Zhong and Zhongyong in Confucian Classics [1st ed.] 9789811556395, 9789811556401

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Zhong and Zhongyong in Confucian Classics Chunqing Li Translated byy Yuan Zhu

Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture

Published in partnership between FLTRP and Palgrave Macmillan, the Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture offer a unique insight into Chinese culture, defining and contextualizing some of China’s most fundamental and at times complex philosophical concepts. In a concise and reader-friendly manner, these short works define a variety of quintessentially Chinese terms such as harmony (hé/和) or association (x¯ıng/兴) – and examine how they first appeared and developed in Chinese culture, the impact they had on Chinese thought and why they continue to have significant meaning in China today. At a time when the understanding of different histories, languages and cultures globally is at a premium, this series provides a valuable roadmap to the concepts which underpin 21st century Chinese society.

More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/16234

Chunqing Li

Zhong and Zhongyong in Confucian Classics Translated by Yuan Zhu

Chunqing Li Beijing Normal University Beijing, China

ISSN 2524-8464 ISSN 2524-8472 (electronic) Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture ISBN 978-981-15-5639-5 ISBN 978-981-15-5640-1 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5640-1 Jointly published with Foreign Language Teaching and Research Publishing Co., Ltd The edition is not for sale in China Mainland. Customers from China Mainland please order the print book from: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Publishing. This international edition is exclusively licensed to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. for worldwide distribution outside of China. © Foreign Language Teaching and Research Publishing Co., Ltd 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publishers, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publishers nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publishers remain neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: © Melisa Hasan This Palgrave Pivot imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Preface

Confucianism was the dominant ideology in China for more than 2000 years, from Emperor Wudi’s reign in the Western Han dynasty (140BC– 87BC) to the Qing dynasty (1644–1911). Zhong (middle course) and zhongyong (golden mean) are core concepts in Confucianism whose importance is similar to the concepts of “benevolence,” “righteousness,” “rites,” “wisdom,” “heart,” “nature,” “honesty,” and “reverence.” Both zhong and zhongyong are closely related to these core concepts. As a result, by analyzing the basic connotations of these two concepts we will be able to delve into the core of Confucianism from a particular angle. Then we may have a good command of what Confucianism is all about. In this little book, we will study the historical development of how these two concepts came into being and how they have developed and changed. On the basis of this study, we will try to bring to light the kinds of cultural meanings that both concepts represent and their core position among all the major concepts of Confucianism. The concepts zhong and zhongyong will be analyzed together because both are closely related and can hardly be separated in the school of Confucianism. Beijing, China

Chunqing Li

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Publisher’s Note to “Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture Series” (English Edition)

In the course of human history, Chinese civilization has always been known for its long history and remarkable breadth and depth. In a unique geographical environment and thanks to a fascinating historical development, the Chinese nation has nurtured academic traditions, humanistic spirits, values, a way of thinking, ethics and customs unfound elsewhere in the world. All of this was expounded and sublimated by Confucius, Mozi, Laozi, Zhuangzi, Mencius, Xunzi, and other ancient sages and philosophers, and encapsulated into thousands of highly concise and profound key concepts underpinning the brilliant and rich Chinese culture. Reflective of the supreme wisdom and rational thinking of the Chinese nation, the concepts have come to be known as “key concepts in Chinese thought and culture.” They are the brainchild fostered by the Chinese nation engaged for thousands of years in independently exploring and rationally thinking about the universe, the world, social norms and ethics, ways of thinking and values. They represent the unique and most significant hallmark of Chinese thought and civilization produced by the Chinese nation. They are the greatest intellectual legacy left by ancient Chinese philosophers to the contemporary Chinese and the most valuable intellectual wealth contributed by the Chinese nation to world civilization. The past four decades of reform and opening up have witnessed continued growth of the Chinese economy and its comprehensive strength. As an active participant and contributor to globalization, China has been increasingly admired in the international community for its

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national conditions, history, thoughts, and culture. On the other hand, its basic research has fallen behind with the development of the times. So far there exists no comprehensive and systematic collation and interpretation of the concepts that reflect its thought and culture, for introduction to overseas readers. There is no unified comprehension and interpretation of many terms, especially those reflective of the unique Chinese philosophy, humanism, values, and ways of thinking. It is even more regrettable that the lack of unified norms for the translation of such terms into foreign languages has frequently led to deviations from their actual meaning, and consequently confusion and even misunderstanding on the part of overseas readers may result. To ameliorate the above circumstances, we officially launched in 2014 the “Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture Project.” Drawing on the excellent history of traditional Chinese thought and culture, the Project has focused on key concepts encapsulating Chinese philosophy, humanistic spirits, values, ways of thinking, and cultural characteristics, especially those with implications for the development of contemporary world civilization and in line with the common values of the human race. Those concepts were then interpreted in objective and concise Chinese and translated into English and other languages, for overseas readers to better understand the connotations and essence of Chinese thought and culture, and consequently to promote equal dialogue and exchanges between Chinese civilization and other civilizations of the world, so as to jointly build a community and shared future of mankind. So far, over 600 terms have been collated, interpreted, and translated by Project experts and published by the Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press (FLTRP) in six volumes in Chinese and English under the serial title of “Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture.” However, due to style and volume restrictions, the historical context, semantic context, origin and evolution, academic influence and the underlying humanistic spirit, values, and modern implications haven’t been fully elaborated for some of them. To give overseas audiences a more comprehensive and in-depth understanding of them, FLTRP and Springer Nature have jointly planned the new “Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture Series” (English Edition). Each volume of this series will be centered on one concept only or a couple of closely related concepts. The authors are required to examine in detail the historical context, semantic context, origin and evolution, and academic influence, based on the research findings on ancient Chinese

PUBLISHER’S NOTE TO “KEY CONCEPTS IN CHINESE THOUGHT …

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literature. They are expected to unfold their elaboration around important figures in the development of Chinese thought and culture, as well as their works, theories, and academic viewpoints. The series thus features comprehensive and original academic contributions offering relevant theoretical approaches and insights based on independent research by the respective authors. Integrating professional studies with popular interest, it emphasizes integration of corroboration and exposition and equal emphasis on Oriental and Occidental scholarship. All authors selected are young and middle-aged scholars accomplished in the study of Chinese thought and culture. It is believed that the publication of this series will make it possible for overseas readers to have a more systematic understanding of the philosophy, humanistic values, academic perspectives and theoretical viewpoints underlying the key concepts of Chinese thought and culture, and a clearer understanding of the ways of thinking, the values and cultural characteristics of the intellectual world of the Chinese nation and overseas Chinese. We are grateful to Harmen van Paradijs, Vice President of Springer Nature Group, and Myriam Poort, Editorial Director, Humanities and Social Sciences, Springer Nature for their generous support in planning and publishing this series. Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press August 2018

Praise for Zhong and Zhongyong in Confucian Classics

“I read a book about ancient Greek philosophy many years ago, and was impressed by Pythagoras’ view of the universe: the spherical Earth at rest in the center of the universe and everything rotating around the Earth. Man obviously placed himself in the center of this world. However, Pythagoras was a mathematician and concerned himself only about the shape of the world, not about how man should think and behave. Ancient Chinese philosophers not only believed that the earth was spherical, but also concerned themselves with how man should think and behave. That was how the concepts of zhong and zhongyong were created. This book is about the development of these two concepts in the history of China, and explains how Chinese philosophers learned to know about man himself and the world around him and how to develop the way to lead a decent life and have an appropriate attitude toward life. This author is well-known for his study of ancient Chinese culture in China’s academic circle. His summary of and conclusions on the two concepts are insightful.” —Chengji Liu, professor and director, the Center of Aesthetics, School of Philosophy, Beijing Normal University, China

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“Concepts of ancient thought do not constitute a pure logic that is detached from its own realm of language and cultural context. Reading a lot of ancient texts is required for its research, and nothing can be achieved without getting absorbed in the cultural context and analytical study of different texts. The five essays on concepts zhong and zhongyong are not only achievements about unit ideas that can match the similar classic research in the international history of ideas. They are also valuable works about the development and concepts zhong and zhongyong in the history of ancient Chinese ideas. His comparative study between Chinese and Western cultures can be used as resourceful reference.” —Xilin You, senior professor of humanities, Shaanxi Normal University, China

Contents

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Concepts of Zhong and Zhongyong in the Pre-Qin Classics

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Zhong and Zhongyong in the Context of Confucian Classics as the Dominant Ideology

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Zhong and Zhongyong in the Discourse of the Li School of Confucianism by Zhu Xi and the Cheng Brothers

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Zhong and Zhongyong in the Discourse of the Philosophy of Mind

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Cultural Logic of Zhong and Zhongyong and Their Significance for Today

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Bibliography

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CHAPTER 1

Concepts of Zhong and Zhongyong in the Pre-Qin Classics

Abstract The Spring-Autumn Period (770–476 BC) to the Warring States Period (475–221 BC) was known as a time of contention and flourishing of numerous schools of thought, when various thinkers among scholars put forward their schools of thought in their attempt to exert influence on the kings of various states so that situation of tangled warfare among different states could be brought to an end. Their schools of thought were known as “Various Schools of Thought by Various Scholars.” Among them, most representative was the school of Confucianism, the school of Taoism, the school of Mohism, and the school of Legalism. Confucianism was the only school of thought that had ever used the concept zhong in an abstract manner and put into it an extensive range of meanings. Confucius, Mencius, and Xunzi had their argument and explanations about the concepts zhong and zhongyong, establishing their own important positions in the discourse of Confucianism. Keywords Zhong · Zhongyong · Shizhong · Confucius · Mencius and Xunzi

© The Author(s) 2020 C. Li, Zhong and Zhongyong in Confucian Classics, Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5640-1_1

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Confucius’ Understanding of the Concept Zhong

The Chinese character zhong (middle course) has a long history, but its written form has not changed much since it was inscribed on ancient bones and tortoise shells. In the most authoritative ancient book about Chinese characters, Explanation of Script and Elucidation of Characters by Xu Shen in the Eastern Han dynasty (25–220), this character was interpreted as meaning “in or inside.” In another famous book about Chinese characters, Annotations on Explanation of Script and Elucidation of Characters by scholar Duan Yucai in the Qing dynasty, this character was further explained as “being different from external appearance; being impartial or unbiased; being appropriate.” Therefore, this character originally meant “within,” then it had the extended meaning of “in the heart” or “inner world.” For example, a quote from Laozi goes: “Talking too much may bring about disaster, and it’s better to stick to zhong ” (Chapter 5). The character zhong used here means what one thinks. The meaning of the character zhong was further extended to mean “not partial or unbiased” or “appropriate.” Thereafter the word zhong developed from a character to indicate a location to one about values, and it had become even a bit philosophical in meaning when it was used to assess whether a person’s behavior was appropriate or not. Confucius was not the first person to use zhong as an ethical concept. It had been used as a concept in a political and philosophical sense before him. In The Book of History, it says: “What is inside a human mind is dangerous; the inner world of a Daoist is elusive; only with one’s heart absorbed in a particular thing and never deviating from zhong (being impartial and unbiased), that is the only right approach.” The book is not believed to have been written in the Emperor Yu period of the Xia dynasty in remote ancient times, but by Confucian scholars in the Warring States period. However, that does not mean that this saying came after Confucius. There was a conversation between Emperor Yao and his successor Shun, recorded in The Analects, which might not have actually occurred, but it was likely to have been recorded in books before Confucius. The conversation goes like this: “Shun, the fate of heaven is on you, you must behave in accordance with zhong.” What was quoted above from The Book of History and the conversation recorded in The Analects are similar in meaning and are perhaps from the same source.

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As far as the meaning of zhong in The Analects is concerned, Song dynasty Confucian master Zhu Xi explained: “It means not beyond what is necessary, not being inadequate.”1 In his Correct Meaning of the Analects, Qing dynasty scholar Liu Baonan said: “Those who practice zhong in their dealings with others are learning from what Emperor Yao dictated to his successor Shun about how to behave as a monarch. The practice of zhong refers to the application of golden mean (neither go beyond nor fall short).”2 As explained by both the aforementioned scholars, the Chinese character zhong refers to appropriateness in handling government affairs, not going too far and not falling short. This was the early connotation of the Chinese character zhong when it was developed from a word suggesting location to a concept about values. But it was only used in the political sphere, referring to governing policies that were not tilted to the left or right but remained in the middle way so that they were popular with the general public. The character zhong was also used to express a different meaning before Confucius. In Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, Liu Kanggong was quoted as saying: “It is said that it was the zhong between heaven and earth that gives birth to man, so such zhong is also what has a bearing on his fate. Scholar Kong Yingda wrote to the emperor: “What is between heaven and earth is the air of zhong (impartial) and he (harmony), min is people, and when they get such air, they are given birth to.”3 It is obvious that the character zhong used here is different in meaning from the one used in The Analects, referring to the air of impartiality and harmony between heaven and earth, and is explained as something elusive on which the origin of life depends. It means people’s destiny is decided by a mysterious force between heaven and earth, so this character zhong, compared with the one used in The Analects, is more philosophic in meaning. As mentioned above, the character zhong had two meanings when used as an ethical concept before Confucius: one referred to appropriateness in governance; the other was more philosophical, referring to something elusive between heaven and earth, or the origin of life. Both meanings developed further in the philosophy of Confucianism. Let’s first look at how the character was accepted by Confucius, who added new meaning to it. In Confucius’ discourse, the character zhong was developed into a top ethnical standard known as zhongyong (golden mean). Confucius was quoted as saying in The Analects: “zhongyong can be said to be a top

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virtue, which has been lost for a long time.” In The Analects Variorum, Zhu Xi said: “Zhong means not going beyond what is necessary and not fall short of what is required either.” Zhu quoted scholars Cheng Yi and Cheng Hao as saying: “Zhong means not going to extremes while yong means remaining unchanged. Zhong is the most correct approach while yong the absolute rationale.”4 This is the most common interpretation of character zhong by Confucian scholars after Confucius, which basically conforms to what Confucius said about it. Confucius said in The Analects: “If one cannot hopefully have a person as companion who can stick to the middle way, one may choose to have dealings with those arrogant or impetuous people. The arrogant people tend to have an urge to improve themselves; and the impetuous ones often know where to toe the line.” Zhu Xi said in his annotations: “Confucius originally wanted to teach those who knew about zhongyong, but it was very hard to find such people. As a result, Confucius had to educate those who are either arrogant or impetuous. The sage intended to either stimulate the good quality of them or trim their undesirable quality so that they may gradually know how to stick to the golden mean instead of just staying where they had been.”5 In Annotations on the Analects, Huang Kan (488–545) noted: “Zhongxing refers to what one does according to the principles of golden mean.” In Liu Baonan (1791–1855)s Correct Meaning of The Analects, Ling Mingjie was quoted as saying: “Those who follow zhongxing are those who do things in accordance with the requirements of the golden mean.”6 It is therefore clear that zhongxing means that if people do follow the principles of golden mean, they can always remain unbiased and impartial, while at the same time, never going too far or falling short of what is necessary. The concept zhongxing and zhongyong are quite similar in meaning, and all derived from the character zhong. Confucius’s zhongyong (golden mean) and zhongxing (middle course between extremes) are derived from the character zhong, whose meaning changed a lot in this process. What Confucius meant is different from the political and philosophical sense of the character zhong in The Analects, and also different from the sense of ontology in Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals. Instead, it had become a concept of moral philosophy, with the significance of moral principles and ethics added to it. The zhong here means that one has to behave according to the moral requirements formulated by Confucianism. The moral standard advocated by Confucius, zhongyong, is not beyond the capability of

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ordinary people. Qian Mu once said: “Those following the middle course between extremes are ordinary people. The golden mean is easy for them to follow. And so is the principle of the middle course. It is therefore a moral standard for common people. Instead of being the most difficult, it is the most extensive, the most common and easiest to follow, and thus most precious.”7 This conforms to what Confucius meant. What needs to be analyzed is the difference between the concept of zhongyong and Greek philosopher Aristotle’s idea of the golden mean. Golden mean was considered characteristic shared by all virtues in ancient Greece. The idea of the golden mean has an important position in Aristotle’s political and moral philosophy. In his Politics, he said: “The virtue is the golden mean between two vices, the one of excess and the other deficiency.” He also said in the same book: “Neither should we forget the mean, which at the present day is lost sight of in perverted forms of government.”8 It is a principle for political governance. But it is not just that, it is also moral principle for individuals. Aristotle said something to the effect that now that everybody believes that temperance and the middle course between extremes are the most desirable moral character, then the best choice for the good of human life is neither to go beyond nor fall short of what is necessary. Only those in such a state of mind can be rational. Those who go beyond or fall short—too beautiful, too strong, too expensive, too rich or too ugly, too weak, too shabby and too poor—tend to not follow the guidance of reason.9 So Aristotle’s golden mean looks similar to Confucius’s zhong or zhongyong, and as a matter of fact, they are indeed alike. However, going further into their ideas, it is easy to determine that the concepts are not the same. In the first place, zhong or zhongyong that Confucius referred to was mainly self-cultivation in morals and ethics, with the rites that Confucian adherents are supposed to follow as the criteria for moral goodness. For Aristotle, “golden mean” was primarily a political policy for the governance of city states. Secondly, what is even more important is the framework of the relationship between heaven and man, within which the moral standards or principles were considered when it comes to Confucius’s zhong or zhongyong. But Aristotle’s golden mean did not have such an element.10

