” 174.

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to a pig-headed youth. And I have explained all I have to spare to such a flat unprofitable labor. I do not mean any disrespect to Mr. Nichols—Please do not think I do. Dear Cant you ever understand that my mother does not care whom I marry? Proud of you for a son! Nonsense! She would no more appreciate you than she does me! There do get it into your head to leave out the home folks who are strangers to me. I do not consider staying close to one’s profession a bad habit. I truly wish I was more regular in my own. It is good that the little hitch in your plan for Miss Bain’s benefit is smoothed over. However I do not see why you feel so under obligations to entertain her. But do as you wish and see best whether I comprehend the motive or not. Now I must close. I am planning to go to Yankton Agency next week on Tuesday— Goodby Zitkala p.s. I find that Friday is here and my Wednesday’s letter still in my drawer. I guess I wont start for Yankton till the sweet-box comes! Dear your letters written June 9–10 were the best ones. I appreciated them much. A letter from my cousin says she is very glad to accept your favors and will do all in her power to be ready next fall. I shall write again— Goodby Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Fort Totten, North Dakota June 17, 1901 Monday Night Dear Montezuma— What a busy life you lead! I can imagine the improvement a garden vase must be to any place—Especially a corner like yours. The bit of news came in yours of 14th. Yesterdays letter said you were going to send the box. As it did not arrive today; and you say nothing of it—I imagine you have had to postpone it again. Dearie—I can conceive of a white whale being admirable but a white elephant! I dont appreciate so much beef! Is the Robitaille the fellow who was in the

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Carlisle Band and who since has gotten married?21 How came such a note to get your signature any way? Where is Bohemia? I’ve often wondered. I am glad indeed, to read such favorable reports of your cases. Of course you forget to tell me about those that die! (Dearie—I just could not resist teasing you a wee bit.) Wicked hearts make a wicked world—and suffering is the consequence. Some cases appear as if the innocent were suffering for another’s wickedness—but suffering can be eliminated by knowledge. So it is ignorance suffering for past follies. No one person can revolutionize the world in this regard—but—by each looking strictly after his own spiritual as well as material affairs will solve the problem. I think true kindness is one of the finest traits of one’s character. But free giving is not always the real kindness. I judge it was in your case, it was a real kindness to help as you did. Still it is possible to question it even there. Life is not worth living—if it does not demand some little effort on our parts, to continue in it. It is not what we give for nothing but what we inspire others to try or to do— that is the best the most valuable gift we can offer to humanity at large—and even to our best friends— Yes—I have got many fine old legends! And my publishers are very anxious to keep a hold on my work. I enclose a letter from them. You may find some pleasure in reading it. It is the second letter from them since I came here. Carfield and his wife have done crooked work in speculation ever since they first got into the service. By the strength of political “pulls” they have not been ousted before now.— The records prove that changes against Carfield are not mere fiction. He is condemned for cruelty to children!—{Mrs c} for selling cheap gold washed spoons to the school children at fabulous prices—Also for making the school boys and girls subscribe for a trashy trashy paper—for a fifty dollar prize she got.—There were other charges but too numerous to write in a letter.— Oh yes—the reception in my honor came off pleasantly. I preferred playing on the piano to the entire school body—pupils and employees—Agency force included—so did not make a speech though. I was asked to do it. The Tuesday night was not Indian though Indians danced. In the same week I was invited to another dance Friday night—but a huge rain and wind storm prevented my going. I am interested in studying life in any form, in any race. Of course, I am

21

Ernest Robitaille (Wyandotte), Oklahoma lawyer, Indian Service employee, Carlisle student from 1899 to 1900. Married Emily E. Peake. See Ernest Robitaille Student File, Carlisle Indian School Digital Resource Center, http://carlisleindian.dickinson.edu/sites/all/files/ docsephemera/NARA_1327_b042_f2068.pdf (accessed August 6, 2016).

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chiefly occupied in my race—yet to be an all-round thinker I am compelled to study all races. I see mistakes I see progress but I am rather reluctant to waist my time in speaking of these things; in writing about them permiscuously. “There is a right time for everything under the sun.” And one great wisdom is to learn the act of recognizing these times! I think thus! I am not telling you what you are to do but I am telling you about my ways of working.—Dearie—you have an assured place in God’s mind, in the Universe from which no one can encroach upon your place by a hair’s breadth—so have I—We want to realize that it is a bigger place than the whole United States which our existence must effect. Not so much because of our nationality or mode of dress—but because we must reflect like mirrors the all powerful maker—our source. The more we keep our crystal windows free of the mist of vices—the better reflection we can gain. Let us strive after a universal understanding of life. Let us not be content to run along in the narrow groove of nationality. I am proud of your success, dear—and wish that your higher dreams may even be self excelled— Goodnight—my own dear heart. Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Fort Totten, North Dakota June 20, 1901 Thursday [illegible] My dear— I guess the box will come today. I am postponing my start for Yankton until it does come— I guess now I wont start for South Dakota until Monday. So by the time you get this hurried note you had better direct my letters to Greenwood P.O. Yankton Agency s.d. I am rushed today and must let his suffice— Read between the lines! Goodby Z.

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To Montezuma, cmp Fort Totten, North Dakota ca. June 1901 Tuesday a.m. My dear— I have been trying to write but some how little interruptions scatter my small literary mood. So I thought I’d just scribble a line to you. I am glad to learn of your doings. You are busy, are you not? I wish I were not so degenerate as to have so many idle moods. This place is full of material for stories but I am so uncertain. The first few days were unbearably hot but yesterday and today are delightfully cool. The country needs rain. The poor Indian farmers are low spirited at the dryness of spring. An Inspector of schools is here. A Mr. Dixon. He seems to be a good honest man. I hope he will be the means of discharging the school Supt Carfield—Why the tyranny he has exercised for the last ten years is horrible! I like the Agent very much. He is not too good to lift a hand in actual manual labor to save a few pennies for the Dakotas. You know that is a rare kind of a man! I am glad you agree that the organization must be self-sustaining. Remember me kindly to Mr. Nichols and Miss Bain. I am quite well and hope I may soon find a good writing mood—to do justice to the abundant material about me. Success to you in your every endeavor—I am trying to live up to my light! Lovingly Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Fort Totten, North Dakota ca. June 1901 Friday a.m. Dearest heart— It is as you say;—the greater part of civilization is a complication of desires!—Is it to be lamented? In reply to your statement of a supposed case—the primitive Apache has the present enlightenment to start from and therefore will progress more rapidly than any other race heretofore—let me ask you a question. Here is a class of college men—will a child reach the same class {more

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quickly} in actual studies, because he sits in the room with college men? Gray matter in the brain (if that is the seat of the God spirit) is alike in every child— but for that reason alone we could not ask a five-year-old to do the work of a grown up. There is difference of years—And while the things we spend years to learn may have little or no intrinsic value still they are absolutely necessary for living in this temporary world. Now these conveniences for a shifting temporal world are called by various names. To master them is called civilization— The majority of men and women are hopelessly treading Drudgery mills and that is civilization?—To be compelled to work when you do not wish it—is drudgery—not civilization! That is about what Carlisle would gain in the end— success in making drudges. I prefer to be stone-dead than living-dead! The intellectual class of the so called civilized is a small minority! The majority are drudges—after so many centuries—if the Anglo Saxon can produce so small a flower—by what magic do you expect a primitive Indian race to become civilized—and not drudges!? I do not wish to see them drudges for that is worse than their own condition. I would rather have them all intellectual artistic men and women but if I place them as primitive as you do—I would have no right to expect so much—save the right of being disappointed. Rome was a civilization quite superior in some things than this modern over here. Rome held captives and slaves the flaxen haired savages of Europe—From these self same slaves—springs the Anglo Saxon—yet their sight of Roman civilization did not do away {with} the centuries it has taken them to grow to the present state! But I do expect the Indian to compete with the highest minds in every branch of pursuit of today—And this is my reason—I consider the Indian spiritually superior than {to} any race of savages white or black—I call the Indians simplicity of dress and freedom of outdoor life—wisdom which is more powerful than {that of} the hot house flower of {which} your large city can boast! I believe his own self respect and honor to keep unwritten laws—so that a man’s house was safe if a stick was crossed over the tent flap—of far more worth intrinsically than written laws and compelling by inspiring fear of physical punishment. Morally the Indian in his own state is cleaner than those citydwellers! If they did wear their birth day clothes—what of it? Do not the painters & sculptors resort to the same nude figures when they wish to copy the greatest combination of graces? To a race who were accustomed to nudity it was as proper as the seeing {of human clothes racks} (of new wear clothes) for civilized eyes! If the Indian race adapts itself to the commodity of the times in one century it wont be because Carlisle! but because the Indian was not a degeneration in

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the first place! I will never speak of the whites as elevating the Indian! I am willing to say higher conceptions of life elevate the whole human family— but not the Indian more than any other. Until Col. Pratt actively interests himself in giving college education to Indians I cannot say his making them slaves to the plow is any thing other than drudgery! And drudgery is hell—not civilization! If Carlisle expects the Indian to adapt himself perfectly to “civilized” life in a century—she must admit that the Indian has powers which entitle him to a better name than Primitive! And by virtue of this development he can compete with all so called civilized peoples in a short time. On the other hand if she declares the Indian a superstitious savage she must allow him centuries—as the other savages have required—to mature to the prevailing customs. You know how Carlisle scoffs at all Indian-ism—She believes the latter statement. Her belief compels her to yield to Hampton’s idea. If you have faith in the Indian becoming “civilized”—it is not because you agree with Carlisle! nor Hampton—but being Indian you know the material which warrants your faith. And the material is not Primitive—nor can be represented by a small band like the Apache— Why do you cut your photo out? Send it—card & all! As to the ring. Will you place it in candy box? People here are so abnormal about knowing every body’s affairs that I don’t want them to pry around the small box—I have no picture of myself! Some day when I have them taken I’ll give you one. Now I must close my lengthy epistle. Goodby Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Fort Totten, North Dakota June 4, 1901 Thursday p.m. After Tea Dearest one— Forgive the letter I sent you yesterday! Your two letters came an hour ago and I am glad to have them. No the Sweets have not yet come—but I have had a notice that there was a package for me at Oberon n.d. near here—so I guess tomorrow will bring it. Your letters are dated May 25–26—So I guess the mail collector stamped one

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for you. Mr. Carfield Supt—is to vacate his place on account of his own moral unfitness for the place! I visited the Catholic School today. While the spirit of gentleness and kindness is a great good to the students I object to the suppression of individuality— which you know is one of the principle points of the creed. There is a much respected trader here by the name of Frank Palmer. I’ve met his wife and have dined there. I like both very much. Mr Dixon Indian School Supervisor is here. I had a quiet talk with him last night. He talks well and in a big hearted way—if it is not all through his hat! The weather is very hot here—& dry. The evenings are cool and delightful. The great mirror-like lake with its white pelicans glinting brilliantly white in the evening sun is a sight! Last evening the agent’s rig was gotten out and we took a drive 7 miles out of the Agency.—I enjoy the great open country and am happiest when riding over it—for my own feet do not carry me sufficiently fast over such vast plains. This Agency is in a sad condition on account of bad neglect. Major G—the present agent—is to be thanked for relieving the poverty stricken Indians of Supt Carfield who with his wife have speculated a heap during these ten years! Major G. is an unusual man. He is really interested in helping the Indians. I do hope politics will not interfere with him! I know things would go onward to improvement if he has a chance to work among the Indians a proper length of time. At present—he holds his position well—but [illegible] I am never sure what will happen from some one having a “pull”—in high places. Dear you are good—noble and an ideal sweet heart—(only I think you might not be so extravagant in calling me strange names!) I would rather have your confidence—your intellectuality and here and there a little evidence of your big heart than sweet—good for nothing names! I am queer? Well—you know what you can do when you lose patience with me.— I have made an appointment with an Indian here to come the latter part of this week to tell me Indian tales. I have a good time talking Sioux with the old folks. I find the weather too hot to do much work—some after noons I can hardly sit still for the heat.— Do remember me to Mr. n—I have not Miss b’s address—Please send it and I will write to her as you wish.— I think I would be just as well to postpone asking for a design from Miss DeCora for a while—She was in a position—rather trying—when I left Boston.22 22

Angel De Cora Dietz (1871–1919), Winnebago painter and illustrator, most prominent female American Indian artist of the early twentieth century, sai member. De Cora

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Then she is rushed with her own work—and perhaps she would refuse—now when a little later she might agree to do it. However I send you her address and leave you to act on your own judgment— “62 Rutland Square Boston Mass.” Dear heart—forgive me that I cannot write daily—I want your daily letters and perhaps by & by I can find enough to say then I may write more oftener. I am true to you according to my own capacity. Always Yours affectionately Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Fort Totten, North Dakota ca. June July 1901 Thursday Night 11:30— My sweetheart, Your letters are much appreciated at this end—be assured. Still—you know—I do not care for too much sweets. It is much more when actually lived! Dont you too think so? I took my pen to be filled and forgot to bring it back with me. I hope you will forgive my using pencil—I wanted to write you—tonight— You are good kind, true and strong—I value each trait highly. Some times when I think of our plan for next Fall I fear I do you wrong— I seem so unfit for making a home cheery for any one. Dear one—do you have to talk to Mr. Nichols as I had to that Sunday I was there?— If he has a temperament like mine—he is more fortunate than I was—in the fact that he can talk about his thoughts. It must be a relief—I never could talk of the things which were most vital to me. Even now I cannot always express provided illustrations for Old Indian Legends and was good friends with Bonnin for much of their lives. In 1906, De Cora began teaching art at Carlisle. She married William Henry “Lone Star” Dietz, who taught at Carlisle and had a long career as a football coach. De Cora was also an active sai member. When she died of pneumonia in February 1919 (brought on by the Spanish flu), De Cora left the sai $3,000. See Linda M. Waggoner, Fire Light: The Life of Angel De Cora, Winnebago Artist (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008), 88–97, 132, 162, 235–40, 249–50.

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my own feelings—not that I do not know words enough to use but simply that it is easier to keep still— The weather here has been unbearably hot until the last two days—Now it is really cold—I have had to change from my thinnest clothes to heavier ones. The land is so dry that the poor Indians are discouraged in their attempts to farm— —The School Supervisor is here now and things are sizzling in a rapid fermentation too. He seems to be a good man and I trust he is going to remove the evil-doers—for the sake of the Indians here. You must be tired—after such a day’s labor as your last letter tells of. Still I am not awfully sorry because when you are busy—you are out of mischief— See? By the way I want to ask you if you think it would be possible for a cousin of mine (sister to Miss Alice Conger) could in some way to get a nurse’s training in Chicago. She wrote me some time ago—a rather earnest letter but I have to mention it to you. She is fair but her spirit is Indian alright. She is about 23 years old—robust substantially made—mentally and spiritually. She has a natural instinct for caring for invalids—Just now she is a teacher in the Sisseton Gov. school.23 Would it not be wise for her and for us next year to have her in Chicago? Now—dear—I must retire. I am sleepy—Oh—so sleepy. I guess you are soundly dreaming by now. Every one in the Agency is snoozing now—Goodnight. Affectionately Zitkala

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23

Located in northeastern South Dakota on the Sisseton Wahpeton Sioux Reservation, established in 1867, around the same time as the reservation at Fort Totten by Devil’s Lake, and Crow Creek Reservation. See Pritzker, Native American Encyclopedia, 317.

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To Montezuma, cmp Fort Totten, North Dakota ca. June July 190124 Fort Totten—Wednesday Night—nigh the Small wee hours. Dearest heart of hearts— This afternoon I surely expected word from you—It was a disappointment when one came.—You are busy. I know. Then I do not deserve much—Well well. I have come here in a trying time. Their’s a loud clamor for the discharge of the school Supt.—An Inspector is daily expected.—I am royally treated! The agent and the agency physician have arranged to entertain me between them. This whole day I have been with the Agent’s party riding all about the Indian lands.—I like the Agent and his wife very very much.—Oh but I am so sleepy— and you owe me so many letters. I must close. Affectionately Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota(?) ca. June July 190125 Saturday a.m. Just a hurried line before I begin my story writing. Your letter addressed to Devil’s is probably still there. I send a postal to the Post master to have it forwarded.— I am going to ask you to use plain envelopes for your name in the corner is too conspicuous—I am a guest at the Agent’s house—though I have my own room in the doctor’s house— My mail is sent to the Agent’s house—and there I have been teased about the name on your envelope. I am glad you are well and are so generous in your attitude toward me. I am a strange impulsive creature—though I would not harm any one purposefully. Some times I think I do you wrong to yield to your persuasion about November.

24 25

Apparently misdated in Montezuma Papers as January 15, 1902. Apparently misdated in Montezuma Papers as March 9, 1901.

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But that will solve itself. Let us trust that being each true to the inner man we may be philosophical enough to do what appears best for one another when the day arrives. I am doing my best—you know that. And I am confident that you are as kind and true as a mortal creature can be. My regards to Mr. n—and Miss Bain if you see her too. Lovingly Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota August 11, 1901 Wednesday Night Dear Montezuma— Please dont get cross with me for then you will lose control of me entirely. I have had a difficult summer with a cranky old woman by the merest accident— my mother. I have just exactly all I can bear and a whit more would make me jump the tracks all together. I have felt pretty nigh desperate more times than my pride would permit my telling. I can stand a great deal—just so much but not again beyond a certain measure. And I tell you—the measure is already full and well pressed to the rim. This very night that I write—I have been needlessly tortured by mother’s crazy tongue till all hell seems set lose upon my heels—and I feel wicked enough to kill her on the spot or run wild. You sensible folk whose nerves are caste iron and are not susceptible to the influences of others idiosyncrasies—have not sufficient imagination to know how excruciatingly painful it is to a sensible wretch to have “to grin and bear” all the yelping ferocity of human brutes.—The only thought I am capable of is “I must clear out of her sight”— Where I am to go or when—what I am to do—no one knows. nor do I— Goodby Z

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To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota August 15, 1901 Thursday My friend— I write to say Mr. Nichols suddenly materialized here; and has placed me in the most trying situation—all unintentionally. I have made a contract with my publishers for my work—and I am obliged to write every day from morning to night in order to meet my obligations. Now Mr. n. has come unannounced. I have had no opportunity to engage buggy and horse as this is Hay making season and every available man and horse are in the field. I cannot leave my work—nor neglect Mr. n. who is very much of a stranger to the West and the Agency life! What can I do! I am worried beyond words—totally unfit for work as hostess! I have advised Mr. n. to return from here to Chicago as it seems to me fool hardy to tramp across the country— penniless—without guide or interpreter—with no credentials nor influence. I regret his lack of penitration which has forced me to speak very plain English to him. His primitive way of doing good is a hard set against his theory. I want to help any earnest person but I have no time to waste!— I am incensed at his having had no consideration for my time. Every hour is worth a great deal to a worker like me—and it is mighty nigh robbery outright to infringe upon my time—At least he might have written asking me to plan according to my convenience but No!— Now everything is upset to no pleasant purpose—and I am half enraged at such blundering. I have little patience left. But I am trying to be kind—at least. If we are working for a cause—let it be straight—and wholly unmixed with Egotism! Personality! Conceit! Sentimentality! And every other like non sense.—This is what Mr n will report me as having said in a bear-tongue so I warn you first. As for our former relation—I have nothing more to say. It is gone. But I will be as good a friend to as I can—if you will permit me to be. If not—then this is the last letter. Goodby Zitkala

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To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota August 21, 1901 So you—who ventured comment upon a brief courtship—can scarce hold out one prolonged? You were hurt because the ring was returned; and so soon would have given up the pursuit? Where is your determination which dauntlessly wins whatever you choose to seek? and if you were hurt—remember I was before you—so misery was not alone yours. Perhaps Mr. n. has written you of a ruby ring I wear. Your silence added fuel to my fire and there! I told you fairly in the start you were not alone in the race—You say you love me—Others boast the same.26 How shall I know which is the deepest interest and genuine? But at last. I have concluded to try you once again. You may return my ring if so it pleases you. However—I shall not be able to go to Arizona. You go alone— and when you return we shall come to some more definite point. Montezuma you had better not wait too long to answer this letter. See? Sincerely indeed— Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota August 30, 1901 Friday— Dear Montezuma— I write in haste. Have just returned from the prairie & found here your welcome letters & the box. I must catch the stage. Tomorrow I shall write you a letter. Miss Nichols has asked anxiously after her brother & I make reply to her also in a flying hurry. All well—even the light headed boy—though I did not see him— Goodby Z.

26

A reference to future husband Raymond Bonnin.

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∵ To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota ca. August 190127 Friday a.m. My friend— This {is} a hot day. I am not able to work because Mr. n worries me. He is associating with a wood chopper who is amusing for a little while but is by no means the kind Mr. n. should know or be seen with here. I told him so and he has been polite enough to {still} continue his associate with woodchopper. I consider that by action he has preferred another to me—so there I leave him to go on with his own sweet will. If Mr. n’s silly performance is not accountable upon the score of youth & inexperience—then there is a screw loose some where. I do not have any more time for him though if there is any good in store for him I would not be judge of it. This morning he addressed me as “Miss Simmons”! I never thought it necessary to tell about such a trifle as the story of my name—But I must now. I have a half brother whose name is Simmons.28 Once my own father scolded my brother; and my mother took such offense from it that eventually it resulted in a divorce parting—So as I grew I was called by my brother’s name—Simmons. I bore it a long time till my brother’s wife—angry with me because I insisted on getting an education said I had deserted home and I might give up my brother’s name “Simmons” too.29 Well—you can guess how queer I 27 28

29

Apparently misdated in Montezuma Papers as ca. June July 1901. Gertrude Simmons’s half-brother, David (born 1866?), son of Ellen Taté I Yóhin Win Simmons and Anglo John Haysting Simmons, who began their marriage in 1858 in Dakota Territory. After resettling at Yankton Reservation with Taté I Yóhin Win following the death of Simmons in 1874, David attended the Santee Normal Training School, in Nebraska, in 1877, and the Hampton Institute from 1878 to 1881. He was one of the first Indian students to study there. When David Simmons returned to Greenwood, he received an allotment and farmed on the reservation for the remainder of his life while intermittently working as an assistant issue clerk. See Dominguez, “The Gertrude Bonnin Story,” 84–85, 101; Lindsey, Indians at Hampton Institute, 1877–1923, 102–103; Ruth Spack, America’s Second Tongue: American Indian Education and the Ownership of English, 1860–1900 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2002), 152. Victoria Simmons, David’s wife. Victoria bore David two children, a daughter Irene and a younger son named Raymond. According to the Yankton Sioux Tribe Agency Census of 1897 (just a few years before this family squabble), Victoria was twenty-five, David thirtyone, Irene five, and Raymond three. See South Dakota State Archives.

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felt—away from my own people—home-less—penniless—and even without a name! Then I choose to make a name for myself—& I guess I have made “ZitkalaŠa” known—for even Italy writes in her language! Now Mr. n comes here and addresses me “Miss Simmons”! It makes me feel a little like seizing his scalp-lock! Wouldn’t you?— By the way Mr. n remarks that he did not think you could ever be really hurt. That you simply hung up disappointments on the wall and went on as usual! Then he confided that you were greatly interested in Miss DeCora.— Dont you think I might get tired of two such folks—you! and Mr. n.? Well I can not say all I think at this end of the line. It is heedless; and far better to base friendship up [illegible] basis than personal liking. I respect your stability and ever should. I have none for Mr. n. He wont ever do any thing for there is too much talk in him.— Goodby Z-Š.

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota August 31, 1901 Saturday Dear Montezuma— I played Bridge yesterday and feel rather queer and stiff today. No—I have failed to write since Mr. n’s arrival. I have not seen him for over a week but my work has been so broken into that I have given it up. My mother and Mr. n—together have played havoc with my work this summer. The result is that I have done nothing! Oh yes I did correct the proof sheets for my book but that was all.— Now I must insist once again upon your securing the position of Agency physician in some Sioux country.— I say this on my mother’s account. I simply cannot leave her out of my plans without feeling like a criminal as she cannot help herself; and my brothers are even more selfish than I am. If you cannot comply then we shall postpone the day while I teach here and take care of my mother.— Montezuma—I think you are making a poor bargain with me. You should have given me up and thanked your lucky stars for a narrow escape.—If we

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marry—it will be when you have carried out my wish—not before. At any rate—while my mother lives—What do you say to that?— Goodby Zitkala

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota September 4, 1901 Dear Montezuma— Why do you always take so much for granted and do things upon the impulse. You are arranging your furniture in the house and doing things in the most assured manner upon my “re-consideration” which is not a promise one way or the other as yet. Without wishing to hurt you—I confess I feel too selfish and too unfit to assume such stern responsibilities till this morning I do not want to marry anyone. I do not know how to love—though I may try to be sincere in my dealings with individuals. I think I prefer to work alone—as I have done hither to. Dr. Dont love me. Just consider my lack of love and pity me. Just be a good strong friend to me—dont write to me about myself that is too dry a subject. Let time work its result. I have received both boxes. Give me plenty of time for my final decision. And then whatever it is—I’ll try to abide by it ever after. Mr. n—has killed my interest in the organization and has unfitted me for work at my stories. Things are dead for a while—in which time I am considering many problems. I think if the Department would offer me a position I would accept it.—Col. Pratt has used his pull against me because my think is not his think—nor my ways his ways! and just the hate of him fires me to work again even when I would most like to fold my hands. The wind is churning a perfect hurricane without and its counterpart is no less active within my consciousness. Strange this bit of consciousness in me which must ever be—even at the risk of disagreeing with a world of pygmy men. Even at the risk of being wrongly judged. Luck to you on your Arizona trip! Goodby Z.

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∵ To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota ca. September 1901(?) Tuesday. Dear Montezuma— I wrote you a long letter yesterday which by the way served to kindle this morning’s fire. I told you in trifling details the nightmare this summer is to me—for under certain trials—they were magnified till a larger view of the purpose of life was wholly obscured. I do not speak at all to Mr. n. His intrusion lost me hundreds of dollars besides untold worry on his worthless account. Mother’s queer-ness adds to the pathos of the situation. Your evasive reply to my request—made me think hard of giving you all up. I felt rather desperate and cared little indeed if I never wrote again. I do not care any more this morning what I do—but at least I wont bother you with my “mosquito bites” I do not alter a word of my last letter but I say stick to your post and your own conscience. I am not coming to Chicago; nor do I count upon your coming West. I am not worth the sacrifice. The Public is of far more consequence and therefore to be first considered. You love the Public and not me. So dont fool yourself by a juggling with words.—At any rate we are obliged to postpone our plans for it would be folly for either to harbor in secret unhappiness by complying half-heartedly with the other’s wish! And in the meanwhile should you meet with another more like your self—then do not pause a moment on my account. I am equal to knocking about and bearing what falls in my lot. I may not hang them on my wall as readily as you can—but I can stand them in my own way. So—do not apply for the position of Agency physician {Since you cannot do it with the proper spirit.} I have a plan for myself this year. This moment’s idea. I do not return East nor remain here. You will hear in plenty of time how & where my course is laid. It is stage time and I must close. Goodby— Z

∵

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To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota September 30, 1901 Dear Montezuma— I was asked to substitute as teacher in a district school for the month of Oct. so here I am much to my own surprise I’ve been making me a couple of light school aprons. It does seem odd enough to get into old harness. I board in my cousin’s home—Martha Bain and Alice Conger are both home. It is very pleasant for me to have them in the same house. Suey—the one of whom I’ve written you concerning nursing—is gone East. I miss her much for she was my chum. This is Monday and should have been a school day; but the house is under going repairs. So I have a day off! The little school house stands on the plain— about a mile and a half from my boarding place. I expect to walk in fair weather. It is a relief to have work to do—where one must move about—both feet & hands! I trust you are finding pleasure beyond your anticipation. Please do not mention my mother to me any more. That subject is dropped. I am well. May the Great Spirit guard and protect you. Goodby Z

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota ca. October 19, 1901 Saturday, 1:30 a.m. Dear friend— I have been to a reception; and upon my return am trying to catch up with my Eastern correspondence which—there is no need to say—Ive neglected. Excuse pencil but my pen is dry— What makes you assume the supposition that I was going to marry you in Nov.? Did I not break up all the old plan? I have only reconsidered the case—as yet giving you no definite reply—Yet you write me such positive letters—that I’d like to surprise you with the frank statement of the facts. I am well; I do not wish any financial aid, I do not come to you this month— nor any other—for the simple reason of our non-congenial temperaments. I

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have a friend out here—who claims all I can give by the laws of natural affinity. In a few days I shall return your ring to you. —There I’ve written plainly because you have made me, cross. If in my openness there is aught to forgive—I beg of you to do it. I can always respect you as a friend—but never more. Let me wish you success in your chosen world and work—Mine lie in places “barren and foreign” to your acquired taste.— Goodby Z.30

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota ca. January 1, 1902 My Dear Dr. Montezuma, If you are so sure you are my superior, that I am a fake—do not resent losing so worthless an acquaintance. I feel sorry for you—that your own indiscretion centered your regard upon such a wretch as I am! (God is my only judge!) He knows me and my struggles better than my best {and} finest mortal friend!—In His eyes I would be doing you a greater wrong to marry you than to have done as I have. Do not think I made my reply in a trifling mood—for there are many sources by the way; and it {was} not the easiest thing I’ve done—to live up to my best judgment. Do not feel reckless and revengeful! Live on in your brave way. Live up to your highest conception of God’s creatures. I am striving but Oh—dear—it is hard—so hard—I wish sometimes that I was dead— Z.

∵ 30

A possible, undated response from Montezuma is found among his papers: “Dear Madam—I am sorry that you have some Indian blood in you. The less you write of my people with the poisonous tank of your heart and the unbalanced condition of your mind the better—Indian blood, Carlos Montezuma {Am I a cast iron man devoid of all human reasoning and feelings?}” See Montezuma Papers.

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To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota ca. January 25, 1902 It is nearly six by the clock when I shall have to stop to go to supper but I wished to write a letter to you. This has been one of our real cold days with a snowflake hard as a piece of ice—The wind blows in at the window so much that I have not felt very warm. The winter with one cold snap had been so mild that I rather resent cold weather now. Especially upon this particular Saturday as I had planned to take a long drive to see a sick woman. By the way I have not told you that a two year old baby (—whose mother was an old school chum of mine—who has recently died)—is offered to me. It was Louise’s dying request. Her husband invites me to visit the old home to see the child at least. He said he would send a check upon return mail—if I would write that I would go. The matter has weighed heavily on my mind—Finally after many haltings— I have decided not to accept such a care when I have my old mother already on my shoulders. Still I wish I had been able to give my time to such a task. That would mean my giving up my writing, and that is out of the question.— Montezuma I am going to ask a favor of you. I noticed last spring in Boston some coarsely woven stuff (Brown with Japanese dragons printed on it) which was quite inexpensive & used a great deal by people in summer cottages and the like. I wish you would look around and if you find anything like it—have the store to forward samples and prices to my address. I have a notion to fix mother’s cottage a little cosy. Then I may not have to bum around so much. At the present I have a room in the hotel—The people of the place are exceedingly kind but accommodations are rather poor. Tonight my room wont get warm. I feel like I was in a barn.—I want to finish some work at hand but Oh—dear—it is so cold. It is supper time and I close hoping you are well and even on the road to success. Your friend

∵

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To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota ca. May 1, 1902 .

Dear friend— I was surprised to learn of your peep into “Every-body’s Magazine” and discovery there of a little story of mine.31 I did not know it was out for I take no magazines and book-stores or paperstands are quite foreign to this land. Thanks for your suggestions about drinks. I have such dread of hot weather—I guess the Col. was not far wrong when he said I was a human-iceberg. Icebergs dread heat scarce more than I do. Cold seasons are the only times one can live most I think.—I know last summer I suffered so from the heat that I wished I could “take off my flesh and sit in my bones”! As far as coming for refuge to the Lake breeze—you know that is impossible. If I were content to drink just water—I would not bore you with my complaint but I simply cannot and so this thus-ness.— I am glad to hear of your gradual march of Triumph into the New life. A house—with lawn and flowers surely is splendid index of a splendid character. That is another feather in your cap! My—your success will eventually fill your cap with many feathers I’ll have to call it a “War bonnet”— “Montezuma’s war bonnet!” what a striking title for your biography! By the way—“The Atlantic Monthly” has just accepted a little scribble of mine—“Why I am a Pagan.”32 I imagine Carlisle will rear up on its hunches at sight of the little sky rocket! ha ha!

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A reference to the short story, “A Warrior’s Daughter,” published in Everybody’s Magazine in April 1902. “A Warrior’s Daughter” subverted ideals of Victorian femininity with the heroine, Tusee, a highly capable Dakota woman who cunningly rescues her warrior lover, captured by an enemy tribe. The act of bravery demonstrates how Native women can match the power of any men. See Zitkala-Ša, “A Warrior’s Daughter,”Everybody’s Magazine 6 (April 1902): 346–52. “Why I am a Pagan,” published in the Atlantic Monthly in December, 1902. The story was a response to the Word Carrier’s and Pratt’s criticism of “The Soft-Hearted Sioux.” The piece ostensibly rejects Christianity in favor of the “loving Mystery” of nature, which, unlike white religion, eschews “racial lines” and conceptions of hell to create “a living mosaic of human beings.” Simmons also writes of “a ‘Christian’ pugilist” who criticized “The Soft-Hearted Sioux.” The piece must have made for infuriating reading at Carlisle and among the missionary community. See Zitkala-Ša, “Why I Am a Pagan,” Atlantic Monthly 90 (December 1902): 801–803.

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Do you know any reliable violinist or violin maker in Chicago? Is there any way of finding such a person? I think I have come across a valuable “old” violin but am not sure. I hardly dare risk it either for it may be worth several hundreds. I’d like to have it examined by an honest expert who would tell the truth about it. The violin is mutilated shamefully for the people who have it do not appreciate it. If it were possible I’d like to have it repaired—and put in proper shape. There are ugly ivory pegs in it now that I would want taken off—and good wooden pegs fitted in their stead.— Could you ask Nichol’s sister about the best city violin-makers there—She might even be willing to go along and help you by her closer intimacy with the make-up of a violin. I am quite interested in this violin for I have always said “Some where in this world there must be a fine old violin awaiting my discovery and claim upon it.” I said this laughingly for an old violin is what I most wish for and yet as they are so expensive—costing into the hundreds and often into the thousands—I never dreamt of buying one. Goodby Z-Š.

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota ca. June 1902 Monday— Yankton Agency Dear Montezuma— Just before I begin the day’s labor in my private office which I’ve at last rented here at the hotel—I would drop a line to you in noisy Chicago. My friend—you would after knowing that another holds—allure me with home and supply of daily necessities. I would be untrue to my own idea, to you—for you deserve a true and undivided love—and to the third party also.33

33

On 10 May 1902, South Dakota’s Tyndall Tribune reported that Simmons had wed Raymond Bonnin in a civil ceremony held in the home of friends near the Standing Rock Reservation. Bonnin was twenty-two, and Simmons twenty-six, years old. Pratt reprinted the

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It would be wrong for me—to yield to your persuasion and I can not accept more—in that sacred line than I could give you in return. You would grow dissatisfied Montezuma and then would follow sad days. I have lands here that are estimated at $6,00000 and as there is talk of paying off the Indians who can take care of themselves—I shall not be in need of a home—for I have enough to start one—at the least.34 This is not counting my share in my mother’s land which would be about $ 2,00000—So with eight thousand for rainy weather—I can pass the present days with my odd writings and western interests.— I have other confidences to make to you—Once while yet in school I had a chum. She was an Indian Territory girl—and soon after returning was married. She died a month ago leaving behind a request that I take her two-year old baby girl. I have not decided what to do—I feel strongly inclined to take it but have so much work in hand that I hardly see how to arrange her keeping. I have waited to see what you say about the ring and in the meanwhile wear it as a friendship ring. I do not wish to hurt your feelings needlessly—or I would suggest paying you its money value—that I might always keep the token of one so loyal to me as I believe you to be. I must close my letter this day for other matters crowd upon my time. Goodby Z.

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota ca. June 23, 1902 Did I not once return that infernal ring? Who used his powers of persuasion to cause me to wear it again? You did—you upright blameless man! Have you forgot how you contradicted me every time I told you it was use-less to consider matrimony? If you have forgot—I guess Mrs. Cook could remind you of some of your conduct toward me not so long ago.

34

notice from the Tyndall Tribune in the Red Man and Helper a month later. See “A Former Haskell Boy,” Red Man and Helper, June 13, 1902. Gertrude Simmons then owned an eighty-acre allotment, later expanded to eighty-nine acres. See South Dakota Land Patent Register in the Land Track Books, vol. 13.

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And I think she would not blame me and let you stand there with a halo on! I got your two letters today. Ten miles is quite away for daily delivery of Post—but you perfect creature took no thought of another’s feelings. You wrote cruelly wickedly—in the manner of some low Italian day-go. I had the misfortune of losing the ring; and while but for I regretted the loss for the circlet as a token now I regret it more that I dont have it to send it to you! I gave you the chance to name the price that I might refund your affection in money but you let the chance go by—leaving me to infer that your delicate and genuine feeling for me would not take it back and so you were still. Now—(after I told you months ago I had met another)—Now that I am married you write as you do! That is unlike you! It is base and cowardly. Z

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota ca. July 10, 1902 Why do you seek a hold upon honesty where you insinuate that honesty is not? Why I ask! Wounded self love turns vicious—Never Fine affection as examplified in the crucifiction of Christ. You are neither a follower of Christ nor of Love—as you professed. If this does not open your eyes—nothing ever will. I am proud—fearless and as independent as you are—man that you pose to be. I can walk into the Realm of the Muddy Waters—defying your feeble forces any day.— I have tried to tell you I meant no harm to you. I meant no robbery—I thought a gift unasked was a gift— Especially as you never made any mention of ever re-claiming it. And now you fume about like a chicken with its head cut off—knowing nothing of what you strike against! Are you a real Brave to the core? Then be calm. Speak to me as I deserve to be spoken to. And I will show you what stuff I am made of. I then would make every effort to satisfy your mercenary demands—I have no deposits and depend upon my daily work—which is not always as regular as yours. But I so much regret the great misunderstanding between us. Montezuma I am mortal as you are. If you would have charity for your errors— have some for others. Have some for me I ask you this once—

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If you do not heed me—I shall not be susceptible to any force. I only wish to be treated as a woman, as a mortal seeking to live honestly, though not devoid of errors.—

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Yankton Agency, Greenwood, South Dakota July 26, 1902 Sir— I shall pay the cost of the lost ring by degrees as fast as possible if you will kindly forward me the bill of sale. Mrs. Gertrude Bonnin35 35

Montezuma’s response, dated July 29, 1902, has survived and reads as follows: “Madam: In reply to yours of 26 inst. I would say the ring is over 60 years old and not purchased lately. A friend who was precious to me pressed it into my hands with her last words ‘never allow this ring to be worn by another, unless it be the one.’ I have heard her say it was worth over $90—on account of the cut and the genuineness make its value and not the size. It will be satisfactory to me for you to replace the loss as per your letter of July 26. $ 7500 is the valuation. Carlos Montezuma.” See Montezuma Papers.

From Utah and Los Angeles (1908–17) To Richard Henry Pratt, rhpp Whiterocks, Utah July 9, 1909 My dear friend, Pardon me for writing that I would be in Philadelphia and then never showing up. I got as far as Salt Lake and returned as the matter for which I was making the trip, was taken up—& my trip to Washington seemed unnecessary. Com. Luepp made an experiment at Uintah Boarding School, Utah, which was unsuccessful; and which was detrimental to my husband.1 The School was put under church control (Episcopalian) Mr. Bonnin was persuaded by Bishop Spalding—to accept the Superintendency.2 1 Francis Ellington Leupp (1849–1918), appointed commissioner of Indian Affairs by President Theodore Roosevelt in 1904. Leupp took a new approach to Indian education, characterized as “improvement not transformation.” This view assumed that Indians had distinct traits that should be nurtured—contrary to the universalism preached by Pratt, who resigned from Carlisle under pressure in 1904 after impoliticly criticizing the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Roosevelt administration. Leupp served as commissioner until 1909, when Taft replaced him with Robert G. Valentine. The Uintah boarding school (located in Whiterocks), which Bonnin refers to, was founded in 1885. Almost immediately, the school became unpopular with the Utes. Shortly before the Bonnins arrived in the winter of 1902, a measles outbreak had killed seventeen out of its sixty-five students. By 1904, the reservation agent, W. A. Mercer, had resorted to bribing Ute parents to enroll their children. Gertrude Bonnin initially sought employment, but was rebuffed by Leupp, who ignored her letters of application. Perhaps the reason was her recent criticism of assimilationist education in the Atlantic Monthly. In 1905, Bonnin was finally hired temporarily at $600 a year when a teacher resigned unexpectedly. Though the school authorities soon attempted to terminate Bonnin’s employment, she was rehired in March 1906 when her intended replacement failed to materialize. See Waggoner, Fire Light, 130–31, 133; Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 74; Virginia McConnell Simmons, The Ute Indians of Utah, Colorado, and New Mexico (Boulder: University of Colorado Press, 2000), 208, 223; Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 232; Welch, “Zitkala-Ša,” 57–59. 2 Franklin Spencer Spalding (1865–1914), missionary and Episcopal Bishop of Utah from 1905 to 1914. Spalding was both a Christian socialist and amateur mountain climber, who scaled the Grand Teton (the tallest mountain in the Teton Range in Wyoming) in 1898. See John Howard Melish, Franklin Spencer Spalding, Man and Bishop (New York: Macmillian, 1917), 1, 80, 295– 96; John S. McCormick and John R. Sillito, A History of Utah Radicalism Startling, Socialistic, and Decidedly Revolutionary (Logan, Utah State University Press, 2011), 160–61.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi: 10.1163/9789004355750_004

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Mr. Bonnin hesitated because he was not a “church man” but finally he accepted. The Church people who were sent here as Gov. Employees began at once to resent being under and Indian; the matter grew worse—until they referred to me as an “Indian Squaw.” They absolutely refused to obey Mr. Bonnin’s legitimate instructions and the Agent, whose wife is a strong Episcopalian, failed to give Mr. Bonnin any support. Mr. Bonnin preferred changes and the Agent with held them. Mr. Bonnin wanted an investigation and the Agent said he was not entitled to one. Then this spring, we learned that he had sent in such reports trying to get the Department to offer Mr Bonnin a transfer. This was very unfair; & as Mr. Bonnin could not be spared to go to Washington about the matter, I had started; but on the way, I met an old friend who knew my husband well, and who after hearing all about it offered to take the matter up in our behalf. I had wished to see you because I knew you were always the Indian’s friend. I wanted to get your advise. Now the matter is being taken up & I wont have to bother you. My husband has served the Government 6½ years and rendered efficient service. He is an Indian. He needs the work and is a willing worker. I cannot understand, how in the name of Christianity anyone should try to down him in this work. These Church people who are making the trouble never took a Civil Service Examination, all but one knew nothing about Indian work. They were represented as having a School, a Mission School in Whiterocks, which was consolidated with the Uintah Boarding School, a Gov’t School! There was never a Mission School here. It was a way of putting people into the Civil Service without Examinations! It was hood winking the Civil Service Commission. It was unfair to all Civil Service Employees—for even Indians have to pass the examinations. I did. The Agent asked Mr. Bonnin not to require these Missionary Employees to do anything as they chaffed under discipline. Then when results are not flattering, the blame is placed upon Mr. Bonnin. It seems to me like hobbling a horse & pounding him over the head because he has no speed! No Superintendent can hope to succeed—if the Agent allows the School employees to run to him with petty tales; and more especially when the Superintendent is stripped of authority! I hope I have not worried you with our tale of woe.— With greatest esteem, Gertrude Simmons Bonnin

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Captain Richard Henry Pratt, superintendent of the Carlisle Indian Industrial School, ca. 1900 courtesy of the cumberland county historical society, carlisle, pa

∵ To William H. Ketcham, bcimr Whiterocks, Utah May 25, 1910 My dear Father Ketcham, Pardon the liberty I take in addressing you for the sake of humanity. My husband & I, both educated Sioux Indians, have been among these Ute Indians since the winter of 1902.3 My husband came in the capacity of a Government employee, later I also entered the Service.

3 The Utes had relocated to present-day Utah after years of encroachment upon their Native lands in present-day Colorado. Immigration had decimated game and cut off water sources,

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At present, we have both resigned and are on a claim, doing development work—on the Uintah Reservation. Last winter, while at Fort Yates, North Dakota,4 I met Father Bernard,5 Father Martin6 and Father Ambrose.7 I saw the wonderful work they are doing, they & the Sisters.

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6

7

and treaties made with the u.s. government following the Mexican-American War (1848) had been continually violated. The increasing numbers of whites brought on numerous small-scale conflicts and exposed the Utes to diseases like measles, which reduced their population. Though Lincoln interceded to create the Uintah Valley Reservation in northeast Utah, the first reserve for the Utes, the Homestead Act of 1862 invited even more immigrants who disrupted Ute life to a greater extent. In 1863, the Tabeguache (Uncompahgre) Ute, led by Chief Ouray (1833–1880), signed a treaty with the u.s. government, ceding lands and agreeing to move westward. Other Ute bands resisted, but whites continued to pour over their territory and demand Indian removal. Under pressure, Ouray’s Utes moved to presentday Utah, where they remained. The year of Ouray’s death, 1880, the Uintah and Ouray Reservation was created. Ouray’s widow, Chipeta (1843/4?–1924), outlived him and remained an esteemed figure among the Utes. When the Bonnins arrived at Uintah allotment was about to commence. Unallotted land was opened to white settlement in 1905, overrunning the Utes once more. Within just four years, over 3½ million acres were lost. The bia withheld rations from parents who refused to give up their children to boarding schools, and disease stalked the population. The threat of rebellion was very real and the Ninth Calvary, at Fort Duchesne, regularly patrolled. See Simmons, The Ute Indians, 1–46, 50–60, 95–98, 117–18, 127–37, 207–25. There had been a Catholic presence in the Dakota Territory for many years. A Catholic mission, including a school, was established as early as 1876 in the place that later became Standing Rock reservation. By 1880, four priests were ministering in the area. See “History of the Catholic Indian Mission,” http://www.stbernardmissionschool.com/history_1.htm (accessed August 14, 2016). Father Bernard Strassmaier, long serving Standing Rock priest. Strassmaier became pastor at Fort Yates, a position he held for fifty years. He died at Standing Rock in 1940. See “History of the Catholic Indian Mission,” http://www.stbernardmissionschool.com/history_1.htm (accessed August 14, 2016). Father Martin Kenel, Catholic priest. Kenel was a long-time superintendent of Standing Rock Reservation’s Farm School, now named the Martin Kenel School. Kenel’s poor health forced him to resign in 1906. The town of Kenel, North Dakota, is also named after him. See Catholic Educational Review 3 (January–May, 1912): 265; “Catholic Sioux Congress of South Dakota: Indian Hospitality and Faith,” Indian Sentinel 3, no. 4 (October, 1923): 147. Father Ambrose Mattingly, Catholic priest. Mattingly joined the Catholic mission in 1888 and was ordained the following year. He preached throughout the area, particularly to the Yankton. The Sioux named him “Hokshena Peshto,” translated as “Sharp Boy” or “Pointed Boy.” See “Marty Indian School History,” https://martyindian.k12.sd.us/about.html (accessed August 14, 2016); “Stephan History,” http://wkfl.asn.au/bk/stephan_history.htm (accessed August 14, 2016).

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I was converted. Now upon our return, I long for these Utes to have the opportunity to learn of God as our Catholic Church teaches. I appeal to you in their behalf. The Episcopal Church has been represented here for more than ten years: Yet these Utes still continue their annual Dances—“The Bear Dance” in the early Spring and the “Sun Dance” the first of July. Sunday is not observed by the Indians for it is usually a Dance day. I firmly believe only the Catholic church can reach these benighted Utes. There is an abandoned Government School—“Randlett”, located half way between the Agency & Sub-Agency. It is at present a Government town site with very small portion of this property sold. There yet remain vacant, the larger buildings that would be ideal for a Mission. The Agency physician and his wife Dr and Mrs Ford, located at Randlett are Catholic. We feel the need of a Catholic Church or Mission, as much as the Utes need it. I fervently trust my appeal for help from our Church for these Indians shall not be in vain. Very Sincerely Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Martin Kenel, bcimr Whiterocks, Utah May 26, 1910 My dear Father Martin, I wish to tell you how much comfort we derive from your photo. I only wish I had Father Bernard’s and Father Ambrose’s photos also. In his wilderness, closely fortified by the Rockies, there seem to be no real Christians, or civilized men. The Utes are yet groping in Spiritual Darkness. The majority of the White people are Mormons. The Episcopal church stands empty. The Traders and a few wealthy Sheep men are together with the Indian Agent—in Speculations to make Easy Money. So in this Godless country, not country—but rather community of human creatures, the picture of our beloved Father Martin, keeps our hearts from loneliness. Many times we wish that there might be established here, a little church like the one at Fort Yates; and that these Utes be not forever lost. The Episcopal church has been here for ten years or more; and yet the Utes do not attend the Services; nor regard the Sabbath day other than a dance-day.