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Mencius and Xunzi on the Connotations of Zhong (Middle Course)

Mencius (372–289 BC) was the disciple of a student of Confucius’ grandson Zisi, and he is considered the most well-known master of Confucianism after Confucius, nicknamed the second sage. Undeniably his understanding of zhong comes from Confucius, considering it primarily as a concept of moral philosophy. He said: “Those who follow zhong should educate those who do not; those who are capable of doing things should teach those who are not. That explains why everyone enjoys having a father or brother of virtue. If the father and brother who follow the middle course give up their children and brothers or sisters who do not, and if the capable father and brothers do the same, there is little difference between a man of virtue and a man without virtue” (Mencius ). Zhu Xi still interpreted zhong as the practice of not going beyond and not falling short.11 In fact, zhong here refers to those who can follow the middle course or who do everything according to the principle of the golden mean, and it also refers to those with virtue. What Mencius intended to say is that a man of virtue can educate those without virtue, so people enjoy having a father or brother with integrity; if a man of virtue shows no concern for a man without virtue, then there is little difference between those with virtue and those without. What Mencius emphasized here is the example a virtuous father or brother should set for their children and other brothers. As far as Mencius’ famous saying about zhizhong (staying on the middle course between extremes) is concerned, he said: Scholar Yangzi chose to be selfish, never doing anything for others even at the cost of as little as a hair of his. Mozi chose to love all kinds of people indiscriminately, doing whatever he could for the interest of others even without caring he might lose all his hair or walk so far he injures his heel. Zimo chose to do in-between, which is zhizhong, and this is reasonable. However, if pursued without adaptability, zhizhong may turn out to be zhiyi (sticking to a fixed stance without flexibility). Sticking obstinately to a fixed course without knowing where to make changes is against the principle of following the middle course between extremes because it is too obsessed with a single direction and would likely prevent one from seeing beyond.

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This can be understood in two aspects. In one aspect, zhizhong is said to be near the principle of Confucianism. Yangzhu loved himself only, while Mozi had universal love. The former is too selfish without any concern for others; the latter’s love is too broad without gradations of difference. Both are incompatible with the philosophy of Confucianism. In contrast, Zimo, a man of virtue from the State of Lu, proposed to follow the middle course between the two, which is similar to the philosophy of Confucianism. In another aspect, only following the middle course is not exactly what the philosophy of Confucianism means, because it requires adaptability. Without knowing where and when to make necessary changes, one may become dogmatic, which will prevent one from following the middle course in an appropriate manner. In Mencius Variorum, Zhu Xi offers an excellent interpretation about this paragraph. He said: Zimo is a man of integrity from the State of Lu. He knew that ideas of Yangzi and Mozi were partial, and therefore he chose between both. It is near the principle of Confucianism. The character quan means the sliding weight of a steelyard, which is used to weigh the weight of things, here it is used to mean the capability to make changes where necessary. Only knowing to follow the middle course between extremes without adaptability is nothing but zhiyi (obstinacy). Chengzi said: “The meaning of the character zhong (center) is the most difficult to understand, one can hardly grab it without conscientiously learning it from experience. For example, for a hall, the center is the central part; for a home, the center is the main room rather than the hall; for a capital city, the center is not the main room any more but the central part of the city. Following this logic, the meaning of zhong can be understood.” he also said: “One cannot stick to the fixed meaning of zhong, and if one really understands its meaning, one will know that there is always a zhong for everything. There is never a zhong that is fixed in advance. Once fixed, it is not the zhong any more.”12

This is exactly what Mencius meant. According to Mencius, zhong (center or middle) is relative to specific circumstances. Everything has its own zhong. If one wants to follow the middle course between extremes, one must know about the zhong in everything and then be able to take the middle course accordingly. If one believes that there is only one fixed zhong for all things and follows it without knowing where it is necessary to make changes, it is against basic connotation of the original zhong, which is not a fixed thing that never changes. There are different zhong s

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for different things and in different circumstances. So specific analysis must be made of specific conditions, which is the right way to follow the middle course between extremes while knowing where it is necessary to make adjustments or changes. This idea about the concept of zhong is not just a supplement he made to Confucius’ idea of the same concept, but also what he developed on the original concept. Later Confucian scholars often say shizhong (adjusting the middle course one follows at any time if necessary). Mencius’ idea about zhong and quan (to weigh and balance) has elucidatory importance for both ordinary life and political life. Modern professor Wu Xiaoru explained: Being obsessed with following the middle course without knowing where to make changes if necessary is too obstinate, it is in nature the practice of following a single fixed course, which is detrimental to the right course. The so-called “dictatorial work style” or only one person has the absolute say often just grabs one point with the overall situation being ignored. As a result, what the rulers say gives the impression that they would follow the middle course without extremes, but what they do is usually to follow the fixed single course without knowing where to make necessary changes or adjustments. Sometimes they even make serious mistakes without knowing themselves, and they even do not feel sorrow about the mistakes they’ve made. As a result, people suffer a great deal.13

Mencius’ idea still applies today. What Mr. Wu has said is indeed insightful. Xunzi (313–238 BC) was the epitome of the pre-Qin dynasty Confucianism, and can also be said to be the epitome of the various schools of thought before the Qin dynasty. While maintaining the tradition of Confucius, he had absorbed ideas from other schools of thought such as Daoism, the School of Logicians, and the Legalist School. Because of this, his interpretation of the concept zhong is similar to those of Confucius and Mencius, but it is nonetheless a bit different. He said: “Governing principle by virtuous kings is to highlight benevolence, and zhong is the principle by which they do things. What is zhong ? Zhong could find its expression in decorum and morality and justice.” He also said: When doing things, do them if they conform to reason, do not if they are not reasonable, this is called zhongshi (judging whether things are suitable to do); when having something to say, say it if it makes sense, do not if it doesn’t make sense, this is called zhongshuo (making sure what is to be said

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makes sense). What is to do is bad if it does not conform to the principle of zhong; what is to say is bad if it is not in agreement with the principle of zhong.

He interpreted zhong as decorum, which is in line with the original meaning of zhongyong, zhongxing (following the middle course) and zhongdao erli (not go beyond and fall short). However, Xunzi created phrases like zhongshi, zhongshuo, jianshi (bad things) and jiandao (what one says against zhong ), and zhishi (times of peace and prosperity) and luanshi (troubled times) which were compared to emphasize the importance of zhong. What he said about zhong is different from what Confucius and Mencius said in terms of an individual’s morality and behavior. His zhong is more related to political philosophy, which is more similar to Aristotle’s golden mean. This, of course, had something to do with his integration of Confucianism with the Legalist School. Some scholars believe that in the phrases zhongshi, zhongshuo and bizhong erxing, zhong should each be understood as a verb rather than a noun, meaning “being considered as.”14 Such understanding seems incorrect, because if the character zhong is understood as a verb, it will be too far away from the character zhong used by Confucius and Mencius. Xunzi explicitly said: “What is zhong ? It is decorum and morality and justice.” Here zhong is apparently understood as a noun. So the zhong Xunzi talked about is bit different, but it basically conforms to the meaning of zhong that Confucius and Mencius used. Zhongzheng (fair-mindedness) is another phrase created by Xunzi, who said: “A man of noble character chooses an appropriate place to stay and selects a proper scholar to follow in order to avoid being biased or going to extremes. By doing so, he can expect to develop on the right track” (Encouragement to Learning ). The phrase zhongzheng means fair-mindedness, something to do with an individual’s moral integrity, which is a basic requirement for a man of noble character. Such an idea comes from Confucius and Mencius. The phrases Xunzi created also include zhongsheng (harmonious sound) and zhonghe (pleasant and harmonious sound): So The Book of History records political affairs; The Book of Songs epitomizes the sound of zhongsheng; The Rites of Zhou gives prominence to historical institutions; Collection of Yuefu Poems is about the sound of zhonghe. The Book of Songs and The Book of History contain extensive knowledge while

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The Spring and Autumn Annals has insightful thinking. These classics include all knowledge and truth about the world.” (Xunzi: Encouragement to Learning )

Zhongsheng and zhonghe are closely related, meaning pleasant and harmonious sound or voice, which was the basic requirement of Confucianism for music. When talking about music, Confucius used the expression “perfection” to describe what music should be, requiring that music should not just be pleasing to the ears, but also in accordance with the principles of morality. There must be a limit to the expression of emotion, which is the most important. Enjoyment without indulgence and grief without excessive distress is where music should toe the line (The Analects ). Just like other Confucian scholars in the Han dynasty said: “Etiquette is the line the expression of sentiment is not supposed to cross” (Preface to Mao’s Version of the Book of Songs ). This is the example of how Confucianism used etiquette or rules for rites to regulate literature and art, and also an epitome of the Confucian aesthetic ideology in ancient China. Through the interpretations of Mencius and Xunzi, the connotation of the character zhong has become much more extensive, extending its meaning to politics, morality, justice, and aesthetics. As a result, it has occupied an important position as a core concept of values in the discourse of Confucianism.

3 Ideas About Zhong and Zhongyong in Commentary on the Book of Changes and The Doctrine of the Mean The Commentary on the Book of Changes has ten parts, which interpret and expound on The Book of Changes. Many Confucian scholars in ancient times believed that the book was written by Confucius, but modern scholars have concluded that it was a Confucian scholar who did it in the late Warring States period. Among all the pre-Qin classics, this book is the one in which the concept of zhong was used the most frequently, and it has a unique understanding of the character’s meaning. In The Book of Changes, it has it that “those full of vigor are in the middle position, and they are to be held in reverence.”15 Song dynasty scholar Zhang Zai explained: “It means those sages have grasped the wisdom of how to follow the middle course”16 (Zhang Zai’s Explanation of the Book of Changes ). The character gang means being vigorous;

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zhong means honesty and uprightness. This suggests that the hexagram statements were explained with Confucian moral concepts in The Book of Changes, where there are such sayings as, “an upright senior man should be appointed commander of a military force.” In commentary on hexagram xiang, it is explained that the appointment to military command was made because the senior man knew where to toe the line and never to go beyond or fall short.17 In commentary on hexagram bi, there was a saying about doing no harm when asking for a fortune telling. Commentary on hexagram tuan explains: “There is no harm to do so for a long time simply because one has vigor and knows where to follow the middle course.” This is another instance in which the Confucian concept was used to explain a hexagram. Commentary on hexagram tongren goes like this: “In an open field, one comes to agreement with other people, which makes it possible for them to make joint efforts in overcoming difficulties such as climbing over mountains and wading through rivers.” This hexagram was further explained as: “With sound physical constitution and good sense, a man of virtue behaves in accordance with middle course between extremes and is thus easy to get along with others. It is only a man of virtue who is able to know how the will of the people can be converged behind a right cause.”18 The concept zhongzheng refers to a person’s virtues of being upright and selfless as well as never going beyond or falling short. In this instance, Confucian ideas were promoted according to the meaning of the hexagram and the positions of the solid and broken linear symbols making up the eight trigrams. Commentary on The Book of Changes can be described as a branch of learning about the relationship between man and heaven. Comparing what a man does to the natural phenomena of the universe, it mainly gives expression to the spirit of enterprise that a virtuous person is supposed to maintain in making their contributions to the wellbeing of the society. So the character zhong is often used along with such characters as gang (being firm), zheng (upright) and zhi (straight). Compared with the character zhong used by Confucius and Mencius, the zhong in this book is of more manly spirit. One of the hexagrams says: “Heaven is running with vigor, so a man of integrity must learn from it to strive forever for greater achievement.” Another hexagram says: “The earth is solid and broad, so a man of virtue must learn it to have a virtue as solid and broad so that he can be accommodating.” Confucianism insists that a man of virtue should learn from both heaven and earth: to have

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a spirit of perseverance and enterprise just like heaven; to be modest and broad-minded just like the earth. This was the moral quality Confucianism encouraged people to pursue, and also the cultural resources contributing to the concepts of zhong and zhongyong. As one of the classics of Confucianism, The Book of Rites is believed to have been written in the late Warring States period or early Western Han dynasty. It contains a lot of discussion about “rites.” The Doctrine of the Mean is one chapter, which was traditionally believed to be written by Zisi (483–402 BC), grandson of Confucius. Modern scholars, after textual research, believe that some of the chapters is by Confucius’ grandson and some is by Confucian scholars in the middle and late stages of the Warring States period. The ideas of this book are quite similar to those of Mencius, and Mencius learned from one of Zisi’s students. As a result, the ideas of these two texts have long been called the Si-Meng School of Thought in academia. However, this school of thought got short shrift in academic circles for nearly 1000 years from the Han dynasty to the middle of the Tang dynasty (618–907), and The Doctrine of the Mean and Mencius only became an important source of ideas for the Confucian Philosophy of Heart in the Song dynasty (960–1279). In The Doctrine of the Mean, the concept of zhong is significant for both its moral value and philosophical value, having an extensive connotation as far as its ideas are concerned. It states: The emotions of happiness, anger, grief and delightfulness are called zhong (middle course) when they are not expressed. They are called he (harmony) when they are expressed in agreement with the moral principles. Zhong is the very source of all things between heaven and earth while he is the general philosophy of all things between heaven and earth. If zhonghe (middle course and harmony) can be reached, the right position between heaven and earth is found, and all things will prosper.19

The character zhong here is quite extensive in meaning. Literally, it has at least five meanings. First, psychologically speaking, it refers to a state of mind, which may give out all kinds of emotions but none of them are expressed, as they are only in hibernation or their existence is still only a possibility. Such emotions do exist, but people cannot perceive them. It is only when they are expressed that people get to know that they are there. Second, if the emotions of happiness, anger, grief, and delightfulness are manifested, and if their expression conforms to the requirements of

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moral principles, they are called he, which means they do not go beyond or fall short but are entirely appropriate. In other words, he can be considered an externalization of zhong. By using a concept of psychoanalysis, the zhong that is not released can be regarded as being in a state of unconsciousness, which cannot be perceived by people. When the emotions are released within the extent required by moral principles, the character zhong seems to be the awareness that people cannot only perceive, but also bring under control. Third, Confucianism considers zhong as being fundamental for everything between heaven and earth, without it, it is impossible for all things to exist in the world. Fourth, he (harmony), the externalization of zhong, is considered to be the basic principle that all things have to follow for their co-existence. Fifth, if all things followed zhonghe (the middle course and harmony) as a general principle, all things between heaven and earth would be in their element, and all lives would conceive and breed. If anything, the concept zhong has an unconscious existence in a man and is also the materialization of a man’s spiritual value. If the universe is looked at in the same manner, zhong can be regarded as the essence of all things in the universe and the very rule for their co-existence. The above is what The Doctrine of the Mean says about the concept of zhong. But how can that be? As a concept zhong is very subjective in nature, although it also has an objective nature, and a cognitive nature as well. It is also a concept of values. Since it is both functional and noumenal, what is the logic that connects all these meanings? Scholar Kong Yingda explained: Emotions such as happiness, anger, grief and merriment arise because of specific things, and a man has a peaceful mind before such emotions arise. The peace of mind conforms to a universal truth, therefore it is called zhong. When the aforementioned emotions are released but within reasonable range just like salt and vinegar neutralize one another, it is called he (harmony). Human nature is as it is when emotions and desires remain dormant, which is ‘the essence of what is under heaven’. When the emotions and desires are brought forth but controlled within reasonable limits, such truth can be shared universally, then it can be called ‘the universal truth.’ The saying ‘being unbiased and moderate’ refers to what is required of a monarch: If he could behave the way that is required so that there is no chaos between the yin and yang, heaven and earth would

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be where they are supposed to be, and all living things will grow as they are supposed to and everything will be in their element.20

This is how ancient scholars understood what The Doctrine of the Mean said about the concept zhong before the emergence of the Rationalistic Confucian Philosophy, represented by Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi in the Song dynasty. Modern philosopher Lao Siguang said: “The mind in the state of zhong (unbiased) is the manifestation of the very cause for the existence of all things in the universe; the heart in the state of he (peace) is the presentation of the universal principle for all things in the world. If both states of mind and heart can be attained, heaven and earth will be where they are supposed to be, all things of creation will grow and breed as they should.”21 Expressed in a different way though, what he said is almost the same as what Kong Yingda said. However, there is one prerequisite that is necessary for what both said to hold water: Man must stand along with heaven and earth as a natural entity, and there should be a common cause and law for their existence. We will further elaborate on this issue in different aspects, which are as follows. First, that man is an integral part of nature adds multiple meanings to the concept zhong in The Doctrine of the Mean. This is the fundamental way of thinking of ancient Chinese philosophy. That explains why the concept zhong was significant both as the first principle of all things and as the highest attainment of morality and justice. The Doctrine of the Mean tells us that everything man has is endowed by heaven. There is an endogenous association between man and heaven and earth, and changes in the latter two will have an impact on man and what man has done will exert influence on heaven and earth as well. Although the writer of The Doctrine of the Mean did not publicly propose “the mechanic reaction between man and heaven and earth” as Dong Zhongshu did, he never doubted that there was a close association between man and heaven and earth. So, according to the logic of The Doctrine of the Mean, when full play is given to the initiative of man, the operation of heaven and earth will work as it is. The concept zhong (being unbiased and just) not only applies to man, but also applies to heaven and earth. So zhong is a concept of values, and concerns psychology and ontology as well. For man, zhong refers to moral principles, which were the code of conduct for people to abide by in their daily lives. For heaven and earth (nature), zhong refers to physics, or the natural laws by which all things in nature exist. Considering

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moral principles and natural law as an organic whole is a unique feature of ancient Chinese philosophy. This is characteristic of all core concepts of Confucianism such as dao, xing (nature), li (rationale), qi (nothing), and cheng (earnestness), all of which apply to both man and nature. Ancient Chinese philosophers tried hard to look for identical features between man and nature, but turned a blind eye to the differences between them, apparently lacking interest in seeking the truth in this aspect. This is a major difference between the traditions of ancient Chinese philosophy and those of its Western counterpart. Second, zhong is dao. The first chapter of The Doctrine of the Mean says: “What is bestowed from heaven is called xing (nature), the xing that is fully demonstrated is called dao, and the efforts to cultivate such dao are known as jiao (education).” So xing and dao are inseparable. The xing is the zhong that has not been manifested or that is still in dormant within man, and it is bestowed from heaven. When it is in heaven, it is called dao; it is called xing when it is bestowed to humans. Zhu Xi said: “Extreme merriment, anger, grief and happiness are emotions, which are xing when they are not expressed, and they are called zhong if they do not go beyond and fall short between extremes when being manifested. The xing which is endowed from heaven is the most important source of all things. All the reasons are from xing, and therefore it is the very source of dao.”22 Confucius was quoted as saying: “I have finally realized why the dao cannot be realized. It is because those who are clever ask for too much; while those foolish ones do not do enough.” So dao (middle course) means not too much and not inadequate, which is actually zhong (middle course between extremes). Zhu Xi also said that “dao is the very source of heavenly principles, which are also called zhong.”23 So the concepts of xing, dao, and zhong are the same thing, and they have different names because they are interpreted from different angles. When dao is with all things between heaven and earth, it is called dao or heavenly principle; when it is with man, it is called xing, but when it is in dormant and not manifested, it is called zhong (middle course between extremes). When it is with different objects, its way of manifestation is different, but the principle is the same. Man is different from animals and plants as man has drawn aspiration from both heaven and earth. Man has the capacity to understand himself and to reflect on himself, and so man knows that dao (the fundamental principles for the existence of all things) is not only with all other things, but also within the heart of humanity. As a result, man has the awareness to do whatever it can to follow the

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dao and allow full play to the dao so that man’s inner world can match his actions. The Doctrine of the Mean says: “Fulfillment of oneself is called renyi (benevolence and uprightness) while fulfillment of all things is called zhihui (wisdom). The basic characteristics of human nature are to dovetail principles of the human world with those of the natural world, and then the principles can be abided by at any time and for any occasions.”24 Fulfillment of oneself and of all things as well as integration of the principles of the human world with those of the natural world are the core spirits of The Doctrine of the Mean. That explains why Confucianism considers humanity to be an inseparable part of nature. What is the most important is that a person, as a life with self-awareness, conscientiously stays in harmony with the universe. So zhong (middle course) is a different name for xing (nature) and dao (the principle for the existence of all things) and it resides within and demonstrates without. Third, zhong (middle course) is cheng (earnestness) in the context of The Doctrine of the Mean, which means that man and all things are true to their existence. How can that be? First of all, both are causes of the existence of all things between heaven and earth. Zhong is fundamental for all things, and cheng guarantees the entire process of all things’ existence, and everything will come to nothing without cheng. Without zhong being fundamental, all things would not exist. In the same way, all things would not be what they are without cheng. Both are essential for the existence of all things and are in the same category. Second, both refer to man’s state of mind and the spontaneous state of all things. When all emotions are dormant, they are in the state of zhong. Those who have the quality of cheng can reach the state of zhong without being educated, can naturally behave in an appropriate manner, and thus find their rightful place with ease. They are none other than a sage. On the meaning of cheng, The Doctrine of the Mean refers to both the inner world of man and his demonstration of all emotions, believing that cheng is the common quality of humanity and all other things. It is the prerequisite for a person to practice self-cultivation and make necessary efforts at reform so that one will be able to get involved in the efforts to make all things grow in an appropriate manner. The same is true of zhong. In general, The Doctrine of the Mean gives multiple meanings to the character zhong, making it the most important core concept in all the concepts of Confucianism, but it is also the most difficult to understand.

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No wonder Cheng Yi said: “the character zhong is very difficult to understand, and one can hardly get a grip on its multiple meanings unless one thinks about it repeatedly in the practice of Confucianism.”25 These are indeed insightful remarks. The Doctrine of the Mean has two more important concepts derived from the concept zhong: zhongyong (middle course between extremes) and shiyong (middle course for whatever occasions and at any time). Confucius said: “A man of virtue sticks to the middle course between extremes while a mean person does just the opposite. A man of virtue thus never goes beyond or falls short in whatever he does in any circumstances while a mean person knows no rules and scruples.” Zhu Xi said: “zhongyong (middle course between extremes) means impartial and not biased, not too much and not inadequate, and it is an ordinary but universal principle, whose sensibleness is bestowed by heaven and whose nuances can only be understood by a man of virtue. A mean person can never get a grip on it.”26 This means that a well-educated and decent person has the awareness of abiding by the middle course between extremes, and does all things in an appropriate manner, and therefore never crosses the line. An uneducated and indecent person has no scruples at pursuing his interests, and does not know where to toe the line. What such a person does is just the opposite of the middle course between extremes. Then we know that zhongyong means the same with the concept zhong and zhongdao. We will discuss the concept shizhong (middle course for whatever occasions and at any time) in the following paragraphs. Both Commentary on the Book of Changes and The Doctrine of the Mean used the concept shizhong. For example, in The Book of Changes, a commentary on one of hexagrams meng says: “Following a smooth track, one will finally arrive at the right course that conforms to required principles.” The Doctrine of the Mean says: “A man of integrity who has found the middle course between extremes, what he does or says will always agree with the principles at any time and on any occasions.” Zhang Zai had an interpretation about shizhong, which goes as follows: What the concept shizhong is about is significant and extensive. A teacher needs to educate his student according to the changes that happens to him, which will render the education smooth and effective. The character shi here refers to something just like a timely rain to drench all things that are thirsty. If the teacher fails to continue his teaching to further what his student has learned after leading him onto the right course, it is his fault.

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If the teacher continues his tutoring and gives timely instructions so the student gets to grip with the principles and knows where to toe the line, the teacher will succeed.27

Zhu Xi’s annotation goes like this: “Adapt to changes and always make adjustments according to the changes so that the middle course between extremes can be followed in the most appropriate manner.”28 Both interpretations suggest that the concept shizhong refers to finding the most appropriate way to stick to the right course of action despite constant changes. Of course, the right course of action must conform to the moral principles of Confucianism. The character shi refers to specific circumstances or conditions while zhong refers to the appropriate code of conduct. Zhu Xi cited the concept shizhong before giving his interpretation and said: “A man of integrity can have a good command of zhongyong. It is because he has the virtue a man of integrity is supposed to possess, and thus he knows where to make adjustments to stick to the right course of action when changes necessitate it.”29 It is therefore clear that the concept shizhong suggests that the code of conduct cannot remain unchanged, and one cannot deal with any kind of circumstances with a fixed code of conduct. Instead, adjustment must be made to the code of conduct to respond to the change of circumstances or conditions. Here zhong (the code of conduct) is a variable, and it changes with the change of shi. Such zhong is relative to shi, and if shi is different, zhong will have to change accordingly. Different shi has different zhong to correspond to it. A man of integrity can choose the most appropriate code of conduct to suit the circumstances or conditions as they change. As such, shizhong makes it possible for Confucian moral principles to have flexibility to respond to specific circumstances or conditions. It is the combination of zhizhong (sticking to middle course) and quan (adaptability). Zhang Zai had his focus on a person’s self-discipline when talking about the concept of shizhong. He said: “Those who are not selfish can always stick to the right course whatever they say or do” (Enlightenment Through Confucian Teachings ). Scholar Zhang Boyun of the Qing dynasty said: “One who can adapt himself to all the changes of things and behave in an appropriate manner is a man of integrity. Such a person can always abide by what is required by the middle course.”30 Zhang Zai meant to emphasize self-cultivation when he said selfishness: “As long as a person is not selfish, he can always follow the middle course.” What matters are

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not preparations for the changes, but the cultivation of one’s inner world, which makes the difference. This is apparently a bit different from what Confucius and Mencius said. Confucius said: “One may choose to work as an official when the ruler is virtuous and sagacious, but he may choose to stay in seclusion if the ruler is muddle-headed and stupid.” Mencius said: “One may concentrate on the cultivation of one’s moral integrity in adversity, but he should contribute to the society when he rises in the world.” Confucius stressed the importance of adaptation to changes while Mencius stressed that self-cultivation needs to respond to changes. One attaches importance to external changes while the other attaches importance to the cultivation of one’s inner world. Cheng Yi said emphatically: “When one does not have thorough understanding of the dao (fundamental principle) from the inside out, one may be able to come to terms with the middle course by virtue of anticipation and assumption. But it is not supposed to be what is expected of a man of integrity.”31 In The Analects, Confucius used the phrase yize luzhong, referring to assuming what to do to stick to the middle course. Zhu Xi’s annotation to this passage states: “Confucius’s disciple Zi Gong differs from Confucius’ disciple Yan Hui. Zi Gong could not stay satisfied with a simple life to get pleasure from incremental understanding of the dao. But he was knowledgeable and wise enough to assume about the possible changes and make necessary adjustments to stick to the middle course.”32 One cannot fulfill oneself in terms of moral principles unless one cultivates one’s inner world to have a thorough understanding of the principles between heaven and earth. It is never enough to know how to behave in line with the moral principles by virtue of one’s cleverness. This is what Cheng brothers meant. Then how can one get a thorough understanding of the dao (the fundamental principles for the existence of all things)? The Cheng Brothers said: “In learning, the most important is to have thorough command of the language; in studying the dao, the most essential is to know about the timing; in doing things, the most vital is to grasp the essentials.”33 This means there is an association between the dao and shi (timing). Having a thorough understanding of the dao will enable one to get a grip on the right timing and vice versa. The timing is actually part of the dao. So, making timely adjustments in order to follow the middle course in different circumstances conforms to the spirit of Confucian moral principles. There are the principles that cannot be compromised

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and there is flexibility at the same time. What matters is the special wisdom required of a person of virtue. It was not accidental that Confucian scholars before the Qin dynasty attached great importance to the concept zhong and zhongyong. There were primarily three reasons for them to do so. First, Confucianism was meant to transform society and establish a new social order with new values, which were their political goals at the time. However, they had neither power nor wealth, which provided them with no political means. Morality therefore turned out to be the only means they could appeal to. They attached importance to the concepts zhong and zhongyong in order to tell people that they should self-discipline themselves, have moral principles to abide by, and have scruples at doing things. Second, Confucian scholars then were very idealistic, and they considered zhong and zhongyong also as a code of conduct for themselves. They hoped that they could set examples for those kings and aristocrats. They strongly believed that they could fulfill their attainment as long as they adhered to moral principles and the middle course. Third, Confucian scholars followed a pragmatic approach and were against going to extremes. Whether for political ideas or the moral cultivation of individuals, they stood for reasonableness and appropriateness as well as moderation, unlike the schools of Mozi, Daoism, and Legalism. The concepts zhong and zhongyong can be considered as the epitome of their pragmatism.

Notes 1. Zhu Xi (Song Dynasty), Commentaries on the Four Books, Commentaries on the Analects, Yuelu Press, 1987, page 283. 2. Liu Baonan (Qing Dynasty), Correct Meaning of the Analects, Shanghai Book Store, 1936, pages 411–412. 3. Volume 27 of Annotations on 13 Classic Books, Correct Meaning of Spring Autumn Annals and Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, Peking University Press, 1999, page 755. 4. Zhu Xi (Song Dynasty), Commentaries on the Four Books, Commentaries on the Analects, Yuelu Press, 1987, page 103. 5. Ibid., page 213. 6. Liu Baonan (Qing Dynasty), Correct Meaning of the Analects, Shanghai Book Store, 1936, page 294. 7. Qian Mu, New Annotations on the Analects, The Complete Works of Qan Sibin (third volume), Linking Publishing Co., Ltd, 1963, page 226. 8. Aristotle’s Politics, translated by Wu Shoupeng, The Commercial Press (Beijing), 1965, pages 273, 433.

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9. Ibid., page 205. 10. About the Connotation of Confucian concepts zhong and zhongyong and their translations, as well as their differences from Aristotle’s golden mean, please see Roger T. Ames and David L. Hall’s Translation and Philosophical Interpretation of the Zhongyong, translated by Peng Guoxiang, China Social Sciences Press in 2001, pages 20–21, 104–109. 11. Zhu Xi (Song Dynasty), Commentaries on the Four Books, Commentaries on the Analects, Yuelu Press, 1987, page 418. 12. Ibid., pages 510–511. 13. Wu Xiaoru on Mencius, Tianjin Ancient Books Press, 2008, page 189. 14. Wang Tianhai, Annotations and Interpretations of Xunzi, Shanghai Ancient Books Press, 2005, page 280. 15. Lou Lieyu, Annotations and Interpretations on The Book of Changes, Zhonghua Book Company, 2012, page 33. 16. Zhang Zhai’s Explanation of The Book of Changes, see Ding Yuanming, Introduction to Zhang Zhai’s Explanation of The Book of Changes, Qilu Press, 2004, page 69. 17. Lou Yulie, Annotations and Interpretations on The Book of Changes, Zhonghua Book Company, 2012, page 34. 18. Ibid., page 54. 19. Zhu Xi (Song Dynasty), Commentaries on the Four Books, Commentaries on the Analects, Yuelu Press, 1987, page 25. 20. Kong Yingda (Tang Dynasty), Correct Meaning of The Book of Rites (Book Two), Shanghai Ancient Books Press, 2008, pages 1989–1990. 21. Lao Siguang, New Annotation and Explanation of The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean, The Chinese University Press, 2002, page 44. 22. Zhu Xi (Song Dynasty), Commentaries on the Four Books, Commentaries on the Analects, Yuelu Press, 1987, page 26. 23. Ibid., page 28. 24. Ibid. 25. Writings of the Cheng Brothers (Book One), Zhonghua Book Company (Beijing), 1981, page 214. 26. Zhu Xi (Song Dynasty), Commentaries on the Four Books, Commentaries on the Analects, Yuelu Press, 1987, page 27. 27. Zhang Zhai’s Explanation of The Book of Changes, see Ding Yuanming, Introduction to Zhang Zhai’s Explanation of The Book of Changes, Qilu Press (Ji’nan), 2004, page 66. 28. Zhu Xi (Song Dynasty), Meaning of The Book of Changes (Book One), The Central Compilation and Translation Press, 2010, page 39. 29. Zhu Xi (Song Dynasty), Commentaries on the Four Books, Commentaries on the Analects, Yuelu Press, 1987, page 27.

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30. Selected Works of Five Confucian Scholars of the Song Dynasty compiled by Zhang Boxing (Qing Dynasty), The Commercial Press (Shanghai), 1935, page 43. 31. Writings of the Cheng Brothers (Book One), Zhonghua Book Company (Beijing), 1981, page 601. 32. Zhu Xi (Song Dynasty), Commentaries on the Four Books, Commentaries on the Analects, Yuelu Press, 1987, page 185. 33. Writings of the Cheng Brothers (Book One), Zhonghua Book Company (Beijing), 1981, page 320.