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This summer will be the eighth “Sun-Dance” that these Utes have participated in since we have been here. This is a difficult field, owing to the lack of railroads. Transportation is of necessity by stage—a slow, tedious and expensive route. Yet these Utes, if left in their ignorance and demoralization, would never go forth to seek Christ and thus the Light will have to be brought to them. There is an abandoned Government School site, with very good buildings (owing to a former consolidation of two Schools, to increase a certain Supt’s salary.) I am wondering if the Catholic Church might in some way—get this for a Mission. The location is excellent, being half way between the Agency & SubAgency. Please do not think I am presumptuous in thus suggesting something which is not an improbability. I do it because I am so anxious for this benighted people to reap the benefits of knowing & serving the only true God—as I have been greatly benefited. Oh—how I long to be at Fort Yates in June for the Indian Catholic Congress!8 Father Martin, do you think a letter to Father Ketcham might do some good? I will inclose it: and after reading it,—if you approve of it, will you kindly write a word of introduction? Trusting I am not intruding too much upon your time. My family join me in sending our love, Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Ketcham, bcimr Whiterocks, Utah January 5, 1911 My dear Father Ketcham: In reply to my letter of May 25th, 1910, you instructed me to write to the Rt. Rev. Lawrence Scanlan, d.d. of Salt Lake; and to send you his reply that in the light of it, you would know better what could be done towards helping these Utes. 8 The Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions held Catholic Sioux Congresses at Standing Rock Sioux Reservation on an annual basis, the first in the summer of 1891 following the Wounded Knee Massacre. These events to a degree substituted for the traditional Sioux Sun Dance ritual, which Washington had repeatedly banned since the 1880s. See Dominguez, “The Gertrude Bonnin Story,” 192–93; Davidson and Norris, introduction to American Indian Stories, Legends, and Other Writings, xx–xxi.

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figure 6

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Father Martin Kenel in an undated photograph courtesy of the marquette university archives, bureau of catholic indian missions records, id 10019

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figure 7

Father William H. Ketcham in an undated photograph courtesy of the marquette university archives, bureau of catholic indian missions records, id 00084

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I wrote a letter to the Rt Rev Lawrence Scanlan last Fall—(in the latter part of Sept. or the first part of Oct.) I have waited since for some reply but have never had any response. Evidently there is some unforeseen obstacle that causes the delay. May I be forgiven if my appeals in behalf of these poor Utes seem to be an intrusion upon the time of those true Christians who are already over-laden with work. True, the Episcopal Church has been represented here for many years but they have no following. They are like The Blind leading the Blind. I have lived among these people since the winter of 1902. I see their need! They need the Light that the Catholic Church can give them. I and my family long for a church where we may go to worship. Sincerely, (Mrs) Gertrude Bonnin.

∵ To Ketcham, bcimr Whiterocks, Utah January 29, 1911 Father Ketcham; In reply to your kind letter of January 18—I enclose herewith a crude map of this country. The Indians, about 1000 in number—are scattered out, as indicated by the red marks, on the map. There are about 500 in and around Whiterocks; about 200 between Randlette and Ouray Sub-Agency, about 100 at Indian Village, about 100 at Stockmore & Lake Fork; about 100 in the mountains near Dragon. Very few of these Indians live in houses; They shift camp a great deal; thus making it very difficult to ascertain the exact number in the various locations. Theodore, Myton and Randlette are Government townsites. Randlette has an abandoned Government Boarding School site with all buildings thereon. This being halfway between Whiterocks and Ouray SubAgency, would be a very desirable location for a Mission. Dr. Ford, at Randlette, is a Catholic and I believe he would be a help—to our cause. There is a rumor that the Military Post and Ft. Duchesne is to be abandoned.

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This would be a central location—and desirable—also The Government gave Land Grants to the Episcopal Church both a Randlette and Whiterocks; amounting to a few acres; also building material—for the construction of a Hospital, at Whiterocks. The Utes show no interest in Spiritual Life. They are governed largely by superstitions. They are immoral. They waste all their time in gambling; some drink intoxicants; Even the School Children, who should know better, after leaving school, are living lives immorality. Their marriages are not legal though they are voters; and have their land allotted. They do need help; but do not know it. I hope and pray for their conversion. Very sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Kenel, bcimr Whiterocks, Utah March 6, 1911 Dear Father Martin, I beg of you to be patient with my request if it appears—bold; but knowing of no one else who really would take interest in our small affairs, I turn to you— as once I did at Yates. I inclose a letter sent to Mr. Bonnin, 8 miles in the country—by the man who was Capt. Hall’s Righthand-man & since Hall’s removal—who has the control of Uintah & Ouray Agency.9 I mean Mr. Greene.10 On account of our need of means, Mr. Bonnin accepted; and is now in the Agency working. {Ohiya & I are out on the Ranch.} Does

9

10

Captain C. G. Hall, u.s. Army, acting Indian agent at Uintah Agency. Put in charge of allotting Ute lands in April 1905, Hall and his commission finished by June of the same year. Shortly following allotment, Roosevelt declared all the remaining lands at Uintah open for white settlement. The Bonnins likely purchased their claim at this time. See “The Uintah Valley Reservation.” Earnest O. Greene, at the time chief clerk at Uintah. Despite initial strong recommendations, Greene was passed over for promotion to acting agent and transferred after a scandal involving illegal leasing of the Ute grazing lands. See Conditions on Uinta Indian

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not this letter from Mr. Greene—show beyond any doubt—that Mr. Bonnin’s ability is recognized & respected? Mr. Bonnin wishes this position to be given him permanently. Just now there is a general stir about news of the Secretary having chosen a Utah man for Agent here—instead of Mr. Greene. Mr. Bonnin applied for this position {Property-Clerk} & Capt. Breese— Acting Agent—at present said—“When I see your work and am satisfied—I can recommend you but that does not give me power to make the appointment.”11 Meaning it lay with the Indian Office. Mr. Bonnin has been out of the Service over a year yet—he wishes that he be re-enstated without an examination. There is one position here—that of Financial Clerk—that is listed under the “Unclassified Service” which a man may fill without taking an examination. Will the Office abolish the present Position of Property Clerk, $ 120000 per annum; & establish a position of “Financial Clerk” at $ 120000 per annum. And offer same to Mr. Bonnin? Father Martin will you help us in this matter by writing to Father Ketcham; asking him to help us in this matter? I feel sure he will be able to do much. We have prayed that God would give us a way to earn the necessary money; & we trust this is to be the answer. Should you think it best, forward inclosure to Father Ketcham. Very Humbly Gertrude Bonnin

∵

11

Reservation, Utah (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1912), 4; Hearings Before the Joint Commission of the Congress of the United States to Investigate Indian Affairs, September 15–October 13, 1913 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1913), 7–11. Captain H. G. Breese, u.s. Army, was one of four acting agents at Uintah between 1911 and 1915, the others being C. G. Early, Martin D. Jewell, and a man named Rosencranz. The exact dates are not on record. See June Denver and Norma Lyman, Ute People: An Historical Study (Salt Lake City: University of Utah, 1970), 120.

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[Enclosure. Greene to R. Bonnin] February 28, 1911. Raymond T. Bonnin Addressed. My dear Mr Bonnin Would you come to take the Property Clerk’s position temporarily at $ 120000 per annum? If so come in to see Capt. Bresse tomorrow. I will recommend it— [illegible] E. O. Greene Whiterocks, Feb 28, 1911

∵ To Kenel, bcimr Whiterocks, Utah March 25, 1911 My dear Father Martin, Thank you for your assistance. A telegram from the Indian Office to the Acting Indian Agent, Capt. Breece, asking if he would recommend Mr. Bonnin’s re-instatement and at what salary, came along with your letter to us. We are grateful to Father Ketcham for his action in this matter. Capt. Breece wired his recommendation. He was influenced by Mr. E. O. Greene, Financial Clerk, to recommend only $1000 per annum! Inclosed is a paper on which Capt. Breece wrote with ink & Mr. Greene answered with lead pencil, making a cipher over Capt. Breece’s figure 1. Thus making $1000 instead of $1100 as was evidently Capt. Breece’s original intention. We understand the motive. Mr. Greene fears that he has failed in his efforts to become Agent here. The Newspapers report a civilian, Mr. DeMoisy, backed by Mr. Smoot, had been chosen for Agent at this place.12 12

Mormon Senator Reed Smoot (1862–1941) of Utah. Born in Salt Lake City, Smoot was elected by the Utah legislature to represent the state in 1902. As a member of the Republican Party, Smoot served for thirty years until 1933, when he failed to be reelected. When he died in 1941, Smoot was third in line for the presidency of the Mormon Church. See David Gessel, “Reed Smoot,” Utah History Encyclopedia, http://historytogo.utah.gov/ people/reedsmoot.html (accessed July 31, 2016).

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Heretofore, the Gov’t was saved the salary of an Agent, an Army Officer having been Acting Agent. This allowed Mr. Greene, Capt. Hall’s Financial Clerk, to benefit greatly, drawing a salary of $160000!!! Now in the event of a civilian Agent, who may not care to favor Mr. Greene; or even to retain him, there is great uneasiness on Mr. Greene’s part and he is putting forth every {effort} for self-protection. Very natural, very human, of course. Mr Greene fears his salary will be reduced in the making up of the civilian Agent’s salary. Now while he, Greene, has still power to dictate to the one in Authority, he is trimming off some one else’s salary to save his own. This is why he influenced Capt. Breece to recommend only $ 1000 for Mr. Bonnin. It is unfair, of course; but Father Martin, it does not lessen our gratitude to you for the re-instatement, the opportunity to resume a work in which Mr. Bonnin was proficient; and one in which he has worked the last 8 years. After he is duly re-instated we hope he may get a transfer with promotion to a more suitable locality. A year ago, during March 1910, Mr. Bonnin was in Washington d.c. He failed to find Father Ketcham as Father Ketcham was absent at that time. Maj. McLaughlin told Mr. Bonnin he could secure the position of Bonded Superintendency for him, in a Catholic community at Banning, California; but Mr. Bonnin was forced to refuse.13 At that time, we were not in a position to leave unfinished work in Utah. Now, we wish that a like offer would be given Mr. Bonnin—by the end of the Fiscal year—perhaps We will make commutation proof on our Ranch, in June. We have four good buildings, a cellar, 80 acres cleared & ready for seeding this Spring and an Individual Ditch 4 miles long. Our Ranch is in shape for leasing for the rest of the necessary improvements. It is needless to say that we gained a great store of practical experience in our 14 months on a Ranch. Father Martin, you have already done so much for us; but I wish to ask again your assistance. Do you approve our desire for Mr Bonnin’s transfer with promotion to a Catholic Locality? 13

James McLaughlin (1842–1923), Canadian-American u.s. Indian agent. McLaughlin ordered the arrest of Sitting Bull in December 1890, which led to his killing and the Wounded Knee massacre. At the time R. Bonnin received this offer, McLaughlin was serving as inspector for the Bureau of Indian Affairs and Department of Interior. See “Major James McLaughlin Papers,” http://library.csusb.edu/collections/specialCollectionmclaughlin .html (accessed July 31, 2016).

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Mr. Bonnin would be happy to use his position, should he gain it to cooperate with all the good work of our Church. I too would be glad of a chance to do what I could to help our Church with her work for our people. Father Martin You know our abilities & our devotion to our Church. Do you think Father Ketcham would care to place us where we could work as we wish? I want so much to be near our church. I want to bring my boy up in the Church. Such an arrangement would {better} meet our needs, temporal & Spiritual, I hope I am not asking too much. Chapter ii This week has been one of wonderful nearness of God, our Father. I scarce know how to tell it. Yet I have tried your kind patience often with re-hearsals of my troubles; Now I want to tell you of our numerous blessings. You know Mr. Bonnin is working in the Agency—8 miles away. Ohiya, the Old Sioux & I have been alone on the Ranch—the past three weeks. Monday I was overtaken by Grippe. The severe pain in my lungs made me fear Pneumonia. I rose at 2 O clock in the morning and sat by the fire. I felt very ill & very lonely. Then I did remember that God was ever present! That the Saints of Heaven would hear my prayers! I wondered why the weakness in me had been so Strong? Why I thought first of human help which is uncertain at the best! While God & Heaven never fail! I prayed for help—as the child & the feeble old man were dependent on me for their daily care. I returned to bed & slept. Since then I have improved rapidly. I am up now and feel quite well. This is not all. We had a note to meet on the 23rd of this month. Last Fall, we had instructed our Attorney to sell a piece of Land for us—in order to meet this note. It was large—$55000 Our Attorney played us false. He did not sell and at the last moment he wrote asking the least we would take for the land, that he might care to buy it. We told him that we would not sell now as the reason for which we were going to sell— was no more. All along we have prayed for guidance and intelligence. We were saved from this Attorney’s snare! But the sum of money was not raised. Then like a miracle, a letter came from our Agency, informing Mr. Bonnin that he had $ 55000 coming to him out of a sale of his Mother’s Estate!14

14

Bonnin’s mother, Emeline (née Picotte), had died in South Dakota on 30 March 1904. She

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This was unexpected! And at that time, a Cattle man from Colorado came and bought our little bunch {of cattle} for $74500 This was wonderful—for as a rule there is no market yet for anything in this new country. These manifest Divine aids when the test of our strength physical and mental and Spiritual had about reached its limit, makes us feel more devout, more humble in the Sight of God. These blessings with the re-commendation for Mr. Bonnin’s re-instatement are special very special gifts from Heaven. When answers come to our little cries, we feel it was as because You, Father Martin and the Fathers at Yates, had prayed to God Almighty in our behalf! We thank You Father Martin for your blessing upon us. We are trying very earnestly to live as the true children of our beloved Church. We are grieved that Easter will find us without any way to go to {the} confessional. Now lest I weary you, I will close my letter. I inclose five dollars for you Father Martin. Please accept it as a free will offering from Mr. Bonnin, Ohiya and Me. Very Sincerely Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Ketcham, bcimr Whiterocks, Utah April 5, 1911 Dear Father Ketcham, Most heartily do I offer my thanks to you for Mr. Bonnin’s re-instatement as Property Clerk at $100000 per annum, which came yesterday. It is a revelation of God’s infinite mercy to the smallest of His creatures, myself & husband. My heart is full of gratitude to Him for giving us friends like You and Father Martin. It makes us feel that the trials and hardships we have undergone, were not without needed lessons for our training. It inspires us to more zealous efforts to live as behooves true children of our Church. Very Sincerely Gertrude Bonnin was the daughter of the French trader Joseph Picotte. See “Obituary of Joseph B. Bonnin,” Wagner Post, January 8, 1915, 1; “A Former Haskell Boy,” Red Man and Helper, June 13, 1902.

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∵ To Ketcham, bcimr Whiterocks, Utah May 28, 1911 My dear Father Ketcham, Inclosed is a letter from Mrs. Davis, who is a Catholic and part Indian. Since Mr. Bonnin’s re-instatement in the Indian Service, we have been allowed a house in the Agency, to live in. I started a Music Class here. Mrs. Davis first came to me as a Music student and through our work together, I found out that she was a loyal Catholic. There are two young Indian women, not Utes, who were formerly of Haskell Institute, and who have married young men of this Tribe.15 They are here. They are Catholics too. They have little babes who should be baptized in our Church. These two young women have expressed to Mrs. Davis and to me, their great desire for a Catholic Church here. A young Indian man, a Pueblo, is living here. At present, he is working for Mr. Bonnin on our Ranch. He too is a Catholic. He was glad to learn that we were Catholics. The Stockman at this Agency, a young, man, who is part Ute, told me that he was raised by a good Catholic family, and that he would be glad had we a Catholic Church here. There is a White family, Ranchers, who are Catholics. Their name is Elmers. I am telling you, Father Ketcham, how, one by one, members of our Church are coming together in these Hills. Do you not think it the beginning of a future Catholics Mission for these Utes and the rest of us who are Catholics, and yet by force of circumstance, we are without a Church? I have not named all the various ones, who are Catholics. We counted eighteen souls. Father Ketcham, have you had any encouraging word relative to the beginning of Catholic work here? These Utes are in need {of} rescue. About two months age, an aged Ute woman, blind, deaf, and very feeble, was the victim of a terrible brutality. Some one stole into her wigwam and out a large chunk of flesh from her thigh!

15

The Haskell Institute, prominent Indian boarding school in Lawrence, Kansas, and one of the sites of the 1915 sai conference. See Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 135.

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The offender has never been found though the Agent made some attempt to find him. Secretly, we fear it was the heathen craze of a Ute Medicine man. They have been known to use Human Flesh in their medicines. Again, one of the Agency Policemen has been living with a little girl; who is not 12 years old, {as his wife}. The Agent, when he learned of this, discharged the Policemen. It is not decided what action will be taken yet. I mention these cases to show you, Father Ketcham, the very sad condition of these Utes. May there be some Help, and that soon. Very earnestly Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Ketcham, bcimr Whiterocks, Utah October 16, 1911 My dear father Ketcham, May I write once more about these Utes? There are two positions in the Uintah Boarding School—[illegible] (Superintendent and Teacher) [illegible] be put here as Superintendent? and another as Teacher? The position of Primary Teacher was filled in September by a Mrs. Burton, who is a Catholic. We are glad of this. We had a short visit from Major McCaughlin and Mr. Holcombe.16 They recommended the removal of our present Agency site to that of the recently abandoned Military Post at Ft Duchesne. This Military Reserve has about 3800 acres. There is no church there. Does it not seem that a few acres might be secured for our Church? before the Government makes other disposition of this Military Reserve? I have no right to infringe upon your time; yet I beg your patience— Very Sincerely Gertrude Bonnin

16

E. P. Holcombe, chief inspector in the Bureau of Indian Affairs, considered a candidate for commissioner of Indian Affairs before his suicide by gunshot in 1914. Shortly before his death, Holcombe had investigated criminal acts against the Osage Nation that led to indictments of prominent citizens by federal courts in Oklahoma. See “Chief Supervisor Suicides,” The Native American, January 3, 1914, 219.

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∵ To Ketcham, bcimr Ft. Duchesne, Utah May 7{28}, 1912 My Dear Father Ketcham; Inclosed is {are} a copies of an Office letters relative to which I wish to state my side of the question. It was in good faith that I purchased 40 acres of Indian land.17 The Government had an Acting Agent (Capt Breese) here at the time of my bid. When the bids were openned it was discussed and agreed by those in charge of the work, Capt. Breese was present, that it was not contrary to the Rules and Regulations of the Government for wives of Employees to purchase land. Thus along with others, my bid was accepted, my bid having been the highest on this particular piece of land. I was not in the Service. I am a voter in this state. I did not think I was doing anything but enjoying my citizen-ship. Under the date of February 8, 1912, the Department approved the sale to me for a consideration of $810, all cash. February 27, 1912, the Secretary of the Interior approved this sale. February 27, 1912, Supervisor Chas. L. Davis, wrote me letter 2788–1912, telling me of the approval by the Secretary of the Interior, (though Mr. Davis’ recommendation for non-approval of sales to wives of Employees had not been answered.18 At any rate he never said anything about any reply to his recommendation) He wrote me saying “You are hereby authorized to take possesion of the land if you so desire.” I have had possession three months. Evidently Mr. Davis believed that by the approval of the sale, his recommendation for non-approval had not been considered with favor. I certainly thought so.

17

18

Bonnin’s purchase of Ute land was made under a fee patent scheme introduced by the Burke Act of 1906. The new law allowed “competent” Indians to sell allotments distributed under the Dawes Act (1887), which had previously held allotted lands in trust for a twentyfive-year period. See Janet McDonnell, The Dispossession of the American Indian: 1997–1934 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991), 87–89. Charles L. Davis, supervisor of farming at Uintah. See Hearings Before the Joint Commission of the Congress of the United States to Investigate Indian Affairs, September 15–October 13, 1913, 7–11.

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I have had 30 acres cleared and plowed at $6 per acre. I leased it this Spring for improvements. It is nearly all seeded now. At the time of my bid, it was generally understood that the time allowed to “prove-up on Water rights was about to expire.19 In this Irrigated land a farm is worthless without a Water-right. This was why I was anxious to have the land plowed and put under cultivation at once. I have not invested in any extravagant improvements. There is no house, nor fence. Very recently, the period for proving-up on a Water-right has been extended. Had I any way of knowing that the time would be extended, I would not have felt compelled to hurry the improvements in order to secure the Water for this 40 acres. Now, I am directed, according to the letter included, to redeed this land back to the Indian, lose all improvement work put on the place; and break a lease and pay damages; or else the Indian Office “requires” my husband’s resignation. My husband is an Indian. He is in the Civil Service. He has rendered good service to the Government for many years. I am an Indian. Since we are both Indians and still hold our tribal right to claim the protection of the Government as well as these Utes, we request your aid in this matter. If it was a mistake for me to invest my money in Indian land, Government officials erred with me, for my purchase was approved, and Mr. Davis sent me the patent in fee, telling me that I was “authorized” to take possession of the land. Why must my husband be the only one to suffer from the mistake. Might {not} there be found another way to adjust this matter. I regret very much that it was my misfortune to be one on whose purchase an issue must be made. We could not afford it in any sense you may look at it. We certainly did not wish to incurr the displeasure of the Government that acts as Guardian for us in all our affairs; nor did we wish to lose a position by which we were gaining our livelihood; nor to be “required” to resign which means that we could not re-enter the Service again.

19

The Office of the United States Indian Irrigation Service at Whiterocks had begun a water distribution project at Uintah in 1906. Though the project was ostensibly to benefit the Ute population and their farming efforts, the few Utes who had actively taken up farming owned only a minor part of the land irrigated by new ditches—11,000 acres out of a total of 88,000. Even worse, Utes within the irrigated areas had to pay for water rights regardless of whether they farmed. Those Utes who could not, or did not, make payments for their water rights forfeited their land. The irrigation project meanwhile created a dire water shortage for the remainder of the Utes. See Simmons, The Ute Indians, 224–29.

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I hate to say it, but it looks to me like the Government, in this case favors the conservative, ignorant Indian, giving him all protection to the point of disregarding the industrious, ambitious “educated” Indian. I suppose the usual case with most Indians has been that of eagerness to sell lands instead of earning money and saving it to buy lands. I really believe that if Indians were encouraged to buy lands, it would be a material advantage to the entire race. If lands that sell for a reasonable price are greatly desired by civilized people why should not the Indian do like wise. It does seem it would only be fair to the “educated” Indian if the Government would make a Ruling for him or her to purchase Indian land whether he or she may be employed by the Government or not. I beg your assistance in this for my husband should not have been barred from re-entering the Service, {in the future.} I cannot afford to lose my money. In a talk with Mr. Early, Special Agent in charge, he told us that since the Department and the Interior Department had decided the case, there was nothing to do but to abide by the decision.20 Therefore Mr. Bonnin resigned to take effect May 27, 1912, which was yesterday. We shall go to the Farm and work with it, hopeing to have this matter re-adjusted. Respectfully, Gertrude Bonnin p.s. Since writing the above, I have decided to send sworn statements that I used my own money, that Mr. Bonnin did not give me his money with which to make this purchase. I shall ask the Office to file these affidavits in Mr. Bonnin’s “Personal Record File” in the Indian Department. I do this to furnish the Office with the information that I did not use Mr. Bonnin’s money to make this purchase. Gertrude Bonnin

20

C. G. Early, one of four acting agents at Uintah between 1911 and 1915, the others being Captain H. G. Breese, Martin D. Jewell, and a man named Rosencranz. The exact dates are not on record. See Denver and Lyman, Ute People, 120.

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figure 8 Zitkala-Ša and William Hanson, ca. 1913 courtesy of the l. tom perry special collections, harold b. lee library, brigham young university, provo, utah

∵ To Charles Lusk, bcimr Whiterocks, Utah June 21, 1912 My dear Mr. Lusk, Yours of June 14th just received. Mr. Bonnin & I are very grateful to you for your very kind help in this trouble. Since my letter to you, another thing has happened of which I must write you now. On account of the sudden resignation forced upon us—and the Spring Season being late—we moved hastily leaving my piano in the Government house—together with such Government property as we had used. Mr. Bonnin intended to turn over the few things belonging to the Government as is the usual way—when he went after my piano. He told Mr. Bailey the clerk about his intentions & Mr. Bailey said that would be all right about the 13th of June. Mr. Early—in charge—wrote us to come and get our things out of the Government house No. 14—as he wished to take possession. There are several empty houses there; & there was no immediate call for the house where my piano was. It was simply that Mr. Early didnt wish to accom-

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modate us! Mr Bonnin left his work on an Irrigation ditch—& I went with him after the piano. Mr. Early with Supervisor Martin who had just arrived—left Ft Duchesne for Whiterocks as we got in. Mr. Buffalo—who gave me one of Mr. Bonnin’s pay checks—(as Mr. Bonnin would not leave his team and I went to the office for him) told me that Mr. Early instructed him to hold out the other check of Mr. Bonnin’s until the checking of Property was done! We said nothing. In April 1912—Mr. C. L. Davis then in charge ordered Mr. Bonnin to turn his warehouse keys {over} to Mr. John Ferral—Farmer, & Mr. C. L. Davis gave the Ft Duchesne Warehouse keys—to Mr. Bailey—then ordered Mr. Bonnin to freight—to pack up Government property, load wagon & drive down to the Post—that is to Ft Duchesne, for some time. This was taking a clerk for a teamster & putting an illiterate farmer in charge of Government Warehouses & Issues too. Mr. Bailey was a new man and in fact Mr. Davis asked Mr. Bonnin to instruct Bailey in his work!! And now! for Mr. Early to hold out Mr. Bonnin’s check—holding him responsible for Government property! Is there any justice in this? Mr. Bailey later said after we left Mr. Early made him go into our house no 14 & check the Government property & that it did not tally. All this was so easy to explain. Mr. Bonnin returned a great many things to the Whiterocks Warehouse before we moved down to Ft Duchesne. Mr. Lusk—if Mr. Bonnin was not honest—could he not easily enough destroyed the “list” of Government property we had used? The list was in his desk. Who would take a hammer, or a small tool like that and thereby lose his good name? There was no need for this confusion—if Mr. Bailey had kept his word with Mr. Bonnin to wait for him till he came for my piano. The check that Mr. Early holds is unsigned. Will that do him any good? It is just the small spirit of treating us like thieves that we resent. In a talk with Mr. Early when I first got the letter from him relative to my purchase of the land—I told him that both Mr. Bonnin and I could refer him to the two Banks of Vernal, Utah to satisfy him as to our honesty and good standing—that we had been out here nearly ten years. Then Mr. Early said that was unnecessary as there was no doubt about our honesty! Doesn’t his action now contradict his words? This much simply to show you—Mr. Lusk the “attitude” toward us. Somehow these officials hate to ever admit a mistake which is plainly theirs! They shield one another! There is no hope for an Indian to look to them for justice. I write all at length hoping to state the case clearly & I wrote this last

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happening lest Mr. Early may write something about it to the Department which might be misleading. I do not fear losing the check—but it is the insult heaped upon injury to us that is hardest to bear. Mr. Early showed his utter indifference when he refused to take any action in this matter when I went to him upon receipt of his letter to me relative to the purchase. I knew it was in his power to furnish the Department with information that might have caused the Department to change its decision; but Mr. Early would not do it! Just as a {side} remark—I would venture to say that under such mal-administration as C. L. Davis’ Supervisor of Farming—followed in every step nearly— by Special Agent Early—these Utes will be up in arms again. Supervisor Martin’s arrival is looked upon by the Utes with no friendliness.21 Very earnestly & sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Ketcham, bcimr Whiterocks, Utah August 28, 1912 My dear Father Ketcham, Thank you for your kind letter. It is hard to have to stand helplessly by—while we behold the graft carried on in the political game in Washington d.c.—My case, like many others, is last because it is insignificant— The incentive to the political world is graft & not justice. Were I a man, I’d gather together all the Indian votes in our United States— then perhaps—my appeal for justice would have some consideration. But after all—I should not write this.— Supervisor Holcombe understands my case thoroughly. He is now located in Washington d.c. I understand. I am inclosing a letter from Mr. MacCall—formerly an employee here & both he & his wife are friends of ours.22 I wrote you—Father—of my unfortunate purchase of Ute land—40 acres—because the Office allowed the purchase & 21

22

Martin D. Jewell, one of four acting agents at Uintah between 1911 and 1915, the others being Captain H. G. Breese and C. G. Early, and a man named Rosencranz. The exact dates are not on record. See Denver and Lyman, Ute People, 120. Agnus F. MacColl, one-time financial clerk at Uintah. MacColl later testified before a

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issued a patent in fee—to me; then later told me to redeed the land—lose the improvements I had put on it; or Mr. Bonnin’s resignation would be required. Mr. Bonnin resigned but it was unjust. This is what Mr. MacCall has reference to. And though you may not be able to do any thing in my case—it is some satisfaction to me—that you understand why we are out of the Service—at present; that is through no fault of ours. Dear Father—pray for us & especially for me. We have no church—no priest &—I need your prayers. Very earnestly Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Chicago, Illinois(?) May 13, 1913 Tuesday a.m. My dear Dr. Montezuma, The real joys in Life we get only in little “nips”—as you said last night. With some of us those “nips” are few and far between. But really—some times the thing we desire had we got it—may have proven anything but a joy. In all sincerity I want to say that you had a narrow escape—but you escaped. I was not worthy because I did not recognize true worth at that time.

joint Congressional Commission to Investigate Indian Affairs regarding his time in Uintah. There MacColl, who had resigned and then was dismissed from the Indian Service, denounced Greene as a “rascal” for arranging secret leases on Ute grazing lands to the Mormon firm J. S. Murdoch & Co., at $2,000 per annum. Captain Breese was also implicated in the scheme. MacColl likewise commented that Charles L. Davis, supervisor of farming at Uintah, was “improper” for the Service. In the wake of the scandal Greene was transferred, even promoted, to superintendent at Jilcarillo Reservation, New Mexico; Breese was put on Army duty in San Francisco. The Congressional investigation also suggested that R. Bonnin may have been dismissed not due to his wife’s purchase of land, but because he had learned of the illegal leases. MacColl praised Gertrude Bonnin at the hearings as “probably the most intelligent woman in the United States to-day.” See Hearings Before the Joint Commission of the Congress of the United States to Investigate Indian Affairs, September 15–October 13, 1913, 7–11.

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Permit me to say that I am one of your admirers—It does not really matter one way or another to you—because I am not great as you are. However, I wish you to know that I would like to be counted as one of your friends. I humbly beg your forgiveness for my gross stupidity, of former years—which was not relieved by my misfortune to lose what I could not replace.23 I have never passed through Chicago since that time and I could not go through now without putting forth an effort—no matter how hard—no matter if you might have refused to see me—I had to try to see you— You are generously kind to welcome me & I wished we might have had an opportunity to talk but we couldnt. So I am taking this liberty to write to you. I am going to Westerville, Ohio—to visit a dear friend of mine Miss Maud Russell.—Should you care to say any thing, to be kind to me—you may write me there. My address will be— Gertrude Bonnin Westerville—Ohio c/o Maud Russell I seem to be in a spiritual unrest. I hate this eternal tug of war between being wild & becoming civilized. The transition is an endless evolution—that keeps me in a continual Purgatory. My duty as mother & wife—of course keeps me in the West; but now I can hardly stand the inner spiritual clamor—to study to write—to do more with my music—yet duty first! Rip Van Winkle slept twenty years! but my sleep was disturbed in half that time. I wonder if I may sleep again. Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Burlington Station June 23, 1913 My dear Montezuma— Time got away so fast that I am taking a wait here for a few letters among which is one to you. I am bound for Spalding Institute for Small Boys—a Benedictine Sisters School—Nauvoo, Ill—The nearest railroad station is across

23

A reference to the lost engagement ring.

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the river at Montrose, Iowa.24 I will arrive there at 8 p.m. tonight I am taking my boy to school. I know it is necessary to educate him but this knowledge does not make it any easier to leave him. We came through your [illegible] this morning but didnt telephone you as I imagined you might be busy. I fully meant to write you & Gen Pratt—while I was in Westerville but I didnt have time. I got such a nice letter from Gen Pratt. He said you had written him. Thank you for the compliment Gen Pratt says you paid to my boy. While in Westerville I had my eyes examined—you know what that means. Oh—no—I was not thinking of old age—I mean—the Belladonna used to enlarge the pupils of the eyes—I could not use my eyes for ten days or more! Then when I recovered—for I was sick incidentally from a severe cold contracted while in Chicago—I studied piano music at Otterbein University. I practiced 6 hours a day. Now thats hard labor! I want to earn a diploma in Piano Music some of these days. You know I have a great desire to finish things I had once started—(I have no table to write on so excuse very poor writting) I studied a piano piece which is considered one of the most difficult things written for the piano. Prof Grahill said I had talent. I am not bragging but simply telling you the encouragement I have along my line of study. I am returning to Utah because Mr. Bonnin insists upon it. I shall continue my study at home and try to go every summer to some place to study under a real first class teacher of music. I am telling you all this because I want you to know that I intend to improve my mind—I intend also to direct my boy’s course in school—hence forth. I fear I wont be able to attend the Indian association—even though it should chance to meet in Denver. It is not that I lack interest or even public spirit—but my duties seem to limit me to the home—for the time, at any rate. I should count it a special favor if you would send me copies of your lectures and articles published—should you feel so inclined—now & then— I will not be in a position to receive any letter—even though it might be ever so impersonal—as I know you would have made it. In view of this—I would be glad to know of your work through an occasional copy of something you’ve “done gone & said.” Should I do any thing—I’ll let you know—but I doubt my doing anything worth while for some time to come as I shall have to spend so much time in practise & teaching too. Let me wish you {continued} successes. 24

The Spalding Institute for Small Boys was founded in 1907 by an order of Benedictine Sisters based in Nauvoo since the 1870s. Spalding closed in 1920. See “The History of St. Mary’s High School of Nauvoo,” http://www.illinoishsglorydays.com/id286.html (accessed July 30, 2016).

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Yours sincerely Gertrude Bonnin p.s. I will return to “Ft Duchesne Utah”—where Mr. Bonnin is a Government employee. G—

∵ To Ketcham, bcimr Ft. Duchesne, Utah March 2, 1913 My dear Father Ketcham, Last spring after Easter Bishop Scanlan sent Father Ryan out to us at Whiterocks. Mr. Bonnin & I gave Father Ryan fifty dollars—as we felt we had insisted upon a Priest being sent; & while we knew it was not required of us—yet we wanted to make the offering.— Since then we have never heard from Father Ryan or Bishop Scanlan; of course they must be very busy. Supervisor Martin—Acting Agent here wrote Bishop Scanlan six weeks ago; and has not yet had any reply. If Bishop Scanlan has not Priests enough—I wish he might in some way arrange for some [illegible] to come here. Mr. Bonnin seems to be getting along nicely in the office. I am working temporarily in the office. Supervisor Martin was kind to give me the chance to work. I feel that I must place my boy in a Catholic School. Mr. Bonnin & I do not seem to be able to get out of this country; & our boy is growing fast. He is nine. Can you recommend a school, Father Ketcham? Very sincerely Gertrude Bonnin

∵

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To Ketcham, bcimr Ft. Duchesne, Utah March 19, 1913 My dear Father Ketcham Many thanks for telling me of the White Schools—but under the present circumstances I believe I must place my boy in an Indian School. A Catholic School or Mission. Ohiya is nine and in the 3rd grade. But out here—we lack the Church training—& he must go now— We are not able to pay a high tuition and perhaps the fact of his Indian blood would prove a subtle hindrance to him—in a White School—So perhaps an Indian School (Catholic) is the best—At any rate I want to try it a year or two. What arrangements would be necessary to place Ohiya in such a School as you would be able to select for him? I would like to have him go this Spring if possible. What about the Catholic School at Pine Ridge? I realize you have many many duties—yet I feel that this is a very important matter and I know of no other who could help me decide upon the school & make arrangements so well as you can, dear Father Ketcham. So I beg you to have further patience with me & my continual writing. Sincerely Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Ketcham, bcimr Ft. Duchesne, Utah October 4, 1913 Dear Father Ketcham; At the very outset, I beg your patience, for this will be a long letter. I did not write earlier because I thought matters would adjust themselves without bothering you. However, others have taken up things with the Indian Office; and with you that makes me write now. I hardly know which subject to begin with. I shall just try to follow the events as they occurred. I had refrained from writing about Mrs. Jennie L. Burton for I thought if you deemed it necessary, you would ask me about her. I sincerely pray, at this moment, that I give no unnecessary report.

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In 1912, Mr. Bonnin and I succeeded in getting a priest, Father Ryan, from Salt Lake to visit us. I entertained him and made all arrangements for a hall; I made special effort to get all Catholics to come to do their Easter Duty. Mr. Bonnin and I gave Father Ryan fifty dollars, Mrs. Davis gave five dollars, Mr and Mrs. Chas. Reed gave five dollars. Mrs. Burton, peeved with me because the Priest staid at my house, refused to give a cent. I never did learn if she gave any thing to the priest. The country folks came long distance and my house was a convenient {place} to meet and to make confessions. I gave some of them their meals and night’s lodging. I had devoted my time and made long horse-back rides to get all Catholics together for Easter Duty. Mrs. Burton, after her School hours, isolated herself in her room with her books. She never mingled with the people, not even the School employees with whom should have been CO-worker. She spoke unkindly to me, accusing me of monopolizing the Priest. I had hardly seen any more of him than she did, for his time was consumed in hearing confessions. I did all my house work, having no servant, so that I had my hands full trying to serve meals, attend to necessary preparation at the hall, and look after all Catholics who had come from far off ranches. Mrs. Burton is peculiar and really unable to adapt herself cheerfully to trying circumstances. She continually arouses antagonism against our Church. If she were unselfish; and would give up her room-comforts to do good work in saving souls for heaven, I would feel that her stay here was necessary although she is not up to date in her School-room methods of teaching. I have been a teacher and know where of I speak. It is her own fault that the School does not want her services longer. I understand that she expects the Church to shield and keep her in the position she has held. She is not a poor woman working for her living. She has told of her property (in some city) which is worth a great deal, and she is very well off. She dresses shabily and is miserly, when she refused to help me with Father Ryan’s expenses here, I felt at the time, that probably she could have better afforded to give than I but would not. In her old age, I think she would be better off where there is a church for her to attend and enjoy. She is not happy here. She does not fit in co-operative work at all. Some times, I feel that she does undo more than I can ever hope to accomplish for our Church. She does not help with Church work; nor does she help with extra duties at the School in times of sickness. Mrs. Burton has applied to Mr. Martin for a position of clerk in the Agency office. Even this affects Mr. Bonin and me. Mr. Bonnin had asked for increase in salary because he felt he was justly entitled to such. Though Mr. Martin approved it, the Indian Office seemed to

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be of the opinion that if Mr Bonnin had so much work, he should be given an assistant instead of raise in salary. This is not fair to Mr. Bonnin and eventually, if Mrs. Burton {is} appointed his Assistant, it would be a gross injustice. Mrs. Burton’s old age makes unwilling to work easily under the Supervision of one younger, as Mr. Bonnin is. She would just be an added care. This is very plain, Father, but I want you to understand this complication. I, myself, am a younger woman and have held as responsible a position at Standing Rock, at $900 per annum. If Mr. Bonnin’s salary cannot be raised, the Assistant’s position might be given to me. I can do the work and it would be more fair to Mr. Bonnin. I have felt backward to apply for this position, in case it be created, because I knew that a certain record filed maliciously by Supervisor Fred A. Baker, would have to be taken up by me before I could expect any favorable consideration from the Indian Office.25 It is the chagrin of having my private family misunderstanding put on file in Washington and forcing me to make a defence that hindered me. Father, we did have untold unhappiness in our little home, in Apr. on account of an unreasonable jealousy that caused my husband to act imprudently. i am innocent of any immoral act. My mistake was showing too much interest in literary conversations with a man who came frequently to our home. We have tried to live it down, God only knows how hard. There was no one in our house at the time of our misunderstanding. Yet Mr. Baker, upon hearsay, has written to the Indian Office, preferring as a charge against Mr Martin, the suppression of the report of “Mr. Bonnin’s violation” of the Utah laws. By his bold indirect reference to our trouble as a positive violation af certain laws, Mr. Baker misnames and magnifies our mistake. This of course, becomes a record which injures Mr. Bonnin’s name as well as mine. It does not seem right, a Supervisor should be allowed to damage another in subordinate position, with statements that do not abide strictly to the truth. He was fighting Mr. Martin and {because} we have always stood by Mr. Martin {since} he is the best we have had in the ten years we have been here, Mr. Baker felt like hurting us too. To show you what kind of a man Mr. Baker is I must relate another experience we have had with him. When we came here in February, 1913, he was expecting his wife and could not get a kitchen range. We accomodated him by loaning him a new range that we had purchased with our own money. He has 25

Fred A. Baker, supervisor of Indian schools, later superintendent of Klamath Indian Agency, Oregon. See Robert E. Lester, ed., A Guide to the Microfilm Edition of Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs Central Classified Files, 1907–1939 Series a: Indian Delegations to Washington Project (Bethesda: University Publications of America, 1995), xv.

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never shown us any appreciation of our kindness; and today, when Mr. Bonnin told Mrs. Baker that we want our range, she became angry because she had to give it up. She never thanked us for the use of it all this time. I quote here his letter against Mr. Martin where he involves us. Office letter; e-l&o j h d ----------Washington, Sept. 9, 1913. Mr. Jewell D. Martin, Supervisor in Charge, Uintah & Ouray Agency, Ft. Duchesne, Utah. Sir, Special Agent F.A. Baker has filed the following charges against you: 3. That on or about the tenth day of May you knew that Raymond T. Bonnin, a clerk at the Uintah and Ouray Agency had violated Section 4310, Laws of Utah, 1907, page 1314, Section 4496, Laws of Utah, 1907, page 1357, Sections 4190, 4195, pages 1292 to 1293, by assaulting his wife Gertrude Bonnin in a jealous rage over the alleged attentions to her by Asa C. Chapman, formerly Financial Clerk at the agency; that you were present at the home of Mr. Bonnin shortly after he committed the offence, and that you knew of the circumstances connected therewith; that this offence was concealed from Supervisor Davis who was present at the agency at the time, and that the knowledge of this offence has come to the local community and has ca cast discredit upon the Indian Service in third locality.” {(Mr. Bonnin never assaulted me! G.B.)} Mr. Martin’s reply. “e l & o” jhd Uintah & Ouray Agency, Ft. Duchesne, Utah. Sept. 16, 1913. Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Washington, d.c. Sir:— 3. Raymond T. Bonnin, who is employed as property clerk at this agency did quarrel with Gertrude Bonnin, his wife, on April 22 (Mr. Baker’s date is

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in error) and in the afternoon she and their son left the house, going some 40 feet to a neighbor’s house. The neighbors, Mrs Mackenstadt & Mrs. Bishop came immediately to the Agency office and informed me and I brought them to their homes and went immediately to Mr. Bonnin’s home to talk with him and ascertain whether or not there was any foundation for his reported jealousy. He informed me that in the little social meetings and musicals which we had had many of which had taken place at his house, he felt that Mrs. Bonnin had manifested too great an interest in the musical and literary tastes and culture of Mr. A. S. Chapman who was employed as Financial clerk: that he had feared that she was coming to appreciate Mr. Chapman more than himself and that he felt in danger of losing her affections. He had upbraided her and in her scorn at being suspicioned of such a thing and his fear of losing what he coveted most they had the tilt referred to by Mr. Baker as coming within the purview of Section so and so of the Utah Statutes. Mr. Bonnin affirmed that he did not even suspicion Mrs. Bonnin or Mr. Chapman of guilty thought or conduct, but he was genuinely grieved over the contemplation of the mental state wherein his wife might find another more interesting than he. Through long and intimate acquaintance with Chapman and a close association with and observance of Mrs. Bonnin, I knew them to be models of rectitude. I knew Mr. Chapman so well that I could cheerfully stand sponsor for him with my life if need be, and I assured Mr. Bonnin that instead of Mr. Chapman trying to steal his most coveted treasure that he would find in him a friend he would come to prize. They came to my way of thinking, all talked it out together and have been the best of friends ever since. Mr. and Mrs. Bonnin prize each other as never before and several months of time which have elapsed have served to show that they have successfully weathered that matrimonial storm. They are disposed to feel kindly toward me for the part I had in it, but the happy culmination of the affair was not due to any superior management on my part but rather to the fact that the material I had to work with was sterling. There are appreciated here as such. I see Mr. Baker says this “offence” was concealed from Mr. C. L. Davis who was at this agency at the time. He makes this misstatement, no doubt, from lack of information. I told Mr. Davis about the affair at the time.” {See “p.s” on last page of this letter.} Mr. Baker may be in Washington now. He expects to see Commissioner Sells in person relative to these charges he has filed.26 I beg that you, Father will speak 26

Cato Sells (1859–1948), appointed commissioner in 1913 nine months after Valentine’s resignation. See Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 299.

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to Commissioner Sells in our behalf. I want the chance to work in the Office with Mr. Bonnin, if a new position of Assistant clerk is created for Mr. Bonnin’s work. I would make application if the Commissioner feels favorably toward us. I realize that I am asking a great deal of you, Father, but I have no other one to whom I may turn at this hour of trial. Since Father Poirier has taken this territory under his charge, I would like to stay here, to help him in whatever way I may.27 I have written him about some work I have done. I am glad to report him that when he makes his Fall visit there will be a Convert (Ute young man, returned student) to our Church; Through Mr. Bonnin’s efforts and mine, he is now studying the Catechism; also a baby to baptize and a wedding ceremony to perform. Mr. Bonnin and I have invited Father Poirier to make his head quarters with us. We have given him the use of our team and buggy, should he wish to make trips while here. I do not tell of these works for our Church, for glory; but that you may know we are earnest Catholics. We are grateful that God has answered our prayers for a Priest. On my trip out this Spring, I stopped at Grand Junction and implored help of the Priest I met there. He told Father Poirier. And God Almighty gave the necessary courage to Father Poirier to offer himself. He made one visit before I returned from my trip. Now we are looking forward with great joy, for his promised visit this Fall. I shall put forth every effort to visit all the Catholics at their homes that they may have time to arrange to attend Holy Mass when Father Poirier comes. Sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin p.s. In the early part of April, 1913, during one Social evening at our house, Mr. Baker invited Mr. Bonnin to go with him to a gambling game of cards, in company with some men from Vernal who were in Ft. Duchesne for the night. Mr. Bonnin refused. He said that he did not believe that it would be doing right, since they (he & Baker) held Government Positions where such games were forbidden. Mr. Bonnin prevented that game. Mr. Bonnin never gambles.

27

Possibly Rev. Charles Poirier, listed in The Official Catholic Directory of 1922 as serving in Assiniboia, Southern Saskatchewan, Canada, at Maxstone Mission. See The Official Catholic Directory (New York: P. J. Kennedy & Sons, 1922), 50.

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Is it not a remarkable thing that Mr. Baker should forget to report he, a Special Officer of the Government, had tempted an Indian employee to a game forbidden by the same Government he represented? Neither {did} he comment what a praise worthy act this Mr. Bonnin had done by his refusal of a temptation offered {him} by a High Officer. Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Arthur C. Parker, saip Ft. Duchesne, Utah August 18, 1915 My dear Mr Parker; We especially enjoyed the editorials and other articles from your pen, in the magazines you so kindly sent us. In reply to your letter, I would say that I do recognize the various channels through which our Society does exercise a borrowed influence. Somehow it seems, and it is not improbable, that these various bodies of men may be bound, individually, to others who are not members in their organizations whose interests they dare not forget. So no matter what their personal convictions are; and what good cause our Society may take to them, their response and efforts to give the needed support cannot be without many restraints. This makes our borrowed influence uncertain at best. There is a more direct power within our reach, which added to the aids from our friends, would lend wonderful force to our persuasive talents and make short work of long arguments. By utilizing the large number of Adult Indians (camp) and Returned Students who have completed no regular course, the sai would be re-enforced, thereby repaid for its labors in this direction, by intelligent, telling ballots. What have you done along these lines? Is this worth consideration? Just what do you mean by establishing “local centers” at each reservation? Such a program would be consistant with the high aims of our Society. While working with the government to secure definite legal status for the Indian, we should strive to prepare the Indian (on each reservation) for the proper exercise of his rights, when such is granted. The work would be slow, for it will be a growth. It is a work that the educated owes to his untutored kinsman, whether appreciated or not.

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Mr. Bonnin and I are pleased to learn that Mr. Wheelock28 and Mr. Kershaw assisted so successfully in that Piute’s case.29 We read in the papers that he was cleared. Thank you for suggesting my contribution at some time, to the Indian magazine, of which we are very proud. It will be a pleasure for me to contribute my little mite to the cause. Sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Parker, saip Ft. Duchesne, Utah December 20, 1915 My dear Mr. Parker, For your kindness in sending me a copy of your report to Mr. Kershaw, I wish to thank you.{Also for the Bulletin, which I was more than pleased to get.} I am still busy with c.c. work. It is growing; and becomes more and more absorbing. There are two Sewing Classes started among the Indian women. We meet once a week at Ft Duchesne, and Randlette. We are doing a great deal of practical sewing. The Ft Duchesne Class devoted the last meeting entirely for making warm garments for a crippled woman at Ouray Sub-Agency. It was my pleasure to take the garments to her last Saturday. Ouray is about twenty miles from Ft Duchesne, and thirty eight miles from Whiterocks. The old woman was so pleased. She told my interpreter that she almost asked me to sew her warm garments at the Issue day, one month ago. I told her that though she did not permit herself to speak her wish, I heard her with

28

29

Dennison Wheelock (Wisconsin Oneida, 1871–1927), Carlisle graduate, internationally known composer, bandleader, lawyer, and founding member of the sai, elected vicepresident on legislation in 1911. See Laurence M. Hauptman, “From Carlisle to Carnegie Hall: The Musical Career of Dennison Wheelock,” in The Oneida Indians in the Age of Allotment, 1860–1920, edited by Laurence M. Hauptman and Gordon L. McLester (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2006), 112–38; Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 91–92, 97, 202. William J. Kershaw (Menominee), prominent Milwaukee lawyer and founding member of the Society of Americans Indians, elected first vice-president (1913). Also served on the sai advisory board (1916) and as vice-president of education (1917–18). See Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 118, 126, 137, 153; Larner, Guide, 7.

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Arthur C. Parker, ca. 1919. The image is taken from the pamphlet American Indian Freemasonry (1919), to which Parker contributed.