CHAPTER 2

Zhong and Zhongyong in the Context of Confucian Classics as the Dominant Ideology

Abstract Different from the Warring States Period when various states were at war for sphere of influence and dominance, Han Dynasty was a united country. Confucianism became the dominant ideology out of various schools of thought. Against such background, Confucian scholars, on the one hand, sought political legitimacy for the dynasty’s rule by interpreting Confucian classics, and on the other hand, tried to make a “loose cage” to circumscribe the power of the monarch. Their interpretations of the concepts zhong and zhongyong had a lot to do with such thinking for the establishment of a state ideology. Keywords Confucian classics · Scholar Dong Zhongshu · Debates of the White Tiger Hall · Discourses That Hit the Mark · Discourse on the Optimal

1 Interpretations of Zhong by Dong Zhongshu and Yang Xiong In the newly-founded Han dynasty, under the first Han emperor Liu Bang, intellectuals gradually lost the freedom they once enjoyed to roam among different states. Having no right to choose a ruler they were © The Author(s) 2020 C. Li, Zhong and Zhongyong in Confucian Classics, Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5640-1_2

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willing to work with, their ambition and enthusiasm “to be a teacher of a monarch” was greatly compromised. Should they want to make a career in politics, the only choice was to cooperate with the Han dynasty emperor, becoming an official in the Han court. Yet, they still considered themselves the carriers of the dao (moral values) and continued their efforts to contribute to the establishment of social order and values according to their own wills. Scholar Dong Zhongshu was characteristic of such intellectuals. Dong Zhongshu (179–104 BC) was a well-known thinker of the Western Han dynasty. He put forward the famous “Three Policies for Heavenly Man,” suggesting to Emperor Wudi that “Confucianism be established as the dominant ideology out of various schools of thought” and his proposal was adopted. His Luxuriant Dew of The Spring and Autumn Annals is a book of political philosophy. Besides expounding on the value of the moral principles and ethics of Confucianism, he talked about “the correspondence between man and heaven and how an emperor should govern his country.” He proposed the phrase zhongshi zhiyi (do things according to the right principles). He said: If what an emperor thinks does not conform to the right principle, he will lose the needed support for what he does, and if he loses such support, he will not succeed. If he does not succeed, he cannot attain what he wants to achieve. Then he will give up his responsibility, which will make it impossible for him to set a good example for his subordinates. Then he will have to make up for the loss with political finesse, which will then lead him astray from the right course. Then there will be no justice and fairness, which will result in political and social instability and the people will be disoriented. And finally the governance by the emperor will be messy and the ruler himself will be defamed for lack of moral integrity.1

What this paragraph intends to say is that an emperor must govern by following the right principle, or else he will lose control of his country. The Chinese phrase zhongshi zhiyi means “govern according to the right political principle.” Dong Zhongshu exhorted the emperor to keep in mind his responsibilities and obligations and to govern according to the way a ruler should follow. It is apparent that Dong inherited the concept zhong and zhongyong from pre-Qin Confucian scholars. But, he had his own interpretations and made it a principle or standard for emperors to follow.

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In order to have his Confucian ideas adopted by the emperor, he put forward the idea that there was a “correspondence between man and heaven,” believing that there was a mysterious relationship between the secular world and the sun, the moon, clouds, rain, and thunder in heaven. There would be corresponding reaction in heaven to what an emperor does, he believed. So what a person does, and what an emperor does in particular, will have a corresponding reaction in astronomical phenomena. What a person does must positively correspond to heaven and earth. The same is true with what an emperor does, and with health care as well. Dong received the ideas of the Yin-Yang School, believing yin and yang are the basic elements active through all things between heaven and earth, which explains why there is correspondence between heaven and man. His interpretation of zhong was within the framework of yin and yang and the relationship between heaven and man. Dong wrote: zhong is the beginning and end of heaven and earth while he (harmony) their growth and maturity. He is the acme of moral integrity and zhong the zenith of reason and justice. And zhong is the highest moral principle and justice that a sage is supposed to abide by. The Book of Songs says: “Neither too strong nor too weak, governing a country in a moderate manner.” Is this the same as zhong and he? Those who can govern a country with zhong and he must be of moral integrity, and those who take care of their health with zhong and he will live a long life. A man of integrity learns from heaven and earth, to which he attached importance. Heaven and earth have yin and yang the same as humans are male and female. Male and female are the same as the yin and yang of heaven and earth. Yin and yang can be called male and female and vice versa. Zhong is the application of heaven and he its effect. He is the zenith of all dao between heaven and earth. So enough importance must be attached to qi (energy for yin and yang ) for the growth of all things.2

In the opinion of Dong Zhongshu, the creation of all things comes from the converging of yin and yang. Zhong is the state in which yin and yang are balanced, and he is the state when the qi (energy) of yin and yang mingles together. The running of heaven and earth starts from zhong and ends in zhong, and all things between heaven and earth come from the intermingling of yin and yang. Therefore, zhong, as the balanced state of yin and yang, is the right course throughout the universe and human world; he as the state when yin and yang are intermingled is the principle for the creation of all things between heaven and earth. If an emperor

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governs in the spirit of zhong and he, his governance will be a great success. If a person takes care of his or her health in the same spirit, he or she will live a long life. In The Doctrine of the Mean, there is a saying that “zhong is the very fundamental principle under heaven.” But there was no explanation about this. Dong Zhongshu clarified this question through the relationship between yin and yang. Zhong was explained as the balanced state between yin and yang, which was the basis for the existence of all things between heaven and earth. From this angle, it is reasonable to say that “zhong is the very fundamental principle under heaven.” Dong Zhongshu’s understanding of zhong and zhonghe (middle course and harmony) marked a development from the idea of “merging of the internal and external dao (principle)” in The Doctrine of the Mean, and made it more detailed and precise. The difference was that Dong Zhongshu did it primarily for regulating and circumscribing what a monarch could do. Yang Xiong (53–18 BC) was a well-known Confucian scholar in the Western Han dynasty, who had the ambition to parallel the previous sages in the pursuit of learning. With The Analects as an example, he wrote The Analects of Rules, and he wrote Supreme Mystery modeled on The Book of Changes. For him, zhong was also an important concept. Look at the following conversation. Someone asked: “All music conforms to the five tone musical scale and twelve tone equal temperament, why is some called fine music and some music of the State of Zheng (bad music)?” He answered: “That conforming to zhongzheng (the middle course and justice) is fine music, and that giving free rein to personal emotions is the music of the State of Zheng.” Someone asked further: “What are the fundamentals of music?” He answered: “From huangzhong (the first of the twelve tone equal temperament) come the five tone music scale and the twelve tone equal temperament, and if the mind of zhongzheng is used to make it harmonious, the fine music will be solid enough to prevent the interference from the music of the State of Zheng.”3 What Yang Xiong said above about the five tones (wusheng ) and twelve tone equal temperament (shierlu) refers to musical scale and pitch, which were musical terms in ancient China. Ya refers to fine music, a kind of court music originating from the Western Zhou dynasty, which was passed from dynasty to dynasty; zheng refers to the music of the State of Zheng, also known as new music (xinsheng ), which was actually folk music developed in the State of Zheng and the State of Wei during

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the Spring and Autumn period. Both were composed of the five tone scale and twelve tone equal temperament, so why were the two types of music different? Yang Xiong maintained that fine music was music that expressed sentiments and emotions in an appropriate manner, which were termed in Chinese as zhongzheng. In the “Preface” to Mao’s Version of the Book of Songs, it is put this way: “It is natural for man to have emotions, but the expression of emotions must be within the bounds of etiquette.” In the words of Confucius, the requirement is: “expression of enjoyment without being licentious, and of grief without being hurtfully excessive.” In general, there must be a limit to the degree of how emotion is expressed in music, and it must be expressed in an appropriate manner. Such a requirement for music was actually necessary as far as Confucianism was concerned. As an idealistic moral requirement of Confucianism, zhongzheng means to not go beyond or fall short. As the fundamental principle of Confucianism, zhong is everywhere. This principle must be abided by in personal behavior and in political affairs as well. As Yang Xiong said: “As far as the principle a sage is supposed to abide by is concerned, what he does can be compared to the sun exactly at noon time, if he does not do enough, it is like the sun that does not reach the noon time and thus it is not bright enough; if he has gone too far, it is like the sun that has gone beyond the noon time, it has slanting beam of light.” Whether it is about personal affairs or about natural things, zhong refers to the exact ideal state. “The same is true of political affairs. A tax rate of 10 percent on agricultural produce conforms to zhong. A tax rate of more than 10 percent on agricultural produce is as cruel as what despotic Emperor Jie of the Xia dynasty did, while a tax rate of less than 10 percent on agricultural produce is like what the uncivilized people do” (The Analects of Rules ).

2

Interpretations of Zhong and Zhonghe in Debates of the White Tiger Hall

Liu Xiu, the first emperor of the Eastern Han dynasty (6 BC–AD 57), and his several successors attached importance to learning Confucian classics. As a result, the study of the pre-Qin Confucian classics and the study of post-Qin Confucian classics witnessed unprecedented development. However, because of different traditions, different methods by different teachers, and different rules, there were serious disagreements in

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the understanding and interpretation of the connotations of the Confucian classics between the school advocating the pre-Qin Confucian classics and the school advocating the post-Qin Confucian classics. There were also disagreements within the same school. In the fourth year of Emperor Hanzhang (79 BC), court officials and important scholars gathered at the White Tiger Hall to discuss the differences in the interpretations of the five ancient classics including The Book of Songs, The Book of Changes, The Book of History, The Book of Rites and The Spring and Autumn Annals. The discussion was meant to unify the understanding of the five classics between the two schools of thought. Thanks to the participation of the emperor himself and his important court officials, the book, Debates of the White Tiger Hall, was not just the result of an academic debate, but was about an official ideology, which was meant to stabilize and strengthen the existing social order. Such leading scholars as Jia Kui, Ban Gu, and Ding Hong were at the discussion. Emperor Hanzhang gave the order to Historian Gan Bu that what had been discussed be compiled into a book, which was Debates of the White Tiger Hall. This book merged the ideas and values of the monarch with those of the literati and was the epitome of the official ideology at the time. As a result, the interpretation of the concepts zhong and zhonghe in this book had more political overtones rather than those of morality and justice. For example, the book says: Who were the five emperors? The Book of Rites said that they were Huangdi (Yellow Emperor), Zhuanxu, Diku, Diyao and Dishun. Yellow was a mild and harmonious color of natural quality and its color would never fade. The political system the Yellow Emperor initiated was in keeping with the spirit of middle course and harmony, and so it could last forever. That also explained why the initiator of such political system was called the Yellow Emperor.4

The five emperors were legendary monarchs in remote ancient times, and ruled even before the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties, and they were held in very high esteem as virtuous monarchs by Confucian scholars. The Yellow Emperor (Huangdi), as the first of the five, is regarded as the first ancestor of the Chinese nation. In the opinion of Confucian scholars in the Eastern Han dynasty (25–220), the Yellow Emperor was so-called because the color yellow tallied with zhong and he. Of course, it was because of the contributions the Yellow Emperor had made to the

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development of China’s political culture, and therefore the color of yellow was used as part of his title as the first emperor of the five. Debates of the White Tiger Hall says: The political system the Yellow Emperor initiated would never change as it conformed to the principle of the middle course and harmony (zhongzheng pinghe). However virtuous emperors of later dynasties were, they would never be able to parallel the Yellow Emperor. With moral integrity and virtue, monarchs of later dynasties could be called an emperor, but they could never enjoy the title of the Yellow Emperor.5

Establishing a legal code and norms for human relations that distinguished humans from animals were indeed the greatest feat, for which Yellow Emperor must be given the most distinguished color of the five colors for his title. Scholar Chen Li quoted Gist of Historical Institutions as saying: “Yellow is a beautiful color that represents middle course and harmony. Conveying the virtue of heaven, it is thus mild and nice and therefore regarded as the most respectable color.”6 It is therefore clear that zhong and zhonghe (central harmony) are the basic characteristics of the historical institutions and norms for human relations that were not supposed to change. Yellow was first said to be the color symbolizing zhong and zhonghe, and then the political system the Yellow Emperor created was said to be based on zhong and zhonghe. That explained why the system could last forever. Therefore, zhong and zhonghe turned out to be the basis of the legitimacy of the existing political system. In the opinion of Confucian scholars, it was because the historical institutions and norms for human relations created by the Yellow Emperor and developed by later emperors of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties conformed to the principle of zhong and zhonghe that China became what it was. “Instead, those neighboring foreign countries stayed in different geographic environment and had different customs. Their historical institutions and norms for human relations did not accord with zhong and zhonghe, and therefore it was impossible for them to be educated with China’s rites and thus neither was it possible for them to be subjected to China’s leadership.”7 These are, of course, one-sided arbitrary remarks.

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3

Elucidation on the Concept Zhong in Discourses That Hit the Mark and Discourses on the Optimal

Most emperors were incompetent and muddle-headed in the late years of the Eastern Han dynasty. The court was under the control of either relatives of an emperor’s wife or mother or under the control of eunuchs, and power was abused. The study of Confucian classics pursued two directions: very detailed textural research, and theologization. The dynasty was declining rapidly. At the end of the Eastern Han dynasty, China was in chaos and different warlords established their own regimes, which dealt a heavy blow to the mainstream ideology of Confucianism. Some scholars and scholar-officials sought shelter from warlords to develop their own careers, some indulged themselves in writing poems and essays from which to seek spiritual satisfaction, and some absorbed themselves in Daoism to seek spiritual solace. The study of Confucianism was declining. However, against such a historical backdrop, a scholar stayed on his own course to study Confucianism and wrote his own book, Discourses That Hit the Mark, to interpret the theory of Confucianism. In this text, the spirit of the Confucian concepts zhongzheng and pinghe could be carried on. In terms of the development of Confucianism, what this scholar did deserves respect. He was Xu Gan (179–219), one of the seven most well-known literary figures known as the “Seven Literary Figures of Jian’an Period.” Why was this book named Discourses That Hit the Mark? What was it about? A preface by an unknown person at the time provided answers: He is indeed a respectable talent as he has carried on the tradition of zhongzheng and pinghe and stuck to the moral principles and virtue observed by sages. As far as what he does is concerned, he always hopes to make up for the deficiency with the surplus. When most literary figures are competing with each other to write belletristic poems and essays, lacking any aspiration to give publicity to moral principles, to carrying on the right course of Confucianism, to seek the virtue of the previous sages and to give awakening calls to those muddle-headed, he made up his mind to give up writing poems and essays, and instead to write this book containing 20 essays.8

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This book was meant to carry on and enhance the Confucian principles of zhongzheng and pinghe and awaken people’s awareness of these moral principles to turn around the trend of moral degeneration. What Xu Gan meant by referring to zhong was for people to abide by rites and principles of justice, and as far as morality was concerned, people should be upright and moderate. He said: “There were no sages to establish institutions several hundred years after Confucius died. The rites and codes of conducts established by emperors Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, Zhou in previous dynasties were gradually lost in oblivion. The great Dao (fundamental principles) was in decline, and the norms for human relations were yet to be established.”9 He was referring to propriety, righteousness, honesty, and shame, which were cardinal Confucian virtues, when he talked about zhong for the norms for human relations. It was obviously about moral principles. He also said: “Observing rites established by virtuous kings and abiding by the norms of rites and justice are what an official-scholar is supposed to do.”10 This means that “an official-scholar” besides working for the emperor or king must follow the principles of rites and justice required of Confucian scholars. He said: “Being respectful, cautious, honest, and deferential are the forms of the six classical arts; being balanced, harmonious, fair, and upright represent the spirit of the six classical arts.”11 The six classical arts include rites, music, archery, riding, writing, and arithmetic, which were cultural forms created in ancient times. In the opinion of Xu Gan, being respectful, honest, and deferential are what a man of integrity trained in the six classic arts is supposed to be. The spirit of the six classical arts is expressed through the middle course beyond extremes. This is what was expected of a man in terms of morality. Yet, under the reign of an emperor or king and his bureaucratic institutions, how a monarch behaves made a great difference to social justice and fairness as well as political justice. What Xu Gan meant was to regulate the behavior of the monarch so that he could do the right things according to what Confucian moral principles require of him. “So the previous monarchs governed by listening to right opinions and showing enough tolerance and conforming to the middle course beyond extremes without losing self-restraint.”12 Requiring a monarch to be fair in meting out rewards or punishments and sticking to the middle course beyond extremes, Xu Gan was issuing a political appeal.

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In the more than 300 years from the Three Kingdoms period to the Western Jin and Eastern Jin dynasties and then to Northern and Southern dynasties (220–589), transition was frequent from one dynasty to another with repeated interruption of wars. Dark Learning, poem-writing, prosewriting, music, chess, calligraphy, and painting dominated the spiritual life of scholars and scholar-officials. The study of Confucianism was given a cold shoulder. Confucianism did not receive much attention until the Sui dynasty (581–618) was established when the country was united. Confucian scholars had aspirations again to reinvigorate Confucianism, and Wang Tong was representative of such scholars. Wang Tong (584–617), also known as Wenzhong Zi, was a Confucian scholar with great ambition, expecting to become a sage. Imitating Confucian classics, he wrote books such as Sequel to the Six Classics, Preface to the Book of Songs, Classic of History, Classic of Rites, On Music, and Elegy to the Book of Changes, but almost all were lost. His Discourse on the Optimal (Zhong Shuo) was compiled by his disciples in imitation of The Analects. Explaining the name of the book and what it was about, Yuan Yi, a Confucian scholar in the Song dynasty (960–1279), gave a profound description in the preface he wrote for the book: The meaning of zhong is great. It referred to the second and fifth lines of the Eight Trigrams in The Book of Changes; It referred to the criteria to tell good from bad in The Spring and Autumn Annals; it referred to huangji (prestige of the emperor and standards for meting out rewards and punishments) of the nine articles in The Book of History; and it referred to the middle course between extremes in The Book of Rites. If it is described as having no shape, it is not zhong; if it is said to have only image, it is not zhong either. It is neither baseless empty talk nor a method for doing a specific thing. It exists in all changes, and is present where morality and justice exist. This is the basic spirit of zhong. This is all that this book is about.13

Zhong is neither the nothingness that cannot be traced anywhere, nor a specific form of existence. Instead, it changes all the time, but it always conforms to the norms for human relations. This is what Discourse on the Optimal is about. Yuan Yi was right. This book was full of criticism of the corrupt politics and the loss of morality and justice at the time. What the book expressed was none other than the Confucian spirit of justice, balance, and harmony, which made it possible for a man of integrity to

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behave in a way that never goes to extremes. “He can be mild and pleasant but never fawn on anyone, and he is upright but observes propriety all the time” (Discourse on the Optimal ). When putting forward suggestions to a monarch, “he is straightforward, but never coercive; is tactful in his rhetoric, but never insulting” (Discourse on the Optimal ). On the relationship between heaven and man, he attaches more importance to man. “It is none other than man that stands between heaven and earth.” The spirit of Confucianism advocated by Zisi and the Mencian school of Confucianism was fully reflected in Wang Tong’s book.

Notes 1. Su Yu (Qing Dynasty), Annotation on Luxuriant Gems of The Spring and Autumn Annals (volume 16), Zhonghua Book Company (Beijing), 1992, page 290. 2. Ibid. 3. Yang Xiong (Han Dynasty), Zhonghua Book Company (Beijing), 2012, page 36. 4. Cheng Li (Qing Dynasty), Annotations and Explanations on Debates of the White Tiger Hall, Zhonghua Book Company (Beijing), 1994, page 53. 5. Ibid., page 70. 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid., page 318. 8. Anonymous writer (Han Dynasty), Preface to Discourses That Hit the Mark, see Xu Gan Discourses That Hit the Mark, The Shanghai Ancient Books Press, 1990, page 3. 9. Ibid., page 26. 10. Ibid., page 30. 11. Ibid., page 20. 12. Ibid., page 47. 13. Ruan Yi (Song Dynasty), Preface to Discourse on the Optimal, see Wang Tong Discourse on the Optimal, The Shanghai Ancient Books Press, 1989, page 11.

CHAPTER 3

Zhong and Zhongyong in the Discourse of the Li School of Confucianism by Zhu Xi and the Cheng Brothers

Abstract As far as ideology and culture were concerned, Buddhism prospered in the Tang dynasty, and as a result, Confucianism suffered setbacks. Since the middle of the Tang dynasty, a group of Confucian scholars, with Han Yu as the most prominent one, made efforts to boost Confucianism but failed to completely turn the tide. In the Northern Song dynasty, a large group of Confucian scholars continued the efforts by Han Yu and his fellow scholars to work on the connotations of Confucianism with regard to resisting the influence of Buddhism. Finally, the Song and Ming dynasty ideological system of the Li School of Confucianism was established. Having carried on and developed the Confucianism of Zi Si and Mencius school in Pre-Qin period and the spirit of Commentary on the Book of Changes, the new school of Confucianism had drawn on Taoism and Buddhism. It was indeed a new Confucianism. The connotation of zhong and zhongyong was extended. Keywords Li School of Confucianism · Zhang Zai · Cheng Brothers and Zhu Xi

Almost every first-class scholar in the Song dynasty had the ambition to become a great sage. The Gist of Confucian Thought by Zhou Dunyi, one of the five most well-known Confucian scholars in the early Northern © The Author(s) 2020 C. Li, Zhong and Zhongyong in Confucian Classics, Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5640-1_3

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Song dynasty, was meant to teach scholars how to cultivate themselves into sages. Commentary on the Book of Changes, The Doctrine of the Mean, and Mencius were extremely important to the Li School of Confucianism in the Song and Ming dynasties, whether it be the Li School of Confucianism of Zhu Xi and the Cheng Brothers, or the Philosophy of Mind of Wang Yangming and Lu Jiuyuan. The three books were as important as the five classics (The Book of Songs, The Book of Changes, The Book of History, The Book of Rites and The Spring and Autumn Annals ) and The Analects. The elucidation on the concept of zhong in Commentary on the Book of Changes and The Doctrine of the Mean exerted profound influence on Daoism.

1 The Connotation and Significance of Zhong and Zhongyong in the Context of Scholar Zhang Zai’s Cosmology Zhang Zai (1020–1077) was one of the five most well-known Confucian scholars in the Northern Song dynasty. Among all the scholars of the Li School of Confucianism, he contributed the most to the elucidation of cosmology and the relationship between man and heaven. He said: People lump and jumble together Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism when they cannot come to realize that yin and yang are the basic law that governs the running of heaven and earth and the relationship among heaven, earth, and man. When it comes to the fundamental law of heaven and earth and that of life, they fall into either illusions or absurd narratives or mysterious guessing that being comes from nothing. Being misled by hearsay or baseless exaggerations, they fail to find the right path for the cultivation of their moral character.1

He also said: “Only by observing zhong and zheng (justice) can the fundamental principle be established, and this explains why a man of virtue sticks to a just and balanced stand. By abiding by the principle of justice and harmony, one will know where to toe the line; and then one will be able to enhance the fundamental law for everything.”2 One tends to confuse Confucianism with Buddhism when one fails to understand that zhong or zhongzheng is none other than the basic law governing heaven, earth and man, the manifestation of which is the balance between yin and yang. In the case of confusion over this, a person tends to fall into illusion

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or nihilism. When one can follow zhong, he will be able to get a grip on the basic law of the universe as he knows where to toe the line. Then he will have a vision beyond immediate interest. Since zhong is described as the basic law concerning the operation of heaven, earth, and the universe, and it is not just limited to the human world, then how is the relationship between man and the universe? In the opinion of Zhang Zai, man should comply with the natural operation of the universe. He said: Man’s development of the spirit cannot be sought after but can only be cultivated in a gradual manner; arbitrary efforts are not supposed to be made for the nature’s creation and development of all things, what man can do is to follow the law of nature. Cultivating one’s soul will gradually result in the development of one’s moral character and comply with the changes of all things and then one will be able to conform to the middle course between extremes at any time without being biased. This is the acme of humanity and justice.3

He believes that man should never try to interfere with the natural operation of heaven and earth, rather he should follow the natural development of all things, and at the same time behave in a most appropriate manner all the time. That is where benevolence and virtue are supposed to be accomplished to their utmost. The Doctrine of the Mean says: “Cultivating one’s own character to the full will enable others to do the same; enabling others to cultivate their own characters to the full will make it possible for the nature of all things to develop to their attainment; Enabling the nature of all things to do this will be conducive to the growth and changes of all things between heaven and earth, and then one can thereafter turn out to be the third one after heaven and earth.” Zhang Zai apparently carried on and developed this thinking. Zhang Zai was deeply interested in learning which “integrates the internal law with the external law.” He said: “Getting to know dazhong (the fundamental law of nature) as the zenith that man’s moral character can hopefully reach is the final destination of knowledge. Choosing to follow the middle course between extremes and persisting in doing so is the way to reach that final destination. Only by knowing how to learn can one exert oneself to make progress, and only by doing one’s best at learning can one hopefully

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continue to make progress all the time.”4 Dadao and dazhong mentioned above are fundamental laws for the universe and human society, and they are the destination that only sages can hope to arrive at. For ordinary people, only by following the middle course between extremes and doing their best in their study with perseverance can they gradually get near to that height. In his interpretation of the concept zhong, Zhang Zai synthesized the conceptions in The Doctrine of the Mean and Commentary on the Book of Changes. In his text, The Western Inscription, he said: “Heaven is like man’s father, and earth his mother; man is insignificant between both. What is between heaven and earth are our bodies; what governs the operation of heaven and earth is our nature. All people under heaven are my brothers, all animals in the world my friends.”5 The connotations of the concept zhong are not limited to the sphere of morality and norms for human relations, as far as Zhang Zai’s understanding is concerned; it is the natural law for man and the universe. In the preface to his Enlightenment Through Confucian Teachings, Zhang Zai’s disciple Fan Yu precisely summarized his thinking: What Enlightenment Through Confucian Teachings means is to establish the fundamental principles of justice and balance. The operation of all heavenly bodies, the reproduction of all things on earth, the lights from the sun and the moon, the mystery of ghosts and gods, the vagaries of wind and clouds, the running of rivers, the understanding about the law of all things, the harmony between human relations, all of these depend on the fundamental principles of justice and balance. Anything going beyond and falling short of this principle are all heresies.6

This principle is just the fundamental law governing the existence of both man and nature.

2 The Position of Zhong and Zhongyong in the Mind Philosophy of the Cheng Brothers The brothers Cheng Hao (1032–1085) and Cheng Yi (1033–1107) are representative figures of the Li School of Confucianism of the Song dynasty. They are commonly known as the Cheng Brothers. They are the Confucian scholars who enhanced the Mind Philosophy of Confucianism.

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The Doctrine of the Mean says, “Emotions of pleasure, anger, sorrow, and joy that are not expressed are called zhong, and those that are manifested in an appropriate manner are called he (harmony).” Cheng Yi had an explanation of this quote: This chapter clarifies the rationale of zhonghe and its effectiveness. Emotions that are not released are man’s original state of mind. Such a state of mind has no problem of going beyond or falling short. Zhong is considered the fundamental principle because it represents man’s original state of mind. With such a state of mind, if one behaves in accordance with rules, it is called he. Departing from zhong, man can hardly establish himself, and departing from he, one can hardly do things in a right way. So zhong and he are the fundamental principles for all that man does. Should everyone gives fullest play to zhong, he would be able to contribute to the accumulation of zhong between heaven and earth; the same is true with the principle of he. In that case all things will be in good shape, and all things will prosper.7

Cheng Yi understood “emotions that are not expressed” as “the original state of mind,” which is none other than human nature. During the Song and Ming dynasties, the Li School of Confucianism carried on Mencius’ saying that “man is good by nature.” They believed that the original state of mind as human nature is good, and therefore cannot go beyond or fall short. With the cultivation of one’s moral character and efforts for self-improvement, such human nature will be able to develop to the full, and then it will dovetail with the law of nature. As a result, heaven and earth will have their right place and all things will prosper. This means that man has applied his wisdom to the great process of nature to get all things in their own elements. This is a good command and elucidation of the essence of The Doctrine of the Mean. Since zhong refers to emotions that are not expressed, how can we command it? This is a problem. In the opinion of Cheng Yi, there is nothing that can be said about this zhong. Look at the following dialogue: Someone asked: “Can we seek zhong before the emotions of happiness, anger, sorrow and joy are expressed?” Cheng answered: “No we can’t. If you want to seek zhong before the emotions of happiness, anger, sorrow and joy are released, you’re thinking; if you’re thinking, the emotions must have already been manifested and then they are in the state of he rather than in the state of zhong.” Someone asked: “Scholar Lü once said: ‘Zhong should be sought after before the emotions of happiness, anger,

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sorrow and joy are released.’ If we believe in such saying, there will be no way for us to do it, What shall we do?” Cheng answered: “It depends on how and on what kind of conditions Scholar Lü said that. If he refers to self-cultivation which can be done before the emotions of happiness, anger, sorrow and joy are expressed, he is right; if he really means to seek zhong before such emotions are manifested, he is wrong.” Someone asked further: “Scholars should use restraint to control their feelings when the emotions of happiness, anger, sorrow and joy are expressed, but what can they do before the emotions are released?” Cheng answered: “How can one seek zhong before the emotions are expressed? There is no way one can. What one can do is to cultivate one’s mind. Having devoted oneself to the cultivation of the mind for a long time, one will be able to conform to required rules when his emotions of happiness, anger, sorrow and joy are expressed.”8 This means that zhong cannot be the subject of thought, for introspection, or for any soul searching because once one’s thinking approaches zhong, it has already become he rather than being inner-mind movement. That is to say, zhong cannot be talked about. One cannot deliberately look for zhong. Then how do we know that zhong is there? In accordance with what Cheng Yi said, self-cultivation is important, and efforts must be made to consider what one feels in life with a view to cultivating one’s moral character and fulfill oneself. One will then gradually realize the importance of doing things in a way that never goes beyond or falls short. Finally, one will be aware of the potential in one’s inner world, and such potential is zhong. In other words, zhong is a name given to something dormant that cannot be talked about. That explains why Cheng Yi said: The emotions of pleasure, anger, sorrow and joy are called zhong before they are expressed. What is there when such emotions are not released? It can only be called zhong. For example, qian of the Eight Trigrams means robustness, but there is qian in every one of the Eight Trigrams, yet not every one of the Eight Trigrams means the same as qian. However, all other trigrams are within the robustness of qian. In the same way, zhong exists in everything under heaven. When what is in potential expresses itself in a way that conforms to the principle of morality and justice, it is called he. This is not to say that he is not zhong, but it means when something reaches the state of he, zhong is already part of that he.9

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To be exact, the zhong that was referred to above is none other than a non-existence, which is only in one’s mind. Then it is meaningless to seek meaning from it. As far as the zhong that is released is concerned, it does not exist in man only, but in all things, and it is part of he. If it is couched in modern philosophical terms, zhong can be considered as the possibility or potential for the normal growth and development of all things. For man, it can be considered as the possibility of becoming a man of virtue. It can also be considered as an endogenous quality that makes all things what they are, and the same endogenous quality that makes man what he is. So zhong is nothing but nature. Man and all other things follow such endogenous quality to develop or evolve, the result of which is called he. If anything, the so-called zhong and he, along with all interpretations about both, are about how man and all other things become what they should be. The standard for what they should be is naturally the Confucian traditional outlook on the universe and man. It goes without saying that abiding by the moral principles of Confucianism was what zhong and zhongyong are intended to emphasize. For example, the Cheng Brothers said: “zhong means no bias or no deviation from the middle course, and yong means no change. Zhong is the most correct principle and yong the most stable principle.”10 They said: “Being dignified and prudent without indiscretions is what is called zhong before the emotions of happiness, anger, sorrow and joy are expressed. Only being dignified and prudent cannot be called zhong, and being dignified and prudent without indiscretion is the way that conforms to zhong.”11 Hence, zhong is understood as the Confucian principle for morality and justice. Here, rather than a concept of ontology, zhong becomes a concept closely related to values and norms for human relations. It can therefore be sought after with retrospection and abided by with persistence. The Cheng Brothers said: “What an ordinary individual harbors in his mind is human desire, which is unstable and dangerous; what a man of integrity has in his mind are heavenly principles, which are too subtle to seek after. Therefore, it is of great importance to be absorbed in learning and practicing the principles. With absolute devotion and dedication, one may hopefully get a grip on zhong, which is the most desirable state.” Zhang Boxing, a scholar of the Qing Dynasty, said: “The so-called zhong refers to a best and stable state, a bit more will make it go beyond, a bit less will make it deficient. It is the state of perfection.”12 The so-called heavenly principles are actually the morality and justice of Confucianism,

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although they can be understood literarily as the principles of nature. They are called to consecrate them. In line with the logic of the Cheng Brothers, if a man neither goes beyond nor falls short in what he does, he has followed exactly the principles of zhong (morality and justice). As a result, the value of zhong has been realized in what has been done. Therefore, there is no need to ask what zhong is in man’s mind. This is usually the way Confucian philosophers prevent people from seeking after the metaphysical thinking of the concept zhong, with realistic concern for morality and justice. In The Doctrine of the Mean, zhong is characterized by the heaven– man dualism. On the one hand, zhong has a lot to do with man’s self-cultivation, involving individual values and belonging to the sphere of morality and ethics. On the other hand, zhong is the fundamental way for all things between heaven and earth, and it exists in everything, belonging to the sphere of cosmology and ontology, and it is an objective existence. Confucian scholars in the Song dynasty carried on such thinking of dualism. Lü Dalin, a brilliant disciple of Zhang Zai and the Cheng Brothers, said: The mandate of heaven is nature, that is zhong; self-cultivation to achieve the way is yong (stability). And zhong is where the way comes from, and yong is the standard established according to the way. Zhong is the fundamental law of heaven, earth and the nature, and it falls on man, who has got its destiny thanks to it. So man’s destiny is the same with the way of heaven. Yet, thanks to the limitations of the flesh, it is impossible for man to not have desires, which distinguish man’s nature from the natural principles of heaven and earth. Man’s nature cannot arrive at the state of zhong (balance) and he (harmony) when its desires are released. If efforts are made to guarantee that man does not lose the nature he has gotten from heaven and earth, is there any need to worry about the failure to reach zhong and he?13

Lü Dalin was Zhang Zai’s student at the beginning, and he turned to the Cheng Brothers later. However, on the question of zhong, he was more influenced by Zhang Zai, and as for the relationship between heaven and man, he preferred the idea of “zhong coming from heaven.” His opinion can be understood in the following three aspects.