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my heart. She has money to her credit in the Government office; and is only too glad to pay for the material used. The Sewing Class give their sewing free, to help their needy ones. I have talked this arrangement over with the proper authorities; and through the recommendation of the farmer in charge of the various districts, {together with the consent of the Indian} the payment for the materials used in a necessary garment is to be checked against the recipient’s account. Today my Ft Duchesne Sewing Club, with Mr. Kneale’s approval and permission to use a Government room, and stoves, old cook stove and heater, these Indian women, all young wives, served lunch to about seventy five Indians. Mrs. Kneale visits our weekly meetings and today helped us royally. She is very much interested in this idea of the Indian women serving lunch. Monday is pay day for Indians; those getting small subsistence checks, and perhaps others to whom inheritance money chanced to be due. They come in numbers and at noon visit the Indian employees’ homes, any where from fifteen to twenty get dinner at one place, without paying, of course. The policeman’s salary is a mere pittance. The Stableman’s salary is not much better. And the Interpreter and Janitor, both are only making bread, without the butter. So you can see this Monday feeding of the multitudes is a very unfair deal to these Indian employees who have their own families dependent upon them. By the Indian women all working to serve light lunch, at small price, enough to clear cost of food-stuffs, they are relieved from the forced home-hospitality that drove them too often beyond their means and into debt. If they made no profit in serving lunches, they are ahead what they have at home, all that certainly would have been eaten up by the crowds who come from long distances. Then the large warm Lunch room, provides a Rest room for these Monday comers. The beauty of it is that all the food is prepared and served by Indian women. To encourage them to assume responsibility; and arouse their spirit so that they are not afraid of hard work, self denial nor fatigue, this is what rejoices me. At Randlette, one of the Indian women of her own free will offered me the use of her sewing machine, in our c.c. Sewing Room. This too made me feel like singing. Mrs Coolidge has offered five dollars for c.c. work and wrote me asking what we need most.30 She thought perhaps some literature would be what she could

30

Grace Wetherbee Coolidge, wife of Episcopal minister Reverend Sherman Coolidge, the sai’s first president. Served on the aim advisory board (1913–15) and on the sai advisory

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purchase with the five. I replied asking her if our Sewing Classes may use her offering as a “Re-imbursable Fund.” We lack needles, thimbles, threads, scissors and a few plain patterns for various garments. There is one very sad thing I must report. Within the last year, peyote has been introduced among these Utes; and seems that some of the men who had always been considered “good, sensible” Indians have fallen among its victims. Respectfully, Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Parker, saip Ft. Duchesne, Utah December 25, 1915 My dear Mr Parker; In my recommendation of Mr Colton’s application for Associate membership in our Society, I failed to mention that he is a Senator of the state legislature of Utah. I am sending you his letter in reply to mine relative to the spread of “peyote” among the Utes, for your perusal. Please return his letter when you have read it. He is certainly a good man; and a true friend to the Indian. Today, I spoke to Mr Kneale about my plan to go to Whiterocks for the purpose of organizing c.c. Sewing Class, and perhaps, do something toward starting the Lunch & Rest-room there every Ration day (once a month). I asked him, once more, what he thought of my c.c. work. His reply was some changed from the first one. He says I am doing good; and anything that his department can do to further the good cause, he would have done; and done willingly. He gave me the use of a Government room and stove at Whiterocks. Isnt this winning our way through? I am going to Whiterocks tomorrow to meet with Miss Pike and two Associate members, to plan the work. We also wish to secure new members. At Ft Duchesne, every Monday, my c.c. workers of Indian women, will serve lunch and take care of the Rest room. I have purchased the necessary dishes and oil-cloth to cover the long tables; have arranged to borrow coal from Mr Kneale for our use, until we can make a little, as time goes on, to pay for our

board (1917)/ See Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 45, 167; Larner, Guide, 5.

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fuel. The husbands of the Indian women have offered their serves in hauling wood from the river bottom and again Mr. Kneale has offered to have the wood sawed for us by the Government Saw. I am very happy with the kindly spirit more recently shown me in my c.c. work by both Mr and Mrs Kneale. The flour, sugar, coffee, boiling meat and dried fruit, (for pies) and lard, I have paid for with my own money, until......until the small gains on the lunches, shall accrue sufficiently to re-emburse me. I hope some day, our Society will have Money for this work. Because I do so firmly believe in it, I would sacrifice in order to get this field openned for our Society. I wish I could tell you, how wonderfully the Indians respond. Many, many men and women, wish to shake hands with me, where ever I go. They know my heart is tender for them. That I am not afraid to show them true sympathy. I would not harden my heart to these poor human creatures for fear that a half dozen might try to work upon my feelings. I do not think I need to lose my good judgment because I wish to be kind and show a friendly spirit to them. I try to cheer them, joining them in little jokes or funny stories; I look upon their degradation and poverty, as only temporary conditions. So we laugh and get busy trying to make some useful thing out of what is with in our reach. Later desire for better things will grow; and learning “to do” for themselves and helping the infirm, and aged, they will continue to advance. I do hope the Governor of this state will do something to check the introduction of this dreaded peyote into this state.31 This way the Utes May be saved. Wishing you a Merry Xmas and joyous New Year, I am Yours fraternally, Gertrude Bonnin

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31

The third governor of Utah, William Spry (1864–1929). Spry is most famous for refusing to stay the execution of Industrial Workers of the World leader Joe Hill in 1915. See Miriam B. Murphy, “William Spry,” http://www.uen.org/utah_history_encyclopedia/s/ SPRY_WILLIAM.html. (accessed July 31, 2016); Franklin Rosemont, Joe Hill: The iww & the Making of a Revolutionary Workingclass Counterculture (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 2002), 139.

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To Parker, saip Ft. Duchesne, Utah February 25, 1916 My dear Mr. Parker; On the 31st of Jan. I sent Mr Coolidge a copy of my “Conference of Flowers” asking him after reading it, if he thought it would help you, to use it as padding for the q. j. to forward it to you.32 At the time, I had no other copy I could send you; and thought, Mr. Coolidge would reply. However I have had no word. I am sending a copy, I have made since, as I had time; and also inclose a photo; should you find you could use the article. I have refused my picture to others but am willing it should be used by our magazine, if it would help to fill it. You may not see fit to use the allegory; it would not hurt my feelings for I am not at all anxious to put myself or my ideas forth only as it may be a help to others. I never dreamed of the possibility of your illness and that the Journal was not issued. Please pardon me for writing as I did, for it must have sounded so harsh. Evidently you are working too hard; yet we cannot spare you. There must be a right way in which your valued services to all concerned could be had without injury to your health. Had I the training or the sense to understand some of your work, I would gladly assist in doing some of them; I can do more than I am doing. My work is going on. The things we have done, are making “patch-work” quilts and quilting them: also learning to crochet. The mothers have crocheted the cutest little caps, hoods, mittens and bootees for their little ones. We continue to sew warm garments for the poor and aged. Have more requests from our old grandmothers and grandfathers, for sewing necessary garments than we can

32

Sherman E. Coolidge (Arapahoe, 1863–1932), Episcopal priest, first president of the sai. Coolidge was brought up by the family of Lieutenant C. A. Coolidge, having been captured by the u.s. Army at age seven. First educated in New York public schools and Shattuck Military School, Coolidge attained a degree from Bishop Whipple Seabury Divinity School in 1884. Throughout his life, Coolidge both worked as a missionary in Wyoming and Oklahoma, and also as assistant to the prominent Smithsonian ethnologist James Mooney in his studies on the Ghost Dance. In the sai, Coolidge served as president (1911–13, 1916), on the aim advisory board (1913–18) and on the sai advisory board (1917–21). See Larner, Guide, 5; Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 337.

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do at present. As time goes on, this c.c. work will have larger classes; then we can meet the needs much easier. Could you see the interest and loyalty of those who are now working, it would make you glad. I am contemplating the possibility of an engagement with the Lincoln Chautauqua for 1917. If in June, the “Mogul” representative of the Chautauquai is favorably impressed, after a try-out in Denver; I will play some piano solos and be accompanist for Tsinina, the Indian singer, in 1917.33 It would round out my work nicely. The Indians will be busy with farm work in summer, when I will be with the Chautauqua; then in the fall and winter, when the Indians have more time, I will continue my c.c. work with them. It seems to me that this would be a furtherance to our Society work. I inclose copies of a letter and an order. Mr Leech’s you’ll understand. Mr Bishop is confidential clerk, temporarily in charge here, during Mr Kneale’s trip to Washington, being summoned by Cato Sells, a months ago. Mrs Bishop, in trying to get work done at her house, asked one of my c.c workers; and especially insisted that she come on Monday (our busy day( When the woman said she could not come on Monday, as she had promised Mrs. Bonnin to help her, Mrs Bishop said “Mrs Bonnin can get along without you.” However, the woman proved loyal to the c.c. work, though it was hard, as her chances of employment are few and her family are very poor. Mr and Mrs Bishop are old and are the wrong kind of people for Indian work. Mrs Bishop now is not employed; but is a nuisance. Let me know if there is any clerical work, in connection with the Secretary’s duties, that I may do. Forward it to me, if it will help you. Sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin

∵ 33

Tsianina Refeather Blackstone (1882–1985), singer of Cherokee and Creek descent. Composer Charles Wakefield Cadman recruited Redfeather Blackstone for his national tour and eventually composed the opera Shanewis, or The Robin Woman, based on her life. See Paige Clark Lush, “The All American Other: Native American Music and Musicians on the Circuit Chautauqua,” Americana: The Journal of American Popular Culture (1900-present) 7, Iss. 2 (Fall 2008), http://www.americanpopularculture.com/journal/articles/fall_2008/ lush.htm (accessed August 2, 2016).

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To Parker, saip Ft. Duchesne, Utah May 28, 1916 Dear Mr. Parker; I am glad, indeed, to receive a copy of “The Constitution of the Five Nations.”34 How proud I am of your work. A few days ago, I wrote you about a plan for Reservation activity. Sometimes, the false standards and positions on a Reservation become well nigh unbearable to me. Think of a bigoted petty-political appointee and his wife, neither over educated, unrefined, selfish and about as crude as a mud fence, posing like tin gods; and the subordinates, poor Whites, fall down to worship at their feet. Then when an Indian comes into sight, these prostrate ones, rise up like lords to domineer over him. Poor Lo thinks he must submit to the u.s. Government, so he acts like a whipped curr when he wishes to ask about his own money.35 This outrageous condition provokes me. I grow weary of the tin gods, the false worshipers and the subserviency of The Indian. I am restless with the query “What shall I teach, where shall I begin, in order to restore the Reservation Indian to his native independence?” The Reservation Worker must go through fire and water; walk upon swords and handle fragile glass while striving to evoke harmony, real harmony, from this mess of Reds and Whites, good, bad and indifferent. While we are laboring with our own, upon the Reservations, does it not seem that it would be a good thing if our Associate members would lay a plan for the Lecture Field where they may tell their public of the need for a change in the “System”? Mrs Brown, of Denver, has been doing a great good, this year by giving addresses upon the subject of Justice to the Indian.36 Her work led me to think it would be a telling stroke, to further our work for humanity.

34

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Parker had published this work of Iroquoian ethnology in 1916 (New York State Museum Bulletin no. 148). See Arthur C. Parker, The Constitution of the Five Nations or The Iroquois Book of the Great Law (Albany: University of the State of New York, 1916). “Poor Lo,” a reference Alexander Pope’s “Essay on Man.” Line 99 reads: “Lo, the poor Indian!” S. Alice Callahan (Creek) likewise used the phrase in Wynema: A Child of the Forest. See S. Alice Callahan, A. LaVonne Brown Ruoff, ed. (1891; reprint, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997), 52, 110. S. A. R. Brown, sai associate, aim advisory board member (1917). See Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 167; Parker to S. A. R. Brown, January 20, 1915, saip.

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If each one would give talks upon this subject, in his or her town, it would help and not take them away from home either. I wonder if there would be any volunteers? The third branch of our activity is, of course, to keep a close tab on Congress. This winter the Utes Grazing Land was in jeopardy through efforts at selfish legislation. The House report shows a bill was introduced to take $ 1000. from Ute Funds for the up-keep of a Steel Bridge at Myron. This is unjust as the bridge is on a state high way and should not be charged to the Indians. I have no Senate reports; therefore I do not know if it passed. I fear it has. A year (or two perhaps) ago, a Steel Bridge was built for Duchesne, out of Ute Money. This is another trick. There should be some way to have the Utes re-embursed. The Grazing Land will be the thing sought next year and the next, until they get it. Would it not be good plan to have the Grazing land deeded to the Ute Tribe? Of course the Utes are blissfully ignorant. They did learn of the Whites trying to take the Grazing Land away through crooked legislation; for I told them. Right now, there is a Government man with surveying instruments, escorted by a Uintah Basin Booster, looking over the Colorado Park lands with a view to securing the kind of a report necessary, to get title to water now ahead of the Ute titles. They fear shortage of water and while they pretend that the measurements of water in the river is more than enough for all lands, settlers’ and Ute lands too, yet they are eager to be the ones to prove up first. Is there anything our Society can do to watch these matters for the Utes? Thanking you for your kindness in sending me your book, which is a real treasure. Yours Fraternally, Gertrude Bonnin

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To Parker, saip Ft. Duchesne, Utah June 20, 1916 Dear Mr Parker; A letter from the Coit Lecture Bureau reached me about the time of Tours of June 7th. I knew next to nothing about the business arrangements, so I am very grateful for your advice to me. It appears that East and West were thinking of the lecture work as a desirable field for our cause. I have often wished for a wireless, wordless means of communication. No one has the time to read a long letter and then, at best, words are such clumsy weights upon one’s thought. It may seem strange that feeling this way, I am the very one to write voluminous letters. In trying to say what I wish to express, my letters grow in length and wordiness. This is what makes me despair of letter writing. I do thank you with all my heart for your recommendation. I would be glad to do something of the kind in 1917. The Student’s Council is organized with a membership of 46. I have four more members to submit next week, at our monthly meeting. This will make 50. Being Chairman of the Committee on the Constitution, I deliberately adopted the s.a.i. constitution, leaving out the part relative to keeping an attorney in Washington as we will do that when we join the main Society. I explained to the members present that by so doing we could not go far wrong; and that it would prepare us to become members of the s.a.i. I did not believe there could be any danger of straying away from the s.a.i. if we adopted the same constitution. On many reservations there are the Returned Students societies. Government employees rather dominate these with the same detrimental notions that we find in “the system”; It seems more to the purpose to gather our people immediately under the wing of the s.a.i. Is there any objection to our adopting the s.a.i. constitution? If we can get all Returned students societies to become more inoculated with the motives and ideas of the s.a.i. it will be untold benefit to the Reservations. I would like to transform them all into Students Councils. Perhaps it may come to pass. Then we will grow strong. We will see hundreds come into the Main Society. This is what I desire most. Do you think I will have a list of 50 names to submit as applicants for membership in our s.a.i? Thats what I am working for. Wish me success. What do you think can be done in the way of publishing a leaflet, supplement to the Indian Magazine, especially for the Reservation Indians whose English vocabulary is very limited and powers of concentrated thinking still in the bud?

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Would it rob our Magazine too much to use a few sheets of it, separated of course, for the Leaflet? The new members from the Students’ Councils will help to pay for it and I would be glad to assist in contributing articles, suitable for them. Eventually there must be a way by which we may be in possession of the Bills affecting Indians; and further, we must have data from the Indian Office relative to amounts of Indian funds, proposed expenditures and payments to Indians, that as a people we may know the business transactions on each and every Indian Reservation. At present we {are} kept In the Dark. Not only the less educated but ye Community Center and Indian Employees. A roll has been prepared in secret in the home of one of the clerks, for a payment to be made to these Utes. Now it means money will be deposited to the individuals in the banks; and the Ute wont know head or tail of it. This is wrong. They can never learn to shoulder their own business if it is purposely hidden from them. This is why we as a Society must find a legitimate way by which we may get the information from Washington; and then perhaps publish them as letters to the s.a.i. members in the field. It need not to be bulky as references only will be necessary to expenditures like the “Annual Estimate” which provides for the running of an Agency. Please pardon my presumption in writing upon these subjects. I merely offer them as suggestions. My heart and soul (such as they are) are in this work. Sincerely yours, Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Parker, saip Ft. Duchesne, Utah August 15, 1916 Dear Mr. Parker; Let me thank you, in behalf of our race, for your loyalty, in word and deed! There are thousands of us who look to you for guidance in matters requiring deep study, in affairs begging a charitable spirit. We hang upon your words because we believe you are a torch-teacher. We would be jealous to see you divert a moment’s notice upon those whose faith in our noble race is dead, dead, dead. Please continue to be our guide; and forsake us not.

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I am so pleased with the last number of The American Indian Magazine. Particularly where you do not strike back because you are not angry. It makes us sad, but not angry, when folks turn to petty things. Beating the air avails nothing. Mere words, without works, without unermunerated labor to substantiate them, are only sounding cymbals. They will fall like dead leaves, at your feet, while you still gaze upon a vast world of possibilities ahead. I half suspect some sly politician is furthering his selfish ambitions, by using some of our old friends, now at this time, to publish matter against the present administration, brandishing abuse of the Indian as the weapon. It may be clever; it is also unspeakably sad. Poor cat’s paw, too. How humiliating! The other day, I wrote a brief report of Community Center work to our President. At the time I reported 58 Ute applicants for sai membership. Today this list has increased to 75. I shall forward names and advanced membership fees by the latter part of this month. Among these applicants are all the Headmen and chiefs. Of course, it is needless to say, I am not satisfied with 75; I would like to make it 100. Now, in another year, if we can multiply 100 by the number of Indian communities in the u.s. it would be a real benefit, would it not? The Ute applicants cannot come as a delegation to our next conference, for lack of means. It meant sacrifice for the most of them to meet the membership fee. They were glad to do it. We learn through sacrifices. It has been a real privilege to me to do what I could for these Utes in the last year; and if my efforts prove acceptable to the society, I shall be happy. It was my “Indian-best.” Yours fraternally, Gertrude Bonnin

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To Parker, saip Ft. Duchesne, Utah November 11, 1916 Dear President Parker; On Wednesday, Nov. 8th, I took a party with me on a campaign against peyote. There were four of us. Oran Curry,37 one of our new sai members Standing Bear, Sr with his wife and I.38 By the way, Standing Bear was our guest, I secured two new members. He and his wife have submitted their application for membership, fees advanced, through me. We hired a rig; borrowed Government horses and visited Randlette. This is one of the regular meeting places. We sent word to the leaders of the peyote to meet us there. They were good enough to do so. Standing Bear, a man of fifty-six years addressed them. I interpreted the Sioux into English. Oran Curry then interpreted it into Ute. It was a brave talk, frank and earnest, telling them that the Sioux of Pine Ridge had taken vote against peyote and were doing all they could to stamp it out. He told them the dangers, the evils and demoralization resulting from the use of this drug. The Utes listened courteously. They made short speeches; and requested that we {make a visit to} their Chief peyote man, in Dragon, a point seventy five miles from Ft Duchesne. John McCook is the man they meant.39 He is an elderly man, well to do, owning both cattle and sheep. His sister is the widow of old Ouray, chief.40 37

38

39 40

Oran Curry, a Ute child raised by the Bonnins during their time at Uintah. Curry later became the chairman of the Uintah-Ouray Ute Tribal Business Committee, and hired R. Bonnin as the legal agent for the Uintah-Ouray Reservation. The paid position allowed the Bonnins to keep afloat financially in Virginia when the Great Depression began in 1929. See Lewandowski, Red Bird, Red Power, 67, 183, 219n12, 219n49. Standing Bear’s identity is not entirely clear due to the lack of a first name in this letter. Bonnin notes that Standing Bear is fifty-six years old, meaning that he could not have been either Oglala Chief Henry Standing Bear (1874–1953) or the Oglala/Brulé Lakota writer, performer, and chief, Luther Standing Bear (1868–1939). See Frances Washburn, introduction to Stories of the Sioux, by Luther Sanding Bear (1934; reprint, Lincoln: Bison Books, 2006), v–vii. John McCook, Ute chief, Chipeta’s brother, brother-in-law of the deceased Chief Ouray. See Simmons, The Ute Indians, 251–52, 255. Chief Ouray (1833–80), Ute leader who testified before Congress concerning the Ute

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Friday, we went to Dragon. There had a private talk with McCook and Chipeta, and a few other members of their family.41 McCook has rheumatism, and peyote so deadens the pain, that he thinks it is a good medicine. He is paying dearly for peyote. The White citizens of Dragon told me that the Peyote agent “Cactus Pete” has been “bleeding” these poor Utes.42 He got their money. They have sold their stock, making inroads into

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42

uprising of 1879. Ouray hoped to secure a treaty that would allow the Uncompahgre Ute to remain in their homeland, present-day Colorado. Instead, his band was pushed west to present-day Utah, where Uintah and Ouray Reservation was eventually established. See Pritzker, Native American Encyclopedia, 243; Simmons, Ute Indians, 59, 171–92. Chipeta (Kiowa Apache, 1843/4?–1924), widow of Chief Ouray, prominent figure on the Uintah and Ouray Reservation. As a young woman, Chipeta (or White Singing Bird) played a central role in preventing more bloodshed in the wake of the 1879 Ute uprising. Following her husband’s death in 1880, Chipeta became the spokeswoman for the Ute people. She often criticized policies that left her tribe without the water and resources to continue traditional lifeways. She died at age eighty, almost blind from cataracts. After a being buried near her home, Chipeta was exhumed and re-buried next to Ouray’s gravesite. See Tim Blevins, ed., Extraordinary Women of the Rocky Mountain West (Colorado Springs, Colo.: Pikes Peak: Pikes Peak Library, 2010), 20–21; Simmons, Ute Indians, 171–92; 251– 52. “Cactus Pete,” or Samuel Lone Bear (Oglala), peyote proponent, performer, itinerant conman. Born in 1879, Lone Bear attended Carlisle from 1892 to 1897. Soon after he signed a contract with Buffalo Bill Cody’s Wild West Show. His association with Buffalo Bill brought him to the attention of Gertrude Käsebier, who in 1898 (the same year she photographed Simmons) had Lone Bear model for a series of portraits. Following a tour of Europe from 1902 to 1906, Lone Bear began crossing America, leaving in his wake a series of confidence schemes employed under a long list of aliases: Pete Phillips, Peter Phelps, Sam Loganberry, Chief S. C. Bird, Leo Old Coyote, Leo Okio, and finally, Cactus Pete. In 1914, Lone Bear arrived in Dragon, Utah, where he took two teenage wives, daughters of a man named Dick Sirawap. During this period, he impregnated teenage Mary Guerro, whom he illegally took across state lines to Nebraska, where she was kept as a sexual prisoner. Though Utah authorities jailed Lone Bear, none would testify against him and he was freed. Lone Bear introduced the peyote ritual, called Cross Fire, to the Utes at Uintah. His status on the reservation grew after Ute Chief John McCook used Lone Bear’s peyote to alleviate his rheumatism. This boost to his reputation resulted in widespread peyote use among the Northern Utes, fifty percent of whom began attending weekly meetings. The attention allowed Lone Bear to grow wealthy by selling religious trinkets. He left shortly after, sometimes returning to Utah, but traveling for the rest of his life. In 1917, Lone Bear was arrested in Colorado for peyote possession. The law that jailed him for fifteen days had been passed through the efforts of Bonnin and her allies in the National Congress of Mothers and the Women’s Christian Temperance Union. See Omer C. Stewart, Peyote Religion: A

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their herds, to get the ready money for the peyote grafter. He got their Navajo blankets, and buckskins. why does the Indian Bureau fail to check this plundering of these Utes??????????????? Chipeta expressed herself in a way that showed an inclination toward our point of view. McCook, however was more reluctant. He said “When Washington told us to stop gambling, I told my people to stop it. When Washington told us that whiskey was bad; I told my people not to use it”........“As long as we can get this medicine, I think we will continue the use of it” It was a surprise to him, when I told {him} efforts were now being made in Washington, to legislate against this peyote; and that when the law was passed, those who used it and those who sold it or gave it, would be punished by this law. No doubt he had been told by the rascal peyote-agent, that Washington was a friend of peyote. Then McCook dodged again by saying, he would like to make a trip to Dakota to consult with these Sioux chiefs, to whom Standing Bear had made reference. He said he would like to go soon, before winter set in. I am writting this in detail, that you may be enabled to get a correct idea of the situation. Do you think it would be well, if the President of the sai, would write a letter to Commissioner Sells, asking him to write to John McCook, Dragon, Utah, advising him against peyote, and advise him to stop the use of it? soon. It is urgent. It could do no harm (Elections are over). It might do a great deal of good. If Utah succeeds in passing a law against peyote; these Utes know now what punishment to expect, for I have warned them. The sad part is the utter uselessness of talking to persons in an abnormal condition, being more or less under the influence of the drug at all times. We visited with them in their tent and part took of the meals, they in their welcome to us, prepared for us. The White citizens, not in the Indian Service seem to be more concerned about the spread of peyote among the Utes than those who should [illegible] should have been, because they are holding salaried positions to protect these benighted people.

History (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987), 178–80, 197, 200–201; Simmons, Ute Indians, 241; “Samuel Lone Bear, Sioux Indian,” http://americanhistory.si.edu/collections/ search/object/nmah_1005390 (accessed January 10, 2015).

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Mr. McAndrews, manager of the Auto-stage line from Watson to Ft Duchesne, was so much in sympathy with our efforts that he gave me a pass for myself and Ute Interpreter! It means a donation of $22.00 Before our peyote campaign was definitely arranged, I mentioned to Agent Kneale that my Sioux guests were considering making talks to the Utes against peyote. Mr Kneale remarked that he did not care to be present, saying “Let them fight it out among themselves” Alas! Alas! why so much difference between him and Mr Andrews? I sat an hour in the Government office trying to get admittance into the agent’s private office {& failed}. This was the day we went to Randlette. This morning I went again to the office {only} to learn that Mr Kneale was gone for the day, on business. Others manage by some hook or crook to gain access to his private office, I ought {to} one of these days. But I felt I could not postpone this letter. We have justified, under the circumstances, in addressing the Commissioner Sells ourselves. As we are not asking for an expenditure of money, it ought not to be refused us. Even did our request necessitate expenditure of money, we would still be justified in asking the Commissioner’s assistance in this cause. It is not for an individual but for a race. Of course, it is always highly important to iliminate all the small friction, for the sake of a stronger attack upon the point we are after. I told of Mr Kneale’s indifference and McCook’s attaching so much weight upon the letters of the Commissioner; that it would give you a better line-up for your letter, {should you decide to write.} I am hurrying this, in order to catch today’s mail. I am writing you another letter, relative to my work, which will follow a day latter. I am very much interested in my secretaryship; and am able to give it time.43 Yours, fraternally Gertrude Bonnin p.s. My charge to keep, that poor old homeless Sioux, whom I have cared for these fourteen years is very sick. He occupies a room in my house. I hear him groaning. Several times, I left my letter to attend to his wants. Poor old soul, he looks to me for every thing. I have to coax him to take the Doctor’s medicine;

43

Bonnin had been elected sai secretary at the 1916 conference in Cedar Rapids, Iowa. See Lewandowski, Red Bird, 111–13.

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and again to eat the broth I have prepared for him. Do you see, I am a kind nurse too. G. B.

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Ft. Duchesne, Utah December 10, 1916 My dear good friend; Yours of Dec. 6th received. That you for referring a membership application over to me. I have written him. I know you are doing all in your power to help our race. It saddens me, that in our earnestness for a cause, we do not take time to study our various views and manage some way to unite our forces. All Indians must ultimately stand in a united body, for their own protection. There are so many things that must be followed, preparatory to a climax. We cannot jump with one leap to a climax; but must work with all our might at the smaller, insignificant things, that never-the-less, are imperative, to bring about the change we all desire. Publicity is one of the necessary things; and you are right in trying to enlighten the public. So far, so good. I would like to beg you not to make reference to the Society of American Indians, in an unfriendly way. You, yourself are not unfriendly. What if today, they seem to you, to do things wrong, be charitable, for we all must learn, day by day, how best to meet the problems of life. I wish you would print in the Wassaja, just what you said to me in your letter.44 “I hope the Society of American Indians will have a prosperous year.” This is you. Dare to say it in your little publication. You wont lose any ground; you wont lose any point in argument; you wont be less a man. It will make you stronger.

44

A reference to Montezuma’s Indian rights journal, Wassaja, founded in April 1916 and printed monthly until November 1922, just two months before his death. Wassaja included many forceful pleas to abolish the Bureau of Indian Affairs. As a result, during World War i the American Protective League branded the journal a “Seditious Publication” for Montezuma’s criticism of the drafting of Indians to fight in Europe and his denunciations of the bia. See Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 382–95, 426–27.

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May I speak for the Society? We do value your membership in our society. We know and see the things you do; it is simply a difference in the method of working out a solution. It is not unusual that a problem be solved through more than one way. All’s well that ends well! We seek the same result. Let us each continue to strive after the solution. Let us, each be willing that others follow their formulas, Let us be friends; and show christain forbearances for one another. We must unite our forces, though in detail, our method of procedure may have differences. What if they do. This fact should not alarm us. We are seeking the same thing. We should travel together, ready to defend each other. If you could, if you would, Doctor, Listen to the plea of one, heart and soul, in this work of Indian liberation, you would resolve, never more to print one word against your Society of American Indians. You would show them charity. I believe it would add strength to your paper, to confine your attack upon the main issue; and refrain from seeming to notice what may appear wrong to you, in the Indian Magazine. Do not deal with your race as if they were strangers. Why could you not write letters; why could you not pity us in our short-sight-ed ness, if so it seems to you; Why could you not pray for our enlightenment, for you certainly believe in a Supreme Creator. You are brave and strong. We want you to shield and help guide us, wayward though we appear; we do not want you to deal impatiently with us; or to emphasize our shortcomings to the world. Who is without fault? So Doctor, I beg you, be kind to us; You will see that after all we are true to our race. We have not sold out to the Bureau. We are eager and anxious for preparatory work to be done, that we may live to see the Bureau abolished. Consider this letter, confidential. It is a personal letter and unofficial. Sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Parker, saip Ft. Duchesne, Utah December 14, 1916 Dear Mr. Parker; The Old Sioux Indian, whom I’ve befriended for the past fourteen years is no more. He occupied a room in my house. There I took care of him till the end. We gave him a decent burial, too, in a Ute burying ground. Utes came to see

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him while he was sick, and upon his death, about a hundred came to view the body. They helped us in the final act for a human creature, by taking the body, in their own wagons to the Foothills and there dug a grave for him. We attended the burial. In severe contrast to this, let me state that not one White Government employee, nor Missionary nor Ex-missionary among Winnebagos, ever came near, to visit the sick or to give any assistance in the care of him. Neither did they concern themselves what became of the body. Some acted surprised. No sympathy, no aid, no chritianly kindness, was shown; Just a faint flicker of surprise disturbed momentarily, the serenity of their self-conceit, for do not they go to church on Sunday? Mr Parker, if you had previous engagements, cancel them. Lock your door and resign yourself to this letter. It must of necessity, be long. You cannot get a clear understanding without details. Straws show which way the wind is blowing. During the last days, when I was about worn out with fatigue, I and my family were subjected to high-handed outlawry by Agent Kneale. My boy had a burro belonging to a Ute. The burro was a good animal; and a cute pet. Ohiya played with it every day for a month. We kept the burro in our backyard and fed him, for he furnished a very innocent pastime for the boy. We thought it was better to take care of him, intil such time as his Ute master could come for him. The Ute lived in Dragon, Utah, about seventy miles from here. We had sent him word through other Utes that the burro was in our care until he should come for him. The night before Thanksgiving, two other stray burros, belonging to a White man, came around to our backyard. The Jack brayed through the night, trying to get out. Mr Bonnin got up about midnight and opened the gate, so the burro could get out. Soon as he got his liberty, he stopped braying. After Mr Bonnin returned, we heard Kneale going down stairs. (Unfortunately, we occupy one half of the house that Kneale lives in, so we heard him) Early next morning, upon meeting Mr. Bonnin, Kneale said the burros kept {him}awake; that he got up in the night to drive them away from his backyard; further he said he was going to have someone drive the burros miles out of the Post. In the meanwhile our boy had missed his pet. He hunted all day, trying to find him. He came home, ready to cry. He said “Mama, the hotel people say Mr Kneale killed my burro.” I could not believe it; and told Ohiya there was no occasion for killing the burro; and that Mr Kneale had said he was going to have someone drive the burros miles out of the Post. As I tried to comfort my little son, I could see Kneale’s chickens scratching up my flower-beds, last summer; I heard the

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howling of his dog that he shuts up in his back room, when he is going away. Annoyances that we have born without a murmur, for peace (at any price). The more one endures, the more is required of him. There is an end to human endurance; silence ceases to be a virtue. The morning after Thanksgiving revealed the whole affair. The Barn man, with the Government team, came to Dr Lloyd’s backyard, opened the barn and dragged off the dead burro, the one Ohiya had played with. No matter how much Kneale may deny the killing, he certainly allowed the Government {man}A. D. Anderson to drag it away with a government team. He knew about it and continanced it. He is in authority. He is responsible. There is no Government employee, in a subordinate position, that would be bold enough to have killed the burro. Ohiya saw them taking the burro away. It had three body wounds. Evidently the burro was not killed instantly, for the blood trickled down his legs to the ground, where he stood. It is an outrage that such a deed be committed by a Government official; that in free America, there is a community that must take such out-lawry in silence, from one who is supposed to be their example. It has been remarked about here, that Kneale, by this act, committed a murderous act. A man who would resort to such a sneaky trick is unworthy a place of trust. He is liable to do worse things. He knows how to evade the law; thinks it is smart to do so. Never by word or act did Kneale express any displeasure at our keeping the burro. Had he done so, we would not have insisted upon keeping it. But Kneale wants to do the rough act. It is mighty poor example to set those under his tyranny. Now, the Ute, whose burro Kneale killed, is here. He wants his burro. He wants to know who killed him. He wants pay for it. What can be done? He asked Why the Whiteman’s burros were not killed when his was killed. Last night a Ute woman, expecting confinement within a week, was turned away from the Hospital. To be sure the women had white blood; but she is a member of this tribe, married to another “mixed” blood. They are entitled to consideration. I have known this same hospital to accommodate all White persons. The Utes are angry. Things are brewing. I am tired of telling the Utes to be patient, things will be better after a while. Yesterday, the Community Center Supt. of the Society of American Indians was insolently treated by Agent Kneale, without cause. The success of my Community Center work of last year seems to have turned Kneale bitterly against me. He has tried to hurt me by his unfair, unjust manner of lording over

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Mr Bonnin. He has tried to hurt me by killing my boy’s burro; and yesterday he went a little further. (Is there a God in heaven?) Our Community Center worked hard to earn our dishes; and it was with the sweat of our brow that we earned the money to hire a carpenter to make us long tables for our hall. We used Government lumber; expecting these tables to remain here permanently. Government employees, for selfish interests are allowed to use Government lumber to make tables; or whatever they might need in their houses. Yesterday, Kneale ordered his Chief of Police to unlock my hall and take the tables out. Being asked for the keys, Kneale said “Find keys somewhere” Of course, the young man came to me; and I gave him the key. why could not Kneale have shown me the courtesy that every gentleman is expected to show a woman. I am perfectly honorable. I have the reputation of a respectable woman? Was his action “consistent with his official duties” mentioned by Hon. Cato Sells? Had Kneale expressed a need for those tables, it would have been my pleasure to offer them. He simply wants to show me, how almighty rough he can be. During the Ute Fair, this fall, I did lend these tables for the Exhibit Hall. Kneale used my hall when he held a council with the Utes, because it was the only place fixed up to accommodate a crowd. I remember having to sweep it up afterwards; but I never gave it a second thought. Mr Commoms, Lease Clerk used Government lumber in making himself a table. Why did not Kneale order his police to take this table out of Common’s house? why did he have any more right to treat me as he did? It is because Mr Commoms is a White man; and I am an Indian woman? Dont you think it is rather small of Kneale to spend his official time in tormenting me, trying to cause me to say or do something in anger, that he might have an excuse to tell me to get out of this Ute reservation? thats all it amounts to. A Ute, peyote user, made the remark in a public place, only a few days ago, that Kneale accepted fifty dollars hush money; that was why he did not stop the introduction of peyote. Perhaps he has accepted a fee to get me out of here because I am working very actively against peyote. I know that Kneale does not confine himself to the truth. Last year, Mrs Kneale’s club-women, wives of the white employees, gave a supper. They broke into my hall and used our dishes. Afterward she came to me and said she was responsible for their breaking into my hall and getting the dishes. This Fall, they broke in again and got my dishes. This too, after the Missionary had taken back the few chairs, our hall had borrowed, seeing the church had

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more chairs than it was using. These women have never tried to help us in our Community Center work. Though we invited them, they never attended our meetings. They organized a Fancy Work Club; and went to church on Sundays. Then when they gave a supper (charging for the supperS) they remembered us Indians; and broke into our hall and helped themselves to our dishes. The last time they did this, I did not reply to Mrs Kneale, when she came in all the majesty of an Indian Agent’s wife, to inform me of their getting our dishes. She felt I did not like their methods and later came to my house with a profuse opology; an opology which in the light of what occurred recently, I know was insincere. However, she did the thing up brown, admitting that she knew that was not the right way to get the dishes; that she should have seen me first etc. I heard her through; but never said a word to show my displeasures of the past. Of course, I would never think of refusing, had they asked. There would have been no need to break into the hall, for I would give them the key. Last year, upon my request, Mr Kneale gave me permission to use this hall. It was vacant up to the time I took it for Community Center work. There are other vacant houses here. Mr Kneale is allowing a premiscuous class of White transcients to occupy them. They are penniless; with large families of pitiful children. These poor children of the riff-raff whites are all gathered up by Mrs Kneale for her Sunday school. You can see the atmosphere of the Sunday school, from what two of these little unfortunate white children said to my boy, at the school here. They called him “You son of an Indian Bitch”. For differences in religious views, I have not sent my son to Mrs Kneale’s Sunday School. She was unwise enough to tell her class that she did not think Ohiya ought to be allowed to come to the Xmas tree, he had not come to Sunday school. I have never refused to contribute toward Xmas funds, for Mrs Kneale’s Xmas trees, just the same. I believe in helping humanity, regardless of color or creed. I do not intend that my boy shall force himself into attending a Xmas doings where he is not welcome. Again, yesterday, Mrs Kneale had the nerve to ask me to contribute coffee for the supper. She said it was to raise funds for the Xmas tree! It was for this super that Mr Kneale had gone out of his way, beyond the requirements of his official duties, to mistreat me. He got my tables for this supper, which in itself is alright enough, but which was not in the regular duties required by the Government, any more than the Community Center work. Oh yes, I gave the coffee! Bit my tongue almost in two. If Mr and Mrs Kneale feel so much compassion for the unfortunate children of the lowest type of Whites, why dont they give of their own money? Kneale

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gets close to two thousand a year; they have no children. Why dont they give from their own purpose? I do not go much {on} christianity that {is} so tender for the White roughnecks and yet has no charity for a dying Indian; Neither do I loose my head over a Xmas tree when I see an Indian woman, ready to give birth to her babe, driven away from a hospital, to which she is entitled admission. I could go on and tell you how cleverly Kneale has connived to form a clique in the Government office. He has managed to have a certain Gross {appointed} to the position of clerk, without examinations, through she had been out of the Government employe over a year. She is the wife of his present Financial Clerk. These persons were in his employe at Winnebago. Had Indians been given fair consideration, the Winnebagos had charges enough to have Kneale ousted long ago. Mrs Gross was a Miss Pearson when she first came here, nearly two years ago. Kneale has always been especially partial to her. I dont know just what the tie is. Perhaps it is that of blood. Anyway, Mr Kneale went so far as to use Government money to pay Miss Pearson’s woman who cleaned house for her. That is rather remarkable, when you learn that Mr Bonnin had to buy wall paper and hire a man to hang it (from his own pocket,) because he could not get the Government to do repairs on a Government house. Gross came later. Miss Pearson with Mr and Mrs Kneale, went to Randlette to meet him. There Miss Pearson married Gross. At that time, Kneale kissed the bride. Strange that since then, he has not cared to kiss Utah brides, through marriages have not ceased. Kneale’s confidential clerk is one, W. H. Bishop, an ex-agent from Minnesota. Certainly removed for cause; yet he is here dealing misery to these Utes. How can we, if we have any intelligence, expect justice and equity to be administered by this gang? the clique needs to be broken. Utes have tried to get work, such as selling wood to the Government; hauling coal for the Government and working at the Government Saw Mill. You would think it would rejoice the hearts of these Government officials to have the Utes ask for work. No, instead of encouraging the Utes, they prefer to give the contracts to Whites, handling the business through advertisements sent through the mails. Utes do not go regularly to the Post Offices The most of them cannot read. They did not understand bidding; especially when they were not notified. The new School Supt. Ross was a failure at Segar Colony, Oklahoma; so he was transferred here. An out and out imposition upon these Utes. Mr Kneale overstepped his authority last summer by paying the Blacksmith Fred Dickson, twice in one month: I mean two salaries in one month. Dickson

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was on his month’s vacation with pay; then he went with thw Stockman’s men engaged in pulling larkspur, to cook for them. Kneale evaded the regulation by having the check for thirty dollars made to Irene Dickson, (wife of Fred Dickson) Kneale paid a Ute woman money enough from her account, to buy his old black cow. Kneale bought the cow for $65 and sold her for $ 85. The regulations forbid government employees trafficking with Indians. He told the Ute so; but gave her the necessary enlightenment to draw her money and send it in to Kneale by a whiteman; to whom Kneale delivered the said Black cow. The Ute woman still has the cow. And talks of it as the cow she bought from Kneale. I have not been in any haste to make these statements relative to the maladministration at the Unitah and Ouray Agency. However things are crowning worse; and the Utes are indignant with the treatment they are receiving. I have born about all I can bear without saying something about it. Mr Parker, do you think you could write a confidential letter to Sells, asking his protection? He has power, that were he the least interested, he could do a great deal to alleviate the strain here. So far I have not asked him for a permit for Miss Burgess. I am debating with myself, whether it would be worth while. if after being informed about the abuse of my family and myself as c.c. Supt of the sai, at the hard hands of Kneale, he cannot see a way to curb his subordinate official then it would be folly to ask him for a permit to visit Indian Reservations. Upon different occasions, I have tried to find Mr Kneale in his office. I waited an hour, tried to see him; but gained no admittance. He was in his office, for I could hear him talking. The busiest Firms, will receive cards and will promptly reply by setting a date or saying no time would be given. I am not the only one who has been shut out. The whole Ute tribe, one by one, are treated in this way. It is about time these matters were looked into; and that by a man other than Kneale’s bosom friend. It seems proper that the President of the sai write the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, upon receipt of these report from your secretary. This letter, with request you write Sells, is surely playing “an off” card, a la Bur—Have you any trumps? Have you any friends, of political influence, whom you could interest in this matter; and thereby strick at conditions, indirectly? along with your confidential letter? Do try to scheme out some way, by which this tyranny at the Ute reservation be checked; the clique of Kneale’s favorite’s broken; and Utes given the opportunity to work, either clerical or manual, just as the cause may be. I have tried

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exceedingly hard to get along with this administration; but after two years of it, I must say it is next to impossible. It is not right that such conditions be prolonged by secrecy. Therefore I speak. May I be able to do some good to our race, in this uneven struggle. Believe me in dead earnest, Fraternally, Gertrude Bonnin p.s. The Government has no Field Matrons here, which makes it more than ever just and proper that the s.a.i. should remain on this reservation with its c.c. work. This Summer and Fall various Inspectors trailed in here. They did not meet the Utes. We had no opportunity to meet them. We could feel that we were absolutely ignored. They spent their whole time with the agent Kneale. Such trips are a waste of Government funds. The following are the names; Shipe, Stock Inspector, Commissioner’s man Col. Long, from Texas, Asbury, School Division, Col Payne, Secretary’s Confidential man. G.B.

∵ To Parker, saip Ft. Duchesne, Utah December 19, 1916 Dear President Parker; I almost feel I should beg your pardon for writing you so frequently. I am so determined that our work for the Indian race, shall not drag because of any negligence on my part, even though I am well aware that my efforts, as a human, are quite an insignificant unit, after all. Still The Great Spirit made the grains of sand; and has use for them. So I trust He has use for me, in His great Plan. I am writing you today to say I had a letter from one whom I consider my nearest, dearest and truest friend. Mrs Brown wrote me relative to all letters to the s.a.i, from Indians. How they might be classified; and preserved; and used at the psychological moment, with telling force. It is a splendid idea; and I know

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of no one whom we could better trust to do this than Mr and Mrs Brown. I hope it meets with your approval. Mr Parker, some one should write “An Uncle Tom’s Cabin” for the American Aborigine. Every Indian Agent is a “Legre” the slave killer. The task would be too difficult for an Indian. The perspective entirely too close. I can hardly write a few pages of a report on conditions in one agency, without being nearly consumed with indignation and a holy wrath. Fraternally, Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Parker, saip Ft. Duchesne, Utah December 21, 1916 Dear President: Please do not say ever again, that it was a mistake to elect you President. It was the one splendid thing accomplished at Cedar Rapids. No one is blessed with the clear vision; terse expression; and untrammelled composure, that you are. Being President gives what you say as Editor, more weight. This cannot be denied. It was due you, to be heard. It helps our cause far more than we can tell, thereby. It was rather tough to ask you to shoulder the responsibilities of President, when funds were lacking; and things were not running easily; I fully realize this. Yet, you are the only one who can save the organization. You are just as active in this Society work as ever before; therefore the change of name, has made no difference; only for the better. It gave you the recognition due your invaluable work before the eyes of the world. This recognition may not seem to be worth much, if measured in dollars and cents; the time is coming when, even in gross metal, it will mean something. Let me speak plainly, (as I usually do); The mistake was in re-electing the Treasurer.45 While she has enviable location, by being in Washington, where

45

At the time Marie Louise Bottineau Baldwin (Chippewa, 1863–1952), founding member of the sai and treasurer (1916–18). Baldwin descended from a long line of Chippewa of the Turtle Mountain Band in North Dakota. Her grandfather was the famous explorer, Pierre Bottineau, while her father, the lawyer Jean Baptiste Bottineau, had both defended his

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she can find access to desirable information; legitimate information, she is uninterested. She has not the time. By her neglect, my work is hindered. I could say more and in the superlative degree, but I shall try to be charitable. I’ve said enough. remember, dear President, that there is always more than one way of reaching a point. If the Treasurer cannot help furnish me necessary data; I do not intend to go to sleep, waiting for her!! I do not mean to cry over spilled milk, either. All this reminds you of my Sioux blood, I suppose. I have some good news for you. Our friend, Mrs Brown of Denver, wants to work for new memberships. Will you write a letter of introduction for her, as you did miss Burgess. Can Mrs Brown be supplied with packages of Member—{over} ship blanks? I have written Miss Burgess; sent her the letter and certificate; also copy of Lane Bill46 and Letter of Hon. Joseph Choate.47 Do you have and copies of the Gandy bill?48 I am glad to learn of your plan for a simplified publication for reservation Indians. Be assured that I am desirous of doing the best I can, under any circumstance. I may go to Salt Lake after the holidays. The bill against peyote is to be introduced in the state legislature. I’ve gotten some strong data against peyote,

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tribe’s interests and grown rich though trading and real estate. A Catholic, Baldwin earned a degree from Washington College of Law, subsequently working for the Indian Bureau as an accountant in the Education Division until her retirement. See Larner, Guide, 5; Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 239; Waggoner, Fire Light, 182, 304n42, 304n44. Introduced by Harry Lane (1855–1917), u.s. senator (Dem.) from Oregon (1913–17). Lane served on the Committee for Indian Affairs. See Kimberly Jensen, “Harry Lane (1855– 1917),” The Oregon Encyclopedia, http://www.oregonencyclopedia.org/articles/lane_harry _1855_1917_/#.V6JQm7grLIU (accessed August 3, 2016). Joseph Hodges Choate (1832–1917), prominent lawyer, diplomat, prohibitionist. Choate had a long and distinguished career in which he argued many high-profile legal cases across the United States, served as ambassador to the Court of St. James, and later as head of the u.s. delegation to the Peace Conference at The Hague. See “Joseph Hodges Choate Dies Suddenly; Famous Lawyer and Statesman Was 85; Last Week’s Activities Weakened Him,” New York Times, May 15, 1917. The Gandy Bill, introduced by South Dakota Representative, H. L. Gandy (Dem.), in 1916, sought to ban peyote possession and trade. It passed in the House but was defeated in the Senate. An attempt by Gandy to get the bill through the Senate failed again in 1919, though in 1923 Gandy and Bonnin cooperated in getting anti-peyote laws instituted in both North and South Dakota. See Thomas Constantine Maroukis, “The Peyote Controversy and the Demise of the Society of American Indians,” American Indian Quarterly 37, no. 3 (Summer 2013): 177; Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 240; Stewart, Peyote Religion, 226–28.

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since my return from the conference. I believe these were placed in my hand, for a purpose. Every thing looks favorable for the passing of this bill. However, should the unforeseen take place; and the bill does not pass, it would not kill me. I would work a little harder for the next time. Sincerely yours, Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Parker, saip Ft. Duchesne, Utah January 4, 1917 Dear President: On December 23rd, 1916, I was present at a Ute Council with Mr Kneale. The Ute whose burro had been killed, interrupted the council, by going to the front and asking Mr Kneale who killed his burro. It was a surprise all around. Mr Kneale answered “I killed it”, tapping his mughty chest with the finger tips of his right hand. The Ute was rather shocked. He had not really thought the agent would do a snaeky trich, like that. He finally came-to. He demanded pay. He asked twenty dollars to which Kneale was not slow to say “That’s too much”. “Tell him to come down to see me and I will settle with him” etc. Today the Ute came with the request I write a report to the Commissioner. He told that Kneale talked to him, today, and said $ 2½ was enough pay; that the Ute ought to be thankful that the burro was killed as it was a nuisance to everybody around here, begged the Ute to take the money; and when the Ute would not take it, Kneale thrust the $2½ into the Ute’s pocket, saying “take this money, you are my friend.” The Ute did not want the $2½; and is very much worked up about the affair. The Indians say, “If Kneale loses his temper like that and gets up in the night to shoot, we do not feel safe. He might become angry with one of us, sometime; and shoot us, as he did the burro.” I have reported the whole of this Burro-killing. I am more than ever convinced that the killing was done to spite us; as Kneale assures the Ute, he is his friend etc. The burro was cared for by us; and was not a bother to any one. No one ever said one word that could have led us to believe it was a nuisance. Now, of course, Kneale, to save himself, will have his gang make a statement that the burro was a nuisance.