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First, zhong is the way of heaven or virtue of heaven, and it belongs to the universe in nature, and has nothing to do with man. Man comes into existence thanks to the zhong it receives from heaven. This means that zhong is by and of heaven, at the same time it is zhong that makes it possible for man to become what he is. Second, zhong not only contributes to bringing forth man, but also stipulates what man should be, or gives the endogenous factors that shape what man should be. Therefore, zhong exists in man ever since he was born. Yet thanks to man’s physical existence which gives rise to human desires, the zhong from heaven presents itself differently when released— some may come out as he (harmony), and some may not. That explains why there are good and bad people. Third, when zhong from heaven and earth is bestowed on man, it is man’s nature, which is actually man’s sentiments such as sympathy, sense of shame, modesty, and sense of right and wrong. It is the possibility of man’s sense of morality and justice. In other words, zhong is the fundamental law of heaven, and xing (nature) is the fundamental law of man. Both are identical to each other. “As far as external form is concerned, they are different; yet they are the same in nature.” His understanding of zhong integrates the ideas of Zhang Zai and the Cheng Brothers. Lü Dalin sometimes preferred “zhong of man,” which was advocated by the Cheng Brothers. He said: Man reflects on them when the emotions of happiness, anger, sorrow and joy are not yet expressed, why is that? The Book of Changes says: “Mind is in absolute peace, and it will get in touch with the rationale of all things under heaven once it is triggered off by external things.” The Analects says: “No subjective conjecture, no arbitrary decisions, no stubbornly persisting in one’s opinion, and never considering oneself as infallible.” Mencius said: “A man with moral integrity can keep his heart as innocent as the one of a newborn baby.” What do these sayings mean? Modesty is the sole way to reach the state of zhong. Modesty is not zhong, but the vehicle through which the state of zhong can be reached. If one has his mind filled with personal desires, he will unable to reach the state of zhong.14

Although he still talked about zhong between heaven and man, his emphasis was on zhong in terms of man. He emphasized that zhong was endogenous to man, and it was natural for it to exist in man and be expressed by man. If a person could keep his mind free from personal desires, what he did would conform to the requirement of zhong, then

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he would reach the state of he. So emptiness is the pre-condition for getting zhong. Emptiness here refers to a mind free from all selfish desires and intentions. In contrast, “solidness” refers to a mind filled with selfish desires and intentions. Emptiness makes one’s original mind transparent, which makes it possible for zhong to establish there. Confucius’ “four no’s” and Mencius’ “innocent heart of a newborn baby” are meant to explain that a person can regain one’s original mind of zhong through one’s own efforts.

3 Zhu Xi’s Interpretation of Zhong in the Framework of Noumenon and Application Zhu Xi carried on the tradition of The Doctrine of the Mean and Daoism in the Northern Song dynasty in his analysis of zhong, which he described as being the point where heaven and man converge. Specifically speaking, he talked about the zhong in The Doctrine of the Mean and the zhong from zhonghe separately. When he talked about the zhong from The Doctrine of the Mean, he said: “zhong means impartial, no bias, not excessive and not inadequate.” When talking about the zhong from zhonghe, he said: “When emotions of happiness, anger, sorrow and joy are not released, man’s nature remains unbiased and impartial, it is called zhong. When emotions are expressed within reasonable limit and in line with propriety without eccentricity and ruthlessness, it is called he.”15 This is the same as the sayings of Confucian scholars in the Northern Song dynasty, and there is nothing different from interpretations by the Cheng Brothers and Lü Dalin. He outshined his predecessors by using the theory of tiyong (noumenon and application) to explain the meaning of zhong. Tiyong was an important term in ancient Chinese philosophy. Ti refers to the inherent decisive factor of things, which cannot be discerned by any of the sense organs, but it decides in what shape or form things exist. Yong is the external manifestation of things, and is the expression of ti. Ti and yong are closely related and can never be separated. Zhu Xi said: “The inherent quality bestowed by heaven is the most important source, from which come all principles and reasons under heaven. It is the noumenon of the way. Following the inherent quality is the general path to the way. All principles and reasons follow the inherent quality, which is manifestation of the way.”16 Scholar Zhao Shunsun quoted Zhu Xi as saying: “Zhong that is not manifested is called ti, and zhong that is manifested is called yong.”17 In the opinion of Zhu Xi, the zhong as ti refers to all the

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emotions that are dormant and yet to be manifested, and the emotions of pleasure, anger, sorrow, and joy are not in motion and therefore they are in the state of being neutral. Thus, they are called zhong. The zhong as yong refers to the line one must toe when one’s emotions are manifested, and keeping to this line, the emotions manifested are not abused. As it is the manifestation of the zhong that had yet to be manifested, this zhong has the quality of ti, and so it is about both ti (noumenon) and yong (application). The difference between ti and yong is the same as the difference between transcendentalism and empiricism. The zhong as ti is in the state of not being manifested, and therefore it is impossible to perceive it in any physical form. Thus, it is transcendental. The zhong as yong can be abided by through introspection and self-observation, and as self-discipline, it is empirical. On this basis, Zhu Xi made distinctions between the concepts of zhong, zhongyong and shizhong. Let’s look at the following conversation between Zhu Xi and his students. His student asked: “The book is named Zhongyong (The Doctrine of the Mean), which refers to the state of not being biased and impartial, not going beyond and not falling short. The meaning is not complete without containing both aspects. In principle, there is a zhong that is not manifested. But the book says: ‘emotions of pleasure, anger, sorrow and joy that are not manifested are called zhong,’ later on, it says: ‘the zhongyong observed by a man of virtue means he can always keep himself in the best state despite the changing circumstances.’” Zhu Xi said: “It is so named because the zhong it talks about is shizhong (zhong that changes to adapt to changing circumstances). It is because zhong is there that a man of integrity can adapt himself to the changes to keep himself in the most appropriate state. That explains why the book mentions zhong that is not manifested in the first place and then the zhong that is expressed.” His student asked: “There are two zhongs, one is the zhong that is not manifested, and the other is the zhong that can always stay in the middle course by adapting to changing circumstances.” Zhu Xi said: “The Doctrine of the Mean is about the zhong that can always adapt to changing circumstances. But this zhong is there because there is the zhong that is not manifested. That explains why the latter zhong is talked about later on.” Zhu Xi said: “The zhong in The Doctrine of the Mean refers to the state of not going beyond and not falling short, and the most important thing is this zhong can always follow the middle course by adapting to changes of circumstances. This zhong develops from the zhong, from

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which the emotions of pleasure, anger, sorrow and joy are not released. The zhong that is not manifested is noumenon, and the zhong that can adapt to changes is the manifestation of the former zhong. Zhong has the connotations of both zhong and he.” Zhu Xi said: “The zhong in zhongyong has two meanings, one is to be in line with propriety, and the other is the state of not being excessive and inadequate. That explains why scholar Zhou Dunyi said: ‘Zhong refers to he and tong (harmony and unity) and it also means to be in line with propriety. It is the most general principle in the world.’ You can’t understand what scholar Zhou is talking about unless you get to know the meaning of zhong. That explains why scholar Cheng Yi said: ‘zhong is the most correct principle under heaven.’”18 Zhu Xi’s explanation was more precise and clearer than his predecessors and his theory was easier to understand when he explained the two meanings of zhong with ti and yong. In his opinion, the zhong of zhongyong and the zhong of shizhong (zhong in changes) are talked about in terms of yong (use or application). Only the zhong that is not manifested and is considered as the fundamental law of all things under heaven is elaborated in terms of ti (noumenon). The zhong as yong is not mysterious at all, and it refers to moral principles, the Confucian principle of morality and justice for people to abide by in their daily lives. The zhong as ti refers to the fundamental law for the existence of heaven, earth, and nature, and it is “the law of heaven”; for man, it is “the nature of man.” It sounds a bit hard to understand, but it is not. Why can all things grow and prosper? Why can people lead their lives and get along with each other according to the principles of morality and justice? There must be an innate law for all these, and zhong as ti is that fundamental law. In other words, the zhong that is not manifested and considered as the fundamental law of all things under heaven is the name Confucian thinkers gave to the endogenous force for the existence and growth of all things as they are, including man. Zhu Xi’s interpretation is thorough. Expositions about zhong, zhongyong and shizhong by Confucian scholars were about norms for human relations as well as morality and justice. What they talked about is the zhong that has been manifested. Regarding function only, there was no need to study the zhong that has not been manifested. However, with the development and popularity of Buddhism in the Sui and Tang dynasties, Confucianism was forced to seek academic legitimacy for the norms for human relations and morality and justice it had advocated. As

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a result, Confucianism turned from the study of texts and theories to the philosophy of mind. The zhong that is not manifested turned out to be an important topic for Confucian scholars in the Song and Ming dynasties. In the context of the Li School of Confucianism, zhong (sometimes understood as balance) and xin (mind or heart), xing (nature), cheng (earnestness), and liangzhi (conscience) belong to the same ontological category on the same level. Along with other categories, such as jing (respect), si (thinking), hanyong (meditation), and tiren (observation), they constitute the main content of the philosophy of mind of Confucianism.

Notes 1. Zhang Zai (Song Dynasty), Enlightenment through Confucian Teachings, Zhonghua Book Company (Beijing), 1978, page 8. 2. Ibid., page 26. 3. Ibid., page 17. 4. Ibid., page 27. 5. Ibid., page 62. 6. Ibid., pages 5–6. 7. Writings of the Cheng Brothers (Book Two), Zhonghua Book Company (Beijing), 2006, page 1152. 8. Writings of the Cheng Brothers (Book One), Zhonghua Book Company (Beijing), 2006, pages 200–201. 9. Ibid., pages 180–181. 10. Writings of the Cheng Brothers (Book Two), Zhonghua Book Company (Beijing), 2006, page 100. 11. Writings of the Cheng Brothers (Book One), Zhonghua Book Company (Beijing), 2006, page 44. 12. Selected Works of Five Confucian Scholars of the Song Dynasty compiled by Zhang Boxing (Qing Dynasty), The Commercial Press (Shanghai), 1935, page 173. 13. Chen Junmin, Collection of Lv Brothers’ Works with Annotations, Zhonghua Book Company (Beijing), 1993, page 271. 14. Ibid., pages 273–274. 15. Zhu Xi (Song Dynasty), Commentaries on the Four Books, Commentaries on the Analects, Yuelu Press, 1987, page 26. 16. Ibid., page 26. 17. Zhao Shunsun (Song Dynasty), Doctrine of the Mean with Annotations, East China Normal University Press (Shanghai), 1992, page 118. 18. Zhu Xi (Song Dynasty), Classified Conversations of Master Zhu Xi (Book Four), 1985, pages 1480–1481.

CHAPTER 4

Zhong and Zhongyong in the Discourse of the Philosophy of Mind

Abstract The philosophy of mind is a branch of the Li School of Confucianism in the Song and Ming dynasties. Lu Xiangshan, Chen Baisha, and Wang Yangming were representative scholars. They believed the dualist structure of heavenly principle and human nature in the Li School of Confucianism was not enough, believing mind commanded everything. They believed “no reason and principle outside one’s mind, no worldly affairs outside one’s mind, no objects outside one’s mind.” In their opinion, zhong and zhongyong are a state of mind, and are not an objective existence. For scholars Chen Xianzhang and Wang Mingyang, the significance of zhong and zhongyong was to enhance the idea of mind commanding everything. For the left wing of the Philosophy of Mind, zhong and zhongyong was meant to standardize the behavior of monarchs. Keywords Chen Xianzhang · Wang Yangming · He Xinyin

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From Chen Xianzhang to Wang Yangming

Chen Baisha, also known as Chen Xianzhang (1428–1500), was a wellknown scholar of Confucianism in the middle of the Ming dynasty. In a letter, he said, “Zhong is the utmost of all reasons under heaven. Zhong has no fixed self, and it can always adapt to be in the most appropriate © The Author(s) 2020 C. Li, Zhong and Zhongyong in Confucian Classics, Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5640-1_4

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state. The most desirable state of a peaceful mind is zhong.”1 In his opinion, zhong is the most universal and basic reason or principle, which does not refer to any specific object but can be in the most desirable state of appropriateness at any time and for any occasion. Why is that? One cannot find the criteria anywhere else but in one’s own mind. In other words, zhong is where the mind is in its element. Here, zhong does not have the naturalness of being something in heaven as it is. Wang Yangming explicitly suggested that zhong was in a person’s mind. He said, “Man is good in nature, so morals and conscience are intrinsic. Conscience is the zhong that has not been manifested, and it is therefore the universal and most fundamental noumenon. It is the intuitive knowledge that everyone has.”2 In this context, zhong is conscience, and it is also noumenon, and a state of mind. It is not moral values themselves, but it is the fundamental reason for all moral values, and is the source of all good. Liangzhi (conscience) was the core category for Wang Yangming. Zhiliangzhi (constant search for conscience) and unity of knowledge and practice are the core of Wang Yangming’s philosophy of mind. The phrase liangzhi (conscience) comes from Mencius, who said: “The capability one possesses without learning is liangneng (inborn capability); the knowledge one possesses without thinking is liangzhi. There is no child who does not know that it should love its parents, and there is no child who has grown up to not know that it should respect its elder brother.” Regarding this, Zhu Xi explained: “Liang is inborn good. Cheng Zi said: ‘Liangzhi (conscience) and liangneng (inborn capability) come from nowhere but heaven, rather than from man himself.’”3 This means liangzhi (conscience) is the intuitive moral compass of man. Can morality be inborn? Mencius believed in “born good,” suggesting that morality can also be inborn. Xunzi never said anything about liangzhi because he believed that “man was born bad.” The zhong that has not been manifested, according to Wang Yangming, is liangzhi. He then established a connection between liangzhi and to “be born good.” Thus, the zhong that has not been manifested is no longer non-existent, because it has a foundation. But there is another problem: What is the relationship between the zhong that has not been manifested and the one that has been expressed? Zhu Xi used ti and yong to explain it. Did Wang Yangming have his own explanation? Let’s look at what he said: “The zhong that has not been manifested is contained in the zhong that has been expressed, but the former is not an independent existence within the latter. The zhong that has been

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expressed is contained in the zhong that has not been manifested, but the former is not an independent existence in the latter either. Things may be in a dynamic or static state, but being dynamic or static is not the quality that distinguishes one thing from another.”4 What he means is that the zhong that has been expressed and the zhong that has not are two sides of one coin. The zhong that has not been manifested within the zhong that has can only be understood as implying that the former zhong has been turned into the latter. As far as the zhong itself is concerned, both zhongs accommodate each other, but we can never say that there is part of the zhong that has not been manifested in the zhong that has. As for the zhong that has been expressed within the zhong that has not, it can only be understood that there is the possibility of the existence of the zhong that is to be expressed in the zhong that has not been released. In this case, both zhongs do not accommodate each other; the zhong that has not been expressed is only likely to transform into the zhong that has been manifested. Both cannot co-exist at the same time, but can only turn from one to the other. In other words, the relationship between the two is that between stillness and motion. There is the possibility of motion within stillness, and vice versa. There is neither absolute stillness nor absolute motion in the world. Wang’s analysis of the relationship between the zhong that has been manifested and the zhong that has not is excellent. The Cheng Brothers often let those who encountered difficulty in learning sit still. Chen Baisha also considered sitting still as an important method of self-cultivation, hoping that “something could be achieved by sitting still.” Then, is this sitting still the zhong that has not been manifested? We may ask such a question. Wang Yangming’s disciples had the same question. Let us look at the following conversation. His disciple asked: “If someone has a peaceful mind, is such a state the zhong that has not been manifested?” Wang Yangming said: “Now people cultivate themselves just to control their mood. Peaceful mind means being in a stable mood, and it cannot be said to be the zhong that has not been manifested.” The disciple asked: “Even if it is not that zhong, is a mind in peace the effort trying to seek zhong ?” Wang Yangming said: “As long as the unreasonable desires are removed and the mind is filled with heavenly principles, that is the right way of self-cultivation. When the mind is in peace, one may always think of maintaining heavenly principles and eradicate human desires; but he can also think of the same when his mind is in turbulence. Whether one has a peaceful mood is not important. If a peaceful mind has turned out to be a prerequisite

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for self-cultivation, one may come to love quietness and hate activeness, and that there may be some danger in hibernation during self-cultivation and therefore unreasonable human desires will not be eliminated. Such desires will arise when something undesirable happens. If heavenly principles are followed during self-cultivation, one will naturally have a peaceful mind. Instead, if seeking a peaceful mind has turned out to be the priority or purpose, one will not necessarily be able to abide by the heavenly principles for self-cultivation.”5 Wang Yangming’s answers above are indeed insightful, and make a breakthrough beyond the Cheng Brothers and Chen Xianzhang. His understanding of zhong has distinguished the Philosophy of Mind from Buddhism and Chan, and from Daoism as well. Quietness is not the destination of self-cultivation and neither is it the effective means, since quietness can only bring all kinds of desires under control temporarily. As long as the desires are still there, they will resurface once there are right conditions. Only the notion of “keeping heavenly principles and eliminating human desires” in one’s mind all the time will make it possible for the state of zhong to be realized. For this notion will remind one of doing things in line with rites and rules, and with this notion, self-discipline in terms of moral principles will take root in the end. In the context of the Li School of Confucianism, the saying “maintaining heavenly principles and eliminating human desires” is not as dreadful and unreasonable as some have imagined. In line with the logic of zhong and shizhong in Confucianism, “human desire” refers to an overdose of desires and care for self-interest in specific circumstances. Only reasonable demands in similar circumstances are compatible with heavenly principles. For example, when a person can only have a steamed bread for that day’s food in a community, if someone wants to have fish and meat instead, his demand is excessive because of his unrealistic desire. If a person can have a kilogram of fish and meat for food each day in a community, his demands for enough fish and meat are compatible with heavenly principles. If a person asks for more food when his parents cannot have enough to eat, he is too selfish and what he manifests is his “human desires.” When he asks for more food after his parents already have had enough to eat, his demand is not excessive and agrees with heavenly principles. So “human desires” and “heavenly principles” are about whether a specific behavior is reasonable or not under certain conditions. Hence, doing things in a reasonable manner and knowing where to toe the line are the basic requirements of zhong and zhongyong.

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Of course, Confucian norms for human relations and moral principles were the criterions to judge whether what one does was reasonable or not at the time. Wang Yangming’s opinion is clear: Don’t bother about whether zhong is manifested or not, what is important is that one should always remind oneself to make sure one has self-discipline and does things in a reasonable manner and does not give free rein to one’s desires. Then he has met the requirement of zhong and zhongyong. Then what kind of state is supposed to be in accord with the “heavenly principles,” or zhong ? Let’s look at the following conversation between Wang Yangming and his disciple Xu Cheng: Xu Cheng asked: “Ordinary people can hardly completely command the original essence of zhong and he. Someone may feel happy or angry for a minor thing. He does not have the notion whether he should be happy or angry for a minor thing until it occurs, but he still knows where to toe the line when expressing his emotions when he feels happy or angry, can that be called zhong and he?” Wang Yangming answered: “For a specific occasion or behavior, if one behaves in accordance with the right principles, we may call it zhong and he. But such zhong and he are not the zenith of their manifestation. Human nature is the absolute good. So zhong and he are with everyone, how can we say that someone does not have both? However, ordinary people’s hearts are often eclipsed by selfishness and desires. So even if zhong and he are often realized to be there, it is often the case for one to be clear-headed one moment and muddle-headed the next. As a result, the original zhong and he are only partially manifested. Only when one does everything according to the principles of zhong can one have the original zhong manifested in the broadest manner. Only when one does everything compatible with he can one reach the zenith of the way. Only the utmost degree of earnestness can lead to the acme of zhong and he.” Xu Cheng asked: “I still cannot understand the meaning of zhong.” Wang Yangming said: “Zhong cannot be expressed in language, but can only be realized with one’s heart. Zhong means heavenly principles.” Xu Cheng asked: “What are the heavenly principles?” Wang Yangming said: “One can only realize the heavenly principles when one is free from all selfishness and human desires.” Xu Cheng asked: “Why are the heavenly principles called zhong ?” Wang Yangming answered: “Because the heavenly principles are impartial and not biased.” Xu Cheng asked: “What is the state of being impartial and unbiased?” Wang Yangming said: “It is like a clean mirror that has no dust at all.” Xu Cheng asked: “So being partial and biased

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is like a mirror full of dust. If someone has lust for women, fame and wealth, then he is contaminated by dust. But if someone has not gotten in touch with women, fame and wealth, how can we tell he can be partial and biased?” Wang Yangming said: “Even if a person does not get in touch with women, fame and wealth, we can say that he has the tendency to have lust for women, fame and wealth unless he never has any notion about such lust. As long as there is the possibility that he has a notion about such lust, we can’t conclude that he is impartial and unbiased in his heart. For example, a person has contracted malaria, he is a sick person even if his malaria does not act because the malaria has not been eliminated and is still with him. Only if a man has all his lust for women, fame and wealth eliminated and there is no possibility for the lust to resurface will one have a heart as crystal clear as water, then he gets to know about heavenly principles. Such state is the zhong when the emotions of pleasure, anger, sorrow and joy have not been manifested, the zenith of zhong.”6

What has been said above has three meanings that are closely related. First, zhong and zhonghe are not a whole, and they manifest differently with different people. Zhong is xing (nature). Since man is born good, zhong and the he that is related to zhong are with everyone. Yet, for ordinary people, zhong and he can only be manifested on some specific occasions or matters. Only a few people can do everything in accordance with the requirements of zhong and he, reaching the zenith of zhong and he, and they are sages. Second, zhong is nature, the heavenly principles, which is a basic theory of Zisi and the Mencian School of Confucianism. Both scholars believed that man and heaven are an entirety, and the fundamental way is in both. It is called li or heavenly li (heavenly principles) as far as heaven is concerned; it is called xing (nature) as far as man is concerned. Man’s task is to integrate the internal and external way through self-cultivation so that he will be able to fulfill the development of himself, help fulfill the development of others, and help fulfill the development of heaven and earth. Third, why can the heavenly principles also be called zhong ? It is because the heavenly principles are impartial and unbiased, and they represent the unity between what originally is and what should be. The same is true with zhong. Then, how can one attain zhong and get hold of the heavenly principles? Wang Yangming and Zhu Xi had different opinions on this issue. Zhu Xi maintained that one should study in practice to constantly accumulate one’s knowledge, in this way one would be able to finally get hold

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of the heavenly principles. It is a process for the accumulation of knowledge. Xunzi once said: “Accumulate good deeds to achieve virtue and one will finally be as wise as a god.” (Xunzi) Zhu Xi believed that an earnest attitude must be maintained to seek the core value of the heavenly principles. Both talked about accumulating knowledge or good deeds to have a good command of the heavenly principles. Wang Yangming maintained that, “Human desires must be eliminated before one has thorough understanding of the heavenly principles.” On this issue, Wang Yangming’s opinion was similar to Daoism. Laozi said: “To study every day, one will increase one’s knowledge and information on daily basis; to seek Dao, one’s wisdom will decrease on daily basis until one can do nothing, doing nothing means one can do everything.” (Laozi) Zhuangzi said: “Ruining one’s healthy limbs, giving up one’s sharp ears and eyes, transcending one’s physical body and abandoning one’s wisdom to be integrated into the Grand Way” (Zhuangzi). Laozi and Zhuangzi were doing subtraction. In Wang Yangming’s opinion, if one can have a thorough understanding of all kinds of human desires—selfishness and unreasonable demands on specific conditions—he will naturally come to recognize the heavenly principles. It is because the heavenly principles are deep in one’s heart, and they are only temporarily eclipsed by one’s unreasonable desires and selfishness. In the opinion of Daoism, one’s limbs, cleverness, wisdom, and so on are presentations of one’s selfishness, and one can hardly return to the natural state of doing nothing and realize the integration with the Grand Way unless one has all the selfish desires eliminated. Wang Yangming’s ideas are indeed somewhat similar to those of Daoism. In the middle and latter half of the Ming Dynasty, Wang Yangming’s philosophy of mind became popular, and came to be known as “Left Wing of the Wang School of Confucianism.” Having received ideas from Buddhism and Daoism, they made breakthroughs in traditional Confucianism, strongly criticizing the hypocrisy of scholar-officials. They were critical of Confucian ethical codes. They also had new understanding of the core Confucian concepts zhong and zhongyong. We will next look at what scholar He Xinyin thought of zhong in the context of “Left Wing of the Wang School of Confucianism.”

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2 About A Comparative Study of Zhong by He Xinyin He Xinyin (1517–1579) studied with scholar Wang Gen’s student. Wang Gen was the initiator of the Taizhou School of Confucianism. He Xinyin studied with scholar Yan Jun. He had radical ideas and was considered heterodox and was executed after he offended the authorities. He wrote a very radical article about zhong, which says: Emperor Yao felt worried when he could not get a successor like Emperor Shun, and he was concerned that very few people could follow zhong without deviating from it. Emperor Shun was worried that he could not get a successor as good as Emperor Yu. He was anxious that very few could attain zhong and commit himself to it. One who could commit himself to zhong must have no concern for personal interest and therefore could devote himself to zhong. Everyone has a mind, but only those who wholeheartedly devote themselves to zhong can finally reach the way. Bounded by human desires, people can hardly command their lives with moral principles and an ethical code. Selfishness makes it impossible for an individual to fulfill himself, and also makes it impossible to have a good monarch deserving the respect of his subjects. People as such are no different from animals. It is not that human desires are reduced, and neither is it that aspiration for the Dao increases. Aspiration for the Dao will surface when human desires shrink. And human desires will prevail when the aspiration for Dao becomes weak.7

In an explanatory paragraph from The Book of History, it says: “What is inside a human heart is dangerous; the inner world of a Daoist is elusive; the only right approach is for one to have his heart absorbed in a particular thing and never deviate from zhong.” Although this part of The Book of History was said to be written by Confucian scholars in the Warring States period, it had a great impact on the ideas of Confucian scholars in later dynasties. This paragraph was considered the “Sixteen Chinese Character Gist” for the Li School of Confucianism in the Song and Ming dynasties. What scholar He Xinyin said was primarily intended for emperors. The Gist mainly contains the following meanings. First, what emperors Yao and Shun worried about the most was the difficulty in finding a successor who could commit himself to following zhong. In He Xinyin’s opinion, zhong was not only a set of moral values, but also a political virtue. Second, people have the same heart, but what makes

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a difference is whether renxin (human desires) or daoxin (aspiration for Dao) will prevail. Just as Mencius said, the principle of aspiring for good must be established within one’s heart. With this principle, one has something to abide by. This is daoxin. Renxin makes one vulnerable to desires or unreasonable demands, and in that way, man is no different from animals. Daoxin or zhongxin (aspiration for good) not only commands one’s behavior, but also has an impact on the general public, making it possible for them to become people of virtue. What He Xinyin emphasized was that an emperor must have the aspiration to do good, must be free from selfish desires and adhere to justice, which was important for his governance. However, it is very difficult for aspiration for Dao to prevail because human desires are directly related to interests, which have a strong luring power. For the aspiration for Dao to prevail, one has to restrain one’s desires, which is not easy to do. He Xinyin said: Aspiration for Dao is too grand to hold on to. It can be strong sometimes, but it can be weak and very difficult to present itself in a stable manner. Human desires are very realistic and easy to be with, but they can be contradictory, bring about conflict in one’s heart and make one feel uneasy. Human desires are turbulent while aspiration for the Dao is hard to get hold of. What can one do about this? Great Emperor Yao had an insight into his own inner world, finding that zhong was stable enough to prevail even if one’s inner world is in turbulence. Zhong is the core of one’s inner world, the same as one’s physical body standing between heaven and earth. Zhong dominates one’s body. Aspiration for the Dao functions as a guide for people, and such guidance is zhong.8

What he wanted to say is that a human heart that is good is important, yet the existence of a good heart is not clear, but rather subtle and difficult to get hold of. The human heart that is haunted by desires is humble but easy to surface. What shall we do to make it possible for the heart for good to prevail while the heart for desires sinks into oblivion? Emperor Yao in remote ancient times set a good example of having a clear understanding about and control over his own inner world. By so doing, one may bring one’s desire under control so that the heart for good will prevails. If one can do that, one’s heart will always be in the state of zhong, which will make the heart for good prevail all the time. With such a heart, zhong will always be there to help one pursue the grand way.

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The heart for good he talked about refers to self-discipline. He wanted to emphasize how important it is for people to learn from the example of the ancient emperors who had self-discipline. Different from his predecessors such as Zhu Xi and Wang Yangming, whose academic studies focused on the theoretical logic of the Philosophy of Mind, he talked about how an emperor should exert self-discipline to set a good example. His essay, A Comparative Study of Zhong, was meant to tell how an emperor should behave. In his opinion, how an emperor could control his desire and selfishness and do good for the general public was key to the peace and prosperity of a society. Yet, the emperors of the Ming dynasty at the time were muddle-headed and lacked governing capability, and the court was controlled by eunuchs or powerful officials, with whom most scholar-officials were unsatisfied. They hoped that the emperor could bestir himself and tighten up court discipline. He Xinyin’s opinion reflected their appeal. He further wrote: Emperor Yao became a monarch because of his compliance with zhong. Monarch here also means zhong (the middle), which is just like a heart that is in the middle of a human body. Zhong is in the middle of a heart and that is why it is so called. Zhong here also means to be impartial, which suggests a monarch must be impartial. Earnestly following zhong requires that a monarch must sincerely guide his own heart. Then he will be able to command the hearts of his subjects. A monarch who is supposed to follow moral principles is in the middle of heaven and earth and must follow zhong in an earnest manner. A monarch may feel puzzled by the turbulence of the human heart and by the obscurity of daoxin. He will have to consult a sage when he cannot walk alone out of the puzzlement. The sage has the same opinion as the monarch: People should follow the middle course in an earnest manner. As a monarch is in the middle of heaven and earth, he should have the respect of his subjects, and only then people will be salvaged from the uneasy hearts, and obscurity of the aspiration for the good will be cleared up. Then people will be cultivated and orthodoxy enhanced.9

He Xinyin had an imagined monarch in mind, who followed moral principles to the letter. A monarch was zhong because he functioned in his country as the heart functions in a person. As a heart commanded a person, a monarch commanded his people under heaven. So a monarch was the heart of his people, according to He Xinyin. Heart is the zhong

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(the center) of a person, zhong (the middle course) is the center of a person’s heart, and that is why zhong (the middle course) is socalled. Only zhong can guarantee fairness and impartiality. A monarch is supposed to do that and so he is supposed to be zhong. The Book of History says that the heart of a monarch must follow the grand way. Then the monarch can lead his people to follow the same path. It is never enough for a monarch to be a person of virtue for himself only. As a monarch is supposed to be in the middle between heaven and earth, he must follow the middle course. His heart may be led astray by human desires and his aspiration for the good may be eclipsed, in which case he needs help from other people to lead him back to the middle course. The efforts of both the monarch and his people are necessary to prevent the society from being overfilled with human desires. He Xinyin wanted to emphasize that it was important for a monarch to follow the middle course, and at the same time, it was necessary for his court officials and people to rectify the ills of the monarch. Ancient scholars have had a strong conscientiousness since the pre-Qin period that they had the obligation of making the monarch a sage, who could do an excellent job as a ruler to bring about peace and prosperity for his people. He Xinyin shared this conscientiousness. In his opinion, the interests of the monarch and his people were the same, and they should be an entity. He wrote: Heaven is above, earth is below, and man in the middle. Man is what he is thanks to the monarch. A monarch can’t be a monarch unless he is in his right position. Court officials and people are what they are because of the ruling of the monarch. The Chinese character Jun (monarch) can also mean being equal, and it also means staying together. For a monarch, court officials and people have the same status. A monarch of the flesh is like a heart, a monarch of the physical body is like a head, court officials and people all have flesh and physical body and so they have both hearts and heads. Therefore, court officials and people have their own monarchs, which is supposed to be zhong.10

What he said means that man is between heaven and earth. Man is what he is thanks to the governance of a monarch. A monarch is what he is because he has the position of a monarch. Court officials and ordinary people are also monarchs as the character jun also means “being equal” and “the masses.” All court officials and ordinary people are the masses under the monarch, and they become an organized crowd in an equal and balanced state because of the monarch. As far as a person’s whole body

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is concerned, his heart is the monarch; for a person’s limbs, his head is the monarch. Everyone has a physical body and limbs, so everyone has a monarch. The monarch here means zhong. An analogical way of thinking was used to describe the complicated relations here. It might also be called an “association way of thinking,” which may be strange to Westerners. Yet, what He Xinyin wanted to express is clear. For a man, his head or heart is the zhong, and for a country, a monarch is the zhong, which is described as “the fundamental principle under heaven” in The Doctrine of the Mean. He Xinyin had his own political interpretation of zhong, which is the core concept of Confucianism, with a view to establishing a code of conduct for rulers at the time, to realize his dream of being “a teacher of the emperor.” The concepts such as zhong and zhongyong had very important positions in the ideology of Confucianism. As a matter of fact, the core concepts zhong, dao, xin, xing, and tianli are categories on the same level, and they are associated with each other. In Daoism, the concepts such as tao (the way), ziran (nature), supu (simplicity), and hundun (chaos) are closely related to each other. These concepts of Confucianism and Daoism actually refer to the different aspects of the same thing, which is the basic characteristic of ancient Chinese academic discourse.