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However, Even though it is Kneale Indian Agent, at fault, the principle holds true that the criminal cannot be judge in the case. I wish here to touch upon another matter. Last year, you remember the people requesting their congressmen to have the Ute Grazing Land thrown open to settlement. That did not succeed. This year it is not necessary at all to go to the trouble of introducing a bill. The desired result, to beat the Ute out of his Grazing land is slowly but surely being accomplished; and that by no Utah Senator either. Kneale is exchanging allotments on the Grazing land. Here and there this range is being broken up by fenced allotments. He has a Mormon Farmer, John Hyslop checking up on the map, all possible allotments. The day will come, when these exchanged allotments, into the Grazing Land, will be sold to the Whites. Then the Utes will have no more of a Grazing land than a rabbit. It is really too bad; for this country is better adapted to Cattle raising than farming. The water, is in jeopardy. There does not appear to be enough for the Utes and Settlers too. Then it is plain, there is not water enough to allot the whole of the Grazing Land to Utes. This business of breaking it up, here and there with scattered farms, which will inevitably be sold to White, means a loss to the tribe that is unwarranted by favoring the few Utes (and White buyers to-be) The White settlers are already going into the cattle business on a larger scale: for they are forming {a} company among themselves; and by leasing 100 cows of a Mixed Blood Ute, Walter Daniels, they are using the Ute Grazing Land. This inself is rather a questionable matter. This same outfit, have the Contract to furnish the Beef-cattle for Issue to Utes. Formerly, these cattle were furnished by Ute Cattle owners. It was better, for it brought a market for Ute cattle. Now they are beaten out of that. This report should be filed with that one of December 14, 1916. Gertrude Bonnin

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To Parker, saip Ft. Duchesne, Utah January 10, 1917 Dear President; Probably you have heard from Rev, Gordon before now.49 Letter from him states our magazine did not quote him correctly etc. etc. etc. I am sending you copy of my reply. I am informed that the Wasaja is to have some criticism of our magazine. Some more hot air. Do not allow it to disturb you. We can only hope that someday Dr. Montezuma will come out of such business. Thank you for your sustaining sympathy. You have chosen the best method, th the diplomatic way. This unpleasant turn of affairs on an Indian reservation is nothing new. Every Indian who has attempted to do real uplift work for the tribes gets stung. No wonder that he quits trying; goes back to the blanket, and sits in the teepee like a boiled owl. I have not sense enough to stop. Wouldnt know until I was killed; and the chances are I wouldnt know then, being dead. We have much to be thankful for in the work Miss Burgess is doing for our cause. Her letter yesterday was bright and cheerful, and even funny. Did you get a card of the season’s greetings from Mr and Mrs Cato Sells? I did too. Thats what comes to the Secretary of the s.a.i. Peyote! Why I dream peyote. I have made so many typewritten copies of my peyote data, which I am sending to people who {are} taking active interest in the matter, that my fingers fairly ache. Even though the Rest Room for the tribe, here, has to be postponed, it is a work that can be taken care of later. This peyote prohibition is something that has gone too long without attention requires immediate action. Every year’s delay means that much more difficulty in curbing the spread. Tomorrow I shall write of the Utes of whom you inquire. I am always glad to have you tell me about my duties, as I need to be told. The work is new, and there is no way to learn without some instruction. So do not feel any hesitancy upon telling me “whats what”. You are only President! What’s in the a name? Certainly there is no other President above you, to condemn your work. If you are only President, that

49

Father Philip Bergin Gordon (1886–1948), Chippewa Catholic Priest, sai member, and long-time opponent of the bia. Gordon served as the sai’s final president in 1923. See Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 239, 360, 367, 382.

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does not forbid your doing things. When I accepted the Secretaryship, it was with the single desire to support your ideas in this organization. My work was to be under your supervision, I thought. I did not know it was such a big ship. I did not know I was to be engineer and captain too. I have much to learn; and I am not opposed to a liberal education. I trust it does not prove too expensive to my friends. When I have the “know how” in me, things will move. (Burgess.) All’s well that ends well. (Shakespeare)!!! That Chipewa ought to be snatched baldheaded for not sending the complete membership list, with addresses. (Sioux.)50 Sincerely yours, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary.

∵ To Parker, saip Ft. Duchesne, Utah January 12, 1917 Dear President; Towatquits or Sundown is a Whiteriver Ute woman, about ninety years old. For many years she has been a cripple; and unable to stand or walk erect. She lives with her grand daughter, whom she raised from childhood. There are very poor but Sundown is always smiling. Shakwitch is a Uintah Ute, about ninety years old too. He lives with Guy Gardiner, a great nephew. He has always made his home there. He, like Sundown is of a cheerful disposition, even to submissiveness. Chegum or Capron Ankerpont has been dead over two years. He has a brother living. He left a wife and three children. His father is still living. Smith Chimbura is living. He has a wife and two children. His sister Bertha Chimbura is married to Lawrence Yump Ankerpont, a brother to Chegum. These are all full-bloods, but speak some English. Tim Johnson knows the family-trees better than any other Ute; and makes this his business for which he is paid. He is uneducated but rather keen and bright. He is not popular with his own people, for some reason, I do not know. He is now at Southern Ute Agency, where he has remained several months.

50

“The Chipewa”—a reference to Marie L. B. Baldwin.

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I understand he had written this office for money; but did not receive any consideration. He has had troubles of various kinds. His wife left him and married some one else. Things that led to this, makes it appear that Tim Johnson got what he deserved. I do not know if he is using peyote. It has been a long time since I saw him. Perhaps there was some specific information, you desired concerning these Utes. I know all of them; and could answer questions, if you wish to know any particular thing relative to them. If Tim Johnson is not hoodooed by peyote by now, he is a sensible Indian. He did not seem to have much tact; yet he generally knew what he was talking about. He was always interested in the Ute Lands in Colorado, for instance. Inipegant. Within a tent, tragedy occurred. A care free young man, of some twenty years, in handling his gun, excidently shot and killed his mother. Grief stricken, he fled to the Hills. There {he} roamed, days and days, lacerating his body and weeping aloud for his mother. At length when his relatives found him and persuaded him to return to the camp, he told them he was accursed and unfit to mingle with other people henceforth. For the death of his mother he alone was to blame, for his carelessness; and he alone must pay the penalty with silence and isolation from human beings. It was thus, he sat nude under an ever changing sky; and nightly lay upon the ground for a bed. No one could dissuade him from this self inflicted punishment. Time passed. Year after year, he continued to sit naked upon the ground, under a few lodge poles that could give no protection from the weather, be it burning hot or freezing cold. As often as new canvass was put upon the lodge poles, he tore it into shreds. As often as garments were put upon his body, he tore them off. Food was brought and placed before him on the ground. When the foodbearer was gone, he devoured the little nourishment offered. Through the summer months, he prowled about, eating wild berries and roots. Withered rinds of a half-grown water mellon, by his lodge poles, told that the silent creature had wandered into some garden; and unwitingly broke the White man’s laws of health, by thriving upon unripe mellons. But, of course, it was not the first law of health he had broken. One winter, it is told, his matted hair froze fast to the ground where he slept over night. The following morning it had to be chopped loose with an ax before he could eat breakfast.

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Thus the poor creature became known as Inipegant. After a penance of thirty years or more, he passed out from this world of enigmas. There are often versions of this strange life of one crazed through grief. This story appeals to me. You ask if I can use a camera. I will have no reply borrowing the words of an Irishman when he was asked if he could play on the violin. “I never tired, but I guess I could, if I tried.” There are parties here who have taken a great many Ute pictures. It is possible I could get some pictures from them. Rations. There are about 300 Indians on the regular ration roll. During spring and summer months, the District Farmers issue orders to other Indians who are able to work and are making the effort on their allotments, which bring the total on the Ration roll, to about 400. Bacon and beans are issued instead of beef during the months of June, July, August and September. Allowance for this tribe, for one year is; 60000 lbs Beef, net 12000 lbs Bacon 800 lbs Baking Powder 1500 lbs Beans 4000 lbs Coffee 54000 lbs Flour 7600 lbs Sugar 900 lbs Salt 900 lbs Soap The following is issued to one person, on the roll; for 30 days 20 lbs beef or (15 lbs bacon with 10 lbs beans.) 15 lbs flour 4 lbs sugar 2 lbs coffee 1lb salt 1lb soap 1/4lb Baking powder. I dont need to say they go hungry much of the time. It is true that under Kneale’s administration, the Utes have been paid their allowances, and their moneys, (for the usual $15 monthly allowance, to those not on the ration roll,) far better than under J. D. Martin, before him.

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Now many of the Indians have used up their moneys for the year, and just in mid winter, when they need money, they are not getting any payments. Peyote leaders. John McCook, Dragon Utah, formerly a grand old man. Alas, he refuses to stop peyote. Dick Wash, Charley Wash, Moroni, Henry Arreeve, Corass, Wm Wash, Charley Travis Grant, Fred Ice, Isaac Mowachian, Charley Shavanaux. These are leaders with a large following. Kneale had a peyote user as policeman until recently. Other Indians complained about the police for misbehaving, and requested his discharge. So Kneale had him resign. A week ago, four peyote leaders, Moroni, Charley Wash and Dick Wash (brothers) and Corass, received checks from a Ute Cattleman, Wm Wash, another peyote man, in the Post. They asked a Mr. Allen, Telegraph aperator, to write the checks, as these men can not write. It appeared that Wm Wash was advancing money to these others as he has been known to do previously; and these men bought tickets to Dragon where John McCook stays. He is the Chief Peyote man. Mr Bonnin purposely asked Mr Allen if Wm Wash asked him to write checks for these peyote men; and Mr Allen answered yes. He said they went to Dragon. All this in the presence of Kneale and all that Kneale did was to keep silent. Wm Wash is squandering his money; It seems that Kneale might do something about it, when it is brought to his attention. Kneale makes no difference in the Utes. He pays as freely to Peyote users, where the money will be squandered for a drug, as he does to those who use their money for actual subsistence. Aside from his signing an affidavit with the Govt. Physician and me, for Bishop Jones, relative to the bad effect of peyote, he takes no action to check it. It makes it seem worse, in my mind, that after a man would sign a statement to the effect that he knew use of peyote was bad for the user, he would tolerate it. It shows that he is not truly concerned for the best interest of the Indians under his care. Utes are taking their school children to peyote meetings; and a teacher told me yesterday that certain children were not themselves at all, for they were using peyote. This should not be tolerated. Gen Pratt certainly said the right things, at our last conference, about what an agent could do, if he were disposed to, relative to driving out peyote. Bill #7 was troduced by Senator Colton on the the 12th inst. (peyote bill) I am very very happy that it has gone this far. I took a trip to Vernal, 25 miles from here, for an interview with him the day before he left for the legislature.

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Of course, I do not mean to say I did any thing; for Bishop Jones of the Episcopal church has taken a great interest in seeking legislation against peyote. Mr Colton is of the Mormon faith. So you see both churches are together in this good work. Senator Colton, however does not pretend to represent his church. He is using his opportunity as a member of the legislature, to help our race. I am going to ask President Smith, of the Mormon church, to aid us in the effort to pass this bill. The outlook is hopeful. Now I think I have answered all your questions; and then some. Fraternally yours, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary.

∵ To Ketcham, bcimr Ft. Duchesne, Utah January 29, 1917 My dear Father Ketcham; I have been given to understand that local authority here, would take favorable action, should you care to ask for the Randlette School site, with buildings, for a church school. This was a Government school but had been abandoned for some time. These Utes need a Catholic Mission. I am writing to do my little duty in giving you this bit of information. It may be a surprise to you. It is certainly a surprise to me. This year has been a hard one, because we were loyal to our church teachings. I had not intended to bother you with it, for I realize you are already too busy. But since I am brought to write about church matters, I must relate our experiences. Mrs Kneale started what she called Sunday School. I heard her say “Anyone who does not go to church is no friend of mine.” At first, since we have no Catholic church, I sent my boy, 13 years old, to her Sunday School. Each time he would come home with “Mamma at Sunday School they say there is no hell.” “We don’t have to go to confession, we can just pray to God” etc etc. I decided to send my boy any more. The result was that we are not considered as friends of Mrs Kneale’s. This has influenced Kneale in his official duties, for he has been harsh upon Mr Bonnin,

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in requiring him to do work without assistance, while others of his favorites, have had easier time, and more privileges. The night before Thanksgiving, Kneale got up in the night and shot Ohiya’s pet burro to death. He did it not knowing that though Ohiya had the burro some six weeks, it still belonged to a Ute. Never by a single word did we understand that the burro was disliked by Kneale. Had he said so, or given us any intimation of it, we would have arranged to send the burro away. But this high handed act, made us feel very, very indignant. Kneale acknowledged killing the burro, in a Ute Council of some sixty people. Both Mr. Bonnin and I were there and heard him. At Xmas, I did not allow my boy to go to the Xmas tree, because Mrs Kneale had told her Sunday School class of whites, that Ohiya Bonnin should not be allowed to come to the Xmas tree, as he never attended Sunday School. To raise money for this same Xmas tree, Mrs Kneale had caused a supper to be given, to which all were asked to contribute. I was asked; and I did my share, as I have always made it a point to do. My work as Community Service Supt. of the Society of American Indians has been hampered {this year}by this unfriendly spirit of the Agent Kneale and his wife. now it is surprising to have Kneale send word to me about a church school at Randlette, Utah. I do not wish my injuries to blind me to the larger interests of our Church. Therefore I have written you this long letter. Sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Ketcham, bcimr Los Angeles, California Feb 26, 1917 My dear Father Ketcham, Yours of the 8th Inst. reached me as I was leaving for Los Angeles. I am here for a few week’s vacation. My rehearsal of our experiences were more for your better information of prevailing conditions than that you should speak with the Commissioner—for our sakes.51

51

At that time still Cato Sells.

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I do appreciate your kind thought but we are considering quite seriously— leaving the Indian Service—to venture upon an independent business of our own. It is far wiser—we have concluded—to leave before we are driven to commit some act of desperation. We love our people and are able to help them—for after fourteen years—we have earned their confidence. But we {are} weary and very worn out with {the} unjust and petty persecutions of political appointees who would make the Godess of Liberty to blush—could she get one peep into the despotic reign of pin heads! on an Indian reservation. I feel confident that you will do all you can for the Mission proposition. Thank you for your reminding me to pray. I have been so very much discouraged at times that I could not pray. And yet the very cause of persecution has been because I was doing work to advance real uplift work for my race. Sincerely Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Parker, saip Los Angeles, California March 2, 1917 Dear Seneca President; Would you care to use those lines, in the Indian Magazine? I have added one more verse and changed part of a line from the first copy I (so kindly) sent you at the beginning of the year. I sent copies to Mrs Brown, of Denver; and also to Miss Burgess, at that same time, They each have asked to use it in their addresses. It has been suggested by them to offer it to the Indian Magazine. Have been asked to speak and give a piano solo, in the most popular church in Pasadena, Mar. 14th, all in Indian dress. I have agreed, for in this case the use of Indian dress for a drawing card, is for a good cause. No doubt, there may be some, who may not wholly approve of the Indian dress. I hope it does not displease you. Even a clown has to dress differently from his usual citizen’s suit. In News papers, Italics are resorted to, with good effect. Whenever you go any where to make an Indian speech, do you try to secure new members, immediately after wards? If you were not too tired; you might be able to get quite a list of new members this way.

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You do enough as it is. Do not think I am depreciating your work. But I just wondered, if sometime an opportunity, as the result of your address, might slip away, being overlooked. Faithfully and fraternally, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary.

From Washington, d.c. (1917–19) To Parker, saip Washington, d.c. June 2, 1917 My dear Mr. Parker; Mrs Baldwin took her Treasurer’s book out of the sai office this morning. What right has she to do this? Isnt it supposed that the business books of any concern be kept in the office of that Society? Have I, as an officer no access to these books? I will not have time to hunt Mrs Baldwin up, every time I may have occasion to consult the Cash accounts. Mrs Baldwin, did not say where she was going to take the books. She had said, when I moved, that the Barrister office ought to be retained; and another month’s rent paid. She was going to attend the Carlisle Commencement; and didnt want to take time to have her books moved out. So she was for retaining the Barrister Office, paying sai money; and going for a good time herself. Is this the plan? Just where do I come in? Is my service nothing? Is my sacrifice nothing? Who said so? Mr Parker, with the utmost courtesy to you, I must object. She told me too, that she never did anything without your consent. This {is} why I am taking it for granted that you are aware of her doings. She instructed me this morning that it was our policy to give all steno-work to Indians. I had some work being done for me by regular public stenos. I consider myself deeply interested in the welfare of the Indian race. I favor helping Indians; but there are Indians and Indians. I do not intend, if I know it, to trust sai work to Indian Bureau spies and watch dogs; no matter how small and insignificant they are. Mrs Baldwin said “I wish I could quit grinding every day; but if I did, I would land in the Poor House.” This is impedence itself. I know how far my own funds will carry me, in this free service for the Red Man; and I do not intend to land in the Poor House, either. I am awake to the fact that the Indian Bureau begrudges us any recognition or salary or even inheritances. They would like to make us beggars; and hinder us from active work in the sai. Mr Parker, I want to know if my sai office is recognized by you; and if you are allowing the sai Treasurer’s Books to be taken out of this office. Also if Mrs. Baldwin is to use sai money to pay extra rent on the Barrister Office.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi: 10.1163/9789004355750_005

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It is due me, as Secretary, and more because I have sacrificed more than Mrs. Baldwin, for the sake of the sai cause, that I be informed. Sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Parker, saip Washington, d.c. June 6, 1917 My dear Mr. Parker; In reply to yours of June 4th. I must say that if Mrs Baldwin did some of my work, it was because she failed to furnish me the necessary stationery, and data. I heard you ask her to do so, there at Cedar Rapids; I wrote her repeatedly, for list of members; and also information about our Society funds, that I might know how much I could count upon, in my expenditures for the sai, while trying to perform my duty as Secretary. I wrote you of her failure to Co-operate; and you, yourself said your letters brought no reply. Therefore, I finally decided to come to Washington, at any sacrifice to myself and family, that I might have easy access to our books. I am working without pay; and do object to having the sai Books taken out of the sai office. I am certainly renting this room, as the sai Office. It is open every day of the week at the usual Office Hours. I was obliged to ask a certain DeWitt Hare, not to come to this Office, unless upon Society business.1 He took offence. He came every day, including Sunday; Came before we were through with our breakfast, at 7:30 a.m. Sometimes he came in the afternoon, and staid until I had to turn on the light. Finally, one day, he asked if I did my own work. I said I did. Then he had the audacity to ask if he might not bring some beef sometime, for me to cook for him. This was the finishing touch. Now, DeWitt Hare may be saying I did not want him in this office. I do not want anybody here for a pastime. It’s business, first and last.

1 DeWitt Hare, sai member, vice-president on membership for 1918. See Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 176; Larner, Guide, 6.

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DeWitt Hare did not appreciate my defense of your stand. I had not thought it worthwhile to write all this to you; but under the present turn of affairs, I feel I owe it to myself, to report this case. Further, I must object to the Treasurer’s expenses for “Clerk hire” on this grounds; I am here to do the work with greater care and interest, than any irresponsible clerk, she can hire. I do not want her title; nor her office; but when I can; and do offer my services free; she deliberately expends sai funds to “hire” this clerical work done. Further; I cannot but feel, Mrs Baldwin wants to force me {to} pay the entire rental of the apartment I am using, one room of which is entirely for the sai office. If the sai cannot pay at least my living expenses, and I am keeping myself on my own funds, surely since I am here expressly to carry on the Society’s work at its main office, it will have to pay the Office rent as in times previous. My sai office, is open whereas the one at Barrister was always closed. Thats one notable difference. I do not think Mrs Baldwin’s attitude toward me, in this matter anything that will harm me, half as much as it will her. Evidently she wants me to bear a greater expense, that I might consume my small money the sooner; and be obliged to get out. Mr Parker, before I leave Washington for lack of money, I’ll camp in the tent on the river somewhere. You spoke of my opening all the Society Mail. I hardly think I can when the fees that come in Mrs Baldwin’s name, are not delivered here. They did come here, until Mrs Baldwin took her books away. I suppose she has given orders to have the Society mail that comes in her name, sent to her address I have been very willing and desireous of learning the duties of the Secretary. I hope no one else will have the time watching it unfold, as I have. I do not mean by this that I wish to be secretary another year, either. Now, Mr Parker, this is the last time, I shall try to present my side of this situation, to you. I did not come to Washington to spend my time and strength, in a disagreement with a Mrs Baldwin. If you remember, I need to save my strength, as my heart is bad at times; Of course, it is never any good. They say the only good Indian is a dead Indian. Sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary.

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∵ To Parker, saip. Washington, d.c. June 11, 1917 Dear President Parker; In regard to peyote legislation, this Hayden Bill, is now before both houses; and if the Prohibition people are able to wield sufficient strength to win, we will have gained the law we need.2 However, if this bill fails to carry; or has the peyote clause striken out, then would it not be wise to seek to have peyote and mescal included in the Harrison Drug Act Amendment?3 Should we wait to see the outcome of the Hayden Bill, before trying to have Peyote and mescal put into the h.d.a. amendment? I found an amendment to the Drug and Narcotic Laws; and am making inquiry of Mr Brosius, if this is the “proposed amendment to the Harrison Drug Act”4 If so, it does not include peyote and mescal. It is only introduced in the House; and there is plenty of time, it would seem, for activity toward causing these crude drugs being put into the Amendment. As soon as I hear from Mr Brosius, I will forward his reply to you. I fear our new June Magazine will be out before we have gained definite understanding of the present situation; and it does seem like we could get our readers together for united action, better and quicker, through our magazine.

2 The Hayden Bill (h.r. 5526), introduced in the House in July of 1917 by Arizona Representative and later Senator (Dem.) Carl Trumbull Hayden (1877–1972), sought to extend u.s. citizenship to all remaining Indian non-citizens, release tribal monies, and close tribal roles. The bill failed to pass. See Thomas A. Britten, American Indians in World War i: At Home and at War (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997), 177–78; “Carl T. Hayden is Dead at 94; Arizonan in Congress 56 years,” New York Times, January 26, 1972, 40. 3 The Harrison Drug Act Amendment, passed 17 December 1914, sought to impose regulations and taxes on the import, distribution, and production of coca and opiates. See Harrison Narcotics Tax Act, 1914, https://www.naabt.org/documents/Harrison_Narcotics_Tax_Act_1914 .pdf (accessed August 3, 2016). 4 Samuel M. Brosius (1851–1936), one of the most prominent leaders of the Indian Rights Association. See Guide to the Indian Rights Association Records, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 2.

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No doubt, if we cannot get this material into our Magazine we may send out circular letter on the subject. That is only second choice; for it would mean more labor; and extra expense while we might have accomplished the same thing through our Magazine. Very Sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary.

∵ To Parker, saip Washington, d.c. June 13, 1917 Dear President Parker; How happy I am to get your letter. I have just returned from calling upon Mr Brosius at his office. He went to the Capitol, upon receipt of my peyote letter and found a Senate Bill, (s.2046) introduced by Senator Phelan, of California;5 “An act to prohibit the importation and use of opium for other than medical purposes” Mr Brosius thinks this bill can be amended, so as to include “Peyote and Mescal and their derivatives”. Mr Brosius has kindly agreed to prepare the form of the desired amendment, by consulting with the Indian Bureau; then he is to send the draft of the amendment to his strong friends of California, for them to take up with their Senator Phelan. In the meanwhile, I am writing letters to my California friends, of legislative propensities, to lend us their vigorous aid in this matter. Today, I find in the Congressional Record that Mr Gandy introduced another Peyote Bill, yesterday June 12.6 Just now we are not quite ready to say anything about our plan to have Bill s.2046 amended; but it will be good to say our friend Mr Gandy has introduced his Peyote Bill h.r.4999.

5 James Duval Phelan (1861–1930), mayor of San Francisco (1897–1902), Democratic u.s. senator (1915–1921). See the Guide to the James Duval Phelan Papers, San Francisco Public Library, http://sfpl.org/pdf/libraries/main/sfhistory/mayoral-papers/phelan.pdf (accessed August 3, 2016). 6 H. L. Gandy, South Dakota Representative (Dem.).

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One of my first errands to the Capitol was to see Mr. Gandy; and I am glad he has introduced this bill. If you have not sent that Grover Affidavit etc direct to the Indian Office, I believe Mr Brosius might work on it, as he seems to be familiar with such things. Today, he seemed to be very desirous of helping us in our efforts. How very busy you are. Bravo for the Seneca. Shall support Executive Council in choice for Oklahoma City; A letter goes to Miss Frazier by next mail, upon this matter.7 Your dates for Conference are very good. Thank you for your encouraging words to me. You can never know how much I need them; and to appreciate them. Very sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary.

∵ To Parker, saip Washington, d.c. June 20, 1917 Dear Seneca President; I have received membership dues, $2.00 for William A. Petzoldt, Lodge Grass, Montana, which you forwarded to this office. I shall write acknowledgment to William A. Petzoldt, and send him one of our new magazines, today. I return the copy of the next number of the Magazine, as I found a few errors in the print. On page 37, I failed to understand the sentence, so have a question mark there, for your notice. Today, I am sending you copy of a school paper that printed General Pratt’s letter, protesting against Indian regiments; He is right. Though he did not bring out this one point, it might be used in your editorial, if it appeals to you too. This....indian regiments would be a mere handful compared to the u.s. Army of other men; and when a call sent this indian regiment to the front, it would appear that this was an intended annihilation of the Red Man; for in one fray the indian regiment would be wiped off the earth.

7 Margaret Frazier (Sioux), nurse, active sai member. See Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 153, 182, 334n4; Larner, Guide, 6.

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If Indians enlist, it would be preferable to the race, to have them stand side by side with other American soldiers. Then, the Indian should bear his just quota in the usual ratio to the total population, {of recognized citizens.} Indian citizens! Comment is coming to Mr Ayer’s8 proposed “Indian Regiment, to be organized and trained under white officers.”9 The Indian race could furnish men for Officers; yet in our present subservient state, we may be made to fight; but cannot be recognized as officers. In Iowa is an Officer’s Training Camp for Negros. It hardly seems right that these Negros be sent in a separate regiment, any more than it would be for the Indian; still they offer the inducement of making them Officers. Then, the Negro has so increased in population, that they could stand such a loss without danger of race-extermination. Secretly, I wonder if it is not a cute idea to reduce the Negro population. This sounds like treason; so you better not quote me, unless you want me hung. Gertrude Bonnin {Only a suggestion—for the Fall Magazine—If it does not appeal to you— please forget it.}

∵ To Parker, saip Washington, d.c. June 28, 1917 Personal & Confidential Dear Seneca President; The card-system is a good one. 1750 extra copies of our magazines are on our shelves. The articles are just as suitable for today; as when they were hot from the type.

8 Edward Everett Ayer (1841–1927), member of the Board of Indian Commissioners (1912–17). See “Ayer, Edward Everett, 1841–1927: Edward E. Ayer u.s. Board of Indian Commissioners files, 1912–1922,” http://mms.newberry.org/detail.asp?recordid=786 (accessed August 3, 2016). 9 The idea of Indian regiments serving in World War i had been a controversial topic of debate. Ayer had come out as a proponent of segregated units led by white officers. Parker had angrily responded to the idea in aim. See Arthur C. Parker, “The American Indian’s Part in the World War: Shall He Fight in Segregated Race Units or Side by Side with other American Soldiers?” American Indian Magazine 5 no. 1 (January–March 1917), 146–53.

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It was my plan to box several hundred copies; and have them shipped, in plenty of time, by freight; for our distribution, during the conference. If this meets your approval, I shall see to it, in due time. In this way, we shall utilize what has been too long on our shelves; and then it will permit us to use the surplus cash, for new literature; and new magazines. Soon after Rev. Hall’s visit here, I sent him a list of our Associate members, showing those whose dues were paid; that he would not send to them unnecessarily.10 He offered to help me with this work; and I accepted his offer. The due-bills for Subscriptions etc is work I have had on hand. In a case of a Public Library writing this office about taking up the matter of a refund, as 1917 had been paid for; and no magazines had been sent, even before that time etc; I wrote our Treasurer. The card had not been kept up. I waited one week for her answer. (At this rate, we will set the world on fire, in the year 900,000) She said her book did not show any payment for 1917. How lovely! Having written three letters to Father Gordon, relative to work in his office, and the unavoidable delay in preparing and up-to-date list of members, without his acknowment of them, I have concluded I do not have his address. My poor little lists, over which I have labored, are too rare to throw away. My letters, they are nothing; but this list....is different. Father Gordon is not supporting this office; he does not even appreciate my sacrifice to be here; and to be working as I am. Furthermore he is liable to do mischief with these people who need to be conscientiously guided. As a true friend the s.a.i.; I cannot feel perfectly at ease in this matter of furnishing list of our members to Gordon. You have told me to furnish this list. You have not used English I can understand. Do you know I have gone the Catholic Church only once since I came? No. I called one day at the Catholic Bureau of Indian Missions. I was nicely treated, as far as I am personally concerned; but I am also one of those who represent the sai. I left, feeling in my innermost heart that I would stand by the sai to the end; that I would not go back on the efforts of my race, even if I had to quit my church. Of course, this is confidential; and I want you to know, I tell you this, 10

Rev. Robert D. Hall, sai associate secretary (1917–18) and aim advisory board member (1917–18). Hall was employed by the ymca when he became an associate member at the sai founding conference in 1911. He became a strong proponent of citizenship for Indian veterans after World War i, and stronger opponent of peyote use after testing the drug himself in a controlled experiment at Yale University. See Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 72, 96, 187, 254; Larner, Guide, 6.

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only as the present question demands you should be informed. I cannot feel that Gordon has any legitimate use for this list, of sai members. Still I would not offend you, Mr Parker, for anything in this world. Can you write me again; and say, after this communication, you have reconsidered your instruction to me about the list? Pardon my hesitancy to furnish the list. True, it might have been allowed to drag itself to death, without so much frankness, as this; but I believe there can be no true co-operaton in any undertaking without a certain amount of absolute frankness; and loyalty. I do not feel my little acquaintance with Gordon warrants perfect confidence in his good judgement or broad matured views of the Indian problem. I fear he is unduly influenced by Montezuma etc. Letter to Secretary Brown goes out to day. Wish I could hear the address tomorrow afternoon. Fraternally, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary.

∵ To Parker, saip Washington, d.c. July 3, 1917 Dear Seneca President; Thank you for your note of yesterday. I wish I could talk with you; but am obliged to write. This spring Dr Eastman11 passed through here; and though he did not tell me, I learned he went with Mr Henderson, Mr Evans’ partner. They have visited all Indian country, clear to Montana, getting various tribes to sign contracts with them. Parties of Indians have been coming here, and I understand Mr Evans pays all their expenses; and entertains them, after their contracts are properly signed. 11

Charles Alexander Ohiyesa (Winner) Eastman (Santee Dakota, 1858–1939), internationally-known physician and writer, sai founding member and later president (1917). Husband of Elaine Goodale Eastman and author of Indian Boyhood (1902), Old Indian Days (1906), Wigwam Evening—Sioux Tales Retold (1909), The Soul of the Indian (1911), and From the Deep Woods to Civilization (1916). See David Reed Miller, “Charles Alexander Eastman, The ‘Winner’: From Deep Woods to Civilization,” in American Indian Intellectuals, edited by Margot Liberty (St. Paul: West, 1978), 61–70; Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 337–38.

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He gets them to dress in native costume; and takes them around in autos to see the town; and to have them seen. What do you know about this? Indians whom I have chanced to meet in the city, have told me they were signing contracts with Evans, who is to take up some claims against the Government. Evans’ fees are 14 percent; & more. Are you acquainted with Evans? He has wealth; and his partner Henderson, is thoroughly posted on Indian matters. Now they have Eastman to get the Indians. It is a strong triangle. I wonder who pays Eastman’s travelling expenses; and for his time and labor, on this trip? Indians told me that they to send delegates from every tribe to attend a convention here this Fall. Evans is doing it. It means that Evans intends to impress Congress by taking {there} this great delegation of Indians, crying for settlement of claims against the Government. Isnt it too bad the Government does not of itself pay these old claims? It must be forced to pay its obligations; and it seems inevitable that attorneys should be hired to represent the Indians. The Indian Office, being a part of the Government, is never going to push the settlement of claims, of course. So in this important item, of Indian business, the Indian Office is no earthly good to the Indian. In the first session of the 64th Congress, Senator Lane had introduced a Bill on the admission of the Indian to the Court of Claims, Alas, nothing came of the Bill; and Lane is gone to the Great Beyond.12 Is it possible that a Bill be so framed so as to prohibit exorbitant fees on the part of these attorneys for Indian claims? The court should be so restricted that it could not set the fees at more than ten percent. Ordinarily five percent is good pay. If the Indian is to be protected, his friends will have to get busy without any waste of time; as this Fall is not far distant. It is worse than useless to go to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Secretary Lane; and Senator Ashurst, chairman of the Senate Indian Committee, might act, if reached through proper channels.

12

Harry Lane (1855–1917), physician and progressive u.s. senator (Dem.) from Oregon (1913– 17). Lane served on the Committee for Indian Affairs and opposed American entry into World War i. Calls for his removal from office in the wake of this controversial (but now lauded) decision may have worsened Lane’s health and led to his death. See Jensen, “Harry Lane (1855–1917).”

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Think about this; and tell me what you think, for I have told you what I am thinking. I do not want to wrong any one; or to seem to imply that eeh triangle is out for graft, pure and simple. However the high rate of their attorney’s fees arouses my curiosity. It is no wrong for us to study what it means to our people. Why should the Indian be forced to pawn his claims for a mere song? when dealing with a just Government that is fighting now for world democracy? Tiresome to say why? why? why? isnt it? I am going to try to find out more, if I can. Wish you could come that we might discuss this and other Indian problems, in which we may have some little say. If you cannot, then I wish I could come there. Very sincerely and fraternally, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary. {Eager to see the new Magazine—May reach here tomorrow—oh—the day after—}

∵ To Parker, saip Washington, d.c. July 14, 1917 Personal and confidential My dear Mr Parker; Mrs Baldwin took the Associate Cards from here today, though I had suggested her work with them being done in this office. I wish to ask you about Junior members who pay only fifty cents for membership, if they are entitled to the Magazine. I inclose pamphlet which says not. And further on purely business basis, no matter whether {or no} the money that pays for the printing of the Magazine is a donation, we cannot give out, in monetary value (not counting unpaid labor and priceless articles that appear in it) more than cost to get it out. Since the membership dues have failed to support the Society’s magazine; and the price of the Magazine is $1.00; cheap! We cannot hope to come out financially; or continue to get out the Magazine by rotating the same money, from publisher to Readers; From Readers to Publishers again, if we give the Magazine to those Juniors who pay only fifty cents. It is not only the right foundation. It is not generosity to give when it means financial ruin to the publication.

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No one likes to beg for ever for donations. Now please tell me if it is not proper to tell Junior members that the Magazine is $1.00? This point has been brought to my notice; and it must be settled. Sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary.

∵ To Parker, saip Washington, d.c. August 6, 1917 Dear Seneca President; In reply to yours of the 3rd. I wish to say I will do my best. It may be I can speed away on the voyage of rescue until I am submarined by the enemy. Keep an eagle-eye upon my frail barge. Oh how my heart aches with America in an inevitable war. To her loyal defenders is highest honor. You have chosen the greater part of claiming your highest right of citizenship. Shame upon the Dixon-headed13 Walking Reservation!14 Indian Battalion! Why those false words hide {the} greatest scheme to utterly annihilate the Red Man, by a whole-sale slaughter! The only honorable course for the us Government, in view of the past treatment of the Red Man, is to accept with what grace it may, the volunteers of these truest of all Americans. And in accepting, it is doubly bound to protect these Indian volunteers, from any possible {whole-sale} slaughter that would count for naught in this gigantic warfare of machine guns; but would be sad death to the Indian of America.

13

14

A reference to Joseph Kossuth Dixon, director of Wannamaker’s Department store education bureau, who spoke before Congress advocating of all-Indian units. See Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 409–10. Parker had criticized Dixon and branded all-Indian units “Walking Reservations” in an editorial for the American Indian Magazine. See Britten, American Indians in World War i, 43–44.

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Dixon is not a true patriot, he cannot be true to protect the outraged Indian, were his unthinkable scheme carried into action. Why is he so concerned about the Indian Battalion fighting for America, while he might serve his country himself in some self-sacrificing way that only his great mentality could conceive? There is always those who can tell others how to serve their country, entirely forgetting their own obligations in the struggle. May I ask if you are in the regular Army, or with the National Guardsmen? Seneca, you are as brave as a Sioux! May the Great Spirit ever guard and protect you! May you so realize His all-pervading Presence that no sense of hardships can crowd Him out of your consciousness, at any time. Truly, Sioux Secretary

∵ To Pratt, rhpp/saip Washington, d.c. September 4, 1917 Dear friend of the Indian, General Pratt; Yours of August 29th received. I do thank you for sending your message to Chairman Carter.15 You are right. At last year’s conference, I did not take in the whole significance of the part these men played. Since coming here, I have had opportunity for observation. My own conclusions as disappointing as they are to me, oblige me to place them in the same category you do; and for the same identical reason. I wrote Dr Montezuma asking him for an address to which he replied that it was uncertain about his attending this year. I have written again asking him to attend; and if it was impossible, then to send his address, requesting the Secretary to read it!

15

Charles David Carter (Chickasaw, 1868–1929), representative (Dem.) from Oklahoma (1907–27). Carter served as chairman of the House Indian Committee in the Sixty-fifth Congress, and was a founding member of the sai member, holding the position of vicepresident on legislation (1911–13, 1918–20). See “Carter, Charles David, (1868–1929),” Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/ biodisplay.pl?index=C000196 (accessed August 3, 2016); Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 71, 81, 98, 118, 128, 176, 81, 188–89; Larner, Guide, 5.

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It is my desire to restore the sai to its original purpose but without an active number of supporters, I feel like a grain of against an organized army of cunning crooks. Still a grain of sand can stop the smooth running of gigantic machinery. Its knowing when and where to lodge this bit of insignificant sand. The latest annoyance to interfere with my work is a demand from the Treasurer for Treasurer’s letters with their envelopes. Doesnt it sound queer? I have given her my signed itemized statement of all dues and moneys that came through this office; and was my understanding, as well as Mr Bonnin’s that she did not want me to wait for her on official mail as her personal mail was never sent to the Society Office. I have her letter to me prior to my coming where she says she was too tired after that day’s work in the Indian Office, to start work in the sai at 5;30 or 6 until late. “I do not do justice to the position of Treasurer because it is impossible for me to do even the little amount of work that I do.” “I wish it were possible for us to have a Treasurer or other officer who could be in our office during the day, etc” So after the few first times when I left Treasurer’s letters lay over a week unopened, I began to open and to enter credits on the personal card file, and furnished her these itemized, signed statements, which are vouchers from one officer to another. It took time and labor, as I have no clerical help since I came. I asked why she wanted the letters, she said “I want to start a little file of my own.” Think of starting a little file in the last month of a two-year’s term of office. Upon my failure to send them, she wrote a second letter. “Lieutenant” Bonnin talked with {her} over the phone; and asked her what she meant; she said some of the names on my statement were those of her friends; and she wanted to read their letters” So that is another reason. Mr Bonnin told her plainly that he was only too glad to have me spend our limited means and my time and strength for the sai cause but he was not willing that I should make so much sacrifice and then be annoyed with an attempt to bring a government suit against me for openning Society mail. Again she denied that it was for the purpose of bringing suit; but when he asked why she particularly wanted the envelopes, which were not as a rule kept in the files of any large business concern, she could give no good excuse. Mr Bonnin told her the files were here and any time it suited her convenience, she could come and help herself; that I was too crowded with conference work, to bother with assorting the files for these letters, after having gone to the trouble of furnishing a signed statement. Then she wanted to offer her help, which was promptly rejected.

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We have had too many Indian Bureau crates and cats, in our sai business. My struggle is right on this very point. Isnt this some experience? I need strength and wisdom to cope with the various little schemes and games of the enemy of the Indian race. I need the backing of all people truly concerned for the Indian, for the enemy would like to make quick work of me. I can see it licking its chops for conference time. So it grieves me that you are still holding to the idea of not attending this year. I do not know when we needed you more. Sometime, I hope I may {have} the pleasure of telling {you} all the interesting details of how my husband after fourteen years of service in the Indian Service, was about to be persecuted to desperation; and how when he offered himself as an American, and took the tests required by the training camps, he was commissioned while thousands of others failed to qualify. This shows how the Indian Bureau smoothers good Indians. I am happy that my husband could make a test case to strengthen our arguments, to say nothing of his loyalty to our America.16 Very sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Parker, saip Washington, d.c. September 14, 1917 Dear Seneca President; Inclosed is the Secretary’s account of expenses for sai work in the office. I send also the various bills, paid, to show the transactions, as appear on my account. The Treasurer’s utter failure to give me monthly statements of the Society’s financial status, has kept me in the dark; and I feel that I cannot plan any work

16

Raymond Bonnin had enlisted in the u.s. Army at Fort Meyers, Arlington, Virginia, in April of 1917, after the declaration of war. Following graduation from officers training camp in March 1918, R. Bonnin was commissioned as second lieutenant in the Food Provisions Unit of the Quarter Master Corps in Washington, d.c. He rose to the rank of Captain and was honorably discharged in 1920. See Dominguez, “The Gertrude Bonnin Story,” 239–40; Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 238.

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for the Society, on the smallest scale, not knowing how much we may have in the bank; where it goes, or anything about what other bills legitimately be paid out of sai funds. It is a real hardship for me to have to advance so much for so long a time; It is defeating the purpose of my sacrifice to be here, on the spot, when I cannot know any more about funds, or total expenses of this organization, then when I lived in my home, in Utah. If I am to render any real assistance to you in this work, I should know, these things, up to the minute. Does it not seem strange that one person (Sioux) who has by her labors; and sacrifice brought to the sai the following sums, $959.00 cannot know anything about what becomes of it; or being Secretary, cannot for lack of information from Treasurer, cannot plan the sai work for effectiveness? Forgive me for pointing these things out; 1916 Conference, 92 new members, $184.00 1917 Calif. lectures …(magazine) $450.00 1917 Denver visit.........ditto $240.00 1917 Assisted Burgees memberships (my lectures)........... $60.00 1917 Memberships............. $25.00 $959.00 In this rough estimate of the money value of my efforts for the sai, I have not counted expenses from my own purse for travel nor stationery, in Utah (my request for sai stationery being of no avail)., which was not at all covered by the bill of Cedar Rapids steno! Another year is upon us. The Magazine will need funds again. Wartimes make money scarce. Who is going to hustle for the needed cash this year? I have learned many lessons; with all my varied experiences in the Society’s work, I am really better posted and in a position to do more work this year; but how can anyone expect me (human, indeed) to consent to repeat this past year’s handicaps, for the friction in the two offices? Who likes to raise money and be unable to learn anything about {it} after the pleasure of handing it over to another officer? I do not blame you; but I write these things as sufficient grounds for an emergency-act, if there is no other way under our constitution, to unite the offices of Secretary and Treasurer. If what I have done were easy to do; and all the members of the sai, should turn their shoulder to the wheel, to the amount I have brought to the Society, then we would be some what independent. Instead, I find, after your work, my work “unique”

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As I have already stated, unless the Executive session in n.y. is to combine the two offices; and give me a chance to work, it would not mean anything. We need publicity and at the same time, {have} paid another premium care to be annoyed by a petty officer, another year. The real need, for the organization, is to lessn ‘friction by some method. Comparing the results of labor of the Secretary and Treasurer, I believe that the balance would be in my favor. This is why I am urging this change. Very sincerely and earnestly, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary.

∵ To Parker, saip Washington, d.c. ca. September 19, 1917 Personal and Confidential. Dear Mr Parker; why in the first of the year, after my appointment as Secretary, were the Society’s letters, properly belonging to me as Secretary to handle, handled by the Treasurer? Such stilted English and cold indifference and formal phrase without true heart or sympathy in the answers, went out to the reservations signed “Society of American Indians per Treasurer” Mr Parker the Society of American Indians has too much “purring by Indian Bureau Cats.” I have heard from many sources the talk of Mrs Baldwin against the present sai office, because as she claims it is my home. If the Rt Rev William Ketcham, of the Catholic Bureau finds it proper and convenient, and he certainly is not driven by shortage of funds nor lack of clerks for there is no other richer church in the world than the Catholic church, then I surely may, in my humble way, seek to conserve my strength and economize my small means. Mrs Ellis, Legal Secretary of the w.c.t.u. has her rooms and office in the Driscoll Hotel for years. Surely if she, a woman, can do this way, I may do so. There is only one thing I prize above all other things in this world; and that is my good name. My character is pure and spotless. I am able to do this Society’s work because of other qualifications which the good Spirit gave me. If Mrs Ellis can do her work for so large an organization as the w.c.t.u. under an

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arrangement of rooms and office in the same building, I can; and I defy any one to prove their underhanded insinuations to the contrary. Mr Hewitt, a gentle man whom I have never met; but whom I know to be an intimate friend of Mrs Baldwin, in a conversation referred to me as “the woman on 20th St.”17 He expressed himself as convinced that the Society should have its office down-town, where the Indians could come without having to go near the Indian Office; that a man should be Secretary etc. Mr Hewitt and Mrs Baldwin have lived in Washington many years. Why have they not thought of these things before? When Mrs Baldwin was made Treasurer why didnt Hewitt object to her because she is not a man? So long as the Indians records and moneys are under Indian Bureau control so long will they trail to the Indian office, whether they like the Indian office or no. Therefore they will find it very convenient to walk 2½ blocks to 20th St. Indians may phone me from the Union Station, upon coming to this city, and they can make arrangements with my help, if they wish to do this way. I have never saved myself nor my time for pleasures. Mr Parker I am indignant at Mr Hewitt’s talk. I have not come to Washington seeking a home. My own interests have been secondary to the interests of the Society of American Indians. On the other hand my home has always been open to Indians. My table always has place for Indians. I housed them and fed them for years. That is one reason that I cannot wear many silk dresses and diamonds when I come humbly to attend the conference of the Society of American Indians. My home, if the word may be made to describe my camping place, here is The Indians’ home. Indians do come here. I have had as many as six and seven at one time. We spend the hour discussing real subject matter, not any gossip about this Indian and that. I have won {!!!!} new members who upon a visit to my office, became so interested that they paid their fees over and asked for Society literature. I have saved some from schemers. I am here daily.

17

John Napoleon Brinton Hewitt (Tuscarora, 1859–1937), ethnologist with the Bureau of American Ethnology of the Smithsonian Institution, founding member of the sai. Hewitt was an expert on the Iroquois and a founder of the American Anthropological Association. See “Photo Lot 155, J.N.B. Hewitt photographs of Iroquois Indians on the Six Nations Reservation, circa 1897–circa 1937,” Smithsonian Institution, http://sova.si.edu/record/NAA .PhotoLot.155 (accessed August 4, 2016); Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 24, 80, 100, 104–105, 137.

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Mrs Baldwin is the only sai member that has been afraid to come to my office. Office hours from 9 to 12 and 1–4 always find me at my desk. The earlier hours I need as every other human does to rise and eat and prepare for the day. Why all this eternal chewing of a rag by the Treasurer? Mr. Parker, you are President. I voted for you and I stand by you. I am not trying to depreciate you or anything you have tried to do. You know that I have been unpardonably annoyed by the strange behavior of the Treasurer when I reported for active service, here. Now, I want you to know that I am fully aware of her opposition to me and her unfair presentation of my efforts. Hewitt is a sample. He is not the only one. I do appreciate your generous recognition of 707—in the Magazine. It does occur to me that you did it to enable me to have the Office rent and office expenses paid out of the Magazine Fund, which of course was given the Society through my own personal friends. All is not right with the Society, I know. Mrs Baldwin is not the one to hold it together either. I do not believe in the Extermists methods in Society matters but neither do I believe in the domination of Bureau-cats. They belong to the Washington Zoo! Mr. Parker, I object to having Society records and Membership cards carried out of this office, after having my offer to have the work done here, flatly refused. Please do one way or the other. You cannot do both. Either recognize the Secretary’s wishes or the Treasurer’s. I am writing wildly, no doubt, for I feel wild. I will work better without the Treasurer’s bothering me. If she is too important, she claims she was one of the first members; “that while Mrs Bonnin is trying to work for the Society, she is only a new comer”; (she is an ancient, antique member, a queer fossil of the Society of American Indians), then I had better cease my work. I am throwing myself away if this is a case. {and misleading my best friends.} Fraternally, Gertrude Bonnin

∵

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To Montezuma/sai Membership, cmp Washington, d.c. September 27, 1917 My dear fellow-member: Our 1917 conference is postponed until such later time as shall be set by the membership. The Executive Council, after due consideration of many things, among the most important of which is the fact that our President and First Vice-President are under army orders; and many of our members are in the ranks, serving our country, came to the conclusion that postponement of our annual conference was necessary. It is a disappointment to have to forego our meeting; but during the prosecution of the war, we need, more than ever, to conserve our resources. We believe the cause of the Indian will be advanced a hundred fold by our sacrifices for the greater world freedom. Most sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary {This is hypocrisy & betrayal of what America is fighting for. O Lord, help us to see what is right, help us to do what is right—}

∵ To Parker, saip Washington, d.c. February 19, 1918 My dear Mr Parker; Thursday a.m. is set for Sub-Committee hearing on Peyote.18 You can imagine how busy I am preparing for the fray. One good thing there are able people on this side. 18

The hearings were held in response to a bill proposed by Representative Carl Hayden of Arizona that sought to amend existing liquor laws to include a ban on peyote. The hearings would also reveal the growing split in the sai membership between pro- and anti-peyote factions. Bonnin, Eastman, and Pratt condemned peyote at the hearings, while the Omaha lawyer Thomas Sloan and Omaha ethnologist Francis LaFlesche (1857–1932) defended after LaFlesche its use. This sai factionalism would culminate in 1919, when pro-Peyotism

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I was invited to dine with Gen’l & Mrs Pratt Monday night; while there we were singing your praises for the last number of the Magazine. When I returned I found a note left by Dr Moffett. He had called in my absence and he expressed a displeasure at the tone of the last magazine. In my recent letter to him, I had said I thought the last number of the Magazine good; and the only thing I had objected to was my picture, still I knew you meant it kindly etc. I am writing in great haste, as time is so short but I wish to send you my word of encouragement in your good work, particularly the last number of the magazine. There are many, many that are pleased with it. The Bureau has itself to blame; for its persistent employment of unfit persons. Through the magazine, the Indian has asked for house-cleaning for years; now it is “righteous indignation” If the shoe doesn’t fit, they should not try to wear it; if it fits then the Magazine is right. You know all this and more; and perhaps do not need to hear the likes of me, saying them over; but within my heart, I felt the impulse to send you this little word, so please accept it, as it was kindly meant. Sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Parker, saip Washington, d.c. February 23, 1918 My dear Mr. Parker; Have been too busy with peyote hearings to attend to sending a photo as I had said I would. The Hearings began Thursday, continued Friday and carried over to Monday. It is some fight. Dr Wiley,19 Dr Kebler20 Chief of Drug Division, Bureau of Chemistry, u.s. Agriculture Dept. Gen. Pratt, Dr Eastman, two Sioux men, here

19

20

forces achieved a takeover of the sai. See Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 174, 188; Lewandowski, Red Bird, Red Power, 141–44. Harvey W. Wiley, then former chief of the Drug Division of the Bureau of Chemistry, Department of Agriculture. Wiley testified that though he had not conducted a study on peyote himself, he was convinced it should be banned. See Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 259. Lyman F. Kebler, then chief of the Drug Division of the Bureau of Chemistry, Department

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as delegates and I testified against peyote and favored legislation Hayden’ Bill. Brosius too gave testimony; and Ind. Office man. Mooney and Francis LaFlesche are defending peyote!!!!21 Rather lame arguments they use. However Mr Tinker has very kindly taken a hurried trip to Oklahoma and returned with three Peyote Chiefs, whom he and LaFlesche are training for the defense of Peyote Monday.22 “Mrs Grey’ has also declared her intention to give a final speech for peyote. So on the whole Monday will be interesting. Rev Ketcham will give testimony against peyote, if he returns home Monday.23 I have been unable to do any desk work this week, so please excuse the Secretary from sending her statement to the Treasurer this week. Yesterday morning I gave testimony and in the afternoon, I addressed the Congressional Ladies. Today I have been busy enough preparing again for Monday. I wanted to write this, though much hurried that you may know what was going on.

21

22

23

of Agriculture. Kebler testified against peyote at the subcommittee hearings, declaring peyote “a deleterious drug” that was “harmful to the Indians.” See Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 260. James Mooney (1861–1921), ethnologist at the Smithsonian Institution, Peyote Religion proponent. After joining the Smithsonian Bureau of Ethnology in 1885 as a volunteer, Mooney career advanced quickly. By 1918, he had completed numerous studies on, inter alia, the Ghost and Sun Dances. Mooney discovered peyote in 1891 while conducting fieldwork among the Kiowa in Oklahoma and began to study its use throughout the Southwest. He eventually concluded that the Peyote Religion deserved recognition, and peyote ingestion the status of a religious sacrament. At the hearings, Mooney launched a personal attack on Bonnin, even disputing her claim to be an indigenous woman. He stated that Bonnin “claims to be a Sioux woman,” and criticized her apparel: “The dress is a woman’s dress from some southern tribe, as shown by the long fringes; the belt is a Navajo man’s belt; the fan is a peyote man’s fan, carried only by men, usually in the peyote ceremony.” Bonnin nevertheless bested him on the second day, questioning the authenticity of Mooney’s observations as an ethnologist and citing her own personal experiences with peyote at Uintah. See L. G. Moses, The Indian Man: A Biography of James Mooney (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984), 1–18, 22–46, 81–85, 94–96, 160–61, 201– 202; Lewandowski, Red Bird, Red Power, 140–43. George E. Tinker (Sioux), aim advisory board member (1918–19) and sai vice-president on membership in 1921. See Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 182; Larner, Guide, 8. On 14 November 1921, Father William H. Ketcham died in Mississippi while visiting the Catholic Choctaw mission. He was fifty-three years old. See Abing, “Directors of the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions: Monsignor William Henry Ketcham, 1901–1921,” 8–9.

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I have found a typist who will work as I need her, rather than to come regularly. Have not yet used her as I have no time until this peyote matter is settled. Thank you for the word about announcing Pierre as being looked upon with favor. That will be the first thing, after peyote. Would you feel like sending a telegram to the Chairman of the House Indian Committee, Hon C. D. Carter asking favorable action on Hayden Bill? Send it as President of the sai? Hastily Gertrude Bonnin p.s. Remember Mr Bonnin’s name is Raymond “T” Bonnin.

∵ To Parker, saip Washington, d.c. May 20, 1918 My dear Mr. Parker; Peyote bill h.r.2614 was reported favorably last week. Calendar number is 154 in the House. This is the most hopeful thing that has happened since this fight was begun; it means redoubled activity, if that is possible. Congressman Snyder, or Little Falls, n.y. was on the sub-committee on Peyote Hearings.24 He was strangely against the bill to prohibit peyote, though his constituents are not peyote users. He tried to introduce an amendment to permit peyote to be used twice a year but was defeated. Can you do something to have his home-people to write him to support peyote legislation? They need not know all I have told you about his attitude. Word from home gives

24

Homer Peter Snyder (1863–1937), representative (Rep.) from New York (1915–25). Snyder introduced h.r.5007, granting citizenship to Indian wwi veterans who had received honorable discharges. The bill passed and became law in November 1919. Snyder was also an important facilitator in the passage of the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924. That year Snyder harshly criticized Bonnin’s investigation in Oklahoma, helping to whitewash the court-sanctioned graft that had prevailed in that state for many years. See Debo, And Still the Waters Run, 330–34; “Snyder, Homer Peter (1863–1937),” Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index= S000666 (accessed August 6, 2016); Britten, American Indians in World War i, 176–78; Lewandowski, Red Bird, Red Power, 170–71, 245n38; Welch, “Zitkala-Ša,” 190–92.

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wonderful moral support to the likes of him. Perhaps through his church or other organization of n.y. he might be persuaded to cease his opposition to this bill. May I ask what became of the Secretary’s expense account sent you for approval with request you forward same to the Treasurer? I have not heard from it; and now it is time for another report. Was glad to get your recent letter and will write in a day or two about the conference. Your efforts in behalf of the sai are all appreciated, be assured. Sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin, Secretary.

∵ To Pratt, rhpp/saip Washington, d.c. May 21, 1918 My dear General and Mrs. Pratt; Mrs Eastman and I had once planned to call together; but she left the city before we did. Then I have had it in mind to call but my many dates for addresses have kept me this long in silence. I hope you will, out of the bigness of your hearts, pardon my seeming neglect. It was not at all intended. I suppose General, you have heard that the peyote bill (h.r.2614) was reported out of committee favorably. This makes me very happy indeed; and I want to thank you again for your very able assistance at the hearings. Now I feel I must redouble my efforts, with a view to having this Bill enacted into law. Mr. Parker had the Spring number of the Magazine in the press before I could suggest your letter to be placed in it. I did not have the slightest idea what the magazine would have in it, until copy came to me. I shall try to speak early enough to have it in the next issue. The last number of Wassaja gave me a little dig but thanks to the Great Spirit, it didnt hurt! me. The Social Center work lacked funds; and peyote was spreading so fast, the Indians were not in a condition to receive this friendly effort to help them in their homes. So when the peyote bill becomes a law; and that part of the situation is improved, no doubt the Social Center idea will have better opportunity to grow; and become an improtant factor in the solution of some of the Indian perplexities. This is my hope. It was my efforts at this Social Center work that led me into this peyote fight. However, I shall not bother to

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explain all this, as there is no one so blind as the willfully blind. I am writing it to you, because I do want you to know how it looks to me. I wish to thank you for that most enjoyable evening I spent in your home. Mrs Eastman and I had lots of fun going home. She put those big oranges into her coat pocket; one on each side and My! how they stuck out with every step she took. Affectionately, Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Woodrow Wilson, saip Washington, d.c. June 22, 1918 My dear Mr President, I have the honor to submit peyote data; copy of the bill prohibiting peyote, h.r.2614; report of House Indian Committee, which was favorable together with report of the Senate Indian Committee going on record, on their Indian Appropriation Bill as in favor of peyote prohibition. Approximately ¾ of the Indian race are non-constituents and have no way of urging prompt and favorably passage of this bill. The heads of your departments, Hon. Sec. Lane and Hon. Cato Sells, Commissioner of Indian Affairs after expressing their desire for this legislation have reached the limit of their powers. Many large organizations of America are sympathy with this effort to prohibit peyote by federal act. The National w.c.t.u. The National Congress of Mothers and Parent Teachers Association; The Federation of Women’s Clubs of Washington are among those interested. Therefore I beg of you, Mr President, that you send a word of encouragement to our Congress to act promptly and favorably upon peyote legislation. About three weeks ago Congress enacted a prohibition law for Hawaian people. The Indian has been longer under the supervision of our Government; and the principle that justified this law enactment at this time, for the Hawaians, must apply with no less force in behalf of the Red Man in our midst. Earnestly and most humbly, (Mrs) Gertrude Bonnin Secretary.

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∵ To Cato Sells, saip Washington, d.c. June 29, 1918 My dear Commissioner Sells, Yesterday I called at your office and learned you were out of the city; therefore I am taking the liberty to write. It made me very happy when you so kindly told me my appeal to the President in behalf of the Peyote legislation had been turned over to you. I realize that our great president looks to your own good judgment in forming his course of action. I am thankful that this letter was brought to your own personal attention. When this matter is finally approved I shall feel greatly indebted {for} your able stand on this question. It will not be the first act of true kindness to the Indian on your part, for I remember with gratitude your attitude against Indian units; and that today our Indian soldier enjoys the close commardship of our White Americans, because of your views on that subject. Very sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary.

∵ To Parker, saip Washington, d.c. July 25, 1918 Dear Mr Parker; The last number of the magazine is good, indeed. It goes a long way toward supporting the Sioux Number. The time is at hand when more people will think this way too. Thank you for using your influence against places whuggested for our conference, where peyote would have held sway. I inclose copy of letter and slip to entire membership. It took courage to go ahead, without funds; without any immediate prospects of refund. However, I am game. I have had unusual tax upon my own strength, for after successfully getting a Non-English speaking Indian out of the Army with an honorable discharge, finding suitable work for him here in the city; I have had to make a “camp

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bed” for him on the sai office floor; and give him his breakfasts and evening dinners, When you remember I have no maid, you know I am putting myself out quite a bit for my unfortunate brother. However, I am a strong believer in backing up ones convictions with every ounce of life that the good God gives. Madoniawaybay’s home is in Ft Peck, Montana; he is over 32 years old. He is interested in learning to drive auto-trucks That will be remunerative business for him. He begins his study of English in the night school very soon. I am seeing about that. Please send me your suggestions for a program; and will you prepare a paper, aside from your report as President? {for the conference?} I am going through our files and making up lists of members in good standing and those who are delinquent. I do these that we may have a handy reference of those entitled to vote at the conference, and to get a revised list to Cooperstown. Next week I go to Atlantic City to give a few lectures on the American Indian. Sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary.

∵ To sai membership Washington, d.c. July 25, 1918 Dear fellow member: The conference of the Society of American Indians is to be held in Pierre, S. D. Sept. 25–28, 1918. Make a special effort to attend our conference. Our slogan is “Indian Patriotism, Production Progress”. Bring your message. It is good for us to meet for a friendly exchange of our best thought. Your ideas may be the means of inspiration to another. Your earnest work will encourage our people, both Red and White. All friends of the Indian are most cordially invited.25

25

In Pierre, Eastman was elected president in Parker’s absence. Bonnin edged out Baldwin and took the dual post of secretary-treasurer. The sai also voted to press for the abolition of the bia. See Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 176–78.

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Yours for the Indian Cause,26 Gertrude Bonnin Secretary.

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Washington, d.c. August 26, 1918 My dear Dr Montezuma; Your letter with copies of the August Wassaja are received. Since the time I first read of the discontinuance of Carlisle, which came as a great shock to me, I regretted it deeply.27 Since Congress appropriated $11,000,000 for Indian education this year, a sum surpassing any other pervious appropriation, why should there be any need to discontinue the most successful school for Indian education? We do owe our very safety, our lives to our brave soldiers; and it is our privilege to care for them but this debt we can not pay in this manner. It is like the old saying “robbing Peter to {pay} Paul” The provision for our wounded must come through the equal sacrifice of all Americans. The Indian has already excelled in his patriotic sacrifice. Why heap it upon him this way? Be assured I shall work for Carlisle to continue its mission to the Red Man. I am glad you will attend the conference. I am placing you on the program. Will you write a paper on “Carlisle; the leading Non-Reservation School for Indians.” {(over)} I am arranging to have many general discussions, on vital questions of the day; so that in addition to the given subject for a papers, there will be opportunity for each and all to express their views, on other subjects too. Very Sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary. 26

27

“Yours for the Indian Cause” would become Bonnin’s tagline for the rest of her life. This appears to be her first use of this phrase. See P. Jane Hafen, introduction to Dreams and Thunder: Stories, Poems, and The Sun Dance Opera (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2001), xx, xxiv. Plans were underway to requisition Carlisle’s school buildings and establish an Army hospital. Despite vigorous protest by the sai, the plans were completed in early September of 1918. See Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 363.

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∵ To Parker, saip Washington, d.c. September 5, 1918 My dear Mr. Parker; After your kind letter of Aug 29th. I am writing to ask you for the “Nth” time, to re-consider your former decisions; and attend the conference. Isnt it at all within the realm of possibility? The lectures scheduled for Atlantic City were given. Had nice crowd. Yes, I succeeded in securing honorable discharge for Madoniawaybay. Since then its been a picnic. He attended night school. Did very well, though his teacher unwisely told him he did not look well and that she would advise him to return to the reservation. He didnt. He found work at five dollars a week for a month, while I managed someway to give him shelter. Now he is Brakeman on the railroad, very much elated with himself. He is looking well too. Has started a small bank account. May he be strong enough to make good. What about the President’s address? You ought to be there to give that, beside the report, as well as all the other things. Very sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary.

∵ To F. P. Keppel28 Washington, d.c. September 6, 1918 My dear Mr. Keppel: I have the honor, in behalf of a small body of Americans, the Red Americans, to beg your forbearance in this request for a reconsideration of the non-

28

F. P. Keppel, responsible in part for devising a quarterly rating scale for Army officers. See History of the Personnel System Developed by the Committee on Classification of Personnel in the Army (Washington, d.c.: Washington Printing Office, 1919), 559.

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continuance of the Carlisle Indian School. It is understood that the law of 1882 provides for the reversion of this property for military purposes. Congress could not know thirty six years ago that out of the old Carlisle barracks there was to stand today the Red Man’s University. This fact today bears directly upon Indian education and civilization to which our Government pledged itself in good faith. For the speedy fulfillment of this pledge the need is for more schools like Carlisle. There must be greater need for our Government to preserve, for purely economic reasons, the elaborately equipped machinery of the Carlisle School plant, for its honor bound obligation to educate the Indian. The transfer of Carlisle students to other Indian schools, inferior schools (for Carlisle is leading all the other schools) does not make up to the race the loss of educational opportunities only Carlisle can give. This is a serious loss, in the face of the sad fact that approximately 20,000 Indian children eligible for school are still without schools in our America. Realizing that old laws are amended to meet the needs of new conditions; and that our constitution is amended from time to time, I humbly beg to suggest that a reconsideration of the Carlisle matter be made with a view to taking necessary steps by which some other Indian school plant less vital to Indian education be accepted in lieu of Carlisle for military purposes. Very earnestly, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Washington, d.c. December 6, 1918 My dear Friend, I thank you for sending the telegram. I sent the same wire to several other members of our Society and from the reports which have come in, it seems that most of them did wire the President. I did’nt have time to write letters, explaining the reason for this request. Time is at such a premium these days. As you say, these wires could do no harm, and may do a great good for the Indian race. The idea was to begin work with a view to securing full citizenship for the American Indian, and it appears to hinge this upon their heroic sacrifice in the war for democracy is desirable. The psychological moment is here, and will continue for weeks, so long as the Peace Conference is under discussion.

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It is true that this is a domestic matter, and so may that be said of other problems which are being urged upon the Powers for consideration at the Peace Conference. The problem of race discrimination is being taken up by the Japanese. The Black Man is asking for territory, land that he may call his own. The Red Man, while he does not seek separate government, asks that now he be recognized on equal footing with all Americans in our democratic land. That wire to the President was simply one of many ways in which this matter must be pressed for consideration and action by the American people. I would be glad to hear from you on this very subject, and be glad if you would suggest ways in which we may unite our efforts this winter for Indian citizenship. I saw Dennison Wheelock for an hour the other day. He thinks it would be well to draft a bill which would very specifically state that the Indian shall not lose any of his rights or claims when the Indian Bureau is abolished, and to state further that by using Indian funds as tuition fees for their entrance into American institutions, it may appear a desirable move to Congress. He seems to be of the opinion that Congress has not favored abolishing the Indian Bureau because no better system of handling the Indian problem has been suggested or outlined. Of course, the Indian money should be segregated into individual accounts on the books of the Nation. This, the Society of American Indians has stood for a number of years. With these good ideas carefully worked out and drafted into a bill and urged upon the country and Congress at this psychological time, it does seem like we have more hope for the emancipation of the Red Man in America than ever before. You will be interested to know that letters are coming in from Indians, asking for application blanks. From one particular Section of the country, the Indians are asking for three hundred blanks. With kindest regards to you and your wife. I am, sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary-Treasurer. p.s. To this day—the former Treasurer has not transmitted sai funds she reposted in her possession at Conference—to the new Treasurer. If she hoped to block work by hanging on to a few dollars, she has miscalculated—as work is going on. The Auditing Committee are trying to get matters adjusted—some— sweet day!!

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Mrs Baldwin lost the Cash Box last winter! it develops— I suppose—All’s well that ends well!

∵ To Pratt, rhpp/saip Washington, d.c. January 29, 1919 Dear General Pratt; Herewith enclosed are copies of peyote data, together with the original letter of Mr. Mooney to Mr. Arthur C. Parker. Copy of the letter to this Mrs. Prentiss is also enclosed.29 Mr. W. E. Johnson, former Liquor Suppression Officer of the Indian Bureau, relates his intimate knowledge of the evil effects of peyote, a knowledge gained by him while acting in his official capacity. Mr. Mooney as I understand, is paid by the Government for his services along ethnological lines. This work takes him into the heart of Indian communities. It appears that he takes advantage of these field trips to encourage peyote eating among the tribes. From the enclosed franked envelope addressed to Mrs. Julia Bent Prentiss, in Mr. Mooney’s handwriting, it appears that he has not hesitated to use penilty envelopes for spreading his peyote propaganda. He suggests chartering their so-called peyote church to evade possible peyote prohibition.30 As the future of the Indians means less to him than the past, he appears to cater to their wishes, that he may the more easily extract Indian lore for his books. This seems to me one motive for {his} present behaviour. He accepts government pay and at the same time opposes the evident wish of the government to give legal protection to the Indian against peyote. The House of Representatives passed the peyote bill Oct 3rd, 1918; while Mr Mooney, on Oct 31, 1918 writes to Mr Parker boldly defending peyote and denouncing the Indians who dared to take a stand against this menace. In view of the foregoing, do you not agree that the attitude of this man is detrimental to the progress of the Indians; and that some prompt action should 29

30

Julia Brent Prentiss, perhaps the wife of D. W. Prentiss, doctor at the George Washington Medical School who performed some tests on peyote in the mid-1890s, then published papers on the effects of ingesting the cactus. See Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 259–60, 265. Mooney had helped establish the Native American Church in October 1918 in order to gain religious protections for peyote ingestion. Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 372.

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be taken to disarm him of his government position; that if he goes into the field he will not appear to have the support of the government for his peyote propaganda but must go as an individual, upon his own merit?31 Very sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary-Treasurer

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Washington, d.c. March 12, 1919 Dear Dr Montezuma: Inclosed find two dollar-bills for my subscription to the Wassaja. I fear I have been in arrears for some time. Liked the new picture of the last number of Wassaja. Hanging the Indian’s plea right upon the world-famous statue of Liberty is very good. Trust Wassaja will continue its stand for Indian citizenship until the Red man is actually emancipated. The tone of the last issue was especially strong, stressing as it did the main subject; and placing the responsibility higher-up, than the Indian Bureau. While declaring for the abolishment of the Bureau, it is well to bring up the fact that the responsibility for this state of affairs does lie at the door of every American. The people must be interested and aroused to help us. To the good people, than, let us make our appeal.

31

Bonnin and Pratt afterward launched a letter-writing campaign against Mooney. Contacting ira members and bia officials, they were able to prevent Mooney from entering the Oklahoma reservations where he conducted his studies. Mooney was subsequently demoted at the Smithsonian and died of a heart attack three years later. The anti-peyote forces, however, failed to secure passage of federal law banning peyote, though anti-peyote laws were passed in thirteen states thanks in part to Bonnin’s work with temperance groups. Pratt died on 23 April 1924, in a San Francisco Army hospital, just weeks before the passing of the Indian Citizenship Act. See Thomas Constantine Maroukis, The Peyote Road: Religious Freedom and the Native American Church (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2010), 57, 117–18; Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 85; Moses, Indian Man, 204–205, 218; William Willard, “The First Amendment, Anglo-Conformity and American Indian Religious Freedom,” Wicazo Sa Review 7 (1991): 34–35.

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Gen. Pratt has edited your conference address; no argument has been omitted. Will you kindly send us your photo that we may have cut made, to use in the Spring number of the Magazine, when your address is used? Through my work with certain Indian delegates here, we have gained about three hundred Indian members; and Dr Eastman through lectures in the East, in behalf of the sai has brought about 100 new Associate members; all since the Fall conference; now I am looking to you and Fr Gordon to bring in the balance of hundreds to made a 1000 new members this year! The issue of the magazine was doubled in the winter number. This is going to be remarkable year of growth for the sai work. Angel DeCora Deitz left in her will $ 3,000.00 for the sai work! We are getting on our feet; and we still want to stay on our feet hereafter. I did have a flu; but have recovered, almost entirely. My family join me in best regards for you and yours. Sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Washington, d.c. June 27, 1919 My dear Montezuma; This is to acknowledge receipt of your telegram, followed by letter dated June 18th, together with letter to you from M. Austine Sanley;32 and copy of clipping; and letter to you from Edward Percival, sent under separate covers. I have talked with General Pratt about the 15 million Indian Appropriation Bill and rider to lease unalotted Indian lands. We are both as much concerned as any one could possibly be. We each have done all that could humanly be done, at the present time. I am sure that you never meant to charge me with “sitting in my office” indifferent to Congressional Acts. You must know in your heart, Dr Montezuma, that I have been and am working too hard, for my own good but since workers are few; and the field calling for workers, great, 32

M. Austine Stanley, Chicago schoolteacher, volunteer, activist, associate member of the sai. Stanley, a close friend of Montezuma’s, helped initiate and organize the final sai conference in 1923. See Hertzberg, The Search for an American Indian Identity, 197; Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 367.

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I persevere. I am sure you appreciate my efforts and you did not mean to discourage me by asking me, individually to block Congress. You tell me to gather up “forces” that are not in existence unless they are “spirits.” To influence Congress, we must interest the American People; that means a concentrated campaign, by the press and lecture platform. This requires speakers, time and money. Dr Eastman did heroically in his three months’ lectures; and I was so happy when the three or four of you (Yourself, Father Gordon and Mr Wheelock) were able to go together into the Indian country, with him. This line of work must be followed, right along; then we will get the popular sentiment to support our cause. Then Congress will abolish the Bureau. Therefore, let us not speak too hastily to each other, no matter how much upset we feel about the Indian Appropriation Bill. Let us not blame the Society of American Indians for failure to dictate to the American Congress. Each individual member must carry his or her share; and then the Society will be just what we are in the aggregate, we the sum total of individual effort! I wonder why M. Austine Stanley failed to call on the Secretary and the sai Office while in Washington. I wonder why? Have read Mr Percival’s letter; he is {not} a member of the sai. His letter does not give sufficient data upon the case. Will try to learn more about the situation. I am over-run by countless cases. I only wish I were more than just one person, with only one pair of hands to take care of these matters, as they come. Would you believe that I have to rest sometimes when it becomes a physical impossibility to keep on? Right now, I have been too tired to relax; and suffer from sleeplessness. However I am working on. You are a doctor; you know I am working too hard. I hope for the day to come when we shall have more workers; when the work may be divided and not have it hung too heavily on any one. Sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary-Treasurer

∵ To Montezuma/sai membership, cmp Washington, d.c. August 21, 1919 My dear Fellow-Indian: On October 2–4 inclusive, 1919, at Minneapolis, The Society of American Indians will hold its annual conference. Plan to arrive on October 1st, in order

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not to miss any of the sessions. If necessary, make sacrifices to be present at this gathering. Our slogan is “american citizenship for indians.” You are requested hereby to prepare a ten-minute paper. Please select your topic and notify this office at your earliest convenience, that your name may be placed on your printed program. There are many vital questions bearing upon Citizenship for Indians. There are also certain conditions peculiar to the locality where you live. Write upon the subject closest to your heart. Write clearly the conditions of your people and offer your very best suggestions to remedy injustice to our kinsmen. Kindly favor us by sending a copy of your address to the secretary, or if too late to mail it, bring a copy and give it to her at the conference. In this way, your address will be available for use in our magazine. The time is n o w when Indians must unite in their effort to gain justice for our race. Later, a postal card giving the name of the Hotel where we shall have our local headquarters in Minneapolis and also the Halls where our meetings are to be held, will be mailed to you. Very truly, Gertrude Bonnin Secretary-Treasurer. p.s. Was glad to get your letter weeks ago. The question is not so much money althogether, clerks prefer government Govt-rate of pay; Therefore unavailable to small offices! Getting along anyway! G.B.

∵ To Montezuma, cmp Washington, d.c. September 8, 1919 My dear friend, Your letter of Sept 4 received. Will forward Indians’ letter to our President; sorry they are in that boat, for the sai has hard times, bearly keeping itself going these many years, and not in any financial condition to ration out railroad tickets. Of course, Angel donated $3,000 but there is so much to do, that it cannot last long. I wish some rich Chicagoan friend of yours might donate expenses

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to conference and return, to these Wisconsin Indians. Cant you do it? {Interest some friend of yours, I mean} Suppose you have received your copy of the Magazine by now; however I am mailing under separate cover an extra copy, you can pass it on if you have yours already. Speaking of having my hands full, allow me to re-late some experiences. All’s well that ends well; and I am not at all disheartened but I tell you this so you wont be discouraged with the long delayed issue of the Summer number. Our publishers promised to have our Summer issue out August 1st! Well they didnt. First they were behind, and sent their proof sheets the middle of August then to cap the climax, when the printed Magazine should have been mailed, they wrote me that part of our mailing lists were mislaid and could not be found. In the midst of conference work, I had to recheck and learn what names were lost, found them. over 1650 names and addresses. I had to prepare duplicate copies to send them. Now I am informed all the mailing is finished. But you remember clerical help is scarce in this town; and I had to work like a slave! with just one pair of hands, but {luckily} a giant determination to win out. This is just to give you a glimpse into the Washington Office of the sai. Expect Miss Burgess today. Thank you for sending me title of your address. Sincerely, Gertrude Bonnin Believe our conference will be a humdinger!33 33

The Minneapolis conference, contrary to Bonnin’s hopes, was not a “humdinger”—as far as she was concerned. The pro-peyote forces within the sai elected the eminent lawyer Sloan president over both Eastman and R. Bonnin. Though she was reelected to her posts, Bonnin was unwilling to remain in an sai that condoned peyote use. She resigned citing ill health, but declared to all present: “For myself, let me say if there is any Indian council in the United States that asks me to go there, in justice for the Indian, I will be there and I will not ask them to see that I will not go to jail.” Years later, in 1922, Bonnin contacted Montezuma in Chicago while there on a lecture tour for the gfwc. Montezuma wrote Pratt: “The other day, whom did I receive a telephone from, but Mrs. Bonnin. …You can imagine I was surprised for I imagine she had cut off with me. We made arrangement that she spend last Sunday with us. She came and we had a splendid visit.” On 31 January 1923, Montezuma died of tuberculosis among his Yavapai relatives in Arizona. See Speroff, Carlos Montezuma, md, 235, 443; Welch, “Zitkala-Ša,” 162–65.

part 2 Speeches and Unpublished Writings

∵

“The Sioux Claims” by Zitkala-Ša (Gertrude Bonnin)

A Dakota woman of the plains, and member of the Sioux nation, the writer is astounded with the headlines in today’s1 news,—“Sioux will sue u.s. for $ 700,000,000.” For the sake of her destitute people, who have waited too long already for the adjudication of their treaties with our government, she would rejoice if they recovered even a very small fraction of the estimated value of the twelve million acres of land taken from them. The Sioux base their claims upon treaties and agreements entered into in good faith with our government which have not yet been fulfilled to them. “Treaties” are declared, by the constitution of our government “to be the supreme law of the land,” anything in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding. As early as 1815, treaty-making with the Sioux began. Later in 1871 Congress passed an act which provided no treaties would thereafter be entered into with any Indian tribe. What formerly was called “treaty” now is known as “agreement.”2 The form of the contract in the treaties and the agreements being identical as to phraseology and subject matter. The sacredness of these Indian treaties has3 been invaded. In 1903 by Supreme Court decision in the Lone Wolf case, Congress is declared to have the power to change the terms of Indian treaties without approval of the Indians, party to the treaties. In other countries, treaty mutilation is a serious affair. It was “scraps of paper” that precipitated the whole world into a brutal warfare. If discriminating against the Indian there is a nicety of hairline distinctions in the whiteman’s law, they are so fine that it requires a stretch of the imagination to follow them.4 In the present suit of the Sioux, their largest claim grows out of the Black Hills “agreement” of ’76 and ’77, which it is alleged was signed under duress; the Sioux thereby ceding the Black Hills, the Switzerland of America, together with yielding up their hunting privileges reserved to them in the prior treaty of ’68.

1 2 3 4

today’s] originally todays’ agreement.”] originally agreement”. treaties has] originally have them] subsequent illegible crossed-out sentence omitted

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi: 10.1163/9789004355750_006

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It was in the ’68 treaty that the boundary lines of the Sioux country, very much reduced, were defined. It comprised of lands that are now South Dakota west of the Missouri River and existing small reservations on the east bank,— Crow Creek and Yankton; with a portion of southern North Dakota, Rosebud, Pine Ridge, Lower Brule, Cheyenne and Standing Rock Bands of the Sioux located on the western side of the Missouri river. The ’68 treaty reserved to the Sioux the “right to hunt on any lands of the North Platte and on the Republican Fork of the Smoky Hill river, so long as the buffalo may range thereon in sufficient numbers to justify the chase.” The country “north of the North Platte and east of the summit of the Big Horn mountains” was to be “held and considered unceded Indian territory,” and the United States stipulated and agreed “that no white person or persons shall be permitted to settle upon or occupy any portion of the same, without the consent of the Indians first had and obtained” to pass through the same; and a like provision prohibited the entry of whites, excepting only certain officers and agents into the reservations. These agreements pledged upon America’s honor were trampled underfoot when the wild lust for gold stampeded whitemen across the plains to the Black Hills, into the country of the Sioux. Vain were the words of Sitting Bull, “this is our country. The Great Spirit gave it to us when placed he us here in our own way,” referring to the terms of the ’68 treaty, by which the exclusive possession of their last hunting grounds had been reserved to the Sioux. The Plains people fared no better than did Roger Williams in the days when precedents were being made—when he denied the King had the right to grant land to the Puritans without the consent of these Eastern Indians who owned it,—banished in midwinter, he barely escaped death from cold and starvation by finding refuge in Chief Massasoit’s dwelling. Had not the United States bought this territory, including Sioux country, in the Louisiana Purchase? In this as in all other land purchases, our government followed the examples of England, France and Spain, who having consistently failed to record in their legal papers any reference to Indian sovereignty, built up an artificial reasoning by which it was ignored altogether. The ultimate fee in the land is claimed by our government on the theory that Indian sovereignty never existed.5

5 existed.] following crossed-out text omitted: because it was never “mentioned as part of the matter ceded.” This failure to mention it was on the part of the Caucasian whom the Indian trusted.

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In all the transactions involving lands, the untutored Indian had to decide questions without the aid of legal counsel; he did not speak or write English, French or Spanish. Therefore he did not know and never suspected that habitual omission in the whiteman’s legal record could injure the Indian’s cause, in time to come. Well might the Great Chief, Red Cloud, have asked, “What right has France across the sea, to sell my land?” All the while treaties were being made with the Indians, the Indian was laboring under the delusion that our government recognized the Indian’s fee in his own lands. This misunderstanding has made their inevitable disappointment the more bitter. Such a subtle discrepancy consistently followed through the centuries, can never be a mark of superiority. It is merely a self-delusion, so the Indian believes. Cupidity of the whiteman has led him to commit atrocious blunders, while carrying his Bible under one arm and gun-powder under the other. It was cupidity of the whiteman, in the latter part of the 19th century, that prevailed upon the War Department to make war upon the peaceful roaming Sioux. General Miles, who fought the Sioux, is quoted as adding his testimony that he had never known an Indian war in which the whiteman was not the aggressor. The Sioux never broke their pledges but the whiteman did. And this has caused their numerous wars. By a military campaign, the Sioux were driven into small reservations, out of which they were never to go again without a military pass,—never again as free men. Stubbornly the Sioux resisted such a fate. Sitting Bull’s voice was heard “God Almighty made me an Indian; but never a reservation Indian!” A Government commission called to negotiate with the Sioux, to transfer them to Indian Territory,—oil fields of Oklahoma were not then discovered, failed completely. Sharp shooters were paid to kill off the buffalo herds in order to starve these freedom loving Sioux into bondage, because the whiteman coveted his country. By these drastic measures the greater part of the Sioux nation was placed under government control. “We are told” said Chief Red Cloud, who valiantly defended his people’s cause, “We are told Spotted Tail has consented to be corralled,6—to be the Beggar’s7 chief. Those Indians who go over to the white man can be nothing but beggars, for he respects only riches and how can an Indian be a rich man? He cannot without ceasing to be an Indian. As for me, I have listened patiently for the promises of the Great Father (Government) but his memory is short. I am through with him.”

6 corralled] originally corraled 7 Beggar’s] originally Begger’s

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It was a practice in vogue then as now among officials of the government to ignore the Indians’ true chiefs and leaders who insist upon the human rights of the Sioux by substituting lesser men who served their purpose. This was the case when to humiliate Chief Red Cloud, Spotted Tail was declared chief of the Sioux by the government representatives. Spotted Tail had surrendered and was receiving distinction and title for his cowardice. Notwithstanding the fact that the treaty of ’68 provided as a part of the consideration for lands ceded, subsistence to the Sioux,8 a proviso in the appropriation bill of 1876 plainly told the Indians no more food would be purchased for them until they ceded their Black Hills. The Sioux harassed by a strong military campaign were only subdued by starvation, the country round about filled with putrefying9 carcass of buffalo herds wantonly destroyed. The end came when a government commission met the Sioux near Red Cloud Agency, now known as Pine Ridge Agency. On September 26, 1876 an agreement was signed, under protest, ceding the Black Hills and giving up their hunting privileges. “The day that our government got the Indian’s consent to reservation life, that day the Bureau assumed paternal supervision of their affairs. Then and there we lost our freedom, our personal right and the privileges which had been ours for untold ages.” Says Chas. E. Eastman, a leading Sioux of today. Another Sioux addressing an Indian assembly linked the Indian Bureau to the farmer who feeds the calf skimmed milk and takes the cream to market. “I pitied the hungry calf tied away from its mother,” he said,10 “This is unnatural, inhuman. It’s the way the Bureau treats the Indian!” With reference to unfulfilled treaties, the Sioux today is like the man whose farm was taken from him with a promise to feed him, so he would not go hungry. Furnishing him food does not pay for the farm, to say nothing of being deprived of the use of his farm, and denied the privilege of procuring food by his own efforts. Such a procedure means stagnation and death eventually to the man from whom the farm is taken.11 Descendants of renowned chiefs and leaders unafraid of hardships, we are born in bondage. To us has been closed the door of normal development. Unless the system is changed we must perish as a race. This realization reminds 8 9 10

11

Sioux,] originally ceded, that subsistance would be furnished to the putrefying] originally putrifying said,] following crossed-out text omitted: as the farmer filled the milk pails to the brim and disappeared in to his house with it. When he returned with skimmed milk for the calf, I said within myself, taken.] illegible sentence omitted

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us of the utterances of the Great Sitting Bull. When he beheld the Sioux under military guard upon reservations, he said “They gave us meat, but they took away our liberty. I would rather live in a teepee and go hungry when game is scarce than give up my privileges as a free Indian.” For the last quarter of a century, the reservation Sioux have been crying for their day in court. Congress was slow to hear their plea. A huge Bureau machinery was operating as a shock12 absorber against the groans of America’s wards, and there was no way to reach the public conscience. The Indian Bureau is ever loathe to urge the Indian’s side when they are bringing claims against the government because this bureau is sworn to protect the government. It holds the anomalous position of trying to ride at the same time two horses running in opposite directions. In legal practice it is considered bad ethics even to attempt to represent both sides of a case. It is not generally known to the average American citizen that the Indian Bureau is an autocracy in the heart of our democracy; it contains in itself the three branches of government combined, the legislative, judicial and executive, relative to all things Indian. It dictates legislation to Congress, interprets the laws and executes them whimsically to the defenseless Indians, victims of its paternalism. In reality, the Indian Bureau is a kind of an adventure in horticulture—a little plum orchard for politicians. Let this suffice as explanation, in part at least, how it now happens that the long sought jurisdictional Act for the Sioux is a new menace. It contains language defeating justice to the Sioux at the very outset. It may be true as the newspaper states that the Sioux have evidence to justify every demand in their suit,—unfortunately for the Sioux, it is equally true that the 1920 jurisdictional Act limits the Court of Claims by the very wording of the act. 1. The act makes no provision for the payment of interest on any sums that may be found due the Indians for lands of which they have been deprived. Therefore, the court will not allow it. 2. The act makes it mandatory upon the court to charge as offsets “all sums here to fore paid or expended for the benefit of the tribe or any band here thereof” regardless of the fact that certain sums may have been paid to or expended for the benefit of said Indians in fulfillment of other treaties and for which the United States received valuable consideration in the form of large tracts of land ceded. It should also be noted that there are several bands of the Sioux Nation who were not parties to the treaties in question; but upon whom large sums have

12

a shock] originally shock

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been expended in fulfillment of other treaties. However the wording of the jurisdictional act is broad enough that the Government may plead said sums as proper offsets and there would be no way for the court to hear and determine the rights of the Indians on this point, since it is mandatory upon the court, as already stated, to charge all expenditures for the benefit of the Sioux as proper offset. Moneys spent for the Sioux by the Indian Bureau have not always been for the benefit of the Indians. Our American history corroborates this contention of the Sioux. “There were rapacious Indian agents and contractors.” “An ‘Indian ring’ preyed upon reservation Indians.” “The blankets given them, (on treaty agreements) were likely to be shoddy, the cattle fed to the wards of the nation were apt to be leaner than pharaoh’s kine, and many of the supplies for which the government paid (treaty agreements) never reached the red men at all!” Some of these facts came to light in the impeachment proceedings against Secretary of War Belknap, during Grant’s administration. On account of this exploitation of the Sioux by the Indian Bureau, President Grant appointed a board of Indian Commissioners to protect the Indians’ rights; but this commission to this day, has only advisory powers,—and its reports and recommendations for the Indians, are more often pigeonholed, than otherwise. There are none so blind as the willfully blind, particularly the Indian Bureau in its dealings with the Nation’s wards. The current news item which prompts this writing stated that “the attorneyship for the Sioux was offered to Charles Evans Hughes in 1920 and accepted, but he withdrew when he became Secretary of State.” There is more to this narrative which was not told. After Mr. Hughes’ withdrawal, the New York firm, of which he was formerly member, was retained by a new signed contract with the Sioux. When Mr. Hughes was chosen, it was clearly stated in the Sioux Council, that they wished to secure able counsel, a “firm” consisting of more than one man, and the selection of Mr. Hughes included his firm. This occurred at the close of the democratic administration.13 With the beginning of the new administration, Chas. H. Burke, a South Dakota man,14 became Commissioner of Indian Affairs. After an examination of the Sioux claims, the New York firm, representing the Sioux, met their clients at Omaha city, and told them of the barriers that stand in the way of a proper presentation of their claims.15

13 14 15

administration.] subsequently omitted and man,] originally man claims.] following crossed-out text omitted: omit which might result in leaving them in a more difficult plight than they are already.

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In all fairness to the Sioux an amendment is necessary to the 1920 jurisdictional act. The New York firm told the Indians they would not be considering their clients’ best interests were they to proceed under the present handicaps of this act,—therefore the firm resigned from their contract. They expressed a willingness to furnish information if called upon by Congress, should such need arise in the work to secure new legislation. Commissioner Burke, though new in office, aided16 by E. B. Merritt, Asst. Commissioner, reviewed17 the situation. Certainly they would not act without careful study of the Sioux Indians’ interest. At any rate, the resignation of the New York Firm was promptly accepted by Commissioner Burke. He issued an order for a new meeting of the Sioux delegates for the purpose of electing attorneys to represent them in their claims. The action of this Sioux Council did not meet with the approval of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,—the Sioux voted to postpone election of attorneys; The Commissioner had ordered the selection of attorneys. The Sioux accepted what their New York firm had told them about the imperative need for new legislation. Therefore, the Sioux voted to appoint a committee to secure additional legislation. The report of this action of the Sioux conference was pigeonholed in Washington, d.c., and a new plan was devised by the Indian Bureau. No general meeting or representative Sioux delegates would be called again by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Each of the Sioux bands were to be visited separately. Commissioner Burke stated he had a contract already signed by certain attorneys which he proposed to take with him on his visit to the various Sioux reservations. This he intended to offer, saying to the Sioux if they were really interested in presenting their claims, here was an opportunity to accept good attorneys. Should the Sioux decline acceptance of his contract he proposed to tell them that it appeared they were not interested in their claims; and should not further bother him about the matter. In this manner the plan was perfected in the Indian Bureau to practically force the Sioux into accepting a prepared contract. Commissioner Burke further remarked that if his effort resulted in securing the acceptance from only one Sioux reservation, he intended to take advantage of the clause in the jurisdictional act which provided that the courts could join other parties plaintiff. The petition having been filed in the name of only one band, the other bands of the Sioux nation could be joined in the suit by the court.

16 17

aided] omitted was assisted reviewed] omitted They had

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When Commissioner Burke visited the Sioux reservations as he had planned; and returned again to Washington, d.c., the news is given out that the Sioux have elected new attorneys to present their claims against the government. The attorneys are those whom Commissioner Burke selected. Soon after the withdrawal of the New York firm from the Sioux contract, the writer in an interview with Commissioner Burke requested him to recommend to Congress the necessary additional legislation for the Sioux as advised by this New York firm of nationally known integrity and ability. Mr. Burke declined to do so. And again, upon learning that the Indian Bureau had issued an order for a meeting of Sioux delegates at La Plant, s.d., for the purpose of electing attorneys to represent them in their suit against the government, the writer requested Mr. Burke to defer the meeting of the Sioux delegates to elect new attorneys, until the cause of withdrawal of the New York legal firm had been carefully examined. Commissioner Burke again declined, saying it was too late to cancel the meeting he had called. Later when rumor had it that new attorneys had been elected by the Sioux, the writer registered a protest in the office of the Secretary of the Interior. It was of no avail. Her protest was disregarded, just as the action of the Sioux delegates had been when they preferred to postpone selection of attorneys until amendment to their jurisdictional Act had been secured. Now that the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Mr. Burke, has selected his men as attorneys for the Sioux, will he reconsider his refusal to recommend additional legislation for the Sioux? Will he now secure amendment to the Sioux jurisdictional act, as suggested by the New York Firm? If he fails to do so, then the Sioux wards of the nation are tricked, and deserted in the hour of their greatest need by agents of their guardian. When the smoke barrage of the czaristic bureau is lifted, nothing will be left of the last hope of a tardy justice to the Sioux save a few pitifully charred remains. It will be too late then to retry the Sioux claims, for once the whiteman’s court has rendered a decision they will fall into the category of things irrevocably past,—res judicata. This experience of the Sioux in presenting their claims, and the formidable obstacles in the way of their just and equitable settlement in court, is the experience of each and every Indian tribe which has made treaties with our government but is now under the iron hand of bureaucracy. Three years ago, the complaint of the Pine Ridge Sioux was heard in the House Indian Affairs Committee of Congress. I quote the words of Chairman Snyder to the Sioux delegates representing 7,000 Indians. “When you gentlemen came in other day, the first thing you told me was that you wanted to abolish the Indian Bureau; and I told you then that could not be done. *** The

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less antagonism you have, the more patient you are, and the more you try to get along with them and not believe they are all bad, the better off you will be. *** It is not a good thing for a half dozen men to set themselves up as being opposed to a condition which must exist.” What could be more un-American than this intimidating parchment to representative delegates of our little peoples? “The history of the” Indian Bureau in its discretionary powers over the voiceless wards of our nation, “in a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over” America’s small Indian nation. “To prove this” the Pine Ridge Sioux had taken the bread out of the mouths of their babes, in order to pay their way to Washington, d.c. Here they came protesting before the Indian Bureau against the denial of the Indians’ human rights on their reservations; by Superintendent Tidwell in charge. Tidwell refused the Sioux hearings and gave no relief to their distress. In desperation, these Sioux delegates were sent to implore aid. Their grievances were heard by the Indian Bureau with no apparent disturbance at the hardships and losses of the Sioux; not the flicker of an eye lash could be detected. The Indian Bureau could ever be charged with sentimentality concerning Indians,—not any more than Armour’s men hired to slaughter beef, could be guilty of hearing the groans of the animals whose jugular veins they so dexterously cut. It is the common belief that men brutalized by their profession of sticking hogs in the slaughter houses, are thereby disqualified to sit upon any jury where fine sensibilities are required to right human wrongs. In the same way having grown callous to the groans and outcries of the suppressed Indian people, the Sioux believe Mr. Merritt is disqualified to sit upon any jury where Indian grievances are to be heard and equitable settlements are to be made. There is no denying that any machinery is heartless; and this Indian Bureau machinery is no exception, but why boast of it? There is no honor in taking advantage of the helpless wards of America. Why does this condition exist?18 The Sioux delegates, receiving no satisfaction from their appeal to the Indian Bureau, next presented their complaints to a Congressional committee. During the world war, when loud acclaim was given the Indian soldier, the Sioux were approached through a Commissioner of Indian Affairs, a Texan, and the Assistant Commissioner E. B. Merritt, with the touching story that it was patriotic service rendered to lease Indian lands cheaply to white cattlemen, to promote the world’s beef supply. Objections of the Sioux were over-ridden; and the Pine Ridge reservation was converted into a range for Texas cattle. The

18

does] does added, illegible cross-out in original

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cattlemen violated their contract to build fences, turning their vast herds in upon the unprotected Sioux; damaged them greatly. The cattle destroyed the Indians’ small gardens, ate up their hay stacks, leaving them without feed for their own stock. The small herds of Indian cattle were lost in the greater herds of the whitemen. The Indians could not recover damages. Horn Could, spokesmen of the Sioux delegates, in his testimony before the Congressional committee said, “If an Indian’s stock gets in among the white man’s cattle or horses, they are lost. It is like losing an ant in an ant hill.” The Sioux and their stock were reduced to starvation. Payments for leases which by contract were due every six months, were not paid for two years. Indians to whom money was due, died in want, a pathetic case comes to mind. An aged Sioux, dressed in ragged, faded blue overalls,—the very cheapest clothing to be had,—sick and hungry, came day after day to the government office on the Pine Ridge reservation, begging the Superintendent to pay him his money. From day to day he was put off and told to come back tomorrow. Still the money was not paid. Pitifully, the old man dragged himself to the office and died there in his chair, waiting! As usual on Indian reservations, there was held no coroner’s inquest to discover the cause of his death. The Indians say he starved and died from criminal neglect. It is beyond the reason of an ordinary prudent man to accept Chairman Snyder’s declaration to the Sioux delegates that “the more patient you are” with Indian Bureau hocus-pocus, “the better off you will be.” Notwithstanding the sad predicament into which mismanagement of the Indian Bureau had precipitated the Sioux, Assistant Commissioner E. B. Merritt defended the interests of the rich cattlemen before the Congressional Committee Hearings. A member of the committee asked him, “What legal process is in the hands of the aggrieved party to void a lease violated?” Mr. Merritt replied, not citing law but his own opinion; “To violate the contract entered into would be unfair to the lessees, for the reason that the lessees have expended large amounts of money in stocking those ranges and developing them.” He failed however to mention the enormous expenditures of Indian moneys and appropriations of Congress which were ostensibly to protect the Indians, but which fell far short, as in this particular instance. Horn Could and the rest of the Sioux delegates correctly sensed the situation. Their pleas for aid had no weight. “We want some men send out to see the conditions on this reservation so that we can prove our facts,” Horn Could said, being spokesman.19 “We want them to see these things with their own eyes. The

19

spokesman] originally spokes man

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majority of you have never been on a reservation.”20 This man here, Mr. Merritt, goes by what is reported to him by agents of the Indian Bureau but aside from that he does not know what is going on. They all do just what you are doing, smoking cigars. I tell you that they have not been doing right. “They (Indian Bureau representatives in the field) sit there smoking their cigars and writing reports. They send their reports to the Indian Bureau which are approved. They may want to ask a little increase in salary in order that they may have more cigar money. We, the Sioux, would like to have this thing investigated.” The grandson of the great chief Red Cloud, known as J. H. Red Cloud was one of the delegates representing his people. He supported Horn Cloud in behalf of their people. Finally a promise “to be broken” was given them that a Congressional party would visit the Pine Ridge reservation the latter part of May, 1920. It is now May, 1923, but the Congressional party has never visited the Pine Ridge reservation, and the same Superintendent Tidwell continues in power. The pilgrimage of the Sioux to Washington, d.c.,21 was futile. They were rebuffed. No help came to their relief. In the meanwhile, if an Indian dared to set his dog upon the white men’s cattle trespassing upon his garden, and hay fields, he was promptly put in jail. Eventually a severe drought drove the whitemen with their Texas cattle out of the Sioux country. The would be profiteers were permitted to slip away; shipping their vast herds, without settling their indebtedness to the Sioux, while Indian Bureau officials napped. This exploitation of the Sioux is climaxed today by the Indian Bureau manipulation of their claims case against the government, forcing the Sioux to present their claim under a jurisdictional act precluding equitable settlement. If America means to befriend oppressed peoples of the world, particularly those of our own continent, we, the Sioux nation, ask to be remembered. We seek justice, not charity. 20 21

reservation.”] originally reservation. *** d.c.,] originally d.c.