Notes 1. Chen Xianzhang (Ming Dynasty), Collection of Chen Xianzhang’s Works (Book Two), Zhonghua Book Company, 1987, page 125. 2. Wang Yangming (Ming Dynasty), Answer to Lu Yuanjing’s Letter, see Cheng Rongjie Commentaries on Wang Yangming’s Quotations and Letters with Annotations, Taiwan Student Book Press (Taipei), 1983, page 217. 3. Zhu Xi (Song Dynasty), Commentaries on the Four Books, Commentaries on the Analects, Yuelu Press, 1987, page 505. 4. Wang Yangming (Ming Dynasty), Answer to Lu Yuanjing’s Letter, see Cheng Rongjie, Commentaries on Wang Yangming’s Quotations and Letters with Annotations, Taiwan Student Book Press (Taipei), 1983, page 505. 5. Ibid., page 66. 6. Ibid., page 104. 7. He Xinyin (the Ming Dynasty), Collection of He Xinyin’s Works (Volume Two), compiled and edited by Rong Zaozu, Zhonghua Book Company Beijing, 1960, page 31. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid., pages 31–32. 10. Ibid., page 31.

CHAPTER 5

Cultural Logic of Zhong and Zhongyong and Their Significance for Today

Abstract It was not accidental for Confucian scholars to give prominence to the concepts zhong and zhongyong, which signify the logic of the way of thinking for ancient Chinese and also implies the political appeal and discourse strategy of Confucian scholars. So the interpretation and analysis of both concepts can arrive deeply at the depth of Confucianism from a particular angle, and they can also help obtain a better command of the way, in which the cultural psychology of ancient Chinese intellectuals and related ideologies were established. Behind both concepts were wisdom of ancient Chinese people for making a decent living and condensed demonstration of traditional Chinese culture. Keywords Lives bear similarity · Mentality of Confucian scholars · Significance for today

The analysis and interpretations above have made clear the connotations of zhong and zhongyong, which are core concepts of Confucianism, and provided an outline of how they have developed. There are still some questions that warrant further consideration. First, how do the zhong between heaven and earth, the zhong within one’s heart, and the zhong that has not been manifested become consistent with each other and closely related to each other? Second, how did Confucian scholars give © The Author(s) 2020 C. Li, Zhong and Zhongyong in Confucian Classics, Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5640-1_5

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prominence to both concepts? How did these concepts epitomize their mentality? Third, what can we learn from Confucian culture for cultural development and the reestablishment of Confucian values for morality and ethics today?

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The Foundation for the Integration of Self-Cultivation and Compliance with Heavenly Principles

The “integration of self-cultivation and compliance with heavenly principles” is the core idea of The Doctrine of the Mean. The zhong between heaven and earth is the nature that is objective; the zhong within man that has not been manifested is disposition. How can the two be consistent and in communion? This is a question that needs to be answered. In other words, it is the question of how the zhong that epitomizes the naturalness of the universe can transform into the zhong that embodies the moral principles for man. Confucian scholars before Wang Yangming all talked about both heaven and man. The “integration of self-cultivation and compliance with heavenly principles” from The Doctrine of the Mean was not only their pursuit, but also their way of thinking. But further questions are warranted. The emotions of pleasure, anger, sorrow, and joy yet to be expressed were considered as zhong in a man’s inner world. How could this zhong become a universal moral principle? How did Confucian scholars reasonably explain this transformation? For Confucian scholars, all things under heaven have their own zhong, which refers to the natural law that makes them what they are. How could such zhong convert into man’s rationale for being? For this, Confucian scholars Lü Dalin and Zhu Xi had very good explanations. Lü Dalin said: When emotions are not expressed, the heart is in its original state, in which there is no over-expression or under-expression of emotions, and ‘all things are all like this, the heart in its original state is particularly so.’ The heart in its original state is the standard for zhong. All emotions released from the heart in its original state conform to this standard, and they are therefore called he. Emotions expressed will either go beyond or fall short when zhong is not followed, and such emotions will never gain acceptance when their expression is detrimental to he. So the heart in its original state is both the origin of emotions and standard for them. The universal principles are

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about the coming and going of all things. Only by allowing full play to the zhong in the original state of one’s heart will one be able to have a better command of the zhong of heaven and earth; and only by allowing full play to the he within one’s heart will one be able to have better knowledge of the he between heaven and earth. With balance and harmony between heaven and earth, man can reproduce and cultivate themselves.1

Zhu Xi said: Human nature bestowed by heaven is pure and good. Such nature is born with man and will not increase or decrease because of the difference between a sage and foolish person. When a man of virtue sticks to such nature even before he knows about it, he will realize the middle course of human nature as long as he follows such nature with caution and respect until his human desires are eliminated. When full play has been given to the middle course of human nature, man’s inner world will enjoy peace in line with the middle course, and heaven and earth will also conform to the middle course. As a result, yin and yang as well as motion and stillness are in the most appropriate and balanced state and so are heaven and earth.2

What both Confucian scholars said generally epitomizes the basic ideology of Confucianism. Their logic is that a man is born with the will of heaven, and such will converts into human nature. This nature is in the “state of not being able to see and hear whatever happens in the world” before it is released. This is the zhong within man, and it is the manifestation of the zhong between heaven and earth in man. The zhong between heaven and earth cannot be seen and touched, and it is the capacity of heaven and earth to make all things grow and prosper. Such invisible capacity is the very basis on which all things exist. It is an objective existence, and has no subjectivity and values. When the zhong from heaven and earth converts into the zhong within man, it has subjectivity and values. Its manifestation in man is none other than the moral principles of “benevolence, righteousness, the proprieties, and wisdom.” In the opinion of Confucian scholars, the operation of heaven and earth, all changes in the universe, and the growth and development of all things are natural and following their own laws. In the same way, man’s compassion, sense of shame, sense of right and wrong, modesty, and piety are a matter of course. They believed that both were of the same quality and could be considered the manifestation of zhong. Such opinion seems to hold water, but it does not. For qualities such as

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man’s compassion, sense of shame, sense of right and wrong, modesty, and piety do not come naturally and are the result of education or selfcultivation. As a matter of fact, it is not appropriate to consider the zhong within man (the principles of morality and justice) as that of heaven and earth or as another form of manifestation of the natural law of the universe. Heaven and man are not of the same entity. So the zhong in man allowed full play does not lead to the most desirable state of zhong of heaven and earth. In the same way, the most desirable state of man’s heart does not necessarily result in the same state of heaven and earth. They do not have that much to do with each other. How did Confucian scholars solve this problem? Similarity between different lives is the answer. In their opinion, the zhong in heaven and earth as well as in all things is actually the natural law that makes all things what they are, and that is the fundamental reason for the existence of all things as they are. If this zhong is followed, heaven and earth are in their own elements and all things grow and prosper as they should. In the same way, the zhong in man can be understood as the way that makes man what he is or the fundamental reason for his existence as he is. Confucian scholars believed that benevolence was the core of such zhong, which guaranteed harmonious human relations and full development of humanity. As a matter of fact, people should make efforts to keep human relations harmonious to correspond with the harmony of all things in the universe. Harmony in the human world would avert wars and other disasters so that people could dedicate their efforts to help with the growth and prosperity of all other things and thus participate in the development of nature. In this way, humankind would realize its integration with the universe. That is what The Doctrine of the Mean intends to say when it talks about the “integration of self-cultivation and compliance with heavenly principles.” Objection to violence and war, treasuring life and longing for peace are implied in this Confucian ideology. In this sense, the unity between the zhong in man and that of heaven and earth holds water in its own logic. We may say that the discourse about this unity is based on ancient Chinese people’s traditional way of thinking rather than the modern logical way of thinking. Yet, as a way to seek a better command of the world, such a way of thinking has its own logic and warrants serious treatment.

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Zhong and the Mentality of Confucian Scholars

Many people believe that zhong and zhongyong are meant to reconcile contradictions, and are a tactful way of dealing with the world. That is, of course, not the case, and it is just the opposite. What zhong epitomizes is Confucian scholars’ obstinacy and their insistence on their own principles for dealing with the world.3 Zhong requires that Confucian scholars must have scruples and self-discipline, do whatever needs doing in the most appropriate manner, not go beyond or fall short. This is indeed a very demanding requirement. The Doctrine of the Mean requires that “a man of integrity must follow the middle course all the time,” which means he must find the most appropriate way of doing anything at any time and on any occasion. Zhong epitomizes a spirit of independence, which requires Confucian scholars to stick to the principles of zhong —to have their own judgment and standard to abide by and never to seek personal gain by bending their principles or compromising their principles for whatever reason. However, zhong and zhongyong do not require people to stubbornly stick to fixed moral principles and justice. Adaptation to change is also a requirement of zhong. People are not required to abide by a specific principle whatever the circumstances are. Instead, they should be flexible enough to find the best possible way of abiding by the principle so that the spirit of Confucianism can prevail. Flexibility goes along with principle. The zhong that Confucian scholars encourage people to pursue is not an ideal that cannot be attained, but a pragmatic principle for dealing with the world. There might be three reasons for Confucian scholars to make zhong prominent. First, Confucian scholars in the pre-Qin period had the strongest sense of social responsibility and of historical mission, and were burdened with the mission to rearrange social order and set up a desirable political system and values through their own efforts. Their sentiment could find expression in sayings such as: “We know that our ideal will be impossible to realize, but we will do our best”; (The Analects ) “Scholars must develop strong willpower as they have a long way to go to fulfill their responsibilities”; (The Analects ) “To restore order to the current chaotic society, who else can be the one except me?” (Mencius ) The zhong, which Confucian scholars considered as the top principle for morality and

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justice to abide by, was none other than a kind of self-constraint and selfdiscipline for themselves so that they could fulfill the great mission they carried on their shoulders. Second, official-scholars in ancient China had a strong sense of independence as a group of intellectuals as far as their social role was concerned. They had a deep-rooted hope that they could act as teachers of their emperor, could influence the emperor with their knowledge, and could help the emperor to rectify his mistakes. With their efforts, they hoped that they would be able to turn their emperor into a sage as virtuous as the remote ancient emperors Yao and Shun. Such a virtuous emperor, they hoped, could advocate their social values and help popularize them. What they did to influence the monarch can be considered as a cultural strategy of Confucian scholars, which was meant to circumscribe the political power with their abstract values. The zhong they tried hard to promote was none other than a code of conduct for the monarch, which they hoped could help the monarch to know where to toe the line. Third, Confucian scholars’ social stratum and their way of dealing with the world had undergone a change, which changed their mentality. They were scholars only without getting involved in court politics during the pre-Qin period (770 BC–221 BC). They wrote books to expound their ideas and directly put forward their opinions on how the monarch should behave and run the country. They got involved in court politics as official-scholars after the Han dynasty (206 BC–AD 220) and became an important part of the political system with the monarch at the core. As far as their academic discourse was concerned, Confucianism had undergone a transition from direct participation in court politics and social life to selfcultivation or transformation of their own inner world. In other words, it was a shift from political philosophy to that of morality and ethics. This was a fundamental dividing line between the School of Confucian Classics during the Han dynasty and the Li School of Confucianism of the Song and Ming dynasties. The latter was also called Neo-Confucianism with the concern for the cultivation of one’s heart as the core, and it was primarily about the cultivation of self. Although Confucian scholars were still talking about “administering the state and securing peace under heaven,” besides playing their role of being good court officials, they spent almost all their energy in the cultivation of their own inner world. There were seeking to develop a supreme state of personality, where they could find a shelter for their hearts against worldly losses and gains. Related to this transition, the connotations of zhong also changed. It was

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more about political philosophy during the Han dynasty, and it changed to focus on the philosophy of the mind after the Northern Song dynasty, gradually becoming an ideal pursuit for the cultivation of personality for Confucian scholars. It is no accident that Confucian scholars made the concepts zhong and zhongyong prominent, which not only suggests a kind of natural development of ancient Chinese people’s way of thinking, but also points to the political appeal and discourse strategy of Confucian scholars. The concept zhong epitomizes both traditional Chinese culture and ancient Chinese people’s wisdom for making life decent. For Confucian scholars, zhong stands for fairness, justice, and legitimacy, and thus, as interpreters and defenders of this key concept, Confucian scholars had enough confidence and legitimacy to circumscribe the power of the monarch. Intellectuals represented by Confucian scholars were in the middle of the social strata in ancient China. Maneuvering between the ruling class and the ruled, their advocacy for zhongyong zhidao (the doctrine of the middle course) had much to do with their position in ancient China’s social structure, as it was not in their own interests to stand by either the ruling class or the ordinary ruled people. It was because their “political unconsciousness” resulted from their social position that they chose the “middle course.” In this sense, zhong and zhongyong were the manifestations of the social status and political standing of ancient China’s court-scholar group. For Chinese people today, the question is whether the concept zhong and values with zhong at their core still make sense. To answer this question, we must make it clear what Chinese people are badly in need of. If science and democracy are still their priorities as values, it is a pity that Confucianism is of no use, because it has been verified by the more than 2000 years of its history. Yet, is there anything else they are in need of besides science and democracy? The answer is yes. A sense of spiritual independence, cultivation of a better self, and a sense of self-discipline are still what Chinese individuals need. Ancient Chinese scholars can set a good example for us in this regard. Any Chinese person who is strict with themselves and aspires to be a person of virtue can always learn something from ancient Chinese scholars. The concept zhong and other related ideas may tell about the differences between man and animals. This is a question that many have failed to think about for a long time, but they should. The differences between man and animals are becoming vague for many. Ancient Confucian scholars told us: “Man should follow the middle course—abide by

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principles voluntarily at any time and for any occasion.” Instead of being submissive only to one’s physical desires, man should use reason for doing anything. This is the self-discipline that animals are lacking. Ancient scholars told us that man could place his soul somewhere above human desires and material enjoyment, and enjoy the pleasure of pure freedom. A man cannot dispense with a worldly life, and he must work to make money for a living. However, a man needs to follow zhong in leading a worldly life, that is, to never do anything at the expense of others and never attach too much importance to one’s career success and honor in the world. Do one’s best to accomplish whatever one is doing, even if one does not succeed, keep oneself composed and unruffled, instead of giving up oneself to a loose life or even indecent life. The Confucian concept zhong is moral integrity, which calls for rationality and reason and helps man to be what he should. A man who follows zhong is the one who abides by principles and knows what one should never do and what one must do. Such a man will have all others’ respect, and can be a role model for others.

Notes 1. Lv Dalin (the Song Dynasty), Posthumous Works by Lv Brothers of Lantian, Edited and annotated by Chen Junmin, Zhonghua Book Company, 1993, page 273. 2. Zhao Shunsun (the Song Dynasty), Annotations on the Four Classics, East China Normal University Press, 1992, pages 142–143. 3. Francois Jullien, French sinologist, in his book Un sage est sans idée,lautre de la philosophie/idee, talked about this characteristic of zhong and zhongyong, This book’s Chinese version was published by the Commercial Press, 2004, pages 23–33 can be read for reference.

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