“Our Sioux People” by Zitkala-Ša (Gertrude Bonnin)

Taking the bread from the mouths of their babes, to pay their way to Washington, d.c., representative delegates of the Pine Ridge Sioux came before the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and thence to the House Indian Affairs Committee of Congress, seeking aid, three years ago. Pine Ridge reservation is 5,000 square miles. 7,500 Indians, a fourth of the entire Sioux nation, are there. It was on Pine Ridge, near a place called Red Cloud Agency, that the Black Hills were ceded by the Sioux to the United States under duress in the treaty of ’76. Pine Ridge is the largest reservation of the Sioux. Facing the desperate odds against them from the earliest encroachment of the whiteman, they have held more tenaciously to our native concepts than the other bands of Sioux, the majority of whom are in confusion from the intermixture of red and white culture. The Sioux, like other Indian tribes, are segregated by reservations. The course of their evolution, determined by their own initiative, and according to their own philosophy, has been interrupted by the interjection of the whiteman’s varied creeds and well nigh stifled by an autocratic Bureau1 of Indian Affairs. Would be friends, who know of no other measure of progress than the degree of Caucasian domination over Indians, have referred to the Pine Ridge Sioux as the most backward band. From a more liberal point of view, these Pine Ridge Sioux are the more hopeful because of their reluctance to cast aside our native culture. They will be quick to respond to any encouragement to save our native lore, songs, and ancient wisdom. This need not prevent them from a choice and acceptance of present day methods of gaining livelihood; or to acquire eventually, untethered American citizenship, if they survive a bureaucracy which has extended its job over a century, though originally instituted by Congress as a temporary measure, and which has since become a chronic ailment, “a carbuncle on our ship of state” as Brigadier2 General R. H. Pratt has described it. The whiteman’s own history of the Indian Bureau with discretionary powers over the voiceless wards of the nation is called “A Century of Dishonor.” It is the

1 Bureau] originally bureau 2 Brigadier] originally Brigadeer

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history of the establishment of an absolute tyranny over America’s aboriginal people, and a despoliation of his land and native culture. The Pine Ridge delegates came to Washington, d.c., and given an audience with Mr. E. B. Merritt,3 Assistant Commissioner of Indian Affairs, they told him of their sufferings, well nigh unbearable. Superintendent Tidwell, the bureau’s field agent, had refused the Sioux hearings and gave no relief for their distresses. In specific detail they enumerated hardships and losses brought upon them by gross mismanagement of Superintendent Tidwell. They did not believe the rumor that Superintendent Tidwell was only a finger of the iron hand of the Indian Bureau; that he was in the field to execute instructions of the very personage whom they were beseeching for mercy. Through all the pathos of their sad story, the sight of their gaunt faces, their cheap and shabby civilian clothes which bespoke their poverty more than words, Mr. E. B. Merritt, Assistant Commissioner sat unmoved in his luxurious office, where walls were hung with bright colored paintings of primitive Indian folk and their teepees. What a catastrophe when a song and dance about “education and civilization” are used to foil the helpless and unwary. There is an old Sioux legend about Double-face, a creature that had a face on both front and back of his head. It is told of him that he stole an Indian baby, and when the child cried from hunger he sang a lullaby to it,—while switching its little bare feet with a thorny rose bush. Legree, lashing Blackmen till their lacerated bodies were covered with blood, was frank in his brutality and did not try to deceive by any pretense4 of humanitarianism. His hard face was single and not double. Subtly holding the Pine Ridge Sioux in a legal quagmire to their very undoing is a 20th century cannibalism5 of which the Indian Bureau is guilty. Long accustomed to hearing the outcries of helpless Indians, Mr. Merritt is case hardened. He is a holdover of changing administrations, and indifferent to the plight of the Sioux brought on by his own bureau policy. Consequently the Pine Ridge delegates received no satisfaction from him. Sorrowfully they next presented their complaints to a Congressional committee. “When you gentlemen came in the other day, the first thing you told me was that you wanted to abolish the Indian Bureau;” said Chairman Snyder. He continued, “and I told you then that could not be done.**** The less antagonism you have, the more patient you are, and the more you try to get along with them 3 Merritt] originally Meritt [All subsequent misspellings of the name E. B. Merritt (as E. B. Meritt) have been corrected.] 4 pretense] originally pretence 5 cannibalism] marginalia of question mark over the word and markings at both ends of the word omitted

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and not believe they are all bad, the better off you will be. *** It is not a good thing for a half dozen men to set themselves up as being opposed to a condition which must exist.” A deep gloom was cast upon the Sioux. This preachment to representative delegates of our little peoples is intimidating and totally unAmerican. During the world war, while their soldiers were making the supreme sacrifice on overseas battle fronts, the Pine Ridge Sioux were approached by a Texan, Cato Sells, who was then Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and by Mr. E. B. Merritt, Assistant Commissioner; and urged to make the further demonstration of patriotic service by leasing their large reservation at minimum rental to Texas cattlemen. Some of the Sioux objected. They were overridden and Pine Ridge reservation was converted into a range for Texas cattle. The cattlemen violated their contract to build fences, turning their vast herds6 in upon the unprotected Sioux; damaged them greatly. The cattle destroyed the Indians’ small gardens, ate up their hay stacks, leaving them without food for themselves and their stock. The small herds of Indian cattle were lost in the greater herds of the whiteman. The Indians could not recover damages. Horn Cloud, spokesman of the Sioux delegates testified, “If an Indian’s stock gets7 in among the whiteman’s cattle or horses, they are lost. It is like losing an ant in an ant hill.” Thus the Sioux and their reduced stock were starving. Chairman Snyder was unmoved, like Mr. E. B. Merritt, Assistant Commissioner before him. When the Sioux delegates reported that payments for leases which by contract were due every six months had not been paid for two years and that Indians to whom money was due, died in want, they were told “the more patience you have, the better off you will be.” A sick old man, a grandfather of the Sioux, leaning upon a cane, came begging for his pay. The Superintendent put him off from day to day, telling him to come back tomorrow. Slow tomorrows slipped into lean yesterdays without any payment to the hungry old man. Clad in faded and ragged denim overalls, he continued to drag himself to the Superintendent’s office, growing weaker and weaker; died there in his chair, waiting for his money. As usual on Indian reservations, there was held no coroner’s inquest to discover the cause of his death. The Indians say he starved and died from neglect. It is beyond the reason of an ordinary prudent man to accept Chairman Snyder’s behest to the Pine Ridge delegates that “the more patient you are” with Indian Bureau hocus-pocus, “the better off you will be.”

6 herds] originally heards 7 gets] originally gets

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During the Congressional Committee hearings, a member of Congress asked, “What legal process is in the hands of the aggrieved party to void a lease violated?” Mr. E. B. Merritt, Assistant Commissioner, to whom special privileges are granted in Congressional Committees, replied, not citing law but his own opinion: “To violate the contract entered into would be unfair to the lessees, for the reason that the lessees have expended large amounts of money in stocking those ranges and developing them.” Mr. Merritt failed to mention the large expenditures of Indian moneys and appropriations of Congress, made ostensibly for the protection of the Indians, as a reason why he should have rushed to the aid of the Pine Ridge Sioux, who were pleading for help. Instead however, he deserted the government’s wards, to protect whose interests he received a salary, and went out of his way to defend Texan cattle men. The whole matter was dropped with a promise that a Congressional party would visit the Pine Ridge reservation, the latter part of May, 1920. It is now the summer of 1923 but the Congressional party has never materialized on the Pine Ridge reservation, the latter part of May, 1920. It is now the summer of 1923 but the Congressional party has never materialized on the Pine Ridge reservation and the same Superintendent Tidwell continues in power. The pilgrimage of the Sioux, three years ago, to Washington, d.c., therefore was futile. They were rebuffed and intimidated. No help was given them. In the meanwhile if an Indian dared to set his dog upon the white man’s cattle trespassing upon his garden, he was threatened with jail imprisonment by Indian Bureau agents. Intervention8 came at last when a severe drought9 drove the white men and their Texas cattle out of the Pine Ridge reservation. The vast herds were shipped out without settlement of debts to the Indians, while Bureau officials napped. The Indians were left stranded. Hereafter, no intelligent man or woman may charge the Pine Ridge Sioux with laziness as the cause of his destitution, without a blush of shame. The fact that the guardianship of his person and trusteeship of his lands are held in one and the same Bureau10 of Indian Affairs is some explanation how such havoc befalls the Sioux of today. The manipulation of Indian lands, even to the injury if the ward’s interests, is the obsession of the Indian Bureau. It matters not whether the various Indian tribes hold their land as a community property, where no individual 8 9 10

Intervention] marginalia of question mark over the word and markings at both ends of the word omitted drought] originally drouth Bureau] originally bureau

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member has the power to sell it; or the land is allotted in severalty to members of a tribe; or allotted land has become inheritance land,—there is always some way by which the Bureau does as it pleases with all Indian land. It is lamentable that many Indians have sold their allotments and now have none; but how could they do otherwise? The Bureau has inculcated its poor business practices11 upon its wards. It spends the ward’s capital in heavy overhead expenses, a procedure that would ruin any private business house in a day.12 The Bureau13 is made up of an army of clerks, not successful financiers. The Bureau discourages organized effort of the Sioux and other Indian reservations. It does not encourage them to save and invest their moneys, but rather dissipates it in slow and dribbling allowances without any positive instructions in modern business methods. Under the general allotment act dated February 1887 and subsequent amendments thereto, most of the adult Sioux have had their tribal lands allotted to them in severalty excepting about 700 adult Pine Ridge Sioux for whom there are no available lands, it is claimed by the Indian Bureau, while “an informal report from the General Land Office shows that approximately 10,000 acres remain undisposed of.” Bear in mind that these lands allotted to the Sioux are not gifts from the government, for they were the property of these Indians as far back as anyone14 can remember. The government simply had the lands surveyed, at the Indians’ expense; and patents in fee held in trust for them, for a period of 25 years, Congress extending the trust period, if deemed necessary to continue supervision over the Sioux lands. The allotments were from 80 acres of agricultural lands, today worth about $80.00 acre, to 640 acres of grazing lands, at $ 10.00 an acre. Heads of families received more than single individuals. Allotment rolls were closed as early as 1892 among the Sioux and, therefore, there are many adult Sioux over 30 years old who have never received any allotments and never will. They might inherit land, but the clumsy method of the Bureau15 in making final settlements of Indian estates has been so slow that heirs to valuable lands have died without getting the benefit of one cent thereof. This procrastination

11 12 13 14 15

practices] originally practices day] marginalia of question mark over the word and markings at both ends of the word omitted Bureau] originally bureau anyone] originally any one Bureau] originally bureau

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in probating heirship lands complicates the cases more and more with each succeeding death of heirs until anything like a proper adjustment grows ever less hopeful. As late as 1920 the Pine Ridge Sioux requested to have their surplus lands allotted but were denied. They received a Bureau16 letter stating, “As to whether any relief can be extended to the unallotted Indians by payment of money in lieu of land, or through any other method, you are advised that this is a matter that will require legislation by Congress, and it is very doubtful that such legislation could be obtained.” Here again the matter is pigeonholed. Red Cloud, grandson of the old chief, commented upon a federal law affecting Indians, and asked why Congress did not confer with Indians in regard to it. Mr. E. B. Merritt, Assistant Commissioner of Indian Affairs replied, “No, Congress passed the law without conferring with the Indians in regard to it.” Red Cloud said, “We don’t think it is right for Congress to pass laws without any meeting with the Indians in regard to it.” To this Mr. Merritt replied, “It would be impracticable for Congress to confer with the Indians of the United States before passing any legislation affecting17 Indians. There are more than 300,000 Indians in the United States and they live in 26 different states, on about 200 reservations.” Why would it be any more impracticable than for Congress to give ear to the hundred million people of the United States, scattered in 45 states, thousands of cities and towns? Did Mr. Merritt mean to imply that the Indian population of 300,000 was too small for consideration,—that the constituency of single district of the states are more, and, therefore, more readily heard by the ear of our American Congress? Congress is a body formed of representatives elected by the people themselves while the Indian Bureau, appointed otherwise and paid with Indian money to protect the Indian’s interests, is not elected by the Indians, not being dependent upon them for its remunerative job, the Bureau fails even to notify them of its transactions, or its recommendations to Congress. The present ancient policy of legislating the Indian out of his lands and home, in the name of protecting his interests, has been possible only because the work was done by an autocratic Bureau behind closed doors, so to speak, where the American public and Indians themselves were concerned. “Behind this sham protection which operated largely as a blind to publicity, have been at all times great wealth in the form of Indian funds to be subverted; valuable

16 17

Bureau] originally bureau affecting] originally effecting

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lands, mines, oil fields, and other natural resources to be despoiled or appropriated to the use of the trader; and large profits to be made by those dealing with trustees who were animated by motives of gain,” reports the New York Municipal Research Bureau after investigating the Indian Bureau in 1912. Not only are the Sioux and other Indian tribes denied a voice in and notification of federal actions involving their affairs, their land, their money, and schools for their children, but they are out off from the world at large. They are living in this wonderful age of astronomy, electricity and air-planes without any practical knowledge of them, either for recreation or work. And still further, they are discouraged in the continuance of their own culture. An American Indian is a veritable sphinx in our midst. If a “returned student” impelled either by love of his native dress, or by hard circumstances to fall back upon it, when the price of boots and a suit of clothes was not to be had, he is ostracized as having gone back to the blanket, as if he had committed a crime. Yet, from time to time, pictures of various Commissioners of Indian Affairs in buckskins and feathered head dress have appeared in the newspapers. Whimsical bureaucrats! Once an Indian lecturer was asked by a voice from audience, “What is the difference between an Indian and a whiteman?” He replied, “The Indian scalps his enemies but the whiteman skins his friends.” There was laughter. In spite18 of all efforts to segregate and differentiate the human family by color, and a sea of names, at heart they are the same. Through reason and intuition, man’s discernment of unity in multiplicity must lead ever toward reconciliation. The Red man claims his human rights. America is strong enough today, let us hope, to put into practice and into her legal records, her moral obligation to the Indian, so that hereafter the Indian shall have legal protection equal to any citizen of the United States. A Dakota woman of the plains, and member of the Sioux nation, the writer is perplexed with the headlines in the current news,—“Sioux will sue u.s. for $700,000,000.” For the sake of her destitute people, who have waited too long already for the adjudication of their treaties with our government, she earnestly hopes they may recover even a very small fraction of the estimated value of the 12 million acres of land taken from them, plus a reasonable interest. The Sioux base their claims upon treaties and agreements entered into in good faith with our government which have not yet been fulfilled to them. “Treaties” are declared, by the constitution of our government “to be the supreme law of the land,” anything in the constitution or laws of any state to

18

In spite] originally Inspite

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the contrary notwithstanding. As early as 1815, treaty-making with the Sioux began. Later in 1871 Congress passed an act which provided no treaties would thereafter be entered into with any Indian tribe. What formerly was called “treaty” now is known as “agreement.”19 The form of the contract in the treaties and the agreements being identical as to phraseology and subject matter. Later the sacredness of these Indian treaties was20 invaded. In 1903 by Supreme Court decision in the Lone Wolf case, Congress is declared to have power to change the terms of Indian treaties without approval of the Indians, party to the treaties. No one was more gleeful over this decision than the Indian Bureau, if one may judge from repeated citation of it ever since. Whenever an Indian questions the power of Congress to legislate his tribe out of land, the Indian Bureau cites this decision. In other countries, treaty mutilation is a serious affair. It was “scraps of paper” that precipitated the whole world into a brutal warfare. If discriminating against the Indian there is a nicety of hairline distinctions in the white man’s law, they are so fine that it requires a stretch of the imagination to follow them. The white man’s law was never made for protection of the Indian. In the present suit of the Sioux, their largest claim grows out of the Black Hills “agreement” of ’76 and ’77, which it is alleged was signed under duress; the Sioux thereby ceding the Black Hills, the Switzerland of America, together with yielding up their hunting privileges reserved to them in the prior treaty of ’68. It was in the ’68 treaty that the boundary lines of the Sioux country, very much reduced, were defined. It comprised of lands that are now South Dakota west of the Missouri River and existing small reservations on the east bank,— Crow Creek and Yankton; with a portion of southern North Dakota. Rosebud, Pine Ridge, Lower Brule, Cheyenne and Standing Rock Bands of the Sioux located on the western side of the Missouri river. The ’68 treaty reserved to the Sioux the “right to hunt on any lands of the North Platte and on the Republican Fork of the Smoky Hill river, so long as the buffalo may range thereon in sufficient numbers to justify the chase.” The country “north of the North Platte and east of the summit of the Big Horn mountains” was to be “held and considered unceded Indian territory,” and the United States stipulated and agreed “that no white person or persons shall be permitted to settle upon or occupy any portion of the same, without the consent of the Indians first had and obtained” to pass through the same; and

19 20

“agreement.”] originally “agreement”. was] originally were

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a like provision prohibited the entry of whites, excepting only certain officers and agents into reservations. These agreements pledged upon America’s honor were trampled underfoot when the wild lust for gold stampeded white men across the plains to the Black Hills, into the country of the Sioux. Vain were the words of Sitting Bull, “this is our country. The Great Spirit gave it to us when He placed us here in our own way,” referring to the terms of the ’68 treaty, by which the exclusive possession of their last hunting grounds had been reserved to the Sioux. Would that the Sioux had been undisturbed in their last hunting ground, and permitted to evolve in their own way, free to adopt or reject another’s customs and beliefs, though agreeing to come under our American Government. Would that the sacred treaty of our government had not been violated by the white man. But alas, the rehearsal of this sad story must go on in this narrative. It was history made before our time today. The Plains people fared no better than did Roger Williams in the days when precedents were being made—when he denied the King had the right to grant land to the Puritans without the consent of those Indians who owned it,—banished in midwinter, he barely escaped death from cold and starvation, finding refuge in Chief Massasoit’s dwelling. Had not the United States bought this territory, including Sioux country, in the Louisiana Purchase? In this as in all other land purchases, our government followed the examples of England, France and Spain, who having consistently failed to record in their legal papers any reference to Indian sovereignty, built up an artificial reasoning by which it was ignored altogether. The ultimate fee in the land is claimed by our government on the theory that Indian sovereignty never existed. In all the transactions involving lands, the untutored Indian had to decide questions without the aid of legal counsel; he did not speak or write English, French or Spanish. Therefore, he did not know and never suspected that habitual omission in the whiteman’s legal record could injure the Indian’s cause, in time to come. Well might the Great Chief, Red Cloud, have asked, “What right has France across the sea, to sell my land?” All the while treaties were being made with the Indians, the Indian was laboring under the delusion that our government recognized the Indian’s fee in his own lands. This misunderstanding has made their inevitable disappointment the more bitter. Such a subtle discrepancy consistently followed through the centuries, can never be a mark of superiority of any race. It is merely a self-delusion,—so the Sioux believes. Cupidity of the whiteman to gain the whole world has led him to commit atrocious blunders against other races, even brother against brother, while

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carrying his bible under one arm and gun powder under the other. It was cupidity of the Whiteman, in the latter part of the 19th century, that prevailed upon the War Department to make war upon the peaceful roaming Sioux. General Miles, who fought the Sioux, is quoted as adding his testimony that he had never known an Indian war in which the Whiteman was not the aggressor. The Sioux never broke their pledges but the Whiteman did. This caused the numerous Sioux wars. By a military campaign, the Sioux were driven into small reservations, out of which they were never to go again without a pass,—never again as free men. Had it meant Americanization in the sense that the Indian’s entity was to be recognized in the constitution of the United States, equal to the other Americans; and while held as a dependent people, they were to receive legal protection extended to foreigners, naturalized or otherwise, it would have been in harmony with established custom of civilized races of the earth. It was not so however. The Indians were placed under a despotic bureaucracy; and there they are today. In vain did Sitting Bull protest, “God Almighty made me an Indian but never a reservation Indian!” A government commission called to negotiate with the Sioux, to transfer them to Indian Territory,—oil wells of Oklahoma—not then discovered, failed of its purpose. The sharp shooters were paid to kill off the buffalo herds in order to starve these freedom loving obstinate Sioux into bondage, because the white men coveted his country. By these drastic measures the greater part of the Sioux nation was placed under government control. “We are told” said Chief Red Cloud, who valiantly defended his people’s cause, “We are told Spotted Tail has consented to be corralled,21—to be the Beggar’s chief,—chief of reservation Indians. Those Indians who go over to the white man can be nothing but beggars, for he respects only riches and how can an Indian be a rich man? He cannot without ceasing to be an Indian. As for me, I have listened patiently for the promises of the Great Father (Government) but his memory is short. I am through with him.” It was a practice in vogue then as now among officials of the government to ignore the Indians’ true chiefs and leaders who insist upon the human rights of the Sioux by substituting lesser men who served their subjugating purpose. This was the case when to humiliate Chief Red Cloud, Spotted Tail was declared chief of the Sioux by the government representatives. Spotted Tail had surrendered and was receiving distinction and title, for his cowardice.

21

corralled,] originally corraled,

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Notwithstanding the belief that the treaty of ’68 provided as a part of the consideration for lands ceded, subsistence22 to the Sioux, a proviso in the Congressional appropriation bill of 1876 plainly told the Indians no more food would be purchased for them until they ceded their Black Hills. The Sioux harassed23 by a strong military campaign were finally subdued by starvation. The country round about was filled with the stench of putrefying24 carcass of buffalo herds wantonly killed by paid sharp shooters, outcome of white man’s broken promises to the Sioux weeping over little cold lifeless bodies in their weak arms, their little darlings dead from hunger and fever. The end came when a government commission met the Sioux near Red Cloud Agency, now known as Pine Ridge Agency, on the Pine Ridge reservation. Under protest of the Sioux, a treaty was signed September 28, 1876, ceding the Black Hills and giving up their hunting privileges. “The day that our government got the Indian’s consent to reservation life, that day the Bureau assumed paternal supervision of their affairs. Then and there we lost our freedom, our personal rights and the privilege which had been ours for untold ages,” says Dr. Chas. E. Eastman, a leading Sioux of today. Another addressing an assembly, likened the Indian Bureau to the farmer who feeds the calf skimmed milk and takes the cream to market, “I pity the hungry calf tied away from its mother,”25 he said. “It is unnatural. It is the way the Bureau treats the American Indian.” With reference to unfulfilled treaties, the Sioux are in the same situation as the man whose farm was taken from him with a promise to furnish him food in part payment. Furnishing food does not pay in full for the farm, to say nothing of the deprivation of its use, thereby destroying the initiative in the original owner. Priceless liberty was taken away from the Sioux by the white man whose ancestors but a few centuries ago fled European tyrannies and came hither in quest of their human liberty. Having freed themselves from the old world, and set up a government of their own in the new, white men became drunken with power and in their turn denied human liberty to other men,—namely Red men. Many devout missionaries have gone among the Sioux, teaching them the ten commandments, laws of life long known and cherished by the Sioux in their own way. The Sioux frankly said “You claim the Son of God came to the white men; and that it is His teachings you are bringing to us. They are good. We know

22 23 24 25

subsistence] originally subsistance harassed] originally harrassed putrefying] originally putrifying mother,”] originally mother”

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them, but will you explain why the white men murdered the Son of God when he came to them? No Indian would have done that.” Unintentionally, the good missionaries have made the more incomprehensible the breaking of sacred promises by the Caucasian race. Against this growing enigma it might have been a more direct attack, had the zealous men and women centered their activities upon political rings in Washington where plans were hatched for exploitation of the Sioux. The Sioux is an intensely religious man, recognizing the ever-present26 universal Great Spirit. He never takes the name of the creator in vain but the white man who ignorantly profanes the name of God, needs spiritual teachers far more than the Sioux. The Indian loves his children. He loves truth and counts it a sacrilege to break his given word. It is inconceivable to him that a man may deny his guilt “until proven guilty” according to white man’s law. He loves life and its manifold27 forms. He loves earth, sun, sky and air. He was taught by his native heart wisdom that these are universal gifts, not made by man, and therefore not his to parcel out for sale or monopoly. Man could claim only what he used in his lifetime. This simple unwritten law of the Sioux rid him of long battles over inherited riches that are waged by so-called “civilized” races. It saved him from the temptation to poison a relative in order to possess himself of another’s wealth. It left him free from duplicities practiced28 by people of worldly rank who conspire by studied wedlock to unite family riches and title to gain power. Above all possible material possessions, the Sioux loves spiritual freedom. He loves to think, to speak, to act for himself, truly according to democratic principles. A renowned special correspondent wrote twenty years ago about our wise Sitting Bull, “There is one thing which he had learned, a thing that linked him with the greatest minds of the ages, the value of human liberty. Before that simple prize the wonders of science, literature and art shrank into insignificance. The supreme goal of all sane effort was freedom. The noblest minds in all human history have finally come to Sitting Bull’s rude creed.” And again he further commented, nothing can compensate men for the loss of liberty and that everything else can be endured but that. Descendants of renowned chiefs and leaders unafraid of hardships, lovers of liberty, we of today are born in bondage to a bureaucracy. Though we are neither insane nor criminals, we are held like prisoners by a segregated

26 27 28

ever-present] originally everpresent manifold] originally manyfold practiced] originally practised

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reservation system. Self-expression is denied by this bondage of subservience29 to a bureaucracy. This realization reminds us of the utterances of Sitting Bull. When he beheld the Sioux under military guard upon reservations, he once said, “They give us meat but they took away our liberty. I would rather live in a teepee and go hungry when game is scarce than give up my privilege as a free Indian.” For a quarter of a century, the present day Sioux have been asking the adjudication of their claims. All Indian claims against the United States government growing out of treaties or agreements are barred from the courts except under special jurisdictional acts of Congress and the courts are limited to the wording of such congressional acts. Congress was slow to hear the plea of the Sioux. A huge Bureau machinery operated as a shock absorber against the groans of America’s wards, and there was no way to reach the public conscience. The Indian Bureau in ever loathe to urge the Indian’s side when they bring suit against the government. This Bureau is sworn to protect the government. It holds the anomalous position of trying to ride at the same time two horses running in opposite directions. In legal practice it is considered bad ethics to attempt to represent both sides of a case. The Bureau contains in itself the three branches of government which distinguishes an autocracy. It suggests legislation to Congress,—and Congress in turn submits bills relating to the Indian for the approval of the Bureau. Again, the Bureau interprets the acts of Congress and executes them whimsically to its helpless wards. It is an autocracy, placarded to “educate and civilize” the Indian but in fact is primarily occupied in a kind of horticulture,—a plum orchard for politicians. When our Indian ancestors accepted pupilage for lands ceded to the government they never dreamed that their children were to lose their rights and privileges thereby. Today, the Indians have no right that Congress must respect. The Indian Bureau, under the Secretary of the Interior, exhausts Indian resources without the knowledge and consent of the Indians; without training the Indians for practicable business enterprise or equipping them with school certificates that would serve as credentials acceptable to American employers. Organizations of any kind, whether for farm work or co-operative community store, are not allowed30 to the Sioux. They are not taught anything about making safe investments either in state or federal bonds paying interest. During the

29 30

subservience] originally subserviency are not allowed] originally is not allowed

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war, Indians’ moneys held in trust were subscribed to Liberty loans, but there was great confusion about the payment of interest. Some Indians complained that they failed to receive their shares. There were discrepancies in the Bureau accounting. It is disheartening to think that in the event the needy Sioux should recover any sum of money from their Black Hills claim, this monstrous Indian Bureau octopus will feed on the major part of it. Unless friends of the Indian secure legal protection for him, this is inevitable. A former United States Senator told the story of an appropriation of $ 25,000.00 to the Kiowa and Comanche Indians. It was their money held in the United States Treasury until Congress authorized them to draw it out. This done, it had to go through the established channel of the Indian Bureau. An itemized account of the expenditure of this sum, as read by the Senator, showed that the Indian ultimately got $8.36, the major balance of $ 24,991.64 had been spent by the Bureau in administration. The justification of the Bureau in supervising the wards is ever that the Indian has no business ability; but the habitual heavy overhead expenses of the Bureau does not support its qualifications for the job. It is itself no financier, at least not for the ward’s benefit. Dr. A. McG. Beede tells of another incident. According to treaty stipulations, the Sioux were furnished plows in part payment for land ceded. When the plows were delivered they were hillside plows unsuited to the level rolling prairies of Dakota. “Angels and mules together” could not hold them in the ground much less the Sioux. On official reports this money was “spent for the benefit of the Sioux” but in fact it was money wasted for the Sioux by the Bureau. At present most of the Sioux and all other Indians’ property is held by the government, in trust; and accordingly the Indians are said to have no legal rights or standing in American courts. Therefore the doors of our courts, open to all others, are closed to the Indians. The courts are loathe to act on Indian matters. They are prone to feel that the Indians’ remedy is one of legislation, recommended by a job-perpetuating bureau, and not a judicial one. Courts that recognize corporations fail to recognize Indian tribes. When the Supreme Court decision on the Lone Wolf Case declared Congress had the power to change terms of Indian treaties without approval of the Indians, party to the treaties, it sanctioned a “legislative despotism” over the American Indians. The will of temporary servants is set up against the principles of democracy upon which our government is built. Whenever a question is raised by the Indians affecting matters between themselves and the United States, the Secretary of the Interior and Commissioner of Indian Affairs, with their great army of lawyers and clerks, defend the government to the disadvantage of the

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government’s ward. At these critical times and upon most important questions the Indians are deserted by their “guardians.”31 The Indian Bureau has the advantage of being custodian of everything the Indians own or have, including their records, all of which it uses against them. It has been repeatedly said by members of Congress and Indian Bureau representatives that the Indians are here by mere sufferance; and that the reservations assigned through treaties have been generous gifts on the part of the United States. Who owned America before the white man came? And by what process has the ownership vested in the United States? These are pertinent questions not to be disregarded by a highly civilized nation under a representative republic, founded upon the universal laws of justice and not the whims of individual greed. The Bureau of Municipal Research of New York, in their 1912 report to a president of the United States said, “All the machinery of government has been set to work to repress rather than provide adequate means of government for justly dealing with a large (Indian) population which has no political rights.” This was only ten years ago. Were they to date that report 1923, it would be equally true. Conditions have not changed. Let this suffice as explanation, in part at least, how it now happens that the long sought jurisdictional act for adjudication of the Black Hills claim of the Sioux is a new menace. It contains language defeating justice to the Sioux at the very outset. It may be true as the newspaper states that the Sioux have evidence to justify every demand in their suit,—unfortunately for the Sioux, it is also true that the 1920 jurisdictional Act limits the Court of Claims by the very wording of the act. 1. The act makes no provision for the payment of interest on any sums that may be found due the Indians for lands of which they have been deprived. Therefore, the court will not allow it. 2. The act makes it mandatory upon the court to charge as offset, “all sums may have been paid or expended for the benefit of the tribe or any band thereof” regardless of the fact that certain sums may have been paid to or expended for the benefit of said Indians in fulfillment of other treaties and for which the United States received valuable consideration in the form of large tracts of land ceded. It also includes many thousands of dollars expended for hillside plows and other like wild and unjustifiable expenditures by the Indian Bureau, covered under the heading of “Expenditures for the benefit of Indians.”

31

guardians,”] originally guardians”.

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It should also be noted that there are several bands of the Sioux Nation who were not parties to the treaties in question; but upon whom large sums have been expended in fulfillment of other treaties. However, the wording of the jurisdictional act is broad enough that the Government may plead said sums as proper offsets and there would be no way for the court to hear and determine the rights of the Indians on this point, since it is mandatory upon the court, as already stated, to charge all expenditures for the benefit of the Sioux as proper offset. Moneys spent for the Sioux by the Indian Bureau have not always been for the benefit of Indians. Our American history corroborates this contention of the Sioux. “There were rapacious Indian agents and contractors.”32 “An ‘Indian ring’ preyed upon reservation Indians.” “The blankets given them, (on treaty agreements) were likely to be shoddy, the cattle fed to the wards of the nation were apt to be leaner than pharaoh’s kine, and many of the supplies for which the government paid (treaty agreements) never reached the red men at all!” Some of these facts came to light in the impeachment proceedings against Secretary of War Belknap, during Grant’s administration. On account of this exploitation of the Sioux by the Indian Bureau, President Grant appointed a board of Indian Commissioners to protect the Indians’ rights; but that commission to this day, has only advisory powers,—and its reports and recommendations for the Indians are more often pigeonholed by the Bureau than otherwise. The current news item which prompts this writing stated that “the attorneyship for the Sioux was offered to the present Secretary of State, Charles Evans Hughes, in 1920 and accepted, but he withdrew when he became Secretary of State.” There is more to this narrative which was not told. After Mr. Hughes’ withdrawal, the New York firm, of which he was formerly member, was retained under a new signed contract with the Sioux. When Mr. Hughes was chosen, it was clearly stated in the Sioux Council that they wished to secure able counsel, a “firm” consisting of more than one man, and the selection of Mr. Hughes included his firm. This occurred at the close of the democratic administration. With the beginning of the new administration, the office of Commissioner of Indian Affairs was filled by a South Dakota man, Mr. Chas. H. Burke. The New York Firm, after examination of the Sioux claims, met their clients at Omaha City, and told them of the barriers in the way of a proper presentation of their claims. They said the firm would not be considering the best interests of their clients, were they to proceed under the present handicaps. In all fairness to the Sioux, an amendment was necessary to the 1920 jurisdictional

32

contractors.”] originally contractors”.

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act. The firm expressed a willingness to furnish information if called upon by Congress, should such need arise in the work to secure new legislation. Mr. Chas. H. Burke, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, though new in office, aided by Mr. E. B. Merritt, reviewed the situation, it may be taken for granted. At any rate the resignation of the New York firm was promptly accepted by Commissioner Burke. He issued an order for a new meeting of the Sioux delegates for the purpose of electing attorneys to represent them in their claims. The action of this Sioux Council, however, did not meet the approval of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,—the Sioux voted to postpone election of attorneys. The Sioux accepted what their New York firm had told them about the imperative need for new legislation. Therefore the Sioux voted to appoint a committee to secure additional legislation. The report of this action of the Sioux conference was pigeonholed in Washington, d.c.,33 and a new plan was devised by the Indian Bureau. No general meeting of representative Sioux delegates would be called again by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Each of the Sioux bands were to be visited separately. Commissioner Burke stated he had a contract already signed by certain attorneys which he proposed to take with him on his visit to the various Sioux reservations. This he intended to offer, saying to the Sioux if they were really interested in prosecuting their claims, here was an opportunity to accept good attorneys. Should the Sioux decline acceptance of his contract he proposed to tell them that it appeared they were not interested in their claims; and should not further bother him about the matter. In this manner the plan was perfected in the Indian Bureau to practically force the Sioux into accepting a prepared contract. Commissioner Burke remarked that if his effort resulted in securing the acceptance from only one Sioux reservation, he intended to take advantage of the clause in the jurisdictional act which provided that the courts could join other parties plaintiff. The petition having been filed in the name of only one band, the other bands of the Sioux nation could be joined in the suit by the court. This scheme was easily put over the Sioux who are kept disorganized by the Indian Bureau policy. When Commissioner Burke visited the Sioux reservations as he had planned; and returned again to Washington, d.c., the news is given out that the Sioux have elected new attorneys to present their claims against the government. The attorneys are those whom Commissioner Burke selected. Soon after the withdrawal of the New York firm from the Sioux contract, the writer in an interview, with Commissioner Burke requested him to recommend

33

d.c.,] originally d.c.

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to Congress the necessary additional legislation for the Sioux as advised by this New York firm of nationally known integrity and ability. Commissioner Burke declined to do so. And again, upon learning that the Indian Bureau had issued an order for a meeting of Sioux delegates at La Plant, s.d., for the purpose of electing attorneys to represent them in their suit against the government, the writer requested Commissioner Burke to defer the meeting of the Sioux delegates to select new attorneys, until the cause of withdrawal of the New York legal firm had been carefully examined. Commissioner Burke again declined, saying it was too late to cancel the meeting he had called. Later when rumor had it that new attorneys had been elected by the Sioux, the writer registered a protest in the office of the Secretary of the Interior. It was of no avail. Her protest was disregarded just as the action of the Sioux delegates had been set aside when they voted to postpone selection of attorneys, until amendment to their jurisdictional act had been secured. The Sioux plea for American justice is overruled again today by temporary servants, by bureaucrats. All possible assistance is requisite to enable the Sioux wards to defend themselves against these onslaughts of a powerful government machinery turned against them. Now, that Mr. Burke, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, has selected and appointed the attorneys for the Sioux, will he reconsider his refusal to recommend additional legislation to the Sioux Jurisdictional Act of 1920, as advised by the New York law firm. Will true Americans, lovers of justice and fair play,34 lend a hand for an honorable solution of this situation? The Commissioner of Indian Affairs must be persuaded to recommend the necessary amendment. Our American Congress must be persuaded to recommend the necessary amendment. Our American Congress must be urged to pass the same whereby the Court of Claims will be free to hear and determine, without prejudice, all rights and claims of the Sioux, both equitable and legal, against the United States. If this fails the Sioux wards of the nation are doomed. When the smoke barrage of the czaristic bureau is lifted, nothing will be left of the last hope of justice to the Sioux save a few pitifully charred remains. It will be too late then to retry the Sioux claims, for once the white man’s court has rendered a decision, they will fall into the category of things irrevocably past,—res judicata. Lands35 of the Sioux ceded to the United States by past treaties are gone forever; governmental documents pledging compensation for the same, are about to be scrapped, unfulfilled. Land allotted in severality to the Sioux and

34 35

fair play,] originally fairplay, Lands] originally Land

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that which has become heirship land are today being dissipated through a wasteful Bureau machine. Finally when all the land is lost to the Indian, then the Indian Bureau will be forced to disband or seek its prey elsewhere. Who will be the good Samaritan to the Indian then, left destitute and discredited? It were better to slay this greedy octopus for a museum exhibit, before it has sucked all the life blood of helpless Indian wards; before it leaves a bloody stain upon America’s national honor for all time to come.

“How the National Council of American Indians Came into Being and What of the Things It is Trying to Do through Organization” (ca. 1926)1 For a great many years Indian Tribal Delegates have come to Washington, d.c., in vain attempts to procure redress for their many grievances on their scattered reservations. They met each other in the hotels and held informal councils where they discussed their problems and the difficulty to secure favorable action. Capt. Bonnin and I were frequently invited to these meetings. Finally on the night of Feb. 27, 1926, at a regularly called meeting, these men, representing some 21 or more tribes, organized the national council american indians. In electing officers, I was elected by acclamation. I tried to decline the honor, but they insisted upon my acceptance, and that I make it a success. I accepted the presidency. The plan of the organization is to have the National Headquarters in Washington as a Listening Post, and Local Lodges organized in all Indian country, in the course of time, until all the tribes be reunited under the rights of citizenship. The camp ground picture used on our letterheads is symbolic of our universal brotherhood. From Washington, information of pending legislation effecting Indians or their property is written in simplified English and sent to the Local Lodges, where meetings are called. These letters2 are read and discussed by the members. They send their reply, either in support or against its passage, as the case may be.3 Important court decisions are also explained to the Local Lodges for their information and education. Daily the Washington Headquarters received letters4 from the Indian country about every imaginable situation, for its work is with human beings and the effort is to protect Indian property, as well. My office is in the shadow of the Capitol, within easy access to Congressional Committee rooms, where I go to Hearings on pending Indian legislation. I

1 2 3 4

(1926)] omitted: Copy of its Constitution and By-Laws attached hereto letters] originally letter may be] originally maybe letters] originally letter

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volunteer facts to members of the Committee, that the Indian’s best interests might not be overlooked for lack of a more intimate acquaintance with existing conditions. Infrequently, treaty provisions are recalled to mind, in this way. In following up the situations complained of in the letters from Indians, I appear before executive departments of the government. Regardless of whether the Indians who write are members or not, I respond to their call for help as best I know how. For my service I receive no pay either directly or indirectly. I give my whole time to this work. In fact this work needs more help. It is humanitarian and necessary. We Indians are poor. We lack funds. I have to do all my typing having no clerical assistance.

“Petition of the National Council of American Indians to The Senate of the United States of America Assembled, Under Amendment i of the Constitution” (1926) “Congress shall make no law *** abridging *** the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.”

∵ Petition to the Senate of the United States of America Assembled:— When in the course of human events a civilized state asserts by virtue of an alleged right of discovery the power of preemption in an aboriginal territory, it assumes before the Great Spirit who rules over the destinies of mankind, and under the Law of Nations, an obligation for those whose possession it displaces which neither emperors nor sovereign peoples may avoid. Wherefore, since the allegiance of the Indian tribes subject to the sovereignty of the United States was secured by treaties between the United States and the said tribes whose aboriginal rights were guaranteed by the United States in treaties with the Sovereignties of the Great Britain, France, Spain, Mexico, and Russia; and Whereas, it was by virtue of these solemn treaty compacts which the Honorable Senate of the United States alone had power to ratify, that the constitutional rights of the Indian inhabitants of the United States vested in them, Now, Therefore, in the exercise of the right of petition guaranteed by the First Amendment of the Constitution, the National Council of American Indians, on behalf of the Indian citizens of the United States, addresses this, its petition, to the Senate of the United States Assembled, for the redress of their grievances, setting forth and alleging the manifold wrongs that are being done them by the Congress and the Government of the United States in violation of the terms and the spirit of the said treaties and the Constitution of the United States, as follows:

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i. The Constitutional Rights of the Indian Citizens. When the Government of the United States, by virtue of the power conferred upon it by the Articles of the Confederation, assumed political jurisdiction over the Indian tribes occupying the territory ceded to the United States in the treaty of peace between the United States and Great Britain, having guaranteed their rights in the said treaty, it adopted the policy of dealing with them as communities politically dependent upon the United States but independent of the authority of any state. Accordingly, by Proclamation of September 22, 1783, it forbade all persons from dealing with the Indian tribes without the express authority and direction of the United States in Congress assembled. At the time the Proclamation of 1783 was published the Indian tribes within the United States were organized in a National Confederacy which on behalf of the Indians claimed that under the laws of Great Britain the territory the tribes then inhabited was owned by the tribes in common, and that no one tribe acting alone could convey any interest in its domain. The Indian National Confederacy, therefore, presented a formal petition to Congress in which it was declared that upon the advice of their late sovereign, His Britannic Majesty, King George iii, and the British Government, the Indian tribes were ready and willing to attorn to the sovereignty of the United States, but that they had no power to act separately and that an attempt to deal with them separately would most certainly result in serious trouble which the Indians were anxious to avoid. Therefore, Congress was urged to kindle one great Council Fire at which to treat with the Indian National Confederacy and to settle by a general congress all questions between the United States and the Indians. The Congress of the United States refused, however, to recognize the Indian National Confederacy as a medium through which a common understanding might be had with the Indian tribes of the United States, and in the face of a second petition and the solemn protest and warning of the Indian National Confederacy, proceeded to negotiate separate treaties with the Six Nations, or the Iroquois League, at Fort Stanwix, New York, in 1784, the Wyandottes, Dolawares, Chippewas, and Ottawas at Fort McIntosh, Ohio, in 1785, the Cherokee, Choctaw, and Chicasaw Nations at Hopewell, South Carolina, and the Shawnees on the Miami, in 1786, whereby the tribes separately were induced to cede vast tracts of Indian territory out of which Congress desired to create a public domain. Thus, despite the most earnest efforts on the part of the Indians to guard against a certain cause of conflict between them and the new Government, the Congress of the United States adopted a policy which completely ignored the claims of the Indians. Moreover, notwithstanding the Proclamation of 1783, the thirteen states continued to deal with the Indian tribes independent

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of the authority of the United States, so that the Indian tribes found themselves being summoned from time to time to fourteen different council fires, and though friendly to the United States and ardently desirous of adjusting all differences with the new sovereignty, knew not to what authority look. Over and over General Washington counseled the Congress and the states against the folly and the injustice of this course, with the result that when the Constitution was drafted the sole and exclusive right to regulate commerce with the Indian tribes was expressly conferred in Article i, Sec. 8, upon the Congress of the United States, and by Article i, Sec. 10, the states were forbidden to enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation, while Article ii, Sec. 2, conferred on the President the exclusive power, by and with the advice of the Senate, to make treaties. The provisions of the Constitution with respect to the treaty making power were at once interpreted by the Federal Government to include treaties with the Indian tribes, and in the first appropriation act of Congress, or the Act of August 20, 1789 (1 Stat. 137), a monetary provision was made for the negotiation of Indian treaties by United States Commissioners. Notwithstanding the clear and express provisions of the Constitution, however, the states continued to deal with the Indians and to preempt the communal lands of Indian tribes through the medium of contracts with individual Indians who had no title to convey, so that on July 22, 1790, upon the repeated protests of the tribes, it became necessary for Congress at the instance of President Washington, to pass the first so-called Indian Intercourse Act, or the Act of July 22, 1790, (1 Stat. 137), expressly forbidding the state whatever their right of preemption might be, from entering into a treaty with an Indian tribe. This statutory inhibition was reenacted successively in 1793, 1796, 1799, 1800, 1834, and 1847, and remains the law of the United States today. In 1790 President Washington, after explaining the law, declared in a solemn message to the Indian tribes: “The General Government will never consent to your being defrauded, but will protect you in all your just rights.” In this pledge of the Nation, made on its behalf by one whom the Indians today delight in honoring as “The Great Grandfather,” the Indian tribes find their charter of rights. With such a pledge for them no treaties or decisions of the Supreme Court would have been necessary. But as time went on, it was soon apparent to the Indians that the other people of the United States were not like themselves, and that the solemn pledge of their chief was not to be respected by them. Still, the acknowledged and guaranteed property

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rights of the Indian tribes were ignored by the states and people of the United States, which was inevitably to lead to innumerable wars. The Congress of the United States had by its policy destroyed the power of the Indian National Confederacy to control its members. The tribes had been detached from it and isolated. Yet, as declared by President Harrison, in not one instance did a tribe take to the warpath until every peaceful means of self-protection had been exhausted. After the great war of the Ohio tribes and the battle of The Fallen Timbers, the great Indian Chief, Little Turtle, counseled the western tribes to keep the peace and appearing before the legislatures of the several states pleaded with them for laws to protect the Indians, and especially to prevent the introduction of the white man’s fire-water among them which was debauching and destroying our people. But the unrestrained encroachments upon their lands continued, and when in 1802 President Jefferson acquired the Louisiana Territory from France, it was at once proposed in Congress to forcibly remove all the Indians east of the Mississippi to that region. It was then that the great Indian statesman, Tecumseh, no longer obedient to the counsels of Little Turtle, undertook for purely defensive purposes to reorganize the Indian National Confederacy, and to fix a new and definite boundary beyond which the Indian tribes might dwell unmolested. This, however, was not to be. In the absence of Tecumseh the Indian Prophet was provoked into a conflict and upon the death of Tecumseh all power of cooperation by the tribes vanished forever. A decade of rapine and slaughter then followed which left the Indians of the East utterly defenseless and at the mercy of those who insisted upon taking their remaining lands. It was now that the Indians, having pleaded in vain to Congress, sought the protection of the Supreme Court of the United States with the result that in 1823, 1831, and 1832 three great fundamental decisions were handed down by Chief Justice Marshall which left no doubt as to what were the Indian tribal property rights. That those rights were guaranteed by the several treaties between Great Britain and the United States, and protected by the Constitution, was expressly declared. At this time, however, the Government of the United States refused to enforce the mandates of the Supreme Court. Recognizing at last the weakness of the Government which had asserted its sovereignty over them, all the tribes east of the Mississippi, with the exception of the Six Nations, were of necessity compelled to yield up their domains by so-called treaties of cession, and migrate to the Indian Territory. Thus, the state of Georgia had been allowed to nullify the laws of the United States and this course encouraged the people of Alabama to threaten secession

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rather than submit to laws designed to protect the Indians. In a message to Congress, the President stated that only a few Indians remained east of the Mississippi, and that the treasury of the United States had been enriched in one year $11,000,000 through the sale of vacated Indian lands. Nevertheless, the policy of Congress, in theory at least, at this time was clearly defined with respect to the compensation of the tribes for the land they were forced by circumstances to yield. Thus, in the report of the Committee on Indian Affairs of the United States House of Representatives, submitted in 1830, dealing with the Constitutional right of Congress to take Indian lands, it was said: “The Indians are paid for their unimproved lands as much as the privilege of hunting and taking game upon them is supposed to be worth, and the Government sells them for what they are worth to the cultivator. * * * Improved lands or small reservations in the States are in general purchased at their full value to the cultivator. To pay an Indian tribe what their ancient hunting grounds are worth to them after the game is fled or destroyed as a mode of appropriating wild lands claimed by Indians has been found more convenient, and certainly it is more agreeable to the forms of justice, as well as more merciful, than to assert the possession of them by the sword. Thus, the practice of buying Indian titles is but the substitute which humanity and expediency have imposed in place of the sword in arriving at the actual enjoyment of property claimed by the right of discovery and sanctioned by the national superiority allowed to the claims of civilized communities over those of savage tribes. * * *” (21st Cong., 1st Sess., H. Rept. No. 227, Feb. 24, 1830). As time went on the United States acquired more and more territory from France, Spain, Great Britain, and Mexico; in each treaty of cession the property rights of the Indian inhabitants were guaranteed in express terms. As declared by the Supreme Court in 1835 in the case of Delassus v. United States, 9 Peters, 117, their property rights, guaranteed by these treaties, were protected by the Constitution. Nor was it ever assumed that Congress in the exercise of its undoubted plenary political power over the Indian tribes, could confiscate their property. Said the Supreme Court in 1866 in the case of the Kansas Indians, 5 Wall, 755: “If they have outlived many things, they have not outlived the protection offered by the Constitution, treaties, and laws of Congress.”

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In theory only, however, were the rights of the Indians secure. The infringement of their property rights continued ceaselessly under the Preemption Act of 1842, and the great Railway Act and the Homestead Act of 1862, no adequate provision having been made for the protection of the Indians against the lawless horde of land grabbers that was turned loose by those laws upon their lands. Upon the conclusion of the War between the States, in which the allegiance of the Indians was divided upon the issue of slavery, it was seriously proposed to confiscate the Indian Territory as a penalty for the disloyalty of the Indian adherents to the Confederacy. The Great Chief of the Nation at this time was President Grant, who, like Presidents Washington, Monroe, and Harrison, was a just man and a friend to the Indians. Like them, he knew that the wars which the Government had waged against our helpless people were unjustifiable, and that the armed force of the Nation had been utilized in response to local political demands as an agency by means of which to despoil them of their lands. He also knew that the so-called Indian treaties, which were in fact seldom authorized by the tribes or voluntary in any real sense, were but another means in the hands of Government agents to the same end. Therefore, he caused to be enacted the statute of March 3, 1871, (16 Stat. 566, r. s. 2079), abolishing Indian treaties and substituting executive agreements therefor, but expressly providing that no right acquired under an Indian treaty should be invalidated or impaired. In laying down his great work of emancipating the Indians, President Grant said in his second inaugural address to Congress in 1873: “Our superiority of strength and advantages of civilization should make us lenient toward the Indian. The wrong inflicted upon him should be taken into account and balance placed to his credit. The moral view of the question should be considered, and the question asked, can not the Indian be made a useful and productive member of society by proper teaching and treatment? If the effort is made in good faith, we will stand better before the civilized nations of the earth and in our own consciences for having made it.” Such, in brief, has been the history of the Indians from which it is to be seen that they are entitled to the same protection under the Constitution as any other citizens of the United States. Yet, the plain facts of history are that the people of the United States shed their blood without stint to confer the human rights guaranteed to all men by the Constitution upon the negro slaves they imported from the jungles of Africa; at the same time they shed their own blood and that of the Indians to deny to the Indians those same human rights.

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Today there are pending in Congress, as we shall show, legislative measures designed for the express purpose of further divesting the Indians of their rights and despoiling them of property which was voluntarily ceded to them at a time when it was believed to possess no value in exchange for what was taken from them by force. These facts we will undertake to establish in any judicial tribunal to which you may give us access just as we have proved similar ones in the past that are clearly recorded in the decisions of the Supreme Court. ii.

The Indian Citizens are Today Without a Remedy at Law for the Invasion of Their Constitutional Rights. Having shown what are the Constitutional rights of the Indian citizens, we now propose to show that Congress has denied to the Indian citizens a legal remedy for their wrongs. By the Act of March 3, 1854, Congress created the Court of Claims and conferred on its jurisdiction to hear and determine claims against the United States, but by the Act of March 3, 1863, it withdrew therefrom jurisdiction to entertain claims arising out of treaties that were not pending before it on December 1, 1862. (Judicial Code 153, r. s. 1066). This general limitation in its application to Indian treaties is most unjust to the Indians. After they had attorned to the sovereignty of the United States and were declared to be dependent communities, the tribes could no more enter into a treaty with the United States than could a state, or a subdivision thereof. Plainly, the so-called Indian treaties, being more engagements between a sovereign state and dependent tribes, were nothing more than contracts though endowed with a very high degree of solemnity, a fact which was fully recognized by Congress when the making of further treaties was prohibited, and executive agreements were substituted therefor as a medium of dealing with the tribes. Yet, the fact remains that the Court of Claims was left with jurisdiction to adjudicate an executive agreement made on March 4, 1871, though shorn of jurisdiction over that was in fact an executive agreement if the same happened to have been dated March 2, 1871. The effect of the Act of March 3, 1863, was, therefore, nothing less than to render ineffective the Constitutional guarantees since no remedy for Indian wrongs under agreements made prior to 1863 remained, and to render nugatory the express provision of the Act of March 3, 1871, with respect to the sanctity of Indian treaty rights. Such is the law today. Consequently, since Indian citizens possessing rights under a so-called Indian treaty have no legal remedy under the law for their acknowledged Constitutional rights, in order to enforce the contractual obliga-

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tions of the United States, unlike other citizens, they are compelled to resort to lobbies to procure special jurisdictional acts conferring on the Court of Claims jurisdiction to adjudicate their contracts. Nor are the jurisdictional acts which at great expense and injury to themselves the Indians succeed in procuring more than partially remedial, since it is the policy of Congress to fix in them an arbitrary maximum price that may be recovered under them for the property taken by the United States from the tribes, and to deny interest on this arbitrary value from the time the property was taken, at the same time requiring full credit to be given the United States for all its expenditures on behalf of the owners even where the expenditures would have been made had their property not been taken. Thus, these so-called remedial jurisdictional acts affirmatively deny to the Indians the just compensation to which under the Constitution and the laws of the United States they are entitled, since just compensation includes the fair value of the property taken for the public use with interest thereon until the time of payment when payment is withheld. In other words, ignoring the Constitutional rights of the Indians to just compensation, by refusing to provide a legal remedy and compelling the Indians to depend upon special jurisdictional acts, Congress enables the guardian Government to take Indian property and pay therefor what it chooses. We do not think that is just. But the injustice of Congress in providing no legal remedy for the legal injuries suffered by the Indians, and in denying to them the redress guaranteed by the Constitution, is only one injustice that is done the Indian citizens of the United States by Congress. Until recently they were not free to employ counsel in a proper and economic way. Under Section 2103, r. s., non-citizen Indians could only enter into contracts with attorneys that were approved by the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and the policy of those officers has long been to approve only contracts that provide for the contingent compensation of the attorneys and the bearing of all the expense of the litigation by the attorneys. Such a policy not only makes the attorneys champertous, contrary to the carons of the American Bar Association, but inasmuch as it requires attorneys to finance Indian litigation makes it impossible for the Indians to employ attorneys who cannot afford to accept legal business on such terms. Although Revised Statuses 2103 is not applicable to Indian citizens, the evil of the old policy is perpetuated by Congress, since the special jurisdictional acts invariably limit the compensation of attorneys to a contingent fee and make no provision for the expense of the litigation. The evil effects of the necessity of attorneys financing Indian litigation are readily imagined, some of which, including the barratry that it promotes, are

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among the greatest causes of unrest among the tribal Indians. As a consequence, today there is a positive bad odor about Indian litigation which discourages many members of the higher bar from becoming involved in it. Nor are the funds in the hands of the Government to the to the credit of the Indians available to them for the purpose of employing reputable and able attorneys and financing their litigation. Plainly, there should be some provision in the law for the utilization of Indian tribal funds in the hands of the Secretary of the Interior for Indian litigation. But we submit that to give an administrative bureau any control over the legal remedies pertaining to the property it is required to administer, by making the use of Indian funds for litigation, or the selection of attorneys subject in any way to its control, is fundamentally unsound since it violates the principle that a financially responsible agency should not have the power to avoid its own liability even in the most indirect way. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs himself has only recently very properly declared that he would be glad to be rid of all responsibility for contracts between the Indians and their attorneys. Still another legal disadvantage to which the Indians are subject is the bar of Section 1069, Revised Statutes, that section requiring that even those claims which the Indians are free to file in the Court of Claims must be filed within six years from the time the same first accrued. By this means the United States effectually escapes liability to its wards for violations of their rights since they are seldom advised of their rights in time to enforce them. In other words, by this statute the guardian-trustee in effect nullifies the equitable doctrine that laches may not be invoked against the ward. Inasmuch as the guardianship which Congress continues to assert over our people is only justifiable upon the theory that they are incapable of protecting their property, we submit that it is not just for Congress to hold them to the same degree of responsibility as other people for failing to assert their legal rights, which it was the duty of the guardian Government to do, and by means of a statute of limitations make it impossible to convert the property it holds in trust for us. There are many other unjust discriminations in the law against the Indians with respect to their remedies which cannot in good faith be justified, and which, it would seem the conscience of Congress would require it to remove upon their being called to its attention. These unjust discriminations, we believe, exist not through design, but because of unintentional oversight. Nevertheless, a sweeping reform of the existing law with respect to Indian legal remedies is imperatively necessary if justice is to be done the Indians by affording them the power at law to compel a proper accounting on the part of the guardian Government of its trust.

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The Constitutional Rights of the Indian are Denied and Ignored by the Guardian Government. It is not necessary to state here what are the obligations of a political guardian. The law of the civilized nations with respect thereto was fully reviewed in a special report to the Secretary of State in 1919 by Alpheus Henry Snow, in a comprehensive work entitled “The Question of Aborigines in the Law of Nations,” (Putnam, 1921). Suffice it to say that the principles of an enlightened guardianship as laid down in that work were recognized as applicable to the American Indians by the Department of State in the answer of the United States to the Memorial of his Britannic Majesty in the recent case of the Cayuga Indians, decided by the American-British Claims Arbitration, in January, 1926. A guardianship is a trust, and a political no more than a private individual guardian can convert the trust property, whatever control may be exercised over the wards and their property. Yet, the Government of the United States does not hesitate to contend that Congress, in the exercise of its plenary authority over the Indians may dispose of their property as it may see fit without legal liability on the part of the United States, notwithstanding the fact that it has been held over and over by the courts that a property right that has become vested in an Indian may not be repealed by Congress. Thus, but recently, an assistant to the Attorney General argued in the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, on behalf of the Secretary of War, the Secretary of the Interior, the Secretary of Agriculture, and the Federal Power Commission, in the case of Super, et al, vs. Weeks et al, that if Congress converted Indian property there was no legal remedy on the part of the Indians since the political power of Congress was not subject to judicial control. Does Congress know that the Department of Justice advocates such principles in the courts of the United States, and that the Indian citizens are compelled to expend their substance in combating such contentions? Your petitioners further call attention to the fact that while this contention was being made by an assistant to the Attorney General in 1924 in the case mentioned, the Solicitor General of the United States was co-incidentally arguing in the Supreme Court of the United States on behalf of the United States precisely the opposite view in the case of the United States v. Title Insurance and Trust Co., 265 u.s. 472. We do not think it is fair that the Indian citizens should be dealt with by the Department of Justice of the guardian Government in this inconsistent way, yet the case described is typical of the Government’s course in dealing with our people, and we cannot believe that it has any serious regard for our rights. For instance, notwithstanding the law prohibiting the making of treaties by a state with an Indian tribe, the State of New York in 1824 presumed to negotiate

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a treaty with four chiefs of the St. Regis tribe whereby the tribe is said to have ceded to the state lands the possession of which was guaranteed to the Indians by a treaty between them and the United States. The state of New York deeded away the lands by state patents and in 1925 suit was brought in the United States District Court, Northern District of New York, to eject the present occupants, among whom are a number of large corporations. In this suit the state of New York intervened as a defendant and filed a motion to dismiss the bill on the ground that no Federal question was involved and that the plaintiff, being an Indian, was without legal capacity to sue. Whereupon, the St. Regis tribe made formal demand upon the United States, or the guardian Government, through the Secretary of the Interior, to intervene as a party plaintiff on its behalf and thereby not only give the United States undoubted jurisdiction to determine the case on its merits, but to protect its own title and carry out the guarantee of its treaty. In opposition to this demand the Assistant Attorney General of New York appeared in Washington, and subsequently intervention by the United States was refused, presumably in obedience to the time-worn argument that intervention by it would upset private titles of long standing. Nevertheless, the United States is today suing the State of Minnesota in an exactly similar case. In that case it is not asking that private titles be upset but only that the state compensate the Chippewa tribe for the lands taken by it, which is all that justice requires. In another case in which an Indian citizen sought the remedy of injunction in a Federal Court against the Secretary of the Interior after filing a motion to dismiss the bill the Secretary of the Interior did not hesitate to address a letter to the Court, requesting it not to render any decision, even if the plaintiff were legally entitled thereto. Thus, it is seen, that even where legal rights exist and are established in court, the Government assumes to attempt to set aside the remedies of the law. We do not propose here the indulge in any assaults upon individuals who after all are but cogs in the rusty gears of Indian bureaucracy. But over and over the grievances of our people have been presented to the Committees on Indian Affairs, and always the answer is the same. Though their grievances are admitted, they are told that Congress will not pass the laws that are necessary to do them justice unless those laws are approved and advocated by the Government. In this cycle of indifference they find themselves helpless. And what does the Government of its own motion do for them? A recent instance affords but a fair example. There was recently transmitted to the Chairman of the Committees of Congress on Indian Affairs by the Secretary of the Interior, with the endorsement of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, a bill introduced in the House of Repre-

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sentatives as h. r. 7826, providing that the reservation courts of Indian offenses should have power to sentence an Indian citizen to jail for six months for such offenses as were not punishable under Federal law, without the presentment or indictment of a grand jury, without trial by jury, or due process of law in any other respect. The judges of these petty administrative tribunals are laymen appointed upon the authority of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and receive a stipend of $10.00 a month. A search of the law of the civilized Nations of today discloses but one such tribunal in existence and that in French African Congo. The proposed law, we are advised, is unconstitutional in no less than five respects, but it is by such instrumentalities that the guardian Government proposes to civilize its Indian wards. In the view of the facts revealed herein is must be apparent to Congress that without regard to past neglects, or to present mal-administration of Indian affairs, a complete reformation of the Indian system is necessary, and that intelligent scientific study of the Indian problem should, in justice to itself, let alone our people, be made. iv.

The Social and Economic Situation of the Indian Citizens of the United States. It has been shown what are the legal and practical discriminations existing against the Indian citizens of the United States. We now propose to point out to the Senate their social and economic grievances. When the United States in 1776 asserted its sovereignty over the ancestors of the Indian citizens of the United States they had no conception of land as property. They conceived of the earth as a mother who provided food for her children. For our people the land was like the air. Being something necessary to the life of mankind it was not deemed by them to be subject to appropriation by individuals to the exclusion of others. But as population increased and an unlimited area was no longer open to any one tribe, the tribal communities were compelled to stabilize more and more, and thus as their range became restricted of necessity they began to cultivate the soil in order to add to the spontaneous fruits of nature. An increasingly permanent tribal occupancy gradually led to a claim or right to possess the tract from which the tribe drew its sustenance, but the conception of and individual title had not yet evolved among the Indians when they came in contact with European society and the individualistic economic order. The tribal title was still a communal title. The individual communist owned nothing. He could convey nothing, transmit nothing of the tribal wealth to his posterity, and the only rights which he or his children possessed were derived not by inheritance but merely from a present membership in the tribe.

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The consequence of this order of life, that is, a combination of tribal organization and ownership in common, was marked. The Indian was in every instinct a natural communist, a fact which carried with it certain definite implications. As pointed out by the Rt. Rev. Hugh L. Burleson, Bishop of South Dakota, an eminent Christian worker among our people who has a deep and sympathetic understanding of them, few white men have understood Indian nature because they have approached life from a different angle. Said he: “The angle is this: The Indian thinks in terms of his group. The white man always thinks of himself first and his group last, approaching things from the viewpoint of the individual. The Indian’s point of view is that of the group; his relation to and his responsibility for the group. He thinks in group terms. He has a socialized concept of life. Society has been a definite thing to which he was not responsible. The family life and the tribe life have an immediate bearing upon all his actions.” Nevertheless, the law of the United States has affirmatively tended to preserve the aboriginal nature of the Indians, since the Indian tribes were early given a legal status and characterized by the law as domestic communities of the nature of municipal corporations. And though Congress has ever exercised a plenary control over these communities which were declared by the Supreme Court to be dependent upon the United States and subject to the paramount authority of Congress, it has permitted them to regulate their domestic affairs in accordance with their own laws in so far as possible, while of those laws the courts have consistently taken judicial notice. Not only then has the law of the United States affirmatively tended to preserve the Indian social unit of the tribe, but the aboriginal economic order, as well, so that instead of transforming Indian nature it has perpetuated it in all its fundamental characteristics. In dealing with the Indians, however, Congress has utterly failed to take cognizance of the economic implications of the social organization of the Indians in communities coupled with their system of ownership in common. It has utterly ignored the fact that being communists by nature they are fundamentally different in their outlook upon life from National society in which it has sought to absorb them, and has not only not prepare them but has encouraged their native incapacity to compete as individuals with that society. Certainly much of the disappointment that has been experienced with the Red Man, and practically all the injury that has been done our race may be traced directly to this fact.

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In 1776 there were approximately 180,000 Indian inhabitants east of the Mississippi River. They had been taught by the Colonists in the War between Great Britain and France to engage in the conflicts of the White Man, and tutored in the European art of war. Moreover, no sooner than the American Revolution was proclaimed than the military alliance with the United States was solicited by the Continental Congress. It was only when they rejected this offer of alliance that they were condemned for their participation in the war of American Independence against the United States. Upon the conclusion of that conflict efforts were made at once to dispossess them despite the guarantees of their property rights contained in the treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States. By nature, unable without passing through an educative process to transform themselves from communism to the individualistic economic order, the tribal Indians had either to resist these efforts and fight to maintain the only existence they were capable of understanding, or perish when the communal property was taken and their tribes dispersed. Tenacious of their lands, the specious plea that they had merited a just punishment now cloaked the lust of the unscrupulous for their property. Despite the fact that for centuries the tribes east of Mississippi had been domiciled in definite domains and engaged in agricultural pursuits, they were now conveniently represented by the frontiersman as barbarous nomads without attachment to the soil. The fact that those tribes which had perforce adopted a roving mode of life had been uprooted from the soil by the intruding whites was ignored. Thus, in 1784, a celebrated Kentucky editor, speaking for the rising democracy of the west, declared they had no more rights than the buffalo, and that their extirpation would do honor to those effecting it. It was to such views—typical of the ever advancing frontier—that Congress was responsive, so that when the Louisiana Territory was acquired in 1802, the plea to remove the tribes to a region to be carved out of the wilderness of the west and set apart to them as The Indian Territory, approved as it was by President Jefferson, at once found favor. From that time for the Eastern tribes the handwriting of a dreadful fate was upon the wall. In the vain hope of saving his people it was now that Tecumseh proclaimed his philosophy of Indian Nationalism founded upon the conception that not only the tribal Indians but the Indian tribes as such owned all the remaining Indian lands in common, and that for them to part with their lands meant their certain destruction in view of their inherent incapacity as individuals. Moreover, his scheme of salvation for his race embodied the holy campaign preached by his brother, The Prophet, for the moral regeneration of our people who were being debauched by their contacts with the hitherto unknown vices of European civilization.

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But Tecumseh was not alone in his efforts to save the race. Like him, many of our chieftains had pleaded from the first for that education which they saw was necessary to transform the Indians from communism and confer upon them capacity to survive in competition with the peoples of Europe. In vain, too, President Washington and Benjamin Franklin, two of the wisest and most just men known to history, urged that education be given the Indians. And in 1820, President Monroe caused to be submitted to Congress the report of the Reverend Jedediah Morse on the condition of the Indian tribes which he had caused to be made to the Secretary of War, in which the duty of Congress was pointed out with irrefutable logic as follows: “The Government, according to the law of nations, having jurisdiction over the Indian territory, and the exclusive right to dispose of its soil, the whole Indian population is reduced, of necessary consequence, to a dependable situation. They are without the privileges of self-government, except in a limited degree, and without any transferable property. They are ignorant of nearly all the useful branches of human knowledge, of the Bible, and of the only Savior of men therein revealed. They are weak and ready to perish; we are strong, and with the help of God, able to support, to comfort, and to save them. In these circumstances the Indians have claims on us of high importance to them and to our own character and reputation as an enlightened, just, and Christian Nation. In return for what they virtually yield, they are undoubtedly entitled to expect from our honor and justice protection in all the rights which they are permitted to retain. They are entitled, as ‘children’ of the Government, for so we call them, peculiarly related to it, to kind paternal treatment, to justice in all our dealings with them, to education in the useful arts and sciences, and in the principles and duties of our religion. In a word, they have a right to expect and to receive from our civil and religious communities combined that sort of education, in all its branches, which we are accustomed to give to the minority of our own population, and thus to be raised gradually and ultimately to the rank and to the enjoyment of all the rights and privileges of freemen and citizens of the United States. This I conceive to be the precise object of the Government. If we fulfill not these duties, which grow naturally out of our relation to Indians, we cannot avoid the imputation of injustice, unkindness, and unfaithfulness to them— our national character must suffer in the estimation of all good men. If we refuse to do the things we have mentioned for the Indians, let us be consistent and cease to call them ‘children,’ and let them cease to address our President as their ‘Great Father.’ Let us leave to them the unmolested

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enjoyment of the territories they now possess and give back to them those which we have taken away from them.

∵ As the Government assumes the guardianship of the Indians, and in this relation provides for their proper education, provision also should be made for the exercise of a suitable government and control over them. This government unquestionably should be in its nature parental—absolute, kind, and mild, such as may be created by a wise union of a wellselected military establishment, and an education family. The one possessing the power, the other the softening and qualifying influence, both combined would constitute, to all the purposes requisite, the parental or guardian authority.” It cannot be said, therefore, that it was because the duty of Congress was not made plain to it from the first by the more enlightened chieftains of the Nation that our race was neglected. Yet, it was 42 years after the United States of America, born in the cradle of human liberty, and offering an asylum to the persecuted peoples of Europe, assumed responsibility for our helpless race before the first appropriation of Congress was made in 1818 for the education of the Indians, and the paltry and wholly inadequate sum of $ 10,000 then provided underwent no annual increase for many years. Doomed by half a century of violence and neglect, the fate of the eastern tribes was sealed. Through the tragic ordeal to which the young Republic had subjected them the western tribes were soon to pass. Upon them the Preemption Law of 1842, the Railway Acts and Homestead Act of 1862 turned loose a horde of ruthless settlers with no provision whatever for the protection of the Indians. It was only after 55 official wars had been waged against the dependent Indian subjects of the United States that President Grant was able at least to stay the Government’s mailed hand. But even then, in 1870, he was compelled to adopt the reservation system as the only possible means to save the remnants of the race from complete destruction. Justifiable as the adoption of that system under the circumstances may have been, it was not conceived by its originator that the reservations provided by Congress were to be utilized as permanent economic prisons for a race on which to keep it incarcerated forever. It was fundamental in President Grant’s scheme to save the Indians that in these temporary asylums, where they could be concentrated and protected by the National police, they should be prepared by education to take their place as citizens in the National society.

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But how has Congress cooperated in this scheme of enlightening our race? Sitting Bull, and Chief Joseph, the maligned successors of Tecumseh, were but a living protest against, a vicarious sacrifice to the Reservation System as administered by the Government. One by one Little Turtle, Tecumseh, Black Hawk, Osceola, Sitting Bull, and Chief Joseph fell martyr to the cause of Indian liberty. The present shackles of the reservations were slowly but surely welded upon their people. The Annual Reports of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs give no intimation of the facts. For instance, in the report for the current year it will not appear that recently reservation Indians, without fuel, were compelled to subsist on horse flesh and roots, and that when Government aid for them was sought the past Fall it was denied until the National Red Cross investigated the situation. In one tribe, among the most loyal Indian subjects of the United States, ten percent of its people were found to be destitute, without adequate food, shelter, and clothing. Is there any wonder that the number of Indians decreased from 403,000 in 1910 to 320,497 in 1924? Does it do any good, is it any excuse, to say that these Indians are improvident, and that if they had not leased but had cultivated their lands intelligently, they would be well provided? Can the capacity of children to deal with poverty be assured merely by giving them the property? When the Government overthrew the aboriginal economic order in which the Indian tribes were self sufficient, and enclosed the tribes in desert reservations, did it not owe them more than to hand them a hoe and a plough and leave them to become skilled agriculturists? Is it not only too obvious that justice for our people demands more than reservations and implements and police to see that they are not disturbed in their possessions? Unless this generation is trained to meet the responsibilities of the life enforced upon it, how is the next to be rendered more competent? That the reservation system as presently administered is adequate to the needs of our race is refuted by the inescapable fact that 150 years after the United States assumed responsibility for it, of the 162,602 full blood Indians who remain, only a small part speak the English language. Can any system that has produced such a result at the end of a century and a half be said to be an effective one for the purpose of transforming an aboriginal race and conferring on it the capacity to compete with a hostile economic order? The limits of time, space and patience forbid a recital of all the defects of the existing system of the United States with respect to its Indian wards, but in answer to those who would continue it we need only propound three questions.

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Are the tribal Indians to be herded like the few remaining buffalo on reservations forever, not even speaking the language of the Nation in the ranks of which they are called upon to shed their blood? Are they to go on breasting the current of modern progress in this age of steam power and electricity equipped only with an aboriginal paddle and canoe? If not, what plan has Congress for the eventual emancipation of our race? We are informed of none save that which has disproven itself. That the tribal Indians on the reservations have not been rendered selfsustaining and competent to compete in the economic order of the Nation is apparent. Nor will it advance them to teach them to depend upon National charity. That will only destroy the character of the race. It must be plain, too, that the policy of allotting Indian communal lands in severalty does not promise to solve the Indian economic problem. Experience has shown that the allotment of Indian tribal lands in many cases merely creates an estate for the White Man, with the result that many of our people who are lured away from their tribal relations merely fall victim to their own incapacity in the hostile economic society in which they have not been prepared by adequate education and training to compete. Allotment, therefore, in justice to our people, since it is capable of such a result, must be more carefully administered by the guardian whose duty it is to prevent the dissipation of the wards’ estate. Nor do we ask the Senate to accept our judgment as to the necessity for a reformation of the existing governmental system with respect to Indian property. One of the last remarks attributed to Lincoln—the great American humanitarian—was: “If I survive the existing crisis I will reform the Indian system.” See statement of the Rt. Rev. Henry B. Whipple, 9 Minn. Hist. Soc. Collects., (1901), p. 141. Many years later, in what is commonly conceded to be the most searching and accurate survey of the Government of the United States, (The American Commonwealth, Revised Ed., 1924, p. 88), James Bryce said: “He (the Secretary of the Interior) is chiefly occupied in the management of the public lands .... and with the conduct of Indian affairs, a troublesome and unsatisfactory department, which has always been a reproach to the United States, and will apparently continue so till the Indians themselves disappear or become civilized.” The charge is not exaggerated. From the Administrative Reports of the Department of the Interior for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1914, (1915), Vol. i,

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p. 4, the following words of Franklin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior, are quoted: “That the Indian is confused in mind as to his status and very much at sea as to our ultimate purpose toward him is not surprising. For a hundred years he has been spun around like a blindfolded child in a game of blind man’s bluff. Treated as an enemy at first, overcome, driven from his lands, negotiated with most formally as an independent nation, given by treaty a distinct boundary which was never to be changed ‘while water runs and grass grows,’ he later found himself pushed beyond that boundary line, negotiated with again, and then set down upon a reservation, half captive, half protégé.” “What could an Indian, simple thinking and direct of mind, make of all this? To us it might give rise to a deprecatory smile. To him it must have seemed the systemized malevolence of a cynical civilization. * * * Manifestly, the Indian has been confused in his thought because we have been confused in ours.” What more is1 necessary to substantiate our views? Here, in the language of the Executive Agent entrusted with the management of Indian affairs, expressed but recently, is a condemnation of the system by which those affairs are managed, that is unanswerable. What we have said but supports the declarations of Mr. Lane. Conclusion. In presenting this petition to the Senate of the United States on behalf of the Indian citizens of the United States, the National Council of American Indians assumes a responsibility for which it must answer, both to the Senate and to the Indian citizens. The justice of its demands is its answer. The Council has but one purpose—the organization of a constructive effort to better the Red Race and make its members better citizens of the United States. These objects it cannot attain unless the Indians are accorded the rights essential to racial self respect and a spirit of loyalty to the United States. It is for that reason alone that it presents their grievances. The Council is well aware that in the laudable effort which it proposes to make it will not have the encouragement of certain agencies of the Govern-

1 more is] originally is more but hand corrected by author

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ment. Fearing the power that comes of union, even now agents of the government advise the tribes not to join it. The blind support of things as they are is made the one test of loyalty to the United States. Those who do not endorse this idea or that, or seek to prove wherein one of them may be wrong, even though the program for the Indians includes their imprisonment and the administration of their estates without due process of law, are branded as malcontents. Such is ever the case in a struggle between progress and the forces of bureaucratic reaction. We know that it is only to be expected that those forces will persist in that diplomacy which proved so effective in breaking up the Indian National Confederacy and which has ever since kept the Indians disrupted. But though there may be malcontents among the Indians the National Council of American Indians will not lend itself to an attack upon anyone, or any agency of Government that does not stand in the path of progress. Those who seek to resist legislation designed to benefit the Indians will themselves create the opposition. Until now our people have been interpreted by an agency of government that by its own program has shown that it is entirely out of sympathy with them. Against that agency we make but one charge, and that is no different from any other bureaucracy. It was inevitable that it should became inflexible; that in its effort to sustain itself it should have largely forgotten its true purpose—to emancipate the Indians from the guardianship committed to it and thereby render its own function unnecessary. There are fundamental characteristics of human nature which may be denied but which cannot be destroyed. In seeking to overcome the inertia of the present Government we do not attack individuals but a system which we believe must be reformed, and no fear of the temporary loss of favor will deter the Council from voicing the legitimate aims and aspirations of our race. It cannot be gainsaid with reason that the Indians have proven their capacity for self government whenever an opportunity therefore has been afforded them. For nearly a century the so-called Five Civilized Tribes, although uprooted from their immemorial domains and cast into a wilderness, have governed themselves and administered their own states, sorely beset all the while by hostile influences. During the War between the States our people fought in both armies. Our young men served as police during the turbulent frontier days, loyally supporting the Government even against their own hard-pressed people. Plainly they were deemed trustworthy by the Government that employed them. In the late War the Indians responded to the call of the country with a unanimity of support in manhood and money unequalled by any other race. Of

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more than 17,000 who entered the military service, only 212 sought exemption. We were told that it was by virtue of the service of our young men and the blood sacrifice which through them our race made in common cause of the Nation that National citizenship was conferred upon all native-born Indians. At any rate, the conferring of citizenship upon them was an act on the part of Congress which came of its own volition. It was not solicited by the Indians. Nevertheless, it is by virtue of that citizenship for which Congress determined the fitness of our race that we demand certain things. We do not pretend to say how all the existing evils with respect to the Indians and Indian affairs are to be corrected, and the Indian problem eventually solved. We do know, however, that our race is entitled to the redress of its grievances, and relief from its present intolerable situation; that it is not charity that it requires, nor the over hasty distribution of its estate, but adequate education, practical guidance in the utilization and enjoyment of its property, personal liberty commensurate with the dignity of a free people, and the fair and efficient administration of their estate by the guardian-trustee thereof, and a clarification of the multiplicity of laws dealing with them and their property. This, then, is our program and one in support of which reason must unite all Indian citizens and their well-wishers. With these conditions of life assured to them, the Indians who remain and their posterity will take their place in the social and economic life of the Nation just as our young warriors took their place in the embattled ranks of 1917. We ask the Senate to decide in all fairness if there is anything in such demands that should arouse opposition to our aims; that can justify for us the brand of malcontents which reactionary Governmental agents would place upon us. In the answer of the United States to the Memorial of His Britannic Majesty, in the case of Cayuga Indians, before the American & British Claims Arbitration, the Department of State recently said: “The right of domain, which vested in a nation the ultimate fee to the land, carried with it the exclusive right of acquiring from the various Indian tribes inhabiting it their rights to the soil, which were considered as limited to a right of use or occupancy of the lands respectively used by such tribes for their hunting grounds. This limited right of use or occupancy might be lost by the Indian tribes through abandonment, or forfeited by their engaging in war against the sovereign; and it might be and in some instances was extinguished by purchase from the Indians by persons authorized by the sovereign. This dominant right in a sovereign to extinguish the Indian right to use or occupy lands, of which the ultimate

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fee is in the sovereign, is commonly called the right of preemption. It precludes not only other powers, but also the subjects of the sovereign, without his express authority, from acquiring the Indian right of use or occupancy of lands.” Elsewhere in the same proceeding it was declared: “It is this example which the United States since they became by their independence the sovereigns of the territory, have adopted and organized into a political system. Under that system the Indians residing within the United States are so far independent that they live under their own customs and not under the laws of the United States; that their rights upon the lands where they inhabit or hunt are secured to them by boundaries defined in amicable treaties between the United States and themselves; and that whenever those boundaries are varied, it is also by amicable and voluntary treaties, by which they receive from the United States ample compensation for every right they have to the lands ceded by them.”2 Thus it is seen that the United States has not only pledged itself to the Indians but to its sister Nations on their behalf. Are these solemn international declarations to be given the weight of truth? Or will the Government go on talking two ways, and tell our people when they call on it for the fulfillment of its pledges that it meant one thing to the Indians and another to others?3 Our people speak but one language. They may be ignorant of all the ways and cultures of mankind other than their own, but the language they speak to those with whom they have smoked the peace pipe has but one possible meaning, and in the simple candor of their nature they have never sought to give it another. Untutored in the reservations of Governments which speak two languages, they cannot love or respect a Government that speaks more than one to them. Yet, although they ask for nothing that the Government of the United States has not in its might voluntarily declared belongs to them, when they appeal to the Government it tells them Congress would never pass a bill giving them that much, and it is useless to ask Congress for their own property. If that much, along with the protection of its laws and the human liberties guaranteed all men by its great writing, the United States will not yield to

2 them.”] (italics added) omitted 3 others?] originally others.

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them, they can only regard its declarations and the decisions of its courts as meaningless, and the citizenship that has been conferred upon them as a sham to increase their liabilities without in fact according them the rights of human beings, much less those of citizens. A time there was when the protest of our race against injustice was voiced in the war cries that rose from the primeval forest. No less audibly shall this protest resound through the hills and vales of our Fatherland, echoing the farcarrying appeals of justice and reason, never to be silenced until the pledge of the Nation, made to us by The Great Grandfather, and sealed by our blood on the fields of France, is redeemed. Wherefore, and in the view of the distressing situation in which our race finds itself, though endowed with the Constitutional rights of citizenship, we humbly petition the Senate and pray that our grievances be considered by the Senate of the United States which ratified all those several treaties into which our people in good faith entered with the United States, and that our grievances set forth herein be brought to the attention of Congress in such a way as will insure their prompt redress. national Council of American Indians, By Gertrude Bonnin President.

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figure 10 Zitkala-Ša in a publicity photograph. The image appeared in American Indian Life ( July 1930), 21.

“American Indian Problem: Address before the Indian Rights Association to Discuss the Report ‘Problem of Indian Administration’ by the Institute for Government Research—Atlantic City, December 14–15, 1928” by Gertrude Bonnin, President National Council of American Indians

The opportunity to speak today in a conference discussing the report of the Indian survey made by the Institute for Government Research is appreciated by this Indian speaker. At the outset, permit me to explain that I did not learn English in the Government Indian Schools. I attended Earlham College, Richmond, Indiana. A brief sketch of my activities is given in “Who’s Who in the Nation’s Capital, 1927.”1 I have the honor to be President of the National Council of American Indians, an all-Indian organization based upon citizenship rights granted by Congress June 2, 1924. Before that, Indians were jailed if they held meetings without permission from a superintendent. The National Council of American Indians was created by the Indians themselves and I was elected to my office, which carries no pay whatsoever. I devote my whole time to its work and never have I sought any personal benefit. The Indian’s American citizenship has been dearly bought by repeated self sacrifices, until his unsurpassed loyalty and volunteer service in the World War won this recognition from Congress. Many times, standing by the grave of the Unknown Soldier, I have felt that it may be an Indian boy, who bravely fought and heroically died for the principles of democracy, who lies there now. Positively, no one on earth can honestly challenge the American Indian’s loyalty to the Government of the United States, though this Government has

1 1927”.] originally 1927”.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi: 10.1163/9789004355750_010

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waged more wars upon its Indian wards than any other nation against its own subordinate peoples. There is a distinction between “Government” and “Servants of the Government.” Whenever an Indian complains of unfaithful servants of the Government and the maladministration of his affairs, he is heralded as “disloyal to the Government” from certain quarters. This is untrue. This preliminary is made necessary today in refutation of false charges uttered on the floor of the House by Congressman Crampton of Michigan on December 11, 1928, against the National Council of American Indians. Mr. Crampton inserted in the Congressional Record a portion of a letter, which he misquoted as follows: “According2 to an Indian’s statement and from my own personal observations, the Indians are very poor and hungry. They have no voice in their affairs. They are neglected. Whether sick or well, whether young or old, most of them or nearly all of them live in bad houses, wearing rags, and with little or no food. Their complaints to Government officials go unheeded. Agents’ offices are locked against the Indians most of the time.” “And so forth ad nauseam.” Mr. Crampton described it as the “character of propaganda used to poison the judgment of the country against their own Government.” Yet before Mr. Crampton concludes his speech defending the Indian Bureau and the Budget Bureau for lack of adequate appropriations, and denying the disgraceful condition of Indian affairs, he contradicts himself. He agrees with me and with the Report of the Institute for Government Research in their first sentence, which says: “An overwhelming majority of the Indians are poor, even extremely poor.” Mr. Crampton falls into this agreement unwittingly in trying to refute the report that children in Government schools are underfed. He said, “I have never seen any evidence of the children suffering from lack of food or from an undesirable character of food. Quite the contrary. It is true that oftentimes children will be seen in these schools who give evidence of lack of proper nutrition, but you must remember where these children have come from—the primitive sort of homes they come from to the schools.” The “primitive sort of homes”—that is exactly what I had in mind. The Congressman admits these homes are bad and that food is lacking, and therefore, Indians young and old are hungry and sick.

2 “According] originally “‘According

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The Sub-Committee of the Senate Indian Affairs Committee is holding Hearings right now, and sworn testimony reveals horrible conditions—rotten meat, full of maggots, and spoiled flour which mice and cats had defiled, are fed to children in Government school. Sworn statements amply show that the Report of the Institute for Government Research could all be transformed into the superlative degree and not begin to tell the whole story of Indian exploitation. Had it been possible, these Hearings of the Senate Investigating Committee should have been printed and read at this Conference, together with this discussion of the Report of the Institute for Government Research. We would all be convinced beyond any doubt as to the accuracy of this Survey Report under discussion. Printed reports of these Hearings should be made available to the public—the American people. They have a right to know the facts, if, as Mr. Crampton said, in justifying the Budget Bureau’s cuts in Indian appropriations, increased appropriations would mean higher taxes upon the American people. Let the people know the facts, if this is a Government “Of the people, for the people, by the people.”3 As an Indian, speaking earnestly for the very life of my race, I must say that this Report by the Institute for Government Research, “The Problem of Indian Administration,” is all too true, although I do not always concur in their conclusions, which tend to minimize the responsibility of the Bureau. On pages 11–12 the Report says: “The Survey staff finds itself obliged to say frankly and unequivocally that the provisions for the care of the Indian children in boarding schools are grossly inadequate. “The outstanding deficiency is in the diet furnished the Indian children, many of whom are below normal health. The diet is deficient in quantity, quality and variety. The effort has been made to feed the children on a per capita of eleven cents a day, plus what can be produced on the school farm, including the dairy. At a few, very few schools the farm and dairy are sufficiently productive to be a highly important factor in raising the standard of the diet, but even at the best schools these sources do not fully meet the requirements for the health and development of the children. At the worst schools the situation is serious in the extreme. The major diseases of the Indians are tuberculosis and trachoma. Tuberculosis

3 people.”] originally people”.

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unquestionably can best be combated by a preventive, curative diet and proper living conditions, and a considerable amount of evidence suggests that the same may prove true of trachoma. The great protective foods are milk and fruit and vegetables, particularly fresh green vegetables. The diet of Indian children in boarding schools is generally notably lacking in these preventive foods. Although the Indian Service has established a quart of milk a day per pupil as the standard, it has been able to achieve this standard in very few schools. At the special school for children suffering from trachoma, now in operation at Fort Defiance, Arizona, milk is not a part of the normal diet. The little produced is mainly consumed in the hospital where children acutely ill are sent. It may be seriously questioned whether the Indian Service could do very much better than it does without more adequate appropriations.” I do not agree with this concluding sentence, which minimizes the Bureau’s actual responsibility by blaming Congress for inadequate appropriations. For more than eleven years I have lived in Washington, d.c., and I have learned through attending Congressional Committee Hearings and pending Indian legislation that it is the Indian Bureau that drafts these appropriation bills. In fact, all other bills affecting Indians are also referred to the Indian Bureau for its approval or disapproval. The American Congress is dependent for its information upon the Indian Bureau. What “compromises” are made in Congressional Committees behind closed doors is another chapter. In the printed Hearings on Indian Appropriations by the House Indian Affairs Committee, Vol. 1, page 806, Year 1919, the Assistant Commissioner, Mr. Merritt,4 is quoted as follows: “After this next year (i.e., beginning 1921) I think there should be a gradual decrease of the appropriations carried in the Indian Bill, and the only sure way for bringing about that decrease would be for Congress to arbitrarily direct that there be a decrease of appropriations for, say, a period of four years, of 5 per cent per year… I do not believe that the Indian Service would be very materially hurt and it would result in saving the Government approximately $750,000 a year.”5

4 Merritt] originally Meritt [All subsequent misspellings of the name E. B. Merritt (as E. B. Meritt) have been corrected.] 5 year.”] originally year”.

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Bear in mind, this was before President Coolidge’s economy program. There was no Budget Bureau in existence in 1919. During the three last consecutive summers I have visited many Indian reservations, keeping my information on Indian conditions up to date. This past summer I went with Captain Bonnin, who was doing field investigation work for the Senate Indian Affairs Committee, authorized by the King Resolution No. 79. Incidentally, the Indian Bureau opposed the passage of this Resolution. I will here tell you an observation of my own. The Indian Bureau Superintendents in the field have been holding meetings this summer, discussing this same report of the Institute for Government Research before us now. Their purpose was to refute and disprove the things contained in it! Subordinate employees have been approached and told they should be “loyal” to the Government when asked to refute statements in the Report. At peril of losing their jobs, some of them refused to deny the facts. I repeat, “There is a distinction to be made between the Government and Government’s servants.” On Indian reservations, subordinate employees as well as the Indians are called “disloyal” to the Government by their Superintendents when one of them dares to report existing evils. On the contrary, any American citizen who can help to bring efficiency into the Federal machinery is “loyal to the Government,” though it may mean the dismissal of inefficient employees— a real housecleaning in the Indian Service. In addition to this pernicious activity among Indian Bureau Superintendents trying to refute things told in the Report of the Institute for Government Research, there are circulated misleading articles emanating from the Bureau. Recently I casually picked up from the reading table of a hotel a current magazine—the November 1928 issue of the National Republic.6 On page 34 is the caption “Education of the Indians”; the sub-head states “Graduates of Government Indian Schools Are Doing Successful Work in All Walks of Life.” The pictures used are from the Government Indian School, Haskell Institute. This is considered one of the best schools. But the article is upon the entire Indian field. The article, therefore, is entirely misleading. To show you the Bureau’s own attitude toward its Indian schools, I quote from it: “Health promoting activities are given a prominent place in the conduct of the schools. The health of the pupil is the first purpose, and daily routine of the boarding school as to diet, bathing, exercise, sleep, periodical

6 National Republic] originally National Republic

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weighing and examination of pupils, and supervised nursing supplied by Indian girls, furnishes an organized system throughout the year for the protection of health and the formation of health habits. the value of a sufficient supply of milk daily is emphasized and an endeavor made to provide plenty for the schools.” (My own capitals.) It does not tell the American public, as a matter of fact, how miserably this endeavor fails to actually supply the necessary milk. This kind of a presentation of Indian matters is not conducive to having Congress make larger appropriations. Congress as a whole is dependent upon the Indian Bureau for its information, just as the American public is. Both Congress and the American people are willfully misled about the actual conditions of Indian want and hopeless destitution. The stubborn fact remains, just as told in the Report of the Institute for Government Research made to the Secretary of the Interior about a year ago, particularly on pages 11 and 12, and supported by sworn testimony before the Senate Indian Committee and the Red Cross report. “The diet is deficient in quantity, quality and variety. The effort has been made to feed the children on a per capita of 11 cents a day, plus what can be produced on the school farm, including the dairy. At a few, very few schools, the farm and dairy are sufficiently productive to be a highly important factor in raising the standard of the diet, but even at the best schools these sources do not fully meet the requirements for the health and development of the children. at the worst schools the situation is serious in the extreme. A superintendent who questioned the accuracy of the Report on the 11 cents per child per day spent for food in Government schools was invited to figure it out, which he did while I looked on. Much to his own surprise, he had to admit the Survey staff of the Institute for Government Research knew their business and their Report was correct. The tabulations of Assistant Commissioner, Mr. Merritt, which Mr. Crampton put in the Congressional Record (Dec. 11, 1928), denying the 11-cents-aday-for-food-per child report and showing it to be 20.4 cents instead, is only paper-talk, just like the menus placarded in the schools showing what the children ought to have, but in actual fact do not get because of lack of the materials. In the printed Hearings of the House Appropriations Committee in 1922, on page 328, Mr. Merritt said:

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“We favor keeping subsistence down to the lowest possible point.” He was speaking of rations to old and indigent Indians and orphans. I have visited Indian homes during my three summer visits. They are extremely poor. They have scarcely any food in their hovels. They complain to me of starving. This summer I went to see a proud Indian Chief who was sick. Before I reached the hut I heard men and women crying aloud. I stepped into the open door. The Indian was dead. They were washing the body, ready for burial. The corpse was only skin and bones. These grief-stricken Indians, with tears streaming down their faces, came to shake hands with me. Utterly hopeless, they cried as only heart-broken humans can cry, until I, too, wept with them. The Government doctor arrived. I asked him what disease caused the death of the old Indian. He replied that he had no disease, but simply starved to death. There was a time, long ago, when Indians shared their food with the hungry, but that day is past. Now all Indians are too poor. They have nothing to divide. There is starvation. On page 262 of the Report of the Institute for Government Research, referring to the Red Cross Survey of 1924, there appears the following: “It may be said in passing that the findings of the Red Cross report correspond very closely to those of the present survey as they relate to the same reservations.” This Red Cross Survey of 1924 has been kept in the secret archives of the Indian Bureau these four years and has been refused to Members of Congress who asked to see it. The evil conditions reported in the Red Cross Survey remain unchanged, four year later. Withholding reported facts of bad conditions in Indian affairs, the Bureau is broadcasting through the American press, and Congressman Crampton through the Congressional Record, about how much the Indians have been helped and benefitted; how the Indian population has increased; how well they are fed and housed! In The Native American7 of Dec. 1, 1928, published at the Leupp Indian School, Arizona, Asst. Commissioner Merritt has an article which he addressed to the Navajos, telling them about their “increase in population” and “their wealth derived from oil leases” under the administration of Commissioner Burke; but

7 The Native American] originally The Native American

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nowhere did Mr. Merritt tell, as a matter of fact, that under the same policy of the Bureau, the whole Navajo Indians are today suffering fast-approaching blindness! Nor does he mention the heated battles fought by true friends of the Navajos, which defeated the Bureau policy and its endorsement of Bills e. r. 9133 and s. 3159, under former Secretary Fall. Those Bureau Bills, had they passed, would have had the following effects: (1) To deprive the “Executive Order” reservation Indians of 37½% of their oil revenue, giving it to the States; (2) To exempt the oil companies from the production tax; (3) To provide a Congressional declaration against the Indian claim of vested rights in 22,500,000 acres—two-thirds of the undivided reservation area. These atrocious misuses of huge Federal machinery against the Indian wards of the Government are sugar-coated to fool the American public. The National Council of American Indians was one of the organizations that dared to defend the rights of the Navajo people and all other Indian Tribes who occupied “Executive Order” reservations. If the high officials of the Indian Bureau continually fail to insist upon adequate Congressional appropriations, are they ignorant of the actual suffering on the reservations? If not, they must be incompetent. If, on the other hand, these officials of the Government prove unfaithful to their charge in “compromises” that would legislate away the wards’ interests, knowing it means the ultimate destruction of helpless human beings—young and old—then they are criminals. In either case, a housecleaning is imperative. I am desperately concerned for the life of my race while these countless investigations, revealing unChristian exploitation of Government wards, are made from time to time, only to lodge under lock and key in the Indian Bureau. How long—oh, how long! Shall this cruel practice continue? The Indian race is starving—not only physically but mentally and morally. This is a dire tragedy. The Government Indian schools are not on a par with the American schools of today. The so-called “Indian Graduates from Government Schools” cannot show any credentials that would be accepted by any business house. They are unable to pass the Civil Service examinations. The proviso in Indian treaties that educated Indians, wherever qualified, be given preference in Indian Service employment is rendered meaningless. Indians are kept ignorant and “incompetent” to cope with the world’s trained workers, because they are not sufficiently educated in the Government schools. Secretary Work, in his Annual Report, 1928, p. 13, states: “There is not an Indian school in the United States that is strictly a high school.”

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I quote this in refutation of the glowing propaganda in the November 1928 issue of the National Republic8 and Mr. Crampton’s speech in the Congressional Record, previously mentioned. The topic of Indian education has already been discussed by others, but I am obligated to make a passing comment upon it. The Secretary of the Interior in his Report on “Education of Indians” says in part (on page 13) as follows: “No complete high-school courses were taught for them until 1921 and then only at one school. In 1925, three such courses were added; one was added in 1926 and a fifth in 1927. The increase during the last three years in the number of pupils—junior and senior grades—has been by 1178 in the former and by 526 in the latter. Three are only six institutions maintained by the Federal Government where Indians may receive a high school education. Elementary and junior high-school courses are also taught in these institutions, the senior high-school grades constitute only one department. There is not an Indian school in the United States that is strictly a high school. Contrast these conditions with the educational advantages offered the white population.” Then he gives facts and figures. On page 15 of his report he says: “As the inadequacy of the education system for the Indians was one of the reasons for the department’s request for the survey and report, the following summary of the findings of the investigators on this subject is of special interest: “The survey staff finds itself obligated to say frankly and unequivocally that the provisions for the care of the Indian children in boarding schools are grossly inadequate. “The diet is deficient in quality, quantity and variety. “The great protective foods are milk and fruit and vegetables, particularly fresh green vegetables. The diet of Indian children is generally notably lacking in these foods. “The boarding schools are overcrowded materially beyond their capacities.

8 National Republic] originally National Republic

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“The medical attention rendered the boarding school children is not up to a reasonable standard. “The medical attention given children in day schools maintained by the Government is also below a reasonable standard. “The boarding schools are supported in part by the labor of students. “The service is notably weak in personnel trained and experienced in educational work with families and communities. Now these are some of the things of which I have complained in the past, and as a result I am referred to by Indian Bureau officials and Congressmen as being an agitator and disloyal to the Government; they even infer that I am dishonest and living off of the Indians. Such statements are grossly untrue and unjust. The sole purpose in making any criticism has been with a view that the evils pointed out by me might be corrected. The Secretary of the Interior’s Report contained these statements. It is evident that he regards them as of sufficient importance to incorporate them in his report. He further states that “this subject is of special interest.”9 In this same report, on page 34, he deals with “Negro Education” and states as follows: “One of the more important activities of the department has been a comprehensive study of negro colleges and universities throughout the United States. This study was conducted by the Bureau of Education. Its purpose was to ascertain the present status of negro higher education and to recommend means for its improvement and development. “The results show marked progress and an extraordinary demand among the negro people of the country for college and university education. Of the 79 institutions included in the Bureau’s survey, 77 were doing college work as compared with 31 institutions 10 years ago. The enrollment of negro students in those institutions totaled 13,860 as compared with 2,132 in 1917, a gain of 550 per cent. For every 10,000 negroes in the United States 15 are attending college, as against 90 for every 10,000 whites. “With five exceptions, the colleges included in the study were located in Southern States, indicating a widespread sentiment in the South in favor of negro higher education. Twenty-two of the institutions were operated by States and supported through public taxation. The Bureau’s

9 interest.”] originally interest”.

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study also shows that the negroes, themselves, have not been remiss in providing higher education, 17 of their colleges being owned, administered, and financed entirely by members of their race.” It will be noted that 17 of their colleges are owned and financed by members of the negro race. Indian funds might have been better used for higher education and colleges for Indians instead of building steel bridges, highways, and expensive but worthless irrigation systems under Indian Bureau management. Attention is also directed to the statement that “One of the more important activities of the department has been a comprehensive study of negro colleges and universities throughout the United States. This study was conducted by the Bureau of Education. Its purpose was to ascertain the present status of negro higher education and to recommend means for its improvement and development.” The negroes are not wards of the Government. Neither have they any treaty agreements with the United States for their education, as the Indians have. Yet means for educational development are sought for them. Why not extend such activities to the Indians? In conclusion, I quote Major Frank Knox, who said at the close of his investigation of three reservations in Colorado and Utah in 1925: “The reform which good business methods, efficient administration and an adequate protection of Indian rights requires cannot come from within Bureau. It must come from without.” Too often employees in the Indian Service are Indian haters and they are discourteous to Indians in their daily routine. Above all things let there be this proviso written large in the Government’s new Indian policy—“That no expert or subordinate shall be employed who has racial prejudice against the Indian people.” The Problem of Indian Administration cannot be solved by mere increased appropriations unless coincidentally a new personnel is had in the Indian Service, and a new Indian policy which will provide court review of the guardian’s handling of Indian funds and property, including natural resources estimated at a billion and a half.

“The Indian Side of the Question” Address by Mrs. Gertrude Bonnin

It is a great opportunity to speak to you, and as I speak at this moment I feel the touch of the hearts of the Indian people everywhere—my own blood, my own heart-ties still. And what shall I say for them to you? We want something to stop our cries. Comfort us and feed us and give us education. On behalf of the Indian Defense Association I want to express appreciation of this great opportunity to speak, and I appreciate it very much, as an Indian, that they should honor me with being their representative, and on behalf of the National Council of American Indians, of which I have the honor to be President. I also want to express appreciation for the opportunity to speak. The National Council of American Indians, which is an Indian organization, is only three years old. It is based on American citizenship. Local branches are in various places, officered by Indian people themselves. They have a little listening office in Washington from which are issued, in very simplified English, reports of the various acts of Congress and the bills which affect the Indian people and their properties. And they like to hear about these things. The purpose of our organization is to help Indians help themselves. And we have been searching around how we shall preserve our home, how we shall preserve our home ties, how we shall keep the father and mother and the children together in their homes. This summer I had a wonderful experience in visiting North Carolina, seeing the activities of the mountain peoples, based on the Danish Folk School Plan. I was inspired to see those mountain people with limited resources, doing so much, salvaging lives that seem so crushed, and I thought, why, this could apply to the Indian people on their various reservations. How? By going to the homes, talking to the adult father and mother: talking to their children and preserving that bond instead of snapping it and destroying it. There is a difference between the mountain folk and the Indian reservation. The Indian has the property; he still has land; he still has a little home, whether it be a square house or a tepee. Right there we can teach them the doctrine of the preservation of the American home. Home is home, whatever it may be, and the children’s love for their parents and the parents’ love for the children bring a heart tie superior to anything the missionary can do for us. And so I wished, as I visited these schools in North Carolina of the mountain folk, that some of those principles might be adapted to our own Indian people, rejoiced when I heard our Assistant Commissioner, mr. scattergood say—“Let us work with the Indian people, appealing to their nobility.” (Applause.)

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That is a great keynote. That is really the greatest keynote in life, a good rule for any race. You get what you want when you appeal to the best in a man. I am happy to have heard it, that I shall be able to write that word to our Indian people. I have listened to all the speeches of our friends. I have listened to the words of our great general scott and remember that he wrote for us the Indian sign language in books to preserve it. I treasure this too, that he who is today one of our greatest friends, is helping us to preserve what is worthwhile in our race, that it shall not be obliterated while we are trying to adapt ourselves to new ways of living and taking on the more convenient and easier ways of doing things perhaps, but that the Indian race shall cling to what was beautiful, to what was pure and good and true and offer it as its contribution to the present civilization. I have thought of the reorganization plan to which all friends of the Indian are looking now, in comparing the Indian Bureau plans with the plans of the Army, shall not we lay stress and emphasis on that officer—liaison officer, the contact officer that we may contact the human side of the Indian problem? There is so much property to be handled and so much money to be accounted for that that has taken the major attention many times, the human side not as much as we wish it had. Shall we not then think it possible to bring in the contract officer who shall make contacts with the little homes? There are human souls there. We can’t save the soul of a man if he is a corpse, the man isn’t there. Keep him alive in his body; talk with him in words of power, words of sincerity, words of brotherhood and love. Oh, that Justice could be radiated by the men who occupy the positions of superintendents and who are mentioned as the key men in the whole service in the field! If superintendents were men that radiate brotherly love to these Indian people, there would be no problem of discipline. I want to mention in this Indian work a plan of how we shall aid our new Commissioner and Assistant Commissioner. They have expressed that their hearts are alive and awake to the best interests of the Indian people. How shall we who are interested aid them? How shall their good will be translated into acts and into reality? This Government functions through laws. Who makes these laws? Men make these laws. Citizens of America make these laws, and the laws are the system through which we carry out the ideas of this government to the people. So I want to suggest here that we become interested in the laws that affect the Indian people. There are many antiquated and obsolete laws on our statute books. It would be well I think, and a real aid to our Commissioner and Assistant Commissioner, if we would become interested in looking over these laws

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written upon our statute books affecting the Indian people and cancel the obsolete and unnecessary laws, and in their place suggest and cause to be enacted laws that shall meet the constructive plans that we have heard discussed today. That is a real necessity. It is an important thing to consider the laws. Before closing, I want to read a resolution that was passed October 3rd by the governing board of the American Health Association at their annual meeting. It says: “Whereas, the American Indians are the most neglected racial group in the United States from the point of view of health protection; and “Whereas, the Secretary of the Interior, dr. ray lyman wilbur, has requested an appropriation adequate to provide for a reasonable degree of preventative and curative medical and nursing service for the Indian wards of the Government, and to bring to an end the chronic undernourishment of many of the children in Indian boarding schools; “Therefore be it resolved, that the American Public Health Association strongly endorses his request for appropriations for these purposes, and respectfully urges upon the President of the United States, and upon the committees on appropriations of the Senate and the House of Representatives of and Congress the necessity of prompt and liberal provision of funds to prevent the further spread of preventable, and particularly of communicable, diseases among the Indians, and to provide suitable and sufficient food for the Indian children.” Prevention is worth a pound of cure and so we are heartily in accord with this resolution. The Indian families—I want to speak of them. The National Council of American Indians encourages the Indians to speak, to get together; to understand the laws that govern them, and how to get on their feet and to help themselves. This National Council of American Indians came about in this fashion three years ago. There were delegates from different tribes, about twenty-one different tribes, men who had been coming to Washington annually for a period of over twenty years and had talked often-times of the necessity of co-operation among the Indian people themselves. They said, “We have always postponed it. We are always going to do it, but let us do it now.” And so they organized the National Council of American Indians. They created this organization and they did me the honor to elect me their President. (Applause.) Since then our Indian people have organized local lodges. There were many other organiza-

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tions of Indians that have been tried which have fallen by the way. We have learned much by past mistakes. And now you wonder where, perhaps, I learned to speak English. I want to say that I had the good fortune to be educated in the Friends’ Schools. I went to a Quaker School in Indiana. I went there because I thought I was going to a land of red apples. I lived in South Dakota where apples did not grow. We had very, very severe winters there, and I thought it would be wonderful to come to a land where the trees were just loaded with red apples. When I arrived, I arrived in the winter time and icicles hung from the branches. I got homesick, very homesick, but after having passed through all those stages, I received my education there. I want to give all the credit, if I have accomplished anything in trying to learn, to the Friends who have helped me. They have succeeded somewhat perhaps in subduing the wild impetuosity of a Sioux Indian woman. Someone has asked me when I was addressing an audience, after this fashion: “And are you a civilized Indian?” (Laughter.) I told them I did not know, because civilization is a word that is very hard to define and to understand. I don’t know what you mean by civilization. We send out little Indian boys and girls to school and when they come back talking English, they come back swearing. There is no swear word in the Indian languages and I haven’t yet learned to swear. (Applause.)

Selected Bibliography Archives Bonnin, Gertrude and Raymond, Collection. L. Tom Perry Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah. Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions Records. Raynor Memorial Libraries, Marquette University Archives, Milwaukee, Wisc. Carlisle Indian School Digital Resource Center. Cumberland Historical Society, Carlisle, Pa. Montezuma, Carlos, Papers. State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison. Pratt, Richard Henry, Papers. Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. South Dakota State Archives. South Dakota State Historical Society, Pierre. Unthank, Susan B., Collection. Indiana State Library, Indianapolis.

Works by Zitkala-Ša/Gertrude Bonnin (Chronological Order) “Side by Side.” Earlhamite, March 16, 1896, 177–79. “Impressions of an Indian Childhood.” Atlantic Monthly 85 (January 1900): 37–47. “The School Days of an Indian Girl.” Atlantic Monthly 85 (February 1900): 185–94. “An Indian Teacher among Indians.” Atlantic Monthly 85 (March 1900): 381–86. “The Soft-Hearted Sioux.” Harper’s Monthly 103 (October 1901): 505–508. “The Trial Path.” Harper’s Monthly 103 (October 1901): 741–44. “A Warrior’s Daughter.” Everybody’s Magazine 6 (April 1902): 346–52. “Why I Am a Pagan.” Atlantic Monthly 90 (December 1902): 801–803. The Menace of Peyote. Pamphlet. 1916. “Chipeta, Widow of Chief Ouray, with a Word about a Deal in Blankets.” American Indian Magazine 5 (July–September 1917): 168–70. “America, Home of the Red Man.” American Indian Magazine 6 (Winter 1919): 165–67. Oklahoma’s Poor Rich Indians: An Orgy of Graft and Exploitation of the Five Civilized Tribes–Legalized Robbery. Washington, d.c.: Office of the Indian Rights Association, 1924. (with Charles H. Fabens, and Matthew K. Sniffen) “Our Sioux People.” Unpublished manuscript. 1923. Bonnin Collection. “The Sioux Claims.” Unpublished manuscript. 1923. Bonnin Collection. “How the National Council of American Indians Came into Being and What of the Things It is Trying to Do through Organization.” Ca. 1926. Announcement. Bonnin Collection.

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“The Petition of the National Council of American Indians.” 1926. Bonnin Collection. “American Indian Problem: Address before the Indian Rights Association to Discuss the Report ‘Problem of Indian Administration’ by the Institute for Government Research—Atlantic City, December 14–15, 1928.” Speech. Bonnin Collection. “The Indian Side of the Question.” Report of the Thirty-Fifth Lake Mohonk Conference on the Indian October 16, 17 and 18, 1929. Lake Mohonk Conference on the Indian, 1930. 92–95. Diaries. July 21, 1935–November 3, 1937. Bonnin Collection.

Other Sources Adams, David Wallace. Education for Extinction: American Indians and the Boarding School Experience, 1875–1928. Wichita: University Press of Kansas, 1995. Allen, Paula Gunn, ed. Voice of the Turtle: American Indian Literature, 1900–1970. New York: Random House, 1994. Bierly, Paul Edmund. The Incredible Band of John Philip Sousa. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2006. Blevins, Tim, ed. Extraordinary Women of the Rocky Mountain West. Colorado Springs: Pikes Peak: Pikes Peak Library, 2010. Boyer, Paul et al., The Enduring Vision: A History of the American People, vol. 2, Since 1865. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2000. Britten, Thomas A. American Indians in World War i: At Home and at War. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997. Burgess, Marianna. “Zitkala-Ša (Red Bird).” Friends’ Intelligencer, May 19, 1917, 313. Callahan, S. Alice. Wynema: A Child of the Forest. Edited by A. LaVonne Brown Ruoff. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997. First published 1891. “Carl T. Hayden is Dead at 94; Arizonan in Congress 56 years,” New York Times, January 26, 1972, 40. Carlson, Paul H. The Plains Indians. College Station: Texas a&m University Press, 1998. “Chief Supervisor Suicides,” The Native American, January 3, 1914, 219. Child, Brenda J. Boarding School Seasons: American Indian Families, 1900–1940. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998. “The College Orators.” Indianapolis News, March 14, 1896. Cook, Jesse W. “The Representative Indian.” The Outlook, May 5, 1900, 80–83. Davidson, Cathy N., and Ada Norris, eds. American Indian Stories, Legends, and Other Writings. New York: Penguin Books, 2003. Debo, Angie. And Still the Waters Run: The Betrayal of the Five Civilized Tribes. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972.

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Denver, June and Norma Lyman. Ute People: An Historical Study. Salt Lake City: University of Utah, 1970. Dominguez, Susan Rose. “The Gertrude Bonnin Story: From Yankton Destiny to American History, 1904–1938.” Ph.D. diss., Michigan State University, 2005. Fisher, Dexter [Alice Poindexter Fisher]. “Zitkala-Ša: The Evolution of a Writer.” In American Indian Quarterly 5, no. 3 (1979): 229–38. “A Former Haskell Boy,” Red Man and Helper, June 13, 1902. Gibbon, Guy. The Sioux: The Dakota and Lakota Nations. Malden, Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2002. Greene, Jerome A. American Carnage: Wounded Knee, 1890. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2014. Gridley, Marion E. “Gertrude Simmons Bonnin: A Modern Progressive.” American Indian Women. New York: Hawthorne, 1974. Hafen, P. Jane. “Help Indians Help Themselves: Gertrude Bonnin, the sai, and the ncai.” In Studies in American Indian Literatures, 25, no. 2 (Summer 2013), 199– 218. Hafen, P. Jane, ed. Dreams and Thunder: Stories, Poems, and The Sun Dance Opera. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2001. Hauptman, Laurence M. “From Carlisle to Carnegie Hall: The Musical Career of Dennison Wheelock.” In The Oneida Indians in the Age of Allotment, 1860–1920, 112–38, edited by Laurence M. Hauptman and Gordon L. McLester. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2006. Hollrah, Patrice E. M. “‘We Must Be Masters of Our Circumstances’: Rhetorical Sovereignty and Political Resistance in the Life and Works of Zitkala-Ša.” Old Lady Trill, the Victory Yell: The Power of Women in Native American Literature. New York: Routledge, 2004. Hoxie, Frederick E. A Final Promise: The Campaign to Assimilate the Indians, 1880–1920. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984. Kelsey, Penelope. “Narratives of the Boarding School Era from Victory to Resistance.” In Atenea 23, no. 2 (2003): 123–37. Larner, John W., ed. Guide to the Scholarly Resources Microfilm Edition of the Papers of the Society of American Indians. Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, Inc. 1987. Lomawaima, Tsianina, Brenda Child, and Margaret L. Archuleta, eds. Away from Home: American Indian Boarding School Experiences, 1879–2000. Phoenix: Heard Museum, 2000. Lewandowski, Tadeusz. Red Bird, Red Power: The Life and Legacy of Zitkala-Ša. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2016. Lindsey, Donal F. Indians at Hampton Institute, 1877–1923. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995. Maroukis, Thomas Constantine. “The Peyote Controversy and the Demise of the Soci-

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ety of American Indians.” In American Indian Quarterly 37, no. 3 (Summer 2013): 159–80. Maroukis, Thomas Constantine. The Peyote Road: Religious Freedom and the Native American Church. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2010. Maroukis, Thomas Constantine. Peyote and the Yankton Sioux: The Life and Times of Sam Necklace. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2004. McCormick, John S. and John R. Sillito. A History of Utah Radicalism Startling, Socialistic, and Decidedly Revolutionary. Logan: Utah State University Press, 2011. McDonnell, Janet. The Dispossession of the American Indian: 1997–1934. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991. McKnight, Blanche Syfret. “Feminine Descendent of Sitting Bull Works for Her People.” [Washington] Evening Star, December 10, 1936. Meyers, Jeffery. Converging Stories: Race, Ecology, and Environmental Justice in American Literature. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2005. Miller, David Reed. “Charles Alexander Eastman, The ‘Winner’: From Deep Woods to Civilization.” In American Indian Intellectuals, edited by Margot Liberty, 61–70. St. Paul: West, 1978. Moses, L. G. The Indian Man: A Biography of James Mooney. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984. “Mrs. Bonnin Dies; Friend of Indians.” [Washington] Evening Star, January 26, 1938. “Mrs. Bonnin, Sitting Bull Kin, Is Dead at 62.” Washington Post, January 27, 1938. Nabokov, Peter. Native American Testimony: A Chronicle of Indian-White Relations from Prophecy to the Present. New York: Viking Press, 2000. Newmark, Julianne. “Pluralism, Place, and Gertrude Bonnin’s Counternativism from Utah to Washington, d.c.” In American Indian Quarterly 36, no. 3 (2012): 318–47. “Obituary of Joseph B. Bonnin,” Wagner Post, January 8, 1915, 1. Olster, Jeffrey. The Plains Sioux and u.s. Colonialism from Lewis and Clark to Wounded Knee. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Parker, Arthur C. “The American Indian’s Part in the World War: Shall He Fight in Segregated Race Units or Side by Side with other American Soldiers?” In American Indian Magazine 5, no. 1 (January–March 1917): 146–53. Porter, Joy. To Be Indian: The Life of Iroquois-Seneca Arthur Caswell Parker. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2001. Powers, Thomas. The Killing of Crazy Horse. New York: Knopf, 2010. Rosemont, Franklin. Joe Hill: The iww & the Making of a Revolutionary Workingclass Counterculture. Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 2002. Ruoff, A. LaVonne Brown. “Early Native American Women Authors: Jane Johnston Schoolcraft, Sarah Winnemucca, S. Alice Callahan, E. Pauline Johnson, and ZitkalaŠa.” In Nineteenth-Century American Women Writers: A Critical Reader, edited by Karen L. Kilcup, 81–111. Malden: Blackwell, 1998.

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Spack, Ruth. “Zitkala-Ša, The Song of Hiawatha, and the Carlisle Indian School Band: A Captivity Tale.” In Legacy: A Journal of American Women Writers 25, no. 2 (2008): 211–24. Spack, Ruth. America’s Second Tongue: American Indian Education and the Ownership of English, 1860–1900. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2002. Spack, Ruth. “Dis/engagement: Zitkala-Ša’s Letters to Carlos Montezuma, 1901–1902.” In melus: Journal of the Society for the Study of the Multi-Ethnic Literature of the United States 26, no. 1 (2001): 173–204. Speroff, Leon. Carlos Montezuma, m.d., A Yavapai American Hero: The Life and Times of an American Indian, 1866–1923. Portland: Arnica, 2005. Stevens, Michael E. and Steven B. Burg. Editing Historical Documents: A Handbook of Practice. Walnut Creek: AltaMira Press, 1997. Stewart, Omer C. Peyote Religion: A History. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987. Waggoner, Linda M. Fire Light: The Life of Angel De Cora, Winnebago Artist. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008. Washburn, Frances. Introduction to Stories of the Sioux, by Luther Sanding Bear. Lincoln: Bison Books, 2006. First published 1934. Welch, Deborah Sue. “Zitkala-Ša: An American Indian Leader, 1876–1938.” Ph.D. diss., University of Wyoming, 1985. Willard, William. “The First Amendment, Anglo-Conformity and American Indian Religious Freedom.” In Wicazo Sa Review 7 (1991): 25–40. Yenne, Bill Sitting Bull. Yardley: Westholme Publishing, 2008.

Index American Indian Defense Association (aida) xix, 12 American Indian Magazine (aim) xvi, xix, 10n46, 11, 121, 154n9, 159n14 “American Indian Problem” (speech by Zitkala-Ša) xiii, 243–253 American Indian Stories (book by Zitkala-Ša) xix, 12 Americanize the First American (pamphlet by Zitkala-Ša) xix, 12 Atlantic Monthly xvii, xviii, 7, 8, 26, 38n14, 71, 71n32, 76n1 Ayer, Edward Everett (member of the Board of Indian Commissioners) 154, 154n8, 154n9 Bad Hand (Bonnins’ adoptive grandfather) See Old Sioux Baker, Fred A. (bia supervisor of Indian schools) 105, 105n25, 106–109 Baldwin (Carlos Montezuma’s surrogate mother) 19n3 Baldwin, Marie (Chippewa, sai member) 135, 135–136n45, 140, 140n50, 148–150, 158, 164–166, 174n25, 179 Bayard, Thomas (u.s. senator, d., Delaware) xiii bison 2–3. See also buffalo Black Hills xii, xvii, 2, 187–188, 190, 198, 205– 206, 208, 211–212 Blackstone Tsianina Redfeather (Cherokee and Creek singer) 116, 116n33 Board of Indian Commissioners 5, 153n8, 192, 213 boarding schools xi, xviii, 3–4, 6–8, 23n7, 76, 76n1, 77, 79n3, 84, 91n15, 92, 245–247, 251–252, 256 Bonnin, Emeline (née Picotte, Raymond Bonnin’s mother) 89, 89n14 Bonnin, Gertrude Simmons. See Zitkala-Ša. Bonnin, Gertrude and Raymond, Collection. (L. Tom Perry Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah) x, xii Bonnin, Ohiya Raymond (Zitkala-Ša’s son) xviii, xix, 9, 13, 85, 89, 90, 103, 128 128– 129, 131, 145

Bonnin, Raymond Telephause (Zitkala-Ša’s husband) x, xi, xvii–xix, 8–9, 11, 13, 45, 50n20, 63n26, 72n33, 76–78, 85–91, 88n13, 89n14, 95–97, 99, 99n22, 101–102, 104–110, 122n37, 128, 130, 132, 143–145, 161–162, 162n16, 170 Boston, Mass. x, xvi–xviii, 7, 22n5, 26, 29, 40, 47, 57–58, 70 letters from 22–29, 32–41 Breese, H.G. (Army captain) 86, 86n11, 93, 95n20, 98–99n21 Brosius, Samuel M. (ira activist) 151–153, 151n4, 169 Brown, S.A.R. (sai associate) 117, 117n36, 134–136, 146 buffalo 2–3. See also bison Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions xi, 9, 81n8, 155, 164 Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions Records (Raynor Memorial Libraries, Marquette University Archives, Milwaukee, Wisc.) xi Bureau of Indian Affairs (bia, Indian Bureau, Indian Office, Office of Indian Affairs) xii–xiii, 3n11, 5, 8, 12, 76n1, 79n3, 88n13, 92n16, 124, 126n44, 127, 136n45, 139n49, 148, 152, 162, 165, 168, 174n25, 178–179, 180, 180n31, 182, 190–216, 244–250, 252– 253, 255 Burgess, Marianna (Carlisle teacher) 38, 38n15, 133, 136, 139–140, 146, 184 Burke Act 93n17 Burke, Charles H. (commissioner of Indian Affairs) 192–194, 213–215, 250 Burleson, Hugh L. (Bishop of S.Dak.) 231 Cadman Charles Wakefield (composer) 116n33 Carlisle, Pa. 5, 17 Carlisle Indian Industrial School xiv, xvii, 5– 8, 17, 22n5, 23, 26, 28n9, 30, 30n10, 32n11, 37n13, 38n14, 38n15, 38n16, 39, 43, 47, 50, 55–56, 58n22, 71, 71n32, 76n1, 110n23, 123n42, 148, 175, 175n27, 177 letter from 17 Carlisle Indian School Band 7, 18n1, 38n14

index Carter, Charles D. (Chickasaw, u.s. representative, d., Okla.) 160, 160n15, 170 Chamberlin, Joseph Edgar (editor at Boston Transcript) xvii, 7 Chapman, Asa C. (bia clerk) 106–107 Chicago, Ill. 8, 19, 19n3, 22, 24, 28–30, 39–40, 43–44, 49, 59, 62, 67, 72, 99–101, 181n32, 184n33 Chipeta (Ute spokeswoman, wife of Chief Ouray) 122n39, 123–124, 123n41 Choate, Joseph Hodges (lawyer, diplomat) 136, 136n47 citizenship xix, 11–12, 151n2, 155n10, 159, 170n24, 177–178, 180, 180n31, 183, 198, 217, 239, 241, 243, 254 Collier, John (activist, commissioner of Indian Affairs) xix, 12–13 Colton, Don (state senator, r., Utah) 11, 113, 143–144 Cook, Jesse W. (Carlisle teacher) 38n14 Cook, Mrs. (Carlisle teacher) 38, 38n14, 73 Coolidge, Calvin 247 Coolidge, Grace Wetherbee (sai activist) 112, 112n30 Coolidge, Sherman (sai activist) 112n30, 115, 115n32 Crampton, Louis C. (u.s. representative, r., Mich.) 244–245, 248–249, 251 Crazy Horse (Oglala chief) xvii, 2 Crow Creek Reservation, S.Dak 41n17, 45, 45n19, 59n23, 188, 205 Curry, Oran (Bonnins’ adoptive son) 9, 13, 122n37 Custer, George Armstrong (Calvary commander) xvii, 2 Davis, Charles L. (supervisor of farming at Uintah) 93–94, 93n18, 94, 97–98, 99n22, 106–107 Dawes Severalty Acts xvii, 3, 93n17, 202 Devil’s (now Spirit) Lake Reservation, N.Dak. xviii, 41, 41n17, 43, 45n19, 60 Dietz, Angel DeCora (artist, sai activist, Carlisle superintendent) 57, 57n22, 65, 181 Dillon, John (Sioux, Carlisle student) 22, 22n6 Dixon, Joseph Kossuth (director, Wannamaker’s education bureau) 159, 159n13

265 Earlham College xvii, 4, 22n5, 243 Early, C.G. (bia agent) 86n11, 95, 95n20, 96– 98, 98n21 Eastman, Charles Ohiyesa Alexander (Santee Sioux, writer, sai activist) 156, 156n11, 157, 167n18, 174n25, 181–182, 184n33, 190, 208 Eastman, Elaine Goodale (poet, wife of Charles Eastman) 156n11, 171–172 Everybody’s Magazine xviii, 71, 71n31 Felker (Zitkala-Ša’s biological father) 1 Fort Duchesne, Utah xviii, 11, 79n3, 84, 92, 97, 102, 106, 108, 110, 112–113, 118, 122, 125 letters from 93–99, 102–145 Fort Totten, N.Dak. xviii, 41, 41n17, 42, 48–49, 58n23 letters from 42–60 Fort Yates, N.Dak. xviii, 9, 79, 79n5, 80–81, 85, 90 Franklin, Benjamin 233 Frazier, Margaret (Sioux, sai activist) 153, 153n7 Friends of the Indian xiii, 257. See also Indian Rights Association Gandy Bill 136, 136n48 Gandy, H.L. (u.s. representative, d., S.Dak.) 136n48, 152–153, 152n6 General Federation of Women’s Clubs (gfwc) xix, 11–12, 184n33 Gentile, Carlos (Montezuma’s surrogate father) 8 Ghost Dance 3–4, 3n11, 155n32 Gordon, Phillip (Catholic priest, sai activist) 139, 139n49, 155–156, 181–182 Grant, Ulysses S. 5, 10, 192, 213, 224, 234 Great Sioux Reservation xvii, 2 Great Sioux War xvii, 2 Greene, Earnest O. (bia agent) 85–88, 85n10, 99n2 Greenwood, S.Dak 1n2, 53, 64n28 letters from 60–75 Hall, C.G. (Army captain) 85, 85n9, 88 Hampton Institute 30, 30n10, 56, 64n28 Hanson, William F. (composer, music teacher) xviii, 9, 96 Hare, DeWitt (sai activist) 149–150, 149n1

266 Harrison Drug Act Amendment 151, 151n3 Harrison, William Henry 222, 224 Haskell Institute 8, 91, 91n15, 247 Hayden Bill 151, 151n2, 167, 169–170 Hayden, Carl (u.s. senator, d., Ariz.) 151n2, 167n18 Hewitt, John Napoleon Brinton (Tuscarora, ethnologist, sai activist) 165–166, 165n17 Holcombe, E.P. (bia chief inspector) 92, 92n16, 98 “How the National Council of American Indians Came into Being and What of the Things It is Trying to Do through Organization” (announcement by ZitkalaŠa) xiii, 217–218 “Impressions of an Indian Childhood” (short story by Zitkala-Ša) 7 Indian Bureau. See Bureau of Indian Affairs Indian Citizenship Act (ica) xix, 12, 170n24, 180n31 Indian Helper 30n10, 38 Indian New Deal. See Indian Reorganization Act Indian Bureau. See Bureau of Indian Affairs Indian Office. See Bureau of Indian Affairs Indian Reorganization Act (ira) xix, 13 Indian Rights Association (ira) xiii, 5, 11 “The Indian Side of the Question” (speech by Zitkala-Ša) xiii, 254–257 “An Indian Teacher among Indians” (short story by Zitkala-Ša) 7 Indiana State Oratorical Contest (1896) xvii, 4 Jefferson, Thomas 222, 232 Jewell, Martin D. (Uintah superintendent) 86n11, 95n20, 98, 98n21, 106 Käsebier, Frederick (Gertrude Käsebier son) 28n9 Käsebier, Gertrude (photographer) 7, 28n9, 123n2 Kebler, Lyman F. (chief of the Drug Division of the Bureau of Chemistry) 168, 168– 169n20 Kenel, Martin (Catholic priest) xi, xviii, 9, 79, 79n6 letters to 80–81, 85–90

index Keppel, F.P. (third u.s. secretary of war) 176–177, 176n28 Kershaw, William J. (Menominee, lawyer, sai activist) 110, 110n29 Ketcham, William H. (Catholic priest, director Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions) xi, xviii, 9, 81, 96, 88–89, 164, 169, 169n23 letters to 78–84, 90–95, 102–109, 144–145 Keiley, Joseph (photographer) xvii, 28n9 Kneale, Albert H. (Uintah superintendent) xi, 10–11, 112–114, 116, 125, 128–133, 137– 138, 142–145 Kneale, Mrs. (Albert H. Kneale’s wife) xi, 112, 114, 131–132, 144–145 La Flesche, Francis (Omaha, ethnologist, sai member) 167n18, 169 Lane, Franklin K. (u.s. secretary of the Interior) 172, 237 Lane Bill 136, 136n46 Lane, Harry (u.s. senator, d., Oregon) 136n46, 157, 157n12 Leupp, Francis Ellington (commissioner of Indian Affairs) 76, 76n1, 249 Little Big Horn xvii, 2 Lone Bear, Samuel (con-man, peyote proponent) xviii, 10, 123n42 Lone Wolf case 187, 195, 211 Los Angeles, Calif. 145–147 Lusk, Charles S. (Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions secretary) 9 letters to 96–98 Lyman, Wilber (u.s. secretary of Interior) 168, 168n20, 256 MacColl, Agnus F. (financial clerk at Uintah) 98, 98–99n22 Madoniawaybay (Zitkala-Ša’s Sioux houseguest) 174, 176 Marshall, John (u.s. Supreme Court chief justice) 222 Marshall, Thomas (Gertrude Simmons’s [Zitkala-Ša’s] fiancé) xvii, 7, 22, 22n5, 26, 28n9, 39 Mattingly, Ambrose (Catholic priest) 9, 79, 79n7, 80 McCook, John (Ute chief) xviii, 10, 122, 122n39, 123–125, 123n42, 143 McKinley, William 18n1

267

index McKinley, Ida Saxon 18n1 McLaughlin, James (bia agent) 88, 88n13 Mercer, W.A. (bia agent) 76n1 Meriam Report (The Problem of Indian Administration) xiii, xix, 12, 243–253 Merritt, E.B. (assistant commissioner of Indian Affairs) 193, 195–197, 199–201, 203, 214, 236, 248–250 Monroe, James 224, 233 Montezuma, Carlos (Yavapai physician, sai activist) xvii–xviii, 7–8, 10, 36n12, 69n30, 75n35, 126n44, 181n32, 184n33 letters to 19–75, 99–102, 126–127, 167, 175, 177–179, 180–184 in letters to Parker 139, 156 in letters to Pratt 160 Montezuma, Carlos, Papers (Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison) x Mooney, James (Smithsonian ethnologist) xi, xix, 11, 115n32, 169, 169n21, 179, 179n30, 180n31 National Council of American Indians (ncai) xix, 12 petition of, xiii 219–242 Native American Church xix, 11, 179n30 Nichols, Mr. (Roland A.?) 42, 42n18, 44, 50– 51, 54, 58, 62, 67, 72 Office of Indian Affairs. See Bureau of Indian Affairs Oklahoma’s Poor Rich Indians (pamphlet by Charles H. Fabens, Matthew K. Sniffen, and Gertrude Simmons Bonnin [ZitkalaŠa]) xix, 12 Old Indian Legends (book by Zitkala-Ša) xviii, 8, 19n4, 58n22 Old Sioux (or Bad Hand, Bonnins’ adoptive grandfather) 9, 89, 127 “Our Sioux People” (unpublished manuscript by Zitkala-Ša) xii–xiii, 198–216 Ouray (Northern Ute chief) 10, 79n3, 122, 122–123n40, 123n41 The Outlook 38n14 Paha Sapa. See Black Hills Parker, Arthur C. (Seneca, archeologist, sai activist) xi–xii, xv–xvi, xviii, 10, 117n34, 154n9, 159n14, 174n25

letters to 109–126, 126–145, 146–147, 148– 160, 162–166, 167–171, 173–174, 176 in letters to Pratt 179 Parker, Ely S. (commissioner of Indian Affairs) 10 Peake, Emily E. (wife of Ernest Robitaille) 52n21 “The Petition of the National Council of American Indians” (petition to the Senate by Zitkala-Ša) xiii, 219–242 peyote 113–114, 122–125, 123n42, 130, 136–137, 136n48, 139, 141, 143–144, 151–152, 155, 167–173, 169n21, 179–180, 179n30, 180n31, 184n35 Peyote religion (Peyotism) 269n21 Phelan, James Duval (u.s. senator, d., Calif.) 152, 152n5 Pine Ridge Reservation 3–4, 103, 122, 188, 190, 194–203, 205, 208 Poirier, Charles (Catholic priest) 108, 108n27 Powder River xvii, 2 Pratt, Richard Henry (Carlisle founder, superintendent) xvii, xix, 5–8, 11, 38n14, 38n16, 71n32, 72n33, 167n18, 180n31, 184n33, 198 letters to 76–77, 160–162, 171–172, 179– 180 in letters to Montezuma 18, 22, 24, 32, 34, 37–38, 56, 66, 181 in letters to Parker 143, 153, 168 Pratt, Richard Henry, Papers (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, New Haven, Conn.) xi Quakers

xvi, xvii, 3–5, 257

Red Cloud (Oglala chief) 2, 97–98, 189–190, 203, 206–208 Red Man and Helper 32n11, 37n13, 38n16, 73n33 Robitaille, Ernest (Wyandotte, Oklahoma lawyer) 51, 52n21 Roosevelt, Theodore 76n1, 85n9 Royer, Daniel F. (bia agent) 3 Roxbury, Mass. 19 Russell, Maud (Zitkala-Ša’s friend) 100 Santee Normal Training School 38n16, 64n28

xviii, 32n11,

268 Scanlan, Lawrence (bishop of Salk Lake City) 9, 81, 84, 102 Scattergood, J. Henry (assistant commissioner of Indian Affairs) 254 “The School Days of an Indian Girl” (short story by Zitkala-Ša) 7 Sells, Cato (commissioner of Indian Affairs) 107–108, 107n20, 116, 124–125, 130, 133, 139, 145n51, 172, 200 letter to 173 “Side by Side” (oration by Zitkala-Ša) xvii, 4 Simmons, David (Zitkala-Ša’s half-brother) 1, 64n28, 64n29 Simmons, Ellen. See Taté I Yóhin Win Simmons, Gertrude. See Zitkala-Ša Simmons, John Haysting (Taté I Yóhin Win’s husband) 64n25 Simmons, Victoria (David Simmons’s wife) 64n29 “The Sioux Claims” (unpublished manuscript by Zitkala-Ša) xii–xiii, 187–197 Sitting Bull (Oglala chief) xvii, 2–3, 3n11, 11, 88n13, 188–189, 191, 206–207, 209–210, 235 Sisseton Wahpeton Sioux Reservation, S.Dak. 41n9, 59, 59n23 Sloan, Thomas L. (lawyer, sai activist) xix, 11, 167n18, 184n33 Smoot, Reed (u.s. senator, r., Utah) 87, 87n12 Snow, Alpheus Henry (u.s. secretary of state) 228 Snyder, Homer P. (u.s. representative, r., n.y.) 170, 170n24, 194, 196, 199–200 Society of American Indians (sai) xi– xix, 10–12, 91n5, 109, 110n28, 110n29, 112n30, 113–114, 115n32, 116–122, 117n36, 124, 125n43, 126–127, 129, 133–135, 139, 139n49, 145, 148–150, 155–156, 155n10, 156n11, 158, 160n15, 161–166, 167–168n18, 170–171, 174, 174n25, 175n27, 177–178, 181– 184, 181n33 Society of American Indians Papers (edited by John Larner) xi “The Soft-Hearted Sioux” (short story by Zitkala-Ša) xviii, 23, 23–24n7, 33n11, 38n16, 71n32 Sousa, John Philip (popular American composer and band leader) 18, 18n2

index Spalding, Franklin Spencer (Episcopal bishop of Utah) 76, 76n2 Spalding Institute for Small Boys 100, 101n24 Spotted Tail (Oglala chief) 189–190, 207 Spry, William (governor of Utah) 114n31 St. Paul, Minn. 41 Standing Bear 122, 122n38, 124 Standing Rock Reservation xi, xviii, 3, 9, 41n17, 72n33, 79n4, 79n5, 79n6, 81n8, 105, 188, 205 Stanley, M. Austine (sai associate member) 181–182, 181n32 Steadman, William H. (Carlos Montezuma’s guardian) 8 Strassmaier, Bernard (Catholic priest) 9, 79–80, 79n5 The Sun Dance Opera xviii, 10 Taté I Yóhin Win (Ellen Simmons, Zitkala-Ša’s mother) xvii–xviii, 1, 3–4, 8, 28–29, 32, 35–36, 43, 46–48, 51, 61, 64–66, 64n28, 70, 73 Tecumseh (Shawnee chief) 222, 232–233, 235 Treaty of Fort Laramie (1868) xii, 2–3, 187– 188, 190, 205–206, 208 “The Trial Path” (short story by Zitkala-Ša) xviii, 24, 24n8 Uintah Boarding School 76, 76n1, 77, 92 Uintah and Ouray Reservation, Utah 86n11, 93n18, 94n19, 95n10, 98n21, 98–99n22, 106, 122n37, 123n40, 124n41, 124n41, 124n42, 140 letters from 76–145 Unthank, Joseph T. (Zitkala-Ša’s Quaker “uncle”) xiv, xvii, 4 letter to 17–18 Unthank, Susan B. (Zitkala-Ša’s Quaker “aunt”) xiv, xvii, 4 letter to 17–18 Unthank, Susan B., Collection (Indiana State Library in Indianapolis) xiv Utes (Indigenous Nation) 9, 76n1, 78, 78– 79n3, 80–81, 84–85, 91–92, 94, 94n19, 98, 113–114, 118, 120–125, 123n41, 123n42, 127–130, 132–134, 137–145

index “A Warrior’s Daughter” (short story by ZitkalaŠa) xviii, 71n31 Washington, d.c. xi–xii, xvi, xix, 9, 11–13, 18n1, 76–77, 81n8, 88, 98, 105–107, 116, 119–120, 125, 135, 149–150, 162n16, 165– 166, 172, 182, 184, 193–195, 197–199, 201, 209, 214, 217, 224, 246, 254 letters from 148–184 Washington, George 221, 224, 229, 233 Wassaja (Carlos Montezuma’s journal) 126, 126n44, 171, 175, 180 Wheelock, Dennison (Wisconsin Oneida, bandleader, lawyer, sai activist) 110, 110n28, 178, 182 White’s Manual Labor Institute xvii, 3–4, 8, 22n5 Whiterocks, Utah xviii, 76n1, 77, 84–85, 91n19, 97, 102, 110, 113 letters from 76–102 “Why I Am a Pagan” (short story by ZitkalaŠa) xviii, 8, 71, 71n32 Wilkinson, Ernest L. (lawyer, president of Brigham Young University) x, 13 Wilson, Woodrow 172–173 Wiley, Harvey W. (chief of the Drug Division of the Bureau of Chemistry) 168, 168n19 World War i 11, 155n10, 157n12, 159, 162n10, 167, 177, 195, 200, 211, 238–239, 243 Wounded Knee massacre xvii, 4, 81n8, 88n13 Wovoka (Paiute prophet) 3 Yankton Reservation, S.Dak. xvii–xviii, 1, 3– 4, 8, 13, 19, 31, 35, 41n17, 44–46, 49, 51, 53, 64n28 letters from 60–75 Yankton Sioux 1–2, 64n29, 79n7 Zitkala-Ša (Gertrude Simmons, Gertrude Simmons Bonnin), and American Indian Defense Association (aida) xix, 12 and Marie Baldwin 135, 140, 140n50, 148– 150, 158, 164–166, 174n25, 179 biography of 1–13 and Ohiya Raymond Bonnin xviii, 9, 13, 85, 89, 90, 103, 128 128–129, 131, 145 and Raymond Telephause Bonnin x, xi, xvii–xviii, 8–9, 45, 50n20, 63n26, 72n33, 76–78, 85–91, 95–97, 99, 101–102, 104– 110, 128, 130, 132, 143–145, 161–162, 170

269 in Boston x, xvi–xviii, 7, 22n5, 26, 29, 40, 47, 57–58, 70 letters from 22–29, 32–41 and Bureau of Indian Affairs xii–xiii, 8, 12, 76n1, 124, 127, 148, 152, 162, 165, 168, 174n25, 178–179, 180, 180n31, 182, 190– 216, 244–250, 252–253, 255 and Carlisle Indian Industrial School xiv, xvii, 5, 7–8, 17, 22n5, 23, 26, 28n9, 30, 32n11, 38n14, 38n15, 38n16, 39, 43, 47, 50, 55–56, 71, 71n32, 76n1, 148, 175, 177 letter from 17 and Carlisle Indian School Band 7, 18n1, 38n14 and Catholicism xi, xviii, 9, 57, 80–81, 84, 88, 91–92, 102–104, 108, 144, 155, 164 childhood of xvii, 1, 3–4 and Chipeta 123–124 and citizenship xix, 11–12, 159, 177–179, 180, 183, 198, 217, 239, 241, 243, 254 and John Collier xix, 12–13 and community center (c.c. work) xviii, 11, 110, 112–113, 116, 120–121, 129–131, 133– 134 and Oran Curry 9, 13, 122n37 death of xix, 13 at Earlham xvii, 4, 22n5, 243 and Charles Eastman 156–157, 181–182, 190, 208 and Elaine Goodale Eastman 171–172 and Felker 1 at Fort Duchesne 93–99, 102–145 at Fort Totten 42–60 and General Federation of Women’s Clubs (gfwc) xix, 11–12, 184n33 and Phillip Gordon 139, 155–156, 181–182 and William F. Hanson xviii, 9, 96 at Indiana State Oratorical Contest xvii, 4 and Frederick Käsebier 28n9 and Gertrude Käsebier 7, 28n9, 123n2 and Martin Kenel xi, xviii, 9, 79 letters to 80–81, 85–90 and William H. Ketcham xi, xviii, 9, 81, 96, 88–89, 164, 169 letters to 78–84, 90–95, 102–109, 144–145 and Albert H. Kneale xi, 10–11, 112–114, 116, 125, 128–133, 137–138, 142–145

270 and Samuel Lone Bear (Cactus Pete) 123, 123n42 in Los Angeles 38n15 letters from 145–147 and Thomas Marshall xvii, 7, 22, 22n5, 26, 28n9, 39 and John McCook xviii, 10, 122, 123–125, 123n42, 143 and Carlos Montezuma xvii–xviii, 7–8, 10, 69n30, 75n35, 184n33 letters to 19–75, 99–102, 126–127, 167, 175, 177–179, 180–184 in letters to Parker 139, 156 in letters to Pratt 160 and James Mooney xi, xix, 11, 169, 169n21, 179, 180n31 name of 7, 64–65 and National Council of American Indians (ncai) xiii, xix, 12, 219–242 and Mr. Nichols (Roland A.?) 42, 44, 50– 51, 54, 58, 62 and Old Sioux 9, 89, 127 and Arthur C. Parker xi–xii, xv–xvi, xviii, 10 letters to 109–126, 126–145, 146–147, 148– 160, 162–166, 167–171, 173–174, 176 in letters to Pratt 179 and peyote xii–xix, 10–11, 38n15, 113–114, 122–125, 123n42, 130, 136–137, 136n48, 139, 141, 143–144, 151–152, 167–169, 167n18, 169n21 and Richard Henry Pratt xvii, xix, 5–8, 11, 38n16, 71n32, 72n33, 167n18, 184n33, 198 letters to 76–77, 160–162, 171–172, 179–180

index in letters to Montezuma 18, 22, 24, 32, 34, 37–38, 56, 66, 181 in letters to Parker 143, 153, 168 in Roxbury, Mass. 19 and Cato Sells 107–108, 107n20, 116, 124– 125, 130, 133, 139, 145n51, 172, 200 letter to 173 and Society of American Indians (sai) xi–xix, 10–12, 109, 113–114, 116–122, 124, 126–127, 129, 133–135, 139, 145, 148– 150, 155–156, 158, 161–166, 170–171, 174, 174n25, 177–178, 181–184 and The Sun Dance Opera xviii, 9 and Taté I Yóhin Win (Ellen Simmons, Zitkala-Ša’s mother) xvii, 1, 3–4, 8, 28–29, 32, 35–36, 43, 46–48, 51, 61, 64– 66, 64n28, 70, 73 and Uintah Boarding School 76, 76n1, 77, 92 in Utah 76–145 and Utes 9, 76n1, 78, 80–81, 84–85, 91– 92, 94, 98, 113–114, 118, 120–125, 127–130, 132–134, 137–145 in Washington, d.c. 148–184 in Whiterocks xviii letters from 76–102 at White’s Manual Labor Institute xvii, 3–4, 8 and World War i 11, 159–160, 167, 177, 195, 200, 211, 238–239, 243 at Yankton xvii–xviii, 1, 3–4, 8 letters from 60–75 (For works by Zitkala-Ša see individual entries.)